The Sun.
London, England, 1836-01-15 00:00:00

NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS.

Those who wish to .obtain the latest Parliamentary
News, should give orders, without delay, to their
respective News-agents, to insure SECOND EDI-
TIONS. OF THE SUN. A Second Edition will be
given every Night during Parliament, containing the
Debates in both Houses up to the Hour of Post ;
and upon all extraordinary occasions, EXPRESS
Editions will, as usual, be forwarded all over the
Kingdom. The circulation of THE SUN has
Lreatly increased during the last year, upwards of
Iwo HUNDRED THOUSAND Copies having been
sold more than during the previous year.

3 The publication of THE SUN NEWSPAPER commenced this day
at 30 minntes past Three o' Clock.

41111g*

Zile wAtn+

LONDON,
FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 15, 1836.

The anti-Catholic readers of the Times must, we
think, have had their patience put to a rather severe
trial during the last three or four days. Their reli-
gious bigotry has been for a long time inflamed, their
political prejudices flattered, and their party selfishness
gratified, by the most virulent abuse of the Irish Ca-
tholics. The fire was incessant, and was levelled
equally against the system and its professors. It was
in vain to urge that the Catholic religion is not the
same now that it was in the dark ages—that the happiest
effects had resulted in other countries from placing Ca-
tholics and Protestants on a footing of perfect equality,
both in civil and religious matters—and that the
Catholic was bound to his country by ties as strong, i
and animated by a love of liberty as ardent and sincere
as the Protestant. Such notions were scouted as little
less than blasphemous, and those who advanced
them denounced by the ." Leading Journal " as
infidels, the enemies of social order, and the subverters
of the Monarchy. The Catholic religion was declared
to be, in its very nature, unchangeable, essentially
hostile to civil liberty, and incapable of yielding
honest support to Protestant institutions, or faithful
allegiance to a Protestant Crown. The Orange
faction was applauded and carressed for its insane at-
tempts to create disturbance, by setting the one part of
the population against the other ; and those emis-
saries of discord, M'GHEE and O'SULLIVAN, were
harked on in their diabolical crusade against peace and
charity. To give due effect to their unholy purpose,
old Peter Dens, who in his life time little dreamt of
such celebrity, was dragged from the repose of a cen-
tury and a half, and made a handle for vilifying the re-
ligion professed by four-fifths of Europe, as if the
whole Catholic community were to be answerable for
the opinions of an obscure Flemish monk I There
was no argument, in short, too ridiculous—no
misrepresentation too gross—to be pressed into the
service, provided the character of the Catholic religion
and of its Ministers might thereby be blackened.
Calutnniare fortiter adharebit aliquid, that ancient
and excellent recipe for defamation, was in daily requi-
sition, and dispensed with a most bountiful hand.
But what a change do we see within the last few
days ? Not only has the storm subsided, but the
wind has set in from the opposite point of the
compass. We do, it is true, sometimes see such a
change in the weather ; but nature, somehow or
other, manages matters better than they do in Print-

