The Sun.
London, England, 1825-04-29 00:00:00

JURIES BILL.

Mr. WESTON said, it was originally his intention to in.
troduce a Bill, making persons possessing personal prOpertylo
a certain amount eligible to • serve on juries, in the same
Manner as thoSe possessing freehold property. A measure has
hifely-been introduced by the Secretary for -the Home Depart-
Meat, to regulate the summoning of juries, and also to consO-
lidate the laws respecting juries ; instead, therefore, of bring-
ing jn a separate Bill on the subject, he gave notice that he
'would Propose the insertion of his proposition, as a clause, into
the Bill now going through the House, either on Monday,
When the Bill was to go through a Committee, or Whatever
subsequent day was fixed for that purpose.

CORN LAWS. •
Petitions for a revision Of The Corn Laws were preiented by
31r: Lindsay, froth the Provost and Magistrates of Perth; by
Mr. 1-leskisson, from ,Maltby, and the Company: of Merchants
of Edinburgh ; by Mr. Bart nails, .frOm the .Directors and
Merchants of the ChaMber of Commerce of Bristol, and from
the PrOprietors of foreign corn warehoused ,there; by Sir A.
Campbell, from the Merchants and Ship-owners of Greenock ;
by Mr. DOuglas, from the Merchants
.of Leith, praying that
bonded -coin may be admittcd for honie consumption ; and by
Sir M. W. Ridley, from the Merchants -and' Manufacturers of
Newcastle.upon-Tyne.
Petitions againSt any alteration were pre: sated by Captain
Wernys, fibm the 'County of Fife : by Sir C. Cole, from the
Owners and Occupiers of Land in Ohnuorganshire ; bySir C.
Dundas, -from the FarMers in the neighbourhood of Newbury,
praying that, as far as they concern the importation of foi-
corn, the Corn. Laws may not he repealed ;'by Mr. J. nine,
from Banbury, in Oxfordshire, by Mr. Lascelles, from l'onte-:
fract, in Yorkshire ;' by Sir R. Vyvian, from the Owners and
Occupiers of Land in the East and West hundred of
.Corn-
wall ; by Mr. James Brown, from the county of Mayo ; by
Sir A. Campbell, from the Corn Merchants of Glasgow ; by
Lord Barnard, from the neighbourhtxid of Bandon, in Cork ;
by Lord Ennismore, from the county of Cork ; by 11l r.'llume,
from the Owners and Occupiers of Land in Abroath, .Montrose,
and Brechin • by Colonel Bagwell; 'frail the Millers' and Corn
Dealers of (Lorne% praying that, frOm their large Stbck Of
grain in hand, no alteration may take place for:six nibtith,i-;
by Sir AL W. Ridley, from Shrapliam, in Norfolk; by Mr.
Curteis, from the Owners and Occupiers of Land in the neigb-
bourhood of Lewes, in Sussex ; and from the Editor of
British Farmers' Chroriele ; by Sir J. Majorihatilcs, from this
county of Berwick ; by Lord F. Osborne, from Various 'placer
in Cambridgeshire imd 'Buckinghamshire, amounting to '57 ;
by Sir G. Clerk, from the Freeholders. and Justices of the
Peace in the county of Edinburgh, complaining that•the house
was about to enter on the inquiry at tOo late a period 'of the
Sesion ; by Sit J. Astley, from the Owners and Occupiers of
Land in Devizes ; by,Mr. Chaplin, from the neighbourhood of
Lincoln and Boston ; by Mrc Sotheron, from Newark, 011er-
ton,' Worksop, and Itotford, in Nottinghamshire ; by 111 r.
Benett, from the Owners and Occupiers.of.Larid in the vicinity
of Marlborough, in Wiltshire; and from Salisbury, in the Kiiitce
county ; by Mr. Ileatheote, from the East Iltindred a Rut-
landshire; by Sir -W. 'lngleby, from Burton-on-llutnber; and
t5-everitl places in Lincolnshire ; by Sir G. Warrender, nom
Itaddington and Roxburglishires ; and by LOrd U'ibridg:,
from .aOrtie'placa in; Atiglesea.
Theie petition's Were laid on the table and ordered to
printed. • -
Mr. LESLIE FOSTER presented a petition from the Land_
owners of the County of Louth, against any alteration' in 'the
Corn Lams. lIL had'been consulted on the subject orthe'Coi.:.:
Laws, and had given it as his opinion that no alteration ought
to take place-this year, but that a revision of thein.ihnultt
gone into nextyear. Ile found since that he was correct in
both of theie conjectural-opinions. ' • • •• • •
IMPORTATION OF FLOUR.
Sir J. WROTTESLEY Was-deSiroua of tatting the present
opportunity; frorn the- fright Gentletican Oppdsite ( r.
kiuskiSsOn), as he had given notice of.his interkiimi to stiblitil A
proposition respecting bonded Corti, to ask whe;ther any part
hid t)lan was to make any alteration with 'respect to the importa-
tion Of corn?

Mr. HUSKISSON replied, that as it was his intention to
.propose no alteration in the revision of the Corn 'Laws th is •y eat,
be would adopt the tame plan with resl•ect to the importation
of 'flour, and abstain from- proposing any alteration, from tyre
present law upon that subject.
CORN LAWS.

Sir T. I.ET:IIIIRMGY, presented a petition .from certain
landholders in the counties of Gloucester and sqtneret, against
any alteration in the cairn laws.
Mr. R. SAI,ITII presented a similar petition from the millers
of the county of Lincoln:
Lard E. SOMERSET presented a similar petition l'roni
.
,Stowe-in-the4Vpld, in Gloucestershire.
'My. T. WILSON presented three petitions from the mer-
chants, shipowners, &c., of Leith, and one from the labourers
on the Thames, praying for a revision or the 'Corn Laws. • .
Mr. RlttGliT presented a petition t:ront the millers of Oris-
tQl, praying forprotectionfrnin the importation of toteign.porn.
Mt. NE WALAN
,presented a petition from ihe eminty• of
Devon; against the corn JaWs.
,Mr. HUME presented 'a petition from .Perth, praying for a
revision of the porn laws. Ile expressed his full pnneurrence iu
the expediency of such a revision.
Sir E. HARV,R.Y
.presented a petition from Rochfoo; in
Essex, against any, alteration. , • '
'Mr: S. WO wyLRY presented a petition
,from,Scarboroug,h.
against any alteration in the Corn Laws, and A. petition .frbor
Sheffield.; praying for a revision of the law between Landhliti
and Tenant. •
,51r..MONC.K presented a petition from Reading, praying
fora revision of the Corn. Laws. ' • ' -

iclr.'DENlSo:l•,Fp;e;enteAftipetition from cettain Milleurs in
the county of Surrey, against the importation. 0f... Foreign Com,
and also it.petition from the inhabitants of:Lambethngainsf he
.Corn Laws.
