The Sun.
London, England, 1831-02-03 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 3, 1831.

No. 11,980.

the revenue on that head would not be diminished, but
doubled.—(Cheers.)—There are other taxes, which stand
so thickly that they actually choke each other : they want
thinning out and pruning, to leave room for their full
growth ; for instance, the same article is taxed in a great
variety of forms. Malt liquor is taxed, and the tax ex.
tends to malt, licenses, and hops. If the hop duty were
repealed, there would be more malt liquor consumed,
which is at present poisoned with deleterious substitutes.
Hops, which, like barley, are an English produce, would
be more extensively grown': as it is at present, hops grow
wild in our hedges, and we are not allowed to cultivate
them.—(Cries of " they grow near Newark.")—lf the
taxes on stage coaches and internal communications were
!educed, the post-office revenue would be increased one-
half by increased intercourse and public wealth, and
by reduced cost in carrying the mails. In the same
manner the window duty and the glass duty—l
mean that upon window glass—choke the growth of
each other; there might be a considerable reduc-
tion.—.(Hear, hear, hear, from Colonel Sibthorpe and
other gentlemen.) I now come to another tax, the duty
on coals ; I know not a more iniquitous tax than this : it
is what O'Connell would call "an Algerine tax."—
(Laughter.) There is no duty upon this article at the
pit mouth, where the article is cheap, but there is a heavy
duty where it is dear. This affects the poor vitally, as
we can all feel this cold day.—(Laughter.) We talk of
our navy, and yet tax our sea-carriage, and restrict the
number of our seamen. There are other taxes in the
shape of monopolies, for every monopoly is a tax, and pro-
hibitory tax : and these are a burthen upon the kingdom
to the amount of many millions per annum : they are the
greatest curse to the country.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen,
we have now got the Whigs in office ; let us see what
they will do : watch them—let us see whether they will
break up the East India monopoly.—(Loud cheers.) If
they betray the country on this point, we shall halloo a
Whig through the streets when we see him.—(Cheers and
laughter.) With regard to the taxes generally, I state it,
Gentlemen, as my firm conviction, that if the late
Ministry had continued in office, they WOULD have
done what they could to relieve the public from those
burthens, and I hope to see that Ministry within six
ruonths reinstated in office.—(Clamour.)
Mr. W. BEDFORD, sen. of Lincoln, presented himself
to the meeting, holding in his hand a long catalogue of
pensions. I need hardly tell you (said Mr. Bedford) that
the Constitution of this kingdom consists of three parts—
King, Lords, and Commons. Unfortunately within
the last fifty years a fourth has sprung up called the
Oligarchy, which has been dividing the produce of your
labour amongst themselves. There have been many
changes of the Administration within that period, but
they have all been what is called "in and out." Those
who were out wanted to come in, and when they were
in they followed the same track as their predecessors
in pursuing those whom they had succeeded. Then the
•uts got in, and then they likewise pensioned their prede-
cessors, so that pension after pension has so often suceeded
that the whole •f the property of the nation is almost
swallowed up.—(Cheers.)—We have a great number of
what is called the Nobility, but they let down their
dignity very much by living as pauper. upon the public.—
(Cheeri.)—Gent'emen, I beg leave to move the second
resolution. The resolution was seconded by Mr. Healy.
Mr. J. BEDFORD, of Sleaford-1 propose the third
resolution.

Mr. WILLIAM WIIITSED, of Kingston-hall, seconded
he resolution.
Mr. HEALY proposed the fourth resolution. His worthy
*riend on his left (Mr. Drakard) would do it ample justice.
Mr. DRAKILAD, of Stamford—Gentlemen, it cannot be
expected that I should be reluctant to second a resolution
which shall take away the talons from those birds of prey
who have so long been a scourge to this country,—who
have been my uncompromising foes ever since I first en-
tered on political life, and who 21 years ago incarcerated
me in that prison.--(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I thank God
I live to see the day when they are to be humbled—a cir-
cumstance, perhaps, which they never once contemplated.
I firmly believe that, as a body of men, there is not a more
odious set upon the face of the earth.—(Cheers, and cries
of " You are right.") I conclude with saying that I se-
cond the resolution with all my heart. —(Great cheering,
and cries of That man's Paper has enlightened the
country snore than any other.")
