The Sun.
London, England, 1836-11-03 00:00:00

EDINBURGH.

The embarrassed affairs of the City of Edinburgh have
long been matter of notoriety to the whole country, and for
the last few years have been engaging the attention of Par-
liament itself. A debt of upwards of 400,0001., with an an-
nual revenue of 22,000/., besides a debt of 250,000/. due to
Government for Leith Docks, is about as precious a speci-
men of the former corrupt system of Municipal Government
as could well be imagined. Since the Reformed Town
Council have come into office they have unceasingly exerted
themselves to free the City from her embarrassments ; and
Government, on a report made to them by Mr. Labouchere,
having consented to give up half the amount of their debt,
and to postpone indefinitely the interest on the other half,
they were enabled last year to offer the creditors bonds, bear-
ing 3 per cent. interest on three-fourths of their debt. This
offer was then rejected by a large majority of the creditors :
not so much on the ground that the principal was too little
as that the interest was too low. Since that time the Town
Council and the Trustees for the creditors have had re-
peated conferences, and various modifications have been
made on the former offer, but without affect. At length
the Town Council and the Trustees agreed upon the
following proposition—to restrict the debt to three-
fourths of the original sum—to pay the creditors the half
of such restricted sum within a twelvemonth—the money
to be raised by the sale of corporation property ; and
to grant bonds bearing interest at four per cent.
for the remainder. The trustees unanimously recom-
mended this proposition to the creditors ; and a meeting
of that body was held on Friday to consider of it. A pro-
posal was made by one of the creditors to take three per
cent. on the whole debt, which he said would make no
material alteration from the proposal recommended by the
trustees. The Act of Parliament requires that creditors
holding debts to the amount of four-fifths of the whole
should accede to a proposal before it can be agreed to.
On a division at the meeting it appeared that creditors
holding more than four-fifths of the debts claimed by those
present were in favour of the proposal, there being 213,975/.
in favour, and 53,1931. against it. But as this does not
amount to three-fourths of the whole, the matter is still
undecided, and is left to a future meeting, to be held on
the 25th of November. It is generally believed, however,
that the requisite number will accede ; in which case it
is not supposed that the measure will meet with any serious
opposition in Parliament. The advantage to this part of
the country will be that Leith will have her harbour im-
proved—a measure of the most urgent necessity ; and the
Edinburgh annuity tax, a grievance much more obnoxious
to the inabitants than the Church-rates in England, will be
abolished—substituting a moderate assessment for the pur-
poses of municipal government. In return for these advan-
tages, it is not considered too much for Government to give
up its claim to a debt which it had little chance of reco-
vering at any rate.

REGISTRATION OF VOTERS.

MIDDLESEX.

Yesterday Mr. Bilk claimed on the St. Bartholerniw
list, in respect of an equitable interest possessed by him in
the Corn Exchange.—Case deferred.
Sergeant Goulburn and other Learned Sergeants claimed
on the St. Dunstan's list as proprietors of the Sergeant's
Inn Coffee-house. The claims were opposed by the Re-
formers.—Case deferred.

Messrs. Grote, French, Prescott, and White, claimed on
the Lombard-street list, as trustees, but they emitted to
specify the character of their holding ; and on that ground
objection to them was raised.—Objection allowed ; claims
erased.

Mr. COVENTRY then delivered judgment in a case re-
served upon the Islington list, namely, that of the Rev. Mr.
Hale, who claimed as a member of a corporate body. He
claimed " for a freehold manor, as Prebendary of Isling-
ton."—Claim admitted, and objections dismissed.

Lord Lichfield proceeded yesterday to Holkham, on
a visit to Mr. Coke.

