The Sun.
London, England, 1849-04-03 00:00:00

great questions affecting the destinies of this country.
(Hear.) In the first place, with respect to the conduct
of the Government, I will observe my Hon.; Friend the
Member for Manchester (Mr. Bright) has reproached
us—gently, indeed, but very decidedly—(Hear)—for not
having come forward in the ceurse of the present session
with SJllle comprehensive measure for the relief of
Ireland.—(Hear.) Now, as far as I am to bear any
blame personally, I am willing to take the blame to
myself for having used terms of that kind with a view
more to political and religious grievances than that
question which now occupies the attention of Parlia-
ment.—(Hear, hear.) But so far as the conduct of the
Government in the present or the past session of Par-
liament is concerned, I do not believe that the blame
which the Hon. Member for Manchester puts on us is
justly or fairly attached. I have witnessed, I confess,
with somewhat of wonder, that a gentleman of his
opinions—opinions which I think right with regard to
the provinces of legislation and government—should
have come forward to ask the Government of this
country for some more specific measures, by which ti .e
evils of generations were to be cured, and prosperity
was to be seen produced, not by slow degrees, but pro-
ceeding at once, as it were, from the results of Par-
liamentary wisdom and administrative genius.—(Hear,
hear.) For my own part, alluding to a phrase on a
somewhat different subject to that Which the
lion. Gentleman who has just sat down al-
luded, I must state my own opinion of the
origin of that phrase, which had been so much
relied on by both the advocates and opponents of mea-
sures like those proposed by the Government. A great and
able Minister had laid down rules for the exact propor-
tions of a certain web which was to be woven. The
sides were to be of a particular measure, and the length
and breadth should never exceed a certain proportion.
The Minister referred to then went on to forbid the
manufactures of other countries to enter and compete
with the manufactures of his own, and the consequence
was that the proprietors of the vineyards of France cern.
plained that they could no longer exist, because there
was no demand for their produce. Having made an in-
quiry as to the. cause of this state of things, and the pro-
bable remedy for it, a man of plain common sense said to
the Minister, " Do not interfere with your own manu-
factures, Or .the entrance of the manufactures of other
countries into your own." On former occasions, in
spanking of Ireland, I alluded to the condition of Eng-
land and Scotland at two different periods of the his-
tory of those countries. I quoted the writings of Sir
Thomas More, in which he described what would now
be called the summary evictions of families to a large
extent, by the landlords of the country. When the condi-
tion of the country required some consideration, Queen
Elizabeth and her council proposed a scheme by which
the property of England should be secured by their
directions, and in consequence of their legislative
scheme:. One of these measures was the administration
of justice with a severity almost barbarous for the age
—it was put into operation against all malefactors, and
that reduced the country into a state of peace and order.
Having done this they likewise passed a measure by
which the infirm and impotent poor were afforded relies,
and the idle and sturdy poor set to work. And yet this
measure came to nothing more than what my Hon.
Friend alluded to as the vulgar acts of Government, and
which, he trustsd, would not be resorted to by the pre-
sent Government or the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.
Yet England rose to the highest state of consideration
on the continent of Europe at this period, and sent her
most eminent men to visit distant parts of the globe.
