The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-21 00:00:00

THE ESTIMATES.

aside.

Mr. HUME gave notice that on Friday, if not on
Thursday, he would move that, in the present state of
the finances of this country, her Majesty's Ministers,
before submitting to Parliament their general financial
scheme, should make a statement of their proposed re-
ductions in the expenditure of the country.
COMMISSARY CLERK OF EDINBURGH.

The HoN. MEMBER also said he would on either of
those days move for a return showing the expenses
incidental to the office of Commissary Clerk of Edin-
burgh.
OATHS OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.

Mr. BANKES gave notice that when the House re-
solved itself into a Committee to consider the resolution
of the Noble Lord at the head of the Government on the
oaths of Members of Parliament, before the words "not
being Roman Catholics," he should move the insertion of
the words, " and .1 hereby disclaim, disavow, and
solemnly abjure any intention to subvert the Established
Church as settled in this realm."
THE NAVIGATION-LAWS.
Mr. BERRIES presented a petition signed by cer-
tain of the inhabitants of Alloa, deprecating any altera-
tion in the na►igation-laws.

a
VAGRANCY.petiton from Somerset-
Mr. MILES presented
Somerset-
shire, calling on the House to enact such measures as
will: put an end to the demoralizing and disgraceful
system of vagrancy.
PRESERVATION OF THE PUBLIC RECORDS.
Air. M. MI LN ES wished to ask the Secretary of State
for the Home Department what measures had been taken
since the last session for the preservation of the public
records ; and also, whether it was the intention of the
Government to propose any measure respecting the
treatment of juvenile prisoners?
Sir G. GREY, in reply, said that alp hough the Com-
mittee had agreed upon the site for a Record-office, and
had decided upon ereoting one, unfortunately Parliament
had not voted the funds. He could not say that any
measure would certainly be introduced upon tne subject
during the present session.
Mr. 13AN4ES had understogd that the Victoria

Tower was to be appropriated to that purplse, and
wished to know whether the intention had been laid

Sir G. GREY believed that it had been intended that
the Victoria Tower £hould be the depository of the
public recorle, but tint id-a had been abandoned.
THE PALACE COURT.

Mr. HUME, seeing the Attorney-General in his
place, wished to ask him whether her Majesty's Go-
vernment intended to bring in any measure to reform
the abuses of the Palace Court, the Mischief of which
was so crying, and which had attracted so much of
public attention?
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL' said that the matter
being strictly within the jurisdiction of the palace he
must wait an expected communication from the Lord
Steward of the Household.

---
To Mr. WYLD, who asked a question of similar im-
port,
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL replied to the same
effect, with the addition, that when a Bill was introduced
the Lord Mayor's Court would, in all probability, be
included in its provisions.
EMIGRATION.

Mr. SCOTT wished to ask the Under-Secretary of
State for the Colonies the following questions:—What
is the number of applicants for emigration accepted by
the Commissioners, and now waiting orders to em-
bark? What is the daily average number, since Ist
November last, of those who apply in person at the
office of the Land and Emigration Board, for passages to
the Australian and South African colonies? 3. What
is the average nnmber of letters of application
received daily at the same office during the said
period, and also during the corresponding period
last year ? 4. What number of ships have been
dispatched monthly with emigrants since Nov. 1, 1848?
5. What number of ships would be requisite to convey
persons whoze applications for emigration are at present
approved? 6. In consequence of the number who desire
to emigrate, how long an emigrant may expect to be
detained after he is accepted, and before he can sail?
7. What number of free passages have been refused to
applicants since let November last, and what is the pro-
portion of those refused to those accepted?
Mr. HAWES said that he had not yet received the
returns upon the subject to which the Hon. Member re-
ferred, but as soon as he did, he would give him the in-
formation he required.
CROWN COLONIES.

