The Sun.
London, England, 1849-10-17 00:00:00

N°.17,804.] LONDON, WEDNESDAY
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7 OCTOBER 17,
1849

COMMERCIAL TRAVELLERS' CLUB •
HOUSES.
About Fifty Gentlemen having already subscribed a Parse of
Guineas for defraying the preliminary expenses towards orig nating
institutions alike necessary and use"ul, as well as worthy of that
enlightened and most respectable body ; and it having been deemed
mist compatible with the interests and comfort of so large a com-
munity of gentlemen to have dormitories attached ; and first to
establish one, on rather an extensive scale, in the city of London ;
the members of the Provisional Committee earnestly hope that com-
mercial gentlemen will signify their approval of the measure, in
immediately constituting themselves members of the Committee by
payment of One Guinea, for the first year's subscription, and offering
any suggestions to the originators (a li,t of whose names may be
seen, or had, at the office of the lion. Secretary, and to whom all
communications are requested to be forwarded, as under), prior to
the issuing a prospectus generally amongst their brethren.
W. S. ItUMSET, Hon. Sec., pro tern.,
Wholesale Chemist, 3, Qacen-street•place, City.

'llO PARENTS and GUARDIANS.—A Soli-
citor in old-estaldished prictive in London his a vacancy in
his offices for an ARTICLED CLERK, and wishes to treat with a
family of respectability to t lice under his charge a Yount; Gentleman
who may, if required, reside with the princip a. The most respect-
able ref. recces given and strictly required.

. -
For term., apply to Messrs. Chambers and Ellwood, 18, Kin;-
street, Cheapslde ; or Messrs. Fallows and Adcock', Halkin-streat
West, Ilelgrave-square.

TO TAILORS and DRAPERS.—An eligible
opportunity no v offers to any one with moderate capital de-
sirous of commencing either of the above trades In ona of the chief
provincial cities. An income of 2,0001. per annum has been cleared
up to Me decease of the recent proprietor, and which could be easily
and considerably increased by an energetic man of business. There
will go with it an agency for the sale of NICOLL'S PALETOTS, and
other patented goo's, manufactured exclusiv.ly by Messrs. Nicolls,
114, 116, 120, Regent-street, and 22, Cornhill, London.
For full particulars personal ap,dication should be made at the
counting-house department of the above firm, batween the hours of
n and One.

A NOVELTY for the approaching season is in
preparation to which a distinguishing name has not yet been
given, but which the inventors, Messrs. NICOLL, can recommend
as one of the most useful, warm, comfortable, and graceful articles
of gentlemanly attire ever produced. Specimens can be seen at 114,
116, and 120, Regent street, and 22, oornhill, as also TIIE TREBLE
Garment, or I'ALETOT, called TIIE NICOLL. which retains all the
chararteriatics of the famed Paletot (registered 6 and 7 Vic., cap. 61)
is its exterior, and has the additional advantages of being convertible
from a warm to a light Overcoat, or vice versa, at the pleasure of
the wearer, or as the mild or cold nature of the weather niay re-
quire. This garment must be seen and worn to be properly appre-
ciated ; it will he found, perhaps, the best preservative of health in
this-variable climate. THE NICOLL has been secured, by Ruyal
Letters Patent in ENGLAND, IRELAND, SCOTL kND, and the
COLONIES ; it can, therefore, only be purchased'in the country, or
abroad, of Messrs NICOLL'S (the patentees) recognised AGENT;,
and in LONDON. only of theinseive;, viz.; at 114, 116, 120,
REGEN I'-STREET, and 22 CORN lIILL.

THE NICOLL PALETOT (Regd. 6 and 7;
Viet., cap. 65) WAREROOMS, 114, 116, PA REGENT-'
STREET, and 22, CORNIIILL.

Also for Nicoll's Morning Coat, now In almost nniiersal request
for the Country, Riding, Walking, Seaside, 84c. Shooting Jackets
adapted for thy Moors, &c.
Many hays assumed the use of the word PILETOT, but Messrs.
NICOLL are the sole Patentees of the design and material.

tirESSRS. NICOLL'S Wholesale and Counting
et
• Houge Departments for the London Branches in the Ship-
aim; and Woollen Trades are in CHANGE-ALLEY, CORNIHL,J,
and 120, REGENT-STREET.

A 8 R I A (31. E.
.74 One half the world are desolately single, and the otker
supposing them married, questionably contented. Diffidence, or a
sense of right determine the former, and miscalculated hopes era-
o_tter the latter. The solitary one may shield himself nada!' the plea
of caution and worldly prudence, and the indissoluble, regret un-
sonsprosing hurry; but the truth lies deeper. Physical incapacity.
and broken health, are the great hindrances to domestic happiness
tel soelal content. The dowry should not be the only marriage set-
dement. Honour and justice deraand that health should form au item
in the compact; it alone dignifies the alliance. Blighted hopes or
neglect waned more sorely than poverty or misfortune. Reader, if
Class surmises concern you, procure Dr. CULVERWELL'S little
IfOIRS "On Single and Married Life, " pub. in 2 vols., ls.
ach (by post, in stamps, Is. 6d. each). Let no imaginatively
:alined, or prudish feeling deter you, by their titles, nor be hindered
Sy misinterpretation of their supposed contents, from obtaining
'Amos. They are not intended certainly for mere idle curiosity, but
for the closet perusal of those more deeply interested, to whom
floy are offered as antagonistic to the empyrical trash put forth on
too above subjects, by unqualified authors, which alone er
together, aro a disgrace to the ago. Furthermore. two other
ittle publications claim your attention (same price Is. each.
37 r ost is. 6d.) called " What to Eat, Drink, and
weld," and " How to be Happy." They are not merely
pamp nets, but equal in quantity a library volume, nor are they the
mere ephemeral scribbllngs of the hour, but the study of the author's
'ife who owes his present existence, health, and position to this ob-
3Cfr-VIC3 of the maxims he would inculcate—to do unto others as he
woad 'se done unto—to live atter nature's laws—and to keep always
on the sunny side of the way." The above works may be had of
Sherwood, 23, Paternoster-row; Carvalho, UT, Fleet-street • Mann,
39, Conshill; Spokes, 5, Holborn hill ; or direct (by post or other-
wiae) ',ore the math.. <who may be conferred with personally,
mornings and eeentnes). 10, Argyll-olaeo Regent-street; and all
Booksellers.

