The Sun.
London, England, 1831-01-08 00:00:00

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partly in the place of a shopkeeper to his servants, tillt
this difference only, that it should be without his o, n
fain. If they be already indebted to
the shopkeepers, and therefore dependent on them, it is
tierhaps the best object of parochial or private charity to
extricate them from such debts, the ease of incurring.
..vhich is an additional motive for discouraging those
shops ; and the dependence on them, on aecount of debt,
is a most grievous oppression, leading to a still grosser
imposition : all which, instead of being objections, are
further inducements to the above practice of masters. A
lesson may here be taken from the grtat school of economy
—the army—the chief principle of which is to keep back
part of the pay, for the best supply of some of the chief
Articles at the cheapest rate; and that which is con du!.
gorily done there tiny be, to (ritual advantage, voluntarily
lone here."
Truth is now out of favour, but there is no saving
tow soon. it may again be brought forward as a pa-
lam. There will always be in the Legislature a
number of the class of reasoners, to whom " Ten-
rerden Steeple is the cause of Goodwin Sands."—
Morning Chronicle.

A Correspondent, signing himself " Cautus,"
'ets addressed to us a letter, indicative of the tone
and spirit which, when speaking of the repeal of the
Union, he thinks ought in prudence to be adopted,
by those who wish to mfike an impression upon the
•ninds of the Irish nation, through the medium of
the press of England. It is obvious, that with a
view to work upon sober and dieo,sionve men,
the best expedients are those or mild and temperate
reasoning. To convince the more instructed class
Englishmen, that they ought to look of with in-
difference, while a faction of all hut avowed revo-
lutionists are breaking up the whole frame of the
United Kingdom, it may be sufficient to put them
upon refl,.,eting what would be the altered state of
Great Britain, if Ireland were in the hands of a re-
ly constituted power, at open variance wi!li the
British Crown and Parliament. We have heard
uninformed Englishmen ask why a separation of
he Crowns must follow that of the Legislative
authorities, when Ireland had before now a dis-
inct Legislature, without forcing a disunion of the
Crowns ? The answer is, that to prevent that very
-atastrophe from occurring, 'England was always
compehed to govern the Irish people, as a conquest,
—as a province,—or of a realm but nominally inde-
pendent. Down to the Revolution, Ireland seas
ruled by the sword ; from the Revolution to 178',
thy prerogative; during the next 18 years, by cor-
ruption. Of all these periods, that of the miscalled,
ind much-lamented independence in trade and po-
,itics,—commenced by Mr. Grattan, and closed by
'sir. Put,—was beyond comparison more disgrace-
fully corrupt and prof' gate, so far as Irish morals
,yere concerned, than either of those which preceded
t, or than that of the Union which has followed.
Mr. Grattan himself measured with indignant elo-
quence, the fall experienced by his country after the
near 178, by a comparison between the British
Parliament, which had formerly exercised according
to law, the power of legislation over Ireland," when
the greatness of the tyrant qualified the condition of
the slave," and the " domesticated and tame tyrant,"
he Minister of the Crown of England. After
Ireland had obtained this precious independence,
there were no means of engaging the local Par-
liament to assimilate its laws to those of Great Bri-
!nip, or to support the policy of the common Save-
ieign, but by a downright purchase of the majority
of votes ;—a course so depraved, and with reference
to mere cost so extravagant, and, in spite of both,
so troublesome, and not withstanding every sacrifice
of principle, money, and labour, so incomplete and
precarious, that a
.formal incorporation of the two
countries appeared to the British Minister the only
practicable method of carrying on a common system
of policy, as it did to many conscientious and disin-
terested Irishmen, the mode least burdensome and
least vicious. That the means resorted to by Mr.
Pitt, through Lord Castlereagh, for gaining over the
majority of the Irish Parliament, exhibited corrup.
