The Sun.
London, England, 1831-01-17 00:00:00

and that the system of terror is about to be acted on
against others of them—we do not feel any obligation to
how to the wishes of the numerical majority of the Irish
people. We do not feel the moral obligation of deliverlinz
all our friends in Ireland, including all the Protestaots, all
the people of property, and a great many of the best of the
Catholics themselves, or even the reluctant recruits of the
disunionists, bound neck ard heels, into the hands of an
infuriated rabble. It would not be wise to do so, even
fur the sake of the Irish themselves."

We are satisfied that the people of England will
never willingly consent to the repeal of the Union,
and therefore we are opposed to a measure which
involves a waste of human life, and of treasure. But
why is it that the Irish are bent on repealing the
Union ? Because we choose to perpetuate in Ire-
land a state of things hostile to the peace and
prosperity of the country. Why is it that it is so
difficult to agitate England ? Because, with all the
existing abuses, the Engli,h still enjoy many of the
advantages which men seek in the Social Union,
that property is (upon the whole) secure, and a
career is open to skill and industry. The Irish have
never yet enjoyed these advantages. The motives
of the agitators are, we have no doubt, various.
Some seek the repeal of the Union from a wish for
a local legislature Others, perhaps, Lecause they
attach great importance to absenteeism, and con-
ceive, that in a British legislature, all hope of taxing
largely the estates of absentees is visionary. Others,
again, may put forward the repeal as a mask, the
real object being to frighten thereby influential per-
sons in this country into measures which would nor,
they think, be conceded, except under great appre-
hension of otherwise losing their all. We are satis-
fied that this motive weighs powerfully with many.
We hold it impossible to preserve the Irish Church
and preserve the affections of the Irish Catholics.
The Catholic Priesthood are the natural leaders of
the Irish peasantry, and it would be to shut our
eyes to the most obvious considerations, to suppose
that Ireland ever can be tranquil while so glaring an
•-

affront is offered to the Catholic Priesthood, as` the
witnessing a sinecure Protestant Church established
with immense revenues ; religious equalization, then,
must be conceded, if we hope to have the Catholics
with us. Let us suppose that the Episcopalians
who, in Scotland, number a great majority of the
principal landholders, and who, at the period of the
revolution, formed a part of the population much
larger compared with the Presbyterians, than the
Irish Church-Protestants of this day compared with
the Catholics, had retained possession of the church,
would the Presbyterian clergy and laity have re-
mained passive under this affront ? We do not be-
lieve it. What we could not have expected from
the Scotch, we ought not to expect from the Irish.
No man of reflection looks to the permanency of the
Irish Protestant Church. The equalization of the
churches would go a great way to destroy agitation.
It is justly observed by a contemporary (The Sun),
that

" Although O'Connell be tLeman who swims at the

head of the- tide of opinion, irritating and disturbing it
as he goes along, he is merely the instrument which is
worked by a superior force. Let us. therefore, net dwell
upon the conduct of individuals, but turn our attention
to an unjust Tithe System—oppressive Grand Jury Laws—
inordinate Taxes—anomalous relations between Landlord
and Tenant—increasing Pauperism—and a hungry popu-
lation now swollen to upwards of eight millions—and
consider whether there be not enough to do upon these
topics, without wasting time to reply to Mr. O'Connell's
tirades.

" The Government oannot be too often warned against
those enemies to Reform, who would ;perpetuate abuses
for the gain of a few,:little thinking that their efforts tend
not only to incense the public against themselves, but seri-
ously to endanger the security of property. Those whose
stake in the country is the largest, are in truth the most
interested in the bringing to an end of institutions like the
Irish Church, which are at once a mockery of religion,
and a violation of that first principle of social justice,
which forbids the existence of any national institution that
is repugnant to the feelings of the people. All Govern-
ments, as Hume has observed, only exist upon the suffer-
ance of public opinion, and it is therefore inconsistent
with the safety of the existing order of things to allow po-
pular discontents to make an unchecked progress. We
speak not of the noise of the rabble—for the rabble are
hippily in all countries but a small portion of the people—
but of those classes who live by honest industry, and have,
therefore, a stake in the fortunes of their country, be its
amount great or small. In Ireland, as elsewhere, the
higher classes look for honours and offices—the middle
ranks to the increase of their property—the poor to the
means of subsistence. So long as each class has open to it a
fair probability of attaining its peculiar objects of desire, it
will not seek to molest the other classes in their pursuits, or
to change a state of society in which, by industry, each
individual may thrive if he will "

Let us conciliate the Irish by making their con-
nection with us, not a source of heart-burning, but
of benefit. Let justice be done in Church matters,
let the poor be protected by a provision for destitu-
tion, and put an and to the wasteful jobbing
through Grand Juries, &c., and the Irish may be
conciliated. Another contemporary ( The Standard)
asks—

" Will they (Ministers) leave Ireland to unalloyed Po-
pery, or will they crush the power of the Priests ? A
Repeal of the Vestry Act, or the Sub-letting Act, or any
other fragment of the nibili pill nonsense of The Times,
will do nothing but encourage and reinforce the enemy
that is already threatening and formidable; the crisis is
approaching, or rather has anived—another year and the
British empire may bear a new denomination."

