The Sun.
London, England, 1849-08-14 00:00:00

THE SUN, LON DON, TrIMDAY EVENING, AUGUST 14, 1849.

PARLIAMENTARY AND FINAN-

CIAL REFORM ASSOCIATION.

The first aggregate meeting of the Metropolitan Par-
liamentary and Financial Reform Association was hk Id
last night within the walls of Drury lane Theatre. The
vast edifice was crowded to the roof; and additional ac-
commodation was provided for several hundreds of per-
sons at the back of the stage and behind the speakers.
A considerable number of ladies occupied seats in the
boxes and pit. The arrangements for the preservation
of order was enforced by a number of stewards wearing
rosettes and carrying wands. The chair was taken at
seven o'clock by Sir Joshua Walmsley, M.P., President
of the Association. Among the members and friends
of the association upon the platform were Lord Nugent,
M.P., Lord Dudley Stuart, M.P., Mr. C. Lushingtoa,
M.P., Mr. F. O'Connor, M.P., Mr. G. Thompson, M.P.,
Count Pnlski, the Rev. T. Spencer, M.A., Sir F.
Knowles, Bart. ; Mr. C. Gilpin, Professor Maham,
Oberlin College, Ohio, United States; T. Price, LL.D.,
Mr. S. Ilarford, &c., &c.
The CHAIRMAN, in opening the business of the meet-
ing, read the following letter from Mr. Cobden, M.P.,
expressing his regret at being unable to attend the
meeting:— _ .

"Eastbourne, Sussex, Aug. 7.
" Sir,—Will you be good enough to express to the
committee my regret that absence from town will pre-
vent my being present at the next meeting of the Metro-
politan and Parliamentary Reform Association? You
have many years of good work before you, and it will
not, therefore, be amiss to keep an army of reserve for
another campaign. In the mean time you are doing
battle heroically, and
"I remain, Sir, your obedient servant,
"E. Whitty, Esq. RICHARD COBDEN."
A similar letter of apology was read from Mr.
Hume, M.P.
The CHAIRMAN then" said, that amongst the various
subjects of congratulation arising out of the present
brilliant and important meeting, not the least significant
was the presence of so unusual a number of their fel-
low-countrywomen.—(Cheers.) It was an evidence of
the rectitude of their principles and the peacefulness of
their policy, and it spoke volumes in favour of their
early, signal, and complete success. He only echoed
the sentiment of every gentleman present when he
thanked them gratefully ter their countenance.—
(Loud cheers.) It was honourable to the metropolis
that this association had so rapidly developed the neces-
sity of uniting all classes in the attainment of a large,
substantial, and permanent measure of reform. In the
short space of six months they had succeeded in inspir •
ing confidence -where distrust formerly existed, in unit-
ing those who had long been alienated, and in giving
form and consistency to the demand for civil rights; and
from their present place of meeting might go forth a na-
tional rallying cry which would end in the extinction of
abuses and the elevation of the masses to the rights of
citizenship.—(Cheers.) For this early efficiency they
were indebted to the zealous, untiring, and earnest
labours of their Council. They were told the middle
classes were apathetic, and the masses chilled into indif-
ference. They applied the test of public meetings to the
assumed fact, and the result had been that no building
had yet been found sufficiently capacious to receive the
thousands who bad thronged to give their adhesion to
the cause of freedom and advancement.—(Cheers.)
But the great feature that distinguished the
present movement from all others in the his
tory of political agitation was the momentous
fact that the link was broken, and, thus separated, the
two great classes had again been welded firmly, ann
he trusted for ever, for the just purposes of social and
political elevation.—(Cheers.) By means of this union
the association had already become a " great fact,"—
(Checrs)—but to be really powerful for good the sphere
of its labours must be extended, its members zealous in
the support of their opinions, and the principles for
which they were associated, carried out in a fearless and
uncompromising spirit. The objects they sought were
worthy of the effort. They would emancipate their
fellow-men, restore the spirit of the constitution, place
property on a sale and permanent basis, and make that
a fact which had hitherto been purely a fiction, by caus-
ing the institutions of the country to live in the breasts
and affections of the people.—(Cheers.) At present
their politiaal existence was a perpetual turmoil, un-
suited to the habits and genius of the people.—(Hear,
hear.) The masses throughout the country were every-
where sullen and discontented. The middle classes
groaned under the pressure of unequal and unneces-
sary taxation.—(Cheers.) There was an antagonism
between the people and their representatives of so
extraordinary a character, that no great social or po-
litical amelioration could be achieved without an or-
ganized agitation, destructive alike to the time, the
Means, and the energies of the country.—(Hear, and
cheers.) A glance at the Parliamentary history of this
country would convince the most sceptical of the notes
shy for a thorough reform of the representative system.
The only great national measure which received the
sanction of the Legislature during the entire of the last
session was that crowning act of tree trade, the repeal of
the navigation-laws—(Cheers)—nor did this arise from
Want of exertion on the part at the Members representing
large constituences. Mr. Cobden's motion for placing
the warlike establishments of the country on the basis of
1835, after 20 years of peace, and thus saving 10,000,0001.,
was rejected by 275 to 78 ; Mr. Hume's motion for the
amendment of the national r« presentation by 268 to 82;
Mr. Berkeley's, for the ballot, by 136 to 85. Air. O'Con-
nor's motion for the Charter met a similar fate, and was
thrown out by 224 to 15. Nor was Mr. Osborne's

motion for a Committee to Inquire into the Irish State
Church viewed with more favour ; it was refused by
170 to 103. In fact, every measure to relieve the
burdens or elevate the conditi,n of the people was
treated as visionary and out of place, and would con-
tinue to be so treated until the House of Commons became
not only in name, but in reality the Commons' House.
lie would conclude by reminding them that there
were few objects of higher, purer, or more ennobling in-
terest than those for which they associated. It was for
them to de!ermine whether they would continue to allow
a territorial oligarchy to subvert the entire spirit of the
constitution, or whether by the exertion of their moral
Power they would vindicate the majesty of the people,
and insure peace, happiness, and contentment to every
Portion of the empire.—(Loud cheers.)
The report was then read by Mr. G. THOMPSON. We
extract the following passag.si—
" It is with the utmost gratification that the Council
have to announce to the first aggregate meeting of mem-
bers the indisputable success of the association.
" After repeated deliberations, and having consulted
With the leaders of all classes of reformers, it was re-
Solved to advocate the following reforms:—
" 1. Such an extension of the franchise as will give to
every male occupier of a tenement, or any portiou of a
tenement, for which he shall be rated, or shall have
tclaimed to be rated, to the relief of the poor, the right to
oe registered as an elector.
"2. The adoption of the system of voting by ballot.
" 3. The limitation of the duration of Parliament to
three years.
" 4. Such a change in the arrangement of the electoral
districts as shall produce a more equal apportionment

of representatives to constituents.
5. The abolition of the property qualification for
Members of Parliament. _. . .. .

