The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-08 00:00:00

evientiv

LONDON, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 8. 1849

Leominster has at last—without tainting its cha-
'meter with corruption—obtained a representative.
Mr. FREDERICK PEEL, the son of the illustrious
Baronet whose name is renowned throughout Eu-
rope as a statesman, was yesterday elected, without
opposition, to fill the seat for this borough, vacated
by the appointment of Mr. HENRY BARKLY to the
Governorship of Guiana. In consequence of the
recent retirement of Sir EDWARD BULWER LYTTON
from the contest—a retirement which, for the sake
of literature, we cannot have the heart to lament—
the proceedings yesterday, in the remote agricul-
tural borough of Leominster, were entirely di-
`rested of excitement. After going through the
prescribed formalities, the returning officer de-
clared the youthful candidate to have been
duly accepted by the constituency. Through
a singular coincidence, therefore, the mall and se-
cluded town of Leominster is represented in Parlia-
ment by the sons of two of the wealthiest commoners
in England—the descendants of that Sir ROBERT
PEEL and of that Sir' RICHARD ARKWRIGHT whose
genius, probity, and enterprize are for ever associated
with the history of Saxon industry and of British
manufactures.

On the occasion of his triumphant appearance yes-
terdiv- before the body of electors, FREDERICK PEEL,
Esq,, M.P. for Leominster, shrived his political con-
sci,ence with the candour and independence befitting a
popular representative. He at once repudiated the
notion of his entering the House as a servile
and obsequious delegate. He reserved to
himself the right of modifying his opinions,
'accordingly as time and experience might
influence his undeveloped, but ripening judgment.
As to the fundamental basis, the relative foundations,
or the general framework of the Constitution, he
avowed his loyalty in language the most ex.
press and unconditional. To the triune Govern-
ment of QUEEN, Lords, and Commons, he proclaimed
" I desire," said he, " to
1114 unalterable allegiance.
Eireserve to each of those three branches of the Con-
stitution the exercise of their respective functions
and a due proportion of the legislative authority of
the State:' Anything that would tend to
weaken the cohesive tendency of these distinct
but exquisitely interwoven powers, he views
as not only reprehensible, but as directly
opposed to the dictates and antagonistic to the
principles of true patriotism. With this enthu-
siastic devotion to the maintenance of our institutions,
the young Member for Leominster combines, however,
a disposition to forward in every rational manner the
great cause of social and political reform. In this
respect he coincides in that noble opinion so nobly
expressed by one of our most celebrated statesmen,
that " or.r institutions might be preserved for the pur-
pose of. improving them, and might 'be improved for
the purpose of preserving them." The truth
of that glorious axiom has so fully im-
p,..essed itself upon the national understand-
ing 95 to have led to the union of those principles
of amelioration and of conservation which tend so
materially to stabilitate, and yet to develop and ad-
vance the gigantic fortunes of the empire. Mr.
FREDERICK PEEL has by this avowal, more even than
by his honourable and now historic mine, identified
himsei ett,ith that party of Liberal Conservatism
difr's'only in title from the party of our most
%11;;gUished Reformers. In proof of this he pro-
7*, frtau generalities to details. He confesses his
readiness to aid tile economical labours of financial
innovation--with a proviso (the reasonableness of
which neither Mr. CoDEN Aor Dlr. MAC.

GREGOR will gainsay) to the effect that the
national establishments should not be deteriorated by
the retrenchment. Without declaring himself, in
any particular, an advocate for the endowment of
the Roman Catholic clergy in Ireland, premising on
the contrary that such a measure appeared to be as
yet altogether impracticable, in consequence of the
difficulty of selecting a fund upon which to base the
appropriation—he, nevertheless, avowed that he
sympathised in the scheme of a proceeding which
had been considered as in no degree chimerical by
such devoted Protestants as Mr. PITT and GEORGE
111., as Lord SIDMOIITH and Lord CASTLEREAGH.
In reference to the doctrines of Free Trade, he
averred that he retained not the shadow of the Shade
of an affection for the antiquated sophisms of Pro-
tection. On the contrary, he considered that the
tranquillity which had marked this country during
the late continental commotions, and the resignation
which had been contemporaneous in England with
an extraordinary scarcity of provisions, and an
equally extraordinary stagnation of trade, " might
be attributed, in part at least, under DIVINE PRO-
VIDENCE, to those measures which had opened the
ports of this country to an unrestricted supply
of everything which might be considered as the
necessaries of the people." As to the Ballot and the
Extension of the Suffrage, the confessions of Mr.
FREDERICK PEEL were somewhat less satisfactory.
At first, from the peculiar turning of his phraseology,
it appeared as though he were rbout to acknowledge
himself an advocate for the former, and the good
folks of Leominster—who, by the way, seem dis-
posed to cheer anything, no matter whether black,
white, or parti-coloured—broke out into premature
acclamations. " I profess myself," said the Hon.
Gentleman, " I profess myself a decided friend to
the object contemplated by those who advocated vote
by ballot—(Cheers)—namely, the independent exer-
cise by the voter of the right of suffrage; but I am
not at all satisfied that the ballot would insure the
independent exercise of that right ; and, in attempt-
ing to exercise that right by the ballot, I see so many
impediments in the way as to deter me from adopting
it.—(' Hear, hear,' and cheers from another part of
the Court.)" By such supplementary huzzahs did the
accommodating constituency expiate the blunder of
their first cries of delight when they erroneously
looked upon Mr. PEEL as a colleague of the Honour-
able Gentleman the representative of the city of
Bristol. Nevertheless, with these exceptional points
alone, the Member for Leominster has revealed an
ardour for that policy of gradual and enormous
improvement connected with a stern and resolute
conservation, which has tended to enhance the
reputation of his father among his contemporaries,
and which will inevitably ensure his permanent and
grateful remembrance by posterity.
Hence it is that we cannot but regard Mr. FRE-
DERICK PEEL as an acquisition to the cause of the
Liberals and the Reformers in the House of Com-
mons. With a ripened familiarity with the responsi-
bilities of legislation, and with the innovations essen-
tial to the well-being of the community, he will, we
doubt not, in the end, find himself compelled to coin-
cide with the popular advocates as to the necessity for
obtaining vote by ballot and an extension of the
elective franchise. Upon all other points he will be
found to be battling bravely against the hereditary
opponents of improvement.

