The Sun.
London, England, 1831-12-20 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TIME PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The tithe system in Ireland, even within one
short week, outstripped the speculations of the
Irish Minister, proving how feeble is the view
which he has taken of its effect upon the Tint
of the people, and how inadequate in all human
probability arc the means by which he offers to
render it less an object of their abhorrence: Mr..
Stanley's policy goes to make the collection of
tithes less inconvenient and irritating to the tem-
pers of men : the country cries out against its
amount, its nature, application, and existence.
If the Irish Secretary supposes that by forcing
the Composition Act upon every parish through-
out the island, he can secure or facilitate the
peaceable collection of the tithe, he assumes
much more than the experience of the last few
months will warrant. In many of the parishes
where the Composition Act has been in opera-
tion, the clergyman cannot recover his legal due.
He is left to his remedy, which is—nothing.
If Mr. Stanley talks of protecting the rights
of the Church, let us ask how these rights
can be rendered available, and what are
they ? He will answer us—" the legal
rights," " and to be enforced by law." But
what is it that makes law itself of any value ?
Why, the existence of a power somewhere to
enforce it. So long as the people will aid the
law, or not oppose to it such a resistance as the
magistrate is unable to put down, just so long is
Leval right worth any thing. But when all cor-
respondence and fitness cease between the acts
of the Legislature and the condition of the so-
ciety upon which they operate, those laws be-
come a dead letter,—others must be substituted
for them. This is the case with the tithe system
in Ireland. The Catholics of that country ob-
ject, not merely to the amount, hut to the prin-
ciple. They say, you ask us for 1001. to a
clergyman whom we neither see nor hear,—who
instructa us not, nor administers religious con-
solation. We will not pay 10s. to such a cler-
gyman, who gives us nothing in return. It is
vain to disguise the matter, that which we have
stated indicates the real question,—the question
is, simply, can any tithe, or any equivalent
for the actual tithe, he levied much longer
upon Irish Catholics to support a Protestant
Church ! It is a foolish answer to say,
" We can maintain the tithe system for ten
or twenty years to come, and therefore we
se it not yet acknowledge the necessity of
remodelling' our whole Church Establishment."
The Legislature ought to take time by the fore-
lock. A well-considered and provident im-
provement might now be made in the relations
between the Established Church and the country,
without disturbance, but with an immediate ten-
dency to compose all existing agitation. \Vait
until the breach widens,—until the confusion
thickens,—until artful incendiaries gain more
time and scope fir their manoeuvres ; and see
how much further we shall be compelled to go,
than even by the pressure which now affects us.
A commutation of tithe, which shall bestow per-
manently on the Established Church of Ireland
a revenue at all equal to that which she now
(nominally) possesses, will not be received with
satisfaction by the country, and will therefore be
trouble thrown away. For the present genera-
tion of clergymen, even the wildest adversary of
the Church respects their life-interest, and re-
nounces any wish to molest them. But what-
ever measure may be contemplated as a final one,
must be framed so as to reduce the sum-total of
the revenue, now applied to the service of the
Established Church, and to provide one of mo-
derate and fair amount for the clergy of another
persuasion. Various modes of effecting this
object have been suggested, and from a great
variety of quarters. The mere Composition Act
will not do. It still leaves the hostile contact
hetween the Protestant clergy and Catholic
laity unbroken. Some will have land purchased
fir tte Protestant ministers ; but whence can he
obtained the capital for such an enormous out-
lay ? A correspondent, in a long and elaborate
letter, recommends that hind thould be taken by
tile vestry, and leased out again at a low rent to'
the poor, and that, by some process which we
cannot unde:staed, the clergyman is to be sup-
ported out of the profit rent thus derived from
the peasant. This, we think, may be disposed
of without much hesitation. A third pro-
posal is that of a genera! land tax, applicable to
tl:e maintenance of the clergy of both persurn
sions, and to the additional purposes of a poor-
rite. This in its outline at least is bold and
simple. Whether any Parliament upon which
we can speculate as likely soon to be chosen
will have courage to entertain so broad a scheme
of church and poor law, is more than we can
guess ; but one fact seems to be quite unques-
tionable—viz. that if things proceed a little longer
in their present course, the Established Churh
will have but a nominal existence in Ireland,
and whatever laws are then to be made, must
look more to revive than to preserve it. The
horrible event to which we made a brief allusion
yesterday, however connected with the tithe sys-
tem, ought not to be treated, and shall not by
us be treated, as if the massacre of so mae'y
public officers were directly impinable to the
State, and that the brutal peasantry who
murdered them were to be upheld as mi-
nisters of offended justice. Whatever may be
the vices of the tithe tax, or the rashness with
which the legal rights claimed under it may be
exercised by some of the clergy, the redress must
be afforded by the Legislature alone ; or if ex-
torted in the shape of inhuman butchery by the
multitude, a severe and signal punishment must
be inflicted on the guilty, or the landlord's claim
to rent will be the next thing refused on pain of
death to his receiver, and every law by which
property of any kind is protected will be held in
universal derision. There are gross and unfeel-
ing absurdities mixed up in sonic of the Irish
letters and newspapers with this bloody massacre
of Captain Gibbons and his policemen, engaged
in the fulfilment of their lawful and bounden
duty. It is insinuated that they were the ag-
gressors : we do not believe a word of it. Why
did the country people collect and surround
them in a mass of thousands armed with pitch-
forks, scythes, and other such weapons ? Why,
but to seize the person of the wretched process
server, and to despatch him ? The public were
obviously performing a public service in protect-
ing a
,fellow-subject from personal violence, else
why snould they have formed his escort ? The
onus is on the mob to show for
what purpose
they occupied in such frightful force the ground
which the civil officers of the Government were
about to traverse ? Was it for a bloody out-
rage, or for innocent pleasure ? This furious re-
sistance to the law must be grappled with, and, at
every risk, must be crushed and annihilated.—
Times.

