The Sun.
London, England, 1849-07-23 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 21.
HUNGARY.
(Continued from The Sun of Saturday).
Mr. M. MILNES, in seconding the resolution, said he
conceived the question they had to consider was whether
the British Minister for Foreign Affairs had duly ex-
pressed the opinions of this country with regard to the
entrance Of Russian armies into the kingdom of Hungary.
Ile would certainly be unwilling to believe that the
Noble Lord—who had shown that he entertained such
large and expansive views with regard to the foreign af-
fairs of Europe—(Hear, hear)—could have seen without
concern this event, which he (Mr. Milnes) considered
was far more important, and replete with far more fatal
consequences, than any event which had occurred during
the last two remarkable years; for, notwithstanding the
great confusion and tumults which had taken place in
some states from attempts to change the territorial
dispositions of the treaty of Vienna, nothing had oc-
curred to lead to the expectation that any considerable
change would be made in those territorial arrange-
ments, except the single event to which the atten-
tion of the House was now called. That event would
render the future independence of Austria absolutely
impossible; and if the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston)
were the enemy of Austria, as had been foolishly and
vainly represented, it would be to him a matter of high
gratification to see the independence of the Austrian
empire utterly submerged in the waters of Russian ab-
solutism. It was very easy to say that a province had
revolted frown Austria; that the troops of the Emperor
were engaged elsewhere, and that it was therefore most
convenient for him to seek the assistance of his neigh-
bour the Emperor of Russia to put down this slight in.
surrection. This was the diplomatic form in which the
matter was represented, but the House would see on
consideration how delusive and superficial that represen-
tation was, and how it really evaded the whole question
at issue. What was this insurrection of Hungary
against Austria? Was it not a civil war of the most
frightful and desperate character? Two-fifths of the
empire of Austria were ranged against the remaining
portion of the empire. So long as the question remained
that of a civil war it bore a complete analogy to the
great civil war in this country; and the Parliamentary
paradox then so famous,
" It is to serve his Majesty that we against him fight,"
was perfectly carried out in Hungary. In the old days
of peril and difficulty Hungary had frequently shown
herself the most loyal part of the empire ; and until the
Emperor of Austria called in fereign aid, not one word
was uttered by the Hungarians against him—their com-
plaint was against his Ministers. But the armies which
the Emperor of Russia had sent to subdue the kingdom
of Hungary were so enormous that it was almost im-
possible that any effort of patriotism on the part of the
Hungarian people could prevent the destruction of theirin •
dependence,and the consequence would be, that Hungary
would become essentially and practically a Russian pro-
vince. He should remind the House that before this
Russian intervention no terms had been proposed to the
Hungarians by the Austrian Government, and no
attempt had been made to effect a satisfactory
arrangement without calling in an immense alien
force. He would be glad to hear that the Noble
Secretary for Foreign Affairs had either pressed
upon the Austrian Government the policy of at-
tempting to come to terms with the Hungarians, or that
he had, since the intervention, represented as strongly
as he could the fatal consequences of that intervention
to the independence of the Austrian empire. It had
been truly said that this was not an aristocratic or de-
mocratic question ; it was purely a national one. Many
most eminent individuals—and, amongst others, a valued
friend of his own, Count Casimir Bathyany, the Foreign
Minister of the Hungarian nation, a man of the highest
character, possessing a princely fortune, and who had
never been associated with political tumults and plots—
had risked not only their fortunes but their lives in the
attempt to secure the independence of their country.
