The Sun.
London, England, 1849-06-05 00:00:00

period of which he spoke, defective although that House
was in its rcpresentstifin, still it steed at thi top of the

ladder am no reeri sentetive government =taco in
Europe could say that the re was a ereater n< c.f
popular power or ot popular representation existing
than existed at that time in England. The times were
changed, and they had to consider whether they ought
not now to make other changes. When his llo-
nourable Friend Mr. Duncombe brought in a Bill
to repeal the rate-paying clauses, which formed a
great impediment to the workieg of the Reform
Bill, it was thrown out by Ministerial influence.
Ha (Mr. Hume) recollected the Noble Lord rallied his
Hon. Friend on the danger of interfering with the Bill
that had passed, and talked about progressive reform.
What had been the Noble Lord's progressive reform since
that? Why, the Noble Lord gave notice of his intention
of bringing in a Bill for repealing the tax-paying clauses
so far as they related to the assessed taxes. He (Mr.
flume) thought the proceedings of the two last years
had been perfectly delusive, and therefore he canto to
the conclusion that the Noble Lord and his colleagues,
reformers as they were in his day, had made
up their minds to stand fast by the Reform
Bill. They wcre now at the very bottom of the ladder
of representative government, and that which had been
supposed dangerous to Englishmen had been conceded
to Frenchmen and to almost every continental country.—
(" Hear, hear," from Lord J. Russell.) Look at the result
What had the result been? The result had arisen from
the reckless conduct of the sovereign of France, who,
having agreed to reform, grossly violated his faith.
He appealed to any man whether this had
not been so ? Let them mark the progress
of universal suffrage in other countries, and its growth
in our own. In other countries, where it had been con-
ceded to the people, had there been any alarm ?
No! On the contrary, the returns at recent elections
showed a preponderance of the Conservative party.
Though the people of these countries had been up to the
time when they were endowed with the right unaccus-
tomed to popular institutions, they Lad exercised the
right, to speak justly of them, in the
most praiseworthy manner. The Noble Lord
was the first to cheer his interrogatory. Look
at the result ? Why, if he looked to the condition
of Prussia, of Vienna, he could not fail to be struck
with the result of the conduct of the " dear
darling Sovereigns," who, after taking solemn
oaths on the-altars of their country, to concede reform
to the people, openly broke those solemn asseverations.
Those were the parties against whom the Noble Lord
should direct his complaints and taunts, and not the
people who had been outraged, and who had no
interest at heart beyond that of the whole mass of the
population. Of late, hohever, he had not heard the ar-
gument broached that the people could not be trusted
with the unlimited exercise of the suffrage.—(Hear,
hear.) Indeed they were obliged to arm against the
people to awe them from arising in their might, and de-
manding their rights in a way which could not be
refused,—(Hear, hear.) He looked with deep regret
upon this, because he recollected the days wl.en
the Kings of this country could trust the
preservation of the peace of the country to the keeping
of their own people, and the peace was in those
days preserved by such means. He recollected the
time when the military was kept up to pro-
tect the country from foreign invasion, and when
garrisons in other lands were simply kept up to protect
places likely to be attacked by foreigners, when the
only display made by the military were recruiting par-
ties; when the expenditure in respect of the military
establishments was from 25,0001. to 26,000/., and when the
Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston), when Secretary at War
(as we understood), stated before a Committee that he
only required military for foreign countries, and that he
was content to trust the preservation of the peace to the
people. Instead of the Government adopting
means whereby they might repose in the
affections and respect of the people,
they adopted coercive
and harsh measures. In 1799, Mr. Pitt, who was then in
power, studied economy in the government of the State;
the military cost but e 5,000!., and the whole expense ot
the Civil Government was limited to 12,000/. or 13,006/.
They had then very few barracks; now there were bar-
racks in almost every town. Last year, for instance,
100,0001. was spent in building_ barracks at Preston,
because they feared that the people would. rise, and the
whole country was covered with barracks— not to
attack our enemies abroad, but to coerce and keep down
the people at home. They had, for instance, twenty
barracks scattered throughout the country, for no other
purpose than the one he had stated. lie appealed to the
House, then, to protect the commonweal, which would
effect far more than bristling bayonets and pointed
artillery. What was it done for ? From the
fear of reform. He admitted that there were ardent
and wild Reformers, but because there were was no
reason against their taking the claims of the people into
consideration. In 1792 the taxation was 16,000,0004, now
it was 60,000,000/., so that it had been quadrupled. The
debt had been increased from the beginning of the war,
from 230,000,000/. to 800,000,000/. He did not blame
any one, but he declared this lay upon the oligarchy, who
dreaded the spread of democratic principles, which drove
them to a war against France, and brought that enor-
mous burden upon the people, which, unless
so:ne relief was given, must press them down
Wen men were well employed and well fed, matters pro-
gressed things went on well; but let a change take place,
and then the convulsion came. Why not, then, take this
opportunity, and prevent such catastrophies by checking
the extravagant expenditure of the State. He appealed
to If on. Gentlemen who represented counties, and par-
ticularly those in the south, where men and their fami-
lies were subsisting upon 7s. and 8a per week to join him
in the reform movement. If they were true Conservatives
they would do so at once, for nothing could preserve the
institutions of the country so much us timely concessions
and wise changes.—(Hear.) He regretted that he was not
in the House the other night when the miscellaneous
estimates were under consideration, for then he should
have had an opportunity of attacking the civil-list which
was one great cause of the enormous increase which had
of late years taken place in the burdens of the country.
