The Sun.
London, England, 1831-12-17 00:00:00

could foresee. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman consi-
dered with the Noble Lord that that argument was vain,
that there was a dire necessity for the whole measure, that
the Legislature had no choice but to embark in the despe-
rate adventure. But did he give the slightest intimation
"What would be the end of the career? Did he look
hke a philosopher, to the end of events ? Had he
reason to believe that he could foresee the termination
" the course now entered upon ? Not at all. Any.
thing more vague, anything more indefinite, than the
etetements of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman on
that point, had never fallen from human lips. It
Was true that the Honourable and Learned Gentle-
;flan had advised them to open the gates of the fortress,
lest it should be stormed at the breach. But did he tell
them that they could open the gates with safety ? Did he
tell them that they could open the gates without exposing
their property to plunder, and their persons to massacre?
lhey were not to attempt to make any terms; but they
Were at once to throw open the gates, and await the con-
sequences, however fatal. The Hon. and Learned Gen-
tleman did not recommend them to open the gates on
Conditions ; he did not say, " Here are the terms which
the invadir', army is disposed to concede," And who
Were at the head of this army ? The Whigs. The Hon.
and Learned Gentleman did not say that they were its
leaders, but that they were the foremost of the throng
'Pressed forward by those who were behind with a dire
and irresistible force. It did not need the confession of
the Hon, and Learned Gentleman to establish this fact.
It Was evident in the occurrences of the day. Had they
oot seen what had taken place at meetings of the people,
deceived, according to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman's
°ten admission, by demagogues and artful incendiaries.
One of those meetings, consisting of one hundred and
,fiftY thousand persons, assembled somewhere in Birming-
"sins came to a resolution of approbation of the conduct
of the two Noble Lords opposite. That meeting—he did
bin know whether at the same time, but a meeting com-
Posed of the same persons, professed principles that must
have startled, not only his Majesty's Government, but the
t°ost violent members of the popular party. They
came to two resolutions—the one, that the people
°eght no longer to pmy taxes; the other, that here-
ditary rank was an abuse which ought no longer
to be tolerated.—(Hear, hear.) Having passed these reso-
lutions, they thought they should do honour to the two
Noble Lords opposite by presenting them an address of
gratitude and gratulation. It was certainly somewhat
singular that a body of persons who had just resolved that
!axes ought no longer to be paid should address his Ma-
Jetty's Chancellor of the Exchequer, and his Majesty's
l'aYrnaster of the Forces. —(A laugh.) If the resolutions
Were to prove effective, those Noble Lords would find
themselves in the possession of sinecures.—(A laugh.) It
Was certainly somewhat singular that a body of persons
Who had just resolved that hereditary rank was an intole-
Nile abuse, should address, whom ? Lord John Russell
and Lord Althorp.—(Hear, hear.) And those Noble
, r°nds seeing nothing extraordinary in all these proceedings;
,01ting at the assembly in question with the same pro-
Poetic eye as the Hon. and Learned Gentleman ; not see-
-141 in them a mob urging them forward, instead of a body
°i Which they were the leaders ; not seeing in them a
h
°dY of despotic dictators, but a body of adulators and
itdrnirers; were so flattered by their praises and cajolery,
that, entirely forgetting the resolutions that taxes ought
not to be paid, and that hereditary rank ought to be abo-
l!'hed, they regarded the persons by whom those resolu-
os had been passed, ot as their future plunderers and
butchers, but as their friends and admirers—
" Pleased to the last,•they cropped the flowery food,
, And licked the hands just raised to shed their blood !"
';:, laugh.) It appeared, however, that we were blessed
'ith an Administration, not only possessed of this tender
and lamb-like disposition, but who had also the spirit to
prevent property from being endangered, and to vindicate
e authority of violated laws. Such had been the Hon.
.
7tld Learned Gentleman's praise of his Majesty's Ministers.
t More keen irony—a more bitter satire--
I h Mr. MACAULEY denied having used such words. He
41 never alluded to the protection of property by his Ma-
i; 'estY's Ministers.—(Hear, hear.)
Ale- CROKER said, it was clear that the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman had been ironical, and had for-
gotten
what he had said.—(A laugh.) He did not
1, srge the' Hon. and Learned Gentleman with using the
' ti,°rds " his Majesty's 'Ministers," but he had said that
v`ie great party would use all the powers of the State to pre-
t o:re property, to defend persons, and to restrain the violence
his Majesty
es.
.Now be (Mr. Croker) would ask whether
6 s Ministers had exhibited any spirit or any
' rMnees on those points? Let Bristol, let Derby, let Co-
. 'sentry, bear witness.—(Hear, hear.) So far from pro-
tecting others, they had not shown even the power of de-
fending their own dignity. Their privacy had been as-
, tiled at midnight by the delegates of -Political Unions.
They had been publicly insulted by combinations of per-
, , sons, who declared their resolution to pay no snore taxes.
': en when his Majesty had been advised to issue a procla-
station against the societies to which his Majesty's Mini-
lift_ ,
4 s had previously truckled, the Unions were induced by
cgociation not to yield obedience to his Majesty's procla-
bast'
th l''', ; no, that would have been to show deference to
thority—that would have been to set a graceful
144°Ple; but to dissolve themselves on the evening be-
-1 ,thei the proclamation was issued, and thus to make that
falleh ought to have been a strong and healing measure,
1 (Ile an absolute dead letter, having nothing on which to
thr&te• The Hon. and Learned Gentleman bad said that
ere 44
Was one subject which had not yet been sufficiently
ter
44, ted to, and on which he would therefore touch ;
ltd he had forthwith proceeded to argue upon it.—
am Was certainly very natural that the Honourable
of . Learned Gentleman, who scattered the flowers
°l4 eloquence with so generous a profusion, should
(44bionally fail to remember his own liberality ; but he
rt,,r• Croker) could assure the Hon. and Learned Gentle
t:°, that he had not on former occasions forgotten the
latNs Connected with the eminent persons—Fox, Sheridan,
ta.°dharn, and last, and greatest, Burke, who bad brought
4ternueb power into that House, in consequence of having
" 5,,,° elected far popular places. As, however, the Hon.
