The Sun.
London, England, 1838-01-18 00:00:00

and mean spirit of revenge against Mr. Mackenzie, and had
then gone on—" Your triumphant election of the 16th, and
ejection from the Assembly of the 17th, must hasten that
crisis, which is fast approaching, in the affairs of the Canadas,
and which will terminate in independence and freedom from
the baneful domination of the mother country, and the tyran-
nical conduct of a small and despicable faction in the colony ;"
and he further expressed his hope that the Canadians would
go on in their exertions for liberty, and that "success, glorious
success, would crown their efforts."—( Hear, and laughter.)
Was there anything wrong in such a sentiment ? And he thus
concluded :—" The proceedings between 1772 and 1782 in
America ought not to be forgotten ; and to the honour of
the Americans, and for the interest of the civilised world,
let their conduct and result be ever in view." This was all
of importance which was contained in the letter which seemed
so much to delight Hon. Gentlemen opposite. It showed
only that he (Mr. Hume) was then, as he had long been,
anxious that the grievances of the Canadians should be re-
medied, and he had written it at a most important period,
when he was likely to feel most strongly. Lord Ripon had
removed Mr. Bolton, the Attorney-General, and Mr. Hag-
german, the Solicitor-General, because the one had moved in
the Council and the other in the House of Assembly that the
dispatch of his Majesty's Ministers should be laid under the
table, or be sent back to them. The dispatch contained seve-
ral alterations proposed by Lord Goderich to meet the wishes
of the majority of the people, and these officers had taken the
lead in opposing the reforms which the Colonial Government
had wished should take place. Lord Goderich had sent out
orders that these gentlemen should either resign or be dis-
missed. They came home. He would challenge the Noble
Lord to produce any insult half so violent as these officers had
perpetrated against Lord Ripon ; but it seemed to be the max-
im that the worst persons in the Colonies behaved they better
they would be treated ; for no sooner had Mr. Stanley
come to the office, than Haggerman, the Solicitor-General,
was sent back to the Colony, promoted to the rank
of Attorney- General, whilst Bolton, the Attorney- Gene-
ral, was made a judge, and was sent to Newfound-
land ; and he (Mr. Hume) thought that he should be able
to show that most of the stoppage of business complained
of in that island was mainly owing to this appointment. It
was at the time that these gentlemen were sent back that he
had written the letter which had been alluded to : he might
perhaps have expressed himself in more temperate language,
but feeling strongly upon the subject he had expressed himself
so as to be understood.—( Hear, hear, hear, and laughter. )
He never minced matters—(Hear, hear)—he called things
by their proper names, but seeing what had taken place in
the United States he wished to avoid a repetition. Another
letter which he had sent out to the colony, but which had not
been sent back to this country, was to congratulate the
colony on the removal of Mr. Stanley and the appointment
of Mr. Rice, and saying that he had known Mr. Rice for
many years, and from what he knew he anticipated a new
order of things ; and he recommended that the wants of the
colony should be embodied in a petition, which he hoped would
meet with immediate attention, but at the same time that they
should not give up their exertions till they had obtained good
Government, which was equally important to England as to
the colonies. This was one of two or three letters to the
same effect, in all of which his sole object was to prevent the
scenes which had taken place. If the Hon. Baronet the
Member for Tamworth had known all this, he (Mr. Hume)
thought that he never would have made the observations
which he had stepped out of his way to do. He had never
intended his letters for publication—( Hear, and laughter)--
they were mere private communications ; but the publica-
tion only showed how dangerous it was to write privately
to a printer.—( Renewed laughter.) At the same time, he
would tell Honourable Members that he never wrote any-
thing in private on public affairs which he eared about
being printed.--( Hear, hear.) But, to show the House
why the importance of his first letter had been magnified,
he would call the attention of the House to what had taken
place during the late election. They all knew the endea-
vours of either side to make out a strong case in favour
of the particular colours under which each was to
fight. They (the Reformers) had for their standing dish the
affairs of Canada—( Hear, hear)—and the misconduct of the
Duke of Cumberland—( Hear, and laughter)—and he
(Mr. Hume) must confess that he was most willing to apply
himself to the latter point in the best way which he could.—
( Hear, hear.) The other Honourable Gentlemen had for
their great stalking-horse the fear of Mr. O'Connell ; and he
would venture to assert that there was not a Tory hustings
throughout the country which did net resound with cries on
on one of two questions—either respecting the Poor Law._
(Loud cheers)—or Mr. O'Connell and the Church. Now,
Hon. Members opposite might be honest with respect to
O'Connell and the Church, but they were most dishonest
with regard to the Poor Law Bill.—( Renewed Cheers.)
Now, at the time of the publication of this letter an election
was about to take place in Canada ; and to make a good use
of the letter, the Common Council of Toronto had been called
together to pass a resolution declaring that it tended to
a separation between the Colony and the mother country.
This proposal was met by the following resolution :—" That
forced and unfair constructions have been attempted to be put
upon the letter of Joseph Hume, Esq., dated Bryanston-square,
March 29, 1834, by those who are hostile to the correction cf
the abuses in the administration of our provincial affairs ; that
the electors of the county of York fully deserve the commen-
dation bestowed upon them by the great Reformer, for their
continued, firm, and consistent support of their representative
upon his repeated unlawful expulsions from the Commons'
House of Assembly, whose rash and unconstitutional conduct
betrays a want of common sense and prudence, being a sacri-
fice of the greatest of public principles, and an invasion of the
rights of the whole body of electors is the county ; that Mr.
Hume justly regards such conduct on the part of the Legisla-
ture, countenanced as it was by the Crown officers and other
executive functionaries in the Assembly, and unredressed by
the exercise of the royal prerogative, as evidence of baneful
and tyrannical domination, in which conduct it is both paiuful
and injurious to find the provincial officials systematically
upheld by the Minister at home against the people ; that
Joseph Hume, Esq. in desiring their independence and free-
dom from all such misrule, has no where expressed a desire
to withhold from the people of this province that protection
from the mother country which he has for years generously
laboured to securo for them upon the principle of good go.
vernment and enlightened policy, and that he has evinced
the sincerity of his intentions by frequently-repeated appeals
to the Colonial Ministry and British House of Commons for
the redress of existing grievances ; that Mr. Hume's opinion
of the Provincial Executive is justified by the solemn declara-
tion of the people of this province, through their representa-
tives in a late Parliament, when they unanimously addressed
the present Lieutenant-Governor in the following language,
viz., We feel unabated solicitude about the administration
of public justice, and entertain a settled conviction that the
continuance about your Excellency of those advisers who,
from the unhappy feeling they pursued, have long deservedly
lost the confidence of the country, is highly inexpedient, and
calculated seriously to weaken the expectations of the people
from the impartial and disinterested justiee of his Majesty's Go-
vernment.'" That amendment was carried by a majority of 13
to 7, in spite of the influence of the Government • and it thus
appeared that his letter was made a mere stalking-horse to get
the Council to affirm by a vote what it never thought or believed.
