The Sun.
London, England, 1838-10-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

as effectually as Russia works hers. As to her political, or
rather her diplomatic character, RUSSIO is among nations,
that which Talleyrand was among political men. What
the political character of Great Britain is, when her Go-
vernment is guided by such unstable men as Lord Mel-
bourne and Lord Palmerston, it would be hard to say ; but
they who know what the great Lord Chatham was, and
the Duke of Wellington is—they whose minds and whose
hearts forget not, and cannot forget, what Pitt was in
Council and Nelson in battle—will readily imagine to
themselves the very different character from that of Russia
which it ought to be the unceasing effort of this nation to
to maintain. The result of the steady, active, persevering
system of the absolute Government of Russia in the ac-
quisition of territory may be gathered from the following
extract, which we take from a publication entitled " The
Progress and Present Position of Russia in the East."
This work is evidently written with a feeling of jealousy
towards Russia which amounts almost to hatred, but we

Whatever our Whig rulers may do or omit to do in de-
fending or betraying our East Indian possessions, the
whole British public now admit what we have long la-
boured to impress upon the mind of both the Govern-
ment and the people, that the course of Russian ambition
in the east has British India for its ultimate object. It is
also generally acknowledged that a bolder display of that
ambition, in the shape of a Russian invasion of Hindostan,
is with the court of St. Petersburgh only a question of
time. At present the projects of Russia are not ripe for
other indications of her hostile intentions than what consist
in applying her arts of intrigue, and shaping her prelimi-
nary conquests to fomenting disaffection within the Anglo-
Indian empire, and opening the highway for an attack from
without. Our Government can tell more than it chooses
tedisclose of the intrigues and plots of her emissaries on
the Indian territory, while, taking advantage of the war
of succession to the throne of Persia, she has been rapidly
pushing her influence and her arms towards the river In-
dus. What measures our Government has taken to baffle
the Russian intrigues in India we know not; but everybody
knows that the external demonstrations of Russian hostility
under Persian colours have been thought sufficiently pres-
sing to warrant the march of 30,000 troops from the pre-
sidencies of Bengal and Bombay towards the north-western
frontier, for the purpose of a counter demonstration. The
emergency we must believe to be great, the danger immi-
nent, that could induce our lethargic Government to take
so energetic a step. Whether it will be a mere idle display
of force without result, like the naval demonstrations of
Lord Palmerston against the King of Holland, remains to
be seen. Taking past experience as our guide, we may
almost anticipate that our feeble and fearful Ministers will
be more frightened at their own efforts, or at the efforts
of their Governor-General of India, than Russia will be.
But if they should not—if, throwing off their pusilla-
nimous servility to the Northern Autocrat, they should for
once act with the decision and firmness which become
British statesmen—we shall be glad to find ourselves
mistaken. It appears very extraordinary that, of the
30,000 troops ordered to march towards the Indus, 25,000
should be from Bengal, and only the remaining 5,000 from
Bombay. This looks like bungling in the very beginning
of the business. The greater distance to be traversed from
Bengal to the place of destination, and the greater difficul-
ties of the march, make it appear strange why the larger
force should be sent from that place rather than from Bom-
bay. Upon this subject the Bombay Courier asks—
" Why should such a large amount of force proceed from
Bengal to Shirkarpoore, when we could convey 5,000 or
6,000 men from this Presidency to that place five or six weeks
before they can arrive there from the upper provinces? Let
any one look at the map, and see the distance to be traversed
by the Bengal regiments before arriving at that place, and
then let him satisfy himself with what facility we could, by the
aid of sailing and steam-vessels, convey to the locus in quo a
considerable force. The expense of moving the Bengal troops
across rivers and sandy deserts must be very great, without
taking into consideration the wear and tear of them, while from
Bombay we could, in comparatively few days, establish a
force on the Indus which would arrive fresh and ready for
action at a cost which is scarcely worth mentioning."