(q Learned Gentleman bad repeated the argument, he
ot,r* Croker) would repeat the answer; which was in the
li.-titha of all who were acquainted with the political
tato
htt rY of the country, and which ought especially to have
/ t,4° Present to the mind of the Hon. and Learned Gentle-
rl et:* It was true that the eminent men in question were
r,k411 for popular places. But how did they become
,„t-wn, to the electors in those popular places? Did they
th brat sit for nomination boroughs; and was it not by
r ltt- 'Plendid talents which they displayed while they
pi
etta for those nomination boroughs, that they recona-
-1 ~d
4, themselves to the electors of popular places ? In
l ilti °Pinion, one of the greatest merits of the nomination bo-
-1 littes Was, that they afforded a preliminary trial, a sort of
sod leal apprenticeship, which enabled the electors of large
IsitthPular places to ascertain the qualificatinns of individuals
144,: Whom they would otherwise have been wholly unac-
, tli, ittteds Such being the case, he could not agree with
tit, 'M. and Learned Gentleman in stigmatising as Syco-
tis„,!' as the mothers of all mischief, places which had
(I:lobs" a Fox, a Sheridan, a Windham, a Burke to the
' 41k4e of Commons.—( Hear, hear.) He had said this
f rievY theWer Was in the mouths of all who were familiar with
ti, as' ,V ltil Political history of the country ; and he had added,
:fiteefiroo' f') of diet ought especially to have been present to the mind
sches/ stia te lion. and Learned Gentleman. Did not the Hon.
lean 'I to Learned Gentleman owe the honour of an invitation
ith CY, the come the representative of the town of Leeds, should
oor F 4111 i!1 pass (and would to God that only so much of the
the A CNlZl'ght pass as would enable the Hon. and Learned
The ,o ist ttnan to represent the town of Leeds), to the exist-
the?"4 4ccal,„Yatern? How slid the Hon. and Learned Gentleman
.r) , ei, 4ity -.7
known in Leeds? How had he had an opportu-
,t ditty the. 6' showing his great talents? By sitting for one of
,be
irfi ral, too a„rrltert nomination boroughs which he now so loudly
,4'sk 440 ed. Let him not blush at following the traces of
.111$0f0 ?Itt4l;c'heridan, Windham, and Burke. But if he must
courlA IStltio let it be at the momentary ingratitude which had
,atiofrotle for tked him to stigmatise places to which he was indebted
ied °'•01(tle,„, high station which he held in public opinion.—
ware lac ,ht '') The Hon. and Learned Member, in defending
d the 001 It :°°duct of large public assemblies, had said that
alters oi Sr.°, the frailty of human nature when great masses
ions; ip, It ;:4,elllbiel, to follow the direction of the most violent.
be oriPte tle<4. Croker.) agreed with the Hon. and Learned Gen-
,,l% 0,4, l'ot,,trn; He objected to placing large and uncontrolled
oue,
rFtia %it In the hands of masses of the people; convinced
ix $ V thtit Ilitch a step would lead to the dissolution not only of
Aticey that, "se, but of all civilized society. And if, on time
id beet, ° °I tl:,„.y, as the Hun. Member opposite said, the character
efa eor l'hap- 'souse wool I not be changed—the class of persons
The ts/ sf 411'4'1 to it would not be altered—he asked,what became
....sent ,y; tte,i, ,t,hin the Hon. Gentleman opposite had said about a
phisbk„l/4.7045e of Comtnons•—a reformed House of Commons
that 1( 4'4 „I..af all the great things it was to do for the country?
*et
taite thow_!-Inon. Member for Caine (Mr. Macauley) said, they
retie:4 i ,e toll, o.t look to the history of other countries—to France,
,du,
.;*4 Spain ; but that they should look to the history of time
' inti.llth; its—to the year 1640, when the great rebellion began ;
tilt4._ year in which a Prince was first forced into the field,
occ,OV
00•,4,° into a dungeon, and at last to the scaffold. He had
It'thls!.l. atio'idtt4t history, and, with the leave of the House, he
otild lt'('hat read some extracts from Mr. Hume's History of
.0,,, 1,D,.
,pkeriod. He knew that reading extracts was not
'be' es, ,t 4its, 1 r in that House ; but he hoped be would be per-
s. - lb'
.ilt t ,1711, to bring them forth upon the present occasion, when
'v, Or 4 considered what powerful tiae the Hon. and Learned
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' Member had made of his reference to the history of this
period. The House would see how just, how apposite
were those extracts—bow closely, how wonderfully they
applied to the existing state of things :—" Charles, find-
ing that nothing less would satisfy his Parliament and
people, at last gave his assent to this Bill, which produced
so great an innovation in the Constitution. Solemn
thanks were presented him by both Houses. Great re-
joicings were expressed both in the city and throughout
the nation ; and mighty professions were everywhere made
of gratitude and mutual returns of supply and confidence.
