The Sun.
London, England, 1849-01-31 00:00:00

WEDNESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 31, 1849:

LITERATURE.

PEREGRINE SCRAMBLE; or, Thirty Years'
Adventures of a Blue Jacket. By Captain Sir 11.
V. Huntley, R.N. 2 Vcls.
There a. e species of literature in which truth
and fiction may be combined in a more adroit and in-
teresling manner than in ih) nautical novel. It
introduces us to scenes totally at variance with
those to which use are accustomed, while at the same
time those scenes are invested with an air of reality
which is infinitely more attractive than the improba-
bilities of romance. " Peregrine Scramble"—the
adventures cf a sailor, written by a sailor—is ren-
dered peculi2rly fascinating by its evident truthful-
ness. Nest probably the actual events here narrated
never really transpired, but they arc for the most
part samples of incidents that may, and perhaps do,
chequer tl e career of many a "Blue Jacket" simi-
larly situated to Peregrine Scramble. We do not
propose to follow the fortunes of the hero from the
time of his first donning the blue jacket until
the close of the second volume of his
history, which, by the bye, leaves him with a "tale
half-told." We must here content ourselves with
commending this narrative of his adventures to those
who, "living at home at ease," yet, in opposition to the
asssertion of the old song, ove to think upon " the
perils of the seas." The interest of " Peregrine
Scramble" is not occasioned by an intricate plot, its
chief attraction consists in the natural manner in
which a variety of interesting anecdotes and ad-
ventures are set forth. Mingled with graver matters
relating to some of the naval engagements which have
taken place within thirty years, are amusing relations
of the troubles and perplexities of the individual
Peregrine. Although more than usually fortunate
on some occasions, and conspicuous for his gallantry
and good conduct, the young "middy" is by no means
exempt from disappointments. On one occasion, for
instance, being in command of a schooner serving as
a " tender" to his ship the Splendid, then form-
ing one of a squadron waiting in hourly ex-
pectation of some engagement, Peregrine
is elated by a summons to the flag-ship. He obeys
it with alacrity, believing that some perilous and
glorious service is about to be required of him. The
little vessel is soon alongside, and its ambitious com•
mander stands on the dee of the admiral's ship, and
receives orders to take on board so many quarters of
beef, and " to go to the ships named on the list, give
each a certain proportion, and then return to the
Splendid with the remainder." The mortification of
the would-be hero may be imagined. Towards the
close of these adventures we find Peregrine on board
the " Northumberland " during the passage of Napo-
leon to St. Helena. Of the captive Emperor very,
little is said, and that little had been better left un-
said. For example, Napoleon is described as
" cold as the bronze figure which so often
represents him," when during that very voyage
it was that he bade farewell to the distant
shores of France with an emotion which drew tears
from those who witnessed it, and the bare narrative of
which affects all who peruse it. Again, we are told,
that Napoleon asked a sailor if he had ever seen him
before, and because that sailor happened to reply,
`° Yes, General, I saw you on your return from
Russia," the fallen Emperor scowled, turned on his
heel, and "never addressed any of us again, at least
while he remained on board !' whereas Alison (no
very great panegyrist of Napoleon) tells us that,
" both during the voyage out and while on board the
Bellerophon, the charm of his conversation and
fascination of his manner, won the hearts of the
sailors, as the acuteness of his remarks and depth of
his reflections excited the admiration of the officers."
Nevertheless, Captain Sir H. Huntley's narrative
constitutes a valuable addition to the stock of popular
nautical novels, and will prove an agreeable acquisi-
tion to the general reader.

MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
VISCOUNT CASTLEREAGH. Edited by
his Brother, the Marquis of Londonderry. Vole. 1.,

