The Sun.
London, England, 1836-11-08 00:00:00

because the House of Lords has rallied round that
citadel of English civilization, the persecutor of the
Church becomes the assailant of the Peerage. Well,
then, the matter comes in one word to this—is it bet-
ter for the British empire that Lord Melbourne, with
afew hacks of Popery for his colleagues, should be
dismissed from office for the sake of preserving the
most ancient and noblest of our national institutions,
viz., the House of Lords ?—or that the House of
Lords itself should be abolished, root and branch, for
the sake of retaining Lord Melbourne and his dozen
of wretched Whigs for so many months longer in
Downing-street as the Irish Papists and English Re-
publicans may choose to leave them there ? For, be it
recollected, that Mr. Sheil, who is a lawyer and a man
of business, and could scarcely mistake the terms of so
plain a bargain, thus described the terms on which he
and his associates permitted the Whigs to remain in
office :—" We" (the Papists), said the learned gen-
tleman, " lend the Ministers" (lend, be it recollected)
" Downing-stceet, and they (the Ministers) surrender
to us (not lend, but give up) the Irish Church."
What, then, we ask, do the British nation say to this?
What will our posterity say, or how will they answer
the question—whether Lord Melbourne, Lord Dun-
cannon, and Mr. Spring Rice, as a Ministry, or the
House of Lords as a Legislative Assembly, were of
more permanent value to the rights, the liberties, the
enduring interests, and the constitutional monarchy of
Great Britain ?—Times.

A Tory mastication, or, as the Conservative prints
delight to call such exhibitions, a " Conservative mani-
festation," has just taken place at Devonport. It is a
curious fact, that no one ever hears of a " manifesta-
tion" of Tory feeling unconnected with a substantial
dinner. The inference, therefore, could not be objected
to by the most severe logician, that the " well-supplied
table" has at least quite as much to do in calling forth
the Tories from the privacy of their respective fire-
sides, as any surpassing fervency of attachment to Con-
servatism. 'Who ever heard of the Tories calling a
public meeting—public in the true acceptation of the
term—for the sole purpose of giving a " manifestation"
of feeling on any of the engrossing topics of the day ?
That, indeed, would be a memorable epoch in the an-
nals of Toryism. But we fear, that as we have not
hitherto had the good fortune to witness so singular a
display of Tory feeling, so we are doomed to be denied
the gratification during the remainder of our lives. Mr.
Dawson, the Tory Member for Devonport—the Hon.
Gentleman to whom the dinner, on this occasion, was
given—was placed in a most distressing condition, be-
cause he was unable to decide how far the muster of
Tories was from pure attachment to Conservatism, or
how far from personal friendship for himself. It grieves
us to think the Hon. Gentleman should have so wofully
vexed himself on the subject, especially as neither of
the conclusions to which he pointed was the correct
one. We are pretty confident that nobody but Mr.
Dawson puzzled or perplexed themselves about the
matter. We take it that all present must have had a
hearty laugh, in their own minds, at their representa-
tive, while they saw him philosophizing so profoundly,
with the view of ascertaining the comparative influence
which personal considerations towards himself and ge-
nuine attachment to Tory principles had in bringing
the Conservatives together. One and all of the gor-
mandizing assemblage knew full well, that the grand
source of attraction was the magical words " Dinner
on the table at six o'clock precisely." Does Mr.
Dawson doubt this? Are his perplexities yet un-
solved ? Let him, in that case, call a public meet-
ing of Tories without the appendage of a dinner, and
sec what the attendance will be. Mr. Dawson, we
observe, complains in most dolorous terms of the
attacks which are made on the House of Lords. This
is an edifying specimen of Tory disingenuousness.
These Conservative orators take special care to pre-
serve an unbroken silence as to the circumstances
under which these " attacks," as they are called, are
made. Who, we beg to ask the Conservatives, are
the aggressors in this case ?—the Lords or the people ?
Who struck the first blow ? Why, beyond all question,
the Peers themselves. Until that body—the Tory
part of them we mean—set themselves up in avowed
and bitter hostility to the people, the lattar never dreamt
of even uttering so much as a word of dissatisfaction
with them. It is only 'within the last few months that
the question of Peerage Reform has been mooted at
all. Long did the people silently submit to see their
just expectations disappointed by the Tory Lords, and
had those persons only mangled or mutilated two or
three popular measures every session, we should not,
111 all probability, have heard a whisper about Peerage
Reform for some years to come. It was the fact of
butchering all the popular measures sent up to them
last session, coupled with their declared determination
to resist every further reform of any importance—it was
this that aroused the spirit of the people against the
House of Lords, and forced them to the conclusion that
the safety of the country, and that House, as now con-
stituted, are incompatible with each other. If, there-
fore, the nation have at last turned assailants of the
Peers, that body have themselves to thank for it. The
attitude of attack has become necessary on the part of
the people in their own self-defence.—Morning Ad-
vertiser.