MR. COBBETT'S LAST DAY.—After a while the
doctor, seeing that life would soon close, began very cau-
tiously, and in a manner that to Mr. Cobbett seemed rather
affected, to inquire whether he wished to draw up any
" testamentary document," observing that if he did, " he
may as well do it now as at any other time." " Not," con-
tinued he, " that there is any dainja (danger.)" To which
Mr. Cobbett immediately replied, " I have done everything
that is necessary in that respect, and Mr. Fielden knows all
about it." Before the doctor had quitted the room Mr.
Cobbett happened to hear him cough, and not being dis-
inclined to a little sarcastic jocularity, spoke to him with
niuch apparent gravity, and in the same affected drawl,
saying, " Doctor, do you take anything for that cough?"
" No, sir," replied Esculapius. " Then," continued Mr.
Cobbett, " I think that you should ;" and looking very
archly, lie added, " Not that I think there is any, dainja."
The doctor looked rather blank at this humourous sally ;
and as he was leaving the bed-side, Mr. Cobbett added with
one of his arch and laughing winks of the eye, " There, take
that, my buck !"
LIVERPOOL COTTON MARKET, Nov. 2.
The transactions in our Cotton-market to-day are confined
to 1,200 bags, without variation in prices.
LUTHER'S BIRTH-PLACE.ThiS great Reformer
was born at Eisleben, a town of 7,000 inhabitants, on the
Bose, a small stream. The house in which he was born,
1483, is not far from the gate leading to Halle, a few doors
from the Post-office. His portrait is placed over the en-
trance. The original building was partly consumed by
fire in 1689, but there is still enough left of it to give in-
terest to it. It is now converted into a school for the
gratuitous education of poor children, and contains his cap;
cloak, and other relics. In St. Andrew's church is the
pulpit from which he preached. Luther was the son of a
poor miner, and the greater part of the inhabitants are still
of the same profession, working in the neighbourhood of the
copper mines. Luther died here in 1564.
An attempt at robbery took place at Sandon,
in the house of Mr. Adams, grocer, on Tuesday night,
between twelve and one o'clock. Mr. Adams, some time
after he had been in bed, indistinctly hearing some persons
softly moving in the house, and then trying to open his
sleeping•room door, got out of bed and opened it, suspect-
ing it was his daughter. Three ruffians stood on the stair-
case immediately opposite, one of whom he thought he
heard say, " You are the villain we want," and instantly
struck him with a plough coulter, repeating the blow ten
times, chiefly on the head, as if their only intention was to
murder him. He asked what they wanted ? " Your
money," was the answer. He then said, "Do not use me
thus, and I will give you what I have ; but I paid it all
away in the evening except two half-crowns and some six-
pences." " You lie, you —," was the reply. He re-
peated that what he had told them was true. " Have you
any sovereigns ?" was the next question. " No, not one,"
replied Air. Adams, and repeated again what money he
had. His daughter entered the room in her night dress,
and the apprentice rushed out of the house to procure
assistance. Miss Adams then laid hold of the man who
had her father down, and begged of him to desist, saying
she would give him all she had. Immediately she received
a blow on the face and arm, and the men knowing that one
of the family had escaped to give an alarm, and having
obtained the cash box, they made off, but were met at the
door by a Mr. Cannon, whom the apprentice had fetched.
" you," said one of them," " what do you mean ?"
Cannon said " I will let you know," and immediately struck
him a blow on the temple, which occasioned him a consi-
derable flow of blood. The cash box was dropped in the
struggle, and the fellows escaped. Three men have since
been apprehended, one of them having a severe wound on
the temple, supposed to be the villain struck by Cannon.—
County Chronicle.
Two men, named John Crister and James Bolton,
are in custody on a charge of setting fire to the barn of S.
Grace, Esq., at Frant, in Kent, which was burnt down on
the night of the 19th ult. They have undergone several
examinations before Daniel:Rowland, Esq., the Magistrate
of Frant, by whom they have been fully committed for trial.
It is said that one of the men has made a full confession of
the crime.
EMBEZZLEMENT.-011 the Ist of October Joseph
Bradshaw, a young man in the employment of Mr. Little,
commission-agent, Church-street, absconded, taking with
him 5801. in gold and notes. It appeared that he hail
acted as book-keeper in the warehouse of Mr. Little. On
the day he ran off he had been sent out to receive seve-
ral large sums of money, and, tempted by the large amount
of money in his possession, he absconded. As soon as he
was missed, placards were issued describing his appearance.
Mr. Little also communicated with Mr. Thomas, who was

closely employed for several days in attempting to trace
the robber, but without meeting with any success until
Tuesday, the 18th, when he received informatt:on that a
young man, a stranger, was at Chesterfield leading a life of
riot and dissipation and lavishly spending money. Mr.
Thomas immediately despatched thither Sawley, an active
officer, who found on his arrival the person for whom he was
in search had left the place about 48 hours. Sawley, how-
ever, traced him from place to place, finding that at each
point of his route he and some companions had been drink-
ing, and that he was so wild in his orgies as actaally at one
place to have thrown his money beninSthe fire. At length,
on Saturday morning, after following him throu;h different
villages, he came to a pot-house at a place called Wragley,
near Horncastle, where he found his man eating bread and
cheese. On searching Bradshaw there was found in his
possession 55/. ss. 6d. and a new silver watch, which he
had, no doubt, purchased with part of the money. On
Monday he was brought up for examination at the New
Bailey, when several of the notes found in his possession
were identified by the parties from whom they were re-
ceived. He was committed to take his trial at next ses-
sions.—Manchester

DINNER TO LORD GLENELG.

