The Sun.
London, England, 1836-12-08 00:00:00

this—that no men can act together who do not think
precisely alike on all political subjects, which is a gross
absurdity. But we advert to it, to show that if the
Reformers are dissatisfied with Ministers because they
do not go far enough, many of the Whigs would be
equally dissatisfied with them if they were to " go the
whole hog ;" so that the attempt to carry all below
with them would detach, as a matter of course, some
of those above. The plain English of the matter,
then, is this—Ministers can only maintain their ground
by attempting those reforms which will obtain the sup-
port of all Reformers. And every professed Reformer
is either very blind or very insincere, who hesitates be-
tween a Ministry willing to effect these reforms, and a
Ministry averse to all reform, and which, if compelled
to concede something to the demands of the people,
will strive to make that something as little beneficial
as possible. But we must reserve for to-morrow fur-
ther comment on this excellent pamphlet.—Morning
Chronicle.

That Siamese twinship " Whig-Radicalism" is
from day to day subjected to-a progressive disseverance
which can scarcely prove less fatal than the catas-
trophe yesterday copied into the Times from an Exeter
paper—viz., that a man at Mount Radford, when driv-
ing home a cow in the late storm, was violently sepa-
rated from his animal while holding her by the tail, a
tree -being cast across that O'Connellite appendage,
and cutting it asunder as sharply as the pamphlet of
Feargus O'Connor himself. Not only do the Whigs,
the " pure old Whigs," or the " juvenile Whigs,"
the Russells or the Pahnerstons, fall away from the
more furious Reformers, but these latter fall away
froin each other. So that, in fact, the Whig-Radical
mud-castle is so divided against itself, that not one
lump of dirt can depend upon another. Take for in-
stance the " Liberty of the Press" meeting at White
Conduit-house an evening or two ago. meeting
There we
find Mr. Daniel Whittle Harvey and Mr. Thomas
Wakley going to loggerheads—the first as a whole-
hog Radical, the second as an expectant Whig. Mr.
Harvey is intelligible enough. He hates the Whigs ;
and he says so. We have no knowledge of his mo-
tives, and can therefore express no sympathy with
them. But the hatred of the said Whigs is a senti-
ment in which we, and the vast preponderating majo-
rity of our countrymen, most cordially concur. Mr.
Wakley is more difficult to understand. That the
Hon. Gentleman is no inconsiderable proficient in
what is termed mob oratory only strengthens our con-
viction that the days of Whiggery are numbered. For
if Mr. Wakley could not secure the. attention of a
White Conduit-house auditory, when singing the
glories of. that ,rump of Whiggism, the tail whereof
he seems disposed to join in all servility, deep indeed
must be the downfall of the craven desperadoes. It
seems to be the fate of these doomed men to be dis-
graced, if to them disgrace be possible, by every tergi-
versating or trimming advocate who may fasten on
their failing faction. Without resorting to Sir J. C.
Hobhouse's graphic description of his actual colleagues
when he himself was a member of " his Majesty's
Opposition," we may content ourselves with this
identical Mr. Wakley's testimony of two years' stand-
ing in favour of the desperate incapables for whom he
now claims public confidence. At the close of the.
first day's election for the borough of Finsbury in
1834, Mr. Thomas Wakley said, " Now that I sec I
am beat, I shall recommend all my friends to vote for
the Tory Pownall in preference to the atrocious Whig
Mr. Duncombe." • Yet this very man, being now a
representative of the persons so addressed in 1834,
calls upon his constituents in 1886, at all hazards and
at every sacrifice of feeling and of principle, to main-
tain the " atrocious Whigs " in their bad eminence,
and to keep the preferable Tories out of power. Mr.
Wakley is one of those political sportsmen who are al-
ways " in at the death " of their own party. We,
therefore, hail his halloo as premonitory of the last
gasp of Whiggery.— Times.
At the Radical meeting held at White Conduit-
house on Monday evening, Mr. D. W. Harvey entered
into a' tirade on politics in general, which being equally
opposed to our own opinions as those of the Hon.
Member for Finsbury, against whom it was indirectly
directed, calls for a few observations at our hands. The
Hon. Member for Southwark is equally at variance
