The Sun.
London, England, 1836-12-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

V S

The alarmists of the Press are now obliged to have
recourse to the Dublin Gazette for evidence of their
favourite position, that Ireland is in a state of terrible
commotion. Their scouts and correspondents scat-
tered through the country, having been so often de-
tected in the fabrication or exaggeration of outrages,
have ceased to supply facts in sufficient number or
variety to sate their appetite and the craving of their
party for tales of violence and blood. When a crime,
therefore, does come to their knowledge, they make
the most of it, by first relating it with every imagi-
nable circumstance of aggravation ; then ringing the
changes upon it in one or more leading articles, or
getting some of their orators to make a speech about
it ; and finally, when the Lord Lieutenant offers a
reward for the perpetrators, they double back upon it
again, and quote it from the Gazette as a fresh and
previously unheard of atrocity. Thus they contrive
to spin out each ruthless deed into the forms and
dimensions of four or five ; and even so, with all
this ingenious cookery, their files are sadly deso-
late. Like Hotspur, they often lack a relish for
their breakfast, and the ink is frequently clotted in
their pens for want of a running supply of fresh
blood to dilute it. Tipperary was an exuberant
field for this kind of game ; but it has latterly become
as barren as any other county. With the exception
of those crimes for which the House of Lords is, in
foro conscientice, strictly accountable, it is free from all
such outrages as indicate an unsafe and unsound state
of society. Not Kent or Norfolk more so. Indivi-
dual crimes there are, and sometimes attended by very
frightful and deplorable consequences. But it is so,
also, in at least an equal degree, in England ; and the
only wonder is that Ireland, with a redundant popula-
tion of two millions and a half, whose life from one end
of the year to the other is a continual scramble, does
not present ten instances of violence for every one that
it does present, to glut the ears of its Tory enemies.
and oppressors. The Baronies of Upper Ormond and
of Owney and Arra in Tipperary, including the popu-
lous and pauperised town of Ncnagh, were signalized
by the number and (taring nature of the outrages
which took place within them. They are now, with
the exception above alluded to—and for a further ex-
planation whereof we beg to refer the reader to Mr.
Philip Ryan and his reverend friends—in a state of
profound tranquillity. We havc,.indeed, the best autho-
rity, that of the resident stipendiary magistrate in charge
of the district, for saying that it has not been in so
orderly a state these ten years past, as during the pe-
riod between the month of June last and this time.
We have our information from a person who received
it from the lips of Major Carter himself. We do not
scruule to name the magistrate, because we think the
testimony highly honourable to him, as not only evinc-
ing a frank and kindly feeling towards the people, hut
moving his efficiency in the sitnation which he fills.
And no man has a better right than Major Carter to
know time difference between a really sound state of so-
ciety and a suppressed or smothered discontent ; for he
5s still suffering in his person, if we mistake not, from
the effects of too much confidence in deceitful appear-
ances ; and would be the last man, we should expect,
to trust them again. Some years ago, in those hal-
cyon days ere Ireland was ‘• ilThkravized" or tithes
remitted, he was attacked, while walking with his ladv,
on his own lawn, and in the open day, by two assas-
sins, one of whom fired upon him, and the effect of
that wound he will carry to his grave.. A suspicion of
the reality of a Tipperary peace might very allowably
haunt his mind after that ; and, therefore, we attach
the greater value to his'deliberate and candid opinion,
founded upon experience and observation, that it is
2cal.—Morning Chronicle.
The list of registrations which we published yester-
day, and for which we were indebted to the research
and information of the Standard, sufficed to show the
enormous advantage gained by the Conservatives over
Radicals and Whigs conjointly, in so far as the recent
registry of votes is concerned. It was stated by our
Contemporary, that out of GS returns, there were seven
only in which the Whig-Itadicals exhibited any proof
of a majority on their own side, derived from a compa-
rison of their claims and objections made good by them
