The Sun.
London, England, 1849-04-28 00:00:00

TO THE ELECTORS OF SHEFFIELD
GENTLEMEN,—TiIe invitation that you have been so kind as
to send to me, requesting me to become a candidate for your suff-
rages at the coming Election, I at once accept—thanking you most
sincerely for this signal and unexpected mark of your esteem and ap-
probation.
I say approbation, because I thus construe your invitation. Of
my political life you hare taken Lote—and noting, have approved.
You say that my past actions have been such as to win your confi-
dence. To those acts I must refer you, as the best and most com-
plete evidence of my political opinions. Eighteen years ago, when
for the first time I was about to solicit the suffrages of my country-
men, in the hope that they would place me in the proud position of a
representative of the people, I stated at some length the principles
%hick would guide my conduct upon all the great questions of policy
which then occupied the attention of the nation. To that statement
I could now refer, and for the same purpose : I could refer to it, not
only as an exposition of my private opinions, but as a test by which
to try the consistency of my performance and my professions. The
experience of many years has, I hope, made me wiser, and taught
me the mode most conducive to tile practical application of the prin-
ciples which I profess—but from the principles themselves I have not
departed.
The years that have elapsed since 1832 have indeed settled very
few of the questions which at that period interested and divided the
whole people. We have advanced—and are advancing—but at every
step the contest of opinions is renewed, and we have almost every
day to re-state the arguments by which each separate victory has
been obtained.
On the great and leading questions of constitutional reform,
though much has been done, much remains to be accomplished.
The many anomalies of our electoral system have yet to be removed
—a fuller scope must be given to the popular will—and numerous
lasses who are now unwisely excluded must be brought within the
pale of the Constitution. Every statesman who really desires here-
after to provide for the well-being of the people will seriously con- I
sides the question of the suffrage, In order to bring about speedily,
though cautiously, a large extension of it.
lily opinion as to the best mode of taking the votes at elections I
have seen no reason to change. In order that opinion may be
freely expressed, the ballot seems to me absolutely indispensable.
In short, though the Reform Act was a great step in advance,
still the increasing intelligence of the country demands, and will in
its proper time attain, a reform of the Rethrm Act.
Although we cannot hope to win and retain complete good govern-
ment itself without perfection in the means, yet we must not post-
pone all other reforms until those of the Constitution are attained.
Our endeavours may at the same time be directed to many objects,
and I therefore proceed to touch upon some which appear at the
present moment of the highest importance
Though, in my opinion, a Government cannot do much directly to
procure wealth and comfort for a people, it can, and unfortunately
does, do much improperly to diminish their substance, and thereby
their comfort. Unnecessary expense—unmeaning, mischievous re-
strictions upon the industrious labours of the people, have in all
ages been the vice of Governments. But the vigilance of the popu-
lar leaders must now be directed to curb this evil—not only must we,
then, enforce a rigid economy,' but we must require that a perfectly
free trade should give full scope for the active energies of an indus-
trious nation.
Connected with this subject in many ways, and with the well-
being of mankind in many more, is the great subject of colonization.
The colonies of England have been planted in spite of the mischie-
vous interference, and not by the aid of the Government of England.
It is high time that the intelligence of her people should act upon our
rulers, and make them directly useful in extending our name, our
language, our inatitutions, and the blessings of an enlightened religion,
over the vast regions which nominally own our rule, but which lie
useless to us and to mankind To this end, it appears to me that the
whole subject of our colonies calls for a complete and immediate
revision.
While speaking of expense, and the impolicy and injustice of our
conduct towards certain outlying portions of our territories, I must
not forget a part of the empire itself, an integral and most important
portion of the United Kingdom—l mean unfortunate Ireland. Our
conduct to Ireland has been, till a few years since, one continued
act of terrible injustice ; and we now wonder that the people,
