The Sun.
London, England, 1831-11-12 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

- There arefliose who assert that "Political Unions"
ought to be established in this country as a fixed
branch of its general institutions, extending over the
whole empire, prolonged to all ages, and operating
as perpetual checks or stimulants upon the Legisla-
ture anal the Government. Such is not our view,
we confess, of the sound relation between Govern-
ment and people under a constitutional monarchy.
If voluntary unions be admitted as a regular depart-
ment of the State, and if at the same time, as in-
deed inevitably follows, their attributes be undefined
and their acts discretionary, they must either become
the Government, or, coming into frequent collision
with it, they must be finally crushed. We cannot
imagine any commonwealth in so deplorable a con-
dition; as one of which the laws anti the enforce-
ment of them were to be perennially made, repealed,
and managed, under the superintendence of 1,000
self-elected and irresponsible bodies, dictating, as the
Fission of the hour might move them, to Senators
and Ministers how they should exercise their duties.
I Trii versa! suffrage and annual Parliaments would beso-
ber wisdom compared with such an autocracy of clubs.
One case only could be adduced to justify an expe-
dient so remote from all conceptions of safe and
wholesome policy. It is that of an anti-democratic
power having already possessed itself, by iniquitous
mean', of full domination over the country—a power
not less unconstitutional or monstrous than that of
the 1,000 popular societies of which we have said,
what we conscientiously believe, that their perma-
nent existence would be intolerable. A league of
petty tyrants, for example, might be imagined to ex-
ercise a sway, which was neither acknowledged by
the principles of the Constitution, nor capable of
being opposed with success by any of its ordinary
resources. It is just conceivable that 200 or 199
such despots might take advantage of certain forms
to range themselves in battle array against whatever
constituted authorities were best known to, and most
honoured by, the people of England,—against the
Crawre—against the Commons,—against the opi-
nions and desires of the nation itself, ascertained
through its lawful petitions to Parliament. Such a
case may no doubt be supposed, and there is as little
doubt that it would constitute a novel calamity
our situation, to which we might be justified
in applying a remedy of a nature as irregular
and novel. Without offering our own opinion as to
any resemblance between the hypothesis we have
assumed and the existing state of affairs in the United
Kingdom, we may be allowed to say that the Politi-
cal Unions now formed in many places, and in all
places on the eve of being formed, having arisen out
a general persuasion that the particular crisis which
now afflicts us, is such as imperiously to call for those
associations. We have all along distinguished the
Political Unions not recognizing any right of super-
intendence or interference by the Crown from volun-
taiy associations of another kind, having no object
but an effective defence of life and property in aid
of the Crown, the Magistracy, and the army. On
the latter, we shall not at present touch ; but, with
regard to the Political Unions we must say, that
those who condemn them are bound to prove by
what more reasonable or efficient mode the Reform
of Parliament can be forced upon a refractory Peer-
age.
The petitions of the people have been tried,
—the votes of the house of Commons have been
tried. The petitions were unanimous,—the votes,
where not packed by foul and false practices,
were hardly less unanimous. They have both
failed. Why, then, have the people begun to
act through organizations not equally familiar
as those for exercising the right of petition ? Because
they see, that if petitions and votes have failed—if
the people and their representatives have vainly ex-
erted their prerogatives against the combination of
borough Lords and Bishops, there are other prero-
gatives which have not been resorted to, although
they are such as must have proved successful. The
country ask', in all directions, " what means are at
the disposal of Ministers for carrying through the
measure of Reform, which they had not a month ago,
when they were, to the infinite mortification of the
people, defeated ?" The people, too, hate a right
to riff this question. They have behaved nobly tol
the King's Ministers,—they have given Lord Grey
a devoted, an heroic support,—they have reposed in
Iris Lordship's honour unbounded confidence. Is it
too much to express some desire that grounds may
lie afforded them for manifesting equal confidence in
leis wisdom ? Nothing would so gladden the nation
at this moment. Nothing, we can take upon our-
;,elves to say, would so animate and elate the hearts
of Englishmen, as to have any even plausible evi-
dence furnished to them, that Ministers were
themselves assured of being able to realize the
proml,3ed blessing of Reform. It will not do to
deal in hopes or vague expectations : we have
a right ea some satisfaction upon the one point need-
ful. have such a number of Peers and Bishops
revir.ed and aritcnded their views touching Reform,
as to yield a moral certainty—for probability is not
enough—that a Reform bill, not less popular than
the last, will this time pass into a law ? Every
man in England sees, that if the majority be a
second time adverse, the Ministers must quit their
places, and that a Tory Government, and .. .... God
knows what else, will follow. Now at such times,
no political truth, however harsh, can honestly be
concealed from those who are affected by it. We
have heard surmised by some of the Tories, what we
feel to be impossible—that in the actual state of Par-
Vement, nothing is left for Lord Grey but to resign ;
because he has done all that could be expected from
biro, and is still unable to force the measure of Re-
form. If Lord Grey resigns, re infi-clq,—the Crown
hieing with him, and the nation with him, and
justice, and wisdom, arid posterity, , for his allies,—
we need riot tell his Lordship, for lie knows it,
that he will wink—net into obscurity, let him not
lay that unction to his soul,—not into commisera-
tion, great, criminals are never pitied—not into
comparative littleness—not into transient disgrace.
There never %V e.g such a fall since that of Adam, as
avoid,' be the downfall of the Noble Earl. " But,"
say the Tories, " he has done all he can"—then the
Tories have taken but a scant i model of Lord Grey's
capacity. What has Lord Grey yet done—(we
deny not—we but interrogate)—what has he yet
done to repair his overthtow on the second in:ding ?
Has he created 50 Peers ?—or 40 ?—or 30 ?-a-or,
by tine rood, but 20 ? We believe not one. If,
then, he should resign his office without having even
attempted what the whole nation looks upon as in-
dispensable to the success of the Bill, the :wank in
every man's mouth will be, how could that man sin-
cerely wish for Reform who would not adopt, or
durst not propose, the measures necessary for its
accempinshment ? Lora: Grey's position is one in
which he cannot act by coca on rules, or escape
From, undishoncured, without extraordinary efforts
to retain it. If there were objectieos in a
high quarter—which we feel cure there are not,,
but if there were—to a considerable creation of
Peers, for a good of such vast import to the com-
munity, it would be Lord Grey's bounden duty to ,
speak thus :—" Sir, I am compelled by my con-
science to acquaint you, that if the Reform Bill be
again thrown out, I cannot answer for the peace of
the realm, or for the security of those sacred rights
and prerogatives which, as a Minister of the Crown
of England, it is my sworn and solemn duty to
maintain. If, therefore, the Royal Master whom
I faithfully serve should not deign to confide to
me those powers-'which I deem necessary to the
protection and preservation of his Crows] and of
his people, I must humbly lay at his Majesty's
feet the commission with which be has honoured
me." Then, indeed, Lord Grey—however afflicted
for his country's sake--7might resign with immortal
honour to liimself. But, good God ! what a series
of calamities would such an occurrence entail upon
this devoted country i—Tintes.
One of the most interesting parts of Smith's
" .aVealth of Nations" is that in which he inculcates
the irnpoitance•Of training the population to the use
elainattat:eyrititt the view of
.conuteracting the emas-
culating teklenCy orrnOdern emploarnents, la the