INVERNESS, FRIDAY NIGHT.

The Colonial Secretary, Lord Glenelg, was this evening
entertained at a public dinner in this town. His Lordship
arrived here about a fortnight ago, and the present being
his first visit since his accession to the Peerage, the op-
portunity was seized by his friends and supporters to in-
vite him to a public entertainment. As Mr. Grant, the
Noble Lord was Representative for this county in Parlia-
ment for about eighteen years, and he had previously been
Member for the borough for some time. The attendance
was numerous and respectable, upwards of 250 having sat
down to dinner.

The Chair was filled by George M‘Pherson Grant Esq.,
of Ballindaloch ; who was supported on his right by Lord
Glenelg, Sir Colin M'Kenzie, of Kilcoy ; William M'Ken-
zie, Esq., of Muirton : Rev. Mr. Brown, of Aberdeen ;
M'Pherson Grant, Esq., the younger, of Ballindalloch ;
Mr. Edwards, Sheriff Substitute, &c. &c. ; and on the left
by Mr. Bannerman, M.P. ; General George Frazer, Red-
castle ; Roderick M'Leod, Esq., M.P. ; A. Fraser, Esq., of
Culduthel, &c. &c.

On the cloth being removed,
The CHAIRMAN gave separately the King and Queen,
which were drunk with three times three, and great cheering.
The CHAIRMAN next proposed the health of the " Prin-
cess Victoria." The toast was drunk with three times
three, and enthusiastic cheering.
The CHAIRMAN gave as the next toast, the " Duke
of Sussex, and the rest of the Royal Family."
" The Army and Navy."—Three times three.

The CHAIRMAN then rose to propose the health of
their distinguished guest. In proposing the Noble Lord's
health, he said, " If I were called upon to enlarge upon one
portion of his political life more than another, my mind, I
confess, would revert to the period in which he held the
Secretaryship of Ireland—(cheering)—when we witnessed
the first dawning of a more liberal and enlightened policy
to that country than it had ever previously experienced.—
(Continued cheering.)—On our former intimate connexion
with our noble guest, on the feelings of respect and admi-
ration we entertain for his character, both in a public and
private capacity, I need not enlarge. I beg to propose to
you the health of our distinguished guest, Lord Glenelg.—
(Loud and continued cheering.)
Lord GLENELG rose amidst reiterated shouts of ap-
plause. It is, gentlemen, with the highest satisfaction that
I meet with you this day. It is impossible for me to stand
in this place, and not be alive to the many recollections of
no common import.—(Cheering.) I see around me many
who have assembled here after hard-fought fields of contest
and victory.—(Cheering.) I recall the many exertions
you have made for so humble an individual as myself—l
recall the several feelings of friendship founded on just
principle, and supported by mutual acts of disinterested
kindness.—(Hurrah.) But permit me to say that, deeply
as I feel the personal kindness done to myself, I know it
would be doing injustice to you and to myself, if I omitted
to mention that there are considerations involved far be-
yond any view of personal character. You know that
with this assembly are united considerations connected
with the greatest blessing that can attach to human na-
ture—the blessing of civil and religious freedom—(lm-
mense cheering.) You do me honour to believe that
of this great and sacred principle, civil and religious
freedom, I am an earnest advocate.—(Loud and continued
cheering.) You believe that lam part of a Government
pledged to this principle.—(Hurrah!) You know that
Government itself has been assailed by violence and ob-
loquy, and your generosity has led you here this day to
avouch your belief that you are convinced, thoroughly con-
vinced, that it is true to its principles—that whatever dif-
ficulties it may encounter in its course, you know that at
least in intention, in endeavour, in enterprise—the firm-
ness and boldness of that Government shall not be defec-
tive.—(Cheering.) I trust that this assembling of our-
selves together this evening will produce substantial advan-
tages to that great cause.—(His Lordship sat down amidst
long-continued applause.)
The CHAIRMAN—The next toast I hare to propose is,
" Lord Melbourne and his Majesty's Ministers."—(lm-
mense cheering.) The voice of the public has reinstated
them in office, and it is by public opinion alone that they
will be enabled to carry forward those ameliorations which
we look for at their hands.

