The Sun.
London, England, 1849-01-11 00:00:00

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[Pau :E

to hold them by their affections.—(Loud cheers.) If
you tell me that your armies are kept for the sake of
your colonies, then I say your colonies can afford to pay
for their own police; for I beg, to tell the English
people that the people in the colonies are a great deal
better off than most of the people in England. They
;have a vast deal more of the comforts of life, and they
.have very few of the taxes that bother us so,—(Hear.)
.Mr. Cobden then went on to say, they were spending
"too much as a nation, and whilst that lasted loctil taxa-

tion would go on increasing. He promised one thing—
be would never' cease the advocacy of this question till
the saw the-cost of our armies reduced to 10,000,0001.-e,
until he saw the expenditure of the country reduced to
what it was in 1835 at least. Ho did not say he would
top there.-e-(Cheers.) That was the least they intended
to do, and it was something worth the struggle ; and he
repeated he would not stop there—(Cheers)—and Ye
Sincerely believed that with the assistance of the peeVee
find the growing tendency for peace throughosust
thetn
!world, they would not long continue to w
t ineshment
1
orrid waste of 10,00,0ch,0e0ireer/vided_wcionLithar;nugtghnu,tsiniags
a tithe of pease ; but they would live
d
ho
itfanhey_retendi
_rnie,one-halt.l !louseco hi3d eltos.representation.itah gian
if
that'„
Et9h a(it .
time sumdon
.erwn
r.oa, n
In
al
away would be
against
secure,vx,Te
e:ajealite
pofit,:
ilahsne,ali
ri,'ltdt-aehui.
horueseui
tot digrnl i ihe
quarter,v n
egg!' in—md; . .
Mr. Cobden spoke for about IP ":'`-4
vas most cordially
bout his address.
tcise-eePtphlea
übdsuaey:-
ome pvsages were received
Mr. MILNER GlBielt
t °Olt country may and will su
iced effort, thr°lllgh"-:" duction in the public c_
eeel in .effectißg,l4'. large
ba g !eduction
that econorn3 will not
ens, yet exPerl6llol Government, nor the necessity' for
ecorne the rill!
igict4::::
o' rbisd
biyrect
the
ande am amendment
tboyf
14;
:II iiii:eagPr viewteosernettdoaut tictoelnet,aaxspagetuieodanry'anostrueeteocess of
f 6overntnent to return to the 6
enditure, the most effectual moe
dopted bysystemhethetr
the efforts now
means of a
ainst future attempts
f presentaf r extravagantnaeedinge
is that
the late Anti-Corn-law League,P
viz., the ex-
[ension of the franchise by the 40s. freehold q ualifica-
That,
ourtherwol
overt a x
'ion, and a careful attention to the registration, in
loroughs and counties; and the chairman of this meet-
s requested to take the necessary atsps for the forma-
.(L)n of,an association to carry out this object, in con- ,
junction with such constituencies as may be wil-
Pr, to unite with it." The Honourable Gentle-
man began by stating that he thought the con-
dition of the, country was ample justification for the
meeting, We have an expenditure constantly increas-
ipg, even in, years. when distress is alinoit universally
!eft. The vast revenues (1 the kingdom are squandered
tiy a Government which is nut subjected to the control •
4f the tax-payers, and the heavy taxation thus rendered
rleCess4ry is imposed with little regard to what is just te,_
1 e great body of the people. Witness the burdenior
robate and legacy duties on personal property_ u.n. iyn.
nee 1797 personal property,has
' ' taxis, ti um which real property has been exempted._
houses, and
paid 75,000,000 t
e4s) ' -h.'s paid but freehold land,
terytlm:,_-
. ction on corn had
fahxoapulpltiheeklerhsioeff
7"- Witse'"' so
• - ' lasitendth3e4 syteaamrsp,
el ties. The proacal.
ied.t;wnials,
anti
the rocs ineuality
Qwm.,eemadav
ipeen-thrown upon the mass of
tdenbydedthfeor2_
ih
burden of ' the gate-limo
entire show how faulty the
fanintadgir°e°ctf of.
taxes. All parts of
been.
Canada, with its insurrection
consumers, without rtehfeerence to their means of paying
Government has nsnce,
and its army since then to
country; the Cape of Good Hope.
but a
secure it to this
Ceylon, with its incessant wars and ab-
sence Ceylon, India, a improvement ; and Ireland offers
of intern
;neat perhaps unequalled in She
C isgOVern
few years country; i
Si 590110 of na

