The Sun.
London, England, 1831-09-19 00:00:00

sPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

This evening brings the Reform Bill to its third '
and last reading in the House of Commons. A call
of the House has been, therefore, decided on, the
every man may be at his post, and his name one,
more recorded among those gentlemen of England
who are eager to emancipate their country, or as of
that unhallowed band which seeks to perpetuate be
own tyranny, and to rivet the chains by which it ha-
for a ?es galled us. That the borough faction has
lost all hope from any future exertion of toil, or wit-,
or fury in the Commons, and now keeps up the figh-
more in despair or malice than in policy, may be in-
ferred at once frbm the numerous defeats they have
experienced ; and as for the final issue of their ex-
pectation% from the Peers, be it our part, and that
of the people, to determine it. And, first, as to the
conduct of the people. We, on this day week,
oought it our duty to sound an alarm; we told our
caortrymen that the Bill was in danger, toed that
the danger arose from a strong conviction among 0,
Peer: that the nation had ceased to feel any interest
in the cause of Reform, We knew how unfounded
was the supposition ; but we did not presume to
put forward our own mere assertion instead of argu-
reent,—we .called for evidence,—we appealed to the
meversal people to come forward and refute till'
falsehood. Promptly and energetically have they
answered oar appeal. Every hour acquaints us with
the summoning or meeting of some important hods
fer the purpese of urging that Reform, which all but
horouelmongers consider as the only chance of na-
tional salvation. We cannot incorporate in this
short article the twentieth part of the appeals for
Return pouring in from every quarter; but me
west find room for the impressive and powerful ap-
peal of the bankers and merchants of London, a
body slow to be moved, but whose energy and de-
termination are worthy of the delibetate reason
which governs their decision. The House of Lord,
will, we trust, -see and understand the import of the
following plain and straightforward language:—
" We request that your Lordship will summon a
meeting of the merchants, bankers, and trailers of di,
city of Lonilon. to petition the House of Lords in favoti
of the Reform 13;11,—to impress upon their Lordships thi-
anxious and undiminished solicitude with which the met-
enntile elates of London have watched the progress of tl•i•
"Bill through the Commons—and to declars anew thei,
heartfelt conviction that the tranquillity and :happiness of
the country in general, and the security of cormnerci,d a ,
well as of all other property, are deeply and fearfully int, -
rested in the speedy passsing of this guest national measure.'
Such is the appeal—such the motives of the al.-
peal--of the great commercial body, the spring awl
instrument. of England's wealth. Having &r-
-etuned the facts which should and which must weiel•
with the House of Lords, we will return to the field
of argument. Within a week, then, from this day,
their Lerrdehips will have received a twofold less;1)
fer their guidance : Ist. The decision of a powerful
majority iii the representatives of the nation. 2t.
A dere sion, which may fairly be termed unanimous.
list rite nation itself. Tnat of the Crown has Leer
long since before the world. Then let us in one wcr t
ask the House of Lords—do they mean to pass fo-
Noblemen belonging to the English nation, and for
being incorporated with it, or to boll them elves forth
to the world as being a distinct and insulated race
of men, pretending: to rule King, Commons, and
people, on principles and by measures which all
three have repudiated as utterly inconsistent with
the common welfare of Crown, Parliament, and
people ? Ii certain of the Peers are bent upoe
carrying on a dogged warfare with the country, tvha
ran they gain by it ? We pray them to answer
that; Will they increase the popularity or influence
of their own order throughout the kingdom ?
Quite the reverse: ninety-nine hundredths of the
people will begin to look upon the power of the Peet e
as a power hostile to the nation, and the Tory Peers
may prepare themselves for speedy as well as nun:-
, I);feuone demonstrations of the hold which such a..
impression has obtained over 22,000,000 of men. D
they hope that any temporary obstruction to the Re•
form Bill can eventually frustrate the passing of that
measure into a law ? Such a chimera could only
proreed from the most lamentable ignorance of ge-
neral society in this country, where the want of
a genuine representation of the people has for
years been as much 'a tire-side topic, from the
family of the independent gentleman to that of the
dept.-i:serer, as love the meees of providing bread
for our children. But ere their Lordships no' per-
ieetly aware, that if they throw out the measure, a
prorogation of Paul ameet e ;II follow ; and on the
proroga•ion an increase to the Humber of Peers,
more than equivalent to tle existing majority against
the-Bill ? -Then had they not better reflect in time
how far, even on such selfish motives as those which
lead the borough-interest to oppose Reform, the
Peers would not hettee consult the comparative
value of their own lordly titles and dignities, by
conceding" to the united voice of Government and
. people, and thee removirg all chance of having the
peerage depreciated through a wholesale augmenta-
tion of the
.numbers of noblemen, than by compel-
ling the Crown to make Noble Peers a drug, or ex-
remerating the people to vote their House a nuisance?
But if env of " the order" are still bo'gotted enough
in their folly as to doubt the fruit) of our allegations,
touching the prevalent enthusiasm throughout the
empire on this subject, how providential has been
tine 1)0;44 of their partisans, that " the people were
inar,rent' to the Bill." Had the faction been
guided by its ordinary shrewthresF, or maintained in
its usual discipline, the following is what reigh•
helve happened. The proceedings in the Commons
being duly wwched, but not very strenuously em-
barrassed, by. the Tories, the Bill would bevy
marched on temperately to its third reading. Pub.
lic attention might-have been diverted, and the R,,-
fortn spirit been laid asleep for a while : all thi•
going on sub • silentio. The measure would in that
ease have reached the Lords without much, if at all,
disttabicg the tranquillity produced by a geneial
end settled confidence in the nation that the result
could be no otherwise than happy. Then, Meted,
Men bad the Tory Lords of a sudden appealed
rn the seeming apathy of the people,—had they
*aid, " there are tie public meetioge, to us
at least there are no petitious," and on II&
negative evidence had they gone to tut ao-
verse vote, their game, it is clear, would, up to
that point, have been successful. The Bill would
have been lost. That- the House of Lords refight
have Leen ruined with if, is most certain; but that
belongs to another stage of spreulatiote It is.
therefore, we repeat, a providential eiectenstancr,
that by this ill-judged and impolitic exposure of the
Tot), plot, the people of Enemy' have been drive;:
in self-defence to those demonstrations of renewel