" The plan of agitation hitherto pursued has been to
visit in succession the various boroughs ; and public
meetings have been held in Lambeth, Finsbury, Mary-
"one, the Tower Hamlets, Greenwich, Southwark,
and West London ; -which, with the meeting now held
in Westminster, will include every section of the me-
tropolis.
" With a desire not to exaggerate, the Council can
really
safely assert that they have been everywhere enthu-ias-
greeted by crowded assemblies, held invariably
11 the largest buildings available in the localities.
401" It Would be idle to attempt to conceal that much of
the success which waits to reward the persevering efforts
of this association must be the result of the individual
exertions of the people. Two great practical modes of
action should be ever borne in mind—the existing
registers must be closely watched and purified ; the
e''unty constituents must be enlarged by the vigorous
and simultaneous working, in every locality, of freehold
qualification societies.

" In this movement the men of Birmingham set the
example, which was speedily followed by the midland
Counties. In Manchester, and in almost all the other
large towns, freehold land and building societies have
also been formed; whilst in the metropolis this Council
has aided in the establishment of one for the emancipa-
tion of the home counties. By the aid of these societies
the 403. franchise is brought within the reach of every
industrious man placed above the struggle for the merest
necessaries of life. A judicious investment of 201., which
may be subscribed at the rate of Is. a week, will thus se-
cure an annual return to the subscriber of at least 10 per
Cent. upon his outlay, and place him upon the register
for the county in which bis qualification is situated.
"The amount of individual aid thus brought to the
common cause will be the fairest test of the sincerity and
Public spirit of the great body of reformers; and the
vigour which the freehold qualification movement has
hitherto displayed affords every reason for a confident
expectation that it will constitute one of the most
efficient means for the attainment of political rights.
" The movement having now become a fact of unequi-
vocal import, and having insured the support of the me-
Ls and its environs, the Council, in obedience to the
necessity of its position, and in compliance with repeated
Invitations from many of the largest provincial towns, no
,r.'nger hesitates to extend the operations of the associa-
"on to the whole kingdom. Its scope, like its object is
"lightened
national ; and the Council earnestly calls upon the
"lightened reformers in all parts of the country to unite
with this great movement for the extension of popular
right=_—(Cheers.)
sel.:reTeoly accomplish the objects of the association it needs
to be said that a large amount of pecuniary aid
has now become indispensable. Small subscriptions, if
universally contributed, will suffice, but it is necessary
that the Council should be furnished with adequate
ttleans of competing with the compact body of their in-
terested opponents, who will cling to the abuses by which
they profit till the united efforts of an earnest and in-
dignant people shall enforce their relinquishment.
It is not within the object of the present report to
dilate upon the results of the proposed change; but the
,Council cannot conclude without reiterating their con-
'Weed belief that it will tend to the preservation of our
most valuable institutions, give stability and protection
to property, elevate and improve the condition of all
classes of the people, and consequently raise the king..
apm to a height of prosperity and grandeur which, amidst
all its successes, it has never yet attained."
Mr. C. LUSHINGTON said, he regretted the absence of
:1-Lime who, it had been arranged, should first have
iia addressed the meeting to night; but this privation, as he
him sure every one present would feel it, would enable
a cordial tribute to the transcendent merits
of_ thtnot peaxycellent man and admirable statesman.—(Hear,
"ear.) Mr. Hume commenced his career at a time
hen, ticcording to the prejudices of the day, to aavo•
eftai.ttse__ reform was almost to contend for treason, but,
although lie was reviled by the enemies of reform, he

pursued his course steadily, and had succeeded in con-
ferring upon his country inestimable benefits by the ex-
tinc:ion of abuses and the reduction of the national ex-
penditure. Their gratitude was, therefore, essen-
tially due to that venerable and consistent reformer. A
public complimeet was already paid to that Hon. Gentle-
man by a particular seat being reserved for him in the
House of Commons into which no other Member in-
truded; and when nature should assert her stern and
final decree he (Mr. Lushington) felt convinced that a
niche would be assigned him in the temple of public
gratitude, where the memory of his patriotic deeds
would be consecrated and embalmed.—(Cheers.) He
(Mr. Lushington) would now turn to the immediate
business of the evening. He believed this was the last
metropolitan district which bad been visited by the Fi-
nancial Rerorm Association; but the Council of that as•
sociation knew that there was in Westminster an appe-
tite for reform of insatiable voracity.—(Laughter and
cheers.) He considered that the Conncil bad laid down
an admirable plan of operations, and he rejoiced that
there had been a union of sentiment and exertion upon
this question on the part of various sections of the
community entertaining different political opinions—a
union which be believed no machinations of the enemies
of freedom could successfully resist.—(Loud cheers.)
The middle classes and the great body of the
artizans of this country had proclaimed the approaching
doom of that offensive and detestable exclusiveness which
had hitherto deprived a great proportion of the people of
their proper share in the representation. Was not such a
combination required? How were the people repre-
sented in the House of Commons?—(A Voice—" Not at
ell.”)—(Laughter and cheers.) Where were the friends
of the people in that House? He believed the largest
number of Members who had voted in favour of any one
reform question had been only 84; and motion after
motion fir reform bad been negatived by large majori-
ties. Of 850,000 electors in this country only 1-17th
belonged to the industrial classes; and he thought this
was a state of things which ought to be remedied. The
fact was that the representation of the House of Com-
mons was a mockery; and the people, having no voice
in the representation, could exercise no control over the
expenditure which was met from that taxation to which
they were the chief contributors. Taking the annual
expenses of the nation at 56,000,0001., the working
classes were required to contribute 32,000,0001. of that
amount. Under the present system the constitutional
right of the people not to be taxed without their own
consent was constantly violated. At the period of the
American war Lord Chancellor Camden enunciated this
magnificent principle, " Taxation and representation
are inseparably united. God has joined them; no
British Parliament can put them asunder. Taxation
and representation are inseparable; it is one of the laws
of nature that whatever is a man's own is absolutely his
own; no man has a right to take it without the consent
of the possessor, expressed either by himself or his re-
presentative, and whoever attempts to do so commits an
injury and a robbery."—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now,
it was an incontestable fact that the people of this
country were not representsd—(Hear, hear)—neverthe-
less they were taxed.—(Laughter and cheers.) There-
fore, as Lord Camden said, they were robbed, because
they were not allowed to exercise that control over the
public expenditure to which they were entitled by every
principle of justice. Seven-eighths of the Members of
the House of Commons were, he believed, altogether op-
posed to aey reform. He (Mr. Lushington) had fre-
quently been in minorities of eighteen or twenty upon
questions of reform; and he believed the smallest num-
ber with which he had voted was upon the " People's
Charter."—(Loud cheers, renewed and continued for
some moments.) On that occasion only thirteen Members,
besides the two tellers, supported the motion—(Cries of
" Shame, shame!")—but in that baker's dozen he

