The Sun.
London, England, 1831-01-28 00:00:00

value of any thing, and your correspondent ought to know
_ .

" The value of any thing,
" Is just as much as it will bring."
Correct political writers when they use the term public,
include all classes of men—Coal-owners, Coal-miners,
ship-owners, sailors, and coal-dealers, as well as coal
consumers, well knowing that they are entitled to equal
protection from a just and prudent Government.
Combination does not necessarily imply an association
for an unlawful purpose ; on the contrary, a voluntary and
peaceable association, is now, very properly, recognized by
the law as a justifiable mode by which men may endea-
vour to obtain the best prices for any thing they have to
dispose of, whether labour or goods.
A monopoly may he beneficial or prejudicial. It is
beneficial when established by individuals underselling
their competitors, and when it is maintained by the
same means without any aid from Government—
of this nature is the Sea-borne Coal Monopoly
wherever it exists. A monopoly is prejudicial, or
at least must always prove so, wherever it is
established and maintained by the interference of Go-
vernment, in &your of particular individuals. The inland

coal monopoly, wherever these untaxed oals exclude the

taxed sea-borne cot's, is a striking example of this—it
being perfectly clear that in all these our Government,
by taxing sea-borne coals exclusively, raises the price of
inland coals, and enables the inland coal proprietors and
traders to take out of the pockets of the consumers, and

put into their own, a sum exactly proportioned to the go-

vernment-tax, together with all the additional charges
created by the vexatious mode of collecting it, which in no
_ _

case amounts to less than one-third, and in many to one-
half the sum paid by the consumer.
The price the Coal-owners sell their coals at, it is clear,
defies competition. And in what other way will your cor- '
respondent say the price of an article can be regulated?
He complains that the competitors agree amongst them-
selves. This agreement extends only to the Coal-owners
on the Tyne and Wear, and it is a measure in which not
only the very existence of the Coal Trade itself is concerned,
but every consumer of sea-borne coals in tke kingdom.
It must appear to every one dispassionately viewing the
subject, that it is highly necessary to secure as nearly an
unifiirm price for coals as it is possible. It not only pre-
vents mischievous gambling, but the unvarying price ena-
blts a person to calculate with certainty the expense of a
manufactory, and equally of his fire-side. I will here
quote the words of a very able pamphlet that has lately
been published on the Coal Trade, entitled, " Observation,
on the Duty on Sea-borne Coal, and on the peculiar Du-
ties and Charges on Coal in the Pert of London," which
I would recommend to the perusal of your correspondent,
and of all others who require information upon the subject
of the Coal-trade. In page 15, the distinguished Professor
states,—
" Much has frequently been said of the coal-owners'
monopoly ; but we are satisfied, after a pretty careful in-
vestigation of the circumstances, that no such monopoly
has ever existed ; and that the enormously high price of
coal in the metropolis is to be ascribed wholly to the
various duties and charges laid upon it, from the time
that it passes from the hands of the owner, to the time
that it is lodged in the cellar of the consumer. What
means have the coal-owners of obtaining a monopoly
price for their coal? They enjoy no exclusive privileges
of any 'sort; they are a numerous body; and the trade is
as open as any other to all capitalists to engage in. The
number of places on the east and west coasts, both of
England and Scotland, and the southern parts of Wales,
from which coals are exported, render it quite visionary
to suppose that any general agreement to keep up prices
can take place amongst the various coal proprietors. And
though such an agreement were entered into, it is im-
possible it could be maintained. The power of producing
coal greatly exceeds the present demand ; many new mines
have been recently opened, and many others would be
brought into activity were the prices artificially en-
hanced. It is true that the coal-owners of the Tyne
and the Wear, having experienced the ruinous effects
of throwing a superabundant quantity of coal upon re-
stricted and already glutted markets, have occasionally
met together, and each having named the price he
thinks his coal will command, and at which be intends
to sell it, they have proceeded jointly to regulate, ac-
cording to the probable demand, the quantity that each
shall raise during any particular period. By means of
this arrangement, the supply and price of coal has been
kept, during the time it has existed, comparatively steady.
Common prudence prompts and justifies such an ar-
rangement; but it also suggests the necessity of reducing
the price of coal to the lowest level that will afford
the customary rate of profit. For were the price de-
manded by the Northern coal-owners raised above this
level, new mines would be opened in Durham and Nor-
thumberland, the imports from the Tees, whence excel-
lent coal is at present brought, would be augmented, and
fresh competitors, from Swansea and several other places,
would come into the field and undersell them. Govern-