BANK OF FRANCE.
The following is a return of the situation of the Bank
of Franca up to Oct. 4:—

A SSETS.

Cash and ingots ...-----.: ... f. 266,715,313 5
Ditto in branch banks ... .. 134,384,382 00
Bills past due ••• ••• 610,133 86
Bills falling due in Paris, of which
16,420,054 f. are from the branch

.--
banks ••• ... ...
.. 42,775,067 69
13111 s in the branch banks ~. ... 77,144,035 00
Advances on coins and ingots... ... 7,652,100 00
Ditto by the branch banks ... ... 490,137 00
Ditto on French public securities ... 20,593,926 10
Ditto by branch banks... ... ... 1,386,705 00
Ditto to the State on Bons du Tresor... .50,000,000 00
Ditto on the loan of 150 millioris ... 50,000,000 00
Rentes of the reserve fund ' ... . ... 10,000,000 00
ilentes, disposable funds,- ...'ll - .i. - • 42,581,488 13
Investments of theasewtranelf bankain • '
the public funds..& .....4,l):“..:ii•i' ,-:.'..' . 12,779,541 39
Hotel and furnir,ere a theilTailV . :.". 4,000,000 00
Real property'of the branct tanks .. 2,607,312 00
Interest in National Dis Count Bank ... 200,000 00
Ditto branch banks' ....' ' ' ... ... 230,000 00
Bills protested at Paris 3.299,301 27
Ditto at the branches ... ... ... 2,390,160 00
Expenses of administration of the Bank 315,789 97
Ditto of the branches ... ... .... 316,121 00
Miscellaneous ...
... ••• 151,157 88
Advance to the department 'of••sliti`
Seine ... ... ..,,:-* .-.•.'. 3,000,000 00
Loan of 3,000,000 f. to the city of Mar-
seilles ... ... ... ... ... 1,075,000 00

f. 734,604,421 7
Capital
LIABILITIES.
• ... L 67,900,000 00
Ditto of the Branch Banks ... 23,350,000 00
Itoserve fund
...
•.. 10,000,000 00
Ditto of the branch banks
"'2,980,750 00
Reserve- immobiliere 4 000 000 00
Notes to bearer, in circulation 377,710,900 00
Ditto of the branch banks .., 60,108,250 00
Ditto to order (post-bills) ... ..• 813,455 90
Account-current with Treasury creditor 54,020,455 41
Various accounts current 80,408.799 53
Ditto in branches 27,136,021 00
Bills payable at sight ... 8,185,000 00
Ditto at branches 1,857,678 00
Bills of the branch banks payable by
the Bank ... ..• ... 7,179,281 74
Ditto of the Bank payable by branches.. 3,317,384 00
Dividends payable ..• 398,895 25
Liquidation of the Algiers Bank ... 160,982'99
Discounts, interest, and expenses ... 2,891,036 84
Ditto branch banks ... 1,272,299 00
Re discounts of the last six months ... 143,693 49
Ditto in branch banks 321,562' 00
Miscellaneous
... 447,975 92

f. 734,604,421 Certified by the Governor of the Bank of France. 7
D'ARGOUT.
The above account shows that the cash in hand in
Paris has increased by 500,000 f., whilst it has decreased
in the branch banks by 3,500,000 f. The commercial
bills discounted have diminished by 1,250,000 f. in Paris,
and ncitrly the same amount in the branch banks. The
protested bills have diminished in amount by 120,000 f.
The bank-notes in circulation hove increased by
3,000,000 f. The balance to the credit of the Treasury
has increased by 2,000,000 r., whilst the sundry credits
have decreased by 5,000,000 f,

