The Sun.
London, England, 1838-05-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

A strong desire was evinced by some of the underlings of the
Tories to place Ministers in a difficulty last night. It SeeM3
that in the course of the day much canvassing was carried on
to induce Members of the Opposition to remain away from the
division, in order to lessen as far as possible the majority
against the recent resolution of Sir Eardley Wilmot, and we
are told that a Noble Lord, once actually in the pay of the
West India body, was particularly zealous in exertions, which,
if successful,. would have had the effect of terminating the ap-
prenticeship system in the West Indies " immediately," there-
by depriving the planters of such pecuniary advantages as
were to be obtained from the two years' service of the
negroes yet unexpired—advantages fully contemplated by
Lord Stanley when he introduced the Bill of 1833.
The result proved, however, that the activity and in-
dustry of the Noble Lord were entirely thrown away,
as the counter resolution of Sir George Grey was
carried by a majority of 72 in a very full House.
Sir Eardley Wilmot only added 80 to his previous num-
ber of 98, while 165 additional votes were given for
'Ministers. The case stood precisely thus. On the 29th of
March Sir George Strickland submitted a motion for the abo-
lition of negro apprent:ceship in August next, and after a long
debate it was negatived by 54 votes. On the 22d of May,
Sir Eardley Wilmot introduced a resolution to terminate ne-
gro apprenticeship " immediately," as if no preliminary step
or preparation of any kind was necessary, and this motion he
carried by surprise, and, not least to his astonishment, in a
House of not 200 Members, by a majority of only three
votes. When appealed to on a subsequent day, the Hon.
Baronet declined "at present" to take any step to carry his
resolution into effect, and notice was therefore given, on be-
half of the Government, that Sir George Grey would last
night move a counter-resolution to rescind, or rather to
annul, the proceeding inconsiderately adopted on the 22d
instant. The speech of the Honourable Under- Se-
c retary for the Colonies was very masterly and
comprehensive, including all parts of the subject,
and treating them with such force, as well as particularity, that
it really seemed to render needless any other address on the
same side of the question. Nevertheless, Sir Robert Peel, as
Mr. O'Connell expressed it, " chivalrously" volunteered his
assistance, and Lord Stanley, unwilling, perhaps, that the
Right Honourable Baronet should run away with all the
glory, also defended the course pursued by Ministers, and re-
probated the manner in which the Honourable Member for
Warwickshire had persevered in re-trying a question already
settled, and reversing a decision which had been come to by
a full House after the most mature discussion. Sir Robert
Peel very emphatically stated his objection to a resolution
which was avowedly not to be followed up by a Bill, but which
reversed a former deliberate resolution, affected to repeal a
solemn Act of Parliament, and sought to involve the House
in difficulties, not only without the accomplishment of any
ge od purpose, but with the mischievous consequence of
exciting and disappointing the expectations of the negroes.
' If," pursued the Right Hon. Baronet, amid loud cheers, " the
resolution of the Hon. Member for Warwickshire were permitted
to remain unrescinded, an impression might get abroad that
the Legislature having abdicated its functions they had de-
volved upon Exeter-hall; a heavy blow would thus be struck
at the influence of Parliament, and it might even be deprived
hereafter of the power of holding the balance of justice be-
tween the planters and the slaves with a firm and steady hand."
Sr George Grey had previously adverted with considerable
severity to the conduct of the recent meeting at Exeter. hall,
and complained of the eager and injudicious haste with which
tidings had already been sent out to the West Indies of the
unexpected adoption of the resolution of Sir Eardley Wil-
mot. This fact alone rendered it imperative upon Minis-
ters to lose no time in taking measures to counteract
what he must call a wicked attempt to create an
impression which might otherwise be productive of the most
fatal results. His aexiety was to protect the peaceable but
hopeful negroes from the grossest delusion, and he claimed of
the House that it would lend its aid in securing adherence to
a course of policy consistent with reason, justice, and enligh-
tened benevolence. The debate did not assume much anima-
tion ,nntil Sir Robert Peel rose in answer to Mr. Baines.
Sir Robert was replied to with great ability by Mr. O'Con-
nell, who argued that the planters bad given nothing in return
for the twenty millions sterling voted to them ; that the
House of Assembly of Jamaica, in particular, had opposed,
derided, and despised, the measures of the British Le-
gislature, and that it was high time that some com-
pensation should be afforded to the unhappy slaves
who had been cruelly maltreated in defiance of the law, and
had for the last four years been half starved, and compelled to
work for nothing, instead of being duly paid their labour.