Sir T. ACLAND
_presented two
,petitions, one from Tiver-
ton and the other from Dartmouth, againit the Corn Lows.
11r. COKE presented ten petitions from certain towns and.
,hundreili Noriblk,"ogainst anfalteration in'the'Corn"Li*s.
At the sam'e'fitne" that he preierited these peti't'ions he
,bekOd
to expresShiii dis Sent froth the prayer contained in'thetn.:rvfle
woiof_opinion that some revision of those laws Was requiAte,
and 'the pfeSerit existing Cam Laws werecoictilared to etianf a
lermetii in the eMintry, and were at variance With the real hire-
-1.6-its of tht A grietilturisti themselveS. He regretted .thiSidir-
fereriee of sentiment with the petifionera ; but he gave Alit,-
eerily, and he Might' be presumed to know s.'oMetliinl.; on the
Subject, at he had- deVOted his whole life to. -agricultural*
lidr-
hear' ! )-- Ile at the same time disapproved of Any
Sudden' or -Violent change..
31r. FLEMlNG—presented petitions from Southampton,
\% Peteisfield, ' Piktiniouttl,- Farnham, and other

Oasts in Hampshire (eight in number) against any alteration in
the Corn Laws.
Colonel JOHNSON presented two petitions from two •hun-
dreds in Lincolnshire, against any alteration in the Coin Laws.
Sr G. NOEL presented a petition from certain Landowners
in Rutland, against any alterationin the Corn Laws.
Mr. P. MOORE presented a petition from the cotton-spin-
ners of Stockport, against the Combination Laws.
Lord CA-VENDISH presented a petition from Chichester
against any alteration in the Corn Laws. -.
Mr. WI LDM A N presented a petition from tjie eastern divi-
sion af the county of Essex against the Corn Laws.
Mr. W. WHITMORE presented a petition from Daven-
port, praying for a revision of the Corn Laws.
MOTION TO AMEND THE CORN LAWS.
Mr, W. WHITMORE then rose. It now became:his
duty, in pursuance of a motion, of which he had given notice
is: he early part of the Session, to bring before the House
taw consideration of the important question of the Corn
'Lima. 'Previous to his entering on this subject he was
tlesirouit• of offering a few observations with respect to the
sootivia which actuated him in undertaking to bring for-
lArcl 'this question at all. II is motives he was anxious_to ex-
plain, not from regard to any personal feelings, but from a
yegard to the fate of the measure which he had undertaken to
introduce.' If from personal vanity he had brought forward
this question, or if he had undertaken it under the absurd
notion r ofoccupying a prominent station in this,House, which
his talents, his habits, and his inclinations alike unfitted
him to. fill; he would then, indeed, well deserve the censure
Which in the course of the last week had been so liberally
case upon him ; but this was not the motive that actuated
him; he was induced to introduce this question at this
time, because the period had now arrived which called upon
them to revise and alter the Corn Laws, which were disgrace-
ful tosthe country. The Corn Laws, as they now stood, were a
glaring exception to the principle of free trade which the Go-
vernment and the country professed to hold. If continued, they
would diminish, if they did not altogether destroy, the benefits
which we may. hope to derive from the adoption of liberal com-
mercial, principles. It was impossible to reflect how deeply
these restrictions on an article of prime necessity, affected the
labourer and the manufacturer, without feeling the inconsist-
ency of continuing them whilst we professed to adopt liberal
commercial principles. It was impossible to approach the sub-
ject of a free trade withotit meeting a striking grievance in the
shape of this unjust and oppressive tax. He (Mr. W.
‘Vhitmore) had strong and deep conviction, that by conti-
nuing the restrictions on Corn, Parliament would inflict a
most dreadful evil, not only on this country but on Europe.
We should see agricultural interests again involved in the dif-
liculties from which it had lately escaped. It was strange
that a body of men so enlightened as the agriculturists could
not see their own interest on this particular subject. Every
man of experience must be aware of the injurious effects pro-
daced by the prodigious fluctuation in the prices of Corn. There
was another tremendous evil—an evil which it behoves every
man of humanity and consideration to guard against—an evil
which comes upon any people with horror, but which would
come upon the people of this populated country, by circum-
stances of peculiar aggravation—he meant the probability
at one period of dearth, and at another of a superabun-
dance and a glut. It was his considerate conviction that we
were drawing gradually towards the evil which he had last men-
tioned- Tile stocks, which three or four years ago were very
large, were now gradually diminishing. IVe had latterly be-
come More dependent upon the seasons, and if the stocks con-
,inued to diminish, upon the occasion of a dearth we should find
t exceedingly difficult to get from the whole world corn suffici-
ent for our consumption. It was easy to prove that restrictive
laws upon corn operate to produce the more frequent recurrence
of a dearth. Let Gentlemen conceive the probability of a fa.
mine in a parish which was confined to itself for the produce of
all the corn consumed by its inhabitants. Extend this pri.i-
c;ple to a county, and the danger diminishes, but still exists.
Extend it to a kingdom, and although dearth would be of rare
occurrence, it would be by no means improbable. It was clear
that any king& was the mere liable to famine when the impor-
tation of corn was restricted.—(hear !)—lt was an indisputable
maxim, that the wider the basis upon which we depended for a
supply, the less chance there was of dearth, and the narrower
the basis, the greater chance there was.—(Hear !)—He had no
desire, unnecessarily, to alarm the country, but he must express
Ilia belief, that although propitious seasons might for a while
avert the evil, and Parliament, by altering thelaws, might avert
it for ever, yet, he was convinced, if those laws were continued
which were at variance with the free principles of trade, a period
would arrive when we should reap the bitter fruits of such a law.
Those wlio could contemplate such a period with coldness or in-
difference, were possessed of stronger nerves than he could boast.
England was the grand regulator of agricultural produce, as
well as of manufacturing produce, and the English Corn Laws
Lad a very serious effect upon the agriculture' produce of other
.-countries. When a great part of the lands on the Continent
were cultivated, the corn intended for importation was thrown
back on the ports by the Corn Laws, and caused a glut. Our
Consuls abroad remarked this effect, which caused a range of
price quite wonderful to an inexperiencA eye. It was his opi-
nion that the Corn Laws produced theemost injurious effects
upon the whole cultivation abroad. The:Consequence of Eng-
lind shutting her market was, that it prpduced a glut in the
foreign ports, which was found so injurious, that foreign powers
passed lawsof asimilar tendency to those which wereibund so dis-
advantageous in this country. Spain, Portugal, and even Hol-
land, followed our example with respect to those restrictive
_laws. He therefore charged it upon those laws, that they had
changed. the whole course of trade, and 'had a tendency to re-
press production, to an extent which may ultimately involve
riot only this country, but Europe, in distress. It was the opi-
nion of persons the best informed, of men of men of intelli-
gence, whose judgment was sharpened by an attention to their
own interests, as connected with this subject, that production
was not keeping pace with consumption. No man who is well
informed on the subject, and had made up his mind, ought to
withhold this opinion from the public. He would read an ex-
tract from a -letter written by a Gentleman of great intelligence
and respectibility, residing at Antwerp. This gentleman was
well informed on all matters of trade, but particularly on every
thing connected with the corn trade. He stated, that " the
Corn Laws had been productive of the most disastrous conse-
vences in Poland ;" that production had in .consequence di.
