The Sun.
London, England, 1831-12-21 00:00:00

Lis property which was required of him. It was Al
this effect
" The affair which occupies Monsieur, begun without my
knowledge and somewhat lightly by Madame de Feucheres, and
of which she has taken on herself to urge the conclusion upon
me, is to me infinitely painful. You may have already remarked
it ; besides the lacerating reminiscenses which it recalls, and to
which I cannot yet accustom my sad thoughts, there are other
motives which do not permit me to engage in it at this moment.
I may be charged with weakness in this respect; but it is on you
I count to excuse and to get excused this weakness, very par-
donable at my age and in my sad condition. My affection for
you, Monsieur, and yours is sufficiently well known to you ; it
ought then to assure you of the disposition in which I am, and of
which I here desire to give you a public and certain proof. I now
appeal to your ganerosity and to the delicacy of your feelings,
that I may not be harrassed and teased as I hate been for some
time, to conclude an affair which is connected with other arrange-
ments, and which besides I do not wish to conclude except with
all that mature and grave reflection which it requires. 1 reckon,
then, on your friendship for me, 1 repeat, to obtain from Madame
de Feucheres, that she may let me be quiet on this matter. It
rests with you to prevent a broil betwixt her and me ; or at
least a coolness which would embitter the remainder of my days.
Receive, Monsieur, with your accustomed kindness, the expres-
sion of the constant and sincere friendship which I have ever
entertained towards you."
The Duke de Bourbon spoke of a proof " public and
cetto'n" as of a determination fixed—settled,—while the
project of adoption, or universal letatee, so earnestly so-
licited by Madame de Feucheres was left by him to future
contingencies. One can easily comprehend that the owner
of such a princely fortune might leave a " proof public
and certain" of his affection other than that of his name
and his whole inheritance. This distinction appears to
have escaped the Duke of Orleans, as may be judged from
the answer of his Highness :

. Neuilly, August 20, 1829.
4' I am greatly grieved, Monsieur, that the intentions full of
friendship and kindness which you were pleased to evince to-
wards me in a conversation, the recollection of which is so dear
to me, should have become a cause of distress and annoyance to
you. I am sincerely grateful for that of which you are pleased
to re.assure me inthis respect in the letter which I have just re-
ceived from you, and you have every reason
.to reckon that in
this, as in every thing else, I should conform to your wishes,
and do whatever may best prove the sincerity of my attachment
and affection for you personally. I should regret extremely
that your kind intentions towards my children should be the
cause of any embarrassment to you, whatever may have been
their nature ; and I should above all be anxious to remove every
thing which might tend to renew your too well founded griefs,
or to wound feelings already so much lacerated. I shall pro-
ceed immediately to Madame de Feucheres, to comply with your
wish in communicating with her, and you may rest as-
sured, in showing to her, as is my duty, how sensible I and
mine are of the efforts she has made to obtain from you that
. proof, public and certain, of your kindness,' of which you were
good enough to re-assure me, I shall testify to her how much we
are grieved to be the cause of fresh uneasiness to you, or of dis-
turbing your domestic quiet. Your letter, Monsieur, imposes on
one the duty of requiring of her to wait for that which your heart
and your affections shall dictate, in respect of those who are of
the same blood with yourself, and I shall execute this duty to the
full extent; too happy, if you shall perceive in it a fresh proof of
the sentiments I entertain towards you, and of my entire confi-
dence in those you hare evinced towards me, and of the lively
and sincere atfection I have ever held for you."
It is perfectly clear from this letter, that in the cnnver-
sectors); alluded to in the first lines, this same " proof public
and certain" could not possibly be confounded with the
plan of Msalatne de Feucheres. It should also be remarked,
that, willing to recall the substance of the letter of the
Duke of Bourbon. the Duke of Orleans concerns himself
only with the " too well-founded sorrows" which were not
to be renewed ; but Ise omits these express terms—
" Besides those painful reminiscences which it recalls (the
affair commenced so lightly by Madame de Feucheres without
his knowledge), I confess that other reasons do not permit me to
engage in it at this moment. Harassed and teased as I have been
for some timeto terminate an affair connected with other arrange-
ments, which I am unwilling to conclude without that deliberate
and mature reflection which it requires."
One thing the Duke of Orleans says which does him
honour, and which I may state as a summary of all the
doctrine which I shall hereafter invoke ;—" Your letter,
Monsieur, imposes upon me the duty of requiring her to
wait for that which your heart and your affections shall
dictate in respect of those who are of the same blood with
yourself, and I shall execute this duty to the full extent."
This is, in fact, what ought to have been waited for,
but what was not waited for. I hasten to acknowledge,
and I do so with pleasure, that the Duke of Orleans ex-
presses a generous resolutions—that of acting against his
own private interest and that of his children,—that of
calming the ardent and persecuting spirit of Madame de
Feticheress,,----s resolution which was without doubt very
agreeable to the Prince, which, without doubt, confirmed
}dm in the idea of the public and certain testimony of
affection, but which left him in the same resolution rela-
tive to the project of adoption.
2-, This pion? se of interposing with Madame Feucheres
for the tranquillity of the Duke of Bourbon, the Duke of
Orleans, religiously fulfilled. Two hours had scarcely
't-lapsed after the receipt of the letter, when the Prince ar-
- met? at the Palais Bourbon, at Madame de Fencheures'.
I"
There, in the presence of a witness whom this lady called,
:he employed :he most pressing entreaties with Maclaine de
:Frucheree not to trouble the Duke of Bourbon upon the
_subject of the will. Madame de Feucheres, proud and
successful, premised nothing, and it was easy to foresee
that this. new step would not have a favourable result, In
.: tact. the next morning the Duke de Bourbon sent for
' M. de Survei, and said to him, with tears in his eyes—
.l Well! the Duke of Orleans has not been able to obtain
any thing tireself. I had last night a terrible scene. I
must finis: .., for the state in which I have been for some
time is nc/. •. exist. For the rest, here is the reply which
site Duke of Orleans made to me, with which I am well
satisfied."
It was in the midst of these eireurnatances, and in order
to get rid of scenes continually renewing, which, as he
states, made& hell of Isis abode, that the Prince engaged in
the snaking of the will which was imposed upon him.—
The will, nevertheless, was not signed nor executed when
Madame de Feucheres, perceiving the necessity of carrying
by another scene what she considered with reason as the
conclusion of this important affair, upbraided, on the
evening of the '29th August, the slowness of the Prince,
and created a scone which surpassed by its violence all
those which had preceded it.
The plaintiffs allege and put in plea that Madame tie
Feucheres, alarmed herself at the state of exasperation
into which the unfortunate old man had fallen, called a
witness, who found the Prince much excited, Isis eyes in-
flamed, and in a greater state of agitation than he had
ever been seen. " Yes, Madam," said lie, " it is a fright-
ful, an atrocious thing, thus to put a knife to my breast
to snake me do an act for which you know I have
tin much repugnance." " Well, Madam," added he with
still more rage, " plunge the knife immediately—plunge
it." It was at the close of this scene that the signature to
the will which was not yet made was promised next day.
It is alleged that the draught of the instrument was c‘er
tied, all prepared, to the Prince, who only transcribed it;
that the transcription and the signature did not take place
till the day following the scene le:ate& This will rea-
lize a project distinct from the universal bequest, and
from the augmentations of the particular bequest. I refer
to the establishment of Ecouen. We shall read this
will, in which, with the exception of the intunlation
of Ecouen for a benevolent establishment in favour of
children, grand-children, or the descendants of all efti•
cera or soldiers of the army of Conde and of La Vendee,
and other bequests, we find is it nothing more tban
the sacrifice of the sentiments of the Prince, and a nega-
tive given by his will to all the labours of his life. Here
the Advocate read the will, in which Henri-Eugene-Letoia
d'Orleans, Due d'Aumale, is Fumed universal legatee ; and
in failure of him, the youngest of the children of Orleans,
and which bequeaths to Madam Sophie Dawes, Baroness
de Feucheres—lst, 2,000,000 f. in money; 2d, the estate
of St. Lets; Sd, that of Boissy ; 4th, the Forest d'Enghien
and Montmorency, and all their dependencies ; and the
land and chateau of Morfuntaine; ,6th, the cottage occu-
pied by this lady in the Palais Bourbon, with the whole
of the furniture. The repugnance of the Prince, nnntinued
the Advocate, to make his will, which we have heard, 5(7a3
so great, and so often manifested by him, that M. de Surval
was convinced that this will would never be completed.
The Prince had been heard to say, " Tell Uadarne de Feu-
cheres, that if she will leave me slope upon this matter, I'll
give her one of my finest estates,—the duchy of Guise,"
It has been remarked that as soon as the Piince was en-
gaged in this affair, there was an end of his tranquillity,
and that the will imposed upon him, under pain of seeing
It ceaseless repetition of the most frightfol scenes, was the
torment of his life. Let it be said now that Amicable rela-
tions existed between the houses of Orleans and resside,—
let the fact be cited that the Duke of Bourbon becazne the
godfather of the Duke D'Autnale in 1829e,—that the two
collateral branches, which were not without certain claims,
certain rights, with respect to Else elder branch, coneericd
amongst themselves with regard to all which concerned
etiquette,—that the Duke of Bourbon in his correspond-
sure .manifested tokens of regard and affectime fur the
House of Orleans,—there still remains this fact pleaded,
that the Prince said that he never would accede the terms
of politeness and relationship towards the House of Or-
leans ; and that the will was subscribed, not by himself,
but to purchase, at the price of it, rest for his old days.
What characterises this too serious affair, and which caucot
periops, be found in any other with the same degree of
intensity', is the state of enthralment under which the tes-
tator was kept, the incessant agency which impelled him
along, and which made him daily add something to the
weight of his chains. The will was signed, its existestese
was known by those who were interested in it, and it was
so clear, that thanks were addressed by Queen Amelia to
the person who was about to create so considerab:e pp
eat ae to one of her children. It was necessary to reply.
The letter, which I have not, appears to be dated on the
2d of September. The reply was dated the 3d. Ithdarn,
the Feucheres it was, who presided at this reply, to which
glee exerted herself to give all
_the character of a species of
ratification. Undoubtedly, the question is not here to as-
crtain whether, whets the testator was still ist the state

of dominion and controul in which he executed his will, a
ratification obtained from him would hare more force and
authority than the will itself. But it is not necessary now
to discuss—we must read.

