The Sun.
London, England, 1831-11-30 00:00:00

DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY.

SUSAN SAUNDERS, Great Coram-street, Russell-square,
boarding-house-keeper.

BANKRUPTCIES SUPERSEDED.

HENRY MENDELSON, Manchester, jeweller.
JAMES SHEPPARD, Lechlade, Gloucestershire, baker.
BANKRUPTS.

THOMAS HOMEWOOD, Pollard's-row, Bethnal-green,
brewer, to surrender Dec. 6, at three, 13, and Jan. 10, at two, at
the Court of Commissioners. Cranch, Billiter-square, Fen.
church-street.

FRANCIS KENSET'T, Kingston-upon-Thames, farmer, Dec.
9, at twelve, 16, and Jan. 10, at one, at the Court of Commis-
sioners. Shearman and Freeman, Bartlett's-buildings.
JOSEPH SNELSON, Ashby-de-la-Zouch, Leicestershire,
victualler, Dec. 5,6, and Jan. 10, at eleven, at the Queen's
Head Inn, Ashby-de-la-Zouch. Austen and Hobson, Gray's.
Inn, London ; Green, Ashby-de-la-Zouch.
JOSEPH FARRAH, Hatfield, Hertfordshire, coal-merchant,
Dec. 6, at eleven, 13, and Jan. 10, at one, at the Court of Com-
missioners. Tripp and Pluckett, Gray's-Inn; Jordan and Wart-
naby, Ware, Hertfordshire.
WILLIAM PEIRCE, Bartholomew-close, wine-merchant,
Dec. 2, at ten, 9, at one, and Jan. 10, at eleven, at the Court of
Commissioners. Hine and Robinson, jun , Charter-house-square.
STEPHEN BOURNE, New Bridge-street, printer, Dec. 9, at
twelve, 16, and Jan. 10, at one, at the Court of Commissioners.
Pasmore and Taylor, Basinghall-street.
WILLIAM DYMOND, Launceston, Cornwall, stationer,
Dec. 13, 14, and Jan. 10, at eleven, at the White Hart Inn,
Launceston. Coode, Guildford-street, London; Gurney, Laun-
ceston.
ROBERT SKINNER, Thorverton, Devonshire, farmer, Dec.
3, 15, and Jan. 10, at eleven, at the Globe Hotel, Exeter. Ked-
dell and Pitts, Warnford-court, Throgmorton-street, London ;
Stogdon, Exeter.
ROBERT FREE, Rotherhithe, commission-agent, Dec. 6,
at eleven, 12, and Jan. 10, at one, at the Court of Commis-
sioners. Kemp Lincoln's Inn-fields.
GEORGE RICHARD TEMPANY, Holles.street, Caven-
dish-square, tailor, Dec. 9, at twelve, 16, and Jan. 10, at one, at
the Court of Commissioners. Bruce, Francis-street, Golden-
square.
GEORGE WILLIS, Haymarket, oilman, Dec. 6, at one, 13,
and Jan. 10, at two, at the Court of Commissioners. Taylor,
Great St. James-street, Bedford-row.
THOMAS COTTON, London-road, Southwark, boot and
shoemaker, Dec. 2, at eleven, 9, at ten, and Jan. 10, at twelve,
at the Court of Commissioners. M'Leod, London-street, Fen-
church-street.
WILLIAM BURT, Great Castle-street, Cavendish-square,
lodging-house-keeper, Dec. 6, at twelve, 13, and Jan. 10, at ele-
ven, at the Court of Commissioners. Redaway, Clement's-inn.
JAMES STEVENS, Bread-street, Cheapside, warehouseman,
Dec. 6,9, and Jan. 10, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners.
Ogden, St. Mildred's-court, Poultry.
WILLIAM ASHLEY and WILLIAM EDWARD ASH-
LEY, Gainsborough, merchants, Dec. 20, at six, 21, at ten, at
Mr. Cartwright's office, Bawtry, Yorkshire, and Jan. 10, at el,
yen, at the Monson's Arms, Gainsborough. Bell, Bedford-row; 1
sparr, Gainsborough ; Cartwright, Bawtry.
JAMES WISE, King's-road, Chelsea, cow-keeper, Dec. 6,
13, at twelve, and Jan. 10, at eleven, at the Court of Commis-
sioners. Willis, Sloane-square, Chelsea.
RICHARD BELL, Cloth-fair, grocer, Dec. 6, at one, 13, at
eleven, and Jan. 10, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners.
Pocock, Bartholomew-close.
JOHN DICKINSON, Ernest-street, Hampstead-road, vic.
tualler, Dec. 6, at eleven, 9, and Jan. 10, at twelve, at the Court
of Commissioners. Goode, Howland-street, Fitzroy-square.
HENRY HART and JOHN DAVIES, King-street, Ham.
mersmith, clothes-salesmen, Dec. 14, at ten, 22, at eleven, and
Jan. 10, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners. Braban, New
Inn. _

HENRY GUEST, Manchester, woollen-draper, Dec. 13, 15,
and Jan. 10, at two, at the Star Inn, Manchester. Johnson and
Weatherall, Temple, London ; Seddon, Manchester.
GEORGE THORPE, Kirton-in-Lindsey, Lincolnshire,
scrivener, Dec. 15, at three, 16, at eleven, and Jan. 10, at twelve,
at the Angel Inn, Brigg, Lincolnshire. Hawkins, Bloxam, and
Stocker, New Boswell court, Lincoln's Inn, London ; Codd and
Heaton, Gainsborough.
ROBERT WIGHT, Painswick, Gloucestershire, clothier, Dec.
19, at four, '2O, and Jan. 10, at eleven, at the Ram Inn, Glouces-
.
ter. White and Whitmore, 01d-square, Lincoln's Inn, London;
Bloxsome, Wells, and Bloxsome. Dursley.
• JOSEPH ROBINSON, Nottingham, victualler, Dec. 10, 13,
and Jan. 10, at eleven, at Wilson's Hotel, Nottingham. Payne
and Daft, Nottingham; Taylor, Featherstone-buildings, Holborn.
THOMAS SIDDERS, Birchington, Kent, dealer in pigs, Dee.
10, at eight, 12, at eleven, and Jan. 10, at twelve, at the Royal
Hotel, Margate. Dering and Brooke, Margate; Willett and
Larken, Essex-street, Strand.
THOMAS CHINN, Merthyr Tydvil, linen-draper, Dec. 19,
;20, and Jan. 10, at eleven, at the Castle Inn, Neath, Glamorgan.
shire. Holme, Frampton, and Loftus, New Inn, London;
Lewis, Bridgend.
BENJAMIN RICE, Neath, Glamorganshire, linen-draper,
Dec. 19, 20, and Jan. 10, at eleven, at the Castle Inn, Neatli,
Holme, Frampton and Loftus, New Inn; Lewis, Bridgend.
CHARLES ST?JBER Leader-street, Chelsea, baker, Dee. o
13, at twelve, and Jan. 10, at eleven, at the Court of Commis;
sinners. Ford, Queen.street, Lincoln's Inn-fields.
'THOMAS SNELSON, Ashby-de-la-Zouch, Leicestershire,
wheelright, Dec. 5,6, and Jan. 10, at eleven, at the Queen,.
Head Inn, Ashby-de-la-Zouch. Austen and Hobson, Raymond.
buildings, Gray's-Inn, London; Green, Ashby-de-la-Zouch.
SAMUEL NUTFALL, Heywood, Lancashire, grocer, Dec.
12, 13, and Jan. 10, at eleven, Mr. Payne's office, Liverpool.
Payne, Liverpool ; Blackstock and Bunce, London.
JOHN THORPE, South Owersby, Lincolnshire, dealer in
wood, Dec. 15, at two, 16, at ten, and Jan. 10, at eleven, at the
Angel Inn, Brigg, Lincolnshire. Hawkins, Bloxam, and Stocker,
New Boswell-court, Lincoln's-Inn, London; Codd and Heaton,
Gainsborough.
WILLIAM KNOWLSON, WILLIAM SKIN, JOSEPH
BILLINGTON, ANNE BAYLIS, DAVID ALLISON, and
ROBERT BLACKWELL, Ashton.under-Lyne, drapers, Dec.
14, 15, anti Jan. 10, at nine, at the Palace Inn, Manchester,
Johnson and Weatherall, Temple, London ; Hitchcock, man_
cheater.