If Austria had acted with anything like justice and
fairness in her transactions with Hungary, at the time
when the whole empire was heaving with the conscious-
ness of a new political life, if she had honestly accepted
the policy forced upon her by events, and assisted the
Hungarians in the development of their own institutions
and nationality, while she checked their encroachment on
the national rights of other portions of the empire; had
she said, "you shall be free and independent,but Croatia
shall not be less so," I firmly believe that the Austrian
federation would have been established afresh on the
soundest basis, and Hungary would have been rendered
one of the most attached and loyal portions of the Aus-
trian empire. The House would bear in mind that no
Republic had even now been proclaimed in Hungary--
that no pretence for a republican form of government
had at any time been put forward. The present poli-
tical state of Hungary was a regency, at the head of
which was that distinguished man Koasuth, which was
acknowledged by the Diet, and which was simply an in-
terregnum of a provisional character, that might be put
an end to at any moment by a constitutional election to
the Crown of Hungary. And although the Russian in.
tervention had been followed by the depositic nof the
house of Hapsburg—as the revolution in England by that
of the Stuarts--yet it was always comp tent to the Diet
t.t return in their steps and elect the present Emperor
King of Hungary. He knew that it was the earnest de-
sire of the Hungarian Government to take the
young Emperor to Pesth and crown him
there, up to the last moment of fair contest.
lie recognised the statesmmhke spirit of the Noble
Foreign Secretary in the circumstance that that Noble
Lord, looking somewhat beyond ordinary politicians,
had years ago anticipated the awful changes which had
recently occurred. When others supposed that the
state of Europe would remain unchanged, the Noble
Lord saw the latent power working in the hearts of na
lions, and called upon the governors of the world to be
prepared for the changes that were coming—(lieer)—
and the Noble Lord had been accused of having brought
about existing evils, simply because he had anticipated
them. It was an absurdity to suppose that any English
Minister would foment foreign discontents for the sake
of producing tumults in the world.—(Hear, hear.)
A foreign Minister of England knew that his
popularity depended upon maintaining peace ; and to
suppose that he would risk disturbing the peace of Eu-
rope without any national or commercial object
was a delusion that could only arise from pas-
sion and prejudice. He (Mr. Milnes) believed that this
was one of many questions of a similar nature with
which they would have to deal in future years, and he
was convinced that to secure the peace and order of
Europe the principles of constitutional liberty must be
generally established. He had never attached great im
portance to forms of government; he thought, indeed,
the representative system the most expedient and prac-
ticable, as showing the real consent of the people to the
government and the laws ; but he was not disposed to
quarrel with any government, certainly not with that of
Russia, as long as it satisfied its own people and did not
interfere with the independence of others. Thus the
great principle of this country must be non-intervention
'in the affairs of foreign nations. Another eminent Mi-
-ulster, indeed, besides his Noble Friend, had foreseen
the evils that were approaching Austria; for a Prussian
diplomatist mentioned in a recently published work
that Prince Metternich had in 1847 remarked to him,
" I am no prophet, but I am a state physician, and I
know from the symptoms of this country that the dis-
ease is fatal!" Fatal, indeed! Fatal to a dying system
which deserved to perish, but not fatal, if social order is
combined with liberty and independence—not fatal, if
Austria, acting on federal and constitutional principles,
accepts the political principles which all the force and
corruption of the old system could not repress—but fatal
indeed, absolutely fatal, if Hungary is conquered and
Austria becomes a satrapy of the Czar.—(Cheers.)
Mr. ROEBUCK said with international law we bad
not now to deal; for it was a kind of international
morality, and must be regulated by international policy.
Unfortunately, the Emperor of Russia was not the
only person who had be en guilty of this
intervention.—(Hear, hear.) The Republic of France
was found infringing the non-intervention, and in their
attack on the people of Rome they were as greatly cul-
pableas the despot of Russia. The deliberations in

ihst House at That moment would never reach the
ears of the people of Russia, and, perhaps,
not even of Hungary, under the despotism to which
they were subje3t. This was, therefore, a question to
be taken up vigorously by the Government. He be-
lieved our people had a sympathy with their fellows in
the world, and had a desire to see good government
spread all over the world, and the banner of des-
potism trampled under foot, whether that ban-
ner waved over the armies either of Russia or
of France.—(Cheers.) Greece had arisen up in insur-
rection against our old ally, and mostly indebted are the
people of Greece to this country for establishing their
present King on the throne. If, then, we interfered in
that case, he asked now, in a much greater case, why
we were to be passive in this most despotic and tyrannical
intervention on the part of Russia? The Emperor of
Russia once in Hungary, or once at Constantinople, bow
soon might he interfere in our Indian empire, and how
soon might he be in Egypt or Syria; and how soon might
we be involved in war with him; for our highway to
India lay through the Red Sea ? (Hear, hear.)
