The Sun.
London, England, 1831-08-24 00:00:00

NDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 24, 1831.

Earope ? Again, a French army marched—
to the Vistula ? No, but towards the Scheldt •
it was not called for by the Prince for whose al-
legel support it was put in motion, yet it marched
—under the strongest assurances that on the le-
reat of the Dutch troops from Belgium, the French
troops would retrograde into France. Lou)
Grey, the British Minister, declared emphatically,
that England had a " right to expect" the departure
of Marshal Gerard's force, so soon as it should have
fulfilled the acknowledged purpose of its mission--
that is, so soon as it should have compelled the
Dutch to no urn to Ilolla id. If, therefore, such an
expectation has not yet been sath.fied, it follows
that England has been ilkreated by Louis Philippe.
Bat have the French retired ?—No Marshal
Soult fist declined in the Chamber, that they would
not, until it become certain that the Dutch would
not renew their invasion, and the King of France
himself has since announced that snis troops would
remain until he and " his allies" should discover
that there existed no further necessity for their stay
in Belgium. But the " have for some days
past accomplished that discovery. How if the King
of France should alone continue blind ? The troops,
we suppose, will wait until his eyes are opened—
that is, until he shall choose to agree with his
Allies in opinion In such a case, we ask again,
what will be the duty of England, not merely as
relates to Belgium, but as becomes her own place
in Europe ? If France be inclined to play fast
and loose with Great Britain, and instead of
forming an honourable and enlightened league be-
tween two nations which hold the fine of the
world between them,—a league on behalf of justice
and fraetiorn every where; if she pursues a sordid,
selfish, and grasping policy, fur her own exclusive
ends, she exhibits herself before all mankind as at
once the meanest and most atrocious of criminals.
England, from motives of pure self-defence and of
absolute necessity, is driven into an alliance with
those Continental Powers which have every interest
in common with her but that of a common liberty.
She is compelled by France to be indirectly an
enemy to Belgic, to Italian, to Spanish, Portuguese,
and Polish freedom. The evil is not of her creation,
or of her choice. It is imposelde to endure another
outbreak of French insolence, avidity, and usurpa-
too. France by gross outrages will have coerced
us into a policy which we deprecate, and the author
of such a sin against human hope and happiness is a
monster that merits the execration, as she will as-
suredly meet the unpitying vengeance, of Europe,
long familiar with her tyranny. If we asked why
it is that France, or arty foreign Power, dares to
make light of obligations solemnly contracted to-
wards Great Britain, the answer must he—and it
grieves us to confess it—that the apparent weak-
ness of our Government at home, encourages fo-
reigners to beard us, as they imagine, with im-
punity. The languor or incompetence of some of our
men in office, which has shown itself so conspicuously
in the management of a great domestic question,
upon which they were feebly opposed within doors
and strenuously and unanimously supported without,
must have impressed all strangers with a notion that
the existing Cabinet is one not very bold or very
skilful in any branch of public warfare. We do not
approve much of sonic at least of the views of foreign
policy
ascribed to the Duke of Wellington ; but we
really doubt whether in relation to Portugal, or
Belgium, or even to Greece or Algiers, Great Bt itrun
and France would, under his guidance, have stood
at tit's moment in a position comparatively disre-
putable for the former Power. The first moral
which we would draw front such considerations is,
that for the sake of avoiding the necessity of a war
at the moment when it may be least convenient to
us, the King's Government should now at this
moment prove, by a firm and peremptory language
to certain Powers, that they know how to appreciate,
but that they do not exaggerate to themselves, the
evils of which war might be productive. The
next inference to be drawn for Ministers is, that
they should so expedite and complete the high do-
mestic task which they have undertaken, as to rid
themselves front all embarrassment not naturally
belonging to the position of our foreign affairs, and
make the neighbouring Powers feel that the decks
of the British man-of-war are all cleared fur action.
Tameness and subserviency will never buy peace :
they serve but to render it at once dielionomabie
and shortlived.—Timei,

Lord \Vynford's Fraudulent Debtors' Bill met
the fate we anticipated for it. The Aristocracy of
England have always stoutly opposed all mea,nre3
for compelling them to pay their debts. We re-
member well, that when Sir Samuel Romii:y en-
deavou;ed to make heirs liable to pay the simple
contract debts of those from whom they derived
their estates, he was plumply told that it was es-
sential to an Aristocracy that they should not be
compelled to be just like the people. V4very class
in society is naturally indulgent to the failings to
which it is mole particularly addicted. Swindling
is an aristocratic accomplishment, and Lords natu-
rally sympathise ‘vit% fraudulent debtors.—Morn-
ing Chronicle.

