The Sun.
London, England, 1838-03-08 00:00:00

B SUN, LONDON, THUIIgDAY, MARC

upon their solieltationa.—s-(isonsi clieeis.) With regaid to
that questiclis he *ossisl obss'srve; that for a Innglieribil pieksi- I
tsuelys its settlement had been, in vain sun& from, those ab!'s
men, endued with so much 'foiTill'onglak, who had for years
held the reins of OoVerninent.—( Renewed cheering )
In Decerribe,.., 136 a resolution passed the House of Assem
isly 4 New Brunswick, which he would take the liberty of
reading, and he hoped the Noble Lord eppesite, when he as-
sumed that office svotdd peoduee equally satisfactory testimo-
nials of hie eetainct in the discharge of his duties.—
t; Hear, hear, and cheers.) The resolutions which were
unanimously passed stated that the House entertained a
high sense of the attention shown by the Right Honourable
Lord Glenelg, her Majesty's Secretary of State for the
Colonies, to the deputation during the progress of the nego-
elation which was carried on by them on the subject of their
mission ; that the despatches of Lord Glenelg, containing
the determination of the Government, with respect to the
various important matters brought under its consideration,
had afforded the House the most entire satisfaction, and
that these views should be carried into comPetle effect ;
that the House entertained a deep sense of the high
obligation they owed fur the promptness_ with ell'ea the
representations had obtained redress by the satisfactory settle-
ment of their claims, and that a Select Committee be ap-
pointed by the House to have such their sentiments expressed.
The Noble Lord did not, when these resolutions were trans-
mitted to him, make public the congratulations and compti-
ments that had been paid him for the adjustment of differences
which other Secretaries of State bad left him to arrange.
This was no hasty ebullition of feeling, for the same
had been entertained towards Lord Glenelg for a long
period. The resolutions•he was about to read were passed
in July, 1837, at a subsequent session of the Assembly,
after all the disputes between the Executive Government
had been settled, and time had been afforded to examine the
instructions of Lord Glenelg.—[ Here the Hon. Bart. read the
resolution of the House of Assembly, returning thanks to Lord
Glenelg, and trusting that he would allow a full-length portrait
of himself to be taken to be placed in the Assembly-room,
for the expense of which they would make provision. The
reading of this resolution caused considerable laughter in the
House.] Ile could not but congratulate the Noble Lord the
Member for Liverpool, and the Hon. Baronet the Member for
Leeds, on the probability that when the news of the course
they had adopted arrived in Canada, that a resolution would
be passed that their portraits should be substituted for that of
Lord Glenelg.—( Great cheering and laughter.) The House
of Assembly would doubtless wish to have the likeness of the
Hon. Baronet, the Member for Leeds, in the position in which
lie exhibited himself on the floor of the House last night.
With respect to the question about Canada, he thought he
had said sufficient to the House. As to defending Lord
Glenelg, from the attacks of the Hon. Baronet (the Member
for Leeds), he thought it quite unnecessary to do so, as he
was sure those attacks would fall harmless in that House.
He would now, however, advert to what was the real
purport of the motion. There could be no doubt that it was
intended to imply the censure of the House upon the Govern-
ment for the course they had adopted with respect to Canada.
The motion was to be treated as one of want of con-
fidence of that House in the Government. If that
was what was now intended, he (Sir George Grey) felt
bound to state that it ought to have been brought forward in a
bold and manly manner.—(Great cheering.) He could not
but think that the Hon. Members on the other side of the
House had not placed themselves in a very enviable posi-
tion. If they wished to quarrel with the policy of the Go-
vernment, why did they not at once bring forward a me- ,
tion, having that object plainly in view ?—( Hear, bear.)