with the politics of the party under whose banners he
is generally ranked, and with himself during the long;
course of his long harangue. He begins by deprecat-
ing the use of politics at the dinner in question. To
use his own words, he hoped to see that meeting " un-
contaminated with the ignoble objects of faction," and
he regrets it as " the greatest obstacle to the happiness
and rights of the people," &c. But at the conclusion
of the speech, we see no more of the regret.. " They
had talked of politics," he said, "and justly, for they
were laying the foundation of a new state Of things,
at which virtue would boast, and tyranny tremble."
We shall only for the present remark, that the end of
the speech of the Hon. Member for Southwark, like the
commonwealth of Gonzalez, in Shale:Tease's Tempest,
" forgets the beginning." But the Hon. Gentleman for-
ge 6 himself throughout. Ffe decries the" ignoble purposes
of faction," while faction is the very lifeblood of hiS
speech. It is impregnated from beginning to end with
faction, or, if he prefers the phrase, with the " ignoble
purposes of faction." .We shall, however, address
ourselves to.the argument, such as it is, of the Ho-
nourable Gentleman, which may be couched pretty
nearly in the following laconic phrase :—" Down with
the flag from the Whig 'Reform Ministry—up with
any flag of , which a larger division of the spoil of
public honours and rewards may be expected by us of
the ultra-Radical faction." The unforgiving inve-
teracy of ambitious disappointment, frowns and scolds
by turns through ,the veil of universal philanthropy
under' which the Honourable Member and Editor
finds it convenient to shroud his wishes for a more
enlarged popular support of • the True Sun. The
Honourable Member is like another ambitious cha-
racter of ancient times. " He will be either Or-
sar or nobody." He will have the whole debt
due to public freedom or none at all. He will
have nothing to do with the instalments of 'Mr. Daniel,
O'Connell. He will have prompt payment or none.
He hates the demand of instalments as much as Falstaff
did the demand for security. Sooner than have halt' a
loaf from Whig Reform, •as a means of getting the
whole loaf, he will have none, not he—he would
starve first. The whole amount of his nostrum for
the people is abstinence and starvation. Any thing
rather than assent to take a part of their claim as a.
certain means of ultimately getting the whole. Strength
begets strength, and the acquisition by the people of
half their right gives them hope, and strength, and
animation to enforce the entire concession of the rest.
We should be sorry to charge the Hon. Member for
Southwark with one-half of -the factious purposes to
which he himself pleads guilty. He avows his wish
of ousting the present Whig Reform Ministry coute
qui coute. Let the Tories come in—let the obstruc-
tives revel in Downing-street—it matters nothing to
him, so that he can subvert the present Ministry—so
as he can make his alliance more necessary to them—
so as he can make his talents more estimable by the
powers that be—so as he can make their fearful anti -
cipations, or actual necessities more advantageous or
available to himself. Sooner than be as now, he is
willing to exclaim with Richard—
" Let darkness be the busier of the dead ; "
or with Macbeth—
". Sooner than so—come fate into the list,
.S-
s.enjdf_icohvanci ppioraeedme to the utterance."
The
andcllon.r.ove,
Gentleman reverses the axiom of Boling-
brokerotchats
from
for the wide embrace'partials to the whole
of his philanthropy receives into
its fraternizing arras the human race first, and finally
condescends to suffuse the radiance of his benevolence
over particulars. He will have nothing to do with the
appropriation clause—he
will not take anything from
the Church—he will have nothing to do with Muni-
cipal Reform Acts, and Tithe Abolition Acts—while
2,300,000 Irishmen are in such a state of destitution
as to make his lawyer-like Susceptibility stand aghast,
and his forensic bloodi run cold. These are minor ob-
jects compared' with th
says Canning's philanthropist
fraternity as the human race.
" I give thee sixpence,"l'll see thee iilanthropist
to the knife-grinder, "
hanged first." Let
them perish piecemeal rather than sacrifice a prin-
ciple. Sooner than give them the equality of right
and diffused knowledge, which will progressively obli-
terate their oppressions, let them be consigned to the
tender mercies athe • Tories, who proDounce them

