The Sun.
London, England, 1838-01-10 00:00:00

DUBLIN.-MONDAY.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.
" Non mews hie sermo, sed qua?. prxecpit Ofellus,
Rusticus abnormis sapiens-"—HofiAcE.
I have stated in a late communication that there would be
no expression of the sentiments of Irishmen on the recent in-
telligence from Canada, and its effects upon the condition of
this country, and public affairs in general, till after the Metro-
politan dinner on Thursday next. The subject is too pregnant
with interest and importance to the people of Ireland, how-
ever, to suppose that they have not been active in their thoughts
and speculations on the result, ever since the arrival of the
first news of Papineau's rebellion. The analogy between the
two portions of the British Empire is too great to admit of in-
difference or want of sympathy for a people demanding, no
matter whether right or wrong, a larger share of the freedom
of the English Constitution than they have hitherto enjoyed ;
and at no former period, perhaps, in the history of th:s
country, would our sympathy be confined to calm and tempe-
rate wishes, for their reconciliation with the mother country.
But the feelings and views of my countrymen are wonderfully
changed in this respect within the last few years. I shall en-
deavour to account for this change, so far as it has yet mani.
estcd itself ; and, in doing so, shall, I think, anticipate much
of what will transpire upon the subject on the occasion just
mentioned.

In the first place, then, I venture to assert unhesitatingly,
without meaning to bestow on Lord Mulgrave's Government
any greater meed of praise than it is substantially entitled to,
that if the same intelligence had arrived here three years ago,
during the Vice-Royalty of Lord kladdington, the demonstra-
tion of Irish feeling on behalf of Canada would be such as
might add considerably to the difficulties attending an adjust-
int nt with that Colony, Lnd greatly embarrass, if not com-
pletely prevent, a Tory Government from effecting it. But
there is now prevalent such a general belief, that the Whigs
are not only disposed, but capable of diffusing, a liberal share
of Reform all over the dominions of Great Britain, as makea

us all auxiliaries of, instead of being hostile to them in their
efforts to do so. And it is not a little curious to follow and
trace this developenaent of public opinion on this subject in
Ireland. When the accounts of the insurrection first arrived
the tendency of mind in the great majority of the people was
in favour of their fighting for liberty. But as soon as the
opinions of the Tory Press hero and in England became
known, and it was discovered that the faction looked upon the
event as one which they might pervert to the injury or annoyance
of the present Government, we all became Loyalists, and we now
look upon the revolt of the Canadians in no other light than an
admonition to the present Government not to be tardy in ex-
tending to British subjects in every part of the empire equal
laws and equal justice. Ireland, therefore, instead of being a,
source of weakness, or an object of distrust by England, en-
gaged in warfare, as on former occasions, may now be re-
garded as the most steady and unanimous in support of her
Majesty's crown and dignity in every part of the world
You may be assured that Ministers will not receive better sup-
port from any quarter during the present Session of Parliament
than from our represeatativeF, in:all their measures for securing
the obedience and loyalty of our fellow-subjects. But this
will be conditionally, and, in the confidence of their ho-
nesty, working out the principles of Reform. Should they,
however, relax their efforts on behalf of Ireland under
any pretext or pretension, and seize upon this question as an
apology for delaying those measures of relief which have been
so long postponed, the people of this country will not be de-
luded by either the Government or their own Representa-
tives, but will be prompt and energetic in bringing about such
a state of things as may most favour our improvement and ad-
vance in the scale of nations. The revolt of the Canadians
is in fact looked upon as a moral symptom of the necessity
everywhere existing for a full concession of rights and pri-
vileges. If they, with much fewer grievances to be redressed
than we have had to complain of for centuries past, en-
deavour to procure emancipation, for a few thousand
persons, from the dominion of a party comparatively just
and indulgent, how much more earnest and deter-
mined, ought not the millions of inhabitants of this country
be, in seeking for and obtaining the full enjoyment of that ,
Constitution, in the presence of which they have been mocked,
and insulted, and trampled upon, by a miserable faction, for
ages ? Tho universal feeling here is—that Canada should be
retained as a British colony. But we think, with Burke, thpt
i❑ doing so we should not be too nice in considering whet iier
it be admitted to hare an interest in the Constitution as h
matter of right or of favour. In the adoption, therefore, of
any measures for the future tranquillity and submission of this
colony, Government ought to bear in mind that they receive
cordial support from Ireland, only on the terms of their ful-
filling, with as little delay as possible, their promises to this
portion of the United Kingdom.

LEEDS.

MEETING OF THE WORKING MEN'S ASSO-
CIATION OF LEEDS.

A large meeting of the Working Men's Association of
Leeds took place on Monday evening, at the Commercial
Buildings in that town. The large room of those Buildings
was completely filled. We should suppose that there were
present not less than from 1,500 to 2,000 personß. Amongst
those present we observed Sharman Crawford, Esq., Charles
Crawford, Esq., Dr. Taylor of Glasgow,. A. H. Beaumont,
Esq., of Newcastle, F. O'Connor, Esq., Mr. R. Buchanan
of Huddersfield, Mr. John Hanson of ditto, Captain Wood of
Sandal, Mr. Crabtree of Barnsley, and Mr. Wilkinson of
Halifax.