with those established by their adversaries; at the same
time, it is to be observed, that a very partial insight is
afforded by lists of claims and objections at any one
registration into the real and collective state of the con-
stituency. Such lists give only new or contested claims.
The old qualified electors, to whose right of voting no
objection has been started, and whose names, therefore,
remain unnoticed on the register, form, generally speak-
ing, the bulk of the constituent body, and arc in no
degree affected by returns like those which have usually
been made public with the pretension of being an indis-
putable criterion of the relative strength of parties. It
appears, for instance, that in North Shropshire, the
late registration, measured merely by a comparison of
claims and objections established on either side, has gone
against the Conservatives by a majority of 15 votes ;
whereas,' by taking into consideration the whole consti-
tuency, it is well known that the majority on behalf of
Conservatism is so irresistible, that no Whig or Ra-
dical candidate can dare to show himself for either
division of the county with the slightest chance of
success. Look again at Brighton, of which the regis-
tration battle (if battle it can be called where only one
side fought) presents a curious picture. The Conser-
vatives brought forward neither claims nor objections.
The Radicals preferred 52 objections against pre-exis-
ing Radical voters, and succeeded in 33 ; while as a
sample of the combined honesty and modesty of that
faction, there were 277 Radical claimants to vote, and
the claims established out of that formidable number
amounted to precisely 15 ! But further, what sort of
insight is thus afforded into the real condition of the
town of Brighton ? The Radicals have struck off 33
Conservative votes, and have registered 15 new ones
on their own side—that is to say, they hare gained an
addition of 48 votes since the registration before the
last. But how does such a fact elucidate the ac-
tual preponderancy of political interest in Brighton,
where it is notorious that one at least, if not two Con-
servatives, would be returned by a large majority were
there
an election to-morrow It is, on the other
hand, unquestionable that, to the extent to which such
changes in the registry of votes are effected, they must,
due allowance being always made for partial accident,
be understood to indicate a tendency, pro tanto, in the
public feeling towards that side of the political strug-
gle on which the local majority of established claims
or objections is to be found. There are, of course,
further elements of partial success to be considered—
as, superior skill and activity in the political agents,
the practical operation of certain points of law in as-
sisting the claimants under one class of qualifications,
and in thwarting others. But, cceteris paribus, where
facts of a general nature are not notoriously adverse to
the conclusions to be drawn from particular circum-
stances, the prevalent direction of the public mind may
be fairly inferred from the average colour of the
re-
gistrations.
We need scarcely say how these have
shown themselves throughout the co unties almostcas
universally, and in the great majority of cases
throughout thetowns, of Great Britain on this late oc-
casion. Out of 68 returns published in the Times of yes-
terday, and borrowed, as we have remarked,from an
even-
ing contemporary, containing a large number of the most
important places in the realm, there are 61 where the
registrations have run in favour of Conservatism. Do
we rely on this fact as decisive of the approaching con-
test, or as the most worthy of being taken into the
calculation ? Far from it—we complain, on the con-
trary, of the late recorded improvement in the regis-
tries, as being a most inadequate and defective measure
of the growth inherent in the Conservative cause. It
affords, for example, no index whatsoever of the vast
and triumphant amelioration which has taken place in
time political sentiments of the old electors, whom the
registration contests have in no wise touched. It says
not a word of those almost countless numbers among
the previously existing constituency, who have been
shocked and disgusted at the march of revolution, and
who have discovered since the general election of
1835, or more properly since their experience of
the desperate policy pursued by Lord Melbourne,
in subservience to O'Connell—that there is no
safety for the citizen, the Monarch, the Church, or
S )venzent principle.
so much of move-
vgarded as neces-
'sled grievances,"