This concession of the King, it must be owned, was not
entirely voluntary : it was of a nature too important to be
voluntary. The sole inference which his partisans were
entitled to draw from the submission so frankly made to
present necessity, was, that he hail certainly adopted a new
plan of Government, and for the future was resolved, by
every indulgence, to acquire the confidence and affections
of the people." In the 'next year, after his Majesty's
granting this Bill for shortening Parliaments, the
King's Minister was drsgged from his Cabinet to the
scaffold, and Charles himself was degraded by con-
senting to the legal murder of Lord Strafford.—(Cheers )
This was the first effect of concession—this was the
first stage in the bloody course of Reform.—(Cheers.)
Mark how it went on. The Commons were con-
stant in their project of change, and the historian
went on to say:—" But, notwithstanding these efforts of
the Commons, they could not expect the concurrence of
the Upper House, either to this law, or to any other,
which they should_ introduce to the further limitation of
Royal authority. The majority of the Peers adhered to
the King, and plainly foresaw the depression of Nobility,
as a necessary consequence of popular usurpations on the
Crown. The insolence, indeed, of the Commons, and
their haughty treatment of the Lords, had already risen to
a great height, and gave sufficient warning of their future
attempts upon that order. They muttered somewhat of
their regret that they should be enforced to save the king.
dom alone, and that the House of Peers would have no
part in the honour. Nis., they went so far as openly to
tell the Lords, That they themselves were the represen-
tative body of the whole kingdom, and that the Peers
were nothing but individuals, who held their seats in a
particular capacity; and, therefore, if their Lordships will
not consent to the passing of Acts necessary for the pre-
servation of the people, the Commons, together with such
of the Lords as are not sensible of the danger,
must join together, and represent the matter to his
Majesty.' " They did not say the Peers were a fac-
tion—they were modest in those days.—(Cheers.) They
did not call the solemn resolution of the House of
Lords the whisper of a faction,—(Great cheering.)
They spoke of the Peers simply as 199 individuals, who,
in their private capacity, were opposed to the representa-
tives of the country.—(Cheers.) This parallel was suffi-
ciently obvious. " Meanwhile the tumults still continued,
and even increased about Westminster and Whitehall. The
cry continually resounded against Bishops and rotten-
hearted Lords." Now the cry was rotten-borough Lords.
—(Loud cheering.) The history does not say whether
the House was dismissed in the latter end of October, to
be re-assembled on the 6th of December under the order
of the exciters of tumults, and under the pretence of con.
sidering a Bill which was not ready—which was not laid
on the table until the 12th, and put into the hands of the
Members until they entered the -House that evening. But
Ministers knew the more time was afforded the people to
reflect, the less inclined would they be to support them.—
(Loud cheers.) Now see what course was then pursued,
and how they went on to justify their proceedings. They
represented that delay was as dangerous as denial.
" They expressed their great grief on account of his Ma-
jesty's answer to their just and necessary petition. They
represented that any delay, during danger and distrac-
tions so great and pressing, was not less unsatisfactoi y
and destructive than an absolute denial; they insisted,
that it was their duty to see put in execution a mea-
sure so necessary for public safety ; and they affirmed,
that the people in many counties had applied to them
for that purpose, and, in some places, were, of themselves,
and by their own authority, providing against those urgent
dangers with which they were threatened."—(Cheers. )
The very words adopted by the Political Unions of the
day—they called upon all men to arm themselves, under
the pretence of securing their personal safety and public
property, while their main object was to foment the tu-
mults of which they feigned themselves afraid, and to con-
summate the downfall of the House of Lords and of the
Established Church, and the overthrow of the throne.—
(Cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Member had told them
they were not to look to the history of France or Spain,
but that they should look to their own history. Well, con-
cession began in 1640, and he bad begun with it, and had
read to the House the history of the year 1640, and of
1642, and as far as the 23d of February, 1642. The
cases were precisely parallel. And he found that, perhaps,
the parallel might still hold good between the years 1645
and 1835.—(Hear, hear.) He was not without his ap-
prehensions that one Reformed Parliament would pursue
the course which had been already taken by another.
They saw that in the period alluded to the popular
representatives extorted the first Act from the King.
He said extorted, because his Majesty knew the
purposes for which it was intended, and his Mi-
nisters had given it their strenuous resistance.—(Hear,
hear.) He had stated to them the first stage
of Parliamentary Reform—the Bill for shortening Parlia-
ments. The next Parliament to that which passed the
measure was distinguished by the name of the Long Par-
liament—a Parliament which invaded all the constitutional
rights of the country—and continued sitting in defiance of
that very law which had been passed by its predecessors.—
(Cheers.) Did the Hon. and Learned Member wish to
confine them exclusively to the history of the past—
would he not permit them to look to Bristol or Lyons ?
They all knew there had been a glorious revolution in
France—a revolution accomplished in the three great days
of July. They had in France a happy reformed Constitu-
tion—nothing was injured—nothing altered : it had been
epigrammatically said, that there were only three French-
men less in the country. They had only got rid of Charles
and his son, and his grandson—they had succeeded in
maintaining tranquillity—they had established liberal in-
stitutions upon the basis of the most extensive Reform.—
(Hear.) But what was the result ?—(Hear, hear.) Not
one month had passed under this reformed Constitution,
which was to allay all animosities, quiet all disturbances,
and settle every perturbed spirit—not one month
had passed in which dangerous seditious were not
put down by force of arms, under the auspices of
the Minister in the very seat of Government.—(Loud
cheering.) Look, too, to the men who stood forth as
the heroes of the three great days—the leaders of the
movement—those who said, we are the persons selected
by the people as their leaders in the day of battle, and as
their Ministers in the time of peace. Look to those men—
watch their elevation—their progress—and mark the con-
sequence—M. de Tracy, one of the ablest, and one of the
most violent partizans of the movement, had spoken, and
what had lie said ?—that the very spirit of the movement
was to give to those who had gained by the change, and
to take away from those who had lost all that remained.