Mr. TALLENTS, of Rauceby, proposed the fifth resolu-
tion, which was seconded.
Mr. ATKIN, of Caythorpe, proposed the sixth resolution,
which was seconded by Mr. PADDISON, of Louth.
The Hroll SHERIFF then adjourned the meeting to the
Nisi Prius Court. He then informed the freeholders that
Colonel Sibthorpe would address them.
Colonel SIBTIIORPE rose—Mr. Sheriff and Gentlemen,
with regard to the complex question of Reform, I have
witnessed the great necessity of Reform in the representa-
tion of this county.—(Hear.) I mean as to its character.
Then with regard to the question, viz., that of shortening
the duration of Parliaments, I must object to it, and I do
so with the greatest respect. I object to any alteration in
the duration of Parliaments. If you ask why ? I say, if
you call for an annual Parliament or for a triennial Par-
liament, only consider how many days we spend there
sometimes in " getting a House," and how many we spend
in doing nothing at all. It often happens that a Member
wishes to bring forward an important question, and he
goes down to the House and finds most of the Members
absent. This has occurred when I have had a question to
bring forward. On a recent occasion I had a measure to
propose which was not agreeable to the feelings of his late
Majesty's Ministers. I attended the House, but there was
nut a sufficient number of Members present to make one.
His Majesty's Ministers were up stairs, and would not
come down. Mr. High Sheriff can, I have no doubt,
speak to this. I wish he was in Parliament now. I saw
the lion. Member for Cornwall, who had a question to
bring forward, and he could muster only 29 Members. The
number was insufficient. Hie object was to enquire into
the distress of the country, a very unpalatable subject for
the late Ministry, who, no doubt, chuckled upon the
Hon. Member being disappointed, and who had, no
doubt, said to some Hon. Alembeis, " We will have no
house, bark, bark away, my boys."—(Laughter and
cheers.)—This was attempted by Mr. Davenport; at
first he did not get a house, but in three days he suc-
ceeded, and it proved " a packed one." Another Mem-
ber—l speak of the Hon. Member for Newark.—(Cries of
" What, Newcastle's Mic!)—Mr. Sadler, who could not
get a house on an important occasion. Now I ask you,
gentlemen, if, supposing you obtained annual Parlia-
ments, and I should be your representative, how I could
carry a measure forward, when, in a few days, an ad-
journment might be moved. I could get no further bear-
ing, Parliament would be prorogued, and all would have
to be begun ever again. Theta probably, for having
failed in my project, I ant to be cast aside in contempt,
and another individual is to succeed me. The same rea-
soning will, I think, also apply to triennial Parliaments.
With regard to the other question, viz., giving protection
to the exercise of the elective franchise, I see no difficulty
at the present moment; but if you look to secure it by
voting by ballot, I am averse to it—(Clamour)—and
why ? Because I hate—(" It won't do," and great cla-
mour)—and detest any thing that is done under the name
of concealment.—(Clamour.)—l say there is only one
thing that cm be done in the dark, and that is
using the poignard of the assassin. Au Honour-
able Friend in this Assembly (Major Handley)
has stated that voting by ballot is founded on
ancient custom. I differ with him ; though I do not
mean to say my readiug has been so extensive as his. He
alluded to Cicero : the ballot was opposed to the policy of
Cicero. Cicero says (here the Hon. and Gallant Colonel
made a long quotation in Latin from Cicero : saute sturdy
yeomen, advocates of the ballot, vociferated, " What is
the English," what does it all mean ? Others rejoined,
" Humbug" which excited much laughter. We forget
the Latin quotation. ) Well, I will translate it--" To
give the free exercise of free voting to the people, it mu,t
be known to the representatives for whom they voted."
With regard to a Reform of Parliament, I dare say you
would recommend (and I agree with you) the disfran-
chisement of close boroughs. But what will you say
when we have a recent instance,—(l hate to be personal,
but as a public man I must speak of public men,)—what
will you say when you reflect that you have one of the
great advocates fur Reform in Parliament, lately returned
for a close borough, since appointed to a situation uncle!
Government? Physician, heal thyself : you ate putting
into practice the very evil you openly deprecate.—(There
was a profound silence during the delivery of this sentence.)
