The Sun.
London, England, 1831-07-06 00:00:00

ou'd nut be final ; how, then, could you peter-f to say
hat any Reform you propose would he final? Now, Sir,
if I am asked my opinion, I do declare that this Reform
if our's is final ; hut that any which fell short of it would
not.—(Cheers and laughter ) When I say final, I mean
hat it will be final for that space of time to which we cm
'ook forward, and for which alone we can attempt to legis
iide.—(Cheers.) In the course of one hundred yearr.
Are miy chance to have docks as extensive as thou
Liverpool in the Hebrides ; and a manufactu.
ing town as large as Manchester in the count)
of Galway. The same cruses are still in action, which.
,n many places, have converted hamlets into great towns,
old barren heaths into corn-fields and meadows.
For a country so altered and improved in its condition,
re cannot pretend to legislate; all that we can do is to set
•hose who shall then exist the signal example of the mode
rid spirit in which such a Reform as their circumstance,
equire should take place.--(Cheers.) In the only way,
het efore, in which a public man ought to have the *of*
,inal I use it ; and thus I declare this Reform Bill will he
iiial.—(Cheers.) But as to the other Bill, if the Hon.
fientlemen opposite could succeed in any branch of at
'egislature in throwing out this measure of ours—if the%
could succeed in displacing the present Administration—
and if they could succeed in obtaining a House of Com-
mons which would support the new Ministry, I ask them
vhat they would do? Sir, there can he no difficulty it
•Oreseeing anal describing the progress downwards. First,
here would be a weak Reform—a Bassetlaw Reform—

Cheers)—worthy of those who, when a delinquent b,,-
.ough was to be punished, refused to transfer the fran-
.hise to a populous town, but threw it into the neigh-

,outing hundreds—(Cheers)—worthy of those who re-
(used to give representatives to the three greatest manufac-
turing towns in the world—(Hear)—a R••form fraught
vith all the evils of change, and not a single benefit—a

Reform depriving the Government of the foundation
of prescription, without substituting reason and the public
Ltood—a Ileform which would unsettle all establishments,

cahoot appeasing discontent or opposing disintegration—
. Reform by which the people would be encouraged and
exasperated—encouraged by the sense of their own im-
portance and the evident effect of their power, and exas-
perated because what they obtained was not what they
had demanded. Then would come agitation—libels would
abound—the Press would be excited—and demagogues
would harangue in every street.—(Cheers and laughter.)
Sir, I say this is no age—this is no country for the war
uf power against the war of opinions.—(Cheers.) Tu
proceed. Those enemies to the public quiet—agitators
and demagogues, who would be driven back by this Re-
,brm Bill to their proper insignificance—would become
truly powerful, till, at the last, the law would be evaded
and opposed till it became a mockery, and England would
be reduced to the same condition in which Ireland was

placed at the end Of the year 1828.—(Cheers.) Then
!midst the cheers of the Whigs, who would be occu-
pying their old place on that side of the House, and
the grief and dismay of the Tories, some Rights Hon.
Gentleman would rise from these benches—a did,

on the Ist of March, the Paymaster of the Forces,
to propose that Bill on which the hearts of the
people are fixed. Then would we flatter ourselves that
ad had been done ; but not so. That gratitude and de-
light with which the measure would be now received,
could no longer exist when the materials of agitation are
ready. They would fi❑d themselves in the condition of
those in the old stories, who evoked their friends. They

_
....-- _ . .
derive a temporary—a fleeting benefit ; but it is on con-
dition of surrendering themselves to their possession. The
Noble Lord opposite spoke of the Day of Sacrifices. Let
hint remember it was afterwards named the Day of Dupes,

not because it was a day of sacrifices, but of sacrifices de-
layed too long. It was because the aristocracy refused
Reform in 1783 there was revolution in 1789.—(Cheers.)

But we need not go far to see the danger of delaying ine-
vitable concessions. Let us look to Ireland.—(Cheers.)
Is not one such instance, if made practically, enough to
convince one generation?—(Cheers.) I feel that some
apology is due for the tone I have assumed; I fear
that it may be deemed unbecoming in me to make
any personal application to Members of this House.—
But sure!), I may, without reproach, address myself to
their honest fears. It is well to talk of opposing a firm

front to sedition, and of using vigorous means to put
down agitation. Those phrases are, and very properly,
when they refer to some temporary excitement—to some
partial disturbances, as in 1780—to stifle which the show
orforce and determination on the part of a Government is
alone needed. Then it is well to show a bold front; but
woe to the Government that cannot distinguish between a
nation and a mob—(Cheers)—woe to the Government that
thinks a great and enlarged movement of mind is to be
put down at a moment —(Cherry.) This error has been
twice fatal to the Bourbons; it may be fatal to the Legis-

