The Sun.
London, England, 1831-08-19 00:00:00

Oats. I Flour.
7,421 qrs.l 4,621 sacks.
6,t3:30
15,60 a

brls.

SMITHFIELD MARKET-
This day's supply of fat Beasts and Mitch Cows was tolerably
numerous, but in great part of middling and inferior quality ; of
small stock moderately good. The trade with Lamb was rather
dull, at a depression of from 2d. to 4d. per stone; with Beef,
Mutton, Veal, and Pork, somewhat brisk, at Monday's quota-
tions. Mitch Cows went off tardily at their last Friday's prices,
an useful short-horns, with her small calf, producing barely 181.
PRICES PER STONE OF BIAS. TO SINK THE OFFAL&

--- -- - -- ---
B. d. to s. d. - s. d. tog. d.
•
Inferior Beasts 2 4 2 8 Large Lambs 0 0 0 0
Second quality ditto 210 3 2 Prime small ditto 4 4 5 8
Prime largo Oxen... 3 8 4 0 Large coarse Calves 3 8 4 0
Prime Scots &c..... 4 0 4 4 Prime small ditto 0 0 4 8
Inferior Sheep. 2 4 2 8 Large Hogs 3 4 3 8
Second quality ditto 210 3 2 Small Porkers 4 0 4 4
Coarse-woolled ditto 3 8 4 0 Suckling Calves 12s t036.1.ea.h.
SoutlidownWethers 4 0 4 4, Quarter old Pigs 12s to Ns. each.

SUPPLY, AS LER Cl
Beasts. 'Sheep and Laml
626 i),940

ERIC'S STATEMENT.
8.1 Calves. i Pigs.
315 110

NEWG ATE AND LEADENHALI. MARKETS.
At per stone, by the Carcass.
s. d. to s. d. I
.2 4 3 8

a. d. toe. d.
Mutton 2 8 4 2 I Pork
34 4 6
Lamb --............--., 4s. 2d. to 5s 4d.

COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK.

! Wheat. Barley. 1 Oats. I Beans.
' ----- ------ Per Quarter. Is.to s. s. a. s. to s. s. to s.
Blandti.rd —........,.. 60 36 26 45
Brigg.------ 54 60 20 24 36 40
Cainbridge----. 70 ___ _ 22 _
36
Chard ...--- 56 64 32 38 23
26 Huntingdon—. 58 67 32 36 22 28 3438 3482
Long Sutton.— 56 63 20 24 38 3,
Louth «.....,......55 62 29 33 25 35 40
20
Lynn 62 66 40 41 24
30 36 40
Newark .............. 63 67 30 32 27 40 44
Nottinham
Peterbogrou 48
24
42 44gh .—.. 58 67 33 34 24 29 38 .„
Plymouth ........» 61 68 32 38 25 30 ..12
Pontefract..... — 67 -43 27 43
Sleafonl .............. 65 70 36 38 22 28 41
43
Uppingham ........ 60 68 31 40 24 32 36 42
IN isbech ............. 60 67 24 26 36 38

LEEDS:CORN MA ElKE'''.
Wheat, Norfolk and Stiffblk, 601 b.
-- York. and Lincoln. 601 b.
Barley, Norfolk and Suftblk
- Yorkshire and Lincolnshire
---- Grinding
Beans 63lb.

-Aug.

60s. to 70s.
50s. to t;Bs.
324. to 345. rt
365. to 38s.
225. to 255.
•
28s. to 30s. r'
Eng. 14d. to 15d. per st
.. 335. to 345. per load.
gn, —/. to —/. per last.

Oats, Potatoe
-Mealing, For. 14d. to 10 id
Shelling
Rapeseed, English, 161. to 241 Foreil

LIVERPOOL CORN EXCHANGE.—Aug. 16.
WHEAT, English, White, per 701 b.
Red
----. Scotch, Welch, and Manx
Irish, White 6 9 7 o
-- Red 7 0 7 3
Foreign 9 6 9 9
OATS, English, Welsh, and Scotch, per 451 b 3 6 3 9
Irish
Foreign ' 6 211
BARLEY, English, Malting, per Imp. quarter 36 0 40 0
Scotch and Irish, per 601bs.
Feeding 3lO 4 0
Pease, English, per Imperial quarter 4O 0 42 0
Foreign
FLOUR, English, per 2801 b. --- 45 0 46 0

lin ~
- Irish
)ATMEAL, English and Irish, per 2401b5..
INDIAN CORN, per 4401 b.
lye, per Imperial quarter
MALT, per Imperial quarter
IMPORT OF GRAIN for the Week ending Aug. 15.
Wheat. I Oats. I Barley Flour. Oatme.).
(Jr.s Qrs. Qrs. !Foreign, 8r16.11 ruh, Sec. Scks.l Loads.
18,157 6,0 a.) 72 27,358 I 1,811 2,708

The Papers have already alluded to a confederacy
said to be formed among the Irish Members in the
House of Commons, for the purpose of compelling
M;nisters to accomplish etrain measures, legislative
an.l executive, with a view to more speedy improve-
.news in the state of Leland. If this be the fact,
it would appear from yesterday's proceedings, else-
where described, that some importance is attached
ro the opinions of the confederates on the part of
his Majesty's Government. Mr. Stanley is said to
have invited the representatives for Ireland to a
conference at Lord Althorp's, in Downing-street ;
where, accordingly, a numerous meeting took place.
At this meeting it was announced by Mr. Stanley,
that a Bill for " the regulation" of the yeomanry
corps throughout Ireland had been prepared by' his
Majesty's Ministers, and the Right Hon. Gentleman,
explained its provisions to the audience, viz., that
the individual yeomen were to be disarmed, and
their arms deposited in district eepots; that the
corps, now separate, were to be formed into batta-
lions, and to be tinder the immediate command of the
Lord Lieutenant of the county; but that, except
on sudden and extraordinary emergencies, even the
Lord Lieutenant of the county should not have
power to embody and call out the yeomanry without
the sanction of the Lord Lieutenant of the kingdom.
Such being the main provisions of the Bill, several
Irish Members are said ..to have declared at once
their strongest disapprobation of the whole project,
as tending to fortify and perpetuate the yeomanry
system, instead of conducing to its gradual over-
throw and suppression. Unquestionably, if such a
thing as a yeoman force be suffered to exist at all in
Ireland, it cannot exist without " regulations" very
diffi-rent from those by which it has hitherto been
directed. So far as they go, the new arrangements
proposed by Mr. Stanley are good. The arms will
be taken from those who have never employed
them but under excitements which fostered the most
dreadful reaction in the mind of three-fourths of
their country, and the factious and petty squires,
who have heretofore prompted the vindictive spirit
of the yeomanry, will, in spite of their office of local
magistralcs, be altogether excluded from the san-
guinary privilege of calling out their corps of yeo-
men, to butcher the people as they list. So far,
we repeat, is good. But on what principle is it, we
should like to know, that one class, or, what is
worse, one sect of the King's subjects, are
to be embodied, aimed, and thereby stimu-
lated, for the purpose of keeping down another ?
Can " peace, in the spirit of peace," be maintained,
while one sect is placed at the mercy of another ?
While the Protestant (for we have heard that the
yeomen are nearly all Protestants)—while the Pro-
testant only is confided in by the Stare, can the
Catholic ever become worthy of political confidence?
We are aware that times may be critical—we cannot
disguise from ourselves the fact, that circumstances
might occur in Ireland which would render it a
valuable object to have every natural friend of the
throne, of law, and property, and religion, in
readiness to buckle on his armour, and to repel and
assist in crushing the designs of traitors or incen-
diaries. But we will not anticipate so monstrous a
revolution in the posture of our domestic affairs. In
tire mean time let justice be done ; let that equal
respect for all classes of our fellow subjects, which
inspired the framers of the Catholic Bill, be mani-
fested in the policy of their successors-towards the
hulk of the people of Ireland. If wrong be de-
signed by any, let it not he provoked by the King's
Government. So shall England have the suffrages
of mankind, and conscious rectitude to support her

The debate, or conversation, in the House of
Lords last night, related to two subjects of very
different character and interest—the Coronation and
the Beer Bill : the means of gratifying the love of
pageantry in the rich, and the regulations necessary
to controul the pleasures of the poor. The great
point of the approaching ceremony, to which a
Noble Lord in Opposition called the attention or his
Majesty's Ministers, was the intended mode of per-
forming " homage" by the Peers. His Lords 4
has evidently a most loyal zeal in this aff&r, arid
therefore is alarmed at the introduction of the " re-
presentative" system into Westminster Abbey on
this occasion. The performance of homage by
proxy appears to him a curtailment of his privilege,
and the possessor of a new coronet may naturally
be more anxious to display it, than a Peer who has
inherited one from a long line of ancestors. What
a pity that some mode cannot be discovered by
which such a display could be made to gratify a
harmless vanity, without creating a serious incon-
venience. But the " homage" to which the Noble
Lord adverts, if performed by all the Peers in the
realm, would really impose a severe tax on the Royal
patience, besides being a r;diculous and grotesque
exhibition. Giving our readers credit for a laudable
shortness of memory on such subjects, we transcribe
from the Anuual Register the account of this part
of the ceremony at the last Coronation :
" The Archbishop first knelt down before his Majesty's
knees, and the rest of the Bishops knelt on either hand,
and about him ; and they did their homage together, for
the shortening of the ceremony, the Archbishop saying,
I, Charles, Archbishop of Canterbury (and so every one
of the rest, 1, N., Bishop of N., repeating the rest au-
dibly after the Archbishop) will be faithful and true, and
faith and truth will bear, unto you our Sovereign Lord,
and your heirs, Kings of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland. And I will do, and truly acknow.,
ledge the service of the lands which I claim to hold of
you, as in right of the church. So help me God.'
" Then the Archbishop kissed the King's left cheek,
and so the rest of the Bishops present after him.
" After which the other Peers of the realm did their

homage in like manner, the Dukes first by themselves,
and so the Marquisses, the Earls, the Viscounts, and the
B irons, severally ; the first of each order kneeling before
his Majesty, and the rest with and about him, all putting
off their coronets, and the first of each class beginning,
and the last saying after him, ' I, N., Duke, or Earl,
&c., of N., do become your liege man of l►fe and limb,
and of earthly worship, and faith and truth I will bear
unto you, to live and die, against all manner of folks. So
help me God.' "

