The Sun.
London, England, 1831-09-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Reform Bill has passed, by a large majority of 109
Members, that House against whose vices and abuses it
was directly levelled. The Commons of England have
declared, both withia doors and without, that the repre-
sentation of the people had degenerated into a mere de-
posit of the usurped power of some 150 individuals, in
the bands of about 210 or 250 of their dependents, who
were sent by them into Parliament for the promotion of
measures and of interests in which the English nation had
no concern, or against which, indeed, ithad often been the
duty of the people's representatives, and their fregment,
though fruitless, endeavour to struggle. Last night's vote,
then, having put oil record the decision of the people of
England, in condemnation of the principles whereon their
own peculiar branch of the Legislature has hitherto been con-
structed, it seems almost preposterous to suppose that any
other, any external body of men, would have the hardihood
to resist such a vote,—to tell the Members of the House of
Commons, " You shall continue to be elected under the
dictation of those whose interference with the choice
of representatives is a notorious breach of privilege,
and by force of practices which the law, when it detects
them, never fails to punish as crimes ;"—to tell the elec-
tors, on the other hand, or those who in every reasonable
view of the nature of a representative Constitution ought
to be electors, " You shall not vote for Members of Par-
liament, but we will appoint them, and call them yours;
and you shall pay the taxes which these our collectors levy
on you ; and you shall obey the laws which these our
deputies enact." It seems, as we have said, almost pre-
posterous to imagine that any such opposition to the de-
clared will of the nation, expressed out of doors by hun-
dreds of meetings, and within doors by the concurrence of
all the county Members of England, with only six excep-
tions, could be risked by any number of men in their sober
senses. Yet is this precisely what that section of t,,s
Peerage, which threatens to reject the Reform Bill, con-
fesses that it is prepared to do ! We sincerely and de-
voutly pray that no such experiment may be tried by the
Peers upon the people of England.--- Times.
A meeting of many Members of the House of Com.
mous took place yesterday at Lord Ebrington's, on the
subject of the Reform Bill. They were people of the
first consideration, and it was natural in parting with so
valuables
pledge for so difficult and dangerous a voyage
as that throog
the House of Lords, that they shouldso
meet, express their anxiety for its welfare, and propose
measures in case of a failure. Prudent men are not '
oabe rsults.
without a provision even for the most ir
It would, no doubt, be declared by the
H buses ofe
mons, wire a certain dangerous contingency actually to
occur, that the Ministers had the confidenc the country
the deter '
and of the House ; and it may have been
resolution.la-
tion of the meeting to be ready with such a
The first reception of the Bill, however, in the Upper
House, will indicate whether any and what steps are to he
positively taken by the people or their representatiVP", Or

both. Of the meeting at Westminster yesterday, ,it is,
Only necessary to say—what public hope anticipated—
that it passed in the best manner, and added one proof more
of the sincere interest which the people of this kingdom
take in the success of the Reform Bill.—Times.

The Reform Bill occupies attention so exclusively, that
there is but little of it to bestow on other subjects, else the
proceedings in the House of Lords on the Bankruptcy Bill
would he more minutely noted by us. Lord Lyndhurst
opposed the re-commitment of the Bill in an elaborate and
temperate speech on Tuesday night. The Lord Chancellor
answered with great force and point. It has been said of
this Bill that it is one of general policy, and not a party
measure; and so it should seem, as the Duke of Welling-
ton is understood to have declined voting with Lord Lynd-
hurst, the Earl of Eldon, and those who usually occupy
the Opposition side of the House : a division in conse-
quence did not take place. Same augur from hence a
more extensive feeling on the part of his Grace with the
present Nlinisrers. It may be so, we trust it is so ; we know
nothing of the fact : but, in any case, here is enough to
prove that there is not that bitterness which is but too fre-
quently the result of a direct contrariety upon any impor-
tant question,—there is no sweeping and universal hosti-
lity.— Times.
The Reform Bill has nt length, thank God'. passed the
House of Commons. The division was 345 to 236, giv-
ing a majority of 109 in the last stage of its progress.
The debate continued till past five o'clock this morning.
The subject had become threadbare. Last night exhi-
bited a most praiseworthy perseverance, under such very
untoward circumstances. The interest, however, of the
question is only commencing. It was decided in the Com-
mons by the last election. But the House of Lords affects
to be removed from popular influence. Now then comes
the tug of war. The combat now is between this great
nation and a section of a body of between three and four
hundred individuals. We shall see whether they will
attempt to maintain their right to controul the House of
Commons—whether they will interpose themselves be-
tween the peop!e and a Reform sanctioned by that House
and acceptable to the people. It is now for the people of
England to exert themselves. Their united efforts will
❑ow be required. —ll Tor ning Chronicle.

