The Sun.
London, England, 1831-12-01 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We have before alluded to the suspension of
'trade in consequence of the suspension of the
Reform Bill, and now, en specific information,
have to express our regrets on that subject, and
lay the griefs of the manufacturing population
before the country. A gentleman of the best
practical knowledge possible, in every kind of
manufacture prepared by the loom, 1!A;,1 been tree.
yelling through the districts most celebrated for
its labours. He finds there a complete stagna-
tion of business, and says that it is universally
attributed to the delay in the Reform Bill. " We
do not know what will happen now," is the ge-
tiers! remark ; " we will wait and see the end."
All, in fact, " wait." The warehoisseman does
not order goods,—the manufseturer does not
make then,—the weavers and all the operatives
connected with the trade arc therefore discharged t
whereas, in a healthy state of trade, they would
now be employed in preparing for the spring and
summer fashions. All this misery and mischief
would have been avoided had the Reform Bill
been passed. However, we may say, that we
think the chiefs of the trade—they who put all
business in motion—arc Cimid beyond measere ;
for, Reform or no Reform, there is still suffi-
cient wealth in the country to enable its pos-
sessors to indulge in the luxuries of dress. Our
Gracious Sovereign and his Ministers have done
all they can to cut the state of suffering short.
No sooner are they baffled, than they return to
the charge again, with a new Bill and a fresh
session. y What can they more ? If the same
perverseness be recommenced towards the new
Bill as was practised towards the last, and the
most benevolent and liberal intentions be still
suspended (ultimately defeated they cannot be),
the effects of the mischief be upon the heads of
its authors !—Times.
The Bristol riots, and the menaces held out
that something of the same outrageous and de-
structive character would take place in London,
have neither shocked nor grieved the Anti-Re-
form junta. Unhappily, these events have in-
spired the faction with a sort of wild confidence
and morbid exultation. The recent insurrec-
tion at Lyons—the battle of the famished against
the well-fed—incredible as such a thing may
seem, has been hailed for another God-send by
the English boroughmongers ! And why ?
Because, in the eyes of all these men, who seek
not to render justice but to retain power—in
their eyes the bloody scenes at Bristol and at
Lyons are so many stains upon the robe of con-
stitutional liberty ; and, therefore, so many re-
suscitations of the half abandoned hope, that
tyranny would not every where perish without
a further struggle. It has long been the practice
with English Aristocrats, who shrink from the
most moderate attempt at redress of political
grievances, to confound the amelioraters of so-
ciety, whose only instruments are reasoning and
legislation, with its disturbers, who would attain
their civil objects by virtue of fire and sword.
When a band of lawless ruffians, not a tithe of
whom are able to read or write, spent six-and-
thirty hours in works of devastation at Bristol,
what was the outcry of the Anti-Reformers and
their newspapers ? They called it a " Reform
mob"--a '- Reform insurrection"—and ex-
claimed in utter fury, as they have ever since
done on hearing that the poor Lyonese silks
weavers preferred being shot to dying of star-
vation, " After this, will Ministers persist is
their execrable Bill ?" Why should they not,
we ask? Why should they not persist with
still more eagerness in their Reform policy,
which goes at once to amend the whole frame of
our civil administration, when they find ill exist-
ence a brutal power which requires that the heart
and hand of every honest man in the cotnmunity
should be incorporated with the Government,
and devoted to it for the maintenance of the
public peace The first clamour of the borough
partisans was—" re-action." That failed : there
was no re-action, but tenfold energy in the cause
of Reform. The next cry was—" Holland is
lost, and Portugal is lost : if we don't make
war, England is disgraced for ever. But war
came not : the public mind was steadily fixed
upon Reform. As the people experienced no
" re-action," so the Ministers, wisely, would not
run the risk of a "diversion,'' and the second
project was defeated. What comes next ? The
Anti-Reform grandees one and all declare that
Reform, if it intends not anarchy, must produce
it ;—that Unions for Reform are revolutionary
associations ;—that for men to have defensive
arms is to plot an attack upon the Monarchy ;
that whether fellow-conspirators with the Jaco-
bins, or their dupes, the advocates of Reform,
all classes included, are practicallg engaged in
making war upon Church and State—upon
exalted rank, hereditary privilege, magisterial
authority, and lawful property ; and that the
public force, meaning troops and yeomanry,
must, ere long, be unflinchingly employed
against them, for that revolution must, at
all hazards, be put down. Now by whom
are such denunciations tittered ? By those
who formed a small excess of forty-one indivi-
duals (including twenty-one Bishops) over the
moiety of the House of Peers. And against
whom Against the King and his Ministers,—
aLainst the whole body of representatives re-
turned to the House of Commons by the free
constituency of the empire (about fifty persons
excepted),—against nine-tenths of the property,
nineteen-twentieths of the knowledge, and ten
times that numerical amount of the entire Bri-
tish nation ! This is the third attempt, and, like
its predecessors, it also is destined to exposure
and defeat. If hopeless frenzy have not seized
these unfortunate oligarchs, we would pray them
to reflect in time what is that adventure which
they meditate, invoke, and threaten. Upwards
of 150 of them are neutralized, nay, overmatched
by nobles of their own order, who have seen,
with the rest of the people of England, that Re-
form is the sole barrier against revolution, not the
path to it. The Bishops, as allies in a civil war,
may, from the spirit in which society now, we
ieve to say,
sr considers them, be stated as a nes
,
gative quantity. They can do nothing but pull
down a fresh weight of opprobrium on their
h
temporal colleagues, en what will be the
prospect of these same temporal ?
Whence will they draw the materials for a con-
flict ? Englishmen for soldiers—unless incendi-
aries of Bristol—they will find none. h e Eng-
lish nation holds civil war in abhorrence : it con-
templates not the horrors of bloodshed, even
for the promotion of the cause which it most
worships; far less will it take the money or
obey the commands of half an hundred dis-
hostility to the national
affected jobbers, in
will, and for the direct overthrow of its own
most precious interests. What then ? Why,
the forty-one majority Lords, lay and church
militant, must go to fight without an army. Some
few old family retainers may attend them ; they
may equal altogether the strength of a single bat-
talion ! Yet they talk of civil war,—of cutting

