The Sun.
London, England, 1849-09-17 00:00:00

EPTA
N°.17,178.] LONDON, MONDAY rriga 4-
4t7•
reS
,
,
MO 'es' 9 SEPTEMBER 17, 1849.

ATIONAL LOAN FUND LIFE
ASSURANCE SOCIETY.
26, COB.Ntilt.L, LONDON.
Capital .CM10,0:)C). ET•npowel•ed by Act of Parliarmmt.
The leading features of the Society are guaranteed of an ample
Proprietary Capital.
:Moderate Rates of Premiums.
Two-thirds Premium Loaned to the Assured.
Amulet Division of Proiits.
lialf the Premium may remain as a Loan for Five Years.
Extensive Travelling Leave granted, without extra Premium.
Moderate extra Premium for Residence in Tropical Climates.
N.B. The last Animal Bonus to the Assured varied from 27 to 65
per cant. (according to age) on the Premiums paid.
Examples of Bonuses already Declared, and Options.

Prospec
.T any of
warded p,

,uses, with tables of rates, &c., may be had at the once,
its branches in the country ; or, on application, will be for-
)st free.

W. S. B. WOOLTIOUSE, Actuary.

E FIRE, LIFE ASSURANCE OFFICE ;
S
United with the
PORT OF LONDON ASSURANCE COMPANY.
Incorporated pursuant to Act of Parliament, April 22, 1847.
Admitted to Lloyd's by Vote of the Committee, January 15, 1848.
Amalgamated pursuant to Re, olutions dated February 5, 1819.
Offices :
31, CORN-HILL, LONDON.
with Powers of Extension reserved to the •
CAPITAL Proprietors under the 1(;th Clause of the .£lOO,OOO
Deed of Settlement), JJJ
In Shares of Twenty Shillings each, all paAl ; affording the security
of a large actual paid•up Capital, constantly augmenting.

DISTINGUISHING FEATURES

11.1RINE.—L!mited—risiS in and upon vessels Of the first class at

Lloyds,
FlRE.—Reduced premiums on buildings erected in conformity with
the Building Act, 7 and S Vic., c. S 4, proportioned to the diminu-

tion o frisk secured by the provisions of that statute.
LIFE.—The unmixed mutual system in its purest form—whole
profits being divided among the Aisured, without the entailment
of any risk. The operation of this department also extending to
RAILWAY ACCIDENT COMPENSATION, at moderate Pre-

miums • a•id
GUARANTEE for assuring the fidelity of persons in situations of
trust and confidence on the Annual Payment of a stipulated rate
per Cent., either in connexion with Life Assurance, or distinct

therefrom.
Forms of Application for Provincial Agencies in those towns of the
United Kingdom where none have been already appointed may be
obtained from the Head Office as above. _ _ .

AUG. COLLINGRIDGE, ➢lanagin; Director.
London, June 9, 1849.

THE CATHOLIC LAW and GENERAL
LIFE ASSURANCE COMPANY.
No. 8, New Coventry-street, Leicester-square, London.
TRUSTEES.
The Right Rev. Nicholas Wiseman, D.D., 35, Golden-square.
The Right Rev. William ➢lorris, 1).D., Acton, Middlesex.
The Right lion. the Lord Stafford, Cossey hall, Norfolk.
Sir Henry Paston Bedlngfield, Bart., Oxburgh, Norfolk.
Sir Richard Jenkins, G.C.8., Director of the Ilan. the East India

Company.
Thomas Barnewell, Esq., 15, York-terrace, Regent's-park,
Thomas F.yre, Esq., 62, Pulterpy-street, Bath.
James Marshall, Esq„ 24, Carlton Villas, Maida-hill.

DIRECTORS.
•
The Right Rev. William Morris, D.D., Anton, Middlesex—Chairman.
Michael Forri2tall, Esq., 13, West-square, Southwark—Deputy

Chairman and Managing Director.
Sir Richard Jenkins, G.C.11., Director of the lion. the East India
Company, and of the London Joint Stock Bank.
Rev. Thoma 3 D iyle, D.D., Loudon-road, Southwark.
Edmond Reales, Esq., C arlton Villas, Maida-hill.
Henry Clark Duppa, Esl., Malmain.hall, Stoke, near Rochester.
George Drew, Esq., Streatham, Surrey.
James Marshall, Esq., 21, Carlton Villas, Malda

ACTUARY —William henry Archer, Esq.
SECRETARY—WiIIiam Norris, Esq.

Prospectuses, Forms of Proposal, and every information promptly
forwarded en application to the Actuary or Secretary, at the Office,
8, New Coventry-street, Leicestez-square, London.

3 E ROPOLITAN COUNTIES
K. AND GENERAL LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY.
27, REGENT-STREET, WATERLOO-PLACE, LONDON.
Incorporated Pursuant to Act o' Parliam.nt.
LIFE ASSURANCES to meet every contingency; also A nnuit'es,
immediate and deferred.
The payment of fixed sums to th Assur:d at any specified age, or
to their Representatives in case of death before that age.
Credit given for half the premiums for the first five years.
Three fourths of the Profits divided amongst the assured, and
Loans granted, repayable by instalments.
ENDOWMENTS, given to each child of a marriage a certain sum
on attaining the age of 21, and also the return of the whole of the
sum paid for the same at a given period.
RAILWAY TRAVELLERS assured, by ONE single payment of
I Os. for every 1001.
Medical Referees remunerated for their reports, and the usual
Commission allowed on the introduction of business.
Prospectuses, with the rates, the Annual Report of the Society,
and all information, may be obtained at the office, or of the Agents
in the Country.

F. FERGUSON CAMROUX, Manager,

Second Eoiition, price Is.,
LORD BROUGHAM'S LETTER to Sir
JAMES GRAHAM, Bart., M.Y„ on the MAKING and DI-
GESTING of the LAW.

- -
Second Edition, now ready, price Is.
James Ridgway, Piccadilly ; and Henry Butterworth, Fleet-street,

APPETITE AND DIGESTION IMPROVED.
.EA and PERRINS' WORCESTERSHIRE
Jr....‘ SAUCE imparts the most exquisite relish to Steaks, Chops,
and all Roast Meat Gravies, Fish, Game, Soup, Curries, and Salad,
and by its tonic and invigorating properties enables the stomach to
perfectly digest the food.

The daily use of this aromatic and delicious Sauce is the best safe-
guard to health.
Sold by the proprietors, Lea and Perrins, 6, Vere-street, Oxford-
,treet, London, and 68, Broad-street, Worcester; also by Messrs.
Barclay and Sons, Messrs. Crosse and Blackwell, and other Oilmen
and Merchants, London ; and generally by the principal dealers in
sauce.
N.B. To guard against imitations, see that the names of " LEA
and PERRINS" are upon the label and patent cap of the bottle.

A 1 It I A ..E.
.4/1..1 One half the world are desolately single, and the other
:opposing them married, quzstionaldy contented. Diffidence, or a
ruse of right determine the former, and miscalculate,4 hove; em-
-Ater the latter. The solitary one may shield himself under the plea
.f caution and worldly prudence, and the indissoluble, regret un-
•omprosing; hurry; but the truth lies deeper. Physical incapacity,
broir_cn hes.ith, are the great hindrances to domestic happiness
social content. The dowry should not be the cnly marriage set-
:tomcat. honour andjurtice demand that health shouldform a.;.; item
in the eciak,act ; it alone dignifici the alliance. Blighted hopes as
;eglect wound mere sorely than poverty or misfbrtuns. Reader, if
these surmises concern you, procure Dr. CULVEJIWELL'S lath
'dEMOIRS "On Sinle and Married Life," pub. in 2 vols., Is.
:soh (by post, in stamps. is. Gd. each). Let no imaginatively
'ailed, or prudish feeling deter you, by their titles, nor be hindered
ey misinterpretation of their suppocod contents, from obtaining
:hem. They are not intended certainly for mere idle cariosity, but
fm the closet perusal of those mere deeply interested, to whom
they are offered as antagonistic to the empyrical trash put forth or,
t`,43 above subjects, by unqualified authors, which alone or
°gather, aro a disgrace to the age. Furthermore, two othe7
ittie publications claim your attention (same price Is. each,
r cst ls. Gd.) called " What to Eat, Drink, and
Avoid," and " How to be" appy." They are not merely
palipOefe., bat equal in quantity a library voinme, nor are they thf,
mere tr_hemeral seribblings of the hour, but the study of the author',
'ifs who owes his precut existence, health, and position to thi: 01,
icrvan-,:a of the maxims he would incalcate—to do unto others as he
woes `:e done unto—to live after natures laws—and to keep always
on the "tunny side of the way." The above works may be hrd 01
iherwo,hl, 23, ride:nester-row ; ear•valho, 117, Fleet-street• Mann.
30, Corn'till ; .7,7a150n, 4%7, West Strand ; or direct (by post or other-
ma?) •root the anther (who may be com'erred with personally,
mornings aveninsel. 10. Astryll-ola,e Regent-street: anti at,

l`Y-FIRST EDITION.
111Ustrs.ted by 2ti Anatomical Colon-cud Engravingsi on Steal.
PIIYSIC'AL DISQUALICATIONS, GENERATIVE INCAPA-
CITY, AND IMPEDIMENTS TO BilititlAlVE.
law 'Edit:on, enlarged to 196 pages. Just pitbilithcd, price 2s. fld., or
tiv cost, direct frr,m the Establishment, 3s. sd. in postage stamps,
THE S [LENT FRIEND, a Medical Work onaL. the iliannitic,:s and decay of the ;tolerative system, from ex-
ci:Nivo indulgence, infection, and the inordlntte use of mercury,
with remarks on Marriage, and the ineew of obviating certain dis-
nialifications. Illustrated by 21 Colours l Engravlegs. Ey ft. anti
h. PERRY and CO., Consulting Surgeons, Berners-itreot, Ox-
ord-street, London. Published by the Authors: sold by Strange,
Pateruottr-T-row : 'Janney, G 3, and Sanger, 150, Oxford-street :
Stare,23, Titchbonte-street, Haymarket; and Gordon, 141, Leaden-
lall-street.