He contended that the people of this country had a
most direct interest in this question, and he contended
this was an English question. He asked, therefore,
the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs to employ the moral power of this great country
in the settlement of this question.—(Hear, hear.)
He entreated the Noble Lord and the House
to present such a front to foreign nations as to
show that any act of aggression exhibited towards Eng-
land would never go unredressed or unpunished.--
(Cheers.) And then, depend upon it, from the Emperor
of Russia down to the meanest State in Italy, every
power in Europe would be taught the principle of yielding
obedience, not merely to England, but to the suggestions
which humanity makes through her to all the nations of
the earth. Let the Noble Lord assume that attitude and
act on those suggestions, and he would endear his name
to his own country, not only by being a benefactor to
his country, but because he was a wise and politic states-
man.—(Loud cheers.)
Colonel THOMPSON said he came from men who
looked upon the shedding of blood as an evil, and upon
war as illegal; but they did ❑ot the less sympathise with
the oppression of foreign nations. The spirit of the
English people was for freedom everywhere 1
(Hear, hear.) Until that cloud which lowered upon the
world—Russia—was divided and divested of some por-
tion of its power, despotism would stalk abroad and dis-
turb the peace of the world.--(Hear.) For Russia con-
sisted of two races, Northern and Southern Russia, and
what a blessing it would be if the one should neutralise
the barbarian despotism of the other.—(Hear, hear.)
Libertycouldinot fail to progress throughout the world;
but during the last two years, when the hopes of men
were high, it had suffered a downfal, and political eco
nbroy had run riot and admitted enemies into the citadel;
but. like other great movements, it would again proceed
as it should.—(Cheers.)
Mr..MACGIREGOR said, being much acquainted with 1

the institutions of Hungary, he trusted he would be per-
mitted to offer a fow observations. According to the
present constitution of Hungary, the Emperor of Aus-
tria could never be King of Hungary without the ap-
probation of the Diet. He disapproved of the
Russian interference, and was in favour of this
country only interfering merely by the expression of its
opinion as to that interference. The Austrians taxed
commodities which passed through it on its way to Hun-
gary 60 per cent., and prevented its own productions
from going to any o:her country ; a state of things
which ho was surprised the Hungarians had so lcng sub-
mitted to. Hungary, situated as she was in the centre of
Europe, and possessing fine rivers and the means of
carrying on a great amount of commerce, had been
kept behind other nations in prosperity on account of
the unfortunate policy of her kings.
Lord CLAUI) HAMILTON said the constitution
of Hungary, which would have been a palladium
of libelee', was merely an rngine of despotism,
since its aristocracy possessed enormous privileges, and
its peasantry were the most debased in Europe.—(Hear,
hear.) M. Kossuth, who was highly eulogised
by the Liberal party, had with his confederates been
the means of preventing those great improvements
which Szyceni had begun, and had been driven in
consequence into exile and a madhouse. 230,000 of the
nobles were exempt from arrest, taxes, tolls, military
service, and various other advantages; and those
monstrous exemptions were at present in existence.
lle defied the Hun. Member (Mr. Osborne) to show that
he constitution of Hungary was one which give the
people the liberty which h held the Russians were about
to deprive them of'.
