The Sun.
London, England, 1822-03-27 00:00:00

WEDNESDAY, MARCH 27, 1822.'

PARLI.NNIENT.,

HOUSE OF LORDS, TuEsbxr, MA,acti 26.
Earl GREY presented a Petition from the As-
sembly of the Province of -Lower Canada, com-
plaining that' the produce of the province sold
last year had diminished one-half, compared with
the safes of preceding.' years, and that the prices
were diminished in the same proportion ; that
average exports ,had fallen from 76G,7701. to
511,3921., and the imports from 1,247,7001. to
863,0001. ; that the revenue, which depended
almost solely on. the imports, had fallen from
102,4421. to 78,1541. The Petitioners further
complained, that by the operation of the Corn'
Laws, they were prevented from sending their
corn to this country for consumption, and that
by the Navigation Laws .foreign vessels we.
.excluded from their porty .-Under' the -operation- I,
of the laws which affected the sale and con-
sumption of their produce, they felt great diffi-
culty,in raising a revenue sufficient 'for" malting
highways, supporting the establishment's of, the
province, &c. 'They concluded by praying, that
all sorts of corn and grain, the produce of Lower
Canada, might be admitted, duty free, into the
ports of the United Kingdom. The Noble Earl
'thought it necessary to state thtis much in pre-
senting the Petition, in order to call-their Lord-
ships', attention to the great distress in which the
province of Canada was involved.—The Petition
was then read, and laid on the table.

Estimate of 1816 was still acted upon, although there could
be no doubt that in consequence of the subsequent variation of
prices, that Estimate, which was made according to the' high
prices of that year, ought now to be much lower. The first
question therefore was, as to the actual saving that might be
made in addition to the 30,0001. graciously given up by his
Majesty, 4nd upon this point he should contend that the sum
proposed by his Majesty's Ministers was too their
Lordships refeued to the reign df Queen Anne, they would
find that that Sovereign, out of 800,0001. per annum, gave up
100,000 L, expressly communicating her intention to Parliament
to make that reduction. His Lordship here read from the
Journals the following extract from the Speech of Queen Anne
to her Parliament upon this subject :
" I return you my kind and hearty thanks for continuing to
me for my life the same revenue you had granted to the King.
I will take care it shall be managed to the 'best advantage ; and ,
while my subjects remain under the burden of such great taxes,
I will straighten myself in my own expences, rather than not
contribute all I can to their ease and relief, with a just regard
to the support of the honour and dignitrof the Crown. It is
probable the Revenue may fall short of what it has formerly
produced ; however I will give direction that 100,0001. shall be
applied to the public service of the year, out of the Revenue ,
you have so unanimously given me:"
This was "a reduction to the amount of onaelglith of the whole,
but the reduction now proposed, instead of one eighth, did not
amount to 3i per Cent. If they compared the schedule of the I
present King with the estimate of the year 1816, their Lord-
ships would, find that it consisted of the self-same articles, and
was in fact founded precisely upon that estimate. He held the
estimate to which he had alluded in his hand. Ii appeared
from thence, that 60,0001. was in 1816, and in the present year,
the amount of his Majesty's Privy Purse. The charges on the
first and second classes were precisely, the same. The salaries
to Foreign Ministers amounted to 226,9501. ; the expences of
the Household to 209,0001. ; and the salaries to the officers,
140,7001., and so through the remaining classes, and concluded
that the schedule and the Act agreed together in all important
particulars. This agreement, he thought, was unfit, consider-
ing the different circumstances under which both were intro-
duced to Parliament. The estimate for 1816 contemplated a
different state of things altogether, for the prices had not then
fallen as they had since, nor was the distress so generally felt
at present in existence at that period. He would next proceed
to shew-their Lordships that the classing of the Civil List in the
way in which it was now done, was not conducive to economy.
According to the former arrangement, the Crown had an -inte-
rest in being economical, for the whole being voted :in one
sum, if the servants of the Crown were extravagant in one
branch of the expenditure, it became necessary to curtail in
another, with a view to keeping
the whole within the limits
prescribed ; but since the arrangement of the Civil List into
classes by the 56th of his late Majesty, one part was left uncer-
tain, to be voted by Parliament each year. This was said to
have been undertaken for economical purposes, and much was
said at the time of the benefits to be derived from making the
Civil List subject to the vigilant conrroul of Parliament; the
result, however, had falsified these flattering anticipations;
greater sums had been expended since that period, and instead
of the vigilance which was promised, the Civil List was generally
voted in the month of June, when the business of the Session
was winding up, and the attention of Parliament exhausted upon
othdr topics, the vote was consequently passed without difficulty
or examination. In 1792, the expenses which, according to the
new arrangement, came under the head of the third class,
amounted to 398,0001, and in 1816 ,the whole Civil List, which
used to be covered by the sum of 1,000,0001. amounted to
1,847,0001. He knew that this could not be fairly stated to be
the expense of the Royal Family, but he thought that the
whole civil expense of the country might be defrayed at three
quarters of the sum which Parliament was in the habit of vot-
ing. The preaent was a time when it became persons in high
situations to shew a sympathy for the distress of the country,
not in wordi only, but in acts and sacrifices. When they -eon-
sidered the number of sinecures still in existence, he thought
their Lordships would agree with him that little had been yet
done, compared with what might and ought to be done in that
respect: lie found that at different periods Reforms had been
attempted; the Economical Reform introduced by Mr. Burke
was one. Again, in the year 1807, a pretence was made of
doing away with sinecure places. He was sorry that he hat
not the accounts to ascertain the precise esttent of the benefit
derived to the country from this measure, but.he believed it to
be very trifling, if any thing. Their Lordships would remem-
ber that there was a parade of no less than five or six enact-
ments on the occasion ; cue of them abolished the Chief Jus-
tices in Eyre ; but he had not the means, at present, of casting
up the balance of the account, so as to show whether the public
was a gainer or a loser by the'urrangement which cut off' a few
useless officers, while it enabled his Majesty to grant pensions
to persons who had acted in high official situation. A Noble
Viscount (Lord Sidmouth) had held one of those situations, and
he believed was provided with a. pension accordingly. There
were many of the great offices of Scotland that were not abo-
lished by the Act of 1817, on the ground that they were pro-
tected by some clauses in the Act of Union. He remembered
one of the favourite arguments was, that the public derived a
benefit from the sums which found their way into the Exche-
quer, and upon such pretexts and reasoning many of those of-
, flees were still permitted to exist; though It -WWI palpable that
they were as useless as any under the Crown. Mr. Burke had
proposed the reduction of other places, among which were the
Keeper of the Buck Hounds, and the Master of the Hawks.
He did not know who the present Master of the Hawks' was,
nor whethelhe was a Member of Parliament ; but perhaps he
might be told by the Noble Earl on the Woolsack, that the
Hawks had a'vested right in their Master. He found that a
general rise had taken place in all the allowances to Ambassa-
dors, notwithstanding the altered state) of Europe. The Re-
turns on their Lordships' Table were deficient upon this head,
for it omitted all the Secretaries of Embassy. In 1791-, the
whole allowance. to Ambassadors, not including penSions, was
39,5901.
At present the allowance was
To Secretaries of Legation --
To Consuls -

