The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-01 00:00:00

rEB BAT A Y 1, 1849,

advert to some of the arguments used against the course
which this country adopted two years ago. We ate askedwhether we think the people, are likely to be happier, wiser,
more moral, or :more prudent, becane they have obtained
free-trade? I say I am not bound to answer that question; it
has nothing to do with the matter. We have removed a great
source of grievance and disaffection amongst the inhabitants
of this country by the repeal of the corn-laws; it was the
fruitful parent of intolerable inconveniences, and led to those
great fluctuations in prices which deranged the monetary
affairs of the country, and brought disaster to every man's
door. By repealing those laws, I believe we have removed
the occasion of great evils. I never supposed that the repeal
of the corn-laws was to be a substitute for other reforms.—
(Cheers.) I just supposed the Other thing.—(Hear, hear.)
I was told that it threw obstructions in the way of other re-
forms, and that, until this question was disposed of, the people
would attend to nothing else ; but I never supposed that, be-
cause the corn-laws were not repealed, that was any reason
why we should not advocate a better constitution of Parlia-
ment, or a greater amount of retrenchment. The fact is,
that any amount of constitutional or political reform is use-
less, if the people are to remain miserable.—(Cries of " Hear.
hear.") We must improve their physical condition before
we can hope for moral amelioration.—(Cheers.) I believe a
cheap and abundant supply of bread to be the first condition
of all progress, civilization, and refinement.—(Loud cheers.)
Unless a man, after lie has provided for his internal wants,
has enough left of his earnings to clothe himself decently,
lodge himself comfortably, and educate his children, he is at
the lowest point in the scale of human society.—(Hear.) It
is the condition of all human improvement that the people
should cease to be anxious about the amount of food they
can possess themselves of; I believe that will be one of the
consequences that will follow from a repeal of the corn. laws.
—(Elear, hear.) I like not to' prophesy—l have a mistrust
of every prophet; but I do believe that one of the effects of
the repeal of the corn-laws will be that we shall have bread
both cheap and abundant, that we shall not be subject to
those scarcities which have so often and so grievously
afflicted us, and that the physical condition of the people
generally will be improved. If I am asked where this
abundance of food is likely to come from, I should say that it
is as likely to come from our own soil as from foreign coun-
tries.— ( Hear, hear.) I believe that agriculture, subject to
the fetters of monopoly, withers and pines, just as much as
any other branch of commerce.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") I
believe that the removal of those fetters will be the date of
great improvements in agriculture. I can refer, in support
of this view, to no authority so strong as that of the agri-
culturists themselves, who say that the soil of these islands
is capable of producing much more than it does at this
time produce. We have only to look back to the last
Smithfield Cattle Show, where the Duke of Richmond
addressed terms of reproach to the agriculturists, be-
cause they did not improve their lands, stating that he knew
of tracts which were capable of yielding twice their present
produce. The Duke of Richmond told the squires that if
they would but apply themselves to the pursuit of agricul-
ture with something of the energy and judgment which was
shown by the Manchester manutactarers, they would double
the produce of their soil. I expect, therefore, that when the
agriculturists are exposed to the influence of the free breeze
of competition, and relieved from the blighting influences of
monopoly, their produce will be largely increased, and that
abundance will result, which nothing but bad legislative
arrangements could have prevented: We are told that the re-
peal of the corn-laws has done no good, because it is to be suc-
ceeded by another agitation. A paper of last night says
that the agitation against the corn-laws ought never to have
been conceded to, and that the only result of the concession
has been that we are instantly to have a fresh agitation di-
rected towards another object. Ido not think that this is
any argument to us, who are corn-law repealers.—( Hear,
hear.) It is no argument against certain other improve-
ments, that one has been conceded already. It seems to me
that, if there be any agitation in a country, there probably
also is a grievance, and the best way of stopping the agita-
tion is to remove the grievance.—(Hear, hear.) The people
of this country are enlightened enough to see when there is a
cause for agitation and when there is not. I should say, from
past experience, that the reliance of the country would be
upon those who were the leaders of that agitation, and that
public opinion would declare that to obtain the measures pro-
posed by them, the agitation should proceed. I never was
fond of agitation; considering the time and energies ex-
pended on the struggle, now victoriously closed, I feel some-
what tired of agitation, and disinclined to any new agitation
that may be set on foot; but I am not at all prepared to say
that there are not other grievances, or that the memories
of our rulers do not require to be reminded of them. The
people of this country have generally profited by agitation,
and are not likely to be frightened at the sound of that
name.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) We have nothing
whatever to do with the repeal of the corn-laws. It was an
unjust law, and we have repealed it. We are on the eve of
deriving benefit from that judicious measure—we are, I trust,
on the eve of a great return of prosperity to this country.