it was in.a state of war. This was the way
they dealt with me. I said that the people were for
peace, but when the revolution broke out in Frame these
panic-mongers said,' " Here is Cobden come bock from
the continent tells us they are for peace, and th ey have
broken out in a state of war." They have not le aen in a
state of war, but in a state of revolution, in a ,state of
obtaining precisely the same objects for which this
country went through a process of revolution two centu-
ries a; o.—(Cheers.) And though in France their g ain
in the way of practical liberty has not been so great a s in
other countries—for they had a fair amount of practi-
cal freedom before their last revolution—when you
compare the state of Germany and Italy with what it
was when I was there not two years ag0,...4 say
that Germany and Italy, with their convulsions slight
and evanescent compared with the ten years' civil war
required in England to overturn the prerogative of our
first Charles,—they have gained the same amount of
liberty, I say, which it required ten years' civil war in
Erigl:nd to obtain,—(Hear, hear.) I left them in these
countries with every newspaper and every book under
the strict control et, a censor and his scissors; not a book
allowed to be read but the Government officer read it
ores,first and expuegrd what he pleas( d. I found them
with closed courts of justice, not administered by oral
testimony in the presence of the accused, but by written
documentary evidence; without representative forms of
government, without trial by jury. Now, though they
may blunder and stumble in the path of reform,
they are at least on the highway for obtaining
those privileges so soon as they are in- a con-
dition to use them. And in spite of those who in this
country look with no favourable eye upon the movement
the people in those countries have made, I stand here
to express the sympathy of the public in England for
those people who have been so nobly fighting ••for their
countries liberty. Do not think that .1 am talking of
foreign polities, that are foreign to your interests here.
It is by studied misrepresentation of what is going on.
upon the continent that your immense standing armies
are maintained and defended in this country. I spy that
the progress of constitutional rights on the continent
musebe favourable to the continuance and preservation
of peace, because I think I have proved to you that the
mass of the people on the continent, as well as the mass
of the people in this country, are favourable to peace and
averse to war. There is no guarantee—gentlemen, I
defy you to show me how any Government or any people
on the continent can strengthen themselves, even if they
choose to carry on a war of conquest. Let France in-
vade Germany, it only makes Germany unite like one
man; the whole Teutonic race would rise to repel the
French. What is now the predominant passionin Ger-
many? Nationality. The union of Germany to' expel
France would not be an aggressive force, but for defen-
sive security? What is the contest between Lombardy
and Austria? Austria may call Lombardy part 'of its
territory, but you have another race, and the Latin race
will not be governed by the Teutonic race. Though the
Austrians may keep down the Lombards by Radetzky
and 100,000 men, it is not a source of strength, but of
weakness to Austria.—(Hear, hear.) And I defy you to
show me any conquest or partition of territory within the
last century in Europe that is not rather a source of
weakness than strength. Take it at the worst that may ever
happen— that somebody on the continent is going to
make an attack on their neighbours, is that any reason
you should be armed to take part in that struggle? In
ancient times, when the people counted as nothing, and
princes told out their subjects as the shepherd with his
flock. If a royal marriage united the crowns, all these
people became willing subjects or slaves to their sove-
reign. Then there might be danger from an acquisition
of territory. Now that we all know that men
count, every one, for something on the continent
of Europe, and now that we know there
are great lines of demarcation of race—one
for France, another for Spain, and another even in the
Mosaic empire of national Austria—split up into Scla-
vonians•and Magyars—why, I say empires have limits,
and instead of a country being strengthened, it is pos-
sible its conquests may be a source of weakness. Then,
gentlemen, I say take it at the very worst, who, I ask, is
coming to attack you if you let their politics alone? And
that brings me to the other question:as to the doctrine we
must adopt if we wish to reduce our armaments—it is,
gentlemen, that we will leave other people to manage
their own affairs.—(Cheers.) The Spaniards, who have
some very wise maxims, say that a fool knows no more
what is going on in his own house, than a wise man does
in that of his neighbour.—(Laughter.) If we want apply
that to nations, and give foreigners credit for knowing
their civn affairs without interfering in the management
of them, it will save us a great deal of money. Depend
upon it they will get their affairs still better and sooner
settled themselves than with our interference.—(Cheers.)
Now what are we doing? There cannot be a petty
squabble in any corner of Europe, or rather of
the world, but what you must have a fleet of line.of-
battle ships from England. We are taking part and in-
terfering between the King of Naples and his Sicilian
subjects, and are, as a consequence, detested by both par-
ties. In all Italy we are spoken of with contempt;
they do not value our good qualities; as men they are
ready to pay you the highest tribute in that respect, but
as I nation and a Government who have interfered with
their politics, and they cordially hate and detest the
nation for having meddled with them.—(Hear.) The
same with Spain. Hundreds of millions have you spent
on Spain, and what is the present state of Spanish feel-
ing? I have travelled from one end of Spain to an-
other, and I never heard the name of the Duke of Wel-
lington mentioned.—(Hear, hear.) He fought their
battles, as we persuaded ourselves, through the Penin-
sula; but I never saw his portrait or his bust, though I
saw Napoleon's portrait and the portraits of his mar-
shals everywhere; because Napoleon and the French
are more popular et present than the English.
It is the same everywhere—in Greece, and also in
Portugal. Is not this a very undignified attitude for
a great nation to occupy? The English people
are hated everywhere because of their interference. If
you would keep aloof from their squabbles and their
politics, and put your own house in order instead of
looking after others, you would be the better respected
and be the better for it. I say put your own house in
order—(Hear)—and put yopr mud cabins in Ireland in
order—(Cheers)---and you will show a great deal more
common sense than by going and attempting to put the
homes of other people in order, where you are not
responsible for their government. Now, gentlemen,
there is an argument which I am glad to see, as it shows
that our opponents are on their last legs ; they Jell us
if we don't interfere France will go and interfere. So it
is now—we have got a fleet at Naples because the French
have got a fleet there. I remember in the last stage of
the Anti-Corn-law agitation, they said, " Oh, free
trade is a very good thing, but we can't have it till other
countries have begun free trade." My answer was, that
if it was a good thing for us, let us adopt it, and leave
them to adopt it if they find it is a good thing for them.
—(Hear.) Interference with the affairs of the continent
is a costly, and useless, and pernicious plan ; and I fay
if foreign interference is bad for us, and the French
and Austrians choose to pursue that plan, leave them to
do it, but don't ruin yourself.—(Cheers.) N
common
unsterryts.e_waihiceahr,donensdnoat
laugh.) Well,
hwrigehilo quartersntoh wiis
wa
ine
have another argument to meet. They tell us we must
Colo-
nies."ha ve
keepol eusp.
aonudrpeeonpolremsoauys,
,a, rimvaemmeunstts
mbeei enat au our w e
e I
say in answer to that, do you intend to hold
your colonies by arms—with swords, with ships of
want
war?a
Because I consider that not a permanent hold—l