The civic patriots and sages of the Corporation of
London have, we see, again met in solemn conclave,
not to discuss their once favourite topic of reform, and
of dictating to the King's Ministers how the State
shall be governed, but in rehearsing the, to them,
much more agreeable farce of " Where shall we dine ?"
In other words, the Court of Common Council,
shamed a little by the notice which the Press has taken
of its gormandizing propensities, has thought it pru-
dent at least, however disagreeable, to review this in-
teresting topic, and, after a long debate, and three di-
visions, resolved to reduce the former tavern allowances
to the following sums :
The City Lands Corn- Corn Meters inTrust so
mittee £soo London Bridge
Bridge House 2ooi Blackfriars Bridge lOO
Gresham 25 Nightly Watch
_ _ 50

Commissioners of Sewers 300' Library
Navigation and Port 3OO ~" ity of London School ... 100
Coal and Corn
General Purposes
The Court also resolved that no further or additional al-
lowance should be made to any Committee for a summer ex-

cursion.
Matters of figures, when drawn in comparison with
each other, are always best understood when placed in
juxta position ; and as these several sums, amounting
together to 2,5001., are put forth as constituting a
reduced scale of allowance, it would have been as
well if the original expenditure under this head had
been put side by side with this honourable specimen
of self-denial; that the public, and more especially
that part of it of whom the members of the Common
Council are the representatives and trustees, should see
how their funds have hitherto been disposed of under
this head, and the extent of their obligations to those
who, for the future propose to expend only the paltry
sum of 2,5001. in this manner. Besides being very
zealous reformers and tinkerers of the State, the Com-
mon Council of London has, we believe, more than
once given a token of its desire for annual Parliaments
and universal suffrage. There is nothing like trying
your professing patriots by their own standard ; and
here we have not only their theory, but a practical
instance to appeal to. It is true that the suffrage
which elects the City Parliament is far from being
universal ; the Parliament itself, however, is annual.
On each Saint Thomas's Day the representatives return
to their constituents to render an account of their
stewardship, and to renew or lose the pledge of confi-
dence. Now, whether the fault be in the electors or
the elected, certain it is that annual Parliaments have
been but of little use to the citizens of London. The
latter have probably, in the course of the year talked a
great deal about reform, but their debates have been
full of sound and fury, signifying nothing ;" for when
the reform which should begin at home is looked to,
we see the City House of Commons, its own annual
Parliament, in the year 1836, openly telling their con-
stituents that without the prospect of a dinner mem-
bers cannot be got together to attend to business, and
that without 2,500/. per annum, besides their share of
the greater heads of City feasting, it is perfectly use-
less to have a Common Council or annual Parliaments
at all. We admire the candour of all this, however we
may despise its profligacy., It remains to be seen, now
that another St. Thomas s day is approaching, how the
electors will deal with such constituents. How they
deal with them, probably, matters but little ; nor does
it concern the public at large much more than as af.