miaielied, and that the penury of the agricaltural classes had
increased. He also stated, that the export of British, and
Britiah colonial manufacture in Poland, did not now amount
to one-half of its amount before the passing of the Corn
Jews: It was also worth remarking, that Mr. Merry (the
writer of the letter) states, that wool was found much more
productive than corn, and that much land was being thrown
nut of cultivation, because cattle were found to yield a better
return. The peasantry in that country could afford to pay
355. per Winchester quartern for wheat ; but thcy could not
sup Plied from Bohemia, the great corn country, under 38s.
the quarter. He had adduced these facts to prove a position,
to which no man could dissent, that if we determinately exclude
'the. produce of other countries from our market, we shall
cause a great change in tire amount of foreign produce. When-
ever we are brought to that •situation„ when we shall require
to eke out consumption by the produce of other countries;
weeball find there will not be a sufficient quantity at the foreign
ports. Ile would now refer to another, and nut a less im-
portant view of the case. If we refused to allow the importa-
tin of foreign corn, foreign states would produce something
else, which would come in competition in our markets, and
effect the price of our manufactures, particularly since we had
begun to act upon the liberal principles of trade. How had
the principle which he laid down acted upon the importation
of wool It had increased in an immense proportion. -He
did not mean to push this argument too-far; he knew altera-
tions had been made in the laws, but he wished to call the at-
tention of the House to the facts. The annual average import
of wool for fire yeart, ending in December, 1823, was
13,104,502 cwt. ; in 1824, the import was 22,558,222 cwt.,
leaving an excess this year over the preceding years of no less
than 6,363,720 cwt. 'fife. Corn laws not only affect the im-
portation of wool, and consequently its price, but they also
affect.tho importation awl price of various other articles of pro-
d-action. If we refuse to admit the corn of Poland, we force'
Poland to produce wool, And compete with us in the woollen
markets ; and so in other branches of trade and manufacture.
The importation of tallow had considerably increased, and also
the importation of flax : upon which there was excess in 1824,
compared with the annual average produce of five preceding
years, of 221,150 cwt. Having entieavoured to show the inju-
rious effects of the Corn. Laws upon our agriculture and menu-
factures,,he would now turn and see how these laws affect the
price of labour. No doubt when corn is double the price at
which it is sold in other countries, our labourers must be
paid at a much higher rare. Some Gentleman may think
that the price of labour is of no consequence to any one
but the consumer, as it is charged on the produce.—
Others, however, with more reason, conclude that the
high price of labour goes to dirninssh the profits of capital.
Can this high price, -then, continue, without producing a fatal
effect upon capital itself? The effect must be, that we shall at
length drive that capital, upon which the greatness of England
depends, to seek for employment in other parts of the world.
The house should consider the result to which this must Inevi-
tably lead. In extent and population, compared with the lead.
ia.!, Powers of Europe, England is only a second-rate Power.
Cihiparing the extent and population of England with France,
or even with Austria, England is only a second-rate Power;
and comparing its extent and population with the extent and
population of Russia, he would ask, how we could expect to
compete with this colossal Empire ? The greatness of England
depends upon its capital, and if we diminish that capital, and
drive it from our shores, England will become a third-rate
Power. if we turn our eyes from Europe and look across
the Atlantic, we see a great rising country, whose power

we may judge of by what she has already achieved, when
called upon to resist oppression. The population and ex-
tent will immeasurably exceed that of England. It is her ca-
pital, then, that gives to Britain her weight in the scale of
nations ; and if it isour object to preserve her station, it should •
also be our object to--preserve her capital. We have been able
to contend not only with any single power, but with all power
united, and we may be able successfully to do so again, but it
is only by the force of our great capital. Could any man say
that we ought to trifle with the power of our country in this re-
spect? There was no man possessed of so much boldness. He
would now ask, had this system of restriction been tried in any
country, in which that country had not reaped the bitter fruits
of its folly ?- Holland had imposed an injurious tax, not upon
the importation of corn, but upon the internal trade, and it had
produced the most disastrous consequences. In no instance
could a contrary effect be proved. It' it should be proved that
restrictions on the produce of corn had produced beneficial
effects in any country, he (Mr. Whitmore) was willing to give
up his theory. Until this was proved, however, he should con-
tinue to believeothat if the Corn Laws of England be left with-
out modification,..it will ultimately give a mortal stab to the
prosperity of England. This consequence may be remote,
and he knew how difficult it was, when the country was
enjoying prosperity, to induce Gentlemen to attend to re-
mote consequences, and examine whether the principle upon.
which they acted, was intrinsically good. The evil which
may arise from the ignorance of the principles upon which
those laws were founded, was so serious, that it deserved
the deepest attention; That the Corn Laws, as they at pre-
sent stood, had the effect of raising the rents, was, he 'con-
ceived, perfectly evident. Did they imagine that the people
were not aware that those laws had this effect ? The people
must know that the rents arc thus raised. He did not wish
to give offence, but he must say that they raise the rents at
the expence of the rest of the community, and this for .the
maintenance of a law which is directly opposed in its principle,
its details, and its operation, to every rule by which we had been
heretofore regulated. He would put it to the House if this law
had not the effect of creating a privileged class ? This was
not a period of darknese—this was not a time in which the
people were sunk in gross and grovelling ignorance. Exactly
the reverse was the fact, at the present moment. The people
were every day becoming more capable of reflecting and of
forming sound judgments on all that concerned their own inte-
rests. Many were alarmed, and so should he be alarmed, if he
were convinced that the Corn Laws were to remain unchanged.
If that fatal system were to continue permanently, there would
indeed be just ground for alarm, but he was persuaded that
there would -be no danger if they would only square their legis-
lation according to the new order of things now spinging up.
They need proceed with no false or secret system— they had no-
thing to conceal. Let them recur to the great principle on
which the country went previous to the year 1815. Ile would beg
• the attention of the House to the contrast which the law now
' presented to the legislation of former periods. Ttse principle
of the law of 1815 was in direct opposition to those rules by
which we had been previously guided. In 1773, there were
two low duties, 2s. Gd. and 61 These were added to the prin-
cipal duty of 213. 3d. in proportion as the price sunk below the
appointed price of 50s. From that period to •1791 the amount
of the duties varied, but the same principle was acted one which
imposed the highest of those duties on corn when the price was
505., 2s. 6d. was added when the price rose to 545., and Gd. ad-
ditional when it exceeded that sum. Afterwards the price for
the highest duty was 535., and fid. additional was laid on when
it amounted to 665. During this period the prices of corn rose,
and generally during that time it was on the increase. This
uniformly continued to be the case while trade was free. He
was justified—fully justified in saying that whatever might
have been the nominal prices at the time, the corn trade
proved during that period. Ile would now broach a very im-
portant branch of the subjectenamely, the alteration which was
deemed essential to be made, in order to put this great and
important part of our trade upon its just and natural footing.