Lord GLENELG-I offer to you, in the name of my col-
leagues, and in my own name, sincere thanks for the high
honour now conferred upon us.—(Applause.) Gentlemen,
my Hon. Friend, the Chairman, has well remarked, that
the task of Ministers has been one of difficulty : and it is
still surrounded with difficulties. The task of Government
has always been arduous and difficult ; but at this moment,
I will venture to say, surrounded with peculiar embarrass-
ment and difficulties of uncommon magnitude. Under
these circumstances, it is no slight satisfaction, but a
great consolation, to know that we may rely on the justice,
and on the truth of our fellow-countrymen, to give us credit
for the motives which we profess, and support in those mea-
sures which we have been pursuing under the difficulties
alluded to—(lmmense cheering)—and to anticipate with
wisdom and the sobriety that belongs to wisdom, the re-
sults of our public measures.—(Cheers.) I have already
adverted to the attacks made on the present Administra-
tion. If these were still more violent, and I do not think
they can easily be exceeded in violence, or I should state
more correctly, that if those attacks had been supported
with more talent and more semblance of truth—if they had
been thus rendered more effective, still it would be to us a
compensation for all this, to know that there is in the
sound heart of Great Britain a power on which honest men
rely in the execution of their duty.—(Great applause.)
Gentlemen, it cannot be denied that whatever other difficul-
ties surrounded our course, the difficulties that would na-
turally generaliote r
fe r do i
withstres s
our
rd
progress.
—n ,
ittuarvael
noty arise
from a
been
permitted(Cheers.) It cannot be denied that to whatever other at-
tacks we may be exposed, we cannot be exposed to the
state
charge of having placed the country in a critical and dan-
gerous position. We cannot be charged with having ex-
posed the peace of Europe—with having placed it in jeo-
pardy—with having sacrificed the security of Ireland. We
cannot be charged with having pursued our own interests
at the expense of the great interests of the peace, the tran-
quillity, and the prosperity of this empire. (Cheers.)
Why ? Because facts would contradict such a charge.
It is proved that the resources of this country have been
developed, that commercial enterprise has been called forth
to new enterprise and exertions,—that science and intel-
lect, and reason, and all the efforts of the mind, have been
called forth to their utmost expansion, in order to meet the
growing demands of a mighty people—calling forth every
vigorous energy of the mind in the career of power and
substantial greatness.—(Cheering.) This cannot be de-
nied. And further, I say it cannot be denied that peace
has been preserved, where its preservation was pronounced
to be impossible.—(Cheering.) It cannot be denied that
Ireland has been tranquillised, when the attempt to tran-
quillise it was called a dangerous experiment.—(Loud
cheers.) But, gentlemen, all this we have been told has
nothing whatever to do with the Government—this, we
have been told, is the course of nature—the progress of the
seasons—the advance of commercial knowledge—the exer-
cise of commercial capital—the power of British intellect
and enterprise—and are you to give credit to the Go-
vernment for this, which could be brought about by no
human agency, and all which have developed themselves at
every step ? Be it so, that the Government had no inter-
vention in such proceedings ; but, at least, allow me to
say that this itself proves that the existence of this most
destructive Government, as it has been called, is com-
patible with the elements of order, and of power, and of
tranquillity.—(Loud and continued cheering.) Is it by
mere accident that these blessings have happened within
the last six years ? Is it by mere accident that England
is no longer ravaged by the incendiary ? Is it by accident
that reform found its way into the House of Commons,
and that there unobserved and unnoticed it insinuated it-
self through all the differences of party, and at last crept
into the House of Lords ?—(lmmense cheering). Is it by
mere accident that through that Noble House it placed it-
self at the foot of the throne, and received the Royal sanc-
tion ?—(lmmense cheering.) Is it by mere accident that
this great nation of Scotland received the true principles of
representation ? We meet here to-day to celebrate these
principles. We have met before, and in this very place,
iu the field of contest, and why ? Because the great prin-
ciples of freedom were then in operation for ascendancy in
the country.—(Cheers.) Was that by accident ? Did
this happen by a fortuitous concourse of circumstances ?
0 yes ; a fortuitous concourse of atoms created this
world !—(Great cheering.) Was it by accident also
that in England so many people were benefitted by the
evils of the Poor Laws being remedied, and that health
has been infused into institutions, to which it was be-
fore a stranger ? Is it by accident that the peace of
Europe has been preserved, which six years ago was pro-
nounced by the oracles of political wisdom, impossible to be
maintained for six months ?—(Loud cheers.) By what
chances of fate amidst contending nations—by what con-
currence of fortuitous atoms is it that at this moment
the blessings of peace are continued to this country ?
(Cheers.) Then as to Ireland—sec there the effects of
accident. That unhappy country had been the scene of
discord—of religious feuds—of every species of oppres-
sion for ages ; and look at it now, and say whether its
present condition is totally unconnected with Govern-
ment ? 0, human agency ! say our ceiernies—by no
means ; the thing has been all mere matter of accident,
and the happy changes have not been effected by Earl
Grey, and Lord Melbourne, and their Administrations ;
but all has been the effect of accident. Well, then, I say
that the history of mankind in the course of matchless
events has furnished us with no other such instances of
accident as this.—(Loud and continued cheering.) But,
Gentlemen, there is no one great interest to which I

