The Sun.
London, England, 1838-09-13 00:00:00

ABOLISHING ARREST.

" The relief offered to debtors by the proviso in s. 38,
amounts to nothing. The amount of bail to be required is
very evident, and vt hero will a debtor so situated find it, ex-
cept in very small and extraordinary honest cases ?
" The Act extends to all cases of record in the Insolvent
Court on and after the Ist of October, 1838, as regards as-
signees, debts, dividends, and the management and control of
ins Ivents' estates (s. 67).
" A relief to poor debtors is afforded by s. 118 (sec
Analysis).

BANKRUPTCY.
" The amount of debt required to make a trader a bankrupt
is the same as directed by 6 Geo. 4, c. 16, s. 15 (which is
unrepealed), but here is this addition—a copy of the affidavit
of debt is to be served upon the debtor personally, and a notice
requiring payment of the debt; and if within twenty-one days
after s-.rvice the debt be not satisfied, or a bail bond given as
the Commissioners of the Court of Bankruptcy shall approve,
judgment in the action is to be an act of bankruptcy, on the
twenty-second day after service of the affidavit, provided a fiat
shall issue within two months from that time (s. 8).

INSOLVENCY.
The variations in this Act from the 7 Gco. 4, c. 57, and
1 Will. 4, c. 38, are principally these—(the reader is referred
to the Analysis for their explanation—the word from, after
any varied section, here means from the present Insolvent
Act, 7 Geo. 4,c. 57) :
" Sect. 36 new ; see also s. 119 ; s. 37 varies from s. 11 ;
s. 38 new proviso ; s. 44 from s. 18 ; s. 45, 46 from s. 19,
also from s. 7 of 1 Will. 4, c. 38, and a new proviso in a. 46 ;
a. 47 from s. 20 ; proviso in s. 57 from s. 30 ; s. 62 from a,
35 ; a. 63 embraces the first clause of s. 37 of present Act ;
s. 63 from s. 39; s. 67 new s. 69 from s. 40 ; s. 85 new ;
s. 101 from 72 ; s. 118 new ; s. 119 new ; see s. 36.
" All the other clauses not here referred to are nearly
verbatim the same as in the statutes 7 Geo. 4, c. 57, and
1 Will. 4, c. 38 ; and it should be observed that s. 64 of the
former of these two Acts is not included in the present Act ;
but that section is not repealed.
• " II.--AS TO PROPERTY.-REAL PROFERTY.
" An eligit will take the whole of lands, tenements, tithes,
rents, and heredits, including copyholds. Protection is given
to all purchasers, mortgagees, or creditors, before the Ist
October, 1838, who remain subject to the old law (s. 11).
The jurisdiction heretofore exercised by Courts of Equity upon
these writs (13. 1, c. 11, p. 170), is by this Act abolished,
and the execution creditor is subject to the same amount in
the Court out of which he obtains his writ as he was before
subject in the Court of Equity.
" Judgments are a charge upon all real estate, including
copyholds, in possession, reversion, remainder, or expectancy.
The creditor is to have the same remedy in equity as if he
had a written charge, but he cannot proceed to obtain the
benefit of it for one year after judgment; in cases of judg-
ments now entered or to be entered before the Ist of October,
1838, the year commences from that date. No prefe-
rence in bankruptcy unless judgment entered up a year be-
fore the bankruptcy. Purchasers, mortgagees, or creditors
before the Ist of October, 1838, arc excepted. The doctrine
of Courts of Equity protecting purchasers for valuable con-
sideration without notice is not altered or affected by this Act
(s. 13-18).

" Orders and decrees of the superior Courts of Law and
Equity for payment of money or costs, charges, or expenses,
to any person, arc to have the effect of judgments in the supe-
rior Courts ; but these orders and decrees, and all other judg-
monts of the superior Courts, must be registred with the
Senior Master of ti e Cr.urt of Coalmen Pleas, at Westminster,
before real estate can be held chargeable (s. 19).
" Judgments of inferior Courts may be removed into supe-
rior courts, but not to affect lands as to purchasers, mort-
gagees, or creditors, until execution lodged with the Sheriff
(F. 22); but no direction is given as to the manner in which
the Sheriff is to disclose these incumbrances, or that he shall
do so.

" PERSONAL PROFERTY.
" A writ of AT/ facias will take money or bank notes,
cheques, bills of exchange, promissory notes, bonds, special-
ties, or other securities for money the words are, that the
Sheriff shall seize and take,' which are open to construction.
The Sheriff may sue upon these securities at the expense of
the creditor (s. 12). The latter part of this clause opens the
door to a serious evil. It is, in fact, an extension of that
atrocious system (in another shape) referred to by the author
in his commentaries (p. 147), and illustrates the observation
,there made, that to seek for redress is at best, in many
cases, so arduous and precarious an attempt, as to take from
injured individuals all thoughts of encountering the difficulty.'
A creditor, after giving his bond, must have continually in
his mind the happy idea of tie sculptor, related in the
author's note in the Inge last referred to, although he
may consider the group incomplete without a fourth con-
tented figure.

