The Sun.
London, England, 1838-01-17 00:00:00

SALES BY AUCTION.

URNITURE, PLATE, CHINA, BOOKCASES,
IQ.LO."OING,
TON.and EFFECTS of No. 2, CLAREAIONT- SQUARE,

•
At his Rooms By Mr. BULLOCK,
, 211, High Holborn, To-mmutow, Jan. 18, and
SATURDAY, Jan. 20, at Half-past Twelve each day,
HE HOUSEHOLD EFFECTS of a LADY,
ra,ll
_a?,.5 of.
,„_ ,s. removed for facility of sale; consisting of all the usual re-
tan respectable house, also modern rosewood and maim-
;Piaj mrniture for the drawing and dining rooms, glasses, cottage
le o-forte
• t elegant lamps, and chandeliers, carrts, bracket clock,
bas f also a valuable brass turning lathe, six bronze suspending
bthttiares, qs, and a select stock of combs, brushes, perfumery, scent
&c.

To be viewed, and catalogues bed.

FREEHOLD ESTATE, MIDDLESEX.
At the Auction Mart, on TuEsn.kv, the 30th lust , at Twelve, in
One Lot,
THREE FREE OnHOLD HOUSES, in Mans(-11-
2, street, Goodman's-fluids, facing Great Alie-street, Nos. 31,
k-rland, 33, in the occupation of very punctual old tenants—Mr.
tje4, Air. Solomon and Mr. Weston—at low rents—togethor
4d. per annum.' Two cf the hnuses have front shops ;
trt,4l.t e es,tate occupies a large plot of gronad at tlio northern ex-
I, Y this leading street.
Ta, °..e viewed till the sale ; and particulars had of Mr. G. T.
444,
Mr. solicitor, Featherstono-buildingo ; at the Auction Mart;
of Bullock, Holborn.

Provost, Magistrates, and Town Council of the borough of Cu-
par, in Fifeshire, praying their Lordships to adopt an uniforn
rate of postage.
The NOBLE DUKE presented a petition from the Magistrates
and Council of Crail to the same effect.
The NOBLE DUKE likewise presented a petition from the
Landowners and Justices of the peace of Aherleen, praying
their Lordships to make some alteration in the Standing Or-
ders of the House, in reference to the Railway Bills.
AFFAIRS OF CANADA,
Lord GLENELG laid on the table papers relating to the
affairs of Canada. These papers were a sequel to those which ha(
been presented to the House about three weeks since. He
should have been very much disposed, in laying these pencil
on the table, as far as his own wishes were concerned, to have
entered upon the subject this evening to which they re-
ferred. He was aware, however, that in doing so there woad,:
be some informality, as the more regular course would be t,
give notice of the subject to be brought under the considera-
tion of the House. He was quite ready at this moment to
enter into the question ; but the consideration of the
informality of doing so induced him to submit to
the judgment of the House, whether be should do so or
whether he should take the usual course of giving notice
'that he would do so on an early day. If it should be the opinion
isf the House that he should not enter into the sulject at
resent, he should beg to give notice that on Thursday next he
would move an address to her Majesty on the affairs of Canada.
Lord BROUGHAM said, that having been one of her
Majesty's Ministers at the tine the measures were passed in this
country, which had given rise to the unfortunate circumstances
hich had taken place in Canada, he would not hesitate to
express his opinion very decidedly to his Noble Frierd, that the
most convenient course for him to take would be to give
;notice of his intention to bring the subject forward, and then
ito call on the House•to agree to any measure he might deem
lit necessary to propose at the earliest possible opportunity. This
would be the fairest way of proceeding both towards her
Majesty'si Ministers and to all parties concerned.
es • ord MELBOURNE wished to explain the reason why
e was rather disposed to have adopted a different course. His
Noble Friend in the other House had given distinct notice that
on this day he should call the attention of the House to this sub-
pct. He (Lord Melbourne) had said it was the intention of her
Majesty's Government to call the attention of their Lordships
to the subject ; but he had not given notice that this subject
should be moved to-day, nor moved that their Lordships
should be summoned. He, therefore, did not feel that
it would be quite regular to enter upon the subject at
present, but again he had thought it inconvenient, and scarcely
fair to their Lordships, thrt a statement should be made in the
other House on this subject to-day, and no statement made in
their Lordships' House on it. It was thus, out of respect to
their Lordship., that he had suggested to his Noble Friend
the propriety of making a general statement to their Lord-
ships of the course intended to be pursued. He however, felt
that the course now proposed was the most proper and con-
venient, therefore, he should wish his Noble Friend to give his
notice of motion for Thursday next.
Lord BROUGHAM explained that he by no means in-
tended to censure the course which had been taken by the Go-
vernment.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said he should like to
know what was the nature of the proceedings which would
be recommended by the Government at the next meeting of
that House-4 Hear.) He had a very strong opinion on
this subject. It was his opinion that to propose an Address
from this and the other House of Parliament, in the first in-
stance, was not the regular course. He theueht that,
hostilities having already lawn commenced, the origin of the
proceedings in Parliament ought to be a Message from
her Majesty, and in answer to that Message, an Address from
that and the other House might properly be recommended.
My Lords, (continued the Noble Duke,) I am the more
anxious upon this point, because I consider that iu e: der to put
to a speedy termination to the present unhappy di-putes in
Canada, her Majesty's Ministers should speak out • that
Parliament and the Country ought to understand on
what ground her Majesty's Government intend to
stand on this question : and the sooner that is clearly
understood the better—and the more speedy will
be the termination of these unfortunate discussions. I have
no doubt, my Lords, that ere long the Government
will be under the necessity of calling upon Par-
liament to support her Majesty in these transac-
tions ; and I hope they will call upon Parliament
to do so in such a manner, as that Parliament will be en•
abled to pledge themselves so to support her Majesty, and that
preparations will be made for bringing these disputes to
an end, as soon as the season opens.—( Hear, hear.)
My Lords, if this be the case, I shall be ready to give
my support to her Majesty's Ministers on this question,
and to persuade others to follow such a course. My Lords,
I entreat her Majesty's Ministers not to forget that a great coun-
try like this can have no such thing as a little war ; that if
they do enter upon these operations, they must do it upon such
a scale, and in such a manner, and with such a determination
as to the final object, as to make it quite certain that these
operations will succeed, and at the earliest possible period.
The question which I have to ask the Noble Lord is, what
specific motion he proposes to make ? And I have also to ex-
press my opinion, that the course to which I have alluded
should have been adopted before this.
Lord MELBOURNE—I certainly agree with the Noble
Duke as to the general principles which he has stated.—
(Hear.) I agree with him that her Majesty's Ministers ought
to be explicit, and also I agree with him that the preparations
which may be made for putting an end to the present state of
things ought to be on such a scale as should bring the war to a
speedy conclusion. It might, indeed, have been the more usual
course to have proceeded, in the first instance, by bringing
down a Message from the Throne—(Hear, hear)—but in
effect the papers which had been laid en the table were the
Message from the Throne, and there would be inconvenience
in bringing down a Message from the Throne, when the princi-
pal matter which would occupy the Message was already before
the House. The Noble Duke ( Wellington) says that he
hopes her Majesty's Ministers will speak out on the present
occasion—( Hear, hear)—and, undoubtedly, they will speak
out. My Lords, lam willing to admit that a Message from
the ,Throne, in the first instance, might have given greater
solemnity and weight to our proceedings on this occasion ;
but now there would be a difficulty in adopting that course.
But I trust that in the course which we have adopted there
will be an opportunity for her Majesty's Ministers and both
Houses of Parliament to adopt such a tone as will make it
apparent to the world that this country—with all due re-
gard to the rights of others—will ever be determined and
prepared to uphold its station and dignity amongst the nations
of the earth.—( Cheers.)
Lord ELLENBOROUGH, after a few words which
were inaudible, proceeded to say—l trust that the Noble
Baron opposite ( Lord Glenelg) will give the explanation
which the Noble Duke near me has called for. If the Mes-
sage were to come from the Throne, it would be in any case
accompanied with the papers which have been laid before the
House, and which the Noble Viscount deems tantamount to
the Message itself.—( Hear.) But in fact they are not so.
They are imperfect and unsatisfactory; they do not show at
what time the war commenced,' although that information
must have been received —( Hear, hear.) I trust that the
Noble Baron will distinctly inform the House what the terms
of the Address which he m ems to propose will be. For my
part, I must say at once, that I will not agree to
any Address which may pledge the [louse to approve of the
course which her Majesty's Government has pursued in this
matter, as it appears from the correspendence which has been
l:.id before us-7( Hear, hoar, hear.) With respect to the
cerrespoedence itself, I must say that it is defective, and
that there are papers which are omitted from the return
of which the House ought to be in possession. The Noble
Baron talks of these papers as being the sequel of the corres-
pondence. Now will he hare the goodness to tell us when the
despatches from Lord Gosford were received.—(flear, hear,
hear,) I never before heard of a case in which papers were
laid before the House, and the date of the writing
was given, but not the date of the receipt. There was no
understanding the natnre of the case. There is a letter from
the Noble Barer, ( Lord Glenelg) to Lord Gosford, in which
he says, " I shall shortly have to address you fully on
the course of proceeding which you will be instructed
to adopt if those proceedings in the Colons, continue
to go on." Now, any Lords, I can find no despatch from the
Noble Baron to Leid Gosford, after this one of the 20th of
November, 1 Sn 6, until tls,t which is dated the 11th March.
and in which the Noble Baron informs Lord Gosford
that he is unable at present to enter into an explana-
tion of the reasons which guided the Government
in the course which they were prepared to adopt in Lower
Canada; and the despatch goes on to say," I think it incum-
bent on me to tell you what occurred in the House of Com-
mons." Now,. my Lords, this was just no more than Lord
Gosford wculd know as well from the newspapers.—(Hear.)
But I can find no letter between these two dates in Marcia
and November; and on the %hole I must ask how is it tuat
they acre considered the most important, when they by no
means furnish the House with a full explanation of the inten-
tions of the Government ?

Lori G L ENE LG, who was very imperfectly heard, was
understood to sty, that %Olen he laid befcre the House the
papers referred to by the Noble Lord (Ellenhotough) he
intended • nit!) the dispatches received since.
ttlilile,in ct uAe
but tdates to which the Noble Lord
tr
illdee (du to
not followr •
ee
referred, until they were menti.pied just now; but he would
attend to the sw,!gestion, ar.d would lay before the House
whatever dispatches had been received between NovernL-r
and March ; hat it vvr.s his opinion at present that all the
papers were beftre the H.)use.
Lord VESCI, who was almo3t inaudi'ile in the Gallery,
was und,rstood to support the suqg,estions of Lord Ellen-
borough, and to con•end that there must have been a
distr.tch in the interval before alluded to, which had
not been laid before the llouse.

Lord BROUGHAM—My Lards, I apprehend that Ler

LICENSED VICTUALLERS.
Captain PECHELL presented a petition from seventy-
nine licensed victuallers of the borough of Brighton, praying
that leave be given to (Captain P.) to b. ing in the Bill to
amend the laws relating to licensed victuallers, of which he
gave notice on the 24th of November, 1637.
The petition was ordered to lie on the tab!e.
SHERIFFS' COURTS BILL.
Captai.l PECHELL said that he hid some tin! ago put a
question to the Hon. and Learned Attorney-General, whether
there w,s any chance of the Law °dims of the Crown intro-
ducing, a Bill relative t.) the Sheriffs Courts, which the Hon.
a, d Learned Gentleman had given him reason to suppose the
Lord Chancellor had under his c: nsidrration, and had IA him
to believe he should hear something of on the first day of the
meetinz of Pa.liament ?
The A was authorised by the
Lord Chancellor to state, that his Lordship wan engaged Wilt
the I,,nned Judges in prep.,ring the Bill to i% 11 (-.:11 the Hent„
a:id Gallant Member ref,rred, for extending the prisdictien
Sheriff.; to all actions whatsoever, under 50/. Ile believed
that that Bill would contain further enactments for the esta-
blishment of Courts I r the recovery of Small Debts—( Hear,
hear)—and Idtrwise to ass:st the Sheriffs and Magistrates in
the administration of Ciiminal Justice at Quarter Sessions.
HAND-LOOM WEAVERS.
Mr. 'WILLIAMS begged to ask the No'„le Lord, the
Seer,:tary fur the [lonic Department, ..vhether the Coal-
missioners appointed by the Crown to inquire into the dis-
tressed condition of the hand loom weavers would prosecute
their inquiry by visiting the manufacturing districts theinsciveg
or by deputies? Ile had been induced to ask that question. because
a strcog feeling existed among that class of persons, in conse-
quence of reports havi,z gone abroad, that it was intended to
conduct the inquiry by means of deputies. He understood
from numerous parths connected with the Iminufalt ut jog dis-
tricts that that mode of inquiry would not give satisfaction, as
no responsibility would be attached to a r,port which wouid
ht.ve been male on hearsay.
L ,I(.1 JOHN RUSSELL, in answer to the Hon. Mom-
ber's question, had to state that it was Vie intontiun of the
Commissioners to con !net their inquiries in the manufacturing
districts through Assistant-Commissioners ; that these As-
sistaats had been alt Cady appointed, and it was intended that
the Lquiry should rr.ATed in a manner similar to that which
hal b. en adopted with respect to the operation of the Poonlaws.
The arrangement would be so far sat sfactorv, that it w;uld
enable tie Commissioners to go fully into the subject.
AN Hos. MEMBER vished to know whether the chain:l-y
va, t , he extended to the whole of Erighmd ?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL w,.s understood to say that it
was intended to be extended.

DUDLEY PETITION.
M3LIONI3 wished to call the atteation of the Hon
to the case of the Duiley petition. It woull be i i the recol-
lection of tl.e Howe, that a gentiemaa named Turner apPled
to eulerge the time for putting in the recognizanees. ..
was given the 26th Dce., and this' uv-ening the 0•c1..,r wa3
discharged altogether. Oa the 26th December the petitioner

.kiIISTAMM•III=II
was prepared daily to enter into his recognizances, and he came
town to the lions with his Is itaess ts, to go before the Eel-
inirers appoirand b the Speaker; but one of the Examlocrs,
Mr. Cux, :yes preveated by ilioess from attending, but Mr.
lifekmaa, the Clerk of the House, being the other'Exarnin,r,
examine d the witnesses of the patitioner, with the intention
that all 1 arties should afterwards proceed to the hods, of
Mr. Cox, in order to read over the examination to him,
yud to afford him al opportunity of signing the certificate of
the two Ex miners, which the Act rropeirfd should he reported
by the S. eakier, and road t, the Howie. This was objected
o by the odponents to the petition, and the day was passed
over witho it the examination being carmit te —( Hear. )
Now the Act of Parliament said that the time sh old
enlarged oaly once. Now, this petiti m had been enlarged
dready once, and the petitioner had do he aq in his power to
comply with the orders of the llon:e, an I was only prevented
by she illness of the ofliaer appointed by the Speaker: Surely
lie House would rot allow the petitioner to be injured by an
occurrence ever which he had no contronl, and which, if it
'.sere any fault, was the fault of the officer of the House.
The Hon. Member concluded by moving that the order be
discharged.
Mr. W YNN suggested that tie lion. Member should give
;,mice of his motion. It was proper that a petition should he
presented stating the facts, which might be verified by wit-
nesses at the bar.
Mr AGLIONBY said wish the permission of the House
he would withdraw the motion, anti give notice for to-morrow.
In the meantime he would examine the precedents. and unless
he found that there was •rtood ground for making the motion,
he would not bring the subjectr forward.
• AFFAIRS OF CANADA.
Lord J. RUSSELL said—l rise, Sir, in pursoance of the pro-
mise which I made to the use to bring under its conaideretion
at the earliest possible opportunity, the affairs of Canada.
Sir, in proportion to the satisfaction which I feel whenever it
falls to my lot to be the organ of proposing to this house any
additi.n to the franchise or freedom of our fellow-subjects, or
any improvement in the laws, by which our fellow suhj 'eta
may obtain justice, is the pain which I feel at being obliged
to bring forward measures of an opposite nature, with
respect to a part of her Majesty's dominoes, in which the hor-
rors and misfortunes of civil war are now prevailing, and to ask
the House to suspend, dthough only fora time, the Cons' itutional
privileges of that part of her Majesty's dominions. But. Sir,
I fed that although I may approach the former subject with
satisfaction, and with sorrow the latter,still I feel I would not
be discharging my duty if I were longer to delay to ask this
House fur those powers necessary to maintain the authority of
her Majesty in the Province of Lower Canada. I feel that
even on the scare of humanity, that instead of preventing
bloodshed, it would be only giving the signal cf civil
war to ohey the advice which ban been given, to with-
draw the troops, and to relinquish the authority of her
Majesty in the Province of Lower Canada. ( Hear.)
W,th those feelings, therefore, it will be my duty to propose
to this House, in the first place, an Address to the Crown,
stating the concern with which this House has heard of the
disturbances and revolt in a part of Lower Canada, and pledg-
ing this House to assist her Majesty in her anus to
restore t oraquillity, and afford protection to her loyal sub-
jects. I slain ask in the next place for leave to bring in a
tut Bill, by which tire coifing of any Assembly in that Province shall
susperlei!, and be certain means which I still then state to
the livuse. An authority shall be created sufficient to meet
the emergencies of the present time, and provide for the
skfe government rd' the Province. Sir, in bringing this sub-
ject before the House, I feel that I could not obtain the as-
sent of this House to the propositions which I have now
to make, unless I were to refute two propositions which
have been most confidently put forward. The first
is, that the cause of this country as respects Lower
r Canada is unjust ; and the other is tint what, ver the justice
;of the case may be, it i expedient to withdraw our troops
',Gem that Province, and make an early separation betweam
uhe two country s. Sir, in debatiog the first ut those
.propositions, it will be necessary for me to arraign in
,nmny respects the conduct of the Assembly of that
iPrnv;nce. I am smodble how iris- lions a task it will
iseecri in this place, and at a distance, to arraign the conduct of
;the Assembly ; but unless I do so. I should not make out the
ea'ti which I wish to establish—that the case which has b-cri
i#et up by that Assembly is unjust, an 1 that cur conduct
,towards that coon7ry has keen founded in justice : also
that the course which NT, took last year was one forced urn
its by necessity ; and further that we shall be perfectly justified
in proceeding to suspend the Constitution of the P.ovince,
under the present circumstances. I shall be obliged to
arraign the conduct of the As-embly ; but at the same time I
wish with resp..et to anything I may have to state, as
well as with respect to the course of po,icy which I may have
to pursue, that the conduct of the Parliament and the conduct
of the Government shall not be chargeable with the vice of
intemperance, In au iedividual ieternpertime might be
joined with tit! best feelings of the heart ; but in a
Government there can he no kind of vice of a deeper
grain. Ia a despotic Government intemperance becomes
tyranny, while in the govcrnneent of a free country ietern-
ie uponan
yth et passions ass ions
suppressionP of c s only
the . nhinsti t ascribabletron
confusion,
Sir, in order to consider the.conduct of the Assembly of Lower
Caoada. we must first look at the nature V the Government
stablislool by this country for the government of that Province.
The power of this country over Canadaodep nds on the Treaty
of Race of 17r12. Soon after that Tr aey. a Proclamation
inecAl act:
itt' n rid g.
fi
was it-surd with respect to the mode of Government, but '
iu fact, fir some time English courts, pursuing the me-
th,ols, and regulating theraselrcs by the decisions, of English
Courts, took place in the Province, and a^earding to a Report
made by General -Murray, who succeeded to the Government
of the Province in consequence of the death of General Wolfe,
meat; hardships and grievances were suffered by the French
Canadians, in consequence of oppressions in the mode
of administration. ; but, Sir, whatever those might be, a remedy
„-an aoplied to them by the Act of Parliament of 1774. Sir, I
conceive that nese:. Oil any country give a stronger proof of
its wishes to act according to the wishes, habit?, and prejodices
of the nation titan this county dUi by the Act of 1774 ;
for the sett ernent of that Act was, that: the Roman Catholic
re!i.;:ion should he established in Canada ; that the Clergy of
that persuasion should continue to receive tithes and ether
dues of the Church Establishment; and, in the second place,
that the French law; in respect to proaerty, with the excep-
tion of the Criminal Law, should be allowed to govern that
coutery. Now, Sin, with respect to th e former of those pro-
,q,jans, there was nothing at that time which could be less
favourtd by Parliament than the Roman Catholic
In Ireland the severity of the penal laws had been scarcely
events, extremely incoosiderablc. With respect to
diminished, and Viediminished, offices held by Roman Catholics were
at all
the laws regarding property, nothing could be more adverse
• to the opinions of this country than the feudal tenure which
prevailed in Catrada.—( Lou! cries of " Hear, hear.") With
regard to feudal tenure, it ha I been one of the greatest efforts
made by the Parliameut of this country to wipe Off what Black-
stone called7` The Slavery of those feudal tenures."—( Hear.)
and the same author whom I Lase quoted, compares
That was accomplished in the beginning of the reign of Charles
the
talcdi:lnne; •away with that slavery, a. equal to. if not of greater
importance, than the habeas Corpus Act itself. Sir,
tenures were consibred, and ceriaialy were rightlr
c. usideted, to he of slavish origin —( Haar, hear, heta...r)
Sir in adopting the French law in thin res;omt, the English
parliant,.ot was a party to a spacies of law which was foreign
to the genius of the Constitution, to whieh the British people
were naturally avers:', ann to which the British settlers in that
cow,try wou'd feel the strongest objection. Bee: the reason
wily it was adopted, was the same reason why Ilse Roman
Cnthohc religion was established. It way coneeived, and I
gel ewe truly,
nndrer.,a to
ietobe a la
the
v‘wi which
Fthecfsma thers crornegnrc.nbircl,:tno the
ad ianlsiabai:is(i
therefore it haas left es a part of VT Constitution of that
eiiuntr. Sir, this Cr-institution lasted until the year 1791.
At that time a new Coastitution was reqnested ; and. I must
say, that in ImArieg back to the ecents of that pnriod—on louk-
hrlg to the enactments of that law, w ith the light which expe-
rience ban given us—that I think we art ntitled to
rlcitreyoutlof,
rh
irlsrai
say, that that law was not very well formed smith a pros-
ops
enoey:initaart:t:hn
with
ttle.sounur
etnigittraulra: ;Lt. e,(),
Fib
:a;rare.ic,o prospecth,!r
ti eiolnef
neineraoy a policy of great inconsistency. It has been diffe-
neat with resp: ct to different sorts of colonies. With regard
to some where there was a British populAtion, where the
British laws were ietrodoced, whe e British feelings were
predominant, there the British Constitution has been intro-
dueed, no fir as it waS adapted to the difference of society in the
mother country and the colony, and by such laws and Consti-
tution the people w,. re rllowed to regulate their internal po-
tiey- There has been ia our colonial s ations in which thia
authority
was lef:, as it had formerly been under fo adzn da_
triuion, a lower of the Governer aryl Council in are desp
in its nature, without the form of a rtal Constitution ; hut
at the sante time the people of there colonies had had
what was congenial to their habits, in the laws of
Danish, French, or Dutch origie, or whatever it
might be, under which the colony hid been founded,
and by
sm its concerns had la en formerly • regu-
lated. Sir. I think in loeltin IT back t .It.! bow fi!s of cape/d-
-i:aye 1)-
eaca, th what was proposed tc) Mr. Fox at that tine wlaid
en conson rut whim the principle upon which the co'onies
"er° fo"nded, and wou'd have given a better prospect of tran-
quillity. Mr. Fox maintained that it was not wises to sepal- tte
the P,e,vinecs of Lipper and Lover Canada, but tlatt it would
be a better course to adrn't a fail influx of British
coloths,s into those Provinces, to e ndervour to introduce
eradually the spirit of the .Beitish law. mot to allow the en.
ides gover,,el law to have mists who s as nearly as
possible adapted to the British Constitetiow, having. es
lio,! igla of istoeracy. Si. it may doulitcd whether
it would have been sufficient at that time It ire left it mere'y
co the gr vival operation of cu stem, ami the irdlas of cm'era
to hav,introduced the provisions of the British law. I erV,l
that it aop.ars to me that the wise course at that time
would have been—if you are dete,suined to change the
G teenier and Council into a R. yea s-ntative Constitution e-if
you found that the more despotic authority wldeh had hitherto I
subsisted tens not suflicient for the tsar ha e atel conteatmeot or
the province—thet then, chile you introduced your Represen-

