The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-02 00:00:00

sumed her own manufactures; and that your expo 4 eve
consequently fallen off more than 30,000,000 of ylr f.—
(Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, these two famines combine! t 4ive
you a chance with the United States which it is c 13.. you
can never again enjoy in your commercial intercourse with
her.—(Hear.) With regard to the third exceptional circum-
stance, Hon. Gentlemen on the other side point to the
convulsions that have taken place upon the Continent,
and attribute that as a cause of the failure of their
commercial system. Have we not had every daily organ,
every morning journal, and every evening paper—aye,
every oracular weekly published on the Saturday—
( A laugh)—reminding us that this was only what they had
from the first anticipated and expected. One and all of
these writers maintained that, in the present state of the
Continent, English manufactures could not by any possibi-
lity be disposed of. But what is the fact? It now appears
that, in 1848, more English manufactured goods were ex-
ported to the Continent than ever.—(Hear.) The third great
cause turns out, therefore, to be a circumstance—excep-
tional, if you will—but a circumstance also highly favour-
able to the development of your commercial system.—
( Hear and a laugh.) There are two other circumstances
that would likewise be alleged as exceptional, no doubt, but
which are likewise highly favourable to the system. They
have not been referred to; but their influence cannot be
calculated upon any longer. In the first place, the corn
famine on the Continent prevented agricultural distress in
this country from
,being felt as it was now begun to be felt.
That is a fourth exceptional circumstance. There is
another, a fifth, which is also one of importance.
Men who have considered the subject of the na-
tional distress in all its bearings—men who have
considered it calmly in the closet, and without re-
ference or connexion with any party in the State—these
calm, dispassionate, thinking men have always held that if
you attempt to fight hostile tariffs with free imports. and so
to endeavour to get rid of those evils, or alleged evils, that
existed in respect to the commercial intercourse of one coun-
try with another, the consequence of that course of policy
would be an injurious effect produced on the distribution of
the precious metals—an effect that would be more hurtful to
England than any other country, because of her fixed debt,
her fixed rate of payments, and her unchangeable standard of
value. But what has happened in respect to this circum-
stance? The convulsion on the Continent, which you so much
deprecate, has saved you from the effects of that disturbance
in distribution which would otherwise have ensued, and
poured the precious metals into the lap of this country, not
by means of a commercial, but by means of a political action.
—(Hear, hear.) In fact your alleged five great causes of
failure—your five exceptional circumstances—have acted
altogether in favour of your commercial system—have given
it a support which it can never expect again, and have
softened down and rendered harmless for the time its in-
evitable evil to the country. And yet you go about the
country telling the people in all parts that these circum-
stances have been the cause of the failure of your system.
—(Hear, hear.) Why has your system failed? and why
has the commerce of the country been in an unprosperous
state? I will tell you. Because the countries whose pro-
ducts you take will not take your products.—(Loud cheers.)
I have shown you how the United States, with a corn
famine in Europe and a cotton famine in America, only
took from you 60,000,000 of yards one year, and in the next
only 30,000,000 of yards, though they received of your
money eight and a half millions sterling in the same period.
—( Hear, hear.) Look at our position with respect to Brazil.
You will all recollect that Brazil was the pet place

of the Ministry ; you will all recollect the glo;Ting
accounts given by the late Vice-President of the Board of
Trade of its manufacturing-consuming capabilities. Yet in
1648 there were 25,500,0001. worth of property sacrificed in
that country ; and so glutted was the market that Eng-
lish goods were selling at Bahia at half the cost price. I
hold in my hand a letter from a merchant resident in
that country, dated December 2, 1848, in which the
writer says, " The state of trade in this country is truly
alarming. What the result of increased imports may be we
cannot foresee. We have cargo after cargo sent out here.
The future is an enigma which I cannot solve. What will
become of the goods already received is inconceivable. The
stores and warehouses, even the custom-houses, are fall to
repletion. If we continue to import, we may shortly wit-
ness piece goods sold below the prime cost in the country of
their production." This is the state of the markets of Brazil.
I have already shown the House the state of the market
of the United States.' All this has been caused by

the adoption of your commercial system. Your position in
Europe is no better. Russia is hermetically sealed against
you, and Prussia is not yet shook.—(Laughter and hear.)