His strong conviction was, that we should revert- to original
principles, and make the trade, if not nominally, at least
virtually free; subjecting, of course, the import of; corn. to a
fixed duty. Previously to going further, he thought it neces-
sary to clear the ground from the difficulties which might be
supposed to arise from the exclusive burdens under which
the agricultural classes laboured—the imposts which exclu- •
sively affected the land. These burdens he was not disposed
to undervalue ; he was willing to make full and liberal com-
pensation to the agriculturists, so as that the weight of these
burdens should not injuriously operate against than. These
burdens were the poor's rates, the land tax, the tithes, and the
expence of highways. The first of these amounted to 7,000,0901.
the second to about 5,040,000/. including the English and Irish
tithes, the third to 1,210,1271. and 2,000,0001. perhaps for high-
ways. Supposing, however, that these sums were under the
mark, 13,000,0001. might be allowed to cover evcry thing. If
an advantage to that amount were given to the agriculturi:-.t, he
would surely be left without any just ground of complaint.
The consumption of wheat annually amounted to I4,000„000
quarters, barley 3,500,000, and oats 3,00000. With a duty,
then, of lOs. on wheat, and a proportionate sum on the other
grains, there would be sufficient to answer the end in view.
Fixing the duties at this rate would be taking from the pockets
of the people no less than 13,000,01)01. annually, and he doubted
not that they would be willing to make every reasonable con-
cession to cover the burdens under which the land excldsively
laboured, for which purpose he conceived that the duty of 10s.
would be found sufficient. The law that they had enacted
raised the prices much :more than a moderate dory would have
done, and much more than was consistent with justice towards
the other classes of the community. He had already said, that ,
-any-system which prevented the admission of foreign corn was
exceedingly injurious; that any alteration must involVe the int--
position of certain duties, enough to pay the 'exclusive burdens!
under which the agricultural interest laboured, and for which
purpose 10s. lie thought would suffice. Ile agreed to im
posing this duty, on the• principle that the agriculturists
ought to receive such compensation a.• would enable them
to meet what fell more particularly on them. Besides
that, he was an enemy to any measure which would produce
sudden or violent change, and if that chenge had no existence in
point of fact, the mere apprehension or it might produce evil
effects. There were other reasons urging to this revision of the
law—the Stocks were low and required renovation. Ile was
aware that others thought differently from hint—that they
were alarmed at the pow prices of foreign corn ; but Gen-
tlemen should remember, that the admission of oats did
not produce this eFect. • If -they were able to procure es-
timates of the probable amount of the surplus of corn
which could be spared to this country by the Continent,
he felt persuaded that it would not exceed a tr.illion• of quar-
ters ; and if they looked to the information front Spain and
Poraigal, they would see that there was little short of an actual
scarcity in those countries. Ile could not doubt that a deliberate
consideration of the subject would Lad the House to the con-
viction that such a trodificatiOn of the existing laws might be
made as would prevent those fatal effects which he, and those who
thought with him, anticipated on the one hand, and which those
who differed from• hint feared on the other. He would
now shortly lay before the House the view he took of the
subject, and the means which he would propose. for remedy--
ing the existing evils, and for preventing the immense influx
of foreign grain which is so much dreaded. Ile would pro-
pose that there should be imposed upon foreign corn a duty
of 10s. when the price was 555. and that when it sunk still
lower, the duty should be proportionate, ISa. when down to
455., and 20s. when below that, generally speaking, and for a
permanency, the duty might be estimated at 10. s. In the state.
menu which he had thus thought it necessary to lay before the
House, lie might in some cases be in error, but he had taken pains
to procure the requisite information, and to do-sO with all the
accuracy in his power. He thought it desirable to remove an
impression respecting the amount of imports, which were con-
ceived to be so large. From a return on time table of the House
not yet printed, and to which he would earnestly call attention,
it appeared that the quantity of wheat imported (including what
came from Ireland) from the year 1800 to 1825, amounted to
only 12,577,000 quarters, 502,700 annually. They could never
have reason to apprehend that the consumption would be less
than 14,000,000. Perhaps he may be permitted to allude to the
state of the country as connected with this subject, and upon
that point he would say that at no period could this measure be.
more advantageously considered than at present, for no interests.
was more deeply affected. The manufactures of the counrry
were in demand, and therefore, as far as interest was concern-
ed, this question might be approached with safety ; and, as far
as regarded the agricultural interest; there never was a time
when it could be so little affected by-the discussion. An Hon.
Member had said, " Wait till the dearth arises." Had that
Hon. Member looked at all the consequences of his advice ?
How could this question be calmly viewed when dearth arose..?
Ile hoped the anticipations of that lion. Gentleman, and others
,
who wished for delay, might be realised, and that, in the next
Session, the subject might he approached
would be better than the• present;
• with more benefit
I than at present, that the time re-
commendedbut he could not believe
but he begged
Gentlemen to recollect that the benefit of their recommenda-
tion depended upon the state of the crops, which was a fearful
chance to depend upon. The Honourable Gentleman adverted
to the averages,
been unjustly complained or, and, by a little care, the incon-
and observed that he thought that they had
-
venience attendant upon them might be obviated, and declart d
his Opinion that a fixed protecting duty could not be safely
proposed. The Honourable Member, in conclusion, expressed
• his,gratitude to the House fur the indulgence with which
they had heard him„, and moved that
the House do resolve
itself into a Committee of the whole House to .consider the
Corn Laws.
Lord MILTON seconded the motion, and
Mr. GOOCH immediately rose and observed, that he
thought the Honourable Member had not made out a case.
.The growers and consumers of corn had been satisfied for these

last six years, and when he stated that the average price of
wheat had been 51k. 3d. during that period, he thought it could
not be considered as too high a price to remunerate the farmers.
The present corn-law worked well; it had procured a remu-
nerating price for the farmer: For himself, he thought 693. a
fair protecting price. •The expepces falling on land were ex-
clusively heavy ; for instance; there were bridges, roads, poor-
rates, and gaols, to he kept up by that class. He thought that
the Ilonourable Gentleman had a great deal to answer for in
now agitating this question. The country before was in a per-
fect state of quiet, anti now it was in a complete ferment ;
but, however, he believed that 603. was now as good a remu-
nerating price as 80s. was some years ago. The agricultural
interest had once been in danger, and so it would again if
these laws were tampered with, and therefore he should move
the previous question.
