The Sun.
London, England, 1849-07-25 00:00:00

JUVENILE EMIGRATION.

Lord ASHLEY then rose, according to notice, to
bring under the notice of the House the state of a por-
tion of the juvenile population of the metropolis, and to
move that it is expedient that means be annually pro-
vided for the voluntary emigration, to some of her
Majesty's colonies, of a certain number of young per-
sons, of both sexes, who have been educated in the
schools ordinarily called ragged schools, in and about
the metropolis. He was very anxious to excite some
interest, and to obtain some support, in pointing out
the importance of a really repressive system. Prison
discipline was a question which at the present moment
excited great and general interest. The separate, soli-
tary, and mixed systems of confinement had each their
several advocates, but if he could show that the preven-
titive system was the best, he thought he should be en-
titled to support.—(Hear, hear.) Last year he had
stated that the number of this class in the metropolis
was about 300,000, from subsequent inquiry he had very
much under-estimated the real number. He had then
tally described their habits, lives, and modes of obtaining an
existence, and had shown the danger which arose to society
from the existence of such a mass of persons of such cha-
racter and pursuits. As a means of enabling the
House to judge of the extent of the evil for which he
was anxious to provide a remedy, he would call atten-
tion to a return he had prepared, showing the compara-
tive number of males committed in the years 1847 and
1848. In 1847 the total number of committals was
41,479, of these 8,405 were under twenty years of age
—between ten years and fifteen years of age there
were 3,228, and under ten years 360. The total num-
ber of males committed in 1848 was 42,933, and there
was a similar proportion of committals above the age of
ten years, while in the number of those under tea years,
the age during which they were in the ragged schools,
there was a decrease.—(Hear, hear.) The total in-
crease on the year was 1,464, and of these one-half
were under twenty years of age. The proportion of the
committals from ten to twenty years of age was
12,693 to 18,000 persons from twenty-five to fifty, being
one-third more of the latter ; but when they came to
trials and convictions the case was reversed, of those
between ten and twenty years of age the convictions
were 1,237, while the convictions of those between
twenty-five and fifty was 1,059. He found the same
rule prevailed at Manchester, from which he had returns,
and which he instanced because it was a large town, sub-
ject to somewhat similar influences, and because accu-
rate returns were kept. These facts showed a most
awful and fearful proportion of juvenile crime, and that
if it was at all possible to apply a preventive system,
they were bound to do so, and to look directly to that
class among whom the seeds of crime were sown in early
life, which the utmost amount of after care might not be
able to eradicate.—(liear, hear.) In order to ascertain
the opinions of those most conversant with the facts, he
addressed a circular to city missionaries, teachers of
ragged schools, gaolers, and others. He put the ques-
tion to them, "Do many adult males become criminals
for the first time after twenty years of age ?" To that
question he had received answers, from 43 committees,
" very few."—(Hear, hear.) Some replied that a very
small proportion indeed became criminals for the first
time after twenty years of age, and these were chiefly
caused by drunkenness and want of employment; but
they were very few—not one in fifty. Another reply
stated that " of the poorer classes in cities hardly one
becomes criminal after twenty years of age." Now,
what was the condition of that class who thus grew up
to be criminals ? A short time since, feeling
anxious to know the actual condition of this class, he
bad perambulated a great part of the City in which they
had their haunts.—(Hear, hear.) He had penetrated
into the lanes and courts where these children and young
people were crowded together. In other places he found
that moat of them who had no other shelter lived in the
dry arches of unfinished or uninhabited houses. These
arches were small and dark. A hole had been made
sufficiently large to enable him to creep into them, and
no one could see who was there until a lantern was
thrust into this hole. The House might imagine the
condition of these miserable creatures. They were
asked to come to a model lodging house the following
day, and thirty-three of them did so, whose ages varied
from twelve to eighteen years of age; of these twenty-
four had no parents—(Hear, hear)—six had but one
parent, three had stepmothers. Most of them had been
once in prison, and one boy, only fourteen years of age,
had been in prison twelve times.—(Hear, hear.) The
whole of them were a prey to vermin, begrimed with
filth, in rags, and not a few of them suffering from
siekness.—(Hear, hear.) He examined most of them
personally, and privately, as to their previous lives,
and he had reason to believe they told him the
truth. He took them separately into a private room,
and ho said to them, " Now, I am going to put
a few plain questions to] you, not with any view to
your injury, and I hope you will answer me truly.