have adverted, and which is not so prosperous. True it
is, that during the last six years the 'depression of agri-
culture has been partial, although in particular districts
it has been great. Then is not that to be charged to
the Government ? That charge has been made. I re-
member last year the Government of Lord Melbourne
was distinctly charged with contempt of the agricultural
interests, and we were then told—see what the Govern-
ment are inflicting on agriculture. Choose another—recal
those who love the agricultural interests, and all those evils
will soon disappear. What was the language I had the
honour of using in this very county at the time I con-
tended for the distinction of representing you ? I was
told that the Government was hostile to the agricultural
interests, and that if a new Government came in they would
rectify all the evils under which agriculture was labour-
ing. Those who anticipated such happy results from the
new Government were in the position to bring it to the
test. It came, and what did the new Government of the
Duke and Sir Robert do for agriculture ? I will do them-
selves the justice to say, that they never countenanced the
contemptible folly and fallacy to which I have alluded—
namely, that the agricultural interests would be completely ,
made prosperous. But the Session passed away, and were
all these great benefits conferred ? No—the result was,
to convince all reasoning men that it is not to any Govern-
ment that the depression of that most important interest
can possibly be imputed. That commerce has been ex-
tended—that capital has been employed—that the shackles
of monopoly in our Eastern trade have been cut off, are
things which cannot be denied, and all these advances I
have demonstrated must have been produced by human
agency. We see a magnificent vessel wafted by the winds
and waves—we know that they conspire to give the vessel
an impulse ; but will you tell me that there is no human
agency in all that magnificent structure ? Will you tell
me, when you see the cordage and its masts, its helm
and its compass, and the machinery of all its various
parts, that man had nothing to do with these things,
that he was not instrumental in carrying into effect the
works of God ? 'Will you tell me that he who directs the
helm, and lifts the canvass to the breeze, is to be con-
demned as useless ? But it seems, according to our op-
ponents, that notwithstanding all this, the Constitution
of the country is in danger.—(Loud cheers, and laugh-
ter.) What was the principle upon which the Govern-
ment of Earl Grey was formed, and upon which the Go-
vernment of Lord Melbourne rests ? It is this great car-
dinal principle—the principle of following out the system of
constitutional improvement to its just consequences, refe-
rence being had to the times—to the circumstances—to
the enlightened knowledge of the people—to the enlightened
will of the great community of this realm.—(Loud cheer-
ing.) I talk not of particular measures, nor of particular
acts, but I speak of this, the great cardinal principle, in
which this Administration had been formed. I say that
Lord Melbourne's Administration, resting on that founda-
tion,
has been true to its principles. We do not own our-
selves vanquished. Baffled we have been, but not over-
thrown. True to our principles and to the just demands of
the nation, we shall not flinch from our purpose, nor do we
despair of success.—(Tremendous cheering.) I will not
enlarge on those two measures—l mean the appropriation
clause, and the measure of Municipal Reform for Ire-
land. In regard to the appropriation clause, what is the
real state of matters ? We hear much, (and much I
have heard in this, our Northern count-y) of the dismal
and benighted state of the Irish—of their lamentable con-
dition—and of their being plunged in ignorance and crime.
Why should there be a fear of crime, when a remedy,
for crime is at hand, and that remedy is the dis-
pelling of,ignorance by means of general education.—(Great
cheering.) I ask you, is there a nobler object than general
education ? Is the Protestant Church in danger from
education ? The Protestant religion, when exhibited in the
splendour of sunshine—the Protestant religion is Ino occult
science.—(Immense cheering.) As a Protestant, I desire
to see my religion fully placed before my fellow-countrymen,
and I for one have no doubt as to the result.—(Loud and
continued cheering.) I will not enlarge on the Municipal
Reform of Irelan, though in this measure some of the
greatest principles of Government were brought into action.
Here, too, we contend that Ireland has a claim to the just
rights that belong to the British Constitution—but these
rights were opposed in a manner and under circumstances
which should cause a true British heart to shrink with
horror.--(Cheers.) But the Constitution it seems, again
is in imminent danger. Look at our history. It has been
a history of progress from the moment that this nation felt
a throb on the question of liberty. True it is, that those
great principles we now advocate were compressed in the
Constitution, but they were there treasured ; and I allude
to this, because we were told that every improvement is an
innovation on the Constitution. I say, the principles of all
those great improvements were inherent in the Constitu-
tion, and which at first attracted the veneration of English-
men. They were stirred up—they were inherent in the
Constitution—engravers upon it—cast in its very form and
mould ; but there they slumbered till they were awakened
—(Loud cheers)—like the music that existed in the cele-
brated statue of old, which was silent till the beams of
the sun called it into action.—(Continued cheers.) It is
not a new Constitusion or a new power, thrust upon us by
fraud or force ; but the inherent unwinding of these inesti-
mable and interminable treasures of wisdom and of freedom,
and of constitutional progress, which have formed the glory,
the strength, and stability of the British Constitution.—

