The Sun.
London, England, 1831-10-22 00:00:00

COURT CIRCULAR.

After the grand dinner party at the Palace at St. James's, on
Thursday, their Majesties had an evening party. The company
began to arrive soon after nine o'clock, and were ustnged into
the Throne Room.

The band of the Royal Horse Guards were In attendance in an
adjoining room, and performed several instrumental pieces in the
course of the evening. Refreshments were served to the party
in the Picture Gallery.

Among the company were—the Austrian and French ATabas-
sadors ; Madame ',tick, the Lady of the Netherlands' Ambassa-
dor; the Spanish Minister and Madame Bermudea, the Prussian
Minister and the Baroness Bulow, the Bavarian Minister and
Baroness Cetto, the Mexican Minister and Madame Gorostiza;
the United States, Saxon, Sardinian, and Buenos Ayrean Minis-
ters; the Brazilian Charge d'Aflhires ; Baron Zuyler de Nievelt,
the Netherlands' Minister on a special mission, and Bariasess
Zuyler de Nyevclt ; Count Matouchevitz, the Russian Itilnister
on a special mission ; the Duchess tie Dino, 111,1-,on d'Ompteda,
Sir George Falcke, the Duke and Duchess, of Buccleugh, the
Duchess of Leinster, the Marquis and Marchioness of Chol.
mondeley, the Marquis of Winilester, Earl and Countess
Carlisle, Earl and Countess Grey, Earl Cowper, Dowager
Countess' Poulett, Countess Albemarle, Viscount Melbourne,
Lord and Lady Maryborough, Lord and Lady Dover, Lord
Byron, Lord Frederick Fitzekireuee, Lady Mary Fox, Sir Henry
Halford, Sir Henry and Lady Wheatley, Lady Grey, Lady
C. Stanhope, Sir H. Seymour (2) Hon. Misses Wellesley.
The Duchess of Kent and the Princess Victoria came to town
yesterday, from Claremont, to visit the King and Queen at the
Palace at St. James's, after which their Royal Hip,,,4e4s. es re-
turned to Claremont.
The Grand Duchess Helene of Russia aq4.oespardect by three
of her family, and attended by two I her ladies in waiting,
paid a visit to the Queen yeiterday morning. The' Princess
Sophia visited her AlajtAty, and partook of a dcjeune with their
Majesties.
Tho King gave audience yesterday to Lord Holt d. Their
Majesties left town at twenty minutes past thar o'clock, in a
travelling chariot and four, escorted by, a iarty of Lancers, for
the Palace at Windsor. Prince ;,,carne of Cambridge, accom.
paMed by his Preceptor, left town for Windsor, about ass hour
previous to their Majestic.
Prince Paul Wirtemberg was prevented by indisposition
from attending the King's party on Thursday slight, In the
course of the day the Grand Duchess Heleite, and Prince
Frederick visited their illustrious fathoF, who is attended by Sir
A. Crichton; the Wirtenakrrg Minister also called to make his
inquiries at Mivart'. itsituyal Highness was considered better
yesterday morning,
Messsc. William Coates, Brown, and James M`Caklls,
were severally presented:to the King, at the Levee on \Wises-
day, by Viscount Melbourne, on presenting the as,Attes of the
parish of St. Mary, Whitechapel.
Countess Nesselrode, who accompas,ti44 lye. Duchess Helene
to this country, left town yestffde I).y a steam-packet, on her
1 return direct to St. Petersburgh,
Her Imperial Lig-am-toss the Grand Duchess and children, at-
tended by Conhtess de Uxkull and suite, will, it is expected,
leave the Clarendon te-morrow for Germany, where they Intend
staying the winter, at her sister's, her Royal kVi,lnteas the
Duchess of Nassau, at Wisbaden, the Admiralty having pro
nounced a voyage across the Baltic to 11e4Aiiii:rous at this season.
Prince Frederick of Hohoulkje. Oehringen, cousin to the
Queen, and Baron do PocktAberg, returned to town from a tour
through Seotlagd a7jd England,
The, Bi4ilcifi'a London visited Viscount Goderich yesterda,N at
the Colonial.othee.
Lord Farnborough and Lord Dundonnel visittAWltilleY Yes-
terday at the Treasury.
ViscounthorpparAk, left yesterdayyesterdayOle seat of his father,
A 1

MARKETS.-(THIS DAY.)

COVABNI'-GAR

EN MARKW,

,:s:,vasbariek:ta,tolt:,,nuil ttlii,e,
t aTdheewreas
r caches have disappeared.
s&me as on this day se'rillsnt.
..
ed., s: d. wdasulla. gPwdricessuponur,atitAhAiii4"*'t nill"
s. d. s, d.
A woo 0 Spinage (half sieve) ... 0 4 too t;
Potatoes (e .y) .. -
as) 0 9
I:"lns...e.C"hmesnuts (peck) (3. a 1))
1 6 French Beans 0 9 g 0
couNs-qs (1:4 44-- 30 5 0 Young Apples A 0 5 t
ctrl ditto,. 26 4 0 Ceara,,,,,,.,,.. io 8 0
Cauliflowers... ....
Brocoli
0 8 ; Qlsliishrooms . 2 0 3 e
Celery
Carrots ,12 bunches), ,4 0 6 0 Onions (for pickling) 3 0 4 6
,1
06
32
00
Grapes (per lb.)
:411.1:rrrnnseiiir:Radadiths:...d. ............ 9000
6211
666°'8B8FlPirolch ditto „ 40 6 0
Onion' o 6 5 0 Spanish HFi1ee,,,114:::6 0 10 0
Goleworts or Greens 10 2 0 trench Vriuts 50 '7
Leeks 1 0 1 iiitim sits 2 0 4 t
seLevnii 10l en
$0,r.a.n..g„e5..(1 ...) ........
one ti
Cos I,ettUeesl'ieore)... 0 8 1 CI4
ForeignElbGrtrsa —3O
80 51
(t.
(1 g 1 c
Cabbage ditto. .... ~ ..... 0 3 0 8 Sea-kail (pummet), ~„:1 tQI 01
VC
Cucumbers (brace).... 0 4 1 0 Endive
... ..
Radishes (12 hands)... 0 3 0 6 5a11ad5„,....... .. 0 2 0 4
Melons (each) 4 0 10 o.E;;lerberries (bushel).. 3 6 4 6
Pine Apples (lb.) ..... 18 Q 10 01/laslenut,, 3 6 5 0

SPRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOVIThf-AL.