Mr. BAILLIE, in pursuance of the notice he had
previously given, then rose to move for the appoint-
ment of a Select Committee to inquire into the griev-
ances complained of in the Crown Colonies of Ceylon,
British Guiana, and the Mauritius, and to report to the
House whether any measures can be adopted for the better
administration and government of those dependencies.
It was not only his opinion, but that of many others,
that the Colonial-office was not competent to perform the
important duties intrusted to it.—(Cries of " Hear,
hear.") Although Noblemen and Gentlemen of the
highest character and the most intelligent mind
had been appointed to the office of Secretary of State
for the colonies, it was singular to remark that not one of
them had been able by their measures to give satis-
faction to the colonial possessions of this country. The
Noble Lord the present Secretary for the Colonies
had not only met with the fate of his predecessors, but
had incurred a greater degree of dislike among the
inhabitants of the colonies than any one that had
preceded him had done.—(Hear, hear.) He had
a most serious charge to make against the Colonial-
office, and those who presided over it, namely, that of
tyranny and oppression, and a wasteful and extravagant
expenditure of the colonial resources—(Hear, hear)—
the result of which was a call upon the colonies to pro-
vide for a most grievous, heavy, and unnecessary burden
—(Hear)—and to raise a spirit of great dissatisfaction
among them.—(Hear, hear.) He charged the states
men who had hitherto presided over the colonial
government of this country with the greatest
mismanagement, and as evidence of that he would
refer to the evidence of Mr. Philip Anstruther, who
stated that the fault of all that had occurred in the colo-
nies was, that every colony was a miniature of the
Imperial Government.--(Hear, hear.) That gentleman
said the Colonial-office might Change its system entirely.
—(Hear. hear.) He (Mr. Baillie) wont further than
that, and asserted that the Colonial-office must change its
system entirely—(Hear)—because there could be no
doubt that the course that had been pursued by the
Colonial-office had brought the colonies to almost cer-
tain ruin and discontent. He (Mr. Baillie) would
not rest his assertions with respect to the course pursued
by the Colonial-office upon the statements of Mr. Philip
Anstruther alone, but he would refer to the authority
of Mr. Herman Merrivale. That gentleman, in his
lecture upon colonization, stated the views he
entertained upon the colonial system, and de
Glared that the American colonies, in 1846, with
three millions' of people, could be governed at an ex
pense of 55,000/., and complained that the colonial
expenditure within the last four years had increased,
without producing any improvement in the condition of
the colonist. That was the opinion of apolitical economist.
He knew not what might be the opinion of Government
upon the subject. He knew not whether these gentle-
men were subject to that weakness of human nature,
which appeared to work so wonderful a revolution in the
minds and opinions of those who became members of the
Government; but this he would say, that this gentleman
mmg
oui
vi s havefa
tust stultifiedpeople h
coot
uslsdi s feelings
,onooc if
y when hbe be
he
e governed,f
ol iuenvded
hthathimself
he
ettl
rwell
stalled in the Colonial .office, and administering
the law under a system which inflicted upon
British Guiana, with a population of only
150,000, taxes to the amount of 273,0001., for its
civil administration, being an amount of taxation equal

