The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-02 00:00:00

ADDRESS.

Earl BRUCE then rose to move the Address in answer to
her Majesty's most gracious Speech from the throne. He
requested the indulgence of their Lordships in moving the
Address in answer to her Majesty's most gracious Speech,
as he had never before bad the honour of addressing.
their Lordships. He would willingly have ab-
stained from making any observations had he not
considered that such a course would be dis-
respectful to their Lordships. Her Majesty had been gra.
ciously pleased to inform them that negotiations were ex-
isting with the Northern and Southern States of Europe,
which were in a state of war. With regard to Sicily. this
country must always feel a great interest in the well-being of
that island, and he was rejoiced to hear that the French and
English admirals had interfered to prevent the perpetration
of atrocities in that Island which were horrifying even to
those admirals who had been used to the horrors of
warfare. Negotiations were now in progress for the pacifi-
cation of that island, and he trusted that no observvaatiorire
would be made on that subject which might hta t
effect of interrupting the course of those eg lotions.
He rejoiced to find that the estimates wouldnbeforeduced.
Whilst in every country of the continent theyfound the
expenses were increasing and that h e
while
ing, in this country theyhveilneuethedirmevineinsuhe
was increasing they were foundaboutcestaoardecreate
nthaeriredeaxcpteionn-
diture. Nevertheless, it was
should be proposed which would reduce the effective force of
defence of the country, and he was satisfied that the Govern-
ment would propose nosuchiareduction. Our army for the
the protection of our colonial
most part was employed
impossible
.Atotopprortoeopotseca9nlyutforleatoirtuttecd-
empire, and it was
Om in an arP►Y employed

1849.

eight thousand miles from the mother country, so
long as we maintained our colonies no great reduction
could take place in our army expenditure; and
he trusted. that whatever reduction might take
placei n the army, none would take place in the artillery of
this country. He thought, however, that no op-
portunity should be lost in making
every reduction
possible in the army; and he was rejoiced to perceive a
desire, in a neighbouring country, to make a reduction in the
number of their troops. Twelve months since the state of trade
was deplorable. A rapid improvement had recently taken place
and that improvement would have been still more rapid
had it not been for the state of affairs on the Con-
tinent and in Ireland. The revenue had increased
during the last year to the extent of 722,000 i,, and he
believed there was every prospect that such improve-
ment
would 'go on rapidly increasing. He was h pps t Ea o
that the allusion to Ireland in the Speech from the aThrone had
not been, of so unsatisfactory a nature as it had been on a
former, occasion. Last year a rebellion had been ap-
prehended. That rebellion had now been crushed. Thanks
to the extraordinary powers which had been granted
to the Lord-Lieutenant, and to the energy, discretion, and
firmness with which the Lord-Lieutenant had exercised those
powers.—(Cheers.) Her Majesty's Government had wished
for a continuance of those powers, and he humbly submitted
that as those powers had been found sufficient to put down
rebellion, they would be continued to enable the Lord-
Lieutenant to preserve the peace and tranquillity of Ireland.
Those well disposed persons who were desirous of im-
proving the condition of Ireland had no opportunity
of doing so unless peace and tranquillity were established
in that country, and if the Noble Lord at the head of the
Government of Ireland deemed the continuence of those
powers necessary to secure the tranquillity of that
country, he trusted that their Lordships would not he-
sitate to endow his Lordship with those powers
which had been already so beneficially exercised. He
could not but speak with the utmost regret of those pub-
lic men of which this country has only just been deprived.
Of one of those he would speak with the greatest respect,
who had, in the providence of God, been removed from among
them, one whose appearance was at all times heartily wel-
comed by this House, and whose departure was a severe loss
to the country. Nor could he refrain from alluding to
another gentleman, who was also a distinguished Member
of the Legislature, though he belonged to the other House
of Parliament, and whose untimely death all would lament.—
(Hear, hear.) lie could not, however, while passing from
this painful topic, help congratulating their Lord-
ships on the blessings which they enjoyed under the`ex-
istence of a contitutional monarchy, blessings which
have been rendered apparent in the promotion of
the general welfare of the community, the loyalty of the
people, and the honour of the Sovereign.—(Hear, hear.)
The Noble Lord concluded by reading a copy of the Address,
which was, as usual, a repetition, in other terms, of the
Speech.
Lord BATEMAN. seconded the Address.
