The Sun.
London, England, 1836-03-15 00:00:00

ST. HELENA.

ARRIVALS.—The Thames, Jan. 21, from Mauritius, and
sailed 21st, for London ; the Heyworth, 22d Jan., from Mau-
ritius, and sailed 23d, for London ; the City of Amsterdam,
23d, from Batavia for Amsterdam; the Memnon, 23d, from
Calcutta, for Liverpool; the Africaine, 23d, from Singapore
for London ; the Globe, 23d, from Manilla, for Havre ; the
St. -Lawrence, from Batavia for Germany ; the Zephyr, 23d,
from whaling; the Elizabeth, 23d, from Bourbon. .
CHINA.

DEPARTURES.—The Syed Khan, Nov. 4, for Calcutta ; the
Lady Grant, 4th, for Calcutta; the Sophia, 4th, for Singa-
pore; the Pascoa, 6th, for Manilla; the Helen, Bth, for
Bombay.

BOMBAY.'
DEPARTURE.—The Malabar (fr. ship), Nov. 8, for the Ma-
labar coast.

BARRINGTON'S SECRET MENIOIRSOF IRELAND.
—Sir Jonah Barrington's skill in appreciating and depicting
character has been long acknowledged. No country presents
more peculiar traits of character than Ireland ; and he has
taken full and able advantage of this in his chief production.
In the course of the above important work there is scarcely a
single leading personage of modern Irish history whose character
is not forcibly drawn, and whose conduct is not analyzed. We
might notice, in particular, his portraits of Lords Cornwallis,
Moira, Clare, Castlereagh, Charlemont, Camden, Norbury,
and Fitzwilliarn : the Marquis of Buckingham, the Duke of
Leinqer, Messrs. Curran, Grattan, Flood, Fitzgibbon, Plun-
kett, Bush, Yelverton, Dawson, and O'Connor, who figure in
these pages, among other persons of great prominence, in the
stormy and eventfu times described by Sir Jonah.
The creditors of the city of Edinburgh hang rejected
the proposal contained in Mr. Lahouchere's Report, which was
three per cent. interest on 15s. in the pound of their debts.
The magistrates of the city have increased the offer to 3 per,
cent. on the composition proposed. The creditors demand 3e
on the full amount of their debts The difference is still great
between the parties, and the magistrates declare their inability
to propose higher.terms.

A case described by. the Kelso Chronicle as one of
•` Local Oppression and Clerical Big,otry," has excited a very
unfavourable impression of the Rcv. Mr. Frickney's conduct
towards the Rev, Mr. Brotherston, Eis assistant.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

\%T call the attention of our readers to a communi-
cation in another column, under the signature of
" An Old Whig," on the subject of a letter in the
Times of Satur7lay,. to which an. absurd importance
has been given by the comments of our Morning
Contemporary. The letter in the Times is evidently
the production of a gentleman highly satisfied with
himself, and -he bestows his censure on Lord Palmer--
stonwith a self-sufficiency which appears exceedingly
ludicrous when his own pretensions are attentively
examined. But our Correspondent has done such
ample justice to " Anti-Metternich," that it is unne-
cessary for us to take any further notice of that diplo-
matic
luminary. respect to the commentary of
the Times, the great burden `of which, as otir Cor-

respondent well states, is to show "that Russia looks
upon the avowed hostility of Lord Palmerston as of
more value towards the advancement of his own am-

bitious and encroaching schemes, than the alliance of
any European power." We may • remark, that
the writer of this sentence, blinded - by his
mortifiod pride and. . his scorned malit?nity,
did not see that while he was per.ning it, he was pre-
paring the highest compliment that could be paid to a
British statesman. He admits that Russia has pro-
jects of aggrandisement in view, and he complains that
Lord Palmerston, to whom are confided the foreign
interests of this great country, has vowed hostility to
thoSe designs. Is this course of action a duty which
the Noble Lord need blush to proclaim ? Is the Bri-
tish Secretary of State to crouch at the feet of the
Cmsar—to offer him the incense of adulation—to suffer