—(Hear, hear.) She produced men of genius such as
Bacon and Burleigh, and in no very long time she
became a country which, by its order, and at the same
time by its freedom, that was superior to the other
countries of the world.—(Hear.) And yet this was
done, as I have said, not by any special scheme, but by
taking care that order was so established, and relief was
so given, that there should not be that disturbance of
property—those assaults against the person which had
formerly prevailed, and that men might have security to
pursue their own occup itions, and thereby obtain the
fruits of their own labour and industry; for I believe
whatever may be proposed—whatever laws we may pass
from time to time—nothing, after all, is so essential and
useful as to enable men to feel that their lives, their pro-
perties, and the fruits of their industry are secured to
them—(Hear, hear)—and that the road is open to them
to obtain those distinctions which the State offers to
them. Such was the state of England from that time
to the present. Let me now go fur a few moments to the
case of Scotland, when religious persecution had dis
turbed, and almost destroyed that country, in the time of
Charles H. After the revolution laws were passed by
which, without extending relief to the poor, the cow,-
try, being thinly peopled, order was secured; and these
who had previously threatened, end destroyed life
throughout the country, were reduced to obedience. In
fact, measures were taken for the better education of the
people at large. By such simple remedies, within a
period of about twenty or thirty years, Scotland pre-
sented a totally different aspect—trade and industry
began to flmrish—agriculture, which had been pre-
viously almost wholly neglected, was seen in every val-
ley to produce the full fruits of industry, and she began
that progress which had ever since continued to pro-
duce happiness and wealth.—(Hear, hear.) New these
were changes from a state dissimilar from yours
if you will, but I contend not totally dissimilar from
the present state of Ireland—changes which
had been carried into effect by such great men as Bur.
leigh, Bacon, Somers, and Shrewsbury, and some of
the wisest statesmen who had lived at that period. But
then men did not rely upon any particular specific, or
upon a scheme that could be supposed at once to give
prosperity—they relied upon the true and natural means
of legislation by which men could not be made in an
instant wealthy and prosperous, but by which full se-
curity was given to life and property, and their energies
allowed to take their own natural course.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir, I now come to what was the state of Ireland a few
years ago; and let me here observe that I think, during
the whole of this debate, but taking especially those
three speeches to which I have alluded, it has been too
much assumed that it would be in the power of any Go-
vernment, or any Parliament, however wise, to produce
changes which, after all, must mainly depend upon the
character and the conduct of the people themselves.—
(Hear, hear.) We know that with regard to Ireland
there have been proprietors—indeed many of them have
told me themselves what they knew had really happened
upon their own estates, and, indeed. an Hon. Member,
in the course of this adjourned debate upon Ireland,
mentioned a sicilar fact—many proprietors, who some
sixty or seventy years ago, had given leases for three
and the persons to whom these leases had been
given, finding themselves in difficulties, underlet the
great portion, if not the whole, of the land in respect to
which th©y had received their leases. These farmers
again underlet the land, and thus the system of con
acre, as it was called, was established, by which a rent
of 101. or 121. per acre was often paid fur it. A whole
community was thus formed, which became far more
numerous than the laud could support by any cereal pro-
ducts. Consequently, these unfortunate persons were
compelled to lave in a most wretched manner, always
upon the verge of famine; and yet, so long as the potato
was a successful crop, y ou heard but little of complaint,
except from the Au thtical re turns that were now and again
made to the House. Now, who will deny but that this
Fort of life was altogether d.tf,rent from that which a
civilised people would be contented with?—(Hear, hear.)