The Royal speech of Thursday, proroguing Par-
liament, on which we remarked yesterday, ti.tervi!'
another notice ; it contained allusions to va►inns
•npics, all of which would at other times have been
viewed with more than ordinary interest, but of
which the whole value and importance is now in a
manner concentrated in one,—that one is a Reform
in the House of Commons. There is doubtless nn
slight satisfaction in the assurance that the horrible
Game Law system has at length been deemed a fit
subject tor discussion at least, if not yet--though it
will by and by—for any extensive or substantial
amendment; and hardly less so, that the Law of
Bankruptcy is no longer a field whereon► rapacious
harpies might plunder the wretched with impunity.
But whence comes it that the atrocious Game Laws
have ceased to be 11,1 d a matter of divine right, like

tithes, or crowns and sceptres? And why is it,
that now, for the very first time, the property
of insolvents, creditors, and debtors, has been
wrested from the fangs of official patronage,
—that
and that a Court for the
administration of Bankruptcy affairs has been
c o
fh
a l the
f,— people of England for a
century curse of
created, on the understanding that the country
calls for certain public functionarie', not that a mul-
titude of private individuals want places ? Why
have these things been lately tolerated, and not be.
fere ?—these breaches suffered in the old fortress of
rpirtejoufigliceneearnarifßcoefromon ption ?
has
waxed
since the people of England have begun to com-
muneWWhy, but
great and power te s
riti
more freely, each man with his neighbour,
and reciprocally to fortify each other in the convic-
tion that the proper object of government is the se-
rurity of nations against their rulers—not that of
rulers against nations. Among the benefits, there-
fore, which the growth of the Reform spirit and the
obvious approach of a reformed Parliament have al-
ready, and as a foretaste of a richer futurity, ob-
tained for us, are those two measures referred. to
with so much hearty gratulation by his Majesty,
—viz., a preliminary improvement of the Game
Laws, establishing it as a principle 'that the
sports of the aristocracy are no longer to be
death to the poor; and, secondly, the extinction
of those execrable bankruptcy tribunals under
which the classes engaged in cornmetce were as
severely persecuted by legal tyrants as the rural po-
pulation by the landholders. But the pre-eminent
power and virtue of his Majesty's discourse to Par-
liament were in the concluding paragraphs on Re-
form. The King affirmed, as in justice his Ma-
jesty might well do, " the anxiety so generslly
manifested by his people for the accomplisher-era of
a constitutional Reform in the Commons House of
Parliament :"—a declaration from the Throne which
may by possibility outweigh the edifying assurances
of certain honest Tories, that the bulk of the na-
tion cared nothing about Reform ! Nothing could
be more clear, direct, and forcible, than the entire
language of the
nds withouthlai
ps last
npdairmeangperio,aoupprtrarigeoetfym, tehwnete
arsedpdte ec h , nor,
rheesreee d everby
awwgeoormdodsayoNcaof(triridrirch to a people towhose welfare he was
devoted, the manly and animated utterance of which
were more characteristic of the sentiments they con-
veyed. It was impossible to misconstrue, and
equally so to avoid admiring, the earnest and em-
phatic delivery of King William, when he announced
that the important question of Reform would "neces-
sarily" again engage the attention of Parliament at
the opening of the ensuing session,—when be
assured the country of his 4'r:l:altered desire" to
promote the settlement of that great question; or
when he spoke of securing to his people the "far'
enjoyment of their constitutional rights. The pre-
vailing tone of the speech appears to us to be worthy
of a solemn and commanding crisis; and if ever
there was a mind immoveably made up to the brave
discharge of duties, however arduous, we should say,
from the whole proceeding of Thursday, had we no
other evidence, that it is the mind of King William.
—Times.

The meeting et Bury, in Suffolk, -in this day's
paper, deserves attention Item the extreme propriety
with which it has been conducted, and the good
sense which was therein spoken. Once for all, we
must express our assurance, our firm conviction, that
the success of the cause of Reform is now as cer-
tain as the rising of the sun after night, or the suc-
cession of the seasons. We do not say this with a
view to induce the people to slacken their exertions,
—far be that from us; on the cougars, it is our
p, rfect reliance on the unremitting continuation of
those exertions that draws us irresistibly to our con-
clusion. Now is the time for the " long pull," with
the rest of that familiar phrase, There is one pas-
sage in the Bury ptocedings which is apparently but
slight, and which yet is of great importance, and
applies to all similar meetings. It is that, in which
Mr. Creed says, that "it gives him pleasure to
see a larger meeting even than the last." This
;s the re-action,--this is the indifference to the
cause of Parliamentary Reform, that the people are
otsensible to fatigue in the promotion of it. The
friends of Parliamentary Reform were undoubtedly
as numerous at the Bury meeting which preceded
'he last, as at the last itself; that is, the cause has
long comprised every sensible and independent man
in the kingdom. But the zeal which brought such
men together is increased, instead of being dimi-
nished, and that fact is attested by nit increase of
numbers at all the meetings. We know not that
we need go farther into the sentiments and speeches
of the people at Bury. What can be said now that
has not already been said It is but a continuance,
with increase, of the determination to obtain the
Reform, which we think it necessary to notice. The
meeting at Birmingham deserves equal attention
with that at Bury on the score of propriety; in le-
ipet to numbers it is of yet greater importance.
We would also particularly point out the speech of
Mr. Joseph Parkes to notice, as at once eloquent,
constitutional, and pregnant with the most useful
histarieal knowledge.—Times.
The final arrangement of the affairs of the Nether-
lands, by the Conference of London, has justly been
made a subject of congratulation between the Go-
vernment and people of -rune., as well as between
the King and the people of England. The French
Ministry announced the intelligence by a bulletin at
the Exchange, anti the King of England made it
known in his Speech to Parliament at the proroga-
tion. The grounds on which an event apparently
so insignificant has acquired so much importance,
we endeavoured to explain yesterday. In Paris the
news has not been received with the same satisfac-
tion, nor the conduct of the Government treitenl
with the same candour as in England Nearly
every Paper pretending to liberality opened an
attaek on Wednesday on the Government of M.
Perier, for not acting with perfidy and disho-
nour in the Belt& negotiations. Nearly every
one of them expressed regret at the condo-
sito to which they have led, and seemed to
delight in the anticipation that the Beyans
would refuse to ratify the treaty thus made. Know-
ing the temper of the Belgians, we were not sur-
prised tq bear that they were, like their French
neighiMars. dissatisfied, both with the arrangement
of the territorial limits, and wits the distribution of
the joint debt; but on the latter point, a little re-
flection must convince them that their dissatisfaction
is unreasonable. The swan! of the Conference is
more favauts,tale to Belgium than the Belgians could
have expected. • The first protocol on the subject
assigned to them-16-31,, or most than a half of the
common debt, of the two countries; and certainly
ddring the last tfteeti years, by paying the half, or
nearly the 4,1111, of the taxes of the united kingdom,
they have borne their half of the burden of the debt.
They cannot, therefore, pretend inability to bear the
minor share now alotted them. According ro the
best estimate& the kingdom of Leopold, as cosuatii-
tuted 4 the 24 articles which form the basis, od se-
parationtetween it and HollWd, will possesspopu.
iation
or 3,500,000,50u15. This population are re-
markable,and in all ages, for their
unceasing unwearied industry foe-
and
activity h_are
their manufacturing skills and fqr the assiduous cult,-

.. -. .. .

