The Sun.
London, England, 1831-07-15 00:00:00

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Mr. HUNT presented a petition from certain inhabi-
tants of the parish of Marylebone, praying that the qua-
lification of a voter under the Reform 13i11 might not be
the payment of rent, but the payment of taxes.
Dir. EWART referred to what had passed on a former
night regarding the borough of Liverpool. He had re-
ceived corntnunications from the Chairmen of the Com.
mittees of Lord Sandon and Mr. Thornley, expressly and
distinctly stating that no public-houses had been opened
by them, and that no treating was allowed by them.
Mr. WASON repeated hie declaration, that public
houses were open at which treating took place, and he
offered at his own expence to prove the fact at the bar.
He admitted that the Members of the Committee on both
sides were of the highest respectability, and added that
he had never charged them with encouraging treating.
Mr. E. DENISON bore testimony to the high charac-
ter of the Committees on both sides.

Mr. J. WOOD had also received a letter, denying that
any treating was practised. He bad not the slightest re-
spect for the freemen of Liverpool, who were only not
guilty at the last eh.ction because they had, as it were,
a rope round their necks, and because the contest ter-
minated so soon.

Mr. HUNT had received a letter to the same effect. It
would he the height of injustice to disfranchise such a
place as East Retford and to allow the corrupt electors of
Liverpool to escape unpunished.
Mr. EWART was again rising to address the House,
when

Sir J. NEWPORT spoke to order, on the ground that
the petition and the discussion had no relation.
The SPEAKER slid, that though not.closely related,
they were somewhat akin.
CORN LAWS.

Mr. HUNT presented a petition from Bolton, for the
repeal of the Corn Laws. He remarked, that it was
much more important to the poor to have cheap bread
than to have the Reform Bill passed.
Mr. WILKES presented a petition from the Protestant
Dissenters of Boston, in favour of the Reform Bill.

Mr. ROGERS presented a petition from Bishops'
Castle, praying that that borough might not be included
in Schedule A of the Reform Bill.

Mr. RUSSELL presented a petition from Thirsk,
praying to be allowed to continue to return two Members
to Parliament.

BEER BILL.

Lord BELGRAVE presented a petition from the
Grand Jury of Cheshire, against the Beer 13ill.
Mr..l. WOOD presented a petition from certain inha-
bitants of Truro, complaining that they had been unjustly
deprived of their right of voting at the last election.
The SPEAKER was of opinion that it was su election
petition, and, after some conversation between the Chair
and Mr. J. Woon, the petition was withdrawn.
Mr. J. WOOD also presented a petition from Chorley,
praying for vote by ballot, annual Parliaments, and uni-
versal suffrage.—Also a petition from the members of the
Manchester Political Union, against the clause in the Re-
form Bill requiring the payment of rent half-yearly. The
Hon. Gentlema❑ had been unable to present the petition
until the clause to which it related had been -withdrawn
by Ministers.

After a few remarks from Mr. HUNT, Mr. CAMPBELL,
and Slr. O'CONNELL, the petition was laid upon the table.
Mr. J. WOOD presented a petition from the retailers
of beer in Ashton-under-Lyne, praying that they be al-
lowed to keep their houses open during the same bouts
with licensed victuallers. The same Hon. Member pre-
sented a petition from the township of Ilaslemere, for al-
tering. the law of tithes.
Mr. R. FERGUSSON moved for an account of stamp
duties received in Ireland on account of marine insurances
during the last year; also for an account of the sums ad-
vanced out of the Consolidated Fund by the Irish Loa❑
Commissioners, with the rate of interest thereon, and the
amount of each individual loan.
Mr. DIXON presented a petition from Glasgow against
the tax on marine insurance.
Mr. MARSHALL presented a petition from the soap