When I have done I will answer any question you may
put to me."—(Hear, hear.) They thought the terms
were fair and agreed to answer him. He asked how
often have you slept in a bed during the last three years?
One said twice, another said three times, and another
could not remember ever having done so. He then
asked them how they lived, and they frankly confessed
they had no other mode than begging or stealing. The
only legitimate mode of earning a penny which was
open to them was to pick up and sell old bones.—(Hear,
hear.) But they freely confessed to him that they and
their class had not and could not have any other mode
of living but by begging and stealing. Now, he wished
the House to observe what was the condition of this
class—they were almost trained to crime at an early age.
They replied, when asked to give up that kind of life,
that it was no use, they had no other means of living.
They formed a most dangerous class to society,
and were ever ready to create or take advantage of
popular commotion. The Noble Lord illustrated this
fact by an anecdote of a lad of seventeen, who went
over to Paris, about four years since, with his mother,
and who had fought in the barricades in the late French
revolution. These boys received no education from
society, and could they be surprised at the fact that they
not only did not respect the rights of property, but glo-
ried in violating them.—(Hear, bear.) As an instance
of this feeling, he might relate an anecdote which bad
been stated by a teacher of a ragged school. Fourteen
lads entered the school, one Sunday night, who were
not known to him. The practice was to receive and
teach all,who came. They sat very quietly till the clock
struck eight, when they rose in a body and marched out
of the school. The master stopped one little fellow, and
said, " You must not go, school is not over yet." The
reply was, " I ,must Igo, don't you hear the clock has
struck eight, and I muet go to work ?" " What kind of
work ?" " Why, to cluster round the chapel doors as
the people are coming out."—(Bear.) Such, then, being
the moral condition of these outcasts, be would ask if
they could refrain for an hour longer in instituting
measures to reclaim them ? There were two modes
of proceeding ; the first was, to wait until they commit-
ted crime, and then bring them to trial, and imprison or
transport them. The other was, to take a preventive
course, and anticipate the :gaoler by education, indus-
trial training, and a better position. It was said
that this was a hopeless case ; and, as far as the pre-
sent mode of prison discipline went, perhaps it was true.
It was in their case altogether inoperative in deterring
from the commission of crime. It might deter those
who committed crime from wantonness, or who had
means to fall back upon • but the class of whom he spoke
had no such mean. He wished to call the attention of
the House to what might be termed the various causes
of juvenile crime. These were, the example and neglect
of parents, the careless exposure of articles, especially
of food, in shops, and the existence of those places called
the casual wards. Out of 250 persons that he once
met, no less than 42 had told him that it was to the
casual wards of the union they traced their every misery
and their first step in crime. The want of employment
was another prolific source of crime. The goal system
was not that on which they could rely for the reforms.
tion of criminals. At one time he recollected having been
requested by 150 of the most notorious thieves in the me-
tropolis, to meet them and give them the benefit of his
council as to the mole in which they could extricate them-
selves from their career of crime. He found assembled in
the Minories no less than 250 persons. They one and
all declared ,hemselves tire.l to death of their lives, beset
by every kind of misery, for a long period not knowing
how or where to get a meal. He told them that the

question they had propounded to him was one of a most
difficult character to answer, inasmuch as employment

was most difficult to be obtained by honest means, alto•
gether untainted by crime. How could he advise them
to go and ask for that which of his own knowledge he
was aware in lastriou3, well conducted men could not in
more than one instance out of three obtain. The re-
formatory system carried out in the public gaols had
failed, but it would succeed if the criminals were placed
in a position where they would not have to endure more
than human nature could stand. The system of emi-
gration ought to be encouraged with regard to the
children, attending the ragged schools, and on receiv-
ing a certificate of good conduct they should be sup-
plied by the Government with a sum of money suffi-
cient to enable them to go to the colonies. The
best results had already flowed from the countenance
given to those children who wished to emigrate. In
point of fact, ten times more good was effected by the
1400/. expended under the ragged school system than if
200,000/. were laid out under the present system of prison
disaipliue. Of all systems the workhouse was the worst
in which to train children such as he was now bringing
under their consideration. They had a great evil to deal
with. They had before them these 30,000 children, and
what would they do with them? Let the House recollect
the filthy and extremely ignorant state in which they
were generally found. No one would employ them, and
the only fool they had was obtained by begging or by
stealing. How could such children get education, or
any means of improvement? They were, therefore,
driven into crime, and into the worst of practices.