And yet this Reform—this movement—was the Jughernaut
before whom the Hon. and Learned Member would have
them, like the votaries of a mad idolatry, fling their dislo-
cated limbs. Then there was M. Lameth, who declared
that lie was opposed to all movement except that which'
was for the benefit of the people ; and who remarked, that
the Government of England, matured and perfected by
time, had won the admiration of Montesquietr, and of the
entire world. These were the opinions of a man, whose
name must be familiar to all who knew anything of France
since the revolution—the oldest Civil Grenadier in France;
and be refers you to the Gmstitution of England, as a
system brought to perfection, and deserving the admira-
tion of the entire world ; while the Noble Lord would
not only, with an unfilial hand, tear it to pieces,
but trample it to the ground, and vilify it with every
term of degradation.—(Great cheering.) Next would he
call their attention to M. Guizot: he was carried on the
very shoulders of the people into power, by steps made
slippery with blood.—(Continued cheers.) But he re-
mained not long. He said, " I left the Government because
I found myself unequal to stern the torrent of the move-
ment." Did the lion. and Learned Gentleman opposite
think that he could stem the torrent here ? Did our Eng-
lish Guizot fancy that he could stem it?—(Laughter.)
M. Guizot was a writer of pamphlets, of treatises upon
Government, anti so forth ; indeed he believed he had the
honour of translating a production of Lord John Russell's
—(Continued laughter)—and yet he gave up in despair
the attempt to check the violence of popular fury. Did
Lord John Russell imagine he would be more successful ?
—(Cheers.) What next? There was a lawyer—bold,
voluble, slippery, enterprising, universal, at every thing in
the ring.—(Loud laughter and great cheering.) He
spoke in the House—wrote pamphlets—wrote in maga-
zines—wrote in the newspapers.—(Continued cheering
and laughter, and " oh, oh, oh.") He considered that
those who possessed the power of writing and of speaking
were much to be envied ; he wished he had that power—
(Hear, hear, and laughter, and " oh, oh")—he would not
be ashamed of it.—(" 011, oh.") He had rather be a
writer, honestly giving forth his sentiments to the people,
and endeavouring truly to instruct them, through ally
medium, however humble, than be the signer of some mise-
rable radical letter, written by a low Reformer.—(Hear.)
He had rather speak feebly, as he knew be did deliver
himself—and be interrupted, as he had been interrupted

' by those sitting on the opposite benches—than be
one of the mutes of a despotic Government, who
could do nothing but attempt to strangle a discussion
of which their masters were afraid.--(Enthusiastic cheer-
ing.) And now, having expressed this feeling, the Mi.
nisters might interrupt him as much as they pleased.--
(Cheers.) But to proceed—this eminent lawyer, under
the influence of the Revolution, after having been with
them, as it were, to-day, was made the Keeper of the
Seals to-morrow.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He spoke
of M. Dupin.—(Continued laughter.) His triumphs in
the tribune were only equalled by his literary reputation
and excessive popularity. Every thing was to be sub-
jected by him to the crucible of innovation, and the po-
pular acclaim attended him wherever he went.—(Loud
cheers and laughter.) Every abuse wa•, under his
auspices, to be reformed ; but he had not been in office
many weeks—nay, he believed he might say many days—
when this Keeper of the Seals entered the Chamber with
dishevelled hair and in the extremity of distress, to com-
plain of the violence and ingratitude of the people.—
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) An infuriate mob hal at-
tacked his house, because he had ventured to say that
combinations of men were dangerous to the State, and
because he had advised Louis Philippe to issue a procla-
mation to put down assemblies which were incon-
sistent with all good Government.—(Loud cheering.)
Because he had induced the Government to set itself
in opposition to those tumults it had itself, at first,
excited—(Loud cheering)—this mob rushed into his
house—pillaged it—destroyed his furniture—and spared
not even the females of his family.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
Here was your man of three weeks' popularity. The tale
was disgraceful, but he hoped it would prove instructive.
There was another man not so eminent as Dupin, but per-
haps next to Dupin—he meant M. Persil, who had like-
wise borne testimony to the advantages of the glorious re-
volution. This was the history of what had passed in
Paris under the popular Government—under the influence
of a Reform Bill—under the influence of a Government
that had created Peers to pass their Reform Bill.—(Loud
cheers.) This was the history of a popular Government,
who fancied they were leading the movement when they
were only hurried onwards in the torrent's sweep.-
-(Heir, hear.) But. they had two warning voices—that
of the Hon. and Learned Member for Caine and of M.