THE LAMENTABLE OCCURRENCE AT PIMLICO.—
The body of John Walsh, the constable, who lost his
life in endeavouring to save those of his fellow. creatures,
in the sewer at Pimlico on Friday night, was yesterday
consigned to its resting-place; in the burial ground of St.
John's, Westminster. His brother constables having
expressed a wish to be present at the mournful cere-
mony, all those not immediately engaged on duty,
amounting to nearly 200, followed in procession after the
chief mourners, who consisted of the relatives of the de-
ceased, and Mr. Bishop, the proprietor of the Clarendon
Tavern. The mournful procession was conducted by
Mr. Superintendent Russell and Inspectors Beckerson
and Simons. A vast assemblage of persons followed.
who expressed their sympathy at the melancholy and
untimely fate of the deceased.
A paragraph has gone the circuit of the daily press,
announcing the intended erection of a bridge over the
ornamental water in St. James's park. We have male
inquiry, and have ascertained that there is no foundation
whatever for the statement. The want of a direct com-
munication between the northern and the southern parts
of Westminster has long been subject of complaint, and
it has at length been decided to place a boat on the
water at a point near the St. James's and the Queen's-
;quare entrances to the enclosure, by which foot passen-
gers will be enabled, with the aid of an experienced
waterman, to pass from one side to the other at all times
of the day.
We have what we consider good authority for
stating that his Royal Highness Prince Albert will cer-
tainly visit this city when the meeting
of the Royal
Agricultural Society takes place next year.—Devonshire
Chronicle.

Nothing keeps a man from being rich, like thinking
he has enough ; nothing from knowledge and wisdom,
like thinking he has both.—Eliza Gook's Journal.
EADVERTISEMENT.]-A dreadful Abscess under the
Chin Cured by Holloway's Ointment and Pills.—Robert
Davidson, shoemaker, of Anstruther, had suffered for more
than five years with a very dreadful abscess under his chin ;
during this time he had been under the care of two surgeons in
Anstruther and one in Edinburgh, without the least prospect
of a cure. In this miserable condition he began to use Hollo-
way's Ointment and Pills, which, in the short space of two
months, soundly healed the wound ; and he is now enjoying the
best of health. Tints fine medicines are admirable remedies
for king's evil, wounds of all kinds, burns, scalds, piles, fistula,
awl bearings down. Sold by all Druggists, and at Professor
Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM TIIE MORNING PAPERS OF TUIS DAY.

TIMES.—The execution of Count Louis Batthy-
any, by sentence of Marshal Haynau's court-martial
at Pesti:, cannot fail to produce a most painful im-
pression wherever the affecting details of his last
moments are known ; and it is to be feared that
this act of extreme severety has been accompanied by
a still more sanguinary and indiscriminating punish-
ment of the Hungarian chiefs at Arad. Such acts
can be endurable only to those who hare sought to
identify the name of Austria with the most cruel
and revolting forms of despotism, and they
are singularly discouraging to those friends of the
Imperia Government who had hoped that the
forbearance and elemency so lately shown to
Venice and Comorn were to he the basis of the
restoration of the Emperor's authority in Hun-
gary. This feeling has already been powerfully ex-
pressed in Vienna even by the leading Ministerial
journal of that place. The Austrian Cabinet may
not be personally responsible for these executions,
which have taken place under the full powers confided
to Raynau ; but, as they invested him with those
powers, they were bound to provide for the use he
might make of them in capital cases, and not to allow
their policy towards Hungary to be sullied by the
atrocities of a Bloody Assiae or a Butcher Cumberland.
The intelligence and the humanity of our age are
alike opposed to the policy which followed the battles
of Sedgetnoor and of Culloden, and the infliction of
the extreme penalties of the law for political offences
requires the sanction, not of mere military authority,
or even of the forms of justice, but of public opinion.
Louis Batthyany has been the Ney of Hungary, and
his death, which only avoided the last ignominy of
the gibbet by his own desperate attempt at self-de-
struction, throws a darker shade over the last page of
his country's history than all the calamities of
the war. He may have incurred the last penalty
of the law ; he may even have deserved to
suffer, especially if his misguided efforts for the inde-
pendence of his country were aggrarated by the deli-
berate treason to the Sovereign whom he served, and
by any guilty participation in the horrors committed
in Vienna on that day whose bloody anniversary was
solemnized by his own doom. But it was the duty
and it was the interest of the Austrian Government to
proceed against him with all the formalities of the law
and all the guarantees of a public trial. To put men
to death because they have withstood a Government
and fallen into the hands of its Janissaries, is Turkish
and inhuman. In such a case as this, the mortal
enemies of the victim still reeking from the battle-
field become the judges and executioners of their
prisoner. But, if such fearful penalties are to be
inflicted (and we are not prepared to say they are
never to be inflicted for the highest offences
of treason and rebellion), they must he awarded,
not by political rancour, not by martial authority, but
by the solemn judgment of the law, restrained by its
own sacred vocation, guided by the rules of evidence,
and sanctioned by proof. If the Imperial Govern-
ment had in its possession the means of supporting
such capital charges against Count Batthyany, it
might have proceeded, in the face of the empire and
of Europe, to convict and condemn the author of the
Hungarian rebellion and the instigator of the insur-
rection at Vienna, if such he was ; for such a sentence
would at least have been dignified by the stern but
open front of justice. Even Ney was condemned by
the Chamber of Peers. But to hand over such an
offender from the drum-head to the Provost-marshal
is an act more worthy of the assassins of the Due
d'Enghien in the fosse of Vincennes than of the Mi-
nisters and officers of the Imperial Crown in the hour
of victory and in the light of freedom. Louis Batthy-
any was not taken with arms in his hands; he
had no part in the latest and most violent acts of the
insurrectionary Government. On the contrary, it
was in December of last year that he presented him-
self voluntarily in the camp of Prince Windischgratz
at Buda to make a last effort at reconciliation.
Strictly speaking, he was at such a moment under the
protection of a parley; yet he was arrested, or rather
kidnapped, detained in close confinement in Austria
or Moravia, and only taken back to Pesth to be hung
or shot. Such an act of perfidy and deliberate re-
venge converts an act of painful harshness into one
of atrocity, and it throws a portion of responsibility on
the whole Government of Austria. Whatever may
have been the faults of Louis Batthyany, they were
not those of a low demagogue or a popular revolu•
tionist. Although he had assumed the leadership of
the Opposition in the Diet, no man in that assembly
of magnates was more jealous of the dignity of his
order, or a more chivalrous champion of aristocratic
power. In asserting the pretensions of his rank and
of his race he was not only ambitious but arro-
gant; yet, by a curious turn of retribution,
it was his patronage which first placed
Kossuth in the legislature, and prepared the
future greatness of the man whose subtle and unscru-
pulous character destroyed the Administration of his
benefactor, led the revolution to its last excesses, and
consummated the crimes for which other and better
men have laid down their lives._ Whatever, therefore,