" Stock and shares in the Government funds or public com-
panies after judgment, by order of a Judge, may be charged
with the debt ; but proceedings are not to be taken to have the
the benefit of the order for six months (s. 14). This order to
operate as a distring,as (s. 15). If, however, a judgment cre-
ditor takes the person in execution, he forfeits all securities
obtained under this Act (s. 16).
" These are the amount of benefits conferred upon debtors
and creditors."--From Westerns' commentary.

AYMARKET THEATRE.—Haynes Bayly, the
lyrist of the ladies, produced a most liv. ly and sparkling farce
at this theatre last evening, entitled Tom Noddy's Secret.
It was quite successful, and although rather weak in its com-
mencement, deepened in equivoque as it proceeded, and
eventually wound up itself and the audience in a fair fit of
laughter. The plot has some pretensions to novelty. All
through the farce the acting was excellent. Buckstone was
full of humour; Miss Taylor arch, and naive, and sparkling;
and Strickland, as the old schoolmaster, as pertinacious and
tiresome as the author could have wished. The whole affair
was laughable and pleasant, and went off with eclat.
A gentleman residing in the neighbourhood of
Abergwilly, remarkable for his swiftness of foot, has made a
bet of 501. with a friend, that he will run ten miles in the
space of one • hour. The place fixed upon for the feat is be-
tween Abetgwilly and White Mill, or, the Llandi.lo road, and
will take place at eleven o'clock next Saturday morning. The
odds are three to one in his favour.
Lieutenant-General Sir Richard Bourke is accom-
panied to his scat, Thornfield, Limerick, by his eldest son,
Richard Bourke, Esq. The tenantry had prepared to give
their landlord a public welcome on his return from the
Government of New• South Wales, but Sir Richard avoided
the compliment, by a private entree to Thornfield on Tuesday
morning.—Sounders's News Letter.
A short time since whilst two children, neither of
whom is more than four years old, were amusing themselves at
Boreham with a bill, one told the other that if he laid his
thumb upon a block standing by be would chop it off. The un-
suspecting little fellow did so, and his companion, immedi-
ately carrying his threat into execution, severed the thumb
from the hand.—. Essex Herald.
At one of the late sittings of the Academie des
Sciences et Politiques, Dr. Vellerme communicated an
authentic return of the population of Russia, with which he
had been furnished by M. de Meyendorff, from which it ap-
pears that the number of females, which, in f,rmer censuses,
was never ascertained, but put down at double that of the
males, amounts to 32,023,000. The total number of inha-
bitants of European Russia is 61,000,000, without reckoning
the land and sea forces, and the Caucasian provinces.
The population of Russian Poland is 4,200,000 souls.—
Paris Paper.
The following curious fact may serve as a pendent to
the recent marriage, with a singer, of a descendant of the
Earl of Essex, who was very near marrying Queen Elizabeth.
The Chancellor Rossi, the husband of the Princess ofl.otn:
of Saxony, is the cousin of Count Rossi, the husband of Ma-
demoiselle Sontag. So that one of these two cousins has
married the mother. in-law of a king, and the other has mar-
ried a can t atrice.
At
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police-office,ori,os yesterdays e
practisedr slays a police-
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orcare Here they remain until they get what they
cal
o west-end swell," or a long fare, with some luggage, so
as tola
enable them to " lay it on heavy," and the 4. buck" comes
in for his share of the imposition. When the cab is hailed by
a plain-looking customer, the question is immediately asked
wherc he is going ? and if it is a short distance, or at all east-
ward, the reply is " I'm hired."

DEFAULTER.—An individual who has been carry-
ing on an apparently flourishing and extensive trade in the
city as wholesale tcu dcaler is missing, and is supposed to have
taken a trip across the Atlantic.

A woman named Palis3 is now living in Bell-yard,
Temple-bar, at the advanced age of 107 years. She has the
use of all her faculties.

