The Sun.
London, England, 1838-03-14 00:00:00

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Legislature to frame Acts of Parliament, even of the most
stringent description if their enforcement was to be trusted to
the Colonial Assembly.—(Cheers). He would now beg
leave to read the resolution which had been put
it to his band, only imploring that respectable astern-
Ile, to suppor the religion of their common Saviour.
Toe resolution was to the following effect :—That it had again
b come the duty of the negro population of the colonies, to
cairn fur that injured race the immediate termination of their
tondage, chiefly on the ground of their natural right as men
Lever to have been enslaved, and whom, therefore, it
'was criminal to retain in that condition ; and, further,
I amuse the British Legislature had proclaimed their right to
f: cedom, and the British nation had paid the enormous sum
of 20,000,0001. sterling, to ensure their liberation. In con-
eiusion he entreated the meeting to lift up their voices from
tune to time, to let them wax louder and louder until they be-
cline irresistible.—(Great cheering.)
[Here Miss Brougham who had been suddenly taken ill,
sass obliged to leave the platform, accompanied by Lady
Brougham.]
Sir CHARLES STYLES, M. P. for Scarborough, came for-
ard to second the resolution that had just been submitted to
lie meeting. He would trespass on their attention but for a
few moments, because he was aware there were many indi-
ladnals by whom he was then surrounded who could do
treater justice to the cause than it was in his power to
010. If this; were the first time that the question of the im-
mediate abolition of human slavery now designated " the
'apprenticeship," had been brought under the consideration of
the public, he confessed that for one he would have felt the
greatest degree of diffidence in giving a decided opinion on
Mhe subject.—( Hear, hear, hear.) But the experience of the
ast few years had dispelled those conflicting doubts which
might have existed in the minds of many persons as to
whether the negro slaves were fitted or not to pass
from servitude into the state of a free citizen without some
iatermediate state. Experience had told them that the negro
was fitted to discharge the duties of a free citizen, not merely
with advantage to himself, but with corresponding benefit to
sail other classes of the social community. The Noble Lord
had told them that the Colonial Government of Antigua and
Jtermuda, by the wise course they pursued in granting imme-
',Ewe emancipation, had proved in the most convincing man-
lier that such was the fact.—( Hear, hear ) Was it a matter
of surprise, then, that the British people now asked why it
was, that slavery, under the name of apprenticeship, should
Le permitted to continue for a single day ? They might well
ask, after having paid the extravagant price of 20,000,000/of
Itioney for the abolition of human slavery, why it was
that the British name and station still had attached
to it the stigma of sanctioning a law which gave
aaen the right of holding their fellow-creatures in bondage.
'.arhat um the answer given to the demand of the English
Feople ? Why, that there was a compact entered into between
the British Government and the West Indian proprietors in
it 833, to continue to them their position in the servitude of the
',Negro. Ile denied that such was the compact, either in its
3-tter or spirit.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had told
Bleat that which no one could contradict, that the apprentice-
soup period of service was not meant as an indemnity to the
e`*;egro proprietor, but it was meant for the moral advantage
and benefit of the Negro. It was unwise and unnecessary,
iis experience had shown, that the negro should un-
dergo that probationary state. When the money was
raid to the negro proprietor—the receipt he gave for that
a. oney was the title-deed that placed the negro under the pro-
t, ction of the British nation. ---( Cheers.) From the very
) ,or it was proved that the apprenticeship system was incom-
Fatible and unnecessary for the amelioration and accial condi-
tion of the negro, from that moment the Government was
I.ettud to place tho negro in a condition of freedom. He
s mild not weary the attention of the Meeting by touching on
.y of those matters of detail that had been laid before them that
"t y by the Noble Lord in trauscendatnly eloquent language.
ie i,, Noble Lord hod that day come forward and placid Idle-
eelf at the head of his fellow-citizens to plead again the
4 .use of outraged humanity ; no one could deny for a mc-
-3 s,nt that the apprenticeship system was nothing but a cen-
t nuance of slavery, and as such they wire hound to utdift their
aadces, that it might be abolished as speedily as possible. He
),egged leave to conclude by seconding the resolution.
The Rev. Mr. CARLISLE, of Belfast, said in the presence
t f the Noble Chairman, and in the presence of a very learned
nd illustrious countryman of his, ne stood there to dispute
a ith him a title which had frequently been bestowed on him,
sti:., the Member for all Ireland.—( Loud cheers and laughter,
arnihist which Mr. O'Connell rose and bowed. ) He stood
I efot e them literally and truly as ti,e Member for
ad; Ireland. —( Hear hear, mid loud cheers.) There was a
period in the history of the mighty and momentous question,
then in order to arrest the attention, to rouse the sympathies,:
and enlist the nation's mind in the cause, is was necessary to
s ator into an elaborate defence of the first and great princi-
pass applicable to the question—it was necessary for the edve-,
A ate eif the negro to begin by showing that slavery was a gross
eed leatcmatic violation of tile fundamental principles of the
rtritish Constitution—it was necessary for him to show that it
x: acs not osely a gross infringement of the Constitution, but that it
i evolved a direct and systematic violation of the great rights of
a ion. Them was a period when they were obliged to unfold
a ne pages of lhe inspired volume, and to show that, while
davery was spoken of, it was not sanctioned or sanctified by
that inspired volume. That period bad now come, when it
vt.as, unnecessary for the advocate to enter upon the discussion
aaa ?hose fundamental principles. On the part of the realm of
V re. it Britain—on the part of all its Estates, there bad been
. r ognition of the principle, that slavery violated all the
f.tneelaL neental principles of our glorious Constitution, and was
utterly inconsistent with the spirit and letter of their corn-
anon Cine stianity.—(Great cheering.) Then what was the
I,urpese of that large meeting ? It was not for the
urpeae of discussing these elementary principles, nor for dis-
cussing the propriety or impropriety—the wisdom or the
la olishmess of the Act passed by the Legislature some years
ago, for the purpose of abolishing (as it was called) slavery—
le stood there recegnizing, the existence of a great moral evil,
end he stood there as the member for all Ireland, for the pur-
pose of asking the friends of the cause in Britain, to join
hie countrymen—to join there in a covenant of lose—
to join them before angels and the world, and to show
What they would not cease in their efforts until they
`lad seen the day, which by the blessing of God, would soon
litre ice, when slavery would cease in reality, and would be
11 otted out of the pages of our country's statute book.—
( Loud cheers.) In November last, he had the honour
appearing in the metropolis, not as the member for
all Ireland. but as one of deputation, who waited
--upon the Noble Lord, the Secretary for the Colonies,
altrel he well remembered the result of the conversation had
with him left upon his mind the impression that, upon
-first day after the meeting of Parliament, that Noble
. Lord would have moved for the appointment of a Com-
mittee of Inquiry into this subject ; for he then stated that it
was preposterous to expect Government to go into the ques-
tion—to legislate upon the matter, without a full inquiry
before a Committee, where all sides would be impartially heard.