At half-past seven, ROBERT MARTIN, Secretary to the As-
sociation, was unanimously called to the Chair. He stated, in
introducing the business to the notice of the meeting, that
when he considered the great importance of the cause on
which they were met, and the necessity there was of taking
the matter into their own hands, he should regard himself as
guilty of a dereliction of duty, if he did not lend himself to the
business of the evening. However much the factions of Tory
and Whig might differ in some things, they were unanimously
agreed in one, and that was to plunder and oppress the people.—
( Cheers.) The late declaration of Lord John Russell in the
House of Commons, that the Reform Bill should be a final
measute, had precluded all hope of any amelioration of the
condition of the working classes from the present Government;
therefore it remained for the Radicals of Leeds to come for-
ward with a ',mice, as determined as it would be irresistible,
that the tide of Reformshould still flow forward.—( Cheers. )
Thet a. change was necessary no one would attempt to deny.
Who could look around and behold the grandeur and profu-
sion on the one hand, and the want and degradation on the
other, without admitting the necessity of a cnange. If that
change, then, was necessary, it was clear that some means
be taken to effect it. If the evil that affected society proceeded
from bad government, as it did, and that bad government was
the effect of a limited and corrupt constituency, it followed
that the remedy was to be found in the attainment of
Universal Suffrage.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) To accom-
plish this was the great object for which this meeting
bad been commenced. The Leeds Working 11.1ens' Associa-
tion, together with others who had lent their aid, had deter-
mined no longer to submit to the galling chains of slavery
without, atall events, making an effort .to emancipate:thern-
selves.—( Hear, hear.) He requested undivided attention to
the sentiments that should hereafter be expressed.
GEORGE WIIITE Came forwa:d to propose the first resolu-
tion, which was--." Resolved—Firstly, That in the opinion
of this meeting the present system of representation is a
shameless mockery of the producers of all wealth. That a
Property Qualification can have no semblance of justice, un-
less all men shall be endowed by nature with the same mental
and bodily acquirements, and by the arrangement of society
with the same means of acquiring property. That knowing
by experience the monopoly of law-making usurped by the
monied orders to be the chief cause of all the social misery,
end political degradation of the working classes, we demand,
as a remedy for this state of things, that the right of voting
for Members of the Commons' House of Parliament be
extended to all who are called upon to pay taxes
either directly or otherwise." This resolution had
been framed by the working- men of Leeds—men of
the class of which the meeting was composed, and who
could have no interest in gulling those whom he addressed.
The terms Whig and Tory ought to he abolished, so far as the
working classes were concerned, the Whigs were the worst of
the two. He compared the Tory to a highwayman, who would
boldly take their money and return them no thanks, he having
power and the army on his side. The Whig was a Radical
out of place, and the Whigs had row beer, long enough
living on the plunder of the people, to require to be
rejected. —( Cheers.) What motive could he (the Speaker)
have in loosing his time, and taking the trouble cf
coming there to deliver his sentiments, except to en-
courage those whom he saw in a state of starvation to
step forward and make their complaints—there being such
abundance to make them happy if they only lived under a pro-
per Administration ? When he saw an accursed Whin- Bill
passed, limiting the wages of the working men to Ad. a
week, he could not but suppose that true Englishmen would
bestir themselves to shake off a yoke of Bastile slavery._
( Cheers. ) _ _ _ _

G. ROBERTSON seconded tho resolution. Tho working men
of Leeds were determined to take a part in their own con-
cerns.—(Cheers.) He would not have presented himself
before the meeting, if it had not been for that determination.
The working men of Leeds either ought or ought not to have
the elective franchise.—( Cheers.) If the Reform Bill had
gone too far let it be rescinded, but if it had not, and if it was
intended to confer a benefit on society, then where was the line
of demarcation to be drawn 2—( Cheers.) Surely there was
not a man present who was not worthy of being invested with
the franchise, and nothing short of Universal Suffrage ought
or would satisfy the men of Leeds.—(Cheers.)
Mr. SHARNIAN CRAWFORD then stepped forward, and was
hailed with loud; cheers. He said, Mr. Chairman and Gen-
tlemen, I am proud to have the honour of standing before the
assembly which I now see before me. The originators of
this meeting did me the honour to invite me to attend it. I
am aware of what was the motive of the invitation ; I con-
ceive it to have been a desire to express the disposition of the
Radicals of Leeds, to concede real justice, equal rights, and
Iherties to their Irish brethren.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
I conceive that that invitation proceeded also from an
approval of the principles I have put forward in
pubhc, and that there should be no dissensions in
the respective appeal for 'rights, from England and
Ireland from any petty considerations. He conceived that
Ireland and England were engaged in a common cause of
policy. Believing the invitations to have originated in these
principles he had felt bound to honour himself by accepting it.
Whenever the hand of friendship was held by Englishmen to
Ireland, he held every Irishman bound to accept it with
cordiality. The resolution embraced great and important ob-
jects, of which the chief was the universality of the franchise.
This and all the other measures contemplated by the meeting,
he considered as so many ends for the attainment of one great
object—the obtaining equal justice for all the classes of the
people.—( Cheers. ) " You feel," said he, "and justly, that
you have nut equal justice either in the formation or adminis-
tration of the laws at present." The laws were constituted
for the benefit of a section of the people only. In proof of
this he would refer with confidence to the duties by whose ope-
ratic ns the prices of bread were raised upon society, for the
support of one particular interest. Although himself entirely
dependent ors an income arising from land, he would never
support the coutinuance of an impost by which the interests of
that class to which he happened to belong, were kept up at
the expense of every other class in society.—( Great cheer-
ing.) The operation of those duties to increase the price of
the poor man's bread, and to diminish the amount of profit-
able labour which might have been created by the exchange
of foreign produce for our manufacturers—this pressed hardly
upon the industrious classes of the country, whether agricul-
tural or mercantile ; and why was this. What was the reason
that the interests of the great mass of population was sacrificed
to those of a numerically insignificant class? Because the peo-
ple had not their just and right share in the making
of the laws. What, then, he would ask was the remedy
Why, that every man who contributed either directly or indi-
rectly to the resources of the country, should have a voice in
the election of those who made the laws, and imposed the
taxes. He would admit that there must be exceptions to the
universality of the Suffrage. Persons of unsound mind, who
knew not, or were incapable of estimating the order and inte-
rests of society, that is to say persons insane, and persons also
whether of a high or low rank, whose characters were diffused
by crime, should be excluded from the Suffrage.—( Hear,
hear.) He did not, however, consider these exceptions as
as entitled to any weight in consideration of the principle of
universality which was not affected by them—( Cheers.) No
Suffrage was calculated to secure the just rights of the
people, which was not universal. Extension of the Suffrage
was a vague term which, though much used by some, con-
veyed no certain presage of the restitution of right. Mr. C.
then went on to speak of the Reform Act, observing that the
operation of that Act was to confine the Suffrage to a very great