11.,111.,1V.
Lord Londonderry has here undertaken a task
which he evidently considers no less a pleasure than a
duty, and he has executed it in a manner that does
honour to his brother's abilities and to his own fra-
ternal affectii.n. It is unnecessary for us to say that
our estimate of the political conduct of Lord Castle-
reagh differs from that of the Marquis of London-
derry. However, it is not our purpose here to criti-
cise Lord Castlereagh, but to comment upon the
valuable work now presented to the public by Lord
Londonderry—a work which makes its appearance at
a most singular time—a work which tells us of Castle-
reagh, "the determined enemy of what was called
Reform" (we quote Lord Londonderry) at a time when
the principles he fought against are almost universally
triumphant—a work wherein it is boasted that " Lord
Castlereagh found Napoleon the master of Europe,
from the gates of Paris to the banks of the
Niemen, and he left him at St. Helena, a captive
and exile in the midst of the Atlantic," at a time
when the heir of that same captive reigns paramount
within the gates of Paris Nevertheless, whether
from these peculiar circumstances we regard the
publication as peculiarly well-timed or peculiarly
ill-timed, there, can be no question as to the
value of the work itself. A biography of
any :statesman, ..more especially of one so much
eulogised and a much execrated as was Lord Castle-
reagh, will almost inevitably encounter animadversion
or admiration, acording to the political prejudices of
the reader; but this tvork is something better than a
biography, and friends and foes will peruse it with
interest. The political letters written or received by
Lord Castlereagh are here collected and published.
" I feel assured," observes the Noble Editor, "that
these volumes will be hailed by History as no ordinary
offering, and on this point I am gratified to have my
opinion corroborated by that of a competent judge,
my friend Alison, to whose inspection I submitted
the manuscript." The following is Alison's corrobo-
ration :—" I cannot," he says, adequately express
the gratification and interest which these papers, one
and all, have afforded me. I consider them as in-
valuable materials for history, of which I hope in
future largely to avail myself." The first volume of
the series contains documents relating to "The Irish
Rebellion." The second those referring to "Ar-
rangements for a Union." Vol. 111. tells of
the " Completion of the Legislative Union,"
and Vol. IV. of " Concessions to Catholics and Dis-
senters," and "Emmett's Insurrection." The four
volumes contain about eight hundred letters and
various documents, heads of dispatches, minutes of
cabinet councils, correspondence between the
King and ministers, besides appendices and notes.
For the light Ewhich they throw upon the pro-
gress and development of some must important
measures these volumes are as valuable as they are
interesting, while, it is hardly necessary to say, con-
sidering the subject of the memoirs, that the political
opinions therein expressed must be received cam
grano sails. Lord Londonderry's " Letter to Lord
Brougham," in reply to the life of Lord Castlereagh,
contained in the "Sketches of the Statesmen of the
reign of George III.," and letters addressed to the
Noble Marquis in reference to that epistle, and in
corroboration of his defence of his brother's political
character by Lord Ripon, Sir Robert Peel, Lord Wel-
lesly, Lord Aberdeen, Mr. Disraeli, Sir James Graham,
and others, are appended to the memoir of Lord
Castlereagh contained in the first of these volumes.
The following is Sir Robert Peel's testimony to the
abilities of Lord Castlereagh :
" I doubt," says the Right Hon. Baronet, " whether
any public man (with the exception of the Duke of
Wellington) who has appeared within the last half
century possessed that combination of qualities, intellec-
tual and moral, which would have enabled him to effect,
under the same circumstances, what Lord Castlereagh
did effect in regard to the Union with Ireland, and to
the great political transactions of 1813, 'l4, and 'l5. To
do these things required a rare union of high and gene-
rous feelings, courteous and prepossening manners, a
warm heart and a cool head, great temper, great in-
dustry, great fortitude, great courage, moral and per-
ssonal, that command and influence which makes other
men willing instruments, and all these qualities combined
with the disdain tor low objects of ambition, and with
spotless integrity. It is not flattering to say your bro-
ther had these qualifications."

As a contrast to this couleur de rose portrait, here is
an outline of Lord Castlereagh's political opinions, as
drawn by his brother's pen :

" He was the determined enemy of what was called
Reform of Parliament, and of all newfangled schemes
for upsetting, under the fraudulent pretence of recon-
structing, the English Constitution; he knew well what
England bad done without that reform, and he foresaw
(again prophetically) what she might be driven to under
the proposed changes. He always maintained that, in
a representative Government, the preponderance of pro-
perty and high station was more conducive to order and
general prosperity than that of mob orators or needy
adventurers. He thought that a certain number of
nomination boroughs were far less perilous than double
the number of corrupt constituencies; that legislative
measures were more likely to prove good and advan-
tageous in the hands of those who had a stake in the
country than of those who bad none. He was no friend
to a system which was to bo directed by men who had
no other influence than what they could acquire by pan-
dering to the low interests and lower passions of a mis-
guided rabble. He knew that the Government of this
country could be safely and successfully conducted only
by an administration which enjoyed the decided and
unequivocal confidence of Parliament and the Sovereign;
and he would not lend his hand to hasten the day when
the two Houses of Parliament would necessarily be
placed in a state of perpetual variance cn questions of
vital moment to the stability and repose of the empire.
Such were, I well know, the general bearings of his
comprehensive mind."