Another instance of persecution, akin to that exercised
by the Duke of Newcastle and the Marquis of Exeter,
was brought before the House last night, by Mr. T. Dun-
combo. The Hon. Member presented a petition from 35
electors of the borough of Hertford, tenants of the Marquis
of Salisbury, who stated, and had verified their statement
on oath, that they had been dispossessed of their tenements
solely in consequence of their having voted for Reform
candidates ; that many of them had occupied their houses
for several years, and all had punctually paid their rents.
The short speech of Sir John Sebright was important
He was sorry said) that any one in England attempted to
controul his tenants ; he had never done anything of the sort
with his ; and he was convinced that the consequence was, that
he had much greater influence over them than if he was to exer-
cise the most unjustifiable power towards them.—(Hear, hear.)
But it was because he found that landlords would use their in-
fluence unduly that he had voted against the clause introduced in
the Reform Bill to give the franchise to tenants at will holding
farm, of fifty pounds a-year, believing, as he did, that that class
of persons must be entirely under the influence of their landlords,
while they themselves would no more possess the franchise than
if they were so many negro slaves."

There can be no doubt that any attempt on a sweeping
scale by landlords to controul tenants will lead to a coffee-
don. But we shall not now enter on this point. The
defence set up by Sir Henry Hardinge was, that it had been
•tated, a few nights ago, by a Cabinet Minister, that Go-
vernment bad a right to expect the support of its adherents,
and in the event of their not giving that support, they
roust expect to be discharged ; and of the two cases, that
of the Government and that of a private individual, the
latter was infinitely favourable in the comparison ; for it
was only using that influence in support of that personal
'eeling of his own, both of which were supposed to belong
.o every English gentle-man. The two cases are utterly
lissimidir. Sir H. Hardinge might as well contend that
the individuals of an army ought to he at liberty to assist
the enemy, as that persons in the employ of a Govern-
ment ought to he at liberty to support those who wish
n supplant those carrying on the Government. A House
livided against itself cannot stand. The Ministry of a
,ountry have a right to the co-operation of all who are
~mployed by them. But in the case of the rest of the na-
tion, we know of no rightful claim which any man can
have to controul the suffrage of another. The relation
between landlord and tenant has no reference, and can have
no reference, to the duties of the citizen towards the State.
The contract between the landlord and tenant places these
two in a state of dependence on each other; the tenant is
just as much entitled to claim the vote of the landlord in
,onsequence of the payment of the rent, as the landlord is
to claim the vote of the tenant for the use of the tenement
for which the rent is paid. The object of the contract is
the cultivation of the soil. If the landlord lets the soil
for less than its fair value with a view to a vote, this is
bribery. In no way can controul in the exercise of poli-
tical suffrage he deemed to have a rightful existence.
That landlords and other men do occasionally avail them-
selves of the advantages which circumstances give them to
controul citizens in the exercise of the elective franchise, is
no justification of it ; and with the growing improvement
of the people, we have no doubt that combinations and
associations on the part of electors will he entered into for
self defence, and to punish men who, like the Marquis of
Salisbury, are not content with the legal advantages of
property, but wish to exercise a tyranny over the minds
of their fellow-citizens.—These men must and will be pu-
nished.—Morning Chronicle.

