The Sun.
London, England, 1838-08-18 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Conservatives have already commenced their
autumnal course of eating and drinking. They can
make no impression in the country without it, and we are
well aware that a good dinner and nothing to pay for it will
always be very attractive. If, too, there be anything in
the proverbial lines,
" Fat paunches have lean pates, and dainty bits
Make rich the ribs, but bankrupt quite the wits."
they are right on another account : they better adapt
themselves to their audiences and their audiences to them-
selves. The first Tory feast of the season was given at
Sodbury, in West Gloucestershire, on Tuesday ; and
so anxious were the principal performers that " the glori-
ous meeting" (no doubt some of the yokels were glorious
enough) should be duly trumpeted forth, that they actually
prepared an account of it themselves, and sent it up to
the London Journals of " the right sort," in which it ob-
tained insertion as " from a correspondent." It will probably
not be necessary for them to take this trouble in future, for
we dare say the newspapers in question will find it worth
while to appoint what we may call reporters in eyre (steno-
graphs itinerantes) to go the circuit of the country, in order
to send up without delay accounts of these " grand Con-
servative festivals." Whenever a Conservative Member of
Parliament can collect round him at a dinner a couple of
Conservative justices, a Conservative parson, and a dozen
or so of Conservative thaw-bacons, tenants of the said
Member and Justices, it constitutes what is termed " a
grand Conservative festival." Many of these will probably
be got up within the next two or three months, and the pro-
ceedings will of course be paraded with extraordinary pomp
in such worthy records as The Times, Post, and Herald.
We shall look out for them, and bestow a few remarks upon
them as occasion may offer. The great object of
these exhibitions will be to show that there has
been a most astonishing re-action in the public mind,
ald it will not be the fault of those who preside
it the fact be not most completely and incontrovertibly es-
tahlished. This was the burden of the song at the Sod-
bury symposium, which we are told was attended by as
many members, magistrates, gentry (the magistrates not
being gentry,we presume),and "true-hearted yeomanry," as
filled no fewer than sixty-eight carriages, including we
know not how many taxed and market-carts (for the
" honest farmers" were taken, like an apothecary's powder,
aliquo vehiculo), lengthening out a procession which, ac-
cording to the account before us, was welcomed " by the
entire population of Sodbury." The whole train must have
formed a droll spectacle, and we do not wonder, therefore,
that the correspondent who supplied all the details should
add that "the chagrin" of the Whig Lord-Lieutenant
(who happened to choose that very time for passing through
the place) at " the increasing Conservative strength
of this division of the county was very apparent."
No doubt Lord &grave has scarcely a nail left
on his fingers, and all because he would insist
upon going through Sodbury at that particular
moment. They are excellent judges at Sodbury of the
comparative claims and merits of exalted personages.
After dinner they coupled the Duke of Wellington and
the Duke of Beaufort in the same toast, and not only so,
but they put the Duke of Beaufort first. To be sure, they
may be both styled heroes of an hundred fights," the
one in the Peninsula and at Waterloo, and the ether at
Moulsey Hurst and at Roach's dog-pit. The song accom-
panying the toast should have been—
" Ah, sure a pair was never seen," &c. ;
but to the Sod huryites a Duke s a Duke, and one Duke
as good as another : they make no foolish distinction be-
tween a Duke who figures in the history of the world
and a Duke who figures in the annals of priz--fighters
and still more equivocal records. A Conservative dinn-r
is nothing without a clergyman to return thanks for
the health of the Bishop., &c., and to dissert upon
the incalculable advantages of a union between Church
and State—advantages which the ministers of the Estab-
lishment arc most especially bound to acknowledge.
Sodbury has to boast of the Rev. Dr. Men, of
whom, to our shtinn-, rhni)4,• we know nothing beyond
whet we learn from the narr aive of what passed on ths
Inc:norab'e occasion. He went beyond all precedent in
whit fell from bins regarding Church and State ; with him
t e State was quite an insigt:ificant matter, and the Church
ail in In fact the State was almost indebted to the
Church Lad any existence :—" The Church," he
observed, " could stand without the State, but the State
must till without the Church." There ore, all who were
interested in the State were bound to support the Church,
notwithstanding the Church could so well stand alone with-
out any support. If the State were not to insist upon the
due payment of tithes, the Church might, indeed, stand ;
but .vitiout its emoluments we do not think that many Dr.
