The Sun.
London, England, 1831-11-15 00:00:00

mies of bigotry and persecution, the friends of justice
and mercy, and of civil and religious liberty. Next
to my God, I adore rational liberty. But this is
not to be obtained by violence—none but a had
cause requires that ; ours is a good one, and calk
not fo; the aid of violence. Recollect the advice of

one, the wisest of the ancients, in reply to the elm-
plaints of the oppressed. Of three recommenda-
tions given by the sage for their guidance, the whole
sere comprised in one word—" Patience!" The
advice was acquiesced in, and success followed its
adoption. You will, and shall be, victorious. Be
prudent, indefatigable, firm, and determined in per-
severance till you succeed—but he peaceable! Now,
gentlemen and Britons, let us turn and see of what
description our opponents are. The foremost is a
Scot (proverbially synonimous with treachery), and
he bears so many names that when you hear them
you will picture to yourselves a whole clan of High-
lantlere—James Archibeltl Stuart Wertley Macken-
zie Wharncl•ffe, The last is rather ominous, and
characteristic, moreover, of his native land; and
hope the Nlinistry is warned of him as a hol/oto
clif. He is of the same breed as he of Cardiff—
(Here a voice said " Ile is also a chip of the old
block.")—descended from the brother and coadjutor
of Bute, the first corrupter of the political principles
of George 111. He was his first Minister, and a
bad one he was When he first came, he was
a needy Scot, and was accused of receiving a vast
bribe from the French, as a purchase for peace; and
it was more than probable the charge was true: be-
sides which he received from Oc•ober, 1760, to Oc-
tober, 1763, from the privy purse, 136,0001., and
for secret service 233,000/., making together, in
three years, 369,000/. He bought large estates, and
built stately palaces; how could a needy Scot do
this if he had not been plundering ? On a motion
he wished to carry, he doubled the pensioner; arid
household Lords; his pocket-holder in the Com-
mons distributed 25,0001. in hundred-pound bank-
notes. Upon another occasion, the Hon. C.
Too rsent] told Mr. Pitt (the father of Billy Pqt,
the Tory) as they were entering the House, that he
was quite certain they (the Opposition) had a ma-
jority ; but after the division he discovered that
Lloyd, who held the Minister's bribery pocket-book,
had converted more than sufficient to carry the ques-
tion. The next is a Scot (Lord Man field), de-
scended from the breed of the worst political Judge
that ever sat as chief in the Court of King's Bench,
.Jeffries excepted. As to the Tory, Old Bags, and
Ellenborough, you know enough without my saying
any thing about them. Then comes that wretched
addle-pate, Londonderry, the brother of Derrydown
Triangle—the vilest apostate the country was ever
accursed with—one who began his political career
upon the shoulders of his confiding countrymen, and
immediately he got into power, kicked down the
ladder he had just mounted, like his predecessor
Pitt. Of all our worst Ministers, none were more
cruel, arbitrary, and oppressive than this Irish ty rant.
In 1813 and 1816, while at Paris and Vienna he re-
ceived 48,809/. which, with his salary, 12,000/.,
amounted to 55,809/.; and his brother (the present
Loud Leedondeny), being also an ambassador, re-
ceived 24,000/. and 2.000/. from his commission as
a General of the Siaff.—(Here a gentleman noticed
that he had Ills r applied to the Ministry for a consi-
derable audition sem, which Lerd Sidmouth de-
clared" was too b:e1:") Thus these two worthless
brothers had in two years pocketed no less a sum
than 81,809/. of the public money. Would a Re-
formed Parliament allow such doings ? Would a
Reformed Parliament consent to all -,tv a maniac
60,0001. a-year, a wife 10,0001. a-year for the su-
perintendence of her husband, and the same sum to
a son for going once a month in a begga,ly cabriolet
for a similar purpose ? Certainly not. Mr. Thomas
then gas e a detailed account of the t rogressive in-
crease of the public debt and of the public burdens
with which most of our readers are already ac-
quainted. The American war (continued Mr.
Thomas) cost 200 millions. In 1793, previous to
the war with France, the whole of the Government
expellees was six millions, and interest nine millions;
the war with France (reckoning the annual taxes
arid loans) amounted to nearly 200 millions; leaving
a debt of 900 millions, the greater part of which
sums were expended for and against the Bourbons.
The enemies of Reform call the measure a revolu-
tion. To this I say, that from the latter end of
Henry 111. to the death of the profligate Charles IL,
being a period of four centuries, the places of repre-
sentation had been tuffering innovation and alteration.
There are 71 places which formerly returned mem-
bers, and do not now, many of them being large
flourishing towns, and intended by the Reform Bill
to be restored. I have much more to say, but am
unab'e to proceed, and will not take up more of your
attention, but propose the resolution with which I

