The Sun.
London, England, 1831-10-13 00:00:00

REFORM.-POPULAR EXCITEMENT.

The LORD CHANCELLOR said—l beg, my Lords,
to present to your Lordships a petition from the Magis-
trates and inhabitants of the town of Peterhead, in Scot-
land, in favour of the Reform Bill. In doing so, lam
anxious to avail myself of the opportunity which I was
prevented, through a mere accident, of taking advantage of
last night, to say a few words on this subject. I take this
opportunity to declare, that I consider it my duty to state,
in the face of your Lordships and the country—a duty
which devolves upon me, not merely as filling the situa-
tion which I do in your Lordships' House—not merely as
being at the head of the Magistracy of the kingdom—but
a duty which devolves upon me as one of, I wil! venture
to say, the most constant and sincere friends of the
great measure of Parliamentary Reform,—l repeat, my
Lords, that I feel it my duty thus publicly to state, that
the wit of man could not possibly devise any course of pro-
ceeding more calculated, beyond all others, to put in jeo-
pardy the passing of that great measure, than proceed-
ings of violence or outrage against the persons or pro-
perties of individuals.—(Year, hear.) Whether such in-
dividuals differed from the public opinion or not, with re-
gard to Reform, signified not one straw. A breach of
the King's peace, whether committed against the person
of any Noble Peer, against the person of any Member of
that or of the other House of Parliament, or against any
individual whatsoever—any such violation of the public
peace, under the present excitement that exists with re-
gard to this great measure, should be universally consi-
dered and set down as the worst species of enmity that
could possibly be employed for the purpose of preventing
the success of Parliamentary Reform.—(Hear, hear.)
The people, who are jealously, anxiously, and devotedly
desirous for the passing of that great measure, should not
permit themselves, on account of any temporary disap-
pointment in that respect, to be betrayed into proceedings
which could alone be expected from the bitterest foes to
the success of that momentous measure which they bad
so much at heart—they should not allow any
temporary defeat which their hopes and wishes may
have experienced, to drive them into a course of
proceedings inconsistent with the public tranquillity,
and destructive of the peace of society. I call upon
them as their friend, and as the friend of Reform, not to
give way to any such unfounded disappointment. 1 tell
them that Reform is only delayed for a short period ; I tell
them the Bill will pass,—that the Bill must pass,—that
Bill, founded on exactly similar principles, and equally
extensive and efficient as the Bill that has been just thrown
out, shall, in a very short period, become part and parcel
of the law of the land.—(Hear, bear.) Let not the people,
I repeat, indulge in any degree of disappointment, for they
may rely upon it, that through the exertions of their
friends in the Ministry and their friends in Parliament,
such a measure shall ere long be passed. But if the
King's peace shall he broken, and if the friends of Reform
will not also show themselves to be the friends of public
order, the success of that measure which they all so much
desire may not he attained.—(Hear, hear.) I now give
the people this advice,—l give it to them not so much as
that of the head of the magistracy in the kingdom, but I
give it to them as the friendly advice, the sincere and
honest admonition, of a zealous and ardent advocate and
supporter of efficient and rational Reform,—l tell them
that riot, violence, or outrage, cannot promote but may de-
feat the success of such Reform,—that it is not by such
means, or by the adoption of such proceedings, that his
Majesty's Ministers or their friends in both Houses of
Parliament would ever desire to see the triumph of that
cause secured ;—a triumph which, if good order and
tranquillity be maintained, must follow almost immedi-
ately, and that the only way by which the people canpos-
sibly frustate that measure consists in breaking the King's
peace."---(Loud cheers.)
Lord WHARNCLIFFE rose to express the great satis-
faction he derived from hearing the sentiments of the Noble
Lord on the Woolsack. Assuredly, if any thing could tend
to impede the advancement of Reform, it would be attacks
on persons or property. He hoped that the people of Eng-
land would understand this. For his own part, he had op-
posed the Reform Bill, and how he should act with res-
pect to any other measure must depend upon the circum-
stances that might come before that House. But while
he made this declaration, Le would again state emphati-
cally, as he bad stated last session, that he was convinced
the time had arrived when the question of Reform in the
Commons' House of Parliament must be taken into serious
eonsideration.—(Hear, bear.) As to the precise measure
of Reform, there might be a difference of opinion; but the
measure which seemed hest calculated to insure the safety
and prosperity of the country should have his hearty con-
currence.—(Hear.)

SPECIAL CONSTABLES' BILL.

The amendments to this Bill were agreed to.
The House adjourned at Seven o'clock.

ROUSE OF COMMONS, OCTOBER 12.
DUBLIN ELECTION.

ESTCOURT presented a report from the Dublin
Election Committee, declaring the sitting Members to have
been duly elected, and the petition against their return to
be neither frivolous nor vexatious.
Mr. GRATTAN a,ked Mr. Estcourt whether it was
his intention to lay the evidence taken before the Com-
mittee on the table of the House, and to move that it be
printed ?
Mr. ESTCOURT said, that it was not his intention to
do any thing of that kind. Such a course was only pursued
when a special return was presented, and in this instance
there had been no special return.
Mr. GRATTAN then gave notice, that he would to-
morrow move for the production and printing of the evi-
dence taken before this Committee.
Sir G. SKIPWITH presented a petition from a club
in Birmingham, praying the House to extend some relief
to the distress of Ireland.
LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE.

Mr. G. RYDER presented a petition from Wilmington
and other places, praying. that Protestant soldiers might
not be compelled to attend or take part in Roman Catholic

ceremonies.
Mr. O'CONNELL called the attention of the Hon.
Member to the language of the petition. He hoped that
it was not insulting to the Catholics of the empire. He
hoped that an inquiry would be made into the subject-
matter of this petition, as he was opposed to all violations
of freedom of conscience, either among Catholics or among
Protestants.--(Hear.)
Sir J. NEWPORT read the petition, and said that its
language in designating as impious the ceremonies of the
Catholic religion, went, he thought, a little further than
the House would tolerate. He should certainly oppose the
printing of such a petition.
Ciptain GORDON thought that the House ought not
to be too lynx eyed with regard to such petitions.
After a few words
from Sir R. INGLIS, Mr. HUNT, and
111 r. ROBINSON, the petition was laid on the table, but
was not ordered to be printed.
Mr. J. WYNNE VOA Sir R. 13A.Trsoll presented similar
petitions from Sligo and Coleraine respectively.
Mr. RYDER presented a petition from Hemel Hemp-
stead, in favour of certain Hindoo Christians.
REFORM.—POPULAR' EXCITEMENT.
Mr. RUTHVEN; hi presenting a Petition from an ag-
gregate meeting of the freemen and freeholders of the town
of Galway, for an extension of their elective franchise,
took occasion to observe that he believed that the peti-
tioners would get all their player if the Reform Bill for
Ireland were ,c4ir.6eaf 1-6.tllee,tock occasion to comment