Instead of making his Majesty be slobbered and
sworn to, by some 300 or 400 Peers, it is proposed,
at the approaching Coronation, that the eldest title
of each grade shall perform the ceremony for all the
rest. This would certainly be considered by some
Noble Lords as a dangerous innovation. Nay, we
should not be surprised to hear it denounced as Ja-
cobinical and revolutionary—allied to the Reform
Bill—and destructive of the ancient and undoubted
rights of their Lordships, did we not happily find
that in the good feudal Anti-Reform times of
George 111., the abridged form was introduced.
" Whilst Te Deuvi was singing," says the same
veracious authority, which we have formerly quoted,
" The Duke of Devonshire, Lord Chamberlain,
pronounced the words of the homage for all the.
Dukes—the Marquis of Rockingham, for all the
garquises—Eirl Talbot, for all the Eails—Vis-
count Say and Sele, the Viscounts—and Lord
Henley, Lord High Chancellor, for the Barons; -
each of them taking off his coronet, touch-
ing the King's crown, and kis:sing his left
cheek." This concentration of the essence of a
v(ry absurd ceremony is a great improvement on the
old practice. Probably a still greater improvement
would be its entire abolition. But if his Majesty
cannot be thus relieved from it altogether, let him
at least have the consolation of Dr. Johnson, who,
being asked by a mother to hear her family of chil-
dren rehearse a hymn, which they all began, to her

great annoyance, to bawl out at once, desired her
to " let the poor dear things go on, for they would
he the sooner done." The Till proposed to amend
the Act for regulating the retail trade in beer called
forth a greater variety of noble speakers, many of
whom had their separate sugge-tions for its improve-
ment. Into the character ar♦d tendency of those
suggestions we have not at present time to enter.
Their Lordships showed more anxiety about the
morals of beer-drinkers than about their comforts or
convenience. Why the restraints imposed on the
poor who frequent a beer-shop should be more ri-
gorous than those imposed on the rich who frequent
a tavern, we cannot tell. The poor should not be
molested in their enjoyments any more than the
rich, if in pursuit of those enjoyments they occa-
sion no damage, disturbance, or inconvenience to
their neighbours. The Police and the Magistrate
are already power enough, either to regulate or
annoy—and beer-shops may be left under the com-
mon lam of the land, like the shops of bakers or
grocers.-7'imes.
The Belgian question was brought formally before
the House of Commons last night by Sir Richard
Vyvyan, in a speech evincing considerable ability.
lie commenced by alluding to the various notices
which he had given, and the grounds on which Ire
had consented to postpone h:s motion. On Thurs-
(ley last he was, he said, fully determined to perse-
vere in his motion.
" But he was again asked to postpone it for another
reason—namely, that the French Government had given
a solemn as,urance that the French troops would with-
draw as soon as the Dutch troops hod repassed their fron-
tiers. On this question it was the House was now called
' !limn to debate. It was a question in which the honour
of England was interested—on which it was, in fact,
deeply pledged.—(Cheers.) He need not add, that, after
the explanation—after the positive assurance of the Noble
L, rd opposite, the honour of his Majesty's Ministers stood
pledged.—(Hear, hear ) And now, notwithstanding this
solemn assurance on the part of the French Government
to the Alinister of this country, it appeared that France
had determined to maintain thirty thousand men, as an
army of observation, in Belgium—to remain there—so the
flemisofficial report of that evening stated—encamped at
Nivelle4, until the Dutch had disbanded half their army,
and paid all the expenses of the war.—(Cheers from the
Opposition.) On Thur.-day last the Noble Lord opposite
bad declared that the French troops were to withdraw as
soon as the Dutch bad retired beyond their frontiers ; and
to-day it was stated, and no doubt they would hear it de-
fended, that 30,000 men were to remain in occupation of
Belgium."

This affair of the occupation of Belgium by the
French troops is eagerly laid hold of by the Oppo-
sition, as they view in it the means of embarrassing
Ministers, and are not without hope that declarations
may be drawn from them, from which pride may
not allow them to recede, and thus the country may
be dragged into a war. In order to make the more
of this promising subject of the occupation of Bel-
gium, it becomes necessary for the Opposition to
show that the measure is al.ogether uncalled for
with regard to the King of Holland—that his Dutch
Majesty was an excellent Sovereign to the Belgians
—that since the revolution his conduct has through-
out been unobjectionable—that he has not violated
any agreement—that he was entitled to enter Bel-
gium with an army : and that having withdrawn
that army, nothing more can be demanded of him,
and the occupation of Belgium is therefore utterly
indefensible. It is unprofitable now to discuss
the met its of the-- Government of the King
of the Netherlands as Sovereign of Belgium,
the separation between Holland and Belgium be-
ing no longer questioned. Sir Richard, how-
ever, dwelt much on this part of the subject, for
a very obvious reason. The Aristocracy of every
country in Europe are tremblingly alive to the
French and Belgian revolutions; and it is hoped
that the alarm of the higher classes of this country
will lead them to oppose all attempts to conciliate the
people by putting an end to the reign of corruption.
" When the revolution or rebellion," said Sir Richard,

broke out in Brussels, it was said that the King of the
Netlerlands was a tyrant as regarded civil liberty, and a
bigot in relation to religious toleration.—(Hear, hear,
from Mr. O'Connell.) He could well understand that
cheer from the Hon. Member for Kerry. The mask was
now torn from the faces of many in Europe, who had hi.
therto walked in disguise.—(Cheers.) NV hat had occurred
in Belgium, ere long, might happen elsewhere.—(Hear,
hear.) The real cause of the revolution in France, in July
last, was now well known. These causes, were in fact,
the same which had afterwards operated in Belgium ; and
if the spirit were not checked, it might be found in full
It was fit that the subject should no
Benches.)
power nearer home.--(Much cheering from the Opposi-
tionlonger be blinked ; it was high time to speal out, since
danger was at hand ; far while the centre of revolution
was in Paris, the right wing was in Brussels, and the
left wing might, ere long, be in Dublin.—(llluch cheer-
ing.) The system was the same in Belgium and in Ire-
land. In the one, the cry was against the College of
Louvain, and in the other against the Kildare-street So-
ciety."--(Cheers.)
There is in this, however, not a little ineonsis-
tency. The object of Sr Richard is to show, that
the cause of the Belgian Revolution is the same
with that of the French Revolution. But then, the
same cause is in operation in Ireland, and its work-
ings are discernible in Ireland in opposition to in-
struction, as they were discernible in Belgium in
opposition to instruction. This is intended as a
thrust against democracy ; and a thrust, at the same
time, against the Catholic religion. Sir Richard
would kill two birds with one stone ; but, unfortu-
nately for him, the French Liberals have a much
more unequivocal hatred of Jesuits than he himself
has,n:
enadg etrthe
democratic party in France have always
promote education. In France, the
Revolution annihilated the power of the priests. In
Belgium, it is true, two parties, seldom united, op-
posed the King—the party of the Liberals, and the
party of the Priests. Misfortunes, they say, make
men acquainted with strange bed-fellows. The
Liberals and the Priests had each their grounds-of
complaint; the one complained of oppression in ge-
neral, the other of interference with their religion.
With respect to Ireland, it cannot, surely, be said
that an excessive benevolence on the part of the
Aristocracy towards the people, an excessive eager-
ness to protect the people by good institutions, have
caused the disaffection-to which Sir Richard Vyvyan
alludes. Surely Ireland is not to be held up in ter-
rorein to all Governments anxious to improve their
people. It may be true that, some day or other,
the people of Ireland may avail themselves of embar-
rassment in England to take their shillelahs into their
hands, and say we are the masters. But the cause of
this disaffection is not the French Revolution, but the
misgovernment of England, which, leaving a whole
people in beggary, disposes them to be acted on by
every impulse, Ireland is the worst governed
country of Europe, without exception. Tithes and
rack-rents, exacted by an armed force from a starv-
ing population, constitute government in Ireland.
Even now it is deemed an enormous innovation that
a provision for the poor, essential to all well-ordered
societies, should be proposed. It is a source of
consolation to the friends of social improvement to
find that the part of the empire where revolution is
most dreaded, is that where the least has been done
ew he tells us--
ds
t a
He uhosaever, however,
to prevent it. But Sir Richard Vyvyan, in fact,
answered himself. In one breath he tells us that
thee c
aofftetrhtevaFrdresnocpherßateevdoliuntißonel‘gvieurme
.thelisiatmhe
next, same
which
convinced that one of the cousequences of the
late revolution in France would, sooner or later, be war.
(Hear, hear.) At the same time, when he saw that on
the one side there had been an attempt to establish a
despotism, and on the other a 4 liberal feeling, though too