Persil—who declared that Ministers were not the leaders
of the movement, but its victims and its dupes.--
(Cheers.) Now as to Lyons—Lyons had its revolution
in the three glorious days of July, though all show of it
was lost in the superior blaze of glory that rose on high
from the capital. Lyons, however, did go through its
ordeal ; and after the Revolution it had every advantage
that could he desired for a great manufacturing town,—
popular representation—Reforming Ministers—a Patriot
King, who walked about the streets with an umbrella
under his arm—(Cheers and laughter)—and yet, stupid,
ungrate'ul town, in these days of lights and informa-
tion, and liberal opinions, it took fifty thousand men
to establish tranquillity within its walls.—(Loud cheer-
ing.) Next, turning their eyes to home, they found
that in Nottingham a mob, that by the wad had
given notice of their intentions, assembled and burned
down a castle belonging to a Nobleman—not, certainly,
the one in which he resided, but that which be devoted to
the purposes of charity.—(Cheers.) He was a borough-
mongering Lord, however, and it was not worth Govern-
ment's while to institute any inquiry upon the subject.—
(Cheers.) In Derby, too, the gaol was attacked. The
courage of one man saved it, but not until a most dis-
graceful and distressing outrage was perpretrated upon a
private family, and not a family of Anti-Reforming prin-
ciples or of any strong political opinions. The Right
Hon. Member then stated that the mob burst into the
house, pillaged it, and destroyed every thing that they
could not bear away, and that the lady of the house and
her daughter fled, and concealed themselves under a laurel
bush, where for hours the daughter, like a second Anti-
gone, supported her aged parent's head upon her bosom.
And at length, when the mob had separated, and they
were discovered by the servants, the only place of rest
which could be procured for them in their own magnificent
mansion was a groom's bed in a loft over the stable.—
[This was the substance of the story, but we did not
bear the Right Honourable Gentleman distinctly, for
there was a good deal of noise in the House and some
laughter.] The Right Honourable Gentleman pro-
ceeded to say, the Noble Lord opposite smiled. He would
not believe he smiled at the story.—(Hear, hear.) It
could only be at his feeble mode of telling it. No man
of feeling—no man possessing the common attributes of hu-
manity could be other than indignant at such atrocities;
but he asked, had Government instituted any inquiry?
No ; and lie verily believed that if proper steps had been
taken at Nottingham and Derby, the riots at Bristol never
would have taken place.—(Loud cheers.) If Government
had vindicated the dignity of their station—of public jus-
tice—of human nature at those, the lamentable events at
Bristol never would have happened.—(Loud cheers.)
They talked of the Reform Bill to assuage agitation ; and
in due obedience to order, they summoned Parliament on
the 6th, to consider a Bill that was not ready till the 12th.
—(Cheers.) But in Bristol they had as yet done nothing,
or worse than nothing. A Special Commission was to
be sent down there on the 6th of January. Now, if Par-
liament had been appointed to meet on the 6th of Ja-
nuary, and the Special Commission sent down to Bristol
on the 6th of December, it would hare been the much more
rational and laudable course of proceeding.—(Loud
cheers.) And who was it that had been attacked ?—first
his Hon. and Learned Friend, the Recorder of Bristol (Sir
C. Wetherell)—he was abused in all the newspapers, vili-
fied in society as the cause and origin of all the misfortunes
which had occurred, and this at least with the acquiescence
of the Government—a Government which had at length
been compelled to render his Hon. and Learned Friend a
tardy justice. The only person prosecuted with any
thing like speed in Bristol, was Captain Lewis, a
special constable ; the Coroner's Inquest had found him
guilty of manslaughter, so that one of the defenders
of the law had hitherto been its only victim. What he
blamed Ministers for was this, that they had not taken
example by the Coroner—that they did not make the same
active exertions on their side that the Radicals had done
on theirs. He complained that they did not attempt to
visit offences on the right head—that they did not in-
stantly send down a Special Commission—that Captain
Lewis had not had justice, and that the Recorder had not
had justice, who himself should have been made a mem-
ber of the Commission. He would venture to say, that
the mind of the country was not so much alarmed by the
threats of disturbance, or even by the open violence and
outrages at Bristol, as by the death-like apathy of those
who ought to he the protectors of persona and property.
—(Cheers.) Had this nothing to do with the Reform?
Was it not part of the chain, the first link of which was
forged on the Ist March—the first debate on the Reform
Bill.—(Hear.) " Pass this Bill (said Ministers on that
occasion), or dread the consequences; your rejection of it
would only exasperate—on your heads then be the misery
and confusion it will occasion." Frora the moment the
Noble Lord and the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had,
sounded that trump of dismay—dismay he could not call it,
because nobo,",y had believed it—but that trump of excite-
ment, the result had been evident : what seemed the decla-
mation of the Senate had proved incentives to the democracy
which was only waiting for the application of the first
spark to explode. I say (continned Mr. Croker) that the
Reform Bill has been the cause of all this mischief. I
charge it upon it, and I assert that I can trace it as clearly
as the footsteps of an Indian malefactor through the path-
less forest. I can trace it from the first insult to our
houses, and the first breach of the domestic peace of the
city, when the Lord Mayor (who, I suppose, fancied him-
self a Minister, and certainly acted like one) excited a
disturbance he was unable to allay. This ebullition of
party triumph, this illumination of the illuminati of the
wards, not only occasioned the destruction of property in
the city, but the ebullition overflowed beyond the juris-
diction of the sagacious Chief Magistrate. I can trace it
from that earliest catastrophe to this final—would to God
I could call it final—discussion. The Hon. and Learned
Member has again treated us with the presence of his
imaginary stranger, whom he supposes for the first time to
visit out' shores and to wonder at our institutions. I, too,
can fancy his arrival and his entrance into our metropolis
at Hyde Park-corner. What would be his astonishment
to find that, while our dwellings were unfortified, our
houses were barricaded? " I had thought (he would ex-
claim, in the words of your great Chatham) that an Eng-
lishman's house was his castle—that his castle was de-
fended by the law, and not by boards and buttresses."
