The Sun.
London, England, 1849-07-21 00:00:00

SATURDAY

foreign affairs, which was scarcely less objectionable, and that
was an intermeddling in negotiations pending between
foreign countries. They should not have likings here and die-
likings there; but he found most clearly that in every letter
that was written, in every act that was done, a rooted preju-
dice against Austria, our alliance with which country in our
best times since 1688, had been the very corner.stone of their
foreign policy. The Noble Lord concluded by moving the
resolutions which stood in his name.
• The Earl of CARLISLE said he certainly should have
felt great hesitation in presenting himself to their Lord-
ships' notice after so powerful an orator and accomplished a
debater as his Noble and Learned Friend who had just sat
down, had it not been for the sober and temperate tone by
which the speech of his Noble and Learned Friend had been
distinguished. But while he gladly paid this compliment
to his speech, he could by no means extend it to the re-
solutions to which it served as a preface. Those re-
solutions seemed an attempt to gather together and sum
up all the scattered and desultory taunts and insinuations
which had been heaped on the Government during
the present session, front all classes of politi-
cians. On the one hand, the Government were
accused of being too willing to show sympathy with re-
volutionary opinions, and on the other, with not showing
themselves sufficiently anxious to respect the independence
of even the most democratic institutions—at one time they
were too French, at another too Italian. The resolutions
stated that the Government of this country was bound to
require and obtain satisfactory explanations of the recent
movements in the Italian states. Now, supposing that it
were the duty of the Government to require satisfactory
explanation of these matters, how were they to obtain them?
—Meat., hear.) it was just as much as to say that it was
the duty of a good Christian to pray for and obtain from
Providence a continuance of good weather. Suppose the
assurances we obtained were not satisfactory—
suppose they
were unsatisfactory—what would it be the duty of the
Government to do? The second resolution stated that it
was inconsistent with the general interests of the country
to interfere in the concerns of foreign nations as
between the Government and its subjects. To that he
cordially subscribed; but he held that it would be a most
imprudent thing to lay it down as a principle that under no
circumstances would this country be justified in interfering
—(Hear, hear)—for there might be cases in which such _
in-
terference might be dictated, not only by considerations of
national policy, but by the dictates of humanity. Examples
of such interference might be found in the proudest times of
our history. The resolution of his Noble and Learned Friend
was opposed to the very principle on which the Dutch Go-
vernment interfered at the time of our revolution, when
their interference led to the establishment of the Protestant
Government of this country, and seated the present family
on the throne. The 3d resolution expressed regret to observe
in the conduct of the Government a want of that friendly
feeling towards allies to whom we were bound by treaty and
mutual acts of goodwill. To begin with that city which
must ever hold the first place in the consideration of man-
kind, he must observe, in reference to Rome, that the ruler
of the Roman states addressed a formal .requisition to us
through his representative at Paris, to hear part and co-ope-
rate with other Powers in endeavouring to compose the dif-
ferences which had taken place beiweeoaimself and his
subjects, and for the re-establishment of his dominion over
them. Her Majesty's Government, though unaffectedly
sympathising with the misfortunes of the Holy Father and
the afflictions of the Roman dominions, thought it their duty
to abstain from taking part in the conferences opened at
Gaeta, or the proceedings which emanated from them; for
they very properly felt some delicacy in putting themselves
on the same level with the organs of the Catholic powers of
Europe, who were accessible to views and inguences in which
they could have no share, and, therefore, though they could
not cease to watch what was taking place on so important
and interesting a field of action, and were ready at all times
to offer such advice as might be useful or advantageous, yet
they thought it behoved them not to interfere in that con-
ference; for they felt that, should they lead to any overt
acts, nothing could be more distasteful to the English
people than the interference of the British nation for the
purpose of imposing the dominion of the Pope on any com-
munity whatever. At the same time, her Majesty's Govern-
ment did not think it becoming in them to adopt any impor-
tunate or obstructive course towards those powers who had
charged themselves with the office of interfering for the pur-
pose of settling, if possible, this long protracted controversy ;
nor did they conceal their opinions. His Noble Friend
at the head of the Foreign-office stated to our ambassador in
Paris, on the 28th of January, the importance that he at-
tached to the maintenance of peace, and deprecating any at-
tempt to settle the differences between the Pope and his
subjects by an armed force. Again, on the 9th of March, he
stated that the Government did not see, from the recent oc-
currences in Rome, any, reason to give up the hope that an
amicable arrangement might be effected by the interposition
of friendly powers, without the employment of a military
force. This was the advice the Government tendered; nor
did they think it necessary to make any formal protest
either when the French landed at Civita Vecchia, or when
they afterwards proceeded to the siege of Rome I or when
Austria beseiged Bologna and blocaded Ancona; or when
the Neapolitans invaded the southern territories of the Pope,
or when Spain disembarked her troops at Gaeta. For his
own part he confessed that he had not viewed the subsequent
proceedings without regret, nor could he view without ad-
miration the display of that valour which once again seemed
to have become the attribute of the Roman name.
And here he must observe that his Noble and Learned Friend
had much exaggerated the number of foreign adventurers
engaged in the conflict. It was due to the French nation,
and to those able men who directed her councils, to state
that the most ample assurances had been received and were
still received from the Government of that nation as to their
future dispositions and intentions. They unequivocally dis-
claimed all idea of extension of territory, and all notions of
conquest.—(Hear, hear.) They professed themselves willing
to retire at the earliest moment compatible with their own
honour from the scene of the past conflict, and exhibited a
general disposition to concur with the other parties who had
been engaged in these conferences to effect, if possible, a
reconcilement of the differences which had prevailed be-
tween the Pope and his subjects. And should these efforts
lead to a happy issue, as he trusted they might, the Govern.
ment, at least, would not take shame to themselves, but
would rather congratulate themselves, when France was
engaged in a mighty struggle, in not having added to her