aliens in blood"—whose misgovernment has caused
their destitution—and who insult while they crush
them. Mr. Harvey denounces in no measured terms
the," peddling counting-house principle." To advo-
cacy of this principle, as one of the common-sense and
business-like habits, we plead guilty. We have re.
peatedly ourselves applied it to the instalment question,
to the Peerage question, and to all the great questions
which come before the discrimination of a great coun-
try. We differ entirely with Mr. Harvey on this
point. Honesty is the best policy=and that which is
honest and wise in the individual while managing his
daily affairs, is honest and wise in a nation. The na-
tion wants a practical object. Whatever Mr. Harvey
may say, it is neither prudent nor is it honest to be di-
verted from that object by vague and .useless declara-
tions " of the eternal truth principle." There is an
obstruction. Surely common sense would remove
the obstruction first, and then obtain the desiderata
from which that obstruction hopelessly excludes
us: We have advocated ballot, universal- suffrage,
and short Parliaments as much as, Mr. Harvey.
But what is the use of kindling the torch of discord
among our own ranks by an untimely and useless ob-
trusion of them, when a removal of the obstruction will
readily place them in our possession. Admiring Mr.
Harvey's talents, we are compelled to believe that they
have been blinded or perverted by some hypothetical
conversion to the• dogmas of the Clootzites and He-
bertists. The latter pupils of Robespierre, as he will
recollect, were never so loud in advocating " the eter-
nal truth" and the " eternal justice" principles—and
never so concurrent with the florid style and tempting
hues with which the Hon. Member for Southwark
and his colleagues invested those principles, as when
they deluged the ambulant guillotines of the French
provinces with blood—and " coined money on' the
Place de Revolution."—Morning Advertiser.
If men are to be judged by the company they keep,
as the old adage has it, we fear that the reputation of
our << out and out" Liberal friends will not be much
enhanced by the associations which their " eternally
true principles" have recently found for them. The
junction of Whigs and Radicals can be easily under-
stood ; it is like that of two men whose road is in the
same direction, though the destination of one is not so
remote as that of the other, agreeing to join company
as far as their mutual convenience suggests. These
may travel together without any compromise on either
side. But when we see two parties avowedly journey-
ing to opposite points of the political compass make
obeisance and compliments to each other, and pro-
pose to join hand in band, and advance in fellowship
together, we have no hesitation in saying there must
be treachery on one side or the other. When we per-
ceive the Tory press, in the excess of its condescension,
volunteering its patronage to men whose principles are
ostensibly the most adverse to its own, must we not
inevitably come to the conclusion that either one party
intends to make a dupe of the other, or that both have
entered into a tacit and an acknowledged compact
which each is ashamed to own ? In whichever point
we view it, we believe we shall find facts to justify
either clause of the conclusion. There are some of the
leading Liberals who see 'not the consequences of their
ill-timed enthusiasm, who are honest in their purpose,
and there are others, happily but one or two, who
speculate on the chances of party, and, like hardened
gamesters, back the " ins and the outs," without
caring whether the box be held by a friend or a foe.
Who would ever have supposed that the most aban-
doned of the Tory journals, infamous from its prin-
ciples, and still More infamous from its apostacies,
would adduce the lucubrations of an ultra, and, we
believe, honest Reformer, to corroborate its political
commentaries ? Who would have believed that Fear-
gus O'Connor would furnish leading articles to the
Times 2 Yet such is the fact ; and we directly al-
lude to this gentleman's conduct, not from any hostile
feeling, but as the most striking instance of the evil
which may be done by' well-meaning men, allowing
private feeling or patriotic enthusiasm to overcome their
discretion. We impugn not his honesty, but his judg-
ment ; but there arc others—the one or two we have
adverted to—who, in our opinion, have neither ho-
nesty nor judgment, whose integrity is a mockery and
a mask, and whose judgment is run wild in self conceit.