extent to the landed interest. He protested against this prin-
ciple as unfair and unjust. It was said that the vote should
be confined to those who had what was called a stake in the
country. Now, he maintained that the mechanic and the ar-
tisan had as great a stake in the country as any body.—
(Hear.) Who was more interested in the prosperity of the
country than him whose whole dependence was in his labour,
which was sure to fail if the country was not prosperous, and
if it did fail, he had no prospect but starvation and
death while it was possible that the wealthy man
might lose much in the confusion of an unsettled state
of things, and not yet come into that condition.—( Hear, hear,
and cheers) It was necessary, moreover, that the extension
of the Suffrage should net be limited for the election of Mem-
bers of Parliament, but that it should also be also extended to
all corporate offices. One of the evils of the want of the Suf-
frage, was the enactment of the New Poor-law Act, which
would never have been enacted, if the artisans of England had
been put in possession of the Suffrage. This system of legis-
lation ought to be carried out to every department of govern-
ment, whether local or national—whether munieipel or Par-
liamentary ; and it wan the only principle which could be pro-
ductive of real and lasting interests of the working classes.—
( Hear, hear, and cheers.) He thought that the fashion of
appointing Commissioners, as under the New Poor-law, was
only constituting a despotism, under a different name. It was
giving a despotic power, not under the name of kingly power,
to Commissioners, and giving to them despotic authority.—
( Hear, hear.) He maintained that the mechanic who sup-
ported
himself by his toil, had as great an interest in the pro-
sperity of the country as any other inhabitant; and, therefore,
had as good a right to possess the elective franchise. Even the
man who was blessed with landed wealth, who had his thousands
of pounds in the year, might lose some of those thousands, and
he brought to beggary-4 Hear and cheers)—but if the poor
man should lose the profits of his industry, he in marked out
as a beggar, and is obliged to throw himself upon the charity
of the public. He did not wish it to be supposed at this
meeting that there would not always, and necessarily, be an
inequality in the circumstances of the people. This was the
prase in every country ; there must be high and low, rich and
poor, in every country ; but no means should be used to make
the poor man poorer than ha really was.—( Hear, hear.) He
wished that the poor man should be sustained at the cost of
those who were more fortunate.—(Hear, hear.) He iv as
of opinion that the poor had the first claim on the land,
and that it never was intended by the God of Nature
that the land should be so monopolised by those who call
themselves its owners, as to exclude the poor from their
share in its produce. Mr. Crawford proceeded to show the
necessity of the Ballot in connection with Universal Suffrage,
and the evil of granting to the 101. constituency any protec-
tion before the labouring classes were put in possession of
the same privileges. He adverted to the inefficiency of the
Reform Bill, and deprecated the system of granting rights by
instalments, without a sufficient guarantee that the whole of
,hem should be paid. The Learned Gentleman adverted to
a variety of other interesting topics, with which he engaged
the attention of the meeting, and concluded amidst the most
enthusiastic cheers.
The resolution was then put to the approval of the meeting,
and was carried unanimously, with the exception of two hands
being held up against it.
ALFRED MANN proposed—" That in the opinion of this
meeting, the exercise of the elective franchise should be re •
warded by every voter as the means of promoting, not personal
or party interests, but the common weal; and that, therefore,
with a restricted constituency, it should be open to the inspec-
tion of those from whom it is unjustly withholden, while at the
same time this meeting is of opinion, that with an Universal
Constituency, every individual should be protected therein
worn the possibility of influence or intimidation : that this
meeting consequently deems the Ballot Box a necessary ac-
companiment of Universal Suffrage, but will net consent to its
enaction on any other terms." Surrounded by men of splendid
eloquence and first-rate abilities, he would not attempt to
detain the meeting by many observations of his own. He
could, however, express the determination of the Radicals of
Leeds to raise an invariable standard, on which they would
inscribe, " No taxation without representation"—( Cheers)
—and no Ballot without Suffrage.--( Cheers.) This standard
they were determined to maintain and support, even at the ex-
pense of the loss of limb by limb.—(Great cheering.)
JOSHUA JONES seconded the resolution.
Dr. TA VLOR, of the Glasgow New Liberator, rose and said
—Men of England, working men of Leeds, it is indeed a
triumph for me to see such a meeting as this, assembled for
some purpose, and under such auspices, at a time when the po-
litical aspect of the country looks so threatening—when we
are called upon to witness poverty and starvation at home, and
scar and desolation abroad. As a delegate from my native
land I come here at your request to witness your proceed-
ings and see in how far the spirit of freedom animated the
breasts of Englishmen. This splendid hall, this crowded
audience attest your anxiety to press onward in the march
of liberty, and the cheers with which you have responded to
the sentiments of others who have preceded me, are alike
honourable to them and to you.—( Hear, hear, hear.) To
me there could be DO higher gratification than after
many years struggling almost alone to make head against
a tyrant aristocracy in defence of the inalienable rights of man,
thus to find myself welcomed by the working men of Leeds.
I have been at Newcastle. I have witnessed their enthusiasm
there, and yours is not the loss—it shows that the spirit is
abroad, that you are fully alive to your just rights, that knowing
them you dare assert them ; and that assures me, it will not be
long e're you attain them. I have travelled a good deal in my
day ; I have visited other lands and conversed with many dis-
tinguished men; but I have never felt myself more honoured
than in standing forward along with that truly noble man,
Sharman Crawford, who deserves so well of his country and
mankind.—( Hear, heir.) Throughout the whole of his
career, his character has stood out in bold relief, pure and
unsullied, amid the apostates around him, one of the very
few who, unawed by the breath of faction, unchanged by ch.
patriot and the man.—(Tremendous cheers.)
moue, uasnitnhfleaenced by praise, has held on his undeviating
I might fear to tread over again the ground which he has oc-
cupied with so much ability and effect; and the resolution to
which lam to speak alludes to a subject on which he has
Arcady addressed you; but as a good blow cannot be given
too often if it hits in the right place, I shall take the liberty"
of saying a few words upon Universal Suffrage. I hate all
money qualifications, for they necessarily lead to absurdities,
since no amount of wealth can ever be a test of intelligence
or virtue. The man who possesses a ten-pound house has a
vote; the man next door, his equal in knowledge and
virtue—his superior, it may be, in political acquirements—
. ays only nine pounds nineteen shillings and elevenpence,
three farthings ; he has no vote ; the difference between them is
just one farthing, therefore in that farthing consists the poli-
tical qualification.—( Cheers and laughter.) Lord John
Russell must be a cleverer fellow than I take him for, if he
has succeeded in so measuring out men's sense that he can
distribute with such exactness a farthing's worth of political
poet•
• - All money qualifications are liable to the same ab-
surdity, and until it pleases Heaven to draw such a line of
demarcation between the virtue and intelligence of the rich
and the poor as cannot be mistaken, I will never consent to
any man being deprived of that right which he inherits along
with his existence, the right to have a voice in the choice of
representatives, who are to legislate over his property,
his labour, and his life.—( Cheers.) I stand, then, on
the broad, the only honest principle, upon Universal Suffrage,
community
ushniatlyl never
large.__(vercea Cheers.)
cease agitation until I see it secured to the
ori
Be
was passed, you were a firm end united body, bound Reformoundin
the
adamantine links of interest and friendship; you pressed for-
ward with one accord, and victory crowned your efforts. Now,
however, how different is the scene 1 Society is divided into
castes envy and jealousy have taken the places of affection
and esteem, ;
steem, and the bonds of equality and friendship rent
asunder, since one man has the power to tyrannise, while the
other is under the necessity of submitting. As I insist that
the suffrage is the natural right of every one, so I insist has he
alsoa
right to be protected in the conscientious exercise of it ;
and know no means by which this can be more simply
or effectually done than by the Ballot. Tell me not that it is
ineffectual, and will not insure secresy ; it is because—and
our enemies know that—it will be too effectual, that they oppose
its introduction. Tell me not that it is un-English and un-
manly I know nothing that is se but what is dishonest, and
this, the conscientious discharge of a sacred duty, never can
be. I admire, as much as any man can do, the fearless devo-
tion to principle which a man shows in voting in the teeth of
opposition ; but I must regret the temporal ruin which is too
often the only reward of such devotion to principle ; and,
therefore, alone. with Universal Suffrage I demand the Bal-
lot. The speaker then denounced, in no measured terms, the
atrocious Poor-law Amendment Bill, and declared every man
ought to strike down the villain who dared to put it in operation,
to separate a man from his wife or family. He then passed a
high eulogium on the noble conduct of the workmen of Eng-
land towards the cotton spinners of Glasgow, and in energetic
and glowing colours expressed in their name his grateful sense
of a support which had enabled them to proceed to trial with
some hope of justice, after which he resumed his seat amid
great cheering.
loriVilnr.suHprpeonr,ting
editor of the Northern Star, followed Dr. Tay-
the resolution. He said he must he allowed
to congratulate himself, the chairman, and the meeting, on
the noble demonstration of sound, honest, and Radical feel-
ing evinced by this large assemblage of true-hearted working-
men. This was the position whieb, under present circum-
stances, working-men ought to assume, and, as an Englishman,
he was indeed proud to contrast the bold spirit and determined
character of coolness and intelligence, now manifested by the toil-
ing millions of this much lauded,but ill-starred country, with that
quiescence which, in former times, had been moulded into
chains
theyo havefthrald been holden to the
omandforgedinto fetters of bondage in
which
present
themselves.—(
(e C peoplehrs) t
oa
cheers.) He had been long convinced thats en t
the people was in their own hands, and could be wrought
hen
out only by rethtei m
salvatione.(leo time.—(Loud c
of
those who recommended of
their grievances into their own hands—to seize by the hand
of rudeness, or of physical violence, even:that which appei tamed
ee
He was
e thewas rn e °l—r e one
of
strictly to them and was thir own. God forbid that ever
he should live to see the sabre glitter and the firebrand
glare upon the peaceful homes of Old England.—(Hear.)
There was enough of moral force within the grasp and ma-
nagement of this great people, to strike the chill of terror into
stouter hearts than the milksop sucklings of a Government
like ours, without resorting to the musket, the pistol, or the
pike. Leave the contemplation of violence and the threaten-
ing of bloodshed to the leeches, the vultures, and the herpies,
with whom rapine is a trade, murder a profession, and robbery
a virtue.—( Cheers.) The men of England desire not the de-
struction of the persons of their enemies—they wish not even
to interfere with the property which, by unrighteous laws, has
been accumulated from the sweat of their brow, and the waste
of their bones and sinews in excessive labour. They ask not
even for a restitution of their rights ; for that would include far
more than is demanded by the boldest democrat of whom he
had any knowledge--(Hear, hear)—but they do seek to res

