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A very numerous arid influential meeting of the inhabitants
of I)evonport anti its vicinity, took place on Wednesday last,
in the Town-hall, for the purpose of considering the propriety
of petitioning the Legislature for the immedirte and unquali-
fied emancipation of the Negro apprentices in the 'West Indies.
The meeting excited considerable interest in the neighbour-
hood, from the circumstance of Sir George Grey, one of the
Members for the borough, having taken an active part in for-
warding the Ministerial measure for the Amendment of the
Abolition Act, and in defending the conduct of the West
with that
the
Indianfriends powerful
opposition in the course of the proceedings:
At twelve o'clock the Hall was crowded Ott !Very part, and
and it
t Emancipationl4fas
e vould m rumouredee t
planters
of
Negro ;
shortly afterwards, E. ST. AUBYN, Esq., Mayor of the borough,
who was loudly cheered on his entrance, took the Chair.
On theplatform were the Rev. Messrs. R. Luney, J. Hatch-
ard, W. J. St. Aubyn, J. Wilcocks, T. Horton, H. Sher-
man, Dr. Hamilton ; H. H. Evans, Mayor of Plymouth ; W.
Prance, D. Derry, Thos. Woolcombe, W. J. Little, C. Tripe,
john Gorman, J. Rees, G. F. Somerville, G. Jeffery, R. B.
Crane, S. Derry, Esqrs. ; and Messrs. Symon, Blackwell,
Elms, Clarke, Willing, Gill, &c. There was a large number
of ladies in the body of the Hall.
THOMAS WOOLCOMBE, Esq. moved the first resolution. He
felt nckordinary degree of satisfaction in doing so, because he
had been prevented from attending a former meeting held in
that Hall, and because he had heard with regret that some of
those who had been loudest in their lip-loyalty in the cause of
freedom now thought proper to abandon that cause, and to
imagine that expediency could justify their desertion.— (Hear
and Cheers.) So long as he (Mr. Woolcombe) was enabled
to attend a meeting of his fellow-countrymen, in support of
the cause of the injured and oppressed African, so long no
earthly considerations would induce him to remain behind.--
( Cheers. ) NJ question of state policy—no question of personal
friendship—no question of private feeling would ever induce
him to absent himself from the advocacy of such a cause as
they were now engaged in. He would confine his observa-
tions as much as possible, because, in the first place, there
were many Gentlemen to succeed him, who would be able to
place the subject in a much stronger and more powerful light ;
and also because he felt that the portion of the
business that devolved upon him required but very
few remarks. He would address himself, especially, to
the fallacy into which some exceedingly well meaning persons,
to whose motives he was at all times willing to attribute the
most perfect consistency, occasionally fell. A great deal had
been said, both within and without the walls of the House of
Commons, as to the compact which existed between the plant-
ers and the people of England. Now, the case might stand
in that position, that a compact would not be binding, which
was in itself illegal. No compact could be binding which was
based upon tyranny, injustice, fraud, and oppression.—
( Cheers.) If he succeeded in showing to the meeting that
the contract entered into with the West Indian Legislators
had been, by their own acts, made fraudulent, oppressive, and
tyrannical, from the moment that took place no one was bound
to observe its conditions, and the people of England were at
once released from all participation in it. The Imperial Le-
gislature, having recognised the just rights of the negro—
although, in his opinion, entertaining a mistaken view of the
subject—had thought fit to establish slavery, under the spe-
cious name of apprenticeship; yet he believed that the pro-
moters of that measure were actuated by a sincere and honest
desire to ameliorate the condition of the slaves. They re-
quired of the West India planters that they should carry out
the provisions of the Abolition Act, by passing certain laws;
,and, with regard to them, Lord Stanley had stated that the
'Legislature of Jamaica had faithfully and effectually abro-
gated slavery, while the Earl of Aberdeen, in 1835,
said that he accepted of the enactments of the Jamaica
,Legislature as being quite satisfactory ; and he should
now proceed to consider what had been the result of
those laws, as enacted on the one hand, and accepted by the
,Colonial Legislature on the other. lie would not expose him-
self to the charge of quoting from those who were supposed to
be biassed by partiality in favour of emancipation—who might
be supposed, from sinister motives, to have suppressed the
truth, or placed it in an exaggerated and unfair shape before
the public. He would at once state that the quotations he
(should make would be from the speech of the Noble Lord at
the head of our Colonial A ffairs. —( Hear.) He would assume
that no one would accuse that Noble Lord of undue haste, or
of an extremely exaggerated mode of dealing with any sub-
ject.—( Hear, and a laugh.) Now one of the Acts of the
Jamaica Legislature referred to the administration of punish-
ment in workhouses. And the Imperial Act contained a clause,
carefully framed by Mr. O'Connell, for the purpose of pre-
venting the punishment of females. When it was framed he
stated that it was impossible for the art of man to devise a
means of escaping from or evading that clause ; and it pro-
vided in substance that no punishment by the lash should on
any pretence be applied to the female negro. Now how did
the Jamaica Legislature get out of that ? They said by their
law the lash might be applied to free persons, and therefore
they chained women to the treadmill, suffering them to batter
their limbs to pieces, while the driver was standing behind ap-
plying the lash—( Cries of " Shame")—and what were Lord
Glenclg's sentiments with respect to punishment in the work-
houses 2—" Many facts had been elicited regarding these
workhouses in the course of the examination before a Select
Committee of the House of Commons, which proved that the
most horrid cruelties were perpetrated in them, and presented a
most disgusting picture of' West Indian punishment."—( Hear. )
Such were the sentiments of a man who could not be supposed
to have any very strong or heated opinions upon the subject,
and that admission had been wrung from him in the House of
Lords, when he brought forward his Bill to alter and amend
the Imperial Act. Now, with regard to the treatment of the
slaves by the planters, on the principle of feeling an interest
in preserving their lives, as the people of E ngland would treat
their horses with humanity, in order to get the more work out
of them—on that principle, the planters were in the habit of
granting certain allowances and indulgences to the slaves.
The Imperial Act provided that all these indulgences and al-
lowances should be continued; but the planter had turned
cdheiceifsi
Justiceon had
beenof thea pplrsolavieidd
of by
Jamaica,
laeisesa a, personage
who, in
round and said that lie had no title to them by law—that they
were merely indulgences, and should therefore be discontinued
from the bench, that the slave had no legal title
j
—and
which
eich took place before him, decided, in the most op-
pressive
soy,
usual been
formerly ttit'oti allowances—that rict, ssif°
v
way, the planter was not bound to grant them,
ill, the negro might die in a ditch.—( Shame, shame.)
refused
t, n,
thede r the
old
What does Lord Glenelg say with respect to that system ?
e Many allowances and indulgencies enjoyed by
,the slaves
u
had,pinthaewerass . It sorry
w to s
to
allow a mother to attend any of her children when dangerously
ill, and not to require her to make up the time so employed."
And again—" Mothers who had six children, and aged per-
sons, were not formerly expected to work in the fields. He
apprentices system
by
the
regretted to have to state that these customs had been discon-
tinued; and now a mother was refused permission to attend
any of her children, even though in a dying state, and old
age was
• exposed to the same hardships as the confirmed
strength of manhood."—( Shame, shame.) These were the
assertions of Lord Glenelg in the House of Lords. "It
wan a common practice formerly to allow the food of the
apprentices to be brought to them in the field where they
were at work, and persons supplied them with water dur-
ing the hours of labour. These indulgences were now,
however, in many cases, completely abrogated ; and the
apprentices had to spend the hour which was allowed
them for their meals in procuring and cooking their food."
