The Sun.
London, England, 1831-12-03 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The trial of the murderers, Bishop, Williams,
and May, concluded last night in the convic-
tion -of all three. What a fearful picture does
it present of the depravity of human nature
Vie present is a new era in the history of crime
—at least, the crime, if it before existed, was not
known to exist : even a word has been intro-
duced into its nomenclature, which was but a
Siort time ago unknown, and which is, as
we should hope, doomed to wear out by the
extinction of the flagitious offence which it
designates. From Burke, the first deteete-d per-
petrator of the deadly deed, " Burking"—a term
meant to express the destruction of a human being
by a new method, for the purpose of sel-
ling the body—has been derived. Men have in
all ages committed murders from the incitement
of irregular passions,—from hatred, jealousy,
envy,—for the sake of obtaining the property of
the deceased, or for the purpose of personal se-
curity of the murderer after the act : but to de-
stroy the life of a fellow-creature from a calm
calculation of the sum which the dead body
would produce, is a degree of depravity which
it has been left to the present age to con-
summate, and which we should hardly have
conceived possible, had .not the fact been
placed beyond all doubt by legal investigation,
and transferred to our legal records. Nay,
the most hardened homicides have been generally
accustomed to fly from those whom they had de-
stroyed ; they could not bear to look on the
mangled members : an absurd, but perhaps an
useful, superstition existed, that the body would
bleed afresh if touched by him who had bereaved
it of life. But here a close intercourse of the
murderer with the murdered commences after
life is extinct : he handles the rigid limbs—re-
commends them to the dissector—" It is a fresh

subject : it has never been in the earth !”
Oh horror of horrors ! Oh ! frightful degra-
dation of the human character i 'We do
now hope that some rational scheme will be
introduced for supplying the anatomical schools
with subjects fitted for their purpose upon
legal principles, lest scenes such as those
we now deplore should again be presented
to public notice, and should again disgrace
our age and nation. It is, perhaps, not
a reproach to us in the first instance, as a
people, that we are, throughout all our ranks
and gradations, particularly averse to consigning
the bodies of those we know to the experiments
of the anatomist ; but the consequences of carry-
ing this repugnance to an extreme degree have
been most hideous : and let it be recollected,
even by the most prejudiced, that dissection
does not destroy the body. The parts may
afterwards be put together and decently conveyed
to the earth, where, when a few years, or even
months, shall have passed over them, there will
be no difference between them and those bodies
which shall have been consigned to decay in the
most perfect form.—Times.
Every true friend of his country must be more
than ever anxious to see an end put to that
question which has now agitated all ranks of the
community for nearly a whole year, and which,
from its exclusive and overwhelming importance,
has actually thrust aside all the other important
interests of the country ; and if this can be
brought about by a mutual yielding on the part
of its friends and opponents, we should, on be-
half of the whole community, hail it as a con-
summation most devoutly to be wished. That
an attempt of this sort has been making
during the present short recess cannot be
doubted, and we are anxious to know the result.
We never were among the number of those
who joined in the absurd cry of " the Bill,
the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill."
On the contrary, agreeing cordially in its prin-
ciple, and acquiescing in the greater part of its
details, we, from time to time, took occasion
ourselves to point out defects, discrepancies, and
inconsistencies, which we wished to see cor-
r,'eted—some of which we succeeded in impres-
l..ng upon its authors ; and some of the rest we
hope to see effected in the new edition of the
measure now about to be offered to Parliament.
But, whether this be the case or not, we have no
hesitation in saying that we would much rather
see the measure passed, even in an imperfect
state, by compromise, than any longer delayed
by conflict. What in the one case may be for
the present imperfect, a reformed Parliament will
itself remedy; whereas, on the other, if the country
is to be continued in a state of ferment such as we