the precise charges may be for which Batthyany
has suffered, they must fall within the first period
of the revolution, between March and October, 1848.
He was during that time the Prime Minister of the
kingdom of Hungary, duly constituted by the Sove-
reign, and supported by the Diet. His acts were ap-
proved and ratified by that Sovereign. His colleagues
in office were some of them men of undoubted loyalty,
such as Prince Esterhazy himself. There was not
one of them, except Kossuth, who would not at that
time have recoiled with horror from such acts as the
murder of Lemberg, or the deposition of the house
of Hapsburgh. Doubtless many of the rash and
violent measures of that Ministry did lead to the revo-
lution, and the recal of the troops from Italy was little
short of treasonable; but, unless the Prime Minister of
that day can be implicated in other and more violent
gbillivncurhstotus of i
ucrhhnrede October rebellion,ini a
Vienna,
a,nwd particularlye are
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power and took his place for a few weeks in the ranks
of the army, until the parley occurred which led to
his capture. It cannot, therefore, be for his acts as a
rebel, but for his acts as a Minister, that he has been
pronounced guilty. Yet the bulletin of a court-martial
is the sole evidence submitted to the world to explain
his fate; and we are at a loss to recal a single instance
in the worst of times in which Governments the most
bloody and the most absolute dared to perform such
an act of horror on such a man, by such means, un-
less it be the murder of Count Egmont by the Duke of
Alva. Aggravated as this most impolitic and brutal
measure manifestly is by these considerations, we do
not presume to pass censure upon it simply because
capital punishment has been inflicted for a political
offence. The existing law, and the present practice
of our own country, most undoubtedly punish treason
and rebellion with death, as the highest crimes, since
no others inflict so large an amount of misery, blood-
shed, and ruin on a nation. Nor do we believe
that humanity gains anything by dealing lightly with
such offences, as in a neighbouring country, where
the frequency of revolutions has rendered it conve-
nient to extend indulgence to the authors of these
disturbances at the expense of their victims. If
the insurrection of last summer in Ireland had
ended, not in the cabbage garden of liallingarry,
but in the loss of some hundreds of innocent lives—
if the fate of Frost and his associates had not been
arrested by judicial doubts, we are by no means
assured that the supreme penalty of the law might not
have been inflicted on the guilty parties with the
assent of public opinion. More recently we have seen
insurrections in Ceylon and Cephalonia repressed and
punished with a degree of severity which the law and
the Administration of this country do not disavow,
however deeply we may regret the necessity of. such
measures on any subjects of the Crown, be they Bri-
tish, Kandyans, or Corcyrasans. But, if the law of
England be severe to such offences, it is public and it
is just. It surrounds the man accused of treason with
every precaution for the protection of innocence, and,
above all, it abhors covert proceedings, loose charges,
and ministers of justice liable to be swayed by ran-
cour or resentment. In the melancholy case which
has called forth our present remarks all these defects
of justice occur, superadded to treachery towards this
unfortunate nobleman, and excessive itnpolicy towards
the Hungarian people. This blood will be a curse on
those who shed it, and men who sully their victory
by such crimes have conquered in vain.
CHRONICLE.—The attitude assumed by M.
Thiers as Reporter of the Committee on Roman
Affairs, is chiefly interesting as marking the relation
of that statesman to the Ministry and the Moderate
Party. The language he has hitherto held has been
so guarded, and the topics on which he has enlarged
from the tribune so bare of exciting interest, that he
has been plausibly regarded as merely tolerating the
separatedpolicy
fhasrnms supported o
existingrted by his
combinations
virtuallypolitical
men. But the report read by him on Saturday as-
signs him his place. His view of the Roman question
is that of the most advanced phase of French Conser-
vatism, and we may safely gather:from his language, his
reasoning, and their occasion, that the partizans of ex-
treme reaction may henceforward command all the