Lord BROUGHAM, in rising to address their Lordships,
regretted that the assent which he was desirous of giving
to the terms of the Speech from the Throne and the senti-
ments which had fallen from his Noble Friend in moving
the Address in reply to the Speech, was not altogether so
unquailified as he could wish. He greatly feared that, in
the fair representation of manufacturing and commercial
prosperity of the country, his Noble Friends in the Govern-
ment and their equally noble supporters had made some slight
mistake in the assumption of again of 800,0001. at the pre-
sent moment in the revenue, and in expressing an opinion
that the revenue would progress in amount for some time
in the future. He applauded all the measures which his
Noble Friends en the other side of the House had
taken, but he feared that the fairy aspect of things would
lose something of its beauty, when he reminded their
Lordships that this gain of 800,000!. would absolutely
cease this very day ; for it so happened that this same
800,0001. was last year received for the duties on
corn, which duties had now altogether been virtually
done away. And while alluding to this measure of
free trade, he as an humble but zealous friend of that
much-abused principle of free trade, 'a principle to which
he was so addicted, that he had most reluctantly given his
adhesion to the unconstitutional, and he might say, almost
unlawful means by which it was carried into effect. One
subject which was referred to in terms of great gratulation in
her Majesty's Speeeh was the proposed large reduction in the
estimates. An agitation had been commenced in this country,
under very unhappy auspices, with very questionable mo- '
lives, and for very questionable objects, commencing in the
West Riding of Yorkshire—(A laugh)—passing over the
county palatine of Lancaster, enthroned—as its metropolis
of agitation—in the town of Liverpool, with branches, subor-
dinate capitals of agitation, in Manchester and elsewhere,
and supported by the Chartist, or Radical, and pseudo-
economical press of the metropolis. He found that a crusade
was now commenced against tke landed interest; and, as he
had from the beginning been the avowed, and open, and
zealous, and conscientious friend of free trade, he felt it to be
incumbent upon him to take his stand in the out-
set against the agitation which had been begun against the
landed interest. They were told that it was the bounden
duty of Parliament to alter the system of finance in two ma-
terial particulars. The one was by a reduction of the army
and navy ; the other, which was the main object of the agi-
tation to which be had referred was, that the revenue should
be raised upon totally different principles to those upon which
it was now obtained. It was said that the aristocracy of the
country, in both Houses of Parliament, had resolved to ease
themselves of all burdens by throwing them upon the trad-
ing community—that there was no tax upon succession to
landed property, while there was a heavy tax upon succes-
sion to personal property. It was said that of 2,000,0001.
a year received from legacy duty, 1,700,0001. was derived
from personal property ; and they were told that if a man
died leaving personal property of the value of 20,0001. the
aristocracy required that 2,0001. should be paid for legacy
duty. The aristocracy did no such thing. They only
ordered that if the property was given to a stranger this
amount should be paid ; if it was given to a wife nothing at
all was required; if to a child, 1 per cent. ; and it to relations,
2,3, or 4 per cent. But, supposing a man invested 20,0001.
in land, had he no burdens to bear? He had to pay to
the land-tax, which amounted to 1,900,000/, a year ; to
church-rates, which amounted to 500,0001. a year; to
highway-rates, 1,150,000/. a year; and to the poor
and road rates, and other burdens of the same
sort, 8,150,0001. a year. It appeared from the
returns which he lad recently consulted, that a
m in with 800/. a year paid, in the course of 20 years, 1,000/.,
while a person of equal wealth in personal property paid only
3001. or 400!. within an equal period of time. In the reign
of William and Mary personal property paid sixteen times
as much as it did at present, and there had ever since been a
steady and continuous reduction of the charges to which per-
sonal property was liable. But then some of those gentle-
men denied that the laud paid the great bulk of the poor-
rates, for they told the world that they paid poor-rates upon
their factories. What of that? They paid as landowners.
Suppose the rent of a factory to be 1,0001. a year, and the
profits made in that factory to be 30,0001. a year, which sum
formed the basis on which the poor-rates were calculated?
