The Sun.
London, England, 1831-09-17 00:00:00

not share their views. We are far from justifying the
tyrannical measures of the Pitt Administration; but
we say, that at this moment, parties are as much op-
posed to each other as parties can be ; that the one
wishes no less than to destroy boroughwortgering,
and to rescue the people from the twigs of the oli-
garchy, by whom they have been oppressed and pillaged
in the most scandalous manner; the others wish to
perpetuate the corruption ; and, if they were to suc-
ceed in their object, they would trample on Mini-
sters and their supporters, and let loose on a de.
voted country instruments filled with the fullest
hatred of those who wished to restore to the people
their rights. At such a time he who is not with
us is against us, and Government cannot dispense
with the energy derived from the devolving of their
powers into hands devoted to the good cause. No
man can make bricks without straw—no man can
cut blocks with razors—no man can be heartily
served by the enemy of his cause. In Cobbeti's
Register of this day there are some curious observa-
tions on the subject to which we are alluding :
" SURE DESTRUCTION OF THE PRESENT MINISTRY.
" This sure destruction will come from the very cause
which greatly tended to produce the destruction of the
Whig Ministry in the year 1807 ; namely, by keeping in
office, and by keeping, as Lord Lieutenants and Magis-
trates, the very same persons that had been in office, and that
had ruled the counties, under the bitter opponents of the
Whigs. I remember well a conversation with Mr. Wind-
ham on this vet y subject, just after the new Ministry was
formed ; and I have mentioned this conversation in print,
though I do not now exactly recollect where, long since
that time. Nor perceiving that the new Ministers meant
to make any changes in the subaltern offices, or in the
county powers, I told Mr. Windham, that the Ministry
would not last many months. I remember that I put it
to him as a criterion Do you intend to turn Freeling
out of the Post-office, and to put one of your own parti-
zans in his stea4?' I-did not select Freeling as being
more objectionable than any other ; except that he had
monstrous power, having the selecting of Post-masters all
over the kingdom, who were handy men in every town
in every considerable village, and who corresponded with
Win upon all matters. At one time I knew that they had
instructions to make observations with regard to men's
politics, and to communicate the result of thew. I, there-
fore, chose Freeling as a criterion. His answer was, that
it could not be expected that Lord Grenville, who had
been in office along with Pitt, would consent to turn out
the partizans of Pitt, they being as much his partizans
as the partizans of Pitt. ' Oh, said I, that is it, is it?
then you do not remain in power but a very short time.'
" There was, in this case, some apology for not dis-
placing the partisans of the predecessors ; because Lord
Grenville was, in fact, the master of the whole Ministry,
and it was nothing but a mongrel thing in grafting Qv-
Whigs upon the Pittites. At that same time, a very well-
known and most faithful adherent of Fox begged me to
go to Mr. Fox to urge upon him the necessity of clearing
out the offices. I dial so, but his answer, though his
manner was very obliging, amounted to an acknowledg-
ment of the impossibility of doing the thing, without at
all differing with me in opinion as to the justice or the po-
licy of it, which I could urge with the more force because
I had already declared that I would in no shape or manner
or under any colour, have any thing for myself. When
found this to be the state of the case, I regarded the Mi-
nistry as doomed to fall after a very short life.
" But there is no apology now. There is no account.
ing for the present conduct of Lord Grey and his friends,
upon any other ground than that of supposing them men

wholly destitute of tnorat courage, or of political foresight.
Uio this subject I perceive an article in the Morning
Chronicle, of the 14th instant, most ably written, and
,ontaining arguments which, if they be unavailing with
Lord Grey, will serve as grounds of his hitter repentance
when he shall be turned out of office, as he will be, if he
•urn a deaf ear to this call, and that, too, without one
single mark of public regret. It is, in justice, amount-
ing to an abomination, that the half-life partizans of Lord
Grey should have, with justice, to make these complaints;
hut, the complaints do not stop with them ; the complaints
ire general; it is the people that complain oa this score:
rhey see a change in the Alinistry : they see a change at
Whitehall, or at least they hear of it; but they see nn change
in the counties and in the towns: they feel themselves
under the same domination under which they have been
writhing for half a century; and this would have called

forth most loud and hitter complaints long before now,
had not the Reform Bill inspired them with hope. If the
,me band is to press upon them that has been pressing
upon them for half a century, of what use to them is the
change in the Ministry? That which takes place up at
• Lunnun' they only hear of : that which does not take
place in their several vicinages they feel the want of.
Whether Lord Grey will see the only course of safety that
he has is more than I can say ; but if he mean not soon to
retire from the Ministry without one sigh of regret being
uttered for his rejection, let him still retain all the subal-
terns in place, and leave the counties and the towns in
those hands in which they now are. If he mean to keep
his place, and to enjsy the fair fruits of this beginning of
his power, he must make clear work ; and this is my un-
alterable opinion."