I believe that is owing to the cheapness of goods, and
the easier access we have given to foreigners for intercourse
and commerce with us.—(Hear, hear.) I believe the ex-
periment of free trade is now about to be fairly made; I hail
its advent, and I venture in your name, and in that of the
community at large, to return my thanks to the people of
South Lancashire for the noble manner in which they have
contributed to the triumph of our great cause.—(Loud and
prolonged applause.)
The glee, " Here in cool grot," was executed with great
eclat.
The CHAIRMAN here called on Mr. Cobden, who, on pre-
senting himself, was received with a burst of rapturous
cheering, again and again renewed, and accompanied by
waving of handkerchiefs and other demonstrations of attach-
ment.

Mr. CODDEN spoke as follows :—Mr. Chairman, Ladies,
and Gentlemen—So often as I have had the honour of ad-
dressing meetings in this hall, I think I may venture to say
that on no previous occasion have I seen an assemblage so
numerous, so influential, and possessing the singular charac-
ter of being literally collected front all parts of the United
Kingdom. I have had the pleasure to-day of shaking hands
with friends of our good cause who have come from North
Devon, Haddingtonshire in Scotland, and, I believe,
almost every intermediate county. And, Gentlemen, I
take this demonstration to be the more important at this
moment, because I agree with my friend Mr. Villiers, who
has told us in the eloquent, able, and exhaustive speech
which he has just addressed to us, that it is of
the utmost importance that it should be understood—
not merely in this country, but throughout the civilized
world—that it should be understood that those who began
the agitation for free trade, and those who carried it through,
are now every one as stands and firm to their principles as
they were during their time of trialf.—(Loud cheers.) I
see all those old friends around me; they look as determined,
as unwaverinit, as firm now as they did ten years ago, and I
am happy to say that none of them look any older.—( Hear,
hear, and a laugh.) And, Gentlemen, we are as united now
as we ever were; we are unchanged as we were five years
ago; and if we could succeed in putting down monopoly
when its champions occupied the citadel, I ask our opponents
now if they can succeed in restoring protection when their
citadel is in the hands of free traders?—(Hear, hear.) I do
not say this boastfully, nor in a spirit of triumph,
for I am anxious that there should be nothing in
this night's proceedings that should indicate for a
moment that we are met to indulge a feeling of
exultation over fallen foes.—(Loud cheers.) But when
we see that other individual, the Duke of Richmond—(A
laugh)—when we see a man who, however he may want
discretion, want talent, want what we call here pluck—
when we see a man who wears a coronet, and is called his
Grace, summoning together large bodies of farmers belonging
to the county in which I was born—Sussex; and when we
see this Duke trying to hoodwink, gull, and bamboozle
those poor men who have been duped for ten years past—
(Laughter)—and trying to persuade them that he can restore
protection, leading the farmers of the south of England after
a Will=o-the-wisp—why, we will save those farmers from
getting into bogs and mires, by telling this Duke that we
in this hall, where we beat monopoly before, declare
he shall not restore one shilling of protection again. I
see that his Grace meets his friends, the farmers of Brighton,
and tells them, that he will go to London, and present
their petition to Lord John Russell, or to Lord Stanley,
and that he, the Duke, will talk to them about restoring
protection to the farmer.—(Hear, bear.) I tell his Grace
that it is of no use his going to men in power to talk about
restoring the corn-laws. We are in power on the corn-laws.
—(Tremendous cheering, which continued several minutes.)
Now I do feel somewhat indignant at this barefaced attempt
to delude honest men.—(Cheers.) I have had credit given
to me for seven years, for keeping my temper upon this sub-
ject.—(Hear, and a laugh.) But I can't keep my temper
with humbugs.—(Loud cheering.) I want it to be understood
that, in dissolving this League, we are not going to be re-
vived again, to have a fresh contest about protection. We
have done with that.—(Cheers) If the Duke of Richmond
had sense enough to be a reader, he would perceive that there
is something coming up behind the Anti -corn-law Leagie—
to see that it is not merely protective duties that are getting
out of favour in the country, but that there is an opinion
forming—aye, and gradually and surely growing up, too—
which is decidedly opposed, not merely to duties or pro-
tection, but to duties for revenue at all.—(Hear, hear.) I
venture to say that you will never live to see another states-
man in this country who will ever propose a custom-house
salty on any raw material, or on any article of first necessity,
such as corn.—(Cheers.) I question, indeed, whether you
will ever live to see a statesman in this country—at least a
statesman who has any aspirations for future fame, who will
ever propose another excise tax, or another custom-house
duty at all.—(Loud cheers.) Is this a time when
a man who has an eye to look abroad, and sagacity to
understand the tendencies of the public mind; is this a
time for a man having an honest purpose in view, to
tell a body of farmers that by running up and down the
country, and shouting in articulate sounds at his back, that
they can get the corn-laws restored.—(Hear, hear. ).Why, I
am as anxious not to see such evident delusions practised
upon the poor people, as I am that the League, which we
are going to bury, shall not be resuscitated.—(Hear, hear.)
