The Sun.
London, England, 1836-10-28 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

NORTH DERBY GREAT REFORM

DINNER.

We invite the attention of our readers to our City
Article, which contains some very important informa-
tion, derived from the New York Advertiser of the
26th of September. The letter from the eminent mer-
cantile house to the London agent of the Boston Daily
Adivertiser affords an admirable comment on the sup-
posed secrecy of the Bank affairs. No one can blame
the London house for the information conveyed by it
to American dealers in British merchandize ; for after
knowledge was obtained of the determination of the
Bank, it besane necessary to caution American
dealers that bills on London houses would be un-
available till due. But in a month or two the
Manchester manufacturers will, we suspect, be dis-
posed to question the wisdom of the monetary sys-
tem of this country, which makes them and other
dealers throughout the country the scape-goats for the
licence which the banks of this country have to in-
volve them in ruin. Our space at present will not
allow us to bestow on this important subject the con-
sideration which it merits; but we shall immediately
return to it. In the meantime we shall lay before our
readers an extract from a letter of recent date, addressed
by a country grocer to his London correspondent,
which convfys a simple and unadorned statement of
the wrongs suffered by men engaged in trade through-
out the country from circumstances over which they
have no control, and against the effects of which no
prudence can guard them
" The operation of the Bank of England on the Money
market, has caused a pause in commercial transactions,
even within our limited knowledge, and we expect, before
the thing is righted, much mischief will be done. Some of
the country Banks are charging six per cent. discount, and
on commission. This, we say—no grocery trade will
will stand, and we are pulling in as fast as we can by not
purchasing more than our immediate wants require, or
pushing slur trade. We think it high time some control
over the circulation was possessed by some one, for we do
not like to have the exertions of one year taken away by the
losses of another, through the capricious issuing of paper
money, and then its rapid diminution. We were going on
very well before the last greet issue of paper by the Bank of
England and the joint-stock banks. Prices were moderate,
and within the reach of consumers. The trade of the country
was steady, the foreign exchanges favourable, and we were
doing well ; but out came the paper and the projects, the
railroads and the companies, as numerous as the flies on a
sunny day, and some of them as short lived ; and here we
are, having just attained to the flourishing state once de-
scribed by Prosperity Robinson, doomed once more to
descend the rugged the road of declining prices. . . .
We shall be glad of any information you can give Mt, for
it is impossible, in a trade like ours, to conduct it without
a considerable stock ; and see how it affects us by a gene-
ral, if a gradual, fall in prices. For example, cheese we
arc now buying at 665. to 70s. from dairies which we always
have and cannot put off. Now the probability is, that when
we have held it through till spring, it will not be worth so
lynch. We shall have lost in weight, and in price too.
This is what I call the rugged road."
Vv'e observe in the Globe of last night a laboured
vindication of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to
which we may afterwards advert. The purport of it
may, however, be shortly described. It is to show
that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, like the gods of
Epicurus, looks down with unconcern on the doings of
ordinary mortals—that though he may sec proceedings
pregnant with ruin to thousands, it is not his business
to endeavour to counteract them. The truth is, that
the very warm advocate of the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman in the Globe seems to prove too much :
for if there is any force in his facts and reason-
ings, there arc no means whatever of preventing
sweeping revolutions in property, from causes insepa-
rably connected with our monetary system. The de-
fence cf the Chancellor of the Exchequer is rather
calculated to startle the good people of this country,
who, calling to recollection the times of a Huskisson,
indulged the belief that Government, by means of
funding Exchequer Bills and other stock operations,
really could produce such an influence on the Money
Market as to check the simultaneous rise in the price
of all commodities at which the wiser members of the
Agricultural Committee shook their heads last spring.
However, we must leave this subject for the present.—
illorninz Chronicle.

CHESTERFIELD, THURSDAY, OCT. 27.—The Reformers
of the Northern Division of Derbyshire gave a grand dinner
yesterday to their Representatives, the Hon. Mr. Caven-
dish and Thomas Gisborne, Esq. Nothing could equal the
anxiety of the Reformers of the town and neighbourhood to
be present at this banquet, and in a very short time every
ticket which was issued was eagerly purchased. The room
appropriated to entertainment was the great one of the
Angel Hotel. This apartment was not, however, found
sufficient for its purpese, and more than fifty persons were
unable to procure admission. The room was very tastefully
and appropriately decorated. Over the chair was placed a
portrait of the King, surmounted by a Crown. Around
the room were placed banners, inscribed " Liberty, the
Reward of Union"—" The Sovereignty of the People"—
" Civil and Religious Liberty"—" The Constitution in its
Purity"—" May the Press never advocate Oppression"—
" Gisborne and Independence"—" Cavendish and Indepen-
dence," &c., &c.