PART I. treats of the anatomy and physiology of the re-productive
-,rgans, ?MI is illustrated by Six Coloured Eugravings.
Pass 11. treats of the consequences resulting from excessiveindul-
4ence, and their lamentable effects on the system, producin• mental
mcl bodily weakness, nervous excitement, and generative Liza' pacity.
illustrated by Three Explanatory Engravings.
Past 111. treats of the diseases resulting from infection, either in
the primary or secondary form, and cantaik,s explicit directions for
their treatrmsnt. MIS section is illustrated by Seventeen Colouresl
Engravings.
Past IV. contains a Prescription for the Prevention of Disease
by
.tar'TPlllle $
application,
n'bywhich the danger of infection is
tartels-
of the Work should not escape the
reader's notice.
PART V. is devoted to the consideration of marriage, and its
kites. The causes of unproductive union are also considered, and
the wbole subject critically and philosophically inquired into.
TusCionmar. BALM OF Fivniaoun
is exeln7ively employed in treat-
nag nervous and sexual debility, impotence, &C.,
11 s. and 335. per
bottle. The Concentrated Detersive Essence, au anti-syphilitic
rarnady9 '.sr purifying the blood in cases ofinfection, secondary symp-
Lorna, eription.s, and the abuse of mercury, 11s. and 335. per bottle.
Perry's Purifying rpeclfle rills, 28. Pd., 48. 6d., and I is. per box, a
sertaic, remedy for gonorrhosa,gleet, stricture, and chronic inflamma-
tion of the bladder. Censultatiox fee, if by letter, U. A minute
retail of the case is required age, habits, and position in society.
Si. Paellas, with advice, to be had at the Establislunent only, by
4' Web the fee,ii., is saved. Messrs. Perry, Surgeons, are in atter.-
lane, ashy at O. BerPors-Rtreet, Oxford-street, Lenden, from Ele-
ven till TN., 3,1,1 Viva .t. (te frn, 1.71,..-.nn

[ADVERTISEMENT.]—A person seventy-five years
old cured of a Bad Leg by Holloway's Ointment and Pills.—
Mrs. Larendon, of No. 2, Richardson's Buildings, Goswell-
street, ever since giving birth to twins, thirty-four years ago,
had suffered with dreadful wounds in her leg, and which several
medical men, both in France and England, had been unable to
cure; her sufferings were intense, and oftentimes she was, during
long periods wholly confined to herbed. Ultimately, by the advice
of her friends, she made trial of Holloway's Ointment and
Pills, and these celebrated remedies have completely healed ber
wounds, and she can walk about with the greatest comfort.—
Sold by all vendors of medicines and at Professor Holloway's
Establishment, 244, Strand, London.

MEETING IN FAVOUR OF HUN-

GARIAN FREEDOM.
(From the Norwich Mercury.)
On Monday evening a Common Hall of the citizens
of Norwich, called by the Mayor, S. Bignold, Esq.,
in compliance with a requisition emanating from a
large number of the most influential inhabitants, was
held in St. Andrew's Hall. The interest taken in
this question was shown by the spacious building
being densely crowded, all the available spice not
only in the body of the Hall, but also on that part of
the organ gallery unappropriated by the speakers,
being filled. About 3,000 persons were present,
some of whom were Conservatives. This interest
was particularly enhanced by the presence of Lord
Dudley Coutts Stuart, a son of the Marquis of Bute
—a nobleman, the mention of whose name is alone
significant of integrity, honour, and indomitable
perseverance in the cause of freedom ; and W. B.
Donne, Esq., a gentleman of this county, who has
given the subject of Hungary much attention.
OSBORN SPRINGFIELD, Esq., came forward and
said—My fellow-citizens, you all know how much I
have had this meeting at heart, and you may there-
fore judge how deeply gratified I am to see such a
numerous attendance present to-night; and if I am
gratified to see you, I am also glad to see so many
persons of high respectability and character upon the
platform. I rejoice to find among these Mr. Hudson,
and I beg to move that he be our Chairman this
evening.
The motion was immediately carried by accla-
mation.

A. HunsoN, Esq., then took the chair, amidst loud
applause. As soon as silence was obtained he said—
Ladies and gentlemen, I am very little in the habit of
attending public meetings. I do not think that any
of you ever saw me present at one before—but I really,
had so much at heart the object of this meeting, in
which I think is involved not only the liberties of
Hungary, but the liberties also of the world, that
having been required to take the chair, I could not
hesitate in acceding to that de wire.—(Loud cheers.)
I am extremely happy to see so large and numerous
a meeting. I confess I did 7.10 t expect this. I did
think that Hungary was so Wale known to the inha-
bitants of this city that they would hardly have
dreamt where or what it was ; but I have noticed that
wherever oppression occurs, in whatever part of the
world it is found to exist, if. is sufficient to cause the
citizens of Norwich to stared up and to express their
abhorrence oft.—(Loud cheers.) I am delighted, I
again repeat, to see so large a meeting, and I am more
delighted to see around me persons of every opinion,
and of every shade of politics. I am glad to see that
they have sunk all their difference in the expression
of this one opinion—that; it is the duty of England
to pro'est against thes nefarious and unjust
Hungarian war.—(Hear, and loud cheers.) It may
be said that we are too Late in holding this meeting,
and I think that we are much too late. This demon-
stration ought to have to ken place long ago ; but still
I am of opinion that if this meeting be followed by a
general expression of the feeling of the people of
England, we chili strengthen the hands of the Go-
vernment, and some arrangement may he made and
neeeeiations entered into by which Hungary may
still retain her nationality., and her undoubted right
to elect her own Parliament.—(Cheers.) I confess
that I have been astonishod to see the apathy, the
almost total indifference with which this question has
been received in England,. and I can only attribute it
to the want of sufficient communication between
Hungary and this country. Unhappily, the news-
papers, from which we obtain a knowledge of what
is passing, with the exceptim m of those excellent papers
the Examiner, The Sun, the Daily News, and one of
our own valuable local journals (the Mercury), the
editor of which I perceive. is present, have long taken
up the side of the despot. It has been represented
that the war in Hungary was a mere provincial re-
volt against their Emperor. Now this is not true.
For three centuries Hungt .ry has been a kingdom,
possessing regularly defined rights and liberties, with
a parliament of her own, making laws for herself,
and it was the viola tion of these rights
and privileges by the !Et nperor of Austria, that
drove the people into ins trarection.—(Loud cheers.)
Unhappily they have :.failed in their attempt,
and, when the news of that failure arrived, the world
stood tamely by. Some called it a small unimportant
provincial insurrection, but how does it happen that if
it were such an outbreak tth at it should have required
the united forces of the t wo great powers of the
north, Russia and Austria, to quell it, and they could
hardly succeed in doing so. • With their great wfbalth
and immense armies, while- Hungary had none of the
former, and only fresh leviet s raised in the emergency,
ultimate success could not be expected to attend the
struggles of the brave Ilungarians. They have
fought and fallen, but still . if this country stands for-
ward, some amount of libe. rty may be obtained for
them, and they may not lee struck out of the map of
Europe as a nation, as has, been done in the case of
Poland.—(Cheers.) I feel that in exercising the
functions of Chairman, I .at a taking up too much of
your time with these det sil s, and I am ashamed in
having done so, when I see the Noble Lord who sits
beside me—(Cheers)—wlea has throughout his life
always exerted himself ami. his great talents in the
cause of the people. Wheel I say I consider that he
is much more able to athletes s you upon this subject,
having devoted a greater am ount of study to it, cor-
responded with the parties, engaged in it, and conse-
quently much more acquai'n ted with its details, I feel
that I should be trespassing:. on your time if' I occupied
it any longer.--(No, no ; gc ) on.) I shall therefore
conclude with a request that the speakers will confine
themselves to the object of tl ie meeting.—(Cheers.)
P. J. MONEY, Esq., them came forward and said—
Mr. Chairman and gentleen en, the first resolution for
your approbation has been • put into my hands, and I
am very happy to say that the presence of the Noble
Lord who has favoured tlit with his company this
evening, will render it n of only superfluous, but
almost impertinent, for nee to detain you beyond a
few minutes on this subject- I shall only observe that
you and every free born Englishman who has thought
upon this subject must fe el deeply at the result
which has attended the s truggle in Hungary.—
(Loud cheers.) It appears that Austria was net able
to subdue Hungary by het' df, but she had to call
upon the N orthern tyrant, tie Emperor, to assist her ;
and eo their everlasting disgr ace the armies of the two
despots combined, and the I imperor of Austria has
at length succeeded in strilair fig at the root of Hunga-
rian liberty.—(Hear, hear.) I shall only say, gen-
tlemen, that I trust Hungary' will obtain that freedom
which has now been unjust ly wrested from her, and
that their watch-word will be " Fall, tyrants, fall,"
until their nation shall be flee .--(Loud cheers.) Cap-
tain Money then proposed tl me resolution, which was
as follows :—" That the It angarian nation,' in its
struggle for constitution 11 liberty, is entitled to the
warmest sympathies of all tale sses and all parties of the
British people."
T. BRIGHTWELL, Esq., c ae forward to second the
resolution, and was received' with loud applause. He
said—My friends and fellow '• citizens, I do not know
that I have voice enough to be heard in all parts of
this hall, hut having been 2 .equested to second this
resolution I found it impos!sil ae to refuse. I do not
intend to enter very lar ate ly into the Hungarian
question, or to give you as my lengthy details upon
the subject. I leave that e tur y to thooo who arc nblc
an I willing to give that i sformation which we long
to receive ; but I have a hpart to feel with you in
this cause, and I say it is 17. n ipossible for any one to
read and learn the whole . of the details connected
with this transaction with al it feeling an amount of
indignation that almost req u fired a public meeting to
give it vent.—(Cheers.) iCI mere is something about
the English character, and feel proud of being an
Englishman, that will not ps grnit them to see oppres-
sion without being moved b: 7 it. It is the glory of
our country that the moms et b a man sets his foot upon
its soil, be he native or be h 9 stranger, that moment
he can exclaim, "I am fre a!l"—(Loud cheers.) It is
that noble sense of freedom vs hich gives us not only our
own force of character, but ; t hat deep sympathy with
all those that are su ffe ring under oppression
and despotism—that gives u: a strong feeling of sym-
pathy with those who strt tg, gle when under the op-
pressor's feet, and with th tss that struggle to obtain
or preserve their rights an I I iberties.—(Loud cheers.)
Still when we see, as our as teemed Chairman has told
us, that not only is the fret td om of a nation concerned,
but that the liberties of tl ,e whole of Europe are in-
volved—that the question is in no remote degree our
own, how much more str an gly ought that sympathy
to be expressed.—(Cheer se) Gentlemen, it has been
said that the movements of the present day have a
tendency to general peace —that we are approaching
a time when man will no longer fight in torrents of
blood in order to ascertai what is the truth or the
right, but that the con teats which will be waged
will be of a moral char armter—that moral warfare
is the only mode of prof early deciding a question,
and that men will only c ositend with the weapons
of argument and reason. I wish we had a war
of this description beta. Kee Austria and Russia,
and that we had their re pnasentatives here to hear
the question fully discuss ad . I wish the day had
arrived when all Europe w ou Id thus contend, and use
only the weapons of moral w arfare without resorting
to violence.—(Loud cheers ,) The time has not come,
however, when moral re. we n will prove efficacious
in securing the liberties of the country on whose
behalf our sympathies are c tc ;it'd, and remotely our