energy and impatience in the cause of li.efoim, which
must triumphantly carry the Bill, without any
pe,ich to a nationel convidNion, and even withou,
(what ought generally to be deprecated) any unusual,
however justifiable, exercise of its prerogative, in the
creation of Peers by the Crown. This return of the
chalice to the lips (lithe poisoner, is one of the nurov-
rous felicities which have attended on Toryism
throughout the last twelve months. And still,
as if it had been decreed above, that iiiathitte
should be left undone by infatuation towards its
own consummate ruin, the underlings of the
TorieS' are exclaiming against their leaders for
not levying open war upon the Reformers,
by requisitions for public meetings! as a -meano of
affording proofs that the people are adverse to.
RVorl,n ! 0! ye Wise ones! the people are meet-
ing, and -the proofs et hand, But the Tory ieeders,
it seem., ought to abdicate, and not pretend to go-
vern- their faction longer, unless they take
immediate and decisive steps towards ascertaininge
The leaders have acted
the sense of:the country."
skilfully in endeavouring to prevent the sense of the
country from being ascertained. • But the subalterns I
revolted, tif is often the practice with a cause in its 1
last agonies, and the ancient chiefs are already de
'ruse-
d Wing must be the condition of that camp,
<o joint and pro-
minent commencers ? We will conclude these re-
marks by noticing a curious e,capade of Tory logic.
"' What quoth a cunning borcrghmonger,

