The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-27 00:00:00

being, I am happy tr Afty„a surplus of 370,0001., exceed

An HoN. MEDIBER--How much for corn?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The
amount received from corn is 780,0001. The custom,
revenue for the year ending Jan. 5, 1849, exclusive of
corn, is higher than the income which I expected to re-
ceive from the customs for the year ending the sth April,
1849—(Hear, hear)—therefore it is most satisfactory
for me to be able to make this statement to the House.

I disagree in the principle laid down by the Hon. Mem-
ber, that I ought to be prepared to make a full financial
statement at this period cf the session; but I think that
the statement I have just made ought to be most satis
factory to the House. I shall, no doubt, lose a small in-
come in the course of the year by the cessation of the
corn duties. I shall also lose those extraordinary sources
of income of which I have availed myself last year—
namely, the appropriations in aid and the China money;
but, nevertheless, making full allowance for the whole, I
still anticipate a surplus. I reckon a loss of 700,000/.
from corn. In all probability there will be some re-
ceipts from this source. Assuming the losses to
amount altogether to 1,360,0001., I have yet to remind
the House that the propostd reductions in the
estimates, comparing this year with last, will
amount to 1,447,0001., 30 that there will still be a balance
in my favour between the income and expeniiture.—
(Hear, hear.) The income of this year will be better
than that of last year. And, unless lam greatly disap-
pointed in my expectatidns, the expenditure will be
clearly within the income. I cannot, however, with any
degree of accuracy state now the actual amount which I
anticipated I should have over, but looking to the income,
upon which I confidently rely, I feel perfectly assured
that it will be fully equal to the expenditure.—(Hear,
hear.) I can only say that I hope I have now convinced
the House of two things—first, that it would not be safe
nor wise to reduce the expenditure at once or immedi
ately to the amount proposed; and, second, I hope I
have also shown that we aro not unmindful of the neces-
aity of such reductions as are consistent with the real
interests and development of all the industrial resources
of the country. I hope that the House will express an
opinion upon this question, which I trust will be duly
submitted to its consideration in the mode it has been
brought forward. I hope that, as far as lam concerned,
I have met it fairly. And I have also to express a hope
that the House will pronounce a clear and decided
opinion that it is not consistent with the real interests of
the country to effect such an amount of reduction as has
been proposed.—(Bear, hear.)
Mr. J. O'CONNELL had waited some minutes after
the Right Hon. Gentleman had sat down in order that
those Hon. Members who took a more immediate in-
terest in the question might have an opportunity of ad-
dressing the House, and of adding anything they could
to the very able, lucid, and convincing statement of the
Right Hon. Gentleman. He expressed his surprise that
no more distinct reference had been made to the case of
Ireland in connexion with this subject, when it was per-
fectly clear that Ireland had much] to do with the finan-
cial ;question now exciting such vivid attention in all
quarters. He had no hesitation in declaring his con-
viction, for instance, that had anything like justice been
done to that country, two-thirds of the enormous outlay
there for army, constabulary, and political prosecutions,
would have been saved. The army in Ireland, even
in ordinary years, cost this country 1,100,0001. per
annum, and last year, of course, very much more.
The police expenditure, also, was most heavy; the cost of
political prosecutions extremely onerous. Let Ireland be
treated with common fairness, with the barest justice,
and the necessity for these classes of expenditure would
almost entirely disappear. Hence would accrue at once
a most important financial reformation. Again, while
England paid to the customs, stamps, and postage de
partments of revenue twenty-spven millions a year, Ire-
land contributed but three millions; yet the rate of taxa-
tion in both countries was alike, and the population of
Ireland was one-third that of England. Why, then, this
enormous difference in the amount respectively contri-
buted to the State? Simply because the Irish people
were kept in so impoverished a condition that they bad
not the means of purchasing customable articles, and had
no occasion for the use of stamps in the same way that
England had. Let them but be properly treated; let
them but have the opportunity of attaining proportionate
prosperity; and in proportion of their numbers they
would spend as much as England: with this result, that
instead of contributing to the common revenue only three
millions, they would contribute nine millions, besides
being in a position to bear their fair share of the income-
tax.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir DE LACY EVANS felt it necssary to say a few
words, as some professional observations had been made
by the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Cobden). He would, in
the first place, observe that the Right Hon. Gentleman
had pointed out some considerable discrepancies in the
statements that had been made with respect to the army,
navy, and ordnance—he had shown that the increase
had not been 10,000,0004 in the fourteen years since
1835, but 6,000,0001.; that, certainly, was a slight flaw
in the Hon. Gentleman's budget, although he (Sir De
Lacy Evans) was by no means unfavourable to the
lion. Gentleman's exertions in favour of economy.
He thought, however, that he had only done his cause
some harm by indulging in personal attacks, because he
did not see why a reduction of the naval and military
departments of the country might not be discussed and
reduced to the lowest possible point without the introduc-
tion of any personal or offensive expressions. He had read
in the papers observations made by the Hon. Gentleman
and his friends in various places by no means flattering
