The Sun.
London, England, 1836-04-29 00:00:00

dissension. To assert that her people are less ad-
vanced, less civilised (the word may as well be used)
than the people of England and Scotland, and there-
fore unfitted for such institutions, is simply to say
that they hate not hitherto experienced the benefit
which such institutions in their best state are capable
of conferring. The Lords may strive to keep these
institutions from the Irish people, as they strove to
render nugatory-the similar ones recently conceded to
the English ; but they will strive in vain. They can-
not stay the stream of Reform—they can hardly make
it deviate in its course ; and by every effort they make
against it, they only show the more how incompatible
is their present state with the new circumstances which
have risen around them.—Morsring Chronicle.
We have looked with much anxiety for the Bills re-
lative to the appellate jurisdiction of the House of
Lords and to the Court of Chancery, of which the
Lord Chancellor gave notice, and upon which the
Ministers plumed theinseliTs so much. The nature of
them was explained by the Lord Chancellor last night
in the House of Lords ; and we have as little don: t
that they will be as utterly scouted by the community
at large when they shall be generally understood, as
that they will be laughed at to-day in the Courts at
Westminster, where their absurd and mischievous ten-
dency will be apparent at a glance. This is obviously
not the time to enter into details on the subject. We
must see the Bills themselves, before we deal with the
project closely. Enough, however, is already apparent
to justify us in denouncing the scheme as radically vi-
cious, because, far from affording to the public any
security for the fair and efficient administration of jus-
tice on appeal in the House of Lords, it is calculated
to insure inefficiency, and to induce suspicion of un-
fairness, while it can be at best but a mere mockery and
farce. The Lord ChancelW,r, according to this plan,
is no longer to have anything to do with the Court of
Chancery. He is to be at the head of the appellate
jurisdiction in the House 6f Lords. A Chief Judge
in Equity is to be appointed, and this functionary is to
take the place of the Chancellor so far as regards the
Court of Chancery. He is to be an appellate judge
from the Master .of the Rolls and the Vice Chan-
cellor. Well, then, this Chief Justice and the
Master of the Rolls, or the Chief Justice and
the Vice-Chancellor, may concur in a decision. This
decision may be carried by appeal to the Chancellor in
the House of Lords. Now who and what may this
Chancellor be ? Why, a politician of course,—per-
haps a trading politician—and not by possibility a
lawyer of eminence, because the office will be precarious,
and because it is not likely that the House of Commons
will consent to make his salary large enough to seduce
from Westminster Hall to the Woolsack any coun-
sel in good practice. How will such a judge (we
beg pardon for so prostituting the word) act in the
ease of an appeal from two men of acknowledged
skill and learning in the law ? A bold man—ano-
ther Jeffreys—if, unhappily, we should ever be cursed
with one—would do aught that iniquity or ignorance
might prompt : but a mere politician, neither learned
in the law, nor lax in principle, would assuredly
not venture to overrule such a decision ; because
he would calculate that the profession and the
public would certainly be on the side of two expe-
rienced lawyers of undoubted proficiency, and not upon
his. It is clear, therefore, that the appeal would he a
mockery or a mischief as the Chancellor might affirm
or reverse. We have not forgotten that this neither-
one-thing-nor-another—this indescribable—this inde-
finable—this Chimpanzee-Chancellor. may summon
the Judges to his assistance. Certainly this tends to
neutralize to a certain extent our objections, because
it will neutralize the Chancellor. For, in proportion
as the Chancellor felt his own insufficiency, this sum-
moning would grow and increase, until by degrees he
would become qui; Judge, a mere cipher, and the office
would be diverted at last from its original intent—just
as have been those of the Lord President, the Chan-
cellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and the Chancellor
of the Exchequer—all of which were originally legal
and judicial. The main objection to the scheme is,
however, that it tends to jobbing in the administration
of justice, and that if that sin should happen by acci-
dent to be avoided, it is so pregnant with cause for
well-founded suspicion of inefficiency, that the public
cannot be expected to endure it.----Thrzcs.