down " the reforming rascals,'—of bringing the
people to their senses by a few " wholesome
examples !" Lord have mercy on them ! Take
up arms against the King and State and twenty
two millions of their countrymen ! Be unsuc-
cessful rebels, and attabited traitors, and this to
divert the minds of the British nation from a
reform of abuses which, when accomplished,
would effect more for the preservation of consti-
tutional rank—of unoffending persons and of
legitimate property—than all that ever went be-
fore it, from 1688 to this hour at which we are
writing. Once more, and finally, we warn these
Lords. Let them not flatter themselves by
iniagbdng that the moral power of the English
mind will sleep while it ought to be watchful,
or that the dregs of the populace will be suffered
to molest the community, for the sake of afford-
ing the vindictive and sanguinary spirits of the
time a pretext for smothering Reform by " mili-
tary law," or slandering it by false, however
plausible, imputations. That extreme want,
operating upon ignorance and depravity, may
tend to endanger the public peace, no reasonable
observer of passing occurrences will deny. But
evil tendencies must be counteracted by rational
means. We agree with the worthy author of a
well-considered little pamphlet (" Observations
on the Reform Bill, by Mr. Montagu Gore") that
corps of volunteer householders, armed, officered,
and directed by the Government, would be an
expedient well adapted to meet most emergen-
cies which can arise in the nature of actual vio-
lence. It is a force with which the nation is
familiarized, and from which no evil need be
dreaded. The following passage of the short
essay alluded to shows good temper and good
sense

