The Sun.
London, England, 1849-04-26 00:00:00

CALAMITIES ON BOARD STEAMERS.

Mr. J. O'CONNELL rose to ask the President of the
Board of Trade whether it is the intention of the Go-
vernment to bring in any measure so to regu!ate the
carriage of passengers in merchant vessels, between
various ports of the United Kingdom, as may prevent
the recurrence of such calamities as occurred en board
the Londonderry steamer? He would beg to ask the
President of the Board of Trade also whether his atten-
tion bad been drawn to an inquest which had been held
at Liverpool within the last few days in reference
to the loss of life which had happened on board the Bri
tannin steamer, during a gale of wind, when no less than
214 of the deck passengers were exposed to the greatest
distress and danger, many of them having bee❑ com-
pelled to take refuge on the paddle-boxes, and in conse-
quence of which exposure a woman and her child had
perished?
Mr. LABOUCHERE said he was happy to state that
the attention of the Government had been called to the
consequences of the overcrowding and the exposure of deck
passengers to the weather, on board of passenger boats
plying between Ireland and England, not only from the ca-
tastrophe which had occurred en board the Londonderry
but from other causes. The Government, however, were
desirous of not throwing any obstructions in the way of
the peasantry of Ireland coming over to England in
harvest time. Hitherto the power of limiting the num-
ber of passengers on board steam-vessels had only been
applied to river boats; and it could only be extended to
vessels sailing on the open sea after mature de'iberation.
He had, however, to state that the Government had sent
an officer down to Liverpool to institute an inquiry into
the circumstances connected with the case of the Bri-
tannia.

Mr. CARDWELL said it was his duty, on the part of
the parochial authorities at Liverpool, to express the
satisfaction which he felt at Captain Denham's having
been directed to icstitute that inquiry.
THE NEW HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Mr. B. COCHRANE roe to ask Mr. Greene whether
there was any probability of the House of Commons being
ready for the reception of Members by 'the session of
1850; whether it might not be ready if a Lager grant
were made for the purpose; what amount would enable
such to be effected; and whether a great ultimate saving
might not be obtained by a more libral grant during the
present year?
Mr. GREENE said, in reply to the first question, he
could only state,that the House itself might be rendered
fit for the occupation of Members, but all the various
offices connected with it could not be conveniently
finished. So far, therefore, as the House itself was con-
cerned, it could be conveniently used and occupied by
the Members. In answer to the second question
he had to say, perhaps the House might be
sufficiently finished, together with the libraries
and other offices, provided an additional sum, over that
which had been granted this year, to the amount of
about 50,0001., could be allowed possibly for that pur-
pose. With respect to the last question, there could h 2
doubt whatever that a very considerable saving might
be ultimately effected by going on with the works a little
more rapidly.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. COCHRANE would then ask the Noble Lord at
the head of the Government whether he would not con-
sider himself justified in proposing an increased grant for
the new House of Commons?
Lord J. RUSSELL said the amount of the grant
must be regulated very much by the expenditure of the
year.—(Laughter.)
THE RATE IN AID.

Lord J. RUSSELL said he would not be able to

bring on the Rate in Aid Bill this evening. What he
would propose was to postpone the Committee
on that Bill until to-morrow. He thought the
Bill should be taken the first thing to-morrow
on the orders of the day ; and if the House went
into Committee on the Bill on that day, he proposed
that the report be taken on Saturday. He
would then be able to put the third reading
first on the orders of the day on Monday. The question
was one of great emergency—(Hear, hear)—and be
trusted the House would agree to his proposal.
Mr. W. GRATTEN hoped the Hon. Gentleman
would not persevere at that crisis, and would withdraw
his motion.

Mr. SLANEY said he bad alrearly postponed the mo-
tion for the convenience of the Government, and he
thought it would be unfair to ask him again to do so,
unlesi a day were assigned to him on which he could
bring it on.

Sir R. PEEL said be was not sure whether or not he
had understood the Nohie Lord correctly. Be was,
therecre, d-sirous of knoiling if the withdrawal of the
motion would affect the position of the Bills fur the
Effectual Relief of Destitute Poor, and for Facilitating
the Sale of EneunViered Estates.

Lord J. RUSSELL replied that it would not.
Mr. BRIGHT said, the question of alleviating the con

dition of Ireland Iva; a great one at the present moment;
but he thought the Hon. Gentleman would meet with as
much littention on Friday, if he were to postpone his mo.
tion until that day, as he would to-night.—([Tear.)
Mr. SLANEY repeated that he would postpone the
motion if a day wag assigned to him on which he could
bring it on.
Mr. P. SCROPE urged the Hon. Gentleman to post-
pone his motion.
Lord J. RUSSELL said he could not fix a day. He
proposed to move the Rate in Aid Bill as it stood.
Mr. SLANEY said, looking at the feeling on both
sides of the House, he should postpone his motion, and
when he again brought it on he hope the House would
give him a fair and patient bearing.
MARITIME INTERCOURSE.