orlon bath of 1775 and 1791, this ciunt-y was not tt,
oppres,or.—( Cheers.) Sir, I do nst wish to state this for
the purpose of making any debtor or creditor accounts between
Great Britain and Canada as to benefits given or received ;
still less do I wish to impute any charge of ingratitude to the
people of that country. I am happy to say while legis-
lation was carried on with kindness towards Canada, they
had conducted themselves in a must praiseworthy man
ner ; and on the two great occasions of the war
which ended in the independence of Anteriea and in the war
with Prance, the Canadians came fury and w ith loyalty and
zeal to show their affection fenthis country. —( Chee s ) But,
Sir, the Constitution so formed did co itaia within itself the
seeds of difficulty, bet for some time those difficulties were not
ff. It. la 1810, there was some violence on the put
of the Canadians and the Assembly of Canada, but the di _sen-
sions ueon which much of what subsequently took place turned
began in 1818. It had for some time been the prac-
t:ce in Canada to vote away certain sums fur the
maintenance of the Government and what ether money was
required was g:ven by the votes of the House. The Assem.
bly of Canada hal asked that all the supplies should
be voted by them, and a petition to that effect had
been presented ; that petition was rejected at the time, but
was afterwards adopted end made a proposition by the As.
sernbly ; but %shen the Duke of Richmond was there a new
mode of voting supplies was proposed, end they were after.
wards given by what were called Chapters. Soon after-
wards Lord Dalliouse trade a permanent grant, and this
led to great emffusian in the House of Assembly, who
insisted that they had the right only to give the supplies.
However, Sir, these divaensions led to new &bites, and after
a certain time Mr. fluskiasen, who was then Colonial Secre-
tary, thought fit to bring the questions then at issue under the
consideration of Parliament, and to propose a Committee of
this House. Now, She before I state the report of the
Curnmitt et, I wish to call the attention of the House
to the instructions which were given by Sir George Murray,
subs 'quently Secretary of State, before the Report of the
Committee had been taken into consideration. I wish to
quote them for the purpose of showing thet the policy cf the
day—the policy which has actuated the Government ever
since, was a policy of forbearance and mode ation—a policy
which e. in .ed a desire to consult the interes's, and to met
the wishes of the Assembly of Lower Canada, as well as of
the people of that Province. Sir George Murray found that
there were certain duties imposed by an Act of the Imperial
Parlirm-nt, in lieu of certain other duti^s, to be rprdied to the
public s nice of Lower Canada. He according!) instructed
J. Kempf in what manner these duties lVei.o to be applie•l.
The Noble Lord then read the folio vin extract f, um Sir
George Marra) instructions to Sir James Kempt, 2911
Sept., 1828.
• 'Ph, proceeds of the above-mentioned duties ant of the
ter itorial revenue of the Crown, with the produce of fines,
forfeitures, and other incidents of that 'aute, appear to
constitute, however, the wily fund which Li; Majesty's g
vernment c-n lawfully apply, at its discretion t ) the defray-
inot, the expenses of the civil government and those of the
administration of justice in the Peoviace. It is, tlorefure, to
be nude; stood for the future, as a fixed and unalterable
principle, that with the exception of the funds already
mentioned, no part of the revenue of Lowe.- Canada, must
be applied to the public service, nor to tiny object
whatever, except in pursuance of an net of appropriation
pass d by the three branches of the local Legislature.
I am by no means insensible to the consepeares which must
necessarily result from the recognition and the observance
of this pi ineiple. So long as the Assembly is ceed upon to
provide for and to regttlete any I'm-lion of the public expendi
ture it iv 11 virtually acquire a control over the whole. If
the entire charge of the Civil Government of the provi ice
could b., limited to the amount of the Crown revenues, it
might be possible to act v.ithout a!y dep,,ndeac,a on the
Assembly. But whether such a result would be desirable, or
would be really conducive to the welfare of ,he Picaince at
large, it is unnecessary fir me to Ic is sufficient to
say that, under the exerting law, the Ex• cutive Govern-
ment of Lower Canada cannot be relieved from a
state of virtual pecuniary dependenc e upon the As
sembly, by any constitutional means ; and method: of a
different nature must not be resorted to." This instruc-
tion clearly shows that Sir George Murray meant to bind
himself and the Government to which he belonged
to a precise and exact observance of the Cons.itution.
I next come to call,the attention of the House to the course
adopted by the Committee of 1823. Th;s Committee made a
report containing many valuable suggestiona, aid which was
spoken of in an address of the House of A :set:ably o the 21st
of Novemcer, 1828, in the following ten! s: —The Noble Lord
then read the following extract from an addre,-s of the Assem-
bly of Loser Canada t i Sir James Kempt, in answer to the
speech wilt which he opened the session of the Provincial
Parl:ament on the 21st of Nc.veather, 1828 :
" As soon as the inhabitants of Lower Ctu.aila made known
to the Kiog zlie suff rings of the country, a d suzge,,t,,d the
remedy foe those evils—es soar, as their imaible pe!itiors were
laid at the foot of the thr.mc—the Sovereign, e er inclined to-
w..r,'s constantly faithful sahjects, positively :.rlered that th,s•si.
n,tii,ns should be forthwith submit:e I to the supreme,
tribunal of the empire. The cherges in I wall. tounded com-
plaints of the Canadians, before that :ingest Sen tie, were re-
fem:d to a Committee of the House of Comm ins, indic,t--d
by the Celonial Mieieter ; that Committee exhibiting a s.rik-
ing combinatio t of talent and patriotism, an;tieg a general
knowledge of public and c.ansti:utional law to a ya,tietnar cc-,
quaintmee wiih the state of both the Ca odes, fermally ap.
pleuded almost all the reforms v.hich Can hair p:uple and
their representatives demanded, and sti 1 kr:T:oly demote!.
After s de= investigatioe, after deep and i roilonged delibe-
ration, the Committee made a Rep.ire—an impei is' able morm-
meat of their justice and profound wisd an--an autheune
testimonial of the reality of our grievanc. s, aid of the justice
of your complaints, faithfully inen-pretlng our wish. s and
our wants." Now, Sir, one would have sal'p.ised, when
the Calla lien A.sombly spoke in such tc,ms of this document
and eu'og:zed it as " an imperishable menum,ni of justice aid
profound isdorn," they would have gieen tie Legis-
Leure credit fur aaanxiotv to perform, and rn,;r,, than Int-form,
all that was a bed for in the Report of the Committee, and-
that some degree of sati facti,n and co-diality would hs.ve-
been expre,sed by them in return. So la: f; om this being
the fact. I cm sorry to say, that at length the As-
,,crr,lt, adopted a tone of the bitterest hostili:y and enmity.
If any one wishes to go through the various particulars of
the occasion; on which the Guvernmetit attempted to,
comply with the suggestions of the Report of that Committee,
I will refer blot to the minutes drawn up by Lord Aberdeen,
liirh were intended for the guidance of Lord .kmlicrst t the

tittle it wa; iLtinded that be timuld go o .t. Iu in now
refer to three or four of thnse miaates, is which are cowaioed

the princhal of the grievances complained of by the Ilmse
of As;eu bly. It uas stated by the Commltee that they
were or opitiim that the revenues e,:joyt d r the Act of 17;8
should be given up t, the Assembly, but at the same time
they were of opini in tint the Judg,-s should n.) lonacr ho'd
their ollices at will, cr'even g, of beitviour, but that
they tdiould he appointed Ter life and ray', red independent.
b this there was much good sense, but there acoie a circum-
stance Lfzer v.laca sbcwei the necessity f it—
ekcurrstance which will s.rircely g io;u trodit in this
country. A certain Judge wds bard to expre,s an
ophdo, why, rse to some of the notions 0! ttiC, A,scm;ily a
short tine hi fore be rec. iv, d his appoiritinent a .IwL..,c,
uid it he beli,ved th it the Assembly jii6el it decent and
proper t the s .lary ot* the Juflke after his
wy“ii,tinet.t to the Botch, and that merely b..seause
of the opinions to which he had given utterance ? When
th opitnon of the 'Committee was stated is Canada
in 1828, the Iloas.c of Assembly allowed that the demand was
rcas nab'e, and th,y agreed that the Governor should be al-
lowed to pay th jurl4es without any appeal to the A:;sombly,
in order to secure the in ;ependence of the Judges —(Tue
Neble Lord then read the bllowing extract from res•-dutions

" Resolved—That amongst Vies •gm n rot p rtical it iy
mentioned on the present o casheo this (louse hold. its 'most
desirable to be admitied, n 1 ea sst evs.ed'al to the te rite
peace, welfare, and good Cov-ram sit or the prot i :cc,
the independence of the *lodges, and their rem .V •I froa: the
political business of the erotince ; the resp-ns blity: and
accountability of public officers ; a greater Were n .C!,Ce of
support from the public rev ~nu^s, zed more intima-e consee-
tion with the interests of the colony in the com cs:tiOa of
the Legislative Council; the tpplleatien of the late p-en rty
of the Jesuits to the purposes of general eduction; the,e-
moral of all obstructions to the settlement of the cuu; try,
part'cularly by crown and cleagy reserves remai sing unoc-
cupied in the neighbourhood of Roode end SettLasaitea and
exempt from the common buiderS; and a diligent iequiry
into, and a ready redress of all g,rievanees'end a'n's•s which
may be found to exist, or which may have been petitio, ed
against by the subj 'etc in this province, thereby assering
to all the invaluable benefit of an impartial, aoncillatery,
ar.d constitutional government, and restoring a Well-
found. d and reciprocal confidence between the goy errors
and the governed. "—( Herr, hear.) Now, alr, I will
evert in some di grec to what has been done, iri ord:r to
remedy these particular grievaeees. With respect to the inde.
pendenee of the Judges Lord Goderich fully concur ed in'the
reasonableness of the recommendation, and he sug,gate 1
some improvements fee the consideration of the Hors of -As-
sembly. But what was the conduct of the House of A sembly
upon that occasion ? They passed a Bill in accordance with
the recommendation, but to that Bill they tacked other provi-
sions respec ing the Civil Government, and spot iatisg a
Court for the imeeTclimeot of the Judges.—(Heae hea- )
New, S'r, this was the manner of treatirg a p• op ;sal of
this nature, ah:ch raised a grave suspicion that the Oh.
ject they wished was net that for which they had asked.
Simply and by itself this Bill was a positive good, and The
tacking of other provisions to it which multi not be agreed to
was a proof that they did not wish to rid themselves of the
grievances of which they complained. Sir, I knoW that ie
former times, when the Crown asked from this House
for other provisions than had been formally made, other pro-
visions were included in the Bill ; but I have. never heard
that ashen a Bill solely for. the benefit- "of tha.subject, and. Ira
compliance with the wishes of the House. I have never, Sir,
heard ofits being clogged with other provisions than those
which it contained in consequence of the recommendation.
The next demand, Sir, is fur the responsibility of the ptihlic
officers, and a mere intimate connection with the colonies of
those persons composing the Legislative Council. Now, Si-,
with respect to these subjects, ripen which unfortunately there
had been the greatest difference of oeirion—between
tire Government and the House of Assemibly there rever
has been any objection—any opposition to the terms
of the resolution of the House of Assembly.—(lle.ir. )
It was d. t-rmined at once that the Judges should be told that
they ought not to sit in the Legislative Council, with the
exception of the Chief Justice, and a number of persons
were appointed having no connection with the Crown, and giving
a great majority in the Legis:ative Council to those who had
no connexioe with the Government of- the country. There
was liks wise an attempt to introduce a great numb.rof Fr, nch
Canadi ns into the Council, by far the majority of new members
being French Canadians. Sir, the House of Assembly might
yet soy that these- were not persons agreeable to tht is own
wishes ; but the question was, whether they were not indepen-
dent of office and of intimate connection r with the interests
of the Canadians? If other persons could be could, from
their station in the col any and their ind •pendence, eligible
to those places, that- was a mott•r of deliberation
and compromise, gnd not a matter on which the tranquillity of
the Colony was to be disturhel—( Hear.) Thus I believe
the matter stands at present, according to the last declaration
Nof Lord Gosford, which has been npproved of by her Ma-
jesty's Government. Of forty Members of the Council
',not less than eighteen are French Canadians.--( Hear, hear.)
Many of those of English origin ere not likely to attend
*gain, having r, moved from the Colonies, and thus the great
majority is on the side of the French Canod'ans, there being
Only seven in official connection with- the Govesiiment.—
rt Hear.) So fsr as the measures of 1827 are coacerned—
so far as 11:e nature of the grievaeces, as they were
called could be met—a remedy has been already applied.
Another question referred to the property of the Jesuits,
which it was said should have been appropriated
for the general purposes of Education. That has also been
done—the whole of that property has been already
applied for the purposes of education, and the
grievance was now containe.l in a subsequent Reso-
lution relative to the leasss, which had been
given of this property to one p. rty in preference ta another.
That was a grievance which, unless the whole administration
of these estates was placed in the hands of the House of As-
sembly, to enable them to confer upon their friends and month.
flees, it was impossible to concede.—( Hear.) Another ques-
tion referred to the Crown and Clergy reserves, but I
would refer the House to the dispatch of Lord Ripon
on that sill ject, which does the highest hor.our to- his whidem,
and in which he declares himself ready to put an end to the
former system. while at the same time Inc states that he is not•
reey to ado: t the remedy suggested by the House of Asiern-
tly. The Noble Lord here read an extract from the dispatch
of Leif Ripon up et this subject, in which he pointed out
rensons f.r oiaenting from the House of As vaibly.
Lord Ripen stated that it was Ids opinion en end ought irn-
medihtely to be put to the system of restrving I.7th of all
waste lands for the benefit of the Prot-start clergy t.,f Canada ;
and that in order to guard the Governor against even the
slightest suspicien of partiality in the disposal of the lands, the
utmost freedom of Lidding ought to be encouraged—the greats st
publicity of the sales given, and on all occasions toe sale s
ought to be effect d with the high, st bidder. Now, Sir. I
ask (s i t Lord J. Russell) whether that proposition of Lord
Ripon is not one more calculated for the benefit of the Pro..
wince—(Hear, heir,)—mute fair ie itself—less liable tunny
suTieioa of partiality—less liable to the charge that
Government might derive any iidluence from the dis-
tarsal of those lands, than that which the Assembly had
made; and whether for this grievance, a full and adequate
remedy aas not rrovid •d. ? Sir, there was another grievance,
as I have before stated —or rather, another dispute. It was
a dispute with resect to the duties derived under the Act
of the 14th of George the Third. With respect to those
duties it was urged, and lightly held, no doubt, by
those who held the Government of this country,.
that the law here bound the Treasury of that country. It was
urged that the Act of 1778 and the Act of 1791 taken to-
gether made it fit thf,t those duties should be levied, and that
the appropriation should be in the Colonial Assembly. The.
Committee recommeed .d that that view should be adopted,.
but they recommended that the appropriation should be
applied to the salary of the Judges fuel the Officers. The
Assembly did net agree to that; and what was the oen-
duct of this House? An Act was introduced in 1831,
moved by Lord Ripon in the other House of Parliament,.
which entirely repealed the power of appropriation in
this country, and left it to the House of Assembly
of Canada without stipulation, to dispose entirely of these
duties. Could there lase been any remedy less hesitative—
any remedy which showed a more generous confidence
than the remedy which Lord Ripon proposed with re-
spect
to that ?—( Cries of " Hear.") It has been urged
and may be contended that the Government of that day went
too far in making this concession. It may be said
that it tars an incautious concession to the Assembly.
But I think this would have been a ground of quarrel not sale
to preceed upon ; for these questions of revenue, as salted in
contrad'stinction to a House of Assembly are the most difficult
to maintain ; therefore I consider the proposition of Lord Ripon
to have been a wise as well as a generous proposition. But at
the same time I think it might have been expected that this
ounce lion Laving remedied this grievance in so full. and
uncon, Lionel a wenna r there v. oultt have been a disposition
manifested:on the p*.rt of the Ass, nobly of Loa er Canada to con-
sider the question of the remnining grievances in a coned story
and 'amicable, spi it. So, 1 regret to say that such was not the
case. In 1633 a Supply Lill was passed by the House of
Assembly containing most unusual conditions, providing
that the persons holding certain offices should not receive
their salaries, unless they ceased to hold certain other offices.
Now, these propositions may have been just, or they nay
have lie•en unjust ie themselves : but the Bill was re -
jected—and the Noble Lord opposite (Lord St:idea)
then at the head of the Colonial Deportment, allowed that
ground of objection—that these provisions were in the nature
of ticks to a Money 13.11, and that the Bill could not
be passed ia that sh lee. Sir, I think the Nubia
Lord was right in allowing that objection.--(Hear, hear. )
But, Sir, the Supply Bill tavieg felled en that ground, •it
1834 the .Vsembly met again, aad adopted a new course,
which has led to the present ditliaulties. I say it adopted a
urta course, wldedi led to the present beccuse with
respect to all they had before st.tied—with respect to the inv: s.
tigation of the Committee of 1828, which, as V,ey declercd,
had given their report as an ilopesishable monument of WIS.
dom arid ajustic,....._e,ith respect to their own statements, every ,
grievance had been met, had been fairly cens'dered, and had
oeen adequately removed. NVell, then, Sir, what etas the re-
sult of .11 this ? Comentment, and the setisfactiou of the
voting ef supplies, and a more liarnienieus working of the
Cons itution ? Quite the reverse. The course taken by the
Canadian Assembly was to pass 92 resolutions, solar of
grievance, some of eulogy, somt of v:tup, ration, some directed
against individuals, sonic against the Governor, some against
the G oerrnnent at boat;, but ;11l in effect amounting to a
lend end vehement remonstrance; and in framing this ae-
monstrance they passed the whole Session, and separated with-
out passieg any Supply Hill whatever. Those also hal
appeared before the Cenneittee, as the able interpreters on
their AT its and as irk: s at this time, deserted the pro=s cut ions
of their grievances. These wino were known to have been
most familiar ati h the history of Canadian affairs, who had s.atrd
their grievances in the most favourable manner, when they
sa.v the object was to pot a stop to the Government, and
mike impracticable condidens, they at once withdrew frcut
the contest., aid si•acated themselves from this violeut ! arty..
Arid, Sir, omen thi, occasion, let me call the attention of the
'louse to the benefit which is to be desived in these contests in
g4ine a ran sely to every gr7cvance. There are some who,
prompted by national pride, or a mistaken sense of honour, say
ti•at •' the petition is couched ins unseemly or disrespectful
langterge"—or that " the petition is pushed too far—let es net
listen to it." Sir, the duty atlas House, and of those who have
the administration of atrairs, is to examine into every real gr iev-
anee ; to remedy every real grievance; and then although there
may be per.ons who fur a Vine may be ready to lead the people
forward, vou msy be sure that those who were sincere and
honest in their complaints—that those who sought nut indivi-
dual aggraidisement. hut the AA Clrilro of the country to which they
belonged—that they will then Stand forward is resistance to those

