The Sun.
London, England, 1831-05-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

•• The French Journals, which seem to practice suc-
: cessfully the motto of Lord Bacon—" aut viam in-
veniam aut faciam" (we shall either find news or
make them)—have got hold of a story of an ap-
proaching European Congress. This splendid
novelty has become the subject of warm disputa-
tion, and will be kept in the air, like a shuttlecock,
by the dexterity of the contending parties, till the
public get tired of the sport, or some fresher vagary
comes to occupy its attention. Congresses in time
of peace, and without any new territorial interests to
arrange, are now out of fashion ; and, as Napoleon
said of the title of Marquis, in Moliere's comedies,
have been rendered " too ridiculous" to be revived.
We shall henceforward, most probably, see plenty of
conferences and protocols, but we shall hear no more
of a general Congress till after a general war, when
we shall have conquests to dispose of, crowns to
distribute, or limits to settle. The last of the
stock, which proclaimed its principles and issued
its awards from Verona, has been buried in the grave
of the Holy Alliance; and civilization would be
for ever disgraced if it again permitted such a pre-
tended amphyctionic council,—at the head of which
was the most barbarous power of Europe,—to dic-
tate Constitutions or systems of government to the
rest, tied to exercise its high police over more en-
lightened States. We may, therefOre, take it for
granted that there will be no question of political
principles or systems of Government at any future
Congress. Indeed, in the present instance, a Con-
gress to settle these points would be much more
ridiculous than the Council of Trent, in its en-
delvour to draw tip a creed for Catholics and Pro-
testants. The new faith of the sovereignty of the
people, which would be preached by the French
representative at its first meeting, would so con-
found the divine.right portion of its members, as to
break tip the conference. If, then, negotiations for
the settlement of points of political doctrine are out
of the question, what material interests would the
Congress have to be arranged, that cannot be ar-
ranged through the medium of a separate despatch,
a Government courier, and a common ambassa-
dor ? There has, happily, been of late no war in
which any considerable number of the great Powers
are interested, and no conquest has been made
which any of them disputes. Algiers is an affair
which may be safely left to be settled between Eng-
land and France; the Belgic question has been dis-
posed of by the conferences of London, as far as it
can be disposed of short of war; and the inde-
pendence of Poland can be as well secured by the
undaunted bravery of its inhabitants, and the ener-
getic remonstrances of the civilized Powers of
Europe, separately, as if the latter, met at Con-
gress, were to send a round-robin to the Emperor
Nicholas from Aix-la-Chapelle, or some central town
in Germany or Fiance. But the same rumour
which gives us the European Congress, likewise
informs us of its presumed object--it is, to vote a
general disarming of the great Powers, and a return
to a general peace establishment. Of all chimeras
in the world, this is the least likely to be realized
at the present moment, or through the labours
of such a meeting. If strong declarations of peace-
ful dispositions and solemn renunciations of am-
bitious views could effect this object, the armies
of the great Powers would be instantly dis-
banded, and a Congress could do no more
than register in its rrotocol or manifesto such
pledges ofpeace. If the Powers could trust each other
in a combined council, they would trust each other
separately. But how can Russia, which has found
occupation for all her force in the war with Poland,
and which daily sees the circle of insurrection ex-
tending, be expected to disband any portion of her
trove to save the finances or to restore the confi-
dence of her neighbours? ('an Austria disarm, with
Italy just overpowered, and ready to rise whenever
her troops should repass the Alps ? Can Prussia,
trembling for her Rhenish, Saxon, and Polish pro-
vinces, be expected to weaken the bristliag line of
bayonets with which she encircles her scattered do-
minions, and binds them to her old insignificant
electorate of Brandenburgh ? Unless a Congress
could work miracles of confidence in the Sovereigns
of these States, and of contentment and loyalty in
their subjects, it could not be expected that it could
induce them immediately to disarm. The motives
for diminished military establishments arising from
their pressure on the resources of the people, arid the
difficulty of procuring money to maintain them,
would be sufficiently strong without mutual pledges
among the States, could Governments think them-
selves secure without troops. Two or three
Joseph Humes in their councils or legislative assem-
blies (where they have them) would be as effective
as the resolves of a European Congress. It is no
doubt distressing to witness the working classes all
over the Continent oppressed with taxes to main-
am great standing armies,--to see France obliged
nearly to double the budget under free institutions
which supported her establishments under the Bour-
bonso—to hear her Ministers boast as an item in her
happiness that she has so many hundreds of thou-
sands of men in arms, and to observe tha' she must
support for some time longer all the burdens with-
out the glory of a war; but no Congress could add
more weight to her motives for disarming, or yield
her more certain assurances of security when dis-
armed, than she has at present. Such a diplomatic
meeting would only furnish opportunities for in-
trigue,—excite hopes that would certainly be disap-
pointed, or lead to a more speedy crisis of misun-
derstanding and hostilities. When it shall effect
any good in establishing concord, removing jea-
lousies, or reducing military establishments, the mil-
lennium may be regarded as not far distant.-7'intes.
We have received an account of Sir Robert Peel's
annual dinner, at Tamworth. So far as politics are
concerned, there is nothing in the proceedings with
which we should have a right particularly to quarrel,
if Sir Robert were not quarrelling with himself.—
He may rejoice in the return of his brother for the
University of Cambridge we doubt whether the
Univer&ty now does as much. As a proof of affec-
tionate regard also subsisting between the borough
of Tamworth and the representatives of the chief
family connected with it, the dinner may do honour
to all the parties : we can have nothing to urge
against the utterance of such feelings. But let Sir
Robert and his independent electors compare his
language on this occasion with that burst of eurbu-
lent expression which he made on the dissolution of
Parliament. Now "He proposes the King's health,
and God bless him." We should not have been sur-
prised if he had even given, " His Majesty's Minis-
ters, and God bless them !" Then he excla;med,
that it had ceased to be an object of fide ambition
with any man of equal and consistent mind to enter
into the service of the Crown !"—Times.
The Northamptonshire election continues still,
and that without any decline of spirit. We refer
our readers to a very interesting account from our
own reporter. There can be, we think, no doubt
a: to the result. With respect to our Correspondent
from Towcester, he must allow us to serve the cause
In the beet way we can; encouragement,—by
reproach ley example. Let them look to the
proceedings of Edinburgh. The mode of voting
there is somewhat different from that in Northamp-
tonshire. The
unions which have the of one of the corporate
right of voting had directed
their delegate to vote fur the Lord Advocate (Mr.
Jeffrey) : the delegate, his duty and in.
suiting his constituency, thought turger to vote for
Mr. Dundas, in consequence of
hea )vas with
vast promptitude displaced from his hitherto
able station I and his conduct protested
advertisement ; and this in Edinburgh too. hat,
then, ought we to expect from the English
county of Northampton ? To say the truth of
the Tories, we give them credit for some resos
lution, and more especially when we consider
what w.9tild be the consequencee to them and