The legislature had further provided for the protection of the
negro, that certain gentlemen should go out from that coun-
try as special justices, and the generality of those (to whom
lie was glad to say there were some honourable exceptions,
amongst others the Gallant Gentleman on the platform)—
(Cheers)—but the generality were men who had filled corn-
paratively menial stations of life at home—they were received
by the planter with treated
open arms—they were feasted and
with
tyrannical views.—( Hear, hear.) The moment, however,
any of them stood up for the rights of the negro, or for justice
against the oppressor, they were exposed to the most vexa-
tious and cruel attacks in courts of law, and jurors who had
seen summoned to try the case had been heard to declare,
Now we have got a special magistrate, we will make an ex-"
ample of him." The counsel employed were influenced by.,
the same , feelin-s
e and they said, " Don't give heavier damages
than 3001. against the special justice, because if you give
more an
appeal will be made to the Privy Council of Eng-
land, and you all know what sort of justice you will meet.
with there. "—( A laugh.) Now, with respect to these spe.
cial mistr
ag One mode of deterring
atcs Lord Glenelg says—'
the special magistrates from the discharge of their duty was to
threaten them with legal proceedings' There were not many;
cases in which this threat had been carried into effect; but the
dread of such a result was often sufficient to discourage ma
gistrates from the exercise of their functions. In all cases
which umeistrates had been condemned to pay fines for dis_
charging their duty by the colonial courts, the Government of
this country had felt it to be its duty to indemnify them ; but
what could repay them for the loss, the anxiety—nay, the con-
telnely, to which they had been subjected ? Another model
of annoyance which had been practised was to summon a zea.l
lous magistrate before the House of Assembly to give evi--1
`fence • before a Committee, to detain him in the place where,
the House met for several weeks, and to dismiss him at length
without examination at all." The fact was, so long as they
played the game of the West India nlanters—so long as they
made the fes-
tered negroes the objects of their persecution, they were
tered and encouraged; but the moment they mentioned the
word " ' • became their
justice" for the negroes, the planters
direst foes.—(Hear, hear.) They had all heard of the case
of Dr. Palmer, one of the most honourable and upright
among those who filled the office of special magistrate. He
rendered himself obnoxious to the planters, by doing justice to
the apprentices. A court of inquiry' was held upon him,
and the report concluded in these words :—" Having been
called on to report and give an opinion on the administration

of the law by the special justices of St. Thomas-in-the-Vale,
we must observe that Special Justice Palmer has adminis-
tered the law in the spirit of the English Abolition Act ; that
41 his administration of the law he has adapted it rather to the
-"glen of free men, than to the understanding of ap-
comprenes
prenticed labourer and that the present state of St. Tho-
-7;
mas-in-the- Vale is to be a,...eributed to such a mode of adminis-
tering the Abolition Law !" I\—,,sw was it creditable—could
it be believed in the nineteenth centu;':,. that when such a
report as that was laid before the officer ent::'isted with the
administration of the Colonial law, he should prore7unc,e
this
sentence, " that Dr. Palmer be suspended from his on,. c
—(oh !) Now when such proceedings and such results took
Place—when the spirit of the law and British Constitution was
thus openly outraged, could any man dare get up in the House
of Commons, or before any assembly of his fellow-countrymen,
and say, that it was a contract that ought not to be infringed?
—( Cheers.) But he would give one instance more. He
would bring before them a case of the most revolting tyranny,
which admitted of no question as to the facts, because it con-
tained not only statements of a special magistrate, but also of
a colonial jury at a coroner's inquest, and the overseer
of ..fainaica workhouse.—(Cheers, and hear, hear.) The
report was from Major Thomas Baines, and it appeared
been sent from a plantation
from it that semi women had.
called Leith Hall to wlset was called Lhe penal gang, and Mr.
Cooke writes—" These women above-oat: ed are in perfect
e lves
,
health, but evince such a determination to injury themselves
on the tread-mill, that I consider it necessary that to corn-
miffing magistrate should see them at work, and participat."
with me in the responsibility of continuing their punishment."
And a postscript was added -to the letter in these words :
" The woman named Louisa Beveridge died on the tread-mill
this morning I"
Mr. TOWSON here exclaimed—" The woman died of apo-
•plexy."
Mr. Wootcosine—l am exceedingly glad that the gentle-
man has mentioned the fact; but in a medical view, you will
presently see what foundation there is for it, and that instead
of diminishing the sin, the crime, and the disgrace, it will add
forty thousand-fold to them.—( Hear.) The special Justice,
Mr. Baines, repofts to the Government on the authority of
Mr. Cooke:—" On visiting the House of Correction this
forenoon, I found that one of the women who were sent in
yesterday from Leith Hall had died. It appears that she, as
well as others sent in by you from that place, refused to step
the wheel, and was in consequence tied by the arm; to the
hand-rail. I saw the woman yesterday in perfect health. I
cannot see how any blame can attach to any quarter, except
to the unfortunate woman herself, yet it is proper and necessary
that we take all the pains in our power to discover the real
cause of such a lamentable accident, and, if possible, to pre-
vent a recurrence of such." Now, if it should happen that
the result of such horrid treatment, and the suspension of
these unfortunate human beings by the hands, had induced
such a state of disease as to occasion apoplexy in one
who was the day before " in perfect health".---( Hear,
hear, hear)—such may have been its medical result,
he was not prepared to deny it; but he would ask, was that
a plea that ought to be brought before an assembly of
Englishmen, as even the shadow of the shade of an excuse for
such disgusting barbarity and cruelty ?—( Hear, and great
cheering.) The meeting would be curious to hear what
Lord Glenelg said upon the subject :—" It appears that out
of eleven deaths which have occurred in that workhouse since
January, 1835, three were confessedly owing to injuries re-
ceived on the treadmill; and the remaining eight are ascribed
to the visitation of God ; under which general description, it
is obvious, that many cases may have been included in which
the death of the prisoner was not unconnected with the treat-
ment which he had previously undergone. It is admitted,
that the regulations of the workhouse do not prevent prisoners
confined there for life from having iron collars rivetted round
their necks, and they may authorise other modes of punishment
equally objectionable. lam not, indeed, unaware either of
the necessity or of the difficulty of compelling prisoners to sub-
mit to punishment on the tread-wheel; nor am I prepared to
give any definite instructions on that head without a revision
of the whole system of prison discipline, a subject which is
now under consideration. In the meantime, however, I have
no hesitation in declaring, that any mode of compelling pri-
soners to submit to the discipline of the workhouse, by which
their lives are endangered, is absolutely unallowable. The
proper course to be adopted with prisoners who will not sub-
mit to one kind of punishment, is to substitute for it some
other which is found by experience to be less tolerable I!"
Now his Lordship was not prepared to make any alteration
without a revision of the whole prison discipline, which was
then under the consideration of the Colonial office. He had
always undertood that Lord Glenelg was one of the most
amiable and religious of men, and unless there was some most
extraordinary mistake here, it would appear as if he wished to
establish some system which would be " less tolerable" than
death by flogging, while hanging on the treadmill. But if
that were not so, it must be that the labour of correcting his
despatch was too great, and that he allowed the words "less
tolerable," to remain, rather than undergo the fatigue of sub.
stunting others. That was the only excuse that could be
offered for sending so atrocious a despatch.—( Cheers.) He
could go on for hours quoting cases of equal atrocity, but he
had said enough to establish the iniquity of the system, and to
rouse the indignation of the British public.—( Loud cheering.)
They had been told that it was equally unfair to bring charges
against all the planters, as to assert that all the persons
having apprentices in England were guilty of the same
atrocities, equal to those of the woman Brownrig.g.
Such, lie admitted would be an unfair assumption, but he
contended that any system that led to such atrocities should
be at once put an end to, and that no man should dare to
stand up in a meeting of Englishmen, and bring forward a case
of equal cruelty elsewhere as a justification of the system.
