The Sun.
London, England, 1838-05-16 00:00:00

taw aght it necessary to refer to. But he was prepared to prove that
ew try one of the objections now urged against immediate emancipation
lay fairly and demonstratively against that very Bill by which Lord
GKenelg had endeavoured to conciliate. With respeet to Sir G. Grey's
.:speech, he would refer them to Mr. Scobel's triumphant answer. Lord
Gleneig had stated that his Bill was based upon the abuses which existed
in the apprenticeship system, while that statement was as expressly denied
by gm 0,, Grey and Mr. Gladstone ; and if theywerenot true Lord Glenelg
bad behaved in the most unhandsome manner towards the colonists.
The next argument brought against them, was a breach of contract.
He was one of those unfortunate men who admitted the contract—
that an honourable contract was made—that by the abolition of the sys-
tem of slavery, the planters were to have the gratuitous services of the
apprentices for a limited period. Now he, or even a child might demon-
strate, the Bill of Lord Glenelg itself involved a most flagrant violation
of that contracts It departed from many of tee stipulations of the
contract of 1833, for it gave a discretionary power of manumission to
the Governor—that was one breach. The abolition of the flogging of
smiles was another breach, and when on the motion of Mr. O'Con.
nett, the flogging of females was done away with, it left the
flogging cf males legal ; and it was worthy of the sagacity
and policy of Mr. Stanley, when having withdrawn the natural
stimuli of wages, to allow the system to go with the artful stimuli of
the lash. Mr. Stanley had the good sense to know that slavery could
not be worked without the whip. Lord Glenelg, by his Bill, abolished
that stimulus ; and, as Lord Howick had let out, he had rendered the
working of the system impracticable, and he had violated most magna-
nimously and honourably the contract of 1833. The increase of allow-
ances to the negroes was also a direct infraction of the contract. In con-
clusion he would call upon the meeting to use their best exertions to put
an end to the system. Ile was deeply sensible of the imperfect manner
In which he had brought those statements and facts together, but enough
had been said, there and elsewhere, to demand the entire extinction
of a system so revolting to right feeling, and so opposed to Chris-
tianity. He had been a good deal amused by the attempts
to fasten upon a party, with whom he had the honour to act, the stigma
of agitation, and he was the more amused because it came from parties
who themselves had been always foremost to agitate. It came from
that very party who were most prominent at that season of holy festi-
vity in London, in agitating for the destruction of sin in all its forms.
That reminded him of a story which he heard of a Tory at Leeds, who
during the time of the heat of an election was engaged to stand God-
father to the chill of a friend, and arriving too early at the Church, he
strutted about the church-yard, and the beadle, who was a man of oppo-
site politics, came to him and said the clerk was ready. The answer of
the honest Tory was " What is that to you ?" The reply of the beadle
was, " You are a sponger," and the Indignant Tory immediately
answered, " You are another."—(Hear, hear, and loud laughter.)
Having very vague ideas of the duties of a godfather, the Tory inter-
preted the word opprobiously, and retorted on the unoffending beadle.
Without participating in the ignorance of his brother Conservative, he
reehord his retort, and when he was complained of as being an agitator,
he simply replied "You are another."—(Great cheering and laughter.)
He thought the agitation Yams worthy of their common Christianity, and
he would go on to agitate until, by the blessing of Providence, he had
destroyed every form and system of sin, and as an humble instrument
of Almighty God, secure freedom and the blessings of religion to all
his brethren.—(Loud cheers.)
J. F.. Levers, Esq., came forward to move the next resolution. If
justice had not been refused to the negroes, he would not have been
there that clay. They were assembled in the place where justice was
wont to be administered, and he was happy to see the chair so worthily
filled by their Chief Magistrate. The case before them was analogous to
cases welch were frequently brought before their Chairman or Chief
Magistrate. It was a case of complaint brought by apprentices against
their masters for cruel treatment, and if their worthy Chairman had
to deal with it he (Mr. Lunell) would not be afraid of the
evsult.--(Continued cheering.) When the abolition of slavery
'was first proposed, the planters had merely asked fifteen millions. But
Lord Stanley came down with a proposition instead of the proposed loan
of fifteen millions, to give them a grant of twenty millions; and that
was paid, rather as a penalty by a sinning but repentant people, to get
rid of that which was considered to be no longer defensible, and ought
not any longer to be tolerated. It would not. be difficult to prove the
contract, if there was one, had been shamefully broken, and if the case
was brought before their worthy chief magistrate in the justice room he
would at once deeide that not only should the indentures be cancelled,
but that the party was entitled to have the apprentice fee returned.
