The Sun.
London, England, 1831-02-08 00:00:00

advantage. For instance, they had been taught to believe
that tithes and other property now claimed by the Church—
The HIGH SHERIYF here interrupted Mr. Rippon, and
desired him to confine himself to the question before the
meeting.
Mr. Rirrow said no one would bow with more defer-
ence to the authority of the Sheriff than himself. But
his object was to show the necessity--
The HIGH SHERIFF said that as long as Mr. Rippon
confined himself to the object of the meeting he should be
heard and no longer. _ .

Mr. Rirros said the Sheriff would of course hear his
explanation. They were met here to consider the pro-
priety of petitioning for a Reform in Parliament; and he
conceived the necessity of that Reform could not be fairly
shown to the people unless the abuses which would be
corrected by it were pointed out to them.—(Cheers.) If
the gentlemen here assembled were of opinion that the
Church was not the first and foremost of those abuses,
then he (Mr. IL) had done. .

The Thou SHERIFF again intimated that he would not
allow Mr. Rippon-to pursue the line of remark upon which
he had entered.

Mr. Rierow—Then, in the Cathedral-crowned city of
Durham, the abuses of the Church are to be sacred !
(Laughter and applause.) Passing, however, over this
subject, which he was prevented, by the decision of the
Sheriff, from dwelling upon,—which decision was peremp-
tory, and by which he was bound to abide, though he still
entertained his opinions upon the course be intended to
have pursued—(Cheers)—he would proceed to consider the
question of Reform on other grounds. The first step to
redress of grievances was Reform in the representation of
the people—in other words, in allowing their power to be
used for their advantage. This point gained, all other
Reforms, great and important though they might be, must
and would be consequential.—(Cheers.) Of this the cer-
ruptionists were aware. A knowledge of this fact would
stir up, in one House, the turgid pride of a haughty aristo-
cracy, dreading and detesting the increase of popular
,power—it would rouse the infuriated resistance of a bo-
roughmongering nobility, clinging with tenacious grasp to
their long-enjoyed system of national plunder—it would
awaken the selfish fears of an overpaid mammon-seeking
hierarchy, well knowing that the reign of darkness, in which
their powers could alone exist, was now fast drawing to a
close. Had we not seen political independence, and
the services of willing slaves, lyingly denominated repre-
seniatives of the people—had we not seen these pros-
tituted by boroughmongering nobles, to the use of minis-
terial power, for the mere value of a yard of ermine to their
robes, or a strawberry leaf to their coronet? Had we not
lately seen the mustered minions of a wealthy peer, ranged
in opposition to the rights of the people? Then let the
order beware,—let them remember, if they dared to array
themselves, or use their present powers, in resisting the
just claims and expectations of the commonwealth, the
phantom of their existence might vanish in a moment be-
fore the breath of the people.—(Cheers.)—Again, in the
other House, we should witness the dying efforts of those
impotent representatives of patronage and wealth, whose
presence could never disgrace a reformed House of Coin-
mous. We should hear the expiring wrath of discarded
placemen, and see the final opposition of hungry pensioners,
the titled beggars of the State ; for the plunder and ad-
vantages of all these would be determined by an act of
reformation.—(Cheers.)—To resist the united efforts of
this phalanx of detected uselessness, and expensive perni-
ciousness, we bad a Ministry, honest, he trusted,
pledged to Reform, and relying upon the people.—
(Cheers.)—Whigs and Tories were to him but names.
He had seen them, in past times, equally corrupt
—alike quartering their hungry friends and needy rela-
tives on the exhausted resources of an impoverished nation.
He ❑ow saw them, thank God ! equally powerless. His
trust in the present men was not derived from their pro-
fession of party; though of some, of them, especially of
those who were not systematized in the old trade of Go-
vernment, he entertained the highest opinion.—(Cheers.)
—But his confidence was created by this declaration—
that their power was dependent on the approbation of the
people.--(Cheers.)—lf the present representatives refused
the proposition for Reform, would the Minister dissolve
the Parliament, and appeal to the nation ? Yes ; he had
declared his determination to do so. If the House of
Peers—if they who were permitted to exercise the powers
of legislators, on the lottery-like qualification of birth—if
they resist, d the wishes of the people, as expressed by their
present or future representatives, for Reform, would the
'Minister do his duty—would he dilute the precious essence
of hereditary nobility, by an infusion of life nobles or
plebeian peers? If he would not, he must at once stand
back, and leave the people to pursue their own course of
remedy ; for they were determined to have the sub-
stance, not the shadow, of Reform.—(Cheers.)—They
looked forward to a termination, at no distant day,
of that hideous harlotry, the impure connection of
Church and State,—they expected the same principle
of purificatiln to be applied to a House of Peers which
they now required in a House of Commons. They knew
that they were alike their legislative representatives,
using their power, by their permission, and for their ad-
vantage. Was not a Spiritual Peer the mere duplicate of
a plebeian placeman or pensioner? Were they not alike
created by the breath of a Minister, attached to him for
past services, devoted in supple compliance to his will, in
expectation of benefits to come ? Rub off, then, he would
say, these fungi of nobility, whi,..,11 defaced, by their ex-
crescence, the lofty stem of true rank.—(Cheers.) Purify,
by their removal, a British Senate, which was likened, by
their presence, to the conclave of a Spanish Inquisition.
Did not Charles the First, in compliance with the oft-re-
peated wishes of the people,—did not he remove the Bench
of Bishops from the House of Peers?
The His! SHERIFF again requested that Mr. Rippon
would adhere to the question.