At half-past four o'clock about two hundred persons sat
down to dinner, amongst whom we noticed the Hon. Mr.
Cavendish, M.P., Thomas Gisborne, Esq., M.P., J. Jebb,
Esq., G. Barnsley, Esq., Robert Malkin, Esq., Henry
Malkin, Esq., Robert Wallace, Esq., Brotherton, jun.,
Esq., son to the Hon. Member for Salford, the Rev. Dr.
Cursham, J. Bowden, Esq., H. Bowden, Esq., Charles
Ferrers, Esq., J. Change, Esq., J. Cottingham, Esq., J. G.
Barnes, Esq. The Chair was taken by Gilbert Compton,
Esq., Mayor of Chesterfield.
The cloth having bean removed, and the usual loyal
toasts having been proposed and drunk, with the usual de-
monstrations of applause,
The CHAIRMAN said, that the next toast which he had
to propose, was " The health of the Members for the
Northern Division of Derbyshire."—(Loud applause.)
The Hon. Mr. CAVENDISH then rose, and was received
with loud cheers. At such a time as the present it was

the duty of all Reformers to rally round the Governmen
beset as that Government was by the unceasing and vene
mous attacks of the Tory party.—(Hear, and loud cheers..
The Tories were exceedingly glad at the slight dissensions'
lately exhibited amongst Reformers.—(Hear.) They hoped
to make their own account of them, and for this purpose
they had merged their own differences ; and they had done
this with a view of upsetting the present Administration.—
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Every means that could
be resorted to, had been taken advantage of by the Tory
party to thwart the Government, and if this opposition did
not come from the head of that party it certainly came from
the tail.—(Hear and laughter.) These were the persons
who taunted the Government with being led by O'Connell;
although they knew full well that the opinions entertained
by many of the members of that Administration were held
by them long before they were members of that Govern.
ment.—(Hear, hear.) It was these men too, who being
the cause of delay, had the courage to complain that the
Government had not carried forward more measures for the
benefit of the country during the last Session of Parlia-
ment.—(Hear, hear.) Let them take, for instance, the
pompous and self-sufficient attack of Lord Lyndhurst, on
the last day of the Session, when he made a tirade against
Lord Melbourne's Administration, for doing, as he said,
nothing. Could anything be more monstrous than such a
course of proceeding, seeing that this Noble Lord was the
great leader of those by whom the measures of the Govern-
ment had been so successfully thwarted.—( Hear, hear.)
One measure, however, had escaped the general wreck,
which he trusted would effect a great good for this country.
He alluded to the English Tithe Bill.—(Hear, hear.) The
Parliament had also passed the Acts for the Registration of
I Births, Deaths, and Marriages—measures which, he be-
lieved, would be productive of considerable advantage to
the country.—(Hear, hear.) But against these few acts
of wisdom, were to be placed a host of others, which had
been rejected with scorn and contumely by the House of
Peers.—( Hear, hear.) Look, again, to the conduct of the
Tories in respect to the Irish Church. This party never
granted a measure—such IN as their miserable policy—which
was not torn from them by force—(Hear, hear)—and the
result is, that the measure which would have been received
three years ago as a settlement of the Irish Church ques-
tion, would now be rejected with scorn.—(Hear, hear.)
The people had, through their own means, effected much
good for England and for Scotland, and by the same means
they would be enabled to do much to pacify Ireland.—
(Hear, bear.) The more the state of Ireland was known,
the more would the people of England be anxious to lend
their best assistance in so great and so good a work.—(Hear,
hear.) If they exerted themselves, they would be able to
obtain sufficient power to enable them to carry measures of
general utility, without any infringement of the Constitution.
