The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-21 00:00:00

TV F, SUN,' LONDON,

ply to state his case, he confidently left that case in the
hands of the House.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir W. MOLESWORTH said that if in the course of
his observations he animadverted upon individuais, it
would not be with a personal animus, but because they
were the representatives of a bad, expensive, and mis-
chievous system of colonial government. With the view
of showing that an enormous and extravagant expendi-
ture in Ceylon had led to a great financial embarrass•
went, and that that embarrassment produced the enact-
ment of bad laws, the Hon. Baronet went into an elabo-
rate statement connected with the fiscal affairs of the
island, and argued that the mismanagement connected
with them had seriously oppressed the Ceylonese. For
the support of an ecclesiastical establishment they wore
obliged to pay annually a sum of 9,0001. The salaries
of officers attached to the revenue department were also
enormous, and the heads of the legal department, in-
cluding fourteen appointments, cost 26,0004 in the year
1845, or an average annual sum of 6501. Some of the
natives have deceived themselves with regard to the in-
tentions of toe Government, rebelled against the execu-
tive authority, engaged in riotous movements, and broke
open the gaols. The Government was unprepared for
such an exhibiton of discontented feeling—it was com-
pletely taken by surprfse, and the consequence was, that
those natives were hung or shot without mercy. There
appeared just ground of complaint on the part of the
Ceylonese respecting the class of persons placed at the
head of their legal departments. Persons who had
never studied or practised the law were taken from their
positions and appointed to high judicial situations, a
fact which he found had been confirmed by no less an
authority than Lord Torrington himself. The Colonial-
office nominated to important posts in the island brief-
less barristers, unacquainted with the habits, manners,
dispositions, and language of the people. The law and
the practice were completely at variance in the colony,
and to such an extent was it carried on, that Sir Arthur
Buller had declared his conviction that he could plunge
the population into a state of anarchy.—(Hear, hear.)
In the year 1845, the civil establishments entailed on
the island an
,expenditure of 34,0001., which had since
that period gone on increasing, and was likely still fur-
ther to increase. One of the reasons for this increase
arose from the fact that some years ago, when a mania
for the speculating in coffee sprung up, the Governor,
Archdecon, and other authorities in the island, one and
all, became involved to a large extent in this speculation.
They made extensive purchases of coffee plantations,
and so neglected their official business, that Lord
Stanley, then Secretary for the Colonies, was compelled
to issue an order, directing them to divest themselves ,pf
their coffee estates, and, that the mandate might not be
construed into an act of :harshness, the salaries and al-
lowances of most of those persons were increased. From
official documents he found that the fixed expenditure
of Ceylon might be calculated at 223,0001. Such colo-
nies as Ceylon, under the present system of manage-
ment, instead of being honourable appendages of this
great empire, merely proved useful as receptacles for po-
litic/1 adventurers and their poor relations, or connec-
tions of men connected with office, generally speaking
hopeless incapables, yet the ignorant constituencies at
home were taught to believe that such costly possessions
were among the brightest appendages of the State. The
expenditure of Ceyl n had increased 50 per cent., while
the income had increased only 15 per cent. within the
last few years; in a little time they would be obliged to
oorrow, and unless the expenditure could be reduced, they
would ultimately become bankrupt. Between the years
1827 and 1831 the Ceylonese had paid 500,0001., making
about one million and a half in the course of twenty
years. He found, by a report of Commissioners ap-
pointed to inquire into the affairs of Ceylon, and other
colonial possessions, a report which bore the signature
ot the honourable Gentleman the Under-Secretary for
he Colonies, that the expenditure of the island had
been considerably under-estimated. The balance for
he year 1845 was set down at 204,0001., and for 1846
at 206,0001., while they never amounted to more than
one-halt of either sum, and the liabilities of the colony
sad actually been included in its assets—(Hear.) From
this report, the Committee arrived at the conclusion,
hat in dealing with the financial affairs of Ceylon, they
could reckon on an accumulating fund, and a constantly
increasing revenue, whilst in reality this accumulating
fund was a mass of liabilities, and the increasing revenue
a deficit—(Laughter.) That report was submitted to
various members of the Government and the Commis-
sioners of the Treasury, and it was quite evident that if
the five Commissioners, after alaborious and zealous inves-
tigation, proved themselves so utterly ignorant of the finan-
cial state of the colony, no one man could understand
ind master the complicated affairs of so many colonies as
;he Secretary for the Colonies had submitted to his con-
trol. He considered Lord Torrington was deeply to be
aided on his arrival at Ceylon. He expected to have
ound the island wealthy, and the treasury coffers well
replenished, but instead of that he discovered bank-
ruptcy, and that his instructions were quite erroneous.
