The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-02 00:00:00

FEBRUAILY 2, 1849.

eight thousand miles - from the mother country, so
long as we maintained our colonies no great reduction
could take place in our army expenditure ; and
he trusted that whatever reduction might take
place in the army, none would take place in the artillery of
this country. He thought, however, that no op-
portunity should be lost in making every reduction
possible in the army; and he was rejoiced to perceive a
desire, in a neighbouring country, to make a reduction in the
number of their troops. Twelve months since the state of trade
was deplorable. A rapid improvement had recently taken place
and that improvement would have been still more rapid
had it not been for the state of affairs on the Con-
tinent and in Ireland. The revenue had increased
during the last year to the extent of 722,0001., and he
believed there was every prospect that such improve-
ment would go en rapidly increasing. He was happy to say
that the allusion to Ireland in the Speech from the Throne had
not been of so unsatisfactory a nature as it had been on a
former occasion. Last year a rebellion had been ap-
prehended. That rebellion had now been crushed. Thanks
to the extraordinary powers which had been granted
to the Lord-Lieutenant, and to the energy, discretion, and
firmness with which the Lord-Lieutenant had exercised those
powers.—(Cheers.) Her Majesty's Government had wished
for a continuance of those powers, and he humbly submitted
that as those powers had been found sufficient to put down
rebellion, they would be continued to enable the Lord-
Lieutenant to preserve the peace and tranquillity of Ireland.
Those well disposed persons who were desirous of im-
proving the condition of Ireland had no opportunity
of doing so unless peace and tranquillity were established
in that country, and if the Noble Lord at the head of the
Government of Ireland deemed the continuance of those
powers necessary to secure the tranquillity of that
country, he trusted that their Lordships would not he-
sitate to endow his Lordship with those powers
which had been already so beneficially exercised. He
could not but speak with the utmost regret of those pub-
lic men of which this country has only just been deprived.
Of one of those he would speak with the greatest respect,
who had, in the providence of God, been removed front among
them, one whose appearance was:at all times heartily wel-
comed by this House, and whose departure was a severe loss
to the country. Nor could he refrain from alluding to
another gentleman, who was also a distinguished Member
of the Legislature, though he belonged to the other House
of Parliament, and whose untimely death all would lament.—
(Hear, hear.) He could not, however, while passingetrom
this painful topic, help congratulating their Lord-
ships on the blessings which they enjoyed under the:ex-
istence of a contitutional monarchy, blessings which
have been rendered apparent in the promotion of
the general welfare of the community, the loyalty of the
people, and the honour of the Sovereign.—(Hear, hear.)
The Noble Lord concluded by reading a copy of the Address,
which was, as usual, a repetition, in other terms, of the
Speech.
Lord BATEMAN seconded the Address.
Lord BROUGHAM, in rising to address their Lordships,
regretted that the assent which he was desirous of giving
to the terms of the Speech from the Throne and the senti-
ments which had fallen from his Noble Friend in moving
the Address in reply to the Speech, was not altogether so
unquailified as he could wish. He greatly feared that, in
the fair representation of manufacturing and commercial
prosperity of the country, his Noble Friends in the Govern-
ment and their equally noble supporters had made some slight
mistake in the assumption of again of 800,0001. at the pre-
sent moment in the revenue, and in expressing an opinion
that the revenue would progress in amount for some time
in the future. He applauded all the measures which his
Noble Friends en the other side of the House had
taken, but he feared that the fairy aspect of things would
lose something of its beauty, when he reminded their
Lordships that this gain of 800,0001. would absolutely
cease this very day; for it so happened that this same
800,000/, was last year received for the duties on
corn, which duties had now altogether been virtually
done away. And while alluding to this measure of
free trade, he as an humble but zealous friend of that
much-abused principle of free trade, a principle to which
he was so addicted, that he had most reluctantly given his
adhesion to the unconstitutional, and he might say, almost
unlawful means by which it was carried into effect. One
subject which was referred to in terms of great gratulation in
her Majesty's Speeeh was the proposed large reduction in the
estimates. An agitation had been commenced in this country,
under very unhappy auspices, with very questionable mo-
tives, and for very questionable objects, commencing in the
West Riding of Yorkshire—(A laugh)—passing over the
county palatine of Lancaster, enthroned—as its metropolis
of agitation—in the town of Liverpool, with branches, subor-
dinate capitals of agitation, in Manchester and elsewhere,
and supported by the Chartist, or Radical, and pseudo-
economical press of the metropolis. He found that a crusade
was now commenced against the landed interest ; and, as he
had from athe beginning been the avowed, and open, and
zealous, and conscientious friend of free trade, he felt it to be
incumbent upon him to take his stand in the out-
set against the agitation which had been begun against the
landed interest. They were told that it was the bounden
duty of Pailiament to alter the system of finance in two ma-
terial particulars. The one was by a reduction of the army
and navy ; the other, which was the main object of the agi-
tation to which he had referred was, that the revenue should
be raised upon totally different principles to those upon which
it was now obtained. It was said that the aristocracy of the
country, in both Houses of Parliament, had resolved to ease
themselves of all burdens by throwing them upon the trad-
ing community—that there was no tax upon succession to
landed property, while there was a heavy tax upon succes-
sion to personal property. It was said that of 2,000,0001.
a year received from legacy duty, 1,700,0001. was derived
from personal property ; and they were told that if a man
died leaving personal property of the value of 20,0001. the
aristocracy required that 2,000/. should be paid for legacy
duty. The aristocracy did no such thing. They only
ordered that if the property was given to a stranger this
amount should be paid; if it was given to a wife nothing at
all was required; if to a child, 1 per cent. ; and if to relestions,
2,8, or 4 per cent. But, supposing a man invested 20,000/.
in land, had he no burdens to bear? He had to pay to
the land-tax, which amounted to 1,900,0001. a year; to
church-rates, which amounted to 500,000/. a year; to
highway-rates, 1,150,000/. a year; and to the poor
and road rates, and other burdens of the same
sort, 8,150,000/. a year. It appeared from the
returns which he had recently consulted, that a
man with 800/.- a year paid, in the course of 20 years, 1,6001.,
while a person of equal wealth in personal property paid only
3001. or 400/. within an equal period of time. In the reign
of William and Mary personal property paid sixteen times
as much as it did at present, and there had ever since been a
steady and continuous reduction of the charges to which per-
sonal property was liable. But then some of those gentle-
men denied that the land paid the great bulk of the poor-
rates, for they told the world that they paid poor-rates upon
their factories. What of that? They paid as landowners.