fording, both in the one instance and in the other, a
tolerable test and standard by which to value noisy pro-
fessing Reformers.—Morning Herald.
The accounts from every part of England and Scot-
land show a very remarkable difference between the re-
cent elections of the town councils in the various cor-
porate towns and the elections which took place last
year soon after the passing of the Corporation Bill. In
the elections of last year the Whig-Radicals had upon
the whole a decided ascendancy. They had been cla-
morous in urging, the necessity of the measure. Their
local leaders, who became candidates for office, had—
with very few exceptions—been diligent and unscru-
pulous calumniators of all former depositories or agents
of local authority. They had mainly assisted the
scandal-collectors sent round the country at the public
expense by the Whig Government in making out a
case in favour of the intended Whig Reform. They
had succeeded in convincing a considerable portion of
the people in their respective neighbourhoods that the
corporation affairs had heretofore been injudiciously or
corruptly managed, and that nothing more was requireld
than to transfer those affairs to their hands in order to
insure that never-failing wisdom and immaculate purity
should thenceforth characterise all corporation proceed-
ings. It was natural in such circumstances that the
noisy and bustling pretenders should obtain a trial.
They have been tried, and the result evidently is that
the community have not discovered, in their con-
duct, quite so much either of wisdom or of purity
as was expected from their loud professions of both,
and their extraordinary aptitude to detect or imagine
defects in other men. The course which the munici-
pal elections have taken this year warrants the asser-
tion, that, had the whole of the seats in the several
town councils of Great Britain been vacated, and a re-
election of the whole of these bodies thus been ren-
dered necessary, we should have had for the ensuing
year a majority of Conservatives in the far greater part
of the corporations of the kingdom. But the Corpo-
ration Reform Bill did not so provide. The Whigs
have an instinctive notion of what is good for their own
party. They guessed very accurately that the first
elections must go in their favour--of a second election
they could not be quite so sure. They determined
accordingly that a small proportion only of each town
council should annually vacate their seats, thus pro-
longing to the latest possible moment the influence
and power which their party were likely to derive'
from the circumstances, in all respects favourable to
them, in which the first elections under the new mea-
sure were carried on. It is now. clear that the Whig
Ministers, when they framed their measure, took
by no means an inaccurate view of the qualifications
of their partisans to retain the confidence of the
people of Great Britain. The second election under
the Corporation Reform Bill has been much less fa-
vourable to the Whig-Radical party than the first.
The tide has turned more strongly even than could
have been anticipated. The Whig-Radicals have lost
ground almost every where. There is scarcely a town-
Council in England, in which the recent elections
have not increased the number of Conservative mem-
bers, and diminished that of the Whigs and Radicals.
In several instances, all the retiring Whigs and Radi-
cals have been re-placed by Conservatives. In very
few have these parties been enabled to keep up their
former number. In many cases the actual majority of
the whole Councils has passed, in virtue of the new
elections, from the Whig-Radical to the Conservative
party. In not a single instance of which we have
heard, has the previous majority changed sides in the
opposite
direction. The above we believe to be a cor-
rect general description of what has taken place in
England, while in Scotland the re-action appears to
be still more decided. Even in Glasgow, that most
Radical of Scottish cities, the Conservatives have made
a clear gain of three votes. In Edinburgh, also, they
have obtained an accession of strength. At Jed-
burgh the whole Whig-Radical list of candidates is
rejected to a man. Inverness has elected six Con-
servatives, the number of vacancies being eight. These
triumphs are not without value on their own account,
but they are chiefly to be prized as an earnest of
greater and more important triumphs to the Conserva-
tive cause. The state of public opinion which has led
to such results as we have mentioned in the election of
Town-councillors cannot be without its correspondent
effect in other elections of deeper and more general
importance. It would be an impeachment of the un-
derstanding,_ the consistency, and the integrity of the
people of England and Scotland to suppose that, while
they manifest at their local elections so great an
anxiety to strengthen the Conservative party in their
municipal councils, they would neglect the oppor-
tunity, if it were afforded them by a general election, to
reinforce the same party in the great council of the
nation.—Morning Post.