severely on the conduct of the Bishops in voting against I
the Reform Bill, and expressed his surprise that men,
whose whole lives ought to be dedicated not merely to the
pleat:11111g, but also to the practice of peace, good-will, and
charity to all mankind, should have so forgotten their sa-
cred duties as to have given a vote, which more than all
others was calculated to spread dissatisfaction and disaf-
fection throughout the country.—(Loud cries of " Hear,
hear.") He was convinced that after the public-spi-
rited decision to which the House of Commons had
come a few nights ago, and which had spread such
great satisfaction throughout the country, the Reform Bill
might now be considered as good as carried. He was
convinced that the Bill must be passed, by the peace-
able manner in which the people had conducted them-
selves that day, in a procession, which, though its num-
bers rendered it formidable, was deprived of all terror by
its quiet, and tranquil, and regular demeanour.—(Cheers.)
Sir H. HARDINGE was astonished to hear the Hon.
Member's declaration that the people had that day con-
ducted themselves in a quiet, and regular, and peaceable
manner; when it was notorious that a Noble Friend, and
a near connection of his own, in coming down to the
House, had, in the most cowardly and dastardly manner,
been struck off his horse by a shower of stones---(Loud
vociferations of " Hear," from the Opposition)—and
been so wounded as to be obliged to be taken to his own
house in a hackney-coach.--(Hear, hear.) Now lie ad-
mitted, that though many honest and respectable men
might join in these processions, nothing could be more
illegal, or, indeed, more unconstitutional, than this mode
of bearding the King in his very Palace.—(" Hear, hear,"
from the Opposition.) He contended that this system of
letting the people assemble, and march about in processions
of large masses, to present their petitions to the King,
mist, if continued, lead to great confusion.—(Hear, hear.)
Ile could assure the House, that he should not have yen-
! tured upon any observations on the present occasion,
! had he not heard the Honourable Member for Down-
, patrick talk of the peaceable conduct of the people.—
(.' Hear, hear," from the Opposition.) The peaceable
conduct of the people ! Where was it to be found ?
Was it to he found in the attacks which the populace
were making day after day on the windows of the
Duke of Wellington?—(Loud cries of hear.) It was un-
necessary for him to speak of the services which that Noble
Duke had rendered his country; and if that Noble Duke
and his Noble and Gallant Friend, the Marquis of Lon-
donderry, were adverse to Reform, why should they not
have the same liberty to declare their opinions against the
Bill which other Noble Lords had to declare them in fa-
vour of the Bill ?—(Hear, hear.) 'What, however, must
the country expect, when it found Ministers in the Cabi-
net corresponding—(lmmense cheering from the Opposi-
tion)—with the Political Unions of Birmingham and
Manchester?—(Continued cheering.) As he saw in his
place the Noble Lord who had rendered himself famous—
lie would not use the other word, for he did not think the
Noble Lord deserved it—by the introduction of this Bill
of Reform, and as he had seen in the public journals the
correspondence of that Noble Lord with the Political
Union of Birmingham, be would avail himself of the
present opportunity to offer a few comments upon it.
The Noble Lord s iid, that " he acknowledged with
heartfelt gratitude the undeserved honour which had
been done him by 150,000 of his countrymen."—
(Loud cries of " Hear" front the Opposition.) The Noble
Lord, alluding to the rejection of the Bill by the House
of Lords, then added, that " though their projects were
obscured for a moment, he trusted that it was only for
moment—(Great cheering from the Ministerial benches)
fur it was impossible that the whisper of a faction should
prevail against the voice of the nation."—(Cheers from
the Opposition.) He said that use of language like that
completely identified the Cabinet with all the political
unions.--(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) Yes, the
Cabinet was identifying and leaguing itself with the politi-
cal unions ; and the Noble Lord in calling the decision
of the House of Peers the whisper of a faction, encouraged
the passions and feelings by which such masses of men
were unfortunately actuated. He again repeated the decla-
ration, that when he entered that House that evening, he
had no intention to address it at all; but when he was
told that the processions of that day lied passed off
peaceably and orderly, and when he saw a letter from the
Noble Lord expressive of the heartfelt gratitude which he
felt for the vote of thanks which he had received from a
meeting of 150,000 persons, which the Noble Lord on the
Woolsack had described as guilty of sedition and a capital
felony, he could not understand on what principles this
Government was conducted.—(Hear, hear, from the
Opposition.) He hoped that Hon. Members would not
be deterred—be at least would not himself be deterred—
from the honest discharge of his duty, by the dastardly
attacks which any portion of the misguided populace
might make upon him.—(Great cheering from the Oppo
sition.) He did not mean to say that the Noble Lord
opposite had either originated or sanctioned such attacks,
but this he must say, that the Noble Lord adopted a very
extraordinary way to allay the temper of the people, when
he entered into a correspondence with them, and declared
his heartfelt gratitude for the thanks which they had be-
stowed upon him.—(Cheers from the Opposition.)
Lord JOHN REgSELL begged to trespass for a short
time upon the attention of the House, whilst he said a
few words in reply to the extraordinary attack which the
Hon. anti Gallant Officer had just made upon him. lle
was not disposed to defend himself from that attack, be-
cause he made allowance—and he was sure that the House
would do the same—for the irritated feelings under which
the Hon. and Gallant Officer rose. He was sure that the
Hon. and Gallant Officer must be hurt by the occurrence
of that day—an occurrence which, he assured the Hon.
and Gallant Officer, no man regretted more than he did
—he alluded to the attack which had been made on the
Marquis of Londonderry, and to the severe injuries which
he had received on his head from a shower of stones.—
(Hear, hear.) He lamented the occurrence of such an
outrage ; and he agreed with the Hon. and Gallant Officer
that it was most disgraceful to those who had been cowardly
enough to perpetrate it.—(Hear, hear.) He also thought
it right to say, that if there was any continuance of such
outrages, they could not be looked upon in any other light
than as acts of hostility against all good Government, and
that they must alienate the minds of all sober and respect-
able men from the cause of Reform.—(Hear, hear.) He
also agreed with the Hon. and Gallant Officer, that the
attack on the House of any Noble Lord was base and
dis-
gracefud—(Cheers from both sides of the House)—but
much more base, and much more disgraceful was it, when
the attack was made on the House of the Duke of Welling-
ton, to whom the country was so much indebted for past
services.—(Cheers.) In defence of those outrages he would
not say one word, either in palliation or excuse.—(Herr.
As to the manner in which the lion. and Gallant Officer had
connected these outrages with his (Lord J. Russell's) letter
to Mr. Attwood, he would only observe that the Hon. and
Gallant Officer had not laid any substantial grounds to in..
duce the House to think that the language he had used in
that letter, had led to any breach of the public peace.—
(Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) The Hon. and
Gallant Officer had charged hint with having corresponded
with the Political Union cf Birmingham. He would not
at that moment enter into the question of the propriety of
engaging in such a correspondence, but in this case no
such question could arise. Mr. Attwood, the banker of
Birminghem, had written to him stating that there had
been a great meeting at Birmingham, at which he believed
150,000 persons were present. He would not say that
the meeting was so large as Mr. Attwood had represented
it, but it certainly was a large meeting, and that
meeting had thanked his Majesty's Government for
the manner in which they had conducted the Bill
through the Commons House of Parliament. In such a
resolution on the part of the meeting, he saw nothing un-
constitutional—nothing inconsistent with the rights which
as Englishmen they possessed, anti, more especially, no-
thing inconsistent with that right which they had enjoyed
from their ancestors—he meant the right of pronouncing
an opinion upon the conduct either of Government or of
the Opposition. He had, therefore, thought it was a duty
which be owed to the people of Birmingham and himself,
to express his gratitude to them for the vote of thanks
they bad given to his Majesty's Ministers generally, and to
himself individually—(Hear, bear)—and he had yet to
learn that there had been anything in the conduct of that
meeting which ought to lead him to refuse accepting a
vote of thanks from it.—(Hear, hear.) He saw no rea-
son why he should say to the thousands who had been
awaiting with interest the result of this Bill, " You are
unfit to be consulted by the King'e Government, and I
therefore repudiate your praise." On the contrary, he
thought that lie might notice the loyalty and good sense of
the people of Birmingham ; and he imagined that, when
lie stated that the success of the Reform Bill was only de-
ferred for a time, but was still certain, he was expressing
a sentiment, which, so far from leading to tumult, would
induce the people to wait with patience for the introduc-
tion of that measure to which they attached so much ita-
portance.—(Hear, hear.) He had undoubtedly said, and
he now repeated the assertion, that " it was impossible
that the whisper of faction should prevail against the voice
of a nation."—(Great cheering from the Ministerial
benches.) it was a sentiment which lie had expressed on
first receiving Mr. Attwood's letter, and he now saw no
reason either to retract or withdraw it.—(Great cheer-
ing.) He thought that the number of those who
sup-
ported the Reform Bill, compared with the small number
of those who opposed it, justified him in stating that
the ,Reformers were the nation,-.-(Great cheering (rem

