The Sun.
London, England, 1849-07-05 00:00:00

THE BIIN,

SAN 'TAP F E.MOCSTI ANC E

We, print the feli97.

reac:ri d us, atvi w;,l ilh.i.ot tug un-
fortunate rernonstrauts:—
THE EDITUH OF THE TIMES PAPER..
Sur,—May we beg and beseech your proteckshion and
power, We are Sur, as it may livin in a Willderniss,
so far as the rest of London knows anything of us, or as
the rich and great people care about. We live in muck
and filth°. We amt got no priviz, no dust bins, no
drains, no water-spies, and no drain or suer in the hole
place. The Suer Company, in Greek St., Soho Square,
all great, rich and powerfool men, take no notice wat-
somedever of our complaints. The Stenche of a Gully
hole is disgustin. We all of us suffer, and numbers are
ill, and if the Colera comes Lord help us.
Some gentkmans corned yesterday, and we thought
they was comishoners from the Suer Company, but they
was complaining of the noosance and stenche our lanes
and corts was to them in New Oxforde Street. They was
much surprized to see the seller in No. 12, Carrier St.,
in our lane, where a child was dyin from fever, and
m' would not believe that Sixty persons sleep • •t, e
night. This here seller you couldent swing a cat in, and
the rent is five shillings a week; but theare are greate
many sich deare sellers. Sur, we hope you will let us
have our cumplaints put into your binfl uensi l paper,
and make these landlords of our houses and these
comishouers (r he friends we spose of the landlords) make
our houses decent for Christions to live in.

Preaye Sir corn and see;,---fOrWeetJivin like piggs,
and it aint faire we shoulde be so ill treted. _ _

We are your respeciriulf servents in Church Lane,
Carrier St., and the other torts.
Teusday, Juley 3, 1849.
John Scott Catherine Brown
Emen Scott Catherine Collins
Joseph Crosbie Honore Flinn
Hanna Crosbie John Crowe
Edward Copeman James Crowe
Richard Harmer Thomas Crowe
John Barnes Patrick Fouhey
William Austin William Joyce
Elen Fitzgerald Michel Joyce
William Whut John Joyce
Ann Sunderson Thomas Joyce
Mark Manning John Sullivan
John Turner Timothy Sullivan
William Dwyre Cuthrin Trice
Mary A iers James Ragen
Donald Connell Timothy Brian
Timothy Driscoll James Bryan
Timothe Murphy Phillip Lacey
John O'Grady Edward brown
Maria O'Grady Mrs. brooke
John Dencey Nance hays
John Crowley Jeryh fouhey
Margret Steward Jeryh fouhey
Bridget Tow ley Marey fouhey
John Towley Jerey Aies
Timothy Crowley Timthy Joyce
John Brown John Padler.

THE METROPOLITAN PARLIA-
MENTARY AND FINANCIAL REFORM AS-
SOCIATION.

A public meeting of this association took place last
night at the Princess's Theatre, which was filled to over-
flowing on the occasion. Sir Joshua Walmsley, M.P.,
presided, and in opening the proceedings congratulat.d
the meeting on the presence of so many of the fair sex,
and gallantly predicted, the success of a cause to which
they lent their countenance. In the course of his ad-
dress he referred to the triumph which the citizens of
London had achieved tor the cause of civil and religious