The difficulty which puzzles our Indian Contemporary
we cannot pretend to solve—though, perhaps, it may be
explained by three letters only. Indeed the difficulty
vanishes, if we suppose that any employes of the cheap
Government are to make anything by the job. A pamphlet,
having the title ." India, Great Britain, and Russia," has
been sent to us, in the introductory (part of which the
author says—
" The unparalleled aggressions of Russia in every direction
must destroy all confidence in her pacific professions, and ought
to satisfy every reasonable inquirer that the only limits of her
conquests will be found in the limitation of her power. On
the west, Poland has been reduced to the state of a vassal pro-
vince. In the south, the Ottoman Sovereign has been plun-
dered of part of his possessions, and holds the rest subject to
the convenience of the conqueror. The Black Sea cannot be
navigated but by permission of the Muscovite. The flag of
England. which was wont to wave proudly over the waters of
the world, is insulted, and the commercial enterprise of her
merchants crippled and defeated. In the east, Russia is sys-
tematically pursuing the same course—Circassia is to be
crusbed—Persia to be made first a partisan, then a dependent
province, finally an integral part of the Russian empire. Be-
yond Persia lies Afghanistan, a country prepared by many
circumstances to furnish a ready path to the invader. The
Indus crossed, what is to resist the flight of the Russian eagle
into the heart of British India ? It is thither that the eyes of
Russia are directed. Let England look to it."
That the eyes of Russian ambition are, and have long
been, directed towards India, is as certain as that our Whig
rulers have materially assisted the march of her ambition
towards that quarter, as we have often been under the
necessity of telling them. The columns of the Morning
Herald testify that we liave done our duty towards the
British public on this subject, and the events that have
lately transpired show that we did no injustice to Russia
either. Seven or eight years ago we were preparing the
public mind for what has now happened, when our Liberal
Contemporaries were echoing the drowsy hum of the poli-
tical drones of Downing-street, and lauding the " pacific
intentions" and " amicable assurances" of Russia. Indeed,
in misleading public opinion on this subject, and thereby
assisting, though unconsciously, the furtively-aggressive
designs of Russia, the Whigs had the support of many
of the Tory party. Lord Durham himself was not a
more admiring eulogist of the crafty and rapacious Czar
than the Marquis of Londonderry. The latter was the
choice of a Tory, the former of a Whig Cabinet, for the
Embassy to St. Petersburg. The Liberals made a fierce
outcry against the appointment of the Noble Marquis, on
the ground that he was likely to be too subservient to Rus-
sian interests, and to cultivate the friendship of the Auto-
crat at the expense of the interests of the country. Well,
they carried their point in having the ultra-liberal Durham
sent in his place to the Court of St. Petersburg. The
Autocrat soon found out, as the place-hunters of Canada
have done, that vanity was the weak side of the noble
democrat's character ? What signified it, then, that the
English flag was insulted when the English Ambassador
was flattered ? What signified it that the piratical seizure
of the Vixen was unatoned for, when the English Am-
bassador was feted? What signified it that the glory of
England was tarnished, when the person of her Ambas-
sador was decorated ? The vanity and weakness of
which the Emperor Nicholas took such ample advan-
tage we have no doubt would have been worked to the
benefit of American ambition by the wily President
of the great Republic. The plan of the " federal de-
mocracy" appears to us as if it originally came out of a
bureau at Washington. The writer whom we have quoted
speaks of Poland having been reduced to a vassal province
of Russia. What reduced it? British gold. Who sup-
plied it? The Whig Ministers. If ever it will be neces-
sary to wage a war for the defence of our Anglo-Indian
dominions, which will cost millions of money and rivers of
blood, the cause of the waste of British treasure and life
will have been the cowardly, the dishonest, the base de-
sertion of Poland, whose independence we were bound by
treaty to protect. We only repeat now what we said
again and again, when the pusillanimous Whig Ministers
were employed in obtaining the sanction of their servile
reformed House of Commons to the transfer of an immense
sum of British money into the coffers of the Autocrat, to
enable him to finish his Polish campaign. Turkey and
Circassia have been sacrificed by the Whigs as well as
Poland. Their Russianised policy will yet cost England
dear.—Morning Herald.