I know that some gentlemen will say " It is no matter how
much we export, it is all a question of import ; inasmuch as
foreigners will not give us their goods without getting some-
thing from us in return." This is all very true. But the
country is looking at this moment to what terms of exchange
in the matter may be most beneficial. You may force the
markets and glut the markets abroad as much as you choose ;
but I forewarn you that the only effect of such operations
against hostile tariffs will be that you will exchange more
and more of your own labour every year for less and less
of an equivalent ; that you will, therefore, render British
labour and native industry year by year less efficient—
that you will degrade it by lessening profits, and there-
fore by lessening wages—and that you will, as the phi-
losophers have foretold you, effect that distribution of the
precious metals which will be most injurious to this country.
Therefore it is that I advocate reciprocity—therefore it is
that I believe all practical men now advocate reciprocity as
the basis of our commercial system. I have always sup-
ported it in this House—not on those principles amusingly
attributed to me by Hon. Gentle Men opposite, but on those
principles propounded in the treaty of Utrecht, those
principles copied and acted upon by Mr. Pitt, those
principles which formed the foundation of Mr. Eden's
instruction, those principles, in a word, which were fully
adopted and wisely applied by the Cabinet of Lord
Liverpool, and which we abandoned in 1846. There
is another reason why you should no longer delay—
though you may think you are able to justify delay—in
dealing with the question, on what commercial principle
the policy of this empire ought to be conducted? You
can no longer delay the consideration of the state of our
colonies.—(itear.) Tins is a question that is no longer a
mere question of differential duties. You, the disciples of
political economy, on every occasion have enunciated as an
admitted principle that our colonies are to be regarded as
an integral part of the empire. But though you proless
this principle, Ido not find that you act on it. You have
acted on opposite principles with respect to your colonies.
You will therefore have to consider your relations with the
colonies, if you agree on the expediency of the principle of
commercial reciprocity. This is the only principle on
which you can re-construct your commercial system, so
as to make it an advantage to the mother country and
to the, other side. This principle is consonant with
every principle of common sense. It is not a mere phi-
losophical abstraction, but it rests on the principles of ab-
solute truth—it is the only expansive system by which a
commerce can be established advantageous to the •country.
We must give up the idea of fighting hostile tariffs with free
imports, for so long as such a course of policy is pursued so
long will it prove injurious to commerce. And what has
been the result of your system? Every year you come down
here, not to congratulate the House of Commons on the
state of commerce, but to explain why the colonies are
undergoing sufferings and privations; and all you now ven-
ture to say in the Speech is, that the colonies are recovering
from the unparalleled checks which they have received.—
(Cheers.) lam not going to trouble the House with much
statistical detail. I give you my conclusions founded on
facts whibh are accessible to all—there is no mystery in the
statements I refer to, they are drawn from official returns in
the library; and I have no other advantage in referring to
them except that they are comprehensive and accurate.
Though I will not trouble the House with the details, I will
give them my conclusions as to the value of that system
which has recently been in the ascendant, even on that
branch of national industry—the industry of Lancashire
—we being taught that to the interest of our Lanca-
shire trade all legislation must bend.—(Hear, hear.)
The returns which I shall read will surprise some Hon.
Gentlemen in this House, and many more in the country.
The exports of calico, plain and printed, from the year 1831
to 1846, show us the progress of the trade to our British pos-
sessions and to foreign countries. During these 16 years,
for it is only from such a general view that we can form an
idea of the colonial trade with all foreign parts, the ex-
ports were 5,913 millions of yards; to the British colonies
they were so that our colonies have taken 313,000,000 yards
more than the rest of the world in the same period; in
the same period Canada and other North American
colonies took 680 millions of yards, while the United
States, for whose sake we have ventured so much, took
only 514,000,000 of yards. Our American colonies, there-
fore, took in the same period 165,000,000 yards more
than the whole of the United States in the sixteen years
I have referred to. In the same period, the West Indies
took more than the foreign colonies by 86,000,000
of yards. India and China, compared with the Brazils, ex-
ceeded, in the same period, 903,000,000 of yards. I know
what will be said—that so large a period as sixteen years
ought not to be taken, because at that time the colonies were
highly protected, and trade was not in its proper state. To
meet this difficulty, I will divide the sixteen years into two
parts of eight years each, and show you that the result will
be the same. I find that during the last eight years, as com-
pared with the first, there has been an increased export of