Besides, I want to see the farmers, who are being bamboozled,
look about them—consult with their neighbours as to the
grievauces which they feel, and the difficulties which they
have to undergo, in order that they may set really to work to
remove any circumstance which may prevent them from ex-
ercising their industry.—(Hear, hear.) Why, if these griev-
ances or impediments do exist, either in the form of
game-laws, or the want of better laws relating to the con-
nexion between landlord and tenant—if their difficulties
refer to any local or general question which admits of
legislation at all—then I do say that the farmers will find in
this assembly, and those whom this assembly represents,
a body as willing to do justice to them as to any Protec-
tionist landlord of them all.—(Cheers.) The only question
which can now arise in the farmers' minds is this, how are
we to compete with foreigners? It is no use talking of
having a restriction put upon the supply of food. Farmers
must compete with foreigners as we do—as you do.—(Loud
cheers.) You must spin and weave as cheaply as anybody
in the world. They must do- the same with regard to the
production of corn and cattle.—(Cheers.) You seek for no
protection. If the farmers can point out an item of protec-
tion which you enjoy, then I will vote against it. I will
vote for protection neither to the farmer nor to anybody
else. They say that they want high prices as a
condition to their trade being carried on. I tell
them on the other hand that such a wish is in-
compatible with the interests of the community, and
that we will not foster the class of farmers at the ex-
poise of the other classes of the country. Let them go back
and test the condition of the country iu every respect during
the last ten or twelve years, and they will find that in pro-
portion as the prices of feael have been high, in proportion,
in fact, as they have had their own wishes, have the rest of
the community suffered in every phase, moral, social, politi-
cal, and pecuniary in which it is possible to view them.-
soem.7-:
(Cheers.) Then 1 say that we cannot, and we will
in
nnoinereasbe•
mit to a principle whicb, if it be successful, results
of crime, increase of pauperism, diminishedd.
lashed prospe-
comforts, duns-
nished means of general education, and.
ritv.—( Hear, hear.) What we say fmthuesteahraji
food as cheap as it can be produced upon"llitehmafaticweoe
anybody We will allow no impediment to frustrate the importat. tom,
of the first necessary of life, and if there be why .
deems that state of
which contributes to thy'
happiness of the people to •
thingsbncompatible with his own.• we'lk._
being—then to him I saye, '"
Search out the cause, r he
phenomenon, and if it can be removed, we will cunt ribs de
to that removal, setting' work with as much ze a ad
ardour as any Protectionist in whom you ever true tpd
(Loud cheering.) declaration 0 our d e-
W4h this general
termination na....;nttua free trade In ctna-0 Vl viiMn
•••40. so.

ii
flees to help in the removal of any grievance under which.
farmers may labour —and with the expression of our sin-
cerest
hope that the farmers will not allow themselves to be
duped, I pass from the subject, and that the more willingly, ,
as my friend Mr. Villiers has most ably said really every-
thing
which can be said about it.—(Hear, hear.) And now, as j
we meet here for the last time as members of that great
and united body which effected the emancipation of our i
industry, I cannot help saving that I should feel the
deepest regret in separating this evening, were it not, that
there is something in the toast which I ant about to propose
which leaves me a hope that we shall not separate after all.
—(Tremendous cheering.) The toast which I have to pro-
pose is, " Free Trade and Peace--the best guarantees of po-
pular rights--the best promoters of national industry, and the
most effectual means for the reduction of national burdens."
—(Loud cheers.) Well, I repeat, I don't think that we shall
separate for long after all, for if free trade and peace be
united together, why then I think that we have something
vet to do before we have finished our work.—(Hear, hear.)
I think that we may conscientiously co-operate to carry
out the second object of the toast ; indeed, I do
not think that there is one of this assembly but will be
as willing to work for one as for the other, and who
will not agree with me that the most logical conclusion
to which we can come in arguing the matter is this,
th tt having effected free-trade, we are bound to see if we
cannot carry peace also.—(Hear, hear.) Now, when I
speak of peace, let it be clearly understood whati mean. I
have not had, for many years, any great fear of war; and for
this reason, that the nations of the world have already spent
so much money in war, that they are too poor to go to war
again—that what I want is, to reap the benefits of peace.