to 21. Gs. for every living soul in the colony, or One-
sixth more than the ataount of taxation imposed on this
country. If the people of England had hitherto flattered
themselves that they were the highest taxed people or
the face of the earth they were mistaken, for here the 3
had a colony without an army or navy, in which the
rate of taxation was one-sixth higher than that of the
people of England.—(Hear, hear.) These, then, were
the grounds upon which he should venture to crave
the indulgence of the House whilst he proceeded to de-
tail the facts which he had to bring forward, and then
it would be open for the House to decide whether he
had made out a case which would justify him in calling
give its sanction and support to the
he should conclude.—(Hear, hear.)
mupootnion the
with House
which
ctho
It was well known that the British colonies
here subject to various forms of govern-
ment ; there were several of them with legislative
assemblies and popular representatives ; there were
others again which slightly approached to the legislative
system, and there were others of pure ano
simple despotisms, subject only to the supreme
will and pleasure, or he might say the ca.
price, of the individual who, in the revolutions
of parties in this country, for any temporary conveni-
ence might find himself iu the office of Secretary of State
for Hear, hear.) Now, it was to the
latterh
t ee°
class I of° e
scolonies to which he wished to draw the
attention of the House, namely, the third class, of
pure and simple despotisms. They must all attach
great importance to the colony of Ceylon. Its legisla-
tive administration was confided to a Governor and
Council, every member of which was nominated either
by the Governor himself or by the Secretary of State for
the Colonies; there then they had a form of government
without any pretence of representation, and in conse
quence of that form of government, very general dis-
content had for some time past prevailed in this colony—
a discontent not confined to the natives, but extending to
the Europeans.—(Hear, hear). This discontent had
lately manifested itself amongst the native population, in
th
only way
in which au uneducated and ignorant
people accustomed to make remonstrances to the
eo nlwe
Government—namely, in the shape of open rebellion.
—(Hear, hear.) It had also manifested itself
amongst the European population, but in the
more:rational and civilized mode of memorials addressed
to the Secretary for the Colonies, and by petitions ad
Rtheeapretitions addressed to that
He would now read a
few
House, dressed
ipassagesntootrhdafertrol imt
houanst eet. -hoef( House might know what were
the grievances of which the people of this colony
complain.—(Hear, hear.) The petitioners com•
menced by stating that they were deeply
interested in the welfare of the island in which their
property was invested, and they addressed the House
under sufferings of no ordinary character. They were
labouring under the burden of heavy taxation, while the
revenues of the island were devoted to purposes for
which they were not intended. The administration, they
was tortuous and uncertain,
agricultural crops, property
forced sales at a depreciation
and yet , the colony was an-
oawwofaedinsatrbteyoi
from a
disposedng t
to io f ycomplain,
failureper
er oocff ebnttyh
an-
nually put to the expense of useless and sinecure offices
to support the protegees of the Home Department.
It further complained that duties at the rate of 200 per
cent. had been imposed upon the colony—a pretty speci-
men of the manner in which the Government had car-
ried out their free-trade principles, and of the sort of
justice they distributed to the colonies.—(Hear,
hear.) They allowed the produce of Europe ann
America to come to our ports free, while they
charged 200 per cent. upon the produce of our own colo-
nies.—(Hear, hear.) Such was the state of the island of
Ceylon when Lord Torrington was appointed Governor
of the island in 1847. He found the colony labouring
under great depression—distress universally prevailed,
and estates upon which large capitals had
been invested were every day being sold under
executions, having been abandoned by the owners, and
in addition to that the revenue had fallen below the ex-
penditure, and it was found that there was not
aulificient forthcoming to pay the officers whose
duty it was to carry out the government of the
island. In short, he found the island in a similar
state to that in which he left the other
country. There was a deficit in the exchequer—(Hear)
—and under those circumstances he seemed to have
thought it advisable to tollow as closely as possible that
onv
feo very
the
hn
ego
wr astefi
in
oiahnicsi
Exchequer.apl
place,
the Right Hon. the Chancellor
Being,
g he presumed, a free-trader,
authority, doubtless, whom he did
it did not appear that he contemplated any
increase of import duty, and being also a Whig, and
without the fear of a financial reform association before
his eyes, he did not contemplate any reduction in the
public expenditure.—(Hear, hear.) There remained no
other course but to follow the example of the Chancellor of
the Exchequer of this country, and to make a proposition
to increase the direct taxation .—(Hear, hear.)
But, having the advantage of the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer's experience with respect to the proposition to
increase the income-tax, lie was compelled to have re-
course to other sources, and in such an emergency he
appeared to have hit upon a financial scheme which
of all others was the most impracticable, and
at the same time most obnoxious to the
, natives of Ceylon. lie issued an ordinance impos-
ing a tax upon the construction of roads, a tax upon
all ships of the colony, and. a tax upon dogs and upon
guns; and
he stated that those taxes had receired the full
in a speech which he delivered to his council

