The Sun.
London, England, 1849-10-03 00:00:00

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SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.

TIMES.—Her Majesty's Ministers, suddenly and
specially convoked from their various pursuits or re
tirement in different parts of the kingdom, held a
Cabinet Council yesterday, at the Foreign-office,
which was numerously attended. At this unwonted
season of the year, the fact that a Cabinet Council has
been summoned by direction of Lord Palmerston for
the dispatch of serious business is a sufficient indica-
tion of the importance attached by that Minister to
the late occurrences at Constantinople • for we believe
that the threatening state .of the relations between
Russia and the Porte, and the last dispatches received
from Sir Stratford Canning, are the sole cause for this
deliberation of the Government. The promptitude
with which this call on the responsible advisers of the
Crown has been made and obeyed augurs well for the
spirit which ought to govern their resolutions in such
an emergency, and we trust that the next few hours
will send forth to Constantinople the fullest assurances
that if these menacing and unjust demands of Russia
are to be enforced by more menacing and injurious
acts on the part of the Northern Power, they will
have awakened in the Government, as well as in the
people of England, a determination to show that such
pretexts are ill chosen to cover an aggression on the
Sultan's independence. That independence has been
placed by repeated acts of the diplomacy of Europe
under the joint protection and recognition of all the
Powers, and if ever there was a moment when it
could not be assailed without peculiar ignominy, it is
when the Porte invokes the rights and usages of
nations for the protection of defeated fugitives, intent
only on escape from the scene of an unsuccessful
contest. To intimidate and degrade the Sultan and
his Ministers into the commission of a mean action
at the command of a Russian Aide-de-Camp, is an
outrage which might have been spared by the
Sovereign of one empire to that of another ; and in
this instance Europe will acknowledge that the
principles of honour, humanity, and civilization claim
her support for Turkey against pretensions dictated
either by the cruelty of revenge or the designs of a
still- darker policy. It is most fortunate that at such
a crisis the British Ambassador at Conitantinople
should be a man whose sedate character, unshaken
firmness, and long experience command the profound
respect, not only of all parties in this country, but of
all nations abroad. Sir Stratford Canning is not an
envoy to be moved to rash or inconsiderate actions ;
he represents with the greatest authority the stable
and dignified policy of this country; and if he is ever
led to take a great resolution, it is by some positive
interest and some great emergency. It becomes the
country, therefore, to give its unreserved support to
an Ambassador who enjoys our unreserved confidence;
and though Sir Stratford Canning has carefully ab-
stained from implicating the Home Government di-
rectly in a foreign dispute, he has given his opinion
and his counsel in a manner which claims the entire
sanction of his Sovereign and of Britain. It is stated
that the Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs addresse d
to the English and French Ambassadors several mo-
mentous questions after the receipt of the Russo-Aus-
trian ultimatum. These questions were answered by a
collective note, in which Sir S. Canning andGen.Aupick
affirmed that the treaties of Kutshuk-Kaimarji and of
Passarowitch do not justify the demands for the sur-
render of the Polish and Hungarian fugitives; that
the refusal of the Porte would, therefore, not amount
to a breach of these treaties, or to a lawful cause of
war; that the assistance of the armed forces of
France and England, in the event of war, could not
be promised without special instructions, but that
these states would readily proffer their mediation to
avert a rupture between the Porte and the two
Emperors. At this stage the matter rests. Prince
Radzivil immediately set out for St. Petersburgh,
and will be followed thither by Fuad Effendi, charged
to explain to the Emperor Nicholas the scruples of
the Divan; so that at the very moment when the
British Government is called upon to decide upon the
course it may hereafter have to pursue in the East,
the Russian Cabinet is resolving the question of peace
or war. It is impossible not to be struck by the
extreme inadequacy of the cause which has given
rise to this turmoil. A few enthusiastic Magyar
patriots, who have outlived a struggle which has
