The Sun.
London, England, 1849-10-16 00:00:00

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common sese and the rational morality of ti ae
lation, they do constitute a miserable and ab solutely
contemptible minority when contrasted with the rest
of the community. In illustration of this, it is only
necessary to refer to the fact which transpired on the
eccasion of the remonstrance made the other morning
to the Prime Minister, at his official residence in
Downing-street, when a person proclaiming himself
the representative of the opinions of Islington sub-
mitted a petition to Lord Joan RUSSELL. Now, be
it observed, this vaunted petition was paraded before
the Premier as expressive of the opinions of the inha-
bitants of that immense district—and yet, though
lying open for signature for several days—How
many names, gentle reader, do you imagine
were subscribed ? Why, two thousand two
thousand out of a population of seventy thousand!
Was there ever a more impudent pretence of repre-
sentation ? A representative of Islington empowered
to speak for the opinion of that locality by 2,000
individuals out: of 70,000 inhabitants WE, the
tailors of Tooley-street—talking as the people of
England—is the only instance of impertinent imbe-
cility comparable to this ! Happily, however, the
regulation of the public service of the country is not
altogether dependent on the whims of fanaticism, or
on the ipse dixit of such representatives of Islington.
Our mind being now thoroughly satisfied that the
Government has no intention whatever of rendering
the plans of the Postmaster-General subservient to the
caprices of this little hysterical squad of Sabbatarians—
we can contentedly and conscientiously pronounce our
views as to what we regard as the
proper observance of the Day considered by
some to be so liable to Desecration. On a
previous occasion we remember to have observed that
the ejaculation of ROBESPIERRE, "If GOD had not
really existed it would have been necessary to invent
him," is singularly applicable to the Sunday. The
remark is not unworthy of repetition, if only as ex-
pressive of our opinion that, even viewed simply in a
social point of view, the ordination of a day of rest
like the Sunday is admirable beyond all terms of
panegyric. Of course in a religious aspect the
matter is still more highly deserving of consideration;
yet merely regarding it, we maintain, in a social
light, the ordinance of the Sabbath under the Jewish,
and of the Sunday under the Christian dispensation,
is indicative of profound wisdom, of the most judi-
cious economy, and of the most exalted beneficence.
It enables the toiling millions to pause at due inter-
vals, to refresh their jaded energies by relaxation, to
strengthen their thews and sinews by repose, and to
invigorate themselves for a repetition of their
efforts, their labours, and their anxieties. It is the
green spot in the wilderness of each returning week—
the halting-place for mental, for bodily, and, what
is yet more, for spiritual refreshment. Each Sunday
is one out of a long succession of oases—where, each
of us, travellers in the journey of life, travellers from
the starting post of the cradle to the goal of the grave,
may tarry awhile at appointed intervals to drink deep
draughts of consolation from the inexhaustible foun-
tains of Religion. Such is our estimation of the day
prdained by Christianity for the repose of the body from
lab,iur and for the prostration of the soul in homage
before the Omnipotent GOD. Rational repose and
solemn adoration are the aims of this great ordinance
of religion. Observed, therefore, with proper respect,
the Sunday would become a day replete with solace
and gratification—the holiday of the form and of the
intellect, not the wretched festival of superstition—
a day to be yearned for with eagerness, not to
be rendered repulsive by an overlading of
irksome and frivolous regulations. Those who
would be instrumental in transforming this bene-
ficent occasion into one of a severe, an austere,
and an unattractive character, 'are militating
against the beautiful scheme of Revelation, are
blurring the bright mirror of morality, with the
miserable effigies of their own sanctimonious hypo-
crisy. We are against them, not as scoffers, but as
among those who reverence the majestic lineaments
of Christianity. We are against them, not as
contemning the observance of the Sunday, but as
solicitous that its observance should not degenerate
from a decent and elevating celebration into a grim
and despicable mummery. We are against them,
because we abhor the shallow assumption of superior
sanctity, whether it squanders ostentatious alms
in the purlieus of the Poultry, or blows
the trumpet of its adoration in the precincts of
Downing-street. Away with them! They are not
more the exponents of the opinions entertained by
the inhabitants of London, or by the population of
Great Britain, than that very absurd gentleman who
had the impudence to call himself the representative
of the 70,000 residents in Islington—than the three
pragmatical tailors of Tooley-street, who called them-
selves the People of England.