embarrassments by any representations as to her conduct in
this affair. Had they pursued a contrary course they might
certainly have laid upon the table of their Loriships House
a more plausible or specious dispatch, and have gained ap-
plause by the pith and pungency of their remarks on the
nature find character of the French expedition. But they
thought such an advantage would have been dearly pur-
chased at such a price. From Rime his Noble and Learned
Friend had transferred them to the territory of the King of the
Two Sicilies, and in this part he regretted to observe a bit-
terness of tone from which the rest of his speech was free.
Our relations—to use the mildest term—with the inhabi-
tants of Sicily would have induced us to use our best endea-
vours to stanch her wounds and ameliorate her condition,
even if we had not received a formal invitation from both
parties in those fatal differences to interpose our mediation.
His Noble and Learned Friend was severe on the Lord Privy
Seal for having compared the case of the Sicilies to the case
of those who rose against James 11., and yet in the present
session they had been told, not in any Ministerial document
or dispatch—not from the lips of any of her Majesty's Go-
vernment, but by one of the chief ornaments of the Members
opposite, with that nervous pith which distinguished all that
fell from him, that the Sicilians had as clear a right against
their Sovereign as the English barons had when they rose
against King John, or as the English had when they rose,
under the name of Orange, against James 11., The Go-
vernment were induced to interfere, with the view of pro-
moting amicable relations between the King of the Two Sici-
lies and his Sicilian subjects. We laid great stress upon the
importance of placing the two Crowns upon one head, but
when we found that that was not possible we were desirous
of placing the Sicilian Crown on the head of the son
of the King of Naples. We, however, found that the pre-
valent opinion of Naples itsglf was at that time that Sicily
could not be recovered. Such was the opinion of Prince
Cariati and Count Ferretti. We were told by our ambassa-
dor at Paris that there was a party in that capital that would
rejoice to see a republic at Sicily, as the most unexpected
triumph of their principles. When we were told that there
was no hope of mutual confidence, we did not think that any
grounds could warrant us in exercising a forcible inter
ference between the contending parties. Instructions were
given to Sir W.Parker to abstain from any political inter-
ference. He thought he was correct in stating that on the
first attack upon Palermo it was not the Sicilians but the
Neapolitans that were conveyed away in safety by the ships
of her Majesty. The instructions issued were to afford safety
to the distressed of all countries. He found that when Pa-
lermo was evacuated by the troops of the King of the Two
Sicilies, during the retreat of the troops the Te Deum was
celebrated with all the pomp of the Romish Church,
and the greatest demonstrations were made to exhibit
their feelings of satisfaction at the circumstance. As he
had no wish to rip up old sores, he would say nothing
as to what took place at Messina. Our admiral did think
Himself called upon not to refuse to associate the forces of
her Majesty with those of the French Republic in suspending
the proceedings that took place upon that ill-fated strand.
The British Government might certainly have said that he
had received certain orders ; why did he not observe them ?
He ( Lord Carlisle) should be sorry to belong to any party
that could be capable of so heartless a disavowal. Non-
interference, no doubt, was an important principle upon
which to act, but there might be an occasion, whether as
regarded nations or individuals, when it would be most
unjustifiable for a superior strength to stand quietly by while
they saw the greatest suffering and wrong inflicted, and
yet not stir a finger to prevent it; such conduct he could not
designate by any other language than baseness to man and
treachery to Heaven. At a recent period the representative
of his Sicilian Majesty addressed his Noble Friend the Se-
cretary for Foreign Affairs in expressions of great courtesy
and thanks, and said that this was but a just homage which
he paid to the wisdom of the Cabinet of St. James's. If
that power had been treated with the harshness, in-
justice, and bad faith which had been attributed to the
British Governinent, they could scarcely have been ad-
dreeeed in such honourable terms as he .had referred
to, and have been subsequently courted for their good
offices.—(Hear, hear.) He felt it was proved beyond a
matter of doubt that the Secretary for Foreign Affairs could
never have been actuated by any
.wish or disposition to act
unfairly by Austria. But if Austria could have been injured
by the non production of the dispatch alluded to by the
Noble and Learned Lord opposite, surely she had a represen-
tative here, and devoted friends in both Houses of Parlia-
ment, who would have had it in their power at once by a
suggestion to have supplied the deficiency. The fact was,
that much greater exigencies had superseded all thought
upon that subject. Stress had been laid on the different
language used by the Court of Austria in 1847, and to the
Court of Turin more recently. He would not attempt to
claim for his colleagues the gift of prescience or omnisci-
ence, but there was certainly a belief then entertained
that it was much more likely Austria would attack Turin
than that Piedmont would attack Austria. His Noble
Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had been made the
object of attack from every quarter; he had certainly been
attacked everywhere more than in his own presence.—
(Har, hear.) The countless labours of his office, and the
success that had attended his efforts in preserving his country
from war, ought to have been sufficient to have screened
him from such attacks. We have passed a year and a
half that was wholly without precedent or parallel.
Paris had been swept with cannon three times,
and in military occupation—the Emperor of Vienna had
been obliged to fly—Berlin perpetually in a state of siege—
Pesth and Prague bombarded and stormed—Milan lost and
won—Messina battered—Venice still holding out—Bologna
attacked—Ancona blockaded—and Rome, with its Pope
flying from it a fugitive and an exile, and sustaining a siege
from perhaps a nation that was best acquainted with the
science of war, on her old Aurelian walls. In the midst of
these stirring events his Noble Friend had given whole
nights and days to the labours of his office with the view of
averting the calamities of war and of maintaining, as far as
he could, the peace of the world. Though it might have
happened that his Noble Friend had been sometimes obliged
to run counter to some favoured, view of a distinguished
statesman, or to wound the sensibilities of men whom he
would gladly have respected, yet the country must, however,
acknowledge, after the lapse of these eighteen months, that
he had not only succeeded in maintaining peace with every
other power in the world—that he had not only preserved
order and freedom within our own waters, but he belialwd
that his cautious wers still doing much to prevent Ovoid-