been more fatal to their country than to themselves,
and who appear to have ended in plunder what began
in imposture, have taken refuge under the guns of the
fortress of Widdin, accompanied by certain Polish
soldiers of fortune who have participated freely in
every civil broil of the last 18 months. These men
have obviously no object but to effect their escape
through Turkey to the West of Europe, where their
delusions and their conspiracies may ferment at a vast
distance from their native scenes of action. To in-
tercept such fugitives would seem more embarrassing
than useful even to their enemies, for we cannot
credit Prince Rsdzivil's brutal threat of a wholesale
execution of the band. Turkey may be bound not to
harbour the mortal enemies of Russia or Austria on
their respective frontiers, but all that is asked for
these persons is leave to depart; in fact, their removal
from the Ottoman dominions would terminate the
quarrel, just as the departure of Louis Na-
poleon from a Swiss canton put an end,
some years ago to the menacing requisition of
the French for his immediate expulsion. But when
we consider how paltry and unreal the cause is for
which so much wrath has been put on ; when we
observe that instead of having recourse to the more
subtle influences of Russia, which are not unknown at
Constantinople, Prince Radzivil delivered his message
in the tone of a bully and the terms of a challenge,
and thereby rendered it impossible for the Porte to
comply with such demands without grievous humilia-
tion, we cannot entirely divest ourselves of the appre-
hension that the Russian Government has taken this
opportunity and these means to fasten a quarrel on the
Turkish empire for its own purposes. The nature of
the assistance given by Russia to Austria in the Hun-
garian war has effectually paralysed the opposition
she would heretofore have encountered in that quarter;
France is too much engrossed at home and in Italy to
embark on a very bold and energetic course
of foreign policy; and Mr. Cobden's late
absurdities, added to many fruitless and
feeble passages in our own foreign policy,
have raised doubts abroad as to the efficacy and sin-
cerity of Britain. These temptations to re-enter
upon the favourite scene of Russian aggression had
long ago been pointed out ; we know not even now
to what extent the Emperor of Russia is disposed to
follow them ; but certainly the tenour of Prince
Radzivil's commission, and the subsequent ultimatum
lead to no other conclusion than that a course of
policy adverse and insulting to Turkey may be
pursued to actual hostility. If these intentions have
been entertained at St. Petersburgh, and if this
quarrel has been sought for a more ,sinister purpose
than even the sacrifice of a few poor refugees, the
moment is come when the vigorous and united action
of England and France is the best chance of averting
war. On a less striking occasion Lord Palmerston
proposed that the combined fleets should take up their
position within the Dardanelles; and the rejection
of that scheme by France was held to be
the source of her subsequent miscarriage in 1840.
Louis Napoleon is bound in an especial manner to let
no such opportunity slip again. He has lived the life
of an exile under the protection of those very usages
which are now violated by despotism on the track of
revenge; and Switzerland did for him what Turkey
is still proud enough and strong enough to do for
other victims of political agitation. Whatever, then,
the mature resolutions of the Court of St. Peters-
burgh may be on the receipt of the refusal of the
Porte, the resolutions of the faithful allies of the
Sultan will not, we hope) be less firm or less effective.
To abandon the Turkish Divan, would be to abandon
our own principles, our own Envoy, and the future
integrity of the Ottoman empire; but if this cause be
maintained with the spirit and dignity which it re-
quires, there is great reason to believe that the pre-
tensions of the Emperor of Rusaia will subside, and
an affair which has had a formidable commencement
may still be brought to a pacific termination.
CHRONICLE.—Great Britain will occupy in the
coming crisis (if it should come) very, nearly the
same attitude in which Mr.-Canning painted her on ,
the occasion of the Spanish aggression against Portu-
gal in 1826, when his metaphor of the giant elicited
an indignant protest from Chateaubriand. Her moral
influence, for good or evil, is immense. " Our situa-
tion," said Mr. Canning, " amidst the struggle of
political opinions which agitates more or less sensibly
different countries of the world, may be compared to
that of the Ruler of the Winds, as described by the
poet :