—( Applause.) He contended that had a second case similar
to Brownrigg's occurred, the whole country would be aroused
from John-o'- Groat's to the Land's End, and demand the
the extinction of all apprenticeship in England.—( Vehement
cheering.) But when there was not one, but twenty, cases of
such cruelty to adduce—when the table of the House of Com-
mons was loaded with evidence of a similar kind, were Eng-
lishmen to submit tamely to the continuance of such villainous
atrocity ?—( Cheers.) What was the remedy for this? Was
it to suffer that unhappy race to continue for two years longer
subject to the iron dominion of the planter ?—( No, no.)
Was it with the fallacious hope, that having lost all interest in
the labour of the slaves they would cease to torture and op-
press them ? Was it from any hope of that sort that the
people of England had been taxed to the amount of twenty
millions to put a stop to the system ? Let them recollect that
the man who had it in his power to stop the atrocity, and ne-
glected to do it, was equally guilty with the inhuman monsters
who carried the system into effect.—( Cheers.) Let not the
present generation pass away with such a stain upon the na •
tional character; and if the Ministers would not listen to the
voice of the people of England, by whose voice they were
called to the Government of the country, and by whose voice
alone they were continued in their present position--( Hear)—
if they were not prepared to do what justice and equity de-
manded of them, let them, without any considerations of State
policy, be driven from their places with contempt and indig-
nation.—( Vehement cheering.) He fervently hoped that
such a result would not take place--( Hear)—he fervently
hoped they would see the iniquity of the course they had
hitherto pursued. He trusted they would at length listen to
the voice of humanity, and reason, and religion; but whatever
the result might be, no earthly power would ever induce him
to abstain from lifting up his voice against them, or against
any other men, who would dare to continue such an atrocious
and infamous system.—(Much cheering.)
The Rev. R. LUNEI, in seconding the resolution, observed
that the task more properly belonged to the gentleman by
whom the Anti-Slavery Society was represented in the metro-
polis ; but in consequence of his absence he (Mr. Luney),
had been deputed to undertake it, and the loss would be to
the meeting and to himself. It was due to the Anti-Slaters-
Society to explain what their proceedings had been since they
had met in that hall in December last. Since that time their
cause had sustained a temporary defeat ; but, from what lie
saw around him, and from what he witnessed in other parts of
the kingdom, it could hardly be said that their enemies had
obtained a triumph.—( Cheers.) At the commencement of
March last, the Anti- Slavery Society, knowing by certain in-
dications that the crisis of their cause was approaching, issued
notices to every part of the kingdom, calling upon the friends
of the negro to come up to London, and consult upon
the best means of carrying that great and important question.
The consequence was, that a number of delegates from various
parts of the United Kingdom, including the whole of the great
towns, assembled at Exeter-hall on the 27th March last, to
the number of 400, and a variety of resolutions were passed,
pledging themselves to an uncompromising adherence to the
principles they had put forth in December last.—( Hear. )
A memorial was adopted to the head of the Colonial-office,
and Lord Glenelg acquiesced in their wish for an interview.
They met his Lordship in Downing-street, and presented a
memorial explanatory of their objects, and declaratory of their
sentiments, and pledging themselves, as the representatives of
the Anti-Slavery body, not to cease their exertions, until
slavery, under whatever guise or name, should cease through-
out her lilsjesty's dotninions.—( Cheers. ) The following day
a resolution for the extinction of slavery on the Ist August
next was brought forward by Sir G. Strickland in the house
of Commons. They went there, hoping it would be carried;
but on a division there were 215 for it, and 269 against it—
leaving them in a very large minority of only 54.—( Hear. )
It was due to the Anti- Slavery body to advert to the
causes assigned for the failure of the question. By
one class of politicians, it was asserted that it was
because they had availed themselves of the eloquence of Lord
Brougham in the House of Lords, and of Mt. O'Connell in
the House of Commons. By an opposite class it was alleged
that they had failed in consequence of their unnecessary and
unwarrantable severity towards her Majesty's Ministers.
These could not both be true, and he should prove to them
that neither was true.—( Hear.) He ( Mr. Luney) was no
advocate of Lord Brougham, nor no admirer of Mr. O'Con-
nell's conduct, although he was in this instance before them ;
but thus much he would say that if all who professed to advo-
cate the abolition of slavery had acted as they did, they would
not have been put to the necessity of attending there that day.
He would confidently assert that among these 400 delegates
there was not one of them who knew any class of

politicians aS s eft, and lac de ed any nee n to tell
him what were the politics of any one of these .400 by his
conduct, for every man of them were prepared to make' a semi,
flee of his political predilections for the accomplishs vent of
their great object.—( Cheers.) He had frequently heard
their eloquent friend (Mr. Thompson), and '
he did not know what his politics were.-
could make any guess at the politics
body, he would say that nine-tenths
consistent, uncompromising supporters
ters, and he mentioned it to their hone
the honour to belong to them.—(Ch
he would say that a proposition for a v
Majesty's Ministers was negatived a,
delegates by a very large majority.—,
after that he should hear no more oi
He was not prepared to vindicate the speeches or opinions of
every one of the 400, for he had never been at a meeting of tees
persons with whom he could go along in every statementaad
opinion, and it was not to be wondered at then, that in solergs
a body the zeal of some run assay with their discretion. H
would then, on behalf of his friends and himself, solemnly
disclaim any political objects, motives, or views in the pro-
ceedings of that day.—( Hear.) The question itself was not
one of politics—it was one of justice and of religion, and ho
felt that he would have been guilty of a dereliction of duty if
he did not make that statement. On these grounds he would
venture to pray of the meeting to leave political feelings and
predilections at the door of the hall—to conduct themselves,
not as men but as 'Christians, and he did hope, that not-
eeithstanding the placard that had been put forward by ate
enemy, Devonport would not be the only single solitary ex-
ception, or obtain the bad pre-eminence of being the only tome
in the kingdom :hat had looked at the question through a po-
litical medium.—(C,heers.) It would be utterly impossible
to deal with the quOst
ion without referring to men and
measures,—it would be utterly impossible for them to
maintain their true position without referring to the
speeches of Members of Parliament ; but if he had occasion to
refer to them, he would refer to them as men, and not as
Members, as Members at least, and not as Ministers. With
these observations he would consider the resolution, which
set forth that the system of slavery under the specious name
of apprenticeship was still in existence, and was alike repug-
nant to the British Constitution and the Christian religion._
( Hear.) He trusted that on the present occasion he would
not be called to order as he had heed at Stonehouse—non
mesas Mc sernto—it was the resolution that :spoke, and nut him-
They were aware that in 1833 an Act was passed for
the entire abolition of slavery in her Majesty's' dominions._
that Lord St,; `*ley made use of the important words, that from
and after the Ist if August, 1834, slavery should be, and is
hereby utterly abolcs.llcd, and illegal throughout the British
plantations, colonies, and. possessions; and that the power of
the whip, as a stimulus to shall cease ; that females
shall not be flogged; that the nreels shall be liable to work
e'e;
for their masters a certain number or Hors in each week ; and
le
that no part of the twenty millions shall Ise aid until adequate
provision has been made for carrying these principles into effect.
Lord Stanley added that from the passing of that n et every slave
should enjoy all the privileges of a freeman—that no taint of
his servile condition should remain, that he should be freed
from the atrocious system of irresponsible corporeal pnnisiement,
placed in the full enjoyment of his domestic ties—that: he should
see his nearest and dearest connections at home freed from the
insulting lash ; that he should have a right to acquire property ;
and that, in short, he should enjoy all the prvileges of a free-
man, subject only to the one restriction of workinga certain
number of hours per week for his master. Wisat could be
more beautiful in theory? Was it any wonder that !•hey were
in a paroxysm of delight, and that it overflowed to the tune of
twenty millions ?—( Uear, hear.) But did they get what the
Act promised ? He contended they had got no such thing.
They had get rid of the nan;e " lucus a non lucendo"—they had
apprenticeship where none of the; conditions of the indenture were
observed by the master. They had nothing to learn but the
art and mystery of freemen, and eou!si they acquire that front
uncompromising and relentless tyrants ?—(Much cheering.)