liberty. He then launched out into an exposition of the
various political principles advocated by the association,
asserting, especially with reterence to the state of our
representative system, that it was in the hands of one-
filth of the population, and that the other four-fifths
were reduced to a state of moral slavery thereby. The
first resolution was moved by Mr. J. A. Nicholay, who
recommended a union with the Chartists, on the princi-
ple that they should take all they could screw out of a
reluctant Legislature. He also expressed his opinion
that we could do very well without an army, since we
permitted France to attack Rome, and Austria and
Russia to overwhelm the brave Hungarians. Mr. Hume
was the next speaker, and commenced by saying that
the meeting reminded him of former assemblages in the
parish of Marylebone, when not only 4,000 and 5,000,
but 20,000 people, met peaceably together to agitate for
reform, and he predicted a similar successful result for
the association to that which crowned the efforts made
seventeen or eighteen years ago. It was to the divisions
which existed among them that larger measures of re-
form had not long ere now been adopted. Conscious
of that fact, some Members of the House of Commons
called on their fellow-subjects to meet and show that
the people required more control over their own
affairs, instead of being dictated to by the few who
were now placed in power. That course they were de•
termined to follow. They hoped to have the union of
the middle class electors with the mass of the people,
and with that view the association was acting. The re-
peal of the corn-laws had, he was sorry to say, led'to
apathy, instead of increased exertion. The discussion of
last night, however, had opened their eyes. He had
drawn up the Charter, but he could tell them, as the
result of his experience, that all reforms to be effectual
must be carried by the great mass of the people, and
while he bated not a jot of his original opinions he was
willing to take as much as he could get. In the House
of Commons last night the Minister of the day said, he
thought the suffrage might be extended to the working-
classes, but he saw no call for it. He (Mr. Hume)
called on the meeting to show Lord John Russell that
there was a demand for the extension of the franchise,
and that it was necessary to meet the existing discontent
by placing the Legislature of the country on a broader,
aemore popular, and more secure basis. For many
years their representative system had been at the top
of the ladder—it was now at the bottom. He had
stated in Parliament that those who had no voice
in the government of the country were nearly slaves
and he repeated now, that from 4,000,000 to
5,000,000 of the people were in that condition. Do
what he and his friends might in Parliament,
their efforts were useless, and until the constitution of
the House of Commons was changed there was no hope
for their cause. As an old anti experienced Reformer—
not a milk-and-water Reformer—he had great pleasure
in supporting the resolution before them. The
next speaker was Lord Dudley Stuart. He spoke
at considerable length, and promised his steadfast co-
operation in the objects of the association. He
was followed by Mr. J. Williams, M.P Mr. J. Cape 11 ,
Mr. A. M'Kay, and other speakers, each of whom eli-
cited the warm approbation of the meeting by their
speeches, and upon no point more strongly than when
ythat
swtehpichwwaasstnaoktenopiennldirection. recommended,
Ra
el tshool t
ig
oh n
sa greatw;re
they alluded to the national debt, the repudiation of
adopted by the meeting recommending
of the middle the union
and working classes, and the pur-
chase, by means of freehold land sots, ieties of
freeholds, in order to secure the triumph of the 4O d.
• prin-
ciples advocated by the association.

BANK OF FRANCE._
The following is a return of the situation of the Bank
of France up to June 28:—

ASSETS.

... £214,371,791 09
. . 128,213,269 00
... 88,930 83

Cash and ingots
Ditto in branch banks
Bilis past due •••
Bills falling due in Paris, of which
14,099,2081. Oc. are from the branch
banks 46,519,415 99
Bills in the branch banks ~. ... 76,419 481 12
Advances on coins and ingots... 7,663,900 00
Ditto by the branch banks ... 882 353 00
Ditto on French public securities ... 22,986,081 90
Ditto by branch banks... ... 1,336,905 00
Ditto to the State on Bons du Tresor... 50,000,000 00
Ditto on the loan of 150 millions ... 50,000,000 00
fences of the reserve fund ... 10,000,000 00
ilentes, disposable funds ... 42,581,488 13
Investments of the new branch banksin
the public funds ...
Hotel and furniture of the Bank ...
Real property of the branch banks
Interest in National Discount Bank ...
Ditto branch banks ...
Bills protested at Paris
Ditto at the branches ...
Expenses of administration of the Bank
Ditto of the branches ...
Miscellaneous ...
• •••
Advance to the department of the
Seine ••• ••• •• • •••
Loan of 3,000,000 f. to the city of Mar-
seilles

12,779,541 39
4,000,000 00
2,223,200 00

200,000 00
230,000 00
5,304,181 20
3,344,208 00

34,007 00
288,316,82

3,000,000 00

1,000,000 00

E 683,667,094 47

THE EX-DUKE OF BRUNSWICK

AND 'rilE " WEEKLY DISPATGIt"

