The Sun.
London, England, 1849-08-25 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
TIMES.—Le spite of the undoubted courage and the
great ability displayed by many of the leaders of the
Hungarian insurrection, a careful examination of the
operations of the campaign and a correct appreciation of
the real forces of Hungary had long since left us no
doubt as to the final result. The great victory of Ge-
neral Haynau at the battle of Temesvar, fought in the
neighbourhood of that city on the 10th instant, and the
submission of General Georgey at the head of his entire
division, have appeared to give an abrupt termination to
the struggle; but in reality both these events were the
results to which the whole plan of the campaign obvi-
ously tended. From the moment that the advance of the
main body of the Russians had secured the line of the
Upper Theiss, the communication between Georgey and
the principal forces of the Magyars was obviously cut
off. That General mauceuvred with great skill and ra-
pidity so as to avoid a general action with a superior
force; he harassed the rear of the Russian army, and
made more than one attempt to cut his way to the south.
But although these operations ranged over a consider-
able extent of country, they could not end otherwise
than they have done. Georgey was acting without
any regular basis, and with no means of procuring
supplies except those he took from the enemy. The
submission of his corps was therefore inevitable. We
know not how far political considerations may have con-
tributed to this result. Georgey was known to enter-
tain opinions strongly opposed to the revolutionary
schemes of Kossuth, and though no one has fought more
gallantly than he has done for the national cause, ho is
54i el to have retained a strong feeling of regard for that
Empire and that army against which he found himself
almost casually arrayed. Mere soldiers of fortune and
foreigners, like Dembinski and B.m, were of course
prepared to fight to the lest extremity, and the instiga-
tors of the revolution, like Kossuth, could have no hope
but in resistance; but the military chiefs of the Mag-
yars, like Georgey, Klapka, and Messaros, were con-
nected with Austria by very different ties, and the time
will come when they will again serve in defence of the
Empire as manfully as they have dune for their native
kingdom. The probability is, therefore, that in sur-
rendering at Vilagos, Georgey yielded, not only to a
uecessity of war, but to a conviction that the cause of
the Hungarian revolution could no longer be defended
without destruction to both the contending parties.
The blow which had already been struck on the
10th by the great victory of Haynau eat Temesvar was,
however, even more decisive. The district lying between
the Theiss, the Mares, and the Danube had long been
marked out as the scene of the last decisive battle. The
advance of Paskewitch to Grosswardein, of Luders on
the east, and of Haynau upon Szegedin, had narrowed
the insurrection to that point; and even there the Aus-
trian garrison of Temesvar, under General Rukowina,
stiil held out against tie most violent attacks. Rem had
arrived at the Magyar position on the 9th, and immedi-
ately took the chief command of the national army.
He was attacked on the following day by the Imperial
:orces, which had pressed on with extreme rapidity after
the battle of Szoreg, near Szegedin; and in spite of the
strength of the ground, the Hungt.rians were routed by
the main body of the Austrians, supported by one divi-
sion of the Russians under Paniutene. Towards the
close of the battle Prince Lichtenstein's reserve division
arrived, by good fortune, by the Arad road and com-
pleted the defeat of the enemy. It is probable that after
these tremendous blows Kossuth and the Poles will effect
their escape across the Turkish frontier, and all
organized resistance may, we hope, be considered at
au end. In spite of the violence of this conflict,
and the absolute triumph which appears to have
crowned the efforts of the Imperial armies, it is most
earnestly to be hoped that the Austrian Government
gill dismiss every feeling of irritation towards the de-
heated party, and proceed to re-organize the kingdom of
Hungary on terms which may revive the loyalty and
isood feeling of that important portion of its dominions.
We have constantly maintained that there have been
throughout this insurrection two parties in Hungary—
the one r, volutionary, the other, not revolutionary, but
national; the former has, we trust, been annihilated; the
latter has rights which no defeat can efface, and its
rational character and spirit constitute one of the
brightest jewels in the Imperial Crown. It is indis-
pensable for the welfare and security of Austria and of
fluneary that these vigorous shoots shcald be entwined
in the constitution of the monarchy, and that the State
should rest not on the subjugation of either, but on the
consolidated and equitable union of both. Above
all, we trust that nothing, will lend the Austrian Govern.
meat to repeat the fatal experiment of the Emperor of
Russia, by driving into exile the most ardent and intelli-
gent portion of hie subjects, until they become, like the
Poles, the Bedouins of Europe, because they have been de-
prived of their own natural and national rights. It is the
duty of a State to govern its subjects, not to exile them,
and still less to inflict on foreign dountries a population
which it cannot render happy and contented at home.