was numbered, along with Mr. Hume, and several Hon.
gentlemen who were present on this occasion.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers.) He held in his hand a list of 21
propositions for reform submitted to the House of Com-
mons, every one of which had been negatived by large
majorities.—(Cries of " Shame!") The people, then,
were not duly represented; they were left to writhe in
compulsory submission to aggravated abuses, flagrant
but unacknowledged, iniquitous but unredressed. The
Prime Minister derided the idea of reform—(Cries of
" Oh !" and groans)—and seven eighths of the House of
Commons opposed every emendatory measure. What
then was the remedy for this state of things? They
could not rely upon the House of Commons—(Hear.
hear) they must rely upon themselves.— (Cheers.)
They must secure an amendment and reform of thy
electoral tranchise; they must have universal suffrage.
—(Loud cheering, which was prolonged for some
moments.) Universal suffrage was proffered to them
by the Finance Association, purified to a small extent
merely to protect it from abuse—from the invasion
of the common beggar and the common vagabond.—
(A voice—" Where's the rights o' man?"—Laughter
and cheers.) But while they got universal suffrage
they must also secure the privileges of the ballot.
(Cheers) How had universal suffrage operated in
America? It had established peace among the people,
and had given universal satisfaction. They never heard
of seditious tumults or disturbances against the Govern
merit of the United States, because there the people were
their own governors, and would not attempt to destro)
their own authority. Then let them look at France.
—(A. cry of " Rome," followed by hisses and groans.)
He did not wish to go into the question, but merely to
express his opinion that the exercise of universal hUi-
?rage had preserved France from much evil.—(Hear.)
lie called upon them to persevere steadily in carrying
on their object, avoiding the minutest infraction of thy
law, and they would then confound their enemies, wh,
might be still endeavouring to entrap and to punish
them.—(Hear, hear.) The honest declaration of public
opinion, enunciated calmly, and according to the dictates
of the law, could not be battered down by artillery—
(Hear)—no six pounders would lurk in the suburbs; the
Horse Guards Blue would repose harmlessly in their
barracks—(A laugh)—and the people would achieve
complete success, because their sovereignty and their
rights would be constitutionally vindicated. He might
conclude by observing, with reference to the' scheme for
purchasing 40s. freeholds in counties, that he was glad
a society had been formed to sy cure to artisans and to
the industrious classes the means of obtaining by that
means votes in counties, and that he hoped the plan
would be encouraged by those who had the power of
promoting it.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
The Rev. T. SPENCER observed, such was the powet
of corruption, that no Prime Minister could remove great
evils without the assistance of popular opinion.—(Hear,
hear.) If they looked to the past, they would find that
every great measure brought to a successful issue by the
Government of the day had been carried by the assis-
tance of the people at meetings of this kind; and he
therefore took courage for the future, and believed the
great work upon which they had now entered would in a
few years be perfectly accomplished. Sir Robert Peel
had rejoiced at the repeal of the corn-laws, and had
attributed to that measure the escape of this country
from revolution; but there were other dangers by which
the country was threatened besides the want of free
trade. He considered that the great danger to this
country, and perhaps to every country in Europe, arose
from excessive taxation, and the monopoly of legislation.
—(Hear, hear.) They ought to apply to Government
the principle of buying in the cheapest market. The

Emperor of Austria had an expensive government, but
it was not a good one; the United States had a cheap
government, and it was a good one.—(Laughter.) Ii
was quite unnecessary to spend 54,000,0001. a year
upon the government of this country.—(Hear.) The
President of the United States received 5,0001. a year,
and the Secretaries of State 1,0001. a year each, and they
did their duty quite as well as Lord J. Russell— (Laughter
and groans)—or any minister of state in Great Britain.
Ile (Mr. Spencer) did not mean to say be would reduce
the salaries of the Ministers of this country to the
amount of those paid in America--(A voice " I would,
though," laughter)—and he thought the public expen-
diture in that respect might be very considerably di-
minished. He considered that there was no good reason
for giving Queen Adelaide 100,0001. a year!—(" Oh, oh"
and a laugh)—for allowing Lord Brougham 5,0001.
a year—(Laughter)—and for giving to descendants of
the illegitimate children of Charles 11. large sums of
public money.—(Cheers.) He was convinced that, un-
less a reduction of taxation was effected, they could not
look forward to a continuance of peace in this country.
—(A voice, " What about the bishops?") Then there
was also the danger arising from the discontent of every
man who had not a vote. It was not in human nature
for six men out of every seven to stand by at an
election and see themselves counted for nothing.
—(Hear, hear.) These two objects were united
by the Financial Reform Association, and he
(Mr. Spencer), therefore, commended it to their support.
He might be told that, as a clergyman, he ought to re-
commend every man to be quiet and contented, and not
to " meddle with those that are given to change," and
that it was his duty to preach peace and good-will among
men. Well, he believed the course he took was the best
mode of fulfilling that mission.—(Hear, hear, and
cheers.) He never felt that he was doing his Master's
work so much as when he was endeavouring to diminish
the sum of human misery—(Hear, hear)—and he be
lieved the will of Almighty God was the happiness of all
to t
fih
lel t
thh ee made r t
sm ewn
int)? t
jt oo
y and starve,
gol
ardtioi e
sbse, sgliavvi en sg,
men;b
ut
them all things richly to enjoy; and that his will was
that the Government should live for the people, and not
that the people should live for the Government.—(Hear,
bear.) One of the " powers ordained of God" in this
country was the House of Commons, which was sup-
posed to represent the people at large; but the working
men, and the taxpaying men, who created the wealth of
the country, were not the persons who elected the
House of Commons. That House was indeed filled with
naval and military officers, pensioners, and the sons
of the nobility, and it represented anything rather
than the Commons of the realm. Lord J. Russell had
said that the people had no right to universal suffrage,
although they had the right to be well governed. That
Noble Lord, however, seemed to forget that a great deal
dep
whatended goodupon
gthUeveprenrrnsoennst who s
;haadndtoasaansmweemr
member
re ques-
tionoithearistocracy the Noble Lord might think that it was
enough it one person in every four, five, or six possessed
the elective franchise. But the question was, what the
people of England would think? He was in the United
States some time ago, and he had never seen a country
so peaceful as that, or a set of men so bearing the marks
of self-respect, independence, end manly bearing. He
had seen elections at New ork and Boston, and so quiet
and orderly were the people, that unless he had been
told, he should not have known that elections were in
progress. Well, then, as universal suffrage and vote by
ballot were working so well in America, why should they
not work well bere?—(Hear.) Were the people of this
country inferior to those of America? did they not come
from us? A few years ago the directors of railways ob-
jected to expressions of opinion on the part of share-
holders respecting the management of their affairs.
They said, " Let us alone; we will manage the railway
property for you.—(A laugh.) If you put a question to
us we will resign." Well, the shareholders were good
' boys, and did not interfere. But, by and bye, it was
discoTered these aneu had played the rogue, sad the