Let me gave an instance of this which has been already
referred to by the Honourable Member who seconded
the amendment to this Bill. It relates to Ballina,
about the -y'car 183tt or 1835. Certain witnesses having
been examined in respect to the state of the poor people
in this pint or Ireland—one of them said that there were
about 100 lehouners in the street one morning asking for
employmint,.Scarcely any one of whom.,was po,seesed of
sufficient ntrength, from the want of food, to perform any
of the work for which he craved. Another witness said
that the ltbourers, after having den the potatoes for the
farmers who hired them, purposely left many of them in
the ground, which :they afterwards ,dug up privately
for themselves, thereby defrauding their employers 01
some of their property. Another witness stated that the
labourers who were thus employed lived upon one meal
only in the day, often remaining full 24 hours together
before they obtained another meal.—(Hear.) But they
all agreed in saying it was folly to talk of individual
cases, for nothing could describe the wholesale wretched-
ness which existed. Now, this is what has occurred in
what might be considered the prosperous times of Ire-
land in Ballina and other places, where complaints were
scarcely ever heard of the wants of the people. Let me
then ask you, it there had been no interference on the
part of this House and the Government—if the people
who were living thus contented had been left altogether
without any aid or interference from us—what would
be the result? I hear it said, and often repeated, that
the aid which we have given—first by the assistance of
the state, and afterwards by the extension of the poor-
law—has been demoralising to the people! Demoralis-
ing is no doubt an admirable phrase! It is an admirable
phrase for passing by on the other side, and taking no
notice.—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, if we had not so inter-
fered, the people would not certainly have been demo-
ralised—they would be dead.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then,
how did we relieve them? In the first instance, our
plan of relief came entirely from the state. It was, how-
ever, obvious, that if we attempted to go on with that
scheme, in the first place, Parliament would have natur-
ally presumed that Ireland ought to support her own poor
and destitute.—(ll
se-elm) And, indeed, itnave continued to
grant this assistance we could not say that any of these re-
sources applied by the state would not have been lavishly
expended, or that there would not have been the greatest
abuses in the administration of those means, What, then,
did we do? We proposed that relief should given' by
the extension of the poor-law.
aTarn to the
poor-law, it is to be considered that it is
only
of humanity for the sake of relief, but also a law not
olice
for the sake of security. All persons who have properly
pof
that
considered the effects of the poor-law in this coivnritzor:,
that the security of England has very much depended
upon upon that one provision which we have made—
no person should have a right to wander and beg, but to
give relief to all those who were in want of it, and to find
employment for those that were able to work for their
living. It, then, that is the case of England, I think we
have a right to expect that in the course of time the
poor-law will produce the same effects in Ireland.— (Hear,
hear.) Every one complains of the multitude of beggars,
sometimes of marauders, that are going out from the
purlieus of the towns, stealing and destroying the pro-
perty of the country. Now, if the poor-law be at all
sufficient for its purpose, it must in a great degree
remedy this evil. We must consider it, then, to
ho the foundation for the peace and order of the
country. Etr, we are told that the extension of the
poor law in 1847 should not have been enacted, and that
at all events we ought now to go back to the principle
of SCinnensurnhof 1838. Sir, it has been my fortune to
hava-introedchee iiisoll4l those and but for the
nalazieliniar thd loseneaTe potato crop, I confess I should
not e been. dieponed.nto introduce the extended poor-
law' of 1847. We-canto)) however, venture to mike any
sadden step for, the purpose of replacing ourselves in our
original position. A',11,1,s been given in evidence before
the Your-taw coattolOe itow bitting, Oat upwards of

360,000 persons, not belonging to the able-bodied, but
belonging to the infirm poor, received relkf in the month.

of January last, under the provisions of the present poor-
law. It is evident that it would be impos.,ible to receive
these 360,000, in addition to the 200,000 now in the
workhouse; and I think that no person, whatever
opinions he might entertain upon this generally—in
respect to the principle of the law—would go so
far as to say that this relief ought to be withdrawn
from those 360,000 infirm poor of Ireland. And if
these were the numbers in January, we may calculate
that they will be much greater in July. It appears to
me impossible to make such workhouse accommodation
as would contain this vast number. I believe, in the
present miserable state of Ireland, that it will be utterly
impossible to restrict relief to the ;workhouse. The
Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, in
touching upon this point, said, he considered that the
workhouse was the best test of destitution. I under-
stood the Right Hon. Baronet to say that we ought to
go back to that test, but that we ought not to do so sud-
denly.—(Hear, hear.) Ile also said that we ought to
employ the able-bodied upon the public roads, or in some
works of a similar character. Now these opinions of the
Right Hon. Baronet appear to me to be totally at
variance. The whole theory upon which we proceed
in giving poor-law relief is to endeavour that no per-
son should obtain relief, except the utterly destitute
who cannot obtain food or means in any other way.