have been entrusted.
The fourth resolution was then read ; and having
been seconded by J. JENKINS, Esq. in an appro-
priate speech, wag unanimously carried.
J. MOGGRIDGE, F.Qq., on proposing the sixth re-

solution, traced the progress of Parliamentary cor-
ruption from the time of the revolution in 1688,
and sheaved that the country owed to it all the evils
under which it was at present labouring. He then
introduced a well attested anecdote of Lord Castle-
reagh, while in Paris, after the restoration of the
Bourbons. The French Government being desirous
of depriving the people of their charter, and deli.
berating, in Lord Castlereagh's presence, on the best
means of obtaining their object—" Let me warn
you," said his Lordship "against using the military
—no force. Take your lesson from us borough-
mongers, and, if properly observed, you will find it
the most valuable one you ever learnt. By acting
as we do, you will render the subjection of the
people greater than ever, and that, not in appear-
ance, but in reality." The hint was taken, and
from that moment the administration employed itself
in endeavouring to sap the morals of the people.
A title was conferred upon one; a place upon ano-
ther—in short, a very material portion of the re-
venue wag applied for the purposes of corruption.
To so great an extent was this system carried, that,
according to the authority of a great political econo-
mist, at the period of the revolution in July, 1830,
every eleventh man was either a placeman, pen-
sioner, or in the pay of the Government. Louis
XVIII. continued to observe the advice of Lord
Castlereagh, and so long the power of the Bourbons
remained unimpaired. Charles X. forgot it ; the
system was too slow for him ; he had recourse to
violence, and every one knew what had been the
consequence. He had been driven ignominiously
from his throne, and if his subjects had not pos-
sessed far greater generosity and forbearance than he
was capable of feeling, his life would have paid the
forfeit of his crime. Mr. Moggridge then enforced,
in energetic terms, the necessity of rooting out the
same species of corruption in our own country,
which he termed its native soil. The proper means
were now being taken—the antidote for the bane
was a full, free, and fair representation of the people.
Mr. Moggridge concluded by again referring to the
celebrated resolution of the house of Commons in
support of his -Majesty's Ministers, and which, he
contended, entitled them to the full confidence of
the people. That resolution was the date of a new
era in their annals; and he trusted that it would
continue its exertions, and advocate every measure
calculated to promote the extension of civil and reli-
gious liberty.
Mr. Tilos. PHILLIPS, jon., of Newport, seconded
the resolution in a speech replete with historical re-
search, sterling good sense, and sound judgment.
I wish to speak of the House of Peers with proper
and due respect, but it is difficult to discuss with
calmness the vote they have deemed it prudent to
record, and recorded it is in the face of a suffering—
a murmuring people. For what is the question►
upon which they have declared their dissent—what
the constitutional measure to which they have re-
' fused their concurrence ? Was it a project for les-
sening the fair and legitimate influence of the Crown,
or depriving the aristocracy of a single constitutional
prerogative? No, Sir, tt was a measure intended
and calculated to reform the representation of the
• people, and to make the House of Commons in