EVENING, JULY

21,

break of what might be called a universal war. In the
midst of an agitated world this country was in a state of pro-
found peace, unvexed by sedition at home, and untouched
by the convulsions that were raging around her; her good
offices being continually invited and treated with the greatest
respect, and her arbitration solicited upon the last resort.
Not au account reaches us which did not tell us of our
ministers, our consuls--above all, our naval officers giving
an inviolable asylum to the destitute and friendless of every
clime. In the midst of jealousies and discord all around us,
we were opening our ports and inviting the commerce of
the world. In this position the Noble and Learned Lord
opposite came forward with illogical and unmeaning resolu-
tions.—( Hear, hear.) We are content, however, to meet
them. We will point to Europe and to England as it now
is, and are willing to abide the result.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord HEYTESBURY, who was scarcely audible in the
gallery, entered into a minute history of the events connected
with the Sicilian Constitution of 1812, during the time Lord
William Bentinck was commander-in-chief in that country,
but the indistinct tone in which his Lordship addressed the
House rendered the greater part of his observations almost
wholly inaudible. He denied that the paper which he had
drawn up, and which was circulated in Sicily previous to the
meeting of the third and last. Parliament, was, as had been
asserted, a guarantee by the British Government of the Con-
stitution which then existed. From the moment the two
houses concurred in an address to the King to appoint a
cornmissionto revive the Constitution, the responsibility of
this country ceased. The Noble Lord was nearly inaudible
throughout his speech.
The Earl of MINTO, who was also almost inaudible, was
understood to say that the Noble and Learned Lord who had
introduced that motion, had been mistaken in saying that
constitutional and representative form of govertment was
established for the first time in Sicily in 1811. nie should
endeavour to justify Lord W. Bentinck from the reproach
which had been oast upon him. That Noble Lord had come
over here expressly to get instructions as to how he ought
to act, and on obtaining them he had returned to that
country, and had acted on his return in assisting to revise
the old Constitution of that country, which had been placed
on a basis of constitutional government nearly similar to
our own, in the time of Frederick 11., only about eighty
years after our own Magna Chute had been signed by King
John. It would be seen;then, that the constitutional and re-
presentative form of government had been for a long time
established in Sicily. The Noble Earl then went, into a
detailed account of the political history of Sicily, from
the period alluded to down to the time of Napoleon, but
he was so imperfectly heard, that but a portion of a sen-
tence here and there could be caught in the gallery. He
contended that England had pledged herself to maintain
the rights and privileges of the Sicilian people, as secured to
them by the Constitution of 1812 ; and that the kingdoms of
Naples and Sicily were as distinct as England and Scotland
formerly were. And, in fact, Ferdinand 111. of Sicily was
Ferdinand IV. of Naples. There was an expectation create-1
that on the 12th January, 1848, considerable concessions
would be made to the people in Sicily, and something like a
Parliamentary: Government would he established. These
concessions had, however, never been made. It was at that
juncture he was invited to go to Naples, having previously
refused to take any part in the affairs of Sicily or Naples.
It was evident to any one that knew anything of that coun-
try that a long time would not elapse before a revolution
would take place there. He gave it as his opinion that there
might be two Legislatures for the different kingdoms to ma-
sage their local affairs, and an Imperial Legislature to manage
the affairs of both. During his negotiations he stated his ex-
treme desire to secure if possible the union of the two countries.
He stated to the Government of the King of Naples at the
same time, that he insisted, as one of the conditions, that
he could not regard the Sicilians as being in insurrection
against the lawful sovereign, and that if he were to treat it
as a question of law he could not admit but that the Sici-
lians had a perfect right to the Constitution:of 1812—a Con-
stitution that was still existing by law, and which the Nea-
politan Government had admitted was not abrogated, but
only suspended. He could not get the Sicilian Government
to acquiesce in this arrangement. The confidential decrees
which he brought with him, and which he was not to dis-
close except under particular circumstances, he found had
preceded his arrival, and had been circulated over the coun-
try. These had been unanimously rejected by the people,
who determined upon standing by the letter of the Constitu-
tion of 1812. He refused to land until he was assured that
the people were willing to acknowledge the Royal authority.
One of the modifications which he proposed was that the
King when not present should be represented by the Vice-
roy, who should be a member of the Royal Family. Invited
as England had been by the Government and the people of
Sicily to interfere in the affairs of that country, we were
bound to acknowledge the old engagements which had been
admitted by Lord Liverpool, Lord Castlereagh, and other
members of different Governments in this country.—(Hear.)
. .