concurrence atal sanction of the Boiird of Trade.
of " Hear, hear.") But he also stated at
the same time that it was not his intention to persevere
in imposing them, for a reason which he (Mr. Baillie)
consilered a very valid anti just one—viz., that they
ware not calculated to increase thl revenue.—(lleay.)
Now it was most unfortunate that this discovery had
not been made at " an earlier period, because in the
r first place, it would have saved Lord Grey from
tification of giving his assent and approval to that which
was not calculated to raise the revenue, but to
produce discontent and dissatisfaction ; and, in
the second place, because it would have saved
the colony
.from all the miseries and horrors
of a popular outbreak.—(Hear, hear.) That the levying
of these taxes was the immediate cause of the discon-
tent and rebellion to which he had referred was shown,
first of all, by the address and memorial of the mer-
chants, planters, and traders of the island, whu were not
interested parties, because the taxes did not fall upon
them. And what did they say? They attributed the
rebellion entirety to the imposition of taxes of a novel
character, which were levied in such an objec-

tionable and vexatious manner as to irritate
the people.—(Hear.) They asked for redress by
personal appeals to the Governor, and by petitions to her
Majesty, while many made the discontent to which the
taxes gave rise, a cloak for their own disloyal purposes.
They stated that they had to travel great distances, some-
times 40 miles, to get licenses for the use of guns.
The document proceeded to say, that some of the
vi -
lagers were kept away from their homes a whole week,
whilst several had to go back wards and forwards, as pre-
parations had not been made for the issuing of the
licenses. Now, it was a remarkable fact, that Lord Tor-
rington, when he wished to have the tax repealed, used
the same arguments as those used by those villagers.
—(Hear, hear.) Ho then read the dispatch of
Lord Torrington to Earl Grey on the subject,
and remarked that the dispatch of the Noble Earl
approving of the repeal of the tax crossed that of Lord
Torrington on its way home.—(Hear, hear.) The
dispatch set forth the grievances under which the colony
laboured in consequence of this tax, since under it the tax
imposed upon guns was 25 per cent. of their value ; and
such was the objection to the tax, that many concealed
or destroyed their guns, some of whom had had them in
their families as heir-looms for many years. These ordi-
nances were the cause of an outbreak on the part of
the natives. They did not, however, appear to have
presented themselves in any great force, as the re-
bellion was suppressed without loss of life to her
Majesty's troops; therefore, corroborating the state-
ment of the Hon. Member (Mr. Hawes) that the
statements that had appeared of the outbreak had been
much exaggerated, and that the troops had beers called
out more for show than for the purpose of firing upon
the people. He now came to a part of the procceedings
. .

in connexion with the revolt in Ceylon, which
no Englishman could look upon except with a blush of
shame. He alluded to the atrocities and cruelties that
had been perpetrated upon the unhappy people after the
rebellion had been suppressed.—(Hear, hear.) They
had heard much of the atrocities perpetrated
in Vienna by Prince Windischgratz, the accounts of
which, being published in the papers that supported
the Government, were doubtless not coloured.
The capitulation of Vienna was only effected
after a severe struggle, and an enormous sacrifice of life.
Many of the parties who had taken an active part
against the cause of the Prince were tried by court-
martial, and immediately shot, and a writer in the
Economist, with which one of the Members was
cennected, deplored the execution of Blum, whose of-
fence, he said, admitted of every excuse and justi-
fication, and was far from criminal ; one such
execution, the writer said, was not unlikely to lead
to a long train of assassinations. The writer had heard
of the atrocities perperated in Vienna, but he
had not become acquainted with the atrocities
perpetrated under the paternal government of
the Colonial-office.: The House was aware that
a number of executions hal taken place in Ceylon, in
pursuance of the sentence of a military tribunal. A
return had been furnished to the House of the number
of these military executions, and of the offences laid to
the charge of those who had been executed. He found
that eighteen men had been shot under martial law, and
others sentenced to various degrees of punishment;
and he was surprised, looking over the list, to see
the nature of the offences for which they had suffered.
He found one man charged with having communicated
directly or indirectly with rebels—with holding commu-
nication with them, and not giving the information
which he was possessed of for the detection of a
rebel—in other words, not betraying his friend.
with whose hiding place he was acquainted with—
(Hear, hear)—and with having administered a treason-
able oath. Four men were charged with having appeared
at an armed assembly, headed by a man who called
himself a " king." These men, let that House recol-
lect, were not charged as leaders.—(Hear, hear.) They
were simply charged with having been found in the.
company of armed persons ; yet they were sentenced
to death, and shot immediately after.—(Hear, hear.)
This man, who called himself a king, was afterwards
tried by a military tribunal, and, being recommended to
' mercy, was transported.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")
It appeared, indeed, that those executions were carried
on with no less brutality than illegality. There was a
ilescription of these executions taken from the Colombian
Observer, and Lord Torrington himself confirmed
the account.—(Hear, hear.) In speaking of those exe
cutions it stated " the court-martial on the priest who
was shot in his robes at Candia may be taken as a fair
specimen of those tribunals. . . . There were
only two witnesses against him, who were both men of
suspicious character, and one of them was a candi-
late in some way for a Government situation ! The
priest was shot the next morning after his trial,
and his dying request that he should not be made to
lie in his sacerd Jtal garments, was refused."—(Hear,
hear.) The account went on to say " that this priest
was entirely innocent, and he had no connexion with the
king; he was a low countryman, and was not at all
acquainted with the people, and knew nothing of
their secrets." Now he (Mr. Baillie) put out of