(Immense cheering.) It is true that the tide of public
opinion may act violently on particular occasions ; but, if
those waters are raised, not in order to destroy, we have no
occasion to look on them with dread.—(Cheers.) They are,
indeed, crowding around us, and levelling on every side ; lvat
they shall bear in the midst of their proudest unduir:Aions,
safely and victoriously, the ark of the Constitution.—(En-
thusiastic cheering.) I believe that the will of this nation,
founded as it is on enlightened knowledge and true princi-
ples, will one day achieve its purpose.----(lmmense cheering.)
I believe in the mortality of injustice and the ultimate
triumph of truth. The Noble Lord then sat down amidst
cheering, which lasted several minutes.
The CHAIRMAN then proposed " the Provost and Ma-
gistrates of Inverness." Drunk with the usual honours.
The PROVOST returned thanks.

The CHAIRMAN next proposed the health of his Grace
the Duke of Richmond. Drunk with three times three
and great cheering.

The CHAIRMAN then announced the health of another
Noble Duke—the head of the family of Russell—the Duke
of Bedford, to whom the nation owed a debt of gratitude
for his exertions in passing the Reform Bill.—(lmmense
cheering.) The Noble Duke's health was then drunk with
three times three, and loud cheers.
Lord GLENELG then proposed the health of the Chairman.
Among others the following toasts were afterwards
given :—The British Constitution—the Church of Scot-
land—Lord Palmerston and our Foreign Relations—the
Liberal Peers of the Empire—Earl Grey, the father of
Reform—the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland—Civil and Reli-
gious Liberty—Mr. Bannerman, and the Independent Mem-
bers of the House of Commons—Lord Morpeth—the Li-
berty of the Press, &c. &c. Several speeches were also de-
livered, and at a late hour the company retired.

DINNER AT JEDBURGH TO
ROBERT STEUART, Esq., M.P., &c.

On Wednesday last Mr. Steuart, of Alderston, Mem-
ber for the Haddington District of Burghs, dined with a
large body of his constituents in Jedburgh. The Hon.
Member was met by a dense crowd of the inhabitants, and
conducted in procession to the County Hall, from the bal-
cony of which he took the opportunity of addressing them,
and returning thanks for his flattering reception.
About four o'clock the dinner company assemble&ln the
Black Bull Assembly-rooms, which were soon crowded to
overflowing. Upwards of 250 sat down to dinner. The
chair was filled by William Rutherford, jun., Esq., supported
on the right by Robert Steuart, Esq., M.P.; Lord Mel-
gund ; William Bell, Esq., of Hunthill ; Sir William
Scott, Bart.; George Main, Esq., Bailie of Kelso ; John
Goodfellow, Esq.; J.P., senior magistrate of Hawick ;
David Spence, Esq., Melrose ; - Elliot, Esq., younger
of Wolflee. On the left, by Robert Pringle, Esq., of Clif-
ton ; James Elliot, Esq., of Wolflee ; Gilbert Elliot, Esq.,
Wells ; George Cleghorn, Esq., of Weens ; Archibald
Jerdon, Esq.. of Bonjedward ; John Elliot, Esq., jun., son
of the Hon. John Elliot ; Archibald Douglas, Esq., of
Adderston. Thomas Wright, Esq., officiated as croupier,
supported on the right by Mr. Selkirk, and on the left by
the,Rev. W. Nicol.

The CHAIRMAN then gave the usual loyal and patriotic
toasts, which were drunk with great cheering.
Mr. STEUART shortly retur❑ed thanks for the toast of
" His Majesty's Ministers."
The CHAIRMAN proposed " The health of their distin-
guished guest and worthy Representative, Mr. Steuart,"
which was drunk with great applause.

