The Sun.
London, England, 1822-02-25 00:00:00

PUBLICATIONS.

Recently published, price 2s.
AL ETTE
rR, to the Right lion. FREDE-
. C- J. ROB fINSON, President o the Board of
ade, R
&le. K
&c. &c. on the SUBJECT of the recent DUTIES
3)!' COLONIAL TIMBER, anti on sonic other Colonial Sub-
-I\,,et,; and on the relative SITUATION of the BRITISH
AMERICAN POSSESSIONS with the United States
i,f and Gi eat Britain, pointing out the value and
Portanee of the the North British Colonies to the Parent State,
means of increasing their mutual prosperity.
By WILLIAM SABATIER, Esq.
Late Cl nail of the Halifax Committee of Trade.

14 r' This day was published,
Two Volumes, Royal Bvo. price 21. 6s. boards, the Fifth
4 Edition, with considerable additions, of
TREATISE of the LAW of

EVI-

DEN( E.
By S. MARCH PHILLIPPS,
, Of the Inner Temple, E,q. Barrister at Law.
b ,orridonrs :
Printed for Joseph Butterworth and Sun, LaLaw,
,Vuoltselle, 43, Fleet-strtet; John Cooke, Ormond-quay,
; and J. Clark, 8, Parliatnent-square, Edinburgh.

* This includes 25,880 quarters of foreign corn, the ports then
being open for a short period.

REMARKS.
The extreme prices have been taken for the purpose of shew-
ing that the average has been effected very considerably by the
inferior quality of the corn ; and that notwithstanding the low
average, good corn has obtained high prices.
The Guildford prices have been taken, because the Mark-
lane Returns do not give any general average of the extreme
prices.
The divisions of the year have been made for the purpose of
shewing the effect produced upon the market by new corn, for
some months after the harvest; and the steadiness of prices for
the remainder of the year ; and also how the increased quantity
of each succeeding crop has regularly lowered the prices.
The quantity at market in the twenty weeks of 1821-2, is
above seven-tenths more than the quantity at market at similar
periods in 1820-1 ; and above six-tenths more than the quan-
tity at market at similar periods of 1819-20.
The total quantity of 1821.2 is above two-tenths more than
the total quantity of 18204; and nearly four-tenths more than
the quantity of 1819-20.

Ma. EDITOR—I am willing to persuade my-
self that of the friends, with whom Sir ROBERT
WILSON tells us he consulted upon the course
proper to be pursued after his dismission from his
MAJESTY'S service, some had good sense enough
to oppose the introduction of the subject into Par-
liament. The act was so clearly conformable to
established law, that there was not the slightest
ground for the hope that any investigation of it
would be countenanced. Even the friends of the
gallant General must have been sensible that
" there was," as it was observed by the Marquis
of Londonderry, " in the conduct of the Ilon.
Gentleman, even as it regarded other countries,
some circumstances which might have justified the
advice given on this subject by his Majesty's
Ministers ;" and those circumstances might have
led them to question the propriety and delicacy
of the clamours by which that advice had already
been assailed. Even to them it must have been
obviously apparent that the offence for Which he
was deprived of his commission was, at least, very
similar to that which called down upon him, six
years ago, the " severe reprehension" of his Ma-
jesty, then Prince Regent. It required, there-
fore, in the old weather-beaten orators, sub deo,
in the veteran lecturers of the Hustings and
Tavern-table—who, of course, fastening upon
this promising theme—the presence of all their
tried and practised hardihood to enable them to
advance the monstrous assertions with which they
have affronted the common sense of the Public,
on this topic of declamation. The displacing of
this Officer has been designated as an " act of
robbery"—a great deal of wonder has been affect-
ed at what could possibly have been the grounds
of such a proceeding—another Gentleman, who
addressed the precious meeting to which I am
adverting, pronounced the assistance of Sir R.
Wilson, in effecting the escape-of Lavalette, to
be a subject of congratulation to the world, and
this in the teeth of the Prince Regent's declara-
tion that it was an act of " flagrant misconduct,"
and " a serious breach of military duty !"
Another remarked that the military sentiment of
an Officer should be subject to command, but his
political sentiments should be free; another said
that Honey and Francis were " innocent specta-
tors at a legal meeting !"—not to forget the re-
mark of another, that Foreigners would say the
act of dismissing Sir Robert Wilson was done
not by Great Britain but by Little Britain !!
Now can any man, who has understanding enough
to " guard its master 'gainst a-Post," ascribe se-
riously to those who utter such imbecile raving
as this, one quality which advances them a single
grade in the scale of humanity above poor Gale
Jones, whom their stupid and applauding audi-
tors treated so scurvily ? No—it may be truly
said of the whole Corr•crie, in the words of the
venerable Baillie Jarvie, " they are a' tarr'd wi'
the same stick."

