The Sun.
London, England, 1838-10-08 00:00:00

- -
with the politics of Ribespierre and the religion of
Paine. At the same time it is utterly impossible
that a system of n,tional education can be efficiently
conducted under the auspices of a party of ,hose genuine
hostility to it there can be no question ; and we therefore
see in this last reason for opening the doors of office to the
Tories only an additional argument for continuing to keep
them out. The Spectator I,roceeds to ask " What have
been the Tory tactics" since the commencement of the pre.
sent reign? And he tells us, most unluckily for his argu-
ment, that the death et William IV. brought a change, not
of object, but of tone and manner !" The Tories he further
says, " assumed a virtue !" Admirable reasons for readmit-
tiog them to power ; we trust they will convince the Irish.
The following need only be quoted, and with the quotation
of it we shall conclude our reinarks, and leave the matter to
the merry consideration of our readers—
" Caution has been the order of the day. The fault of of-
fending any large portion of the people was to be avoided.
Lot d Lyndhurst, in 1833, would have let his tongue be blis-
tered before it repeated the ' alien' insult of 1836. The pur-
pose of his virulence had been accomplished, and he changed
his note. The plan was laid for a lengthened and compara-
tively tranquil possession of power ; which policy is totally at
variance with aggr,•siion upon the Irish population. On the
, contrary. it is probable that the soothing system will be adopted
—no fusillades of the peasantry, but multifarious bribes ;:anii-
, nistered to tb• ler.ders.'--Morning Chronicle.
_ _ .

A Sunday paper of yesterday, whose frequent office is
to announce, in its own vague and slobbering fashion, the
intentions of the Cupid Cabinet, or rather the speculative
guesses of those wiseacres as to what their intentions on
certain assumed contingencies will be, contains a curt and
meagre article, professing to expound not merely the direct
relations between the Porte and Mehemet Ali, but the
possible effect of those relations " upon European politics."
The Downing-street interpreter then goes on with such his
exposition, and, to begin from the beginning, makes known
the particularly novel fact, that " some time since the
Viceroy of Egypt intimated to the Consuls of the great
Powers his intention to d' Clare himself independent of
the Porte." But, proceeds the sage, " Mehemet Ali
did net express this as his positive determination, but rather
as a feeler, to ascertain the sentiments of the Consuls as to
the course of policy 'Alicia their respective Governments
would pursue in such an event. The result was an assur-
ance that the great European Powers would not counte-
nance his breach of allegiance, and that, should he proceed
to enforce it, the great Purgers would take the part of the
Sovereign against his rebel Pasha. It scon became appa-
rent to the Pasha that he could not even reckon on the
neutrality of the European Powers, and we have not re-
cently heard of any fresh indication of rebellion on his
part." So much fur the tele; now for the more!. " Dis-
regarding altogether the elaborate nonsense which week
after week makes its appearance in the German Journals,
let us for a moment consider what would be the effect of
our neutrality in such a contest. The Sultan would hare
assistance from Russia : Russia would proclaim itself the
sole :avianr of the Porte ; and a second and more
exacting edition of the trees, of Unkiar 'Skelessi would
be the inevitable result : a, it is, the integrity of the
Turkish empire dill be preserved, and the ravenous
policy of the Muscovite, for the present at least, he
disappointed." These. remarks up >n the certain conse-
quences of British neutrality while the Porte was maintain-
ing an uaequal struggle with its own rebellious vassal, are
just and sound, ever. though fresh from the anvil of Lord Pal-
merston. The only wonder is (or would be, if the Foreign
Secretary had one partic:e of shame left in him) how they
come at so late an hour to be put forth by that Noble Lord.