" Yet it is asked, ' What good does this Bill
effect ?' Let me ask, is it no good to revive the
dormant energies of the Constitution ? Is it no
good to do an act of great justice by giving the na-
tion that full and fair representation to which, by
the statute law, and by the abstract theory of the
Constitution, it is entitled ? Is it no good to sweep
away the alleys and by-lanes, and to make the Com-
mons' House of Parliament accessible only by the
broad way of public merit? It was said by Dr.
Johnson, that every man who arrived at the temple
of Fame by any other path than that of virtue, was
a sully on hs country's annals ; with no less justice
may it be said, that whoever enters the House of
Commons by any other road than those of talent
and merit, is a reproach on the representation of the
country.
" I, has been well remarked by Mr. Christian, in
his Notes on Blackstone's Commentaries, that a great
distinction ought to be observed between civil and
political liberty. Civil liberty, as he observes, may
be enjoyed under the most at bitrary despot ; under
such a ruler it is very possible for excellent laws to
be enacted, and for the strictest observance of them
to be enforced. But does that prove that despotic
are preferable to free States ? Assuredly not ! For
without that political and conservative liberty which
is the especial advantage of free States to enjoy, our
civil liberty is dependent on the life, perhaps on the
caprice, of an individual.
" Again, it is said, that the Bill is a delusion on
the working classes,—that they will gain no advan-
tage by it,—that it is designed for the sole benefit
of the middle ch.ses. What daring effrontery !
What unpardonable misrepresentwion is this ! What!
are we to be told that, in this country, where the
interests of the middle and lower classes are so linked
together, so inseparably united, that any measure
can, by possibility, affect the interests of the one
class, without in an equal degree acting on those of
the other ? Of what, let me ask, does the happi-
ness of the working classes depend but on the pro-
sperity of those immediately above them ? If, by
this Bill, the interest of the master-manufacturer or
farmer be protected, is it not plain that he will be
• able to employ more artisans and labourers ; and that
hus not this or that particular order, but every class
of the State, will derive benefit from it ? It will
not, indeed, elvvate the labouring classes to any
sudden and exalted eminence ; there is no magic in
this Bill, by which gold may be showered upon
them ; nor is there in it any charm by which the
evils inseparable from humanity, and the ills neces-
sarily concomitant on such a state as our's, may be
averted. The BM professes to effect no such quackery
as this.

" But the mode in which its operations will prove
efficacious is simple and intelligible. According to
its provisions, all property, whether manufacturing
or agricultural, will be represented. There will not
be an individual in the kingdom, possessing any pro-
perty of this description, who will not, through his
representatives, have a voice in the Legislature of
the country. Let us suppose, then, that a Minister
should go down to Parliament, and propose any
measure affecting the welfare of the agricultural in-
terest ; there is not a freeholder, or copyholder, or
leaseholder to any considerable amount, who would
not, through his representatives, have a voice in op-
posing it.
" Again, let us imagine that a similar measure
was proposed, injurious to the manufacturing inte-
rest ; there is not a respectable manufacturer in the
kingdom who would not, through the representa-
tives for large manufacturing towns, have a voice in
opposing it.
" But I may be told, that from these conflicting
interests great inconvenience may arise; that one of
two evils must eccur,—either that such a variance
must always prevail between those interests as con-
siderably to embarrass the Government; or that one
of them must acquire an undue ascendancy over the
other. But this danger is, I think, obviated by the
creation of a third constituent body, distinct from
the manufacturing or landed interests ; and which
will form a counterpoise to either ;—I mean the in-
habitant householders of moderate sized country
towns.

" But, anxious •as I feel to see the permanent
welfare of the kingdom established by this great
measure, I cannot refrain from pointing out to you
those hidden rocks which lie in your course, and on
which your hopes may be shipwrecked. Influenced
by the example of a neighbouring country, proposals
for armed Associations, and National Guards, have
been made to you by well-intentioned, but, in my
mind, ill-juding individuals. To buck measures I
see the strongest objections; first, because it is pe-
rilous in the extreme, to establish an armed force,
independent of the executive authority ; secondly,
because I conceive that the security of the public
peace may be as efficiently preserved by other
means. The real power of a State is, after all, its
armed power; and what but evil can ensue if that
power be transferred from the governors to those
who are called the governed ?
w 4 * 0

" Let me ask, would not a well-constituted police,
or a regular trained volunteer corps, be the most safe
and most effective power to maintain the public
peace ? A volunteer corps, commissioned by the
Crown, and subject to regular military discipline,
would insure every advantage that could be desired
for the public tranquillity.
" During the late war many such corps existed in
various parts of the kingdom ; Edinburgh had her
volunteers, which have formed the subject of some
beautiful and patriotic lines from the pen of that un-
rivalled genius, of whom I will not only say
quod,,tetigit, non orizavit,' but that, by his pen, he
has given immortality to every locality he has so
beautifully described, and to every institution of his
country he has so feelingly commemorated. In the
city at Bristol, during the war, there was a regiment
of foot, and a regiment of horse volunteers; and had
such a force existed now, the property of that city
would not have been exposed to the plunder and des-
truction it has recently suffered. In the city of Sa-
lisbury, a very excellent corps of this description has
been already formed, which, under the command of
one of the most respectable citizens of that place,

has become well tiained, and has already rendered
great service in the maintenance of public tranquillity.