the Ministerial benches.) lie thought, be repeated, that
the Reformers (lid constitute the nation, and that the
greater part of the opponents to the Bill did belong
to, and might justly be denominated, a faction.__
(Cheers from the Ministerial benches, re-echoed back
from the Opposition benches.) Such being his sentiments,
he could not think of retracting any expression in that
letter. He was sorry that it did not meet with the appro-
bation of the Hon. and Gallant Officer; but he could not
give up :his opinions to please that Hon. and Gallant
Member, It was his most earnest desire that the people
should conduct themselves in a peaceable and orderly man-
ner at this crisis.—(Hear, hear.) If they did so conduct
themselves, and would only avoid all violation of the peace,
he felt confident that nothing could prevent this great
measure of Reform from being passed speedily into a law.__
(Great cheering.) He was sure that the country would
soon have the satisfaction of seeing the two Houses of
Parliament agree in the expediency of a measure which he
considered necessary to the preservation of the Constitu-
tion, and to the consolidation of its most important in-
terests.--(Hear, hear.)
Sir H. HARDINGE said, that he was not aware that
be had used any language :which the Noble Lord could
justly complain of.—(Hear.)
Lord J. RUSSELL thought that he bad a right to
complain of the conduct of the Hon. and Gallant Officer,
who had coupled his letter with the attack on the Marquis
of Londonderry—an act which was not of his commission,
and for which he could not be considered responsible.—
, (Cheers.) The Hon. and Gallant Officer had said that
he was not surprised at these outrages having been
c immitted after his (Lord J. Russell's) letter was pub-
lished. He put it to the House whether the language
which he had used, when speaking of the Anti-Reformers
as a faction, was not much less strong than that which was
ordinarily used in political warfare—(Hear, hear)—and
than that which had been used by the opponents of all Re-
form during the discussions on the Reform Bill ?—(Cheers
from the Opposition.)
Sir H. HARDINGE said, it was intolerable that the
voice of a majority of the House of Lords should be called
the mere whisper of faction.—(Hear, hear.) That ex-
pressio❑ the Noble Lord bad made use of; and from the
use of that expression it was impossible for the Noble
Lord to escape.—•(Hear, hear.) In using that expression
the Noble Lord had identified himself with the different
political unions.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said, that his expression did not
mean to include all the Peers who voted in the majority ;
he only alluded to a small and self-interested portion of
their Lordships.—(Hear.)

Sir R. VYVYAN contended that his Hon. and Gallant
Friend had never said that it was the intention of the
Noble Lord to create these outrages. All that his Hon.
and Gallant Friend bad said was this,—that when he
saw two Cabinet Ministers corresponding with the Poli-
tie.d Unions of Birmingham and Manchester, it was not
too much to connect their letters with any insurrectionary
movements which might take place in any part of England.
He did not mean to say that the Noble Lord meant to ex-
cite such riots as had occurred in various parts of the
country; but those riots were the inevitable consequence
of the letters which the two Noble Lords opposite had
written.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) He was sur-
prised that the Noble Lord should have corresponded at
all with the Political Union of Birmingham. That Union
was formed in the year 1830, in consequence of the
Houses having refused to make any inquiry into the dis-
tress of the country ; and yet the Noble Lord was among
those who had voted against the institution of such inquiry.
No later than last week, the Political Union alluded to had
transmitted a memorial to Earl Grey, distinctly declaring
that the Reform Bill would be incomplete as a measure for
the pacification of the country, unless the currency ques-
tion also should undergo revision.—(Cheers from the Op-
position.) This, then, was the sense of that body, to
which the Noble Lord stated seriously his opinion,
that the rejection of the Bill would be a public calamity.—
(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.) How long,
lie demanded, was so anomalous a state of things to con-
tinue ? How long was the majority of that House to come
to decisions contradictory of that of the Lords ? He would
ask if, in the event of a prorogation, and lilinisters con-
tinued in office, which he hoped they would—(Laughter)
—it should become necessary to take measures for the
coercion of the violators of the public peace, whether the
Noble Lord would exercise to the fullest extent the powers
with which he was invested by the Constitution for en-
forcing obedience to the law ?—(Hear, hear.) Hon.
Members smiled when he expressed his hope that Minis-
ters for the present would remain in office ; but he did
hope so, knowing as he must that a tremendous responsi-
bility would be attached to their tenure of power for the
ensuing three months. The Noble Lord, in his reply to
his notable Birmingham correspondent, he perceived, had
condescended to notice the often-repeated threat of re-
' sistance to the payment of taxes—assessed taxes, of course,
for no other, he presumed, could be contemplated—and
implored the parties who thus menaced him not to disturb
Ministers by putting ouch a threat in execution. If they
did, he could not pay the dividends, as the people of Bir-
mingham might soon find, so that it would be eventually
as broad as it was long. This was certainly the first time
in which a Minister of the Crown had ever committed
himself to a correspondence of such a nature, and he most
sincerely trusted it would also prove the last.—(llear.)
As to the letter of the Noble Paymaster of the Forces,
he wished only to make a single observation upon the
meaning which it was intended to convey. The Noble
Lord denied that he meant to stigmatise the majority
of the Lords by the phrase " whisper of a faction,"
as put in opposition to the vote of the nation. Now,
if the Noble Lord did not allude to the majority of the
other House when he made use of that expression, be
begged leave to ask him who it was that he did mean ?
(Cheers from the Oaposition.) Nay, how was it that he
had remained in office a moment longer after thus identi-
fying himself with such a body as that of Birmingham, by
writing to their President a letter of this description?—
' (Cheers.) Again, he asked, whom or what he meant by
the language to which he had resorted ? Did he mean to
notcc the fact that sums of money had been promised and
paid to particular Noble individuals for their votes ; did he
mean to acknowledge that certain balls were to be placed
higher or lower on certain coronets, and that balls were
also to be taken off altogether and strawberry leaves sub-
stituted in some coronets as a reward for the partisanship
of their wearers ?—(Loud cheers.) Did he allude to the
bench of Bishops who. were now so reviled for their oppo.
sition to the Government, although it had always hitherto
been the fashion to vituperate them for habitually paying
court to the powers that be?—(Cheers.) Surely, by op-
posing Ministers, those Right Rev. Prelates could gain
nothing, at all events, whatever they might have lost.
But was the Noble Lord quite sure that the voice of public
opinion was really in favour of this Bill ?—(Hear, hear.)
The contest which was now proceeding with such vigour
in the county of Dorset, he thought might at least induce
them to be a little diffident as to the correctness of their
assumption in the affirtnative.—(Cheers from the Opposi-
tion.) Had they any right to talk of the voice of public
opinion as being exclusively in their favour, when the
Anti-Bill Candidate at this moment had brought as many
votes to the poll as his opponent ?—(Cheers, and cries of
" More.") If more, the case was so much the stronger ;
but if as many, it was sufficient for his argument, which
was,- that the country was at least divided upon the ques-
tion, and that was a sufficient refutation of the asset tion of
gentlemen opposite—(Hear)—that a contested election
would be attended with the same results in every other
county in England, if opportunity were afforded for so
extensive a demonstration of opinion.—( Hear.) Did the
house remember the triumphant chuckling of the Press
at the approach of the election for Dorset ? No Anti-
Reformer, forsooth, could think of coming forward, and
yet Lord Ashley, who had not declared himself till two
days before they went to the hustings, occupied his pre-
sent station upon the poll after more freeholders had voted
than perhaps had ever before been polled upon any similar
occasion.—(Hear.) Once more he demanded what party
the Noble Lord meant by the expressions in his letter.—
But he wished also to direct the attention of the House to
the processions of that (lay through the streets of London,
consisting of crowds with white ribands tied on their arms
on which were inscribed the words " national union."--
Had not these unions been in existence prior to 1793, and
were they not suppressed by the interposition of the Le-
gislature, and were they not also put down in like man-
ner on their revival in 1819 ? Ile was prepared to main-
tain that those who entered into this so-called Reform
combination did not in fact amount to one-half the res-
pectability of the country—(llear, hear, from Mr. Hunt)
and ha would therefore now call upon the Government to
yield, since it became thus apparent that their position
was untenable.—(Hear.) That day the Marquis of Lon-
donderry was waylaid a second time, and severely wounded
by their supporters.—(Hear.) Those who were taunted
as mock-reformers had been described as unfriendly to
the extension of the liberties of the people. He denied
the charge.—(hear.) The mass of the community he
did not think were incompetent to form an opinion as to
the best mode in which a legislative assembly should be
constituted --(Hear, hear.) It was too hard, however,
to urge that the opponents of Ministers were hostile to all
improvement merely because they happened to be adverse
to this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped that Government
after all that had passed, would see the propriety of so
modifying their late Bill as to make it a safe measure,
which would not scare and alarm the advocates of our an-

