The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-21 00:00:00

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six mouths of 1848, in consequence of that inquiry, ho I
reduced the expenditure, chiefly on the fixed establish-
ments, nearly 20,0001. a year.—(Loud -cheers.) Not one
Word of that had been stated by the lion. Gentleman.
Lord Torringtoe, still, pursuing the investigation, estab-
lished a Committee, determining to inquire closely into
the extravagant expenditure of the island in recent
Years, and had given an earnest of that inten-
tention by reducing the expenditure about 30,0001.,
and hoped to bring about at least an equalisa-
tion of the income and expenditure. He had stated
that the Noble Lord had greatly relieved trade. He had
repealed the coffee duties to the extent of 15,000/. a
year. He had reduced the duties upon various staple
commodities of the colony, on tobacco, cinnamon, &c., to
the extent of 12,0001. or 15,0002 effecting a reduction
altogether of 30,0001. It became necessary to see whe-
ther some means could not be found to raise the requi-
site amount of revenue, which under the depression of
trade was not likely to reach its ordinary amount, and
he accordingly proposed not four but six ordinances
with that view. There was a road ordinance, which had
been drawn up by a man of the greatest skill and judg-
ment, and a near relation of a Member of that House—
Mr. Wodehouse, and by that ordinance it was designed
that the roads of the island should be placed under
some sort of native and local control, and the taxation
hitherto thrown upon the public revenue be paid by local
rates; but as it was impossible to levy rates in an
island like Ceylon, the tax was commuted from 3s. a
Year to three days' labour, and that was what the Hon.
Gentleman called a poll tax; another instance of the re-
markably ingenuous manner in which the Hon. Gen-
tleman had dealt with the subject. He seemed to think
that these ordinances were repealed.
Mr. BAILLIE—The dog and gun tax.
Mr. HAWES—Was the gun tax repealed? The
Hon. Gentleman was wrong again—it was not repealed.
—(Hear.) The great object of that tax was registra-
tion. Perhaps the rate of taxation might have been too
high and_ the annual registration objectionable—but the
governor at all events deeming it too high, altered it into
one uniform registration, and that in perpetuity. So
that the object aimed at by the tax had been obtained.
Then there was the dog-tax. The Hon. Gentleman's
remarks on that subject made him (Mr. Hawes) con-
clude that he knew very little of Ceylon, for otherwise
he would have admitted that one of the great nuisances
there, as indeed was generally the case in large
towns, was the enormous quantity of dogs. In Cey-
lon there was a general desire to abate that nuisance,
and if the ordinance had been confined to towns,
he believed it would hare been a popular measure—the
objection to it being that it operated on persons
residing in the country who wished to keep watch
dogs. But the tax was absolutely repealed, and all objec-
tion on that score was at an end. The taxes on stamps
and carriages, &c., all remained. Only about two were
repealed, and three modified. The Hon. Gentleman was
not content with stating that Lord Torrington was in-
capable as a governor, but went so far as to say, that in
his opinion the insurrection was caused by these taxes.
On that point the Hon. Gentleman's authority was op-
Posed to the highest authorities in the island, and to all
the information he (Mr. Hawes) bad received on the
subject. The first authority he should quote was that
of the major-general commanding the troops of the
island, who said, the late ordinances passed by the late
Legislative Council are given as a plea for the present
outbreak, but that is only a pretext. It has long been
brewing, and the Kandians are anxious to have their own
king, and to repossess themselves of their property. The
next opinion he would refer to was that of the chief jus-
tice, who in passing sentence on some of the prisoners
tried before him in the supreme court, for the part
they had taken in the insurrection, said—" I there-
fore conclude it has been hatched by headmen, or by
priests, or by both. That the priests have cause to be
discontented I am aware—it is known to the country
Xenerally, and there is no necessity to recur to it here.