The Austrian Cabinet still adheres to the execution of
the great constitutional project of the 4th of Marche by
which all parts of the empire are to be confounded in
one vast system of representative government ; and it is
obvious that if any National Assembly is to be practi-
cally invested with this amount of supreme power, such
an assembly must be one in its structure and authority,
though it include, like the Imperial Parliament of the
United Kingdom, the representatives of three or more
nations. We have seen that the Crown and the army do
constitute a powerful and enduring bond of union be-
tween the various provinces of the Austrian Empire.
The question which has now to be decided is, whether
the same connexion can be maintained by the common
liberties and patriotism of the people. Upon the success
of that experiment depends the dissolution of the Austrian
monarchy or the gradual extension of union, civiliza-
tion, and freed:en to races and provinces which a jettlous
and imperfect system of government has kept too
widely apart. In such a system of Government Hun-
ger). would claim and exercise a large, and perhaps a
preponderating part, and though we confess that we look
with great doubt to the fulfilment of a scheme which
requires so many sacrifices of prejudice and tradition,
yet we are convinced that in the hands of an able Mi-
nister and a Liberal Sovereign such a combination would
raise the Austrian Empire from its ashes, and promote
the common welfare of all its members. In Hungary
we believe that no inconsiderable part of the popula-
tion, from the highest nobles to the peasantry, will hail
the retuin of peace with enthusiasm, and rally round the
Emperor Francis Joseph; and with regard to the Rus-
sian intervention, which cannot but have left the m rat
painful impression in the country, we trust the Emperor
of Russia will give the moat effectual proof of his disin-
terested policy by withdrawing his forces with the least
possible delay.
HERALD.----If we abstained from making any remarks
yesterday on the news purporting to come from Hun-
gary, it was not because we did not regard the question
%site absorbing interest, or consider the Hungarian cause
of the greatest magnitude and importance—but re ally
and truly there have been of late so many and such con-
tradictory bulletins—news so conflicting and so various
have arrived on one and the same day, that we may well
be forgiven by our readers for pausing till the rumours
of yesterday and the day before had received some con-
firmation from France and Germany. Though the de-
taila given in our impression of yesterday are not so
precise and particular as we could wish, still there is that
convenient certainty about them, to use the jargon of the
lawyers, that one can no longer doubt that the Hunga-
rian General, Georgey, has submitted to the Russian
General, Field-Marshal Paskewitch (end not Paskie•
witch, as nearly all the London papers incorrectly call
him), either with or without conditions. Uninformed as
we are as to facts, it cannot be supposed that we should
be prepared to pronounce an opinion on all the details
of the negotiation. But this we may at least say,
that the Hungarian generals have borne themselves
so gallantly during the last three months—
have exhibited such chivalrous bravery—such consum-
mate strategy—and such pure patriotism and love of
country—that we cannot suppose that a man like
Georgey, standing pre-eminent among these generals,
would have surrendered to the Russian field-marshal
until he had seen that all the efforts that courage and
despair could supply were wholly exhausted. So lung as
hope, or the shadow of hope, was left, Georgey, we
believe, withstood the power of the allied Austrian and
Russian armies; but now that the fortune of war, and
the power and number, rather than the skill and ability
of his enemies, have triumphed, Georgey, perhaps, has
done the wisest thing in ceasing to prolong a contest,
which must be continued at an immense expense of suf-
fering and of blood, at an expense of men and money,
and possibly also the certainty of a European war. Re-
gard the question as we may, there was, perhaps, but a
choice of evils. Either for a gallant peeple to des•
perately and hopelessly continue the struggle for their
ancient constitution and laws, at an immense disadvan
tege, or having unsuccessfully made such efforts as publi
opinion in Hungary sanctioned, to have surrendered
with honour,—to have surrendered, having fought the
good fight, without shame and without reproach.