What, then, did these promoters of ragged schools
do? They opened schools for their reception, and en-
deavoured in every way to gain them over to improved
habits as well as to educate them. A child at these
schools must be maintained by its parents, and then as
a reward for good conduct they wished to be able to
hold out to them the prospect of their being sent out to
the colonies, and being placed in the way of bettering
their condition. All children to be entitled to this boon
are required to be of good health, to have attended some
industrial class for a certain period, to be able to say
the Lord's Prayer, and have some knowledge of their
religious duties, and to be maintained by their parents
for the period of five months. Parliament made a
grant every year for education to the amount of
100,0001., and from a participation of any portion of
this grant the children of ragged schools, from their
habits and necessities, were altogether excluded. What,
then, had been done? They had established 82 schools,
in which they had 80,000 children, and he could not
speak too highly of the efforts of the voluntary teachers.
Under these circumstances it was to the House of
Commons they looked to take up that duty which pri-
vate benevolence seemed no longer able to sustain. He
submitted, then, the issue to the representatives of the
reople, relying that they would act in the spirit of the
prayer which was upon their lips every evening—.
" That it would please God to have mercy upon all who
were desolate and oppressed, and upon the afflicted and
the fatherless."—(Hear, hear.)
Sir GEORGE GREY, after complimenting the Noble
Lord for the active and praiseworthy part he had taken
in the promotion of ragged schools, referred to the early
efforts of Sheriff Watson, of Aberdeen, in the establish-
ment of these schools, who had set an example which bad
been ably followed by his Noble Friend (Lord Ashley).
He thought, however, if his Noble Friend had made
himself better acquainted with the subject, he would not
have made the observations he had thrown out about the
prisoners at Pentonville and Parkhurst. Ho seemed to
think that that class of prisoners were let loose upon
society. None, however, were sent to those prisons but
prisoners who were under sentence of transportation.
Notbirg, he (Sir G. Grey) would admit, could be more
gratifying than the manner in which it appeared those
boys had expressed themselves on their arrival in the
colonies; and he had letters which had been received
from persons sent out from Parkhurst and Penton-
ville, which he would be happy to put into the
Noble Lord's hands, and which he believed, were of
an equally gratifying character. He agreed with
his Noble Friend that the amelioration of society
must be of slow growth, but he would caution him
against thinking that by any means at the disposal of
Parliament anything could be done to effect a rapid
change iu the condition of that class in whose welfare
he was so much interested. After referring to the mo-
tion which the Noble Lord had submitted to the House,
he pruceeeed to express his doubts as to the propriety of
carrying it into effect. Much as they were bound to
sympathise with that particular class of children to which
he referred, they must not overlook the danger of hold-
ing out a premium to crime—(Hear, hear)—and what'
ever Parliaments did it must make a distinction be-
twssen the children of honest parents and the children
of bad habits and propensities. The Right Hon. Gen-
tleman here read a document, setting forth the views of
Government at the time the experiment was first made
of sending children from ragged schools to the colonics
by aid from Government. The Noble Lord had Colo
them that there were 30,000 children of that class al"
luded to in London, and averaging the expense et
101. each, a sum would be required amounting t°.
300,0001.—(Hear, hear.) It would be necessary that
if any step should be taken by Government in furthe-
rance of the Noble Lord's scheme, it would be abso-
lutely necessary that other children—children of ill'
dustrious and honest parents, should be participators in
the benefit.—(Hear, hear.) He had received letter,.
from Glasgow claiming to have some aid such as bad
been extended (as we understood) to schools in Aber-
deen. He did not think that Parliament, by any enact'
meat, could enable any class to feed and clothe theln:
selves, and he therefore doubted th.t by any system
of
emigration they could confer the very great advantages
which the Noble Lord seemed to anticipate.- He would
mention that he had a representation from the grand
jury at York, last year, Kith reference to certain crimi-
nals who were convicted of sedition and other offences,
setting forth that these people had come to a sense of.
the errors they had committed, and that they dreaded
being again cast upon society; and the gentlemen of the
grand jury, therefore submitted to his consideration the
wisdom and the humanity of Government enabling them;
people to better their condition in the colonies. He stated
to the grand jury, in his reply, that he should be most
happy to comply with their suggestion if it were in his
power to do so, but that the applications from persons el
unimpeachable character were so numerous that Govern"
went soul not possibly afford to these pepple, who were
of course entitled to a preference, the aid and assistance
that was required, and he was consequently compelled
to refuse the prayer of the grand jury. If the House
should give their assent to the Noble Lord's proposition
he would say that it must not in fairness be limited to
one particular class. The interests of society required
that the children of the honest and industrious classes
should at least be participaters in any advantage which
Parliament could hold out, and, above all, they should
take care that any benefit they conferred should not be
given as a premium to crime.—(Hear, bear.)
