The Sun.
London, England, 1836-08-10 00:00:00

HEINE BROTHERS CONTRACTORS, in HAMBURG.

The publication of THE SUN NEWSPAPER commenced this day
at 10 minutes past Three o' Clock.

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LONDON,
WEDNESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 10, 1836.

It will be seen by the proceedings in the House of
Commons last night, that the scheme by which the
Tories hoped to keep possession of the Corporation
Charities will not be allowed to take effect. When
the Lords threw out the Bill for regulating these Cha-
rities they calculated on the Commons acquiescing in
the arrangement for continuing the old Trustees, which
they (the Lords) had engrafted on another Bill. Their
Lordships now find that they reckoned without their
host. The Commons, on the recommendation of Lord
JOHN RUSSELL, last night, determined to give
up the Municipal Corporation Amendment Bill
altogether, rather than sanction such an enormity
as the continuance of Charitable Trustees, who
had, by universal acknowledgement been guilty of the
most shameful misapplication of the funds committed
to their charge.
The pretence under which this nefarious trick of the
Tories was attempted to be justified, is not a little cu-
rious. Lord BROUGHAM, last session, gave notice
of his intention to introduce a measure for regulating
charities generally. Unfortunately for the country,
that Noble and Learned Lord's health has prevented
him from attending to his Parliamentary duties during
the present session, and of this the Tories eagerly
avail themselves, as an excuse for prolonging the reign
of Charity abuse at least another year. "We regret,"
say the Tory Lords, "we deeply regret, one and all
of us, the absence of the Noble and Learned Lord
who has promised to introduce a measure on
this subject, and who is better qualified than
any other person for so difficult and delicate
a task ; and we cannot therefore think of
proceeding to legislate upon it, until we have the bene-
fit of his advise and experience." This is the reason
which they have the bare-faced assurance to assign
for their conduct—the hypocrites T.. They pretend to
lament the absence of Lord BROURHANI when they
know that they would as soon see the Devil among
them as that Noble and Learned Lord, and are
earnestly praying—if any of them ever pray—that he
may never again set foot within the precincts of their
House.

Their Lordships are, however, to have another trial
on the Municipal Corporation Amendment Bill; not only
have they stuck in the abominable clause above-men-
tioned, but they have also altered the mode of electing
the Mayor, in case of an equality of votes among the
Councillors. The Bill proposed that in such cases
the burgesses should elect that officer. This we should
have thought could not have been objected to. But
what say the Lords? " Impossible ! quite inadmis-
sible ! popular election in its worst form ! No, no,
the only way to decide in these cases is to leave the
matter to the decision of chance ;" and accordingly
they enact that the lot shall be cast to determine which
of the Councillors shall be Mayor ! ! Hurrah, for he-
reditary legislation ! Heads or Tails for ever I

These are the two points which the Commons re-
solved last night not to agree to, and a " free Con-
ference" with the high and mighty Lords is to be held,
to try if matters can be accommodated. If the Lords
will not give way the Bill is lost, which after all is a
matter of far inferior importance.

In the House of Commons, last night, Lord JOHN
RUSSELL announced his intention of persevering with
the Benefices Pluralities Bill. This announcement
gave rise to a short but animated discussion, in which
Mr. HUME and some other Reformers distinguished
themselves by the justice and energy of their remarks.
It is impossible, indeed, for any one, who is not a rank
Conservative, to speak or write in praise of this Bill.
It has nothing of Reform about it, but the name. And
how should it be otherwise, abortive offspring, as the
measure is, of Tory loins ? Far better that it were
postponed to next Session ; for, in its present state, it
is neither more nor less than a virtual blinking of the
question of Church Reform—a measure by which none
but the Bishops are the gainers. The Noble Lord
will have more difficulty in carrying it through Com-
mittee than he anticipates.

