The Sun.
London, England, 1849-08-02 00:00:00

BAVARIA.

The official journal of Bavaria, the Muncher Zei-
lung, contains the following on the relations between
Bavaria, Prussia, and Austria :
_

" The principal obstacle to a satisfactory solution of
the problem of the German Constitution lying in the re-
lative positions of Austria and Prussia, it has been and
continues to be, the duty and interest of Bavaria to
avert the impending breach between these powers. The
most immediate source of danger is the possibility that
Prussia may refuse to acknowledge the central authority
any longer, and endeavour to take its place. This would
not only, de facto, dissolve the Germanic Confederation,
but expose Germany to the risk of foreign interference
in the settlement of its Constitution, for the treaties
of 1815 are the groundwork of the existing European
system. Such being the case, the first object to
be aimed at is a general agreement respecting an interim
central authority to be substituted for that which
at present exists—of course with its consent. The in-
terchange of diplomatic notes between the Courts of
Vienna and Berlin, which has been in active progress
during the last few weeks, has rather tended to divert
attention from this object than to accelerate its attain-
ment. To counteract this tendency, personal interviews
have taken place at Berlin between the envoys of Austria,
Prussia, and Bavaria, in the course of which the follow-
ing proposals were submitted on the part of Austria:—
Austria and Prussia shall immediately undertake the
direction of the affairs of Germany, leaving it optional
to the remaining German powers either to concur in
the election of a third member of the central
authority, or to delegate full authority to the two
great Powers for a limited period. Prussia shall
choose whether it will appoint a Prince of the Royal
House or a Minister to act for it; and Austria will follow
the example of Prussia. Finally, Prussia shall have the
choice of the locality which is to be the seat of this pro-
visional Central Government. The Bavarian Minister,
authorised by his Court, declared the assent of Bavaria
to these proposals, and renounced on its behalf any claim
to take part in the Central Government, or in the elec-
tion of a third member. But Prussia declined to enter '
into the proposed arrangement. Prussia went so far as
even to refuse an explicit answer to the proposals till
such time as Austria should declare in express terms
that it recognised the establishment of the Berlin draft
of a constitution for the whole of Germany as compatible
with the treaties of union of 1815. Such a declara-
tion Austria did not give, and could not give, for such
a declaration would have been equivalent to its entire
separation from Germany, and the dissolution of the
Germanic confederation. Consequently the oral delibe-
rations on this question remained—assuredly through no
fault of Bavaria—without results, and Prussia intimated
its determination to renew the interchange of diplomatic
notes. Germany therefore, at this moment, has no lon-
ger an Efficient centre of action; for Prussia no longer
recognises the authority of the central power, and makes
the substitution of a new one in its place dependent upon
impossible conditions. Bavaria did not insist by any
means that the rest of Germany should put a stop to the
work of completing its constitution till Austria
was in a condition to take part in it ; but
Bavaria felt it to be its duty to insist that
the future participation of Austria in the work
should not be rendered impossible, or Austria be finally
separated from Germany. It was the more necessary
to assume a firm attitude of resistance on these points,
as those provisoes of the Berlin draft of a Constitution,
which go to separate Austria from Germany, afford
good grounds to Bavaria itself of grave apprehensions.
On this account confidential negotiations were com-
menced at Berlin, with a view to obtain modifications of
the projected Constitution, without the concession of
which Bavaria could not concur in recommending it to
the Diet. Hopes have been held out that many of these
modifications will be conceded, but the most important
among them are not of this number. While on the one
hand Bavaria ie of opinion that sufficient security for

the efficient exercise of executive authority will be
iNfford&d, by cenferring upon Prussia the Presidency of
the College of Priuctl, and the power of carrying
their iesolutions into of ; Prussia, on the other hand,
insist that the King of Prussia for the time being shall
be reeognizA as the Imperial Ilead (Reiehs-vorstand)
of the College of Print s (in which Prussia is besides to
be n.prseuted by a delegte like the other states), and
be invested with authority to conduct all negotiations
with foreign states, to decide upon peace and war, to
take measures for maintaining the internal tranquillity
and order of the confederation, and to have the sole
command of its armies. Further, while Bavaria con-
siders it essential to the prosperity or its subjects that
regulations respecting the acquisition of the rights of
citizenship and the protection of domestic industry shall
be left to the Bavarian Legislature, Prussia insists that
these matters shall be regulated by the Imperial Diet, in
which the Bavarian delegates, as it isi well known, are
only a minority."