From this Tavern-meeting, let us follow this
case of atrocious Persecution into the House of
Commons. It was observed by one Honourable
Member, that he had entered the House under
the influence of impressions very unfavourable to
Sir It. Wilson, but that, having listened to his
statement, that strong bias had given way. For
myself, I hesitate not to declare, that if one
single doubt had previously hung over the jus-
tice and expediency of the act under discussion,
it would have been removed by that speech. It
may be said, perhaps, (for 1 was not present)
that I am proceeding to combat his remarks upon
the speech, without the advantage, enjoyed by
that Gentleman, of having heard it delivered.
I am not quite convinced that, in this particular
case, it was an advantage. I believe that, though
verbal and statistical errors may frequently oc-
cur in reporting, the substance of the debates is
generally given with tolerable accuracy. If this
be admitted, I know not why the reader of such
a speech may not judge, at least, as impartially
as the listener; for the most settled conviction of
the understanding nzay be defeated by the appeal
which the contagious emotions of a man pleading
his own cause makes to the heart. When Sir
Robert Wilson spoke of the inconvenience in
which his family had been involved, the Ho-
nourable Member, and I dare say every Gentle-
man in the House, would concur in the regret of
the Marquis of Londonderry that the situation
of that officer should have been affected by his
removal from the army ; but the feeling of sym-
pathy, which that circumstance created in his
mind, probably was not disturbed by the sug-
gestion, that, by the same circumstance, his mis-
conduct on the 14th of August was greatly
aggravated. It was asserted by Sir Robert Wil-
son, that the Prerogative of the Crown, thus
exercised, was " incompatible with the rights of
officers and the safety of Englishmen," and that
it would prevent military officers from honestly
discharging their duty in the House. Surely
nothing could be more felicitous than Lord Pal-
merston's reference, in reply, to the politics of
Sir R. Fergusson, and his manner of enunciating
them. Instead of his argument, his Lordship
was attacked, more antiquo, for sneering ! With
regard to " the rights of officers," I would re-
quest Dr. Lushington, should he condescend to
peruse this communication, just to turn to the
disgusting record of the occurrences, on the Hust-
ings of Covent-Garden, on the day on which Sir
Robert Wilson submitted his case to the House
of Commons, and he will find one of the Speakers
directly recommending, and that not for the first
time, to the people of this country to resist by
force the levying of the taxes—and I would then

request him fairly and honestly to say, upon his
conscience, whether he would allow to military
officers, " upon whom it is peculiar& incumbent
to a'ostain from any conduct which might ob-
struct the execution of the laws," such latitude
of speech as this ? and whether he feels inclined
_to dispute the position, that, if the command of
troops he a post of considerable trusts an itine-
rant preacher of rebellion would not pronounce
'a sentence of unfitness for that command upon
himself ? The law which declares that the people
shall not be. incited to hatred and resistance
against the Government, places limits, I suppose,
to the violence of political harangues. The
Doctor's observation, then, that " the political
sentiments of military men ought to be free,"
whether it implies that they are not so, or that
they ought to be under inrcolitronl, is worthy of
and
restraint sage who has declared that coercion
restraint are not the proper remedy for the re-
bellion that rages in Ireland.
Sir Robert Wilson thinks himself warranted in
concluding that the Ministers indulged "a hope
of obliging him to resign his seat in Parliament,
and to take refuge in some other country." I
am much inclined to believe that the Ministers
are far from wishing any thing of the kind—and
1 will tell Sir Robert why .1 think so. At the
greater part of the public meetings, without num-
ber, which have been convened for the few last
years, opinions of a very peculiar nature were
promulgated, without the slightest chance of re-
futation--men of loyalty and respectability, who
were hissed and clamoured down, having retired
in disgust from a contest with violence and vul-
garity, and having left the Tribunes from which
the People were addressed in the exclusive pos-
session of men of intemperate politics, the prin-
ciples and theories and complaints which pro-
ceeded from theirs were about as much the senti-
ments of the large and important bodies of men
to whom. they were-attributed, as of the inhabi-
tants of the Moon. It will be acknowledged,
nevertheless, that it was necessary they should be
scrutinized, and that the Country should be satis-
fied how little credit was due to them. The loyal
Press did much, but the ample discussion they
underwent in Parliament much more, to tranquil-
lize the public mind. Now they could not have
been sifted so thoroughly, had not a few Seats in
the House been occupied by Gentlemen who, as
far as they have thought proper to be the ex-
posers and advocates of those political tenets,
have certainly supported them with very great
earnestness, and with every possible • variety of
argument. The Ministers, lam sure, far from
wishing to prevent opinions that are held by
numbers of men from being maintained in Par-
liament, would, by no means, have them without
their pleaders, even there ; on the contrary, I
have very good reason for believing that they
consider this to be an unquestionable advantage
to the cause of established Government. 1 can-
not but believe, therefore, that the conclusion of
the Gallant General is altogether without foun-
dation.