Manchester goods, to the British possessions, of one billion
566 millions, while to all foreign possessions there has. been
an increase of one billion, showing an advantage, in favour of
the British possessions, of 566 millions. To the British West
Indies there has been increased export to the extent of 69
millions of yards, while to the United States there has been,
during the last eight years, a falling off of 105 millions
yards.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to these facts I wish to
make one observation to the House, and that is, that during
the last year, since the changes in our commercial
legislation, the total decrease in our exports to all parts has
amounted to 174 millions of yards. Here are changes since
you changed the principles cf your commercial code. These
are instructive data—this is the moral of your new com-
mercial system ; and yet, in the face of documents drawn up
by your own officers, and sometimes doctored by your own
officers—(Hear, and a laugh)—you call on the House of
Commons to express an opinion which in substance is that
at present there is a substantial and wholesome revival of
trade. The Address does not dwell very forcibly on the re-
venue. It seems to me that her Majesty's Government were
unwilling to use very strong terms in referring to this sub-
ject. And when I recollect that the principal source of the in-
crease in the revenue has expired just now I am not sur-
prised at the modesty of tone adopted; yet I certainly can-
not feel there is room to congratulate the country on the
state of this question. On the contrary, I should have
thought that the state of the revenue would have forced
her Majesty's Mininister to consider the question on what
course of policy the commerce of this country shall be per-
tdanently established, and to have added that the experience
of late years had induced them to declare that reciprocity
was to be the acknowledged principle of our tariff, and that
this was the only principle on which the tariff could be con-
stituted for the advantage of our commercial system.—
(Cheers.) I now approach a more interesting portion of
her Majesty's Speech, and I have only delayed referring to
this part before, because I felt it to be my duty, in
vindication of opinions in which, however we may be
outnumbered, we are prepared to own, to state those
opinions fairly to the house and to the country--confident
always, and never more confident than now, that ulti-
mately they will be adopted by the force of that public
opinion which, from experience, we know is being raised
against our views.—( Hear.) I will now call the attention of
the House to those more lively and stimulating. parts, which
form the more stirring portions of her Majesty's Speech. And
when I listened to her Majesty's Speech and the well-trained
echo which it called forth, I was surprised, I confess, at the
moral courage of the Government. It is the first time since
I have had the honour of a seat in this House that the Sove-
reign has met Parliament and has not been able to congratu-
late the House of Commons that she has received from all
her allies expressions of continued amity. This is a most
significant omission.—(Hear.) However, her Majesty has
been advised " to feel it satisfactory to be enabled to state
that both in the north and south of Europe the contend-
ing parties have consented to a suspension of arms for
the purpose of negotiating terms of peace." Now, that
expression appears to me to be very obscure—more dip-
lomatie than Parliamentary. Who are the contending
parties? Are they her Majesty's allies who are referred to
in the words the north of Europe? Last session Iha the
honour of calling attention, in May last, to the position of
Denmark, and I believe that had it not been for that suspen-
-619n Of RUM; the CQUIItrY TAW 11M CPPY i tho c911§13,,

quences of peace. Let us hope we shall be enlightened on redactions in the estimates of last year? Why, when we
this subject. by some of her Majesty's Ministers. Then as to met last year her Majesty had allies. Her Majesty had not
the South of Europe, has there been a suspension of arms in I only allies, but sovereigns have since been her guests in her
Sicily or Italy? Let us receive information from her Ma- I own Castle. Foreign affairs last year were so tranquil, that
jesty's Government on these matters without delay. I ' it was with difficulty that the Noble Lord who presides over
thought at first that this suspension of arms must have been the foreign department could furnish his quota of the Royal
a mistake, that the paragraph had not been enunciated con- Speech, in which he stated that there had been a treaty con-
rectly, and lam still at a loss to give any definite idea to it; eluded with an American Republic, the name of which per-
for we have been told that in the affairs of the island of Si- haps no six Honourable Members had ever heard of. This
cily the British Admiral was, from motives of humanity, in- was the tranquillity which prevailed in foreign matters. Our
duced to interfere in order to put a stop to further effusion revenue last year, Sir, was not more prosperous than it is at
of blood. Are we to understand that this further present., our trade was not more successful or brisk than it
effusion of blood was stayed by a British Admiral with- is at present. But in the face of all the circumstances I
out instructions from the Queen of England ? Was have stated, the Government propose these reductions.