" I❑ the next place, Englishmen, let me advise
you not to be mistrustful of the present Ministers.
Can you suppose that the Noble Earl at the head of
his Majesty's Government would, in his old age,
abandon all the well-earned reputation of his poli-
tical life, and relinquish that Reform which, through
evil and through good report, he has so long advo-
cated and defended P Can you suppose that another
illustrious Member of the Cabinet, who has hitherto
devoted his time, his vast talents, his amazing intel-
ligence, his unrivalled assiduity to your service and
your welfare, will now forsake your interests ?"
Times.

We have copied from the Dublin Morning
Register of Monday last the report of a meet-
ing of the Irish Political Union, on Saturday
last. It contains some curious matter, to which
we call the attention of our readers. It appears
to us that both English and Irish are rather ex-
travagant in their demands on Ministers, who
while engaged in so difficult a subject as Re-
form, may have reason for sinning both in the
way of commission and omission, which it
would be difficult to explain. But with every
allowance, there is much in the conduct of
Mi-
nisters which it would be difficult to justify.
With one sin they have been repeatedly charged,
namely, the sin of bestowing their patronage ra-
ther on enemies than adherents ; and suffering
to remain in power and naming to offices of
power, men who use that power to counteract
the exertions of their friends in their behalf. In
fact it looks as if they were only anxious for the
good opinion of their most bitter opponents—of
men who are not to be coaxed into good will to-
wards them ; but would, the very first oppor-
tunity, bring them to the block if they could.
We have often alluded to the mischief sustained
by continuing all the Tory Lord Lieutenants,
and thus arraying against themselves the military
and civil force of the country. If there is a de-
licacy in removing Tories who have long been in
the Lieutenancy, there ought at all events to be
none in keeping them out of new Lieutenancies.
But in Ireland the blunder has been committed
of passing by their friends, and making Lord
Lieutenants of their most rancorous enemies.
Mr. O'Connell, there is no denying it, has
great, and deserves to have great, influence in
Ireland. Mr. O'Connell delivered his country-
men from bondage, for the Duke of Wel-
lington admitted that the necessity created by
Mr. O'Connell alone induced him to concede
emancipation. No true Irishman, then, can
forget his share of the national obligation to Mr.
O'Connell. Possessing as he does the confi-
dence of the nation in an extraordinary degree,
he ought not to have been slighted. In the
Parliamentary warfare of last Session, he did on
many occasions excellent service to the good
cause. This ought not to have been forgotten.
There was evidently a disposition on his part to
forget and forgive ; but he has been coldly re-
pelled. Mr. Fitz-Simon, his son-in-law, has,
he says, been struck out of the commission of
the peace, merely because he is his son-in-law.
" he Whigs," he says," " have made Lord
Wicklow Governor of the county of Wicklow ;
in that same act they have not only showed their
own subserviency, but, I would beg to add, their
baseness, by the promotion of those who have
proved their enemies." He complains that the
very first use that the Anti-Reform Lord Lieu-
tenants are making of their power, is to en-
deavour to turn out the Members who voted for
them in favour of Reform.