Colonel LINDSAY rose to complain of a misrepresenta-
tion in the report of his speech, as it appeared in the
Tithes of that morning. The expression there made use
of was, " He defended the existence of close boroughs, on
the ground of their forming one of the most ancient parts
of our representative system." What he had said was,
that the Noble Lord had clearly made it appear that close
boroughs existed coeval with the earliest periods of the
Constitution, and that therefore the plan now proposed
was not a restoration of that Constitution, but a com-
pletely new Constitution.
Mr. CROKER—An Hon. Gentleman had informed
Lim that a great number of the returns under the present
census had reached the Home Office, and he thought that
they ought to be communicated to the House. He, there-
fore, trusted that the Hon. Gentleman would take as early
an opportunity as possible of submitting them to the House.
Lord J. RUSSELL said they would be brought forward
as soon as possible.
Sir H. HARDINGE understood the whole of the do-
cuments with respect to the English population were in
the Home Office; and lie should therefore be glad to know
what was wanting.—(Lord John Russell said something
across the table, which was inaudible.) Well, then, he
had another question to ask. With respect to the borough
which he represented, he much doubted the principle of
the Noble Lord. Ile should, therefore, be glad to hear
whetter it would be competent for hi:n to move for the
hearing, not of Counsel, but of evidence. He conceived
that it would be most unjust for the House tss decide upon
the merits of any particular borough without allowing such
a course.--(Hear.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL, with regard to the popula-
tion returns, did 'not know how many were ready ; but
this wLs not the foundation, he begged to observe, on
which the Bill proceeded.—(Hear, hear.) He, however,
had no objection to their being produced ; but it should be
remembered that the Reform Bill was founded on a census
taken at a time when those who made the returns could
not have made them for the express purpose of saving their
borough from disfranchisement.—(Cheers.) With regard
to the second question, whether evidence would be ad-
mitted, it was quite impossible to give an answer, till the
House, in Committee, was informed what points it was
sareidquiiiree.ei7bidutnl?et
say such a case
sp:,reoouittiohdseenid,or
ttoott,
aa makeeittoy oouhfti .many
feevpli
oidasedint
icavel
er
ibeyaecili-og
might not arise.
Sir H. BARDINGE rose amid cties of " spoke !" He
was sorry to hear the Noble Lord utter a libel against all
the returning officers thioughout the kingdom.—
(Cheers.) And what was the excuse of the Noble Lord ?
It was this—[Here an Hun. Member attracted the Right
Hon. Gentleman's attention by making some observations,
which were inaudible in the gallery.] He objected to
gentlemen interrupting him by speaking of trickery.—
(LotO cries of " spoke.")
• Sir E. SUGDEN would ask the Noble Lord whether
he bad always adhered to the census of 1821 ? Let hint
look at his own Bill, and he would find that he had not ;
be would find that he had over and over again diverged
from it.—(lleac, hear, and a cry of " no.") He said yes
he had ; and having done so, he could not now stand
at the census of 1621. The only way to meet the justice
of the case would be to give the House the census of 1831,
and if it was wrong, let it be corrected.—(Hear hear, ac-
companied with some observations from a Member seated
behind the Hon. and Learned Gentleman.) He thought
that be had a great right to complain of the gentlemen
who chose to take their seats on that side of the House,
when they were in favour of the Bill ; to use the express
(don of the Hon. Member for Middlesex, they were ene-
mies in the camp ; and he was frequently prevented that
confidential communication with his friends which he had
Hardinge)SA-lli'H cdoiduldneovct:mesneielea.hinowof
wt
a right to have, from finding such Gentlemen on his right
hand and his left. He thought that it would be fair re-
venge for half a dozen of the Anti-Reformers to take their
seats on the Ministerial aide of the House.—(Hear.
Mr. V.
ot
bGI
ee General
had said of the returning officers, when he had said of
eiatGthaellaNn
ttonh
reachmet
iriiettle:lroeouugggahh:l e
rno whicht t trust
he
e is
represented,ta t e-
GE said but a few words in explana-
tion, tonsn
,siot eruw,lligiiiilltti.ihtheahitirto:ltistilipßidaeevDcnCetolooNtt
Lord JOHN RUSSELL—Therecwere various ways in