' touch exaggerated, he could not say that lie regretted the
o ,ratiocfet, magoiraentdh,an
Thehorueggrhettaeldi
~,ixepriAisbiodnicaotfioCnhaorfle s
JamesX.,
rim, and
I(ti as ul tatenv,rs sorry tiohddtrei
:eionvueecwaynoeion,
niuvnttlehdnhe
thisi
jed inconveniences
shocke
termeouset
ictinuth:
rargieih:dmee.hni
her
rebellion)
ovit,eut result
jot
the revolution
osesvfaaenyr
le
ttrhibnsot fs
enoherse
t
or, as
stood upon very different groutids."
After all, then, it turns dill that the causes are
not the same—that as the similarity is, there was a
evolution in France and a revolution in Belgium,
as there is a river in Macedon and a river in Wales.
The upShot of the whole is, that we must make
war on the King of tire French,. to prevent the
French from remaining in Belgium till affairs are
ssetled with the Dtreh King in order to show the
French that we are not afraid of them—" as it be-
came not only the British Govetaintetit but the
British Parliament to oppose itself firmly td the
braggadocios of Europe." Admirable reasons for
going to war. We interfere. with Belgium to pre-
vent war, and because we cannot ham everything
our own way in the interference, we must Make war
without fail. Truly an admirable encouragement td
peace-makers I Lord Palmerston refused to accept
the invitation held out to him, and expressed him-
self under the necessity of observing perfect silence
upon the various topics which had been introduced.
" Whatever, he said, might be the effect which the
Hon. Baronet expected to be produced by his
charge against the present Ministry for their conduct
towards the King of Holland, and for their general
management of the foreign affairs of the country, he
(Lord Palmerston) must give the Hon. Baronet the
advantage of that impression, as he did not feel him-
self at liberty to enter into the discussion to which
the Hon. Baronet was desirous to lead." He pro-
tested against the course which had of late been
followed regarding negociations in which the Govern.
ment were still engaged, and as the making of war and
peace was one of the prerogatives of the Crown" so
long as that House placed confidence in the responsible
advisers of the Crown, it was bound not to take out of
their hands the management of negociations involving
the question of war or peace." S.r Robert Peel very
naively admitted, that this affair of Belgium was
quite a God-send, with a view to the staving off Re-
form. "He was not surprised that the House of
Commons should have its attention drawn to the
present state of the foreign policy of this great em-
pire at a moment when every country in Europe,
which possessed a popular assembly, had the at-
tention of that body drawn exclusively to the sub-
jects which had that night been brought before the
House. Such assembles were not engaged in dis-
cussing changes in their own Constitution, at a mo-
tnent when the state of Europe was so critical."
After this, need it be a matter of astonishment that
the King of Holland should be such a prodigious
favourite with our Opposition ? The expedition
into Belgium was the strongest possible diversion in
favour of the opponents of the Bill. Unfortunately
the retreat is to be as expeditious as the advance,
and nnisters will not allow the Opposition an op-
portunity for involving the question. The curiosity
of the night was the speech of Mr. Alexander Bar-
ing, who, to simplify the matter, threw out a new
scheme of partition. He would give Luxembourg
to the German Confederation—that is, to the King
of Prussia—part of Flanders and Antwerp to the
King of Holland, and the rest of Belgium to the
French. So much for the Belgian question. We,
for our parts, protest against war, and have the
fullest confidence that Ministers would not allow
themselves to be influenced by the blustering of the
Opposition. We will allow all virtues, even bravery,
to the Dutch—we will allow the King piety and libe-
rality—every thing, in short, provided only we be
kept out of war for his sake.—ilforning Chronicle.
We do not wonder that the higher classes of this
country should for the most part be opposed to the
diffusion of knowledge among the poor; for the cir-
culation of any account of the proceedings of the pri-
vileged classes having reference to the poor can
hardly fail to excite a feeling of indignation in the
latter against the former. For many years the course
of legislation with regard to the poor has been uni-
formly that of restriction, restraint, and encroach-
ment. The most unjustifiable measures have been
passed almost sub silenlia. Who ever heard of any
of the higher classes opposing the atrocious law for
the stopping of footpaths, or advocating the rights of
the poor, till the patience of the people was exhausted
by the incessant perpetration of acts of the most fla-
grant injustice under the law? One deviation from
the system of encroachment took place under the
Ministry of the Duke of Wellington—namely, the
Beer Act; and ever since the passing of that Act,
have Lords spiritual and temporal, been incessant in
their attempts to render the concession unavailing.
The whole of the complaints, we have no hesitation
in saying, from a number of communications received
.by us from impartial sources, are without a shade of
Justification. The complaints are dictated by that
bail spirit entertained by the aristocracy of England
towards the lower orders, which of late years has led
to such melancholy results. Even the Duke of
Wellington seems, on reflection, to feel ashamed
that, in an unguarded moment, he was betrayed
into any thing like consideration for the comforts of
the lower classes, and to have returned to the more
congenial spirit of his order, when his hounds were
abundantly fed, while the soldiers that broke the
very biscuits for them were starving. Franklin
tells a story of a man who had a bad and a good
leg, and who used to form an estimate of the temper
of those who approached him, by observing whether
their attention was fixed on his good or his bad leg.
The Bishop of London would most assuredly have
fixed on the bad leg. This Right Rev. Father in
God would seem to look abroad on nature merely
with a view to discover means of abridging enjoy-
ment and circumscribing freedom. That a poor man
should ever relax from his toils, seems to him an
abomination of the first order. Why must these
people be incessantly driving on the poor ? The
feelings which this sort of arbitrary interference
engenders are not favourable to the improvement of
those who are subjected to it. What would the
rich say, were the poor to assemble before their doors
when they have routs and assemblies, and insist on
the immoral tendency of these dcrngs ? But in
society we ought all to respect each other. It is
for the good of the poor that the rich should not be
molested; but then the rich ought to consider that
the condition of their being respected is to respect
others. Let the poor man enjoy himself as he can,
so long as he does not interfere with others. If his
habits are susceptible of improvement, have recourse
to persuasion. Where there is liberty of action,
there will be an occasional abuse of it. When the
abuse amounts to an infraction of the rights of
others, let the law step in, but the law ought not to
supply the place of the moral teacher. The lower
orders ought not to be treated as slaves, but as
rational beings, entitled to respect even in their
aberrations, as well as their more fortunate e How
citizens. If the Bishop of London could pr event
them from sailing in a steam-boat, or from walking
in a green field, or from all relaxation (which he
would if he could), the improvement would be such
as he himself might be the first to lament.—Morning
Chronicle.

Our readers will have seen by yesterday's Paper,
that the Recorder had made his report to the King
in Council of the prisoners capitally convicted at the
last Old Bailey Sessions, and that of all the criminals
whose names has been registered, according to law.
in the black ca!alogue of death, not one bas been,

1.0 Per Ce
If it
, • -‘
excepted from the benefit of the atm *icy of.
the Crown. We rejoice that his
upon the deliberate advice of his Conn t
nounced this strong practical condemned - ONltt
spirit of our, sanguinary laws. Upon everiViiia...sjilf.,
the criminals who have become objects of the Royal
lenity the sentence of death had been pronounced by
the lips of the Recorder, with all its awful solem-
nities; but his Majesty did not think his duty
required him to discharge the painful office of per-
mitting that sentence to be carried into execution
in a single instance. We look on this, indeed,
as an earnest of that reformation of the criminal
law to which we have long and anxiously
looked forward. Nothing can better prepare
the way for the abrogation of a vicious system
of law than to show that it is incapable
of execution. Thus the mild and considerate
practice censures the vindictive principle, and the
comprehensive exercise of the prerogative of mercy
refutes the theory of blood. To ascertain with
how large and liberal a discretion that benignant
attribute has been exercised on the present occasion
we have but to look at the contend; of the retort—
we find there the names of 27 criminals, three of
whom were convicted of forgery, one of an offence
against the revenue by a felonious transferring of
stamps, sir of house-breaking, one of burglary, two
of highway robbery, nine of stealing, in a dwelling-
house, three of culling and maiming, one of horse-
stealing, and one of cattle-slealing. To form a just
opinion of the nature and character of the laws by
which so many human beings were doomed to perish
of: the scaffold at one Old Bailey Sessions, but for
the interposition of the Royal mercy, let us suppose
the laws were carried into d'ect in every instance
(which ought to be the case if they were just laws),
and what a revolting exhibition. would the whole-
sale sleuehter of such a number of our fellow-crea-
tures present I Then, reader, think bow the popu-
lace of London would advance in civilization by wit-
nessing, after every Sessions at the Old Bailey, a
similar work of butchery performed in the abattoir
of savage justice! Thanks to the progress of
C.tristian intelligence, though London was not a
great many years ego disgraced by such exhibitions,
the time will never come again when public feeling
will allow them to be practicable. It is rela•cd that
when nrabeau was in England he asked a friend
with whom he dined if it were true, that twenty
criminals had been executed that morning at New-
gate ? On being answered in the affirmative, he
exclaimed, " The English are the most inhuman
people I have ever heard of." lie did not live to
w knees the executions which, in his own country, a
few years afterwards surpassed those of England for
rapid, relentless, and wholesale extermination. But
it will not make Englishmen proud to recollect that
the sanguinary vigour which " British justice" for-
merly displayed at Tyburn and Newgate was or 4
surpassed by that sort of justice which Marat and
Robespierre made dreadfully familiar to the people .
of Paris. Having felt it our duty not very long
ago to reprobate the execution of two men at New-
-1 gate, whose offences presented no peculiar features
of atrocity, we have great satisfaction in finding
that the example has not on this occasion been
adopted as a precedent. On the contrary, that has
taken place which strongly proves the empire of bar-
barous laws is rapidly passing away, and makes us
hope that before very long, on the ruins of the pre- •
sent system, a temple dedicated to Justice may -be.
erected by the genius of enlightened legislation.—
Morning Herald.

We never knew till now the various and ample
powers possessed by a majority; it can say And un-
say, do and undo, advance and retract, promise and
violate, and all without loss of strength or diminu-
tion of character. We cannot but delight in the
exhibition of such phenomena, and cordially thank
his Majesty's Ministers, as well as those who sit
behind them in silent ratiocination, for the di-play
of a new system of logic and purer principles of phi-
losophy. It is equally pleasant and curious to ob-
serve how entirely they have proved, in contradic-
tion to received opinions, " that the thing which is
unalterable may nevertheless be altered." We do
not here attempt to recite the arguments, we refer
merely to the facts, which allow that the unchange-
able principle of schedule B was changed to the
unchangeable principle of schedule A, in the cases
of Downton and St. Germain's; and the eternal
principle of actual residence commuted for the
eternal principle of residence within seven miles,
besides sundry other mutations of the immu-
table, alike dexterous and unexpected. If the
mode of these transformations be required of us
we cannot give any satisfactory explanation ;
but it is not so difficult to assign their object, more
especially as the legerdemain of the last two or
three days has been so rapid as to enable us to con-
nect one trick with another. The division of the
counties (an original portion of the eternal) gave
great offence to the Radicals and their Press; the
Minister therefore resolved upon compensation, and
healed the sores of the Jacobins by a balsam of
town-voters let loose upon the counties—another
alteration of the unalterable. This, in its turn,
roused the landed Bill-men, and the Minister in
desperation had again recourse to his new dialectic,
and proved that an appeal from the riding Com-
mission was consistent with the immutable " Bill,
the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill." We
are far from objecting to some of these changes;
our simple purpose in these remarks is to justify
the Opposition who have always maintained the
necessity of revising the clauses; we wish like-
wise to point out that any triumph gained by the
Ministers over their opponents must not be attri-
buted to the ordinary powers of reason and eloquence,
but to the new operations of mind developed by the
majority. This perpetual endeavour to maintain a
balance between the interests of jacobinism and
property has the appearance of ambition more than
of principle; they want the support of the Radicals
to carry the Bill, and the strength of the Aristo-
cracy to resist its effects; they dare offend neither
at present, for both must combine to keep them in
office: so they run to and fro with apologies and
bargains, hawking the Constitution piece-meal for
a vote or a paragraph. We now wait to see the
clause of compensation for the immutable clause of
the riding Commissioners. These changes must be
truly grateful to those who have been reput ed some-
what easy in matters of conscience. We remeMber
that the " Bourgeois Gentilhomaie" was exceed-
ingly delighted when he found that he had all his
life been talking prose : with what satisfaction then
must all those who have been accused of breaking
pledges and violating engagements now discover that,
so far from being blameable, they have acted by
simple instinct upon the highest principles of true
philosophy.—Morning Post.

