The Sun.
London, England, 1831-01-01 00:00:00

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turn to the advantage of those who have not failed in their
duty. And now, Gentlemen, I come to another re-
proach that has been thrown upon this Chamber. The
cause of liberty, say they, has not been pushed forward
with sufficient rapidity. Its inevitable consequences
have not been welcomed and developed as they
ought to have been. It is true, Gentlemen, that
the Revolution of 1830 lass not yet completed all
that it is capable of accomplishing—all that it
ought to accomplish—all that in the end it most un-
doubtedly will accomplish ; for it contains evithin its b ;-
sum an immensity of future liberty and happiness. But
let me ask you to say in all candour, can every thing le-
ned at once ? I beg leave to turn the attention of
.amber to facts. It will be recollected that the
of 1830 contains, towards its conclusion, a stet--
f the various laws which the country rendered obli-
, for the advancement of its own interests, amount-
.n number to nine ; four have been already enacted,
A the country is enjoying the benefits of their. Trial
by jury has been extended to offences by the press and to
political offences—Deputies appointed to public offices have
been made subject to re-election—the army estimates will
be annually subotitted to a vote of the Chambers—and the
future condition of our naval and military officers is settled
and secured. All this, gentlemen, has bee?' done. As to
what remains to be done, you are all fully aware. The
law fur regulating the National Guards is in progress, and
that fin. receiving the double vote has received the sanc-
tion of a transitory enectinent. Thus, Gentlemen, four
laws have been passed, two are at this moment under dis-
cussion, and three remain fur consideration. Of these
last, I beg leave toinform the Chamber that when I quitted
the Ministry three laws were ready to be submitted to you
—I mean the municipal, communal, and departmental
laws. Surely never was there at any time greater expe-
dition than this. I will add that that extra legal, extra-
constitutional authority, which in the present day aims to
impose its will upon us, is not likely to promote the cause
of true liberty, for a spirit of revolt and insurrection is
fl always inimical to its real interests. This spirit of re-
volt is too exclusive : it tends to the assumption of
absolete power,—it is too full of the passions, and fan-
cies itself far above all other authority, to consent to march
by the side of any. Insurrections may overthrow unjust
governments, which can never be sustained by the coun-
try, because they are not in accord with it ; but they never
create genuine liberty —they bear none of the germs of it
within their bosoms. They beget nothing but disorders,
and always end by introducing anarchy : they yield only
to tyranny, which never fails for a time to gain the as-
cendancy. These, gentlemen, are the evils which disquiet
Its. Society appears to have lost its balance ;it is endea-
-.ring to find its centre of gravity, and nothing can en -
restore its equilibrium. In fine, gentlemen, the
.ivernmeet appears to have by its side a power foreign to
tself, but which ie resolved either to invade its attributes,
draw it to its own purposes.—(Hear, hear.) Yet the
:Nil is not without a remedy. The Government, I am
hound to say, has not perhaps done all it ought to have
done, even when I had the honour of being one of the
Ministers, but it has contended against the evil, and in the
end will gain the victory. The Chambers, I hope, will
anpport it ; and even should the Government and the
Chambers fail in their duties, I have confidence in the
country—l have a firm conviction that the nation will
effect its own salvation from the disorders that threaten to
invade it as it delivered itself from tyranny in the days of
July.—(Applause.)
M. Persil declared, that whatever might be the reserve
imposed upon him by his situation, it was impossible for
him to remain any longer silent. He would lay aside all
the learned doctrines that hail been developed, and confine
himself to facts,. The Revolution of July was too sudden
and unpremeditated not to leave hopes to the partisans of
the repudiated Government. The Revolution of July had
also revived the hopes of some old republicans who had
not gained wisdom from experience. But there was this
difference between the Republicans and the Carlists—that
ttic former found they could only act under the mask of a
lively sympathy with the new Monarchy, while the latter
perceived that their only chance of success was in disguis-
ing their sentiments under the appearance of coinciding
with the former. These were the causes of the tumult in