Suppose the rent of a factory to be 1,000/. a year, and the
profits made in that factory to be 30,000/. a year, ich sum
formed the basis on which the poor-rates were calculated?
Most assuredly the 1,0001. a year. These manufacturers
perhaps did not tell the world that they manufactured other
things besides cotton twist; but every one who knew any-
thing of them well knew that they manufactured paupers—
(Hear, hear.) Where the land produced one pauper,-manu-
factures created half a dozen. The objects of the gentlemen
who were engaged in the present agitation were unquestiou-
able ; but their motives were doubtful —he doubted
their good faith, and he doubted their wisdom, most
especially when they insisted upon the reduction of
the army and the navy. His Noble and Illustrious
Friend who then sat at the table (the Duke of Wel-
lington) always desired to reduce the army till it came with-
ha the smallest possible limits that were necessary for the
defence of our honour and our possessions. Now, looking at
the state of Europe, he saw no reason whatever for saying
that any large reductions in the army or the navy could be
safely effected. Since the last meeting of Parliament there
was every reason to feel that the defences of the country
ought to be strengthened. If ho began by turning towards
the north, and then carried his view southwards from
Schleswig-Holstein -to the foot of the boot of Italy, he
saw nothing but grounds for apprehending war. Whether
he looked at Hungary, Croatia, Vienna, Piedmont, Venice,
or Sicily, he saw nothing calculated to relieve that ap-
prehension. The Speech from the Throne stated that
there had been, a suspension of hostilities. There had
been, as he thought, not exactly a suspension of hostilities,
but rather a suspension of warlike operations. But how had
that suspension been effected? There had, indeed, been a
complete suspension, but it was for this reason—that Charles
Albert had been routed and driven from one end of Italy to
the other. In thus briefly adverting to the affairs of Aus-
tria, and glancing at the condition of Italy, he wished dis-
tinctly to state that he felt the strongest possible desire to
do all that in him lay to promote a good understanding be-
tween this country and France; and he gave credit to the
Noble Lord at the head of Foreign Affairs in this country
for the skill and address that he had shown, and the useful
influence which he had exercised in preventing steps being
taken prematurely on the part of France with reference to
Italy. In his opinion there could not be a greater delusion
than to suppose that all this was matter of course—that it
was all down-hill work. He knew as well as any man how
true it was that France was crippled in her resources—that
her Government was overwhelmed with embarrassments, but
did it therefore follow that she had no mind for war? Those
who thought so knew nothing of the state of France—they
were profoundly ignorant of the state of France who said
so. Feance might not on this or that particular day declare
war; hut still her Government might be driven by popular
feelings to do things which might render war inevitable.
Such things had been heard of before now as a general
declaration of war against all crowned heads, and an assur-
ance of support to all nations who might rise in opposition
to their rulers. But with respect to France the questionwas,
would the present Government last—would the existing peace
remain unbroken ? Within the last three weeks he had heard
a member of the Late Provisional Government in France say,
that so far from there being any stability in the present state
of things in France, there was not a Republican to be found in
the whole country, therefore no one could attempt to deny the
possibility of restoration giving peace to France and to Eu-
rope. That doubtless would come sooner or later, but it might
be long before it came, and such was the extent of the
self-conceit of mankind, such the nature and amount of
human frailty, that it became no easy matter to induce a
nation to retrace its footsteps, and much time might elapse
before such a consummation could be brought about, L
them only look at the late Presidential election, villi et
Fh
would perhaps give them some idea of the strengtheofpeareti!es
in that country. One-third, or one quarter, of those_N!!! n
e
'
returned Louis Napoleon voted also in favour 9fLßedra-atqwu
or Respell. They were supporters of the Republique
f the same.
Rouge, the the Jacobin Republic; they r
ratter as the men of 1792, '93, and °tshtincyhcapnoilidt Sr
cared nothing for the state of the financ se•
and
wipe,e.cf
the
to assignats ; they could use the
_eg acorns
national debt, and so go to ev ogrgtheet
Then letarinesipf.toehnLreouroidtlidsnhinPtVietr'arerties,
earlier Republicans.
that, with respect to the mode o
the French were very
of 50,000, quitted the Francis
different from the English. Com-
petent soldiers, to the number
army every year• e 50,000 men in one month than
and entered into civil life. The Peench
could snore easily raise
to
six months. Her system was
we could raise 10,0
from ours, and therefore we had no sec uritv
wholly differrt
sof war, however anxious the Got Tern-
against the n
merits of bath countries might be to avert such a cala mitv
rho e, 0 midst of these dangers, w
Neverthelese, in ought still
to niabetamm our ancient alliances; we 9ught to comfor I. our
allies in their distress, and we should never avail our: ;elves
of their misfortunes—especially England was bound not to
forget her ancient alliance with eaustrie. Aud now as to
German policy—of that he might lay that a more cot repli-
cated subject did not exist. There was a hope that there
a great western empire might have been formed, but he
entertained grave apprehensions that that hope was now at
au end. In the Speech which they had that day heard from
the Throne something had been said of Ireland; he tegeed
as to the necessity of measures, and strong measures, for the
mahltellealce of peace in Ireland. He wished to continute the
new law for some time longer in Ireland, but he earnestly
wished Coat in giving laws to Ireland they could give to, that
country • the inestimable benefit of lawyers. Let their Lord-
ships onl y think of putting 15 men on their trial for an
offence , sgaiust a new Act of Parliament without se sting
forth the statute which they had violated. It was said. that
the Irish. Attorney-General was an equity lawyer, butt murely
even in 'the equity courts it was necessary to set fort ta the
charges against any person accused. But if the law o !Beers
of the Czown in Ireland.had shown too little leainipg i 9 one

case, they had shown too much in another of those State
prosecutions, for on the failure of a demurrer in a recent case
tried at Dublin they had prayed for immediate judgment
against the prisoner. This was to hang a man because his
special pleader mistook the law.—(A laugh.) He thought
her Majesty's Ministers had shown a wise discretion in not
singing any lo pceans upon what had happened in
the Punjaub, and he could have wished that the general
officer in command of our forces there had evinced the
same forbearance. When an officer in high command,
copying the example of Lord Nelson, ,began his dispatch
with " It has pleased Almighty God to bless her Majesty's
arms with victory," it should be a success so great that there
should be no doubt about it. He trusted that it would
please Divine Providence to enable our arms in India to turn
to good account, at any rate, what had been done, so as to
lead to the pacification of the Indian peninsula. It was
a subject of congratulation that the money and commercial
crisis was entirely over, and what they had to hope for was
a continuance and realisation of the cheering commercial
prospect at present before them. He could only trust that
when that prosperity came our merchants and manufacturers
would not forget the laws of those cycles of alternate pros-
' parity and distress which succeeded each other with such un-
failing regularity, and that it would be found that the wis-
dom of our fellow-countrymen in the commercial and specu-
lative classes would be improved by such repeated experi-
ence as they had of the miseries of over-trading.—(Hear.)