thepolicy of the Queen of England dictated by a French The Minister last year did not come forward with reduc-
admiral ? Nothing would have been considered more un- tions, but he proposed an increased expenditure—not with
likely than this if I had not recollected a debate in which a proposition for the relief of the burdens of- the people,
inquiry was made of her Majesty's Government as to the but with a proposal for increased taxation. We were
conduct, not of a French, but of a British Admiral. After then to have an increase of the forces—the militia was to
the answer that was made, I must say that it would appear be called out; and what has happened since? One of
to me to be a very strong proceeding for an admiral, without my objects is, if possible, to extract the information that
instructions from his Government, to interfere between a there should be a necessity for retrenchment. It is not sun.
foreign Sovereign and his people.—(Hear, hear.) If this be prising in a Government which tampered with the resources
a suspension of arms, I am sorry I cannot understand the of the country for years. It is not a year ago since one
case, and must hope, therefore, that the House will be whose loss we all deplore told you that a less reduction than
further enlightened in the matter. Then the next para- 25 per cent. on all salaries would not be satisfactory or suf-
graph does not give us much illustrative light. It goes ficient. But, Sir, lam quite sure that no one on this side of
on to say—" I availed myself of the interval to propose, the House will agree to any retrenchment that is not really
in conjunction with France, to the King of Naples, a just retrenchment, occasioned by the circumstances of
an arrangement calculated to produce a permanent the case, not implied by some mysterious reasons which we
settlement of affairs." In the first place, I have have not yet fathomed. Last a all, when a Government
no idea who the King of Naples is. He may in a like spirit meddles with the navy of the country—let it
be some member of her Majesty's Government. In be remembered that the fleet influences the Cabinets of other
these days of great diplomatic confusion and change, for nations more than any missions, and that our English regi-
aught I know, the King of Naples may be some new power ments become as famous as the Roman legions. Yet large
1 who is not yet recognised ; but, certainly, I should as soon reductions are to be made in the estimates of last year, and
have thought of a Speech from the Queen of London, this is to be done under " the present aspect of affairs."
as an Address in allusion to the King of Naples. Is this Sir, it cannot be that her Majesty's Ministers are converts
change of titles preparatory to more important changes? to the perpetual peace theory. Because, if that be the case,
Then we are told in the next paragraph that " negotiations and they continue to be Ministers, I hall not be satisfied
are still pending." What negotiations? Has her Majesty with a large reduction which must carry out that principle;
and the King of the Two Sicilies agreed to enter into nego- and seeing what may be the effect of their having been
tiations—has a suspension of arms been agreed to, has any cognisant of pamphlets which have been largely circa-
mediation been accepted, or are we to adhere to the media- lated, it is my business to discover whether they have in-
tion of the English and French Admirals? These are spired any portion of her Majesty's Speech. There was a
points which we have a right to ask for an explicit and an hudget, a celebrated budget, which was received with accla-
intelligible explanation of. Instead of there being any negoe matron some little time ago ; and no sooner had the lumi.
tiations going on, we can onlyperceive that no one is nego- nary overtopped the political horizon in the northern atmos-
tinting but ourselves. Then we are told that it is the con- phere, than there was its parhelion opposed to it in mitigated
stant desire of the Sovereign to maintain with all foreign splendour, and almost received with equal ardour in the eco-
states friendly relations ; but we are not told that all foreign nomic world. In reference to these two positions I should
states entertain the same anxiety to maintain friendly rela- say, certainly, I have no objection to the burdens of the .
tions with us. At least it would" be satisfactory to know if people of this country being removed to the amount named
all our allies are also our well-wishers, and that our diplo- by the Hon. Member for the West Riding, or the Hon.
macy had so progressed that we still had an ally whom we Member for Glasgow—only we have a right to ascertain, or
could address iu terms of amity, and who would reply to us rather to stipulate as to the sources from whence these
in the same spirit. I am not surprised to find that her savings are to be realised. Where so much is promised I
Majesty's. Government has found it necessary to address might quote the words of the poet :
Parliament in terms so vague, unsatisfactory, and obscure on " Quibus divitias pollicentur ab illis drachmae petunt
our relations with Foreign Powers, considering the great De divitiis deducant drachman."
changes which have occurred on the Continent, and the part Effect your savings by all means; but I say to those Hon.