own. What we want then is to excite such a feeling
as may tend to curb the power of these despots, and
may cause, them to know that no nation will see
ano:her trodden down by the feet of a tyrant, without
raising their voices from one end of the country to the
other, and thus showing to him that they will not
suffer it. I atn an advocate of peace, and I have
lived long enough -to see that when a great nation
expresses its opinion, that opinion is felt. When we
look around Europe we see abundant proof of this.
How has it been felt on the other side cf the conti•
nent of Europe ? Have we not had little more to do
than to express our feelings when we wanted to pre-
vent a war between Egypt and Turkey ? And we
shall have little more to do than to carry out the same
principle when we find other nations on the eve of
war.--(Cheers ) Is there any doubt that if at the
commencement we had assumed a high and decided
tone, as we ought to have done, there would have
been no blood shed in Hungary. But these things
are only the beginning of this moral revolution.—
(Cheers.) The statesmen of Europe have not been
faithful to their promises ; they have deceived and
betrayed their people, who now tell them, that they
have not done what they promised. They called on
them for bread, and they gave them a stone.--
(Cheers) Had the nations of Europe done what they
ought to have done with regard to Poland, there is
every reason for believing that Russia would not have
been hunting that suffering people from shore to shore.
The Russians say, " It is the rascally Poles they are
going to fight against, and not the Hungarians.' Did
the world ever hear such an impudent, false assertion?
Knowing, as we do, the history of Poland, and hear-
ing Russia saying to the Hungarians, we come here
because the Poles have stirred you up to rebellion and
war, what are we to think ? But what '2 the history
of the transaction in which Poland lost her na-
tionality ? We all know that Russia, Prussia, and
Austria seized on Poland, as the first of these would
now do with respect to' certain states lying around
her—that Poland was divided as a very sweet morsel,
between these three kingdoms without the slightest
consideration for the people, but that they (Russia,
&c.) have been foiled and disappointed in peacably
obtaining possession of this ill-gotten territory by
that sort of moral retribution which always falls upon
the aggressor.—(Hear.) What has been the con-
sequence ? Why, that we are constantly hearing
of something about Russia and Poland—that the
Poles never suffered the Russians to be at peace—
that they have always been an eye-sore and a thorn in
the side of Russia, and have beccene almost a terror
to the despot.—(Hear.) The Autocrat of Russia has
always exercised the most despotic sway, and he has
endeavoured to keep them down by the crushing
force of a military despotism, but he has never
succeeded.—(Hear, hear.) And what do we
now find ? Why that Russia invades Hungary,
saying that she came not to fight against the people
of that country, but against the Poles, because she
alleges that they have been stirred into insurrection
by the efforts of the Poles. This is not so, but it is
in consequence of the unjust feeling she entertains
towards the people.—(Cheers.) Let states be .honest
—let the public be honest—let promises be fulfilled.
Had this been done we should not have witnessed such
scenes, and we should not have seen what has taken
place in our own provinces, but instead, should have
found a happy, umited, and free people.—(Cheers.)
The Hungarians have obtained abundant promises an o
oaths; they have had all the promises necessary to
satisfy any people, so far as the letter went, but they
never obtained the spirit..—illear, hear.) It is not
in Austria to give it. She 'has a great moral lesscm
to learn, and we are about to-night to teach her.—
(Cheers.) And notwithstanding all that these despots
may say, we shall stand by the side of the oppressed
against the oppressor, and act as far as we can it
rejoicing with those that struggle.—(Cheers.) Le:
our principle be to recognise And aid the voices o'
those that suffer, end do all we can to cheer and en-
courage them. Let us do all we can to put them ir
a proper position, and cheer them -as brothers.—
(Cheers.) This is the spirit of the resolution tha.
has just been proposed for your adoption. I bee
pardon for trespassing so long upon your time. I will
now leave the subject to those who are to follow% me,
who will, I trust, impress the details upon you, so that
when you leave this meeting you will entertain a deer
feeling of its importance, and a deep sympathy for the
sufferings of the Hungarian people.—(Loud cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN then rose and said—Gentlemen, I
shall now introduce to you Lord Dudley Stuart. The
name of his Lordship was received with the most
enthusiastic cheering and applause, which was con-
tinued when he rose and presented himself to the
meeting. As soon as silence had been restored,
Lord DUDLEY STUART spoke as follows :—Ladies
and Gentlemen, I assure you that I feel very proud
to have the opportunity of addressing a Common-hall
of the city of Norwich, assembled for the purpose of
discussing the question of Hungary.—(Cheers.) It
is always delightful to me to have the opportunity of
meeting any number of my fellow-countrymen on the
subject of liberty—(Loud cheers)—and I think it
does honour to our country that the feeling which
exists with regard to the brave patriots of Hungary,
should be expressed in the manner it has been from
one end of the kingdom to the other.—(Cheers.) There
have been public meetings held upon this subject not
only in the metropolis, but in every part of the king-
dom. If you were to go from Southampton, through
Wales, to Manchester, to Yorkshire, to Glasgow,
and even the most northerly parts of Scotland,
you would find that all Britain agree in feel-
ings of sympathy for that brave people who
dared to struggle for their liberty and to maintain
their rights.—(Cheers.) And I am glad—nay, I am
proud to see, that in this ancient and famous city of
Norwich an example is being set to the inhabitants of
the eastern parts of our island, which will show that
you are not deficient in the same noble feeling which
has been expressed by the inhabitants of other places,
but that you are determined to meet together—to
unite your voices—to proclaim your sympathy for
freedom and your detestation of tyrants and tyranny.
—(Enthusiastic cheers.) Some persons taking
selfish views of this question, or guided by selfish
principles, are sometimes prone to inquire why the
people of England should feel any sympathy for the
Hungarians. They say, what do the people at large
of England know about Hungary? Why, they know
this—that the Hungarians are struggling for freedom.
—(Loud cheers.) They know that the Hungarians
are attacked by despots.—(Cheers.) They know that
the Hungarians have defended their rights like brave
men—like Englishmen.--(Continued cheers.) And
if they knew no more, these are titles enough to the
sympathy of every honest Briton. But I would tell
those persons who make such inquiries, that having