nation of the most fertile soil of western Europe.
Their prosperity has biiterto been mainly checked,
and their enterprise rendered tinproductive, by the
liability of their country to constant invasion in
every general war— by its being 'what an old Eng-
lish lislr writer quaintly calls it, " the cockpit of Europe.
The guarantee of their neutrality bp_ the Gnat
Powers must in future remove this sourceOf danger
and calamity. It must thus enable them to dispense
with a numerous standing army and the maintenance
of expensive fortifications. That they may no; be
under the temptation of constructing ships of war,
Antwerp is to be a trading port only, and not a
great naval arsenal. This improvement of their
affairs, in which their pride must learn to make sa-
crifices to their substantial security and happiness,
must lead to such manufacturing and commercial
prosperity, as must diminish the pressure of their
legitimate portion of a debt, which they were
enabled to bear to a much greater amount in less
favourable circumstances. In point of fact, this
portion of the joint debt now awarded to Belgium,
and about which so much has been said, amounts
only to 700,000/. sterling a year, while Holland,
by the same award, with a less population, has
to provide for the payment of 1,500,000/. Any
objections, therefore, on the part of the Belgians to
this distribution would appear to be unreasonable, if
we are to believe the report current in official cir-
cles, that their Plenipotentiaries were empowered tii
consent to an annual charge of 600,000/. on account
of the common debt. It can scarcely be appre-
hended that a wise and prudent Government will
again end .nger its own independence, and disturb
the peace of Europe, by resisting the annual pay-
ment of 100,0001, when the award is made by five
Powers who can have no interest in perpetrating
an act of injustice or oppression against either party.
We have been led to make these remarks, and to
tender this advice, from no hostility to the Belgians,
anti no partiality for the Dutch, but from a sincere
desire for the secure establishment of a peace which
is equally the interest of both ; and we hope that the
Belgic Chamber, by their acquiescence in the arti-
cles of arrangement now submitted to them, will en-
.tleavour to atone for tireir previous turbulence—will
allow their nation to be invested with the uneon•
tested attributes of independence, and permit all the
Governments of Europe without further hesitation
to acknowledge their new Sovereign.—Times.

The next best thing to taking, in the first instance,
a wise course, is to abandon a foolish one. The at-
tempt to secure property from the destructive acts
of incendiaries by legalising the murderous cont. i-
vence of spring-guns was a most absurd measure for
any Government to adopt ; but it was worse the!,
absurd in a Whig Government to have recourse to
a measure of that description. If the Whigs were
pledged by previous profession of political faith ter
any improvement in the institutions of the country,
they were most especially pledged to a reformed
system of criminal jurisprudence. From the time
that Romilly first applied his great and powerful
mind to the amelioration of our sanguinary code, the
'higs took up the question as one deserving of
being identified with their policy, and thenceforth
the Reform of the criminal law in reference to the
punishment of death became one of the cardina'
articles of their Parliamentary creed. While Romill%
lived, the leading members of the Whig party it
Parliament at that time, some of whom are among
the leadiug members of the present Administration.
did undoubtedly support his propositions and enforce
his doctrines with energy and talent. Earl Gres
and Lord Holland, aided by the eminent abilitiee
and accomplished eloquence of Lord Grenville.
fought well the battle of enlightened justice in the
Upper House of the Legislature, whenever any of
the Bills introduced by Romilly into the House of
Commons found their way to the hereditary legis-
lators of the land. In the Lower House, Mr. (now
Lord) Brougham, with Ponsonby, and the Whig
party in general, to whom, on this question, were
104ied Mr. Wilberforce, and the then -distinguished
:Waster of the Rolls, Sir William Grant, gave the
propositions ofßomilly a support always triumphant
in argument, and sometimes successful in the nu-
merical superiority of a division. Since the time of
the latter Sir James Mackintosh was constituted the
leader of the question, and made one or two speeches
of considerable power in its behalf ; but, as to and
practicaleesults, the cause miserably languished, and
nothing important took place until the decision of
the House of Commons against the sanguinary
Forgery Bill of Sir Robert Peel. As to the
barbarous and cowardly practice of setting spring-
guns, it had been cried down by general con-
sent, and little did we think that the inhuman
invention, which bad been abolished under a,.
illiberal Government, would have been attempted
to be revived by a Whig Administration. Ir.
a country where the life of man has long been
held too cheap, and where, in consequence of
the readiness with which the Legislature sacrifices
human life, murder has become so familiar as rio
longer to startle us by its enormity, we did not ex-
pect that a liberal Government would have added to
the judicial murders of the law other murders, no
matter whether of innocent or guilty persons, by an
apparatus of extermination, contrived for the pur-
pose of slaughtering human beings without the inter-
vention of Judge or Jury. Mr. Fifthly, on the low
42f game, justly says," better that it should be law-
ful to kill a trespasser, face to face, than to place
engines that will kill him. In the firmer case he
might avoid the danger, or struggle against it, or
fly from it ; but, in the latter case, it is most pro-
bable that he can neither see, nor resist, nor escape
from the danger. It is no answer to say such h
person was a trespasser with notice—that person
might be unable to read, or a stranger to the neigh-
bourhood, or a traveller in the night, or a WOlllOll,
or a child, or an idiot, or a friend. The spring-gun
cannot accommodate itself to circumstances," We
were the first to expose the folly and iniquity of the
Spring-gun Bill of Lord Melbourne—may its re-
pose be eternal !—Morning Herald.
We call the particular attention of our readers to
our report of the meeting of the county of Surrey,
held yesterday at Epsom. The character and influ-
ence of several of the speakers give a weight to the
statements made by them, which, at this important
crisis, will go far to quiet the apprehensions of the
country. We need hardly observe, that though the
confidence of the people in his Majesty's Ministers
is deservedly great, yet, notwithstanding the decla-
ration of Lord Grey, that he would support no Bill
which was not quite as efficient as that of Lord John
Russell, still, reflecting men, seeing no prospect of
any change in the composition of the House of
Lords, were unable to discover in what manner the
suffrages of a majority of that body could be
obtained by any other means than a departure from
some important provisions of theßill already rejected.
This difficulty was mentioned by Mr. Cobbett, who,
io his usual forcible awl racy manner, endeavoured
t, shoo, that the new Bill would in all probability dis-
appoint the expectations of the people. Mr. Leach
had moved all address expressive of confidence in
Ministers. " How did the matter stand ?" aaisl Mr.
Cobbett, " Lord Grey, when he brought in that Bill,
had said that he would stand or fall by it. He did
not then say anything about an equally efficient Bill;
and at the last meeting that they held at that place,
the freeholders of Surrey and the county Members
had pledged themselves to the bill—the whole Bill
—and nothing but the Bill„ But Lord Grey had
not fallen by the Bill, which he ought to have done;
for, if he had resigned his office on the Lords
throwing it out, he would have been forced back
OD the shoulders of the people—new Peers must
have been created—Parliament would have been
prorogued for a week—and perhaps a this mo-
ment, they would have been meeting in that very
spot to return thanks for the carrying of the niezi.
sure.—(Cheers.) But instead of this, they were
talking of alterations and modifications. But mind
this, they would not tell the people what those
alterations and modifications were to be; and coul
they believe—he did not—that schedules A and
B would be left unimpaired.—(Hear, hear, and a
cry of we do.') He would be content with this
test—if Mr. Doti:ion and Mr. Briscoe, tile

