The Sun.
London, England, 1831-04-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS„

It is evident to every person who is not morally
blind that the Holy Alliance principle is in as subtle
and active operation on the Continent of Europe as
e ter. It has recovered from the shock and the
alarm of the French revolution of July, and sees not
only its hope of security, hut the promise of future
triumphs, in the vacillation and supineness of the
Government which that revolution placed over the
destinies of France. The resistance which that Go-
vernment has given to the amelioration of the poll-
veal institutions of the country, ever since the esta-
blishment of its authority, has produced exactly the
effects which theHolyAlliance desired. It has involved
the different Administrations of France in continued
and bitter contention with each other, while the
despots of the Continent conspire against the liber-
ties of mankind in perfect security. If it had not
been for the unforeseen insurrection at Warsaw,
that conspiracy would have developed itself
more unequivocally before this time, as far
as France is concerned. The documents seized
among the papers which the Grand Duke
Constantine left behind him in his flight, place
this beyond a doubt, if any could, indeed, have
entertained a doubt of what the vast armaments
were intended for, which Russia, Austria, and
Vrussia, were putting into a state of warlike equip-
ment before the standard of liberty was raised on
the . banks of the Vistula, as a conductor to the
lightning which the tempestuous clouds of the north
were about to discharge upon France. The Aus-
trian Observer, the organ of the detestable system
of Metternich, lavishes its suspicious praise upon
the present 'Ministers of the King of the French,
and is equally liberal, and more sincere, in bestow-
ing its abuse upon the French Opposition. It calls
the men who saved the country in July—when
most of those who now reap the fruits of their
labours were content with safely watching the turn
of events—" an infamous Propaganda," an " anar-
chical faction," and thus endeavours to keep up
the game of dissension in France by represent-
ing the Opposition as having zio other object
than political disturbance :t id confusion, and
being consequently the enemies of all regular
Government. It then indulges in the usual
cant of the despotic Courts about the " pre-
servation of peace," while the arms of Austria
' are beating down the liberties of the indepen-
dent States of Italy. The following passage dis-
plays far more of the " wisdom of the serpent"
than the " innocence of the dove :"—" It is only

by the preservation of peace, and by the re-esta-
blishment of the internal tranquillity of States, that
the evils which now oppress nations so heavily can
be removed, property secured, trade revived, and
credit restored. This is the voice which is now
heard all over Europe ;—the Austrian Government
openly declares it as its own." The impudent hy-
pocrisy of this mock panegyric upon " peace can-
not be surpassed at a time when Austria is carrying
on her aggressive system against liberty in the heart
of Italy, and preparing for those patriots who have
not the good fortune to fall in the field, the honours
of martyrdom on the scaffold. No doubt Austria
wishes the peace to be preserved towards her, while
she is engaged in an infamous crusade against the
rising liberties of smaller States. This is to " pre-
serve the peace" in the sense in which the Austrian
Observer uses the phrase. France is the easy dupe
of these professions, while Italian liberty is the suf-
fering victim of the violence which Austria dis-
claims and practises !—Aforning Herald.
The careless or ignorant manner in which the
most important Acts of Parliament are drawn at the
present day is a discredit to the Legislature, and a
great grievance to the people. It seems as if our
laws were made not for the purpose of defining
rights, but of confounding them—not for the pur-
pose of making known the will of the Legislature,
but of involving it in uncertainty and doubt,—thus
giving occasion to numberless disputes, and supply-
ing the materials for an incalculable extent of liti-
gation. The Irish Sub-letting Act is one of the
most recent instances which we can take to illus-
trate the mischievous effects of slovenly inaccuracy
with which Statutes are too often drawn that affect
the rights and interests of large classes of the com-
munity. That Act, which is one of Mr. Goul-
burn's specimens of legislation, was intended to re-
medy a state of things in Ireland connected with the
relation between landlord and tenant, which was
undoubtedly a great evil. It was the practice of a
numerous body of persona in Ireland to take land,
not for the purpose of occupying it, but solely with
the intention of letting it to others, who again sub-
let it, and so on, as often as the intermediate
holders could squeeze a profit upon their leases out
of an actual occupier. The intermediate tenants
(or middlemen, as they were designated in Ireland)
lived not by their industry, but by what they
could extract from the produce of the industry of
others. They necessarily caused the occupying te-
nant to hold the land at an exorbitant rent, under
which, if in good seasons he could make a bare sub-
sistence, it was all that was possible, while a bad
season was sure to ruin him. In the mean time he
had not merely to struggle against the depressing