Aliens would be found to stand by it. In another part of
lt.s speech the Rev. Gentleman told his auditors that the
clergy did not attend such " glorious meetings" for the
sake of forwarding their " political views, but to pay the
I tebt of gratitude which they owed to those who were
fighting the battle of the Church." If the Church can
stand, even if the State should fall, where is the necessity
for any body to fight its battle ? In truth, in the opinion
ot. Dr. Allen, and of such as he, the Church and tithes are
convertible terms, and the defenders of tithes are the de-
fenders of the Church, and the defenders of the Church
the defenders of tithes. When these crape-sleeved person-
ages preach out of the pulpit, they fall into the most egre-
gious and nonsensical contradictions : their absurdities in
the pulpit may be often quite as glaring, but there at least
they go without comment and without contradiction. The
toast of the clergy was appropriately followed by that of
" the blue ladies" of West Gloucestershire, meaning, we
suppose, the venerable blue-stocking ladies of that part.
of the country. We have not had the good or ill for-
tuae, as the case may be, of hearing of any of them,
but for aught we know they may be very learned and
very ancient. Every body is aware who are meant by
" the white witches of Lancashire," but " the blue ladies"
of West Gloucestershire seem likely to obtain a very un-
enviable degree of notoriety. We are not acquainted with
any one of them who has acquired literary celebrity since
the days of that distinguished poetess " the Bristol Milk-
n aid," the worthy rival, though not strictly speaking con-
temporary, of Stephen Duck, who kept time with his flail
to the repetition of his doggrels :
" She sang her verses to her milking-pail;.
He thrash'd out reams of poems with his flail." .

Mr. Codrington and Mr. Master, who never open their
mouths in Parliament, seem to have opened their mouths
to some purpose at Sodbury, besides the purpose of
eating and drinking. They launched out boldly
against the Whig Ministers, and somewhat need-
lessly, in such company, undertook the defence of the
Tories. " There was now," said Mr. Codrington, " more
necessity than ever for the Conservatives to remain united
in he soul, and purpose." How so, unless the assertion
that Toryism is so rapidly on the increase be utterly with-
out foundation "It had been asked (quoth Mr. Master)
what had the Conservatives gained this session by their
opposition to the Government ?" What was his reply ?
That they had gained what most they wanted, office, and
the means of dipping their hands into the public purse ?
No such thing. "He would answer that they had gained"
—what, does the reader conjecture ?—" They had gained
the character of consistency !" Not having enjoyed any
such character before, they had gained it during the last
session by giving way at all points, and acceding to measures
which they had no longer the power to resist either by
votes or arguments. This is what the inhabitants of Sod-
bury and its neighbourhood are taught to consider Tory
consistency. It is the only kind of consistency the Tories
have shown in the last session, and it is the only kind
of consistency they are likely to show in the next.—Morn-
ing Chronicle.