After the amendment had been put from the Chair,
Mr. CURWEN rose, and was for some minutes inaudible in
the gallery. He observed that the state of pdpulation had
brought the consumption of corn nearly to the production of it.
A
change had taken place_ in the value of money, however,
great
and the taxes coonec,ed with agriculture, and therefore he
thought that 60s. was a fair remunerating price. Certainly 60s.
wimli do Setter now for the agriculturists than 705., or certainly
655. would some time since. Five years ago he thought that it
was not over production, but under consumption that produced
the depression in the price of corn, and he believed so still. The
supply of corn, however, was never so short as present. The
Hon. Member, under every view of the case, opposed the mo-
tion of the Hon. Gentleman.
' Lord OXMA NTOWN opposed the motion. He thought
a preference ought to be given to the agricultural classes over
all others of the coMmunity, for the same reasons as the hardy
rustic, the natural defender of the country, ought to be cherished
before the feeble manufacturer.
Mr. II SK I saws and Lord MILTON rose at the same time,
but the call for Sir. fluskisson was general through the House.
Mr. HUSKISSON said, that as he did not intend to advert
to the details which his Hon. Friend (Mr. Whitmore) bad with
such great labour and research submitted to the consideration-
of the House, he hoped tics Hon. Friend would not think it
any disrespect to him, if he only stated that he concurred with
hi:n in his general principle, that the trade in corn ought
to be conducted with the same liberal policy which was adopt-
ed with respect to other branches of the commerce of the coun-
try. Not intending, therefore, to follow his Hon. Friend
through the facts he had mentioned, he should not have occa-
sion to trespass for any great length of time on the attention of
the House. He did-not for a moment mean to deny that the
question was one of very considerable importance, and deserv-
ing the most 'serious consideration of Parliament, hut he
did not think (and to that point he would confine his ob-
servations) that the present ,time was the most fit for its
iitroduction. In the outs-t he wished it might be distinctly
understood, that it was to the time only that he objected.
If it should be the pleasure of the House to go into the
Committee, he might have to propose measures, differing not in
principle, but in degree, &Om the view which his Hon. Friend
took of the subject. • He was anxious not to be misunderstood
in the course he was about to pursue on thiS occasion._ His opi-
nions on the Corn Laws were, lie believed, not unknown to the
House and country. They were on record in the report cf the
Committee of 1821, and since then he had seen no reason to
depart from them.—(Hear!)—WithOut arrogance, an consi-
dering that report as the work of the. Committee, and not of any
individual Member, he might call upon Gentlemen to re-peruse
it, and to reflect on the circumstances which had since happen-
ed, and. he thought they might be brought to view it whit less
hostility than they had done. There were few gentlemen, he
believed, who were once disposed to differ from this report,
but would now be found to concur in its general conclusions;
but .while they admitted these, there might, he admitted, be
still a great difference as to the tine, mode, and degree of mak-
ing any alteration in the laws as 'they now stood. He did not
mean to show any disrespect to the respectable class of indivi-
duals whose petitions had been presented that evening against
any alteration in the present Corn Laws ; but lie could not shut
his eyes to the fact, thatsome of those very petitioners had here-
tofore prayed the House to have those very laws reconsidered and
revised, as not affording theta sufficient protection. Looking
at those laws, and at the circumstances which had since oc-
curred, he would contend, that there was no inconsistency in
defending their principle, and at the same time maintaining
that the present was not thtt, proper time for making any altera-
tion with respect to them. lie would assert that, with the facts
before him, of cornl:log sold, in the ports of France and the
Netherlands at half the price at which it could be purchased
here, no Man would be warranted in contending that the present
corn laws could be adopted as,a permanent system.—(llear
We were now in the tenth yetr ef peace, and it was not unrea-
sonable to expect that the price of corn here could not continue
so much above that at which it night-be procured at the ports
on the continent ; but if this fact was wordly of consideration,
there was another which it was also of important:: to bear in
mind. For 40 ySars tilis country allowed a free trade in corn, end
for every year of that time we imported a quantity more or less
front the continent. That importation had been discontinued for
the last sixyears, during winch, we did not receive front abroad
any addition to, our home supply. • This interruption created
One of the greatest difficulties under which we Were called upon
to revise the present corn laws; for, the consequence of
the interruption was, a great accumulation of corn in all
the countries from which we were,in the habit of importing. To
this was to be. added, .that since we had ceased to import corn,
our harvests at home had been more than usually productive;
and he believed the same might be said of the other countries
of Europe. . There was then a great increase in the stock of
corn on hand in all the continental ports from ,which We had
usually imported, , and this was farther increased by the fact
that Spain and Portugal, imitating our example, had latterly
received less than their usual supply from the northern
ports. The result of. all these circumstances- wa.y that the
supply was at present so much beyond the demand in many
Of the Ehropean pores, that in some corn did not produce half, in
others not one third, and in others again not one fourth of the
average prices of the last 40 years, before they had ceased to
export corn to this country.—,(Hear, hear !)—Now it was not
travelling into any. new theory of political economy to assert
that-the average. Klee in those ports of the last-40 years, might
be talc .n as the fair price, which would give. Some remuneration
to the grower, and that any thing less .would be a loss to him.
From returns which he had seen, it appeared that the ave-
rage price in Daritzic for the last forty years, before importation
to this country was interrupted, was 455. and a fraction.—
It must then be evident that any thing much below that price
would be a loss to the, grower. It would be unfair to infer the
real cost price, at the present day, front what the corn would
fetch in the market. fie would ask the Hon. Mernber.Who intro-
duced this mb:ion—he would appal to the lion. members for rre- •
land, and ask
.what differance would it not have made es. that
country if, some years back, we had unloved its free trade in
the export of corn to Great Britain, And not allowed a vent fox
its superabundant harvests ?
lifteo uvldasb,seil.rteakneon
would
fallenob uel de
contended,
du suchad n,
as
nia.
interruption,
should o the
price to which corn would hayn
he
s
staischilpto.aiinitcruiterion of the cost of production ?
main-
tained that neither could it be contended with respect'to the cost
of growing the article in those countries, whose import of corn
to England h,id been internipted. He did not say this out of
any particular feeling is compassion for the holders of corn in
foreign ports, but merely to point out to the attention of the
House, that when we came to any permanent measure for regu-
lating the importation ofe corn, we should look rather at the
cost of producing it in the. countries where it was now so
c. ap, titan .at the price which it might bring to the. grower
alter so long an interruption of hiS exports. Another view
of the question was, that some of tile counties front which we
had formerly imported grain, having -no other vent for their
surplus produce but what our wants under particular circums
stances might create, would discontinue to grow corn, and em-
ploy their lands to some more neofitable purpose; and that thui
the surplus in the market would remedy itself. This was an im-
portant feature in the case, when they came to look at the ques-
tion in another light. His Hon. Friend had stated, on theautho-
rity of several letters from (he continent, that this had al-
ready been the case •
in some placess-that many individuals had
discontinued the cultivation-of corn, and had laid dostn their
lands under pasture for large docks of sheep. As he was on
this subject, he would gay that the tax on foreign wool, Which
had now happily ceased to exist, was a source of injury to the
woollen manufacturers cfthis country. In consequence of not
.finding a market for their produce here, the wool growers of
Silesia, and some parts of Germany, established manufactories
for coarse cloths, which were sold at a more reduced price than
we could sell them, and e sale of them in the American mar-
ket produced ‘
a competition injurious to our trade. The re-
moval of the tax on foreign wool, however, remedied that evil.