With respect to Ireland, it would appear that the
Orange party suppose the power of Ministers doe;
not extend to the removing even of a porter. Every
man in office considers himself there to have a vested

interest, not to he shaken by Ministers, and which
places him beyond their influence. A precious Go-
vernment that must be which every police officer can
brave with impunity. Let us hear the Dublin Eve-
ning Post :
" The Irish public, as well as the Irish Government,
.hou!d fed obliged to tic Editor of the Morning Chro-
nicle for the manly remonstrance which he has urged on
the subject of Irish patronage. Ireland, it is needless to
remark, is much more anomalously circumstanced in re-
izard to pastier than Scotland. The Whigs and the Tories
of Scotland are, po doubt, sufficiently bitter enemies; and
if we take Blackwood:4 .IJagazinc, as we suppose we

. -
ould be juetitied in doing, as au evidence of tie temper

of the latter, there appears to be no lack of uncharitable-
❑ess, malice, rind vituperation in what we might call the
Iligh Church party, if we did not recollect that the Scotch
is the Low and Cheap
.Church. But in Scotland this
warfare is confined to the press. It wears, too, however
violent the phrase, the air of discussion and argument. It
is a contest; apparently about principles. The parties du
not come, except 00 tare and distant occasions, into ani-
mal collision. Few of them are vested with an executive,
and nor-re of them with a dominating power. It is, in
short, a struggle of parties in Scotland, and not the con-
tention of a faction, as in Ireland, against a population.
Hence, then, there is less mischief in bestowing a place
upon a Tory in Scotland, than clothing an Orangeman in
Ireland with authority. The Tory Writer to the Signet,
though an rr4worthy and ungrateful appointment we
readily admit, may be preferred to office without doing much
injury to the prf,lic, although the circumstance of his ap-
pointment stray be more injurious to the Administration

than a similar appointment in Ireland. Such an appoint-
ment, at the preseat juncture in this country, would prove
dike mischievous to the country and to the Government.
For in Ireland, official persons do tuA consider themselves
merely as officers, but as politicians. Every day furnishes
a proof of this assertion. Lord Farnham's steward, Cap-
tain Graham, bepame, in his capacity of yeoman, a par-
tisan, and sixteen innocent persons were slain accordingly.
"the police of Castlepollard considero themselves as poli-
deal characters, and proved their independence by spilling
the blood of men and women in the streets like water.
The Sub-Sheriffs, it is uotor:ous, look upon themselves
as politicians ; and when party trials, as those of Castle-
pollard and Newtownbat ry are called, pack the panels as
a matter of count. It is, therefore, of the utmost mo-
ment, that persons unstaiti2d in character and clear from
factious imputations should be chosen for justiciary and
and executive functions in Ireland. If possible (and it is
very hard, we admit) they should possess the confidenee
of the Irish people. But though it be difficult to win their
confidence to the immediate functionaries with whom
they coma in contact, yet the thing has happened.
" The soldiers of the King are popular—the officers of
the army are regarded as the protectors of the people, and
in spite of all the efforts which were made by the Ultras
of both parties, the Lieutenant of the King is beloved.
Nay, there we instances in which the police themselves are
tar front being unpopular s and we know an instance of a
police Magistrate, Major Yokes, of Limerick, who was
the immediate instrument of bringing more men to punish-
ment than any oth4: individual in Ireland, and yet he is
extremely popular among the lower orders in the county of
Limerick, and on the borders of Clare and Tipperary'.
" It cannot be denied, however, that the reverse of this
is the case generally ; and as the police and yeomanry,
constables and captains, have hitherto escaped with impu-
nity, roust not affect wonder at the consequences. And
'the his rouestt;ons tobfe
ac s(ei,
iwiLerhni t
ive aiexecutived
discretionary
hen they choose not only to execute the law, but to in-
d when, (miiiar foi soh eoi
fr ownepr e
srseisopoo,n
thei thlaw ey
rake, e tt i too !, e aort
to
their own hands.
" Now a few judicious example,, a few necessary de9
titutions'.—as the French called them, would work won--