gain that footing of equality with others of like farm, and flesh,
and blood, on which God and nature placed them ; which has
been wrested from them by the subtleties of vice, practising
upon unsuspecting virtue, in the ore instance, and ele-
vating itself to a position, by the assistance of that vir-
tue, which enabled it, with shameless front, to over-
throw the structure of society as originally coastructed,
and victimize its benefactor. This was " the head and front
of their offending." They sought to destroy the dominion of
wrong—to hurl oppression from her enimence ; and to restore
the Crown to righteousness and the sceptre to justice in the
land.—( Loud cheers.) They had lately heard the sacred
name of " Eternal Justice" desecrated by the most hollow and
deceitful leader of the most base and treacherous faction that
every soiled the annals of political intrigue, or cursed a con-
fiding country with the name of freedom, which, though ever
rife upon their Ups, was their hearts dread and fear. They
hid heard the words " Eternal Justice" glibly gliding from
the mouth of Rice, and echoed by the honest Peel, in reference
to a measure of the most unblushing fraud and barefaced rob-
bery that could be practised upon any country, or endured by any
people. Whet was " Eternal Justice" ? Was it for one man to
bang a shoal of rich, ill-bred, and dissipated lordliugs, and for
another man to cast the burden of a few abandoned women, as
an addition to the millstone hanging round the people's
neck, while that people, when their energies have been ex-
Tended, and their lives worn out in the support of these lo-
custs, are thrust into a dungeon to spin out the miserable
remnant of existence, upon black bread, and hard cheese,
doled out in starvation morsels three times a day, from Mon-
de), morning until Saturday night ? Is this an exhibition of
" Eternal Justice."—(" No, no," and loud cheers.) Is it
justice that the coward ruffians, " who talk big when danger
hides afar," should lavish the resources of this country, col-
lected from the labour of the people ; that they should dip
their hands into your pockets and into mine, and take out our
money for the purpose of keeping up the establishment of
money-mongering despotism in Canada, when thousands of
our countrymen at home, are, through the operation of its ten-
der mercies, famishing with want, dying with hunger, which a
portion of that money might relieve for the moment, while
the destruction of the system under which their misery is in-
duced, would afford them permanent salvation. Is this the
operation of " Eternal Justice."—( No, no.) Well, then, if
none of these be justice, what is it that the principles of
" Eternal Justice" dictate? If the praters of eternal justice
had been as conversant, as was their duty, with the depository
of that religion which they affect to tell us is port and parcel:
of the law and constitution, they would have known that the;
" principles of eternal justice" teach us to render unto others
that full measure of right which we expect in return.—
( Cheers.) " Eternal justice" disclaims all deeply studied
guises—it seeks no pretext for dissimulation—its theory is
simple— its tactics " each for all, and all fur each."—( Cheers. )
These were the principles maintained by every honest Radical ;
and because they were so, it had been his glory, ever since his
name became at all associated with the public move-
ments of his countrymen, to be known and stigmatized by
the enemies of justice, as a red-hot Radical.—(Cheers.)
Such had been his character ever since he had been known to
the public, and such a character he hoped to carry with him
to the grave.—( Cheers.) The principles of " eternal jus-
tice," while they accorded to every man the possession of his
right, would also protect him in the exercise of that right.
Hence, therefore, the Suffrage and the Ballot-box were twin
sisters, whom " eternal justice" had joined together, and
whom, if he rightly estimated the intelligence and spirit of
the working men of this country, they would never allow to
be put asunder. There were not wanting those, as ho,
prating about justice, and talking loudly of an adherence
to principle—aye, to Radical principle—had yet the bold
effrontery to tell the working millions, still holden in
political thraldom, that the Ballot was the " ques-
tion of questions," and the one thing needful now to be
struggled for. Needful for what, or for whom ? Was it
needful for the larger portion of the audience whom he saw
before him?—(No, no.) Was a protection for the vote need-
ful for him who had no vote to be protected ?—( Cheers.) Or
steed he fear the result of publicity who voted for the main-
tenance and establishment of "eternal justice ?" It was well,
and perfectly consistent, for those who sought to uphold the
tottering faction now in power, or to upraise the prostrate fac-
tion now grasping for power—'twas well enough for those who
studied not the public good, but the aggrandisement of party,.
at whatever cost—'twas natural that they should ask per-
mission to indulge in the amusement of public spoliation'
secretly. But were the people ready to allow this ? Were ,
they ready to confer the cloak of secrecy on those who
wanted no other refuge to make them independent of the
people—and enable them to spurn with safety the bridge that
saved them ?—(" No, no ; net so." Cheers.) Let them
not be deceived into the lying supposition, that the Ten-pound
Voters were favourable to their interests, and would return
more liberal members under the protection of the Ballot. He
must indeed know little of the turpitude of human nature who
could perpetrate the conception of a folly like this. Every
man's observation must have shown him that it was contrary
to the very nature of things to expect it; and if he had not
wilfully shut his eyes, in passing through the world, he must
have known that all experience was against the supposition.
Every man is naturally desirous to get what he can, and to
keep what he has ; and so long as this principle is inherent in
human nature, so long will a large majority of men act under
it influence, and develope it, in every action of their lives,
whether political or other.—( Cheers.) Away then with the
cant about those who have the franchise being anxious to ex-
tend it to their neighbours, if their landlords would but let them.
He had had some experience and some opportunity of obser-
vation amongst the very parties on whose behalf the ne-
cessity of the Ballot was most vehemently insisted on—the
farming tenants in agricultural districts, and he
could now tell the meeting that the landlords,
from whose coercion liberty was prayed, were not more hostile
to Universal Suffrage than the tenants who complained of
their tyranny. With Universal Suffrage, the Ballot would be
necessary as a defence against individual acts of tyranny and
intirnidetion ; because, the franchise being then placed in the
hands of the whole people, no man would or ought to be re-
sponsible to another for the way in which he exercised it ; but
so long as the Suffrage was restricted, within whatever bounds
.the restriction might be confined, that portion of society, which
had the franchise, held it in trust for the well-being of the
whole community, and was answerable, to every one who had
it not, for the way in which the most sacred of all trusts had
been discharged.—( Cheers.) The present elective body
were answerable to the people, whose trustees they had been
improperly constituted, and it was only under the surveillance
and wholesome control of the people that the trust could ever
be honestly and faithfully executed. The people had now a
moral force, in the control which they could exercise over the
votes of the electors, which when well directed was irresistible