Mr. RirroN considered that both Houses of Parliament
came under observation in discussing this question.
The HIGH SHERIFF thought otherwise. They were
met to consider the propriety of petitioning for a Reform
of the House of Commons.
Mr. RirroN—Then the House of Peers and the Church
shall be both held sacred !—(A laugh.) He would now
say a few words on a point of Reform, on which, un-
fortunately, a. difference of opinion existed, even among
the best friends of the measure—he alluded to the ballot.
Without entering upon its merits, he begged leave to say,
that the safety of our peaceful success depended upon our
union. Unity was strength. (Hear.) Looking at the
difficulties of our present situation, he was induced to
recommend a temporary postponement of all discussion
upon this point of detail ; and thus secure the safety of
the general measure—thus obtain the certain and easy
means of hereafter completing the great scheme of Re-
form. This be deemed a prudent sacrifice to present cir-
cumstances. But as he declared it to be the right of every
man freely to exercise his judgment and opinion, un-
awed by power, unfettered by connections, so he should
deem all Reform but illusive, which did not secure to
every voter, as far as was practicable, the liberty of
acting according to the dictates of his conscience, free
from the controul of every man.—(Great cheering.)
It had been said that the boreughmongers—Whig and
Tory—had expressed a hope of pecuniary conspensation ;
but if compensation were required, it must be from them
to the people—from them for having so long enjoyed
the benefits of a property, created by the plunder of the
people's rights, by the pillage of their immunities.—
(Great cheering.) A struggle was at hand. Parliament,
in a few short weeks, might, in all human probability, be
dissolved. In the hands of the people would then be the
salvation or destruction of the country. As Englishmen,
he hoped they would do their duty. They would remem-
ber that the present fabric of our glorious Constitution was
reared by the valour and exertions of our ancestors, and
was cemented by their blood. They would feel it to be a
duty they owed to themselves, their children, and poste-
rity, now to second the wishes of a patriotic King, the
best, the most beloved, and revered Monarch, that ever sat
upon the British throne—to succour the efforts of a Mi-
nistry relying on them far support, and declaring them-
selves the willing instruments for completing their wishes.
--(Cheerio.) The resolution of the people would determine
whether the present sun rise of liberty should advance in
unclouded course to meridian splendour, or be again ob-
scured by the mists of bigotted misrule. Let the people
determine, then, to do their duty. Let them resolve to
return those only to be their representatives who would
be the honest and undaunted defenders of their rights.
Let them consider the conduct of those they had
hitherto trusted, and compare their acts with their pro-
fessions. The freeholders of the county of Durham
would remember that one of their reprentatives, and as
the gentleman was now present, he more particularly
called their attention to the fact, to allow him an oppor-
tunity of vindication—they would remember that one of
their representatives was seen on a late memorable occa-
sion, supporting by his vote, the tyrannous principle of
irresponsible extravagance, in bestowing Miley, wrung
from the scanty means of an impoverished people, in feed-
ing those unacknowledged paupers, the pensioned vermin
of the State.—(Cheers.) Before he concluded, he wished
to say one word to the next powerful body—to the gentle-
men of the Press—to them who were the voice of pub-
lic opinion—to them whose duty it would be to ring in
the ears of resisting tyrants the will and wishes of the
people. He thanked them for their past services ; but lie
asked of them redoubled exertions in days which were to
come. Once more he called upon the people, as men and
Christians, as desirous to exalt the honour of God, as de-