consequences of a grindirrff rack-rent and the casual-
ties of seasons and markets, for it frequently hap-
pened that some one or more of the middle men,
who stood between him and the real landlord, made
default in payment, and then came the landlord's
distress upon the stock of the occupying tenant, to
make good the deficiency. Upon every ground of
public policy, justice, and humanity, it was requi-
site that this system should be altered. The
principle of Mr. Goulburn's Act to prevent the te-
nant from sub-letting the land without the written
consent of the landlord was good, but that Act
should, in justice, not have interfered with leases
and contracts for lands previously existing. Any
law that violates subsisting contracts, for the bene-
fit of one of the parties, without the consent of
the other, is an unjust law, contrary to good faith,
and a most dangerous precedent. The Sub-letting
Act ought, therefore, to have been solely prospec-
tive, and not retrospective, as it has been construed
to be. It was said that it was not Mr. Goulburn's
intention, or that of the Legislature, that the law
should be retrospective, yet, with so unfortunate an
ambiguity of language was the Act drawn, that
Irish landlords acted upon it as enabling them to
violate contracts which existed years before the Act
was passed ; and numbers of persons who had given
valuable considerations for land were ruined in con-
s sequence. Courts of Justice decided in favour of
the landlord's interpretation, while there were found
barristers who construed it in the opposite sense,
and consequently litigation was encouraged, and
carried on between landlord and tenant to an unex-
ampled extent. There were other minor blots and
errors in the Sub-letting Act; but this was the chief
cause of grievance and complaint. It is therefore a
laudable thing of the present Government to repeal
this objectionable Statute altogether, and pass a new
one, clearly and decidedly prospective.-11forn. Her.
'e refer our readers to an article in another
column, which we have taken from the Liverpool
Albion of Monday last, on the subject of the corrup-
tion
practised in Liverpool. The writer affirms that
" scarcely an election for this borough, for the last
twenty years, if its history had been as rigidly
examined before a Committee of the House of Com-
mons as the history of the last, would have escaped
the sentence of ' null and void.'" It appears that
in that trading city all descriptions of honours have
been bought and sold, and that money payments
for votes " were first systematically made by the
members of the Common Council, at the annual
elections for Mayor," and we are reminded of ~ the
contest in the year 1827, on which occasion M,;
Alderman Porter opposed Mr. Alderman Robinson ;
that " exceeded in the enormity of the expenditure,
and the extent of the bribery, all previous strugglese.
for the Civic Chair, as much as the recant
e_
ee .
evtery
similar one which had one before i
1 contemporary states
and infamy." Our .! v. p
- . lo.i: i rt. 5 c't
: : t o the persons who
some astounding p f
'll.l:tric Benett, who was Chairman
for the representation of the boreegli
received bribes. " it for edxpence

of the Cotnmittee of the House of Commons, Seen")
from the speech in which he prefaced his
motion for suspending the issuing of the writ,
to think that the corruption was confined to
the lowest class of voters. Ah little does
!se Honourable Gentleman know the burgesses,
elf Liverpool. Confined to the lowest class indeed .
Why, we could undertake to furnish him with the
names of county Magistrates, retired gentlemen,
substantial tradesmen, flourishing shopkeepers, whose
venality was greater than that of the lowest class of
voters, and who, from the circumstance of their'
holding off from the poll till the very last, received,
some sixty sovereigns for
some forty, some fifty,
their votes ! The names of such persons we could
produce,—at least we know the individuals who
could produce them." Like everything else, cor-
ruption in Liverpool rose from small beginnings.
Rome was not built in a day. The system " wrought
the total corruption of the lower class of burgesses
first, and subsequently the degradation of too many
in the middle class also, who demanded sovereigns,
instead of shillings, for their votes." At last, county
Magistrates and retired gentlemen think, when
money is going, they may as well pocket their' sixty
sovereigns as their neighbours ! Put is there any
thing in this to surprise us ? It is the inevitable
working of an unreformed Parliament. It flows ne-
cessarily from boroughrnongering. The moment
you depart from the principle that Government
ought to be carried on by a few, independently of the
direct influence of the possessors of property, you must
have recourse to force and fraud. 'Where a Sovereign
is despotic, the money of the people may be taken
without ceremony by the soldier, whose businese it
is, in return for his hire, to eoerce them. In coun-
tries in which a small number of individuals are ena-
bled to share power through a representation, po-
pular in form, but in which the great body of pos-
sessors of property cannot influence the elections,
the power can only be enjoyed by the bribery of the
majority, at least, of those who are accessary to the '
return. The man who enjoys the franchise and does
not make the most of his vote in such Case is a fool.
