The Sun.
London, England, 1849-05-23 00:00:00

hitherto had been in antagonism with the middle
classes, but in this instance he could promise them
no such hostility would be met with. Too
long had the working classes been neglected, and he
was afraid they were still doomed to disappointment,
since this association did not propose to abolish property
qualification. If Buggins was fit to go to France as an
ambassador, why surely he was qualified to represent
them in Parliament. In Scotland there was no property
qualification required, and as Scotland was as respect-
ably and well represented as was England, he could
not see why the stuns principle should not be adopted
by this association. He would advise those twoMem-
hers who had spoken, if they wished to show then sin-
cerity, to take good care to place themselves in opposit;on
to the Ministers on all occcasions. Out of doors they
recognised no distinction between Whigs and Tories—
to them they were all alike—part and parcel of one
great taxing machine, who were in the habit of putting
their hands into other people's pockets.—(Hear,
hear.) With union among themselves they
might, as had been said by Mr. Osborne, ensure the en-
tire success of their cause.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. JOSEPH STURGE said he was an old
reformer, who had arrived at the time
of life when he thought he might re•
tire.—(Hear, hear.) But, although he had not been
in public life lately, ho could cot refuse the request of
the Chairman to attend the meeting, and to speak a
word on behalf of his Working friends, and to give
them a word of advice. About ten years ago
they wculd recollect that a great popular movement for
reform was branded by every odium—that physical force
principles were associated with the name of Chartist. Now
as a member of the Peace Society, he would say that
one of the objects which he had in advocating the prin-
ciple of the Charter was to show that they did
not in any way connect themselves with the
physical force advocates. They might as well condemn
Christianity for the evils of the Church Establishment,
and for the horrors of the Inquisition, as condemn
those great principles which ought to be
the right of every man, because some
were mad enough to resort to physical force;
for he thought that the right of every man to choose
those who were to make laws which he was bound to
obey was founded on great Christian principles.
(Cries of " Hear, hear.") It was often said that they
should have measures and not men, and he would now
say that they ought to have honest and good men to
carry out their great cause, for the people had
often been deceived and deserted by their leaders
in times of extraordinary difficulty.—(Hear, hear.)
He had known the Chairman for some years, and he
could assure the meeting that he would not deceive
them.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman concluded by
expressing his opinion that until they obtained universal
suffrage they would not be able to attain the objects
which they had in vie w.—(Cheers.)
Mr. PHILLIMORE next addressed the meeting. He com-
plimented Mr. Clarke upon the sensible and excellent
manner in which he had spoken. Those who spoke as
he did could not fail to command the attention of all
people of sense and patriotism; but whilst he agreed with
him in much he had said, he could not forbear mention-
ing that whilst he had complimented Mr. Osborne upon
the tenor of his speech, he had not himself spoken in
that spirit. —(Cries of "No, no," and cheers.) How-
ever, all he wished was that each man might have a
fair opportunity of stating his views, however opposed
they might be to that of others.—(Cheers.) The object
of the association was to obtain the suffrage for no less
than 3,712,676 of the people, to give the people that
which they did not at present possess; but as that
number was drawn from the census of 1841, that
number was no doubt much below the mark.—(Hear.)
Surely, such a boon as this was worth struggling for;
and they ought, therefore, to combine together, in order
to remove the galling burdens which pressed so
heavily upon them ; and it was the duty of none
more than • the lovers of order to do so.
He must remark that those who were not for universal
suffrage did not question the right of every individual
in a free country, if it was for their advantage and they
were not sullied by any crime, to give their votes. The
case did not turn upon a question of right, but a ques-
tion of expediency.—(Hear.) It was from those who did
not know their rights, or how to use them, that the op-
pressors of the community had obtained their power.—
(Cheers.) Let them look around and see the re-
volutions that were taking place in Europe. What
were those revolutions ? They were, he believed,
the throes of humanity and reason.—(Cheers.) He
did not share in the opinion that had been expressed in
certain assemblies.—(Cheers.) There was a wish to
put down attempts at obtaining nationality. Let
them look to Hungary and Italy as a proof of
that, and then turn to France, who, to her dis-
grace, had refused to return to the National
Assembly her truly patriotic son, Lamartine—(Cheers,
and cries of " Shame")—a man who, only twelvemonths
since, had the whole nation at his feet—(Cheers)—and
who did not hesitate to place his life in jeopardy to secure
the liberties of France.—(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN then put the first resolution, embody-
ing also the amendment.
The resolution, amended as proposed, was then put
from the chair, and carried unanimously.