As
soon as it could be imported here, it rose in price to the
manufacturers abroad, from 23 to 33 florins. We were thus
enabled to compete with them, and in a short time drove them
front their own -and the American market. Ile mentioned
these facts to shew the effects of an accumulation in the fb-
reign market, and the difficulties which it threw in 'our way
at the present in any
bringing about effectual alteration in the
Corn Laws. llhimselffact, that
e could not disguise from the
if we now opened
our its to an unrestricted corn trade, we
ports
might introduce all at
once the great accumulation in the 0-
reign ports, and thus disgust the`hoine.grower with a free trade
• in corn. That there
were inconveniences at en ,
. in whichever way we treated it, he did not deny, but they
were die necessary result of the system which we had adopted
in 1815___Of that alteration of free trade, and monopoly to which
that system necessary exposed us, and which he would show.
before he_ sat down, coyuld not afford a
,permanent advantage to
any party. The -question, then, was, with this accumulation in
the foreign market, what course ought we to pursue ? There
were various ways of t • the subject. Those who thought
• that the ho grower ought to have a monopoly op to a COK-

tale price, and that above that there should be a free trade, I
would introduce the same alternation of monopoly and free
trade to which he had just adverted ; but then the question
came—at what should the free trade begin ? His Hon. Friend
the Member fbr Suffolk (Mr. Gooch) had in a fair and candid
manner said;-that loOking to the alteration of circumstances
since lills, he should consider the prohibition of corn at 60s. as
quite sufficient to afford as fair a remunerating price to the
British grower as Ns. did in the year 1815. This, however, ,
was an admission contrary to the sentiments of the petitions
which he (Mr. Gooch) had that evening presented. It was a
fair and honest admission that the time was not far distant be-
yond which the present system could not be continued. One
mode suggested would thus be to prohibit importation as long
as corn. did not exceed 60s. here ; and another was to have the
ports constantly open, with such a duty as would afibrd pro-
tection to - the English farmer. If, however, the reduction
were made to 61)4., the whole of the accumulation of the ports
of the continent would be thrown upon the country. What the
, effect of that would be, he would not attempt to describe,
though he did not partake of the general fears entertained
on the subject—( Hear, hear !)—lf a permanent duty was
to be fixed, how, he would ask, were they to deal with the
accumulations on the Continent ? Were they to be admitted
at once, or gradually, ? These considerations shewed the diffi-
culties with which the question was surrounded at the present
time, and which could not be expected to embarrass it at another
period. The circumstances of the present day which prevented
en attempt to alter the corn laws were so forcibly alluded to in
the report of the Committee of 1321, that he was induced to
trouble the House with the extract. After suggesting the pro-
priety of a trade in corn, open to all nations in the world, sub-
ject only to a fair protecting ihty, the Committee proceeded to
say—" In suggesting this change of system for further consi-
deration, as a possible improvement of the corn laws at some
future time, the Committee are fully aware of the unfitness of
the present moment for attempting such a change, when, owing
to the general abundance of the late harvests in Europe, and
to the markets of this country having been shut against
foreign corn for near thirty months, a great accumulation has,
taken place in the shipping ports on the Continent, and in the
warehouses of tbreign cora in this country ; and when that ac-
cumulation, from want of any vent, is held at very low prices,
and Might tend Stillfurther to depress the already overstocked
markets of this country, if allowed' to be introduced at this
period, .except at such a high rate of duty as it would be inex-
pedient to attempt, and morever very difficult to determine.—
The present market-price of the corn thus accumulated is not
the measure of the cost at which it has been produced, or of
the rate at which it can be affineled by the grower, but the re.
suit of a general glut of the article, of along want of demand,
and of extreme distress end heavy loss on the part of those by
whom it has been raised, and of those by whom it is now held
either in the warehouses of the continent or of this country."—
It was here evident that the difficulties which at present existed
Were fully contemplated by the committee four years ago. He
would, however, repeat, that the present system could not in the
nature of things remain permanent. The Act of 1815 was passed
. under circumstances very different from those which now exist-
ed. Nl'e were at the time shut out'from many ports of Europe,
and at war with America. It seemed also to be the intention
of the Legislature in 1821 and 1822, that it should not be con-
aidered as et permanent measure ; but that the time must soon
arrive when it should undergo a revision, with a view to the per-
manent settlement of the question. Hiving said the present
time was not the most fit for such an alteration, it was not for
him to Assert that the whole of the difficulty would be removed
by the next Session. It was possible that some vent might be
obtaioed for the glut at present in the foreign market. if it
should be absorbed, it would remove one great difficulty in meet-
ing the question ; if not, he for one, looking at the time which
the present laws had been in operation, and the chance of having
better infbrination on the subject next session, would beprepared,
when it arrived, to go into the full consideration of it with the
view of providing some mermanent measure. Difficulties he was
prepared to expect ; but they were not such as in his opinion
might not be overcome. Looking back to another great mea-
sure—he meant the law forregulating the currency of the coun-
try, against which insuperable difficulties were supposed to
exist—lie remembered what had been observed by the Hon.