The Earl of ABERDEEN said he would not detain their
Lordships with any inquiries into the history and nature of
the Sicilian Constitution. Whatever might be the merits or
demerits of that Constitution, the question for their Lord.
ships was, bad the people of this country any obligation
which compelled them to set up that Constitution, and
which released them from those duties of good faith and
justice by which they should be governed.—(Hear, hear.)
He might first call their Lordships' attention to the position
of this country as compared with that which it occupied
hitherto.—( Hear, hear.) In the convulsions which befel
Europe, if they interfered at all, they ought to have in-
terfered in a manner materially to support the cause of
peace, of order, and of freedom, and thus to have deserved
the blessings of mankind; but was that the course which
they pursued? No; and what was the result of their in-
terference? Why, they had failed in every instance in
their interference in the disputes of 'other countries; and by
neglecting the proper discharge of their duties, they bad
made themselves the objects of animadversion of other
Governments, and of suspicion to their subjects. The policy
of this country hitherto might have been selfish, arrogant,
and unjust, but he thought England had never before been
remarkable for duplicity—(Hear, hear)—and most cer-
tainly they had been so in their conduct towards the
King of Naples. He ap, ealed to any candid man,
after having turned over the volumes on their Lordahips'
table on this subject, whether what he stated was not
correct, and whether there was not a strain of unfriend-
liness and unfairness towards the Neapolitan Government ?
In the first instance, the unfriendliness, the gratuitous un
friendliness towards that Government appeared to be re-
markable. In the papers which were laid before the House
last year, relative to the correspondence with Austria,
Naples was only incidentally mentioned, and then only in
connexion with all kinds of abuses which were said to exist
in the Roman States, and it was stated, in reference those al-
leged abuses, that it was not surprising that men who suffered
under them shouldl take up any scheme, however wild, to redress
themselves—(Hear)—and at that very time Naples was in
open revolt, aria Europe was convulsed. Why, was it pos-
sible to mistake what could have been the feelings of un-
friendliness of this Government in saying those things?—
(Hear.) That dispatch to Vienna, at that time in a state of
revolt, of open revolt, was, he thought, quite sufficient to
account for the feelings of the Court of Naples. The Noble
Earl opposite said he was invited to go to Naples in order to
endeavour to settle matters. Now, he must say. in passing,
that the Noble Earl's mission throughout had been attended
with failure in every instance ; and, as regarded Naples, it
had been characterised by partiality, and hostility to the
Government to which he went.—(Elear, hear.) The Noble
Earl said that he had great unwillingness to go there, but
that he was pressed by the King. Now, they all knew that
the old woman of Syracuse submitted to the tyranny of
Dionysius lest the Devil might follow—(Loud cheers and
laughter)—and perhaps the King of Naples had some-
thing of the kind in his mind when he sent for the Noble
Earl.--illear, hear, and laughter.) But the whole course
of the transaction had been characterised by unfriendliness
and partiality as regarded this country. Why, after the
capture of Messina by the King's troops, the affair was at
an end, the revolt was put down, this country interfered,
and interrupted the pacific arrangements which must have
followed; and that interference he considered a hostile act
towards Naples. It was true that interference was justified
on the ground of humanity, but if it was on thatgroand, at
all events their humanity was secondhand; for if the
French had not been humane, they would not have been so.
That was clear from the dispatch of Lord Napier, wherein he
stated that the unexpected and spontaneous resolutions em-
braced by the French Admiral had placed the agents of
this country in a momentary perplexity,, from which they
could mot easily get out; but that, though the act was
scarcely reconcilable with the principles laid down by the
Foreign-office, yet, considering the double relations with
France and Sicily, they had thought fit to follow the French
Admiral's example, and interfere in staying hostilities in
conjunction with him. If the Neapolitans had been defeated,
