The Sun.
London, England, 1849-08-18 00:00:00

THE SUN LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING.. AUGUST 18 1849.

us was prophecied by Napoleon, altogether Cossack.—
(Hear, bear.) A very bad habit has prevailed in the
world for many years, that of sutferiog Russia to proceed
with her encroachments.—(gear, hear.) You looked
upon and saw Poland destroyed and put down. Now
what is the consequence? Now Russia is going on to
destroy the liberties of Hungary, and she will destroy
those of all the world if she is not arrested.—(Hear.)
Therefore the Hungarians being engaged in the struggle
against her demand all our sympathies--(Cheers)—
another reason why we ought to sympathise with Hun-
gary. This nation is distinguished by one characteris-
tic above all others. I believe it has always been ac-
knowledged that Englishmen love fair play.—
(Laughter.) The Hungarians have not had fair
play.—(Cheers.) They rose to maintain their rights—
they fought with their enemy—they fought a good fight
—they conquered him—they put him to flight—they
discomfited his armies—they turned his best general to
shame—they drove him out of their country, and he
could only take refuge upon the confines.—(Loud
cheers.) What did he do? He applied to another
great overgrown and powerful monarch, with hundreds
of men to interfere, and Russia interferes with lawless
interference, against the law of nations, in order to put
down these brave men.—(" Shame," and groans.) Now
that is another reason why we ought to sympathize with
them.—(Loud cheers.) And do you want one more
reason? I will tell you one more, and I think it is a good
reason—it is a reason which will bear consideration—
it will bear pondering over and examining. The Hun-
garians have always been distinguished by their love of
free-trade.—(Cheers.) This nation is an industrious
and a commercial nation. We are a people who love
to live by our industry—we like to interchange our
commodities with other nation*, so that a mutual benefit
may arise.—(Cheers.) We have seen the advantage of
this with regard to that country, one of whose sons
has addressed us this evening so well and so nobly—
(Loud cheers.) We know that the commercial advan-
tages arising to this country from the trade
with the United States is ten times greater than it would
be if that country bad not achieved her independence—
(Cheers)—greater even than it would be if she had re-
mained subject to the rule of Great Britain.—(Hear,
hear.) If the advantages to this country of Hungary
being free, in .a commercial point of view, are so great
that those well versed in this subject are confidently of
opinion, that in a few years we shall have as great a
trade with Hungary as we now have with the United
States—(Cheers)—consider what would be the benefit
of having another United States allied with us, bound
to us by feelings of friendship, those feelings cemented
by mutual interests, placed at the east of Europe.—
(Cheers.) To the west we should send forth our com
coerce, and interchange our commodities with our bre-
thren in the United States.—(Hear, hear.) And charmed
I was to hear that noble American say that he would
not be a stranger in an assembly of Britons—(Vehement
cheering)—and I am glad to have the opportunity of
telling him, and I know that I speak the feelings of my
nation, that whenever an American from the United
States comes into an assembly of Englishmen he wilt
be a brother.—(Loud cheers.) Now, gentlemen, P
there are twenty millions of freemen on the other side
of the Atlantic, there are fifteen millions of free-
men in Hungary. They are a nation where there
are few manufactures, but where the soil is rich and ex-
ceedingly productive.—(Hear, hear.) The inhabitants
would be exceedingly glad to send to us their produce in
corn, in maise, in wine, in oil, in hemp, in tobacco, and
to take in return the products of our industry.—(Cheers.)
They would be glad to take from us linen and cotton
goods, and woollen goods, and articles of cutlery and
china, and silk manufactures, and stationery and saddlery,
and almost every article that British industry produces.
--(Hear, hear.) They would take them with pleasure,
with profit to us, with advantage to themselves, and great
indeed would be the advantages which would result from
this commerce—(Cheers)—and let me say that they
would take them free, without duty, or with the smallest
possible duty, unlike the Austrian Government, which is
most inimical to our commerce.—(Renewed cheering.)
