The Sun.
London, England, 1836-07-11 00:00:00

,
rItNALS

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JO

In Mr. O'Connell's letter to the people -of Ire-
land there was one sentence by the omission of • -
which we would have been better 's
cannot be denied that 'Lord Anglesey's 'second
administration in Ireland was such as to cause those
to whom his chivalrous and generous conduct, during
his short career in, that country in the beginning of
1829, had given unbounded satisfaction, and who be-
came enthusiastic admirers of the Noble Marquis, to
regret his resumption of the Vice-Regal power. But
though dissatisfaction attended upon the exercise of
the Vice-Regal authority in the second instance, from
the first moment of Lord Anglesey's return to Dublin
Castle to the hour when he delivered the sword of
state to his successor, yet lee believe there is not one
Irishman, not even Mr. O'Connell himself, who attri-
butes the faults of the Noble and Gallant Karquis's
second Administration to any other cause than wounded
pride and a mistaken judgment. We never yet heard
a liberal Irishman, when speaking of Lord
Anglesey, refuse to give his Lordship credit for the
best intentions and the kindest feelings towards the sis-
ter country. But the Noble Lord's spirit is a high
and proud one ; and, having made a false step the in-
stant Lord Grey conferred upon him the Vice-Regal
power, he gave deep offence to the Irish, who are as
susceptible as himself,
and would not afterwards do
an act that might be harped upon by his political ene-
mies as a concession to the people whom he was sent a
second time to govern, because of the warm attachment
they had manifested towards him on the occasion of
his previous recal. The secret of the shipwreck of
Lord Anglesey's popularity in Ireland, and of the con-
sequent total failure of his second Administration
there, was the unfortunate promotion of Mr. John
Doherty to the Chief Justiceship of the Common
Pleas. That appointment was heard of in Ireland with
indignation on the part of the people, and with disgust
by the Bar. The people conceived the appoint-
ment, which can never be justified, to have been the
reward of Mr. Doherty's attacks upon Mr. O'Con-
nell ; and the Bar felt that an incompetent bar-
rister, without professional abilities or experience.
was thrust into a chief scat on the judicial
bench, to the injury of the profession, and the
detriment of the public service. 11-r. Doherty was a
ready debater in the House of Commons, and a most
amusing associate at the dinner table ; but certain of-
ficial proceedings of his at Borrisokane, and in refe-
rence to the Doneraile conspiracy, of which it is now
very Well understood that the peasantry were the ob-
jects, not the agents, made him particularly obnoxious
to the people of Ireland, and the Irish Bar could not
have digested the insult of elevating a fifth-rate lawyer
above the heads of men who had won high reputation,
and were turning this into fortune before the new Chief
Justice, who happened never to get into good prac-
tice, was favoured with a brief in an action on a bill
of exchange. Such, however, was Lord Anglesey's
protege, by whose
.promotion he ruined his own great
popularity, beset his Government with difficulties,
and added another to the list of ingrates. Of
that appointment we believe Lord Anglesey has
fully repented. We question if the Noble Marquis
did not see cause to lament the bestowal of his
favour in that channel before the man who would
be a nothing but for his friendship, and who is a
Chief Justice by his especial kindness, was three
weeks upon the bench. There were others, too, who
wormed themselves into Lord Anglesey's affections,
and who, abusing his generous confidence, promoted
their own selfish views at the expense of the country's
interests and the Viceroy's peace of mind. But through-
out, though Lord Anglesey suffered himself to be
hurried into indiscretions and imprudencies, we do
confidently believe that he was ever anxious to pro-
mote the happiness of Ireland, and that he is now as
sincerely devoted to the cause of the Irish people, ae
desirous to extend their rights and privileges, as soli-
citous for their welfare, and as indignant at the wrongs
and the insults that have recently been heaped upon
them by Baron Lyndhurst and the Duke of Welling-
ton, as he was when he sacrificed place, emolument,
and power, rather than be a party to that temporary
separation of their religious and civil rights which the
Noble Duke recommended at the close of the year