The labouring poor would much prefer to work under
public bodies than under any private individual, for they
well know that there would not be the care or vigilance
manifested in seeing the work well done under the for-
mer employment, that there would be under the latter.
The Hon. Gentleman who spoke last gave us an instance
of the improving landlord being charged a much higher
rate than others when he availed himself of the money
advanced by the- Government for such improvements.
Now that, I quite admit, would be a fit subject upon
which to take evidence, and that those who make such
improvements should not be charged with the additional
rate. lam ready to admit there ought to be a maximum
amount of rate, upon which point it will be my duty at
a subsequent stage to submit a proposition to the
House. lam ready to admit that the electoral divisions
in the south and west are too large in extent—that the
area is too large—that the population is too great, and
that a better and more economical management would
be obtained—that more union and harmony would be
the result if the electoral divisions were reduced to a
smaller size. These are changes that may be well in-
troduced. I come next to the subject of emigration, to
which the Right Hon. Baronet the _Member for Tam-
worth referred. I think it very possible for poor-law
guardians and for the state to assist emigration from
some of these overcrowded districts,where there was little
or no hope of the people being able to find sufficient em-
ployment. I have always contemplated some assistance
of that kind in the present session. But Ido not agree
with the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth
in thinking that there is little or no force in the objec-
tion that a large plan of emigration would discourage the
attempts of individual proprietors, and the system of vo-
luntary emigration. I ask the House to consider what
that voluntary emigration in a great part is. Several
Irish Msmbers are fond of representing it as an emigra-
tion entirely composed of farmers of small means, which
they carry with them, and thus deprive Ireland of a large
amount of capital. But a great portion of that emigra-
tion is conducted by capital sent from North America to
persons in Ireland by their relations and friends, many
of them of the poorest class, to enable them to emigrate.
Some Gentlemen have shown me a return from merean-
iile houses in this country, showing the sums of 20s. and
upwards sent over to this country, and the whole amount
omitting the sums remitted through the house of Baring
sad Co. for the same purpose, was, in one year,
no less than 460,0001. That is nearly half a million.
Now, if the Government had proposed such a sum for
emigration it would have appeared a most munificent
vote; and yet such an amouut had been sent in sums of
20e. and upwrirds from persons in the United States and
Canada to friends in Ireland for the purposes of emi-
gration. And I feel no doubt—knowing the disposition
in Ireland to rely on the state—knowing how dangerous
ground we tread whenever we give assistance from the
state—if we said we should give a million or half a
million for emigration—that a great portion of the sum
sent over to assist individual emigration would be stopped
by that announcement, and that such a grant would
merely operate as a substitute for the sums expended in
voluntary emigration. If this be so, we should not
adopt iny general plan of emigration. In so speaking,
I wish to guard myself against saying that there may
not be particular cages in which assistance may be
granted. The very Bill before us contains provisions
that sums may be applied by the Treasury for the pur-
poses of emigration. I approach now with great doubt
and diffidence that part of the subject upon which

the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Taniworth has
twice given his opinion to the House. I cannot but re-
collect the long experience which the Right Hon.
Baronet has had with regard to Ireland. I remember
when, not many years atter I came into Parliament—l
think in 1816—I heard a speech from the Right Hon.
Baronet, in which he described the state of Ireland, its
factions, and parties. It was a most able and instructive
speech. I believe from that time to the present the
Right Hon. Baronet had never ceased to give his
anxious attention to the affairs of Ireland, and that he
has devoted his great abilities to the consideration of the
remedies required for that country.—(Cheers.) I there-
fore speak with the utmost respect of any plan of the
Right Hon. Baronet. lfl have any doubts with regard
to that plan, these doubts I readily admit may arise rom
my mis appri pension of the plan itself' and its details.