resources of subtlety and sophistry which he is known
to possess. Such considerations give his report a
greater importance than would attach to it from its
intrinsic cleverness, great as it is. In truth, the in-
tention of M. Thiers to argue the case of the Ministry
being once ascertained, it became easy to predict the
substance and manner of his arguatent. The report
is but two or three pages from " The Consulate and
the Empire." The same plausibilitiefe the same dialec-
tic -11 tricks, and the same dexterity (for we
wilt not say dishonesty) of statement, have be-
fore -irritated or amused us in that most unhistorical
of histories. M. Thiers has proved himself the most
successful of advocates, even when trammelled by the
decencies of historical narrative. He could hardly
be otherwise than plausible, when enjoying the
logical licence permitted in a deliberative assembly.
Thoie transactions which he has no temptation to
misrepresent—in other words, those transactions to
which France was not a party—M. Thiers relates in
this report well and picturesquely. The light in
which he professes to regard the events which oc-
curred before the French intervention is precisely
that in which , we, with feebler powers, have con-
stantly endeavoured to place
.them. We have re-
joiced with M. Thiers over those golden hopes of
rational liberty which dawned in Italy only to be
obscured in the troubled skies of 1848. With M.
Thiers we have lamented the baseness, impotence,
and folly of those factions which the intestine
tumults of February twelvemonth disgorged ; and
we have-attempted to expose the emptiness of those
unparalleled delusions which they substituted
for solid anticipations .of seatirmal -happiness. We
have ever seen that a season„of sharp experiences and
searching trial was in store l'Or the people which,
though in thought and conduct the most childish
member of the European family, hurried to feed on
the strong meat which the most matured of nations
can scarcely assimilate—which, though in extraction
the most demonstrably mongrel, and in sentiment the
most palpably divided of local aggregations, devoted
the slender energies it should have, carefully hus-
banded to the pursuit of an unity which not the most
homogeneous of races has been enabled to attain. All
this we have perceived, and have insisted upon through
good and evil report. But there are two ways of
looking upon the affairs of nations as of smaller fatni-
lies. It is possible to draw from them lessons for one's
own guidance, or a pretext for meddling with that
which does not concern us. M. Thiers' inference is of
the second kind. Our own conclusions have ever been
of the first. Experience, repeating its teaching in every
age, has proved that to respect that which de facto exists
is the golden rule of statesmanship. Every attempt
—and the world has seen many such—to ignore a
palpable fact, whether in the social economy of a
nation or in its foreign relations, is a blunder. M.
Thiers would obliterate the Roman Republic, and
regard it as nou avenu. The report makes no allusion
to its existence, simply stating that the Mazzinist
faction " excited the population to demand institu-
tions out of all analogy to the state of public feeling
and morals." Perhaps the narrator of the most gi-
gantic attempt ever made to override the declared will
of a people was unwilling to associate his country
with an enterprise of which the hopelessness and
quixotism were !.-.est proved by the character of the
Assembly he addressed. The historian of the twenty
years' war waged by England against the first French
Republic may have felt that, in the Legislature of the
second Republic, advocacy of an antidemocratic cru-
sade was rather out of place. But M. Thiers can
hardly hope to cheat his readers into forgetfulness of
the Roman Republic, or consign to oblivion the form
of government deliberately selected for themselves by
the majority of the Roman people. The legitimacy of
the Mazzinist polity is a capital faot, which no
sophistry can rob of its prominence. Its want of
"analogy to the state of morals" at Rome is quite
another matter. No French Conservative can insist
more strongly on the suicidal folly of the Roman
Revolution than we ourselves have done. But a true
estimate of the character of this outbreak only proves
the enormity of the mistake committed by the French
Ministry. Granted that Mazzini is no better than
he should be. Imposture, like brute force, should be
left to sink mole mai. The Roman Republic was
propped for the time on the affections—misplaced, no
doubt—of the Roman people. It needed but to wait,
and these props would have fallen away. The demo-
cratic form of government has no real root among the
population of Central Italy. The Roman States, dissa-
tisfied even before the French intervention, would not
long have endured the hegemony of the metropolis,
deprived of its mystery and its sanctity. And it may
safely be affirmed, that Rome herself would not have
borne her own dethronement without some energetic
regrets, and that the reddest of her democrats would
have felt compunction, before she permanently de-
clined from the visible seat of the visible Head of
three parts of Christendom into a City of the Dead—
a town with its public building; very much out of
repair. But for the landing at Civita Vecchia, the
catastrophe of Florence would almost certainly have
been repeated at Rome, and the Holy Father would
have returned in six month; to the Vatican, amid the
acclamations of his subjects. We believe that this has
not escaped M. Thiers, or he would hardly lay so much
stress on an argument which he has borrowed from
former apologists, but which he has invested with
much more importance than they did. He assumes
that the Austrians would have seized on Rome if the
French armies had not anticipated them. The
answer is obvious. A word from Paris would have
detained the German bayonets on the Po. Almost
succumbing to the appalling difficulties with which
she struggled in Eastern Europe, it is utterly incre-
dible that Austria would have braved a serious rup-
ture with the greatest military power of the %Vest.
Thiers affirms that the motu proprio of the Pope
is a trustworthy guarantee of future concessions and
extensions. Our opinion is the other way. But M.
Thiers may possibly be right. Only let it be re-
membered, that if the liberality of Pius hears in-
adequate fruit, or none at all, the fault will
lie at the door of the policy which the report
seeks to defend. If the Pope yields no further
measure of reform, it will be through disgust at
the coldness with which his subjects receive that at
present conceded. He is surrounded by men who
harp perpetually on the ingratitude of the rebellious
Rotnans. And gratitude on the part of his subjects to
Pius, restored by French arms, will be difficult, if not
impossible. They will contrast him with the men
who supplanted him, and whom he in turn supplants.
The members of the Triumvirate, and the Committees
of the National Assembly, may have been factious,
violent, treacherous, or worse; but their regime
ceased before it had time to become intolerable or
even unacceptable. Rome will remember them as the
free-handed donors of wholesome institutions. Rome
will connect their names with a short experience of
national vitality, and associate their memory with
recollections of a brief emergence from the emascu-
lating and demoralising influences of priestly rule. It
may be that Pius has as much of substantial liberty to
accord as they had. 4nt the pup freely given will
ever be sweeter than the cup' tilitched' away and then
proffered, even when it is not
,tainted by the bitter
reminiscences of domestic humiliation and foreign rule.

