The Sun.
London, England, 1831-07-06 00:00:00

"-NMI PUBLIC JOURNALS

Ant:tug the various opponents of the Reform Bill it
Not without amusement to point out one clan, not in-
"kteal very numerous, but certainly very active—We mean
a certain knot of young Lords and Gentlemen, men of
great fashion and small literature. On them rest the
hopes of the Tory party ; to them are addressed the adula-
tions of the Tory Press; and from them the House of
Commons and the public receive the most affecting his-
torical illustrations on the danger to be apprehended from
disturbing the just interference of :English Peers and
English Jews in the representation of the people of
Great Britain. The two periods selected by these small
though noble scholars for their purse are the reigns
of Charles I. in England, and of Louis XVI. in France.
In regard to the first period, if their illustration be good
for any thing, it goes to the whole length of nen-resist-
.ance and passive obedience. The acts of Charles I,
were contrary to law—were resisted; and the conse-
quence of that resistance was a civil war, which 'ended in
military despotism. Non-resistance would at once have
changed the government of England from a limited to
an. absolute Monarchy, and would eventually hate
bed to despotism. We cannot pretend to say whether a
'despotism thus established by successive euroachments
of the Crown would have endured ; we know that the
other sort of despotism did not, but, on the contras, that,
after a struggle of half a century, the people of tangland
worked out their own political deliverantae, and placed
their liberties beyond the reach of kingly attack. But
how can the illustration he borne out by the facts? Has
his present Majesty any disposition to levy money without
the consent of Parliament? Does his Majesty carry his
attachment for the Established Church to the extent of
abhorring all Christians who happen to prefer the simpler
form of Presbyterian discipline ? and, finally, ,toes
William IV. consider himself, like Charles 1., the sole, and
divinely-inspired interpreter of the Royal prerogative ? Is
not, on the contrary, his present Majesty, in every sense
of the word, a Patriot King ?—that is to say, do not all
his actions prove that be considers himself hound to
maintain, and not to interpret at his own will and
pleasure, the laws which define the powers of the three
branches of the Legislature. There is, indeed, no Simi.
Parity, excepting one, that at both periods rsen of
fashion, weak understanding, and hot temperament,
were ready to crush the people if they dared to demur
so the continued violation of their constitutional privi-
leges. We are not amongst those who undervalue such a
hereditary aristocracy as that of England—powerful from
wealth, and still more powerful from personal merit and
intelligence; but most heartily do we despise those who,
living in the nineteenth century, can find more to admire
in the slavish devotion of a cavalier to a master, than in
the conduct of those Nobles who felt that the law was
better worth defending than the ill-interpreted prerogative
of the Crown. The second period from which a warning
lesson has been read to us is that of Louis XVI. in France.
Here, indeed, the young Nobles venture on very dangerous
ground. Do they really mean, in support of their order,
to compare the existing Peerage of England to the parch-
ment Nobility of France? The French Nobles possessed
odious hereditary personal privileges ; but they had no po-
litical power. They had no existence without the precincts
of a Court. Many had, indeed, begun to take up philo-
sophical opinions on Government as a fashion ; a few
amongst them, who did not get their share of pensions
and crosses, were ready to use those opinions for their own
purposes; and perhaps there were still a few just men,
who, having emancipated their minds from the preju-
dices of their order, were sincere in wishing, for the
establishment of a limited Monarchy. The French Nobles
had, as a body, lost all claim to personal influence amongst
their countrymen, and, practically aware of this state of
things, on the approach of actual conflict, they ignomi-
niously quitted their couutry, to seek from foreign armies
the restoration of their property and privileges. Who
dares to compare the Peers of England—" the pillars of
the State"—to the Dukes, Marquises, and Counts of the
old French regime—the ornament, the furniture, or the
lumber of a despot's drawing-room ? Not we, in truth ;
" non nzeus hie sernio." It comes from some young
Nobles, who, probably, would lower the Duke of Wel-
lington into a Marquis do Bouille, and look to the days
when his Grace might he in close communication with the
paternal Government of the Emperor of Russia to fix on
the moat acevasible point for invading England. These
young men, however, may be assured that the Duke of
Wellington and the elder brethren of their order, whatever
may be their objections to; particular measure, or to par-
ticular Ministers, will follow not the example of the
fugitive Nobility of France, but that of the Peers of Eng-
land, who have on all occasions deferred to the voice of
their countrymen, when constitutionally made known to
them.—Morning Herald.