drys in the way of tranquillizing- Ireland. The Police
Magistrates of Dublin (many of them) furnished, on a late
occasion, an opportunity to Ministers for the use of the
pruning knife, in the application of which they would be
seconded by the support even of the leader of their political
antagonists. Sir Robert Peel. It was as odious to the people
as it was insulting- to the Government to witness the Sti-
pendiary Magistrates voting for the- enemies of the Admi-
nistration, and banding together with a view of returning
men whose avowed and honestly declared object it was to
achieve the meal of the Marquis of Anglesea from the
Lieutenancy of Ireland. The example given on this occa-
sion to the Orangeists of Ireland, and which was given with
impunity, would prove, we have not the least doubt, highly
detrimental, but for the hint given in the House of Com-
mons by Sir Robert Peel. But surely the Government
should not depend upon the reluctant aid of an enemy. It
had the power in its own hands ; and though we can ap-
preciate the magnanimity which declined to exercise that
power, we must yet be permitted to lament its consequences.
Why should Major Wilson, for example, be allowed to
assist at the uproarious festival celebrating the triumph of
Lord Grey's enemies—join in all the toasts and denuncia-
tions, and receive, through the hands of that Ministry, his
pay for services which there are five humlr—edsiilnenltlryelaatn:ll
quite as capable of rendering as he is?—No--these things
must be changed. The change is coming
slowly—but itis coming."
We wish riot to embarrass the Government, and,
in truth, our remarks are not calculated to embarrass
them. A crisis is approaching for which Ministers
must prove themselves equal. No man can serve
two masters—God and the Devil ; and every Anti-
Reformer must hate the Ministry of Earl Grey, and
wish to destroy it with all his heart and soul,—
Morning Chronicle.
When the sophist argued that there was no such
thing as motion, his antagonist only replied by walk-
ing about the room, and pointing to others who
walked. Such now may be our course. We have
only to point to the busy and ardent movements of
the people in city and country, as a reply to those
who asserted that there was no interest felt for the
success of the Bill. To-day a requisition, yet more
numerously signed than the last, will be presented
to the Lord Mayor for the meeting of the merchants
arid bankers, and Wednesday probably may be the
day fixed. Gentlemen out on spotting parties, if
within a practicable distance, are ready and anxious
to a. tend. There will be no lack of auditors and
speakers, even at this time of the year, in the
middle of the month of September. Look also
at Kent : the county is up. From Kent the
lightning will flash over the northern counties,
and one universal shock will electrify the whole
nation. There are Tory Peers in Kent : with
whom do they hold intercourse, or in what holes anti
corners do they lie hid, or where are their eyes,
their ears, that they cannot discern the signs of the
tempest ? We knew the people of England, and
did well predict that our appeal would rouse them.
The proposed dinner by the Members of the House
of Commons to Lord Althorp and Lord John Russell
is, perhaps, a still more striking proof of the earnest
feeling of the Reformers. The subscribers to the
invitation " are anxious to mark their approbation
of the conduct of these Noble Lords during the
arduous duty in which they have been engaged in
cal rying the Reform Bill through the House." Up-
wards of three hundred Members of the 'House of
Commons have already signed the invitation. So
splendid will be the introduction of that Bill to the
Upper House, through which, in spite of all tnisre-
presentations, we now begin to hail its happy pas-
sage. On this_ point we will now venture a

ew mare specific remarks. If we see a traveller
hastening on thoughtlessly by a road of which
he suspects not the issue, and we humanely
announce to him that there is a precipice in
his way, what sort of biped must he be to turn
upon us with some such apOstrophe as this,—" Do
you want to frighten me, you saucy fellow ? Do
you suppose I'll be stopped by intimidation?" Thus
it fares with disinterested and honest. political ad-
visers. They state facts, and express opinions; and
if they predict that from a certain course of policy
danger will ensue to those who adopt it, their facts
are not rebutted, their opinions not canvassed, but
they are charged unceremoniously with a wish to
intimidate by inspiring those to whom they addrss
themselves with base and pusillanimous fears. One
word upon that most foolish and childish slander,
viz., that it is the purpose of the Times to " bully
the House of Lords." Now, what are our means
of intimidation ? Wherewith can we bully a Member
of Parliament ? By words? But if the words
contain no wisdom, what possible effect can they
produce beyond that of heaping contempt upon
the party who employs them ? We have endea-
voured, it is true, to convince Noble Peers that
they ought to support the Reform Bill; and we
have pursued that important object by two seta ral
methods :-1. We have reasoned on the merits of
the Bill itself. 2. We have stated broadly and un-
equivocally, that the English nation was so satisfied
of those merits, and so eager to see the Bill passed
into a law,—so wedded to it, and impassioned on
the subject of it,—as to render a public convulsion,
growing out of the most deadly indignation, an
almost certain consequence of an overthrow of that
national measure. But the only fair or honest ques-
tion for any Member of Parliament to ask would be
" Are such representations of the public feeling
correct or otherwise ?" Even if incorrect in the
opinion of some, the second question for a candid
mind to ask would be—" Are such views of what
may follow from the failure of the Bill, those which
disinterested men may conscientiously entertain,
supposing them even to be biassed by strong preju-
dices in favour of Reform ?" If our judgment
be wrong, provided it be our judgment, •we are
bound, as honest journalists, to declare it; and he
will perform a public service who proves its fallacy
by evidence or reason. But if, in the actual state
of the country there be really matter of alarm for
the Peers, in case of their throwing out Reform—
or if, according to the best estimate that we can
frame of the predominant spirit of Englishmen at
this moment, there be ground for apprehending
risk, as the consequence of rejecting it—is that fault
ours, we ask? When the Catholic Bill was in
constant agitation, and when, besides the palpable
justice of the case, arguments drawn from expe-
diency were had recourse to as additional grounds
for introducing it, what was the strongest, and most
decisive of such arguments ? Nothing less than
that Ireland would never rest until she carrir d it,
and that a civil war would be the all but immediate
consequence of refusing. We were met by
the same miserable attack upon our motives
as we now are—" What, will you bully us ?"
was echoed through every Orange drawing-room
in both islands ; and meannesses, weaknesses, stu-
pidity, and so forth, filled the war-whoop of the
" Church in danger" faction, even to that hour when
the Duke of Wellington took up the argument '
on the " necessity of avoiding civil war," as one
main inducement to his wise and equitable measure,
The Duke of Wellington afraid yes, afraid, but
not frightened,—fearing nought for himself, but for
his country every thing, and admitting only, by his
straightforward and invincible logic, that the main-
tenance of the public peace is an object worth ar,y,
however extensive, sacrifice of theoretical opinion.
If the Tory-lord outcry mean any thing, it is this—
that, no matter what may be the risks or calamities
likely to result from a given line of policy, those
who argue against its adoption must abstain reli-
giously from every reference to those disastrous re-
sults,' whether affecting individuals or classes, lest
they may be accused of trying to intimidate their
opponents ! Why, if such be the rule of contro-
versy, what a pretty thing a Parliamentary discus-
sion will become from this time forward ! It follows,
of course, that the strongest arguments are those
which must be most scrupulously abandoned, and
that the blindest and most ignorant blockheads are
those whose errors must be held in the most
holy reverence I It follows, moreover, that for
fear the House of Lords should be open to any
sounder or more respectable influence than that
exercised over it by the borough-conservative school,
their Lordships are to be left in darkness as to the
real state of England, and facts as conspicuous as
the mid-day sun are to be kept out of sight for con-