- - £133,840
- - 13,850
- - - 30,000

Making a Total of - £177,690
Adding the Pensions, which amounted to - 42,000

The whole Expence was - £229,690
The Charge in the last year for the outfit of
Ambassadors, was - - . - 13,369
For Extraordinaries - - - 23,940
Presents - . - - - '24,000

Making together

- - £61,809

This was an increase of 1401. per cent. not a diminution of 101.
He would now -chew their - Lordships what he considered the
great extravagance of the Secretary of State. Among the ex-
peaces of Foreign Ministers he found the following sums enu-
merated :—To Lord Castlereagh at Vienna 21,1861. being but
a portion of the sums he had drawn. To Lord Stewart 5,1341.
because there Were many Sovereigns at Vienna. Again to Lord
Stewart 6,53111. to cover the loss of exchange, and 4971. for the
journey to Mantua. To Lord Cathcart 4,1091. for a bill at
Vienna- Again to Lord Cathcart 6,9171. to cover extra
expences. This was the Annus Miralfilis of lavish ex-
pence—the era at which the profusion of Ministers was most
wanton and excessive, while the coldness of their calculations,
and the sacrifice of the interests of the people in almost every
part of Europe, afforded a melancholy, view of the policy by
which their counsels were actuated. The Secretary of State,
into whose hands the destinies of so many nations were com-
mitted, had uniformly given up the weaker to the stronger
powers, to the manifest tusadvaatage and lasting disgrace of
this country. There was .no end to the presents made to
Russia; 6,1361. was given to the Russian 'Minister, which,
added to what was given to .Count.Woronzow and others, made
altogether in presents to Russia, no less a sum than 12,1001. ;
this too at a time when the charges of the Civil List were said
to be under the revision and control.of Parliament. Such were
the effects of the boasted arrangement. It has been stated by
-the Select Committee, in their Repiart, that as the amount of the
pensions to Foreign Ministers increased, their salaries would
be likely to diminish.' They sawthat the salaries had increased,
but he wished to know if the pensions had diminished on the
other hand ? The fact was, that Ministers remained abroad
only till they were'qualified to receive pensions, and were then
relieved by others who went in search of the same qualifica-
tion, and retired after the same period of service, with the
same reward. The losses on Exchange had been urged in jus-
tification of the increased allowances to Sir Henry Wellesley,
Sir Charles Stuart, and other Foreign Ministers. These losses
were stated at from 30 to 40 per cent. but when the causes by
which such a rate of exchange was influenced had ceased to
operate, and the plea of loss could no longer be advanced upon
their parts, the public had a right to expect a diminution of the

PRICE SEVENPENCE.

salaries•which had been increased hemeet that necessity. Why,
he Would ask, had. not such reductions taken plade? It Vara
in vain to say- that the increased allowances had, a tendency to
improve the assiduity or increase the talents employed iii
those departments. On the contrary, they . made them. more
the objects of patronage with those who had Parliamentary
connexions to recommend them. Such situations were now
well worth the attention of Meratiers of Parliament.' .-Other
persons had formerly 'a chance of promotion to such placei,
and there were instances of many who had been raised by their
talents in a better, tate of things. Among those were Mr. Laisti
and Mr. Ellis, but now those great situations were reserved for
the sons and brothers of Members of Parliament. The untie-
cessary accumulation of those
.places was another grievance. If e
did not see why there should oe an Ambassador at the Hague.
There was a period when it used to. be the ce.rire of the nege-
Ciations of Europe, but now it was not of the leaSt importance.
There was also a period when a petty appointment to a petty
German Court was not worth the attention of a Member of
Parliament. Again, lie could not see the necessity of allowieg
II,0001.• a-year to Lord Clancarty to enable him to enliven
Dctch town by his presence. It Laed Stewart were net undere
paid, the itppointrzient of Lord clantearty was considerably eva'•
raid. sawtteerland attorded another itisetneta -of unnecesgera
rape:ice. There used to be a Charge des Atfeires in that coon-,
try, bat pow. we must have an Ambitestaior, with •an laceirs,
tie 3,9001. as -charged in the Estimates. Such' ofEees, with '•
their- splendid establishments, might be very convenient for
Gentlemen ; but why the country should go to sech ex-
pence merely for their accommodation, was what be could
not understand. This and other .foreign appointmetes of the
same kind reminded him of as observation of Mr. Gibbed,
when Sir William Hamilton was at the Court of the Two Ste
cilies. The historian observed to a friend, that any account
of the eruptions of aJoUnt Vesuvius would be of greater fin:
penance than any political discoveries that could tie made L
the Sicilian Court. In the .saine way the_ Ambassador at
Switzerland, if his taste lay in that track, might.enteitaht the
learned of his own country, by giving an account of the nth,
neralt and natural curiosities which • abounded in Kent. He
remembered an instance of another Ambassador, at Dresden,
who had been sent out by Lord Hawkesbury, in that capa-
city. In addition to. his other allowances, his library the
whole jus gentium, had. been paid.for by the public ; while lie
was retained on, half-pay, probably in the hope that some great
occasion would arise when he might be employed to'negociate
a treaty as important as that of Westphalia. But the charge
for Switzerland was the great diplomatic job.—New, what was
the defence of all this extravagance ? For what purpose was •
this host of-diplomacy ? Surely no one would contend that it
was to maintain the balance of power in.therope ? If it were
asserted that it was necessary • in order to maintain the balance -
'of power in the House of Commons, that would be art
inteih-
gible proposition ; but to talk of the balance of power in Ere-
rope at the present day would indeed be absurd. Did the Noble
Earl opposite mean to contend, that in order to preserve Mein-
dependence of the North of Italy, it was neetasary that we
should have an Ambassador at Turin with 6,0001. a-year ?
Would he say, that if we had not residents at the various Ger-
man Courts at a similar expence, the independence of Germany
could not he maintained ? Would the Noble Earl assert that
the Netherlands would be over-run by France, unless we bud
an Ambassador at that Court with a salary 0f412,6091. ? If
the Noble Earl were to dedare all this, many of the individuals
themselves seemed determined to prove, by their non-residence;
that the Noble Earl was in the wrong ; fur they were walking
about the town as if to show that the' business which they were
appointed to do could be done as well without them—that the
Curates were as competent to the discharge of the functions of
their offices as the Rectors. Ile begged, however, to do his Ma-
jesty's present Government justice tor the economy which they
had exhibited. They had actually dismissed one clerk from the
office of one of the Secretaries of State... Nor had theyaent any
Ambassador to the Court of Lisbon to compliment the King of
Portugal on hit return to his native dominions ; although a few
years ago, before the King returned, they did send an Ambas-
sador for that purpose, who remained for !eyelid months waiting
to no purpose. What he seriously contended for was, this tin
the present distressed state of me country, every' reduction
ought to be made which it was possible to make ; and what he
particularly complained of in this part of the subject was, that
there were too many Ambassadors, too many men of high rank
employed in Foreign Missions. Formerly the due transaction
of our affairs with Foreign Powers was considered to be per.
fectly compatible with our having no Ambassadoi at Vienna
—with our having no Ambassador at Petersburgh. The sums
paid to our Ambassadors, although frequently raised on pre-
texts connected with the circumstances of the tunes, were never
diminished again. Under those circumstances there cculd be
nothing ungracious in imploring the Crown to make such reduc-
tions in these departments of the public service as the public
necessities required. But perhaps their Lordships would' be.'
told that the pay of these official persons was not more than
sufficient. If that pay were doubled, if' it were even quad-
rupled, he had no it would be all spent. Whatever might
be the amount which Parliament chose to allow, i% would be
all spent, and the Noble Secretary of State would tell their
Lordships that it was not a farthing more than was necessary.
For himself, he firmly believed that influence and patronage were
the real objects and motives of all this extravagant expendi-
ture. He could conceive no other reason. for such enormous