termined to vindicate their rights as men-1e called on
them now to come forward, now to secure by their ex-
ertions the abolition of all abuse, whether in Church or
State.—(Cheers.)—All hope was in the united spirit of
the people. Their strength was in firmness and co-opera-
tion. Nothing could resist their consolidated might.
The wave of public union would carry away with its
resistless force all impediments of corruption.—(Cheers)
Let then, the day of trial come when it might, lie trusted,
nay he believed, his countrymen would do their duty—
would uphold the glory, and assert the rights of this their
native land. Mr. Rippon concluded, amidst reiterated
cheers, by seconding the resolution.
The resolution was then put and carried unanimously.
Mr. G. H. WILKINSON then rose to move petitions to
the two Houses of Parliament founded upon the resolu-
tion, which be introduced in a very able and eloquent
speech, in the course of which he said that the time hail
arrived when the circumstances of the country were such
as, in the minds of the great bulk of intelligent men in
the country, to shrink from the discussion of this question,
or to temporise any longer with the corruption that had
risen out of the representative system, would be not
merely idle but criminal.—(Cheers.)—After alluding to
the strong conviction of the necessity of Reform now pre-
valent in every part of the kingdom, he said that it must
be felt with increased force in this county, which returned
only four Members to Parliament, and many of whose
leading interests were consequently inadequately repre-
sented. With respect to Reform in general, there could
be no question of its necessity. It had, it was true, been
said that the system " worked well ;" but if it had at all
worked well, it had only been by the watchfulness of
the public Press,—the ludgs of our political system as
it might be called—which had served to correct the
corruption that rankled in l articular parts of it.—(Loud
cheers. )—lt was only through the influence of the Press.
that some Peers have been induced to return to Parlia-
ment, individuals who commanded, by their talents and
integrity, that respect which never would have attached
to them as the mere representatives of the places for which
they sat—it was the Press, in fact, which had worked out
our deliverance in spite of corruption.—(Cheers.)—The
Learned Gentleman then adverted to the workings of the
system in the foreign wars against opinion into which it
had led the country, the intolerable pressure of taxation
which it had produced, and the outrages which had lately
resulted from it in the South. Would such have been
the care if the House of Commons had fairly represented
the people ?—(Cheers. )—Comparisons had lately been
made between the evils of this country and those under
which France laboured previous to the first revolution.
Never, however, had this country, since the days of
Charles been in such a state of thraldom and oppres-
sion as the people of France before that mighty convulsion.
He trusted the comparison would fail
_in other respects—
that such evils as we had to complain of would be re-
moved by the good feeling and wisdom of the Government,
and that relief would not be withheld until its refusal
should provoke excesses similar to those that had been
witnessed in France.—(Cheers.)—To him, the course best
calculated to obtain Reform appeared to be, to abstain from
the discussion of details. It was enough for them, at
present, he thought, explicitly and solemnly to declare their
conviction of the necessity of such a Reform as would re-
store the Constitution to its pristine purity, that would be
a restoration and improvement, not a convulsion or violent
change.—(Cheers.) He did not recommend a blind con-
fidence in the Members of the Government, but such a
confidence as front their past conduct and character, and
their present professions, they seemed to deserve.—
(Cheers.) The Learned Gentleman described the difficul-
ties-with which a Reforming Administration will have to
contend in Parliament ; and then alluded to the question
of the ballot, which he said he did not think would be es-
sential under an extension of the suffrage—(Loud hisses)
—though if any thing like the present system were to re-
main, he would say, " For God's sake give us the ballot,"
for then it would be an alterative.—(Cheers.) But surely
it would not be wise to call in the physician before they'
saw whether they could get well without him—that the
vigour of the system would not throw off disease without
the aid of extraordinary remedies.—(Great disapproba-
tion.) The Learned Gentleman concluded by again ear-
nestly recommending union amongst Reformers, as the su-
rest means of success—and sat down, amidst considerable
applause, after moving the petitions, and that they should
be entrusted for presentation, that to the House of Lords
by Lord Durham, and that to the Commons by Lord Wil-
liam Powlett.