He was placed in an exceedingly awkward dilemma, not
knowing whether to remove or impose taxes. He re-
duced, however, the export duties on cinnamon, and abo-
eshed those on coffees; and he recommended the
strictest economy in every part of the State. The Le-
gislative Council then imposed certain tax ordinances.
Now some of those tax ordinances were not only unne-
cessary, but unjust. Perhaps Lord Torrington was not to
blame for the imposition of those taxes, because he had in
a great measure to trust to the Executive and Legislative
Council. The shop-tax was repealed. The dog-tax had
proved absurd, for it was a tax on does the owners of which
could never be found, or rather who had no owner, and it
was obliged to be given up. The Under-Secretary for
the Colonies told the House that the gun-tax was im-
posed for the purposes of registration, and not for the
purposes of revenue, but in a dispatch which he held in
his hand, Sir Emerson Tennent said he proposed that
the tax should amount to Is. 6d. annually, and that it
would prove a source of abundant revenue. Now a gun-
tax for the purpose of registration was not objection-
able, but his felt decidedly opposed to an annual gun-
tax, which had the effect of bringing the natives a dis-
tance of forty or fifty miles. Tho Compulsory Labour-
tax, another of the Council ordinances, was nothing more
nor less than a poll-tax of 3s. per head on every man
who could pay 3s. Such a tax was contrary to all prin.
ciples of taxation, for it was a graduated property-tax
in the wrong direction. The conduct of the Govern-
ment of Ceylon with reference to these taxes, had
been most inexplicable. In his dispatch of the date
ot the 9th of July, Lord Torrington asserts that the
taxes were misunderstood and partly misrepresented.
The fact appeared to be that the natives fancied that
all their worldly possessions would likewise be taxed,
because they had been required to send in certain re-
turns which included the number of their wives and
children, and likewise their cattle, and the natives not
apprehending the nature of statistical information,
which was the object of these returns, naturally thought
that new taxes were in contemplation. It appeared,
however, that Mr. Wodehouse and Sir Emerson Ten•
nent had beets subsequently sent upon a mission among
the natives to give lectures throughout the country for
the purpose of dispelling those mistaken notions which
they entertained with reference to the return which had
been required. These gentlemen succeeded in their
mission to a certain extent, but it was to be regretted
that proper means had not been earlier adopted. The
Government of Ceylon had endeavoured to free itself from
blame with reference to the late outbreak in that
country. He would observe, however, that when a Go-
vernment was too lazy, or too careless, to ascertain
the causes of discontent, the practice usually was to at-
tribute it to designing individuals. But it was well
known that there was no discontent without a cause, and
if individuals took advantage of the discontent to pro-
mote objects they had in view, that discontent was not,
therefore, to be attributed to them. They found that,
upon looking at the taxation of Ceylon, that Lord Stan-
ley had increased the taxes, in order that he might be
enabled to increase the retiring salaries of parties in
office, and the Government of the island had increased
the taxes for the making of roads, and for other pur-
poses, which entitled him to say that the taxes were in-
judicious. The Candians were only subject to the rule of
this country since 1115; and it was to be remarked that
they were totally distinct in their character from the in-
habitants of the frontier districts. The Hon. Member
then referred to the history of a relic, to which the natives
attached peculiar importance, believing, among other
things, that the party in whose keeping the relic was
should possess the (government of the island. Instead of
preserving the relic in secure keeping, or of treating it
with contempt, Lord Torrington, he said, had handed it