The new Act consists of no fewer than 123 sections, and to
shew the effect this volume of legislation has upon pt'rsons
and property, it may be desirable to classify its contents.
" I.—AS TO PERSONS.
" No per Son can be arrested upon mesne process (s. 1.) .
save that if a creditor or some other person shall swear that
another ores the creditor 201. or upwards, and is about to quit
England, then a Judge may order his arrest (s. 3 ) This throws
great additional labour as well as responsibility upon the
Judges; sufficient has been said in the writer's Commentaries
(B. 2, c. 11, p. 374-5; B, 2, c. 12, p. 414, see also the Index,
tit. Judges) upon the impartiality with which public justice is
administered in England (2), to make it necessary for further
comment here upon this responsibility.
" A writ of summons (B. 2, c. 10, p. 155) is to be the corn-
mencanent of all personal actions (s. 2), and a, new writ of
Capias will be found in the schedule to meet sec. 3; but this
writ expires in one month, (see 13. 1, c. 10, p. 353). It may
LK! sued cut by any plaintiff, without the intcrycn'ion of an
attoracy of the Court. When a person is arrested he may
apply to a Judge for his discharge, and the plaintiff is com-
pelled to show sufficient cause for his detainer within the Act
(s. 6). All persons in confinement en thn Ist October, 1838,
not having p:titioncd under the Insolvent Act, are to be dis-
charged, save that they may be detained or again arrested by
order of a Judge (s. 7).
" The operation of the stat. 32 Geo. 11. c. 28, commonly
called the " Lord's Act;" is suspended, or, according to this
Ant (s. 119), neither debtor or creditor shall petition under
its prOvisions • and a new enactment is made (see Analysis,
s. 36), by which a debtor possessed of property can no longer
expend it in a prison, or in its rules, and set his creditors at
defiance.

S PIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

It is vain to attempt the suppression of the practice of
duelling by moral essays and appeals to religious principle
so long as our statesmen and legislators sanction that ab-
surd and barbarous practice by their example. The law
declares all deliberate fighting which ends in homicide to
be murder, but the law-makers practically recommend by
their conduct that which the law denounces, and while the
statute-book puts the stamp of felony upon the bloody act
of the successful duellist, and bands his person over to the
public executioner as a nuisance, only fir to be strangled in
the eyes of the people, the statute-maker takes the instru-
ment of murder in his hand, points it at the breast of a
fellow-creature for some paltry provocation, and covers
himself with a felon's ignominy to vindicate his honour.
What can the moralist do in such a case ? He may
expound the Divine law, and ably and eloquently appeal
to its denunciations of Divine displeasure against those
who deliberately shed the blood of man " made in the
Divine image," but the law of fashion has superseded the
law of Christianity. He may argue upon merely moral
grounds the folly and atrocity of the practice, but a tyrant
custom tramples on all moral considerations. He may, as
the last resort, open the volume of the municipal law, and
read the dreadful penalties of disgrace and death therein
annexed to this species of homicide. He is answered by
the example of the law-maker, who hesitates not to patro-
nise the murderous practice, and to violate in his own
person the law under which he has set up the gallows for
the abatement of the nuisance ! Writers have variously
accounted for the origin of duelling—some referring it to
the judicial combat called ordeal of battle—the custom of
an ignorant and superstitious age ; others to the tournaments
and jousts of the days of chivalry, which, begun in sport,
often led to real and fatal personal collisions. Others,
again, will have it that the duello is of Eastern origin,
and not known in Europe before the time of the Crusades.
In a dissertation upon the propriety of the practice its
origin is of little moment. It is sufficient to know that all
accounts of its original introduction among the habits of
European society agree in this, that it had its commence-
ment in times comparatively barbarous, when force had
more to do with the decision of right and the redress of
wrongs than reason and law. A Morning Contemporary
offers a sort of defence for it by saying that " it appears to
be an unfortunate necessity of civilization." If it were a
necessity of ci.ilization it would be universally found to
prevail wherever civilization flourished. Yet it is a fact
that the most civilized nations of the classic ages knew
nothing of it. The nations whose literature has carried
refinement of taste, elegance of invention, exactness
of reasoning, the force of eloquence, and the fascina-
tion of poetry to that perfection which has made their
works models of excellence to all succeeding ages, knew
nothing of that " necessity of civilization" which consists
in the modern absurdity of " gentlemanly satisfaction."
That people who triumphed over slavery and barbarism at
Marathon and Salamis—that other greater people who car-
ried their arms and the arts of civilization from tha centre
of Italy to the utmost limits of the known world, knew
nothing of the honourable practice which has stained with
the noble and ignoble blood of senators and sharpers, lords
and linendrapers, military chiefs and man milliners, the vic-
tims of gambling house squabbles and tavern warfare—the
green turf of Wimbledon Common or Chalk Farm. It was
not in such stupid and barbarous broils the courage of
Greece or Rome signalised itself. Themistocles ex-
claimed to his exasperated opponent, " Strike me,
but hear me ;" and his countrymen recorded, for the
admiration of all posterity, the sublime forbearance of one
of their greatest statesmen and bravest warriors. The
Romans conquered the world, but. their courage was not
nurtured by the practice of duelling. They knew nothing
of premeditated mortal combats for either the " point of
honour" or personal revenge. Not in the strife of honour-
able "assassination" was the lofty, the high-minded
courage trained for the defence and glory of a country in
whose cause