And unnecessary appointments. If it were said by his Majes-
ty's Government that they were for the purpose of ailbrding
protection and entertainment to English travellers on the Con-
tinent, such a declaration would betray gross inconsistency ;
for the. Noble Lords opposite frequently complained of the
number of English who were abroad, and therefore ought not
to make large allowances in order to give them greater security
and facilities. Again he maintained that the sole object was
patronage. Whether he looked abroad or at home, every thing
showed the avidity of his Majesty's Government for influence
and patronage. The Treasury had nearly swallowed'up the
patronage of the Excise, the Customs, and the other Boards.--
If he looked at the enormous revenue, collected at an expense
of between 4 and 5 millions, he saw in it the source of enormous
influence. If he looked at the immense' Civil establishments, as
well as those of the army and navy, he saw iii them the .cause
of great influence. For what purpose were the various appoint.
ments of that great office the Commander-in-Chief, and the
large staff annexed to it, but for influence ? For what purpose
was the India Board-t—that nest of jobs, but for influence ? For
what purpose was the office pf the third Secretary of State, but
for influence ? He would not complain of this last office.
were it not for the 'co-existence of the India Board ; but it

was clear that one 'of them was unnecessary, and ought to be,.
abolished ; and it was also clear that one of them would be•
abolished, but for the sakes of influence. All that was done by
his Majesty's Government, was done studiously for the sake of
influence. Every thing must give way for influence. Abroad
and at home the sole anxiety was to obtain influence. In strict
conformity to this principle was the shameless avowal which had
been recently made by one branch of his Majesty's Govern-
ment, that certain offices, whether necessary cr useless, must
still be maintained for the sake of influence. It was astonish-
ing that such a doctrine could be listened to with patience.
But it spewed the true nature, the inward spirit, the teat cha-
racter of his Majesty's present Government. It spewed that
they lived only by influence, and that without influence they
could not exist for a moment. Of all the campaigns which his
Majesty's Government had undertaken in the course of their
administration, none had been go successful as'their campaigns
against the independence of Parliament. In those campaigns
they had committed no errors. In those campaigns they, had
not been betrayed into 'any paltry diversion from their main
object. In their campaigns against the independence of Par-
liament, his Majesty's Government had not imitated their own
conduct in the war ; they had not. wasted their time in nib-
bling at a West India Island, or their means in ruinous expe-•
ditions to Walcheren or the Helder, but had preserved 4 Stria
unity of design and execution. The attack on the independ-
ence of Parliament' had been the grand object to which they
had directed their uniform efforts ; and not even Buonaparte •
himself, with all his talents and per Severance, had ever been.
more decidedly triumphant than his Majesty's Government in
that their favourite enterprise. He was willing to do' this just.
tire to his Majesty's Governmens=that they were all-powerful-
in doing evil. They and'their band of pensioners had in thirty
years achieved more against the independence of Parliament
than had been accomplished in the whole- of the preceding
period since the Revolution. If they were asked why they has
not made greater reductions since the peace—if they were asked
why they had not reduced the Colonial, the Civil, the Military
Expenditure? the answer was, that they must retain the means
of supporting their friends aid followers. They continued en-
ormous expenditure, because in the course of that 'expenditure.
they found the means of gratifying their friends: and
lowers. For the benefit of a pepper-corn to therritebies, try
willingly sacrificed m2lions belonging to the public. ltillsOrts
ant as would be the saving to the country by the redustients
which he recommended, that advantage would be as =Wire

trympared with the diminution of the undue 'influence of the
Crown. The Noble Lord concluded by moving the following
Address
" 'We, your Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the,Lords
Spiritual and Temporal of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parlia-
•ment assembled, most humbly represent to your Majesty, that
the expences of the Civil Government have been greatly in-'
Creased in various branches formerly charged upon the Civil List
revenue, now forming part of the supplies of the year, but more
particularly in the class of the Civil List which comprises the sa-
laries and allowances of Foreign Ministers. That by an Act
passed in the 56th year of his late Majesty, provision was made
tor the future. annual charges of the several classes of his Ma-
t:sty•tsCivil L'st in consequence of an estimate laid before Paz-
ALl:Tient for. that purpose, and that with regard to the expences
the third-classot was'further provided, that in case any sur-
lus or-saving should have arisen in .that class, it should be
lawful for the Lord- Bi 11 Treasurer or Cominissioners of the
Treasury, and they were thereby required, to direct the same
to be carried to the account of the Consolidated Fund.
'4:That the expences of the said third class appear, greatly to
exceed what.l? required for the public service, and that the re
duction of the same, and the application of the saving made in
e.thAseqt 'ence. thereof, according to the provisions of the 56th of
iLs late Majesty,- would; in the present distressed situation of
the country, he conducive -to the relief of your Majesty's suf-
fering subjects. _ _

