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LONDON WAZELIQUSE3 23 Top of CiIEAPSIDE,

POLAND.

VOFF OF THE LAST OFFICIAL LETTER ADDRESSED TO

sEuastlitYl BY THE TOLISII ENVOYS AT PARIS.
" The undersigned had the honour of presenting to his
Excellency the Minister for Foreign Affairs an official
paper dmed the 3d instant; in which, in pursuance of the
order on the part of their Government, after having made
a true and succinct expose of all that they were to do in
the event of an unsuccessful application to the French Ca-
binet, they addressed themselves to his Excellency again,
reresting to, know what aid and assistance the French
Cabinet believed itself decidedly enabled to afford the Po •
Usti cause, and in the course of what time and at 'what pe-
riod such aid and assistance could be given, The under-
signed added at the end of their otfici-al paper the trsti--
mony of the assured hope which, they entertait. Mat the
French Ministry, considering the urgency of tic moment
and the true interests a France, %yodel no longer hesitate
to give a favourable answer, an .one conformable to the
wishes of the French nat.iotss and they concluckd 'by the
declaration that if, contrary to all expecte.tinit, his Excel-
lency the Minister for Foreign Affairs was not disposed
either to premise them immediate aid or to fix the period
of it, that Chen the undersicncd would be constraincl by
the orders of their Government to consider their tnit.:An,
as terminated, and to occupy thetnselvy no further with
it, except to state in their own justification what they:had
done in the course of their mission.

" A week passed from thez. time of sen(F.ng the eanve-
tnentintsed official paper, to which the un'.3‘Qrsigned thought
it their duty to .add is second, dated th t,h instant, reld-
cite to the intelligence published i7r.th-e lournals respecting
the events which took place at Warsaw on the lath ttrid
16th of August. The time passed without the feast sign
of interest on the part of the French Government that
could tend to dictate to the undersigned how to shape their
ulterior conduct in conformity with the statements in their
official paper of the 3d. At leag,th they received yister-
day by post direct communications from Warsaw. These
communications, dated the 26th of August-, confirm the
e_stablishment of a new lexal Government, and they con-
tinue to the undersigned the powers with which they were
furnished, and in no respect change the requests which
the undersigned .have felt it their duty to address to the
French Cabinet in tl'aeir official papers of the 3d and 4th
instant.