" September 3, 18:19.

" Manamr,—l experience real satisfaction at the kind things
which you say to me on account of the disposition which I have
made In favour of your childen. My heart and my friendship
for all your family have dictated them, and I shall be most anxi-
ous to repeat them to you when I have the pleasure of seeing you
Madame de Feucheres requests me to express to you how sensible
she is of your new kindness. It is true she has imported into
this affair a warmth which has made me overcome the difficultie►
which I encountered in bringing it to so prompt a termination .
I can assure, Madam, that she merits your interest by the noble
and distinguished sentiments which characterise her. It is al-
ways with eagerness that I renew, Madam, the assurance of the
affectionate attachment and sincere friendship which I have al-
ways entertain for you."
It was in the presence of Madame de Feucheres that
this letter was written. It was with her concurrence.
The paper bears the impress of the influence which she
exercised. One phrase should have said, " she merits
your interest by the distinguished sentiments which cha-
racterise her." Madame de Feucheres, for whom the word
" distinguished" was not sufficient, added the word
" noble." The Prince understood that it was necessary to
join the two adjectives by the particle, and the sentiments
of Madame de Feucheres which were only " distinguished"
in the Prince's edition, became, thanks to Madame de
Feucheres, " noble and distinguished" at the same time.
In a cruse in which the question arises whether the
Prince was not in his will the blind and passive instrument
of the wishes of Madame de Feucheres, behold, in order to
establish his freedoin from controul, the paper now produced.
The same reflections apply to the answer of the 4th Sep-
tember, to Mademoiselle d'Orleans, who, naturally enough,
had written to the Prince a letter of thanks. There is
but little felicity and ease in this letter, which likewise
discovers the traces of the presence of Madame de Feu-
cheres, and of her assistance :
MADEIMISELLR,-1 am extremely sensible of the kind things
you say to me on the subject of the disposition which I have
made in favour of your dear little godson. No one appreciates
better than I do, the amiable qualities which he discovers, and
which I doubt not will make his parents happy. If Ido not pro-
long the conversation farther with you, Mademoiselle, it is be.
Cause it recalls to me ideas which are very afflicting to my lace-
rated mind. I confine myself, therefore, in this letter, to repeat-
ing to you, Mademoiselle, the assurance of the affectionate at-
tachment and sincere friendship which I shall ever entertain for
you. Madame de Feucheres is very grateful for the interest
which you express towards her, and charges me to convey tofou
her respectful acknowledgements."
Let •s finish the picture. We must see to what excess
Madame de Feucheres sometimes went, and with what
terrors her victim was penetrated. We must cite a fact
posterior by a year to the making of the will, but which
reflects a horrible light upon the past.
On the 11th of August, 1830, fourteen days before the
death of the Prince, Obry de Chantilly, his godson, and to
whom his Highness was much attached, having been sent
to St. Leu, found Monseigneur, from eight to ten o'clock
in the morning, in the corridor before his apartment, in
his drawers, without shoes or stockings, and with very
marked agitation in his countenance. Taking the liberty
to ask the cause, the Prince said to him that Madame de
Feucheres was a wicked woman, for she had struck him.
" See," said Monseigneur, (showing him his left eye, front
whence the blood flowed, and his body on which the
marks of nails appeared), see the condition in which she
has placed me." These words, " Madame de Feucheres
is a wicked woman," were several times in the Prince's
tnoutb, who, probably repenting of the confidence which
he was placing in his godson, desired him not to repeat
any thing he had heard. The Prince, not willing to make
the same acknowledgtnent to Manoury, his valet-de-
chambre, stated to the latter when he entered his chamber
at three-quarters past eight, " Look here," showing his
eye, " I struck myself against a night-table." Manoury
having taken the liberty to remark that the table was not
so high as the bed, the Prince made no answer. Half an
hour after, Monseigneur said to Manoury, " You will know
it Madame de Feucheres breakfasts at table, and you will tell
me." Manoury returned some time after, and informed
him that Madame de Feucheres had desired breakfast

in her apartment for two persons, and that she would im-
mediately after leave Paris. At about half-past eleven
Manoury came for the breakfast things. Monseigneur
breakfasted in his bed-chamber. A small table was in his
ante chamber, and underneath it was a carpet of cloth to
preserve the ordinary carpet. In placing the cloth carpet
Manoury saw a letter, which came under the door of the
private staircase. He took it, and entering the chamber,
said, " Monseigneur, here is a letter which came under the
door of the staircase." The Prince took it hastily, and

appeared extremely disturbed. The breakfast being over,
the Prince said to Manoury, " Well, you did not believe
the story of the night• table—you were right. I was tear
killing myself." Upon this the Prince related to Manoury,
that after a short altercation with Madame de Feucheres,

on attending her to the door of the staircase, his foot failed
him at the first step ; that he fell on his left side, that he
had struck his bead and wounded his eye. This account
ppeared as improbable as the first, for in either case
the exterior contour of the eye would not have remained
unhurt, as was the case. There WAS no appearance either
on the nose or in the upper part of the orbit of the eye, or
on the cheek, of the slightest contusion ; insomuch, that
the state in which the eye appeared could only be explained
by a blow directed straight, The fall was not doubtful,
Manoury having had to rub with strong waters very con-
siderable brui.es. These facts could leave no doubt re-
specting the violence offered by Madame de Feucheres to the
person of the Prince on the morning of the 11th of August.
A person who well knew Madame de Feucheres—Ge-
neral Baron de Feucheres—wrote to the Prince, that he

had reason to distrust Madame de Feucheres ; that she
was capable of the greatest excesses ; and, in truth, the
Prince in his latter years never appeared happy but when
he was alone at Chantilly. There the expression of gaiety
appeared in all his features, but whenever Madame de
Feucherea arrived he became morose and taciturn.
One of the most positive proofs of the oppression under
which the Duke of Bourbon groaned, appears clearly in
the efforts which he made to withdraw himstlf from it,

and particularly in the mystery in which he was desirous
of enveloping his preparations for that purpose. There
were three projects,—a flight in July—a journey in the
waters of Bourbonne, which probably would have carried
the Prince further—a return to Chantilly, which was at
first fixed for the 81st of August, was then accelerated,
and was to have taken place on the morning of the 27th
of August. From the end of July the Prince, who not
merely had a project of withdrawing himself from the
theatre of events, had remitted a million of francs in bank-
notes, by the Baron de Surval, whom he bad required to
keep the secret carefully from Madame de Feucheres. In
the middle of August the Baron de Surval wished to give
this up to the Prince, who refused, because he considered
the million as remaining at his disposal. The Baron ale
S,urval, to whom the Prince bad intrusted the care of his
diamonds, in telling him never to say to Madame de Feu-
cheres that be held this deposit, received the same direc-
tion when on the 29th of July M. de Surval carried him
the 1,000,000 francs necessary for the journey, which
even from the sum itself, would have been only
a third expatriation. The Prince said positively
to lg. de Surval, in speaking of Madame de Feucheres,
4$ Sh. 74)1 suspect you have brought me money. You
will tell her ycn have only brought me 60,000 francs."
This change in the amount clearly shows that the Prince did
not wish Madame de Feucheres should discover the true ob-
ject of his departure. When the Prince remitted to M.
de a million on the 15th of August, he said to
Lim, " Keep it apart, without putting it in the money
chest, so that it be always at my disposal, and put
it with the diamonds.' Zl. de Surval pointed out to the
Prince, that since the million was intrusted to him, it was
necessary; at least, that the acknowle4gtint which the
Prince bad given should be returned. The Prince replied,
" No ; I consider this million as being always in my handa,
since you hold it at my disposal, AM since I place it in your
ha,;.ris now merely to get rid of it temporarily." Thus
the projezt o f the departure was determined no. What
woe the ,cause y If the Prince, who had been a wit-
ness of the Aust revpl4tion, could have feared fur a mo-
ment the return of anarchy, Fri-assured by the course
which affairs took, he would 9ot It?..ve waisted in a pro-
ject, of which pulicy migbt have been the pretext, but of
which it was not the principal cause, as tine of the vyt.
Posey Obstrves, " It is certain that ha the latter time the
Prince had manifested an intention of getting rid of the
yoke of I,lladarne 4e reucheres, and that that was the mo-
tive which induced him to w;thdraw himself. The Prince
told Manoury that he wail to wepare the necessaries for
the journey with all possible secrecy. ,9 Elie is cunning
will endeavour to pump you : take pp.!, not
to let her ali,;;zover my projects." Manoury was to prop
cure a passport, .1-;:t1 to take a chaise and to go to
Nloiaselles, where the i'rinc.te was to meet him. " If
YOU do uot come," said the Prine,s to Manoury, " I shall
know what hest will mean." The ?r;nce had some
c4.2veir"tiwas with 4.4 a Choulet, relative to his &Tor-
ture. t' these conversations, which occurred between
the events in July and the death of the Prince, it was
positively stated that ha intended to quit Prance. M. de
14171k!atilet and Manoury were the tiny ones in the secret.
the 14:4-;ejt of quitting France is connected with the Rey
sentiments the Primes manifested towards Madame
.4g Feucheres. At W ,rre.llllrked by every one that the
Pringe during the latter periicd of his life, bore with im-
patience the yoke. Madame de. ?Kiehergs, who had
revived at that poct domination 'to iiiiti;re that the
i of
prince should come dOwie 49 her residence every denier t~
,ones the letters which were addressed to him, had for
some day, ,ceased this practice. Thw, pa the evening

before his &sib, the Prince gaiPe Manoury letters to carry'
to Madame de Feucheres, which proves that he did not
open them in her house. In the latter period the Prince '
did not come down according to his former practice to
Madame de Feucheres before dinner. During the eight
last days the Prince was accustomed to enter alone into
the apartments at the dinner hour contrary to his former
practice. During the last 15 days, when Madame de
Feucheres desired admission to the Prince, be evinced
considerable impatience. " What does this woman want
with me ?" he said, and he appeared absorbed and almost
trembling. The project of flying far from Madame de
Feucheres having failed, he was compelled to resign him-
self to Chantilly. The terror of the Prince, however,
was always increasing. On the 22d of August, four days
before the catastrophe, the Prince intimated to Manoury
a wish that he should sleep at the dour of his chamber,
and it was only on the remark of Manoury, that it would
appear strange to the other valets de chambre ; that the
Prince, observing he was right, gave up the project, which
remains no le's a proof of the terrors by which he was
beset. _ .