had the advantage and the honour of mixing with all
ranks and classes of my countrymen, I find the work•
ing men—the industrious artizans of this country—
thanks to the spread of education—thanks to the diffu-
sion of knowledge by means of cheap publications—
thanks to the power of the press—are
much better informed upon this and all other
subjects of foreign and domestic policy than
they imagine that the working men of
England do take the pains and find the leisure in the
midst of their laborious avocations—(Cheers)—to
make themselves acquainted with the struggles that
are being enacted by those who love liberty and free-
aeta on thc. eootioeet—(Loud cheers)—and perhaps
those hard working men who have not so much
leisure as these who are lapped in the bosom of luxury,
may yet, on many occasionf, find means to make
themselves better acquainted with facts than those
from whom more information might be expected.—
(Applause.) I believe that in the cottage and in the
factory many who are hard at work at their various
avocations still do turn their thoughts to those
patriots in foreign lands, who are battling with des-
potism, and who act as Englishmen in this country
would do under similar circumstances, and as our
Andforefathers have done.— (Applause.) even sup-
posing that a large number of the people of this
country are not acquainted with all the details of
Hungarian history, still they know generally that
that history is very analogous to that of our own
country.—(Hear, hear.) At least they know that
Hungary deserves our sympathies, because they are
aware that her people have been struggling to obtain
their freedom. Looking to men in whom they place
confidence—men like Mr. Hume and Mr. Cobden—
who have headed the movement in their favour, they
have been led to make further inquiries into the
facts of the struggle entered upon by Hungary, and
they have found, no doubt, that the further they in-
quired the greater reason they discovered for taking
an interest in the people ; and that that sympathy to
which they were originally called by the warm feel-
ings of their breasts they were encouraged to perse-
vere in by the dictates of their cooler reason.-
-(Cheers.) They have learnt, as no doubt many of
you have done, that the history of Hungary presents
great analogies to that of England—that the llunga-
rians have enjoyed a free constitution for a long pe-
riod—that they do not love war, nor have they taken
up arms to do battle for some visionary theory, or
some organic change in the ancient constitution of
their country, that some thousands of sword did not
fly froin their scabbards in order to establish a re-
public, to obtain some new visionary notion of that
kind, as has been represented by their enemies.to be
the case ; they did not rise to fight for any red
republic—they did not rise for any republic at au_
although I must say that had they done so that would

have been no reason for my not taking an interest
in them and in the re-,ult of their struggle.—(Cheers.)
That is a sentiment to which I bave given utterance on
various occasions, and while it has elicited praise from
some, it has been made the ground of attack on me by
others. But I wish to be well understood. I seek
to deceive no man. 1 say again, that if the Hun-
garians had risen for the purpose of establishing a
republic it would be no reason why I should with-
hold my sympathy from them.--(Loud cheers.) In
r i sayingans t thehislrepublic recommend
rany
other t o
particularthe -
form of government. Ido not presume to do that,
d adoptiono not
o f
a mean to o
as I am sure there are men in Hungry who, if left to
themselves, well know how to prepare that form of
government which is best adapted to the wants of the
people ; but I would say this, that every people have
a perfect right to determine under what form of
government they will live.—(Here the meeting rose
and gave three hearty cheers.) I say every people
has that right—be their choice what it may—be it to
have a republic—be it to have a constitutional mo-
narchy—in them is vested the right of determining,
and no despot—and above all no foreign despot—has
any right to interfere with the free will of the people
in their choice.—(Enthusiastic cheers.) The Hun-
garians, however, rose to fight not for anew but an
old, an ancient constitution—a constitution as ancient
as our own, and, as I have said, very much like that
which we enjoy, for it was composed of King, Lords,
and Commons—an hereditary Sovereign, an heredi-
tary House of Peers, and a House of Commons elected
by the people.—(" Ours is not," and applause.) These
rights they demanded should be preserved to them.
That constitution had been handed down from father
to son for many generations—as many in fact as our
own, and they desired that it should be preserved to
them in all its integrity. A gentleman in the hall
says that our House of Commons is not properly elected
by the people.—(" Certainly," and applause.) In this
respect the Hungarians then have been like ourselves;
they felt that their House of Commons was not elected
as it ought to be.—(Cheers.) They felt that the
suffrage ought to be extended.—(Loud cheers.) They
did not wish to introduce a new constitution, but
they desired to ameliorate and extend the old one.—
(" So do we.") There again they acted like ourselves.
—(Cheers.) A gentleman says, "So do we." Now,
that is just what I say.—(Enthusiastic cheers.) Every
moment I discover striking analogies between Hun-
gary and England. They felt that their constitution
required amelioration ; that the suffrage was not
sufficiently extended, and under the illustrious Kossuth
—(Cheers)—they last year determined to enlarge it,
and they adopted a system which was all but that .of
universal suffrage.—(Loud cheers.) There is no doubt
that the Hungarians would have stopped at no reform
until they had obtained complete rights, and a satis-
actory state of things for every man in the kingdom.
—(Cheers.) As it was, they had introduced into their
old constitution, through their Government, a degree
of freedom probably greater than that enjoyed by any
country in Europe.—(" Not through Finality John ;"
cries of " Silence.") Gentlemen, the Hungarians
have been remarkable for their attachment to prin-
ciples which I hope are dear to every Englishman—l
mean the principles of civil and religious liberty.—
(Cheers.) Although in times past there was no dif-
ference whatever made by the Government between
the various religious sects, which was a fact that could
not be said of this country a few years ago, no man
could be excluded from any office or privilege because
he belonged to one religion or another, but Protestant
end Catholic lived together in harmony and friend-
ship, and there was no enmity prevailing on this ac-
count; still there was one disability left, but this the
immortal Kossuth swept away last year.—(Cheers.)
Yes, the Hungarians swept away the disability of the
Jews—that last remnant of intolerance and bigotry—
from their free constitution. Under their constitution
no man was asked what was his religion, but Protes-
tant and Catholic—in fact every man, so long as he
conducted himself as a good citizen, was admitted to
rights.—(Loud applause.) But there is another
principle for which the Hungarians have shown a de •
voted attachment, which ought strongly to recommend
them to our sympathies, were it only for the sake of our
own interests. They have always been the strenuous
advocates of free trade. lam aware that attempts
have been made to deny this, and to represent them
as having lately attempted to introduce the selfish
policy of protection ; but this charge is wholly
without foundatiod. The facts of the case are these.
Hungary is not a manufacturing country, but is rich
in the production of agriculture, and the people it
seems were in the habit of taking as much of the
manufactures of Austria as they required, and paying
for them in grain and wine, &c. The Austrian Go-
vernment, however, had imposed an exorbitant tariff
on the importation of the productions of Hungary, and
it was only to force the former to admit the corn, wine,
&c., of the Hungarians into Austria that the Govern-
ment came to the resolution, that if they did not
remove what was tantamount to a prohibition to the
importation of corn into Austria, their manufactures
should not be permitted to enter Hungary. But they
were anxious to interchange their productions not
only with Austria, if the latter would have consented,
but with all Europe at large, as can be clearly proved
by reference to the repeated resolutions passed by the
Diet, and by the commercial treaty entered into by
Kossuth a few months ago with the Government of
this country.---(Cheers.) Those acquainted with
the state of Hungary—those that have travelled
there, and made themselves acquainted with the
productions of the country and the manners of the
inhabitants, are fully convinced that no greater benefit
could be conferred upon the commerce of this coun-
try than that Hungary should be independent.—
(Hear, hear, and applause.) She has a soil of re-
markable fertility—they produce corn, wine, tobacco,
&c., but as 1 have said the people are not acquainted
with manufacture; their industry has not been turned
to this object ; and all that they employ themselves
in is in producing the fruits of the soil, and those if
brought here, as they must have been in large quan-
tities, would have afforded the Hungarians the oppor-
tunity of doing that which they are anxious to do,
namely—the opportunity of taking our manufactures
in large quantities in return.—(Loud cheers.) Hun-
gary, if left to itself—if left to do that which now she
dares not do, would offer a noble outlet for the manu•
factures of this country, and in a short time, accord-
ing to the opinions of those who have entered into
calculations upon the subject, there would be as large
a trade beween her and this country, as there is be-
tween this country and the United States.—(llear,
hear, and. applause.) Wherever there are manufac-
tories of cotton, of silk, or_of woollen goods—and I
believe there are large manufactories of these goods
in the city in which I have now the honour of
speaking—wherever there are manufactories of cut-
lery or of iron, there the feelings of interest ought to
prompt the people, if their generous sentimeeta do
not, to take a deep interest in the affairs of
Hungary.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) If Hungary
were independent we should send out all the manu-
factures 1 have enumerated ; and many a time I have
thought that, if Hungary continues oppressed, and
this noble mart is kept closed to us, we shall often
find the demand for our manufactures languish, for
Austria, and no less Russia, who are the greatest
enemies of England, and particularly to the intro-
duction of the manufactures of this kingdom, gtrictly
prohibit cur goo-1s by the imposition of tariffs
(Rear, hear)—and will not allow Hungary, who is
anxious to become a purchaser, to receive them. Ah,
many a time, when your looms are standing still—
when you are not able to earn the wages which you
ought to receive, and, consequently, cannot provide
for yourselves and families—many a time will you
think with sorrow of the struggle of the Hungarians,
who, had they not been put down by the arms of a
despot, would have enjoyed liberties like yours, and
would have been able to promote not only the prin-
ciples of freedom and of right, but your prosperity.
—(Loud cheers.) I think, gentlemen, you will
allow that these are a few valid reasons why English-
' men ought to feel sympathy with the Hungarians.—
(Cheers.) And ought we not, who have always been
a brave people—that belong to a country whose
achievements by land and by sea have been rivalled
by none—must we not feel sympathy for the men
who, against unequal numbers and countless hordes
of Russian barbarians, joined to the forces of Austria,
have performed such great and noble deeds ?
Who is there that does not feel hisloosom warns when
he hears of the noble achievements of Hungary, led
by Bem and Dembinsky ?—(Cheers.) Who is there
that did not rejoice when he heard of the Hunga-
rians again and again beating the Austrians from
the field, until at last they had to procure the aid of
the Russian despot, whose barbarian soldiers have at
length succeeded in overrunning the plains of Hun-
. gary ?—(Cheers.) It is not true that the Austrians
' have conquered these brave men, though they now
boast of having dune so, but it is true that the Hun-
garians did over and over again beat the Austrians
and put them to flight, though they brought their
best generals against them.—(Cheers.) The fact is
this. The Hungarians had driven the Austrians
' from the whole of their country, excepting a narrow
; strip—they were almost victorious—they had all but
gained their independence—(Loud cheers)—and it
would have been impossible for Austria again to put
-them down, if she had not received the assistance of
Russia.—(Hear, hear.) Again, are we not a nation
. distingnished by more than our bravery, by our
attachment to civil and religious liberty ? If there