Member for Taunton (Mr. A.'Baring), that those seeming dif-
ficulties should not deter the Legislature from coming back to
the sound principle of political economy. That great measure
was carried, and the result had fully justified the wisdom which
dictated its enachnent. So he trusted it would be found with
the: present question. He should in the next Session be pre-
pared concur in some measure which would fix the duty
at a certain rate, to be gradually reduced, so as that the
supply from foreign countries might by degrees come to
its thir level. He believed it was the intention of the Le-
gislature in 1821 to give to the British farmer- a monopoly
of the home market, for a certain period,
,in order to re-
deem the great losses:he had sustained ; but, by the commence-
ie.eut of next Session, that period would have been sufficient-
ly extended. He could not believe the stock on hand at home
to be very great. Indeed, the high price at this season, induced
him to think that the supply was little, if any thing beyond
the demand; and it was not at all improbable, that before the
15th of August next, if the corn laws were allowed to remain
in their present state, we might beforc that period have the
whole of the foreign markets pouring in their accumulations upon
us. This was a circurnstance which for the sake of the country
ought to be guarded against. He would therefore take an
early opportunity of submiting a proposition to the House,
of opening the stores here, anti allowing the bonded corn
into the market; and after the admission of the Honourable
Member, that 60s. would be a fair remuneration to the farmer,
he thought that to this proposition there could be no objet-•
tion. He could not look at the possibility of having the ports
thrown open . to the 15th of August to the glut in the foreign
market, without feelings . of apprehension as to the conse-
quences,—not as it might affect the owners of corn here, but as
to its operation on the public in general ; and if he could so
arrange as to keep the price ham,/ that which would admit fo-
reign corn, without keepineer it too low, he - thought he should
be performing great service to the country. The quantity of
foreign corn at present in bond in this country Was not so great
as was imagined. It was estimated at 39-1,000 quarters of
wheat, and a very small quantity of other kinds of grain. He
was sure that if any Honourable Gentleman were to object. to
the admission of this corn, which wes calculated to release a
capital that had beets so long locked up, he must take .a very
different view of this question front that which presented itself
to his mind. It was not front any feeling of regard to the
owners of the corn that he made this statement. They had
speculated in the article, and must stand by the conse-
quences of - their speculation. They might have made a
profit out of it; —as things had turned out, they had sus-
tained a loss. Considering, therefore, the charges which
the parties had already paid .upon this corn, and the loss.
which 'they. had sustained, not only in being deprived of
all interest on the capital which had been locked up -by it,
but also in being deprived of the use of that capital it-
self,: he.. was- sure that if they were .not allowed to sell
that corn at eighty shillings per quarter, they would be
losers by, such, a procedure. The proposal which he
should hereafter make to the House would be this—that the
corn now. in bond should come out at 795. per quarter. Now
the averages at the end: of March, before this question began
to be• agitated, were 695.- 'per quarter, and before this time
would have reached 70s. per quarter, had it not been for its agi-
tation. He thought, that when the price of corn reached, that
sum, the House would not object to the admission of bonded
corn into the market, on payment of a duty of O. or 10s. per
quarter, especially as it would still leave the owners of it liable
to a very considerable loss. They would not be at liberty to
take out of bond all at once; but as four months must elapse
before the commencement of the next harvest, they would be at
liberty to take it out in four quarterly portions, provided that if
the whole of it were not withdrawn by the 15th of next August, the
owners ofit should beliable to all the conditions upon which it was
originally imported. • lie thoughtthatbysuchasystem thecountry
would be saved from that revulsion which might otherwise tal:e
place, should a large importation of foreign corn take place before
the month of August next ensuing. Another advantage which
would' arise from it would be this—that much of the accu-
mulatedarrival of the period when the corn laws must come under the
• revision of Parliament. , lie therefore thought that there could
hpiteerreqsutsartoefrawlloupladrtbieesquite
be no rational objection to the details of the measure which he
had just mentioned ; he should bring it forward on an early
corn in this country
day, and he trusted that he should then be able to convince
length into the statement of the
:nor to enter upon the view
con-
cerned in this great question. The House would
not, he was
Mire, sufficientnse
Memberrt thea
fodprurtoßyt erojedft
gi 80:
tlle
expect him to go at any
which he took of the proper course to be adopted •
upon this sub-
ject. The reasons why such a mode of proceeding. would be
highly impolitic were so obvious, that lie deemed it unne-
cessary to recapitulate them. He could not, however, refrain
from dissenting from the language which had fallen- from
his Honourable Friend the Member for Suffolk, who had mo-
destly asked " Why not let well alone ?"—(Hear!)—" The
present law," his lion. Friend said, " worked well." He (Mr.
Huskison
• ) had always understoodthat
the greatdesideratum
in 'this important question was to provide for a steadiness of
price, and to guard against e
vicissitudes of trade. now excessive fluctuations in _ _
did the present law provide for
these e' • ads ? By limiting the markets from which we drew our
supplies—by destroying the vent which we should otherwise
have for our produce whenever
we were blessed with a super-
abundant harvest—and by exposing us to an alternate fluctua •
tion of high and of low prices. 'Io say of a system which af-
fected the price of labour andthe comforts of the labourer, and
which cramped the resources of the manufacturer, but
not only . it
also of the farmer himself—to say of such a system that
worked well, was
so completely refuted by the report of 1021,
loorrft
hlt would
be
disposed of before the

that he was surprised that any man should be bold enough to
make it. What did they think of its working well in 1822,
when corn was as low as 38s. per quarter ? ( Hear, hear !)--
when Gentlemen came down to the House nightly to talk of a
national bankruptcy, and to propose the most extraordinary
changes in the currency ?--(llear !)—At the present moment
it might work well ; but had the Country Gentlemen forgotten
their own misfortunes, their former predictions of ruin to the
, country —nay, their repeated requests that this system, which
now worked so well, should be instantly altered?—(Hear,
hear !l—ln two years the price of corn had varied from 112 s.
to 38s. per quarter. Such ,a fluctuation in price deprived
the business of the farmer of all security; and converted it into
a business of mere gambling. The bubbles in the shares of
mines could not produce more gambling than that to which sub
fluctuations ninst_nece&qtrily lead. The man who engaged in
a long lease, could not at present be aware of the conditions
upon which he was taking it, or of the results which it might
produce upon his family arrangements. Ti is was not the only
inconvenience of the system. Look at the situation in which
we were placed when a bad harvest made it necessary for us to
go to the foreign market. The price of corn immed'ately ad-
vanced there : the foreign Government, seeing our demand for
it, laid a tax upon the article : this further increased the price,
and the result was, that it was raised to many thousands ster-
ling, to the derangement of the currency. After illustrating
this point at considerable length, and showing that it was a
monstrous fallacy to suppose that tbi4 system worked well, he
proceeded to notice an assertion which had been made in the
course of the debate, that if the prices ' did fluctuate
excessively, they . still produced a fair average price.--
A fair average price ! Ile wondered what this phrase
meant,' when applied to the provisions of the people. He
should like to know how any gentleman, who was accustomed
to eat a good diaper every day, would like to be kept one
week without food, and to be supplied the next with twice
las much as he wanted. Would he feel satisfied at being told
that he had got a fair- average quantity of provisions for each
day in the two weeks ?—( Hear, hear ! and a laugh.)—lle
thought that the gentleman would not be satisfied—that ho
would find such an averaging system to be neither wholesome
to his constitution nor pleasant to his stomach.—(Hear, hear !)