a:.d sufficient to overturn the machinations of any faction a
hundred times more powerful than that with which they had
now to deal ; but if they once parted with this moral cudgel
they would soon find the battle to be lost. If they once con-
sented to them the mantle of secrecy over any restricted fran-
chise, their moral power was annihilated, and the only re-
source then left to them would be an appeal to that physical
force he so earnestly deprecated. After further insisting on
the necessity of resisting all attempts to carry the Ballot with-
out Univeral Suff-age, Mr. Hill sat down amid several rounds
of cheers.

The resolution was then put and carried unanimously, with
the exception of one hand being held up against it.
William PALLISTER moved :—." That in the opinion of this
meeting, long Parliaments have a necessary tendency to cor-
ruption ; and are contrary to the spirit of the British Consti-
tution ; and that, therefore, Parliament ought to be elected
every year," and DAVID WALTON seconded it.

The CHAIRMAN then called upon
Mr. O'CONNOR, who was received with tremendous cheers.
He then said, Mr. Chairman and brother Radicals—Lord J.

Russell—(Cheers)—is a very clever fellow.—(Laughter)—
and he knows the state of Leeds much better than you do—
( Hear, hear)—because the two hands that were field up in
that corner against the first resolution, were the two first indi-
viduals in Lord John Russell's list of highly favoured friends,
who had 'the franchise bestowed upon them.--( Hear, hear.)
These were the two men who had the franchise themselves,
and did not want to give it to you.—( Cheers.) That's the
poet's corner. If you recollect some two years ago, when
from this spot I shewed you my infant Radicalism, these were
the two men, and the only two men who hissed in that corner.
—(Loud and continued laughter.) Now, my friends, I
stand before you upon different principles, and I
may say, that I am now a prouder man. I showed
you the infant then; now, behold me a monster, grown
to gigantic size, and let Whiffs and Tories, or both, unite in
their endeavours to defeat those principles which all honest
men have at heart: we bid them defiance, and tell Lord John
Russell that all his attempts at opposition will be fruitless,
feeble, and vain against the great majority of a determined
people.—(Chcers.) The last resolution that was proposed,
was proposed as one of the most important measures that are
to be acquirA by Universal Suffrage. Let us obtain this, and
we shall then be put in the same position as the Connaught
man was in reference to his horses : he said they had two
great faults—one, that they were very bad to catch ; and the
other, that when he had caught them, they were good for
nothing.--( Cheers.) So would it be with the Whigs : once
let the mass of the population obtain the Suffrage, and we are
very much mistake❑ if we shall catch many Whigs in office.
And we are sure that whenever we do catch them, they will be
good for nothing--for they will at best have only one year's
plunder.—( Loud cheers and laughter.) This meeting makes
me proud, because but a very short time ago, the men of the
Gomersal had one political creed—the men of Wolbeck ano-
ther--and the men of Leeds another. But the three divisions
are now united, and we have only one political creed.--(Tre-
mendous cheering.) If you had annual Parliaments, it would
destroy that damning system so ably described by my worthy
contryman, Sharman Crawford—that pettifogging system of
paying by instalments. —(Cheers.) Insteal of having those
who are vieing in the march of corruption, it would be to raise
us men who would be most anxious to exalt themselves by
performing the ,greatest services to their country. Why is it
that the Radicals of England have been blamed? Why is it
that the anathemas of the Whigs and Tories have been hurled
against us ? Why ? but because we would not submit to their
pettifogging system—( Hear, hear)—and then we are to be
charged with disobedience, becauselwe will not sacrifice prin-
ciple to expediency.—(Cheers.) Mr. O'Connor honoured
the men of Leeds for their steady adherence to principle. He
honoured them because they had raised the standard of free-
dom and had inscribed in lasting characters the motto of equal
justice upon that banner, and let the advocates of justice to
Ireland, and of universal justice, aid the cause of Ireland, and,
if necessary, draw aside the veil of moral force from that of
which it nas only the shadow, and let them show the physical
f rce that would be found concealed under that veil. His
friend, Mr. Crawford, laid made one mistake, but lie, perhaps,
! atter all, might be right. Ile might wish to forget and forgive,
but he ( Mr. O'Connor) could not do so. Mr. Crawford had
said give the Whigs another trial." If he could bring back the
men of Dorchester—if he could set at liberty the men of Glasgow