" Celsa sedet Eolus arcs
Sceptra tenens; mollitque animos et temperat iras;
Ni faciat, maria Etc terms ccelumque profundum
Quippe ferant rapidi serum, verrantque per auras."
" The consequence of letting 100 the passions at
present chained and confined would be to produce a
scene of desolation which nu man can contemplate
without horror; and I should not sleep easy on my
couch if I were conscious that I had contributed to
precipitate it by a single hour." It is to be hoped
that the concluding sentiment will be cordially reci-
procated by Lord Palmerston, and that a tone of tem•
pered firmness will characterise every document
emanating, under existing circumstances, from the
Foreign-office. As to the French Government, we
felt no great degree of alarm, from the first, lest the
extradition question should hurry them into any

rash demonstration against the Emperors. If their
Roman Crusade (in which the part of Peter the
Hermit is popularly assigned to M. de Falloux)
has been productive of no other good, it has at
least thrown light on the value of republican
professions ; and all concerned in it must, for
common consistency's sake, eschew exciting appeals
to democratic passions against sovereigns holding
their power by as good a title as his Holiness. Still
we wai'ed with some anxiety for the new session of
the National Assembly, which began on Monday last.
The discontinuance of the old practice of opening each
session with a Ministerial programme (in the shape of
a speech from the Throne or Presidential Message),
which commonly led to an animated
.debate, gives an
air of flatness to the first day's proceedings, and ren-
ders it extremely difficult to divine either the policy
of the Government, or the leaning of the majority. So
soon as the members in attendance (486) had been
counted, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, M. de
Tocqueville, ascended the tribune, amidst "marks
of curiosity." He rose, however, simply to de-
mand a supplementary vote of credit to meet
the probable costs of keeping the French army in
Rome a little longer—the precise hour for its
recal, he said, had not yes struck—as well as
the extra expenses of the expedition, which he
boldly pronounced " glorious." General Rulhieres,
Minister of War, and M. de Tracy, Minister ef
Marine, followed, for the purpose of explaining that
their respective departments had incurred extra liabi-
lities -upon the same account. The Minister of
Finance presented some money Bills. The Minister
of the Interior answered an unimportant question,
and the Assembly adjourned. Not a word was
uttered on either side respecting the affairs of
Turkey, nor do the French papers treat the topic as
one of pressing interest, although each successive
rumour has produced a perceptible effect upon the
Bourse. The calm in the Assembly and the press
may prove deceptive and short-lived ; but it is a sign
of good augury ; for if the public mind had been
highly excited, the Reforrne and the National
would have boiled over, and there would have been
no lack either of interruptions whilst M. de Too-
queville was speaking, nor of interpellations when
he sat down. Moreover, it has been stated in an
official note addressed to the Sultan on the part of
the Czar, that France herself had established a prece-
dent by expelling some Polish refugees at the desire
of Russia ; upon which the Journal dee Debats de-
clares its disbelief " that of all the Governments which
have ever existed in France, the worst would have
been capable of any such shameful weakness." Yet
we should not be at all surprised to learn that this
alleged calumny is founded upon fact; for it is pos-
sible that some plotting Poles might have received a
hint to leave off intriguing or quit the country.
Whether the statement be well or ill-founded, it can
have,ne application to the case before us ; for the de-
mand is, that the refugees be delivered up (if Prince
Radzivil has not been sadly misunderstood) to be
shot; and the joint answer of the English and French
Ambassadors to one of the questions so judiciously pro
posed to them by the Sultan runs thus :—" It is
possible that some of the refugees may be Russian
subjects; but, in general, it is incontestible that alb
refugees of whom the extradition is claimed are not
Russian subjects." Assuming that the Emperors were
to modify their claim in such a manner as to demand
only their own subjects, still the law of nations is
clearly against them, and the rule in question,
;we
deliberately repeat, is essential to the progress '-of
civilization and the well-being of society. We need
not dwell again on the considerations so eloquently
amplified by Mackintosh ; but can any one, living in
these transition times, doubt the propriety of
continuing the prescriptive rights of hospitality
to political exiles of all kinds ? Is it not
good, when the proscriber and the proscribed are
daily changing places, that men should be protected
against themselves, and that delays should be created
during Which their heated passions may cool down ?
How many instances crowd upon us, in which exiles
whom sovereigns or republics would have shot or
hanged had they been able to indulge the first im-
pulse, have been recalled with acclamations ! One ef
the most popular passages in the forensic speeches of
M. Dupin, now President of the Chamber (the French
Erskine), occurs in his defence of Sir Robert Wilson
and Mr. Bruce, for assisting the escape of Lavalette—