It would appear that the House of :Commons
gladly lay hold of any subject, no matter what, to
avoid proceeding with the unfortunate Reform Bill.
Not content with the proceedings which have al-
ready taken place regarding the Dublin election, the
House were last night oecopied with the most un-
profirable discussions respecting the bribery and
abuse of influence which were proved to have taken
place. We can understand very
well why a Parlia-
ment of Anti-Reformers should be anxious to punish
such bribery. as was practised in Dublin. It is their
interest that bribery shOuld be practised with more
skill. It is.with them as with the Lacedemonians,
the guilty thief is he ho is detected. 'fle ertna:
nency of the corrupt systq.rn is threatened by the
scandal caused by the open exhibition of bribery.
We can understand, we say, why Anti-Reformers
should be anxious to punish such exhibitions as
those of Dublin. But why the anxiety'of Re-
formers ? Parliamentary Reformers assume it as' a
matter of course, that briber.), will alWays take place
where if is ili!d that the only way to
guard against corruption, is to diffuse the fran-
chise so extensively as to identify the interest
of the electets v ith the interest of the na-
tion. If it had been possible to r.,,rentit igibery
under the old !Fateirapi,iiist3, the nation would
not have unieiiti in demanding Refoem. The Re-
form Bill is grounded oir the principle that the suf-
frages of the small number of voters, who return a
Parliamentary majority, are c.grehaged, in Order to
have the power to pillage the whole nation. Now,
what is the of of punishment ? Not certainly
the suffering of the indiVidUals subjected to it, but
their reformation, and the se,.;t::::q; ociety in future
against a repetition cf 14, came. But the lif,forrn
Bill will free society from the necessity of relying
for security on the punishment of detected bribery,
consistent Eriorrmr,
and therefore the punishment is useless in the 'way
of example. He, therefore, who seeks to, Artist'
bribery, under present c:rc,e,tristensriannut be a
reet notions of the object of penal laws. The use
.arualstill less can he have cor-
which ought to be made of the corrurtio;:, bought
itO light in Dublin. and'elsoyLere to provide in the
teroCm Lin egainat .the occurrence of similar abuses
in 'future. Mr. Stanley observed, that the system of •
creating fictitious freeholds is as comolon and mis-
chievous in England ase;sewhere;and he alluded very
happily
to the ai•count given by a French gentlemat:O
now a member of the Chamber of . Deputiest of the