the trident to be lowered as this haughty Cahnuc passes
by in his triumphal car ? Can it be true that the
Emperor. considers the opposition of such a man
as equivalent to the alliance of another empire ? If
so, we who know that Noble Lord's worth, his
aptitude for business, his unvaried principles of
exalted and rightly directed policy, are proud to
hear. from his sworn enemies that his moral power
has at length been felt in the quarter where,
above -others, it is of the greatest importance
to Europe at this moment ..that it should be ac-
knowledged to its fullest extent.. If the knowledge of
his Lordship's hostility be indeed worth the accession
of a whole kingdom to the cause of RuFsia, why does
she not proceed with her machinations ? How comes
it that, although so strongly reinforced, she stands at
this instant paralysed in all the operations she planned
at Unkiar Skelessi ? What has become of her
mighty preparations at Sebastopol ? Why lingers her
fleet at Cronstadt ? Why is the citadel of Warsaw
silent ? 'Why did she not dare, single-handed, to
seize the Republic of Cracow ? We tell the Times and
its baseabettors, that England never exhibited herself to
the world in a nobler attitude than in that which she has
uniformly held during the presidency of Lord
Palmerston over her foreign relations. Such bas-
tard-diplomatists as Anti-Metternich, who are unfit
to fill the,. lowest Consular-office, even in- such a
state as St. Domingo, may quarrel, if they please,
with the measures he has pursued- in Spain. We
should much like to know from these modern Plu-
tarchs how they would have faced`a British Reformed
Parliament had the caprice of Fortune entrusted
them with the seals of power, and they had acted upon
principles which would have opened to Don Carlos
the road to Madrid ? It is not given to au English
Minister to:command the chances of war. But this
he may) and must do—he must be guided in a great
measure by the public opinion of this country in all
the great and governing motives of his policy; acting
in this sense he cannot go far wrong, or if he do, his
error, shared in by a reflecting and enlightened people,
will be one of which he can have no solid reason to
repent.—/Iforning Chronicle. •
• The public are as little divided in opinion on the
subject of the accusation trumped up by the ex-Sheriff
Raphael against Mr. O'Connell as were the Commit-
tee of the House of CoMmons. The Times and the
Standard may continue to
_rave against the Report ;
but they will not shake the judgment formed_by any
one who has attentively examined the evidence. The
question is now fairly settled. Mr. O'Connell is uni-
versally allowed to have been innocent of the charges
brought against him ; and Mr. Raphael is as generally
set down as a shameless slanderer. It is so much a
matter of supererogation to waste more words on this
subject, that we alin.94 question whether' we are justi-
fied in. trespassing. so far on our readers as to point
out some glaring misrepresentations in the Times of
yesterday. Our worthy Contemporary does not
scruple to affirm that the " bargain" is " an affair
for a Court of Law to deal with," and in order
to justify this assertion, the offence of .‘ bribery
and corruption" is imputed
,to Mr. O'Connell, and
to justifyi
i tih.US, n
e accusation,the
Act'rizr es
betterci tes the Act
securing4.9t
Georgeh
the
independence.and purity, of Parliament, by preventing
the procuring cr obtaining of seats in Parliament by
tciol
irsr usptta
tiugt
ea,c
ees.
first As
efet et
iro
nreocni g h
is
quoted,t e i
bay
yin bl eof
which
it is declared that persons entering into any engage-
ment, for money, gifts, or rewards, to procure, or en-
deavour to procure, the election or return of a Member
of Parliament, is liable to a penalty of 1,0001. So
far all is favourable to the argument of the Times, but
then it craftily forgets to add the qualifying " proviso,"
section 2, viz.: Provided always and be it further
enacted, that nothing in this • Act contained shall ex-
tend or be construed to extend to any money paid or
agreed to be paid to or by any person Ar any legal
expense bona fide incurred at or concerning any
election." Was the Money obtained from Raphael
applied to defray legal expenses? On this important
issue in the inquiry the Committee report as follows :

" It appears that this money (the 2,0001.) had been ex-
pended under: the immediate direction of Mr. Vigor's, and
others connected with the county of Carlow, in what may
be called LEGAL 'EXPENSES, or so unavoidable that your
Committee see no reason to question their legality ; and
that the balance was absorbed in defending- the return of
Mr. Raphael and Mr. Vigors before the Committee ap-
pointed to investigate, on the 28th of July, 1835."