Most assuredly the 1,000/. a year. These manufacturers
perhaps did not tell the world that they manufactured other
things besides cotton twist; but every one who knew any-
thing of them well knew that they manufactured paupers—
(Hear, hear.) Where the land produced one pauper, manu-
tactures created half a dozen. The objects of the gentlemen
who were engaged in the present agitation were unquestion-
able ; but their motives were doubtful —he doubted
their good faith, and he doubted their wisdom, most
especially when they insisted upon the reduction of
the army and the navy. His Noble and Illustrious
Friend who then sat at the table (the Duke of Wel-
lington) always desired to reduce the army till it came with-
in the smallest possible limits that were necessary for the
defence of our honour and our possessions. Now, looking at
the state of Europe, he saw no reason whatever for saying
that any large reductions in the army or the navy could be
safely effected. Since the last meeting of Parliament there
was every reason to feel that the defences of the country
ought to be strengthened. If he began by turning towards
the north, and then carried his view southwards from
Schleswig-Holstein to the foot of the boot of Italy, he
saw nothing but grounds for apprehending war. Whether
he looked at Hungary, Croatia, Vienna, Piedmont, Venice,
or Sicily, he saw nothing calculated to relieve that ap-
prehension. The Speech from the Throne stated that
there had been a suspension of hostilities. There had
been, as he thought, not exactly a suspension of hostilities,
but rather a suspension of warlike operations. But bow had
that suspension been effected? There had, indeed, been a
complete suspension, but it was for this reason—that Charles
Albert had been routed and driven from one end of Italy to
the other. In thus briefly adverting to the affairs of Aus-
tria, and glancing at the condition of Italy, he wished dis-
tinctly to state that he felt the strongest possible desire to
do all that in him lay to promote a good understanding be-
tween this country and France; and he gave credit to the
Noble Lord at the head of Foreign Affairs in this country
fur the skill and address that he had shown, and the useful
influence which he had exercised in preventing steps being
taken prematurely on the part of France with reference to
Italy. in his opinion there could not be a greater delusion
than to suppose that all this was matter of course— that it
was all down-hilt work. He knew as well as any man how
true it was that France was crippled in her resources—that
her Government was overwhelmed with embarrassments, but
did it therefore follow that she had no mind for war? Those
who thought so knew nothing of the state of France—they
were profuundly ignorant of the state of France who said
so. France might not on this or that particular day declare
war; but still her Government might be driven by popular
feelings to do things which might render war inevitable.
Such things had been heard of before now as a general
declaration of war against all crowned heads, and an assur-
ance of support to all nations who might rise in opposition
to their rulers. But with respect to France the question was,
would the present Government last—would the existing peace
remain unbroken? Within the last three weeks he had heard
a member of the late Provisional Government in France say,
that so far from there being any stability in the present state
of things in France, there was not a Republican to be found in
the whole country, therefore no one could attempt to deny the
possibility of restoration giving peace to France and to Eu-
rope. That doubtless would come sooner or later, but it might
be long before it came, and such was the extent of the
self-conceit of mankind, such the nature and amount of
human frailty, that it became no easy matter to induce a
nation to retrace its footsteps, and much time might elapse
before such a consummation could be brought about. Let
them only look at the late Presidential election, which
would perhaps give them some idea of the strength of parties
in that country. One-third, or one quarter, of those who
returned Louis Napoleon voted also in favour of Ledra-Rollin
or Raspail. They were supporters of the Republique
Rouge, the Jacobin Republic; they were of the same . cha-
racter.an as the men of 1792, '93, and '94 ; such orta
cared nothing for the state of the finances; they coue
off
the
to assis,mats ; they could use the sponge and
national debt, and so go to war in the oldhrinsanvhieloetr of the
earlier Republicans. Then let their Loridtisn
a rinCoimese,
that, with respect to the mode of recruiting
EgnPgtillist
the French were very different from the
potent soldiers, to the number of.
entered into civil
50,00 q.nfiet.ted
month than
army every year and ;a onelt tee French
could more easily raise 50,000 me
d therefore we had no security
we could raise 10,000 in snix months. Her system was
wholly different from ours,
against the chances of war, however
calamity,
Govern-
ments of both countries might
midst of these dangers, we ought still
Nevertheless, in the we ought to comfort our
to maintain our ancient alliances;
was
Andavboa nownd nota s ourselves
t oo
allies in their distress, anedeiwalei,;tlhEionu2glltuliasntirideiasier
that a •
of their misfortunes—especially
forget hermight
ancient
tahlalit.a.nhcee%i say
more comp's-
German policy--of
cated subject did not
.exist. '['here was a hope that there
a great western empire might have been formed, but he
entertained grave apprehensions that that hope was now at
an end. In the Speech which they had that day heard from
the Throne something had been said of Ireland ; he agreed
as to the necessity of measures, and strong measures, for the
maintenance of peace in Ireland. He wished to continue the
new law for some time longer in Ireland, but he earnestly
wished that in giving laws to Ireland they could give to that
country the inestimable benefit of lawyers. Let their Lord-
ships only think of putting 15 men on their trial for an
otience against a new Act of Parliament without setting
forth the statute which they jiad violated. It was said that
the Irish Attorney-General was an equity lawyer, but surely
even in the equity Courts it was necessary to set forth the
charges against any person accused. But if the law officers
pf tht CrVflliJ Irelwa Uml blinia tin lag Plie

case, they had shown too much in another of those State
prosecutions, for on the failure of a demurrer in a recent case
tried at Dublin they had prayed for immediate judgment
against the prisoner. This was to hang a man because his
special pleader mistook the law.—(A laugh.) He thcught
her Majesty's Ministers had shown a wise discretion in not
singing any Io paans upon what had happened in
the Punjaub, and he could have wished that the general
officer in command of our forces there had evinced the

same forbearance. When an officer in high command;
copying the example of Lord Nelson, began his dispatch
with " It has pleased Almighty God to bless her Majesty's
arms with victory," it should be a success so great that there
should be no doubt about it. He trusted that it would

please Divine Providence to enable our arms in India to turn
to good account, at any rate, what had been done, so as to
lead to the pacification of the Indian peninsula. It was
a subject of congratulation that the money and commercial
crisis was entirely over, and what they had to hope for was
a continuance and realisation of the cheering commercial
prospect at present before them. He could only trust that
when that prosperity came our merchants and manufacturers
would not forget the laws of those cycles of alternate pros-
parity and distress which succeeded each other with such un-

tailing regularity, and that it would be found that the wis•
dom of our fellow-countrymen in the commercial and specu-
lative classes would be improved by such repeated experi-
ence as they had of the miseries of over-trading.—(Hear.)