He is one of the co-partnery, founded on the prin-
ciple of robbery of his fellow-citizens, and it ie un-
dervaluing his own importance to accent little when
he can extort much as his share, When a man is
once enrolled in a gang of swindlers and burglars,
he naturally wishes to have a share of the booty
corresponding to his consequence. To take the
money of the people, and to dispose of it without
their consent, either directly given or by representa-
tive, may be called governing them, and it may not
always be prudent to refuse to submit to such go-
verning, just as it might be imprudent to refuse to
deliver your purse to a highwaymen ; but it is ob-
vious that the value of this power of taking and dis-
posing of money will soon be understood by all
those who possess it, that the limit of the ex-
action will generally be the ability of the people, and
that the shares to the various individuals possessed
of the power will adjust themselves according to some-
thing like an equitable scale. Thus, for instance, the
seventy freeholders of a Scotch county naturally ex-
pect to have a much larger share of the public spoil
than the 4,000 electors of Liverpool, who return
two Members. We consider the sums bestowed on
Ire late elections at Liverpool as disproportionately
large, from accidental causes, and that in a fair esti-
mate of the dividend to the electors, we ought to
leave the passion of particular families out of the ac-
count. The seventy freeholders of a Scotch county
would make it a condition with the representative
that patronage—that is, a title empowering the
possessor to a share of the public money, to a con-
siderable amount—should be distributed among
t In an English corporation, the electors must
also obtain patronage for their votes. In potwallop-
rug places, again, the number of voters being greater,
a sum in hand must be given. When the voters are
few, the sum in meal or malt will be large; when
the voters are many, it will be small. If we
suppose the places returning 350 Members to
have the monopoly of power, 5,000 electors, who
return two Members, ought not to bag so much
as ten electors, who return the same number. In
practice all this is admirably understood ; arid the
man who should for a moment suppose that any
other than interested motives govern the conduct
of the electors, would, in English society, be set
down as a fit subject for a Lunatic Commission.
The laws against bribery are kept up, from an idea
entertained by the leading partners in the firm of
corruption, that they may have some effect in keep-
ing down the amount to be divided among the hum-
bler partners. In this light they are viewed by the
voters, who are indignant that they, who are placed
by them in a situation to dispose of the spoil of the
country, should wish to exclude them from their
share. In the pamphlet lately published by Bishop
Doyle, on the subject of Poor Laws for Ireland, we
have a masterly description of a degree of audacity
in plundering the public, greater than has ever been
known in England ; for this simple reason, that the
Irish plunderers had a less enlightened and a more
enslaved public than the English. . _

There can be no doubt (he says) that till within
these very few years, every administration of public money
or business in Ireland was most corrupt. There was no
faith kept with God or man by those to whom the public
interests, or any portion of them, happened to be com-
mitted. From the highest tribunals to the lowe-t collector
of Excise, bribery, extortion, perjury prevailed. In all
the public offices peculation and plunder were reduced to
system—openly avowed and acted upon. The Commis-
sioners at the different Boaids were as regularly fed by
those who had business to transact with them, as they
were paid by Government. But the Government itself
was the great debauchee. There was no job too gross, no
proceeding so licentious, no abuse of power or patronage
so glaring, to which its active agency or best sanction was
not extended. The Church was in perfect keeping with
the State, the public offices were dens of thieves, the
Courts of Justice, with their purlieus, were sinks of cor-
ruption, and the Grand Juries throughout the country
invited by their practice and example the suitors or claim-
ants at every Court of Assize in Ireland, to disregard both
truth and justice—to commit perjury, and to plunder or
oppress their neighbour. There is no exagger ationno
high colouring in the foregoing statement. The ti uth of li
every portion of it is either already recorded in evi-
dence reported to Parliament, or could be proved by
ten thousand living witnesses. This then being, till
lately, the state of Ireland, and of the administration
of all her public affairs, it is no wonder that men doubt
whether money could be levied equitably, and expended
honestly and impartially, even for the benefit of the poor.