" How manners change with times ! At Athens a
young man was condemned to death for having
killed a dove which, pursued by a sparrowhawk, flew
to take refuge in his bosom. They thought that he
who was without pity would never prove a good
citizen. And amongst us, in the nineteenth century,
men are not to be condemned for not having betrayed
another man who placed his fate in their hands!"
And amongst us, in the nineteenth century (he may
exclaim now), an independent nation is to be erased
from the map of Europe for refusing to betray men
who placed implicit reliance in its hospitality ! But,
as we said before, there is little reason to fear the
result of remonstrances addressed in terms befitting
the occasion to the Emperors—
" Tuque prior, to parce, genus qui ducts Olympo."
There are chivalrous passages enough in the Czar's
career to show that he is very far exalted above the
influence of personal or petty feelings ; and now that
ample time has been given for reflection, as well as
for the public opinion of Europe to declare itself, we,
hold it morally impossible for a demand so unprece-
dented to be pressed.
HERALD.—We are, as it is well known, no
disciples of Cobden, or the Peace Seciety so lately
congregated in Paris. Without going the length of
the clear, the ingenious, and the subtle Hobbes in
maintaining that warfare is the state most natural to
man—we are, nevertheless of opinion that war, if
not necessary, is, at least in our imperfect state, in-
evitable ; and sure we are, if there were not a last
arbitrament in war, worse evils might be
.entailed
on the human race than it has ever suffered from
war, or the causes of war. War, though a terrible,
is yet a necessary evil. Terrible and desolating
though it be, however, it sometimes calls forth the
noblest and the most generous sentiments of the hu-
man heart—it sometimes calls forth the loftiest na-
tional and individual patriotism. We are not, there-
fore, about to declaim about the right of making
war. That right we take to be conceded by every
sane human being, always accepting the " unadorned
Cobden " and those collarless and buttonless ad-
mirers of his, who would roar very lustily for armed
protection, all peaceful and anti-warlike though
they be now, if there were the least chance of an
invasion of Great Britain. But this we willingly
say, that no war ought to be entered on that is not
just—and where the war is just, those who are
waging it have an undoubted right to carry on hos-
tilities by every lawful means necessary to the
accomplishment of their object or objects. To obtain
justice by force when not obtainable by any other
method—to compel an unjust adversary to repair an
injury already done—or to give securities against
any menaced outrage, is clearly lawful to any inde-
pendent nation. Was Austria in this position in
reference to Hungary ? Clearly not. Hungary
claimed but the full complement of her rights,
according to treaty, usage, and prescription. In
denying these rights, and in resorting to the sharp
arbitrament of the sword to crush, and not to satisfy
the kingdom of Hungary, the Emperor of Austria
waged an unjust quarrel, for the only end of a just
war is to avenge or prevent an injury. The Hunga-
rians, however, were from the first the injured party,
and the war waged against them was unjust
in its origin, conduct, and objects. Waiving, how-
ever, this cardinal objection, and supposing the
Austrian war declared against Hungary to have
been just in its inception, Russia, as the ally of
Austria, had no right superior to—no right not de-
rived from the Austrians. The lawfulness of the end
in war does not give to the party waging a just war
a real right to anything further than the means
necessary for the attainment of his end. Whatever
goes beyond that is reprobated by the law of nature,
is faulty, is unjust, is arraigned at the tribunal of
conscience. What did Austria seek in the Hunga-
rian war ? The submission of the Hungarians; and
that object might be declared achieved from the very
day Georgy laid down his arms to the Russian
Field-Marshal Paskewitch. Supposing, there-
fore the Austrians and Russians to have had
right on their side in waging war against the
Hungarians, there were clearly limit% to that
right. For the moment the principal corps d'arnose
of the Hungarians submitted, justice and equity
demanded a cessation of cruelty and carnage on the
part of Austrians and Russians. When an enemy
submits and lays down his arms, there is no justice,
there is cruelty, in taking away his life. In the heat
of action and in the fury of the death-struggle a
victorious general or a triumphant soldier may re-
fuse quarter. But what are we to think of an
Imperial strategist, who, because of a lodged hate
of eighteen years' standing—who, because two Poles
battled his armies and baffled his wrath in 1531,
would seek now, in 1849, to violate a neutral
territory, and to call for their blood after an interval
of nearly twenty years ? Even in the horrors
of a prolonged siege, a garrison offering
to capitulate are never refused their
pursue the
But after the capitulation, to seek to pues tn
the
they ar
purposefl.Yin cannibals and -
h only canni
sa-
dead, is a ferocity of which only
The ransom of
flying and
hfaalelgenie,gto themdem demand
the their n
eo_k delivery—for
till
sa-
vages were hitherto deemed
_caps;
,ors,
ond
mamy
of
L prisoners—the right* of limo II"

