The Sun.
London, England, 1836-02-20 00:00:00

course was also kept up with the Clergy of that
Church in other nations, and they were everywhere
encouraged to raise themselves above the Established
Church in the country in which they happened to co-exist.
He was sorry to find that the policy of Russia had
been so far successful in France and various parts of Ger-
many as to induce writers to advocate this Sclavonic Union,
as if any good was to be expected to arise to Europe
from it. As the case stood, the position of Russia to Austria
was such as threatened to overthrow it also ; and he lamented
that the overtures made on the part of that country to this by
an enlightened statesman had not been acceded to. Prussia
was a great nation, and at present useful in promoting the
views of Russia ; but she would not long be able to resist the
intrigues of the latter for her degradation, and then they might
expect to see the Prussian ports of the Baltic seized on by
Russia, which had always aimed at the attaining the character
of a great maritime nation, and the ability of resisting the
power of England by sea.—( Hear.) Russia had at present
from 10,000 to 12,000 men, and a flotilla of 400 vessels, at
the Island of Alan, in the Baltic, within fifty miles of Stock-
holm ; and a few hours' sail would enable her to make a
descent on the Swedish coast (unprotected as it was by rocks
or shoals) at any time her policy might invite it. She also
held at her disposal 15,000 troops in Finland, whom she lcd
in the last war against the brave Poles by a subterfuge of the
Autocrat, who declared that he wanted them to march against
France. Again, looking to the coast of the Northern Ocean,
the western boundary of Russia approached within thirty miles
of s'n excellent harbour for line-of-battle ships on the coast of
Norway, and roads would only have to be made to enable her
to avail herself of their tempting proximity.—( Hear.)
With the resources of Norway and Sweden at her com-
mand, she might calculate on being furnished with the
best sailors and shipping in the world.—( Hear.) In such
a position as Russia might then assume—her fleets joined
perhaps on occasion by those of. America and " our faithful
ally," Holland—England would repent her former oversights
and her present tranquil neglect of precaution too late.—
( Hear.) What were the results throughout Europe and
Asia as far as its power extended ? Commerce restricted and
production monopolised—a savage tyranny blended with an
odious corruption—a debasing espionage and mean spoliation
pervading every department—vassalage legalised—improve-
ment deprived of its stimulus—barbarism and superstition en-
throned with mutual honours—and all the moral and physical
degradation that marked a state of slavery widely diffused
over a vast empire.----:(Hear, hear.) Napoleon, and many of
the ancient conquerors, distinguished themselves by the ame-
liorations and improvements which they introduced into their
conquests; but, be would fearlessly inquire what good had
Russia ever brought to her captives? We had been accus-
tomed to • bear of the civilization which it was predicted
Russia yvould introduce ssiplongst the Turks, but their former
eulogists were now ashassted of themselves, and prudently said
nothing more on that subject. But what could be said in
defence of. Weir barbarous treatment of the noble Poles—
(Hear)—who" had 'endured oppressions unheard of for fifteen
years, and did not take up arms till goaded into self-defence
by their oppressors —( Hear.) And when they had within
their power the brother of the tyrant who had wasted the
country with fire, and sword, and watered it with the tears
of its inhabits s, with rare magnanimity they suffered
nit
him to go peaceably away. What did Russia do for Poland
in return.? SWwered on it confiscations, forfeitures, impri-
sonment, exile; and every species of oppression that could be
I inflicted{ on- ,the unfortunate. Children were torn from the
0 antis ttlr parents, and all the ties of nature were burst
asundet.'4 ' urches were desecrated, altars pillaged ; the very
langti* of Poland abolished as far as possible, and cruelty
of every kind practised to a degree that had justly sufficed to
make the name of 'Russia clebrated as the enemy of mankind.
—(
Hear, hear.) These things were now known. Formerly all
statements upon the subject were, met by " Ifs." " If the
statements were true." But now they were admitted to be
true. They were no longer doubted, or pretended to be
doubted. This, then, showed the character of the Govern-
ment of Russia ; but he should not farther expatiate on so
frightful a subject. It must excite the indignation of every
man in the House. No man in that House oesired war ; but
if the crisis had arrived when war became necessary for the
honour of the country and the safety of Europe, then he was
sure there was no man who would shrink from the contest.
—(
Cheers.) Some persons entertained the hope that Rus-
sia would fall by her own weight. But this was a false hope.
