The Sun.
London, England, 1838-11-26 00:00:00

PI UT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The revolutionary faction have contrived to dress up a
rich olio from the ingredients afforded them by this " much-
ado-about-Durk, n" business. The ingenious romancer of
the London Review may be considered as chef de cuisine
on the ()erasion for the long famishing establishment of
ultra-Resdicalism, and by dint of the same sort of talent as
enabled a celebrated Parisian artist some years ago to
me:nufacture half-a-dozen entrees of the most delicate fish
out of a single calf's head, he has rendered it plain to the
most ordinary palates (we do not say to any others), that
the French rebellion in Lower Canada for behalf of
obsolete feudalism, for rampant Popery, for the exclusion
of English colonists and of English laws, has been a " war
for liberty !" while by a dextrous dovetailing of British
domestic questions with Canadian, and of auxiliaries
demanded by the " Movement," with qualities pos-
sessed by Lord Durham, the Reviewer has proved
that Lord Durham was made for North America, and
North America for him ; that all the Noble ma-tyr's
thoughts, and words, and deeds, and projects, whether for
the impunity of rebel guilt, the encouragement of insur-
rection, the exasperation of hatred against England in the
breasts of the Lower Canadians, by threatening them with
reforms fatal to their dream of nationality, the pampering
of pirate arrogance on the frontier, by appealing to repul7-
lican prejudice against the opinions of his own countrymen,
were one and all inspired by " absolute wisdom," and
fraught with everlastinghappiness to North America. Nor is
this all. The English half of the catalogue of revolutionary
wants and of Durham remedies detailed in the Review, we
have scarcely yet so much as glanced at. After lapping the
British colonies in Elysium,it remains for Lord Durham, and
for him alone, to begin the application ofsome analogous pro-
cess in the United Kingdom, by turning England herself into
arepublican paradise. Now, only listen t o this oracle of both
worlds. We quote the extracts published yesterday in a weekly
journal, the Spectator, the question being what sort of a
leader the movement party required, and where such a man
could be found. The answer of the Reviewer to his own
interrogatories is as follows :—" Lord Durham was this
man. Of no other man was there the same reason to
hope, both that he might be willing to put himself at the
head of the Liberals' " (read " Ultra Radicals"), " and
that he might be able, by doing so, to render them the
predominant party." The vaulting ambition of these phi-
losophers knows no bounds. " And he alone was so marked
out for the position by every consideration of character,
station, and past services, that if he chose to assume it, he
could do so without rivalry or dispute ; that all the best
heads and hands which the party could produce would flock
round him with their services and their counsels ; and the
whole of its effective strength would come forth at his
voice, and give him that decisive majority in the House of
Commons with which he might again break the power
of the aristocratic faction, and this time provide more
effectually that the dead might not be able to revive."
Let us, then, take this purblind fanaticism in its pro-
gress, and " shoot the folly as it flies." What reason has the
Westminster Reviewer to hope that Lord Durham might
lie able, by putting himself at the head of those whom he
calls " Liberals," to make them the " predominant party ?"
Does he know so very little of this country as to imagine
that there is one man in it less inclined to promote the
cause and purposes of what he terms " liberalism" than
Lord Durham himself? He talks of Lord Durham's " cha-
racter, station, and past services," fitting him for the leader-
ship of the Movement ; and what is there in Lord Durham's
character so to qualify him ! The Noble Lord is by mental
constitution an oligarch ; not one in England more arro-
gant, or more exclusive, or more tenacious of those inci-
dental privileges and outward advantages bestowed upon
him by his " station," nor gifted with a larger share of
lordly sourness and petulance (this at least is said for
him in the north of England) at the presumption of any
vile plebeian corse " coming between the wind and his
nobility." Such a man may, to serve his own per-
sonal (whether aspiring or vindictive) ends, put
himself at the head of a body of " Liberals," or stand upon
their shoulders, the more easily to jump into a marquisate
or dukedom for himself, or into another star and riband, if
not ashamed of some of those he wears already ; but as for
dragging up any of his " Liberal" supporters after him,
" that," according to the phrase of poor King William," is
quite a different thing." We can assure this dealer in Uto-
pian visions, that his friends of the Movement may " throw
their greasy caps" at the fulfilment of any such fond expec-
tations by Lord Durham. Here again, to show what are
the real projects of the London and Westminster Review,
he talks of Lord Durham making the Liberals of the Move-
ment " the predominant party." Why, whither does he
want to move ? One who harps so fearfully upon " mov-
ing" might condescend to inform us, were it but for
variety, whereabouts he intends "to stop." He ought
to tell us, if he knows himself, how many steps further we
can proceed without becoming at once a democratical
republic. There is nothing substantial between Great Bri-
tain and a democratic government save the Church of Eng-
land and the House of Lords. The Monarch without them
is but a name ; yet the politics of the Westminster Review
march on avowedly to the subversion of the Church, and
in this very adulatory offering to Lord Durham the
writer stimulates his angry tool to " break down the power
of the aristocratic faction," meaning by the term " fac-
tion," as there applied, the great bulk of the rank, pro-
perty, and intelligence of England. As for the intellec-
tual power of the aristocracy, it might possibly, as an ob-
struction in his Lordship's way, not find much favour with
Lord Durham ; but the other attributes of his own " Or-
der"—viz. the titles, estates, and influence therefrom de-
rivable, we should marvel greatly if the Noble Lord per-
mitted the little finger of Radicalism to approach them.