.xamination of a sham freeholder at the Westmorlary
dection. Mr. Strickland very sensibly cbserved
that at this time above all others it was the les.
stnriye' opr
t heri or ceed
nightly
to such
consideration
vas measure,
et,teh:
tffect of which would he to prevent the recuirencr
of such an event in future." Mr. Alderman Waith.
nan, too, " objected to such proceedings, on tin
*round that such transactions prevailed general!)
hroogbout the country." Of course, the Anti-
Reformers were all eagerness to make the most of e
windfall like this. All those who swallow bribery
in the gross, but have qualms of conscience when
• rifling instances are under consideration—the Messrs.
Ciras. Wvnns, Wm. Bankes, &c.—surpassed them-
selves on this occasion. The great object with these
people is to perpetuate bribery and corruption of al
sorts; and they affect a mighty zeal against On
Dublin offenders, in order that time may be con-
sumed, and the chances thereby be multiplied of the
Bill being lost. Mr. John Wood with mired
spiri,, unmasked these persons, and demonstrated the
mischief which such discussions were calculated to
do. After alluding to his having counted the House
when tire Liverpool question was under discussion,
he observed, " if any defence for such a course was
necessary, it might be found in what had taken
place that evening.—(Hear, hear)—for since the be.
ginning of the Session it had been the object of a
certain party to occasion delay, cost what it would.
—(Cheers, mixed with loud cries of " No, no I")
* * • It was a miserable waste of time to in-
quire into petty paltry cases, while Peers and Com-
moners received thousands of pounds for seats in
that House. It was right that the people should
know in what manner their representatives were oc-
cupied—with quibbles, with paltry prosecutions of
individuals for receiving a few pounds, while Lords
and Commoners dealt in seats for thousands of
pounds. It was a mere pretext for delay. He
could not congratulate his Honourable Friend,
the Member for C.icklade, on the new alliance
he had formed with the Ant`.-Refurmers—(Hear.
hear)—nor en the mischief he had done to Re-
form. His Hon. Friend, he was sure, did not mean it;
but the Anti-Reformers had found no more useful
ally, nor the cause of Reform a more mischievous
friend.—(Hear, hear.) He spoke sincerely what
he meant, though he hoped his Hon. Friend would
take no offence." The truth is, that a number of
those who pledged themselves to Reform, are sham
Reformers—are inimical to Reform in their hearts,
rind gladly lay hold of any pretext for throwing dif-
tieultii sin its way. In this consists the peculiar
difficulty with which the Ministry have to struggle
—they have to accomplish an end by the instrumen-
tality of men generally hostile to that end. Mr.
Benett, of Wiltshire, for instance, cannot be a sin-
cere Ii former, when he declared that his motion re-
specting the Liverpool business " must be brought
in at tic proper time, though it should slop the
Reform Bill." The grief of such men for the loss
of the Reform Bill would be very easily sup-
ported, The question of bribery having been dis-
posed of, then followed the question regarding
the influence used by the Irish Government. Mr.
Stanley contended that the Dublin Election Com-
mittee was not justified in entering at all into the
question of influence, because, though the allegation
of undue interference upon the plrt of the Govern-
ment had been made in the petition, the words of
the Grenville Act expressly declared the Committee
were only to consider such matters as affected the
election, and as undue influence on the part of Go-
vernment did not affect the election, it should not
have been considered. We have not space at present
to go into this singular di.cussion. The motion was
lost by a majority of 207 to 66, or 141. Lord
Althorp declared, that were Elie motion to be car-
ried, the consequence would be the recall of all per-
sons in office in Ireland. Thus a whole night has
been pased Ivitho.t entering at all on the Reform
We wonder whether any progress will be
made in it to-night. Where there is a will there is
a way. We are not afraid of enemies, but pretended
friends.---Morning Chronicle.

We rejoice to perceive that a stronger dislike i;,
every day arising to the appointment of the t>lergy
to offices connected with seliuhar affairs,and especially
to the r too common appearance in the character of
Ii
Magistrates. We are convinced that we best up.
bald the interests of religion and the just influence
of the Clergy by cultivating this impression. V.,r,
should be sorry to see the time when laymen should
be Obliged to walk into the desk or pulpit, and pro-
fess to exnound tho " oracles of God." Not less
linsecioiy is it to see those who are set apart for the
li and exclusive duties of the
performance of the hi g
Temple staining their character by all interf.reiice in
matters wholly at variance with what ought to be
the main, if t-ot the only, object of their attention.
(if the -Magistracy, in which so many of the Clergy
throughout the country seem so fond of engaging, it
may with the greatest truth be affirmed that the ofe
fire is neither fitted to the man, nor the man to the
office. To say nothing of the legal acouiremputs,
which the Clergy neither can nor ought to
mpossess,
it is sufficient to remark that one-half the du ties of
the Magistrate
arc of a harsh, seyeie, and uni,end-
ing nature, wholly at variance with tat meek spirit
which holds out tiiardo; ..,nd forgiveness to all,
while,
as 0 up;01...-werable proof that the man is
net iitted to the office, we need not appeal to a
stronger fact than one mentioned ill the Itou,a of
Commons only a few evenings
ego, where it was
confidently affirmed the,-,t, of the applications made
to the (loud t of Kings Bench
against Magistrates
for *erroneous decisions, more than half, or seine
such proportion, were against inl,,talieci (to call
them in some instanccs i'y
too light a name) of
clericalT,istces, We' tire not unaware that there
are soil'i obscure and uninhabited parts of the
country where, from the want of et, :ses*.dent gentry,
the common ditties of th ..4.kagistracy could scarcely
of the Clergy.
It performe2, without the assis'arice
It is not with cases of extreme ii i ire
would contend ; but „hat
N.,. ecessity that ‘ve
that
that
which
io,
uild
(ii,7l contend against is,
be the exception
should have become the ort)iliet°
But a still more
substantial objection to the Clergy- employing them-
selves ill secular affairs is the linory 1; tees to re-
ligion. They are exernnt ):
, ram r 4
perform. urtes, because they
have oili:r clwiez tb
They are exempt
two the office of Sheriff, °b
because to allay tumults,
and to execute the sentences.orf,the lawt 1,r6 wholly
at variance with
their
fo:m Bill, hey --B`I.CI:C4- i""tioos. The RI:-
, ee wilt happily•
pus n end to the
unseemly spectacle of the
a
numberof clerical Mayors,
Aldermen, unit
i
retur"ug officers; Wk,anj the
boroughmongers have
enlisted, cipti; the r banners;
and we, e have *rood raison. 'to believe that the present
Lord (!hancellor has expressed it strong disposition,
as far as in him. lies, the one hand, to appoint to
the numerous
Churchbenefices which tail to his
disposal persons mostt, likely to fulfil ;hi: duties
effectually; and out
otta@r, to discountenance
their ii:n..:iii,:i--e-at
,43
~!`'-".
nature `eiiloohtled '°t"es which are in their very
to lead both theiri minds •
40 far astray from what '
t ought to tho exclusive
objects of their ea,. -
!!!;'P.t...-:-.7.llvrning Herald.
..s, rettit-rt has been printed
of
ti by order of the !louse
of Commons,
le. population o: tile fifty-six
English boroughs
wi
of jB2!i
an.,,, a hich 11?--h. :.iiiiilii lowest ill the census
; included hi schedule A,ano
iikewis'e of the 41
:rji
English borot%li-; oex e-
t abov
them, and included in scheelolo 11, along with tilt
population of tho ~,,,,,
e(be rrestit
yo:i;.
r,
Is., boroughs by the census of
Ablcd the et,n., JO. To this information is
'lli both • lS°L
HI and 1631 of the