Citerior demands, and by applyiug every remedy to gain addi-
tional strength for the new contest about to commence.
Ur, that I believe has been the effect in Canada, and such is
tl a effect which is seen, even in the unfortunate contest at the
csent hour. But, to return to the events, which I feel
It to be my bounden duty to recur to, because I think
I am bound to lay before the House that which its attention
bad never been called to before—to return to the sub-
ject after the passing of these resolutions in 1834, there
ryas no occasion whatever upon which the Assembly voted
supplies to carry on the Government. The Government of this
ts.eantry was not merely endeavouring to remove 211 real
ievances, but imaginary ones. At the end of 16'34 the
Rigilt, Hon. Sir Robert Peel became the Prime Minister
of this country, and that he did cot intend to adopt
all harsh measure with respect to the Canadians, I think
I may safely state, from the appointment he made. Tee
srpointment made under his Government was Lcrd Am-
twest ; he was appointed not merely as Governor, but for
the investigation of all grievances affecting the administration
f the affairs of Canada. The character of Lord Amherst
'himself, even if this had notlx_en stated, would show that the en-
eteavour on the part of the Government was to do all he could for
the interest of Canada. Upon the retirement of the Right
lion. Gentleman from office, and the resignation of Lord Am-
terst, the Government of Lord Melbourne which succeeded pro-
yosed to send out a Commission to Canada to enquire into all
their grievances, giving the Commissioners great latitude, as
*nay Le seen by the instructions to Lord Gosford, who was
she Governor-in-Chief. I shall take the liberty of quoting
sue of the passages in these instructions to Lord Gosford, because
it slams the spirit in which the Government were determined
Co act with respect to Canada.--(Cries of " Het-..r, hear.")
Lord Glenelg, said, in his dispatch to Lord Gosford, dated
July 17, 1833

" It may no', however, be improper to address to your
Lordship one caution of a different nature. Whatever may
lie the ground of the disputes which have so long prevailed
letween the Executive Governmerit and the House of Gene-
lel Assembly of the Province, it could net, with any degree
I f truth, or even of plausibility, be alleged that they have
it her originated, or have been prolonged, v.ith a view to
any interests, real or imaginary, excepting those of the people
of Canada themselves. No motive ceuld possibly be as-
signed as influencing British policy towards this part of his
Majesty's dominioes, except the advancement of the social
avelfare of the inhabitants. Lied the development of the
~ources of the country. In prenestii g these great ends,
the King has found an object worihy of the a blest ambition
ae.d of the most earnest selieitude. Even if the counsels
subrei ted to his Majesty for the Gavernreent of Lower
Canada were admitted to be as injudicous as they have
hero sometimes described to he; yet, even on that supposi-
tion, the singleness and disinterestedness of the motives by
aeleieh his Majesty's confidential advisers have besn actuated
iseculd he beyond dispute. Whet has Great Brintin to gain
Ity the misgovernment of so important a portion of the British
▪ MPire ? There is co single ground of national competition
sos filch could induce the metropolitan state to abuse her autho-
rity, or wideh should make that authority a sulject of rer sellable
'distrust to the Caea.disn pleople, if it cetti..l, with -see justice, be
supposed that those who are honoured eith a place in
Lis Majesty's mere immediate crvrusels could be diverted by
the sercid desire of patronage frem the up, ig!;t discharge of
citifies so clear and important as these welch they owe to
Bsitish North America. Yet i; is demon-el-able that so tins
verthy a motive has not exerrised the slightest influence" on
their deliberations. I do not find, for many yesrs psst, a :Soh-
lacy , xample of any piano, excepting that of the Governer
timself anti one or two of the, chief aileers of customs, having
Len confeired, in Lower Canada, on any peisen except the
fettled inhabitants of the province, or in CiOr sentience of any
recomtnem'ation but that of the Governor. Ne Minies
tar, during the present or the last reign, has Lace used the pa-
Sweetie of British No-. th America either to pn-onrste his
ilea' pester or the nesse:id adeantaneolitimeelf or Iris c nnee-
tionas. I need seereely aid that tins Msjesty is ii .lily ra-
t; ivtii to enforce the ..ha •raance is feet, e tl e sage; jeat
all fiber I rolicy." I b liele :het it is impoesible t i d ny
tee truth of the alleg- thin mode by the Noble herd the Secre-.
tery I,r the Colonies. it is r quany irei.nossiLle, to d, nv that
Lord Gosford uselertork the Gosernment t.f Cantada nit!: an
earnest desire—a desire in which he wee wm'y seconded by
the British Government—to allay the an -m
shies and
redress the grievances of ti.e Can and to esta-
blish harmony in) that province.—( Hear. ) Si,, I steed
I s' year that there were veni us roc meneadations
maid before the House of Assembly be the G ene nor. a hich I
• sorry to say were cot acted on They thoinelit tit to per-
severe in the course which they had sdopte I s.,lutels re-
:using. to vote the Supplies. In the years 1835, 1836, gad
jaw, a it!) the exception of one nets which was so objsctior.-
bl e that it could snot be received, they refits elehe supplies
sewn year, On is greet obj ct seernin,t to les, to tale . away
t. e ma!eriel of Govererneot. to rent!, r it imps saible to carry
it on, aed t make it necessary for this House to int rterc. I
a anal bef re, that the appropriation of the reeeeues of Lower
eanada was net a measure of deninee but of expediency. If
tee supplies were to be refused year after yeer, tine machinery
•,f Government could nor go o n. Why, if ie this country
Sue supplies were to be refused for a single yeas, the mos:
calamitous cons:quenctss would ensue. Refuel the supo.ies,
and you disorganise the army ; refuse the supplies, and you
snake public credit ; refuse the suppli s, an I non almost
ii"saolve the Constitution. then, Sir, what was to 1
Le cline with reseect to a refusal of Supplies by a Pi oviecial
asarliament. There could be but one of two courses adopted
when these supplies had been resolutsly refused You onus:
wither accede to all the demands of the Assembly, or you must
take some means by which that mischief would be remerlier%
it must be utterly impossible that Courts of Justice, and that
alt the other means by which eisil Gevernsnent is carried on,
alaculd be brought continually to a .top in conseqnence of
those feuds, and one remedy or the other must he applied.
1 stated to the House that, welt respect to the farmer cf those
alternatives f thought it impossible to gin up. With respect
to the first of those demands: an Elective Council, it is stated
in the Report of the Commissioners sent from
this country, that their belief was, without, how-
evsr, dechliag upon the abut art question of an
Elective Legislative Council—still less deciding on the
policy or irnpolicy of establishing one on the North 'American
Continent—that the establishment of an Elective Council in
.ntver Canada would he piecing the Government en-
tirely in the hands of one of two extreme parties; that the
4,ousequence of that establishment would be resistance by the
anher party ; and finally, a dangerous civil war. I fully believe,
eair, in the truth' of that statement of the Cemnsissioners.
I believe, after the dissensions that have prevailed, that art
Elective Council representing the passions, representing the
violence, and representing the extreme desires which have
found their way into the House of Assembly, would
Lave been considered by all the British settler;
in the Province as nothing else but a declara.
lion that their interests would not be protected,
and that they must resort to some other means of protection.
illaesseet of these derneels was fur an Executive Council, and
that that Executive Council should be responsible only to
The House of Assembly.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") Sir, I
stated that such an Executive Council as that could
exist but in one place—could exist entirely bat in one place,
end the: in the seat of the Imperial Government.--(Loud
cries of " Hear, hear.") If the Sovereign of this country
avere to select the confidence of the Crown, but elm possessed
none of the confidence of the House of, Commons, there must
a speedy change in the administration, and the Constitution
would only proceed in consequence of thet change. But in a
colony, if the Legislative Council are to be named according
to the will of the Assembly, there is another question which
arises, namely, what is to become of the orders given by the
Imperial Government and the Governor of the colony ? You
are here placed in the situation that your authority is com-
pletely set aside. You have a Can :dean Ministry responsible
only to the Assembly, with a power of dismissing or driving
away from particular places British troops, and of admitting
the ships of a power, perhaps at war with this country, into
the ports of Canada. If they have not the power to make
such restrictions, they must be made responsible. If they
have it, then a supreme and independent Governor has no
place in the Colonies. Not only should there be an irrespon-
sible executive, but every judge and public officer should be
Appointed not according to the laws of the Constitution, or
the rule of the Imperial Monarchy of the mother country,
but in accordance with the institutions and usages of a new and
independent Republic. Another question in these proceedings
was, whether a repeal should be granted of an Act passed by
this country with respect to land in Canada, under which certain
rights had accrued. Your Commissioners said, and most justly,
that it was impossible to take these away without doing an
Act of flagrant injustice to rights and titles granted under
the sanction of an Act of Parliament. Another subject, on
-which we declared we had no objection to enter, was an alto-
nation in the tenures, provided the rights, which could not be
saes aside without injustice, were justly and duly maintained
and preserved. As we were obliged to declare that we could
not consent to have the relations between this country and
Canada disturbed in the manner which had been threatened,
and as the demands of the Assembly were declared repeatedly
to be the only conditions on which they would consent to carry
on the ordinary business of the Constitution, I say, by their
own act, and without any interference of the superior power,
the Government was ipso facto suspended by themselves.—
( Hear, hear.) Therefore, we proposed in that difficulty, in
that extremity, when this House could not agree to proposi-
tions of the Assembly, that some measure should he taken to
remedy this extraordinary embarrassment, and that some mea-
auves should be adopted by which the judges and others hold-
ing official situations should receive what otherwise would
have been voted by the Assembly, and that the Governor
should have the power to appropriate these sums. Sir, I
do not think that we went at all beyond the necessity
of the case. At the same time it was. evident that the
II use of Assembly of Canada must either continue to •
vu trend the Constitution altogether, or meat reconsider
the grounds of their complaints. They hal repeatedly
rieclared that their misgovernment was owing- to the Colonial
k;ecretary of State, or to the Executive Government of this
country, arid that they relied on the wisdom of Parliament to
remedy their grievances. On receiving, however, these re-
aelaalnes, they did not take the peaceful pant of the Attu-ea-
live. They did not agree to look to other methods for the
sedrese of the grievances of which they complained. Be it
remembered, that when we said we could not agree to their
'demands. I stated expressly myself, that if any mode of ar-
ranging the differeness which existed otherwise rhea by the
appointment of an Elective Council, we should be ready to
bedertake the consideration of in mid if possible. to adopt it.
.1 proposed myself certain mitigations as to the manner of ap-
p. intrnent in future. Instead of having persons chosen by
atse s;overner unknown to the inhabitants (a matter which was
fsequently complained of), it was d, tt ruined that the Exs.seu-
stive Council should send their opiition with respect to the fit-
mess c.i the persons intended to he appointed. When Mr.
I.Reebuelt, formerly a Member of this House, proposer that the
kesitla ive Council should be abolished, I did not at once say

that the proposition was inadmissible, but I wished to know
whether the Assembly of the Province proposed any remedy
for that of which they had themselves complained.—(Hear,
hear.) I did not propose the remedy which was sug-
gested. I was not disposed to think it well considered ;
but I felt that the course which was to he taken should not
be in the face of the repeated resolutions of the assembly,
declaring that the Imperial Parliament could not otherwise
act for their benefit than by the refusal of those Acts which
interfered with their welfare. I was not, therefore, to pro-
pose a course entirely new, and at variance with that
established Constitution which had hitherto been deemed so
acceptable as to be looked upon as the sole instrument for
accomplishing their wishes. But what was the answer of the
Assembly in their meeting of August, 1837 ? Their answer
was, that they would not suggest anything, that they would
not propose anything, but if the Government of England
should think proper to propose certain modifications in the
Legislative Council, they would endeavour to determine what
changes would enable the Government of the colony to be
carried on beneficially. What was the meaning of this? By
repeated evasions of the questions which had been asked
them, and of the resolutions of that House, they seemed
resolved to give this interpretation of their conduct, if we
should introduce certain favourable changes : " We rejoice
that you have get rid of the Legislative Council as an ob-
stacle to our desires, but you have not fulfilled the whole
conelltions on which we rest our case, and we insist still upon
an Elective Council as the only means by which future har-
mony can be established." Is it not obvious that such would
have been the answer—is it not clear, from the spirit in
which the controversy has been conducted, that no other
reply would be received from the Canadians in answer to
concessions volunteered by the Government.—( Hear, hear,
hear.) In August, 1837, therefore, the Assembly, having
met, refused altogether to comply with the request of the
Governor to grant the supplies, and persevered in their
former demands, with the trifling admission that there
was a possibility of giving them at some future time.
They were accordingly prorogued. With respect to
all that has happened since the events of which I have
been speaking, as there is a sufficiently succinct narra-
tion to be deduced from the papers which have been
laid before the House, I do not mean to refer to them
in any particular or detailed manner, contenting myself
with a simple reference to their roost prominent features.
It appears that soon after the reception cf the resolu-
tions of which I have just spoke violent meetings were
I held in Canada, at which these resolutions were arraigned,
i the Government of the colonies held up to odium and
scorn, and at which not uefrequently the example of the
Utthed Stetes of America was held up as the one it bshoved
the. Canadians to follow. The nature arid objects of these
meetings were very badly enough expressed, but stid it ap-
pears, by repeated dispatches from Lord Gosfot d, that for a
long time he did not consider these demonstrations of im-
portance, end even in his liter communications he has more
than once said, he thinks thet the system of agi:atioe Las
failed in accomplishing its objects, that a bettor spirit is com-
mencing to prevail, and that many who were but a little tine
past favourably disposed to the alleged objects of the move-
ment
party, had let-ly expressed themselves ash: tter inclined
to she mother-country. But after the meetings I have described
above had gone on for a considerable time, it appears others
commenced to be held, which were certainly mote of a forenhl-
able character. Lori Gosroi d's attention heving been called to
their existcnee, and to the propositions discussed before them, he
conceivt d it to be his duty to dismiss from the militia certain of-
fice rs who h,d token part at these violent, and I will sly,
seditious assemblies. Upoa this the people met, and aft r
most eielently impugning the conduct and motives of the
Governor for their dismissal, they proceeded to elect officers
for themselves; and passed resolutions, pledging themselves
- :tot to sulenit any case of theirs to a magistrate holding autho-
from her Majesty, and concluded by declaring themselvas
any to art in any manner they should be required undt r cer-
• in ' pacific does," eppeinted by themselves, and the offieers
the militia they t'a,nselvtie had just elected. It. was 0h-
.1.1i from the in.ry ssiccdoa of :lies; officers, and from the
epic proceeding to obey their commends, that. the intention.,
as to throw off ail allegiance to the mother country ; bet, un
!rimiately, matters did not stop here. '1 seditious nice
gs continued to be held; and, sioaded on by the inflamma
try declamation of the orators, the mob procce:ted, in man
!stances, to aria of personal vi dente against all whohasfuse
obey. the maedatcs of these illegal meetings. Parties lien
• nod at night, threreti toning with destrect.on all who refuse
knit the ranks.of the disaffected; in many instances house
id property were destroyed, aid the extreme vengeance of
: infuriated rabble was held out to those officers of th
dlida who had not been dismissed by the Governor, and
inced an incline ion to perform their duties with loyalty
s d fidelity. 0:1 the 23 of September, Lord Gusford, in a
leveed' to Lord .Glenelg, says—" It is evident that the
eipieceu facsioa arc not to be satisi n 1 will any concession
• at does not i lice them in a mere favourable position to carry
eto eff'ct their niteilor obj .cts—namely, the eeperadon of
is country from England, and the establishment of a
epuhlican ferns of Government. M._ Papineau has gone
!ch lengths that Jae must now persevese in he course lie has
-en, or submit to a defeat which would annibiltte all his
..ower and influence. The plan he pursues clearly shows that
he is determined to do all that lie can tv, obtain his
I ends. The violent and unjustifiable attacks which have been
made by the ultra Tory party upon the French Canadians
generally have caused an animosity which M. Pepincau
does net fail to turn to account, and I atitibute much of his
influence over so many members in the Assembly to this
cause. M. Pepin: au has emissaries in various directions ;
and though I do not conceive there is any ground for
alarm, still:great caution and vigilance are required to guard
against the evils that might follow from the attempts malting
to excite discontent among the people by the most abomi-
nable misrepresentations. The Executive requires more
power, and under my present impression I am di-posed to
think that you may be under the necessity of suspending the
Constitution. It is with feelings of deep regret I state this,
but duty compels me to communicate it to you." On the Bth
!f September he agaie writes—" We can now make co terms
s' ith air. Papineau ; you must either put him down, or submit
A let him put you down ; there is no halting between two
!pinions. By at once increasing the 'sewer of the Executive
aid suspending the Constitution, you at once paralyse the de-
, gns of these mischievous men. It would establish confidence
the minds of those disposed to peace and good goverment.
and at no distant period you might be solicited to restore the
Constitution to the province, under arsaegements better calcu-
lated to afford satisfaction that could be accomplished by any
effort or proposal in the present state of things ; for until
you nullify Papineau's power you can never be in a posi-
tion to treat on anything like fair and liberal_ terms with
a man of his extravagant, uncompromising, destructive
views, exercising, as he does, complete controul over the
minds of many who have been too long accustomed to be
under his yoke." Notwithstanding the positive tenour of
this despatch, I find that on the 9th of September Lord
Gosford wrote to say that he did not believe the disaffection
;tile spread. He observes, in this dispatch—" Thst this
state of affeirs seriously augments the difficulties of carrying
on the government, and operates most injuriously upon the
welfare and prosperity of the province, must be quite obvious.
With the exception of some of the counties in the district of
Montreal, I believe the mass of the population is contented
and loyal, and that the attempts thet arc making to shake its
allegiance and to create confusion will be unsuccessful." At
a further period, however, there did occur a collision in the
streets of Montreal between two parties, the one calling them-
selves the followers of Papineau, and the others adherents to
the constituted government, under the designation of the Doric
Club. This was very soon after followed by information of so
alarming a tendency, that the Governor of theiprovince con-
ceived it to be his duty to send the Attorney-General to Mon-
treal to collect all possible information upon the subject, and
to write to Sir John Colborne to ascertain what might be
his means of putting down any disturbance that might arise.
It appears the Attorney-General very soon obtained what
he conceived sufficient evidence of secret and unlawful or-
ganization ; and in consequence he determined on putting
on trial, for what was termed high treason, several persons
of the Montreal district, and the requisite orders for their
immediate arrest were issued. In pursuance of these orders
the force, known as the county police, made several efforts
to take into custody the persons inculpated, but in the end
.were obliged to relinquish the attempt. It appears that
afterwards, when Sir John Colborne, in the exercise of his
duty, sent out troops to obtain possession of the guilty
parties, an armed rebel force was found prepared, in the
villages of St. Denis and St. Charles, to resist the Queen's
troops, and then an open insurrection broke out. I imagine,
Sir, that when matters came to this point, there could be
no doubt on the mind of any man loyally disposed as to
the object sought; no man so disposed would deny—indeed,
I hope, no man so disposed would attempt to deny—that it
was the duty of the Governor of the proviace in which
these acts of insubordination and rebellion took place
to take every means his position offorded him to restore
tranquillity and protect the well-disposed of her Majes-
ty's subjects.--( Hear.) Fortunately, most fortunately, the
person who is entrusted with the military command of the
troops in Canada is one intimately acquainted with the coun-
try in which he has to act, and endowed with all the vigour of
intellect and firmness of purpose requisite for his highly impor-
tant station. Sir John Colborne immediately adopted the
steps the occasion required, and, as far as we have been able
to learn, up to the present moment, the result of those mea-
sures has been the defeat of those who were in arms against
the troops of her Majesty, and the restoration of tranquillity
to a great portion of the disturbed district. So far, there-
fore—although in common with all I must lament that civil
war should prevail in any part of lice Majesty's dominions—_l
think we have all common cause of congratulation : I think,
Sir, there can be but few—l thick there can be but very
few—to whom it can he a matter but of congratulation
that her Majesty's troops have been successful in the per-
formance of the service they were legally and conetitu-
tionelly employed upon.—( Loud cheers.) I do trust, Sir,
that, in the course of this or any subsequent debate on this
subject, we shall hear no more of those inconceivable
wishes—(Cheers)—of those guilty hopes—(Loud cheers)—
that the armies of her Majesty may encounter defeat, and
the British name be covered with dishonour.—( Loud cheering
for some moments.) I do trust, Sir, and I do believe, that if
such a feeling exists at all—and the balance of my opinion
I ann bound to say is against its exideuce--that it is confined
to a very narrow yortion—l Hill not say of this House' but
of the n hole population of theeinpire.—( Cheer;.) This
at least, is clear, that with respect to other portions of
our North American Colonies, with respect to Upper Canada
_although a base traitor of the name of M'Kenzie
has attempted to d'sturb that province—(Cheers)--that in
Nova Scotia anti New Brunswick the feeling, I may say the
universal feeling, has been one of loyalty to the Bri-
tish government and and attachment to this connection with
the mother country. We have seen that not only the regu-
lar authorities of her Majesty's government acted with the