which England has taken in the transactions which have Gentlemen who propose them, deduct your 10,000,0001. or
occurred. Look at the state of France—and the state of your 5,000,000/. from that immense treasury—that more
the centre of Europe. I find in France a Republic with- than California gold mine—the 100,000,000/. per annum, or
out Republicans—in Germany, an empire without an Em- 2,000,0001. sterling per week which was to be realised by the
peror. This is progress.—(Cries of "Hear, bear.") This repeal of the corn-laws.—(Great cheering from the Protec-
is a settlement—this is an achievement of universal tienists.) It is hardly possible that her Majesty's Ministers
suffrage.—(Hear, hear.) This is the constitutional mode— are going arbitrarily to assume a particular period for the
these are the political exemplars who are to fashion the fu- expenditure of this country, and not to regulate that expen-
ewe fame and fate of England.—(Hear.) The whole is a diture by the necessities of the kingdom. This I know,
scene of unrivalled absurdity, where all the circumstances that whenever a Minister in this country has advocated re-
are only calculated to create our indignation and contempt trenchment, not ' from justifiable circumstances, and as to
(Hear.) We appear to have been mediating without an ob- the amicable state of our foreign relations or to a state of
ject, and I have a right to ask, what has been the object of domestic tranquillity, but with reference to " the present
your mediation? Look at the unhappy case of Denmark. aspect of affairs," the . consequence which has always fol-
Had you acted with proper firmness at the outset, it is quite lowed such rash and unadvised retrenchment has been an
possible that the disgraceful proceedings in the case of Den • increased expenditure.—(Cheers from the Protectionists and
mark and Schleswig-Holstein would have terminated. by Mr. Goulburn.) lam obliged to my Right Hon, Friend
Here was an ancient and independent kingdom attacked by the Member for the University of Cambridge for his cheer,
an Assembly meeting in a German town. I speak of the but when he hears me out I rather think he will not cheer
Frankfort Assembly as a German romance.—(Laughter.) me again. There was, it is true, a considerable saving in the
But then a German romance may be a pernicious article, and year 1835 ; but we had at the time a very weak Government,
in my opinion there is nothing more unjust, violent, and un- though composed of very able men, and I regret their fall;
warranted, than the conduct of the Frankfort Assembly. but that I have always felt that the retrenchments effected in
England might have had the support of France to terminate 1835 were too much in consequence of the political position of
these disgraceful proceedings; but I should not have been the party then in power; but what followed? The moment
surprised had Government felt it to be their duty, under they made these retrenchments—from causes not arising
existing circumstances, to have refused to act with France. from the external condition of the country, but rather
On a former occasion I described the case of France in a from a political and irrational cry— Foreign Powers
manner to excite the indignation of her Majesty's Ministers; (this was in 1835-6) observing that this country was
but her Majesty's Ministers are not in a condition to speak reducing its establishments without any reference to their
against an offer by the Provisional Government of France. policy, but to its own political position, immediately in-
The Provisional Government of France was recognised, and creased their force, and commenced pursuing a policy which
as soon as it was recognised it fell.—(Laughter.) M. Louis we were ultimately obliged to check. A very short time
Blanc was not recognised, and in the policy Government after the fall of the Government of 1835 there was a great
pursued they acted according to prudence and precedent. increase of expenditure. So again, in 1830 we also, unfor-
The editors of the National and the soldier who was brought tunately, had a weak Government, though formed of able
forward to support them were recognised, and an opportunity men, that made retrenchments merely to please the public;
might have been found to have saved Denmark. The state of and what happened? No sooner had the Government, led
the question remains, after the lapse of a year, its as vague and by a man no less eminent and illustrious than the Duke of
as unsatisfactory a state as heretofore, and I defy you to point Wellington, fallen than the whole toreign policy had changed ;
out the parties about which the Government are mediating. and had it not been for the revolution in 1830, an alliance
What was your next mediation? You mediated in the would have taken place between Russia and France to ob-
case of Austria, which was then engaged in a dispute with a taro those objects which your policy had always opposed.
part of her subjects. In the case of that ancient monarchy The same consequence has followed the passing of the Reform
you declared that Austria should be blotted out of the list of Bill and the repeal of the corn-laws. But I cannot believe
nations! It is thus you interfere—that is to say, that, you that the Government will regulate the expenditure arbi-
mediate. Why the Emperor was never consulted ! Other trarily and with reference to a particular year, and not by
parties have never been consulted! But since then that the exigency of the case. But if by exigency of the ease,
empire had shown, as she has always done, the wideness what difference is there between the circumstances of this
and profundity of its resources; it has asserted its sove- year and the last ? There is not a member of the Go-
reignty in a manner so distinguished, that she stands in the vernment who might not most appositely come forward
eyes of Europe in a more distinguished position than she and represent his particular department upon all the inte-
bad acquired before this struggle ; she had settled the resting subjects of comparison which the two last years
question of the kingdom of Bohemia—its rebelliou3 king- present in regard to its revenue, to its foreign relations, and
dim ! It has asserted its authority in her ancient capital, to the state of its Indian empire. And when the Noble Lord
which is not to be questioned; and in the same manner that the Premier shall sum up the case, it will tax the utmost
empire has shown how completely the great body of the artifice of that rhetoric of which he is a master to put the
population have established the sovereignty of Hungary. question satisfactorily before the country.—(Cheers.) What
There was another place where they consented to a suspen-
sion of arms, where victory was about to decide the dispute. tain a candid exposition of the state of the country. I must
Then again, if we look to Lombardy—Lombardy was recon- ascertain, if possible, what the present aspect of affairs is.