DIVIDENDS.
J. Weston, sen. and J. Weston, jun., Old Pond-street, tailors,
street,
att.
Dec. '2O, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners-W. Sher.
wood, T. Gilbert, and W. Piper, Pates roster-row, booksellers,
Dec. 20, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners-J. and R. A.
Browning, Belvidere-wharf, Waterloo-bridge, timber-merchants,
Dec. 20, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners-A. Macdo_
nald and A. Campbell, Regent-street, army.agents, Dec. 20, at
ti
Inman,ke r s „i Tower) ec:
Chipman, at the Court of Commissioners-W. Fry, Jr FrY, and J.
ba
eleven,
at
tShte.
Courtal i Idr
ofed tectno utnr ti ,s s iPe
no
eurl
s___t r y
J, .
wine-broker, 'Dec. 20, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners
-T. Chandler, Bow-lane, Cheapside, carpenter, Dec. 20, at one,
at the Court of Commissioners-J. L. Shepherd, New Bond-
street, linen-draper, Dec. 20, at eleven, at the Court of Com-
missioners-T. Wilkinson, jun., Liverpool, merchant, Dec. 20,
at one, at the Court of. Commissioners-D. Wace, Newgate-
street, grocer, Dec. '2O, at one, at the Court of Commissioners-
B. J. arid R. A. Spedding, Ordnance-wharf, Narrow-wall, Lam-
beth, coal-merchants, Dec. 20, at twelve, at the Court of Com-
missioners-W. Brydon and I). Mackenzie, Cornhill, drug-
gists, Dec 20, at one, at the Court of Commissioners-
J. Crow, Bedford-court, Covent-garden, tailor, Dec. 20, at eleven,
at the Court of Commissioners-W. Field, Brighton, carpenter,
Dec. 20, at two, at the Court of Commissioners-J. Levy, Great
Prescot-street, Goodman's-fields, merchant, Dec. 20, at three, at
the Court of Commissioners-G. Irvine, jun., New Shoreham,
Sussex, timber-merchant, Dec. '2O, at one, at the Court of Cona-
missioners-J. A. Hessey, Fleet-street, bookseller, Dec. 20, at
twelve, at the Court of Commissioners-J. Brooke and J. Hay-
ward, Shepperton_streot, New North-road, Islington, iron-foun-
ders, Dec, 222
_at ton, at the Court of Commissioners-J. Nicholls,
St. Alban's, Hertfordshire, cabinet-maker, Dec. 22, at eleven, at
the Court of Comissioners-B. Bond and S. Pattisal, 'Change-
alley, Cornhill, banKers, Dec. 22, at ten, at the Court of Commis-
' sioners-T. Tatchell, Snowhill-hill, tavern-keeper, Dec. 22, at
ten, at the Court of Commissioners-J. H. Skelton, Chandos-
street, Covent-garden, warehouseman, Dec. 20, at eleven, at the
Court of Commissioners-R. Richards, Marylebone-street, Pie.
cadilly, mercer, Dec. '2O, at twelve, at the Court of Conunis,
sioners-W. Joy, St. Paul's Church-yard, bookseller, Dee. 20,
at two, at the Court of. Commissioners-W. aini J. Ilent,
steel, Bury, Sulfblk, linen-drapers, Dec. 20, at nine, at the
Court of Commissioners-J. Richardson and T. Want, Bar-
bican, builders, Dec. 20, at twelve, at the Court of Commis-
sioners-R. Smith and H. Perrin, St. Martin's-lane, woollen-
drapers, Dec. '2O, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners-G.
Underwood, Fleet-street, bookseller, Dec. 20, at eleven, at the
Court of Commissioners-T. Reed and J. Middleman, New-
castle-upon-Tyne, merchants, Dec. 20, at one, at the Court of
Commissioners-J. Key, Great Prescot-street, Goodman's-fields,
oilman, Dec. 20, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners-
and J. Garratt, Kentish-town, meal salesmen, Dec. 20, at eleven,
at the Court of Commissioners-.R. Curtis and T. Hall, Angel,
court, Throgrnorton-street, merchants, Deo. 20, at one, at the
Court of Commissioners-J. Nimmo, Upper Gower-street, book-
seller, Dec. 20, at ten, at the Court of Comniiisioners-C. Hoppe,
King-street, Cheapside, merchant, Dec. 20, at ten, at the
Court of Commissimers-J. Luke, Mark-lane, wine-merchant,
Dec. 13, at nine, at the Court of Commissioners-S. Crickett,
Chelmsford, Essex, banker, Dec. 20, at twelve, at the Conrt cif
Commissioners-T. Walker, Bugbrooke, Northannitorishire,
'
victualler, Dcc. 20, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners-
T. Chisman, Castle-court, Ilirchin-lane, ship.broker, Decem-
ber 20, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners-A. Con-
stantine, Boltoti.le-Moors' Lancashire, draper, December 21,
at eleven, at the Star Inn, Manchester-W. and J. Scott, Wake-
field, Yorkshire, merchants, Dec. 30, at the Court House, Wake •
field-'f. Aggett, ALtherleigh, Devonshire, linen-draper, Dec.
24, at one, at the Globe flotel, Exeter-T. Moss, Klitoll in
Lindsey, Lincolnshire, draper, Dec. 21, at eleven, at the Angel
Inn, Glamford Briggs:Lincolnshire-W. Williams, Manchester,
merchant, Dec. 20, at nine, at the York Hotel, Manchester-T.
Hastie, Whitehaven, merchant, Dec. 21, at twelve, at the Office
of Mr. Hodgson, W hitehaven-J. Thompson, Catterick Bridge
Yorkshire, blacksmith, Dec. Vl, at one, at the King's Head Inn,'

Richmond—T. Fall, Leyburn, Yorkshire, bookseller, Dee. 21, at
one, at the King's Head Inn, Richmond.

CERTIFICATES-DEC..22.

J. Clarke, Regent-street, linen-draper—W., T. S., and W. J.
Hall, Lower Thames-street, packers—G. Tidmarsh, Bow-street,
coffee-house-keeper—W. Vanhouse, Mincing-lane, West India
broker—S Roberts, Manchester, calico-printer—T. and B. Hogg,
Leeds, woollen cloth-manufacturers—W. Emery, Bristol, corn-
factor—.J. Featherstone, Kingston-upon-Hull, merchant.

PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED.
P. Sayles, and T. and J. Tingle, Mosbrough Moor, Derbyshire,
coal-owners (se far as regards P. Sayler)_J. Whyte, jun., and J.
Coats, Paisley, merchants—G. Blunden and W. Clever, East
Mailing, Kent, paper-manufacturers—J. and I Fisher, and J.
Levers, Radford, lace.manufacturers—W. Evennett, and J. and
B. Smith, Southgate, grocers—C. A. Smith and T. Hand, Gower-
street North, Euston-square, chymists—D. Hawthorn and Co ,
Over Darwen, Lancashire, calico-printers—T. Dyke and J. Hol.
croft, Warrington, pork-dealers—E. Goodall and J. Firth,
Liverpool, carpet-dealers—W. Card and J. Leister, Quadrant,
Regent-street, flute-manufacturers—T. and T. Stirling, run.,
Commercial-road, Lambeth, slaters—J. Wright and J. Harding,
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, goldsmiths—T. Northwood, T. Mortiboy,
and J. B. Herbert, Newman-street, Oxford-street, working-
jewellers—S. Knight and Co., Manchester (so far as regards S.
Knight)—F. H. Bourquin and Co., Liverpool, wine-merchants—
I. Grenville and J. Evershed, Brighthelmston, butchers—A.
Nicholas and J. C. Mereweather, Hadley, ironmongers—J.
Mawby and W. Emmitt, Bourn, Lincolnshire, mercers—H.
Simmonds, F. Selmes, and F. T. Curteis, Maidstone, merchants
—E. Smith and M. Holme, Conduit-street, milliners.

CHOLERA MORBU S.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

SIR,—A considerable sensation was excited
in this town yesterday by a report that a case of
spasmodic cholera had occurred at Newcastle.
I forbore writing to you till this day, in order
that I might be enabled to send you a more cor-
rect statement of the circumstances attending it.
We have just had an interesting meeting of the
Board of Health on the'subject. Mr. Davison
and Mr. Greenhow, surgeons, who attended the
case, gave a detail of the symptoms during life,
and of the appearances which presented them-
selves after death. This gave rise to consider-
able discussion, one or two gentlemen pointing
out peculiarities by which the case was distin-
guished from spasmodic or Russian cholera, as
described by Dr. Barry here on Saturday last.
Dr. White, in particular, remarked that in all
cases of spasmodic cholera, the descriptions of
which he had read, great thirst was mentioned
A a symptom. In this case there was no thirst.
He added, that he saw both this patient and
Oswald Reay, whose case, which was of a sus-
picious nature, occurred in Newcastle a month
ago, and in his opinion the symptoms were more
equivocal in Reay's case than in this. Mr.
`Clarke, surgeon, said that a medical gentleman
from Sunderland saw this case, which has ex-
cited so much alarm, and declared that it was
not like the cholera they had at Sunderland. • It
was, after some debate, resolved, that the me-
dical gentlemen of this town should meet at six
o'clock this evening, for the purpose of drawing
up a report showing in what respects the symp-
toms resembled those of spasmodic cholera, and
in what particulars they differed. Hitherto, in
consequence of the wish of the friends of the
deceased, the body only had been opened, but,
at the particular request of the Mayor, it is
hoped they will consent that the head also may
be examined. Before I close this letter I shall
endeavour to give you the result of this investi-
gation. The deceased was a coal cartman, of
the name of Robert Jordan, I believe about
fifty years of age. He was a man of sober and
industrious habits, but he was often very dirty
in his person, was frequently among the filth
with which some pigs he kept were surrounded,
lived in a dirty room, situated on what is called
the New-road, which forms one side of Sandgate,
decidedly the dirtiest street in Newcastle.
and, singularly enough, within two or three
hundred yards of the house where Oswald Reay
lived, which is the suspicious case that occurred
exactly a month ago in this town. A statement
of the symptoms of Reay's case was published
at the time, with the names of Dr. M‘Whirter,
Dr. White, and Mr. Parr, his medical attendants,
attached to it. If this of Jordan's be a case of
Asiatic cholera, it is remarkable that no other
should since Saturday have made its appearance,
though it is now seven o'clock on Monday night.
f Oswald Reay's case, which occurred on

the 26th of October, was a case of Asiatic
cholera, it is remarkable that no other of a
suspicious description should occur till this of
Jordan's on the 26th November.

It is now eight o'clock. The meeting of
medical gentlemen has just broken up. Dr.
Daun, who was sent for by express from Sun-
derland, attended. There was some rather mis-
placed discussion on the subject of contagion.
The symptoms before, and the appearances
after death, were stated and remarked upon. The
meeting resolved that there were in this case
circumstances resembling spasmodic cholera, but
others differing from it ; that it was not traceable

:o infection, and that no similar case existed in

the town ; and further, that an accurate report
should be addressed to the Mayor by the
medical gentlemen who attended the deceased,
setting forth all the symptoms which occurred
during life, and all the appearances observed in
the examination after death, which should be

,ransnlitted to the Central Board of Health in

London, for their determination as to the cha-
racter of the disease, noticing at the same time
that the head was not opened, which might have
accounted for some of the symptoms. 1)r. Daun
only decided that it was a suspicious case.
I am, in haste, yours truly,
A MEMBER OF THE NEWCASTLE
BOARD OF HALTH.
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Monday Night, Nov. 28.

We yesterday expressed a wish to know some-
thing of the negotiation between certain Peers and Mi-
nisters, previous to the division on the second reading of
the Reform Bill in the Lords. We have been assured,
from a most respectable source, that a number sufficient
to have ensured a majority, at the heal of whom was
Lord HAandwny, expressed themslves to Ministers
agreed as to the principle of Reform ; that representation
should be substituted for nomination ; that schedule A
should be agreed to ; that Members should be given to
large towns They objected, first, to giving eight IgetriLers
to London ; secondly, they obj cted to Ss. Gd. weekly
voters ; thirdly, they objected to the giving votes in
counties to tenants at will. Importance was attached to
these points ; bot on these being coneedeol, other matters
were not deemed essential. If these were the views of a
number of the Lords before the rejection of the Nil, we
may form some idea of the pessilditty of successful nego-
ciations now.—Morniiig Ci.ronicle.

It is reported that Lord W. BENTINCK is
about to retire from his Indian Government. Lord
WILLIAAI is exceeding unpopular with the Service. He
was directed by the Company to retrench with vigour,
and his heavy 114nds are said to have fallen chiefly ou the
poor, on small salaries, and even on the cadets occa,ionally.
His Lordship's friends, bowel er, offer a different explana-
tion. The indulgence he has shown the press has
given uneasiness to the Directors, whose empire in the
East rests entirely on ignorance—a foundation not so
sPeure as it was half a century ago...—peogaj Ifur4arir.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Courier disputes the accuracy of the

view which we have taken relative to the much-

agitated question between anatomists and the
public. Our contemporary seems to think that
we were not correct in speaking of the anato-
mists as personally interested in this question.
We spoke advisedly on this subject, because we
are tired of the cant of the " interests of sci-
ence," when we know that no man pursues the
study of surgery or anatomy hut as a source of
profit to himself. Do we blame surgeons and
anatomists on that account ? By no means.—
These gentlemen have as much right to make
their own interest the first object of their atten-

tion as members of the law, or any other trade
or profession ; but they hare no right to talk
or write about their ~ sacrifices to the cause of

science," as if they undertook the labours of
,heir profession more for the sake of the public
:han for the benefit of themselves and families.