" To enable his Excellency to judge of the nature of the
facts set forth in these eemmunications, and of the present
state of affrirs in Poland, the undersigned have the honour
to address to hint sat:joined copies of the circular dispatch
of the National Government, previous to the lath August,
prepared on the eve of the late events at Wartatv—,..of the
dispatch of the 23d August, drawn up under elae huspices
of Prince Czartorraki—of the dispatch of thet4thAugust,
signed by the new Minister for F'ore'ign Affairs, M. de
Dlut.awski, faith the Decree or the Chambers of the 17th,
Augur, changing the form of the Government. These
different papers make known the true situation of Poland.
I fit is critical, it is surely the necessary result of the total
abandonment of that country by the Cabinets of Europe.
If it is not yet desperate, it is owing to the miraculous
perseverance of the Poles, who. in spite of all the evil,
arising from the war, the plague, the wily stratagems of
Russia, the hostility of neighbours, and the indiiirrenee of
friendly Cabinets—wbo, menaced by all, and supported by
aro one, have irrevocably determined to fight to the last ex
'tremity. What effect will this grand and sublime spec-
tack, unique in its kind., have upon the Cabinet, of
Europe? Will it rouse them out of that indifference witb
which they have hitherto considered Poland, combating
'sins,le handed against so many enemies, against such an
host of evils? If, which we c ingot admit, this indiffer
ence should tie prolonged, will it not induce men to thirds
that jus't:ce, manifest right, and noble and generous deter
mina ions, only lead to reverses and to destruction, whist
it is sufficient to be strong to violate all laws, to trample
'ander foot all that is sacred upon earth, is to be certain
beforehand of being supported and applauded and success
wished for? No, the French Cabinet will not contribut
its share to give birth to and to propagate such a despair-
ine belief, a belief which would sap all the foundations o.
morality, and destroy the civil and political ties of society.
No, the French Cabinet, which owes every thing to th
tlarmder that strikes at the violators of principles, will
;:aeiitate. in acting, to maintain these principles ; it tai l
assume the noble initiative in a manner calculated to task.
them Inismph ; it will interpose with vigour and dignity .
it will induce other friendly Cabinets to adopt the 84171
coarse ; it will impose it upon malevolent Powers ; it wii
entripel Russia to bring to general peace and trarquillit
that sacrifice which justice and clear right imperiou,l
exacts from it ; and it will collect as the price of them
generous measures the right of being enabled to sty I hay,
caused thote-entrance of a brave n-ition into the Europ-ai
family—.l have satintied French honour—and I have con-
solidat, d for France and for the world the reign of order
and of liberty.
" So noble and elevated an object is certainly not be
-neath the attention, nor is it beyond the means of th
French Cabinet. Thus the undersigned still presery
the hope that his Excellency the Minister of Foreign
-4*.ffitirs will make known to them his decision on the sir,-
sect of the requests which by order of their Governmeir
they had the honour to address to him in their official
papers of the 3,land 4th inst. Seeing the urgency of the
moment, and the cry of distress which come* from the
banks of the Vistula. they reckon on a powerful and effec-
tual answer. Should the French Cabinet, nevertheless
not deem it proper to give to the undersigned the answer
so much desired, they will be eager to present themselves at
the Hotel of the Ministry, to receive the verbal overtures
which his Excellency Count Seba,tiani may wish to make
to them. The nature of the communications which they
may receive will direct their future conduct, conformably
to the orders of their Government.
"Paris, Sept. 15."

~ KNAZIEWICZ,
~ L. PLATER."

FRENCH PAPERS.

CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES-SErr. 19.

Berenger brought tap the Report of the Committee
on the Peer age, which has been already adverted to. The
form of the 23d article of the Charter, as it is proposed to
be altered in Committee, is as follows :

" The nomination of the Members of the Chamber of
Peers is vested in the King.
" No persons can be raised to the dignity of Peers
except—.

"The President of the Chamber of Deputies and other
Legislative Assemblies.

" Deputies having; been elected three times, or having
sat six yeais in the Chamber.
" Marshals and Admirals of France.
" Lieutenant-Generals and Vice-Admirals of the land
and sea forces.
" Cabinet Ministers.
'• Ambassadors, after three years' service.
" Counsellors of State, after ten years' service.
" Prefects of Departments and Maritime Prefects, after
ten ye ;rs' service.
" Governors of Colonies, after five years' service.
" Members of the Elective General Councils, after three
elections to the Presidency.
" Mayors of towns containing 80,000 inhabitants and
upwards, chosen from the Elective Municipal Councils,
after five yearn' service.

" Presidents of Courts of Cassation and the Court of
Accounts.
" Procureurs-General attached to either of the above
Courts, after five years' service in that capacity.
" Counsellors of the Court of Cassation, and Chief.
Counsellors of the Court of Accounts, after five years'
service.

" First Presidents of the Royal Courts, after having sat
five years in those Courts as Magistrates.
" Procureurs-General of those Court, after ten years'

eervice•

" lembers of the four Academies of the Institute.