Lord BEAUMONT agreed with the Noble and Learned
Lord in thinking it commendable on the part of her Majesty's
Ministers to preserve a good understanding with France, and
by this means to prevent a war with that country, and a
general war with Europe, but he could not adopt the doc-
trine that the Noble and Learned Lord had introduced, that
it was the duty of this country to attach itself exclusively
to the policy of Austria because Austria was opposing her in-
terest to that of France ; and the Noble and Learned Lord's
policy was, therefore, a policy of contradiction. He must
also express his dissent from the doctrine laid down, that it
was our duty to abstain from interference on the Sicilian
question. If, las many moderate politicians asserted, we
ought to abide by the treaties into which this country had
entered, then we ought to insist on a total separation of
Sicily and Naples. It was incorrect to say that the
cases of Sicily and Ireland were similar. Sicily had
been a separate kingdom for several centuries, enjoying a
distinct constitution and legislation, and being separated
again and again from Naples in the person of the Crown.
He happened to have in his hand a copy of an article in
the treaty, in which it was enacted that should the King of
Sicily recover his Neapolitan kingdoms, or acquire any ether
kingdom, the kingdom of Sicily should be granted to hie
eldest son. In 1814 we bound ourselves to see these very
principles carried oat, and the Noble Lord proceeded to
read the copy of a letter from Sir W. A'Court, the Bri-
tish Ambassador, declaring that England undertook to be
the protectress and supporter of that treaty. He would
rather charge the Government with not 'going far
enough in their Sicilian interference than with having
gone too far, and with not having carried out, as they
were bound to do, the treaty of 1812. He was surprised that
the French and English admirals should be blamed for their

interposition at Messina. They did not interfeseUntiithe
battle was over. The town having yielded, and the Sicilian
troops having been withdrawn, old men, women, and chil-
dren were alone in the streets. Yet for eight long hours
did the barbarous Neapolitan bombard the town of Mes-
sina, and he afterwards loosed his savage hordes against
the devoted city. The women and children were then
left to the wild savagery of the soldiers, and the hopeless
and helpless Messinese had no means of escape from their
brutality. It was then that the admirals interfered. They
did not stop the military operations against the city; they
only interposed to cause the cessation of the massacre
within the city. He agreed in thinking that great
ability must have been displayed by our Foreign-
office in preventing the interference of France south
of the Alps. If the influence of Great Britain had been on
the side of absolutism in Italy, no Government in France
could have prevented the French nation from joining the
➢lilanese in their revolution against Vienna. He trusted

that in the negotiations which were at present going on the
vain and impossible idea of establishing an Austrian Govern-
ment under an Austrian Archduke, or of preserving anything
like an Austrian province in Italy, would be altogether aban•
doned.

The Earl of WINCHILSEA believed, that if the recom-
mendation of that part of her Majesty's Speech which re-
ferred to a reduction of our military and naval force were
agreed to, it would be fatal to the interests of the country.—
(Hear, hear.) There were two interests in the country which
at present stood in a fearful position. He referred to the co-
lonial interest and the agricultural interest—(Hear, hear.)
The prosperity of the colonies had been gradually declining,
and he feared that before many months they would have the
landed interest of this country in a not less distressing state.
When he looked at the state of Europe, it sounded like na-
tional insanity on the part of England to agree to the reduce
tion of a single man either in the army or the navy.
After a few words in explanation from Lord BROUOTtUr

Lord STANLEY said,—My Lords, I must say I did ex-
pect, that after the able and powerful speech addressed to
your Lordships, immediately after those of the Noble Mover
and Seconder of the Address, by my Noble and Learned
Friend near me, some one of her Majesty's Ministers would
have felt it to be his duty to offer some observations upon
those topics most important in substance, and so eloquently
expressed by my Noble Friend in commenting on various
portions of the Speech which has been read to us from
the Throne; but, my Lords, I could fain believe that such
is the simplicity of mind of her Majesty's Ministers—
such the consummate art of my Noble and Learned
Friend—that they are actually under the impression that
the observations which he made upon their foreign policy
were really intended to be of a laudatory character ;
that he had expressed his most entire approbation of that
which they have done, and had the most perfect con-
fidence in that which they intended to do.— (A laugh.) The
Noble Marquis appears to assent to the belief.—(A la 3gh.)