Mr. STEUART rose, and was received with deafening
cheers. After the
applause had Ceased the Hon. Gentle-
man said : When Lord IVltVoourne's Government was first
formed, it was at a period of the year which rendered it
impossible for the Government to bring forward many great
measures ; still, not a few very important measures were
afterwards carried through. I might instance that of giving
a reformed constitution to the different municipal Corpo-
rations of England—(Cheers)—which receiving the assent
of the Upper House, the people took this as an earnest that
other measures, of a healing nature would also pass that
branch of the Legislature. I would here remark that many
of you have, no doubt, been disappointed, and that you con-
sidered that little or nothing had been done. Allow me
to say, that I do not arrive at the same conclusion. The
last Session of Parliament was fraught with some great
results to the country. Opposition was made to rue-sures
by the very men who, under the garb of Reform, concealed
the rankest Toryism—by those very persons who, two
short years ago, on seizing the reins of office, held.out

almost larger measures of Reform than your own Govern•
ment professed. You have seen those men set before you
in their true characters, and those who were looked upon
as the advocates of rational liberty are now taking
their ranks under the banners of Toryism, and sitting
side by side with the very men whom it was once their
glory to oppose. These men are now the supporters and
abettors of Sir Robert Peel. It is important that the con-
stituencies of Scotland, England, and Ireland should have
an opportunity to turn to the votes of their representatives
in the last session. They will be enabled to test their prin-
ciples by their actions. Much indeed they must regret
the opposition too successfully made to some of the mea-
sures which were brought forward. Among those which
passed I may instance several ; I would just mention one of
justice and humanity. I mean that important Bill which
gives to those unhappy men who have offended the laws of
their country the power of defending themselves by the as-
sistance of counsel—a privilege which, in Scotland, basi
been long enjoyed, but which has been withheld in England.
The next measure is one which I had the greatest pleasure,
in supporting. I allude to the Stamp Bill, by which the
taxes on knowledge have been reduced.—(Cheers.) I am
well aware that the total repeal of the newspaper stamp
duty has been advocated by many individuals, instead of a
partial reduction. I had an opportunity of seeing the dif-
ferent calculations made, and I am inclined to think that
the present arrangement is the most desirable. I ascer-
tained, in coming down from London by the mail, that
already the newspaper bags are nearly doubled, and, if
these papers were again transmitted through the Post-office
and charged one penny each, the alteration, so far from
being a benefit, would have been an inconvenience, and.
have placed matters on a worse footing than before the
change of the newspaper stamp duty took place. The Bills
to which I next beg to allude, are the Registration of Births
and Marriages and the Marriages Bill. The latter Bill is
to enable the Dissenters in England to celebrate the mar-
riage ceremony according to the dictates of their own con-
sciences. I trust that before the end of March next L
shall be enabled to lay on the table of the House :x
similar measure for Scotland. With regard to Ireland, I
hardly know how to touch on that subject ; the question.
is one so serious, as involving the very existence of that
country, that it demands all the judgment and temper
which the most enlightened assembly possesses.—( Hear,.
hear.) The Church in Ireland is endowed far beyond the
wants of its members, and equal to the wants of the who.*
of that kingdom. Surely then it requires no argument to
show, that that which is equal to the wants of the whole
population must be superabundant for the wants of a frac-
tional part. The Catholics being called upon to pay fr,r,
the support of a Church in the doctrines of which they do
not believe, and to pay tithes, often levied under cire,),,_,
stances of an extremely aggravating description, is a facts
that is certainly not calculated to soothe the irritation that
has existed in the minds of that class of people. It will be:
remembered that for years they have been misgoverned.-*
that they were deprived of their own Parliament, dteeiyed
by the promises of the Minister of the day—and when the
last tardy meed of justice, Catholic EmaneiPa#:ion, was ren-
dered to them, it was wrung, after many years' persever-
ance, from the hands of their bitter t,st foes.—(Cheers.):
The present Government, elisapprunng of the application of'
funds to the support of the Chrsrch so much beyond its ac-
tual wants, but anxious to 'maintain the Protestant Estab-
lishment in its full effie!iency, came forward and proposed
that the Government should appropriate for the education
of the people the surplus, after providing for the spiritual:
wants of the Protestant population of Ireland. Fetes
will now argue that the property of the Church is not the
property of the State.—(lmmense cheering.) Whr,t tlien
was the proposition, let me ask, which was made by the Go-
vernment? Why, it was that every pastor in Ireland should
receive an adequate remuneration for the attenda:oce and care
of that flock which it was his duty to superintend—not
one Protestant was to be deprived of his spiritual teacher
—not one parish was to be left without a parson to look