Lord BEAUMONT agreed with the Noble and 'Learned
Lord in thinking it commendable on the part of her Majesty's
Ministers to preserve a good understanding with France, and
by this means to prevent a war with that country, and a
general war with Europe, but le could not adopt tliw doc-
trine that the Noble and Learned Lord had introduced, that
it was the duty of this country to attach itself exclusively
to the policy of Austria because Austria was opposing her in-
terest to that of France; and the Noble and Learned Lord's
policy was, therefore, a policy of contradiction. He must
also express his dissent from the doctrine laid down, that- it
was our duty to abstain from interference on the Sicilian
question. It; fas many moderate politicians asserted, we
ought to abide by the treaties into which this country-had
entered, then we ought to insist on a total separation of
Sicily and Naples. It was incorrect to say that the
cases of Sicily and Ireland were similar. .Sicily had
been a separate kingdom for several centuries, enjoying a
distinct constitution and legislation, and being separated
again and again from Naples in the person of the Crown.
He happened to have in his hand a copy of an article in
the treaty, in which it was enacted that should the 'King of
Sicily recover his Neapolitan kingdoms, or acquire any other
kingdom, the kingdom of Sicily should be granted to his
eldest son. In 1814 we bound ourselves to see these very
principles carried out, and the Noble Lord proceeded to
read the copy of a letter from Sir W. A'Court, the 'Bri-
tish Ambassador, declaring that England undertook to be
the protectress and supporter of that treaty. He would
rather charge the Government with not going far
enough in their Sicilian interference than with having
gone too far, and with not having carried out, as they
were bound to do, the treaty of 1812. He was surprised that
the French and English admirals should be blamed for their
interposition at Messina. They did not interfere until the
battle was over. The town having yielded, and the Sicilian
troops having been withdrawn, old men, women, and chil-
dren were alone in the streets. Yet for eight long hours
did the barbarous Neapolitan bombard 'the town of Mes-
sina, and he afterwards loosed his savage hordes against
the devoted city. The women and children were then
left to the wild savagery of the soldiers, and the hepeless
and helpless Messinese had no means of escape from their
brutality. It was then that the admirals interfered. They
did not stop the military operations against the city; they
only interposed to cause the cessation of the massacre
within the city. He agreed in thinking that great
ability . must have been displayed by our Foreign-
office in preventing the interference of France south
of the Alps. If the influence of Great Britain had been on
the side of absolutism in Italy, no G-overnmentiAn France
could have prevented the French nation from joining the
Milanese in their revolution against Vienna. He trusted

that in the negotiations which were at present going On the
vain and impossible idea of establishing an Austnan‘Govem-
ment under an Austrian Archduke, or of preserving anything
like an Austrian province in Italy, would be altogether aba,n-
doned.

The Earl of WINCHILSEA believed, that if the recom-
mendation of that part of her Majesty's Speech which re-
ferred to a reduction of our military and naval force were
agreed to, it would be'fatal to the interests of the country.—
(Hear, hear.) There were two interests in the country which
at present stood in a fearful position. He referred to the co-
lonial interest and the agricultural interest.—(Hear, hear.)
The prosperity of the colonies had been gradually declining,
and he feared that before many months they would have the
landed interest of this country in a not less distressing state.
When he looked at the state of Europe, it sounded like na-
tional insanity on the part of England to agree to the reduc-
tion of a single man either in the army or the navy.
After a few words in explanation from Lord Buouarram.

Lord STANLEY said,—My Lords, I must say did ex-
pect, that after the able and powerful speech addressed to
your Lordships, immediately after those of the Noble Mover
and Seconder of the Address, by my Noble and Learned
Friend near me, some one of her Majesty's Ministers would
have felt it to be his duty to offer some observations upon
those topics most important in substance, and so eloquently
expressed by my Noble Friend in commenting on various
portions of the Speech which has been read to us from
the Throne; but, my Lords, I could fain believe that such
is the simplicity of mind of her Majesty's Ministers—
such the consumthate art of my Noble and Learned
Friend—that they are actually under the impression that
the observations which he made upon their foreign policy
were really intended to be of a laudatory character ;
that he had expressed his most entire approbation of that
which they have done, and had the most perfect con-
fidence in that which they intended to do.— (A laugh.) The
Noble Marquis appears to assent to the belieL--(A laugh.)