The condition of the labouring classes be-
comes daily a subject of more painful and press-
ing interest. It is impossible that the super-
structure of society can be safe while its foun-
dation is insecure. The opulence and splendour,

of the 'higher ranks are endangered by the '
miry and discontent of the millions beneath. It
consequently, not more a duty of benevolence
than a matter of self-interest that those who are
blest with power and affluence—those who have
demesnes and mansions, and parks and pleasure
grounds—those who have possessions which may
tempt desperate poverty to crime, and which
violence may render insecure, should attend to
the condition of the labouring classes—should
render their labour, if possible, a source of
comfort and independence, or, at all events,
protect them from the misery, oppression, and
destitution, which makes the poor man reckless
of character—a hater of the classes above him
—a plunderer of his neighbour's property—a
lover of disturbance, and a ready instrument to
execute the designs of the more crafty contrivers
of mischief and confusion. It is one of the im-
imitable laws by which an all-wise Providence
sustains the moral government of the world, that
injustice always, in the end, works its own punish-
ment. There was a time when the rural popula-
tion of England deserved to be described as a
" hold peasantry, their country's pride." At
that time the English cottager was an example of
manly, honest independence, of which the na-
tion had reason to be proud ;—his home was a
picture of comfort, cleanliness, and rustic feli-
city, which to the moral eye was more delightful
than the riches of Crcesus,—far more estimable
than the luxurious splendour which here and there
indicates excessive opulence, glittering amid
scenes of surrounding poverty and wretched-

ness, in a land
" Where wealth accumulates and men decay."
flow different are the peasantry of the present day
to that manly race whose simple virtues adorned
the villages and hamlets of England, but of
which the tide of demoralization has left few re-
maining traces ! The destruction of the com-
forts of the labouring classes, and the mischie-
vous operation of a system of poor-laws, per-
verted from their original principle, have had the
effect of driving the decencies of life from the
poor man's cottage, and, in too many instances,
its kindly affections from his heart. Denied the
proper remuneration for his labour, and made
the object of a reluctant and morose species of
charity, which insults while it relieves, who can
be surprised that he should be led to consider
his superiors as his enemies—that his demeanour
should be characterised by a sullen servility, and
that his passions should be ever susceptible of
the instigations of revenge ? During the late war
the most unjustifiable acts of aggression were
committed upon the little comforts and rights of
the cottagers of England. The high price of
land was the cause of the enclosures of nu-
merous commons, and the poor of the neigh-
bourhood where such enclocures took place were
deprived of their commonable rights, in most
instances, without any compensation. The
means of keeping a cow, or some other useful
and profitable animal, was thus taken away from
the cottager—next his piece of land was coveted
—very often not even a slip of garden left.
When the peace came, and wages fell, he had
no resources to fall back upon ; and when, from
sickness or other causes, he was out of employ-
ment, his family and himself were obliged
to have recourse to the parish books. But more
than this, the scandalous and destructive prac-
rice was introduced of paying the employed la-
bourer a portion of his wages out of the parish
rates. In sixteen counties in England this prac-
tice obtains, and, with the pauperism and degra-
dation attendant upon such a system, crime and
a proneness to disorder rapidly increase. In
the course of last year, when adverting to the
distress of the agricultural labourers, we fre-
quently recommended' the practice of allowing
that class, or other industrious poor, small allot-
ments of land, as tire best means of ameliorating
their condition, and withdrawing them from the
parish books. In this good work the Bishop of
Bath and ‘Vells has been earliest and indefa-
tigable. His pamphlet on the subject we re-
commended to our readers, as well as the work
of a Mr. Weyland, directed to the same bene-
volent purpose. We rejoice to see that an As-
sociation exists called the " Sussex Association
for improving the condition of the labouring
classes :" at the head of which is the name of
his loyal Highness the Duke of Sussex ; and
which Association advocates the practice of
letting small portions of land to the industrious
poor, and diffuses information, calculated to
make them see the advantages of resorting to
the cultivation of such portions of land for
subsistence, instead ofdrawing the dole of paupers
from the parish rates. We believe that if this
practice were generally introduced, the honest,
upright, manly character of the English peasant
would be gradually restored ; crime would be
diminished, and, consequently, the public ex-
penses for poor•rates, as well as prosecutions,
would undergo a great diminution ; property
would be more respected than it is at present ;
above all, that senseless and desolating crime of
burning barns, and ricks, and stacks, would be
more effectually prevented than by capital
punishment or any new penal Statute. We shall
return to this subject to-morrow, and quote a
portion of the instruction given to the labouring
classes by the " Sussex Association."—Morn-
ing Herald.

The argument of Lord Porchester, by which
it is shewn that the Ministerial project of Re-
form, if adopted, will separate political power
from property, is met, we perceive, in the habitual
ad captandum mode of the revolutionary party,
by triumphantly referring to the two representa-
tives of Old Sarum, and the no representatives
of twenty places in Great Britain whose capi-
talists are worth not less than three score millions
of pounds sterling. The reference in both its parts
is singularly unhappy, for nothing is more certain
than that the Members for Old Sarum have ge-
nerally presented in their persons, and do at this
moment rather conspicuously present, a close
union of political power with property ; except
perhaps it he that to these capitalists of three
score millions in the twenty places now unre-
presented, the Reform Bill can by no possibi-
lity give an increase of political power, while
from many individuals of those capitalists, and
from the body therefore collectively, it will take
much political power which they now possess.
"rite case of Old Sarum might not injudiciously
have been selected by an advocate of the existing
sy:tzm as a favourable illustration of the manner
in which the nomination lJoroughs do in fact
conduce to the political influence of property,
and not merely to the political influence of pro-
perty in general, but of that particular kind of
British property ri lneh, so far as yet appears, not-
withstanding itsimmense amount, its vast im-
portance, its solid claims, its peculiar liability to
injury or destruction, in case it should be wholly
deprived of political influence, is cut off from the
possibility of any kind of representation what-
ever by the Revolutionary Bill. We allude of
course to East Indian and colonial property, of
which the actual patron and Members of Old

Sarum are the representatives, bound to it by
a tie stricter by far and practically much more
efficacious than that of any obligation which
could be contracted at a popular hustings
—the tie of a community of interest and
feelings. The colonial property, the monied
capital, the mercantile wealth of the United
Empire, muet be deprived of much more
than a moiety of the political power they
now collectively exercise by any measure which,
acknowledging no domicile of political power
but within the narrow circuit of the British
Islands, prescribes that. the substance of political
power shall exclusively exist within the several
local habitations assigned to it. The first-born
offspring of British greatness, wealth, and power
—the East Indian, the West Indian, the Ame-
rican Colonies of the Empire—are to be disin-
herited, to humour the wayward fancies and
satisfy the selfish desires of younger, less valu-
able, and less dutiful sons, the Political Unions
of Birmingham, Manchester, and Westminster.