My Lords, there is nothing more painful, nothing more
irksome, than after some very good joke has been ma la to
find one so obtuse as not to see the point of it, and be
obliged labouriously to explain it to him," Don't you SOS hat
this was nothing but a joke, that it was not in earnest ?' and
then for him to discover that he was quite mistaken. -(A
laugh.) To my mind that certainly appeared to be very
much the character of the observations addressed to the Go-
vernment by my Noble Friend on their foreign policy; and
I am much mistaken if, when my Noble Friend declared he
had no doubt that when the papers were produced it
would be found that the Government had in all cases
most sedulously respected the obligations of trea-
ties, had most sedulously, cautiously, and scrupu-
lously abstained from interibring in the slightest degree
in the internal domestic affairs of other countries;
above all, that they had repudiated the idea of the
nationality and independence of Italy, that they had giy-en
no countenance to those persons who, putting forward the
most unfounded pretensions, had sought to get rid of o ell-
founded pretensions to dominion; and that most of all, they
had sedulously and carefully abstained from giving to our
most ancient and faithful ally, Austria, the slightest real. n
for supposing that one hair's breadth they would have deviated
from those obligations to which they were bound by treaties.
I say 1 ant much mistaken if my Noble Friend does not
already see, in his own mind, and feel that surprise, which I
have no doubt he would most eloquently express on the pro-
duction of those papers, when he ascertains that the course
of the Government has been most materially at variance
with the course which he says he presumes it to us impos-
sible for them not to have followed.—(Hear.) Fc r my own
part, I am at all times most unwilling to interfere :3y any ob-
servations, still more by any amendment, in that unanimity
which I think, under ordinary circumstances, i 3 most de-
sirable in tendering to the Throne, on a Speech from her
Majesty, the expression of loyalty on our part, and the re-
speetful reception of the observations which it pleased her
Majesty to make ; and it has generally been the policy of all
Governments—and especially I should have thought it
would have been the policy of a Government whiLh has been,
as I think it must be admitted, treated with au ordinary
forbearance during the whole tenure of their ollica by their
political opponents—(hear)—to whom more !lieu usual
allowance has been made fur difficulties in whi.. r they were
placed, the magnitude of which we did not d .sguise from
ourselves or the country, and the whole of which were ad-
mitted were not of their own seeking—l should have thought
that a Government so situated would have been careful to
abstain, in a Speech which the advisers of the Crown were
to deliver, from every statement which could provoke cavil,
from every observation that could lead to controversy—
above all, from every representation of the state of the
country which could bear upon the face of it the character
of exaggeration, not to say misrepresentation.—(Hear.) And
yet, my Lords, when I look at this Speech, unsatisfactory
as 1 find it from first to last, I hardly find a paragraph which.
is not open to hostile comment.—(Hear, bear.) I hardly
find a statement which does not give, to my judgment, an
incorrect view of that which it professes to represent. 1 am
at an entire loss to reconcile the conclusions to which that
Speech in some cases comes with the premises which that
Speech lays down, and with what is in the knowledge and
experience of every one of your Lordships; and above all,
in my judgment, it does greatly exaggerate that which the
Government appears to be pleased to consider, and which
my Noble Friend who opened this discussion with consider-
able ability, declared openly, in his judgment to be, the pre-
sent prosperity of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Although
there may be some slight amendment in the commercial
interests and the state of the revenue, as it appeared
at the commencement of the last session ; although there
may be some trifling improvement in that respect, yet, to
a
whatever I turn, I am at a loss to find one subject for con-
gratulation, either in the state of our foreign relations
ror
For the first i
Hear,stattimee ofsince our I
have had th domestic peolicy.—
of a seat in
honour her Majesty's
Parliament it has not been in the power of aragraph,
foreign Powers as-
" That she continues to receive from hear.-
Ministers to introduce that usual and ordinary
_p
) There
surances of their friendly relations."eant
of atefulride that the
are parts of this Speech in which I
cordially concur in the expressior?