,4 the correction of recognized abuses," or the attain••
meta of real benefits, the want of which is felt by the
bulk of society to be a gratuitous evil. What we do
mean is, that whereas trading revolutionists make re-
pose the exception, and experiment the rule, the wiser,
more philosophic, and statesmanlike spirit of Conser-
vatism, reverses the above maxim as foolish and anar-
chical, making stability the rule, and change, when
unavoidable, the exception. Such is the nature of
that Conservatism which has for some time been
rapidly superseding the wild and reckless appetite for
innovation amongst the people of England. The latter
temper has been a disease. It has had another malady
ingrafted upon it—the plague of mal-administration in
every department of the State. We are, thank
Heaven, upon the point of shaking off both together.
It ought to be added, which we are enabled to do on
(rood authority, that after all the boast and bluster of
.the Irish rebel gang, the greatest loss which could
accrue to the Protestant cause in that country, let a
dissolution come when it mav, would not exceed three
or four seats at the most.—Times.

From the first we considered the Association calling
itself the " Agricultural Society" to have been formed
for purposes far different from those which its name
would imply—we have from its very birth announced
and denounced it as the combination of a faction en-
deavouring to spread discontent amongst the people
and disaffection to the Government, under the pretext
of prodigious anxiety for the relief of the agricultural
classes, but whose real design was to assist in the re-
establishment of a Tory administration—and every
step of its progress has tended more and more to con-
firm the accuracy of our anticipations. In compliance
with the importunity of the leaders of this Society,
a Committee was appointed last Session to inquire
into the state of the agricultural interest. The appli-
cation for the appointment of this Committee was
urged in the expectation that the Government would
have given opposition, and hence might have been
drawn ample materials for exciting hostility amongst
the agricultural classes ; but to the disappointment and
mortification of the clamorous applicants, Ministers
assented to the appointment of a Committee ; when, lo !
after the necessary inquiry, which it was pretended
would reveal unparalleled suffering on the part of the
agriculturists, the Committee declined to make any
report, and their Chairman, Mr. Shaw Lefevre, pub-
lished, on his own authority, a pamphlet, stating that
the agricultural interest was not in the depressed state
which had been represented, and that the repeal of
the corn laws would be highly advantageous to the
landed interest generally. These statements remained
uncontradicted by the Committee, or any person on
their behalf. Notwithstanding this disgraceful expo-
sure of the real purposes of the agricultural
agita-
tors, they had yesterday the assurance to hold their
annual meeting, when the Chairman—Mr. Ormsby
Gore, who presided in the absence of the Duke of
Newcastle congratulated the meeting on the im-
proved state of the agricultural interest, and the high
prices of agricultural produce, which, in most chari-
table consideration of the half-fed artisan, he feared
would not continue. The utmost alarm was ex-
pressed at the speech of Sir Henry Parnell, at Dun-
dee, in which the Right Honourable Baronet stated
that the appointment of the Committee necessarily
implied an inquiry into the Corn-laws, and evinced
that the Government felt no indisposition to have
the grounds examined on which the policy of mo-
difying, or even repealing those laws, could be dc-
fended. Any allusion to the Corn-laws naturally ex-
cited horror amongst those who by their iniquitous
instrumentality are enabled to plunder the whole com-
munity, not even excepting the industrial agriculturists,
for whom they profess such anxious sympathy. Con-
sequently, these remarks of Sir Henry Parnell were
made the subject of an especial resolution. A Mr.
Spooner, or .Spooney, we know not which, affected
surprize that the Committee had made no report, and
stated that he expected no relief when he found Lord
Darlington's name had been excluded from amongst
its members. Poor Spooney ! Rejected and forlorn
Darlington ! Much abused agriculturists ! ! ! We
are gratified that the utter failure of the display in-
tended to have been made yesterday shows that those
of the Agricultural Association who have any regard
for appearances are ashamed to be seen at its meetings,