These projects of flight, these terrors, this desire to
emancipate himself from a condition of servitude are at
once proofs of the existence of that servitude itself, and
proofs also that the will would not have survived, for any
leneth of time, the emancipation of the testator. Madame
de:Feucheres herself was of this opinion. The events had
made her very fearful respecting the execution of the will ;
and so she tormented the Prince to convert into gifts the
testamentary dispositions he had made in her favour.
" The Prince, for the sake of peace," says a witness,
" consented, as be always did ; but M. de Surval, alarmed
at the enormity of the rights which such gifts would have
carried with them, proposed to sell St. Leu to Madame
Adelaide, sister of the King. who had some inclination to
the purchase. The negociation for this sale was actually
commenced."

M. Hennequin them applied himself to the discussion of
the three principal points of the case ; first, that the will
of the Duke de Bourbon was not the expression of his free
will and desire ; second, that there had been instigation ;
and third, that there had been circumvention practised
upon him.

In developing the first of these propositions, the advo-
cate read other letters, which we give verbatim below.
The first was written_by the Duke d'Orleans, in 1827, at
a time when the proceedings for bringing about the will
were already commenced. It runs thus :
.‘ Neuilly, 13th July, 18:r7.
" It is so long, Sir, since I had the pleasure- of seeing you,
that I should doubly regret not having paid you a visit before
undertaking the journey which I am about to make to Auvergne,
where my sister is gone to wait for our arrival. I depart on
Wednesday next, the 20th of this month ; and, as I know you do
not sport on Sunday, I propose to come and see you on that day
with my eldest son, whom I have for a long time been impatient
to present to you. If, however, we should cause you the slightest
inconvenience by this visit, I only beg of you that you will tell
me so frankly and then I will defer it ; but if I hear nothing
from you to the contrary, it will be a real satisfaction to us to
call upon you at St. Leu, and to renew to you by word of mouth
the expression of all those sentiments which I entertain towards
you, and that of my unalterable attachment."

The following is the answer which the Duke d'Orleane
received from the Prince de Bourbon :
"This Thursday, —, 1827.
I have received your letter, Sir, only this day at Paris, where
I have been for some days past. To-morrow and Saturday lam
engaged to sport in your estates at Brie, but shall positively be at
St. Leu the whole of Sunday and am"

These, continued the advocate, concluded this letter,
which, from its laconicism, could only be considered as a
mere acknowledgment of the other's letter, and would not
have authorized the Duke d'Orleans to repair to St. Leu ;
hut Madame de Feucheres, who was much mere polite,
and who, moreover, well understood Chit this reply was
neither more nor less then a clear invitation, and a friendly
one to boot, added her hand to it, and restrained the
course of the monosyllables which were about to precipi-
tate themselves rudely into the ordinary formal conclu-
sion—"and am, &c."—(A laugh)—Madame de Feu-
cheres added, after the words " and am,"—" charmed, as
you will readily imagine, to receive you, as well as the
Duke de Chartres, there, either to breakfast or to dinner,
or both, if agreeable to you."
Coming afterwards to the circumstance of the baptism
of the Duke d'Aumale, the Advocate read the following
letter of the Duke d'Orleans, in answer to an invitation
addressed, on this occasion, by the Duke de Bourbon to the
Orleans family
June 12, 182'2, Nine o'clock in the Evening.
" You are, Sir, a thousand time, too good and too amiable,
and I am unable to express to you how much we are sensible of
your attention. We shall take advantage, with the greatest
pleasure, of that which you are so good as to propose to us, and
we accept the dinner which you are so good as to offer to us,
and which will suit us the better also, inasmuch as then our
Princesses will sleep to—morrow at Compieghe till late in the
morning; and at noon we shall put ourselves in motion to go by
Sculls to Chantilly—our party being 12 in number,—so that we
shall arrive at about four o'clock. We shall then be most happy
to place ourselves entirely at your disposal. I expect here to-
night my two eldest sons, and I have also with me my two
daughters. I hope that that will not importune you too much,
and my wife and my sister join with me in expressing how much
we shall enjoy to-morrow taking advantage of your amiable
offers. Permit me to add thereto the expression of my tender,
very lively, and very sincere friendship for you."

The Advocate then applied himself to an explanation
of the motives of the invitation and of the answer. The
invitation, he said, appeared to him to be very simple,
and called for by the circumstance. The Prince had just
been entertained at the Palais Royal on the occasion of the
baptism ; it was natural that a polished and delicate spirit
should hasten to make a due return, and that, too, in the
most gracious manner. The invitation was a proof of the
politeness of the Prince, but it proved nothing more.
M. Hennequin, after going through the several other
circumstances of the case, came to that point which is to
be considered after the conversation which the Duke de
Bourbon had with one of his officers, and in which the
latter discovered that the Duke's thoughts were not di-
rected towards a Prince of the Orleans' family.
" We, state," said the advocate, " that one day, sub-
sequently to the birth of the Duke de Bordeaux, the
Prince, while walking in the Champs-Elysees, met one
of his officers who had accompanied him to the opera on
the night of the assassination of the Duke de I3erri ; that
that catastrophe having become the subject of conversation
between them, the Princesaid—" The Duke de Berri was
blunt (brusque), but he was very good; never did he do
harm to any one. I loved him much. He had been my
son's companion in arms." After a few imminent,'
silence, he resumed. " Well ! since his children are
orphans, I will be a father to them : they shall be my
heirs."

Reverting to the first point, and after having rebutted
the objections which he anticipated might be urged against
his argument, M. Hennequin dwelt upon this conclusion
—namely, that Madame de Feucheres had, unceasingly
and without relaxation, besieged, tormented, and perse-
cuted, the Duke de Bourbon, in order to force and to pa-
ralyze his wishes ; but that at the same time it results
from the letters of the Duke d'Orleans to the Duke de
Bourbon, that steps, besettings—of which the latter was
the subject—had all been taken, and practised, and con.
summated. Thus, said the advocate, I prove that the will
VIM not freely made, and, consequently, that it was not
the expression of the will and desire of the Prince.
M. Hennequin then addressed himself to the facts of in-
stigation and circumvention, which he discussed sepa-
rately, and related a conversation of the Prince with M.
Hostein, his dentist—a conversation in which the Duke
de Bourbon, after having addressed himself confidentially
on the subject of the moral feelings which the violence
and angry flights of Madame de Feucheres caused him,
continued thus :—" Lave you sometimes seen, my dear
doctor, a fly near the web of a spider ? However slightly
the fly may touch it, that instant does the voracious insect
rush out and entangle the fly in his net. Well, such is
my position."
M. Hennequin continued to read several allegations of
matters of fact, which consisted chiefly of the violent scenes
with which Madame de Feucheres visited the Prince, in
order to bring him by force to make a will, which was the
sole means pf recovering peace, tranquillity—the only way
of paying his ransom, and recovering his liberty.
M, Ifennequin discussed these allegations separately,
i and nsisted strongly upon that circumstance which he
called " the scene of the huife"—a scene in which the
Prince exclaimed, in the delirium of his despair, " You
put the knife to my throat !—.this knife—plunge it into
me then, Madam !"
When the advocate announced that he cause to the alle-
gation wlqch made the Prince say, in the presence of wit-
news, that hp had been beaten by the Baroness de
Feucheres, that it was to her violence, to her blows, and
to her nails, that the traces of wonnila and the blood
which they saw on his face, were to be attributed; M.
Lavaux interrupted him, and declared the allegation to be
false, repeating the same declaration throughout the argu-
ment sf M. Hennequin in support of it. The latter ob-
served that th, tcath or falsehood of the allegation was a
matter to be decided ky the court. M. Lavaux threatened
an action for defamation, which N. Itenne(pin coolly ob-
servtd would come, perhaps, rather too late. " W shall
see;" said M. Lavaux. " You are right, answered AL
Henneeni;:, "we shall see." * M. Hennequin con-
cluded with an eloyuent appeal to the Court.
'The farther hearing of the ate was adjourned for a
Le 10110101 represents M. 'Hennepin as baying beers inter-
rupted jay 11. L.,vatoc in the reading of another allegatAn also,
which Was to t!!e etirect that a person in the ei-nPIoY of the Duke
de Bourbon overheard' the. ki'laiOrig g9nversatlory between Ma,
dame de Feucheres and her nephew the )3aron 'de plasSaii,
the 10th or 15th of November, Itr27. N. de Plessan ;.4ed Pi?
Prince would soon make his will. Madame de Fetich-eyes an-
swered that there had been some talk about it the night before,
a. 13 that the will would soon be made. M. de Flassan—'. But he
11,4)11iVe a Erg while yet.". Madame. de Feucheres" Bah! he
will not hold' lon
71. I only push him with my finger, there is
fi,
an
end of him. t soyii tie done (etouffe)."

week, when M. Dupin, the younger, will appear for the
Duke d'Aumale, and M. Lavattr, for the Baroness de
Feucheres.

FRENCH PAPERS.

CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, DEc. 17.

After some preliminary business, M. Casimir Perier de-
livered a royal communication on the affairs of Lyons.
The President of the Council ascended the tribune
amidst profound silence. Gentlemen (said he), in the
sitting of the 24th of last November, I had the honour to
make a communication to the Chamber, by command of
the King and under the advice of his Council, respecting
the lamentable events of which the city of Lyons has just
been the theatre. A candid recital of the facts, such as
they were announced to us by a Chief of Administration,
in the absence of direct reports from the Prefect and
from the Military Commandant—the exposition of the
measures taken—and the determination displayed ipk the
Ministry of overcoming all the difficulties with the exis
laws—elicited from this Chamber a testimony of its con-
flolence and concurrence, which gave us new strength, and
at the same time imposes on us additional obligations
finally to complete the exposition which the Chamber re-
ceived with so much kind feeling. Such is the object of
the communication which we have the honour to make to-
day ; it is, moreover, to render you an account of your
own work ; for the happy accord of the authorities of the
State, so frankly manifested by the address of the Chamber
to the King, powerfully contributed to excite the generous
efforts of the army and of loyal citizens for the re-establish-
ment of order, and to the intimidation of those be pas-
lions which might have sought to give effect to these ele-
ments of disturbance.

