The Sun.
London, England, 1849-07-11 00:00:00

THE SUN,

and wishes of the tax-paying community--and its
assent must be recorded before any impost can be
levied, or before one shilling of the proceeds can be
applied to any purpose whatsoever. In theory,
therefore, if not in practice, every individual who in
any degree contributes to the national Exchequer, is
entitled to the franchise; and his exclusion can only
be justified on the ground of some great and over-
whelming state necessity—that it would, in fact, be
dangerous to society to enable him to exercise his
undoubted right.

Although we cannot participate in the fears of
those timid politicians who believe that the British
Constitution would be imperilled by placing the
democratic element on the most extended basis,
we would yet be prepared to assent to the satisfirction
of the popular claims by fair and liberal instalments.
We would allow them to learn the needlessness of
their scruples from experience, provided the first step
were speedily taken in the right direction. But it
must be no trivial or illusory concessions, no petty
alteration, that will still leave the glaring and
flagrant injustice subsisting in all its enormity. The
veteran Reformer, JOSEPH; HUME, who at one period
stood almost alone in his advocacy of popular rights
in the Commons House of Parliament, has declared
that he will for the present accept Household Suf-
frage, and a large body of Reformers have acceded to
the proposition of their tried and faithful friend-1
a large addition would thus be made to the severe
constituencies, and, many well-qualified men would
be added to the lists of electors. But the dominant
party still object ; they acknowledge the right, but
they declare that such right cannot be exercised with
safety-; that, in fact, the great body of the people
are not duly qualified for the trust; that they are not
competent to form a sound judgment on public
questions, or, on the qualifications and characters of
public men; that wherever the mists of ignorance are
dispelled, and education generally diffused throughout
the community, the restrictions may be removed,
and the structure of society placed upon the
broadest foundation. Such are the arguments
by which the claims of the less wealthy classes are
opposed; and there is undoubtedly some shadow ofrea-
son in the assertion that those who neglect the op-
portunities now placed within the reach of all—who
exhibit such culpable apathy and carelessness in the
improvement of their own minds, who are the volun-
tary slaves of ignorance—should not be entrusted
with political power.
Our esteemed Correspondent, whose letter will be
found in another part of our impression this day,
suggests a mode by which these difficulties may be
overcome. He proposes the adoption of "an educa-
tional test," or as he himself happily terms it,
"to give the vote to a man because he is a
man, not because he has purchased some
earth, or some bricks and mortar." If this proposi-
tion were adopted, if every man capable of reading
and writing, and who understood the primary rules
of common arithmetic, were admitted to the fran-
chise, an extraordinary stimulus would be applied to
learning which is now, unhappily, too much neg-
lected. Then, indeed, the absence of a vote would
be regarded as a shame and a disgrace not to the
Legislature, but to the individual who, by his own
default, was excluded from the privileges belonging
to his fellow-men.

Under the present narrow and illiberal system,
many who are far better qualified by intellectual at-
tainments for the proper discharge of the duties of
a citizen than the great majority of the
electoral body, as at plesent constituted,
are most unfairly and improperly rejected.
They thus suffer a vicarious punishment for the de-
ficiencies of others. This is neither just nor equit-
able, and cannot be defended on any principle. We
commend the suggestion to the consideration of all
sincere reformers—of liberals not merely in profes-
sion but in practice. There would be but little diffi-
culty in applying the test, and bringing the system
into operation. It would also possess this recom-
mendation, that it would contain within itself the
elements for the future extension of the suffrage as
occasion should arise_ It would be parrootly stae, for
a higher qualification could scarcely be suggested,
and it would be satisfactory to the great body of the
working classes, whose discontent and dissatisfaction
at their present condition is fraught with the utmost
danger to the community in general.