and as the public, from the paucity of attendance,
ap-
pear tolerably well aware of the real motives of the
pretended friends of the agricultural interest, we are
spared the necessity of dwelling on the exposure of
their factious designs.—Morning Advertiser.
To the establishment of a Metropolitan University,
with power to confer the degrees usually conferred by
Universities, we sec no reasonable objection ; neither
do we, in regard to such an establishment, disapprove
of the absence of religious tests as to any particular
form of Christianity ; though we agree with a contem-
porary Journal in thinking it neither useless nor absurd
that proof of Christian communion 91 some sort should
be required as a condition precedent to a degree ; but
we presume Lord John Russell would describe any test
by which deists, mahomedans, idolaters of Fo, or
atheists, could be excluded from degrees intended for
the advancement of religion and morality, as" binding,
by the fetters of the seventeenth century, the talent and
merit of the present enlightened age." In announcing
this chartered project for emancipating the human mind
in the nineteenth century, from what some philosophers
call the " prejudices of Christianity," the evening
organ of the Government does not fail to take a fling
at the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, as well
as at the Established Church. This is important
only so far as it discloses the sentiments of the Ministry
under whose inspiration it speaks—though, perhaps,
any additional testimony on that subject was super-
fluous. The established seats of learning and educa-
tion, whether at Oxford or Cambridge, Dublin or
Glasgow, are not the places where the talents and intelli-
gence--the wisdom and worth of the Melbournes and
the Palmerstons—the Russells and the Rices, and such
political and intellectual luminaries of this " unfettered
and enlightened age" are appreciated, or even under-
stood. In order that such men may receive their due
meed of renown, it is necessary that they should build
their own temple of fame, and also keep the key of
it in their own custody, with as tenacious a grasp as
that with which they hold the privy seal with which
the letters patent are stamped. And accordingly they
have resolved to keep the key ; for, contrary to the
practice in other Universities, where the Fellows are
usually chosen either by the test of superior merit, in
answering at a prescribed examination in the sciences
and classic literature, or some mode of academic elec-
tion, the Fellows of the University of London are not
only all appointed in the first instance by Royal, that
is, by Ministerial designation, under the sign manual,
but their successors are so to be appointed through
all future time. This is quite consistent with the
insatiable and grasping spirit of Whig patronage. It
is part and parcel of the centralising system, by which
they would vest all appointments in themselves. In
the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, and Dublin, the
academic government is not an appenage of the Mi-
nisters of the Crown—they have, therefore, some inde-
pendence of character. James 11., when he attempted to
subvert the religion and liberties of the nation, struck
at that
'
independence both in England and Ireland,
with the
in the att
sword of despotic prerogative, and shivered it
empt. As schools of the reformed religion
—as institutions
Church, intimately connected with the Esta-
blished, where youth are trained for the ser-
vice of its altars the Universities of both countries
appearailjo
tiobiestnet!s,letsian they
slhatefulwienrethien etyheeseyofesthoef
tphreeseiont
Whigfatuated James, and the Jesuit advisers who then sur-
rounded the throne. Even Glasgow has fallen out of
favour, for daring to assert its independence in the
choice of a Lord Rector. If the Ministers had the
appointment to that office, as they have the appoint-
ment of Chancellor and Fellows in
opinion
d by the choice of which has taken
the New London
University, the re-action
place among the educated youth of Scotland, would not
be so apparent as it has
beenof re
rendered
Sir Robert Peel for that office, in place of the Whig
Attorney-General Sir John Campbell. Who would
have heard of the Duke of AVellington being elected to
the office of Chancellor of the University of Oxford,
if the Whig Ministers had that appointment in their
own hands, as they have that of Chancellor of the
New University ? We suppose the academic, and, con-
trasted with a Ministerial appointment, this popular
mode of election is part and parcel of what the even-