PRICE 7D.

lateen boroughs next in order above those in
chedidep, and therefore still continued in their
rrivilege of sending two Members to Parliament.
Die accounts in this return contain the facts about
chick the opposition to the Bill lately kept up a
rabble of more than a month. Had the returns
)een got ready earlier, they might have saved us
-he infliction of a great deal of absurd disputa-
ion as to whether such and such a place
Jerrold be included in schedule A or schedule B,
rr in no schedule at all ; and have enabled Par-
lament to devote their time to more useful
rljects. With these returns in their hands,
Ministers might have said, " We do not dispute that
tome of the boroughs which, by the census of
1821, had a population between 2,000, have, by the
census of 1831, risen above that number, and that
ohers, which had a population below 4,000 at the
'erntr•r date, have, in like manner, extended beyond
that limit at the latter; but, admitting this fact, we
:ti!l adhere to our original arrangement, because the
tdoption of the census of 1821 (placed beyond our
rontroul) frees us from any charge of influence or
partiality in making up the lists; and because we
have adopted the numbers of 2,000 and 4,000 for
the measure of our total or partial disfranchisement,
—not from a regard to mathematical exactness, but
As a palpable and reasonable limit within which the
proposed abolition or curtailment of repiesentatiiit
privilege ought to take place. With this explanation I
we mean to take the vote on the whole of the two
schedules, and to admit no dispute about the present
etdh the
ochmirtrigeebs
precious
fecipoauts-
populaelon of each particular. borough." After all
iiihmaelietf,yutslosier—roallybtehbreyo'r"O'lrUhgnilgel iiiiiintcgoA—nst,:vmllliich changed ifs schc-
dule was Saltash, and the only borough in B which
made a contrary move towards A was Downto:e
Suppose it had been absolutely necessary to adopt
the lines of 2,000 and 4,000, arid to have ascertained
to a soul, or half a soul (as at the Congress of
Vienna), whether those limits were exceeded in any
particular instance by the census of the present I
year, all the consequence which would have followed
would have beets to have reneoved seven boroughs
from schedule A to schedule B, and five from
schedule B to their former station among the rotten
untouched boroughs. In the former predicament
would have appeared Wareham, which has, by
the census of 1831, 2,325; Great Bedwin, which
has 2,191 ; Eye, 2,313; Brackley, 2,107; .I\ewton,
2,137; Andover,2,ooB; and Milborne Port, 2,072. ►
In the latter we should find Sudbury, which has
now a population of 4,677; Cockermouth, 4,536;
Bridport, 4,242; St. Ives, 4,776; and Ashburton,
4,165. So far from thinking that any substantial
injustice was done to these boroughs by the 4dor.
,ion of the census of IS2I, on which they .re
cau-
demned, instead of that of 1831, by which they
would have been saved, wo should have seen no ob-
jection to include in the condemned schedules the
16 boroughs next above them in population, only
three of which contain 5,000 inhabitanto4and one of
which (Mahon) only escapes schedules 13 by five •1
souls.—Times,