and the Sicilians successful, no such armistice would have
been imposed by this country. Then, again, when the Sici-
lians invited the Duke of Genoa to become King of Sicily a
British steamer was sent to convey those who were to proffer
the Crown to him, and was that a friendly act? Certainly
not. It was true he had the good sense to refuse it, but
the fact that the Government of the country took up the
matter and sent the invitation to him without giving the
Court or Government of Naples any time fur consideration,
showed its unfriendliness towards the latter power. In like
manner when the Sicilian envoys came to this country they
were received at the Foreign-office by the head of that de-
partment—had the affairs talked over, and considered, while
the Neapolitan Minister was given audience to at the same
time, and he must say that it could not have
given that Minister any very favourable idea of
the feelings of the Government of this country
towards his Sovereign at seeing those parties
so received woo were in open rebellion against him.—(Hear,
hear.) lie then came to the dispatch which had been laid
on the table of the House respecting the Italian question,
so far,as Sardinia and Austria were concerned. Those dis-
patches; he must say, were curious in their way. He moved
for them in March last, and now, when they were produced
four months after that, he found that they did not contain
anything in reference to the late war between Austria and
Sardinia, but were all of dates prior to the French revolu-
tion.—(Hear, hear.) He had heard it said that the
Noble Lord, the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, was
a bit of a wag, and he certainly could not have laid
those dispatches on the table with a grave face. They
comprised documents relating to the death of the late
Pope, the dispute between Modena and Tuscany,
and some other matters, but as to Charles Albert
crossing the Ticino they said nothing whatever. How-
ever, they must take them as they found them. One
of them a dispatch from Mr. Abercromby, dated August
1847, did refer to a threat said to be held by Austria
against Sardinia, that should the Sardinian Monarch esta-
blish, as he proposed, a civic guard, that a portion of his
territories would be occupied by Austrian troops, but had
Austria ever made such a threat ? It had been contradicted,
not only by the Cabinet of Vienna, but by the Sardinian
Minister; and it showed a spirit of unfairness towards
Austria to have laid such a dispatch, saying such threat was
made, on the table of that House without the contradiction
along with it, that contradiction being in the hands of the
Foreign Secretary previous to the production of the dispatch.
Had this country remonstrated with the King of Sardinia, he
firmly believed that he would never have entered into a war
with Austria. This country was, in a manner, bound to do
so, for in entering into that war he was breaking his treaties
as much with thin country as with Austria. At the same
time that war was going on the Noble Earl opposite was at
Rome performing various antics—(Laughter)—to the great
delight of pa-ties there, who lauded him to the skies,
and shouted the independence of Italy, in other
words, the expulsion of Austria.—(Hear, hear.) He did not
know how this country had acted during the last outbreak
with Sardinia when the Sardinian Monarch was defeated on
the plains of Novara, but he had heard it announced that
the English Government had instructed the Sardinian Go-
vernment not to be in a hurry in concluding the, treaty of
peace consequent upon the armistice entered into after the
defeat at Novara. If that was not the case the Noble Mar-
quis opposite could refute it. Had_ the war with Sardinia
been concluded, as it ought to haVe been, and which
it
wl
u re would-
have been had this country properly interferedo,stthdeeye
have been spared the circumstance which li_1) rn
usisan
.n
that war been ended the Austrian
namely, a terven.
tgi roent tei dn as
ltuhsat r having
as takenhad place, B
army would have been sufficientient to quell the rebellion in that
should
portionun of the Austriandominions without the aid of Russia.
gsraayntw
tithher resp
respect to passports, that it was
foreignersa
passport, because
there was not strict neutrality in such a case, for it was in
c nest
onsequence of the number of foreigners going to Rome, that
trulylie
to
the great difficulty arose. But though' the French army
should consist of $O,OOO Men izz support tf lofts, he did sot