These things aro beginning to be understood by the
great merchants and manufacturers of this country. I
have in my hand a letter which I received some time ago
from a merchant at Glasgow. I have a good mind to
read it to you.—(Cries of " Read it.") It is not a new
letter ; it came to me in the month of May, when this
noble struggle began first to be very much talked of in
this country. It is from a stranger to me—a gentleman
with whom I had no acquaintance, but I have since
found, upon inquiry, that he is at the head of one of the
most respectable mercantile houses in Glasgow. I have
been called a sentimentalist in politics—(Laughter)—but
now I am speaking to you not of sentiment,
but of that which must be of permanent advantage
and benefit to our country. The Noble Lord then pro-
ceeded to read as follows:
" Individually I read with pleasure the Hungarian
General Been's letter to your Lordship, and feel deeply
in the issue of Hungarian independence on the ground
of its bearing on true freedom in religious, political, and
commercial interests, all of which are at stake in the
issue of the struggle. Austrian dominion in Hungary
imposes very high restrictive duties on articles of ma-
nufacture as imported into the latter country. Instance
those on the item of pig or cast iron, rolled iron, and
sheet iron, as an index to those imposed on other articles.
and contrast such prices as paid by the Hungarian Go-
vernment with what they can be furnished from
Scotland as an inducement to open a connexion in
commerce."
First he gives the prices paid in Hungary under the Hun-
garian system. The price at which he could deliver
iron in Hungary according to the Hungarian tariff,
first, cast irou per ton delivered in the river Sase at
41. 105.; according to the present Austrian one, of 71.
Rolled iron delivered in the river Sase, according to the
Hungarian system, at 10/. per ton; according to the
Austrian system, at 22/. per tun. Then sheet iron, ac-
cording to the Hungarian system, 121. 10s. per ton;
according to the Austrian system, at 441 per ton. Then
ho says with truth:—" These figures are very
striking, and show clearly what an advanta-
geous opening for British commerce that hitherto-closed
kingdom presents to us." He is a practical man; heir not
theorizing. Ho says, .` My immediate business lays in these
very articles named, and in order to facilitate the forma-
tion of connexions in Hungary, your knowledge of per-
sons of influence there would be invaluable as a medium
of access for future operations."—(Hear, hear.) I wrote
to this gentleman and gave him all the information that
I possibly could supply, and in a short time afterwards
he replied to me, saying how much he was obliged, but
that he found it was impossible to enter into any trans-
action, much as he wished it, because the independence
of Hungary was not recognised by our Government.—
(Hear, and cheers.) Now that stops all these proceed-
ings. Then this war which is being carried on is a
positive detriment and evil to the merchants and manta
facturers, and everybody else in this country.—(Hear,
hear.) That ought to be known, for not only could iron
be sent out with advantage, but almost every other article.
Let the merchants of Manchester remember Oat, who
have cotton goods to send out. Let the manu-
facturers of Lancashire remember that. Let Hud-
dersfield, Leeds, Halifax, Bradford, all those places
in Yorkshire where the woollen trade and cotton
trade flourish, remember that—let the inhabitants of
Sheffield vyith their cutlery know that—let the inhabit.
ants of Macclesfield and of Spitalfields with their silk
manufactures know that—let all those who live by in-
dustry, and commerce, and manufacture, and who want
a market for British industry, know that it is to be found
in Hungary. Aye, and let them remember that those
who prevent their having these advantages, those who
keep this money out of their pockets, and who prevent
them from getting rich and being enabled to afford in
consequence advautages to their children and families, and
diffuse wealth through the land—those aro the Emperors
of Austria and of Russia.—(Hisses.) But chiefly it is
that Northern Bear, to whom reference has been made
so often, because the Emperor of Austria could not do it
—it has been proved he could not do it. And why do we
not recognise the independence of Hungary? The in
dependence of Hungary dejure is not denied; the inde-
pendence of Hungary de facto has been established—l
say it is proved by the very fact of Russian interven-
tion. If Hungary were not independent Austria would
not appeal to Russia to come to her assistance.—
(Cheers.) Let us then, by the expression of our
opinion and of our determination upon this subject,
give strength to those in oar Government who,
as I believe, feel and sympathise with us.—(Cheers.)
At the beginning of this session of Parliament I called
the attention of our Government to the encroachments
of Russia in Wallachia and Moldavia.—(Hear, hear.)
