The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-02 00:00:00

QUEEN'S SPEECH.-THE ADDRESS.

The SPEAKER intinAted that he had been summoned to
the House of Lords to hear her Majesty's Speech from the
Throne. (The Right Hon. Gentleman then read the Speech,
which will be found in another part of our paper.)
Lord HARRY 'VANE, in rising to move that an Address
should be presented to her Majesty, in answer to that most
gracious Speech, said he was unable to avail himself of the
plea so often set up by those standing in the position in
which he now stood, that he had recently become a Member
of that House, and was entitled to solicit their indulgence.
But if he was unable to urge that plea, he trusted that in-
dulgence might be accorded to him in consideration of the
yearremarkable incidents which had marked the annals of the
li
gone by, and of the impending uncertainty which still
hang over the face of Europe, as well as in consideration of
the important nature of the domestic policy which would be
brought under t
attention of the Legislature. The para-
graphs of he: Majesty's
first instance advieestse2 Speech to which he would in the
attention of the tiff:la:oud lto which he begged to request the
were those which related to the
foreign relations of
considering
It was a subject of
congratulation to all, ereing the marvellous incidents
which crowded in such rapid
year just gone by, to see that thlecefealeoanrainneteh,ethspeaperue
prudence,
and and the deep sense of responsibility—perhaps he might
thosein at
Europe—had the head
say the mutual apprehension of
of the administration of affairs
induced them to use their best efforts to preserve Europe
from any further calamity, in addition to those
disastrous events which had occurred.—(Hear, hear.)
There were events to which he wished now to allude, but he
was not about to enter into any historical dissertation as to
the cause of these events. He alluded to the war of Ger-
many against Denmark, on the Schleswig-Holstein question,
and to the invasion of Lombardy bySardinia. He was not
about either to censure or condemn these two acts, and his only
motive for alluding to them was to direct the attention of the
House to the particular relations which this country held in
regard to those two countries. The policy which had been
pursued by Government in reference to these two affairs was
highly commendable, for in both instances Government had
manifested a desire to arrest the progress of war. It had
been their endeavour to allay political heat and dissension. It
had been their endeavour, more especially in the case of
Schleswig-Holstein, to stop the shedding of blood, and in each
of these eases the Government had happily been enabled to
bring about the suspension of arms. Their object had been
throughout to mediate on such a basis as to prevent the con-
tinuance of war. There was another case of the suspension of
arms of a different character to those which he had j ust referred
to. He alluded to the affairs of Sicily. In that case also a
suspension of anus had been concluded, but the cha-
racter of this case was somewhat different to the former.
In this instance the British and French admiral.,
acting under the influence of humane motives,
namely, a desire to prevent the shedding of blood, had
interfered, and by their good offices had brought about the
conclusion of an armistice between the two powers of Naples
and Sicily. That armistice having been accepted, ne-
gotiations were at the present moment pending which might
have the effect of conciliating the two kingdoms of Naples
and Sicily. In other respects our foreign policy had during the
past year enabled us to remain passive spectators of events

• _.~ ..I rA ~~~~ 1

convulsing neighbouring . countries to their centre, and turn-
ing out of their seats ministers and sovereigns of the most
opposite schools in politics, had enabled us to offer to the
fugitives the warm hospitality and peaceful asylum of our
shores.—(Hear.) It was a satisfaction to him to be enabled
to say that there never was a period when less hostilities
were offered to the country than there were at the present
moment.— (Hear, hear.) There never was a period
when there was less chance of war or less likeli-
hood of political embroilment on the part of this
country than at the present time. In the midst of un-
paralleled conflicts on the continent the institutions of this
country had stood the test of trial, and whilst in every
country from the confines of Russia to the Apennines
had been distracted with political dissensions, this
country had remained unchanged and unshaken.
It could not be said that the peace of the
community had ever been disturbed, for these irruptions of
the Chartists had rather strengthened than shaken the spirit
of loyalty which prevailed amongst the people.—(Cheers.)
The movements of the Chartists had not disturbed
the peace in the least, but they had rather had the bene-
ficial effect of eliciting an expression of intelligent but not
servile attachment to the institutions of the country
on the part of the great body of the people.—(Hear.)
They had the misfortune, too, in the autumn of 1848, to have
a very indifferent harvest. It varied, indeed, in various parts
of the country, and in the eastern and western counties
there was both a deficient harvest, and one very ill got in ;
and notwithstanding that complication of misfortunes—he
spoke then much rather of England than Ireland—towards
the close of 1848 our finances did recover, and our trade had
been recovering, slowly it might be, but more rapidly since.