" The post of safety," as the Times observes, in its
merciful proposition is to " hang O'Connell" in a
certain contingency,—the post of safety for the Re-
formers is union. Union is the first, the second, and
the third post of safety. Let nor Reformers be'
wheedled or seduced from this great and invincible
palladium. There is, in reality, no just ground of dis-
union amongst true Reformers. The measures which
Ministers may propose in the ensuing Session must
affect their own stability ,as a Ministry, more than the
success of the great principles at issue. If these mea-
sures fall short of public expectation, the Ministers
may be ejected from office by the withdrawal of the
support which placed them in it ; but whatever the
character of these measures, there is not the least
chance of their passing into law in such a form as to
satisfy the just demands of the people. These mea-
sures should be considered merely as chances given to
the Lords to set themselves right with the public—
and so firmly are we convinced of the impossibility of
the hereditary principle adapting itself to the progress
of representative government, that we arc not in the
least alarm that any concession will be given by the
Lords which will in public opinion supercede the ne-
cessity of their reform. On the contrary, if 'they re-
ject the Ministerial measures, which must be at least
as liberal as. those of last Session, no party in the
State—whether ministerial gr anti-ministerial—can
dare to affect a desire for amelioration who will hesi-
tate to advocate the great desideratum—Peerage Re-
forin.—Morning Advertiser.
The opening of the Session of the French Cham-
bers will be signalised by events very important to the
whole of continental Europe, and especially so to
Spain. The trial of strength between the present,
Ministers of the King of the French and the late
Ministerial party will, of course, be upon the question
of active intervention in the affairs of Spain. How-
ever it may be disguised 'under the formal language
borrowed from the quadruple treaty, or framed upon
the opposing interpretations of that document, the real
question will be, whether the cause of Spanish Bonds
shall or shall not be supported by French bayonets ?
This is the real battle to be fought in the Legislative
Chambers of France. They who call themselves the
supporters of the quadruple treaty care very little
about _political principles ; but they care a great deal
about their own pockets, and for that interest they
will contend with all the enthusiasm of French viva-
city. It is certain that the Jews and , jobbers of
France had an understanding with the Thiers Ad-
ministration, not the less intelligible becaUse it was
indirect. They had a very good guarantee for the
policy of that Administration. They knew that
Thiers was resolved upon the measure of active mili-
tary interference in the event of the success of Don
Carlos making that measure necessary. Not doubting
that the policy of M. Thiers would be the policy of
the Tuileries, they speculated upon that basis in the
Spanish Funds. To their dismay, and more than their
dismay, they found that Thiers could not carry into
effect the policy upon which they had been led to cal-
culate. '['hey are covered with disappointment, and
filled with patriotic devotion to the quadruple treaty, or
rather to their own interpretation of it. There is no
doubt that the Stock jobbing interest of France is a
Very powerful one, and that M. Thiers has reasons of
the very strongest kind to animate him to great exertion
in making that interest prevail for intervention. There
is not much indeed, to be said for the nobleness or
disinterestedness of his motives—but that matters little.
The political morality of France is not easily shocked,
and an army of 20,000 men in the North of Spain,
although very well known to be despatched from the
Bourse rather than the Tuileries, would be described
in all. the Thiers and Palmerston newspapers as an
exhibition of moral force in favour of liberal principles.
But, however strong the Stock-jobbing party may be
in France, it has, at least for the present, to contend
with the energy and inclination of Louis Phillipe. It
is very clear that he has made up his mind as to the im-
policy of giving lencovragement to that party in Spain
which alone can be made, by any assistance that even
he could give, superior to the party of Don Carlos.
He see, then, in the Spanish Peninsula Don Carlos
or democracy must reign. To the latter it is not likely
that the Monarch of a neighbouring stue, who wishes