county Members, would pledge themselves to i
abandon the Ministers, if the new Bill did not I
contain the schedules A and B, he would withdraw '
his opposition.—(Cheers.) But be knew very
well that they would pledge themselves to no such
thing. They knew as well as he did that schedules
A and B would not again he presented, unless the
people bestirred themselves—(Hear, hear, and cries
of No.') Lord Grey, according to his own
statement, had not threatened the creation of
new Peers. Then how, he would like to know,
were the Ministers to carry the same Bill with the
same Peers ?—(Hear, hear.) Instead of the whole
Bill, it would be anything hut the Biil." Lord
King at once met these difficulties in a fair and
manly manner. " Mr. Cobbett (said his Lordship)
doubted whether we were to have the same Bill
again, and he (Lord King) must confess that
there could he no question but that there would
be great difficulty in passing the Bill, through
what must, to say the least of it, be called an
untractable assembly.—(A laugh.) But still there
was room to hope that the Bill might be so modi-
fied as to bring it forward without any real alteration,
in such a shape as should save appearances with
the Lords a little. For instance, an objection that
had been made to the Bill %las, that part of its
.power was placed in the hands of Commissioners as
to the division of the counties ; now, as their
labours were in a very forward state, it might so
happen that this question could be arranged so as
to embody their labours in the Bill itself; this was
one modification, and it was evident that many
such might present themselves. Mr. Cobbett had
asked the Members of the county to pledge them-
selves to schedules A and B. If Mr. Cobbett had
called on hint, he would most willingly give a pledge
to that (fect.—(Cheers.) He had never been more
surprised or astonished than to find that any one
could doubt that those schedules would make part
of the next Bill. What would the Bill be worth
without them ?—(Cheers.) It would be a mere
mockery." Mr. Moberly, who followed his Lord-
ship, said " The Bill and the whale Bill" really
meant the disfranchisement of rotten boroughs, and
the enfranchisement of large towns ; and he had no
hesitation in saying that nothing would satisfy him but
schedules A and B and C and D. But, at the same
time, he would not give any pledge, for it must he
evident to all that it might be expedient to vary a
little ! and, for the same reason, he hoped that the
county Members would not give a similar pledge.
Suppose that the whole Bill was carried with the
exception of a dispute on one single town, would
not the Reforming Members be fools, and worse
than fools, if they were to say, no, because you
will not give us this one town, we will reject the
benefit of the Bill altogether.'—(Applause.)" Mr.
Denison said, " schedule A was the gravamen of
the Bill, and without it it would not be worth a
straw.—(Applause.)" " Though (he added) he
was a staunch supporter of the principle of schedule
B, he begged to observe that he would again, if he
had the opportunity, vote against putting Guilford
in schedule B, for it had a most respectable consti-
tuency. This showed the difficulty of giving a de-
fined pledge." Mr. Briscoe, the other Member,
said, " with respect to the pledge that had been de•
manded of him as to schedules A and B, he
should have no hesitation in giving it, if they
wished for it." These declarations from men,
who may reasonably be supposed to know
well what the intentions are, are of great im-
portance. However, Lord King frankly admitted
!hat there must be great difficulty in passing an
efficient Bill through an untractable assembly. And
thia is the pinch. The power of Ministers is the
impulse giving by the people. A number of sir
curnstances may take place between this and
January to induce the refractory Lords to cling
once more to the delusion, that the people may be
baulked with impunity. The Dorsetshire election
will not be without its effect. Should another turn
out favourable to the Tories, it will add to the ef-
fect. The reasoning is monstrously absurd, no
doubt; because, why is a Reform in Parliament
called for, but for the very circumstances which
have occurred in Dorsetshire ? The people are
overpowered by certain families. The late election
was the effect of slaves making one great effort
to break their chains. If the people could do at
every election what they did at the last, one great
argument for Reform would not exist; and the late
election was used as a handle in that senseby the Anti-
Reformers. The people can already return what repre-
sentatives they please, they said, and what more
would they have ? But a man will make a sacri.
fice if he believes it will be the last, which he will
not make with the knowledge that it will not save
him from constant sacrifices in future. The people,
then, ought to confide in Ministers ; but they must
organise themselves in such a manner as to add the
momentum necessary to enable Ministers to carry
the Bill. As Cromwell said, " Read your Bibles,
but sleep on your matchlocks." The Lords will
only pass the Bill if they know they must pass it.
Let the people be ready in January with such a
front as to satisfy the untractable House that no Mi-
nister dare to refuse to the people such a Bill as that
which Earl Grey would be ready to give to them.
Dur'ng the interval much may be done in the for-
mation of Unions and Committees, so that, if ne-
cessary, the people may rise in their might, as if
animated by one soul. A number of excellent ob-
servations were made by Lord King and Mr. Mo-
berly on the importance of Reform.
" The question simply came to this (said Lord King).—
the country must have a Reformed House of Commmons,
in order that it might have a cheap Government ; and a
cusp Government was now a sine qua non. England had
long, suffered under the most profuse Government that the
world had ever witnessed, and the only remedy was to have
a House of Commons bound iu good and sufficient secu-
rities for the establishment of cheap Government ; and,
that, he begged to tell them, could only be done by teems
of schedules A and B.—(Cheers.) The question that the
House of Lords had raised was, whether the privileges of
that order had a right to stand in the way of such a Go-
vernment ?"
" It was true (said Mr. Maberley) that the- Ministers
had been defeated ; but had they shrunk from their posts ?
They had pledged themselves to a Reform Parliament,
and to a cheap Government.—(A voice—" They have not
given us a cheap Government.")lt was true that they had
not given the country a cheap Government ; but he would
ask them whether that question, important as it was, ought
not to give place to Reform ?—(Cheers)—and for this
simple reason—let there once be Reform, and cheap Go-
vernment must follow.---(Cheers.) A reformed Parlia-,
ment would be an all-sufficing check against the domina-
tion of any corrupt Ministry ; and he for his part woulti
say—put aside any measure till the Reform Bill is carried,
for that one Bill will ensure every other."—(Applause.)
We cannot conclude our observations on this
meeting without alluding to the unequivocal testi-
mony afforded at this and every other meeting, of
the wish of the people to get rid of the BiShops as
a part of the Legislature. With the exception of
one individual, to whom we shall advert by-and-bye,
all, all were loud against the Bishops. They have
indeed by their conduct matured with an astonish-
ing rapidity the public aversion to their order. Mr.
Leach, the mover of die addiess, observed—
" There was one part of the House of Lords which
they ought to look at with peculiar Jealousy—(Bear,
hear)—that was the bench of Bishops—(Cheers and
groans)—that bench had thought proper to vote both
against the King and the people. Formerly they used to
be celebrated fur supporting the King : Ow old favourite
toast used to be Church and King.' Whether the toast
in future was to be ' the King' only, he did not know ;
but this he knew, that it would be impossible fur the
Biahops to be of any further use in the House of Lords—
(Cheers)-,--for, in his opinion, they ought never to be
allowed to have votes there again.—(Cheers.)"
Mr, Cobbett, adverting to the comments of Mr.
Leach, on the conduct of the Bis'iops, observed,
that " the Bishops formed one part of a body that
took from the people a very large portion of their
earninga--(Hear, hear)—and it was therefore fit
that his Majesty should be reminded of the miscon-
duct of those Bishops, and the great mischief that
they had done to the people; and after analysing
the votes, he came to the conclusion that the whole
failure was to be ascribed to the Bench of Bishops
--(Hear, hear)—and therefore thought that their
address to the King ought to touch upon the cora