" I ridiculed (he says) Lord Wicklow in the
House of Commons, for what he had said arid done in
the House of Lords. I did so in his presence, for
he was under the gallery while I was describing
him, and showing what a paltry and miserable thing
it was to oppose a great popular question.—(Hear,
and cheers.) Lord Wicklow has, since then, taken
his opportunity of revenging himself upon me.—
(Hear, hear.) But who gave him that opportunity
The Whigs.—(Hear, hear ! and cheers.) The
Whigs, to whom I brought the aid, the assistance,
the support, and the cc-operation of the Irish
people—the Whigs ! who bad my support, with
that of forty other Irish Members in the House
of Commons—and many of those Members,
I can tell them, would not have voted for their
Reform measures, but that I urged them to do so,
Yes, it was those very Whigs, who have given
Lord Wicklow the power to do this.—(Hear, and
cheers.) In the appointment of Lord Wicklow they
have done these two things—they have offered an
indignity to me, and an insult to my son-in-law ;
and they have gratified the Anti-Reformers of that
county. The power that has been given to the
Whigs is now trafficking to put the Reform 'Mem-
bers out of the county. Mr. Howard, a high-spi-
rited English gentleman, would not be influenced by
Lord Wicklow ; and Mr. James Grattan is as good
and independent a Member as ever a county could
possess. Mark, then, what the Whigs have done in
Wicklow ; they have given power and influence to
a man who is using that power against them._
(Hear, and cheers.)"
In all the cases of Tory Lieutenancies, such
as Lord Wicklow, Lord Lorton, Lord Forbes,
&c. Ministers cannot gain anything, and must
lose much, because they do not gain over oppo-
nents, but furnish the means of creating fresh
opponents. They could have put forth no power
against them before the appointment, which they
will not still put forth. But possessing, as Mr.
O'Connell does, the confidence of a large part
of the population of Ireland, policy, independent
of every other consideration, dictates the making
a friend of him. The matter does not look.
well ; for the public will naturally conclude that,
in neglecting the popular Irish Members, Minis-
ters are not making the most of the resources
at their command.—Morning Chronicle.
An Evening Paper has announced that it is
the intention of the Anti-Reform party " to try
their strength on an amendment to the address."
We have had many cautions of late against
placing too much reliance on contemporaneous
prophecy ; but as this may be a matter of intel-
ligence, not of prediction, and as a rumour of
this kind has reached us from other quarters, we
shall, at least for the present, assume it to be
true. On such a supposition, then, what must
we think of the Anti-Reformers ? Why is it
that they have resolved to meet, on the very
threshold of Parliament, not the Bill—for there
will be no Bill in existence, when the address is
moved—but the very name of Reform, which is
almost all that the King's Speech can contain
amongst the general allusions of such a docu-
ment ? It is true they may have a sort of im-
pression that the name of Reform can bode
them no good ; that, be the measure what it
will, it must present to their lips some bitter in-
gredient ; and upon this ground they may be
anxious to oppose it by anticipation—that is, in
the most ungracious and unreasonable manner
in which it is possible for men to act. But what,
if such be really their intention, becomes even of
the bit-by-bit Reform which they were good
enough to promise the public, in case the public
would assist them in turning out the Ministers ?
How will they frame their amendment so as to
' condemn Reform in the abstract (for they will
have no specific measure to quarrel with), and

yet promise it in substance as the first act of
their policy on coming into power Will they
throw off the mask, and acknowledge that it is
not Reform, but a cure for Reform, they have
in store for us ? or will they level their opposi-
tion against Ministers alone, approving of Re-
form, but maintaining that they themselves are
the only persons who know how, and in what
proportions, it ought to be dealt out to the
people ? There may be, and probably there is,
at the bottom of this notable project of amend-
ing the Address, a secret hope that they may be
able to defeat Ministers without bringing them-
selves in direct collision with the Bill. But,
however evasive their amendment or their speeches
may be—however shy they may fight of the real
question, every man in society will be aware of
this, that to turn out a party pledged to Reform,
in favour of a party who are pledged to resist it,
will be neither more nor less than to give up Re-
form itself, and that too without waiting to know
its provisions. The condhet of the House of
Lords last session was cavalier enough. Is it
intended that the approaching session shall com-
mence with a still stronger disdain of reasoning?
--Morning Herald.