Courier of Tuesday last, there is an eloquent letter,
signed " R. W." dated October 29, consequently
before the melancholy display of lack of courage a
the Magistrates and citizens of Bristol, in which the
inconsistency of the Government on the subject of
arming is pointed out, the conduct of the peasantry
last winter is stigmatized as cowardly, and con-
trasted with that of the men of Merthyr Tydvil, and
an inference is dra.vn, from the well-known prepara-
tions made by the Wellington Ministry to do execu-
tion on the people, that the nation would be exposed
to the greatest danger should the Tories return to
office. The writer may be said to have compressed
into the following short sentences the arguments of
Smith :--

" I see no reason (he says) either physical or moral,
why the sword should not be laid upon the loom, and the
same nerves clench the spear which wielded the iron for
its formation. Freemen should never give up the noble
prerogative of self-defence
With hearts resolved, and hands prepared,
The blessings they enjoy to guard.'
" Arts and manufactures, and the sedentary hal:its of
life which they beget, are naturally enervating ; and the
only way to counteract and neutralize their influence in this
respect is, by the exercise of arms, and of the livelier pas-
sions which they bring into play. Bring me an instance
of an industrious people who have been wholly kept from
the use of warlike instruments, who have not fallen a prey
either to foreign invasion, or domestic tyranny."
We fear there is but too much justice in the ac-
count he gives of the want of fortitude of our pea-
santry—
" When incendiaries were hurling about the fiend-like
brand of destruction, last winter, who, that is an English-
man, but felt conscious that a moral degradation, proceed
from what cause soever it might, had reduced to an infu-
riated Lazzaroni the British peasantry ? When the leaders
of itinerant mobs were seiz .d without difficulty, and aban-
doned by their dastardly followers without a struggle, who
but confessed that the sturdy character of that most useful
class of our countrymen had become deteriorated and lest?
I own, I would rather they had made an obstinate old
English opposition, even in a bad cause, than resemble the
boors of Russia, and the serfs of Hungary, in their venge-
ance and their cowardice. The conduct of the men of
Merthyr-Tydvil refreshed and consoled me. I approve
heartily of the energy of the Government on that occasion;
but I beg also to sympathise with the undaunted bearing
of these iron-men."

But the most important passage of the letter is
that wherein the writer alludes to the schemes of
the 'Wellington Ministry for forcibly keeping down
the people, and the infamous principle on which a
portion of the population, supposed to be under the
contioul of the Aristocracy, and especially the Tory
Aristocracy, is arrayed against the rest :
" Besides, somebody, and not a friend, has contemplated
an appeal to arms; else why the Tower—another citadel
of another Antwerp—put into a state of defence? Why
Fort Augustus, or some other Fort in Scotland, victualled ?
Charles XII. instinctively put his hand to his sword in
his dying moment ; and corruption, too, in her guilty
agony, pointed to stronger circumvallations than Gatton
and Sarum. The Anti-Reformers hare troops. They
regard—though I am sure those independent fellows would
soon belie their expectations, were they called upon to act
against the nation.a--they regard the yeomanry as their
armed feudal followers. On the broad principle of poli-
tical expediency, I say, to arm one portion of the popula-
tion against the other is most wicked, most tyrannous,
and, in its ultimate consequences, as Ireland has proved,
most anti-social. All should be armed, or none. I know
the re-embodying of the yeomanry was forced upon the
present Government ; but it is their duty, in the bare
possibility of their ejection from office, on the most hy-
pothetical surmise of a crash, or a convulsion (which God
avert), not to leave the people of England in a worse con-
dition, as to their defence, than they found them. I am
certain the Minister will not betray us ; but we shall be
yet in a stronger position if we be not in a condition to be
betrayed. Poland is fallen—the voice of a Dictator is
again beard on the banks of the Scheldt and the Eurotas."
But the Government looks with alarm, it seems,
on all attempts to arm the citizens. 'We are quite
aware of the source of the uneasiness, and indeed all
mystery on the subject is laid aside in the following
sensible observations in the Times of yesterday :
" We are well convinced (says our contemporary) that
not five individuals of all those who have desired to in-
corporate themselves as volunteers, whether under the
name of parochial, district, city, or county guards, had
any other notion than that of being commanded by virtue
of his Majesty's commission, or of directing their services '
