The Sun.
London, England, 1849-07-30 00:00:00

BERWICK RAILWAY.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM inquired what the Govern-
ment intended to do with respect to the Bills that had
came down from the Lords, both public and private.
For instance, there were the amendments to the Bank-
ruptcy Acts Consolidation Bill, and a private Bill, entitled
the Newcastle and Berwick and Carlisle Amalgamation
Bill. The latter contained, mutotis mutandis, the provi-
sions of the Audit Bill, which had been withdrawn. He
wished to know, if the House did not sit on Monday,
what opportunity would be given to discuss the impor-
tant question involved in this Bill.
Lord J. RUSSELL trusted there would be ample
time for considering these amendments on Tuesday.
he might take that opportunity of stating that the pro-
rogation of the house would not take plac3 till Wed-
nesday, With regard to the question relating to the
Bankruptcy Law Amendment Bill, his Hon. and Learned
Friend the Attorney-General apprehended the House
would have no difficulty in agreeing to them.
Sir J. GRAHAM trusted the amendments to the
Railway Bill would be printed.
Mr. LA BOUCHER'''. reminded the Right Hon.
Baronet that all Lords' amendments would come under
the consideration of the Hon. Gentleman the Chairman
of Ways and Means.
WOODS AND FORESTS REPORT. _

Lord DUNCAN wished to know when the annuli re-
port of the Commissioners of Woods and Forests for the
year 1847.48 would be laid on the table.
S:r G. HAYTER said the report was ready, and
would be laid on the table to-day, or at least on Monday
or Tuesday.
CUFFE•STREET SAVINGS BANK.

Mr. REYNOLDS inquired of the Right Hon. Gentle-
man the Chancellor of tha Exchequer how it was that
the Committee, which had sat 15 times, and asked 4,000
questions on the subject of the Cuffe-street savings bank,
had not reported to the House. He wished also to know
whether it was intended to continue the inquiry during
the recess, and whether or no the Right lion. Gentle-
man would have any objection to the appointment of a
Committee next session?

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the
matter had been referred under the resolution of the
Committee to a protelsed accountant, and that was the
reason the Committee had not reported. He might add
that it was intended to continue the inquiry during the
recess till the accountant was in a position to report,
but he could not now consent to the re-appointment of
the Committee next session.
CUSTOMS REGULATIONS. _

Mr. AIACGREGOR, wished to ask the Right Hon.
Baronet whether any steps had been taken to render the
regulations of the Customs department consistent with
the increased commerce of the nation, particularly with
respect to the increased steam navigation and the large
intercourse that was now carried on between this and
other countries?

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER bad
already informed the House that such amendments had
been made in the various Customs departments as
would secure a large saving of public money and in-
creased facilities for commerce.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM rose to nsk Mr. Bernal,
whether the Lords' amendment of the York, Newcastle,
and Berwick, and the Berwick and Carlisle Amalgamation
Bills had been printed.
Mr. BERNAL said that he had not authority to order
the printing of any amendments.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM moved that these amend-
ments be printed.
Mr. GREENE opposed the motion.
Mr. CARDWELL said that the suspension of a
standing order had been made in order that the
prorogation of Parliament might not be delayed, and the
consequence was that an attempt was now made to sur-
prise the House into a declaration of opinion with regard
to a great public question, the Railway Audit Bill, without
a discussion. He must protest against a question of
this kind being smuggled into a private Bill, which had
not been printed.
Lord J. RUSSELL agreed that it was inexpedient to
force the !louse into the expression of an opinion on this
question at this time of the session.
Mr. HUME suggested that the House should meet on
Monday.
Mr. HEADLAM protested 'against any injury being
done to those who were interested in this railway.
Mr. COBBOLD said, speaking for the Eastern Union,
he had no objection to the credit clause. He objected to
a premature proceeding of this kind.
Sir C. DOUGLAS said a Noble Lord in another
place (Lord Monteagle) had said ho had an objection to
the Bill, but that he would support it if the promoters
would consent to the insertion of these clauses,
and they were put in and the Bill sent down
by the Lords at a time when it was impossible for
the House to consider it.

After some discussion the amendments were ordered
to be printed,
Lord J. RUSSELL intimating that in the meantime
:he Government would consider the matter.
CEYLON.