This Georgey, and a vast number of Hungarian officers
and men appear to have done, and there can, we think,
be little question that the loudly-expressed public
opinion of Europe will secure to the Hungarian nation
that for which the best men in Hungary have been all
along contending—rind contending with arms in their
hands—namely, her constitution and her laws—a con-
stitution of the most ancient,
and laws venerable and
sacred. It is because we desire to see the Austrian
empire strong and united that we would now impress on
the Cabinet of Vienna the necessity of henceforth
governing the people of Hungary according to the
spirit anti letter of their ancient constitution. Governed
in such a spirit, this brave and
gallant people must be-
come a source of strength—must be at once the spear
and shield of the Austrian monarchy—whereas, if mea-
sures of vengeance and coercion be resorted to, the
struggle may be again renewed with greater bitterness
than before. It is because we desire nut the dismember-
ment of the Austrian empire, and should wish to
seo that empire great and powerful, that we would
press on the other Cabinets of Europe the necessity
of now interposing by negotiation—and of endea-
vouring to secure to Hungary that a hich is con-
stitutionally and legally her right. In uttering
this opinion, we adhere to the views which we
expressed seven or eight months ago, antecedently to
the period when the Hungarian cause was encumbered
with the help of many mouthing demagogues of the
metropolitan boroughs, and of the great manulacturing
towns—demagogues who but repeat the stereotyped
articles which we have seen in one daily and three or
four weekly journals, and which all evidently proceed,
with a slight variation of phrase—and possibly for semi
very well understood cause—from the same workshop.
That such meetings, or such arguments or articles as
have been recently urged and written in fasour of Hun-
gary by some of our ultra Radicals, and ore daily and
several weekly prints here, could have in any way sob-
served the great cause at issue in Hungary, we more
than doubt. The position of the question is now, how-
ever, such that diplomacy may fittingly intervene, when
the crash of arms and the more noxious b ibbling of 10
pounders have ceased; and we trust that Viscount Pal-
merston anti her Majesty's Ministers will lose not a

moment in co-operation with the French Gov%rn-
ment in urging on the Cabinet of Vienna the long-
neglected truth, that by acting in a legal and
constitutional spirit towards Hungary, that king-
dom may be won back to a loyally and enthusia,,m
such as prevailed in the time of Maria Theresa.
Nothing but such a course as this can pacify Hungary,
save Austria, or secure tranquillity for any length of
time in Europe. The moment appears opportune for
peace and reconciliation ; for though Hungary has
learned her own strength and Austria ber own
weakness in late encounters, yet the best and most en-
lightened men both in Austria and Hungary feel that a
great and enduring empire can only exist by the inti-
mate union 'of the two kingdoms—by the union of the
empire of Austria with the kingdom of Hungary. This
being so, we trust the constitutional Emperor of Austria
will henceforth act and feel as though he were
King of Hungary, and King on the condition of
respecting the laws and constitution of the Magyars.
If the obligations which Austria has incurred to
Russia could by any manner of means interpose an
obstacle to this great duty of the Austrian Emperor.
and his Cabinet, such obligations would become a Eu-
ropean calamity, disturbing the balance of power, inter-
fering with the volition of au empire, and the happiness
and constitutional rights of a dep. ndency. But we trust
that Russia will now see fit to withdraw her armies teem
Hung,ry, and by her wise counsels prove a disinterested
friend, and not a dangerous ally. It is impossible lem-
ever to conceal from ourselves or others the dangerous
precedent that has been created by this Muscovite inter-
ference, and the large margin which such interference
gives co Russia to intrigue in Austria, in Hungary,
iu the Danubian principalities, and even in Turkey
itself. If there were a wise or honest Govern-
ment in France, or an able President, such aspects of the
subject might be in a great degree disregarded. But
with a Louis Napoleon Bonaparte President, who may
within a week become the creature and tool of Russia,
such considerations force themselves on the attention 01
the most casual observer.