Let it, however, be considered, in the first place that,
until within a few years past, an exceedingly small frac-
tion of the people of this country held exclusive possession
of the administration of public business in all its diversity
and ramifications. That fraction of the people lived by
their offices, pensions, sinecures, or employments; they
alone constituted society in Ireland—they were all sharers
alike in oppression, and each took his portion of the spoil
produced by it. They were not ashamed of each other,
fir no man blushes at his own theft in a company of
thieves. There was no Government to exercise contralti.
The business of Government was to divide among them
their ill-gotten store. There was no Court to which they
could be cited, for they themselves filled the Bench and
composed the Juries : there was no tribunal created by
public opinion to which virtue could appeal from oppres-
sion, or before which profligacy might be arraigned and
convicted. No ! for there was no Press but that wen ked
by the hireling of corruption; or if another Press only
hreatlaed on gilded or ermined crime, it was subdued,
persecuted, persecuted, and extinguished. But as the
people of this nation multiplied, they waxed strong ; they
caught a glimpse of knowledge as Moses saw the Deity,
whilst it
Pa""' by, and the multitude, warmed and in-
vigorated by it, overthrew and broke down that fortress of
corruption which had held them so long enslaved. This
popular might operating
Parliament, has bid a new
order of things to arise in Ireland.”
In England the fear of the people has made corrup-
tion more skilful and more moderate. Still it fed
and rioted upon the nation; and it would continue
to feed and riot, but that an enlightened nation,
under one of those fortunate accidents which can-
not be excluded in any country—namely, an honest
Administration—have, at the call of that Admi,
nistration, determined to cut up corruption by the
roots. A whole nation cannot be bribed ; if the
possessors
of property return the representatives to
the House of Commons, it would be as useless for
them to take bribeS, as for a man to take money
from one pocket to put it into another. Bribery and

corraption will therefore receive their death-blow
by the only practical means. The security for ho-
nesty must be the impossibility of acting otherwise
than honestly in the face of an enlightened public,
to which Members are accountable. "But the
Government will not be able to controul the nation
as it has hitherto done." This niuet be admitted.
The Duke of Wellington thinkr, that the Govern-
ment ought not to b 21,-;countable to the nation, and
that Parliament ought not to be a check on Ad-
ministtation.

"He wished the House to advert to what the business
of the King's Government was, It was the duty of that
Government to manage 'everything. He had heard the
Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack, in a si*ech of
admirable eloquence and knowledge, propose a new judi-
cial system at the commencement of the Session ; but he
maint tined that it Way impossible for the Government ul-
timately to decido on that question, and he told the n'.;le
and Learned Lord this—that if a Parliatnent were con-
structed on the new plan, it .old be too strong for Go-
vernment on that ouestion. So, also, in matters affecting
commerce an!! l'oanufactures, Government would depend
entirely Upon Parliament. He wanted to know how Go-
vernment was to carry any measure en the appointment of
a new Parliament ? Th,re was a great question how be-
fore the House of Commons on the subject of Tithes. A
Government might submit to the will of a majority op-
pored to its Own view's oh other questions; but on the
question of Tithes and Church, their duty was clearly
pointed oe_t, the King's Coronation Oath and the Acts of
Union with Scotland and Ireland tutaanteeing the inte-
grity of the Church establishment. But he wanted to
know how Government was to maint tin the safety of the
Established. Church after placing Parliament on the foot.
ing pl-oposed ? He did not wish to carry this argument
farther than it would go ; but ho inferred from every thing
he could see, that the Constitution of the country could
not he carried on as hitherto if this plan were adopted."
Ili-, system therefore is, we admit, irreconcileable
with a reformed Parliament. A reformed Parlia-
ment may not be free from errors any more than
Government ; but it ettinot be for the interest of a
nation ti plunder itself s whereas it is for the in-
terest of a Government, without a reformed Parlia-
ment, to plunder the nation.—Monzing Chronicle.

The quarterly account of the Revenue, which we
published yesterday, having been made up, we
judge hastily, and with reference to payments to the
last moment, seems now to be incorrect in some of
its details. The difference which in the general re-
sult it presents, as compared with the more elabo-
rate table, which will be found in another part of
our Paper of this day, is unimportant indeed; but
it is as well that the account has been made strictly
accurate, and the public informed of the exact state
of the condition of the revenue. It now appears
that, in the table showing the " income of, and
change upon, the Consolidated Fund," the income
of the last year was over stated, it being estimated
at 8,391,2401., whereas it turns out, in fact, to be
no more than 8,3.58,302/, being a difference, to the
disfavour of the quarter, of 32,9381., which is to be
added to the sum necessary to be raised by the re-
issue of Exchequer Bills for that quarter. The real
deficiency, then, as between the quarter ending on
Tuesday last and the corresponding quarter last
year, svill be 773,2471., instead of 740,3091., and,
as upon the whole year, as compared with the last,
1,167,8851., instead of 1,134,9471., as stated yes-
terday. The mistake seems to have arisen, not
from overstating the produce of the Customs, or
any other branch of public income, or underrating
any item of public expenditure, but in making a
wrong estimate of the produce of the surplus which
was to be transferred from the Irish Consolidated
Fund. The practical effect will he to increase the
amount of Exchequer Bills to be re-issued from
4,795,6501. to 4,B2B,sBBl.—Morning Herald.
