The Sun.
London, England, 1849-04-30 00:00:00

N°.17,658.] LONDON, MONDAY E E N G

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AINSWORTH'S MAGAZINE
CONTENTS FOR MAY, No. LXXXVIII.

I. Crichton. By W. Harrison Ainsworth, Esq.—ll. Cambrian
Tales.—lll. Ethnos. By Henry J. Slack, Esq.—lV. Little James's
Journey from Poverty to Prosperity. By E. P. Rowsell, Esq.—Y.
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THE DUBLIN UNIVERSITY MAGAZINE
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11 A It A E.
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Illustrated by 26 Anatomical Coloured Engravings on Steel.
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EAST INDIA HOUSE,

THE RAJA. OF SATTARA.
A Special General Court of the Proprietors of the
East India Company was held at their House, in
Leadenhall-street, On Wednesday, at the desire of nine
Proprietors of East India Stock, as expressed in tilt
following letter :

"London, April 9, 1849.
" To the Chairman and Directors of the East India Company.
" Honourable Sirs,

" We, the undersigned Proprietors of East India Stock, duly quali-
fied by law, request that you will convene a Special General Court o:
Proprietors, for the purpose of taking into consideration the Papers
now before the Court, relative to the disposal of the Sattara State.

" We have the honour to be,
" Honourable Sirs,
" Tour obedient Servants,
(Signed) • " J. Sullivan.
" Arthur J. Lewis.
" Joseph Hume.
" J. Williams.
" Alex. Raphael.
"Chas. Forbes.
" John Triggs.
" Chas. Grant.
" J. W. Graham."
Precisely at twelve o'clock the directors entered the
room, and

Sir ARCHIBALD GALLOWAY took the chair. He
said he had then to announce to the meeting that this
Court bad been specially summoned at the desire of
several Proprietors as expressed in their requisition,
which he would call upon the secretary to read.
The SECRETARY having read the acquisition, and
the minutes of the preceding meeting baying been
also read and confirmed,
Mr. SO mAn rose to move a resolution. He said,
the question which they were about to discuss was
really one of the most important that had ever been
propounded in this Court. It wasa question which
nut only vitally affected the dearest interests of every
native of this country, but it affecied, as he should be
able to show, the very principles on which -the com-
pany held their own territory, so far as their title
depended on the observance of the most solemn
moral considerations. What that question was
would be seen from two extracts which he would read
from the papers then in his hand ; the first was an
extract from a minute of the Governor-General, and
the next was written by Mr. Willoughby. Lord
Dalhousie said— . _

- -
" I take this fitting occasion of recording my strong
and deliberate opinion that, in the exercise of a wise and
sound policy, the British Government is bound not to
put aside or neglect such rightful opportunities of ac-
quiring territory or revenue as may from time to time
present themselves, whether they arise from the lapse of
subordinate states, by the failure of all 'heirs of every
description whatsoever, or from the failure of heirs natu•
nil, where the succession can be sustained only by the
sanction of the Government being given to the ceremony
of adoption according to Hindoo law. Such is the gene-
rat principle that, in my_ humble opinion, ought to guide
the conduct of the British Government in its disposal of
independent states, where there has been total failure
of ali heirs whatsoeveri or where permiSsion is asked to
continue by adoption a succession which fails in the
natural line."

