The Sun.
London, England, 1838-05-11 00:00:00

NATIONAL LOAN FUND.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
38, Harrison-street, Gray's Inn road, May 11, 1838.
SIR,—In looking over the columns of your Paper, of Wednesday last,
my attention was drawn to the Advertisement of the National Loan
Fund Life Assurance Society. This advertisement, and your editorial
remarks thereon, I read with the deepest attention and most heartfelt
interest. It were vain in me to attempt to add to the force of your ob-
servations upon this subject; but I beg you will give a place to a few re-
marks from one of a class whose interest is very nearly and deeply con-
cerned in the matter.

Among the better-informed and thinking portion of the industrious
and productive class (of which body I am an humble member) the want
of some General or National Association for the purpose of yielding
Cie benefits held out by the National Loan Fund, has been long and
grievously felt. All other existing Benefit Societies and Asso.
ciations were too limited in their range, or the payments re.
quired as entitling to benefit Were too great to render
Vicin easily available by the Working Man. In reading the prospectus
of the new sheme, I felt as if a heavy load had been removed from my
n-And. The end which it proposes to realize had long been a subject of
serious and painful thought to me, and in resolving to avail myself of its
advantages, I felt relieved from an anixety which too many have long
and heavily exy erienced. Viewed in any light, the scheme is to be re-
commended. Here is a plan, where, by the easy exercise of a
little foresight and economy, an honest and secure independence may
be reaped by every industrious person, who has the good sense, and
proper regard for duty, to avail themselves of it. Nor are we alone to
look at the direct pecuniary benefit conferred. Those who have expe-
rienced the gloomy and dark forebodings of want—whose heart and
bead alike have ached when calculating how the great and important
ends of independence and security for the "sunset of life" were to be
attained with the small means which Providence had placed
at their disposal, will best know how to estimate the blessing which
spares them so many harassing and oppressive thoughts. The habits
of regularity, which a connection with such institutions induces, and
above all, the freedom from crushing and corroding care, the
elasticity of spirit, the buoyant hope, the independence of mind which
man feels when assured that his struggle will not be fruitless, will do
more to advance the improvement of the working classes, both morally
,a,tr)dgpehnyersaiclaleld education,
etahtaina, hinywmecahnsb short of a sound and practicable system
as yet been devised. There is no
want of energy
among working men generally. It has been
seen how strenuously they have struggled to carry through their
iq'neilde of trades' combinations, and how readily they subscribed funds
for the forwarding of their objects These have been condemned by
many, as exceedingly questionable, if not injurious in their tendency.
But here is an object where the benefit is undeniable, and the end un-
objectionable. And lam confident in saying, that the support which
toy fellow-workmen will give to it, will be such as to convince
all who hold themselves in a superior station, that the working
men of this country, have many proud and redeeming qualities,
that their errors and crimes are not so much the result of
their natural feelings as they are of the system under which
they have hitherto lived. Let all unite their efforts to place this truly
national object before them in its true colours and important bearings.
Its results will be a national, aye, a universal benefit—a good which
will cheer the heart of every well-wisher tp his kind. To none will it
give more genuine pleasure than to,
Sir, yours, very respectfully,
A WORKING MAN.

LLOYD'S SHIPPING.-(THIS DAY.)

DEAL, MAT 10.—Wind N.E and clear, blowing strong throughout
the day Came down from the River and proceeded, the Alonzo, Hick,
for Quebec.
PLYMOUTIT, INIAY 9.—Wind E.—Arrived off, the Odin, Govin, from
Vosdizza. Sailed, her Majesty's ship Andromaehe, for Quebec.
MAY 10.—Wind E. Fine.—Sailed, the
PoRTSI4OOTII, President,
Chadwick, for New York; Thomas Green, Buchan, for Miramiclii ;
Minerva, Ireland, for Madras.
MAY 9.—Wind E. Moderate breezes and fine •
FAL:got/Tit, —Arrived,
the Paul, \Webster, from Rouen; Ann Margaretta, Wright, from Longs
sound, Sailed, the Venus, Pedersen, for Copenhagen.
MAY 10.—Wind SE. Fresh, fine weather. A •
LIVERPOOL, rrived,
the Emerald, from Alexandria; Exile, from Palermo. Sailed, the
Elvis, Simpson, for Calcutta ; Amanda, for Pernambuco; Severn, for
New York; Canada and Euphrates, for Canton; Dulcinea, for Havan-
na!) ; Trio, for Boston; Joanna, for St. Petersburgh.
CREEK, MAY 10.— Arrived, the Europe, from Smyrna.
PeNzANce, MAY 9.—Arrived off, the Duke of Bedford, Bowen, from
Calcutta; sated from the Cape of Good Hope, March 2, and St.
Helena, march 14.
PooLr, MAY 10.—Arrived the Victor, Sandberg, from Stralsund. 11,
the Brothers, Veal, bound to Newfoundland, in going out struck upon
the Bar, knocked off her rudder, and sustained other damage, and must
put back to discharge.
ScILLY, MAY B,—Arrived off port, the Johanna, —, from
Orleans.