the milder usages established among Christians, were
not formerly adopted by the Turks. But although
the Ottomans are not generally considered civilized
—although their empire was not represented at the
Congress of Vienna, nor included in the system of
public law established by that Congress—yet the sons
of Osmanli—the un• Christian followers of Moham-
med—have exhibited all through recent occurrences
an innate sense of honour—of hospitality—and of
justice—which ought to put the unscrupulous mem-
bers of the Greek Church, who call themselves Chris-
tians, to the blush. When the crescent was an object of
dread to the nations, and exhibited a disregard of
national comity, the world regarded the Sublime
Porte oftentimes with ill-disguised disrclish, and not
seldom with disgust. But now that Turkey has
become Europeanised, and exhibits tolerant and
benevolent feelings, the integrity and independence
of the Ottoman nation becomes positively more
precious to Eurol ,Engle 1d cannot, however,
under any circumstances, permit the Sublime Porte
to become the footstool and slave of Russia—cannot
permit the Sultan to be dragooned by Cossacks,
whose principles of public law are derived from
the Emperor Paul. England too well remembers—
nor, indeed, can she ever forget—that the principle
of sequestrating British vessels and laying an
embargo on British bottoms originated with
that irresponsible autocratic Government which
would, to-day or to morrow, pursue an individual
to the death for no better motive than
mere absolute, sanguinary, unreasoning, undying,
inextinguishable vengeance. In Western Europe,
since the middle ages, civilized European nations
have settled disputes and controversies like reasonable
beings—by discussion and diplomacy—by mutual
concession and forbearance. But if hyperborean
doctrines are allowed to prevail, the law of the stron-
gest must have sway, and the customary law of na-
tions will henceforth be, not a law of Christians, of
gentlemen, of men, but of brute beasts—of savages—
unredeemed by a single virtue and stained by a thou-
sand crimes. Cicero's theory of the rules of justice,
though so very old, are wonderfully applicable be-
tween independent societies of even moderate men.
In all Greek—in all Roman time—victory spared the
conquered, unless they had forfeited their title to for-
bearance by first violating the laws of war in prae•
ticising cruelty. This has also been in modern times
French, Swedish, Dutch, German, Spanish, and
is, and ever has been, the invariable British
practice. Civilized nations feel that national
animosity ought to be tempered with nobleness and
generosity, and Europe never will tolerate within
its bosom a savage state that seeks to maintain its
empire by inextinguishable rancour and implacable
animosities. Russia, in this Hungarian war, is not
merely stained with the injustice of her victory, but
her Czar is still further stained with the deeper in-
justice of a vengeance and malevolence happily un-
known to ordinary men—happily unknown to consti-
tutional Princes and to civilized Kings. It is the
idlest special pleading—the most disgusting, and at
the same time the most preposterous Puseyism of
public law, to invoke, as certain Russo-English pub-
licists do, the treaty of Kutshuk-Kaimarji. This
treaty has only reference to subjects of Russia
having committed some capital crime, or who
are guilty of some disobedience or treason. Such
" malefactor?' are undoubtedly to be given up.
But we should like to see the bearded
Russian Puffendorf, Grotius, Vattel, Wicque-
fort, Lushington, Adams, or Harding, who would
make out Beni or Dembinski capital criminals, trai-
tors, or malefactors for having combatted in favour of
the ancient constitution of Hungary. To cite treaties
in poi, materia, it may be mentioned that by special
convention between England and the United States,
murderers, persons assaulting with intent to commit
murder or piracy, forgers, and utterers of
forged paper are deliverable and ought to be
delivered up by either of the respective English or
American Governments, after such evidence of
criminality has been adduced as would justify appre-
hension and commitment. But even this necessary
arrangement is not by the general law of nations,
but by special convention between two Govern-
ments. From a base and craven Administra-
tion, represented by the smallest public man
that bas ever been Premier of England—represented
by a man who complimented Mr. More O'Ferrall for
a proceeding as detestable and cowardly as that of
the Emperor of Russia—we expect nothing great, or
noble, or good. We verily believe, with the excep-
tion of one man—the only man of true spirit, and al-
most the only man of talent among them—they
would, wretched incompetents, gladly disavow to-
day—if they dared to do so—their able and spirited
Minister. But the people of England will force the
imbecile crew to sustain the majesty of England,
and even though the people were dumb and silent
as the lamb, there is that gracious Sovereign, whom
we all love and honour, who will not allow a feeble
ally to be trampled on and overborne by a barbarian
power, glorying in the fancied potency of that mere
brute force, which, undirected by wisdom and jus-
tice, is no longer strength.