A striking change has come over the specula,
tiona of the ultra-11. iyalists and friends of the Bour-
bons in France. They have become more violently
hostile to England,—to the Vanglish people, and the
English Govecnrneat, than the Jacobins and Buona-
partists WZAn after the battle of Waterloo, the'
overthrow of Napoleon, and the restoration of legi-
timacy in Europe. The Gazette de Fiance and the
Quotidienne take the lead in this warfare, acid con-
tain daily articles written in the most bitter spirit of
hostility to langlish interests or English influence;
and, as these papers are written to be read, they
must calculate upon the approbation of the party
whose cause they have ekpaused, and on whose pa-
tronage they depend. It is easy to discern their
motives for contrasting the conduct of the English
Government with that of their own, in order to
show how much England has rained, and how much
France has lost, in recent tranaatations. By this
means they expect to cave; with odium a Ministry
and a dynasty which they detest. It is as easy to see
why they should abuse the present Cabinet of Eng.
hold, whose principles they conceive idetatiiied with
those of their existing rulers, and adeetee to those of
the exiled family. Nor is it difficult to understand
why the English people, who are bent upon RJorna,
,hould be disliked.by the enemies of the great body
of the French people, who have accomplished a
nece,sary revolution. But the puzzling character of
their hostility is its gerterality,-,at he strange perver-
sion of the facts which they adduce to justify their
antipathy,—aritl the plans winch they propose to
gratify their ruling pas.don. In their bill of indict-
anent against us they include the histaay of the last
seventeen years, during which the Bourbons were
twice restored by our troops and our subsidies, and
during which our successive Ministries were as much
opposed to fteform as theirs were to revolution.
'The sattlement of Europe at Paris and Vienna, it
would appear by them, was oar work, and effected
solely for our interests, If so, it is rather odd
that their frietads, the Bourbons, should have
profited ao much, and we the people of Eng-
l.:wad so little, by the arrange-relents which
we then effected. It is stiil more unaccount-
able how, with all the experience of fifteen years,
we Englishmen ahould be unable to discover r single
advantage, which we then secured to na.leelees at
the. expeese of our neighbours, for all the sacrifices
which we had incurred, and with all the military
glory which we lead acquired. A nation of shop-
keepers and inanufseturcrs (as we have been called)
might have been supposed to throw it; political ser-
vices and military renown ireta the scale of iti trade,
and to have bought z:ommereial treaties with its
brilliant yieaoa;es. Did an instance of thin accur
estoring the 11Jurbons did we insist. on restoring
Mr. Pitt's commercial arrangeetent of 1786 with
France ? In seeed:a home the emigrant dynasty,
and .he emigrant nobility, did we stipulate to the
introduction of our cottons or our hardware into
France? They took the betkef).'., of our steel, did
we insist upon them b4ing our iron ? No; the
continental sle-44era of Napoleon was continteed
anifeat as, so far as France was comet:teed ;--and
from an absurd jealousy, the two eac..at powerful and
most commercial nations ;: the world—placed in
tiie immediate --i•-*-I:ty arid almost in sight of eae4
other---have less trading intercourse than either
has With the empire of Brazil, its 4nother he-
rmisphere. At the end ckf, tiae war we found our-
selves in posseasicei of Cs-ear:Da, to which we had pro-
. mised iidepyodenee, and from which we might have
obtained airy exclusive advantage as the price cA
citified protection. In giving it up to the little ab.
solute King of Sardinia—the fri.ead of the Bourbons
and of the legitimate oiteti in France—did we bar-,
gain for a sin le. advantage ? Tine necessity ys
ie-
motisL:at:ng soon afterwards against treatmetit which
was harsher to England than to other nations, stilE-
ciently answers that euestlon. Our intercourstawith,
Holland and the iietriarlands was, indeed, renewed
after tika Peace; but the sacrifice a which we had incurred to establish the 4iagdpm of the Netbelkords
(lid not pot us a single immunity la a Belgie or
Dt!tei: port, which a subject ef the Bourbons dial :AM
)tnjoy upon the same ~,a-aers:lsitions. The rc.,:toation of
Ferdinand, for whom we 104(1 speee so much blood
and reeeaure, ruined our teed:, with Spain, and in the
course of a few y ea,r; gave France the little advantage
which could Le derived, in, a earfl-wend point of
view, from a domineering political influence over an
impoverished land. We might show in every other
instance the absurdity of supposing that the settle-
oleo: of I:'4iirope was guided by any reference to the