We have perused with much satisfaction Mr.
O'CoNNELL's speech to the members of the National
Association, which was delivered at the Dublin Corn
Exchange Rooms on Saturday last. It is just such
as we were prepared to anticipate from the Honourable
and Learned Gentleman—bold and uncompromising,
within the limits of Constitutional propriety ; insisting
on the amplest justice to Ireland—yet, at the same
time, considerate towards Ministers, who, as is well
known, are beset with difficulties chiefly in conse-
quence of their desire to befriend the interests of the
sister-country. Equally considerate is Mr. O'CoN-
NELL towards the Tories. He draws their character

in a just, unflattering spirit—that is to say, he de-
scribes them as a grasping, selfish, anti-national fac-
tion, and adds—" suppose that another experiment
were tried, and that the enemies of Ireland—the ene-
mies of every principle of justice, were again to take
the political helm, what would be the result ? In the
present state, even of their own House of Commons,
they could not go on. Would we have the
PEEL-WELLINGTON expedient of a dissolution ?
ould they dismiss that House, returned by
themselves, to seek for they know not what ? Such
an experiment would convulse the country from end to
end. It would shake the throne, and raise a spirit
which I fear might not be laid in peace, perhaps only
in blood-shed." Strong as this language is, there is
nothing of exaggeration in it, for the late conduct of
the House of Lords has, from one end to the other, so
disgusted the country with the Tories—inspired it
with such an utter abhorrence of the very mention of
the word " Tory"—that we verily believe it would suf-
fer the last extremity of distress, rather than allow
such a faction to retain its lost ascendancy. Turning
from this branch of his subject, Mr. O'CONNELL next
proceeds to recommend the collection of a " justice rent
for Ireland," and proposes to organize the National
Association in the same way as its Catholic predeces-
sor was organized. With respect to the question of
Repeal, though he does not wholly abandon it, yet he
is willing, he says, to allow it to remain in abeyance
till the experiment has been fully and fairly tried, whe-
ther or not, Ireland can obtain justice without it. To
one part only of Mr. O'CONNELL'S speech do we ob-
ject, and that is where he states, in a desponding
strain, that " the friends of Irish justice in England
are in a very great minority." Now this is decidedly
not the case. None but the Tories are indifferent—
say rather inimical—to the interests of Ireland, and
these, as the Honourable and Learned Gentleman has
himself observed, constitute a minority as unpopular
in character, as it is contemptible in numbers. The
enlightened majority in England warmly espouse
the cause of Ireland—else wherefore the trium-
phant reception that Mr. O'CoNNELL, as the accredited
representative of that cause, experienced at Birming-
ham—at Liverpool—at Manchester—and more re-
cently, at Nottingham, Ipswich and Rochester ?
There was no lukewarmness shown to Ireland in any
of these influential places ; and when, in addition to
, this fact, we bear in mind that the present unqun-
tionable unpopularity of the House of Lords chiefly
arises from their oppressive conduct towards the sister-
country, we cannot but feel that Mr. O'CONNELL is
the very last man in the world who should say that
" the friends of Irish justice in England are in a very
great minority." Such language is indiscreet, which
is bad ; and incorrect, which is worse.

The Hereditaries signalized themselves by ejecting
another Bill last night. They think it is but fair that
Scotland, as well as England and Ireland, should have
cause to thank GOD that there is a House of Lords.
On the motion of Lord ROSSLYN, the Bill for lessen-
ing the expenses of suitors in the Court of Session, a
most necessary measure, was thrown out on the second
reading 7.
___