There was no instance of any country raised to aggrandize-
ment by such means as Russia had adopted ever falling by
her own weight. la such means there were sown no seeds
of decay. The Autocrat of Russia was neither an Alexander,
a Tamerlane, nor a Napoleon. No : Russia was a Govern-
ment progressing onward in her aggrandizement by a regu-
lar, steady, and systematic course. He should read a passage
from a most valuable publication, which every Gentle-
man who was desirous of understanding the real policy
of Russia, and indeed of Europe generally, should study—he
meant the " British and Foreign Review."—(The Noble Lord
then read the passage, which described the power of Russia
as progressive and measured, not hurried, but yet rapid in its
march. Not the conquest of a petty leader, but the progress
of a cautious invader of the liberties of other nations; one
whose chains did not clank—whose thunder gave no cage
and whose hand, while stretched forth to grasp, produced it
shadow to give caution.) It did not suit a country like Eng-
land, which held in her hands the balance of Europe, to tem-
porize. Napoleon had reduced Russia to a second-rate Power
—the utmost that she ever deserved or should be permitted to
be ; but still Russia did not give up her designs. She had
stopped only to consider how she could the more safely and
steadily advance. She must, therefore, be checked at all
points. We must not only protect Turkey, but we must also
protect Poland, which was the door to Turkey. There was no
pretence that Russia did not avail herself of to seize on and
possess herself of neighbouring States. She had used the
pretext of the plague to seize on Wallachia and Moldavia
by a sanitary cordon. If, therefore, we did not lay hold of
every opportunity to protect the nationality of Poland, we
could no longer boast of the power to hold in our hands the
balance of Europe. He had thought it his duty to bring this
subject before the House, and perhaps it might be asked why
he, who was so inadequate to do justice to the subject—
( Cheers, and cries of " No, no")—should have taken it up?
It was because he did not see that any pther Member felt dis-
posed to do so, and he was desirous of awakening the country
to a sense of the danger that Russian power threatened to Eu-
ropean liberty.—( Cheering.) There had been no motion
made in that House for a whole year on this subject, and be
felt that it was one which should not be suffered to slumber
longer. He did not wish by this motion, or any other pro-
ceeding of his, to embarrass his Majesty's present Government
—quite the reverse. He was one of their most zealous sup_
porters, but he was desirous of seeing them take that line
which he believed to be the best calculated to protect British
interests.—( Cheers.) It was because he wished for economy
that he would at once arrest the progress of Russia, by adopt-
ing a high tone, becoming a great nation.—( Cheers.) He
would rather risk a war than show submissiveness..—( Cheers.)
It was impossible to have peace respected unless it was ho-
nourable and secure.—( Cheers.) He hoped, for the honour
of the Government, that some of its members would express
their opinions on this occasign. He hoped also that the Right
Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, who had left the
House, would return, and give his opinion in so important a
discussion. He hoped, too, to hear the sentiments of the
Noble Lord, the late Secretary of the Colonies, the Member for
North Lancashire (Lord Stanley), and the opinions of the Right
Hon. Baronet the Member for Cumberland (Sir J. Graham).
He- was sure that his Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs aimed at a higher and more noble ambition than re-
taining his place on the Ministerial bench. He was sure his
Noble Friend looked to th
as the perofmtaecteowr hoifchthfuetuirnetehriesstotsryowfotuhlde
Cheers)—whose profound views maintained
bestowßritish
eumpopniroh_im(
her dignity and upheld her honour.—(Cheers.) He had
to apologise for detaining the House so long.—( Cheers, and
cries of " No, no.") He should now proceed and move
for the papers of which he -had given notice, and he
could not think that it was intended to resist his motion.
He should first ask for the treaty of Unkiar Sklessi and the
correspondence connected with it. The effect of that treaty
was that not one of our ships of war could pass through the
Dardanelles without the permission of the Russian Govern-
ment. But this applied to merchant ships as well as men-of
war, because if merchant ships destined for the Black Sea
attempted to pass the Dardanelles with their convoy, they
could not do so without Russian permission. How, he would
ask, did it happen that the Ambassador from England to
Russia condescended to leave the frigate that conveyed him at
Constantinople, and embark on board a vessel unsuitable to
his character ?—( Cheers.) How was it that Lord Durham
was obliged to proceed in the Pluto, a disarmed vessel, from
Constantinople, before he would be permitted to enter Sebas-
topol ?—( Cheers.) Was not this bringing an indignity on the
flag of England ?—(Cheers.) Our Ambassador, too, was
compelled to enter that port without a salute being fired by
the Russian authorities, and what was the reason they assigned
for this neglect, bordering very closely upon insult ? Why,
that they thought the Pluto was a merchant vessel. Was not
this part of the consequence of the treaty to which he alluded?