The report of the debate in the House of Lords, on Tues-
day night, on the B.tnkruptcy Court Bill, is well worth the
attention of our readers. Nothing is more astonishinc, in
this country than the impossibility of finding any other
than persons of learning, and talents, and virtue, and in-
dustry, to fill offices to which good incomes are attached.
It is said, that from whatever height a cat is thrown it
always fall on i:s feet. It may he said, with more truth,
that no matter what the number of functionaries, and how
appointed, they are sure to be the most meritorious that
could possibly have been appointed. It is well known
that the son, or other near relation, of any one possessed of
Parliamentary interest, without practice, and with a strong
necessity for an income, and the youth whose martial qua-
lifications might attract any fashionable spinster in favour
with the Lady of a Lord Chancellor, were no sooner made
Commissioners of Bankrupt, than they instantly became
possessed of all conceivable merits. Take, in short, the
greatest booby in all England and make a Commissioner
of Bankrupt of him; and, as if touched by the wand of
Prospero, he is instantly transferred into a model of
human perfection. Of the fact of the astonisinning merit
there can be no doubt, fur Lord I yndhurst, who of all men
living hu the greatest regard for the most unslirinking
veracity, the most unguilty scrupulosity, who has, in short,
a conscience so very tender as to swallow nothing but the
nicest moral food, and who was never known in his life to
assert that of which he was not most strongly assured,
threw all the weight of his high character around the Com-
missioners of Bankrupt, and consequently the breath of
malice can never more assail them. The virtuous indigna-
tion of the Noble and Learned Lord, at the calumnies
uttered against them, burst forth at the very commence-
ment of his speech.
‘. They had been charged (he said) with incapacity, with indo-
lence, with being greedy of teed, and acting not from a regard to
their duties, but from selfish motives. It was easy to set a go-
ing these calumnies against them in a quarter where they were
not known, and, therefore, it was the duty of those who did
know them to come !Omani and repel these calumnies. This was
due in justice to them and to the public, which was interested in
the character and conduct of those who had important public du-
ties to perform. During the three years when he held the Great
Seal, he had had all opportunity of observing the conduct of the
Commissioners, and he could therefore say, from personal obser-
vation, that the charges against them were utterly destitute of
foundation.—(llear, hear.) hi that body there were individuals
of the greatest knowledge, of the most honourable principles,
and of the highest talents, and in every respect of a character
equal to the important and confidential station which they held;
and, indeed, equal to any station. And he wodld ay of them
as a body, that they were well qualified faithfully and ably to
discharge the duties imposed upon them. lie had Lad an oppor-
tunity of observing their proceedings for three years."
We wish hit Lordship had along with the fact, of which
there can be no doubt, cruninunicated.the mode in which
all these virtues, and talents, and acquireliems, find so
sudden au entrance into the Commissioners; for-having'
himself witnessed the process of transformation of not a
few of them, no man is better qualified than his Lordship
to throw light on a subject as a.tounding as any that has
taken place since the time of the gift of tongues. Who,
after such a testimony as that of this venerable and un-
spo'ted Judge, would think of paving the least regard to
the sentiments of the trailing world, to the Common Coun-
cil of the City of London, or meetings of b token., mer-
chants, and trailers of London, assembled at the Mansion-
house? It is clear that they are all under the influence of
some hallucination. His Lordship distinctly affirmed that
" looking at the charges in the petitions from both these
bodies (which embodied all tie charges in the various other
petitions), he could say that they were totally destitute of
foundation." He repelled too the charges that men
without business, and without other sources of in-
come, are desirous of making the most of their
' Commissionerships. It would be more gratifying to
a p
hundredooreomissioner to make four hundred than
eight pounds a year, and still more, two hundred
a-year than four. " Another charge," said the venerable
Judge, so well able himself to appreciate
mn
disinterested,raoncdonoo-ff
con-
duct, " was that these gentleme honourab
high character, multiplied meetings, for the p
enhancing their fees. This was a charge of fraupsed,and
it would require strong evidence to prove it against such