what signifies it, whether you prove the people
England to be advocates for the Bill or not ?
We all know that he who promises most largely,
will make the most numt-rons proselytes."---
three the people are a set of ravenous gulls,
ind one bait is as pod as another. If that
he so, we ought to be as-oeished at finding that
the honks of Toryism, be they ever so well baited,
have not yet been swallowed by the nation. If
Enershmen will bite at any thing, why have their
stomachs not been moved by all the flee lures held
out to them by the boroughmongers," of the system
working well," " of game laws being good for the
country," " of nomination boroughs being the surest
channels through which able legidators can he pro-
cured," "of corn laws being essential to the farmer,"
and that enormous wealth in few clerical hands
would be the salvation of England ?" Why, if as-
surances, and promises founded on them, were suf-
ficient, the people would long since have cried out
that " the system" must be reinforced and extended,
that the game laws should be made ten times more
-trier,—the duties on corn trebled,—the borough
Members multiplied,—those for counties and great
towns reduced,—the Bishops and pluralists further
aggrand'zed,—and the wolking clergy shorn closer.
It is obvious, that if the people of England have
hooted down the Tory cry, and have one and all ap•
plauded that of the Reformers to the echo,—if they
have dis.rosted the Tory asseverations, and have
accepted and eagerly acted on those of the advocates
for Reform,—there must be something in the na-
ture of the propositions themselves, as well as in
the mere publicity given to them, which governed
their reception with the country. It Englishmen,
indeed, as a nation, were idiots, it is possible that
the wise Tories might have some shadow of pre-
tence for the " delusion," " shallowness," " folly,"
&c. to the account of which they charge our national
predilection for the Bill. But the people have, in
the eyes of other countlie., furnished no other very
pregnant evidet,ce of intellectual weakness than the
length of time during which they have submitted
to the various impostures practised upon them by
tlte boroughmongers. The obvious fact is, that
they listen to truth and reject Alsehood; and that
is the secret of the public enthusiasm for Retem.

The country is everywhere rising in support of
the Reform Bill. In another colutriu our reader,
will find collected together evidence of tie progress
which has already been uHde in this matter. Wed-
nesday the inhabitants of Westminster will meet ;
and for some time there witl be nothing but meet-
lugs throughout the country. We suspect the Anti-
Reformers will have more evidence that the deter-
mination of the people, with regard to Reform, is not
to be shaken, than may be agreeable to theta. One
of the circumstances most satisfactory to u-, is the
cool and resolute manner in which the people state
to themselvt-s the probable consequences of a ma-
jority of the Um e of Lords hostile to the Bill.
The crisis is undoubtedly serious, and it becomes
men laying claim to rationality to examine the mat-
ter in all its bearings, that they may be prepared for
the worst. There never, perhaps, as far as argu-
ment is coneerned,was a question attended with fewer
dfficulties. The nation is arrayed on one side, and
those who have interests hostile to the nation on the
other. Never, perhaps, was there so much unanimity
among all who have not anti-national interests. The
large majorities for Reform in a House in which the
nominees of boroughmongers have so many votes,
settles the question as to the will of the nation.—
The House of Commons having, in accordance with
the will of the nation, declared that Peers ought no
longer to return the so called representatives of the
people, and passed a Bill annihilating nomination
boroughs, and enabling the people to elect their own
representatiVes, should the Peers reject the B:II, the
question will then simply be, the people versus the
House of Peers. The claim on the p-rt of the Peers
is neither more nor less than to be not metely one
of the three branches of the Legislature, but to be
both Lords and Commons. But, then, the circum-
stance of the people being united, gives to every at-
tempt to enforce so unjust a claim as that of up-
holding a House of Commons, which stands self-
condemned, a character of folly approaching to In-
sanity. We naturally ask ourselves, how men not
utterly destitute of reason can possibly hope to give
effect to their determination, when the opponents
are a whole nation ?

" WI o a e the/ (says our contemporary, the Scotsman)
that would int rcept this gift of a patriotic King and Mi-
nistry from the people? Were the htunan beings who
pay the taxes and tight the b ittles of the country polled,
nioteeen in twenty of their number would declare at once
for the measure; and if those were abstracted who have a
pecuniary interest in the abuses of the uresent system, the
majority would be as fifty to one ! This, gentlemen, is
as near to perfect unanimity as the nature of man permits.
You would scarcely get a greater numb r to acknowledge
that the invention of the ship nr the piffling press was a
l•enefit to the world, We have with us the Throne, the
intelligence of tle country—its property, its industry, it:
population, and nearly nne-half of the Peerage itself.
The question then is, gentlemen, shall we, tie Nation
headed by the King, yield, not to the Peers, not to the
natural Aristocracy of the country, but to a portion of
these the le tat intelligent and respectable, and who,
weighed against the collective weal+, rank, force, and in-
telligence on the other side, are mere dust in the balance?
I might call them a junto of boroughmongera ; but I use
" hard name,. I simply ask, whether the nation shi.u'd
yield to a minute fmAion of itself, or that minute fraction
yield to the nation? This is a question that every man
can answer."