HULL, MAY 10.—Arrived the Vyf Gesusters, Ruge, from Kiel; Anna
Louisa, Peterson, from ditto; Wilhelm, Gottschalk, from Stettin; An-
drews, Voss, from ditto ; Delaval, Fowles, from Hamburg ; Vine, Batty,
from ditto ; Four Gebruders, Huffen, from Stralsund.
S"VINGBR, APRIL 20.—The Anna Maria, Kleining, from Amster-
dam, was brought into Egersund the 12th inst., dismasted.

A bark loaded with battons and spars, and abandoned, was driven on
shore on the Ledder on the 14th ult. No papers are found that indi-
cate either name or home of this vessel.

consider the propriety of petitioning Parliament for an
.ITEN-Ho FACTORY BILL.—On Wednesday
evening last, a public meeting
of the Inhabitants of Oldham was to have
been held, to consider
efficient Ten ..lours' ..ours' Factory Bill. The placard convening the meeting
stated, that €‘ if. no
They consequent) legislative check was applied to the factory pro_
prietors, they would never cease their encroachments until their work-
people dropped down dead through absolute fatigue! " At the time
appointed for the prOceedings to commence, about fifty or sixty work.
'nen were in attendance. The intended leaders of the business of the
evening,consisting
of a factory operative named Wild, a youth named
Quarmby, who is a schoolmaster and an obscure person of the name of
Brooks, considered the audience too trifling to merit speeches, and corn-
plained very much
,
of the apathy
Y adjourned the meeting to Thursday evening, in ex_
of the men of Oldham to their rights.
pectation of gaining a better attendance; but this expedient was unsuc-
cessful, for at that time the auditory was extremely small, and there
were no proceedings. The
cause of the Ten-hours' Bill seems, there.
fore, entirely abandoned by a considerable number of the working popu-
tatian of Oldham.—~Manchester Guardian.
The
Earl
of Fitzwilliam's birth-day, on Friday last,
occasioned great rejoicings at Milton, Peterborough, and Wentworth
House, Yorkshire. The Noble Earl completed his 52.3 year.
There are in London and its immediate environs the
almost incredible number of 667 Licensed Victuallers' houses having
only ten different names or signs. They are as fellow:—Queen's
Head, 46 houses ; the George, 52 ; Coach and Horses, 56 ; the Ship,
64 ; White Hart, 67, the Grapes 69 ; King's Head, 70 ; the Crown,
71 ; Red Lion, 82; and King's '
Arms, 90.
THE '
CRors.____lii several counties the young
wheats are just appearing above their parent earth. They are back-
ward, of course; but we are happy to see that in a vast majority of cases
they are of a right healthy colour and appearance, and already pro-
mise well.

The Countess of Essex is said to have made a libe-
ral settlement on her two nieces, lately performing at Mr. Braham's
theatre, on condition of their quitting the stage.

NEGRO APPRENTICESHIP.

(Front the Dublin Freeman's Journal of Tuesday.)
PUBLIC MEETING.