But I speak from my own observation when I say that
the headmen have been alV;ays discontented. The re-
membrance of the former power they exercised over the
People has not yet been erased from their minds, and the
consequent feeling of bitterness is not yet gone nor any-
thing like gone." The Chief Justice did not attribute
the insurrection to the ordinances—neither did the com-
mander of the forces, and neither did Sir E. Tennent,
*hose evidence as contained in tnis book (papers relat-
mg to the affairs of Ceylon) was quite of the contrary
nature. The Hon. Gentleman was about to read some
extracts from the blue book referred to, but closed it,
taYing he would content himself by stating generally
that not only the evidence of Sir E. Tennent, but of
others, as contained in these papers, went to show
'mit these ordinances were not the immediate cause
of the outbreak. He was perfectly ready to admit
that they were used by parties who were endeavour-
lag to foster discontent, and who stated that by
them thirty or forty taxes were about to be imposed on
the mires. He could also assert that means were taken
by individuals to excite to insurrection, and amongst
others the editor of a newspaper, who preached in direct
opposition to the laws of the country. He stated that
unless these ordinances were repealed, the people would
not obey the laws. He regretted that he could trace
in somesome of our colonies the consequences of such bad
advice,
Montrose
they got a
a letter, with all the weight due to
his
colonial reputation, and telling the colonists that
they were to renew
population the agitation, and never to cease
until
native responsible government. With a large
profoundly ignorant, and ruled by a
priesthood such as existed in Ce)lon, he must say that
writing such a letter was on the part of his Hon. Friend
an act of great indiscretion. The Hon. Gentleman
had himself used some hard words, and must expect a
few knocks in return.—( Rear, hear.) Another and most
Painful part of the subject was the loss of life, upon
which it was far from his wish to look with indifference.
Before the House came to any conclusion on that most
Painful part of the subject, they must look at all the
Circumstances attending the insurrection. He main-
tained that that insurrection was not occasioned by the
ordinances. On the contrary, from 1817 down to 1848,
there had been successive attempts at insurrection which
were fostered by the same parties in the island, which
had the same objects in view, and which were charac-
terised by the same incidents as characterised the insur-
rection of 1848. Priests, headmen, and chiefs were all
concerned in it, more or less, at least as far as the pro-
ceedings at Kandy. Colonel Drought then commanded
only about 1,000 men, which force was scattered about.
The outbreak was simultaneous in many places, and
wore a very formidable aspect, much the same as that
which marked the insurrection of 1817, and which
it took twelve months to suppress. There were then
upwards of 12,000 troops in the field, nearly 11,000 lives
Were lost. There was a large destruction of property,
"d a total charge upon the revenue of the mother
country
of upwards of 250,0001. These insurrections
act gone on in character much the same down to the
!resent time. In 1817 martial law was proclaimed, and
existedl for two years after the insurrection was put
down- Now, let him contrast with that the character of
Lord Torrington. The Hon. Gentleman here read a
letter from the commander of the forces, Major-General
Naelt, stating that martial law had been immediately
Proclaimed, that no time was to be lost, that prompt and
'rigorous measures were absolutely necessary to be
taken, &c.; and after describing the revolt of the
troops, he went on to say that to the vigorous measures
of the Governor must be attributed their present suc-
cess_ in having checked the rebellion; but that he was
not at all sanguine as to its having been put down, for
the people were beginning to feel that it was widely
apread since 1837. The House must not therefore sup-
Pose that this was altogether a contemptible rebellion,
or that it did not require active measures for its sup-
pression. Serious injury had been done to all the opera-
tions of the colony, and had it gone en, would have
Caused such a loss as would have certainly brought upon
the Governor the censure of that House for not adopting
those t
measures which he fortunately and actively re-
sorted O, Martial law was proclaimed. He appre-
hended that when that was the case all civil law was
suspended, and that the
civil
government was not to be
held responsible for the trials
place. When they took and executions which took
Terrier was one hundred miles fein this instance, the Go•
rtomrethoeustpobt.ut Theythe had
not received accounts of those a
a distinguished officer in chief of command,ps and aregewnaes-
ral whose conduct was some guarantee for the correct-
ness of the proceedings in these courts martial, which
were held by the Hon. Gentleman to be so sanguinary.