The Right Hon. CHARLES BRAGGE
THURST died on Saturday, at his seat, Sydney Park, Glou•
cesterahire, at an advanced age. The Right Hon. Gen-
tleman was collaterally related to Earl BATHURST, and was
a member of Lord Livntroor.'s Administration, in which
he held the lucrative sinecure office of Chancellor of the
Duchy of Lancaster, having previously passed through the
station of Secretary at War and other official appoint-
ments. Mr. BATHURST retired from public life in 1823,
when Lord BEXLEY succeeded him as Chancellor of the
Duchy. He was also Receiver of the Duchy Court, a
Commissioner of Bankrupts, and Bendier of Linco
Inn, and in 1826 was granted a pension on the Eng Halt
Civil List of 350/. per annum. The Right Hon. Gen-
tleman, who owed his advancement to his close connection
with the Tory party, was considered to be a, man of
steady industry, and displayed some talent as a Parlia-
mentary speaker. He represented, for many years, .4 the
Mayor, Aldermen, and 32 capital burgesses of the bp-
rough of Harwich." The profession of the Right Hon.
Gentleman was that of the Bar, but it is said he never
as
23granted
2 ot!!
lost many briefs by leaving it to make motions in the
House of Commons. He assumed the name of BATHURST
for a considerable property in Somerretsbire, bequeathed
to him by relative, and married •in 1788 Miss CHAR-
M* which have Civil List pensions. His widow is also in
whom he ik DhDar
kaiTtOalin,
usmiette.rorustotamVl7outnhet
fSeiliniastleoburrattn,chbeys
theher aentitoiyirmeeendtiffoefrent 9001.11 e rper i
'6OOl/li.chinWal
in 1825, and 1001. in 1829.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

-HOUSE OF LORDS, AUGUST 18.
In • tire absence of the LORD Cnatecieuraart, Lord
rENTARDEN took his 'seat on the Woolsa'cle at a Quarter
iefore Five o'clock.
Mr. Gas NE and others freeto the Commons brought up
Candle Duties Repeat Bill and two private Bills.
Mr. Crafer, from the Treasury, brought up the re-
turns ordered of the amount of British goods shipped to
France within the last three years.
Mr. Schnson, from the office of the Chid Secretary for
Ireland, brought up the papers connected with the late pro-
ieco tion of Mr. O'Connell and others, as ordered.
Earl GROSVENOR presented a petition from al
'individual, which stated that he les,l been to India
and hack since the Reform Bill was introduced, and
that he was much surprised on his return to rind it
still before the House of Commons. lie prayed that their
Lordships would pass it without delay as soon as it came
before them. The Noble Earl also presented three peti-
tions, prayiog for the abolition of nelro slavery.
The Bishop of LONDON presented a petition from
the waist) of St. Mary's, Paddington, against a clause
e New Beer Bill.
Earl GREY moved the third reading of the disembo-
died Militia Bill—which was read accordingly and passed.
On the motion of Lord TENTERDEN, the Arbitra-
tion Bill and the Interpleader Bill were read a second time,
and ordered to he committed to-morrow,
Viscount STRANG FORD said, he did not wi-t to in.
convenience the Noble Earl opposite (Grey) but he felt it
would he a great convenience to him; es well as to many of
their Lordships, if the Noble E ivt would now give an an-
swer to a To.stion which he (Lord Strangford) pet to him
on a former occasion. He would now repeat it, and
begged to ask if the Noble Earl had yet received his Ma-
jesty's commands respecting the eonslucting of the ceremony
cf the Coronation, and whet=her it was yet settled in whet
manner the homage of the Peers was to he [Aid to his
Majesty. Another question he wished to have answered
was, whether the Pecreses were to he deprived of their
right to a procession on the occasion ; he hoped not, and
that before it was decided upon, the case would re-
ceive that attention and consideration to which he con-
sidered it entitled. The Noble Earl (Grey) on a
former occasion had found fault with his expression of un-
seemly curtailments in speaking of this ceremony, but he
must say that, in his opinion, the measures of the
Government deserved the appellation, for the country
would not be put to much expence, and what it had to bear
would be made up in the increased activity it would cause in
the manufacturing towns. He thought the economy paltry
on these grounds,—that it would only save the pockets of
the rich, and that the Peers might like it, but the manu-
facturers could not.
Earl GREY said he had not yet received his Majesty's
commands on the subject, and must decline answering
further. He would, however, merely st rte to their Lord-
ships that. the ceremony of paying homage to his Majesty
would be conducted in the same manner as on the occa-
sion of the Coronation of George the Third.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY was very
glad to have such an assurance from the Noble
E trf, and he hoped that he would take into
his consideration what had been stated by his Noble Friend
behind him (Lord Strangford), with respect to the pro-
cession of Peeresses.
Lord KENYON postponed his motion for the appoint-
ment of a Committee on the Agricultural Labourers' Bill
until Monday.
FRAUDULENT DEBTORS.
Lord TENTERDEN, referring to the motion which he
tad made the other day, for returns of the names, numbers,
&c. of debtors confined for debt in the King's Bench and
Fleet prisons, observed, that he thought it right to
snake an alteration in the motion. He understood that it
would be attended with peculiar inconvenience to prisoners
recently confined to have their names published at length ;
and, therefore, he proposed that the names should he set
out at length only of those who had been confined for debt
for more than a year, and that as to the rest the initials only
should be set out.
It was agreed that the returns should be made with this
alteration.
On the motion of Lord MELBOURNE, the House went
into a Committee on the Beer Act Amendments' Bill.
The Duke of WELLINGTON asked whether the
Noble Lord bad introduced a clause to limit the hours of
Felling beer in the houses under this Act.
Lord MELBOURNE replied, he thought there
was a great difficulty in having their houses closed
sooner than they were at pre.ent. In the country
he did not see so much objection to the hour being shorter.
and a clause might be introduced that they might be closed
earlier than those in towns ; but the hour metal, n-
*A by the Noble Duke, say four o'clock for instance,
was much too early, in his (Lord M.'s) opinion, for
where were poor men then to get their beer for
supper, except they went to public-houses, which would
render these new houses, and of course this Act, totally
useless?
The Duke of WELLINGTON—TiIe object of the Le-
!lid:lime was to give the poor the advantage of having
good anti cheap beer, but without holding out any tempta-
tion to excess and irregularity. The sale of beer might go
on till rather a late hour, but that it ought not to be ch ink
at a late hour on the premises. The experiment of having
this matter properly regula'ed had fare 1, as a matter of

police.
Lord MELBOURNE suggested, that it was advisable
that the matter should remain as it was for another year.
Lord TENTERDEN thought that too large a latitude
of time was allowed for shutting houses of the kind in the
country.
The Bishop of LONDON expressed his hope, that at
least a clause would be introduced to limit fin titer the time
for keeping open these shops on the Sundays. The object
of the Legislature was, to give the poor the advantage of
good and cheap beer, but without putting temptation in
their way, or giving them additional opportunities for in-
temperate indulgence. Ile also wished to have a clause
introduced in order to prevent the playing at skittles at
these beer houses. The practice of keeping skittle-
grounds at these houses was not only injurious to those
who frequented them by leading them into excess, but tugs
injurious to the owners of adjacent grounds. There were
instances in which the existence ,f these skittle-grounds
had been found injurious to the letting of the adjacent
grounds.
The Earl of CARNARVON, referring to the controul
given to the constables over these houses, remarked tha'
there was not a more inefficient animal in the world than
a country parish constable. The old public-houses in the
country were intended entirely for the accommodation of
travellers, and, therefore, there was little use for keeping
houses open there for the sale of beer to be drunk on the
premises. But at present there was no other remedy
against the drinking of beer at any hour on these premises
except the superintendence of these constables under a
Magistrate's warrant. But the constable could not
tifeetually interfere, considering the odium and the
*vengeance to which lie might be exposed, so that
pen4ties could not be enforced. In the towns the
matter rested on a different principle, and yet it was
Very difficult to distinguish between a town and
country parish. That difficulty had been experienced
in other matters besides the present—it had been found
very difficult to settle whether some boroughs in schedule
A and in schedule B were in town or country. With re-
spect to country parishes, this Act had hetn founded in
mistake, and therefore the effect was mischievous. The
beer houses absorbed all the money that the labourer could
spare; and nothing would remedy the evil except prohibit-
ing the drinking of beer on the premises.
Lord MELBOURNE did not concur with the observa-
tions of the Noble Eirl who spoke last, as to the ineffi-
c'ency of the parish constable ; and as to the remarks of
the Right Rev. Prelate in regard to skittle-playing, Le
thought it unadvisahle to enter upon any minute legisla-
tion in regard to such matters.
The Bishop of LONDON thought that the allowing of
skittle-grounds on these premises was far from being a
• matter of indifference, and therefore lie would move, if he
stood alone, a clause to prohibit the keepers of these houses
from having skittle-grounds, under a penalty of forty shil-
lings. •

Lord TEN"FERDEN was of opinion
tthatt the power of
the constable, as the Act at was too
limited, an I therefore he propopsedse retli a I 1",
which the constables should have the power:( a clause, by
at present, under a Magistrate's warraut; and ton enter, as
in addition to this he should have the power, without
warrant, to enter at all times when the house, were
t
legally open, and at any time, upon being required to do
so by an inhabitant of the vicinity, or on his having
reasonable cause to suspect that personns w
thi ere remaining
there at an improper time, or that mengimproper
was going on. If the constable abused this power, it
would be at his peril.
The Bishop of LONDON banded in his clause against
skittles, and the question being put upon it,
Lord MELBOURNE suggested that it should be with-
drawn for the present, to give an opprtunity for further
considering the matter.
The Duke of WELLINGTON remarked that shittl...
grounds were kept at public-houses at present, and that
the object of the Legislature was to give the poor cheap

and good beer, by putting an end to the monopoly of the
'old public-houses.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE observed that it would
he easy to evade a clause of this kind ; for it the landlord
of a beer-house should not keep a skittle-ground, his cat-
truners would be accommodated by the owner of the
ground adjoining.
The Bishop of LONnON contended that it was no good
argument trainst the clause that it Might be evaded ; and
he proposed another clause, providing that the beer houses
'iltenhi not be kept open 'for the sale of beer beyond the
hour of seven in the evening on Sundays, Good Fridays,
and Cl.'ristn:as Days. The Right Rev. Prelate., however,
agreed to withdraw his clauses for the present, in order
that they might he further etnsidered.
No objection wan openly made to the clause proposed
by Lord Tr:NTERDEN, and we therefore presume that it
?cf.,' adopted.
The Bill then pa'sed the Committee, aud was otdercd
to be reported on Monday,
Turton's Divorce 11111 was ectnmitted. IlepOrt to motion,
BURNING LAND IN IRBLAND.