He (Mr. Hume) thought that he had thus shown that he had
pointed out, not only to the present but to every preceding
Government, that the course which had beeen taken was un-
just to the colonies, and still more so to England. He would
now ask the Honourable and Gallant Officer whether there
were any other documents from which he had formed his
opinions? If there were any such, he would ask their date,
and what they were ? But he denied altogether that there
were any such; he would challenge the Honourable and Gal-
lant Member to produce any such ; and if he could not, let
him hold his tongue for ever.—( Hear, hear, and laughter. )
Who obliged the Right Honourable Baronet to go out of his
way to introduce this correspondence? No one had during
the debate mentioned Upper Canada, which related wholly
to the Lower Province, the proceedings in which were not
affected at all by his letter. So much for the personal part
of the matter. Last night he had asked for a delay of
twenty-four hours to allow them to consider the address
which was proposed, with a view to draw up a proper
amendment, and he thought that the House had been
ill-treated in not having had the same indulgence ex.
tended to them as was given to the other House of Parlia-
ment. Was the House of Commons to be trampled upon
and treated as they had been last night ? If the House were
not to consider any question, but were to pass whatever was
proposed without attention or consideration, the course which
the Noble Lord had pursued was perfectly right ; but if the
propositions were to be discussed, the Noble Lord's conduct
was most singular. It was because he had not been able last
night to express his opinion, that he should then move an
amendment to place on record his own sentiments on this sub-
ject ; he had consulted with no other Gentleman, but it would
be a satisfaction to be able to put his own opinions upon the
Journals of that House. He was sorry to find that his Hon.
Friend, the Member for the Tower Hamlets, agreed so cor-
dially in the address proposed by the Noble Lord. He must
have read the papers on the table of the House to little purpose
when he denied the right of the House of Assembly to stop the
supplies, and that they were wrong in so doing ; for if he had
perused the despatch of Lord Glenelg to Lord Gosford, in June,
1836, he would have found it expressly stated, that his late
Majesty recognised the right of the House of Assembly to
stop the supplies. They had, undoubtedly, had the power, but
whether they had exercised it with due discretion, was a matter
of opinion. He (Mr. Hume) thought that they were right; of
let it be remembered that they had not refused the supply
altogether, but had voted it accompanied with restrictions.
Then again his Hon. Friend objected to the conduct of
the Canadians, because their leaders had not shown talents
which would have fitted thorn for the duties of govenors.
This circumstance did not alter the treason, and the Cana-
dians were the best judges of the fitness of their friends for
Government. He was sorry also to find the Hon. Member
say that the Canadians had no pretext for the course which
they had pursued, when even Lord Gosford, in November,
1835, had deprecated the taking of money without the con-
sent of the House of Assembly ; and having grievances to be
redressed and rights to be withheld, he (Mr. Hume) could
not think that they were wrong in making a conditional stop-
page of the supplies.—(Cries of " Question, question.") It
behoved him to show that the House were taking a course which
was most unnecessary; and he hoped that Hon. Members
would bear with him whilst he did so. They had bees told
that the Government was disposed to act in accordance with the
wishes of the majority of the people; but he wished to ask
how this desire had been manifested? Had they not opposed
the resolutions agreed to in the 14th Parliament, not hastily
but after due deliberation, pissed by a majority of sixty mem-
bers, representing an aggregate of 372,000 persons, and op-
posed only by 28 members, representing only 138,000, toe
number of Liberal Members who voted having thus a con-
stituency doubli. those of the Opposition ? The Parliament
was dissolved, and the result was, that the minority of twenty-

eight was reduced to eleven, showing that the people were de-
termined to support their representatives ; and in the next
Parliament the number of members supporting the resolutions
was increased to seventy-seven, represen,ing a population of
477,000, whilst the eleven dissentients only represented 34,000,
thus proving that the assertion of grievances was not merely
the effect of excitement, got up by one, two, or three men of
talent, with Mr. Papineau at their head, but that it was the
settled opinion of the country, on which the decision of
the local Parliament might be considered as the embodied
verdict.—( Interruption.) It might be very unpleasant
to Honourable Gentlemen who had listened with so much
satisfaction to a statement which pleased themselves to
hear anything militating against their preconceived no
tions ; but he must proceed. If any proof stronger than
the renewed vote were required to show the opinion of the
country, there was still another. Why did not Lord Gosford
dissolve the Assembly ? The Constitutional argument was, if
the Vote of tile House were thought factious, or as misrepre.
senting the people, that a dissolution should take place ; but
the reason why the appeal to the people was not made was
given in Lord Gosford's reply---" I cannot dissolve the As-
sembly, because the same men would be sent back." He
( Mr. Hume) well recollected that when the House of Com-
mons was divided in the proportion of 300 to 302 on the Re-
form Bill, William the Fourth came down to the House and
dissolved the Parliament. He saw a difference of opinion so
slight as to make him doubt which side really represented the
people, and to them he appealed for a decision. The result
was as unequivocal as it was notorious--the Members on the
benches opposite were reduced from 300 to 156. He (Mr.
Hume) thought, therefore, that they ought to be satisfied with
using constitutional means to effect a reconciliation with
Canada; and he would say, " Do not suspend the Constitution;
do not send out Lord Durham with a Bill of pains and penal-
ties," for such was not the way to make peace—such was
not the method to appease the irritation which unfortu-
nately existed. If peace were the object of Ministers, they
were, in his opinion, taking measures more likely to
mar than to effect it. Let them learn from experience. Let
them send out Lord Durham if they pleased, with paramonnt
power; let him exercise to the full every prerogative of the
Crown ; but let him not go armed with a Bill of op-
pression.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.) By the course they
were pursuing they were acting most unjustly, by taking away
the democratic power from the hands of the people, and they
were but acting over again what had been done by the Parlia-
ment in 1774 ; they were doing precisely what was proposed
at that period by Lord North, who, in the House of Com-
mons, in the debate on the Government of Massachusetts
Bay, on the 29th March, 1774, said, " I propose in this Bill
to take the executive power from the hands of the democratic
part of the Government. I would propose that the Governor
should act as a justice of peace, and that he should have •
the power to appoint the officers throughout the whole
civil authority, such as the sheriffs, provost, marshal, &c.