It is impossible to estimate too highly the service ren-
dered to the country at large by Lord Lyndhurst in his
powerful and effective exposition on Tuesday night of our
commercial relations, and of the character and results of
our diplomacy in the four quarters of the globe. The con-
currence of the highest authority on international law in
the sentiments of the second commercial community in the
United Kingdom, re-echoed as those sentiments have been
from Liverpool, Bristol, and other commercial towns,
guarantees, on the part of at least one branch of the Le-
gislature, the integrity and inviolability of the rights se-
cured to England by the double protection of her own laws
and of her treaties with foreign Powers. The speech of
the Noble Lord, tracing the complicated evils of our mer-
cantile and diplomatic position to the unoffended infraction
by Russia of the treaties of Vienna and of the 6th of July,
1827, annihilates the , territorial pretensions of that
Power to the south of the Pruth, the Kuban, and
the Araxes, and amounts to a judicial declaration of
the existing rights of our merchants freely to navigate
the rivers of Poland, to trade with the indepepdent muni-
cipalities of Cracow, Circassia, Algiers, Constantine, Oran,
and Senegal, to exercise the right of transit from the Baltic
to the Black Sea, from the Black Sea into Central Asia,
nd from the Mediterranean to the valuable marts in the
interior of Africa. The principals and the accessories in
the outrages already committed on the high seas against
ur flag, and against the liberties, rights, property, and
1 araeter of our countrymen, are held responsible for their
&ts by the highest judicial tribunal in the realm. The
'Noble Lord, in consideration of the lateness of the ses,ion,
I ,mited himself to a -" statement of facts," reserving an in-
t estigation of the " circumstances" attenling them to a
n ore suitable occasion than the presentation of a petition.
(in the importance of these facts we have frequently had
o casion to dilate. During a period of profound peace, and
in the zenith of our power, under an Administration in-
vested by the House of Commons with unlimited
confidence, and every required means for the promo-
t. on of our interests with the rest of mankind, our
commerce and manufactures have been obstructed or
prohibited with 4,000,000 of Circassians, 21,000,000 of
Poles, 25,000,000 of Germans, 10,000,000 of Africans,

8,000,000 of Mexicans, and 4,000,000 of South AmeTi-
cans. The free intercourse of our merchant vessels with
the ports of the Baltic and the Black Sea, of the southern
shores of the Mediterranean, of the north-western coast of
Africa, of the Gulfs of Mexico and California, of the
rivers and estuaries of the Uruguay and the Argentine
Republic, has been interdicted by the subordinate autho-
rities of foreign states, whose acts have been officially re-
cognised in England previous to their being approved of,
or even known, by their own Governments. Agricultural
populations to the amount of 70,000,000 of our natural
customers, debarred from their guaranteed rights of free-
dom of intercourse and exchange with England, serve to
promote the rival industry of Russia, Prussia, France, and
the United States, whose concerted system of restrictions
enables them already to undersell our own manufactures
not alone in third markets, but even in the British Islands.
If the result of these restrictions in Europe alone
had been, up to the sth of January of this year, a de-
crease in our annual exports of 12,500,0001. sterling, a
diminution in •our imports of 2,500,0001., and of
internal revenue to upwards of 2,000,0001., feeble
indeed is the prospect, under the present Government, of a
restoration of our foreign influence, considering that it is
since that period that the paper blockades of France have
excluded us from the markets of South America, that our
commerce with Persia and Central Asia is endangered to
the amount of 5,000,000/. sterling ; that in addition to the
augmented expenditure arising from the mal-administration
and defence of the Canadas, we have to protect our Indian
empire threatened on the West, North, and East, whilst
our naval forces are dispatched on the one side up the Per-
sian Gulf, and on the other to Canton ? We shall take
an early opportunity of pointing out the wholly erroneous
statement of the First Lord of the Admiralty with regard
to our naval defences, and of laying before the public the
commercial importance of those populations in the three
Continents, enumerated by Lord Lyndhurst as our mer-
cantile allies, and who have the good fortune to claim, in
common with the commercial communities of Great Bri-
tain, so distinguished an advocate of their rights.—Tinzes.