We challenge the Times and all the world to show
that one farthing of the money was illegally expended.
All parties concerned in the disbursement of the 2,000/.
honourably and legally accounted for its application.
The Times, indeeT, impudently asserts, that ".certain
parts of the purchase-money were to be appropriated
in compensation to Mr. Vigot4 for prosecuting a peti-
tion relating to a preceding election in which Mr.
Raphael had no concern whatever, and in the pay-
ment of the rent of voters." This is an unadulterated
falsehood, an original slander of the Times, satisfac-
torily expOsed in the inquiry. As to the extract of
the sessional resolution of.rhe• Commons, which
annually proclaims that all persons implicated in
"bribery" or " other corrupt practices" will be pro-
ceeded against with the utmost severity, we may ob-
serve that it is about as little applicable to Mr. O'Con-
nell as to the man in the moon. When the report
and evidence .are printed, and. in the possession of
it will perhaps be oepected of Mr. Hardy
that he s ou.explain to the House the source of the
perversions
er‘,er Members,isionsld of facts and false accusations which he
lent himself to propagate. He, will, no doubt, in his
endeavour to satisfy. the House that
oh‘evtsrvjausStiilfiocapt_aioit-
tr;
to the attempt to impose on the
House of Commons,
by suppressing all mention of the
letters which preceded those which he introduced into
his statement, and all mention of the.previous transac-
tions between Raphael, Mr. Vigors, and Mr. O'Con-
nell. The Conservatives ought to rid themselves of Ra-
phael with as.little delay as possible. He can be of
service to them no longer ; and the alliance, even for
the furtherance of a party purpose, with such a mean
and contemptible, fellow is -not a little discredia'.l! to
them. We suspect that he will be dropt even by his
new friends, the Member for Berkshire, the writers in
a certain journal which that Hon. Gentleman can in-
fittence, a well-known Improvisatore and Novelist, and
ladyes s of
John
rould ever return to power,
quality who smiled on their labours.
If
Alexander Raphael, who at the Clubs
are said to be now under a cloud, if not he-nighted,
will, no doubt, be the very first Baronets in The Ga-
Itifletlrish
Walter lteran
zette.—Morill.ng Chronicle.

Thorns appear to propagate themselves rapidly
round Lord Pahnerston's pillow. It is not enough
that his Lordship should have plunged into difTicul-
ties, from which nothing short of miracle can extricate
.
hiui,by his ill-managed interference in the affairs of

Spain, nor does it appease his evil genius to have Me-
liemet Ali plauging England on one side, and Tur-
key embroiling her on the other ; but a new source of
vexation and embarrassment has sprung up, from a
quarter where the progress of mischief seemed hitherto
asleep or suspended. Whatever differences may have
arisen as to the duty of a direct interposition by Eng-
land and France for the maintenance of those treaties
which guaranteed the national existence of Poland, we
presume that upon the late violence exercised towards
the unprotected state of_Cracow, unprotected at least
otherwise than by the public law of Europe, there can
be but one opinion westward of the Rhine. The ap-
parent concurrence of sentiment between the three
military powers on this subject, countenanced by the
co-operation of their forces, adds something of cariosity
to the attention which such a movement naturav de-
mands. That there can be any general cordiality be-
tween the two Courts of Vienna and St. Petersburgh
is altogether past belief. 'We need not rest on special
evidence for the support of such a persuasion. The .
juxtaposition of their territories, the direction of their
frontiers, and the inevitable course and relation of their

respective systems of foreign policy, compel those two
great Powers into a state-of rivalship which can no
otherwise be dissolved but by the event of actual colli-
sions, involving probably the whole of Europe in their
vortex. What it is, therefore, that may have induced
this partial agreement in the joint occupation of Cra-
cow becomes a question of some- interest, though not
perhaps, of difficult solution. The little republic had
been an asylum for fugitives from Russian power, and
had thereby herself become an object of persecution
to the Czar. It does not appear --that Austria •or
Prussia had been engaged in conflict of any kind with
their Polish subjects—that they had any insurrections.
to punish, any wrongs to perpetuate, or any victims to.
lay hold of. No ;it has.been a quarrel strictly Russian,
another outbreak of Muscovite revenge, ostensibly sym-
pathized in by the cO-operating Powers, .-because they
did not choose that Nicholas should take the law into
his own hands, or assign what limits he might think
proper to his own grievances, and to the redress which
he exacted. It was, therefore, we suppose, acquiesced
in by Austria that there should be a joint occupation of
Cracow, to prevent Russia from seizing upon it se-
parately. . But, in • the mean time, -is this-not a fresh
outrage upon the rights of -Europe, and, morally speak-
ing, a fresh disturbance of the general peace ? We
are indebted to a correspondent for a paper, which he
entitles " Infringement •of. the Congress
_Of Vienna;"
and wherein he enumerates many distinct instances
in which the articles guaranteeing certain specific
rights to the Republic have been glaringly vio-
lated ; to which guarantees, it must be well under-
stood that the British and French Governments were
parties, and by which violations, therefore, they, as well
as the republic under their protection, have been
openly insulted and aggrieved. We subthit this state
of things to the nation as one which in no small de-
gree augments the mass of our accumulating dangers,
and re-enforces those manifold considerations which
render the continued reign of Lord Pahnerston over

the Foreign Departmenta calamity and disgrace to
Great Britain.