duct of the Bishops ; but Mr. Leach's address was
entirely silent on that head." Lord King said,
" As to the Bishops, he was no particular friend of
theirs.—(Leughter and dicers.) He would wil-
willingly consent to turn those money-changers out
of the Temple of the House of Lords, if he might
call that House by such a name ; he therefore
thought that Mr. Cobbett's address would have
made a capital speech, though, at the same time, he
did not think that it was quite the thing to Rend in
an address to the Sovereign." Mr. Mabeily,
though he also opposed the introducing the condem-
nation of the Bishops into an addris,, observed,
" that they were all agreed as to the impropriety of
the conduct of the Bench." The only individual
who had the heart to say any thing for the Bishops
was the Rev. Mr. Courtenay.
" He regretted to find that a cry against the Ecclesias-
tical Bench was too prevalent.—(Hisses and laughter.)
He trusted that they would hear him as a friend. One of
the motives that induced him to say thus much was, be-
cmse he was convinced that any violence, or violent reso-
lutions on their part against a particular class would be
injurious to the cause of Reform. It was for this reason
that he must lift his voice against what the last speaker
had said about putting down the Bishops.—(A cry of
" We hope they will, though !") He admitted that he
thought that the Bishops had committed a gross error re-
specting the Bill, and that they were under a gross decep-
tion as regarded the feelings of the people on the Bill.—
(Cheers.) But only two days before he had been at a
meeting at which the Primate was in the Chair, and he
could not conceive of any one offering an insult to his
Christian meekness—his amiable charity of temper.—
(Groans---cries of " (111, oh !" and much laughter.)
Well might the Rev. Mr. Courtenay regret to find
the cry against the Bishops so prevalent. The
Bishops, indeed, have proved the greatest enemies
of corruption the Church (for the true Church
and the Church of the present Bishops are quite dis-
tinct) has ever had. But it is amusing to hear a
worthy Clergyman urge as the only reason why sen-
tence should not be pronounced against the Bishops,
that he had been at a meeting at which the Primate
was in the chair, and he was so meek, so meek !
Why this is equal to any thing in Le Sage or Field-
ing. It reminds us of the account of the worthy
Saint Ambrose Lamela. Yes, yes, this is part of
the stock in trade of all who wish to clear out the
pockets of their neighbour. John Knox and John
Calvin were not very meek, neither was Martin
Luther; but the whole three, though frugal men,
did not leave behind them as much as would furnish
one dinner to his Grace's footmen. The allusion to
the meekness of the worthy Prelate reminds us of the
fable of La Fontaine, of the young Mouse, the Cock,
and the Cat. The youth was on the point of salut-
ing the venerable Cat, the Cock, by crowing and
clapping his wings, frightened him. Speaking to
his mother of Tabby, he says, " He seemed so meek
—he is velvety like us, has a long tail, a humble
countenance, a modest air, and yet a brilliant eye."
—" My son," said the old Mouse, " this mild-look-
ing personage is a Cat, who, under his hypocritical
air, bears the utmost malice against all thy race. His
kitchen is supported at our expence. As long as
thou divest, be on thy guard against people with such
looks."—Morning Chronicle.
The session of Parliament which has just termi-
nated will be regarded by posterity as one of the
most important epochs in the history of this country.
At a moment when revolutionary madness was rag-
ing in many of the States of Europe, and, by a na-
tural and never-failing sympathy, exciting to a pitch
of corresponding frenzy the more ardent and restless
spirits among the population of Great Britain, the
Ministers of the King thought they had discovered
the suitable period when, as prudent Statesman, they
might best appeal to the people upon the question of
Parliamentary Reform, might cast into the arena of
popular disputation whatever was supposed to be de-
fective or anomalous in the institutions of our country,
might supply a new stimulus to democratic ambition,
arid offer the prize of absolute political power as the
reward of democratic turbulence. Tire appeal to the
nation which was thus made by the Ministers of the
Crown produced precisely such a House of Commons
as might have been and (by the appellants at least)
was expected from it—a Houseof Commons consisting
for the greater part of the delegates of a thought-
less and ignorant rabble, who, rendered giddy by
the delusive promise of supreme power, and furious
by means of wilful and unprincipled exaggerations of
those imperfections which must always be found in
every human institution, threw aside during the
period of the general election all the restraints of
order and of law, spurned the salutary influence of
rank, station, intelligence, or wealth, and refused to
acknowledge the possible existence of public virtue
in public men, unless in proportion to the vehe-
mence with which they proclaimed themselves upon
the hustings the enemies of every established insti•
tution in the State. In such a House of Common%
an Administration which flattered the people with
the prospect of great constitutional change, in
order to withdraw their attention from its own
repeated practical blunders, and its own ma-
nifest incompetency to execute the actual and
daily business of Government—of a constitu-
tional change commensurate with the blunders
and the incompetency it was meant to conceal—
found of course a large majority of confederates,
bond like itself to the cruise of revolution, hound by
pledges which the people in the moment of intoxi-
cation had extorted from diem to join in the Mi-
nisterial conspiracy against the interests of the people.
The Reform Bill, which engrossed the time of Par-
liament and the attention of the country during tits
whole of the late Session, has been already abet,
dandy discussed. We shall now only characterize
it as a measure in every respect worthy of the com-
bination of causes which gave it birth. Its authors
tacitly confess that it could have conferred no prac-
tical and substantial benefit upon the nation, since,
with a Legislature perfectly disposed to acquiesce in
any proposal having practical and substantial ad-
vantages in view, they contented themselves with
fighting for a theoretical Reform, while its oppo-
nents, comprehending from the first by far the largest
part of the educated, intelligent, and reflecting
classes of society, and including now, thanks to the
efforts of the vigorous minority in the House of
Commons, and the proud majority of the House of
Lords, by far the largest part of the whole nume-
rical population, conscientiously believe it to have
been a scheme pregnant with ruin to the country,
the certain precursor of destruction to the Throne,
to the Church, to the Aristocracy, to the property
of the country; and thence of necessity fatal to all
public order, all regulated industry, all social happi-
ness and security. The firmness, virtue, and pa-
triotism of the hereditary branch of the Legislature
have rescued the country from the inetrievable
• calamity by which it was threatened. The House
of Peers has acquired a new claim to tire everlasting
respect and gratitude of the British people, and has
presented to the world at large a splendid and en-
during example of the unspeakable advantage
which a nation derives from a Legislature, one
branch of winch is by the nature of its con-
stitution superior to the influence of transient
and accidental excitement. The Peerage of
England was threatened with the effects of po-
pular indignation if it presumed to reject the insane,
ruinous, revolutionary Bill. It nobly disdained the
threat. It courageously performed its duty. Arid
it has preserved its honour, its dignity, and its sta-
tion, not untouched, but elevated and improved.
The Peerage is the object of respect and gratitude
at this moment even to those who a month ago cla-
moured most loudly for the revolutionary Bill ; and
that pernicious compound of sordid self-interest, low
cunning, and desperate treason, is universally re-
garded with the feelings of loathing and of
scorn which it was so well fitted to inspire.
• The Reform Bill, which was intended from tire be-
ginning only as a screen to Ministers, and a pre-
. tepee for a general election, in circumstances favour-
, able to their friends and dependents, having been
disposed of by a majority of the House of Lords, so
large as to leave not the least doubt in any man's
; mind flat the ultimate fate of the measure entered
- into the original calculations of its authors—that
web of artifice and intrigue being now completely