WILLIAM BEERS and the Orange magistrates of
Castlewellan notoriety have flung down the gauntlet
to the QUERN'S representative in Ireland, and if we
may augur from the past conduct of Lord CLAREN-
DON, the engagement will be accepted. Jowl
MITCHEL, with certainly higher objects, did the
same, and is now paying the penalty of
his temerity in painful_ exile, witb the felon's
brand upon hie name, MITCHEL inscribed on his re-
bellious standard the proud watch-words of national
indepe nelence, and bearded British authority under
the inspiring guise of Patriotism and Liberty. BEERS
and his confreres would defy British power, and
trample upon British law, under the blood-stained
rag of a paltry faction, inscribed with
the Shiboleth of a narrow and ruthless
bigotry. Are the doughty BEERS and the
" Tollymore Park cheese-eaters," likely to do
with impunity what MITCHEL could not do with the
spell words of nationhood and freedom ? 'We believe
not—we believe the Irish Viceroy will act with
energy, wisdom, and dignity, and will maintain the
supremacy of the law through the length and
breadth of the land.

WILLIAM BEERS, ex-J. P., has issued a se-
cond manifesto, more rabid, more intolerant, and more
bombastic, if possible, than his. first. The ignorance
of historical facts, and the reckless and wilful blind-
ness to recent events manifested in this swaggering
rhapsody, would be fit subjects for contempt or ridi-
cule ; but the atrocious truculence with which be
gloats over these scenes of strife and blood,
the demoniac malignity with which he puts forward
his vile intention to continue them, calls upon us
to brand him as the enemy of his country and his
fellow-man. He says he anticipated his first letter
would have driven a certain portion of the press into
"paroxysms of fury and madness." It would seem
the " Grand Master of the County Down Orange-
men" loves to feed his sanguinary appetite upon fury
and madness. What chance is there for peace in
in Ireland while such men are entrusted with place
or power ? What respect can there be for laws while
such men hare any share in their administration ?
There can be none, and we trust that ere long we
shall see the magisterial beneh, from one end
of the island to the other, purified, by strik-
ing from the list every Orangemen in the
land. We would put the Orangemen and
Ribbonmen in the same category, we would
rigorously enforce the laws in existence against secret
societies, and if they were found insufficient, we
would advise the enactment of new ones.
Orangeism, since its introduction into Ireland in
1795, has been one of its most baneful and
fatal curses. It has done more to create
dissension and bring hatred and contempt upon
the laws than the misgovernment of centuries. At
first it consisted of a set of low, brutal savages, who,
under the name of " Peep-of-Day" or " Break-of-Day-
Boys," attempted by actual force to expel whole-
sale the Roman Catholics from Ulster. The
cry was raised to " Hell or Connaught," and the
barbarous cry was enforced by wrecking the
humble homes and frequently sacrificing
the lives of the Catholics. The Government of the
day connived at these atrocities. The Orange
Society, encouraged by impunity, arising from this
connivance of the authorities and the supineness of
the magistracy, spread rapidly, and soon embraced in
one unholy brotherhood all the ignorance and bigotry
of the land. The tribunals of the law became polluted,
at their source ; the magistrates, the sheriffs,
the jurors were Orangemen. Thus fostered and
countenanced, they resorted to acts of the most re-
volting and intolerable aggression against the
Catholics ; they drove them from fair and market,
assailed life and property, desecrated their places of
worship, Vaned their houses, and in many instances