We therefore approach your Majesty with the humble ex-
prrseieas of the earnest hope, which, from your Majesty's Con-
stant disposition to nseet the wishes of your people, as wellas
from the proofs recently given of your Majesty's paternal at-
tention to the distresses of your subjects, we confidently enter-
that Yodr Majesty will immediately give the necessary
orders for effecting a reduction of the expences attending the
appointment offoreign Ministers, also for making such further
rte.-action in the other charges of the Civil Government,
as may be consistent with the support of the true dignity of
eveor Majesty'S Crowu, Which it will at all times be our anxious
desire io preser"e unimpared."
se Earl. of' LIVERPOOL said, that any one who had lis-
ter.ed toSthe Noble Lord would suppose that his Majesty's Go-
. vernment, instead of making every effort to reduce the expendi-
sure. to as low a rate as was compatible with the nationalsafety,
had evinced a wanton disposition to increase that expenditure to
then:most extent. Whatever might formerly have been the
ease, it was most extraordinary that such a charge should be pre-
feired against his Majesty's Government at the present moment.
Yor on that subject their Lordships had before thens the Report
of a Committee as to what might be considered the reasonable
exhencliture of the country. fly the Report of a Finance Com-
mittee appointed by the other House in 1817, and which Report
was on their Lordships' Table, it appeared that that Committee
had entered into an elaborate consideration of all the different
-branches ef our civil and military expenditure, with a view
to state what, in their opinion, would be the reasonable
amount of a peace expenditure. And what was the fact ?
That the public expenditure had been reduced 1,200,0001. below
whit the Committee of Finance of 1817 estimated as a reasonable
'Peace expenditure. After having stated that, he would ask whe-
ther the Noble Lord was warranted in throwing out such impu-
tations against his Majesty's Government, and whether,'on the
contrary, he (Lord Liverpool) was not warranted in asserting that
every effort had been made by his Majesty's Government to re-
duce the national expenditure to as low a scale as possible There
was one question which was alwayi overlooked in considering the
amount of the,reductions that had been made. No one looked at
the expences which had grown up with the war, and which it was
not practicable to get rid of. When their Lordshipslooked at the
dead expenee of the army, the half-pay and pensions, amounting
to 5,000,0001., and when they considered the proportion which
that bore to the 164000,0001. which was the whole of our civil,
military, naval, and miscellaneous expenditure; and when they
further considered that those 5;000,0001. were entirely out of the
.controul of his Majesty's Government, they would be still more
sensible of the amount of the reductions. In the Civil Depart-
ments great reductions had taken place. Several years ago a
Commission had reduced the expence of the Customs 80,0001.
a-year ; and a further reduction of 20,0001. a-year in that depart-
ment had since been made. But it was impossible, with the
slightest justice to the individuals employed in the public ser-
. vice, to-accomplish all the reductions which it might be desira-
ble to make at once. They must be gradually effected. Be-
fore he entered into the consideration of the reductions which
had Leen made in the present year in the civil establishment, he
would say a few words on the Noble Lord's general doctrine,
'as to the jurisdiction of Parliament over the Civil List. Un-
doubtedly he (Lord Liverpool) admitted that there was no ques-
tion which could be excluded from the jurisdiction of Parlia-
. merit, on a strong case being made out for submitting it to that
jurisdiction. But he was supported by the authoiity of all the
greatest statesmen which this country had produced, both those
who had opposed and these who had supported the measures of
his Majesty's Government, when he declared that as long as the
Crown kept in its expenditure within the sum appropriated to
the Civil List.-not that no Parliamentary inquiry ought to take
place into the subject; but that a very strong ground ought to
he laid to warrant such an inquiry. On that point he fancied
there tould be no difference of opinion among their Lordships.
tut he readily agreed with the Noble Lord, with respect
..to that particular branch of the Civil List to which the
_is'ohle Lord had mainly addressed his observations, that the
Arrangements made in 1816 were for the purpose of bringing
That particular subject more under the cognizance of Parliament.
'Qn that point, therefore, there was no difference of opinion be-
tween the Noble Lord and himself. But, before he went into
sthat part of the subject, he wished to correct one remark made
by .be Noble Lord, who said that the Committee appointed on
-the accession of his present Majesty, and who recommended the
present establishment Of the Civil List, took the estimate trained
by the Committee of 1816 as their model ; but that, as what was
called Mr. Peel's Bill had passed since 1816, things werein a very
.different situation froin that in which they were at that period.
'The fair inference, however, was, that Parliament, perfectly
aware of that circumstance, did, after due consideration upon it
(add he begged leave to remark that the subject had never before
.undergone such an ordeal at the commencementof a new reign),
_settle, in 1820, the specific amount of the Civil List under the
:new circumstances in which the country was placed. But the
Noble Lord was not correct in his assertion with, respect to the
great difference of circumstances in 1820 and 1816. The depre-
sciation of currency in 1816 was not like the depreciation of cur-
stoney in 1810. The exchanges in 1816 were in favour of. this
.country, and gold was below the Mint price, and was imported
iii lazge quantities. He had,a right, therefore, to contend that
in framing the Civil List Estimate, in 1816, Parliament had
been influenced not by any consideration connected with the de-
preciation of the currency, and the consequent increase in the
priced the necessaries of life ; but by other and distinct consi-
ederations ; for, he repeated, that he believed the exchanges were
more in favour of this country in 1816 than they were at the pre-
_Eent moment. Under these peculiar circumstances it was that
.it was prophied to make a saving in the Civil Expenditure.—
Their Lordships were aware that both Houses addressed his
Majesty last Session to institute an inquiry into the details of
the different branches of the Civil Establishnient, particularly
with reference to those officers whose salaries had been in-
'creased since the year 1797, when cash payments were gas-
. peoded, in order that in the improved state of the circulation
those salaries might be brought back to their former amount.—
. ills Majesty's Government, of course, felt it their duty to in-
stitute• a minute inquiry into the state of every department of
-the Civil ,service. They had adopted a plan of retrenchment
which would hereafter, in all probability, come before their
'.Lordships in a legislative shape .; founded on the principle of
endeavouring to combine what was due to the wishes of Parlia-
. merit with what was due hi common justice to the individuals
immediately concerned. Undoubtedly his Majesty's Govern..
. merit might have stopped at the strict execution of the inten-
tion,: of Parliament; they might have stopped at the reduction
.of salaries which had been augimented in consequence of
the effects on the value of money of tae suspension of cash pay-
. meats in 17P.7. But having ,accomplished that object, they felt
it their duty to proceed still further, and humbly to recommend,
to his Majesty to issue an order in Council for the reduction of
all other salaries of civil officers; although those salaries had not
been previously increased. With the exception of the First
Lord of the Admiralty, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
there was no great Officer of State whose salary and appoint-
ment-I were not the same through the war, and after the resto=
rathai of peace. 'Whatever other classes ofpropertymight have
. lest in the ore state of things or gained in the other, their sala-
ries and appointments, remained invariably the same. They felt
. it however to be their duty, ,under the pressing circumstances
of the times, not from any consciousness that their salaries and
emoluments were too large (for on that subject he would can-
didly appeal to the Noble Lords opposite), but because they had
been obliged to inflict a wound on others, to recommend his
' Majesty to subject their salarieS to a tax of 10 per cent. He had
•farther to state, that although the circumstances under which
die Civil List was framed did.not impose any such duty on the
Sovereign, it was. his Majesty's spontaneous feeling to submit to
the same sacrifices, whatever they might cost him, and to what-
ever inconvenience they might subject him. The amount of the
*hole immediate saving was within a fraction of 200,0001.;
and of the prospective- saving 173,0091.; making an imme-
diAss saving of 200,9001., and an ultimate saving of 373,0001.
if was for their laardships, for Parliament, and for the public
ti sly whether, ,under 'all the circumstances which he had de-
scathed, his Abiesty's servants had not done all that could fair-
ly be.vq-notori prom them,? He would proceed to that which
had been the principAl object of the Noble Lord's remarks ; he•
meant tl:e 3d class of the Civil List, relating to Ambassadors
to Foreign States. The Noble Lord had, drawn a comparison
on this subject between the year 178§ and the present
Their Lordships would, however, be astonished to bear,
that when the scale of that part of the Civil Expenditure
wail settled in 1792 Parliament went back as far as the year
.1/21 ; and that in eact no alteration had been tilde in the scale