- _
A very numerous and highly respectable meeting was held last
night at the Rotunda, for the purpose of advocating the Entire eman-
cipation of the negroes in the West India colonies, and the abolition of
negro apprenticeship.
The Chair was taken at seven o'clock by Dr. ORPEN. P_

...„
The CHAIRMAN having explained the object of the meeting, which
was, principally to hear the celebrated George Thomgson, the distin-
guished advocate of negro emanCipati-m, said that before that talented
individual should come forward, it was necessary that some preliminary
statements should be made, and some other advocates of the same cause
should address the meeting.
Mr. WEBB moved the first resolution. He was anxious to impress on

the meeting the necessity which called them together on the preset

occasion—for it was only by stirring up the people, and creating that
excitement and interest which the question should in reality merit for
itself; and which, if they attended to the details that they would hear
on that evening, would certainly be produced—it was only by such
means that they might have reason to hope thai the Government would
listen to them, and would be willing to yield to the united and fervent
voice of the nation. Hence, considering the interest created at the
present moment, and as the further consideration of the question in
Parliament had been postponed to the 22d instant, the importance of
agitating it in the meantime, and impressing on the Legislature the
sentimentsof the people, must appear obvious to all.
Mr. G. DOWNES seconded the resolution. The subject of it was the
more interesting, as it referred to the wretched Hill coolies, who were at
the present moment crossing the ocean from Calcutta to Demerara, and
whose bodies were thrown to feed the sharks of the Indian ocean, as
those of the hunted negroes were to feed the sharks or the Atlantic—the
trackless deep being thus, as it were, converted from one extremity of
the earth to another into a vast slaughter house for human beings. Mr.
Downes read some extracts from documents describing the brutal treat.
ment given to those poor people in the embankments, and on the voyage,
in Olsen violation of the provisions of Acts of Parliament, which would
seem to be but a dead letter for the monsters who act in that manner.
He also referred to the conduct of some slave owners, whose names he
saw in the Parliamentary debates, and who were quoted as authorities
--one of them in particular, a man who was known to torture his female
slaves by burning their eyes with cayenne pepper—a man at whose name
the white man as well as the negro should recoil with horror.
'1 he resolution was then put from the Chair and carried unanimously.
Counsellor GAYER, in rising to propose the next resolution, said
that he had entered that meetingwith the intention of being a listener,
and not a speaker. He had come to hear the celebrated and talented
George Thompson, but being called on to say a few words, and feeling
strongly himself on the subject, he thought' himself bound to give ex-
pression to his sentiments. It was useless at the present day to make
ally case to prove to the world that the country had been miserably
taken in by the so-called Negro Emancipation Act. That Act was a
complete delusion--a humbug upon the nation. He had been reading
it that day, and he was more than ever convinced that it was a
mere deception—a most insufficient and delusive measure.
Lord Glenelg himself was obliged to acknowledge the truth
and justice of the arguments which were put forward by the Anti-
slavery Society, for, whichever of their propositions be considered,
or whichever of the acts of injustice inflicted on the negro apprentices,
complained of by them, be taken into account, the truth of their ar-
guments were asserted by that very Act of Parliament to which he re-
ferred. The resolution which he had to move referred to the shameful
conduct of the Irish Members when the question of the negro apprentices
was lately beforethe House—shameful, when contrasted with that of the
Irish Members on a former occasion, when they voted, to a man, with
Mr. Wilberforce, on his motion for the abolition of slavery. They had
neglected their duty on the last occasion, and It now became the duty
of their constituencies throughout the country to call boldly on them to
do justice to the negro, and blot out the foul stain on the national
character which their late conduct had inflicted.—(Cheers.) Mr. Gayer
sat clown on moving the second resolution, as follows :
" That, believing as we do, that had the Irish Members faithfully re-
presented the feelings of their country, the abolition of slavery would
have been carried; and, seeing the lamentable defalcation amongst them
on the late division, when, out of 105, 29 only voted for liberty-41
against it, whilst 34 were absent—contrasted also as it is with the noble
conduct of the Irish representatives, who, on a former occasion, voted
to a man with Wilberforce for the abolition of the slave trade, we cannot
but feel it as an incumbent duty not only to exert our own personal in-
fluence, but also to call on every friend of justice and humanity to do
all in his power, by personal application, and by getting up addresses
from the respective constituencies of our members, to have this foul
stain blotted out from the annals of our country."
Mr. THOMPSON then came forward, and was received with enthusias-
tic cheers, which continued for some minutes. When order and silence
were restored, he said—Mr. Chairman, citizens of Dublin, men and
women of Ireland, we are met here tonight under novel and unprece-
dented circumstances. We were accustomed to meet aforetimes, for
th a purpose of enlightening the minds—ofinforming the understandings
—of enlisting the moral energies of the country with us. That work
has been done. The deepest and holiest emotions of the human heart