I told them that Russia, without any right or reason,
whatever had marched an immense army into those
provinces of the Turkish empire, and that they were
keeping that immense force there at free quarters upon
the inhabitants. I called upon the Government to re-
monstrate against this course. I believe that some kind
of representation was made ; but if a remonstrance of
a sort to be attended to had been addressed to Russia, it
is my belief that all this attack upon Hungary would not
have taken place.—(Loud cheers.) And I will tell you
another thing, that I believe more energetic and effectual
remonstrances would have been made, if the attention of
the public had been called to the circumstance, so that
those at the head of our Foreign Affairs would have
found that support from the people which, perhaps, they,
in vain looked for elsewhere.—(Loud cheers.) I there-
fore rejoice in my heart at such meetings as these, where
there are so many persons of intelligence and so many
tdhertoeurnigliino
vva
determinedthespirits country,
,and I cannot but think that the
voicer of such
our Cabinet, but will also have an effect in the foreign
cabinets of those despots who are waging this un-
righteous Yes, your voice will go forth
e
Europe, and it will reach even the Czar himself, who
will hear it even amidst the roar of the cannon of Bens.
(Loud cheers.) But I want you to give every proof
that you can of your real, sincere, and honest interest in
this cause. There have been different opinions about
peace and about war. It is my opinion that war is not
neccssary • for, as has been well said by my Hon. Friend
the Member fur Bodmin (Mr. Wyld), it is only requisite
that this country should take a determined attitude for
her will to be respected.—(Cheers.) But there are other
things which you can do besides petitioning her Ma-
jesty, besides addressing the Hungarian nation, which
are very right, and which have my entire approbation—
there are other means of testing people's sincerity, and
one which will be of very great use to the Hungarian
patriots there is such a thing as a subscrip-
tion of money. In this day testimonials are
very much the fashion—(Laughter)—and whenever a
man does any thing which deserves the approbation of
his fellow-citizens, it is common to make a large sub-
scription by way of a testimonial to his merit.—(Re-
newed laughter.) Well, then, why not a testimonial to
the merit of the Hungarian people ?—(Hear, hoar, and
loud cheers.) I think that committees for this purpose
ought to bo formed in every pert of the country; and I
have no doubt that a sum will be collected, which,
being placed in the hands of the Hungarian Government,

will be found to be of the utmost use to them.—(Loud
cheers ) I must say that I think the workine, classes in
this country have a rally eet a most u exempte
(Loud cheers ) I know that every where they have
been ready to part with some of their hard earnings. I
know that in some places they have determined to give
each some pence a week.—(Hear, hear.) I think that
is a most noble example.—(Cheers.) I know that those
noble spirits have said, " We cannot afford much —we
can give but a mite, but every week we will put aside
something that we can spare from the wants of our
families, and send it to the brave Hungarian patriots."
—(Cheers.) I know that that has been done in this
metropolis, and I believe elsewhere also. Lest
night I received a letter from a number of
liberal working men in the small town of Horsham, tel-
!ing me that they had assemblei in behalf of Hungary.
and had resolved each to give so much of his weekly
earnings, and desiring to know to whom they were to
send it. These are most noble examples.—(Cheers.)
This is a noble example which the working classes have
set, as they often do, to those who are superior to them
in the gift of fortune.—(Cheers.) I cannot say that I
am so well satisfied in this respect with people much bet-
ter able to subscribe than those brave men whom I have
mentioned to you; but I hope they are not deaf to public
opinion.—(Cheers.) People, in however high circles
they move, are keenly sensitive upon this point. We
have a press—these things are circulated through the
country, and I trust that such noble examples will be
worthily followed, and that we shall soon have some
amount to present to the Government of Kossuth which
will be worthy of his acceptance, and which may really
render some essential service.—(Loud cheers.) Now,
gentlemen, I do not think that I have anything further
to trouble you with. I need not set out the claims of
Hungary to you any more, because I see and know that
you are all with me upon this subject. I will not read
the resolution again; but I shall propose it to you with
the perfect confidence that you will unanimously adopt
it.—(Long-continued cheering.)
Mr. Thomas Prout rose to second the resolution, but
ho was interrupted with calls for Mr. Julian Harney.