The Journal des Debats observes—" We are
not yet come, whatever may be said, to a time
when property shall be overturned in the name
of liberty, and when spoliation shall constitute
equality. Labour has still need of property
and justice. It is, therefore, by guaranteeing
property and doing justice to all, masters as well
as workmen, that the Government will be ena-
bled to introduce efficacious ameliorations into
the lot of the labouring class." This sort of
language leads the workmen to believe that it is
in the power of the Government speedily to
ameliorate firicaciously their lot, and conse-
quently leads them to believe, that as Govern-
ment can ameliorate their lot, it is criminal in
not having ameliorated it till force was had re-
course to.. This is holding out an encourage-
ment to all other men suffering from vicissitudes
of trade to rebel against the Government, and
furnishing food for fresh disturbances, when the
workmen of Lyons find that their lot has not
been efficaciously ameliorated. Burke, in his
" Thoughts on Scarcity," has admirably exposed
the doctrine which would place all distress to the
account of Government. A Government can
only relieve the distress of one class by injustice
to another, and that relief must always be of
short duration. If the master is made to pay
more than his profits will allow him to pay, his
stock is thereby diminished, and his sources of
future employment dried up. Society owes to
all its members relief from absolute starvation ;
but, as Burke well observes, charity and remu-
neration for labour are quite distinct. The
French Government, for the sake of the peace
of society, ought to relieve the immediate and
more pressing wants of the distressed workmen ;
but they ought at the same time carefully to
guard against deceiving them into the hope that
it is in their power to obtain for their industry
say other remuneration than can be obtained
from their masters when parties are free. The
Prefect at Lyons, as was well observed by M.
Casimir Perier, ought not to have prescribed
to the masters the observance of any particular
tariff, and his conduct has evidently had the
most disastrous consequences. Less mischief has
been done at Lyons by the capture and occupa-
tion of that splendid city, than might have been
imagined. The French are astonishing ill all
that relates to organization. They have wonder-
rul resources on the spur of the occasion. It is
remarked by Mr. Mill, in his admirable History
of British India, that we are indebted for all
that constitutes the organization which enables
a handful of men to retain a hundred mil-
lions in subjection to the French, who first
set the example. These common workmen
have not merely displayed great military ta-
lents in their mode of conquering and securing
their conquest, but, according to private letters
from Englishmen, great presence of mind in
the means' resorted to for preserving the
peace and securing property. Bravery the
French have in common with other nations ; but
we believe the working people of no other na-
tion have yet displayed the talent for strategie,
which seems so very common in France. Segur,
in his History of the Expedition to Russia,
when remarking the immense losses sustained
by the French in their advance to Moscow, from
the hardships of the march, especially in their
Ge lrian Allies, who, he says are less sinewy
and less sober than the French, has the follow-
inge
spassagepara separated But it was not the sick only
that from the army ; many soldiers
disgusted and dispirited on the one hand, and
impelled by the love of independence and plunder
on the other, voluntarily deserted their colours ;
and these were not the least resolute ; their
numbers soon increased, as evil begets evil by
example. They formed bands, and fixed their
quarters in the mansions and villages adjacent to
the military road. There they lived in abundance.
Among these there were fewer French than
Germans ; but it was remarked that the leader
of these little independent bodies, composed
of men of several nations, was invariably
a Frenchman." We suspect that no country
under what Colonel Napier calls the cold
shade of Aristocracy, will ever exhibit
in its common people the qualities that
strike us in the French. A Frenchman, how-
ever poor, is never abject ; the feeling of equality
never forsakes him. A German, on the other
hand, seldom looks as if he respected himself.
He grows up under a slavish deference to his
superiors in rank. The French peasant, when
he entered the army, saw that the highest post
was open to him, and hence it was not ridiculous
in him to seek every opportunity of acquiring
the higher military qualities. But why should
an English soldier think of more than the manual
and platoon exercise, when, if he possessed
higher qualities, they could be of no use to him ?
He has no equals to stimulate him to exert the
powers of his mind in anything beyond drudgery.
In commerce and manufactures, Englishmen
from the lowest beginning rise every day to dis-
tinction and opulence. Arkwright, for instance,
was a barber ; the late Mr. Rennie was origi-
nally a common millwright ; and we believe Mr.
Telford, the engineer, was originally what in
Scotland is called a common dyke-mason.
Civil talents abound among our working people,
because they are abundantly rewarded ; but our
people will never display military talents, be-
cause promotion is denied to them.—Morning
Chronicle.

THE R lOTS AT BRISTOL.--The hurried
and conflicting statements hitherto published respecting
these fearful disorders, have obviou,ly failed to satisfy the
anxious interest so generally created by the occasion. To
remedy the deficiency, a succinct and dispassionate narra-
tive of the entire proceedings, founded on the testimony of
unimpeachable eye-witnesses, and discarding every thing
that is supplied in the pre-
sent has hnausmnboetr
ntfhetisieupy,ourtnoitfedfacstes,rvice Journal." In this
narrative, the services of the military, which are univer-
sally admitted to have alone arrested the disaster, arc re-
corded with professional clearness and precision,

CHOLERA INIORBUS.