science sake, lest the infusion of same little know-
ledge into their Lordships' minds might by possibi-
lity have the effect of deterring them front the
grossest violation of their duties! But away with
all such miserable, despicable drivelling, as this of
the Tories and their Press. The country must be
exhibited in her genuine colours. The merits of the
question cannot be separated from a faithful repre-
sentation of the facts which bear upon it. Those
facts (and not the mere words expressing them) con-
stitute the obvious, the prominent reality of the
danger, and therefore contain within them the essen-
tial principle of intimidation. If, then, some Peer,
jealous of his own fame, and of the independence
of his order, requires a victim to the privileges of
their illustrious House, let him call to the bar, not
the editor of this or that newspaper,—not the mere
minister of a mighty power, let him summon her at
whose nod the Press must live cr perish—Truth
herself, in her own dread person. She is the public
enemy of Toryism, and its rightful prey. She,
Truth, is, in this case, the libeller,—she, the only
" bully."—Times.
It is impossible that our readers can have passed
over without something even more than admiration,
the noble and decisive address of the Bavarians to
their King, on behalf of the illustrious Poles. Such
an appeal, at such a time, fills the mind not with
sympathy alone, but with matter for profound re-
flection. If this be the spirit which prevails upon
the Continent—and the Bavarians assure us that it
is—and the act of soliciting their King on such a
subject, would prove it if their words did not— ,
Russia may indeed bid adieu to her dominion over
Poland, and P. ussia had best renounce at once her
schemes of treacherous assistance to the Autocrat,
We regard this document, coming from Rhenish
Bavaria, as a warning to the Court of Berlin how it
shall behave towards the Rhenish provinces of
Prussia. If the Bavarians of the Rhine demand
openly from their Sovereign a direct alliance with
Poland, will the Rhenish Prussians permit their
King to be her open enemy ? Things are fast ri-
pening to their consummation.— Times.
We had scarcely written this paragraph, when
we received the following communication, which,
with great pain, we lay before our readers:—
" Official intelligence was received at Berlin en the
11th instant of the capitulation of the city of Warsaw on
the 7th, at six p.m., after two days bloody fighting in
the neighbourhood. during which the Russians carried by
assault all the intrencliments which had bee❑ raised to
protect the city.
" The Polish army, followed by the Diet and the Diem.
bets of the Government, retired through Praga on the
night of the 7th ; and early on the Bth the Russian army
entered, maintaining perfect order. Persons and pro-
perty were respected ; but the other terms of the capitu-
lation were not known.

" The Poles were retiring upon Modlin and Plock,
where it was supposed they would make an effort to main-
tsin themselves."

All, however, is not lost : the city is taken ; but
Polish courage, Polish revenge, and the un-
quenchable hatred of the Poles to their barbarous
conquerors, remain as powerful as ever : the Poles
may—they will, we doubt not yet rally :
" Una salus victia nullam sperare salutem."— Times.)