Were they to learn freedom from men whose whole life long
had been utterly destitute of the least approximation to its
practice ?—( Cheers. ) No—the thing was :Absurd. They
were called freemen, and yet they could not wander beyond
the bounds of their master's plantation without incurring the
punishment of twenty lashes. They were not freemen, be-
cause they could not go visit a sick wife or child without re-
ceiving twenty lashes. They were not freemen, because for
intoxication they received fifty lashes ; and he would ask them,
was there any person in her Majesty's colonies who would
suffer such a punishment for such an offence. Mark—
he did not say that they did not deserve it.—(Latighter.)
All he insisted on was, that they did not receive it.—( Hear.)
He had told them what the negroes were not—he could now
tell what they were—they were men, brethren, and they were
slaves.—( Hear, hear.) He admitted that the apprenticed
labourers had received some benefit from the Bill—the aboli-
tion of the irresponsible and indiscriminate use of the cart
whip was a great thing ; but it was almost the only advantage
they had gained. But they had been subjected to atrocious
and vile cruelty, unknown in the previous state of slavery—
for if the provisions of the Bill had been fairly carried out,
the present universal demand for the immediate extinction of
the system would not have existed. Not one of its provsions
had been fairly carried out. The Act provided that a definite
number of hours should be allowed the negro for working his
own grounds—that certain allowances, food, and clothing
should be continued to him—that the punishment of the lash
should, as regarded females, be entirely abolished—that an
equitable classification of the slaves into prredials and non-prse-
dials—these outlandish names which Lord Stanley was much
attached to, forgetting his own Saxon English—( A laugh)
—should take place, that they might be entitled to
their freedom respectively on the Ist of August, 1838, and
and Ist of August, 1840—they should receive all the indul-
gences in the time of sickness and infirmity to which they
were previously entitled. He was, perhaps, trespassing upon
their time, but they were not aware of the lamentable igno-
rance that existed in that town with respect to the details of
the system. The Act provided that none of the apprentices,
on what were called home-fed colonies, should work more than
45 hours per week ; that on Sunday he might be able to wor-
ship his God ; that on Saturday he nneeht attend his market ;
and, on the half of Friday, he might be able to cultivate his
own provision ground.—(Hear, hear, !icor.) What was
the conduct of the planters ? They divided the eight
hours per day so as to spread it over the whole of
the week, and, by this means it was utterly iinpossibio for him
to cultivate his ground, which was, in many cases,
two, three, or four miles from the plantation, and, in some in-
stances, ten or twelve. With respect to food it had been
ascertained that, in some instances, the rations had been re-
duced one-half, or even less. Twenty-one pints of farinaceous
food per week was the allowance under tile former system, but
now it had been reduced to ten, and in some instances to six
pints per week.—( Shame.) When the Bill for carrying the
Abolition Act into effect had been brought into the Legislature
in Guiana, it was only by the casting vote of Sir James Car-
michael Smith that they were enabled to carry it, and the Bill
for the classification of Negroes had been rejected by them
altogether. Then, with respect to the treatment of the sick in
hospitals, he could with great truth affirm, that suffering and
disease was in all the Colcnics regarded as a crime. He
had now adverted to a few of the heads on which the
provisions of the Abolition Act had been systematically ()ri-
med and violated; and here he might be asked for his evi-
dence, because such a state of things was enough to render
the most credulous incredulous ; and if he had not felt it his
duty, as the delegate from Plymouth, to bestow some time
upon the subject, he might have been as credulous- as others.
What was his evidence ? Not as Mr. Gladstone had the
hardihood to assert, for he (Mr. Luney) had heard hint say it
—the evidence of anonymous slanderers. Not as Sir G.
Grey had stated—that of ex parte evidence. Not as Lord
J. Russell had asserted—from those who were said to hash
created the excitement, and iv have practised frauds upon
public meetings. He would not allude to them, although he
was content to receive them as the statements of men of un-
eompromisims integrity, and of unimpeachable truth, and
whose word he would take as soon as that of any of her Ma-
je sty's Ministers. No the evidence he should offer would
be that to which Sir G. Grey himself directed the attention
of the public and the House of Commons—the dispatches of
Governors—the reports of Special Magistrates—the Acts of
the Colonial Legislature—the Reports of Parliamentary Com-
mittees—and the Bill brought in which was founded on
them. Then there was the evidence of Lord Sligo, who
had been Governor of Jamaica four months anterior to the
passing of the Act, and twenty-two months after it had passed.
No man was in a better situation to observe the working of
the system in all its departments. When he told them that
Lord Sligo was one of the largest slave proprietors in Jamaica,
they would admit that his prejudices would not go along with
the Abolitionists--that if he had any prejudices resulting from
the possession of such property, they could not have been in
favour of the Abolitionists. All that proved that Lord Sligo
was not only a competent, but a credible and an impartial wit-
ness. What was the opinion of Lord Sligo with respect to the
Jamaica planters ? " Considerable apprehension," he says,
" was felt at that time, respecting the probable conduct of the
negroes on the eventful Ist of August ; a feeling, however, in
which those who did not see how it could be the interest of
the slaves to interfere with the progress of an enactment so
manifestly for their benefit, did not participate." Having had
that disproved by the fact, they then passed it to the Christmas
holidays. But they also passed off with the same orderly and
regular conduct on the part of the negroes, although the want
of verification of their prophecies did not prevent them from
repeating them, and if they did not happen at the Christmas
holidays, it was said they would occur at some time, although
when that would be was not stated. With respect to
the manlier in which the laws were administered they had
again Lord Sligo's testimony :—" The spirit in which they
are administered in Jamaica gives them a totally different
character—the truth is, that there arc no sympathies between
the two classes—the magistrates, and those on whose conduct
they have to adjudicate : and that, without. imputing any cor-
rupt motives to the one, the result is most unfavourable to the
other." It would recopy more time than they could spare to
go through the whole of the pamphlet, but he would give
them one instance of the way in which the system which Lord
Glenelg termed "auspicious," worked :—" An overseer, a
book-keeper, a policeman, an estate constable, or even any
idler riding out for anius meat, sees a black man walking
along the road with a huielle, or, what is most frequent, a
basket of provisions on his head ;---he stops him, questions
hina—and if the man does not give air explanation satisfactory
to the inquirer--if the negro does not succeed in giving what
he considers to he sufficient eNplanaliun--!to takes him
for which he is entitled to a certain premium, and HIT; ieim
generally before the nearest local magistrate for examination
and in order to get the reward to which he is entitled for ap.
prehending a runaway, urges the man's committal to the
workhouse. The MITI, generally, has not the means at hand
of proving to the magistrate who and what he is; and that
officer, naturally not wishing to let a runaway escape, commits
hirn on suspicion. As soon as he reaches the workhouse, he
is at ones chained to some other fellow prisoner by a collar'
round his neck, and he. is sent out, in the penal, or chain

gang, to clean tho streets of the town, or do any other work,
in which the parish penal gang happens to be employed. He
is then, as the law directs, advertised for four successive
'weeks in the Colonial papers, for the purpose of being dale-led ;
and, during all that time, works for the benefit of the parish,
and perhaps at the end turns out to be A free person. k
that case, he has undergone an unjust and severe punishment."