question altogether the gusilt or innocence of this man.
He assumed he was guilty; but the mode and manner of
his execution was an outrage on humanity, and had such
an act been committed at Madrid under Naryaez, he (Mr.
supposed they should never have heard
the last of it. It was in Spain only that a
parallel could be found for those atrocities. But in
order to appreciate the feelings of Lord Torrington, he
must refer to his corespondence with the Cbief Justice

of Ceylon. It seemed as soon as the court-martials were
suspended the ordinary tribunals came into operation,
and the remainder of the prisoners were tried in the su-
perior Court at Candia before the Chief Justice ; 14 of
these men were condemned to death, and the Chief Justice
communicated that fact to Lord Torrington, stating that
under different circumstances he should have recom-
mended his Excellency to have executed such three or
tour of those last mentioned as, after a minute examina-
tion by the law officers of the Crown, appeared to have
been most guilty, for the sake of example, but he found
the example had been already made, some twenty
persons having already been shot for their shares in the
rebellion by courts• martial.—(Hear.) Tho Lord Chief

Justice concluded by saying that the blood which had
been already spilled had been sufficient for all the pur-
poses of the vindication of thepaw.—(Cries of " Hear,
hear.") Lord Torrington, in reply to the Lord

Chief Justice, pointing out certain inconveniences
likely to result from the course recomm, nded
by the latter, concluded by saying he would remit the
capital punishment and substitute transportation for life
in those cases of conviction which had not been recom-
mended to mercy by the jury, and for fourteen years in
all other cases. Now, it seemed Lord Torrington
was highly displeased at being compelled against his
will to temper justice with mercy.—(Hear). He (Mr.
Baillie) would have thought Lord Torrington would
have been but too grateful to any one relieving him
from the responsibility of deciding on the lives and
deaths of his fellow-creatures. And not only did
executions, but also confiscations of property occur.
Now, it appears, that this proclamation was carried into
such ready effect that a large number of estates were cone
fiscated. It is true Lord Torrington had advertised that
the value of these estates would be restored to the
owners when it was discovered that they were not
guilty; but it was a very different thing be-
tween leaving the estates in the hands of
the proprietors and returning to them the
price which such estates might realise in the market.
lie thought that this was a most unsatisfactory mode of
meeting the necessities of the case. And now he came to
the last act of the tragedy—the act of indemnity. It was
not to be wondered at that when acts such as these were
being perpetrated, and when apprehensions as to their
results might very naturally arise, that an
act of indemnity might seem to be necessary. They
evidently thought so—(Hear, hear)—and such an Act
was introduced to the Colonial Council—an Act which
was the more necessary, inasmuch as that most of
the Acts which called for condemnation had been
done witnout the consent of the Council. Well, such
an Act was introduced, and how did Hon. Gentlemen