We are, therefore, in some measure, to discharge a debt
in performing a duty ; and it is thus that we propose to
render a homage worthy of it to our revolution, which
has no result more true—no guarantee more solid—than
the harmony of the constitutional powers ; because in that
alone resides the force of institutions and of Government.
The first communication already made to the Chamber
ended with the departure of the Prince Royal and the
Marshal Minister of War. It is from that date that I
am about to resume the new explanation. After a few
more preliminary observations, M. Perier proceeded : that
which is alone incumbent on you is, to investigate and to
discover the real causes of the disorders, and also to judge
of the measurer taken by the authorities. The rest is the
province of justice and of clemency, and you will not, gen-
tlemen, I am sure, regret our reserve on that delicate point.
Among the number of the more immediate causes (and
apart from the general causes the consideration of which
we defer to another occasion) is the adoption which had
just taken place, without the concurrence of Government.
of a tariff of prices for the manufacture of silks—a tariff
on which the local authorities appeared in the eyes of the
workmen to impress a compulsory characlfr.
Having recapitulated some parts of his former statement
relative to the exasperation caused by this tariff among the
weavers, and the sudden explosion that followed, the Pre-
sident of the Council passed on to the arrival of the Duke
of Orleans and Marshal Soul,, on the morning of the 27th
of November, at Macon, where they first established a
communication with General Roguet. On the 28th the
head-quarters were transferred to Trevoux, where a con-
centration of the troops was effected, and the combination
of measures to establish fully the authority of the law, and
to avoid a fresh effusion of blood. For that purpose the
Prince and the Marshal, impressed with the views of the
Council at which they had assisted before their departure
from Paris, had to decide a grand question. They had to
choose between a sudden entry into Lyons at the risk of
the chances of an obstinate resistance, or a blind re-action,
and the prudent precaution of a prolonged stay before its
gates, in order to give the passions time to subside, and
reason to assume the ascendancy, and submission to ma-
nifest itself. This latter alternative, which they preferred,
has been completely justified by the result. Indeed, the
very circumstances of the case pointed out this course.
On all sides the population flocked round him, solicit-
ing the Marshal to regulate and authorize the mobili-
zation of the National Guards—a thing that took place
successively, and at proper occasion, by virtue of
Royal ordinances. Already that part of the inhabi-
tants of Lyons which suffered itself to be so cruelly led
astray, embarrassed by its unfortunate success, had no other
desire but that of returning under the protection of the
law ; but a just sentiment of prudence and of dignity,
above all things, required that there should be a disarming
before the troops entered the city. It was also necessary
to be assured that no rash engagement had been made in
the name of the Government, and further, to have it well
known (in order to avoid even the appearance of a surprise)
that no such engagement could be sanctioned ; that sub-
mission without reserve was insisted on ; and that Lyons
should receive unconditionally a liberator. It was, more-
over, necessary that considerable display of forces should
banish all apprehension of collision by crushing every idea
of resistance. It was necessary, in fine, to inquire into
the real situation of all the municipal authorities, in order
to appreciate their reports, their conduct, and their in-
fluence. The stay of the Prince and the Maratha' was use-
fully employed in satisfying themselves upon all the essen-
tial points. Proclamations, firm and encouraging, which
promised nothing but justice—an imposing review, at
which the Royal rewards and the severities of the law
were dispensed with eclat, with discernment—Deputies
received with benevolence, with dignity—language grave
and conciliatory, used with as much sagacity as prudence
—the dissolution of the National Guard pronounced
—the formal order for disarming signified to all, and
executed with vigilance— the concentration of the troops,
and the re-incorporation of the military who had been
dispersed. Such were the preliminaries to the entry of
the Prince into Lyons at the head of 26,000 men, an entry
which excited the most sincere acclimation', those of gra
titude—for every individual in that city besought in diffe
rent ways the termination of a state of things intolerabl
to all, and the prolongation of which was already a chas
tisement to those who had brought it on.—(Sensation.
Immediately after his entry into Lyons, the Marshal Mi
nister of War proceeded to send back the National Guard
(mobiles) who had given proof of a zeal so patriotic. H
took measures fur opening toe career of arms to the work
men out of employment. All the expenses which th
tnovement of troops and of the National Guards (mobiles
had occasioned were arranged. An active surveillanet
was exercised over every part of the foreign population o.
the city of Lyons. The distribution of the livrets
d'ouvriers was put upon a better footing, and one calcu-
lated to prevent any infractions. A new Prefect was in-
stalled ad interim. The Bth of December was fixed on
for the completion of the disarming, which had already
proceeded in so satisfactory a manner that the number of
guns deposited, up to the moment of which I speak, ex-
ceeds that distributed to the National Guards ie 1811 and
1830. The measures of surveillance s. ere increased.
Charitable funds were provided for the temporary relief of
the necessitous workmen. The Moister ordered some
military works that were indispensable, and settled the
garrison of Lyons. The superabundant troops were sent
back to their respective cantonments, after a review, in
which the Prince delivered to some regiments their colours
and standards, and to some of the military who dis-
tinguished themselves at Lyons the rewards which
their King had granted to them. These rewards,
gentlemen, were well deserved, for courage in crises
of this description is glorious in proportion to the
danger ; and it shows all the patriotism of a citizen
united to the bravery of the soldier. The army gave in
this affair a grand example, an useful lesson. Honour to
it for having proved that, if a perjured Government could
uot find French swords to sustain the violation of the laws,
a national Government can call on it for defending the In-
stitutions of the country against whatever it may be.—
(Movement—general adhesion—bravo.) A part of the
National Guards of Lyons also understood this duty. It
fulfilled it with an admirable devotion, which will ever
honour them in the eyes of the friends of liberty ; for it
understood that the mission of armed citizens was to de-
fend the law as they would their colours, as they would
their country. Another portion of this National Guard,
we regret to say it, but we are bound to tell you the whole
truth—another portion of that Guard was wanting in its
duty to the law, to the country, and even to itself. This
will also be a lesson, by which we are happy already to
foresee that they will profit when such honourable ranks
will be re-opened to them—a lesson of which they must
be rendered the more sensible by the spectacle of patriotic
sl
epbr pe liberty
thath ee d
interestswith
atiti t
hvities ah 0414 prevent any collisions
l what
;zeal by whipii the moveable battalions of l'leere, la Drome,
l'Ain, Saone-et-Lo;r, hastened to the call of the law. In
fine, after having satisfied, by then,prgljeoinery measures,
all that necessity and the occasion required, the Mi4iSter
of War issued an order which suppressed (so far as the
administration was concerned) the tariff and all the acts
that attached to it. So far was this order from exciting
ant
the (I;o:content which some people affected to apprehend
from it, thee ii. wae received with sentiments sufficiently
indicative that the sound poet of also POPPlati°n of Lyotia
f true
e
in private transactions—affairs that should always be left
to tvh et
i the Government
the respective parties, with this sole re-
declined a spirit t
hoef w
righti sdo nolf
in enti
4ery °
on
subversive of pliblic gaoler?
These prineiploa have
seeured
eie empire at Lyons,
gentlemen. It was necessary that they should do so com-
pletely, for the example of that singular administrative in-
terference in the private relations between the workmen

and those Who employ than mild only produce number.
less embarrassments. It was our duty to seize the oppor-
tunity, which was not opened to us in time bef4c the con-
cluslibta of the tariff, to re-establish sound doctrines in thi.
respect, and thus prevent the possible abuse of a bad pre-
cedent. It was now essential to the well-understood in-
terests of the manufacturers, and it was the duty of all, as
well as of the Government, to devise means to mitigate
misfortune, and prevent conflicts. It was in this situa-
tion, gentlemen, that the Prince Royal and the Minister of
War left Lyons. Affairs then resumed their natural course,
and the Government its direct relations. Many documents
were laid before them, and several accusations, to which
they will pay every attention ; hut they would much rather
remedy evils than accuse individuals. He had passed over
dreadful scenes and detestable crimes, because they would
be brought under the regular cognizance of justice ; and he
would only remark to people who pretended to the honour
of bring free, that liberty was the despotism of the law.—
(Good ! very good.) That the peril of the three days at
Paris was consecrated by the law, which it avenged, whilst
that of the two days at Lyons was branded by the revolt
against the laws which it violated.—(Profound sensation,
Very good, very good.') The pretended imitators of the
rat jots of July hail written their notifications in characters
of blood on the walls of Lyons, but even these would not be
lost to liberty if every one comprehended the lesson there
traced.

But the more we believe that these disorders were
unconnected with politics, the more necessary it is to ob-
serve the purely social circumstances which led to the crisis.
It affords to us all, gentlemen, the opportunity for stu-
dying the causes, general and accidental no doubt, of a
decline in industrious pursuits, which, with loyal men
could not become an offensive weapon against Government,
for you are well convinced, gentlemen, that Government
has as ardent a desire and wish as any person, whoever he
may be, to afford assistance, as far as it is in its power, to
the suffering people. You do not believe that the way to
remedy individual misfortune is to take advantage of it, to
shake the confidence reposed in the Government, and to
keep up endless anxieties which, in their turn, produce
new misfortunes.

Then, gentlemen, you will excuse us upon an occssion
so important and so rife with lessons of all kinds, for mak-
ing a few reflections upon the state of things which it re-
veals, or which it supposes. It is not a digression, for it
is, indeed, the basis of the question, the social question
which has just confounded itself with that of the industry
of Lyons. Let us fearlessly examine into every thing.
Let us reply to thoughts as well as words, to secret insi-
nuations as well as to public accusations.--(General marks
of attention.)