Will that reformer vote for the disfranchisement of that

borough of which he is the representative ? Would
like to lee it fez:mm(l from the reach of hia rich and

wealthy relation ? Will he vote against a thing in the
adoption of which he is a principal agent ?—(Hear, hear,
from Sir E. T. Bromhead.) Then you talk of putting,an
end to close boroughs, and of transferring the franchise to
large manufacturing towns. Look at the good and virtuous
town of Liverpool. Is there any town in England in
which there have been unblushingly exhibited more
glaring instances of corruption ?—(" Disfranchise it,"
from Sir E. F. Bromhead, and cries of " Yes, yes.").
Gentlemen, as a reformer I am for a moderate, gradual,
and sound Reform, not wishing to turn everything
upside down, and if you would wish to have a proper re-
presentation of the people, you most not go to the large
manufacturing towns. If you ask me what I should
recommend,—a husible individual like myself,—l
should recommend a Committee (not appointed by Minis-
ters) to enquire into the state of all these boroughs where
perhaps there are only one, two, or three voters, and that
perhaps is the case with a great many of them. I would
vote a petition for a Committee of enquiry : I would not
go hand in hand to disfranchise these boroughs, hut I will
tell you what I would do, and it is an important measure,
and was strongly recommended by Mr. Pitt : I would
give additional representation to the counties, and that
would be a most extensive representation. 'With regard
to another point, which I believe is thought of very much,
though it is not in the requisition,—l mean universal
suffrage. That I never can consent to : it would be a
dangerous innovation.—(Cries of " Order.")
Mr. PADDIsoN, of Louth, was now called upon by the
freeholders. He said—We have been doomed to experi-
ence the disgusting profligacy of a Parliamentary states-
man during 25 years,—of the war undertaken by the re-
creant Mr. Pitt for the most iniquitous purposes,—
doomed during 16 years of peace to bear with disgusting
struggles, dishonourable falsehoods, sudden transitions
from war to peace, bad harvests, too much food for the
mouths of the people, too many mouths to eat the food—
(Laughter)—and at all times, not excepting even the
present, the blasphemy used against Providence,— calms
over which they had no controul.' We have seen the
blood-thirsty axe and the dungeon alternately em-
ployed against Reform,—we have seen the face of
tyrants bared when the people have thrown off the
mask,—we still groan with the recollection of the Man-
chester massacre, perpetrated by the hired assassins, the
yeomanry cavalry, in 1819,—we burn with indignation at
the recollection of the Six Acts in 1820 : and yet, after
all these indignities, all these lurid aspects, I do think the
day of justice and retribution has at length began to dawn,
and brings us the hope of seeing fair and even-handed
justice dealt out to the whole people of England.—(Great
cheering. )—Let me ask, what is the ground for this
hope ? Upon what considerations is it founded ? Not
that the heart of Pharoali is softened. No! Not that the
nature of our enemies is changed. No ! Not that the
poor tyrants of 1830 are, or are likely to be, a different set
of men in character and disposition. No! Not that their
follies and their crimes have doomed them to destruction.
No ! They have so blundered about in their legislation,
—so blundered in the management of their own affairs,—
that into the pit which they had dug for others, they are
ready to fall themselves.—(Tremendous cheering.)—Gen-
theme'', there is now an impassable gulph between them
and the people, and into that gulph the boroughmongers
will most assuredly be plunged, where, as if they had mill-
stones round their wise necks, will they lie like Satan in
the bottomless pit, not to be let loose again at the end of
one thousand years, but to remain in perdition for ever.