We congratulate every friend to his country. on the
dissolution of that systematic union from which the
Tories have so long derived the power to impede re-
form and to defenahuse. By an extraordinary, but
fortunate fatality, the Parliamentary proceedings of
the present week bear unimpeachable evidence of what
we hope may be called the expiring convulsions of a
defeated faction. In the House of Lords, on the Irish
Corporation Bill, a large section of the anti-liberals
forsook their colours, and beat a retreat to the 771011 S

saver of ultra-bigotry. In the House of Commons
the Marquis of Chandos has carried his contumacious

resistance to his political chief to ope❑ revolt, and
having in private resisted the soft blandishments of the
seductive Bonham, and the sterner remonstrances of

the veteran Holmes, he, in his place in Parliament,
openly throws off his allegiance to Sir Robert Peel,
and insists upon a division, even after his leader had
exhausted his eloquence in a speech made on pur-
pose, to avert so scandalous an exposure. We
think we have a right to claim for this Journal
the merit of having been the first to announce the cer-

tainty of an impending Tory schism. We foretold
distinctly, and—as the event has proved—accurately,
the course which the recusant Peers had determined

......
to adopt upon the Irish Corporation Bill—and we
told our readers, that the utmost that could be ob-

tained from the more ardent spirits among that an-
ti-national faction was a :sulky and silent submission
to the less openly offensive, but not less dan-

gerous, contrivances of their more wary associates.
We shall now direct attention to the Lower House,
and having the privilege of an occasional admit-
tance behind the curtain, we shall exhibit to the

public eve a little of the machinery which the ma-
nagers would anxiously shroud in impenetrable ob-
scurity. The Marquis of Chandos, who is more dis-
tinguished for an ardent thirst for notoriety, than for
sound understanding, or enlightened liberality, has
long aspired to be reputed the leader of the landed
interest, and to secure this envied distinction, he has
for some years regularly brought agricultural distress,
in some shape or other, before the House. It is very
true that a shrewd suspicion exists that his Lordship
is not always quite sincere in these annual demonstra-
_

tions, and it is more than conjectured that during the
late short-lived Peel Administration, his celebrated mo-
tion was a mere display of Parliamentary gladiatorship,
made for the purpose of mystifying his constituents,
who had exacted a pledge to that purpose at the previ-
ous election. . Success was the last thing- the Noble
Marquis either expected or desired, and that for the very
sufficient reason, that thisstumbling block once removed
—the Noble representative for Buckinghamshire was to
become a member of Sir Robert's Cabinet t The Com-

mons of England, however, thought proper to put an
extinguisher upon all these arrangements, and the
patriotic Marquis, disappointed in his views of official
elevation, now resumes his original part of Leader of
the distressed country gentlemen. As a matter of
course, he gives a renewed notice of his annual display.
and as a proof of independence (Sir Robert having no
longera voice in the distrihation of the loaves and
fishes),.he perseveres, in spite of the entreaties of Bon-
ham, the remonstrances of Holmes, and the supplica-
tions of little c4ir Thomas Fremantle, his own per-

sonal friend and protege ; all three successively de-
puted by the conclave of the Carlton Club—of course,
at the instigation of Sir Robert Peel. Lord Chandos
has little 'reason to plume himself upon the present
occa,,ion—his motion, if carried, would lead to nothing
uncovered the weakness, and made
k
but mischief ; and as his motive is perfectly under-
-1 ble division of his parts, without
inc
even' the selfish and paltry giatifieation of .•
•
.117.(11.'n i
the le hasura
Increasing
his own hnpoi taller.
his own popularity, or augmentino
—Morurng Advertiser.

There are not less than fourteen new joint stock
companies advertised in one of the Liverpool papers, the caPi•
tui of which, together, amounted to no less a sum than
0,480,0001. There arc an Apothecaries' Company,
a Carry-
ing Company, a Building Land Company, a Salt Company,
an Irish Banking Company, a
a Tanning Company, a Soap
Company, a Sugar Relining Company, Cotton Company. a
Ha boor Company, a Distillery Company, a NVels]) Packet
Company, a Baking Company, and a Land Purchasing Com-
pany.