to the country, if they should be cursed with
success. But, in fact, they know they shall be
beaten, and therefore think it necessary for their
character to snake a show of fighting,—to " die
game." And if this he the .case, then is it evident
that the Reforniers.have only mock enemies, make-
belief antagonists, to contend with : surely they will
not be beaten by such. In point of fact, the great
battle is already won. In Ireland, certainly, there
are disputes at elections, and sometimes personalities
which had better be avoided. But whoever recol-
lects that the state of Ireland, and the danger re-
sulting from the excitement of a general election
there, were alleged as causes against the recent dis-
solution, will now see the futility of those fears which
it was attempted to excite, and by that attempt rt
imposition will learn to appreciate the other state-
ments of the Anti-Reforming party. By the way,
it is curious that the only victory which the party
have gained in Ireland, is in the wretched town of
Drogheda, and that the conqueror is worthy of the
victory, being a sort of Bartlemy-fair orator, who
can say as much "on a riband as on a Raphael ;"
but though this talent is excellent in an auctioneer,
or a poll-booth declaimer, it is not all that is wanted
in a statesman. And yet his party seem to be sa-
ti,fied. To be sure, they have not many better
flint.— Times.

The Pitt Club dinner is to be celebrated in Lon-
don on Saturday, the 28th instant, Lord Harewood
in the chair. The Pitt Clubs have formerly done

the State good service. They were formed origi-
nally out of respect to Mr. Pitt; they afterwards
became the rallying points for the preservation of our
laws, our liberties, and our religion, through the
different counties in England. Let them be reor-
ganized through the country—let every man who has
heart and sense enough to value our present insti-
tutions, and who at the same time has sagacity
enough to foresee the imminent danger they are now
in, come forward and unite himself to one of these
clubs—let the metropolitan meeting on the 2SII be
the signal for their revival through the land—let
every man who has virtue and courage enough
in these times to he a real patriot, exert him-
self in promoting the reconstruction of these clubs.
The meeting in London is expected to he unex-
ampled in point of numbers, station, wealth, and
intelligence. The crisis at which it will be held is
an awful one. Let the fundholder, the clergyman,

the Peer, the Member of the House of Commons,
the merchant, the agriculturist, the colonial pro-
prietor—let every man who has reflection enough to
see that the principle on which all property is held
is gone for ever, if the whole Bill passes, step forth
and join these clubs—let the meeting in London
convey to England this important fact, that, stifled
as the voice of the opponents of the Bill has been by
outrage, falsehood, and misrepresentation, at the
elections, there is a conservative principle still alive
in London, which, through good report and evil re-
port, remains steady to t e laws, the liberties, and
the religion, in which they have been bred up.—
illorning Post.
Wherever there has been a contested election, the
great majority of the respectable voters have been
found proudly arrayed on the side of the Constitution ;
whilst the revolutionists, as amatter equally ofcourse,
followed in the train of the radical candidates. In
no instance has this truth been more strikingly dis•
played than in that of the Huntingdon county
election, particularly on the occasion of the chairing
of the Members. Lord Mandeville's procession was
attended by almost the whole of the gentlemen of
the county, and the cheering which accompanied its
progress was fer its warmth and enthusiasm unex•
ampled on any similar occasion; whilst that of Mr.
Rooper was attended only by persons of the lowest
order (his attorney and clerk excepted), the whole
presenting a dark and dismal picture of radical cha•
racter and revolutionary design.—Morning Post.
The people may at this moment he said to be di-
vided into three classes—the advocates of things as
they are—of things as they ought to be—and of
things as they (night not to be. By the first we
mean those who, benefitting by the borough system,
naturally enough wish for its continuance—the se-
cond, those who are anxious to see its abuses reme-
died by means of a timely and salutary Reform—
and the third, those inconsiderate and wicked per-
sons who lock to a subversion of existing institu-
tions as a blessing, from which they, in the scramble,
may obtain some undefinable and uncertain good.
The second class is that to which all rational and

independent persons will naturally attach them-
selves. The chance of the first is entirely gone by.
It is against unconsciously aiding the views of the
third that we would anxiously caution all honest

men of all persuasions. There never was a time
when the old rule, that " the middle course is the
safest," came so forciVy home to the breasts of all
reasonable people; or, in other words, when it was
so essential that the honest Reformer should have de-
fined views upon the subject, in the accomplishment
of which lie should firmly determine neither
on the one hand to relax, or, on the other, to ex-
ceed. And this is the more necessary at a time
when, triumphant as the cause of Reform is, it is,
. .