Parliament had been sitting for a considerable time—no Com-
mittee had been moved for—no additional evidence had
since been obtained, and yet the first document with which
he met upon his arrival in London was a Bill introduced
by the same Noble Lord upon the same evidence which he
had before him in November—a Bill setting aside the most
..: Lnportant provisions of a former Act. He considered the in-
t reduction of this Bill as a full recognition of the fact that
the imperial Act for the abolition of slavery had been grossly
violated, not only by the Colonial Legislators, but by the
Stipendary Magistrates.—(Cheers.) Therefore it was that
he demanded on the part of those persons who were opposed
to slavery—on the part of 800,000 of his fellow-subjects, that
they should no longer, under the sanction of the
British law, be deprived of one of the most blessed
t erivileges which it had pleased Heaven to endow
esthem with. He spoke in the name of his countrymen, and
laas asked for them for the honour of joining in the loud cry
which was now raised for the total abolition of the system of
apprenticeship. He would rather use the word slavery, for
she Ireland they had the happy knack of calling things by their
right name. They asked to have the honour of joining
Englishmen in that glorious moral enterprise, not for the
sake of the apprentices or of their masters—not for the sake
of this country, but for the sake of the whole civilised world—
for he held that the day which would witness through every
part of Britain the total, the entire, and unpurchased aboli-.
tion of slavery, on that same day there would be drawn from
;;.he urn of destiny the doom of slavery throughou
n,'l the nations of the earth.—(gear, hear, and cheers.
so strongly dt I feel the onerous responsibility of even th:
smaeleat portion of political power conferred by the Constitu
riot' .under which it is our common happiness to live—s.
deeply ,do I feel the importance of using every constitution
influence which God it's his providence has graciously favour -.
me with, that much as f love my country—and Ireland an.
England tied,. with all your .faults, I love you still—that mnc"
as I appreciate the privilegd'a, as well as the rights an
liberties which that glorious Constitution, under the provi
dence of God, secures while it ce.nfers—that I am prepare.
not only to forego the enjoyment of ,those rights and libertie
but if Great Britain had conferred upon myself the lofty ho-
nours which, with a liberal—and I speak in all sincerity an
truth when I say—not too liberal hand, Great Britain lie
.adorned your Lordship's honoured name—(Much cheering
al say and meatrio say, that if, in the providence of God, I ha
Ise en placed in the same lofty and honourable position wbic
your Lordship justly and righteously occupies in the r.
Cations you adorn, that I am prepared to throw eve!
those ungrateful hon ours at my country's feet, and r
-
tiring far from her conemunion, far from her corruptions, (-
from the crimes and cruelties of slavery, I am prepared to see
for myself and for insulted liberty in this case as connect
with myself, a comfortable and veaceful asylum, amidst so
peaceful place—there
" Where tyrant never dared, and slave was never Itnow
Where Nature worships God in wilderness alone??
Thither, thither, shall I roam—
There my children shall be free,
There for them I'll seek a home,
There they'll find a grave for me."
(Mucha cheering.) •
Mr. ALEXANDER OPPENIIEIM, who had been in Jamaie
and a slave owner, felt a deep interest in the cause, an-.
wished to make a few observatioes to the meeting be-
fore the resolution was put. He could never forget
the solicitous application made to him upon leaving the
colonyfive years ago by a ne,gr h
o, " Master, ere yu have been
nay friend—when YOU get home do not forget o
the slave.'
He trusted that the exertions of the British public would
never relax until the entire abrogation of slavery was ac...
er'Plialiad. It had been properly stated that the title deeds
of the, property in the nersroes were in the hands of the
ego lature. Than might be so if it could only be instilled
_inn i ho minds of any of the Colonial Legislature, that
they c ucht to cheri sh any other feelings than the body, mind,
and sen it of the neg ro were theirs. Al an instance of how the
aPpren ticeship syst pm worked, he had extracted from a Corn-

wall Paper an extract, which it had taken from the authorised
publication of offenders in the Colonies, which stated the name
and description of a Creole boy, who had formerly belonged
to a lady, and purchased his freedom, but who was taken up as
a prisoner, in consequence of not being able to produce certi-
ficates to that effect. This abuse, no doubt, would be conti-
nued until the voice of the public compelled the Legislature of
this country to put an end to the system altogether. The Le-
gislature must be ccmpelled to feel the pressure from without. It
felt one pressure, but that was not the pressure it ought to yield
to—the pressure of the West Indian mortgagee which had made
the subject a question of property from beginning to end, and
caused those doubts of policy to arise which had prevented
Parliament from enacting the entire abolition of the sys-
tem.—( Cheers. )
The resolution was then put from the Chair, and carried
unanimously.
Mr. O'CONNELL presented himself amidst enthusiastic
cheering. He said-1 am a practical man, nothing but
a practical man, and as a practical man having a
great veneration for vulgar arithmetic and the re-
sults that flow from vulgar arithmetic--and no small ve-
neration for the difference between price and value—l
come here to inquire about the twenty millions—we all know
it was voted; we also know it was paid, but where's the,
value ?—( Hear, hear.) That's what I want to know.—
( Cheering.) We have given the money and we have not got
the goods—( Hear, hear)—and now as my friend, the Rev.
Gentleman from Belfast said, as we Irish have sometimes the
habit of calling things by their right names—a habit which I
unfortunately fall into sometimes."—( Immense laughter)—l
call it—" swindling," my Lord, is it called ?—( Laughter, and
hear, hear)—swindling is the name of it. You are all
swindled, every one of you, man, woman, and child.—( Hear,
hear, and laughter.) If you had gone into a shop in Cheap-
side, or anywhere else, and paid the worthy citizen
in that shop a sum of money, and then had
said give me the lutestring, or the siik, and he had
answered, I have pocketted the money, you may go
away—away, indeed, you would have gone, but it would have
been to the police-office ; and speedily the citizen would have
had to have refunded or produced the goods ; but here, be-
cause the name of the party is " Legion," Legion is to have
your money, and you are to have no equivalent.—(Hear,
hear.) But that system cannot now be much longer conti-
nued ; I wish we had been a little more slow in our payments.
