The Sun.
London, England, 1836-09-19 00:00:00

grace. As friends of Reform and of a Government
whose existence is based upon that principle, we hear-
tily wish these slanderers-4ot) dull to harm any but
their patrons—to proceed with increased earnestness
and rapidity in their allotted course. They may, how-
ever/est satisfied or dissatisfied, that they shall not be
bought, however cheaply the lot might be knocked
down.—Morning Chronicle.
The repeated visit of Leopold, King of the Bel-
gians, to this country, has not passed without remark ;
nor has his Majesty's recent expedition to Claremont,
where the Duchess of Kent and the heiress presump-
tive to the British Crown are sojourning, escaped some
degree of suspicion as to its motives and objects. Cer-
tainly, it will be said, there would be much harshness
in obstructing the intercourse between members of the
same family, merely because it happens to be a family
closely connected with the throne of England. Still
we maintain, that in the present state of affairs—public
as between the countries, and personal as relating to all
the individuals concerned—it would have been a more
correct proceeding, and would have indicated far better
taste in King Leopold at least, to say nothing of the.
Princess Victoria's mother, had these Royal persona-
ges established their rendezvous at some place from
which the whole Royal Family of England, except
themselves, were not so entirely excluded. To us it
appears that the Court of William IV. was the fitting
scene, all things considered, for an interview between
a foreign Prince and a lady whose position, notwith-
standing her original relationship to that Prince, leaves
her no political obligations or duties to discharge but
those which her own Sovereign, his Majesty the King
of England, points out to her as due to the interests
of his people, the honour of his Crown, and the wel-
fare and permanent happiness of his Royal successor.
The Princess Victoria will be of age next year. There
will arise questions relating to her separate establish-
ment, independent, as it ought to be in that case, of
her mother. There will.arise many serious considera-
tions in the mind of every thinking Englishman with
regard to a matrimonial alliance for her who, if she
lives, must be our future Queen. It is possible that
such a question may not very speedily ripen into a
subject of formal discussion in Parliament, or of de-
cision by his Majesty, with the full assent and con-
currence of the Princess herself, ,whose individual
happiness ought of course to be anxiously consulted.
Far be it from us to suggest or insinuate that- any-
'thing like intrigue is going forward to make a traffic
of the hand, the domestic comfort, and political
influence of a Queen Regnant of Great Britain,
for the promotion of selfish family views, or of
foreign interests remote from those of the principal
party herself, and of the British nation, to which, and
to which alone, our youthful Princess belongs. But
still the people of England do not like the appearance
(we arc quite sure there can be nothing beyond ap-
pearance) of designing or meddling manoeuvres. The
pride of the people of England, and their affectionate
solicitude for their future Sovereign, of whom they en-
tertain such flattering and sanguine hopes, would be
equally revolted by the suspicion that the destiny cf
her whole life had been predisposed of, without much
consulting her own tastes or theirs, by a clandestine
family caucus held on one side of the House only, and
that the side which was not English, assisted by two
or three artful subalterns for confidential advisers. We
shalj at present say no mote upon this delicate subject.
But unless we are greatly misinformed, there exists in
the quarter ‘viiere perhaps such qualities have been
least looked for, and are most inestimable, a clearness
of discernment and a force of character well fitted to
frustrate the calculations of selfish and ambitious ad-
venturers, however favoured by accident or intrigue.