Mr. MACGREGOR postponed the following motion

I. That considering the magnitude of the maritime com.

merce of the British empire, and that no vessel or ship, with
a cargo, in ballast, or with passengers, can, when engaged
either in the coasting, colonial, or foreign trade, arrive at,
discharge, or take in a lading, or passengers, or depart from
any port in the United Kingdom, without the interference of
the officers and submitting to the regulations and laws of
the Uu)toms, it has become necessary for Parliament to take
into consideration the whole subject of the administration,
organization, management, and regulations of that depart-
ment :

2. That the friendly and peaceable relations, and reciprocal
social benefits, and commercial advantages between the
United Kingdom and all foreign countries, can be most
harmoniously and durably maintained by the maritime and
trading intercourse beini; rendered as free as the security of
the revenue may allow from all vexatious, ignorant, and
useless restrictions, delays, and expenses :
3. That with a view to facilitate maritime intercourse be •
tween British and all foreign ports, and to effect a direct re-
sponsibility of duties and efficiency of services in regard to
the security of the revenue, and the quick dispatch of the
commercial and shipping business of the United Kingdom, it
appears the following changes are absolutely necessary ;
First. A complete reform of the system of regulations,
orders, and management of the Customs.
Second. An abolition of the present administrative
organization of appointments, and especially that of
the iloard of Commissi,ners.
Third. That for the purposes of responsibility of duties,
the security of the revenue, and the quick and
efficient dispatch of ships and their cargoes, an efficient
re-arrangement of the personal organization of the
Customs' department appears necessary.
4. That considering the effect which the commerce and
the financial legislation of the United Kingdom have, at all
times, upon the employment of the people, the prosperity of
the empire, and the public revenue and credit, it appears
necessary to inquire into the progress of the trade AO navi-
gation between the United Kingdom and foreign countries,
and also between the United Kingdom and the Bri; ish pos-
sessions abroad, including India, from the sth day of January,
1827, to the sth day of January, 1849.
PACKET SERVICE.

On the motion of Mr. HENLEY, a Select Committee
was appointed to inquire into the contract p?cket service.
POOR RELIEF (IRELAND).
Lord J. RUSSELL then rose to move, pursuant to
notice for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Act for
the more effectual relict of the destitute poor in In land.
He had stated on a former occasion the nature of the
amendments he had intended to introduce himself.
What he had now to propose ho proposed on the
responsibility of the Government. The first and most
important alteration was the introduction of a maximum
both with regard to the rates upon each separate elec-
toral division and the rates upon all electoral divisions.
I-s provision, whatever its amount might be, he admitted
was contrary to the general principles of the
poor-law of that country, but it must be remem-
bered that in Ireland the attempt to carry out
the principle of the poor-law as in this country,
that of relieving pauperism by a rate in support
of the poor, and by a rate setting to work the able-
bodied poor, had been found to be productive of great
distress, and great scarcity, and such oppression on
the tenant farmer of the country and the property
of the country, and to create great alarm.
Such being the case, the Poor-law Commissioners had
considered whether it would not be desirable to propose
a maximum rate. That question had been considered
bya thex im uGmo v
ratee r n mo
uegnbt
taon
bd e
letnwfoarsc ethought
abtyh them
h e rt ehfaotr ea,
proposedm
ectorl
a bydi
division
nB
thatl was,
hadthat
i a supposingcll
rredpen
ex there
to oneth the
el
amount of 75., and that electoral division could
only pay 53, the other electoral division should
pay 23. in addition to their ordinary rates.
lie was told that it was objected to this proposal that it
wouldth be an inducement to electoral divisions to extend
btaseinctitohneaalidagisiivseinouby
erdierretxopoenditure to the full amount limited by the law in
on another a
lie celoduiltdionnaoltrahtoewoefv2esr.
think that that would b.
was obvious that if an the case because it
.electoral division were
enabled to support its poor with a 4s. rate there was
no inducement for them to
increase the rates to 75., in
order to obtain the trifling relief he bad
some other electoral division. Now, 0
m mentioned from
of opinion that it would be advisable to lay
persons were
the electoral division, which
should
not yhtahve rate upon
e raised a
certain amount, but he was afraid if that
were adopted, the result would nut be that which proposition
anxious to arriva at. While some electoral divisionsymwierhet
expend a sum beyond the rate of 75., there might h 3
other divisions where rates might be under 55., and yet
be able to support their own pauperism by having re-
course to a rigid system of economy; and it ap.
pearcd to him that it would be unfair to call
upon that division to contribute towards the