in the three united kingdoms have been stirred tip on the question of
negro emancipation. We are not, then, met to-night to gather
up in support of that sacred cause the sympathies and the
moral energies of the people, nor to petition their repre-
sentatives in Parliament—nor to make known their wishes
and desires at the foot of the throne,--•all that had been done, and well
clone. The Parliament has been petitioned again and again, and Eng-
land's maiden Queen has been told by the voices of six hundred and
ninety thousand of her subjects, that she can do nothing better to found
her reign in righteousness, and to merit the gratitude of the present,
and of future generations, than to spread freedom wherever her sceptre
extends—over distant continents and the islands of the sea.—(Loud
cheers.) Tonight we are not met to convert the country, but the Ca-
binet; we are not met to convert the people of England, but the hearts
of the representatives of the country. The nation's heart has been
turned to justice—the nation has heard the voice of justice, and has
been moved to the very centre on this righteous question.—(Cheering.)
They have persecuted them with a severity equal to the oppressors in
the land of Egypt—they have oppressed the noor negro, and took from
him his labour without giving bins any thing fur it. It may be neces-
sary to l eview rapidly but distinctly the history of the great movement
in favour of the negroes for the last five years—a movement which
not only convinced Parliament that slavery should be abolished,
but the Government also. I should not, perhaps, have Said so much
of the Parliament, for they were willing at any time to abolish it did
the Government consent to it, and I must certainly say that the part
taken by the latter appears to me to be most mysterious. When an
opportunity was for the first time offered (tie people of this great
Empire to send representatives to a reformed House of Commons
—when the franchise was extended to two millions of freemen who
never exercised it before, the test at the elections was one which was
considered to be of paramount importance—one an answer to which no
ambiguous reply would be taken—namely, if we send you to Parlia-
ment will you vote for the immediate, entire, unconditional, and ever-
lasting extinction of British colonial slavery ?—(Loud cheers.) Shortly
after a Minister of the Crown, then tilling the office of Colonial Secre-
tary, in introducing the miscalled Slavery Abolition Bill, said " the
nation has spoken in a voice which no Minister can mleunder.
stand, and Ptherefore have come down to propose a measure for the
immediate annihilation of negro slavery."—(Cheers.) That Act was
passed, and although I will not now enter into its merits, permit me
to say it was not that which we expected,—it was not the Bill of
the country, although, with a generosity never equalled, they
paid twenty millions of money for it.—(Cheers.) I cannot help
saying that that Act was disgraced by the introduction of clauses re.
lative to the apprenticeship system for six years, thereby giving the
planter their labour, which is their capital, without any remuneration
whatever.—(Loud cries of " Hear !") On the 23d of August, 1833,
that Act was passed, the Legislature solemnly assuring the nation that,
on the Ist of August, 1834, slavery should be abolished in her Majesty's
plantations. The evils, alas! which were prognosticated were, in a
short time after, more than realised. During the first six months in
which the great experiment was being tried, letter after letter, des.
patch after despatch, official communications bore testimony to the
wretched condition of the negro, although his liberty had been pur-
chased at so dear a rate. When twelve months had passed, the evidence
of this state of things became so accumulated, that Mr. Buxton brought
the matter before the House of Commons ; but he was not attended to; he
was told to wait patiently, that the Act had nit as yet been its
full operation—that in a little time the different Houses of Assembly,
the Magistrates and Governors would do their duty, and all would yet
go well. Eighteen months had elapsed, and no change took place,
when Mr. Buxton again brought forward his motion for au inquiry into
the subject. He was again opposed by the Government, who said to
him, wait a little while and we will inquire into the matter, promising if
any abuse existed they should instantly be remedied. Seven months
- again passed away without the promise given being fulfilled, and Mr.
Buxton for the third time, brought the subject before the Legislature,
and, on the 22c1 of March, 1836, a Committee was appointed to inquire
into the matter, and whether the humane intentions of those who brought
forward the Bill were carried into effect.—(Hear, hear) Sir, what I
want to show is, that the Government have no excuse in this matter—
that they have not passed those things by without a remedy, through
an ignorance of them.—(Hear, hear.) They tell us that the excitement
put of doors on this subject is disproportioned to the fact of the case ;
and that we are agitating in reference to some solitary cases of cruelty.
We tell them that we have over and over again produced the most
copious and conclusive evidence for the last four months as to the facts
put forward. We tell them further, that those facts are new—that they
are not those put forward three years ago; and as to the agitation which
they say has been created on the subject, it is well known that when
Mr. Buxton's motion, made in July, 1835, failed, the London Anti-
slavery Society, and the London Society for the Abolition of Slavery
throughout the world, drew up a memorial which they sent to
Lord Glenelg, carefully sole cted from Parliamentary documents,
written by persons in authority, imploring him to do something to
improve the condition of the negro—to relieve him from those miseries