over to the keeping of the native priests, and yet seemed
t) recognise its power in the eyes of the natives, by
making inquiry, when the war broke out, whether it was
safely preserved. Instead of tracing the recent out-
breaks to the machinations of any individual, they should
rather perceive that injudicious laws had sown the seeds
of discontent, which had ultimately led the people into
rebellion.—(gear, hear.) The Government of Ceylon
was obviously ignorant of the feelings of the people. The
rebellion, as it was called, he believed to have been no-
thing more than mere riotous proceedings, and he spoke
so upon the testimony of parties in whom he placed re-
liance. The Honourable Member then referred to
the executions which had taken place between the
ith of August and the middle of September. One
of the parties executed was a native priest, who
suffered the punishment of death dressed in his priestly
robes; and, in reference to that execution, he must
say that it had surprised and pained him to hear the
Under-Secretary for the Colonies (Mr. B. Hawes) at-
tempt to excuse the act of hanging up a priest in his
robes.—(Hear, hear.) What, he would ask, would have
been said if, during the late outbreak in Ireland, a priest
of the Roman Catholic Church had been taken out to
suffer execution dressed in his robes? But they found
that Lord Torrington had not been satisfied with the ex-
tent of the executions, for it appeared that he had ex-
pressed his dissatisfaction that four priests had not been
condemned. It also appeared that seventeen persons had
been condemned to death by the Supreme Court, but the
Chief Justice, upon considering the matter, had recom-
mended them to mercy. Lord Torrington, however,
dissented from that opinion. Now, he (Sir Wm. Moles-
worth) wished that the gentlemen on the Treasury
bench would say who was right in the matter, the Chief
Justice who desired that no more blood should be shed,
or Lord Torrington, who thought that enough blood had
net been shed?—(Hear.) The severity of the Govern-
ment had been carried so far that the property of per-
sons had been confiscated in consequence of their being
connexions of parties who had been implicated in the
rebellion. It appeared that Lord Torrington had pro-
posed the passing of two Bills—one a Bill of Attainder,
and the other a Bill of Indemnity—and the precedent
chosen was that set by the Cape of Good Hope in De-
cember, 1834. But there was no similarity in the two
cases. At the Cape of Good Hope thousands of fierce
barbarians forced their way into the colony, destroying
and burning houses and carrying off cattle, and creating
the greatest consternation among the settlers. Sir Ben-
jamin D'Urban, aided by Sir Harry Smith, succeeded,
however, in checking their career, and it having been
found necessary to proclaim martial law, in consequence
of the frightful character of the inroad upon tho
colony, a Bill of Indemnity was subsequently obtained.
It Was to be observed, however, that the Ceylca J3ill of

Indemnity was a copy of the unareended Bill of the
Cape, and a provision was copied into the Bill from the
Bill of Indemnity passed in Ireland after the rebellion
of 1798, which went to the extent of juatifyirg any one,
acting under the ori:ers of Government, for any act
committed by him during the rebellion. But what,
after ail, had been the last act of Lord Torrington ?
Why, the repeal or nic lification of the tax ordinances,
thereby admitting that the people bad a just ground of
cornplaint.—(Hear. hear.) The fact was, that financial
embarrassment had led to the laying on of injudicious
taxes, and these, combined with other matters, had led
to the disastrous occurrences which had ensued, but
even these had been so far successful that they had led tab
a modification of the obnoxious tax ordinances. The
real source of all these mischiefs was to be found in the
colonial system—(Hear)—the attempt to govern men of
whom we were utterly ignorant. The consequence was,
misgovernment and general discontent in the colonies.