Mr. BAILIE then rose to move that an humble address
be presented to her Majesty, praying the appointment
of a Commission to inquire on the spot
into the means taken for the repression of
the lato insurrection at Ceylon. The Honourable
Gentleman rested his case on the ground that the Com-
mittee up stairs found that they could not fully sift the
matter referred to them, unless they had wit-
nesses from Ceylon. Being unable to obtain all the
information they required, and serious charges having
been made against the Governor, they thought that the
appointment of a Commission was the best course to
adopt.
Mr.
Lord d ME seconded the motion.
RD
OLIN RUSSELL said the principle sought
to be introduced was an important one—to inquire
into the conduct
departments
officer under the manage•
ment of one of the
eoafs
it
thme
igGhotvbeernment
It was a serious thing, howeverm to appoint an inquiry,
' into the conduct of the Goveengtosrv,
while it might be desirable
impos-
sible for him to carry on the government eut of the colony
with a grand inquisition hanging
general state
he did submit that, him. Therefore,
to appoint a Commission to inquire into the g
of the colony and its mode of government,
expedient to extend such an inquiry into the conduct osfntioiet
Governor, It must I;se roweiabeied that the cealtaittw

had refused to supply the House with the evidence upon
which they grounded this application, and the proceeding
resembled so much that of the grand inquisitions
of Spain and Venice, that he really could
not consent to it. He was, however, told
that the resolution upon which this motion was
founded was introduced to the Committee without
any notice at all, and it seemed to him, there-
fore, that the House being in utter ignorance
of the evidence could not assent to the proposal before
them. In fact, if this motion were agreed to in its pre-
sent shape, it would be putting the Governor on his trial,
thereby paralysing all his power of governing the
colony, and he must, for the sake of the goverment of
our colonial empire, resist the motion. If, however,
next session his Hon. Friend the Member for Montrose
would come forward in a manly manner, and move the
re-appointment of the Committee to prepare articles of
impeachment against the Governor, he should then be
prepared to meet him.
_ _

. _
Mr. HUME admitted that.no notice was given of the
resolution upon which the motion was founded, but at
the time it was discussed nearly all the members of the
Committee were present. In reply to the
challenge of the Noble Lord he could only
state that if the information that was now
wanting were not forthcoming, if no one else would
do it he would move the impeachment of the Governor.
—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the objection of the
Noble Lord that the evidence had not been printed, all
that he could state in answer to that was that the Com-
mittee did not think it prudent to publish evi-
dence which only gave one side of the question.
All the proceedings in Ceylon had been studiously kept
in the dark; and yet Lord Grey had signified his un-
qualified approbation of the Governor. The Governor,
in his opinion, ought to be recalled, and a commission
of inquiry ought to be sent out. If the Government
wished to maintain the allegiance, and preserve
the lives and properties of her Majesty's subjects,
they must show themselves ready to inquire into the
conduct of those who tyrannized over them.
Mr. VERNON SMITH thought it was absurd to ask
the Government to accede to such a vote when the Com-
mittee refused them the evidence upon which to go.
The Hon. Gentleman who had raised this question,
whether it was that he doubted whether he should be
wasable
ft
roo rale t adienl i
a3a9a
yMteam
theber s
mi ni a
itsht
ear
sHwo uhsoe,h
aoar
awahneatahaecr
eidt
that they had " other fish to fry" to-day—(A laugh)--
had not entered into any reason why this inquiry should
be granted. He for one should be very unwilling to
brand the Governor with obloquy. The proceedings of
the Committee ought to have been presented to the
House before this discussion was brought on. If the
lion. Member pressed his motion to a division, he (Mr.
V. Smith) should vote against it.
Mr. DISRAELI thought it right, without at all en-
tering into the secrets of the Committee-room, which
had nothing to do with the point before the House, to
place before House what he was perfectly justified in
stating with respect to the cause of the evidence not
being printed. There was a motion made for printing
that evidence by the Hon. Member for Montrose.
That motion was resisted because it was said the evi-
dence was imperfect, and because it conveyed
a prima facie case against the Governor of
the colony and other parties; and in consequence
of that statement, and in deference to the wishes of the
Government, there was, with the exception of the Hon.
Member for Montrose, an unanimous decision that the
evidence should not be printed.—(Hear, hear.) In
his (Mr. Disraeli's) opinion the Government ought
never to have consented to that Committee.
The moment they appointed a Committee of the House
of Commons to investigate into the causes of the insur-
rection at Ceylon and the conduct of the Governor they
destroyed the just and legitimate influence of the Go-
vernor. He would strongly support the motion of the
Hon. Member for Montrose. _

Mr. VILLIERS supported the motion, and intimated
that his opinion was more favourable to Lord Torrington
than when he entered the Committee, for his was placed
in the most dangerous and responsible position a man
could be placed.
Sir J. HOGG opposed the motion, on the gound that
the adoption of no course would be fraught with more
danger. The speech of the Noble Lord at the head of
the Government was unanswerable. He glanced at the
proceedings of the Committee, and held that the
voice of the Committee was not in its favour.
He did hope and trust that the House would not listen
to this application. He admitted that there was not
sufficient evidence betore the Committee to sub-
stantiate the charges preferred against Lord Tor-
rington, but it was not the duty of the Committee,
but of those who made the charge, to find out the evi-
dence; and in his opinion that was an additional reason
why the motion should be resisted.