CAR' ARVON AND BANGOR RAILWAY.—It is with
great pleasure we announce that this desideratum, so
frequently projected, is now in a fair way to be ac-
complished. A company fully determined to 'com-
plete it has been formed ; and the full cost is ready
to be deposited so as to secure the final accomplishment
of ,the undertaking. Although the promoters aro a
company separate and distinct from the conductors of
the Chester and Holyhead line, its proceedings are vet
concurrent with the wishes of the latter company, and
sanctioned by them. For some time an objection was
understood to have been made, as it respects the pass-
ing Plas Llanfair,• but we are glad to say that Mr.
Griffith has withdrawn his opposition—the company
undertaking to keep the upper side of the turnpike
road in passing through his property. Mr. Assheton
Smith, in the same spirit which actuated his former
liberal offer, consents act only to give that portion of
his land through which the line
will Pass, but also
to do everything in his power to encourage the un-
dertaking. We understand it is to be a single line, at
least in the first instance ; and to commence at the
Britannia-bridge. After leaving the Treborth property,
it will pass through a tunnel nearly under Capel y
Graig, and merge into the Bangor. road within a short
distance of the Vagnol Lodge. It will then keep on
the upperside of the road, passing over the inclined plane at Veli Heli, until it roaches the Llanfair
smithy, where it approaches the shore; but whether
it will continue all the way to Carnarvon on that side,
is not determined. Much will depend on the expense
of tunnelling under Cos Gwyn, the seat of Finchett
Maddock, Esq. There can be no doubt that the most
eligible practical lino will be adopted—one that will
secure the greatest amount of public advantage, and
entail the least inconvenience ou private individuals.
We therefore sincerely hope that no factious opposition
will be made to the undertaking, as the public generally,
no less than ourself, are fully assured that its comple-
tion will not only tend greatly to the improvement of
Caernarvon, but to the general advantage of the Prin-
ciP ilitY.—Caernal von and Denbigh Herald.
LONDON AND SOUTH-WESTERN ltaaLwax.--This
company's extension line to Godalming was opened on
Monday, the first train. leaving Guildford (which will
now have thirty-six trains a day to all parts) at 25 p. 8.,
with Mr. Stovin, the general manager, and officers.
CHESTER AND HOLYHEAD RAlLWAY.—Traffic for
the week ended Oct. 14, 1849 :—Coaching traffic, 1,2221.;
parcels, 65L; goods, cattle, &c., 3814; steam-boats,
4i.,..
10 Mold, 621.—Total, 1,1704

COURT OF ALDERMEN.
TIIE QUEEN'S visir TO THE CITY.
Yesterday a special Court was held for the purpose
,f taking into consideration an important letter
which was received by the Lord Mayor from Lori
John Russell.

Upon the assembling of the Court the doors were
)rdered to be closed, and we understand the Lord
Mayor read the letter addressed to him by Lord J.
Russell (a copy of which will be found in the ac-
count of the proceedings of the Court of Common
Council), intimating that it was th 3 intention of her
Majesty to visit the City on the opening of the Coal
Exchange.
This letter was received with loud cheers, and
was ordered to be entered on the journal of the
Court, and a committee was immediately appointed
with power to carry out, in conjunction with the
Lord Mayor, all the necessary arrangements for the
respectful reception of her Majesty.
The Court then adjourned.

COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL.
VISIT OF HER MAJESTY TO THE CITY.
Yesterday a special Court was held upon important
public business. The following notice was ordered
to take precedence of other business :
" To receive an' important communication from the
Lord Mayor.
" And a report from the Coal, Corn, and Finance Com-
mittee on the opening of the new Coal Exchange."
The principal business of the ordinary paper re-
ferred to the operation of the New Corporation Act,
and was to receive a report. on the reference upon the
Act to amend the Act of 11 Geo. 1., cap. 18, relating
to elections in the City.
Mr. Deputy limas having suggested an alteration
in the minutes of the last Court, rendered necessary
by an oversight of the mover of one of the propositions
relative to Smithfield-market,
Mr. PEAR, the chairman of the Markets Committee,
asked whether it would not be advisable, at the same
time, to refer Mr. Mackinnon's letter to the com-
mittee ?—(Cries of "No, no," and laughter.)
THE QUEEN'S VISIT TO THE CITY OF LONDON.
The LORD MAYOR rose to make the expected com-
munication to the Court.
Sir P. Limn having moved that the court be
cleared of strangers, upon a point of etiquette, until
his Lordship's statement should be made,
Mr. ANDERTON said he could not see why on such
occasions the public should be excluded. The prac-
tice of receiving royal communications with closed
doors was, in his opinion, " more honoured in the
breach than the • observance." He lived Sir Peter
Laurie would not persevere in his motion.—(hear.)
Sir PETER LAURIE said that both Courts had uni-
formly adhered to the etiquette, and it was on that
account he submitted the proposition. The Court
had no reason to object to the presence of strangers
upon the ground that the communication was an
unfavourable one, for it happened to be quite the
reverse.—(Hear, hear.)
The gallery and space below the bar were then
cleared.
In the absence of strangers, the Court, we are in-
rormed, proceeded in the following manner:—
The LORD MAYOR laid before the members the fol-
lowing letter from Lord John Russell :
" Downing-street, O.A. 15th, 1849.
"My Lord,—l have the satisfaction to inform you
that her Majesty will visit the city of London on the
30th instant, on the day of the opening of the Coal
Exchange.
" I have the honour to be yofir obedient servant,
" J. RUSSELL.
" To the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor."

