The Sun.
London, England, 1849-01-16 00:00:00

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LONDON, TUESDAY, JANUARY 16. 1849.
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Democracy is declared to be at a discount by all
the organs lof aristocratic conservatism, and by all
the more enthusiastic promoters of a counter-revolu-
tion. It is imagined by those who are afflicted with
an over-sanguine temperament, and whose names
may be classed under one or other of these categories,
that the
Popular cause has dwindled into
cance, and that the flames of agitation are almost
wholly extinguished. When we glance over the
nationalities of Europe we are disposed to smile
at a delusion so exquisitely extravagant as that
which has taken possession of the minds of our Tory
aristocracy and their toadies. When we see
the most despotic Governments of the Conti-
nent r 7 compelled to extort obedience from the
multitudes subject to their authority by the pressure
of enormous standing armies ; when we see the more
enlightened races, even under these disadvantageous
circumstances, availing themselves of every opportu-
nity for the assertion of their abhorrence for abso-
lutism ; when we see the energies of the greatest des-
potism of southern Europe—that of Imperial Austria
—entirely engrossed with the subjugation of its
different provinces, now beating down the walls about
the ears of the Viennese, now trampling upon
the germinant courage of the ,Hungarians, now
standing at bay before Lombardy„ now hold-
ing the sword of intimidation in a threat-
ening attitude over Gallicia—it does seem
marvellous indeed to hear the minions of the aristo-
cratic faction exulting so very confidently in what
they erroneously deem the extinction, or, at the least,
the permanent :suppression, of democratic ardour
There has never, perhaps, been a more signal instance
of political infatuation since the days when FILMER
wrote the Gospel of Toryism, embodying in his
ingenious treatises the paradoxes of nine generations.
Th ere is a certain sublimity, in fact, in the effrontery
wit is which the individuals we have mentioned insist
upon the security of Conservatism throughout
the, Continent at the very moment when
I MAMIE is in arms in Hungary, when

CABRERA. is in arms in Catalonia, when
PEPE is in arms in the Venetian territories, when
MiEnosLAwsr-.1 is exciting a passionate sympathy for
Posen by his spontaneous but rhetorical eloquence,
when RUGGIERO SEPTIMO still makes the heart of
Palermo throb with hope by the remembrance of his
earnest manifestoes. There is a glaring falsity,
moreover, in these noisy paeans which are being
chanted for what is termed the final triumphs of the
SOVEREIGNS, when we bear in recollection the fact
that Provisional Governments exist simultaneously,
in more or less vigour, in Sicily, in Rome, and
in Venice. While their worshippers in England
are congratulating the retrograde Monarchs upon the
satisfactory settlement of their respective states,
those Monarchs are still watching with profound
anxiety or with sullen amazement the gradual
diminution of the power which has hitherto enabled
them to tyrannise over the million. The Emperor
FRANCIS JOSEPH, succeeding to a system which had
been enervated by the weakness of a crowned faineant
and corrupted by the casuistries of a Ministerial in-
cubus, looks with alarm to the remote extremities of
his empire—recognising the security of his sway,
not in the devotion of his people, but
in the vast assemblages of soldiery,'armed to the teeth,
under the supreme command of WINDISCHG RATE, of
RADETZKT, of JELLACHICH, and of their lesser but
still formidable coadjutors. The King FREDERICK
WILLIAM observes, with vigilant dismay, the irre-
sistible advance of ideas against acts, placing less and
less reliance every day in the official power of
BRANDENBURG and in the military vigour of
WRANGEL.
.93he King CHARLES ALBERT, driven
by misfortune'to the western banks of the Tessin°,
and compelled reluctantly to install a de-
mocratic. Administration at Turin, observes,
with emotions of indescribable anxiety, the
extension of republican aspiration and the gradual
diminution of the distance which has hitherto sepa-
rated the theories of MAzzim from the theories of
GIOBERTI. With the King FERDINAND of Naples it is
by no means surprising that the remorse arising from
his late unparalleled atrocities should be deepened in
intensity by a sense of the precariousness of his domi-
nation—aware that he is alone sustained upon his
throne by the efficiency of his troops and by the
prestige attached to his government by the presence
of Pope Pius IX. at the royal palace of
Gaeta. So far, indeed, from the strength of
democracy having diminished upon the continent it
has developed its energies with too much rapidity—
in several directions carrying the excited multitudes
into excesses for which they will long and deeply
reproach themselves. Thus, for example, has it been
at the Quirinal, where the Father of his People was
menaced with rifles and artillery because he regarded
a declaration of war as incompatible with the duties
of one presiding over the ranks of a pacific priest-
hood. The Grand Duke LEOPOLD of Tuscany
finds himself, in like manner, placed between the
cross-fire of insurgent principalities, like the King
MAXIMILAN of Bavaria in the midst of the agitated
divisions of Germany.