Having said this, Sir, I must express a doubt whether
there would be any great advantage in having a com-
mission for the special purpose of disposing of questions
relating to lands in the west of Ireland. It appears
to me that such a commis.ion must be of one or two
kinds. It must either have a compulsory power, or it
must be of a vohintarily nature. With regard to its
compulsory character the Right Hon. Baronet had given
an instance of the plan he would adopt in the plantation
of Ulster in the reign of James I. Now, there is an
obvious difference between that case and the present. In
that case the land was at your disposal, and the people
were not on the land. In the present case the laud is
not in your disposal, and the people are on the land.—
(Hear, hear.) It appears to me, therefore, impossible
to use the powers of James I.'s commission. At that
time the land was forfeited to the Crown, and at its dis-
posal. But you could not say to any one individual that
had so misused his power as a proprietor—that had
abused his trust—that his land should be forfeited. To
give any commission such a power in the present day
would, I imagine, be quite impossible. With regard to
the plan I proposed three years ago, though it might not
be advisable to adopt it, it would at least serve for a
foundation, because I proposed that any land to bo taken
should be waste land under a certain value, and not ex-
ceeding 2s. 6d. an acre of yearly rent. I proposed it
should be sold, or let on long leases, and that persons
should be brought in to cultivate it. But, without some
compulsory power of that kind, it appears to me you
would get into the greatest difficulties. Supposing the
State were to purchase the land with all its mortgages,
you would have, in the first place, to consider whether the
land was not mortgaged beyond its value. You might
have to ply mortgagees who had never any hope of get-
ting payment; and with regard to the population, you
woutl find either that you would have to pay large sums
for poor-rates or for the purposes of emigration. Now,
consider the extent of Co„naught and the number of its
population, and then imagine the difficulty of taking
possessitin-of :it by means of a commission rosponsib!e
ter the safety and welfare of the many thousands of its
inhabitants.— (Hear, hear) I own it. appears to me, so
far- as I have considered it, to be a project which I do
not see how the State can with any prudence or safety
carry out: Fri m part of the plan of the Right Hon.
Baronet I understand it to be his intention to facilitate
contracts fur the purchase of lands between persons who
had lands to sell and others willing to buy. In that
respect it appears to me the commission would cause
great disappointment. It is impossible such a plan
could lty3 passed for Ireland without raising great hopes,
without exciting expectations of some great result.
And if such a commission were merely to ask indivi-
duals to sell on contract of sale, it is obvious, I fear,

that it would only lead to failure and general disap-
pointment. Such appear to me to be the difficulties
in the way of it.—(Hear.) But the Right
Hon. Baronet touched on anuther subject nearly
connected with the present, and with regard to which
the Hon. Member for Manchester had spoken to-night.
I think Parliament may be able to effect something on
that subject, I mean with regard to the laws which in
many cases encumber and prevent the transmission of
property.—(Hear, hear.) No doubt this is a subject to
be dealt with in a manner so as to ensure justice to all
parties. It is impossible to enter on that subject with
any other determination than to allow the just rights of
every person to be regarded. It might happen, and it is
no uncommon case, that a landed proprietor leaves his
estate to his eldest son, who dies. The second son suc-
ceeds, but he in all probability has gone to India, to
North America, or it may be he is in the navy, and
at a distance.—(Hear, hear.) The occupier of the
estate, the life-tenant, might be an old man, quite
willing to part with his interest in the estate, and
willing for an annuity to give up his title ; but you
could not take the title, and the law would not trans-
mit the estate unless the claims of those in right of
succession were considered. But that is not to be done
without a good deal of expense and delay; because such
a case would relate to property and to persons at a
distance. But then the Bight Hon. Baronet said that
in such a proposition as he had made he would include
a court of appeal. Now, I ask, if you are to have a
court that is to hear these cases of rights of property,
and from whose decisions there is to be an appeal, whe-
ther, after all, the expense would be less or the proceed •
lags more expeditious than they are now ? With
regard to the Court of Chancery, I do believe that
many of its rules, uith respect to the sale of property,
and with respect to the consideration of claims and
rights,ltlutiegahs r are(‘lih
otn .etroteofaorrcuriously framed for the purpose of
guarding against injury to remote heirs. It was with
p
maybe able to
and I du hope that
nttesuggestions of the
we
to amend the Act of last session with
respect to it.