THE PORTE AND THE HUNGA-

MAN GENERALS.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

SIR,—AII honour to the Grand Council of Turkey,
in refusing to surrender Generals Kossuth and Bern
to the despotism and relentless cruelties of Austria
and Russia!

All honour to the Sultan, in approving and confirm-
ing their resolution, and we hope he will adhere to it !
All honour to Sheik-ul-Islaem, in affirming that to
give up these unfortunate but noble-minded refugees,
would be a violation of one of the first principles of the
Mussulman religion, which ordains that the followers
of Mahomet shall give hospitality and protection to
all who are in misfortune, without distinction of creed
or country—a truly valuable maxim to carry out.
It must, we are persuaded, be the one feeling, the
one wish, the one fervid prayer, of every true patriot,
of every enlightened and humane person, of every
sincere Christian, in a word, of every person possess-
ing a heart, that Kossuth and Bem may be shielded
by Turkey, and be protected also by the powers of
England and France. No act can be more just, pa-
triotic, and noble.
And should Generals Kossuth and Bern visit our
hospitable shores, we hope they will have from the
people of this kingdom that reception to which, after
all their sacrifices and struggles, they are so richly
entitled, one full of cordiality, generosity, and noble-
ness ; the frank and enthusiastic reception given by
an enlightened and straightforward community to truly
great and honourably-minded men.
Though they have not been successful in their
recent extraordinary struggles, their heroic spirit we
all appreciate—their efforts to liberate and elevate
their country we can never cease to admire.
I remain, Sir, yours, kc.,
Bridport.

CHOLERA REPORTS.—A public meeti.ent,:islge.
110, up
eprt the
Leamington Commissioners was held on Tuesday last,
at which allusions were made to some fabricated state-
ments that had appeared in a London paper, represent-
ing that cholera has made its appearance in Leamington.
The attempt to raise such a cry was condemned as an
effort to put money into the pockets of certain pro•
fessioaal men, from the local section of whom the War-
wick poor-law guardians had been induced to appoint
" house-to house visitors," who are to receive the sweet
pickings of five guineas per week each. Mr. Hitchman,
a surgeon in most extensive practice, stated that one of
the parochial clergymen had assured him that there had
been in Leamington no case of Asiatic cholera;
and he (Mr. Richman) added, that in two cases,
erroneously reported, one, a man named Adams, had
been ill twelve months, and another, a younger man, had
been in a consumption long before his death. Mr.
Rachman said, the town of Leamington was never in so
healthy a state as now, nor had the number of deaths
ever been less. He was clearly of opinion there existed
not the least cause for alarm—that there had been no
cholera cases, nor any approach to it, except some in-
stances of looseness of bowels (and these not of an
alarming character) so usual at this season. It was
also stated by Mr. Jefferey, in corroboration of Mr.
Hitchman'a statement as to a decrease in the mortality
of Leamington, that the returns within the last three
months would show a diminution in the number of
deaths in Leamington compared with those of the last
three or four years. Sixty-six persons only had died
av
and
eetti
ehnor within
sai
onvtdhe was
si a,s districts,last
n uibtpea between
sawne.pdeithreenvt
e81:0t hmonths, whereasand
had
btheeenoradsihnaigryh
even as 120. It will be seen from these statements that
be
there is no ground whatever fur the reports which have
crept into the London print, owing
knowledge, or to the loose opinions of thriving
in
the
elotmo
wthneirse
naortoorstohma
that
weight. True it is that as a
attempted
guard against the consequences;town by trampsor other
ihtoinuesreaonftsrecfoumg
disease being imported inti
Leamington
whichea mbietniegaPtvroeivi unfortunately
dofferent
characterich
who se
einwgarsroni
I, is the only approach to those
other parts of the country; but
manutofaacatnwedrainnotgblo.oefrateltopusennaog.if
of
includes
the neccasity•
To. this moment,
ton'
anyhdeedonilsit.oatgohaisaolu:Yos
PANlES.—Yesterday was published
a return of the names, places of business,
all assurance companies completely registered,
from the
passing of the Act of 7 and 8 Victoria,
of life and property, with
some 60 new assurance
companies for the protection
tfbhreiojisemidstao:o...
Arc:lcuzhisecloolmiisnt
the receipts, expenditure,
assets, and liabilities of each
company specified in detail, e rna° er 3etsoryi °cocnfanfrapetipi r
cau,ion a

[PRICE OD.

THE HOP DUTY OF 1848.

(From the Second Edition of the Sussex Advertiser
of yesterday.)
We hasten to announce to the hop-growers of Sus-
sex the answer of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to
the memorials of the hop-planters and others, pre-
sented to the Right lion. Baronet by the deputation
on Friday last.
This answer was received by Thomas Law Hodges,
Esq., M.P., at his residence, Hemsted-park, Kent, by
post this (Tuesday) morning, and through the cour-
tesy of that gentleman a copy was forwarded by ex-
press messenger, in compliance with the arrangement
announced in our last night's impression.
The &Rowing is the Chancellor's letter :

" Downing-street, Oct. 1, 1849.
" Sir,—Since I had the honour of seeing you in
Downing-street, on Friday last, with the deputation from
the hop-planters and others, from the counties of Kent,
Sussex, Hereford, and Worcester, the statements made
by gentlemen who formed part of that deputation, and
their request for a postponement of the collection of hop
duty of 1848 have been carefully considered by her Ma-
jesty's Government.