.1,
- -

.'e

1E)

_

who had been so shamefully imprisoned, and were in all pro--
ba,,ility row before their Judge; if he could resuscitate...those
who had been deprived of life, leaving others helpless', and
defenceless to mourn their loss ; if he could meal thosi who, crA
hat been banished for ndliering to ti countries' interest, and
in whose bosoms had burnt as an extinguisheble fire the
flame of patriotism—he would then give to the Whigs, the
condemned Whigs, another trial. —( Hear. and cheers.) We
had tried them session after session, an 1 for year aft er 'year ;
but in spite of all our iednag ence, their ,nun :lets had been
their own accusers, for, after all, they had promised, they had
brought forth measures which, at best. had been ill-sustained,
and which ultimately they had Lever been able to accomplish.
—( Cheers.) He would ask what the Whigs had done for the
people ? They had literally done nothing : end they had not
only done nothing, but they had artnaily been carrying
measures in unison with the Tories, which the Tor:es could not
carry themselves. While the Whigs were on the apposition
side, they Mould not have allowed the Tcries to carry such
measures as they had lately carried, but would have joined
with the people it, opposing by all their power thoie very mea-
stires which they themselves had passed. But he thanked God
that the loud storm of political indignation was hanging
around then,, and that at lent it would condgn theta to that
oblivion and disgrace in which they would meet tviih the
loudest execrations of the people. The Whigs had tried
us, and had seen what we had been able to a,-) for them. We
had carried the Reform Bill for them ti hen they were not
able to carry it for themselves; and they had even said to
Radicals, " Come, you have had the bent it of the Reform
Bill, do take a little journey with us—do accompany us a little
further—and if you do not feel disposed to go all the way to
Keighly, do ecort us es tar es Bradford.—(Laughter
and cheers.) We had gone with them many a very
weary journey—( Hear, hear, hear)—bet we had always
found, that, when we got to the end of Whig
lane, they had travelled with a dark lantern, and having cc-
complished their wishes, have turned round eon us, end flash-
ing the light in our faces and bid us good night, saying they
could find the rest fof the journey thernselves.—(Cheers and
laughter ) Such was the position in which we were placed.
We had tried the Whigs as representative:, and we had con-
demned them for their performances. They had loosened
their powers of agitation and found what their principles were,
and that they seemed as determined to struggle for wielding
authority in this land of freedom as ever they had been. But .
they had deceived us, and it was time to appeal to the indus-
trious classes of the country to commence vetting up business
on their own accounts. It gave him pleasure to attend this
meeting, because the working men had taken the responsi-
bility of it entirely into their own handy they had consulted
no one as to what course they should pursue, cr what
measures they should propose. He had been gold that Leeds
was a rotten place; but they saw what could be done in a short
time, and this meeting was a sufficient proof of the untitimity
aed determination of the men of Leeds to depend upon their
own resources, and put into operation their noblest exertions
in the cause of freedom. He had never interfered with their
arrangements, for his interference was altogether unnecessary;
they were able to manage themselves. Since he had
come among • them he found he had come to a good
schotl, where he could learn many useful lessons ;
and, indeed, where he had already obtained much
valuable information. He eased much to the opinions of
these men, and he was determined to stand by them at alI
hazards to assist them in the protection of their rights ; and he
would appeal to the opposers of this system, whether it was
not much safer for the general good of the country that work-
ing men should enlighten each other, and come 'forward in
this bold, manly and independent manner to maintain their
principles, rather than plod together in ignorance and anger,
when God knew where it would stop.—(Cheers.) Had
they had Annual Parliaments, would they have had the
Whigs in office for the last five years, under the guise of being
friends of Reform ?—( Hear, hear, and cries of " No, no.")
They would have taken better care of themselves, and would
have lacked more closely after their friends, the Whigs,
than to have allowed'them to usurp that place and that power
which they had thus so shamefully abused. Mr. O'Connor
proceeded in a lengthened and powerful address to show the
advantages of Anneal Parliaments, calling to his aid many
powerful illustrations, and bearing away the applause of the
meeting. The inconvenience, however, to which the report-
ers were subjected in consequence of the speakers being called
to occupy the small gallery intended fur their u'e, and the tre-
mendous rapidity with which Mr. O'Connor spoke, renders it
impossible to give anything like an accurate report of his
speech.
The resolution was then put to the meeting, and declared to
be carried unanimously.