shareholders fouhd it necessary to take the management
of their affairs into their own hands. The people of
England were now the shareholders, and the aristocracy
were the railway directors, who said, " Leave us alone
to manage everything, and don't you interfere." But
the people had found that they did not manage very
well, and they were determined to take their affairs into
their own hands. The working man was taxed 50 per
cent., the middle class 25 per cent. Now, they would
rather see every man pay according to his property. He
believed there was not a single working man who would
wish to escape all taxation—(Cheers)—and they were all
ready to pay their shilling when taxation should be ren-
dered fair and equal. He believed that if the people
would meet in such assemblies as the present, Govern•
ment would within two years say, " We cannot stop
them ; we will take the matter out of their hands; and
have it they shall.—(Tremendous cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN then introduced Lord Dudley Stuart,
whose presence he especially hailed, as a member of the
aristocracy who had stepped out of the ranks of his
order to aid the cause of the people.—(Loud cheers.)
Lord Dudley Stuart then presented himself, and was
greeted with enthusiastic and prolonged applause, which
was increased by a gentleman on the platform exclaiming
" three cheers for Hungary- when the vast audience en
masse, by shouts and waving of handkerchiefs, testified
their enthusiasm in the cause.
The CHAIRMAN here announced that Count Pub zky
was on the platform, and this again excited the enthu-
siastic cheering of the meeting.
Lord D. STUART proceeded, at length, to say that this
was, indeed, a great moment for him. The cheers which
the meeting had given, not for his own name, but for
that of Hungary—(Renewed cheers)—would resound
from the banks of the Thames to those of the Danube
and the Theiss; and he prayed that they might urge on
the gallant patriots—not in their struggle against op-
pression, but in their hour of triumphant victory.—
(Great applause.) But the meeting had not been as-
sembled to discuss any topics of foreign policy, although
the enthusiasm which reigned in their hearts for all who,
in whatever clime, were struggling for their rights,
had burst forth in a noble strain, and for a moment
diverted attention from the object of the evening.—
(Hear, hear.) It was not for him to return thanks for
that noble ebullition of feeling. The Honourable
Chairman had announced that there was present one of
Hungary's noblest patriots—(At this point the en-
thusiasm of the meeting was greatly increased by the
chairman pointing to Count Puhaki, who was forthwith
called in front of the stage, and accommodated with a
prominent seat)—who before they separated would
probably express his feelings at this noble episode
in so magnificent a meeting.—(Great applause.)
After the many eloquent speeches upon the
subject of financial and parliamentary reform,
both in and out of Parliament, and the able writings
that had been circulated upon it, he had not the vanity
to suppose he could adduce any new arguments in favour
of these important objects. But none were necessary.
Every person of reflection in the kingdom must feel that
financial reform was necessary, and that the means of
obtaining it lay through reform in Parliament.—(Hear,
hear.) What need of argument to show that financial
reform was required when every schoolboy was aware
that the expenditure of the country was now ten
millions greater than it was ten years ago.—(Cheers.)
The great evil of this country was excessive and
unequal taxation.—(Cheers.) The remedy for the evil
was Parliamentary Reform.—(Renewed cheers.) There
must be unequal conditions in every coantry. Every
person could not be rich or prosperous ; and no legisla
don could place a man in the receipt of a hundred a
year in as good a position, in a worldly sense, as a man
who enjoyed a thousand a year. But we need not
have a system of taxation pressing more hardly upon
the poor than upon the rich.—(Hear, hear.) We might
have a more equitable system ; we need not have every
article consumed by the poor highly taxed. By the as-
sistance of a league, similar to that which they were now
assembled to promote, the will of the people had been
made known, and the tax upon the staff of life got
rid of ; but there were other articles, consumed by the
poor, which were heavily taxed—tea, tobacco, beer
(through the malt tax), and light and air, through the
window-tax.—(Hear, hear.) And he was sorry to add
that, in the metropolis at least, water was also subjected
to a heavy tax—a tax which might not be paid to the
collector of the Government, but which was a grievance
that the inhabitants of the metropolis, and of most towns
in England, laboured under, and which he hoped, ere
long, would ,be removed.—(Hear, hear.) It was to re-
move grievances of this sort that the association
had been formed ; and, knowing that the
present meeting was to be held, he could not have been
satisfied with pointing to the votes he had given in the
House of Commons for the motions of Mr. Cobden and