Copies of the despatches addressed by Commodore
Lord JOHN HAY to his Brittannic MAJESTY'S Go-
vernment, from the 28th of May to the 13th of July
inclusive, have found their way this morning into the
columns of two of our anti-Clnistino morning Contem-
poraries. How has this happened ? Have they not
been telling the country for the last two mouths that
our marine force off the coast of Spain was hourly
thinned by Carlist valour and loyalty ? Have they
not again and again prompted their mouthpiece in the
House of Commons, the Hon. Member for Oxford,
to call for returns of the number of marines slaughtered
in one of the most disgraceful contests that ever occu-
pied the attention of the British people? Have they
not asserted that our marines fought not as auxi-
liaries but as principals in the war—that Lord
JOHN HAY, not the Spanish General, directed
the movements of the land forces--and that virtually
we were at war with Don CARLOS, though our
Ministers had not the honesty or the manliness
to avow the fact ? We will not stop to expose the
absurdity of supposing that if we were at war with
Don CARLOS, Fontarabia would have remained three
hours after it was attacked in the possession of the
enemy ; neither will we dwell upon the good taste
displayed by writers who are constantly in the habit
of paying such compliments to British valour ; but we
may be allowed to express surprise at the excess of
candour, or the want of caution, which led to the pub-
lication of documents which prove the utter falsehood
of every statement put forth by these writers. In the
seven official despatches received by the Government,
extending over a period exceeding two months of active
service, on the part of the marines, and during
which the Port of Passages was taken and fortified,
and Fontarabia attacked, the number of killed is two
privates, and of wounded eleven, of whom eight only
received slight scratches 7. The carnage, therefore,
is not so very great as to alarm the good people of
England. With respect to the movements of the
marine British force, Lord JOHN HAY distinctly in-
forms the Government that he confined himself in ren-
dering assistance to the QUEEN'S troops to those par-
ticular occasions when her Catholic MAJESTY'S Go-
vernment formally demanded the co-operation of the
naval force, as stipulated by the articles of the qua-
druple treaty. As the despatches themselves are mere
official recapitulations of events, well known to every
person who has been in the habit of seeing the public
journals for the last two months, we shall omit their
republication in our columns.

An Imperial Envoy, of a singular character, has
arrived in London. He is no less a personage than
the High Chancellor of Russia, the President of her
Government ; or, as we in this country might say—
" The keeper of his Muscovite Majesty's conscience."
His name is Count NOVOSILTZOFF.

What the object of his Excellency's extraordinary
mission may be we do not know : it is as mysterious
as unexpected. Yet this may be relied upon as cer-
tain, that the journey of so high a functionary can
be connected only with affairs of the greatest moment.
Time will disclose it. All we wish at this moment to
do is—to direct the attention of the British public to
the claims which this diplomatic guest has upon their
respect—not as regards what he may intend, but what
he may attempt to do.
~.

Some traits' of the Count's character, collected from
his public life, afford the best illustration of what we are
going to impress upon the public. All foreign ar-
tists are desirous of an introduction corresponding
with their merits upon arriving on our shores.
Unacquainted with the secret recesses of the Envoy's
portfolio, in the absence of more authentic documents,
the following may be his credentials to the British
nation :

The Count NOVOSILTZOFF is above the middle
stature, strong limbed. He, is between sixty and
seventy years of age—with grey hair, and a pair of large
white whiskers. His face is rubicund, bespeaking and
recommending him as a jolly companion at the table
of some peer inclining to the Neva politics. The Count's
nose is Calmuckish—a sure sign of the genuineness of
his Muscovite extraction.

In his youth the Count professed Liberal principles,
and had his name enrolled in all the secret societies
formed in Russia under the Emperors PAUL and
ALEXANDER. But he soon turned round upon his
liberal associates. From a zealot he became the
greatest instigator, and the keenest persecutor of the
Liberals. He commenced his public career—as most of
the young
Muscovites do—in the army. Not being in
affluent circumstances, he had the good luck to gain
the protection of Count STROGONOFF'S family.
What requital they have met with on his part, we
leave to Count NOVOSILTZOFF himself to reflect
upon. Exchanging his military situation for a civil one,
he got himself promoted by means not in much repute
here, from inferior classes to the higher ones (there being
thirteen classes of nobility in Russia), until he had risen
to the highest civil dignity, Chancellor of the Empire.
One would suppose that the Count, to rise so high,
must be gifted with transcendant qualities of every
kind. Such would, indeed, be required every where ;
but in Russia they are seldom the surest passports to
Court favour.

By an intrigue, the Count, who received the appoint-
ment of a Royal Commissioner in Poland in 1813, suc-
ceeded in superseding Prince ADAM CZARTORYSKI,