lature of this country if they should venture to foster it.
—(Cheers.) Ido believe that the irrecoverable moment
has arrived. Nothing can prevent the passing of this
noble law—(Laughter)—this second Bill of Rights.—
(Long and continued laughter and cheers.) I do call it
that second Bill of Flights; and so will the country cad it;

and so will our children.—(Cheers.) I call it a greater
charter of the liberties of England. Eighteen hundred
and thirty-one is destined to exhibit the first example of

an established, of a deep-rooted system being removed
without bloodshed, or violence, or rapine—all points be-
ing debated—every punctilio observed—the peaceful in-
dustry of the country never for a moment checked or com-
promised—and the authority of the law not for one
instant suspended.—(Loud and continued cheers.) These
are things of which we may well be proud, if they
continue to us the blessings which we now enjoy. These
are things which make us look with confidence and good
hope to the future destinies of the human race.—(Cheers.)
h.se are things that enable us to Lark forward to a long
series of tranquil and happy years, in which we shall have
a popular Government and a loyal people ; and in which
war, if war be inevitable, shall find us a united nation—
(Checrs)—of years pre-eminently distinguished by the
progress of arts and science, and of knowledge generally—
by the diminution of the public burthens, and by all those
victories of peace, in which, more than in the most
splended military successes, consist the true prosperity of
States and the glory of Statesmen.—(Cheers.) Sir, it is
with those feelings and with those hopes that I give my
most cordial asstent to the measure, considering it de-
sirable in itself, and at the present moment, and in the pre-
sent temper of the people, indispensibly necessary to the
Reform and to the stability of the empire.—(The Hon.
Gentleman re-umed his• seat amidst loud cheers, which
were continued for some moments.)
Mr. W. BANKES next addressed the House, but no
complete sentence of his speech was audible in the gallery.
We understood him to differ with the last speaker as to the
interpretation to he put on the words of Lord Clarendon,
quoted by a Noble Lord, and to observe, that that Hon.
Gentleman had not proceeded with that caution to prevent
ill blood arising in the debate which lie had himself re-
commended. The lion. Gentleman bad, in the words of
Cromwell, observed, " The Lord bath delivered them into
our hands ;" and he (Mr. Bankes) exclaimed, " The Lord
deliver us.out of their hands!" He opposed and ridiculed
the line which Government bad drawn respecting the re-
presentation throughout the country, and commented upon
it as partial. Touching the Bill itself, he declared it was
framed not according to what the people wanted, but to
what was useful to Ministers, as enabling them to draw
the Radicals to their assistance. As to the provisions, he
felt doubt and difficulty in speaking, lest, in directing him-
self to any one, he might be told it had crept in by inad-
vertency ; but lie begged to ask whether the three Mem-
bers allotted to Dorsetsbire were to be for the whole
county, or each for a separate district, and how
the franchise was to he exercised by the constitu-
ency? With respect to the representation, he obsirved,
it was well to know not only who were the electors, but
lvlio were likely to be elected ; and deeming that persons of
birth and property would cease to enjoy their natural in-
fluence, and be excluded, he considered it a matter much
to be lamented, as an assembly, constituted as the House
of Commons was thus likely to be, would nut properly dis-
charge its duty to the nation. In Spain, he remarked, the
cause of the Constitution might have triumphed, if men of
property and respectability had held place in the Cortes,
which, however, was unfortunately composed chiefly of
miserable jobbers. He concluded by saying chat he felt no
personal bitterness towards the Ministers, but had rather
not indulge in any, than share that bitterness of sorrow
which must hereafter affect the proposers of the measure if
it should prove successful. Anc4 alluding to the state of
the country, the tranquillity and prosperity which prevailed,
and the effect which he considered inevitable from the Bill,
he compared the Constitution to a vessel, sinking like the
Royal George, in the most afflicting manner ; not the vic-
tim of the storm in a sunless ocean, where no aid was near
—but on a bright and beauteous day, and in the presence of
thousands of spectators.
Lord ALTHORP--In ri-ing to follow the Mon.
Speaker who has just entertained the House with his wit,
and to follow the speech of my Hon. and Learned Friend
who has electrified the House with his eloquence—
( Loud cheering)—l feel that Ido so under circum-
stances of considerable disadvantasitso
omnysenllfe;
tlointadldrfeeessl
some observations to the House on the topics which have
been introduced into these two nights' debates. Before I
go further I should wish to make some observation%
.upon
theL,,redrcit
Clarendon.
t esGetnhtalet
mLaonrdupConl Irtehteitiounpincilionn bet.