But if the extinction of the small and nomina •
tion boroughs impairs or destroys the political
power of vast masses of property, in the fullest
and highest sense of the word British property,
property over which the shield of the British
Constitution ought for many reasons to be
thrown with peculiar care, is there any
thing in the particular kind of representation
intended for large towns which tends to mitigate
or counteract this evil ? Is it reasonable to
expect that the future Members for Manchester,
birmingliam, Leeds, Sheffield, Glasgow, and
other similar places, appointed and controulled as
they are to be by the occupiers of houses of ten
pounds a year and upwards, will in any case be
time representatives of property, or to doubt that
the presence in the Legislature of so many Mem-
bers created by and acting under the influence of
such a constituency will diminish instead of in-
creasing the political power of property ? It is
demonstrable that the ten pound a-v ear franchise
gives to various classes of men various degrees
of political power ; that in no instance is the
degree of political power imparted to any class
proportioned to its wealth ; and that, so far from
apportioning political power to wealth, this fran-
chise establishes and secures, without the possi-
bility of failure in any of the larger towns,
that the class of people who have no property
at all, who live literally from hand to mouth,
shall constitute a deci,ive and overpowering
majority of the electors, and in effect pos-
sess a substantial monopoly of the representa-
tion. How foolish or hypocritical, then, is
it for the advocates of the Bill to talk of the
capitalists of Manchester and Birmingham as
portions of British society entitled to a share of
the representation ? These capitalists are the
men whom, above all others, the Bill studiously
excludes from any share of time representation.
Some of them do sit in Parliament at the present
moment, free to speak the sentiments and pro-
mote the interests, and propound the wishes, of
the class to which thee belong. We do not
doubt that some of them may sit in the Re-
formed Parliament, but it can only be upon the
well-understood condition that they shalt speak
the sentiments and promote the desires, not of
their own class, but the class the most remote
from their own—the occupiers of the inferior
and most numerous class of houses, the class
of persons at the very opposite extremity of the
social scale. There can be no doubt in
the mind of any reflecting man that th e
Bill will diminish rather than increase the
political power of the capitalists of Manchester,
Birmingham, Leeds, and the other large
towns which are to acquire the right of repre-
sentation, and in which that right is to be sub-
stantially exercised by men who are not possessed
of any property whatever. The representations,
upon any matter connected with their own in-
terests, of such men as the capitalists of a great
seat of trade or manufacture, cannot now be dis-
regarded by the Administration or the Legis-
lature. Will any representation from them be
equally sure to obtain attention in Councils and
in Parliaments after the Reform Bill shall have
passed, unless it happen, which must always be
a matter of uncertainty, that the Members
elected by the inferior housekeepers of their
town be instructed to support it ? The effect
of the Bill as it stands can be no other than to
transfer political power in all the great towns
upon which it bestows the right of representation
from the wealthy to the indigent classes of so-
ciety. Lord Porchestcr !was perfectly right.
Whether we look at Old Sarum, or at the
twenty great towns with capitalists to the amount
of sixty or any other number of millions, the
Bill, even in these cases selected by its advo-
cates in elucidation of its merits, is plainly seen
to separate political power from property.—
Morning Post.
The dreadful affray in the county of Kilkenny
between the police and peasantry adds one to
the many melancholy proofs already afforded of
the incompatibility of the tithe system of Ire-
land with order and good government. If we
wish to preserve the Union, we ought to act in
such a manner as to take from the Irish all de-
sire of separation. It was remarked by Du-
mourier, in the advice which he gave in his
exile to the Crowned Heads of Europe, that if
they wished to secure their States from be-
coming the theatre of revolution, they should
make justice the rule of their Government ; fr,
by redressing the grievances and ameliorating the
condition of their subjects, they could alone
hope to withstand the French, whose success
was chiefly derived from the disposition or the
people everywhere to join them against their
rulers. Coercion produces only external obedi-
ence ; the disposition to resent remains unaf-
fected by it. Of this Ireland affords abundant
proofs. Hitherto the wishes of the people have
never been consulted. Coercion has been the
rule, and the rule has only been relaxed when
the power to maintain it ceased to be possessed.
The people hale succeeded in breaking link after
link of their chain ; and coercion being no
longer possible, we are now arrived at time point
at which we must either make the happiness
of the people the rule of government, or they
will assuredly take their affairs into their own
hands the first favourable opportunity. One
point the Irish seem to have greatly at heart—
the establishment of religious equality. It is
evident than when they speak of the evil of
tithes, they mean more than tithes—they mean
the superiority given by the law to the Protestant
Episcopal Church. The manner in which tithes
are collected, no doubt, adds to the hatred
of the establishment ; but the hatred lies
deeper than mere tithes. The Protestant Church,
like the Orange cockade, is hated as the evi-
dence of their subjection. If the Catholics
could possibly forget the humiliation of which it
is the evidence, the High Church Protestants
will not allow there. The Orangemen take
care to remind them, that tithes are endeared
to the Protestants as the evidence of their con-
quest. At a meeting of the Political Union in

Dublin, on Thursday last, Mr. Ronayne, al-
hiding to an insulting speech of Sir Henry
Brooke, at a late meeting of Protestants in
Dublin, expressed what we believe to be the
feeling of all Irish Catholics on the subject :
" Tithes (he said) were a national insult to Ireland ;
they were evidence of what Sir Henry Brooke called a
conquered country.—(Hear, hear.) That sapient gentle.
man said, that every Protestant in the country should con.
eider himself as the son of a conqueror—(A laugh)—and
if that were all true, it niu,t be equally true, as the con-
verse of the proposition, that the Catholic people bhould
regard themselves as the descendants of slaves—(Load
cries of ' Hear')—and, undoubtedly, the imposition of
tithes on them was a badge of slavery.—(Repeated cries
of Hear.') England never was remarkable for the libee•
rality of her treatment of her colonies and her other depen-
dencies, notwithstanding her boasts of attachment to
liberty—(Hear)—and accordingly she was found main-
taining and enforcing the ascendancy of her power in Ire-
land by the institution of a Church Establishment, which
was unfortunately too often sustained by the point of the
hayonet.—(Loud cries of ' Hrar.') They attempted the
Ranie plan in Scotland, but he blessed the memory of the
old Covenanters, notwithstanding all their bigotry, for
they successfully resisted it, and their success had secured
religious peace and tranquillity in their country ever since.
----(ll,ar, and loud applause.) It was the duty (he con-
ceived) of this meeting to tell the Government, now that
it contemplated a change of the tithe system in Ireland,
that there never could be peace in the country so long as
this exaction continued to he enforced.--(Hear, hear.) It
was utterly impossible there ever could be peace here while
this mark of degradation remained upon the land.—
(Cheers.) He challenged any advocate of tithes present
to show that the system had ever been maintained in any
country as it was in Ireland."