Lord HOTHAM wished to explain that no surprise
with regard to his motion before the House could have
been intended. He almost entirely concurred with the
Hon. Gentleman the Member for Wolverhampton. He
certainly had never entertained any unfavourable im-
pression towards Lord Torrington, with whom he had
for many years lived in habits of intimacy. When he
had arrived at a certain stage of the inquiry a conviction
had forced itself upon his mind that be could con-
scientiously filfil his duty without having a further in-
quiry. Was it not as essential, and quite as little calcu-
lated to weaken the authority of Lord Torrington, to
show to this House that the imputations which had
been cast upon his character were groundless, as to re-
main satisfied with the inquiry which had already been
made, and with the declaration of the Colonial Secretary
that he was quite satisfied with the Governor's conduct.
Those who stood in the way of affording to Lord Tor-
rington a means of clearing his character were his
worst friends.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM reminded the House that
they were sitting in a judicial inquiry. He knew no-
thing of the facts of the case, but from what he heard he
thought it was impossible that the inquiry could close at
the present point. He thought that the Under-Secretary for
the Colonies had not shown his usual judgment in re-
jecting the alternative which had been proposed to him
by the Committee. He did not think that the mode
proposed in the motion was the 13,-st way to continue the
inquiry. He thought that the best way would be fur
the Government to come to some arrangement with the
supporters of the motion.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL would not be unwilling that
the Committee should re-assemble; at the commence-
ment of next session.
Mr. HAWES wished to state to the House that he
never had an idea that the Noble Lord's (Lord Hotham)
motion would have come on the :lay it did.
After a short discussion, the gallery was cleared, when
there appeared—

... 33
... ... 90
... -57

For the motion
Against it ...
Majority ••• •.•
The motion was accordingly negatived.
Mr. DISRAELI said it was right they should under
stand how matters stood. He understood the Govern
ment to consent to do what their representative on the
Committee had refused to do.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said he understood quite the con-
trary. His Hon. Friend the Under-Secretary was quire
willing to agree to the proposition of the Hon. Member
tor Beverley.

Mr. DISRAELI said he understood the proposition of
the Hon. Member for Beverley in quite a different light
from the Noble Lord. It was very important that this
matter should be rightly understood.
_

Lord J. RUSSELL-1I have before stated that what
we propose is, that the Committee should re-assemble
and point out what witnesses they think it necessary te
have examined next year; and at the meeting of Parlia-
ment next session, these witnesses should be examined.
Mr. DISRAELI—That is precisely the proposition
made in Committee, to which the Under-Secretary re-
fused to accede.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. HUME said it was of great importance that both
sides should be, prepared for the re-appointment of the
Committee, and with that view that the facts already
ascertained should be made known to the public. He,
therefore, begged to move, pursuant to the notice which
he had given, that the evidence taken before the Select
Committee be laid before the House.

Lord J. RUSSELL thoughith;n;otion was not one
that could be agreed to, after the motion of the Hon.
Member for Inverness had been negatived.

Mr. HUME said ho would withdraw the motion for the
present, but would bring it forward again on Tuesday.

EATING OF SMALL TENEMENTS.

Mr. HALSEY obtained leave to bring in a Bill to
amend the law relating to small tenements.

The Bill was read a—first time.

The House then adjourned until Tuesday.