It was not a Parliamentary course. He did not blame them
for adopting the course they had, because he rejoiced when
he saw his political opponents exhibiting themselves in what
he conceived to be a false position, when having opposed
any measure of domestic policy that had been brought
forward by the Government, and supported by the unanimous
voice of the Ministerial side of the House, and having al-
most invariably, for it bad placed him ( Sir G. Grey) in an
unpleasant predicament, and rendered him subject to suspicion,
of which his conscience acquitted him—having received
the support of Gentlemen opposite on every question
relating to their Colonial policy—( Tremendous cheering)—he
thought it was rather unfair, and not very discreet, although
they had more discretion than valour—( Loud cheers)— to rescue
the Government from the administration of the domestic affairs,
not because they differed from their Colonial policy—for they
had approved of it—but because they wished to see the
Government in other hands. If the Right Honourable
Baronet should be called on to form a Government,
the Noble Lord, the Member for North Lancashire, would,
no doubt, be a Minister of State.—( Hear, and a laugh.)
In what office was he to be placed ?—( Renewed laughter.)
He thought the House had a right to know before they came
to a vote, in what office the Noble Lord was to be placed.—
( Cries of " Oh, oh," from the Opposition, and cheers
from the Ministerial benches.) It might seem to be
an unreasonable question, but he would ask whether the
superintendence of the affairs of Ireland were to be committed
to him ?—( Cheers.) He would ask whether they would trust
to the moderation and quiet temper of the Noble Lord the
Member for North Lancashire, the delicate task of nego-
elating with the Government of the United States?—( Cheers.)
If they were not willing to place him in either of those situa-
tions, he supposed the Noble Lerd would come back to the
Colonial Department, where he ( Sir G. G.) could testify to the
Noble Lord's energies, but not to the result of those energies.
lie (Sir G. G.) believed that if the Honourable Baronet's
motion were:carried :in that House it would not have the
sanction of public opinion without these walls, and that
of the Government which would then succeed the pre-
sent Ministry the Right Honourable Baronet ( Sir Robert
Peel) might be the head, but the Noble Lord (Stanley)
would be the presiding and pervading genius. The Hon.
Bart. sat down amidst loud cheers and counter-cheers, which
lasted for several minutes.

Mr. PRA ED explained that with regard to the draft
of the Bill affecting New South Wales, his statement had
been correct except in this—that the draft had not yet been
returned by the Colonial Government.
Sir G. GREY said a few words in explanation, which were
inaudible.

Lord SANDON explained that he had not said that all
the Colonies, except Lower Canada, were inn perfectly
settled condition, but that except that colony there was none
which answered the description of the Hon. Baronet, Sir
Molesworth's, motion as being in a peculiar and critical
state.

Mr. GL AD STONE then rose and commenced by ob-
serving that his Hon. Friend, Sir G. Grey, who had just sat
down had travelled very far from the question before the House.
He had appealed to those general principles of party which
were always sufficient to raise a party feeling in that House
and which were ever found a most convenient cove,
for defective reasoning —( Loud Opposition cheers.) His
Hon. Friend had indeed made a triumphant case out, in
regard to New South Wales, which had not been inquired
into, and which had only been incidentally referred to ; but he
(Mr. G.) begged leave to recal the attention of the House
to the amendment of his Noble Friend, as to which impartial
minds he thought must come to a very different conclusion
from that which his Honourable Friend had contended for.
—( Oppositi©n cheers.) Now, various remarks had been
made as to the compulsion under which the amend-
ment had been brought forward, but that compulsion had
been nothing more than the misconduct of the Go-
vernment.—(Cries of " Oh, oh 1" from the Ministerial
Members, and loud cheers from the Opposition.) A great
deal had been said as to the time at which this amend-
ment had been brought forward, but no point respect-
ing it was less objectionable then that ; for if it had been
brought forward while rebellion was raging in Canada, it
would have been said that they had been regardless of the un-
fortunate condition of the colony—that they had been endea-
vouring to take advantage of the public confusion, reck-
less of hum in life. —( Cheers from the Opposition benches. )
And loud as had been the cheers which supported his Hon.
Friend in his denunciations of to-night, they would have been
still louder if he had been able to impress this upon the House.