The Committees of the two Houses, it may
be thought., will recommend some plan for re-
medying the evil. Front what we hear, we much
question this. Mr. Stanley, we learn, is to com-
mute the tithes for land. The substitute of
land for tithes would, no doubt, be a great re-
lief' to the clergy of the Protestant Church, and
it would put an end to the endless collision be-
tween them and the peasantry, But, indepen-
dently of the objections to the withdrawing so
much land from commerce, to be added to the
immense estates already at the disposal of a re-
ligious Corporation, and which, we have heard,
are the worst cultivated of the lands of the dis-
tricts in which they are situated—the objections
of the Catholics in point of principle would re-
main the same. On what principle of justice,
they ask, can a sinecure Church engross all the
revenues assigned to the religious instruction of
the people ? The Protestant Episcopalians arc
not the ninth part of the people of' Ireland—
they are hardly to be found at all in the two pro-
vinces. If it be said, that though the Protestant
Episcopalians be the minority in Ireland, yet, tak-
ing England and Ireland together, the Protes-
tant Episcopalians form the majority. But this
argument leaves utility out of the question ; for
of what avail is it to establish teachers of one
religion where the people belong to another ?
And leaving utility out of the question, we give
to the Irish, who see themselves thus held of so
little account, a strong motive for a separate
Government, in which their own wants will be
duly considered. Tithes may at present be said
to be abolished. The people have determined
no longer to pay them ; and such is the power
of the combination, that the law remains a dead
letter. 1 he question thus far is settled ; for
where a law is not sanctioned by the persuasion
of a people that it is for their interest to obey it,
it must be a dead letter. We do not blame
Ministers tOr going the whole length of the
people of Ireland with regard to the Protestant
Church Establishment ; because we do not be-
lieve that the tenure of any Ministers in this
country is such as to enable them to do more
than temporise. We merely wish to guard
against the delusion, that it is possible to satisfy
the people- of Ireland by half measures. Till all
those who profess the Catholic religion feel them-
selves in every respect on an equal footing with
the Protestants, it is impossible to suppose they
will be satisfied. The very existence of com-
paratively a handful of people in the northern
section of this island, in which the Protestant
Episcopalians are Dissenters, will always remind
the Irishman of the humiliating difference which
the law has made between himself and the
Scotchman. We repeat, that till the people of
Ireland obtain, under the connection with this
country, all that they could hope to obtain under
a separate Legislature, the Union never can be
properly cemented. If we wish to become one
people, we must abolish all odious and humi-
liating distinctions. We observe that, at the
meeting above alluded, Mr. O'Connell made use
of an argument which we cannot help thinking
will be of avail in preventing a repetition of such
affrays as that of Knocktopher—namely, that
they would strengthen the tithe system, and
postpone its fall. He attributes also the dispo-
sition to excess, on the part of the peasantry in
Kilkenny, to the circumstances of two gentlemen
having been punished for presenting themselves
at a meeting to endeavour to prevent the people
from committing excesses. The passage in 'Mr.
O'Connell's speech is curious :
" He was (he said) sorry Isis friend Mr. Costello had
confined himself to the few observations he bad made on
the occurrence in the county Kilkenny. He had expressed
properly his regret, but he thought this meeting should
express its sorrow still more emphatically. He had learned
with horror that twenty lives had been sacrificed in this
affray, arising out of the tithe system, and his regret was
not the less because the species of resistance resorted to by
the people, would give that system additional strength, and
postpone its fall. There was no man in that room who
would sanction for one moment the shedders of human
blood—(Cheers)—and the people should feel that it was
oily by preserving morality and shunning crime that they
could hope for the blessing of Heaven, and the success of
the good.—(Cheers.) He did deplore the loss of life, but
he could nut help attributing it to the prosecution of
Illanchfield and Byrne by the Government. These men
had gone among the people actuated by the purest motives,
to use their influence to preserve the peace—to prevent
bloodshed ; and whit was their reward ? They were
prosecuted by the Government, fined, and sent to gaol ;
and now what were the consequences?—(Loud cries of
hear, hear.) No Man, no matter what his influence, will
venture to conhoul the people; they will let them hurry
coonmwei tdllo(,s,n,ti
orie, sttrai, a
n l eds t the C
t he;shorou•ltdiv prosecutor
eseuttog should
aoi:h like
Blanchfield and Byrne, fir their humanity.—(He sr.) Men
of upright intentions and benevolent designs dare not in-
terfere, for some Judge Johnson, in trying them as cri-
minals, may say—' Your ohject, no doubt, was to prevent
the effusion of blood, and you succeeded ; so--111
scud you to gaol for it.')—(Laughter and loud
cheering.) A remarkable instance of this nature occurred
at Mill-street, on the borders of Kerry, some years ago,
where a priest had succeeded in saving the lives of three
or four men in an affray, but, unfortunately,
had not in-
terfered time enough to preserve the lives of all the persons
attacked on the occasion. There was sonic difheulty after-
wards in discovering the guilty individuals, and some of
the neighbouring Magistrates threatened to compel the
priest to_give evidence. Ile replied—' You may hung
me on the table, and force me to convict these men; hut
I warn you that no priest will ever again interfere, under
such c:rrinnstances, to save a life, for the murderers will
never again spare the life of a priest, lest he should, like
me, be compelled to give evidence against them.'—(Hear,
hear, hear.) Lord Plunkett, then Attorney-General, had
the good sense to perceive the justice of this objection, and
he did not persist in requiring the evidence of the priest.
—(Cheers.) But 13lanchtield and Byrne had been prose-
cuted and punished for their excellent and useful conduct ;
and he declared to Heaven, since the commencement of
the worid, he did not think any prosecution so indiscreet
and mischievous ever had occurred.-_(Liietho,AvCr.ieeseorf, ' Hear.')"
Mr. Mr. O'Connell's argument,
ways. If the excesses of the peasantry strengthen
two
atrl.:e')i.t'
the tithe system, it is not unnatural for those who

wish to perpetuate the tithe system, to bear a
hatred against those men who endeavour to pre-
vent the peasantry from committing outrage,..—
Morning Chronicle.