THE ARMY AND NAVY.
(From the United Service Gazette.)
CANDIDATES FOR COMMISSION S.—The total number of
gentlemen examined at Sandhurst College as to their
competency to conform to the conditions recently im-
posed by the Commander-in-Chief, on all aspirants for
military appointment, was twenty-six; of this number
five only have been pronounced qualified to receive com-
missions in the army.
MCOLTAN PRIZE MONEY.—The total amount of this
booty is estimated at 18 lacs of rupees, or 180,000/.
sterling. Lord Gough, as Commander-in-Chief on the
field, will receive 20,0001.; deducting the large shares of
General Whish, Brigadier Dundas, and the rest of the
senior officers, the contemptible trifle will fall to the
junior officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates,
and even that modicum will not be distributed for some
years.
PENSIONERS FOR THE FALKLAND ISLANDS .—Captain
Reid, in charge of the Company of Enrolled Pensioners
now at Tilbury Fort, awaiting a passage, will embark
next week for the colony.
ENCAMPMENT IN THE PECENIX PARK.—It is expected
that tents will be erected to accommodate a large body
of troops during her Majesty's residence at the Viceregal
Lodge. The 71st, Highland Light Infantry, will arrive
in Dublin from Naas in the course of next week, and be
placed under canvass in the Park.
STAFF.—Brevet Major George Talbot, of the 43d
Light Infantry, has been appointed Military Secretary to
Lieutenant-General Rowan, C. 8., on the Staff of the army
in Canada. Elo was Aide-de-Camp to the late Sir Charles
Bagot when Governor-General olCanada, and successively
fille the post of Aide-dc-Camp and Military Secretary
to the late Sir Richard Jackson, Commander of the
Forces in that country. Ile was, at the death of that
distinguished officer, appointed Military Secretary to
Lieutenant General Lord Cathcart, who for a short time
was Governor-General and Commander of the Forces in
Canada. On the resignation of Lord Cathcart he vas
appointed Aide-dc-Camp to the late Lieutenant-General
Sir Benjamin D'Urban, G.C.B. and G.C.H.
CONVICT GUARDS.—The men to be selected from the
prisons for emigration to the colonies are to be men
who have conducted themselves well since their sentence,
and who express a wish to go abroad. It is, therefore,
considered that a guard of pensioners, under the com-
mand of a sergeant, will be sufficient to keep discipline
in the ship during the passage. The convicts will have
every assistance rendered them by the authorities on ,
their lauding.

ADMIRALTY LEVEES.—The levees of the First Lord
and Senior Naval Lord of the Admiralty have termi-
nated for the season, their Lordships being about to pro-
ceed on Monday evening next on their annual tour of
inspection. At Portsmouth and Devonport the usual
levees of the First Lord will be held.
ADMIRALTY VISIT TO THE CHANNPPL ISLANDS.—
The First Lord of the Admiralty, with some other
members of the Board, accompanied by the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, leave town on Monday next for
Portsmouth, when they embark in the Lightning steam-
tender, and proceed on a visit of inspection to the
Channel Islands.
LIEUTENANT WAGHORN, R.N.—We hear, from good
authority, that Lieutenant Thomas Waghorn, the cele-
brated overland voyager to India, has been granted a
pension of 200/. per annum from the Royal Bounty Fund.
THE ESITRAORDINARY DESERTION OF LIEUTENANT
GRAHAM AND MR. ELLIOTT, MASTER, FROM THE
" CHILDERS."—We noticed last week the extraordi-
nary desertion of the above officers from the Childers,
when at the Cape. It appears that the occurrence took
place on Sunday, the 20th ; the Captain was at
dinner on board the flag-ship, and the First-Lieutenant
was sick at hospital. Tho ship was in charge of the
Second Lieutenant, Mr. Graham, and the Master, Mr.
Elliott, was under arrest. Whether there was any previous
consultation or concert between the parties does not appear,
but all at once Mr. Graham called the Armourer, and de-
sired him to man the jolly-boat, as he intended to desert.
The Armourer. said he hoped not; but he was told
to get the boat. Lieutenant Graham then got up all his
things, and the Master, seeing what he was about, said
he would go too, and get up his traps, and the effects of
both were then handed into the boat. They then quitted
the ship, after tossing, their commissions on the deck,
leaving her in charge of the young gentlemen of the watch.
Mr. Graham, we believe, as a mate, was once tried by
court-martial, and his appointment to the Childers was
the first since he was made a lieutenant, during which
period his conduct, it appears, has not been at all satis-
factory. We shall hear more, however, of Mr. Graham
in the course of a short time, for, doubtless, measures
will be taken to apprehend and to bring him to trial for
his disgraceful desertion.
HARIIOUR FOR STEAMERS AT MALTA.—The Com-
mander-in-Chief has recently appropriated Marsama-
cetto Harbour exclusively fur the steam force of his
squadron at Malta, rea.ly for immediate service. The
Terrible and other steamers have already been removed
from the Grand Harbour. Most of the officers and men
are much pleased with the change, as it is cooler there.
Any steamers arriving, having any defects, are in future
to go into the dockyard creek for thu purpose of being
repaired.
REVISION OF MALTA. DOCKYARD.—Vice-Admiral
Sir William Parker, the Commander-in-Chief, with
Rear-Admiral Superintendent Harvey, have revised
the Admiralty civil establishments here. The ages,
positions, and duties of all the officers of the
Dockyard and Victualling Departments have been
taken into account; and at a general muster of the
men, their ages, standing, and qualifications were also
inquired into, with the view to superannuations and re-
ductions. The inspection has been a most rigorous one,
and several alteratioas it is expected will follow on the
recommendation of the above Flag Officers.