e session is a failure, I
Ifetvh evil
so the itself be an evil, my belief is
that it is not an peculiarlylst pressing, and when I
am told that the Act
believe it has not been trom
any
want
for many are anxious -to
ecof
a utaen dthtre sale,
has
been no such demand for
estates
other haws
the application of it general. Ithini, Sir, in thd first
as to render
,
place, with regard to the poor-law
connected with it, our object oughtaad to be to
make the estates good-purchase hem.erns who
come into the market to buy t That, nal%
opinion, would be much more important than to faicir
the mode of sale.—(Hear, he ar.) There, are, no doubt,ltte
many Gentleman in Ireland who some few years ago
derived some hundreds, or perhaps, some thousandsa
year from their landed property in that country: who
would at the present moment. gladly part with that pro-
perty at a low price (Hoar, hear.) That is an tinier.
sumo state things,: J3ut I VllO that whou the Mate

of Ireland becomes somewhat better, we shall be enabled
to adopt a plan by which we can facilitate the transfer
of encumbered property which the present proprietors
are willing to sell to men who possess capital and
energy. and who are willing to embark them
in property in Ireland.— (Hear, hear.) I am,
however, persuaded, that any such plan must be con-
ducted with all due regard to the rights of property—
those rights must not be violated in any degree, because
any violation of them would create a want of confidence
in those who might be inclined to purchase.—
(Hear.) They would naturally be alarmed for
the future preservation of their rights.—(Haar.) Sir,
the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last alluded to the pro-
posal 'which her Majesty's Government are about to
make for the assistance of one of the railroads in Ire-
land, and he congratulated himself that a plan which
was brought forward two years ago by the late Lord
George Bentinck, and which at the time was opposed by
the Government, is now about to be introduced piece-
meal by us. Now, Sir, I beg of the Hon. Gentleman to
recollect that the original plan for the assistance of rail-
roads in Ireland was drawn up by the Government of
Lord Melbourne, and was introduced into this House by
Lord Morpetb, when he was Secretary for Ireland. We
intend to propose that there shall be an advance of money
made to assist certain railroads in Ireland, to promote
arterial and other drainage, and also to improve landed
property in that conntry ; and that a sum not exceeding
1,000,0001. shall be granted for the whole of these three
purposes. Sir, we have always been of opinion that the
introduction of the poor-law in its original shape into
Ireland was most desirable, and that employment should
be stimulated. And although asura of 1,600,0001. has
been applied for that purpose, yet it is still desirable
and necessary that some further aid of that kind should
be given.—(Hear, hear.) A description of such aid is
conformable to the principle which has been adopted
by former Governments, and has met with the sanction
of the House.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, there are other mea-
sures which we intend to propose for the relief of Ireland:
but at this late hour of the night I will not trouble the
House by referring to them. I feel very sensible that
nothing I have said—that no plan I have introduced—
that no general plan I have proposed will satisfy those
who ask for some large and comprehensive scheme to
redress the evils which exist in Ireland; but I must sub-
mit to the House that many of the schemes for redress
proposed are wholly beyond the reach or power of any
Government to effect.—(Elear, hear.) With regard
to the question which I believe lies at the root of
these evils— I mean the cultivation of the potato—
that species of vegetable upon which the poor
place so much reliance fur food in small patches of
land, I will only say that when the landlords,
the tenants, and the labourers were all combined
to divide the land into small patches, however the Go-
vernment might lament such a course of proceeding,
neither the Lord Lieutenant nor the Secretary of State
bad the power of preventing it.—(Hear, hear.) And
