The Sun.
London, England, 1849-09-05 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAT.

TIMES.—If there was any mistake in trio arrange-
ments of the Canadian union, it was in the choice of the
capital. The uniform experience of federal unions proves
the necessity of selecting a seat of government as free as
possible from local perturbations and interests. Ac•
cordims,ly, the sagacious founders of the great American
commonwealth did not aim at making Boston, or New
York, or Philadelphia the rival of republican Rome, but
planted their federal legislature in a separate district,
far away from the existing haunts of commerce and
wealth. Whatever difficulties there were to be sur-
mounted in this instance, there were also in the choice
of a capital for the common government of our British
land French populations on the St. Lawrence. Montreal
was recommended by its geographical positism, but by
nothing else. Its populace had lung been notorious as
the roughest and most turbulent in the New World. It
was already the scene of party strife, and while the
French population continued numerous enough
to keep up national jealousies, the British
increased in far greater ratio. The result
now shows that a Canadian Parliament will
always have to fight for its independence, and a
Canadian Governor-General will always have to fight
for his dignity against the Montreal mob. A few hun-
dred men of the lowest class, swollen by outcasts from
the neighbouring union, and instigated more or less
openly by a disappointed faction in the colony itself; Rill
be sufficient to keep both the Legislature and the Execu-
tive in continual trouble. This is the real account of the
Canadian disturbances. Imagine a fifth-rate sea- port in
this country suddenly exalted into a seat of government,
and the resort of political agitators. Imagine a
provincial
town in the enjoyment of a perpetually contested elec-
tion, with Whigs and Tories ever bidding against one
another. There you have Montreal at once, excepting
that Montreal, over and above all the sources of mischief
in a British town, contains a population almost equall,
divided between its English, its Irish, and its French
ingredients. This is more than enough to ac
count for all that has taken place and is still taking
place in that city. The majority of the Parlia
meat is one way, the majority of the mob another;
so, without for a moment disputing the fact that the
whole colonial population is fairly represented in Parlia-
ment, the local mob attempt to intimidate and virtually
depose, not merely the representative of the Sovereign,
but even the representatives of the people. The attempt
is intelligible, and need excite no surprise; but it is also
most outrageous and most impudent, and must be put
down. France tolerates that Paris—an ancient, a popu-
lous, and a most splendid metropolis, that for many
centuries has set the fashion to the provinces—should
continue to exercise that immemorial privilege; but the
mob of Montreal has about as little pretension to over-
rule the two millions of Canada, as the mob of Sunder-
land, of Limerick, or Dundee has to govern the twenty-
seven millions of these isles. At this distance, and with
necessarily imperfect information, it is not easy to see
why the last disturbances should not have been antici-
pated by judicious arrangements of the soldiery and
police. All that can be said is that such things have
happened in this country, and will probably happen
again. On the 15th ult. several of the leaders in the
former outbreak were arrested, in some instances after a
little opposition. One might naturally suppose that ex-
traordinary precaution would be taken at such a junc-
ture. However, it appears a mob was suffered to as-
semble, to attack Mr. Lafontaine's residence, break down
I the gate, and advance within 20 feet of the house with
the evident intention of burning
.it to the ground. Mr.
Lafontaine and his friends gave the scoundrels the re
ception they deserved. One fellow paid the penalty of
his meditated crime on the spot, and the rest took warn-
ing by his fate. It is, however, a matter of regret that a
great officer of the State should have been placed under
the cruel necessity of defending his own life and pro-
perty against a gang of ruffians. when soldiery, police, and
the hangman were so much fitter for the office. Subse-
quently it would seem that more effectual measures were
adopted. The principal offenders have been arrested;
among them the man who officiated as " Oliver Crom-
well" at the destruction of the Parliament-house. The
malcontents have since proved both their temper
and their weakness by having recourse to
secret incendiarism. A splendid hotel and
some other large buildings have been sacri-
ficed to the loyalty or the amusement of the Mon
treat Tories; and the British name has been glorified b)
proceedings borrowed from Captains " Rock" and
" Swing," and Mistress "Rebecca." Meanwhile we have
great pleasure in observing that the Governor-General
is warmly supported both by his Sovereign and by the
really loyal part of the Canadian people. The Gazette
announces his elevation to the English peerage. As the
champion of constitutional principles against the usur-
pations of faction and the ascendancy of race, Lord
Elgin well deserves this honour at the hands of a con-
stitutional Government. We will not believe the alleged
disagreement between the military and the government,
or the alleged hesitation of the Ministers. They must
persevere. Theirs is the cause of responsible govern•
moot. The eyes of England and the world are upon
them. Tin it Sovereign beckons them onward in their
struggle. It is a question of principle. The event is ii
the hands of Omnipotence. It may be His will that
Canada, having attained its maturity, should soon be-
come independent, or embrace the fortunes of the neigh-
bouring federation; but even in that case it will at has
be our consolation and glory that our last act was to
teach it self-government.