the mouth of October. It was put down. The attempts
made upon Vincennes by a misguided mob were easily de-
feated, but for this I allow no credit to the Ministry. The
proceedings before the Court of Assizes next week will
sufficiently inform France of the weakness of the causes of
this disturbance, and of the existence of ringleaders, whom
I can scarcely call conspirators. But that a conspiracy
did exist, we have the proof in the following letter, found
at the residence of one of the prisoners, a sentence of which
was conanunicateci to you yesterday by the President of
the Council. lam now enabled to read to you the whole
letter, which is as follows My opportunities for writ-
ing to you with the certain.y of toy letters coining to
hand are so rare, that it is a real happiness, whenever
I can eend them to you with security. M.
has just informed ins that he is going to London, and from
thence to 1101yrood, and was happy in being thus able to
prove his devotedness in the Royal Family. The fellowing
is the picture of the affaiis of the day. We must have a
republic in order to drive away the Orleans family; with-
out that we can do nothing, and we must labour ta bring
it about. Several clubs have been formed, and I belong
to several at the same time.—(A general laugh.)—The
most connuending and the most violeet is that called les
Ands du Peuple, at which the Chamber of Deputies is
much alarmed.—(` No, no, they do not frightens us.')—
We have agents employed to make the people, whose in-
terests it defends, acquainted with it : when once it has
become well knows, a contest will take place with the
National Guards, arid one of those bloody conflicts will
ensue that ftequently have no other rause than a cross
look. The moat timid will run away, the boldest will
remain ; and this will be sufficient to tell you that I shall
stand firm in the defence of our interests. The republic
will probably spring trom the head of B. D. having lost
our confi !entre since he turned Jrleanist. I have seen some
people who delude themselves with the notion that the
Duke of Orleans wishes to remain no longer King. Ile
never had a greater desire to reign ; this at auy rate is
the opininta of the National Guards who mount guard
daily at the Palnis Royal, and whose officers dine at the
table of the King, who takes care to treat them well, in
order to secure them as his protectors.—(Laughter.)—
The National Guard is not to he feared. It is composed
of fathers of families, who are afraid of their lives, while
we are animated and encouraged by powder and balls,"
&e. Gentlemen (concluded the Hon. Member), these
are the calms of the delay of the Ministry in presentine
the law !coked for by the country. They promised you
yesterday to present immediately the election laws, and
whew it is submitted, you will be able to judge of and
appreciate their ennduct."
M. Maugein endeavoured to prove that the uneasiness
that prevailed was deeply rooted, and that the fauit was in
the Government, who knew how to provide for the wants
of :Le people. They had assumed the motto of the fallen
government--" Nu more concessions." None of the pro-
mises of the revolution had been realized. They had
iodised the phantom of the republic and the reign of terror
to exante alarm.—(Here the Hon. Member was inter-
;ruined by the President of the Council, on which M.
Mauguin explained that he had no intention of intimi-
dating the Government.) He thee proceeded to show by
facts that attempts had been made to alarm the people,
and that they had not been satisfied. Ile had tie belief in
the imaginary dangers from the Carlists, and repelled alas
all ides of danger of a republic. He declared his belief
that every one was in favour of a Monarchy and of liberty,
and recommended Ministers to abandon all categories, such
as " Carlists," which only disseminated division, and use
the term " Frenelinnen and France," in order that they
might be understood by ail the world. The Ilon. De-
puty then asked if it was tree :hot a petty Prince of Italy
had sent tack the letter addressed to Lim by Louis Philip,
announcing his accession ; he also called for a communi-
cation of the protocol relative to the affairs of Belgium, at
the same time informing the Chamber that this grave
question would be the objett of a motion from General
Lemarque.—(Hear, hear, front the extreme gauche.) •
M. Merilhou considered the toplieeit of the Hon. Deputy
as a direct attack upon Ministers.
M. Maugnin anseaered, that he admitted that lai.inisters
bad the power of doing good.
M. Merilhou replied, that then the inference was a stilt
stranger charge, and repelled with great energy the attacks
made upon the Government.—Adjourned.