woven, the riddle of a revolutionary Ministry being'
satisfactorily solved—it remains for us only to see
what practical advantages the country- has derived
from any other legislative attempt of its liberal Ad-
ministration, who, through the means of that Bill,
enjoyed throughout the Session a degree of Parlia-
mentary power wholly without precedent. And
here we lament to find little better, or rather some-
thing worse, than a total blank. Reform, retrench-
ment, non-interference in the internal affairs
of other nations, were the three great pledges
upon which the present Ministers entered
into office. With respect to Reform they have
defrauded the nation, by proposing a scheme which
they must have known from the first they could
not carry, and accordingly there is no Reform ; but
there is what the Ministers like much better, a
great additional number of their own personal and
patty adherents in the House of Commons. As
to retrenchment, nothing of the kind has been at-
tempted, or spoken of, or thought of. And the
principle of non-interference has been beautifully
illustrated by restraining Holland from repelling the
injustice of Belgium—by sending a King to the
latter country to swear that he would never recede
from a certain national boundary, and then imme-
diately giving extensive territory within that
boundary to the rival State—by endeavouring,
in every underhand way that ingenuity could devise,
to produce a Revolution in Portugal, and to de-
throne the reigning Sovereign of that country.
The ordinary business of legislation has during the
last Session been wholly in the hands of Ministers.
To oppose any of their measures was certainly to
incur gross misrepresentation and great popular
odium. Such was their infallibility as legislators,
that to offer opposition to any proposal of theirs was
or could ite nothing but an unjust and insidious at-
tempt to get rid of the great question of Reform by
a side wind. And with this extraordinary power
what have they done ? They have reduced the duty
upon the claret and champagne of the affluent and
luxurious, and increased the duty upon the humble
port of the middle classes of society ; while, by the
very same measure, they have the further merit of
violating the spirit of an ancient treaty, of gratifying
the revolutionary Government of France, and of im-
proving the chances of a revolution in Portugal. In
addition to this legislative exploit, Ministers, during
the past Session, have carried through Parliament a
Bill for altering the game laws, and another for
the creation of a new Judicature in Bankruptcy.
Of the former of these we cat► only say, that in
the opinion of men who have devoted a great part
of their lives to the consideration of the subject, and
who, as Magistrates and as sportsmen, have an in-
timate knowledge of the subject in all its details, it
is calculated to aggravate many and to mitigate none
of the evils of the existing system. With respect
to the new Bankruptcy Judicature, it is an emerge
tion of the ingenious and fertile brain of the Lord
Chancellor. Its effects can only be judged after a
tolerably extended experience. All that is at pre-
sent certain is, that the
.measure has excited the
active hostility of persons whom the Lord Chan-
cellor himself would, upon any other legal Reform,
have pronounced to be the least liable to error
of all earthly judges; that in a department of
judicial business, in which the quantity of busi-
ness to be done fluctuates from time to time in a
degree altogether peculiar to itself, it substitutes
for a tribunal which contracts and expands, to suit
the emergency of the moment, another tribunal
which neither expands nor contracts, but remains in-
flexibly and for ever the sante; and that it gives to
the Lord Chancellor the immediate disposal of as
much patronage as he could in the ordinary course
of human affairs have expected to enjoy for the next
ten years, and is to be attended moreover by a large
increase to the retiring pension of that distinguished
member of his Majesty's Government. We, how-
ever, give no opinion of the measure. That the
public are to pay for it pretty handsomely is now
quite certain. Let it therefore by all means have a
fair trial, and, as to the addition to Lord Brougham's
retiring pension, that is a thing which, were it ten
times as much as is intended, we feel quite confi-
dent the nation will never be so unreasonable as to
begrudge.—Morning Post.
The accounts of the meetings from all places pour
in on us in such numbers, that we are utterly unable
to notice a tithe of them. The meetings of which
we yesterday received accounts were—Belfast, on
Saturday last, attended by from 6,000 to 7,000 per-
sons—(outside and inside the Court House)—
Hull, on Thursday last; the Northern Political
Union, and other Reformers, assembled on the
Town Moor, on Monday last, to the number of
from 50 to 55,000 persons ; and Birmingham, on
Thursday last. Hampshire meets on Wednesday
next. There are requisitions for county meetings
in Warwickshire, Staffordshire, and Worcestershire.
Our readers may remember that the poor foolish
creature the Marquis of Londonderry, who pretends
to accuracy of information respecting the North of
Ireland, was pleased a week or two ago, to state in
his place in the House of Lords that a re-action had
taken place in Belfast. The meeting, on Saturday
last, affords a glorious refutation of this calumny on
the capital of the North of Ireland. We are un-
able, from want of space, to give an abridgement of
the ample report in the Northern Whig. Of the cha-
racter of the meeting, given by that Journal, we must
content ourselves with the following extract. After
noticing " the glorious display of public feeling that
was exhibited" on Saturday, that Journal observes
We heel there such a combination of intelligence,
wealth, industry, patriotic spirit, and numbers, as it was
cheering to contemplate. The enthusiasm of the great
multitude was astouishing. One soul seemed to animate
the vast assemblage, and that soul beat high for Reform.
The rejection of the Bill by the Lords, so far from having
any chilling effect on the people of Belfsst, has nude them
ten times more ardent in the cause, and more determined
not to be defeated. The calumnies, too, which have, of
late, been put upon our town, by the worst lees of a con-
temptible party, have been very useful. We are under
great obligations to the Guardian, for the opposition at
tempted to be got up. The insult offered to our town
called forth, as one man, such a body of the sterling worth
and strength of Belfast, including the tradesmen and me-
chanics—a most powerful and enlightened class—:as threw
back, into their Dative insignificance, the worthless crea-
tures who had ventuted to come among honest men, that
they might do evil. Well acquainted, though we were,
with the feeling and spirit of this town, we certainly were
not prepared for the splendid and sublime out-bursting
of public spirit with which the meeting of Saturday pre-
sented us."