after the spiritual interests of its Protestant inhabitants.
Nay, more, the sum fixed as the lowest amount to be
awarded clergymen was a sum much larger than what many
of the hard-working clergy receive in England—(Great ap-
plause.) Having fully provided for the wants of the Pro-.
testant Church, it became apparent that there would be a
large surplus fund remaining to be otherwise appropriated.
Now, the question was, how were these funds to be applied?
The surplus was not to be appropriated to secular purposes,
but to the establishment of a system of educations corre-
sponding with the parochial system which in Scotland you
already possess.—(Cheers.) As far as the Irish, Church
Bill has been concerned, my conduct has been. consistent
with my principles, and having always supportedthe appro-
priation clause before, I fear not now your displeasure.—
(Tremendous shouts of applause.) This Bill, which was
looked to frit settling the peace of Ireland, was rejected by
the
.Lards with indignation, as a measure of spoliation and
its an attack on our own religion. There were other grounds
on which the Lords saw fit to refuse their assent, but to
these I shall not refer. Another measure to which I shall
allude is the Irish Municipal Reform Corporation Bill.
That measure was rejected, forsooth, because we were told
that these six millions and a half war fellow-countrymen, ac-
knowledging the same Deity-_looking for grace through
the mercy of the same Redes,;mer—acknowledging the same
laws and authority—were not entitled to the same privileges
which we enjoy, ber.;ause they were " aliens in religion—
aliens in blood," and, therefore, they must be treated as
aliens in law..,—(Loud applause.) We are told, that as the
Bill woulf!, increase the power of the Catholics, it would be
dangerous to pass it. But, Gentlemen, I ask, for whom
are laws to be made—are they to be made for the majority
or the minority? The power which carried the Reform
Bill will still carry this measure with a great majority. I
know I shall be told, as I have been often, that we are
the slates and puppets of O'Connell. Within these few
days our opponents have rung a new change, and they now
say that O'Connell is a puppet in our hands, and that we
have bought him to serve our purposes. But we have never
yet heard, nor indeed have they dared to say, what the
price is which has been paid for this extraordinary man.
Over and over again, persons authorised from their politi-
cal situation, have disclaimed any connection with Mr.
O'Connell but that which is honourable.—(Loud cheers.)
I rejoice in the support of Mr. O'Connell ; there is no man
to whom his country is more indebted. There is nothing
dishonourable in the connection, although we are told, what
has as often been denied, that there has been a compact
between Mr. O'Connell and the Government, and that that
compact was entered into at Lichfield House. Ah ! that
Lichfield House was a sad house for the Tories. I was at
that meeting, at which union was recommended among all
Reformers. Various means have been proposed for bring-
ing about those great and important objects which have en-
gaged the attention of the Ministry in reference to It e-
land. It has been said by some, we ought to appeal to
the people. But why appeal to the people ? At present
such an appeal cannot be necessary. Have we not a majo-
rity in the House of Commons ? Others have said, let us
reform the House of Peers. If I have touched before on a
delicate subject, I am aware I am now touching on a question
which is still more so ; but, considering the duty which I owe
you, my constituents, I will, without hesitation, tell you
my own opinion. I tell you then, Gentlemen, that I con-
sider that the present agitation of this question, while other
means ought to he tried, is unnecessary and premature. Is
it, in every question of difficulty, proper that we should
think it necessary to proceed to an organic change in the
Constitution ? I shrink not from giving my opinion. We
have had organic changes, and, if it should be necessars:, we
can have recourse to them again ; but for such measures
there should be good grounds, and until these are slaown to
exist, it would be unsafe to tamper with the Constitution.
Let it be shown that you know your own strength, if an
appeal should be made, by sending inereasinss majorities to
the House of Commons ; and should the sesnl measures be
again brought forward, far be it from me, if the Lords
still persist in the Ivork of mutilation, and still turn a deaf
ear to the just wishes of the people, to say what steps
should be taken. The mooting, the question of Peerage
Reform cannot fail to have made an impression on the
House of Lords. I will not say how such a question is
likely. to ferment the hostility of the Lords ; but you may
ask, if this question be not mooted, how are we to con-
vince the Lords that they are wrong in resisting the wishes
of the people ? Let me earnestly impress upon your mind
not for my own sake, though I. may be suppesed to speak
selfishly, but for the sake of preserving peace in Ireland,
to be firm and united. Let all minor considerations be
merged in union. Some may desire to stop at the first
stage, and others to go the whole journey ; let all, however,
agree to go th.es first stage, and such an impression will he
made as is likely to induce all to proceed the whole length
of the 'journey. [The Honourable Gentleman sat down
amid.st the most enthusiastic cheeriugs, which were repeat-
edly renewed.]
1 Many excellent speeches followed, and the company se-
I parated highly gratified.