On this question, however, he was not now going to give
any opinion. He was not called on to do so, as there was
no definite plan before him in reference to which he ought
to make any declaration. It would be time enough to do
this when the details of any proposition for this purpose
were submitted to him.—( Hear.) But this he would say,
that if they had everything their own way they would not
be able to continue their power unless they manifested the
same conduct that had been displayed by the Reformers of
1880—namely, energy and union.—(Hear, hear.) Let
them act in the way they had already acted at the period
of the first Reform Parliament, and they might depend
upon it the House of Lords would not place themselves in
apposition to the will of the people.—(Cheers.) So long
as the House of Lords bad such a minority as 800 Mem-
bers in the House of Commons to support and sustain them,
it was not likely that they would give way ; but let the
people only express their opinion in respect to such measures
as the country demanded in a firm and constitutional man-
ner, and they might depend upon it the House of Lords
would give way.—(Hear.)
Mr. GISBORNE rose amidst great cheering, and said it.
was known to some of the gentlemen present, although it
might not be known to all, that he had been for some time
past very desirous of being relieved from the high and
honourable charge with which he had been entrusted. This
anxiety was not caused by any dissatisfaction which existed
towards him on the part of his constituents ; for be was
happy to say that he, like his Hon. Colleague, had received
no remonstrance from his constituents in reference to the
line of daty which he deemed it right to pursue.--(Hear.)
No, the motivo that induced him to retire from the repre-
sentation of the county arose from a desire of his own heart
to he enabled to give more of his attention to his own pri-
vate affairs. At the present, the many claims which were
made upon his time, both in respect to his personal concerns
and his public duty, were too much for him. They were
wearing down each succeeding Session, and therefore it was
that he was anxious that the public claims upon his time
should not continue to exist. At the same time he felt it
right to say, that unless it was clearly ascertained that his
place would be filled by ono of similar opinions with his own,
and who had physical strength to enable him to serve the
county, that he would not, and he was sure that he would be
believed when he said it, run away from any contest in which
he was a party.—( Hear, and cheers.) At no personal sa-
crifice would he leave them in the lurch.—(Applause.)
Having dismissed this topic, there existed only one other
subject upon which he should think it to be his duty to ad-
dress them. He alluded, of course, to the opposition
which existed between the two branches of the Legislature.
Of the hereditary with the election of the irresponsible,
with the responsible of the aristocratic to the democratic.
This was not only the larger but the most difficult ques-
tion to which he had ever been called upon to employ his
reasoning faculties ; but he would not shrink from the con-
sideration of it. The opposition of the House of Lords to
the House of Commons had been exhibited every year since
the passing of the Reform Bill ; but more so in the last
session than in any former one.—(Hear, hear.) It was ne-
cessary that he should make that remark in order that the
full force of his observations should be understood. From
, the view he had taken of this part of the question, he was
led to the conclusion that the legislation of the country was
not in accordance with the wishes of the great body of the
people, and that this arose from the minority of the country
through the influence of foreign aid being able to control
and put a negative on the legislative labours of the majo-
rity. What he meant by foreign aid was the assistance
which was derived from sources independent of the repre-
sentative or democratic party in the country.—(Hear, and
cheers.) By means of this aid the minority were enabled
" to plough with our own heifer," and by doing so obtain
their own ends.—(Cheers.) He would now just sea how
this minority was composed. In the first place it included
within it all those persons connected with institutions which
the public voice had marked out for reformation. It
also contained those individuals who, from private interests,
might or might not be affected by reform, but who act from
some undefined apprehension that their interests will be in-
jured by the measures which are likely to be brought for-
ward by the Government of the country.—( Hear, hear.)
The next class of which the minority was composed were
e r—(
those who hoped to obtain preferment and office from the
Hear, hear.) The mi-
nority Tories
contained
getting
also intoa w
all
those persons
dependent on the hereditary part of the Legislature. He
might go to the other grades of which this minority was
composed, but he would come down at once to that class
which consisted of the disinterested, honest, bigotted Tories.
—(Hear.) He had reason to believe that this class con-
tained very few persons—incredibly few.—(Laughter.)
This description of the Tory party was that which he be-
lieved was generally entertained of in by the country at
by
yrgtenir own—e(Hear,i interests ratherhnetearre—"
) hatothane Tbyoreyepnarrieon, and yet,
t
this very Tory party were
able, owing to their means, which
'ast
he had already adverted to, to controul the legislature of
the country.—(Hear, hear.) What was likely to be the
result of such a state of things? If the present cause of
dissatisfaction continued—if the minority were still to con-
troul the majority, then would he have his fears for the

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, OdTOBEIR, 28, 183 g.