support of another that might not have been so careful
in its expenditure. It seemed to him, however, that the
guardians of the unions would have a certain controul
over the expenditure of each electoral division ; and of
course the guardians would take care that the
expenditure was regulated by the strictest economy
this proposal was widely different from a general rate in
aid extending over the whole of the country, because in
the case of a rate in aid there would be a difficulty in
controling the expenditure, which could not be
urged against this proposal, because the guardians
of the different unions would find it to their
interest to look sharply after the expenditure. The
main objection to this proposal was, that the dis-
tress of late years had so crippled the resources of many
unions, that s,-me of the electoral divisions were exceed-
ing a 7s. rate. The Ccmm;ttee, however, which had sat
upon the subject had fourd that this objection applied
only to the western divisions, and he thought it was
much better to adopt this proposal than have recourse to
unlimited rates in aid, ash gave security to the occupiers
and owners of land that these rates should never go
beyond a certain limit, and would have the effect
of inducing many parties to expend their capital
upon the land who were now deterred from
doing so by the fear of excessive rates. He pro-
posed, further, that the Poor-law Commissioners
should hare the power of settling and determining
the past liabilities of certain electoral divisions,
in contemplation of a new division of unions.
Upon this part of the subject a report
had been made by a commission appointed
last year. It was, however, impossille to adopt alp
the recommendations contained in that report, but he
might state generally that he was dispesed to
adopt the views contained in the report from time to time
as the Poor Law Commissioners should think fit. At the
same time he thought the question relating to the work•
houses might de disposed of now, and as far as they were
conceived he was prepared at once to adopt the opinion
of the report, that it would not be safe to make a. further
division of unions without accompanying such a
measure with a proposal for increasing the number of
workhouses.—(Hear, hear.) He proposed to introduce
a clause, the effect of which he had alluded to on a for-
mer occasion, namely, that the owners of land should
have power of deducting a portion of the rate
on account of his rent charges.— (Hear, hear)
He proposed to make an important alteration in the pro-
visions of the poor-law, with respect to the reduction
which a tenant made in his rent for the purpose
of paying the poor rate. He intended, for
the fu:ure, that the tenant should have the
power of deducting half the rate to which he was liable
from the rent. He also proposed to introduce a provi-
sion with reference to the improvements which might be
made upon the land—eiz , that in order to pre-
vent any disputes and litigation, a valuation should
be made of the improvements, and that there should be
no increased valuation for a period of seven years. It had
been complained in petitions and memorials which had
been presented to the House that there was great discou-
ragement given to the improvement of estates—that no
sooner bad a landed proprietor improved the value of
his property than the amount of rates which he
had to pay was increased ; and he proposed
that all claims in respect of them should be substan-
tiated by an action of debt, in which a judg-
ment, as in common law, might be obtained. Then
with respect to the sale of land for the purpose of
pay ing the arrears due for poor-rate, he found
that there would be great difficulty in dealing with
that subject, and as he wished to confine himself as much
as possible to the amendment of the poor-law, he pro-
posed that on the nrn payment of the rates the
lessor should have the power of ous ing the tenant.
Ile did not think, however, there was any such extent
of pauperism in Ireland us might not ho relieved by the
rates as in ordinary years. He was surprised to find
that the amount of able-bodied labourers who, with
their families, received relief from the poor-law
during the months of June and July last was
not greater than in ordinary years. The number stated
by the Poor-law Commissioners was 70,000. The Lum-
ber in England was much greater than in Ireland, being
some 90,00; but at the same time there was not such a
very great disproportion between the two. The question,
after all, was whether, supposing that there was not
every year a very great security ; it was possible for
Ireland to go on supporting her poor by laws made as
efficiently as possible for that purpose. So far from the
country being pauperised by the poor-law, it was very
much more likely to be much better cultivated if there
was some security for the proper relief of the destitute
poor. He begged leave to move to bring in the Bill.
Mr, STAFFORD said the Noble L'>rd had stated that
he believed, in ordinary years, as distinct from years of
famine, rates could be levied amply sufficient to maintain
the population of that country. The difference between
those who had acted under the guidance of the
Noble Lord, and those who had ventured, session
after session, to recommend a different course
of policy with regard to this difficult subject
was thus, that they had over and over ;again called the
attention of the House to the fact, that the famine in
Ireland did not, as the Noble Lord still seemed to
imagine, leave the country where it found it. The
poor-law in Ireland, as at present constituted, had a ten-
dency to feed pauperism rather than the income of
the country—and that he had urged over and over
again, to the House, that owing to the inefficiency of the
poor-law, thousands of lives had been and were sacrificed,
still the operation of the poor-law left the proportion be-
tween pauperism and the population as wide as ever. Fe
had to express his regret that the Government had de-
termined upon what he might call piece-meal legislation.
The Noble Lerd bad s lid he was not prepared to ;;o
into the question of the sale of land for the arrears of
poor-rwes, but he must recollect that considerable dis-
cussion had already taken place upon that point.—
(Lord John Russell appeared to dissent.) Well,
then, he wished the Noble Lord would siate
the nature of the measures which he intended
to bring forward on this subjeci. He began by dealinte,
with the most difficult question of all—the maximum
rate. It was time; he did not say the Government was
pledged to an irrevocable rate of ss. and That
question he seemed to leave open fur discussion.
But he did not say what was to be done in
any electoral division where the rates exceeded
From what fund was distress to be alleviated when that
maximum had been reached. He ought to have ex-
plained from what source the funds were to come. It
could not come from the rate in aid fund, since that
would be sufficiently expended; it was difficult, there-
fore, to say from what course it would come, exert
from the Imperial Treasury. But he omitted to mention
another subject, which was mere important than eitther
the 2s. or ss. rate. It was a matter of the greatest possible
importance, namely, whether a ss. rate was to be merely
struck, or whether it was to be bona fide collected.—
(Choers.) Let them have a 6d. rate, or of any other
amount, but whatever was its amount let it be actually
collected.