ing organ of the Government calls the " antiquated
outworks in which Oxford and Cambridge have chosen
to entrench themselves." Certainly they are out-
works, which prevent their being easily subjugated into
a state of obsequious dependence on any Ministry.
To prevent the chance of any inconvenient indications
of independence in the " unfettered " University, it is
closely chained by the links of patronage to the foot-
stool of the Whig Prime Minister. The old Univer-
sities are " enslaved " to the forms of popular election
as they are to some certain and defined form of the
Christian faith ; but the enlightened emanation of the
Whig intellect of the nineteenth century is " emanci-
pated" from the vulgar trammels of either one or the
other. It is a worthy contrivance and true symbol of
the anythingarian Whig Ministry. It is usual in char-
ter-incorporated learned societies, to nominate two or
three Fellows, or others of the managers, nomine ma-
prunz, and to leave the remainder to be elected by
those first appointed, according to some prescribed
rule ; but as the Whigs were resolved to keep all the
patronage of the new University in their own hands,
as we before observed, they named the whole num-
ber of Fellows at once ; and though among them
are some names of men distinguished by scientific
attainments, and otherwise highly respectable, among
whom we would mention Professors Airy and Fara-
day ; Drs. Arnot, Crampton, and Hodgkin—yet
there are others whose claims to distinction are so ge-
nerally unknown, that we question if any thing short
of the solemn attestation of the Privy Seal could stamp
them with authenticity. In reading this list of what
are called distinguished men by Lord John Russell,
we are obliged to confess our profound ignorance of
the where and hozu their title to distinction was
achieved. " Not to know them," perhaps, " argues
ourselves unknown." Be it so. We make the con-
fession of our ignorance, conscious of what we incur for
being found enveloped in so much mental darkness in
the noon-day light of the nineteenth century. Some of
the names, we admit, are odd enough to conferdistinction
by mere enunciation, on Mr. Shandy's theory of nomen-
clature ; but, independently of this, we should have
thought that in making a deliberate comparison between
the intellect of the present " enlightened age" and that
of the seventeenth century, a more splendid list ought
to have been provided, to make the allusion to the age
of the greatest names that England has ever seen
appear something else than a most uncharitable sneer
upon the intellectual pretensions of the present day.
The appointment of Lord Burlington as Chancel-
lor is one which, if we thought much more highly of
the new institution than we do, or than the public
will probably think of its degrees, we should be far
from objecting to. This young nobleman unites high
rank and great fortune with considerable scientific abi-
lities and attainments. A Contemporary journal says
he was Senior Wrangler at Cambridge ; we believe
that is a mistake—he was all but Senior Wrangler,
having lost that honour, after a severe contest, to Mr.
Phillpot, if we recollect right. We need not add that
he is a Whig, for so we believe arc all the " distin-
guished men " of the new University—either Whigs
or Whig-Radicals. This, of course, was mere acci-
dent, as our most liberal Ministers could never have
intended to make a mere party-business of an affair
of science, literature, and liberal education. We have
only to add that, inasmuch as the Ministerial journals
are pleased to affect a lofty disdain for the ancient
Universities, and everything belonging to them, care
will be taken to distinguish the degrees conferred by
the London University- from those conferred by such
antiquated establishmeuts as Oxford, Cambridge, and
Dublin, that the public of this enlightened age may
duly appreciate them accordingly.—Morning Herald.