Since writing the preceding observations we have
seen the following article, dated Berlin, March 1, in

the Allgenzeine Zeitung ;—the writer is a cruel wag.
His pretence that jealousy of English power is the
cause of this reluctant tyranny on the part of feeble
and frightened Russia is the most insulting piece of
irony which even diplomatic contempt has ever ela-
borated. Lord Palmerston, we suppose, has threa-
tened to occupy CracoW with some of the surplus bat-
talions of General Evans's army I Poor Lord Palmer-
ston I the very clerks in the back rooms of his office
must laugh at this palpable joke :
The occupation of Cracow, by the Northern PoWers,
appears, under present circurnstance3, to In an event of
great importance. It is evident that the threatening atti-
tude of England has made the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh
so sensible of the danger of a focus of insurrection in its
immediate neighbourhood, that a prompt and decisive inter-
ference certainly appears to be justified in the political situa-
tion of Russia.. It will be remembered, too, that Cracow
has been for some time an object of the particular attention
of the British Government, and this may serve to explain
why the three powers lost no time in acting in their capa-
city of protectors of the city republic of Cracow, caring little
for subsequent remonstrances.

(From a Correspondent.)
INFRINGEMENT OF THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA.
.. Art. 6. The territory of Cracow twice violated-
1. The 'Russian General Rudiger entered it
during the late Polish revolution in 1831 ; and
2. At present, the armed force of the three pro-
tecting Powers.
15. The University of Cracow was • to be free to the
youth of the kingdom of Poland and Galicia ; but the ad-
mittance to it for study was prohibited to the pup:ls from
the kingdom by Russia long before the revolution; and
those from Galicia and Prussia were discouraged from at-
tending the University, from the circumstance of the value

of academical graduation having been annulled and ren-
dered useless for preferment.

ACTS COMMITTED IN CONTRAVENTION OF THE CONSTI-

TUTION OF CRACOW.
Art. 4. The number of members composing the Senate
has been diminished. According to the previous constitu•
lion they were to be 12, with a president. At present
there are only S and a president.
5. The 9 senators and the president formerly were elected
From amongst the citizens and by the citizens, and 4 from

:he chapter and the University—two by each. At present,
he University has been deprived of the right of represen-
tation, an institution which was most likely to send intelli-

gent representatives.
6. Six senators, when once elected, were for life ; the rest
elective every three years. At present four are for life, and
four elected every six years. If they are not confirmed by
the three protecting Powers within six months, the ancient
Senate continues in office till new elections take place.
8. In the University of Cracow professors were elected
by the professors to the chairs in the different faculties by
the means of what is called " Concours" (dissertation on a
given theme), and then confirmed by the Senate of Cracow.
Henceforth the professors to the chairs of medicine are to be
appointed by Austria ; those of law, by Prussia ; those of
theology and philosophy by Russia, by making reference to
the Russian University of Dorpat, which is not of a Catho-
lic persuasion. Professors recently appointed do not know
Polish. The chair of the Polish literature has been abo-
lished, contrary to the requirements stated in Art. 20 of the
constitution, by which "every act of the Government, the
Legislature, and the courts of justice shall be drawn up in
the Polish language."
10. Formerly Diets were held in the month of Sep-
tember every year ; now the interval for Diets is fined at
three years. They were held with open doors, now they

. . . ,
are to be shut before the public.
17. " In cases eminently criminal the institution of the
juries was to be employed." That -prevision is, of course,

omitted as superfluous. At this instant justice is adminis-
tered by a court martial.

" The Conferences" (as it is termed) of the presidents of
the three protecting Powers have the power, on all occa-
sions, of scrutinizing the resolutions of the Senate. In

case of three or two of them agreeing upon any measure,
the Senate is obliged to bxe6ite
..oeir orders, and thereby
becomes merely an execntiVe power, and acting in that
capacity. Recent events have clearlyproyed it. .
Liberty of the press, which-was to be no less free in the
republic of Cracow than in the kingdom of Poland, is
abolished, and not even thought of. Domiciliary search
for prohibited works are of frequent _occurrence, and
arbitrary penalties decreed.—Times.