to the members of the profession. He would remind the
Hon. Member, however, that it was the fault of indivi-
dual members of these professions that the expenditure
had been increased. It was the fault of that House, and
he believed that no army or navy in the world could re-
sign itself with greater obedience to the civil orders of
the Legislature than the British army and navy. He
thought the Hon. Gentleman would find it very difficult
to prove that the general officers of the army had any-
thing to do with the rewards and decorations which they
received. They had done their duty, and he thought
none in that House would deny them their rewards.—
(Hear.) The Hon. Gentleman had referred to the
clothing of the army, and had called them a set of
tailors.—(Loud laughter.) He did not complain of
that on the part of the general officers, but on ap-
count of the tailors.—(Renewed laughter.) He had
the honour of representing many hundreds, and they
were as loyal subjects and as good supporters of
economy as the Hon. Gentleman himself. And with
regard to economy, he would say that ho doubted very
much whether any would be obtained by the alteration
of the present system. The Hon. Gentleman had
spoken about hired ,mercenaries, and of marauding ves-
sels on the coast of Spain. These charges had bean
frequently made, and he had always treated them with
the contempt they merited. The body of troops to
which he referred had served under the sanction of the
Government and for the promotion of a policy which
was said to be most essential to the interests of that
country. He thought they should, under these circum-
stances, be exempted from these reproachful expres-
sions. He acknowledged that they had received remu-
neration, and he thought they had deserved it. He con
gratulated the Hon. Gentleman on having received
very good remuneration himself.—(Elear.) He did not
mean to reproach him with it, because be thought
such observations on either side were both contemptible
and unworthy.—(Hear.)
Mr. HUME was surprised at the introduction by his
Hon. and Gallant Friend of such subjects into the dis-
cussion. His lion. Friend had made no personal reflec-
tions, anti was merely finding fault with the practice of
sending British ships at the expense of that country to
Spain, and the charge of marauding was not applied to
any individual officer connected with that expedition, but
to the Government who sanctioned it. He believed no
men could have behaved better than the military and the
squadron employed on the coast of Spain, and nobody,
unless instigated by the most malignant feelings, could
suppose his lion. Friend capable of making personal
attacks. The charge was made against the Government.
lie had pointed out that the increase of the army and
navy had arisen from this system of interference
with the affairs of other countries. There was mo-
ttling in which he perfectly agreed with his Ho-
nourable and Gallant Friend, and that was that it was
all the fault of the House of Commons and the
House of Lords; and he was prepared further to prove
that a vast portion of the expenditure authorised by
them was pertectly unnecessary. The (louse was the
trustee of the public money, and should take better care
of it. Ho would read to the House an extract from a
report of a Committee appointed on the 29th of March,
1817, which was granted on the motion of Lord Castle-
reagh, and he believed there were only four individuals
now in the House who belonged to that Committee. No
fewer than thirteen reports upon this subject had been
made to the House, and in the second of them, which
was made in 1817—the Committee was presided
Over, he believed, by Sir F. Lewis--they called the at-
tention of the House to the large naval and military es-
tablishments of the country when there was every pros-
pect of a long continuance of peace; and they
recommended that those establishments should
be reduced in order that the people might
be relieved from what they considered to be un-
due taxation. Why should five or six persons be
employed to do one man's work? No person posses-
sing common sense would keep six coachmen when
one would answer his purpose as well ; and he main-
tained that it was the duty of the Government, as public
and paid servants, to employ only that number of per-
sons whose services were absolutely necessary for the
transaction of the business of the country. It must be
evident to every person who paid attention to public
affairs, that the system of promotion in the army had
invariably been kept up by aristocratic influence. Upon
a recent occasion he had referred to official documents in
order to show that 1,e23 officers had been retained with
rank and pay in the army at an annual expense of
127,0001., solely for the purpose of placing in the hands
of the Government the power of granting promotions
Colonial establishments upon an enormous scale were
also kept up, with the same viers ; but he would not, on
the present occasion, enter into any details respecting
them. He must, however, express his regret that the
Chancellor of the Exchequer had not been enabled to
bring the public expenditure within the revenue by a
smaller ern nint than 800,000/. during the last year. The
deficiency this year was 800,0001., aiid that on the sth
of April, 1848, was upwarde of 2,000,0004; but, iu his
opinion, a greater amount m.:ght have been saved if' the
Government had used duo and fair diligence. It had
been said that a great reduction in taxation had been
made. True, the people's taxes had been in some degree
reduced, but they still had a claim for a further reduc-
tion of them. They had no right to be satisfied with
the present state of affairs. In 1837 they paid
50,000,000/. fur taxes; in 1838, 51,000,0004; in 1839,
51,000,0001.; in 1840,52,000,0001.; in 1841, 52,000,0004 ;
,
in 1842, 56,000,000 i; in 1843, 56,000,0004 ; in 1844,
1845, 57.000 000/. 58,000,000/.; in ; and in 1846,
, 58,000,000/. Thus it would be seen that taxation
had been increasing, and the people had a
right to ask relief from its great pressure.
Tao House hal been told that the people of England
wore less taxed than the people
~of Franco, and of