When the discontent became loud, then some one called
attention to the subject, but generally speaking they were
contented with the information which might be commu-
nicated by the official authorities. The only remedy he
conceived was, to transfer Ceylon to the East India
Company.—(Hear, hear.) It was part and parcel of the
East Indian empire. The products were nearly the
same, and when troops were wanted in Ceylon they were
wanted in the East Indies. It was morally impossible to
govern Ceylon by the Colonial-office, partly because
that men of distinguished ability would not accept of the
government where the sphere of action was so limited as
it was in that Island. Another reason fur the change
would be, the saving that would be effected in the
military establishment, which had increased in expense
from 110,0001. to 134,0001. The question, he thought,
therefore, was whether, under all the circumstances, it
would not be desirable to transfer Ceylon to the East
India Company.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. ADDERLEY said he could not but regret that a
great national question like the present should be met on
the one hand by a mere trick, and on the part of the
Under-Secretary of State (Mr. Hawes) by a personal
defence. As far as he himself was concerned, he would
rather return to Earl Grey than otherwise—(Hear, hear,
from the Ministerial benches)—because the Noble Earl
seemed raised up by Providence to cleanse the colonial
system.—(Opposition cheers.) He (Mr. Adderley) did
not care who made the attack or who made the defence,
so that they had the inquiry how they were to get out of
the colonial system. It was said that the cases submitted
in the motion as deserving of inquiry were so dissimilar
that no satisfactory inquiry could possibly take place
respecting them. But ho thought the dissimilarity of
the cases was rather a reason why inquiry should take
place than otherwise; for if it was found that in the three
cases stated in the motion, so dissimilar as they were
admitted to be in their nature, their colonial system of
government had broken down, he thought an inquiry
into each of these would be the best means of testing
the principle of that government, and enabling them
to arrive at correct views respecting it. He cared little
how that inquiry was constituted, nor did he care what
the result might he, provided it led to the bettering the
condition of the colonies, for he did not know to what
party in that House he belonged; he had no leader, and
was a follower of no particular party; but, seeing so
disastrous consequences flowing from their present
system of colonial government, he felt called on to give
his aid in doing what it was considered would be the
means of resn* dying those evils. The effect of that
system on Ceylon was well known. He was not alto-
gether satisfied with the qualifications of Lord Torring-
ton, who had been sent out as Governor of that colony.
It was true, the Under Secretary for the Colonies had
told them that that Noble Lord was highly qualified for
the office. But what were his qualifications? Why, the
Hon. Gentleman had attempted to prove his qualifica •
tions from the able manner in which ho had administered
the affairs of a farmer in Kent. He had said that the
Noble Lord was an amateur farmer in Kent.—(Laughter.)
But if being an amateur farmer in Kent qualified him for
the Governorship of Ceylon, it was a higher elevation
than any amateur farmer in this country had as yet
attained to. The Hon. Gentleman had also expressed
his astonishment that the Hon. Member for Inverness
had laid so much stress on the taxes imposed by Lord
Torrington, but had altogether overlooked those he had
repealed. The fact, however, was that had such been
done, the case against the Government would have been
made still stronger. So far from the efforts of Lord
Torrington, to carry out what was called a system of
free trade, he had reduced the revenue of the colony, and
been obliged to impose other taxes in order to make up
for the deficiency thus created. From the time that
system was attempted, there was not a dispatch reached
this country from the Governor of Ceylon, in which
there was not an appeal for aid from the Home Govern-
ment, and an intimation that some new tax had been
imposed. Ia consequence of those numerous and op-
pressive taxes being imposed, the rebellion arose, and
the scenes took place which had already been detailed
to the House. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by urg-
ing that the colonists should be allowed the privilege of
local representation, as the best means of promoting
their interests, and securing the peace and prosperity of
the colony.
Mr. F. SCOTT felt compelled to condemn the mode
in which our colonies were dealt with. Hon. Gen
tlemen on the opposite (the Ministerial) benches pro-
fessed to be admirers of a free constitution, and ;yet re.
fused to colonies the benefit of it. The present Govern-
ment professed to be bent on retrenchment and eco-
nomy, and in Ceylon, whose revenue amounted to but
408,000/., they specially sanctioned charges amounting
to 236,0001. Lord Grey, in one of his dispatches to
Lord Torrington, laid down the extraordinary doctrine
that the poverty of the colony, not its property, was to
be taxed, inculcating the expediency of " endeavouring
in the imposition of taxes to make them press, so far as
prudence would admit, rather upon those who were con-
tent with a mere subsistence, than upon the possessors
of property end the purchasers ot luxuries." In the
same didatic essay upon the blessings of taxation, he
stated that, as " the real welfare of mankind consisted not
alone in the enjoying an abundance of the necessaries of
life, but in their being also placed in a situation favourable
to their moral improvement, and to their advance in
civilisation," therefore " it might be for the true interest
of the working classes that the contributions demanded
from them towards the wants of the state should some-
what increase the amount of exertion required for pro-
curing a subsistence." He seemed to think that the
true way to civilize was, not to send out missionaries
from Exeter Hall, but the Chancellor of the Exchequer
with a band of tax-gatherers.—(A laugh.) A tax upon
rice was sanctioned by men who talked so much of the
advantage of the poor man having untaxed bread.—
(Hear, hear.) Those who complained were told to peti-
tion the Legislative Council; but they had no confidence
in that resource; if there were a division the unofficial
members would be sure to be in a minority; it would be
merely appealing from the Governor to the Governor.