We, re gis r, in tiecies like these, to sp.r.., a ;ine u sp,..ce
to matter which may appear personal to ourselves; but,
as our readers will see that the ex-Duke of Brunswick
has this week gained a verdict against a proprietor of
this paper for a political libel, our readers will expect
some notice of the event as affecting the character, and
even the interest of a journal to which our large and
constant circulation proves them to be attached, as to
their own advocate and friend. Bearing in mind that
no one is a perfect judge in his own cause, we shall most
studiously confine our remarks within the line of the
most temperate argument, and we shall hint no diminu-
tion of our respect for one of the highest-minded Judges
that ever presided over a court, because his law was
against us, or breathe a word against the motives of a
jury, who, we have not the slightest doubt, acted most
conscientiously, though we may differ from their conclu-
sions. The articles charged as libels appearedin 1830, and
in 1847 and 1848, an interval at the least of seventeen
years. The ex-Sovereign plaintiff claimed to produce the
article of 1630, as a libel for which the defendant was
answerable, and also to read, as in conjunction with it,
the articles written 17 years afterwards. Now the Sta
lute of Limitations would have prevented this had not
his witness sworn that he had purchased a copy, early
in 1848, at our office, and so established a re-publication.
This Statute of Limitations is a most just bar, and most
especially so in the case of political libels. While the
facts are easily ascertainable, and the warmth of ex-
pression is understood, it is mere justice that the action
should be brought on. It was not so in the case of what
is now adjudged to be the libel of 1830. As to its re-
publication, the ex-Sovereign sends, as his witness says,
to our office, and after some trouble, as a matter of some
favour, gets a copy by his emissary's calling a second
time for it. Now the publication of a libel should only
be considered illegal because it is harmful to the party
libelled. Who will pretend that the copy sworn to be
sold in 1848 did any harm whatever to the plaintiff ? It
must have been by his own act that it could in
any way be communicated to any living soul.
Such a purchase might be or not, a legal re-
vivid; who, on the face of the earth, will contend that it
could be a moral one? and what was the possible amount
of damage sustained by it? Could it amount 'to one
farthing? If the ex Sovereign says that his feelings
were hurt by the paper, he also says that he got it
through his own agent, on purpose to have them hurt.
It was necessary that they should be so wounded, in-
deed, to get on with his action. The Lord Chief Jus-
tice is reported to have observed that but for this tale of
more than half a generation past, we should probably
never have heard of the recent articles in a court of
justice. No, for there was nothing whatever libellous
in them. They had not the heart and essence of libel,
they sprung from no malice, nor even from any indig-
nation against the ex-Sovereign who claimed to be ag-
grieved by them. The gist and tendency of every one
of them went to some other—some public, and we ho-
nestly affirm, beneficial purpose. The ex-Duke and his
business were mere accessary illustrations. Read them
by the light of any article whatever written in 1830 I
Doubtless the Dispatch (as an honest paper should) has
its traditions, but they are public ones. To the general
principles of perfect freedom, civil and religious, of order
maintained by justice, of hatred to tyranny, of the progress
of mankind, every new writer succeeds, as their advocate
when ho enters upon these columns. But personal ani-
mosities do not survive with us, scarcely personal at-
tachments. Neither exist beyond the occasion that
creates them. We judge by deeds. The man whom we
attack to-day, let him do what we consider wise and
honourable, he will find himself the theme of our enthu-
siastic praise to-morrow. Let a man whom we have
eulogized as a friend of the people turn against them—
or even mistake their interests—we lay on with a double
lash. We admit the consciousness that we fall upon his
faults or follies with somewhat of the indignation due to
a betrayal. We keep a register of friend or foe. Our
hatred is only constant to wrong, as our affection is to
what we, in our very souls, believe to be right. We told
the Duke publicly that if he would give us proofs of the
worthiness of his political Conduct we would be its ready
defenders. But the articles of 1847 and 1848 were a
combination, a malicious continuation of the warm at-
tack of 1830 ! I Alas for mortality I Death has stood
in the way of the possibility. Many fine spirits have
given their hearts to the people in this paper, and
have died unknown, though not unloved or
unthanked, between 1830 and 1847. Those who
penned the articles of the latter y ears were
not even aware of the existence of any of the articles
written in the former. We presume we are not at
liberty to prove so much in a court of justice ; but
it is palpable to sense and probability, and we avouch it
to be true. Did any reader of 1847 or 1848 recur to a
newspaper of 1830 for comment on his Sunday's politics?
Had we ever the slightest idea of reproducing it? The
pretence is trumpery in the extreme. It may be the
perfection of common sense in the legal acceptation; it
is certainly the perfection of nonsense in the moral one.
Let no one, however, suppose that we are here disputing
or grumbling about costs and damages. We have said
enough to those who habitually read us to show that, in
moral and political character, we stand as free and erect
as ever. They, indeed, would have believed it without
our assertion. The Duke, it seems, boasted in his
speech that he had already put down the Age.and the
Satirist. Did the man believe that he was going to do
the same by the Dispatch? The papers he has at-
tacked for libels on his private character were publi-
cations founded on the principle of pandering to the
epputito for scandal and slander. inherent in the basest
vulgar—the vulgar high and low, titled and untitled, in

aristocrats and their flUukies, of snobs of every degree.
They were weeds growing on a dung-heap, scum upon
fetid waters. Such the ex-Sovereign helped to remove.
His victory was that of Epaminondas, when he turned
the insult of being appointed scavenger into the triumph
of sweetening the city effectually. But the Dispatch,
legally right or legally wrong, founds its strength on that
sympathy which the people return to those who con-
stantly and effectually sympathise with them. Its namo
among the English workers is a sentiment and a power.
All thinkers look to it for clear sense, and honest men
for integrity. When the Duke has eaten The limes
for breakfast, the Journal des Debats for luncheon, the
Moniteur and the London Gazette for dinner, he will sup
on the Dispatch, or put it between his bread and butter
at tea-time. We shall tremble when he has made the
first two or three of these meals. In the mean time, we
abstain from other reply. If we ever have occasion to
speak of him again, it will be " by the card," and proof
in hand, as Lord Denman requires. Till then, let him
go in peace.— Weekly Dispatch.