The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-24 00:00:00

BILL.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE moved the second
reading of the Habeas Corpus Suspension (Ireland)
Bill. The grounds on which the Government proposed
this measure had been so fully stated in the dispatch of
the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, which had bean laid on
their Lordships' table, that he could not do better than
refer their Lordships to that dispatch for those reasons.
But, although the efforts of those who had conspired
systematically to raise a rebellion in Ireland—a rebellion
which had been rendered abortive solely through the
energy of the Lord-Lieutenant in exercising the powers
which bad been entrusted to him by Parliament, the
ease with which, in consequence of the exercise of
those powers, the rebellion had been put down, could no
more be brought forward as an argument against
this measure than could the salvation of a building
from destruction by lightning by means of a conductor
be brought forward as an argument against the further
use of that conductor. The present conduct of those
who had been leaders in this rebellion proved the
necessity of the continuation of this measure.
One of the rebel chiefs who had escaped
to New York had declared what were, and
are, the intentions of those who had been engaged
in the rebellion. At a public meeting held in New
York, Mr. Doheny, who had been one of the rebel
chiefs, declared that there was no cause to despair
of the success of the Irish movement, they had
been forced by the cunning of the Government to
a premature movement, which was for the present
fetal to the cause of Ireland. The crisis had been
precipitated by the suspension of the Habeas Corpus
Act, which gave them no chance of consultation. In
one district there had been forged 20,000 pikes. He
added, "we are still strong, we are still turbulent, and
either Ireland shall be a tree republic, or our turbulence
shall be interminable. England's ruin may be delayed,
but it is inevitable, and then Ireland shall be a republic
one and indivisible." Coupling these declarations of
Mr. Doheney with the report of the Lord-Lieutenant,
he thought their Lordships would be of opinion that it
was necessary that this suspension of the Habeas Corpus
Act should be continued for some time longer; but
while this temporary suspension was indispensable, he
admitted it was the bounden duty of the Legislature
to devise measures for the improvement of the social
state of the Irish people.
Lord BROUGHAM entirely agreed with the motion.
His only doubt was whether it went far enough.—
(Hear.) Who could venture to say that in
a certain time there would bo an end of Irish
rebellion? The agitation which had been con-
tinued so long had brought the greatest evils
on Ireland; it had prevented capital from going into
Ireland, and had at length forced them to suspend the
constitution. All Governments had been guilty of great
neglect in allowing agitation to go on until it came to
so great a height that it was impossible to stop it. The
government of the Noble Marquis (Anglesey) was less
open to that reproach than that of any other governor.
They had all sorts of agitators there—lay and clerical
—who drove the most profitable trade driven in the
country. If the Government allowed the trade of agi-
tation to become a lucrative trade, could they wonder
that there had grown up a race of sordid seditious
agitators? This agitation had been the ruin of the
country. He had heard of the case of a family
who had received nu rents fur two years, and who had
been reduced to such poverty that they had passed
Christmas eve without food, and on Christmas-day
had been sated from starvation by a present, which had
enabled them to have some gruel. And yet in
this country vk here no rents were paid, it is said
on account of the poverty of the tenants, where
no rates could be collected, 1,000/. had been collected—for
the use of the poor? No! but to send to the Pope, to
his Holiness the Pope, who had commenced this agitation
in Italy, and who was now reaping the fruits of his
labours. He was sorry for him. This money was collected
through the instrumentality of the agitating Catholic
pries.os to be sent to this foreign Bishop to be spent by
him among the faithful by whom he was surrounded at
Gaeta.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Then they
had recently had a case in Dublin of a juryman
getting up in the box to applaud a speech of counsel.
Why a country in which such an indecency could take
place was no more fit for trial by jury than the interior
of Africa. Mr. Burke had dishonoured a respect-
able name by conduct which would have disgraced
an inhabitant of a krall of Hottentots. This person
had sworn well and truly to try the cause, and he had
been scarcely in the box when he exhibited a disposi-
tion to violate his oath—Mr. Shelburne Burke, he was
sorry to find thatthia man had brought disgrace upon
the name of the Noble Marquis opposite also, had by his
conduct produced an effect upon the witnesses, and ho
(Lord Brougham) could not help expressing his indigs
nation at the indecent conduct of this man. He con-
cluded by urging upon the Government the necessity of
a vigorous administration of the law.
Lord MONTEAGLE thought the limitation
of the Bill to six months was in opposition to
the recommendation of Lord Clarendon, and not
equal to the necessities of the case. lie thought it
impolitic to risk the necessity of the introduction of
another Bill of this nature at the conclusion of the ses-
sion. He should have preferred that the measure of
suspension should have been for a longer period. The
failure of justice in consequence of the improper
conduct of jurors had a tendency to bring the
administration of justice into contempt, but those trans-
actions were not applicable to the whole of Ireland.
In Munster no such indecent scenes had taken place, the
juries did their duty with manliness, impartiality, and
courage. The Noble Lord then proceeded to argue that it
was absolutely necessary to impose by legislative enact-
ment some restraint upon the possession °farms in Ireland.
Since times anterior to the 'Union, the law now for the
first time suffered persons to have the unrestrained pos-
session of arms in Ireland. It was true domiciliary visits
did not take place by the police, but they took place by
ribbondmen, and by disturbers of the public peace,
who robbed all those entitled to the possession of arms
of their arms ; and however unpopular it might be,
he must say that some alteration ought to take place
in the law for the purpose of preventing improper per-
sonAfe lrom possessing arms.
T ierquis of LANSDOWNE replied, and the Bill
WAS read a second time.

TURNPIKES.
The Mariuis of SALISBURY moved for certain re-
turns relating to turnpike trusts and hiighway-rates.
After a few words from the Earl of GRANVILLB and
the Duke of RICaiI4OND the motion was agreed to, and
ourned.
their Lordships adj

HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 23.
The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock.
SECOND READINGS.
The following Railway Bills were read a second time:
Birmingham and Oxford Junction (Purchase of the Strat-
ford-upon-Avon Canal Navigation).
Forest of Dean and South %Va les (Amendment of Acts as
to Charges on Forest of Dean Railway and Branches—No. 2).
North Staffordshire (Amendment of Acts).
Stirling and Dunfermline (Deviation of Branch to Alloa
Barbour • Diversion of certain Works; Extension of 'rime
for completing Line and taking Land; and Amendment of
Acts).
The undernamed Bills were likewise read a second time:
Great Central Gas Consumers' Company.
Musselburgh Police and Improvement.
Norfolk Estuary (Amendment of Acts and Powers of Con-
tribution by the Eau Brink Commissioners of Drainage, and
by the Corporation of King's Lynn).
Rock Life Assurance Company.
SECEDING CLERGYMEN.
Mr. P. HOWARD presented a petition from Carlisle
praying for full civil and religious liberty to seceding
clergymen.
Mr. V. SMITH presented a petition to the same effect.
Mr. BRIGHT presented a similar petition from Ash-
ton-under-Lyme and another place.
VENTILATION OF THE NEW:HOUSES:OF