The Sun.
London, England, 1836-04-28 00:00:00

ving that the Lords can now do of themselves what
Vey before the Refcrm Bill did through their command
'of votes in the House of Commooa. The people on
their part will naturally ask---is this the boasted Bri-
tish constitution ? Are we to have our representation
reformed, merely to be tantalized by sending liberal
measures to the House of Peers to be rejected by that
body ? We were told the other day, in justification of
the conduct of the majority of the Peers, that their
errors were attributable to the infirmity of human na-
ture. No doubt this is true. It is one of the in-
firmities of human nature that men have a leaning in
favour of themselves. The Peers conceive that they have
a deep :merest in the perpetuation of abuses in Church
and State, and so long as they possess an irresponsible
power, and arehiot under the influence of the considera-
tions by which they were induced to pass the Refornt
Bill, they will use that power to resist till theaoutes
conducive to the general welfare. So long as the
Peers possess irresponsible power, we may expect to
find all abuses carefully cherished. They will, hoe.:
ever, sonic day find that though the 'English people
can hear much, their patience has its limits. It is
impossible that this spectacle of constant resistance to
all measures demanded by the people, should not at last
lead to important results. We will not emer into any
analysis of the debate. We may, however, remark
that Lord Holland very happily turned against Lord
Lyndhurst the glowing representations given by- tlie
Noble and Learned Lord last year. -of the sort of sa-
tisfaction which men derived from the knowledoe that
they were at least of importance in their own
Corpora-
tions—upon the advantages of being a representative
under a system of free Government, eni. of being
educated in, and familiarized with, the principles of
that Government in which there was a combination of
order and liberty, by the discharge of their duties as
Members of a Municipal Corporation. But alas !
for
these glowing pictures—there has been a transference
of power from the 'forks to the Reformers, and there-
fore Ireland is to be deprived of all these blessings.—
Morning Chronicl,,,, of yesterday.
The House of Lords, by its entertainment of Lord
Fitzgerahlis proposition with regard to the Irish Muni-
cipal Tall, have!already,-in a great measure, re-adjusted
the disturbed balance of constitutional power in Ire-
land, and gone far towords extinguishing that abunda at
source of intrigue, conspiracy, and open tuibule. ACC
With which that factious Bill, at its &et introduction,
threatened to overwhelm the authorities and higher
interests of the country. As a whole, the de'eate in
the. Upper House of Parliament on this occasion
exhibited more important views of policy, and more
powerful and satisfactory appeals to puhhe opinion,
than hai been presented in any former instance. We
must add, that the disparity between the orders of in-
tell:gence which were devoted respectively to the con-
demnation of this measure, and to the support of it,
was never before placed in a light so prominent or
striking. Some of Lord Melboorne's careless indis-
cretions in descanting, some time ago, upon the neces-
sity, assumed from the outset by Idinsell and his col-
leagues, for zevershoe the whole character of the im-
perial policy towards Irelwel, and setting the heel of
rampant 1.-3opery,upon the neck of Protestant right and
setoff's' in that island, were handsomely exposed aod
rehrieed by Lord Fitzgerald. When the Noble Vis-
eount alleged the existing points of similarity in the
condition of the two countries as grounds whereon
to justify a parallel mode of legislation in respect of
their municipal affairs, he enumerated with much sim-
plicity these points of agreement—and what were
they ? The same Parliament, the like prevalence of •
popular control, tine same course of judicial proceci-
mg, the same triAl by jury, the same freedom of the
press, and therefore, because so many things were
alike, lie (Lord Melbourne) recommended the Peers
to make toiein alike in ail things. But the incidents
common to the two islands happened to be matters
which had no sort of relevancy or application to the
present Bill, whereas the materials on which it was to
operate were unfortunately those in which the people
of the two islands differed as essentially as the inha-
'uitants of Paris do from those of Japan—viz., in their
temper, in their civilization, and in the state, spirit,
and influence of their religious establishments. H