promptitude which became them, but we have also seen a
large portion of the loyally disposed inhabitants of the pro-
vinces holding meetings, volunteering to take arms, and
doing every other act in their power to show the depth and
sincerity of their attachment to the constitutional govern-
ment, and the desire fur the continuance of the connection
between the provinces and the mother country ; and let me
say further, I was asked at the commencement of this ses-
sion whether the Government had not received intelligence
of an increased amount of desertion among the British
troops employed in Canada. At the time this question was
asked I was not aware as to how the fact was, and I
answered accordingly; but I am most happy in being able to
state that, upon inquiry, I find desertion among the troops
in Canada, so far from having been on the increase during the
past year, was considerably diminished in amount.—( Hear,
hear.) The Honourable Gentleman who asked me the ques-
' tion, may, perhaps, be surprised that, with the addition to his
ordinary duties of a civil war, a winter campaign, and very
severe duty, there should not be an increase of desertion ;
but when I tell him that my supposition, the reverse of his, is
Lased on these very circumstances, I think his surprise will
be increased. In my opinion, when a British soldier
finds the question is, whether or not he shall remain at his
post to maintain his allegiance to his Sovereign and support
the honour of his country, those very hardships I have enu-
merated would induce him to be firm, and that, bearing up
against them v.ith the heart of a Briton, he will be found to
the last faithful to his Queen, and true to the interests of his
country.—( Loud cheers.) I have now, Sir, stated what
has been the course of the present Government in respect to
Canada, from the commencement of our career to the present
time. I have shown, I think, that we have no reason to re-
proach ourselves with tyranny or oppression, or even with care-
lessness or senseless indifference in our government of these
provinces.—( Hear.) 1 come now to a question which has been
argued in a very different temper—it is the question whether
it is for our interest to abandon Lower Canada altogether. I
say, at once, I cannot bring my mind to the conclusion that it
would be so. I say, at once, that the single motive of the at-
taeliment of a considerable portion of the population to the
13ritish Constitution, and the situation in whirls they would be
left if we abandoned the province to the French party, that mo-
tive-alone would be a sufficient reason with me for emphatically
saying " No" to such a proposition. —( Cheers.) I ask the
'louse, would they be ready to desert the men who are now so
nobly evincing their loyalty ?—would they leave them exposed
to the plunder that would be inevitable on a separation?—and if
they would, I then ask them could they do so consistently with
justice, and with the maintenance of their country's high cha-
racter ? But if the reasons I have mentioned were insuffi-
cient, there were other considerations which would induce the
Government to oppose any project of abandonment. Sup.
posing the St. Lawrence, under the command of the United
States, and a Canadian republic established at Quebec, does
any one believe that the other provinces, the provinces of Nova
S. otia and New Brunswick, could be kept under control ? No,
Sir ; I am convinced, if such a state of things should by any
rr.ischance come round, the question would arise whether we
s' ould not try to regain Lower Canada, or abandon North
America altogether. Was Eagland prepared for such en alter-
native ? I do believe that the possession of our colonies
tends materially to the prosperity of this empire. On the
preserra:ion of our colonies depends the continuance of our
commercial marine, and en our commercial marine mainly
depends cur naval power, and on our naval power mainly
depends the strength and supiernecy of our arms. I think,
then, I may say, without arguing the question any further,
that it is our policy, as well as but fairnsse and justice to
cur fellow-subjects, that we should not think of abandoning
th ,se provinces.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Sir, I have .thought
it necessary to address the House at this great, I fear too
great, length on the subject of our affairs in Canada, be-
cause I do think it is most important that Parliament and the
country should be put in postee!iors of the while of our pro-
ceedings, so that when the fitting time arrives the conduct
of the Government in regard to the question may be fairly
and fully discussed. I say, for my own part, if I thought our
conduct was founded in iojuatice to any party fronts it, I
would at once retreat. I say likewise, if I could find that
.t is nut the interest both of this country and of the colons,
i self that Canada: should continue to be a part of the British
empire, I should be prepared to counsel a separation;
but coming as I do to a most decided conviction oil both
these questions, I am quite prepared to come to the
father question, namely, what is the course we should
adopt upon the present occasion. I conceive there can
he no doubt that the first duty of the country and of
the 'louse, if they concur in the view of the question which
we take, is to propose that sufficient means be afforded in
order to put down the insurrection. I am not going to ague
the question whether or no the present Government were to
bla,ne in not has ing at this moment a greater military force in
Canada. The question which we wish to propose for the
consideration of the House to-night is, whether or not they
are prepared to maintain the sovereignty of the Crown in the
eolunies, and net whether her Majesty's Ministers were to
blame. I see opposite to me a Noble Lord who is reported
to have said that Ministers should appear at the Bar of the
House, for suffering an insurrection to break out. If that
Noble Lord, or any other Honourable Member, thinks we
are to blame, let him arraign us, and we shall be ready to
meet the charge.—( Hear, hear.) Before, however, they
do so, I shall suggest their considering for a moment two
paints t—lstly, Whether any authority, civil or military,
r any body of persons whatever, hold the opinion that
the force at present in Canals was inadequate, and
ought to have been increased ; and, 2dly, Whether, up
to the present moment, the force in Lower Canada
Las been proved inadequate for the suppression of the disturb-
ance.—(Hear, hear.) However, I repeat, I do not wish at
the present moment to argue this question. I am ready to
do so should the House think fit to pass a vote of censure on
us; but the question for to-night is, what are the means we
ought to adopt, and what are the points cn which n-e can
agree in order to maintain in these Provinces good order
and tranquillity. With respect to force, it will be, I think,
absolutely necessary that a very sufficient force should be
in the St. Lawrence in the spring, to bo landed in Canada
as soon as the navigation opens.---( Hear, hear.) For my
own part, I may say I entertain no apprehensions as to what
may have hitherto been done by these insurgents, aban-
(Lined as they seem to have been by the great body of
the British, and even French Canadians. From this I say
I do not feel any apprehension whatever. But it is obvious
at the same time that, an iesurrectiou having once broken out,
a temptation is by the very circumstance presented, to many a
temptation not to be resisted, to endeavour to shako the British
power in Canada. Let me be understood as not meaning to
say that any treaties or friendships with this country are likely
to be forgotten on the present occasion, either by the great
Powers of Europe or by America. I hare no intention of even
insinuating the possibility of such an occurrence, and the con-
duct of the United States Government since the commence-
ment of the disturbances in Canada strongly tends to con-
vince us that from the United States the Canadian rebels will
meet with neither sympathy nor assistance.—( Cheers.) But
at the same time it is impossible not to see that both in Europe
and America there are many whom the want of employment
at home, and the hope of a participation in those splendid
spoils so temptingly held out by the abettors of the rebellion.
will induce to flock to the scene ; and for this reason, even
though circumstances may in the end prove that the precaution
is unnecessary, I think it will be quite necessary that we should
be prepared for action by next spring, and have in the St. Law-
rence ready for disembarkation a force sufficient to put down every
vestige of the insurrection. Then comes the question with
respect to the Civil Government. It is obviously quite im-
possible that we should think of convening the Assembly,
or of asking them to pass laws, or do any act properly be-
longing to their jurisdiction. Unhappily, some of the most
prominent members of the Assembly have taken part with
the insurgents, so that, as I before said, the Assembly itself
may be said to have suspended their Constitution. I may as
well here state that the general plan I shall have the honour
to propose is embodied in a Bill which I shall to-night ask
leave to introduce. Its leading provisions I shall now briefly
state. In the first place, to ask Parliament to suspend that
part of the Constitution of 1791 by which it is made neces-
sary to call together the members of the Legislative Assem-
bly. We then propose that the power of legislation shall be
given to a Governor in Council. This Bill does not, in its
present shape, propose any particular number of which that
Council should consist; but it provides that not less than
five members of it should loe present at any deliberation,
and that every subject of deliberation should be brought
forward and proposed by the Governor. It then proceeds
to provide that all the powers of legislation which may be
necessary for the Government of the provinces shall be en-
trusted to this body—.l mean the Governor in Council ; that
they may renew, if expedient, any Acts which may have
expired owing to the non-convocation of the Legislative A s-
pt%pyhohrowoar puti
troymst euamnetanhiyieaarbtueigsegui
the
htvhheecenr
CC
utotrhnh,
seset
tri
itetGuueotruiveotemnrbanoioandrcry
4.
this
hnr Council
sembly, and that they may pass such Acta as the occasion
may require for the Government of the province bat the
Bstouftbu'ertSirlieerhf,
no other view, that permanently a free Constitution
purpose we means
Bail
should
while
established? It is our intention, and we adopt this
tslanhowiultd
out henh does
,as notv
aeu u
questi
exist in Canada. __(Cheers.) For this
only to limit the period of the authority of the new Gover-
nor,n
ot
but also the period of the authority of the laws which
we give him power to enact.—( Cheers.) If there are any
who think that the present occasion ought to be taken to adopt
any other than a free Government in Canada, or that
the English party should have a concession made to all
their wishes, and that the French Canadians should be
subjected to a form of Government unpalatable to them,
or one from which they could not expect full justice, or the
due consideration of their interests, I have only to say that to
such a proposition her Majesty's Government will be no par_
ties._—( Cheers.) We propose to do but that which we
consider the interests both of the mother country and the
Provinces require. We do nut propose to govern Canada in
any other way than that which must tend to the welfare of its
inhabitants. I am firmly of opinion that the difficulties which
have hitherto prevented an adjustment of this question have
entirely arisen from the peculiar constitution of the House of
Assembly (convened, unfortunately, at the will of one ambi-
tious demagogne), and of a Legislative Council, in the compe-
-1 titian of which, by former Governors, the interests of the Pro-
vinces and the character of the individual men were not suffi-
ciently consulted. —( Hear.) I think, therefore, that with re-
spect to the principal questions on which the alleged griev-
enees
of the Canadians are b ssed a satisfactory adjustment may,
in the course of time, be arrived at. At the present moment 1
doubt very touch whether we have before us all the elements
upon :chick to decide the terms of Ruch an adjustment ; but
I think, nevertheless, we have sufficient to justify our express-
ing an opinion that a consummation so much in every sense to
he desired is not to considered by us either impracticable or
even difficult. I shall propose, therefore, that the Governer
and his Council, with the view to this final adjustment, should
base recourse to the opinions of the American authorities,

summoning for that purpose a kind of Board, to consist of
(as we understood the Noble Lord) twenty-three persons, of
whom ten should be representatives of the Assembly of Upper
Canada, ten of the Assembly in Lower Canada, and the
three remaining to be existing Members of the present Le-
gislative Council. I do not, however, propose—l should not
be justified in proposing—that the final settlement of this
matter should be left to this body in conjunction with the Go-
vernor. The Imperial Parliament is naturally the supreme
legislative authority in the British empire, and I do not
think we should on this occasion—on this so important
and solemn an occasion—depart from the principle so
invariably advocated by every great statesman and law-
yer, of leaving to it the supreme control. I, there-
fore, propose that the propositions which may emanate from
this Assembly, after having been assented and agreed to by
the Governor, should be transmitted to this country, and
then proposed to Parliament, with a view of making such
modifications in the constitution of 1791 as may conduce to
the interests of all, and eventually prove the foundation of
an harmonious, and, I would add, a free constitution for the
people.—(Cheers.) I do not despond. I say that such
a foundation may be laid; but at the same time I think it is
most important that the person to be sent from this country
should be one whose conduct and character should be be-
yond exception—a person conversant not solely with matters
of Administration, but with the most important affairs
which are from time to time brought before the Parliament
of this country. I think he should be conversant also with
the affairs of the various states of Europe; and, moreover,
that it should be implied by his nomination that he was not
at all adverse to opinions the most liberal, and that he was
favourable to popular feelings and popular rights.—( Hear,
hear.) Having said this much, I know not why I should
refrain from stating that her Majesty has been pleased to en-
trust the conduct of this affair and these high powers to one
whom her advisers think in every respect fitted for the change
—namely, the Earl of Durham; and the Earl of Durham
having accepted the office, will be duly nominated to it.—
( Cheers.) I will proceed to say a few words as to the advan-
tages which I think are at present enjoyed by the people of
Lower Canada. It is the general opinion of all persons who
are conversant with the subject, that there are no people on
the face of the globe who are in a condition of greater com-
fort and ease, or who enjoy wore extensive and peculiar ad-
vantages, than the habitans of Lower Canada. That is their
present condition, and with the general progress of improve-
ment it is fairly to be expected that that condition will im-
prove. In addition to the benefit which they derive from
the enjoyment of laws congenial to their own habits, feel-
ings, and prejudices, they have the benefit which they derive
from the enjoyment of British laws. It is certainly true
that, with all these advantages, they do not enjoy complete
independence. They do not enjoy that absolute freedom of
action which is altogether inconsistent with their state, if
they are still to be considered as the inhabitants of a colony
belonging to a mother country. But, Sir, iii return for that
disadvantage (if, indeed, it is a disadvantage), there are cir-
cumstances which go far to compensate them. Among the
first or those circumstances i 3 the privilege which they possess
of being defended from foreign attack by the armies and by
the navies of this country without charge. In the last year a
sum of 220,0001. was voted for the naval and military defence
of Canada, of which sum not above 1,200/. or 1,5001. was
paid by Canadians. What would they have to pay if they
were in the situation of the United States ? In the last year
the charge for the naval and military expenses of the Americen
Stags was little less than 5,000,000/. Tien again, with regard
to taxation. The taxes in the Canadas see exceedingly light.
The disposition of the revenue is also i i the highest degree
favourable to the interests of the people. The largest annual
sum that has been voted in Lower Cann Ix ( I speak in round
numbers) was 137,000/. Of that ruin ;7,000/. was appro-
priated so the expenses of the. Civil G .vernment ; 70,000/
to the expenses of roads, enclosures, a 1 other internal ill-
erovements ; and 25.0D0L to the pie roses of education.
Now, I ask, whether, if we were in ti. e, condition, if all we
lied to ply was the expenses of the Civ 3overnment, the ex-
p 'rises of internal improvements, and th s expeuces of public
education,. it would not be thought that ere were in a very en-
viable situation? But, Sir, if tile peopi > of Canada have no
greet reason to complain of the laws tin ler which they live—
if they have no great reason to compla a of the taxes which
are imposed upon them—if they have no great reason to com-
plain of the disposition of their revenues—eel:l leas reason have
they to complain on the subject of trade. With respect t
trad o it has always been admitted that an I nperial Legisla-
ture Isis a right to compel a colony to receive the produce of
the mother country, and a right to r strict that colony in its
co amerce with other nations. But he would put it to the
Canadians whether, if th sy were separated from Great
B stain—if Great Britain and Caned% were two independent
notions, the trade of Canada could by pesibility be in
a state so beneficial to that colony as at present ?—( Hoar,
hear.) If, then, the situation of the people of Canada
is so happy with respect to their internal conditien—
to their laws—to their finances—and to their trade—l
think I have a perfect right to come to this House, and to ask
it to agree to the proposition which I am about to mske to
them, The Address which I mean to propose, after "thank-
ing her Majesty for her gracious communication of papers re-
lating to the affairs of Canada," and " assuring her Majesty
that the anxious consideration of this House shall be given to
the preparation of such measures as the present exigency may
require," proceeds " to express to her Majesty our deep con-
cern that a-clisafft•cted party in Canada should have had re-
course to open violence and rebellion, with a view to throw off
their allegiance to the Crown. To declare to her Maksty our
satisfaction that their designs have been opposed, no less by
her Majesty's loyal subjects in North America than by her Ma-
; jesty's forces, and to assure her Majesty, that while this House
is ever ready to afford relief to real grievances, we are folly
determined to support the efforts of her Majesty for the
suppression of revolts, and the restoration of tranquillity."
I Sir, I think I have laid quite sufficient grounds to induce all
• to consent to repose this confidence in her Majesty and her
Majesty's Government, who arc, with me, not prepared to
give immediate independence to the British provinces in
i North America. Although, I repeat, that I am not prepared
. to give such immediate independence, this I will say, that if
the time were come at which such an important change might
be safely and advantageously made, I should by no means be
F indisposed to give the 1,400,000 of our present fellow-sub-
jects who are living in the provinces of North America a
participation in the perfect freedom enjoyed by the mother
country. If it were a fit time, if circumstances of all kinds
were such as to render such an arrangement desirable, I think
L that our Colonies might with propriety be severed from us,
and formed into a separate and distinct State, in alliance
offensive and defensive with this country.—( Hear, hear.)
The Honourable Member for Kilkenny and the Honourable
i Member for Bridport cheer this sentiment. Of this I am
sure, that if things had arrived at the state which I have
described, if the time for such a separation had arrived
(which I utterly deny), we should then hare as allies men
influenced by the most amiable and affectionate feelings
towards the mother country ; not men who would wish to
see the British arms defeated, or who would entertain the
acpiratioa that the power of Great Britain might sink into in-
significance and contempt. On the contrary, I am convinced
that we should find in them men who would sheer on the efforts
of this great empire, who would reverence our character, and
enjoy our triumphs.—( Hear.) Until such a time, however,
shall arrive, until separation shall be the mutual interest of the
British colonies and the British empire, we will not consent
that these provinces shall lose British protection, in addition
to the privileges which they enjoy in common with their fellow
subjects. If the time be not come for the separation to which
I allude, at least let us not eensent to the separation of asmall
portion of persons who hare carried their ambitious designs
into effect by breaking into open rebellion in one of the pro-
vinces, that of Lower Canada.---(Hear.) If you consent to
P such a proposition, you will indeed create a civil war, you will
excite to plunder and pillage, you will give the signal for a
long and sanguinary interruption of public tranquillity ; and
if the individuals to whom I have alluded, fancy that they can
establish a free, a happy, and an orderly Republic, in that
expectation, they will most signally fail.—( Hear, hear.)
Sir, such are the reasons and such are the grounds on which
I ask this House to assent to the Address which I am about
to propose. I feel confident that the House and the country
will do her Majesty's Government the justice to believe that
they entertain no wish to avail themselves of the means which,
they trust, will be placed at their disposal for purposes of se-
verity, still less of vengeance, with reference to the misguided
people who have been induced to take a part in this insurrec-
tion.—(Hear, hear.) I am sure that no one can be more
anxious that the Noble Lord the present Governor of Canada,
and I am sure that no one will be more anxious than the Noble
Lord who will succeed him, to make the present warfare as
little attended by circumstances of a painful and sanguinary
nature ntth;atftotriely
alsowill feel consider
clemency elest. road feel
t o reconciliationconde
fi
con-
fident that the defection of the greater portion of those who
have been led into rebellion in Lower Canada may be justly
attributed to ignorance.—( Hear, hear.) The few really
guilty, the designing men who have exasperated others, and
Induced them rashly to appeal to arms, will hereafter be held
a s ptlote ssibb
in detestation by their ovvn countrymen. Confident as to the
issue of this contest, I shall feel it my duty, when that con-
test is terminated, to call upon this House to reward those who
been faithful to their Sovereign, to their country, to their
have
oaths, and to the integrity of the empire.--( Hear, hear.)
The SPEAKER read the Address to her Majesty.
Mr. HUME rose, and after the noise occasioned by a num-
ber of hon. members leaving the House had subsided, pro-
ceeded to observe that he was very unwilling to trespass upon
the House, but was nevertheless desirous to state shortly the
view lie took of the question under consideration. There was
one observation made by the Noble Lord which had given
him great satisfaction. The Noble Lord had stated that he
was sure the House and the country would be anxious to have
all the facts relative to the occurrences in Canada fairly and
fully before them. Now, it was because he (Mr. Hume)
knew that the House and the country had not all the facts
relative to the occurrences in Canada fairly and fully before
them that he could not agree to the proposed Address, and
still less to the proposition for suspending the Constitution of
Lower Canada. He knew vory well that the Noble Lord had
a great advantage over him in calling the attention of the
House to the subject, without having previously given the
, after a
forthlot:g
with statement a
proposition
of t
he
smallest intimation of what it was his intention to propose. The
Noble Lord had carefully concealed his plans from
every b)onr
d the Constitution of Lower Canada. He
( Mr. Hume) would take upon himself to say that the
Noble Lord had not dealt fairly with the Huuse in stating. that
a
they were in full possession of the facts which had led to the
tp
ja. past s 1 suis sit
codyy ;
ofnd Canada, n° w
h e came
present condition of things in Lower Canada, and which
ought to induce them to adopt the extraordinary and uncon-
stitutional course which the Noble Lord now proposed. He
agreed with the Noble Lord in one statement, that it was
the intention of Parliament in 1791 (and he would not enter
at all into the Noble Lord's previous statements) to give to