Whatever might have been thought at one
time of the probability of a re-action, on the
part of the Lords, and their nominees in the
House of Commons, in favour of the Reform
Bill, there can assuredly be no one now so ut-
terly blind to the real state of the case as to
imagine for a moment that there exists the
slightest chance of conciliating, by any change
or modification of the Bill, those who were its
first opponents. The speakers who spoke in
the debate on the second reading, and the
speeches which were made in the course of it,
all tend to shew that the Anti-Reform faction
is irreconcileably opposed to the interests and
liberties of the people—that they have no more
loyalty than liberality—as little patriotism as a
contracted view of their own interests dictates—
and no care, provided they can either defeat the Re-
form Bill, or oust his Majesty's Ministers from
their places, whether they gain their end by rational
argument, or make their way to place and victory
through flames of fire and torrents of blood. Did
Mr. Stuart Wortley—the son of Lord Wham-
cliffe, who moved, it will be remembered, the total
rejection of the Reform Bill, on its second reading
in the House of Lords—did he, we say, or
Croker, or Peel, or Praed, or Baring Wall, or
any of the organs of the Tory junto, exhibit any
evidence of returning sanity.on the subject of
Reform—of a wish to yield to public opinion,
or a desire to sun ender those rights which, in the
lapse of time, and the progress of' corruption,
have been plundered from the people ? 'We
said from the first that the Lords were not to be re-
conciled, and the debate in the House of Commons
proves that they are irreconcileable. The parties
who spoke there are the organs of the Anti-Reform
Lords—they know their feelings, wishes, and in-
tentions—if not in all instances swayed, or corn-
gelled, by them to utter such and such semi-
ments, they, at least, from other motives, speak,
as they would speak, and act, as they would
act ;—and hence the debate of Friday and Sa-
turday may be taken as a fair specimen of what
would have been said and done in the Howe of
Lords had the question been debated there.
What then is to be clone ? Are the Ministers
to dilly-dally with the public feeling by another
trial upon an unreformed House of Lords ?
are they to leave behind them as a memorial of
their perilous Administration, that they gave
strength to the storm and deserted the helm
when the ship was in danger ?—or are they to
steer the state vessel safely into port, by taking
on board an additional number of seamen, and
thus overpowering the storm which is other-
wise ungovernable ? There is but one course
which can bring them safely into port—there is
but one way of controuling the storm, and giv-
ing a healthful, instead of a destructive influence
to it—and that course, we need not observe, is
the creation of such a number of Peers as shall
assure the safety of Reform, and leave no sus-
picion, as to its ultimate fate, in tie public
mind. The people, after the glorious majority
of 324 to 162, will no doubt rest satisfied with
the sincerity of Ministers, and the determination
of the House of Commons that no one, be he
Peer or Commoner, shall interfere with the elec-
tion of its Members. But we put it to his Ma-
jesty's Ministers whether, ;in these times, and
under all the circumstances of an overwhelming
majority in the Commons—of a half-starved
population—of decayed and decaying trade
—it would not be better to advise his
Majesty to create the necessary number
of Peers at once, instead of delaying the
creation until the Bill shall be again pre-
sented to the Lords? We throw this observa-
tion out merely as a hint. His Majesty's Mi-
nisters are, no doubt, much more aware of every
circumstance bearing on the subject than we are,
and much better judge in consequence both of
what they can and of what they ought to do ;
but whether they agree with us or not, as to the
immediate creation of Peers—there is not only
not one of them—but there is no reasonable man
in the kingdom, who does now see that the
creation in question is inevitable, and that the
king's Ministers would amply deserve to be
impeached were they not to recommend it to his
Majesty, as the only proper and fit course to be
pursued, both for the safety of the throne, for
the safety of the Constitution, and the safety of
the country, from convulsion and revolution.—
Torning Advertiser.

We have seen letters from all tie manufactur-
ing districts, and are sorry to state that, without an ex-
ception, they communicate gloomy intelligence as to the
condition of trade, and, consequently, notice discontent
among the operatives—the certain concomitant of declin-
ing business. The letters from Rochdale, Lei-ds, Hud-
dersfield, Halifax, Nottingham, and even Manchester
(where, from the magnitude of its commercial as well as
manufacturing operationi, distress is not so soon visible as
it is in less important places), allude in very strong terms
to severe distress and extensive discontent. The advices
from Glasgow do not bring intelligence of the slightest
improvement in that emporium of trade; on the contrary,
the embarrassment appears rather more aggravated.
Mace,leyield Courier.

On the night of Tuesday last an attack was
made on the house of ADAM FELTON, a member of the
Monasterevan corps of yeomanry, on which occasion he
acted with a degree of cool determination and bravery well
worthy of imitation under similar circumstances. About
midnight he was awakened by the noise of persons about
his house, and immediately succeeded the breaking of his
windows. He jumped out of bed and demanded what
was the matter, when different voices exclaimed, " Your
arms—hand out your arms !" lie put on some clothes
as quickly as possible, and was loading his musket, when
the assailants got impatient, and broke iu the -sash, still
calling for his arms. His answer was—" Won't you
give me time to get them ready, boys? Wait, and you
shall have them." By this time he bail his musket
loaded, and being well supplied with ammunition, he d.r-
iiheiately took from his cartridge-box ten rounds of
ball-cartridge, and laid them on a chest by his side, tak-
ing his station in front of the window, with his musket
raised. One of the party called to his companions to s tonal
back ; another said—. N.), he is going to hand us the
gun," and stepping forward, pushed his 11,nd through the
broken window to take it, when FELToN fired, and he
received, as is supposed, the contents hi his breast, for he
fell back exchiming, " Oh, murder." The assailants
then cried out, '' No matter boys, we'll burn the house
Over his head," his reply was, " Burn away, that's the
worst you can do, hut won't you wait for the gun ?" Iu
the mean time he re-loaded, and opening the door rushed
Out, when seeing them in confusion he sounded his bugle
(he is the hugleman of the corps), so as to awaken four
or five of hi; brave companions residing within a very
short distance, who immediately obeyed the call to arms,
turned cut with their muskets, and commenced a pursuit.
They fired a shot or two after the retreating party, but
did not think it prudent to continue the pursuit too far,
contenting themselves with beating off the assailants—
their numbers appeared to amount to 100. This gallant
corps is determined to a man to surrender their arms only
with their lives, and to maintain the character for bravery
which they so deservedly earned in the year 1798,when they
defended their town against a body of the rebel army
about twenty times their number, and succeeded in routing
them, after a sanguinary contest which lasted for some
hours. FELTON resides on the estate of HENRY SMYTH,
Esq., of Mount Henry, in the Queen's County, one mile
from the bounds of the county Kildare, and a toile and a
half from Monasterevan.—Dublin Evening Mail.

PRINTRD AND PUBLI3DED BY 11URDO YOU:4s",
SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON•

mother fo 'Captaii

Parry,
Sir Edward Parry, of the Royal

....s. I.ltPtti:RALf:Aent:NetDb
LONDON MARKETS, ,Alk AND FO
'HE OFFAL
vICTUALLI
PRICE OF BREAD.
The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis is 10d. 1.0
Ilb. Loaf. There arc others who sell from d. to 1%d.1, . ii... .
.001111
that price. In Ma
that I
PRICE OF SEEDS.-D52c5..179.0.