I therefore move you, Sir, that leave be given to bring
ie a Bill fur the better regulating the Government of
the Province of Massachusetts Bay." And let the House
look back and see what had been the effect of the
course which was then pursued. The moderately libe-
ral party in party in America, who were most anxious to
preserve the connection with England, on the mere arrival
of Lord North's proposal for a Bill, became as much opposed
to this country as they had been to a separation ; in short, pre-
cisely the same effect was produced as had been experienced
on the reception in Canada of the recent resolutions of that
House. And it was natural that the same causes should proei
duce the same results. Lord North's Bill produced nothing,
but dissension and discontent, and were the Canadians a dif- '
ferent class of men from those in the United States ? True,
it had been said that the Canadians were cowards and would
not fight, but precisely the same thing had been said of the
Americans; for well did he recollect Colonel Tarleton's boast,
that with a single sergeant's company of dragoons, he would
march through the whole of North America. He (Mr
Hume) could only apply to this Bill the language of Lord
Camden used in the debate of the 15th of March, 1775,
on the Bill for restraining the trade and commerce of
the New England Colonies :—" We are old by some
that this is a Bill of firmness and rigour to fill up
the measure of justice, and to inflict condign punish-
ment on the obstinate and rebellious Colonists ; but by
others that it is a Bill of mercy, kind and indulgent to the
Americans. But, my Lords, the true character of the Bill is
violent and hostile. My Lords, it is a Bill of war ;it draws
the sword, and in its necessary consequences plunges the em-
pire into civil and unnatural war." This was precisely the
kind of war which must be what was referred to by the Hon.
and Gallant Officer who had just sat down, and it was just that
sort of war which he (Mr. Hume) most deprecated. Every
step which they were taking was leading them deeper and
deeper into the mire, and the measures which were being taken
would, in his opinion, produce the most mischievous effect ;
and he had hoped that such a course would have been pursued
as would have justified him in using the words of Lord Chat-
ham, who, having been tired out with the speeches which he
had heard.---( Hear, hear, and laughter)—when he, on the
st of February, 1775, submitted his Bill for settling the
troubles of America, after stating that the Colonies were en-
titled to all their rights, added, " So shall true reooncilement
avert impending calamities, and this moat solemn national ac-
cord between Great. Britain and her colonies stand an everlast-
ing monument of clemency and magnanimity in the benignant
father of his people ; of wisdom and moderation in this great
nation, famed for humanity as for valour ; and of fidelity and
grateful affection from brave and loyal colonies to their parent
kingdom, which will ever protect and cherish them." There
was another instance on record, which was a case quoted
by the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell), in which measures of
conciliation to Ireland were strongly advocated. Mr. Fox,
in his speech on the state of Ireland, in March, 1797, said :
—" I would, therefore, concede ; and if I found I had not
conceded enough, I would concede more. I know of no way
of governing mankind but by conciliating them ; and ac-
cordincs to the forcible way which the Irish have of express-
ing their meaning, ' I know of no mode of governing the
people but by letting them have their own way.' And what
shall we lose by it? If Ireland is governed by cenceding to
all her ways and wishes will she be less useful to Great Bri-
tain ? What is she now ?" What was Canada now ? or would
she be less useful if her just demands were conceded to her ?
he case was made out for Ireland, and he would only in
setting it to the House exchange the name of Ireland for the
name of Canada, and he would say, let them govern them-
selves by allowing them to have their own way ; let the
people of Canada have the same principles with the people
of Ireland, and let them have the option of adopting their
own system of government. He had done his duty in ex-
plaining to the House the grounds on which he opposed the
Bill, and he repeated that he was of opinion that it was ad-
visable by peace and attempts at reconcilement to endea-
vour to maintain a colony in connexion with the mother
country as long as possible ; but as soon as the affection
between the two countries was found to have ceased to
exist, the sooner the system of separation was adopted the
better it would be for the welfare of both. It was on this
ground, therefore, that he put in his protest against the
proceedings which it was proposed should be .tdopted. He
had proposed a resolution in which he had intended to take
the sense of the House, and which embodied his reasons for
refusing leave to the Noble Lord to bring in the Bill ; but it
appeared that in the opinion of many Hon. Members who were
sitting near him it was considered better that lie should post-
done its proposition until the second reading of the Bill, in
the event of its being brought in.—( Hear, hear.) He must
acknowledge that he was most unwilling to come to this con-
clusion ; but the ground suggested by Hon. Gentlemen was,
that such a resolution should not be put until the House
had had an opportunity of seeing the object of the Bill ; but
he must declare that he could see no reason for any part of a
measure being seen the whole of which was bad.--( Hear, and
a laugh.) He should, however, for the present satisfy himself
with taking the sense of the House against the introduction of
the Bill ; but on its being brought forward for second reading
he should take care that it was further considered.—.(Hear,
and cries of " Question.")
Sir HUSS E Y VIVIAN rose in explanation, and declared
that he was the last man in the world to calumniate any one.
The Hon. Member had spoken with regard to some letters,
and which he said had not been alluded to. He did not
know what other letters the Hon. Member had written besides
those referred to.

Mr. CLAY. in explanation, had never denied the right of
the House of Assembly to refuse to grant the supplies.