" Citizens who, by a law, and on account of eminent
services, shall have been expressly decreed to be entitled to
a national recompense.
" Landed and other proprietors, heads of manufactories,
and commercial and banking establishments, paying 5,000
francs per annum direct taxes for five years.
" These qualifications for admission inn the Peerage
way be modified by a future law.
" The ordonnance of nomination shall state the qualifi.
cation iu virtue of which each Peer is chosen.
The number of Peers is unlimited. The dignity is
conferred for life, and is not transmissible by right of in.
beritance. The Peers are to takeright amongst each other
according to seniorityof nomination."
This Report was ordered to be taken into considera-
tion immediately atter the discussion of the Budget for 1831.
M. Mauguin, in rising to demandte
is explanations of Mi-
nisters, said when a voice from sideheofd to speakthe Chamber
on
on which I am in the habit of Sitting
foreign affairs, it is generally supposed to he for th
pose of calling for war. In the last session 1 myser P
t often
spoke in that sense. But all political questions are subject
to change. At that time we had allies to defend, and the
offensive might have been beneficial to us. It is no longer
Sn ; all is changed, and we stand alone in Europe. The
offensive has no longer an object ; ev,ry thing is resolved,
and we shall only make war when it shall be brought to
us. For that reason I do not call for war; I demand an
account from Ministers of their political conduct. It is

!) not a month since, on the discussion of the address, your
made known to Ministers your solicitude for Poland. Po-
land has perished; and I am desirous of knowiikg whether
that grievous loss is the work of the Ministry, through its
weakness or its
policy. I p..r awaits that whenever Pe-
land has been inenGlted, Ministers never failed to de' i.are
that to undertake its defence would be dli'•• t-leatts of bring-
, ing off a general war. At -a dis''..ance of 400 leagues from
its frontiers, and geperaled from it by Germany, What
could we do f:!la it: I know not how the King's. Mini-
at&l cmP::ti address to us such questions. 1.-ou had various
t ":`sans of assisting Polane, *C,ratitude, which would
have opened to it !:-. communication through Prussia,
would hasve VHsililed the courage of the Poles. 'l._"oti
. cortsi intervene between Poland and P.estia as media-
tors ; could you not have sent sera-et assistance in the shape
of money and arms? And, why secret assistance? Had
you not kieets'? 'Aid you not the Baltic and the J'llaea
Set l'-:-=(.514.,s of dissent.) Why these marts of 'Mere-
,l '
..• thility? When the insurrection broke .tut in all the Rus-
sian provinces, did they no prissess sea -ports? You
would thus have aided 1:11;.,, insurrection, doubled she f,,see
of the Poles, arid taved Warsaw. If she 1..1.as tailen, is it
not beeauae Russia found assistan'ae, subsidies, provisions,
i i-inel arms in Prussia? And the army of Paskewitsch,
trusting to that afliance, and obtaining from it additi'.(..aal
force, has lasen enabled to enter Warsaw, and tot been
forced to retreat. Could not an amstot'.tt tave been de-