The MA!gills of WESTMEATH brought in a Bill for
the Ip-tter prevention of the malicious Burning of Lands
in Ireland. There were six Acts already in existence to
prevent the practice ; but all had been found insufficient.
The Bill was read a first time.—Adjourried

HOUSrs' OP 1021111101'S, Atrausr 18.

The SreAkEli took his seat shortly after Three o'clock
Mr. SADLER presented a petition from the inhabitants
of a parish in the city or Dublin, signed, among others, by
the Lord Me.y'or, praying the House to take into its con-
sideration the state of Ireland, with a view of establishing
a system of poor laws, and describing the distress and
misery that pervaded the couttty.—Ordered to be printed.
Mr. BAILLIE presented a petition from the merchants,
bankers, &c., of Bristol and its vicinity, against the Bill
now before the House, for allowing the refining of
foreign sugar, which the Hon. Member said would be an
indirect means of encouraging the foreign trade.
Mr. BURGE supported the prayer of the petition, and
said that independent of the relief which the resistance to
the ptoposed Bill would afford to the West India colonies,
the cause of humanity would also be benefitted, for the Bill
was not only an indirect encouragement to the cultivation
of foreign sugar, but to the cultivation of it in the foreign
colonies by means of slaves.
An Hors. MEMBER (whose name we could not learn)
condemned the proposed Bill, as actuated by a most heart-
less policy.
Mr. ROBINSON moved an Address to his Majesty, pray-
ing that there be laid before the House a return. of all
officers and appointments in the British dominions, the
duties of which are performed by deputy ; stating the
names of principals and deputies, the nature of the offices,
the dates of the appointments, amount of salaries paid by
the public, and of the sums actually received, as far as
could be ascertained.—Ordered.
Sir R. FERGUSON presented a petition from the
merchants of Londonderry, against the proposed duties on
wine ; and also a petition from the distillers of London.
derry, against the drawback of the duty.
Lord HOWICK presented two petitions from the
farmers of Northumberland and Ber wick against the use
of molasses in. distilleries ; also a petition from ship-
owners of the port of Newcastle, resident in North
Shields, against the duty.on marine insurances, and com-
plaining of the hardships imposed on them by what were
termed the Reciprocity Acts. The Hon. Member also
presented a petition from the planters of the island of
Mauritius fur a reduction of the duty on sugars.—They
were read, and ordered to be printed.
Lord HOWICK adverted to a notice of motion given
last night by an Honourable and Learned Member oppo-
site (Mr. Burge) for an address to his Majesty for the
production of certain document', relative to the emancipa-
tion of slaves in the Crown colonies, and entered into a
statement to show that it would be exceedingly inconvenient
to produce a certain despatch from a Governor of one of the
West India Islands: He hoped that under these circum-
stances the Hon. and Learned Member would have no
objection so to word his motion for the address as not to
comprehend that document.
Mr. BURGE had no objection to the proposition of
the Noble Lord, if the document in question were one of a
confidential nature; if not, 'the duty he owed to the
colonies and to this House compelled .him to put the
House in full possession of all the information now in
possession of his Majesty's Governmen'.
Lord HOWICK could not say it was a confidential
despatch, because it was not so marked ; but be was con-
fident that the Governor who wrote it never contemplated
its being laid on the table of this House.
Mr. BURGE felt satisfied with the Noble Lord's state-
ment, and agreed to model his motion as proposed. The
motion for the address was then altered and agreed to.
Lord MAITLAND presented a petition frona the Ma-
gistrat s and town council of Dunbar, against the use of
molasses in distilleries.
Mr. LEFROY presented a petition from the corpora-
tion of barbers and surgeons in Dublin, against that part
of the Reform Bill which affected their privileges. Also
a petition from the Roman Catholic Clergy of Galway,
in favour of the Galway franchise.
Mr. HUNT presented a petition from the Kensington
and Hammersmith branch of the National Union ;
the petitioners stated that Kensington and Hammer-
smith contained a population of twenty thousand
persons, and they thought themselves entitled to have a
representative in Parliament. They prayed that all per-
sons who paid rates and taxes should be allowed to vote,
and that they might have the protection of the ballot,—
Ordered to be printed.
The How. MEMBER next presented a petition from
John Gilbert, at present confined in the gaol of the
Isle of Man, where he bad been incarcerated
for eight years, upon a debt of 131. The petitioner
prayed for the extension of the Insolvent Debtors' Act to
the Isle of Man.
Mr. HUNT also presented a petition from Samuel
Fletcher, who complained of having, ever since the year
1815, been defrauded of a sum of 1501. due to him on
account of drawbacks, and praying an inquiry into his case.
Ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. LITTLETON presented a petition from a farmer
in Staffordshire, named Wakefield, praying that the in-
surance duty on agricuhural produce might be reduced
two-thirds. The Hon. Member supported the prayer of
the petition, and stated that if the duty had been lowered
last year, neatly all the farmers would have insured their
property, and many of the fires which had occurred
would not have taken place, for what man who
wished to be revenged upon the farmers would set fire to
his property if it was known that the loss, instead of falling
on the farmer, fell on the insurance company ?
After a few observations from Messrs. Whitmore, Ben-
nett, Robinson, Western, and Hunt, the petition was laid
on the table.
Sir JOHN SEBRIGHT presented a petition from the
land-owners of Bishop's Stortford against the use of molasses
in the distillation of spirits.
Mr. BYNG presented a petition from St. James's,
Westminster, against the Vestry Bill.
Mr. O'CONNELL presented petitions from various
parts of Ireland, against the grant to the Kildare- street
School, and the Sub-letting Act; and also fur the intro-
duction of poor laws- into Ireland.
Mr. WESTERN presented a petition from the land-
owners of Colchester against the use of molasses in the
distillation of spirits; also a similar petition from Saffron
Walden.
Mr. HUME moved for a copy of the Report of the
Commissioners of Legal Enquiry on the claims of Lescene
and Eseoffery in 1826 and 1827. He did so for the pur-
pose of enabling the House, before it sanctioned the pay-
ment of 16,0001., the sum awarded to those two indivi-
I duals for injuries they had received, in consequence of being
removed from the island of Jamaica by the Governor, to
ascertain whether these persons had been unfairly dealt
with. If that were so, he (Mr. Hume) did not see why
the people of England should be called upon to pay
so large an amount, because ;the-Governor of the colony
had dealt harshly with these persons. He felt quite sure
the House would never vote so large a sum of money for
such a purpose • at least, it would take care, before
it did so, to see ;hat Government bad taken all the mea-
sures to get the money from the party who ought to pay it
if it was due, namely, the Governor of the colony, the
Duke of Manchester.
Mr. HUNT seconded the motion.
Lord HOWICK objected to the production of the papers,
on the ground that if they were produced more would be
required, the production of which would be to tended with
a heavy expence, and would lead to no practical result.
The Government of this country were pledged, and there-
fore the money ought to be paid. There was not a case
strong enough to warrant the House to call for papers, as
othey would,umls
ad his object y
5,0001.
and
so doing,entail on the country an expence
6,0001.
N . betweenli was, that having the
th
pa-
pers laid upon the table of that House, they should bere-
ferred to a Committee up stairs. The expense of copying
them would not exceed fifty pounds.
Lord HOWICK said, that unless with a view to being
printed, there could be no practical end accomplished by
the production of these papers.
Mr. BURGE contended that •if this case was to be
made the subject of disetssioa is that House, it could only

