The Sun.
London, England, 1836-01-19 00:00:00

rItIUE OF OIL

Rape Oil, brown, per ton, 49' 04 —Refined, 511. Os.—Linseed Oil, 41. 0;.
Linseed Oil Cake at the Alill, (I ,131. Us —Rape Cake, per ton, 5/. ss.

PRI‘',E OF RAW FAT, por stone of 141 b-
. of Tallow (as stated by the Tallaw Meters)

PIIICE OF 'TALLOW, SOAP, lei:. per i 12114
Town Tallow 4Ss. Od. Yellow Soap
Yellow Russia - 41s Cd. Mottled s ed.
White —s. 0.1. Curd 5. ed.
tiqap Ditto —s Od. Graves l4s. Od,
Meiling Stuff 333. Cd Good Dregs ss, tad.
DAL° Rough
2 Is. Od.

PRICE OE CANDLES.
The price of good Store Candles In the Retail Shops is as follsws :
Candles, per dozen, 'Ts. Oil. ; inferior, 6s. 0.1.-11,Ioulds, Ss. 6d.

SixpenCe per dolen discolint for cash,

COAL MARE
Per Ton. - s. d
Adalr's li 9
Chester %an IS 6
Holy Well 2l 0
Ditto Reins l7 0
Ji2aze's Main '-'l7 6
Ord s Redhugh - - ld 3
Tan field 2O 0
Wylain 2O 0
Hartley
Sturge's Gawber Hall
Willls End Bewicke and Co , 21 6
Walls End Brown's • •
Ships arrived since

ET.—Jan.
Per Ton. s. d.
Will End Carr and 2O 3
Walls End Clark and Co l9 6
Walls End Hosforth
Walls End Ililda 2O 0
Walls End Hotpur 2O 6
Walls End- Newinat ch 2O 3
Walls End Hetton 22 6
Wails End Lambton OO 6
Walls End Adelaide
Walls End West Helton 2l 9
Walls End Elgin lB 0

last market-day, '79.

GARRICK'S LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE.--
The new life of Garrick, compiled from the most authentic
and interesting materials, And including his correspondence
with persons of the highest rank and talents in the nation,
'continues to excite the greatest interest. The letters,.
written by Garrick and' his distinguished correspon-
dents, amount to upwards of two thousand. They-are
all printed from the originals, lately in the possession of his
widow. Garrick's light and easy epistolary style has been
universally admired ; and these documents let us not a little
into the secret of it, for he appears by them to have been
in the habit of makii'g drafts of his letters and sending out.
fair copies. When we consider the vast space that the
first actor of ancient. or modern times occupied, during his
career, iu the world's eye, from the first year of his appear-
ance in London, in 1747, down to the moment of his- re-
' trement from the stage in 1733 We may readily compre-
hend the.. interest that must attach, to, biography and
correspondence of sUclk tt man.