The Whig Ministers of our youthful Queen having es-
caped the perils of the late Session, through the extraor-
dinary courtesy and forbearance displayed towards them
and their delinquencies, in both domestic and foreign policy,
by the Conservative leaders in Parliament, are making just
such a return to their political preservers as was to be ex-
pected of a faction lost to all sense of shame and decency,
in setting on their Journals to abuse and revile their bene-
factors—the accommodating and compromising Conserva-
tives, who stepped between the desponding culprits and the
doom which public opinion had long since pronounced, and
shielded them from the country's indignation. The Minis-
terial Journals only echo in their abuse of the indulgent
Conservatives, what the Irish dictator of the enslaved Ca-
binet vociferates in the choicest Billingsgate of renewed
agitation in Dublin, against the men, who, having in their
bands the means of delivering the British empire from the
most degrading yoke under which a great nation ever suf-
fered, abused their strength, and threw away their opportu-
nity in weak and foolish attempts to conciliate antagonists who
could neither be safe friends, nor honourable foes. Hence
it is that O'Connell still grasps the patronage of Ireland ;
hence it is that his Ministerial vassals are still permitted
to inflict upon the country that fatal dominion which de-
presses all its interests at home, and covers it with humilia
tion and igaom'ny abroad. It is true that the Duke of
Welington, who so often interposed the protection of his
great name between the delinquent Ministry and destruc-
tion, at length adrritted he was wrong in so doing ; but, un-
fortunately, he male that discovery s late in the session,
that his repentance produced no practical benefit to the
country. Sir Robert Peel made no such candid admission ;
but if the Duke's policy de4erved self-condemnation, cer-
tainly that of the Right Hon. Baronet cannot escape cen-
sure, for Lord John Russell was not less indebt, d to his
indulgence in the Commons than Viscount Melbourne was
to the Duke of Wellington's protecting interference in the
Lords. The "dry-nursing" the Queen's Ministers was,
during a considerable portion of the Session, the worthy oc-
cupation of "her Mejesty's opposition"—for which, in
the taunts and revilinga of the little leader of the Whig.
Radical forces, and the renewed agitation of O'Connell
and his satentes, they have received their reward,
Never was there so strong a minority in the House of
Commons as that cf last session which so tompletely
disappointed public expecfa ion. Giving, as we do, an in-
dependent support to Conservative principles, we dare tell
professed Conservatives, however high their station, what
we thick of their conduct, when, forgetting the high tone
of political and religious sentiment with which they re-
sponded to the national feeling on the hustings and at public
meetings, they tamper with great principles, and display a
suspicious readiness to compromise a noble cause. The
fantastic pranks of unconstitutional power which the vice-
regal puppet of the mendicant agitator has been playing in
Ireland ought alone to have borne down any Ministry to
the earth, and must inevitably have destroyed the Mel-
bourne Administration if the wickedness of the Whigs bad
not derived impunity and protection from the weakness of
the policy pursued by the Parliamentary Tories. The
Irish Conservative Members shamefully abandoned during
the past Session the cause of their own country ; and the
English Conservative leaders, with the exception of Lord
. Lyndhurst, seemed to think the extraordinary doings of the
Marquis of Norma* as far beyond their cognizance or
control as if they had occurred in China or Japan, A tenth
of the unconstitutional acts committed in Ireland within the
last three year; roused the whole British nation against the
authority of James 11. But our Protestant and-Conser-
vative patriots at the present day are men of such " con-
summate prudence" that we cannot help thinking the
Stuart dynasty would still have occupied the Throne, if
the Protestant patriotism of the seventeenth century had
been made of the same sort of stuff as that in the nine-
teenth. At no other period of our history since the revo-
lution could it have been announced that a man encrusted
with such a character as that of the Irish Agitator, and
who had just received sentence as a culprit on the floor of
the House of Commons, was offered a high judicial ap-
pointment by the Queen's Ministers without producing
such a burst of indignation in Parliament as must have
driven those panders to turbulent ambition on the seat of
justice from their dishonoured places. But we cannot be
surprised at anything when we recollect that there were
Tories who, joined in whitewashing this man touching the
notorious " Carlow job," and to whom he declared in the
first enthusiastic expression of his gratitude that he would
always take off his bat to them whenever he met them. What
does he now say in reference to Tory conduct on Election
Committees ?These are his words in his latest address to the
Corn Exchange conspirators :—Stealing,afterhis own candid
fashion, and mangling with his own peculiarly bad taste,
a passage in one of the speeches of the celebrated advo-
cate Curran, he thus applies it to the " perjured bigotry"
of Tory Committees—" The bigotry that could show itself
as it has done, in reference to Ireland, must have risen by
its own putrescence. As the human body, after passing to
a state of putrefaction, only rises as it rots, so rose to the
top thebigotryofEngland from the stench and impurity ofits
own foetid dregs." This is now the language of the man
whom Ministers worship, whom some Conservatives would
conciliate, and who, through the baseness of one party and
the concessional policy of the other, has contrived, with
the talents of a mob-flatterer and the energies of a mounte-
bank, to make himself the master of the destinies of the
British empire. It is only in such a position we consider
this man and his acts of any importance. The more con-
temptible in point of character and real talent the dema-
gogue is, the more portentous a sign of declining empire is
it, that such a man should attain political ascendancy
within the realm of England. But whatever influence
he may exercise over the minds of Whig or Tory poli-
ticians, it is some consolation to know that his
popular power in this country is gone for ever.