.vlr. Hume. He therefore thoughtiil.-5;;;to;
present, being desirous of taking part in this great,
sound, and wholesome agitation. It was by agitation
hat all great ends were to be obtained, and by agitation
only, at least he trusted so, in this country. It was only
oy such agitation as this association would persevere
with that they could effect the purpose of relieving
the people from the crushing injustice of unequal
taxation. He had himself been a strenuous oppont nt of
the income-tax, and it might be said " if you mean
to take off such taxes as you have mentioned money
must be raised to meet the obligations of the country,
and you must come to direct taxation." It was' per
,ectly true that he had opposed the income-tax might
and main, but he had not opposed a property-tax.—
(Cheers.) He had not b.en told by the Government,
•• We will take off the window-tax, abolish the duty
upon tea or tobacco, to enable the poor man to buy his
comforts and necessaries at a cheap rate; but he had
',card them say, " We must have an income tax of
five per cent. to meet the necessities of the State."—
(Hear, hear.) Let it be remembered than an income-
,ax was not a property•tax; but he believed the
best thing that could be done for the people would
beeb
itios
bt,a ke
not
tex.—(lL ar, hear.)—He believed that the same amount
off
ffan thinecotamxee-stahxe, bhuatdan meeqnutiit(a)nbeled,praonpderteyss.
of money which was now raised could be raised by less
oppressive means. Reduce the duty upon tea, and the
revenue would be equal to its present amount, whilst the
poor would be benefited. It had been so with coffee.
The duty had been reduced, whilst the revenue derived
roar it was the same, if not greater. So it would be
wi h every other article which the poor consumed.—
(Hear, hear.) How, then, were they to urge
tinancial reform? By revolution, anarchy, and vio.
tence?—(Cries of "No, no.") Such a remedy would
be worse than the disease. The real remedy was Par-
oamentary Reform—(Hear)—for until the House of
Commons was made what it professed to be, a real re-
presentation of the people, it was vain to hope for any
amelioration in our condition. This, then, was what
the association proposed to effect. First, it would ex-
tend the suffrage by extending the right of voting to any
man who was rated, however small in amount, or who
chose to claim to be rated. He did not know how far
such an extension of the suffrage might give universal
satisfaction, but it would be a great and a most import
ant step towards improvement. It would at least effect
~,n,nelypuarpmoisneo—ritthyaot,f wthheeree
population,
electoral
and
twasbe non-
electors electors a large minority, places would be changed.
The ehctors would become the large majority, whilst
(hose excluded would be the minority; and after all, if
this was not found sufficient, it would not prevent the
people going further.— (Hear, hear.) Ho had always
been for progressive reform. Long ago he had voted for
what was called the Reform Bill. Now he voted for what
he called the Reform Bill of the present day, as proposed
by the Hon. Gentleman in the chair.—(Hear, hear.)
The next point demanded by the association was the
oallot, which might be called at once the greatest and
the least of the points. It was the greatest because the
most necessary, and the most important of all at the
present day ; perhaps it would be the least important
after all the others had been secured. Although he had
voted again and again for the ballot, and should do so
again whenver it was proposed, he confessed he did not
iike it. He did not like doing things in secret. He
might then be asked why he voted for it? He would
say why, for the same reason that he built a wall
round his garden—to keep out intruders. It was his
right to be secured; it was his right that no man should
come in and trespass upon his grounds to steal and carry
away that which belonged to him; and although he would
much rather not be put to the expense of building a wall
—although he had much rather it was not necessary to
protect the voter by the ballot, he was determined
that the voter should oe free. Therefore it was
necessary to afford the voter protection, and therefore
he voted for the ballot. The n..xt point of the asso-
ciation was that of shorter Parliaments. On this
point he had always entertained strong opinions—
stronger than those of many good and earnest Re-
formers. Nothing was more important than to have
short Parliaments. The people could net continue to
be properly represented without them, for if there was
all the extension of the suffrage that could be desired,
and they were protected both by their numbers and by
the device of the ballot from improper interference,
they would have no security that their representatives,
however fairly chosen, would continue properly for any
length of time to represent their opinions. Three years
was the time proposed by the association. Some per-
sons might think that too long ; but he said, "let us
try that first." The fourth point of the association was,
that of more equal electoral districts. It was not necessary
to explain in many words upon that point ; for who
could think it right or just that a city like Westminster
should have no more Members to represent it than a
little fishing town like Harwich, and other places of no
greater moment ? Upon all these points, then, he
agreed; and he was anxious to promote their being
passed into a law. He was also in favour of the other
point urged by the association—the abolition of the pro-
perty qualification.—(Hear, hear.) One word more re-
specting the association. It had for its object and its
effect to unite the working and the middle classes.
Henceforth they were united for a common object.
Union was strength; by union they would obtain their
object; and those who would attempt to sow disunion
among them were their greatest enemies.—(Hear, hear.)
Those who bound the different classes together, and
amalgamated them, as far as possible, all into one, were
a nation's greatest benefactors. But the greatest of all
its enemies,.; in his mind, were those who, by pro-
moting class legislation, gave to one class of the people
a right to be banded together in aversion and dislike to
another class, who established in a country discontent
and disunion, not as a transient evil, but as a lasting
and chronic malady. Therefore he honoured this asso-
ciation, and wished to support it, because it sought to
destroy all class legislation—all legislation for the benefit
of one set of men in the country and not for the benefit
of all. He was happy to do whatever lay in his
power, however humbly, to promote such good and
righteous ends; ar d sure he was that this great move-
ment, begun under the auspices under which it had ap-
peared—that was, emanating from the people, would
progress from day to day, from week to week, and from
month to month, until it became triumphant in the at-
tainment How soon
not foresee. Futurity was
ttahiantmmenitot of
be
ets -
h noble ob
eleeelodbj
wrept jn olowisond he might not lire to see these

great reforms wrought out. Yet he trusted they would
be achieved in a very short time, and that an impatient
people would not have lung to wait. But whether he
lived to see their triumph or not, if he had contributed
ever so little in promoting it, he might feel that he had
not dlogi, her lived in vain.—(Cheers.)
Lord NUGENT said this was the first occasion on
which it had been his good fortune to take part in the
proceedings of the Financial Reform Association. It
bad been said by a great man that " When bad men
conspire, good men must combine," and he thought they
ought now to sink all minor differences and combine to
make head against the corruption, the self-interest, and
the tyranny which was endeavouring to stop the course
of reform.—(Hear, hear.) He must confess that he did
not concur in one sentence of the report, which recom-
mended that the franchise should be thrown open to all
persons who paid even the smallest rates. Now, he was
an advocate of complete universal suffrage—(Great
cheering)—and he had never been able to see the common
sense of what was called a money qualification. Every
man who consumed bread contributed to the taxation of
the country; and so long as a duty was paid upon any
article which related to the produce or import of corn it
could not be said that bread was untaxed. He (Lord
Nugent) would act upon the maxim of Lord Camden,
which had been quoted to-night by Mr. Lushington—
that taxation without representation was robbery. He
(Lord Nugent) would call no man a robber, but he might
he permitted to say that if, with hie opinions, he ever
found himself in the House of Commons voting for a tax
or a grant of public money, and he was not prepared on
the same night to vote for universal suffrage, he would
certainly consider himself a thief and a robber.—(Great
laughter and cheering.) He could not understand bow a
property qualification bore upon the question of the suf-
frage. He knew that in the early period of our Parlia-
mentary constitution it was assumed that a money qua-
lification was a kind of test of a certain amount of in.
telligence and independence.—(Laughter.) The vote
was given for the intelligence and independence, the
money being only the test ; but now they did not look
to independence or intelligence in voters, but merely to
the money qualification.—(Hear, hear.) He differed
slightly, on the question of the ballot, from the Noble
Lord who had just addressed them—one who was noble
not only from the name he bore, but from the manner
in which he had associated that name with a noble
cause.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The Noble Lord
had said that if human nature were more nearly
advanced towards perfection, and if the difficulties
thrown in the way of independent voting were
less manifest and powerful, he would not be
disposed to adopt a system of secret voting He
(Lord Nugent) would not dislike secret voting even if
human nature were much nearer perfection than it was,
and.it no attempts were made to destroy the indepen-
dence of voters, and for this reason—Was the secret
kept by the voter when he put the ball into the ballot-
box an unmanly secret ? The voter had a right to
keep that secret, and no man was entitled to ask him
how he voted.—(Hear, hear.) If his opinions and prin-
ciples were asked, the voter would at once avow them ;
but if a candidate asked for his vote, he might reply,
" My vote is my property, to be given for the general
benefit, and I have as much right to put my ball in the
ballot-box without saying for whom I vote, as I have to
keep my will sealed.'—(Hear, hear.) The ballot had
been called unmanly and un-English, but it was no more
so, in his opinion, than the proceedings before grand
juries. He (Lord Nugent) had taken the oaths as a
grand juryman to keep secret his own and his fellows'
counsel ; and why was this done? To guarantee
the jurymen against corruption, oppression, or vio-
lence.—(Hear, and cheers.) It must not be said,
then, that the ballot was un-English or unmanly
until they were prepared to abandon trial by jury.—
(Hear.) It was most necessary that they should com-
bine at this time in support of liberal principles, because
they had to encounter a powerful opposite wn. The Whig
Government—(Loud groans and hisses)—opposed Par-
liamentary and financial reform, judicial reform, and
colonial reform—(Hear, hear, and hisses)—and with
such a Government the Liberal party could not act.—
(Cheers.) He did not wish to speak with disrespect of
absent persons, but he would allude to one member of
the Administration who had hitherto kept the character
of the Government from disgrace and degradation by
refusing to become an accomplice to the tyranny of other
powers of Europe.—(Cheers.) There was one who had
not allowed himself, either hastily or by mistake, to call
the most glorious struggle that had been made for cen-
turies
gl" a,,nthineswurairecbtieotvw,:enbuHt
uwnghaoryhaadndteArmusetdria.tLat
(Great cheering.) The meeting perhaps might not be
aware that Lord Palmerston, by his conduct, had raised
himself to the glory of being the subject of an intrigue
intended to cast him from his position.—(Hear, hear,
and shouts of " Shame!") At that very time an in-
trigue was proceeding—(Cries of " Shame!" and cheers)
—fostered by the criminals who had been ejected from
their own countries by revolutions—fostered by the Met-
ternichs—(Groans and cheers)—the object of which was
to undermine Lord Palmerston with his colleagues, and
to substitute in his place a Foreign Minister of a Met-
ternich choice—(Hisses and cheers)—who was thought
a more fitting associate for a Whig Ministry.—(" Hear,
hear," and cheers.) Why, then, did not Lord Palmer-
ston appeal to the people and throw himself upon them?
—(Loud cheers.) The period, perhaps, had not yet
arrived for such a step; but, if Lord Palmerston was
what he hoped and believed him to be, the time was not
far distant when they would see the result of the struggle
between the Noble Lord and his opponents. He (Lord
Nugent) would say—" Up with Lord Palmerston,
and down with intriguers."—(A cheer was called for and
given for Lord Palmerston, and immediately afterwards
three hearty cheers were given for ‘• Gallant Hungary.")
The Noble Lord in conclusion exhorted the meeting not
to forget the cause they had tonight met to promote,
but to recollect that it was the beginning of a combina-
tion which they must carry out with determined per
severance until they had obtained entire Radical uni-
versal reform.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. E. Mull, considered that every subject of the
realm, contributing to the support of its civil and political
institutions, was entitled at least to an elementary share
of political power; and he therefore gave in his humble
but hearty adhesion to this movement. After a few
other observations, which were delivered in a low tone,
and were inaudible to the great body of the meeting, the
impatient interruptions of the audience in the upper
boxes and galleries prevented Mr. Miall from proceeding;
and, after expressing his full concurrence in the objects
of the association, he resumed his seat.

