The Sun.
London, England, 1849-07-31 00:00:00

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squeeze some good out of them before they they had
done with them.—(Laughter.) Bat at all events, with
regard to their foreige policy, it would, be difficult as
the frien.ls of liberty to find limit with thern.—(Qaes-
tion, and a cry "Portugal:.") Even with regard to
Portugal. He did n mean to say that they had been
right in every case, but he did say that the generel
policy of this country for the last 20 years had been to
acknowl Age de facto Governments as soon as their
power was established. England had heretofore ac-
knowledged the de facto Governments of France, Bel-
gium, and Portugal, and they not only acknowledged the
Government of Greece when it shook off the yoke of
the Turks, but they actually sent ships of war to
assist them.—(Hear, hear.) What better proofs could
they have then that Hungary was entitled to
recognition at the hands of the British Government?
Could any nation have a more just cause than Hungary?
It was impossible.—(Cheers.) But there were two cir-
cumstances which of themselves, without anything else,
proved the unanimity of the people and the justice of
their cause. In the first place, the Hungarians had no
separate army of their own, but as soon as it was known
that Austria had determined to put down the Hungarian
Government, they created one in a few months, and
drove their enemies out of the country. Could they
have done that if they had not been an united and a
brave nation ?—(Cheers.) He would give another proof
—it was brief, and he thought very conclusive. The
Noble Chairman had read from one of the daily journals
an order of the Austrian Government that of itself
proved two things the unity and patriotism of the
people. and the barbarous cruelty of the Austrian officers.
Now General Hsynau issued that order on re-entering
Buda, having a large force at his command, and having
driven away the Hungarians--supposing the people of
that city had been divided in opinion. Why even the
French the other day, in their most detestable Roman
interference, when they got into Rome said that they had
come to support the well-conducted part of the people
and to put down all those who were opposed to order.
But what did the Austrian General do? He said he did
not number one man in Buda who was not his enemy;
that he had returned to them with stronger feelings of
hostility, and that if any man, woman, or child should,
even by word, gesture, or address, show any support to
what he called the liberal cause, he, she, or it, should be
doomed to death.—(Hisses and groans.) Could they
have a stronger proof than that that every man, woman,
and child in that city were enemies to Haynau's army?--
-(Cheers, and cry of " Time.") He was of opinion
that such a meeting as that must have great influence,
because it would reverberate throughout the country
and throughout Europe. He would conclude by moving
a reslution to the effect " That this meeting views with
horror and detestation the. war now raging in Hungary,
and the barbarous mode in which it was prosecuted by
the Austrian authorities and generals, and that they con-
sidered their conduct to merit the indignant reprobation
of all civilized nations."—(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN said the resolution was to have been
seconded by Mr. J. B. Smith, but having been obliged
to go into the country, another Member of Parliament
had consented to take his place.
Mr. HEADLAM, M.P. for Newcastle, then came for-
ward, and said he had great pleasure in seconding the
resolution which had been moved by his Gallant Friend.
The patience of the meeting had been somewhat ex-
hausted, and he promised he would not then detain it
long.—(" Go on.") The excitement and enthusiasm
which they had all witnessed with so much pleasure
was not confined within those walls, but the feeling
which prevailed there would go forth into the very
centre of the kingdom, and thrill generally
throughout the hearts of the poeple.—(Loud
cheers.) He had reason to believe that before
long similar meetings would be hell in all the great
towns of the kingdom to prove that there was one uni-
versal feeling of sympathy on behalf of the Hungarians.
He was somewhat proud to mention that the first meet-
ing which took place in this country to sympathise with
this oppressed people was held in the town which he
had the honour to represent—(Cheers)—and when they
found an opinion like this emanating in the north and
extending to the south, and when they found it backed
up by the strength of the metropolis, depend upon it
that it would go forth and make itself 'heard and felt
throughout the world ; that it would strengthen the
hands of oue Government when it remonstrated with the
Powers which were endeavouring to put down the
struggles of the Hungarian people ; that it would strike
terror into the breasts of the Emperors of Austria and
Russia; thatit would carry sympathy and encouragement
to the humblest patriot among the Hungarians who
desired to shed his blood on behalf of a great cause.
The resolution was then put and carried, with great
cheering.
Colonel THOMPSON, M.P., then came forward, and was
received with loud cheering. He said—" Should auld
acquaintance be forgot"—(Laughter)—to the extent of
my absenting myself when the people of Marylebone
have a point to carry !—(Hear, hear.) If the object you
have in view coincides with that which has been dearest
to me ever since I have had an opportunity of stepping
forward in political life, I have always been exceed-
ingly ardent to serve you. How can we, gentlemen,
employ more profitably the time which is left us than in
endeavouring to lay before you a few of the reasons
which I think gives every man in this room a good
ground for praying for the success of the Hungarians;
and since our forefathers thought the use of prayer was
but hypocrisy when it was unaccompanied by some
earthly argument—(Laughter)—l will show you why
you should exert the power you have to assist those to
whom power is lacking, that they also may gain
that which was obtained by the valour of your
fathers before you, and has been preserved by your own
good conduct and resolution.—(Cheers.) Are you, or
are you not, the freest nation in Europe—taking you
altogether?—(Cheers, and partial cries of "No.") There
are some strange geographers in these corners.—(Hear.)