, alluded from Prussia of that pet..6.',)iolits neutrality ? Could
she not have been askssi 5n declare her sentiments openly ?
You say that to haae done this would have been the coma
tnenceurant of a general war ; but we ask you vhat ,-ou
hasas done with regard to Belgium, tht t n:y instance in
which you have lied the latsgeas-e worthy a great nation?
Had you ensploytak the 'same language for Poland, you
would have OA-at-tett a like effect, and Poland would still
have toti-eteMls But it was not alone for Poland that you
. otigitt to have complained of Prussia; your despatches
have been intercepted, and Frenchmen going thither
have been arrested. You suffered this without ad-
vantage to yourselvs, ntit the question is, not whe-
ther the 'Ministry ought to have assisted Poland ;
we wish to know tvhetber they have not manifested
an intention to injure her. Li fact, instead of look-
ing for ehemies to Russia, the Ambassador who endea-
vored to give us Turkey for an ally has been resalled. It
is related that on the 23d of June the French- Ministry
made insidious promises to Poland. It was only asked
that she would not engage in a general battle. The Ge-
neral waited) and Poland fell. What matters it ? Order
reigesin Warsaw !—(Sensation.) Reply, Ministers! Is
it you who recommended to them not to try the chance
of a combat? What language have you held? Ah ! if you
have not assisted them against the arms of their enemies,
at least preserve them from the clemency of the conqueror.
(Renewed fransation•) What is to become of Poland? Is
she to be re-united to the Russian empire ? Will she pre-
serve the independence assured to her by the treaties of
1815. This is a grave question, which will be agitated
between Prussia and Austria especially, and upon which
these two Powers will be disposed to cede to the preten-
sions of Russia. (The Hon. Deputy here spoke of the
negociation relative to Belgium, and entered into a detail
of facts already known.) Thum, continued he, after having
exhausted all the views suitable to Belgium and to France,
i Prince was at length chosen of the House of England.
It is thus inscribed in all the Royal Almanacks. It was
also decided that Belgium should be a neutral State, that
is, that it should not form an alliance with any of the Great
Powers. If we are attacked, you know what a neutral
power is from the example of Switzerland.—(Hear, he ,r.)
We cannot sign a treaty of alliance with Belgium, without
its being a declaration of war with all Europe. Thus, to
,void a war, conditions have been consented to worse than
toy that could have been imposed upon us after the mos•
disastrous defeat. Under these circumstances it was, that
cue invasion by Holland, so unexp'ctedly, as it appears,
vas made. The Government found itself embarrassed.
Ought we to march to the succour of Belgium ? Our
-coops once entered, ought they afterwards to be with-
!sawn? These were serious questions. The Nlinister
olopted a system, but this system, once decided upon,
•oidd have b-en maintained, for the honour and the in-
-rests of the nation are compromis al by sudden and easy
Fames of system. Scarcely had our troops arrived in