When we had our cash in our pocket a e ought to have looked to
the value.—( Hear, hear.) It was paid prematurely, paid
unwisely, and requires now both energy and wisdom to insist
that the debt clue to humanity sholl be paid. Oh !it was a
mighty exhibition for the nations of the earth—it was a lesson
that will be read in after ages with admiration, when the most
prudent commercial and mercantile nation in the world as-
sented to pay—nct for any paltry or vulgar advantage—not
for the advancement of its commerce or manufactures—not for
the advantage of its own powers, but for the liberty of
800,000 individuals unconnected with us by blood or race, but
linked to us only by the ties of humanity,: so large a sum.
I did not like giving the money, and I voted ag-ainst it. But
still I admire the generosity of the nation that gave it.—
( Hear, hear.) But is it not ungrateful? Is it not swindling ?
Oh ! how shall I describe the iniquity to take the money—
to swindle the nation—and to keep the negroes still in a state
of slavery—(Tremendous cheering)—but it cannot last.—
(Renewal cheers.) The congregated thousands whom I see
here before me—the thousands whom I have seen going away
—thousands more than there are here, join me, net in swear-
ing, but in saying that it shall not last; they say that we must have
that for which we have paid our money—(Cheers)—and it
must be given.—(Repeated cheers.) When the Anti- Sla-
very Society meets here in a few days, they will go round to
the Members of the House of Commons, and they will say,
" Sir, we do not care what you are—you may be a beautiful
Whig, or an excellent Radical, but yltou must vote."—(Tre-
mendous cheers and laughter.) is not necessary to
say the rest of the suppeaition.—( Laughter.) We shall
see what will follow.—( A laugh.) We will say to you
gentlemen of the An: i- Slavery Society—" Oh ! I was
always an emancipator—l heartily concur with you
—( Laughter.) I always blamed the want of consideration
with which the money was giver., and I will be in my place to
vote for you. I will take refreshments before 1 go.—( Great
laughter and cheers. ) I will not pair off, and I will not leavO
the House untl I vote.—( Renewed laughter and cheering. )
If you do not get such answers it will not be long before yowl
get another House.—( Chem s, and a cry of "the Bishops. the 4
Bishops !" and laughter.) Oh ! the Lords are accessible to
reasoo, like other men. They don't like to be told in the streets,
" that is the roan who prevented emancipation." I beg pardons'
the Lord."—( Great laughter.) No, they cannot—the
Lords cannot be against us.—(Cheers.) It is not necessary
for me to stimulate your zeal-1 have brought with me ex-
tracts to show the cruelties which are perpetrated under the
;!Fprenticeship—to show that it is mockery to call it freedom.
is that man a freeman who cannot go beyond the farm en
which he lives ?—( Loud cries of " No, no," and Cheers.) Is
that man a freeman whose hours are counted—whose food is
weighed with scales of gold ?—( Repeated cries of " No—no,"
and great cheering.) Oh ! I believe mistakes there are in
counting, but no mistake in diminishing the pittance of food.
—( Hear, hear.) Now, my Lord, it was I who suggested in
the House of Commons the clause that females should not be
flogged in their apprenticeship. But the Noble Lord (we be. •
here Stanley) did not like that I should bring it in. He brc,u,-;ii
it in himself to take the gold off my gingerbread.—(Roars of
laughter and cheers.) But in spite of the clause they arc
flogged—( Hear, hear)—and in this presence I dare not allude
to the cause for which they are flogged, or the brutality with
which they are flogged.—( Hear, hear.) As for those twenty
millions, we are told that there has been a contract, and that
the nation must keep its contract with the slave-owners. Oh !
the stones in the streets will rise against those who stand between
yeu and emancipation. Yes, they tell us of our contract, an d they
talk of compensation. But had we given the money to the
negroes for the days which they have passed in toil and tor-
ture and the nights which they have passed in grief—if we
had given compensation to the mother for her children torn
from her breast—for the scourges she has suffered—for mo-
ments stolen front toil to impart the food of nature ; if we had
given the compensation to them, the 20,000,0001. would in-
deed be well applied. —(Vehement cheering.) They talk of
k, contract, why, if the contract had been properly made, I could
show that the 20,000,0001. would have bought not only the
negroes, but the estates—(laughter)—and not only the es-
tates, but a small portion of the white population besides.—
' (Renewed laughter and cheers.) But what of the contract ?
Have they not violated it from one end to the other ? Will
they believe the Marquis of Sligo ?—( Hear, hear.) Will
they believe the missionaries of humanity ?—( Cheers.) Will
they believe their own act recorded in Parliamentary docu-
ments?—all declaring that they have violated every part of the
contract ; and if it be a case of conscience we are quite
safe in calling for emancipation.—( Hear, and cheers. )
I need not encourage you. There shall be a voice heard in
both Houses of Parliament which Ministers must obey.—
( Cheers.) You have great reason to be encouraged in your
noble course.—( Hear, hear.) What was, my Lord, the state
of the wretched negroes at the time you became their advo-
cate ?—( Cheers.) How difficult it was to collect a few hun-
dred persons on your side, who were laughed at and vilified
by the press.—(Loud cheers.) The moral " Snowball" has
since been increasing rapidly, and it has now become
an avalanche ready to fall on the opposers of the negro's per-
fect liberty.—( Cheers.) It is something to have the name of
slave blotted out from the statute.book —that wherever the
meteor-flag of England meets the breeze there is a voice
heard in the gale, which seems to say " There is no slave
beneath the banner upon which England's arms are embla-
zoned !"—(Loud cheers.) Yet, oh ! 1 cannot but cast my
eye over the waves of the vast Atlantic, where I behold a
nation calling itself republican continuing this abominable
system of slavery.—( Cheers. ) When Lord Stanley brought
in the Bill, he at first proposed that the apprenticeship should
last twelve years—there is a statesman for you—so that the
old men and the venerable matrons of eighty years of age were'
to be told, that when they arrived at the age of ninety-two
they should pass the remainder of their life in the pleasures of
freedom.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) There is another
point named in this Resolution which states that the negro is
ready and willing to labour for wages, and is anxious to
render his family as comfortable as possible.—(Great and
continued cheering.) But I repeat I cannot but sigh
when I look upon that hideous remnant of domestic slavery, that
two millions who are kept in chains by Republican America.