quered by the same empire. If I look to the case of the I must follow the strategy of the great master of rhetoric
kingdom of Naples, there is not the slightest evidence that and exhaust my subject. I must endeavour to ascertain if
there were ever two panics to that mediation.—(Cheers.) her Majesty's Government are influenced by the oracles and
There is not up to this moment, I say, the slightest evidence by the people of Blanchester.—(Cheers.) There have been
Oven several reasons why it is totally impossible that this
to show that any person was engaged in this mediation save
and except the French Admiral. The King of Naples was' e country can ever go to war, and, therefore, why the exp n-
placed in the same position in respect to his rebellious sub- diture may be cut down to 10,000,0001. But is this the
jects, as our own Sovereign was placed in reference to her re- opinion of the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for
bellious subjects in Ireland. Like our own Sovereign, the Foreign Affairs? Is it the opinion of his colleagues ?
King of Naples was prepared to assert his authority, and it There has, also, beers an opinion broached that
would have been a great mistake at that moment to say that the French nation can never go to war again in
he should not vindicate his authority. But you allowed him consequence of the tenure of the landed property in that
to vanquish one city in the rebellious island, and when country—the land being subdivided the people bore the burßut
-
the rebels were on the point of giving up, then den of taxation, and would not, therefore, go to war.
you come forward and say that the rest must be when I remember that the same tenure of property existed
done by means of mediation. What was the con- in that country forty and fifty years ago—during the Consu-
sequence ? There have been two consequences resulting late and the Empire—that the amount of property held
from your mediation, both 'of which are most dan- under that tenure was, in comparison to the populatior,
gerous. First of all, in consequence of this mock media- equally great to what it is at present, and that with that
tion, nothing is settled. If Austria had been let alone, I tenure of land we had wars between the whole Contineht and
believe that Denmark would have been let alone—certainly the French empire, I doubt the soundness of the reason
the kingdom of Naples would have been left alone—and I thus assigned why France cannot go to war. But that
believe that all Europe would have been in tranquillity by is one reason put forth by the Manchester oracles, and I
this time. That tranquillity has not taken place, and why? want to know whether it is a convincing reason with her
because you have been mediating.—(Cheers.) liut suppose Majesty's Government? Again, I wish to ask, is it true
war occurs in consequence, and will not allow peace that her' Majesty's Government are of opinion that the
to flourish? Then what must be the consequence ? No Present state of Europe is a state not of war but of revolu-
confidence would be felt on the part of any country be- tion, and that there is no danger to be apprehended ? I
cause you have offended them. But take , aples—the case should, like to know the Noble Lord's opinion upon that.
of the King of the Two Sicilies, for example. You, First, as an abstract proposition, I doubt it; I think the
by your language in Parliament, and your hostile state of the continent is almost a state of war. It is a state
demonstration by the presence of a fleet in the in which dissatisfaction prevails in the minds of all men, in
Bay of Naples, made the Sicilians feel certain that you which the honest pursuits of industry are paralysed, in which
were about to undertake their cause ! They are beaten, and property is uncertain, and in which the whole of the popu-
lation are controlled by urinary power instead of the civil
you leave them ; therefore they feel the deception doubly,
and at that moment you deprive the King of Naples of and constitutional modes adopted in peaceable times. We
victory, and you alienate the hearts of his rebellious sub- had a revolution in this country in 1638—a revolution by
jects. I will not take advantage of her Majesty's Govern- which the loyal dynasty was changed; but the new Soya-
ment whatever their position may be—l am not about to reign did not reign in the hearts of his people; and 60
use the hacknied language of the day about non interven- years elapsed before the new dynasty could be firmly esta-
tion ; but, circumstanced as we are, I say that the presence blished in this country; and yet, after that revolution we
of an English fleet is the best guarantee of peace! But that entered into war which was not the least glorious in its
should be in acharacter, or the least comprehensive in its object, when come
the stipulations ordance with the law of nations, and ofwith treaties which you are bound to observe,
pared with other wars in which England has been engaged.