the people of Canada all the advantages of a representative
body, similar in every respect to the House of Commons in
the mother country. If, however, the Noble Lord read the
speeches of Mr. Fox and the other Hon. Members of that period
correctly, he would find that the Legislative Council was
an experiment to try if a body could he established similar
to the House of Lords. That experiment had been made,
and it had entirely failed. That circumstance the Noble
Lord, had, however, passed over, and had gone on to describe
the violent meetings and proceedings that had taken place in
Lower Canada. But the House of Assembly was not in
fault. The fault was attributable to the Governor and the
Legislative and ExecUtive Councils, which were never found
to be in accordance with the Legislative Assembly. In 1828
it had been distinctly declared by the Colonial Secretary
that the measures then in contemplation had for their object
the bringing of these different bodies into a state of accord-
ance. Now, as the great majority of the Legislative Assem-
bly was composed of French Canadians, if a disposition
existed at the period he had alluded to to brine the different
bodies into a state of accordance, that could only have been
accomplished by giving the same party a majority in the
Legislative and Executive Councils. Was it possible that
any rational person could suppose that the Government of so
distant a colony could be satisfactorily carried on by two
parties so differing in opinion from one another ? The thing
was imposible ; and there was no doubt, therefore, that the
intention in 1823 was, that the people of Lower Canada,
being fairly represented in the House of Assembly, the
Legislative Council and the Executive Council should con-
tain so many persons who had a stake and interest in the
country, that it was probable the opinions of those Councils
would coincide with the opinions of the House of Assembly.
That intention, however, was not carried into effect. On
the contrary, such a selection of persons was made for the
Councils as was not at all calculated for that purpose.
This the Noble Lord must admit. If he did, ought he not to
pause before he came to that House to propose the destruc
tion of the representative body? He (Mr. Hume) thought
that the Noble Lord was to blame in blaming the conduct of
the House of Assembly. The Noble Lord ought to have
looked at the proceedings during the government of Lord
Dalhousie. He (Mr. Hume) wished the Noble Lord had
told them what, in his view of the question, bad been the
powers vested in the House of Assembly ; and had then pro-
ceeded to show in what respect they hail exceeded their autho- '
rity, and what charge existed against them of a nature so se-
rious as to demand their destruction. Could anything be more
legitimate than that they should employ themselves in examin-
ing, item by item, the articles of the Civil List? From the
year 1820, when Lord Dalhousie was Governor, the right
possessed by the House of Assembly to exercise this scrutiny
had been acknowledged. If this were termed by the Noble
Lod an offence, in his (Mr. Hume's) opinion, the 'Noble
Lord would entirely fad in proving- it to be one. Whoever
knew anything of the privileges of the House of Commons
.
would acknowledge that one of the most valuable of those pri-
vileges was that of investigating the Civil List. Instead,
therefore, of being a charge against the Legislative Assem-
bly of Lower Canada, their exercise of this privilege ought
to redound to their praise. It was the Legislative Council
who had thrown impediments in the way of beneficially go-
verning the country. The Noble Lord referred to the in-
structions which had been given by Sir George Murray, when
he was Secretary of State for the Colonies, and said that those
instructions were liberal in their character. He (Mr. Hume)
admitted it. But had those instructions been acted upon?
He could state on the authority of those who, being on the
spot, were perfectly competent witnesses, diet they had never
been acted upon. He by no means blamed Sir George Mur-
ray, whose intentions he believed, and had always said he be-
lieved, were good. But he (Mr. Hume) had also said, and
he still said, that it was impossible satisfactorily to govern
any colony at a distance from the mother country, if the per-
setts in authority in that colony had na feeling in common with
the people of the colony. Up to the present moment the per-
sons in authority in Lower Canada were aliens in that colony.
That was proved by the petition to the House of Commons
in 1828, signed by 87,000 inhabitants of Lower Canada, nine-
teen-twentieths of whom were landed proprietors, forming an
overwhelming majority of the population. In the Legislative
Council of Lower Canade there wes only one person inte-
rested in the soil. The other Members of that Council were
either official persons, or people from Eoglaud, who had no
interest in the soil. Was it possible that Sir George Mur-
ray, or any other Colonial Minister, should be able
satisfactorily to administer such a Government as that of
Lower Canada under such circumstances ? Out of three hun-
dred end forty civil officers, only forty were Canadians ;
the rest were persons such as he had just described. There
was the origin of all the evils that had occurred. Could any
thing be mere extraordinary than that, at a time when they
were anxious to be relieved from all the expenses of the Co-
lonies, they should refuse to listen to the proposition of the
Legislative Assembly of Lower Canada, to relieve them from
those expenses on the condition of having the management
and disposal of the revenue? By such an arrangement both
the government at home and the colonial government would
acquire greater strength. The present system of lavish and
extravagant expenditure was maintained only for purposes of
abuse and corruption. He (Mr. Hume) had frequently stated
that the people of England were taxed, not for the benefit of
the colonies (who did not want it), but for the benefit of a
few individuals. That was the cause of the prevalent sys-
tem of abuse and misrule. Was it fitting that the
House of Assembly should be blamed for endeavouring to
perform one of their most important functions, that of
examining any branch of the public expenditure, item
by item ? The two statements made by the Noble
Lord were inconsistent with the facts ; and that could be
abundantly proved by documents and correspondence. He
(Mr. Flume) might go on and advert to other circumstances
—to the pension list and other matters. Nearly ten years ago
he had said that Sir James Kempt was the only governor of
a colony he had ever known against whom no complaint had
ever been sent home. He would take upon himself to say,
that if all Governors of Canada had acted on Sir James
Kerrept's principles, the present posture of affairs would never
have existed. It was incorrect to say that the Legislative
Assembly of Lower Canada had refused to pass the Act of
Supply. They had only refused to do so without attaching
to it certain conditions, indicating the impropriety of allowing
any individual to hold several offices, and the expediency of
confining one individual to one office. Adverting to Lord
Go,ford's letter of February, 1837, respecting the arrears
which for three years the Legislative Assembly hail refused
to pay up, he (Mr. Hume) observed that the Noble Lord
went out after the Governments of Lord Amherst and Lord
Aylmer for the purpose of conciliation ; but that the most im-
portant object of his mission remained concealed until disclosed
by Sir F'. Head. The Canadian people said, and said naturally,
to the Governor, " It is right we should tell you, and through
you the British Parliament and the British Government, that
until you redress our grievances, which are of so important
and so grievous a nature, we will not pay up the arrears ; but
in order to show you how sincerely desirous we are that the
machinery of Government should go on, we will, notwith-
standing the severity of the measures which you now adopt
towards us, vote the supplies for the current year, so that
you may have sufficient time to write home to the Colonial-
office, and to ascertain whether in that quarter there is any
disposition to accede to those claims which we deem just and
reasonable." Such was the language held by the House of
Assembly, and they acted not only upon the spirit, but up to
the very letter of it. They took the estimates of 1833 as the
ground work upon which to frame those for the current year.
The House would hardly believe that a Minister of the Crown
should now rise in his place in that House, and state that from
the year 1892, the House of Assembly ha l uniformly and
obstinately persisted in refusing the supplies, when he (Mr.
Hume) held in his hand a letter from Lord Gosford in which
that nobleman said, " the House of Assembly has entered
item by item into the account for the supplies:' The House
of Assembly had in fact not only entered into the account item
by item, but had actually voted the salaries of all the chief
officers of the Government. It was true that they had at-
tached certain conditions to their votes, but those condi-
tions were only just and reasonable—conditions not only
justifiable in themselves, but, in many instances, absolutely,
necessary to the proper discharge of the duties of the situ-
ations filled by the different officers.—( Hear.) Did the
Noble Lord mean to say that the House of Assembly, whet'
it voted the money, had not the power to affix conditions upon
which that money should be paid ? Public opinion in England
had declared against plurality of offices. Was it not fit and
proper, therefore, for the Canadian House of Assembly to say
that it would vote certain salaries to certain officers only upon
condition of their abandoning places which were wholly in-
consistent with their official situations? Was there anything
unjust, unreasonable, or improper in their declaring that the
auditor of the land-tax, the clerk and registrar, the clerk of
the Legislative Council, and the master in Chancery, should
severally be paid the salaries attached to those offices, only
upon condition of their ceasing to be Members of the Legisla-
tive Council ? Was there anything inconsistent in the House
of Assembly declaring that men holding subservient situations,
as clerks in different offices, should not continue to be mem-
hers of a body which in the Colonial Legislature was ranked
in the same place as the House of Lords in Great Britain ?
He for one thought that the House of Assembly, instead of
being subjected to blame, were Deserving of every praise for
the step they had taken towards the suppression of an abuse
which was no longer tolerated at home. Ile would mention
only one or two other instances, just to show the nature of
the conditions made by the House of Assembly, and for
which the Legislative Council afterwards threw out the
Bill of Supply. For it must always he remembered that
it was not the House of Assembly which refused, but the Le-
gislative Council which rejected, the supply necessary to carry
on the official duties of the Government. The
salary of the
Speaker of the House of Assembly was voted with this pro-
viso, " that he shall not at the same time receive an equal
or a
higher sum from any other situation under the Government ''
Had they not previously set the example in England, and laid
down the rule, that an officer who received a large salary for
one office should not at the same time be allowed to receive a
salary from any other office ? Was it just, then, to blame the
House of Assembly in Canada for doing the
very same thine
which they (the House of Commons of England) took creditn
for doing themselves? The salaries of the officers of the Crown
and of the Court of Chancery were also voted subject to this
reasonable condition, " that they should not continue to be
members of the Executive or Legislative Councils." A grew
deal had been said about the salaries of the Judges being left
unpaid. That was a falsehood throughout : the salaries' of
the Judges had been voted. The Noble Lord was, there-
fore, quite wrong lay big that charge at the door of the
House of Assembly. Lord Gesford, in his dispatch of
March, 1836, distinctly stated that the Homo of Assembly
would pay the salaries of the Judges, provided they
did not hold other offices. Was that as unreasoeable con-
dition ? Was it fit that the Judges should hold other offices ?
Was it permitted that the judges of England should hold a
i plurality
of offices ? If it were not permitted in England, .as
it right that the Noble Lord, in making out a case against

Canada, should say that the judges were left unpaid, and that
justice could not he administered, when the only bar to their
payment was the fact of their holding a multiplicity of s.tan
tons, utterly at variance with their office of judges. Such an
allegation on the part of the Noble Lord, was nothing no ie
than an excuse on the part of the Noble Lord, to induce the
House to go along with him in an unjust measure ; a measure
founded upon si.atements and assertions which tete documents
in the Noble Lord's own hands would not bear out. The sa-
lary or the Chief Justice had been voted without any condi-
tion at all; and the salaries of the Puisne Judges had also
been voted, subject only to the condition that they should not
hold other offices under the Government at the same time.
The salary of the Judge of the Court of Vice-Admiralty had
also b .ea voted, subject to the same condition. It was neither
just nor fair in the Noble Lord, therefore, to state that the
salaries of the judges had been refused, and that justice could
not be administered. Was the House of Assembly to blame,
if it attached such conditions to their votes, when they found
gentlemen holding situations, as the Judge of the Court
of Vice-Admiralty did, wholly inconsistent with their
offices, and receiving fees wholly unsanctioned by the laws ?
He took alt these facts from Lord Gosferd's dispatches, which
had been published by order, of the Government ; and when ha
mentioned that circumstance he thought he had stated enough
to show that the Noble Lord was not warranted in his asser-
tion that the House of Assembly had refused to vote the sup-
plies. Lord Gosford distiectly stated that the Bill of Supply
was introduced into the House of Assembly on the 25th of
February or March, and was sent up to the other House with
very little delay, and subject only to the condition which he
(Mr. Hume) had adverted to relative to plurality of offices.
Lord Gosford added that the House of Assembly had taken
that means of putting down the calumny that they had refused
to vote the Supplies ; and he observed further, that he had no
hesitation in saying such was the feeling—such the disposition
of the House of Assembly, that but for the untoward publica-
tion of the instructions of Sir Francis Head, the House of As-
semble, that which was now so severely blamed, would have
voted the whole of the Supplies for the year. Was it not won-
derful, then, that the Noble Loid, with such evidence in his
hands, should have the hardihood to come forward as a Minis-
ter of the Crown and declare that the House of Assembly had
obstinately refused to vote any Supply ? The fact, as he had al-
ready stated was, that the House of Assembly proposed the
measure of Supply, and seat it up to the Legislative Council,
where it was read a second time, but afterwards dropped.
Hence the want of supply. Who was to blame ? Not the
House of Assembly but the Legislative Council. He had thus
shown, from the correspondence of Lord Gosford, first, that
the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) was not supported in his
statement ; and, secondly, that he was erroneous in the con-
clusions he had drawn. Then the Noble Lord alluded to the
rr port
pa, of 1828, and to certain resolutions which were agreed
--
to by t e House of Assembly. The Noble Lord said that the
Assembly was most ungrateful; what was the fact ? He (Mr.
Hume) held in his hand a series of resolutions in which the
House of Assembly expressed great thanks for the inquiry
which had taken place. But what was the result of the in-
quiry for which, according to the Noble Lord, the House of
Assembly ought to be so extremely grateful? Were any of
the recommendations cf the report carried out? The House
of Assembly was the best judge of that. The House of
Assembly declared that not one of them had been carried
cut. They were great fools, therefore, for thanking the
Home Government for benefits which seemed to be promised,
but which, in fact, were never granted. If the recommen-
dations contained iii the Report of 1828 had been fairly
and honestly carded into effect, there would have been
nothing of the unpleasant distractions which had ex-
iated almost from that tome to the present hour.
There would certainly have been nothing of that armed
resistance which unhappily had of late been offered
to the constituted authorities. He (Mr. Hume) maintained
therefore, that the Noble Lord when he quoted the report of
1828 quoted it against himself; or at all events quoted it
only to be told that none of the recommendations which it
contained had been carried into effect. There might have
been a few petty and insignificant attempts at reform ; but
all the principal grievances of the Canadians remained un-
redieused. Tho- Noble Lord then alluded to the minute of
Lord Aberdeen. He (Mr. Hume) wished that the Noble
Lord (Lord J. Russell) had acted more in the spirit of that
nobleman. Ile thought the intentions of Lord Aberdeen
were good, and had that "Nobleman remained in office up to
the present time, he had no doubt, from the great at-
tention which he paid to the facts brought before him,
and from the manner in which he drew his conclusions,
that there would have been none of the rebellion, none of
the disturbances, which they were now compelled to regret.
Cheers from the Opposition.) He was bound to say so ;
taking :t for granted that Lord Aberdeen would have acted
upon the reasoning adopted by him during the short time he
was at the head of the Colonial-office, and which, if carried
into effect, would certainly have done much good. The
Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) then repeated five different
charges or complaints which he alleged had been committed.
These included the iadependence of the press, the Jesuits'
property, the Church and Crown revenues, and the Constitu-
tion of the Legislative Council. He (Mr. Hume) was cer-
tainly surprised to hear the Noble Lord, assert that the Ca-
nadians had no reason to complain of the Constitution of the
Legislative Council. The Canadians complained that that
body, as at present constituted, was subject to no liability ;
and that as long as it was continued in its present shape they
could have no power over their revenues, over their laws, or,
in fact, over anything that concetned their welfare ; because,
whatever their own efforts might be in the House of As-
sembly, the Legislative Council had always the power, with-
out any kind of responsibility, to step in and mar all.
Tile Noble Lord passed over a period of ten years
in a couple of paragraphs, with scarcely an allu-
sion. He said that responsibility was recommended in the
Report of 1828, and that the Canadians were very unthankful
in not having expressed their acknowledgments for the recom-
mendation. But what had been done ? Had the recommenda-
tion been carried into effect ? No. Nothing had been done_.
nothing at least that could confer a substantial benefit upon the
colony. Did the Noble Lord believe that the alteration which
he had made in the Legislative Council gave the least satisfac-
tion to the people of Canada? Did lie not know that public
meetings had been held in which the new regulations intreas
duced by the Noble Lord were complained of as raaking the
Legislative Council worse than it was before ? Did not the Noble
Lord know that the Canadians would rather have that body com-
posed of men fresh from England, not at all connected with the
colony, than of men who were renegades from their former opi-
nions, and in every way obnoxious to the great majority
of the Canadian public. But when was the alteration made
which was to give so much satisfaction to the people of
Canada, and which, according to the Noble Lord, they were
so ungrateful in not having acknowledged ? Why (the
House would hardly believe it), this boasted alteration was
not made until the latter end of October last, ten years after
the period at which an alteration in the Constitution in the
Legislative Council was originally recommended. The
Council, which ought to have been reformed in 1828, was
not reformed until 1837, when ten members were added to it,
leaving it just as highly objectionable, and as little calculated
to satisfy the people upon the score of responsibility, as it had.
ever been. He maintained that all the Noble Lord's state-
ments with respect to that body were entirely fallacious. The
Noble Lord then went 01 to say that from the year 1830 none
of the measures of conciliation held out by the Government
and Legislature of the mother country bad been fairly met by
the House of Assembly. What measures of conciliation had
been held out? What real measures of conciliation 'Lad ever
been held out without being successful ? No, it was not until
they were driven by the measure of last year__a measure which
went at once to the destruction of their Constitution, and of all
their just rights, that the people of Canada assumed a tone
of defiance towards the mother country. He (Mr. Hume)
denied that there had been any manifestation of a desire to
conciliate on the part of the parent state. Was there any-
thing of conciliation in the Resolutions of last year ? He
( Mr. Hume) had never heard of anything so reckless of all
principle as those Resolutions. They were immediately pro-
tested against by the whole of the Canadian people—public
meetings were held in every district to condemn them ; yet
nothing was done by the home Government to remedy the
fault it had committed. Up to a very late period, assurances
were received from Lord Gosford that there was nothing to
excite any serious alarm in the state of the colony, although
he, at the same time, expressed a doubt whether the spirit of
dissatisfaction which had exhibited itself could be put down
without a suspension of the Constitution. The argument of
the Noble Lord (J. Russell) was, that a portion only of the
people of the province were dissatisfied—merely a few donna -
gogues who had practised upon the ignorance and credulity of
a small portion of the people. If that were really the case—
if the evil extended no further than that—what pretence was
there for punishing the whole of the province? If a few had
°Untied, why were all to be deprived of the benefit of
their Constitution ? It was not yet known whether Papi-
neau had ever joined the insurgents, or whether he was
in arty way privy to the revolt. He (Mr. Hume) believed
that the armed resistance to the Queen's troops was not pre-
meditated, but arose out of the heat of the moment. In con-
sequence of instructions received from Lord Glenelg, Lord,
Gosford struck out of the list of magistrates every man of
liberal opinions, and substituted none but Orangemen and
Tories in their places. Having thus obtained a subservient
or congenial magistracy, Lord Gosford proceeded to arrest
twenty-eight individuals in one day. It was this that startled
the whole Canadian people, and excited that strong feeling
which led to the opposition of the troops. Nobody knew on
what authority or en what evidence these arrests were made.
Every thing was done with the utmost silence and secrecy.
The people became alarmed; and this led to the rescue
which, as he before said, he believed to be wholly unpre-
meditated. Did the Noble Lord mean to say that the House
of Assembly knew any thing or had any thing to do with the
rescue ? Did the Noble Lord mean to say that any thing
but an attempt to interfere with the administration of justice
in a degree so flagrant as that adopted by Lord Gosford
would have led to the rescue which had since given rise to
such unhappy consequences? Had the same conduct been
pursued in Ireland, would not the consquences have been
the same ? If every liberal magistrate had been struck off
the list in Ireland, and the commission of the peace filled up
only by Orangemen and Tories—men entirely hostile to the
feelings of the great mass of the people—would not the
same resistance to the law have been offered at all events?
When Ministers had allowed the expression of discontent to
arise to so great a In ight in Canada, end especially after the
admission of Lord Glenelg, that complaints from the Colony
have been increasing ever since 1828, he thought the mea-
sures now proposed to be adopted were too severe. To de-
prive the whole province of its libel tics, because a few had of-
fend. d, gave to the proceedings of the Government an appear-
ance of vengeance rather than of justice. He thought that
the best course would he to send out an individual like
Lord Durham, to whom he saw no sort of objection, armed
with ample powers to do whatever he should deem necessary
to preserve the tranquillity of the province, but not accout

