The Sun.
London, England, 1849-04-24 00:00:00

V~

Touching but lightly, as lam obliged to do at this hour,
I have given you reason to see how—when their t7ic,j
had become unpopular, as it has, by the consuiit 'of theeoryo.
Noble Lord, with a great part of the public—their facti-
tious case has entirely melted away under discussion
and the influence of time and trutb.—(Hear.) Of all
the pleas brought forward for this great change, take any
one singly, and who would recommend it ? On the
plea of commercial inconvenience of the heavy amount
of freights, a member of the Government has proved
that they are not higher in England than anywhere else.
Your only case is the case of Canada, that asks for a
ss. duty. Would you recommend it on that single ground,
or on the plea of continental menace and foreign compe-
tition? Your strongest continental point is Prussia, and
Prussia does not exist as a Government.—(Elear, hear.)
But it is not any of these singly, it 13 the aggre-
gate of these pleas that is to be the foundation of
this revulution.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") You got
up your case in a hurry, and you attempted to pass it
last year before it was understood. Dust was thrown
into the eyes of the public by your talk about the prin-
ciples of free trade, with which they were add bewil-
nd; about the discontent of the colonies and the
menaces of foreign powers; and on every occasion they
were told that it was necessary to what the Noble Lord
usually calls the "settlement of the vestion."--(A.
laugh.) And what is this perpetual settlement of the
quesion? It is to settle the questions that you have
yourselves unsettled.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord looks
about for a question for the session, and he finds among
his trading allies some crude jejune theory. He takes
up the theory; there is immediate agitation; and having
produced agitation, he comes forward as a great states-
man to appease it.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) That
is the whole policy of the Whig Governmene.—
(Cheers and laughter.) But then they have a great
all) Kith whom they are perfectly satisfied—the Right
Hon. Gentleman who has decided between reaction
and progress, and is determined to stand by pro-
gress.—(A laugh.) But progress to what ? progress
to paradise or progress to the devil ?—(Loud cheers and
laughter.) The people of England do not want to hear
any longer those indefinite windy phrases of progress.
—(llesr, hear.) They want to know what you are pro-
gressing to—what you are at—what you mean to accom-
plish; and then they will calmly weigh whether that
which you have promised is not more than you can pay.
—(Hear, hear.) We want, in short, to know from the
disciples of progress what they are after. The Man-
chester school are men, they tell us frankly what they
are after.—(Hear, hear.) They have told us they will
attack the Church, destroy the land tenure, completely
change the electoral law, and do a number of other
things that may be perilous, that may be fatal to the
country, but at least, when advocating with them, we
know what we are about; we deal with mantr foes. and
we hope and believe that we shall defeat them.--(Loud
cheers.) But these dilettante disciples of progress are very
dangerous opponents; and I shall extremely regret that
one such mind, practical and experienced as the Right
Hon. Gentleman (Sir J. Graham), is determined to take
his stand where he is—(A laugh)—because I, from this
moment, must express my reluctant regret, that where
he is in consequence he will remain.—(A laugh.) The
Right Honourable Gentleman the Member for Ripon
cannot acknowledge that public opinion is against this
proposition of the Government, because he says he does
not find the Members for the outports against it. Tho
Right Honourable Gentleman seems to bold the right of
petition in great contempt. He says, " I find the Mem-
bers for these outports voting for the measure," though
their constituents are calling upon the House to reject
the proposition.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Honourable
Gentleman says, " Where are the two Members for
Liverpool ? Are not their names in the majority ? The
Members for Glasgow, they also support, notwithstand-
ing the petitions from that city, the measuro of the Go-
vernment." But it is possible men may have been
elected by constituencies wihout any frank or detailed ex-
position of their opinions on the subject.—(Hear.) Men
may have been sent to this House—as I am sorry to
say my experience of the last few years shows can be
done—pledged to support a particnlar policy, and when
they have come here they may have opposed it.—
(Cheers.) I do not know what passed between the
Members for Liverpool and their constituents at the last
election. It is possible that between them and their
constituents no communication took place on the subject
of the navigation-laws. If so, it was a great neglect on
the part of the electors of Liverpool, and they deserve
the treatment they have received.—(Loud laughter.)
With regard to the Member for Glasgow, I have reason
to believe that the misconception is of a more unfortu-
nate nature, because I have been informed that the
Honourable Gentleman had a very frank communication
with his constituents, and left them with an undoubted
impression that he was coming to London to vote
against this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) I have no doubt
the Honourable Gentleman has good reason for
changing his opinion; but when he is confronted here
with the assertion that the opinion of Glasgow—
which is most hostile to this measure—cannot be
opposed to it because its Members have voted for it, I am
justified in referring to these well known facts.—(Hear,
hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir J. Graham),
in the third place, thought fit to change the whole tone
of the debate by referring to a speech delivered by a
Nolils. L-ird in another place. Ha has, as it were,
charged the venue on the issue before us.—(Hear, hear.)