[PRICE SD•

is one thing of which an Englishman is proud, and
which distinguishes him above all others, it is hie
love of what is called in homely phrase—fair play.—
(Loud cheers ) Whenever a fight takes place, and
anything like foul play is attempted, the public inter-
fere and will not allow it. Fair play is a sentiment
which we are taught in our youth, when as children
we have our little battles and fights with one another.
—(Laughter.) But was there any thing like fair
play in the struggle of the Hungarians to drive out
the Austrians ?—(" No, no," and applause.) llun-
gary asserted her rights, and had driven out the
Austrians when they sought to oppress her ;
she had become victorious, and then Austria applied
to the Autocrat of Russia, and he poured in his
numerous hordes and overpowered the Hungarians.
—(Shame, shame.) When these hordes had accom-
plished the iniquitous object for which they were
sent, the Emperor of Austria returns thanks to the
Almighty for the great victory he had obtained.--7
(Hear, hear.) Yes, he returns thanks, and proclaims
that Te Deunts shall be offered up to the Almighty.
—(Cheers.) He first swears to maintain the consti-
tution ; then he violates it, and after crushing the
people through the assistance of the Russians, he
returns thanks to God for having done so with
impunity.—(Cheers.) But, gentlemen, let us trust
that so iniquitous a course will not always succeed—
for at last the Hungarians have been put down by
means of Russian bayonets. The Austrian yoke is
fixed upon their necks for the present.—(Hear, hear.)
Why then have we assembled here if all is over?
One reason is, because we always feel sympathy for
those who fail in their struggles, if that failure has
been in a righteous cause.—(Cheers.) We are not a
people who cannot bear to talk anywhere but on the
sunny side of the street. We do not turn our backs
upon the unfortunate; we honour the brave who are
vanquished, and vanquished though this brave people
may be, we are determined to see if something
cannot be done to ameliorate their condition.—(Loud
cheers.) We will not so give up the struggle.
(Hear, hear.) We do not meet for the purpose of
making a funeral oration, and then decently interring
the bleeding remains of the people. No ; that won't
satisfy Englishmen.—(Loud applause.) We want
something more practical. People will not come to-
gether at great trouble and inconvenience, perhaps,
when nothing is to be done, except to express a bar-
ren sympathy; although I inu,t say, that if nothing
else were to be done, I should rejoice at the feeling
that would be thus evinced—not for the sake of Hun-
gary, but for the sake of England herself. Such a
meeting would at least prove that the people of this
country were not indifferent to the fate of those brave
men, and that they did not acquiesce by their silence
in the iniquitous proceedings of the despots.—(Ap-
plause.) But we hope that something else may be
done. The splendour of this meeting, which is a
great and noble one—and the opinion of the people of
this important country from one end to another, will
be expressed so plainly, so forcibly, so unmistakeably,
that her Majesty's Government will see at once that it
is right and fitting they should act upon it, and in ac-
cordance with it.—(Cheers.) We hope that such a
demonstration as this will give strength to those in the
Government, who like ourselves feel sympathy for the
Hungarians.—(Loud cheers.) We hope they wi.l
put to silence, and show to those members of the
Government, if any such there be, who feel sympathy
with the despots, what are the sentiments of tt e
people of England and we feel that the effect of this
meeting will be to strengthen the hands of the Go-
vernment in the representations they will make to the
Austrian Cabinet in favour of Hungary. We cannot
now call on the Government to recognise the inde •
pendence of Hungary, as a short time ago they were
disposed to do. rah ! I wish that had been done six
months ago— (" Shame that it was not")—for if it had,
Hungary would have found means to resist her ene •
mies, and if such meetings as these had been held
turoughout the country, it is my opinion that the
conduct of our Government would have been different
to what it was.—(Cheers.) Unhappily the distance
between this country and Hungary is so great, and
the means taken by the enemy to prevent the cir-
culation of intelligence have been so great, that
it was a long time before the people here became
acquainted with the state of things in that country.
Hungary, lying as it does betweenfurkey and the South
of Europe, is not, perhaps, at such a very great dis-
tance from this country ; if you could travel by the
railway by a straight road, you would be able to
reach it in the course of a few days; but the Aus-
trians, during the late disturbances, took especial
care to stop all communication from thence, the mails
were taken off the roads, and as she had got possession
of Fiume, the only port belonging to Hungary on the
Adriatic, there was no way of sending letters to this
country, and consequently we were in ignorance of
what was passing ; and what was more, the Hunga-
rians were not made acquainted with the sympathy
which had sprung up and was growing in the minds
of the people of this country.—(Cheers.) However,
as the Hungarians have been subdued by tyranny in
its worst form, they cannot now effect their indepen-
dence, but our Government may represent to Austria
how important it is that sho should preserve their in-
tegrity and independence.—(Cheers.) Our Govern-
ment may remind the Emperor that late proceedings
are very similar to what took place when Poland was
' partitioned—they may represent to him how much
he will consult his own fair fame and happiness—
aye, and probably the security of his dominions, if,
having now overcome Hungary, he treats the van-
quished with kindness, with forbearance, and with
respect.—(Loud cheers.) You know, gentlemen,
that the Emperor of Austria is an extremely young
man—in fact, hardly yet emerged from childhood—
that he has just been led, by stepping through seas of
blood of Austrians and Hungarians to the throne.
He is a young monarch, the brilliant morning of
eighteen summers having just dawned upon him.—
(Sensation, and cries of " Shame.") Is it not a me-
. lancho:y sight to see a youth like that urged to place
himself at the head of a policy which shall destroy
and enslave a great and noble nation ? But this
Prince, who is of such tender years, in all probability
would abhor and detest the policy of his Government
were he aware of its character ; and to some who re-
flect upon the subject, it will be evident that some
kind of influence has been at work of which we are
ignorant to enable his Cabinet to carry out their de-
=igns. We may at the least suppose that he has not
been made aware of many things that have been done
in his name.—(Hear, hear.) No doubt that young
man, who is now of an age when the heart is generally,
open to w inn and generous emotions and noble aspira-
tions, would shudder with horror if made aware of
the atrocities of him who now commands the Austrian
forces in his name, and whose own name will never
cease to be hailed with curses and execrations—l
mean General Haynau.—(Cheers.) Very likely
this young Emperor is not aware that this
Austrian military butcher, in the name of his sove-
reign, has been shooting his prisoners of war in cold
blood, sacrificing women, and hanging the ministers
of religion merely because they were supposed to be
attached to the cause of their country.—(Shame,
shame, and Hear, hear.) I cannot suppose that the
Emperor read that iniquitous proclamation of Gen.
Haynau before it was circulated. The proclamation
says, " Take notice that all persons of whatever name,
ago, or sex, that shall war against my sovereign, or
commit violence on any of his subjects; or whatever
persons of whatever name, age, or sex, shall insult
one of my soldiers, shall be doomed to instant death"
—(Hear, hear)—so that for the paltry offence of
insulting one of these military butchers, the soldier
thus offended was to be judge in his own case, and
was to put the unfortunate individual to death—and
this too, remember, was to be done without discrimi-
nation of age or sex.—(Shame, shame.) I cannot
believe that this young Prince was aware of these
things—l cannot but hope that when he becomes
acquainted with them he will shudder at the details,
and that he will listen to the representations which
Lord Palmerston may be disposed to make to him—
(Cheers)—that he will be pleased, now that the
sceptre is placed in his hand, to wield it over Hun-
gary with a beneficent sway. Oh, what a bles-
sing it would be if this young Monarch were to be
fired with the noble ambition of blotting out the
bloody crimes—the horrors in which his reign has
commenced, by conquering the affections of his
people.—(Loud cheers.) This no doubt would be a
difficult task to accomplish, animated as the Hun-
garians must be with sentiments of detestation of that
Government which has so cruelly oppressed them ;
but it would be a noble and a glorious sight if this
young Sovereign were to determine to attempt the
achievement, and I think that we should not have met
here to night„in vain, if, by the representations made
by our Government, should be induced to take a
line which may possibly lead to such a result.—
(Loud cheers.) The Emperor of Austria ought also
to consider, that by the kind treatment of the Hun-
garians, he will not only be acting in a way that will
be conducive to his honour, and one that will be ap-
proved of by all who admire morality and religion,
but he will also be acting in accordance with the dic-
tates of the soundest policy. He has near him a dan-
gerous and an insidious neighbour, and although that
neighbour has afforded him effectual assistance in the
unjust and nefarious attempt against Hungary, yet
nevertheless he ought to know, as every one else does
know, that the only real way of securing his dominions
against the grasping attempts of Russia is by firmly
attaching the Hungarian people to his throne.—(Loud