Mr. JULIAN HARNEY accordingly presented himself
in front of the platform, but he declined to speak at that
moment, as the committee had appointed Mr. Prout to
second the resolution, and it would be out of order to
interpose himself then, especially as he would afterwards
hare an opportunity of addressing them.—(Hear.)
Mr. PROUT said he seconded the resolution with
great pleasure, but in doing so he should be very
brief, as the subject bad been dealt with so
fully by the several gentlemen who had pre-
ceded him. lie had been a reformer for a great
number of years, and had seen public opinion expressed
on:a multitude of subjects, but never had he found it
expressed so strongly as it was in the case of Hun-
gary.—(Hear, hear.) He saw it rising up in all its
strength from Cornwall to Norfolk, and from Sussex to
the Orkneys, and depend upon it a voice so unanimously
and universally raised would find its way to the ears of
the oppressor.—(Hear, hear.) He was a practical man,
and had not assisted in convening this meeting with-
out having some practical object in view. —(Cries
of " Hear, hear.") Well, then, the first thing
that had struck him was this—they had heard
that the Governments of France and England
united could control the other countries of Europe, and
what he had to lament in this case was, that France and
England were not exactly united. Now, it appeared to
him quite clear that one practical use of this meeting
would be to aid and assist our Foreign Minister in per-
suading the Government of France to take the same view
of this subject with themselves.--(Hear, hear.) He had
had to lament the position which France had taken up
for many months past.—(Hear, hear.) Witness their
expedition to Rome—(Hear)—witness what was under-
stood to be the current of events there, and the attempts
that were being made for, reactionary purposes. If
France had been true to herself, if she had been true
to her revolution, when it was proposed that the Cos
sacks and serfs of Russia should be called in to crush
Hungary, France would have told Russia that she
would place 100,000 men on the Rhine.—(Hear, hear.)
He would warrant them this would not have produced
war. It would have been the true conservative policy,
if France had said that Frenchmen would have been
in possession of Vienna before Russia could have crossed
the frontier to assist the Emperor of Austria. Therefore,
one object of the meeting was to make an impression on
the British Government, so that it might procure the
assistance of France in making a stand against the ad-
vance of Russia.—(Hear, hear.) Rather, however, than
Hungary should be wiped away from the map of the
world, although he was averse to war, England ought to
run the risk of a war to prevent it; but had France placed
100,000 men at the Rhine, and 50,000 men on the top of
the Alps, for the purpose of procuring Italian liberty,
the liberties of Europe would have been secure against
the present reactionary state of things.—(Hear, hear.)
What was now taking place ? He believed a foundation
was being laid for an insurrection that
might swamp every crowned head in Europe,
and this meeting would have the effect of assisting the
Foreign Minister in coming to some understanding
with France to put a stop to the incursions of Russia.—
(Hear, hear.) Let them remember the opinion pro-
nounced by his Hon. Friend the Member for Bodmin,
who had said that the true policy of this country was
to take its stand now against Russia, and prevent the
occurrence of a ferocious war hereafter.—(Hear, hear.)
Unless she were checked in her daring career, she would
take possession of the Danubian Provinces, and they
would witness another division of a great and important
country, which England might have prevented had she
interfered in time.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. WICKENS, in speaking to the resolution, pointed
to Madame Pulski, who was in the gallery, observing,
that she escaped the knout and the bayonets of the Rus-
sian soldiery in her efforts to join her husband. This
statement caused a great movement amongst the meeting,
who loudly cheered the lady. He then proceeded to
read an extract from a work to show that Hungary bad
always sympathised with Poland; and he added that the
reform in Hungary had emanated from the nobles of
the country, who had given 20,000,000 of acres of land
to make electors of 500,000 of the people. All he
would say was, let our nobles "go and do likewise."