•

1849,

see wby any feeling of danger should be felt by the people of
England.

The Marquis of LANSDQWNEsaid that his Noble Friend
(Lord Brougham) spoke of his first motion in quite a dif-
ferent language from his present resolution, for he did not
mean to justify anything with respect to the interference of
France with Rome; but he should say that he did not con-
sider that he was called on to give any opinion, but at the
same time he should say that it was the policy of the Go-
vernment of England not to oppose the Government of
France, which weighs much on the States of Europe, and
he should, therefore, avoid any opposition to that Govern-
ment, and particularly when their interference in the case
of Rome was for the restoration of the Pope, which was the
wish of this country, on certain conditions, and that in op-
position to the wish of the Austrians. He should at the
same time inform their Lordships, that the wish of the
English Government in behalf of the Pope was in the
light of a temporal Sovereign, and not as the head of
the Roman Catholic Church.—(Hear, hear.) With re-
gard to the resolutions of the Noble and Learned Lord,
he never heard a proposition more completely aiming at
the destruction of all those principles of foreign policy
upon which it had hitherto been the custom of this
country to act. The Noble Earl opposite had charged it
upon the Government that by the exercise of proper means
the war in Lombardy might have been put a atop to, and
if the meaning intended by the Noble Earl to be conveyed
to the House was, that everything had not been done by the
Government which could possibly have tended to effect that
object, he would give it his unqualified contradiction. The
Noble Earl appeared to suppose that better or more suc-
cessful means could be resorted to than pointing out to foreign
countries how they were likely to be effected by the events
that were passing within them, so as at once to appeal to
their interests. The dispatches of Mr. Abercrombie were
sufficient of themselves to show the conciliatory spirit in
which Lord Palmerston had conducted these negotiations,
and if more were still required by the Noble Earl, he should
be glad if he would point him out the easy rule he ap-
peared to possess, of bringing kings to reason. The Noble
Earl, too, not content with having blamed the Government
for not exerting itself as it might have done for the
pacification of Italy, had gone on so far as to charge them
with having manifested a feeling positively against Austria.
Upon examination, he was sure that that charge would be
found to possess no basis in truth. His earnest hops for the
benefit of Austria was that she might get out of the
difficulties in which she was involved. It was a remarkable
thing that in the midst of the most convulsed state
of nations, who were bent, as it were, upon a war
frolic, England was atpeace tit all ando ait was butf that
day they had received the ratificationw;
treaty peace
in the north of Europe between the Danes andtrett
on the question of Schleswig •Holstein, and thus Enrmglaannsd
stood amidst all the convulsions that shook Europe
dignity of peace—clarum et venerabile nomen.—(Clrsi.3 the
Lord STANLEY felt very painfully the impossibility of
doing justice to a subject of such great importance as that
now before their Lordships, yet he was unwilling to give
a silent vote on the question contained in the resolutions
under their Lordships' consideration —resolutions which
were sustained by fact, and which were deserving of the
deepest consideration which their Lordships could bestow
upon them. Of the three resolutions brought forward by
his Noble Friend, he should pass over one, that
was the one referring to the inconsistency of the
Government of this country in interfering in the affairs
of foreign States. The Noble Earl who had just sat down
quoted that resolution, but he stopped at the passage, that
"it was inconsistent in the Government to interfere in
the affairs of foreign States:" whereas the resolution ran,
" as refers to the relations between the governors and the
governed of those States." Now he (Lord Stanley) thought
that the principle of non-interference should have been
observed.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then referred
to the second resolution, which referred to the right of
Parliament to have full information on the subject of Bri-
tish interference in the affairs of Italy; and proceeded to
inquire of her Majesty's Government whether they bad
any declaration from the French Government that the
French troops should be withdrawn as soon as the Pope was
restored.