social edifice ; then would he fear that all law and order
would be set at nought, the whole trampled under foot.
Then if men would only act with spirit and energy—look-
ing to those who would come after them—they were bound
to come forward and lend a hand to get rid of such a state
of things as that which he had described.—(Hear, hear.)
And how was this to be done ?• One man exclaims,
" Create more Peers ;" while another demands that the
House of Lords must be reformed. With respect to the
first, he would say that it was the most vulgar and clumsy
expedient that could be devised. He would ask the pro-
jector of this proposition, in the first place, whether he
meant his new Peers to be rich or poor ?—(Hear.) If they
were to be poor Peers, then he would say that, before the
creation of such persons to the Peerage could be thought
of, some plan must be adopted by which the avenues to
Downing-street and Whitehall could be widened.—(Laugh-
ter.) It could not be expected that one hundred indivi-
duals—it would take at least that number for the purpose
in question, who had been created Peers of the State, would
live below their fellow Peers, and the consequence was, that
in order to sustain their own dignity, they would become
the most venal set of men in the country.--(Hear, hear.)
Well, but then suppose it was intended that these Peers
were to be created from moderately rich persons, why in
that case they must make Peers from persons who had at
least 10,0001., for nothing less could fairly sustain the ex-
pense of a Peer.—( Hear.) Well, now, did the proposers
of this course consider well the consequences of taking a
million a year out of the rental of the country, and locking
it up in the House of Lords ?—(Hear, hear.) Had he
considered that by giving this increased advantage to the
House of Lords, it would become worse to manage then
than it was at present.--(Hear, hear.) But after they
had made this creation of wealthy Peers, what hold would
they have on them ? What security or bond had they
that these Peers would vote in the way that was ex-
pected by those at whose instance they were created ?
(Hear, hear.) But even if a bond could be obtained from
the father, where was the security that they would be
able to obtain a bond from the son ? And then again they
were to recollect that the creations would not cease with the
present batch—it would be a constant system of creations,
for they might depend upon it that the House of Lords
would be always behind the people, so that in a short time
such would be the extent the creation of Peers would go to,
that in a very short time it would be very hard to find a
commoner in the land.—( Hear, and a laugh.) He would
now proceed to consider the proposition of the second man
who wished to make the House of Lords a responsible, by
being an elective body.—( Hear.) He must at once say
that he liked the expedient just as little as the former ; and
he would tell them why. He was a great admirer of the
forms of the old Constitution. He had a great regard for
It was not a reverential, bnt a reasonable regard.—
Hear, hear.) His regard for the Constitution was some•
ing like the regard which he had for au old shoe-

Laughter)—and much for the same reason—it fitted his
foot—both go on comfortably together. (Hear, and
laughter.) Then if the upper leather let in the wet, he
would get is repaired, and if the sole were broken, and al-
lowed the stones and gravel to hurt his feet, then he would
get it mended.--=-(Hear.) Now he hated a new shoe most
cordially—(A laugh)—and he was sure that he would hate
anew Constitution worse.—(Hear, hear.) Could any one
imagine anything more glaringly incomplete than a new
constitution unmellowed by time, and unsanctified by
old associations.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He
was for giving the Peers great dignity and state, if it
so pleased them to possess it—but very little power.—
(Hear.) When the House of Commons and the House
of Lords held a conference, the Commons stood unco-
vered ; that, however, did not annoy him. He would, as
well as he could, recite for them the order of the House
of Lords in reference to the manner in which the con-
ference was to be conducted. It was something as fol-
lows :—" When we (the Lords) hold a conference with
the Commons, they (the Commons) shall be there waiting
our pleasure. When we have been informed by our own
usher that the Commons are so waiting we shall then
proceed to the Conference Chamber, not straggling one by
one—(Laughter)—but in such a manner that the dignity
of our House may be maintained.—(A laugh.) We shall
sit and be covered, and they (the Commons) must stand
and be uncovered, unless some of them may happen to be
crippled.—(Great laughter.) In that case such persons
may, out of politeness, be allowed a seat out of sight."—
(Cheers and roars of laughter.) It did not gall or annoy
him to stand uncovered before their Lordships, for be had
no objection to give them every honour and dignity be-
longing to them ; but while he did this he would take
every opportunity of limiting their power. Having said
so much in reference to the House of Lords, and his anxiety
to lessen the power which they possessed, lie would natu-
rally be called on to state what was his project for limiting
the power of that House.—( Hear.) He would tell them
at once he would do away with the positive power of the
House of Lords by reducing it to a suspensive power.—
( Hear, hear.) No Tory could object to this plan, for
every Tory says that a measure sanctioned by the will of
the people ought to be passed by the Lords.—(Hear, hear.)