He knows by this time that the ballot paroxysm is over.
It has now become a mere grotesque exhibition. But the
Reviewer proceeds with his reverie—" Nations are not
governed nor saved by clever personalities, or dialectic
acuteness, or book knowledge, or general theories. If they
were the Liberal party would not now be in search of a
leader. A true politician knows how to put all these
things to their proper use. But the man we want is the
man who can recommend himself, not solely by the ability
to talk, or even merely to think, but by the ability to do.
We want a man who can wrestle with real difficulties, and
subdue them—who can read the aim of selfish natures,
bard to be spelled—can lead men's stubborn minds to
things against which their passions rise in arms—who
needs not sacrifice policy to justice, or justice to policy,
but knows how to do justice, and to attain the ends of po-
licy by it. We want a man who can sustain himself where
the consequences of every error he commits, instead of
being left to accumulate for posterity, come back to him
the next week or the next month, and throw themselves in
his path—where there is a real thing to be done, a posi-
tive result to be brought about, to have accomplished
which is success,not to have accomplished it defeat." Now,
whether will the rational portion of our readers regard this as
an indirectenumeration of the merits and capabilities of Lord
Durham, or as an ironical, sarcastic, yet exulting triumph over
his misfortunes during the last six months! Whatever may
most tend to the salvation of a people, it is assuredly not
impetuous precipitancy, dictatorial arrogance, or ignorance
in a statesman of his own constitutional powers. If' the
Movement party are still "in search of a leader," it may
be because their schemes are so absurd or mischievous that
no politician with talents which fit him for an English party
leader will have anything to do with them. If the man they
want is the man who can not solely talk, but " do," he can
hardly be Lord Durham, who has been talking all his life,
and never doing anything. If they want a man who can
wrestle with real difficulties and subdue them, it must
be a different guess person from Lord Durham, who
has created imaginary difficulties for himself, and finished
not by subduing, but sinking under them. If they
want a man who can bend " men's minds to things
against which their passions rise in arms," it cannot
be Lord Durham, who has yet to learn, that he
who would combat the " passions" of others must begin
by vanquishing his own. If they want a man who, without
sacrificing justice to policy, or policy to justice, can do jus-
tice and attain the ends of policy by it, they do not cer-
tainly want Lord Durham, who has sacrificed the ends of
policy by violating at once the rules of justice, and with his
eyes open, as he formally confesses, the clearest provisions
of law. Finally, if the Revolutionists want a leader
" where there is a real thing to be done, a positive result to
be brought about, to have accomplished which is success,
not to have accomplished it defeat," they indulge the most
cruel derision at the expense of Lord Durham, as the priests
of a spurious worship are wont to do at the idols which their
own hands have made ; for this lucklessauto
its autocrat is just the
man, who, having a " real thing to do"—viz., to tranquil-
lise Lower Canada, and settle future government on
principles which should approximate the minds of the
people towards Great Britain, did the very opposite
to that one " real thing," having confirmed the Canadians
in their antipathy to the Britilt
mea-
sures of his future policy,
which
empire,
isufferedr' and
by
to get the
wind,
every one of which threatened the favourite projects of the
Canadian race with destruction—
having
and induced themprovoked them to
an open display of hatred towards himself,
to carry on preparations for a second and more desperate
rebellion during the whole period of his brief and abortive
government, thus failingto accomplish the one real thing"
which he undertook, and being, therefore, in the very words
and sense of his Radical glorifier " defeated." If; then,
achievements such as these be satisfactory testimonials of
qualification for a " Movement" leader, the "
searchers"
need be at no great loss. They will find a score of them
at any club-house in St. James's-street, and if they come to
public auction, there would be but languid competition, we
conjecture, for the " Durham lot."—Times.
We have copied from the Spectator a letter addressed
to that journal by Mr. Edward Gibbon Wakefield, on
the subject of a statement with :regard to him in one of
W. Roebuck's letters. Mr. Gibbon Wakefield tells us