The Sun.
London, England, 1838-07-23 00:00:00

" TUE SUN"

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I N

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" "ME F;UN" will be published This Week, so as to
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It will contain most beautiful MEDALLION LIKENESSES
of MAr.tSHAL SOULT and the DUKE OF WELLING'iON,
execut.ed in the same style as teat of her Majesty in " THE
CORONATION SUN."

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The publication of THE SUN NE`' SPAPER commenced this day
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WITH WRICII
THE « TRUE SUN" IS NOW
INCORPORATED.

OND ON
MONT)AY EVENING, JULY 23, 1838.

One of o.le most extraordinary documents that ever ap-
peared it 1 the columns of The Sun will be found in our
journal of to-day, in the form of an extract, from a pam-
phlet just published by the Messrs. RIDGWAY, and headed
" onfederation of Gaul." It purports to be " a copy of
a Diplomatic paper, taken at St. Petersburg, in 1856,
Ffrom an ori2inal document in the secret archives of the It.;s-
sian Cabinet ;" and from-the Preface of the editors, which
-we prefix to it, there appears every ground for believing
that, if genuine, it was drawn up under the immediate
direction of the Emperor NICHOLAS. But, whether it be
authentic cr not, we have at present no means what-
ever of ascertaining, 'and therefore cannot undertake to
express any opinion upon the subject.

,A. Morning Journal, the modesty of which is equal to
it•q accuracy, supplies its readers to day with the following
'Curious information :
Radical Popery gives to the empire the Irish labouring classes, who,
with many good qualities which are found useful to their employers, are
so destitute of s.nything like moral Government of themselves, that
wherever they go their behaviour becomes a humiliation and-a disgrace
to the human species. Modern Whiggery and the theories of the
political economists, give us a manufacturing population whose life con-
sists of a:ternate scenes of slavish toil, and more slavish debauchery.
Unhappiness and degradation arc the prominent characteristics of that
,huge mass of the labouring population to which the moral misdirection
of Popish Radicalism and politico economic Whiggery most directly
applies.
• __

If our Contemporary be correct the capitalists who
derive such immense advantages from the competition cf
Irish labourers, the State which is defended by their arms,
and, the whole empire which is aggrandised and strength-
eased by their labours, ought to regard Radical Popery,
which gives them all those great advantages, as essential to
their greatness and their happiness, and ought to cherish
it as their best arl most indispensable friend. We have,
however, some doubts as to our recondite Contemporary's
ass..lrtion, particularly as the conclusion appended to it, that
the behaviour of the Irish labouring classes is a humiliation
and disgrace to the human species, considering how they
toil honestly to get their bread, and how careful they are
to remit much of what they get to their homes, seems
much more the offspring of national antipathy than correct
observation. Modern Whiggery and the theories of political
economy are almost as powerful and useful according to the
Post, as Radical Popery. Unfortunately for their reputation, it
happens that the manufacturingpopulat ion was called into ex-
istence whileWhiggery was very much at a discount, and when
the theories of political economy were known to very few
persons. It would, indeed, be something to boast of for the
professors of that science, if they could say with the Post,
that their theories " give" us our" manufacturing popula-
tion," which, notwithstanding the evil characteristics the
Post ascribes to them, are for skill, ingenuity, knowledge,
and the wealth they create, by far the most astonishing
population of the wide world, and the most important
limb of this mighty empire. But no such honour,
we are afraid, belongs to Messrs. SMITH, MALTHUS,
RICARDO, and M'CuLtocx, and they can as little claim
by their theories to have given us our manufacturing popu-
lation; sa NEWTON could claim to be the author of the
solar system. All these philosophers are more modest
than the Post supposes, and claim merely the merit of
observing and classifying facts, not of creating people and
empires. The Post is, we hope, quite as much in error as
to the characteristics it ascribes to our manufacturing popu-
lation, as the source of their existence ; and if it were
not to express that hope and to reprobate such misdirected
abuse of the most useful classes in the empire, we should not
have thought its ridiculous errors worthy of an observation.
If our Contemporary wish to be convinced of the in-
justice of his assertions as to the English manufacturing
population, he has only to read his own report of Marshal
SOULT'S speech, and consult as to the character of the Irish
the excellent Report of the Railway Commissioners, to
which we referred on Friday and Saturday.