We admit that every man is interested in the
suppression of the horrid practice of Burking ;
but if that practice could not have existed to
the frightful extent which recent disclosures
proves it to have done, without gross negli-
gence, or a degree of ignorance hardly con-
ceivable, on the part of many anatomists,
there may be much done towards its preven-
tion, by placing all anatomical schools, as
we have said before, under a strict and judi-
cious system of police regulations. It is not the
high price of subjects which is the sole cause
of Burking, for there are wretches, as our cri-
minal calendars prove, who will murder for a
few shillings as well as for a few guineas ; so
that, if to-morrow there were such a legalised
supply of subjects to our anatomical schools as
would considerably lower the price, the practice
of Burking would still go on, while the cul-
pable negligence of the teachers of anatomy re-
mained the same as at present ;—consequently it
would even then be necessary to protect the
public from the " scientific slaughterers" of
mankind by an effective surveillance of the police.
The Courier goes on to say, that " the charge
against anatomists of participating in the vulgar
prejudice, and entertaining. horror of dissection,
is not quite fair—anatomists and philosophers,
generally speaking, entertain no such feelings.
But, if an anatomist shuuld order his own
body to be dissected, his intentions would be
likely to be frustrated by his family or friends."
This argument could only avail anatomists and
philosophers in case they were the only persons
who had families or friends whose natural in-
stincts were stronger than their regard for the
precepts of philosophy and the interests of
science. But in every rank and station of life
there are those domestic feelings, those senti-
ments of affection and tenderness, and, we may
add, those religious impressions, which are op-
posed to the indecent profanation of the remains
of departed kindred, and the violation of the
peaceful sanctuary of the grave. Whether we
look to those who move in the first circles of
polished society, or to the rude inhabitants of
the cottage and the hamlet, we shall find the
sentiment to be almost universally true which the
author of the beautiful " Elegy in a Country
Church-yard" has expressed in the lines
Even from the grave the voice of Nature cries—
Even in our ashes live their wonted fires."
We do not know but by the sacrifice of such feel-
ings we might purchase even the " interests of
science" too dear—for they are feelings, which,
however despised by modern " philosophers,"
who would reduce humanity to the condition of
a mere material machine, have their origin in the
source of the finest moral sensibilities of our
nature. Our contemporary denies that anatomy
can be learned from books alone. Who said it
could ? We stated that the works of great ana-
tomists were too much neglected at the present
day, and, consequently, the knife was too exclu-
sively employed as the means of instruction in
anatomical science. Of what use have been the
accumulated experiments, the labour and research,
of former distinguished anatomists—the results
of which they have placed upon record—if
the knowledge thereby acquired does not, to a
certain degree, supersede the necessity of a re-
petition of the same experiments upon the human
body ? We believe that if the books and models
that are available to the study of anatomy were
made more use of than they are, the demand for
dead bodies would not be so great as it is. It
s true a mechanist cannot acquire a know-

ledge of machinery from books alone, but
he will save himself much trouble, as to the de-
tails of machinery, who has well studied mathe-
matical laws and mechanical principles in the
books of scientific men, who have laboured for
the instruction of posterity.—Morning Herald.
It is natural enough that anatomists should
endeavour to take advantage of the horrible dis-
closures which have been recently made of the
extensive practice of the Burking system, to
make the public feeling against this monstrous
crime conducive to their own interests. We
have received a letter from a medical gentleman
relative to this subject, which, in the pressure of
foreign and domestic news at the present crisis,
is too long for insertion. The statements in the
letter are, however, reducible tp a few points.
and require but a short commentary. Our Cor-
respondent wishes to remove what he considers
a most erroneous impression with regard to the
treatment of the human subject in the schools of
anatomy, and he says " the world imagines that
the anatomist mutilates, cuts, and hacks a dead
body, and offers it every indignity. There is no
greater mistake—he examines every fibre in the
body with the greatest care, and is struck with i
admiration at the wonderful structure 95 the
human fabric." The best answer that can bt
given to what is here stated is to simply affirm
the undeniable fact, that anatomists and surgeons,
who best know the practices of schools of ana-
tomy and dissection-rooms, are the persons least
disposed, in general, to bequeath their own
bodies, after death, to the advancement of the in-
terests of that science to which they profess so ab-
sorbing a devotion. Let us suppose,.by way of
illustrating the conduct of the anato,in-isin this
respect, that a village popa4ion were afraid to
walk at night thxougn a certain church-yard,
throggh which there-lay the nearest path to the
neighbouring town. This may easily be allowed to
be no very improbable supposition. N;l.v,/ let us
imaginei tnhtaot
tah imodern " v,hitozoplier" had foundhis way
vilir,ge, and, shocked at hearing
of the zuperstitious terrors of the inhabitants,
called a meeting of young and old, 411:1 de-
nounced good set terms" o,;a traditional
fears of those foolish v;„1.1-4-,gers, who preferred
going a round-„bcAt way to the next town, on
the most urgent business, rather than run the
risk of encountering, in their midnight rambles,
the tenants of the tomb. Let us imagine that
this philosopher, after making a most enlightened
and argon-tentative speech on the subject,
observed upon all occasions carefully to avoid
enforcing his own precepts by example, and to
turn aside, whenever he reached the gate of the

• ,t

church-yard after night-faii,- to make the debti
which the simple villagers made—from what he
described to be the most unphilosophical of

causes, would not his conduct neutralise the

effect of his arguments, and induce people to

believe that even his enlightened mind was sub-
ject to the vulgar terrors that enslaved the

understandings of the crowd ? • So do anato-
mists, surgeons, and modern philosophers
charge the public in general with submitting to
the influence of " vulgar prejudice," by enter-
taining any horror of having their. bodies dis-
posed of to the anatomical shambles. And so
do they carefully avoid making such a disposal
of their own bodies as would prove that they
had, at least, emancipated themselves from the
dominion of such " vulgar prejudice." Our
correspondent observes that " no man can be a
good physician or surgeon without a practical
knowledge of anatomy, and he must acquire that
knowledge on the dead or on the living." We
agree with him in the general principle, that
anatomical knowledge is necessary to the profes-
sion of a surgeon or a physician, but we deny
that such knowledge is only to be acquired on
dead subjects or living patients. A great deal
may be learned from the elaborate and learned