Mr. HARLAND seconded the petitions, and observed
that he would lay before them one or two facts in addition
to what had been already stated to show the abuses of the
late—he meant the present, but be hoped expiring repre-
sentative system.—(Laughter and cheers. )—ln 1785, he
happened to be in the House of Commons when Mr. Pitt
brought forward his celebrated, but what some termed his
humbugging, proposition, for adding 100 members to
counties and cities, and disfranchising thirty-six rotten
boroughs. He was opposed by Lord North, who called
upon him to produce the petitions from Manchester, Bir-
mingham, Leeds, and other large towns, well knowing that
there were none, and who, in consequence, insisted
that the people w ere very indifferent about Reform.
This showed the necessity of the people raising their
voices in favour of Reform at the present time.--
(Cheers.)—Another fact related to the first return of Sir
William Middleton, for Northumberland, when it was
notorious he was returned in opposition to the Duke of
Northumberland, the grandfather of the present Duke.
'lie Duke was a good deal disappointed and nettled at
first, but he folded his arms, and said he would nullify
every vete Sir William might give. For that purpose he
instructed his agents to purchase a Cornish rotten bo-
rough, by which means he put two men in Parliament to
upset every thing Sir William did.—(A laugh.)—He
(Mr. H.) trusted, however, that the day of retribution
was near at hand, and that Northumberland would soon
have the satisfaction of seeing its representatives boldly
speaking their sentiments without regard for the controul
or influence of the Duke of Northumberland.—(Cheers.)
—The worthy and venerable gentleman concluded by ex-
pressing his anxious hope that, by the plan of Reform in
contemplation, the House of Commons would be rendered
what it ought to be, the express image of the opinions and
feelings of a high-spirited, honourable, and independent
people.—(Cheers.)
After some discussion on a point of form, in the word-
ing of the petitions, they were unanimously agreed to.
Lord Wm. POWLETT said he would have the greatest
satisfaction in acceding to the wish of the meeting as to
the presentation of their petition to the House of Com-
mons, where he would give it his best support. When
the requisition was addressed to the Sheriff he was 200
miles distant from this place; but he had felt it his duty
to attend there that day to show his respect to the requi_
sitionists, and as it was the first meeting which his consti-
tuents had held on the subject of Reform since he Was
officially connected with the county.—(Cheets.).—
Though he differed from many of the sentiments he had
heard expressed to-day, he thought that after the great
diffusion of knowledge, and the increase that had taken
place in the population of the country, some change in the
constitution of the House of Commons could no longer be
opposed.—(Cheers.) What the plan of Reform contem-
plated by Ministers might be he knew not ; but he was
glad that it had been made a Cabinet measure, as lie was
sure it was the only safe mode by which Reform could be
accomplished. He hoped it would be effected without any
difference between the two Houses of the Legislature
(as had been hinted at by Mr. Rippon), which could
only degrade and debase the country, and that the
plan would be such as both Houses might fully concur
in. He was favourable to the extension of the elective
franchise to large towns ; but with regard to the close
boroughs, though they were called rotten boroughs, be
differed from many gentlemen who had preceded him.—
(Hisses.) He remembered a saying of the late Lord
Chatham, who was himself an ardent Reformer, that
though they were the rotten parts of the• Constitution,
they must be carried about with us, for amputation might
be death.--(Disapprobation.)—lf the House of Commons
was to be the representative of all classes, he should like
to know in what other way the army and navy,
aid ether professions, were to find their way into Parlia-
ment.—( A laugh and disapprobation. )—He was favourable
to the extension of the suffrage, but would never support
vote by ballot, which was unknown to the Constitution,
and un-English.—(Cheers and disapprobation.)—He
justified his conduct from the charge brought against it by
Mr. Rippon with respect to the Civil List. He did vote
with the late Government upon that question. The only
difference of opinion on that occasion was, not the ex-
travagance of the grant—which had been reduced
300,0001., though there was now a Queen Consort—but
as to the &propriety of referring it to a Committee. He
sought nothing for himself by any vote that he gave in
Parliament--he was sensible that be was dependent upon
their favour, and not on the property of himself or his
family, for the seat he held—and he would endeavour to
merit their continued approbation by an uniform course
of personal independence, and by giving to the interests
of his constituents the best and most constant attention in
his power.—(Cheers.)
Mr. LIDDELL said, that after a considerable proportion
of the proceedings of the day he bad thought he should have
little to do but to signify his general acquiescence in the
petition—though he should not sign it, as it embraced
some points on which he dissented from the meeting.--
(Disapprobation.) He had heard, with great satisfaction,