He may talk loudly and pompously of his new
plan of English agitation to his Irish dupes, but he is him-
self conscious that he has lost all hold upon the popular
mind of England. The good sense of the mass of the
people of this country is not always proof against the delu-
sions of artful demagogues, but there is a sturdy honesty
among the people which makes them spurn with contempt
the detected trickster who has pandered to their passions
only for the most sordid purposes. The betrayer of the
factory children—the denouncer of the working classes—
the opponent of a Poor-law fur his starving countrymen—
the slanderer of British women, may assume whatever
popular cant he pleases, but he will never again be listened
to with patience, much less with admiration, by any large
assemblage of people, out of St. Giles's, within the four seas
of Great Britain. Let him send his deputation of 200
agitators to England, as he threatens to do, if they come
to collect the tribute-money for him (the great object of
his present agitation), they will return with " a beggarly
account of empty boxes." But why will he not venture
himself at their head? Why will he not make an-
other tour as a " ministerial missionary," to preach
down the House of Lords ? He knows the people of
this country too well to try that experiment or anything
like it again. He who was the friend and admirer of
Papineau and his fellow-traitors until they fell into misfor-
tune, and then turned upon them with the ready treachery
that tramples on the fallen, can be trusted by no party, and
mtoust be despised by all, with the exception of the Wales,
baseness
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who whom
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iss now their
et hoe ir
populacepoli ieals
sooracle lost
sleet base,in n000t( y,
to; manhood—so noovrnalin
y
and politically degraded, as to accept him as their political
monitor and guide. He who called the Duke of Welling-
ton a " stunted corporal," and a " swine-herd general," will
not find the population of any part of England so much
like a " swinish multitude" as to feed at his agitation-
trough upon such garbage as he would place before them.
Let us give a specimen of the disgusting and malignant non-
sense of which the new scheme of agitation is to be cern-

pounded. "It was a deplorable thing that Ireland ever
produced him (the Duke of Wellington). .It would be
written upon his grave that his ark of glory floated upon
Irish blood, and that he used his power only to crush his
countrymen, and the engines of his success." This is
the gratitude of O'Connell to the Duke, for throwing
open to him the doors of the British Parliament, and
giving him a position in the country which he has invariably
used to prove how much the Duke's liberality was misap•
plied ; and for this he is to have concession after conces-
sion, even to the extent of establishing for his purposes
the " normal schools of political agitation." It is true he
would not accept them on the terms upon which they were
offered in the last Session, because he expects that the re-
presentatives of the Parliamentary cause will go one step
further in the concessional line next Session, and grant
them, on his own terms, to ensure the peace of Ireland !
To think of ensuring the tranquillity of Ireland by placing
new machinery of agitation in the hands of O'Connell, is
much the same as ensuring the farmer's rick-yard from
being burned by placing a firebrand in the hands of an in-
cendiary madman. Can he want resources in the agitation
I:ne wl o, the moa • It that P.rliament i sdosed, not only
recommences his reign of turbulence in Ireland, but
threatens this country with an invasion of 200 itinerant
agitators ? This is " conciliation" with a vengeance !—Let
them come, and the factory slaves and Englishwomen will
give them an appropiate welcome.—Morning Herald.