men. It was a maxim of law that fraudvai not to be
presumed ; and keeping this maxim in view, look at the
probabilities of the case." Aye, look at the probabilities !
This slander is the very same that is now urged to the de-
struction of our most venerable institutions. It is pre-
sumed that men who have the power of voting away the
public money at their own discretion will consult their own
interests rather than the interests of the public ; that offices
will be created, and wars entered into, not because they
are necessary, but because they give incomes to those wbo
can command votes. Fraud is presumed, in short, against
the patrons of boroughs. We shall see the Noble and
Learned Lord, in due time, transfer the argument he
has so triumphantly urged in favour of the disinterested-
ness of Commissioners of Bankrupt to the service of the
equally disinterested boroughmongere. His Lordship
could not have been actuated by any wish to preserve
a source of patronage to the Aristocracy. It is true
seventy Commissioners ,go a considerab'e way towards
supporting the cadets of families of the West-end of
the town, and with the Governorships, Church livings,
&c., form parts of the grand system which enables this
country, as Mr. Baring says, to possess the proud distinc-
tion of having a few very rich, and at the same time the
greatest number of necessitous persons of any country in
the world. But his Lordship thought only of the great
interests of trade and industry, and of maintaining due
reqpect for justice, by securing the purest administration of
it. The suggestion that Lord Brougham had begun at the
wrong end, as he ought to have corrected the system as
far as it applied to the country Commissioners, and then
directed his attention to the London Commissioners, had no
reference to a wish to secure the patronage of the Aristo-
cracy, and to find employment for Reform in a quarter in
which they have no interest. Lord Brougham was hard
put to it to meet this bold testimony. " 'What he ob-
jected to was (he said) the system, of which the effects were
in the first place, to give less able Judges, and to render
these less able Judges still less efficient for their duties. It
was obviously difficult to find at any bar seventy men fit to
perform the duties of these Commissioners. It was also
quite obvious, that the number being limited to ten, there
could be little difficulty in securing high capability in each
of them. These Judges being so numerous, their appoint-
ment became almost inevitably a matter of patronage ; the
perfect competency of one individual out of seventy being
csnsidered on every new appointment as not a matter of
very weighty importance." By way of proving that the
appointments had not been always unobjectionable, he
added, that " he had known instances of the grossest in-
capacity on the part of the London Commissioners, and
when he inquired into one of these cases, he found that
the two Commissioners who sat upon the occasion were—
one of them an attorney, and the other a young gentleman
who had not yet been called to the Bar. —The other two
Commissioners (who were competent men) were not pre-
sent." But his Lordship went still further. "It was
well known (he said) to be one of the most difficult duties
of the Judge or the lawyer to search and sift, anti analyse
the testimony of a dishonest witness. But he could name
a score of those Commissioners who were wholly incapable
of performing such a duty. He did not blame those
gentlemen. The fault was not in them, but in the ap-
pointing of them. Many of them were boys, taken
from Westminster H ill almost the first day they entered
it. The Bill before their Lordships would secure the
appointment of Barristers of standing, experience, and cha-
racter; who, being protected as Judges, would be competent
to their duties, and would perform them efficiently." We
are, then, called on to choose between the bankers, mer-
chants, and traders of the country, backed by Lord
Brougham—who, by the appointment of able Judges in-
stead of raw lads, cuts up his own patronage, and limits
his power of obliging fashionable young ladies desirous of
husbands with something to live on, and the probability
of the thing on the one hand—and Lord Lyndhurst, sup-
ported by that great filler of sinecures (Lord Eldon), bear-
ing testimony to what is against ell rules of probability.
It is for those who know best the high character of
his Lordship, and his intense hatred of corruption in all
shapes, to pronounce whether, under such circumstances,
his evidence ought to be believed, when the nature of things
so strong'y oppugns it. There are many, we know, in
this age of detraction, who will set very little store by his
Lordship's evidence, and will be disposed to think that the
Aristocracy may as well hope to make a blackamoor white
as to make what appears a vile exercise of patronage pa-
lateable to the country by such support. We shall see
whether the Septuagint or Lord Brougham will carry the
day.—Morning Chronicle.