,ihink it was passed ?—(Hear, hear.) Simply by
the vote of Lord Torrington himself.—(" Hear, hear,"
from all sides of the House.) There were 14 present in
Council, seven of whom were against, and seven were for
the Act, and the casting vote for it was given, as be had
,aid, by Lord Torrington, the President at the Board.
He trusted that this last fact would prove a sufficient
warning against any future experiment in trusting the
high and responsible duty of governing a large and im-
portant colony.—(Hear, hear.) Now he would turn to
another colony, of which great hopes had always been
entertained; and in stating this, he wished particularly
to draw the attention of the House to the fact, there
was no colony of which greater hopes had been enter-
tained than of Guiana.—(Hear.) It had been predicated
of that colony that, whatever fate might befal our other
West Indian colonies, this at least was possessed of
such variety of appliances, such a beauty of climate, such
a nobility in its affluence and variety of aspect,
that no adversity could possibly repress its advance
to an illimitable prosperity. Yet was there no co-
lony more distressed than British Guiana.—(Hear,
hear.) It would probaby ba remembered that when
the Act for the emancipation of the negroes was passed
that the heads of the Colonial-office had taken no
steps whatever to avert the mischief, nor ascertain the
consequences that might arise from such a proceeding.
In Guiana the planters were ruined, and the
estates were carried on by merchants in this
conntry. lie believed that in no colony con-
nected with the British dominions was the
patronage more improperly exercised than in Guiana.
The Governor of that colony had at his disposal patro-
nage to the extent of no less than 35,0001. a year.
The Civil Service consisted of the following offices:—A
Governor at 5,0001. a year, a Chief Justice at 2,5001., two
puisne Judges at 1,5001. each, the Governor's secre-
tary 1,500/, his assistant 6001., the Attorney-General
1,1001., the High Sheriff 1,2201., two Under-i,heriffs
at 700/. each, and six stipendiary Magistrates
7,0001., making the total cost of the Civil Go-
vernment amount to 39,0004 z per 15111111132. When

the Court o Uniana met, th:,y pro;;(,e,d tnat
there should be a reduction of the exoricliturit, of the
bony, but the Governor refused his. s;,?tetion. , to the pro,
posal, upon which an slteresttoo took place, and
the Court refused to grant the supplies. The
Governor, however, thougt t fit to change his
former resolution, and consent to the reduction,
but a dispatch from the Colonial-office (leprecatcd the
measure, art! refused to consent to a reduction
of taxes. Now, what did that House suppose was
the chief tax in Guiana? why it was a tax upon corn;
and yet, although the Minister was so staunch en advo-
este of free-trade at home, he did tot think
it politic to extend the principle to the colony of British
Givana.—(Hear.) In that dispatch Lord Grey stated
that the faith of the colony was pledged to the Civil
List, meaning, no doubt, that a certain agreement had
been entered into between the Court of Guiana on the
one hand, and the Colonial-office on the cc her, that the
civil list should be voted for a cA•tain period. The
Noble Lord accused the colonists of breach of faith,
and'insisted on the civil list.