ing-house-square. Her machinery is quite of a
different description. She never has recourse to pal-
try tricks and shifts to conceal what she is about ; nor
do we ever suspect her of any sinister purpose, even
when her vicissitudes are most rapid.
But we are digressing. On Saturday last
there appeared in the Times a letter signed VIN-
DEX, as if from a correspondent, the writer of
which is made to complain of the conduct of the
High Church party in Ireland towards " the wealthier
and better informed portion of the Irish Roman Ca-
tholics," who are rewarded for disowning Mr. O'CoN-
NELL'S politics, by having their religion reviled " in
the most revolting and unchristianlerms." The way
being thus prepared, another correspondent, a " HIGH
CHURCH CLERGYMAN"' is introduced on the stage on
Monday, to repel, in a good-natured tone, the charge
brought by " VINDEX against his party, and the
Times takes the opportunity to reconcile the comba-
tants, by showing in a lerigthened dissertation, how
readily ‘rVINDEX " might fall into the mistake
of confounding the High Church with the High
Orange party (!)—which party it asserts is entirely
political, though every one knows it embodies the
whole fanatical scum of Protestantism in Ireland.
But this is not all. It deprecates " the violence un-
wise, as we (the Times ! LI) have ever thought it,
and unfeeling, of hot Orange partizans, against all
Roman Catholics indiscriminately, against their doc-
trines—as if such doctrines were an infallible index of
their dispositions as citizens—nay, against the very
name of Roman Catholic." It then goes on to say
that it heartily joins its "friend and correspondent,
the HIGH CHURCH CLERGYMAN," in his con-
demnation of certain " unchristian practices." And
what, do our readers suppose, are these " unchristian
practices" which the Times condemns? Why, nothing
else but "to aggravate and embitter political dissensions
by religious excitement—to callmeetings in various parts
of the country for the indulgence of controversial asperity
by certain itinerant orators, or 'to breathe forth flames
of polemical animosity through the medium of the
Press." Was there ever effrontery equal to this—
except what follows ?—" Our oten advice and con-
stant exhortation has been in every instance—and we
appeal for the truth of this to our bitterest enemies—
to let men's creeds alone. It is neither philosophy
nor common sense, and least of all is it Christian
charity, to quarrel with our fellow-creatures for what
they believe." Whenever the Times appeals to its
bitterest enemies for the truth of its assertions, we may
be sure it is attempting to cram some gross falsehood
down the throat of its readers ; and we may appeal to
them whether the Father of Lies himself ever invented
any thing— more false than this ? What is it,
may we ask, against which this unprincipled
journal has been railing most furiously of late, but
the creed of the Catholics ? How often has •it in-
voked the power of the law, and even called for the
enactment of new penal laws, to put this creed down ?
No doubt it tries hard, in the article before us, to back
out of the dilemma in which it has involved itself, by
pretending that it demands the aid of the civil power
only against the government of the Catholic Church.
It would, in its singular liberality, allow men to
[told their creed :unmolested as long as .it is
confined to their own bosoms, but no longer.
Having itself no conscience, it cannot understand
how the consciences of others can be aggrieved by
compulsory modes of Church government or religious
worship ! In short it would concede the abstract
right, and deny the practical exercise of it. But even
this concession is but a few days old. How long is it
since it poured forth the most violent and vulgar abuse
against the tenets of the Catholics ? Confession and
absolution are part and parcel of the Catholic religion,
as much as baptism and the communion are. They
are integral parts of the Catholic creed. No man can
be a Catholic who does not believe in their efficacy
and necessity. Have they never been made the subject
of impious mockery or coarse ribaldry by the Times?
And yet it dares to assert that its constant exhortation
has been to let men's creeds alone !

What does this writer mean by Church government?
The government of the Catholic Church is precisely
that of his own. Does he object to bishops,
priests and deacons ? Or is he offended at the
stricter subordination of the different orders of the
clergy to their superiors, and the greater energy
which is communicated to the system by the order and
regularity which prevail through its various branches ?
This is a merit, not a blemish, and it might be well for
other Churches to copy the example. If, indeed, the
Catholic Minister had any other authority than a purely
spiritual one over his flock—any other control-than
that which is voluntarily surrendered to the religious
instructor—if he could immure his parishioners in
a gaol for not paying Church-rates, or march with
a file of soldiers against them, and put them to
death for refusing tithes—then, indeed, a Church go-
vernment, thus armed and supported, might justify an
appeal to the strong arm of the law. Then it might
be the duty of the State " to interfere, and of the in-
jured people, in self-defence, by all means of individual
exertion, to resist the encroachment, and repel it."

But it is worth while to look at the evidence which
he inadvertently slips out against his theory, that
Church government is the origin of all evil in Ireland.
He recommends that " the gentry and better educated
Roman Catholics throughout Ireland ought to be ac-
cepted, and treated, as hearty friends of the Monarchy
and its institutions, of peace and law, and prosperity,
and order." For what reason pray ? Hear ! because
" as a general rule, not subject indeed to more than a
very limited number of exceptions they are "equally
free from sacerdotal despotism and from the odious and
unhumanizing 0' C ONN EL L taint." And again, "We
repeat it emphatically, that Catholic Emancipation,'
as it is called, has bestowed this one important benefit
both upon Protestant and Catholic. It has brought
over from their condition of inevitable discontent and
resentment against the State, the whole body of Roman
Catholic noblemen and men of property, with scarcely
an exception, and transformed them from at least
passive connivers at disaffection into staunch friends
and adherents of the constitutional monarchy, will-
ing to stake their earthly fortunes in defence of the
empire, and in hostility to rebels."
It appears then that the wealthier and better in-
formed part of the Irish Catholics—" the whole body
of'Roman Catholic noblemen and men of property"—
not only can be, but are, good and loyal subjects of a
Protestant Sovereign. What then becomes of all the
quibbling about Church government. Are they not
under the same Church government as their poorer
and more ignorant brethren of the same faith ?
If you wish to with draw the latter from turbu-
lent courses, and from priestly influence, it is not
by interfering in their r religious concerns that
you will effect this.
Y. on may pile statute upon
statute against their for •m of Church government,
you will be but the farther from your object. There
is only one way by whic, h you can succeed—show
them by deeds that you a re their friends—cease to
oppress them—redress their grievances—educate them
—to sum up all in one work do them justice.