Is it then true, that the distress complained of, and
which manifested itself in several branches of the social
organiz ition, had its origin in the revolution of July, and
that to the revolution may be exclusively imputed the mis-
fortune or the evil ? Is it true, also, that if it be not the
revolution itself, the Government can at least be accused,
and that it has neglected to have recourse to the means of
reparation and prevention which were at its disposal ?
It is also true, that the present imposts, their uew re-
gime, and the maintenance of the financial system, upon
which the credit of France reposes, have aggravated the
crisis, the effects of which have been so lamentably deve-
loped ? Is it true in short, that the whole system of the
present Ministry, external and internal—is it true, that
our policy has caused or kept up these anxieties, these mis-
fortunes, these disorders ? It has been said so ; and these
observation form an analysis of a great many speeches and
writings. But, gentlemen, let us examine, without re-
.erve, these charges which we have just repeated, without
evasion. But, first let us remove from our revolution,
and the Government founded by it, these unjust charges.
We will then occupy ourselves with the Administration
and its system.—(Redoubled attention.) There has been
suffering ; a state of embarrassment has existed. We ad-
mit it, but we make these reserve@ against the exaggera-
tion of complaints, which, with the present means of
publicity, are made the more striking, inasmuch as they
have more organs and more echoes. We admit these facts,
but on looking round we have a confident prospect of
future prosperity; the present also is ameliorating daily,
and certain remedies are applied to temporary suffering.
We admit it ; but at the same time we repel the asser-
tions of men who make of this commercial crisis a means
of attack upon the Government, without perceiving, I am
inclined to hope, that they unfortunately second the hosti-
lity of those who prove themselves so anxious to make use
of it as a weapon to assail our revolution itself. The lan-
guage of the systematic adversaries of our new liberties
ought, however, to enlighten their defenders as to
the danger of those hasty reproaches which are laid hold
of with avidity against another cause than that of the Mi-
nistry.

There is no better symptom of a fault than the joy •f
an enemy; and the enemies of the revolution of July are
lavish of cautions of this kind, and do not fear to reproach
it with evils which it has brought to light but not created.
Let us be just. It is not policy only which would dic-
tate another language to the partisans of the new order of
things. Truth is here in accordance with prudence.—
Let us recal to mind, gentlemen, what we all predicted
and announced, what we knew, what we all said a long
time before the revolution of July, and at the period when
the commercial crisis took place in England, in 1825. It
was predicted that this crisis would make the round of the
Continent. We even heard a Minister who ought to have
spoken flatteringly of an appearance of prosperity, reproach
speculators with making too great efforts, and following the
example of Lord Liverpool, accuse the spirit of industry of
a giddiness which exposed it to lamentable mistakes.
Without speaking of other kinds of speculations and en-
terprises, let us not forget that at that period it was de-
monstrated that the supply of manufactured goods had ex-
ceeded the demand in an alarmin; manner. 704, .Cll
happened,. :tat if ti. • went on with their
lai.2,,ur,nitpported t the manufacturas,
the latter had II
6enigelVis said to him lone laid out upon
.e hot f than the products
...An, a, :they wseo ~ced the produce what
.e tale lower oorwt *l",!,Log
It was this state -pi Ons 6.1,,,te :entry le .3 star.
priecd with r.,v01ut;hu......2 rend', bra of which the prita...
cip!e, however leg,tiro*f.lirught aboot the consequeneiv
inseparable from 031 -f' ties that of inikirq zqdtet
scarce-, sucpeutliig e.F -i; and intemipting:latatur
--result. to Wh anE caleulat;ezmalswo?euc'e
both conaibutek And the':neeenity of baiancing SO MOW/
affairs, manufactutre, and enterprises, fiut of nrialcb, ea•
isted after 1825, !except l.y the aid of ctitlouts-Ta.ut
teem:la:ovation -P.:43.

are --.4latine: celled for
by slam..
" `batien a
feat of. watt; • "f 1830,
every one `atatnces
to the_jtriV, Al% /eye A -
leavint,a,;,44t . ail
to mind itsinenar.rt---
by the 4;41 off Qesurd thearilki,„
be by acts of)ariolente Off
airs,
essay., &rt ns reaterauer aim&
opoc the aro,bito;is .4gis
and of et'cnte, and the atte:;:pts
that there could be no revolution in the cevattreitnt un-
less it resulted iron a revolution the rits*te fortune of
every citizen. Let us clze conf-lies how titc cenunvcial
r,risie of 1830, and the c--.0;-ai crial caused by et.';versive
writings, irritated a communistl suit: indsstrioue crisis of
ancient date, bet which broke out nad-Italy. If we do
thin, gentlemen, au far from discouragif opinions and
in-
tervst----so far from accusing the prvac,4 of the said I4t.cy
of the pat, and interdicting roe hope o:a better future,
we !,ha'; rather be aeton:abe.! that the evil was not of
greater extent, and that the elements of security and the
means of reparation already present themselves from all
parts to the wisdom of the power of the state. Then,
gentlemen, so far from throwing upon our revolution,
upon our Government, the blame of a temporary distress,
we shall see by the liberties re-established by the one,
and the confidence inspired by the other, the elements of
amelioration which have saved our country alike from the
guilty efforts of those who only saw in our revolution dip
signal for civil war, or from those who wished to impose
upon our Government the necessity of a foreign war.
I have been the advocate of the institutions of July,
and I am now about to become security for the Adminis-
tration and its system—that is to say fur you, gentlemen,
as well as for us.—(Tlarks of attention, hear, hear.)
"Did the Administration, during the existence of public
distress, neglect the means placed at its disposal to remedy
evils, give new animation to industry, re-establish circula-
tion by consumption ? It is not in this enlightened
Chantlfer that the prejudi'e of ardent times ran prevail,
that it is the province of the Government to interfere with
tke private affairs of every individual, and to contribute to
the welfare of individuals by other means than those
adopted for the general good. Let our opponents then
explain themselves, What measures advantageous to
in-
dustry or to commerce have been demanded of us which
we have not granted, unless where it was wished to make
a local interest prevail against the general interest of the
whole country?
As to assistance? have we pot created alnioft fictitious
labour to give temporary employment to idle hands
Maee arp not partial acts?. bpt has no; tie same opirii
animated the plane of legrelation upon which we have
asked for your votes and advice?
Consult the present order of your deliberations : at what

period was a greater !limber of positive laws
favour of the itnpert In t interests of society ? All
tial questions of political economy have entered
projects. Is it from us that political disquisition
speculative projects have emanated ?—projeeta
our eyes have nothing in common with the .
labour any more than universal suffrage with the
the days of the workmen. Corn laws, transit,
roads, and public works, excitement of private
we have sought to attend to all these, and as to
we have only psid attention to those connected
improvement of our institutions, formerly dicta
charter,: and the reform of our penal laws,
civilization itself. We have, above all things,
if the problem of external peace was the
portant to solve, its solution depended most
upon the re-establishment of internal tranquillity.
words internal tranquillity, I do not only mean
quillity of our roads and our streets, but the
peaceable organization of our new institutions, the
tions of which are too powerful to require to be
I may allude also to that guarantee given to every
that the revolution of July might be sanctioned
other State, whatever be its regime, and that the
of our Government was compatible with any
tence anterior and different. I may, in short,
maintenance of the vast and skilful combinations,
trative and financial, left to us by our first rev
which the empire and the restoration owed their
and which the second revolution could neither
nor overturn, without destroying the means of s
success, which were not wanting even during the
years of the fallen dynasty.
Let us not be afraid to declare, nor fear to act
declaration, that there would only be disorder and
the new regime in the destruction, or even the
the springs of that powerful administrati►e
which Europe envied us, which she admired and
and the initiative of which still remains in the
part of her provinces as the only trace of our
The moral wants of the people have been talked
so. In what respect have we opposed them ?
institutions, elections, municipalities, and natif
have testified the most imperious wants. P
of moral wants, has been consolidated with
formidable precautions, which satisfied the
another want no less imperious. Internal tra
necessary to all the rest, to the progress of insti.
well as the developement of industry, is
spite of the sinister predictions with respect to
dee and the South, where we see no more el
civil war than do we perceive upon the Rhine the
of foreign war, and this without being obliged to
course to the law. of exception, which we were
advised to adopt.
I approach the question in appearance the moe
one, that of the imposts ; but who upon this
be replied to? Is it these men, who seei
amount of a budget, in which they confound
expenses, that they have provoked themselves,
ordinary expenses which have been reduced, ask
to come to a conclusion for the purposes of
fon ? Is it those more attentive minds who ta,
count of circumstances and examine them before
to a conclusion ? But the latter know well that
expenses, some of them ordinary, resulting from
affairs of which we were long aware, and others
dinary, but which have been also voted by the '
to cover extraordinary demands, and, above all,
demands of national independence—they know,
ference to these resources, that it is not the jam
we have asked.

returne
;kc

In fine, gentlemen, from what source has th,
ment taken the 225,000,000 f. of the
budget of 1831 ? It has sold the forests of the
made a loan. This sale of the public domains has
advantage of rendering them available for the
private industry, and this loan, you will sees
altered the state of credit. As to an impost
under the preceding Ministry, it is also well .
it was not an increase of direct taxatias, but an
or a tran'position, since it did nothing more th
under a direct form the value of a digrevement
in an important part of the indirect taxes.
gentlemen, what good faith acknowled, wi,
ception of the thirty additional centimes,
which expires on the 31st of December, no
of imposts, no new impost, has pressed upon
payer. Some persons speak without ceasing of
of 1,400,000,000, or of 1,500,000,000 f. Th.
gentlemen, is a pure invention; it expresses
tual expences, but the receipts voted by a
and with a view to events which have not occu.

parth
terest
r. TI

titw
tI
I

The real amount of the budget of 1831 is 1,1
of which 225,000,00E1 are appropriated to
expencts. The amount of the budget of 1532
and extraordinary, it 1,097,000,000. By
tlemen, these two sums to the amount required
dinary expences alone, they would amount, 1
946,000,000, and the other to 955,000,000, an,
these two amounts is much less than the differen.
voted in the last years of the restoration.
The idea must therefore be renounced of findil
hypothesis of an increase of imposts, the caur
tress which has momentarily deranged the pr
well-arranged calculations of the Administratio
Ask them for an account, above all, of th,
coveries which have crowded the history of mai
the last half-century, and of which the double
been at once to increase the operative populatf
simplify the agents of production, to multiply p.
to augment all kinds of competitions. There are
four points of view more motives to serve to
crisis even more serious than that which we
through. It is the wisdom of legislation to .
and to accommodate institutions to them ; but
object it must rest with the foresight of Gt.
secure to these meditations, and to the dere'
the measures to which they may give birth, the
of an honourable and durable peace, because in
is to be found all the resources, and abundant
remedy the evils complained of.
This view of the subject naturally leads me,
to the re-examination of the political system 01
ministration, as the cause more or less int
said, of the evils which are pointed out. The
of this system is peace; this, gentlemen, you
you have acknowledged it; and, certainly, it
the Government, powerfully seconded by you
everything that was most efficacious for the
of the condition of the labouring classes, al.,
selves above all to the consolidation of that peace
the only pledge of the confidence of capitalist.,
guarantee of the return of these commercial
which the fear alone of war had interrupted.
It is with reference to these considerations that
h- permitted to declare that either with relation
terests of the State, or to those of the labour
peace is the best economy that can be resort
arming the amendment to the budget.—(Loud
It was on coming into power our first thr
object of all our efforts. We have succeeded
future, a future only nearly approaching, w
gentlemen, that it has been the chief encour
industry, the most certain aid to commerce,
abundant resource to the labourer.