cieut institutions; and he was glad to perceive that Mi- '
nisters already evinced symptoms of a disposition to abate
sotnewlaat of their demands. Ile hoped, therefore, that
they would then bring in a Bill which would in effect
secure the just prerogatives of the Crown, the authority
of both Houses of Parliament, and the rights and liberties
of the people. At present he could not forbear complain-
ing of the system by which it was sought to make con-
verts to Reform. Handbills this day were placarded
through the town, fringed with black, and bearing the
names of the majority of the Lords, who were thus
pointed out to the vengeance of the public, and marked as
fit objects, if necessary, for the knife.—(Cheers from the
Opposition.) In no one instance did ha see the police in-
terfere to prevent the circulation of such documents ; but
Ministers, he concluded, were but too happy in their pros-
pect of advantage from any contingent riots which it was
likely would ensue.—(Cheers.)
Lord ALTHORP said, in reply to the Hon. Baronet's
attack upon him, for having written a letter to the Bir-
mingham Political Union, that he had written no letter
whatever to the body known under that title.—(Cheers.)
He certainly did acknowledge to have addressed a letter to
the chairman of a public meeting at Birmingham (con-
sisting of 150,000 persons), expressing his sense of a vote
of thanks with which so large a number of his fellow-
countrymen had thought fit to honour his public conduct.
—(Hear, hear.) How the Hon. Baronet might feel upon
such an occasion he could not pretend to say, but for his
own part his feelings would be very different from what
they had been hitherto if he could be indifferent to the ap-
probation of an assembly of Englishmen.—(Near, hear,
hear.) He valued this testimony to his character as
highly as it deserved, and he was not the man to disdain
returning a courteous answer to such a communication
nor could he think that in so doing he had acted in a man-
ner by any means unworthy of his station.—(Hear, hear.)
In acknowledging to the chairman the honour thus con-
ferred on him, he had taken the opportunity to recom-
mend that gentleman to use his influence for the preven-
tion of acts of violence, or illegal and unconstitutional
excesses. He had also stated that the rejection of the Re-
form Bill was a great calamity, for as a calamity his col-
leagues and himself had considered it.—(Cheers.) He
denied that the letter so written ,could be said to have
placed him in opposition to the House of Lords, for his
assent to the introduction of the measure itself had un-
happily placed him in that predicament already.—(Hear,
hear.) Ile did not desire to interfere with the just privi-
leges of the Lords ; but if their Lordships bad privileges,
so also had he.—(Cheers.) The right of expressing his
personal opinions appertained to him in common with
every other Englishman ; and no assembly whatever, be it
Lords or be it Commons, should deprive him of it.—
(Cheers.) But how the letters of his Noble Friend and
himself could be said to encourage riot, he was totally un-
able to divine. The gentleman to whom he had addressed
the letter in question differed, indeed, with him upon the
subject of the currency ; but it was a little too much to
bring that forward as a reason to dissuade him from thank-
ing him, and the assembly of which he was the organ, for
the vote of confidence with which they had honoured him.—
(Hear, and laughter.) The speech of the Hon. Baronet be
could not help saying strongly reminded him of a similar
speech in April last, when Ministers were also told that the
opinion of the country was against them—(Hear)—and
that they would discover the truth of the prognostic.
Hon. Gentlemen opposite now told them that they had no
right to assume that the country at this moment was in
their favour. Now, really in reply to such statements, he
could only express his regret that any one at the present
crisis, after seeing what he had seen, and hearing what
he had heard, should still indulge in so miserable a delu-
sion, when an unprejudiced man must at once acknowledge
that the country, in fact, was all but unanimous in favour
of the Reform Bill.—(Cheers.) In conclusion he should
only add, that this attack appeared very unfair and un-
reasonable, so far as his noble colleague and himself were
affected by it, and he should never regret having respect-
fully answered the cordial, and to him most gratifying,
assurance that lie bad conciliated the good opinion of so
many of his fellow subjects.—(Hear.)
Sir R. VYVYAN disclaimed having used, on a former
occasion, the precise language which the Noble Lord had
ascribed to him.