We ask, in our tura, are we to enter a bloody
and expensive warfare, that the Aristocracy
may have rich Bishoprics, and Deaneries and
Prebendary Stalk, and fat cures in Ireland ? It is
natural that the Aristocracy should think more of
these matters than of the prosperity of the nation,
for we are all but too prone to look on our own se-
parate interests. But the nation cannot participate
in these views. The English people have a direct
interest, on the contrary, in removing an obstacle to
the peace and tranquillity of Ireland, because so
lung as Ireland remains distracted, the expence of
preserving order, falls on them. The question for
the people of England is not what will benefit this
or that Church, but what will benefit the nation.
Popery exists in Ireland, and will exist ; but we do
not see that the existence of a fat Protestant Esta-
blishment diminishes its power. Whatever pro-
motes the temporal prosperity of the Irish people
must diminish the poll er of Priests of all religions,
for poverty is the great nurse of priestly influence.
—Morning Chronicle.
The machinery put in motion by Mr. O'Connell
and his priestly colleagues, if left to operate without
resistance upon such materials as the lower orders of
unemployed Irishman afford to an intriguing junta of
consummate skill, and with so vast a reward to
selfish ambition before them, would overthrow the
best Government in the world. Were honest means
only employed by these confederates, we should
have little fear for the result. The existing abuses
might be fairly described, and painted in the
strongest colours that truth or common sense would
warrant ; ani if the proper remedies alone were
called for, the adoption of those remedies would be
forced upon Parliament by the mere power of 'opi-
nion. Opinion—that, namely, of the middle classes
—has forced Reform' upon the Crown ; and the
main consideration with all reflecting people is, that
a reform of Parliament is our best security for such
measures as are required by the general interests of
the nation. But it is not by true statement, nor
by logical reasoning, that the sentiment in favour of
a repeal of the Union is inculcated upon the
Irish poor. The object is to inflame their pas-
sions, and to drive them headlong into irretrievable
violence, before they can have time to exa-
mine what relation exists between the alleged griev-
vance and the proposed remedy. They are told that
they starve for want of employment, y et that a civil
war and the flight of capi-al is a sure way to increase
the demand for labour. They are told that it is the
policy of England which keeps Ireland poor ; yet
has no attempt at a reply ever been given to the ob-
jection, that the commercial laws of England are
expressly framed to encourage the growth, by ex-
tending the consump•ion, of every article of Irish
produce, to the exclusion of that of all other coun-
tries ;—that a tax of 235. per cwt. is laid on the im-
port of Dutch butter into England, for no purpose
but that of benefit to the lush ;—that an average

tax of 15s. per quarter is laid on foreign wheat from
which that of Ireland is free;—that no species of
assessed tax is paid in Ireland, for the sake of leav-
ing in the hands of the upper and middle classes a
larger portion of their own means, and therefore
more ample means of fielding employment to the
labourer ;—and that at least half a million per annum
is added to the amount of our English poor•
rates, by the free admission of Irish peasants to
this country, and the consequent overstocking
of our market for agricultural industry. The poor
Irish are told by these incendiaries, that their native
manufactures would be fostered to the detriment of
British, were a local Parliament once established in
Dublin. The British manufacturers laugh such
threats to scorn. A land, of which the coal-mines
exist in but one inland spot, and of so unwhole-
some a quality as almost to poison the air with
sulphur, can never, on a large scale, become a ma-
nufacturing country. But there latter chimeras are
addressed only to the vanity of Irishmen. There
are some employed to work on their national ani-
mosity,—others on their constitutional jealousy.—
all contemptibly fraudulent and base. In one of the
last meetings of the O'Connell band, it was not
merely one English measure or branch of policy
that served as a topic for malignant misrepre-
sentation—the name of England, and the feel-
ings and character of the whole English people,
were dragged through the dirt, for no con.
ceiveable purpose but to get up a national
quarrel on the Union ; by men too, who depre-
cated any other than the most " peaceful" pro-
ceedings. " So," exclaimed Mr. O'Connell, "we
unfortunately live in a land where a proclamation is
law." Is this honest in a lawyer, who must be
aware that the proclamation alluded to is a form
prescribed by the law itself, and is in direct obe-
dience to that legal authority which he declares to
be superseded by it We have little doubt, indeed,
that the Learned Gentleman will soon reduce Ireland
to that state in which we shall have a choice of des-
potisms,—his own tyranny or an enlargement of the
King's executive power. In such case, the Legis-
lature may possibly not hesitate long: and thus Mr.
O'Connell will have another item added to the ca-
talogue of blessings which he has heaped upon his
country, and for which the wretched, pennyless,
potatoe-less poor are subjected, throughout the
whole of Ireland, to an unsparing contribution. It
is clear to every man that the Government must
begin to act against the contrivers of this conspiracy
before it breaks out in open fury for the de-
struction of the empire. Assumed forms and
hypocritical pretences have too long passed far
things of greater value, and the substantial
safety of the real:n demands that the distur-
bers of society should be judged henceforth by
their acts instead of their professions. The suspen-
sion of the Habeas Corpus Act has been objected to
for inefficacy, because, as hitherto worded, the Act
which suspended it left Members of Parliament un-
touched. This, we presume, was because Members
of Parliament had not heretofore subjected them-
selves to a reasonable suspicion of plotting against
the State. If new circumstances have arisen, fresh
guarantees must be had recourse to; nor do we
know why an abuse of the influence and station of a
legislator, so much more dangerous than that of the
opportunities of ordinary men, should be exempt
from the personal risks or restraints which the bulk
of the King's subjects are in critical cases exposed
to. As for an indictment for sedition, &c. &c., that
perhaps might be a proper course, if no such thing
as intimidation had ever been practised upon a►.
Irish Jury. At all events, the crisis is extraordi
nary; and common securities will not save the king
dom.—Times.