in relation to the manner in which they are treated, we learn
further that—" Young girls, cf premature age, and probably
of excellent character, sent in on suspicion, or for some trifling
indolence, or for turning out late to work, are seen working
in chains in these penal gang., cleaning the streets, nee
any germ of modesty they might possess is destroy-,d. One
,of these girls is probably chained to a thief, or woman of in-
famous character ; if she has been heretofore pure in her con-
duct, the chances are strongly in favour of her being corrupted
by the vices of her companions. Once seen amongst the cri-
minals in the streets, disgrace attaches to her name, though
she has really been guilty of no offence, except one of the most
trifling nature, proceeding from the ea: clessnees of youth ;
and yet, for this cause, she is made to associate with all the
vilest criminals of the chain gang. The strongest representa-
tions were made by the Governor to the different Custodes ;
but it has never been asserted, that, in a single instance, the
practice was in consequence discontinued." The evidence of
his Lordship with respect to hospitals was equal), strong,
and here again he would remind them that these were not the
statements of an anonymous calumniator. He might go
through the whole of. the pamphlet, and pi-educe facts still
more strong, and if he did not give his authority he could
not expect to be believed ; and yet Mr. Gladstonehad the har-
dihood to assert that these were the charges of anonymous ca-
lumniators, and Sir G. Grey had asserted that in most instances
the spirit and letter of the Abolition Act had }seen adhered
to. He thought he had stated enough to convince the most
sceptical ; but if there were any yet unsatisfied let him have
but another opportunity, and if the man had any brains in his
head, or any blood in his heart, he would undertake to con-
vince him.—( Loud cheers.) But he need not go to Ja-
maica for the statements of Governors and Magistrates, for
he had got an analysis of Lord Glenclg's admissions, and he
would adopt his freend Mr. Thompson's plan, and summon
him before them co give evidence. His Lordship was aware
that by the Abolition Act the negrees were to be divided into
two classee,, one to be emancipated in August 1838, and the
other in August 1840, and it was a fact that in Jamaica no classi-
ficatioes Aet was passed until last year, and then it was so framed
the...it could not be allowed to pass, or receive the sanction of the
J...'sritish Parliament, so that in fact up to this moment, no
classification Act has been passed. He would now ask his
Lordship—" How has the eight hours' system,' which your
Lordship characterised an inconvenience' which it would be
better to pass over in silence,' operated on the welfare of the
negro ?" Answer.—" In Jamaica this has given rise to great
discontent. It has acted very injuriously to the negro, for
while the nine hour system secured to the negro a holiday every
Friday, the eight hour system precluded him from that indul-
gence, and left him but the refuse of the day for raising his
own provision."—" How has the workhouse system been ad-
ministered?" Lord Glenelg's answer is It is true that
apprentices are condemned to workhouses, or houses of correc-
tion, placed under local laws, for apprentice offences, or
offences affecting the interest of his employers. For every
inconsiderelle offence of this kind the apprentice is committed
to a workhouse; he is removed from the protection of Britieh
law, red from that moment the admission of special Magis-
trates is carefully prevented. I will not enter into more sad
scenes to which my Noble Friend has alluded as occurring in
these workhouses—scenes on which it is impossible for the
mind to dwell without horror. Many facts have been elicited
regarding these workhouses in the course of the examination
before a Select Committee of the House of Commons which
prove that the most horrid cruelties are perpetrated in them, and
present a most disgrating picture of West Indian punishment."
He might multiph, these evidences, but it would take up a
vast deal of their time, but he hoped they would believe him
to be a creeiltah;ie witness when he said that he would not
snake a faire statement, and that every statement that had
been :lade by the abolitionists, whether it related to food, or
tim.4, or classification, or hospitals, or punishments, was evi-
dence derived exclusively from the Colonial Office itself.
The question now was, how are these abuses to be got rid of?
The Government said that there was nothing like a plaister of
parchment for the sore legs, and lacerated backs, and hungry
bellies of the ne,groes.—( A laugh.) That had been tried
again and again without effect, and let them now act like
rational men, and try some more powerful remedy. He (Mr.
Luney) had no confidence in the Colonial Legislature, or in
the Government at home, and it appeared to him that the
only remedy they could ever hope to see effectual, was the re-
medy of annihilation.—( Immense cheering.) Give the ne-
groes their own time, and compel the planters to pay them
wages, and he was quite sure, from the facts laid before them
of the workinsf of the system in the colonies, no evil would
arise, but great advantage both to the planter and negro.—
(Hear, and cheers.) The solemn iniquity of a compact was
asserted, but its existence had been denied by Lord Brougham,
by Lord Denman, by Mr. O'Connell, by Sir E. Sugden,
and by the Bishop of Exeter—(Cheers)—and he (Mr.
Luncy) felt much pride in bearing this testimony to the opi-
nion of Isis excellent Diocesan, who had said that it could be
no contract which deprived men of their natural rights—
that it was no contract which was a violation of
the law of God—that it was no contract which
authorised the commission of robbery and murder—and
the present system compelled them to commit both.--(Much
cheering.) He would only advert to one other objection—
that it would be unsafe to emancipate the negroes—that the
man who had so long endured afflictions, corporeal and men-
tal—that the man who had been deprived of his rights, and
tortured in a variety of ways—that the man who had submitted
to all this with the utmost Christian resignation—that that
man would murder the whites. And for what ? Not for
cruelty, certainly, for they don't do it now. If they designed
it at any time it would surely be when they are suffering op-
pression. Was it to be supposed that he could bear torture
and not kindness ?—(Hear.) The thing was absurd. It was
stated also that he was unfit, but they had the testimony of
Lord Glenelg that he was quite fitted, for freedom.—(Cheers.)
He begged to apologise for having occupied so much of their
time, and for having exhibited somewhat of excitement on the
subject ; but it was a question in which he thought it criminal
to be calm.—(Cheers. ) The time was coming when the
negro would stand on equal terms with his oppressor—when
they would be face to face, and when both would receive
ample compensation for their conduct in this life.--( Hear, and
cheers.) When that time came, let it be remembered that he
should obtain no mercy who had shown none.—(Much
applause.) lie would entreat of the meeting to adopt the
constitutional means which were placed in their hands—that
they would go to the Legislature, and petition that the in-
famous system, which was revolting to humanity—which was
adverse to sound policy and religion—should be put an end
to at once and for ever.—(Great cheering.) With these
sentiments he most cordially seconded the resolution.
Mr. TOWSON here came forward and ascended the table in
front of the platform, and claimed permission to be heard. He
was received with cries of " Char," " Order," and hisses. The
Chairman Laving entreated the meeting to permit him to go
on, he was then allowed to proceed.He was sorry that he
was one of the individuals who was open to the strong censure
which had been made by the gentleman who had moved the
resolution. He admitted that in the eyes of others he might
be exposed to censure and ridicule, and ho assured them thtt
no man would be more happy to stand in the ranks of those
to whom the Rev. Gentleman who had preceded him had
alluded than himself. But there was another consideration
which they ought not to lose sight of. Those who spoke so
much of justice would place it all on one side, while they said
they would do injustice to no individual. His (Mr. Towson's)
desire to do justice to the Ne4ro no man could doubt, and he
acknowledged that the last time that eloquent Gentleman ( Mr.