Sir GEORGE GREY said that it was not his intention
t.) have spoken at all but for the observations which had fallen
from the Lion. Gentleman the Member for Kilkenny. Had
he risen before that Hon. Member, however it would have
been his duty to express the very high gratification which Le
had derived, and to congratulate the House not only on the
degree of unanimity which prevailed this evening on the sub
ject of the motion of the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell),
but also to remark with peculiar pleasure on the tone and tem-
per of the debate this evening, as compared with that of the
last night before the recess. The question, no doubt. was one
' which required the most grave and deliberate consideration,
and he rejoiced that the House saw the Hon. Member for
Kilkenny alone on that side of the question which he sup-
ported.—( Hear, hear, hear.) That Hon. Member had ad-
mitted facts with regard to Mr. Mackenzie, and had declared
that the Right Hon. Baronet opposite had been guilty of
great want of courtesy in respect to that gentleman. The
Honourable Member, however, perhaps would not have
objected to the plain term of " traitor" being applied to him—
(Hear, hear)—and after the speech of the Hon. Member it
might reasonably be supposed that he did not consider any
disgrace to be conveyed by the application of that term to any
one. The Hon. Member had given a history of the transac-
tions in which Mr. Mackenzie had been an actor ; but what
was the result of that history ? The effect of it was that he
was deprived of a shadow of a pretence of an excuse for his
conduct in bringing his country, hitherto enjoying peace, to a
state of warfare and misery for no good object, and on no rea-
sonable pretext but merely to gratify some feeling which he,
in common with some others of his party, entertained.—( Hear,
hear.) He was glad to find, however, that Sir Francis Head
had formed a much more just estimate of the feelings of the
people of Canada towards England than Mr. Mackenzie or
any of his partisans, and the opinion which he formed was
fully borne cut by the result. He had requested Sir John
Colborne to withdraw every soldier from the colony of
Upper Canada, because he knew that he could depend
upon the loyalty of the inhabitants of the province to
support the authority of the Crown, and in the event of
any insurrection to put it down.—.( Hear, hear.) The Hon.
Member had said that the question did not only affect
Lower Canada, but that the question would spread itself into
Cie Upper Province, and that the opinions of Mr. MaAeuz:e
were put forth there, and with some success ; that the people
were dissatisfied; and that the contest for independence would
extend itself to that portion of the colony. A few days only
after that, specific information was received, which had now
been laid before the House, but on which the Hon. Member
had said nothing Of the facts which had been predicted. It

was said that Nova Scotia was in the same position—( Hear)—
hut from that colony as loyal an Address bad been sent to the
Government as ever proceeded from the inhabitants of any
country, testifying their abhorrence at the measures taken by
the insurgents, and declaring their determination to adhere to
their allegiance to the British Crown, and expressing their
sense of the value of the British protection.—(llear, hear.)
Both in Nova Scotia and Upper Canada a determination was
expressed to spare the soldiers; and in New Brunswick also
the Governor had said, that, if circumstances should render
it necessary, they too were prepared to give up their sol-
diery for the establishment and support of the British
ascendancy. Hitherto this had not been called for, and it
was not probable now that the proffered aid would be
required ; but the Governor had declared his ability to put
himself at the head of any number of volunteers to co-operate
with the troops to the extent of 5,000 men, with whom he
could march into Canada, in order to maintain the Constitu-
tion and the power of the Crown.—( Cheers.) One subject
which had been referred to last night, as reflecting discredit
en the Government, was an alleged want of troops in Canada
at the time of the breaking out of the insurrection, and a want
of foresight in this subject having been duly considered ; but
in answer to this he was prepared to state that in March last
Lord Glenelg had instructed Sir Colin Campbell, in the
event of troops being wanted, to call for a reinforcement in
order to check any revolt which might break out. That in-
struction was acted upon, and one regiment was sent out, and
three others were kept in readiness to be immediately trans-
mitted to the colony in the event of their being required. The
necessity, however, did not arise until recently, when they
were sent for, and they were immediately dispatched, but in
all probabilil by the time
,of their arrival the necessity for
their presence would have ceased. The Honourable Mem-
ber for Kilkenny had instituted a comparison between the
present
disturbances and the American war. A compari-
son might as well be drawn between the speech of Lord
Chatham alluded to by the Honourable Member, and the ad-
dress with which the Honourable Member had himself favour-
ed the House that evening.—(Hear, and a laugh.) The
Hon. Gentleman had alluded to certain existing grievances,
but to these he would not specifically allude further; but he
thought it right to remind the House of the instructions ad-
dressed to Lord Gosford in the dispatches which had already
been laid on the table last year, but which the Hon. Member
had thought it convenient to omit. It was quite clear and
positive from them that instructions had been given to Lord
Gosford to act as regarded all of them in that way which
would be agreeable to this House and to the Government ; and
in the event of any specific complaint being brought forward
which had not been already remedied, he (Sir G. Grey)
-would pledee himself that it could not rest on any good foun-
dation. With reference to Lord Gosford himself, he thought
that, considering the trying circumstances under which his
hardship was called on to act, there had been many ungene-
rous allusions made respecting him by the Hon. Member for
Cornwall, and also by other Honourable Gentlemen on the
other side of the House. There had been no expres-
sion whetever of dissatisfaction at his conduct on the part
of the Government ; but, on the contrary, speaking of
Isis Lordship as Governor of the Colony, and appealing to
his conduct in that capacity, everything tended to show that
he had acted on that principle of conciliation which he went
out to carry into effect, and which it was the anxious desire
of the Government to see supported, and which was besides
most congenial to the feelings of the Members of that Go-
vernment, as well as to the British Constitution. He had been
driven to certain acts, in consequence of which he was stigmatised
as a tyrant by the Hon. Member for Kilkenny, while he was de-
signated as weak and imbecile by the Members of the Oppo-
sition party; but he thought that the conduct of the Noble
Lord, on its being looked at in all its bearings, was the best
proof of its being characterised by liberality and justice. Lord
Gosford had concealed nothing from the Government, and he
had best supported the Queen's authority by dismissing from
office those magistrates and officers of the militia on whose co-
operation, in the event of any insurrection or revolt, he could
lie could not rely. The proclamations which he had issued
had been condemned ; but could any better course have been
adopted than that which was taken in them, which had the
effect of opening the eyes of those deluded persons who had
joined the leaders of the revolutionary faction, which warned
them against placing too much confidence in those leaders which
condemned the influence which they had gained, and besides
which warned the people from attending popular meetings,
and from identifying themselves with those who had
already broken out into rebellion against the legal authority ?