Lord PALMERSTON said, in the few observations
which he deemed it his duty to make upon the motion
of his Honourable Friend and upon what had
passed in the course of this day's debate, he wished
to guard himself, in the first place, against the possi-
bility that anything he might say might expose him to
the imputation of entertaining unfriendly feelings to-
wards the Government and empire of Austria.—(Hear,
hear.) He knew well that imputations had been cast
upon her Majesty's Government, and upon himself as the
organ of that Government, in regard to their foreign re-
lations, more particularly that with Austria—imputations
had been cast upon them with respect to that intercourse,
which, it had been stated, was guided by, and impelled
by, personal feelings of hatred.--(Hear, hear.) But
these imputations, let them come from what quarter they
might—let them be either written or spoken—if sin-
cere, they were the result of ignorance and folly;
if insincere, he left others to qualify and in-
terpret them. It was the grossest ignorance to suppose
that the Government of this country, or the man who
fur the time was charged with the conduct of
their foreign relations, could be influenced in the manage-
ment of their affairs by any other feeling than what he,
according to his political opinions, and according to his
views of this country, and the general interests of the
civilized world, considered to be his duty.—(Hear,
hear.) Well, then, Austria was a power towards
which the Government of this country ought on many ac-
counts to entertain feelings of great consideration..
They had been told that Austria was an ancient ally.
They had had the terms " ally " and " allies," rung in
their ears by those who must be ignorant of the ex-
pression they were using, or who must have forgot that
they were using a totally unmeaning term. What was
ally ? An ally was one to whom they were bound by
treaty and engagement to carry on some operation, political
or otherwise, but to call it an ally merely because it was in
a state of friendship with them was an expression pos-
sessed of no meaning whatever, because it was applicable
to every power in the world with whom they were not
in a state of war.—(Hear, hear.) But Austria had been
their ally; they had been allied with Austria in most
important European transactions, and the remem-
brance of that alliance ought undoubtedly to create in
the breast of every Englishman who had a remembrance
of the history of his country, feelings of regard towards
a power with whom they had been in alliance. It was
perfectly true that, in the course of those repeated alli-
ances, Austria—not from any fault of hers, but
from the pressure of irresistible necessity—had been
repeatedly compelled to part from that alli-
ance, and break the engagements by which
she had bound herself to this country. This country
had yielded to the necessity of the moment, and no
generous mind would think that those circumstances
should diminish the respect which, though those former
transactions had not been kept up, should exist between
the Governments of the two countries; but there were
higher and larger considerations which ought to
render the maintenance of Austria important to
every European statesman. Austria was a moat impor-
tant element in the balance of European power. It stood
in the centre of Europe, a barrier against en-
croachments on the one hand and invasion on, the
other, and the liberties of Europe were bound
up in the existence of Austria amongst European
powers; and, therefore, anything which tended
by direct or even by a remote contingency to cripple
Austria, still more to reduce her from the position of a
great power to that of a secondary state, must be in-•
jurious to Europe and one which could not be too highly
d. precated. However, as had been stated, Austria had
for a long course of time not been identified with the ad-
vancement of liberty in Europe. Indeed, in the opinion
of a great pat t of the Continent, the policy of Austria
had been inimical to the progress of liberty.—(flear.)
He would warn thp Austrian Government not to trust
too much. There were persons who saw in the relations
of countries nothing, and valtu d them for nothing but
political opinions. There were men who had spent their
whole lives in attachment to the Government of Austria,
who had deserted her in their later days. The example
of such men was a pattern of aged imbecility. His
Gallant Friend needed no apology for bringing the sub •
ject forward. The House would not expect him to follow
those who had spoken to-day, and pass judgment upon
the Austrian and Hungarian nations. He believed that
the war between Hungary and Austria had enliehed the
hearts of the whole English people in favour of the Mag-
yars. He believed that the question now to be fought for
on the plains of Hungary was, whether Hungary should
retain her nationality, or become a province of
Austria.—(Hear, bear.) It was impossible to
see without regret large armies brought together
as they were in Hungary.—(Hear, hear.) But let
what would take place Austria must lose. If Hungary
was laid waste, it must be recollected that was laid waste
which was the great resource of Austria.—(Hear,
hear.) It was most to be desired that this
great contest might be brought to a termi-
nation by some arrangement with the contending par-
ties. The Government of this country thought that no
opportunity had as yet been afforded them to interfere,
but it would be the duty of the Government, if such an
opportunity occurred, not to let it pass by.—(Hear,
hear.) .The people of England. were, desirous of main•
taming peace.—(Hear, hear.) They wished to be on
the best footing. with all nations in the world,
but it must be known to all nations that
this country would not submit to wrong,
and that other countries must respect the honour
of Eogland.—(Hear, hear.) The proud position England
occupied prevented ber from being a passive spectator
of what was taking place in other countries, but she
must be careful how she interfered. England was
strong, and would make her opinions prevail.—(Hear,
hear.) England bad been accused of meddling with
other nations, by expressing opinions the re.