have of late experienced, it may soon become a
question whether there may remain any Parlia-
ment to Reform or interests to defend. Most
certainly then would we call upon both parties
to look to the real state of the question, and,
above all, the real situation of their common
country seriously in the face, and by a spirit of
mutual forbearance and concession, accomplish
that which a longer delay may render valueless.
In private life we see people not unfrequently
contesting so vehemently for property, that they
do not open their eyes to the necessity of putting
an end to their interminable disputes till the
whole that they have been contending for has
paned away from both into the fathomless pit
of litigation. So it may be in this case with
public rights. While contending about shadows
the substance may haply disappear. The Anti-
Reformers may be fairly divided into two
classes—the interested and the honest. From
the first no hope can be entertained ; but from
the latter every reasonable expectation may be
looked to. They may, and do, consider the
measure of too sweeping a tendency.; but still,
with most of them, their objections resolve,
themselves into mere questions of degree; .and,
if by humouring the honest prejudices,,oir,such
persons, a sufficient portion of them mar.be de_
tached from the ranks of OppositimOo become
either the supporters or silent acquiescers in the
measure, it will then be triumphantly carried,
and that at a price which; no'-honest Reformer
need regret, more especially if its accomplish-
ment, even in a slightly modified form, ensures
the tranquillity of the country, and enables the
Government to direct: its attention to those vital
interests of the State, both at home and abroad,
Which have been too long placed in abeyance by
'this all-absorbing subject.—Moriung Herald.
We are glad to find that even the Court of
Aldermen have at last had their eyes open to the
folly of keeping up a recluse dignity in their pro-
ceedings, by acting on a spirit of exclusion to-
wards the Press. If the late contested election
for the office of Chief Magistrate had no other
result than to rub off something of the ancient
prejudice which the civic senate entertain towards
open and public discussion, it would tiot:hve
been in vain. It is no small sign of. the spirit
of the times that a protracted scene of civic agi-
tation has terminated in infusing an additional
portion of wisdom into the Aldermanic body,
and making them prefer,
.the light of .day, and,
the company of a free Press, to darkness)
and closed doors. But let us not be too