And when the standard of revolution had been unfurled,
would the House condemn the Governor for issuing a procla-
mation calling upon the people to return to their allegiance
and duty, and to the protection of Government, and which
besides offered them an amnesty, provided they would at once
abandon those bodies by which they were being led to misery
and destruction, If any specific charge should be brought
forward, he (Sir G. Grey) should be prepared at once to
inset it, and he would be ready to say that it had met that
attention from the Governor which it demanded. Lord
Gosford did not retire from the Government under circum-
stances which would reflect any thing in the shape of dis-
credit upon him ; but on the contrary he retired, his con.
duct being fully approved of by his Sovereign, as well as
by the Government under which he had acted.—(Cries of
" Hear, hear.") There had been one point referred to by
the Honourable Member for Bridport which he said in some
degree implicated the Government in the mode of carry-
ing on the
.war, but which did not in any way justify the
observations which had been made regarding the British
troops and their conduct. Looking at the dispatches which
had reached the Government, and the accounts which they
received of the demeanour of the troops, he did not see how
the Government could abstain from stating the entire
satisfaction with which they viewed their steadiness, and the
praiseworthy manner in which they had acted. But to show
that the contest would not be carried on after resistance had
ceased, he would appeal to the steps that had been taken.
As for the destruction of the fortified houses, he would ask
Honourable Gentlemen whether that was not the best course
that could be taken for the sake of the peasantry themselves,
e,lio had been led into these acts of insurrection, and thus pre-
involving themselves in the same risk and danger
in e
wt
had so recently engaged ? What was the lan-
t,vsunaeihenigclee'thetiheleemy Government itself in the instructions that had
been sent out to the Governor of the province of Lower Ca-
nada ? " Her Majesty cannot contemplate the bloodshed and
misery
in which a portion of her subjects have involved them-
selves without the deepest feeling of regret for the necessity
which has occasioned the active services of her troops in one
of the provinces of the British empire. The Queen, how-
ever, entertaining the fullest confidence that, as far as
yourself "—and it should be recollected that
at
Sir John Colborne had been appointed civil
adreiclpteh nnisidisltitione
a'rny Governor of the province_" these evils will
be restricted within the narrowest poosible limits, and that
on the part of her loyal and faithful subjects in the pro-
vince no vindictive feeling will mingle itself with their
zealous and strenuous endeavours, under your guidance, to
put down insurrection and revolt, and to vindicate the autho-
rity of the law ; but that their conduct will be equally marked
with moderation as with firmness."—( Hear, hear.) Such was
the spirit in which all the dispatches to the Governor of the
province were drawn ; and he was strongly urged to take any
engaged
dt tihnethsueffreerriongitsfroofmtheexpteeonpdliehgofhtehyeondd whatistricts
was required by the exigencies of the case. He certainly en-
tertained the stncere hcpe the Bill the provisions of which had
been explained by his Noble Friend, and which was then to be
laid on the table, would furnish the means of putting an end to
measure
unhappily t o e
npgr
those evils and removing the difficulties which had retarded
the welfare of the provinces of Lower Canuda, and which ulti-
mately led to the adoption of measures which would develope
the resources of both provinces, bound together as they are
by common tiseishiaenhd
wcoounlidmognreiwnteoruetstst;f
the
ee
intrueastseudrethhfaettohree
would prove beneficial to both the provinces
o
Lower Canada, and that the inhabitants of
ttahfeese Upper
House
proceedingspcpoe urnt andri es would find that the British Government
endeavour to
or f e
would be supported by the British Parliament in carrying
out measures tending to the permanent interest and welfare
of those colonies ; that they would not sanction any measure
that would hasten the
ndseeaa
retard
the
tchoaltoisieiepsarfartoimon
by
measures the
mother
harshness and severity; but he sincerely trusted
nor
that the course that would be pursued would be such that
the connection would prove beneficial both to the mother
country and the colony, and that, by the promotion of the
common interest
of both, the union would be rendered perma-
nent. —( Hear, hear.)
Mr. B A INE S hoped that his Hon. Friend the Member for
of country,
Kilkenny would not divido the House, as it was impossible for
,Gentlemen, without having seen the Bill, to form any-
thinglike a just estimate as to its merits or defects. He also
rose for elle purpose of asking the Noble Lord when the Bill
would be printed and be put in the hands of Members; for
unless copies were distributed without delay, it would be hardly
fair to call upon Hon. Members to discuss the Bill at so early
a period as Monday.
Mr. HUME stated, that as lie intended to divide the House
on the principle of the Bill, it was not necessary to see the
details of it before they came to a decision on the subject.
Sir ROBERT PE EL observed, that as the Honourable
Member for Kilkenny intended to divide the House on the
principle of the Bill, he should at once state that he should
vote for its introduction, but by voting for leave to bring in
the Bill, he did not thereby mean to imply that ho gave his
unqualified approval to the measure, the details of which
had that night been explained to them by the Noble Lord.
As the Constitution of Lower Canada was at present prac-
tically suspended, it might be necessary to have some mea-
sure similar to a portion of the Bill then proposed. There-
fore, to so much of the Bill as suspended the Constitution of
Lower Canada, and made provision for the temporary admi-
istration of the Government of that province, he should
not object; but he confessed he did not understand the
other provisions of the Bill as explained by the Noble
Lord. He hoped that Honourable Gentlemen on both sides
of the House, whatever might be their opinions on the sub-
ject, would consider well the provisions of that part of the
measure which called together the Assembly which the Noble
Lord described as a Convention of Estates of Upper
and Lower Canada for the purpose of providing for the
future government of those provinces. Ile doubted the
eeliey of the course involved in this proceeding, above all, in
the Lower Province, where men's minds were inflamed with
what had so recently passed before them. He doubted the
policy of discussing the provisions of a future Constitution for
the when great excitement might naturally be ex-
pectedlteoprevail. If they were anxieus to bring about a
u' iAnY n
between the two provinces, he doubted whether
islisov Could he expedient or practicable to frame a satisfactory
measure for the purpose at the present moment. The Noble
Lord, as a part cf his plan for effecting this purpose, appeared
to pro Pose a Convention of estates having jegislative authority,
and being elected in a certain manner ; as lie understood this
body, it was to be coalposed of three Members of the Legis-
lative Council of Upper Canada, end three Members of the

Legislative Council of Lower Canada ; these were to mee
together, and they were to be aided by a certain number of
persons Navin; a representative character. They had a Re-
presentative Assembly in the Upper Province, and there might
be no great difficulty in getting proper persons chosen there.
He (Sir R. Peel) would not then say whether such a course
was wise or expedient ; but while they suspended the existing
Constitution of Lower Canada, how could they get represen-
tatives from the Assembly of that Province to attend the Con-
vention ? Did.the Noble Lord mean to give to the Go-
vernor of the Province for the time being the power of nomi-
nating persons to attend in that capacity ?—( Cries of " no.")