His Hon. Friend had designated this as an Oppcsition
peteerful in numbers and not very scrupulous in means. _
( Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches,
re-echoed by ironical cheers from the Opposition.) If they
had been less scrupulous, their numbers would perhaps have
been greater. ( Cheers from the Opposition.) He admitted that
it would have been unfair and dishonourable conduct
if, impressed with the necessity of maintaining the
authority of the CreWtl in Lower Canada, they had
allied themselves with the Honourable Baronet the Mem-
ber for Leeds, because they were both agreed so far
as the mere terms of his motion were concerned. lie re-
peated that it would have been dishenourable conduct if they
had adopted that course; but if they had, would it have been
without precedent ?—( Hear, bear, bear, from the Op-
position benches.) It would have found an exact and
faithful analogy in the conduct of the Noble Lord and
Right flon. Gentlemen in the adoption of those measures to
the achievement of which they owed tho possession of
their offices.—( Cheers.) He did not deal in vain charges
that would not bear an analysis. Let them substitute the
Irish Church for Canada.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
There were two parties on the opposite side of the House,
who avowedly differed in their views with respect to the Irish
Church. Those Gentlemen who sat on the Treasury bench
assumed to be friends to the Irish Church, and there were
others who avowed themselves decidedly hostile to its inte.
rests. What did they do? They framed a resolution, stu-
diously worded, carefully avoiding any thing which was
likely to create a difference, and declaring no determination to
make permanent provision for the Clergy. Had the Govern-
ment done so they could not have preserved their offices.
Now this bore strict analogy to the conduct of the Opposition,
with respect to the Hon. Baronet, the Member for Leeds. They
both concurred in disapproving of the conduct of the Noble Lord
the Secretary for the Colonies and his colleagues, but if
they had put that disapproval in terms common to both, what
would have been the consequences ? He would now proceed to
state, as shortly as he could, the grounds upon which he intended
to rest the vote which he intended to give that Right. The
amendment of his Noble Friend accused the Government of
irresolution and delay. The first part of the con-
duct of Government to which he should address himself
was the annulling of the appointment of Lord Am-
herst and the appointment of a Commission. It was said
that Lord Amherst was sent out fot the purpose of inquiry ;
but such was not the fact. Ile was sent out with the view
of effecting some definitive arrangement, the answer to which
was to terminate his mission. Ile was sent out to put matters
in a train for final settlement. No reason had as yet been
given why the suggestions of Lord Amherst, or the advice of
Lord Aberdeen, had not been acted upon. The Commission,
after a lapse of two years, had left them as much in the dark
as they had been before, and the colonists had been thrown into
a state of exasperation and excitement, arising from disappointed
hope. But he complained further of that Commission. He
complained not only of its effects and manifest impolicy, but

•
b.eauseit *Fil obviot ply pos;`serftilly to aervyj
the mrty interests of iqe gentlemen opposite. He seispeeted
the Cnancellor of the Exchequer, now that the settlement
which he recommended of the affairs of Canada, that he be-
lieved that if his plan had been acted upon it would have
been found very much calculated to dissolve that compact
and alliance which had been so recently formed by the
Gentlemen on the other side of the House. But his
Honourable Friend had said he thought it an unfair and un.