Thompson) was there, he had been carried away by the torrent
of his oratory ; every statement he had made had produced an
impression on his (Mr. Towson's) mind, and he had never
dreamt that he could ever have a different set of opinions in
his heart.—( Hisses and Groans.) But lately another question
had been brought forward in that town, and elsewhere, and he
(Mr. Towson) thought it right to pause before he advocated
it. The statements now pat forward were that they would
throw down the present G erernment—( Cries of " No, no")
—that they would throw every obstacle in the way of the pro-
ceedings of the present Government, because they were not
the advocates of the present question. He would consider
himself unworthy of the franchise, if he allowed himself to be
influenced by such considerations. When he was last in that
Hall he acknowledged that he ought to have investigated the
question before be advocated it, but he would do so now
fearlessly. He regretted to find that a technical objection had
been taken to his coming forward, because he did not mean
to move an amendment.—( Cheers and laughter.) The subject
of a contract had been alluded to, and it had been asserted
and denied that a contract existed. But before he went to
that point, he thought it necessary to investigate the grounds
of the argument on which the assertion of their being no con-
tract was founded. It appeared to him that Sir George Grey
when he made that statement--( Considerable interruption
here took place in the meeting, and it was some time before
order could be restored.) He was no advocate of Sir George
Grey under all circumstances—he was no sycophant—(.l
laugh)—for when the Honourable Baronet first presented him-
self to the constituents of Devonport, he (Mr. Towson) could
scarcely make up his mind to give him his vote; and he did
not see why he should not defend him when he thought Sir
George Grey was in the right.—(Cheers and hisses.) It ap-
peared to him that the statements put forward were not the
whole truth, although they might be true. He would use no
expression likely to create an unpleasant feeling, but it ap-
peared to him that they were extracts—(oh !)--and not full
statements. He had set one gentleman right when he alluded
to the death of a negro woman.—( Groans and hisses.) He
was not going to advocate or defend one iota of that tran-
saction.—(Hear.) When he found the gentleman had left
out one word, he (Mr. Towson) thought it right to supply it,
and at the proper place, too. When he spoke of her death was
the fitting time to give the verdict of the Coroner's Inquest,
which was apoplexy, He wished, that whatever conclusion
they came to, it should not be said that it was upon garbled
statements.—(Cheers.) He considered it extremely unjust,
illiberal, and unfair to bring all those charges upon Sir G.
Grey, or upon the heads of the present Government.—( Oh. )
He would not say that they had done every thing in their
power—( Hear)—but he would state that they had done a
great deal which they considered best adapted to prevent the
evils complained of.—(No, no, and much interruption.) The
Reverend Gentleman who had last addressesclitr,hem had brought
forward the evidence of the Marquis of Sligo, and he
Tcon-
fessed that he (Mr. Towson) did not agree with him.—(L
?p-
-roar.) He did not go far enough, for he stated in
conclusion
(p-
-that the negro was unfit for freedom.—(A voice in the
crowd, "Heis a liar." Great laughter.)
The Rev. Mr. LUNEY—He has given the best evidence we
could ask upon the subject, by emancipating all his own ap-
runtieee,....(Greet applause>)

Mr. ToWsON again endeartinred to address the meeting, but
the uproar WRS so great that he 'could not proceed.
I.3n:iia'aiArq en'trented that he might be heard.
Mr. Tows'on bad a pamphlet in his liant,!, ill trhich ii Coin-
parisvm Was instituted betwOin Ant'igii.e. And janiaieai and it
Was attempted to proved that the negrots Of the
unfit for feett'ilom.—( 'Uproar.)
Mr. GEORGE THOMPSO thtfeated the meeting to hear Mr.
Towson. He vll- doing their cause great sgrTice,—( Hear,
hear.) was stating to them manfully the objections that
eczurred to his own mind, and if they allowed him to [toned
without ohleo;ation or interruption, they Might be assured that
ho would receive a full and satisfactory answer.—( Cheers. )
Mr. TOWSON thrn fesumed—He contended that many of
the statementi made were exaggrated, and that if the negrocs
were treated with kindness, It would be more advantageous_ to
them than to have emancipation forced upon them.—( Oh ! and
great laughter.) He believed ttiat very great unjustice had
been done to a very deserving set of men, and who had earned
the thanks of the country—he meant the special magistrates of
Jamaica, He should Wing evidence of that. He would give
them the living testimony of a gentleman who was now pre-
vent. He had his evidence with him, and he would beg to
read a little of it to the meeting.—(Laughter, and cries of
t• No, no, don't trouble yourself.") It was the evidence of
these men which had led the present Ministers astray. [Mr.
Towson here proceeded to read long.' extracts from the evi-
dence taken before the Parliamentary Committee, but was
frequently interrupted by the meeting, which throughout
manifested indications of impatience.] It was clear from that
that the Special Magistrates had evinced the greatest rcadi
nets to investigate th cases brought under their consideration,
and that they received every encouragement and support from
the Government when charges were preferred against them.
Under such circumstances, he thought it unfair to bring such
accusations against the Government and against Sir George
Grey, Sir Edward Codrington, and others, who had nothing
to do with it. The members of the Anti. Slavery Society
could not pretend to be so well qualified to advocate the eman-
cipation of the negrocs as the present Government.—(Great
laughter.) He would assert most distinctly that every sug-
gestion calculated to improve the condition of the negro
which had been transmitted to Lord Glenclg, had been
adopted in the Act of Parliament introduced by Sir
George Grey. Ile had the remarks of a Special Magis-
trate, who was now on the platform, before him, and he
then stated that the apprenticeship system, under good laws,
was a good one.—( Loud laughter.) He did not want to
vindicate their prison discipline, or to tolerate any abuses ;
but, at the same time, they would recollect that Sir George
Grey had told them that the subject had met with calm and
deliberate consideration. (Mr. Towson here proceeded to
read some further extracts, which at length appeared to have
exhausted the patience of the meeting, and great uproar en-
sued. A person in the crowd asked how much of that
large book Mr. Towson intended to read ?) (Great laughter,
and cries of " Off, off !")
Mr. THOMPSON said the gentleman had assured him he did
not intend to read the whole of it.—( Renewed laughter.)
Mr. TOWSON again attempted to proceed, but the uproar
was renewed.

The CHAIRMAN said, although the gentleman was perhaos
wearisome, he hoped they would give him full latitude and the
longest rope.—( Ct les of " No, no," and much confusion.)
Mr. THOMPSON said the gentleman's object was not to vin-
dicate slavery, but to defend persons who were not present,
which he thought very praiseworthy. They had no desire to
suppress anything, and therefore he beseeched them to give
him a patient hearing.
Mr. TowsoN then proceeded, and, after some desultory
remarks, concluded by asserting that the charges brought
against the Government were quite unfounded.
Mr. G. THOMrsoN then came forward, and was received with
loud and general cheering. He said—With your leave, and
by your gracious patience, I will take the liberty of offering a
few remarks on this most interesting and momentous topic, for
the purpose of placing it so far as I am able to do upon that
high and only proper ground which it should occupy before a
Christian and a British assembly.—(Hear, hear.) I am in-
fluenced to day by no personal, or party, or political feeling
whatever. For seven years of my short life, I have been daily
and hourly in peril, and in labour, and in much weakness, the
unceasing advocate of negro rights.—(Cheers.) I have never
made a political speech, and the greatest compliment paid me
for some time has been the one unintentionally paid me to-day,
that a gentleman who has heard me speak often knows not yet
of what political opinions I am. I may say, however, that I
rise to-day with feelings of fervent loyalty for the maiden
Queen of these realms—with profound respect for the Govern-
ment under which we enjoy the privilege to live—with a de-
sire to yield, in the fear of God, the strictest obedience to the
law of the land—and with the recollection that what I utter to-
day I shall have to account for in that court and at that tribunal
to which we are all amenable.—(Cheers.) But while I am
loyal to my sovereign—while I am respectful to the Govern-
ment—while I am obedient to the laws, I do it as a man
who is a moral and accountable being—the friend of the negro,
the out-cast and oppressed negro—the foe of slavery
under whatever name and in whatever latitude—(Hear,
hear, hear)—as the servant of one who is king above all
kings, and judge and law-giver, above all judges and law-
givers, and as responsible for all the moral, or social, or politi-
cal, or religious influence, I can bring to the work of releasing
the prisoner, and letting the oppressed go free.—( Cheers. )
When I was last among you, although an utter stranger, you
kindly received me, you patiently heard me, and you most
flatteringly commended me ; and if I had then aught of title to
your patience, aught of title to your thanks, I have not the less
title to-day, bringing with me into this hall, the same heart
which I then brought with me—the same judgment—the same
conviction—the same unextinguishable hatred of the common
antagonist of men on earth and God in heaven. Will
you then

_
" Hear me for my cau,e,
And be silent that you may hear."—(Cheers.)