The first volume contains an engraving of Sir
Thomas Lawrence's portrait of Lord Castlereagh.
Differing as we do from the opinions of the Marquis
of Londonderry—opinions which he occasionally sets
forth in the most authorative manner, as when he
says that the l)ul of Wellington " is acknowie,,cd
by the entire world, not only as the first counnander
of the age, but also as
'one of the first statesmen"—

we, nevertheless, sympathise with his affectionate
veneration for his broth er'e memory, and we congra-
tulate him on the accomplishment of this labour of
love. The melancholy• conclusion of Lord Castle-
reagh's career is briefly pissed over. It appears, from
this account, that he had been suffering from gout, and
his physician had prescribed a medicine calculated to
lower his physical tern:perdment, but which, unhap-
pily, had the effect of also debilitating his mind—
hence the depression of spirits which led to the
catastrophe.

LIFE AND REMAINS OF THEODORE
HOOK By the Rev. 151.. D. Barham. 2 Vols.
The life of Theodore Hook by the immortal
Thomas Ingoldsby title of this book says more
than could the most elaborate commendation. The
biography of even an oinary individual penned by
some ordinary writer i. „almost invariably attractive,
and consequently the iaiei•est of such a career as this,
narrated by such an histOrian, cannot be very incon-
siderable. Perhaps the mqst entertaining contents of
these volumes are the anecdotes which are profusely
scattered over their pages. There is a sprightliness
and good- humour about :all the sayings and doings of
Theodore Hook which 'invests even the most insigni-
ficant with a peculiar fascination. One of these anec-
dotes gives an rimus:Lng instance of Theodore's
self-assurance and pulaularity. Passing with a
friend a house which gave unmistakeable evidence
that a dinner party was assembling within, the author
of " Gilbert Gurney" laid a wager with his compa-
nion that he would himself partake of the banquet,
and that his friend should join him there in the even-
ing. The wager was accepted. Theodore Hook
raised the knocker, and was admitted by the footman
as an expected visitor. .1
-laving made his appearance
in the drawing-room, where the guests were await-
ing dinner, he at once entered into conversation with
one of the group, and sow , as was his custom, had
the whole room listening to him in pleased admira-
tion. Having thus ingratiated himself with the as-
sembly and with the host also (who viewed his unex-
pected visitor with soma) amazement), he suddenly
discovered that he had made a mistake and entered
a wrong house, having been invited to dine with a
stranger in that neighbourhood. With many apolo-
gies he proposed to depart, but no one would hear of
his departure, and when hii friend called in the evening
he found him the hero of the feast, and so the wager
was won.

FRAN CE.

[The following appeared in our Third Edition of
last night]:—

MINISTERIAL EXPLANATIONS.

The National AssemiTly-metyesterday at one
o'clock. Extraordinary precautions had been adopted
for its protection. The number of troops in its im-
mediate tieighbourhood was estimated at about twenty-
five thou =and men ; the advance guard stationed on
the Plai.:e do la Concorde was composed of the
7th and 9th battalions of the Garde Mobile ;
the quays and streets adjoining the palace and the
Esplanade of the Invalides were occupied with sol-
diers. /;he garrison of the palace had been likewise
reinforced, and a battery of artillery was planted in
front of the edifice, at the entrance of the Pont de la
Concorde. A second 15th of May was not conse-
quently to be apprehended.
The most contradictory reports circulated in the
Slille des Pas Perdus, The Members of the Mon-
' t,tgne, it was said, intended to move the impeach-
' itii.ut of the President of the Republic. Another
rumour states that M. .Nlarrast, who had an interview
with M. Odilon Barrot in the morning, was to pro.
pose to the Assembly to confer the superior command
of the troops on General Lamoriciere, who had ac-
cepted it. It was also mentioned that M. Caussidiere,
former prefect of police, had been arrested, &c.
M. Clement Thomas, a member of the Assembly,
fought, a duel in the morning with M. Coetlogon,
editor of the Corsaire. That journal contained, on
Stint-lily, an article in which M. Clement Thomas
was g rossly insulted. The editor having refused to
give up the name of the author of the article, M.
Clement Thomas struck him. A duel ensued with
small swords, and the two combatants were danger-
ously wounded.