The mention of that word forcibly reminds us of one of
our best friends : depend upon it, were it not fur the debt,
the poor tyrants would even now be renewing a war against
principles. It cannot be forgotten that the former French
war was undertaken expressly, not to put down Bonaparte,
but to put down opinions and principles,—those very eter-
nal principles which taught, and still teach, that every
man who has not a voice in the choice of those who make
the laws affecting his person and property, essentially are
slaves—(Cheers)—those principles, the operation of which
in France abolished the grinding taxes, the state dungeon,
the game laws, and established truth.—(Hear.) Yes,
the truth ; and by causing an appropriation of the church
property to public services, relieved all the industrious
classes of France from their cruel burthens. We all know
that it was to prevent a Reform of abuses in Church and
State in this country, that the poor tyrants whooped on
the nation during a 25 years' war ; it is impossible to for-
get how they celebrated their vain and transitory triumphs
over those principles. Upon the restoration of the Capets
or the Bourbons, whichever you call them, and upon the
re-introduction of the Inquisition in Spain in 1814,, at
the jubilee in London how they danced and sung for joy,
thinking they had got their feet upon the necks of the
people for ever. But mark the signal vengeance which
their own suicidal folly has brought upon them : in order
to pay the expenses of that war, not forgetting their di-
verting little war against Marathon on the other side of
the Atlantic, where they were drubbed by the Yankees
—(Laughter)—in order to pay these expenses, they
spent one hundred millions of money: this constitutes the
debt: it is not the debt of the people—(Hear, and
cheers)—that debt remains still to be paid by them,
not by the people. And we all know that the bare in-
terest of that debt, whilst it beggars the thousands and
starves the millions, and can scarcely be paid at all by the
addition of a large standing army, to which an addition has
lately been made, (I don't know what to call the Govern-
ment,) the payment of that debt so cripples their powers,
ties their hands behind them, and emasculates their ma-
lice, that they stand guilty by, and let the French again
go to work with those principles. They have wronged
the people of their representative system, arid the people
are loudly sounding their cry for Reform in the ears of the
half-distracted tyrants.—(Loud cheers.)—I have alluded
to this subject thus briefly, and I am sure it will now be
proper to demonstrate to you the real character of the
parties with whom the people have now to deal : and this
is a most important consideration in every parley be-
tween honest men and rogues.—(Laughter and cheers.)lt is quite clear that the borough tyrants cannot bear to
see the people snake a stand against aristocratical in-
croacliments : and it is clear that they will not yield
until they are compelled. I have reminded you of the
fact, that our enemies are on the point of making over-
tures, and that they arise front certain misgivings in
their own minds, and not from a sense of justice. It
therefore behoves us to remember who mid what they
are,—to look back on their past conduct,—to take care,
that whilst they are losing their powers, we do not lose
our wits, and to beware of the danger of being deceived
by bad men, and of being dragooned out of our righte.—
(Cheers.)—l beg you to look narrowly into and keep your
eyes fixed upon the real source of the misgovernment of
which we complain, and which has produced the miseries
that now distract the community. What is the source of
those miseries? It may be described in one single sentence,
the long-abused absolute power of making laws, and of ap-
propriating to themselves the whole resources of the king-
dom. There you have it all in a nuteliell.—(Laughter.)
You cannot be too often reminded of the fact, that it stands
recorded upon the Journals of the House itself, upon the
petition of the present Premier, Earl Grey, that 154
Peers, together with a few Commoners, return a decided
majority of the Members to that House. And how did
these enemies get into their seats? Why through the
medium of the rotten boroughs, which are bought and
sold, exchanged and leased ; and traffic, which was
on a certain occasion in 1809 declared to be as notorious
as the sun at noon day, is 'admitted by both factions,
Whigs as well as Tories. Ned we wonder, then, at the
manner in which we are pillaged and bestridden by these
Lords ? Out of tke 658 Members of ihs Commons,
there are but somewhere about 171 who can by any
stretch of the imagination be called the people's mem-
bers. The petition of Earl Grey states 171 who can
he called the people's members, and even supposing
the whole of that 171 were members for counties and
open boroughs, supposing them all disinterested and inde-
pendent men, which is a monstrous charitable supposition
on our part, still they can be of no real use to the people,
for it is the majority of 487 which preponderates on the
decision of a question, and in such case a majority is as
good as the whole. Let us now take the case of a single
borough as a sample of the whole mass,—for instance,
Old Sarum, which Lord Goderich, in his political style,
would call one of the portals of our Constitution,—(Shouts
and laughter.) This villainous boroughs of Old Sarum
sends two members, and does not contain one single soul,
no, not one single house or inhabitant. Why then, how
are the members chosen? or in what is the right of vot-
ing vested? In seven bits of land called Iturgage tenures,
—(Roars of laughter,)—and as they cannot speak for
themselves, the proprietor of the borough steps forward
on the day of election and gives their votes for them.