He would find that the very first edifice he beheld was bar-
ricaded, and he would be told, in explanation, that in
these altered times an Englishman's house, if he meant to
live in it, must indeed be a castle.---(Cheers.) Then the
stranger would inquire who lived in that eyeless abode—
in that house which could not conveniently be turned out
at windows ? He would naturally Suppose that it was some
enemy of the poor—some state malefactor, who had grown
rich on the spoil of the nation—or some Alinister, who
had ground the country under his despotic sway, and was
compelled to take shelter front the just fury of the popu-
lace. " Oh, no !" would be the reply, no such obnoxious
individual inhabits the first house that meets your eye ; but
a man to whom I will apply no epithet—the Duke of Wel.
lington—(Much cheering)—the Duke of Vittoria—the
Prince of Waterloo.—(Continued cheers.) A few steps
farther would lead the stranger to another mansion more
carefully barricaded than the former, and guarded with

ehee,aux de frizc. Of course he would conclude at once
I that that must be the residence of Sir R. Peel, who had
never been separated from the Duke of Wellington—never
separated from the affections of the real friends of his
country—and happily too, never separated from the hos-
tility of her enemies.—(Cheers.) Again, the stranger
would find himself mistaken when he should be informed
that it was the residence of a Prince of the Blood Royal.
—(Hear, hear.) " What !" (the stranger would exclaim)
" with a popular King, who has built up his throne of his
people's hearts—whose sceptre is not studded with gems
but with the love of his people—whose crown is not en-
riched with bloodstones from the Tower, hut whose brows
are encircled by the glorious civic wreath of the Reform
Bill ?—(Cheers and laughter.) Do they attack (he
would add) a member of the King's family ?" " Aye,
would be the answer ; who has married besides the d sugh.
ter of George 111. and the sister of George IV., and of his
present Majesty—a Princess as amiable as she is blameless.
--(Cheers.) I thank the Hon. and Learned Gentleman
for giving me this stranger ; it is a proverb that no resi-
dent sees London until a friend front the country arrives,
to whom he must shew the lions ; and the Hon. and
Right Hon. Gentleman might never have seen these signs
of the times but for the arrival of this welcome stranger.
He still proceeds along Piccadilly, and observes a third house
barricaded like the other two. He inquires to whom it
belongs? concluding that it was the abode of some haughty
Aristocrat—some vigorous enemy of Reform—perhaps
the Bishop of Exeter—some overfed lazy drone, who,
while the people are starving, is rolling in hereditary
riches. No ; he would be astonished to learn that the
dwelling belonged to a man as eminent in his way as, per-
haps, the hero whose mansion he had first seen—Mr.
Baring, a wealthy merchant, who had raised a great for-
tune, and as great a character, by means which used
to be the pride and safety of England—industry and
honour—(Hear, hear)--who had spent his whole life
in advocating liberal principles, against whose private
worth not a whisper had been hr ard, and who had ex-
torted applause even from opposing Tories.—(Cheers )
Thus the stranger would discover that the Blood Royal
itself—the hero whose deeds had, perhaps, exceeded even
those of Marlborough, and the most eminent merchant of
our day—that all ranks and all conditions of society were
equally obliged to barricade their dwellings during the
auspicious Administration of the friends of the Reform
Bill. If this Reform Bill be so powerful in its cradle,
what strength will it not possess when it reaches its full
stature, and when armed with its tremendous club.—
(Cheers and laughter.) I believe that its first attack will
he upon the very authors of its being, and who honestly,
perhaps, think it will be useful—against those who in this
House (though I wish they had done it with more ala-
crity), have ventured to express some sort of desire that
violence should be avoided—who rather wished that no
disturbances should occur, but who thought that the fire,
if left to itself, would go out of its own accord. I do not
charge them so much with. lighting the flame, as with
not calling for the engine, and for not working it when it
did at length arrive.—(Hear, hear.) As I can track
the course of Reform, as I said, like the Indian in the fo-
rest, so I can trace the gradual terror and truckling of
the Ministers. Not a word they say—not an act
they do or omit to do, but has regard to the clamour
of the Unions, against whom, forsooth, they at last ven-
tured to let fly a paper kite. Yet even the proclamation
proves their fears, and while they professed to be so ready
to meet the Birmingham and other associations, they sent
down intelligence which would prevent a collision ; and
rather solicited the aid of Townsend and the officers at
Bow-street, than trust to their own firmness and resolu-
tion. Ministers sharpened their swords, and buckled on
their armour, at the very moment when they knew that
their hostile preparations would be needless. But even if
they were anxious to rule the tempest they have raised,
it is beyond their power—beyond their reach—beyond the
scope of their minds ; they never foresaw it, and as little
can they stop it. Have I not heard, and this very day
seen in print, that Ireland may be said to owe her deliver-
ance to the firmness of a single Right Hon. Gentleman in
the Cabinet ?—that a person, highly respectable I admit,
and whom I should be glad to see in any office for which
he was fir, would have been made Attorney-General, or
have received some other high legal appointment but for
the resistance of one Member of the Government.—(Hear. )
Yet this individual was to step into office from the bar
where he had recently been indicted for sedition.—(Hear.)
Nothing could have prompted such an appointment but the
height of timidity and imbecility. Let me ask, is the
King, even the chuser of his Ministers now ? Could
his Majesty, supposing he had the consent of tie
Tories in their constitutional reverence for the Royal
wishes, keep his Ministers in office an hour if the radicals
were opposed to them ? No—therefore they appear
to be the friends of a system to which they are in their
hearts hostile. The dangers of the country are, therefore,
beyond what even they contemplate : history can afford
no parallel, for there is no precedent where the Govern-
ment has been on the side of agitation.—(Cheers.) The
true secret of our position is this—that the King's name
has been abused for a purpose the very reverse of his con-
stitutional duty, which is to protect life, to guard property,
and to secure not only freedom of opinion, but freedom of
expression. But the wishes of the Sovereign must be
unavailing, when he has delegated power to Ministers who
are neither his servants nor their own masters, but the
servants of a faction which they in their hearts detest, and
which they are doing their utmost to cajole. The radicals
see, with triumph, that nothing has been done to punish
the rascals at Derby, the ruffians at Nottingham, or the
rioters at Coventry ; and they see, too, that in the case
even of Bristol, justice is lamer than the proverb—that,
instead of going by steam, she is limping down to Somer-
setahire at the rate of two miles an hour, to arrive three
months after the event, arid three weeks before the assizes.