Lord LANSDOWNE—We have had such declaration.
Lord STANLEY—Then that was the first time that they
had been made acquainted with such declaration.
Lord LANSDOWNE—We have had such information,
though not so satisfactory and explicit as could be desired.
Lord STANLEY—There stands the difference. You have
had declarations, but annexed to them were certain condi-
tions, and what those conditions were they were lent to sur-
mise. The Noble Lord then referred to the conditions on
which he understood the Pope was to be restored to his tem-
poral as well as his ecclesiastical power, and amused the
House with some remarks on the manner in which the Pope
was expelled his dominions. The Noble Lord referred to
various instances in which rumours were raised as to Austrian
interference in Italy, which had all turned out to be false.
The language of Austria had always been, " We do not wish
to extend our dominions, we will hold what we have, but as
to the interference with the dominions of any other state or
Government we utterly repudiate. The whole of the proceed-
ings on the part of this country exhibited a jealousy towards
Austria totally unjustifiable, and in no case was there the
slightest ground for such jealousy. He agreed with his
Hon. Friend (the Earl of Aberdeen) that this country had not
taken all the steps it could, and ought to have dune, in
order to prevent the invasion of the Austrian dominions by
Charles Albert. The Noble Marquis said they told the
King of Sardinia that it would be dangerous for him to take
such a step; but that was not enough, they ought to have
said, " If you do so it is in violation of treaties which you
ly come bound to observe, and if you do so we protest against
an act which is a violation of treaties, and a most unprinci-
pled act on your part ;" but it was said why blame Charles
Albert, while so much sympathy is evinced for the King of
Naples, who made an invasion upon Austria as bad as that of
Charles Albert, but the cases were different. The one
was goaded on by ambition and personal aggrandise-
ment—the other at the instigation of parties whose
wishes he could not controul. The whole course of
proceedings of this country towards the King of the
Two Sicilies was long before the advent of the Noble Earl
at Naples, most unfriendly and unjust. In order to show
the actings of this country towards Naples, after the removal
of the Earl of Minto to the kingdom of Naples, the Noble
Lord read extracts from the dispatch of that Noble Earl,
showing that while at the outset he indicated to the Sici-
lians they should not neglect the terms he was instrumental
in causing the King to submit to them, he, in the course of
one short week, after such terms were submitted, turned
round and advocated the cause of Sicilian independenc7.
He realty felt that it was impossible for him at that hour of
the morning to go through the long list of objections to the
course pursued by the Government, or to expose the gross
misrepresentations of the policy pursued by the Neapolitan
Government in these transactions; suffice it to say, from the
first to the last the whole of our interference was an inter-
ference in favour of the revolted subjects of the King
of Sicilv.—(Hear, hear.) They interfered in defiance of the
laws or-nations, and had thus caused a vast and unnecessary
loss of life, and after all this monstrous and foolish interfer-
ence, Palermo surrendered without a contest. The feeling of
the people was manifested, in defiance of the reports of our
consuls, to be in favour of the restoration of Legitimate au-
thority. At another time he should be prepared to go more
into detail ; but in the meantime he believed that in the
papers before their Lordships there was ample evidence to
enable their Lordships to decide that the double dealing and
pattering of her Majesty's Government in these matters did
not meet with the approbation of the more manly feeling of
the House of Lords.—(Loud cheers.)
Lord BROUGHANI said he had already occupied their
Lordships' attention at such length in making his opening
statement, that it would be unpardonable at that hour,
and after tea hours' debate, to detain them from the divi-
sion, and he should therefore leave the question as it stood
for their decision.

Their Lordships then divided. For the resolutions—
Contents—Present - 5l
Proxies 45
—96
Non-contents—Present
Proxies
—lOB
Majority for Government .. l2
Their Lordships then adjourned at Half-past Four o'clock.