In another part of our paper will be found an ex-
tract from a statement published by the Anti-Slavery
Society, to which we are anxious to direct the atten-
tion of our readers. The case which the Society
make out on the part of the negro population in the
in the West Indies is too strong to be passed over by
the people or the Legislature of this country. In
substance they declare, and they support their declara-
tion by a number of corresponding and irresistible
facts, that the state of apprenticeship has turned out,
under the management of the planters and their abet-
tors, to be little short of a complete delusion. Sla-

very, if not in its full career, is still, it would appear,
to a great extent in operation, though names have
been changed, and principles have been asserted and
recognized which would argue its extinction. If the
statement now put forward be correct, apprenticeship is
slavery by another name. We shall not enumerate here
the facts brought forward in support of the assertion that
cruelties are exercised, and evasions of the law arc prac-
tised, which in effect destroy the wholesome influence of
the measure adopted for the relief of that unhappy
race, whose past and present sufferings constitute the very
worst feature exhibited in the history of mankind. One
good, however, has resulted from the legislative enact-
ment—those cruelties which were only inhuman and
barbarous and unchristian before, are
now illegal and
punishable. The law itself may be weak, its provisions

may be inefficient, but the great principle is recognised,
which, if carried to its full and fair extent, cannot fail
to. correct the imperfections which impede its due ope-
ration. It is to this object that the Society are now
directing their efforts. They find that the comnronrise
(for it was a compromise upon their part, and upon the
part of the Government, with the advocates of the old
and in7quitonl system) has, in a i!reat measure, defeated
the end which they had conjointly in view. They find
that apprenticeship, surrounded with its restrictions
and severities, does not work well. It is, therefore,
their duty to get rid of it. The conduct of the ne-
aroes under this state of mitigated slavery, has, been
such as to warrant that dependenceon the:r moderatiou
and good condUct which, the Legislature w.ti too slow
to. atticipate, when they fettered their boon with such a
Condition, It is true that the West India papers have
encLaVoured; by the most persevering misrepresenta-
tions, to keep up a jealousy of the apprentices; but
the atithoriSed reports of the Government, and the .ac-
. counts of disinterested persons, and the testimony of
the facts themselves, have been as uniformly in favour
of the apprentices, as the Journal-, with one or two
exceptions, have been against them.. The necessary
inference from this would be, that the apprentices who
have conducted themselves so %%ell are fit for fr,e.lotn.
Indeed, they, have proved themselves better qualified to
a their part in a free coaraiunity, than those who
ha e shown so strong a disposition to continue them
in their former subservience and. thraldom. We hope
and trust, therefore, that theT exertions of the Society
will not be thrown away, but that, szanding upon sue!'
ground as the extracts to which we,_ allude exhibit,
they will persevere in the good work of striking off
the last shackle ; for, until that last shackle be struck
Off, his condition, call it what you will, or qualify it
hos you will, can be nothing else than slavery. A
-Bill, connected with this subject, it will be seen from
.our Parliamentary report, passed the House of Com-
mons last night. We allude to the Slave Trade
(Spain) Bill, as it is called in the Orders. But, as
Mr. Buxton truly observed, until slave-dealing be de-
clared piracy, and punished as, such, it is vain to hope
that . the inhuman traffic can be banished from the
World. This country has already taken one great step
towards that happy corisumin ttion by the measure of
abolition. Another important step will be the render.
ing of that abolition complete within our own terri-
tories. When that is done, we shall be in a better
position to dictate to the rest of the world. At all
events, we shall redeem our own character, and justify
our own pretensions.—Morning Herald.

They who serve Mr. O'Connell, and praise his
Majesty's Ministers, the daily press, seem to be as
much surprised as delighted that the Government Mi..
. . . .