The writers on foreign policy who describe with so much
diligence, and discuss with so much vehemence, the en-
croaching policy of Russia, seem to us to he in some de-
gree blinded and captivated by a contemplation of the bril-
liancy of that progress which they desire to counteract.
Nothing but this could lead men of accurate ob,ervation,
and earnest thought, to imagine that Great Britain, in so
far opposing the designs of Russia as may be expedient for
ler own interest—and why should she go further ?—ought
to follow the Northern Government through all the intri-
cate windings of its well-managed system, and by a coun-
teracting policy of the same kind, render that system in-
effectual for its purposes of aggrandisement. The genius of
our nation, and the nature of its government, make it impos-
sible that we should ever pursue with success the attempt to
foil Russia at her own weapons. No Government whose pro-
ceedings are so open to public investigation as that of
Great Britain—whose views are so liable to be altered or
-modified by the direct pressure of public opinion, could
carry on with unswerving and untiring perseverance for
upwards of a hundred years, as Russia has done, a system
of silent encroachment and certain acquisition. The more
that a man imbued with British notions of political action
looks into the history of Russian policy since the Czar
Peter, so justly named the Great, made that policy impor-
tant to the world, the more will he be struck with astonish-
ment at its combination
Seems to be rather
the course of an individual than of
a nation. It is the
briefcourse of a passionless, earnest, subtle
principle is—to take advantage.
policy, of which the of Russian diplo-
macy,Nothing escapes thewattchful eyes
is lost in doing what seems
and not a momen
necessary for making the. most of the circumstances
vgry
which arise. Russian dip om
Even when an affront is offered, the first considera-
tion seems to be whether the circumstance
acaatn bedteurrivneedd
to account—whether some advantage may
from it. It is not—nor is it desirable that it should
bße—
in the nature of British policy to encounter Russia by us:
alien means. We have no sympe.hy with those shallow and
fn.: ale persons, who scarcely ever allude to the policy of
Russia, except in abusive language disgraceful to politi-
cal discussion. Russia has her own system, applicable to
an absolute and ambitious Government, endowed with sin-
skill skill and perseverance. It is our business to watch
gu ,
it, ratner than to abuse it. We have.--er ought to have—
a system applicable to a nobler state of national freedom
and national candour. Let us see that we work our system

believe the details as to facts may be depended upon :
" The Russian empire in Europe has been nearly
doubled in little more than half a century. In sixty-four years
she has advanced her frontier eight hundred and fifty miles to-
wards Vienna, Berlin, Dresden, Munich, and Paris ' • she has
approached four hundred and fifty miles nearer to Constan-
tinople; she has possessed herself of the capital of Poland,
and has advanced to within a few miles of the capital of Swe-
den, from which, when Peter the First mounted the throne, her
frontier was distant three hundred miles. Since that time she
has stretched herself forward about one thousand miles to-
wards India, and the same distance towards the capital of Per-
sia. The regiment that is now stationed at her furthest frontier
post on the western shore of the Caspian has as great a dis-
stance to march back to Moscow as onward to Attock on the
Indus, and is actually further from St. Petersburgh than from
Lahore, the capital of the Seiks. The battalions of the Rus-
sian Imperial Guard that invaded Persia found at the termina-
tion of the war—that they were, as near to Herat as to the
banks of the Don—that they bad already accomplished half the
distance from their capital to Delhi, and that, therefore, from
their camp in Persia, they had as great distance to march
back to St. Petersburgh, as onward to the capital of Hin-
dostan." _ _

I falling under that of Russia ; so that it becomes a matter
of the first importance to prevent even the possibility of
such a result. The mode in which it is proposed most
effectually to do this, is to create a barrier beyond the
Indus as a sort of outpost to our frontier. Recent events
leave no room to doubt that we cannot calculate, with any
degree of certainty, upon such an alliance with the Shah
as would render it safe to rely merely upon Persia as a pro-
tection to our frontier. " Our best exertions," as the
writer of this pamphlet observes, " should now be used to
rescue Persia from the degradation and ruin which await
her in 13,coining a Russian province." We should hop,-! that
his recent experience at Herat will have materially assisted our
exertions to convince theSnah that it is better for him,to be an
ally of England than a slave of Russia. But at all events it is
important that we should have something more certain to
calculate upon than the loyalty of Persia. Between Persia
and the Indus lies Affghanistan, in which, according to the
writer whose views we are noticing, "we ought to possess the
means of repelling the march of a hostile army towards
India." There can be little doubt, we apprehend, that
this is the opinion which has suggested the policy of the
Indian Government. Although too little reliance seems
to be placed in these pages upon the Punjaub as a defence
to our frontier, yet unquestionably the establishment of
British influence in the country of the Affghans is a most
desirable if not an essential auxiliary. It is not, we think,
being too sanguine to anticipate, even from the tenour of
the recent intelligence, that such an influence is likely to
be established by the bold and prudent policy adopted by
the Indian Government.—ilforningChronic/e.