If the danger to the integrity of the Turkish empire on the
one side, or to its independence of Russia on the other,
both arising from an aggression by Mehemet Ali, be so ob-
vious a motive for the seasonable interference of Great
Britain now, to save the Porte from falling still deeper into
the gulf prepared for her by the " ravenous policy" of
Russia, did not the same danger exist in the year 1833,
when Ibrahim Pasha was almost on the shores of
the Bosphorus, and when, through the contemptible in-
action of the naval force of England, and the criminal de-
sertion of its duty by our Foreign Department, the Sultan
was absolutely suffered—n-Iy, forced—to fling himself into
the arms of Russia, and "to sign a treaty the most humi-
liating and disastrous for this country, whereby, for the
first time in history, the British flag was to be excluded
from the navigation of the Euxine—that is to say, admitted
only at the will and pleasure of Russia, her inveterate
enemy in the East. We repeat, that an event so dis-
graceful and calamitous as the Treaty of Unkiar 'She-
lessi, never befel the commercial interest of Great Bri-
tain since she became a maritime power. The head of
the Department—nay, the whole Cabinet, whose feeble
and ignominious policy produced that catastrophe, well
deserved to be impeached by Parliament and punished,
and would have been so under any condition of things but
one, wherein the base faction which decided the numeri-
cal majority consisted of a herd of slaves to an adven-
turer, himself devoid of every spark of English pride or ho-
nour. When the Lord Palmerston, who now talks such
edifying truisms upon the necessity of taking an active part
in the support of Mahmoud against his rebel Pasha, was
in the years 1833-4 called to account in Parliament for
his imbecile surrender of the Protectorship, which ought
to have been exercised by England over Turkey, into
the hands of Russia, what was the acknowledgment, the
pitiful acknowledgment, by which this mean Minister
attempted to excuse himself and his colleagues ? Why,
indeed, that because they had a squadron of some four
sail of the line, kept near home for the honourable
purpose of coercing Holland into an acquiescence in
French and Belgic schemes, we could not afford an
effective demonstration of force for the defence of
Turkey, our most important ally. Yes, Lord Palmerston
left it on record that the marine of England had been so
scandalously reduced under the administration of himself
and his brethren, at the obstreperous and bothering impor-
tunities of that meddling blockhead Mr. Joseph Hume, as
to render the service of even four men-of-war at the mouth
of the Scheldt an efficient obstacle to the maintenance of
eight or ten more within the Mediterranean waters. Is
it on a Minister capable of thus abandoning the nation's
interests at a crisis so perilous as occurred in 1833, and on
grounds so utterly disgraceful, that we can rely for any
vigorous or honest course of policy to extricate the empire
with wisdom or dignity from the more awful embarrass-
ments now impending ?—Tintes.
With nations, as with individuals, there is no error
of a more dangerous character than that of allowing
present and immediate interests to engross all attention
from the future and remote. Let us be careful, therefore,
while watching and sharing in the struggles which now agi-
tate our internal social fabric, not to overlook or disregard
the dangers accumulating around our external relations ;
for not less on the result of the conflict without, or in the
more distant dependencies, than on that of the struggle
within, depend the prosperity, greatness, and stability of
the British empire. Of all the external dangers by which
the interests of Great Britain are menaced, the proceed-
ings and designs of Russia are those calculated to ex-
cite the most fearful apprehension. Compared with
these, the detached conflicts of States, principles, and par-
ties, sink into comparative insignificance. Their isolated
successes produce merely local and temporary results, but
it is through Russia that the great questions of liberty
and civilization must be ultimately solved. Though of
this fact all parties appear thoroughly convinced, yet with
an indifference unaccountable the British public have never
directed to it a fixed and enduring attention. Occasionally,
when Russia commits s ;me flagrant violation of the rights
of nations, a temporary excitement is manifested, but again
subsides, ineffectively leaving redress and reparation still
unexacted. Such was the case when Poland fell a victim
to the spoiler—such also was the case when the tyrant trio,
Russia, Austria, and Prussia, annihilated the independence
of Cracow—the same when Turkey, coerced by open force,
and enmeshed by tr, aciicry, was left hound until a favour-
able opportunity to complete the sacrifice ; the same transi-
tory ebullition of feeling is now manifested while the free
and brave Circassians are heroically struggling against
their barbarous invaders ; and, with shame be it spoken,
even when the law of nations was violated in regard to
England herself, when the property of her citizens was first
seized, and then ber commerce audaciously and insulting!.