jority in the House of Commons has reached the
astounding numerical amount. of sixty-four I It is,
indeed, matter for' some astonishment ; but, considering
the mere dross and refuse—the sweepings of political
unions and debatin,-, clubs—of which this majority is
composed, it would °be more prudent on the part of
those who make the advantage of these majorities to
eat their dirty pudding, and hold their tongues. But
this they will not do. They must not only make a
noise about their disgraceful success, but cast about
for a reason for it, and therein, indeed, they show an
admirable boldness. To the political consistency and
political character (meaning good character) of the
Ministers and their supporters they attribute the success
of which they boast I There is a comical hardihood in
this. It is not merely that this modest assumption comes
from the friends of Lord J. Russell, whose constitu-
tional feelings once recoiled with disgust from the bare
suggestion of the abolition of nomination boroughs—
it is. not merely that the question by the carrying of
which the present Ministers came into power is pre-
cisely that one which twelve months before they vehe-
mently opposed—it is not merely that time individual
denounced by them as the greatest enemy of the peace
of the country is now as notorious for' his power over
them as for being the very basest public character in.
existence—it is not merely these facts which so oddly
illustrate the boast about consistency and good cha•
racter, but even the columns which contain the boast,
so far as they are Ministeral (and if they are not they
are an imposture), do themselves present as glaring and
as monstrous inconsistency and turpitude of poli-
tical character as imagination can conceive or words
can express. They contain Mr. O'Connell's speech
on Saturday, at the meeting in aid of the sufferers
from the great fire at New York. Mr. O'Con-
nell is admitted on all hands to be in close con-oec-
Lion with the Ministers of the Crown. The Ministers
of the Crown not only accept his assistance, but offi-
cially exist by means of it. Noe!, what political opi-
nions does this Mr. O'Connell avow at the meeting on
Saturday ? He avows that the political principles
upon which America is governed arc those most pleas-
ing to him. He says that, from which it is a neces-
sary Inference that lie wishes the • Monarchy of this
country were at an end. A professing Liberal of the
first water, he eulogises the Government which sus-
tains ncgro slavery. A professing Papist of the most
wholesale faith, he eulogises a State system in which
there is no Church government. We doubt whether
this most strongly displays the consistency of those
who, sworn to maintain the Monarchy, make a political
friend of Mr. O'Connell, or of Mr. O'Connell him-

self, who, boUnd to liberalism and Popery, exhausts
himself in praise of a theory of Government which pro-
duces results that are directly opposed to the leading
principles of both. There is, however, instruction for
_ _

how who will receive it in Mr. O'Connell 's enlogtes
of the rebellion against the British Crown which led
to the democratic Government of .America. We re-
_ _ _ _

.- -
collect a countryman of Mr. O'Connell, who exclaimed
one day, with great oratorical fervour, " My friends,
let u anticipate the past." We think this worthy
is best entitled to describe the speech of Saturday.
Mr. O'Connell was anticipating the past. But let us
take another view of our Ministerial Contemporary's
'consistency. The present happy state of Canada,
under the ever-excellent management • of the present
Ministers, is the topic of discussion ; and it is said,

truly enough, that the British patty there is what the
Orange party is in Ireland. The same policy is, there-
fore, to be pu►sued with regard to both. Although
they are British, and the only party well inclined to the
British monarchy, they
,are to be treated as a minority ;
that is, they are to receive the smallest amount of fa-
vour and protection from the Ministers of the British
Crown. But much disturba►rce is anticipated, and their
it is unserupulouslystated, with a nonchalance worthy
of Lord Glcnelg himself, between his naps, that they
may settle the affair among them, unless indeed that
ever-10-be-enlogi.sed Government, the Republic of the

United States, shOuld choose to take Canada, and the
trouble .of governing, it, out of British hands altogether.
Our Ministerial Contemporary philosophizes upon
this subject in the followibg manner :
" If the Americans are obliged to undertake the settle.

inent:--(it is our British dominions in North America which
are alluded to)—to protect themselves from the inconve-
nience of confusion • on their- frontiers—and we sincerely
believe that is the only ground on which they will be
tempted to intefere, for they find their own territory suf-
ficiently extended, and the difficulty of maintaining a ba-
lance between• them sufficiently great—then the nation
Canadicune, like the Dutch, Spanish, and French settler 4
in New York, the FlOridas, and Louisiana must abaiidon
its separate language, cotle of laws, feudal institutions, and
Catholic Church, and adopt the English language and laws
of the rest of America, Jonathan knows and permits na
distinctions. He will cordially adopt his English brotner
in Canada, and take the French into his flock, tending and
shearing them all alike, teaching them many notions:
which will be new to Canadian understandings, but which
will force on the improveMent of the, country more in the
first ten years of the Union than in the next century of
French administration."

In the first place, the consistency of a Government
paper thus coolly contemplating
possessions of the Crownthe
to United States, is de-
lightfully consistent. But, besides this, what shall we
think of the approving chuckle with which the con-
templated liberal -Government
is
sf
itthethantaticoocit
Lelandas
this
en:le is contemplated ?
the Russian government of Poland ? Who is it that
Inn ent
eitherof
rants in strains of -mingled falsehood and abuse against
clos:ttle'eZ
tni:iiiiellit of Canada by the 1
what is called -Orange
L t emocrat's United
whisperNwoh,ictill:elrle°tisetn'eolithainglndeousin tvranny
States, of objection
tiPl.:''eala:aaet:likae g'lrt‘t°laoev'e:e rr?.at, against
provided it be the work of democracy ;
there is nothing wickedly oppressive which the demo-
cro will not hail with deli ht? if it be but the result, of
. 0

that theory of government which will give himself, or
appear to give him, a greater degree of individual
power. T . his the broad falsehood—the disgusting
lie—which is branded upon the forehead of every de-
mocrat, which pollutes ail he says, and makes his cyery
act a political t;in and a personal dishonour. And yet
these people talk to us of consistency and character.--
Morning Post.