READING ELECTION.
PUBLIC MEETING AT THE NEW HALL.
(From the _Healing Mercury of Saturday.)
As soon as the fact of the elevation of our late
esteemed Member, Mr. Sergeant (but now Mr. Justice)
Talfourd, to the judicial bench became known in this
borough, a handbill was issued, stating that a gentleman
of known integrity, talent, and sound principles would
present himself for th 3 suffrages of the electors, and a
public meeting of tle constituency favourable to the
return of an independent and Liberal candidate was
convened last night.
In compliance with this announcement the meeting
took place at the New Hall, London- street, which was
crowded to suffocation. Shortly after the time ap-
pointed, the Registration Committee appeared on the
platform, accompanied by Richard Gardner, Esq., who
for a short time represented the borough of Leicester.
Amongst those who appeared to have taken part in the
proceedings, were—W. W. Morley, Esq., of Eldon-
square, Mr. W. Exall, Mr. G. Barrett, Mr. Carroll, 11ev.
J. J. Brown, Mr. Coaderoy. Mr. P. Davis, &c., &c.
On the proposition of Mr. Exam., Mr. Edward Car-
roll was unanimously Noted to the chair.
The CHAIRMAN opened the business of the meeting
by reading the placard which had been circulated, and
stated that he was anxious to see Reading and every
other town represented by a person upon whose political
opinions or sentiments they could place implicit reliance.
The Registration Committee had been extremely anxious
to introduce to the constituency of this borough a gentle-
man having such a character as set forth in the bill which
had been issued within the past few days, and they had
invited Mr. Richard Gardner, who was then preseut—
(Cheers)—and whose opinions they believed would be
found to be in strict accordance with their own.—(Re-
newed cheering.) After some other remarks the Chair-
man called upon
Mr. COWDEROY, who detailed to the meeting the pro-
ceedings which had been taken by the Registration Com-
mittee to obtain a gentleman who would fairly and
honestly represent their views in Parliament.
The CHAIRMAN afterwards stated that the committee
had no wish to dictate to the constituency of the
borough, but they had invited a gentleman, who was
ready to expound his views on the leading topics of the
day, and which as far as he had heard of him would be
found to be acceptable to the majority of the meeting.
The Chairman then formally introeuced
Mr. RICHARD GARDNER, who, in advancing to the
front of the platform, was greeted with loud and con-
, tinued applause. He said that, at the request of some of
their townsmen, he had consented to appear before them
upon purely popular principles—(Applause)—the only
principles, in fact, upon which he could conscienti-
ously appear before this or any other constituency,
and especially before a constituency to which he a as
altogether unknown, and upon which, therefore, he did
not profess to have any claim.—(Hear.) They would
understand that that meeting was purely a provisional
one, and that neither he nor they were pledged to any-
thing—that, at all events, he did not seek to thrust
himself upon this constituency, but, on the contrary,
nothing was further from his wish, and indeed from his
intention, than to represent this or any other borough in
which ho was not satisfied that the independent and
thoughtful electors honestly agreed with his opinion.—
(Great applause.) In commie before them as an entire
stranger he should not be Ling justice to them, and
most assuredly not to his views, if he did not treat them
with the greatest candour and sincerity as to the
opinions he entertained on those great and important
topics which from time to time had come under public
attention. He would take bare, in explaining his senti-
ments, to do so as clearly as possible, in order that none
should go away with any misapprehensions, as he believed
very many did on nineteen times out of twenty of these
solemn electioneering farces.— (Hear, and laughter.) lie
did not come here to dictate to this constituency, or to
claim for his opinions any infallibility which he knew
they did not possess; but he thought they would all
agree with him that there were, at least, some qualities
which ought to be possessed by every public man: one