" I'll have my bond ! I will not hear thee speak;
I'll have my bond, and, therefore, speak no more;
I'll not be made a soft and dull-ey'd fool,
To shake the head, relent, and *jell, and yield
To Christian intercessors.
I'll have no speaking—l will have my bond."
Such appeared to be the spirit in which the dispatch re-
ferred to was written. With respect to this agreement, he
wished, however, to offer one or two remarks. It had
been proved before the Committee on coffee and sugar
plantations last year, by so competent a witness as Mr.
Barkly, since then appointed to be governor of the co-
lony, that that agreement had been obtained from the
colony under false pretences and fraud. Mr. Barkly
stated in his evidence, that the Colonial-office, anxious to
raise the salary of the Governor, applied to the Court of
Guiana to do so, but that the Court refused unless the
Colonial-office promised to issue an emigration ordincnce,
and that so soon as the civil list was obtained the Colo-
nial-office refused to issue the emigration ordinance.
Such was the evidence of Mr. Barkly.—(Hear.) Was it
not wonderful, then, that a Minister of the Crown should
charge a colony with a breach of faith, when the
breach was manifestly on the side of the Colonial-
office? Were not the colonists perfectly justified
in refusing to perform their part of the agreement, when
the Colonial office had failed to keep faith with them?
But they did not do so. They appealed to the Colonial
Secretary in forme pauperis, and told him that, reduced
to such poverty, they were compelled to practise economy
in the expenditure of the colony. The refusal of the Co-
lonial-office to accede to their wishes, under such cir-
cumstances, was wantonly cruel and unjust. On receipt
of the Noble Lord's dispatch, the Combined Court, per-
ceiving that the Col ,nral Secretary had stated his wil-
lingness when any office became vacant to consent to a
reduction of the salary attached to it, proceeded to redues
the salary of the Governor because a vacancy had oc-
curred. The acting Governor, however, oeposed them,
told them their duty WAS to vote the civil list, and
that if they refused he had Lord Grey's instructions
to adjourn the Court sine die.—(!fear, hear.) They did
refuse, and the Court was so adjourned. The result
had been most disastrous. Last year no supplies had
been granted, and no money paid to public functionaries,
the civil list excepted. To meet the demands on the
civil list Lord Grey had secured a sum of money which ,
had been deposited in the public treasury for the purpose
of being applied by way of au emigration loan.—(Hear.)
He would allude now to only one other act—the ap-
pointment of Mr. Barkly. He regretted that Mr.
Barkly had sacrificed his consistency by accepting such
an appointment. He could not but recollect that Mr.
Barkly had opposed the Government measures relating
to the colony in that House, and that he had appeared
before the Committee of last year to justify the resist-
ance of the colonists to the Government. On that occa-
sion he stated that the colonists had been the victims of
fraud and oppression, and yet he shortly afterwards was
sent out to the colony as Governor, with the full salary
of 5,0001. a year.—(Hear.) He thought he had stated
enough to justify him in bringing the question before the i
House.—(Hear, hear.) He had trespassed largely on
the indulgence of the House, and had now merely to
state that upon reflection he had thought it better not to
include Mauritius in the proposed inquiry. He wished
to confine the inquiry to the two colonies to which he
had directed the attention of the House, first, because
their complaints were the more urgent; and, secondly,
because the more the inquiry was limited the more likely
would an early practical conclusion be arrived at. And
now he would ask the House whether they thought
the colonies could long be governed under such a sys-
tem as the present—whether we could long continue to
deprive the inhabitants of our colonies of all interference
in the management of their own affairs? He was aware
that the Hoe. Gentleman the Under Secretary had
been most liberal in promises, both in his own and in
Lord Grey's name, on this point, and that he would tell
the House that he had always expressed opinions favour-
able to colonial self-government. But that was just
what the colonists complained of. They complained
that both the Honourable Gentleman and the Noble
Lord had expressed opinions in favour of self-
government utterly at variance with their acts.—
( Hear, hear.) They say that they have no longer
leith in the promises of the Colonial-office. How
could they? How could they place confidence in a
Minister who stood convicted of a deliberate attempt
to deceive the House of Lords as to the stare of the
island of Jamaica by reading only a certain portion of a
memorial addressed to him, to show that Jamaica was
in so prosperous a condition as to afford art advantage-
ous field for the investment of capital, when he knew
that the memorial had been sent to him to show that the
reverse, was the case? A Minister who could so per-
vert the truth for party purposes could never enjoy the
confidence of the colonies, and ou,tht not longer to be
intrusted with the highly-revoniible duty of protecting
the lives and fortunes of her Majesty's subjects in the
colonies. Nothing but the unhappy divisions on that
side of the House during the last Parliament could
have prevented the whole Opposition unitins, as one
body to denounce the Minister guilty of such conduct
and the Government of which he was a member. There