Mr. C. W. WYNN thought, on the principle of the
Bill, that it would be most desirable to ascertain the popu-
lation at the present time.
Mr. JOHN WOOD said, that the Right Hon. Gentle-
man did not appear to be aware, that if they took the
census of IS3I, it might be necessary to alter the standard
on which the Bill was forme I. It was necessary to dis-
franchise a certain number of boroughs to make way for
the large towns, and if the popul ttion should have increased
much since 1821, and they were to take the census of
1831, preserving the standard adopted in the Bill, the
whole measure might be destroyed. What he supposed to
be necessary was, to adopt a scale of proportionate popu-
lation, and that could be done by one census as well a+
another. In fact, if they adopted the census of 1831 they
would cause a great deal of trickery, and might he much
duped. There would be a temptation for returning officers
to make false returns, and a temptation to procure them.
The returning officers were, he believed, obliged to insert
in their returns all the persons who had slept for a few
nights in a place, and he had heard of one borough in
Lancashire—and he believed that he should be able to sub-
stantiate the fact hereafter—into which 300 male adults
bad been brought to sleep for a few nights, that they
might be returned as a part of the population. No such in-
stances could be proved under the population returns of
1871. He believed, at present, that such instances would not
be singular, and that there would be several boroughs which
would endeavour by such means to escape disfranchisement.
Captain HARRIS, as the representative of Grimsby,
wished to call the attention of the House to a document
which 'he held in his hand, signed by the Minister and
Churchwardens of that place, an authentic copy of which
he knew had been placed in the hands of the Ministers,
and which would clearly prove to the House that Grimsby
was entitled to retain its two representatives. That do-
cument set forth that the number of inhabited houses in
Grimsby was 743, and in the village and sake 31, making
774. The uninhabited houses in the town were 47, and
in the hamhts one. There were five houses building,
making altogether 527 houses. The number of families
in the borough was 791, in soke 31, making 822. The
inhabitants of the borough amounted to 4,048, and those
of the hamlets and soke 177, making a total of 4,225.
Grimsby had more than 4,000 inhabitants, and was en-
titled, by the principles of the Bill, to be left out of
schedule B, and to retain its two Members. She had a
right—(A laugh)—she—(A laugh)—had a privilege,
she—(Anothrr laugh)—could claim that—(Continued
laughter.) Well, then, he would say it—the borough had
had the elective franchise time out of mind, and had a
right now to retain two Members. The Hon. Members
who laughed on the other side might, perhaps, when they
heard him to the end, laugh on the other side of their
faces.—(Much laughter.) Many of the boroughs in
former times bad refused to send 'Members to Parliament,
or had supplicated to be excused from the burden ; but
this Grimsby had never done; she had never flinched—
(Renewed laughter)—and she ought now to have two
Members.--(More laughter.) He denied that Grimsby
was a nominee borough, and be had shown that it would
be as great an act of injustice as ever was done to retain
it i❑ schedule B.

Mr. C. WOOD slid, that the number of 2000 and 1000,
which were the exclusions of disfranchisement, referred to
the last census and must be adhered to, unless the whole
Bill was to be destroyed. The line had been drawn by
Ministers, after much deliberation, for the purpose of
making room for the Members of the new towns which
had grown up. The Hon. 31ember quoted a passage from
Lord Durham's speech during the last Parliament to illus-
trate this fact, and to show that a great many more bo-
roughs would have been disfranchised, or that several
avowedly nomination boroughs would have escaped, had
the line been drawn from any other point. He contended,
then, that the population returns of 1821 having been
adopted, must be adhered to. As to the population re-
turns of 1831 being ready before the Bill went to the
other House, be would only remind Hon. Members that
the census of 1821 was not laid on the table of the House
of Commons till July, 1822. If that objection to the
motion for leaving the chair were urged, he could only
suppose that it was done to delay a measure which had
been received with satisfaction by the House and the
country.—(Hear, hear.)

Sir C. WETHERELL wanted to know what evidence
they were to have to satisfy the House of Commons and
the public of the propriety of the great measure they were
called on to adopt. They were to rely, it seemed, on the
census of 1821, which was liable to blunders—which the
Ministers themselves had admitted to be full of blunders;
some of them they had corrected, but they had inflicted
mistakes on the House. Thera were many other mistakes
which they had not corrected, so that they gave the House
the census of 1821, with their own corrections, made at
the present time, they adopting, too, in part, that present
enumeration which they denied to the House. They had
laid on the table what they called copies of further informa-
tion, and when the Noble Lord was asked who was the
author, the Noble Lord did not know, or he would not
tell. These copies reminded him of " Dodsley's Collec-
tion of Fugitive Pieces," Were they to proceed to legis-
late on information furnished by nameless authority, and
on this anonymous authority of an unauthorised publica-
tion to disfranchise the boroughs of England. Take the
case of Ciinc—there was a great alteration in that place
between 1801 and 1811, and he found at the bottom of
the Population Returns of 1821, a note, which said that
a great alteration had taken place in that borough in con-
sequence of the woollen manufacture in that neighbour-
hood, which had been seated there, having gradually gone
to decay. Now that fact was a good and sufficient cause
for inquiring into the case of Caine and other boroughs;
and was it nut a great mockery, a most unusual degrada-
tion, a most absurd and insulting proceeding, that a bo-
rough which had not 2,000, was to be wholly disfran-
chised, and a borough which had not 4,000 men was to
lose one Member, without those facts being substantiated ?
The Bill proceeded on assumed facts; as there was no
evidence before the House to prove those facts, and he
wanted to know how the House of Commons were to be
satisfied that they were facts, he called fur an answer.
He found the Ministers asserting certain things as facts.
lie wished to know how they got those facts. They had
nut heard evidence ; they would not hear evidence—they
confined the House of Commons to the trash of fur-
ther information, to Vie gasconading collection, that
was of no more authority than " Dodsley's Col-
lection of Fugitive Pieces." To suppose that the
Parliament was to bz reformed on such informa-