They did not ask that, they only asked the indentures should be cancelled ;
and, for the terms of the indenture, he would refer to the speech of Lord
Stanley, on introducing his Emancipation Act. It provided that, from
and after the lot of August, 1834, slavery should be utterly abolished
and declared unlawful throughout the British colonies, plantations, and
;possessions—that the power of the whip, as a stimulus to labour, should
cease—that females should not be flogged—that neither the masters nor
the local magistrates should have power to inflict punishment—that the
negro should work for his master a certain number of hours—and that,
subject only to that obligation, he should be, to all intents and purposes,
a freeman.—(Cheers) He would put in that as the apprenticeship in-
denture, and he could prove, by the admission of Lord Glenelg, that its ob.
legations had not been fulfilled. Mr. Lunell here read a long extract from
one of the Marie is of Sligo's dispatches to Lord Glenelg for the purpose
of showing the oppressive and cruel manner in which the apprentices
were treated in Jamaica. Alter these statements he thought a sufficient
case hadbeen male out to justify them in demanding the extinction of
the apprenticeship system. But could it be necessary in such an as-
sembly as the present to offer any arguments to prove that the claims of
humanity sad religion require that the slaves in the West India Colonies
should be set free.—(Cheers.) What was the religion of the Bible which
they professed, but a religion announcing freedom to man. One of its
first precepts wee, to " Da unto others as you would they should do unto
you "—(tar, hear.) W ith respect to the policy of the measure, he
felt perfectly satisfied it would conduce to the interests of
the planters as welt as of the negrnes.—(Hear, hear.) Whether
or not the petition sent up from various parts of the kingdom, would
lead to the immediate concession of the measure was uncertain, but he
thought there was no doubt that long before the year 1840, if it was
not granted by the British Legislature, it would be effecte l by other
means.—(Vehement cheering.) Mr. Lunch concluded by moving the
next reselutioto
SAMUEL Bowatv, Esq., In seconding the resolution, observed that
although he disagreed with his worthy friend on political subjects he
agreed with him as to the propriety of not making a long beginning to
his speech. It was asserted that a solemn compact was entered into,
but it was nothing more than an Act of Parliament, and an Act of
Parliament for tasking a railroad was just as solemn as any other, and
n Imore —(llcar, hear) The Act of Parliament which forbid the
emir sweeps to cry nut in the streets, was just as solemn as any other.
If they admitted that one part of an Act was more solemn than another,
then they admitted the. principle upon which every man might take that
part which best suited his sown purpose. What was the object of the
Act of 1533 ? It was 110 t to establish an apprenticeship system, but
to put an entire end to slavery. The secondary object was to compen-
sate the planters; but the most solemn portion of the Act was
to obtain the liberation of the negroes.—(Cheers.) It was the
duty of the British Legislature to see that every provision
of that Act was carried ottt, add if it could be proved
that it had not asiswe e.l the purpose, they had a perfect right to pass
another Act to correct the previous one. Although he (Mr. Rowley)
was an admirer of the present Administration, he should on that or.
count Lae the liberty of speaking a little more firmly on the subject
than others, whose difference of politics induced them to allude to the
subject more delmatcly. In the last Session of Parliament an Act was
passed conferring certain chiles and customs upon a harbour on the
Welch coast. The Bill was before Parliament far flee months, and ulti-
mately became law. In the course of the present Session, a member
of the Government (Mr. Poultet Thernpson) took his seat as Chair-
man of the Committee on the Bill, and rescinded the Act, with-
out gi•lug one penny of compensation to the parties interested;.
Wherein then did the difference lie ? It might be said that Fishguard
Harbour Bill was obtained by misrepresentation. That was not the
fact. But if there was any misrepresentation, there was not a whit more
thsn was premised on the public on the passing of the Bill of 1533.
They had heard it react that the negro was not to have a stain of slavery
upon hirn, and yet he could not go to see his dying wife and child with..
out souring the punishment of thirty-nine lashes.—(Hear, hear.) It
might be said these were small matters; but did justice consist of small
matters? Was the poor risen tit be set aii,!e because of his poverty,
and the rich man to be regerded because of his riches?—(Hear, hear )
Why should they net do equal justice to all P Ho admitted that the
Fisheuarti Art Wei not a proper one, and that it ought to be rime:led ;
but the patties were entitles! to some compensation. They had
a property in the tolls, and the next year that property was
destroyed—'hear, hear.) A man As pat in the witness-box, who
proved Unit he did not buy a share in the Company till he had ascer-
tained the Act was passed, and then, on the faith of Parliament, he had
purchased shares, every penny of which he had lost; yet that Bill was
repealed by a largo majority, and every Member who voted for it was
bound to vote for this abolition of slavery. That was a question of
pounds, !dieting', and pence, and yet was riot oonsidered a legal contract.