be discussed, in fairness to all concerned, upon the produc-
tion of all the papers and documents on the subject.
Dr. LUSHINGTON begged to state the case with re-
gard to these individuals. It appeared that in October,
1823, being then resident in the island, they were ar-
rested by order of the novelnment. Upon which
they sited out a Writ of Habeas Corpus, claiming to
be considered British subjects. The Supreme Cutlet de=
cided that they were entitled to be so considered, and they
were liberated. A Secret Committee afterwards sat and
reported on their conduct, without calling on them for
their defence, and they were put on board a ship and
carried to St. Domingo, without having an opportunity of
moving a second time for a Habeas Corpus. These
proceedings were afterwards the subject of inquiry,
at the request of the late Mr. Canning, by the
Government at home, and the result was that the indi-
viduals were entitled to redress. Now he (Dr. L.) would
state why he opposed the Honourable Member's motion.
It appeared that the whole subject had undergone the
most complete and ample investig ition, and a decision had
been arrived at. This House could not institute a proper ex-
amination by the production of the report on evidence, but
it would be absolutely necessary that all the documents
should also be produced, end the House could not then
come to any derision in a less period than six or seven
weeks. He therefore hoped the motion would not be per-
severed in.
Mr. HUME said his object was not to deprive these indi-
viduals of compeniation, but on the principle that he op-
posed any grant without having the most accurate infor-
mation on the subject. It appeared to him that
the House could not possibly agree to so novel
a grant, as giving 16,000/. away without the neces-
sary documents. At the same time, if it were under-
stood to be against the wish of the House, he
would not press his motion. But when the grant came before
him, be should take the sense of the House upon it.
It ought to be shown that means had been us, d to obtain
compensation from the colony by which the individuals
were injured, and that those means had failed, before they
were called upon to make the grant in question. The
Hon. Member then withdrew his motion.
FOREIGN TRADE.
Mr. ROBINSON rose to make the motion of which
he had given notice, for an address to his Majesty
for copies of correspondence with the Consul General at.
Paris relative to the duties on British vessels in the ports of
France, subsequent to the convention of the 26th of Ja-
nuary, 1830. The subject was certainly highly important
to the commercial interests of this country. By the
Reciprocity Treaty, as it was called, of the 26th Jan. 1826,
made with France, it was stated, that from and after the
sth of April of that year ships, goods, wares, and
merchandize, should be admitted into the ports of
both nations at the same rates of duty. There cer-
tainly could be nothing fairer, nor more equitable
than that treaty. But he wished to call the atten-
tion of the Heuse to the marked difference in
the conduct of France as compared with that of other
Powers with whom similar treaties had been contracted.
and be would show that the French Government, in the
spirit, if not letter, violated it from its commencement.
One article in the treaty stated that, with a view to dimi-
nish the burdens on the navigation of the two countries,
his Moat Christian Majesty would reduce the duties in
France in proportion to the reduction of these duties
in the ports and places of the United Kingdom. This
was clearly a reference to a probable reduction of
ditties on both sides, but no reference was made
to any probable increase of duty. It appeared
when the treaty was promulgated in France on the Bth
Feb., 1826, a fortnight after it was concluded in London,
that it was accompanied by an ordinance of the French
Government, to which this Government was not a
party, for raising the duty on French tonnage, and also
on the tonnage of vessels belonging to Britain. The effect
was, that the vessels of England were subjected in the ports
of France, 'to a rate of duty infinitely greater than
the duty payable in the British ports on French ships.
The French Government were remonstrated with upon the
subject, but the only answer was—that they had adhered
to the letter of the treaty. This he (Mr. Robinson)
did not deny, but lie would show, that in spirit it
had been violated. The treaty was evidently with the view
of diminishing the duties ; what excuse, therefore, could the
French Government have for raising the duty on tonnage
on British ships ? Looking at the state of commerce
in this country, it was impossible to incteise the rate of
tonnage, and, consequently, French ships only could have
the advantage of the low rate of duty. Now one article
of the treaty was, that French goods imported into this
country should pay the same duty as if imported in
British bottoms ; heliegged the Noble Lord opposite to look
at the difference between the commerce of the two kingdoms.
The French enjoyed all the benefit of the treaty, while they
excluded England from it. The House would probably
believe him when he stated that British vessels of 110
toms burthen, entering a French port, paid tonnage duties
to the amount of 20/., besides several other charges and
dues, which would certainly amount to a considerable
sum, while French vessels did not pay more than
one-tenth of that amount. If, however, such was the
case, and he pledged himself to the fact, he would ask the
House whether there was any reciprocity in a treaty of
that kind. If the treaty was ever so unwise, parties
were bound by it, but he considered the French Go-
vernment by their ordinance had annulled the treaty
itself, and that view was likewise taken of it by men
more conversant with the subject than himself. He consi-
dered such a state of things cou'd not go on for five years
longer, without some remonstrance on the part of this
country to France. He was well aware that at all times it
was exceedingly impolitic, and would begreatly so at
the present moment, for him to make use of language
against France of an irritating' nature. He begged to be
understood as doing no such thing, but he thought, if a
remonstrance were made in an amicable spirit, it would be
received by the Government of France with a sincere desire
to look into the whole transaction, with a view to
give this country redress, and he protested against this
country's going on year after year satisfying itself
with stating the facts to the French Government,
and being continually put off by evasive and delusive
arguments. No man could doubt, who would give
himself the trouble of looking into the matter, that this
country was net enjoying that benefit by this treaty
which Mr. Canning and Mr. Huskiison intended it
should have. If he was assured by his Majesty's Government
that they had looked into the matter with a sincere desire to
do justice to the commerce and shipping of this country,
he certainly should not be disposed to press his motion.
Previous to entering into the Reciprocity Treaty, French
vessels returning to the ports of France never paid
any tonnage duty, and he was credibly informed
ports of
Great Britain, then large tonnage was paid when
they came from it.—(Hear.) He was not actuated
by any jealousy against the French Government in making
his present statements, but be considered the House ought
to take care to protect its own interests.—(Hear.) The
French Government had never acceded one point to us
without an equivalent, and he wished he could say as
much of his own country. He felt tie more anxious to
ascertain the sentitnents of Government on this question,
when be found the Noble Lord pursuing the same
course of what was called liberality, but which he begged
to designate folly. He saw no objection that could by pos-
sibility be urged to his motion, but he would repeat that
if the Noble Lord stated his Majesty's Government had the
subject under their consideration, he should nut press his
motion.
Lord PALMERSTON saidenothing could be fairer than
the motion of the Hon. Member, and the manner in which
he had put it. He had stated that if information were
given him that the matter was under the discussion of
Ministers, anti if an explanation would now be inconve-
nient, he would not, lest it should embarrass Government,
press his motion. Now lie would beg leave to state that the
matter bad engaged the notice of Governtnent, that a cor-
respondencebetween England and France had been instituted
in reference to it, and was still going on ; that, there-
fore, in his opinion, it was inconvenient, and might be preju-
dicial to the satisfactory determination of that correspondence,
if they were now called on to produce it. He, therefore,
without entering into the case, would beg the Hon. Mem-
ber to withdraw his motion. He would not stand up to
argue that the French had correctly understood and acted
up bon4 fide to the stipulations of the convention, but it
was from no disinclination to give full information, nor
from inattention on the part of Government to the interests
concerned in this question, that he would recommend the
withdrawal of the motion.
Mr. ROBINSON withdrew his motion accordingly,
and stated that it would be extremely wrong in Go-
vernment to make any further concession to the French
pending this correspondence.
Mr. HUNT said that he would take that oppor-
tunity of putting to the Vice-President a, question
in reference to three large seizures of French silk manu-
factures which had been made in the city. He
understood, however, that it was generally the case that
some compromise took place; but the parties in this in-
stance were quite competent to meet the full fines, and he
wished to know what proceedings had been instituted
against them.
Mr. P. THOMPSON would assure the Hon. Member,
that the penalty to the utmost of the law would in this in-
stance be imposed. -
The Marquis of CHANDOS would take that oppottu-

nity of asking whether it was the intention of his Ma-
jesty's Government to disarm the Irish yeomanry ?
Lord ALTHORP said that measures for regulating
the Irish yeomanry were under the consideration of Govern-
ment, and when they were considered fit to be brought
before the House they would be proposed; but
pending the consideration of these, it would be impossible
to give a direct answer to the question put by the Noble

Marquis.
Mr. SADLER, on the suggestion of Mr. O'Connell,
postponed his motion respecting the Irish peasantry till
Monday, the 29th inst.
Lori ALTHORP engaged that on that day it should
take precedence of all Government business
Mr. COURTENAY asked when the wine duties
would be brought before the House ?
Lord ALTHORP stated that he should bring that sub-
ject forward on Monday next.
AFFAIRS OF BELGIUM.
Sir R. VYVYAN, after remarking that the Noble
Chancellor of the Exchequer could accuse him of no
discourtesy in at length bringing his motion forward, pro-
ceeded to deny that he had any wish to embarrass the
Government, and to observe, that questions respecting
Belgium had already been discussed in that House, and
sufficient evidence afforded, even by the answers of the
Noble Lords opposite to the inquiries made by Noble and
Right Hon. Friends of his, to lead him to form a conclu-
sive opinion upon the system of policy pursued by his Ma-
jesty's Ministers, and to forbid him to expect any mere
information than he already possessed. Ile persisted in
bringing forward his motion, however, because it would
give many that opportunity of expressing their feelings and
opinions, and delivering their sentiments upon these
matters, which it might not otherwise be their fortune to
obtain. The discussion he was about to introduce was
not, he contended, premature, because war had actually
commenced. He would, in what he had to offer upon the
subject, wish to confine himself, as nearly as might be, to
the actual object for their consideration ; he would not,
accordingly, touch upon the Portuguese question, though
he was extremely anxious it should be brought before
the House ; but at the same time, as he regarded the
Belgian question as the key of the great problem of peace
or war in Europe, he felt it would be necessary to daviate
a little from the strict line, and allude to the general
aspect of the other European Governments as connected
with the affairs of Belgium. In entering upon this
question, he was willing to suppose that the King of the
Netherlands had contented that one part of his dominions
should be separated from the other upon certain consi-
derations—that the Belgian provinces should be separated
from Holland. He would also suppose Leopold King of
Belgium elected by a large majority ; and, it the principle
of election be admitted in Europe, fairly and honourably
elected Sovereign of this new kingdom. Now the House,
knowing these facts, and the public being informed of
them, had a right to expect that tranquillity would have
been the result. But, on the contrary, this enthronement
had positively been the signal of war to Europe.—(Hear.)
The object proclaimed by the Government bad been to
preserve peace. With this view, it had been stated, was
their every act ; but by the King of the Netherlands this
enthronement had been considered an infraction of the ex-
isting treaty, and a j ust ground for war, and therefore had
he ordered his troops to march into Belgium. He had to
remind the Mouse that he had already, for various reasons,
on several occasions, postponed his motion. On Friday
week he had been informed that the armistice between the
Dutch and Belgians had been broken ; anti on the evening
of that day he asked the Noble Chancellor of the Exche-
quer if he had received any official information to that
effect? The Noble Lord, in answering in the affirmative,
requested him to postpone his motion, because an Ambas-
sador had been despatched, and he had reason to expect
that peace would be restored. He consented, giving notice
for the Tuesday following. On that day he again post-
poned his motion, at the entreaty of the Noble Lord, be-
cause the King of the Netherlands had consented to treat.
He gave notice for Thursday last, when he was fully deter-
mined to persevere in his motion. But he was again
asked to postpone it for another reason. namely, that the
French Government had given a solemn assurance that
the French troops would withdraw as soon as the
Dutch troops had re-passed their frontiers. On this
question it was the House was now called upon to de-
bate. It was a question on which the honour of Eng-
land was interested—on which it was, in fact, deeply
pledged. He need not add, that after the explanation
—after the positive assurance of the Noble Lord opposite,
the honour of his Majesty's Ministers stood pledged.—
(Hear, hear.) And now, notwithstanding this solemn
assurance on the part of the French Government to the
Minister of this country, it appeared that France had de-
terinined to maintain 30,000 men as an army of observa-
tion in Belgium, to remain there—so the demi-official
report of that evening stated—encamped at Niville until
the Dutch had disbanded half their army, and paid all the
expenses of the war.—(Cheers front the Opposition.) On
Thursday last the Noble Lord opposite had declared that
the French troops were to withdraw as soon as the Dutch
had retired beyond their position ; and to-day it was
stated, and no doubt they would hear it defended, that
30,000 men were to remain in occupation of Belgium.
This was a question which influenced and affected the
honour of all the great contracting Powers, and which
showed that this country—or at least the Minister who
had represented it—had, during these negociations, been
only proceeding from one difficulty to another ; and had
been, he feared, ultimately deceived. France, it would
appear, was an armed party before which it was expected
all the Great Powers of Europe would quail.—(Hear,
hear.) The question respecting the letter of the King of
the Netherlands had been already so fully disposed of that
he did not apprehend any advantage could arise from his
now touching on it. It bad been proved the King of
the Netherlands gave due notice of his intention to re-
commence hostilities, and that there was not the shadow
of a reason to be advanced on the part of those who, in
Parliament and elsewhere, had accused his Majesty of
treachery. The question on which the King of the Ne-
therlands had taken up his ground in these negociations, is
that which had already been discussed in that House to a
certain extent—the question of the Protocols. Time question
of the Protocols was that on which his Majesty took his
stand. Taking the Protocols then as a basis whereon. to
fix their judgment, it would appear, first, that the King
of time Netherlands had done every thing to keep the peace,
not only in having foregone his just appeal to the Great
Powers with whom be was in alliance, but even
in aban-
doning his sovereignty over the revolted provinces, on the
understanding that the interests of Holland were not to be
forfeited, and that he was to receive an indemnity for the
loss of his family possessions. Up to this point, then,
more
existedm od ear ate
great th awna 'ntthe
of c o
(nioutohtionfg
icioisulAdiabjeesftayi.rer
Thereor
in-
formation upon this subject, but he expected that his Noble
Friend would at least be able to give as much as would
vindicate the character of this country. After various
Pons
theonlay hadcoogsbreeens o
sefnt to Brussels
Belgium was
understandto that it would be compelled to accede.
letterg‘A'i.ivtehn negociations,
aP
to or
woatscaoLl also
which
dispatched to the Regent, and he (Sir
R. Vyvyan) wished to know whether it had been de-
livered? If the Noble Lord did not enter into that part
of the case, it would be fair to infer that the letter in
question was not delivered. So far, however, from ac-
ceding to the terms of the Protocol, the Belgians pro-
ceeded to elect a Sovereign, and the Prince of Saxe Co-
burg took the sovereignty in direct opposition to all
the eighteen articles of the Protocol. Ministers, too,
had sent off the Prince to Belgium with full know-
ledge that the Belgians had not acceded to the tirma
before demanded of them. This transaction was of a
most serious character ; it would be matter of history,
and, probably, matter of charge against the Government
of this country. He thought that he had said enough to
show that the King of the Netherlands was fully justified
in the steps he had taken—that he had been most unfairly
treated—that he had been most unreasonably asked to ac-
cede to proposals made to him—and that, in defiance of all
delicacy, Ministers had allowed Prince Leopold to quit
Great Britain. The King of the Netherlands might have
acted boldly if not rashly in opposing himself to the con-
ference ; but he had acted with due regard to the honour
of that nation, whose destinies were committed to his
charge.—(Hear, hear, bear.) He begged here to add,
that even by the editors of the newspapers supposed
to speak the sentiments of the liberal party in France,
t theic
it was now admitted that the King of the Nether-
lands had been guilty of no want of faith—of no breach
of the armistice ; and the Constitutionne/ last re-
ceived
proceedfrom
Paris, is,
wasorg inai decided a
u uponseoff o
udestroyed
this
then found
interferencepo ty the Ie
necessary,
F' ofiv
ea it? uit
ehl
d
e
s
Five Powers. The balance of power, as settled in the
Th
reaty of
Revolution
easntpdhianlial,
1815
5d
it wasbeen
were, to establish a new code of nations. This measure
had been effected at the Congress of Vienna, and one of
the mistakes then made was, the ill-judged junction of
Holland and Belgium. Those two countries had always
entertained a mutual jealousy, and it seemed contra)), to
the policy of England to allow the union of a great ma-
nufacturing with a great maritime power. However, the
union was made, and the annexation was guaranteed by
all the Five Powers, and upon this point the Honourable
Baronet read the 67th Article of the General Act of Con-
gress, giving the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg to Hol-
land ; and the 2d and 11th Articles of the Gerinanie
Confederation, which related to the annexation of the