[LEFT SPEAKING.]

THE GAME LAWS.

In addition to the heavy list of charges, which, as the
farmer's friend, we have latterly had occasion to exhibit
against a Lirge portion of the landed proprietary of this
country, we Lave now to exhibit the mischiefs inflicted
on the tenant-farmers exclusively, we might almost say
universally, by the operation of the game. laws.
We are aware that there are arm,ng landlords some, we
hope many, honourable exeptions to that reckless,
ruthless spirit of game preserving by which most of
the rural gentry are infected. Whatever else of
burdens may bo taken from the shoulders of the
tenant•farmcr, either by landlords themselves cr the
Lrgialature, we are fully persuaded that no such
substantial relief will be afforded to him as shall enable
him to suitain the severe competition to which he will
henceforward find himself expmied, so long as this im-
pcdirm-nt to the spirited outlay of capital, and the
earnest application of skilful industry, is allowed to re-
main in the active operation in which it now exists in
manydivriets. _

It- is of no use for a nobleman or gentleman to say, ;
" I make an abatement of rent to my tenantry suffi-
cient to cover the loss which they sustain by my game
preserves." When these preserves—more especially of
hares and rabbits—are allowed to swell out to the extent
to which they are carried on numerous estates, we are
fully persuaded that no such satisfactory abatement ever
takes place—the tenants themselves being judges; and
it is upon this judgment that everything in the question
depends.
We have, it is true, heard a tenant-farmer, when
challenged in public by his landlord in reference to
this subject, admit that he was satisfied by the abate-
ment of rent made to him for the damage done to his
crops by the game on the estate ; but we never heard
a farmer express his opinion on the subject in private,
but that it drew from him the most bitter invectives
against the landlord or his agents, fur making him, or
allowing him to be made by others, the victim of such
a degrading and ruinous system of spoliation • We say
a degrading system—and we use the term advisedly—
for we are certain that every intelligent, high-spirited
agriculturist feels himself more degraded by the game-
laws than by any other circumstance connected with the
tenure of his land.

We just invite our readers, in order that they may
the better be enabled to enter into the feelings of the
farmer upon this subject, to accompany us into the
lands of a personal friend of ours—an industrious,
bard-working man, and, withal, as good a practical
farmer as need to walk over the broad acres of Eng-
land. This person rents a farm of considerable ex-
tent in a certain division of this county. His landlord is
a liberal Peer; but an inveterate, despotic, mercenary
game preserver. Well, but to the farm: wherever you
may go—whatever cropping you may inspect—there, we
will engage for it, you shall encounter hares, not in units
or tens merely, but by seores; and those in addition to a
large amount of feathered game, both partridges and phea-
sants. Within the last fortnight, the occupier of this farm
was induced one evening to visit a field of seeds, in order
to ascertain whether they would bear stocking for a few
weeks with about forty or fifty ewes and their lambs,
when, to his extreme mortifwation, he found that the
crop, so valuable to him at this season of the year, and
more especially fur the purpose for which was then
required, had been literally eaten eloie down by the
hares, not fewer than eighty of those vermin being at
the time of his visit engaged in quietly feeding upon
them.
Now, we ad:, was it in human nature that a man
should feel other than at once indignant and degraded
by such a circumstance as this. If there was a single
prac:ice of bile or biqerners, in such a constitu
tion, could the man do other than curse the selfish
despotism which inflicted such a wrong upon him—
was there a single spark of pride in his bosom, could
he do other than feel the flush of shame upon his check,
from the reflection that he was compelled to witness
such a spoliation of his property, and yet dare not,
through dread
aboutadof h
him
movements, myrmidons watching his
movements, perhaps through the apertures of half-a-
-,? u hito fray the vermin from their