(From the Tribune.)
.. I?ROJECT OF ASSOCIATION OF THE
SCHOOLS.
"TO THE EDITOR OF TILE TRIBUNE.

snt,—Loag i,v) I presented to the students the pro-
ject of an association to your journal. Now that we have
shares in it, to the amount of 5,000 francs, I come in their
name to claim your support. You will allow tne to take
advantage of this opportunity to obgerve, that I was not
deceived with regard to your inflexilide &fulness. Alone,
Y.ll announced the Polignac Ministry ; you prepared us
fur its consequences ; you told us the truth respecting ale
221 ; and after the victory Df July, you foretold what has
taken place, under the influence of Guizot, &c.
" PROJECT OF THE ASSOCIATION.
"To THE STUDENTS OF THE THREE SCHOOLS.
" Dear Schoolfellows of Law, Medicine, and the Poly-
technic School,—We have tha same object in view, the

liberty, the peace, and the happiness of the people; our
motto is, ' Love of our country.' Long before the revo-
lution of July, the people, tired of an odious and humi-
liating yoke, bad cast their eyes Etowarde you. In the
hope of overturning one day a throne, raised by foreign
bayonets and sustained by corruption, they relied upon
your intelligence and upon your courage to act at the de-
cisive moment. On the 26th of July the counter-revolu-
tionary tocsin was sounded : a cry of alarm burst from the
bosom of France, and this cry was re-echoed from the
bottom of your hearts. The next day, careless of danger,
you formed your battalions ; the people disputed with you
the honour of ensuring the victory, and in three days the
throne of the tyrant was lost in the blood which he hail
caused to be shed. Precious blood ! united to our tears,
mayest thou fertilize the soil of our country !
" Such is the history of our revolution. The thunder-
bolt of liberty annihilated at one blow the power of des-
potism. Shall I attempt to recall the sensations of the
following day? No, the intoxicating feelings of popular
triumph remain engraved on our memory ; but no expres-
sion can describe them. The combat of force began the
revolution, that of reason ought to terminate it. How is
this to be done ? By unmasking hypocrites and intriguers
—by re-establishing tranquillity, and presenting a mass of
young citizens, ready to attack the enemy of the principles
for which we took up arms. Ah ! if every Frenchman
were like you a stranger to ambition and to egotism, we
should now have only to enjoy the happiness we conquered.
But how many men bare made a shameful traffic of the
fruits of your exertions ! How many men seek in revo-
lutions only a share of the spoil. Honour to you, my brave
friends, you have had no share in the booty.
" But it is not sufficient to preserve our own dignity, we
must force others to follow the noble example. If the
students were united, we might by our great number, by
the purity of our sentiments, and by the education we have
received, exercise a salutary influence over public opinion
in favour of liberty. But, unfortunately, we sometimes
differ on the means of attaining the end we have in view.
To obviate this difficulty, let us associate in order to unite
our efforts. Our provincial schoolfellows will unite with
us willingly, and we shall then offer to France the net&
spectacle of a body beaming light into every spot to which
it penetrates. The Press was formerly of service to the
country ; but since several of its organs have found more
rapid means of making their fortune, they seem to abandon
us to ourselves. What is become of those men whom we
thought rich in patriotism and talents, and who every
morning came to animate us with the love of liberty ?
They are Prefects, Employes, or Receivers. How revo-
lutions discover the workings of intrigue !
" The people who had mingled their blood with ours is
in want of our counsels. Shall we abandon them to their
inexperience, who surpassed us in courage ? It is our
duty to instruct them, to inspire them with ideas of pure
morality, and of frank and moderate policy. To what
voice will they listen sooner than to that which called
them to artns, and which did not cease to animate them
with the cry of victory ! In fine, my dear schoolfellows,
the project which I submit to you offers no difficulty, and
it can only be useful to the country. This is saying that
you will adopt it. Our fathers almost all electors, our
friends who have gone before us in the career of sciences,
will grant with enthusiasm the wishes of the children of
July. We, ourselves, on quitting our schools, will he
proud to see those who shall succeed us follow the path
we have marked out for them,—not that which we traced
with our blood on the pavement of Paris (God forbid that
French blood should be again shed) but the line of prin-
ciples which our revolution has laid down, and which are,
I trust, not to be effaced. But it will be s will so great
an influence be tolerated by power ? To this we answer,
what is to be feared from us ? And if it were to refuse,
would we not exclaim with all France, what, then, have
we conquered ? Why so much ingratitude towards men
who have made you what you are? Reply in your turn,
you who have gained every thing and lost nothing, do you
persecute us thus because the remembrance of your con-
duct causes you as much remorse as that of ours gives us
pleasure ?
" ADOLPHE MOSHERY, Student of Medicine."