--(Much cheering.) The Right Hon Gentleman con-
cluded by assuring the House that he had urged nothing
but from an imperious sense of the danger of the country
—a danger he knew not how to remedy, but which he
knew he could tremendously increase by the passing of
the Reform Bill.—(The cheering at the close of this
speech was of very long continuancs.)
Lord ALTHORP would have almost doubted the sub-
ject of the Right Hon. Gentleman's speech, if be had not
concluded with the words Reform Bill, for certainly by
far the greater part of what he had delivered had reference
to anything else rather than to that. At the commence-
ment, indeed, he had touched it, but quitted it again after
a slight glance, and during the last three quarters of an
hour had entirely abandoned it. He did not doubt that all
Iparts had been very welcome to the other side of the
House—an attack upon Ministers, in connection with the
Reform Bill, would, of course, be grateful ; but, in point
of argument, it would have been well, perhaps, if what
had been said had had some trifling reference to the ques-
tion before the House.—(Cheers.) It was very easy to
accuse Ministers, or any other set of men, of indifference
to the tranquillity of the country, and of reluctance to con.
trout the lawless, but it was not so easy to prove the accu-
sation, and had it been possible, the Right Hon. Gentleman
would not have failed to make the attempt. The truth was,
that at all times, and in all situations, Ministers had done
their duty, and had exerted their utmost power to preserve
good order, and to enforce obedience to the laws. The
Right Hon. Gentleman seemed to think that Ministers
could only be actuated by the wish to keep their places ;
he would not charge the Right Hon. Gentleman with a
desire to get into them, but he might be allowed to ask,
how it happened that the Right Hon. Gentleman should
think the feeling so extremely natural?—(hear, hear.)
When the present Government came into power, they
found the country in difficulties, and those difficulties were
met with promptitude and decision. It had been said,
that there had been great delay in the issue of a special
communion for Bristol, but could that course be taken
before previous inquiry had ascertained whether there were
any prisoners to be tried, and any witnesses against them.
It was also charged that Ministers were in fault for the
windows broken during some of the discussions on the Re-
form Bill, and the Right Hon. Gentleman had gone
through a not very edifying story about the wonder of a
stranger at some barricaded houses. These closed win-
dows had their effect, and from the speech it was easy to
conceive why they were kept boarded.—(Cheers, especially
from the Opposition.) What he meant was, not that the
owners of the houses really kept the windows shut for
that purpose, but that the application of the fact in the
speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman rendered them liable
to the observation. If he thought that Ministers had
been guilty of any neglect of duty, it was his business to
bring forward some distinct accusation. Before he (Lord
Althorp) proceeded to advert to such parts of the Right
Hon. Gentleman's speeeh as applied to the question, he
would mention (having been reminded of the fact by an
Hon. Friend near him) that a special commission had
beenissued for the trial of the offenders at Nottingham.
Mr. CROKER—What ! already ?
Lord ALTHORP—It had been issued as soon as was
consistent with the only rule that could be applied to such
cases—the ascertainment of the fact, that there were pri-
soners to be tried for offences of sufficient magnitude to
justify the extraordinary proceedings. He would now go
to the few points applicable to the second reading of the
Reform Bill. First, the Right Hon. Gentleman said that
the principle was not changed. He (Lord Althorp) ad-
mitted it, and rejoiced at it; but if so, where was the
ground for congratulation at the great escape the country
had experienced.—(Cheers.) He agreed with the Right
Hon. Gentleman, that the changes in the details did not

at all vary the principle of the present measure from that
of the Bill of last session; but supposing for a mornero
there bad been an escape, he contended that the deterio-
rated state of the country more than counterbalanced that
imaginary advantage ; it would be counterbalanced even
had the improvements in the Bill b en much greater than
they were in reality. The Right Hon. Gentleman took
great credit to himself, and had cont. nib d that Ministers
had given way in every part of the schedule. The Right
Hon. Gentleman must, however, be perfectly aware that
' the rule on which Ministers had proceeded with reference
to the new Bill had been different from the rule 1)1
which they had been guided as regarded the old Bill.—
(Hear, hear.) They had adhered to that rule, with
one exception—the case of Saltash, on which he
allowed that they had been deceived, from want of
due information. That information was now ob-
tained, and the rule had consequently been altered,
much for the better, and so as to relieve the schedules from
many of the objections to which they were b fore liable.
Ministers were ready, he repeated, to do their utmost for
the preservation of the public peace. They had no object
nearer their hearts ; but their efforts for this purpose
must, in the present state of things, be powerless, without
the aid of the middle and intelligent classes, and this they
were most anxious to secure. The Right Hon. Gentle-
man had argued, that no great good could be done by the
Reform Bill, since the representatives, when it had passed,
would belong to the same class of persons as at present.