1 The spirit of malicious vindictiveness, of reckless
disregard for legality and truth, which has ever cha-
racterised the proceedings of the Bourbon Kings of
Naples and of their agents, with regard to Sicily
and the Sicilians, has been remarkably illustrated
during the past week by the prosecution of Prince
GRANATELLI and Signor SCALIA at the Central
Criminal Court. For three days were a Sicilian
nobleman, Prince GRANATELLI ; a member of the
Sicilian Parliament, Signor LUIGI SCALIA. ; and an
English seaman, Captain MOODY, compelled to stand
at the bar of the Old Bailey to meet a criminal
charge brought against them by the agents of the
King of NAPLES a charge for which there
was no foundation either in law or in fact, and
in support of which several witnesses were called,
of whom we will only say that whilst they are
worthy of the service of the King of NAPLES,
his is the only European service which is
worthy of them. Even had Prince GRANATELLI and
Signor SCALIA been really guilty of the mis-
demeanour laid to their charge, there was something
mean, cowardly, and vindictive, and therefore, per-
haps, peculiarly Bourbon-like, in choosing the pre-
sent time, of all others, for prosecuting them ;
but, inasmuch as they had done nothing ille-
gal or wrong, and inasmuch as the agents
of the King of NAPLES in this country must have
been perfectly aware that such was the case, inas-
much as it was evident to every man of common
sense and of ordinary knowledge of law, that the pro-
secution could have but one termination, the ac-
quittal of the defendants, it is clear that the gratifi-
cation of a petty spirit of vindictiveness was the
motive which actuated the Neapolitan authorities in
undertaking it. It appears that in June, 1848
Prince GRANATELLI and Signor SCALIA were accre-
dited to the English Government by the Provisional
Government of Sicily, and were received by Lord
PALMERSTON, if not officiellement, yet officieusesnent
in that capacity. There was no mystery about their
mission, they were seen by the Prince of CASTEL-
CICALA, the Neapolitan Ambassador, waiting in the
ante-room of the Foreign-office ; they were met by
Prince CASTELCICALA at the soirees of Lady PAL-
MERSTON. At the time of their arrival they were
anxious to purchase t.vo English steamers to
send out to Sicily (be it remembered the
Ring of NAPLES had purchased nearly the
whole of his steam fleet in England), and so careful
were they not to infringe the law of England, that
it appears from Sir FITZROY KELLY'S statement they
acted, in every step they took, under the best legal
advice, and before purchasing the steamers, and
before fitting them out, ascertained that neither by
the purchase nor by the manner cf fitting up these
vessels were they violating the English law; and
they were well advised ; for although their proceed-
ings were narrowly watched by the Prince of CAS-
TELCICALA and his spies, although the respectable
Colonel AUBREY, now an ornament to the service of
King Bomne, for a "wretched and mean bribe" of 3001.
consented to become that worst of traitors, a traitor
in uniform—" un militaire tui &shit, un traitre en
uniform c'est la pine espece de toutes"—although
REDONDO, the " sturdy vagabond," whom we re-
commended to the attention of the Mendicity
Society, was sent as a spy, eventually to be
kicked out as a traitor ; and although Mr. D.
11. IVATsoN, not content with serving the
Queen of ENGLAND as a Customs officer for
money, must needs also serve King BoMBA
" out of pure love and affection, without reward or
the promise of reward as informer—although all these
persons were engaged day after day, and hour after hour,
in watching and tale-bearing, yet they could discover
nothing, and albeit Mr. D. H. WATSON, in the
exuberance of his zeal, seized the Bombay on the
16th of-Marcb, and thereby rendered himself liable
to an action for damages, yet after a minute investi-
gation the law-officers of the Crown decided that
there was no cause whatever for detaining the vessel,
and on the 4th of May she was delivered up.
Enraged at being thusfoiled in their revenge, mad-
dened by the refusal of the English Government to
permit the metropolitan police to be employed as
spies for the King of : NAPLES, the partisans of
that amiable Monarch concocted the prosecution
which has just terminated in the triumphant ae-