sults had proved that if these opinions had been
adopted, the best results would have ensued. There
were cases in which this country ought not hastily to
interfere with countries that had embarked in hos-
tilities.—(Hear, hear.) All that this country
could do in the present instance was to use their
friendly endeavours to arrrange matters between the
belligerent parties. A great deal had been said about
sham mediation on the part of the Government of the
country. He answered that by stating that they had
every prospect of making the mediation between
Denmark and Prussia a reality. To suppose that
the Government of this country wished other
than peace among all countries and sovereigns
betrayed a folly that he could hardly have conceived. It
might do well for a leading article in a newspaper, but it
would not do for a speech in Parliament.
Lord DUDLEY STUART said—Sir, the Noble Lord
the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs having now
spoken, the chief interest of this debate will naturally
be thought to have passed away. Nevertheless, lam
anxious to offer a few observations, and they shall be
very few, to the House before the discussion closes. I
think that the House, the country, and Europe, are in-
debted to my Hon. and Gallant Friend the Member for
Middlesex for having called the attention of the House,
in the admirable and effective speech which he has de-
livered, to this subject, which is one so important, that
I do not believe that any debate which has taken place
this session will excite so much interest throughout
Europe as the one in which we are now engaged; and in
this House, in this country, and in Europe, there is per-
haps no man who will feel more indebted to my
Honourable and Gallant Friend than the Noble Lord
(Lord John Russell), the First Minister of the
Crown; for my Hon. and Gallant Friend has given the
Noble Lord an opportunity of explaining an expression,
somewhat unfortunate, which he used lately, when in
speaking of the struggle now carried on by Hungary
with Austria, he described it as an insurrection. My
Noble Friend has given an explanation which appears to
me perfectly satisfactory, for he has told the House—and
such a sentiment can surprise no one when coming from
a Russell—that in using the term insurrection he did not
mean to say that an insurrection might not be justifiable.
It is impossible for this House to contemplate without
the deepest interest the struggle now taking place
between the despotic powers and the brave
and resolute patriots of Hungary, the results
of which, if the former prevail, will be
another partition of Poland, and will reduce another
noble people, numbering fifteen millions of souls, to the
state of Russian serfs, or send thousands of them, like
the Poles, to wander as miserable exiles through the
world. These gallant Hungarians, whatever may be said
by the Noble Lord (Lord C. Hamilton) opposite, are not
in arms for any revolutionary purpose, or to defend any
wild, visionary, or ultra-democratic doctrines, but to
assert the rights belonging to them by the constitution
which they have enjoyed for eight hundred years,
and in virtue of which alone their Sovereigns have had
any title to the throne—rights which all the Kings
of Hungary down to the Emperor Ferdinand, in 1848,
have bound themselves by the most solemn oaths to
maintain. The Noble Lord (Lord Clnnd Hamilton)
opposite, in a speech strong in violence of expression,
but weak in argument, and not founded on facts, has had
the hardihood to call the constitution of Hungary an in-
famous constitution; and has dared to speak of that
great man Ludwig Kossuth as the infamous Kossath.