panied with the disgraceful Act which was to suspend the i the evils which accrued from this source; but how did the
liberties of the whole of the people.—( Hear.)
.If he were i Noble Lord reconcile with his speech the fact, that though
to advise any course it would be that Government should declare i the House had resolved that important alterations should be
a general amnesty. Let Lord Durham go out with full powers I made in this Council, Lord Gosford, when lie opened the
so to act, and then it would appear that revenge was not 1 House of Assembly, on the 18th of August, was not prepared
their object, but that justice was what they wished to effect. I with such alterations ? Did such a course of conduct give the
But at present what had the Canadians to expect ? What, I House of Assembly a fair chance of proceeding to the dis-
after the Government had suspended their charter, had they I charge of its duties? Was it taking the best means of avoid_
to look for? Would they not look at every act with suspicion ins!. the ultimate painful consequences? Either Lend Gol-
and jealousy that this country might do ? Would they not ford- or the Colonial-cfliee appeared to him to have been guilty
feel a want of confidence in all that they proposed ? If, then, of a great omission, and to be chargeable in some measure
the noble lord wished to prevent the shedding of blood, let him with a neglect of duty. It seemed also to him (Mr. Grote),
pass an act of amnesty and sent out Lord Durham to declare" that from the tone of the Noble Lord the Member for Stroud,
it. Did not Sir Charles Grey tell them after a residence of in treating this question with an" entire absence of all con-
twelve months in Canada, that it was essential to interfere with ciliation, it was not difficult to foresee a long series of increas-
the Legislative Assembly ? It was admitted that a spirit of ing embarrassments and difficulties. Her Majesty's Ministers
opposition had been excited that required an appeal to force; seemed not to be unwilling to undertake what had ever
but he, for one, hated and detested war, above all. civil war. been a d fficult task to every Government—they were not
Civil war was the most to be abhorred, and to avoid such a unwilling to attempt the Herculean task of ruling in de-
calamity he thought the Government ought not to stand upon fiance of the recorded tense of a majority of the inhabi_
any punctilios. But what was proposed ? It was proposed tants which they were called upon to govern ?—( Hear.) By
to send out Lord Durham. Could Lord Durham do anything what means was this last to be accomplished ? To what
unless he got power? No. What did the Noble Lord pro- could they look but force, constraint to prevent the outburst of
pose to do? He did not propose to give Lord Durham any dissatisfaction
security? They should recollect that it was not the'esawsfaction which would smoulder beneath the surface of
such powers as would enable him to accomplish the only object fancied
it was necessary he should effect. This being so, Lord Dur- same thing to put down by armed restraint and to eradicate
ham would go out to Canada under such circumstances as discontent. —( Hear.) He did hope, however, that the Noble
would cover him with the like disgrace that had visited Lord Lord would not think it beneath his attention to consider that
Gosford. It was not Lower Canada alone that demanded the Canadians were bordering on the United States of Ame-
redress. The other North American colonies were equally rice, and that however considerable might be the vast power of
anxious to obtain justice from this country. If, then, the Noble England to keep down a most reluctant people, yet they could
Lord were not disposed to make a permanent settlement with riot fail to imbibe something of the feelings and the habits of
these colonies upon a constitutional basis, did he mean to keep that vast and flourishing Republic,- which occupied so large a
them down by mere physical force? Would the people of Eng- portion of that Continent, and which was so close to the Hunts
land submit to the expense of such a policy ? The Noble of Lower Canada. • It seemed to him (Mr. Grote) that to
Lord had said that the feelings of the people were generally rule in the manner proposed was to saddle on England a
with ohm. He (Mr. Hume) differed from the Noble Lord in great burden and inconvenience, aid to entail on the Pro-
that
respect. He believed that the people were anxious to vince itself nothing but what was oppressive and intolerable.
put an end to bloodshed, and to effect a conciliation. This Let the Noble Lcrd say whether, with the best intentions on
the Noble Lord might succeed in accomplishing by passing an the part of the Colonial-office, it was practicable to prevent
Act of amnesty in favour of those who had beets placed in in so distant a colony as Canada the possession of power
their present predicament by the extraordinary and unaccount_ which might be turned to the private purposes of a small
able proceedings of the Colonial Government. If the Noble knot of individuals, of a little oligarchy, who govern there
Lord would do that, he (Mr. Hume) was perfectly satisfied; for their own benefit under the name of the Colonial-office._
he might mak* amends for much that he had done. It was ( Hear, hear.) Ile would predict that even if they sent
not the man who shed blood, but the man who stimulated him Lord Durham to Canada he would find no men more
on, that was the mere guilty party.--(" Hear, hear," from ready to thwart his views than this very Legislative Council,
the Opposition.) He would repeat that it was the resom, for whose sake her Majesty's Ministers appeared inclined al-
tions of the Noble Lord that had stimulated the .people of most to decimate the people. He would find nothing but jots
Lower Canada to revolt and bloodshed.—( Laughter.) It which it would be his duty to put down, and he would diss
was unjust conduct of the House of Commons, and the viola- cover the most gross mismanagement; and if he agreed to go
Lion of the rights of the whole province of Canada, that led out armed with nothing but pains and penalties unsuited to the
to the bloodshed that had taken place.—( Hear, hear.) He genius of a free country, he would be thwarted as well by the
was sorry to lave been obliged to state his opinions at the Legislative Council as by the people at large. To the Bill
length at which he had done, but he had felt it a duty both to suegested by the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) he should feel
himself and to the cause which he had advocated to advance it his duty to give his strenuous opposition, in its passage
the opinions he had declared, and he should sit down by ex_ through every stage; he thought that the Legislative Council
pressing his deep regret at the course which the Noble Lord had not done anything to justify a measure so stringent and
had proposed to the. House. severe. The Government had taken up the worst ground
Lord ELIOT could not help asking whether two great which it could occupy, when it said to the Canadians, " You
bonuses had not been given by this country to Canada? Who- shall either have a Legislative Council unfriendly to the great
ther one attic concessions was not the Act of 1791, by which body of the people, or you shall have no Constitution at all ;
a Constitution was conceded to the Canedas; In that Act there and lie confessed that he entertained no very !anguine eepec_
was an oath prescribed to all persons in the Provinces, by which tation from the success attending the Governor going out after
they swore allegiance to his Majesty, as subjects of the Pro- such a measure as was then suggested. He doubted not but
vinces dependent upon and belonging to Great Britain, and that Lord Durham would introduce into Canada the measures
that they would, to the utmost of their power, maintain which the Committee of 1828 had sugg,ested long ago; and he
the King, his right and dignity, in those Provinces, begged the Noble Lord especially to recollect that even at
lie would leave it for the Hon. Gentleman the Member that tine the Committee recommended !hat the Legislative
for Kilkenny, to account for the conduct of those whose Council should be formed of men of impartial and coacilia-
cause ho vvas now advocating after having taken that oath, tory dispositions, and that this recommendation had never been
The next concession made by this country to the Canadians carded out doer' to the present time. If the Council had
was the Act of 1831, by which, as the Noble Lord hail said, been made thus impartial and conciliatory, how dill it happen
in a spisit of generous confidence the whole of the Crown that the people did not gratefully acknowledge the change ?
revenues were made over to them. What, he (Lord Eliot) Let them look at a case in point, to which the Noble Lord
would ask, had been the return made by the Canadians for would find no objection—let them look at Lord Mulgrave's
this concession ?—( Hear.) Again, the Crown acceded to the government in Ireland, where his (Mr. Grote's) position was
proposal that the Judges should no longer hold office during fully made out. Let them look at the altered feeling of the
pleasure, but according to their good conduct, and he wou'd people of Ireland, when they really felt that there was in the
ask whether that concession had been responded to by the Government a recognition of their wishes, and a desire to act
House of Assembly ? Not at all ; and it was equally true impartially and conciliatory.— ( Hear, hear. ) And why had
that they had altogether refused to make any permanent not the same feeling been discovered in Canada if there was
provision for the Governor or the Executive Council in the same cause for its existence ? If this feeling had been
conformity with their own recorded declaration. Several fostered, if the people in Canada had been dealt with in a
grievances unquestionably existed in Canada, and deserved conciliatory, friendly, and kind manner, he entertained a
considetation ; but one of the first grievances alleged by the strong conviction that the demands which they had put for-
Canadians themselves was the present constitution of the Le- ward would have been disposed of satisfactorily, that either
gislative Assembly, which the Canadians wished to be elective. they would not have been so strongly pressed, or they would
It appeared to tam that a body of men fit to constitute an have been susceptible of an easier adjustment. If the House
upper or aristocratic chamber was utterly unatteinable in passed a Bill suspending the Canadian Constitution, unacoon.
Canada.—( Hear, hear.) It was Mr. Pitt's wish to attain it. panied not only by distinct promises, but earnest signs. of a re-
but the materials were not to be found out of which it could dress of grievances, there wouldi bed nothing but increased
be formed. He (Lord Eliot) apprehended thet if an Electi% • troubles. 7n,e discontentengencere by the Noble Lord's
Council were to be formed, it must be of the same materials'L resolutions wo"uldhestillfurther confirmed and still deeper_
AS those which now Consti.uted the Legislative Assembly. He rooted ; for lot the house. read with attention.n Lord Gosford's
was sure that there was no indisposition on the _ art of the statement, that there were
.many men i . Lower Canada who,
country generally calmly to consider the claimspwhich the though they disapprossed of the proceedings of the House of
people of Canada might urge. No man could more regret Assembly, disapproved of the Noble Lord's resolutions still
the bloodshed now raging in Canada ; but theywho had drawn more : let them mark well that most importantleavea dpeatssacerse, and
the sword and thrown away the scabbard could only abide the remember that each such Act would and a
consequences. Before he sat down he could not but express deeper sting behind; and would render conciliation morep diffi-
his surprise and regret that the Noble Lord (J. Russell) I cult. Let them redress the Canadian wrongs, and not begin
should not have been more explicit with respect to the circum. l with more coercion, and in his (Mr. Grote's) opinion, more
stances which had led to the danger of the great power of unjustifiable proceedings than any which had yet taken place.
Canada being lost to this country, at least of being placed in If they carried out the Noble Lord's proposel. where would they
imminent jeopardy.—
people justified ( Hear, hear.) He had read the docu- stop? If rebellion by part of the
meats laid before Parliament, and roost ce,tainly he considered of the Constitution of a country,
why did he not propose to i
that any man who was appointed to such a situation as that suspend that of Upper Canada, for there had been a revolt I
held by Lord Gosford ought to have made out a much better there also ? He did not object to this omission, for, thinking
case than that which was to be found in the papers laid before that the proposal was unjustifiable, he sacs glad to find that it
Parliament.
was not to be extended ; but still the same areument might be
Sir J. CARNAC had the fullest confidence in the inten- adduced in support of such a proposition. He (Mr. Grote)
justice would tions of Ministers, and was quite care that ample could see no benefit which could be gained from seve:ity and
be done to the Canadians.coercion, whilst he feared from it the great evil of continuing
Mr. GROTE was convinced that no measure which did in the minds of the inhabitants a feeling of despair that justice
not remedy the complaints made against the Legislative will be done to their country ; he need not say that to govern
Council would suffice to produce the desired tranquillity in a colony tranquilly the people must be animated with a feeling
Canada. Till he came into the House he was entirely igno- of respect towards their governors; and he was sure that co-
sant of the intention of the Noble Lord the Member for ercion would never redound to the }swift, and still less to the
Stroud as to the course which he meant to 'Aussie ; he knew honour, of the mother country.--( Hear, hear.) For these
not whether the Noble Lord meant to move an address to the reesons lie must oppose the address; and he sincerely wished
Crown or for leave to bring in a Bill; and he (Mr. Grote) that it bad been more distinct in recognising the redress of the
did think that the House had some little ground of complaint Canadian grievances.
that it had been called upon to deliberate upon the present Sir ROBERT PEEL said that the speech of the Noble
address without having- received any notice of what they were Lord who commenced the discussion, brought forward for the
to be called upon to assent to.--( Hear, hear.) He con- consideration of the House two most important questions; the
fessed, also, that the address, as now proposed, did not meet one was, the propriety of an address to the Crown, pledging
With his idea of the sentiments which ought to emanate from the House to support her Majesty's efforts !or the suppression
that blouse ; for although he entirely went along with the of actual revolt, the other was a legitlative measure on the
Noble Lord in the conviction which be entertained of the propriety of suspending the Constitution of Lower Canada,
necessity of restoring tranquillity, yet he thought that it and of investing an individual who is about to proceed to that
Vas not right to express that conviction without at the colony with dictatorial power. They were called upon that
same time stating a conviction, which was equally night to discuss only one of those propositions, which respected
strong in his mind, that full redress should be given the policy of voting an address pledging the Members of that
to all grievances, and ample provision should be made House to support the Crown in its attempts to suppress open
for future good Government.e—(Hear, hear, hear.) He revolt, and he must confess that it would have been more con-
could not, however, acquiesce in the address which the sonant with his feelings if the two suggestions had been kept
Noble Lord had proposed, nor could he concur in the argu- perfectly distinct.—( Hear, hear.) He thought the first of
ment which bad been adduced in support of it; for if the sufficient importance to give his sentiments upon it, and when
Noble Lord's argument were good for any thing, it gave con- it should be necessary to pronounce his opinion he would do
elusive proof of the wisdom of an early separation._( Hear, so freely and unreservedly on the other. He confessed that
hear, hear.) For what was the Noble Lord's argument? he lamented that so long a time had been permitted to elapse
The method of government was such as to meet the Noble without the attention of Parliament having been called to
Lord's entire approval. The best system had been pursued, this point.--( Cries of " Hear, hear.")
If he had been
no mistake had been committed, the colony had been blessed in the House on the night before the recess, when
with the most exemplary of governors, and yet its condition the affairs of Canada were discussed, he would have
had become worse and worse, till at length it was in a state of voted for the proposition that the House should, without de-
open revolt. If so much had been done, if there was nothing lay, meet and vote an address similar to that then under dis-
to mend, nothing to improve in what had passed, what hope cussion. Had they not received an intimation that part
could they have for the future ?—( Hear.) With this view, of her Majesty's dominions was in open insurrection ? Had
though he was a friend of separation, and the House might they not received official intimation that the Queen's troops
think it treason to confess it or not, he thought that a separa- were in arms, ie opposition to the Queen's subjects,• in sup-
tion would be the best thing both for England and for Canada. port of the civil power ? And he thought that no time ought
--(Hear, hear.) He regretted that there was no Hon. Mem- to have been permitted to elapse before the House of Corn-
her in that assembly so intimate with all the facts of the case mons wes called together to take active measures, with the
as to reply to the statements of the Noble Lord ; the Hon. view of' intimidating the rebels and of encouraging. her
and Learned Gentleman who lately represented Bath, and who Majesty's loyal subjects in that colony.—( Hear, hear.)
knew these facts, was unhappily not then a Member of the True it was that it might be urged that the members
House—( Hear) ;—still he ( Mr. Grote) would say that no had separated for the recess under the impression that busi-
Person could read the long and voluminous Canadian reports ness of no importance would regaire their attendance ; but
with any correctness, if he did not see that there were many when open rebellion was known, surely the House ought to
errors and inaccuracies in the Noble Lord's speech, both as have given to the Crown its assurance of support. No
it regarded the conduct of the House of Assembly in Canada, reason existed why an adjournment of a few days should
and the conduct of the Colonial-office here. He agreed not have taken place, and that an intimation should have
entirely in the encomiums which had been passed on the been given that the House would meet for the considera_
dispatches and the conduct of Sir George Murray. No tion of this subject, and to give the same assurance which
one could read the correspondence between that Gallant would now be given so tardily—( Hear, hear)—and he feared
Officer and Sir James Kempt, and especially the passage in so ineffectually, that for the suppression of the revolt the
Which it was said that if "the House of Assembly were Crown might rely or thesuppurt of the Legislature.—( Hear.)
called upon to vote a certain portion of the Revenue it would Perhaps, also, it might have been reasonably expected that
acquire virtually a control over the whole," without per- a direct and formal announcement would have been mads by
ceiving that Sir George Murray had an accurate knowledge the Crown to both Houses, but no message had been deli.
of the true state of the country, and that if his advice had vered.—( Hear, hear.) They now merely knew the fact that
been attended to the differences would have been adjusted, the Queen's troops had been engaged with acme of her
and that if accidental circumstances had rot prevented, in subjects iii open insurrection, and that one section of the
1829 or 1830, the introduction of an Act repealing
the
insurgents. They saw
of 1774, the grievances then complained of would have they Act troops had been overpowered by the
een that marti it law was proclaimed, and they saw that the +
fuolly adjusted. The revenues would have been given over Governor of one colony was pressing for a supply of troops
the Assembly on terms satisfactory to all
parties, and from a neighbouring colony, and surely such circumstances
t
Ise could not understand why, when Lord Ripon became would have justified a 'direct Message from the Crown;
Colonial 'Secretary, the same arrangement had not been but the House of Commons had not, till five o'clock that
carried into effect. But while that Noble Lord was Colonial evening, received even an indirect intOnation that the
Secretary circumstances happened which completely fres- Queen's troops had been in collision with the people. It
trated the amicable settlement ; that Noble Lord thought fit appeared that before the adjournment of the Hons.! of Coin-
to advance a claim not only for the appropriation of the casual moos no accounts whetever had reached them of the result
and territorial revenues—without the consent of the Assembly, of the expedition under Colonel Gore—( Hear, hear)—and
for the purposes of civil government, a claim which had it was not until to-night that the House or Co---mops were
been made by former governors--but also for the diversion of informed of the result of the engagement which had taken
them from the purposes of civil government, and making place between these troops and the persons who acted in
them over to the clergy. This claim wholly prevented the open violation of the laws and had opposed the forces of her
settlement of the financial disputes, for it left the Assembly Majesty. It was no answer to say that the dispatches had
pin a worse situation than it was before, and was thought to not arrived, and that there had been no oppurtunity to com-
bs no less novel than it was preposterous and unreasonable. municate their contents before. But it was not of this that
if the financial dispute had been met with a disposition bdo he was c _impietining especially, but ho complained that the
Justice it would have bean settled at this time, and the same Crown hid net sent any Message to the House stating the
remarks applied to th‘e ot,her.d,isp.ut"in every particular. If circumstances attending the revolt, and soliciting the aid
this bed only placed the Legislative Council in harmony with and support of the House of Commons in endeavouring to
the feelings of the people, they never would have demanded put it down ; and he would venture to say that in the his-
an Elective Council. This demand was never made till tory of this country no event of so much importance as
1833, when the Council :was still as unacceptable to the the insurrection in Canada had taken place without its having
People as in 1828, at which period Lord Aberdeen had re- been deemed necessary to communicate the fact specifically to
r o inof
commendednmended that the Legislative Council should be made the 1-louse of Commons, not
of arn
by means
e ssag oef
fn
the
l the
publication Crown,
acceptable to the Canadians. If the Government seriously papers alone, la!: by means
had
to apply this rule of conduct, how was it that they which a solicitatioh for support was included.—( Hear, hear. )
'ad so signally failed in finding proper men to appoint to the He would begin w..th the events of the American war, and all
°lnce ?._..4 Hear, hear, hear.) Was it so very difficult the unfortunate transactions which took place with reference
to lay their hands upon fit men ? Or was it that they to that strugglo_loe independence. In 1774 the disturbances
e'ere not very strictly sought for? As it seemed to him took place in
.alassachuw tts, end the riots also broke out in
flit.. Grote). therefore, the Government had nothing but Boston. Parliament was aware of the unfortunate dift;Tenees
,48,0 f to thank, on account of its own omission, for the result existing between that colony and this country from the reports
tiered
had taken place. There was no conduct which rim- which had reached them ; but the notoriety of the matter was
Zejed the House of Lords unpopular in this country not considered a sufficient reason to relieve the Crown of the
fa'aiell did not apply with equal force to the Legislative necessity of making a formal communication of tile facts to
,heaneil, It was admitted, at the titne the Noble Lord's reso- both houses of Parliament, and a message was accordingls
s •
Uttons were passed, tint some remedy must be applied to delivered, setting forth the circumstances, and soliciting the