Sir ROBERT PEEL could not avoid expressing sur-
prise at the language of the Noble Lord.—(Cheers.)
He did not hear his Honourable and Learned Fi iend
(Sir Charles Wetherell), in any part of his speech,
discuss the principle of the Bill.—(llear, hear, hear.)
His Honourable and Learned Friend's observations
had a direst reference to the matter now before the
House, and he bad put questions of great importance
to the Government, which the Noble Lord, he must say,
had pointedly evaded—(Cheers from the Opposition.)
The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had asked fur infor-
mation on the subjsct of that Bill which makes popula-
tion the test of disfranchisement. He had asked what
evidence they possessed on the subject of that population,
and the Noble Lord had not thought proper to answer
him.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord says that be appeals to the
people of England.—(Cheers.) When the Noble Lord
makes that appeal with so much confidence, the people of
England may perchance reply by asking themselves a
question of the Noble Lord.—(Hear.) They may ask
whether it is fitting that the population is to be the test
of disfranchisement, when the Government take the po-
pulation, not as it exists at present, but as it was stated
to be ten years ago.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord might
answer his Learned Friend or not, as he pleased. It un-
doubtedly was in his power to refuse to do so, but the
absence of the answer would be well understood.—(llear,
hear.) It was his (Sir R. Peel's) decided impression that
the Government were unable to answer—(Cheers)—that
they did not possess the power to give an answer.—
(Cheers.) He hoped, however, that the Learned Gen-
tleman would consider well before he moved for the infor-
mation he required. If the test of population be adopted,
it was undoubtedly necessary that the returns should be
correct; but he thought it expedient to avoid taking any
steps at present which would seem to recognize the fact
that population was to be the test. if he (Sir Robert
Peel) thought that by voting for the more accurate infor-
mation required by his Honourable Friend, he should,
at the same time, be admitting population to be the
test of disfranchisement, undoubtedly he would vote
against his Honourable and Learned Friend's motion.
If, however, a majority of that House came to the deter-
mination that population was to be the test, it would then
be a question for their most serious consideration whether
they were to take as their test the old returns of 1821, or
those which they were to be in possession of in the course
of the next fortnight.—(Cheers.) Could the
House possibly forget what they had heard that night
on the subject of the Returns ? Could they forget that
the Hon. Member for Preston (Mr. John Wood) had told
them the returns for 1831 were not to be depended on,
because he knew that tricks had been practised to increase
the numbers in particular places; and that in one borough
with which he was acquainted, 300 persons had slept the
night before the return was made, in order to bring it
within the rule ?—( Hear.) So, by this argument, if
from any accident the population of a borough was in-
creased ; if the stage coach happened to break down, and
six persons more than ordinary slept in the borough of
Malan), that was to save it from disfranchisement—(Loud
cheers and laughter)—or if a great fight happened to take
place in the vicinity of a particular town on the day of the
return, that was to determine the point of disfranchise-
ment. And yet, in the midst of all these difficulties and
Ibiurdities, they were called on to take the population
returns as a method of determining the right to exercise
the elective franchise.—(Hear.) Nothing, he appre-
hended, could well lie more absurd. It reminded him of
an academical absurdity which was probably familiar
to the House, that if the height of the mast and the name of
the vessel was swed, it would determine the length of the
voyage. Now he would ask the Government to answer him
this question—lf your object be to put an end to the
nomination boroughs—and you have declared that it is
your principal object—why is it that you permit these no-
mination boroughs to retain one of the Members—(Hear)
—because they have a fraction above 2,000 inhabitants ?
If you wish to destroy all nominations and corrupt in-
fluence, as you ray, why do you not take away their Mem-
bers altogether, instead of permitting them to retain one?
But then it would probably be said that they were about
to call in a new constituency. Why it might happen,
and in many places he believed would happen, that a
gre iter number of 101. householders were to be found in
boroughs which did not come within the line of 2,000cL11;
tban in boroughs whirl, possessed more than
fallacious
eri required i
naturered 4,ooo.—(Hear,
showedwhil.hhinthye. re-
quired to proceed,..—(Hear.) 1.