New English Red Clover Seed (per Cwt.) -..... 72:5.. fi
fitinnneee- ,hey ,
tikiet°l:
RICE,
e 0 ec
aE,
al,:
"
Old Ditto Ditto s.- -a. tine •-.S. with such p
New Foreign Ditto
Old Ditto ....---. -s. S. tine -s• OFFAL, ' New White Clover 4o€. 60s. fine -a. " ,001111111
Old Ditto Ditto „
_,......, -s. 50s. fine -4, ' ' , produced
New Trefoil ................--.. --
31dDitto ...,.................................................... ....S. 158. fine -s • • .
Rib Grasi ..-- ... 108. 255, tine 3. ,h 's 1833. Al
English Carraway Seed -s. -s. 535: fine • ,`ZARL BARI
Foreign Ditto
coriander ----- _ --s-,.. --5,..
fit fine , '.
ea A
St. Foin (per Quarter)---....... -•-ti. 159. fine 80s. &tract until
„,„ , . ,
Rye Grass
Pacey Ditto
Linseed, for feeding -s. 5•-)s. fine ..4. .""
w be del
Ditto, for crushing 46s. 48s. -s, fine at Dept ford
Canary Seed, New.. ' -s' 80'. 923 tine 1
• 1 proportioi
',to 01,1--- .-,...---......-.-. --s. -s. -s. tine %,,,.
White Mustard Seed--(per Bushel) -s. Bs. 10s. fine -`11)100 of the '
Brown Ditto ..„----
1 ermg; h
Turuip Seeds, Rounds ••-S. ...ti. -.,. tine 0 ' V..._,.
Green and Red Ditto . -s. ..../1. ....!+. tine 1 '''''utina .Rice
Tares, 01.1....... ' 254. 3r4. line 4 b.
t ta, may be
Ditto New
~...,...,..,.,,.,....,,,. -s. -s. fine 425.,, sad, en ,
Rae Seed, English, tine (per Last) 9.21. 261. «,.. Foreign -.J. L_ Ammer ml
is delivered bi
PRICES OF HOPS.-Dec. 19.
Kent Pockets 449/11.110295a5...
155,2111...18030.40...ttt0t
580:1.. 13/'„osi,l.,,..„........zi.S44l_,...rrictoecPialt.ebwaersollnen4tondivimeiwehui)lts,
St'ssex Ditto
Essex Ditto . 4/. 103. 61. 6d. to ,l.
- Os
Flitch= Ditto, Fine
Seconds -....... 01. Os. 71, Os to 91 es -
Kent Bags
Sussex Ditto
Essex Ditto
Duty laid at 174,564/. JONES'
PRICE OF OIL. ' 0
el NW STEJ
Ripe Oil, brown ............-.331. 65...•,-..... Refined .........Cl5 I tila ,
Linseed Oil 122 a_ Oily safe a
Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, per th0u5and..,....,...,.,. 13 0 ."'eCtIoLER
Rape Cake, per ton - 2} A_
+ ,V4-4atbs have
riticEs OF LEATHER.
Per Its d. to d. ' Per lb. d. 00
s - 1 mare net
Butts, Eng1i5h.,..,,.,,,.,. 16 21 English Horse Hides.. l'.. S tit, !
Ditto, Foreign ...........-- 15 181 Spanish Ifitto ...........,..... 14 `...llllllple, p
Dressing Hide 5,............ 121 141 Per dozen. St - 11-Isith the
DDepti:ottttttioc,),-ligh-..t -...
_l6l
_lB CDailltfoSt........int... :mitt
t 0
00 4711,11bb.. 1521
orN
i 1,.. 7.,....„....
..,.,
.................Hides,4loigthot4-51b. 1219 11351
slamit:olls............eaw.7GOrteoenB(illobd.
.2010
15 161 Large ditto_-__=.::// mit, tkough r
Ditto
----- ---
WHITECHAPEL HAY MARKET.-Dec, 17. f/ ' thee witho
Hay --....... 403.03. to 755. Od. I C10ver........ 50s. lid. to 110, In .
5traw....................... 22. d. Od. to 325. Nil ti , many cl
tIigONES, P
PRICE OF POTATOKS.-Dec, 19.
Ware...-.
. 12101)/... 0540.5... to 41. 314311... Oa. per
pddeiittrttoot°". .coskti,4:',uirPifoßr
idneys . .
Scotch Reds F
RAW HIDES, .11 AltelsA.'
Per Stone. s. el. to s. d. Per Stone, a, d. ttl . ,
:test Heifers& Stuers2 83 0 I Ordinary 1 8
Middlings o9o,_..l,Aislariwtcais* 4‘-.... 6 oes • e from th
6 •
COAL MARKET.-Dec. 19. prceit: is the IV
Bensham Main ---. 275. 6el .
Ditto Perkins
PEonrdkinßsuassnedll;.so............. ri :
niiktita;.. Its Jreffe
Bell, Robson, and Co.
Low Main,,,..,..-...... '..3 0 Walls End Walker.-.. 0_ t kg
:44:41110er from I
East Percy-
Hebburn Mani --.... 22219.; 9prorsieni-05er......
~.,,,2 : di.oo.oZeradadonell:
1401ywe11...,
28 009 Bell'sEßT"adumes Russell's be
tliNl°)l'rnst oii' s - ....» :
Howard Main.
Killingworth 28 9 Walls Frid.Hetton .........„ 0 =ford-strt
i'esaw
oontop Windsor- 23 0 Walls End Lambt0n.......„, 61-•10e vender.
St. Lawrence Main .29 0 W. E. Russell's Hetton a`, S isty •
Canfield -... 27 .9 Ditto Russell's Lyon's.- I.' 0 441,14eltided.
West Hartley ----. 23 0 Walls End Stewart's .. tt4'4 °f " Bard
Willington 3O 0 W. E. Stewart's (Sea-
~ 0 hoz.
Wylam .---- 27 9 ham) -.....-- a' 1 .
Walls End 8r0wn'5,,..,, '29 3 Walls End Adelaide...-.
a,,-,, 6
Ditto Bell,Robson,SeCo. 29 6 Walls End Tee 5............. n' FAIPORTA
Ditto Bewicke and Co. 31 6 New Flockton, Milne, , I R , ,
\‘\'saall,ll; lE:nn',llLtaairierraTind Co,- 2'28; 33
Oladn'Hl Co........___aigh :‘loor -....... 1;,'1'108,16‘ Sti:sl._:.s.inntn. le
eV,
Walls End Gosforth -.. 31 6 Silkstone Field and Co. '."•', i it'ilty 5, aquae,,.'