My Lords, there is nothing more painful, no thing snore
irksome, than after some very good joke has let 3en made to
find one so obtuse as not to see the point of it, and te be
obliged labouriously to explain it to him,"Don't you see that
this was nothing but a joke, that it was not in earnest?' and
then for him to discover that he was quite mistaken. -(A
laugh.) To my mind that certainly appeared! to bo very
much the character of the observations addressed to the Go-
vernment by my Noble Friend on their foreign policy; and
I am much mistaken if, when my Noble Friend declared he
had no doubt that when the papers were produced it
would be found that the Government had [in all eases
most sedulously respected the obligations of trea-
ties, had most sedulously, cautiously, and
e,scrupu-
lously abstained from interfering in the slightest degree
in the internal domestic aflairs of other countries;
above all, that they had repudiated the :idea of the
nationality and independence of Italy, that they had given
no countenance to those persons who, putting forward the
most unfounded pretensions, had sought to get rid of well-
founded pretensions to dominion; and that most of all, they
had sedulously and carefully abstained from giving to our
most ancient and faithful ally, Austria, the slightest reason
fur supposing that one hair's breadth they would. have deviated
from those obligations to which they were bound by treaties.
I say I am much mistaken if my Noble Friend does not
already see, in his own mind, and feel that sue prise, which I
have no doubt he would most eloquently expr ens or. the pro-
duction of those papers, when he ascertains that the course
of the Government has been most materially at variance
with the course which he says he presumes it to De impos-
sible for them not to have followed.—( Hear.) For my own
part, I am at all times most unwilling to interfere by any ob-
servations, still more by any amendment, in that unanimity.
which I think, under ordinary circumstances, is most de-
sirable in tendering to the Throne, on a Speech from her
Majesty, the expression of loyalty on our part, and the re-
spectful reception of the observations which it pleased her
Majesty to make ; and it has generally been the policy of all
Governments—and especially I should have thought it
would have been the policy of a Government which has been,
as I think it must be admitted, treated with. no ordinary
forbearance during the whole tenure of their ofilc-1., by their
political opponents—(hear)—to whom m ore than usual
allowance has been made for difficulties in rhie.i they were
placed, the magnitude of which we did not. disguise from
ourselves or the country, and the whole of which were ad-
mitted were not of their own seeking—l should have thought
that a Government so situated would have been careful to
abstain, in a Speech which the advisers of the Crown were
to deliver, from every statement which could. provoke cavil,
from every observation that could lead to controversy—
above all, from every representation of the state of the
country which could bear upon the face of it the character
of exaggeration, not to say misrepresentation.--(Hear.) And
yet, my Lords, when I look at this Speech, unsatisfactory
as 1 find it from first to last, I hardly find a paragraph which
is not open to hostile comment.—(Hear, hear.) 1 hardly
find a statement which does not give, to my- judgment, an
incorrect view of that which it professes to represent. lam
at an entire loss to reconcile the conclusions to which that
Speech in some cases comes with the premises which that
Speech lays down, and with what is in the knowledge and
experience of every one of your Lordships; and above all,
in my judgment, it does greatly exaggerate that which the
Government appears to be pleased to consider, and which
my Noble Friend who opened this discussion with consider-
able ability, declared openly, in his judgment to beAlth, theougia Pre-
sent prosperity of the country.—(Hear, hear.)
there may be some slight amendment in the commercial
it appeared
interests and the state of the revenue,
at the commencement of the last sessions r,, to
may be some trifling improvement
4ind one subjPect for con-
whatever I turn, I am at a loss, to
our
foreign relations or
asws.lthecoutfhyethere
of this
ethheisir.frnpieteec::ex
gratulation, either in the state of
..c
_._4near, hear.)
in the state of our domestic Pon Y
coundlitrewhillaes
hadthe power of her Majesty's
Parliament it has not been in the
and ordinary paragraph,
Ministers to introduce that usualefrom
all foreign Powers as-
For the first time since I have the honour of a seat in
d nationsi s t urb e d
h,
atvheatbtehene
I can cordially concur. I
" That she continues to rice
• of grateful pride that ivtiiere”—Crlear, hear.) There
.expression the
asurerapnarcests oo
allbe en
otheru
cordially, concur
tranquillity of this ,_ this country, severely as it was
loyalty of the peOpt..
stood the tria , w
tried, has
domestic dissensions; andl .
rejoice that
convulsed with
.on
of this Speech
her Majesty'
at the c°llclusi tainly through a very 3Govern-
ment, though cent
. singular expres-
sion d to our contin
• with regarcontinued Progress, calls upon
81011
r.eraships, and I know that y
your ..--
dto that call, and e our Lordshs will the
respon Null aid her Majesty the
utmost of our power in upholding and maintaining the
as is
fabric of the Constitution, foundedit
uppon
the principles of freedom and of justice. With
those observations, and to those callssure that
every one of your Lordships upon us, am
will cordially concur. I am
grateful to her Majesty's Ministers
for another announcement
in an early part of the Speech, in which her Majesty declares,
not that the receives assurances of friendly relations from all
foreign powers, but that it is the constant desire of her Ma-
jesty to maintain with all foreign states the most friendly re-
lations. lam deeply grateful to her Majesty's Ministers for
this general declaration of their
.policy, for it removes from
my eyes, ai;d 1 hope it will remove from the eyes of your
Lordships, a misapprehension that must naturally arise to
those who leek net at the conduct of the throne, but the ad-
visers of the throne—that the constant desire of those ad-
visers was not to maintain friendly relations with other
powers, but by constant uncalled for and mischievous inter-
terference to embroil ourselves in the affairs of every country
in Europe. I ask the Government to tell me from what
country in Europe they would venture to insert in the Speech
a uecleration that they could rely with confidence on the
friendly feelings of the Sovereign of that country?--(Hear,t
hear.) Have you renewed your diplomatic relation. Courtwih
the Court of Spain?—(Hear.) With regard to that
what is the state of our relations? You have mast unwisely
through your Minister, interfered in tne • ternal administra-
tion and affairs of that country.—(Hear.) Tbat offence has
been visited by the Government of that c ountry upon our
as
was
the
Minister in a manner so offensive,
information we
no man in your
great
provocation given by the British Minister,
we possess, could
Lordships' House, with the te
rnment of Spain was justified
stand up and say that the Gore,
ei however much the magni-
in the course they had pursue
alliated it. But the state of
tude of the offence might have P. has
our Minister been ignominiously
affairs in Spain is this—)
aid you have tacitly and quietly ac-
driven from Madrid, nit which the Spanish dovenirnent
quiesced in the ins*
hoar. pan
D
.e4elear, ear. o you entertain
have put upon yotl.