the explanation of the Noble Lord, and bore testimony to
his unvarying attention to the business of his constituents
and the welfare of the county.—(Cheere.) He would now
take leave to make some observations on the speech of Mr.
Rippon, which he characterised as the most inconsistent
with itself that he had ever heard delivered in any assembly,
public or private.—(Tumult.) And if he could not make
good his point, that its author was inconsistent, and had
shewn a deplorable want of historical knowledge, he would
be content to be hissed out of Court. Mr. Rippon, in his
retrospect of public affairs, bad represented the whole secret
of State policy, to their disgusted imaginations, to have con-
sisted in the plunder of the many for the gain of the few, had
talked of a haughty Aristocracy dreading and detesting the
power of the people, arid the hideous harlotry of the Church
and State, and had called upon them to rise and resist
tyrants, and subvert the church for tire honour of God.—
(Great tumult.) But here was the inconsistency of his
speech. He spoke of the glorious Constitution teared by
our forefathers. But if that Constitution was not suffi-
cient to preserve the country from all the evils described
by Alt. Rippon, it was not a glorious Constitution and was
not worth maintaining. The time of Charles the First had
been alluded to. But the meeting would remember, that
if the Constitution should fall, it would lead, as it did then,
to anarchy and confusion, and the temporary suspension of
our liberties, by raising up some great military leader to
trample on our freedom. He therefore called upon them
to distrust those who would lead • them into anarchy and
confusion, and stick to the good old temple of the Consti-
tution, while they should, at the sane time, get rid of those
tbuses which time had brought about. The great object
in view was the sending of an increased number of repre-
sentatives to the House of Commons ; but he had no doubt
the measure to be introduced by Ministers would cure this
difficulty, while it would maintain the advantages which
the country had so long enjoyed. He urged Reformers to '
act with moderation, and not to go all the lengths which
might- be recommended by the demagogues of the day.
He was friendly to the extension of the elective franchise,
and agreed that the power of the aristocracy and of sonic
individuals had risen to too great a height in returning
Members to the House of Commons ; but he did not think
any positive deprivation should take place to any class of
men in the kingdom. He believed a thorough and effi-
cient Reform • might take place without it. He would
take one Member from small and depopulated places, now
possessing two, and give them to extensive places which
returned 'nrine, "which, combined with an extension of
suffrage, would be as effectual a Reform as the state of the
times. required.—(Disapprobation. )
Colonel MILLS expressed his regret that the state of Mr.
Russell's health did not permit his being present at the
meeting.; but he read a letter from that gentleman, in
which be expressed his warm approbation of the object of
the meeting, and his determination to support the mea
sute in his place in Parliament. —(Cheers. ) In respect
to. himself (Colonel Mills said), although he stood before
them...the, representative of a borough—a rotten borough
--(A lattgh)—which might probably never return him
again, he assured the meeting, that during the short period
he had been in Parliament he had endeavoured to dis-
charge his duty to the public to the best of his power.—
(Cheers.) lie had not the slightest doubt, in his own
mind, of the necessity of Reform, and whenever the plan
of Ministers might be brought forward, be trusted it
would be such ..as the public welfare required.—(Cheers.)
Mr. Metros( said he had been threatened with a lecture
on consistency by Mr. Liddell, and that some strange his-
torical inaccuracy should be pointed out to him; but up to
the present time he had been quite unable to discover it.—
(Cheers and laughter.) He had been charged with speak-
ing inconsistently of the Constitution ; but if that Consti-
stitutiod were perfect, where would be the necessity of
Reform?—Cheers.) He would say that the Constitution
was great and good, but that it might be made much better.
Like an old house it should he remodelled and suited to
meedeim tastes and purposes.—(Cheers.) Without referring
at all to those factious demagogues and monsters which
seemed to be going at large, and to have created so much
dread in the mind of Mr. Liddell—without touching upon
that ' delicate part of the history of Charles the First to
*Lich he had already adverted, he would say that if
anarchy and confusion did produce a military dictator, we
were ourselves now living under the dictation of the aris-
tocracy—that worst of dictation.—(Cheers.)—And were
the people to submit to that for ever ? He would say that
the present choice was between Reform and Revolution—
' between peaceful amelioration and painful destruction—
' between right and wrong. It was only by necessity they
came forward ; but that necessity would compel all men
boldly to express their opinions, to declare themselves
friends or foes of corruption, and to place themselves under
the banners either of liberty or oppression,—(Cheers.)
Dr. FENWICK, in obedience to a general call from the
body of the Court, then stood forward and addressed the
meeting at considerable length, and in his usual eloquent
and fervid manner, in favour of Reform ; but it is utterly
out of our power to give any report of his observations, or
of the speeches of Mr. Fawcett, or of Colonel Chaytor, by
whom he was followed. The latter gentleman avowed
himself decidedly friendly to the ballot, and the declaration
was received with loud cheers.
In answer to some observations from Mr. Fawcett and
Mr. Rippon, Mr. Liddell disclaimed having used the term
"demagogues" in reference to any gentlemen present at the
meeting.
Thanks having been voted to the High Sheriff, the
meeting broke up.