went should encourage and promote this fair competi-
tion ; but it ought, at the same time, to do equal justice
by all the competitors. It is not to lend assistance to,
or remove burdens from, one set of adventurers, which it
does not lend to, or remove from others. It is no part
of its duty to say how coals, or any species of produce,
shall be carried to market. It is bound to give every
reasonable facility for the op ning of new channels or
modes of conveyance between all parts of the country;
but it is glaringly unjust to lay a heavy tax on the coals
conveyed by a particular channel, from which those con-
veyed by other channels are exempted. This is not to en-
courage competition, but to suppress it. Such a system
necessarily diverts the capital and industry of the country
into unnatural channels; and establishes monopolies in

favour of certain classes, to the extreme injury of others,
and of the public.
" Instead of the business of coal-mining being, generally
speaking, an advantageous one, it is distinctly the re-
verse. Sometimes, no doubt, large fortunes have been
made by individuals and associations engaged in this busi-
ness; hut these are rare instances. The opening of a
mine is a very expensive and hazardous operation, and
of very uncertain result. Collieries are exposed to an in-
finite number of accidents, against which so caution can
guard. The chances of explosion have, it is true, been
a good deal lessened by the introduction of Sir Humphrey
Davy's lamp ; and some mines are now wrought, that, but
for the invention of this admirable instrument, must have

been entirely abandoned. But besides explosions, which
are still every now and then occurring, from the care-
lessness of the workmen, and other contingencies, mines
are very liable to he destroyed by creeps, or by the sink-
ing of the roof, and by drowning, or the irruption of
water from old workings, through fissures which cannot
be seen, and consequently cannot be guarded against. So
great, indeed, is the hazard attending this sort of pro-
perty, that it has never been possible to effect an in-
surance on a coal-work.
" Mr. Buddle, of Wallsend, a coal-owner and engineer

of the highest respectability, and intimately acquainted
with the state of the coal trade, informed the Committee
of the House of Lords, that ' Although many collieries,
in the hands of fortunate individuals and companies, have
lien perhaps making more than might be deemed a rea-
sonable and fair profit, according to their risk, like a
prize in a lottery; yet, as a trade, taking the whole capital
employed on both rivers, he should say that certainly it
has not been so.'—(First Report, p. 56. )—Again, being
,asked, What have the coal-owners on the Tyne and
Wear, in your opinion, generally made on their capital
employed?' 11e replied, According to the best of my
knowledge, I should think that by no means ten per cent.
has
,been made as simple interest, without allowing any
eitra interest for the redemption of capital.'—(p. 57. )"
I think I may leave the subject here. An impartial
and reflecting public will judge very differently from your
correspondent, "An Observer." His attempt is to throw
an unjust odium upon a certain body of Co miners. He
accuses them of " uniting for some certain purpose."
What does he mean by this inuendo? Ilas he not himself
stated their purpose, and is it concealed ?
I have a word to say upon the subject of great profits.
This is a point which many are too apt to think the in-
evitable concomitant of a coal mine. It is founded in the
greatest delusion. It is criminal in any man to excite
odium against individuals upon an assumption which he
knows to be false. I repeat it is a wicked attempt.
I do not wish to impose upon the civility which has
admitted these remarks'of mine into your Journal, Sir,
otherwise I could enter into a disquisition upon the effect
of the regulation of the Coal-owners, proving that its ces-
sation could not confer any benefit on the sea-borne coal con-
sumer, but that it would inevitably end in a firmly established
monopoly of a reduced number of Coal-owners, concluding
vastly to the injury of the community, anti to the practi-
cal refutation of the theories anti statements of your cor-
respondent. To this task I now defer, and shall simply
refer to the evidence of Mr. I3uddle before the Committee
of the House of Lords in the year 1829. It is the evi-
dence of a practical man, and from the high character of
Mr. Middle for integrity and professional ability, entitled
to every degree of respect. The evidence in question, I
need not say, contains abundant proofs of the unfounded
nature of the attacks of " An Observer," and that were
dlii his
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In concluding thi3 letter, Sir, I must beg leave to take
notice of one part of your correspondent's letter, which