paled to give up Canada, it ought never to permit that
country to establish itself as an independent State; and if
they should permit that to be done, what answer could be
male to the complaints of the other colonies, which would
he plaeed in a subordinate position by the very act of
the Goscroment by which they should be protected. Ho
therefore slid that the case of Canada wes not a simple. ab-
stract question, hut it was one which could not be considered
separately from the qesstioa regarding the other colonies
of North America. The situation of Canada and the phy-
sisal condition of the other colonies of this country in North
America must be considered altogether. The House and the
Government must only look at Canada as an indenendeet
.fate when the situation of the other colonies in America
eould be regarded as independent states. These were pre-
eared, however, to perform all their duties to this ceutory as
colonies, and therefore it would be the grossest folly on the
pate Ferglend to allow the connection to belightly broken.
—( Hear, hear.) He repeated, then, that the question of the
separation or independence of Lower Canada could only be
eonsidered at the same time with the navigation of the St.
Lawrence, the peculiar circumstances of the other colonies in
America, and their neighbourhood to the United States.
Therefore, as regarded the honour of the British Crown, the
interests of the other British colonies, the well-being of the
British settlers in the Upper Province, and the interests of
Great Britain elsewhere, they ought not to let this revolt be
triumphant—(Cheers)—or suffer the flag of Great Britain to
be lowered to the partisans of Mr. Papineau.—( Load cheers.)
At the same time he should give his cordial consent to the
Addtess proposed by the Noble Lord ; but he did not mean
thereby to apply anything like approbation to the course pur-
sued by her Majesty's Government.—(hear hear.) He should
give unhesitatingly his cordial support to the Address in the
lir4 place, and it was for the essential reason, because
this country had acted liberally and justly towards Canada.
It was impossible to look at the correspondence on the
table—he meant the whole series of correspondence—
without coming to the conclusion that Canada had occa-
sionall•y just grounds of complaint.—(bear, hear.) But he
would ask how coeld this country maintain its authority and
dendeion even at home if at the first suggestion of a griev-
ance revolt was to take place and the people were to resort
to arms?—(hear, hear, hear.) lie did not deny that when
this country was engaged in war with foreign powers the
affairs were neglected, and that the Canadians had just
grounds of complaint ; but of late years the affairs of Canada
had been regarded as matters of essential importance, and he
had never known an instance in which a mother country had
manifested a greater desire to do justice to a colony than was
exhibited in the course that was pursued towards Canada.—
( Hear, hear.) In a passage of the address of the Assembly
of Lowe', Canada, which was referred to by the Noble Lord,
it was stated that the report of the Committee of that House
of the year 1828, and the recommendations embodied in it,
rurnished imperishable evidence of the injustice of this
country, as manifested in the misgovernment of the colony
of Lower Canada. But he begged the House to recollect
that Lord Aberdeen not only acted upon the recommendations
of the Committee of 1928, but went beyond those recom-
mentlationa in the course lie putsued; and in every case in
which the recommendations of the Committee were not
acted upon, the delay arose, not front the government at
_home, but from the Canadians themselves.—(]gear, hear,
hear. ) This was an end, then, to the assertion that
they were not disposed to attend to the affairs of Canada.
At the same time he was prepared to admit that the habits
of the people of that country and their feelings and preju-
dices Were not the same that existed at home, and that,
therefore, allowances should be made for their conduct.
While he admitted this he repeated he was convinced of the
justice of the course pursued, and of the folly of a proceeding
on any allegations of grievance which could at least be found
ie these papers, to such an extent as to revolt against the
authority of the Crown, and to organise an armed force
against the civil and military authorities in the colony. He
was convinced that if the authority of the Crown was to be
maintained in Canada or at home, this revolt must be
suppressed, and he should, therefore, give his cordial support
to the Address, and he should support measures at any hazard
to carry it into effect.—( Hear.) But he did not by this mean
the House to imply that he placed confidence in time Queen's
Government, or that he meant to approve of their conduct,
or wrs satisfied at the conrse which they had pursued. But
for what the Noble Lord had said he should htve been con-
tent to pass over this part of the subject ; but the Noble Lord
in the course of his speech had challenged a reference to these
documents for approbation of the conduct of the Government.
He (Sir Robert Peel) was bound to say, on reading them,
that measures of precaution had been neglected previous to
the revolt. But before he did so he might be recommended
to look at the papers on the table, and see whether the auth-o-
cities in Canada complained of any want ,of military force
there. He did not know with whom the blame rested, but
after passing the resolutions last year having reference to Ca-
nacho and sifter the excitement which might naturally be ex-
pected to follow on their adoption, surely somebody in autho-
rity at home or in Canada might have suspected that some
s :eh result would have followed as the revolt. Could anything
have bsen more delusive than the hope that a feeling of satis-
iitoai,ad ct
ntieoji
nuidrigg:
satis-
faction and quiet could arise from the passing these resolu-
tions? Did the Government imagine that it could pass these
resolutions, declaring that the British Legislature could not
trust the House of Assembly of Lower Canada with the ma-
nagerneet of the funds of that colony, although they did not
follow their resolutions by passing a Bill, without producing
angry and excited feelings ? For his own part, he firmly be-
hoved that a Bill on this subject might have been passed last
year. Any delay was prejudicial, for the result, as might have
been expected, was, tint the Canadians felt assured that the
Government at home was afraid to enforce them.—( Hear.)
.There was not the slightest prospect that any delay in passing
the Bill founded on these resolutions would conciliate the Ca-
nadians to us. On the contrary, immediately after passing
the resolutions, the Government might have expected some
such result as an insurrection. The same course was pur-
sued, when the resolutions respecting imeesing a stamp-duty
in our former American colonies passed that House. It was
then said that an objectionable mode of pmoceeding would be
avoided by passing the resolutions, and postponin; the Bill to
a
into effect to the following sessioa. The same
result ry them
ultthen foilowed as now; for by cabin; in question the
authority of the Local Assembly, an insurrection was excited
the mother country.--( Hear.) He contended that the
Government ought to have been fully prepared to expect that
the feeling of dissatisftetion that prevailed in Canada would
be greatly increased by passing these resolutions. In addi-
tion_to this, in whom did they look for support? Why, to
another party, who were also dissatisfied with the treatment
they had experienced. He knew this from the picture of the
ceuntrydrawn by one of the friends of her Majesty's Govern-
This picture was drawn so lately as the 12th of Oc-
tober, and the writer stated," Some of the immediate fraits of
the system now in operation, which, if not put down, mug lead
consequences, arc to be seen in the apathy and
the magistracy and persons of property who
joinedt:ivst
uci of
t'herevolutionary party, in the extreme difficulty
olobh t
accurate and availlbleinfOrmation of what is passing
_and ao
mg from recent events, in the little probability,
even if evidence of sufficient weight could be procured, to
arraign the offenders, front enders, of a jury taken from the district of Mon-
trealfinding bills and convicting on them." Again, in another
part of this document it is stated ----" It is proper that I should
represent to you the inadequacy of the powers at the disposal
of time local GoTernment for meeting the difficulties that sur-
round it. The law fails to afford its support ; the civil autho-
rities become therefore impotent ; the Habeas Corpus Act
Cannot be suspended. The clergy, though well disposed and
loyal, are reluctant to come forward ; any further appeal to
the present Parliament would not only be inexpedient and
useless, positively injurious; and a dissolution offers no
prospect
butof a more reasonable House of Assembly, nor any
line that the new House, which would he composed of a
majority of the old members, would recede in any particular
from tile demands so pertinaciously insisted on by the pre-
sent body. Indeed, a dissolution, if decided on at all,
ineamres and arrarixements you now have in contem-
Ishould not at any rate be resorted to before the whole of
ttetiou respecting this province shall have passed into law
and be
perfected. In such circumstances, and seeing that
the Imperial Parliament has solemnly and unequivocally
stated that it will not accede to the Assembly's demands,
I am forced, however reluctantly, to come to the conclu-
sion that the only practical course now open for conduct-
,
ing the affairs of this Province with any benefit to the
inhabitants generally is at once formally to suspend the pre-
sent Constitution, which both parties unite in confessingconfessingcan-
not.now be worked, and which has in fact for the last twelve
months been virtually suspended ; to increase the military
force, and to strengthen the hands of the Eetecutive. now
almost impotent fur any good and useful purpose."--( Hear.)
Such was the lamentable state of this colony, in which for a
period the loyal inhab:tants had been discouraged by the au-
thoritiss. They now,
however, passel for and were recog-
nised as loyal 111J11, but at one time they were taunted with
being Orangemen and Tories, and were called upon to come
farwerd and supply the
place of the troops which ought to hare
been, but which had not been, sent out to Canada. He should
refer once more to the document before him to show the treat-
ment to which the loyal inhabitants of Canada had been ex-
posed :—" The mode of proceeding ado; ted for keeping up and
increasing this feeling is by parading nightly, in the town of
:elontreal, large and organised Lands of men, who, however,
have as yet proceeded to no acts of violence or breaches of
the
tious publications and resolutions of the Central Committees;
race ; by inflammatory speeches at meetings; by sedi-
by Placing (in the most disturbed of the rural parishes) those
who are loyal and hold opposite political opinions under a
species of excommunication, and keeping them in dread of
nocturnal injuries to their property ; by burning in effigy
those in higher stations, and by subjecting them to a kind of
annoyance called a citaricari, .:Mich is the assembling of a
crowd before their doors, for the purpose of alarming them
and their families at night with uncouth noises, hisses.
threats, and other manifestations of popular displeasure. Sir
John Colborne, the llon. Mr. Debertzeh, and others have
been exposed to this kind of outrage, which, ha a recent in-
stance, at St. Denis, in the county of Richelieu, was unhap-
pily attended with loss of life and property. "—(hear, hear.)
This, then, was the way in wiiich the loyal inhabitaats of
Canada had been discouraged, and who ought riot to have
been left without powerful military sopeort and co•operation
Au' the resolutions had passed.—s, Mots, hear.) The Nobie
Lord m'glit ask whether a military force had been required by
the authorities in the colony. On that subject Led Glenelg,
io a diseatch sent out to Lord Gosford, in reply to the request
of the Noble Lord that two regiments should be dispatched to
Canada, said that the doing so would be attended with greater
mconveidence than airy advantage that could arise from their
presrnee. It was evident, however, that this was not Lord
Gosford's opinion, for he said, so far from the presence of an
additional military force there lacing attended with inconveni-
ence, that the arrival of a iegiment in Canada from New
Brunswick had been attended with the greatest rosiible ad-
vantage. It was oat the opinion of Sir Jolla Colborne, for

aid of Parliament in suppressing the disturbances which pre
vaiied. The occurrences in Boston also took place in 1774
but they farmed the ground of a distinct message from tits
Crown, and of a distinct application for the support of Partin-
ment. The case of the rebellion in 1797 wes another, the lieu
of which were perfectly notorious, and had even been the subjee.
of discussion in the House before they were introduced to it
notice on the Ist of June, having been brought forward by Mr
Sheridan ; but still on the first of June the Houses had a noti-
fication conveyed to them, by a message that the rebellion had
broken out, and their support was prayed. Taking the
whole case of the Irish rebellion before the year 1798, in the
year 1797, when Lord Camden was Lerd Lieutenant of Ire•
land, before the rebellion had broken out, when disturbances
however, prevailed in Ulster, and when assemblages of armed
people had taken place, the Government did not then leave
the Irish Parliament to collect the circumstances fr mm the
papers which were- published and the rumours which were
tfloat, but by a message they informed them of the
whole of the facts, and prayed their support. In 1797,
when the apprehension of two Committees of the Unites'
Irishmen in Belfast, had taken place, the same course
was pursued; and in 1798, on the 22d of May, before
the rebellion actually brcke out, a communication was
conveyed from the Crown to both Houses, through the
medium of the Lord-Lieutenant. Then, again, in 1803,
when there were no separate Houses of Parliament in Ire-
land, the Crown made a distinct appeal to the Im-
perial Parliament by way of message. The substance
of the message on the subject of the rebellion was
that his Majesty felt the deepest regret in acquainting the
House -of Commons that treasonable and rebellious opinions
had been shown to exist in Ireland, and that his Majesty
relied with the most perfect confidence on the wisdom of
:he steps which the House would take to atiOrd protection to
his Majesty's Irish subjects, and to restore and secure the
general tranquillity of the ,country. Now, why bad this
course, hitherto apparently considered so necessary, been de
parted from ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) Why, when a revolt had
taken place in Canada, sufficient to justify the suspension of all
civil law, to justify the declaration of martial law, and to jus-
tify the interference of the military power to support the
civil
officers—why, in such a case, had not the Crown thought it fit
and necessary to make a communication to Parliament, and to
confide is them circumstances, in obedience to precedent, and
which the practice hitherto adopted called for and justified ?
There would not, he believed, be found a single instance of
any case like the present in which the Crown had left
it enthely to Parliament to collect materials, and to deter-
mine upon the circumstances, without a direct communica-
tion.. Ile was quite aware that theme was in the Queen's
Speech some reference to the affairs of Canada, but there
was none whatever to this revolt, which, in fact, had not then
commenced; but the paragraph alluded only to the events
of the last Session, and in no way relieved the Ministers
from the necessity of making a formal communication to
Parliament on the subject of a matter so important. Still he
felt- that all this was matter of formal objection only, and did
not touch upon the subject-matter under consideration—
( Hear)—!tut he thought that the Noble Lord had greatly under-
valued the question, when subjects of her Majesty were in open
insurreeton, and when her Majesty was about to increase
the number of the troops to maintain the law, if he thought
that the precedents should not be followed in this respect,
and the exigencies of a great question, as this was, should not
be brought fully and distincly before the House for considera-
tion.—( Hear.) The main question no doubt was, whether it
was fitting for the House of Commons to give its cordial sup-
port to the Crown in a matter of this sort ? An lhe never
felt it more neesssary to decide a question with grave consi-
deratioe, and with cautious foresight, than he did now ; and it
was after a full and meet serious consideration of all the facts
that he had come to the conclusion of offering to the Crown
tke assurance of his most cordial support is the steps which
wsre about to be taken for the purpose of the suppression of
the revolt.—( Hear.) An Hon. Member had said that the
majority- of the people were di contented with the control of
the present Government, and the more the Government was
proved to have been liberal, and to have failed in satisfying the
people the more hopeless would he the cause, and the greater
apprehension there would be that there would be a failure is
the attempt to establish good dominion. But, on the other
hand, he must inquire whether the Honourable Member was
prepared to act on the principle which he had laid down wish
re and to the whole 'empire.—( Cries of " Hear.") Let the
House think of the whole colonial empire of Great Britain,
not alone of the possessions in North America, bat including
those in India and the other quarters of the globe, and let them
not forget the extent to which the principle might be applied.
It was laid down that on the first exhibition of dissatisfaction,
and on the first resort to arms to quell disturbances which had
taken place, it was better for the original country to cut off
all connexion with the colony. But supposing Canada was
an island, without any relation to any foreign State which.
could
act on it, would this country, after having possessed it far
seventy years, and having gained it by a brilliant conquest,
finding that the people, or. a portion of the people, were die-
satisfied, at once be prepared to give up all interest in it, and
power over it ? Why might not the same reasoning, if it were
true as regarded a colony, be equally true as regarded the
integral parts of the British empire, and might it not with equal
free apply to all descriptions of persons ? Why might not one
part of England declare its dissatisfaction with the govern-
ment, and then the lion. Member would say, "The domi-
nation is unsatisfactory to them, what is the use of governing
dissatisfied people, and why not let them at once declare
their independence?" If the Hou=se should nct on this prin-
ciple, in ten years might not the British empire be annihilated,
and the great influence which it had from extended colo-
nial possessioas, and founded on the great power derived
from its commerce, be lost, and would not the empire, from
present high pp3itiou which it occupied smog States in the
world, be redueed to a subordinate rank, and placed filth-rate
in the list of nations ?—( Hear.) But could Canada be con-
sidered otherwise than as a poi lion of the empire ? . Would it
be possible to apply the principle to the Canadians, considering'
their relwion wiJr other parts of the British empire in North
America ? First of all, there appeared to be no reason for
baeving that the dissatisfaction which was represented was
so general or so positive as to leave no hope of its being got
over.—( Hear, hear.) He had heard nothing but regret with
regard to what the Noble Lord had said as to his basing suc-
ceeded in excluding all Conservative Gentlemen front
office,
not only as regarded domestic matters but on a thousand other
subjects. The greatest delight had been declared-at his ( Sir
lie Peel) having been excluded. from office ; and to-roeht,
the first night of their meeting, what was said, but that there
was no doubt that if Lord Aberdeen had continued in office
there would have been no insurrection now in Canada ?
( Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") But there were
two corollaries to this ; that there could have been
no opposition so factious as that which produced the
dismissal of Lord Aberdeen f,om office, seeing the care which
was taken in his despatches, and that every conces-
sion had been made by him which was consistent with the
integrity of the British empire. Thus it was admitted that it
was wrong to dismiss him from office : and if S 9, would it not
he just to give him another trial ?—( Cheers from the Oppo-
sition.) And then it was said that it would be proper to ap-
ply the principle which had been advocated, because the peo-
ple had assembled at St. Denis in arms, and at once to shake
off ail connection with the Colony which has become so'grievous
and burdensome. The Hon. Gentleman could not deny this;
and the Hess. Gentleman had read an extract from Lord Aber-
deen's letter, in which the grievances of the Canadians were
stated, and the efforts which had been made to remedy them
were pointed out, and the Hon. Gentleman's conclusion was,
that if the principle had predominated over the settlement of
the question, 'there would not now be a rebellion. Why not
make the settlement now then ?—(Cheers.) Oh ! but some
Hon. Gentlemen would say that the Hon. Member for Kil-
kenny was exceedingly indiscreet ; that he did nut see the
force of his own admissions. But the 'Hoe. Member for Lon-
don had also made some observations, and he too had one
bright example to select from among the general number of
of those who it was alleged hadbeen guilty of Colonial mis-
rule._( Hear, hear.) " Oh," said. he, " how I lament Sir
George Murray's dismissal. —( Hear, hear.) Those were the
days, and," said he, " if Sir George Murray had remained
in the colony, and if his principle had been adopted then, I
may venture to say that the financial question would have been
settled." That was one of the questions. The Honourable
Member for Kilkenny said that Lord Aberdeen would have
settled one question; and the lion. Member for "London said
that Sir George Murray would have settled the financial
question.—( Hear, hear. ) But to return to the principle
vhich it was suggested should be adopted, no sooner had
some disagreement arisen than it was contended that it should
be said, ‘• Oh I we will not keep the colony any longer with
us, let them form a Government for themselves ;" but he (Sir
lie Peel) was prepared to say that the principle would be per-
fectly inapplicable. Suppose, for instance, the people of the
Isle of Wight should fall out, and say that they had a tight to
be independent; that the rules of this philosophic argument
were made for small as well as large communities ; and that
they desired to try the system, in order that they might be
sclieved from the heavy taxes at present imposed on
them ; and they weight say that they could show many
,qually small Italian states which were well governed,
and were prosperous, and that the Channel being between
them and the mother country, there was no reason why
'hey should not be equally so, or should not constitute
themselves like the Canadians, a small republic, with laws
Ind institutions of their 0-an. What would the Hon. Member
say to that ? His argument would apply there, if it applied at
dl.—( Hear.) Bat then the Hon. Gentleman, seeing that the
isle of Wight might become attached to France, might find
it convenient to say, " No, you are essential to our security
from your being c mtiguous to Pot tsmouth, and we cannot
permit you to be separate ;" but if the principle was good in
toe case, it would apply to all. In considering the case of'
Canada, however, it must be' inquired what wouldbe the effect
on the interests of those colonies in the immediate neighbour-
hood of it, and it must be seen whether Canada itself would
he able to maintain its independence from the United States,
Cr on the first quarrel or disagree,lient it might be attached to
:hat country by the right of conquest. England, therefore, was
'ailed on to interpose, not only in support of its own interests,
but also to preserve the rights of its colonies, to which Canada
formed a species off' key. Suppose the Government should
permit Canada to estat,lish itself as an independent State,
whet would be done with the navigation of time river St. Law-
.ence ? Would not time other colonies to which that liver
emoducted say, " We have made our settlements pool on the
'hith of the understanding. that Canada was to remain a part
,1 the country. England rn ale a conquest of it, and it was
;ceded t) England by treaty; peace has endured fur seventy
ears; you have given the country a: form of government,
!eat which is not now approved of, and vou have no right to
sacrifice our rights and our interests by giting iadependemse
o a State which may prevent our communicatioa with other
amuntries, and by having the command of the St. Lawrence."
Surely these complaiuts would be reasonable, and sure
do se colonies were entitled to have a voice in the matter.
Unless by the strongest tineumaaoces England was com-

