The Sun.
London, England, 1838-10-26 00:00:00

1 lr've- huf halrf'd of Ireland that suggests the Tory
Rarrt ; and therefore we are asto-
ntshed ,o find that any Irishman, with the exception
of a railway speculator, has been found, after mature
deliberation, to lend his name to the infamous attacks
levelled against Ireland's best and most generous be-
nefactors—the said Railway Commissioners. How-
ever, we learn from the Irish Papers that the people
of Ireland, now in the course of judging for them-
selves, are no longer in a mood to be gulled by
the interested clamours of such one-sided patriots
as Mr. PIERCE MAHONY and JAMES DWYER—
the Punch and Judy of every railway meeting con,
vened by speculators, who regulate their love for Ire-
land by the profits therefrom accruing. On Saturday
last the citizens of Waterford expressed themselves by
no means satisfied with Mr. DWYER'S itinerant
oratory ; and in Cork, Tipperary, and most of the in-
fluential districts in the South of Ireland, the recom-
mendations of the Commissioners have been universally
adopted. The fact is that the Tories here want to
keep Ireland a hot-bed of religious and political dis-
sension ; and therefore it is that, under the con-
venient plea of opposing jobbing in English capital,
they labour with all their might to cast discredit
upon the Commissioners' Report. They do not want
a reduction of the army in Ireland—they are op-
posed to any British intercourse that would lead
to the driving of the drones out of the Christian
hive in that country—they cannot forget that the
majority of the Irish population is Catholic ; and for
all these reasons they are furious that the recommen-
dations of a Commission are attended to, which, if
adopted, would inevitably raise Catholic Ireland to a
social and political equality with Protestant England
and Presbyterian Scotland. Now we participate
in none of these dishonest prejudices. We should
be glad to witness the commercial, and, there-
fore, the mutually enriching, flow of British capital
into Ireland. We should be delighted to learn that
a large standing army was no longer necessary for
the protection of life and property in that country ;
and having already ascertained by experience that a
reduction of crime has—from some cause or other—
followed a reduction of the Protestant hierarchy, we are
not in a mood to question the sound policy of extin-
guishing some hundreds of sinecure livings with a
view to the ultimate improvement of Irish morals.
In looking to Ireland as a nation—in taking into consi-
deration her natural and physical position—in consulting
the interests of her entire population, instead of echoing
the selfish din of a handful of speculators, jobbers, and
paid agents, the Railway Commissioners have adopted
a novel, but as regards Ireland, a most patriotic course.
We can very well understand the nature of the ob-
jections which bigots might make to their Report in
England ; but with a knowledge of Ireland fully equal
to that of either PIERCE MAIIONY or JAMES
DWYER, we cannot understand upon what grounds
any honest and unprejudiced Irishman, whether Ca-
tholic or Protestant, can object to the principles laid
down in the excellent Report of the Commissioners.

The folly and violence of certain individuals have
excited, even among the middle classes, a prejudice
against the " People's Charter" not at all warranted,
when we consider the hardships under which the
people labour, and the small attention paid to their
interests by any legislative or executive body. The
middle classes cannot fail to see that their interests
and those of the lower classes have generally been
sacrificed for the sake of a few who get into authority,
whether as Ministers, Legislators, or even Aldermen
and Common Councilmen, and ought not to be sur-
prised that attempts should be made to get some-
thing more than the Reform Bill. Much as we wish
the people success, however, we must come to the con-
clusion, from sad experience, that no reform will
benefit them till they reform themselves, and
refuse to place implicit confidence in any repre-
sentatives or authorities. We have frequently
adduced the conduct of the Corporation of London,
as a proof that elected and responsible bodies, as well
as the most despotic and independent, neglect their

duty, when the people fail in duty to themselves. The
exposures made within the last fortnight, to which we
have already adverted—of the extravagance of the
City authorities, of the useless and expensive
trappings of the Citizens' King, of the jobbing
in City property, and the reluctance to reform
evinced by all who have even a distant prospect
of the plunder—ought to open the eyes of the public
to the fact that no body of men, however elected, ought
to be trusted. We will take only one instance out of
many to prove how the citizens are robbed and cheated
because they will not attend to their own interests.
Last year we called their attention to the coal
monopoly—to the enormous tax which the half-
starved poor pay on one of the chief necessaries
of life, for the benefit of coal-factors, coal-meters,
aldermen, and merchants, and all their distant cousins
and dependents. A Committee of the House of
Commons was appointed to inquire, and what has
been the result ? Nothing. In this fine weather coals
are rising and are higher than they were last season. In
fact they are nearly as high here as on the other side of
the Channel, where the French Government charges a
large import duty ; so that owing to the sluggishness of
the people and the misrule of the City authorities, we
have to pay as much as foreigners for one of the great
staple articles of the country. Had the people done their
duty by holding meetings and allowing the Collective
W;sdom no rest, the poorer class would not, as they now
do, look forward with horror to a severe winter. But
probably a severe winter, together with the Corn
monopoly, may do the work. In the district of Beth-
nal-green alone twenty thousand people ate on .the
brink of starvation. In the other suburbs there are
grievous complaints of the high price of the two great
necessaries of life ; and six weeks' hard frost may ripen
these complaints into demonstrations, nay deeds, which
may bring the Corn Monopolists and the Coal Mono-
polists to their senses.

The whole of the Paris Journals of 'Wednesday, I
have been received, but, with the exception of the sub-
joined extracts, they bring no news of any interest :
We have seen communications from Colonel Don Juan
Galindo, late Eavoy from Central America in London, dated
Guatemala, 27th July, 1838.
The National Congress had concluded its Session at San
Salvador.
Don Mariano Rivero Pas, Chief pro tem. of Guatemala,
had proposed to the Assembly and Council of that State the
granting of a general amnesty for past political offences from
the date of Independence, which recommendation bad been
adopted unanimously; consequently ex-President Arce, Don
Mariano Aycinena, Don Manuel Montufar, and other exiles
are now at liberty to return.
A Convention of the Commonwealth of Guatemala will
meet on the Ist of November next, to draw up a new Consti-
tution for the State, which Constitution is to be submitted
to the approval of the people before becoming the supreme
law of the land.
Carrera's insurrection was nearly quelled.
Don Braulio Carrillo had been reinstated on the 27th of
May as Chief of Costarrica.
The Convention of Nicaragua was in Session at Chinan-
dega, in that State.—Morning Chronicle.
The Delegates recently arrived from Guadeloupe were pre-
sented to the King yesterday morning by Baron C. Dupin,
and delivered to his Majesty a long address on the distressed
state of the Colonies and the sugar question. In this docu-
ment, which contains, however, no facts with which our
readers are not already acquainted, the Delegates declared
that the often announced ruin of that Colony was now
realized, and that the only hope of the inhabitants rested
on his Majesty's impartiality and kindness. They also
went into several details on the slave question, and pointed
to the failure of the apprentice system in the British West
India islands ; but stated, in very strong terms, that if the
system °I slavery were to be abolished in there own Colony,
it ought not to be done without the payment of an indem-
nity to the colonists, as in the case of England and her slave-
holding possessions.
Advice; from Toulon of the lath inst. state, that orders had