Then how were they to be nominated when the Constitution
was suspended ? The Noble Lord proposed to suspend the
Constitution, and therefore representation, both legal and
actual, would be put an end to ; how then could the represen-
tatives be convened at a moment to choose persons to attend
the Convention when they were about to suspend the Consti-
tution of Lower Canada ? He confessed he did nut understand
from the Noble Lord what course was to be pursued ; but
any measure giving a form of representation while the Con-
stitution was suspended and the province was under martial law
must be of a very anomalous character. Many parts of the
measure proposed by the Government would require much
consideration on the part of the House, and he hoped Hon.
Gentlemen of all parties would devote their serious attention
to the subject. They should remember that this measure was
nothing more nor less than act of despotism—(hear)—justifi-
able, in his opinion, from the steps that had been taken by
parties in Lower Canada, but still an act of despotism, and it
was useless and unwise to conceal the character of the measure.
What he objected to in it was, that at the present moment they
pretended to conciliate, by saying that a certain form of repre-
sentation should exist for the purpose of forming a body to frame
the future Constitution. He thought that it would be much bet-
ter to confine themselves to the necessity of the case, and suspend
the Constitution for a time, and not at present take steps
to frame a new Constitution. The proper course would have
been, that the representatives of England should declare that
they would make every inquiry, or direct inquiry to be made,
so as to obtain adequate information for future legislation on
the subject. He trusted that Honourable Gentlemen would
not be led the mistake the nature of the measure. The
Noble Lord, in introducing the Bill, said that there should
be an Assembly chosen, which he would call the Convention
of Estates, and that it should be composed of persons repre-
senting both provinces, and that this body should thus speak
the sentiments and give expression to the feelings of the
people of both colonies, and that they should assemble to
draw up certain measures for the future Government of those
countries. Did the Noble Lord mean that the Governor
of the province should name the districts and the class of
persons who were to choose these representatives ? Did the
Noble Lord mean to name the persons who were qualified
to be chosen as representatives, or those whom he could ac-
cept if they were elected ? Or did the Noble Lord mean that
the Governor of the province should at once name the per-
sona who were to represent the province? If it was in any
of these classes it was a mockery of representation. It
would be infinitely better to guard against such a danger-
ous act as a precedent, clothed as it was in a character of
liberality, which it did not possess. He was most anxious to
take steps to make provision for the future good government,
and for granting a free and adequate Constitution to Lower
Canada, when the proper time came ; but he believed that
nothing could be more impolitic, or give rise to greater dis-
asters, than the premature consideration of matters of this
nature.—(Hear, hear.) He objected to this part of the
measure on this ground, and also on the other ground; that
the Bill proposed that which was a mockery of representation
when the Constitution was suspended, and the representative
bodies in the colony were no longer in existence. As the
Noble Lord intended to move that the House h eild adjourn
from that night until Monday, he would take that opportunity
of asking the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs
whether it was his intention to make any communication to
Parliament as to the negotiations respecting the line between
the state of Maine and the province of New Brunswick ?
Very ample communications on the subject had been made by
the Government of the United States to the American Con-
gress, and he thought that similar information should be fur-
nished to the House of Commons as to the state of this most
important question.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL was quite sure that the Right
Hon. Gentleman had quite unintentionally mis-stated the in-
tentions of the Government on this question, and had imputed
to them a course of proceeding which they had no intention
of following. The Right Hon. Gentleman said, in the first
place, that when insurrection raged in certain parts of the
province, and when men's minds were greatly excited by what
had taken place in Canada, it would be inexpedient and unwise
to call together what the Right Hon. Baronet eared a Con-
vention of estates, and which he designated as a mockery of
representation in Lower Canada. He would state again what
were the intentions of Government with respect to this ques-
tion. In the first place, then, what the Bill proposed to do
was, to set aside and suspend for a time the present Con-
stitution of Lower Canada, and to place the authority—
despotic authority, if the Right Honourable Baronet would
have it so—in the hands of the Governor in Council. But
he also said at the same time, that they were determined
to enforce the authority of the law. They did not
design or intend to establish anything despotic in the
Government of the country, but they would take such
steps so that at the earliest possible time they could they
would return to the constitutional Government of Canada.
For this purpose he stated that it would be advantageous that
the Governor to be sent out to Canada should have large
powers entrusted to him, and that the future measures to be
framed should not only be the result of the experience of the
Governor, but that they should also have the additional recom-
mendation which would result from their being framed in con-
formity with the suggestions of persons in the Assembly
which he had described, and by which those measures would
have greater weight both in this country and in North Ame-
rica. In considering the provisions of this Bill it appeared to
be both wise and expedient that they should not interfere with
the Prerogative of the Crown, and whatever, therefore, was
proposed to be done with respect to the Constitution of the
Assembly he had alladed to would be contained in the instruc-
tions of her Majesty's Secretary of the Colonies to the Gover-
nor appointed, and not embraced in the Bill. The Right Hon.
Gentleman asked whether the Governor was to nominate the
body which he called the convention of' estates. He (Lord
John Russell) would reply by no means, but the Governor
would take steps to call together that body which he should
call the Committee of Advice on this subject. If the Governor
should find, which he (Lord J. Russell) did not believe would
be the case, that great excitement still continued in the
province, and that the calling together of the body he had
alluded to was calculated, instead of promoting peace, to ag-
gravate the feelings of dissatisfaction, then it would be the
duty of the Governor to withhold his sanction from its as-
sembling ; but much on this point must be left to the discre-
tionary power of the Governor. He did not, therefore, think
that the plan was liable to the charge that had been brought
against it, that in the midst of civil war and excitement they
proposed to call together this body merely for the purpose of
giving a liberal character to the measure..--( Hear, hear.) But
if the Governor should think it fit to call such a body, it was
impossible to allow the House of Assembly of Lower Canada
to depute Members to such a body ; but still he thought that
adequate provision should be made and devised for choosing
this body, and that eleetions could be taken, to which persons
could be chosen to represent Lower Canada. Undoubtedly,
however, this process ought not to be adopted until tranquil-
lity was restored. But when the existing tumults and
disturbances were put an end to, supposing that
such a body was called together, containing persons
representing the interests and wishes of the inhabitants
of Upper Canada, and the interests and wishes of the
inhabitants of Lower Canada—such body called together
by the Governor, and having had the whole subject laid be-
fore them by him, would be able amply to consider and de-
liberate on the matters submitted to their consideration, and
the result of their deliberations would naturally have great
weight both with Parliament and the country.—( Hear, hear.)