parliamentary course, to propose a vote of censure on the
policy of the Ministers, after they (the Gentlemen proposing
that vote of censure) had adopted that policy.—( Hear, hear,
hear.) He wondered what his lion. iend could mean
by their adopting that line of policy.—( Hear, hear.) They
concurred in an address to her Majesty to put down the revolt
which had occurred. They concurred in a temporary provi-
sion for the settlement of the affairs of the Government of
Canada ; but did they concur in the Bill as first pro-
posed to the House ?—( Hear)—or did the Government concur
in it as it was subsequently proposed to them. There never
was a measure more essentially changed than that Bill was
when it left the House.—( Hear, hear.) But his lion. Friend
spoke of adopting their policy, as if they had settled the ques-
tion. Why what had they gained? They had gained a post-
ponement of the difficulties which still surrounded the Cana-
-1 dian affairs, and which still stared them in the face. But
Ministers were so accustomed to deal with temporizing mea-
sures, that even the acute mind of his Noble Friend had lost
the distinction between settlement and procrastination. He
therefore charged the Government with the institution of a
Commission of Inquiry calculated to re-open the whole
question, and to interpose great and unnecessary delay, in-
stead of proceeding to act at a time when the question
was ripe for settlement.—( Hear, hear.) Two years were
disposed of with that measure. Then they came to tae
resolutions of 1837. They were introduced in the early part
of the month of March, and an impartial observer might
inquire how it was that those resolutions failed in being realized
into any active measure until July following. How was it he
also wished to know that seven weeks more were allowed
to pass without the introduction of a Bill, which might have
been introduced in a seventh part of the time for the settle-
ment of the affairs of Canada. There were two circum-
stances connected with Canada which they had the deepest
reason to deplore—the one the suspension of the Constitu-
tion, the other the rebellion which had taken place.—( Hear,
hear.) He argued that neither of those circumstances ought
to have occurred had the Government been faithful. The
suspension of the Cons!itution ought not to have taken place,
if the Government had only chosen to act on the advice of their
own Commissioners. The Right Hon. Gentleman who spoke
last night had said, in the Commission to which'he would almost
say he had the misfortune to belong, he did at different times wish
for the adoption of more decisive measures, and that he had called
for them, but he did not think that the conduct of Ministers
had made much difference with respect to such circumstances.
He wanted to know what estimate the Right Honourable
Gentleman formed of Constitutional rights ? He held in
his hand a pamphlet which he did the Right honour-
able Gentleman no injustice in ascribing to him. Ile
said the suspension of the resolutions was calculated
to produce a great deal of embarrassment—that was on the
10th of April, yet between that time and the 13th ofJune, no le-
gislative measure was introduced. His Hon. Friend took occasion
to accuse the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire
of precipitancy and rashness, in the measures he had taken on
Colonial subjects. The Noble Lord recommended last session
that the Act of 1831 should be repealed. He ( Mr. Glad-
ston) defied the ingenuity of Honourable Gentlemen
opposite to show that if that Act had been repealed
the necessity for suspending the Constitution could have
arisen, and that so far from his interfering with popular pri-
vileges it was the vacillation of lion. Gentlemen opposite,
which they shrouded in the terms conciliation and concession,
which had produced effects corresponding with their charac-
ter. So much for the suspension of the Constitution. He
would now take up the point of the rebellion in Ca-
nada.—( Hear, hear.) It appeared to him to be clearly
demonstrable, that that rebellion would never have
occurred if ordinary fidelity and diligence had been used by
the Executive Government of that province.—(Cheers.)
He did not pronounce any opinion as to how far Lord
Gosford was to blame, for his position was a most critical one.
On the 6th of October Lord Glenclg said he would
take an early opportunity of addressing him more par-
ticularly on the affairs of the province. The resolu-
tions had then been passed for months, and Parliament
was not sitting, yet, he postponed, procrastinated, giving
the directions which were necessary.—( Hear, hear.) How
did he realize the promise? Why, there was but one more
letter contained in this correspondence until the 18th of No-
vember, which was the letter accepting Lord Gosford's re-
tirement—( Cheers)—so that he had to steer through these
difficulties almost without advice and direction. What were
the facts disclosed in the dispatches ? That throughout the laws
were set at nought, and illegal practices pursued, and that with-
out any notice having been taken. And they were iedebted to the
letter of Sir John Colborne for the observation of these prac-
tices. So early as the first of October a meeting was held in
the County of the Two Mountains, where it was resolved to
elect Justices of the Peace, and that the discharge of their
duty should be compulsory. Were not these illegal and
treasonable practices ?—( Hcar, hear, hear.) There was
not a man on the Benches opposite who had ven-
tured, in the whole course of the discussion, to
r.ccompany them (the Opposition) point by point through the
correspondence that had been laid on the table. He would
now say one word with reference to a term introduced in the
amendment of his Noble Friend—the want of foresight—and
there was remarkable proof of it in the fact of Lord Gosford's
stet ng on the 13th of October, that he felt confident in the
great bulk of the population, and yet on the 6th of November,
he said in many parts of the district of Montreal, a large por-
tion of the population were in such a state, that it was
difficult to say what might occur. This letter was
dated on the very day of the riots at Montreal. He appre-
hen led the first duty of the Executive Government teas to
maintain the authority of the law, and the security of property
and life. There was no excuse that could be advanced to
find a justification for having neglected that object.—
( Hear, hear.) He knew that there were peculiar circum-
stances in which a Governor might be aware of treasonable
practices, and yet not have it in his power to check them.