These expressions will be remembered, and the Noble
Lord, wherever he goes, will be pointed at in the streets
as the man who ventured to use them. But the name of
Kossuth, however much maligned by the Nable Lord,
will go down to posterity as one of the greatest
men and of the noblest patriots of the
country to which he belongs. If, however, this
consti ,ution is so infamous, will the Noble Lord explain
how ii is that those whom he so much reverences and

admires, the Emperors of Austria, have repeatedly, and
down to the year 1848, bound themselves by the most
solemn oaths to maintain and to defend it ? There can
be no inf +my greater than this, except that of which the
last Emperor was guilty, viz , having taken such an oath,
afterwards to violate it. But we see the value which
despots attach to oaths the most solemn, for both the
Emperor of Austria and the Emperor of Russia have
perjured themselves in the mast shamefully way by vio-
lationg their oaths to the people over whom they rule.
The Noble Lord tells us of the defects and vices of the
Hungarian consitution, but totally ignores the reforms
in that constitution which have voluntarily been adopted
by the Hungarians. That is a plan constantly pursued
by the school to which the Noble Lord belongs. In,
speaking of free states, they always dwell on defects and
abuses which once prevailed; but always forget, or don't,
choose to remember, that those evils have long sin"
been remedied. So in speaking of Poland they are ea'
stantly enlarging on the defects of the old Polish system,
end wholly overlook the fact that that system was en-
tirely reformed by the voluntary act of the Polish. Ps'
„riots when they enacted the ruinous constitution of 1791.
There were, no doubt, detects and vices in the constitu-
tion of Hungary, but these have been remedied, and s
reform introduced, just as in this country abuses have
b-en removed by the introduction of the Reform Act;
The constitution of Hungary, which the Noble Lott'
calls infamous, is remarkable for its similarity to our
own, consisting of King, Lords, and Commons, an here-
ditary S wereign, an hereditary Chamber of Peers, and
a t.:h amber of Representatives elected by the people—snu
I will tell the Noble Lord in what position the Emp. rig
of Austria stands in reference to the Hungarian peoPe*
Exactly in that is which William the Fourth
would have stood if, supposing such a thing to
be possible, he had, after passing the Reform
brought over troops from his kingdom of Hanover to
destroy the Constitution without the consent of Perlis-
merle The Noble Lord in his endeavours to malign
Kossuth would have us believe that such reforms as 1101
been made in the constitution of Hungary were n°
t
made by him, but are due entirely to Count Szyceni. ~
agree with the Noble Lord, and_ probably this is the onlY
point in which I do agree with him, in looking on the
character of Count Szyceni with respect and admiration.
I believe him to be an enlightened patriotic man, it 2!:
mated with a sincere desire to render service to '4"
country. I believe that he has rendered good service in
the amelioration oQier internal condition. I believe Min
to have been the most liberal 'of the Cola!
party ; but it was not he that establishes,
the librty of the press, it was not he who by a unall„vf
mous decision of the Diet procured the emancipation
the peasants. These great reforms are due to the ell.
lightened wisdom and salutary influence of the "
famous Kossuth." The Noble Lord would have us 11.'
lieve that the sole object of the patriotic party in gull;
gary is to establish the ascendancy of the Magyars oVet
all the rest of the inhabitants. I always observe 11164
persons like the Noble Lord, who are the enemies of
popular institutions, although utterly unmoved by., 1,
amount of oppression perpetrated by despotic
can set no bounds to their vituperation when they dt
cover anything wrong done by any constitutional atitri..ud
rity. lam glad, however, to find that the Noble Leh'.
is the enemy of ascendancy. I hope
_a,
will remember that "principle in reference to Relay,.
The Magyars may, heretofore, have been obnoxious,,rit
this respect to the reproaches of the Noble Lord. J:Od
they have renounced those errors, and have coneilisrhe
all the different races—the Sclavonians, the Croats,
Servians, &c.—in the land, by offering to all equal righter
and conceding to them all just demands. And wise n,'
they to do so; for unless they so acted, they could
tie
hope for, and would not_ deserve success. The l'lnior
Lord tells us that the present struggle being entirely ke
the benefit of the Magyar aristocracy, the people tlost
no interest in it, and that they are forced into it, sg°lo
their will, by Polish and other foreign officers. Hel3
,e I
alleged this particularly with regard to Transylvanien'se,
want to know if this was the case, how it can have nla
pened that, when the Austrian forces had overrun._",
taken possession of the whole of that prollTo
these forces aided by the people were unable to reool
General Bern, who proceeded there with a very le of
number of men, and in a short time swept the vvhg,oo.