.as
goo(
of tha

But, to defend peace, to have the conscience
patriotically, resisting on all sides patriotic passion
a consistency which you have appreciated and
We have measured the lists, gentlemen ; we
that we shall enter them ; and it is for that we
moned you. France would not wish for pei
unison with independence and honour—she wo.
or accept it, but at that price. That is what "1 \ . 0 ~thc
,NitulQll,ol-)Uke 0!
ported our courage in the endeavour to maintain 4; se ‘i,t4L4k the hoc
if you yourselves recollect the obstacles, the mengl4'ildr
the sinister presages, by which we were so long gg't, Jr( !t teintiearc?itelt,
you may, perhaps, be of opinion that a much greet pee' i'Vihdersien
gree of courage was required to sustain such illi•Wit:elgium
tekt tlng, ti
policy than to make war. "' the 191
This courage of resistance we have opposed to 11 o'cr
gencies which required, in the interior, eiceptiOo" by • tZr 3 Pa'''. in
sures, similar to those which would be required 00 10,44 teeseravatt
general war without, persuaded like you, gentletoe°o' p tv,:hould
the consequence of a rapid movement of events, ir° red'
first danger of which the people ought to be Pr e't Ile tic to--, and
kio_those
is the opening out of new ways whenever they
tfti'itat ~'!!ot" its
precipitated. eoM
This is the whole dour systems and the whole of
Joe .ti,gtAl 414,tersigne(
gentlemen, for you have adopted, and several ti,oe' ~,,flitkebb,salennela,' lay
wb° ing to thi
fumed it, and we have henceforth the confidence of eigloot
ing the country in satisfying your wishes, 14+.4ect, to th(
legally and sincerely express theirs. „ psis !'at the e
This system has for its object, in consequence, tv4,1110 th4141,?41 feat%
port at home a soirit of order and of muderatigil "cite' tty;.
tends tq trariquilfie language ce4.ol' ~144),14, the baYsi
tious, which applies itself to the preservation of the !in il,ethi.!?der hi:
rests of those individuals who are mistaken in their 51,e00,(,,k4F1S- lir
I; t
inspiring t4ein with moderate expectations, yktit,44 the eYN
their efforts with frankness and firmness, distancingetp'tt,,,,tl,l be(
,ttotoile,7,7lo,y thl
them all ambition, and teaching them that free g°1404 o
ments do not take upon themselves the task of ereeitiot • !,,hto,,,,hev-age
fortunes, and only second private industry by prot ,
labour and property, which also mutually F,cata4.e and Li
'' •,‘, • ' 't !'e "ieles
ot4eF be IJ (-GriiNnrar!
s,astly, gF.l4leMtl, constant impossibility of t , pre ',Liaticfeisence
and of the general interest 'which Masters the illeelipo ('4, haven d
tensions of private interests; such is our system,otbi setiThi state. '
becomp common to all, gentlemen, i 4 " Consequence 0,0, 4rttlecli
the
explauations with which you have shown vourolvee how'

partial

laws pr a
iv) 5
te7.0.1:41:4.i.
ecota:red,le,,veitoor‘inoenotinfittva,'hnerigieirsgenn,
itmlncsonotesiirr
r ? All the
zleett:ll
alivanablatvi,l
flemesintotbtveheerafe.ot,drtehwi necoitgolcohom'iil Y, 0 u have ,pons
luisitions and tlites,, the work,
rtpw:the interest!, d" estinot be ch,
riaiietnvheast4ittbte weein:tdatiretic:, iti",,. gentlemen
isnyo,mdedeenaieitscedtmtatomestewandsetitl!:: :::t..c-tet"l:yioitseiniteehrtbese4.ethedresGociteiht:
things, eh. ,
te atthidteiwsLtaryesossoiuesrt,
a the most t4Porar • d' t
0, _ ) ll l r
'quality. BY ':rnment, or to
rtei
etaimbon een, :,
dntsht
ertbboyfecia strong tri „4„,
..tratte..'lix°*apehartwieinhiccel
a , as
ettooevbeeryoffoe
I,itehhaoatrtitot,nhise:epairliciffs,o
o;l..,twteottillialocituleldwitaguiebsosietoehrdyitat oecmafibtizi
any political et?, ,by-other, an
ist revolutios! lkie4,4lll;:tici,s‘l,4l444e:.e,u:--oft:ri:,.:r:ct.s::le:.;:frici:eiandebde,:airtt,dparft.st:eojeinar:ptanrrsieihrorig,tois,:ei:triii
I their prosperl kr this point of
neither repodiA7 disorder, a
.ns of streogthLl sorrowful
wing the fourth kiona that tb 0.
~
it to act upos k' 1, ite to prevent
)rder and rills
a the relasatieS bare returns
ative system, , their &tithe
:ftaoklinrsedinanthclecg°rPF4 4,,,rrol°attWeecatipittletolioinc6neFhitoiwafrTegtai
lkuedr coont.....qubel
lid national d lion of the ins
Peace, the and and the lav
with the sw.* 4, in the soli
1
e national deo 411, gentlemen
lel tranquillity'', ,ss it is our
t, the
firstfbhntpauoehioistneliamttacoukthniegneti,n2uioetecotieibcontouibO.t7:;ll.o6o,6o,oo:st:iizetzhrotte::
laitiecievmwggsedxraneelocee,f,..-rr,oio.eeonuewfsintttkaihaeotsbkast
fllnneipedoss,stihttectolirsobbrlopieeleeo;o4o,o,,,l;edriartroiii:loi.
Izivi,
I.;lo,,,ll,eir,,io.(:\,it,,il4.._lt.::sttli,ze,t4itleiol°t4tlailtti;ort:soitil,ttxttzetsl;,,,;,ll.!.l,,,..dner:,p.S.:o,:teadtorieAtt4tll,,,,,euirf::epiyyosali.entndoniutlltahe:ailiechetidtAtieocftonerhvg:ye.hceaotreccfnpeohrt,oeisoigl,,ebveioofilenenorrtr
t
ad
espect to Ls ',f )'1 extraordini
h
h
h
more element 4of this an
;hive the ele for the sup
bliged to ha:: 440
e were incesssil it7sits obtains
the most deli ~
this subject."ol
the V
and extraordisi
Ittiil4ES, SIRRsA.
FRANC.
:,),detbvezieyeionndttahiseehldelet,ihre;tcsanbthgeessaw:?tortro/re
joipi_geiort:i,s,4,ttlicithi:
r know, witbhOtit,terenCleustPll„
I.:1, t
.4,,Earn,,luaen
itctrahatetniii.src,
bthee iemxtproasotrai
,i
~itlit
v.
thve?rnotoi,
ue,roirhfwdejanirntitloghhlu:?eopseehfopSunuu°,artpo,htbilrbberij:;o:7:4o.,,,e,
N'per,,t,l,l'!,..taa:rwttoeyr!:arsohcodtiA:l3,mntwitthnfi.:eeegrr
i
)f. This sole' e' lae, Of the Nei
presses not tbe . •,tti,,arrtiatheir w
e _an" 4,_ nd.s.cot
a wise pr ca 4,;.,. writing
aenoaityftiuu.oc:niirsretee7;:idu2t2urr,f,aorcoe:oo:::rd:d)oo,:,./
~,,,,at;izbbtiuitatalrnirpee,tiledorrielefgeecuuiyttuiivis3
,i3L
iOr Odt
rOsi,fft
iatonrutedhi
I. eet
of finding i 0 j
the cause 01,$) Se,%ll',Pospet=ewtho
rhoeoff ptrorhotavegi dkreei 11,0
I:
101 ~,,t,:ll,k,Nt, ~1 ttnd:::enttidt.;:err:
nr:lhiciluigwciertsii,tediht 1,,
double egec:d le :Ith:r lixtl.lleyha'
iopulation,
;$101,:i0,040 'l,:lel:4llll,;'ol,ld.htirocetrglieooanifftgksa,ohre.ent.h;wa.eetelststr.icni,cli,
[tiply produce:o4 1/4:riveitd:chedexfilrtt,
Tehrevreetaoreesip'lotHs /
n dut'P°n
ch we have ife:j, tki.:itlou,ti
jhtgeheavr:
• ;pie::oi:
,h,,,,;,,,,,,.,,,1:i;h:,, int t‘hselietrc!
iiiii, t or
at
debbGeuvotae vtepeiebvree observe
sfic .
ee c e
6e
Is ,
Piehntehekreincl
adant resour Ni4t,tzpect to t 1
„atm ;k4,l4th.fchateg,
l
sldeo tae,
tuseTam pii,pnedioyffifirceneilitegh; le,ut,e.ii
ttliiii
fi ,
:,
~,:, ,
w.!I
1fL04.70 e
st
,01
hnanfri
()awry":
ielugui :
Isbla'tyyth:epyieolauctuis,e
eltlv,irai
ou'brelb:jtotie°:oolo; ,
14,!ti:ritihrb_y_oviWanahnioctythia:aftc:
italiste---111‘, 04 ,„..04,.en'tllef i
aiercial exe"" ~;,114 :°,1,. anterior
ipted. ~,/ NN._the &he
d
ps
ecal3eirdmirnnelp'elgVlCea:4°,°rontscUiU'rUdj°e''rwrone,kainednigul 'Alt gtels,onhtltwllcetPleihn7l-e'e:ti
j.'''°il:°lll'lt ''l'.‘\trel‘til't't4l:l:.l\;7ll:''''''''''!'S4'‘'t4l%l4;ll:t4-::::::1!';';e1..,4i'17f-..oe°'daik:e:L'i:liale.i'tcl';:tv''Ihimtin°r•cheog°alhireaaf:rfdaletanuegil:Ilihtfttb:;11-nelellaric
-(Loud aPPIs the ka1t41790 or 1 8
a
13
test thaughSdlbe
doubt 0,
t,4;e4rd. Hol
!n; we os kit 1 confeuel
lilt we have , ili p,tnit,is, mor
bul',o Ctifc''s, the
for peace tgl ~,,,,beo_Y a Partial
—she will (.1° of' 'i,4/1""' Part o
',AIL nn nth,
I 6 what hss, soi

cona;