If there were no overt acts there would be much difficulty in
bring. ng the parties to justice. But here there had been proof
of drilling being practi ed every Sunday, contrary to the law
—( Tory cheers.) He gave the Government the choice of
the dile.nma—if Lord Gosford had sufficient force, why were
not those manifestations suppressed ?—( Tory cheers.) If he
had not sufficient force, why was he left without the necessary
reinforcement ?—(Renewed cheers from the Tory Benches )
There had concurred many circumstances to prevent all the
mischief which might have followed from the course adopted
by the Government, but the foresight of the Noble Lord
a: the head of the Colonial-office was not one of those.—
( Cheers.) The victory had been gained, but at the expence
of much bloodshed with it, which it was the duty of the Go-
vernor to have prevented. Under all the views which he
could take of the case, he was bound to vote for the amend-
ment of his Noble Friend ; and if that amendment were not
carried, there would be no degree of misgovernment which a
Ministry might not commit, and that ministerial responsibility
which was one of the greatest boasts of our Constitution,
and to which so much importance was attached, would be but
a name.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
rose amidst
reiterated cheering, and at the commencement of his address
he was heard with very great difficulty, on account of the mur-
mur of whispers and laughter which prevailed in the galleries,
especially on the Tory side. He said, with respect to the
question of Canada he would be sati,fied to leave that to be
decided by the two last speeches--( Great cheering from
the Opposition benches, responded to by the other side)—ho
meant the speeches which had been so much cheered by the
other side.—( Ministerial cheers.) No gentleman who attended
to those speeches, could be unaware of that pulley which
Hon. Gentlemen opposite were so eager to impugn. Hon.
Gentlemen opposite had said that the Government had been
too forbearing and too reluctant to meet force by force.—
(Cri, sof " No" from the Tory side, responded to by cheers.)
Whatever might be the differences between him and his Noble
Friend opposite (as we understood, Lord Stanley), lie would
say, that not a word of asperity dropped from his Noble
Friend's lips in the course of his address. —( Laughter, and
ironical cheers from the Tory Benches.) The Noble Lord never
used a word of asperity, whilst he indulged in that free and in-
dependent expression of opinion to which his title and his
station gave him the fullest right, and he was sure that the
Noble Lord was incapable of introducing into his official con-
duct, any thing that would give needless pain to those whom
office placed under his control.—(Che-rs ) It was his (the
Chancellor of the Exchequer's) painful duty, now to advert to
the speech itself, —( Ironical cheers prolonged from the Tory
benches.) The Ge itlemen opposite who now cheered him
had showed an unwillingness to interfere with the charge
when it was made against the Ministers. Why would they not
listen to the defence ?—( Ministerial cheers.) It had been said
of a great Statesman, that in his whole political career, he
had never lost a friend, and (as we understood) the aphorism
was equally applicable to his Noble Friend opposite.—
( Renewed cheers.) In 1834 his Noble Friend had an oppor-
tunity of preventing those charges from being made. With
respect to the speech of his Noble Friend, there
could be but one feeling of admiration and respect
for the talents which the Noble Lord had displayed.