--" The self-devoted Decii died
The Fabii fell and the great Scipios conquered."
It is not a great while since we felt it our duty to
express our unmitigated disgust at a duel which sig-
nalised the " chivalry" of a British nobleman and the
husband of an opera singer. The Standard preceded
us in that disagreeable task, and brought upon itself a
flood of scurrilous abuse through the columns of most
of its London Contemporaries, which made us blush for the
character of the British press. Had the murderer of the
unfortunate dealer in fleecy hosiery and hair-triggers, at
Wimbledon, been a " singing man," or the husband of a
"tinging lady"--we will not for the world say " woman"
—public sympathy would be exhausted upon him. The
chivalry of the feat would quite overshadow the bloody na-
ture of the crime, and any Journal that was bold enough
to brand with honest indignation the " accomplished"
culprit would be handed over by some cf our high-
minded and liberal Contemporaries to the abuse and exe-
cration of nameless correspondents, pouring on its de-
voted head the collected wrath of opera green-rooms
and musical salcons. But as it appears the principal
is not a singer, er the husband of a singer, but one of
Evans's mercenaries, whose aunt is said to keep the Crown
Inn at Taunton, it is possible that he may be left to his
fate without " Fops'-alley" and Grub-street rising in arms,
whenever he appears to take his trial at the Old Bailey.
But the foolish and barbarous practice of duelling is
not to be put down by the empty threat, er even the actual
enforcemea of capital punishnienP. The hanging of Major
Campbell for killing his brother officer Boyd in a duel had
no effect in repressing the offence. It is absurd to enact
the penally of death to put down a custom which consists
in braving death to escape the imputation of fearing to die.
Cowardice in regard of the op:nion of the world is the great
stimulus to duelling on the part of those who are not trained
and professed "assassins" in that line. We use the word
" assassin," advisedly. Professed duellists are generally
rank cowards, who rely upon their practice with the pistol
against persons not accustomed to the use of the weapon,
and who have never qualified themselves at shoot-
ing galleries and such places for a trade in blood, as
such " civilised" ruffians do. Professed duellists acquire a
sort of sleight of hand in the use of the weapon, which
enables them to take advantage of unpractised persons,
more especially when " hair-triggers" are employed ; and
what is that but cold-blooded, deliberate assassination
Though the pain of death cannot put down duelling, a life
of disgrace and hard labour inflicted upon the " murderer"
in this line would go far to produce that desirable effect.
We have no objection to some examples being made in that
way, which would consign the gentlemanly homicide,
whether he was a military " scamp," or a " civil" bully,
who relied upon his practice with " hair-triggers," to a lire
of hard labour in a chained gang in a penal settlement.
The duelling hero's fashionable glory would no longer
shed a dangerous attraction when associated with
the convict's drudgery and the felon's doom. With
regard to the practice of duelling among public men,
which chiefly grows out of political conflicts, a law
whieb would render any man ineligible to a publice office
who engaged, either as principal or second, in a duel, would,
if rigorously and impartially executed, probably put an end
to it altogether. But the difficulty is to get those who
make the law to enact a law against themselves. As to a
verdict of murder against a duellist, such a thing is never
known now-a-days, except by a Coroner's Jury, which, of
course, has only the effect of a bill of indictment, to put the
accused party on his trial for the murder, when a sort of
solemn farce is generally performed, ending in the sympa-
thies of the audience being lavished on the culprit in the
dock, who, having been satisfactorily proved to hare mur-
dered a fellow-creature, with the usual forms of honourable
assassination, receives a verdict of " honourable acquittal"
,--bows to the Judge, who looks upon a vulgar murderer,
perhaps, with a different eye—and walks home to put his
whiskers and his hair triggers in repair for future operations.
Let the empty terror of a conviction for murder be taken
away. Let the sentence of the blood-stained duellist be
that of aggravated manslaughter, with its degraded doom
of transportation for life to a penal settlement, and duel--
ling will be no longer a fashionable vocation.—Morning
Herald.

We insert in another column an address to the people of
England from the members of the Working lien's Asso-
ciation, relative to the objections of the Press. In this
country every man is entitled to be heard ; and where dis-
content exists, it is wise as well as just to give it a hearing.
Men are apt to suppose that their reasons are unanswer-
able, when they are not answered. We have always been
strong advocates for the improvement of the people, be-
cause, to use the language of the Working Men's Associa-
tion, " having great faith in the inherent excellence of
humanity, and believing that more of the mental and mo-
ral incongruities of man are to be attributed to erro-
neous convictions, than to interested perversions of truth
and justice," we are of opinion, that the welfare
of all must be advanced by whatever extends the boun-
daries of knowledge. There is in the address of the
Working Classes evidence of an ability which might
have 'been looked for in vain in productions emana-
ting from the same source a few years ago ; and
this
is a cheering fact. The fault we find with it is,
not that abuse is substituted for argument, or that
the deductions are illogical, but that premises arc as-
sumed sometimes without the evidence of facts, and often
against such evidence ; and that even where the premises
are true they do not embrace other truths by which the
results would be modified. When we 'are asked, for in-
stance, " What but legislation has made the difference be-
tween democratic America, despotic Russia, and pauperized
and oppressed England ? If the will of the American
people, expressed through their Legislature, has raised
them from such poor and heterogeneous origin, to become
a nation ' bout-7 educated than any other under the sun
—where two-thirds of the adults are proprietors—while
most of the others have the prospect of becoming so, what,