At all these meetings the hatred of the Bishops
seems to know no bounds. The feeling is not pure
hatred, for there is mixed up with it an evident ex-
ultation that the Bishops have deprived themselves
of all aid—that they have so contrived, that no man
not as completely lost in character as themselves
dares to say a word in their behalf. Thus, for
instance, at the Newcastle meeting, a Mr. Larkin,
a man evidently possessed of no ordinary powers of
eloquence, observes :
" how shall I now approach those grave and reverend
Personages, the Bishops—(Laughter)—the creatures in
big wigs and lawn sleeves, whom you so much admire and
respect ?—(Laughter and derision.) I touch this theme
with an exulting spirit. I rejoice that they have openly
displayed their hatred to the people. I rejoice that
they have recorded tl;cir votes against this great
measure of popular liherty.—(Loud cheers.) I rejoice
that the spirit of madness which precedes destruction
is upon them.—(Cheers.) I rejoice that they have
preserved to the last the 'consistency of their character
(Cheers)—that they have not degenerated from their pre-
decessors into one single act of public virtue. From the
first establishment of the Church of England down to the ;
present hour, they have ever been the slaves of avin ice,
rest, not only voted but spoke of Canter-
bury,
the millions of power, the oppressors of the people, the
holy allies of despotism and tyranny.—(Cheers, with a
11
single
thec cry of
mouth-piece
of Sir.")
The Are
bish ir.
against the Bill. Never will that speech nor that vote
be fot gotten. They will be engraved, not on tsbletti of
stone or tables of brass, but, like the law of nature, in in-
delible characters on the hearts of the people, The day
of vengeance and retribution is advancing with hasty
and gigantic strides.—(Loud applause.) The Heavens
are lowyring an the Ecclesiastical Establishments of
this country. The clouds which menace its destruc•
rion, and which, when they !pi-vet, will pour a tor-

rent of desolation on this hauglity and oppressive Church,
are gathering fast. The storm, whose lightning will
shiver to atoms the turrets of its episcopal palaces, and
whose thunder will shake their massive walls to their very
foundation, approaches fast.—(Loud cheering.) The
hand-writing against this mystical Babylon is even now on
the wall—(Great applause)—while its prelates are rioting
in luxury, and reposing in fancied security, dreaming to
the last, I'll warrant you, of benefices and translation.—
(Cheers and laughter.) The enemy is at the gates—its
fall is at hand—(Loud cheers)—and when it does fall, it
will fall amidst the rejoicings of a people whom it has op-
pressed, and with whose liberties its existence is incom-
patible—swoln with pride, gorged with wealth, bloated
with pomp and arrogance, its avarice unappeased, and its
luxury insatiable.—(Tumultuous applause. )"
At the Birmingham meeting, Henry Smith,
E,q., the Low Bailiff, said—
" He could not help expressing the indignation he felt
at the rights of the people being set at nought by the whole
weight of the Right Rev. Bench.—(Tremendous cheers.)
He wished, instead of taking upon themselves the character
of legislators, they would throw aside their robes and Par-
liamentary paraphernalia, and visit their flocks—the house
of the mechanic, and the cottage of the labourer—and
there see the vast mass of moral and religious degradation
that was spreading through the land in consequence of
bribery and corruption—(Cheers)—and after having don•
that, he would ask them whether they felt satisfied—whe-
ther their consciences did not tell against them—in shut-
ting their ears to that precept, which tra: more on their
lips than in their hearts,---c Lord, deliver us from tempts.
tion.'—(Loud and continued cheering.)"
Mr. Scholefield observed—

" With respect to the Bishops, a great many of
them had got their mitres from their political pam-
phlets. There was the Right Reverend Bishop of
Ely ; there was Dr. Coppleston, Dr. Phillpotts, and,
though last, not least, the present Archbishop of Can-
terbury, who had actually out Heroded.Fferod—(Loud
laughter)—for he had said no King could do wrong.
There were also two brothers of the name of Sumner,
and a great many more of the Right Reverend Bench
who owed their rise to—he would not say what.—(Loud
laughter.) But he would ask the meeting, did they ever
find the Bishops doing their duty in the way they ought
to do ai the apostles of Christ ?—(Loud cries of 'No, no.')"

It is quite impossible that the Bishops should
ever make good the ground they have lost by their
vote. They have played like desperate gamestets,
throwing theii: whole interest in the people on the
chance of a single die. These are not the days in
which Bishops can afford to play such pranks in the
sight of heaven. They should not have challenged
the public attention to their base history, unre-
deemed by a single virtuous act, except we call such
their resistance to King James, though that wa,
only after they had to choose between resistance and
seeing their wealth transferred to the Catholics.
From henceforth there will be no communion
between a Church and State Hierarchy and the
people of England. They have provoked theft
doom. Mr. Joseph Parkes, who made a most
able and eloquent speech at the Birmingham meet•
ing, and than whom few men arc better acquainted
with the state of England, entered into an analysis
of the House of Peers, with a view to show the.
almost insuperable difficulty in the way of obtaining
the consent of that House to an efficient Reform :
" He would not," he said, " be a party to delusion ; h,
would not longer conceal his real fears that the country
and the Reform Bill laboured under almost insurmountable
difficulties - The House of Lords consisted of 411
Peers, and 199 voted against the second reading of the Bill ;
158 voted in favour ; 64 Peers did not vote at all ; of the
latter number 20 might be absentees, insane, and minors.
Therefore, there were 40 certainly di-affected to the Bill, who
did not vote. Now it was notorious that of the minority,
many Peers voted for the second reading inimical to the
principles of the Bill, and who would have opposed its de-
tails i❑ Committee. Thus in fact, only about one-fourth of
the Peerage was sincerely in our favour. Deny this gloomy
fact who may, deceive the people in hid:rig it who might,
he (Mr. Parkes) would not be a party to the delusion. How
was such a critical situation to he overcome ? Would in-
trigue, corruption, fear, conviction—would any other causes
or motives operate, in the short interregnum of the proroga-
tion, to reduce this formidable majority of their opponents.
would they not he emboldened by their impunity
Would they not again combine and intrigue when Parlia-
ment again assembled ? Would not the Bill be again
thrown our, or more probably be smothered or torn in
pieces, and rendered useless in Committee ? He again
repeated, that be would not delude the people. There
were but two modes of carrying this measure—by consti-
tutional means, or by means not strictly constitutional ;
in other words he told them it could only be carried by
more Peers or fewer. —(Loud cheers.)
peated that he conscientiously believed that they would
do the like again, unless their numbers were increased.
If new Peers were not made he solemnly warned the
House of Lords that it was "the last time of asking."
He solemnly warned the Government that if it had not
the energy to make the change in the representation re-
quired by the people, that the people would make it for
themselves.—(Loud cheers-) He warned the Peers
that in proportion to the fortitude and forbearance of the
people would be the deluge of their fury, and retributive
justice, when they did break front the moorings of their pa-
tience. If any Anti-Reform Administration attacked the
Press, the liberties awl the lives of the people, revolution
would and ought to come, and God forbid that be should
be the last to join it.—(Loud cheering.)"