CHRONICLE.—The Canadian intelligence which it
was our disagreeable task to present to our readers yes
terday, and additional particulars of which will be found
in our columns this morning, affords a gloomy and omi-
nous picture of popular discontent and official itnbi ci-
lity. There does not, indeed, appear ground for believ
ing that any largo portion of the population of Montreal
are directly implicated in the shameful disorders refer
red to; and we should doubtless do our Canadian fellow
subjects a gross injustice if we imagined for a moment
that street rioting, ferocious and cowardly mob-assaults
on individual', and insults to Ministers of State, could
have the approval and sympathies of any section of their
community, except the habitually ill-disposed and law-
less class to whom one pretext for mischief is as good as
another. But, however few and despicable may be the
actors in these scenes, all experience tells us that the un-
checked perpetration of such outrages argues a pro-
found alienation of public opinion and feeling from
the depositaries of the governing power. Excesses
like those which have once more disgraced
the seat of Government in Canada—and it is a
highly significant circumstance that, as a correspon-
dent elsewhere remarks, they have occurred nowhere
else than at the " seat of Government "—take place only
when the bulk of the community are so deeply dissa-
tisfied with their rulers, that the latter shrink from
even attempting to organize popular resistance to mob
violence. Contemptible, therefore, both morally and
numerically, as may be the authors of these Montreal
disturbances, we must protest against the pleasant delu
stun that there is no ominous political significance in s
state of thnAs which shows an utter debility and pros
tration of all legitimate authority. We need not now repeat
' details which have already appeared in our columns.
especially as the reader will elsewhere find a lucid and
connected narrative of the whole affair in the letter
signed " A Colonist"—a communication which we pub-
lish for the sake of its vividly descriptive account of the
actual condition of things at Montreal, although dis
senting from many of the writer's views on questions
of general policy. A very brief recapitulation of the
leading facts may here suffice. It seems that, after nearly
four months of apparent torpor and paralysisahe Canadian
Government have taken courage, and have begun a sort
of secret scrutiny into the conduct of certain parties sup-
posed to have been concerned in the outrage of the 25th
April—a mode of proceeding which strikes us as a very
ill-judged substitute for regular and public proceedings
before the usual tribunals. Having succeeded, as they
imagined, in getting up a case against some of the indi-
viduals alluded to, they determined on arresting them;
and, gratuitously assuming the inveterate disaffection
and turbulence of the Montreal public, they previously
filled the city with an offensive display of military and
armed police—quite needlessly, it would appear, since it
is distinctly stated that the persons accused were of such
a class and character that forcible resistance on their
part was the last thing to be looked for. As regards,
indeed, the armed and mounted police, the exhibition
was very much worse than needless and offensive;
for, after provoking several collisions with the
populace, this force was, we are told, " sent
across the river at the dictation of the mob"—a most
ignominious and damaging concession to a power which
ought never to be braved by halves. During the irri-
tation and excitement produced by these measures of
alternate violence and poltroonery, a mob of some two or
three hundred persons—mostly, it is said, mere boys—
started off (on the night of the 15th ult.) for Mr. Lafon-
taine's residence, broke open the outer gates, and en-
tered his garden. Mr. Lafontaine, however—with a zeal
of self-preservation which it would have been well if he
and his superior had always exhibited in their official, as
well as iu their personal capacity—had taken the pro
caution of garrisoning his dwelling with a well armed
forge, consisting of his personal or political friends, and
(it is said) some disguised policemen. Immediately on
the rioters coming in front of the building—without a
word of notice or warning to them to retreat—shots
were fired from the house, and one lad fell mortally
wounded, with ten slugs in his body. The full ulterior
consequences of this disastrous occurrence we have
yet to learn. The funeral of the slain youth took
place on the 18th, amidst much painful cud
mis-
chievous excitement ; the inquest was still proceeding
on the morning of the 20th, the latest day to which
our accounts reach. In noticing the rumour that
Mr. Lafontaine had at first refused to give evidence
before the jury, and only made his appearance on
the issue of a warrant for his arrest, we must plainly say
that we reserve, until the receipt of further information,
oar belief in so astounding a display of lawless and bad
feeling. Nor shall we et present attempt to prejudge
the question of the Minister's legal or moral culpability
in the affair that led to the calamitous and fatal result
which forms the subject of that investigation. Certainly,
there is no-thing on the face of the transaction, so far as
the facts are yet known, that would decisively warrant a
verdict of " justifiable homicide"—since, on the one hand
we are not informed that the violence displayed by the
rioters was of that kind and degree which would alone
warrant an instant resort to the last extremity in self-
defence, and, on the other, all the accounts agree in
negativing the essumptiou that thy assailants had been