' we would ask the gentlemen who make these admissions, 1
is there iz the character of Englishmen to prevent them
from realising similar advantages, were the same political
rights conferred on them as on their American brethren ?"
The answer to this is, that there are sixteen millions
of Englishmen on a very small extent of country, and
only two-thirds of the same number of Americans on
a territory of almost boundless extent. Under the
English Government, as well as under Congress, two-
thirds of the adults of the American people were proprie-
tors, because where there is abundance of unoccupied land
any man may be a proprietor. But if two-thirds of the
adults of the people of England were to be proprietors
the rights of property must be overturned, and the result
would be, not to make the two-thirds all prosperous, but
to make -all the people poor. The " working men" say
"land, labour, and capital are the great sources of wealth ;
without land and labour, capital would be unproductive :
without capital and land, labour could not be employed ;
and without labour, both land and capital would be useless."
On their own showing land is a material source of wealth.
In an old country, densely peopled, there may be more
wealth than in a new country, thinly peopled, of much
greater extent, but from the very nature of things
the distribution will be different. Where there is abun-
dance of land the labourer has, from the very nature of
things, the whole produce, for who would pay rent to ano-
ther, or labour for another, when he can have as much land
as he can labour for next to nothing, and all the produce
of that labour to himself ? " Warned, therefore," say
the " working men," by the " experience of the past, and
cheered by the example of modern democracy, whether in
Switzerland, Norway, or America, we think every lover of
his species ought to exert his influence to remove that
prolific source of evil—corrupt legislation." Here are
three countries jumbled together, most dissimilarly cir-
cumstanced ! America, as we have seen, has plenty
of fertile land ; Norway has plenty of land, but little of
it fertile, and a bad climate ; and Switzerland is the most
overpeopled country in Europe, and the people subject
to very great privations. In Norway the population
was kept down by restrictions which would not be
tolerated in England. In Switzerland the democratic
cantons are miserably poor, having in most cases di-
vided their lands till individuals are reduced to live on the
pasture of a goat or two. In most of the cantons such is
the dread of increasing population, that a heavy sum for
that country, between four or five pounds, must be paid
for liberty to marry ; and in some of the cantons a certain
proportion of public women are kept for the unmarried in
the different districts to keep the people quiet. Those who
think for the " working men" are clever undoubtedly, and
they will see from these brief notices the danger of rash
generalization.—Morning Chronicle.
A theory of startling importance, and to us, we must
confess, a perfectly new theory, has been propounded by
that undoubtedly " liberal" authority, the Courier news-
paper. " The very principle of the whole Constitution,"
says our Contemporary—meaning thereby the whole Con-
stitution of this realm of Great Britain and Ireland—" is
ehange." Here is a discovery which Montesqlueu never
made, and Blackstone studied for in vain. The idea is a
most striking one, and not the less so that itis, in these
days of inveterate copying, original. We thought the
Globe exceeding great some day last year, when it en-
lightened the public in an elaborately charming lecture
upon the " principles of permanence and of progression."
But the single sentence of the Courier goes far beyond all
this. There is nothing like going to the root of a matter
with the axe of epigram. All obstacle to conviction
is thus felled at a blow, and conviction is felt ac-
cordingly. The whole scheme of " Liberal" policy, which
hitherto has seemed to us rather unintelligible, and a lectle
contradictory, is now as plain as a pike-staff. It is highly
constitutional, for " change" is its object. In its very
changeableness there is consistency, for its permanent spirit
is the spirit of change, or, in other words, " the very prin-
ciple of the Constitution." When the public wonders that
the Courier, which was once held to be the organ of the
" Holy Alliance," should now be ultra-liberal, and de-
votedly democratic, the Courier doth smilingly nod, and
exclaim " take your change out of that, 0 public I
Change is the very principle of the Constitution—we
are constitutional—argal, we change.—Q. E. D." The
Morning Chronicle, another luminary of Liberalism,
and, of course, Ministerial exceedingly, announced
within a day or two, that the Corn-laws—Govern-
ment patronage—costly establishments—public burthens
—and other atrocities too numerous to mention, " all
resulted from the fact that the Government of the country
was an Aristocracy, headed by a Monarch." Strange com-
plaint this, thought we, to be made by an ardent friend of
the servants of the Monarch. But the matter is now ex-
plained—the Ministers of the INlonarch arc of course Con-
stitutional Ministers, and the " very principle" of the Con-
Altution being change, it is quite en regle that the advo-
cate of the Ministers should be the enemy of Monarchy.
Theie, indeed, it is, that this " liberal" principle of the Con-
stitution should first begin to operate. The standing of
