The Sun.
London, England, 1849-10-06 00:00:00

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[PRICE OD.

mitted you to endure such an intolerable injustice, you
turn round and say, " Really we can no longer afford it,"
;tau hear of nothing but a rapacious aristocracy, and you
are held up to public scorn and indignation.—(Cheers.)
Now, gentlemen, that is the first measure that I counsel
the land, the most important portion cf real property, and
hitherto considered its representative—at any rate the
most important portion ot real property—that is the
first measure that I counsel you to take. I counsel you
to go to the Legislature and demand an equality of
burdens; to petition that you shall no longer be called
on to contribute twelve millions a year when you ought
only to contribute three or four. That is a demand
founded upon a principle of justice. I never yet met
any human being who could for a moment impugn
that principle. Much as the question was discussed
when I had the honour of bringing it forward
in the House of Commons, no one ever for a moment
controverted the principle. Discussion, indeed, there
was, and opposition on matters of detail, and many
speeches were made about little minutiae, all of very
second-rate character ; but no one came forward and
for a moment !maintained that it was just that real pro-
perty, which in feet only produces one• third at most of
the general income of the country, should bear the whole
burden ot the expenditure upon objects in which the
whole property of the country was interested. Now, I
have recurred to this point, because it is a practical
point—it is a point in which if you succeed in obtaining
justice, you will succeed in obtaining some relic f. But
Ido not for a moment imagine—l base never for an in-
stant pretended—that any equitable adjustment of the
burdens peculiar to real property can remedy the fright-
ful position in which you find yourselves, or the still
more menacing position that is yawning beneath your
feet.—(Hear.) It is necessary, gentlemen. fb have re-
course to measures of a much more considerable and
stringent character. If I told you that it is necessary
that we should recur to protection, I dare
say you would give me some noisy, and, per-
haps, very sincere cheers ; I might sit down ernidst
your applause, and this evening, spent in this ancient
castle, might long be remembered for convivial success
and social congratulation ; but I want to know whether,
when you came coolly to moralize, upon it on the morrow,
you might not say, "What use was there in Mr. Dis-
raeli's coming into Essex? We are aware of his sym-
pathy with us; perhaps (you might say) we have con-
fidence in his good intentions." But in holding counsel
together to-day we can resolve upon some course that
may have the effect which we hope upon public opinion;
which may change the principles of the Legislature;
which may alter fur the better the condition iu which
you find yourselves. And yet, after all, it might be just
as well if 1 had remained in Buckinghamshire.—(Cries
of "No, no.") Now I shall endeavour to express to
you, with the utmost brevity I can command, the
course that I think you ought to adopt, and the means
by which I think you may obtain relief, and by which
not only you may obtain relief, but save yourselves and
the country. I shan't be frightened by that long cata-
logue of specifics which my friend Mr. Cox so graphically
detailed.—(A laugh.) Gentlemen, it is net energy in
the abstract, or enterprise in the abstract, that I am
going to counsel to you today. That which lam
going to counsel to you is a step which, right or wrong
—and it is my conviction that it is the right one—is at
least a definite and a detailed step. Now we hear a
great deal in the present day of the burden of taxation.
It is the general subject: everybody suffers, and every-
body seeks relief from a projected diminution of the
public burdens. We have been ruled on the principles
of political economy more or less for a quarter of a
century. We are subject, at this moment, to a taxation
diminished almost every year. But the fruits of politi-
cal economy are these—that, with an increased popula-
tiol3, a diminished taxation is, we are told, insufferable.
Now, when we come to the question of the diminution
of taxation, I have always felt that the first point was
to equalise the burdens; because if you diminish burdens
that are not previously equalised you may only perpetuate
an injustice. I will assume, therefore, gentlemen, that
we shall succeed in our first move, which is founded in a
pure principle of justice, namely, that real property
shall only pay in future itslown quota to the State, and
that it shall not pay the quota of any other kind of pro-
perty. That, I think, is a proposition so clear, so pure,
that I don't believe upon the merits of this case that we
shall find anybody, in or out of Parliament to contro-
vert its truth. Then, gentlemen, we commence with
the equality of burdens; and having obtained that
equality, I proceed to inquire—What is the best way
by which we may diminish the burdens of taxation?—
what is best for the country generally, and what, at the
same time, may bo advantageous to the agricultural in-
terest?—(hear, hear.) Now, as far as the agricultural
interest is concerned—and I am speaking of course of
the landlord, the cultivator, the labourer, and all those
trades dependent upon them—l speak of that great in-
terest in all its ramifications. As far as they are con-
cerned—and I ought, perhaps, to apologise for entering
into this dry subject—(No, no)—but it is of the greatest
importance that we should arrive at a clear understand-
ing of them, because cur clear understanding of them is
to be the basis of future action—(Hear, hear)—as far as
the agricultural interest is concerned, no one will pre-
tend for a moment that the repeal of any particular tax
can be accepted for an instant as a compensation for the
protection you have lost.—(Cheers.) Every man will
agree with me in this position. In fact, gentlemen,
there is only one tax which can be viewed as a tax
peculiar to the landed interest in the most compre-
hensive sense of the term, arid that is a tax
which we are always counselled by our opponents to
repeal, which by tee w.ty ought to nuke you suspicious