. Subjoined is the report of the proceedings—the speeches
will be read with much interest. It is calculated that
there were about ten thousand persons present.
At twelve o'clock precisely, on the motion of Thomas
Attwood, Esq., G. E Muntz, Esq. was called to the
Chair, amidst the most tremendous cheering, which lasted
for some time. After the applause had subsided—.
Mr. Murrz read the requisition convening the meeting.
Before he commenced the business of the day, he should
offer a few remarks on their present situation, not only with
respect to the Tories, but as-regarded his Own position with
the people ; in doing so he should be brief, and if they at
any time considered him too long, they had only to give
him a hint to that effect..—(Loud cheers.) Once more,
then, he had the pleasure to be in the chair at a meeting of
the Birmingham Political Union.—(Tremendous cheering.)
And, once more he ventured to say, contrary to his expec-
tations. When the Reform Bill had become the law of the
land—that Bill which struck the first blow at the oligarchy
of the country, which deprived them of that iniquitous power
to legislate against the will of the nation—when that Bill had
been carried he had hoped that agitation would have ceased,
and that there would riot have existed a necessity for Poli-
tical Unions, or that men should be compelled to leave their
avocations to attend public meetings, in order to prevent
injustice and injury being done to the state.—(Applause.)
Why were they assembled there that day ? They might
answer in consequence of the requisition. ,He said it
was no such thing ; they were there because the Tories had
called them there.—(Cheers, and cries of " They have.")
Because in their spirit of viciousness they were deter-
mined when they could not do them any good, to do them
all the harm they could. In that very hour they had
bragged and swaggered over the people—they_ taunted
and insulted them, and proclaimed that they had once more
obtained the political ascendancy in the country. Swag-
gery, however, was one of the grand. arms by which the
Tories had always endeavoured to defeat the people. Look
at Sir R. Peel's speech at Tamworth, if they wanted a
specimen of a Tory braggadocia. Sir Robert said he was
Minister, and told them he could govern the country. He
considered he was then all-powerful ; but when the time
of trial came he found the votes of the House of Commons
on'the wrong side of his box.—(Hear.) What could he
then do ? Literally nothing. He lost the Speaker, and
then could do nothing but abuse every hod), who bad con-
tributed to his defeat. Night after night he swaggered
and vaunted, voted and revoted, but he' lost every thing,
and was obliged at last to bolt.. He did more than that
he came to Tamworth again, and there he was surrounded
by his friends, who flattered and courted, and 'caressed
him until he could scarcely be known. Despite, how
ever, of all, he was compelled to evince his weakness,
and, like an ass; he acknowledged that he had been com-
pletely deceived. And how was he deceived? Because
he found men more honest than himself.—(Cheering.) He
found that the Whigs and Radicals could sacrifice all minor
differences when the great enemy of liberty was in the field.
He found that they could act together like men determined
to resist him. And he, like an ass, was obliged to acknow-
ledge he was defeated. With respect to the reason for
meeting that day, he should now say a few words. For
three years past they bad not met, and it was well known
that he (Mr. Muntz) had done all he could to prevent the
Union from rising again. For this he had been abused by
many of his friend's, and the- Tories had basely insinuated
that his silence was to be attributed to- .sinister motives—
they insinuated that he had something to do with Govern-
ment, and that that was the cause of his objection to wish-
ing a resuscitation of • the Political Union. He could tell
these Tories, however, that all the Tory money in England
could not compass that which could buy either his honour
or his honesty.—(Loud cheers.) It was well known he
never sacrificed a single principle for the sake of popu-
larity, and he defied mortal man to prove that he had
ever done so.—(Cheers.) In his time he had supported
the Whigs, the Political Union, and the Tories, when he
thought them right ; but he equally opposed them when
he conceived them to be wrong. When the question of
church-rates agitated the town, he then fearlessly expressed
his opinion, in opposition to the party who had then
brought it forward, He made no excuse, but denounced
the attempt to enforce compulsory payment on the score of
religion.—(Applause.) Again, when it was proposed by the
working people to have Trades' Unions, for the purpose of
raising. and maintaining a high rate of wages, did he not
then, at the risk of his popularity, oppose them ?--(Hear,
hear.) Did he not tell them they could not maintain
high prices by such a means,, and that it was only by a
healthy state of commerce and competition they could
maintain their prices ? Yes, this was the course which
he pursued in reference to all classes, and he now only
adverted to it in order to shew that he • had never acted
from a desire to court or 'obtain popularity.—(Hear,
hear, hear.) He had always done and said what he
thought best calculated to assist the cause of Reform. At
one period of his life he was a Tory : but certainly not
what they called a back-bone Tory, one who always said and
did what his party wished him. Up to 1815 he was a High
Churchman, and at that period he changed his principles,
because he found the Tory Government bring in measures
injurious to the interests of the people, regardless of conse-
quences. At that period they brought in the Corn Laws
to raise the price of food, for the benefit of the rich, without
affording the poor the . means to buy it. He then said
the principles of these men were bad, they were not
fit men for him to associate with, and he accordingly
left them.—(Loud cheers.) Since then he had been a
Reformer, and had seen periods when it was dangerous
to be a Radical. He had seen the up-hill work which
reform had to make, but be now saw. it at the top of
the tree.—(Hear, hear, and cheering.) Neither Whigs
nor 'Tories could now govern as a party, and this was ad-
mitted on all hands. The W higs could not govern without the
Radicals, and it was admitted by the Tory press that without
a coalition the Tories could not govern. In this situation the
Tory press were spitting their spite upon O'Connell. Oh I
what service they had rendered that man. Well might
he say some men have greatness thrust upon them. They
said he was the indirect cause and support of the present.
Ministers, and to a certain extent primps it was true.
He was a man of mind, of great talent, and one who
could sacrifice his own feelings upon minor points for the
attainment of great national advantages. This he did on
the Corporation Bill, for instance : he wished for a better
Bill, but he saw the great advantages which would result
from the one that was introduced, and he preferred taking
it even with all the mutilations of the Lords rather than
reject it, as it was certainly their wish he should have
done—he knew it would destroy the power of the Tory
Corporations, and that consideration was sufficient to in-
duce him to accede to it. The Tories said that King
O'Connell directed King Attwood, and that King Att-
wood and the Council were thus made tools of to deceive
the 'people. Now he (Mr. Muntz) could assure them most
solemnly that Mr. O'Connell had no more to do with the
present movements of the Union than he had with the
Pope. No, it was not O'Connell that moved them, it was
the ignorant ribaldry, abuse, falsehood, and calumnies of
the Tories which had moved them. It was the ex-
tracts from the celebrated Times, which they all re-
collected at one time praised the men of Birming-
ham for their efforts in the cause of reform, but
by whom they could not expect now to be ' praised, as
they had sold themselves. 'The Times might call him a
goose, but he (Mr. Muntz) was of opinion that, in pursuing
the course which they had, they were still greater geese
than be was. Another of the Tory papers, the Standard,
after the great lock-up show which the party had in that
Hall, taunted them in the following- strain :—" Has there
been no revulsion of feeling in Birmingham since the great
day of Newhall-hill—since the time wl:cn we were told that
Birmingham alone could send out two armies of Reformers,
more numerous than those which met at Waterloo on ad-
verse sides, to carry the Reform Bill by furce ? Where are
the hosts of Newhall-hill ? Where arc those organised le-
gions ? And, greatest of all, where is the Political Union,
which Mr. Joshua Parks corresponded with under Treasury
franks ? To complete our parody, they are entombed and
inurned in the sepulchre of Conservatism—Conservatism,
the grave of factious folly, which receives the possessed when