cheers.) Thaty.a eplc has always been famed for
their loyalt attachment to their Sovereign, so
loag as that Sovereign did his duty. " Moriecniur
pro re,Fc Maria Therese"—" Let us die for cur
Queen ' or "King Maria Theresa," was the cry of
the Hungarians in the last century, when that Queen
was exposed to danger from the unprincipled pro-
ceedings of Frederic of Prussia. " Let us die to
defend our King," and a thousand swords leaped from
their scabbards at the words.—(Enthusiastic cheer-
ing.) Cannot, I ask, such a people he attached by
proper treatment ? Oh yes, they can, and if the
Emperor of Austria had conceded their demands,
which were founded on right and justice, he would
have possessed the respect and attachment of a people
as loyal as ever were united to a Sovereign.—(Great
cheering.) Now he will have an unhappy and dis-
contented people to deal with, and the game he will
have to play will be a difficult one, and I have very
serious doubts whether he will be able to prevent
Russia from filching this fair and valuable nation front
him. Russia never fails to take advantage of such
an opportunity as is now afforded her for advancing
her own power and aggrandisement ; she has her ira-
tnense armies of barbarians at command, and Austria
may rest assured that Russia will not fail to promote
discontent amongst her subjects until she obtains pos-
session of Hungary.—(hear, hear.) The only way
therefore which I can see that Austria has of keeping
Hungary is by conceding the just demands of the
Hungarians.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, perhaps I may
be allowed to make a suggestion to you upon the
present occasion, and it is this—that in order to carry
out the plan I have proposed—in order to do some-
thing that may have a salutary effect upon the des-
tinies of Hungary, it would be well that you should
vote an address to Lord Palmerston, calling upon him
to use his utmost influence with Austria on behalf of
Hungary.—(Loud cheers.) lie will no doubt entreat
her to act humanely towards those she has succeeded
by foreign aid in subjecting, without being able to
conquer—he will deprecate that barbarous conduct
which has changed a flourishing nation into a mass of
miserable humanity—he will deprecate that policy
which seeks to confiscate the property of the
leading Hungarians, and drive them like Poles into
miserable exiles.—(Cheers.) He will, no doubt, re-
commend the policy of forbearance and moderation,
which in my opinion will do more to screen the Em-
peror from those anathemas that the beginning of his
reign must have heaped on him, and which would do
more to conciliate and secure his empire than any
other line of policy that could be adopted.—(Ap-
plause.) lam sure that Lord Palmerston will use
his interference in this respect, but he would use it
with much more influence, with much more confi-
dence, if he finds that he is backed, as I know he will
be, by the entire British nation.—(Loud cheers.) I
believe, gentlemen, that at the latter part of the even-
ing some of the gentlemen who will address you, will
propose for your adoption a memorial of the descrip-
tion I have taken the liberty to hint at, and I think
you will do well to adopt it unanimously.—(Ap-
plause.) I trust that your example—the example of
this great and noble Common-hall of Norwich, will be
followed all over the kingdom—that those meetings
initheldifterent towns and cities of which lihave spoken
to 3ou this evening, and which were held whilst
the struggle in Hungary was going on, and while
the hopes of immediate success cheered them on-
ward—l say I hope that those meetings vi ill be
again repeated in every place where there are men
to be found who are the devoted partizans of
liberty, and what place is without them, my friends?
—(Enthusiastic cheering.) I trust that those
meetings will be repeated everywhere, and I shall
greatly rejoice if they should be like the meeting held
this day in Norwich.—(The Noble Lord then re-
smiled his seat amidst the enthusiastic and prolonged
cheers and applause of the meeting.)
The CHAIRMAN then put the resolution to the
meeting, and it was adopted with loud cheers.
Jester SUI.TZER, Esq., then came forward, and was
received with loud applause. He said—Mr. Chair-
man, Ladies and Gentlemen—The committee have
done me the honour to place in my hands the neat
resolution, which with your permission I will le ad.
" The Austrians by violating the compact by which
the Crown of Hungary was settled on the empire of
Austria, deserves the reprobation of all honest men,
and that Russia by its intervention to crush the
ties of Hungary, has committed a gross breach of the
recognised laws of nations." It will to little that I
shall presume to address to you upon this subject,
because the case has been so ably brought before you
by the Noble Lord who has just addressed the meet-
ing, and I have also reason to believe that the
question will be advocated shortly by a gentleman
possessing much greater ability than myself. I will not,
therefore, touch upon the question with respect to
the recent struggle in which the Hungarians have
been engaged.—(Cheers.) The right which you and
I possess to enter upon the consideration of this ques-
tion, I conceive to be the same as that by which a
man claims to express sympathy for his fellow-man.
—(Cheers.) The position which we occupy to-night
is that of a large number of persons met together for
the purpose of expressing their opinions, and the re-
solution which I have now the honour to propose, is
the expression of our opinion, and shows that we are
met for the purpose of exercising collectively our duty
in enforcing on cur rulers the necessity and the duty
of protecting the weak from the oppressions of the
strong and the powerful.—(Cheers.) I bold in my
hand a document, which contains, amongst other
things, two particulars, which, with your permission,
I will read. The resolution that I havo submitted to
you declares that " Austria, by violating the com-
pact by which the crown of Hungary was set-
led on the Emperor of Austria, deserves the
reprobation of all honest men," and I will now
read to you the oath which the Emperor of Austria
has taken to the Kingdom of Hungary, when three
centuries ago that kingdom sought the protection of
the house of Hapsburg, the members of which were
afterwards declared monarchs. This is the oath
which the Emperors of Austria have taken to preserve
the liberties of the people of Hungary :—" Having
graciously listened to, and graciously granted the
prayers of our beloved and faithful dignitaries of the
Church and of the States, magnates and nobles of
Hungary and her dependencies, :we ordain that the
before-mentioned laws be registered in these presents,
word for word; and, as we consider these laws and
their entire contents, both collectively and separately,
fitting and suitable, we give them our consent and
approbation. In exercise of our royal will, we have
accepted, adopted, approved, and sanctioned them, in
assuring at the same time our faithful States, that we
will respect the said Lees, and will cause them to be
respected by our faithful subjects." Now, for calling
upon the Emperor of Austria, as King of Hungary,
to fulfil the conditions of that oath, which his suc-
cessors had taken, they have brought upon them the
Russian bayonets.—(Hear, hear.) And how are these
people treated for resisting this gross breach of faith ?
I will endeavour to sho w you in the next document,
which I shall read. It is the proclamation of the
Austrian Minister, the new Gesler of the 19;h cen-
tury, to the inhabitants of Pesth :—" After several
victories which the Imperial arms have obtained over
those of the traitors, we have again planted the Im-
perial standard on your steeples. But our feelings
are far different from what they were when we left
you a short time ago. Doomed to death is every
person, no matter of what rank or sex—doomed to
instant death on the spot of the crime is every one who
dares to assist the cause of the rebels, by words or by
deeds, or by revolutionary dress, or who shall dare to
insult any of my soldiers, or those of our allies by
look or by sign. Doomed to in-taut death is every
one who enters into traitorous c oTespondence with the
enemies of the Crown, or who maliciously presumes
by rumours to assist the rebellion, or to conceal
weapons." After this, is there a man in this assembly
who will refuse his assent to the resolution which I
have proposed, or the expression of the sentiments of
sympathy for oppressed Hungary ?—(No, no.)
Mr. J. W. Dowsox was received with much
cheering. He said that be considered it a great
honour to be called upon by his fellow-citizens to
second the resolution they had heard read, end there•
fore be need not now repeat it. lie felt convinced a
power existed in the country stronger than physical
force; and he felt sure that the united voices of the
nation would effect all that was hoped to be effected.
He should say no more, but before sitting down he
could not but express himself glad to hear that a gen-
tleman would be introduced to the notice of the meet-
ing, who, haviegenade the question his study, would
inform those who were present on the rights of the
Hungarian subject.—(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN then in a few words introduced Mr.
Donne to the meeting.
Mr. Doena said, I ant honoured with a request
from the gentlemen who have been instrumental in
convening this meeting, to support the resolution
which has been just read and moved. I recom-
mend it to your adoption, and I respond to it
individually with equal earnestness. Yet I cannot
but feel some natural hesitation in appearing before you
this evening as one of the advocates of the Hungarian
cause, without possessing any of even the ordinary
claims upon the attention of a numerous and intelligent
audience. The noble and honourable persons who
have hitherto addressed you, bring with them general
or local recommendations to your attention and ap-
plause. The Noble Lord, whose presence honours
us this evening, and to whom we have listened with
so much pleasure, has deservedly won for himself a
universal renown, both at home and abroad, as the
ever active, zealous, and consistent friend of the exiled
and the unfortunate. The Hon. Gentlemen who have
supported that Noble Lord are well and highly es-
teemed by you all for their public station and ser-
vices in this city, and occupy official or professional
positions in it, which mark them out as the proper
leaders on every occasion when public matterstre to
be discussed or public feeling to be expressed, One,
therefore, who like myself possesses neither a general
nor a local title to address you, cannot but feel that,
on this occasion, he labours under considerable