hard upon the Court ornertnen in this
matter. The illumination which has flashed
upon their minds within the last few weeks did
not penetrate through the darkness in which
the intellect of the House of Cot mons was
long enveloped, until the celebrated era of the
conflict between that popular branch of the Legis-
lature and the late powerful and intrepid dema-
gogue John Wilkes. There is still a standing
order of that House Which makes even the most
accurate reporting of the debates a breach of
privilege. A messenger of that !louse having
been sent to take the printer of a newspaper
into custody, fc,"i' publishing a report-of the de-
bates, Wilkes, as a city Magistrate, either com-
mitted the messenger, or held him to ball for an
assault. For this he was summoned to appear
at the bar of the House, but declined, unless
allowed to take his -seat as a Member. A
second summons ;;as issued, which met with a
similaranswer. A day was then fixed for a motion
on the subject ; but as, before the day came, it
was ascertained that Wilkes was neither to be
persuaded nor intimidated from the original in-
tention, they adjourned over the da..9 ; in.conse-
quence of which the nutlee of motion fell to the
ground, and the question was never brought to
issue. The triumph for the Press, however,
was practically gained, and from that time, al-
though the " standing order" continued on the
Journals, it was, by connivance at least, sus-
' pended, and the '' fourth estate" took its posi-
tion in the gallery. No public man or public
body need fear the Press whose actions will bear
the light. In all free countries every question
of interest which is debated with closed doors
will find its way abroad in some distorted or ex-
aggerated form. Those who complain of mis-
representation can only remedy the evil by admit-
ting the Press, and affording it the facilities by
which alone accuracy can be ensured.—Morn-
zna Herald.
The Rev. Dr. L. Carpenter, of Bristol, has
communicated to " The Monthly Repository
and Review of Theology and General Literature
for December," a most instructive account of
the riots in that city. We would recommend
the perusal of it to Mr. Henry Drummond, and
all those who wish the aristocracy to possess po-
iitical power through the corruption of the poor.
We regret that at present our limits will not al-
low us to insert the whole of this communica-
tion, which, after all that has been said on the
subject of these riots, will amply repay perusal.
We see here the consequences of self-election,
and of that system of government which enables
the rich to plunder their fellow-citizens, on the
condition of expending a part of that plunder in
corrupting and degrading the instruments through
which they are enabled to obtain it.
" We have (says Dr. Carpenter) a self-elected
Corporation, some of them men of considerable ta-
lent for their official duties, but the whole indis-
posed, generally speaking, to promote those pur-
poses of improvement which the exigencies of the
times require; often impeding the efforts of others;
:iving in little intercourse with men of general intel-
ligence ; very few residing within, and some even
living remote from, the precincts of the city, whose
peace and good order it is their duty to maintain;
an the whole, distinct from the people; not possess-
ing, in their official relations, the confidence even of
those who approve their politics; and long mani-
festing a supineness with respect to the police of the
city, which has rendered it incomparably the worst
place I have had the power of observing, in respect
both to disorder and crime, and to the disgusting
profligacy of our principal thoroughfares. 'We have
further the anomaly of such a body occasionally se-
locting for the office of Mayor some one of more en-
larged and liberal views, but who can scarcely fail
to find himself hampered and checked in any endea-
vour to carry them into effect."
The Corporation have by their system en-
couraged riotous and disorderly conduct ; every
election till the last has been disgraced by
drunkenness, outrage, and violence ; purse-proud
masters have punished their poor workmen when
they attempted to vote according to their con-
science and refused the dirty bribe, by turning
them out of work. The pitcher goes many
times to the well, but it is at last broken. They
who make mobs and outrage a part of their
system of Government, must expect at last to
have their houses burnt over their heads. When-
ever we hear of a low and degraded rabble, we
know that the rich are neglectful of their dut).
When the rich do their duty, the poor are re-
Tectful and respectable. The poor never hate
the rich, if' the rich do not oppress the poor. It
is well to keep this constantly in mind, because
there are no effects without their causes. But
let us hear Dr. Carpenter a little farther :
" On all questions calculated to oppose popular
feeling, Bristol has usually manifested much turbu-
lence of disposition. Till the last election there
,vas usually not only disgraceful drunkenness, but
outrage and violence—rarely, however, carried to
any great degree of personal injury. At the com-
mencement of the memorable 1829 our senior Al-
derman, Mr. Daniel, a man of undoubted talent and
official ability, took the Chair in Queen-square; and
all the parishes sent their processions, with Clergy
rat their head, to unite in opposing the claims of the
Catholics. From fifteen to twenty thousand per-
' sons were present, and the advocates for liberal
measures were not listened to, notwithstanding the
efforts of the Chairman. The issue was the break-
ing of the windows of the Catholic Chapel, and the
destruction of the Pro-Catholic petition, placed in
the public Exchange, •and under the protection of
!he Mayrn's officers. Indeed, at that period the
liberal Mayor was the object of popular insult, and
• Sir Charles Wetherell's 'bitterness against the Re-
lief Bill made him the idol of the populace, and
enabled him to be the .protector of the Chief Ma-
gistrate: • Since that. time the sentiments of men
have much changed; and the mere. mob has
been kept in check by the people. For the
honour of Bristol
_I must say, that I know nothing
more noble in the history of the last general elec-
tion, than the calm,:determined, and self-controuled
spir-t of the Reformers. I was only a looker-on.;
for my assistance was not needed. Within a week
from the dissolution of Parliament, the Anti-Reform
Members had retired, and on the Saturday follow-
ing that when the news of the dissolution arrived,
the two Reform Members were returned. The
whole expenees of the preceding election were esti•
mated at not short of. 30,0001. This time, on the
pact of Mr. Protheroe, up to the day of election,
they had not amounted to 2001. There was no
open house ; no drunkenness or disorder in the
streets. On the day of chairing I saw a crowd of
not fewer than ten thousand persons awaiting for an
lour the completion of the arrangements for the pro-
cession without a single peace-officer among them—
without a stick raised by any one, dividing with
readiness for the procession which they seemed to
feel their own, and all who shared in which incurred
their own expences; and what was still more, in the
evening illuminations, after the excitement of the
day, maintaining the greatest order, and not induced
by the darkness of the Anti-Reform party, to com-
mit a single outrage. Even when the hopes of the
people. were bitterly disappointed by the recent de-
cision of the House of Lords, there was no tumult;
and the public meetings which were immediately held
in Queen-square were marked by perfect order."
We know that many of the Aristocracy flatter
themselves with the notion that they will,be able
to perpeiVite the system which tends to pamper
one portion of the nation, till they become drunk