Attached to the new copper-works, belonging to
Messrs. Vigors and Co., in Cwm Avon, is a tunnel for con-
suming and conveying copper smoke, 1,100 yards in length,
from the smelting furnaces to the top of the high hill towards
the north-went, called Mol-y-Mynyddau. In this elevated
spot the small quantity, if any, that will escape precipitation
,will find its way into the air. Few persons, probably, are
aware of the immense quantity of copper thus saved to the
proprietors, which in former times was deposited on the
neighbouring lands, subjecting them to most expensive ac-
tions. In a tunnel not long made by Messrs. Williams and
and Co., in their works on the Swansea river, 200 tons of
copper were taken out, which had been precipitated in the
short sr ace of one year. The value of this was 2,0001.!
and much was still left in the tunnel. Chambers are made
in the tunnel for attracting the smoke, which is further pro-
moted by the use of steam, so that little of it is allowed to
reach the place of exit till it has deposited in transitu all its
substance. This material, therefore, which not only was
formerly lost, but did serious mischief to the adjoining lands,
thereby entailing law-suits and ruinous expense, becomes
now a matter of profit.—Merthyr Paper.
A TRICK UPON THE LEARNED ACADIEMICIANS.
—The Journa General de Fiance contains an amusing
account of of a trick played by a sailor, named Burnett
Burns, upon that very scientific body, the Paris Academy.
This individual, who, it appears, belongs to a whale ship,
at Havre, tattooed his face in a very skilful and ingenious
manner, and so deceived M. Geoffroy St. Hilaire, that that
learned academician himself presented him to the Academy
as King of Zealand. M. St. Hilaire, in doing so, begged
the members to note the skill with which the man had been
tattooed, and spoke of the operation as one of the most
beautiful specimens of the art. The pretended King made
his entree with very great form, accompanied by an inter-
preter, bearing a scalp and a wooden figure, which it was
said was the God worshiped by th eaatives, of which the
Zealander was King. M. Magendie directed the atten-
tion of the Academy to this object of adoration, and told
the attendants to pass the God round. " The " God" of
course excited considerable attention. Various were the
speculations among the Academy, as to the origin of the
monarch. One member thought him a beautiful specimen
of the Zealander race, while another considered that he
more resembled the nations of Mount Caucasus. At length,
M. Payen, who spoke English, addressed the pretended
King in that language, who being off his guard, immediately
answered. The mystery was cleared up, and the King hur-
ried out of the Academy, leaving the scientific body in high
dudgeon at the idea, that a trick should be attempted upon
such distinguished learning.

VERY ELIGIBLE CURACY.—(From the Record
of Aug. 15.)—The Rector of a country parish wishes to
resign the whole charge of it into the hands of an expe-
rienced Curate. The parish contains 1,700 inhabitants.
Many families of distinction reside in it ; therefore it is es-
sential that the curate should be an accomplished gentle-
man, educated at Eton, Westminster, or Winchester, and
that his name be found amongst the highest honours at
Cambridge or Oxford. He must be of sound Church-of-
England principles, decided piety, and moderate in politics.
He must possess a strong, clear, well-toned voice, and a
graceful delivery ;,' and be qualified to preach either with or
without his MS. He must have been no less than seven
years in priest's orders. He must be bold and decisive in
opposing Dissent and Popery, yet charitable and conciliat-
ing. He must not belong to any secret society. The ser-
vices required of him are two full services on Sundays, and
a full church service on Wednesday evenings, three weekly
cottage meetings, daily attendance at the school, and a de-
votedness to pastoral duties ; also to read three hours every
day with the Rector's two sons durine, their holidays. The
highest testimonials will be required.° Remuneration—an
unfurnished house, the produce of a small garden well
stocked with potatoes, cabbages, and onions ; half the pro-
fits of an Alderney milch cow, and the services of the gar-
dener and his wife. The man is competent to look after a
poney, and his wife is a very fair plain cook. They are
obliging people, and as they will receive their regular wages,
they will not expect for waiting upon a stranger more than
a small douceur of ss. per week, with all the spare vegetables.
Address (post-paid) to the Rev. S. P—yw-11, Post-offiee,
York. N.B. The preference will be given to a married
man, with a truly Christian wife.