even lately I have said repeatedly in this House that re-
liance upon the potato crop—which is a most precarious
one, because it cannot be depended on for more than a
single year for food, was most unwise on the part of
the Irish people ; and that they should look for
something better. But even at the present time
there has been going on a great deal of po-
tato planting in Ireland, and upon the result of the
harvest will depend the weal or woe of thou-
sands of the people. By no law that we can place
on the statute book—by no power that the Lord-
Lieutenant possesses, can we prevent this system of
potato planting, and of reliance upon the crop. And
if this then be the case, I ask you to agree to a mea-
sure which will give some breathing time, and perhaps
be the means of saving from a fearful death many who
might never see another August sun. I ask you if you
do not approve of the measure in its present state, to
sanction the principle of it, by which we may be enabled
to advance some portion of the sum—and I ask you,
above all, to rely upon no unsound principle of Govern-
ment or legislation—(Cheers)—not to believe that any
one scheme, or any measure however extensive, can re-
lieve altogether the multitude of woes which at present
afflict Ireland ; but to look.at the application from time
to time of remedies adapted to the occasion, in order to
show that you feel for Ireland, and that you are desirous
of exerting yourselves to the utmost of your power to as-
sist her in her distress.—(Cheers.) I ask you to remem-
ber that we are a united kingdom, and not to think that
any misfortune can happen to Ireland without being felt
as a deep calamity by England—(Cheers.)
Mr. J. O'CONNELL moved the adjournment of the
debate, amidst loud cries of " Divide" and " Go on."
Lord J. RUSSELL—I really must beg of the House
to consider that this is only the first stage of the Bill.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL said it was the important stage.
Lord J. RUSSELL said it was certainly the stage
upon which the principle of the measure was confirmed,
but there were other stages when the measure could be
further discussed, and he hoped, therefore, that the
House would come to a decision to-night.
Lord CASTLEREAGH hoped that the Hon. Member
for Limerick would persevere in motion for adjourn-
ment. They had heard many able speeches, but very
little about the rate in aid itself.—(Hear, hear.) He ob-
jected to the attempt of the two parties in the House to
force the measure upon Ireland against her will.
Lord JOCELYN hoped that the House would divide
to-night, as the question could be again discussed upon
the amendment of the Hon. Member for Kerry.—(Hear.)

Lord J. RUSSELL said that if Hon. Gentlemen who
had notices on the paper tor to-morrow (Tuesday) wculd
waive them, he would not object to the adjournment of
the debate. He was anxious that the Bill should be read
a s'cond time before the Easter holidays.
Mr. DISRAELI hoped lion. Members who had mo
tions on the paper would adopt the suggestion of the
Noble Lord, and postpone them.
After a few words from the CHANCELLOR of the
EXCHEQUER to the same effect,
Sir J. Y. BULLER and Mr. G. THOMPSON ex-
pressed their willingness tupostpone their motion, hoping
other Hon. Members would do the same.

The debate was then adjourned until to-morrow (this
day).
Mr. LABOUCHERE trusted the House would allow
him to bring up the report on the Navigatio❑ Bill.
After a few remarks from Captain HARRIS and
Mr. DISRAELI, the report was postponed until Wed-
nesday.
The Lords' amendments to the Out-door Paupers Bill
were agreed to.
Sir G. GREY brought in a Bill for promoting the
public health in Scotland. The provisions of the Bill, he
said, are substantially the same as those relating to the
public health in England, and the Lord Advocate was
desirous that the Bill should be printed before the recess,
in order that its provisions might be seen in Scotland.
The Bill was read a first time.
The SOLICITOR•GENERAL brought in a Bill for
facilitating and better securing the due administration
of charitable trusts. The Bill which, he remarked, was
substantially the same as that of last year, was read a
first time.
On the motion of Mr. PARKER, the following Hon.