to any other purpose than that of enforcing the law of the
land against law-breakers, and preserving our civil and
municipal institutions against the assaults of bludgeon-
, men aspiring to the rank of Reformers. That a popular
Sovereign and liberal Ministers, who are free from all con-
triving but for their country's welfare, should look with
pride and self-gratulation on having excited in support of
the State itself such a general and eager spirit of volun-
tary action, is not a matter of surprise. That in the
breasts of politicians of a different school fr mn King
William and his present Counsellors, a far other
feeling should be generated by this patriotic move-
ment of the people of England, is a circumstance
altogether unavoidable. The Tories, as we have often
said, fear the people, but encourage and patronize the mob.
The power of the intelligent and independent classes is one,
at all times, opposed to misgovernment. The only power
which a wretched mob can attain to, being that of local
and temporary outrage, is one which favours the machina-
tions of bad government, inasmuch as it affords pretences
for the employment and frequent application of military
force. Hence it is that the Tories—furious at the pros-
pect of an organized combination among those orders of
their countrymen who cannot be misled into lawless via-
lence, and therefore cannot be turned by despotic faction
to Machiavelian uses,—hence it is that the Tories have
declared open war against the civico-military discipline of
the decent householders of England. The Tories look to
office,—it is their sole idea of life : they reckon on a se-
cond defeat of the Bill, and in that case, indeed, they
might have good right to reckon on the unfortunate Lord
Grey's immediate retirement from a situation which he
would have proved himself thoroughly incapable of holding.
" The next hope of the borough Peers and Commoners
would be, that of succeeding the Whigs. The King, we
are aware, would struggle against a renewal of the former
thraldom undergone by himself and his people ; but with-
out a well-concerted, well-directed, harmonious, and con-
sistent support of his Majesty by the great bulk of his
faithful subjects, the Tories would crush the deserted
Monarch. He could find no resource but in the well-
drilled confederacy of the old Downing-street trained
bands ; and while King William lived, and, probably,
while the present generation of Englishmen survived, the
yoke would be found irremovable.
" All this is well known to the Tory enemy, and, in
consequence, no pains are spared to fill his Majesty's mind
with distrust of the character and wishes of his affec-
tionate people; as if the trading householders—the great
majority of the respectable town-inhabitants of this king-
dom—could be wild enough to hitend or encourage mea-
sures, whose object was inimical to the rights of their So-
vereign's Crown ; and in the same degree to those of indi-
vidual property, and to the peace, the safety, and wel-
fare of the real:.:."
We quite concur i.. the opinion that the jealousy
of the arming of respectable cith.zens, is Tory jea-
lousy. What the Tories wish is to excite the
rabble against the industrious and respectable mem•
hers of the community, and to leave the latter with-
' out protection, in order to pave the way for arbi-
trary measures, and then turn to power. Oil what
principle are the Tory Lord Lieutenants to have at
their disposal the armed tenantry, while the respec-
t table inhabitants of towns, are to be kept from
arming % Yeomanry cavalry are of no use against
incendiaries, arid mobs in the country can never
attain a head without th 2 most culpable remissness
on the part of the authorities. but the rabble of a
great to gP, if not instantly checked by organized
citizens, may effect irreparable mischief. An Even-
ing contemporary (the GL,/c) has the following
which merits some attention on more ac-
paragraph,
counts than one :
" it is most earnestly hoped by the best friends of
TRe-
form that the Unions will perceive that there
can be no propriety in their arming themselves to preserve
the public peace until the Government and the parochial
authorities have failed in the performance of their duty.
And as to arming for a political purpose, it could only
tend to embarrass the Government—to find an excuse for
a similar conduct by the Tories and Boroughinongers, who
would, no doubt, be ready enough to try to prevent that
by force which they are now aware they cannot succeed
in
doing by other means ; and to create an opinion in the
public mind that the Reformers apprehend a failure of
success, for which there are no solid grounds. The House
of Commons has, we apprehend, the power of inducing the
Lords to comply with the desires of the nation ; and if, by
any possibility, the Reform Bill should ba a second time
rejected, it can scarcely be doubted that they would use it,
Why ehould an appeal be inaJe to arms, when the people