inflicted upon him by the imperial Act, and which, in many instances,
rendered his situation worse than ever it was. All this was done with-
out a single public meeting being held throughout the country on the
subject of anti-slavery.—(Hear.) If there be any inconsistency existing,
it is the conduct pursued by the present Government, whose power is
based on the feelings of the people—whose whole support rest on the
people--(Cheers.)—who were brought into office, and kept there by the
people— (Continued cheers)—Kho, when displaced, were brought back
again on the shoulders of the people—(Great cheering)—who live
by the breath of the people put into their nostrils. Let it cease for a
moment, and their power ceases for ever. Sir, the present Government
was created by excitement, and continues in office by excitement;
that Government, based on popular support, refuses our prayer—and,
worse than all, the leader of the House of Commons—the representative
of the noble slams of Russell—denies us what we ask—denounces an
agitation sanctioned by Heaven itself ; and at once, above the foul and
corrupted atmosphere of party politics—(Loud cheers)—we tell the
Government that that agitation will arouse the thunder of British inde-
pendence, and, amid the lightning which illumines our political and
moral horizon, threatening destruction to slavery of every description,
" the still small voice" of mercy and humanity will not be heard in vain
—(Great cheering)—and, itudespite of our Colonial Secretary, who re-
fuses to do the negro justice, we will obtain it from the eternal God.—
(Loud cheers.) We did not, on the occasion to which I have
alluded, use those weapons, holy and unconstitutional as they
arc.—(Hear.) Our information was gleaned from the dispatches
of Governors, and authentic documents. Upon them we founded
our application.—They were refused, and from the Home Govern-
ment we appealed to the universal feeling and omnipotent energy of

the British people.—(Great cheering.) Well, Sir, the Commitee went
up stairs, and sat at a table like those gentlemen (the reporters) I see
before me, but certainly not so usefully or honourably employed. On
that Committee there were four representing the West India planters,
four the British Government, and four the abolitionists of slavery. Of
course the latter were at alt times in a minority, for the Government
men voted against them on every occasion, and adhered with snore per-
tinacity to the abuses or the planters than those who represented them.
Sir George Grey, on every occasion, was the bitter and decided opponent
of the abolitionists. Mr. Jeremy desired to give evidence relative to
the Mauritius, but the Government refused to permit him. He
was sent out of the country, and not one sentence of his evi-
dence was ever heard.—(Loud cries of hear, hear, and cheers.)
But, when the Committee published its evidence, what did
it amount to? Had we time to go through and analyze it
thoroughly, it would be clearly proven that the condition of the negro
is very much worse than it was in 1833. This has been most clearly
demonstrated to the British people; and, if any person take the trouble
to peruse Mr. Jeremy's Analysis, he will at once be satisfied of the
truth of what I have stated, and be convinced that the negro suffers
more aggregate misery and oppressioa now than before the Imperial Act
of 1833. This Committee published their report, and what did it effect ?
Nothing for us; everything against us. It did not hold out to us the
expectation that we should get one day's freedom previous to 1840. It
did not tell us to hope—it bade us despair. Yet, what did we do? Did
we agitate the country? Did we excite the feelings of the people, or

