The Sun.
London, England, 1849-08-29 00:00:00

PRUSSIA.

The Independence of Brussels publishes the follow-
ing, dated Berlin, 24th instant :
" Count de 13ulow, the Under Secretary of State, has
to-day communicated to the First Chamber the docu-
ments relative to the restricted federation which has
been announced for some days. These documents form
a large folio volume of nearly 80 pages. They contain,
after an introduction, the circular of the 28th of May to
the Government of Germany, the dispatch of the 28th of
April to our Ambassador at the Central Government
relative to the position of Prussia as regards that Go-
vernment and the National Assembly, the protocols of
all the conferences of Berlin from the 17th to the 26th
of May, the final protocol of the 26th of May, the
project of the constitution, the electoral law, the
statute of offensive` and defensive alliance, the
declaration of the Saxon Ambassador of the 26th of
May, that of the Envoy of Hanover, of the same date,
the circular relative to the arbitration tribu-
nal at Erfuth, and the memorial explanatory of the
constitution of the 28th of May; such are the contents
of the first volume. The second part of the collection
has a certain historical importance. It contains the ne-
gotiations of M. de Canitz ut Vienna before the 26th of
May, the instructions given in that mission to our envoy,
the project of union submitted to Austria, the reply of
Prince Schwartzenburg, and the communication to
Austria of the result of the conferences. The end of
the introduction, which takes the question from the
beginning, recounts what has taken place at Frankfort,
and justifies the policy of Prussia as far as concerns the
Parliament. It says—Baden, Electoral Hesse, Nassau,
Saxe-Weimar, Bernbourg, Brunswick, Saxe-Altenbourg,
and Mecklenbourg-Strelitz, have adhered and ratified
their adhesion. Grand Ducal Hesse, Mecklenbourg-
Schwerin, Saxe. Coborg-Gotha, Meinengen, Olden-
bourg' Schwarzbourg, Rudolstadt, Reuss, Hamburgh,
and Bremen have adhered, subject to ratifica-
tion. Dessau, Cmthan, Sonderhausen, Waldeck,
Lippe, Hesse Homhoure, and Lubeck have mani-
fested their intention to adhere. Wurtemberg, Ho-
henzollern, Hechingen, Sigmaringen, Lippe Detmold,
Lichtenstein, and Frankfort have not yet declared.
Negotiations are pending with Bavaria. The relations
to be established with Holstein and Luuenbourg have
been reserved fur the negotiations of the peace with
Denmark. Tha Governments who have manifested
their intention to adhere, and those who have not yet
declared on the subject, have been requested to make
known their definitive resolutions within the shortest
possible delay, in order that the council of administra-
tion of the alliance may be in a position to understand
its extent, and to take the necessary measures fur the
convocation of the Diet.' What is more important,
perhaps, than the volume of which I now give you the
substance is the speech of Count 'e Below, when he
communicated the documents. The following are its
more salient points :—After detailing the circum-
stances which necessitated the conference at Berlin,
he said, The Federal States supposed two conditions—
a strong executive power, which would maintain order
at home and represent Germany abroad, and a national
Legislative Parliament. The first comprises the com-
mand of the army, rejects the directory, and only per-
mits the two great powers to be face to face in the
Federal State. One great power cannot abandon to
another its army and its representation abroad. Here
there is no compromise possible. Austria has its point
of support out of Germany, and she cannot be invested
with the highest dignity of the empire in a purely
German sense. Austria cannot make the German pro-
vinces participate in a Diet of the empire; her unitary
constitution of the 4th March is opposed to it. This is
a fact which we state without waking any remark on it.
Prussia alone can take on herself the supremacy. The
question of our presidency is identical with that of the
constitution and with the existence of the Federal
State. That is why we have offered Austria an offen-
sive and defensive alliance. We have not wished to
break asunder the old bonds which united us to that
power. Wo think, to solve the German question, there
must be first a Federal State and then an alliance with
Austria.' The orator, in quoting the text of Art. 11 of
the Act of the Confederation, and Art. 6, of the Final
Act, proved the legitimacy of the restricted federation,
and added, ' The presidency of the federation will corn-
pi cesea ...1, .L -31•6^
Princes will secure the participation to the legislative
power. Bavaria wishes to transfer the executive power
to the college, and make the presidency a simple instru-
ment. Prussia cannot consent to that proposition. We
cannot sacrifice the conquest of our forefathers for an
institution which will not favour German unity. In the
interest of our power we should reject any organization
which does not grant to Prussia the rights conferred on
her by the project of May 26. The Federel State, if
established, must be so under the presidency of Prussia.
We roust now put the question. Yes or no? The Go-
vernments have been invited to make known their defi-
nitive declaration. Then will take place, in as short a
time as possible, the convocation of the Diet of the em-
pire. It may happen, that by this means we shall not
attain the desired object. It is necessary above all
things to show that the Government and people wish
for a Federal State. If our allies now hesitate to follow
us to the end, we shall then have to again ask our-
selves if we ought to make still further sacrifices to an
unrealisable project. We shall have gone beyond our
duty, and we shall have the pain of being obliged
to abandon the solution of the problem to a better
future.' rhe Chamber listened to the speech iu at•
tentive silence, only interrupted by marks of approba-
tion. The galleries were full, as was also the portion
reserved to the diplomatists. It was remarked that when
M. de Below left the tribune, M. Camphausen advanced
towards him and shook him heartily by the hand. The
Chamber has fixed for Monday the continuance of the
discussion on the motion of M. Camphausen, which had
been adjourned for the production of documents."
The Spanish General SERRANO has arrived at
Berlin.