By the Packet-ship, England, which arrived at Liver-
pool, on Saturday, from New York, we have received a
file of American Journals and Letters, to the evening of
the 2d instant inclusive. We have likewise received
Montreal and Quebec Papers of the 26th ult. The pro-
ceedings of Congress were attracting an extraordinary de-
gree of attention. Mr. BUCHANAN 'S Special Deposit Bill,
which was brought in as an amendment upon Mr.
WEBSTER'S Bill on the same subject was finally re-
jected by a majority of twenty-nine votes to twenty-four—
to the great mortification of the JACKSONIANS and VAN
BURENITES. On the 30th ult. Mr. W RIGHT brought in a
new Bill to suspend till October next that part of the De-
posit Act of 1836, which prevented the receipt by the
Treasury of the bills of banks which issued small notes
after the month of July in that year. Upon this bill Mr.
WEBSTER proposed as an amendment that the Secretary of
the Treasury should be allowed to appoint the small-note
banks, depositaries of the public revenue, in common with
the other banking institutions ; whereupon, to the no small
surprise of the Opposition, Mr. WRIGHT rose and moved
the substitution of a clause, virtually placing the public
revenue of the States under the immediate and irresponsi-
ble controul of the Executive. This amendment was car-
ried by a majority of twenty-six votes to twenty-one ; but
the conviction that it would be indignantly rejected by the
:House of Assembly was so general, as scarcely to admit of
a doubt of its correctness. The effect of the adoption of
such a measure would be to enable the PRESIDENT to sub-
vert half the banking institutions throughout the Union,
and to render the rest little better than the tools of the
Executive. With such a potent instrument of general
corruption at its disposal, it would be hardly possible for
an ambitious Government to resist the many temptations
fe.,.t would offer for violating the liberties of the people.
Lord DURHAM has appoined a General Commission of
TLquiry respecting the value of the Crown Lands, and the
he mole of encouraging emigration to her MAJESTY'S
Colonies in North America. The Commission consists of
Mr. CHARLES BULLER as Chief Commissioner, and

Messrs. RICHARD DAVIES and HANSON, and the Honour-
able HENRY PETRE as Secretary and Assistants. Circular
letters dated June 18, have been addressed to the Lieu-
tenant-Governors respectively instructing them to render the

Commissioners every assistance in their power.
• The frontier Journals confirm the account pretionly recei-
ved of the total defeat and dispersion of the Canadian rebels
at Short-hills on the 25th ult. Tho. troops principally em-

ployed were Indians, who surrounded them on all sides.
We are neither informed as to the number of the killed or
captured, though it appears that most of the latter are
Americans. Some twenty ring-leaders were seized and
Carried to Chippewa, where preparations were making for
• trying them by a Court-martial, which was expected to sit
on the 276, or the day following.

NEW YORK--MONEY MARKET, &C., JVLY 2.—The Stock Market of
Saturday was extremely heavy, and a desire to realize on the part of
holders being manifested, a very considerably decline in the prices of
most descriptions resulted. NJ sales of United States Bank were effected.
Delaware and Hudson Canal Company, closed at 83, a falling off of I per
cent.; Harlem Railroad Company deeined 11; Mohawk Railroad Com-
pany. s ; New Jersey Railroad Company, about 1 per cent. The
market closed heavily.
Exchange on London, for the steam-boat Sirius, which sailed on
Saturday evening, ruled towards the close of the day at 7y to 8 per cent.
premium, and sf, 27c. on France, Leing a further decline since the sailing
of the Great Western on the 25th ult. of about I per cent.

`Exchange on London at New Orleans, on the 23d ultimo, was at 124-
to 134, and on New York at short sight at 6 per cent. premium, being
rather lower rates than those current the week previous. The Banks
generally were discounting all Food business paper ; and good notes
bearing mortgage were readily negociated cut of doors at 10 to 12 per
exit. per annum.

A small pamphlet, entitled " The New Poor-law Justi-
fied," has just been published by RIDGWAY. It is written
by the Rev. CHRISTOPHER NEVILE, who, as an ex-offielo
Guardian of the Lincoln Union, has enjoyed the best op-
portunity of judging of the actual operation of the law
and who_bas diligently availed himself of the facilities which
his situation afforded Line from a conscientious desire to
ascertain the truth, and to communicate it to others, whose
minds might be in doubt on a subject confessedly of the
utmost importance, as well as of general interest. To what
political party Mr. NENTLE belongs, there is nothing in the
pamphlet before us to indicate ; and this we regard as a eir-
' cumstance which adds greatly to its value. The Rev. Gentle-
man no doubt felt that a question which has so important a
bearing on the coadition, temporal as well as spiritual, of
the great Miss of the labouring population, ought to be
approached- with " a pnee heart," and under a deep sen-:e
of that awful responsiLlity which he incurs who leans to
the one side o the other, witl!out being firmly " persuaded
in his own mind." The opinion of such a man as Mr
NEVILE mu et therefore necessarily carry with it great
weight ; and when we find that opinion expressed in such
language 'as this—" I conscientiously believe that no mea-
sure was ever payed more likely to conduce to flee
Welfare and prosperity of the country"—we rejoice
at the effect wltieh it must produce on the
minds of those who CO:. really scekirg for information
as to the working of the law, and the spirit with which