ss as that he should know what were his political opinions
himself, and secondly, that he should have the courage
and honesty to declare them.—(Much cheering.) He
had often thought that there were things in which men
—and even men of honour—considered that prevarica-
tions and hypocrisy were venial and small crimes.—(A
laugh.) Ile thought that in horse dealing and politics
there was an exceptional code of morals. In dealing
with constituencies, as with those valuable quadrupeds,
some people ventured to display a certain amount of hy-
pocrisy, which in other matters they would be perfectly
ashamed of.—(Hear, hear.) Those qualities to which
he had alluded were frequently possessed by
public men, who really did not keow what they were
themselves, and who took a roundabout and tortuous me-
thod of carrying their convictions into effect—(Bear.)
Now, in these days—and he rejoiced at the fact—
constituencies were not to be put oil by vain generali•
ties, and did not want to be told by a man in general
terms, " I am a Liberal and therefore claim the support
of the Liberal party."—(Hear.) He believed that con-
stituences now-a-days wanted to know what a
candidate's definition of the term Liberal was—(Cheers)
and not to be told, "I mean to go to Parliament to
represent such a party and ministry, and rally round
such a flag;" but that they required to know if the man
had any deep personal convictions of his own—whether
he had popular sympathies—and whether those sym-
pathies were of such a nature as to resist contamina •
tion with the ungenial atmosphere of the House of
Commons.—(Cheers.) He could tell them that his
warmth for the honour was not increased, nor his sense
of the difficulty and responsibility of representing a
people in Parliament was not lessened by his experience
in that House. He had no ambition to take the place
unless be could carry with him the hearty sympathies
of the majority of those who sent him—unless he could
feel he should be indemnified from any mortification he
might sustain from a defeat on great and popular ques-
tions affecting their true interests, by the sympathies
and confidence of an harmonious and trusty constitu-
ency.—(Applause.) During that disastrous period,
when empires wore falling into ruin, and when kings
were taking their eight; when the harvest of anarchy
and confusion (the seeds of which were sown by mis-
government) was being reaped all over the world, his
votes in the House of Commons would show that he did
not see ground for reaction as to the principles of pro-
gress, to which he had ever been deeply attached. He
asked himself at the time, where would this country have
been when the French revolution burst upoa them, and
when Conservative principles prevailed, if the Reform
Bill had not passed, the corn-laws had not been re-
pealed, and the freedom of the press had been cut off ?
—(Cries of "Hear," and cheers.) He felt that the his-
tory of the past and also the history of the present
showed that they had great problems to solve for the
future,—(Hear.) They were not to cease to be Re-
formers, because revolutions were abroad ; they must
recollect that nations which did not advance must stand
still, and they must not refuse to countenance a necessary,
a moderate, and just reform.—(Loud cheering.)
He must say that these principles did not appear to him
to actuate the "powers that be."—(llear.) It did seem
to him that the existing Ministry made the present dis-
turbed state of the world an excuse for refusing every
popular concession,
and of trampling on the principles
that brought them into pewee.—kilear, hear.) Ile
did not think that the Liberal party could sustain a
greater injury than from the circumstances under which
they lived—viz, teecit they had a Ministry in Parliament
which was called Liberal, and yet at the same time they
displayed the enost illiberal tactics.—(Applause.) Why,
they found van who ought to know better, go into
the lobby of the House of Commons with Lord John
Russell, an
'A sympathise with him and his friends, be-
causepersonages
thos- were associated with some in -
e
stahnent ,of reforms effected twenty years ago, and which
had site se been eileified.—(Hear, hear.) It seemed to
him theet Lord John Russell and his Cabinet had, to use
4 02-4119KCiga phX5Se, /) maw a ‘ buk.rupt Are—