When an insurrection took place, it was shown to them
all that measures must be resorted to which they de-
plored, but which were incidental to such a state of
things as at Ceylon, not produced by the Government,
nut entirely attributable to the priests and headmen,
Who wished to recover the original power which they
had lost. When it was all over, what were the opinions
of those who were on the spot? The Honourable
Gentleman, with a kind of natural bitterness, seemed to
think of nothing but to criminate the Governor. But if
thhe., Honourable Gentleman would only refer to
'" papers before them, as contained in the blue
;°°, a, he would there find Sir H. Maddock,
addressing a public meeting at Kandy, ex-
Pressing his appreciation of the measures that had been
4„-Pted, and by which the property and lives of the Eu-
%%lan inhabitants had been saved from the insurrec-
'tes, who were overrunning the country spreading
d "°e and devastation in their path. Sir Herbert Mad-
-1,134 then went on to say that the conduct of the Go-
Zi•nor was entitled to their confidence and thanks. Why
enot the Hon. Gentleman state the case fairly byut. cesi,tting these testimonies, instead of endeavouring to
w -`6 a Prejudice by omitting them? But he (Mr.Hres)
'nd
alpitake care that he should have an opportunity of
there stating his case.—(Hear, hear.) But, besides this,
elee:,,Were public meetings of the Catholic bishops and
anlettersWhig from private individuals all concurring in
aPpreval of the conduct of the governor. He must
been' Y one word in behalf of the soldiery, as it had
fr. stated in a leading journal not supposed to be un-
tenelY to the Hon. Gentleman's proposition, that their
,tZteduct had been brutal and uncontrollable. To that
deni.llent he could give a peremptory and indignant
o 7 and which was shown by the papers before the
*h. se to have had no foundation beyond the malignity
Leh oei • a • He had pointed out the benefits
tours originated it.
at tun on the colony by Lord Torrington, by his
ture" atmß trade and industry, his saving of expendi-
the Dubd his appointment of a Committee to inquire on
svereet; and he must say that if distant governors
eue_to be thus attacked, even before that House bad
gt„, tind perfect information—for the Hon. Gentleman
and be of his motion the first night of the session,
due etore he asked for the papers which were since pro-
ess ed"--if such attacks were to be made in the spirit now
eisionneeicl hY the Hon. Gentleman against Governors of
es where there was a great native !population, and
4:Tnent danger of an extended insurrection, he (Mr.
insurrection
ventured to say that this would not be the last
ue
o they would have to deplore.—(Hear, hear.)
! proceeded to New Guiana, respecting which the
nuccifuhentleman'a statement was a complete burlesque;
truth e had taken the smallest pains to ascertain the
it s he would have seen so. But he really seemed as
" had made up that statement from the merest drib-

• -
blets of newspapers, He said that Lord Grey had re-
fused to consider all reductions of the civil list. Now
the civil list was commonly stated at 39,000/. a year. So
it stood in: the ordinance, but the sum actually paid by;
the coloniSts was much less. There was a charge ca
7,000/. for stipendiary magistrates, 4,0001. of which was
1,
ap
na idd
vboyl,u
itiht
ai sr cho, urne tnrey e civil
w. e
dTi n
l 844 fiat
ulv;a
.t si‘,eite
rt
1f)le
ti ne
rIRB(4,
se
proposed to add 9,000/. odd for church expenses, and to
that the colony assented. That was a pure addition to it;
so that as far as the civil list was really concerned, it
amounted in Guiana to only about 24,0001., the revenue
being about 227,000/. In 1848 the Court of Policy put
forward as grounds for refusing the civil list, that they.
were so impoverished, that they were utterly unable to
pay it. Now, when this was said, the revenue had not
fallen off. On the whole, for the year 1848, it had in-
creased. The produce had not fallen off in that year,
for they had exported 9,000 hogsheads of sugar more
than iu 1847. That was no reason why reduction or
economy should be refused; but there were serious ob-
jections to the mode by which it was attempted to
enforce it. Suppose an Honourable Member in that
House to say he would not vote the estimates unless
they first reduced the civil list of the Crown, the
obvious answer would be, that whether the country
could or could not bear those estimates, that was not
the time to introduce the question; it was connected
with an Act of Parliament, and should be dealt
with by an address to the Crown. Lord Grey did not
assent to the course proposed by the Court of Policy,
and refused to authorise the Governor to accept the vote
of the estimates if the civil list were omitted. The
colony did not take that advice. It answered, perhaps,
by refusing the supplies, to embarrass the Government
and plunge the whole colony into confusion. The lion.