to establish his throne and dynasty, would, except
under very peculiar circumstances, give countenance ;
and there is some reason to believe that family consi-
derations
may have no inconsiderable effect in inclin-
ing him to the former. It is very probable, that in
the event of electing a new Chamber, the party of M.
Thiers would lose many friends, for popularity at the
Bourse is not the same thing as popularity in France.
Should the vote of the Chamber, therefore, be in fa-
vour of intervention, and should Louis Philippe see
no reason, in the conduct of the Northern Sovereigns,
for changing his policy as respects Don Carlos, that
vote may have no other effect than that of causing a
new election. As to the Bourse Opposition party,
headed by M. Thiers, it cares for nothing beyond the
first step, which would have the effect of raising the
bonds, and enabling the prudent to get rid of them
without loss. Upon that party the reasoning of M.
Guizot, showing the improbabity of ultimate success
from intervention, has no effect whatever. They do
not care about ultimate success, and no doubt they
would be willing to compound with Louis Philippe,
for hailing Don Carlos at Madrid this day twelve,;
month, if he would give them but six weeks of inter-
vention, to fetch up the bonds ! This intrigue may
be attempted, but we do not think it will succeed.—
Morning Herald. „

Nothing can be plainer than that the Ministe-
rialists feel themselves to be in a false position. The
roaring of Radicalism in one quarter, and the tedious
argumentation -in another to prove that Whiggery and
Radicalism are not so very incompatible with each
other, if people would be but reasonable, and have
patience—both' these indications point to the same
conclusion ; the INlinisterials feel that,. as matters
stand, they cannot go on. They cannot but feel also
that all the difficulties which now incompass them are
of their own creating. They are paying the price of
the . corrupt bargain by which they- were enabled to
oust the Administration of Sir Robert Peel. Suc-
cess was sweet for the moment—the top of the cup
was delicious, but now they have come to the Radical
substance at the bottom, and what signify wry faces ?
..They must bolt it or die. They have shuffled, and
made excuses, as long as they could, but the time is
now come, or at least very near at hand, when they
must become Radical drudges or nothing. This is
no very comfortable position under any circumstances,
but, when accompanied by the reflection that their own
paltry vindictiveness and party spite have brought them
into it, it must be very painful. Lordi Melbourne and J.
Russell, we greet you well. What do you think of your-
selves now 2 How do you mean to meet the democratic
pressure in the coming session ? Do you expect to
be able to keep up the game of fiddle-faddle with the
English and Scotch Radicals for another seven months ?
Your egregious vanity may whisper hopes of the pos-
sibility of this, but your fears must predominate that
such luck cannot be yours. Every day must serve
more and more to dissipate the dream, if you ever in-
dulged in it, that you may get on for another Session
as leaders of the " something-between" party. That
fraudulent nonsense is at an end, and real principles of
Government must be decided upon. The men, or the
Ministers, who say that they have no principles .be-
yond what thy preponderating influences of the existing
House of Commons may seem to suggest must take
their proper place. That place is not the place of
leaders. You arc quite mistaken, most pliant and
accommodating Ministers7-you are quite mistaken,
(notwithstanding the flattering unction which the
Globe and Examiner would lay upon the scars which
fear has made in your love of place,) if you imagine
that you have only to concede—that you have nothing
to dO but tell the Radicals you are theirs, in order
to be upheld by them as Ministers. The British
Radicals are weary of this. They know you ; and
that knowledge is not to be melted away by conces-
sion, or juggled out of them by intrigue. They know
you, and the consequence of that knowledge is, that
they despise you. They know that, in heart, you can-
not be with them ; they know that every step which
you go along with them is a step which you would ra-
ther not take ; they know further, that, if they suc-
ceed, you and all that you have amassed from the
working of a system to which, in your spite, you would
turn traitors, must go down. They cannot, therefore,
calculate upon a sincere co-operation with them, and
even they have the decency not to wish to wring from
the desperation of weak men what they think they can
obtain in fair contention with the strong. No doubt
there are. some—perhaps a good many—of those who
call themselves Radicals in the present House of Com-
mons who would make any bargain, and feel not the
least scruple, to obtain their dirty selfish ends by dirty
selfish means. They would club with von on condition
of sharing the spoil ; they would vote that black was white,
or white black, and perhaps boast of their own gross dis-
honesty, if by that means they might be permitted
to share even with you the advantages which low, gro-
velling, and sordid creatures can delight in, no matter
with what disgrace they are accompanied. But these
paltry whifflers will soon be brushed out of the 'way,
and democracy will have leaders of its own, leaders of
whose talents it will be assured, and of whose mode of
proceeding it may make meotion without a feeling of
degradation. Of any other support than that of Ra-
dicals the present-Ministerialists seem not to dream.
There they are right. They have lost the time when
they might hive saved themselves. It is for the
,coun-
try to judge how far it is safe to go on with Mi-
nisters who have completely disgusted all men of
Constitutional principles, however liberal, with whom
they were once connected, and have flung them-
selves into the hands of those whom they fear and
hate. It is vain that they may try to sift out of this
party, and to create a kind of little town-aristo-
cracy Radicalism, which shall uphold them while the
more honest working people arc against them. There
is nothing in this little town-trading aristocracy to sup-
port a-Government, while the landed interest and the
professional, the'nobility and gentry, are opposed to it
in one direction, and the populace in another. Such
a power, whether called Juste Milieu, or designated
by any other nickname, must speedily fail. As to the
sentiments of the nobility and gentry respecting the
present Administration, we suppose that our readers
need no evidence to prove their hostility. As to those
of the working classes—we mean those of them who
have been led into the ranks of democracy—we may
quote as literally good authority Mr. Feargus O'Con-
nor, whose travels among the " operatives" have been
of late as notorious as those of any other man. Ad-
dressing the Ministers he says :
" It would appear as if you held power with no other
view than to induce a comparison between the promises of
men out of office and the acts of the same men in office.
Your great triumph was gained by the people, and their in-
terests have been wholly lost sight of ; for 1 defy any man
to point out one single Whig enactment tending to increase
the comforts or to lessen the burthens of the working
classes. You talk of organic changes in the Lords, and
then you deprecate any interference with that body. You
complain
.of 'difficulties, and appeal for pity and protection
to the people ; you provoke a struggle, and then dread the
consequences ; your speeches as individuals at public din-
ners• are not marked by the same concord which cabinet
expediency insures for your acts as a body. You have
thrown yourselves into the arms of a man who called you
base, brutal, and bloody,' and who now merely watches
the moment of your weakness to triumph in your ruin.
You cherish your corporate power at tlw expense of your
individual feelings, your pride, and your honour. Though
you love the power you hate the supporter, and while'
you vain-boastingly parade the strength of your party your
proud hearts cower at the means by which the strength is
acquired."
This is a strong sketch, which we shall leave our
readers to contemplate, merely reminding them that it
is drawn by a Radical, and that the only hope of the
Ministers is in Radical support'.
—Morning Post.

