The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-24 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
CHRONICLE.—Mr. Cobden's proposal to agitate
fora repeal of the Malt-tax, has had nearly the same
effect as if he had flung an app'e of discord amongst
the agriculturists. The Protection Society is divided
and in confusion. The magnates of " the country
Party"
that they are
at
issue with the farmers, and the farmers
with one another upon the point. But they all agree
are an oppressed race, and that an intoler-
ableamount of local taxation has been unfairly imposed
UPon the landed interest, for the benefit and through
the baneful influence of the manufacturers and the
Monied class. This, or something very like it, will pro-
bably form the groundwork of Mr. Disraeli's motion on
the sth of March. Now, we dispute the assumption.
We assert the groundlessness of the complaint. We
maintain that the landed interest pays very little (if
anything) more than what, upon any conceivable prin-
siPle of apportionment, could be deemed its fair share
of the local taxes ; and that every method hitherto
suggested for shifting the burden, would inevitably end
„Y
aggravating it. In the first place, let us come toa dis •
"landed rnct understanding as to the meaning of the term
Interest ;•" for it strikes us that "the country party' now
eabitually resort to a vice analogous to that practised
by the Roundheads when they employed the King's
Lame,e and authority against his person. Suppose it
should turn out that the Free-traders and the Man-
:heater school actually pay more than half of the poor.
'lt" as occupiers of land technically so called ; is it
°P'n to Sir John Tyrrell and Mr. Benkes to mix up such
abPayment with their own, and take credit, as against the
ree-traders, for the whole ? For the sake of the pre-
sent argument, the landed interest should be taken to
comprise merely those'who were, or supposed themselves
to be interested, in maintaining the corn laws. The sum
raised annually under the name of the poor-rate is be-
tween eight and nine millions a year, of which rather
'lsm than five millions is applied for the relief of the
Poor. How much does the landed interest, so de-
fined, contribute towards it ? We have no means
of forming an exact estimate; but we can prove to de-
monstration that their quota is far less than is commonly
Stated or supposed. It appears from the Parliamentary
returns, that the annual value of property rated to the
Poor-rates in 1647, in England and Wales, was rather
more than sixty-seven millions. The annual rateable
value of three of the most exclusively agricultural coun-
ties stands thus:—Dorset, 799,3421.; Bucks, 706,2651.;
Bedford, 433,347/. That of the three counties in which
the manufacturing and trading interests most prevail,
stands: Lancashire, 6,463,3631. ; West Riding,
3,576,281/ ; Middlesex, 7,584,668/. Take whatever
County you will, its rateable value will be found to
dependuriuosly principally upon the towns. This is
cillustrated by other tables, in which nine-
teen of the largest agricultural unions are compared
with twenty large towns. The rateable value of
the agricultural unions (including some small towns)
'S 1,4,4,382/, and that of the large towns 6,265,9714
Did our space allow, we might attempt a more detailed
analysis; but it would be utterly impossible to draw a
strict line of demarcation between town and country, or
between the agricultural and the monied classes. They
'tingle and blend with each other like the shades in shot
Silk; and it would be difficult to name a family, or assn
ail individual, possessed of property, that did not, in point
_Of fset, belong to both. So far, however, as the pure
agriculturists (the class who thought they derived
-I direct sad positive advantage from protec-
tion) can be distinguished from the community,
pc should say that their contributions towards
17„,e poor-rate are nearer two millions than eight.
• 'e refer peculiarly to the poor-rate, because it is
the local tax, of all others, which, although the ob-
teti is general and national, is supposed to fall almost
iclualvely upon the land. The entire local taxation of
°gland and Wales may be taken in round numbers at
htwelve millions, but this includes borough rates, light-
ouse dues, turnpike tolls, and other rates, which are
rtiftner not levied upon agriculturists at all, or, by com-
mon Confession, are fairly and properly imposed upon
them` The exception that occurs to us is church-rate
wi ,
al 'eh amounts to more than half a million. It may be
4:tilsfhly contended that the expense of maintaining the
urehes should be equally defrayed by all classes. But,
rote arriving at any conclusion upon the point, it may
chief
aSS well to ascertain what property is liable under the
local rates, arid whether any groundless or
iuilitidue exemptions have been allowed. The original impo-
41.ed °tl and apportionment of the poor-rate was deter-
by the statute of 43 Elizabeth, in 1601. The
situr e e-rate is raised in the same manner, by analogy.
t statute directs the churchwardens and overseers,
"°•, to take orders from time to time to raise " by taxa-
tel;4l of every inhabitant, parson, vicar, and others, and of
ptrY occupier of lands, houses, tithes impropriate, pro.
",tf°lle of tithes, coal mines, and saleable underwoods
lb Te said parish, in such competent sums as they
Shall think fit, &c., to be gathered .out of the
me parish, according to the ability of the
ii."me parish." It will be observed that the
tale bilit y is not limited to lnd, nor to any spe-
. the statute
of property. " The words of
~
_statute (to borrow the expression of Lord Mans-
ne
egoenttdsi)tirenureaeanvyeirnytoloose and general, and they may be
any latitude, even to make all a man
substantially the measure of his ability; for truly and
rowed it." Per but wage has explained and nar-
but usage, resulting from
was expressly held
from a common sense of conveni-
enceti and utility, has given rise to some important exemp-
ie°,9s, and the threatened attempt to abolish these, simply
,`treates an utter ignorance or culpable forgetfulness of
e lessons taught by experience. For example, the
that the
interest in the south and west of England insisted
at the woollen manufacturers should be rated for their
"c'ek in trade. They, were rated. The immediate
te ,„
„ was, to prevent the investment of capital in
"e very parishes where it was most needed and most
Niger to come ; namely, those where labourers were
most abundant. The ultimate result was, to drive the
trade to other parts of the kingdom, where more en-
lightened views of self interest prevailed; and a sense of
the inexpediency of such an extension of the rate led to
the statute which expressly exempts the woollen trade.