The Countess NESSELEODE, wife of the Russian
Prime Minister, died at Salzburgh on the 20th, of
apoplexy.

on the 25th the " May prisoners " were released,
having undergone the three months' imprisonment
to which they had been sentenced. Among them
was Dr. WALDECK, brother of the celebrated WAL-
DECK. The prisoners were received at the gates of
the gaol by deputations, who handed them into car-
riages prepared for them, and escorted then to their
respective abodes amidst the shouts of the people. The
day was celebrated as a public holiday, and in the
evening a crowd assembled, with the intention of
serenading Dr. WALDECK, but were dispersed by the
military.
The Second Chamber sat on the 25th, and M. DE
RADOWITZ laid before the Members copies of the
papers relating to the German question which had
on the previous day been presented to the first
Chamber by Count BuLow. In the course of his
speech M. RADOWITZ made the following allusions to
Austria :

"It is known to you." said the orator, " through the
note of the 23d of Januarf(this celebrated note signed
by M. de Bulow, which created so great a sensation in
the German political world) that the King's Govern.
ment made every effort to come tqoueasnan ofcco submission
hissfon
the
Assembly otof
aFrsaimnkpfloo question Frankfort—but in vain. The
N(mtoaatt tioenrawlasFrankfort).reduced Was it possible for the Government to
submit unconditionally ? No, it could not. Had it done
so it would have sacrificed the established relations of
the country and a glorious history without the slightest
compensation. Look at what occurred at Dresden and
Stutgcrdt, where, instead of a German empire, German
anarchy broke loose. The Government could not possibly
think of its own interests alone, or act according to
what was termed the dictates of a bold policy, and profit
by the embarrassment of others. This would have been
a most Machistvelic proceeding. Consequently Prussia
resolved only to act upon the bases of the free assent and
accord of other governments and national representa-
tions. It proceeded with justice and mature considera-
tion. Its task was most difficult. Whilst some demanded
that Prussia should merely act as the executor of the
Frankfort National Assembly, others required her to re-
turn to the old Confederation. The difficulties were in-
creased partly by the conduct of Austria towards Ger-
many, partly by the repugnance of certain midland states
to all octroyment (of constitutions), and partly by the
objections raised by many honourable men in our own
country against the union of Prussia to Germany, lest
sloe should be enfeebled, in lieu of receiving strength
or support from this union. The Government did
not
rtahilsii,kfifekdopoi tl:fnasgedi.vnigssaobouleerbcotuounsttry adoptop wotuhled
beasiest
beceonursae
and return to the old system. Shein haedldeadthlyatsttrongbgeleui-
powerful succour to the subversive party. It would
fetal, perhaps, to the monarchy. Nothing remained,
therefore, fur Prussia, but to propose an intimate union
to such states and to such national assemblies as chose
freely to unite with her. . . • I will spare you the
treaty of the Germanic Confederation. Thirty-three
years of its history are before us. The labours of
the Diet were limited to mere documentary produc-
tions. Not being able to succeed in mediating between
governments and their states (assemblies), they were,
of course, unequal to any positive exertions of their
own. Thu 3 the Diet, at last fell into general con-
tempt The complaints raised