It is of immense consequence that the array of the
people should now be such as to dispel the illusion
which some Peers may entertain, that this is a ques-
tion with regard to which the people imy be safely
opposed. Let us leave them not a shadow of a
grzund for countenancing such illusion,. Let us
show thorn what the nature of the undertaking is iii
which they would have to enter. It is yet time to
deliberate; and perhaps the demonstrations now
wade may have the effcrt 'of pi:wanting most me-
laticholr consequences. Let it never lie forgotten
that power is with the people, and that the people
have merely to resolve, and their purpose is effected.
This every sensible Peer waist know. Why then
not pause iii Lime, before the people are led to asset t
their own omnipotence
" If (says the contemporary from which we h we
already quoted) misled by our silence or supineness, the
House of i.,.77ds should reject the Bid, what will follow ?
Will the people ac,l;uie.ce in the-decision, and suffer the
expected boon to drop f1a.:41 their bands? No wan who
,jinifirstands their present temper can believe this far a
moment, yts,"my friends, we shall then have meetings,
held under warm feelings of indignation ; we shall have
strong anti threatening resolutions ; perhaps associations
against paying taxes, aid other violent measures suggested
by resentment or desperation. In a word, the efforts we
,p-oc 041aelves now must be m tde then, under ciroum-
stanccs far lesa favourable, and in a frame of mind much
less suitable to our prarvoc."
Associations against ming taxes would, we
fear, ha the result of throwing cot the MB,
or essentially damaging it ; fur it is so easy a
mode of carrying a polar, that, once proposed,
' tie idea would spread likn. wild-fare.. They
must be indeed Ma uated Peers, v.-Ito would
rush inconsiderately on the chance of such an issue.
We entreat thew to pause before the die is cast.
Sunday coteinporary • (0e Eraniiner) stat s the
question which we are now considaain without re-
serve or disguisee. The following is well calculated
to startle those who irate 2 not bestowed due con
-
;Aeration on the subject
" Tbe House of Commons is self-destroyed, cgcept for
its own i-eformation ; and from the momelit that tin?
House of Lords theons out the measure of Reform, there
can be no submission to Proceeding upon the
declarations of the Lower House, t!..-.•e people would resist
the payment of taxes, waiting the constituOnai authority
of a Represeotativo Assembly. Government might dis•
train, but who would toe in t 3 condition, or in a mood, to
buy at the Sheriffs' sales ?. ,Conceive the effect of a general
distraint in any populous peighbourhood,-the carts carry-
ing away the household furniturt..-the sorrow, lamepta•
tioris, and resentment of the women—the anger of the
men, sustained by a sense of ituttice; resistance to removal
af the' goods would somewhere commence-riot would
follow.—the military would be called in to slaughter their
fellow-countrymen, vindicating their notorious rights 'arid
to make good the sezures of bailiffs. 'Tetiliglne.a.--ith'iVbat

stomach soldiers would do escort duty to beds and bolsters,
and cradles, and pots and pans, amidst the execration of
women, the hoo:itig of children, and the costemptuous
j,eriugs of their fellow-wen. This would soon come to au
end. Brokerage would not support a Government. • A
revolution of violence would ensue.

" Let persons who would fain hope such anticipations
chimerical, consider one or two principles which they
overlook in reckoning on the continued patience of Eng-
lishmen. We have been a long-suffering people; but tin-
der circumstances very different from the present. The
people of England are, above all people in the world, sub-
missive to law and authority ; hut the late votes of the
House of Commons have given them the principles of dis-
tinction between Acts of Parliament and law—they have
solemnly attested the flaw in the Legislature. There is
now no question of the rottenness of representation—for
we have the confession of the House itself. Again, Eng-
lishmen are slow to action, and apt to bear much for peace.
They would be the last people on earth to draw the sword;
but they would be the first people on earth to button their
breeches pockets. To your tents, 0 Israel,' might be
bawl+•d without effect till doomsday; but 'Refuse your par-
sons,' would he an injunction falling in with a very natu-
ral tendency of industrious man. It requires much to
make men fight, but far less to m,ke them refuse to pay.
Resistance of taxation would probably, however, lead to
blows ; but the contest would not be long, with all the
might and the light on one side, and a House of self-
willed nervous Peers on the other.