He agreed to a considerable extent with an opinion expressed
by the Committee of 1828, and who reported to the House
after great deliberation, and having with great patience inves-
tigated the subject. They stated that the British Parliament
should not be called upon to interfere in the affairs of Canada
unless in time of great need and where its authority was ne-
cessary ; but that in general the constitutional Assemblies of
the Provinces should be left to the management of their own
internal affairs.—(Hear, hear.) If the Government of the
country were not prepared to propose a plan at once, they at
least recommended a course which they had good reason to
believe would meet with the approbation of a large por-
tion of the inhabitants of the Provinces, and would lay the
foundation for future concord in Canada. As the Right
Hon. Gentleman said that he should oppose this part of the
Bill, he would at once state, that in framing it his Learned
Friend the Attorney-General had been consulted, and he had
given it as his opinion that it was unnecessary to frame enact-
ments for empowering the Crown to do that which was at
present in the power of the Crown. It had therefore merely
been mentioned in the preamble of the Bill that such instruc-
tions had been furnished to the Governor. It was, therefore,
already within the power of the Governor about to be sent
out to Canada to summon this Committee of Advice. The
Right Hon. Gentleman said that he should put it to the
House whether such authority should be granted to this body.
It was certainly competent for the Right Hon. Baronet to
do so, and when he brought the matter forward he ( Lord J.
Russell) should be prepared to meet him. He felt bound to
state to Parliament so much respecting_ this body as an
ex-
planation of a part of the policy the Government meant to
pursue with regard to Canada. He felt bound to explain that
it was a part of the instructions given to the Earl of Durham
to summon such a Council, and this was done without any
wish for a show of liberality, as had been stated by the Right
Hon. Gentleman, but from a conviction that by it means
might be devised for the future good government of these pro-
vinces. The responsibility for adopting such a course rested
with the Government, and they were fully prepared to bear
it for having given such advice to the Crown. It was, how-
ever, for the Right Hon. Gentleman, if he thought fit, to
show that the Royal authority had not been properly exercised
on this matter. With respect to the conduct of Lord Gosford
in Canada, he did not fuel called upon to make any observa-
tions, after what had fallen from his Hon. Friend the Under
Secretary foe the Colonies ; and en this subject lie fully agreed
with his Hon. Friend, that Lord Gosford had acted fully in
accordance with the instructions which lie had received, and
the character which he had to maintain; and that no man bad
ever manifested a greater desire to conciliate, and at the same
time greater firmness in not yielding to matters in which he
believed that the honour or interests of this country were in-
volved.—( Hear, hear.) In answer to his Hon. Friend the
Member for Leeds, he would observe that as the Bill was of
some length, he did not think that it was possible that it could
be printed and in the hands of the Members before Friday ;
and he trusted that he should be able, as he was most anxious
to do, to proceed with the second reading of the Bill on Mon-

'd ay, nli:ch, he did not mean to deny, involved a grave and
imrrtant question.
Sir R. PEEL could not imagine that there were ten rnmn
in the House who had inferred from the first speech of the
Noble Lord that the proposed Bill contained provisions autho-
rising and empowering the Governor to call together a Com-
mittee from both Canndas, such Committee having a repre-
sentative character.—( Hear, hear.) This undoubtedly must
have been the construction put on that speech by others than
himself; for the Hon. Member for St. Alban's had declared
that he had become reconciled to the Bill precisely on account
of the general advance it made in legislation, by enabling
the Governor to call together a Canadian Convention; and
this compliment of the Hon. Member to the liberality of the
Government, no Member of the Government had once at-
tempted to repudiate. Now the Noble Lord said that all that
I was intended was to give instructions to the Governor, by the
exercise of royal prerogative, to call a certain number of gen-
tlemen together, to advise with him. If this were all that
was intended, no impediment could be cffered to it. But
what lie ( Sir R. Peel) objected to was, the giving the sanc-
tion of Parliament to any measure giving an authoritative
and formal character to such a Committee. The Noble Lord
said that the prerogative of the Crown might be extended to
sending for these gentlemen as representatives of the districts
of Lower Canada. He ( Sir Robert Peel) doubted whether
there was such a power ; but, at all events, it was contem-
plated to give the Governor the power, in the present state
of Lower Canada, to name certain gentlemen to such a Com-
mittee as representatives of the feelings and opinions of the
Lower Canadians. He should object to such a proposition.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL had stated just now, though
the statement had not been noticed by the Right Honourable
Baronet, that it would be inserted in the preamble that such
instructions be given to the Governor. He did not think it
necessary that there should be any clause in the Bill empower-
ing the Governor to call a Committee of Advice together,
such a proceeding being perfectly within the prerogative) of
the Crown, or to give power to the Governor to make a new
division of districts. He might not have made himself quite
intelligible to the Right Honourable Gentleman ; but this he
could say, that two hours before he had seen a draught of the
Bill in which it was proposed that in the preamble this power
should be recited.
Mr. ELLIS considered the answer of the Noble Lord al-
together different in its character from his first speech. He
considered that to give the Governor power to name districts
would create much discontent.
Lord PALMERSTON stated that the documents and cor-
respondence relating to the Maine boundary, from the date of
those last laid before the House up to the present time, would
shortly be laid on the table of the House.
The House then divided--
For the original motion l9B
For the amendment
Majority l9l
The Bill was then read a first time, and ordered to be read
a second time on Monday.
ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE.
On the motion of Lord J. RUSSELL, it was agreed that
the House should on its rising adjourn till Monday.
CANADA.
Mr. HUME, after observing that the papers laid before the
House on the subject of Canada were extremely defective,
moved for a " copy of the dispatches from Sir F. B. Head to
Lord Glenelg, dated 21st April, 1836, and 16th July, 1836.
Copies or abstracts of the Bills of Supply passed by the House
of Assembly of Lower Canada in each year since 1832 ; and
copies of any dispatches relating to such Bills of Supply, or to
the refusal of the Legislative Council to pass any of such Bills;
specifying the year in which the House of Assembly altoge-
ther neglected to pass a Bill of Supply. Copies of any reso-
lutions, received by the Colonial Office, passed at meetings
held in Upper Canada since March, 1837, relative to the
grievances and complaints of the people of that Province and
of Lower Canada; and copies of any dispatches from Sir F.