No less than 2,0001. worth of timber is said to have
been blown down on the Blenheim estate during the late
hurricane. _

The hurricane on Tuesday morning appears to have
commenced in the lower parts of Cornwall at half-past
seven o'clock, Plymouth at half-past eight, at Exeter at
half-past nine, and %As spreading devastation in London at
one. The damage in Exeter is estimated by well-informed
and extensive builders to be at 25,000/.
Darrac, Napoleon's well-known upholsterer, came
to Paris about fifty years ago to get his fortune. He was
then ten years old, and when he reached the Port St.
Martin he had not 10 sous in his pocket. In 1827, how-
ever, the poor child had grown a man, and was worth from
60,000 f. to 80,000 f. a-year. He has, however, lost all his
fortune since, and is now in prison, and has been declared
insolvent.

EXPOSITION OF HOMEOPATHY.
• (BY DR. BUREAUD RIOFREY.)

At a recent meeting of the Westminster Medical Society,
after the routine business of the society was transacted,
a very temperate and extremely well-written expositiOn of
Homoeopathy was read by Dr. Bureaud, and commented
on by Dr. A. T. Thomson, Mr. Costello and Dr. Addison.
Our limits will not allow of the Whole paper being given,'
but the following extracts will show that Dr. Bureaud has
treated the subject with much discrim nation and judgment :
" Gentlemen—When a doctrine has a certain number of
partisans in different parts of the world, we must suppose
for the honour of mankind, that there is some truth in it,
and that those who seek to propagate it, have at least been
seduced by an appearance of truth ; were we to reject this
doctrine without examination, we might justly be accused of
prejudice and injustice. Whenever hymceopathy is con-
demned hastily, the homoeopathists take advantage of it, and
remind us of the fate of Galileo, Harvey, and the opposi-
tions of the ignorant to vaccination ; they also bring forward
Corpernicus, Descartes, Newton, undervalued by their con-
temporaries, and placing themselves on the same line with
these immortal men. The homoeopathists complain of the
ignorance of the times, or of the egotism of their opponents,
and thus, easily obtain all the honours of persecution. If
the discovery of the motion of the earth and the fixity of
the sun was not condemned, although it was not consistent
with the general notions of astronomy, they ask, why re-
ject homoeopathy, which is as important in medicine as
Newton and Galileo's discovery ?_

sketch of Hahneman's life, I need
only make his opinions known, and to these I shall add a
few observations ; we shall afterwards draw our consequen-
ces. Before Hahneman laid down his system, he denied
all that had existed from the time of Hippocrates to the
present day, and professed to give birth to the real science
of medicine.