On Monday last a public dinner was given to Mr.
G. R. PIIILLIPPS, at Nidd.erminster, by his consti-
tuents, on which occasioi t the Hon. Member recapitu-
lated his votes of the last Session ; and dwelt at some
1 ngth on the nature of the Irish Church Appropria-

tion Act, the discussion of which, it may be remem- '
bered, was attended with such dismal consequences to
the Tamworth Administration. " What," asked Mr.
PHILLIPPS, "was the objection to this great healing
measure ? Why, as usual, its spoliation. And why so?
Because it simply says, that after giving to every parish
where there is a congregation, a pastor ; because it
says, that after all wants on the score of religion
are supplied, if there is any surplus revenue over and
above, it shall be applied to the education of the peo-
ple. And this is what is called spoliation ; although,
mark, every possible provision is previously made in
the Bill for the religious instruction of the people !
Then, again, it is said, oh, but there is no surplus.
Then, I ask, if there is not any surplus, why object
to the Bill ?" This is a question more easily asked
than answered ; for never was there a measure more
rigidly equitable to all parties in its provisions, or
more in accordance with the wisest maxims of State
policy, than the Irish Appropriation Act. It in-
jures none, while it provides for the wants of all. Mr.
PHILLIPPS supports it, for the very reason that
he is a warm friend to the true interests of
the Protestant Establishment in Ireland ; and because,
also, he prefers order to anarchy, peace to blood-shed,
reform to corruption. On the same principle, the
Hon. Gentleman is a zealous partizan of Ministers.
" Their watchword," says he, "is peace and prospe-
rity at home and abroad. They are advocates of safe
and searching Reform ; and desirous, above all things,
to do justice to Ireland ; and such being their policy
and principles, I should consider myself a traitor to
good government, if I did not give them my support."

The principal inhabitants of. Texas have published
a declaration of independence in the name of that
State—a copy of which will be found in another part
of The Sun. The reasons assigned in it for a sepa-
ration from the Mexican Federal Government, are
sufficiently plausible ; but there is good cause for pre-
suming that the Chiefs have been urged to adopt such
a course in consequence of underhand representations
made to them by certain parties in the United States.
It is well known that the Federalists of North Ame-
rica have long desired to add Texas to their territory ;
and likewise that the Texeans themselves, who are for
the most part emigrants, of the descendants of emi-
grants, from the United States, have strong sympathies
with the people of North America. On the first re-
sistance of the Texeans to the authority of General
SANTA ANNA, considerable bodies of North Ameri-
can subjects took up arms, and marched in defence of
the insurgents ; and though the number is considerably
abated, yet many young men continue to swell the
ranks of a force which they regard as sacred
to the -cause of human liberty. At present,
it is impossible to say in what way this struggle will
terminate ; but if hard pressed, the Texeans will be
obliged, in self-defence, to throw themselves into the
arms of the North American Federal Government.

It is painful to have to observe that a very consi-
derable proportion of the South American population
prove by their acts that they are ignorant of the first
principles of Constitutional liberty. They mistake
recklessness for freedom, will for justice, and self-
sufficiency for a warrant to oppose all sacrifices
demanded by the
,general welfare. Their extreme
jealousy prevents them from establishing a strong Go-
vernment, capable of resisting the shocks of incessant
rebellion ; and the necessary consequence is that every
local revolt threatens the States with another revolu-
tion. They appear not to knOw that the freest insti-
tutions demand a corresponding degree of energy and
astringency in the Executivethat the Government
of a'Republic requires twice the strength that *ill
suffice in a Monarchy. 'Wherever the Government is
weak, liberty degenerates into licentiousness, and the
people become the slaves of a tyranny a thousand
times more oppressive than the most cruel and enfeebling
system of Monarchical despotism.

The Paris Papers of Wednesday have just been
received. Their arrival was delayed for several hours,
in consequence of the stormy state of the. weather
during the greater part of yesterday. The following
are extracts from them :

PARIS, JAN. I3.—A Ministerial Journal says :—" Some
Journals speak of preparations making by M.Bris-le-Comte
for his departure for the United States. That gentleman,
it is true, is to go to Washington, to succeed M. Serrurier,
as French Minister to the Union ; but he will not set out
till the diplomatic relations between the two countries shall
be re-established, that is to say, till the negotiations now
continued under the mediation of England shall be termi-
nated."