almost tempts me to imagine he, is one of the counsellors
of Mr. Daniel O'Connell. That worthy patriot of the
sister isle is holding out a threat of creating a run upon
the Irish Banks, and your correspondent, acting upon the
same finely-wrought impulse, sagely recommends the
ship-owners to carry no more coals. The analogy is re-
markable, and I have no doubt that the results of the
different pieces of advice would be pretty similar—
ruin and confusion. But, says your correspondent,
we shall have coals cheap. I shall ruin the coal-
owners, and the ship-owners, and I shall take care that no
one gets any more profit from coals. And pray, Sir,
what would be the effect upon the market were such a
sapient resolution to be come to by the ship-owners?
Does your correspondent think the price of coals would
fall? The effect would necessarily be an immediate and
extensive rise, and this precious manoeuvre would fall with
redoubled rigour upon the unfortunate consumer.
However, I dare say the public need not be alarmed that
the shin-owners will follow the advice of " the able and
sound Report' of the Committee of Common Council, or
of any of its retainers. It is too palpable and laughable an
artifice. Drowning men catch at straws—the tug at the
ship-owners will avail them little.
I am obliged, Sir, for the space you have afforded me.
I am, Sir, with great respect,
Your very obedient servant,
VINDEX.

TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON,

K. G. B. , &c. &c.

MY Loan DUKE,-The defence of your Grace in the
House of Lords, when charged with having made a pro-
vision for your two private secretaries at t 6 public ex-
pense, as a compensation for their services daring your
short but lamentable career as Prime Minister, presents a
striking contrast to your Grace's conduct on a previous
occasion, when you thought proper to reduce the perma-
nent staff of the militia, (the greater part without any re-
niuneration,) in direct violation of the several Acts of Par.
liament, which guaranteed a retired allowance after a spe•
cific period.
Notwithstanding your dictatorial fiat on this occasion,
to carry this measure per fas et nefas, several officers
who had served from ten to eighteen years ventured to
memorialize your Grace, setting forth the unprecedented
nature of the reduction—their long services, and the dis-
tress and privation with which many were overwhelmed
from being deprived of their appointments; but these ap-
peals to your Grace's justice and humanity were made in
vain ; a brief negative to the prayer of the petition, or a
reference to the Secretary at War, whose reply was equally
repulsive, was the only answer the various applicants for
redress received. Similar representations made to Sir R.
Peel met with a like result, but softened down with the
most jesuitical reasoning ; and the plans sent into the
lion. Secretary for keeping up an efficient militia staff,
at a much less expense than is incurred in their
present INEFFICIENT state, were treated with silent
contempt. Had these suggestions been attended to,
the staff might have formed the nucleus of a con-
stabulary farce, which could with the greatest ease
have been organized in each county in a few weeks, and
have rendered essential service ac the late momentous
crisis. But his late Majesty's Ministers, after mature de-
liberation, adopted the wise resolution of dismissing the
corporals, who were young effective soldiers, and retaining
the serjeants ; men, generally speaking, worn out in the
service, and only fit to be paraded before a medical board,
as they severally completed their period of service which
entitled, them to a pension.
Notwithstanding the Bill for the reduction of the Militia
Staff was introduced into the House of Commons under
the specious pretext of relieving the burthens of the
country, strong suspicions existed within the minds of the
reflective portion of the community (to whom your poli-
tical bias was sufficiently manifest even at that early period
of your Administration), that your Grace's real object was
to crush the national force of the country, in order to
transfer the patronage of the Lords Lieutenants to the
War-office, in the event of any increase of the military
force being required.
In consequence of this reduction the prospects of 80
Militia Staff Officers (who had been compelled to reside
at the head-quarters of their regiments from eight to fifteen
years) were suddenly blighted, without the slightest con-
sideration for their past services, and their petition to be
placed on a retired allowance was sternly refu.ed; yet
shortly after an attempt was made, with the most un-
blushing effrontery, to reward the Herculean labours of a
Bathurst and a Dundas with a sinecure of larger atnount
than the SO Militia Staff Officers hail in vain solicited, and
to which they had a just and equitable claim.
It was the policy of your Glace's Administration to
sacrifice officers, both civil and military, without scruple
or remorse, or the slightest reference to past service, pro-
vided they had not sufficient interest to uphold their
claims. This policy, worthy of the source from which it
emanated, had a two-fold object in view ; it enabled your
obsequious colleagues, the Right Hon. Secretaries for the
Home and War department, (par nobile fratrunt,) to
make a vaunted display in the House of Commons of their
economy and retrenchment, and in secret to increase their
Parliamentary influence by bestowing the incomes of
which numerous officers were deprived on a few sinecurists.
Happily for the country, this Administration, unparal-
leled for its imbecility and obstinacy, has ceased to exist—
unable longer to, still the voice of public opinion, which
had become too loud and indignant to be trifled with, your
Grace and colleagues terminated your disastrous career as
Ministers of the Crown by tendering your resignations,
an event which was bailed with the most enthusiastic de-
light throughout his Majesty's dominions.
It is a subject of congratulation amongst all classes that
the present Ministers have adopted a line of conduct dia-
metrically opposite to that pursued by their predecessors—
without committing any breach of faith they have abolished
useless appointments—reduced the emoluments of office
where they were disproportionate to the services performed
—and, to effect a salutary Reform in the House of Com-
mons, they rest their claims for support on the British
nation, which will not fail them in time of need. I have
he honour to be, my Lord Duke,
Your Grace's most obedient humble servant,
A FRIEND TO CONSISTENCY.
Jan. 24, 1831.