—(Roars of laughter.) And who is the owner of the

borough ?) The Earl of Clarendon. He exercises his
right : "and has he not a right to do as he likes with his
own ?"--(Laughter.) He puts into these seats two cou-
sins of his, and they of course, like good and true cousins
as they are, give their votes for some of the nice pickings
in church and state, and accordingly we find the Earl of
Clarendon on one occasion, the governor of the Cape of
Good Hope with a handsome salary, and his fourth cousin
a prebendary and the possessor of several rich livings.—
(Cries of "shame! shame !") His members have fought
through thick and thin for corruptiou, and have opposed
retrenchment and Reform ia every shape and degree.
This is a pretty part of the system lay which the people
of England are cousined.—( Laughter and cheers.)
Does not any man see that what is called the House of
Commons is not more nor less than a fac-simile, a coun-
terpart, a reflection of the House of Lords, that the people
of England possess no real weight there ? Here, then, 1
think we have the real nature and source of that misgo-
vernment of which we complain—here we have lying be-
fore us the root, the very heart's core of the borough_
mongering system—here, proof undeniable that the people
of England have no real voice in the election of those who
enact the laws,—that the power is usurped into the hands
of a few individuals, who cramp the energies of the nation
—of those who hold the purse of the nation, who can dip
their hands into it and help themselves as freely and as
often as they choose—who make what laws they please,
lay on what taxes they please, and dispose of them as they
please—who vote directly or indirectly, several millions
into their own pockets, and into the pockets of their de-
pendents, and with regard to the whole expenditure, are
accountable only to themselves. They exercise power i
just the same way as all aristocracies have ever done—just
as might be expected. Have we not the evidence of the
abuse of their power now before us in the present state of
the country, at which the boroughmengers themselves
seem to stand aghast? For how do we behold vice and
craft filching the bread from toiling poverty—taxes pres-
sing down the industrious classes of society to the earth—
severe law and a standing army to compel the payment of
taxes—the makers and the receivers of the taxes wal-
lowing in wealth—the payers of the taxes pining in
poverty—whole districts goaded to revolution by sheer
want of the necessaries of life.—(Cheers)—and special
commissions glutting the vengeance of violated laws upon
the miserable victims of despair. These, Gentlemen, are
some of the fruits—the bitter, but the natural fruits—of

the horrid boroughmongering system. And yet there have
been in several instanees, odious reasoners to insist that
this system works well. For whom? For the few, or for
the many? For the thousands who fatten upon the taxes,
or for the millions who are starved by them ?—(Great
cheering.)—A Mr. Lister, of Kent, has deliberately stated
(for he had had great experience and observation in the
matter), that convicts on board the hulks were much
better off than labourers, and that some of the latter had
boldly declared they would commit some crime in order
to better their condition. Another witness stated (I forget
his name) that he had frequently seen with surprise and
sorrow, from 30 to 40 young men in the prime of life,
degraded by dragging carts on a highway, for want of
better employment. Another witness out of Wiltshire
(a Magistrate) also gave the most afflicting testimony.
Gentlemen, I need mention no more facts : we have quite
plenty,—we have reached the climax of oppression.
Here we see the worst Government can do. Now, mark
the application. These appalling proofs of the utter desti-
tution of millions °four fellow countrymen have been known
to Parliament several years, and during such period earnest
appeals have been made to Parliament on behalf of the
labourers ; yet from that Parliament there has not been
made one single combined effort to avert the evil day,—to
raise the labourer from his appalling state,—to stop the
torrent of taxation upon his own earnings,--nor the
slightest manifestation of sympathy. Instead of these, we
have seen proposals to prevent the increase of these worthy
and productive classes, whilst protection has been given to
the leeches of the state,—to those splendid paupers who
annually draw a sum from the public purse to the amount
of 400,0001. a year. We have also had proposals (mark
the wisdom!) to prevent marriages, and thereby to in-
crease the number Of bastards—(Laughter and cheers)—
proposals to deny relief to able-bodied men, merely be-
cause they were able-bodied,--proposals to mortgage the
poor-rates, and with the mortgage money to transport the
sinews of the nation to Nova Scotia, leaving behind the
lame and impotent. That disgraceful proposal was moulded
into a law, and passed by that damnable House,—that pro-
posal to authorise overseers of parishes to take the dead
bodies of the poor and hand them over like the carcasses
of malefactors, for dissection. The House of Lords, how-
ever, threw it out. It tends to show what a precious set
the Members of that House are as a body.—(Great laugh-
ter and cheers.) Need I ask if this set of men really be
the representatives of the Commons of England ?—if they
really be the advocates of good Government? I have
gone thus far to shiny the wickedness of the system, and
shall now turn to the consideration of a remedy for the evil.