Scotland continues to furnish proofs of the urgent
necessity for a Reform of Parliament. Whilst the
people, encouraged by the example of the great
body of independent and well-educated gentlemen
in town and country, throughout that part of Great
Britain, are coming forward by tens of thousands
with addresses in favour of the Bill, the few, but
noxious individuals, whom it aims at divesting of
their ill•getten and worse-exercised power, employ
every expedient within the reach of intrigue and
at tifice to throw petty obstructions in the way of its
irresistible progress. A meeting was held last week
in the County Hall of Dumbarton, where resolutions
approving of the ministerial measure were proposed
by Sir J. Colythoun, and seconded by Mr. Dunlop;
but on an amendment being moved by Sir Archibald
Campbell, designating this Bill " as a rash arid ill-
digested measure, dangerous to the Crown, degrad-
ing to the aristocracy,and calculated re overthrow the
existing Constitution," it was carried by 36 to 25
votes. Now we venture to affirm that if a newspaper
had reported the transactions of any " county meeting"
throughout the whole of England, and had stated that
an amendment hostile to Reform had been carried by
a show of bands, or by a plurality of voices, no
human creature in this country, reading such a re-
port, would have believed a single word of it. So
staunch, so determined, so united are the nation, in
their eagerness to see the downfall of that mass of
grievances from which the measure now on its way
through Parliament is destined to relieve them, that
any assertion, however grave and positive, of such a
fact as is here affirmed in relatien to the " county-
meeting" of Dumbarton, would have been met by
one universal shout of incredulity. Nevertheless,
as told of the Dumbartonshire meeting, the state-
ment is unquestionably trite : and yet the inhabitants
of Dumbartonshire, like those of Middlesex, and
admitting as few exceptions as those of Middlesex,
are enthusiastic in the cause of Reform. How,
then, is the seeming contradiction to be accounted
for ? Let us see of what number arid description of
persons this famous " county meeting consisted."
Can an English gentleman or yeoman give a guess at
the numbers which attended it ? When the question
was put to the vote, after some short speeches and lan-
guid proceedings, the friends of Reform were twenty-
five; its adversaries, thirty-six ; altogether, including
Lord John:Camphell, the chairman, sixty-two indivi-
duals ! and a countymeeting fhen comes the descrip-
tion of personages—who and what were they ? They
call themselves " the Noblemen, Freeholders, Com-
missioners of Supply, and Justices of the Peace" of
the county of Dumbarton. We hear nothing of
gentlemen, landowners, leaseholders, farmers, or in-
habitants generally of the county. No, no,—that
would not have done at all. It must be a snug,
official, magisterial, in-door meeting. Then, as for
noblemen, there was but one,—a bit of a nobleman,—
and he (Lord John Campbell) being a Whig, was neu-
tralized by consenting to be achairman.With regard to
the others,—what were they ? Freeholders, Scotch
freeholders, holders of certain parchments,and as much
connected with theinterestsor feelings of Dumbarton-
shire in virtue of such parchments, as they might be
with those of the Crimea. As for your " Commis•
sioners of Supply," and "Justices of the Peace,"
what are they throughout the best part of Scotland
but remnants of that corrupt mechanism by which
the Dundas dynasty had ruled her for almost fifty
years,—a dynasty under which no mortal man was
ever admitted to the enjoyment of an office—to the
investiture of a trust—to the exercise of the most
insignificant, or the meanest functions connected
with the Government in its very minutest ramifica-
tions,—until after evidence, satisfactory to the Mel-
ville cabinet, that he would be a thorough-going,
inveterate, unflinching, reckless partisan of the poli-
tics of that heroic school ? The opposition to Re-
form at this Dumbarton meeting, we repeat it, was
a Melville opposition in its last agonies—it was the
Dundas power, torn from its pedestal, and flung
upon the earth, and writhing and cursing when it
could no longer tyrannize over Scotland. There is
no more salutary picture than this of Dumbarton
Toryism, kicking against a unanimous people, nor
any more convincing proof of the unnatural and into-
lerable character of that system by which the right
to rule over millions of men has been carefully
confined to one
petty junta, recommended to its pa-
trou by its rejection of all responsibility but to him
alone, and of all sympathy with the unfortunate na-