deed, found something of that kind himself. In the ease
of Downten and St. Germeins, the Noble Lord had
been compelled to acknowledge that there were not a
sufficient number of la householders to form a respect-
able constituency.—(Hear.) Could there be a stronger
evidence in favour of the principle for which he and his
Lion. and Learned Friend contended—that population
as as not to be taken as the test of competition for the
elective franchise, ec of inefficiency in the .eaereise of the
right which it confers.—(Hear.) For these reasons he
objected to population as a test at all of the necessity
of disfranchisement; but if the house were ultimately of
opinion it was right that population should be the test,
then for the same reasons he was prepared to cootteei tliat
they should take the latest, and it was stensUmed to be
most accurate, return—that of ktiAt. Under any cir-
cumstances he made bold to assert, in contradiction to the
Noble 'Lord, that the disseassion was not irrelevant to the
question before the Houet.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. ATTWOOD protested against these constant-ar
peals to the opinions of the people on the subiects Which
came before those who were chosen to reptesent them in
that House.—(Cheers from both sides of the House.) The
Hon. and Learned Gentleman below him (Sir C. We-
therell) applied himself to the judgment of the Members
of that House, and the Noble Lord answered him by ap-
pealing to the people.—(Hear.) He confessed he thought
she language of the Noble Lord very unworthy of the
station he was called on to occupy its that Ilouse, and
better suited to that state of circumstances to which they
bad not yet arrived, anti to which he hoped they never
would arrive.—'(Cheers,) Such appeals were calculated
to influence the passions of the people on a question which
of all others required the most calm and dispassionate
sideration.—(dear.) He rose, howeveN to ask whether,
if the Koine agreed to the first clause that agreement was
to be considered as finally ceneemnatory of the boroughs
named in that clauses

Lord ALTHORP replied to the Hon. Member's ques-
tion by observing, had been decided by the Speaker,
during the last session of Parliament, that the schedule
was to be considered apart front the clause ; and, there-
fore, when the clause was agreed to, it would be in the
power of any Member to urge the claim of any particular
borough to be exempt from its operation, and its name to
be struck out by way of amendment.
. .