His Noble Friend would also have the satisfaction of thinking
that in the discharge of his duty he had not added to
the party excitement—on the contrary, that he had attacked
those who were personally connected with him, and that
even those who differed from him were conciliated by his
conduct. He would now turn to the distinct charge that
had been brought against his Noble Friend the Secretary for
the Colonies. The Noble Lord opposite, in attempt-
in. to prove that which it was not necessary for
his purposes to prove—for it was conceded by the Noble
Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs—he meant the
identity of feeling, and interests, and duty by which the charge
affected the whole Cabinet—the Noble Lord endeavoured to
make out his case by stating that this mal-administration had
taken place after the period of his cesession from office.—
( Cries of " Hear, bear," followed by cries of " No, no.")
Then the Noble Lord had not expressed himself
with his usual accuracy. He unders: ood the Noble
Lord to have stated that the difficulties in Canada
had arisen after the present Chancellor of the Eechb:ouer had
become Colonial Secretary. Such was the statement oi° the
Noble Lord, and he would follow up the statement, and prove
to the demonstration of the Noble Lord that in selecting him
(the Chancellor of the Exchequer) for his first victim--
(Laughter from the Opposition benches)—he (the Chancellor
of the Exchequer) was surprised at it, but he was not unpre-
pared for it, knowing how long they were on habits of personal
intimacy.—( Vehement cheering from the Ministerial benches. )
On a former occasion he had been the individual—the subject
of attack ; but then he was personally responsible for the

11 8, ISIS

• , •
course lie was ,takidg.. He did not object to the Noble I
LS4id's Coiirgii then I but the present occasion the
Noble lord had stated, " the Cornideriee'rnr;nt Of these I
troubles the Right lion. Gentleman opposite is responslb.e;
and this course of vaccillation and timidity began on the occa-
sion of the intercourse between the Right Hon. Gentleman
and the deputation from Canada." Upon that he had rested.
He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would state what did
occur, lie had bees charged by others, but it became more
serious when the charge wat made by the Noble Lord. The
Noble Lord, although not embarking in the sante beat with
Mr. Roebuck, stated, that although the Chancellor of the
Exchequer was to blame, it teas not upon the grounds
stated by Mr. Roebuck ; his complaint was that they did
not express themselves with sufficient distinctness, and he al-
lowed the deputation to leave him without stating his opinion
on the subject of the Elective Council. He would leave the
House to decide upon the matter. He (the Chancellor of the
Exchequer) had accepted office but a few days antecedent to
his entrance into that Committee. If, indeed, he had the
happy knack of leading to immediate conclusions which the
Noble Lord had—if he had the same confidence in his own
decisions which the Noble Lord had—he might have had the
presumption, after a fortnight's possession of office, to be able
to turn round to those Gentlemen and say to them that the
question of the Elective Council was finally decided. What-
ever he might have gained by such a course in the opinion of
the Noble Lord, he would have lost in the estimation
of every man of common sense.—(Cheers.) What bad he
stated to those Gentlemen and the House? That lie had but
just received his appointment, and that it was impossible to
make up his mind and form a just conclusion, and that, with-
out deliberation, he could give no opinion. Then, he said,
that his Noble Friend had deliberated, and at the end of five
months( for that was his,the Chancellor of the Exchequer's inter-
val) of office as Secretary of State. The Noble Lord had then
endeavoured to obtain the cheers of Hon. Members on the op-
posite side, by drawing a contrast between his own generosity
of feeling and his (the Chancellor of the Exchequer's) re-
luctance to form an opinion.--(Cries of " Hear!") The
Noble Lord could not forget that he (the Chancellor
of the Exchequer) had left them all his dispatches and papers,
and he had even made them a present of his Private Secretary
—that he had entrusted to him all his private letters re-
lating to the affairs of Canada. It was perfectly true
that the Noble Lord and himself had differed upon one point,
but on every other, at that moment, he did believe completely
and entirely that there was no difference of opinion between
them.—( Much cheering.) He could not believe it pea..