The House of Commons have at length disposed of the
Reform Bill, after another long debate, in which the friends
of corruption displayed their usual obstinacy. At an
early part of the evening they seized upon an expression
made use of by Mr. Crampton, the Solicitor-General for
Ireland, as to the power of the Crown to withhold writs
from the rotten boroughs ; and on this expression they
got up an amendment, and a debate which served as a
fillip to their spirits in the way of animadversion. Though
the vet y same sentiment had been uttered upon more than
one occasion in the course of the discussions on the Bill,
Mr. Williams Wynn and Sir Charles Wetherell caught
at it as a novelty more frightful than the Bill itself.
Every body remembers that Mr. T. Duncombe said the
same thing almost two months ago, and no noise was
made about it. An English Attorney-General said some-
thing to the same effect at a later period, and yet no notice
was taken of it. But, the moment an Irish Solicitor-Ge-
neral repeats it in an Irish brogue, the Constitution is in-
voked, and the shade of Cromwell congratulated on having
met his match at last from the other side of the water.
But the real motive of all this bluster is easily seen through
—it was to swell out the difficulties of the Bill, that the
Lords, or rather the boroughmongers amongst the Lords,
might have an opportunity of quoting the fact, to answer
their own purposes. The difficulty, however, was got
over at last, after an explanation from the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, that the Government did not hold the doc-
trine, or, at least, did not mean to act upon it, and the de-
bate proceeded without further interruption to its close.
But, after all, the Commons have done their duty. They
have passed the Bill by a majority of 109. It may now be
considered as before their Lordships. We anticipate no-
thing ;—we hope the best. It is an awful moment for
the country ;—may the result be such as every Englishman
can hail with joy, and remember with gratitude !—Morn-
ing Herald.

The objections of Lord Lyndhurst to the I3ankrupt Bill
of the Lord Chancellor have not, as we are aware, met
with a single admirer in the city. It is difficult to say
how the new system will work, should it ever be carried
into effect ; but the public are quite satisfied that it cannot
work worse than the one now in use. Earl Eldon and
Lord Lyndhurst may praise the talents and industry of the
present Commissioners as much as they please, but these
Nolfe Lords will never be able to persuade commercial men
that either the one or the other have ever been exercised
' for their interests. The fact is, the very mode of con-
ducting business before the Bankrupt Commissioners is a
disgrace to a civilized country. It is, in fact, for the most
part, a scene of noise, violence, and disorder, which those
who never witnessed it could scarcely conceive to be
possible. There is no part of Lord Brougham's Bill which
has given more satisfaction than that which provides for
the appointment of official assignees, whose duty it will be
to see that the assignees appointed by the creditors do
their duty, to insist upon the debts due to the estate, being
collected, and, in one word, to attend to the general inte-
rests of the creditors, without respect to one party or the
other. Every one acquainted with such matters knows
that at present the elections of assignees are made without
any reference to the general interests of the estate. They
are, indeed, party concerns, frequently between the bona
fide creditors on the one hand, and the fictitious ones and
the bankrupt on the other; and whichever side happens to
have the cleverest, most active, or least scrupulous attorney,
for the most part wins the day. If the former party gain
the appointment of assignees, the estate will pro-
bably be honestly, but carelessly managed ; if the
latter be victorious, why the bankrupt and the attorney
share the spoil, and there is an end of the matter.
In all cases of bankruptcy there are a great many
creditors who take little or no interest in the nutter.
They cannot afford to lose their time; and to employ an
agent, they say, would be only throwing good money after
bad. The official assignees will take care of the interests
of such creditors. Unpaid amid irresponsible assignees
will not do their duty. A man says to himself. Why
should I trouble myself about getting a debt of a few
pounds, when only a•few shillings will come to my share.
A great deal, however, will depend upon the class 0+ per-
sons appointed official assignees. Lord Brougham talked
about appointing persons to this office from among the
London Special Jurors—that is, from among merchants or
persons of independent property. But the fact is, to
make the plac,s worth such persons' acceptance, the
ernsiluments must be very high ; and even then we are
quite sure that the duties would not be half so well per-
formed as they would -by persons who depended upon
their offices for the means of existence.—Morn. Herald.

