The Sun.
London, England, 1831-05-04 00:00:00

heretofore shut out. Then of
:what description are'
these new partners in the exercise of constitutional
power ? Are they subjects from whom property,
or authority, or law, or order, have any shadow of
pretence for alarm? No ; the pervading, the uni-
versal, the inseparable condition, is—that every new
elector shall have a necessary sympathy with all the
fixed interests of the country. The accession of num-
bets and property thus gained by the State is the real
essence and excellence of the new measure. Does
the qualification fall too low ? Assuredly not.
That out of a population of more than 21,000,000
in the United Kingdom, not more than a 42d
part, or 500,000, is to be added to the mass
of electors, decides incontestably that there is no
admission of the mob ;—that Scotland, out of more
han 2,000,000, receives a reinforcement of less
than 60,000, proves that property, and considerable
property, must form the average qualification. For
want of some more feasible topic, they talk to us of
the house-rent pitched upon in towns being too
small. Why Lord John Russell set that question
at rest by the statement which he made of the scanty
number of houses in the country towns of England
which would thus confer the right of election. In
the borough of Southwark we are informed that
almost half the voters will be disfranchised because
of the high qualification specified by Ministers in the
Bill. If 201. were the rent selected, half the country
towns would have no more electors than many of
the existing nomination boroughs. With respect to
leasehold property in counties, we dislike the re-
striction of the franchise to terms of 21 years; few
such leases being in truth granted by proprietors of
estates throughout England. On the whole, we are
satisfied that the wealth and independence brought
into action by this measure bear a safe proportion to
the numbers. There never was a more important
or indisputable truth than that asserted by the Lord-
Advocate of Scotland, that the man who most dreads
any public contusion, by which not merely property
may be endangered but the course of industry sus-
pended, is he who has with difficulty, by his own
exertions, scraped together a little, and within a
narrow compass. It is I.ke a diminutive taper,—
a puff may blow it out. We would recommend the
enemies of the Bill to choose some more tenable
topic of vituperation.—Times.
We confess ourselves malicious enough to enjoy
the disappointment which awaits those obstinate
fools who have braved public opinion on occasion
of the late illumination, under the vain assurance
that the Hundred would be liable to make amends
for the glass broken by their High Mightinesses the
mob. As we understand, the law now stands on
the same footing as it did under the first of George
1., stat. 2. cap. 5, commonly called the Riot Act.
In a case which arose under that Act; it was de-
cided by Lord Kenyon and the whole Court of
King's Bench, that, unless the rioters are guilty of
a felony, no action could be maintained against the
Hundred; and that breaking windows in the case
of a general illumination, is no felony. The illumi-
nation in the case we refer to, was in honour of
the great victory obtained by Lord St. Vincent
over the Spanish fleet. The law afterwards under-
went a change, the 57th Geo. 111. cap. 19., having
given the remedy in cases where no felony had been
committed; but the old law has been restored by
the 7th and Bth Geo. IV. cap. 31; one of Sir
Robert Peel's Acts; and foolish people are left, as
they ought to be, to bear the consequences of their
own wilfulness —Morning Chronicle.