an
forbidden from the coast of independent people anxious
to trade with her, the wr?ngwas not only allowed to pass
with impunity, and insulttlie
iwnhteorseestdsuatybsiot morelutely laboured
especiallywas left unredressed, but those
to
tofindg upalreda
pleas to
honourinstify and
foul aggression perpetrated aograitnhset both. This, it may
be
soheruestutthife
etfthaseu t
thatpubli British. Minister than
othfethaeetspltchewerheavtno
doneevmc e.
none-half
of infinitely less moment, 113 Minister dare dare remain passive
inflictedeas
d R
uws
sieita
.theAnnaatritoinnlet,v
while
eg
thes'n reference to Cir-
such accumulated
cassia, Persia, and India," appears in current number of
an Parbury's Oriental Herald, and, with intimate know-
ledge of the affairs of Russia and the East, combines an
intellectual acumen and vigour eminently adapted to the
exposure of the subtle and insidious combinations of Rus-
sian •
policy. Did our space permit, we shouldas
gladly trans-
fer the entire article to our columns, it traces out in a
most clear and concise manner the progress of Russian ag-
gression, her slow and stealthy encroachments on the rights
and territories of neighbouring States, her utter disregard
of all moral obligation, and the dark unmitigated barbarism
which, pervading her ow
diffuse through all State': whichpos sessions, she endeavours to
she can reduce to her
dominion, or in which she can ex
following extract will be read with
hcir any influence. The
interest from the force
and originality with which Russia •is contrasted with other
despotic and uncivil: el Statss
4 The very essence of hessian r h •
po t e last analyses it is
possible to reduce it to, is deepotiam the most hideous
,nation to its limits eau conceive. As there are
freedom, cevoral phases, and not one of the republican degreestheorlyn

so has despotism likewise its gradations, and monarchical
power its several stages of intensity. The Russian Govern.
ment is that which carries the latter to its ultimate bounds.
Farther, and despotism cannot go. It comprise• the hypo-
thesis of all that degradation can accomplish for the species.
Tile Turkish and Asiatic despotisms are distinct from this.
They extinguish, it is true, the intellectual idea—they de-
stroy the higher instincts of the soul ; yet the domain of the
passions they seem to leave uninvaded ; they do not finally
silence the music of the affections. In Turkey, and through-
out many countries of the further east, the social principle is
not unfrequently developed to its perfection. The institutes
of Menu, vet admitted, although mankind should not think,
they should respond to each other in the sympathies of the
heart. In illustration of our opinions we point to the munici-
pal privileges of Turkey, and the village system of the I'm.
doos. In these instances it is at once felt that despotism has
left something besides the grossest realizations of physical ap-
petite, besides those last attributes of the hu.nan name, which
link it with that of the beasts that perish. Not to speak of
the pristine civilization of the Oriental world, from e h ',we
perhaps emerged the splendour that subsequently settled upon
Greece and Athens itself, yet in more recent times the annals
of the East glow with the evidences of art, and with the traits
which elevate and adorn a social system. Even despotism on
despotism in India, for example, yet served not utterly toderase
1 all sentiment of human greatness. The Mohammedan . ynas-
tan, although based on the principle of terror, y
ties which superseded the original princedoms of Hetindus-
are
distinguished by characteristics which suppose some affinity
with intellectual power and moral beauty. The Mt“sul.
man has his Court of Law—his code, however comparatively
circumscribed, of criminal and civil justice ; which signifies,
if his prince have privileges, he lifts at least certain rights ;
if his sovereign have soldiers, there are likewise hu!lanci.
men to till the land, to make the earth yield its fruitfulness,
whereby in due time the labourer may derive the emolument,
which, although destined at length to reach the throne, is, if
in some cases, a direct forcible abstraction, or comp aatively a
servile tribute, yet is applied in instances as numerous to ob-
jects of public utility and munificence, which almost redeems
the plunder from its crime, and transforms the vicious into the
virtuous. But to speak of Russia in alliance with these oei.
nions would certainly be a perpetration of the highest satire.
