The Sun.
London, England, 1849-05-16 00:00:00

AUSTRIA.

VIENNA, MAY 10.—The House of Representatives
at Debreczin has appointed Messaros Lieutenant
Field-Marshal Minister of War. The Ban Jellachich
arrived at Agram on the 7th. lie was received with
great enthusiasm, and the city was illuminated in the
evening. He presided at a sitting of the Banat
Council, and intends joining the army immediately.
The Wiener Zeitung of this day says, in an article
dated Nawes, the 2d May, yesterday we heard
a heavy cannonade in the trenches of Jablusch,
and a courier arrived during the night with
the intelligence that the military treasury chest
had been carried off from Jellachich by the Czecks.
The Magyars, who were opposed to: the Imperialists
and were drawn up at Budatin and Narin,
on the right bank of the Waag, were 3,000
in number, with three pieces of artillery. Major
Trenk was able to oppose them with only
64 companies and 2 field pieces ; nor had he time to
concentrate hisj army. One of his guns was almost
immediately rendered unfit for use. He was there-
fore compelled to fall back upon Jublunka with a loss
of from 40 to 50 wounded and prisoners. We hear
from Sandez that many fugitives from Stowaka are
there. Vogel is said to be in Kaschan, and Bendedek
in Kasmark, notwithstanding which the Magyar
guerilla were carrying on their manoeuvres there.
The Prince Radetzky has appointed the son of
Prince Windischgratz his aide-de camp.— German
Papers, May 10.

DENMARK AND SCHLESWIG-
HOLSTEIN.
(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)
ALTONA, MAY 13.—The accounts received here
this morning by rail from the scene of war mention
the confirmation of the occupation of 'Veile and also
Horsens by the Prussian troops and the other German
auxiliaries. The Danes were also said to be disin-
clined to make any defence at Fredericia, on account
of the inutility of sacrificing the inhabitants to the
horrors of an assault, and because the works are,
otherwise, in so dilapidated a state for years past, and
the Jutland people had supposed that, under the protec-
tive guarantee of England, France, and Russia, such an
invasion of their territory would have been almost
impossible. Negotiations are reported to have been
set on foot after the summons conveyed to the Danish
General on the part of General Bonin, to make an
immediate surrender of the fortress. The Danish
troops had been conveyed over to the opposite island
of Fuhnen, excepting a very small portion as a gar-
rison. The Danish loss in the action of Gudso is
given at 91 killed and wounded, and that of the Ger-
mans at 100, in General Bonin's official report.
The news from the interior parts of Germany
name outbreaks everywhere occurring, and the pro-
fession of a civil barricade engineer is now the prin-
cipal one thought of. The last news from Saxony
mention that the insurgents from Dresden have corn-
menced a sort of guerilla warfare, levying
the contributions necessary for their support from
the small towns and villages. The picture
of the thirty years' war is unnecessary to attract
public attention. Things look very gloomy here, and
this morning a batch of 200 sick and wounded
has come from the north of the duchy of Schleswig,
which makes in two short days the increasing number
of 389 men for the hospitals, which are now quite full,
*ith but limited means to support them.
THE ROMAN REPUBLIC.

- -
The following is the address of the Constituent
Assembly of Rome to the Governments sand Parlia-
ments of France and England :
"The Representatives of the free Roman people con-
fidently appeal to the Governments and to the Parlia-
ments of the two most free and most powerful nations of
Europe.
"It is well known that we have been for many ages
governed by the Church, with the same special and ab•
solute authority in all matters temporal as in spiritual,
whence it happened that, amid the enlightenment of the
19th century, we are surrounded by the darkness of the
middle ages. Civilization was combated at times with
open warfare, always with the force of inertia, to such a
degree that it was considered a crime in us to feel and
call ourselves Italians.

"It is well known that we have on many occasions at-
tempted to achieve our own liberty ; but Europe has
made u s expiate by a harder slavery those very attempts
by which other nations have been rendered glorious.
At length, after our long martyrdom, the day of re-
demption appeared to have arrived, and we trusted
to the power of ideas as well as to that of events,
and to the mild character of the Prince. We desired,
above all things, to be Italians ; this was a crime.
We believed ourselves free ; this was an illusion. The
day came when the Prince abandoned us, and we were
left without government; all attempts at conciliation
failed; messages and messengers from the Parliament
and the municipality were rejected; the people awaited
their time with patience, but the emigrated Government
no longer proffered a single word of liberty or of love;
it stigmatised three millions of men with the guilt of an
individual, and when we deliberated on employing the
only means which remained to us for constituting an
authority which the Prince had, in fact, abdicated, the
priest pronounced a malediction upon us.
" It is well known that our Assembly had its origin
in universal tuifrage; that Assembly, exercising of ne-
cessity an imprescriptible right, decreed the dethrone-
ment of theocracy for ever, and proclaimed the republic.
" No one opposed it. The only voice of complaint
arose from that theocracy which we had overthrown.
And yet it is to this voice that Europe is willing to listen,
and seems to forget the story of our woes, and to con •
found what lies within the province of spiritual authority
with that which is purely temporal.
" The Roman Republic has sanctioned the indepen-
dence and the free exercise of the spiritual authority of