Hpium when the pride of the British Government took
alarm, and demanded how we could dare enter that count, y
old sutler a single soldier to remai❑ within it. To avo.d
tne opposition of England, Kine Leopold is made to write
is a letter, requiring that 12,000 men may he left.—
..

'Smiles of inert fulity ) lam pleased at seeing that smile
opon the countenances of Ministers; they have no doubt
rorgotten that this issertion was made in the English Par-
liament, and was not denied. It was made by the Duke
•if Wellington, the late General of the Holy Aliance, who
declared in the most positive manner that the letter had
been required, but, notwithstandin4 this weaknes., the
French troops would L.--withdrawn. In pursuance of the
letter of Leopold, it was inserted in the Moniteur that our
12,000 men would pass the winter in Belgium. British
pride became indignant. What was the consequence? Toe
troops were withdrawn. Ministers ought to be able to
foresee the consequences of their own actions. They ought
not to receive orders from any one.
Here the Honourable Deputy proceeded to show that no
reliance could be placed upon the good dispositions of the
other Powers. " Would you know," said he, " why
Holland commenced her proceedings without wai•iug for
the rest of Europe ? Because a movement was about to
tweak out at Brussels—because the Carlists were about to

move in France, and because a Prussian corps was ready
to support that movement of the Carlists.—(Hear, hear.)
The Government ought to lay before us the defensive state
of France. Well : I will declare that our army is not
what it ought to be. I ask why the proposed purchases
of horses have not been completed ? I ask why two or
three hundred battalions of National Guards remain with-
out being organised ? I ask why our army is scattered
about the country instead of being assembled together, so
that the Generals and officers may become known to each
other ? Would you know what is the conditio❑ in
which our most important frontiers at Besancon and
Marseilles are left ? We have only thirteen regiments
of infantry and four of cavalry.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
(A Member said, But that is something.') Yes (con-
tinued M. Mauguin), that is something ; but have
you considered the extent of that frontier, Besancon, Dijon,
Lyons, Marseilles, Perpignan ? and yet there are only
seventeen regiments. This is said to be something. But
what are the effective numbers of these regiments? It is
sufficient, however, to know that the four regiments of
cavalry are so distant from each other, that it would take
twenty days to unite them, and yet you must he aware
that Lyons, Marseilles, and Perpignan are the principal
points in the departments in which is seated the centre of
the intrigues and efforts of our enemies. Austria is but is
short distance from Lyons or Marseilles, she might, there-
fore, easily cut off part of our provinces, and you would
have nothing to oppose to her marching 200,000 men into
France. Piedmont has now a nominal force of 100,000
men, which was but 80,000, and the King has effected
a loan. Austria might, in this direction, send in upon us
150,000 men. You see, therefore, it is not aggressive war
I dein ind, but only sufficient defence. In Italy and Spain,
in 1823, a party declared that we should have no war,
and yet those countries were invaded. The same has been
renewed in Belgium. Last year we had Italy, Poland, and
Belgium for our allies, hut now we gaud alone, while the
English aristocracy is endeavouring to foment plots against
us. The Government must at length awake or we shall be
forced to take other means." The Chamber was greatly
agitated after this speech.
The Minister for Foreign Affairs, in rising to reply, said,
46 It is not without deep emotion that I appear at this tri-
bune, if I speak with grief of the disasters cf Poland, I
shall be accused of being wanting to the truth ; and if I
render an account of facts with simplicity, I shall be
charged with dryness. I stn about to lay before you the
documents and the facts. Vague accusations are .out of
the question, and we must have the decision of the Cham-
ber. If Ministers are culpable, you have the terrible right
of impeachment ;_ if they are unskilful, the way to the

throne is open before you—pronounce. Last year, as at
present, France was divided between two systems—peace
and war. We chose peace, and you will see whether we
did well or not. The revolution of July created a powerful
sensation in Europe. In Russia it was received with dis-
satisfaction ; but this dissatisfaction soon diminished.—
(Hear.) Shortly after the revolution is Belgium broke out.
The kingdom of the Netherlands had been set up against
France, and fortresses had been erected there with the
money of all the Powers. I speak of a time of adversity
and of painful events which will not be renewed if France
be prudent.—( Agitation.) No one has more respect than
myself for France, or knows her forces better. I have long
served in her army, and only quitted a military career
when there were no more enemies to combat." The Mi-
nister then recapitulated the early events in Belgium and
Poland, and the first diplomatic relations of France with
the divers States of Europe. The language of the other Go-
vernments was firm and conciliatory. But the Government
will never forget that Poland was a State of 3,000,000 of
men without ports, without mountains, and without means
of defence. Overtures nevertheless were made at St. Pe-
tersburgh. The Emperor of Russia was made to feel that
there were two questions in that of Poland, one a Russian
question, and the other a European one. The Cabinet '
of
St. Petersburgh promised that the kingdom of Poland
should be preserved. This promise has been lately
e
rated. All the Great Powers of Europe are in a-ccorrti