C 1 d ~,,iLsnent agitation ?
sa
; we went calmly to persuade ; quietly
investigate and convince. Four gCstlemen were sent on the hazardous—.
the very perilous—s:eity of traversing ,a.tte West India isles and satisfying
themselves as to the exisinnee thosehorrf d abuses which were subjects
of such loud and general complaints. .I:`iese gentlemen did zea.
lcusly and efficiently discharge the humane but bat 7"ing duty assigned
to them; mid what was the result? A mass of most valuable i n forma-
tion, furnished by Mr. Sturge, shows the accuracy of the allegations
si hich the friends of abolition bad been making use of. Or. Harvey,
Mr. ticobe, and Mr. Lloyd, all bore concurrent testimony of 'he fright-
ful cruelties to which the wretclie.l slaves were subject. All t :`e m,Pi-
cions we had entertained were more than confirmed—all the emu. 'al ions
we had made were fearfully substantiated. The testimony of these
,gen-
tlemen was forwarded to Downing-street. Whether it had ,'he
weight which was due act the evidence of individuals of unble-:
mished honour, and of unienpeachable veracity, I am not aware.
Whether it was ever read .I do not know; but this I know,
that in either case are the Ministry equally guilty—if they
did not read it they had the opporaunity, and neglecting it were cri-
minally guilty.—(Hear, hear.) If Mar die! read it, they have the less
excuse for their conduct, and the impediments they have opposed to
the emancipation of the negro race.—(Cbesn brougat over with him
net.) I now come to coo-
ther feature in this scene of horror. Mr. Sturet.'
a young men of one name of Williams, who had .been an apprentice in
1834 ; be had been several times et the treadmil, aria the stories related
by him were of such a nature, descriptive of so match cruelty and
inhumanity, that the simple narrative taken from whim, and pub-
lished as he stated it, was deemed of such importarece, and bore
about it such authentic tokens of reality, that the earl:est copy
of the publication was trarismitted to Downing-street. From
the circumstances described ill that history it was det..mcd
expedient to send a commission out to Jamaica to investigate the allegea.'
facts. The report of that Commission anthenticated and confirmed the
narrative of Williams. It did more ; it brought to light enormities a
thousand times worse than the e represented.—(Loud cries of hear.) In
the voluminous evidence embodied in the Report of that Connni sion, it
was clearly shown that the case of Williams was not particular, but
almost universallrgeneral. These matters produced great excitement
in the public mind. A meeting of delegates, one hundred and foray in
number, assembled in London, who, with Mr. Sturge, laid a memos jai
before her Majesty's Administration, but without success. They did nots
get a satisfactory reply. On the contrary that they were told the prayers of
their petition could not be granted. It was only then that they ap-
pealed from the Ministry to the people. The delegates separated
disheartened, but determined on perseverance, and in a short time after
four hundred delegates again assembled in London. They brought
with them petitions from all parts of the country, and among the
rest six hundred and forty thousand females sent to the foot of the
throne, occupied by a Queen, a petition in behalf of four hundred
thousand of their own sex perishing in slaysary.—(Loud cheering.)
Exeter Hall was crowded with meetings on meetings, animated by the
one universal and glorious spirit of liberty. Oultitudes thrcnged
there, anxious to enlist themselves in the cause of humanity and
freedom, and to Signalise their determination to oppose a base conti-
nuance of interested slavery; and there spoke the mighty, matchleasa
master.mind, of Lord Brougham, denouncing the injustice ancf
illegality of making bondsmen of our fellow-subjects.—(Cheers.) I am
glad-1 rejoice that the Divine Being put it in the mind of such a man
to become the advocate of the defenceless negro; and the thunder of
his eloquence, the power of his intellect and speech, have made him far
distinguished in the philanthropic cause in which he has engaged. As
to the justice of the cause, and the necessity of the abolition, even on
mounds of temporal expediency, remote from metal considerations, the
acknowledgment of Lord Glenelg make them obvious and palpable, even
tc the imagination of the most sceptical and querulous.— (Cheers.) Mr.
Thompson then took a rapid review of the conduct pursued by the Go-
vernment, and the duplicity which characterised its proteedings in re-
ference to the Slavery Abolition Bill; he contended that it at least
should be an open question, and not a measure against which the
Ministry were not identified as to render it imperative on their subor-
dilates and supporters to vote against Sir George Srickland's motion.
Had not such been the case, instead of their (the Abolitionists) being in
a minority of 2.17, they would have been in a majority of that number.
He commented at great length on this subject, and then referred to time
expectations which were held taut that Ireland's Members at least, if
others proved recreant, would ba found foremost in freedom's fight.
Eighty members were promised—fie et sixty, then sevanty, and finally,
eighty, assured votes, were reckoned on from the Emerald Isle. But,
alas! in the hour of trial but twenty-nine were found to take the pat t of
th a enslaved and oppressed.—(Vehement cries of disapprobation) The
decision which by this recreancy had been come to by Parliament he
could net but designate as gross an outrage as had ever been in-
flicted on a Christian country—(Loud cheers)—whica terminated
partially in the " Kentish Fire," but the indignation which was gene-
rally manifested at such an ill-tined exhibition of party feeling at
once checked and put down this silly emanation of school.boy folly.
The Speaker then proceeded to exhort the constituencies of each Irish