it is administered. Thee persons are far from numerous,
and must not be confound d with the unprincipled party
cacklers who, though still less numerous, endeavour to
make up in clamour p... 14 misrepresentation what they want
in numbers and resptctab.lity.
We intended to intersperse four extracts from Mr.
NEvir.E's Pamphlet, z-ith remarks of our own ; but we
are prevented from don tiis by the great and daily in-
creasing demands upon our space. Nor, indeed, is it ne-
cessary.
.The author's views of the effects of the Poor-
law as it was, and as it is, are so just in themselves, and
so perspicuously express d, that they require not the aid of

the commentator to illustrate them. We have merely
marked, by asterisks, the places where we have been
obliged to i!;terrupt the continuity of the reasoning.

The great principle that laws must be made for nations, not for in-
dividuals, appzars to have been entirely overlooked in the opposition
which has been shown to the New Poor law.' Immense importance has
been attached to a few exaggerated cases of hardship, and they have
been taken up as if the fate of the Bill ought to be decided by them. In
this, and in all similar questions, we should consider the effect upon all
classes collectively. But lam willing to meet the opponents of the mea-
sure upon ground about which there can be no dispute.
Whether the New Poor-law is calculated to increase the welfare
and happiness of the poor thems.lves ?
We must take the whole body of poor in the kingdom, in
all districts, and under all circumstances, and we must consider the in.
direct and future, as well as the direct and present consequences. We
must have a thorough understanding, not a verbal admission, of the enor_
mous evil of the old law. There are many of the opponents of the
New Law, who I am sure do not give this argument its due weight.
They have had their attention, now for the first time, called to the con-
dition of the poor. They know little of the vice, the drunkenness, the
improi idcnce, the hardship and the suffering which was of daily occur-
rence, and was rapidly increasing under the old law. They can form
no conception of it from their own casual observation. They ought to
read the report of the first commission of enquiry, which consisted of
two Bishops and five other persons. As I fear they will not do so, I
will make an extract from it. This is taken from a long and circum-
stantial account of the state of the parish of Choleshury, Buckingham-
shire, by the Rev. H. Jeston, the rector
" The land almost wholly abandoned, (sixteen acres only, including
cottage gardens, being now in cultivation), the poor thrown on the rates,
and set to work upon the roads and gravel pits, and paid for this unpro-
fitable labour at the expense of another parish I I have given up a
small portion of my glebe (the rest is abandoned on account of the rates
assessed on it) to the parish officers, rent free for the use of the poor, on
condition that spade husbandry only be made use of, and the work done
by married men with large families, but the employment this can afford
must be of short duration." " The able-bodied poor and the boys are,
I have just observed, deteriorating physically and morally, by reason of
the want of useful and productive employment, and of their receiving
parish allowance, without any chance of bettering themselves by any
exertion or good conduct. The rates were 325. in the pound. The
population had increased in thirty-one years from 122 to 139, whilst'
the poor rates had in the same time increased from 371. a year to 3671."
The least attention to this report will shew first, that it is highly
deserving of credit, and secondly, from the innumerable communications
from other places, that in time, most parishes in this country would have
been in the same state as Cholmbury.
That the effect of the old law was to demoralize the poor, and render
them improvident, there call be no doubt. It was favourable to the
sturdy able.bodied and idle paupers, and unfavourable to the aged and
infirm, who are the proper objects of relief. It induced early mar-
riages; discouraged all skill in different kinds of work; Ives fast reducing
the smaller rate-payers to pauperism, and would inevitably have involved
all classes of society in one common ruin. Amongst the vast number
of authorities for such a view of it, I would refer to two only. Mr.
Walker, the late experienced police magistrate, says in a pamphlet on
pauperism :

" The extent to which deceit and self-abasement enter into the
composition of pauperism is quite inconceivable, except to those who
have as it were anatomized the subject. The whole life of a pauper
is a lie his whole study imposition; he lives by appearing
not to be able to live : he will throw himself out of work,
aggravate disease, get into debt, live in wretchedness, persevere in most
irksome applications, nay, bring upon himself the incumbrance of a
family, for no other purpose than to get his share from the parish. It is
his constant aim to make every thing he has of as little value as pos-

sible; and he is consequently often obliged to throw away advantages,
and to use those he keeps so as to be of little comfort to him. He
necessarily becomes what he feigns to be, and drags after him, without
remorse, his family, and all within his influence; such is the operation
of the Poor-law, that deceit and self-abasement, in various degrees, may
be taken to be the very essence of pauperism."