nevertheless, ate have no doubt, deprived of the sup-
port of many of those who would be among its most
valuable and influential adherents by an apprehen-
sion, common to many such persons, that there is a
party (that third class which we have already desig-
nated) whose aim it is to take advantage of the door
of Reform being opened, to enter and never to close
the doors till the whole interior of the constitutional
edifice has been glutted and deAtroyed. Now, how-
ever numerous such persons may be (and it is evi-
dently more safe to over-rate than under-value their
strength), they bear no sort of comparison, either
in number or importance, to those whose wishes for
Reform are prompted by a sense of its overwhelming
necessity, and are bounded by those limits and land-
marks which the Constitution of their country has
so clearly defined. When, therefore, we see the
state of exasperation to which men's minds are en-
deavoured to be brought when a calm and sound
judgment i 4 most of all called for—when we see
the wretched attempts which are made to induce
the people, as it were, " to run a muck" at all
who may not happen to agree with them—we
cannot but condemn those who have recourse to
such expedients as the most bitter enemies of the
true cause of Reform, the ranks of whose most for-
midable opponents are increased by the pretended
zeal of its indiscreet or insincere and designing
friends. Against this double danger then we would
earnestly caution all the true friends of Reform—a
danger which converts its most boisterous into its
fature enemies. It is the nature of the quiet and

~..,._ .....,....___ _
respectable class of the community to whom we al-
lude to withdraw themselves in silence from the
turmoil and bustle of party contests. The present,
however, is not a contest of that character. It is
not a question now whether this or that Minister
shall be at the head of affairs. The rein question is,
whether that which is intended for the general good
shall be allowed to attain its object; or whether its
end shall be defeated by machinations of enemies
on the one hand, and deceitful friends on the other;
but which machinations themselves may, and we
trust will, be defeated by the earnest and sincere
union of steady Preformers —llTorning Herald.
Without alluding to any particular instance, we
are persuaded that our readers cannot have observed
without pain the numerous occasions we have lately
had to record instances of deplorable want, in some
followed by actual death, occurring through the
neglect or cold-hearted ind,fference of parish officers,
(-low much these melancholy instances of human
suflarieg would be increased, were it not for the ac-
tive agency of private benevolence, we need hardly
point out ; but that such instances should exist at
elAn and that more especially in an eplightened and
r
metropolis, is 4 scandal both upon the law
and its orgttns; which persons in authority ought to
adopt decisive Me4sures to put an end to. The

evil, we believe, is in a great measure owing to the
teal-administraticia of the poor laws under Mr.
Sturges Bourne's Act, and to the irresponsible
power which too many local Acts assign to parochial
boards, composed of persons who, however respect-
able themselves, too often transfer their authority to
cold and ignorant agents, who are not unfrequently
considered most fit for their office in proportion
as they are exempt from the troublesome and ex-
pensive feelings of humanity. But, whatever may
be the cause, the effect stares us too forcibly and too
frequently in the face, not to call at once both for
stung animadversion and a speedy remedy. If
Coroners and their Juries sometimes did their duty
w th a little more earnestness, their verdicts might
infuse some degree of fear and caution into persons
who at present seem hardened in brutality by too
great a chance of its escaping not only with impu-
nity, but often almost without observation. lhe
public At large, however, it is quite clear, are no
parties to the fault, pros indifferent listeners to the
cases which come before them, as may be seen by
the promptness with which individual charity steps
in to heal the wounds which the official want of it
has inflicted ; and we only hope that, if such cases
occur again, persons in authority, taking the tone
from public feeling, will make some rigid examples
of those by whose wilfulness or negligence- such
scenes of human suffering have been produced or
aggravated.—Morning Herald.
In another column our readers will find an account
of Sir Robert Peel's dinner, at Tamworth, on Wed-
nesday last. Whether Sir Robert speaks at Tam-
worth or Westminster, he is a man of too much
consequence not to be attended to. There is a say-
ing, that if we throw up a feather, we shall know
which way the wind blows. If we wish to know
what is now passing in the minds of the late Anti-
Reformers, we must not consult some Emeritus,
who, seeing his political career closed, consoles him-
self for the absence of the hope of future importance,
with the idea of an equivalent in the honour to be
paid to his unshaken consistency; but a politician
who takes up and lays down principles with less
scruple. Sir Robert is not of an age at which men
who have tasted of power willingly renounce the
fascinations of ambition. Notwithstanding, there-
fore, the violence of the Right Hon. Baronet on the
day of the prorogation, we knew that he would come
round in good time. We knew that the elections
would make the right sort of impression on him.
Accordingly, in his various speeches to his consti-
tuents of Tamworth (for he had nearly all the
speechifying, having to return thanks not only for
himself, but for Lady Peel, Mr. William Peel,
Mr. Edmund Peel, &c.), we find him preparing to
throw the old Constitution overboard, and to make
the most of the terrible revolution which has taken
place. " Gentlemen (said he), the chief lesson I have
learnt in public life is toleration.—(Cheers.) While I
claim the right of thinking and speaking on all politi-
cal subjects as my judgment shall dictate, I honour
and respect the man, who, from conviction, in the
exercise of the same sight, differs from me." This
is a promising beginning. The trying scene, how-
ever, was when Mr. Woolley proposed Mr. William
Peel, who " had recently been returned for the
University of Cambridge by a most triumphant ma-
jority." The triumph of Mr. William Peel was the
triumph of implacable hostility to all Reform, sod
the Rev. Mr. Woolley, no doubt, imagined that the
spirit of Cambridge would shine forth in Sir Robert
in all its glory—that he would vow, on the altar of
his country, a determination to die in his last ditch
for the rotten boroughs, that essential and most
valuable part of the English Constitution. But the
Right Hon. Baronet's politics are of a more accom-
modating cast. " Two brothers (he coolly observed)
had represented both Universities. Mr. W. Peel
was now elected as one of the representatives for
Cambridge, for maintaining opinions at variance
with the Government; while he (S:r R.) lost his
seat for Oxford, the highest and most distinguished
object of his ambition, because he advocated a mea-
sure which, at that time, he conscientiously believed