The practice of tormenting Ministers with ques-
tions upon every rumour and surmise which occurs
on the subject of our foreign relations, if not ori-
ginatieg in the mere spirit of faction (which we
would fain hope is not the case), must, at any rate,
he the result of an extraordinary degree of igno-
rance, or of indifference to the true interests of the
country. We are ourselves naturally friends to
publicity; but we are not quite prepared for that
mode of carrying on public business which would
place the Court Newsman as a permanent attendant
on every meeting of the Cabinet Council; which
might just as well be tile case if the appetite of cer-
tain persons for knowing every thing is to be in-
dulged. And there is one point, especially, which
ought not to be lost sight of upon the subject,
which is this—that in most of these instances the
mischief is done as effectually by the questions be-
ing asked as if the most secret deliberations of the
Government were laid open to public view. The
very refusal to give an answer carries with it an
evil little short of what disclosure would produce;
for either silence is taken to imply a,sent, or it is
twisted by the ingenuity of the questioner and his
adherents into various meanings, most of them op-
posite to the truth, and often in their effect most
injurious to the pending negociations, as well as to
the character and good understanding of the country
:with foreign Courts.—Morning Herald.
i War has been described to be the natural state
of man. It certainly has been the actual state of
nations time out of mind. Knowledge, however,
and its handmaid, experience, have wrought a great
change in the opinion of the world upon this sub-
ject ; and in no part of the world has that change
been more apparent than in England herself, though
she came out of the long-protracted struggle of
Europe (to use an expression of Bonaparte) covered
with glory. But England came out of the struggle
covered with something else besides glory. She
came out of it covered with a load of debt; and as
peace is the settling day, when the accounts of
victory must be wound up, she could no longer
shut her eyes to the consequences which glared be-
fore her in the starving countenances of a large
portion of an industrious population plunged by
taxation, the work of war and the legacy of military
fame, into the depth of distress. England has, there-
fore, but too good reason to know that war is an ex-
pensive and ruinous game; that its effects are to be
estimated, not by the mere consideration of pounds,
shillings, and pence, but by the prospect of
a mass of misery which defies all human calcu-
lation. Still, however, there art cases in which a
pacific policy—the only true wisdom of nations—
ought not to be carried too far. Few Governments,
in the present state of Europe, can be expected to
sympathise much with the heroes of Warsaw, but
the people of all countries are iii their favour; and
it must be acknowledged that the people of other
countries have done more to express that feeling
than our own. The Address of the inhabitants of
Rhenish Bavaria to their King, which our readers
will find i n another column, furnishes the most re-
cent instance of this. The document is a model of
manly and generous eloquence ; it furnishes a strik-
ing contrast to the technical jargon of manifestoes
and protocols. Whatever effect it may produce in
other respects, it will operate as a warning to the
tyrant whose acts it denounces. 'What a spirit his
proceedings have created in Europe 1 and, if it be
true that our Ministry and that of France have as-
sumed the tone which became them in their nego-
ciations, it will come in aid of their remonstrances
with a power which must be taught to fear, before
it can feel. If the Autocrat be nor wholly insen-
sible to the signs of the times, he will recognise in
this burst of popular indignation and defiance, a
symptom more awful and alarming than any noti-
fications announced in diplomatic form. He
will recognise in it the spontaneous voice of nature
roused ut the violation of her laws, and breaking
through every restraint which Kings and Govern-
ments would impose upon it, to vindicate its own
cause and character, in the language of unsophisti-
cated reproof. We cannot think that infatuation
itself will prove insensible to the lesson implied in
such a feeling. Though friends of peace ourselves,
and wishing for its preservation at any sacrifice save
that of character, we confess it would have pleased
us more if our own population had manifested some
of the ardour which the Bavarians have so spiritedly
shown. It may be that we have more confidence
in our Government than some of the Continental
people have in theirs. If so, we hope that at the
proper time it will appear such confidence was not
misplaced. We have no doubt but they are anxious
fortlieP Poles, and expect, and will require to be sa-
tisfied that every thing has been done on the part of
this country to avert the fate with which they are
threatened. Time alone can show how far that
course has been pursued or neglected; but Ito M;-
sister, as we can conceive, can have so far mistaken
the national bias upon this great question as to ex-
pect that he will find the anxiety to avJid even War

itself a satisfactory excuse for the omission of any
step which might be necessary to rescue a brave
people from extermination.—/Woraing Herald.
The recent trials at the Old Bailey Sessions of
James Robinson, for robbing his employers, Messrs.
East and Co., of goods to a great amount, were
strikingly illustrative of the working of our criminal
laws, and furnish a practical commentary upon Lord
Brougham's lecture to a Jurymen on the nature and
obligation of the Jurors' oath. The prisoner was
first tried on an indictment charging him with having
stolen goods to the value of 1,000/. The evidence
went to show that, if he stole goods to any amount
of the property of his employers, he stole to the
value of, at least, several hundred pounds. It was
proved, indeed, that property of the value of 3001.,
which he had feloniously abstracted from the pre-
mises of Messrs. East, were found in the possession
of one individual, to whom be had sold it ; and
more of the property, estimated at 200/., was
discovered in a room in the prisoner's own oc-
cupation. Thus it was evident that, if he stole
any of the goods laid in the indictment, he
stole to the value of 5001. The Jury found him
guilty of stealing under .51.! On a second indict-
ment, where the goods were laid at the value of
251., the Jury again found him guilty of stealing
under .5/. There were three or four other indict-
ments against the same person, each of which
charged him with a capital offence ; but the prose-
cutors, admonished, we presume, by the result of
the former trials, offered no evidence in support of
the capital charge, but allowed the prisoner, in
each instance, to have a verdict of conviction re-
corded against him on his own confessional plea of
having stolen property under 5/. These verdicts are