Walls End Heaton-- 31 6 South Hetton Seam t''", 6 , stt, 'tars, le
Walls End Hilda -- 29 6 South Hart1ey..,.....,......----.•(4 0" 04.-ges that WI
Walls End Hotspur-. Si) 3 W. E. Barnsley --.... '•-,, oif ilea,'
:04461:at' Patentee
tele
Ditto Killingworth,-.... 29 9 Walls End Henderson %!•'',., I
Walls End Newmarch_ 31) 0 Tan field Trader-....... ',.,', 0 Th -m, he has 1
Ditto Northumberland 29 3 Callerton sinall-...--• ',',,
_,1,,p, at market, 1111 A -Ships sold. 60-Unsold. s'' ~oes
it,i We does
A it„ta, or of tb
CoUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING LAS Clt s `Oll of • .
Wheat. I Barley. Oats. 1.26.2 s 4taie b
, ut 1
- ~ "fit b,i„
Per Quarter. s. to s. Is.to s. s, to a. • " "g °°
Carlisle.. 6O - .35 - th). - ats /. ktd. ~ no rest,.
I lexham.- . 58 65 :32 38 21 3') -- F 57,1atior, fron
Marpeth .--_.... i 52 511 30 33 :I'o tn 02 /
Ile I,
I'enrith -.......«. ; - 65 i - 34 - 22 •••-• t., 'toki_ 'atentee
1111444 600 11776 000 999 600 1000 660 655 006 687 980 1900 n ge i
:_i..
oil 1611
)6:41411"-itris.-1.1::::::eatlete(:hinirti:numSegitlf,
Sheffield ... 1 - 63 I - Si) - 12'2 -
~, '1 kit,i74Poonful
61 32 40 22 24
:s'snn.ce
N, ,Under
L:ddat,iisilyttiunia•ide..,r),
the
Wipnocrhesmteisir,,....,......l.
I 554. d. s.d. s.d. s.d. s. d. s.d. s."•
Carmarthen ........... '6 0 6 9 3 6 4 0 1 8 2 0 0 0 6 ler any rued
Coventry 4' 1. IltliallV um
Newcastle (Staff.) 9 0 9 3 6 4 6-61.
533
g-1.
t04u104.
Northallerton -.... 7 0 9 3 3 6 4 6 3 3 4 0 5 8 :i
41, ay
no
Stone ... 9 6 9 8 6 5 6 9 3 6 4 0 711 0,1
Swansea ........-. B'6 9 0 4 3 4 9 2 3 2 9 0 i w tad 9 limbs,
Warwick ..--..... 19 0 100 46 50 2 2 26 7 ,
Per 8011. ' ' Ili T.' and trash
0 k
111)aurrnhaarpadeas_tle ........
Richmond ,
Stockton
sCORN,r
)M1
kA..
.111_751'5.5:
toD ecas.s.l7fi.
WheatN,VßAedK,ENFloErfoliDk and
Lin. and Cam.
Yorkshire -a. 565. to 59s tine"
• 14, cube 200/
- White -a. 595. to 635. tine 6ls •A
-a. 455. to 5.35.
- Foreign, Red
White -a. _a. to -.i. fioeoso, V'Peeific to
Barley, Norfolk and Suflblk 'lls. to 335. 1100 . 54,5.,.
- Lincolnshire 3ss. to ;Os. fine4p,
,hl4 ',wog ea
- Yorkshire Wold 36s. to 395. finee," •lak °fr4Pring.
' - Foreign -s. to -s. 11°„4,9, '4 p„te„,_
Beans, Small
- Tick 395. to 40.3. fine nIS tok `-'"Cille (
Oats, Potato 24s.
to
,26„ fine 0,
~
,11erstion ur
- Poland -s. 225. to 255. fine 5.51, I • ,e ...t.
- Friezland and Small -s. 20s. to 235. fillopis
%444:1 A watch
- Mealing lld. to 12)' d. per q,sist THE
Shelling 355. to 365. Od. per , /No 44
Malt
Rapeseed
355. 445. fine 465. per 101 ~ r, as, sh
-
- 'Sstttiblites c
i. !
SCOTCH MARKETS. ILosstron 1
-----4,,, J ksta-' Ntent'
Wheat. Barley Oats. Beans (:)„.• 4 la T._. e.e
•
7, ; WO II
. ....'
. n-2 1,,,,t4r
ykbeideen .-.. 44 60 27 32 21 Z 3 - • 0 -squ
'.3-4 / r
Berwick---. 37 4'2 21 IS 22 26 '27 ' " Ihi toble, Is
Coldstream - 38 42 22 23 16 Ist 30 31
Clipar ..........,.... 48 66 33 35 25 26 38 39
r,
Dundee- 5,1 70 33 37 :24 25 35 36
....,--" / 410,,,,.
Elgin -5056 32 35 19 23 19 21 // ; 'ERA
Inverness.- 150 56 30 33 20 f. 12 30 34 d
1'414.4, 'an ref
Kelso ----- '4O 42 21 2'3 17 18 29 32 ";,, (-, b UNIV
Kirkaldy-- 140 -15 9.7 39 25 32 45 48 7., V rIE Pr'
Perth ....- 52 61 21 27 2) 23 22 '24 ~.......,!...,2,
~,,,
The size of the measure varies throughout the en l um, co
EDI NBC RG H CORN AI A RKET.-Dec. 1".., yi ' o tiliZtitti
We had a middling supply of all kinds of Grain totljosof , , tof thi
cept Oats, and sales rather better than last day. Wher7eris,f, ‘ll h4l stsibuir
2s. on the top, and &l. on the average. Barley 291 non ortri, ll,catitie:‘
Is. 63. on the top, and 8.1. on the average. Oats 354 tli„,01 ,it .. as
same top, and up 2,1. on the average. Pease and Beans " Ntioozieral A
on the top, and Os. on the average, es likr ted
lie iiii ,vb severe
Wheat, Barley. Oats. Pease. 96i 1 Sk., hi la
First 6ss Ott 39s fid 26s NI 36s 0,1 ,t, O,IA CS 0., . Y bey
Second
Third
PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &C.
s:tetable
,„ lg. 0 Ve:.....
Beef, per lb. ... Os. 3d. to 05.6,1. Fresh Ibitter,lb.s.lo.l. -1 0 cob,,_
Mutton.--...--- 0 3 0 6 Salt Ditt0....... 010 jpo o '' L'ANT
Veal 0 6 0 9 Ditto, per es; 194 0 il 0 . ,
Pork.
0 _ _olnaati
'
..... 0 4 0 6 Eggs, per doe. 1 3 15 o kilb ro alt.