We have not peace.—(Hear, hear.) The present state of
things is but an armed truce.—(Cheers.) Our warlike esta-
blishments cost us more every year now than they did in
any one year of the seven years' war in the middle of last
century.—(Cheers.) Yes, we now pay more for peace than
we did then for war. Now, I don't call such a peace peace
at all.—(llear, hear.) What I want is, that the advocates
of peace should try and secure to the country.the bene-
fits of peace.—(Cheers.) I can talk to you on this
subject of peace in a very different spirit and with the
expectation of very different responses from those which I
am in the habit of meeting with in that assembly to
which I ant about to proceed.—(Hear and a laugh.) Why,
in that said assembly—as my friend Mr. Milner Gibson well
remarked—if you prognosticate peace, they charge you with
telling them of the millenium.—(A laugh.) Nay, if you
even express a hope for peace, up jump halt a dozen gentle-
men, exclaiming, " Peace—nonsense! You see how wrong
Cobden was when he talked of peace in Europe." Again
and again have people declaimed upon that topic. Why, if
they really represented the feelings of this assembly, they
would not exult, even though I were wrong; they would
come, not with smiling aspects, but with doleful counte-
nances, and say, " Well, you were too sanguine, and we are
all much disappointed."—(Hear, hear.) But there is nothing
of the kind. My alleged error is treated of in the most
exulting tone, as if it involved a triumph over
somebody else—a triumph not certainly for our interests.
Now I will tell you how this arises. The vast expenditure
you allow of in your warlike establishments creates
a powerful interest with which you have to battle.
The eighteen millions you spend in fighting men
make fighting men more fashionable in society: they can
give employment to the people—they can build the best
clubs in London—they manage to give a tone to society—
they can make it worth the while of journals to write for
them, and altogether they exercise a greater influence than
can be easily counteracted.—(Hear, hear.) Now, I wish to
see the same excellent people, who have been so long exert-
ing themselves to accomplish free-trade, exert their influ-
ence to bring about a real state of peace ; and, notwithstand-
ing all that has been said upon the subject, I believe that
there never was a time when the whole of Europe was so
much prepared to listen to the pacific advances of England
as it is at present.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Villiers has told us
that what passes in this room is not without its
influence abroad and over the world. This I can cor-
roborate. I have seen the proceedings of our last
meeting in this ball, in the French, the German,
and the Italian papers. Indeed my own humble sayings
have been made the subject of daily comment in the Paris
as well as the London journals.—(fear.) Now this is a
state of matters which gives us great opportunities for in-
fluencing public opinion throughout the world. Let us bear
in mind that the press is now free throughout Europe.
(Cheers.) There are no longer censors in Germany, ready to
clip out with their scissors the objectionable paragraphs.—
(Hear, hear.) More than that, they will not return, I
think I may promise you that there will be no censorship in
Germany again until the Protectionists restore the Corn-
laws in England.—(Loud cheers.) Therefore it is I am glad
to have this opportunity of letting not only our own fellow-
countrymen, but all Europe, know that those man and wo-
men who exerted themselves with so much self-sacrifice and
so much honour to themselves to emancipate industry—that
they are as determined now to watch over and preserve the
peaceable relations of this country with foreign nations—
( Hear, hear)—that they are as much opposed to
war as to monopoly—(Cheers)—and as determined that
peace shall be henceforward a real peace, and not a meek
one.—(hear.) I am glad to tell you there are some pros-
pects of our making a little progress next session, even in the
coming session.—(hear, hear.) I must not, and you must
not, expect too much. We are not accustomed—we
Leaguers—and we do not expect, to have these changes
made in a session, or a year; but, at all events, we shall see
a step taken in the right direction, and that is a very different
thing from last year, when there was a step taken in the
wrong direction.—(llear, hear.) What I want to see is
our friends everywhere, in their different localities, uniting
to put down this spirit of war, which has spread
abroad amongst us, and helping those men in the House
of Commons who will be prepared to bring forward
measures for the reduction of our expenditure for
warlike purposes.—(Hear, hear.) If we have the co-opera-
tion of those who are represented by this great assemblage,
then I assure you that they will not take seven years to
effect large reductions in the military and naval expenditure
of this country.—(Hear, hear.) I hold that a reduction of
our expenditure and a lightening of our burdens are abso-
lutely needful—(Hear, hear)—for the well-being of the com-
munity. I say that we are very heavily weighted—that
there is too much money wasted—and that it is degrading to
Us, and unbecoming of us, as a commercial people, to permit
such waste, such malversation of our funds.—(Hear, hear.)