There is no contest on which we look with more
interest than that for the defeat of Mr. Bankes, in
Dorsetshire, the eldest of that name, and the pro-
genitor of those promising scions of Toryism, Mr.
W. J. Bankes and Mr. George Bankes. It is not
long since this family, having two nomination seals
for Corfe Castle, a moiety for the representation for
Cambridge University, and another moiety of the
representation for Dorsetshire, engrossed in their
persons the power of taxing the people of England
(for that is the real meaning and effect of returning
Members to the House of Commons) to the extent
of an hiindred and-fiftieth part of the whole. Being
leagued by marriage with that arch old Tory, the
eternal Chancellor Eldon, the connexion was, what
with their nomination borough and the vast pa-
tronage in Church and State exercised by and
through them, one of the most formidable that
weighed on the liberties of the people; nor with the
paltry exception of Mr. W. J. Bankes's pretensions
to scholarship and wayfaring as a traveller, did the
smallest portion of genius, menial cultivation,liberal
knowledge, or talent of any description, in any indi-
vidual of the family, furnish plea or extenuation, or em-
bellishment totheir. power. They have a direct and im-
mediate personal interest in upholding the present
horoughmongering system, of which the borough of
Corfe Castle is a part ; and beyond this they have
to care for Mr. George Bankes's sinecure place of
Cursitor Baron, the whole duties of which consist
in counting the hobnails annually delivered by the
Lord Mayor when sworn into office in the Exche-
quer, as the tender made by the city of London to
the Crown for its lands. This place was held by
the scientific Mr. Maseres, and was to have been
abolished on his death ; but dropping in during the
reign of Lord Eldon, was instantly given to Mr.
George Barites, who now holds it, being, we be-
lieve, the only emolument ever derived by that
worthy from his profession as a barrister.—Morning
Ch; °nick.

Notwithstanding the boasting of the Duke of
Northumberland, his candidate, Mr. Bell, has aban-
doned the contest, so that Northumberland will
have two Reform Members. The spirit of the
people is the same in the north, south, east, and
west ; and of this the anti-reformers have a pretty
convincing proof. Bishop Doyle has written a most
forcible Icar.r to the Chairmen of a meeting of free-
holders at Carlow, with a subscription inclosed, to-
wards deft aying the expellee of the popular candi-
date. In a few lines, Dr. Doyle has given a mas-

terly description of the subject of the pre,:.ent con-
test, and cold must the bosom be which his heart-
stirring appeal does not move. Ever/ reflecting
man must agree with him, that the question is not
whether the cause of the nation shall be triumphant,
but whether that triumph should be obtained by
peaceable means. The following passages from the
letter cannot be too extensively circulated :
" An Oligarchy has usurped the just end constitutional
power and privileges of the King an 1 people. This
usurpation has corrupted the nobility, oppressed and im-
poverished the people. It has burthened the nation with
an unsupportable dept—confirmed or introduced every
imaginable abuse—aud sustained them by foreign wars,
internal corruption, and a f•ystem of taxation the most
oppressive to human industry that was ever borne by
any nation.
" The Oligarchy, by very bad laws, has abridged the
liberty of the subject, retarded the progress of every social
improvement, and reduced the industrious and labouring
classes of the community to difficulties—to distress—or to
utter destitution. They even attempted lately to cramp
the freedom of the press, that the complaints and suflerings
of the aggrieved might not be known and circulated. But
the people of the whole empire has revolted against this
domination, and, beaded by the best of Kings, and a vir-
tuous Ministry, are now in a state of conflict with this
Oligarchy, fur the recovery of their rights.
" The cause of the nation.must be triumphant—this is
certain as the rising of the sun—but whether that triumph
shall be obtained by peaceable means, or through a sea of
blood, depends mainly on the issue of the present elections.
This issue, therefore, is a cause of life cr death to the
people—and the man is a traitor to his own interests—to
the interests of his own children, and of his country, who
does not exert whatever power or privileges he may pos-
s,ss to support the best of Kings and his Ministers in their
present contest with a powerful and despotic party.
" Justice—honour—loyalty—the safety of the State,
and the future peace and happiness of this country, are all
committed on the preSent elections. If the people be
wanting to themselves, oppresSion, bloodshed, and civil
war, are, I fear, not
_far removed from us ; if the cause of
Reform succeed, peace and happiness await the country,—
I need not add, that whosoever is not pledged to support
the King and his Ministers, in their plan of Reform, is,
in reality opposed to all Reform—fur that Reform which
is supported by the Crown and its Ministers can alone suc-
ceed by peaceful means."
Hitherto the people have shown themselves fully
aware of the deep interest which they have in the