Everything affords the same incontrovertible tes-
timony of the strength, of the development, and of
the indestructible vitality of those democratic princi-
ples which are regarded by so many as being sunk
below the limits of redemption. Everything en-
ables us to demonstrate that arbitrary government
was never in so perilous a predicament as now, when
its power is vaunted as unassailable and unconquer-
able. Every rood and furlong which is still subser-
vient to the despotic masters of Europe pre-
sents to us the spectacle of a country trodden
down under the footsteps of mercenaries. We see
everywhere that Absolutism exists no longer on suf-
ferance, no longer on superstition, no longer by a
" right divine," but, by force of bayonets and gun-
powder, by the terror of the gallows and of the sword.
There is consequently no cause for despondency—the
futurity of the races of Christendom is at their own
disposal. Formerly there stood between democracy
and the epoch of its regeneration a barrier of moral
obstructions that seemed to be almost impassable ; sop,
that barrier is in ruins—the obstructions ikhich alone
remain to be conquered are merely physical or material
obstructions. They are consequently the more easily
to be destroyed. The fermentation of political events
in 1848 has prepared Europe for those efforts of ful-
filment and reconstruction which 1849 must inevit.
ably unfold like an extending panorama.

On Tuesday last we pointed out the imperative
necessity for a speedy revision of the rules of Parlia-
mentary procedure, with a view to the removal of the
abuses that have gradually arisen therein. We also
alluded briefly to the valuable " Remarks and Sugges-
tions" so appropriately offered by Mr. THOMAS
ERSKINE MIT,* with a view to facilitate the dispatch
of public business. These rules, or at least the
greater portion thereof, are of ancient origin, and
have been recognised and sanctioned by many gene-
rations of statesmen. Few objections can be
raised to the principles on which they are founded
or to the objects intended to be attained.
They are indeed, generally speaking, well adapted to
regulate the proceedings of a deliberative body, and
the legislative assemblies of Europe and America
have borrowed largely therefrom in framing rules for
their own guidance. An over strict adherence to the
letter, has, however, occasionally led to a violation, or
at least an evasion of the spirit of these regulations.
It is undoubtedly essential that the fullest freedom of
discussion should be secured; that a minority should
be protected against any tyrannical conduct on the
part of a majority; and that over-hasty legislation
should be avoided ; but it is a matter of scarcely
less importance that the vexatious obstruc-
tions that are of such frequent occurrence
should be prevented, that a large and overwhelming
majority should not be compelled to succumb to the
wishes of a factious and perverse minority. There is
a happy mean which it should be our object to obtain
as far as practicable. It is on this principle that Mr.
MAI has acted. He would take away no safeguard
that had been approved of; he apparently regards
with great reverence the ancient practice an 3 prece-
dents, but happily he has not fallen into a supersti-
tious veneration, or been satisfied to yield a blind
obedience to regulations whose antiquity form their
only recommendation.
The Yules in force may, according to Mr. MAT,
be divided into " Rules of Procedure" and " Rules
of Debate."

" The principal objects which the former are in
tended to secure are—

" First, That every Member shall have an opportu-
nity of bringing under the notice of the House any
law, grievance, resolution, or other matter of which
it may take cognizance; of expre3sing his own
opinion ; of hearing the opinions of others; and of
obtaining the decision of the House.

" Secondly, That before any law is enacted it shall
have the most ample opportunities of consideration
and discussion, as well in principle as in detail. That
all opinions may be expressed, all objections stated,
and that without haste, secrecy, or surprises, it shall
be passed with the knowledge, if not with the ulti-
mate consent, of every member of the Legislature."
The principal objects of the " Rules of Debate"
are, " that the debates upon each question shall be
relevant and orderly, free from intemperance and
personalities, fairly distributed amongst the Members
who shall be desirous of speaking,anfrdnm(sothfeairr
laesnmgtahy,
unmanageableot
nuns.
If we try the ya rules
by
fbree
Ipareacn
nt
yi c,itob err)e
ascertaining how
m
petition."
far they are necessary for the
n w attainmenthat moafntnheer above
objects, and also how and in
shall be enabled to form a sound judgment to what
modifications be perverted from their original purpose,s
we
modifications or amendments should be introduced
therein.
Early in the session, two days in the week, Tues-
days and Thursdays, are appropriated to the hearing
of the various motions of which notice may have been
given, while Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays are
" Order days," that is days on which questions
already appointed for consideration by the House
itself are entitled to take precedence of " Notices."
Towards the latter end of the session, when there
are many adjourned debates standing over,
and a great accumulation of business, it is usual to
add Thursdays to the other " Order days." Again,
Mondays and Fridays are " Government days,"
on which Ministerial measures take precedence,