Never did I rise before a British audience to discharge a more
delicate, a more painful duty, than that which truth and jus-
tice, a proper regard for the character of myself and those
with whom I have the honour to be associated, in the " labour
of love," and the interests of a million of human beings, have
this day devolved upon me. I desire to fling away to-day,
above all other days, every petty and personal feeling, and
without passion or partiality, to address myself to the question
now before this vast assembly, under a sense of the responsibi-
lity I owe to Him whose honour and whose laws are involved in
the discussion now going on.—( Hear and cheers.) With
these introductory remarks I shall come at once to the ques-
tion before us. I am thankful that the way has been
considerably cleared by the two Honourable Gentlemen who
have already addressed you. My honoured Friend who
opened the discussion, or rather, seconded the first

resolution; and the gentleman who has taken upon himself
the task of indicating, of course, from his conviction those
whom he considers to have been unjustly treated in some of
the allegations I have thought it my duty to make in the pro-
gress of this great question,—l shall not, therefore, to-day
give you long documentary evidence, drawn from questionable
sources. I shall not tire you with " stale steryotyped calum-
nies" from Aldermanbury.—(A laugh.) With the apocryphal
writings of Joseph Sturge, or any of those questionable instru-
ments by which in our folly and feebleness we thought afore-
time we were well assisted.—( Hear, hear.) This is rendered
unnecessary. I hold in my hand a pamphlet, which has been
in the hands of my friend beneath me—above me in all other
respects—( A laugh)—purporting to be an authorized
copy of a speech delivered by an honourable Baronet
closely connected with the borough in which we are now
assembled. The station of that honourable Baronet—the
situation which he fills—the character which he has main-
tained, not amongst you only, but with the country at large_
the circumstances under which he spoke, and the facts and
accusations (for he has both in abundance) contained in this
pamphlet—all command the attention and the respect, and the
due and deliberate consideration of this assembly.—( Hear.)
It was delivered on the 29th of March last, in support of the
Government measure to prominently alluded to by my hon.
friend who has just resumed his seat, and it was delivered in
opposition to a :notion which, at the bidding of the united em-
pire, another Hon. Baronet brought before the Honourable
House, in which both on that occasion appeared—Sir George
Grey. I may bo permitted to name him—and I name him
with a high respect for his private character. I have had
opportunities in all parts of the kingdom of meeting many
personal friends of the Right Hon. Baronet, and although
sonic were grieved at the conduct which he deemed it expe-
dient to pursue, all were unanimous in attributing to him
private virtues and political excellencies sufficient to commend
him to-day to our sincerest respect, and to induce us to deal
with the utmost candour and the utmost faithfulness towards
those statements he has elsewhere made.—(Cheers.) But
the circumstances under which that speech was delivered—
connected as that speech was with a topic so dear
to our hearts—a manifesto, as it really was, of the views
and intentions, and feelings of her Majesty's Government—
canvassing as it did so completely the motives and measures
of the abolitionists of these islands, it does deserve and ought
to receive our patient and most impartial consideration.—
( Hear, hear.) That pamphlet, for it is with it as a pamphlet
I shall deal, contains most grave and mighty accusations
against the promoters of the recent movement in favour of the
immediate and total abolition of the negro apprenticeship sys-
tem in operation in the British colonies. We arc charged,
and I speak now as identified with the abolitionists—ss one
' proud to be identified with them, and deeming it, as I do, the
highest earthly honour to number the most conspicuous defen-
ders of the rights of the negroes among my friends, and co-
veting no prouder epitaph than this when I lay my head un-
der the clods of the valley.—" He lived and died the negro's
friend"—(Great chee-ing)—l am charged, for I am not a
very obscure abolitionist, however obscure I may be in other
respects, and having taken a tolerably large share to myself
in the labours recently performed—l am charged, or we are
charged, and as many in this assembly as have undertaken in
days and months past to agitate the great question of negro
apprenticeship with a view to its immediate extinction—l am
charged, and you are charged, so many of you as are in that
predicament, with having practised frauds at public meet-
ings—with having suppressed evidence—with having given
an unfair complexion to our case—with having inten-
tionally delayed information, until we made it serve the
purpose of popular excitement at home—with having
an invincible aversion from inquiry by Committees of
the House of Commons, because we were afraid the
truth would come out—because we were afraid of being cross-
examined, and because we were afraid the planters would be
heard before the bar of the country. We are charged, fur-
ther, with importuning Members of Parliament not to listen
to both sides of the question, to shut their cars to the plead-
ings of the injured West Indians, and have their ears only
opened to the machinations of the imperious Abolitionists ;
and we are charged, finally—and this is the gravest indictment
of the whole—we are charged with a desire, nay, with a de-
termination, to effect a violnt, and not a peaceful termination
of the present system of apprenticeship. It is said, in as
many words, that this was the intention of the leading men

among the Abolitionists in 1833, find that it still IS the aim of
;he consnismouS adfobatea, of this: ffleasiirb imme-
gita ati6trtmo. .Mdny other things are insiniinted,—inany epi-
ibets are bastowed----many adjective_ applied ; but
.I have to
deal with qie Chariiei gna. flot iii what
arc couched, So I pCitl6iVe lti thCril act of
injustice, either as regards the motives or the moral character
of those men who have stood forward the friell4°. 9f the PC-
grns. Thcse, you will admit, arc fearful allegations, and of
this we must be quite certain, either they are true or
they are false. if true—what arc we ? If false—what
must the man be who makes them ? If true, we must be bad
men and women too; if false, why then there arc but two
reasons we can assign for the conduct of those who bring such
charges—either they know us not, or knowing, they have not
faithfully represented us ; and if unfairly represented we may
be permitted anywhere, but most of all in an assembly of thi•
town, to vindicate our cause, to vindicate our honour, to vin-
dicate our principles, which are drawn straight from the GA-
pel of Him who came to preach deliverance to the captive,
and the opening of the p! isons to them that arc bound.__
( Cheers ) For myself, I plead " not guilty" before the bar
of my country— (Applause)—and if permitted 1 would plead
" not guilty" before the House in which the accusations were
made, and wherever I go I shall disown for myself, and if you
please, for you--( Hear, hear)—the truth of this most unde-
served indictment. I would say to Sir George Grey, if he
were here to-day—
" Would my breast were bared before thee,
Then thou would'st at last discover
'Twas not well to treat me so."
But, as I hold a long speech in my hand, in the shape of a
pamphlet, and as the allegations are in that speech doubt-
less the reasons for making them will be found there also.—
( Hear.) And we may reasonably expect that tke Hon. Ba-
ronet, in the course of that speech, has so argued as that he
will clear up every doubt ; for he says himself, and says em-
phatically, in the fourth page, " I rejoice that now, though for
the first time, it is about to obtain a fair, patient, and dis-
passionate hearing. I pledge myself, before I sit down, to
show that the facts of the case do not bear out the state_
ments which have been made, and the resolutions which
have been adopted at the meetings to which I have alluded."
Here then we have " the statements made, and the resolutions
adopted," placed over against the facts, which the Hon. Bart.
is about to furnish to the House of Commons, and we shall
see presently whether tho facts, as the Hon. Baronet states
them, do really demonstrate the injustice of the charges
Preferred, and demonstrate also that the statements we have
put
.forth at public meetings, and in our resolutions, are at
variance with the true merits of the question. Now, fortu.
nately for us, our statements are in print—our memorials are
in print—our speeches are in print, for even our desultory
conversations which transpired in London, during the two
meetings of the delegates, are faithfully noted, so far as to
make some of us ashamed the next day at having uttered
such egregious nonsense the day before. I speak not of sins
with regard to principle, but phraseology ; and don't let my
Hon. Friend mistake me on this point.--( Hear, and a laugh.)
