The Sun.
London, England, 1831-07-06 00:00:00

tryins that she owes much of her greatness arid prosperity
to the form of- ber Government ; but government and so
ciety are cause and effect—they re-act on each other.
No doubt the Government of the Czar Peter did much fo'
Russia; hut would it be an argument against giving het
free institutions, that despotism had procured her civiliza•
tion ?.—(Much cheering.) The whole of history show,
that all great revolutions have been produced by a dis-
proportion between society and its institutions ; for while
society has grown, its institutions have not kept pace and
accommodated themselves to the improvements. Whet,
we are told of the admiration of distinguished fo
reigners of all ages for the Constitution of Eng•
land, it seems to he thought that their applause has
been bestowed upon the SAM institutions which, in the lapse
of eenturies,have undergone no change. Phillip de Commines
said that the English were the test governed people of
the world, and when Montesquieu gave them the same
praise were both writers speaking of the same institu-
tions? Certainly not. The history of England is the
history of a succession of Reforms; and the very reason
that the people of England are great and happy is, that
their history is the history of Reform.—( Ile rt., hear). The
great Charter, the first Assembly of Parliament, the Peti-
tion of Right, the Revolution, and, lastly, this great mea-
sure—(Cheering and counter cheering from both sides),—
are a:I proofs of my position—are all progressive stages in
the progress of society ; and I am tully convinced that
every argument urged against the step we are now called
upon to take might have been advanced with equal justice
against any of the other changes I have enumerated,—
(Cheers). It is the principle of " Hume's History," as
every body knows, that the Stuarts governed better than
the Tudors ; but suppose any man had risen in the Con-
vention Parli orient and said; " How great and happy we
are—we have ten thnts as many inhabitants, and merchants
ten tittatsl is wealthy as under the Tudors : we have been
angst admirably governed--we are not slaves under the
Dey of Tripoli, but free subjects of a generous Monarch,
and why should we change?" The answer is plain
If we had been the slaves of the Dey of Tripoli, we should
not have known better, but the change in our situations
bas educated us for improvements in our institutions.—
(Hear, hears) At the present moment we everywhere
see society outgrowing our institutions. Wherever we
turn our eyes we behold a nation great and civilized—with
a soil cultivated to a degree of fertility unknown to other
countries—with the perfection of all discoveries in physi-
cal science, to promote the conveniences of life—standing
pre-eminent above the civilized world in everything that
depends upon the skill and intelligence of individuals, or
combinations of individuals—and yet, with laws and
institutions that little command the respect and ad-
miration of mankind. Our roads, our bridges, our
steam-engines, our manufactures, our modes of con-
veyance, our demand for labour, and our rewards of
ingenuity, surpass those of any nation in the ancient
or modern world, and extort the admiration of rival
States ; but, let me ask, are foreigners equally sTuck with
the excellence of our legislative enactments—with the
modes of conveying land or of conducting actions—and
with a Penal Code that seems purposely contrived to puzzle
and ensnare.—(Hear, hear.) These are matters in which
the legislature has shown its skill, as our manufacturers
have shown theirs, but with a far different result. Let us
contrast our commerce, wealth, and perfect civilization,
with our Penal Laws—at once barbarous and inefficient—
the preposterous fictions of pleading—the mummery of
fines and recoveries—the chaos of precedents, and the bot-
tomless pit of Chancery.— (Tumultuous cheering.) Here
we see the barbarism of the thirteenth century coupled
with the civilization of the nineteenth, and we see too, that
the barbarism belongs to the Government, and the civili-
zation to the people.—(Cheers.) Then I say, that this
incongruous state of things cannot continue ; and if we do
not terminate it with wisdom, ere long we shall find it

ended by tyranny. Because I think we have arrived at
the point when a change is both wise and necessary, I sup-
port this Bill with heart and soul ; and I shall be proud to
the last hour of my life, of the part I have been able to
take in this great act of reconciliation between the state of
society and the condition of its institutions. We were
told in the last Parliament that this is not the Reform
for which the people petitioned ; and if it be not, looking
at the manner in which it has been received, nothing can
prove more decisively the blest effect of seasonable eon-
cession.—(Loud cheers.) Never was there so signal an
example of that wise policy which conducts the great re-
volutions of public opinion to a happy and peaceful con-
clusion, and renders the very act of extended liberty the
security for social order.—(Hear, hear.) It is not strange
if the people, denied their reasonable claims, should be-
come unreasonable ; or if repulsed by those who ought to
hear them, they flew to demagogues. We have seen how