Buz here was a contract of flesh and blood, which it was attempted to
maintain was inviolate.—(Hear, hear.) What was the difference be..
tween the two Acts? It was this—teat the West India negroes were a
poor oppressed people, who could not speak for themselves, while the
West India planters were a wealthy, powerful, and influential class.
On the other hand, the ship owners were a powerful and influential
body, while the promoters of the Fisliguard Harbour Bill were persons
of little note or influence This, then, was the great distinction.
The wealthy and powerful were listened to, while the poor,
the oppressed, and the injured were left to their own re-
sources,—(Laud cheers) He had intended going through the
different heads of Lord Glenelg's speech, for the purpose of making
out their case, but it was almost unnecessary to do an. The first
admission of Lord Olcaelg was, that the negroes were admirably fitted
for freedom, and then he acknowledged the right of the negro to free-
dom, but he wished to continue them in a state of bondage, in order that
the interests of the planters might he promoted. He would like to
know If they were not ready for freedom now when they would be ready?
—(Hear, hear.) Twenty years ago, in Africa, they were ready for
freedom, and they enjoyed it. They had been filched away under the
pretence of making them Christians, and at the end of twenty years they
were told they were not fit for what they had been before. Justice had
been denied to the negro in every instance; and in the ease of Dr.
Palmer, his administration of the law occasioned such a ferment among
the planters that a Commission of Inquiry was called for, who reported
that Dr. Palmer had administered the law according to the spirit of
the English Abolition Act. For that offence, and that alone, Sir
Lionel Smith suspended him twenty-four hours after the report was given
. in, and that decision was confirmed by the Colonial Government at home
Efore he could arrive in England and lay his case before them. The
at admission of Lord Glenelg referred to the cruel treatment of the
Prentices in the workhouses. The flogging of women was also proved
by the official documents to which his Lordship had referred, and a re.
cent case had occurred in which a woman hest died on the treadmill,
although twenty-four hoUrs before she had been in perfect health.—
(Loud cries of " Shame.") Many people were unwilling to believe these
things, and said th 4 were exaggerated, but there was nothing exagge-
rated in them, and he wished that Sir G. Grey and Lord Glenelg, instead
of saying they were going about misleading public meetings would point
out from their books or documents a single instance in which they had
been wrong Mr. Bowley then referred to James Williams' narrative,
every statement in which had been confirmed by the report of a Com..
mittee. It was unnecessary for him to allude to the allowances and in-
dulgences which had been withdrawn from the negroes, but such things
were never known in a state of slavery. The mothers of young children
were compelled to work in the fields as long as able-bodied men : they
were obliged to pay back the time devoted to attendance upon their sick
or dying children. Such was the cruelty new practised by the planters,
that feeble old men and women who had been previously excused were
again sent forth to work in the fields. If these men possessed the feel-
, ings of Britons, they would rise with cutlasses in their hands, and if they
had not been the most obedient and docile people in the world, they ne-
ver would have endured the system so long, Every full-grown negro
was furnished with a cutlass to cut the sugar-canes, and they might
have depopulated the islands of the whites, and immediately taken
possession of them.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") It was hard to
bear down with such rigour upon an enduring people. Even the cooks
and water-carriers were withdrawn from them, and they might imagine
what it was to work under a burning sun in such a climate without a
drop of water.—(Cries of "Shame, shame.") TiIC eight hours' system
had been carried to such an extent that the negroes were altogether
prevented from cultivating their own provision grounds. Another
abuse was the valuation system, and it appeared that in the island of Ja-
rn awaits three months 385 negroes had applied to be valued, and out of
Mese 261 only could raise the money, not having the means to pay the
exorbitant price fixed upon them. What must be the situation of
those individuals who were ready to give their all—the earnings
of their entire lives, or, as many had done, get into debt
to obtain possession of their freedom two short years earlier,
about which some persons talked with so much coldness in this country.
It was said two years were not worth talking about, but they were of
so much worth to the negro that he was ready to give all he possessed to
obtain them. It was needless to point out how Parliament in the first
instance legalised freedom ; and then, by compelling the negroes to pay
for their freedom, tbey Inland slavery,—(Hear, bear.) When a man