of the salaries of Ambassadors and Envoys from 1721 to 1804.
Now, he submitted to any one who-had experience or knowledge
of such appointments, -whether with such salaries it was not
positive ruin to any individual to enter into the diplomatic
profession, unless he had a large private fOrtune, oc other means
of defraying the charges that must necessarily fall upon him ?
What it was inateriaffor their Lbrdships to consider was, that
this very subject carne under -the" consideration. of the Com-
mittee in 1813, That Committee had all the Estimates' and
all the details before them. From their silence, he might fairly
infer that they thought this biarieli of the civil-expenditure rea-
sonable. But he did not rest uf‘aon that. Their Lordships had
on their Table Reams illustrative of the subject; and he
would call on any Noble Lord at all acquainted with the fo-
reign countries, and with the duties of the Representatives of
the British Government in those countries, to say whether any
individual could accept a foreign mission, unless over and
above his official allowance he had a private-fortune, on which
he could dietiv for aid ? Some of the foreign Courts might be
more, and some less expensive • but such was the fair general
statement of the fact. The Noble Lord made the appointment
of an Ambassador at the Court of the King of the Netherlands
the subject of his particular animadversion. Now, if there
was-one foreign- Embassy which ought to have been exempt
from any remarks of that nature, it was the Embassy to the
Court et the King of the Netherlands. Were all the rest of our
foreign Embassies abolished, that to the United Provinces might
to be preserved. In saying this,he but spoke the opinion of the
greatest Statesmen which this country ever produced ; he might
advert in support of it to the sentiments exprepsed by Mr. Pitt
and Mr. Fox, on former occasions ; and sure he was that there
was no man of true English feeling and political judgment,
who would not go :Jong with him in asserting, that we ought
to maintain, not au occasional or a fluctuating, but a real per-
manent connexion with the Government of the Netherlands—
(Hear, hear!)—With respect to this appointment, it must be
observed that there was an additional expence peculiar to it,
and which arose from the circumstance that the Court of the
Netherlands was at one time holden in the town of Brussels,!
at another time at the Hague ; and it was necessary that our
Ambassador should keep up two establishments, to meet the
Court at either place. On the ,point of sending out an Am-
bassador to that Court he differed altogether from the Noble
Lord, who certainly had, not given any fair ground of objec-
tion. That an Ambassador might be necessary at one time and
not at another, was a different question, but surely no one
suppose that at the Courts of either St. Petersburgh or Vienna
we ought not to have an Ambassador. He could not conceive,
it consistent with the high character of the • country and its
most important interests, to seed an inferior Minister to those
Courts. It was not a becoming, but a niggardly economy,
which would induce us not to maintain at those Courts the
most exalted and dignified representatives of-the Sovereign.=
It ought to be recollected, too, that a Noble Lord Opposite had,-
when Secretary for Foreign Affairs, sent out a Noble- Friend of
his tbord Liverpool) as Ambassador to St. Petersburgh, and
that at a time when there did not appear the very greatest ne-
cessity for our interference. But the thing would speak for it-
self; let their Lordships look to the power and station which
that Court maintained in Europe, and then consider whether it
was consistent with that station and with our dignity, not to
send an Ambassador there. While the Courts of Petersburgh
and Vienna were desirous of sending Ambassadors to us, it
could not be to our credit or interest not to send Ambassadors
to. them ; and!hi trusted the opinion of the Noble Lord would
not weigh against the important advantages which resulted
from this policy. He then stated, that the question was di-
vided into two principal branches, the first of which was,
whether the whole of this class was useless, and in itself pro-
fusion ; and next, whether the particular missions were paid
beyond the burdens belonging to them ? He would leave any
one' to judge, who knew Continental matters, whether more
was allotted to those offices in.the way of emolument than the
nature and extent of the duties to be discharged called for.
The Noble Lord had. alluded to the appointment of a Mini-
ster to Switzerland, and was dissatisfied with that appoint-
ment, though not of the first rank.—But the House must
be aware how imppriant that appointment was. They could
not forget the relative importance .of Switzerland in 1813 and
1014, and of how much consequence her independence was
to Europe, nor how much she felt that the arrangement
then made was owing to that appointment. Let their Lord-
ships ,only look at Switzerland her geographical position,
on the frontiers of France, of Germany, and of Italy—she was
one of the keys to Europe. Let them also look at the strug-
gle which had been maintained there, for foreign influence, and
particularly for the creation . and support of French influence,
and would they
.not say it was a fitting place to which to send
a British Minister to represent the feelings of the Government?
The Noble Lord had also alluded to the appointment of a Mi-
nister to Dresden. He (Lord Liverpool) at that time had the
honour of holding the 'office of Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, and made the appointment ;And in doing so, he was in-
fluenced solely by a sense of public duty, and what he conceiv-
ed to be the interest of the country under the circumstances
which then existed. The Noble Lord had then gone on to state
that diplomacy was, formerly a' profession to which Ministers
were regularly brought up, but now it was a matter of patron-
age and Parliamentary influence. In answer to this he (Lord L.)
would refer to the Papers befora their Lordships, and by these
they would find, that out of 18 'Foreign Ministers, 14 were re-
gularly brought up from the lowest grades of the line —from
Secretaries of Legation up to
.the highest appointments.—
They were not selected on account o Parliamentary influ-
ence; but their promotion grew out of existing circumstances,
and was justified by their qualifications. Ile was sure that every
man who was acquainted with those matters would allow
that those appointments were not only proper, but perfectly na-
tural, and that they grew out of the circumstances of the case.
'There Bever was, indeed, a time in which there was not some
exception
!to the rule, but he maintained that there never
was a time when the general rule was more, if. as much, adhe-
red to as at present—never was the regularity of promotion
more regarded. The Noble Lord had proceeded to .say, that
when a contribution-was to be made by the civil officers of the
Crown -to the exigencies of the State, those individuals who
were on foreign missions should not be excluded. But he .

