The Sun.
London, England, 1825-05-19 00:00:00

the character of a frank and independent people,'
yet so it is. Hume has remarked it. " Though
the EngliSh nation," •he .says, " be naturally
candid and sincere,- hypocrisy has prevailed
among them beyond any example in ancient or
modern times." , Most certainly the growth of
hypocrisy is still more extensive and systematic
since his time. It is since that the•tenn " cant "
has. .been invented and introduced, or at least
used in its now established sense, in our language.

[TII E TIMES.
The lamentable contrast between the decisions
of the two Houses of Parliament on the Catholic Bill, is a
matter not wholly to be accounted for by the votes of the Right
Rev. Bishops. The Peers are less dependent than the Members
of the House of Commons on the people. The habits, more-
over, of the Peerage must be considered, as well as the
constitution of their Lordships' house ;--some, we appre-
hend, of the resistance displayed-by them upon this ques-
tion, arising from a want of intercourse and consequent sym-
pathy with the rest of mankind on subjects of general con-
cern.—Besides, in the catalogue of causes ought not to be
forgotten, the presence and personal influence of the Prime
Minister, with his active hostility to the Catholics. The form
in which that hostility showed itself last Tuesday, we have
already remarked, was not of a-piece with Lord Liverpool's
usual manner—or with the temper in which he had on previous
occasions discussed the rights of his fellow-subjects. His Lord-
ship's spirit appears, indeed, to have undergone a process the
reverse of that which is experienced by most other indivi-
duals. Other men gradually reason themselves out of vio-
lence, into sobriety and calmness; the Noble Lord has pur-
sued an opposite course, instead of his original ardour against
the Catholic Claims subsiding, and giving way to modera-
tion and charity. The first years of his opposition were the
most distinguished by good temper ; instead of deliberat-
ing; the mind of Lord Liverpool has ever since been se-
cretly burning, until the flame which tormented him at length
bunts forth in one angry, unmeasured, and sweeping denun-
ciation of the Catholics. This we from our hearts deplore ;
but 'who can repair it—for who can measure its bad conse-
quences ? The whole tenilency of Lord Liverpool's discourse
was to prove that Catholic Emancipation must never be granted,
now or at any future period. Will the Catholics of the empire
submit to such an everlasting exclusion from all that endears
his country to civilized man ? We add to this another question,
not in the spirit of provocation or of menace—far from either—
but as friends of truth, and justice, and rational English
liberty—in the name of all our laws—of all our political maxims
—of the great Charter—of the Bill of Rights—of the Revolution
—of William lll.—ought any body of English subjects (we say
nothing of their numbers,though it would not be unfair to do so);
but is any class of English subjects justified, in so far betray-
ing the free constitution of their country, as to crouch tamely
under the loss of those blessings of which their proffered alle-
giance it the legitimate price?—Then, says Lord Liverpool,
" all British subjects are entitled to equal rights, upon equal
conditions," but the Catholic, not fulfilling the condition, has
no claim to the right. This argument is as weak as the end of ;
it is unjust and cruel. The Catholic tenders every condition
by which the Protestant binds himself, or which the State '
exacts from the Protestant ; every thing but that which his
duty to God withholds. He offers to pay taxes—to obey the
laws reverently—to administer them justly—to defend with
his life the Sovereign and the country, against all enemies
domestic or foreign, including the Pope himself. " That which
is " Clesar's he renders unto Cresar," evert to the uttermost
farthing. Hai Ceesar any authority, divine or human, for
demanding that tribute which the Catholic declares in his
conscience to be due to God alone ? Yet Lord Liverpool
charges the Catholics with paying only a "divided allegiance
to their Sovereign." We doubt whether his Lordship con-
sidered well the force of this extraordinary argument. If good
for any thing, it goes to the necessity of re-enacting all the
penal laws, and all the disabling statutes—of taking away all
the property of the Catholics, whiCh is. essential power—of
cutting them off from the elective franchise, and• the ma-
gistracy, which are acknowledged power—of reducing them
to that condition of utter insignificance, in which the im-
perfect nature of their allegiance would work no' mischief to
the State—that is to say, by their utter extirpation froM
society. For, if it be objected to every Catholic, that his al-
legiance to the Prince is no true allegiance, but subject to that
more absolute, which he owes the Pope, the proposition must
hold good of one Catholic as well as of others. The Catho-
lic elector must be incapable of the required allegiance—
so must the Catholic jurors—the Catholic Justice of the
peace—the Catholic General Officer I Are none of these
men in situations where a " divided allegiance" would be
dangerous to the Empire'? We repeat the question to
Lord. Liverpool—are there none but Members of Par-
liament- for whom allegiance to their Sovereign is an im-
portant qualification ? And if Magistrates and Generals cane
not pay such Constitutional allegiance, what reason" under
Heaven can be found for not expelling them from their
trusts, which does not equally enforce their adinisaion to
both Houses of Parliament ? It follows, then, from this talk
about " divided allegiance," that no Catholic can. be a good
subject in any condition of life ; for there is no condition the
duties of which may not in that case be violated at the Pope's
bidding. It follows, too, that it is not a Protestant State alone
which must suffer from ouch a vice inherent in the nature of
all Catholics. No Sovereign of any persuasion—of the Ca-
tholic faith itself—can reckon upon the fidelity of one of his
Catholic subjects. The Emperor of Austria, the Kings of
France and Portugal, have not a good subject, except Pro-
testants, throughout their whole dominions ! Yet we verily bee
lieve that the. most Popish of these Monarchs would have started
with astonishment had he been listening in the House of Lords
to such an accusation against two-thirds of the Christian people
of Europe.—Lord Liverpool, then, to be consistent with him-
self, must bring in a new code of disabling laws against the Ca-
tholics, not choosing to credit vehatthey, one and all, affirm upon
their oaths—that the allegiance they owe their Soveign is of such
a peremptory nature as would compel them to-take arms in his
defence, if anyone of his lawful rights or prerogatiyes were as-
saulted by a confederacyof which the Pope should be a Member.
But this, it'seems to Lord Liverpool, is a " Protestant" State:
The expression is ambiguous, and therofore is its effects insi-
dious: The King must.beePiotestanee-41ev keeper of his cone
science, and the great dispenser Of Church patronage, Pro.
testant: The established religion is, we all know, Protestant.
Beyond this, the allegation is false, for it• would imply that
no public function of any sort can be exercised by those
who are not of the Protestant- conimunion. Now, where
so-many millions :of Catholiei actually exist in the United
Kingdom; how -cam we exclude them from all public trusts
and offices; except by reducing them to that very helotisin
from which they. were rescued by the abolition of the penal
laws—an experiment to which, in their preient stage of
wealth, intelligence, and: spirit, we may assert without scruple
that it would be morally impossible to subject them ? Lord
`Liverpool, then, can-never pretend to be' sincere in the opi-
nions he-has just unhappily delivered, without drugging the
whole system- of!English legislation -backward; since he will
'not suffer it to advance. Upon the issue of last Tuesday even-
ing,- we feel too deeply to .offeeu•syllable -of general observa-
tion.; though on, a. less !important occasion Lord Anglesey,
ivitlt his -HussalS elOquencee settiglit- provoke a smile. The &-
Meets.: of- theenight wets hatred eantl• uneharitableeess-L-the
I-Rirse-gtiatitea-the Treasurye-ethe Woolsack; and the Orange
Lodges hietentelithelingh of •Isieautpli!with them. HO* long
is it ore we shall see this hilarity change places, and gladden
every Court in Europe but our own ?