The Sun.
London, England, 1849-07-07 00:00:00

very great calamity.—(Hear, hear.) Now that the danger
is past, some may be disposed to laugh at it, but it was
a very extensive conspiracy, and if it had not been at once
checked, it might have seriously endangered the peace of
the country. There was another considerable danger during
the three years of our government, and which I trust we
have shown no want of courage in meeting. The Honour-
able Gentleman in bringing forward his motion made some
observations with respect to the foreign policy of the coun-
try. On that subject the Honourable Gentleman, instead
of stating, far less proving, any crime or negligence on out
part, did but repeat the common, and rather vulgar, ac-
cusation made against my Noble Friend, that we had
everywhere been Stirring up insurrection and favouring
revolutions. It is utterly baseless and unfounded.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers.) There is no ground whatever for such
an accusation.—(Hear, hear.) But the Governments of
the Continent, not attending, I suppose, to the feelings of the
people about them—not having provided by due measures—
by due provision for concession of rights to their subjects—
were astonished at the revolutions which broke out last year,
and not conceiving how they could otherwise happen, sup-
posed some foreign intrigue at the root of them all. There
can be nothing more unfounded. Ido not wish to conceal
my general political sympathies and wishes. My maxim
has now long been "Civil and religious liberty all over the
world."— (Hear, hear.) Such is my opinion ; but I know at
the same time that we should not have been justified in in-
terfering without some overwhelming necessity, and there-
fore, our course has been during the whole period to keep
aloof from the greater part of these transactions—to pre-
serve tranquillity and quiet at home—ready to use our in-
fluence and to tender the language of advice to foreign
countries, but without otherwise interfering in the contests
that have taken place among them.—(Hear, hear.) There
is another part of our policy which has beeen attacked. It
is said, that after the change of Government in France,
we have thought it right to preserve the most friendly
relations with that country. I must say, that I believe
the preservation of these friendly relations has enabled the
various Governments of France to maintain a tone of mo-
deration which they would have found it difficult to do if
they had suspected that England was at all hostile to them.
—( Hear, hear.) I believe I have often said that the inti-
mate and friendly union of France and England tends to the
peace, not only of Europe, but of the world.— (Cheering.)
Although we have not concurred in every step taken by the
French Government, I have no reason to suppose their inten-
tions to be otherwise than honourable and pacific towards
this country. And I can perceive no symptoms of aggres.
sion on their part or any desire to violate the treaties by
which the peace of Europe is preserved.—(Hear, hear.)
With respect to the motion of the Hon. Gentleman, he has
the apparent advantage of saying that if we look back for
three years we would not now find the same peace abroad
that then existed—that we have some important interests
suffering at home—and that we have had a great famine,
from which numbers in Ireland are suffering even at this
moment extreme distress. But when the Hon. Gentleman
proceeds without any reason to attribute blame on these
points to the Government, I must claim the indulgence of the
Houye while I state why I cannot agree with him, To lay
the blame upon the Government for a great calamity which,
by the visitation of Divine Providence, has fallen upon this
empire, would be a great injustice, but a calamity which he
trusted and hoped was but the commencement of a better
time, as the ancient poet had described it--
" Jupiter hiec dixit, tempestatesque serene
liiserunt omnes visu Joris onanipotentis."
That scourge had been sent upon us to work out, perhaps,
an ultimate object. We ought by no means to despair, but
continue to support that system of policy which was a wise
and a good one; if we continued to afford that good example
which we had hitherto done, he hoped the blessing of
the Almighty would rest on our labours; and what-
ever might be our measures he trusted our piety, our ener-
gies, and our virtues would meet their reward. (The Noble
Lord, who was not distinctly heard at the conclusion its the
gallery, sat down amid the cheering of the House.)
Mr. MUNTZ wished to say, with reference to what the
Right Honourable Baronet had said in allusion to his speech,
that he had only read a certain letter from one of his consti-
tuents, which had been subsequently corroborated by facts.