(Lord L.) would take the liberty of observing, that
elta-
blishment was on the 'scale which had been laid down in the
year 1916, when the whole subject was inquired into by the
House of Commons ; and it would not be found that there was
a' single Minister over-paid, or whose income was more than
sufficient to cover his fair expences. The salaries were calcu-
lated with a view to the doing away with the necessity of inci-
dental expences, which were incurred when the regular sala-
ries were insufficient. He believed, that since that time there
was not one appointment to which a salary was attached more
than adequate to the expences of the situation: He did not he-
sitate tb say, that if the country waa in such a condition that it
must part with its Foreign Ministers, or pay them but a beg-
garly income, why then it would be much better to have none
at all, if we could not pay them in a way which would sustain
the credit and dignity of the nation. lie would conclude by
observing, that on the subject of diplomacy the Noble Lord
had made out no case whatever ; and that, in the particular in-
stances to which he 'alluded, he was, if-possible, still more
astray than on the general principle.
Lord.HOLLAND began by observing, that the question
before the House was contained within a narrow compass.—
The Noble Earl opposite had, in the commencement of his
speech, entered into a variety of repoits made by Committees
of the other House, a practice adopted by the Noble Earl'when
those reports het with his approbation ; buf he could not agree
with the Noble Earl that it was the duty of the other House
solely to take-care of this part of the expenditure. The Noble '
Earl came down to-night, and, took, prodigious credit to himself
'for reduction, of which the Noble Earl had frequently spoken,
in the manner in which he ha-d. spoken of the reductions pro-
posed by the Noble Mover. The Noble Earl had over and over
again staked, that the last shilling in the way of reduction had been
made. The Noble Earl had assumed lofty language both in and
out of the House upon that subject. He had often said,
" I hold my place by the retention of 'these establishments, and
the moment a reduction of those establishments, which enable
me to conduct the affairs of Government, shall have taken place,
I shall feel it my duty to lay my resignation at the feet of my
Sovereign." But when the Noble Earl found that the reduc-
tions must be made, he came to the House,,and took to'himself
the credit of making reductions, which the year before he had
,represented as injurious to the general, interests of the coun-
try, anti of the Sovereign whom he served. The question
now before their • Lordships was a narrow question, as the
Noble Lord had admitted that particular branch of the Civil
List to Which this motion particularly related to be under the'
control of, Parliament: In all what had fallen from the Noble
Earl relative to the Civil List he (Lord H.) agreed ; but if
the question of. the Civil List were now open to the considera-
tion of Parliament, he must say that there were many tithe`
parts, of it in which reductions, consistent with the dignity and
splendour of the Crown and the respect due to the Sovereign,
could be Made, and parts Which, if the question were now
("pen,' he would smash without remorse; but the question
now before their Lordships was lithited to this : If any
man, looking at the papers on the table, should-be of opinion
that' there was no extravagant-expenditure in the Civil List, he
must vote against the motion • but the titian who should be
of opinion that a greater expenditure than was necessary had
taken place, Must, if he felt the necessity of retrenchment, vote
for the motion. The Noble Earl had said, that the expenses
settled in 1791 had been formed upon a scale regulated so far
back as 1721 ; but if he (Lord H.) was not much mistaken, a
• Committee of the other House had, in 1786, recommended re-
duction in this class, and-Mr. Pitt, whose object before he had
,engaged in a lavish, execrable, and abominable war, had been to
push retrenehment as far as possible, didnot think himself bound
by the reduction proposed by the Committee in 1786, but had
appointed a Cominittee. in 1799, which recommended: reduc-
tion.. In 1804, at which time Mr. Pitt had merged pretty