" Remarks and Suggestions with a view to Facilitate
the Dispatch of Public Business. By Thomas Erskine
May." Ridgway: London, 1849. Pp. SC

while on Wed'nesdays each order is proceeded with
according to its priority without reference to the
quarter from whence it may proceed.
One of the zest frequent evils under the present
system is " the counting out of the House," which
too often occurs on a notice night. A private Member
is frequently unable to secure the attendance of forty
Members during an entire evening. If a disagreeable
subject is about to be brought forward means are taken
to induce those present to withdraw. The House is
then counted, and the required number not being
present, it is, as a matter of course, adjourned until
the following day. In fact, a " count out" has be-
come fully recognised as a legitimate mode of super-
seding a disagreeable motion. It is certainly some-
times useful in this respect; but it may be well
questioned whether some other method might not be
devised of equal efficacy, and which would not involve
the sacrifice of an entire day, and also of other impor-
tant motions, which necessarily are set aside together
with the obnoxious one—good and bad share the same
fate, without selection or discrimination.

Those Members whose carefully prepared orations
and pet projects are thus summarily disposed of na-
turally feel indignant, and avail themselves of any
opportunities that may subsequently arise, however
inconvenient, to give expression to their views. Al-
though often disappointed, they will generally find
some time when they can enforce a hearing. As any
grievance can be discussed before the supplies are
voted, it being an old principle that " the redress of
grievances should:precede the granting of supplies,"
an amendment may be moved on the question of
going into a Committee of Supply, and the whole
evening may be consumed: on a matter perfectly irre-
levant thereto. By such means thej appointed
order of business is deranged, and the rules by which
it is adjusted are evaded.
Mr. MAY suggests that the rule should be discon-
tinued " by which the sitting of the House is ad-
journed after four o'clock, whenever it is discovered
that forty Members are not present." It is of course
proper " that the proceedings should be suspended,
as in the case of a Committee, until the proper num-
ber of Members are assembled," but that a sitting
should he terminated from accident or surprise, ap-
pears to he perfectly indefensible. In France and
America means have been adopted for getting rid of
inconvenient or mischievous discussions without
breaking up the sitting. This - object is at-
tained in France by what has been termed
La Cloture, and in America by the question that "The
motion do lie on the table," which is decided without
debate, and if carried disposes of the motion forthwith.
One Member, and one only, may be heard in France,
against La. Cloture.

Some fears have been entertained that undue ad-
vantage may be taken of either of these rules if
adopted in this country; accordingly, although they
have been alluded to by the Committee on Public
Business in their report, neither has been recom-
mended, it being considered safer to trust to the
good feeling and forbearance of individual Members.
The Speaker has indeed suggested a proceeding which
in some degree resembles them, viz., " that before the
order for resuming an adjourned debate is read it
shall be competent for any Member, who shall give
notice of his intention, to move that such debate shall
not be further adjourned—which question shall be
decided without debate, and no amendment shall be
moved thereto; and if the same shall have been re-
solved in the affirmative, and the debate shall
not have closed before two o'clock in the
morning, no Member shall rise to speak
after that hour, but Mr. Speaker shall put the ques-
tion." This rule would, however, only apply to
" adjourned debates;" it would also not prevent the
loss of an entire evening, which might be wasted.
The French or the American rule would therefore
better meet the difficulty ; and it appears to us that
the good feeling and forbearance of the majority
may be relied on with as much confidence as of
an individual Member or even of a small minority.

Often as we have had occasion to allude to the
progress of life assurance in terms of satisfaction,
believing as we do that the assertion of Dr. MuLIAN-
DER, at the meeting of the Provident Clerks' Life-
office last evening, that " the life assurance associa-
tions of England have contributed more to the peace
and prosperity of this country, and saved us from
the evils suffered by other nations, than any other
institutions," we cannot but speak in terms of the
highest praise of the success which has attended the
association since the year 1845, when the present
secretary took charge. Palma?), qui meruit feral was
NELSON'S motto, and we, from long experience, say
that such should be the case with the board towards
their secretary. He is persevering—indomitable, and
no man possesses a better knowledge of the general
principles of life assurance, and we are certain that
not even Mr. TIDD PRATT, the Government Com-
missioner, can give a better opinion as to the opera-
tions and law of Friendly Societies.

The report of last evening's meeting must be read
with great interest, and we sincerely call upon all our
readers to ponder over all the great privileges and ad-
vantages offered by this association.