The only compensation that could be given to them was free-
dom ; and that it might no longer be withheld, he heartily sup-
ported the amendment proposal by Sir E. Wilmot to the re-
solution of Sir G. Grey. Lord Stanley followed Mr. O'Con-
nell, but amid considerable interruptions from the impatience
of the House, which interruptions were continued while Dr.
Lushington addressed it. The discussion was brought
to a close by Lord John Russell in a short but effective speech
containing no details, and only adverting to the main points of
the question. Mr. O'Connell had bestowed great praise
upon the character of the numerous petitioners to the
House on this interesting subject, and while Lord John
Russell willingly admitted the justice of the general
eulogium, he regretted that it was not deserved by
all who took an active share in the proceedings
of public meetings in favour of the negroes. ~ I
must say (observed his Lordship) that some there are—l hope
few in number—who take the course they adopt on this ques-
tion with a view chiefly of injuring those whom they consider
their party or their personal opponents.—( Loud cheers.) I
tnust consider conduct of this kind degrading to the great
cause such individuals pretend to espouse, and to the good and
conscientious men with whom they are associated in their ad-
vocacy." This severe censure was greeted by demonstrations
of accordance front all parts of the House. We have never
had any liking for the apprenticeship system, conceiving with
Lord Rolnick, that there is no medium between slavery and
free labour; and we look with much apprehension to the ter-
mination of the apprenticeships, when the owner ceases to have
an interest in the well-being of the apprentice. But the big
blunder having been committed, and Parliament having decided
on observing the bargain with the planters, we only trust that
those who have influence with the negroes will not employ that
influence in inciting them to acts which may terminate in
scenes of violence and bloodshed.—Morning Chronicle.
Sir George Grey brought forward, in the House of Com-
mons, last night, the Government resolutions on the subject of
negro apprenticeship—resolutions, of which the object avow-
edly was, in effect, to rescind the resolution carried, last week,
cn the motion of Sir Eardley Wilmot. Sir George Grey
cotomenced a wordy speech, by adverting to the smallness of
Ithe meicrity, by which Sir Eardley Wilmot's resolution was
tarried. The real majority of the House, as evidenced by the
division on Sir George Strickland's motion, was, he con-
tended, in favour of maintaining the apprenticeship system
until 1840. The Hon. Under Secretary, then, dilated on the
evil;, to which uncertainty on the part of the negroes as
to the real intentions of the Imperial legislature might
give rise—and condemned, in terms of considerable se-
verity, the Loast that was made, at a late public
meeting:, that intelligence cf the division of last
week had already been sent to the West Indies. Sir George,
then, chs.rac;erized the conduct of the West Indian clergymen
of all denominations—missionaries as well as clergymen of the
Established Church—es having been of infinte service to the
use of good order. The deportment of the negroes them-
Ives had been above praise ; and it was with a view, above
11 other things, to the ultimate advantage of the negroes,
hat he deprecated the attempt to bring the present system of
things in the Wcitt Indies to an abrupt termination. Et;uca-
tion(the Hon. Under Secretary for the Colonies observed)
does make rapid advances in our West Indian colonies; and,
H' the course of education be not interrupted by injudicious
,leg,ielation, its advances within the next two years will,
urndouhtedly, be prodigious. In determining our course,
we ,aught not to forget, that on our decision and its re-
sults, alepended consequences, most important, not alone
to the .negro cultivators of cur West Indian colonies,
but to slaves in almost every country in the world. The
slave-owners of the United States were regarding our experi-
ment with the deepest anxiety. If it turned out favourably,
the result would, in ell probability, be the emancipation, by a
similar process, of the immense macs of American slaves;—
if, unfavourably, the result would undoebtedly be, the perpe-
tuation of slavery. The most obvious dietetes of prudence,
moreover, dictated the policy of propitiating the various local
legislatures, and of inducing them to co-operate with the Im-
perial Parliament in the spirit of the scheme of emancipation.