The following is a copy of the petition adopted at the
meeting :--
" TO TAE HONOURABLE THE COMMONS OF THE
UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND
IRELAND, IN PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED.
" THE HUMBLE PETITION OF THE FREEHOL.
HERS OF'THE COUNTY OF DURHAM,
Sheweth,—That it is the opinion of your petitioners, that a
well-regulated representative system affords to a nation the best
security against misgovernment.
" That to the want of such a system may be justly attributed
rnany'of the evils which afflict this country; and that the best
preventive of their increase or recurrence is to be found in an
adequate and substantial Reform of the representation.
" That your petitioners, therefore, regard with the highest
satisfaction, the avowed {intention of his Majesty's present Go-
vernment, of submitting to your Honourable House a measure
Of Parliamentary Reform; and your petitioners, therefore, ur-
gently, but respectfully, entreat that your HonourableHouse
will be pleased to take the same into your most serious considera-
tion, and adopt such measures as to your wisdom may seem best
calculated to remove the defects of the present system, and give
to the country the blessings of a real and adequate representation.
o And your petitioners will ever pray, &c."

KISSING GOES BY FAVOUIt.--It appears,
thethe Pension List, that the Duke of WELLINGTON, from
byl commencement of his course as Prime Minister, up to
the Ist of June, 1830, granted pensions to forty-five in-
dividuals, at a cost to the country of 6,6771. ss. Bd. per
annum. Out of this sum, 4,0931. 10s. 6d. was bestowed
on twenty-eight of the fair sex, (in some instances for
three or four lives) who had doubtless " done the State
some service"—.but of the nature those services the
country is tit present kept in the dark. The pensions
granted from the Ist of June to the 20th of November,
1830, amount :to 4,7341. 11s. making a total of
twheithtwwelniticyl-itwhios
InGnranctehshiajes
yr annum,held the reins of Goverment.
b 1 1.11 ;4t end 1 1 t6hs e. 8c
ot Pt
re during

DEATH OF THE HON. FRDEERICK WlL-
rum ROBINSON.—The dissolution of this lamented young
gentleman occurred on Sunday at Hastings, where he was
residing for the benefit of his health. Mr. ROBINSON, who
had lately taken his degree at Oxford, was the only son
and heir-apparent of Lord GRANTHAM, and nephew to
the Ese of EN"I.KILLEN and Viscount GODERICH. Mr.
RonissoN, who, if he had survived, would have attained
his majority in April, was also heir presumptive to the
Earldom of Ds Gaiiy, hie Noble parent being in remainder
to that title ; and it is a fact which may be unparalleled
in the annals of the
, Peerage, that previous to the birth of
Lord Gonsnrcri s son and heir, in 1829, Mr. ROBINSON
was heir to the Earldom of Ds GREY, the Viscounty of
GODERICH, and the Barony of GRANTHAM.

Mr. BANKES made last night what he no
doubt thought would be an irresistible attack on Mr. P.
T.il on the subject of the order respecting the
barirra °'
duty; but the result did not correspond with his
anticipations. On this occasion he was very feebly sup-
ported by Mr. HERMES, and other Members, who before
seemed as eager as himself. It had been discovered, in the
mean, time, that the practice objected to was of frequent
occurrence. The objection to the reduction of the duty
was soon disposed of. By the help, indeed, of the intro-
duction of free trade into the discussion, Mr. SADLER was
enabled to deliver himself of a speech which had nothing
to do with the question.—Morning Chronicle.
Though the Duke de NEMOURS has been
elected King of BELGium, it is believed that the father has
refused to allow him to accept the Sovereignty. Though
Prince TALLEYRAND has communicated this refusal
officially, we are somewhat sceptical. Means will be
found of overcoming his scruples, or we are much mis-
taken.—Morning Chronicle.

The letters from Liverpool mention a dreadful
circtemstance•--the loss of the mail-coach betneen Glasgow
and Liverpool. No details of when or where the accident
happened are given in the letter we have seen ; it merely
states that the coachman and guard were found dead, and
that no traces of the coach with the passengers and the
horses have yet been discovered.