I don't know where they would point, despite our errors
and our failings, to any country on the European conti-
nent which can surpass ours in the enjoyment of all that
which makes a nation happy and respectable—to say
nothing of future expectations.—(Loud cheers.) Well,
then, we wish that others should be the same. Don't
you wish the same for your neighbour? Take that as a
parallel; see how you would act with respect to indi-
viduals in society ; and then the great rule which says,
" you should do to others as you would they should do
to you," will impress upon you the necessity, if you see
some man or some nation that has fallen among thieves
—(Hear, hear)—of not being the priest or the
Levite who passed him by, but the good
Samaritan that sat him on your beast, if
you had one, and lift him out your purse, and promise
to pay him more on a future day.—(Laughter.) And
could you not do that without infringing the rules of
justice in ordinary society? If you heard a cry of
" Stop thief" or " Murder' in the street, is there a man
among ypu so mean as to be afraid to put his head out
of the window, and ask," What's the matter?"—(Cheers
and laughter.) Do you call that interference?—(Con-
tinned laughter.) All men are under the obligation to
hear the opinions of all mankind, and God has so or-
dained it, that justice in the end will invariably succeed,
for nothing can withstand accumulated nations calling
out against infamy.—(Cheers.) There must have arisen
something like interrerence before. The judge inteferes to
restore property. But why? because the thief interfered
first, I think.—(Bear.) Now you will be the judge here,
and don't be afraid of that kind of interference which
consists in taking a thief by the throat and inducing
him to let go his hold.—(Laughter.) There may have
been too mach cause in times past for scandalous reports
going forth that the people of England bad lost some-
thing of their ancient sensibility to the interests and
sufferings of other nations. We who aro oldish have
gone through bad times in that respect, but we are not
all old, and those who are not old are not all stupid.—
(Laughter.) We all, old and young, have sufficient
reason to discern how great the interest is which this
free country has in advancing the freedom of other
nations.—(Loud cheers,) I tell you what it is
exactly like. There is not a man in this metropolis 1
know but reads history. History, I am sure, will tell
him how deep an interest our forefathers felt in the ge-
neral interests and the liberty of Europe. The question
at one time took a religious turn; that might be by some
sort of accident; but precisely the same interest which
our forefathers felt in the days of good Queen Bess, of
glorious memory, in supporting what they called the
Protestant interest in Europe, we shall, if we are wise,
have in seeing the advancement of liberal institutions
throughout all Europe. Does any ono want the
Government to attack Russia as Napoleon did ?
Why, .if any one were to propose that we
should march into the centre of Russia, it
would be necessary to have a council of war to deter-
mine upon his sanity.—(l-lear and laughter.) But can
there be any danger in the Government doing in this
" sea-girt isle" that by which the independence of
fereign states may be assisted? Do you think the des-
pets will come here to call us to an accouut?—(Cheers.)
No. Wait till they do, and then let no man be afraid of
aiding defensive operations. Let us be as strong at home
as. possible, and we may attack foreign politics as long as
we please—none making us afraid. We have a
strong position, if we like to maintain it and use it.—
(Cheers.) Our Government is strong, and altogether it
is not a badly-disposed Government on the whole—
(Cheers and counter cheers)—but they are rather a slow
train.—(Laughter.) What they want is your Maryle-
bone engine stuck on behind, and if that be not enough
half a dozen metropolitan constituencies to help them,
and I should wonder if they we're not more happy than
they have been of late.—(Laughter.) They say it is
important to maintain Austria as being a bulwark
against Russia.. Now, I want to ask this simple ques-
tion. If Austria, instead of shutting its door against
Russia, opens it and lets Russia in, why should
Hungary act upon the same principle?—(Cheers.)
Think of that, and through your representatives ask
your Government why England should not be safer and
better with Hungary formed into a free and independent
nation, bearing a memory of gratitude to England for as-
sistance—(Cheers)—rather than a country like Austria,
which brings in barbarians to settle political equality ?
(Hear, hear.) It will be a hard thing if politics in Eu-
rope are to be settled by such shameful means. In such
a task it requires the best and ablest men, not a Russian
corporal and his awkward squad.—(Laughter.) How would
you like your liberties submitted to such a test and to such
an arbitration ? Let me, then, persuade you men of
Marylebone that you opine to win this great eause, in
which your ancestors would have been delighted to exert
their prowess. And if you be, then, true-born sons,
show that the blood you boast of is really in your veins.
The gallant Colonel concluded byproposing the resolution
amidst much cheering.
Mr. H. HETHERINGTON seconded the resolution pro-
posed by their old Friend Colonel Thompson with great
pleasure. Being of a class entirely different from those
who had preceded him—being one of the workers
—he had come forward to tell them that
it was their duty to help those who were
struggling to free a whole nation. And this was
the more their duty with respect to Hungary, as the
higher classes in that country had shown an anxious
desire to elevate the lower classes—(Loud cheers)—
and had, therefore, set an example to the great men of

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