" The wisdom of our ancestors is a favourite theme of
a lmiration. We may refer to it for example two hundred
years ago, in the noble sacrifices which were made of com-
fort and personal liberty for the resistance of unauthorized
taxation, whence the spirit of martyrdom was propagated,
and out of it the spirit of liberty universally diffused. The
relations of hostility are altered. Our dauntless forefathers
bad to cope with the usurpations of the Crown; we have
to deal with the usurpations of Parliament. When stem:_
filing against the Stuart tyranny, the cry was against
bishops and rotten-hearted lord..' The quarrel has
not yet ended. Is it not manifestly the disposition of
the Peers to resist all measures having for object the
promotion of justice, and the rights or I;emfit of tke
people? Is not every wise and benevo'ent project certain
to be thwarted and defeated in the House of Lords?
Toe principle of selfishness is consecrated in the irre-
sponsible chamber. Its members are :nen who, in their
proud isolations, are ignorant of the state and temper of
the world, and puffed up with overweening confidence in
their own influence and powers. Should they be rash
enough to throw out the Reform Bill, the instant they
learn their true position by the awful consequences, they
wig take fright and retract ; hut by that time the mischief
will be done, and then a claim, beyond any now made on
their justice, mist be IA up. The people will demand
that the men who, by their wicked obstinacy have disor-
dered society, shall pay largely for the d image. if filen
are tempted by the powers of large fortunes to throw their
country into commotion, those large fortunes should be
looked to fin• such compensation as they can render idr the
mischief.

" Nothing but fear will act upon these infatuated per-
sons, and for fear they should be made to have selfish rea-
son. Their fortunes make them least sensible of public
disorders, acid their fortunes should be answerable for the
vicious obstinacy by which such grievous disorders may be
caused.