works of celebrated anatomists, which are at the

present day too much neglected, because the
use of the knife in hacking and m angling the
human body does not require the mental ap-
plication which is requisite to the study of the
principles of anatomical science. \l'e do not
say that a certain degree ofpractical instruction
in dissections is not necessary to proficiency in
the surgical art, but we do say that too much
stress is laid upon the Mere mechanical labours
of the knife at the present day, to the exclusion
of the knowledge to be derived from the careful
perusal of the works of those great anato-
mists which contain the accumulated ex-
perience of successive centuries of improve-
ment. Much instruction may also be de-
rived from well-executed models, which, although
they cannot be altogether substitutes for the hu-
man subject, may very much diminish the ne-
cessity of the demand for an article of the most
disgusting and demoralizing traffic. Our cor-
reispondent does not express himself favourable
to the provisions of Mr. Warburton's late
Anatomical Bill, as far as the proposed restric-
tions upon schools of anatomy were concerned,
though he appears to have no objection to the
sort of supply of subjects which that Bill
was intended to realise. We think that, in con-
sequence of what has transpired with regard to
the extensive practice of the crime of Burking,
which, with the honourable exception of Mr.
Partridge, no anatomist ever called in the aid of
the civil power to suppress, all anatomical
schools ought to be placed under strict police
regulations, for the purpose of preventing that
dreadful crime ; but as to supplying the bodies
of the hospital poor to the surgeons. the Legi-
slature must be cautious not to render hospitals
objects of dread to those who must need their
assistance, and they must also be cautious of
not deadening the sense of religion among the
tower classes, by depriving their remains of the
decent solemnities of Christian sepulture.
Guarding against such mischiefs we do not say
that some improvement may not be devised.—
Morning Herald.
The Court of Aldermen, like some other
public bodies at this time, has, to use the lan-
guage of the late Lord Londonderry, " em-
barked on a fundamental feature whose hinge is
essentially unsatisfactory." No language can so
adequately express the movements of this great
civic body, and Lord Londonderry may have the
credit of discovering a mode of phraseology
which, though unintelligible at the time, had the
germ of future utility and applicability. Some
members, it appears, of this great Court are
threatening to retire,—meaning it to be under-
stood that they don't think the aldermanic dig-
nity good enough for them. This is a silly piece
the
Court o f
o f them
Ald aboveerine n nor
yesterday,
of self-conceit on their part. The dignity is.
quite as suitable to them as they are to the dip-
tChhiteeYreo:thwas er. y
are a
I n neither t h
general complaint of the partiality
and irregularity with which their debates were re-
ported ; and it seems almost resolved either to
have reporters of their own, or to admit the re-
porters of the established journals. As to re.
porters of their own, there are " two words go
to a bargain." The public press will uml.oubt-
edly print, on the authority of its omi organs,
that which is thought worthy of ii,uhlication, if
it have the means of becoming acquainted with
it ; but will it admit the repons of other people ?
Alderman Waithman, with whom bee-an the
maden l y
to were
s a state-
ments
very complaint, which for any thing we know may be
the
a just one,
omitted,assertedbut h
thea tw (acsn o only
reverse of what he did say." These were inge-
nious omissions that made a man say what he did
not says They remind us of a manuscript play
.shown by the author to a friend. " Act the
first, the moon seen behind a cloud."--" That's;
a new idea," says the author ! " What," quoth
the critic, " to see the moon when she is behind
t cloud ?"—Times.
We alluded lately to a very useful little tract
"On Capital and Labour," published under the
iuspices of the " Diffusion of Knowledge So-
ciety," and addressed chiefly to the working
classes. We have since perused it with more
attention, and can recommend it, for general
purchase or distribution, as a magazine of sound
principles c the subject of which, it treats, ap-
plied with much felicity to existing circumstance
and adorned with illustrations at once simple 3.1
attractive. It is gratifying to us to 'mitt- the
success of this little work from the favourable
mariner in which similar publications have re-
cently been received, and to anticipate its benefi-.
cial influence on that portion of society whose
instruction in sound doctrines, respecting the
rights of industry., oalinot be neglected wits ina-
' punity,--,whase understandings are naturally
acute and inquisitive on questiot4a relating to
their own interests,--who are, too much alive to
the events passing arorte.di them to refrain from
forming their owc, conclusions,—wha are too
enlightened .74-i cautious to be misled by inge-
nious sophistry, and too independent to submit
their judgments to unreasoning dictation. When
the distress of the Paris printers,, acting on their
ignorance, lcd them (atter the revolution of
July, 18a0) to break, the mechanical pres-
ses of the journal'ii and of the Royal print-
ing-office, a, popular address from M.
Charles Dupin, proving, from admitted
truths, and by obvious deductions, the folly and
=policy of their conduct, was more efficacious
in arresting their mischievous career than the
exertions of the police. The rioters read, re-
flected, and became convinced that they could
not benefit themselves by injuring others—and
though they continued to suffer distress, at-
tempted HO further outrages on the property of
their employers. Our countrymen can gene-
rally reason more acutely and dispassionately

-

than our lively neighbours, and therefore are
more likely to reach the import, and to yield to
the force, of such appeals to first principles,
through plain process of argument. Indeed, we
know that in all the great manufacturing districts
the opinion of the working classes has under-
gone a great change in respect to the conse-
quences of the Introduction and utility of ma-
chinery, from the light communicated to their
understandings through the medium of the
press ; and we are convinced that, on the more
general topic of the rights of industry and the
security of property, their minds are equally ac-
cessible to right principles. If the higher ranks
instead of endeavouring to curtail their privi-
leges, would try to render them more worthy or
more capable of enjoying them in an enlarged
sphere with safety—if, instead of treating their
errors with derision, and their ignorance with in-
sult, they used conciliatory means to correct the
former and to remove the latter—if, instead of
driving them by neglect to take refuge under
the banners of turbulent and mischievous dema-
gogues, they offered themselves to become their
leaders, acting with a tender regard to the pre-
judices of their education, and the natural pride
of their understandings,—if, we say, they acted
in this manner, there can be no doubt that all
parties would be bettered by the change, that
society would be bound together by a new ce-
ment, and that the bond between its higher and
lower gradations would be only the conductor
of confidence and gratitude. Associations like
that " for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge,"
and books like that now under our notice,—as-
sociations in which the highest rank appears as
the patron of cheap information, and books by
which the abstruse principles of science are
brought within the reach of minds which, what-
ever be their natural capacity, have not leisure
to hunt for them in voluminous publications,—
answer, as far as they go, some of the objects
for which we now contend. But when we hear,
as in the late discussions on the Reform Bill, all
the working and middle classes in the country
treated with contempt and contumely,—when
we hear it insolently declared that their inca-
pacity renders them unfit to exercise electoral
rights, or their principles make it dangerous to
confer such rights upon them,—when men, who
support the cause of freedom with an ability and
an eloquence which few of the House of Peers
possess, are called, with aristocratic scorn, Brum-
magem philosophers or Sheffield orators,—is it
to be wondered that demagogues should lay hold
of the excitement of the times to create a schism
between the different ranks of society ? And
" the rent would indeed reach the foundation of
the social edifice, if the extreme parties suc-
ceeded in their endeavour ;—a dreadful struggle
would ensue between the angry disputants at
the opposite ends of the social scale, if those
who are at once the friends of Reform and
of order, of the rights of freedom, and
of the security of property, did not step
in to prevent a collision. While all the unrea-
sonable part of the landed or moneyed aristo-
cracy insist upon retaining the monopoly of
power, as an appendage to their overgrown
wealth, the mischievous or misguided part of
those whom they are trying to exclude are en •
deavouring to attain the possession of power by
undermining the rights of property. With this
latter class of politicians the difference between
the relative rights of capital and labour has been
of late a fertile theme of declamation, and very
unequivocal hints have been thrown out of the
superior validity of the latter. Hence they draw
broad distinctions between " the working classes"
and the other classes of society, and hold out
the interests of the latter as opposed to those of
the former. No delusion could be more gross,
—no error more pernicious. Capital or pro-
perty is only accumulated labour, and is as ne-
cessary for creating those things of which we
stand in need as labour itself. Destroy its se-
curity of capital, and you as effectually destroy
the means of employing labour, or render la-
bour unproductive. Without the accumulation
of labour as capital, there can be no employment
of industry,—without security, there can be no
accumulation ; and with the doctrines at present
in vogue among a certain portion of the working
classes, there can be no security. In this sense
the distinction of society into " working classes"
which produce every thing, and other classes
which produce nothing, is absurd as well as
mischievous. All society is one great working
class. The man who lays out the accumulated
fruits of former labour in building a manufactory
or establishing any kind of industry, is as much
one of (4 the working classes" as the workman
or journeyman whom he employs. The nume-
rous compositors and other agents about this
office, for instance, are necessary to carry on our
publication, and to enable us to reap the profits
of our enterprise ; but our capital or property
which employs them is as necessary to them as
their labour is to us. Suppose, as in the
doctrine of " capital against labour," they
considered themselves as aggrieved " by be-
ing obliged, in addition to replacing what-
ever they use and consume, to yield a pro-
fit to the capitalists," and desired to enjoy
the whole fruit of their labour : they could not,
of course, be employed here, or any where else,
unless by becoming capitalists themselves, so far
as to have the means of exercising their own
industry. Another form of this great error with
respect to the rights of labour and property,
is the dangerous delusion that the fortunes of
the idle are the plunder of the industrious, and
that the enjoyments of the rich are an injury to
the poor. All fortune, as it has been already
remarked, was at first the accumulation of labour,
either mental or corporeal, and that labour would
not have been performed unless a security had
existed that its fruits would be protected as well
as accumulated labour. The physician would
not acquire the skill necessary for the exercise of
his profession, nor the lawyer engage in the la-
borious duties of the bar, unless they could ac-
cumulate their fees or daily earnings into
the means of employing for their benefit or
pleasure the hands of the labourer ; or, in
tact, unless they could exchange their ac-
cumulated labour against an equivalent por-
tion of the labour of others. The working or
laborious classes, so far from being bettered by
the prevention of accumulation, or by dividing
among them all existing prosperity in equal por-
tions, would be the greatest sufferers. " All the
superfluities of the rich," says Burke, " if di-
vided, would not get a morsel of bread for the
poor," and that morsel would be dearly pur-
el ased at the sacrifice of that security of the fruits
of labour which is necessary to set in motion the
hands and ingenuity of mankind—to excite en-
terprise and to stimulate industry. We can only
find room for the following quotation from this
little work :—" If prudence and diligence go to-
gether, the labourer may himself become a capi-
talist, and even pass out of the condition of a
labourer into that of a proprietor, or one who
lives upon accumulated produce. The experience
of every day shows this process swing forward; not