deeply into a system of extravagance there 7naZ been anoiter
estimate of, this expenditure presented; and in 1816 another
Estimate to which the Noble Earl had alluded. The Noble
Earl had not taken upon himself to say that any saving had been
effected in the third class of the Civil List ; neither, he must
conclude from the silence of the Noble Lord at the head of the
Treasury (at a time when they were willing to lay before the
house all savings), had' any saving been made. He would not
now go into any particular statements ; but looking at the.pa-
pers in gross, he was satisfied that enough appeared to convince
any ii an that the expenditure had been excessive. The Noble
Lord had left untouched a collateral question which arose out of
this, and it was that Mr. Pitt bad in 1786, when any number of
inferior States on the Continent had been greater than at present,
considered a sum of 70,8521. including every thing, quite suffi-
cient, -and that in 1814, after the country had been involved in
the revolutionary war, a sum of 112,0001. was stated to be the
sum necessary, wheirthe country should enjoy the blessings of
peace ; but deducting from the estimate of 1816 the pensions to
Ministers, the actual expense was 174,0001. It had been said
that, by an increase of salary, the amount of the pensions to Mi-
nisters- would be lessened, because no Minister would be hardy
enough to fill up his appointments with others than those on the
pension list. Mr. Pitt had done so, but he could name no
other Minister that had followed , his example. The annual
amount of the pensions to Foreign Ministers, &c.
In 1786, was, - - - - - £8,970
1804, - - - - - 27,490
• 1821, • - - - - • - - 52,000
,Thus the augmentation, between 1786 and 1816, amounted to
350 per cent.; and would the Noble Lord say, that the change
in the circumstances of the country authorised such an aug-
mentation ? It was probable that the Noble Lord would say
so, taut would the House rest satisfied with such vague de-
clamation ? Something had been said with respect to the
rates of exchange justifying the increase of salaries, and he
admitted that it was perfectly right to give to those who
were obliged to reside on the Continent the full amount
of the salaries which they had a right to expect.; and
Government were authorised in charging whatever loss
arose from the exchange upon the country. • He admit-
ted, too, that it was perfectly fair, from the magnitude and
inipertance of the Russian territory. Whether these were sub-
jects of exultation or of regret, he.did not now pause to consi-
der. It was perfectly reasonable, however, he allowed, that an
Ambassador should be appointed to that country; but when the
Noble Lord, by asweeping clause, would extend the same
principle to Switzerland, he was at a loss precisely to under-
stand the grounds upon which he justified the expediency of
the appointment. The
.Noble ,Lord was evidently embar-
raased en that point. He beat about for a very considerable
• portion of time, in order to discover something like a reason
for the appointment, and he had at length furnished their
Lordships , with a title for the respect which Switzerland had
on this country, viz. her geographical situation.• Here she
stood where she formerly stood ; and though 2501. a year
were formerly considered an ample compensation to her
.Charge d'Affaires, 4,9001. or 5,3001., for he did not know
which, was the sum which the country was 'now obliged to pay
to an AmbaSsador. If they asked the people of Switzerland who
was the Resident there, the answer would be that they knew no
such officer; the very name even of such an officer, with so poor
a salary, was erased from the vocabulary of the Secretary of
State. His Majesty's Ministers had now scorned to have
any thing 'to do with the low people of a vulgar Republic--they
only treated with Kings, and that through the media of Envoys
Extraordinary or Ministers Plenipotentiary. They despised
those officers which, even under the Administration of the ju-
dicious Lord Walpole, were considered sufficient to manage in
their respective stations .the interests of the country. Our ex-
penses then in SWitzerland,until the year 1793, amounted to
2501. a year:--no very great sum, it was true. It was true that
the Noble Lord must have the advantage of any change derived
from her geographical situation—that point he willingly surren-
dered to the Noble Lord. He contended, then, that at the
period when our expenses in Switzerland amounted to so small
a sum, our relations with that country were 'much more import-
ant than they were at the present moment. They were much
more important, for instance, in the early period of the last
century, for at that time the children of this country were sent
there for the purpose. of obtaining a Protestant education;
they were more important, too, for to that country the rich
traveller proceeded, and there he preesed no limited portion of
his days. The Resident was then protector of the religion,'
and of that religion which was professed by the people of
Savoy, whose interests had been so shamefully sacrificed by
his Majesty's present Miniiters. They came then to the year
1793, when the political situation of that country was altered—
when she 'was in fact a neutral country ; and it then became
necessary, or so •it seemed good to Mr. Pitt, to appoint an-
other person to the situation, with an advanced salary of 10001. ;
and so it remained until the peace, and then forsooth it became
necessary toenake an additional increase to 'his salary. In Mr.
Pitt's time there had been six missions to Germany, and now of
course there were more. Why they were greater, and that
'too because some respect was to be paid to alittlepetty German
Prince, who thought proper to call himself a King or an Empe-
ror, he knew not, nor cared he which, and he would willingly
call him either, provided it cost him nothing. There had been
six:missions to Germany, and the result had been that 16,6551.
was the sum paid for them. 'With respect to the Netherlands,
though the system' pursued there was in direct opposition to the
wisest and the purest maxims of policy—in opposition to the
course recommended by Sir Wni..Temple, William 111., and
Prince Eugene ; yet, since this country had promised to support
the system, he saw no possibility of anhonourable reduction.
He did. not wish to look into every hundred pounds of every
man's salary, but the penurious prodigality of Ministers forced
upon men that lawful duty ; and though there might be a ne-
cessity for maintainingan Ambassador there, sure he was that not
the slightest necessity could be urged for the payment of so large
a salary, even to the distinguished individual who then held that
situation. He did not see the same reasons to justify the 4point-
ment of Ambassadors in many other countries that he perceived
in the case of France. The great resort of the English to that
country, was in itself, independent of other reasons, sufficient to
justify the necessity of that appointment. One word he was de-
airous of saying. with respect to-what had fallen from the,Noble
Lord upon the manner in which fourteen out of eighteen of those
who were, then employed in embassies had reached ,-,,eh situa-
tions. The Noble Lord said in his answer to his.( Lord Hol-
land's) Noble Friend (Lord. King), that they had risen to these
stations from the lowest situations of their profession. But that
was by no means an answer to the complaint of his Noble Friend.
It was not that they ,had risen, but that they had risen with such
unparallelled rapidity, that excited his merited reprehension. It
was not accurately true that the highest situations in that prof
fession e generally given to those who, had reached them
through different and progressive gradations; they were generally
given to men of g!eat fortune, of great talents,' of rank, influ-
ence, and station in the country ; but though the splendid and
captivating glories of an embassy rose, not before the vision of
the youthftil adventurer in this profession, still the certainty of
rising teen Envoy Extraordinary or a Minister Plenipotentiary
animated and sustained him. When the whole question of the
Civil List was before the House, the Noble Lord had boldly
challenged their Lordships to find in any country an arrange-
ment of embassies So economical as that which he then proposed,
and he (Lord Holland) had then alluded to the United States of
America ; not that he meant to contend. that the relations be:.
tween this and any other country were not different from the
United States and other countries. The NOble Lord proceeded,
" I must allow that their relations are difihrent, but I took, ii`ow-'
ever,. the year 815. I was not so unfair as to compare expense
against expense; but what will your Lordships think, when you.
hear that the mission of Lord Castlereagh alone, amounting to
forty-three thousand 'ponds, exceeded the whole of the diplo-
matic expenses of the Coiled States of America ? i do not now
.see a Noble Lord inshis Place who has-had sonic experience in
American diplomacy (Lord St. Helens), or your Lordships
might learn from him that there was' no insensibility to the rote-'
rests of their country, no want of zeal, no deficiency of talent in
the Ambassadors of America." lle contended, therefore, that
there was something like an approximation of proof of gross ex-
travagance in our diploinatic expenses. In 1816, the Noble Lord
having achieved great triumphs, cuine down to that House lite-
rally covered.with triumphs ; and then their Lordships heard
nothing of the transition from peace to war and of the evils of
plenty. The Noble Secretary of State hahately expressed his
disapprobation of what Austria was
,doing, and he had either
done so upon a mere false pretence, or 'Austria had little re-
garded the dissatisfaction of the Noble Lord, and that triumph
which in 1816 was so loudly proclaimed, appeared, therefore, to
be one of but a very limited duration. The, Noble Lord had
'told him, that the loan which, by a species of swindling, the
Emperor of Austria obtained from the country; would speedily
be repaid ; but he believed that if the country recovered but one
quarterly payment of the Embassy to-that country, it would be
a circumstance of considerable congratulation. He did not
wish to'speak of other negotiations, but with respect to Tur-
key and Russia, -he, was not anxious that this country should
exert her influence. He wished, • both. as a man and as a phi-
losopher, that the odious Government of Turkey should fall to
the ground. Whether that destruction was achieved by the
Russians or the Greeks, he cared not; but he felt an anxiety,
he confessed, that the whole system of that odious and op-
pressive Government should be destroyed. There could be no
reason for England's interference in such a cause, and he trusted
that' she would never sully herself by any interference with
these rival and jealous Governments. They had no claim to
the compassion or the sympathy of the people of England.; and
when their energies had. urged them to the commencement of a
war, he trusted that they would be permitted to continue it,
without the interference of England.,
Lord ELLENBOROUGH said, that however desirous he
might be to consider the foreign policy of this' country, he, was
at present disposed rather to confine himself to the question be-
fore the House, and, in the first place, he had to complain that