tinestion than that of the coati-
Ag“aAin,mAolrer.
importantllriliough by says—
nuance or extinction of the Sattara state has not arisen
since I became a member of this Government. It does
tot affect that state exclusively, but raises the general
question of what is the right policy to be pursued towards
any other native state of India under similar circum-
stances. In other words, it raises the question whether,
on failure of heirs natural, it is expedient to absorb them
oinr tt
Now; it was obvious that they were not taut to
oh ecognetnineruael
tahoevmerebiyg nthtya,iDufinthdoe Aonn -lasgtloomnodfiaandoepmtipoinr,e,.
discus merely the justice;' or expediency of annexing
the Sattara state to the,,British ;Government; but
they were to discuss a question of a far more impor-
tant nature—namely, 4ether `;the East India
Company had a right to seize upon end to appropriate
the territory
East di
oryof any native'
Companyative' So
mightvereignP determinerinceo
of India
whom the to
have died without heirs. Now, in order to a right
apprehension of that question it was absolutely ne-
cessary to keep in mind that the interests of three
distinct classes of people were involved in it—first,
there was that class of Sovereign, Princes "Whose
independence the Company had recognised, with
whom they had treated on a footing of equality, and
to nhoin they were bound by special treaties ;
secondly, there was another class of Princes,
who were Sovereign ces, ‘; -with whom
they had riot treated on: a footing of
equality, but to whom they were bound by
written agreements; and, thirdly, there were the
chiefs and feudatories in India, with whom they
were not bound by any specific engagements, with
whom, therefore, they were at liberty to deal ac-
cording to the established law of the country. Most
necessary it was to keep that distinction of classes
clearly in mind, because in the papers then before
the Proprietors they had been studiously confounded.
The question then, he said, was this—whether the
a
East India Company had right to seize upon and
appropriate the territory of any native Sovereign
Prince of India whom the Company determined to
have died without heirs. Now, on what foundation
was that monstrous proposition made to rest ? It was
this, that the East India Company are the lords para-
mount of India, that they stood in the place of the Mo
gul Emperors, and that the rights which were inherent
in those Mogul Emperors had devolved upon the East
India Company, and that they had a right to treat all
the Sovereign Princes of India as vassals. Now, no
one could doubt, that in extent of territory, in point
of military strength, and in every attribute which
constituted power, not only did they stand in the
place of the Mogul Emperors, but immensely above
them. Non constat that the Company had a right to
exercise all the rights which appertained to those
Emperors. Did those who propounded that proposi-
tion forget that the Mogul Emperors were despots in
the strongest sense of the term, that they disposed of
the lives of their subjects at pleasure, and that their
will was their law ? Did those persons forget that
the East India Company were not only not a despotic
Government but a regulated Government, that they had
voluntarily denuded themselves of every particle of
arbitrary power, which might have belonged to them
as a sovereign state of India, and had defined and
limited their authority, as between themselves and
their subjects, by that code of regulations which
had been passed for their benefit, and which
was their charter against us ; and the Com-
pany had limited and defined their authority by spe-
cificdom treaties
b y
power
certain things undone, and bound the native Princes
e andtreaties
hot thatby
which they thceeyrtabion untdhing themselves
andt o as
leave the
tihnethceosmampaenwyayw.as It
two as
bteheng
any vestige of arbitrary power derived from the
Moghats. From those they could not swerve
either to the right band or to the left
without incurring the imputation of bad faith that
would be scandalous even in a Hindoo Government, but
infinitely more scandalous in a Government like theirs,
which professed to be guided by. Christian morals and
Christian principles. Now the Raja of Sattara was
übiydetdh, those
one of those sovereigns to whom they were bound by
a specific treaty. What were the Company's obliga-
tions under that treaty ? How was the matter treated
in that pithy dispatch which emanated from the Court
of Directors on the 24th of January, and which
formed part of those printed papers which he held in
his hand ? Did they find them employed in an anxious
examination of the obligations which they had con-
tracted under the treaty, and, in order to assist
them in that examination, calling for the opinion of
eminent jurists in order to determine the meaning of
the English terms used in the treaty, or any eminent
oriental scholar, in order to determine the meaning
of the native terms used in the treaty ;
above all, that gentleman by whom the treaty
w
eerdadna,ctoetbnhdyterstaewhcewth°i
January,
aea
nast
uthymae
rwaytdra, me, ,
at
ot or t
interpreted
which h
lant ot
hht
ehe et,
horda
dispatch,
hpereane
tftocelm
therh;
oc-
curred no: whom
gr4d
tpsha thatrtoyf

" We have read these various papers with the greatest
attention, and have weighed all the considerations set
forth in them, with a deep sense of responsibility. The
result of our deliberation is that, concurring with you
in opinion, we aro fully satisfied that by the general law
and custom of India a dependent principality like that of
Sattara cannot pass to an adopted heir without the con-
sent of the paramount Power; that we are under no
pledge, direct or constructive, to give such consent, and
that the general interests committed to our charge are
best consulted by withholding it.
" The pretensions set up in favour of the adopted son
of the ex-lt,ja being wholly untenable, and all claims
of collaterals being excluded by the fact that none of
them are descended from the person in whose favour the
principality was created, the ex-Raja Pertaub Shear!, it
follows that the territory of Sattara has lapsed, by failure
of heirs, to the power which bestowed it ; and we desire
that it be annexed to the British dominions."
Now, in that extract they heard of the general law and
custom of India ; they heard that Sattara being a
dependent principality, could not pass to an adopted
heir without the consent of the paramount Power;
and they heard of the right of the Court of Directors to
take possession of his territory ; but of the obliga-
tions contracted by the Company under the
treaty, they heard no more than if the
India Company had as little concern with