" Diseases are generally divided into lesions of the organs
and disorder in the functions. Homoeopathy acknowledges
no organic alterations. Hahneman says, that in order to
gratify our folly, diseases cannot cease to be dynamic aber-
rations that our spiritual life feels ; that is to say immaterial
changes in ourselves. (Organon, p. 15.)
" Hahneman says, that symptoms are the only things
that should attract the physician's attention in all maladies.'
(Organon, page 17.) * #
" But now let us inquire how homoeopathists act when
the symptoms of an existing evil are not evident. When
an individual is bitten by a mad dog, will they preveht the
wound beingcauterized, when there are no other means of
stopping the progress of the virus? Is there no disease be-
cause there is no symptom ? and will they wait till the pa-
tient is attacked with the dreadful convulsions attendant on
this fearful disease, to administer a quadrillioneth part of a
grain of belladona, of hyoscyamus, or stramonium ? Can it
then be said that the tolle causam of ancient medicine is a
chimera? that the disease in this case, as in a thousand
others, is but a dynamic aberration of our spiritual life ?
Will homoeopathists then assert that they have not seen
the cause, as they say they have not seen Vanhelmont's
thorn ? Will they then inquire What quantity of rabid
virus has been absorbed, in the same manner as they ask
what quantity of syphilitic virus has penetrated ?
" Hahneman again says, that all the experiments in the
world could not prove, that when once the symptoms of a
disease are cured there remains but health, and that the
morbid changes operating in the interior of the body, have
not been annihilated. (Organ. p. 118.)
" If the followers of Hahneman adopted the modern
symtomatology, this last assertion of theirs would have re-
mained unnoticed ; but when their symptomatology, founded
on the functions, abstracts the organs, can we avoid re-
proaching the homoeopathists with depriving themselves of
the admirable means and discoveries of the moderns. #

" The homoeopathists began by rejecting the study of
causes ; they assert that man knows not the primitive
cause of anything, he only sees effects and symptoms ; and
as these are the image of the disease, or of the morbid, im-
perceptible, and spiritual essence, all other inquiries are use-
less. But yet, in dividing maladies into acute and chronic,
Hahneman forgets what he has already said'on causes.
" Hahneman divides acute diseases in two categories,
most of them depend' on a passing affection, a psore latente,
which falls into a state of stupor when the chronic disease
is not too violent ; others depend on meteoric and telluric
influence, which cause epidemy.'—(Organon, p. 179.)
" Hahneman, from the beginning of book, rejects the
study of causes as useless and powerless in bringing on a
result ; he then acknowledges that the acute diseases are
often produced by a latent psora ;—but let us here his ob-
servations on chronic diseases.