" Our own persuasion is, that the Reform Bill will
either be thrown out, or thrown to the Commons, muti-
lated' in every good le.iture, tl:e franchise raised, and places
struck out of schedules A and B. The Alinisters will
probably be inclined to accept it in this state, but tire
people will not. When the alarm is taken, it is not im-
possible that Birmingham, Leeds, Manchester, &c. may
be disposed to come up to Westminteer, to reason with
the Lords ; but we think that the adoption of a national
declaration, respectfully addressed to the Crown and
House of Commons, throughout the country, would be
preferable to any movement which would place the Go-
vernment in a difficult position. Such a declaration
should be of three pithy parts :-I.lt, Statement of chief
grieirances; 2d, Hopelessness of remedy, by reason of the
obstinacy of the House of Peers ; 3d, Resolution—Politi-
cal Unions should instantly be every where established,
and their delegates should confer as to the terms of a ma-
nifesto, which may be nationally adopted."
It is unnecessary for us to say that we look for-
ward to a rejection of the Bill with great apprehen-
sion. We are quite aware that the people could
but too easily resist the payment of taxes; but this
step is pregnant with most serious consequences. It
is no light matter to interrupt the regular order of
things in a country like this, in which the employ-
ment of millions depends on the continuance of con-
fidence.. It becomes, therefore, of the utmost im-
portance to hare this great question of R,foirn
settled in a peaceable manner. Alt men of weight
in the country should have the possible consequences
of a stoppage of employment before their eyes, and
endeavour to exert all their influence to bring the
Peers to a determination compatible with the peace
and prosperity of the nation. The descent is easy
to confusion; but the return to a settled state of
things is not easy. The first to repent the conse-
quences will be those who provoke them. Let not
the Peers force the people to become too intimately
acquainted with the secret of their own strength.
During the civil wars, the town of London, then not
more popular than Glasgow is now, was a match for
all the nobili.v and their retainers. Since that time
the distribution of the population of England has
experienced a great change. England is now co-
vered with cities and great towns containing a lance
proportion of its population, strong in union, and a
knowledge of the means of combining with effect.
In fact, the disproportion between the strength of a
few individuals, strong only in the support they re-
ceive from the melon, and without any hope of such
support now, and such an imposing force as is ar-
rayed against them, is obvious to the most super-
ficial observer. Let us impress this on the
House of Peers, by demonstrations which cannot be
mistaken, that we may have nothing to reproach our-
selves with hereafter. We have all of us a deep interest
in the preservation of order, and t he averting the con-
sequences which would essured:v flow from the re-
jection of the Bill. When Mittis.ters first introduced
the question of Reform to Parliament, they honestly
stated it as their opinion that the time had arrived
when Reform alone could save us from revolution.
Hitherto the cause of Refmin has proceeded in a
'smooth course, and we have been flittered with the
hope that England would exhibit the first example
in the history of the world of a nation emancipating
itself from political thraldom, without violence or
confusion. It depends now on the Peers, whether
this hope shall be longer indulged. May the spectacle
of a whole nation, entreating them not to oppose
themselves to Reform, produce a suitable impression
on them, We cannot better conclude than wittethe
following appeal to the Nobles by the Scolaman :
"Ye Nobles of the land, ponder this fact. At present
you enjoy the homage and respect of the people in as high
a degree as ever ; the honours due to you are paid cheer-
fully ; and your most questionable privileges a,e, and may
be, long hell unchallenged. This is your state at present,
but its continuance depends upon yourselves. The inte7
les'muf Mir order can only be endangered by your own
acte. The people believe the Peerage to exist for the
great end of securing liberty and good government ! Do
trot teach them to view it in an opposite light ! Their
good opinion, less the result of reasoning than of instinc-
tive sentiments, will not long stand out against a harsh
and illiberal exercise of your powers. We live in all age
of eager speculation, and if you deny our title to be fairly
and freely represented in our own house of Parliament, do
not be surprised if a thousand questions are immediatelymooted as to the utility of a body, which,. in the eyes of
the people, will semi to set itself up as an antagonist
power to themselves, and as a barrier to needful improve-
meats. It is of little consequence whether sech discus-
sions have their origin in reason, passion, or prejudice,—
I speak of them simply as facts ; and their obvious ten,
dent.), is, to lessen the reverence paid to the Peerage, and
to unsettle its foundations in men's opinions."-IVI. Chrou.

Though ;he intelligence of the fall of Warsaw
rests at present. upon the authority of that Power
which? of all the powers of Europe, is most to be
suspected of falsehood in regard 'to the Pules, the
intelligence is, under all the cireumstarrees, too pro-
bable to admit of a re tsonable doubt.' We have
therefore but too much reason for repeating that
Waysaw has fallen. But though the city has fallen,
the troops have not surrendered—the Diet have not
succumbed._-the Members of the Government have
not bowed down before the 4espQc. They have
retired, after a bloody and a glorious struggle of
two days against overwhelming numbers, to make
another stand elsewhere, in a cause of which it is
praise enough • to say that it is Worthy of such
huov3, The same Lccount which tells us that