He was not unaware that great depression existed
among the agriculturists; he was perfectly well aware
they had suffered much, but that suffering seemed
to him incidental to the very great change that had
taken place in the corn-laws. That a large importa-
tion of corn must take place on the abolition
of those laws might have been expected ; but,
independently of that, circumstances had been particularly
adverse. It was well known that in France the harvest
had been very abundant, and the prices unusually low; and
that might account for the depression, to a certain
degree, existing among the agriculturists; but he could not
quite forget that a revival of trade was taking place in
every quarter, and he trusted that the agriculturists would
hereafter participate in that improvement of which
there were so many indications. Her Majesty in her Speech
recommended a consideration of the navigation-laws. The
House would bear in mind, from the great stress of busi-
ness last year, the time was not found for a due
consideration of the subject. He thought that the para-
graphs which were contained in her Majesty's Speech in re-
lation to that subject were such as could not provoke
hostility in any quarter.—(Hear, hear.) He could
not doubt from the division that was taken in the
House on the subject last year, that the House would
this year think it expedient to make a very ex-
tensive alteration in those laws. He then approached a
subject which presented a most serious complication of
evils; he referred: to Ireland. He feared that the normal
state of agitation in which that country was habitually
involved had unhappily presented too ready materials
for the designs and schemes of men of morbid ambition ;
but it could not be denied--the fact, in truth,
was incontrovertible—that disaffection to a considerable
degree existed among the mass of the people. A very large
force was stationed in Ireland, in very excellent condition.
It was above all praise that the police in Ireland
had refused, during the late insurrectionary movement, to be
debauched from their duty, by-which a greateffusion of blood
was saved. The suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in
Ireland, which took place at the close of the last session, exer-
cised, he believed, a most beneficial influence in Ireland in the
suppression of rebellion, the saving of the effusion of blood,
and the restraining of insurrection. It was a measure of
confidence reposed in the Lord-Lieutenant; but every one
knew that the temper with which he administered the great
powers invested in him, and the wisdom with
which he applied those powers, was above all praise. It
was absolutely essential to a strong and vigorous
administration of the law; it was a measure so absolutely
necessary, that it should be antecedent to any other mea-
sure, without those measures were to be inoperative. There
was a subject of great complaint in different quar-
ters. He believed it was the intention of Govern-
ment that there should be an inquiry into the Poor-law.
He would, by the permission of the House, allude to one
more subject— one which had engaged much of the public
attention, and on which there had been much expression
of opinion, and which had in fact struck deep in the
minds of the people— namely, the expediency of economising
the national expenditure.—(Hear.) A general opinion
seemed to prevail that a considerable reduction of that
expenditure was necessary. Reductions to some extent had
been made in that expenditure during the past year.
In his opinion, nothing would conciliate the public more than
a fair and equitable reduction of the national expenditure—a
reduction consistent with the requirements of the
public service, and the maintenance of that pro-
tective force on which the security of the country depended.
—(Hear, hear.) He had now endeavoured briefly to deal
with the questions referred to in the address. In doing so,
he trusted he had avoided any irritating topics, as he
was desirous to preserve the unanimity which ever
characterised debates of this nature. The Address
he was sure had been framed in such a manner that its adop-
tion would not compromise any Hon. Gentleman who might
take an adverse view as to the cou. se which had been
adopted by the Executive; besides. Hon. Gentlemen who
differed with its sentiments would have ample opportunities
of enunciating their opinions without, on the present
occasi .n, disturbing the unanimity which had so
long prevailed in the discussion of motions of this
nature, and to which good rule he trusted no excep-
tion would be made on the present occasion.—(Hear,)
In conclusion, he would express a hope that the last para-
graph in her Majesty's speech would meet with
unanimous approbation from all parts of the House,
namely, that the destinies of this country must de-
pend upon Almighty God. That they must depend
upon His superintending mercy was evident ; and he
trusted that that protection which had so long been vouch-
safed to their institutions would continue to be extended to
thetn.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord then read the Address,
which was as usual the echo of the Royal Speech.
Mr. BUNBURY then rose to second the motion of the
Noble Lord, and in doing so said it would be no idle com-
pliance with established custAn, to ask the indulgence of
the House whilst he adverted to various matters con-
tained in the Address to her Majesty. It was im-
possible for him to look back to the events
of the year just passed, to the events which were still pass-
ing, and to the struggles which are now taking place, with-
out feeling that the present occasion was one of deep and im
portant interest. To be enabled to resume their discussions in
a free element, without any imposing military array to protect
them, and without any intimidation or popular fury, was no
small circumstance, and ought to be a matter of great con-
gratulation.—(Hear, hear.) It was a gratifying fact that
her Majesty had been able to allude to the peace and tran.
quillity which reigned in thi'S country, notwithstanding the
revolutions and disturbances which had taken place elsewhere.