The general election in France was to begin yesterday,
and as the Electoral Colleges over the whole kingdom are
convoked for the same day, and terminate their labours at
one, two, or three meetings, the new Chamber of Depu-
ties will have been completed by to-flay or to-morrow.--
A grand political experiment is, therefore, just now in pro-
gress among our neighbours,—little short in importance
to the revolution of last July,—and the fate of the po-
pular Monarchy then created is about to be drawn from
the electoral urn. The last Chamber, before it was dis-
solved, provided a new electoral law for France, ex-
tended the French constituency to more than double its
former amount, abolished the double vote and the aris-
tocratic voters, altered the pecuniary qualification neces-
sary for electors and deputies, and reduced the age at which
both may be admitted to the exercise of their respective
functions. Theliberal Chamber which had been returned
a month before ,the fatal ordinances of Charles X., and
which, on his flight, gave a King and a Constitution to
France, was elected by a body of men far less popular
than that which now composes the electoral colleges. By
the law of last year, no man was entitled to a vote who
did not pay 300 francs, or 12/., in direct taxes, and had
not attained the age of 30. This minimum qualification
procured admission to the colleges of arrondissement,
which returned 258 members to the Chamber; but besides
the colleges of arrondissement, there was a more wealthy

electoral body, who met in what were called the higher,
the aristocratic, or the departmental colleges, which re-
turned 172 additional representatives. This latter body,
who had both a vote in their arrondissement and in
their department, c tnsisted of the fourth part Of the
electoral body paying the highest census. Thus, sup-
posing, for instance, the whole constituency of Paris
to he 8,000, who all voted in their arrondissement elec-
toral assemblies, 2,000 (er one-fourth of them) who
paid the highest rate of taxes above the 300 francs, com-
posed a departmental College, who elected a portion of
the 172 Members for the departments. The qualification
of the Deputy was the same whether elected by the smaller
or the greater Colleges; hut us the representatives for the
latter were elected by persons in more n ealthy circum-
stances, the fortune or rank of the departmental Deputy
generally gave him a corresponding superiority. Hence
the departmental Members were looked upon as a species
of elective Aristocracy,—were less liable to gusts of
popular passion, and generally ranged themselves on
the side of Government. They were created by the
law of 1820, as a counterpoise to a body of Deputies
deemed too popular, and, acted for nearly ten years as
a kind of political ballast amid the agitations of the
Chamber. The whole constituency of France at the last
general election, including the electors with the single and
double vote, amounted only to 94,187, of whom about
16,000 or 17,000 were eligible to the Chamber as De-
puties, by paying 1,000 francs in direct taxes. Only
about GO,OOO of this number derived their qualification
front paying imposts on real property. The rest, in order
to make up their census to the necessary amount, were
obliged to include their licence-duty, or personal taxes.
About 10,000 electors, or more than a tithe of the whole
electoral body, derived their right to vote from the amount
of their potent or licence-duty alone, or, in other words,
were merchants, bankers, or shopkeepers, without real
Property ; and, what will appear more incredible, the
number of advocates, judges, and notaries, who enjoyed
the electoral franchise, amounted to nearly 8,000, out
of conatituency of 94,000 The Paniamentary
Reform Bill of the French, or the new electoral law
passed in April last, abolishes all the distinctions be-
tween different classes of electors, and admits every '
Frenchman to a vote who pays 200 francs in direct
taxation. If in any case 150 persons eatmot be found
in an arrondissement with this qualification, those who pay
the highest census below the 200 francs are added to makep
up the number. Besides this modification of the proposed
census, the members of the Institute, and retired officers of
the army and navy enjoying half-pay to the amount of 50/.
a year, are allowed to vote on a qualification of 100 francs
or 41. sterling. The age necessary to exercise electoral
rights is reduced from 30 to 25 years. By these changes
the number of electors will be doubled, and the constitu-
ency of France will now amount to about 200,000. It
includes of course chiefly the middle ranks, the active eft.-

ring part of the population ;—the great body of small pro-
prietors, who possess estates of the annual value of 2001.
or 3001. a year;—the merchants and wealthier shop-
keepers, who pay licence duties and personal taxes;—pro-
fessional persons in better practice,—judges, advocates, and
public functionaries. By the returns of the state of the
electoral body at the last election, the majority of the voters
paid a census of less than 20/., or possessed a fortune not
amounting to 200/. Both the royalists and the ref ul,-