aristocratic potter has been long, but we can measure
; the power of the Commons has been comparatively
short ; but the Monarchy—except during the brief
and blissful interval of mock Republicanism about the
middle of the seventeenth century—has endured almost be-
ond the ken of history. If, however, the very principle
of the British Constitution be " change," it is no wonder
that the monotony of Monarchy should begin to vex the
heart of truly Constitzttiona/ Liberals. There is, howei er,
one little embarrassment which may attend the working of
this principle and interfere with its harmonious progress.
There is an ambiguity in the term by which it is distin-
guished. Thus, while the advocates of Ministers may be
very constitutionally contending (in their behalf) for
" change" in the fundamental institutions of the Govern..
ment, the Ministers themselves may be no less constitu-
tionally (in their behalf) contending for the " change"
which gives forth such pleasant music when it jingles in the
breeches pocket. We have often wished that, by way Qf
a change, Ministers would take it into their heads to act
constitutionally. Little did we think how near we were
to the grand discovery which it has been the felicitous lot
of the Courier to announce to the public.—Morning Post.
Amongst the many notable discoveries of the leading
organ of the Tories, not the least is that recently made,
that, however much the country may have suffered by the
exclusion of the tx-Ministers from office, yet the obstinate
and perverse retention of place and power by the Whigs is
matter not of regret, but of congratulation, inasfar as the
Tory party itself is concerned. Under all the disasters of
this life there is, undoubtedly, something to afford us con-
solation, and it is well tor the Tories that, under the cala-
mities which, of late years, have so often and so grievously
befallen them, they are prepared to appropriate every consi-
deration that can alleviate their sorrows or allay their
griefs. Happily for the Tories, they need not our con-
dolences. Long have they been kept out of office ; but
this, instead of being matter for regret, is, in fact, the
ground of high congratulation. So they themselves
aver, and far be it from us to suspect, much less deny
the truth of the statement. They have, we are assured,
been gaining strength by their long respite from the toils
and vexatious cares of office. Their adversaries have
grown weaker and weaker by their extraordinary exertions
to prevent the Government of the country returning into
legitimate and safe hands ; and every day they retain office
they must, we are told, be less and less competent for the
discharge of their momentous duties. The people, we are
assured, are every day withdrawing their confidence from
the Ministers, and, of course, more cordially disposed to
the support of their determined opponents. Hence it may
be inferred that the longer this state of things is main-
tained the better will it be for the Tory party, and the bet-
ter, of course, for the country, whose interest they have at
heart, whose real welfare and happiness is the great object of
their ambition. We may be allowed to suggest to them a fur-
ther ground of consolation, viz., the sure prospect they
have of a very protracted maintenance of their present
position. In that position they themselves grow stronger
and stronger, while their opponents, the enemies of the
country, gradually lose their power and influence, and
their hold upon the people. They will, therefore, feel it
to be incumbent upon them to remain where fortune has
placed them. They will doubtless deem it to be their wis-
dom to retain their present position, where they will have
nothing to do but to hold a salutary control over the Go-
vernment of the Liberals, prevent the mischiefs with
which the Whigs may threaten the country, and promote
the pure and patriotic objects of Conserve' tive wisdom.
And as they will not be themselves desirous of relin-
quishing a position, which on their own showing is so ad-
vantageous, so neither have they anything to fear from
the people. Evidently the latter will not interfere to
prevent their retaining possession of the opposition benches;
because it so happens, that the grounds of the quarrel
which, it is declared, has arisen between them and the
Ministers, are to be found in the reluctance of the Govern-
ment to carry into execution those plans which the Tories
have denounced ; in their backwardness to effect or to
e
attempt
unwillingness
haogwnfan hdtet
eisai
stteaotnctohdot
eauhyensetot
lrhfeyuvi bney fullestel
yutdpaewobeenhjlxuai
tcrretieeini
id,tot tueoeotp
opposed
er essentialides.
anda
ve
intdoet
depre-
cated,
t o principles'
which they which
them-
selves ethe
-r
selves are as solemnly pledged closely to adhere. If the
Whigs have lost the confidence of the people, it is because
they have made the policy of the Tories their' own. This
the organs of the latter have again and again virtually.
charged them with. They have failed, we are told, to per-
form what they had pledgedthemselves to accomplish—they
have suffered the Session of Parliament to pass without
effecting, or even attempting what the people justly ex-
pected from them. The Tory complainants, too, have not
only allowed the Session to pass without doing anything for
the people, or even attempting anything for them, but they
have also prevented the accomplishment of those objects
which the people contemplated with satisfaction. They