Mr. F. O'Cosmon, M.P., was received with rapturous
cheering by the Chartist portion of the assembly. He
said he supposed be might regard the present assemi-ly
in Drury-lane as " Lord John's bespeak "—(Cheers and
laughter)—because the Noble Lord said, at the close of
the session, that he was always prepared to yield to the
pressure from without. He was delighted to see the
present assembly. He would not have fraternised with
mere wealthy men, because he would not co operate
with money-jobbers any more than with land-jobbers;
but be liked to see the fraternisation of mental and
manual labour.—(Cheers.) He was glad to find that
their chairman, and the other members of the associa-
tion, had taken the greater portion of the five points
of the Charter; and he hoped they would at last
think that every one of the six points depended upon
ehni si
uf r
pi friendsa omne
n thet; pb luatt fhoor mw
were
eoruel d t lui ke
the other.—(Great cheering from the Chartists.) For
ee
toxasmeeplwe'osrokminegomf
y
to get there without the payment of members 2
(Cheers.) He rejoiced it would go forth that there were
now no differences between the middle and working
classes, and that they were determined to unite to obtain
the justice that had so long been withheld from them.—
(Cheers.) He had laboured long, incessantly, and
ardently, fur the purpose of procuring something for the
people, and if from vanity and ambition he were to tell
them that this association would do nothing for them, he
should mislead them. He told them to get what the
association were striving for, and then they might carry
the rest afterwards if they pleased. He saw happy days
for England in the prospect now before him. Political
parties were divided now, not into Whigs Tories, and
Radicals, but into Liberals and Illiberals. A small
minority should no longer control the will of the over-
whelming majority. The Chartists had never thought
of war and bloodshed, although Lord John Russell
and Sir George Grey had tried to force them into war.
—(Hisses.) Where was the class of people who had
so strong an interest in the_ preservation of the peace
as the working classes ?—(Hear, hear.) He wanted
the association to develop the labour question, be
cause by the profitable cultivation of the soil and by
developing the resources of the country a working man
ought to receive 30s. or 40s. a day instead of ss. or 6s.—
(Cheers and interruption.) He was happy to see the
present combination of parties, and the prospect of see-
ing the people's grievances redressed. He trusted that
many quarters against
, and that the more tthh
thee
workingevil
prejudices
classes e tso rutladi n:
an
n snh
in-
fluential members of the association felt that they would
be better represented if the working classes were allowed
to vote for Members of Parliament —(Cheers.) He
regarded the present meeting as a fair representation of
the mind of the working and middle classes. He would
bury the past in oblivion, and with it all the persecu-
tions, and prosecutions, and slanders he had been ex-
posed to; and he would say he had not worked in vain
if he had brought about this happy combination be-
tween the veritable working and middle classes of Eng-
land.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. CLARK, the Chartist candidate for Reading, next
addressed the meeting.
GEORGE THOMPSON, Esq., M.P. for the Tower Ham-
lets, then came forward to address the meeting, and was
received with the most enthusiastic and rapturous ap-
plause. When the cheering had in some measure sub-
sided he said —Mr. Chairman, Ladies, and Gentlemen,
I have the satisfaction of informing you that I am the

last man.—(Laughter.) I am merely called up to pro
nounce the benediction, after the solemnization of this
alliance between the working and the middle classes to
night, in the cause of national reform; and, Sir, I can
only repeat what has been said by the last speaker, that
I congratulate you upon the proceedings of what I think
I may describe as an unprecedented assembly within the
United Kingdom. I believe there has never before
been such a gathering or exhibition of a collusion
of elements hitherto estranged the one from
the other. Now, ladies and gentlemen, I am going to
ask your permission to retire from this platform without
delivering any spoech.—(Loud cries of " No, no.") Well,
then, gentlemen, what must I say ?—[A voice—Tell
us something about Hungary.] A gentleman says,
" Tell us something about Hungary." Sir, I am sure
the exhibition to-night must have been sufficient to have
demonstrated to our Hungarian visitors here that there
beats in every British bosom a feeling of the most per-
fect sympathy with those noblemen who are struggling
for their rights in their native land. Sir, in the cause of
liberty we cannot help sympathising;with nil in every