The opinions of men like Mr.- Parkes will, no
doubt, produce a great impression on the country.
Of the intentions of Ministers we have already said
we entertain no doubt ; but we cannot see our way
as to the mode in which effect can be given to their
intentions. We believe that a Bill with schedules
A and B will be preset' ed by Ministers, but beyond
this we know nothing. However, there is a spirit
in Birmingham, in Lancashire, and Yorkshire, in
Newcastle, and in Scotland, that ►s not to be trifle,l
with. The men who address meetings in those
parts do not speak in the tame style of the South:—
" The King," says Mr. Larkin, at the Newcastle
meeting, " has retained his Ministers. As yet, then, we
will not abandon the humiliating and supplicating posture
of petitioning for our rights, nor rise to demand them in
that port and attitude which become the citizens of a free
St Ete, and with that determination of purpose which will
no longer brook delay. For a while longer, then, we will
remain prostrate saves—humble petitioners at the feet of
a Legislature which foots and spurns us from its thresh-
hold. For a while, we will crouch, and fawn, and sup-
plicate. Yes, while a hope of justice remains, we will
be patient; we will endure our wrongs, embittered by
insult, with fortitude ; but at the same time, with a sup-
pressed energy of feeling that will carry conviction to the
bosoms of our oppressors that we have something within
us which their wisdom ought to fear We have de-
manded Only our legal and constitutional rights, that the De-
mocracy should be reinvested with these privileges which t;ie
Aristocracy have usurped, and that we should have a full,
fair, and free representation in Parliament. This has been
the full extent of our demands. If this be correct, which
should prevail in the contest, the millions or the hundreds,
the people or the peerage ?—(Cries of The people.')
In which should the preponderance of power reside ? In
an idle, vicious, and immoral Aristocracy, the companions
of fiddlers and buffoons, the paramours of courtesans, and
husbands of cast-off actresses, or in a brave, a gallant, a
powerful, a laborious, an ingenious, and ►ntelligent people,
from whom is taken the strength of our armies and the va-
lour of our navy—from whom our Legislators and Judges
are selected, our Generals and Admirals appointed, and
from whom, in times of peril and danger must be chosen
the men who are to be the saviours of the country, the
avengers of its wrongs, and its protectors against opines-
stun ; in short, in whom reside all the talent, all the
energy, all the riches, and all the power of the nation ?
(Cheers.)
But if they will madly persist in their resistance to this act
of justice to the people, it is plain that they will not long
have to deal with a lawless mob, but that the standard of
revolt will be unfurled in every part of the empire.—
(Loud cheers.) The universal people of these realms will
appeal from reason to the sword, and convulsively wrest
their rights from tyranny and oppression. Mr. L. con-
cluded amid tremendous cheering by reading the resolution."
—Morniny Chronicle.

The Bishops are " catching it" in all quarters.
A( a great Surrey meeting on Thursday their oppo-
sition to the liberties of the people formed the lead-
ing topic of reproach—at almost all other meetings
such likewise has been the case—in several of the
ward and parish meetings it has been strongly sug-
ges!ed that whenever any of them shall present
themselves to preach, the congregation should imme-
diately leave the church—and, finally, we have now
before us a copy of a requisition to the church-
wardens of St. James's, Clerkenwell,respectfully re-
questing, in consequence of the irreligious conduct of
the Bishops, in respect to the Reform Bill, that they

(the Bishops) shall not be again solicited to
in the churches of that parish To use
guage of an evening cotemporary (The .
is, " in all these meetings, a spirit of set
cided repugnance to the Episcopal Bench
" inadvertent" vote on the Reform question,
men of Birmingham hold the same langur
men of Newcastle; the men of the
with those of the North ; Ireland lo
with Scotland ; all cla-ses, in short,
out the three kingdoms ere equally strc'
their reprobation of the officious—we mieh
add, the unwarrantable—conduct of thr
We do not mention these things for the
holding up the Bishops to an additional port
well-merited opprobium which has resuli
their conduct; but as a persuasive to do v.',
Grey counselled them to do—" to set their
in order"—to prepare to meet the storm,
which they are about to be visited, by a

P

course of living than they have hitherto .
and abstaining in any interference in matters
do not concern them. There have bee
hope there still are, many good and pious
whose affections were not set on the
this world—who, in the true spirit of
►,ons of the church, did not spend its
" in costly building.:, in sumptuous
pomps, in feasting and banqueting in
wantonness in enriching of kinsfolk, and
hounds," as the venerable Dean Colet ha'
but retaining " one part for themselves
household, gave another to their poorer
—a third to the repair and upholding of
ments, and the fourth to the poor;"
sadly have the times changed, " how has ;,
become dim, and the fine gold as nothing!
Bishops have become in a mariner "Princes
earth"—they rarely intertningle with the
clergy of the Church, or the flocks
which the charge has been committed to
while to their spiritual comfort we fear
fewer to be fdund ministring in the
than at any former period. The causes Of
lancholy declension are not peculiar to the
any more than to any other men similailY
stanced. They are to be found in their fillse
as legislators in secular matters, and in t
grown wealth; and until their lute&
former has been got rid of, and the latter
divided among the poor, but working der
that there is no hope of that thorough
which is now called for from one end of the
to the other.—Morning Advertiser.

ft
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cited to r •.
o use the
Phe Sun)t' 1- -I,
of settle W
in
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p estioc. imilslS,
inguage al ANTS.'..
the Saudi re„er
id keeps p, for In„
hort thrr beet)
t 4h,„, ale
' strenuou•ks— atm.
[?, might 011 t .1
. the 13:sk '4', MA
the pure jet. letter
il portion v,iect, f
resulted Ift sa,was
I do what ping e eff
et their 11°i'Poltrieog
e storm' • falil_,ll
by a more rt)tai "
h. elc
herto pii'*no4,l,d
Placers ,fhtviihicl
been, and,,ktlat thi
pious'Biete, lifi4,;`,)
the thieck,''or
'herb:
rit of thetit
I its reve eartilait;
us ap pa lel 1:‘ Idlllt.,
in exeee, 444 INel islo,
and keee't,,,. ear,,61,°,4,
tlet bath I'Lltl,-;„tt4 oti:e
!Ives anti t'—*,ecl-Tol
over Cierglei,°,4l;4l
of their 11,4tfAechit,c)r :
but, alas 1 11,04T,latei'
tw has tbei,ft,Pyitarp,c
)thing !" e:t)iriii.tß,,tt,4)
Princes 0' ...),h4,,,rie
it h the I)°, testae 'i
is generaOt t,S
ted to thettblatkit
fear there ::
he present
f1kt1441,!,a,
ises of rili°„Pt,reti
to the Vi''',,,i44l,ednee
icll
mils' ly eir,cioktir'the'iorrl
it false 11°.0(6 'ti444ot
in their: Itt.Vh,,
er feretice P,rllti:e ost3
fitter beef' fAkijikeiltatlik
clergy' ".ii,to4t-,e'aatC
Jgh reforflilkj4tY's ;1,,
1, he "
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ENNA. , 10,,:he I
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to say, ir.o. Istr. Nil
irt of tbre i el' Met
ming 01 ry.
t 100 The,
roe 0, .1, f , ,.
3 : and tb tii"4, Me
t, not CO 1)1 ite th
ate' ii ' 4 fora
SOIIS tllif -.4i
' been 10,4 401,
re. Sidpros" ,
f
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e cholera „; f,
aiparativelf ''')(--..,..„,,
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nd surrouty f ,
wide glaciit,e: ~
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should nos e9-.4•4/V,ti'd
lipletely 1141:1,,at ,
1 u wever, iljt-141,1)„rZe,
beet itart °', -':!ct
oaart
ea
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;. RileUo SilrY
revdile, of t titiot,!
le, too, it t!kilia
,at jr, sAe,' ,oti,:.
4 in Eurel;
ich constitt','N,,,.......
n tiled. P Gq b
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ITEHEAP. ,; -u,c, or
and thit!);'f t),..t.i,,,A.1
Ilford, 10'`C.,t tilg qLet
ce t„'ict at
person 9, ~,,t h, ti,.,
ist saturaNv 'Nit()
As it o.° ‘1 l''"ol'
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