Mr. G. BANKES did not mean to call in question the
Noble Lord's discretion in having answered the letter
alluded to in the manner be had described, but the case of
the Noble Lord beside him was entirely dissimilar.—
(Hear)—and he did not hesitate to pronounce that Noble
Lord's conduct to be indiscreet and reprehensible. He,
moreover, could not refrain from expressing his regret,
that the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack should
have expressed, through inadvertency, an opinion, that it
was lawful for large bodies to repair in procession to the
Palace, for the purpose of presenting petitions to his
Majesty. It was against the law, and they all saw that day
the practical result of its repetition, for a Peer of the realm
had already been severely wounded by the rioters in the
public thoroughfares.—( Hear, hear.) He did not mean
to assert that those who actually walked in the procession
were the mob, but most assuredly their procedure of neces-
sity produced it. He was himself a witness to the demo-
lition of Lord Bristol's windows, next door to the very
house in which the Hon. Member for Middlesex met the
populace by appointment, in order to put himself at the
head of the procession. They smashed the windows by
way of amusement, while they were detained waiting for
the Hon. Gentleman, who was to act as their principal.
But he had risen chiefly in order to notice the letter al-
ready alluded to, which had been written to the Chair-
man of the Birmingham Union by the Noble Lord oppo-
site. In that letter the Noble Lord, in his opinion, had
sought to throw a direct stigma on the majority against
the Bill in the other House,—a majority which had tri-
umphantly thrown out the Bill in spite of the late creation
of additional Peers for the avowed purpose of carrying the
measure.—(Cheers, )
Lord EBRINGTON rose to order. The Hon. Member
was irregular in thus describing in that House a proper and
legitimate exercise of the Royal authority.
The SPEAKER decided that it was no violation of
the rules of Parliament to allude there to the exercise of
the Royal authority by a creation of Peers, if that exercise
was proper and constitutional. The Noble Lord by in-
terposing appeared to assume that it was not so.—(Cheers
from the Opposition.)
Mr. BANKES then went on to describe the present
state of the contest in Dorsetshire, and stated that by the
latest accounts that Lord Ashley was ten a-head on the
tenth day of the poll.—(Cheers.) No one could under-
take to predict what might be the ultimate result of the
election, but his argument was sufficiently established by
the closeness of the contest. That it would be carried in
favour of Lord Ashley would be most certain, were it not
that many who had been well-inclined to support him,
were deterred from coming forward by the fear of injury
from incendiaries, which prevailed not only in Dorsetshire,
but all over the country generally, and was every day in-
creasing.—( Hear.) Outrages were now in progress in
two counties, and it could not be disguised that the letter
of the Noble Lord had contributed to augment them.—
Gentlemanll as follo
follows
d
(j)ll;eia?nrtfeß7littlesgsrelatitude, the un-
deserved thenbegff eat read hear,"t
acknowledge
letterwithd no.")
o
honour done me by 150,000 of my countrymen.
Our prospects are now obscured for a moment, and I trust
only for a moment.—(Cheers.) It is impossible that the
whisper of faction should prevail against the voice of a
nation."—(Cheers.) He would tell the Noble Lord that
he preferred the whisper of his (Mr. G. Bankes's) faction
to the clamour of his mob."—(Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said, that as so pointed a call had
been made upon him to explain in what sense he applied
the expression which had given the Hon. Gentleman so
much uneasiness, he did not hesitate to state that he had
not contemplated the majority of the Lords in the phrase
so often referred to. The other House had undoubtedly
as good a right to reject the Bill as they themselves had to
agree to it, and he was far from disputing that they were
perfectly entitled to vote which way they thought proper.
__(Cheers.) But there might be factions in Parliament
notwithstanding, which looked is their own interests and
promoted their own ends by opposing the Reform Bill—.
(Hear)—and he would also add, that the conduct of cer-
tain gentlemen in opposition on General Gascoigne's mo-
tion, fully illustrated the truth of the assertion.—(Cheers.)
Hon. and Learned Gentlemen had likewise talked pretty
often of the wicked and profligate designs of Ministers in
introducing this late measure of Reform, and it appeared
to him that lie might with equal fairness make use of a
word so common in the English language as faction.—
(Laughter.) That grave and learned person, Dr. John-
son, had defined Whig by the word faction—(Cheers from
the Opposition)—and explained Tory, to signify a sup-
porter of the Constitution in Church and State.—(Cheers
repeated.) He, however, might call a Whig, one who de-
sired to reform abuses in the Constitution ; and a Tory,
one who resisted their attempts to bring about that desir-
able object. With respect to the recent creation of Peers,
it was only necessary to observe, that a similar increase
had been made at the Coronation of George the Fourth,
and the Honourable Gentleman was entirely deceived
if lie imagined that they had been made to fa-
cilitate the success of the Reform Bill. If a motion were
brought forward for an address to the Crown requesting
his Majesty to abstain from this exercise of the Royal pre-
rogative, he apprehended that very few would be found to
come forward and support it. The Hon. Baronet seemed
to think that Ministers were inclined to take advantage of

the disturbane..s which be anticipated as likely to ensue in
the present excited state of the country ; but really it was
not easy to understand in what way Ministers would gai❑
by such proccedings.—(Hear, hear.) It was their duty
to assuage and suppress them by every means in their
power, and happy was it for them that they could not
charge themselves with the responsibility.—(Cheers.) At
the same time he could not imagine a more ungrateful
task than that now imposed upon Government, which had
first given its sanction to a measure of so much importance,
and was thus afterwards constrained to coerce the people
into acquiescence in the decision which thus retarded, for
a time, their just and reasonable expectations.—(Cheers. )
He (lid, in his conscience, believe that the retirement of
the present Ministers, so far from allaying the evils that
they all so much deprecated, would only tend to their
further aggravation.—(Cheers, and cries of " No.") He
begged leave furthermore to add, that in his opinion no
advantage whatever could be derived from the continuance
of this discussion. After the explanation which he had
given, he should be sorry if the House thought that any
blame attached to him ; and he only hoped that an angry
discussion might not arise in the present state of public
feeling.
Mr. GOULBURN concurred in the observation which
had fallen from the Noble Lord, that it was the duty of
every one not to add to the excitement which at present
prevailed out of doors ; and he trusted that, whatever re-
marks might fall from him, they would not be attended
with such an unfortunate effect. The Noble Lord (the
Paymaster of the Forces) had vindicated one paragraph in
the letter which had been brought before the attention of
the House, on grounds which he considered most extraor-
dinary—(Hear, hear)— extraordinary, if assumed by any
Member of that House, but ten times more extraordinary,
when assumed by a Cabinet Minister, of whom the tran-
quillity of the country ought to be the peculiar care.—
(Cheers.) lie was not present when this discussion com-
menced, because in attempting to reach the House he bad
been overborne by an assembled multitude. How had the
Noble Lord attempted to vindicate that part of his letter in
which he spoke of " the whisper of a faction prevailing
against the voice of the nation ?" The Noble Lord had
forsooth referred the House to Dr. Johnson's definition of
the word " faction." Did the Noble Lord really see no
difference in the use of that word by an individual writ-
ing a dictionary, and by a Cabinet Minister ? The
avoids of the Noble Lord, if unexplained, would naturally
seem to apply to the majority of the House of Lords ; and
lie thought that the Noble Lord must be sensible of the
indiscretion into which he had been betrayed ; but he could
tell that Noble Lord that it was useless to try to escape
from that indiscretion by a reference to a lexicographer.—
(Hear.) The Noble Lord said that he did not mean to
designate the majority of the House of Lords as the
" whisper of the faction," but be understood the Noble
Lord to state that part of the majority were factious.
Was it, he asked, proper for a Cabinet Minister to hold up
to the multitude of Birmingham, that part of the majority
of the House of Lords were influenced, not by their own
conscientious opinions, but by factious motives ?—(Hear.)
And to whom was the Noble Lord's letter addressed ? To
the chairman of a meeting- of 150,000 persons, who, at
the time the Noble Lord was writing, had not met to depre-
cate the actual decision of the House of Lords on the Re-
form Bill, but to induce that House to pass it by a display
of numbers, and by employment of threats. The Noble
Lord might wish to prevent excitement, but he had taken
an unfortunate course to secure that object.—( Hear.)