FROM DR. DAUN TO THE MAYOR OF NEWCASTLE.

" Sunderland, Nov. 27.
" Alv DEAR Stn.,—The system of making reports which
I had required has been changed by Dr. Barry, at,d the
Secretary of the new Board of Health has been appointed
to forward to Government the daily reports. I regret,
therefore, I cannot send you the same as heretofore.

" I fear that the cholera is beginning to make its ap-
pearance in Newcastle.
" I have the honour to he, &c.
" ROBERT DAUN."

" Sunderland, Niv. 28.

" At this eventful period, when a new and most alarm.
ing disease has reached our shores, I conceive it to be the
duty of every medical man to take up arms, as it he were
going to oppose himself to a common enemy, and try
every means in his power to arrest its progress, and lessen
its mortality.

" Whether the disease cared cholera now in activity
here be contagious or otherwise,—whether it may hive
been imported from the continent, or produced by the
agency of unknown causes, it is scarcely worth while to
inquire, as it carries with it evidently all the symptom,
and appearances to identify it with the Indian spasmodic
cholera.

" I SAW some cases this morning in the temporary hos-
pital, with Drs. Barry and Daun, and with the parish
surgeon, Mr. Embleton. The effect at first sight which
a case of real cholera produces on the mind, can neither be
described nor conceived. The whole body becomes torpid
and convulsed, the eyes sunk, the countenance of a blue
livid colour, the voice scarcely audible, and the abdominal
viscera seem as if they were pressed in a vice. If patients
recover from this stage of the disease, which seldom hap-
pens, typhus fever ensues : therefore a new character is
given to the disease.
" Various means of cure have been tried, but none have
proved efficacious ; friction seems the best means to restore
the natural action of the capillary vessels, which, if once
effected, Dr. Dams thinks rec.very might follow. Ten
new cases were reported yesterday, and eight deaths this
morning. The disease is evidently on the increase, and
three cases have been reported to-day in Newcastle. Lau-
danum and brandy, in large quantities, have been recom-
mended, but without much benefit.

" The use of pork, vegetables of all kinds, and acid
Emits, are forbidden, as they are considered injurious to the
body in this complaint.
" In what direction this scourge of mankind may bend
its course from Sunderland and Newcastle, God only
knows.

" Drs. Daun, Gibson, and others here, say it is likely
to take its quarters in these isles, as well as every part of
the globe, and exist under similar laws as small. pox or
measles. The post is just going out; I have not time to
give you a more particular account.

" J. GORMAN, M.D.
" Formerly Physician to the British Factory at Cadiz."

(From the Times Correspondent.)

SUNDERLAND, Nov. 28.

I have just received information from a source which
renders the statement all but conclusive, that two cases of
Indian cholera occurred yesterday in Newcastle, The
symptoms, it is said, corresponded exactly to those of the
foreign malady, and the identity was further established
through the medium of an ex:ruination of the body after
death. People in Sunderland are less surprised to hear of
the disease appearing at Newcastle at this time than that
it did not appear there long since, taking into their con-
sideration the unrestricted intercourse maintained by land
between the two towns. But the circumstances under
which the cholera has hitherto been chiefly developed in
Sunderland, were not very favourable to its rapid diffusion
through the neighbouring places. In Mill-street, Love-
lane, Sailors'-alley, Chancery-lane, and Warren-street, the
ravages of the disease have been the most extensive, and the
inhabitants of these localities are in general fixed resi•
dents, who would live and die within the precincts of
Sunderland and its immediate dependencies. These ob-
servations are made on the supposition that I 1 c.hera has
been imported into Newcastle from Sunderland—as a re-
port to this effect, I am informed, prevails in the former
town. In order to prosecute inquiries regarding the
above cases of cholera, and the peculiarities in which they
originated, I shall pay an early visit to Newcastle.
My prognostics regarding the termination of the five
cases of cholera that occurred last week in the poor-house
are now completely fulfilled. The death of the fourth
patient was recorded yesterday evening, and the young
woman who formed the fifth of the number, and of whose
eventual recovery I expressed, at the period of her attack
strong hopes, is at present completely free of cholera symp-
toms, and only suffers from the debility consequent
upon the attack. During last night, however, another
woman in the poor-house was seized, and owing to her
constitutional weakness, and her delay (amounting to some
hours) in calling for medical assistance, I do not entertain
the least expectation that she can survive. At two
o'clock, p.m., the symptoms rendered it probable that she
would die during this day.