sible that, at a time when he pretended to express entire
accordance upon every subject except one, that such was
the Noble Lord's opinion. He had felt that confidedce in
the Noble Lord that there was not a paper which
be had not sent him by the quickest post, and laid
it before him with the entire correspondence —( Hear. )
If lie had been ever so familiar with the Noble Lord, he could
not, if the Noble Lord had succeded him in office have left
that dispatch, and the reason for his saying that was that it
had never been submitted to the Cabinet. The course he took on
leaving., office, was upon delivering the seals of office to his
Sovereign, he stated to his Majesty that there was no paper
or communication with respect to the business of the office he
had filled that he was not prepared if his Majesty com-
manded it, to stab:nit either to the Duke of Wellington,
or to the Earl of Aberdeen, if it was his Majesty's pleasure
that he should do so. He had not been asked to make any
such disclosure, and he had not done so. The Gentlemen
who had interrupted him with laughter, if they were to be the
new supporters of another adminstration, they should reflect
upon what was the rule of conduct with respect to public men.
Cheers.) The Noble Lord had said that the dispatch had
not been sent. Now, a little delay in a dispatch was not always
a bad thing, and he thought that that statement was boree out
in the present instance. He thought that if the dispatch had
not been suspended or not written, it would have been as well
for the affairs of Canada. The Noble Lord in the dispatch,
feeling that the subject pressed so hardly on the Canadian
Assembly, had endeavoured to give it the go-bye. That dis-
patch there could be no doubt was the parent of the
resolution of I 792. The Noble Lord last night in reference
to the affairs of Canada, and while addressing himself to a sub-
ject which related to a community of four or five hundred
thousand souls, had used phrases which might be considered
unworthy of a British gentleman. In talking of a whole
nation, he exhibited such a total want of prudence, that
the unkindness of the attack towards him (the Chancellor
of the Exchequer) was absorbed in the impolicy of that
attack.—( Cheers.) The present advisers of her Majesty
were charged with not knowing their own minds ; because
a Colonial Minister did not know his own mind, the Govern-
ment of which he was a Member was to be dismissed, and
those who had brought the charge forward were to succeed
them. Ile (the Chancellor of the Excheqner) certainly did not
leave the dispatch in the Colonial Office. The Noble Lord had
done so. Now he wished to see whether the charge which
had been made against the present Government, did not, in
fact, belong to the Government of the Noble Lord. That
Noble Lord, when he came to the Colonial-office, undertook
and matured a most important question, namely, the
Abolition of Slavery. The Noble Lord had talked
about stedfast intention on the part of a Colonial
Minister. Now that Noble Lord, when Secretary for the
Colonies, had come down to that House, and proposed a
settlement of the Slavery question by a loan of 15,000,0001.,
and in a very short time, notwithstanding all that he said
about atcdfastness of intention, he turned round and
changed his intention from 15,000,0001. by way of loan,
to 20,000,0001. by way of gift.—(Great cheering.) He
did not say the Noble Lord was wrong ; on the contrary,
he admitted the Noble Lord was right--( Hear, hear)—but
he had only mentioned this to show the steadfastness of
intention of the Noble Lord. Then, again, want of firm-
ness was a charge made against the Government. What would
be said, when it was considered that the framer of the Act for
the Emancipation of the Negroes, allowing that Act in the
way of payment of compensation upon adequate and satisfactory
legislation in the Colonies, that the Noble Lord signed a dis-
patch at once declaring an Act adequate and satisfactory, and yet
requiring supplemental Acts to make it so.—( Cheers.) No
doubt they would have that discussed hereafter.—( Hear, from
Lord Stanley.) When the Noble Lord could answer, every
facility would be given to him to make a full and sufficient
answer. He knew that he had the power of giving a very
severe punishment after his own fashion —he knew that
his habits of ancient friendship would not allow him to
refuse it.--( Cheering from the Ministerial, and cries of " Oh,
oh !" from the Opposition side.) He asked the Noble Lord—
he asked the House, and lie asked the public with confidence,
if the Noble Lord knew his conduct—and he knew the whole
of it—had been objectionable on this subject before,
when he stated it not in his presence—( Hear, hear,
hear)—when he stated not by the Noble Lord's
side but in the Noble Lord's defence—(Cheers)—when
he had stated the whole of the intercourse—why did the
Noble Lord three years ago sit still without saying a word
upon it ? And if the Noble Lord was silent then, wheia
lie (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) defended him
against unjust attack, but at the same time stating
every fact that had now been brought against him—in
the name of common justice he might say—indepen-
dently of all personal attachment—what right had the
Noble Lord to come forward now, after three years silence,
with his catalogue of charges by alluding to this subject?