clime who are struggling for the same object. We con-
gratulate ourselves upon the aspect of the world at large.
" There is a voice on every wave,
A sound on every sea,
The watchword of the brave,
The anthem of the free :
From steep to steep it rings
Through Europe's many climes,
A knell to despot Kings,
A sentence on their crimes.
Where'er a wind is rushing,
Where'er a stream is gushing,
The swelling sounds are heard
Of man to freeman calling,
Of broken fetters falling,
And like the carol of a cageless bird,
The bursting shouts of Freedom's rallying word."
(Cheers.) Well, Sir, let us, in the middle of all this couamo-
tion,congratulate ourselves that we are not obliged to resort
to the weapons which other oppressed nations are called
upon to use for the purpose of winning their just rights;
and let us not, in our aspirations after a larger measure
of political power than that which we have enjoyed, be
unmindful of the substantial blessings with which we are
favoured. We are thankful that we live in a country, in
the metropolis of which we can assemble as we have
done to-night; we are grateful that at least we have it
in our power to rebuke, from this platform, those who
are our rulers, and who, as we think, have not sympa-
thised as they ought to have done with the people whom
they govern. We are thankful that, though we have
not gained at present what I hope we shall speedily gain,
a removal of all taxes upon the spread of knowledge—
(Hear, hear)—yet at least there are the pens of ready
writers amongst us, who will multiply the speeches of
tonight, and cause what has been said hero to go forth
to the most distant portions of our empire, not only
stimulating the people of England, or the children bf
this soil in every other land wheresoever they are colo-
nised ; but I hope that one effect, flowing from this
movement, will be to lead the people of our colonies
firmly and sternly to maintain their rights, and to dis-
miss from their shores those that have been billeted
uopdon toexhaustionoverlshmeont—(
fthtiorudrecsohueercrsess
' Sir I venture to predict that our friends, the Whigs
ethe
them,
country'sto the
impoverishment.—(Loud
of reform for the next session ; but if no
—(Hisses and groans)—will be prepared with some

unless I am much mistaken, they will have to make
room for better men.—(Cheers.) My friend (Mr.
Clark) has alluded to the election at Reading. The
Government in London—the Treasury and the Reform
, Club—gave their countenance to a man without any
political character, who went to Reading with a sheet of
• white paper in his hand, and said, " Only let me be your
member, and I am anything you pleasel"—(Laughter.)
1 telt it my duty to take a bumble share in keeping
that man out of Parliament.—(Hear.) In so doing I
acted in co-operation with a very large section of the
Liberals of that town, who are prepared to tell the
Whigs, once for all, " Never more will we bow the
knee at your shrine. Send down, if you will, the
nominee of the Treasury, or the chosen candidate of the
Keform Club ; let him be a man refusing to acknow-
ledge the great principles advocated here to-night, and
we will either retuse our votes, although we shall be in
a minority of 150, or give them to a man who truly
represents the cause of the people."—(Cheers.) Well,
Sir, last week, as you know, in company with Mr.
Tindal Atkinson, I had the honour of attending a great
public meeting at Northampton as the representative of
the association, and what spectacle did 'I witness there?
Almost every leading—l will not call them Whigs—but
every leading Liberal was upon the'stage of that theatre,
which was crowded as we witness this house to-night,
and yet the Whig paper of that town did not not give a '
single name of the gentlemen upon the platform, com-
prising nearly all who take a leaning part in the elections
there, the editor, I suppose, being so startled with the
length and character of the list—(Laughter)—that he
did not insert a single name except that of myself and
the gentleman who accompanied me as a deputation.
Now, Sir, these are some of the signs of the times. They
are significant, and I say to those who have been accus-
tomed to manage elections that I believe it will come to
this, that unless they allow the earnest, and what are
called extreme Re:ormers to have a share in the se-
lection of candidates and in the conduct of elections,
mtheenyt must
supportingexp ectcatondfiinddatethsegiro
to
milkt-handw-water
an, Gdoviefrnit-
must be so for a time, to see even a whiskered Protec-

tionist going into Parliament., whose chief recom-
ment.atiun was, that he would have been an
admirable addition to Jullien's band.—(Cheers and
laughter.) Sir, since you placed yourself at the head of
this movement there has been more done to bring about
a friendly union between the working and middle classes
than was ever done before; and what result is that lead-
ing to? Why, to this, that the middle men will soon
begin to look upon the working men as being as good as
themselves, and us much entitled to the vote as they arc.
We shall not have to argue the justice of universal
suffrage by and bye, or to appeal in its behalf, or combat
with any prejudices against it. Let but the middle and
working classes be brought together, as they now aro,
and those who were opposed before to their admission to
the franchise will be the first to demand that it should
be extended to them. I was walking a few paces the
other day from my hotel at Reading, when a man came
up to me, and after apologising for addressing me,
proceeded to say that he was quite of my way
of thinking, which of course at once gained
him my willing ear.—(Laughter.) " But, ' said
he, " I quite agree with you, that tee franchise ought
not to uepend upon the amount of rent a man pays.
Yuu see," said he, " I just pays 35. 10d. a week, and be-
cause I only pays that suet, and nut 45., I aiut consi-
dered jutting, nt enough to vote; but," said he, " ii I
could only make up my mind to deny myself of a pot of
b er a week, to make up euther twopence, I should at
once be intelligent enough to give a vote for one of these
Members of Parliament. So you see it comes to this,
that it all lies in the 2d."—(Laughter and cheers.) And
really it does aillie in the twopence.—(Laughter) But the
absurdity of making a man's vote dependent upon those
vicissitudes in life which now place him in a house of
201. a year, and then reduce him to a garret or cellir at
at eighteenpence per week I say that absur-
dity has been most ably exposed to-night.—
(Rear, hear.) Sir, there is only one other observation
that I wish to address to the meeting. I grant you
that the suffrage is au important trust, and that the
franchise should be used wisely, but when I am told
of the ignorance of the people being a bar to their right
to the vote, I answer, while you deny them the fran-
chise, and the right of saying who shall be their repre
sentative once in every three, five, or seven years, you
yet allow them from das, to day, week to week, and year
to year, to exercise influence upon society, in comparison
with which the title to vote fur a representative in the
House of Commons is in,iguificant and contemptible.
—(Cheers.) Why, Sir, if the enfranchised classes of
this country were as ignorant and vicious as they
are described to be society could not hold together.—
(Hear.) Not all your policemen, nor all your bayonets,
our all your innumerable ball cartridges and sand-bags,
would ue sufficient to preserve the peace of this country
if such a statement were true. We have the vicious
amongst us, it is true, and temptations and
often misfortunes create men who are disobedient to
the laws of their country; but I contend there never
was a society in the world so prepared fur unlimited
suffrage as that to which we have the privilege of be-
longing.—(Loud and prolonged cheering.) In what
relationship is the man—a most important member of
society—in that of voting for a Member of Parliament,
or in his connexion as a father and a neighbour, in his
family or in his locality? Why, Sir, if there are mil-
lions of men in this country who are not fit to have the
franchise, there are millions who are not tit to be at
large.—(Hear.) Tell me that a man who is a trusty
porter, an honest shoprnan, a discreet and upright fore-
man, an ingenious mechanic, a toiling and thrifty weaver
—tell Me that that man is not competent, when candi •
dates have made their speeches and declared their prin-
ciples, and resorted to every imaginable means to make
themselves known, that that man is not competent to sly
which of tnose is must fitted to represent him in Par-
liament! Why, Sir, such an assertion is a libel upon
the industrious classes of this country. Sir, I saw at
Reading the other day a sight that nearly turned me sick.
There are a great number of men in that town
who have votes but are poor, and, I am sorry to say, very
corneutable.—(Laughter.) I saw those men, for my at-
tention was drawn to them, strutting about, bearing blue
banners, and having tickets in their hats, describing
them as "the messengers of Mr. 8.," or" the messengers
of Mr. S." Now, every one of those men had a vote,
and yet I fancy I did not see, in the countenance of one
out of had-a-dozen-of them, any symptoms of sagacity.
—tLaughter.) I mingled in the market-place and other
parts of Reading, with men not only of intelligent coun-
tenances, but highly intelligent minds, belonging
to the working classes of that town; and while these
drivelling and corrupt wretches were strutting through
the street, straggling after a band of music, or degrading
themselves by besting the standard of a candidate who
could say scarcely anything on the hustings, except that
he would merry one of the Reading ladies if they would
only elect him.—(Laughter.) I saw these intelligent
men shut out from the franchise. I went to
see the candidate brought in with bribes,
and the constituency overpowered by those
despicable elements, which exist in every town
of small dimensions, which are used by the candidates to
serve their own interests and purposes. I contend.
therefore, Sir, that to say that the people of this country
have not intelligence sufficient to exercise the franchise
is to calumniate them.—(Cheers.) But, Sir, the secret
of the opposition is, not that the aristocracy are afraid
of the people's ignorance, but that they dread their in-
telligence.—(Hear.) A man is never ignorant if he has
a vote.—(Hear.) As the candidates go round among
the most chaw.bacon men who happen to be electors,
then bow " intelligent" they are!—(Laughter.) How
" independent " they become! Then, for the time, their
wives are angels and their children cherubs; and the
obsequious candidate will court a roan to-day whom, as
elected Member, he would not condescend to spit upon
to-morrow.—(Hear.) The audience which these candi-
dates most dislike is such an audience as you will collect
whenever you allow the people at large freely to attend
meetings; but let such an audience have confidence in
the man who speaks, or let them but know that they
have in that assembly a right equal to that of every
other man, and I, who have had twenty years' experi-
ence of the working classes of this country, am here to
declare that they are tee beau ideal of an audience for an
honest man to address.—(Loud cheers.) Sir, I am
glad
that the council of this association have taken the
resolve of malting this a national association.—(Hear.)
When When this fact was first stated to the immense
g
assembled at Northampton the other night,
(Cheers.)
0 siywas hailed
with universal and prolonged acelan tt
ulm7r of leading the
I foresee for this society the
honest and uncompromising Reformers of this country.
I am quite sure that if we put our shoulders to the
wheel during this recess—and I, for one, am willing to
aid the cause to the utmost of my power—(Loud
cheers)—we shall have the country universally with us.
......(Hear.) All previous reforms have helped to place
us OA ygoloige ground, lel t 110513 particular reforms