"-We have learnt with great regret that apprehen-
sions are entertained of the prevalence of distress during
the ensuing winter in the hop-growing districts and
other parts of the country ; but we trust that the dimi.
nished price of food and other necessaries will especially
contribute towards the comfort of all classes, especially
of the labourers and of their families. With regard to
the further postponement of that instalment of the
hop duty of 1848, the payment of which was due in
May last, and has already been delayed till the middle
of this month, it is my duty to inform you that her
Majesty's Government do not feel themselves justified
in acceding to any further postponement; and the neces-
sary orders will be given for its collection at the ap-
pointed time.

" I lose no time in making this communication to you,
as it is for the interest of all parties that the decision on
this point should be immediately known.
" With regard to the instalment due in November, I
am not indisposed to allow further time for its pay-
ment—l have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient
servant,

" CHARLES WOOD.
" T. L. Hodges, Esq."
The Maidstone Gazette contains the following let-
ter which Mr. T. L. Hodges has addressed to the
Chancellor of the Exchequer since the deputation of
Friday last : _ _

" Hemsted, Sept. 30.
" My dear Sir,—Not having any communication from
you by the post f this morning, which indeed I scarcely
expected, I feel convinced that the subject brought be-
fore you last Friday is receiving that consideration which
you promised to bestow upon it, and to which it is so
well entitled.

"The only two remarks you made when the evidence
of the memorialists was closed were, that the hop-
planters' situation was materially improved by the fact,
shown by returns to Parliament, of the amount of poor-
rate in Kent and Sussex having been reduced to full 50
per cent. in the last few years, and that the distress in
parts of Hampshire was also very great, and that, there-
fore, relief ought not to be granted to the hop-planters,
at the common expense of other sufferers. lam afraid
that the inference really to be drawn from the reduced
charges for maintaining the poor will turn out very dif-
ferent from that which occurred to your mind. In the
first place, it would indeed be a subject of most cheering
nature, could we feel conscious that this reduction in the
amount of charge of maintaining the poor, was caused
by or accompanied with a corresponding improve-
ment of the condition of the poor. The reverse, I
fear, is the case. So far, moreover, from the reduced
amount of the poor-rate being evidence of the greater
ease with which the rates. can be collected, the testimony
of almost every person who had the honour of address-
ing you proved that if the amount of the poor-rate may
have been reduced, the reduction of the farming capital
throughout the hop-planting districts was in a far
greater proportion. The evidence of the Hastings
banker (Mr. George Serivens) was decisive on that
othert
hp oe i
In (
looked
ke anoedu dn
at
rrwheny o
u banksudh et
o inmade
thosethot hs those that t statement
cou n
representatives
tes
w who
observed
oI
of
f ethe
re
v a r it
present,ohua
and added that he had reason to know that he was also
expressing the opinions of those of Herefordshire and
Worcestershire, where hops were planted, feeling him-
self authorised to speak their sentiments as well as his
own), and also that the amount of the poor-rate is well
known to be less than formerly, the evidence of the Rev.
Edward Nares, rector of Wittersham, in Kent, ama
gistrate of that county, chairman of the board of
guardians of the Tenterden Union, and entrusted
with memorials from six different benches of magis-
trates in Kent (those from Sussex being presented by Mr.
Fuller), proved beyond all contradiction, that even the
reduced rates, to which you alluded, could not be raised;
and that not only was his union, but it was also in evi-
dence that other unions also were in debt to their respec-
tive treason rs by over-drawn accounts; thus proving
that if the rates be less than formerly, the means of
raising even those reduced rates are so diminished, that
even these rates cannot now in very many parishes be
collected without legal force.
" With reference to the distress in Hampshire, no
one in that room, witnessing the distress of his own
neighbours, could feel insensible to the distress of others;
but if the Hampshire men were called upon to pay such
a charge upon part of their agricultural produce as we
have, their distress would be grievously aggravated, and
the crowded deputation from Worcestershire, Hereford-
shire, Sussex, and Kent would have been further in-
creased by sufferers from Hampshire; for the land agents
and many others, who were present at that meeting,
could prove that the loss sustained on the crops of hops in
1848 and 1849, by an immense number of hop-planters, ex-
ceeded the value of the fee-simple of the land on which
they were grown. With respect to any hardship
towards the rest of the nation, and that the amount due
to Government for hop-duty should be transferred from
the hop• grower to the nation at large, we cannot but feel
very acutely that for many years the amount of revenue
raised from hop-planters in four or five counties in Eng-
land, and which from various circumstances has been
rapidly impoverishing those counties, should have been
drawn exclusively from their industry by a tax so par-
tial, anomalous, and oppressive.
" My only apology for this letter is, that it was agreed
before we waited on you that no one should address you
except those persons whose names were entered upon
the paper placed in my hands, or I have no doubt that
some persons would have observed upon the only two
objections you hinted at to our memorial. I saw at the
time the insufficiency as I thought of your objections;
but I thought it better to refrain from making any ob-
servations on them until I had fully considered the
bearing they had upon the case set forth in the memorial
presented to you.—l am, my dear Sir, most truly yours,
"THOMAS LAW HODGES.
" The Right Hon. Sir C. Wood, &c., &c."