Grand Duchy of Luxemburg to Holland and Belgium.—
The question then was, whether the new Sovereign of
Belgium was not bound to maintain Luxemburg as parr
of the Belgic kingdom ; while, on the other hand, it
had been given to the King of the Netherlands in 1815,
and guaranteed to him not only by the Five Powers, but
by the Germanic Confederation? The King of the Ne-
ther!ands protested against the injustice with which he
was treated, and one of the charges against the British
Government was, that they had neglected to pay attention
to the guarantee of the Duchy of Luxemburg. If it
were said that it had been the intention of the King of
the Netherlands to sell Luxemburg, it would be no an-
swer to that charge ; and it would still remain a question
whether Luxemburg was henceforward to be considered
part of the Germanic Confederation. It was little less
than idle to talk of the neutrality of so small a State as
Belgium ; it must, in fact, fall under the controul arid pro-
tection of France; and if Luxemburg were no longer a
Member of the Germanic Confederation, it would of ne-
cessity cease to be part of Germany. This was not a mere
question of I.mits and boundaries, but of serious State
policy, as regarded the balance of power in Europe.
When the revolution or rebellion broke out in Brussels, it
was said that the King of the Netherlands was a tyrant as
regarded civil liberty, and a bigot in relation to religious
toleration.—(Hear, hear, from Mr. O'Connell.) He could
well understand that cheer from the Hon. Member for
Kerry. The mask was now torn from the faces of many
in Europe who bad hitherto walked in disguise.—(Cheers.)
What had occurred in B-lgium, ere long might happen
elsewhere.—(Hear, hear.) The real cause of the rev-e-
-lution in Fiance, in July last, was now well known; those
causes were, in fact, the same which had afterwards ope-
rated in Belgium ; and if the spirit were not checked, it
might he soon found in full power nearer home.—(Much
cheering from the Opposition Benches.) It was fit
that the subject should no longer be blinked ; it was high
time to speak out, since danger was at hand ; for while
the centre of revolution was in Paris, the right wing was
in Brussels, and the left wing might, ere lone, be in
Dublin.—(Much cheering.) The system was the same
in Belgium and in Ireland—on the one the cry was against
the College of Louvain ; and on the other, against the
Kildare-street Society.---(Cheers.) He trusted, however,
that although there were Roman Catholics in the House
of Commons, they had not that u:tramontane spirit which
actuated the Jesuits of France. From thence the Hon.
Baronet went into a detail of facts already published, con-
nected with the edicts for education published by the King
of the Netherlands in 1825, which were brought before
the States-General in 1926, in connection with the ques-
tion of religion. A concordat was entered into in 1927 ;
and in 182 S, efforts were made to get up petitions, and to
decry the measures of the Government as bigotted and ty-
rannical. The consequence was, that in three years, not-
withstanding all the concessions of the King of the Nether-
lands, a revolution broke out. With reference to civil
policy, it might be said, that the King had refused to concede
the Trial by Jury; but the fact was, that the question having
b en three time, broughtbefore the Chamber at Bruesels, it
was three times rejected by increasing majorities.
Ire
what he was about next to say, he might possibly offend
the prejudices of some, but he was convinced that one of
the consequences of the late revolution in France would
sooner or later be war.—(Hear, hear, bear.) At the
same time, when he sew that on the one si-le there
had been an attempt to establish a despotism, and on
the other a liberal feeling, though too much exaggee
rated, he could not say that he regretted the expulsion of
CharleS X., of France, more than lie regretted the abdica-
tion of James II ,of England. Though all the evils and
inconveniences that might result were before him, and al-
though the shock given to European thrones bad vibrated
even in this country, he could not say that he was sorry
the event had occurred. But the revolution (or, as his-
tory would term it, the rebellion) of Brussels stood upon
very different grounds. On the question of interposition
by this country in the internal affairs of other States, he
might remark, that so far from non-interference b the
rule, and interference the exception, interference seemed
to have been the rule, and non-interference the exception.
The whole system of Europe, during the last thousand
years, had been a system of interference; and he illus-
trated this position, by references to the history of the
Duchy of Modena, and of the Papal territories,. He con-
tended that there was a spirit of propagandism from one
end of Europe to the other, and that it was high time for
the different Cabinets to interfere. What he called upon
the British Government to attend to principally was this
—that they should tint exhibit any fear of the power at
present existing in France. He hoped, now Ministers
tnund that the French troops were not to he withdrawn
from Belgium, and that the honour and dignity of the
British empire was called in question, that they would not
yield to circumstances. Let them not plunge and flounder
on from one difficulty to another, under the hope that
every new embarrassment would be the last : let them
not resort to trick after trick, arid bend and succumb at
last to the great power, which constantly kept in view
the propagation of its own doctrines. Let the Cabinet
remember, that there was a power in France behind
the throne, and for the honour of England and the peace
of Europe, let them give the most determined resistance
to such tortuous policy. While, on the one hand, Mi-
nisters avoided giving the slightest cause of exasperation
to the revolutionary patty in France, they ought, on
the other hand, to take care that they did not surrender
the power they still possessed. Bullies would always
become greater bullies when they found their insolent
assumption successful ; and it became not only the British
Government, but the British Parliament, to oppose itself
firmly to the braggadocios of Europe. On one point he
hoped the Noble Lord (Palmerston) would not refuse in-
formation : he wished to know whether Ministers were at
last undeceived with regard to the intentions of the French
in attacking Belgium.—(Cheers.) They need not be
afraid that the people of England would not support them
in a war, which had for object the maintenance of the
honour of the country: he hoped for peace, 1)111 the way
to preserve peace was to Le prepared for war—pejor est
Bello timor ipse Belli--the fear of war sometimes produced
worse consequences than actual hostilities. He 'misted that
the ultra party in France was doing its utmost to induce
France to make war upon England, and that an alliance at
this moment with France, in order to compel the King of
Holland to accept terms, would be most disgraceful to
Great Britain. The result would be, that in the middle
of the struggle, she would be obliged to abandon the ally.
she had chosen. His object in introducing this subject
was to give Ministers an opportunity of explaining their
conduct. They had been guilty of many changes of policy,
but after having gone through four acts of the play, they
need not fear the denouement of the fifth. He hoped
that the House would give him credit for a desire to place
the country on its proper footing, and to afford some
comfort to those who were heart-broken at the humiliation
already suffered. However inconvenient it might be to
Ministers, he apprehended that he had not brought the
question forward at a time when it would be inconvenient
to the nation to have it discussed. He moved for copies of
all protocols and other papers relating to the conferences
regarding Belgium, which could be laid upon the table
without prejudice to the public service.—(Cheers.)
Lord ELLIOT seconded the motion, and expressed his
intention of giving a succinct statement of the various
points of the transactions, as far as, from his residence in
Belgium, he had been able to trace them. At the time
when the kingdom of the Netherlands was created, that is,
in the yeir 1814, Belgium, it would be recollected, was
in the occupation of the English, Ptussian, and Austrian
troops ; and it was determined at the Congress of Vienna,
that the country should be annexed to Holland, so as to
form an independent State, capable of maintaining its
place among the European Powers. Holland was by no
means desirous of that annexation ; and she was called
upon to make considerable sacrifices in order to carry the
decision of the Congress into effect. She was obliged to
give up, in consideration of that addition to her territory,
the colonies of the Cape, Demerara, and Berhice. The.
people of Holland had no inclination for that union, but
' when the kingdom of the Netherlands was determined on,
their just and benevolent Monarch turned his attention to
the revision of the fundamental law ; and he (Lord Elliot)
believed that in the whole course of the dominions of shit
excellent Sovereign, the provisions of that law were in no
instance infringed, and no instance could be alleged in
which any individual, however guilty, was punished with-
out the sentence of a Court of Justice. Even De Potther,
and the others associated with him, were not punished
until condemned by a lawful tribun tl, ant that too con-
sisting of Belgian, not Dutch Judges.—(Cheers.) Had
not he (Lord Elliot) a right, therefore, to protest against
the use of such language as had been indulged in by some
more
Be
g that
n soldiers o t our
gentlemen, speaking of the King of the Netherlands? Was
that Monarch to be called a tyrant?—(Hear.) He never
had a guard for the protection of his own person. The
composition
ooff a
slitiasndai
nr
g army; resembledand
d the
army
were nearly in the proportion of two to one to the Dutch.
He (Lord Elliot) believed that no country in Europe was
in a more rapid progress of improvement, or in the en-
joyment of greater prosperity than Bdgium, from the,
time of the union with Holland to the commencement of
the revolution.—(Hear.) The Congress of Vienna, in
forming that union, dec'ared that its object was not oely
to preserve the balance of power in Europe, but to pro
mete the prosperity and to maintain the independeece
of
the Belgi or people themselves, arid so. far the intention ofi
!. the Congress was realized.--(Hear.) The insurrection