A report is current, that the School of Medicine is to
be closed for three months, on account of the proclama-
tions signed by a number of the pupils. This rumour,
we are assured, is unfounded ; but it appears certain that
the Minister of Public Instruction has convoked the Aca-
demical Council, to consider the course to be adopted te-
specting those who signed the proclamations in question.
We have already announced the arrest of M. de Mes-
nerd, son of the Count de Mesmird, first Equerry to the
Duchess of Berri, as well as that of two brothers, Messrs.
Due; advocates. AI. de Mesnard was arrested at No.
252, 'tie St. Honors, at the house of M. Geslain, ex_
valet de chambre to the Duchess of Berri, against whom
a warrant of apprehension has also been issued. The
following letter upon the subject appears in the Quoti-
dienne

" Mr. Editor,—l was in bed. M. de M—, jun.,
having come to Paris on business, and begged me to give
him a lodging, was at my house, when four men, one of
whom wore a tri-coloured scarf, and called himself a Com-
missary of Police, entered my apartment. The latter took
several papers from the chimney-piece, and out of my
writing desk, and after having examined them very mi•
cutely opened some drawers, where he found a pound of
gunpowder with some halls and a pair of pistols. He also
took some other correspondence, which had nothing to do
with polities. After• having scrupulously examined a
number of letters, the contents of which were quite harm-
less, the Commissary of Police put his hand upon a paper
containing some allusions and hopes relative to the return
of the Duke of Bordeaux to France. Although this paper,
which was merely the draught of a letter, was entitled to
no attention, the Commissary thought it of high import-
ance, and gave it to one of the trusty persons in attendance
on him. I thou felt that advantage would be gladly
taken of this vain pretext to ascribe to the Carlists
the commotion that had arisen, notwithstanding the
absurdity of putting at the head of a conspiracy a
mere valet-de-chambre to the Duchess of Berri. Not
disposed to share the fate of the prisoner, I decided upon
making my escape. I went behind the alcove, and thence
ran dawn stairs without a hat. The Commissary, on
finding that I had escaped in spite of his precautions, lost
all moderation. He again examined toy papers, and on
finding some nails; files, old keys, &c., which came
into my possession by being left in some furniture
which I bought in 1825, at No. 1, Rue Neuve du Luxem-
bourg, the Commissary, addressing M. de M— said,
with the intention of mortifying him, You are living
with a thief.' Ille Commissary, no doubt, felt that in
order to rain a man it was necessary to degrade hint. He
himself was not the dupe of his own words. Every ob-
ject in my house would have set him right. Whom
then can he hope to find that will believe such unworthy
suppositions? These are all the grounds of the famous
trial which is preparing-, and the causes of the arrest of
Messrs. Duez. It was thought that the ties of friend-
ship, which ltd united me to one of them for these 12
years, would give me influence to change their opinions.
What notion can they have of conscience ?
" B. GESLAIN."

The Quotidienne says—" We shall add to these de-
tails, that the son of M. de Mesnard, a young man 20
years of age, who had just arrived from the country, must
have already convicted the examining magistrate that he
was quite a stranger to political affairs."

(From th.,!. Constitutionnel of Wednesday, Dec. 29.)

ON POLAND.

Unhappy Poland ! the Russian Autocrat is, perhaps,
already on his march, with his innumerable armies, to
stifle the independence of Poland, and drown its liberty in
torrents of blood. There is no doubt but the resistance
will be worthy of the heroes who contended with so much
magnanimity against the savage Suwarrow ; but they
perhaps, be overwhelmed by numbers, and who car. then
say where the vengeance of irritated despotism will stop
The :ncurrection in Poland is a consequence a our revo-
lution. This brgve nation thought of us when it broke its
chains. It saluted the tri-co!oured flag, and without doubt
it hoped in us. What ought the Government to do under
such circumstances ? It ought to raise a powerful voice
in favour of an oppressed people,—the old friend, the
fahillul ally of FrAnce,—which assisted us in our wars
with Europe,—which fought, conquered, and suffered
with us. Let the tovernuient save Poland. This is the
wish of France. Let us nut deceive ourselves. Wilen
Poland is once reconquered, the Russian armies will come
and attack, among us, the principle which stirs up na-
tions and troubles absolute Kings. All diplomatic pro-
testations to the country tend only to deceive us—to lull
us into false security. Why fvar a magnanimous resolu-
tion ? It is almost always the prudence of Statesmen.