perfect assimilation to the municipal system of
England was to he tine ride of proceeding as -en--
jointed by Lord Melbourne upon' Parliament, why did
he take. the appointment of local policemen, of shores,
of local migistra:es cut of the hands of Irisf. burgesses,
while those privileges yere left inn full possession of the
burgesses of this country ? Plainly because the Irish
arc unfit for the exercise of many powers which may be
prudently :Ind safely intrusted to the Protestant and
more independent population of Great Britain. The
question, therefore, ilia with such an air of taunting
insolence by the O'Connell gang, namel,y, " will Pae-
liament insult us, the people of Ireland,' by reliving
to confide in us the same priviliges as are enjoyed by
Englishmen ?" is already answered by the Whigs
themselves ; who have actually, with their eyes open,
inflicted on the " people of Ireland" that disteraceful
privation. Why had a Coercion Bill been passed for
Ireland, and not for England ? -Why, as Lord Lynd-
hurst said, has a Constabulary Bill been proposed by
these very Ministers for Ireland, with provisions un-
heard of here? Why is an Insurreeidon Act left sus-
pended over every district in Ireland, and susceptible of
being called into action at the will and pleasure of the
Executive Government? A thing quite inapplicahle
here. Lord Melbourne himself, the head and front of
Whig offendiueo has made a number of broad and un-
ionbio;nous admissions in respect of this very Municipal
Bill, ,'lnch establish every general principle contended
for oy the Conservatives, and cover both the allega-
tions and denials of the Noble Viscount's colleagues
in the House of Commons, as well as of their dema-
o 000 tt ee masters with utter ridicule and shame. In his
4
speech of Tuesday night the Noble Lord manfully
confessed, that, " undoubtedly the present Corpora-
tions would be extinguished hy the Bill before their
Lordships I and that the question was," what sub-
stitute should be provided Why, what more has
ever been insisted on by the Conservatives ? What
have they ever said, when taunted with a desire to
destroy the Corporations of Ireland but that the said
Corpo.rations were already destroyed by the Bill it-
self ? What other words than the very expressions
of Lord Melbourne have been employed by this Times
jonroat in arguing against the above senseless reproach
of the Whig-Radicals ? Our language has been in-
variably—" Don't talk to us about depriving Ireland
of her Corporations when it is your own work--
your Municipal Bill has done it you, riot we,
have opened the question—what substitute shall be
.found ? Again, when such a clansorous pother
has been made about the tremendous humiliation to
Ireland which would be inflicted, and the fright-
- ful discontent which would be excited by the re-
fusal of Popish Corporations to those Irish localities
where Protestant Corporations had hitherto enjoyed
the powers secured to them by their respective char-
ters, it ought to be remembered that Lord Melbourne
himself admits the very narrow limits within which the
existing law has confined tlle self-governing privileges
of It ish Corporations ; the police, the lighting, paying,
&e., have been taken from them. Nobody pretends
that .he adthinistration of charitable or other trusts
should be vested in the priest-ridden successors now
proposed by Ministers : then let us ask, is there imy
thing left indisposed of which it would be detrienental
to public liberty to deposit in the hands of t'.ie Sove-
reign, when the substance is already erooe—is the
shadow worth, the price of a rebellion Lord Mel-
bourne admits that in Ireland, above most other coun-
tries, there was wanting that "species of local aristo-
cracy and local government" which were the charac-
teristicsfwolicilee,o inn patlrriasmaemtrneat
ebrteresaait?eii(i,
of Corporations ;
—a Corporation composed
the noble Viscount would
tics of, Corporation. destwentliov‘e.edofanedcee},
attribute of " Aristocracy,
perverted into
aoifl thcen;:t opfaltZrriar)eble'against liberty, property,
and civil Pvcrmrnicesuttiroohdy theL will
aorifstoacnracuNl:sltiakret
andg•eiiert:lvearrbisetaorcirnageyP, ought to be, and might be, an is good; but if there be one fi'ature of this
Bill more conspicuous or effective than any other, it is
its adaptation to the ruin of all (but priestly) aristo-
cracy. We have objected to the appropriation clause
in the Irish Tithe. Bill, or this, among the most pres-
sing grounds—that it would be worked by the Popish
power, of which O'Connell is the organ, to the anni-
hilation of ,the Protestant Church. We object to the