At this very time, too, and since, Russian men-of-war, fully
armed, with their pennons flying, passed unobstructed through
the Dardanelles to the Black Sea. This, then, was the way
thatßritimshemn-eozw ofa-r were f
war wereavtroeuarteed.
treated, andthis
Whate
frotohte
mustway thatno not
Russian
this have upon the Turkish Government and nation ? Must
it not exhibit to them the power of Russia, while attter same
betrayed
by this the
the
treaty
powero of f
timeßus it
hadsia demanding thees 2
elusion of all men-of-war, and to_ assist in executing the
treaty,:if Turkey heitlelf should not be enabled to carry it into
effect, in the event of Russia being at war with any other
nation. Russia was now at war with Circassia, and might
she not, therefore, demand the execution of the treaty ?
The treaty stipulated that the two nations were to assist each
other against all attacks, and Russia, while she left Turkey to
adopt other means of defence, was to, have the exclusive privi-
lege of possessing the Dardanelles. Another treaty, a copy
of which he should ask, was the Treaty of St. Petersburgh,
signed in January, 18.34. This treaty had been alluded to in
two separate Speeches from the Throne, first, on the 29th of
August, 1833, and, secondly, on the 4th of Feb., 1834. In
both those Speeches his Majesty expressed his determination
not to suffer any further interference with the independence of
the Turkish Empire, and yet in the same week in which the
last of these speeches was delivered the Russian Government
concluded a treaty with Achmet Pacha, by which a large ter-
ritory, giving a direct entrance into Turkey, was ceded to
Russia. This treaty, then, at once affected directly the sta-
bility of the Turkish empire, which his Majesty expressed his
determination to preserve unimpaired. He also wished to
have the correspondence relating to this treaty. The Govern-
ment ought not, it could not, refuse it. There were other papers
referring to Poland which he thought ought not to be refused ;
but if the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Foreign Department
would say that negotiations were still going on, on the subject of
Poland, with the Russian Government,lhe would withdraw that

pizdt
oo of hishe her barbarous,
oußs,ussia
fore, there was a prima facie ease made out for calling on the
,in
remorselessspite
soyfs
taelinl rho interference,thon gh there-
fore,
Government to be no longer supine on a subject that so deeply
involved the interests antf honour of the nation. He belonged
to the Liberal party ; he belonged to the Whig party—that,
party which had done more for the wellbeing and benefit 0.1
the country than any other, and which alone, he believec_i
could govern the nation with advantage. But when he recol-
lected the conduct of that party towards Poland he could not
but feel that there was a blot, a stain upon their character,.
which their future conduct alone could efface. They had
already to answer for the sacrifice of Poland. Let them net
also have to answer for the sacrifice of Turkey as well as Pe"
land. The Noble Lord then moved for the production of--
Ist. The treaty of Constantinople of the 28th of July, 1E133,
called the treaty of Unkier Skelessi. 2d. The treaty of St.
Petersburgh of the 29th of January, 1834. 3rd. Any corre--,
spondence between this Government and the Governments of
Russia and Turkey relative to those treaties. 4th. Any cor-
respondence with the Government of Russia relating to the
conduct pursued by Russia towards Poland.
Mr. T. A TTWOOD seconded the motion. He was sure
that the people of England would support the Government in
carrying on a war with Russia for the independence of Poland.