enundisturbed, that the
tranquillity of this countryr pe cordially concur. I
country, severely as it Was
loyalty of the people of
chile all other nations have been
tried, has stood the trial, ve..sinneiens - and I rejoice that
a very singular exprese
convulsed with domoostip.seuspeech
her Majesty's Govern-
at the conclusion
ment, though d our continued progress, calls upon
sion with regar_nd I know that your Lordships will heer-
your Lordshts,
certainly
that call, and will aid her Majesty tu th
fully respon"power in upholding and mainta. • 13
utmost of oure constitution, founded
through
maintaining the
fabric of th
of freedomand as it is
_upon
the principles of justice. With
bservations, and to those calls upon us, I am sure that
those o
one of your Lordships will
every cordially concur. I ant
to her Majesty's Ministers for
grateful another announcement
in an early part of the Speech, in which her Majesty declares,
not that she receives assurances of friendly relations from all
foreign powers, but that it is the constant desire of her Ma-
jesty to maintain with all foreign states the most friendly re-
lations. I am deeply grateful to her Majesty's Ministers for
this general declaration of their policy, for it removes from
my eyes, and I hope it will remove from the eyes of your
Lordships, a misapprehension that must naturally arise to
those who look not at the conduct of the throne, but the ad-
visers of the throne—that the constant desire of those ad-
visers was not to maintain friendly relations with other
powers, but by constant uncalled for and mischievous inter-
terference to embroil ourselves in the affairs of every country
in Europe. I ask the Government to tell me from what
country in Europe they would venture to insert in the Speech
a declaration that they could rely with confidence on the
friendly feelings of the Sovereign of that country ?—(Hear,
hear.) Have you renewed your diplomatic relations with
the Court of Spain ?—(Hear. ) With regard to that Court
what is the state of our relations? You have most unwisely
through your Minister, interfered in the internal administra-
tion and affairs of that country.—(Hear.) That offence
our
been visited by the Government of that country upon
-as the
Minister in a manner so offensive, that, great ae
your
provocation given by the British Minister, no
possess, could
Lordships' House, with the information 3 v:in was justified
stand up and say that the Government of Sp
much the magni-
in the course they had pursued, howevei.
rut the state of
tude of the offence might have palliated B t
affairs in Spain is this—your Minister
tecitly
has
been
and
quietly
ignominiously
driven from from Madrid, and you have
pa
lish GLovernment
uiesced in the insalt which the
r bear.) Do you entertain
Lave put upon you.—(Bear.
friendly relatieng kith theixwg 9f Noplei2 D ygg taw.

fain frier idly relations with .the. Government- of--Austria ?-
Save you given that Government reason to entertain
friendly relations with you ?—(Hear.) Have you reason
to belie ve that it does entertain friendly feelings towards
you?—(Hear:); Are you, or are you not, the only .Power
of Europe to whom the Government of Austria has not offi-
cially, by the mission of an embassy, signified the acces-
sion of the present Monarch to the throne? And more
than that, has that mission, er has it not, been accompa-
nied by an intimation that the cause of it, as respects you,
and you alone, was the unfriendly attitude which the Go-
vernment of this country has assumed towards the Emperor
of Austria ? You were in great haste last year to enter upon
diplomatic relations with the Court of Rome. Do you enter-
tMn friendly relations with the Sovereign of the Roman States ?
Have you not, with regard to the Italian provinces, with re-
gard to Rome, Naples, and Sicily, taken a stepwhich an illus-
trious man and an upright Minister in his last work has declared
to be a thing which a Government cannot undertake with
safety? Have you not sown underhand the spirit of disaf-
fection?—(Hear.) And have you not vainly attempted at
the last to strangle the creature which was the creation of
your own proceedings? Have you not fostered the spirit of
disaffection in the shell, and vainly sought to quell it when
it broke the shell? If I am not mistaken, in the course of
last session, when I ventured to express, with every respect
for the motives and amiable disposition and kind feelings of
the Sovereign Pontiff, my doubt whether he would be able
to check the ievolutionary spirit, to which no doubt with
very different and very praiseworthy feelings he had given
encouragement, I was assured, with regard to Naples,
Borne, Ethel Florence, the intervention and advice of the
Noble Earl the Lord Privy Seal had been of infinite im-
portance and use in encouraging liberal institutions, and
tbat the Sovereign Pontiff would be able to stem any
excess of public feeling if he lent himself to the advice of
the Noble Earl. What has been the result of the
encouragement he has given to liberal institutions, fostered
and supported by the Prince and the people, and by the
special mission of a Cabinet Minister? The consequence has
been that the head of the Roman Catholic Church, the
undoubted Sosiereign of the Rothan territories, has been
wholly unable to stem the torrent of which he broke down
the dam in the first instance at your advice and by your
support, and at this moment he is in an exile from his do-
minions; and those dominions are under the control and
management, if any control there prevail, of no regular or
systematic Government, but of a club or association—call
it as you will—the open and avowed advocates of foul
and atrocious'murder.—(llear,ihear.) What has been the
result of your intervention in Naples and Sicily?• I will
not follow the Noble Lord who has just sat down
through his historical statement of the relations between
this country and Sicily and Naples; but I cannot help say-
ing I think it would have been more to the purpose of the
Noble Lord, in commenting upon the obligations which this
country had" incurred, had he commenced his researches at
a somewhat later period, and had referred to the present
state of things, and to the Government, not of Naples, not
of Sicily—for by our guarantees and treaties they are not in-
dependent and separate states—we dealt not with Sicily or
Naples, but we bad an alliance and treaty with the King of
the Two Sicilies, and with him alone in that capacity was it
competent for us to deal.—(Hear.) I took the liberty last
year to ask the Government for some information as to the
principle on which it was their intention to interfere in the
affairs of Sicily. There was at that time a very general
belief that the British and French squadrons were, by the
order of the Government, to interfere for the purpose of
preventing the sailing of the expedition of the King of
Naples to recover his Sicilian dominions; No answer
.