—( Cheers.) I wish that the voice of freedom would re-
sound in " the temple of freedom," forsooth at Washington
upon this subject.—( Cheers.) I confess it is to me a grati-a
fying reflection that I have been the first to express at publi
meetings in this country contempt and execration for this con
duct of the Americans—to lash with the scorpion-whip o
scorn the proud Republicans that, in defiance of thei
own principles dare to carry on slavery.—( Loud cheers.
Yet something has been done. My friend Thompson did n
go to America for nothing. Anti-slavery Societies had bee
instituted there, and, on the first division on the subject in Con
gress, no less than sixty honest American Representative
voted in favour of American Emancipation.—(Loud cheers.
To be sure, Congress has passed a resolution stating that.
this subject shall not again be brought forward there. Oh
how silly is crime !--(Laughter.) Why they cannot prevent
a discussion to rescind that resolution.—( Great cheering. )
The subject may be brought forward in another shape.--
(Cheers.) It is in vain to attempt to stop the progress
of the waters of Liberty and Life, which are destined to bless,
and to cheer every quarter of the globe.—(Cheers.) It is no
small thing that the Noble and Learned Lord in the chair
has come forward to take the lead upon this subject.—
(Cheers.) We have heard of " a giant refreshed with wine."
Here is the giant of eloquence refreshed with philosophy.—
(Loud and long-continued cheering.) Invigorated by his
temporary retirement he comes forth with superior brilliancy
to illuminate the moral atmosphere of humanity.—(Loud
cheering.) We must soon obtain the victory.---(Cheers. )
We have plain justice on our side. —( Continued cheering. )
—For the tongue does not dare to utter, and the Mind is
almost polluted by the thought of the frightful scenes of im-
morality which slavery necessarily produces and continues.
My Lord, we should not be men, we should not be Chris-
tians, if we did not rally under your standard.—( Great
cheering.) Rally then for the last blow.—( Applause.)
Insist upon the immediate emancipation of the negroes. Oh
those who have laboured through the toilsome night on
the way to liberty, and beset with diflieulties, arid surrounded
by spectres of fright and horrors, know now many and various
were those spectres of disorders, murders, and conflagrations
which were protruded upon us by the disordered interestedness
of the holders of slaves.—( Hear, and cheers.) Where arc
these spectres now ?—( Applause.) Liberty has been pro-
claimed, and not a crime has been committed—freedom has
been announced, and even the negroes have felt the addi-
tional injustice of England having paid for 'their freedom
without them having obtained it, and oh, how abused have
they been ! Did ever a population show such exemplary for-
bearance, such a total absence of all crime—such an in-
dulgence in the social virtues, and such a ready submission

to legal injustice, as the maligned and persecuted negroes
of the West Indies ?—(Much cheering.) Has not their con-
duct secured for them a brotherhood among all the friends of
humanity, which will carry on the standard further still than
we have planted it, until they do not leave a single slave on
the face of the earth.—( Vehement cheering.) You have
worked through the night, and the dawn is now coming on,
but retire not—wait until the full sun of liberty is abroad, faint
not on tho way, but proceed on your course, encouraged by
every motive which can ennoble the human intellect and
dignify the human heart.—(Great applause.) Proceed,
until the last relic of the apprenticeship system ceases
in the Colonies—until your emancipated and baptised
fellow-countrymen of the West Indies shall raise their voices
on behalf of their dejected brethren of the United States, and
until it becomes absolutely necessary for protection, that liberty
should be extended and perpetuated.—( Vehement cheering.)
I need not say how it has gratified me to be listened to in the
manner I have been to-day—( Hear, hear)—not from paltry
vanity or miserable selfishness, but from finding that this meet-
ing is characterised by that good feeling that distinguishes
this country above all others on the face of the earth.—
(Cheers.) The Rev. Gentleman from Belfast, who lately
addressed you, has made some statements with respect to Ire-
land, and I owe it to those who differ from me on questions
of great national importance, who represent that country,
to do them this justice, that although we stand upon
adverse interests, and, therefore, although we differ on all
others, on this subject we are unanimous.—( Loud and reite-
rated cheering.) No slaver was ever fitted out by an Irish
merchant—no Irish capital—(Cheers)—has been employed
in that horrible traffic—all Ireland, from the Giant's Cause-
way to Cape-clear, and from Connemara to the hill of Howth,
joins in re-echoing your shout. Scotland, ever foremost in
the race of science and of humanity—England through her hun-
dred plains sends forth her children with one voice—England,
Scotland, and Ireland, demand that the apprenticeship system
should be put an end to, and that the negroes should be per-
fectly emancipated. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman con-
cluded amid loud and general demonstrations of applause from
all parts of the meeting.
Captain HARWARD, delegated from Gloucester, seconded
the resolution. He had not the presumption to stand up on
that occasion to think that he could possibly add anything to
the powerful, eloquent, and practical address they had just
listened to with so much approbation, and which was, indeed,
fully entitled to the whole amount of applause they had it in
their power to yield. Ile thought he should best consult the
feelings of his audience, and their good taste and discretion, by
merely saying that he most cordially seconded the resolution
which had been so ably moved by the Hon. and Learned Gen-
tleman.
Lord Baot7ottaat in putting the resolution said, I was just
about to remind my Hon. and Learned Friend of a fae
which he has forgotten, relative to the Irish Members. I was
present in the House of Commons irregularly, not being then
a member, in 1804, when Mr. Wilberforce carried his first
vote for the abolition of the slave trade. That was the first
time the question had been brought forward ; it was carried by
a majority of, I think, '25 or 30, and that majority consisted of a
number of Irish Members on both sides of the question.—
( Loud cheers.) It was not at all confined to those
Members with whom my Hon. and Learned Friend
and myself agree. There were Orangemen as well as
Greens.—( Laughter.) Men on both sides, who gallantly
came down to the House after dining with Mr. Dillon, after-
wards Lord Dillon, who is now dead, and Mr. Pitt told us
afterwards, in relating the history of that victory, of whets he
was very proud, that the result being different from what it had
been before was one of the first fruits of the Irish Union.—
(Cheers.) I hope it is not the last fruit. That is one of the
questions on which my Hon. and Learned Friend and myself
differ, and it would be an additional argument against a repeal.
..._(Great laughter and cheering.) My Hon. and Learned
Friend is very tolerant, I believe, on that subject, and natu-
rally says, that if our Imperial Legislature will only do all
that the two Legislatures would do, then there is no reason
for repeals That is a very material and very sound argumen'.