I do not ask my friends to put themselves in the position of
being taunted with the reproach that they wish by a
hop, skip, and a jump to abolish all armaments, and
to abandon all means of defence. I do not ask any
one to put himself into that position. I do not in-
tend now, mark me, to ask whether that be or be
not the only position tenable, when referred to the highest
standard—that of the New Testament. If we judge by that
test, then I fear that the extreme views would be found right,
and the moderate views wrong. But, speaking as a politi-
cian, as a legislator, and as a man of the world, I stand here
to advocate a large reduction in our expenditure for warlike
purposes.—(Hear, hear.) I do not think it necessary on
this, the 31st ofJanuary, 1849, to discuss the other, and wide
peaceful alternative; I decline to receive it ; but what I do
advocate is a long stride in the direction of the Peace So-
ciety—( Hear)—aud an instant start if we can make it. But
when w e propose so rational a measure as the reduction to
10,000,000 e per annum of the amount spent in what is face-
tiously called our peace establishment, I am charged with
wishing to disband the army and navy, and so to lay us open to
any attack.—( Hear.) Why, think of the sum of 10,000,0,01.;
it is twice as large a sum as the whole revenue of Prussia, it
is larger than that of Austria, it is half of that of Russia, and
twice as much as that of the United States; and yet, when
I talk about paring down our warlike establishments to this
sum, they turn on me and call me a Quaker.—(Cheers and
laughter.) They say, " La! his head is turned with free-
trade—he went to the continent, was Jilted there, and came
back saying that everybody was for free-trade and peace."
`sow I never said, either in (public or in private, that I was
sanguine that the nations of the continent would follow our
example in a year or two. What T said was, that I believed
that it would take foreign nations many years of discussion
before deem was reasonable probability of their following
our example; and I defy anybody to prove that, either in
public or in private, I said more or less. As regards peace,
I fully adhere, however, to my opinions. I do not think
anything of the late revolutions. Why, almost every revo-
lution which has happened was justified by the events which
produced it.--(Hear, hear.) 1 heard Lord John Russell say,
in the House of' Commons, that the people of the Continent
were paying a heavy price for their liberties ; but, he said
not higher than they were worth. But I maintain this, that
we have fairly and logically connected free institutions
abroad with the progress of pacific principles; for, notwith-
standing what %as been said of the tendency of the demo-
cratic principle towards war, I deny it. I say that the
more we have freedom of communication—the more
the people are accustomed to take part in their own affairs
the more that public opinion is brought to act upon foreign
as well as domestic matters, the greater chance'there is for the
preservation of peace. I hope to live to see the time when
foreign affairs will be taken altogether out of the secrets of
a cabinet, or of a foreign minister, and will be made to un-
dergo a discussion as publicly among ourselves as domestic
affairs do now. I am against all monopolies of states, and I
hope to see the monopoly of the Foreign-office and the mono-
poly of the cabinet so invaded, that they shall not be allowed
to engage in a treaty which may involve you in the liabili-
ties a: ad risks of war without its first undergoing public
discuss ion.—(Loud and continued cheering.) And I ant
equally prepared to maintain that the free-trade prin-
ciples n ..ecessarily conduce to peace; and I maintain this
without reference to what has been done on the Continent.
I take fr ee-trade as the settled principle of England, and I
say that . is a guarantee for the peace of England. Formerly
our coloni es were the most potent argument—the most pre-
vailiag rem mon for our going to war. It was justly stated by
Mr. liuelei sson that all the wars of England for the last two
centurie s t am y be traced to our desire for a commercial
monopc ay. I believe it may be fairly stated that all our
wars— ill our bloody contests for the last 900 years, have
sprung from a latent belief that by acquiring commercial
supreme lacy, by dint of force upon the ocean, we should be
able to • recompense ourselves fur the expenses of the war.
So, ii i the beginning of the last French war. for seven
years we were engaged, not in fighting the French at their
own d oors, and on their own coasts, but in the capture and
seizur a of their colonies. We were never happy unless
the 1 xells were ringing for some island captured or
some t antinent seized; and it was believed by the mass of
the pen ple, and by many eminent statesmen in this coun-
try, wh net you were spending tens and hundreds of millions,
that tht possession of those islands, the acquisition of those
confine] its, would reimburse yon for all the outlay. But that
delusior m is past. We have put in practice, by the triumph
of Lea, gue principles, what Adam Smith demonstrated
see-elite/ years ago, that a nation does not gain commercial
Ile
advaeen urges by confining its trade to a particuloar
tcaake tropical
demons crated also, seventy years ago, that,
kitchen-tpg
cou.n trii se for the sake of growing our own
as un pr ofitable as if we were to get a kfiot;
them to the common
our o yen vegetables instead of sending
thus demonstrated
mark et.—(Cheers.) What Adam Smithtating
a century in ad-
iacradlotogotodugrceowis
by t he force of his genius, p ) But
vance ] of his age,
it so, how will it be believedtwe
shall
promote our own prose
profit iu going to war—that that there is any
we h„.e.pnazt ianen:
perk) r by engaging in et- f'sav that England has made a
bloody war ? (Cheers.)
arctice.