Litber w!thouk engagements, without pre-
ve heard all, you hwe appreciated all,
tropriated, by your suffrages and support,
'cers of which may, doubtless, be changed
iublic business, but the principles of
ranged without danger to the country ;
It strongly and most conscientiously.—
ton.)
1, it is not we who make the questions
tety, and the whole of society—for let it
cat they are not confined to our own
ifferings of other nations hear the lan-
,ernments.
. right and our duty to prove was, that
;stress, which has so cruelly led astray a
tnese population, cannot be imputed to the
the system, or to the acts of the Ad-
have been honoured with your confi-
become evident to all, after fifteen
is, that there is no efficacious remedy
except in ideas of order and of peace,
impose the whole policy of the Admi-

Lyons ought to comprehend this more
and ought to feel it now more deeply than
lust be especially satisfied with these ad-
only manifest themselves in the midst
irofound peace abroad as well as at home.
,
view it has, therefore, everything to
Ind, doubtless, it will have, for some
recollection of this fact, nor shall we
iey may be divested of that melancholy
far as it may lead to every precaution
the outbreaking of obstinate passions.
\t is on the watch ; the healthy popu-
returned to its protection, the laws have re-
ithority, and every thing announces that
resumed in that fine city, amid that order
hich is indispensable to it, and which
be respected.
itisens, therefore, be penetrated with this
• is wanting for the amelioration of the
illustrious classes and operatives but time,
ws ; let them confide in the fortunes of
ieitude of the Government, and in your
; for they ought to make that their
support. You will see also, that if it
i at the moment of the crisis to lay before
affairs, without, however, calling upon you
inary resource, our last wish at the tenni-
affair has been to come to return you
sport which we obtained from you by a
ive, and to render to you the homage of
Led.—(Decided marks of approbation.)
ordered to be printed and distributed.

'HE DUTCH GOVERNMENT.

tE PLENIPOTENTIARIES OF AUS-
X, GREAT BRITAIN, PRUSSIA, AND
HBLED IN CONFERENCE AT LONDON.
des the Plenipotentiaries of the Court of
]rest Britain, Prussia, and Russia, assembled
London, have observed by the note with
ionoured the undersigned Plenipotentiaries of
ig of the Netherlands, dated November 10,
_ Aix.la.Chapelle, in providing that in the
igress of Sovereigns or of Plenipotentiaries shall
-t matters specially connected with the inte-
. States of Europe, it shall only take place
43 reservation of their right of participation,
their Plenipotentiaries, does not prescribe the
participation, and has, consequently, left to the
ion a full liberty with respect to the mode
with the undersigned, and to its assem-
isaction of business. According to the said
ice of London, availing itself of this latitude,
le undersigned to declare in writing the de-
•ernment, and to reply, likewise in writing,
observations of the adverse party, without
loreover, the means of making known their
all the points, the adjustment of which was
.curt of the Netherlands congratulates itself
in perceiving that the Conference at London
appeal made to the protocol at Aix-la-Cha-
:ipation of all the parties to the meetings, in
,sts are involved, should be reserved in the most
This was realized in the early period of the ne-
e commencement of the operations of the Con-
the protocol of the 4th of November, 1830,
.ing of the Netherlands, having invited the
liberate, in concert with his Majesty, on the best
a stop to the troubles which had broken out in
Powers, in the terms of the 4th section of their
Aix-la-Chapelle, on the 15th of Nov. 1818, in-
tor of the King to take part in their delibera.
in consequence, took his proper place in the
a few meetings, however, the Conference no
notice of thcir meetings, and contented itself,
'ith admitting, from time to time, the Plenipo.
Tetherlands to receive explanations from them,
written communications. The Government of
ild not acknowledge that the exposition of its
,—the reply, in writing, to the demands and
adverse party, and certain isolated explana-
valent to meetings, to the direct participa.
the protocol of Aix-la.Chapelle, seeing that a
r discussion once dispensed with, the negotia-
natural character, and that various objects
/ explained. The course taken in this re-
'ence can in no manner prejudice the right of
of the King to be present at its sittings.
- means which the Plenipotentiaries of the
had to make known their opinions respecting
dispute, this power did not exceed the limit of
Mee (rove consultative), and topics previously
'Nell the undersigned were in possession, and
• taken place in the course of the negotiations.
an with reference to objects equally serious
ich had not been once under discussion, which
foresee would come under consideration, and
ie Plenipotentiaries of the King were never
the twenty-four articles communicated by
) the undersigned contained several, particu.
11, 12, and the sth section of article 13.
avow, with the frankness due to the Confe.
re sought in vain to reconcile with the pro-
apelle the total absence of the first principles
ions, in certain clauses which the i 4 articles
the first time, and which involve nothing less
foreigners the superintendence of the rights
one of the rivers of Holland, the fixing the 1
on this river in common with another State,
right of fishing by foreign subjects, and con.
:h, as if it were a doubtful thing, the right of
own rivers, conformably to the reciprocity of
ivers between the Scheldt and the Rhine-,
only in the Dutch territory ; to confer on fo.
_. of making a road, or cutting a canal, in the
state • to interdict, without any pretence; all re.
rcia,
iptercoorse through one of the tirst strong
igdom (Maestricht), and to fix a liquidation
could result no charge to the adverse party.
the power of resuming hostilities, this question
pry of most negotiations, pending which, so
not reached their termination, the parties
risk of compromising themselves, by contracting
^nts for uncertain future. The King, whilst he
the right of re-commencing hostilities even-
more than maintain his natural position in the
cement, and exercise an incontestable right.
:nce to the 2.4 articles, the undersigned beg
-eat, c.iat for assuring to Holland the advantages
possessed at no period, they not only do not offer
-`ie did not possess before, but they impose
Ingle condition that a country with which
ited should separate from her, servile obli.
of this country, to which neither Hol-
ier independent state was ever subjected,
there can exist no eqoivalebt whatever.
from her rights and advantages which she enjoyed
- to those of 1790, at which period existed the
21dt, and that of 1815, when she gave up colo.
for an union with Belgium—colonies and capi-
id would have a right to reclaim, and of which
deprived, according to the twenty.four articles)
,sation whatsoever.
be made r,n the part of Holland to an ar-
ild robot her to the position in which she
; but the twenty-four articles, far from of.
~ leave Holland, at the most, an honorary post
association.
4 good frontiers for Holland, it would seem that the
of that country has been confoooded with the grand
uxemburg, united at present in the head of the
subject to the chances of a future separation.
s little allowable to identify these two crowns
4ritain and Hanover, and to impute to Holland
arrangements concerning the Grand Duchy of
• carry to the account of England a treaty op-
Anoverialit Government. To adapt an opposite
to place the King-Grand Duke in a false po-
iolland,—the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg, the
deration, with the collateral branches of his own
toreover, evident that according to the twenty.
Grand Duke of Luxemburg himself will re-
-1 indemnity for the cession demanded of him of
if his estates, and that Holland will lose her
lett bank of the Meuse and in the province of
ter 'advantage than that of seeing the territory
indaries which remain to her in the hands of
if Luxemburg.
me 12th of November, their Excellencies the
of the Five Courts have been pleased to adver.
ied, that the twenty-four articles had been se-
n. On the 14th the undersigned had the ho-
-g, that if Belgium, contrary to the principles re.
, the 19th protocol, thus obtained a premature reeog.
ot King, by this fact alone, and independently of his
veidighty,woilid be obliged Dot to accept the arrange:
.ion on ails, other' terms than saving the condi-
lions which the high' paSitiotf and interests of
at once dictate. The following day a formal
hided between their Excellencies and the Bel-
ry prejudicial to the rights of the King, those
if the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg, and inju-
if the Germanic Confederation, agreeably to
Members can be dispossessed of its territory

have received orders to protest, in the most
they do by these presents, against the said
opposed to the Appendix A of the 12th pro-
protocal, which fixed the position of the King
Five Powers.
commencement of the present negotiation, it
eight articles of the 21st of July, 1814, contain
urea of the union between Holland and Bel-
lystem of interior policy which was the come-
the acceptance of the king, they became obli7
is rff the conditiont Of the. union of Belgium to
.s sovereignty. NoW that it is proposed to dis 7
the dissolution can only be effected in the same
a negotiation with his Majesty. Such was the
..,:isting negotiations in London ; and when the
been decided, it was perceived that it was =es-
the eight articles of 1814 by the substitution of
-to circumstances. The appendix Ato the 12th
the second basis of the negotiation, from
which the acceptance of the King gave
character of a bi-lateral engagement, between
ipresentellitore.recently as preliminaries were,
only propositions, in no wise obligatory on
long as the two parties had not accepted them.
declined them, those articles left no trace behind