are sure of the desired result, if they will confine themselves 1
to the use of milder and easier means? Arms may be
used for a bad purpose, as well as a good one. We un-
derstand that if the Associations, doubting the will or the
power of the Government, should agree to arm themselves,
the King's Ministers will find it necessary to interpose
their authority to prevent it. Let not the Government
and the people be brought into collision. United, success
is certain, and we believe easy."
It would be madness to think of arming without
the authority of the Government ; but the reasons
urged why the people should not arm do not seem
to us much to the purpose :—" There can be no
propriety in their arming themselves to preserve the
public'peace until the Government and the parochial
authorities have failed in the performance of their
duties." It was well observed by our contempo-
rary only a week or two ago, on the occasion of the
Nottingham and Derby riots, that it was absurd to
suppose the peace of the country in case of any ge-
neral disturbance could be preserved by a handful of
soldiers, and that the respectable citizens ought to
take measures for protecting themselves. Govern-
ment will always be able to put down disturbance;
but a city may be in ashes before the succour arrives.
And with respect to parochial authorities, what are
they ? In a pamphlet just published under the
title of " A Proposal for the immediate organization
of a general peace-maintenance Association, under
the direction of Government, in a letter to Lord
Melbourne, from a Country Magistrate," it is shown
that the parochial authorities of the country are
utteily ineffectual—that the tithing man or con-
stable, a petty tradesman, small farmer or cottager,
forced reluctantly to take office in his turn " with a
few beadles, and watchmen possessing corporatejuris-
diction," is the sum total of the force provided in this
wealthy and populous country to answer the purpose
of a preventive and protecting police on ordinary
occa•ions.