Mr. JosnuA Hoßsox proposed that a Property Qualification
for Members of Parliament is absurd and unjust, unless i can
be shown that preperty causes talent or honesty in its pos-
sessor. That every man is equally interested in the safety and
prosperity of the State with all his fellow townsmen, and
that, therefore, every man ought to be equally eligible for a
Member of the Commons' House of Parliament, every man
equally represented by its Members and equally protected by
the law:

DAVID GREEN seconded the resolution.
Captain Woon, in support of the resolution, said, he could
not conceive that any one present at that meeting could be
selected who would come forward to oppose the resolution.—
(Cheers.) It had undoubtedly been intended that the elec-
tive franchise should be extended to the mass of the people of
this country—(Cheers)—and every day's experience proved
the necessity of its being extended to all, and that extension
could only be usefully given by the protection of the vote by
Ballot.—( Cheering.) Sir William Blackstone had declared
in his Commentaries on the laws of England, that no man
could be taxed without his consent being given, either by him-
self or by his representative. A similar principle WAS laid
down by Lord Brougham, in his speech on the reform
Bill, wherein he stated that representation was the right of
all the tax-paying individuals of England.—( Cheers.) Upon
such authorities, as well as others which he should refer to.
there could be no rational doubt ente,rtain,d of the free:nen of
this country being entitled to Universal Suffrage, and to have
that suffrage accompanied by the Vote by Ballut.—(Cheers.)
If there were Universal Suffrage, corruption would be rooted
up, and intimidation at an end.--( Cheers. ) If the Radicals
proceeded with their labour in the spirit in which they had
begun it, he could entertain no fear that tht:ir vigorous efforts
would be crowned with success.—( Cheers. )
The resolution was then put, and carried unanimously.
Mr. PETER TEMPLETON moved, " That while this meeting
contemplates with feelings of the deqest regret the civil
.dis-
cord which now unhappily rages in Canada, it also rejoices at
the noble, heroic, and independent spirit which the Canadians
have manifested in their opposition to the unconstitutional inter-
ference of the British Government ; and that' it hereby pledges
itself to oppose, by every constitutional means, any measure
which• may be proposed either by the present or any other
Ministry, for the purpose of coercing the Canadians into
subjection, until their real grievances are satisfactorily re-
dressed."

This resolution was accompanied by en energetic speech well
delivered by Mr. Templeton, who forcibly applauded the con-
duct of the Canad:aes in their attempts to have what he con-
sidered to be justice dune to them, and in which he condemned
with an unsparing hand the plunder, the injustice, and misrule
of the Whig Government.
Mr. AceusTea BEAUMONT came foraerd to support the fifth
resolution. He said, that after the eloquent speech of his
young friend who had preceded him little was left to be said.
He stated that he should prove that the Ministers in their con-
duct to Canada were guilty of treason, robbery, arson, and
murder. He should not have recourse to any oratorical arts,
but by a reference to the laws of the land prove that the Mi-
nisters were guilty of ell those crimes in-Canada, and if ever
the people of this country should be represented by an honest
Parliament, one of its first acts would be to bring to the block
Lord John Russell, Lord Melbourne, and all their. Tory and
Noble supporters.—( Loud cheers.) What was treason ?
Not merely violating allegiance to the Monarch.—(Hear. )
There was an allegiance due to the people and Monarch,
only exerted on the supposition that they were beneficial to the
nation. It was the duty of the Members to support the Con-
stituti in of the Colonies, not less than of the Parent State,
a id every act of violence committed by them on colonial right,
which necessarily compelled them to revolt from the mother
country, was an act of treason to the nation. The Colonies
were as much entitled to the observance of the common prin-
ciples of justice, as Great Britain and Ireland. The Ministers
had no more right to commit robbery, arson, and murder
in Canada than in Leeds.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")
To violate the Constitution of Canada, and so to compel them
to take ap arms, was a violation of the allegiance due by the
Sovereign to the people, and upon the principle of Ministe-
rial responsibility, then Lord John Russell and Lord Mel-
bourne ought to be tried, condemned, and executed.—
( Hear, hear, and cheer s.) Lord G *Sorel and Sir John
Colborne were equally liable to execution for the murders and
arsons they had perpetrated in Canada, anal which the Whig and
Tory papers gloried in. He should shortly refer them to the
law on the subject, anterior to the rebelien, as it was then
called, of the British North American Colonies, witch are
now th© United States of North America. --(Cheers ) . The
British Members had claimed the supposed right of taxing
the Colonies. When the American rebels, about 1778,
were on the point of achieving their independence, the
Ministers of that day, finding that all chance of suc-
cess on their part was at an end, passed a statute of
Parliament, for the purpose, as they said, of quieting her Ma-
jesty's subjects in her Majesty's Plantatims in North America.
B this statute, there was a solemn declaration, that Britain
would never tax the Colonies, nor apply the proceeds of any
impost to any other than colonial puToPes. This statute
failed of its purpose to conciliate the American revolts—they
regarded the Act rs a fraudulent piece of parchment, which
was passed in a moment of fear, to be violated in the hour of
rapacious confidence in tyrannic pow. r. They steadily pur-
sued their course of rebellion, and became a great republic.—
( Cheers.) This stantte was, however, still the law of the land,
and it had finally sett'ed the long disputed question between
parent state and colony, by abandoning all esumed right on
the part of the former to tax or plunder the latter. So
stood the Act of 1778. In the year 1791, when
Great Britain, or rather her Tory Ministers, were on
the point of entering into an unjust tvar ;with France, they, in
order to conciliate Canada, conceded a Cce.stitution to that
colony. By this Act of 1791, the sole poser of levying taxes
was assigned to the House of Assembly of that country. He
denied the power of Parliament to alter the Constitution
without the consent of the c Amy, but for the argument's a tke,
admitting the supposed right of the Lega=la,ture of this nation
to alter the Canadian Constitution without tac will of the inha-
bitants of that cou.itry, it was evident that it could only be
repealed or modified by another statute of Parliament. Now
what had the Ministers done ? They had proceeded by reso-
lution—the very act charged against the Long PaAiarnent as
(ee of its most atrocious decels. A st,e,A, of Parliament

Ind been t:as^:.i.d which vested in the eanarla As;;;;1yt113
power of levying taxes, and having the exAusive control of
their public money—s preceding Statute had solemnly aban-