in one of the papers laid on the table that night that gallant
officer saved that the troops which he had sent for Lad
not arrived in consequence of the la'e period ( f the year,
although three expreaaes had been sent to hasten their march.
It was also geaerally understood that the militia could
not be called upon to act unless in cane of war with- the
United S:ates. It ippeared then, that there had beee a com-
plete want of foresight, either on the part of the Home or the
Colonial authorities, to pass resolutions iefloencinee as thoe
of last .year did, the state of Canada, thus defying the
1)0..1-kr of the House of Assembly, and leaving the loyal
ialialoitants without adi q:aatc military support, and thus. leav-
ing to the machinations of the disaffec:ed an innocent and
rural population who were not of themselves cisposed to re-
volt.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Some might assert that they
took a more enlarged view of . the sulaj ct, and that no
great evil would result from the revolt. He did no agree in
this. altliowth he believed that the insurrection had arisen
from certain disaffected persons acting upon a naturally un-
auspecting and quiet population, and he trusted that an end
would so-in be put to this insurrection ; but it was the duty
of the Government to have prepared such a military force
in the colony as to have discouraged the exciters of it from
pursuing the course which they did.—( Hear, hear, and
cheers.) The information, however, as to the extent of the
insurrection, as communicated by Lord Gosford, was by no
means satisfactory or oonclusive; for in one dispatch he
stated that the feelings of disaffection extended to so few that
no alarm need be entertained ; and vet in one dated only in
the next week be said that the communicatioes with the troops
called upon to act in the di;turbed districts, and to put
down this sudden and extensively-combined revolt, had- been
completely interruated by the armed peasantry assembled on
the line of march, and that the Queen's troops could not
march without having an enemy cn their fl ink and rear.—
( Hear, hear, hear.) After such evidence would any one
presume to tell him that blame did not rest so-nowhere ?
(Cheers.) He agreed with an observation that fell from the
Hon. Member for Kilkenny, who stated that blame rested with
those who had drawn an innocent and harmless people into
that which he believed to be a hopeless insurrettion. Some
palliation might by possibility be offered in a case where
there was a reasonable prospect of success ; but when those
who excited the present insurrection saw what were the feel-
ings of the British inhabitants of Canada, how great was the
loyal attachment of the British race in that country, and how
general was the feeling of loyalty in Upper Canada, which
the honourable gentleman, however, had rep ettedly said was
disaffected—when the attempt at insurrection had been at
once suppressed without the presenee of a single soldier, all
of whom had been sent to Lower Canada--( Cheer
could they plead who, he must say, had manifested iugh iamo
ranee of their prospects of success when they involved. an
innocent population in such an insurrection as that of Canada?
—( Hear, hear.) When he heard the Hon. Gentleman make
such observations as bad fallen from him he happened to have
his eye to the following passage from the report of the
committee of the House of Assembly in Upper Canada :
" It appears, from letters of Mr. Hume, addressed to some of
the ministers of the Crown, that he is desirous of represent-
ing himself as the agent, or, at all events, as being autho-
rized to express the sentiments of the people of Upper
Canada on the subject of their political feelings, and the public;
affairs of the province. Your Commit:me are of opinion that
the honour and character of his I‘l,jesty's loyal subjects in this
province require that it should be promptly and emphatically
declared by their representatives that Mr. Hume is among the
last men they would select to advocate their cause, or repre-
sent their feelings or wishes to the British nation. The pec-
pie of Upper Canada recollect that, in the year 1834, Mr.
Joseph Hume addressed a letter to a correspondent of his in
this country, which, referring to his correspondent's recent ex-
pulsion from and re-election to the Assembly, contained the
following treasonable language and advice :—‘ Your triutn-
Omit election of the 16th, and ejection from the Assembly of
the 17th, must hasten that cri.is which is fast approaching
in the affairs of the Cauadaa, and which will terminate in in-
dependence and freedom from the baneful dominition of the
Mother Country—(cheers)—and the tyrannical conduct of a
small and despicable faction in the Colony.—( Loud cheers.)
The proceedings between 1772 and 1782, in America, ought
not to be forgotten ; and to the honour of the America-is, and
for the interest of the civilised wet Id, let their conduct
and result be ever in view.' "—(Continued cheers.) This
was the languaage 'which in 1834 the honourable Member
addressed to the people of Upper Canada ; but how grossly
the Honourable Gentleman miscaleulatel the feelings of
loyalty of the inhabitants of the Upper Province was mani-
fested in the following passage from the seme document :
" And when it is remembered with what indignation and
disgust—( Cheers)—the publication of this detestable commu-
nication was received throughout the Province—( Cheers)—
his Majesty's loyal subjects cannot but regard with abhorrence
the idea that the person who had thus insulted them should
be supposed by their Sovereign and their fellow subjects in
the United Kingdom to be their accredited agent, that
they held any communication with him, or that he
was in any way clothed with authority to speak their senti-
ments or represent their views on any subject, public or pri-
vate."—(Renewed cheers.) Suppose they applied the lan.
guage and adopte I the advice of the Membar of the City of
London as to the,e colonies that were ripe for revolt,
and abandoned Lower Canada, the indignation with
which thz inhabitants of Upper Canada received the letter
of the lion. Member for Kilkenny would be found cut in
the governmoot and legislature of the country.---( Hear, hear,
hear.) But who was the correspondent to whom the
Honourable Gentleman addressed this inflammatory lan-
guage, and whom be urged not to lose sight of the
example of the United States ?—( Hear, hear, hear. )
It was.M M.Kenzie—(Cheers)—who was at the head of the
futile attempt on the loyalty of the Upper Province dieing
the absence of the whole of the British troops—(Cheers)
--arid who might quote the language of this letw r which had
been sent to him, not by an obscure individual, but by one of
their own Members, to whom he might hive given credit as
the Member of the Metropolitan County, and therefore as
being acquainted with British interests and British feelings.-
-(Loud cheers.) He might say that he was influenced by the
advice of the Hon. Member for Middlesex, and that the mis-
chievous language of the letter in laced him to precis( d as he
did—that he wasnot the responsible party for the revolt in
the Colony, but was merely the humble executive agent, and
that those were really responsible who gave him advice and
offered him suggestions towards effecting an insurrection dia-
paraging to the dignity of this country, and destructive to the
security and interests of the British empire.—( Laud cheers.)
Lord HO WICK, agreed in much that the Right
Honourable Baronet had said as to the nature of the
advice contained in the letter of the Honourable Member
for Kilkenny, but be rose to say a few words in de-
fence of the Government to nhich lie belonged, in answer to
some observation; that fell from the Right Hon. Gentleman in
another part of his speech. The Right Hon. Gentleman had
made various remarks in his amusing style on the respective
observations of the Members for Kilkenny and for the
City- of London, and called on the Hon. Menobsr for Kil-
kenny, in particular, to give Lord Aberdeen another chance.
He (Lord Howick) should like to ask the Right Honourable
Baronet on what he founded such claims of greater liberality
for his own Administration over that Administration which
now enjoyed the confidence of the Crown ? The whole of
the approbation which had been given that evening to Lord
Aberdeen for his conduct as Colonial Secretary, was founded
on a minute, printed in the papers now before the House,
and the whole object of that minute was to prove, as prove
it most conclusively did, that during the Administration of
that party which now held the reins of office the grievances
set forth in the report of the Canada Committee of 1823 had
been redressed. This was the whole object of the minute
in question; and he (Lord Howick) gave Lord Aberdeen the
highest credit for the liberality and candour which had
prompted hint, a political opponent of that party, to give
the sanction of Isis name to such a documant. In the
next place, the Right Honourable Baronet had adverted to
the panagyric of the Honourable Member for tne City of
London on the Government of Sir George Murray, accept-
itig for that Government all the credit and praise which had
been bestowed on it by the H mourable Member, and con-
curring with the Honourable Gentleman in the assertion,
that if Sir George Murray had continued in his office, the
financial disputes of Canada would, long ere this, have been
settled. Now, it appeared to him (Lord Howick) that the
Honourable Member for the City of London could not have
read very closely or correctly the papers which, from time
to time, had been printed cn this subject for the use of the
House. It seemed to him that the Honourable Gentleman
must have confined his examination to the mere expressions
contained in the dispatch in question, and not have extended
it to Elle acts of the Secretary of Stec to whom those dis-
patches were written. What WAS the fact ? The Committee
of 1828 recommended in the strongest terms that o :e great
grievance which the Canadians had constantly urged should
be remedied, by providing that the revenues arising cut of the
Act of 1774 should be plac..‘d at the disposal of she Legislative
Assembly. What had Sir George Murray done in further-
ance of his object in his three years of government? Nothing;
except that in the last year of that Government he introduced
a most imperfect Bill on the subject, anti left the appropria-
tion of the soma raised still in the hands of the Treasury Com-
missioners.---( Hear.) Now he (Lord lionick) had little hesi-
tation in saying that if the Bill, which under the Earl of
Ripon's -Colonial Administration he (Lord Howick) had had
the honour of bringing before the lluuae, and which
passed into a law in 1831, he had little hesitation in
expressing his belief that if this Bill had passed in 1828, after
the report of the Canada Committee, or even in 1823 or 1830,
the result would have been very different f:orn that which had
occurred.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It was not his intention to
enter into any discussion on these points on the present occa-
sism. ; but %then he beard Honourable Gentlemen en that
side of the House make this sort of assertion, and when 1:e
saw their admissions then up by the:Right Hon. Get.tle-
man opposite, and made use of with that dexteri y which
he knew so well how to display, he considered it only due to
those, who had been concerned in these importent affai- s
to make ass endeavour to set. the facts of pia case in its
true light. The Right Hon. Gentleman sad that, though
he concurred in the Address, ha did not acquit the Govern-
ment of a want of due precaution respecting Canada. The
Right Honourable Gentleman said,. that when the house
pasted the res)lutions of last Session, it gas their duty to
accompany thew with sufficient forces to maintain the au-
thority of the Crown in Canada; that it was perfect weak-
nrss and (1. lesion in the Government to suppose that the
delaying the Bill founded on these rasolations would
prevent their having the effect of irritating the Canadians.
The Right Honourable Baronet had totally mistaken
the reaaona which induced Government nut to premed
with that Bill. The Government had been actuated by
no such idea as he appeared to impute to them. It had
been their axiom to proceed wilt a Bill in conformity with
those reso.nitions ; but as the Right Hon. Gentleman muet be
aware, circumstances over which they had no coata oul yells
&red it utterly impossible to proceed advantageously with tint

measure. In the first place, a delay had taken place its
sequence of the serious linees of his late Majesty ;
.and .v 1
the deerise of the Crown occurred it b•eame utterly napossi
to retsia in town a suffieieta number of Members to pass sae)
a Bill in the manner in which its importance called tbr.
Gentleman who recollected the last few weeks of the last S s_
sloe would bet- him out is the assertion that at that time the
state of the House was such as rendered quite absurd any idea
of proceeding with any measures so serious in their nature es
this. There was the most extreme impatience manifested on
both sides- of the Heusa to conclude with the utmost dispatch
all the business before the House. These circumstances atone
had prevented the Government from proceediag with the Bill.
The Right lion. Gentleman, in raising the question whether
proper precautions had be n taken respecting Canada, as.
serted that whoever else was of opinion that more forces Wcr
not necessary for Canada, the Secret:ly for the Colonies was
not the man. Nov, although it had been the opinion of the
Secretary for the Colonies that more forces might be wanted,
yet he had considered that the parties who_ were on the spot
were better judge; as to when it might be adv'sable to send
mere forces into the colony than parties in England, and he
conceived that until additional farces were actually required
in the colony, their appearance might be attended with con
siderable inconvenience. Nor was this apprehension a vision
ary one, for, in the absence of sericus disturbances, the up.
pearance of additional military forces would in all probability
be productive of no slight inconvenience. Additional regi-
ments could be no efficient remedy agaiast public meetings,
against the machinations of political agitators ; but they might
have a contrary effect, and increase the evil instead of dimi-
nishing it ; and a proof of this was exhibited in an eeelosuse
of a despatch of the 30th of October, 18S7, .giving an ac-
count of a public meeting held in Canada, and of
the resolutions passed thet eat, which, amongst other
topics calculated to excite the popular feeling against
the Government, dwelt very strongly on the circum-
stance of an additional regiment having recently ar-
rived in the colony, which it described as a proof of the in.
t'ntion of Government to suppress the declaration of the
opinions of the Canadian people, and to support oppression
by physical force. It was obvious, therefore, that the intro-
duction of additional armed forces into the colony might
readily be made a handle for exciting the public feeling
against the Government. And this conviction it was that
induced Lord Glenelg to alter the opinion which he had ori-
ginally entertained in reference to sending additional regiments
directly to Canada. Bat Lord .C3lenelg had not left the
authorities in Canada without power to call for additional
troops, if additional troops were necessary. On the con-
trary, in the very dispatch which the Right Honourable
Gentleman had quoted, it would he found th it orders wei-e
there given to Sir Colin Campbell, commanding the troops,
to forward troops immediattly upon their being called for
•by Lord Gosford. Such were the orders given to Sir Colin
Campbell, and in pursuance of them troops were in readiness
to proceed at a :nornent's notice ; and though in winter addis
do gal forces could not be sent direct to Canada, there were
no obstacles to sending tamps to -Halifax to replace any which
might be sent thence as additional forces for Canada. Ise
should not trouble the House with any further observations on
the present occasion :no oljection ail-eared to be made to the
course proposed by the Noble Lord; but if, at a future time,
the imputations which had been brought against Government
on this subject should be mere fully canvassed, he shoeld re-
serve the right cf entering at greater length into the question.
The Noble Lord was throughout very indistinctly heard.
Mr. C. BULLER sadl, that if he were the party aPaided
to as eviecing an insensibility to the forms of the 1-1-)LISP, he
begged to say, that though he was impressed with a full sensi-
bility of the respect due to the forms of the House, he was st
ill
more sensible of the importance of the circumstances under dis.
mission. Were he to judge of the speech cf the Right Hon.
Gentlemen harshly, to judge of it from that which he most
dwelt upon, and from that which the Right Hon. Gentleman's
supporters most loudly she. red, he should hold that what the
Right lion. Gent. deemed most important was that which gave
him an opportunity for taunting the present Ministry, and for
appealing, with his accustomed dexterity, to the Hon. Meat-
her for Kilkenny and the Hen. Member for the city of Lon-
don, to aid him in turning out the present Ministry, and b.ing.
ing back that excellent administration which he described as
being excluded from office by these means. As one of these
Members who voted against the resolutions of last session,
who predicted their consequrnces, he wished at once to state
that it was his intentien to give his support to the course which
Government proposed to adopt.--( Hear, hear.) He must
confess that he had not believed this possible when he beard
the opening speech of the Noble Lord, which had appeared to
hint throughout to indicate a tone of spirit little akin to libe-
rality or justice ; but the propositions pith which the Noble
Lord had concluded were such as he could offer no op-
position to. He could offer no opposition to an address
which testified the willingness of the House to put down
an armed insurrection now raging in oae of our colonies.—
( Hear, hear.) He could see not a shadow of a ground for
separating Canada ; and one of the great differences he had
with Government, and with those who had opposed the de-
mands of the Canadians, had been that they had somewhat
arbitrarily and unjustly assumed that the demands of the
Canadians tended to separation from this country. He hart
always thought that the acceding to their demands would
in no rase endanger the supremacy of the mother country.
But he was not going to enter into those questions. He
was certainly not an advocate for separation ; but he pro.
tested against the doctrine laid down, by the Noble Lord and
the Right Honourable Baronet, that the preservation of those
Colonies nes necessary with a view to the maintenance of
the commercial prosperity of this country. Our commer-
cial trade with America had trebled share the establishment
of the independence of that country. He would not enter
into the question of the value of the colony ; but must main-
tain that it wrs owing to cur misgovernment that the pre-
, sent state of affairs existad. He felt that it would be in-
consistent with the interests of the Colonists themselves to
abandon them ; but he also felt that it was our duty at any
cost to repair the injuries which were the consequence of
our own misgovernment. He could not have agreed to time
psopo-ition of the Noble Lord for putting down the insurrec-
tion had it not been for the other part of the plan, which
pledged the Ilouse to do ample justice to the inhabitants of
the Canadas. And if the Noble Lord's plan had referred
merely to Lower Canada, he should have been dissatisfied
with it. He should have said an alteration of the present sys-
t•m was justly demanded, and they ought to grant it forth-
with ; but it apneared to him that the government of these
colonies could not be properly repaired without a far wither
and more extensive arid general scheme of legislation. It
appeared to him essential that they should provide something
like a common system of government for the Canades ; arid
the only way of doing that effectually, was to alter the exist-
ing local divisions. They should not, however, proceed to
legislate in a state of comparative ignorance on the subject.
Whatever plan they adopted, to have a prospect of success,
must have the consent of the inhabitants ; and with that
object, they must pursue some such course as was recom-
mended by the Government ; they must send out a negucia-
tor—they must send out a Governor, and with the power of
conciliating and consulting the proper authorities, lie was
not prepared to admit the propriety of n holly suspending- the
Constitution of' Lower Canada.—( Hear, hear.) At the iian-:0
time ho did not see that any great practical evil would result
from suspending the power of the Legislative Assembly for
one year, when its powers were already overridden by a supe-
rior authority.--( Hera-, hear.) Ile hoped that any plan
which the Noble Lord had to explain to them would give
to the people of Canada full security that their just demands
would be complied with. —( Hear, hear.) They should
bear in mind that their difficulties were greatly increased ;
that they had now to disarm the people, to allay their
discontent, end they • ought to shape their measures so that
in the first place the people would be ecneiliated. That
object effected, they might hope to obtain their co-operation.
When the Bill was proposed, which he hoped would be
speedily, it would be time enough to discuss any improve-
ments that might be suggested in it. He hoped also that the
Noble Leal, those appointment he heard with great satis-
frction, wouid repair very soon to a place where he was very
much wanted, though it might be somewhat inconvenient to
him to go immediately. He had no wish to put himself for-
ward as the apologist of the extreme demands of the Cana-
dians; neither was lie the apologist of the revolt ; but he
trusted that clemency could be observed towards those
who had committed themselves to the late improper pro-
ceedings. He rejoiced that the insurrection had been put
down, that they might now consider that the armed resistance
was at an end, at least for a time. Ile rejoiced at
this, because it appeared to him to efthr the opportunity of
acceding with perfect dignity aid propriety to the just de-
mands of the people, which they could net do without
adopting a large, and libe. al, and comprehensive scheme of
Government.

Sir A. DALRYMPLE slid a few words incondemnation
of the conduct which had Leer, pursued by the Government.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in reply to an observation
made by the Hon. Member for Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller),
explained the opinion he had expressed with reference to the
expediency of establi6hing an Elective Council ; but his
Lordship was not distinctly audible. He thought that some
of his Hon. Friends were too apt to look at this as a (,ues-
tion simply between the Government at home and the Co.
Icnial Government on the one side, and the people of Canada
on the other. They forgot that large class, the French Ca.
nadians, as if it were considered that their interests were
not to be in the least valued._( Hear, hear.) lie hoped for
a satisfactory settlement of this question, and he should not
hold any settlement to be. satisfactory which did not provide
for the interests as wed of the French settlers as of the
others.—( Cheers.)
Mr. LEADER rose to protest both against the speech
of the Noble Loid and the measures Which he proposed. The
speech contained unfounded charges against the Canadian
House of Assembly, and the Bill which he told them be
meant to bring in appeared to him to be by no means the
sort of Bill which the present circumstances required ; it
ce-ntained much more of ccercion than reconciliation. Ile
felt some difficulty as to the course he ought to pursue on
the present occasion. If he opposed- the address by a
direct negative it might be thought he gave a factious
vote. The Nol;le Lord had given no intimation of the course
he intended to pursue ; he had rffLaded no time for the
consideration of a regular amendment to his address, and
in the present temper of the house it would be almost impos-
sible to enter into a refutation of the fil!acies with which
the Noble Lord's speech abounded. Ho would ask the Hoz,.
a..d Learned Member for Liskccrd vihether that speech of
two hour-end-a half did not consist shiest entirely
of misrepresentations of the history and grievances of
the Canadians ?—(On, oh, oh,) He said this not on his
own authority merely, but on the authority of those who were
better acquainted wall the subject than himself. Unless thm
.Noble Lord would consent to the adjournment of the debo.t
till to-morrow, he should consider it necessary to oppcse tie
Address by a direct negative, however factious his doing so
might appear, because if he did not either by an amendment.