• things, the two bases above-mentioned must
, King's Government in the examination of the
proposed. The results of this examination are

t w
proposed' . for Coming Zither •
MI the
;
1"
You have heal
ered iota tee' Icet• y -
You have appropriate
'
itions and "ten', th I
:ets which 0 workers of
ied h
eaadvantageanotbetochpublic
d
e interesla,
is the tarty t echo's this most stro:
asit, entre Taieral acclamation.)
rate hulas tt'ist"!: gentlemen, it i:
as to th 1,`,. interest society, an
rted with 11 ttlenabered that the
ictated by trY.
itt
The suffering
ommandei liveL°f other Goyernm
ings, tho
0,4 °lt it was our right
he most ,:en'Porary distress, vi
,st eeseetie of the L onese
city. 13/ .litn't'ent, Yor to tli:e°lnti
;,
esn the t jitelltration which bays
e strong `;‘,,t4e' What has bete
is, the four'
AS n,'' experience is, tl
be offeuai,)Cat distress' except
every ns7efiti4; in fine, compose
e
ned by ill 1012.
the pritle9, e industry of Lyon:
political ey; iloY.other, and ougt
t, include,h_beesuse it must be
ions, adtoWes whidh can only
revolutiou!kiteee-_of a profound
!ir prosper',AJ this point of view
her repueXY disorder, and, di
if streogth4l a sorrowful recoll
g the folle'lklllliotle that they ma
• letio in :
• . rl, so far as
) act upon - it 'te to prevent the a
r and ruin
,i . 'e
,Government is c
e relaleti° °axe returned to
e systeal their authority,
il and copof ~e Will be resumed
in the grt till
of which i
)ur conqu'l 1,4" cause to be reaps
lked of—?ed all good citizens
li,
a ? Our 7d . that nothing is svi
national ip Ilion of the industry
'eace, the and
_and the laws ; le
,th the awl s,i's in the solicitude
Ltional digs' 4l; gentlemen ; for
Tsnquilliti'a 'as it is our su
netitutious; ear first PPa
care at the I
'established
~,the state of affairs, w
ct to La ''''‘i '''Y extraordinary re
re element! 1,4 of this affair hi
e the de s. for the support v
ed to have 11 °lent initiatiye
!re incesa° 'ttilietailits obtained:
2(i
f speech was order
most deli a . ..........0
s subject' iltil R
' 'r— OF THE '
ing the 1:4
extraordi is liti/tESSRS. THE PI
yes, withit efts PRANCE, Gll
ask no ar,i, heir LA, ASSEMBLEI
of condel3l;, ri,. Ex. cellencies the
.ttilltikreoacneceinGle,:utllr
o take sa .t./
)afore core ItsleheY have honoure°tri
hat the ac i
I\4,e I:,t7o:ocheolKing of
tt
rota a I°lt, kit: here a Congorfe;li:f7,
there est° 1.04,t0r its object matte!
4,!he other States
the Cba°,,Bo4 It'',lttiy`o express reserve .
all, the I- irs„:,4 tr°.rby their Plen
now, with ~t L!,:rit, ...is participatior
tab N'it_-ce at London a 1
impost ttttli;olr unication with
rf , ' 4 Che transaction
uonference of L
s the Gov:, \4ll-.
extraersi ,i
~IleitZrnotohveerunde
.he State, ‘or '''44„,b
N'.l.,;,tlaands and trseert
as has hil4 1 '... re,
riling. moreover,
_....0 i,,v4esti esPecting all the
he purpo-oll,..i,alote°'?. The Court o
a see, bsami Ittaserokneerely, in pert
pit establir- 1,
~,,44,,, that"Lleof the appeal
II knoll, fit '•tsetheir i.tpearretsitcsipaarteiciiii
h ;1;4. do 'her. This was
O
tan C '''
is v„--• Prom the comm
T than ee°o Isstl u`III. London, the pr
vent opersep Net,ti:tr..the King of
.. c... , Nittor Putting"F. deliberate, ii
: with•"' 'the 1)1 ki,ts.,,eealtotortros
Le collectieao :11,1'4%7(225t
ctitix.la-
augutentite S'lsrekete latter:i,o,rcuoif,ts,
upon the 40 tr tave.
h.After a few
g °f a bat
t2!°'weartrwWhicsedormf•
(e.
This sole 0, -taec Of the Netherlan
~,,, not tbe, . NtkhePt their written •
.00p
,_erlands could not
ise prees° r,,'` In writine,—the
ccurred• 00'''sb...,,,,I°e's of the advers,
172 , 000,0 lroiluraetecnDuivtaLentr
extraordill Avol,nd regular disPctic
532, ordie t telKl lose its natur
reducing', g pity ttn-otrf.
tlry expla
,red for the tliteTPotentiaerieesnco; ct'l
at, the oee I Ills. lands hoartehe meanto
), and eithrectoVaints in di, had - '
, •"%ultstwe _ . Pute, t
lifferent c• IL voice (eoi.
, .1,6.11, and of which the
. it' vt had already taken 1
finding' " j'ir 1,..,111,s •sOplication with
cause of aoi ?_possible
which hat
provident
~, i_possihle to forese
`liiilt,::ig, Which the Piet
anon. ie St tees, which the t
the gre° Ire 'ltPtethe articles to the
nunkid
ho
Ni iii„,,ier5,gen,€.9".1,1,,,,w12,
able effect la la /thtor Iti they have soul
'laden, psi 441,etodel„;ila(-)CapaPelle t
duce, a , q . OSlUced ions, in
y pro Air t‘,.tilti, for the firs
re are in 70 i
~t1;11 ‘' INi_ g Wlth foreig!
'e to e1p1;10a , ~
lop Upon one af
vst,,i,uuties on this
we have dd. Sill to'',","g the right o
observe e,e'oil !,,,,;:tcan rnetr-hNtch, as I,
lut eveal°,4o ' ';titttitt4 of theeirri((ewrns ri
li
3 overnolfrt el r,„\
titlfh exist only in
evelepariti rill ~,,,,,ty o",,e,power of ma]
sec ~t is
_ille state; to 1
s, the ',Jot ,v 41 c
,?rainercial ipte
in peace 0 '(•:.(Stitlici.T.e kingdom
LIA r_,. there could re,
It retool.' ' ' Si4t,„ '4Zattt: thc pow
have not
ntlell N'N'tititeY yo
ne, ;en A Not cur the risk of co
o of the., it Neeietazagements for i
indirect 'toteg,e,„(ee' himself the ril
'he fouodsoll
,'t t as 0° imore than
ou
know,
tot vt:ixtilifrragreemuceentt,c
it is tree jOOl ?liit7,:st.sthat for
you, ha' 60 ' ,h::,:,,Whict: :File atdiCli'
ameliora to, \ h'y the single e
the s NI el) united she
pplying .ch e ';''t °r any
favour of t'
)eace syh' esti \kir any other in
ists.-.-the 04 t ~.: sver:v,hich there
:jai excliS N,,,i0,1 rake from her I
Nut ,cf.unterior to the
.1, AI `P'sd 'ne Sc
an,
is that W e 'or KiititiVals for an ui
.tion to the_di l'ittldremolllnddeworlied
curing cin-it..sh,tly compensatiop
acted to
car,) 4,;Zi
,tii:p wquld be
oud apPis° the titi 4,1190 orcliST;4l.)4u
thane:V:oo 1.,tk:.. results, leave
led ; arta,cyto ttriCtir:ngoac,ZiFeloanl
, will P`t 0 tt.o°Zll of that coun
ourageraefjoirt trlri4,oaf I,titiembii
set, the !,‘%,eovern, assulkijtete
;ct
,Itis°l,' Great Britain
oscienge tuaito ei,rre,taihetsurcraanger
ssions, relej I,,:illAit'S the Hanorvrerti
.nd sustaia VA ti,.wvfould be to plat
doubt ~ ards Holland,-
we OW kit ',Confederation
we have t laptsrti,:iis Moreover,'
peace b° II cl:111-.4, the Grand
Pe not ill +. •,esLa Partial rodeo
e will e- ter ''t 11-',2 Part of his ci
has -.se \e,.to's Cal the lett bat
whatintairt it ; ;(i,i 1,,i; "lhoeolt,t(i)er'adva
! Eneolee;ild, ,‘..11,ttt41,41,., buke oufrll:.aurxice
I long "'"r ilei ,;".ttQtr of the I.2th
ch greate,iat 0 ~44'41'i(.(41d:rrslieesnoed,tlitela
such A ' [14.4 4.eigium. on
e,, o,t n‘,l!?g, that if
ised to the ,";•• o'''ath, th, the 19th prot
opal , !T50,,,L1-!ne, by tl
:ceps(, hy 'r ~ ereigntY,•wo,
st ~st elm Paration on a
requite te q reservations wl
'soils
Fr ghe 1., should at one(
Fr OLA 1.9 t As e
rents ••° fr' ~,,nit,, concluded be
' .ser 110 -4s tentiary prei!
be Ft's'
. the, :A . 411 4,,,,Y105e of the
' .oork Ottitit h':e o(L.,i:s Memt
whole of , pe• NI
tr,.. I:lt:resign:Cif-have
'al tiloes ,_‘,,,,:,15., e::lner, as they
. _r 6stl''', qt., andtentially oppos
ence ''' olua 4 kjhk, the 19th protoc
.1, who I+,4:l"tnet to the Five
.„ or,, ii: 4,1,4 to
hteh e coma
lenCer ''' ,bIC, ,its
,eal feateuicistoaf]
leratietl it, ~it,o tit 4f 91e system
Liege c°°' .0,,e .5441 the ,lly.the ac,
DU of the! irt
, ,3/4Ytthi;'l'derutisisstdif.vethr
~.., their s',-,•isg.cut.atzO,ion, the Use
`"
_otsr 0: :11444S °TY, by a new
ins, • 110 ,ry tor, the existing
i,tancing
~ro' ht.rt: 1140 been deci
it free go ,id
~b4,,,_ke,0„1.fy the eight
jk
of crePtioi •,,
,311° htZersugutoteirc;
Yby pr°tf4-0.? 'l4 _tent in in whit]
it: atasS prey ' Iltie irity yard
ch.apct
~ . i ' oil ''s r},l_e ,04,ticlesulprir;;'n!
ity of the, de s.<lll„"tl'aery, only
the Oleg,' 'V ,
tot
° havic, e°l°l.4 '.
bio 4 , & decline(
te.lo '1.1: '.f 1° 'e " sts, _
tquence 0 it. 4r ttllided'v of thing
ties now e King's
ourselvespropose