—(Enthusiastic cheers.)'
Upon which Mr. John Wood, the Chairman of the
Coal, Corn, and Finance Committee, brought up a
report upon the subject, and the Court, with loud
cheers, referred it back to the committee, with power
to take the necessary steps for the due reception and
accommodation of her Majesty and suite.
It is believed that her Majesty will go to the Coal
Exchange by water. The most splendid preparations
will be made for the reception of the Queen.

THR NSIW CORPORATION ACT.
Mr. J. WOOD, as Chairman of the Consolidated
Committee, brought up the report on the reference
upon the Act of 11 George 1., cap. 18, relating to
elections in the City. In presenting it he merely
stated that the committee were satisfied with the
opinion of the law officers of the Court contained in
the report, and did not consider it to be necessary to
consult the counsel for the Crown upon the sul ject.
lie was ready to answer any objection which might
be raised.
The following report was then read:—

" Alunday, Oct. 8.
"In compliance with the request of your committee,
we, the undersigned, have coniidcred the late Act of tip.
12th and 13th Victoria, with a view to its practical
working, and for the purpose of its being carried int,'
effect according to its legal import. It is an Act to amend
the 11th George 1., and reciting the clause of that Act
relative to the right of election of aldermen and common
councilmen, which was thereby declared to belong to
freemen, being householders, paying scot and bearing
lot, and to none other whatsoever, provided their houses
were of the value of 101. a year, and they were the sole
occupiers, and had been in possession of a house of such
value fur 12 months; and also reciting that the right of
voting should be extended and enlarged, and that the re-
cited Act should be altered and amended.

"By the Ist section it is enacted, That so much of
the recited Act as regulates the right of voting in such
elections, and the time at which the polling should com-
mence, and the period during which it should continue,
should be repealed.' The 21 section substitutes in the
place of the regulations of the right of voting which had
been repealed, other regulations, which are extended
to the election of ward officers, still requiring that the
voter must be a freeman, but no longer requiring
that such freeman should be a householder, or should
pay scot or bear lot, nor that the house of a householder
should be of the value of 101. a-year, nor that the house-
holder should be the sole occupier or in possession for
twelve months, but gives .a title to vote to any freeman
merely occupying, either solely or jointly, any house,
warehouse, counting-house, .office, chambers, or shop,
and rated in his own name at 101. per annum (with a
provision as to the joint occupation) to the police or
any other rate,' which, as it is an extending and enlare-
ing Act, cannot be construed to exclude, but rather to
admit, any person who, having the: other qualifications,
is upon any rate in the city to the required amount. The
further requisite is, that the person to be entitled to vote
must be registered in the register of votes for the city of
London, described as in use at elections for Members of
Parliament, and then in force, in respect to such pre-
mises. This title to vote, given as a substitute fur the
former, took effect immediately upon the repeal of the
former, which was when this Act received the Royal
assent, namely, August 1, when the former right ceased
and the new right commenced. This, therefore, would
be the title to vote to be admitted at every election im-
mediately after the Act passed, and to be proved by
every elector whose vote was disputed at any such elec-
tion.

•• But the 3d section, instead of such proof in detail at
the time of election, provides a shotter medium of proof
to be adopted for the future, and enacts that on the Ist
of November in every year the aldermen and common
councilmen shall make an alphabetical list of all persons
entitled to vote as freemen occupiers under that Act,
such list to be signed by the aldermen, who then, on the
Ist of November next, will be the persons entitled to
vote as freemen occupiers under that Act—the freemen
occupiers duly rated and registered in the register of
voters for the city of London, in use at elections for
members to serve in Parliament, and then in force; not
any list, but the register, and only one register, for it
must be the register in force—that is, ou the Ist of
November next, the register which came into force on
the Ist of December, 1848, and continues in force till
let of December, 1849. The list so made is to be the
list of freemen occupiers entitled to vote after the passing
of that Act, and none can vote after the Ist of November
hut those on the list. On the 4th section there can be
no material doubt. The 2d section having extended the
right of election to occupiers of houses, warehouses,
counting-houses, offices, chambers, and shops, freed
from many of the restraints in the Act of 11 George
1., it became necessary to make those who were thus
made electors capable of being elected as common
councilmen, and, therefore, this clause, in the same words
as the second clause, makes all freemen, having
the specified qualifications, capable of being
common councilmen, notwithstanding any custom or
usage to the contrary, These persons are, therefore,
now, for the first time, declared to be capable of being
elected common councilmen; but there are no words of
disqualification (such as those recited in the preamble
from the 11th of George 1., and none other whatsoever),
therefore, all who were before qualified continue to b
so, with the addition of these new. parties. This being
only the election of an individual, no previous list
was necessary for the purpose of ascertaining the eligi-
bility, but at the election any person might dispute the
qualification, and the necessary inquiry as to the requi-
sites of the fifth clause might be entered upon, and a
person establishing the qualification required by that
clause, and showing his name on the Parliamentary
register then in force, would be eligible at that election. '
" On the 6th section there does not appear to be any
material doubt.