News from Madrid to the Bth in the evening has been
received. The Chamber of Proceres was deliberating on
the project of law relative to the National Guard.
General Alava arrived on Friday at Bordeaux, where he
was to rest himself some days before he set out for Paris.
The Bayonne journals of the 9th announce that the Car-
lists recommenced hostilities against St. Sebastian on the
6th ; but the Sentinelle says, that on the 7th an order from
Don Carlos to Sagastibelza, who commands the Carlist
troops before St. Sebastian, caused the fire to cease, when
the 36-pounder taken at Guetaria was going to be mounted.
On the sth Don Carlos gave orders to the manufactories
of arms at Eybar and Placentia to suspend the manufac-
ture of muskets. _

A letter from Athens of the 25th December, brought by
the Surprise brig, which has just arrived at Toulon, says—
" The Medea English steam-boat brought the King of
Bavaria a few days ago ; all the foreign residents waited on
him. A serious incident occurred on the reception of the di-
plomatic body. When the Charge d'Affaires of the Queen of
Spain was presented to King Louis, his Majesty, turning to M.
de Meig, his Minister, said, I believe that Bavaria has not
yet recognized the Queen of Spain.' The Spanish resi-
dent precipitately withdrew, and refused to be present at
the grand dinner which took place on the same day. It is
even said that he has broken off all intercourse with Go-
vernment, and is preparing to demand his passports.
" The bands, far from diminishing, daily increase. They
have already penetrated, without opposition, into several
considerable provincial towns. Their cries of The Con-
stitution for ever' disarm the inhabitants. The regular
troops sent against them meet with little success.
" I can assure you that the presence of King Louis
has not produced all, the effect that was expected. The
peoples indeed, crowded about him when he arrived
on the 7th, and some triumphal arches had been erected,
for the people entertained some hopes. I need not tell you
that they desire a Constitution. The King of Bavaria may
have come with good intentions but he has doubtless been
circumvented. The Russo-Bavarian party, which fills all
the offices, is more haughty than ever, which sufficiently
shews that no change will take place unless by violence.
We are always on good terms with the Greeks. I can
assure you that in case any event of consequence should
happen, our influence on the Greek nation would be greater
than that of any other Government. The French uniform
is in favour here.

-- --- -- "
It is said the King .of Bavaria will set out for Munich by
January 15. He has expressed a wish to visit Egina. The
Medea waits for him, and also the Portland frigate, which
the English Government has placed at his disposal."—Mes-
sager, Jan. 13.
HAMBURG BORSEN HALLE,..J. 00AIN. 93.4
100
x,
FOREIGN FUNDS. Bills. Money.
Austrian Metalliques, 5 per cent.
Ditto ditto 4 per cent. 9Bse 98
Ditto ditto 3 per cent. 75% 7554
Ditto Bank Shares .... ....... . .........................1385 1333
Russian 5 per cents. Metal.
Anglo-Russian Loan 104%
Paper Inscription, 6 per cent —, _
Russian Inscription, -Hope and Co., 3d and 4th
Series
Ditto, Certificates
Portuguese Regency Bonds, 5 per cent 83% Kw,
Ditto, 3 per cent. 5454 54
Dutch 23,, per Cents. 54% 54%
Ditto 5 per Cents
Polish Bonds, 3 per cents.
Anglo-Danish Loan, 3 per cents 73 7214
Norwegian Loan of 1834, 4 per cents.
Spanish, in piastres, 3 per Cents...—.
Cortes Loan, 5 per Cent 494 49
Greek 4 per cents. 1833, guaranteed by France 96% pg,,i
PRUSSIAN FUNDS.—BERLIN, J 11,1.8.
Bills. Money.
St. Schuld. Sch., 4 per cent. lOl% 10114
Prussian English Loan, 1830, 4 per cent 100% 100
Exchange on London, three months 6 28%.
—Prussian State Gazette. Jan. 9.
DUTCH FUNDS—AmSnarasr, JAN. 12,
Money. Bills.
Actual Debt, 234 per Cent. 55% 564
Loan (18.10) 5 per cent.
Ditto ditto 103 103,4
9511 :36
cent 79% , 8014 i
4,1(, per cent 123% ' 1214
Commercial Company,
Ditto (1832 and 1833) sj)er cent.
12 'A
Syndic, 15e
perper cent.
12 10%
—.Dutch Papers, Jan. 13.
Exchange on London,
Twneomontl)
months

'^-Vit,!,a*4llll