What he had quoted also from a paper was no puff, as he
afterwards learned, and he had since received a further con-
firmation of the truth of the statement he had made. The
Right lion. Baronet should go to Birmingham to see the
state of the labourers there.—(Hear, hear.) His opinion was
that the state of the working classes was considerably re-
duced, their wages were lowered, and the prices of manufac-
tured goods much less than formerly. He regretted that
he could not congratulate the Chancellor of the Exchequer
either on the Budget that he had brought forward, or the
present state of the revenue.—(Hear from the Opposition.)
Mr. DISRAELI rose to reply, and said when he brought
that motion under the notice of the House, he had
that which might be called the economical portion of it
upon the best and most authentic returns furnished by the
officers of Government. The Noble Lord who had just
spoken had said that the documents which he had quoted
were not of a very recent date. lie would ask, then, who
could have supposed that reports of the Poor-law Commis-
sioners only laid on the table of that House sixteen
months ago by the Government would be considered as
such?— (Hear, hear.) That was the best and the only
perfect evidence to which he could refer. The Right
Hon. Gentleman had appealed to the example of the
savings banks as a test of the condition of the people; but it
would have been more candid had he given the House a
general statement of their condition drawn from the official
sources at his disposal, than by citing a single instance or a
single town.—(Hear, hear.) lie found the same unsatisfac-
tory result in the reference of the Right Hon. Gentleman
to the manufacturing distress. They ought to have had
some information also as to the agricultural unions. He bad
been expecting that the President of the Poor-law Board
would have taken some part in the debate. He would have
been a most valuable ally to the Government—a double-
barrelled gun—(llear and laughter)—for besides enlighten-
ing them on the state of pauperism, he could have given
them some information as to the state of Hull.—(Hear.)
But instead of this, after an interval of two days, unfortu-
nately not occupied in discussing this questton, the First
Minister of the Crown came forward in a statistical cha-
racter—one in which he shone to much less advantage than
in many others which he illustrated by the splendour of his
genius—and showed that of sixteen agricultural unions,
only twelve mere in a state of increased depression. Ile
presumed the Noble Lord recollected that there were 652
unions in England. When the Right Hon. Chancellor of
the Exclicqu,r commenced this reply to his (Mr. Disraeli's)
speech, themachinery of the debate appeared not to move
rightly. He rose, after an interval, and appeared to be look-
ing for an antagonist—(A laugh)—At last he fixed his eyes
on him, and said, ‘. Now I shall proceed to answer the
speeches"—made when ? at Drury-lane—(Hear, hear, and
laughter). Now, if the Right Hon. Gentleman wished to
answer speeches made at Drury-lane, he should himself ap-
pear on those boards. Very distinguished characters on
both sides of the House had done so, and he believed that
a Chancellor of the Exchequer if properly advertised, would
draw.—( A laugh.) The Right Hon. Gentleman then addressed
himself to business, and proceeded to prove that this country
was more prosperous in 1848 than 1847. Well, be admitted
that even at this moment we were in a better position than
in 1847. But 1847 had nothing to do with the argument.
He had taken 1845 as the test of the condition of the
country before the changes, and contrasted that with their
present state. He had not alluded to 1847, and the Right
lion. Gentleman ought to be the last man to complain.
Every man had his disagreeable subjects, which his friends
would be unwilling to obtrude upon bins unnecessarily.—
(Hear, and laughter.) Why, the Right Hon. Gentleman
should expect him to do anything so gratuitously un-
charitable as to recall attention to the time when the Cabi-
net of which he was a member acting under his advice,
ruined most of the principal bankers, merchants, and traders
of the city of London, he was at a loss to conjecture.
hear.) He had certainly omitted that year, but
be certainly did not think that the Government then,
any more than now, had any great claim to public con-
fidence and approbation.—( Hear, hear.) The Chancellor
of the Exchequer had proceeded to notice some argu-
ments of his as to exports, and after a great many desul-
tory observations he wound up his criticism by honestly
and candidly stating that he really could not understand it
—(Hear, hear)—although the Right Hon. Baronet the
Member for Tamworth had told them that the thing was old
and familiar enough, and that he (Mr. Disraeli), in fact, had
done nothing more than invoke the manes of Alderman
Waithman. Finally, the Right Hon. Gentleman delivered
himself ofs:a quantity of statistics—(Laughter)—though
what point they were intended to place before the House, or
in what way they bore on the question under discussion, he
had been unable to ascertain. He could only compare the
process to what was seen sometimes at the rural fairs, when
a conjuror would for three hours together draw out of his
mouth a quantity of red tape.—(Great laughter.) He now
came to a speech which dealt considerably with the
toe l observtao
whose speech he had alluded,-
tions which he had made.