Monday evening a meeting took place at the Court-
house of the borough of Marylebone of deputations from the
metropolitan and suburban parishes, situated within the
county of Middlesex, at which resolutions were agreed to in
support of the bills to be introduced in the next session of
Parliament, for extending the provisions of the Municipal
Reform Act to the cases of rate-payers in counties, bo-
roughs, and populous towns where they have not yet exer-
cised control over the imposition of rates. Captain Wardell
took the chair. The principal speakers were Sir John S.
Lillie, Mr. Soden, Sir S. Whalley, Lord Nugent, Mr. N.
A. Vigors, Mr. Hovendon, &c.

CURIOUS LARCENY.—The Boston Transcript
gives the following particulars of a charge brought last
week at Lowell, against a young man of that place, upon
which he was committed for trial. The witness spoken of
is a young woman, to whom the defendant had given a
promise of marriage, and appeared, it is said, with very
great reluctance. The defendant and witness had been for
some months intimate, in what is called in the country, a
courting way. She lent him some money, for which he
gave his notes. He omitted his visits, and, after a while,
she, wanting the money, caused the notes to be sued. Sub-
sequently the suits were abandoned, the notes taken up, and.
a new one given by him for 200 dollars. At the tirn of
these transactions, a reconciliation took place, he promised
to marry her, they mutually agreed to keep the giving of
the new note a secret, and things went on in the old way.
A short time before the trial, he called upon her one morn-
ing, found her sick abed, her nurse present, and told her
that he was published to be married to another girl, and
had come to settle with her, pay her the money, and take
up his note. Upon his asking to see the note, she
gave the keys of her trunk to her nurse, and directed
her to bring her the (witness's) bank-book (in which
she said the note was), without opening it. The nurse
did as she had been directed, and then left the room.
Neither the nurse nor the witness could say positively
that the note was there, for the witness fainted, and
became wholly unconscious of what passed. Upon the
nurse's return to the room, she found the witness nearly,
if not quite, senseless, the defendant gone, the bank-
book on the window, no note and no money. There
are thirty boarders in the house where these events took
place. Some time afterwards, upon being questioned by
the girl's brother about paying the girl what he owed her,
he said, " I have got up my note (or notes, the brother was
not certain which), and that is all I want." After this, the
girl consulted Counsel, and by advice inquired of the boar-
ders if they had seen any money in or about her room, and
the denied that they had. After the scene at the sick-bed,
and before this examination, the defendant was married.—
American Paper.
The Captain of the Brunswick, at the port of Hull,
has complained, in a letter to the Hull Advertiser, of an in-
famous indignity offered to a British seaman in Russia.
From the statement it appears that, on the vessel arriving at
Cronstadt, the Russian Custom House officers searched
her, in doing which the assistant officer opened the chest of
William Britton, the carpenter, whose clean shirts he in-
stantly tossed out into the dirt. Britton, finding expostu-
lation useless, caught hold of him by the collar, when the
fellow ran upon deck and complained to his senior officer.
The next morning a body of police came on board and con-
veyed Britton before the Magistrates, when the subordi-
nate officer swore that he had been struck on the face and
had received a black eye, and the superior officer also swore
that he saw the blow struck. Notwithstanding the Magis-
trates remarked that there were no signs of a blow having
been given, and it being ultimately acknowledged by the
superior officer that he was not below at the time of the
alleged assault, together with the fact of five of the ship's
crew positively swearing that the blow was not given, Brit-
ton was remanded to a loathsome dungeon for a second ex-
amination, which was put off from day to day till his health
was so much impaired that he was taken to the hospital.
communication indirect commucation was made that the affair could
was
s linen,
obliged
to nearly
leave
be settled for 200 rubles, but this was indignantly refused,
hi recovery,received
the
the
ed
use Britton
o fhat, shoes,
remained in prisonfer
clean
neckcloth, a
otr
starved.
Cronstadt,
and
intelligencelength thenwas Brunswick
ee qualto 30/. or be imprisoned
afterwards
Captain of the Dido, that Britton, on being left without
witnesses, was almost immediately after finally examined,
and sentenced to pay a fine
six months. The shipwrights of the Good Design Society,
at Hull, of which Bitton was a member, collected the money
to procure his release, but the lateness of the season pre-
vents the possibility of any communication with Cron-
stadt, that port being now blocked up with ice. [ls there
no British Consul at Cronstadt ?]

The waters of the Seine have risen so high, and
the vessels in the port rising above the quays, their step-
ping boards were unusually steep from the quay. Two ac-
cidents have in consequence occurred. Two sailors, James
Buckman, 24 years of age, cook on board the English
galley the Economy, and Robert Blakye, 21 years of age,
a sailor on board the English sloop the Betsy, were drowned
under the following circumstances :—Robert Blakye was
sleeping on board his ship, when about 11 o'clock he was
awakened by James Buckman, who wished to quarrel with
him. While they were disputing, Blakye slipped from the
stepping-board into the river and perished without any pos-
sibility of saving him. Buckman, who was far from wishing
such a fate to his adversary, regretted it very much, and was
in the act of retiring with three of his comrades, but on
reaching almost the extremity of the board he slipped also,
fell into the Seine, and was inevitably lost. The dead bo-
dies of these two unfortunate seamen were found last night
at a late hour.—Journal de Rouen.