in which, as the champi ns of the law, tour interference But it may be said that that was an aristocratic war, and
might be advocated. But what you do is contrary to the made to promote the fortunes of young men of birth. But
law of nations—contrary to the stipulations of treaties—and France was not an arietocratib state. I have read a speech
contrary to the policy of Europe. I took the liberty of delivered by Robespierre in the Convention that was worthy
asking her Majesty's Government last year when they began of the Free Trade Hall itself-, and I have no doubt, had he
this eccentric course of policy—what were the principles lived in the present day, he would have been a Leaguer, and,
of foreign policy which they were adopting? When for aught I know, would have been as honest and able a one
I heard of their unexampled interference I asked—Are as any Member for Manchester could be.—(Cheers and:
you to interfere politically or sentimentally If your laughter.) Another reasouhas been assignedwhich I cannot
policy is only to arm to fulfil rights—if you mean to take up believe her Majesty's Government can assent to, for be-
the nonsense of the day—the principle of nationality—then lieving that war is impossible. It has been said that cone
stitutional Governments are established in Europe, and there
change yout policy; and you are bound to come to the
House and say we dave altered our policy, and thus allow is no chance of war, because constitutional Governments
us to discuss that policy. Nothing can bte more dangerous never go to war. The Noble Lord opposite (Lord Palmer-
than that this policy, which is so revolutionary, should be ston) will tell the House whether the Governments thathave
been established are constitutional Governments; but if they
adopted. Before I make any observations on the interesting
topic of the day, I feel bound to those who are not imme be, I cannot help thinking that the first thing they do is to
diately my constituents, but whose interests lam bound interfere with their neighbours. Ido not agree with
the argument that no nation will now attempt con-
to advocate in this House—to make another inquiry in re- st hundred years there was
spect to the mediation, not any mock mediation, which has quest, because during the l
so long been carried on-1 mean our interference in the no nation which had not repented of their conquests and
waters of the La Plata? In this very extraordinary case found them a source of weakness. Will those who pro-
there has been no less than six confidential agents employed mulgate that position tell me that the conquest of Malta hag
by her Majesty's Government, and they have all failed! The been a source of weakness to this country ?—(Cheers.) I
last agent, if not expressly treated with personal indignity, might ask the same question with regard to Gibraltar.---
was treated by a second-rate colony in the same manner as (Cheers.) Are those acquisitions a sort of weakness?
What do you think of the conquest of Silesia by Prussia.
an ambassador had been treated in the capital of the mother
which converted Prussia from a second-rate power, not only
country.—(Hear.) Is it possible to imagine that negocia-
to a first rate, but to a power whose possible height at this
tions are still going on, or are we engaged in such important
transactions that six missions have failed ? The House of moment we are not capable of estimating? What think you
of the acquisitions of Servia and of Transylvania by-Ans-
Commons has never been informed of:the instructions which
tria, which laid the foundation of its greatness, and twice
were given to Lord Howden by the Earl of Aberdeen. When
saved the empire? What think you also of the conquests
I asked for this information I was told it was inconvenient at
of Russia? I speak not of her ancient colonies, nor of her
that moment, be, suse another envoy was then on his passage
con nest is
uest of Poland—though I believe it constitutes the
out with fresh instructions; but the envoy who was on his
another had failed since. There- greatest strength of Russia—but I look at her provinces
passage had failed then, and
the south of Europe, in Jekaterinoslay, in Kherson, and is
fore, I say, I should like to have the instructions to Lord
Howden; for, like the dynasties of Macbeth, " another to Bessarabia, the immense wealth of which districts form S
another still succeeds;"—but that is the only thing they great part of the resources of Russia. There is one more
do not do—they do not succeed.—(Laughter.) But one reason given why it is held by these oracles to be totally ins"
hears so much of the affairs of the La Plata as possible that nations can enter into war—because a new prin-
ciple has risen up, that of the nationality of races. It is
ciation, who have proved satisfactorily to the country quite impossible for the Emperor of Austria to conquer Lott"!
that the diplomatic profession is merely intended to hardy, because the people of Lombardy have discovered that;
employ the aristocracy, and that the wooden walls of they are of the Italian race. This must be a principle whicht
the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs cannot
England were the only means of maintaining the younger
possibly embrace. I should like to ask these gentlemen&
sons. But unhappily it turns out that the merchants of
oracles whether they have ever read Dante, and it so, wile-
Liverpool, and the persons engaged in the Liverpool Finan-
ther they have not risen`from the study of that great FlO-
cial Reform Association, are the very men to whom we are rentine with the conviction that the whole history of moiler
indebted for the expense attending six missions to La Italy, is, in fact, that of the holding of the country by tb.!