Ilia pal:4=i moved for by the Noble Lord did not afford them an
opportunity of entering fairly into that question. They did not
state the contingent charges. The Noble Lord generally de-
I fended the appointments, but said, that he never could consider
diplomacy as a profession, nor could he discover how the
species of information obtained in one part of the world, could
prove serviceable to a man in any other portion of it. Ex-
penditure in "iiiplomatic situations was dispatch of business—
it led to the dispatch of business ; it stood in the place of secret
service money, and if they deprived Ambassadors of what gave to
them the power of obtaining information, it would be much bet-
ter to appoint no Ambassadors at all. Information was only to be
obtained by those who lived in Society, and by those who would
entertain in a style of magnificence suited to the station which
they filled in these countries. There was no complaint that a
single individual of these countries was dissatisfied with the con-
ductof their Ambassadors, there was no reason for supposing that
they neglected to ylromOte the best interests of the country ; and
he gave great credit to those who by their negociations and their
diplomatic skill retained so many foreign powers in a perfect
amity with this country.
The question was then put, and the motion negatived with-
out a 'division ; after which. the House adjourned at 9 o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, MARCH 26.
This day the SPEAKER came to the 4-louse, and at four
o'clock proceeded to count it when there being but twenty-one
Members present, he acquainted the' House that it was adjourn-
ed until to-morrow.

Quantity of Foreign Corn, &c. that
remained in 'Warehouse in Great
Britain on the sth Jan. 1822.

Corn and Grain. I Meai and Flour.

Barley -
Beaus - -
Indian Corn - -
Oats -
Pease - -
Rye - - - -
Wheat - -
Wheat Meal and Flour

Qrs. Bu.
35,955 3
24,897 3
226
100,196
10,063 7

9,001
670,609 7

Cwt. q. it

133,652 1 3

Total -

858,949 6 I 133,652 1 3

Inspector

WILLIAM IRVING, .
leneral of the Imports and Exports
of Great Britain.
Custom House,.
try, 1822.

Inspector General's Office;
London, 18th Februa:

MENDICITY SOCIETY.

The Anniversary Dinner of the Society for the Suppression
of Mendicity, was holden yesterday, at the Freernaso:s' Ta-
vern ; the Duke of Yonx in the Chair.

After the health of the King and the Noble Chairman had
been drank with the usual demonstations of enthusiasm,
Mr. WiLmoT M.P. rose to propose the health of the
' Vice-
Presidents of the Society. He regretted extremely that he had
to apologise for the absence of the Right Hon. Robert Peel ;
but when it was recollected that the pressure of severe of-
ficial duties interfered to prevent him from blending the convi-
vialities of the meeting with those duties, he was convinced his
absence would be attributed to the true cause. He had, how-
ever, to announce from him a donation of 20 guineas, and from
the Duke of Wellingtoh a donation of 50 guineas.—(Cheers.)
Sir PULTENEY MALCOLM, after eulogizing the conduct of
the Manageis, called their attention to the Naval Floating Hos-
pital, which would always be ready to receive any sick Seamen.
who might be found in the streets.

Mr. IL POWNALL returned thanks in an eloquent and im-
pressive speech, in which he noticed the case of a child of six
years of age, who had been reclaimed from the paths of vice,
and taught to walk in the pleasant flowery gardens of virtue.—
He also noticed the case of a Frenchman, who had been 30
hours without food, and who having been robbed of trinkets
and jewellery to a considerable amount, which he was about to
vend in this country, had received from the Society not only
sustenance and clothes, but also a passport to convey him to his
own country.

Mr. WILLIAMS, M.P., and Treasurer, rose to propose the
health of the Secretary of State for the Home Department. It
had been said by the enemies of the Society, that they had
transgressed the bounds oflaw, and assumed a new and danger-
ous jurisdiction in the exercise of their, functions ; but he was
convinced that a Secretary of State, so anxiously vigilant as
the present, would never permit them to go beyond the pale of
sound, wholesome, and constitutional jurisdiction. He there-
fore proposed the health of the Right Honourable Robert
Peel.--7(cheers.)

Lord .BELGItAvE then proposed the health of the City Ma.
gistrates, who had been of so much service in aiding the opera-
tions of the Society.
Mr. DYER returned thanks for the Magistrates.
Sir T. BARING proposed the health of his Hon. Friend, the
Treasurer, Mr. W. Williams, M.P.
Mr. W. H. BODKIN, Secretary, then read the list of Dona-
tions. Among the number were Lord John Russell, 6th &na-
tion, 20 guineas. Sir H. Taylor, and Lord Ancram, 20
guineas ; Messrs. Baring, 10 guineas ; R. Mitchell, Esq. 2
guineas annually ; James Peachy, Esq., Salisbury-square, and
Samuel Bosanquet, Esq., 1 guinea, annually. Immediately
after this the Duke of York left the Chair, and the meeting se-
parated, with the delightful reflection that they had made
" liberal pity dignify delight, and mirth be bounty with an
humble name."