in a solitary instance, as in that of the ruined
and restored man whose tale we have just told,
but in the case of thriving tradesmen all around
us, who were once workmen. But if the labourer,
or the great body of labourers, were to imagine
that they could obtain such a proportion of the
capital of a civilized country except as exchangers,
the store would instantly vanish. They might,
perhaps, divide by force the crops in the barns
and the clothes in the warehouses, but there would
be no more crops or clothes. The principle upon
which all accumulation depends, that of security
of property, being destroyed, the accumulation
would be destroyed. If the labourers, also, were
to imagine that they could use the capital with-
out paying for its use, as they have been taught
by some to think, the same effects would be the
inevitable result."— Times.

Mr. Henry Drummond has addressed a letter
to the Editor of the Times, on the subject of an
account of a meeting of Reformers and Anti-
Reformers, for the purpose of accommodating
differences on the question of Reform, commu-
nicated under the signature of A. B. to that
Paper. The letter is altogether a singular pro-
duction; though,after the address from Mr. Dru-
mmond to the freeholders of the county of Surrey,
it does not take us by surprise. That we may
not be charged with garbling this letter, we shall
here insert the whole of it :
" Sfit,—lt would have been more creditable to
A. B.' to have discussed his differences with me
where I was present, instead of deprecating discus-
sion there, and then stating anonymously and falsely
in your Journal that I was an intruder into a meet.
ing to which I had received a special invitation, and
had, consequently, come from the country, at much
inconvenience to attend. There was gross imposi-
tion in calling that 'an accommodation meeting,' when
nothing was intended by A. B.' but that they who
were known to disagree with him should sign, at his
dictation, a document which had been previously,
approved of by the Ministers as a perfect exposi-
tion of their late Bill. Another false pretext held
out to urge us to sign was the distressed state of the
country. It is indeed distressed—that is, the work-
ing classes are oppressed to a degree almost past
further endurance; but he must have a fool's head
or a traitor's heart,' who says the late misnamed
Reform Bill would give them the smallest relief.
The Bill took power from the Crown and gave it
to delegates of the middling classes, thereby con-
verting the Monarchy into a bad Republic, but left
the working classes Just where they were. The
passions of all ranks have been excited by Lords
Grey and Brougham against the ministers of religion
and the hereditary councillors of the King who op-
posed them, in order that the upholders of our
ancient institutions might be intimidated into be-
coming accessories to their new Constitution ; and
it is vainly imagined that the labouring classes will
submit to be discarded and sink again into their
former degradation as soon as they shall have served
the purposes of these profligate politicians. I wish
political power to remain with the aristocracy, be-
cause by such means alone can the monarchy exist ;
if that power is to be transferred to another class, it
is revolution ; to give that power to all classes, has
justice and consistency; to give it to one only has
neither.

" No one measure of relief to the suffering la-
bourers has yet been proposed by the Ministers,
while the people have been cajoled by the phan-
tom of Reform. True relief is only to be obtained
by the repeal of all taxes on articles used for
private consumption—such as malt, hops. candles,
leather, &c. This might have been done honestly,
by laying on a graduated property-tax, increasing
as it ascended; by fixing the amount of paper cur-
rency by Act of Parliament, and making it legal
tender; by disbanding the whole standing army,
except the household troops and the artillery; and
this might have been done safely by embodying
'fencibles and militia in each county, and training
them every year, by which domestic peace would
be preserved, as well as security from foreign ag-
gression; by enacting poor laws in Ireland, by
which the Irish gentry would be compelled to sup-
port their own people, instead of sending them over
here to exclude any extra labourers which our vil-
lages may contain from the means of employment
in our towns; by repeal of the corn laws, and of all
monopolies and restrictions on trade; and by re-
storing our foreign policy to its uniform course,
from the days of Elizabeth to those of Lord Lon-
donderry, which was to support small free States
against their powerful neighbours; and, above all,
by taking effectual measures to liquidate the public
debt, which must cramp the energies of the country
so long as it exists; and, lastly, by a Reform of the
House of Commons as efficacious as that now pro-
posed, and yet not revolutionary.
" This, and much more that cannot now be
stated, must be done before the nation can be tran-
quillized. It is shaken too deeply to its very
foundations to be calmed merely by declarations of
merchants and bankers, or by Whig expedients of
violating unblemished corporate rights like those of
Guildford, and of collecting the deputed wisdom of
aggregated dirt and disease from Brighton and Chel-
tenham. Nothing short of what is above enume-
rated can end otherwise than in increased discon-
tent ; and since there arises from no side the discre-
tion fit to guide us, we have only to stand prepared
for the crash which the infatuated projects of our
rulers must produce, and see in their blindness the
judicial band of an offended God, whose counsels
they having despised, he at length has left them to
their own.

" Begging in which prayer you, Sir,
will no doubt join, to choose some other arena than
your columns for the further discussion of these
subjects, I am, your obedient servant,
HENRY DRUMMOND.

" Albury Park, Nov. 26."
Mr. Henry Drummond, for an honest man,
seems to have a wonderful aptitude in imbibing
the tactics of a dishonest school. The working
classes are, no doubt, as he says, oppressed to a
degree almost past further endurance ; and the
Reform Bill, certainly, will not give them im-
mediate relief. But the Reform Bill will re-
move some of the most formidable obstacles in
the way of their obtaining relief. " Relief,"
says Mr. Drummond, " is only to be obtained
by the repeal of taxes on articles used for
private consumption—by laying on a gra-
duated Property Tax—by fixing the amount
of a paper currency by Act of Parlia-
ment, and making it a legal tender—by dis-
banding the whole standing army, excepting the
household troops and the artillery, and substi-
tuting fencibles and a militia—by enacting poor-
laws for Ireland—by repealing the corn laws,
and all monopolies and restrictions on trade,
and, above all, by taking effectual measures to
liquidate the public debt." What Mr. Drum-
mond means by fixing the amount of the paper
currency, we know not, and therefore we pass
over this specific. But with respect to the other
specifics, which may be summed up briefly in
the words relief from taxation and from mono-
polies, will Mr. Drummond have the hardihood
to contend that an unreformed Parliament would
ever have consented to them ? The great argu-
ment for a Reform of Parliament is, that those
who voted the taxes had an interest in increasing
instead of diminishing the expenditure. The
object for which the boroughmongers combat
Reform is, that they may retain possession of
the power of sharing among themselves the pro-
perty of the nation, by means of the very chan-
nels of expenditure which Mr. Drummond
wishes to dry up, Is it not known to every
tyro in English History; that ever since the corn-