of the counsel that is given you.—(lleer, hear.) But
no man, whatever may be his opinions on the malt tax,
will say—no man wi!l rise and pretend in die present
exigencies ot England, that the repeal of the malt tax
would rally the fortunes of the agricultural body.—
(No! Lel) Well, then, it is clear, that by the repeal of
any peculiar tax pressing on the agricultural body, you
can't obtain that vast and comprehensive remedial mea-
sure you require. Well, then, look to the other great
interests—kuk to the commercial and to the mar ufac-
taring interests. What cause have they to complain of
the pressure of taxation ? Beeati:io we ought to consider
in a meeting like this—a party meeting in a certain
sense, because we are hound together by great principles
of policy—(Cheers)—but not a party meeting in tbis
sense—that we are met together to cheer delusions and
clap-traps; because, gentlemen, we are assembled for
business. Let us therefore quietly, candidly, and
calmly view the position'_ with respect to the com-
plaint of excessive: taxation upon the commercial and
manufacturing body. Wi!hin a few years the manu-
facturing and commercial body have obtained the entire
repeal of duties on all raw materials imported for re•
production. They obtained an enormous diminution of
duty on all tropical articles that enter into general con-
sumption— (Hear, hear)—and the whole revenue of the
Post-office has in fact been sacrificed to the commercial
exchequer. Besides all this, they have obtained the ab-
rogation of our agricultural polity, by which, according
to their own accounts—and I think it the greatest mis-
take in the world to overstate a care—the wisest thing
in public discussion is to take the data of your oppo-
nents; and lam arguing on their data now. They have
obtained then, according to their own account, by the re-
peal of the corn-laws not only vastly increased and
highly profitable foreign markets, but they have
obtained, in sheer economy by the altered provision laws,
two millions sterling a week.—(A laugh, and no, no.)
That is their own statement—the statement of a gen-
tleman high in economic office, and who was returned
to Parliameat by one of the greatest manufacturing
cities in the world in consequence of his opinions—a
gentleman whose evidence was the basis of our legisla-
tion, and who, according to his own account, drew up
the tariff for Sir R. Peel. With what colour, then, can
the manufacturing body come forward and complain
of the burden of taxation? Did not the manufac-
turers say, ten years ago, "Repeal the corn-laws, and
then we shall bent the world." And not only that,
but every other tax that pressed upon them, has been
thus repealed. Ido not grudge it them; they are wel-
come to enjoy what they have got; but at least they
should be the last persons in the world to come forward
and complain of the pressure of taxation. For, as my
lion. Friend Sir John Tyrell justly told them in the
House of Commons, with that Doric power that cha-
racterised him, " that they had helped themselves," and
he did not think, therefore, that they had a right to com- •
plain.—(A laugh.) Well, gentlemen, that is the posi-
tion of the case; and it is of the utmost importance that
you should clearly understand the state of the circum-
stances with respect to this question of taxation; for
your future fortunes, and I believe the existence of the
country—at least of that great country to which we are
all proud to belong—at least of that Old England of
which this building must remind every man—(Cheers)—
depend upon your clearly comprehending this question
of the day—the complaints of taxation. Because no-
thing is so easy as to raise a cry about the pressure of
taxation; and nothing is more easy than to lead the far-
mers astray, and make them find out at last that they
had only been playing the game of those whom I will
not call your opponents, but your enemies. Because
you must remember that the leader of the manufacturing
honour-
able —I may call them Radical—party in the
Com-
mons, frankly said, that for his part he believed would
be of it
House oft mbe just as well for this country if not a sdimdg e acre
your order,. against. your canl
proper lingdht.h
awbalse cmualtninvaerte,db;eanpdu,, ththereecfoarsee,
ini
aa
you must understand it in that light. I do
in-
dustry, and
not blame those who. oppose you in that way, ii they
therefore, a war against
openly announce their purpose. What you have to be
afraid of is those who pretend to be your friends.--
(Cheers.) Well,
I repeat that I want to place this
question of taxation in its true light, for the whole
Tatter depends upon it. Once entertain a clear concep-
tion of it, and depend upon it, I even am bold enough
to say the remedy is in your own hands. And I will tell
you in a moment what the remedy-is, as it appears to my
own mind, and I trust to your verdict to-night to settle
it. If no tax will give a lens fide relief from its repeal to
agriculture—if the manufacturing and commercial inte-
rests have no claim whatever to ask for the repeal of any
peculiar tax, because they have been legislating for the
country for )ears, and according to their own theories
making all their fortunes—why, then, it follows that
whenever
you meet the cry of the repeal of any par-
ticular tax, it is either the movement of some small
speculative body, who attempt to stimulate some foreign
market already drugged with our productions, or what
is really the truth, and what is really at the bottom of all
this cry—it is the effort of those who have ulterior
designs, and under the mask of financial reform mean
political change.—(Hear, hear.) Now let him remind
you of this remarkable circumstance. For a good many
years past the statesmen and the leading men of England
—the leaders of parties and the men who influence pub-
lic opinion—have dealt with a real or with an imaginary
surplus. Sir Robert Peel, then the powerful Minister
of a great country, had a real surplus, and dealt with
that. Mr. Cobden, a very influential individual, although
not a minister, has an imaginary surplus greater than
Sir Robert Peel's real one.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.)
But whether the surplus is real or imaginary, the way
in which these gentlemen deal with their surplus
equally indicates their policy. I do not care whacker