Plata, for the destruction of our commercial interests, and
Germans over the Italians. But this principle of races s'
all the injuries which we have experienced. And this leads unfortunately one of the reasons why I fear war ma)`
me to to a most important subject, namely, the immense always exist, because race implies difference, difference
changes which have occurred since I last addressed you, Sir.
i-nplies superiority,nti and superiority leads to predominalin_;
Empires have fallen—the Pope is no longer to be found in
Rome. Her Majesty's Government has met Parliament, and The gentlemen
adoptedLinete,n I have set up this theory of illegal
have,
tacitly admits that her Majesty has no allies. But Porten- . a principle totally opposed to al'el,
which is the foundation of the whole scheme of Um.,
tons as these changes are, nothing is so marvellous as the
s .stem which has, been vaunted within the last.(7.,
years,? because the principle of race is opposed to the Prlo.',ll,
fact in, which is included the contingency that her Majesty's
pseeshoarvequatity, fraternity, and social economics, of evltlio.,
Government have become converts to financial reform.-- •
plea of ..
(Cheers.) The age of miracles has not passed.—(Laughter.) recently heard so much.—(Cheers from the —A
It would, however, be satisfactory, when statements of this
wtectioniest .) lam told that England must be content
kind are brought before the House, and when the Noble Lord
with a less demonstration of brute force. - I am not prepare
the mover of the Address states that he has proposed an to h , _ar
o sontradict that doctrine ; but I should like to have a clear
Address to the Crowu which he thinks offers no ground for
definition of what brute force is. In my opinion, higt of
difference of opinion, it would be extremely desirable that
some Member of her Majesty's Government should rise in disciplined army employed in a great performance—tba
..,,,,e
the defence of the country, the maintenance of ardor,
his his place and explain this part of the Speech from the .
Throne, which is brief, but very pithy :—" I have directed vindication of a nation's honour, or the , consolidation et t'-',
national wealth and greatness—that a body of men thuerue'nv
the estimates for the service of the year to be laid before you;
they will be framed with the most anxious attention to a ciplined, influenced, and led by some of the most ett!isir,
wise economy. The present aspect of affairs has enabled generals, by an Alexander, a Cycler, or our own Welcle into
year.
as
is one in which moral force is as much entere,, find
me to make large reductions on the estimates of last
Were the estimates which were presented last year framed as physical.—(Cheers.) But if, for instance, ti h
eee-,
with " every possible attention to a a ise economy" also? a inan possessing a certain facility of °Perot
But, Sir, it is rather strange that we should be told that the happily adapted to his cause, addressing a great
present aspect of aflairs has enabled us to make these large body of his fellow- men in inflammatory app the
reductions! This question naturally arises, we ask our- to their passions, and stirring them up againsecree,
selves what is the aspect of affairs Is it what I read up institutions of the country, that is what I call brute.'
trbeltile
here in another part of the Speech, "The ineurrection in (Loud cheering from the Protectionists)—whinn lithout•
Ireland has not been renewed, but a spirit of dissaffection this country would be very well content to do !v__ oleo,
still exists"— is that it? Is it what 1 read up here, " A and which, if there be any sense or spirit left
tie' *boy
rebellion of a formidable character has broken out in the or any men of heart and right feeling in the coun
ortasin'ioto
will resolve to put down as an intolerable and
igtnctionists.
Punjaub," &c.—is that the aspect of affairs which justifies
these reductions? Is it the fact that at this moment tyranny.—(Tremendous cheering from the Pto.e_e often
and counter cheering front the Free-traders.) 1 n....av 'wolf
2,000,000 of armed dissatisfied men are moving about in the
observed that the hangers-on of the new systen,alicioter
face of Europe in hostile array ? Is that the aspect of affairs
4111Cleg whicla her Majesty's Ci9yoniunt plight t, gliglic igge I°ll4 9f cit//4ticilliPg the "9thT4 14 4 g;l*°/"411m