The Sun.
London, England, 1849-11-02 00:00:00

D'HAUTrouL, though an able soldier, requires force
of character for the conduct of the War Department;
M. ACHILLE FOULD, though rich, and accustomed to
the management of accounts, requires the inventive
resources essential in a Finance Minister. M. DE
PARIE u, though a fluent and agreeable rhetorician,has
yet to prove himself a statesman. RAYNEVAL for
Foreign Affairs, Dumes for Commerce, DESFOSSES
for Marine, ROUHER for Justice, and FERDINAND
BAItROT for the Home Department, are altogether
too respectably insignificant to survive long as mem-
bers of an Administration. The PRESIDENT must
give very speedily the surest evidences of his sin-
cerity by the nomination of a Cabinet more capable
of directing the destinies of the country, and of se-
curing the confidence of the population. His mani-
festo of Wednesday is a bold stroke—let him prove by
his subsequent acts that it is an effort towards the
consolidation, not the disruption of the Republican
institutions.

The Honourable Member for Buckinghamshire
was " at Home" on Wednesday, surrounded by

friendly and familiar faces, addressing not merely his
own constituents but his most strenuous and un-

flinching supporters. In an association of his ow•n
foundation, established for the purpose of sustaining

his own peculiar views, it is by no means surprising
that the Honourable Gentleman should give free

reins to his fancy and ride bis hobby with more than
ordinary satisfaction and effect. There was no ap-
pearance of mutiny or insubordination. No Sir
GEORGE ROBINSON or Lord BRAY BROOKE was
at hand to question his infallibility, to doubt
the efficacy of his suggestions, or to damp
the enthusiasm of the meeting, by inquiring into
the feasibility of carrying his propositions into
eiecution. His great oratorical display was not,
however, intended merely for the instruction of the
assembled auditors. The new Protectionist policy
was clearly and ,distinctly developed ; it contained a
full programme i`or the future guidance of the party,
to be maturely considered and thoroughly digested
before the opening of the Parliamentary campaign.
As their acknowledged leader he explained his views
and objects, and exhibited his plans for carrying
on the war ; and showed that he expected from his
subordinates full and implicit obedience to his orders.

Notwithstanding the propitious circumstances to
which we have referred, he manifestly felt the
magnitude of his task. He had to reconcile his own
equitable opinions hi favour of " equal taxation and
cheap capital" with the peculiar requirements of his
followers, and to conciliate their prejudices while he
advanced their interests and promoted their perma-
nent welfare and prosperity. He could not directly
stem the torrent or expose the folly of their
long-cherished prejudices ; he had therefore to
guide the impetuous stream into other channels,
where there might be at least a possibility of sur-
mounting the impediments and obstacles that might
oppose its progress. It was a duty of no ordinary
difficulty, but the accomplished orator was fully
equal to the occasion, and never perhaps was he more
brilliant or impressive—never had he bestowed
greater care in the preparation of an address.
There is now at least no mystery or concealment.
Friends and' foes" are alike enlightened—the former
know what they have to contend for, and struggle
to attain, the latter what they have to
oppose. It can be seen whether any and
what modifications of these demands are practicable,
how far their claims are founded on justice or expedi-

ency, and whether they, or any of them, may be con•
ceded without injury to the interests of the comm.:,

nity in general. We may, therefore, calmly enter
upon that investigation, and ascertain how far it may
be practicable to enter into amicable relations with the
agriculturists.
Mr. DISRAELI expressly and unequivocally pro•
claims his allegiance to the principle of "protection to
agriculture." That is the great end and object of all
his aspirations ; he also removes any ambiguity
or doubt that might remain ; he gives a full defini-
tion of what he conceives to be implied in the term.

lie says:—
" What I mean by protection is this—a system that
will secure to the landed proprietor that position which
the constitution has allotted to him, and which will permit
him to remain the natural leader of the people ; a system
which will make the cultivation of the soil the principal
branch of the industry of the country, which will make
agriculture flourish, and agriculture cannot flourish un•
less the farmer and the labourer receive, the one re-
munerating prices, and the other ample and proper
.vages. I mean by protection' the maintenance of th'
territorial constitution of the country, which cannot re-
main unless agriculture is the most flourishing pursuit of
England, just the same as I aid show you, before I have
done, that agriculture cannot remain the most fl ,urish
ing industry of this country witnout the maiirainance
of the territorial constitution."
- -

The Honourable Gentleman is at least candid and
eraightforward in the exposition of his views and
feelings. It is not merely " equality " he seeks, or
the removal of the peculiar burdens that press upon
land. He will not be contented with anything less than
agricultural supremacy. It is not sufficient that the
landed interest should participate in the general pros-
perity of the entire nation. No ; " the cultivation
of the soil" must be the principal branch of the
industry of the country, and agriculture must be
" the most flourishing pursuit of England." We
now, at length, understand, from unquestionable
authority, the true intent and purpose of the term
" protection," and what the party who have adopted
it as their principle of action and rallying cry really
mean thereby. It is for the mercantile, manufac-
turing, and trading interests of this great commercial
country—for the operatives and artizans throughout
the length and breadth of the land, to say whether they
would be satisfied with such a consummation, or be
contented with an inferior and secondary position.
The greatest man of modern times has described
us as a "nation of shopkeepers." It was by
our trade and commerce that we were enabled
to oppose his will, and finally to subvert his power.
Had it not been for these, the Imperial Dynasty had
still flourished on the throne of France. It was by
means of these that a small island was enabled to
maintain a prominent position among the nations of
the earth, to plant her colonies in every quarter of the
globe, so that the sun can never set on the dominions
of the SOVEREIGN of Great Britain. But Mr.
DISRAELI would alter all that. We must no longer
feel proud of that British enterprise which bears the
products of our industry to all parts of the world.
We must relapse into the primitive state
and become merely an agricultural nation, for that
would be the inevitable result if "the cultivation of
the soil were the principal branch of the industry of
the country," and if agriculture were really " the
most flourishing pursuit of England," and if what he
is pleased to term the "territorial constitution" were
fully established.
Although, however, this ultimate object was thrown
out to enliven the bucolic fancy and excite their
imaginations, the Hon. Gentleman clearly perceives
that it is useless to hope for such a result under the
present constitution of Parliament. He admits that
the establishment of "protection" is out of the ques-
tion just at present. He does not, however, take the
gloomy view that so many of his colleagues have
recently indulged in, or counsel despair or apathy
because the full extent of their views is not imme-
diately attainable. He therefore recommends that
they should direct all their energies to obtain a cer-
tain degree of relief, which he still believes to be
within their reach, and for this purpose he suggests
two points to which more especially they should turn
their attention and apply their exertions.
First. The local and peculiar burdens, that bear ex-
clusively upon real property, including poor-rates,
county cess, and the various systems of taxation by
which no less than 12,000,000/. sterling is raised in
each and every year, is to be transferred to the Con-
solidated Fund, and provided for from the general
taxation of the nation.
Secondly. A bona fide sinking fund of 5,000,000/.
per annum is to be established, by which the
rate of interest on Government Securities
would speedily be reduced to 2 per cent.,
and territorial lords of the soil could ob-
tam money on mortgage at a cheap rate, to pay off
existing incumbrances, and to be enabled to make
libitumthteo tenantryetdheepirtinnnf
im pfroorvtehde
modes
sagoef
oadn
f vtaheciers ad
landand
culture.
We shall not at present enter into any considera-
tion of the advantages to be derived from these
proposition S. If they could be carried into
practical operation, the owners and occupiers
of every description of real property would
undoubtedly derive considerable relief from