TIMES.—The Peace Congress is in full vigour at
Paris. We will not yield one whit to these talking
gentlemen in our sincere and earnest desire for the estab-
lishment of peace and tranquillity in every quarter of
the habitable world. Did we think such efforts would
be of any avail, we would subscribe largely to the main-
tenance of pence panegyrists, whose duty it slit uld be
to wander from country to country and recite the epi-
thets of the meek-eyed goddess. Mr. Hullah's classes
should be instructed to chant secular odes in the same
direction, and national festivities be established to cele-
brate the spiking of the last twelve-pounder to be found
above ground. We also long for that blissful day when—
" No more shall nation against nation rise,
Nor ardent warriors meet with hateful eyes,
Nor fields with gleaming steel be covered o'er,
And brazen trumpets kindle rage no more;
But useless lances into scythes shall bend,
And the broad falehion in a ploughshare end."
We are tvi 11 aware that more than one poet of a relaxed
imagination has indulged in such dreams as these ;
but we must be pat de ned for doubting if the
time have come for putting their suggestions into
practice. A short bill, embodying_ the aspirations of
Pope's " Messiah," would be a strange addition to the
municipal statute-bock ; or an European treaty of
the like neture a still stronger supplement to the
general law of nations. These peace showmen are
somewhat shifty in their grounds of arguments. They
are ready for their opponents either at black or white.
The first thing to be done in discussing the matter is to
admit on both sides that "Peace is a fine thing." That
done, as the next step, the partisan of the Congress will
tell you that peace doctrines are either making way in
Europe or they at a at a lamentable discount. In the first
case there is every reason fur persisting iu a movement
Which has already met with so flattering an encourage-
rat tit; on the second hypothesis, there is a reason the
morel for vigorous exereien when affairs are in such a
desperate state. Thus facts are bent to meet the views
of the pfacemongers, cr rather, they proceed with a
noble contempt of the facts before their faces. It may
be asked, why, since we are agreed upon the advantages
of perpetual peace—could it be obtained—should we
enter a protest against the proceedings of a party who
are at worst but harmless enthusiasts ? We answer,
they are not harmless, but very mischievous enthusiasts.
We find in the first resolution of the Peace Congress the
following wordso--"As peace alone cen secure the
moral and material interests of nations, it is the duty
of all Governments to submit to arbitration all differences
that arise between them, and to respect the decisions of
the arbitrators whom they may choose." Now, admit-
tieg for argument's sake that which it would be madness
to admit in earnest, that it would be possible to work out
in practice the spirit of this most absurd concatenation
of words, m.d that eagles or vultures could be induced to
submit to the mild suggestions of a congress of ring-
doves, let us see what would be the first result as far as
we ourselves are concerned. The nations in Europe
differing the most from us in social developement need
but pick a quarrel with us upon any given topic—we
will say a colonial one in the east, something about
Borneo, for instance—and, according to the terms of
the peace-resolution, arbitrators must be called
in, a Dutchman and a Spaniard, for example.
Should any little difference egain arise between Eng-
lund and Ghoolab Singh,. the Czar of Russia might,
no doubt, be induced to arbitrate upon the matter. So
on with other questions, not only as far as Eng-
land is concerned. The Government of every consider-
able people will be bound to repudiate distinctly a prin-
ciple which would place the country for whose interests
they are bound to act at the mercy of a knot of foreigners
who would bring nestling to the question but prejudices
and interests of their own. " But." say the members of
the Congress, " we will have nothing more to do with
diplomatists, or military men, or lawyers, or any of the
old trades which have made their profit of the misery of
I mankind. We will have men of letters and science—
men whose souls are deep in black-letter chronicles, or
wandering amongst the stars, for our arbitrators. We
will tear these sublime cosmopolites away for a moment
from their folios and their spheres, mid implore them to
throw one pitying glance upon the perturbations of
fretful humanity, and they shall be the oracles of the
world." Now, with all due respect for literary and
scientific notabilities, they are to our apprehension
the very worst persons who could be selected for
such an office. Have we not in our cellars bales of
printed vituperations, the result of the c msultations
of the German Professors at Frankfort ? Would M.