accounted for by a reference to the state of the law,
which demands that the ye of man shall be sacrificed
for stealing in a dwelling-house to the amount of 5/.
Before Sir Robert Peel's revision of the Cri-
minal Code the punishment of death was inflicted
for stealing to the amount of 40s. in the dwelling-
house. This offence was first made capital by a
statute passed in the twelfih year of Queen Anne.
in the year 1811 Sir Samuel Romilly carried a Bill
through the House of Commons to repeal this san-
guinary statute, and to restore, with some modifica-
tions, the milder punishment of the ancient common
law ; but his efforts were defeated by the House
of Lords, who threw out the Bill. Sir Robert Peel,
whose narrow capacity never could embrace a prin-
ciple in legislation, thought it a wonderful conces-
sion to public opir:ion to raise the legal price of
human life from 40s. to 51 ; so that, for the sum of
I,oool.—the value stated in the first indictment
against Robinson—if every Si. of that sum were'
stolen by a different person, the lives of no less than
200 human beings m;ght be taken according to law!
and that, too, according to Sir Robert Peel's
" amended and ameliorated" law ! If the law of

Queen Anne had still remained in force, we presume
the Juries that tried Robinson would, instead
of finding him guilty of stealing under the value
of .51., have limited the sum to 395., as was a
common practice at the Old Bailey while that law re-
mained on the Statute-book; nay, so far was this
carried, that, in one instance, a woman having been
convicted, on the clearest evidence, of having stolen
a Bank of England note for 101., the Jury found the
note to be only of the value of 395., the Jury con-
sidering that their oat h did nut bind them to become
the blind and ruthless instruments of the extermi-
flitting barbarism of the law. It is fresh in the re-
collection of the puldic that under the present Ad-
ministration a marl was executed for stealing in the
dwelling-house above the value of 5/. The Jury
who tried Robinson no doubt expected that a sim►-
lar fate awaited him, and therefore, did not leave the
delinquent's life to the " tender mercies" of the
Recorder and the Secretary for the Home Depart-
ment. Notwithstanding the lecture of Lord
Brougham, such laws can never be thoroughly exe-
cuted, unless we can always have, to use the avoids
of Lord Byron, " twelve butchers for a Jury, and a
Jeffries for a Judge !"—Aforning Herald.
Mr. Bankes has not yet declsred himself, but the
freeholders of Dorsetshire we hope are in readiness
to vindicate their own real interests and those of the
country at large by supporting the Constitutional
candidate. Let them remember that a free trade in
Corn will, beyond a doubt, be one of the first mea-
sures of a reformed Parliament; it is avowedly looked
forward to by the Radicals as the first fruit of
Reform, and how will it then fare with the farmers
of England ? Will the farmers of Dorsetshire con-
sent to aid the Radicals, the main supporters of the
Bill, in annihilating the agricultural interest ? If
not, let them at once declare their resolution to that
effect, and return as their representative the candi-
date who is opposed to this most mischievous scheme
of innovation.-3foraing Post.
That a happy re-action in regard to the revolu-
tionary Bill is in a rapid state of progress through-
out the country, we have more than mice stated,
and it is the knowledge of this fact, so gratifying to
the friends of the Constitution, that has enraged
almost to madness the furious advocates of revolu•
tion. Hitherto we have had opportunity of speak-
ing only as to the felicitous state of re-action in the
public mind. But we have now the gratification to
find that the same rational and constitutional feeling
has extended itself to a respectable portion of the
public Press, which has supported the Reform Bill
in almost all its stages in the House of Commons.
Concurring in our sentiments upon the vital import-
ance of the deliberate character of the House of
Lords being duly acknowledged, and preserved from
the intimidation and outrage with which it is now
daily menaced by certain journalists, a Morning Con-
temporary, who has hitherto been one of the most
strenuous advocates in favour of the Bill, thus ra-
tionally and becomingly speaks in his last publics-

ion :

" We do not presume to anticipate the decision of the
House of Lords on the Reform Bill, but, whatever that
decision may be, we think it only fair and proper that
their Lordships be allowed the exercise of the right of free
discussion, which the people justly claim for themselves on
public questions, and without which the Upper Howe of
the Legislature could have no pretension to the character
of a deliberate assembly.—Some of our contemporaries,
denying that freedom of opinion to others which they
would think it very hurl to be deprived of, have already
commenced a war of intimidation on the House of Lords.
They have used threats of the most violent nature—threats
which are as impolitic as they are indecent.'
They who threaten revolution seem to commence it by
thus chaining up that department of the Legislature from
all deliberation. If the House of Ltd& only exists in
the Constitution to register the Bills passed by the Com-
mons, it ought not to presume to discuss them ; but, if
it
have higher functions to perform, the more important
the measure to which the House of Commons agrees, the
more necessary it is that the Upper House should be free to
give it the most calm and dispassionate consideration. If the
measure were perfection itself the acquiescence of the House
of Lords, if it does agree to it, ought not to have the ap-
pearance of being forced rather than given. *
At present that portion of the Press which loves rather to
domineer than to reason actually treats the House of Lords
as a hostile body, and demands that that august Assembly
shall surrender at discretion, and submit to march captive
at the chariot-wheels of their arrogant authority, before it
can possibly be known whether the majority of that House
are favourable or adverse to the Reform Bill. One Jour-
nal goes so far as to say that the House of Lords will be at
op pe
oepn
ew aort
Ewiiitghl a
ntldi ,
if ti thi
y, t
rCe o :trot ini,)
rn,sj,
cat n ttib
et h whole
Be
l;or
what it adds, is precisely the same thing—meddle with any
one of its more important provisions. It is the same Jour-
nal that said, not very long since, in commenting upon
the changes made in the Bill in the House of Commoias,
that the country had reason to blush for the Bill and its
authors !"......11/orning Post.