Gentleman said that when Mr. Barkly was appointed
was the time to reduce the civil list. But Lord Grey
never opposed a fair settlement of the question of the
civil list. But the Noble Lord was of opinion, and he
(Mr. Hawes) was also of opinion, that it would be the
worst policy in the world to cut down the salaries of
Governors in colonies such as Guiana, where the climate
was dangerous and the cost of living enormous, for if
they did so, few men of adequate ability would be found
to accept the office. He had shown that the civil list
was not what it was represented, but some thousands
less—he had stated that his Noble Friend was prepared
to consider the question of reduction, and he contended
that the colonists had nothing on which to rest
their case. They endeavoured to force the question of
reduction, and it was because his Noble Friend was not
to be driven from his government, nor led to desert his
principles by a combination of men here or elsewhere,
that he was now the object of that bitter assault of which
they had had a specimen that evening. The lion. Gentle-
man left out of his motion the Mauritius. He entreated
of him to include it. He said that the present Minis-
ters had deserted the principles they held when out
of office, and deserved to be censured for their in-
consistency. He denied there had been any change
of principle. He supposed that the Honourable Gen
tleman would not say that 'in colonies like Ceylon or
the Mauritius, where there was a great disproportion
of races, and great inequality of condition, where the
white population was small, and the coloured mule-
don large, that the same representative government
should prevail as in other colonies. Far from it
Lord Grey had always felt it his duty to watch the
colonies, in order to see when they were fitted to receive
representative governments. He might be accused of
Proneness to make promises, bat these promises would
speedily be fulfilled. Notwithstanding all the studied
obloquy that had been cast on the Colonial-office. he
would appeal to the House, after hearing the case fully
stated, to give their support to the colonial policy of
Earl Grey and himself, which was consonant with the
general opinion and wishes of the Liberal party. What
had been done, first of all, in Canada? When Earl Grey
came into office, responsible government there wse
scarcely more than a name ; it had been promised.
but had not been actually carried into practice. Re-
sponsible government had now been formally anti
perfectly established in Canada ; and notwithstanding
all the convulsions of Europe, which, at a forme'
time, with the distracted state of the French popu-
lation, might have led to serious consequences—
in Canada perfect tranquillity had been preserved.
A letter he had received from Canada that day
seated that general tranquillity and perfect satisfaction
with the Government prevailed, and with the upright
and enlightened Administration of the Noble Lord at its
head. In New Brunswick responsible government hat
been established, as a dispatch laid on the table of the
House would show. In Nova Scotia and Newfoundlanc
also there was now representative government. In New-
foundland the conduct of the Governor had been beyond
all praise; he bad carried that colony through two win-
ters of deep distress, and asked no aid from this country
—(Hear, hear)—but by great personal exertion he
had managed to preserve the people in tranquillity, arm
to lead them on to future fields of useful industry, which
would in all probability prevent that colony from eves
suffering again from the careless, reckless mode of life
which had formerly marked the inhabitants. He ha';
also introduced the cultivation of grain, and laid thf
foundation of a grain diet for the people instead ei!
potatoes.—(Hear.) He would now cross the globe to
our Australian colonies. In a short time he should lay a
Bill on the table of the House to confer representative
institutions di the Australian colonies.--(Hear, hear.)
Why was this? Because they were a British popula-
tion accustomed to representative government, knowing
its forms and habituated to its usages; they knew how
to wield, as well as how to moderate the power which
representative institutions; would give them. Those in
stitutions would be conferred upon them, ho hoped, with
the consent of the House, in the present session of Par-
liament.—(Hear, hear.) But the , Hon. Gentleman
taunted them for not giving local government to Ceylon.
They had not, and would not do so. His Noble Friend
and himself would be the last to incur such a responsibi-
lity, believing as they did that it would be mast injurious
to the colony. They might next be taunted with not
giving representative government to the Mauritius.
But with the divided races, interests, and po-
pulations there existing, the colony was not in a
situation to receive it. A new governor bad been ap-
pointed there—no acquaintance of his Noble Friend,
Lord Grey; he went out instructed to inquire into the
whole establishment there, and to revise the taxation
and the expenditure of the colony. A great deal haft
been done there already; the present governor had re-
duced the taxes by 37,0001. a year, exclusive of the
emigration tax of 30,0001.; as appeared from a return
which he held in his hand. And Lord Grey had sent
out the new Governor with most stringent instructions
to follow up that system, not being satisfied with the
present reduction. He had now answered the Hon.