Members were nominated the Select Committee on Ex-
piring Laws:—M. Parker, Mr. Tufm 11, the Attorney-
General, Mr. Bernal, Mr. Hayter, the Lord-Advocate,
Mr. Hume, Mr. Aglionby, Mr. Mackenz'e, Mr. Bellew,
Mr. Greene, Mr. 0. Craig, Sir G. Clerk, Mr. Hawes,
and Mr. Stsfford.
The Ilouse adjourned at Half past Twelve till to-
morrow (this day). •

PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS.
(From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.)
MONDAY, APRIL 2.
JOURNAL OF THE HOUSE.
Ordered, That the Journal of this House, from the end of
the last session :o the end of the present session, with an
Index to the 104th volume, be printed.
Ordered, That 1,250 Copies of the said Journal and Index
be printed by the appointment and under the direction of
John Henry Lee, Esq., the Clerk of this llouse.
Ordered, That tte Journal and Index be printed by such
person as shall be licensed by Air. Speaker, and that no other
per.on do presume to print the same.

. . •
OPENING OF THE EXTENSION LINE FROM THE
BLACICWALL TO THE EASTERN COUNTIES RAILWAY.—
Yesterday the line which connects the Blackwell with
the Eastern Counties Railway, was opened for the con-
veyance of passengers from the terminus in Fenchureh-
street. The new viaduct passes over arches, the junc-
tien with the Blackwell Railway taking place in the
Commercial-road, opposite Salmon-lane. That with the
Eastern Counties being formed at a short distance on
this side of the Stratford station, passing over. the new
extension of railway from the East and West India
Docks to the North- Western at Camden Town, which
is very far advanced, and which also passes under the
Eastern Counties. On the line leaving Blackwell, it tra-
verses the Commereial,road, across which is an immense
massive iron bridge, consisting of one span. By the
formation of this new line, passengers can be conveyed
from the terminus at Fenchurch-street, to all towns in
connexion with the Eastern Counties, and when the line
is formed to Camden Town, to all towns in connexion
with the North-Western.

ROUT or THE SEIEH ARMY.—An extraordinary
Gazette, published yesterday, contains the official dis-
patch received at the India House from the Governor
of Bombay in Council, directed to the Secret Committee
of the East India Company, dated Bombay, March 4,
1849, 5 P.N., containing the notification of the rout of
the army of Shere Singh, which appeared in The Sun of
yesterday.
THE Ho! DUTY POSTPONED.—The Sussex Express
of Ssturday says:—" We have just received the im-
portant intelligence from our indefatigable Member,
Mr. C. H. Frewen, that the Government have re-
solved on postponing the payment of the hop duty
from May until after the next hop-picking is over.
We are sure that our readers in the Weald will re-
joice at this announcement; and we are confident that,
in their name, we may thank the Hon. Member for his
exertions in his matter throughout the struggle, and,
finally, for the promptitude with which, though se-
riously unwell, Mr. Frewen hastened to relieve the deep
anxiety of his constituents by communicating this wel-
come intelligence.
THE BRISTOL MURDER.—The ill-fated prisoner,
Sarah Thomas, maintains the same indifferent bearing
in the gaol as she did before the finding of the verdict—
eating, drinking, and sleeping well, and apparently quite
insensible of her awful situation. When she says any-
thing, it is to declare that she is suffering for others.
The mother, Ann Thomas, has been committed by the
coroner, for want of sureties, to give evidence on the
trial; and the girl Sullivan still remains in Bridewell,
with the same object.
THE LIVERPOOL MuaDEßs.—The coroner's
in-
quest on the bodies of Mrs. Henrichson and her two
children closed at eight o'clock yesterday evening. The
jury, without hesitation, returned a verdict of ". Wiltul
Chatham andthe 8
sth3 Regiments, murder" against the prisoner, John Gleeson
lson.
THE ARAlY.—Orders have been issued for the de-
potsthi io to n
embarkt;
depot of the lotadetitinmions
,to embark on the 12th for the oame
and at Cork
Cok
the
depot ohfa tthhae m 64l
one