with insolence at the expense of the brutalization
of the other. That systein has received its
death-blow. Never, never more will the Eng-
ish people consent to wear the chains which
hey have begun to break: Do not let them
magine that, in defeating the Ministry of Earl
Grey, they will be able to stave off Reform.
They may, by their intrigues and by delaying
Reform, produce distren, and disturbance, and
confusion ; they may convert the most patient,
we had almost said too patient, people of
England into vindictive revolutionists ; but
they will never, never make them the pas-
sive slaves of the Aristocracy. we have been
told again and again, till the tale nauseates, that
the system works well. Can a system be said to
work well that has everywhere arrayed the poor
against the rich—that has covered the surface of
England with incendiarism, that has destroyed the
charities of life, and estranged man from his
fellows ? One trait mentioned by Dr. Carpenter
speaks volumes to those who are open to in-
struction as to the working of the corrupt sys-
tem. " I went thence (from Princes-street) to
the Bishop's Palace, and found two or three
young special constables keeping the ground,
and a few persons (gradually increasing in num-
ber), who appeared principally influenced by
curiosity. One woman, however, told me, that
she wished she could find an old Bible for her
son ; my head was full, and I did not tell her
that the Bible would not, by the finding it, have
been her's. The young men wished the ground to
be cleared, and I spoke to a decently-
dressed workman who was furthest from the
gate, telling him that I thought we should
all do well to leave the place. As we were
walking away, speaking of the vast devastation,
he said, you all conspire to oppress the poor.'
I told him I never had, knowingly, done a poor
man any injury. All of you (he added) that
are in trade ;' I replied, that I believed him quite
in the wrong there too. He went on a little
more, and concluded by telling me, that he Ltd
himself been turned out of work because he
would not vote as his master wished. It has
been more common here for men to submit to
the degradation of voting, against their judg-
ments, at their master's command ; but by both
system the bonds which should unite the rich and
time poor have been weakened. The fact seemed
to me deserving to be recorded." This purse-
proud tradesman was, in his way, a Duke of New •
castle. May not a man do what he will with
his own ? And what is the consequence of at-
tempting to uphold laws founded on injustice ?
The bonds of law are dissolved, and the poor
retaliate on the rich, by violence, for the indigni-
ties they have suffered. Injustice always pro-
duces re-action. At the breaking out of the
revolution, the French peasantry paid back to the
Noblesse, with interest, the indignities they had
borne from them. May the Aristocracy of Eng-
land take these things seriously to heart. The
cup of oppression is full—if it run over, woe to
them.—Morning Chronicle.

The three wretches concerned in the murder
of the poor Italian boy have been found guilty,
and are ordered for execution on Monday next.
Who knows how many other poor creatures
have been destroyed by them ! The evidence
as to one other case seems complete. If rich
people were liable to be Burked, the wants o
anatomical science would have been provided
for long ago, without affording an incentive to
murder. Had the child of a Lord been one of
the ♦ictims of Burke, at Edinburgh, all other
Lords would have taken the alarm, and an Act
of Parliament would have soon followed. But
it is difficult, if not impossible, to carry off the
children of Lords, and easy to deprive the
poor of their children ; and, therefore, Lords,
knowing of course that the subjects must be pro-
vided, that the difficulty of procuring causes high
prices,and high prices tempts the worthless men em-
ployed to procure them by murder— which is easier
and safer than disinterment—instead of providing
against this monstrous evil, endeavoured to in-
flame the prejudices of the poor. It is affirmed
by physiologists, that life may be destroyed so as
to leave no trace of the act. Anatomists may
be able to detect murder when violence has been
used, as in the case of the Italian boy ; but
when no violence has been used, how can they
tell that the subject has been unfairly ob-
tained? There is no difficulty in obtaining
subjects in France—none in Germane—none
in
Italy—and there need be n►o difficulty in Eng-
land. Let the bodies of those who die in
workhouses and hospitals, whose relations do not
claim them for burial, be made available for the
purposes of anatomy. To this remedy we must
come, or the schools of the anatomists must
be closed, or Burking will be continued. So
long as ten guineas can be obtained, with less
danger by Burking than by burglary, Burking
will be preferred by the criminal.-111orning
Chronicle.