" As to the 7th section no question is likely to arise
after the Ist of November. No questions at
present
arise on either of the remaining clauses. It is the duty
of the beadles of the ward to have their rolls of freemen
fully made up according to the annual precept of the
Lord Mayer to the wardmotes and the articles for the
inquest. From the beadles, therefore, should be ob-
tained the list of freemen in the ward. The information
necessary to complete the lists of freemen can be ob-
tained from Mr. Sewel, at the Chamberlain's Office.
HENRY ALWORTH MEREWETHER, Town Clerk.
"THOMAS SAUNDERS, Comptroller.
"EDWARD TYRAEL, Remezelarancer."

Mr. J. Wool) moved, " that the Court agree
with
.the report," and Mr. HARTLEY seconded tha
motion.
The COURT immediately adopted the report, which
was ordered to be printed, and copies were ordered to
be sent to the members.
AUDITORS OF THE ACCOUNTS OF THE COMMISSIONERS

OF SEWERS.

The COURT then proceeded to discuss the propos\
tion to appoint three auditors, under the Sewers Act,
to audit the accounts of the Commissioners fur the
year ending el`lichaelm2s last.
Mr. PEACOCK (the chairman of the Commissioners
of Sewers) proposed, as the Act of Paxliament re-
quired that the remuneration of the auditors should be
decided upon before their election, that the sum of five
guineas be voted to each of the three.
A long disussion took place upon the question of
se'ecting auditors frum the corporation.
Mr. Low objected to the appointment of any per-
sons who belonged to the Sewers Commission to act
as auditors of the accounts of that body.
Mr. ANDERTON said, the auditors of the Commis-
sioners of Sewers ought not to be members of the
corporation at all. Such an exclusion would show
the independence of the Court, and certainly it was
but fair that those who paid the rates should have the
power of checking the accounts.—(Hear.)
Ms. R. TAYLOR agreed in the opinion that the
auditors should be independent of the Commissioners
of Sewers, and should act rather as a check upon that
body, and he also thought that some small sum should
be pail to them from the chamber as remuneration
for their services.

Mr. BLAKE said, it would be creditable to the Cor-
poration to appoint auditors who had no connexion
whatever with the Corporation, and he was sure that
every member of the Court would be desirous to shun
the least imputation of partiality or prejudice. He
should therefore move, as an amendment, " That 51.
sa. be given to each auditor, but that the auditors
should not be members of the Corporation."
Mr. OBBARD seconded the amendment.
Mr. Low said, his object was to appoint three
members of the Court to act as unpaid officers of the
Commissioners of Sewers. He deprecated the notion
of paying five guineas to a respectable person for the
performance of what certainly formed a portion of his
duties. The Bridge House Committee had three
au litors who never contemplated remuneration.
A few members here named a smaller amount of
remuneration than that proposed.
Mr. R. L. JONES said, it was quite evident from
the wording of the Act which provided that the remu-
neration should be settled before the election, that the
auditors should be independent of the Court. He
believed that there was not a member of the corpora-
tion who would accept of remuneration for the per-
formance of the duty.
Mr. BOWER was sure the amendment would, if
carried, have the effect of casting an imputation upon
those who did not deserve censure. He submitted,
too, that the Court could not be quite certain that
strangers, who could not be amenable, as the mem-
bers of the Court were, to the constituency, would
perform the duties of the office effectually.—(Hear.)
Mr. Deputy HARRISON hoped the amendment would
be agreed to. The due auditing of the accounts would,
he assured the Court, involve a large expenditure of
time, and ought to be properly remunerated. He be-
lieved, if the appointments were independent of the
Commissioners of Sewers, such an arrangement would
be satisfactory to the Commissioners as well as to the
public.

Mr. H. L. TAymon asked out of what fund it was
contemplated to pay the auditors ?
Mr. Deputy HARRISON - Certainly out of the
rates.

The RECORDER having stated that the amendment
could not be put in the exact form in which it was
introduced by Mr. Blake, the mover,
Mr. Low rose and moved, as an amendment to
Mr. Peacock's motion, " that the auditors be not
paid."
The Court then divided, and the amendment was
carried by a majority of two; the numbers being—
for the amendment 43, against it 41.
Mr. BLAKE then moved, as an amendment to the
last amendment, which had become by the result of
the division the original question, " that the sum of
three guineas be paid to each of the auditors."
That amendment was after some discussion nega-
tived by a majority of 4 ; the numbers being—for
the amendment 33, against it 37 ; and it was finally.
d-termined " that the auditors should be unpaid."
Upon the motion of Mr. R. TAYLOR, the election
of the auditors was postponed.
Mr. R. TAYLOR then gave notice of a motion, that
no member of the Court be appointed auditor; and
Mr. ANDERTON congratulated the Court upon the
economical virtue it had exhibited in expending three
hours in a discussion about the sum of 15 guineas.
Upon the motion of Mr. WIRE, a petition of the
committee for promoting the building and permanent
endowment of King's College Hospital, for a grant of
money, was referred to the Coal, Corn, and Finance
Committee.