Member so to exert themselves in making their sentiments known as •
should prevent any misrepresentation of their opinions on a subject in-
volving so vitally the happiness and morality of the human race. Had
they but acted as he was sure the feelings of Irishmen would direct, the
fate of the enslaved and vilified negroes would have been altered. Ile
was truly surprised that in Ireland this apathy or treachery on the part
of the repretentatives should have been tolerated, for he had
heard, since his arrival in the country, a trait so creditable
to the national character, that it afforded him sincere pleasure to
narrate it. When the slave traffic was in vigorous operation amongst the
merchants in London and Liverpool, it did hat reach with its Po-
inted gain to Ireland. A question was, indeed, raised once in Belfast,
amongst the commercial men there, but, it having got wind, a public
meeting was called to collect the opinions of the inhabitants; many
spoke on the subject, of course on the right side, when a very old gen-
tleman rose and said—" lam not going to make a speech, IS r I don't
know now, but this I will just say—may the curse of Heaven light
upon the first man in Belfast who ventures to touch this bloody traffic."
There was 130 more speaklng—the meeting broke up—not one venturing
to urge anything in favour of a measure so emphatically and feelingly
denounced. And you, Irishmen, have then the proud satisfaetion to
say that not a town or city in your country' has been defiled by conta-
mination in this unholy trade; it. is for you, ellen, to wipe off the stain
which your representatives have cast upon you. Let diem, as in the
days of Wilberforce, stand by the friends of suffering humanity, and
nut let the genius of the green Isle suffer pollution by apathy, while
• freedom is at stake, nor let her fame be tarnished abroasl among the
nations of the world.—(Cheers) Mr. Thompson concluded .amid loud
applause, upon which the resolution was put and carried amid smthu.
siastic approbation.
It was not until ten o'clock that the meeting broke up.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Mr. Wakley's amendment en the copyright question, in'the
House of Commons, on Tuesday night, was introduced by a
speech very amusing; singularly mai.i3nant ; but cspcially con-
tradictory. Its allegations and its facts went to defeat its own
purpose. So contradictory was the argu:neot that we should
take it for a bad joke, were it nut that its Onllness as a joke
would be at variance with the pointed malice o.c the examples
brought forward in support of it. The Hon. Gentleman
may be safely left, in this particular, to fight his b.•ttle with
himself. " Homo ditcrtus," as Cicero said of ArtiAnny,
non tantum 710.5C11111 scd secant ipso tote oratione pugnai..."
1k sounds the same cuckoo note in favour of the plunder of
authors by the limitation of copyright, as that taken by Sir
G. Stephen and the coneoctnrs of the Freemasons Tavern
resolutions, to whom we replica yesterday. He is only some-
what more drastic in the finality ot, his confiscatory. potion.
Their plunder is for the benefit of society, forsooth, by the due
Haw w:-:uld he like a
his laboratory, and
supply of mental food to the hungry:
body of invalids to made an irruption inter his
on the
limitation principle? Would herecommend a body 0.,
insist on a seizure of his phials for their u."'"lths' benefit--
politely returning him 28 cut of every
starving
men to break into the bakers' shops, and argue that the. diffu-
sion of the loaves among them was for the b, nefit of their :0-
clay ? Fair play is a jewel. If he contends for the confisca-
tion of one class of industry, he ought to apply his principle
to every other. 13itt the public cannot make extracts from va-
luable works in future. Certainly; not without paying for
them. They cannot en,.:!•ract portions of his estate from
the
Duke of Northumberland, or any other landholder. It would
very convenient and very prop m, according to Mr, Wsklcy's
possespis.'n of this land and di-
argument, for society to take
vide it into shares for the benefit of the plunderers. But avbat
is convenient, as Aristides said, is not always 1 t, and we have
yet to learn that the perpetual possession of the,: estates by/
the great proprietors causes any injury to society as .regyds:
their cultivation or their value. All the malicious prom.: of
the little value of literary property furnished by Mr. Wakley
amount to nothing. If it be not worth more than a few far-
things—as we argued yesterday—it is the labourer's property;
and no one has any more right to sfealit than to steal Mr.
Wakley's physic, which for all we know may be estimated at
the same rate. We shall return to the subject ; partly be-
cause Mr. Wakley's examples of disvaluation of literary
works is singularly in concurrence with L''e whole train of our
preceding arguments ; partly because Mr. Ni;'.akley, in making
this spiteful expose, may be linken to those pruYei:bi.al
birds that betray, their own nest." Mr. Wakley lf mge
one of the literary and scientific class. "Et to Brute. "
Morning Advertiser.
We have always thought Mr. Wakley, M.P., a consider=
able blockhead, notwithstanding a certain readiness of talk:
which he has, and in which he tries to imitate a vastly cleverer
person, to wit, Mr. D. W. Harvey. But we really did not
think Mr. Wakley so great a blockhead as he proved himself
to be by his speech against the Copyright Extension Bill.
The argument of the Hon. Member and his party is that
copyright ought not to be extended, because the existence of
copyright makes books dear, and dear books are an evil,
Well, to support this argument Mr. Wakley brings forward
instances of many books, the copyright of which still exists,
and which have nevertheless been sold to Mr. Tegg at less
than the cost of the paper and printing which they contain.
Can blockheadism go beyond this ? Such an argument were
worthy of Joseph Hume himself, the prince of blockheads.—
Morning Post.