An Hoar. MEatunst stated to the House that he wit-
neased in the course of the day the demolition of the win-
dows of Apsley-house by about twenty boys; and that a
large multitude, very quiet people no doubt, looked on
without attempting to prevent the mischief. He believed
that no blame was deserved by the police, as he understood
that every possible arrangement had been made to secure
the public peace. He said that he had listened with great
s itisfaction to the explanation offered by the Noble Lord
(the Chancellor of the Exchequer), with respect to the
letter, which he had written ; but he confeased that he
had not derived equal satisfaction from the explanation of
the Noble Lord (the Paymaster of the Forces).—(Hear.)
That Noble Lord had insinuated that the majority of the
House of Lords were a faction ; and had talked of a fac-
tion existing in the House of Commons. He asked the
Noble Lord whether he had never heard of a Government
being carried on by faction 2---(Hear, hear.)
Sir C. WETHERELL—The Noble Lord has said that
1 called the Reform Bill a profligate measure, and he in a
manner challenges me to repeat the term. I certainly
said that it was jacobinical and revolutionary, and there-
fore, perhaps, the inference may be that it is profligate;
but, in the course of the many discussions, I did not use
that word. Such expressions as I did employ I am not
disposed to withdraw, and what I have said I usually
stick to.—(Cheers.) I beg leave to observe, that never
on any occasion did I cast out the slightest imputation
against the abilities or conduct of the Noble Lord. At
present lam dragged into this discussion—l am dragged
into it by the Noble Lord—and being dragged into it, I
must say that two more improper letters, bearing the
signatures of Cabinet Ministers, were never written than
those signed Althorp and Russell.—(Cheers.) I give my
opinion on them not as a volunteer, but because lam
dragged into the discussion by the Noble Lord. If he
addresses himself to a lawyer—if, indeed, Ministers have a
lawyer among them—(Hear)—he will be told that a
meeting cf 150,000 persons, assembled under certain sym-
bols of concert, according to the undoubted decision of con-
stitutional lawyers is a misdemeanour. What are the
facts ? After the rejection of the Bill by the House of
Lords, two of the King's Cabinet Ministers are minded to
write letters to the Chairman of a public meeting ; I was
not in the House when the question was put regarding the
letter of the Noble Paymaster of the Forces—l did not hear
the accusation, but I heard the defence, and that defence
seems to me most unfortunate. If it were written from in-
advertence (a word, by the way, not unknown to the
Cabinet)—in a moment of haste, and in the overflowing of
the gratitude of the Noble Lord for the support offered to
him and his friends, he might have told him so ; but no,
he deliberately enters upon his defence, which turns out to
be not a satisfactory answer, but a metaphysical sophistica-
tion. Then he taunts us, forsooth, with being Tories,
and he tells us how Dr. Johnson defines the words
" Whig" and " Tory ;" but if the Noble Lord quote one
page from Dr. Johnson, I may be allowed to refer to an-
other, and elsewhere I find that great authority giving it
as his opinion, that the "Devil was the first Whig."—
(Cheers and laughter.) The Noble Paymaster of the
Forces went into other topics, which I shall not pass
over, as I mean this night to give notice of a motion.—
Among other things, he tells us that he hopes the debates
this evening will preserve the tone of moderation of the
other night. Let me ask the Noble Lord whether he
alluded to the speech of the Hon. and Learned Member
fur Calne, whose sentiments were so heartily adopted by
the Ministers ?—( Cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Gen-
tleman toll us, among other moderate sentiments, that
the law did not depend for its virtue and efficacy upon its
own vigour, and that it was merely a dead letter, unless
supported by the strength of public opinion ; in other
words, that public opinion is the law, for law is not the
law without it. That doctrine, I remember, was vehe-
mently cheered by his Majesty's Ministers—by the adhe-
rents, I may call them, of the Honourable Member
for Caine, although, perhaps, I may not call them a
faction : he contended and they admitted that the
arbitriuni popularis aura was the only law of the
land. Then the Noble Paymaster of the Forces,
with his milk and water executive Government—
his lemonade and orgeate Ministry—talks of the destruc-
tion of the Palaces of the nobles of the land; when he
spoke of the acts of violence and insurrection against Peers
of the realm and their property, surely he might have
picked out a little stronger phrase from his vocabulary,
than the admission that it was the duty of the public autho-
rities to calm the popular excitement.—(Cheers.) I say
that it is the duty of Government to suppress and to
punish—to exert the strong arm of the law in its full
force; and I refer the Noble Lord again to his dictionary
to find some form of words that may convey that such acts
of criminality shall be met by adequate and condign pu
nishment. I say, and I say it without fear of contradic-
tion, that Government have connived at the acts of vio-
lence encouraged by their own organ, the leading journal,
the Tintes, which has been daily exciting and irritating the
people. I remember that the Hon. and Learned Member
for Caine told us the other night, that the law officers of
the Crown were but as rusty nails ; it seems but too true,
that they are as insufficient as they are decayed ; and when
the Bill for giving a retiring pension to Mr. Abercrombie,
Chief Baron of the Court of Exchequer in Scotland, shall
come before this House, I shall beg leave to tack his Ma-
jesty's Attorney-General by way of rider to it.—(Cheers
and laughter.) Sure I am, that no man better deserves
to retire, although whether he deserves a pension for re-
tiring may be another question. I think that the country
would not lose much by paying him for dispensing with
his services.—(Laughter.) When I see these excitements
and provocations to violence and burnings in papers that
are friendlylo Ministers, I can only suppose, by no great
stretch of fancy, that the office of his Majesty's Attorney-
General is vacant.—(Hear, and cheers.) Out of doors,
I know that there are many who distrust Government at
the present crisis ; and in doors, I for one, in a tone as
high as I can raise, will assort that I distrust it. Ido not
see opposite—yad, I do see opposite—(Laughter)—the
Right Hon. Under-Secretary for the Home Department,
against whom no complaint can justly be made for what