EI cry one says that the House of Lords ought to submit
to public opinion ; and he would give to the House of
Lords the power of reviewing every measure that passed
the House of Commons, and that they should have a
power to suspend the measure—for it was frequently very
useful to the country, that it should be called upon to re-
consider its own measures. But owing to the present con-
stitution of the House of Lords, the measures submitted
to them, and to which they had expressed a very strong
dislike, were not likely to be passed in any reasonable
time.—(Hear, hear.) It was said that it was owing to
there being so small a majority in the House of Commons
that the measures of the people were not carried. Now,
this argument could not apply to the Session before the last,
for the Commons sent up the Irish Church Bill to the House
of Lords by a very large majority, and yet their Lordships
threw it out.—( Hear.) Then there was the Jewish Disa-
bilities Bill. That Bill was also sent up to the Hou3c of
Lords by an overwhelming majority, and still the House of
Lords rejected it. These facts did not prove that large
majorities would induce the House of Lords to pass mea-
sures in which the country had taken a deep interest. There
was now a struggle for power between the House of Lords
and the House of Commons, and he would ask them to
say if they ever knew a man who possessed power give it
up until he was compelled to do so ? The best thing, then,
in his mind, that could bo done in order to limit the power
of the House of Lords, without at all affecting the cha-
racter of the House, would be to change its present posi-
tive power into a suspending one. It was evident that
things could not go on satisfactorily until a change took
place, and he thought, as the change which he proposed
violated no principle, that was more deserving of conside-
ration than any of the others to which he had alluded.
Many object to even this change, on the ground that it was
tending too much to democracy. Why he admitted that
it had this tendency. But were not all their acts leading
to this sante result ? If they did not wish this principle to
thrive, why let them shut up their national schools, let
them cease to educate, let cheap publications be destroyed,
let the press be restricted, for all and every one of these
matters assisted the march to democracy. But why were
they afraid of this principle of democracy advancing ? Let
the people be but educated, and they need have no fears on
this account. Democracy had been on the march in this
country ever since the establishment of free institutions, and
they might depend upon it it was not going to stop just
now.—(Hear.) The truth was, that here the people
were every thing, the Government nothing—(Loud
cheers)—and was it possible to think of keeping down
such a people as the English by such toasts as
" Church and King," and " Down with the Rump."—
(A laugh.) Which latter toast was, he understood, most
piously revived in many well-meaning but wrong-headed
families.—{Hear, and a laugh.) It was said that no change
was necessary in respect to the House of Lords, because the
House of Commons could stop the supplies.—(Hear,
hear.) This certainly was a very good measure to affect
the power of the King, but it was not at all calculated to
operate upon the House of Lords.—(Hear.) To stop the
supplies with a view of intimidating the House of Lords,
would fail in its object. Nay, it was the very thing that
the Tories wanted.—(Hear, hear.) It might be asked,
how was he to carry out the alteration which he proposed
in reference to the House of Lords ? He would answer,
in the same way that the Reform Bill was carried. They
would recollect, that at the period of the introduction of
the Reform Bill, the Royal mind was wavering, but the
moment it was ascertained that the people of this country
were bent upon having the great measure of Reform—a
fact that was ascertained from the demonstrations made at
Nottingham, Derby, Bristol, and other large towns, where
immense masses of the King's subjects assembled, ostensi-
bly for the purpose of petitioning the King, but really to
exhibit the physical power which they possessed—(Hear,
hear)—when he said these demonstrations were made, there
was no longer any doubt of the fate of the Reform Bill.