:0 be essential to the best interests of the state.

—(Cheers.) Ile (Sir Robe)t) had never been
the decided supporter of any band of parti-
sans; but had always thought it much better
to look steadily at the political circumstances
of the times in which they lived; and if necesiilics

wewe so pressing as to demand it, there was no dis-
honour or discredit in relinquishing opinions or mea-
sures, and adopting others more suited to Me altered'
circumstances of the countiy. For this course of
proceeding he had been censured by opposite parties,
by those who, upon all occasions, thought no changes
were required, as well as those who, in his opinion,
were the advocates of too violent and sudden inno-
vations." It is sometimes much easier to justify a
change of opinion, than to justify the embracing the
opinion changed. The great error of Sir Robert
Peel was—not the conceding of the Catholic
claims—but in having so long refused to concede
thern The well-known saying of an ancient philo-
sopher, to a youth who blushed on being seen issuing
from an abode of vice, that he ought not to blush
at being seen coining out, but at the having
gone in, is apposite in the case of Sir Robust.
He was, no doubt, sincere in believing that
the Test and Corporation Laws might be repealed
without danger to the State; but it was generally
thought the opinions he avowed on that question,
two or three days before be avowed this conviction,
were not sincere. He was perfectly sincere in the
belief that justice and policy demanded the conces-
sion of the Catholic claims; but he was thought
insincere in the opinions he so long, and so pertina-
ciously avowed on this question, till within a few
days of the determination of the Duke of Wellington
to give way. There is a danger in playing too m!ich
with principles. But let us hear Sir Robert's jus-
tification of this versatility. " He held it to be im-
possible for any Statesman to adopt one fixed line
of policy under al circumstances ; anti the only
question with him, when he departed from that line,
should be, am I actuated by any interested or
sinister motive ; or do I consider the measures I
contemplate called for by the circumstances and ne-
cessities of the country 11—(Loud cheers.)—But
this justification applies to the change, rattier than
the original adoption of opinions and principles. A
man should not rashly adopt opinions, or make a
stalking-horse of them to gain place, merely because
be can conscientiously change them when the neces-
sities of the country render it necessary. Pertinacity
in error is no doubt highly reprehensible; but a
constant sincerity is preferable to the preparation
for future candour by previous hypocrisy. Now if
Sir R. Peel will only employ a ]:tile of his candour'
in the task of self-examination, he will see that he
has given some grounds for the reputation for insin-
cerity which he has acquired. There are several
goods points about Sir Robert. As an Administra-
tor, from the time of his Irish Secretaryship to his
last quitting the seals of office, he is allowed to have
been impartial and incorrupt. His appointments
were generally more governed by fitness for office
than political bias. He was the first Minister who
ever named a Judge in Scotland from any other
cause than his being a partisan. To these good
qualities he adds the possession of goad abilities.
Other men, too, have been actors as well as himself,
without the same redeeming qualities, whose insin-
cerity has not been so severdy visited on them.
There is something, no doubt, in manner; for it was
impossible to hear Sir Robert speak for any length
of time without being sensible that a consciousness
of the untenable nature of what he was advancing
led him to overact his pant, by exaggerating the ex-
pression of his professed conviction. We are glad to
find that Sir Robert, like old Mr. Bankes, has laid his
account with the Reform being carried. In proposing
a toast to the Corporation of Tamworth, he observed
that "he was speaking, he knew, in the hearing of
many to whom, according to the proposed Bill, the
elective franchise would be extended ; and whom
he might probably, at his next election, have to
canvas. He hoped they would not quote his pre-
sent speech against him." A revolution is not such
a terrible thing as people have been led to suppose.

Sir Robert, we see, counts upon many happy daysl
with his constituents of Tamworth, in spite of its
horrors. All the Peels will come through, we do
not doubt. We are prepared also for the reconcilia-.
ti,,n of Sir Robert to Journalism ; but he has yet
made no advances. The liberty of the Press re-
ceived no homage at Tamworth. Yet the Press was
not such a bad thing when Sir Robert was receiving
daily compliments for his exertions as a Law Re-
former. When reason is for a man, he is for rea•
son, but when reason is against him, he is against
reason, When the Press and Sir Robert shall
happen to travel the same way together—a contin-
gency within the range of possibility—then we
shall hear no more of Journalism.—Mortz. Citron.

GENERAL ELECTION.

CARMARTHENSHIRE.
(Abridged from the Carmarthen Journal.)