(Laughter)—that it had exhaused the little capital
upon which it set up, and, to employ a somewhat
vulgar term, existed upon what was called " tick."
—(Much laughter.) The broom which threatened to
sweep clean in 1830, was in 1850, after a period
of twenty years, reduced to a poor naked stump,
and. with the accumulation of cobwebs and political' rub
bieh, it was all the Ministry who had been returned to
Parliament on Liberal principles rested upon.—(Laugh-
ter.) He confessed that the political legerdemain that
induced gentlemen to unite their ardent professions for
popular principles with a general support of Lord John
Russell's Government, was beyond his powers of com-
prehension, and all he would say was, that if the electors
of Reading wished to have a Government " hack," he
was not the man.—(Much applause.) He scercely knew,
with the exception of their commercial policy, that the
Government had done anything to entitle them to the
support of the people, and a careful view of their acts
would clearly show this. They had said " No," to the
ballot ; they had said ditto to triennial Parliaments;
and they said a loud and very loud " No," to any
extension of the franchise.—(Hear, hear and cheers.)
By them a very small retrenchment had been mode,
and they would not be a little surprised to find that
many who professed Liberalism, did not think it in-
consistent with the principles they held to turn a deaf
ear to the motion of Mr. Osborne on the subject of
.the
Irish Church.—(Hear, hear.) If they required a person
to represent them in Parliament who would be guilty
of such inconsistency, and support such a Government,
he would repeat that he was not the man.—(Much
cheering.) On the other hand, he would not have them
imagine for one moment that he was a man who would
offer any factious opposition to the Government, or that
he had any animosity towards them; as individuals, he
believed them to be persons of high character and prin-
ciples; it was their misfortune to belong to the arietnera-
ticul party, whose interests were not in unison with theirs.
—(lean) He thought it would be bad taste on all occa-
sions to lavish abuse upon any Government; the fact
was, that the people made the Government.—(Cheers.)
Governments were neither better nor worse than the
people deserved to have. Jf they approved of the prin-
ciples of the present Government—as he did of some of
them, but certainly not of all—then by all means return
a person who would support the Government; but if they
complained of the conduct of Government, it was their
duty to send a man to Parliament, who would oppose, or if
necessary, to depose that Government; or if they com-
plained of the conduct of the House of Commons, and
thought that the composition of that House was too aris-
tocratical and exclusive, it would be their duty to send a
man who would reform and enlarge it; they must not ex-
pect to " gather grapes from thorns, or figs from thistles."
(Hear and applause.) They must not expect to taste of
the fruits—the pleasant fruits—of an economical Govern-
meet, when they filled the hall of the Legislature with
men who had a direct interest in every species of extra-
vagance.—(Cheers.) They must not expect that the
interests of the people would be the paramount considera-
tion with a mob of courtiers, placemen, scions of the
aristocracy, with patrons of church livings, with men of
war, and railway directorsl—(Loud cheers.) Remem-
ber that the House of Commons is, or ought to be, the
people's house. Remember that each of them were
individuals or members of that great and paramount in-
terest from which Church and State, army and navy, the
stock exchanges and share markets derived their suste-
nance, and drew their life and vitality—(Hear)—and he
would wish them to take care that their voice should—
at least sometimes—be heard amidst that din of vested
interests.—(Cheers.) They would understand by this that
he was not particularly enamoured with the present
House of Commons; still there was something in which
they had set a good example, and certainly an example
which they might all imitate to advantage—viz., that
they had lately set their faces against long Bills
and also against long speeches; and really he thought
that long speeches was one of the greatest abuses of the
present times.—(Hear, hear.) He did not think that the
interests of truth—or of political truth, at all events—
were in any way served by lengthened declamation
either on the hustingeor in the Houseof Commons, there
fore he would drew their attention to his views on
some subjects of public interest, and the brevity
with which he should utter them he hoped would not be
attributed to any want of candour on his part, inasmuch
as he should be ready to answer any question which any
person might think proper to put to him.—(Hear.) With
respect to free trade, he would state that he was a " free
trader" in the general acceptation of the word.—(Cheers.)
He was specially anxious that the principles of free trade
should be carried out to their fullest extent, because there
seemed to be some doubt as to the soundness of those prin-
ciples; if they were unsound, the more fully they were
carried out the more this would appear, and if they really
were sound, the greater would be the advantage gained
by the country from the experiment.—(Hear.) Free-trade
seemed to him to imply, as a necessary adjunct to it, a
cheap and economical government, because as free trade
signified nothing more than a severe competition between
the labours of individuals, whether native or foreign, it
was absolutely necessary that the burdens of the country
should be reduced to the smallest.possible compass, in order
that the native might not be exposed to disadvantage
with the foreigner. Tho principle of free trade ought
to be carried out in every possible way, and not con-
fined to any particular thing. He knew perfectly
well that in the present state of society it was
difficult to deal with great corporate bodies and
interests, such as those of the aristocracy, and Church
and State, which for many centuries had been inter-
woven with our social fabric. He admitted they required
delicate handling lest those who advocated reform
should, by adherence to their individual crotchets,sacrifice