All this serves to give very magnificent ideas of the ex
tent of territory possessed by Russia. The question for
us, however, is, bow does this extent of territory affect our
national interests ? And then
.another question occurs—
supposing that our national interest require this career of
acquisition to be checked, how may this best be done—how
shall we cause Russia most effectually to perceive that it is
not for her advantage to acquire territory at the ex-
Tense of incurring our hostility ? We have no hesitation
in stating our opinion that it does concern our interests
both immediate and remote that Russian influence and en-
croachment in Turkey and Persia should be kept in check.
We do not blame Russia for what she has done to extend
her power in the East. On the contrary, we give her
credit for the skill and promptitude with which she
has availed herself of every circumstance to add to
her influence. If our interests have suffered we shall
not impute that as a fault to Russia, but con.
Sider it to result from our own misfortune in having
a Government unworthy of our country. It is,
however, but justice to acknowledge that at present the
least neglected part of our affairs seem to be our interest
in the east. The recognition, indeed, of the impotent
Government at Madrid by the Sublime Porte we look
upon as of no more account than a present of a cashmere
dressing-gown to our Minister for Foreign Affairs would
be. The gratification afforded to one little weakness of
Lord Palmerston would be just as important as to another.
But independently of this, there does appear to be some
activity to thwart the designs of Russia, which activity—if
steadily maintained, will no doubt answer its purpose.
Russia constantly succeeds, not because her action is more
strenuous than the action of other nations, but because she
never neglects. Our commerce in the East, and in Persia
alone, is very valuable. We must take care that it
be not placed at the mercy of Russia. As to the
invasion of British India by the Russians, we hold that
to be a chimerical notion, so long as Russia has no
more than a bare facility of passage through Persia ;
but if she were allowed to make that kingdom her
own—to possess it as a base for her military operations,
and a magazine from which to supply her Commissariat,
then the invasion of India would be no improbable event.
It is the business of Great Britain not to allow Russia to
have Persia. But how shall we most simply and effectually
check any such enterprize ? Undoubtedly by showing
Russia that if she will preposterously push forward her am-
bitious views in Asia she shall smart for it in Europe. It
is with our naval arm that Russia must be repressed. And
here it is—so far as regards this weighty matter—that the
British public have most reason to be indignant with the
present Government. It is notorious to all Europe—to all
the world—that Russia has been making great exertions to
have a navy capable of disputing the sovereignty of the seas
with Great Britain. Has our Government made anything
like a corresponding preparation for the struggle which
may be at hand ? Most assuredly not. We believe that
at present we are by no meanewell prepared for an important
naval warfare, and we are quite sure that a Government so
watchful as that of Russia has an exact account of every Bri-
tish ship ready for service. Very possibly, however, she
by no means allows for what Great Britain could and would
do if a pressing emergency should arise. We do not doubt
that if actual warfare should be resorted to, and our naval
affairs were conducted with vigilance and spirit, we should
ere long salute Russia with such a thunder in the Baltic as
would shake her empire to the very shores of the Caspian ;
but we ought to be prepared to do this now. The mainte-
nance of our naval power has been shamefully neglected.