THE MISSING FIDDLESTICK.-TIIC Court
;tette of next Saturday will contain Original Papers by the author of
" The Five Nights of St. Alban's," " Tour Scenes in the Life of Lady
Laura," and " The Highland Bride," and by several other distinguished
writers, besides exclusive Fashionable, Literary, Scientific, Dramatic,
and Musical Intelligence, and Hints for making Mountains of Mole-
hills in Puffing Advertisements; pica 6d. No. 343, Strand, and 162,
Piccadilly. Advertisements received till Friday evening.

The annual meeting of the Protestant Association
was held Wednesday in the great room, Exeter hall, the Earl of Winchil-
sea in the chair. His Lordship brie:.ly adverted to the objects of the
meeting, and congratulated the Society on the steady advance of its prin..
ciples. The report described the progress of the society for the past
year. It was considered favourable. Captain Gordon and several oth. r
friends and supporters of the Society addresesd the meeting. The Vat.
form was crowded with the friends of the associaffin, hut the great room
and galleries were rather thinly attended.

To THE MEMBERS OF THE ENGLISH AGM"'
CULTURAL ASSOCIATION.—The Gaideners' Gazelle and itgriculturist,
the only Agricultural Paper that has been conducted without once giv-
ing a political opinion, will contain the best condensed report of your
proceedings, and is earnestly recommended as the host Newspaper for
your general use. Published weekly on Saturdays, with the whole
Week's Markets, at 343, Strand, %there Advertisements are received till
Friday, Foie o'clock.

Between eleven and twelve o!clock Wanesday morn.
ing a dreadful accid'-nt occurred to two of t!'e labcurei s ea4,l,yei 00 the,
works at Cm new Houses of Parl,am2iit. tt appedied that a number of
men were employed behind the Speaker's house in raising an immens3
block of stone by a crane, whey the tackle seddenlY gave way, and the
block fell on two of the men. One of them was found to be Lterally
crushed to death ; every bone in his body arpeared to be broken. The
other poor fellow had one of his thighs broken, besides being tl - o St,
severely injured.
• -

An aged poor man perished of cull and want at
night, having bt ea r?ftiA4 a loacing at dif.
fearell:twhgorueViiilli tohnattZuraood.—Linterick aronicle. •

PR I.CEs OF CANALS, DOCK STOCKS,
ASSLTRANC.E•COMPANIES,&c. &c. &c,