" For extraordinary emergencies there is actually no
provision at all ! If a disorderly and riotous assemblage
proceeds to acts of violence and plunder, as happened in so
many instances last winter, and is again so frequently
taking place around us, what force of a civil character is
prepared for its dispersion? Positively none! The Ma-
gistrates may, to be sure, under a recent Act, on the
oath of five householders, proceed to swear in a body of
special constables; but this is a matter that r, quires time
—the Justice lives, perhaps, some miles from the scene of
riot—he is not at home—it may be night time, and he is
not likely to be willing to ride round the country in De-
cember to collect persons to be sworn in—these persons
too require notice to assemble—they are unprepared with
leaders or weapons—in fact, it is the work of a day or
two, perhaps more, to swear in and organize a body of
special constables. But in the dispersion of a mob promp-
titude is everything. If attacked by a sufficient force in
the first hour of its assemblage, it is put down easily.
Give it time to increase by accessions, voluntary and com-
pulsory, from all quarters, and you make it really formid-
able. In the meantime, too, irreparable mischief is done
—property to a great amount perhaps destroyed. Com-
pared to the permanent organization of the Saxons, how
miserable then is this temporary expedient ! The riots of
last winter, indeed, showed its absolute inefficiency.
Until the mobs came in contact with the yeomanry in
those counties where that force had been preserved, they
were completely triumphant.
" Is it then to the yeomanry we are now to look for
the protection of the peace and property of the country?
But it is very questionable whether that force could act
with effect in a town, or in a thickly enclosed country.—
Moreover, it requires a considerable time to get together a
troop of yeomanry. They must be called out by a Ma-
gistrate. The officers live perhaps at a distance from the
scene of disturbance. The men are scattered widely over
the country. And, if even all these objections are disre-
garded, yet, however proper it may be to resort to a
mili-
tary force as a last resource, it surely savours somewhat
of barbarism that there should exist no intermediate instru-
ment for the suppression of riot between a superannuated
constable and a troop of dragoons ! It surely is not wise
to resort hastily to cavalry swords and pistols on every
occasion of disturbance. In a charge of horse, the imof-
fending are cut down and shot indiscriminately with the
offending. Blood too begets blood. If an armed mob are
attacked with edged weapons and fire-arms, on the next
occasion they will perhaps come prepared with the same."
But it seems, if the Whig Ministry allow the
people to arm, a Tory Ministry would also arm the
people for their own views. Let them. But we
have no fear of that. We propose no plan of par-
tial arming, but a general arming of respectable citi-
zens. If a Tory Government were to show such
confidence in the respectable inhabitants as to allow
them to arm, we will answer for it it would, though
a Tory Government, be a good one. Respectable
citizens will never use arms for a bad purpose. We
will answer for it that the prospect of commanding
armed citizens in turn is one of which the Tories
are not particularly enamoured. But we will not
pursue the subject farther. It is clear that to arm
without the consent of Ministers is impossible. But
men may organize themselves in Political Unions
without coming into collision with Ministers, and
without violating any law. The mere display of
numbers will be productive of immense benefit.—
Mooting Chronicle.