Warsaw has fallen informs us that persons and pro- I
perty have been respected by the victors. A small
show of forbearance—a little sprinkling of mercy—
would be sufficient to draw this declaration from
Russia, and to satisfy the cravings of her humanity
with respect to the treatment of the Poles. But
we hope that part of the statement will prove cor-
rect. The shock and the disgrace to Europe are suf-
ficient, without the addition of a day of massacre
to the two days of murder by which the retort'
of the paternal Government of Russia has been
ushered into Warsaw once more. And have ad
our negotiations and remonstrances come to this,
that, with France at our side, and the people of the
whole world prepared to back the interposition of
the two Governmenis, and render it irresistible, we
have so far succeeded as to soften the rigour of a
conquest which has cast a stain upon. the ages?
Truly we have done great things! Bet let us not
assume the ciedit of having done even this. No; it
was the knowledge of what mankind, in all countries
and under every fee m of Government, thought and
felt, and what some of them, to their infinite honour,
spoke aloud to their rulers, that forced this politic
forbearance Live the Russian authorities, if for-
bearance they have, indeed, exercised. England has
done nothing to be proud of. Warsaw has been
captured before their eyes ; and, whatever their re-
st) ,ctive Cabinets may have whispered against the act,
the thunder of war has done its work, and the noblest
people of ancient or modern times have been left to
their fate by two great nations,whoare meddling at this
very moment with transactions which have not half the
cl rim upon their justice. Who cares about the King
or the people either of Belgium orof Holland, in com-
parison with the people of Warsaw? Well, but
we have preserved peace. Alas! we have been
guilty of too much prudence. Peace we have pre-
served, as it may always he preserved, by yielding
the point at issue; but it is a peace of which no
Eitglishman will be proud. Accounts have reached
us, while we are writing, which confirm the disas-
trous news to its full extent. The ruin of the
Polish cause, and the humiliation of witnessing
Eteope, are eolith med. It is not a time to reason ;
but we cannot help asking how came it that this
eahunity befel the world ? Was it that we were
afraid to remonstrate too strongly, lest a war of that
nature should rinse which the world never saw be-
fore—a war in which the people of every courery
were prepared to die or conquer, because they felt
it was their own cause that summoned them to the
field ? Were our Ste,eomen panic-wreck by this
consideration ? Did they shrink from the contem-
plation of their own power, as Mr. Canning did in
the affair of Portugal, not knowing what events
might grow out of its exercise and its success ?
We believe that war with Russia, for the sake
of Poland, would have prostrated the barbarian.
We believe also that in its more remote effects it
would have overthrown many a rickety old despot-
ism on the Continent; and we fear it was this very
consideration that weighed in the scale against the
unhappy, but glorious people, whose disaster it is
our painful duty to record. The heroes are ex-
pected to make another stand. Everything is to be
expected from such men which mortal men can ac-
complish. But the laws of physical nature cannot
be reversed. Numbers must prevail at last, when
the odds are of such overwhelming magnitude on
the side of the hordes of Russia. There is but one
view of the subject to which we can look at the
present moment with any thing like a feeling of
satisfaction. Russia has gained and can gain,
nothing by her success. She hus gained no renown
by out-numbering the patriots whom she has op-
pressed; on the contrary, she has lost much. The
heart of Europe is in arms against her, arid the time
may yet come when that will be of some import-
ance. The delusion of her gigantic resources has
been torn off by the hands of the Polish heroes;
let her look to the consequences in time. She has
possessed herself of Warsaw, it is true, but, until
she has drawn the last drop of blood from the last_
man of that illustrious race, she has not sub hued
the Poles; and what gain will it be to occupy their
wilderness, and meditate upon the execration of the
human race ?—Morning Herald.

FRENCH PAPERS.

(From the Moniteur of Frithiy.)
(NON-OFFICIAL PART.)

PARIS, SEPT. r) —A telegraphic despatch from
Strasburgh has this evening informed the Govern-
ment that Warsaw capitulated on the Bth, after two
days' fight;ng. The Russian army has taken pos-
se,:sion of the city. The Poli,h army has retired to
the pala:inate of Plozk, taking the road to Modlin.

(Flom the Messager der Chambres of Saturday.)

PARIS, SEPT. 16.—The Journals have shown but
little good faith or justice in arguing against the late
article of the Moniteur relative to the speedy eva-
cuation of Belgium. Those Journals having long
since declared themelves the partizans of a general
war, their reproaches, in fact, only express their re-
gret that the affairs of Belgium have not yet led to
this result. But nobody in France has thought of
taking advantage of the assistance which we went
to give to the Belgians to take possession of their
country, or to establish ourselves ivdetinitely tinder
the pretext of protection. Even the authors of the
Journals to which we reply have not had a thought
so contrary to the probity which our national
character may so justly boast. It was neces-
sary, therefore, that the stay of our troops should
have a limit, but it is objected we yield to, the
jealou-y of certain continental Poweni, and to the
attacks directed by the English Tories against the
Reforming Monarchy. Plain good sense answers,
that the independence of Belgium, the recognition
of the principle of the sovereignty of the people,
and the erection of the country into an European
State, and the result of the mutual concessions
which the Powers have made to each other, France
declining to take the country for herself, and the
other Cabinets consenting to recognize a popular
revolution in consideration of the protection of
France. Besides, when this revolution was me-
naced, France did not ask permission of any -one to
hasten to assist it with firma. Certainly the move-
ment of our troops may have given great vexation
to such Cabinets as may have cherished a secret
hope of seeing the Dutch army reestablish the king-
dom of the Netherlands. However, they have said
nothing, and have been obliged to approve the con-
duct of France in a special protocol. Now that the
object is attained, a longer occupation of Belgium
interests neither the sectirity of that country, -nor
the dignity of France, which have been fully satis-
fied by the rapidity and the success of our militaly
proceedings.