We are rather surprised that any man in
London (much less the LORD CHANCELLOR) should write
a pamphlet, entitled " What will the Lords do ?"--for
the answer is so easy, even to those not much initiated
into the mysteries of the Society fur the Diffusion of
Useful Knowledge. The Lords will du precisely what
the KING wishes them to do. We trust there can be no
question "Wh it will the King do ?" If there be, the
sooner it is solved the better ; for if his MAJESTY hesitate
to create as many new Peers as will form a majority for
the Bill, now is the time for Ministers to resign,—
G lasg ow Chronicle.

COURT CIRCULAR.
The Duke and Duchess of CUMBERLAND/ aett,
Barou LANSING EN, Miss Cooraa, and the Rev. t
the Princess AucusTA, and a select party, dil3,.
their MAJESTIES on Thursday evening, at the
St. James's.
The Prince FREDERICK of Hohenlohe, attended bdBaron DE BROCK ELBE RC, Chamberlain to the
tvi
PausslA, paid his respects to her MAJESTY yestcr‘e
his arrival in town. The Prince afterwards vi'li
Duchess of CUMBERLAND. %,11
The KING, attended by the Earl of At,8E.30001
Lord FREDERICK FITZC LA RE NCE, took an airingr'
afternoon in a carriage and four to Hampton.court.f
11,1-MAJESTY, accompanied by the Duchess itl
WEImAR and the Princess LOUISA, took an airing
open harouche and four yesterday afternoon. 1:0;
The Lords of his Majesty's Most Honourabl!"
Council had a meeting yesterday morning at the 87.1/
office, to hear an appeal from Sir JOHN TrromAlLl
RIDGE against his removal from the office of Red
Prince of Wales's Island, Singapore, and Malacca, ~,f
instance of the East India Company, on the ground;l
cipally, of his refusal to go the Circuit, in consequ
a dispute between Mr. FULL ERTON, the Governot4
Colony, and Sir JOHN, as to certain expenses of the t
The Lords present were—the Lord Chancellor, the
President, the Lord Chief Justice of England, the
Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, the
dent of the Board of Controul for the Affairs of Indimy
Earl of CARLISLE, the Duke of RicleatoNo, ands;;
WYNN. Mr. GREVILLE attended as Clerk of the ca
Mr. Serjeant SPA NKIE was heard on the part of tbef
Indi t Cotnpiny, and Dr. LUSHINGTON on the part .10
JOHN CLARIDGE. Their Lordships postponed r
judgment to a future day.
The Austrian Ambassador and the Belgian 3-1
transacted business yesterday at the Foreign-office. 6
Earl GREY left town yestet day fur his seat at East S
Viscount A LTHORP left town yesterday for liortbs
tonshire.

Sir FREDERICK ADAM had an interview yesterday
ViSCOUDt GODERICH, at the Colonial-office.

GERMAN PAPERS.