The Rev. JOHN LIEFCHILD, Minister of Craven Chapel,
felt grateful at hav;ng bsen invited to lift up his voice in this
great assembly, as a minister of religion, and in the name of his
ministerial brethren in this great metropolis, agaitist that
which the God whom they served regarded with detestation.
Tyranny, of every form and kind, whether relating- to the soui
or to the person—whether arising from the lust of gain or do-
minafon—whether it fixed its brand upon the body, or its ma.
nscles upon the spirit—alike regarded by the Almighty with
utter abhorrence—

" They who practice it,
Assttme authority usurped from God,
Not given. Man o'er man he made not lord,
That title to himself reserving ; leaving
The human race for ever free."—( Cheers. )
And, as the minister of him who came to proclaim liberty to
the captive, and the opening of she prison doors to those that
are bound, he repeated, that he felt delighted in being
allowed to raise his humble voice along with that
of senators, and orators, and patriots against an abomination—
against the protracted evils of slavery, which had grown rank,
and whose offensiveness called for its instant removal forth-
with.—( Cheers.) It would be superfluous in him to en.
deaaour to enlist the feelings of the meeting on this subject,
and against the evil in qu..stion. From what he knew before
—from what he had beard this morning—from the heart-
thrilling appeals that had been made—and, above all, from the
principles of liberty glowing within their own breasts, they
were prepared to come to a decision this morning, that, like
the echoes of thunder among the distant hills, should give
effect to similar decision in all parts of the country—
(Cheers)—that they would have no more mockery of
their hopes—no more substitution of the phantom for
the substance—of a cloud for the goddess ; but that
the very jewel which they had bought—which they
had paid to, but which had hitherto been withheld from their
grasp ; the inestimable jewel of the liberty of the captive, and
the opening of the prison doors to them that are bound. He
confessed that but for the protracted hardships of the slaves he
fo
;gradual
a nl oath ho
laivtieo
nbeent
Is) oe r rsy;
stermt
.h e
Fexperimentthis
o h
e3f,
aallowing
of
the plan which was to give even-handed justice in reference
to both parties. For this they put it in the ;power
of the planter to redeem his character by becoming a
willing coadjutor in the glorious work of emancipation, and
thus have rendered it impossible for any one to say that thev
had withdrawn their confidence without giving a fair and full
trial, and what had been the result ? They had been taught
whom they were not to trust. There had been verbal illus-
tration of the patience, the forgiving temper of the negro.
—( Loud cheering.) An opportunity had been afforded
for the display of the untiring energies of the country,
in a prosecution of a just cause—a position had been provided
for the Noble Lord to take his stand upon that had developed
more fully than ever his mighty talents—(Cheers)—and the
consummation of the act of liberty had been delayed till it
m'ght take place under the happiest auspices, and our young
and lovely Queen herself might be almost thankful that it had
been delayed until now, that it might take place at last
under her sanction, if not accelerated by her express wish, and
that thousands of slaves in her Majesty's dominions might as-
sociate her name with the deed of justice, and shout with joy-
ful exultation—" Victoria for ever l"—( Great cheering.) lie
confessed he was surprised still to meet with objections in
some quarters, that the slave was not yet fit for his full liberty,
and might be intoxicated by the boon. Now, he would not call
it a boon—it was an act of justice—and that he might not be
betrayed with the feelings of indignation and revenge. Wh,t,
lie who had received the partial restoration of his liberty
without abusing it—after he bad found the cup of liberty held
to his lips—dashed again with bitter dregs, and had borne it
patiently—was he, at the consummation of the act of his
liberty, to be actuated by a feeling only of indignation, rather
than the impulse of gratitude. But what was the awful''
alternative ? The continuance of the apprenticeship systerre
was no problematical evil—it was no doubtful evil—but, as hacl ,
been abundantly proved this morning, it was the continuance
of a dreadful state of things, and he thought it was against all:
the principles of human reasoning to suppose, if it continued.
to the full period, that the slave, at its expiration, wou be-
come better fitted for his labour. Was it, then, in human
nature to be goaded into kind and generous feelings lie
thought, that for the interests of the planters themselves, they
ought to expedite the matter, lest they might learn a
lesson at last, if they still continued to go on, which they seem
unwilling to admit, that he who sows the wind may expect to
reap the whirlwind. But these were consisiderations below
the subject—they related to expediency, which ought ever to
give way to right. What was it that set up the Grecian and
Roman name in such lustre, but by doing right in despite
of expediency.—(Hear, hear, hear, and loud cheering. )
Then the meeting were prepared, for the sake of the negroes,
for the sake of the planters, and for the sake of eternal justice,
demand, demand, demand—(Cheers)—
thatwith one hand and voice this morning to agree to petition, pe-
tition,p‘ npao
emst
trh petition—tonenl dds tleuesoln
held
ed.
seiApnr
eufhegoii
foot.—(Great
tls
.1
ntyia, en(vdGe
everyrrtyenar
torn,
te
st:tcaelsvlrheeshould
inruhi tnodl
colonies,
edb) be
shouldt
n r
tnthey
ehayeas
asunder
were
dei in
neer
theat hned
to be told that they wanted a leader, they had one who
Was noble, eloquent, and enlightened—(Cheers)—one who
could pour a flood of light on every subject which he chose
to irradiatc—( Cheers)—one whose whole pnblic course had
been employed as the advocate of liberty—(Cheers)—one
who never sacrificed right to expediency—( Cheers)—one who
'was the advocate against slavery of the mind, as well as the
body,—(Tremendous cheering.) But he would advert, if he
might do it without offence in his presence who, among his
other avocations, had written a work, which, when the violence
of party had ceased, would carry down his name in lasting
honour to posterity.—(Great cheering.) With such a leader,
and in such a cause, they could not do otherwise than sue-
ceod.—( Cheers.) He hoped that all present would not he
content with merely coming there and naking speeches, but
that they would set about petitioning. They must petition largely
and numerously.—( Cheers.) It would not be out of Cha-
racter in him to say that civil freedom was not their ultima-
tum—not only civil but moral freedom was their object.—
( Cheers.) The promotion of the act of justice which it was
their endeavour that day to promote, would facilitate the
progress of religious instruction.—(Cheers.) Would men receive, lie
would ask, religious instruction from those who coerced them 10 Never.