Monday last was the day fixed for electing a
Member for this county. In the morning an im-
mense number of gentlemen and their tenants (in
all about 500) came into Llandilo on horseback,
preceded by a band of music, with colours and ban-
nurs bearing various mottos, to meet Sir James
Hamlyn Williams, Bart., of Edwinsford. About
two miles from the town he was met, and the horses
were taken out of his carriage, and he was drawn
into town by an immense number of persons, amidst
the cheers of a numerous and respectable assemblage
of elegantly dressed females, &c. After the usual
proceedings were entered into, the High Sheriff (E.
H. Adams, Esq.) said it was his duty to call upon
the electors of this county to elect a Knight fit to
serve in Parliament; upon which Colonel Gwynne,
of Glanbrane, begged to propose Sir James Hamlyn
Williams, Bart., of Edwinsford, as a fit and proper
person.
Ciptain W. HUGHES, of .Tregib; had great plea-
sure in seconding the nomination. _
Sir JAMES IlkstLYN WILLIAms then came forward
and said--

" Mr. Sheriff and Gentlemen,—l come forward
as an independent man, unfettered by any party
whatever. I am happy to see the county of Car-
marthen, as one man, coming forward to support
their beloved King and his measure 3. If you do me
the honour of electing me as your representative,
I will most strenuously vote for every measure of
Reform which his Majesty's Ministers will bring
forward. I believe we are all unanimous in having
an additional Member for this great and respectable
county, also a Member for Llanelly and the mining
districts. I shall exert myself, strenuously on all
occasions to promote the interests of this county. I
shall vote for the repeal of the duty on malt—
(Cheers)—and candles, which will be of such
benefit to the poorer clases of society. I shall be
a staunch advocate for the repeal of the assessed
taxes, and for retrenchment in all public expenditure,
and furthermore I wish to do away with all sinecures
and pensions.--(Loud cheering.) I shall also vote
for the abolition of slavery, and I shall always be a
friend to civil and religious liberty."—(Cheers.)
After this the High Sheriff asked if there was
another candidate to be proposed.—(Cries of "No,
no.") The hour having elapsed, and no other can-
didate being proposed, Sir James was duly elected
and sworn in. The necessary preliminaries having
been gone through,
_ _ _

Sir JAMES HAMLYN WILLIAMS addressed the
meeting as follows :—" Gentlemen,—l return you
my grateful and heartfelt thanks for the high honour
you have conferred upon me this day, and for the
flattering manner in which you have received me.
The Hon. Baronet repeated that he was a devoted
friend to the cause of Reform and of civil and re-
ligious liberty, and that he looked forward to the
approaching Session for the death-blow of the bo-
roughmongering, system, under which this country
had so long laboured."—(Great cheering.)
The thanks of the meeting were then voted to
the High Sheriff, for his able and impartial conduct
during the proceedings.
After the writ was signed, the chairing of the
newly-returned Member was celebrated with more
than ordinary splendour.
The chairing being over, the freeholders to the
number of 1,600, sat down to dinner at different
tables. The health of the K;ng and Queen was
drunk with the usual enthusiasm.

DUBLIN, MAY 18.

The Tories are, still retarding the formal triumph
of the Reformers, and although they acknowledged
their defeat last night, they are bringing to the poll
to-day any stray votes they can gather. I should
not be surprised if they were able to keep the booths
open a day or two longer. Toryism s►ruggles hard
before its final dissolution. There was no Polling in
Wexford on Monday later than the return which I
forwarded you yesterday. Shortly after twelve
o'clock the High Sheriff adjourned the poll, on the
alleged ground that it could not proceed fairly on
tecount of the riotous conduct of the populace.—
The people were certainly very much excited against
certain partisans of Lord Valentia, who are said to
have used improper influence in bringing freeholders
to the poll ; but they resorted to no other means of
violence than an infliction of rotten eggs on the per-
sons of the obnox otts individuals. Sir Thomas
Esmonde, and other gentlemen, addressed the people,
conjuring them not to sully their victory by outrage;
the appeal had the desired effect, and the town be-
came quiet. In the interim, the Sheriff sent for
military aid, and two troops of the King's Dragoo❑
Guards arrived in the evening, but there was no
occasion for their services. I have learned that Mr.
Lambert has entered a protest against the conduct
of the Sheriff, in closing the booths several hours
previous to the time specified by law, and that he is
determined to bring him to the bar of the House of
Commons. Notwithstanding all the machinations
of the Tories, the triumph of the Reformers is com-
plete and decided. Their majority increased con-
siderably yesterday, and few freeholders remain to be
polled.
LouTtt.—The Tories have had the temerity to
oppose Mr. Sheil and Mr. A. Dawson. Mr. For-
tescue left town last night, with agents, and young
Mr. M'Clintock as his counsel. He will get as
sound a beating as any Tory of the set has received
during the elections, and that is saying a great deal.
Suco.—General King has resigned.
Three o'clock.—At half-past two the numbers
polled were—for the Lord Mayor and Mr. Perrin,
20—for Moore and Shaw, 20. One of the free-
men's booths is idle. The other will be open
to-morrow.

CLARE.-Mr. Maurice O'Connell's majority over
Mr. O'Gorman Mahon, on Monday evening, was
59. I have just learned that, in consequence of the
outrageous conduct of W. Mahon, Major Macna-
mars had determined to join his interest with that
of O'Connell, and thus bring him in by a trium-
phant majority.