But the Dutch may renew their invasion. We
believe that that Cabinet has given up the hopes of
exciting a general war, and is• more sensible of the
state of the affairs of Europe. But if it should
renew the invasion, we remain in force on our frontier
ready to act with the same rapidity as before : the
army retains its complete organization, and might be
put in motion in twenty-four hours.
Has our Cabinet shown some deference to the
reforming Cabinet of Lord Grey, to spare it the re-
monstrances of a powerful Ari-tocraric Opposition ?
The French Opposition think so. But ought we to
blame this indirect support given to the first liberal
Altninistration that there has been in England for
several years, and since the cause of European liberty
—a cause common to al! nations—is not promoting
its development, to support, as far as possibl.', those
who labour elsewhere at the same object as our-
selves, and ought this fortunate harmony to be dis-
turbed out of pure vanity ?
Lastly, the retreat aunt! troops leaves Belgium at
the mercy of nobody, and this kingdom, which we
were told was to be an English province, and King
Leopold, who was to be an English prefect, are seen
to incline to France with a warmth of friendship
which proves that sound policy as well as gratitude
,:ctuates the Belgian Government. • It asks us for
generals and officers--it requests the admission of
young Belgians to the Polytechnic school--it asks
us for ship-builders and seamen, to form a little navy
at Ostend,—it is from us that it expects, from us

alone that it desires, to receive all that it still needs
o develop the elements of strength which have
hitherto been ill-employed. Let it then be allowed
there is nu need of French troopi in Belgium t
withdraw that country from foreign it:fluence. The
sympathy of interests and sentiments is profound and
real. We should destroy it, we should alienate that
people, our biothers, if we affected to act any longer
as its guards.
(From the Quotidienne.)
The Moniteur of this morning contains the fo!-
lowina news

A telegraphic despatch from Strasburgh has
communicated this evening to the Government that
Warsaw capitulated on the Bth, after two days'
fighting. The Russian army has taken possession
of the city. The Polish army has retired into the
palatinate of Plozek, and is directing its course to-
wards Modlin."

We read in La France Nouvelle the following :
" Midnight—lt is confidently reported that the
Government has learnt by a telegraphic despatch,
the capitulation of Warsaw."
The Journal des Debuts contains the same news.

It was remarked that there was a great movement
of the Ministerial bench during the sitting. The
Minister for Foreign Affairs, among others, quitted
the Chamber to repair to the Palais Royal, whither
he was summoned ; and not having his carriage at
hand, he set ont, in order to lose no time, in the
cabriolet of a young master of requests.
This evening rumours the most distressing for the
Polish cause are circulated; but nothing positive has
reached us, and the last news from Poland are
far from pi eparing us for a disaster.-Journal du
Commerce.
FRENCH FUNDi.- PARIS, SEPT. 16.-Five per Cents., 87f. Sif.
sc. 87f. 87f. 15c. 87f. 30c. 10c. 15c. 20c. 30c. 35c. 30c. 25c. 15c. 57t.
10c. Rif. 86f. R 5 c. 90c. 8.5 c. SW. 755. 60c. 86f. 65c. 35c. 75c. 65c. 60c. ;
Four per Cents., 71f. 50e. ; Three per Cents., 58f. 70c. 65c 75c.
85c. Mc. 70c: 6°c. 58f. 40c. 58f. 57f. 90c. 75c. 70c. 80c. ; Rank
Stork, 1,54011 ; Rezde do Naples, 69f. 10c. itic. Sic. 25c. 691. ;
Royal Spanish Loan, MN SY y., ; Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagne,
47 46% i 2 ; Haytian Loan, 200 f. Exchange on London, one
month, paper, 25e. se: ; money, 251. sc. ; three months, paper,
25f. ; money, 211. 95e.-Coors Authentique.