it

Rdoo , ineen liar;
he has either said or I lone in connection with the 8 i • cilihorren((
Bill. I entertain the highest respect for the talents_
is
,'prat
ttuiti,:t
firmueas of mind of the Noble Lord at the head ot, i,),, lj'ety's (;uv
office ; but, let me ask,
dpeLaerdtmaetnt,Naortitdingpii:arillilapisiasintneoltligence of what 11!, j-eues 414 b" time
the Forces recommend merely calmness and soothing-!Yee,ol; guage of
.:,
for the popular irritation, if Woburn Abbey had been!) i_i sit with
_ll,
1 appreb
,i 5 Ar. ?Ea,
the Noble Lord's ancestral mansion would,
of ' aPpro • '-
occasion some trifling ripple upon the glassy surface.
excite' vinr, .
down instead of Nottingham Castlyee.t rTealceb:sttrhueetlit:eir';o(ll, 'l'.li'attihill:7l:
'lancellor 'of I
temper, however he may talk of moderating Public e
e Cbair
ment and calming tbe public mind. • the flight An H tetan
,niv°,,undteryy,t,
Lord J. RUSSELL-I know not whether ,19, 00. A
Hon. Gentleman heard me, but what I said was tutcs, ;eg_"age 1,54
that the attack upon the house of the Duke of Weillugeot 4,t,hought th
would the Noble Paymaste
0, , their
utm,
and other similar transactions, nothing could indue t ole Friet
_ge use of du
to palliate or excuse.with the 't rata s°
Sir C. WETHERELL-I do not quarrel WI re, },rter atl
words of the Noble Lord, but I maintain, that if Gnvaesce ti 4; ancl h(
ment have not been exciting these proceedings,
The 1`.....he k JUSt ia,i,a,
been conniving at them.-(Hear, hear.) e that “e
Lord, in his most improper letter, tells the penile a
bees, lefe e °P1)0
logic-this the unstatesmanlike princi
tranquil, not because you will break the law, but „tole •I bo_ astle to
they lit'
.e . d ',team
you will defeat the Reform Bill. This is the resPedere, h, e"t seas
is niorehte
to, 'k frog
liction of duty-for I can use no less forcible expressetoo iott,ll:oTasEv
contained in the two letters to the illegally
Birmingham Union.-(Cheers.) I have felt called 1; therlf the ea,
mtoesnatyio thatsup suppress
(nliostticirobnafindeeein;
and
de
what is
of GI 4,• . copiedttauil
not believe that the public confide in them : on t i pi' he, 31-ittinied
trary, lam persuaded that my opinion is the gene.; co, 'erasuread eon,,
nion, and that Ministers will use the disturbances as tnents that h
vehicle and means of carrying their Reform 13,!11--ae(sioble, Mr--il,.,ellee
cheering)-and in proof I vouch the letter 01 t" 04 1101 0 T'Uilli
Lord. Having become acquainted with what bag, ipre:ens
ati
tot-Ng
iIlo,
etdtoinnongtohi
ctaemmo,ef
,ittna
li
mys moa
tnyi
do innd tiorentni ti
tyiho intention-s whisper
bI i fecaitr.al ywlas
yadYontioyt
07r;
~,,,llaed! re: et
hx
eeexcite u
etiiii:Yelrit 1
that Ministers will boldly, manfull 'and energetics )101 he d°Ple so „
t
suppress these scandalous and anti-social outrages' ii, they
f, ad bee
lieving it I will say it, and saying
I will adhere tether tva,
041
wha
he constitutional powers in their hands to control' lie they ehelarationg
principle--thiscotbns
lie::
(Cheers.) I cannot regularly move at present, and' ~, 0 Itreo'su,'h aeh
ropert),.„ ill Itterai 'lolis,
addressfi onreb,u Ir
nsitlnioagltli:i
eog:i give
nreo
Nottinghamnoticewn
prtaailitgl
tcthraaisltlt,laet,o-stmipieeocylw, 01i,5 iorl 441ti0.ve.:1 sue
Cr utrage :11, a lain;
may be issued to try the offenders concerned ill t"e,c)ef big -;at alrae disc
Grace the Duke of Newcastle, and in other diser7or ;11e that llei'g to ti
that neighbourhood. I came down to the il,u Lord h3' IC'a4 4eir °pit
purpose of giving that notice ; but as the Noble oao !vet aicit 1144
called upon me, I have shown that lam readY 0.),..i0 elaYtothleOce 1
him. lam ready to state in strong terms...4lle, 004 a„l3f tea use
him.
unmeasured terms-(Hear)-in strong and ticuirs,-sittis° i;;ith a'•:etabl
terms-(Hear, hear)-that Government, in PeL, otber „-"ghtes-, "tire
the attack not only upon this House but upon °cog irr trecehi` 'tole
House of Parliament, and upon the property of Pei
od istl' the 0.---..(
dividuals, have yielded to the most illegal threats le oS,fe Itii, iti nu.bike of
midation, at the daily propagation of which Miureb, it tbe 1 atla-,.1
purposely and sedulously connived. I have 4141` "Ir. a''ti pf ,-,'" to
Duke of Newcastle's mansion has been burnt OAP i t tlie L'ea ;use w,
because he voted against the Reform Bill; a°"(peoblie 140i,ts °s 1
Noble Lord know, that by a happy convertibility' etio,;ilr if use
eueh ;
opinion, which changes with the utmost rapiditY,,3:o ",eint 1;4:0.--Y (a. 1„!: ea
out the possibility of eontroul, the attack e;,- pre') 1i!..., th„f,--oni
Woburn Abbey may not be long postponed. i'n'tedihr„ iL,,,,e it he
lie
the Duke of Newcastle's property has been deie"o:loet, ~;14g t,id"e 1
cause he is the enemy of Reform :to morrow the t(fien '1; sueli i ell'i
of the Rus-els may be assailed, because they °hi, LP, shear, hear -lugU
to it.-(Cheers.) I need not remind the N°[o.ll) $",, ti'en ~1.)
that there is a vast body out of doors who 1001 ',alio' arl who WI
much contempt on his 101. clause as Ido two, °eel; Al' ii?he e -4at
measure : proximus ardet Ucalegon, and rrovijt,° to V thaelialnaert.ed st
bey, Althorp house, and Lindy, may be the tie) -cike a. 144
al Ada •110 Y
sacrificed.g toted
til Add re
ace,
Sir J. WROTTESLEY spoke to order, 00 the 'Srleeel Ghat .1
s to his
that the Right Hon. Gentleman was ointiog °lit - The!4'"at'lvi 4 pitch
the f %id il
to be the objects of popular fury P at io 11, eelia @
The SPEAKER concurred that such ruig"" . ins Resog of
effec.t, and that it was consequently out of order. lot tPe„ it 414a,,i'rn Li
Sir C. WETHERELL-I do not appreheud ,ritf VI kst'lie o'fllitY
people-the tide of the mob-the " turbid 11°71:14':A or4tiifetted"eit!
-will need my information if the at any fotil" led' .- at lere,:----i
should have a spark of fire for any of those 'uPiropet -41(1 selfi-,` of a
fabrics : but I think the objection of Hon' ;'-',,t ;13 tliv.hieh h'" 011
would have come with much more fitness due'hi", "ilto .141.,,i5irl'ad
speech of the Hon. and Learned Member for Cirio'',ed le tke lo;ear,
former night, for whose incitements he seems d'°e;osjOre I}i. a last
Oh
have much charity.-(Cheers.) I was going t°a-soote ~ 'i11..-„-eiwil
Government not to act on the iderior principle ,' roa te ty"°.") NI,"10e
ing popular passion and calming irritation, but 3t ° cot ma
the
as i
take offenders into custody, and to punish thend 0 ,pr, ,orertz
coadjutors,,,,h, ii, this
yn sphmuen sel )
hereafter
purpose
that
their
te
it,those wouldi
opponents
veh,o,eremindmatri(e: 8 t thein;oiawrn Nobledof,ryti
he,i.a(
to Lyitiriroi
e::::::$10( o:rt
101 1 111, i.
