The Sun.
London, England, 1831-06-30 00:00:00

he approached the chief of the Cabinet, painted hire
out as the object of his " eternal gratitude" for the
manner in which he had brought forward the ques-
tion. The Lord Winchilsca of two short months
ago cordially concurred in addressing his Majesty,
to thank him for a course of policy which endeared
him more to his people than any of his predecessors
who ever occupied the British throne—gave it as
his opinion that the Bill would establish, consoli-
date, and strengthen our glorious Constitution—de-
clared it an act of justice to the great body of the
people—promised it his cordial and unreserved sup-
port when it should be brought before their Lord-
ships—hoped that it would obtain a complete
triumph—denied the charge of revolution brought
' against it—and stated it as his opinion, that while
it restored the just rights of the people, it left ample
securities for the prerogatives of the Crown, and the
privileges of the Peers. Such was the Lord
Winchirsea of the Ist of April last, as may be
seen by the following extracts from his speeches
at Maidstone and in the House of Peers to-
wards the end of March. At the former he said—
" Our Constitution consists of the three estates of King,
Lords, and Commons, and it is from the just and proper
influence of each that we derive the matchless beauty and
symmetry of our Constitution. Take from the power of
one and add to that of another, and you will destroy that
Constitution which is the pride and boast of Englishmen,
and which has been the cause of those liberties which we
have long enjoyed beyond every other country in the
world.—(Cheers.) I say this firmly, because I am a
friend to constitutional Reform, and to nothing else.—
(Loud cheering.) I repel with indignation the charge
which has been brought against me and others who advo-
cate the Reform measure, with the principles of which I
fully accord—(Loud cheers)—though some of its details I
think might be better, yet with its principle I entirely
agree: I repel with disdain any such charge as that
brought against us—namely, that we are attempting to
revolutionize the land. I say that one of the principal
beauties of the Constitution is that it has the power within
itself of correcting any abuses which may have grown up
in the country, by the consent of the three bodies in the
state, without endangering any of the fundamental prin-
ciples of the Constitution, which it is our object to
renovate and restore to its original beauty.—(Cheers.)
That there is necessity for this is evident enough. Gen-
tlemen, his Majesty's Government is entitled to the
thanks of the country. Earl Grey, with his distinguished
talents, unites a political honesty not to be surpassed, and
leaves behind him, at an immeasurable distance, those
who have abandoned their principles and deceived their
friends.—(Loud cheers.) The Noble Lord is entitled to
the eternal gratitude of his country for the manner in
which he has brought forward this question. I maintain
that he deserves the support of the country at large, and
I cordially concur in the Address to his Majesty which
has been proposed. I consider that we have a Monarch
who deserves the loyalty and gratitude of his people in a
greater degree than any of his predecessors,. He reigns
truly in the hearts of his people, and he has the highest
claims on them for their support to measures emanating
from his Ministers by his Royal sanction, for the benefit
and welfare of his people. They have not got Reform
yet, but when the measure does come, as I am persuaded
it will come, into the law of the land, it will consolidate,
establish, and strengthen our glorious Constitution, and
not only operate for the general welfare and happiness of
the country, but will also render an act of justice to
the great and influential body of the people. The mea-
sure has not yet been introduced to that House of which
I am a Member ; but when it is brought forward there.
I shall be at my post ready to give it my most hearty and
cordial support."—(Three cheers were given the Noble
Lord at the conclusion of his speech.)
In the House of Lords he said—

" He could not, in presenting a petition so important as
that of the county of Kent, refrain from stating that he
concurred most heartily in it, and that w:th it he had ap-
proved of the Bill brought into Parliament by his Ma-
jesty's Ministers. He hoped that that measure wouid be
triumphant, as he considered that the demand now so
eagerly made by the great body of the people was not fir
revolution, but for that Reform of representation, which
would prevent those ulterior measures which had bean
alluded to from being resorted to. As to the charge of
revolution, he denied it altogether, and he was sure that
no such charge could be made out against those who had
been instrumental in bringing forward this Bill. It
neither took away from the just rights of the Crown, or
the privileges of that House, and it was calculated to re-
store to the people those privileges which they had lost in
the lapse of time."