—(No, no and hear.) The Noble Lord ought rather to
pawn the Crown jewels than let England be brought to such
a state in which she could not vindicate her own independence
or the independence of her allies.--( A laugh.) The Noble
Lord must take care to prevent RuSsian intrigue operating.on
his mind. The Noble Lord had more than once insinuated
that his (Mr. Attwood's) wish for a war with Russia arose
from an anxiety to get paper money, and also that his consti-
tuents might get orders for arms ; but he would not say that
Russian influence or intrigue had operated with the Noble
Lord when he suffered that Power to attain such a sway.--
(A laugh.) He (Mr. Attwood) could not help saying, that
by pursuing the course that had been followed, the honour of
England had been sacrificed. He charged the Noble Lord
with having been guilty of a dereliction of duty in not watch-
ing sufficiently the interests of this country. The Noble Lord
long ago ought to have laid on the table papers calling for an
addition of men to the army; and instead of 'fitting out a
fleet now, it had sailed two years ago, the Russian fleet never
would have been at Sabastapol, and this nation might have
done what she pleased there. It was said that this country
could not support the expense of a war so long as we bad
a gold standard, but she could do so with good paper.---'
(Great laughter.) Now the Noble Lord had called for an
addition to the fleet ; he trusted that the Noble Lord would
not do as Lord Liverpool did—namely, hesitate to do ant'
thing. He would tell the Noble Lord, if he did not intend
to war to the knife, he would recommend him to be quiet.--
(Laughter. ) If they proceeded firmly, they would make
short work with Russia. This country had submitted for 11P•
wards of twenty years to the grossest insults from that power;
and we had allowed her to go on gaining in influence and
strength, but if the Noble Lord would show the spirit of an
Englishman, or, aye, of an Irishman--( Great laughter)
this country would humble Russia to the dust. The sooner
England struck the blow, the more easy would success be;
He trusted that there was not a man in that House who would
not admit that England had been grossly insulted by Russia
and if there was such a man, he did not envy either his heart
or his head.—(Laughter.) He was sure that a war with Russia
would be the most popular war that ever was entered into,"
(No, no.) He had good information as to the feelings of the
people of England ; he was. sure, that in case of such a war'
they would get any number of s tilors they might require al
volunteers from the merchant service. The chief enemies 0'
such a war were the Jews—(Laughter)—by the Jews be
meant the remorseless money grinders.--( Renewed laughter.)
No man should be allowed to sit in that House, who was a
holder of a large amount of Consols. No man who was in-
terested in the national burdens' should sit in the House.---
(Laughter.) No man interested in Consols should be allowed
to administer the law or have a voice in vindicating the honour
of England. They were aware, that in case of a war, Con-
sols might again fall as they did in 1796, to 58.—(A laugh.)
In 1817 a treaty was entered into between France and Eng"
land, and Russia, for supporting the independence of Greece,
and the latter party engaged not to pass the Pruth. Inimedi: •
ately afterwards the English fleet destroyed the Turkish fleet
at Navarino, and soon after this was done Russia said that
she had a private ground of quarrel with Turkey, and sent
her army across the Balkan to Adrianople, which she never
would have done if the Turkish fleet had not been destroyed.
The Duke of Wellington was then at the head of affiirs—bel
and a worse man than the Noble Lord, who was at the beau
of the Foreign Department, he meant Lord Aberdeen—re-
fused to go to war. Count Nesselrode imposed upon theol'
and stated, " Oh we have a private quarrel with Tin-kg-;
our honour is involved, and you ought not to prevent us vindli
eating it." This satisfied the Duke of Wellington and Ler
Aberdeen, and for which he (Mr. Attwood) would never fa'
give there.—(A laugh.) The Duke of Wellington had sub'
mitted to insults which no man with the blood of an Englisu"
man or an Irishman either, in his veins, would have borne.
He forgot that it was a question of English honour as well as
of English interest. If the Noble Lord at present at the
head of the Foreign Department, would drive the barbarians
back to their wildrness, if he would show his sincerity by
blockading the Baltic, he (Mr. Attwood) for one, would re-
turn him his most sincere thanks.
Lord POLLINGTON could not agree with the 'kJ':
Gentleman who spoke last, that a war with Russia would be
desirable. The House, however, was greatly indebted to the
Noble Lord for calling their attention to this important sub'
ject. The Polish nation must feel grateful and proud that the
attention of a British House of Commons was thus drawn t 0
theirad provedcause.
mostTlie
iapathynjurioonfs
.E 1 thiscountry
voisni
ttebde subjectthe
s at;
vi
h
tpno
es
rs
oe s
figssio n
no
o Dalmatian
f Russia since Greek
]a last t session,
whoand was not
desiroush e couldto s . ht t
fer his allegiance from Vienna to Russia, as being of
the
trans
ng-
religion.
Mr. B. HOY did not wish for war, nor did he believe the
people of England wished for it. There were only three 081:
in which British interests in India could be injured. First'
by interfering with the religion of the natives. Secondly, by
colonization. There was no instance of a colony having been
colonised that did not ultimately separate itself from them
ther country. The third was by degrading their own servic
in India to the level of the natives. The moment this was
done their hold of India was lost. He considered -the dsZ
very distant indeed, when Russia should be able to invade
India successfully. He could not approve of the policy Pic
sued by England towards Turkey. They had no more rig
to assist in the separation of Greece from Turkey than Turkel
would have to separate Ireland from England. No countrY,
in Europe was worse treated than Turkey. They had to coLne
tend at the same time against European alliance, against tn.,
Pacha of Egypt, and against Servia. Besides this, they were
always oppressed by a system of quarantine. The Noble L
talked of the aggressions of Russia ; but let him look at
England, and see the extent of her aggressions in India sir%
the time of Lord Clive. Sufficient attention had not bee_
paid to their foreign policy since the question of Ref 4;
began to be agitated in that House.—( Hear, hear.)