The Whigs are pleased to boast that as the Session
opened with a Whig Administration, so it has closed with
a Whig Administration, and they seem to think that this
is a matter of legitimate triumph. It can be so, however,
only upon the supposition that to have retained office, no
matter under what circumstances—no matter under what
disgraces—is a triumph. We do not think so, and if we
considered the possession of office ten times as great an ad-
tage as we do think it, we should, nevertheless, for the
honour of the party to which we belong, prefer that it re-
mained out of office for a hundred years to come, rather
than it possessed official power, combined with the dis-
graces which, during the last Session only, the Whigs
have suffered. There is no imaginable state of necessity,
not even the last extremity of sheer physical hunger, that
could, in our opinion, excuse any set of men for continuing
to receive the wages of office, while balled and mastered as
the Whigs have been in their Prrliamentary projects
during the Session which has just concluded. It is
only upon the assumption that all sense of honour and
of shame has passed away from them, and that they care no
more about the cleanness of their Ministerial character
than the hog that gorges at its trough cares about the
cleanness of its victuals, that we can account for the im-
pudent boast of having ended the Session as they began it
—in office. Why, if Mr. Deputy Peacock had been
Prime Minister, Mr. Under-Sheriff Pearson leader of the
House of Commons, and Mr. Joseph Ady Chancellor of
the Exchequer, they might also have worked their way
through the Session upon the same terms. If men can
persuade themselves, while holding the position of Ministers
of the Crown, to yield to whatever party happens to be at
the moment ponetful enough to beat them, the wonder he
not that they continue Ministers, but how, except by the
circumstance of their natural death, they shall ever cease to
be Ministers. It is true that the Whigs end the Session
as they began it, in the possession of Downing-street ; but
how long would they have stood the brunt of the
Session, we should like to know, if they had not
suffered Sir Robert Peel to do what he pleased with
the Canada Bill? A division of the House of Com-
mons did not indeed take place against them—but
why ? They saw it coming, and prudently gave up what
their Conservative opponents contended for. This they did
under the most abject circumstances. Lord J. Ruisell
made a speech as thrasonical as it was tedious and stupid,
in which he threatened that if the plans he had proposed
regarding. Canada were not agreed to, the Ministers would
throw the responsibility of the Government and of Cana-
dian difficulties upon those who opposed him. Sir Robert
Peel answered, that as to that he might do as he pleased ;
but that his plans would not be agreed to, and must be al-
tered. What was the Noble Leader's conduct then ? Was
it in a political and Ministerial sense dignified, or was it
dasterdly ? We affirm, and the world knows, that it was
•the latter. The Minister would not venture upon a divi-
sion, for he knew he would have been beaten ; but after all
his mighty threatenings he gave way, and continued Minis-
. ter, while Sir Robert Peel compelled him to alter his plane,
and to obey the voice of those who were stronger than he.
This is the way thct the Whigs contrived to continue Minis-
ters at the commencement of the Session. Is it anything to
boast of ? Can brute impudence go further than they go, who
boast of having continued Ministers, when such crawling
abjectness was the means by which they avoided being
turned out ? This was at the beginning of the Session. In
the middle of it they swallowed the Tory Irish Tithe Bill,
because, according to their own confession, they had not
the power to carry the sort of Bill which they preferred.