—(Hear, hear.) He said this from an acquaintanee with the
sentiments of a large class of the French people; the small
landed p/roprietors, who were altogether strongly opposed
to any renewal of hostilities ; and that class was so powerful
that no Administration in that country could effectually
oppose them.—(Hear, hear.) They were also, notwiths
standing' so many adverse circumstances, able to rejoice in
the prosperity of their commerce and their manufacturei.
That they had thus been able to outlive so many dis-
asters was the strongest proof of the sound foundation
upon which British commerce and manufactures were based.
(Hear). He had great pleasure in stating that the amount
of exports had gradually increased since last NoVember.
The subject of taxation was one of great importance, and
had latterly excited a good deal of the public attention ;
but it would be very different indeed, as some individuals
had proposed to limit the taxation of the country. It would
be difficult to say what amount of taxation the British
people would or would not be able to bear; but he be-
lieved a strong feeling prevailed in the country, and no doubt
very properly so, that the taxation of the country had
latterly been too excessive. He should be most unwilling to
reproach either the present or the late Government with any
disposition to indulge in reckless and wanton expenditure ;
but this he must be allowed to say, that it was
the duty of the First Minister to pay especial attention
to the financial department of the Government. With regard
to the navy he would only make one observation. He was
of course as ignorant as any other independent.
Member of what would be the precise amount of
the reduction to be made in that service, but he
trusted the reduction would go to such an extent
as to show the people that Government was desirous of
carrying out to the fullest possible extent the retrench-
ments which had already been so successfully commenced.
—(Hear, hear.) There was one subject more which was
alluded to in the Speech in so pointed a manner,
that he could not allow it to pass without
observation. He alluded to the question of the navigation-
laws. Whatever diversity of opinion might prevail upon
that subject, he thought the House generally would agree
with him that the time had arrived when those laws must
be indispensably reconsidered. The policy of the country
for the last few years had a tendency to show that some change
was necessary in that law, and he hoped when the proper
time arrived the expediency of their discontinuance would
be fairly and dispassionately discussed. He would turn now
to a subject which had already been touched, upon by the
Noble Lord who preceded him. He meant the state of Ireland,.
It was impossible to disguise from themselves the fact that
the prosperity of Ireland was bound up with the prosperity
of this country, and while he regretted that the disaffec-
tion in Ireland still called for extraordinary powers, he
hoped something would be done to mitigate the suf-
ferings of her unfortunate people. There was one
other subject only upon which he should presume to trouble
the House; but it was fraught with so many difficulties
that he hardly knew how to allude to it further. It was
the Irish poor-law. It was impossible to disguise from
themselves, that in undertaking to introduce a poor-law
into Ireland, they were trying a very large and
doubtful experiment. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")
He could not wonder, then, if the introduction of the law
had not been prosperous or even satisfactory.
This might or might not be attributed to its
errors or its defects; but, at any rate, it would form the
subject of future consideration by Parliament. He would
only express his earnest hope, that in solving the
problem of the best means of curing the difficulties of Ire-
land, that they would not mix up in the discussion of any
measures that might be introduced party feeling, or personal
animosities.—(Hear.) He trusted that they would enter
on the discussion upon these measures with an earnest desire
to grapple with all the difficulties inherent in the question,
and with a determination to avoid embarrassing the ques-
tion with dilliculties. He trusted, further, that Irish
Members would believe that English Members were ac-
tuated by a desire to do justice to the unhappy
country with which they were connected.—(Hear,
hear) There were many Members in that House
unconnected with Ireland, as he was, but who yet bore
sentimentsher
l etowards
nr
nat hg
saa,tn
dacnodtunnwtrriest,pna
iearxnct ebep t of deep
notsoy
which they complained.—(Hear.) They must bearea r earnest
nn
wrongs
desire
that it was not within the power of men, in one session, or
in a longer
kc h period,teheer believeds undotH)o—ousahneed h
that
had
only, n
astt which had been the work of
sincerelybow t
before
ofuocfrohe
r t
eindulgence
e d
ici r
am
uPo edv-y e i a
point in the Speech from the Throne, as well as he had
sbaegeaeetns:
taob lt.enh—nen(
with which they had heard him.—(Cheers.)
The SPEAKER having read the Address,
Mr. Grattan and Mr. Disraeli rose together. The former
gentleman, however, gave way, and Mr. Disraeli (who was
much cheered) stood up to address the House.
Mr. DISRAELI spoke as follows :—I am sure that her
Majesty, since her accession, has never yet delivered a
gracious speech to her Parliament in which she has felt
it her duty to allude to subjects of such great importance
as in that Speech to which we have listened to-day; but I
am bound to say, that both in that Speech, which her Ma-
jesty has been advised to address to her Parliament, and in
that answer which has tow been proposed for us to offer
at the foot of the Throne, I do not find that a fair and
candid statement as to the condition of this country is con-
veyed to those whom we represent—(Hear, hear)
—not a candid statement either as regards the