—But it was Said that to withdraw cur protection horn th.;
manufactUres of the country, and to continue it to the corn,
was acting upon an erroneous system. He denied this position
entirely, and contended, that reasoning from analogy in a case
like the present must necessarily lead to an erroneous conclu-
sion. In the first place we could manufacture cheaper, than
every other country ; but every other country could grow corn
cheaper than we could. In the next, we exported 30 millions
of cottons annually, and not 30 bushels of corn. Then thole
was no accumulation of cottons on the Continent, but there wait
an accumulation of corn. When there was an accumulation of
cotton, the manufacturer could contract his supply ; but could ra
similar measure be adopted by the agriculturist, when there watt
an accumulation of corn ? Besides these considerations, there-
were several ethers, applying to agriculture, and not to mane-
factures, which were sufficient to convince any impartial man
that the argument founded upon this analogy was any thins
but logical.—( Hear !)—He was not one of those who wished to
lesien the rank which the agriculturists held in the country. 'To
be admitted into that class, ought to be the ambition of every
man who by his industry and his talents had acquired a fortune
for his family. He was quite willing, seeing that the rents had
already adjusted themselves to the alteration in the currency,
and to the improved condition of the country to say thet he was
ready to give any protection to the agricultural interest, which
would obviate the necessity of any reduction in the relative
situation which- it now held with regard to the rest of the
community. Still it was quite evident that there must be
some limit at which foreign corn must be admitted into the.
country. The difficulty—and it was a difficulty which re-
quired all the vigour and attention of Government—was to
see at what point the price of labour was likely to produce,
such a diminution of profit and of capital to the manufacturer-
as to compel him to seek protection in a foreign sate. Ca-
pital and skill could not be compelled to remain in,this coun-
try—they were certain to emigrate if they were impeded
by burdens they were unable to bear ; it was therefore the
duty of the House to watch the effect of the priceof labour °ti-
the advantages we at present possessed; and if gentlemen reflect-
ed that it was to the capital and skill which our manufacturers-
possessed that the agricultural interest owed its present prospe-
rity, they would see that if their capital and skill was removed
from us, the agriculturalists in the long run must be the greatest
sufferers. At this moment America, which procured the raw ma-
terial snore easily than we did, was manufacturintr cottons F')
cheaply as to
,b, uriving our cottons out of the market. At this,
moment American cotton goods were on their passage to differ-
ent ports in the Mediterranean, and were selling there at a price
at which we could not afford to furnish them to the consumer.
If capital had not a fair remuneration here, it would seek for
it in America. To give it a fair remuneration, the. price. of
labour must be kept down ; far if it were not kept down; the
distress it would occasion to the manufacturer would soon ree
vert with tenfold force upon the agriculturist. An Hon. Mem-
ber had stated, and almost as if it had been a reproach to them,
that the workmen of London had roast beef and plumb-pad`
ding on Saturday, Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday. He did
not mean to assert that they had it not, and he had little doubt
that they were accustomed to wash suei dainties down by large
draughts of the ancient and constitutional beverage of the na-
tion, beer. Now he would wish the Hon. Member the next
time that he presided at the Farmers' Club, to ask the members
of it, whence came the roast beef, the plum-pudding, and the
beer: on which the workmen banquetted ? The answer must
be, that they were all the production of the country ; and that
being the case, he would ask, what would be the condition of
those who produced these articles, if .the workmen could not.
procure money to purchase them ? Agriculture could not
flourish, unless all other classes in the country were in pros;
perky. Commerce and manufactures could not be sustained
here, if they met with greater advantages in other countries-
The profits now derived from them were smaller than they had
been at any former period, and any thing which tended to in-
crease them would be productive of great benefit. lie men-
tioned this circumstance to prove that it would be necessary to,
enter at a • future time upon the revision of the Corn Laws.;
though he maintained, as he had before done, that the present-
was not the moment for commencing it. We had done a great-
deal already to promote the freedom of trade; but every thing
could not be done at once. We had allowed the importation of w001,._
of iron,and ofvarious articles which had formerly been prohibited,
and the effect of that measure had been to produce a large
importation of the prohibited articles. Some difficulty- might
arise, if we proceeded too far in such a system ; and it was-there-
fore prudent to wait awhile where we now were, to see whether
such difficulty would arise; and if it did arise, how was it to
be obviated ? There were other considerations which deserved
the notice of Government. We knew that several Foreign
countries were in some distress, owing to our exclusion of thtir,
corn, and that they had, in revenge, shut out our manufac-'
tures. It might be worth while to consider, whether we did not-
hold in our hands at present the keys of unsolving this difficulty
—whether, to those who excluded our colonial produce and our
manufactures, we had not a right to say, " We will not admit'
you to the benefit of a free trade in corn, unless you will at tins'same time admit the free introduction of our manufactures?
—This was one of the principal reasons why he thought that
this question might be perniitted to stand over to a more con-
venient period. Ile was aware of the responsibility which
was incurred by Ministers in general, and by himself in parts..
cular, in recommending to Parliament not to legislate on this
subject at present. Circumstances might arise beyond the
reach of human thought, which, by their effects and conse-
quences, might induce him to regret that he had offered such a
r:commenda ion to it. The risks arising out of such circumstances
were not, however, faults of his creation, but faults of the exist-
ing system. He was not shutting his eyes against .them, but
was judging from all the circumstances of the case, when 11
said that at present he thought it right to postpone the dis-
cussion of the Corn Laws to another Session. Ile complained
of the excessive speculation which was now going forward,
not only in shares and Companies,. but also in foreign merchane
disc. Stich speculatiorewas the ofilpring of unnatural excite;
ment ; and in the bOdy mercantile, as well as in the body phy-
sical, such excitement was generally followed by depression
and exhaustion. Ile called upon those who to. a certain degree
were the controullers of the currency, to watch with care and die
ligcnce over the fbreign exchanges ' • and implored the country
ba ks not to lend their money to the 'encouragement of crud!
and hasty speculations. One of, his great reasons for not let-
ting the Corn Laws loose at present, was. the excessive specu-
lation which was now so prevalent... It had already dertng ,d
the foreign exchanges, and he wished not to derancre their"
corn. The {l4i is ;ht former Honourable further by opening the door to similar speculation in foreign
oaurrgaubmlneehts,s
Gentleman,atdo;n aftera nii
dshcoorntlsyi d
erer;
capitulating
able cheering. _

Mr. A. BARING then rose.—The- lIOn. Member was for Ili
considerable time inaudible in the gallery. We understood
him to say, that the Right IlOn-Gentlean (Mr. Huskisson)
appeared, from his speech, to liaN; ni
e lost sight of the principles
aivnatel by him in 1815.—(Hear, hear !)—The present sys!
tern was then maintained by him L•he was almost its authors
Now, however, he came forward to say, that. considerable
change must take place in the Corn foams. He had been tangPt,
perhaps, some new thander.—(A laugh.)—Much agitation
prevailed on the present subject, and the speech of the Itighl
Honourable Gentlunian was calculated to fix the public Into
still more. How can the country now say what is the in-
tention of Government ? To follow the arguments, of the
Right Honourable Gentleman, he (Mr. Baring) was ready to
admit the disproportion that existed between the prices of foot
in this and other countries. He perfectly concurred that that
disproportion pressed heavily on the manufacturing classes;
at the same time it was his opinion that no period could be o°,
propitious as the present for tAking the whole question