Mr.WILLIAM2 moved the second resolution, as follows—
" That, in the opinion of this meeting, the expendi-
ture of the state is characterised by an extravagance
the most reprehensible ; that to sustain this recklesss
waste an enormous amount of taxation is required,
which, as now levied, presses most unequally upon
the different sections of the community; that so large
a proportion of the taxes is imposed upon the neces-
saries of life, that no economy nor self- denial on
the part of the poor man can enable him to escape
from those burthens ; that the effects of such a
system are not only cruel, arbitrary, and pernicious
towards the industrious classes, but' are calculated
to produce that wide-spread demoralization and those
flagrant crimes which are the offspring of poverty and
distress; and that, therefore, the whole framework of
taxation should be so altered as to adjust its burthens to
the respective means of those who are to bear.
them." The Honourable Gentleman went into some statis-
tics to illustrate the present unjust system of taxation.
the taxation of last year was 57,000,0001., to which were
to be added 23,000,000/. for local rates, making together
80,000,0001. sterling taken from the pockets of the indus-
trious classes. They were told that the Reform Bill would
lessen taxation, but instead of its doing so the burdens had
increased by 4,000,0001., while the national debt had
been augmented by 40,000,0001., of which 11,000,0001.
had been added since Lord John Russell had come
into office. So much, then, for this taxation, which
was levied upon the people to pay pensions which
since the Reform Bill had increased from 4,100,0001. to
7,100,000/. Now let him tell them how these taxes were
raised; on articles of consumption, such as tea, soap,
coffee; on tea worth Bd. a pound the same tax was im-
posed as on tea worth ss. a pound, and such was the
case in reference to other articles of consumption.
Then the tax upon beer was just double its cost, or 100
per cent.—(Hear, hear.) What was the tax upon cham-
pagne and claret? 15 per cent. against the 100 per cent.
on beer. Therefore, again the poor man paid seven
times more on the average than the rich man. Take,
again, the case of tobacco, which was esteemed by so many
working man as a luxury. The tobacco consumed by
the poor man was worth about 3d. per lb., but the duty
was 3s. 2d. per lb., or 1,200 per cent., in the shape of duty.
Now, what did they think was the duty on the fine
cigars consumed by gentlemen—only seventy-five per
cent.—(Hear, hear)—so that the duty on the poor man's
tobacco was fifteen times as much as the duty upon the
gentlemen's .cigars.— (Laughter.) Such was a specimen
of the system of the taxation of the people. Then,
again, the stamp duties paid by the poor was un-
fortunately greater in proportion than those paid
by the rich.—(Hear, hear.) Notwithstanding the
pressure of taxation upon every class of the
community Lord John Russell had the assurance ;to
stand up and state, in reply to the motion of Mr.
Hume, which was not unlike the objects of this associa-
tion, that the middle classes were content with the ex-
isting state of things; that they neither wanted Mr.
flume's proposed reform, nor did the working classes
want the Charter.—(Laughter)—they were all content,
they were all satisfied with the way in which they wore
dealt with by the oligarchy that ruled them. Sir R.
Peel said, when he introduced the income-tax, in 1842,
" I can give conclusive proofs that you have arrived at
the limits of taxation on the articles of consumption
of the working classes."—(Hear, hear.) Now a man of
the sagacity of Sir Robert Peel knew as well
as any man how ho could extract the last shilling from
the working classes. The statement was disputed. Sir
Robert Peel defended it; he said they had put five per
cent. on, which should have realised 1,800,000, but it
had realised nothing, showing that the working classes
could pay no more.—(Cheers.) Then the profits and
conditions of the:middle classes were deteriorating, and the
working classes were deteriorating also. Among the
classes who produced all the wealth and all the luxuries
enjoyed by the taxers—(Cheers)—last year 3,500,000
received relief in England and Wales, and 100,000 were
sent to prisons for crimes of various degrees. Now Sir J.
Graham uttered a remarkable prophecy in his remarkable
pamphlet, published thirty years ago, which at the
present moment was very striking. He said, " When-
ever the country presents the spectacle of millions
wanting bread, then would the people sweep away
titles, pensions, and honours."—(Prolonged cheering.)
Now, what was the remedy for these evils? If any
man expected any material reduction of taxation without
Parliamentary reform, he imposed a great de-
lusion upon himself.—(Cheers.) It was contrary to
all experience. Look even at the proceedings of the
present session. Mr. Cobden, upon a motion for the re-
duction of. only ten millions of taxation, without any
definite period being specified, had only 84 votes;
and Mr. Hume, who proposed a small reduction in our
huge standing army, had only forty gentlemen to sup-
port him. Ile would only trespass upon them for one
mornont longer, to say that they only sought to accoin li
-
plish that which Lord J. Russell promised when he intro-
duced the Reform Bill into the House. Lord John said

I propose by this Bill that the people shall send to the
Commons House of Parliament their real repre-
sentatives, to deliberate on their wants, to consult on
their interests, to consider their grievances, to hold the
purse-strings of the nation, to lay the foundation for sa-
lutarv•changes in the well-being and comforts of the
people; and that laws shall not bo passed fur the benefit
of classes by men roused from their slumbers
at' twelve o'clock at night to vote for what
they know not.—(Great laughter and cheers.)
Now, he hoped. when Lord John Russell saw the report
of the meeting in the public press, that he would lose no
time in sending a snbscription to qualify him a member
of the association. —(Loud. laughter.) They wanted no
more than that, and with less they would not be content.
—(houd cheers.)
Mr. SAMUEL MORLEY said, as one belonging to
the middle classes heowas g}ad in having an opportunity
of identifying himself with that movement, which he be-
lieved had much to do with the happiness of a great
mass of the working people.—(Cheers.) He was con-
aected with a house in the City which employed con-
!affably more than 2,000 moo, and be was prepared to