B. Head relative to such resolutions, and of the measures
adopted by him respecting them. Copies of any dispatches
received from Lower Canada, explaining the conduct and pro-
ceedings of the Speaker of the House of Assembly of that Pro-
vince, and of the 27 other persons named in the report of the
Attorney and Solicitor-Generals, dated the 18th November,
1837, upon account of which the said persons were directed
to be arrested, and the date of the proceedings upon account
of which their arrest was ordered, and the date when ordered
to be arrested. The names of the magistrates dismissed by
Lord Gosford, upon the representation of the Attorney-Gene-
ral that certain proceedings which he contemplated to take
would be hazarded if the said magistrates continued in the
commission of the peace, and the nature of the charges made
against each of the said magistrates, as stated in Earl Gosford's
dispatch of the 22d of November, 1837. A copy of the report
of the Executive Council, and of the Attorney-General,
respecting certain individuals in the magistracy, referred
to in Earl Gosford's letter of the 22d November to Lord
Glenelg, as the reason for removing them from the magis-
tracy : also, a copy of the Earl of Gosford's letter of the 4th
November to the Attorney-General, referred to in the
Attorney-General's letter of the 18th November, 1837. A
list of the names and occupations of the objectionable jus-
tices removed from tho commission of the peace in Mon-
treal ; and also, the names and designations of the persons
added to the commission of the peace at the same time, as
stated in Earl Gosford's letter of the 22d November to Lord
Glenelg. Copies of any letters received from Nova Scotia,
New Brunswick, Prince Edward's Island, and Newfoundland,
relative to the constitution of the Legislative and Executive
Councils of the Governments of those colonies, or to their
being made elective, or to any change that has been required
by any branch of the Legislature of those colonies to be made
to the said Councils, within the last eight years ; also, to any
change that has been made, or directed to be made in them,
or in any mode of electing new members of the said Councils."
The first return was ordered, but the motions for the se-
cond and third were withdrawn, after an explanation from Sir
G. GREY.
On the motion for the fourth return relative to the arrest
of the Speaker of the House of Assembly, and of the twenty-
seven other persons,
The House divided, and the numbers were—
For the Motion
Against it
Majority
--48
The Return of the Magistrates dismissed was agreed to,
subject to a modification proposed by Sir G. GREY.
The motion for a Copy of the Report of the Executive
Council, and of the Attorney-General respecting certain in-
dividuals in the Magistracy, &c., was negatived without a
division.

Copies of letters from Nova Scotia and New Brunswick,
&c., relative to the Constitution of the Legislative and Exe-
cutive Councils of the colonies, or to their being made elec-
tive, was agreed to without a division.
Mr. HUME moved for the dates of the time at which the
despatches were received at the Colonial-office.
Sir G. GREY did not know that the dates were in exist-
ence. It was not usual to preserve them.
Lord STANLEY said that when he was at the Colonial-
office those dates were given.
Sir G. GREY remarked that it was not the usual practice.
Sir R. PEEL said that there was one despatch which he
hoped there would be no objection to produce. Lord Glenelg,
in acknowledging the despatch in which Lord Gosford trans-
mitted to him the Address from the House of Assembly, on
his laying before them the Resolutions of the House of Com-
mons, said he would communicate with him more at length
upon the subject. He wished to see that subsequent commu-
nication of Lord Glenelg.

Sir GEORGE GREY replied that no further communica-
tion had taken place from Lord Glenelg except that which
was private and confidential.
Mr. HAWE S wished to put a question of considerable im-
portance to the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell). Ho wished to
know, having supported the Address in order to strengthesi the
hands of Government with a view to • put down revolt, and
being also prepared to give his consent to the introduction of
this Bill, whether the Noble Lord had taken measures to pre-
vent sanguinary punishments from taking place previous to
the arrival of Lord Durham in Canada?

Lord JOHN RUSSELL said it appeared to him that the
Honourable Member meant to imply that there was
an expectation, either on 'the part of the Government or
the House, that sanguinary executions would take place
under the direction of Sir John Colborne. He must say,
in order to prevent misconception, that ho had no expec-
tation that Sir John Colborne would order sanguinary
executions, or would do anything beyond what he wculd
consider a painful duty on this subject. It was therefore
certainly not necessary that the Government should take
steps to desire Sir John Colborne to refrain from a course
which he considered it ' unlikely ho should pursue-...
namely, a course marked by a character of cruelty, or one of
a sanguinary nature. At the same, Government had not thought
right to withhold from Sir J. Colborne their general opinion
as to the inexpediency of capital executions on an occasion of
this nature. They had informed him of this in their de-
spatches, the contents of which he was not inclined to state
in detail, but they had stated their general opinion—an opi-
nion in which he believed that almost every person in the
country would concur, namely, that, upon an occasion like
that which had arisen, executions not immediately prompted
by absolute necessity, would tend both to prolong the contest
and would leave afterwards in the minds of the people feel--
ings of an unpleasant nature. In stating this opinion to Sir
J. Colborne he must say that they did nut in the least doubt
that gallant officer's disposition; and he must also say that
they were not laying upon him any positive instructions which
should fetter him in the execution of his duty. They were
merely stating to him what was the general opinion of the:
Government on this subject, an opinion in which he (Lord J.
Russell) had no doubt but that Sir John Colborne would fully
concur.

Mr. HAWES was perfectly satisfied with the answer of Ella
Noble Lord.

Mr. WARBURTON said that, according to the common
practice of this country State prisoners were always treated
with great humanity. It would, however, be seen from parsers
that had been laid on the table of the House, that on ing 'to the
neglected state of the prisons of Montreal a priscroer had
lately perished. He hoped that the same indulgew,:e and at-
tention would be shown to the prisoners in hlont,•eal that was
shown to prisoners in thi scountry,

Sir R. INGLIS said it was a question with many, and
himself amongst them, whether capital iunishments might
not be altogether abolished. But with respect to the persory-
who on a late occasion had been denounced as a traitor, amidst
the cheers of nine-tenths of the House, he must say that he
should consider it a false and spurious humanity to extenuate '
any sentence that might be passed upon him.
Mr. C. BULLER was sorry to hear such an ohservation,4
from the Honourab!e Baronet.—Hear Sufficii'nq
angry feeling had been excited against ther:indliidual,, art
did not require any addition. He thought mit •in ale*
• OP'