PRICES OF CANALS, DOCK STOCKS,

ASSURANCE COMPANIES, &c. &c. &c.

LONDON, TUESDAY, :DEC. 13.
Number Dirldend

Price

of ___ .._......
per CANALS. per
Shares. Annum. Paid. Shire.
1,760 8 vet cent. Ashton and Oldham...Average 97/. 18s. sh. 142
1,482 - 41. Ashby.de.lc.Zouch Average 113/. sh. 65
1,260 Basingstoke lOOl. sh. 51
1,005 51. Brecknock and Abergavenny 1501. sh. 100
8,000 1-168 h. 91. 9s. Birmingham, 1-16th share 8141. & 711. 217
4,000 Ditto and Liverpool Junct...1251 sh. 100 pd 321
600 . Bridgewater and Taunton ....100/. sh. all pd 64
400 4/. Chelmer and Blackwater 1001. sh. 102
500 48/. Coventry 1001. sh. 725
4,545 Croydon Average3l/. 2s. 10d. sh. 3
2,060; 41. Os, Dudley lOO/. sh. 78
600 71. Derby 100/. sh. 120
20,000
3,5752 3/. Ellesmere and Chester Average 1331. sh. SO
231 40!. Erewash 1001. sh. 500
1,297 28/. Forth and Clyde Average 4401.165. sh. 610
11,500 121. Grand Junction 100/. sh. 213
2,t149i 11. Grand Union 1001. sh. 24k
1,500 Grand Surrey
120,000/. 4/. per cent. Ditto (optional) Loan lOO/. 70
3,098 ... ...... Grand Western
600 13/. 12s. SO. Glamorganshire, Average cost 1721. 13s. 4d. 23 n
749 10/. Grantham 150/. sh. 202
8,233 11. 15s. Huddersfield Average 57/. 6s. 6d. sh. 35
100 Kensingtm 100 sh. all pd. 10
25,323 11. 2s. Kennet and Avon, Average 39/. 18s.100. sh. 22
2,9971 201. Leeds and Liverpool 100/. sh. 530
5451 121. Leicester l4O/. sh. 190
1,897 4/. 10s. Leicester and Northampton.. Aver 83/.los. 77
2,400 10/, Monmouthshire 100/. sh. 200
50 16/. Melton Mowbray 100/ sh. 200
. . .. .--.• .--

500 251. Mersey and Irwell 1001. sh. 580
3,000 N. 10s. Macclesfield 100/ sh. all pd. 54
2117 17/. Neath 100/. sh. 325
1,786 30/. Oxford 1001. sh. 580
2,400 51. Peak Forest Average about 78/. sh. 104
21,418 12s. Regent's (or London) Aver. 331. 16s. Bd. sh. ;6
5,669 61. per cent. Rochdale Average 85/. sh. 121
500 8/, Shropshire 19.51. sh. 140
800 91. 10s. Somerset Coal 150/. sh. 153
3,600/. 4i per cent. Ditto Lock Fund Stock l2l. 10s. sh. 111
700 40/. Stafford and Worcester 140/. sh. 730
500 91. Shrewsbury 125/. sh. 243
300 81. Stourbridge
3,647 2/. Gs. Stratford-on-Avon ...Average 791. 9s. 9d. sh. 50
533 12/. Swansea 100/. sh. 220

3,'i2 11. 4s. Se'ern and Wye and Railway ...A.r 351. sh. 19i
2,604 sh. 321. 10s. Trent and Mersey, ; share 1001. sh. 555
8,149
1,0005 h./
151. Warwick and Birmingham 100/. sh- 260
I,l:Wish.
.5
980 122. Warwick and Napton lOOl. sh. 210
6,000 4/. 03. Worcester and Birmingham...Av.7B/. Bs. sh. 82
5,000 225. Wilts ana Berks .. Average 67/. 10s. Bd. sh. 21
800 Si, Wyrley and Essington lO5/. sh 75
126 Wisbeach lO5/. sh. 45
905 11. Wey and Arun llO/. sh. 2•21
DOCKS.