licans have demanded as extension of the elective ft a o
chise, and have proposed to admit all those to vote for the
national representation who, being intrusted with arms.
are called to protect the public peace, by forming part of
the National Guard. Whether this plan of universal suf-
frage would suit the purpose of the royalist, or of any
other faction, we shall not now stop to inquire; but if
we are to judge from the kind of then who appear to he
the favourite candidates at the tlrersent elections,—from the
nature of the pledges required by the electors as the con-
dition of their support,—and from the corresponding pro-
fesions which are supposed to recommend candidates to
their favour, we should be led to conclude that the new
electoral body was not deficient in the element of demo-
cracy. In fact, property, profession, learning, science, end
even royalty, tt-ould appear to have become popular or repub-
bean under the neey system. Accordingly the greatest number
of f woorite candidates appear to belong to the movement party
or to the extreme left of the Chamber. Nearly all the old
. friends of constitutional freedom, who last year resisted
the arbitrary proceedings of Charles X.—who raised the
shout to the charter by which the revolution was effected,
—who called the Duke of Orleans to the throne, and Re-
cured the peace of Fiance by satisfying the just demands
of the country,-have knocked in vain at the doors of the
electoral colleges. Some of them—such as M. Royer
Colle.td, who was returned for seven places at once in the
beginning of last year—will now scarcely be able to creep
into the Chamber by any college whatever. The two
Duping, M. Casimir Perier, and all the old leaders of the
Liberals, have equally been outrun by hitherto unknown
and youthful republican competitors. Whoever engages
to vote against the hereditary privileges of the Peers,—

, .
—against the proposed civil list,--against restrictions on
educatien,—against privilege, monopoly, or inequality of
any kind, is sure to obtain the suffrages of the electors.
It requires no prophetic spirit to foresee, that in the hands
of the Chamber which by this time is elected, or to be
elected in 24 hours, the tranquillity not only of France,
hut of Europe, must depend.— Times.
'flie progress of the Revenue for the present year and
quarter is, undoubtedly, an encouragement to those who
support a rational system of finance, and who rest their
hopee of increased national income, not upon the exaction
of a high rate of duty, but upon the creation of a wider
circle of consumption. This is particularly evident from the
.tatement of the Excise payments into the Exchequer.
During the year which has closed, the following taxes
have, to a considerable extent, ceased to he productive:—
Receipts in 1830.
Beer .V2,804,100
Hides 371,000
Cider 44,000
Candles 471,000
Printed Goods 499,100

£4,1€0,000
In the year ended July, 18:31, the receipt., under these
separate heads, have been nearly as follows
Beer £901,000
Hides
Cider 19,000
Candles 452,000
Printed Goods

£ I,f ',"):3,000
This would consequently lead to an inherence, that
during the present year there might be found a deficiency
of 2,536,000/. But in place of such a deficiency, the
difference in the Excise revenue of 1831 is no more than
1,354,000/. ; exhibiting a positive increase, after allowing
for duties repealed, of no less a sum than 1,182,000/.
This result is also borne out, if we apply the same analysis
to the quarter's revenue. During the corresponding
quarter of 1831, the following sums were received as the
amount of duties repealed in that year :
Beer £761,33
Hides 68,084
Cider 17,898---X548;237
The receipts of the present quarter have
also been diminished by the measures in
operation for the reduction of the duties
on printed goods and candles to the fol-
lowing extent :
Cand!e;..,. £3),POO
Printed good, and excess of
drawback beyond receipt '147,000— 3;7,000

£1,t2.'23,:n7
In place of this deficiency, the loss has only been
127,000/. ; and thus, after deducting the repealed duties,
there is an increase on the quarter of '798,000/. With
respect to the department of Customs, that branch of re-
venue does not mark with such precision the actu d con-
dition of the great mass of consumers. There was, some
time since, (as is apparent to those who have investigated
the subject) a forced and unnatural importation of goods
from foreign countries. England has been looked upon,
since the commotions on the continent and the commercial
distress they produced, not only as a good market, but
perhaps as the only very safe one. Hence arose impor-
tations not ;wising solely from commercial transactions, but
resting in some degree on political grounds also. In the
Customs, the coal-tax has been repealed, and the sugar duties
have suffered a reduction from 375. and 275., to V,s. and
325. The Customs' duty on cotton-wool, proposed by Lord
Althorp, has not as yet become productive; and tha
quarantine regulations, which have been to wisely enforced,
cannot but hare interfered materiirily with our commerce.
All these causes may have prepared the public for a decrease
under the head of " Customs' Revenue," and the result
which is presented by the quarter's accounts is at mice a
matter of surprise and gratification.
The Exchequer payments from the sth of January to
the sth of July, 1830
Ditto from sth January to the sth July, 1831 7,469,2 3