now make it their boast, that they have kept the Ministers
in terrorem, and thus precluded the probability of their
redeeming the pledges which they had given to the nation.
Hence it is evident that they need not fear the forcible
interposition of the country for the purpose of restoring
them to office. Weak and impotent the Ministers may
have been, potent and influential the Tories may have
proved themselves ; but since, while the former have
been powerless for good, the latter have been powerful
for the prevention of good, and for the perpetration of
mischief, the latter are not likely to be burdened with
the suffrages of the people. Even negative good is pre-
ferable to positive evil, as the people know full well.
Doubtless some mistrustful and suspicious souls, unwilling
to take every thing for granted that may be broached even
on Tory authority, will be curious to know how it happens
that they who now congratulate themselves upon their
long-continued occupation of the Opposition benches, have,
from the moment they took their seats there, been looking
with a jealous and envious eye to the other side of the
House, and have left no stone unturned which promised to
assist them in recovering their lost position. They will be
at a loss to account for the abuse heaped upon the Liberal
party who have retained possession of the Ministerial
benches. They will be anxious to learn why such denuncia-
tions have been indulged in of those who have retained
office, despite every effort made to eject them. But let it
be remembered that our friends have learned lessons of wis-
dom from their experience. Of course, henceforth, we shall
not see the Whigs reproached day after day with not giving
place to the Tories. We shall not hear of the selfishness
and wickedness of the Liberal party in cleaving to office,
contrary to the best interests of the country, and at the
sacrifice of all that is great and good in connexion
with the national welfare, honour, and happiness.
Having ascertained the important advantages accruing to
the Tory party from their present position, the Conservative
Journals will of course hold their peace. They will hence-
forth and for ever be silent as to the selfishness and injus-
tice of the Whigs, and rather indulge in thanks-
givings to them for the benefits conferred. But
there is another mode of reconciling the unceasing
vituperation and abuse of the Liberal party by
the organs of the Tories with the notable discovery to
which we have referred, and their self-gretulations arising
out of it. "To a real, thoroughbred agitator," quoth the
leading Journal of the Tories,—" to a real, thoroughbred
agitator, who looks to get a living out of his trade, there is
no misfortune so great as the concession of his demands.
If there were no food for discontent, there would be no
food for him. His business, therefore, is to demand,
not what may be granted, but what must be refused.
By that policy he obtains the credit of uncompro-
mising zeal for his country, and he keeps the
machinery always going for himself." Nothing can
be more happy than this mode of accounting for a line
of conduct which might otherwise appear marvellously
inconsistent. Our Contemporary is the agitator so
aptly described—one who is really thoroughbred, and who
looks to get a living by his trade. He has long been an
agitator of this class ; and, though he has not always agi-
tated on the same side, yet he has been always true to him-
self, and doubtless acted, when he changed sides, under
the influence of motives weighty, pure, and sterling, and
such as well comported with his primary and paramount
object—the getting a living by his trade. His urgent de-
mands for the removal of the Ministry, which he knows
are such as will be not granted, but strenuously refused,
are, on his own showing, dictated by sound policy. And
the longer the Tories are kept out of office, the better for
him, since he will be enabled to pursue his work of agita-
tion, and obtain amongst his Tory patrons " credit for nn-
compromising zeal for his country," and keep the machine
always going for himself.—Morning Advertiser.
Now that the termination of the Session has relieved us
from all chance of Lord Palmerston's inexplicable explana-
tion*, we may calmly give our attention to the state of our
foreign policy. It is, we are bound to declare, in the last
degree unsatisfactory. Not long since a writer in one of
the French journals, while openly ridiculing our folly in
permitting such a person as Lord Palmerston to administer
the Foreign Department, plainly stated that the Noble
Lord's notion of his public duty appeared to be, that be
should deliver two speeches of niaiseric each Session, from
which nothing could be gathered beyond an intimation that
the points in debate should be explained i.i the Session fol-
lowing. This is pretty nearly the case. And thus (as the
affair of Mr. Bell will show) the very last quarter in which
an Englishman should look for information as to our
foreign relations is the person enjoying the office and emolu-
ments of Foreign Minister. Our attention has been more
immediately called to this subject by a letter which will
be found in another column of this day's Times. It is
from Mr. Slade, a gentleman evidently well conversant
with the points to winch he addresses himself, and animated
by a patriotic and enterprising spirit, which we could sin-
cerely wish to see participated in by the persons in Downing-
street. It is true that in this Journal and elsewhere the
blind and utterly hopeless imbecility of Lord Palmerston
in regard to Russian diplomacy has been from time to time
remarked upon, but we do not remember to have seen
the whole case stated in so full, clear, and spirited a
manner as in the letter of Mr. Slade, which we this day
publish. It will recommend itself to general and attentive
perusal, and we would particularly draw the notice of the
Conservative Members of both Houses thereto. The sub-
ject of our relations with Turkey, Egypt, and Persia, must
be seriously taken up next Session. We 511 y seriously,
because, if we are to have nothing but what is called a
" field-day," with holyday speeches, themitter might as well
he left to the fumbling of Lord Palmerston himself.
This will no longer, we are convinced, remain a reproach
to the powerful Opposition at whose mercy the Ministry
holds its existence, that the European influence of Brita'n,
her commercial interests and maritime superiority, should
all he sacrificed because a frivolous person is perched on
the commanding eminence at the Foreign Office. Will it
be any comfort, when Russia has achieved the object
which she has so long, so steadily, and hitherto so success-
fully pursued—when she has secured possession of Constan-
tinople, with all the palpable advantages thereto belonging
—will it, we ask, be any comfort to England that not the
nation, but an incapable Ministry perrnitte.l, if not con-
nived, at such a calamity! Nay, will not those who come
after us reproach, and justly, the public apathy which suf-
fered any Minister to hold office for a single week under the
circumstances of gross incapacity which arc daily brought
to light against Lord Palmerston ! It is quite impossible
that the national honour and the mighty interests at stake
is this question of Russian aggrandisement in the East can
be longer treated with neglect or left to the incapable
hands of the Foreign Secretary. The most important
point in Mr. Slade's letter is the suggestion so forcibly
urged, that in the' event of 'Mehemet Ali declaring his in-
dependence, we should acknowledge him openly and at
once, thus establishing for ourselves a paramount influence
at the Court of an enterprising, intelligent, and powerful
Prince—an influence which might effectually countervail
the intrigues of Russia in Turkey. eVe certainly
have, as Mr. Slade urges, shown of late years no
great squeamishness in acknowledging Sovereigns where-
ever they have sprung up. Nor does there appear
any reason (but quite otherwise) for our hesitating
to do so in a case where every inducement of
political prudence would prompt the measure. But the
considerations connected with this suggestion are so fully
entered into and strongly placed in the letter here spoken
of, that we cannot do better than refer our readers to its
perusal. Were it not a cruelty to disturb Lord Palmer-
ston's repose after the fatigues of the Session, we might
call even his attention to Mr. Slade's communication ; con-
taining,
exoapr
dee
ei
ngt
gn Ministerto
he oughto
himself
omcksuenpl ofi
dw
however, as it does, so much that his Lordship as
earnenot reasonably
sda thenl " La
i dipgit
wiwt ihet h ci
its perusal.
into his own protocols as a sedative.—Timer.