" The iniasms causing chronic diseases,' says Hahneman,
are syphilis, sycose, and the itch. The itch,' he tells us,
is the only real, fundamental, and productive cause of all
the morbid forms known by the names of weakness, ner-
vousness, hysteria, hypocondria, mania, melancholy, epi-
lepsy, spasms of all kinds, rickets, caries, cancer, fungus
lisematodes, gout, hemorrhoids, jaundice, cyanosis, dropsy,
amcnorrhea, gastrorrhagv, asthenia, sterility, cataract,
gravel, paralysis, and pains of all kinds, &e. &c:—(Org.
p. 183.)
" Such is the immense catalogue of diseases of which the
cause is revealed by this great reformer, who, in the first
instance, only believed in symptoms ; and we must ob-
serve, that he ends the list by saying pains of all kinds,
&c., &c. This reminds us forcibly of a noted quack, who
boasted of being known in the whole universe and a thousand
other places.
" We must bear in mind, gentlemen, that when we are
called to attend ladies who have slight nervous attacks,
they are caused by the itch ; for Hahneman asserts that
there would be no spleen, no hysteria, without the exis-
tence of the itch, which the fair sex so dexterously con-
ceal by the aid of cosmetics.
" But, putting aside what may appear ridiculous in
Hahneman's opinion on the causes of the various diseases
here mentioned, I must inform you that Hahneman says
he spent twelve years in searching for the source of those
numerous chronic affections that had remained.unknown
to his predecessors and his contemporaries. * *
" According to Hahneman, all the cures that have taken
place from, the time of Hippocrates to the present day,
have only been effected because ignorant physicians have
by chance administered homoeopathic medicines.
" The application of this homoeopathic principle may
perhaps cause some degree of fear, gentlemen ; for when
the cup is full to the brim, one single drop will make it
overflow. When the blood vessels are full, turgid, and
enlarged, the slightest increase may make them burst, and
cause apoplexy : an aneurism may also break. A tuber-
culous matter in progress to softening by a new artificial
increase, may sooner soften ; a mucous membrane highly
inflamed, may become ulcerated ; yet there is nothing to
fear. These diseases depend on miasm, on the itch, and
the increase of blood may take place without causing in-
stantaneous death, as says an homoeopathist. And, in-
deed, if the patient die only a few days after, is then ho-
moeopathy very guilty when it does not cause instanta-
neous death ? * *

"I am ready to prove all 1 have here advanced. I have
studied homoeopathy, and can discuss it conscientiously.
Stupidity, ignorance, and fashion had opened a brilliant
career for those who choose to follow it ; but I could never
make up my mind to trifle with my patients' health.
" If it be asked, what inducement there is to follow this
doctrine, I shall answer, that, for upright practitioners, it
is the similia sinzilibzis of Hippocrates, in which there is
some truth ; but if I grant this, I do not grant that Hip-
pocrates prescribed by a thousandth part of a grain ;
and when his successors treated the spasmodic vomiting
by an emetic, it was certainly not an homeopathic dose.
If, according to Hahneman, all the cures have been only
effected by the law similia similibus, can it be said that in-
finitesimal and imperceptible doses were given ? What
causes this system to be adopted, is a superficial observa-
tion—idleness, or interest, and perhaps the itch, which
weakens the mental faculties. The continual answer of
the homoeopathist is as follows : do not. reason, but nzake
experiments. Well, be it so ; and that my own experi-
ments, which led me to give up the system, to psoric minds
may not be rejected, I proceed to state the result of the
trials made by two eminent men of undoubted probity and
talent."—[Here Dr. Bureaud related the opinions given by
Dr. Pointe, Physician to the Hotel Dieu, and Dr. Andral,
Professor of Medicine at the Faculty of Paris, both of
whom agreed with him in thinking that homeopathy was a
system completely illusive.]

On Tuesday morning a man named Martin Kuff, a
packing-case dealer, living in Green Dragon-yard, Fore-
street, met with a dreadful accident in Leather-lane, Hol-
born. The man was driving a cart which was over-laden
with heavy packing-cases, when the cart upset, and the cases
fell on him, fractured his head, broke his thigh-bone, and
otherwise seriously injured him. He was immediately re-
moved to the Free Hospital, Greville-street, Hatton-garden,
where every attention was instantly afforded that his situa-
tion required by the surgeon in attendance. He lies there
at present in a very dangerous state ; and what makes the
case still more melancholy is the fact that the poor sufferer
has a blind wife and four young children.

As one among the countless instances of the vio-
lence of tho late hurricane, it is stated that the town of
Newport, in the Isle of Wight, though nine miles from the
coast, was covered with salt water, and that in such quan-
tities was it brought by the wind that the windows became
so thickly encrusted with crystalized salt, that objects could
scarcely be seen through them.
On Sunday evening as the sun was setting, a dark
vapour or cloud shot up over its disc, exhibiting columns
and festoons, similar to those of the Northern lights, the
horizon otherwise perfectly clear except a haze in the
south. At 10 o'clock the same appeared above the moon
while rising ; it floated off to the south east, and disappeared
before 11.