Sir Eardley Wilmot, after a few words, in defence of his pee
collar course of action, moved as an amendment on Sir George
Grey's resolutions—" That the resolution of the 22d of May
be carried into effect, by legislative enactment. Mr. Villiers
seconded the amendment. He denied that the object of
the Immedi tte Emancipationists was to cause confusion in
our West Indian colonies. On the contrary, the chief ob-
ject of the Emancipationists is, he observed, to create a new
order of social relations between the negroes and their
employers. To the employers, too, he contended, would
immediate emancipation be advantageous—for slave labour
:s proved, beyond question, to be, the most expensive kind
of 1/4hour. Not more than one-third of that sort of labour is
avail 'a6.le to the purposes of the planters. Mr. Sergeant Jack-
son 101:leaved on the same side. Mr. Hutton supported the
Governm *at resolutjons. Sir Charles Grey denied that the
property °C um? in man was contrary to law. As to the al-
leged breach .of Contract on the part of the planters, the con-
contract, but many contracts ;
con-
tract alluded to, w4B not "one
but why should tio rights of the we.i'l° body of planters be for-
feited, because ceotain individuals an, east them had been
-
guilty of improprieties? Mr. Ward declare, -I. that although he
supported immediate emancipation—still that tnbrase implied,
that before emancipation did, in reality, take place, the neces.
sary preliminary legislation should be entered upon. es' 'Ws Sir
Charles
Charles Grey's argument about the inviolability of a r rit: -"'
ship--did that Gentleman forget that, in thiscountry, ean in-
denture of apprenticeship might be cancelled on the round of
cruelty ? The planters had virtually cancelled the appren-
ticeship system. Their case was the case of Mrs.
Brownrigg. The Government Bill—Lord Glenelg's Bill--
for improving the Act of 1833, proved breach of con-
tract on the part of the planters. Mr. Edward Ellice asked
why Mr. Ward and the other gentlemen who talked of the
necessity of preliminary legislation, did not undertake the
task of grappling with that preliminary legislation, of which
they spoke so glibly ? Had they considered the measures re-
pired ? A poor law, and a vagrant law were of the number.
Let the House, moreover, bear in mind the state of the
finances of Jamaica. The Jamaica exchequer was in a state
almost of insolvency. The currency, too, was deranged.
What, besides, (asked Mr. Ellice,) are ou to do with the
local legislatures? Did
a
You mean toabolish them ? or do you
them,
mean, merely, to irritate
by passing over their authority ?
Two years, the Right Hon. member for Coventry contended,

are hut a short period for the discharge of the necessary dutiessu
of legislation; and a precipitate movement, now on the part 1 •
of the legislature, might lead to the most fearful consequences
to the negrees themselves. Sir Robert Inglis did not exactly ap-
prove of Sir George Grey's resolutions—but he must, at the
same time, oppose most decidedly, the amendment of Sir
Eardles; Wilmot. The Hon. Member for Oxford, then, pro-
ceeded to contend that there existed no contract between Par-
liament and the planters—and, therefore, that Parliament
could not proceed against the planters for breach of con-
tract. Mr. Baines argued in favour of immediate emancipa-
tion. Compensation was due to the negro, for the injus-
tice inflicted on him under the apprenticeship system.
What had been done by Government on this subject, dur-
ing the last four years ? What reason had we to believe
that Government would employ the next two years better
than the last four ? Sir Robert Peel censured Sir
Eardley Wilmot for proceeding by the form of resolu-
tion ! The Right Hon. Baronet, then argued, at great
length, that it would be most inexpedient to terminate
abruptly the apprenticeship system. That there was a de-
cided compact between planters and Parliament, no man
could doubt. Under that compact, transferences of property
had taken place I If immediate emancipation were carried
into effect would compensation be given to the purchasers
under that compact? If not, the grossest injustice would be
inflicted ! It had been alleged that the compact had been
violated by the planters—but had that compact been violated
in such a way as to entitle Parliament to visit the whole body
of planters with a forfeiture of their rights ? The interest of
the negro, and the interest a!so of the American slave called
on us to avoid precipitate legislation in such a matter. He
would not consent to yield to popular clamour, neg transfer to
Exeter Hall the functions of Parliament. As to the allega-
tion of Mr. Baines, that nothing had been done during the
last four years in the way of preparing for the change that was
inevitable in the social relations of the West Indies—
that fact was accounted for, by the circumstance, that
the Committee of 1836—0 f which Mr. Baines himself
was a Member—recommended that nothing should be
done, until the close of the apprenticeship system !