DROGHEDA ELECTION—RETURN OF
MR. NORTH.
(From the Drogheda Journal.),
Thursday Mr. Wallace, after polling four free-
holders and one freeman, informed the Sheriffs that
it was not his intention to persevere longer in the
contest, and that he wished the poll to close finally
that day. Mr. North's committee, however re-
solved to keep the freemen's booth open another
day, as they expected the arrival of more voters.

Yesterday morning six freemen were polled for
Mr. North, after which the proclamations were read,
and the Sheriffs declared the state of the poll.
Before the successful candidate was announced,
Mr. RIDGWAY came forward and said, " Mr.
Sheriff, I call upon you to declare Mr. Wallace duly
elected, inasmuch as the other candidate, Mr. North,
is ineligible to be returned while holding the situa-
tion of Judge of the Admiralty?'
Mr. WALLACE said the object was to have the
protest entered on the sheriff's book, which was done
accordingly.
Mr. Sheriff VAN llo3tarGH then declared John
Henry North, Esq., the representative for Drogheda,

amidst the most enthusiastic cheering from his
friends. Whet; the cheering subsided,
Mr. NORTH said, Electors of Drogheda, now my
constituents—(Here there was tremendous shont-
ing, which prevented the speaker from being heard.
At length, Mr. North's friends declared that, if he
was not suffered to speak, Mr. Wallace should not
be heard. This had the desired effect, and Mr.
North proceeded.) I rejoice, but it is not because I
am sent again to Parliament to represent your feel-
ings and opinions, with the seal and stamp of your
approval; but I rejoice because the triumph you
have achieved is that of reason over rashness, of
sound principles over doctrines dangerous and per-
nicious, of our ancient laws and glorious Constitu-
tion over revolutionary madness and jacobin inno-
vation. I rejoice further, because outs is the
triumph of rational freedom. You cannot have for-
gotten the principles on which my Hon. and Learned
Opponent claimed your votes on the first day of
the election—principles the most slavish that candi-
date ever had the courage to promulgate at the
hustings. He told you, he dared to tell you, that
you were bound as loyal men to support him, be-
cause the cause which he espoused'waa that of his
Majesty's Ministers. This, then, at last is the doc-
trine of these professing Liberals—these patriots
who have freedom on their lips but slavery in their
hearts—that loyalty to the throne means steady al-
leeiance to the Minister of the day ! And, with the
same indecent and unconstitutional use of the King's
name, with which we are now familiar, he relied on
the assumed support of the Sovereign himself—
that Sovereign who is assailed by the odious hypo-
critical adulation of the men who are putting in
jeopardy the security of his empire and the stability
of his throne. But so it ever is. Read the lessons
of your own history, and what do they teach you ?
That the enemies of the monarchy have ever begun
their attacks with specious and deceitful flattery.
So when Charles I. was about to be led to the
scaffold by republicans and traitors,—up to the very
moment when the axe of the regicides was de-
scending,—they poured into his ear the false and in-
solent assurance that their sole object was to render
him the most powerful monarch who ever swayed
the sceptre of Great Britain. Gentlemen, as my
Learned Friend has rested all his claims upon his
support of his present Ministry, it becomes me to
tell you shortly why I feel bound to oppose them.
Ir is because I believe them to be the most rash,

the most ignorant, and the most incapable Admi-
nistration that was ever called upon to guide the
sceptre in the hands of a British monarch. What
measure have they attempted to carry in which they
have not failed ? What plan or system of politics
—financial, foreign, or domestic—have they not
been obliged to abandon ? Without practical ex•
perience, without solid information, without states-
manlike wisdom or discretion, they tottered on from
blunder to blunder, till they -found themselves
Obliged to rush upon the clamorous experiment
Which they are now making, and which, in spite of
all their sanguine hopes, I confidently predict, is yet
destined to fail ! -Mark, I beseech you, the con-
sistency of this pure Reforming tiovernment—
these men, who would fain persuade the country
that their object is to establish perfect freedom of
election. What course have they followed here ?
Why, to call into active energy every resource of the
Castle, every engine of Vice-regal power, to COll-
- the free exercise of the elect►ve franchise
amongst us. Not a man, the most remotely or in-
directly under the influence of Government, who
was not sought to be intimidated or co►rupted by
threats of displeasure, or dismissal of himself, or his
father, or his brother, or some more distant con-
nexion, or, where there was no room for this, to be
influenced by one of the formal and now familiar
epistles of Baron Twyll. Yet these are your Re-
formers—these are your purists—who would bring
back the Constitution to its state of theoretical Ver-
fection. Exquisite patriots ! Admirable statesmen!
But such the Whigs have ever shown themselves—
the most tyrannical and overbearing in the posses-
sion of power, %virile, in opposition, they are the
most clamorous asserters of liberty. And what have
they effected by this shameful unconstitutional inter-
ference? Why this, and this alone—to call forth
the proud undaunted spirit of the independent con-
stituency, and to show to mankind and to them-
selves that there is 'yet in Ireland a bold, uncompro-
mising, indomitable courage, which will neither bend
nor break under the heaviest pressure of despotic
power. Gentlemen, in dwelling on the consistency

of our rulers, I am reminded that something fell
from my lion. and Learned Friend which re-
quires me to vindicate my own. He seemed, I
thought, to insinuate that I had at one time been
the advocate of Reform in Parliament. Now
the fact is, that I never entertained or expressed at
any period of my life a different opinion on this great
subject from the one which I now profess. In truth, 1
was bred a politician in the school of Mr. Burke,
whose doctrine on this question is so noto-