personal disadvantages, and cannot but fear that
the cause which he has at heart may suffer from
the insufficieney of its advocate. In two respects,
however, Sir, I do not yield to my abler and more
favoured colleagues. As a native of Norfolk, and
familiar with many now around me, I am glad and
proud that Norwich is not behind other great cem-
munities of this land in expressing its sympathy with
the Hungarians' and its interest in the welfare of
other nations. In the next place I give place to no
one in my earnest desire to serve, to the utmost of
my ability, the Hungarian cause. In all other re-
spects I feel and acknowledge my inferiority, and
trust to your kind construction and plenary indul-
gence for the few remarks I may offer in connexion
with the resolution just read and moved.—(Cheers.)
The Hungarian struggle has now for some months
occupied no ordinary share of the thoughts and in-
terest of the English people. The eyes of Western
Europe have beers drawn to its eastern barrier by an
attraction only less powerful than that which absorbs
all high-principled and reflecting men, where their
own rights are invaded, or their own institutions en-
dangered. Even the opponents of the Hungarian
cause, by the space it has occupied in their
journals, and by the pains they have taken to
wake the worst appear the better reason,
have shown that the late movements in Eastern
Europe have awakened in them an engrossing and
lively interest. Indeed, it is not too much to say, that
Englishmen, whether solicitous for the fate of Hun-
gary, or for the issue of continental affairs in general,
have, as it were, instinctively felt that the question
debated on the banks of the Theiss and the Danube,
bore no distant resemblance to conflicts and contro-
versies happily settled long ago in this country, and
was fraught with most momentous consequence to
the future relations of England and Europe gene-
rally. By our own revolution of 1688, we showed to
Europe that England would not succumb to the
coliossal monarchy of France. In the Hungarian
revolution of 1848, when it was shown it was in- '
tended to make Hungary bow to Austria—when it
was seen that a nation accustomed to self govern-
ment was about to be deprived of it—when a people
by the wisdom of their councils, by their armies and
their valour in the field, showed themselves
to be a fraternal race, could the conquest and
degradation of such a people be allowed to be
accomplished, and neither aid given them, or our
detestation of their oppressors be shown ?—(Cheers.)
It has become necessary that the great problem should
be solved whether Europa is to become in tyranny
and ignorance a portion of central Asia, or whether
she shall be allowed unchecked and unopposed to pos-
sess, enjoy, and expand, the fruits and blessings of
civilization.—(Cheers.) These are some few features
of the case brought before the meeting in the consi-
deration of the Hungarian question.—(Hear, hear.)
The particular mode in which these circumstances
bear on our own political and social state have been
well presented and brought before you by the Noble
Lord. Sympathy was due to Hungary—it has been
shown, and that sympathy is truly legitimate.—
(Hear, hear.) This sympathy abundantly proves
that England is not, as has been said, a nation
of shopkeepers. It shows we hold a great interest
that the principles of truth, justice, and honour
shall be well preserved and sustained, whether
between Sovereign or people.—(Cries of " Hear.")
Hungary, like England, possesses a Constitution, and
that Constitution is 300 years old. I will go no
further back than this, for it sufficiently proves the
antiquity and the value of her Constitution, although
I could, if necessary, speak of the constitutional his-
tory of Hungary for two centuries beyond the period
mentioned. But the point is the relation of these
immunities, and the connexion they have with the
House of Hapiburg. During the whole of this first
period at least, though with differences existing on
the one hand, and the effects of insiduous oppres-
son on the other, Hungarian liberties have been
maintained, enforced, and rendered stable by re-
peated and fresh guarantees. The Noble Lord has
already explained to the meeting that the disregard
of these guarantees had forced the Hungarians
to call their councils together, and extend their
armies in March, 1848, but before that period, the
Government of Hungary was the only form of go-
vernment in eastern Europe which could assimilate
with our own. We ask this evening, whether a nation
accustomed to self-government—a nation so deserving
of our sympathy, and the sympathy of all other free
countries—a nation so deeply alive to the interests of
commerce and civilization, shall be allowed to enjoy
the blessings which must flow from freedom, or to be
destroyed and to perish by the fratricidal hands of one
or two selfish despots.—(Cheers.) And by what
specious process has Russia contrived to justify her
interference ? I will call your attention to the
document which preceded Russian intervention. It
sets forth that the Emperor of Russia could not allow
his subjects—the inhabitants of Poland—to take
up arms, or that this insurrection should be
allowed to exist so near the confines of
his own dominions. What could be more insidious or
fallacious than this. Why, of the 200,000 who came
into the field, 4,000 only were Poles, gathered
from Gallicia and other places, and who had been
driven there from their own homes by the tyranny of
the very man who denounced them. Of the six
generals, hut three were of Polish extraction—Bee,
Dembinski, and Vitter.—(Cheers ) This plea to put
down the rights of another people, because a few Poles
were in arms, is in my opinion more inconsistent,
since one-fourth of the Austrian army were foreigners.
—(Cheers.) Because a number of officers are foreign
to a nation which is said to be in a state of revolt,
an 1 it was feared the revolution would spread—was
this a reason why the liberties of a neighbouring
people should be destroyed ? Yet I admit the fear
that the insurrection would extend itself was a just
fear, as, considering the outrages of Russia to
Poland, this might naturally be expected. But
as regards the question of Hungarian freedom,
the plea was nugatory, as none of the confines of
Hungary touch on Russia immediately. Still the
Czar thought that the flame might extend itself.
" Coming events"events" might be said to " cast their
.shadows before ; " and therefore he would make the
attempt to smother it. Conduct and policy such as
this, we, as Englishmen, ought to resist. For this
purpose we are met here this night. The people, as
a body, have no means of expressing their feeling but
by such meetings as I now see assembled.—(Cheers.)
It is said, the effect of these meetings will not be
great. I do not think so, for my opinion is, that
cooling from so large and important a city—this
meeting expressing the voice and the opinion of so
influential a community—will produce an impression,
and so help to swell the general voice of England, so
that at length it will reach the Foreign-office, and
induce the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to
oppose with vigour the design and the attack of Rus-
sia against truth, justice, and the recogni3ei princi-
ples of international law.—(Cheers.) As regards
ourselves, although the cause of the Hungarians is a
high and righteous cause, considered on its own par-
ticular merits, yet as the Noble Lord has well said,
s. ththinsquestion is one which closely concern, Europe
itself.—(Cries of "Hear, hear.") Wherever liberty is
supplanted, there also will other restrictions prevail,
and commercial restrictions and hostile tariffs are no-
where found so numerous as in the Austrian Empire.
What is the truth on this point? why, fleet Austria
has prohibited commerce under restrictive tariffs, and
most particularly English manufactures. The people
of Hungary, however, are so desirous to obtain the
manufactures of our country, that they effected an
entrance for these articles in defiance of the Austrian
custom houses, by means of smuggling. Would it be
believed that by an evasive commerce of this kind
the value of the goods conveyed into the Hungarian
kingdom reached nearly a million sterling ? Such,
however, is the fact, and therefore reflect how exten-
sive might be the market for our manufactures if the
restrictive laws of the Austrian custom-houses and
tariffs in Hungary did not exist.—(Hear, hear.)
The city of Norwich can well understand a
question like this. She. has manufactures of her
own, and no doubt the fabrics of the English
loom would find their way into Hungary, as well as
other productions of skill and industry, were Hun-
gary free.—(Hear.) But I do not like to place the
eaestion of Hungarian independence on this ground.
The Hungarian question is a question of general
civilization. The people of England have long been
and are still fof intellectual culture among the fore•
most-nations of the world. But would or could this
be the condition of our reputation if this nation had
been placed under a Government such as Austria ?
(Hear, bear.) Should we, as Englishmen, have been
enabled from age to age, or even from year to year,
to assert our rights, and advance in moral culture, in
civilization, if the Austrian had been among us, and
if we had been kept down by Jesuits ? The system
followed by Russia, as the principle on which a nation
should be governed, is identical with that of Austria.
Depend on this, that if Hungary be kept down
under the feet of two despotic powers, the whole
South
of Europe will become but mere provinces of
one or both of there.—(Cheers.) It is incumbent
that Hungary should be sustained in order that a na-
tion should exist capable of counteracting the oppres-
sion of Russia, the somnolence of Germany on the one
hand, and the restlessness of France on the other
(Haan) It is said that the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs in this country possesses no power of remon.
stronce on the affairs of Hungary, as Austria, like
other countries, has the right to govern Hungary as
she pleases. I deny this. The question is not so
What, unimportant as this. let me ask you, would
have been the consequence to the world if this country
had been kept down
as it was hoped she wouldhavaet
been by the united powers of France and Spain,
the period when we were led in our] opposition by
Af!siits githam ? We know what was done by Chatham.
Can:*ls fprget what Cromwell did ? When the
- Savoy desired to crush the Huguenots and
s - the, people .of the Vaudois, did he not become their
protector,
,nd refused to complete his treaty with the
•
f rench moPareh until the Vaudois were released ,