—(Cheers.) There were some present that day that belonged to a race
among whom the precious path of liberty was preserved, and woe to
them if it was quenched.—(Cheers.) If ever they went from those
sentiments, persecution would commence. The moment that was done,
they would be branded with infamy. But till they did that, he trusted
they would have the credit of wishing the voice of liberty to echo
through all the quarters of the globe.—(Cheers.) He said all quar-
ters of the globe, because he felt no doubt that America would soon
follow them—(Cheers)—and that the time was nut far distant when
freedom would reign triumphant over the whole face of the earth.
The Rev. Gentleman concluded amid loud cheering.
The Noble CHAIRMAN then put the resolution to the naeeticg,
which he declared to be carried unanimously.
ANDREW Wirtre,Esq., M.P. for the borough of Sunderland, then came
forward to propose the next resolution. After the many great guns that
had been let offin the present assembly this morning, he was afraid that his

small pop-gun would hardly be heard by the whole of the meeting.
The resolution he held in his hand had been handed to the right and
to the left, and although Gentlemen of greater ability far than him were
present, he had been obliged to take upon himself, unfit as he was,
the duty of bringing forward the resolution to the notice of the meeting.
He believed that not one individual within those walls had ever seen him
before. —(Great laughter.) What they might think of him he was sure
he could not tell—(Renewed laughter)—nor was he careful to know.
However, one thing satisfied him, and that was, to find such a hearty and
enthusiastic reception given to the anti-slavery cause on the present oc-
casion.—(Hear, hear.) He was not accustomed to address public meet-
ings, although he was now upwards of forty years of age.—(Laughter.)
Public speaking with him was quite a novelty. He had been bred and
brought up as a merchant and ship .owner, in the borough of Sun-
derland, and he had been called on unexpectedly by the con-
stituency of that place to represent them in Parliament.—(Hear, hear.)
Why was he so called upon ? Because he was known ever since he was
twenty years of age to have been the advocate of civil and religious li-
berty throughout the whole world.—(Cheers.) Although he was not a
Dissenter himself, yet he had the honour of entering a Dissenting place
of worship, and he had the gratification of hearing a valuable sermon
from the Reverend Gentleman who had just sat down. The advice
that he then gave was, " In your patience possess ye your souls."
However much, he might be inclined to act on the advice
of the Rev. Gentleman, he must confess that he felt impatient
at hearing the horrible cruelties that were inflicted on their black
brethern in the West Indies. The accounts they heard of the cruelties
inflicted upon the poor Negroes were of an awful and revolting nature,
and he trusted that the enlightened public of this empire would come
forward unanimously and determine with one voice that slavery should
cease to exist throughout the British dominions.—(Loud cheering.)
It had been stated of the people of the United States of
America, that although they were great lovers of liberty, yet that
they held two millions of Negroes in bondage, and it appeared that no
person who had a black face was free, for liberty was confined
to persons with white faces. He had had the honour of being appointed
, one of the delegates, to represent his native borough. at the great meet.
-rig that was held there two months ago, to prepare the road for doing
way with the apprenticeship system in the West Indies. He had every
easonto believe that Lord Glenelg, and her Majesty's present Ministers,
were anxious to forward the liberties of the country.—(Cries of
" No,
no; that wont do, Mr. Fergusson.") He hoped the meeting would
iftof suppose that he wished to succumb to her Majesty's Mini-
kers—he had supported the Ballot, and all Liberal measures, but
what he meant to say was, that he considered Lord Glenelg in reality
wished to abolish the apprenticeship system, if he could see his way to
do so.—(Laughter, and cries of "No, no.") What they should do
liwas, to come forward manfully, and insist on the representatives to do
iiaway with the apprenticeship clause. Let a motion be brought forward
in the House of Commons for doing away with Emancipation alto-
gether—let every Liberal Member and every Conservative Member sup.
portthat motion, and then he thought the death-knell of slavery would
be tolled.—(Cheers.) The resolution he had to submit to the meeting
was—" That while the admission on the part of Government, and their
,application to Parliament for new and increased powers to amend and
enforce the Abolition Act un equivocally demonstrate the truth of our
` former charges, and of the necessity of our active interference, this
meeting teams with extreme dissatisfaction and regret, that the pro-
posed Bill of Lord Glenelg, instead of going to the root of the evil, and
providing the only effectual remedy by the extinguishment of the sys-
1.
rtem, is a tissue of mere palliatives like the Act it proposed to amend,
I and must prove a flagrant mockery of justice ; and that this meeting
feels bound to enter its protest against a measure of So delusive a na-
ture."—(Cheers.)
The Rev. Jong Butteerr, in rising to second the resolution, could not
help expressing his deep regret that there should be the least occasion,
at this late period of the world's history, and this advanced stage of its
improvement, for coming forward to discuss man's natural right
to the possession of his own person.—(Hear, hoer, and cheers.)
It was clear that every Legislation which was not founded upon the
supreme rights of man—which was not founded upon the rights of the
negro—would violate the ends of eternal justice.—(Cheers.) They
had not come there to argue that man should not have a right to his
fellow-man, but only to put an end to the apprenticeship system—such
might be said. But, in his opinion, they had met together to go over
the same ground which had been so often, so eloquently trodden by the
Noble Chairman and others. They had got some details granted them,
but they had been refused the real principle. The Apprenticeship
Act violated this principle—it continued slavery under a new name;
the freedom of the slave was violated by the Act which was to have
emancipated. He had always expected that the Act would fail, and he
had not been disappointed. On this question he was—what one of the
Members for all Ireland stated himself to be—he was a repealer.—
(Cheers.) He wanted to repeal the Pill altogether—nothing less would
satisfy him. What was the state of the question ? Had they met to-
gether to consider anything connected with the Bill introduced by the
Noble Secretary for the Colonies ? No. They had met for the pur.
pose of procuring the repeal of the Bill altogether. They had met to.
gether to denounce that Bill, and it was denounced in th e resolution he
held in his hand, in terms as unmeasured, yet as just as could.
be used even by the Noble Chairman.—(Hear, hear.) That Bill
was a poor and paltry instalment which the Government
offered to the country for their 20,000,000/.—(Loud ch ee rs.) It did
not propose the freedom of the negro, their great aim. As far as they
were concerned the Bill was a mere nullity, and they had not hing to do
with its details. It proposed, however, that the Governor e hould by
his proclamation regulate the hours and labours of the negroes. But
were they aware—did the Government know that when a Governor went
to a West India island he entered into a new moral atmosphere ? How
had die Marquis of Sligo been treated ? They teazed, and thwarted, and
mocked him, until they compelled him to throw asvay the reins of govern-
ment in despair, as under such treatment any Hon. Gentleman must have
done. Was it possible that a man, asGovernor ofa colony, placed in such cir. .