—( Cheers.) There was not a word he had communicated
to them that he would not be ready to repeat and justify.-
-( Cheers.) He begged pardon for having been diverted
from the subject before the House. However, as the Noble
Lord had come forward on the present occasion, he had felt
it to be his duty to vindicate himself, and to show the Noble
Lord, that, however ready he might be to bring forward these
charges, there was, notwithstanding there might be a kindly
feeling existing, there was a spirit of manly determination
which made it a man's duty, as it was his interest, to notice
those charges.—( Cheering.) The proposition involved in
the present motion was the proposition of a change of
Government, and yet the Hon. Member for Newark taunted
them with having joined issue. It was said by an llonourable
Member opposite, that had it not been for the motion of the
Hon. Member for Leeds, the motion on their side of the
House would never hive been brought forward. He (the
Chancellor of the Exchequer) believed it would never have
been brought forward had it not been for the last two divisions
that had taken place in that House. He believed the late
divisions on which, whether by good or bad fortune, Gentlemen
opposite had found themselves to be in a majority, was the
great cause of this motion. He congratulated the House on
the result of the two divisions, if those two divisions had been
the cause of the present motion ; lie congratulated them on the
constitutional principal involved. It was then a fair struggle after
all. There was a struggle for political power, which he (the
Chancellor of the Exchequer) rejoiced had come—(Tremend-
ous cheers from both sides of the House)—and which lie thought
was a struggle worthy of engaging in.—( Cheers.) Now, as
to the defeats which the Government it was said had sustained,
and which were totally to discourage and dispirit it, how
many defeats had the Tory Government? not of the Right
Hon. Baronet opposite, who in the face of several defeats in
such a brilliant career had struggled against an opposing ma-
jority ; but in the " high and palmy" days of Toryism under
Lord Liverpool, when the Government were defeated on
the Queen's trial—( Oh, oh, from the Opposition)—on
the Property-tax—on the Postmaster General's question—on
the Lord of the Admiralty question—on the reduction of the
expenditure—on Sir J. Mackintosh's proposition for the
amendment of the Criminal Law : yet they remained in office
Let not Hon. Members opposite: cheer too early, on the
faith of the one defeat which the present Government had
lately sustained—of which by this time the House was heartily
sorry. One word as to her Majesty's Ministers. The
Hon. Baronet the Member for Leeds, at the election in
July, had teld his constituents that he would support the
Government, which had entitled itself to the gratitude of the
country for the Municipal Bill, the Tithe ( English) Bill,
the reduction of the Newspaper Stamp Duty, the Registration
of Births and Marriages Bill, and other measures. Yet the
Hon. Baronet now came forward with a motion, the effect of
which would be to oust this Government.—( Hear, hear.)
It would be said indeed that he had an ulterior policy, and
on that he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would say a
word or two. The lion. Baronet, by joining with the Tories,
would turn out the Government by a vote of want of confidence ;
and then joining with the Whigs, turn out, by a similar vote, this
Tory Government which would follow. So that the only con-
solation would be, that, like the Cyclops, they would be half
killed.—( Laughter, and cheers.) The formation of a Go-
vernment, from the party of which the Honourable Baronet
was the head, and from Honourable Gentlemen opposite would
be a task of such easy accomplishment, and this the
nes qeronet would find when the office of Prime Minister
Hon. e._ endered to his acceptance.—(Hear, hear, and
would be le re- was, however, another arty 'whose
laughter.) Tn'.'Ws, be deemed prudent to consult in
wishes it might, pet the people of England. The
the matter, and that was it that an administration
Hon. Baronet might depend on
based on the principles avowed by the k•- art to which be be•
•