We mow better now,
grew ; step towards end
for it is nporrewaftdeemr:4onsCtrhaeteerds.that our
our tropical colonies, on the capture
ocfollo;
than useless to us, e and that so
turr.ed out worse
has ' been great, while - time
baliecsll awn-edsopamrtuicePuhelaaJolnygratulated ourselves during the last
war ,have and loss of the last year is concerned,
far as the profit
peace.- h •
ill reciprocate these feelings—
lo
,tisnian,;:A;eLsunbiaereynsNe.ansstaand overwhelming. I sav,ththeelno7Mtit's
imports will lead, as, my
yourti(nl S NV e
is another guarantee for the preservation of
to an increasaiettlieinlyt;oeibtrutexp export, increasethat otherthat bya'wethin
n"
full faith
thewil principles
gradually, - dmee
tell"
that an
principlesl
t
graduallyof peace,
ati cer-
tainly, tainly, circulate and spread our opinions through
Villiers has said,
the
uni-
versal world. I believe we are now at the beginning of a
great world-wide revolution, which is destined to circulate
round the globe, and to end only with • time itself; and I be-
lieve that the beginning and the dawn of that revolution
were laid at our own meetings in the Free-trades
(Prolonged and universal cheering, in.the midst •of which
the Hon. Gentleman sat down.)
Colonel THOMPSON was received with load cheers. He
said—My appointed missionto-night is to call yon atteu•
Vital tgo tb,o organ o; holipcia*mtatil thmigh whom

,
you hive accomplished your great ends. It is true, le one
sense, that there is no existing mode, by which man, woman,
or child, was taught or led to the truth, which does not
claim to a certain extent a portion of our tribut of praise.
But when that was done, it was still necessary that their
efforts should be collected into certain leading channels,.
which would convey 3-our wishes to the audible nerves of
those whose duty it was to hear and to obey.— (Loud cheer-
iug.) I need not tell you that I point to the consti-
tuencies of the country. You are a constituency, but
you are not all. In speaking to you I speak to all,
and if I point backwards to the success that is passed
I also pint forward to the success that will be needfiel
afterwards.—(Hear, hear.) If it does so happen that we da
not all separate, then, the study of what is gone by must be
our direction for the future. Remember, then, that so woe
as it becomes manifest, through the legitimate organs of
power in this country, that the popular will has decided wit
the great point on which we meet to speak this evening, thy
question is decided. If one power will not grant what the
popular will demands, another power will take its place and
do it. Have but the will, and if one power grant it not, it '
will but hold forth an opportunity for another power to bid
higher. I can imagine many -things, which, with your
habits and opinions, you wish for the cessation of
as hurtful to the interests of the world, and most prejue
dicial to you comforts at some expenditure. Useless expen-
diture is the tree which corrupts your domestic happiness,
and you must and will law the axe to the root of that tree,
and in no long time, you must meet again to congratulat!
each other on a second series, of which the first was but the
harbinger. Already your power is felt. What did I heat
last but that the effect of your economical habits is rising
thaattlCstai3r,is; ti
nn;
upwards, and the Lords of the Admiralty are about to take
stock
more,— Heathr,eraenids
thelaughter)
tyTehferseueiscehss id
in
it. You have hardly shown yourselves,: and here you have
conquered—when you do show yourselves what demand wilt
you be obliged to stop at, that you may have retrenchment,
ttcouthlaetveofpneaacteionwael
mexiispetnbdietuprree.parletdi
fso
ra nw
war
rl d. sawyine
peace; for peace is the pledge of retrenchment, as war is the
great
suppose I close with that sentiment. You want to ,be
prepared for, war. I have a principle which is not bran
new, but which has some novelty on this sub-
ject. Suppose it is a settled object that we must
prepare for war. Let us bear in mind, that in the uncer-
tainty of all human events, we do not know but that at
some future time it may be necessary to make a great nil.
tional exertion. What are we to do ? Look around at the
men—the conduct of your neighbours—to whom every NMI
can point, who have risen from small beginnings, tilt their
wealth now appears to have no end. How did they come
by it ? Not by spending every shilling as fast as they
got it.—(Cheers.) Not by borrowing at the pawnbrokers.--
(Great laughter and cheering.) No man ever heard of them
in these latitudes ; and what is funding by a nation but bore
rowing at the pawnbrokers.—(Loud cheers.) What can
be more clear, if there be any analogy between public
and private prudence, than that the way to be pre-
pared for war is not to spend all beforehand ?