Mr. O'Connell replied, to some of the arguments of
Sir Robert Peel and Mr. Ellice. The danger, he contended,
was only in delay. The difficulties, with which we are now
doomed to struggle, have arisen, he maintained, from the pay-
ment to the planters, of the twenty millions, without exacting
from them security for the performance of their part of the
compact. The state of the apprentice is, Mr. O'Connell
maintained, worse than that of the slave. Lord Stanley sup-
ported the views expressed by Sir Robert Peel. Dr. Lush.
ingten and Lord John Russell followed. Then came the
division, when the numbers were found to be, for Sir George
Grey's resolutions, 250 ; for Sir Eardley Wilmot's amend-
ment, 178. —Morning Herald.
Sir George Grey, the Under-Secretary for the Colonies,
moved a resolution last night in the House of Commons, the
purport of which was to declare the opinion of the House,
that the resolution carried by Sir E. Wilmot or, the 22d of
May, for the immediate abolition of the negro apprenticeship,
ought not to be carried into operation ; but that all means
ought to be adopted for securing to the negroes the privileges
to which the Slavery Abolition Acts have entitled them, and
all posdble attention directed to their condition on the arrival
of their period of entire freedom. To this motion of Sir
G. Grey Sir E. Wilmot replied by an amendment, affirmin:
that the resolution of the 22d of May ought to be carried into
effect by a legislative enactment, due provision being
made for the peace of the 'colonies and the wellbeing
of the negroes. The proceeding of Sir G. Grey had been
rendered necessary by the discreditable conduct of Ministers
in allowing themselves to be defeated on Sir E. Wilmot's
resolution of May 22, by the absence of all their own retainers
the tactics of this Government being, that whenever a right
but unpopular vote is required, that Governments shall carry
it by the aid of the Conservatives, while the Ministerialists
evade the division to escape odium with their constituents.
The line of argument now taken by Sir G. Grey was, that
the enforcement of emancipation by the Government at home
would be injurious to the negrOes themselves, who would fare
much better if public opinion were left to operate upon the
prudence of the planters. Sir E. Wilmot, however, was de-
cided to press his amendment, and intimated that if he carried
his point a second time, he should bring ir, a bill for giving
effect to it. The debate then proceeded upon the old and
beaten grounds. It seemed whollywithout interest, except to the
Quakers,who,as is their custom on such occasions, were under the
gallery in great numbers and in great excitement. Mr. Vil-
liers was for immediate abolition. Mr. Barron followed, and
attempted to attract attention by an attack upon the conduct
of Lord Brougham in assailing his old colleagues, the Minis-
ters. This philippic extracted several cheers from Mr. P.
Thomson. Mr. Sergeant Jackson denied that the life and
happiness, or misery, of man could be the subject of any law-
ful compact ; and thought that the compact, even if it could
be lawful, had been violated. Mr. Hutton said, that if you
would advertise for grievances, you would always find them;
and that instances of individual cruelty might has collected,
sufficient to make a case for abolishing apprenticeship in every
manufacturing town throughout England. Sir Charles Grey
thought that property in slaves might well be the subject of
compact, seeing that such property was recognised by the
statute law from the beginning of George 11. to the Abolition
Act of 1833. The State, in the case of the negro, stands
in loco parentis, to contract with the master for binding the
apprentice. Each master had received his separate compen-
sation, and it was not because one and another had failed to
perform his covenant completely, that therefore the indenture
was to be cancelled as to all. Mr. Ward was for the imme-
diate dissolution of the apprenticeship. Even in England,
says he, the magistrates may cancel indentures. Very true :
as between an individual master and his apprentice, upon the
circumstances of the particular case; but there is no jurisdic-
tion in any English tribunal to cancel all indentures. Mr.
Ellice answered the preceding speaker in a practical and useful
manner. He is one of the most valuable allies of Ministers at
a pinch. If the interests of the masters alone had been
at stake, those, he said, he would have compensated in
money ; but he objected to the immediate abolition, not for
the sake of the master, hut of the negro. Before the negro
could be safely set at large, you must provide a poor law—a
vagrant law—an improved currency—and you must remodel
the discrepant legislatures of the different colonies. These
were works of some time and care. Sir Robert Inglis sup-
ported Sir George Grey's motion, and Mr. Baines opposed
it. But it now found a powerful ally in Sir Robert Peel.