" We have had from these causes a painful instance of the connexion
of economical and moral evil. The moral havoc has indeed been corn-
plete.• The honesty of the labourers, their self-respect, their value for
their character as workmen, all hope of bettering their condition in life
by good conduct, industry, and prudence; their sense of their mutual
duties and claims as parents and children ; all feelings and habits, in
short, that contribute to make men good citizens and good men, have
been undermined and impaired, or utterly destroyed. No remedy for
these evils in the condition of the poor deserves the name of a wise and
statesmanlike measure, which is not of a nature sufficiently compre-
hensive to offer some promise of bringing healing and health to all those
diseased points." He then recommends small allotments of land or
some other plan to enable the agricultural districts to do "what must be
effectually done if the moral mischief is to be eradicated, and that is, to
annihilate the connexion between the able-bodied labourers and those
laws, and for ever."

The general arguments in favour of the new Bill are very strong
indeed. The almost unanimous consent of men of all parties, which in
the present state of politics is an extraordinary testimony in its favour.
It is impossible that such men as the Duke of Wellington, Duke of
Richmond, Earl Spencer, Lord Stanley, Sir Robert Peel, and Sir James
Graham should combine to pass any measure really unjust and oppressive
to the poor. Men of such high character, wealth, and station in society,
must be free from the suspicion of any improper or interested motives.
And surely with their great talents and extensive information, they are
far less likely to be mistaken in their opinion than any men in private
life. In the face of such powerful support, we need not be surprised
that so little should have been effected either in or out of Parliament by
the most violent language, the most exaggerated and false statements,
even with the aid of the press. If the cause is a good one against the
New Peor Law, it ought not to require the assistance of anonymous
slanders and distorted facts. An appeal to the reason would be sufficient
without appealing to the pasAons. How has it happened that the
famous Bridgewater case has Lever been taken up, and the offending
parties prosecuted ? Lord Wynford justly said, that the present laws
afforded redress for any abuses of that sort. A Mr. Bull stated that a
woman had been scourged, and sew admits that the report was without
foundation. What reliance can ever be placed in a quarter where such
a statement was hazarded with a bare possibility of its being untrue ?

There may be great defects (and some there must always be) in the
working of the New Bill, but they are to be removed by the cheerful
assistance of all parties, not by the intemperate abuse of one party, by
the other. Repealing the Bill against such a vast majority must be a
hopeless case, and the opponents of the measure would do well to imi-
tate Sir Robert Peel, who will oppose a Bill with all his talents, but when
beaten, exert those same talents to render AI as perfect as possible. If
there are some cases of hardship under the New Law which would not
have occurred under the old, the question is whether the immense
general benefit to the poor themselves, by the encouragement of habits
of industry, sobriety, and providence, and the gradual increase of
wages and employment, will not vastly overbalance that partial evil ?
It appears hard that an able bodied man should be denied relief out of
the workhouse, when he is desirous to get work and cannot do it. But
if absolute want is to be unaccompanied by any hardship, nobody would
endeavour to avoid it. It is proposed by Lord Wynford tb offer him
work, but how is he to be compelled to do it as he ought to do ? 'Where
is the line to be drawn ? Whose testimony is to be relied upon in such
conflicting statements as would be made in such innumerable cases
Where is the discretion to be found to decide upon such testimony?
When all the respectable and opulent classes of society are obliged to
wait till there is a prospect of maintaining a wife and family before they
marry—what right has a youth of twenty-one years to leave his service
and marry without such a prospect, and then expect that the prudent
and industrious classes are to find him relief or work, at his own home
and in his own way. They now offer him harbour, food, and clothing,
liable to certain regulations, the most obnoxious of which is separation
from his wife. It has been a'iundantly shown that no order or decency
can be preserved in any workhouse without such separation ; it is not
therefore a voluntary and unnecessary punishment of poverty. It must
be remembered that temper ry g• rqtit nis subinitt,cl to by thousands
of married couples, to say nothing of the officers in the army and navy,
where it is rendered necessary for the provision of their children or
themselves. If every married man was accommodated with a separate