The temperate, we ought almost to say the
frank and willing manner, in which the Political
Unions now subsisting throughout the country
have submitted to the order of the Royal Pro-
clamation, cannot be too highly praised. It is
the best proof of the good sense and good feel-
ing which pervade the public mind, and the best
evidence that not only is it a primary object with
them to cause the public peace to be preserved,
but that no attempt on the part of the Tories to
cause a division among them will be successful.
In noticing, however, the submission of the Po-
litical Unions to the Royal Proclamation, or in
observing that these Unions, temperate, praise.
worthy, and most laudable as they are, in
ordinary times inconsistent with, and sub-
versive of the spirit of national Govern-
ment, it is not to be understood that we do not
consider them to be both useful and necessary "at
the present juncture. They are indeed new to the
country and to the Constitution ; but necessity
has called them forth, and while the necessity
exists, they will and must exist also. Let that
necessity be done away with, and no Political
Union will be found in the land ; for English-
' men are neither fond of violent changes, nor ha-
bituated to the adoption of new modes of action
for the attainment of their objects : and when
they have gained their objects they will gladly re-
turn to that domestic quiet, and those general
habits of attention to their immediate affairs
which are so characteristic of them. To those,
however, who have either shrunk from joining
Political Unions, or who conceive them to be
dangerous to the public tranquillity, we beg to
submit an extract from a pamphlet just published
by Effingham Wilson, on the advantages of
Political Unions, which will go far to root out
ally prejudices which may possibly exist res-
pecting them.
Every one knows that in 1790 certain secret
societies were established in many of the chief towns
in England, and also in Scotland and Ireland. The
leader's of these societies were men of considerable
talent; and being enamoured of the doctrines of
equality, which the heroes of the French Revolu-
tion promulgated, they sought to transplant them

into this country. Although the times were then
gloomy enough, for at that period Mr. Pitt ruled
both Houses of Parliament, and the nation itself,
with a rod of iron, yet the societies did not long
survive the punishment of some of their leaderS.
Their rapid oblivion is easily accounted for. The
plans of their leaders were vague and aimless ; and
were irreconcileahle with the selfish interests of the
community. The war mania had seized all classes
of the people; the immense loans, contracted by
the Government to reimpose the paternal sway of
the Bout bons in France, caused a lavish expenditure
of the public money; while the paper current;
raised rents, wages, and profits of every description,
to an exaggerated value. The people, therefore,
preferred the realities of their situation to the ideal
doctrine of Agrarianism. To the same cause we
may attribute the decline and fall of other associa-
tions, which some sanguine spirits attempted to
establish upon the embers of temporary discontent.
" This apathy continued two years after the liber-
ticide war, when Mr. Pitt's splendid bubbles burst
into thin air, and left in their room an enormous and
overgrown taxation. The people then saw too
clearly the iniquities of the system which had pro-
duced an appiuent plethora of wealth ; and its effects
were not slow in realising themselves. The profits
of every species of manufacture were diminished by
at least one-half, and wages fell in an equal or a
greater proportion. The markets were overstocked
with goods, and the carrying-trade, of which we had
enjoyed a monopoly during the war, was nearly cut
up. This unexpected change in public affairs
was felt with peculiar poignancy by the productive
classes, who had basked ia the sunny hour of pros-
perity without ever dreaming of its being-overclouded,
The consequence was, that there immediately occur-
red some painful ebullitions of popular violence. The
Government,which had lost the support of public opi-
nion, saw revolution branded on the brow of every dis-
contented man ; but in their terror, they had recourse to
the most arbitrary and oppressive measures. The Ha-
beas Corpus Act was suspended ; the Six Acts dis-
graced the statute book ; the armed force of the
kingdom was increased; and landlords, cotton-
lords, and ship-lords, with the whole host of re-
iainers of Government, and pensioners, and sine-
curists, called out for the gag and the bayonet. But
in spite of all the mad attempt of the Government,
the spirit of outrage died away; and the onlylegacy
it left was the brutal Manchester massacre.

" From the suppression of these riots, we may
date the origin of the modern Political Unions.
That immense mass of people whose means of sub-
sistence were nearly absorbed by taxation, or whose
industry could. find no field for its display, conceived
the plan of uniting together for their mutual pro-
tection against the arbitrary career of the Govern-
!nem. Hence arose the " Reform Associations,"
the main object of which was to denounce the rt--
presentative system, through which the Minister of
he day secured large majorities in favour of what-
ever measure he proposed, however loudly it might
be decried by public opinion. The object was, in
every respect, laudable and praiseworthy; but the
result was not equal to the design. At first, the
public meetings of the associations were well at-
ended ; but as the stock of arguments was ex-
hausted, the novelty wore off. Many of the Re-
!Ormers themselves sickened over the task of waging
a hopeless warfare with firmly-rooted corruption,
and as they saw no chance of bettering their condi-
tion, by assaiiirg Parliament with their complaints,
they gave up the project in despair.
" But although the Reform Associations fell into
disrepute, and ultimately went to pieces, they did
not exist in vain. The bold tone that had been as-
sumed by their members,—the manifestoes which
they issued—the catalogues of abuses which they
drew up—kept public attention in some degree alive
to the question, and thus prepared the way for a
more extended organization of the productive classes.
The Reform Associations were, in fact, the pioneers
to the Political Unions ; but between the two
species of combinations there is the most marked
dissimilarity.
_ . . . .