cuinstances, could carry into effect such a piece of bungling legislation
as the Apprenticeship Act? It could not be; and they would be com
pelted to meet again, in order to obtain a Committee to inquire into
working of the proclamation law, as it no doubt would be
called,—that Committee might be appointed, and in 1840 they
might be prepared to report, and as a Committee would die off
along with the system itself. He considered that Bill as a mere
piece of procrastination, as having no tendency but to delude
the easy thinking portion of the empire,—(Loud cheers.) He
thought it was brought forward because the enlightened people of
England—of the Empire, had called for the total repeal of the Ap-
prenticeship Act.—(Cheers.) It was a mere shield thrown over
that Aet in order to delude the sober thinking people—the
friends of the negro in the empire.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
If they could regard any alteration that might be made in the Act as at
all likely to better it beyond what it was, they would find themselves
egregiously deceived.—(Hear, hear.) The Bill was against their
principle of entire freedom.—(Hear, hear.) Its purpose was to mend
and patch the Apprenticeship Act.—(Hear, hear.) They had asked for
freedom, and they got that piece of patchwork legislation.—(Hear,
hear, hear, and cheers.) They asked for the negroes rights, and they
got a patch of their wrongs—(cheers)—they asked for liberty and they
got a modification of their bondage.—(Renewed cheering.) The reso-
lution which he held in his hand reminded him that the Act was
founded upon what the anti-slavery advocates had always insisted upon
—the mischevious character of the apprenticeship system. Why was
the power taken out of the hands of the Governor and his Council,
but that they could not be trusted ?—(Hear.) Their character was lost,
and the Bill was built upon its ruins.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Bill
was brought forward to lead the friends of the negroes to suppose, that
the Colonial Secretary would do something. 'That Noble Lord had ad.
rtnitted that the negro was cheated of his hours—of his food—of the ad-
Nninistration ofjustice—(Cheers)—that he was cheated of the protection
of the special Magistrates—and of every thing on which the Apprentice-
ship Bill promised him an advantage.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. B.) pitied
the Governor in his heart,--(Laughter.) Lord Glenelg took him, and
threw him amidst those men who could not be trusted ; he threw him
into the den of lions, and told him to grapple with the monsters
the best way he could.—(Cheers and laughter.) He was going
out to govern men in peace and good humour, to whom he must say in
'the first place, you are destitute of honour, of truth, of justice, of hu
'inanity. Who would expect that such a system would work well, and he
'(Mr. B.) spoke thus not to bring the odium of the meeting on the West
Indians, but to convince the meeting that the Bill never could work
' well. What they were to do then was to demand the thing—the whole
thing, and nothing but the thing—which they had always demanded,
and of which they could not give up one inch—entire and full liberty.—
("Vehement cheering.) Liberty in all its bearings, and in its clearest I
and fullest sense--liberty, as every Englishman understood it,
and as Mr. Stanley described it in his place in the House of
Commons when he brought in his Bill, and which terminated in bondage.
A negro was at one time asked if he knew what liberty meant ? for his
master said that after all that was said about liberty, the negroes did
not know what it meant—( A laugh)—but the negro answered, " Ah,
ma.ssa—liberty means me go where me like."—(A laugh.) Let the
meeting therefore, tell Lord Glenelg they equally understood what his
Bill meant. Slavery was bad in its original—in its old, and in its new—
degradation, but it was worse when it appeared in an old hatched
garment.—(A laugh.) Why did they not take the master by the
throat at once and slay him, and bury him instead of dressing him
up in old rags that make him more odious.—(Loud cheering.)
The Ministers had voluntarily come forward with a mea-
sure ,for which the West Indian planters themselves had
not petitioned.—(Loud cheers.) Why should these " well-meaning
individuals,"—thus volunteer such a measure.—(Cheers.) The Rev
Gentleman concluded by exhorting the meeting to be strenuous and
persevering in their efforts to exterminate this abominable system.—
(Cheers.)
The Rev. Mr. BEAUMONT was introduced to the meeting as a Wes-
leyian minister. He commenced by observing that John Wesley had
been ever as uncompromising an enemy to slavery in the State as he
had been to corruption in the Church.—(Loud cheers.) Thirty
years ago a furnace had been kindled to destroy that monstrous
substance slavery, but it had now become necessary to re-kindle the
furnace in order the more effectually to complete the work of destruc-
tion.—(Laughter and cheers.) At first there had been a small bellows
blowing raised against the abomination, but since the publication of the
speech delivered in another place, delivered by the Noble Lord in the
Chair—a speech full of the lightning bolts of eloquence and genius,
against the oppressors of the negro—the bellows-blowing had been raised
into a mighty blast.—(Laughter.) The Rev, gentleman proceeded to
tell a story related to him by a friend of his, who told him that a per-
son, speculating on the emancipation which seas carried into effect in
Antigua, had sent out to that island a cargo of fiddles, that the negroes
might, on the Ist of August, fiddle themselves into delirium. (The
extreme vehemence of the reverend speaker, and his extraordinary ges-
ticulations, coupled with the humorous nature of the story, excited
shouts of laughter, mingled with a few hisses.) But the negroes had no
taste for fiddling, and the fiddles remained untouched.—(Laughter.)
The negro demanded some other instrument to celebrate that splendid
event of August. and they had got hold of the harp of David and the
trumpet of Paul.—(Cheers.) He had heard of a traveller passing
up the Lapland hills beyond even where a blade of grass re-
fused to grow, ascending even to where the eternal snow covered
the hills, and there he found a ranunculas flourishing in the middle
of winter. What would that ranunculus have been if the winter had
been taken away? We could not touch the physical winter, but the
moral winter of the negro we had power to clear away.—
(Cries of Hear, hear. hear.) It had been said that slavery hacked
the faculties, impeded the progress of arts and sclenee, rendered the
mind sordid—the intellect meagre and unworthy to be the tenant of
man's noble frame, but he would contend that it rendered more meagre
and sordid the minds of those who inflicted it than those who suffered it.
He was quite of opinion that it was their duty to take the Bill
which had been so well and so sarcastically denounced by the previous
speaker, provided they could not get abetter.—(lmmense cries of" No,
no,"—" Never, never," and hissing.) For his own part he wanted
19s. 12d. in the pound.—(Cries of " No, no.")