The Legislative Council might be regarded as a packed
council; and the Governor seemed to have a notion of a
packed jury also, fur he wrote, "I have taken every rea-
sonable precaution to prepare a fair and respectable
jury." All the mischiefs of which the House had been
hearing were the consequences of a system which Lord
Grey himself, when in the House of Commons, aptly
described as " a bold irresponsible despotism."
Sir R. PEEL—As I believe the House is agreed upon
the main point at issue—namely, that there is to be an
inquiry into the administration of Government in two,
at least, of the colonies which have been named; and as
the Hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary (Mr. Hawes)
challenges and insists upon inquiry into the specific facts
stated by the Hon. Member for Inverness-shire (Mr.
Baillie), I confess I wish it were possible, as there ap-
pears a common agreement on both sides of the House,
as to the inquiry, by common understanding so to mo-
dify the terms of reference to the Committee that there
should be no necessity for division with respect to them.
—(Hear, hear.) In my opinion, quite apart from the
particular points adverted to with great ability by the
Hon. Member (Mr. Baillie), there would be public ad-
vantage in an inquiry into some
matters connected with
the administration of government in these colonies—an
inquiry not intended to cast blame upon the parti-
cular Secretary of State who is now administering the
functions of that department, but an inquiry calmly and
dispassionately conducted into the system which has pre-
vailed, with a view of ascertaining whether there could
be any modification or improvement of it calculated to
give satisfaction and contentment to the colonies.—
(Hear, hear.) Looking at the state of Demerara, look-
ing at the state of Ceylon, the proofs that there are of
discontent in those colonies, whether well founded or
nut, I should think, without reference to any personal
and individual considerations, there might be advantage
in one of those inquiries which have often been instituted
by this House being acceded to by the Government, with-
out its being considered that that concession involved any
censure of them. I recollect'one which continued through
two or three sessions; it was moved by Lord Althorp,
and assented to by the then Government, and not con-
strued into any censure upon them. So with regard to
the general condition of these colonies. I say I think
there might be public advantage in an inquiry ; and as
for the challenge of the Hon. Gentleman, that, of course,
constitutes another ground for inquiry; I presume, after
his declaration, he will be among the foremost to urge
the necessity of inquiry into the specific facts that are
alleged. I should enter into it without selecting one
particular Secretary of State as the object of condemnaa
Lion; the inquiry would extend to the department under
other Secretaries of State, not with a view of party
triumph, but of really ascertaining the condition of these
colonies, and increasing their satisfaction in British
dominion.—(Hear, hear.) I say again I wish it could
be arranged, avoiding the possibility of any inference
that this was intended to revive protection, to specify the
object of inquiry, and thus prevent the necessity for the
amendment. I say at once, if it be an economical one—it'
it he an inquiry into the financial and commercial condi-
tion of these colonies with a view of reviving protection,
or unsettling the minds of the colonists with regard to
the possibility of it—l, for one, could not consent to the
inquiry.—(hear, hear.) I think there would be great
public evil in deluding colonists by un expectation
that the House of Commons would consent to an altera-
tion of that system of commercial policy which has re-
ceived its sanction.—(hear, hear)—but I think it would
be possible to effect the purpose of the Hon. Gentleman
by such an alteration of the terms of reference to the
Committee as might preclude any misconstruction, if
misconstruction there be with regard to his object.—
(Hear, hear.) lam afraid I shall be thought fastidious,
but I must confess I neither like the original motion
nor the amendment; I dislike stating what our resolu-
tions are. Lets us pass Acts, and evince, our determine.
tions by our acts—(Hear, hear)—as for declaring that
this House is resolved to do a certain thing, I wish the
necessity for such a declaration could be avoided.—
(Hear, hear.) Now, it is impossible to discuss this
matter without some reference to the papers that have
been laid upon the table ; and I am bound to say I do
think that in this book which relates to Ceylon I find
ample grounds to justify a motion for inquiry.—(Hear,
hear.) Ido not mean to say a word anticipatory; bat
these are official documents presented to us by the re-
sponsible Ministers of the Crown, and it is difficult to
(Liman a question of this ltinci and remain entirely ailent