The course, however, he was disposed to take upon that
subject was to make an appeal to the Sovereign ;
yotuhethessuibvjilect, and say to her—
list, but let us see in what
he would ask the House to address her
expended." Let them set an example by
Majesty
na;aalyVkienitggriasrnetodenudctions at the fountain head. In the
extravagant reign of George IV. the civil
was referred to a Select
and
list was increased to an enormous amount,
on the succession
matterat his dtheaeth,
William IV.,
Committee, and the Civil List fixed at 385,0004 Now,
he thought it due to her Majesty to state, that out of all
ebrut
that sum, only 60,000/. was at her own disposal. The re-
maining 325,000/. was spent by the Lord Chancellor, the
Lord Chamberlain, the Lord Steward, and the-Master of
the Horse. No doubt many of the servants of the Palace
were maintained out of it, but he believed many of those
servants were my Lord this and my Lady that, who had
only duties to attend about once in two or three months.
This was not the way to spend the money of the
country ; and therefore, without interfering with
the votes of the foreign or other departments,
in the first instance let them rather address her Majesty
on the subject. Let them remind her that this was not
a fit state of things while the eye, passing along the
unions of England, Scotland, and Ireland, would
find four millions of people in an absolute
state of destitution. In such a state of things
there ought not to be expenditure of 320,000/. in keep-
ing a system of tawdry finery; a more simple style ot
living would better become the Sovereign wlhile
there was so much suffering in the country.—
(Hear.) The other ;
reght ho was at the
Lord Mayor's dinner, where he met the ambassador
of Constantinople, and au excellent friend of his who had
been appointed to go to the United States as the repre-
sentative of this country, but he declared ho was almost
afraid to speak to them, as he could only do so through
the instrumentality of tawdry-laced footmen.—(A laugh.)
and so it was with the Ministers of State, who never
went out without the attendance of taudily dressed
footmen, whose general appearance only served to please
and excite the admiration of children.—(A laugh.)
He did not consider the sum of 60,000/. at the private
disposal of the Queen too much, considering the
calls that were made upon her charity—(Hear,
hear) but when he saw how the other
establishment of the Court were kept up, the gold
lace and tinsel that was frittered away from the
pockets of the people, he thought the time wes
come when they ought to have a House
of Commons who would address her j M nesty on the
subject of such useless and wasteful expenditure. He
would therefore begin at the head, and in saying
that he was sure that her Majesty would be
the first
to say that her people ought not to he so un-
necessarily pressed upon, and that he would willingly
yield to the suggestion of the House of Commons Now,
as a proof of what might be done, if only properly
attempted, he would say, look at Belgium. When mat-
ters were represented in the proper quarter there,
the franchise was extended immediately, and every
public officer reduced his salary one-third towards the
urgency of the State. Look again at the case of the
present King of Wurtensburgh, whose father was over
head and ears in debt. When the present Ring
azcsnded the throne he reduced his establishments
one-half, and for which he obtained the love and affec-
tion of all his subjects. He thought the time had now
come when similar steps should be adopted in England,
and for that purpose he asked that the House of
Commons should be made the real representation of the
people--(gear hear.) -Unless they changed the pre-
sent system of the House of Commons, no good could
be done.—(Hear, hear.)
The present House might
be seized with fits of economy; but they would
not be permanent.—(llcer, bear.) The change of the
system of election was the only way to make things
permanent in this country.—(Hear.) He longed to
see that state of things return to this country which
existed in the time of Elizabeth, who, when asked where
were her troops, answered that her troops were her sub-
jects•—(llear, bear.) lle contended that Parliament
did not represent the different communities
that existed in this country, and if Parliament would
only allow him to bring in the Bill, the details
might be settled afterwards. There was a diffi-
culty even among his own friends to find
those that would agree with every measure that he pro-
poscd--(Laughter)—but if the House would allow him
to bring in the Bill he would endeavour to modify his
views to meet the wishes of all parties.—(Hear, hear.)
Ii the people were to have a share in the representation
of the country, they ought to have it effectually. If they
were to do justice to the people they must extend the
suffrage.—(Hear, hear.) Every man that had a house
over his head ought to have a voice in the representa-
tion in that house.—(dear, hear.). But while he
was anxious to extend and bring within the
pale of the Constitution those who ought to have a vote,
he thought they ought to have the opportunity of voting
secretly, namely, by the ballot.—(Hear, hear.) Having
stated what his view of the condition was, he would
not read the opinions expressed by the Noble Lord below
hint (Lord J. Russell), which of lute years lie seemed to