Generals Cavaignac and Lamoriciere arrived at an
early laour, and remained a long time in conference
together. General Lebreton too his seat, dressed in
his ;till uniform, having been invested in the morning
with the command in chief of the forces concentrated
round the palace.
The greatest agitation prevailed in the Assembly
when M. Marrast, the President, made his appearance.
No sooner had the Secretary read the minutes of the
preceding sitting than the tribune was invaded
by members holding in their hands petitions for and
:,gainat the dissolution of the National Assembly.
The procession to the tribune lasted about 20 minutes.
Messrs. Buchez, Laissac, Mathieu de la Drome,
Grand in, Denjoy, Montreuil, Gent, &c., succeeded
each other, and explained the object of those petitions,
but the noise was so great that it was impossible to
ascertain either their origin or importance. The
signers of one of them protested against the re-
actionary manoeuvres of the Royalists of every
description.
M. Odilon Barrot, Minister of Justice, having
ascended the tribune, silence was restored. The Go-
vernment, he said, had thought proper to adopt mea-
sures to ensure respect for the laws, and protect the
security of the Assembly and the people. The time of
I the engagement of the Garde Mobile being on the point
of expiring, the Government had prepared regulations
and conditions to facilitate the re-engagement of
such of the men as wished to continue in the service.
February was the term of their engagement, and
the Government did not wish to leave matters to the
last day. The measures devised were such as would
satisfy the gratitude of the country for the services
rendered by those brave soldiers, the necessities of the
treasury, and the regularity of the military service.
The soldiers discarded were to receive a certain
sum, which would enable them to wait until
they could find employment. The proposed re-
organization had excited considerable emotion,
particularly among the officers, who were
desirous to preserve a rank to which they were no
more entitled than the other officers of the National
Guard. That emotion was communicated to a few
battalions, and the Government saw the necessity of
adopting means to prevent that discontent from de-
generating into rebellion. The eternal enemies of
public repose, order, and society—(" You and your
colleagues," exclaimed M. Bourzat.—Cries of " Or-
der, order.")
The President told M. Bourzat that if he inter-
rupted M. Odilon Barrot a second time he would be
obliged to call him to order.
M. Odilon Barrot, continuing, said that the enemies
of society were anxious to turn to account the discon-
tent of those brave young men, and, during the night,
the Government had received a report, the certainty
of which could not be questioned, that those
deluded soldiers had entered into communica-
tion with a focus of political passions. This cir-
cumstance was a danger, of which the gravity had
been perhaps exaggerated, but as it might lead to
deplorable consequences, the Cabinet could not,
without sacrificing its responsibility, avoid paying it
particular attention. It preferred preventing dis-
turbances than having to punish their authors, and
the chief of the military forces had, accordingly,
adopted the necessary precautionary measures for de-
feating those culpable manoeuvres. The President
of the Assembly having, by virtue of a decree of
the Assembly, claimed the disposal of the troops, his
request was immediately complied with, and he ap-
pointed General Lebreton, one of the questors, to take
the chief command of the armed force. The liberty
and independence of the Assembly were completely
guaranteed. The legislative and executive powers
might differ in opinion on certain points, but there
were two on which they were perfectly agreed—the
defence of the Constitution, to which they had sworn
allegiance, and the repression of anarchical and anti-
social attempts.
M. Degom.ee, one of the questors, said that, find-
ing in the morning the Palace of the Assembly sur-
rounded with infantry, cavalry, and artillery, he had
waited on M. Marrast to inquire into the cause of
that military display. lie there met M. Goudchaux,
Vice-President of the Assembly, who had called to
apprize the President of what was passing. M. Mar-
rast immediately wrote for information to General
Changarnier. An hour and a half afterwards an aide-
de-earnp brought a letter from the General, stating
that being then with the President, he could not wait
upon M. Marrast. This was a want of courtesy to-
wards the Assembly—(No, no ! Yes, yes !)---and a
violation of one of its decrees, providing that the
President alone had the right to command the troops
for the protection of the Assembly.
M. Marrast said, that M. Odilon Barret had told
him that when the conspiracy was discovered it was
so late that he did not wish to disturb his sleep—
(Oh, oh)—otherwise, he should have been informed
of what was going on. Having claimed the disposal
of the military forces, the President of the Council
immediately complied with his demand, and it was he
had invested General Lebreton with the command of
the troops.
This incident having terminated, the Assembly com-
menced the discussion on the proposition of M. bateau
in favour of the dissolution of the Assembly.