Mr. JULIAN HARNEY then came forward, and was
well received. He commenced by explaining what had
taken place between himself and Lord Dudley Stuart
at the meeting held in Marylebone on the subject of
Hungary; and he said that ho was now going
to pursue the same course on that occasion,
because they had that evening showed that
they desired that an armed intervention in
the affairs of Hungary ought to take place.—(Hear,
hear.) The meeting at Marylebone was not, as it was
imputed it was, a Chartist meeting; nor was that. They
met as Englishmen, to express their sympathy with the
acts of the brave men of Hungary. One of the most prac-
tical modes by which they could serve the Hungarians
would be by means of subscriptions. He then com-
mented on the " friendly relations with foreign coun-
tries" which appeared in the Queen's Speech, and said
it was a shame, if they had friendly relations with
some of those countries who did all in their power to
crush the spirit of liberty on the continent. lie also
contended that the Foreign Enlistment Act might be
repealed.—(Hear, hear.)
The resolution was then agreed to.
The Hon. Mr. WHA.RTON moved the third resolution
as follows:
" That justice and policy alike justify the British Go-
vernment in at once acknowledging the independence of
Hungary; and that a petition be presented on behalf of
the inhabitants of the city of Westminster to our Graci-
ous Sovereign, praying her for an order in Council to re-
cognise the de facto Government of Hungary, and to
suspend the Foreign Enlistment Act of 1819, in favour of
the Hungarian nation."
Government he said could not control public opinion in
this country, though public opinion could control the
Government; and he did really believe that the expres-
sion of public opinion upon this subject would have a
great effect upon Austria and Russia.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. WRIGHT seconded the resolution, which, he said,
quite accorded with his notions. The independence of
Hungary ought at once to be recognised; and if the ex-
pression of Englishmen availed them not, then it must
be followed up by something more substantial.
The resolution was then put and carried unanimously.
Sir FRANCIS KNOWLES moved the next resolution :
" That the efforts of the London absolutist press to
damage the cause of Hungary has been in a great de-
gree neutralised by the honesty and talent of the Daily
News; and that the thanks of the meeting be given to
that journal, together with The Sun and Morning Adver •
tiser, for their advocacy of truth and freedom on the
question of the Hungarian struggle."
After what had fallen from his Noble Friend
the Member for Aylesbury, it would be a
waste of time to detain the meeting with any
remark on the subject of the resolution itself ;
but, however united they might be upon this great cause,
the sentiments of each gentleman in speaking to a reso-
lution must be taken as his own individual opinions, for
which the other members of the meeting were not ac-
countable.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, it appeared to
him that the principle of non-intervention was receiving
a most extraordinary construction. He remembered
some years ago, when that principle was first promul-
gated, the impression on his mind was that when a na-
tion took upon itself to regulate its own affairs, or to give
a new form to its constitution, no other nation whatever
would be permitted to interfere.—(Loud cheers.) But
he found the modern construction of the principle was
that every ,other nation under heaven was to be per-
mitted to `enjoy all the mischief of intervention but
Great Britain—(Hear, hear)—but it did occur to him
that we had arrived at that state of things when it be-
came us to take a proper and imposing stand on this
Hungarian question.—(Cheers.) Canning predicted
some years ago that the next war in Europe would be

a war of opinion—(Hear,hear)—that was to say that
the opinions of nations would be divided in favour of
despotism on the one side, and liberty and freedom on
the other.—(Hear, hear.) Such a war had now
been commenced, and it behoved every man,
whatever be his degree in station in life, now
to make up his mind whether he will join one
side or the other.—(Cheers.) With respect to the
struggle which we aro now met to support, let him renal
to their recollection, that the great and sagacious mind
of the Emperor Napoleon had predicted that this
struggle in Hungary would come. Let then] remember
the words of the Emperor, that England would rue the
day she did not assist him to crush the tyrant of the
north.—(Cheers.) Some day or other, said the Em-
peror, Europe would have to choose between a republican
~,,,overnment or the Cossscks, and he now called upon
England to decide which they would have?—(Hear.)
He was sure she would decide in favour of the republic,
and her assistance to Hungary should establish a code of
liberty to be the admiration of surrounding nations,
and a blessing to all mankind.—(Cheers.)
Mr. NICHOLAS briefly seconded the resolution, reserv-
ing his speech for another occasion, and, like the others,
it was put, and carried unanimously.
Mr. GEESIN moved the following resolution:—
" That this meeting looks with warm approbation on
those generous men who have given practical proof of