Arago be a good arbitrator upon a political question,
even with the assistance of a retired senior proctor from
Oxford or Cambridge? We doubt it. Timings are be ter
as they are. No weed will ever come of setting up a
practical falsehood as the standard of conduct for civi-
lized Europe. Such we hold the assertion to be, that a
sy s'em of arbitration l:ke that suggested by the Con-
gress is possible; or if possible, would be of general
advantage. We are, we repeat it, as much in earnest
as the most diffuse speaker at the Congress to:put a stop
to a calamity so feat tul as war, but the method proposed
would have a tendency to aggravate, and not to allay
disputes. We strongly recommend any person who
might at first be led astray by the high-sounding aspi-
rations of the Congress to sit down, and think over
carefully with himsef the consequences that would flow
from submitting the interests of Ene;land to the arbitra-
tion of Foreign Powers. If halfean-hour's cool reflection
upon this point does not cure him of his admiration for
the Congress, he is past remedy, and had better set off
by the earliest train and enrol himself amongst the
wiseacres at Paris. It is of course needless for us to call
attention to the speech delivered by M. Victor Hugo, a
report of which will be found in another portion of our
columns. It is eloquent, as anything must be that comes
from the author of Notre Dame, but contains nearly as
many fallacies as words. For example, the speaker was
loudly cheered when he stated that as in internal dis-
putes between the various provinces of France the Nor-
mans did not now attack the Picardians, nor the people
of Lorraine wage war against the Burgundians; and, as
in their contests the French provinces submit to the ar-
bitration of " France," so the day is near at hand when
European nations, instead of going to war, will argue
their differences before the tribunal of an united " Eu-
rope." e ." Of
spositio countorse M Victor
am.
mere
e Hugo
would
squabble
about not flu
geographical
edown
terms, for we should certainty be compelled to admit that
Picardy does not eo nomine levy war against Normandy.
We are, however, at a loss to understand how M. Victor
Hugo could have the courage to stand up in a room in
the Chaur6a d'Antin and make such an assertion,
when his audience, on sauntering home by the way of
the Boulevards, need but have cast their eyes up to
the very striking evidence of the manner in which
Frenchmen settle their internal disputes. Abstraction
made of the cries of the day, was Paris at all in a more
peaceful condition last year than at the wildest period of
the League or the Fronde? We notice this particular
fallacy of M. Victor Hugo's rather than any other,
because it leads us to a very striking feature in the pre-
sent condition of Europe. The Peace Congress is merely
beating the air. Wars of nation against nation are not
the evil of the day, but the contests between classes in
the same country. Europe is already so much governed
by the representatives of tax-payers, that an European
war is an affair of improbable occurrence. Even in coun-
tries where constitutional government isnot understood,
the ruling power would be very slow, for its own sake,
to impose taxes for the purposes of war. Europe less
remained at peace, although European society has gone
through convulsions in the course of the last five years of
which history presents no example since the breaking
up of the Roman Empire. We say this is a very remark-
able fact, and at the same time it shows pretty strongly
of how unpractical and visionary a class the Peace Con-
gress is composed. They are not dirt cting their efforts
against the substance, but the shadow—they are prescrib-
ing for a particular disease while the patient is dying of
its opposite. We are fanatics in the cause of peace, but
defend us from the Peace Congre,sl

SUPPOSED IRISII MURDERER.—TiIe following case
was heard on Thursday last, et Cambridge, before the
Rev. W. Smith:—Anthony Tirulin, from Ballintule,
county Roscommon, charged Michael Aygan, from Bat-
lymour, county Westmeatia (both Irish reapers, who had
been working at. Cotteuham), upon his own confessi, n,
evidence it appeared that he and the pri-over reel in
with having committed tmaid,r. From the
London, and there Ayga!i told him that hee could not
return to his own country again, as he had shot a gen.
the
expectingw ite"to'3
hlia7ealnliswuhrolcliela'sd ptraok;Enrthylsatunit'sdejaant;;l: lie also said if
he could find out that the gentleman was really dead, he
would go over end f etch enough money to carry them
both over to America. He tint not say who tee gentle-
man was, nor when the. murder was councittpd ; the
witness alto said that. he tad placed some uroz4ey in the
prisoner's hands, which he refined to return, ao he
brought this charge. The magistrate remanded the
piis-ner till the Istof September ; rtnd as the witness
could not fii.d tureties ho way sent to prison also. The
prisoner said his uncle's name was Boyd, and that the
agent's name was Featherstone. It may be reimembered
that lust year a similar avowal of the murder of Major
Mahon was made at Peterborough, by an Irish reaper,
and he was afterwards convicted.—Bury Post.