tol:e_ealtiqrhiet,ietvislteovf:
le, je
change. in the wind of politics will blow the ague frjgele; 4114The'ss'ad(:1-1'
lution begins no man can tell where it will end, ocir opals ' /t the fe.'„eittld
property may be sacrificed to the alternation of Pio', Or h vsaa-'gs
fury ; and every man who thinks differently fr° ot oe p! 1181 4tiel
such a point may have the brains of a coxcomb, b 1" b ere
•
i tali, ) avi
the intellect of a man.-(Cheers.) 100 ti, ea 400 ,I,
Mr. STANLEY-I am sure the House will feeserc a,4turhar, utla
no man connected with the present Administratiov;iios hear„ er theeea.,
ing his Majesty at a time of peculiar danger-'73:tgaitte° Ghat)-aaya„ t't
when, I will venture to say, no other Adatin'fijeol (ii bad ere
could be formed that would possess sufficient c'eisafee; hati'4') 4bl
in the country to carry it through its difficulties 743 01 wh rejected
cheering)-could be expected to restrain the fee 'le to he tl
indignation which now agitate my breast at the ouir oar, waecolliiql
attick of the Right lion. Gentleman.-(Cheers.) v Orr, 1, ',e tho' for
ever unneces,ary for the satisfaction of the e°ll,ejvhiffi," ite'l4.--..saepstv
however impossible it may be to convince the Rig f,,,,ir thp's(chfs, -iit
Gentleman, I may say, for one and all of their ;50'4 ...,,Y Were-eel•
of the Administration, it is dice to our characteor stet feillear.)4ot;
filling responsible situations, to repudiate, as utivre ° hellg eo
worthy of him to have made, and of us to eu""y; K Le I,y
,title 1,
imputation that lie has throw' out that We 113 4 441,t 11"
' PNa
, roe t plied sh Y,
couraged the outrages to which he adverts.
Sir C. WETHERELL-I said that Mitii'te'" Iti'Pted l
and
id toe,
nived at them.-(Cheers.) 4. the , 4 I.e 'te at
Several AIEMBERS-Promoted them. ,iii.,i ‘o ex .tbed
.t
Mr. STANLEY-If any man had told rue s`f P., err Plaiii 4 '
Right Hon. Gontleinan, upon this or urn •It'r,P'ei:, tile violth-7
topic, in the utmost violence of political and Pr ' regi t 0 ......tiori h"
would have so far deviated from calm and treain'%,; bj HOO Nt 141
pressions, I certainly should not have believed, P.,'IJII,j 0. 016,
tio6P
that lie should profess to abandon all restraint---sl,l°,'" id i,, 'steel ~,- i
of using stronz and unmeasured terins--A":4001 ‘',410-I:°Pee4b"
astonish me.-( Hear.) These, too, from the begl-1100.,‘ Lord- kttio),.,
ligtiniiiiiinieletmy,ivtypi
?iue
punished.
Governmentiiitilliuileeeddul.saaeudls:dpsupr leia(osillisul
the end, were directed to such a perversion of the ootb't `a.(11eonll -
the case, and of the speech of my Noble Friend, . Oto,
theft 'ar.) xi
edimgal:ty,,itavtreNetisoibpii tiale.aenrvadetFebH,
e.
eiineeeannidegeactin:saf:o3:yreP;de6:foye
a9o0:
ei
tc"°1;;0 ,
el t ii.}
i(1ia4;1,,,,f,i
ill ,
..v:::::Poz i 1 int eaik; itt
the popular excitement, and that these were ./11 00'101.1 "or/ but
burnings had been commenced, before any iudiv air' i tvii r'eße sec
been attacked, to a gentleman who had been the it itself feelil'ilhglyr'pet 4
of a great political meeting, and at a time wbe: f e.,,,, il'eto,R:tiotottr
duty, not only of the executive authorities, bil'itot,Ph th`i,Y;rlg 80.
sincere lover of his country, to allay irritatiou ue'beeri;el. %ivtooki 'lithe 1,
vent the display of popular excitement.--Oduch chlic ti'ie "liiii -0n•
The subject was to prevent that exhibition of Pllrejee 0 if ti 'tera ii.,,e
ing which might be natural)atrheexpßerehdt agftoenr.tboeepoilae)°:tois (,111,11", (ite.ialit't
of the Reform Bill. Next
objects to the course of argument if arguriien?iieitrep,l„ , peo'epz,7hearr,,
called-which is confined to a single line in "jog vpir hot the --(ii
my Noble Friend. A letter was received, 148; tlie,ati the ~ ft,
large body of people had been collected--41°..0bab".:00 ()lit 7,,,p1e :,
as, I believe, they had an undoubted rightopprliaeitpee,
minghain Political Union-but of 150,0 ! ~oest'la Wh • do,: "'
blie 4 • t ~ at
~, ra s
convened to express their sentiments on a Pt' to d°' is' eo "id •
}ism htera slot
nine letter conveyed to my Noble Friend tbe 10 le hot taie peg able
able
of his conduct, and they might have added (ift:Drio ~,,l' pith -,,„-bte re,,
culated to allay the spirit by which
be throughout displayed. is it disputed th't V Otli 1),
naeli' Dlieh ei
been excited and that my Noble Friends rePnaehe°'sctl i'tt 4, 4° pow
theme alitrthcoe soi di Qtr,
4714%4?
were produced ? Its object was to Pretidefeud'nold
_dart
ththat It
of illegality which no man can palliate or contr:" ,:41isIie Port
which are, perhaps, more difficult to Ile c,:tlei flit -'glita alhen I,
than open violence. The Right Houourgb, reateoe'o,ol I,e.'unte 'Ale
says that my Noble Friend should have •••'o,,,,eflirligti 'lajestY) (14;
terrors of the law-that the full power man theL t the h'o,o 11:',11 j wool,
should have been enforced ; and pa man but
oreeis,ii, Y an-4PPoa,
Hon. Gentleman ever supposed that when be enferi•tr °I. til (itherr I
arose the full power of Government would not the irdit) hut, pave
The object, in the first instance, was to all
preet,, hotaiti'lttiititie.
tion which might lead to breaches of the law. tbe ,i,•/' 4' tztk_ cif wha
that there would be any necessity for enforang
ail 10'eri
01tippt:e weetii
&pre aetcip the if;jeo
t'ilitlioel'reopie its rigour would have been to eilcourage
ettl!
s. li „Ali If the ti that
the Right Hon. Gentleman so justly
anything degrading, unwise, or intemo
• eratthe Perveg r '!
Pew' '1
of my Noble Friend-any justification for
_.
to . ep
_L„ ~e the
of it by the Right Hon. Gentleman ? If 004,a, tt,e st.:•-(1/ea
Friend had said, " we must use calm languUgem of ;',/ beitk giggle '
burning or cattle "er , al
deavour to allay excitement," after the ,ht goo', 1, d (-041,1
tingham Castle, and other outrages, the Ilt,gt„ aceasy eel., _ thrau,
tleman would have had some pretence for it9,'„ iiteesiv eo,„‘„t_sit:eee
.;
But, Sir, the time is not long past when ac. ee'tvere but Ilion
I,' lot, tot
risrn were rife in the country, and when it
02 „ogee'. to "resteP(;)!' whi
misters, who not only did not suppress tho!
s:_ceolei, k,t,n jod_
e,
abandoned their posts, and left it to their
_eaitiea Pt 0,14,, 'll had
thego.
controul the tumults which had already s_/.'t dooloo, (11,4.4 given
height. Those successors did controul and ri by !,. Skid 4,) Nv`,_'
incendiaries ; and are they now to be attou•linet_., it".,4 handful',
Gentlemen opposite, in the face of the co t_Tvie
charge of encouraging and conniving at acts
1."

be Itefo
talents
ead of dolt
at bo
the 11°
IYrnaster 0
;hing-sYfil
been berg,
truetion
appreben,
c f
race o
iblic excite'

the Right
was tiliv
weilingtc°'
induce