But " a change has come over" the Noble Lord
since the latter declaration was made, and on
Tuesday se'nnight we looked in vain for a lineament
of the liberal, the reforming, and the Anti-Tory
Peer. The Lord Winchilsea of the 21st inst. has
deserted Lord Grey, in whom he formerly placed
such reliance—has expressed alarm at the menacing
ranks of Jacobins with whom his Lordship is sur-
rounded, and among whom he himself formerly
mingled without feeling any revolutionary contami-
nation—has discovered that the promised extension
of the rights and privileges of the Commons would
destroy the equilibrium of the Constitution, or, in
other words, would sweep away the Throne and the
House of Lords—has found that a just representa-
tion of the people in their House is incompatible
with the Protestant religion ; that under the mask
of Reform the active supporters of the Government
aim at revolution—and that, when they shout their
gratitude to the King, for his patriotic concessions
of their just privileges, they are only using his name
to overturn his authority, and procuring his sanc-
tion
to the preparation of a republic. Giving our
readers credit for a laudable incredulity in such
rapid changes, unless they can be supported by
proof, we invite them to contrast the following
passage of the Noble Lord's speech on the address,
with the extracts from the speeches to which we
have already adverted:—
" One great difference which existed between him and
the great body of those who supported the Government
of the Noble Earl, and which, as a party, he was led to
believe would cease to exist, was this,—that they advo-
cated the extension of the rights and privileges of the
people to a degree which would destroy that equilibrium
in the State which made the Constitution ofirthis country
the envy of surrounding nations. Another great objec-
tion to his support of the Government of the Noble Earl
was, that the great body of his party advocated principles
which would destroy that connexion between Church and
State, which had been productive of so much advantage
to the Constitution. Another objection was, that when
he declared his confidence in the Government of the Noble
te:trl, he thought they would have upheld Protestant prin-
ciples, and what he called Protestant ascendancy ; for the
maintenance of these he looked upon as the truest founda-
tion of the great principles of national freedom. Bet
with such feelings, could he look on at what had passed
in the country within the last two months, during which
attacks of the grossest description had been made on that
House ;—but he knew they had been made in vain, for no
attack would intimidate them from the performance of
their duty—(Hear, front the Opposition)—could he wit-
ness the attacks that had been daily made by that portion
of the Fuse which affected to support the present Go-
vernment ;--couid be forget the principles which were
avowed by the great body of tiles, ; syho were the supporters
of Government, and still preserve that coaide;;;,e in the
Covernment which he had once entertained? Let him
also bear :n :hind that that party had, under the mask of
correcting abuses (whiel.. be admitted to exist, and which
he should do his utmost to corrix;),—but he repeated,
that under the mask Of correcting abuses, had endeavoured
to oweri.hro7 the remaining institutions of the country,
and estabii+h a rep4blig on their ruins.—(Hear, hear.)
Under these circumstances, he could net, boWever humble
his support might be, consent to give it to a party the
great body of which upheld such principles."
We may now allow the Noble Earl to settle the
qt.i.itior., Lf tt;is own identity as he best can. It is
plain that the noble orator at the Kent county 1
meeting, and the Noble Pee: w;-,o spoke on the
address, though they bear the same name, c;AIII
scairce:y 1.,e the same person. If they are, we have'
no doubt that: L colloquy sometimes takes place in'
the mind of his Lordship, tint unlike that of the
farmer who, when sleeping in' his caa, I,ost his
horses, ,rid, awakening, exclaimed ‘.‘ Am I Giie;;,
or am I not ? if Ciles, I have lost my horses; if
not, I have found a care:: The change is entirely
in the Noble I.i.' arl himself, though he arguep stre-
nuously that, it has occurred in -the feelings of the
country. The Mllinistty and ate Bill are "supported
by the same class of persons, and with the sans 2
sound intentions, as when he swelled their ranks.
The Reform Bill is not more dangerous to our
church establishment in June than it was in March,
and William IV. is no more disposed to surrender
the prerogatives of his Crown and th.,2 privileses of