He expressed his disapproval of abstract resolutions like that
of the 22d of May. When a measure of this kind was con-
templated it should be embodied in a Bill, on which Members
of the House can reflect and vote in all the stages of it, and
the Lords can exercise their constitutional privilege of re-
jection or modification. The period for which the mas-
ter was to enjoy the apprenticed labour of the negro was
stated in 1833, by the authors of the Slavery Abolition Act,
as an ingredient in his compensation, and ought not now to be
abridged. If you will do something, however, do not resolve,
but enact. If Exeter-ball is to take the functions of the
House of Commons, there will soon be an end of that moral
influence which Parliament has heretofore exercised so ad-
vantageously. It is material, too, that you should set such an
example on this great subject to foreign States—as they may
be likely to follow a peaceful example, proceeding steadily to
its close, not the alarming precedent of an abrupt and perhaps
tumultuous termination. Mr. O'Connell, in the course
of a rambling speech, read various extracts from various
works, and made varieus assertions on various suljects.
The staple of his argument was a story which he lied just
heard of a so gro woman whose sick child, he said, had been
inhumanly exposed in a road and left to die for want of medi-
cal assistance. Lord Stanley, who answered him, acquainted
the House that this was an old tale, originally brought forward
by Mr. Buxton ; that inquiry had been made into the circum-
stances, which turned out to be utterly false ; that Mr. Bux-
ton had been satisfied the whole was a fabrication, and ex-
pressed his regret for having introduced such a history. Dr.
Lushington endeavoured (but at half-past twelve it was with
little success) to obtain a hearing in favour of immediate aboli-
tion, and Warned the Ministers that they were alienating tin ir
best friends by the course they were taking. Lord John Rua-
sell repeated the reasons of Government in a very short speech,
ashamed, as; it should seem, of the part which the Government
were taking, or rather declining to take. But the House
divided, and the Conservatives rescued them from the mire.—
Times.

After an animated discussion, and the moving and with-
drawing of one or two amendments, the House of Lords last
night went into Committee on the Irish Poor-law Bill. The
egregious defects of this Bill, the inefficiency of its provisions,
and the fallacies of the calculations on which it is founded,
have already been so frequently and ably exposed, that we feel
it would be as useless to the public as it would be irksome to
ourselves, to enter upon their recapitulation. The admirable
speeches of Lords Lyndhurst and Brougham on the motion
for the second reading of the Bill, have almost completoly ex-
hausted the subject; but still there are one or two points
which have not as yet received a due meed of attention : we
allude especially to the distinction between those incapable of
work and those unable to procure it—those from age or in-
firmity unable to labour, and those able and willing to
labour but
,unable to obtain employment. This is a most
important eistinction, and one which, to a great extent,
must regulate another important part of the proposed
Bill—the teat of destitution. Ireland is differently circum-
stanced from all other countries where Poor-laws exist. We
know of no instances where thousands of the labouring classes
annually cross and re-cross the sea, seeking a few weeks'
employment. A people with such an ardent desire of em-
ployment, thus manifested in a manner so conclusive as to defy
refutation, need .not the stimulus of workhouse discipline to
urge them to industrial exertion. And even if they did, it
would be difficult to make the dietary of the workhouse so
meagre as not so far at least to hold forth an inducement be.
yond what external labour could procure for them, did not
the love of liberty and enterprise so powerfully pervade the
breast of the Irish peasantry, that fur the most part they would
rather endure any extent of destitution, short of actual starve-
( .7jon, in their native freedom, than accept the utmost personal
ealefort with the loss of liberty. What relief can the
-khouse system be expected to afford to a people so cir-
we.
'a-'ced? The Irish poor ask not the bread of idle-
cuin
ne3_,
.on the contrary, they blush to accept it, and where
--nee---e'ssitv leaves them no alternative, they quit their °en
order to beg where they may not be known.
neighbo-urlrreo;cd,:',n
They ask arity, but employment. This fact is notori-
ous ges:ater violation of all principles of wholesome
legislationn
adwht
cana be pesteetrated, than to build houses for the
maiettenance of such pereons in idlenese at the national ex-
pense, while with half the caleital necessary for their support
in this mode, applied to their employment on the at present
unprodu.etive resources of the country, not only would pauper-
ism be deiven from the land, but a considerable accession
made to the national wealth? These facts may not appear
perrectly distinct to the
.Poor Law Commissioners, and those
expecting to be placid in authority under them ; but to all
imp:o tial observers they must appear so fAvieus, that it is only