Lamb, per qr. 1 6 3 0 OatStraw(kp'.)l2 0 10 0 5 1,41,1 a,
'Callow, cwt.... 35 6 37 ti Wheat Ditto.. 9 0 9 6 ;.I,tlsts e,,,..y ,
uarter!) Loaf 0 8 0 9
toftionuni
Potatoes, 1711 b. 0 4 0 0 HiLatryigepristtt.°-: Si
°I
Y
EDINBURGH MEAL M A RKET.--Dec. 10. sACh Zlts,,,_° °sake
We had a middling supply of Oatmeal at this day's ''' ',ma-9r not b
~ N with v...
which met with a ready sale, at last week's prices, ~,,p, v Vissit ',A--
Per Sack of 2801 b. Imp. Per Stone of 141 b. 1,0 'lO ,we reit ~nivs
First Oatmeal
Second ditto 1 16 0 Second ditto ............ 0 1 S 5„...t501 tast f
4,410.'.1- the 13
Met
Barleymeal llO 0 Barleymeal ...... eO. ',V,,ttl's diversi
Peasenseal 1 10 0 Peasemeal ...... . ... N Vont thi
Pot Barley-No. I, per cwt. 125.-23. 155.-3 d. 18s.-4 t '.. ateri
Noe, aN.
AbeeSGnOalrgV.CdOmßanNy Bair
rAhRa K 1 s Eirlo' . in-
There haGvie
and Oats, which have found buyers at rather lower Yr' ii. ;! ) tc7ne, u
F.O 1,14 say in
alteration in Wheat, Beans, or Pease.
~ J. 1,0 itsseclaskiers
Wheat, per 2401 h. s. d. s. it. I Oats, per 2641 b. '.00,, 5 4
British, old 250 to 30 01 Irish lO 5 1,,,, lYstern ;
....0 0 olhansedi
- naw '26 029 0 - British 9ln F. '`uhishin
Canada, free .7 0 '29 01 Beans, per 2601 b. 00 1g v .
0 Lekii) their eftl
Irish - tis -% that h
Barley, per 3201 b. Scottish
pl 0 1.0 to in re
English - 0 - 0 Pease, Scottish - ,`5 0 49 ,
so
t
, he eat
Scottish 'lB 0 28 6 Oatmeal, per 14011). ',.; a 51, ti 'ty,. ve
Irish
Dlrecela:lll4,ll P.'47;/
~ ~,,„.. .
ib7s(of the
Ø. 1,444- .3' thou,
CORNWALL MARKETS. 9i. 'tsii I',. ,Single;
Ttttnto-Wheat (average) 235. 3,1.-Barley, I.- .;„
- Oit'',..ol Ni,44 t‘.(44 experi
Sr.AusTELL-Wheat, -a. to 225.-Barley, -s, to 1.--' 1ik.4%.,111,.
ei Itt ' pens
Os. to Os. 0,1 00 le
ti d. 1 1, r best,
BODMIN-Wheat (average) 235. 03.-Barley, Ifs. td,-- , Nth 41414,. Putt)
iiELSTON-Wheat, '24s. 6d.-Barley, 12s NI l' /6, , a thinl
134,0 iltitkilsio •
PENZANCE-Wheat, 235. to 245.-Barley, -s. to ~,. to Nit s,. st it
Os. to Bs. Od.-Beef and Mutton, 3d. to nd.-l'ork, 31" Oftylts ,'„rwisli t
Butter, 133. per lli. . oti, ki Ito WC our
Lisaasao-Wheat, -s. 03. to 535.-Barley, S. ' 61-- ,;f, t 4 a would in
toSr.o,l. ..t1 Vtt '''tek•
~2, 0 ~,_ ,
ti.r. CoLumn-Wheat, 225. to 245.-Barley, I ls. to ' ,tiA4 to ,s'seitnlil
and Mutton. 4d, to 5d,-Veal, 4t1,--Lamb. sd. a lid ‘lll,4llbolkr, /t 1
11,...-- ictio -.4, ar
Ls InscesTos-W heat (average) 218. (M.-Harley,
7s. 61-Beef, 5d.-Mutton, 5,1. )41,.1141°5s or
1(4 ve a, -
..(,,islke / win rnitt
as
BIRTHS. ljr` Z 4 *•*11 t °
• Lad' tA ilis opp
on the 15th inst. at Chalford, Gloucestershire, • , ot od th ,
cs •st )
of a son. of S , kill' Your
On the 14th inst. the wife of Mr. G. M. Schram, of ,'4, -We ~trenr
worth-road, of a dauhter. the I,Lif
Ott the 13th inst. at Eusemere Hill, Ullswater, i , _
.te .
i, rf rr.
C. Bristow, Esq., of a son. 1di5,141...5,,v
MARRIED. o'l' '''
It,l -4111 eget
by the Rev. J Sal 1 „•,,a t e.. ,
On the 14th inst. at Houghton, . ~ .• J. 3 ' ,I) . ess, ..S.`, A
Penleaze, Esq, youngest son of J. ' '
S. enleaze, LA.: Ale,o-'' I.'
.rant';
v of Hants, to Elizabett!, ogi
Nr
Bessington House, Untie count
of 11° aA 4 •
,Field's
eldest daughter of the late John James, Esq., ~,, t
Lodge, in the same county. ~,,. Lollo,'!, ,4.ge; B
On 'the 13th inst. at Leamington, the Rev. C. Ihp 'tr ,i, klub
in.), Head Master of Barrow, School, to Caroline SoP„ 'tor , . k, 'Kill
11. r. or e "bet '
daughter of the Right Hon. Sir H. Parnell, Bart., • • . i1t.,1 -S If
Oueen county. ~,, tlif,,,e, ttti..,*-li..e,
On the I.3th inst. at Paris, at the British Embassy, '",.'he 44, 'qe lii ~
Rev. Bishop Luscombe, Capt,in A. S. Logan, of • Ite.,o,fr, , Ppit,,, IN
army, fourth son of W. Logan, Esq., of lingletnn'T. Ir "y. a, Chu
Aire, to Fanny, second daughter of the late Hon. M. t ' Nli v
of the Madras Civil Service. di, k Le:, +
DIED, tebe ~g, ;
lin ri I 1
On the 18th inst. suddenly, Mrs. Capel, wife of John yes,l 44 ° evi
Esq., M.P., of. Russell-square, g° I' 6
the 0," -Qs 61 Qt
On the 16th inst. at her house in Baker-street, in -,. is>, Of the u
a her age, Sarah, the widow of the late Dr. Parry,°,4, „
mother to Captain Sir Edward Parry_ of the Royal A`''• ,ali