M. Fresnau, who spoke first, contended that recent
events had completely proved that the unlimited
authority of the Consituent Assembly was incom-
patible with all regular government. The country,
he maintained, had not bowed to a mere name
on the 10th of December last, and those who asserted
that there was no political meaning in the choice
made by 6,000,000 citizens calumniated the country.
The country knew what it was doing when it named
the adversary of the policy which, right or wrong,
was supposed to be that of his rival. The question at
issue, he was aware, could be easily solved by the
present Ministers surrendering their places to certain
Members of the Assembly, but they could not desert
the post of honour in which they were placed, and
were bound to remain to defend the policy which bad
triumphed on the 10th of December.
M. Jules Favre, who followed, said that, in con-
sequence of the military preparations with which the
Assembly was surrounded, it should have passed to
the order of the day on the proposition of M. Rateau
without any discussion, and declared that it would
not dissolve. Were it to yield to intimidation
it would be guilty of desertion. The petitions
presented, supposing the signatures to be authentic,
did not speak the wishes of the people, and, even if
they did, the Assembly should remain at its post with-
out heeding the judgment of the country. M. Fevre
then denied that any serious difference existed be-
tween the Legislature and the President. But behind
the scenes stood the really ruling party (alluding no
doubt to M. Thiers), and, in his opinion, nothing was
more dangerous than an occult Government, and
nothing was weaker than a protected Cabinet.;
(Bravos and murmurs). It was not true that the
election of the 10th of December had placed an abyss
between the Assembly and the President. .1%1
had, in the question of the election, seceded from
his party, thinking that the Assembly
warmly the interests of the other candidate.
vote of the country was a vote of respect espoused The
enthu-
siasm for a glorious name, which had and
risenfroomf
thethe
ranks of the people and was the personification
revolution. He then examined the situation
CabinetofsituationlN
the
Cabinet towards the Assembly
not the elect of
people ; it was not chosen for
four ears, some
an ephemeral existence. i
the
had
lasted longer, others had but
yThe Assembly had gladly
accepted it, and offered it .s support, which was dis-
dainfully rejected.—(Left speaking.)
The lleforme gives the following account of the re-
ception, by General Changarnier on Sunday, of the
deputation from the Gerdes Mobiles :
Between two and three o'clock yesterday delegates of
the Garde Mobile, forming altogether a battalion, assem-
Wed in the Champs Elyse s. They then went to the
Elyt eo National, to protest egainst the Ministerial de-
cree, which so brutally destroys their position. Three
times they were refused admission, and told that
force should be employed against them if they per-
sisted. The delegates returned to the Champs Elysiies,
where they nominated a deputation to the President
of the Republic. The President did not receive them,
but General Changarnier did. The General commenced
by praising the Garde Motile. The deputation then
demanded the release of their chiefs, but the General
refused. Referring to the right conferred by their en-

S V N

gagement, the deputation dernapte—e-14
dismissed before the Ist Marcht,AW Album
been accorded to the municiparitiglciOe
The General rejected the deiiid'irsitW _
said that the Government was not disprSieci,..to":didk4)4
them such a present. Finally, the deputatin de.
mantled to be allowed to serve to the end_ eltheireiagage-
ment, with the conditions, as regarctsliancstjpvlated by
the Provisional Government. The atineral, taking his
most superb air, cried that the Provisional Government,
having nominated itself, was able to do what it thought
right, but that the present Government was not bound
to respect its engagements. M. Changarnier, proceeding
to menace, declared that he would cause the mutineers
to be arrested. The deputation, remaining within the
limits of their pacific demonstration, then left the
ElyEe3, crying, 'tiive la Republique Democratique et
Sociale

The Democratie Pacifique say?—" The Committee
on the Bill against the clubs having
.required the
Minister of the Interior to lay before it the recent
reports and the minutes of the Commissaries of
Police relating to the sittings of the clubs, he
formally refused to make any such communication.
This refusal is perfectly comprehensible, but deeply
to be regretted. It would have necessarily resulted
from these documents that for some time, with rare
exceptions, the demeanour of the clubs, and the
spirit of their discussions, have been far from jus-
tifying the measures and urgency demanded by the
Ministry.

SPAIN.
Madrid journals of the 231 have arrived. Their
contents are unimportant. The Bolsa was closed.

AUSTRIA.
The following is the second paragraph cf the
fundamental laws passed unanimously by the Diet of
Kremsier :
" Par. 2. Personal liberty is guaranteed. No one
can be withdrawn from his natural judge; there can be
no privileged and exceptional courts of justice.
" No one can be arrested without the warrant of a
magistrate, stating the grounds on which the same is
granted, except when caught in the fact.
" The warrant must be given to the person arrested
at once, or at the latest twenty-four hours after his
arrest.

" Every one who has been arrested by the authorities
appointed to watch over the public security (police)
must be delivered over to the regular tribunal within
twenty •four hours, or set at liberty.
" Every defendant is to be admitted to bail on giving
the security appointed by the court agreeably to the
law, excepting when it is otherwise ordained by the
penal laws."

It is said the Diet will be prorogued to the 15th
of May.
Letters from Pesth announce that Comorn was
bombarded on the 16th, and the fortress, garrisoned
by from 8,000 to 10,000 men, was entirely sur-
rounded. Arrests continued to be made at Pesth.
The Hungarian army consists of 67 battalions of
1,200 men each, 18 regiments of cavalry, and 300
cannon.