was given to that question. In point of fact no
intervention. did take place—that armament did
sail from . Naples and was uninterrupted although
followed by, the British squadron. Far better would
it have been, in my judgment, had that humanity which is
so prominently put forward in her Majesty's Speech inter-
vened r.Dd prevented the sailing of that squadron, than that
the British fleet should first have permitted it, and then in-
terfered at the time and in the manner in which it did inter-
fere. For this has been the consequence—and it has been
the consequence in every country in which they have inter-
feral—that they have alternately given encouragement and
support to each of the contending parties. Each in turn
has been led to believe that they might count upon support,
or at least on the neutrality of the British Government; but
each in turn has found itself deceived and betrayed by the
Government which they thought they could trust. The
horrors of civil war have been prolonged and aggravated
to an incalculable degree by the vacillating policy of
the British Government, and your reward, the just,
equitable, unfailing, certain reward—must have been,
and has been this—that you are distrusted and con-
demned by both parties with whom you have interfered.
I heard, with some astonishment, from the language of her
Majesty's Speech, that it is upon the unauthorised act of the
British and French admirals, not acting on instructions from
their Governments, that rests the burden of the responsibility
of that intervention. At the period of that intervention the
Sicilian struggle was virtually over ; the King of Naples had
virtually taken possession of Messina. Messina was the
stronghold of the 'insurgents, and the successful revolt of
Sicily was hopeless. 1 tear—l hope it may not-be so—but I
fear when these papers are produced, that even after the in-
tervention took place, and that unwarrantable prohibition of
the army proceeding with its operations was published, the
strict neutrality professed by her Majesty's Government was
not in point of fact observed by the British squadron.
I fear it will appear, if all the papers connected with
this transaction are laid before us, that all the
moral influence of the British arms and power was
thrown in Sicily natio the scale of the insurgents, and
against the Monarch with whom we had treaties. J hope it
is not true that any British officer should be so far for-
getful of his duty as to appear in public holding a tricoloured
flag, and that he should have said the cause of Sicily was the
cause of England and of France, and that they might rely on
their support. I shall rejoice to hear that no officer has
been so forgetful of his duty as to join in public clamour and
in vioas for the independence of Sicily. I confess I heard
with surprise from the Noble Lord, and I hope I shall not
hear from any other Noble Lord, the cry raised in this
House for the independence of Italy—that phantom which I
thought had long since vanished into thin air, or that the Go-
vernment of Austria in the Milanese district was a brutal
Government, that ought to be donounced. Setting aside all
our connexions and the ties of friendship with Austria,
placing the Government of Austria on the merits of its ad-
ministration, I believe that the administration of that Go-
vernment may challege comparison with the administration
of any Government, however free or liberal the institutions
of that Government may be. The Noble Earl, in moving
the Address, referred to the paragraph of her Majesty's
Speech in which her Majesty said :—" It was satisfactory
to her to be enabled to state that, both in the north and
la the south of Europe, the contending parties had consented
to a suspension of arms for the purpose of negotiating terms
of peace." With regard to that paragraph, it is not very
clear who are the contending parties who have agreed to a
suspension of hostilities. No distinction is drawn between
the consent to the suspension in the north and the consent
to the suspension in the south. It is false that there is
any suspension of hostilities between Austria and Turin,
except that which was so eloquently and humorously ad-
verted to by my Noble Friend—that the King of Sardinia
has been foiled in his most unjust aggression. There is, as
far as I know, no suspension of hostilities between the Sove-
reign Pontiff and his subjects at Rome. But now, with re-
gard to this negotiation, by what principle, by what right
are you entering upon any negotiation whatever ?—(Hear.)