Deficiency on half-year -£36,90.2
But, deducting from the gross receipt on the one hand
the surplus of corn duties received in 18:31, and on the
other the amount of coal-duties which have ceased to be
collected, there will be a positive increase upon the
Customs' revenue, during the half year, of 312,778/.
This result is more favourable than the most san-
guine cou'd have anticipated, even without making
any allowance for the disturbing causes to which we
have adverted. It confirms the hopes of all rea
sonable men, and is the best pledge of the unimpaired
resources of the empire. But financial prosperity should
be no reason why the work of economy and retrenchment
should not be steadily persevered in and en'orced. On
the contrary, it affords both the encouragement and the
means to effect wise and economic reforms. Surh are re-
quired by the increased intelligence of the tirnee, and they
will be effected by the combined effects of an honest Go-
vernment, a reformed House of Commons, and a nation
of unquestioned 10) alto and of determined public spirit.
It is right to add, that the calculations respecting the
Excise revenue refer to the receipts of the United King-
dom, whilst those of the Customs only comprehend the
receipts of Great Britain. But the revenue of Ireland is
also prosperous. There is a falling off in the stamps and
taxes, and an increase in the Post-office, but the more
important question of the Customs renders further ob-
servations unnecessary.— Times.

The Reform Bill is again adjourned over to this night.
An amusing instance of modesty occurred in the speech of
the gentleman who opened the debate, Mr. R. A. Dundas,
the successor of Mr. W. Dundas for Edinburgh. " When
Scotchmen (said the Honourable Gentleman) were so pru-
dent in their private concerns, he could not but feel sur-
prised at the mania they had exhibited on the subject of
politics." Mr. R. A. Dundas reminds us of the man in
Bedlam, who told a visitor that there were only two sane
men in the world, himself and the person he was address-
n'a raison (Inc nous et nos amis. A doubt
never seems to have come across the mind of Mr. R. A.
Dundas, that his prudent countrymen might not be so far
out in their calculation as he supposes them to be. Sir
John Malcolm set out with a general proposition, which it
may be dangerous to rely too implicitly on. He assumes
that the English partake so much of the nature of the ass,
that no indignity will exceed the measure of their patience.
But we will let him speak for himself. " From
an early period of life he had always held it to he
an indisputable truth, that of all the people upon earth,
the English were the most difficult to he led into any
offence against the laws ; and though great pains had
been taken at different times for the purpose of exciting
apprehensions in the event of the present Bill being re-
jected, yet most advisedly he undertook to say, that its not
passing that House would never produce the slightest de-
gree of violence out of doors; for the English, above all
mankind, submitted the most patiently to the dominion of
the law." The reason why the English submit
more patiently to the dominion of the law than
others, we take to be the persuasion that they
owe more to law than others owe to it. But to insure'
the continuance of the patience, Sir John must ensure the
continuance of this persuasion. There was a time when
Englishmen were not over-patient under law. They
brought one King to the block, and cashiered another ; and
the law, as expounded by Jefferies, did not seem to add
much to their patience. Patience is a virtue or a vice,
according to circumstances. Oppression under the mask
o
law, is often the most grievous of all oppressions.
And Sir John may rely on it, that whatever, be may
think, the moment the people'
of England'
become per-
suaded that the law is an instrument in the hands of their
enemies to oppress them, their patience will have its
contrary to
h
limits. It is seldom safe to retain a
the will of a nation distinctly expressed,p?anwethr
the ' their patience under oppression is inexhaustible, tAhlart
Macauley delivered last night the best speech which has
yet been made on the question of Reform, and the effect it
produced on the House was very great. Following up the