ROYAL GARDENS, VAUXHALL.—The final bal masque
of the season took place last night. It was most nume-
rously attended—it may be almost said by every
different nation upon earth; for if some of the inhabi-
tants were not bodily present, their costumes, at least,
were represented with more or less fidelity. Nor were
the characters merely national. There were many
capital individualizations of peculiarity belonging to our
own age and place, in which the grotesque predominated,
and in other respects it was observed that our great
dramatists supplied a liberal share of the diversions of
the mimic scene. Dancing was kept up with much
spirit: not a single instance of disorder occurred so far
as we are aware. The management are entitled to much
credit for the precautions taken to render this class of
amusement at once proper and unexceptionable, and it is
due to say, that as far as the present season is concerned
they have eminently succeeded in both.

for
ta
them
eTamAHre
teEtoc
receipt
PRINTERS'
tart
oNa
rriT
receiptsEmß make
' ePENSlONasnhya lcharge
hma r
agSkeoe C I E T I' . —Yesterday
evening a meeting of the committee of the Printers' Pen-
sion Society was held at the London Tavern, Bishops-
gate-street, on the general business of the charity. Mr.
Henry Fley, chairman of the committee, presided. The
report showed that since the society was established, in
1827, nearly 160 pensioners have received its benefits,
and that at the last election there were 55 pensioners on
the funds. The receipts amounted to 1,213/. 103. I Id.,
and the expenditure to 1,147/. ls. 7d. The annual sub-
scriptions had fallen to an amount of 50/. below the sum
of the previous year, which it was hoped would be made
up previous to the next anniversary. Since the last elec-
tion there have been no deaths, notwithstanding the mor-
tality occasioned by the prevailing epidemic. The busi-
ness having been gone through, a vote of thanks was
passed to the chairman, and the meeting separated
—'BY the new
eb.
iv
ee
cr
t,
CAUTION TO SELLERS Or STAMP
of which reduction
:hie:: are
ti
~,., aej e__
cent. Stamp next,
t to Act,the
stwhicha
perm cent., pe n allowances
t. , wilt
i in consequence c oo i
nnmt
cs
ieee uclo
iwresi
tnrhhi l'rto ec,.
tire gratisee
vfadi forced
ooepnfurrtyc,
receipts
Ie
cidi 1 chsaeeebtit-amri
paper
vy(prso)
demand
netnelcids:
fe,7toot!Crlrmi per
op
tpmt
h) an:
it has been suggested
charge bill
for every such offence. The
shouldimpressed,
pkaeesn
aam_ade
fourth section of
endertnisCom-
missioners
naenrys ef l oSutra mop ,p
pretence e
that any
paper whereon
vendor
eors'ame p
sale thereof, k
the
following words :—‘_,‘ Astnamd wshefreas it i.s highly improper
that
the per upon
which such stamps are impressed, seeing
is by this Act directed to he :;iipplird
igvi ahg moo
ris
9t'et hd o that
"Gil °co prgapeelrVo.n,
paper
bfoilltatanws. There
for
unrepealed whiccwahph.ic:
r enacted that if any
person or persons upon the sale of any stamp or stamps
shall be impressed, or shall,
re-
ceive a greate •
r price or sum than the amount of the
stamp duty denoted by such stamp or stamps, every such
person so off, tiding shall for every such ,offence forfeit
and pay the sum of 10/., to be sued for and recovered;
levied, and applied in such and the same manner as any
penalties under any other Act or Acts relating to stamp
duties may be sued for, recovered, and applied."
The loss sustained by the Colonial Treasury during
the 10 months and 8 days ending August Bth, by the
tax ordinance of 1847, had been about 706,000 dollars.
----I;w:silll::u'esdaY

Lieutenant Holman, the celebrated blind traveller,
has arrived in this island from Guernsey, and we under-
stand, intends remaining some time among us,—Jersey
paper.