Gentleman on most of the points which he brought be
fore the House. He would not say that the spirit and
temper with which this discussion had been introduced
were likely to benefit the colonies. He could con-
ceive a calm and judicial-minded inquiry, so conducted
as to afford aid and assistance to the colonial depart-
ment, so as rather to give satisfaction than create dis-
content in the colonies ; but unless the inquiry was con-
ducted in .a way different from that in which the subject
had been introduced here, it would lead to no practical
good. He tendered tho Hon. Gentleman his services,
' and all the aid and assistance he could render. He
would' again say, he feared no inquiry ; Lord Grey
feared no inquiry—(Hear, hear)—for his patronage had
been honestly administered.—(Bear, hear.) A number
of men had been placed at the head of the Colonial
Governments, who did not deserve the description which
the Hon. Gentleman had given of them.—(Hear, heat)
He had said that no Governor had been appointed whose
conduct reflected honour on himself, or conferred any
benefit on the colonies.

Mr. BAILLIE—No, no. I said no Colonial Minister.
Mr. HAWES thought he could really recall the names
of some Colonial Ministers who had not deserved this
reproach. Did not Lord Stanley, when he abolished
slavery, obtain the approbation of the country?—(Hear,
hear.) Was that a matter of no importance? Was the
policy pursued by Mr. Huskisson, in his administration
of the colonies, a matter of no importance? He laid the
foundation of several valuable local Acts. With regard
to Lord Grey's patronage, he defied the Hon. Gentleman
to impeach it. He had introduced into those colonies
men of distinguished ability and high talent. Of this
there could be no greater proof than the prosperity of
New Zealand under great difficulties.—(Hear, hear.)
Peace had been preserved, trade increased, the re-
venue improved; the native population were becoming
gradually attached to the Europeans ; and there
was a harmony of action and unity of pur-
pose in that colony which reflected the highest
credit on the gentlemen administering the govern-
ment. In Newfoundland, never was there a Governor
who more assiduously, anxiously, and beneficially dis-
charged his duty. In Canada never was there a man
more fitted than Lord Elgin for the important post
which he filled. He might refer to Sir Edmund Head
in New Brunswick. Who would impeach his character
or ability, or condemn what he had already done in that
colony in the discharge of his duty ? But the Hon.
Gentleman laid great stress on the appointment of Lord
Torrington, and said that he was utterly unknown and
undistinguished, and merely a Lord of the Bedchamber.
Surely, it was not to be considered altogether dis-
reputable that he had been a Lord of the Bedchamber.
—(Laughter.) There might be ability even is
a Lord of the Bedchamber. But Lord Torrington had
shown himself a man of both energy and ability. His
means were small ; he was a Peer of the Ream; and he
had materially increased his fortune by agricultural in-
dustry and skill. He /had been selected by a body of
intelligent, sharp, and sagacious directors—the directors
of the South Eastern Railway—as an associate. He
(Mr. Hawes) had been present at a dinner given by
those gentlemen to his Lordship on leaving this country,
and had heard the highest opinion expressed of his in-
telligence and business-like habits. While the Hon.
Gentleman (Mr. Baillie) had kept all other appoint•
vents ought of sight, he (Mr. Hawes) had not shrunk
from meeting him and dealing with this one. And now,
having assured the House that this Committee would
be granted, supposing the amendment were carried, he
did not know whether the Hon. Gentleman would con-
sent to it.

Mr. BAILLIE—Oh, no.
Mr. HAWES thought not.—(Laughter.). He would
assume that the amendment would be carried, and that
the Hon. Gentleman would have the glory of dividing
against it. He could only say that the Committee, if
appointed, should have all the assistance he could render.
He was perfectly convinced that the more Lord Grey's
two-and-a-half years' administration was inquired into
the more would impartial men declare that that admi-
nistration had been wise, honest, and sagacious. At this
moment, when obloquy was surrounding him, he (Mr.
Hawes) wished not to flinch from his share of it; he
was perfectly ready to share in that obloquy; ho wished
only he could share the honour of having done half the
duty, T. discharged half the useful functions of his
Lordship. Believing, as he (Mr. Hawes) did, that his
Lordship's administration and patronage had been
honest, and his measures good and wise, and esteeming
it
An honour to stand there, not to defend him, but aim-,