idea stalled on the preceding evening by Sir James Mac
kintosh, as to the danger of shaking the regard for pro-
perty, by confounding property with political trusts, he
went over the various changes which have been made in
the franchise, concluding with the disfranchisement of
the Irish forty-shilling freeholders, and then forcibly ob-
served, " if the elective franchise were property, these I
contend were most extensive and sweeping confiscations ;
but for the sake of the great institution of property, for
which all other institutions exist, which is the source of
all knowledge, and of all industry, I do most deeply
lament to hear the sanctity that belongs to property
claimed by that which is not property. If you mix
political abuses with the institution of property, you
must expect property will contract the odium of political
abuses.—(Hear, hear, hear.) If you bind them up that
they may stand together, take care that they do not fall
together." Adverting to the argument from necessity ad-
vanced by Sir Robert Peel, in the case of the forty-shil-
ling freeholders—" Show us a ease of necessity equally
urgent, and we will vote for Reform," he exclaimed—
" Let them, however, beware how they set a precedent for
the invasion of property, on the ground of political con-
venience." Ile observed that the Chamber of Peers of
France was a forced production—an exotic without any
root in the soil, and no argument could be drawn from its
failure to England. Adverting to the inferences drawn
from the prosperity of England to the goodness of her in-
stitutions, he observed, that as the Czar Peter had done
much for Russia, the same argument would go to continue
despotism in Russia, as despotism had given her civiliza-
tion. " The whole of history (he said) shows that great
revolutions have been produced by a disproportion be-
tween society and its institutions ; for while society has
grown, its institutions have not kept pace, a" ac-
commodated themselves to its improvements." This con-
trast now was complete between our institutions and
our civilization. " Our roads, our bridges, our steam-
engines, our manufactures, our modes of conveyance, our
demand for labour, and our rewards of ingenuity, surpass
those of any nation in the ancient or modern world, and
extort the admiration of rival states ; but let me ask, are
foreigners equally struck with the excellence of our legis-
lative enactments—with the modes of conveying land or
of conducting actions—and with a penal code that seems 111
purposely contrived to puzzle and ensnare.—(Hear, hear.)
Let us contrast our commerce, wealth, and perfect civili-
zation, with our penal laws—at once barbarous and ineffi-
cient—the preposterous fictions of pleading—the mum-
mery of fikes and recoveries—the chaos of precedents, and
the bottomless pit of Chancery.—(Tumultuous cheering.)
Here we see the barbarism of the thirteenth century cou-
pled with the civilization of the nineteenth; and we see,
too, that the barbarism belongs to the Government, and
the civilization to the people." These illustrations were
singularly happy, and we understand they were delivered
with appropriate energy.—Morning Chronicle.

LORD HILL'S DEJEUNE to HIS MAJESTY

(From a Correspondent of the Times.)

Ahot two o'clock the company began to arrive. His Grace
the Duke of Wellington was the second that entered the ground.
His Majesty arrived at half-past four o'clock in an open carriage,
attended by the Duchess of Cambridge, Princess Elizabeth, and
Lady Sidney; in the second Royal carriage was Baroness Thynne,
Lady Mary Fox, and Sir Andrew Barnard. His Majesty was
received at the door by Lord Hill. He was dressed in a plain
blue coat, with a star on his breast. At half-past five his Ma-
jesty sat down to the dejeune with his noble guest, and about VO
Noblemen and Members of the Royal Family. The tables were
laid in the most splendid style, and the plate most superb.
While his Majesty was taking refreshment in the house, there
were covers laid for about 300 in a splendid room erected in the
lawn for the occasion, 100 feet long, tastefully decorated by
Masson, of Dorset-street. As soon as the breakfast was over, the
room was cleared for (lancing, which continued till a late hour.
Among the company we observed their Royal Highnesses the
Dukes of Sussex, Gloucester, and Cumberland, the young Prince
George of Cambridge, the Duke and Duchess of Northumber-
land, Duke and Duchess of Gordon, Duke of Bedford, Duke of
Montrose, Duke of Somerset, Prince Esterhazy, I)on Pedro and
suite, Earl and Countess of Verulam, Earl of Falmouth, the
Archbishop of Canterbury, Duke of Argyll, Lord Warwick, Re.
The Russian Horn Band was in attendance, as was the band of
the Royal Blues.
His Majesty promenaded the lawn with his Grace the Duke of
Wellington, and was afterwards, for some time, in deep conver-
sation with Earl Grey. He left at half-past eight o'clock, but the
principal part of the company remained till a late hour. There
were present at least front 1,:300 to 1,500 persons of the first rank
and fashion.