'pact entered into between the Crown and the
Aristocracy, at the so-called revolution of 1688,
the Parliament, which was honest so long as
the Crown contended for the supremacy, became
itself corrupted, and that boroughmongery has
grown with the• growth of the taxes ? To
expect that an unreformed Parliament should
destroy that for the sake of which Reform
is opposed, if the expectation be not assumed,
betrays an inability to reason approaching to fa-
tuousness. But Mr. D. is obliged to close his
catalogue of specifics with the admission of a
necessity for a Reform of the House of Com-
mons, as efficacious as that now proposed, though
that efficacious Reform is to be, it seems, not
revolutionary—that is, is to leave all existing in-
terests unaffected, and consequently the interests
of the boroughmongers. But let us see what
Mr. Drummond means by an efficacious Reform
I wish (he says) political power to remain
with the Aristocracy, because by such means
alone can the monarchy exist ; if that power is to
be transferred to another class, it is revolution ;
to give that power to all classes, has justice and
consistency ; to give it to one only, has neither."
Here the cloven foot appears. Mr. Drummond
knows well enough that the very Aristocracy
under whose banner he fights have opposed the
Reform Bill chiefly on the ground of its giving
the suffrage to all classes. They, like Mr.
Drummond, would have no objection to allow
the suffrage to be possessed by potwalloping pau-
pers in venal boroughs; and they raised a cry,
as he does now, against the hardship of depriving
poor people of their franchise ; with the inte-
rested view of enlisting the poor to support a sys-
tern, which, at the expence of the degradation of a
part of their number, enabled the Aristocracy to
dip deep into the property of the whole nation, and
thus contribute to the distress of the working
classes in general. Mr. Henry Drummond—
Saint as he is—is, we suspect, as familiar with
Machiavel as with the Evangelists. He knows
very well that no Minister of this country can
possibly carry a Reform which should give a
suffrage to all classes. He throws out this lure,
therefore, to the working classes, in order to
array them against those to whom the suffrage
is to be given by the. Reform Bill, thereby to
defeat Reform altogether ; for he knows well,
that if it is with difficulty that Ministers can
carry the present Bill, it would be utterly im-
possible for them, or any other Ministry, to
carry by constitutional means a more extensive
Reform. But let not Mr. Drummond and his
brother Anti-Reformers push this Machiavelism
too far. They cannot now prevent Reform ;
but by endeavouring to inflame the animosity of
the working classes, they may create a confusion,
which may end in results of which they do not
dream. When the reign of violence commences,
that of law is at end ; and if they consult his-
tory, they will find that property is entirely the
creature of law, and that when the bonds of law
are loosened, a quondam rich man has no more
than what he can pick up in the general scramble.
We warn all these rich men, who play the de-
magogue by way of finesse, that if they succeed
in throwing the masses into movement they will
be the first to repent of it. It may not be in
their power to arrest the movement when they
want to do so. And what does he mean by a
Reform which should allow political power to
remain to the aristocracy, and not giving it to
the delegates of the middling classes ? He must
either mean that the aristocracy shall dispose of
the property of the nation without responsibility,
or he means nothing. They who controul the
expenditure of the nation, must either return
themselves, or be returned by others. If they
return themselves they are of course responsible.
If they are returned by others, they must be re-
turned by a body sufficiently rich and sufficiently
numerous to be identified in interests with the
nation. They to whom the suffrage is given by
the Reform Bill are sufficiently rich and suffi-
ciently numerous to be identified in interest with
the nation. We are not of the number of those
who think any great danger would arise from a
still greater extension of the suffrage, and we
believe that any immediate evil which might be
occasioned by an injudicious exercise of the suf-
frage, would be more than compensated for by
the motive which it would give to the rich to
instruct the poor, that the suffrage might be
exercised judiciously. But we know that fears
are entertained on this subject, and knowing
also that under the Reform Bill the suffrage
is communicated to a body too rich and too nu-
merous to be bribed, and which is identified in
interest with the nation, we think the question
of greater extension of suffrage is not one on
which Reformers ought to quarrel, seeing that all
which can be done by a representation chosen
under a more extensive suffrage, will and must be
done by a representation chosen under the Re-
form Bill. The Aristocracy is not identified
with the nation, either in regard to property or
numbers ; and the allowing uncontroulled power
to remain with the Aristocracy, is to allow power
to remain with those who have an interest in
abusing it to the prejudice of the nation. But
the middle classes mean all who possess pro-
perty, except the few who, though possessing in-
dividually large properties, possess but a small
share of the property of the nation. The middle
classes, therefore, are interested in obtaining
all that benefits the nation, and preventing all
that injures the nation. Whatever affects them
affects the working classes. They are the great
accumulators of capital ; and as they are thriving
or suffering, the working classes thrive or suffer.
The whole, therefore, of what Mr. Drummond
says, respecting the transference of power
from the Aristocracy to the delegates of
the middling classes, is a poor, paltry piece
of sophistry. The Aristocracy will retain all the
power that any man ought to have, the power
of legislating, subject to a responsibility to those
whose weal or woe are affected by their legis-
lature. Rich men will in general be chosen to
represent the people ; but it will be rich men
less able to do good, and deprived of the power
of doing harm. It will be the wolf without his
teeth. There is no way of leaving power to the
Aristocracy, without responsibility to either the
middling classes or to all classes, which shall not
be liable to gross abuse. There is no principle
better established than that, if we wish to guard
who pay the taxes should
against abuse—they
choose those who have the disposal of them.
The bitter vituperations of Lords Grey and
Brougham, which pervades Mr. Drummond's
letter, reflects no honour on him. It is pain-
ful to hear a man who lays claim to a more
than a puritanical perfection, asserting, that " the
passions of all ranks have been excited by Lords
Grey and Brougham against the Ministers of
religion and the hereditary Councillors of the
King who opposed them, in order that the up-
holders of our ancient institutions might be in-
timidated into becoming accessories to their new
Constitution." The Ministers of religion ! Does
religion teach that the people ought to be plun-
dered—that the souls of the poor ought to be sacri-
ficed by their becoming vile and corrupt tools in

`the hands of the rick, in order that the latter
may obtain the plunder of this world as an equi-
valent for damnation in the next ? Ministers of
religion supporting boroughmongering ! The
religion of the Devil ! We have no objection to
Mr. Drummond's prayers or psalms; but we
cannot understand the religion which would look
with complacency on the vile spectacle which a
general election in England presents—a spectacle
which, no doubt, suggested to Mr. Burke the
phrase, " swinish multitude." And do not
these ministers of religion, as well as Mr. Drum-
mond, know that boroughmongering can only
effect its end by the degradation of that portion
of the poor necessary to the working of their
detestable machinery ? " No one measure of
relief to the suffering labourers has yet been pro-
posed by the Ministers, while the people have
been cajoled by the phantom of Reform."
Why if the Anti-Reformers would not allow
Ministers any intermission—if they warred
with Ministers to the knife, as it were, from
the first proposal of Reform to this day, how, in
God's name, could they propose with advantage
anything beneficial to the labourers? The labourers
have been materially injured by the Reform agita-
tion; but the criminality of the injury rests with
those who endeavour to defeat a measure calculated
to benefit the nation, and not with Ministers.
Mr. Drummond, who accuses Ministers, is one of
the causes of the distress of the labourers. Let
us have an honest Parliament, and we shall be
able to deal honestly with the labourers, The
sooner Reform is disposed of, the sooner may we
hope to grapple to advantage with the evils afflict-
ing the poor. If Mr. Drummond deems the
corn laws one of the great causes of the distress
of the labourers, does he suppose that the allow-
ing political power to remain with the Aristocracy
will tend to facilitate their repeal. When were the
middling classes found advocating the corn laws ?
When were the middling classes found adverse
to poor laws in Ireland ? We wish we could at-
tribute the defects of this production solely to the
head of the writer ; but we fear there is more in
it than mere obliquity. Out of the fullness of the
heart the mouth speaketh ; and we think the
disease lies lower than the head.—Morn.Chron.