True, the class would be the same, but it would be ope-
rated upon by a different influence—the influence of the
constituents instead of the influence of individu sls.—
(Hear, hear.) The effect as had been often said, would be
to give the country confidence in the decisions of the
House, the want of which had hitherto been the source of
so many evils, and so much dissatisfaction. It had also
been urged by the Right Hon. Gentleman, that the first
link, in what lie called a chain, had been the earliest dis-
cussion on Reform. He (Lord Althorp) begged to deny
this position : the first link had been forged long before : it
was forged by the declaration of the last Ministry against
Reform, and then it was that agitation had commenced.—
(Hear.) The present Ministry had found the countrydis-
turbed, and they had endeavoured to allay the disturbance
by satisfying the just wishes of the people. His 11on. and
Learned Friend in an eloquent speech had advised that the
gates of the fortress should be opened lest entrance should
he forced by a breach ; to which the Right Hon. Gentle-
man had replied that the longer the resistance the better
were the terms. This, however, was a case where pro-
tracted resistance rendered the chance of favourable terms
more desperate. His Hon. Friend looked upon the sub-
ject with the eye of a Statesman, and did not confine his
illustrations to the events of one period. The extract
which he read from " Home's History of England" relating
to the occurrences of the year 1640, certainly bore strongly
on his arguments. But he forgot that there lived at that
period an author not particularly attached to popular
opinions or to the liberty of the subject, who said that the
Parliament of 1640 was of such a character, that, if the
King had attended to its opinion, the evils which after-
words took place would never have occurred—(Hear)—
but by that King's obstinate opposition to the advice of
that Parliament, the anger of the country was excited,
and led on the House of Commons to the fatal mea-
sures which it at length adopted.—(Hear, hear, hear. )
In the early part of the evening, the Noble Lord who
' commenced the debate, in a speech of great ability (and
when be said that it was an able speech he did not make
an exception, for the Noble Lord never spoke in that
House but with the greatest ability) reprobated the present
Bill as a measure of destruction to the landed interest.
—(Hear.) But if he (Lord A.) could see anything in the
Bill having such a tendency, he would be one of the last
men in that House to give it his support.—(Hear.) If he
thought that it could lead to any detriment to that inte-
rest, he would look upon it as a dereliction of his duty if
he failed to oppose it. He was far front thinking that the
landed interest would not, under that Bill, have its due
weight in the representation, and no alteration that was
proposed could increase any danger to which at present it
may be exposed. The Hon. Member for St. Mawes counted
a large number of Members, which he supposes will be
subetracted from the agricultural interest ; but he omitted
to state that the eleven Members restored to places in
schedule B served to counterbalance those which were
given to the manufacturing town. It was argued last
session, that if the manufacturing towns should have but
one Member each, the effect would be that the operatives
would return that Member ; but that if two Members
were given to them, then it was probable that the landed
interest would have the return of one.—(Hear, hear )
Now, that was done, and so far the wishes of those
who were solicitous for the landed interest were met
with. But if the Hon. Member would look to the true
effect of the measure, he would see that the course which
was pursued would place the representation in a state more
nearly in proportion to the distribution of property. He
thought that the speech of the Hon. Member was addressed
more to the details of the Bill than to its principles, and
that his arguments were, therefore, such as might more
properly be submitted to the Committee than offered now
against the motion before the House. One observation
which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman did make, in re-
ference to the tendency of the whole measure, was, that
the first act of the reformed Parliament would be to re-
store all the provisions of the Bill of last session which
were departed from in the present. If that were true, it
went to disprove what had been objected by other gentle-
men on the same side, that this was a more demoeratieal
Bill than the other. If it be a more democraticai Bill,
there can be no danger of a return to the provisions of
the other, which Was lees so. But if the alterations were
improvements, what reason could there be for expecting
that the constitution of Parliament under an amended Bill
would be such, that they should wish to undo those
things which every gentleman who has spoken on that
Bill appears to consider improvements.—(Cheers.) He
would not follow the Hon. Gentleman through a discussion
of the details, but he hoped and trusted that that House
and the Parliament would settle the question. To keep
it in suspense would be one of the greatest evils that
could be inflicted upon the cotaatry. It was now ad-
mitted, on all hands, that Reform was iadispensible. In
such a case, it was not the duty of a statesman to look
back to his former opinions, but to examine the nature of
the existing necessity, and take the course which the exi-
gency of the times might demand. That the alteration
was necessary, no one seemed to deny. Why, then, when
the people of England were unanimous as to the necessity,
and when they were satisfied with the measure which was
now offered to the House, was it not the proper course to
adopt, at least, the principle?—(Hear, hear.) When he
said this, he did not mean to say that he felt the slightest
doubt of the opinion and decision of that House. For as
the Bill was in principle similar to the last, there could he
no doubt of the result of the present motion : but yet he
looked with deep anxiety to its early passing, and its delay
to any further time might be attended with consequences
which he could not but deplore.—(Cheers.)
Sir R. INGLIS attempted for a considerable time to
obtain a hearing amidst great confusion, from cries of—
" Adjourn—Go on—Bar, bar." At length he sat down,
having moved the adjournment of the House.
Lord ALTHORP said, that if the adjournment were
moved to to-morrow, and the debate continued on that day,
there would be a clear week of vacation before Christmas.

Sir R. PEEL thought that if to-morrow were any
other day but Saturday, there could be no objection to the
adjournment. But as it would be necessary to discontinue
the debate at half-past eleven o'clock, on account of the
approaching Sabbath, he thought that by an adjournment
now the House would incur the risk of extending the de-
bate to a third day. If the House were to meet to-mor-
row, the earlier the hour the better.
After some further conversation between Sir R. PIaL
and Lord ALTHORP across the table, the debate was ad-
journed to Twelve o'clock to-morrow (Saturday).