. ale the king 4.Niaplea? Do you outer-
friendly relations w

tain friendly relations with the Government of Austria?
Have you given that Government reason to entertain
friendly relations with you ?—(Hear.) Have you reason
to believe that it does entertain friendly feelings towards
you ?—(Hear.) Are you, or are you not, the only Power
of Europe to whom the overnment of Austria has not offi-
cially, by the mission of an embassy, signified the acces-
sion of the present Monarch to the throne? And more
than that, has that mission, er has it not, been accompa-
nied by an intimation that the cause of it, as respects you,
and you alone, was the unfriendly attitude which the Go-
vernment of this country has assumed towards the Emperor
of Austria ? You were in great haste last year to enter upon
diplomatic relations with the Court of Rome. Do you enter-
tain friendly relations with the Sovereign of the
.Roman States?
Have you not, with regard to the Italian provinces, with re-
gard to Rome, Naples, and Sicily, taken a stepwhich an illus-
trious man and an upright Minister in his last work has declared
to be a thing which a Government cannot undertake with
safety? Have you not sown underhand the spirit of disaf-
fection?—(Hear.) And have you not vainly attempted at
the last to strangle the creature which was the creation of
your own proceedings? Have you not fostered the spirit of
disaffection in the shell, and vainly sought to quell it when
it broke the shell? If I am not mistaken, in the course of
last session, when I ventured to express, with every respect
for the motives and amiable disposition and kind feelings of
the Sovereign Pontiff, my doubt whether he would be able
to check the revolutionary spirit, to which no doubt with
very different and very praiseworthy feelings he had given
encouragement, I was assured, with regard to Naples,
Rome, and Florence, the intervention and advice of the
Noble Earl the Lord Privy Seal had been of infinite im-
portance and use in encouraging liberal institutions, and
that the Sovereign Pontiff would be able to stem any
excess of public feeling if he lent himself to the advice of
the Noble Earl. What has been the result of the
encouragement he has given to liberal institutions, fostered
and supported by the Prince and the people, and by the
special mission of a Cabinet Minister? The consequence has
been that the head of the Roman Catholic Church, the
undoubted Sovereign of the Roman territories, has been
wholly unable to stem the torrent of which he broke down
the dam in the first instance at your advice and by your
support, and at this moment he is in an exile from his do-
minions; and those dominions are under the control and
management, if any control there prevail, of no regular or
systematic Government, but of a club or association—call
it, as you will—the open and avowed advocates of foul
and atrocious murder.—(Hear,/hear.) What has_been the
result of your intervention in Naples and Sicily? I will
not follow the Noble Lord who has just sat down
through his historical statement of the relations between
this country and Sicily and Naples; but I cannot help say-
ing I think it would have been more to the purpose of the
Noble Lord, in commenting upon the obligations which this
country had incurred, had he commenced his researches at
a somewhat later period, and had referred to the present
state of things, and to the Government, not of Naples, not
of Sicily—for by our guarantees and treaties they are not in-
dependent and separate states—we dealt not with Sicily or
Naples, but we had an alliance and treaty with the King of
the Twe Sicilies, and with him alone in that capacity was it
competent for us to deal.—(Hear.) I took the liberty last
year to ask the Government for some information as to the
principle on which it was their intention to interfere in the
affairs of Sicily. There was at that time a very general
belief that the British and French squadrons were, by the
order of the Government, to interfere for the purpose of
preventing the sailing of the expedition of the King of
Naples to recover his Sicilian dominions. No answer
was given to that question. In point of fact no
intervention did take place—that armament did
sail from Naples and was uninterrupted although
followed by the British squadron. Far better would
it have been, in my judgment, had that humanity which is
so prominently put forward in her Majesty's Speech inter-
vened sad prevented the sailing of that squadron, than that
the British fleet should first have permitted it, and then in-
terfered at the time and in the manner in which it did inter-
fere. For this has been the consequence—and it has been
the consequence in every country in which they have inter-
fered—that they have alternately given encouragement and
support to each of the contending parties. Each in turn
has been led to believe that they might count upon support,
or at least on the neutrality of the British Government; but,
each in turn has found itself deceived and betrayed by the
Government which they thought they could trust. The
horrors of civil war have been prolonged and aggravated
to an incalculable degree by the vacillating policy of
the British Government, and your reward, the just,
equitable, unfailing, certain reward—must have been,
and has been this—that you are distrusted and con-
demned by both parties with whom you have interfered.
I heard, with some astonishment, from the language of her
Majesty's Speech, that it is upon the unauthorised act of the
British and French admirals, not acting on instructions from
their Governments, that rests the burden of the responsibility
of that intervention. At the period of that intervention the
Sicilian struggle was virtually over ; the King of Naples had
virtually taken possession of Messina. Messina was the
stronghold of the Insurgents, and the successful revolt of
Sicily was hopeless. I fear—l hope it may not be so—but I
fear when these papers are produced, that even after the in-
tervention took place, and that unwarrantable prohibition of
the army proceeding with its operations was published, the
strict neutrality professed by her Majesty's Government was
not in point of tact observed by the British squadron.