which are sought after by certai❑ sections of the com-
munity, inasmuch as they will be promoted by the
accomplishment of our object, will bring into our ranks
those who are associated with those reforms; for this
great movement is but a means to an end, and whether
it is that we want to remove that stupendous abuse, the
Established Church of Ireland—(Hear, hear)—or very
largely to reform the Established Church at home—
(Hear, hear)—or to reduce our taxation and equalise
our imposts—all who are in favour of any one of these
reforms will come to us; and inasmuch as it remains for
those particular sections of reformers to confine them-
selves to the publication of information, it is for this
society, by a grand organisation, to bring near the time
when there shall be a House willing to discuss all these
questions on their merits, without the necessity of having
costly agitations of fifteen or twenty years to carry
them. I say we shall, by this general and universal
amalgamation, carry the objects which we have in view.
Sir, again congratulating you upon the proud distinction
which you enjoy of becoming the head of this movement,
and this meeting upon the prevalence of an unanimity
most remarkable where there are so many diverse senti
meats, I shall take my seat; not, however, without
congratulating this meeting upon the fact that, with one
or two exceptions, the gentlemen highest in rank who
have occupied this platform have been most hearty in
their concurrence with the hitherto despised principles
of universal suffrage. Ladies and gentlemen, thanking
you, not only on behalf of myself, but of those who have
preceded me, for your patient and protracted attention,
let us now go away into our respective spheres to do
our duty; let us be zealously affected in this good work;
let us sow our seed in the full assurance that in due
time we shall reap, if we faint not.—(The Honourable
Gentleman resumed his seat amidst most enthusiastic
and prolonged applause.)
On the motion of Mr. W. WILLIAMS, late M.P. for
Coventry, a vote of thanks to the Chairman was then
passed; and a cheer (called for from the boxes) having
been given for Kossuth, the meeting broke up shortly
after eleven o'clock.

LOUIS BLANC'S JOURNAL.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
SlR,—The remarks you have made upon the letter
I thought it my duty to write in reference to your
notice of M. L. Blanc's Review require a few words
of answer. In the first place I leave your quotations
entirely to themselves. Although they might want
a context to be fully understood, even isolated as
they are, they cannot justify the severity of your
critic.

In the first passage, M. L. Blanc's intention is not
to establish an opposition between Socialism and
order, family and property; on the contrary, he ex-
presses his astonishment at his antagonists' preten•
sion : that those are incompatible. In the next pas-
sage the author merely enumerates the abuses of
matrimony, and where is the man possessing the least
experience of the world who will not vouch to the
truth of those remarks ?

The reference made to M. L. Blanc's political life
has, I regret to say, confirmed my former impression,
tbat your reviewer had allowed his mind to be biassed
by the false imputations circulated abroad on M. L.
Blanc's public character. I shall not here undertake
to repel those charges ; this I shall leave to himself ;
I will merely say that your allusion to his conduct on
the 15th of May is equally groundless as that made
to Barbes' alleged demand of a tax of a million upon
the rich.

As to your remarks upon myself, you might have
spared them, as altogether irrelevant to the object of
this unpleasant polemic. Although momentarily
separated from my friend, M. Louis Blanc, I have
thought it my duty, without even consulting with
him, to protest against what I still consider an unjust
attack. Besides my attachment to him as a friend
—a circumstance which I humbly admit is my sole
qualification to the office I have undertaken to fill—
my position as translator and editor was, I think,
sufficient to justify my presumption.
In conclusion, I beg to assure you that my name,
as editor of the New World, was never intended to
be made use of as an element of success. lam still,
it is true, on the threshold of my literary career, but
I cannot imagine how that circumstance can in any
degree injure a publication bearing on its title-page
the name of Louis Blanc, when the nature of my
position is avowedly almost restricted to that of a
mechanical translator.

I remain, Sir, your obedient servant,
F. R. TREHONNAIS.

August 13, 1849.

TESTIMONIAL
TO THE HUNGARIAN REFUGEES.

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OF EVERY NATION WHICH LOVES RIGHT AND Ll-
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