There is sonic good in all things evil,
Would men observingly distil it out.

I am very willing to give credit to all that part
of the Gallant General's speech which has for its
object to chew that he had no share in the ar-
'rangement of the mob on the 14th August. Pass-
ing it over, and proceeding to that which de-
scribes the manner in Ni hick he was engaged at
Cumberland Gate, i shall take leave to make a
remark or two on the very extraordinary infe-
rence which he draws in his own favour from the
effect of his remonstrance with the soldiery.—lle
informs us that he remonstrated with the soldiers,
who were re-loading their pieces, telling them it
would be disgraceful if they continued to fire—
that " the restoration of peace on that day was
due to his exertions, and that he put a stop to
proceedings that would have been fatal both to the
soldiers and the people ;" the former having, from
the moment of his remonstrance, ceased to fire.—
For this conduct one of his Honourable Friends
thought it strange that 111:aisters had not rather
conveyed their thanks to the Gallant General ;
and another thought him deserving of the Civic
Crown for saving Englishmen from destruction.—
I must confess that the view which I have taken
of his share in the transaction of that disgraceful
day differs materially from that which leads to
the belief that it calls for Thanks and Honours.
I should be extremely sorry should I uninten-
tionally misrepresent, in the slightest circum-
stance, the account which Sir Robert Wilson has
given of the part which he acted ; but I consci-
entiously believe the sum and substance of his
statement (the whole varticulars of which are
evidently detailed mitiori sorsa) to be this—that
a certain route was prescribed for the Queen's
Funeral, and that a military escort, which had
orders to carry that regulation into effect, being
resisted by the mob, Sir Robert Wilson interfer-
ed, and succeeded in frustrating the execution of
those orders. This is called, forsooth, "a re-
storation of the peace." Now, hat is the real,
intrinsic character of that " peace ?" Let us
attend to the thing, and not suffer ourselves to be
deluded by the euphony of the word. Can it be
necessary to deliberate a moment, before we pro-
nounce it to have been a peace which gave success
and triumph to a conspiracy to del.-,at, and set at
defiance, the laws of the country ? What was the
cry which resounded from street to street on the
evening of that day ? Victory ! Victory ! was
vociferated by the. successful rebels. • Now, can
I, or can any reasonable man, yield my judg-
ment to those who have decided that he, who
was so actively instrumental in • bringing about
that event, shall be held in honour; without con-
templating the permanently injurious effect which
it must have had—which it has had—on the