A contemporary, fond of indulging in edify-
ing tirades of what is passing in Portugal, in his
usual style last evening gave his own version of
what he calls a " loan to plunder the inhabi,
tarts," together with a few additional illustrations
peculiarly adapted to suit the palates of the per-
sons engaged in fitting out Don Pedro's expe-
dition. To what he is pleased to say on the
subject we shall advert to-morrow ; but in the
mean time it may not be amiss to remind those
officers and agents who are so eagerly enlisting
deluded beings to go and fight the battles of their
employers, lately driven from Brazil with dis-
grace, that their reception, if ever they do reach
the insulted shores of Portugal, will be very
different from that which they are holding out
to their dupes, not one of whom can expect
to receive quarter should they fall into the
hands of the outraged natives. This may be a
matter undeserving of LordGrcy's notice in these
times, if what we hear is correct respecting the
release of the vessels detained, which, we are
given to understand, are now allowed to go forth
with all the evidence of guilt upon them, and
although seized by virtue of the Foreign Enlist-
ment Bill. I his is a pretty precedent for the
Sovereigns of Europe—nay, for ourselves. Will
my Lord Grey's Government now deny that,
after abetting the revolutionists at home, they are
extending the wings of their protection to the
same class of persons abroad ? After this why
may not the Lyons silk-weavers come to London,
and, within call of Downing-street, enlist men to
be embarked and go over to swell their own ranks?
Or why may not the Turkish Janissaries, if they
wish to regain their lost power and subvert
the present Sultan's throne, club money, and
through the medium of agents purchase ships
of war in the river Thames, and thence proceed
to force the passage of the Dardanelles, carrying
terror and dismay to the very inmost recesses of
the Seraglio ? On what principle can my Lord
Grey prevent the Lyons silk-weavers, or the dis-
banded Janissaries, from obtaining all the aid
they might wish from England, when Don Pedro
and the band of revolutionists by whom he is
supported are allowed to take away all the ships
they can buy, and all the men they are enabled
to enlist ? This, however, is only the first scene
of the farce ; the remaining one it is a pity Lord
Grey cannot witness with his own eyes, in order
to see how much the starving wretches who have
been enrolled in the expedition have been de-
luded by ambitious and designing men. The
day may come when he will have to contemplate
the fatal effects of retaliation, exercised in their
own defence and in support of their laws by the
Portuguese on a band of adventurers and free-
booters, bearing the name of Englishmen, who
go to invade the land on which some of our best
laurels were won during the Peninsular war. On
whose head, may
we ask, will this breach of na-
tional faith rest? If, besides, blood begins to
flew in the Peninsula,where will it stop ? What
does my Lord Grey, my Lord Palmerston, or
their official organ, our Evening Contemporary,
wish to see the horrors of Bristol reacted in Lis-
bon ? And yet what else can either of them ex-
pect if between the hours of twelve and three,
they only look at the groups surrounding the
doors of the several recruiting-shops, kept open
in and round London, to form Don Pedro's
army, or inquire a little into the late goings-on
in the Isle of Dogs ?—Morning Post.
We have to state, with the greatest regret,
that all the hopes which were lately entertained
of the cholera, which has appeared in Sunder-
land, turning out to be the common English
cholera, have utterly vanished, and that it is now
ascertained, beyond a doubt, to be the pestilen-
tial cholera, which, after having ravaged Asia
and the greatest part of Europe, has now also
not only visited our shores, but has already
begun to extend its ravages. This fact will be
learnt from the official letter of the Mayor of
Newcastle, which will be found in another co-
lumn, and which bears evidence, on the testi-
mony of medical men, to the fact of an un-
doubted and fatal case of Asiatic cholera having
occurred in the city under his jurisdiction. For
our part we have all along been astonished that
if it be the true Asiatic cholera which has ma-
nifested itself at Sunderland, it should not ere
no ry hare visited the neighbourhood ; and
we are apt, in consequece, to draw from its Very
slow progress a very favourable inference respect-
ing the extent to which it is likely to proceed,
or the mortality which is likely to be the result
from it. The last repo7t from Sunderland, though
still gloomy, is, on the whole, decidedly more
favourable than any of those which have preceded
it. There have, indeed, been ten new cases ; but,
on the other hand, while four have died, there
have been five who have recovered. In the mean-
time we trust no unnecessary alarm will exist on
the subject. The disease is, no doubt, a generally
fatal disease, and it does not, in any tend wav3to

allay apprehension teepee ting'it, that the first death
occasioned by it at Newcastle is that of a man
who is described as sound in his constitution;
and temperate in his habits ; but, on the other
hand, the people of England are generally also
a healthy and cleanly people, and there is no
truth in mathematics more capable of demon-
stration than the fact, that in all cases of disease,
ordinary or extraordinary, the most healthy, and
the most cleanly, are the most likely to escape
harmless. Let our precautions, in both re-
spects, be redoubled ; let us be of good cheer
under the all but certain approach of the inflic-
tion ;—and, above all, let us cast that fear of it
far away from us, which every one acquainted
with the nature of the disease pronounces to be
its greatest promoter and our worst enemy ; for,
as we stated months ago, fear is the parent of
more disease than medicine can cure, and of
more deaths, in cases of pestilential disease, than
the disease itself, where there is no fear.—Morn-
ing Advertiser.

WINTER ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE.

HERTFORD, Nor. 29.

James Gavan, aged 49, was indicted for having
feloniously, unlawfully, and maliciously, struck, stab-
bed, and cut James Darvill, with intent to do him
some grievous bodily harm.
The prosecutor stated that, on the 15th October
last, at about twelve o'clock at night, the prisoner
came to his house and wanted some beer. He told
him that he did not sell any at that time of night.
He said he would have some, or he would murder
them. The prisoner then went away, but returned
shortly after, and again asked for him, saying that he
would murder the first
i -- rascal he laid his hands
on. A man of the name of Warrington then opened
the door, and the prosecutor went out and said,
" Come, my fellow, toddle off," and slightly pushed
him. Upon which the prisoner immediately struck
him under the arm with a knife. They then strug-
gled together, and Gavan stabbed him in the thigh.
A surgeon was sent for by the prosecutor's brother-
in-law.

The Jury returned a verdict of Guilty, but re-
commended the prisoner to mercy.
henry Mason, aged 39, a corn-dealer, and a very
respectable looking man, was placed at the bar charged
with having, on the 20th of August last, at Hert-
ford, offered, uttered, and put off, a certain false,
forged, and counterfeited warrant and order for pay-
ment of money, called a cheque on a banker, pur-
porting to be the draft of R. Fullwood, upon J. M.
Pierson, banker, with intent to defraud the said R.
Fullwood.

William Henshall, managing-clerk in the house
of Samuel Adams, and Co., bankers at Hertford,
stated, that on the 20th of last August, the prisoner
brought a cheque for 496/.35. purporting to be drawn
by Robert Fullwood. The prisoner said his name
was Johnson, and that he lived near Hitchin. The
witness then cashed the draft with a cheque upon
Masterman and Co. for 2001. and the rest in bank
notes.and gold. Fullwood's cheque was returned from
Messrs. Masterman's, as a forgery. He recollected
a Mr. Cator, nephew of Mr. Adams, driving to their
bank in a "post chaise and four, on the 31st of Au-
gust. They went to the prisoner's house, and the
witness recollecting him immediately, told him that
he was the man that had changed the cheque at
Hertford. He denied having been there. Upon
witness telling him not to add falsehood to what he
had already done, after a short time he said, " I am
the man." He stated that he had a hundred pounds
of the money in the Hitchin bank, and the rest he
had given to Johnson, in whose favour the forged
draft was drawn; but he cculd not tell where he
was. The prisoner was then taken to Hertford.
The Jury found the prisoner Guilty, but strongly
recemmended him to mercy.
At the conclusion of the trial Mr. Ryland said
that he had been requested by Mr. Adams to re-
commend the prisoner to mercy both on account of
his previous good character, which he believed he
deserved, and on account of his believing that he
had been seduced into the act by designing persons,
who were not yet taken. Sentence deferred.