If we wish to jndc correctly of any act, whether
of the Legislature or the individual, we must look to
its effect upon society, and not to the amount of eu-
logy or invective which a party may bestow upon
it. By this criterion we have now an opportunity of
judging of the Poor Law Amendment Act—and in few
cases is a stern impartiality more necessary, in order to
arrive at a just col:elusion—for it is not alone that the
factious and self-interested have raised an outcry
against many of its provisions, but even well-inten-
tioned individuals have been induced, by the occa-
sional cruelty and misconduct of parish officers, to
join in censuring the law, without reflecting that
the evil in the cases referred to originated from the
ind.vidnal, and not from the statute. Nothing can
evince a more 2 purblind perception than to condemn
the principle of a law on account of the occasional
abuse of its ministration. 'What would be thought
of a man who would recommend the abolition of
Trial by Jury, because erroneous verdicts have been
sometimes returned ? Or further restrictions on the
liberty of the press, because the Tory journals so
shamelessly prostitute their freedom ? Would he not
be scouted as an idiot, or something worse ? Let us
not, then, condemn the Poor Law Amendment Act,
from its abuse in isolated cases—but judge it fairly
by the results of its general operation. If it has
aggravated the distress of the poor—if it has in-
creased pauperism and crime—if it has added to the
burden of the rates, or promoted licentiousness and
immorality amongst our labouring population, let us
demand a repeal of the obnoxious clauses—but if, on
the contrary, it has alleviated the sufferings of the
poor, diminished the number of paupers and the
amount of the rates, promoted habits of industry and
good conduct, and developed the germ of individual
independence—one of the best safeguards of social
order—let us not suffer the operation of such a
system to be marred by the intrigues of disappointed
malcontents. It has been justly observed, that
,‘ one single matter of fact, faithfully and honestly
delivered, is worth a thousand comments and flou-
rishes." We shall, therefore, at once proceed to lay
before our readers the statements of one who has
the best opportunity of observing the effects of the pre-
sent law, and who appears to have brought to the con-
sideration of the subject an honest zeal and intellectual
ability, fully commensurate with the extensive and im-
portant information upon which his arguments are
based. We allude to Mr. John Leslie, one of the
Governors and Directors of the Poor of the parish of
St. George, Hanover-square, who has lately addressed
" A Letter to the Industrious Classes, on the Opera-
tion of the Poor Laws," and also published another
pamphlet, which has already gone through sixteen
editions, entitled " A Practical Illustration of the
Principles upon which the Poor-late Amendment Act
is founded, as exhibited in the administration of the
Poor-rates in the Parish of St. George, Hanover-
square." To these documents we refer for confir-
mation of the following statements :—ln the year
1832 the actual distribution of the poor's fund
amounted to the enormous sum of seven mil-
lions of pounds, exclusive of law and other ex-
penses—and yet by the mode of its distribution
this vast sum seemed rather to aggravate than relieve
the amount of national misery. This will be easily
understood when it is well known that upwards of two-
thirds of this money was expended in out-door relief—
in defraying the expenses of transferring paupers from
parish to parish—in repaying to overseers money
which they might or might not have expended in pay-
ing exorbitant rent for cottages, and by parish allow-
ance enabling the pauper to undersell the independent
workman in the labour mart. The following table
beats its own commentary as contrasting the working
of the old and the new system, by showing the pro-
gress and decline of pauperism in the parish of St.
George, Hanover-square, from 1795 to 1835, founded
on the numbers actually in the workhouse each year,
and the sums spent on out-door allowances, in rela-
tion to the whole population of the parish, as it varied
during forty years.

Periods to which
the following
columns refer.

1795 to 1801
Ism to 1810
1811 to Is2l
1821 to 1831
Year ending
Lady.day, 1832
Year ending
Lady-day, 1833
Half-year end-
ing Mich., 153.5

Workhouse
in pro-
p° Win to the
poplation of
the parish.

I in every 44
1 - 53
I - 71

1 - CG

1 - G 7

1 -- 95

Admitted to
the wo, khouse
uuring each
year, in pro-
portion to the
population o
the parish.