I fear it will appear, if all the papers connected with
this transaction are laid before us, that all the
moral influence of the British arms and power was
thrown in Sicily into the scale of the insurgents, and
against the Monarch with whom we had treaties. I hope it
is not true that any British officer should be so far for-
getful of his duty as to appear in public holding a tricoloured
flag, and that he should have said the cause of Sicily was the
cause of England and of France, and that they might rely on
their support. I shall rejoice to hear that no officer has
been so forgetful of his duty as to join in public clamour and
in vivas for the independence of Sicily. I confess I heard
with surprise from the Noble Lord, and I hope I shall not
hear from any other Noble Lord, the cry raised in this
House for the independence of Italy—that phantom which I
thought had long since vanished into thin air, or that the Go-
vernment of Austria in the Milanese district was a brutal
Government, that ought to be denounced. Setting aside all
our connexions and the ties of friendship with Austria,
-placing the Government of Austria on the merits of its ad-
ministration, I believe that the administration of that Go-
vernment may challege comparison with the administration
of any Government, however free or liberal the institutions
of that Government may be. The Noble Earl, in moving
the Address, referred to the paragraph of her Majesty's
Speech in which her Majesty said :—" It was satisfactory
to her to be enabled to state that, both in the north and
RI the south of Europe, the contending parties had owasented
to a suspension of arms for the purpose of negotiating terms
of peace." With regard to that paragraph, it is not very
clear who are the contending parties who have agreed to a
suspension of hostilities. No distinction is drawn between
the consent to the suspension in the north and the consent
to the suspension in the south. It is false that there is
any suspension of hostilities between Austria and Turin,
except that which was so eloquently and humorously ad-
verted to by my Noble Friend—that the King of Sardinia
has been foiled in his most unjust aggression. There is, as
far as I know, no suspension of hostilities between the Sove-
reign Pontiff and his subjects at Rome. But now, with re-
gard to this negotiation, by what principle, by what right
are you entering upon any negotiation whatever ?—(Hear.)
What is the object of that negotiation ? As regards Austria
and Lombardy, what have you to negotiate for? From
those provinces, to which Austria has an undoubted
right, the Sing of Sardinia has been driven, and the war
there is virtually at an end. Are you going to carry your
love of liberal principles so far in the person of Charles Albert
as that, having refused to mediate at a time when Austria
was anxious for your mediation, now, when the success of
Austria is complete, without the consent of Austria you are
about to negotiate and to propose terms of mediation, by
which the King of Sardinia should derive some
advantage from his most unprincipled aggression ? The
liing,of Naples has not asked for our assistance. All he
desires is simply to be left alone.—(Hear, hear, and
laughter.) It was not an unreasonable request his Majesty
made, that he should be allowed to manage his own dominion
without our meddling interference.—(Cheers.) We have
no more right to be interfering between Naples and Sicily,
than the King of Naples has to intermeddle in our affairs.
But, in spite of the protest of the King of Naples, we are
going, it appears, to effect what we conceive to be a just and
equitable solution of the question, having already given a
rather premature intimation of our views when we sanctioned
the offer of the throne of Sicily to the son of the King of Sar-
dinia.—(Hear, hear.) I will not ask whether, in the
threatened.negotiations, the King of Naples is to be insulted
with the proposition that Sicily is to be governed by a Sici-
lian assembly and garrisoned by a Sicilian army—l will not
tboe an independent
that you can have the effrontery to offer such terms
independent sovereign as the solution of this question,
until I actually see evidence of it in the black and white
of official documents._( Hear, hear.) But do you mean
to deal with
parties on equal terms? Is it your
intention to force each to accept your terms, or, in the event
of either rejecting them, to leave the parties to settle the
dispute as they iesi3B,._(Hear, hear. ) The state of our
foreign relat ions most unsatisfactory. With almost
every country we are, not involved in quarrels, at least
upon an unfriendly footing.
,hear.)o That this country
is not engaged in hostilities with most of her allies is attri-
butable, not to your discretion,
Tttrte
o their wise moderation
and forbearance.---(Cheers.is one Government—
if, indeed, it can be called a Governmentl—the
uGnodyeerrnalml
tehnet
of a great and powerful country,
Scue that
e of
tvhee,
difficulties with which it is struggling, with
we are u friendly terms. I will taaL this
awrnhi
h opportunityb
heal
ti r I
repeatingpon what I have often said—
k
sentiment will obtain the concurrence of every man here, that
the continuance of a good understanding between this coun-
try and France is at all times essential to the maintenance
of the peace of Europe.—(Hear, hear.) How is it that we
have maintained friendly relations with France? Because
our Government has cautiously and prudently abstained
from all interference in the domestic affairs of that country
—.because you allowed the French to settle their own Go.
vernment, without obtruding on them your interference,
advice, and negotiations.—(Hear, hear.) But though you
have friendly relations with France at this moment, who can
predict that for a fortnight, we may be
able to maintain amicable relations with them? Passing
a week, or a day,
from our foreign relations, the Royal Speech next informs
us that " a rebellion of a formidable character has broken
out in the Punjaub," and then goes on to say that the
" tranquillity of British India has not been affected by the
unprovoked disturbances." If I know anything of the force
of language, a rebellion means the rising of subjects against
their lawful sovereign. In terms you exclude the Punjaub
from the Queen's dominions in British India. You have
never claimed it. I do not venture to express an
opinion as to whether policy may render it desirable, or ne-
cessity may make it unavoidable, to annex the Punjaeb to
our territories in India, but at present it is no portion of the
British dominions ; and, though there has been a rising in the
Pnnjaub, you are not justified in designating it by the not
unimportant or insignificant word "rebellion." The fact,
however, is incontestable, that a war of a formidable cha-
racter has broken out in the Punjaub, to conduct which to a
successful issue it will be necessary to employ a portion of
her Majesty's forces in addition to those at the disposal of the
East India Company. With respect to Ireland, we are told
that the insurrection in that country has not been renewed,
but that a spirit of disaffection still exists, and that it is neces-
sary to ask for a continuance for a limited time of the coercive
pon ers which Parliament entrusted to the Government last
session. The Noble Lord who moved the Address
told us that Ireland was in a better state now
than it was in last year, when a storm was
threatening there. I need not tell your Lordships that
the storm burst mad did not prove very formidable in its
the
strong The outbreak is Ireland was suppressed by the
strong arm —by the military force and by nothing else, and
the moment you reduce that force, the moment you take off'
the pressure, the storm is ready to burst forth again ; for
the spirit of disaffection is still rife‘in that country, and the
forcible suppression of the late outbreak has not produced
upon the minds of the great body of the people the slightest
effect as regards the hopelessness, and still less as regards
the criminality of these designs.—(Hear, hear.) Wit', re,
spect to our foreign relations, then, it appears that we are
upon amicable terms only with France; with respect to
India, we are engaged in a formidable war there, and in
two or three of our colonies insurrection has already
broken out, which it will require a considerable body of

troops to quell. I regret to see that in some other of
our colonial possessions the feeling of exasperation at
the treatment which they have experienced from
the Imperial Legislature has engendered a spirit
amounting now to discontent, but which is fast ripening into
disaffection, and, as they despair cf obtaining relief from the
mother country, no dne can be bold enough to predict the re-
sult.—(Hear, hear.) Lastly, we have Ireland almost uni-
versally disaffected—a country in which the ordinary process
between man and man can be enforced by military power
alone. In the face of all this Ministers have had the
confidence to place in the mouth of their Sovereign the
astounding declaration that the aspect of affairs is such as
to enable them to effect large reductions in the :estimates.—
(Loud cries of "Hear.") I venture to state, openly and
fearlessly, that it is not the aspect of affairs abroad or in Ire-
land, but the aspect of affairs in another place, which has in-
duced the Government to make reductions. I believe that
they have no alternative but to do as they are ordered.—
(Cheers.) I believe it is possible to effect some reductions
in the civil departments of the army, ordnance, and navy,
I also think that large reductions may be made by
checking the abuses which exist in the administration
and management of the dockyards.—(Hear, hear.) But
the greatest security we could obtain for having the work
well done in the dockyards would be the passing of an enact-
ment to deprive all persons employed in those yards from
voting for Members of Parliament.—(Cheers) I have heard
at least 20 naval officers express an opinion that until per-
sons employed in the dockyards shall be prevented from
voting for Members of Parliament, it will be impossible to
exercise efficient control over the work performed in those
establishments.—(Hear, hear.) If reductions can be effected,
in God's name let them be made, and, although one may
wonder why such a course has been so long delayed,
I will applaud the Government which shall economise with-
out prejudice to the permanent interests of the empire. But
when the country is in a position which requires that she
should have all her resources and powers at hand, I cannot
concur with those who, for the sake of economy, would
largely diminish the naval and military forces of the country.