CRACOW, SEPT. 3.—The Courier of this city conwyl
no direct news from Warsaw, as the communicatinP)
hems l
twecn Warsaw and Cracow is intercepted, and hen
a long time since we have even received the Polish
tif;
n ils front the capital. On the other hand, the Courief ;1,
t)
many reports, derived partly from private letters, ago P
from the statements of travellers who have arrived 0
the authenticity of which there is the more room Wa°,l
as they are partly at variance with each other, and equ
so with the authentic accounts already made ittg)th
through other channels. Among these accounts tite,,,fyi
fellowing, that according to merchants' letters from Br
the reserve under Count Toistoi had been defeated hi
Poles, and the military chest t ken ; another report I 4
that General Krukowiecki, after he was placed at thePtv
of the Government, had immediately given orders to it
Commander-in-Chief Prodzynski, to attack field" oe
steal Paskewitach, on the while line, and in ,04
quence of this command the Russians had been nb't'ilte
to retreat. In contradiction to this news, which
Courier g ive in its yesterday's number, solo af6e°::eo
at the same time that the Russian army was alreacil tie
(fifty) miles from Warsaw, the same paper gives id": 0
from a private letter, the news Of an attack made h!,,r
Grenadiers of Schachoffskoi, in the fortifications of 11
saw, near Wola, announced to have taken place on the e'i;
of August, in which the Russians were repulsed with gre
loss by the Poles, and that it was hoped in Cracow tbi
t•e communications with Warsaw would soon be 'll
again. The Courier affirms that it has received throng
a private channel the Warsaw Journal, Polack Suinteli
of the 17th of August, from which the account of
murders in that capital is taken in these words
Jankowski, Honig, Bukitwski, Feutsch, Fansh°"oi
and Madame Bazanow had been put to death,
that several spies hail been taken and hanged out
the city." The Courier then affirms that the RU'S
rl
themselves make no secret of the total defeat of Ge3ge-00
Golownin, and adds that a citizen who had arrived 'rde,
Kielce had positively announced that that General W 3411,
heated, and that the Poles had already occupied Lunto
Colonel KO,S, who WAS before affirmed to have fought it
way from Satnogitia to the Duna, is now said to bild
returned with a great number of insurgents from LithOat'is
to Warsaw. With respect to General Rozyskit
Courier of to-day says, that according to a gelierm.
spread report he had t iken Radom, the Duke of Wortxia
burg, who commanded there, having retreated on ketit
informed in time of the approach of the Poles. nntit,,,
same Journal contained yesterday an order of the 1:
dated an late as the 25th August, trout Ostrowicoo(
dressed by General Rozyski, as Commander-in-Cbieci
the forces in the province of Cracow, Sandomiery
Kalisch, to all superior and other officers, of the folios('
tenor :
" It having been signified to me that many 016cle
without authority from the National Government and `0
Commander-in Chief, have collected at different
small detachments, under the pretext of acting as parts;
and remain inactive, even to the injury of their own antic,
the rear, I have resolved to summon all officers, withoute,
ception, who possess such corps to appear with their cork
within three days at Kielce, there to present themselves er
Col. Obrechowicz, from whom they will receive ford t
orders. Any officer who does not obey the peed„
order shall be consider( d as a traitor to his count":.
and as such arrested and delivered up to the military' true'
bunals, and punished with death, and his name shall
for ever branded by being published iu the journals sl
traitor. At the same time, therefore, that I enjoin r
civil and military authorities strictly to execute this (de;
I declare that he shall be liable to the same punishni!oo
who shall know of such a corps, and not give informs°
of it to the civil authority, General Weissenhof, in Kielce'

The late venerable Countess of MoRNINGVoIIi
was the most aged of the Peeresses, having, at the age
20, walked at the Coronation of King GEORGE HI. s°
Queen CHARLOTTE.
On Friday morning the Rev. Mr. WiLso?l'
of Harrington, in Northamptonshire, went out to enlgoli
the sports of the field. Having discovered a covey 0
partridges in an adjoining meadow, from which he
separated by a quickset hedge, and being a keen spores
man, he determined to pass over it. This he effect'
leaving his gun in a situation for him to recover when
the opposite side, but, in the act of drawing it throng
the trigger became entangled with some twigs and imrilee
diately went off, discharging the contents into the lung'
of the Rev. Gentleman, and, as is supposed, c lased one
stattaneems death. The body was discovered by
moans and lamentations of his faithful dog, who was 6',11°
by the side of his lifeless and unfortunate master bewai'll3,7
his loss. By his lamentable demise the va'tt Ode living
Harrington (in the gift of the Countess of DrsART)
comes vacant.

The following passage from Sir WILLIPif
TEstrr.E's Memoirs may be usefully recalled to the re";
lection, not of our Patriot KING, who needs no inonit°
besides his own good sense and constitutional
but of those misguided and bigotted men who obstinate:i
oppose themselves to the nation's wishes :—" Sir Wit Ll"'
TEMPLE had a long conversation with CHARLES the Serj
cond before he went to Ho'land, in which he recommen'l t
the KING to adopt a different policy, on the ground t",,
as his measures were against the bent of the people, they
could not succeed,'—that even if he could inainta;n
army without the assistance of Parliament, still, if it II
composed of English, they would never serve ends whlr,
the people hated and feared ; and finally, he us. d thew
words to him I never knew but one Frenchman who
understood England well, which was GOURVILLE.
I was at Brussels in the fiat Dutch war, and he heard the
Parliament was weiry of it, he said the KING had nothil
to do but to make the peace; that he had been long eno"
in England, seen enough of our Court, people, and Parr
went, to conclude that a King of England who will
ie.
the man of his people is the greatest King in the work"
but if lie will he something more, by G—d he is nothins
at all.' The KING, as is well known, said with ernotio!:
Then I will be the man of my people ; ' but lie broke
word in that, as in every thing else."
CAPTAIN BEECH ~.lIEY's VOYAGE TO .11
PACIFIC.—The third Edition of this valuable work WI,
kr ready for publication on Monday next. We lon°
of no officer that ever sailed," s lys Blackwood, .2110 a;
zinc, " who has displayed greater faculties of observat,n,
Ilan Captain BEECHEY. Wherever he touches, wbatee!
lie de.crihes—all that can interest, or arouse, or benefit, 15(
se zed at once, nor does any one possess a greater power
presenting a complete picture to the reader. His ob'e
vations on what he sees are replete with that choice rar
gift, good sense. A frank and gentlemanly spirit, 82d ;1,
kind heart, give a sunshiny tone to the whole comP°6.;
lion, and a strung feeling of reverence for true religion
seen wherever circumstances call for the expression of °Pi,
opinions on the subject." We might add that the nrie
roan beautiful engravings by FINDEN, from drawings Ina
on the spot, impart a further charm to the narrative.