which had since taken place was, it could not be denied,
an act of treason—(Hear, hear)—and if the King had
succeeded in putting it down, his right to punish the
ringleaders would never have been disputed.—(bletr,
hear.) But as the treason was successful, of course it
was not called by that name.—(Hear.) The other Powers
of Europa interposed, and by their interference a separa-
tion was agreed to. He gave the conference of Lon-
don
full credit for their desire to preserve peace, and
he thought that so far they could not well have dole
otherwise, under the circumstances, than they had done. ,
Their first step was to procure a suspension of hos-
tilities; and the Belgian Congress protested against
that suspension being considered an armistice, and
denied the right of tilt other Powcre to prevent
any country from vindicating itself by arena. .lie belietied
that after that hostilith s were commenced two or itita:
time. by the Belgians, notwithstanding the protest of i,lO
King of the Netherlands. In the mean time negotiations
proceeded, and on the 13th of January the conference
issued a declartnitni, which they said was irrevocable.--*
(He then read a protocol, in which the declaration of the
13th J ii y was prenounced to be irrevocaVe, and the
conditions named in it were steed to be those on which
alone the independence of Belgium would be recognised.)
—He believed that on the 10th of May the conference
declared, that it by the Ist of June the Belgian Congress
should not have agreed to the conditions of separation ;is
arranged by the conference of London, the rezociation
would be broken off, Lord Pons.inby would leave Brussels,
and measures would be taken by the other Powers to pre-
serve peace—meaning, he supposed, such measures as the i
King of the French, in the naive of the conference, had sinca ,
resorted to In the mean time, the Dutch Envoy complained
of the del iy in the execution of the cleerees of the conference; ,
and on the 7th of June he was informed that other wag&
trent: were under consideration. What then must have been
the astonishment ef the King of Holland, when on the
25th of June he received articles—the s one, indeed, in
number (eighteen) as those which had before been deter-
mined, but totally different in many other respects? Against
those last articles the Minister of the King of Holland 11:,
turally protested. lie published an able and complete
analysis of them, and exposed their inconsistency with those
which had been before agreed to, and this unwarrantable
violation of the rights of the House of Nassau. Was its ',
then, with the consent of the other Pow.rs that King
Leopold signed a Constitution, the provisions of which in-
volved questions which had been considered to be already
settled ? In his address the eighteen articles were n thoseluded to, but he expressed his intention of retaining
places of which the Belgians then had possession, not-
withstanding the claims of the King of Holland ; nd
ah
that the intention of some of those plans was the
snliject of pending negotiations...—(Hear, hear, hear.)
Under such circumstances, it was doubtful that the
King of Behan(' could restrain the irritated feel'
hies of his people, who saw that their country ol''
dealt with by the other Powers, he would not say uniustV'
but at least harshly.— ( Hear, hear.) From the day tb3t
their troops crossed the Belgian frontier, they were Kill
the whole of the interest of the public debt of Belgium ; on
in consequence of the unsettled state of the question he'
tween them and that country, their business was inter
rupted, and they were subjected to the expences of a Lail :.
army, and to other heavy burthens. Notwithstanding a'ri
this, when the conference expressed its disapprobation O',.
the renewal of hostilities, and desired him to withdraw hie'
troops from Belgium, although he thought himself justii 4
in the course which Le had alopted, and ahhough lie lit
been in every instant!e successful, he consented to recrooi;
the frontiers, not wishing to incur the responsibility '
brieging on a general war in Europe. But the conference,:
in the mean time, employed a French army, or allowed:,
to lie employed, for the purpose of enforcing aeoie'd
Holland those coercive meosures with which it b'
threated Belgium—(Hear)—and of defending a populate til I
of four millions agaiiist two millions and a half. 'l,,
thought that the House Ind a right to know what Pil
this country had taken in those priiceedings ; and as 10,
Leopold was new settled on the throne of Belghoo-'4J
his election and recognition were perfect and completer;
political transactions, he thought that the lion. Biretitij
had a right to call for any papers relating to it, ''ry
that their production would not interfere with 31,
pending or future negotiations. The feeling of sorre
and indignation wh'cli had been excited in Holi'd
by the treatment which that country had experieoe 1,
at the hands of the peat Powers was very ni°c
mitigated by the sympathy which had been expressed. pr
_i
wards them in this country; and he thought that a s'n'
lar manifestation on the part of that House would tend
strengthen the hands of his Majesty's Ministers,
0,
would enaide them to take a higher ground in their fleg,
ciations with other Powers, to render due support to t,te
ancient ally of t'iis country—(Hear, hear)—and togt,o
up the tempo' ring policy which hitherto they had hod
(perhaps) compelled to adopt. For those reasons be WI,
second tire motion of the Right Hon. Ilaronet.-411e°50.0,
Lord PALMERSTON, in rising to explain his rea,ti
for declining to support the present motion, was boavo
do justice to the temperate, fair, and moderate monneroi
which the Hon. Baronet by whom it was introduced', .11
the Noble Lord who seconded it, had stated their ileo
of the subject to which the papers called for related- tip,
Hon. Baronet stated, his motive in making the t,,d
was to give his Majesty's Government an opportuority
explaining the course which they had pursued iltol
transactions to which the motion referred. The l'f
Lord said, that as the election of King Leopold was a Of
plete political transaction, there could 1:e no ree'elityl
withh riding papers rid ding to proceedings up to_,,
period, as their production could have no effect ;II
pending negotiations. But he (Lord Palmerston) ''' r)
a ~,, ry different opinion ; and he, therefore, ¶S.3' 01
going to avail himself of the opportunity which the of
tion of the Hon. Baronet afforded him. Notwithstso ty
the statement of the Noble Lord, he would say, thatod
object of the negotiations with which the doeumeotsii
connected was by no means a complete Pe:4
transaction.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The purpo4 j
which the Government of this country bad l' '
into the negoci at ion was not the electioos,
a Sovereign for the people of Belgium, but the nrele
tlii
tion of tire peace of Europe.—(Heir, hear.) lint' file
purpose was finally attained and peace established, ti'le
d uetion of the papers called for could not reason°,
expected. He should, therefore, be obliged to to'bi
a shott speech in reply to the Hon. Meyer, and to °I9
perfect silence upon the various topics which the„,,
Baronet and the Noble Lord had introduced. Ile ‘v,'"iptr
th it the House would not think it necessary for itiree
follow them through their examination of the ki,
ments determined on at Vienna in 181 de or theirly/
of the King of Holland's conduct fbr the last fiftceodii
Neither could he go into an ( xplanation of the COn ffii.,
the Government of this country for the last eight,' ll'j
months. Whatever might be the efftct which tifolvi
Baronet expected to I,e produced by his charge ag'tind I,
present M nistry for their conduct towards the coffi
Holland, and for their gewiral management of the 't t:
affairs of this country, he (Lord Palmerston)int°
sle2
the lion. Baronet the advantage of that impres,Trof
(lid not feel himself at liberty to eater int ) the d'' nig,
to which the Hon. Baronet was desirous to leath.-'oor,
hear.) If he was obliged to decline a discu"l°oo,
past conduct of the Government in those transaeonor ,
less would the Home expect him to follow the DI
..."(
into his anticipations of their future policy e
hear.) Whether Belgium was or was not 0001
Luxembourg. and whether or not the possession n. 0:
bourg would connect Belgium with the Germanic i
deration—were questions which he would not th Clot
in that House, and he was sure the House would '4.,e
entering open them. He thought that the cono ,
hail of late been followed regarding negociatino°%to SI
his Majesty's Government were still engaged, ''tot
' riance, not only with the usages of Parliament' ) net
the principles of the Constitution.--(Hear, be3r,'„ re,
view of the Constitution, he apprehended that t?
of war and peace was one of the prerogatives of t 'eel'
and that therefore the discretion of condue,it4 i
tions was vested in the King --(Hear, hearithe e'ft,
therefore, as that Home placed confidence in A
sible a lvisers of the Crown, it was bound net to
of their hands the management of negociatiorst, leo .
the question of war or peace, by summoningt` roe/
were, to the bar to ;answer for their conduct?: eel
negotiations still pending.—(Hear, hear• e
been asserted that one of the consequences) , f
ti'liti V?
Bill now in progress through a Committee w'".n ~ wi
the Crown would be shorn of its prerogon'1:;011
(Lord Palmerston) thought that nothing th.at, a°,l
attempted by the representatives of Bir-tnioglice, 9
chester could strike mere at the royal prerollitt_weefi
course followed by the II in. Baronet, the
ti 'OO,
I,f
the Anti-Beformers, who, during negocia. ~, tily
greatest importance, not only to this c 0 04
Europe, would not wait until these Were eeelsot
conclusion, but insisted that the Giyvernrnenctio pi
close all that they had hitherto dune in tesl"tineaot'
all that they were doing—and all that theY_ to !VI
and called on them to con-emit with liimalbee ',,,,,
they should pursue.—(Cheers.) Under baje.i,i
stances, and for the considerations which he,
to pi
he objected to the motion, and wes bound O
i
tel into the discussion. he c'`ta
Mr. O'CONNELL said, that althoug i lie chile
main silent in the present ditcussien, a'',...,01,
distiuctly alluded to by the lion. Baronet I.