—(Hear, hear.) I observe it is announced that the Govern-
ment intends in the course of the present session to take some
steps with reference to the amendment of the law for the re-
lief of the poor in Ireland. Now, without undervaluing the
labours of a Committee of either House of Parliament, my
opinion is, that if the Government mean to lay before the
Committee a clear statement of the amendments which they
intend to propose in the law, and ask the Committee merely
to occupy themselves with the details, they will obtain the
cheerful and candid co-operation of both parties in Parlia-
ment ; but if it be the object of the Government to throw the
whole question before a Committee in order that they may
inquire into that which has already been inquired into usque
ad nauseam; and when we have a Lord-Lieutenant who, I
am glad to declare, discharges the duties of his high
station in a praiseworthy manner to men of all
parties, and willing to receive their suggestions and ad-
vice—then, I say that Ministers will shrink from the respon-
sibility which properly belongs to them, and will betray
their duty to their Sovereign and their country.—(Cheers.)
It is announced also in the Speech from the throne, that it is
the intention of the Government to submit to the considera-
tion of Parliament a measure for the repeal or modification
of the navigation laws. Now I must declare my fixed opi-
nion, founded upon all the inquiry I have been able to make,
is, with regard to these laws, very contrary to the assump-
tions of her Majesty's Speech. I hold that the maintenance
of the navigation laws—not in every part of their details, but
in all the integrity of their every principle, is essential and
indispensable to our maritime supremacy, and does not check
or impede the commerce of the country in any degree, to be
placed for a single moment as a counterbalance and coun-
terpose to the vital and paramount consideration
of maintaining our maritime supremacy. Therefore,
whilst I assent in this qualified manner to the portion of the
Address which relates to this subject, in which I think most
of your Lordships will be disposed to concur with me, I ex-
press my firm determination at the present moment to resist
any attempt that may be made to modify materially, or in-
terfere with, the essence and integrity of these laws.—(Hear,
hear.) I come now to the last portion of her Majesty's
Speech upon which I have to comment. Upon those por-
tions to which I have already adverted, much as
dissent from many of their statements, and very un-
satisfactory as I deem them to be I do not feel my-
self called upon to offer your Lordships any amendment.
But, my Lords, in the portion to which I now come, there
appears to me to be so exaggerated and so erroneous a view
presented of the actual state of the trade and commerce of
the country, and it appears to me to be so necessary that
there should be placed before the country a clear and per-
fect knowledge of the view which Parliament takes of the
actual condition of the great interests to which I have al-
luded, that reluctant as I am on all occasions like the pre-
sent to interfere with the unanimity of your Lordships upon
the Address in answer to her Majesty's Speech, I still feel it
my duty to submit to your Lordship? consideration an
amendment upon this paragraph of the Address, and I trust
your Lordships will think proper to accede to it. My Lords,
it is stated in the Royal Speech that her Majesty has great
satisfaction in stating that the trade and commerce of
the country are reviving from those shocks which at the
commencement of last session we all had to deplore ; and it
is also stated that the condition of the manufacturing
interests is more encouraging than it has been for
some time before; and further, that the revenue is in a
state of progressive improvement. My Lords, I cannot
think this statement conveys a fair and accurate representa-
tion of the state of the manufacturing and commercial
interests of the country, or of the state of the revenue.
It is no doubt true that the panics of last year and of 1847
are much mitigated; but we are strangely mistaken indeed,
if we suppose that the results of that panic on the com-
merce of the country have ceased to be felt. We are greatly
mistaken if we suppose that the commerce or manufactures
of this country are in a state of even comparative prospe-
rity; and I think the few documents to which I shall appeal
too abundantly show that a too favourable view is taken in
this her Majesty's Speech with regard to these matters.