Noble Lord who brought forward this motion seemed to thing
that it would not be a difficult matter for a fleet to pass the
Dardanelles at night. A short time back he proceeded to the
Dardanelles in a Maltese vessel. It was dark when they SE:
proached. A light was instantly displayed, and in a few 0,1„'
mites several shots were fired. This, with the Turkish o'7
tonments stationed in the plains of Troy and in other parts ate t
jacent, proved that the Turks were not so inattentive to t',l
passage ao the Noble Lord seemed to suppose. If war shoal
become necessary, he hoped Englsnd would stand alone in the
contest, as she had done before.
Lord PALERSTON said, however he might admire thetei
M
ability with which the Noble Lord introduced and support his
his motion—however far he might concur in some parts of
speech, or differ from other parts of it—there were two so;
timents uttered by the Hon. Members who followed him in the
debate from which he must entirely dissent. The Honourah'_,
Member for Birmingham expressed a desire to see this count",
as soon as possible engaged in a war. He by no means e°,4
_1
curred with him.—(Cheers.) On the contrary, it was his
most sincere wish that they should continue at peace.— ( Lou
cheers.) If, however, it should be their fate in consequell'ci
either of aggression or of provocation, to find themseff"f
engaged in a war, he would not concur in the wish a
the Hon. Member for Southampton that they should sten,
unassisted.—(Cheers.) He trusted, if. they did go to
that the friends they had formed in peace by dignity and red
tegrity of conduct would not be indifferent spectators, and t
a war which would, and could, be only just, should be sq;
ma
ported, not only by the sympathies of nkind, but by t!"„
active exertions of faithful allies. His Noble Friend wn;
brought forward the question, said it was one of great nlf
tiortal importance. In that opinion he firmly concurred.
iiaf
e
_if
there was any man who thought that the foreign relations
the country were Matters indifferent, that person must --
looked at the affairs of mankind and of nations with little
profit. Nor could lie agree with his Noble Friend in thinkinge
that the attendance of late years in that House when subject
relating to the foreign policy of this country were brought ft)
-1.1;
ward favoured the supposition that there prevailed either le
the House or in the country any indifference to those cll:',ebe
tions. He could never concur in the notion that either 4f
nation or Parliament had felt indifferent as to the affairs
of
Europe, or of other nations ; for, on the contrary, he was
‘be
opinion that if anything more peculiarly characterised I_,,
people of this country from those of others, or the deliber
tions of the two Houses of Parliament,;it was an extremee%
xiety to give an earnest attention to the events passing aronbues
them. So much so, indeed, bad this feeling prevailed, tile
the nation perhaps on some occasions had rather gone be
the Government, in a keen perception of coming events, nos
an eagerness to grapple with them, than they had stvAlnof
disposition to lag behind in the discussion of questions ra
foreign policy, or an indifference to their fate. If he 010
Palmerston), were permitted to give an explartad
of the indifference, apparent only, to which his Noble frralo
alluded, importance
but of
roth,:
agcroena
fit questiondenee t::
had referred, he would say that he thought it arose, not n't
awnbitsehnissibNiloitbyletoFrtiohned
Government—(Hear)--4rom a conviction on their parts Lad
the manner in which the foreign policy of the counting*,
been administered under their management had been suelief
thatt h
othes
subject,
it
pee
cue
rttp,i on
without
goadingot ht e
itsG obvoe
inirnn
gm
order enneto we t
soas sa snyt
induce
uhd
cai
eot ut shlye
theym i
srai
oe
It:
hi::
t
same time that they preserved
to have secured the prevalence of peace, and in the "%
ea
undergo
to
(Ile
honour, the dignity, and the interests of the f
peace, also to preserve t
country.— 0
hear.) If the nation had thought that the foreign no"e" r-
the country was being ill administered, the House
would eueep
Willy not have been so empty as it had generally been ""c:5-
questions relating to it were brought forward. Whenever al;e,
satisfaction bad from time to time on former occasions Poby
veiled, the ffouse had invariably been much fuller when sere
jects connected with the foreign policy of the country vide
brought forward than when occupied by questions of a

i