An empire of absolute serfs is at least a step lower than a
nation whose institutions retain some vestiges of independence
--independence which brings with it the arts of life, industry,
and a sense of moral obligations. Russia is low, net it, the
scale of civilization—but low—at the very nadir of barbarism I
In the annals of Europe her existence is a solecism, from the
fact of the intensity of her barbarism. Her language is bar-
barous—her manners are barbarous; she has no recollections
—no associations in history but are barbarous; her whole scheme
of existence is barbarous; her internal economy and her externel
aggressions are barbarous; moreover. she scouts liberty in
itself and in its consequences, clings to degradation for love
of its ignobility, and would not b • free, although freedom were
the triumph of conquest. Of all the indices to an improved
state of existence, she is totally destitute. She has no art,
no science, no manifestations in any shape of superior insiin• ts.
Ad the traces of moral life that pertain to her are derived
from foreigners. If she have fleets, it is foreigners who con-
struct them ; if she have any of the arts and devicee of social
existence, she has riot them from herself, but by borrowing;
even her agriculture is an ingreft from another syst-tu ; she
knew nut how to penetrate to the subterranean triaNtires of
of the earth till the civilization of other countries instructed
her; and her army—even her army, the instrument by which
she has been enabled to fling upon Europe and the world
such insolent defiance, and to perpetrate such wrong, such
blood-dyed oppression—is officered, not by Russians, not by
her native heirs to valour, but by the stranger—by Germans !
In fine, Russia--the very narn, is but a synonyme of barb:
rism. Who ever thinks of blending with iny associaton of
intellectual glory the name of Russia? Who ever attributes
to her moral greatness? Antithetical to ail our stn id ards of
human worth, whether in the sphere of the abstruser charac-
teristics of mind, or in that also of moral sentiments, she is
but a blot on the page of civilization, and a blemish in the
annals of humanity itself."
In commenting upon thie article, the Courier, after ad-
mitting the extensive information and great ability of the
writer, observes with an air of triumph, " If then Russia
be so barbarous, and her resources so scattered, what has
England to fear from her designs ?" Had the Courier
paid alittle more attention to the expositions so ably given
of Russian policy, it would have perceived that the writer
whom it accuses of being actuated by a partisan spirit
does not exaggerate the power of Russia, but points out
the danger to be apprehended, not from any " intrinsic
strength" of Russia, but from the apathy and pusillanimity
of England and Europe. We shall anxiously look to our
worthy Contemporary for the continuation of the discussion
on this momentous question, and hail with much gratifi-
cation the assistance of so powerful a coadjutor.—
Morning Advertiser.
Lord John Russell, as our readers already know, has
been recently upon his travels, visiting two distinguished
official friends, the Marquis of Normanby, Lord-Lieutenant
of Ireland, and Mr. Rathbone, Mayor of Liverpool, both
eminent persons in their several spheres, and the latter, not-
withstanding that he happens to be at the head of a re-
formed corporation, a gentleman, we believe, of unimpeached
respectability. From all the accounts which have reached
us of the Noble Secretary's progress, it seems that at
Dublin, Liverpool, and everywhere else, his Lordship has
enjoyed, through the kind consideration and profound re-
spect of the inhabitants, all those advantages and comforts
of uninvaded privacy which other great persons are
generally compelled to purchase by the assumption
of an incognito. Lord John did not go to Dublin
or to Liverpool shielded from the intrusive and
importunate manifestations of popularity by this artificial
protection, and yet it was his singular good fortune to
escape alike the fatiguing parade of listening to formal ad-
dresses frotn constituteibodies, and the distracting annoy-
ance which the vociferation of applauding multitudes
might have occasioned to a Nobleman of his Lordship's
aristocratic notions and refined taste. The Noble Lord
cannot but be entirely satisfied with the gentlemanlike
re-
serve practised upon this occasion by every class of the in-
habitants both of the Irish and the Lancashire capi-
tals, no single indivival of whom seems to have o% er-
stepped the strict rule of good breeding, which pre-
scribes that one should not know anybody without
the preliminary of a special and personal introduction.