them out, so that not one Austrian remained in
sylvania. When General Bem first accepted s 'to
mand he had but 8,000 men and ten pieces of ennoo•
He was ordered to march to Transylvania, and Atitecor
rised to apply to the Hungarian General for svh° six
stores, ammunition, or money he might require._ en
weeks afterwards he wrote, "You sent mewith 8,000 wood
and ten pieces of cannon. I have now 26,000 Inect if
twenty-four pieces of cannon. I have no need to ?err I
for stores and ammunition or money, for wiliest')
want is supplied to me in the country."---kg reign
The Noble Lord deprecated the employment of Indere
officers by the Hungarians—are there no foreign 'dfilero
in the Austrian army ? Were there no Englis,ll es i
serving in that army? I happen to know the '..7;19 with
have been applied to by English families to inter',..„jog tn
General Bern in favour of their relatives, who being 001
the Austrian service, have been made prisoner° `75,30er
General, and he has responded to the appeal in airt,, of 0
showing that he unites to the courage and shin ;Toros
great commander, the qualities of a kind and ge
heart. But when the Hungarians are censured fore voe
ing themselves of the assistance of foreign officers, isvi,j,l
•
forget that the Austrians have called in to of
then-
a whole foreign army ? I denounce the interferer., 01
Russia in this contest as a violation of the nar
nations—that I boldly maintain. What are the as
cumstances under which the interference of a f;()rt, Of
power in the affairs of another state is by the
'for
nations tolerated? It is only when the dealallAirf
such interference, and my Noble Friend the Seen
of State for Fareign Affairs will not controvert 110,
only when the demand for that interference is woe At
the lawful or actual Sovereign or head of the state'„ for
the time re hen application was made by AustAr,Toria
the assistance of Russia, the Emperor of •i Not
was not Sovereign of Hungary de jure or de
dejure, for it is only in virtue of an oath to the `bt-
iun the sovereignty of that country can h°_',led
fully claimed. That oath the Emperor of Anstr: oven
not taken—he has never taken it—he has D0',,0
offered to take it. He was certainly not SoveresToo of
facto, for at the same time he solicited the assi,t
Russia, his armies, beaten by the gallant 8et:0%19_700 o 0
binski, and Georgey, had been ignominiously ?rt_d bit
of Hungary; no part of the country acknowl ogr
eterritern't
authority, and there was only a small strip ofe"-
occupied by his forces. I rejoice that the Governorw,
of Austria, always so arbitrary, mean, and oppress
a'
facto. ow
has been thus humiliated by the gallantry of the ft
rians. She may boast, indeed, of the successes of Rader
to,
obtained over raw and undisciplined Italians, or oVeiroot
army far inferior in numbers, which, however, would of
have been overcome but for the treachery of 51 to
those commanding it, but whenever she has attemPtediss
cope with the Hungarians she has been shamefully' sin
gracefully beaten; her armies have been routed Agoi•
and again,. forced to seek safety by flying into the ieber
tory of a neutral state, her fortresses capturect.„ of
generals disgraced. My Noble Friend the Secret7ice
State for Foreign Affairs has spoken of the if:o°rue° of
of supporting Austria, with a view to the bal:
to,
power in Europe. I used to think SO
But Austria is effete; she is no longer
try is
of being useful in that way—her p 0
of is
gone; she has become nothing but te better
the ands" of Russia—henceforward she can be t!,_ ,g•
than a Russian province, and will only serve fortn:f the
.t
grandisement of that Power. But this makes 1
real °C•
more importance to maintain Hungary. The.
curity for the balance of p ffungerYower is to be found In 1"
tablishment of countries like Poland and two.