I in every 20
--_, 29
27
1 - 3.3

1 -- 29

I - 27

The foilowi ng sums mill_
! tiplied by the who'e popu-
lation of the parish dur.
ing each year referred to
in the first column, gives
the 'annual amount , f
money allowance out of
ihe workhouse.

29. 2%
2 10
4 9%
5 11i
5 4%
5 7

I -2r,5

0 10

" Such was the progress of pauperism under the system
of 1795. A gradual return to the principles of Queen
Elizabeth's plan was commenced at Lady-day, 1833 ; in
every column an immense reduction took place ; and the
first half year, from Lady-day to Michaelmas, 1835, of the
third year of the return to Queen Elizabeth's plan, spews
the almost incredible reduction of pauperism in two years."

If it be asked, what has become of the people who
received relief in 1833 ?—it is answered, they have
to the extent of many hundreds been traced into bene-
ficial employment, living and supporting themselves
by their owrt industry, and thus have changed the de-
grading situation of paupers for a situation among
the independent, industrious, working classes. It
is a fact worthy of observation, that during the last
13 months, with the single exception of a child
going with its parents to the adjoining parish of
St. James, there has not been one person removed
from the parish of St. George, Hanover-square.
With regard to the effect on the habits and morals of
those admitted to the workhouse, it may be judged
from the facts, that 1,200 inmates, who were for years
a burden on the rate-payers, are now known to support
themselves by their own exertions ; and of 700 in-
mates received in the two workhouses, who at Christ-
mas, 1834, were indulged in three holidays, only two
returned in a state of intoxication. Bastardy has
diminished in an extraordinary degree. When the
new system commenced, there were 11 pregnant single
women in the workhouse, and on the same day, the
following year, there were not more than two. The
strictest attention is paid to the morals and health of
the inmates, and while the comforts of the poor are
increased, the expenses of the parish are diminished
by more than one-half. We have given only a few of
many facts put forth in the pamphlets, hearing similar
evidence, and shall for the present conclude with the
following
Having shewn the plan upon which the administration of
relief is no;‘, conducted, both in the workhouse and out of the
workhouse, it remains to sum up a few of the advantages o."
the new system :

OLD SY!TEM.

Admitted to the workhouse Lady-day, 1832, to Lady-
day, 1833
NEW STEM.
Admitted to the workhouse Lady-day, 1834, to Lady-
day, 1835

Decrease 969
" But a still more striking illustration of the progressive
advantages of the new plan of admissions to the workhouse is
exhibited in the following statement :

Persons.
During the winter six months, 1833-4, admitted 1,099
Ditto ditto ..1!334-5 364

Admissions decreased in corresponding 26 weeks
--:Morning Advertiser.

WILLS AND ItECORDS.-Our reader may not per-
haps be aware that a Bill has been introduced into the House
of Lords, the effect of which, if passed into a law, will be to
remove all the original wills and records of administrations
now remaining in the various registries, dispersed throughout
the kingdom, to London; and in future to have all original
wills and records of administrations lodged in the metropolis.
From this county alone, it is computed that nearly 50,000 ori-
ginal wills and records will have to be transmitted, should the
Bill Pass into a law, and searches must in future be made and
wills proved
:exclusively in Doctors' Commons. The scheme
is supposed to be-connected with the notable one of a general
deposit of deeds -in the metropolis. The public and the legal
profession are, ban-ever, so strongly and decisively expressing
their opinion otr ihe subject, that there is every reason to be-
lieve oue registry for wills and administrations in each county
will be preiiervgd. The number of petitions already presented
to- the 1:10nc1e..4 Lords against the Bill, amounts to no less
than 1147.-.-Le@ster Journal.

PRICES OF SPOCES THIS DAY Al' ONE O'CLOCK.
El ..n:•: Stock
:1 per Cent Bed.
3 per Cent Con: 91% !i 94 , South Sea Stock —
It.. per tent — Old Annnittes
Ditto Red
Nit, 3,,, per Cent luOly 9117, , 3 per Cent. Annuities, 1751...
Vow 2 per ('ent.
,iank LongAnnuiti. sto expire Ditto 30. ..... ... 19 21 pm.
Jan 5, ..il. - Doto Small
Oct 111, I.\-,11
•Imi 5. Ice'ir ............. ....•.• 1614 , Ditto Advertised 1...•
Jail 5, 15S0 — Baltic Stock for Account —
April 5, ISSI
Jan. 5, IS 7i' — Consul, for Account
014111111111