,ion in its most gigantic and revolting form, is less
disgraceful to those Ministers than to the parties
on whose venality they reckoned. Ireland was
bought wholesale by Englishmen ; but it was her
own children that sold her. The Protestant prosti-
tuted the vote he had; the Catholic that of which he
anticipated the possession. Is it for such another oc-
casion of recording the public virtue of his couii-
r men that Mr. O'Connell agitates, implores, or
threatens ? Is the risk of such another alternative as
that of losing the alliance of Ireland, or of conquer-
ing or corrupting her, one which Englishmen can or
ought to let pass by unheeded ? With regard to
Ireland herself, we tell her again, and in deep and
'rue sincerity, that her sole chance of making Fe-
;;revs in industry, wealth, knowledge, and general
civilization, is by obtaining from this country, not
a repeal of the Union, but its honest and complete
Nillment. Ireland now enjoys that opportunity of
close intercourse anti substantial connexion with
Great Britain, which, in the case of a poor indivi-
dual and a rich one, all men admit must contribute,
in far the larger measure, to the benefit of die lereo
opulent of the two. Great Britain presents a m
Or Irish commodities, twentyfold more tabur:le :t
than Ireland does for the richer and more populous
country. Ireland can no where be supplied with
the manufactured comforts which she requires,
on terms so advantageous as in Great Britain.
Ireland can no where sell her cattle or corn for
more than three. fourths of the price which Eng-
land constantly and unfailingly pays her. But let
us turn to the other side of the question. It is
vehemently insisted on that " England would,
in case of a separation, be too w:xe to reject the
benefits arising to her from the Irish market,—that
-he would continue to purchase Irish corn, for the
lake of selling to Ireland her own manufactures in
'etym." The advantage of a commerce with Ire-
hind is comparative. That commerce is now fos-
tered and sustained, by sacrificing British commerce
with other countries for the sake qf Ireland, which
England looks upon as a part of herself, mid there-
fore entitled to that in many points pernicious pre-
ference. Ireland now sells her wheat at from 60s.
to 705., and the value of Irish prope:ty is raised to
As existing level by the unrestrained access afforded
for its produce to the craving market of this coun-
ry. But suppose there was a separation to-mor-
row, let us ask any man of the least judgment, why
should England be disposed to favour the landed
interest of Irelemranore than that of Prussia, Po-
iand, or Odessa ? We really seek but the truth
upon this subject, and are most desirous to be cor-
rected if wrong. The English landlords are already
jealous of the facility with which Irish grain, raised on
somewhat (though not much) easier terms than that of
England, finds its way to the storc-houses of our mer-
chants. It is no; °riot's, that we could be supplied with
corn, cattle, butter, &c., if we chose it, 2, or 30 per
cent. cheaper from many parts of the Continent than
from Ireland. Then why, we repeat, should not we, if
Ireland became a foreign country, withdraw the boon
which we have bestowed upon that island, partly to
our own loss, partly to the loss of our northern
and eastern neighbours, and, either by lowering the
deport duties on their produce, so as to bring it
below the price of Irish grain, or by laying a duty
on the grain, &c. of Ireland, so as to leave the
British farmer no rival hut in die continental grower,
supply ourselves, without any consideration for those
who treat us with contempt, and who return bitter
enmity for our friendship. It is said, however, that
if we withdraw our market from Ireland, we lose her
market, which is the best in Europe, from the amount
which it consumes of our manufactures. Is this true
as to the necessity of the Irish market to Great Bri-
tain ? Suppose that England should prefer to buy
her corn cheaper than she can procure it from the
Irish ports, which she could do from almost every
part of Europe, her people would, for the same value
for which they now procure (Day) 6,000,000 quarters
of Irish corn, obtain 9,000,000 quarters of equally
good corn from abroad, and would thus secures greater
abundance of food for the same amount of British
industry employed in manufactures. Let us look
again: 'The landed interest of England, and more
especially the labouring classes. of ,England, con-
ceived themselves to be much aggrieved by the end-
less influx of Irish poor into this country, and the