rious ; and when that illustrious statesman,
whom it pleased Providence to deprive us of, Mr.
Canning,invited me to leave the retirement of private
life, and to engage in politics, our agreement in
opinion on this ,very subject was one principal
ground of the mutual confidence which subsisted
between us. On this point, therefore, my consis-
tency is unshaken, and I trust it is on all. When
I first came tunongq you, I presented myself as the
friend of the then existing Government; and those
who did not know me might have believed the mo-
tives of my attachment to be interested or personal.
But I now stand before you in a prouder position.
The men with whom I acted when in power I have
not abandoned when they relinquished office. I
have adhered to them in either fortune, and I shall
continue to adhere to them so long as they maintain
and act upon the principles I approve. So much
gentlemen, for my political tenets. One othei
topic, gentlemen, and I have done. It has been
made a reproach to me, in publications I have seen,
that I received the support of Protestant clergy-
men : 100, it was said, voted for me. The actual
number was 41. This is amongst the proudest cir-
cumstances of my triumph. Where could support
have been obtained more honourable and more gra-
!Hying than that of the Protestant clergy of Ire-
land—the most upright, the most cultivated, the
most enlightened, the most independent—men who
cherish and nurture whatever exists amongst us of
worth, of learning, humanity, and civilization ?
And now, gentlemen, to conclude. Be not discou-
raged, I entreat you, if, in the new Parliament, a
majority should be found hostile to your wishes and
opinions. 1 speak now from some experience of
the House of Commons, and I can tell you that
one bold and sincere man, who will not fear to utter
from its benches the sentiment, he expresses at the
Itutings or at his own private table, is worth a
whole host of military slaves in his influence on the
event of any great discussion. Such courage and -
sincerity I faithfully promise you. The Learned
Gentleman was received throughout with deafen,
ing cheers.
Mr. WALLACE next rose, and was loudly cheered
by his friends. When silence had been obtained, he
said,—l am surprised to see my lion. Opponent be-
fore you for the first time since the opening of the
election. He comes with the composition of eight
days, in which are displayed all the eloquence for
which he is distinguished, and it cannot be expected
that, unprepared as 1 am, I should reply to it. How-
ever, gentlemen of the assembly, I shall make a
few observations on my Learned Friend's eloquent
address.—(Hear, hear.) 1 appeared before you as
the advocate of the King and his Ministry—as the
advocate of the people of Ireland, and more parti-
cularly Drogheda.—(Cheers.) if the corporators
were loyal, they should cease to exert their opposi-
to the•Kiug aid his Government. Mr. North has
lavished forth against his Majesty's Ministers un-
founded and opprobrious expressions, and has falsely
eJloured his hypocritical staiements.—(Hear, hear.)
Have not the present Ministers proved themselves the
(nest proper, the most capable, and fit to govern tli
empire 2 I say tha. the return of Mr. North is not
reexti:irrenses'di vbeyofthtehei
npueuoepnlcee'soste, sell
Ie
idenlvolas been
voters
sand

the patriotic Protestant clergy, of which he complains
that their numbers have been over-rated; and inqead
of 100, only 41 loyal and reverend royalists have voted.
Indeed, Mr. North seems to have a great respect for
the benefit of his clergy.—(li laugh.) Mr. North
h.s alluded to attempts at the destruction of the
freedom of election, by the unjust influence of Go-
vernment. I appeal to every honest and honourable
rn4n—nay, I will appeal to that gentleman (Mr. St. G.
Smith), whose character in the private concerns of
his life are exemplary—has he not exercised terror
and tyranny to influence voters ? Since the creation
of corporations, they have exercised unbounded
tyranny and unconstitutional influence. I could a
tale unfold, and it shall be unfolded in another place,
where it will be attended to.--(Cheers and hisses.)
I will maintain that it is not unconstitutional for
Government to interfere with their servants at will,
or to call on them to support their opinions, and
would it not be disloyal for those servants to oppose
their wishes ?—(Mr. North rose and said it was un-
constitutional.) Oh, I can tell my Hon. Friend
that his magnus Apollo, the Duke of Wellington,
acted on the same principles, and I am sure my
lion. Friend knows of many servants of the Crown
whom the Noble Duke, when in office, dismissed
for not supporting his opinions—l believe Lord
Beresford was one. Have not the Members of the
Royal household bee n dismissed for their opposition
—1 may say disloyalty—to the wishes of their So-
vereign, and the interests of his subjects ? Mr.
North has joined himself and fortune with those of
the Duke of Wellington and his party, and he (Mr.
Wallace) hoped they would give him a better situ-
wion than that which he now held, and which made
him incapable to sit in Parliament.—(Cheers; and
on three cheers being called for the Duke of Wel-
lington, it was. received with tremendous cheering
and hisses : the uproar lasted for some time.) The
Learned Gentleman concluded by declaring it to be
his determination to petition against Mr. North's
return, on the grounds of the protest lodged with

the Sheriff on—the commencement of the contest.
My Learned Friend (Mr. North) smiles; I suppose
it is one of incredulity, but I can tell him that the
first lawyers in the kingdom have declared it to be
their opinion that he is ineligible.

COUNTY OF CLARE.
(From the Dublin Evening Post.)

By the reports which we give below, it will be
seen that there is a furious contest raging in Clare.
Even violence has been used; and violence, too, we
are sorry to say, of a most unjustifiable nature. .
MONDAY MORNlNG.—Yesterday Mr. O'Gorman
Mahon arrived in Ennis, accompanied by a great
many freeholders. Yesterday he addressed the people
from his committee-room, and assured them that be
should defeat the coalition.