We have no fear that the presumptive heiress of the
IBritish empire will be a passive instrument in the sale
of her own hand and person at an unworthy price, let
the sinister proposition conic whence it may, or be ever
so smoothly varnished over. The protection of her
free agency is in good keeping, for she has William
IV. and his upright people for her guardians.—Times.

The confession which Mr. O'Connell has felt him-
self compelled to make, that the majority of the Eng-
lish nation are hostile to what he calls justice to Ire-
land, which means'to all those schemes of democratic
and Papal innovation which he has been making the
Ministry of Great Britain his " cat's paws" to carry,
gives great offence to some of the Whig-Radical jour-
nalists, who see in that confession an admission of the
fact, that the character of the Melbourne Administra-
tion is unpopular in England, and its policy inipracti-
cable. It must be exceedingly mortifying to the Minis-
ters, if they have any feeling at all, to find that having
been led on, during the last two Sessions of Parliament,
through all the miry ways through which Mr.O'Connell
chose to drag them, and having been flattered by him
that although their march was a dirty one, yet it was a
march to victory ; it must be, we say, exceedingly mor-
tifying to those Ministers to find that the Agitator, who
has been their tempter and taskmaster, at whose in-
stigation and command they plunged into such a
depth of degradation, now, as if scoffing their imbe-
cility, proclaims to the world that in becoming the
slaves of an unprincipled Irish faction they have for-
feited the support of the English people, and that they
have submitted to that ignominious ascendency only to
facilitate-their fall from power, for no power can long
stand in this country to which the opinion of the na-
tion is hostile. To improve the condition, moral,
social, and physical, of the mass of his starving
countrymen, does not come within Mr. O'Connell's
definition of " justice to Ireland," and, therefore, his
subservient tools, the recreant Whig Ministers, have
done nothing, attempted nothing, towards the amelio-
ration of the condition of those destitute myriads
of the Irish population, whose forlorn misery the
Agitator avails himself of to promote the objects of
his guilty ambition. Nor would it be necessary for
obtaining that species of " justice to Ireland" that the
Constitution of England should be broken down by
the destruction of the independence of the House of
Lords. But the " justice to Ireland" which Mr.
O'Connell advocates, and which has for its basis the
overthrow of Protestant Institutions, and the estab-
lishment of the spiritual tyranny of Rome, never can
be accomplished without first demolishing that great
barrier of our free and Protestant Constitution—the
House of Lords. Therefore it was that the Agitator
prefaced his grand scheme by going forth as a pro-
fessed " Ministerial Missionary" to "preach down"
that branch of the Constitution. The Ministers se-
conded his efforts, as their Journals also did, in a
sneaking manner we admit, but still they gave him as
much assistance as their moral cowardice would allow
them to give. Now the evil spirit into whose snares
they have hopelessly fallen turns upon them, and taunts
them with the bitter announcement that the mighty
mind of England looks down in scorn at their pigmy
efforts to break down the matchless work of , ages—its
glorious Constitution.—Morning Herald.
Mr. Hayton, the artist, as our readers may have
seen, has addressed to us a letter respecting a personal
grievance to which he has lately been subjected, by
that continuation of the law of arrest, for which we are
indebted to the obstructiveness of the House of Lords.
We know nothing of the circumstances of the case
which may have caused the painful inconvenience Of
Which he complains. It is a matter for private consi-
deration ; nor should we have given publicity to the
letter, or
ent
now adverted to it, except for public consi-
derations,
which are closely associated with this new
example of private ringingsufferingsp from a bad law.
That Mr.
Fla .non stands among the first artists in his
own departm
of art—although neither genius nor
talent have a right to claim a greater immunity than
humbler qualificatio„s from their proper responsibility
to society from dischargedischare of their just debts—is
nevertheless a
circumstance
i whichaggravates the cha-
racter of the abuse,
an,. enforces the argument for its
prompt suppression.
under this view we cannot but
Ithe spirit of the
wit
Mr. IT
express our entire concurrence •
following passage from aydon's letter, which with
energetic conciseness depicts at
once
the oppressive
cruelty of the law, and its self-defeating
absurdity:—"
I
appeal to the common sense of any man, if there be anv
reason in hurrying away a man like myself from the
pursuits who have ever paid all he has earned, and can
only earn by being suffered to apply himself. What a
law is that law of arrest ! Burke, Johnson, and all
our greatest men have pronounced it infamous, and yet
day after day, and year after year, are its tortures in-
flicted, in spite of the remonstrance, the understanding,
and the efforts of the country I" We have always con-