Take the case of France. It is possible that a compact
of the despots of Europe might invade that country, and so
induce the same necessity for defence as in former times.
What then ? Are the people of France to keep, themselves
prepared? No, the last thing we hear of them is that they
propose to reduce their army by 120,000 men. I congratu-
late them on the happiness which will fill 120,000 French
cottages when all these men come home.—(Loud cheering.)
What dancing and merrymaking there will be. What a
crop of honest popularity for the Government which shall de
this. And would it not give them strength ? Would not
every man, each with two more by his side,
come forward again, if foreign invasion rendered it
necessary for the service of their country ? Now, in
Heaven's name, if there is any prudence in this, do
leave us in this country a few shillings to fructify in
our pockets.—(Loud cheers) You have ways and means
which none know better than you,_ to make an
honest economy increase and multiply, if only you are al-
lowed a little in store, and why should the management of
the State be different from the management of our private
concerns? I believe that a sense of this truth has reached the
nations of Europe. Well, let us take the lead in this as we
have done in other questions—let us hazard a little, do not
wait till others step into the front before you—but let us an-
nounce to the world that the people of England have asked
their Government, and that their Government did not refuse,
to take the lead in removing the greatest evil in the way of
human happiness.—(Cheers.) There is work before you.
There is agitation before it can be done; and what harm
will there be in you when agitation is done with you?—
(Cheers and laughter.) By some people that word agitation
is very unjustly treated; for though there is a harmful and
injurious agitation, there is also a healthy agitation, which
is necessary to the existence of life. We have lived in agi-
tation all of us. It has brought no harm to us, nor to any-
body else, that we know of.—(Cheers and laughter.) Let
us go on then. I hope we shall not be alarmed, though
we see some small symptoms of another agitation. Let ue
endeavour to do our best to improve the constitution that
we may leave our posterity something to be grateful to out'
memories for, as we have to the memories of those who pre-
ceded us. I propose that we should drink to the health of
those constituencies which have returned free-trade Mem-
bers to Parliament.—(Loud cheers.)
r. BitrGirr then came forward, and was warmly received.
He said—Amongst the thousands present for the purpose of
rejoicing over the final end of the corn-laws, he claimed to
be one of those who had so much reason to rejoice. He had
been looking back mentally to thirty-four years past, when
the position of this country was very different to what it was
at present. On the 17th of February, it would be thirty.
four years since Lord Ripon offered to the House of Common
resolutions of great consequence. One of those resolutions
asserted the desirability of taxing corn ; and a Bill, founded
on that resolution, was introduced in March • two days after
it was brought in, and passed its second reading; and seven
days after it passed the house, with a hurry that the House of
Commons would not employ on a Bill affecting dogs in draw-
ing carts. In the course of twenty days it passed the Lords.
What was the object of that Bill? To raise the price of
corn to eighty shillings per quarter, and whenever it reached
that point the country was in a state of confusion. It w asi tt
tracing back that law they saw the great revolution they
had effected. He (Mr. Bright) conceived that the Corn Bill
of 1815 combined within itself all the tyrannies that Govern-
ments had exercised over the human race. The corn-law
was passed to make the consumers give a larger amount to
the proprietors of the soil than they had a right to. How did
the proprietors of land look on the League? They looked
on the League with disgust, and when at this moment
their possessions might have been wrested from them, word
it not fur our victory, they were not thsukful to the League.
Why? It was not until MEI that population had so in,
creased, and that competition had become so sharp, that
combinations were formed, and in the following spring the
Anti Corn-law League was established.—(Cheers.) Within
the last week he had been looking over the first pamphlet of
the League, and in the first number there was developed
something like the programme of the whole thing. Mr,
I'aulton was then lecturing gratuitously. That lecturing
was continued up to the sth of December, when he (Mr.
Bright) and Mr. Cobden read the celebrated article in ti
Times, announcing Sir Robert Peel's intention to repeal the
Corn-laws, which he had made great efforts previously to
sustain. Amongst other places to which Mr. Paulton wan
was Tamworth, but he was refused the use of the Town-
hall by the Mayor. The people of Tamworth are
extremely cautious—(Cheers and laughter)—and the con-
sequence was no lecture could be given in Tamworth. H
hoped, however, that the people of Tamworth had since read
the lectures which had been delivered to them and to th e
country, upon this subject, by their celebrated Member.
—(Hearty cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman referred to the
presence of two farmers on the platform (Mr. Hope and Mr.