On Saturday evening William Mahon struck
Maurice O'Connell in the street, in the hopes of
urging him " to the field ;" Mr. O'Connell coolly
reped, t hat he would inquire into it after the election.
This morning Charles O'Connell, the solicitor,
and a Mr. Cummins, had a difference with regard to
a voter, and it terminated by the former knocking
the latter down. This, it is supposed, will lead to
a message. The election will not end to-day. The
town s now densely crowded; the temper in which
business is conducted, it is feared, will lead to some
serious encountres. Mr. O'Gorman Mahon has the
van, but there is no doubt he will be the. beaten
candidate.

(From the Dumfries Courier.)

Tuesday last Dumfries-shire returned a supporter
of the Reform Bill, in the person of J. J. Hope
Johnstone, Esq., of Annandale; and on Tuesday
next the neighbouring county, Kircudbright, will
re-elect, without a struggle, Mr. Fergusson, of Craig-
darroch, his opponent, Mr. Forbes, having retired
from the field. As regards Wigtonshire we are un.
able to speak with the same degree of certainty,
though we have a letter from that quarter, dated as
late as the 15th current. At that time Sir Andrew
Agnew and Mr. Hathorn, of Castlewig, were as
equally matched as rival candidates could well be;
but as one or two of the freeholders remained unde-
cided, and as the arrival of others was more or less a
matter of doubt, it is quite impossible to say at pre-
, sent whether " the shire" will lift up its legislative
voice in favour of or against the Reform Bill.
Along with the three counties, there are two
districts of burghs in the south of Scotland, the cor-
porators of which have yet to exercise their elective
franchise. In the first of these districts, viz. Dum-
fries, all is bustle, anxiety, and excitement; while
the second, namely, Wigton, is just us remarkable
for the opposite qualities of contentment, peace, arid
quietness. The Right Hon. Lord Garlies, who
formerly excambed with the Lowthers, and sat as one
of the Members for Cockermouth, is thus far minus
a seat in Parliament, his place having been supplied
by Sir J. Scarlett. But as the next Parliament
promises to be exceedingly short-lived, his Lord-
ship, as is natural, is not at all anxious on the sub-
ject. Among other improvements, the Reform Bill
will sweep away the absurd clause affecting the
eligibility of the eldest sons of Peers ; arid then the
Nobleman we speak of, who is himself Lord Lieute-
nant of two counties, and highly popular and ta-
lented to boot, may start for any shire, or cluster of
burghs in the country, with the fairest prospects of
success. In the mean time, Wigton, Whithorn,
Stranrace, and new Galloway, will have the honour
of re• timing a Reformer to Parliament, in the per-
son of Mr. Edward Stewart, jun., private secretary
to Sir James Graham. This arrdngement was com-
pleted some days ago, and it is needless to conceal
that Mr. Stewart's election is just as certain as his
nomination.

At the Academy of St. Luke, in Rome, two
lectures are annually delivered to students and artists
against " envy, malice, hatred, and all uncharitableness."
We understand that it is at length finally ar-
ranged that the ceremony of opening London-bridge is to-
take place on the Ist of August.
POLAND.—Extract of a letter dated Dantzic,
May 9 :—" The trade of this place is destroyed by the
interruption of our intercourse with Poland, nor dare we
expect an early improvement, whatever the result of the
bloody contest may lie. Every consideration for private
or commercial gain vanishes, and one anxious wish ani-
mates all who are not lost to the feelings of humanity--
namely, that diplomacy would at length awake from its
inhuman indiff,rence, and by an effectual interference in
Russian-Polish affairs, prevent the total destruction of a
people who have excited the admiration of Europe. 11
this is neglected, it is to be feared that the cholera, trans-
planted as it has been by Russia in a civilized country,
will destroy what may escape the barbarian's sword."

BIRTHS.
On the 19th inst. in Woburn-place, Russell.square, the lady of
J. Davison, Esq., of a daughter, still-born.
On the 20th inst. in Wimpole.street, the' lady of E. J. Rudge,
Esq., of a daughter, which only survived a short time.
On the Pith inst. Mrs. Arnot, Herne-hill, of a daughter.
On the 20th inst. at Villa Ross, St. John's Wood, the lady of
H. Gordon, Esq., of a daughter.

On the loth ia,4. at Dulieh, Mrs. F. Take, of a son.
MARRIED.

At Framfield Church, Thomas Praddell, Esq., eldest son,
of George Braddell, Esq., of Prospect, in the county of Wexford,
to Ann, eldest daughter of Alexander Donovan, of Framfield
Park, in the county of Sussex, Esq.
On the 19th inst.. at Brixton, Mr. J. E. Shearman, of Great
Tower-street, to Emily, third daughter of Mr. It. Newton.
On the 19th inst. at Shrivenham, Berks, J. Hippisley, Esq. of
Lamborne-place, Berks, to Anne Elizabeth Clare, third (laugh-
ter of the late Rev. T. G. Clare, Rector of St. Andrew's,
Holborn.
On the 19th inst. at Bath; Rowland Burdon, jun. Esq. eldest
son of It. Burden, Esq., of Castle Eden, Wiliam, to Ann Malet,
youngest daughter of J. Uhthott; Esq., late of Green Park-build-
ings, Bath.
On the pith inst in the Cathedral of Kilkenny, Harriet
Eleanor Wandesford, daughter of the Marquis of Ormonde, to
It. Fowler, Esq., son of the Lord Bishop of Ossory.