se twenty millions of Poles and fi!teen millions Of _ reel
rians living under free institutions would forme fully
conducee.lffle c
mti vyto
o advocacy barrierthe
oalanßussia,ndd w
Ie
landfahraevewouldo f powe, I n
Europ
always 21' the
tamed that I was advocating pre-eminently with
irnetgearredsts,toconaHmunegreairayl,
asforwelllfiarms lm interests of England. I say the same our
our
believe cll deeply
political, are
cannot par-
concerned in the success of that country. ennuFeiend
ticipate in the gloomy anticipations of my,ll°De Russia
as to the result of this contest. The armies or
over,
may be enormous, and their numbers may appear
whelmning; but examples of immense armaments melt,
ing away when brought against people defending of
independence, have not been wanting, from the days
~h
Xerxes to those of Napoleon. The climate, the tot,'d
fever, the impossibility of providing adequatew
for such enormous masses, will be po ~b'st
auxiliaries to the arms of the Hungarians;four: of
..roted
noble nation—which my Noble Friend the SeeLre:radlop.
State for Foreign Affairs has told the Noble
posite, whatever he may say to the contrary 15 "
with
as one in the defence of its liberties—will, ITthere woo
the blessing of God, ultimately prevail% d,
passages in the speech of my Noble Friend,
with ine
standing his diplomatic caution, which I heardlid will in'
finite pleasure. They do him great honour, Aso
that he
to
__. auct
crease that popularity which I tun happy
enjoys. I again repeat my thanks to ud:bate•
Gallant Friend for having brought
which will enlighten the public on 5n!1e..,..e to
with
insret" and
the present state of things in Ilun ihe 004
demonstrate to the world the interest felt
gamriars. pweoyplteDbywtohueldßrwitaisrhnHtohuese st the
course pursued by Russia. Tear after year s_beer she
increasing her power in the East.—(fear,ilieis r
couotrYl
had nearly closed the Black Sea against t
t the "e-
Mr. OSBORNE said that the Noble Lord a , no
country against boa
and her object now was to close the Danube again", a
tn"
of the Foreign Department having intimates
would of 010 OP
official dispatches had been received, he
wi mot
thdraw his ion.
The Report on the Committee of Ways and Means watt
then agreed to.
01.3 tittle
The Stamp, &c., Allowance Bill was read
and passed.
andTheassJeudd.gments (Ireland) Bill was read a tbird
The Royal Pavilion (Brighton) Bill went through
Committee. FORET.
NEW FOREST AND WALTHAM Bill' The House went into Committee on this,
resolution was agreed to upon which to follnee°%-iRD
ATTACHMENTS, COURTS OF
(IRELAND) BILL.
and the third
g was d for Mon next.
This Bill, as amended, was considered,
readin
The other ordere
orders of the day daywere disposed or; and the
0,0.0 c,
House adjourned at ten minutes after Four

DIED.
On the 15th inst., at Buxton.' and 56, Elizabeth LO%,
relict of M. C. de Castro, Esq.; of
On the 18th inst.,. at Richmond, Mr. Jasper Selland,
Queenhithe-whari, Upper Thames-street, aged 43.
On the 17th inst., at Northampton-terrace, latington, c.
Iluggons, Esq., aged 60. -

London: Printed and Published by BIURDO.YOLIING, 9►
No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sus .0410%.
FtrAnd., in the Precinct et the Savoy; in:::Che -
Iliddleae2C, alcudsy, July 23, 1819,

TO TrIE

a niti fyYig THErselgf
GE
la
NTL
Mr. I
Ot this City,
tae
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of the elector
l'ider the cite
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MY conduc
Of you.
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and I have su
kerce and 1
4 beat ei .41
I::
tbe:trr n4:ly;:t4ltlePli l'sitlyisieher the
ieuri ile'ep;:saaeni;cldr: ailtoctelteal niolisei':neintein:ds;cii'l
4,:lo:rurocofy3brooe:erotsim:
Which I have
teished statio
klf t
' Ilterests to th

Mansion 111
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