tion, which it was the rule, the genius, and the ne-
cessary principle of his usurped authority, to plun-
der: In of; Scotland, beyond every-
other division
the empire, the whole edifice of state policy has for

ages rested on a mass of the most revolting factions;'
and their very enormity and antiquity has made the
friends of Reform, however enterprising, despair of
seeing them corrected. We find, with heartfelt sa-
tisfaction, that in an opposite district of the island,
a staggering but well-merited blow has been struck
at the vitals of the ancient oligarchy. The house
of Beaufort has received notice to quit. The people
of .Monmouthshire have taken courage, and have
told Lord Worcester—we hope his Lordship can
understand plain English—that he may henceforth
go about his business, as they, his former vassals,
choose to have opinions of their own, and men of
their own choice to consult their interest, instead of
such high-born and cavalier gentlemen, as make nc,
better use of a vote in Parliament than as an engine
for 4uarto:ing a tribe of their hungry relatives on
the people's money. Indeed—but a dissolution
would now be a carnival for Old England.—Times.
We have given in another column a report of a
meeting highly numerous and respectable, which
must be equally gratifying both to the friends of
charity and to the friends of Reform. We allude
to the anniversary dinner of the friends and sup-
porters of the Licensed Victallers' Asylum ; and it
is but a bare act of justice to observe, that we were
never present at a dinner where greater conviviality,
good humour, and unanimity prevailed; and that
we never saw a chair more ably filled than it was
by the illustrious personage who presided. From
the removal of the cloth to the time at which
his Royal flightless retired, there was but one
sentiment, one feeling, one desire—that of evincing
to his Royal Highness how worthy, in every re-
spect, the Institution, of which he condescended
to become Patron, was of his patronage, and
how grateful his friends were for the sincere and
enthusiastic interest which he had manifested in its
successful completion. The different addresses of
his Royal Highness upon the subject, will be read
with the interest and attention which they so amply
deserve; but notwithstanding our best endeavours to
give their tone and spirit, we must confess that our
report, as well as every other which could have been
given, falls far short of the enthusiastic, the lively,
and humorous varie•y, by which they were charac-
terized. Never did we see his Royal Highness fill
the chair of charity and patriotism so successfully,—
so much to the credit of his own abilities,—so much
to the benefit of arty institution,—or so much to the
satisfaction of any company. He, indeed, outdid
himself, and left on the minds of all present, im-
pre,sions of his kindly and charitable disposition,
which 110 circumstances can efface. The Royal
Chairman was ably supported by Mr. Calvert, Mr.
Rarnsbottom, Mr. Briscoe, Sir Peter Laurie, Mr.
Alderman Brown; and many other gentlemen, zealous
in behalf of the Institution, and who gave sterling
proofs of the interest which they take in its success.
The spirit which, by their united exertions, was com-
municated to the meeting cannot fail in exercising a
salutary effect on the benevolent feelings of those who
have not yet contributed to this noble undertaking,
and we would fain hope in enabling its zealous
officers to bring it to a successful completion. But
in thus adverting to the anniversary dinner of the
friends and supporters of the Licensed Victuallers'
Asylum, we should fail in our duty were we not to
remark its political as well as charitable features.
That the healths of the King and his illustrious
Consort should be received with unanimous
approbation, was naturally to be expected from
a body of men who have always been conspicuous
for their loyalty; but in addition to these were in-
troduced, the " Healths of his Majesty's Ministers,
and success to the arduous undertaking in which
they are engaged," and never did we witness such
a demonstration of public feeling as was then mani-
fested. There was one deafening and long-conti-
nued shout of applause, and not one dissentient
voice ! The Royal Chairman gave additional effect
to the toast, by a brilliant and interesting speech,
which we commend to the particular attention of
our readers, and which produced a powerful effect
on all present. He was ably seconded in this mat-
ter also by the Members fur Surrey arid Windsor ;
but as our limits are exhausted, we must forbear all
comment upon their speeches. The meeting was
most harmonious throughout, and did not separate
until a late hour.—. Horning Advertiser.