cloned all claim on the part of the British nation to appropriate
These Statutes were rendered
nugatory by a mere the money of the Corl eseosniol
resolution of the House of Commons, e
au-
thorising the Ministers to plunder the people of Canada. The
House of Lords sanctioned this resolution. When did they
refuse their assent to an act of public robbery ?—(Cries
of Never,") Never,") These resolutions were, however, no repeal of
the Statutes to which he had adverted ; and when Lord John
Russell and Lord Melbourne were arraigned for treason, ar-
sop,
robbery,
and murder, they could not plead these resolu-
tions
as a justification of their crimes. The Whig Ministers
having obtained the consent of their Tory allies to rob the
people of Canada, proceeded to carry out their conspiracy to
plunder. They seized the money of the Canadians, and the
defence set up by the Morning Chronicle was this--her Majesty's
:Ministers had a temporary occasion for the money, to pay
Colonial sinecurists, and had therefore taken it ; as if he were
to put his hand into the pocket of the gentleman next him,
take out his money, and calmly remark, " Oh, I had only
a temporary occasion for your money, and you must not think
this a robbery." Such was the miserable pickpocket excuse
set up by the Ministry of this great nation for robbing the
people of a distant part of the empire.--(Cries of " Shame.")
His friend O'Connor had well told them what were the class
of persons who were benefitted by this plunder. They were
Colonial retainers of Lords and Lordlings, who were fed on
Colonial plunder, so that their relatives in the Parliament
Houses here might get the mercenary votes of twenty
or thirty Members in the House of Commons or in the
House of Lords, to enable them to plunder the people in this
country.--( Hear.) The Canadians were naturally indignant
at this robbery and demanded redress. The Ministers pro-
ceeded from robbery to murder. They had ordered their
mercenary soldiers, and more mercenary soldier-officers, to
murder the people—to burn them alive—and for vengeance
sake to burn down whole villages.—( Hear.) Think of that
of the hundreds of our fellow men burned alive in one house.
Had any one hero any interest in that atrocity ?—( Cries of
" No.") Had any working man in England, Scotland, or
Ireland, any wish to see such an atrocity?—( Cries of " No.")
It was perpetrated solely to please a part of that same gang
of people-plunderers which desolates this nation. One hun-
dred men, each of whom was worth a thousand Russells,
Peels, or Melbournes, burned alive !—possibly amongst
them the father or brother of my young friend, who has
addressed you with so much feeling eloquence, quickened,
perhaps, from the fact that all his family are emigrants in the
colony which the British Ministry have involved in civil war!
What must be his feelings when he thinks of the father whom
he adored—whose voice, after years of absence, he hoped to
hear again, burned to death—of the brother of his love a vic-
tim to the flames ! What must be the mother's sensations when
she thinks of her glorious son, her pride and stay in life, no longer
to be folded in her maternal embrace ; no more in all the joy
and gladness of life, but a blackened coal ! What must be
the agony of the faithful wife, when the body she has so often
strained to her bosom in love, pure and holy love, is nothing
snore than a heap of ashes—the limbs and human form that
father, mother, wife, and sister, hava so often contem-
plated with love, are reduced to cinders, after passing through
the agony of death by fire!—(Hear,) Heavens! this is the
work of the British cation ?—( Cries of " No, no.") You
are right, it is, not the work of the British nation, but of the
accursed Whig Ministry and their detestable allies.—( Hear. )
Think not, my friends, that these acts shall go unavenged.
Lord Gosford and Sir John Colborne shall yet be put on
their trial in Westminster Hall, and, being condemned, be
hanged for their crimes under the same statute under which
suffered Governor Wall ; albeit, he, too, was protected in his
atrocious acts by the Minister of the day. As was Wall
hanged, so should Gosford and Colborne.—(Cheers.) And
justice would not be done them unless Russell and Melbourne,
and Peel were hanged along with them.-_( Great cheering. )
The day of reti ibution and vengeance should yet come for
houses and villages burned, and for avowed vindictiveness, and
men burned alive to please Ministerial despots. As for the de-
claration of martial law by Ministers, that proceeding was clearly
illegal. The only power which could put a colony having a Con-
stitution under martial law was a council of war, composed of
the Governor, the Legislative Council, and the Legislative As-
sembly ; in other words, the Parliament of the colony. That
formality had not been complied with, and therefore the
usurped authority of the Governor in putting the colony
under martial law, at the illegal order of the Whig Ministry,
was an additional crime, and no palliation of the treasons,
murders, robberies, and arsons for which he shall yet be tried
and hanged.—( Loud cheering.) Now, my friends, you
are here the representatives of British justice ; you know
the defence set up by the Ministers through their hired
advocate of the press—you have heard my charges against
them, and have weighed the evidence. How say you—are
John Russ ll (commonly called Lord John Russell), and Lord
Viscount Melbourne guilty of treason, robbery, arson and
murder__or are they net guilty ?—(Cries of " Guilty.")
Such of you as ~ive your verdict of guilty, hold up your
bands.--( Here the whole meeting held up their hands.)
Harken to your verdict—you say the monsters are guilty of
murder, treason, robbery, and arson, and so you say all._
(Cries of " Yes, yes, we do.") Oh, my friends, how I wish
I could give effect to your most righteous verdict by pro-
nouncing judgment of death and execution according to law
cat these detestable violators of the laws of God and man !
( Cries of " Hear, hear," and loud cheer:.) After shew-
ing hew the Canedisn civil war must affect our com-
merce, and so the wages of %waking men, and culcgieing the
Canadians for their manly assertion of their rights, he concluded
by expressing his detestation of all war, as being only accu-
mulated murder; but in struggling for liberty it was glorious
to spill the life of the enemy of freedom, or to 3 ield up one's
own--

" Blood like this,

For liberty shed so holy--
It would not stain the purest rill
Which sparkles amidst the bowers of bliss.
Oh, if th-re be on the earth's sphere
A boon, An offering Heal,'n holds dear,
'Tis the last libatiun liberty draws
Prom the heart which bleeds and breaks in her cause."
Loud and long continued cheering.)
The resolution was then put and carried unanimously.
It was then intiarted that a dinner would take place on the
following evening, which was expected to be very numerously
attended.

Thanks havinz been voted to the Chairman for his able and
impartial conc.'uctia the chair, the meeting quietly dispersed at
a vtry late hour.

WINDSORLTUESDAY.

Viscount Duncannon, and the Hon. Miss Pomonby arrived
at the Castle yesterday; as did also Lord and Lady John
Russell and family.
The persons present at the Royal dinner party yesterday
evening were—The Queen, her Royal Highness the Duchess
of Kent, Countess Mulgrave, Viscount Duncannon, and the
Hon. Miss Ponsonby, Viscount Melbourne, Lady Mary Stop-
ford, Viscount Torrington, Hon. Misses Leycester,
Davys,
Murray, and Cavendish, Lord and Lady J. Russell, Baroness
Lehzen, Hon. William Cowper, Hon. Mrs. Campbell, Hon.
Colonel Grey, Baron St:)ekm-tr, and the Hon. Colonel Ca-
vendish. 'I he Queen's chamber-musicians were in attendance,
in the music-room after dinner as usual, and performed several
favourite compositions during the evening.
Viscount Melbourne left the Castle this morning for town ;
the Hon. William Cowper also left ; and the Countess of
Mulgrave, the term cf her Ladyship's waiting having expired.
The Queen was out yesterday for some time, but the
weather was so unfavourable to-day that her Majesty did not
leave the Castle.