Lord BROUOUAM—The meeting could not have heard the Rev. Gent.
because he could not reasonably ask for more than 19s. 12d. in the
pound. That, according to ordinary calculation, made 205. in the
pound, and they could not have wished him to say that he wished for
2ls. in the pound.—(Hear.) It was true this Bill only gave about one
fiftieth part of the 4th of a farthing, and all the Rev. Gentleman wished
was to take even that small mite in expectation of getting more, not in
relinquishing in the slightest degree his claim for the "(Nile.
A GENTLEMAN on the platform said it was principle that they wanted,
, and no gilding of base coin.
Dr. BEAUMONT resumed—He could assure the meeting that be had
,as great an objection to base coin as any one. There were several
mints, the Noble Lord in the Chair hail one of his own, and the me,t-
Jog having tasted of his seemed loathe to receive any from any other
source; but if they would only give him time to finish his sentence lie
would make himself understood. There was one clause in the Bill which
reconciled to him the putting an end to the flogging of females, and
to a great extent the flogging of men. He considered that an instance
of as good feeling as could adorn human nature had been shown in a
negro, who peremptorily refused to flog his father at the command of
his master, and who submitted to one if the severest floggings himself
for his refusal. For his own part, lie had been described as a Wesleyan,
bet he begged to inform the meeting that he belonged to the genus
home—the species lanno—all the varieties of honzo—(Laughter)—

and therefore felt the deepest interest in the whole of his own species.
If intellect had not been indestructible, it would have been destroyed
_ .

by the monstrous numbers that bestrode it. But intillest was as in-
separable from human nature as genius from his Lordship, heat from
the sun, or cold from the North Pole. As the meeting appeared to be
impatient, he would merely observe, that he same forward to
accelerate not only the longer wished for day of freedom to the
negroes, but freedom to the whole race of mankind. He believed
the reason why that " consummation so devoutly to be wished"
was not hastened, arose from the damning spot upon themselves,
the foul blot upon the British Constitution. As soon as they had freed
themselves the thunders of the British lion would roll over the Atlantic,
and the reign of the Neros and Caligulas, the butchers and the bullies,
would be at an end.

The Noata CHAIRMAN then put the resolution, which he was sure
would be unanimously carried.
Every hand in the Assembly was held up in favour of it.
His Lordship then adjusted his glasses, and looked slowly and care.
fully round the Meeting, to see if any hand would be held up
against it, and announced, amidst great cheering and laughter, that
he could not see one, although he looked very attentively.
Mr. ROACH, M.P. for Cork, moved the next resolution. Although
he had not much experience in public meetings, he had
sufficient to know that the present was not a period to
address them at great length, and he would therefore merely read the
resolution, which spoke sufficiently for itself.—(The Hon. Gentleman
then read the resolution.)—The question should have his warmest sup-
port In Parliamrnt, for he had always been the friend of freedom—un-
biassed and unshackled universal freedom, and nothing but freedom.
The resolution was seconded by JosiAti FORSTER, a member of the
Society of Friends, and carried unanimously.
Mr. CONDOR said he was instructed to give notice that the meeting
would adjourn until twelve o'clock to-morrow, and that his Lordship
had promised to give for the second time the benefit of his attendance
on that occasion. He concluded by moving that the cordial thanks of
this meeting be given to the Noble and Learned Lord to whom the cause
was so greatly indebted, not only on this occasion, but during the whole
period of his public life. .

Mr. STU nal: seconded the motion, observing that they were tinder in-
expressible obligatiops to the Chairman for coming forward on this
occasion.

Lord BROUG nAm in returning thanks observed, that the last exertions
which it was his fortune to make upon this great question, were not
upon the subject which now immediately brought them together, but
on a subject more urgent, more pressing and one which made his mor-

tification more bitter than even the conduct of the Government
on the subject of slavery, and the mockery Bill which had been so
much stigmatised to-day, and that was not so well understood as it ought
to be, owing to the pressure of business in the other House, which pre-
vented the subject from being brought so fully before the public as was
generally the case by those gentlemen to whom the public owed such a
debt of gratitude never to be sufficiently expressed for the care,
fidelity and skill—for it was a most difficult thing,—with which
they reported the speeches in both Houses of Parliament.—(Hear.)
At that period there was a most important question under discussion in
both Houses,and therefore, it could not be expected that what he had stated
could be written so fully as it otherwise would have been. The consequence
therefore was that he had been asked to correct the report taken by a
short-hand writer for a friend of what he did say ; he had done so, and
that speech had been published that day. He would state what it was
that he did say. He alluded to the African slave-trade, by which the
unhappy negroes were to be brought from America, and from
India, in order to enable the planter of Guiana, and other places
to avail themselves of their services. This race of Indians were of a
less hardy constitution than the generality of the Indian race, and by
the Order in Council, which he deprecated, they were at liberty
without any regulations whatever, to export as many Indians and ne-
grces as they thought proper to all places within the charter of the East
India Company. That order was framed for the purpose of enabling the
planters to carry over some of the negro population in crowded
vessels to Guiana and to other places, in order that they might
by this means become what was called indentured apprentices.
Sucks was the state of maladies on board the vessels that
during a six weeks voyage, out of 240 no less than 31 perished ;
and in the course of another six weeks, on board a vessel bearing
the name of Queen Adelaide, out of 72 no less than 26 perished.
Such was the state of things which the Order in Council
was intended to perpetuate, and such was the state of things which he
was determined to raise his voice against. He thought that it was quite
enough for his friends connected with the Government, to oppose him
upon the question of slavery alone, without opposing him also
upon that of the slave trade.—(Great cheering.) In his opposition
to those Orders in Council, he had been supported by most
able men, and be was bound in justice to say to his political ad-
versaries, the Tories, that they had supported him. Lord Ellenborough
and Lord Lyndhurst had both of them made most able speeches
upon the question. The latter Noble Lord, he would venture
to say, by his speech upon that occasion, had raised his
character in the affections of his fellow.eountrymen in a
much greater degree than he had disparaged it by the course he
had pursued. He would now most respectfully take leave, observing
only that if his life was spared, he would meet them again to-morrow
at twelve o'clock.
The immense assemblage then separated ; and his Lordship, on leav_
ing the Hall, was loudly cheered along the passage, on his way to his
carriage.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO. MORIVJ W.
Morning l6 minutes after 4 I Evening 3' minutes after 4