1,065 a sh.
2,000& 3p. c. Commercial OOOl. sh. 50
t 95,6671/. 6 per ct. East India . Stock 117
3.238,310 F. 506. p. ct. London
Ditto Bonds
1,380,000/. it. per et. West India Stock 106
2,209 2/. I 9s. Bristol
68,324/. 51. per cent. Ditto Notes, various amounts ll5
1,352,752 4 per cent. St. Katharine Stock 87;
111

. .-
500,000 4f per cent. Ditto Bonds lO4
200,000 4 per cent. Ditto Bonds for 10 years lOll
Shoreham Harbour
2.500 ~,. ,„, Deptford Pier
BRIDGES.

1,600 les. ilammersindi. 5Ol. sh. 20
7,‘231 Southwark, Old Av. 63/. 2s. Sd. sh. 2
1,700 11. Iss. Ditto, New, of 7! per cent. 5O/. sh. 14
5,000 Waterloo' .. 1001. sh. 4
5,000 18s. Bd. Ditto, Old Annuities of Si/. 6Ol. pd 18
5,000 19s. 3d. Ditto, New Ditto of 71 401. pd 15
80,000/. 51. per cent. Ditto Bond. llB
6,000 17s Vauxhall Awn-age 701. 10* Sd. sh. 161

ASSURANCE COMPANIES.
2,000 31 lOs Albion 5001. sh. 50/. pd 79
50,000 {sl;i7, cent. Alliance, British & Foreign 100/. sh. 101/. pd 111
50,000 6 per cent. Ditto, Marine 100/. sh. 5/. pd 5:
24,000 11 per sh. Atlas
1,200 ;sh. Si. Birmingham 1 ire 250/. sh. 551. pd 105
20,000 4/ per cent. British Fire 250/. sh. 501. pd 41
12,000 6/. per cent. British Commercial 50/. sir. 5/. pd 61
5,000 51. percent. Clerical, Me.1i,..a1,&c. Life, ICO/.811. 12110 s pd 31
4,000 2/ lOs County 1001. sh. 101.1x1 42
20,000 ss. Eagle
200 {5 Per centl Economic Lilt: lOOO/. sh. 250/. 01 375
and 301 bs.
2,271 225. per oeat. European Li, ‘,O/. sh. all pd 22
50,000 2s. Ditto, New °W. sh. 2/. pd 2
1,000,0001. 71. per ct.. Globe
20,000 5/. Guardian loobl. sh. 2711 pd 32
40,000
Fire 5 pct.
{ I Hope
Life 8 p ct. 5O/. sh. 5/, pd ek

2,100 —5/. 7s..tid. lmperial Fire 5001. sh. 50/. pd 125
7,500 9s. Imperial Life 1001. sh. 10/. pd 10
13,453 liis. per sh. Indemnity Marine 11'0/. sh. Si. pd 1(
2,020 3/ lOs Kest Fire 50/. sh. all pd 02
31. Ditto Life 79
10,000 105. Law Life 100/. sh. 10/. pd 28

,
5,000 Ins. ......
London, Fir.? -
4.25/. sh. 121. 105. pd 151
3,900 103. Londcm, Ship °5l. sh. 12/. 103. pd 151
30,000 5/, per cent. Palladium Lite 50/. sh. '2l. pd 21 Ss Od
50,003 Protcvtor Fire 001. sh. 21. pd 14560
2,500 1/. Provident I.iie 100!. sh. 101. pd 2.)
100,000 5/. percent. Rock Life `3ol. sh. '2l. pd 6
6!0,220/ Id. per cent. Royal Exclulige Stock... 220
6,000 5 per cent. University Life lOO/. sh. 5/. pd 51
50,000 4 per cent. United King.lorn Life 2/. pd

V the State, but in resisting the ma
is, far be it from us to impugn
1. as may by wise men be re
the " redress of ascertaii
v-4 -