the cause of gradual progress, which was in harmony
with our excellent institutions. It seemed to him that
a person like himself, who professed Liberal opinions,
and was addressing himself to a constituency which
was Liberal, could not do less than pledge himself
to resist any farther encroachment of the aristocrati-
cal principles ; ho could not do less than op-
pose the stream of pensions and places which
gave the aristocracy so much of their interest and
vitality ; he could not do less than resist any further
endowment of the State for religious purposes—(Ap-
plause)—and he could not do less than resist church-
rates, and all other compulsory payments for religion.
—(General cheering.) If he could not go so far as
this, in what respect, he would ask, did he differ from
the most violent Tory ? and how could a constituency
that demanded less than this, venture to enroll itself
among reform constituencies ?—(Loud cries of "Hear,
hear," and cheering.) With respect to the ballot and
the extension of the franchise, could anything be more
clear than the course which a man should take professing
Liberal opinions? Could anything be more clear—
without attaching an undue importance to it—than that
the ballot was desirable and useful as far as it went, to
prevent intimidation on the part of masters and land-
lords? As to the franchise, could any man dare to
deny that the extension of it hitherto had not been of
advantage to the country? Were they prepared to retrace
their steps, or did they mean to go further? Would any
one tell him that any extension of the suffrage, be it
small or be it great, which was the result of a thoughtful,
rational, and constitutional education of the people, was
disastrous?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Would any
one tell him that the broader they made their political
edifice the less secure it was likely to be?—(Cheers.)
Would any one tell him that it was possible to deny an
ex tension of the suffrage, as people became more instructed
and more enlightened? Ile would tell them that, what-
ever Members of Parliament, or demagogues, or Acts of
Parliament, or parchment, or any other document might
say to the contrary, that there was but one power in this
world, and that was knowledge; therefore, it was impos-
sible that an extension of suffrage could be denied to an
intelligent people.—(Applause.) The remedy was now
in their own hands, and, if he were returned to Parlia-
ment, he would be prepared to advance in this step of
enlarging the political basis. He was not a political
adventurer; he was a person who had some stake in
this country, and he did most firmly and conscientiously
believe that the safety and prosperity of this country
was mainly dependent upon principles of a popular
description being held by men of independence; and
waiting, as he should do, to hear anything they
might have to say, ho would submit himself to any
catechization they might think necessary. Ile
would conclude by saying, that if he should
be returned as their Member, he should endea-
vour to give his support to those commonly called the
" Movement Party ' Messrs. Cobden, Hume, and
Bright.—(Enthusiastic cheering.) Those men were
known for their projects and plans for the improvement
of the social and financial condition of this country, and
especially for a retrenchment of those great superfluities
in every branch of the public expenditures which pressed
so heavily upon the working bees of the social hive,—
(Hear.) He should endeavour to know no other interest
than those of the people from whom he sprung, and
which, he believed to be, inseparably connected with his
own.—(Mr. Gardner resumed his seat amidst universal
acclamation.)
The CHAIRMAN wished to know the opinion
.of Mr.
Gardner on the subject of capital punishment.
Mr. GARDNER replied that this was a question too
important for a person who came forward as a candidate
not to have considered; but ho should be wanting in
candour if he were to say that ho fully agreed with the
extreme views which some held. He had not yet been
able to se his way clear to vote for the abolition of the
• • national education, and of Go..
As to the questio ant
sect of religionists in
vernment making gs tot one bp.uonrioshthmeernetasoefs
ideathtdid in case aaspepoefarmtnorhdiemr.—to-(blleear,
necessary.hear.)
preference to another,
Mr. GARDNER sal, 'd that he considered the question of
which was a kind of com-
promise, was good • the principle of Government grants
the education of the peoptlheeoungahtitontoabtelatragkee.n unpa,
did
dt
not
the Government, but by
think that the present system,
was unsound, inasmuch as it endorsed the principle of
Church
andv State,
ohe wealthy h
to t
thes giving
schools. Besides, them
the
influence
grantsand
control
being proportioned
iung
amount of local subscriptions,
gave
r
ntparty, and which least needed it, the
t o telhse
igreatest
raomfount of
arbitration
i support.
c a s
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of
alson at
ieoxpnarl eds si
se
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uht
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.self
Mr. CHIVERS inquired if Mr. Gardner would be dis-
posed to vote for an alteration in the present system of
tithes, remarking that a great depression overhung the
agricultural interest, and he was anxious to see the hard-
working farmer relieved from the burdens which now
crippled his energies.
Mr. GARDNER said he was opposed to all compulsory
payments for religious purposes.
When he was asked by an elector if he was prepared
to vote for the repeal of the window-tax, malt-tax, and
income-tax, Mr. Gardner remarked that he was in
favour of a reduction of the expenditure, but he could
not pledge himself to vote for the repeal of these if other,
and perhaps more objectionable, taxes were to bo imposed
to meet the necessary expenses of the State.
A great many questions were put by persons from the
body of the hall, and Mr. Gardner, in reply, stated that
he would support Mr. flume's proposition for household
suffrage; oppose church-rates; and that in the abstract
he was opposed to the principle of tile connexion be-
t wow Church god state, believing that u 9 civil uogia-