A stupid, gross, headless, heartless, pinching economy,
has taken the place of national good sense, and we have
been crippling the power that we should have augmented,
while waste and favouritism have been running riot in other
directions. Let this wretched system at once have an end.
We wish for no extravagance—no flaunting, flashy, waste.
Let what is to be done be done as cheaply as is consistent
with having it done well ; but when Russia is forcing her-
self forward in the east, and France occupying for hun-
dreds of miles the Mediterranean coast of Africa, let us
have such an armament afloat as will convince them both
that if they provoke us to war, their maritime commerce
will be at once annihilated, and every inch of their ter-
ritory—which is accessible by cannon-shot from the sea—
be swept away by tae fire of our hostile fleets.—Morn. Post.
The pamphlet entitled " India, Great Britain, and
Russia" has appeared at a seasonable moment. It is an
excellent commentary upon the occurrences which are de-
tailed in the recent intelligence from; India, and is calcu-
lated to inform as well as awaken the public mind upon a
subject of vast and immediate importance. It is hut a short
time since the jealousy of the French Press was roused by
the attacks of some of our Contemporaries upon their re-
cent acquisitions in Africa, and nothing W 45 more re-
markable in this unprofitable controversy than the una-
nimity with which the French Journalists retorted to what
they erroneously assumed to be the public feeling of this
country—our own gigantic conquests in the East. And
yet, as the writer before us very justly observes, " the pe-
culiarity in the case of British India consists in this, thatthe
policy of the ruling nation has always been the reverse of
aggressive. Power and dominion have for the most part been
forced upon England by the necessity of her position ;
and, with scarcely an exception, her wars in India
have been strictly defensive." To this fact, that the growth
of our Indian empire has been the result of necessity, and
not of a mere lust for conquest, we may probably to a great
extent attribute the unprecedented effects of our rule in the
territory thus acquired. Unlike the conquered of other
dominions, " the people of India look to us for that which
during the many centuries of their national existence they
never possessed—good government." The contrast be-
tween our administration and that of other strangers in
India is justly described in the pamphlet before us :
" From strangers," says the writer, " India has at various
times endured all the horrors which can be inflicted by
unprincipled ambition, whetted and sharpened by fana-
ticism and a thirst for plunder. From a nation of
strangers she is now receiving instruction in the arts
of peace, in the facts most important for man to know,
in the sciences. that enlarge the mind, and the moral
truths that purify the heart ; a beautiful contrast to the
state of .things formerly existing." The writer then pro-
ceeds to show that " we are fully justified in regarding the
retention of British India under the fostering care of its
present rulers as essential to its progressive emancipation
from ignorance and the evils that follow in the train of
ignorance." And there can be no doubt that to substitute
the Governments that formerly prevailed in India for the
mild and gentle rule of England, would be to throw those
portions of the empire at present under our dominion back
from their present comparative state of civilization into the
barbarous and anarchical condition of those parts of India
" to which the sceptre of England does not extend."
" These are Governments," we are most truly told, unde-
serving of the name, and known only by the evils of which
they are the cause—Governments in which corruption is
the ruling principle, spreading and ramifying through
every department—Governments in which the Prince, if
actively disposed, knows no enjoyment but war, and, if de-
void of a taste for this occupation, is generally sunk in
sloth and sensuality, surrendering his subjects to be plun-
dered without restraint by those who abuse the name of
their master to their owl improve as
Such are native
Princes flow--they as the country improves ;
but no greater calamity could befal British India at this
time than to be returned,rtooteih,at
and
ditef of misgovernment
under which it formerly an
it was
relieved by so extraordinary a train of events as w
tnhcAaht which
has placed the sovereignty in its present hands."
relapse
into the old dominions of its native Princes is not, however,
much to be apprehended. The danger—if indeed any real
danger there be—is of a transfer to another European
Power, and this Power is, of course, Russia. A:dwaossutii,riedblye
if any greater calamity could befal India than to
be withdrawn from the dominion of England,

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 30, 1838