About half-past twelve o'clock this day, their
MAJESTIES left St. James's Palace in an open landau,
drawn
ew
six horses, and followed by six other carriages
nand
ibt
fi): Woolwich, to he present at the epening of the
and the launch of the Thunderer, 84. As
their MAJESTIES proceeded along the road, they were most
warmly greeted by vast crowds who had assembled to wit-
ness the procession.

Ett 4444,
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7.7.711,,

LONDON,
THURSDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 22, 1831.

At length the Reform Bill is settled in the
House of Commons. At an advanced hour
this morning it passed by a majority of 109,
which would have been still greater, had not
many Members obtained leave of absence.
Public attention is now therefore diverted
from the House of Commons to the House
of Lords. The Peers will now have the eyes
of the whole country exclusively fixed on them,
and we hope and believe they will not disap-
point expectation. The people rely confidently
on the wisdom of their deliberations, and the
justice of their decision, that it will be worthy
both of themselves and the nation. In a few
days the great discussion will commence, though
to what extent it may be protracted cannot at
present be foreseen. We should imagine it
could not be a very lengthened one, as the
question is already worn threadbare.

The country nobly responds to the summons
lof the Reformers, and is astir in all directions.
The Durham county meeting is announced,
Northumberland is in motion, Yorkshire is ready
to enter the arena. Thus, for at least the
twentieth time, the stupid calumnies of the
boroughmongers and their satellites are again
refuted.

That ominous sound—war—is now in every
one's mouth, and it is especially remarkable that
the affairs of the continent, as well as the internal
concerts of Great Britain, appear to be at the
same moment approaching a crisis. The time is
arrived when neutrality, or indifference, to what
is going on, is almost an impossibility with the
most phlegmatic temperament ; for it is evident
that the season of meditation is gone by, and
that of action has taken its place.

If the House of Lords succeed in overthrow-
ing the Reform Bill, the reaction will be of the
same kind as that which the deplorable fate of
Warsaw has excited in every liberal mind in
Europe. The people will begin to vow vengeance
against injustice—to assert the inalienable rights
of citizens, and to take defensive measures for the
maintenance of those rights against oppression.
The name of the Russian Autocrat is now more
than scandalous throughout Europe, but that
very scandal has done the cause of freedom a
most signal service, for it has hastened the con-
flict which will end in the destruction of the in-
struments of oppression. The English Aristo-
cracy have still time before them, time to weigh
the dangers of their position, and we earnestly
hope they may not shew themselves endued with
that characteristic inability to repent, which is
a mark that history has set upon Aristocracies of
' times past.
From the moment that the House of Com-
mons has passed the Bill for the election of
another Assembly in a new manner, the mission
of the present House may be considered to have
ceased. It was called together by the KING,
for the express purpose of considering the Reform
Bill, and was in effect a Constituent Assembly.
It is not the sense of that Assembly, any more
than of the people, that it ought to continue to
legislate for this nation. All Government, says
HUME, is founded on opinion, but how is a
system of Government to be carried on, after a
branch of the Legislature has confe.ssed itself to
be a mockery ? It is evident that, if another
branch of the Government refuse to concur in
the reformation of the defective branch which has
declared openly its own incompetency, the system
must come to a full stop, and an appeal must be
made to the people, as the only means of pre-
venting anarchy for want of a Legislature. The
-people, in so extreme a contingency, would have
to act pretty much in the same way as in the case
of a vacancy of the Crown, for a vacancy of the
House of Commons is an event perfectly analo-
gous in its nature. Let the oligarchy beware to
what extremities they may unwittingly drive a
nation that has ever been conspicuous for its
desire to be " godly and quietly governed."
A Continental war may overtake us sooner
than we anticipate, but if we can secure domestic
peace, we may bear up against more distant dan-
gers with confidence in our strength. But how
can such domestic peace be reckoned on, if a
handful of desperate, so-called Noble, Borough-
mongers, determine to place themselves in the
gap to obstruct the passage of popular rights to
the people anxiously waiting to receive them ?