Mr. SAURIN is understood to be decidedly of
of opinion that the late arrests were illegal, and it is said
that Mr. O'CONNELL is likely to have the benefit of his
assistance, if his trial should take place.—Dublin Morn-
ing Register.

Mr. SATJRIN has been offered a brief, with a
fee of 100 guineas, on behalf of O'CONNELL, but, as the
Learned Gentleman Las given up his bar practice, he de-
clined accepting the offer. This proves, at all events,
,that
the infallible Member of all Ireland is not so confident in
his own construction of the law as his letters and speeches
would seem to signify.—Morning Paper.

A rumour,- which we ardently hope is with-
out foundation, prevailed throuth town very generally yes-
terday, that Mr. Mortars, agent of Lord GORT, hid been
murdered on Saturday, while collecting rents on the estate
of his Lordship.—Dublin Register.
LITERARY LIVIIM CIIARACTERS.—We
are requested to state that the second Number of the New
Monthly Magazine for 1831, to appear the Ist of February,
will be embellished with a beautifully engraved psi trait of
the Hon. Mrs. NORTON, authoress of the " Scrrows of
Rosalie, the Undying One, and other Poems," which have
lately so much attracted public attention. The same
number will comprise also a Sketch of her Life and the
following original papers :—The English Bar ; No. '2—
Sir EDWARD Socors—The Three Days of December in
Paris—Observations on the Ballot—Vicissitudes in the
Life of a Lawyer—The Legacy of a late Poet—After
Dinner Chat by the Author of " Paul Pry"—My Sine-
cure Place, by T. H. BAYLY, Esq.—Speeches and
Speakers in Parliament ; Sir J. MACKINTOSH, Lord JOH N
, RUSSELL, Mr. WYNNE, Mr. POWLETT THOMPSON, Mr.
ROBERT GRANT, and the ATTORNEY-GENERAL—An
Adventure on the Mer de Glace—Poems by Mrs. HEMANS
—BYRON'S last Biographer—On the Principles of Pro-
perty and the Poor Laws, by Jonr: GALT, Esq.—Remarks
on Mr. NARES' Life of the Great Lord BURG HLEY—
Mirror of the Month, or Comments on Men and Things
for the Month of January—The CHANCELLOR and Sir
EDWARD SUGDEN.—DA N. O'CONNELL and the Rationale
of dignity—Thurorr and Sir HummaY DA VY—Public
Economy—Smuggled Newspapers—The Recorder of Nor
wich—Lord BERKELEY—The Theatrical Monopoly, &c.
BRUTAL ASSAULT.--At the Sessions-
room, Lawford's-gate, on Thursday last, JAMES CLARK
was convicted in the penalty of 51. for having actually
bitten off the nose of JAMES Bayawr !—Bath Chronicle.

MARCH OF MORALITY AND ECONOMY
UNITED !—A written request, signed by a considerable
number of the rate-payers of Boston, has been presented
to the overseers of the poor, requesting them to publish a
list of all bastard children chargeable to the parish, with
their ages, residences, and the names of their parents,
with a view to a reduction (if possible) of the enormous
item " Bastardy" in the parish accounts, last year
amounting to upwards of four hundred pounds ! The
people of Boston seem to be in earnest. Other reforms are
L
talked of which are little expected.—Stamford Champion.