Mr. WALL reminded the House, that the Hon. an
Learned Member for Boroughbridge (Sir C. Wetherell
had not been quite so particular about the authencity o
public documents at the time he supported the famous
Green Bag. He thought it much better that the House
should go into a Committee.
Sir C. WETHERELL in reply to the Hon. Member,
said the case be referred to was very different from the
present. The documents be then took as good evidence,
were laid on the table by order of a Select Committee of
that House.
After a few words from Mr. JOl!ti CRESSETT PELHAM,
The House resolved itself into a Committee on the Re-
form Bill. Mr. Francis Baring in the Chair.
Lord J. RUSSELL then rose, not to explain as he ob-
served, but to repeat some parts of his former statement,
which lion. Members had taken great pains to render
doubtful or obscure. He had stated when he introduced
the Bill, that it was his wish to render the representation
free and independent. He had at the same time observed,
that the nomination boroughs which he wished to destroy,
were of two kinds. Some of them like Gatton, which
would not in any manner be rendered independent; and
others, which, possessing a large number of inhabitants,
could be saved from disfranchisement by being thrown
open to an independent constituency. Ile had stated at the
same time, that as it was necessary to draw a line, they
found, after the most mature consideration, that no better
could he taken than that of the population census of 1821,
although he was ready to admit that the question was much
agitated, whether there could not be another and a better
line found for their purpose, namely—the ten-pound house-
holders. They found, however, on inquiry, that the re-
turn raf the ten-pound householders were founded on prin-
ciples of a nature so different and se uncertain, that it
would be much better to take the line of population in
which there would be no exercise for discretion, and
which, whether perfect or imperfect, was the work of offi-
eters who could not at that time he supposed guilty of par-
tiality or prejudice with respect to the line of 2,000 inha-
bitants. They had thought it right to allow all boroughs
above that number to retain a Member, because they did
not think they could otherwise preserve the just propor-
tions of the manufacturing and agricultural interests. lie
had given them explanations without argument, and
without attempting to clear away any of the ingenious
sophistries which Hon. Members bad laboured to defame,
and to hurt the reputation of the measure before the House,
and he thought, therefore, they might now proceed to de-
termine whether the clause was to be agreed to ; and
when that event took place, he was ready to clear away
any doubt, or to explain any difficulties which might arise
in the consideration of the Schedule.
Sir E. B. SUGDEN, adverting to the changes which
had been made by the Noble Lord in the Schedules, taking
places Irons the one, and inserting them in the other,
wished the Noble Lord would explain why he had done
so. (The Honourable and Learned Gentleman here made
some allusion to the Honourable M-mber for Ware-
ham, lately Honourable Member for Grimsby, the precise
nature of which we were unable to collect). The object
with which he rose was to call the attention of the Com-
mittee to the principle on which the Bill proceeded. It
had been said, and he heard it with great surprise, that a
Noble La rd in the other House of Pariiament, who was
generally considered as the author of the Bill, has declared
that the object of the measure was to put an end to the
nomination boroughs, without any reference to their po-
pulation. Now how was that consistent with the state.
ment of the Noble Lord who brought the Bill into that
House, that he took the population as the basis of the
measure ?—( Hear, hear).
Dr. LUSHINGTON observed, that as to population,
no advocate for the Bill would be so absurd as to suppose
that the number of 2000 was precisely the number which
ought to regulate the admission of boroughs.—(Hear,
hear.) But those who opposed the Bill had so ob-
scured their understandings that they appeared to be
incapable of comprehending the object in view ; or,
at any rate, thought it necessary to repeat the same
arguments over and over again to satiety.—(Cries
of " Hear, hear, hear.") He conceived that the prin-
ciple of the Bill was that which it had been stated to
be from the beginning ; namely, the annihilation of all
those boroughs in which nomination prevailed. The rule
was the population in 1821 ; although it was not very
important whether the number was 2,200, 1,800, or pre-
cisely the 2,000 specified in the Bill ; for on examining
the Schedule A, it would be found that, with a sinale
exception, there was not one borough included in that
schedule which was not a nomination borough. He could
name the patrons of every borough, and if the Hon. Gen-
tlemen opposite doubted the fact he was ready to do so.
He did not think, therefore, that his Noble Friend was
justly liable to the taunts which had been thrown out
against hint on that point. Adverting to the observations
which had been made by the Hun. and Learn- d Gentleman
oe the lion. Member for Wareham, he remarked that the
Hon. and Learned Gentleman seemed to have forgotten
the circumstances which induced him not to solicit the
renewal of the suffrages of the elector: of Weyniouth, and
to scat himself in the House as the Member for St. Mawes.
--(Hear, hear.) With respect to the measure, he (Dr.
Lushington) could not believe hut that the people of Eng-
land were entitled to look for the best constitution which
the intelligence of the present day could furnish, and that
they were not bound to go back to periods of darkness
and ignorance, when circumstances were altogether dif-
ferent ; but, on the contrary, should adapt themselves to
existing wants and necessities.—(Hear, tear, hear.) A
great number of those who now composed the House, and
who were called the representatives of the people, had no
connection with the people, but were only sent thither to
represent and express the opinions of others. He had fre-
quently witnessed the machinery that was at work in the
places for which such persons were returned, and he could
net think that the welfare of the country could be consi-
dered by allowing the constituency of such places to con-
tinue in their present corrupt and degraded practices. On
those individual, as well as on the country at large, there-
fore, be thought a greater benefit could not be conferred
than the deprivation of such places of their present
privileges.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
Sir R. PEEL observed, that if be were incline] to revive
the discussion on the principle of the 13ill, he could not
have a better opportunity than that afforded him by the
speech of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who had just
sat down. Ile would, however, resist the provocation
and he earnestly entreated his Hon. and Learned Friend
near him (Sir E. B. Sugden) to set the first example of
forbearance, by abstaining from noticing what had fallen
from the Hon. and Learned Gentleman personally towards
his Hon. and Learned Friend. His lion. and Learned
Friend's character stood too high to render any justification
of himself necessary—(Hear, bear, hear)—and lie hoped,
therefore, that they should not be further diverted from the
immediate question before them. That question he under-
stood to be to enter into the consideration of the boroughs
in the Schedule A, as affected by the first clause in the
That being the case, he rose
Bill.—(Hear, hear, hear,)
to offer a suggestion, which, if generally adopted, would
facilitate the proceeding with the Bill. f here wete nearly
sixty boroughs included in the Schedule A ;
on every one
of which it was certainly competent to any Hon. Gen-