The Corporation of Evesham were busied
five weeks ago in concocting a hole-and-corner address, in
opposition to one publicly adopted by the inhabitants.
Within these few days it has been pits fished to the towns-
men. We quote, verbatim the following amusing para-
graph :—" That the corporation of Evesham has for up-
wards of 500 years formed an integral part of that glo-
rious Constitution which, in our times, has successful!:
opposed the united world in arms, and has seen the Em-
perors and Kings of Europe pay homage on our shores
to those institutions which had raised this kingdom to be
the arbitress of the destinies of the nations around." (!)

USEFUL WORKS.—We are requested to
state that new and cheap editions of the following very
useful works have been lately published by Messrs. Cor,
BURN and BENTLEY, New Burlington-street ; viz. " Prac-
tical Economy," a new system, formed from modern dis-
coveries and the private communications of persons of ex-
perience; in which scarcely a single subject connected
with housekeeping, from the care of the library down to
the management of the beer cellar, is not t'eated of, and in
a manner which will afford much useful information to
all who are desirous of properly regul sting their establish-
ments, and of enjoying the greatest possible portion of the
conveniences, comforts, and elegancies of life that their
respective incomes will admit of: the fourth edition, in
one thick volume, price only 6s. bound.-2. " Dr. Kit-
chener's Horse and Carriage Oracle," containing rules fur
purchasing and keeping or jobbing horses and carriages in
the easiest and most economical manner, with accurate
estimates of every expence occasioned thereby ; a work
which, in the words of the Reviewer " will serve to en-
lighten many people who are the prey of their coachmen
and livery-stable-keepers." 1 vol. small Bvo. price 7s. 6tl,
TILE BISHOPS.—Had it not been for the
conduct of the Bishops upon the motion for the second
reading of the Reform Bill, the public might have flinched
from demanding a full and effectual Reform in the abuses
of the Church : thanks, however, to the Right Rev. Pre-
lates themselves, all delusion on the subject has for ever
vanished. The people no longer behold in the heads of
the Church the humble and benevolent teachers of the
doctrines of Christianity, but, on the contrary, an inso-
lent and domineering faction, opposed to all rational and
sound principles of legislation by which an enlightened com-
munity should be governed. Church property is public pro-
perty ; it is held by the Crown in trust for the benefit
of the people, and never was intended to reward the
labours of men who in looking to their presumed indivi-
dual interests, dare to direct a deadly blow against the
spirit of a free Constitution. Exposed—notwithstanding
their sacerdotal robes—in all the hideous deformity of
faction, the Bishops—the present bench of Bishops—can
never more enjoy either the respect or the confidence of
the British community. Rather, if we mistake not, their
lordly reign is destined to be brief, and their princely in-
comes will be reduced to a level consistent with what
ought to be the characteristic humility of their calling.—
Bristol Mercury.
PAISLEY.—The operatives here, who are
principally engaged in the manufacture of shawls and of
muslins, are at this time unemployed, and in so low a state
of distre,s, that a public meeting has been called, and a
subscription entered into, to which several London houses
have contributed. The want of employment is mainly
attributed here and elsewhere to the delay in the passing
eo
the Reform Bill, which has opsrated to create distrust in
both manufacturers and purchasers, and thus prevented
their embarking with their usual spirit in making prepara-
tions fur the ensuing season.
GL GLASGOW.—As
of f
S GevOeNrV
in—
night there were no fewer than four persons lying dead in
one land in Havannah.street—all of whom had died of
fever. In a tobacconist's establishment in town, there
were, in the course of the week, sixteen of the workers—
.tAhiss a
city,l3r o
w proof
o may ay them alarming. tmention
tha t
pre-
valencelast
men and boys—who left the work unwell, nine of them
with confirmed fever, the remainder not decided. In
Thistle-street, Hutcheson-town, four individuala are bed-
fast in one family, and so poor, that a subscription has
been raised for their relief. Many such appalling in-
stances of disease, both in city and suburbs, have come tv
our knowledge.— Glasgow Post.