" The Reform Associations were limited in point
lo the number of their members: and their grand prin-
ciple was to secure to every tax-payer his constitu•
dorml right of voting for his representative. The
sociators demanded univeral suffrage, annual Puha-
mews, and vote by ballot ; and they declared they
would never be satisfied with less. Now, however
earnestly this Radical Reform was to be desired,
yet in the peculiar temper of the nation—in
the distracted state of public opinion—and still
more, in the strenuous opposition of the then existing
Government to every, even the most modified plan of
Reform, the most sanguine associator could scarcely
have dreamt of having his favourite theories realised.
In plying for disciples, therefore, he was obliged to
confess the fearful odds against which he was contend-
ing, and the very dubious prospect of directing
public opinion towards his views with a steady sin-
gleness of aim. Now, the Political Unions, so far
from encumbering their operations with an unwieldly
and at present impracticable, question, at once ad-
dress themselves to the business and bosom' of
every Englishman. Their principle is this, that
union can either mitigate or remove a certain num-
ber of acknowledged grievances, which are felt by
that immense class in the community who are in-
vited to enter into this political combination."--
Morning Advertiser.

According to a statistical table for the Depart-
ment of the Seine, the expenses of the education of children
of all classes amounts to the annual sum of 31,285,000
francs. Towards the close of the llth century there were
no more than sixty teachers in Paris ; forty for boys and
twenty for girls ; awl it is not more than 40 years ago that
the number of persons in all France who were able to read
was not estimated at more than 7,000,000. At the pre-
sent day they may he estimated at upwards of 16,000,000.
In 1779 four reading rooms were sufficient for the wants
of the whole capital : now there are about 1,000. Lord
Chancellor BROUGUAM, in a work of his, previous to his
elevation, states upon positive evidence that, between the
years 1818 and 1828, the schools in England had in-
creased in the proportion of from 10 to 21—that is, more
than double.

CHURCHES IN THE HIGHLANDS AND
ISLANDS OF SCOTLAND.—The Commissioners have pub-
lished their sixth report. With an expenditure of 50,0001.,
granted far the purpose of the Highland Church Act,
aided by the interest of Exchequer Bills, in which it was
invested, thirty-two churches with manses, mie church
without a manse, and ten manses, have been built under
the superintendence of the Commissioners; the manses
having well-fenced gardens attached to most of them
The statutable quantity of ground (not less than half a
Scottish acre) has every where been secured. Of the
new erections, there are not less than fourteen in the
county of Argyle, nine in Ross and Cromarty, and six in
Inverness. The church of Lochgilphead cost 2,5001.,
and the manse of Kilmeny the same sum ; the cost of the
others varies down to 4001.—that of Ardgour, in Argyle.
Thirty of the churches are made to hold galleries, erected
at the expense of the heritors ; and the churches in the
aggregate will he capable of containing 20,000 persons
when galleries shall have been erected in all those of the
first class. The entire population of the districts attached
to the forty-three churches is estimated at 48,000, of which
number one-third are at present well accommodated, and
this will be at an expense to the public not exceeding 141.
for each person.
- -

A woman has been taken up at Landivisiau
(Finisterre) for killing a child only three years and a half
old, the daughter of her husband, and afterwards boiling
the body in a copper, in order to destroy the proof of her
barbarity !—French Paper.

--- -
ISLANDS OP THE PACIFIC.--Mr. STEWART'S
account of bis visit to the South Seas, just published,
graphically exhibits to us the strange manners and cus-
toms of the natives of these happy islands. The author,
indeed, possessed peculiar facilities of obtaining informa-
tion, being held in great estimation by the KING and
QUEEN of the Sandwich Islands, and by the various
Chiefs. The high tone of moral feeling which pervades
this work, and the keen observation of its very clever
writer, his taste moreover in describing the sublime sce-
nery by which he was surrounded, will render the narra-
tive of his visit to the South Seas partieuhrly acceptable
All who have perused the narratives of Co,,K, VANCOU-
vest, KOTZEBUR, and BEECIIEY, will find this work ne-
cessary to a due appreciation of the teal character and
habits of these interesting people.