But they did not resign as other men have done when they
have found thernaelves unable to carry the measures which
they approved—oh no I they knew better—they adopted
the measure of their opponents, and remained to boast that
they concluded the Session as they began it—in the posi-
tion of Ministers of the Crown I The end of the session
came, and was marked with their accustomed Ministerial
success. Canada affairs again came under discussion, and
in the House of Lords a Bill was brought in, against which
the Prime Minister not only spoke, but spoke in the live-
liest terms of indignation. It, however, passed the second
reading in spite of him ; and then notwithstanding all his in-
dignant opposition, he contrived to recollect himself, and
within 24 hours came down to the House of Lords, and in-
formed their Lordship that the Government would do all
that he had protested against the evening before as unnecessary
and impolitic ! This is the head of that Administration which
boasts that as it began so it ends the Session, in the posses-
sion of office ! How could it be otherwise, when this most
accommodating Ministry, instead of resigning when it is
beaten, does what those who have beaten require to be
done ? And yet the parasites of such a Ministry as this
have the disgusting effrontery to make boast that the Whigs
have the giving away of excisemen's places and the like. So
the obsequious lackey, who is paid for being kicked, has
more shillings to give away than he who resents the imping-
ing of the offensive toe like a man. We give the Whigs
joy of their proud position.—Morning Post. •
In a second edition of yesterday's Advertiser we pub-
lished Mr. O'Connell's speech to his constituents, at a
meeting held in the Royal Exclange of Dublin. The
meeting was convened by a requisition from Mr. O'Con-
nell, expressive of a desire to give to his constituents an ac-
count of his stewardship, and devise measures to obtain
" full justce for Ireland." Such being the objects of the
requisition, a deep interest was excited, and a numerous
and crowded assembly was the consequence. In the speech
of Mr. O'Connell will be found an enthusiastic expression
of delight on nein breathing his native air, of exultation at
the defeat of Tory Orangemen by the electors of Ireland
in the choice of representatives, a denunciation of Elec-
tion Committees, a disquisition on Joint-stock Banks,
combinations of workmen, the voluntary principle, the
rejection of the Irish Corporation Bill, and the abolition
of negro apprenticeship, all of which are, no doubt,
very important topics ; but they are not those upon
which the people of Ireland felt most anxious to be
informed in reference to the last Session of Parliament.
They comprise, however, the whole of the subjects on
which Mr. O'Connell deemed it necessary to give an
explanation. The second object of the requisition—the
digesting of a plan to procure justice for Ireland—was but
slightly alluded to, a full explanation being reserved for
another meeting, to be held on Saturday, when it is pro-
posed to lay the basis of an Association, and make pre-
parations to send delegates with a petition for " Justice"
to the Queen. Mr. O'Connell, as usual, expressed him-
pressed himself most eloquently and patriotically on the
subjects embraced in his speech ; but even though he
hinted the ultimate necessity of a Repeal of the Union, the
Meeting appeared to feel something to be wanting to a per-
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two
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o predecessors,
sst
ivaotrnies,f
aplcro i
may
explanation The S
completees
failure, and no sophistry, however plausible, w -
explanation. It is to be hoped that the plan of fu-
ill
ofbh elasshranboereee past.d
ae finite and
o
vince the people of Ireland to the contrary. The con-
vince
of the people has been tested to the utmost, and
it is dangerous to encroach farther on it. Ireland is at
present tranquil ; but the tranquillity proceeds not from
content with the Legislature, or the laws, but from confi-
dence in the Executive. The very rumour of a Tory Mi-
nistry, like the sound of the voice loosing the avalanche,
might-precipitate a most terrific catastrophe. When the
dissolution of the General Association was proposed, we
protested against the proposition, as calculated to deprive
the people of a centre of action, before any of the objects
of the Association was achieved. Our anticipations have
been but too fully verified. The people of Ireland achieved
a glorious triumph in the return of professedly Liberal.re-
presentatives ; but they are in as bad a position after the
close of the Session as before, and now it is proposed to
revive the Association, which ought never to have been
dissolved until its objects were obtained. Was it necessary
to give the people further evidence of the futility of relying
on any exertions but their own for the accomplishment of
their rights ? It is time that such trifling should cease, and
we trust that when the next Association be formed, it will
appreciate its position and its powers, and not dissolve till
the consummation of its purpose.—Morning Advertiser.
•
At length the labours of the Pension Let Select Com-
mittee have produced their fruit—such as it is in quantity
and in quality—and the Pension List Amendment Bill
having passed through ail its stages, has received the Royal
Assent. We have Wive us the Report of the " Select
Corionittee on Pensions ;" by the recommendations of
which the alterations effected in the Pension List have been
principally made, and on the guiding principles of which
the 811 now passed has been bared. The Report does net