Mr. PAGE WOOD was glad that an experiment had
been made in carrying out the views which the Noble
Lord had laid before them, but he confessed he had, from
the first, doubts of the success and propriety of the
scheme, and his opinions were grounded upon the fact that
they had in the workhouses over the kingdom so many
orphans who could not be provided for. He thoughts
therefore, that it was their first duty to attend to the
claims which such a clas of children had upon them. An
appeal of the same kind as this might be urged with at
least equal force in bakalt 11k wheels in connexion
with many Dissenting congregations. He was quite fa-
miliar with the difficdties of the question, and assured
the House that it was quite necessary for them to be on
their guard against their benevolent instincts, which, as
in the ease of almsgiving, frequently prompted them to
bestow money on those who were either quite unworthy
of it, or who, being worthy of it, became immediately
inactive, and ultimately ruined. He thought, too, that,
considering the great difficulty which poor and honest
struggling people experienced in procuring the money
which was necessary to enable them to emigrate, it was
most unjust, to say nothing of its being extremely
wrong in principle, to allow dishonesty and crime to be-
come a stepping-stone to that which frugality and pru-
dence could not obtain.—(Hear, hear.) But, supposing
that the House should adopt the principle of the resolu-
tion, then he should suggest that the grant should not
be made from the public purse, but should be admi-
nistered in the several localities by the individuals who
contributed to it.
Lord ASHLEY replied, and the resolution was by
leave withdrawn.
Lord DUDLEY STUART postponed until next SW
sion his motion for a Select Committee to inquire into
the ease of Krishna Rao Wittul of Baroda.
BRITISH GUIANA.
Mr. HUME move the following resolutions on the
evidence and report of the Select Committee on British
Guiana:—

• " That it appears by the evidence taken before the
Select Committee on British Guiana, that that Govern-
ment has been carried on for the last ten years in oppo-
sition to the expressed views and opinions of the elective
members of the Colonial Legislature, and that the sup-
plies are now stopped in the colony, by continued oppo-
sition, to the great injury of the colony."
"That this Howe is of opinion that the time has ar-
rived when the public expenditure of the colony should
De reduced, as desired by the colonists; and also for the
establishment of a responsible Local Government, which
should have full power to decide on the extent and na-
tura of their establishments, and to provide the means
for paying the same."
The Committee, after pursuing it labours under very
disadvantageous circumstances, inasmuch as the colonists
who complained had no notice of the appointment of the
Committee, and were only admitted upon petition to give
evidence before it, had made a report which, in his opi-
nion, was quite inconsistent with the evidence. It well
the report only of a majority of the Committee, and as
such a very meagre, half-and-half, no report at all. The
cases of Ceylon and Guiana were brought before the
House in tLe E r,sent session as proper subjects of inves-
tigation by a Select Committee, and Guiana had been
taken first, as being the more urgent of the two. The
House would remember that the supplies for carrying on
the Government of Guiana had been stopped, that the
public institutions of tat: colony bad been at a stand,
and the general blanches of the Colonial Government
were at variance. With regard to the Home Govern-
ment of the colony, the conduct of Lord Grey was not
only against reason but against law, looking at the
institutions of the country. The colonists had
a majority in the Court, but they had in evidence
that, as the Governor had a double vote, he had the
power, under the direction of Lord Grey, to overrule
the wishes of the elective members. The minority of
the representatives had petitioned Lord Grey for a re-
duction of salaries, but they had received for answer,
that no reduction should be made in the civil list, but
everywhere else they might make what reductions they
pleased. He thought the Colonial-office had treated
them with hearlless indifference.. The combined Court
had refused to vote the money for the civil list, and there
was no resource but au appeal to the Imperial Parlia-
ment. The colonies complained that all the promises
of the Colonial office had been broken. The Noble
Lord at the head of the Colonial department would net
make the least concession, and therefore the House --
called upon to interfere. There Woo cite continued "ate

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