was a point, however, beyond which endurance could not
go—an occasion when the most effete and emasculated
bodies would no longer quietly submit. That time had
no er arrived, and he hoped no fear of casting censure on
the Government would deter the majority of that House
from giving their support to a motion for that inquiry,
which he now had to demand in the name of justice, in
the name of the outraged British colonists, arid of that
constitution, under the shadow of which—even in the
remotest parts—British subjects were accustomed to look
for safety and protection, but from the advantages of
which so many thousands of British colonists had long
been so pertinaciously excluded.—(Cheers.) The Hon.
Gentleman then proposed the motion.
air. HUME said that after the able speech of the Hon.
Gentleman there was no necessity for him to occupy the
attention of the House at any length in order to induce
them to support the motion. At the close of the last
session he had presented a petition from Ceylon, and had
called the attention of the Government to the state of
the island; but the Hon. Gentleman the Under. Secre-
tary for the Colonies told him that his statement was
exaggerated. Before offering any opinion on this ques-
tion, ho wished the House to understand that it was the
system of colonial government that he found fault with,
rather than with the conduct of this or that Colonial
Secretary. It was impossible for one person, sitting in
Downing-street, to superintend the administration of 43
colonies in different parts of the wide world. He must,
however, say that every act of the present Colonial
Secretary was a discredit to him, when contrasted
with the opinions he had expressed while a Mem-
ber of that House.—(Elear, hear.) When the Noble
Lord took office three years ago, he declared
through the Under-Secretary for the Colonies, his
desire to extend British institutions to all our colonies.
Yet not one constitution had been granted, with the ex-
ception of that to New Zealand, which, however, the
Noble Lord had been glad, almost immediately after it
was granted, to abolish. Either the Noble Lord was
sincere in the desire he had expressed or he was not. If
sincere, then it would appear that he was without capa-
city to fulfil his wishes. He trusted an inquiry would be
instituted which would show the evils of the system
generally. With regard to Ceylon, so long ago as 1811
Lord Castlereagh entertained so high an opinion of the
natives that he recommended the establishment of trial
by jury and the appointment of natives to colonial situa-
tions. The result had been most beneficial, as might be
seen from the evidence given before the Committee of
1832 on the state of Ceylon. Sir W. Gifford declared
that the establishment of trial by jury had been
completely successful, and had been productive of
the best effects on the morals of the natives, whom
he described as quiet and peaceably disposed. The
same authority declared that as long as that system
was pursued towards the colony her Majesty would not
have a more loyal or peaceable one under her sway.
But now, after 26 years of experience, what were the
results which they found there ? The Hon. Member
who introduced that motion had detailed to the House a
variety of instances of misgovernment which had brought
the colony to the condition in which it now existed. He
believed that it was the acts of Lord Torrington, since
he came into power there, which bad produced the
present state of things. There was no case on record of
a similar nature to such a one as that of having the' pro-
perties of men, who were only absent from their homes,
invaded and taken possession of by military authority.
After what had been stated, and that upon good
authority, no less than the authority of papers emanating
from the Colonial-office itself, it appeared to him that that
Nobleman ought to be recalled before 24 hours had
passed. It might be said that no blame ought to attach
to Earl Grey or Lord Torringtoa until after the pro-
posed inquiry had been granted. Now, it was upon
their own acts and statements that he conceived them
censurable. With regard to Demerara, he believed
there never was such an insult offered to a colony as the
Noble Earl at the head of the Colonial-office had offered
to that colony when it had applied for permission to re-
duce its establishments.—(Hear.) When the taxation
of the colony amounted to one-third of the value of its
entire exports, it was, surely, time to think of retrench-
ment. When an Act passed in 1836 which brought
them into competition with other colonies, they had very
prudently determined upon reducing their expenditure
to the extent of twenty-five per cent., yet that proposal
had been refused by Earl Grey.—(Hear, hear). A cer-
tain guarantee had been given for a civil list, but that
had been under the impression that protection was to be
afforded to their produce. That protection had
been withdrawn, yet they were called upon
to maintain their civil list in its original
state.—(Hear.) The colony had said that they would
not refuse the supplies if allowed to make a general re-
duction of expenditure, and it was not until the Colo-
nial-office had refused this that they had come to the
resolution of refusing the supplies. He could show, if
ho were to refer to the case of the Mauritius, that a
similar want of good government prevailed there. Let
the British House of Commons come to the determina-
tion that the colonies ought to be left to govern them-
selves and pay their own expenses, and then they would
not be such a source of expense gDglial al their