First, with reference to finance, " the progressive improve-
ment in the revenue." I hold in my hand the last quarter's
statement of the revenue, and I find that the revenue for the
last year (I speak now, of course, of the ordinary revenue of the
country) exceeds by something like 900,0001. the revenue of
the preceding year ; and there is an excess of !revenue in the
Customs to the amount of 900,0001. There is a falling off in
other branches. There is an increase—an apparent increase
—in the Excise to the amount of 1,100,0001. ; but that is
explained by a transfer account that has taken place between
the Excise and the Stamps and Taxes. On the other hand,
there is a decrease of between 800,0001. and 900,0004 ; but
the amount of the Customs revenue—the amount of the sur-
plus in this year, of a "progressive improvement" in the re-
venue is, so far as I can judge, within a very limited sum
indeed, precisely the difference that arises from the duty on
foreign corn, and which duty did not exist in 1847. And
how are you to support this " progressive improvement" of
revenue? Why, you are about this very day to cut off the
only source from which that surplus is derived.—(Rear,
hear.) But, my Lords, another. significant matter with re-
spect to those figures is, that there is a small, but not un-
important decrease in the property-tax—a diminution to the
amount of 103,000/. ; and this is caused not by any mere
casual remissness in one quarter, as compared with another;
and every diminution under the head property tax, of re-
ceipts into the Exchequer, is an indication of the loss of
capital on which the tax is levied to the amount of 33 times
the loss of revenue stated. The ;apparent loss of 103,0001.,
small as the sum appeared on so large an amount as the
property-tax realised, is an indication that British capital
and property liable to that tax is lost and destroyed to the
extent of three millions and a half. Now, I see in this no
reason to boast of the returning prosperity of the manufac-
turing and commercial interests. I will now appeal to a
paper on the table, periodically published under the autho-
rity of the Board of Trade. The last returns showed that
in the six leading articles of British manufacture—cotton,
silk, woollen, linen, hardware, and earthernware, so far from
there being an improvement in the amount of the
exports in 1848, there was actually a diminution in the
exports of those six articles alone, as compared with 1847,
of 4,000,0u0/. sterling in value, and as compared with 1846,
of 5,200,000/. These exports one had felled off since 1846,
from 87 millions to 32 millions within a fraction. There is
another test of prosperity, not applicable, certainly, to the
manufacturing interests alone, to which I shall refer—l
mean the withdrawal of deposits in the savings' banks. I
have consulted several documents relating to different parts
of the country, and from one and all, almost without excep-
tion, the withdrawals .of deposits from the savings' banks
throughout the country during the present year exceeds
those of six previous years by a sum of between 40,000/. and
50,0001.—(Hear, hear.) The general tenor and character of
the Speech, then, do, even with regard to the manufacturing
and commercial interests, and the state and prosperity or
the revenue, give a more favourable view of the condition
of the country than we are warranted by the facts of the
case in drawing. And I must observe that I am quite as-
tonished that her Majesty's Ministers, professing in the
Queen's Speech to give a review of the social condition of the
country, should have passed by, either with indifference, and
as altogether unworthy of notice, or in the belief that they
were labouring under no difficulties or depression, interests,
which, to say the least of them, do not yield in magnitude or
importance to the vast commercial and manufacturing inte-
rests of the country—l allude to the agricultural and colonial
interests of this empire ; and yet, look where you will, go to
what authority you please, this fact will not be denied, not
even by the Minister for the Home Department, regarding
the agricultural interests, nor even by the Secretary of State
for the Colonies with respect to the West Indies, that those
interests are labouring at this moment under a state of deep
and sericusdspression.—(Hear.) My Lords why then this total
omission of all mention of those interests? Why had the
slightest indication been grasped at of returning prosperity
in the manufacturing and commercial interests, whilst these
grave particulars relating to, what I venture to call the
great vital and fundamental interests of every country, are
treated with a contemptuous or indifferent silence?—(Bear,
hear.) I believe the maintenance of these interests is essen-
tial to the prosperity of this country. Nay, more, I will say
this, theanttbits fear the
find
rthe measures of her Majesty's Government
,v,reernagoing far to perpetuate and increase the ruin and dis-
tress
or, I flow impending over both of these great interests. My
teahreadt
uwpiotnh
aremgaorsdt
mtoisbtoakthenofcotuhresme,ofthpeolGiuOy-.
I am glad to
that my Noble and Learned Friend now
gives his powerfai aid
subvert it .a combination and advocacy to the landed interest
when he feels that
.eombination is already organized to
cuirnori.i which, as I anticipated when we
passed the unhappy
fled there, but, following up
landed interests of this
° ffafah-oeuNr oofble
de-
clared its fixed intention to tieariats'
great colonial interests of the em ••
receive the powerful support of
(Lord Brougham), at last, in
measure, would not rest satis-
fied fatal onslaught upon the
openly and avowedly
annihilate and destroy the
justiceai d
tLeafined Lord
pire. We are now about to
and colonial interests. He has noticed the unconstitutional
and illegal mode in which that combination prosecuted jtlanded
eudt Tut
fatal and pernicious purposes; and I trust that my Noble
and Learned Friend, warned by experience, and I trust your
Lordships also, warned by not experience merely, but also by
his honest confession, will not lend your countenance or sup-
port for the attainment of any object, however desirable
effected b
be is not sought toy
wise, by honourable, by safe, instead
it may be in itself, that
of
by violent er dan-
gerous or uuconstitutional means.—(Hear,
hear.) My Lords,
of
with no less confidence, with no less conviction the truth
of my opinions, whilst I unhesitatingly profess myself no
advocate for any unnecessary or vexatious restrictions upon
commerce, I no less unhesitatingly declare myself an uncom-
promising enemy to tha t miscalled, that one-sided, that bastard
system termed " free trade," which was introduced by her
Majesty's Government, to the benefit of the foreigner, and the
detriment of British industry ; and I avow myself also to be
an uncompromising adherent of that old principle which felt
it to be wise, and just, and equitable to give protection—not
prohibition—not monopoly—not more than a necessary pro-
tection, to counterbalance the disadvantages experienced by
your own producerin this country, and encountered by your
fellow-countryman, wherever he may be found. I hear
many say that this Pr' • inciple of " free trade" having been
deliberately adopted, and confirmed by the Legislature of this
country, that adjustment must be considered as final, and
never again to be interfered with. My Lords, from that
principle, and from that position, I most emphatically dissent.
I continue to believe that protection to the products of Bri-
tish industry is a sound, a rational, and a national policy--
(Hear) and I will never consent to establish what has already
been done in an opposite direction as a stepping-stone from
which we are to proceed in all our future legislation, and to
take it as un fait accompli, that protection to British industry
must henceforth be abandoned. On the contrary, lam here