.-i,

k

fr ).n oppression—until the safety of those people
was secured. Shall we be told that the English
people of the nineteenth century are less worthy
of their station, or their great name, than the
English of the times of Cromwell or of Chat-
ham ?—(Cheers.) Shall we be told when three times
more numerous and three finis.; more powerful in
material strength, that in this day we are morally
weaker than the men of the days of which I have
spoken ?—(Hear, hear.) Such pleas for our non-
intervention in this Hungarian question use but pleas
of weakness or of opposition to the interests of
humanity.—(Cheers.) I repeat, can we forget the
days of Cromwell and of Chatham ? All we require
is to be bold in the expression of our feelings. The
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs shows by his
conduct that he only waits for your backing. By
his eloquent and generous speech delivered at the close
of the last session of Parliament, he proved he was
ready to perform his duty if the British people would
support hind.—(Cheers.) It is on this account that
the voice of this and similar meetings is highly ne-
ceesary. The Noble Lord who preceded me in the
earlier part of the evening has spoken so fully on the
entire argument of this question, that if I were to
enlarge upon it, I should only be doing that imper-
fectly which has been so well and so effectively done
by him. I will only, therefore, say further to you
that the deeper and the closer you study this cause,
the more amply will it repay you. The more
you know of the Hungarians, the more fully will you
feel the rightfulness of their cause—the more will
you be persuaded of the insidious acts of the Russian
Government—and the more fully will you be con-
vinced how necessary it is for us, as a nation, as a
people, to take part with nations who struggle to
preserve their free institutions, for such preserva-
tion is not alone to our advantage, but to the advan-
tage of the world.—(Loud cheers.) Our place in
the map of Europe is not to be at the head of despots
—(Loud cheers)—but to stand at the head of a com-
munity of nations, who by their free institutions, and
generous aspirations for freedom, most resemble the
British people.—(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN then put the resolution, which was
carried unanimously, amid great cheering.
Mr. TILLETT moved the third resolution. He ob-
served it was not his desire to occupy the atten-
tion of the meeting more than a few minutes. The
resolution which he had the honour to be intrusted
to move, had fur its object the carrying out
an intention expressed by the Noble Lord who
had so fully and so ably that night addressed them—
to prepare and adopt an address to the Chief Secre-
tary of State for Foreign Affairs in this country,
Lord Palmerston, calling on that nobleman to put
forth all the energy he possessed for the security of
the liberties of the people of Hungary. The resolu-
tion was as follows :—" That this meeting feels that
the British nation is under lasting obligation to Lord
Palmerston, her Majesty's Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs, fur the manly and vigorous policy
pursued by him in reference to the Hungarian
question, and calls on him to endeavour to settle the
existing differences between Austria and Hungary, on
such a basis as shall be most conducive to the cause of
constitutional liberty, and to the best interests of all
the European nations; and that a memorial be for-
warded to Lord Palmerston' "signed by the chairman.
The people of Norwich had done their duty in bring-
ing the perfidy of Austria to Hungary before the
world—they had performed their duty also in
bringing the unrighteous interference of Russia to
coerce the noble people of Hungary, and destroy their
freedom.—(Bear, hear.) The people of Norwich
now came to the practical part of their duty—
the people of that city came forward as a
sectien of the British public, composed, as
he was happy and proud to see, of men of all
parties, to urge on the attention of Lord Palmerston,
as the Foreign Minister of this great country, to pro-
test in the name of the people against the injustice
done by the enemies of all liberty against a noble race
of men.—(Cheers) It was said, although he knew
not on what authority, that Lord Palmerston was
disposed to move and go on in this Hungarian ques-
tion. Whether this was so or not, if his (Mr. Til-
lett's) voice could reach him, he would say, regard no
consequences, but go on and take those consequences.
—(Cheers.) He would say further, that if there
were in the Cabinet any men, who under the false
garb of Reformers, sympathised with the acts of
Russia, he called on Lord Palmerston to leave them,
to resign, to have nought to do with such men, and
then he would be carried back to his place of power
upon the shoulders of the British people, not, how-
ever, as the Foreign Minister, but as the Prime Mi-
nister of this great country, and as the head of a Ca-
binet whose career would commence on a new prin-
ciple. It was for these reasons he (Mr. Tillett) coin-
cided most cordially with the resolution. He was glad
to find, both on his right hand and on his left, persons
of different political aims and interests, for this
showed to him, as it did to others, the extreme hearty
feeling which existed in favour of Hungary, for as
far as political differences of opinion, and even per-
sonal feelings, intruded themselves often to some ex-
tent in this city, they had been put aside on the pre-
sent occasion for one great and common object.—
(Hear.) He would say that the voice of the present

meetini ought to be heard, and would be heard.
Standing as they did in that as embly, consisting of
Whigs, Tories, or Radicals, the fact of assembling
together thus, showed the question of Hungary was
considered of the most vital interest to this nation.—

(Hear, hear.) An allusion had been made in the
course of the evening to the press, and he could not
forget to mark his hearty detestation of a portion of
that press.—(A voice—" The Times.") Yes, the
Times. The Times had been called the leading
journal of Europe, and it was stated it spoke the voice
of the people. He would say it was not so. As re-
garded the present question, it had proved that it was
not.—(Cheers.) What had le Times newspaper done?
Because of the arrival of the news of a great victory,
it had flattered the hopes of the people with regard
to the freedom and the success of Hungary ; but no
sooner did the wind appear to blow from another
quarter, and the gallant people of that nation suffer a
reverse, than out came a dastarJly sneaking article,
'o the effect contrary to that which had been pre-
viously followed. Was a journal which had taken a
course of this kind the representative of English
opinion ? (Cheers.) Did the people of England
adopt a course like this ? How long, he would ask,
should this be allowed to go on and deceive the people
of this country ?—(Cheers.) Such were the brief
observations he was desirous of placing before the
meeting. Congratulating the • Chairman and the
citizens of Norwich on the good temper all had shown
on the resent occasion, he would at once conclude by
moving the resolution.—(Cheers )
Mr. I3ARWEL, in seconding the resolution, said that
he believed with his friend Mr. Tillett that the
present meeting would produce a strong effect on
the mind and the actions of the Minister for
Foreign Affairs' although he felt disposed to
be more grateful to that Minister for that which
was to come than that which had pass:ll. Nor

were either the people of England or the people of
Norwich to be drawn away from their objects by the
conduct of the Times.—(Hear.) An article appearel
in the Times last Saturday, to which he could not but
refer. The writer compared meetings such as the
present to two boys fighting in the street, when a
passenger passes, and seeing a " plucky" little fellow
showing fight to a bigger lad, he takes the Fart of the
former, and tells him to go in and not be beaten.—
(Laughter.) The smaller boy, however, is beaten,
which on seeing, the individual who had urged the
pair to fight, walks away. Meanieg thereby that the
people of England when they had seen Hungary
beaten, walked away from the struggle.—(Renewed
laughter.) Now the position of the Times was
clearly not that of one who showed sympathy for the
weaker boy, but that of a person who had assisted to
depress a struggling individual.—(llear.) This
anecdote reminded him of another. Two men were
fighting, and one got the other down and ill-treated
him. A third person passed, and on an appeal being
made to him, he asked why not allow the man who
was down to rise. " Ah!" said the fellow who
had got him down, " If you had known what trouble
I had had to get him there, you would not let him
get up again I am sure."—(Laughter.) Now the
Times newspaper, on behalf of the tyrants and despots
of the Continent, did not wish that the people of this
country should do anything whereby the noble Hun •
garian nation should be allowed to " get up again."
Hungary had been got down and they did not wish
that she should rise.—(Hear, hear.) His opinion was
this, that Hungary should be assisted to rise, and
enabled to keep down further aggressions.—(Hear,
hear.) He hoped the Noble Lord who had so ably
addressed them would see that the people of Norwich
were hearty in the cause.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Bar-
well) knew of no meeting held in that city which
had been more numerously attended, and on this

they ought to congratulate themselves, as also that
they possessed so excellent a chairman. lie was not
aware what arguments were used to induce Mr.
lludson to take the chair, but this they all knew
that that gentleman had done the cause great honour
by his presence.—(Cheers )
The CHAIRMAN then put the resolution, which was
carried unanimously, saying that he could not of
course have forwarded a memorial to Lord Palmerston
had he not been authorised by the resolution of this
meeting to do so.
Lord DUDLEY STUART rose and said—My friends,
you have received me with so much kindness that I
am induced to offer myself again to your notice,
though it will be for a few moments only, and I am
certain what I have to propose will meet with your
most willing assent. We have had this evening a
great and noble meeting—one calculated to do honour
to all concerned,
and competent to set an excellent
example to the whole country. Tha meeting of this
evening is composed of large numbers—of great
respectability:and.intelligence. Exclusiveness has been
set aside, and the meeting is composed of men of all
parties. The conduct of all present this night has