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS.

(From the Votes and Proceedings of the House rf COMMONS./

FRIDAY, JULY 20.

POOR-LAW UNION CHARGES ACT AMENDMENT

BILL.
(IN THE COMMITTEE.)

Clause (And be it enacted, That it shall be lawful for the
guardians of any union, or for the select vestry, guardians,
directors, managers or overseers of the poor of auy parish not
in union in England or Wales, and they are hereby autho-
rised to pay out of the moneys in their hands for the relief of
the poor in such union or parish respectively, the cost of or
attending the education of the children of parents receiving
relief out of the workhouse, or of children partly or wholly
maintained by means of a poor-rate out of the workhouse,
within such union or parish, and also to make contracts for
any period not exceeding one year, with any schoolmaster,
for the education of such children, and to pay the amount so
contracted to be paid out of the said moneys, subject, how-
ever, in respect of all such payments as aforesaid, to the rules
and regulations which may from time to time be made by
tile Poor-law Board in respect of the schools at which such
children shall be placed, and the maximum amount to be
allowed for such payments in respect of each child, whether
by contract or otherwise • and all payments so made shall be
charged to the common eund of the union, or to the parish
where the same is not in union.") Motion made, and Question
put, " That the clause be read a second time." The Com-
mittee divided :

MINORITY-AYES, 13.
Adair, Hugh E. Gwyn, Howel Pilkington, JiMOS
Berkeley, Henry F. Haste, Alexander _ ___

Cholmeley, Sir M. Headhim, Thomas
Colebrooke, Sir T. Hervey, Lord A.

Frewen, C. 11.
Gibson, T. M.

Kershaw, James Wood, W. I'.
Pearson, Charles Pechell,Captain

MAJORITY—NOES, 54.
Anderson, Arthur Foley, John H. Pryse, Pryse
Armstrong, R. B. Fuller, A. E. Rich. Henry
Barrington, Viscount Goddard, A. L. Romlliy, Sir John
Bellew, R. M. Graham, Sir J. Shell, R. L.
Boyle, Colonel Grenfell, C. P. Simeon, John
Brotherton, J. Grey, Sir George Somerville. Sir W.
Brown, 11. Halsey, T. P. Spooner, Richard
Buller, Sir J. T. Ileyworth, L. Stafford, A.
Burrell, Sir C. Ilobhouse, Sir John Thompson, Colonel
Carew, W. P. Law, C. E. Tufnell, H.
Carter, J. B. Lewis, G. C. Vane, Lord 11.

Clay, Sir W. M'Cullagh, W. T. Villiers, Viscoun.
Coles, Henry B. March,' Earl of Watkins, Colonel
Denison, Edmund Miles, William Willoughby, Sir H.
Dickson, Samuel Monsell, William Wood, Sir Charles
Drummond, Henry Nichol', John 'Wrightson, W. B.
Duncan, George Paget, Lord A. SILIAZI.
Ebriugton, Lord Patten, W. Baines, M. T.
Ferguson, Sir It. Power, Dr. Hayter, W. o.
The sale announced to take place next week at No.
6, Kennington-garden Terrace, by Messrs. Robins,vlenrclu, as
A most recherché collection of articles of taste and vertu,
well as some exceedingly fine warble groups, figures, and
busts, picturesof considerable merit, and valuable plate, the
property celebrated
gentleman well known for his know-
ledge
and taste a
aste in the tine arts. The private view, we
un-
derstand, takes place this day.
Tile Crry. ELECTION...—.A meeting of gentlemen
favourable to the election of the Lord Mayor, as one of the
Representatives of the City, was yesterday held at the
Mansion House, for the puipose of organisingnce of
oppositioncommittees
in the various wards; and, from the absence
by the Conservatives, and the general feeling expressed in
his favour, little doubt can be entertained of his Lordship's election.
THE CITY ELEctioN.—Last night a numerously-
attended and highly respectable meeting of the electors of
the City of London was held in the large room of Ander-
ton's Hotel, Fleet-street, for the purpose of securing the
James
election of Sir Duke, as one of the Representatives of
the city of London, Resolutions to such an effect having
been carried, the M eeting separated.
Letters from Malts, dated the 12th, state that a
court-martial had taken place, to try Lieut. Richards, R.N ,
of her Majesty's ship Howe, for sending a challenge to Lieut..
Woolridge, of the same ship. Lieutenant Richards was
sentenced to be dismissed his ship, and placed at the bottom
of tits list of litattnants.