minds of the disaffected ? The country is now,
with the exception of • Ireland, peifectly trane-
quil ; but the tenor of human affairs is prover,
bially uncertain—no man can be quite sure that
another collision may not shortly take .place be-
tween rebellious violence and lawful authority:
Suppose such a contest to occur, might not the
confidence inspired by that victory, for such it
was, render it a sanguinary one ? This claim,
then, to the civic crown is, I think, more than
doubtful, and the boast of Sir Robert, that " his
language made no widows and orphans," a little
sophistical. This mode of " protecting the pub.,
lic peace" does seem to me to be a little extra-
ordinary. The language of the mob on. the 14th
of August, had they parleyed with the lawful
authorities, might have been this—" If.you wilt
only abandon the instructions which you have
received, and submit to our dictation, we will
quarrel with you no longer, but be at peace." I
have been endeavouring to recollect something
precisely parallel to this sort of pacification, and
my memory does not furnish any thing that ap-
proaches so nearly to a perfect parallel, as the
proposal of Tyrell in Caleb /Villianes—" If, says
the great bullN to Falkland, you will only go out
of the country or the kingdom,or to the devil, if
you please, so as I may never hear of you any
I will promise never to quarrel with you
as long as I live." The mob gained their ends,
they triumphed, and were therefore at peace ;
and this peace Sir Robert Wilson boasts that he
effected. That the gallant General should speak
of the motives with which he was actuated is na-
tural enough—the reply obviously is, look, Sir,
at the tendency of the action. But I think it
may be replied, further, that it has a resem,
blance, most unfortunate for Sir Robert Wilson,
to the " flagrant misconduct" for which he had
before been reprehended, and the complexion of
which might have warranted, says the Priace
Regent's order of 1816, the full weight of his
Royal Highness's displeasure. It seems to me
that the terms in which that offence was charac-
terized have the most unfortunate applicability,
to his conduct on the 14th of August. The mea-
sure therein censured was said to be designed
to counteract the laws, and it was declared to be
peculiarly incumbent upon every officer of the
army to abstain from any conduct which might
obstruct the execution of the laws. This resem-
blance does seem to me to be sotclose, that I
think it ought at least to have diminished the ex-
treme surprise which Gentlemen, who profess to
be " unshackled by feelings of prejudice," have
expressed at. the severity with which Sir. Robert
-Wilson has been treated ; and I do affirm that it
is rather too much for such Gentlemen to say,
that the sentence is " an act of tyranny disgrace-
ful and debasing," that it has changed the uni-
form of the British Officer into a 44 badge of
despotism," and to ascribe its origin to the 'dis-
appointment of Ministers, who had wished for a
military execution upon the people ! I know that
some of the sentiments which 4 have expressed
will be very unpalatable to the self-styled libe-
ralists ; and may not, perhaps, exactly square
with those of the cold-hearted people who call
themselves moderate loyalists—those people who
are always to be distinguished by speaking of
the soundest doctrines as going " a little too
far," or in some such temporizing phrase, and
by making some contemptible .subtraction from
what is due to a Government which merits the
warm attachment of men of every rank in the
State. But lam not aware that I have written
one syllable that requires apology ; a tone of
apology is too much indeed the fashion of the
present day, for it is heard even upon the judg-
ment-seat. Burke has observed this to be one
of the symptoms of a tendency to revolution.
Every sentence that he wrote is worthy of
attention. R.

The following circumstance occurred at the
Auction Mart, in the sale of some stock of the
Hudson's Bay Company. The whole amount to
be sold was somewhat exceeding 7,8001., which
was put up in lots of 1001. each. The first lot
was, knocked down at 1031., but a gradual ad-
vance took place on all those which succeeded it,
so that the last lot but one was purchased at
2571. The last lot, which was for 1071. stock,
was knocked down at 2611., and would,probably
have produced more, but that it was supposed, to
be an even 1001. in stock, as the rest of .the lots
were. The present interest paid on the stock is
only 4 per cent., but the advantages expected to
accrue from the union with the North West
Company are believed to have given to it the
increased value above mentioned.— (11/Orning
paper.)

It is said to be in the contemplation of Go-
vernment to make the duties now payable in
Dublin, on articles of every description,• whether
foreign or of native•tgroWth, imported from Eng-
land, payable, in future, exclusively at the Eng-
lish port of exportation; thus assimilating the
trade between Dublin and England toflle coast-
ing trade between any two English ports. The
consequence will be. .a great reduction in the
clerks and other expenses of the Custom-house,
Dublin, as the. importation from foreign countries
direct, on which alone the duties will remain to
be collected there,. is ,comparatively inconsider-
able.—(Dublin Morning Post.).
The Sheriff of Dumfries-shire iia,s received a
writ for the election of aMetnber to! represent
this district of burghs in Parliament, our present
worthy Member having been appointed'•one of
the Lords of the Admiralty. The electiolv will
. take place at Annan, on Friday,- the Stli Vara).
next. We have not heard that there s'ill►be any
opposition to Mr. DOUGLAS'S re-election.—(Du in-
fries Journal.)