Miller), and said that he wished that the land of the country
was at the disposal of the capital and skill of the country.—
(Great applause.) They did not speak of force during their
agitation, though he bad been honoured by the notice of a
Noble Lord, who stated that they were dangerous
parties. He was listening to the Noble Lord when
he was reading a paper in the House—and, though
he did not wish to turn the Members out of that
House, he did wish that the people should be so repre-
sented as to control the House of Lords.—(Cheers.) When
meetings were held in this hall, and in Covent-garden
Theatre, the country became aroused to the necessity ofeorn..
law repeal, and without risking something worse, the Go..
vernment could not hesitate to turn round and repeal the
Act they had hitherto supported; they had no compromise,
thepretence, and they demanded itS
repeal,
wicked
dted without a compromise; there was
a complete capitulation; they marched out; the reason
of the people was triumphant, therefore it was complete.—
th thing was
a wasw
(Cheers.) What was to be done for the future? There was
nothing which they wished for that was unattainable, if the
same means were used.—(Cheers.) As a people we have
found out we have some power.—(Cheers.) 'We have die..
covered we were not born with saddles on our beaus.
and country gentlemen with spurs.—(Laughter.) We
have also found out that we can use and combine our powers.
He was anxious that the people should have an increasing
intelligence, to show them how to use power.—(Cheers.)
There was a revolution taking place in the country which
was bloodless, but would the Government learn from the
past? He believed that Government would not learn.---
(Cheers.) Their Government would not learn as long as they
were irresponsible to the people.—(Cheers.) For thirty
years they allowed the corn-laws to exist, and the result herd
been to spread democratic feeling, and the people were 1o911?:
ing at the Government with a different feeling from v,SIIO
it would, had these laws never been passed. He.
Ms.
Bright) wished he could look upon the Governmensi=
respect. Look at the House of Lords. Tb•
but vs,
of Richmond was one of its
nrnamenglaiiinst its will
it not humiliating to see that House passing e2tsle From
the Bill repealing the corn-laws.—(Cheers') new bra. They
night he (Mr. Bright) looked forward to
ad disasters in the sister
had many disasters at home; dada
P
action in the
island; but there was compensation
cations which existed of heal condition of freedonttbat
country.—(Uproar.) It
we aisacussed, and he trusted that
public questions should b
the past would be useful for the
learned from
what they had ry of this odious corn-law was
the Innr" • • the
future; and whilst our rejoicing, y should ever re-
about
hyihyfor all this in the
about to expire amidst
no political good to which we' ten
member that there
by those means which
aspire
btain itmorality
we labour to p (Applauee.) Mr. Bright concluded b
ctioned—y
religion san
e "Anti-corn-law struggle."
and seek to beW.3:uccessful, which we cannot obtain, if
th
propos-no
give the posaessori
Mr. MILNER Gresox, in proposing the text sentans' sat,
said that the Duke of Wellington had at one time situir4
oaf
.Iriacwultwuraes.
the land a position in the social scale, to keep down the trott-
ing and commercial classes, and to make them secondary that the object 9afnta.hetocoarng
policy agriculture.—(Cheers.) The whole
had been to elevate the landed interest,
and to give it a higher position in the country. A ma*
might sell beef and bread and have a place in the Government
of the country, but if he sold calicoes or dealt in clothing he
was not to be trusted. The repeal of the corn-laws was a
theslrisotfo
triumph over the spirit of Ch ) He (Mr"
feudalism.—( Pers.
Gibson) was of opinion that free-trade would promote peace,
and show to the, world that they had confidence in their
principles, they alacoild reduce the expenses of their fighting
establishmezds, which weighed so heavily upon them.—
(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by pro-
posing " The Agricultural, Commercial, and Manufacturing
Interes',s," whose welfare is best promoted by the removal Of
all legislative restrictions.—(Cheers.)
Mt. ROPE, of Fenton Barnes, was called upon, and re-
sponded in a brief speech. This gentleman, at a few mi-
nutes to twelve o'clock, concluded his observations, and at
.
their close a party of singers, who were stationed in the gmale
lery, sang Mackay's celebrated song, " There's a gooodee
coming, boys." That time had come, protection had.efasV
and he proposed that they should show their apprece 1 Of
it by giving three tremendous cheers.
The call of the Chairman was, as twelve o'clock a
who, etrteck,
responded to in the mast enthusiastic manner. in
iferously 'for
company rose en masse and cheered most vonwaving,
am.
several minutes, bats and handkerchiefs were
Atthe comic-
the cheering was
again and
again r"eweson(1
addressed a few
sion of the cheering, Mr. Georbe Thomp ing -s terminated
observations to the meeting, and the proceed
at half-past twelve
(Lord President of the Conn-
The Marquis of Lansdowne.
at La sdo us
• er ester y, wile 0
cil) gave a toil dress dinner y
nous
of
to the mover and seconder o
f the address in the
but*
Lords, several of the Cabinet Ministers and °Mc of
of the C21.10111'6 Howsll9l and d An 0 PArt7 of twit