The Secretary of State for the Home Department
must have marked with infinite satisfaction this symp-
tom of improvement in the manners of his country-
men. He is the first man of the same official and personal
rank who could ever have hoped to enjoy the
privilege of
walking about the streets of Liverpool, arm in arm with
his Worship the Mayor, without attracting more notice
than if he bad been one of his Worship's partners in trade,
or one of the clerks of his Worship's counting-house. His
Lordship went to the Exchange, too, at the high tide of re-
sort to this place of universal gathering, and the merchants
and traders assembled there in the usual numbers dis-
played without exception the courtesy and the good sense,
the politeness towards Lord John, and the respect towards
themselves and the important community to which they be-
long, to pursue their buying and their selling, their paying,
receiving, and balancing, just as if the edifice in which
these transactions are carried on had remained unvisited by
any stranger. It would be an impeachment of the taste
and judgment of the Noble Lord to doubt that he was
highly gratified by this striking proof of the march of re-
finement. Some of our Lancashire as well as our London
Contemporaries regard the peculiarity of Lord John Russell's
reception wherever he has appeared as an indication that the
Noble Lord and the Administration of which he is a leading
Member have become unpopular. And to say truth
the symptoms are rather suspicious. But yet it is not
wholly impossible to find another and less disagreeable in-
terpretation. It occurred, perhaps, to the men of
Liverpool, that, since the likings and dislikings of
Ministerial
people have changed in so many other respects,
any open display or noisy expression of popular favour
might now, for the first time, be unpleasing to them. The
solemnL silence and awful gloom which prevailed is herever
itiaonpips
teteharrese appeared
emhwoa ylias
within
dispositionb
teheen designedlast year
yea r presumed asav ae
denounced all further organic changes of the Constitution
—have settled the question of Irish tithe
without appro-
priation—have given an arrogant and presumptuous des-
pot to Canada—and have manifested their
.willingness to
submit in all matters of permanent " legislation to the
t House of Lords.— Horning Post.
iy attention
thoseßusselA,l

COLBURN'S NSW MONTHLY MAGAZINE AND
HUMOURIST FOR OCTOBER.—In one of Sir Walter Seott's
letters, we find him speaking thus of the Editor of this Ma-
gazine—" Theodore Hook's writings," he ptys, " are as full
of life and merriment as ever." This remark, however at sly
applied then, holds good even now, if we are to judge from
Mr. Hook's production in the " New Monthly." " The Gur-
ney Papers" for the present month, is one of the witticst
articles that have proceeded from the pen of this distinguished
humourist. We are here introduced to a new character—
Captain Cavendish Lorimer—and the stratagems of the wor-
thy Rector ( Wells) to entrap him into a marriage with his
daughter Fanny (somewhat by the same mode as that by
which Gilbert Gurney himself was " disposed of"), are as
laughter-exciting as any of the pranks of the facetious Daly,
in the first series of these admirable papers. Besides the
contributions of Mr. Hook, the Magazine is rich in articles
from other able writers; among the principal of which may
c lgiers in 1837, giving some piquant sketches of the
presentl dA
—state cf that singular French colony—The Personal
asse
Narrative of Tristram Dumps—The Manacrer's Note Book,
containing an interesting account of Madam. iVlara—and
Shakspeare's Historical Plays, by the Right Hon. T. P.
Courtenay.

On Saturday morning, between seven and eight
o'clock, James Wright, groom to Mr. Barton, of Great Char-
lotte-street, was exercising two horses in the New-road, when
the horse he was leading, a most vicious animal, started off
at full speed, and the unfortunate man having the rein buckled
round his wrist, was pulled off his seat and dragged along the
ground a considerable di,tame, until the rH,:n broke, ;;!;;:11;
Tom came to his assistance, and conveyed him, in a airito of
insensibility, to Mr. Itio;g, surgeon, who pronounced his case
to be very precarious, as he had his wrist fractuied, his shoulder
and collar-bone dislocated, and several ribs broken,