The budgets put forward by Messrs. COBDEN,
MACGREGOR, and RIG BY WAGON have respectively
excited much discussion. Many views have in con-
sequence been put forward, and mumerous knights
errant have entered the lists armed cap•a-pie in de-
fence of the ancient system of indirect taxation, or,
in other words, of plundering the humbler classes, by
casting upon their shoulders the burdens that in jus-
tice and equity should be sustained by the possessors
of accumulated and realised property. Mr. Wesor's,
perhaps, went further than any of the others
in transferring the liabilities to the proper par-
ties. He suggested a speedy settlement of the
Public Debt, that enormous incubus that presses
with terrific weight upon, and paralyses the industry
of the country. He placed the question upon its
proper footing, by avowing the great principle—
" that it is discreditably dishonest not to pay off the
National Debt ;" and he followed up that proposition
by showing that it would be not only possible, but
by no means difficult to accomplish that great desi-
deratum, and that it would, even in a pecuniary point of
view, be exceedingly profitable to do so. The well-
known adage that " honesty is the best policy" re-
ceived a new illustration. Full justice would be
rendered to the public creditor, whose claim would
be satisfied even to the uttermost farthing. The
demand should be paid out of property—the only
legitimate source, and the very act of liquidation
would increase the value of that property to an ex-
tent fully commensurate with the outlay. If a por
tion of it were sold, in order to obtain funds to defray
its proportion of the charge, the residue would be of
greater value when discharged of the claim than the
entire had previously been.
The novelty and importance of those propositions—
the new and startling doctrine that the wealthier
classes should contribute their full and fair propor-
tion of the public burdens, elicited a multitude of
attacks. An error, that manifestly occurred in the
hurry of calculation, which did not in any degree
affect the principle—which we ourselves noticed in a
leading article that accompanied the publication of
the "Budget for the Million,"—and which was recti-
fied by Mr. WAsoN without a moment's delay, was
seized upon by his opponents as a precious Godsend.
The sound and unanswerable arguments remained
unnoticed. The principle was triumphant, while
a thousand eager hands seized their goose-
quills to prove that it was a mistake to say
that five per cent. on the value of property taken
at 4,400.000,0001. would suffice to pay off the
National Debt. It seemed as if there was a chance of
raising a collateral issue on which the parties might
ride off, and, according to the true principle of special
pleading, if it could be shown that '220,000,000/.
was not sufficient to pay off 800,000,0001., it must
follow that it would not be desirable to pay off the
National Debt, that it was not practicable to do so—
in fact, that every argument adduced by Mr. WAsoN
should fall to the ground simultaneously.
Mr. WAsoN is, however, no craven knight, he
is well able to sustain his own position, nay,
to gather fresh vigour from every supposed discomfi-
ture. He seizes on the tacit admissions made by his
opponents, and he shows that they may be regarded
as acknowledging the justice of the propositions
which they have not ventured to deny. It is a fair
inference that where men seize upon minor parts of
an argument, and rest their whole case thereon, they
are unable to controvert the more general statements,
the important principles laid down. Hence it may
be considered that the ' proposition ," that it is
discreditably dishonest not to pay off the
National Debt," may be taken
as
confessed
those who have not a single word
to
say by
opposition thereto. Mr. WABON'S letter on this sub-
ject, which will be found in another column, is well
worthy of perusal.

The first point, then, being conceded, " that the
debt should he liquidated," the next question that
arises, and one of paramount importance, is by whom,
and in what manner, the necessary funds should be
raised. In order to arrive at a correct conclusion on
this, it is necessary to inquire for whose benefit these
charges were created, and whether there is any fund
from which they can properly be defrayed.
On this point we shall but repeat what we stated on
the Bth June, 1847. We then said—

for
" The whole, or by faTilregieTteipart
1 f trhoitse cdt ieobnt
was contracted during periods of war,
ia,a,dthPerere''et orery atiob ny of
the thee propertyf ot fh
at
th e p
epe
r country,tpy
tand
tt
should be satisfied. No private individual would
.be
justified in charging the industry of his children with
any debt he might think proper to contract beyond the
amount of property which they should inherit from him.
Any attempt to do so would be treated with well-merited
scorn and contempt. Still more absurd would it be if
he possessed largo estates and extensive domains, which
he desired to improve and leave unincumbered to his
eldest and favourite son, while he ci.4rected his younger
children to pay all ineumbrances which he may
have incurred in improving. and preserving the
property for their more fortunate brotter. Yet it is
soul* thing similar that we are called upon to de.
Enormous debts are contracted, which sh outet have been
provided for out of the property existin g at the time
they ware created; but that property is handed down
unencumbered to the present possessors v, chile the indus-
try of the people—of those who were th, en unborn, and
could not possibly have derived any benefi t therefrom—is
to be burdened with the payment. We -comet under-