Since this was written, we have receivel a letter
from our Dublin correspondent, which contains un
additional Proclamation from Lord Anglesea. We
agree with our correspondent in his opinion that
tbi3 document will bring the question to a speedy
issue.—Times.

SPECIAL COMMISSION.

AYLESBURY, JA N. 14.

Edward Sawyer, IVilliani Harpur, and Henry
Hoperaft, were charged with destroying a winnow-
machine, the property of two fanners, named Dod-
well, at Long Crendon, on the '49th of November,
The prisoners were acquitted, Mr. GURNEY offer-
ing no evidence, on condition that they should enter
into their own recognizances to keep the peace and
be of good behaviour for the space of two years.
The men at the bar having complied with the
formality usual upon such occasions, were then dis-
charged, manifesting the utmost gratitude for the
lenityshownthem.

William Hughes pleaded Guilty to an indictment
charging him ►with assaulting Thomas Lacey on the
29th of November, and attempting to rescue certain
prisoners who were in custody of the civil power.
Mr. GURNEY would consent to his being dis-
charged, on entering into his own recognizances to
appear and receive judgment ►vhen called on, and
to be of good and peaceable behaviour.
The prisoner entered into recognizances accord-
ingly, and ►was discharged, after a suitable admoni-
tion from Mr. Justice PARK, vrbo told him and the
before-mentioned parties, that they would never be
troubled under those recognizances provided they
conducted themselves as became good and orderly
members of society,—a course by which they would
best evince their gratitude for the mercy exhibited
towards them, arid best consult their own interests
and those of their families.

In releasing the Petty Jury from attendance for
the present, Mr. Justice PARK told them, as he h❑d
previously informed the Grand Jury, that it was not
in his power to discharge them formally, because,
under the Special Commission, the Judges might
be obliged to return and try offenders who might be
committed under circumstances such as had given
rise to the Commission, up to the Ist of February;
and, of course, if his Learned Brothers had to at-
tend for that purpose, the attendance of the Jurors
would also be required. However, he trusted and
believed that the necessity for their re-assembling
would not arise.—Adjourned at eleven o'clock till
eleven to-morrow morning.

SATURDAY, JAN. 15.

The Court was opened at half-past eleven o'clock

this morning, and was immediately filled in every part.
A great proportion of the spectators was composed
of females.

Mr. Justice PARK, Mr. Baron Mil-LAND, and Mr.
Justice PATTESON having taken their seats,
Thirteen prisoners were discharged on proclama-

tion, after putting in bail for their good conduct, nod
two persons had their recognizances forfeited for
non-appearance.

SENTENCES.

John Crook, Emanuel Shrimpton, William Ed-
wards, Edward Johnson, and John Gibbs, convicted
of rioting and destroying a winnowing machine be-
longing to Mr. Fryer, were placed at the bar to re-
ceive judgment.
Mr. Justice PARK—The sentence of the Court
with respect to you, John Crook, in consideration
of the imprisonment you hare already endured, and
the excellent character you received, is that you pay
a fine of 101. to the King, and be imprisoned in the
gaol of this county for the term of three calendar
months; and be further imprisoned until such fine
be paid. The Court will not impose a fine on you,
Emanuel Shrimpton, because we did not learn in
the course of the trial, as we did with respect to
Crook, what your circumstances are. We therefore
order you to tie further imprisoned for the space of
three calendar months; and the other prisoners to
be imprisoned for two calendar months, and to be
kept to hard labour.
The Learned Judge here intimated that hard la•
hour was alwa) s to accompany the sentence of im•
prisomnent, whenever that sentence should be passed
in the remaining cases.

Thomas Burrows, John Collins, William Goodall,
John Evans, Robert Hoperaft, Edward Jarvis,
Joseph Ridgway, Joseph Jarvis, and Jonas Watson,
convicted of riot, were then placed at the bar.
Mr. J ice..:PAßK—Prisoners, great attention
has been paid to the consideration of all your cases,