Our readers will find under the general head of
" Cholera Morbus" a good many facts thrown toge-
ther relating to that important subject. It will ap-
pear, from the number of new cases mentioned in
the last report—that number being seven, and the
number of deaths, which was four, that the disorder
is not making any very alarming progress. In none
of the contiguous places has it yet appeared; so
that there is reason to hope, under the blessing of
Providence, that its stay will not be long, nor its
progress extensive; and the active exertions now
making, not only in the metropolis, but all over the
United Kingdom, come strongly in confirmation of
this hope. The zeal of the different functionaries,
as manifested at this crisis, is highly creditable to the
spirit and intelligence of the country. It is the
offspring, net of fear, but of presence of mind, and
its effects will no doubt be felt, not only in the
confidence it is calculated to diffuse through all
the classes of the people, but in the mitigation,
and we trust speedy expulsion, of the disease
itself. The proceedings of the City of Lon-
don Board of Health yesterday will be read with
great pleasure, both on account of the wholesome
advice it contains, and the cheering assurance it
gives of the promptitude which has everywhere se-
conded the exertions of the Committee. We were
amongst the first to complain of the neglected state
of the streets and alleys of the metropolis; so let us
be the first to acknowledge the beneficial change that
has taken place within the last day or two in the
removal of nuisances, and the attention to cleanliness.
Even the habitations of misery, hitherto secured by
their own wretchedness from inspection, have been
visited and improved. Several wretched beings
who were huddled together by want in the neigh-
bourhood of Rosemary-lane have been summoned
befere the Magistrates of the Thames Police Office,
and compelled to adopt measures for the security of
their own and the general health. The same course
has been taken in other neig,hhourhoods, where it
was necessary to use compulsion; so that every
w here, amongst the ignorant as well as the enlightened,
amongst the poor as well as amongst the rich, a sys-
tem of prevention is in progress, from which the best
effects may be reasonably anticipated. Amongst other
judicious arrangements we would notice the one
adopted by the Board of Health acting in the parish
of St. James. They have appointed fou inspec-
tors, with regular salaries, whose office is to superin-
tend the cleansing of the streets; they have decided
that the principal thoroughfares shall be swept three
times a week, and those places were accumulations
are less likely to occur swept as often as there may
be occasion. Upon the whole there is every reason
to be satit,fied with the precautions adopted; and in
aid of which we would earnestly impress upon the
public the necessity of observing temperance. Under
the present circumstances of this country the marl
of profligate habits, whether in high or low life,
should be considered more than ever a nuisance to
society. In conclusion, we would offer one word
to correspondents. Many letters have reached us
on the much-disputed question of contagion; but if
we were to open our columns to such a controversy,
we should never know when to have done. It ►s,

therefore, literally in our own defence that we decline
all communications upon that part of the subject.—
Morning Herald.
THE CIiOLERA.—We have no detailed accounts
of this most fatal disease at Sunderland, but simply
an announcement that there have been four deaths
and seven new cases. In the meantime we are no
only inundated with supposed remedies, supposed
cases of the disease in different quarters, and letters
from the educated and uneducated on the subject,
but with proposed means of prevention, which, if
carried into effect, would destroy all intercourse be-
tween man and man. We do not by any means
wish to discourage such communications, and we
have accordingly given a few out of the many which
have reached us—nor do we wish any reasonable
means of prevention to be neglected; but we are
anxious to discourage that epidemic fear which
seems to prevail more and more every day among
the people of this country, and to render them as
insensible to the cry of " cholera," as most sen-
sible people are to the cry of " mad dog" on the
first appearance of a summer sun. Every one knows
how many miserable curs are persecuted and shot in
the dog days, for no other reason than that they have
not owners, and that they are sadly in want of some-
what to eat ; and so we believe it is with the cho-
lera. If any one dies, and the slightest symptom of
cholera has made its appearance in the course of his
illness, why the inference is immediately made that
the death has proceeded from cholera, although, as
every one knows, several of the symptoms of cholera
are present in many diseases, and that were these in-
dividual symptoms to be taken as proofs of the disease,
the cholera must have been in full vigour, not for
months or years, but for centuries past. The Me-
dical Gazette recounts a sufficiently amusing anecdote
on this subject, and we copy it for the benefit of the"
timorous, and cholera-phobious.
" A person," says it, " walking in Regent-street had an
epileptic attack, on Wednesdsy ; he was taken into a shop
close by, at the instance of the Solicitor-General, who was
passing at the moment, and Mr. Arnett, of New Burling-
ton-street, was sent for; by whom the nature of the attack
was at once pointed out. Neverthele:,s, the circumstance
got wind, and was magnified into a case of cholera ; the
Government was informed of it, the Board of Health con-
, suited, and the practitioner above-mentioned examined, all
within an incredibly short period. This slims, at least,
how much all are now on the qui rice on the subject."
In conclusion, we bid every one to be of good
cheer—to fear not—and they will find the cholera
not quite so dreadful an enemy as they have been
led to imagine. When it raged in India, and even
more destructively than it has hitherto raged in
Europe, no one thought much of the matter—people
transacted their official duties, arid went about their
usual business as if it did not exist—there were no
quarantines and no sanitary cordons; and yet the
number of Europeans that fell victims to it was not
very considerable. We do not counsel the same
conduct as in every respect the best that can be
adopted here; but there ought, assuredly to be no
alarm on the subject ; and the public ought also to
remember that there are many persons greatly inte-
rested in the prevalence and propagation of alarm,
of whom the apothecary and the coal-owner are not
the least.—illorning Advertiser.
In another part of our publication will be found
the information received yesterday upon the subject
of cholera. That which is official from Sunderland
announces the bare numbers of deaths and of new
cases. If till the latter are reported the proportion
of the former is frightful. We are bound to say,
however, that the meagre character of the official
reports as they are suffered to transpire, combined
with the general tenour of the private letters, are
not calculated to produce what we must again repeat
is the most powerful weapon wherewith to meet
the danger—public confidence. After the report of
Doctors Barry and Russell, we trust that in all re-
gulations adopted by Boards of Health and other
authorities the separation of the infected from the
healthy will be a leading object. We do not believe
it practicable in a country like this, with so many of
the daily wants of society depending upon free in-
tercourse, to shut up large communities in the mass,
and cut them off from all communication with
each other. But the separation of the sick from
the sound is everywhere as much a matter of
facility as it is now beyond question proved to
be one of benefit and of necessity. We hear
of no such arrangement at Sunderland. If it
shall have been effected, and if all the energy
and vigilance due from the Government to the
country upon so awful an occasion have been em-
ployed, let the necessary assurance be given to
the public. The country has seen proofs upon
proofs of the incapacity of the Government in all
other matters of business, and in this very instance
a frightful pestilence is openly said to have effected
its approach through the negligence of the Govern-
ment servants. There will be no satisfaction, no
confidence in the public mind under such circum-
stances, which is not derived from a knowledge of
the actual measures employed. It will be seen by
an account from Boulogne, which appears amongst
our other intelligence upon the subject, that the
French authorities at least are acting promptly and
vigorously. From the Provincial Papers we see
that the local Magistracy and Officers are every
where on the alert to take the necessary precae-
tions.—i'liorning Post.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