As to the means for accomplishing this, there appear to
be four kinds; first, destruction of the boroughs; se-
condly, extension of the suffrage; thirdly, vote by ballet;
and fourthly, shortening the duration of Parliaments. As
to the first, I have already said quite enough to show the
necessity of destroying those places of misery and mis-
chief. As to the extension of the suffrage, this is a most
vital proposition. If you confine the exercise of the
suffrage to a few hundred thousands, you create an aristo-
cracy upon a larger basil; you give to tkat aristocracy
the power of pillaging and oppressing the many, for every
aristocracy has ever been found to exercise itself for the
pnrpose of depressing the people. I advocate uni-
versal suffrage. I say that every man who pays taxes
in any shape, has a right to the choice of those who
os, which the labourer earns, 35. goes from
make the laws affecting his person and property.—
Out of every
him in the shape of taxes. And let the ask, is it to be be-
lieved that this robbery could possibly be committed on
the wages of the labourer if he had the slightest controul
over those who make the laws and impose the taxes ?
To whatever degree the suffrage is extended, it will fail of
its object—it will prove wormwood and bitters—unless
allowed protection by ballot.—(Tremendous cheering. )
The late Major Cartwright used an argument in favour of
the ballot which is conclusive : he says, " right to the
end includes a right to the means ;" and if the people of
right be represented at all, they have
undoubtedlyae a
an equal right to the only means of protect-
ingEi
igi
tl tem,lahg have
against chose who interfere in the choice of their
representatives. It is an argument grounded upon the
present state of the law.—(Great cheering.) The only
remedy is in the ballot : it would defeat the influence of
temptation on the one hand, and intimidation on the
other ; it would leave every elector to vote just as hepleased, iu
perfect security and independence.—(Cheers.)
We lutve had objections made to vote by ballot to-day by
the gallant Colonel. He has alluded to Cicero, and made
a quotation to the effect that " the vote ought to be known
to the nobility, and at the same time to the people."
Colonel Stivrtionre—No ! " let the vote be free to the
people, but let it he known to the nobility."
Mr. PannisoN—That means to the aristocracy.—
(Laughter and cheers )—The reason we want the ballot
is, that the aristocracy may not know how we may rote.
—(Cheers.)—With regard to the ballot being American,
the Atnericans owe to it the possession of the innumerable
good things they enjoy. They are exempt from a stand-
ing army, from military and naval colleges, from law
with four or tire livings each, whilst the ready
establishments, frenn Bishops with 60,000/. a year, and
hard-working clergy are so poor as to stand in need of a
vote of 16,000!. a year out of the taxes to support them.
The people are persecuted because they refuse to sell their
birthright for a mess of pottage. These are the men who
now, being poor, would be rich in the ballot; the former
are the men of whom it may be truly said, th it the bal•
los, which would undoubtedly be death to their base in-
fluence and ambition, does indeed " make cowards of
them all."—(Great cheering.)—Look for instance at the
Newcastles and the Exetere—there you have the charac-
atesrno,eflltlaies Ivlr°d'i'egtlitvnemanng,eirfsu_itiothuesretheyeeyouarser
wandoewr
tclaaieuh,ayrpdoly:
critical pretence that " they have a right to do as they
choose with their own." After alluding to an anecdote told
by Load King, the speaker alluded to short Parliaments.
Triennial Parliaments would be a very, great improve
meat upon the present system. I should say annual Par-
liaments would be better than triennial, and I do not
think the character given of the present idle habits of the
legislature would he appli:able to a Parliament really
chosen by the people.—(Cheers.) When the present
‘1 inie r
forward his plan of Reform, sift it to as-
certain whether it contains the real principles of Reform :
such a Reform as will completely destroy the borough
system, and substitute in its place a pure representation.
lrt