CONSTABLES FOR THE ENSUING YEAR. .—A
Court of Burgesses was held on Monday at the Sessions House,
Westminster, on which occasion the officers of the several
parishes were summoned in relation to their duties on the
nomination of Constables and persons to serve on the Leet
Jury for the ensuing year. The Deputy High Steward (Tho-
mas Lightfoot, Esq.) addressed them on the subject. He
mentioned a circumstance which, he said, was not publicly
known, but which would materially lessen the duties of Parish
Constables in future. He said Lord John Russell had re-
cently made a regulation by which the Constables would be
relieved from attending the Houses of Parliament, and also
her Majesty on any State occasion. The Nigh Constable
his officers. The
duties performed by them would in future be discharged by
the police. He could assure them that the alteration would
was dispensed with, and, consequently,
save them much trouble. The Court ordered the parties
summoned to present a list of persons on the 20th instant.
They were liable to a fine of 40s. on every person they pre-
sented who was not properly qualified to serve.
Ramsgate continues exceedingly full of • i
visters, and
the town has never been more lively and prosperous than dur-
ing the present season. The Princess Sophia takes her usual
drives and walks upon the pier, which is also visited by the fa-
milies of Lord Winchester and Lord Scarborough. The Right
Hon. R. C. Fergusson, M. P., and Sir H. Parnell, M.P., have
also paid short visits to Ramsgate; Capt. Boldero, M. P., and
his family, remain, as do Gen. and Mrs. Newberry, Sir C. and
Lady Coote, Sir J. Lambert, and Col. Cameron.
Lord Ellenborough gave an entertainment on Fri-
day to above 100 of his tenantry and friends at Southam. It
was one of those good old English hospitalities so much
lauded in song and story, and withal so much neglected in
practice, which we admire the more from the unfrequency of
their occurrence. A right hospitable supper was followed by
dancing, spirit, and kept up until
near four
wnehaicthmwoarsn
ienngt.e_re dchinetiotenwhiathmooker.
on.
Wednesday afternoon, between four and five o'clock,
a man, apparently a porter, was knocked down by an omnibus
at the corner of Walbrook, City, and sustained a dreadful in-
jury internally by the wheels passing over his body. He was
taken to Guy's Hospital.