whom we have treated as slaves for centuries, should not have
the virtues and habits of free men. There is now but one course
of wise policy as regards Ireland. We must establish rigid justice
throughout the land. We must suffer no party, no sect, no class to
domineer over any o her; and to this maintenance of peace among
her hitherto contending sons, our efforts mast he confused. If we do
more, we shall do serious injustice to the people of England and
Scotland, and resider no service to those of Ireland. If we were to-
morrow to transter the whole wealth of England to Ireland, we
should only create waste, idleness, and vice. A People must work
out their own regeneration, ane acquire wise, frugal, and virtuous
habits, by leading a wise, frugal, and virtuous life. The wealth
that is not acquired by labour is but too often squandered in ex-
travagance.
I have spoken above of extending over our wide and yet unsettled
territories the inestimable benefits of an enlightened religion. This
naturally calls my attention to the situation of religion among our-
selves, both as regards doctrines and establishments.
lam myself a member of the Chnrch of England. I was can •
eated as a member of the Established Churcn ; and after a care: ul
consideration I have seen no reason to leave the fellowship of my
childhood and youth. But this determination has been formed after
consideration, and is the result of my own veil', utte'ly independent
of that o' any o her man. What, then, I have demanded for myself
—the right that I hive vindicated in my own person—l dement for
all others. I insist upon religious as well as civil liberty. If my
mind be enthralled by arbitrary will, and not led by the suasion of
reason. I am more a slave than if you pu, my body in chains. While
I demand .for all this freedom, which I have exercises myself, I
proceed yet further. I hold every coercion on this subject impolitic,
as well as unjust. You may compel to outward observance, and to
fa'se declarations ; you may create hypocrisy and discontent ; but at
w rd of command you cannot make men believe.
With this view, therefore, I am led to deprecate, on all proper
occasions, every attempt to make establishments which exist for the
purpose of promoting any peculiar religious opinion State establish-
ments. In a country like ours, of complicated relations, of long-
established habits and opinions, I cannot expect that my opinions on
such a subject should be immediately acceded to; and lam not
prone to feel hurt er to take offence when I find men differ from me
concerning it. But though we cannot change at once what has been
long established, we can far more easily prevent new steps in a wrong
direction ; and, therefore, to any extension of such religious estab-
lishments I shall direct unceasing opposition.
Within the narrow limits of an address like the present. I cannot
do
more than indicate my views, and touch upon the leading opinions
I hold. From this general view, however, an accurate conception
Can be attained by you of the political character of the min you
have invited; and an opportunity will, I hope, be soon afforded me
Of explaining, to the satisfaction of all whom the matter may in-
terest, my present feelings and future plans respecting our domestic
policy.
Any exposition, however general, which emit!ed a reference to
our foreign relations and policy would be indeed incomplete. lily
belief on this subject is, that our true policy consists in abstaining
from all idle intermeddling with the affairs of othe- nations. Every
nation in Europe has at this time enough to occupy Its attention in
settling its own affairs ; and the history of Europe, from the year
1530 to the present time, when compared with the history of Europe
from 1793 to 1815, is the best argument which historical experience
can offer in favour of leaving a people to regulate-and arrange for
themselves their own internal affairs. Interference in 1793 kindled
the flames of war over this whole world—a war unequalled for the
blood that was shed and the wealth squandered in its terrible and

disastrous conflicts. Non-interference in 18::0 has allowed Europe
a chance of peace, and holds out to us a hope that the struggling
people will, in every nation of the great European family, eventually
attain the inestimable benefits of a well-regulated popular (lovern-
ment.

I must end, Gentlemen, a I began, by expressing to you my
hearty thanks for the honour you hare conferred on me, and by
placing myself at your disposa', Er the coming election. I am
ready, when it shall so pl use you, to present myself to your notice,
aed suhmit to all sueli inquiry as you may think right. flaying
nothing to conceal, I have up fear of inquiry.
I beg to remain, Gentlemen,
Your most obliged and faithful Servant,
J. A. ROEBUCK.