the Pope, and has thereby demonstrated to the Catholic
world how profoundly deep is its conviction that the
liberty of religious action should be inseparable from the
supreme head of the church. To maintain this liberty in
the fullest integrity, the Roman Republic adds to the
moral guarantee afforded by the devotion of all our Ca-
tholic brethren the material guarantee of all the force at
its disposal. But Europe is not contented with this, and
it is repeated that the existence of the temporal power of
the Pope is essential to Catholicism.
" Fur this reason a e invite the Governments and Par-
liaments of France and England to consider what right
can he alleged by any power to impose any form of go-
vernment whatever on an independent nation, and where
is the wisdom of attempting to restore a government by
its very nature irreconcileable with liberty and civiliza-
tion—a government long since morally abolished, and
actually so for upwards of five months, without any one
among the clergy having attempted to set up again its
fallen standard : or where is the wisdom of resuscitating
a Government universally detested, incapable of a long
existence, and, on the contrary, certain to provoke con-
tinual conspiracies, disturbances, and revolutions?
" And if we assert that such a government cannot be
identified and reconciled either with liberty or civiliza-
tion, we have surely good grounds for such an assertion,
since the experiment we have lately made of a consti-
tution has proved how much the attempt to establish
an affinity and combination between temporal and spi-
ritual concerns has impeded its working and develop-
ment. Here ecclesiastical canons nullified civil sta-
tutes: under the empire of theocracy public education
and instruction were the privilege and monopoly of the
clergy—the ecclesiastical privilege of mortmain im-
peded the transmission of property. Ecclesiastics were
exempted by privilege from appearing before the civil
tribunals, while the laity were subject to the jurisdiction
of the ecclesiastical tribunals, all which constituted a
condition of things so far removed from real liberty or
civilization, that any free nation must prefer the alter-
native of waging ten wars to enduring a single one of
them. And how can Europe —so often thrown
into commotions by the sacerdotal power which
launched the thunders of the Church against
her states—how can she expect three millions of men
to submit at the present day to an authority which not
only exercises its political right of temporal punishment
but even threatens damnation to
cannot reason herself into the belief
histhatagu
aisnofsrt
le
free
the offender,Europe
institutions
ca n
be fitly carried out under a
Prince who can, Under cover of his political power,
turn the enormous authority of the priest to perplexing
and disturbing consciences.
" We trust that England and France, so justly jealous
of their own independence, will never willingly consent
that there should exist in the centre of Italy a people
neutral with respect to other nations made serfs
for the sake of the rest of the Catholic
world, excluded from the rights of nations, and made
a mere apanage for the clergy. The Roman people
claim to be masters of the Roman state. And
if Catholic nations may intervene in behalf of their re-
ligious affairs, surely they have no right to interfere
with our political rights, or our social pact. However
neutrality may be imposed upon a whole nation, it
surely cannot be imposed on the central district of a
country with regard to the rest, it being impossible for
this centre to have by itself a national life, by the mere
force of treaties or protocols.
" The representatives of the Roman people would con-
sider it an insult to the political wisdom of the Govern-
ments and Parliaments of France and England, were
they to doubt their acknowledging the importance of the
rights and arguments herein slightly touched upon, no
less than the advantages to Europe herself, who must
ensure its own lasting tranquillity by securing the aboli-
tion of the priesthood.
Undoubtedly it can never ba expected of us that we
should not oppose the restoration with a bold, deter-
mined, and irrevocable will; nor can Europe impute to
us the threatening catastrophe that may ensue, nor the
inevitable injury that a violent and bloody restoration
would occasion, even to the Catholic authority of the
Papacy. We are convinced that England and France
will lend us both aid and counsel in order to avert such
evils, and to draw closer the bond of amity in which all
free nations should now be united.—For the National
Assembly, G. GALLETTI, President.
G. PENNACCHI, A. FABBRETTI,
A. ZANOBIANCIII, G. COCCHI, Secretaries.
Rome, April 18, 1819. •