upon This question. Here Gen. Sebastiani read the follow-
ing despatches, to prove that the Government has claimed
the strict execution of the treaties of Vienna, upon the king-
dom of Poland, and that in this respect the aloft positive
assurances have been given by Russia. The first; dated Bt.
Petersburgh, Aug. 31, say—
" The Ambassidor his Already stated to your Excel-
lency with whsr.":. moieraiion the Russian Cabinet had viewed
th entrance of the French into Belgitho. it was natural
to see the inhabitants of this capital ekprest theft plea,ure
at the first
.news
.of the sitccest obtained by the Dutch
army over the Eeigiaus. This predilection of the inha-
bqatts of St. Petersburgh for an army commanded by
the brother-in-law of the Emperor, is easily acce.unted
for. The retreat of the Dutch before yoUr ra-my ith.
creases the hope of Veni3ving-, by degOciiiiionit, difficulties
which Might have become fatal to the iseace of Europe.
Your Excellency must haVe already been acquainted
with the operation's of the Russian army, related in the
annexed hnlletins. Faithful to the instructions which
have been given to me by his Majesty's Ministers, I shall
continue to claim the strict execution of the treaties in fa-
your of Poland. The Puke de Mortemart has received
the most positive roinises on this point, and, like him,
ehel Liways represent how much it will be in the interest
Of Russia, and that of justice, to fulfil these promises re.
The following document ie dated September t?, :
" The Chamber; in expressing in the name of France
the assurance that the nationality of Poland should be se-
cured to that heroic people, intimates a wish which is
founded on the formal and reiterated promises of the Em-
peror. The Duke de Mortetn at has taken with him on
this subject the most positive assurances. In his confe•
rences with the Emperor and M. .le Nesselrode he never
expressed the least doubt of the promises tieing about to be
realized. These promises, moreover, are guaranteed by
that memorable expression, that the word of a Sovereign
should be inviolable as the decrees of Providence.—(Cheers
from the Centres.) These are our principles. In the
meantime, I have had an interview with M. de Nesselrode
to remind him of the assurances of the Prussian Govern-
ment, and to induce him to use all his efforts in favour of
the Pole., so as to effect their independence, as guaranteed
by existing treaties. He confirms the repeated assurances,
and causes the King to continue in his dispositions on this
subject. He stated to me that there was every reason to
trust to them, as the Emperor Nicholas had expressed his
positive intention to concur with Prussia and England, as
interested Powers, in the measures to be taken for the pa-
cification of Poland."
" You see, gentlemen," continued the Minister, " that
the policy of France was candid. The Government did
not stop there, but offered its mediation.—(Hear.) It bad
been asserted that we promised to acknowledge Poland.
This is untrue. It has even been asserted that we coun-
selled Poland to abandon the offensive, and thus caused the
brave Polish army to lose the advantages it had obtained.
This is equally false." To support these denials, the Mi-
nister read a report made to the Diet. " Our system,"
said he, " was a system of peace. We thought, and we
still think, it consistent with the true interests of France ;

and our instructions to all our Ambassadors have been in
conformity with it. Our Ambassador in Turkey learned
that a misunderstanding existed between Austria and

France, and might also- break out between France and

Russia. He immediately delivered a ❑ote to the Divan,
calling upo❑ Turkey to take up arms, and avenge the
wrongs she had sustained. Turkey, in alarm at the com-
munication, the next day placed the note in the hands of
the representatives of all the other Powers. He had
spoken, it must be confessed, to a lifeless body. The Hon.
Member lid confessed that all political measures depended
upon circumstances, and ought not the Ambassador to
have made himself acquainted with what it was in the
power of the Turk to do before he delivered his note ? The
note, gentlemen, was dated on the 25th, on the 26th it
was in the hands of all the Arrit,ass ldors ; and in the even-
ing of that day it was sent off to each of their Cabinets.
The French Government was soon made acquainted with
it, but the Ambassador had sent two subsequent despatches,
dated the 30th and 31st, without making any mention of

The French Governinetv, therrfure, trtate 1 it as a

fable, nor doubting that, if it had actually existed, the
Ambas>ador could not have failed to inform them of

it. In a few flays afterward., however, they learnt
that it was real. The recall of the Ambassador was not re-
quired by any of the Powers ; hut France conceived
that her Ambassadors were bound to follow their instruc-