(111 inhabitant has been held liable in respect of fended
stock, which clearly adds to his " ability;" but a diffi-
e°"," arose as to whether it accrued within the parish,
ands it was also felt that every rate levied on such a
Principle would subject the entire parish to some of the
worst annoyances of an income-tax. Here, again, the
thlt is modified by usage; and when it is remembered
at a fundholder (suele as certain finance reformers,
° shall be nameless, have made up their minds to
vice •
beeiralse) is a rare animal, and nine-tenths of the
public funds belong to small holders of the middle class,
t,ldo not think that usage in this instance will be very
j;"ertiently condemned by any party. As for capitalists
rierneral, two large and wealthy sections of them, the
rev-w and canal companies, complain bitterly that
h are paying pounds in respect of the self-same land
ti,",ch, in the unimproving bands of an agriculturist,
"' pence. With regard to proposed measures of
atbalization, the only comprehensive and effective one
to erte proposed, is to abolish the taxes in question al-
-I,Plther, provide for their various objects out of the na-
4`ral revenue, and invest our local, as well as general,
js,e°,l;iflistration in the Government. But the oh-
es,"°hs, political and economical, to such a plan
A obvious, and (in our opinion) insurmountable.
Leentral Board of Control seems to be as
centralization as the English public can be in-
ht- " to endure without wincing; and every thinking
, Will see that, to entrust our whole provincial ex-
w
14oriltnre and management to Government officers,
Belt, d imPly (or soon induce) a hopeless incapacity for
r'veranent, and destroy or neutralise the only
'4,1 able cheeks on malversation, negligence, end waste.
thailahiect is one of first impression; and it is our wish
awls t ur present remarks should be regarded simply as
with °,,i,4lquiry and reflection. We recemmend them,
city. ‘'‘htting deference, to Mr. Disraeli iu that caps-
and d; "e are as anxious to abolish all unequal taxes,
see ..'seentinue all class legislation, as he can be; but
Vil6kite him fair warning that rhetoric arid sophistry
..e unavailing in discussions of this nature, and that
lag
hardly strengthen his present position by
„Pair, and
the false hopes and vain delusions ehich undermine,
„Pair, and mast eventually destroy all spirit, energy,
eterpeise and self-reliance in the agriculturists.
I)AILT NEWS.—Surely the very extraordinary ob
iteetien raised by Mr. Hawes to the production of a piper
lative to the negotiations btwen the Hudson's Bay
l?12° Pane and the Colonial-office,about Vancouver's le-
km will not be allowed to pass without further com-
" le Parliament. Mr. Hume moved to have the
°Pin.
e„,1°11 of the Queen's Attorney and Solicitor-General
tr:etint the competency of the Hudson's Bay Company
t se-cei Hawes a grant of land from the Crown laid upon theo~
e"° of the House. Mr. awes stated that the Colonial-
weta would not produce the document if it were in their
°esafen; and that moreover the opinion in question
4111(1 the private property of the Hudson's Bay Company,
that he doubted whether it were in the power of Par-
e I.,°?ent to compel its production. The first thing in this
:ertlYtfhat strikes every unprejudiced mind as offensive
is ,Nectionable is the part played by the Colonial-office
is -'ePting and acting upon such an opinion. By Fall-
, 4 for it the Colonial-office showed that they entertained
telt": doubts of the legality of a grant of lands to the
to hr"Y. This being the case, the Colonial-office ought
se bate Consulted the law officers of the Crown as public
to ,".at'a. Instead of doing this they allow the company
111 rs°dilee an opinion which they have obtained from
e sire,sown counsel upon payment of a fee, and on the
aetiag,,,th of a private confidential ex parte statement. In
tee t° "'Pon an opinion thus procured, without attempt-
otti °I obtain an unbiassed opinion for the Crown, wlth-
toltt,l'i"ing the other parties competing for the grant
oehe"°*, its nature and offer objections to it, the Colonial-
at4 41,05 seriously compromised themselves and vio-
'llth;qcir public trust. The next objectionable feature
°me -extraordinary transaction is the conduct of the law
retanrs of the Crown. These officials are permanently
Cres well -ed and paid to act for the interests of the
ss
and t,ls it to be tolerated that they shall receive fees
Ptieat've opinions upon an ex parte statement to
fret, " Parties who have an interest separate
taet; 4", it may be, adverse to that of the Crown?
the 3'' it will be remembered that the Crown holds
iu t;'„4:te lands of the colonies and dependencies only
erote-es'efor the nation. The responsible advisers of the
thes,", nave counselled it to convey a large extent of
°iQctete.l7 'ands to a company whose legal competency to
ic siich
lewve, and is still doubted by many
a grant has been doubted by the Colonial-
of our most learned
upon and and experienced statesmen. And when called
ept,i '° produce the document which contains the
le °n that has dispelled their own doubts as to the
letta_LY of the transaction, they deny the power of par-
-4,7tt to compel its production. Are Ministers entitled
riot in such a matter upon an opinion which they can.
earlePoroduce in their own vindication ? The matter
all tact
rest here. The public interest, the legality of a e
all u_ut. of the Colonial-office and the Crown counsel are
whic`i'lled up in this question. And the transaction
poiture
bn attempt is made to conceal from public exs
neither the extraordinary declaration of Mr. Hawes,
more nor less .than an attempt to perpetuate