It vas not the navigation laws of England, but the corn-
law of England, that was brought upon the carpet; avid
it was not so much the act of a Government that does
exist as the possible existence of a Government that does
not exist that excited the fervid oratory and impassioned
eli qaence of the Right Hon. Gentleman.—(Hear, hear,
ar.d a laugh.) The Right lion. Gentleman was some-
rah it ilicensistent in hit taunts, Ile said—" If you
doubt the wisdom of the policy which I am proud to
have had a part in carrying, aby do you riot come for-
ward and challeaae its propriety? Why not ask us to
rairac our steps ?" And then, immediately aft( r, the Bight
Hon. Gentleman says, "I look upon this division to-
night as a stand-up fight, upon the question whether
this Government shall advance or whether it shall retro-
grade; and I regard the whole protection system as at
stake to-night." If that be the case, if that ho the
struggle you are now going to enter upon, the Right
lion. Gentleman is scarcely justified in saying wo are
avoi ling the contest.—(Cheers.) I can promise the
Right lion. Gentleman that ho shall nut have to com-
plain that ample opportunities are not given him for vin-
dicating the policy for which he is responsible—(Hear,
hear)—but I for one wish to avail myself of the expe-
rience of the last three years—it is a magic time; it saw
tho foundation of your changes; let them be nearly
completed, and then we can di side upon your policy by
the very test to which you appeal. The Hon. Gentle-
man the Member for Midhurst (Mr. Walpole) has called
the attention of the House to the consideration of the
great stake that depends upon our votes this night. He
has reminded you of the large amount of capital in-
vested in this trade. He has reminded you of the vast
revenue expended thereby in the wages of labour. Let
me remind you also of one statistical fact which is true,
and which is most interesting. Take all the male opera-
tives in all the factories of Great Britain, all adults, and
all beneath 18 years of age, and add them together, and
the total computation will not in number amount to the
number of the merchant seamen of England.—(Hear,
hear.) The interest, therefore, is a great interest—
( Hear.) Called upon to effect this great change, let
me remind you of some circumstances that have occurred
since the commencement of that term of three years
vihich has so often been referred to as the test of political
and economic truth. Since that term commenced the
poor-rates of England have increased 17 per cent.;
since that term commenced, it appears by the
lust returns of the property tax, the capital
of England has been diminished more than
100,000,00ut ; since that term commenced, it appears
that the average increase in the savings' banks has dimi-
nished exactly one-half.—(Bear, hear.) These, too, aro
facts; these, too, are details of great interest in the dis•
cussion of these questions.—(Hear, hear.) If this be
not the handwriting on the wall, I know not where
kings and senates are to seek the sources of warning and
admonition.—(Hear, hear.) I agree with the Right
Hon. Gentleman (Sir James Graham) that there is more
at stake upon your vote to night even than the naviga-
tion code of England, precious as it may be. You can
by your vote this night beat down that great statistical
conspiracy that has so long tampered with the fortunes
and trifled with the destinies of a great country.--
(Cheers.) You can boat down that great statistical con-
spiracy that commenced its labours by proving that the
English peasant was a serf, and consistently continued
them by demonstrating that the British sailor was a sot.
—(Hear, hear.) If you by your vote to-night commend
your patri.aie:labour to the grateful sympathy of a grate-
ful people, then will you, by the recollection of your past
prosperity, by the memory of your still existing power,
for the sake of the most magnificent colonial empire in the
world, now drifting among the breakers, for the sake of the
suffering commerce of Great Britain, byrtliearyrongsof a
betrayed agriculture, by the hopes of Ie 1a 1 will you
smooth the careworn coun-
tenance which may to morrow sal
i h and energy to native
tenance of British toil, give t
the tortured •
not, by the vote you aro now coming to, arrive at a de-
(Loud cheers.)
in-
dustry of a suffering empire
.—(Loud
sanbdieentodeaovbotauirnedatohaedardirnegs! thh:,
labour, and at lest administer
. hope to
CAMPBELL
House; ,
• t loud cries of " Divide 1" moved that the debate
arne,s
LMorr.
dletj
.0 RUSSELLATT choonpdeedd
the
ee
Hon. Gentleman
be adjourned.
Mr. CAbMat
as it was very desirable that
a division that night.
would
the
eTt
hphleorusmissoett
siiohnnohufioisdr motion,come t
o
adjournment was withdrawn, and the
House divided :
For the third reading
Against it

... 275
... 214
... --,-61

Majority
The Bill was then read a third time.
Mr. WAWN then moved the insertion of the follow-
ing clause :—And be it enacted, that no British ship en-
gaged in the foreign trade, which shall have discharged
its clrgo at any port of the United Kingdom, shall be
compelled, urth‘r the Act Gth Gee. 4, e. 125, to take a
pilot on hoard, w hilo proceeding in ballast to any port of
the United Kingdom.
Mr. LABOUCHERE felt bound to resist it.
After a few words from Mr. Hum and Mr. MACORE •
oon, recommending the Hon. Member to withdraw his
motion, it was negatived without a division.
The Bill was then read a third time and passed.
The Indictable Offences (Ireland) Bill and the Sum.
and passed.
(Ireland) Bill were read a third time

RATE IN AID BILL.
On the report on the Hate in Aid Bill being
brought up,
Captain JONES objected to the mode in which the
Government were going to increase the taxation of Ire-
land at that moment. His belief was that the rate could
not be collected, and that by farming it they endangered
the whole system of poor-laws in Ireland. It would
create dissatisfaction in the whole of the north of Ireland,
which they would not easily overcome.
Mr. DROTUZATON said be hoped thet the Ur t