What is the object of that negotiation ? As regards Austria
and Lombardy, what have you to negotiate for ? From
those provinces, to which Austria has an undoubted
right, the King of Sardinia has been driven, and the war
there is virtually at an end. Are you going to carry your
love of liberal principles so far in the person of Charles Albert
as that, having refused to mediate at a time when Austria
was anxious for your mediation, now, when the success of
Austria incomplete, without the consent of Austria you are
about to negotiate and to propose terms of mediation, by
which the King of Sardinia should derive some
advantage from his most unprincipled aggression ? The
King ,of Naples has not asked for our assistance. All he
desires is simply to be left alone.—(Hear, hear, and
laughter.) It was not an unreasonable request his Majesty
made, that he should be allowed to manage his own dominion
without our meddling interference.—(Cheers.) We have
no more right to be interfering between Naples and Sicily,
than the King of Naples has to intermeddle in our affairs.
But, in spite of the protest of the King of Naples, we are
going, it appears, to effect what we conceive to be a just and
equitable solution of the question, having already given a
rather premature intimation of our views when we sanctioned
the otrer of the throne of Sicily to the son of the King of Sar-
dinia.—(Hear, hear.) I will not ask whether, in the
threatened negotiations, the King of Naples is to be insulted
with the proposition that Sicily is to be governed by a Ski-
ban assembly and garrisoned by a Sicilian army—l will not
believe that you can have the effrontery to offer such terms
to an independent sovereign as the solution of this question,
until I actually see evidence Of it in the black and white
of official" documents.—( Hear, hear.) But do you mean
to deal with bath parties on equal terms? Is it your
intention to force each to accept your terms, or, in the event
of either rejecting them, to leave the parties to settle the
dispute as they may,—(Hear, hear ) The state of our
foreign relations
are,
most unsatisfactory. With almost
every country we
fooariif not involved in quarrels, at least
upon an anfriendly
with
hear. ) That this country
is not engaged in hostilitiessonTi most of her allies is attri-
butable, not to your , T but to their wise moderation
and forbearance. (Cheers.)
Government—
if, indeed, it can be calledhere is one a
rGovernment—the
powerful
of a great and powerful country,
with which,
under all the
difficulties with which it strugglin itthiswhich, I believe,
we are upon friendly terms. I will take pspoorretuthriaity
the
repeating what I have often saidand I am°
sentiment will obtain the concurrence ot every man here,ttthaet
the continuance of a good understanding between this
Coun-
try and France is at all times essential to the maintenanc
of the peace of Europe.—(Hear, hear.) How is it that we
have maintained friendly relations with France? Because
our Government has cautiously and prudently abstained
from all interference in the domestic affairs of that country
because you allowed the French to settle their own Go.
vernment, without obtruding on them your interference'
advice, and negotiations.—(ll-ear, hear.) But though you
have friendly relations with France at this moment, who can
predict that for a fortnight, a week, we may be
•or a day,
able to maintain amicable relations with t ieni. Passing
from our foreign relations, the Royal Speech next informs
us that " a rebellion of a formidable character has broken
out in. the Punjaub," and then goes on to say that the
" tranquillity of British India has not been affected by the
unprovoked disturbances." If I know anything of the force
of langukge, a rebellion means the risin of subjects against
g
their lawful ab •
v""gh In terms you exclude the Punjaub
from the gimes% .
dominions in British India. You have
never Lined` it. - an
opin ion. de to whether policy maynot venture to . express
cessity may make it unavoidable,
render it desirable, or ne-
cessity
territories Indies bits st• to annex the Punjaub to
,th-nughPtlreent it is no portion of the
British dominions ; and
has been a rising in the
Punjaub; you are not justified in dreese,ertilrliigonit,, Nishtehe not
unimportant or iusigntlicant word fact,
hoverer, is incontestable; that a war of a formidable. cha-
racter lisis broken out in the Timjaub, to conduct which to a
successftil issue it will be necessary to smt portion of
her Majesty's threes in addition to those at the disposal of the
Last India Company. With respect to Ireland, we are told
that the insurrection in that country has not been
but that a spirit of disaffection ?till exists, and that it iesneweed,
sary to ask for a continuance for a limited time of the coercive
powers which Parliament entrusted to the Government lastiv°
ione The Noble Lord who moved the Address
Tad us that Ireland was in a better state now
than it was in last year, when a storm was
threatening there. I need not tell your Lordships that
the storm burst and did not prove very formidable in its
results. The outbreak he Ireland was suppressed by the
strong arm —by the military force and by nothing else, and
the moment you reduce that force, the moment you take off
the pressure,
the storm is ready to burst forth again •, for
the spirit of disaffection is 'still rife in that country, and the
forcible suppression of the late outbreak has not produced
upon the minds of the great body of the people the slightest
effect as regards the hopelessness, and still less as regards
the criminality of these designs.—(Hear, hear.) With re-
spect to our foreign relationkthen, it appears that we are
upon amicable terms only with France; with respect to
India, we are engaged in a formidable war there, and in
two or three of cssr colonies insurrection has already
brolesn ,out, which a will require a considerable body of

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