Brussels Papers say it is rumoured that the
Cabinets of Prussia, Russia, and Austria, are
firmly resolved to secure to Holland the posses-
sion of those portions of territory which are as-
signed to it by the protocols
BRUSSELS, SEer. 20.—The Moniteur contains two
Royal Ordinances, prescribing the measures to be taken to
prevent the cholera from penetrating into Belgium, from
Frankfort Nassau, or Hesse Darmstadt. The second Or-
dinance details all the countries which are either infected
with the cholera, or suspected of being so, with the lists

of articles considered as susceptible or not susceptible of
removing or communicating contagion.
BRUSSELS, SEPT. 20.—1 t is reported that Admiral de
Rigny, Minister of Marine in France, is expected at Ant-
werp. The Dutch Journals maintain that Belgium will
not be able to have above 30,000 men in the field in the
month of October.

It is affirmed that the Cabinets of Prussia, Russia, and
Austria are firmly resolved to secure to Holland the posses-
sion of those portions of territory which are assigned to it
by the protocols. We hear of a fortieth protocol, in which
the conference summonses the Belgians to adhere to the con-
ditions of separation which were previously resolved upon.
The organization of the army is prosecuted with the
greatest activity. The cavalry and infantry are continually
examined. Two new regiments will be added to the twelve
of which the infantry is now composed. The artillery
will be placed en a still more respectable footing than at
the time of the Dutch invasion, when it served so well
to keep the enemy in check. The first ban of the Civic
Guard will soon he called out in all parts of the kingdom
and subject to military discipline.
It appears that all the troops are to leave the garrisons
by the 28th, and repaired to the places where they are to
be encamped.
Thirty-three Dutch prisoners'of war, who were at Tour-
nay, arrived at Brussels yesterday. To-day they will go
to West Wesel, to be exchanged. To-morrow 200 will ar-
rive from Mons. Those who were at Most, to the "lum-
ber of 400, set out to-day, as well as those who were at
Tirlemont.

The two French regiments of cavalry that are cantoned
at Genappe and the environs, set out on Saturday last to
return to France.

The Dutch garrison at Sas de Gand left that place on
the 16th to join the troops that have arrived at Ilulst,
Axel, Terneuse, the left bank of the Scheldt, and the
Isle of Walcheren. The number of troops landed at these
several points is estimated at 25,000 men. They are
daily exercised.

The inhabitants of the frontiers of Zealand are iu the
greatest alarm. Every day they expect a surprise, the
only object of which can be to secure the possession of
Ghent, even before the renewal of hostilities.

The Burgomaster of Brussels has issued a proclamation
to the Grenadiers and Chasseurs of the Ist ban of the
Civic Guard of Brussels, calling on them to hasten to the
defence of our froutiets, because he says "Our disloyal
and cruel enemy threatens us with new aggressions."
VIENNA, SEPT. 9.—The Magistrates have received
orders not to deliver any more passports with certificates
of health. This proves that the, cholera is considered as
having already manifested itself here. Yesterday a sur-
geon died in three hours and a half, and, it is said, with
iedubitable symptoms of cholera.
In Presburg fifteen persons on an average are daily car-
ried off by the disorder, without distinction of rich or poor.
Five per Cent. Metalliques, 7 7b; Four per Cents. 674;
Bank Shares, 940.
FRONTIERS OF POLAND, SEPT. 12.—1 t was lately
mentioned that the Russians had left only a few troops in
Kalisch, while General Knorring was gone with his de-
tachment to Czenstochau. Under these circumstances a
small Polish corps, under General Rozycki, unfortunately
succeeded in penetrating to that town, where, with the
aid of the Polish inhabitants, it committed various acts
of cruelty and pillage on the Germans and Jews. On the
news of the approach of the Russian troops the corps in
question retreated precipitately. Kalisch has now a
stronger garrison to secure it against any future attempts
of this kind.

ST. PETERSBUEGII, SEPT. 7.—The young Grand Duke
was baptised with great pomp at Zdrskojeselo on the 30th
of this month, the anniversary of their 111,1jesties' coro-
nation.