1828. The Noble Marquis would not then consent
to " bury in oblivion " the Catholic Question ; nor
does he now consent to the entombment of the munici-
pal institutions of the Irish people. It is, therefore,
we think, due to him to " bury in oblivion " the un-
fortunate differences that in the intermediate time
sprung up between him and Ireland.—Morn. Chron.
It is not many years since most reflecting English-
men began to be aware, that in the good or bad issue
of Irish affairs was involved the political existence of
the British empire. Two Brand anomalies have been
presented by the condition of Ireland since the year
1779, and they remain in a state of growing aggrava-
tion to the present hour. One is, that the more that
has been clone to liberalize (as it is called) the institu-
tions of the country, the more dissatisfied and furious
has been the temper of those on whose behalf and for
whose relief the long series of political concessions
have been made by Parliament. The second is, that
the mortal foes to civil and religious freedom all over
the world—namely, the Popish Church, its ministers,
and members—have been they who most loudly invoked,
and continue to do so, the, name and guardianship of
liberty against oppression. Perfect " equality," quoth
O'Connell, is that wherein consists " justice to Ireland."
Now, in what respects is there the shadow of inequa-
lity between Irish Protestant and Irish Papist P—ln
two only—one practical ; the other theoretic and formal.
The practical difference is with regard to corporations,
which have been hitherto exclusively in the hands of
Protestants, and have so remained, long after every
sound political purpose for which they have been esta-
blished originally, had become unattainable and worth-
less. One loud outcry among many, of which Mr.
Daniel O'Connell has been time promoter within the
last ten years, was directed against these Corporations,
as being exclusive instruments of political party. A
measure for reconstructing them was brought forward
by the Whig O'Connell Government. The Conser-
vatives in both Houses, considering what had been the
main objection urged against them by the Popish mal-
contents, viz. their partial exercise of power, agreed hi
the reasonableness of that objection, and voted that
because of their exclusive character they should thence-
forth cease to exist. But this was not compatible
with the schemes of the Irish movement. Exclusive-
ness was only objected to by the Whigs and their
masters when it operated against the Roman Ca-
tholics ; the moment that a plan could be devised
for making Protsstants the victims of it, the ex-
clusive principle appeared the happiest of all de-
The House of Lords, with a just de-
termination to carry out the same policy which
had induced it to extinguish the old Protestant
Corporations, refused to establish other Corporations
in the room of them, because (without an unprece-
dentedly high qualification) they could be constructed
on no other than a principle equally exclusive with the
former ones, but which would be as adverse to Pro-
testant interests as the others had been to Roman Ca-
tholic. The sense of justice, however, of Mr. Daniel
O'Connell and Co. does not appear to have been so
much propitiated by the abatement of what they had
all along proclaimed to be an insufferable nuisance, in
the shape of Protestant Corporations, as shocked by
the non-erection of a counter-nuisance in the shape of
Popish Corporations. The disappointment of this latter
hope the revolutionists have emblazoned as an " insult
to the people of Ireland," because, under the fraudu-
lent name of "equality," they have not been per-
mitted to trample on the neck of Protestantism.
But there is another trick attempted under the
guise of " equality," by another misapplication of the
term. The "insult to the Irish" Papists consists in
the restraint imposed upon their eagerness to employ
against Protestants the same exclusive corporate power
from which they would have been themselves relieved,
had the wishes of the Conservative Lords and Com-
moners been successfuL The " insult to Ireland,"
generally, is, we are told, that she cannot be allowed
o the same" Municipal Institutions as this country.
Let us ask, how can Ireland, so different in herself,
possess by possibility " the same" Corporations as
England ? In England, the Members of the Esta-
blished Church constitute the majority of Burgesses
and Common Councillors. Of the minority, four-
fifths are Protestant Dissenters ; the Papists font a

V Ices.