We cannot always put one's thoughts in the best language, as
he has perhaps found out.—(Laughter.) All our resolutions,
our memorials, our petitions, many of our speeches, and even
our observations made at the delegates, meetings, before din-
ner and after dinner, and after tea, and even after supper, for
we toiled and spoke, and cogitated at all hours—( Cheers) ;
they are in print as well as those documents which by this
time must be more or less familiar to all who hear me. Our
tabular statement of punishments—" our case made out"—
statements, oral, written, and pictorial—our account of
the horrid machine the tread-mill our extracts from; the
Colonial laws our details of food and other allow-
ances—our documents in print, of course all were pro-
duced against us. Of course when these allegations
were made—when we were charged with these heavy
delinquencies to which I have referred—the proofs abundant
and overwhelming were on the table of the House of Com-
mons ; and, as the Hon. Baronet proceeded with his speech,
from time to time every document and statement was appealed
to, to prove his case. But if it shall turn out that instead of
doing what we are charged with to-day—if, instead of making
a short statement, he made none at all—if, instead of quoting
a solitary instance, he quoted none at all—if it shall turn out
that he tried the prisoner, condemned him, and executed him,
without even allowing him to be heard in his defence, to call
witnesses to his character, or to put in any documents out of
the million the prisoner had written, and which contained, if
anything contained it, the evidence of the truth of the charges
brought against the prisoner—if it shall turn out that Sir G.
Grey, without any witnesses for or against us, was himself wit-
ness, juryman, accuser, judge, and executioner, then I say we
have discovered a new mode of trying men, and we may save
a national expenditure of much money ; and we may dispense
with all the costly machinery that is put in motion before a
man can bo condemned for petty larceny, and constitute men
—what Sir G. Grey was—the law-giver, the witness, and the
executioner, all in the same person.—( Hear, and cheers.)
—[A gentleman near the platform, whose name we understood
to be Towson, here called " Order, order."]—Sir, I shall
keep to order, and I do not think I am violating it when I say
that Sir G. Grey would have acted more fairly if at this stage
of the proceedings he had said, " Here is a fabrication,"
putting in one of our documents—" here is a fraud" putting
in another—" here is a falsehood" putting in a third--." here
is an exaggeration" putting in a fourth—" here is a solitary
case" putting in a fifth. This resolution is unsustained in
principle—this resolution is incorrect in statement. I say it
would have been but fair to have proceeded in such a course
as this. Now when we look at the charges of the lion.
Bart. we take it. for granted that before be sits down he will
demonstrate by evidence—for, mark, his chief charge is, that
we have not quoted evidence enough—it might reasonably
have bee's anticipated, ere he sat down, that he would have de-
monstrated by evidence incontest ible and sufficient—first,
that the statements made by the Abolitionists were false ;
second, that there was a necessity of some kind for a continu_
ante of that restraint and " modified coercion," to use his own
words, which constituted the present system of negro appren-
ticeship—that he would have demonstrated, in the third place,
the justice of the existing laws—fourthly, the efficiency, as
well as the honesty and independence, of the special justices,
a very important consideration—fifthly, the kindness of the
masters ; and sixthly, the danger of immediate emancipation.
Before lie could pronounce the scheme of immediate emancipa-
tion either unreasonable or wild, he ought to have demonstrated
all the propositions I have now laid before you. I shall look
at these charges one by one, although some scarcely require
notice. First, then, with respect to the frauds at public
meetings.
Mr. Tarry, here came forward, and begged to ase what all
that had to do with the immediate emancipation of the
negroes.—(Cries of " Chair" and " Order.") The question
before the meeting was, whether the Government plan
of apprenticeship was the best that could be adopted. Now,
the course pursued by the Hon. Gentleman, it appeared
to him, was to place Sir George Grey in a position,
with regard to his constituents, in which he ought not
to be placed.—( Loud cries of " Order and Chair," followed
by calls for Mr. Thompson.)
The CHAIRMAN did not think, as far as his observations had
gorv., that Mr. Thompson was out of ordee.___( Great cheering.)
If Mr. Thompson were not to allude to Sir George Grey, he
(the Chairman) did not see how he could substantiate his ar-
guments.—( Cries of " Bravo," " Go on Thompson.")
Mr. TRIPE again attempted to address the meeting, but was
received by loud cries of order, chair, and hisses, which come
pelled him to give way.
Mr. TilosirsoN resumed—He had thought that the most
honourable, manly, and English mode of stating opinions ad-
verse to those cherished by any other Gentleman, if he were
denied by circumstances the opportunity of replying to them
where they were made, and when they were made, was to take
the next best mode of offering a refutation to such opinions,
and to come when there were those who knew the individual
best, and lored him most—when his friends were found thick
as leaves in Vallambrosa—that so, if you touched his character,
sullied his fair fame, sought to remove him from the pedestal
where your admiration and suffrages had placed him—he might
be defended by warm and generous hearts, and eloquent and
persuasive lips—(Laughter)---and not take another course and
fight in the East when he ought to have been battling in the
West.—(Cheers.) I have disclaimed all party feeling_
who dares impute it to me ?—( Applause.) Again I deny it.
My motto is, Perish politics ! and live the rights of man and
the law of God for ever I—( Vehement cheering.) Who
made this a political question ? Those who carry it high above
the murky and corrupted atmosphere of politics, or those who
would bring it down to that sphere ? I tried to lift it above
it, and you shall be judges as to the identity of those who
bring down this lofty and heaven-born principle to be debased
at the shrine of political expediency.—(Cheers.) Let the
warmest admirer> of the Hon. Baronet out-do me in the enco-
miums I have honestly pronounced upon him—more eloquent
et they m
enough,
ghay be,
,si m
Sir
George
e sincere
himselftle
a my
ucannotbe,ore and e
dytheyCheers.) are
notl
have said that he is a good man—l grant you that he is an
honest man, but good and honest though he be, he is liable to
err, and in proportion to his goodness and his admitted honesty
is the danger of his error.—( Hear, hear.)
In proportion to
the influence which his rank and his education and his station
give him, is the injury he may inflict upon the cause we every
one of us love, by his advocacy of the infamous line
of conduct which equity cannot sanction—( Hear)—and
by his making charges which justice cannot approve.—
( Hear.) Have I not a printed speech now in my hand which
has been circulated extensively amongst you ? Is it not in the
hands of the gentleman who preceded me ? Has it not been
scattered through your town, and have you not an opportunity
of buying it for little, or getting it for nothing—( A laugh)—
so that you may track me in my course ?_and if you discover
sinuosity—if you discover a garbled statement, if you discover
a mis-quotation, charge me with it, beard me with it—put it
on my forehead, and send me through the land as an unfair
opponent.—( Vehement cheers.) I contend that Sir G. Grey
is here, and in many other places where I can never be, and
surely while he at this moment in a printed octavo is every-
where, I may be permitted to be somewhere.—(Cheers and
laughter.) The charge has gone out that we have practised
frauds on public meetings—how do you know that I am not
about to commit a fraudulent trick upon you now? Keep your
pockets buttoned—keep your understandings hoodwinked—
don't hear me, don't see me, lest I instil
poison into
minds. Now I must rebut this charge, A I r
your
minds. or cannot go on.
on.
I must clear myself of this charge, or you ought not to hear
me. If I deserve this, hiss me from the platform—if I de-
serve it not, throw over me the aegis of your protection.—
( Cheers.) " Practised frauds on public meetings I" When?
Deponent sayeth not.—( A laugh.) Where? Non mi
ricordo."—( Much laughter.) What were they ? Cant tell.
That statement, as I live before you, is utterly unsubstan-
tiated ! How then can I reply to it. Oh, lam glad to see
my Hon. Friend below me (Mr. Towson) turning over the
pages of the book in his hand, and if while I am on my legs
he can show me the " frauds," as truly as to Heaven I
would confess the vices of my blood, so will I acknowledge
my error, and make to Sir George Grey to-day the most am-