BOTV STREET.

Yesterday Sarah Bishop, and Rhoda Head, alias
l'Villia►►'s, were brought in custody to this office, and
charged by Mr. Thomas, superintendent of police, on
suspicion of being accessories after the fact, in the
wilful murder of the Italian boy, whose name has
not transpired, and upon whose body a Coroner's
.Tury has sat, and returned a verdict of wilful murder
against some person or persons unknown.
Mr. Thomas, in consequence of the finding of the
Coroner's .Tury, and from information he received,
went that morning to the residence of Bishop, (one
of the men now in custody on suspicion of the mur-
der), situate at No. 3, Nova Scotia-gardens, Hack-
ney-road, where he took the two females into cus-
tody. The elder was the wife of Bishop, and the
younger was the daughter, and it appeared that she
was wife to one of the four men now in custody,
who gave the name of Williams, but whose real
name was Head. He had reason to believe that
both females were implicated in the transaction, and
on a future day he expected to produce evidence to
that effect.

Mr. DihNsituLL asked Mrs. Bishop if she wished
to say any thing at present, telling her at the same
time that he did not require her to do so, and that
she might decline giving any explanation if she
thought lit..

Mrs. Bishop was anxious to say a few words in
her own defence. She knew that her husband had
for many years followed the business of a resurrec-
tionist, and that he got his living in that way, but
she denied having any knowledge whatever cf the
crime with %, hich he was charged. When he had
money he used to give it to her, but she was not en-
tirely beholden to him, as she worked at needle-
work and washing. She knew that her husband
had been in custody before for selling dead bodies,
because she had been to see him in gaol, but she
again declared that she knew nothing whatever re-
garding the death of the boy.
The Magistrate then asked her daughter if she
wished to say any thing.
She knew nothing at all about the matter. She
had been married only seven weeks. Her husband
was a bricklayer by trade, and she knew that be
used to go out lately with her father to assist him in
his business. _ _

Both mother and daughter then declared that
they were entirely innocent of the charge.
Mr. MlNsumt, said it would be his duty to com-
mit them for further examination, and he would let
them know when the y would be brought up again.
At the request of Mrs. Bishop, the Magistrate gave
an order for the admission of her three youngfr
children to the workhouse of the parish in which
they retitled, Tbe prisoners, were then removed,