While these things were taking place in the large towns, a
run was made upon the Bank of England.—(Hear.) It
was at this moment that some presumptuous men thought
that they could, with the aid of the House of Lords and
the King, rule this country.—(Hear, hear.) He well re-
collected a renegade Whig, who, at the moment, exhibited
the most monstrous specimen of tergiversation, and who,
for his conduct on that occasion, was now a Lord some-
body.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and " Lord Ashbur-
ton.") He well remembered, he said, this individual com-
ing down to the House of Commons, and with the air of
demi-official authority, moving. that that House, under the
extraordinary circumstances in which the country was
placed, should adjourn.--(Hear, hear.) The Reformers
in the House, of course, laughed at this demi-official exhi-
bition, but in the meantime the Royal mind was wavering,
and this very same personage at length said, " That he
thought the best thing he could do would be to send for

his old Ministers again." It was at this time, too, that
the greatest possible insult was offered to the House of
Lords. They were told that unless they consented to pass
the Reform Bill, a portion of the tag, rag, and bob-tail
should be sent in amongst them, who should not only vote
with them, but who should also sit with them in the same
House, and upon the same seats.—(Hear, hear.) Now,
this was a most gross insult upon the House of Lords. In
making allusion to this House, he must not be supposed as
including within his remarks any of those Peers who were
connected with the old Aristocracy of England.—(Hear.)
No ; he was proud to speak of them as they deserved—for
they were then, as now, identified with the people.—(Loud
cheers.) It was of Pitt's Lords that he was speaking—of
those Lords who were made for purposes of jobbing.—
(Hear.) Of those Irish and Scotch Lords who were always
ready to obey the will of their maker.—(Hear.) These
were the persons who, after all their proud boasting,
sneaked out of the House, fearful that the threat made
would have been put into execution, and thus allowed the
Reform Bill to be carried.—(Applause.) And who was
it that made use of this threat to their Tory Lordships ?
Was it some low Radical? No : it was made by no
less a personage than Earl Grey—by Lord Spencer—by
the Duke of Richmond—by Lord Stanley—(Cries of
" Hear !)—and, oh ! tell it not in Cockermouth, by the
Conservative, Sir James Graham.—(Loud cheers and
laughter.) Well, this was what was done by these persons.
Did he blame them for it ? Most assuredly not ; for the
expedient, insulting as it was in reality, was honoured by the
emergency.—(Hear, hear.) The business with the House
of Lords was half done then—he was sorry to say that
another and a more important remained yet to be done.
—(Hear, hear.) He could assure them that when the
struggle came, as come it most assuredly would, he would
be ready to take his part in the contest, either as their re-
presentative, or in the more humble capacity of a private
individual.—(Applause.) He said now, as he said of the
exertions made at the period of the Reform Bill, that they
must exert themselves—they must put themselves under
able and resolute leaders, and not to be squeamish as to the
means which they used to effect the object which they bad
in view ; and he trusted that the struggle which they would
have to make would be final.—(Hear, hear.) Before he
sat down, he would wish to say a word or two on the sub-
ject of union, so strongly and indeed so properly urged by
all parties. It was said that concessions ought to be made
by one class of Reformers for the sake of union.—(Hear.)
He was in favour of such a course of proceeding, but then
he must be allowed to say, that in his opinion the conces-
sions ought to be mutual,—(Hear, hear.) They ought
not to be concessions such as were demanded by a Whig
Baronet in Cornwall, who refused to support one of the
most talented men in the House of Commons because be
declined to give up the whole of his opinions and convic-
tions, and this, too, was done at a time when it was most
important that the liberal party in the House of Commons
should be strengthened instead of being weakened by
those who were I favourable to the principle of Reform.
—(Hear, hear, hear.) He would, therefore, say to
Whig and Radical—and he could give this advice with
perfect disinterestedness, for he hardly knew to which party
he belonged—( Hear)—make mutual concessions, in order
that the union which may take place should be permanent.
—(Hear, hear.) And here he might be allowed to repeat
what he said at the commencement of the last Session—
that if the Whigs had not been so selfish, but had divided
fairly with the Radicals the labours and honours of office,
that much good would have been effected towards a certain
and secure union of all parties.—(Hear.) The Hon. Gen-
tleman sat down, evidently much exhausted.
The cheering that followed the conclusion of his address
was of the most rapturous description, and was continued
for several minutes.
The Hon. Mr. CAVENDISH proposed " The health of
the Rev. Dr. Cursham," and coupled with it " The
Church."
The Rev. Dr. CURSHAM returned thanks, and expressed
a hope that the motto of the Church would ever be " Civil
and Religious Liberty."—(Applause.)
Several other toasts were drunk, and the company sepa-
rated.