id
.aid
going
oatronietnto_
,r
duce a new system of debate, which he particularly
,pp recom.
y
mended other Hon. Members to follow—namely
the position taken up by the
him-
self in the most dispassionate and frank manner, and without
the
etor slightest exaggeration to
of the motion. But what did he do ? He, too, went
iarnmedia.eiy to Drury-lane Theatre.—(Laughts.r.) lie went
into an argument against the abstract principles of protected
trade, and at last arrived at the glove trade.—(Laughter.)
He then ventured to remind the Right lion. Baronet of his
(Mr. Disraeli's) existence, not from any arrogance, but be-
cause he feared that those mysterious influences which circu-
lated what took place in that House, might convey the im-
pression that this process of ratiocination had been addressed
to him. He then proceeded to deal with the Honourable
Member for Birmingham, who had just vindicated him-
self. Again he reminded the Right Honourable Baronet
of the difficult position in which he should be placed,
unless the Right Honourable Baronet deigned to notice
him, and be then fulfilled his promise, and attacked
in detail his (Mr. Disraeli's) heresies respecting ex-
ports, and told him that if he had enjoyed the advan-
tage of mixing in public life at the time Alderman Waith-
man lived, he would have found that his (Mr. Disraeli's)
was no new theory. Now, he had a great respect f_oirsttihn.
memory of the alderman, who he believed was distin-
guished guished liberal. His position was very simple..
at
down, for
130,000,0001, and saw the declared valuee
at the amounts of the official exports, forset instance,
the difference.
in value as the reward of English labour,
absurd, probably, never was
instance, at 50,000,0001., and he mastbasouurr, dbythe depreciation
Anything more mean or moorweever,
that it had any affinity
promulgated. He
propoundeddenied, however,
himself. He did not think
with the system
that the Poor- I aesCwoHhmioctinill.i s shi
eo n ehrasd need
dwelt heinedremfeureehncetht the
Gentleman as to the seven
criticism of the Rigunt
Then with re-
consecutive years o
prices_ of wheat,. 14e.
Professor Jones's opinion, what he (Mr. Dis-
raeli) to
had stated was that if the farmer imported 25
lenGtendtliemminauntioann
and
n
his
ietn aim,ehnuets t lead to an equivalent ofßight Honourable produce.prt
aehree r)e
nsta
Noble Lord had each been extremely eloquent on the
notice of motion which had been given by his Right
Honourable Friend Mr. Berries), as if that question had
any bearing on the present subject. The Hon. Gentleman
concluded a long address by reflecting on the course which
had been adopted by the Right Honourable Baronet the
Member for Tamworth, and calling upon the House to sup-
, port his motion.

The House then divides, when there appeared—
For the motion ... ... 156
Against it ... ... 296
Majority in favour of the Government —l4O
The other orders cf the day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at Three o'clock.

EADVERTISEMENT.J—A Dangerous Case of Ery-
sipelas, attended with Swelling and Inflammation, cured by
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East Kiel, Spilsby, Lincolnshire, October 8, 1845 :—" I beg
to announce to von a most wonderful cure wrought upon my.
self by your pills and ointment. I had a very severe attack of
erysipelas in my right foot and ankle, with swelling and in-
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physician, to no purpose. However, in less than two weeks,
by the use of your ointment and pills, I was cured, to the sur-
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Sold by all druggists, and at Professor Hollovra ' E t
/ s a•
blishroent, 244, Strand, London.
Dispatches u ere sent off yesterday evening from the Co-
lonial-ollice for the Governors of the North America Wain