tions.—( Hear, hear.) God forbid that any attempt
should he made to tarnish the honour of a brave, en-
lightened, and experienced officer. He was deceived, and
who might not be deceived when at such a distance?
This, however, was not a sufficient excuse to the Cabinet,
which did that which it was their duty to do.—(Hear.)
The Mini-ter then argued that the acknowledgement of
Poland would have led to no favourable result. It would
merely have compromised us without utility. The inter.
vention of Prussia in the affairs of Poland is comp] lined
of, but at the same time it is asked why we did not inter-
vene ? Prussia maintained her neutrality, bat only in
preventing succour being conveyed to the Poles across!; her
territory. General Seoastiani next entered into an ex-
planation upon the affairs of Belgium. It bad been er-
roneously stated that the Government hindered that
country from constituting itself a republic or giving itself
w France. The Belgians exercised their independence.
The accusation of having delivered up Belgium to an
English Prince was equally unfounded. To ascertain
what influence prevailed in Belgium, it would suffice to
read the English journals, and the speeches of King
Leopold. From these, it appeared clearly that it Waal
France that exerted influence. As to the Duke de Ne-
mours, he was elected in spite of the French Cabinet.
The then President of the Council (M. Lafitte)
will attest this. His election was refused to avoid
a war for mete family interests.—(Cheers.) The Minis-
ter replied also to the questions with respect to Holland
and the neutrality of Belgium. Good faith had in-
duced them to send troops into Belgium to ensure its in-
dependence, and, acting with the same good faith, those
troops had been withdrawn—hut the dictates of no one
had been yielded to. It had been asked what were the
assurances of peace? They were founded upon the most
positive promises of disarmament, which was so much in
the interest of France.—(Hear, hear.) It had ben said
that the Austrian army was within five days' march of
Lyons, whereas it was twenty days' march from thence.
The Austrian army, instead of being 200,000 strong,
consisted only of 80,000 men, and Sardinia had no more
than 70,000. The new levy had been disbanded. Thus
the French Cabinet had not only done all that was re-
quired for the maintenance of the honour of the country,
but at the same time to keep up its own influence.—(This
speech was received with loud and repeated cheers.)

M. Prunelle rose to refute the imputation thrown upon
the city of Lyons, as being the focus of a nounter-revolu_
tion, and declared that, until that Hon. Member proved
the truth of his assertion, he should consider it as a ca-
lumny against the most patriotic town in France.
M. Alauguin the❑ replied with considerable.energy'and
warmth, and demanded that an inquiry should be instituted
into the charge which was denied by M. Prunelle.

The President of the Council—We should have ken
glad if M. Mauguin had brought forward on Saturday the
questions which he has now put, for probably we should
have been spared the agitation prevailing in the c
(Interruption.) Allow me but a few minutes' silence.
France and all Europe should hear the defence as well as
the accusation. It may be seen that France has done all
that was in her power to do to indulge her feelings in fa
your of Poland. I entreat the Chamber to go through
the whole of the accusations to-day. Before the cry of
66 Vive la Pologne !" every true citizen will cry 46 Vive le
Roi!" " Vice la France !"

Several Members immediately repeated " Vive le Roi
Vive Is France !"

M. Mauguin—lt has been said that if these explana-
tions had been required on Saturday, the disturbances
would not have taken place. I regret them extremely.
No one can blame more than I do those who go into public
places to demand that justice which they ought only to
seek through the laws.

M. Dupin—l call upon the Hon. Deputy to explain
the sense in which he uses the word justioe. •
M. Mauguin_That word does nut, perhaps, express
my meaning correctly, I mean to say that no one can
blame more than I do those who by seditious cries in the
public places, demand that which they ought to seek only
from, the Government. I know nothing that can do a
greater injury to the cause of the revolution of July than
publii: riots, and perhaps there may be some truth in the ac-
cusation that thy have been excited by certain authorities.
The President of the Council, with warmth, replied,
when it is insinuated that riots are promoted by the Go-
vernment, we in our turn have a right to demand an ex-
planation.

M. Mauguin—l never assert a fact without being able
to prove it.—(" Prove, prove !") The Chamber shall
have the proof if it will order an inquiry. In several of
these riots the agency of the police have been traced.--
(Redoubled cries of " Prove, prove I") This, however)
cannot be established by documents, but I am ready to
produce viva. voce evidence. I demand, therefore, an in-
quiry, as the sole means of enabling me to prove what I
have asserted. The Hon. Member then end-avoured to es-
tablish that the riots arose from the system of the Ministry-
The Kteper of the Seals, at some length, defended the
Government Iron the charge of bsving fomented the dis-

tutbances in Paris, and attiibitligiiiesomisotivn a agi-
tation to the efforts made by republican journalists.
The sitting was then adjourned till the succeeding day
(Tuesday.)