excitement was cret.ted, and we have seen too, how it may
be allayed. The true secret of the power of agitators is,
the obstinacy of rulers; and liberal governments make a
Moderate people.—(Continued cheers.) Did we not see
in the beginning of the last Session, the Prime Minister
declare that there should be no Reform, and what was the
consequence ? The people were excited to such a state,
that 1 believe a dissolution of serial order was at hand.—
(Cheers.) So near at hand was it thought, that the Mi-
nister of the Crown did not dare to show his Sovereign in
his capital.—(immense applause and confusion.) I will
ventute to say that there is not a nation in the world more
sincerely or more just'y attached to the person anti Go-
vernment of their King than the English, or more dis-
posed to strengthen the hands of the public authorities in
the enforcement of the law. Ido not, however, wonder
that a measure which removes discontent should excite the
hatred of two classes—the friends of corruption and the
agents of sedition. All who love abuses because they
profit by them, and all who take advantage of disaffection
which Ames occasion, are naturally leagued against a Bill
which, by making the Government pure, renders the
people attached. Those who stand at the two extremities
of political opinion play into each other's hands on an oc-
casion like the present: the friends of despotism on the
one band are furnished by Jacobin agitators with pre-
ttxts for oppression ; and _Jacobin agitators on the
other hand arc provided by the friends of despotism
with arguments against Government. I am rejoiced
to ace that the people of England know how to appre-
ciate the monstrous coalition between the enemies of
all order and the opponents of all liberty.—(Continued
cheers.) England has spoken, and spoken out, from every
part of the kingdom where the voice of the people was
allowed to be beard ; it has been heard from our mightiest
seaports—from our provincial capitals—from our populous
counties.—(" No, no," answered by (nice of " heir,
bear.") As far as my calculations have gone on the late
returns, from all those situations a suitable answer has
been returned to that truly Royal voice which demands
the opinion of the nation.--(Cheers and counter cheers.)
--Here we are now nearly all Reformers—all Reformers in
some sense or other—in some degree or other; fur not
One Member has declared himself opposed to the principle
of Reform ; at least, some hint has been thrown out that
be is not adverse to all change ; and I most thoroughly
and cordially agree with the Noble Paymaster of the
Forces; that, like the Scotch army, the enemies of Reform
have placed themselves at the mercy of their adversaries.
Their arguments and their abuse might, however, he
equally directed to all Reforms, for all might be asserted
to be revolutionary, anarchical, and demoralizing. It has
been said that the Reform Bill introduced for England is
not the Reform fur which the people petitioned. Will
that Reform Bill which is to be proposed by the Hon.
Gentleman opposite be that Reform for which the people
have petitioned.—(Ch! ers)? If this Bill, now brought
forward by the ancient friends and advocates of the people,
he not the Reform which is consonant with popular
feeling, what will it be if brought forward by those
who have been always opposed to popular feeling,
and who can adduce no reason for presenting it except in-
timidation?—(Cheers.) The Hon. Member for Altibo-
rough, and other Hun. Members, have complained of cer-
tain anomalies in the Bill. They object to the measure,
that it gives one county twelve Members, while a larger
has got only ten—that such a town as Brighton is to have
only one Member while another less considerable is to have
two. This maybe an excellent argarnent against the de-
tails of the measure ; but it cannot in the slightest degree
affect- the principle. Will they bring forward an amend-
inent to remove _these anomalies? Or do they mean to
assert that a new rule of three sum is to be worked upon
the occasion of every census.—(Hear, hear.) If not, why
do they censure the Bill because it contains anomalies ?
(Hear- ) But, after all, it contains fewer anomalies than
existed in the present system.—(Cries of " No, no.) I
speak with arithmetical precision. In the proposed sys-
tem there is no disproportion so great—none which can
make up the difference between Old Sarum and ',Handles-
ter.--(Loud cheers and laughter.) Hon. Gentlemen op•
poite would, in my mind, do better in answering argu-
ments than in interrupting speeches.—(Hear.) If there
be anomalies, it is you, and not we, who are bound to
propose the remedy—so that—
. Each fair burgh, by'numerly free,
shall depose its Members the Rule of Three."
(Hear, hear.) • It is asked by the 'Hon. Gentlemen on the
other.side, will thin Reform be final ?—( Hear, hear.) In
return, I ask you, will your Reform be final ?—(Hear.)
The SaMe,"and .stronger reasons against a Reform being
final, apply themselves to any you would make. Last
year,'when there was a question of giving representatives
to the greatestinanufacturing towns in the world, the same
argument was; breught fi4wartl. It was said this would
only be the prelude to •greater changes. :This Reform