The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-03 00:00:00

Government had sent over from Downing-street. Colonel
Conolly, whose death he deplored, Lord Cloncurry, Mr. Kil-
patick, and several others contributed sums of 101., 81., and
61. for this purpose, and one person employed 38 persons upon
a piece of land of 20 acres, which showed what Irishmen could
do when they liked.
Sir JOHN WALSH blamed the Government fir not de-
vising, ere the meeting of Parliament, measures to remedy
the defects in the present poor-law. They must bear in
mind that the condition of Ireland had been altogether
changed since last year. Had not this change taken place,
the charge of the Hon. Baronet might be well founded.
On that occasion the Right Honourable Gentleman
the Secretary for the Home Department had stated
that, in his opinion, he and his friends had only
wished to get rid, by a side wind, of the con-
sideration of the poor-law altogether; they might retort
the same accusation, for truly they had more reason to en-
tertain a similar apprehension. A Committee, in the hands
of a dexterous politician, was of all things the
most useful and convenient machine in the world,
for postponing the consideration of any question whatever.
Not that be, and those who acted with him, would oppose
a Committee. On the contrary they would do all in their
power to promote the object of the Ministers, but they could
not help feeling that the Government ought to be in the
present receipt of sufficient information to proceed to a de-
cision without any further delay.—(Hear, hear. )
This was a matter which could not be postponed for a
year for the simple object of getting at a
conclusion which might already be given. There was a
great and growing evil, which ought to be instantly met.
He would now allude to a matter, which during the last
session had excited much attention, and to which the
Noble Lord at the head of the Government had given
at that time what, he must say, he thought an insufficient but
an evasive reply. The Noble Lord on that occasion stated
three grounds to justify the presence of the British fleet in
the Bay of Naples ; the first was an alleged violation of the
flag of this country—some Neapolitan ships of war having, it
was said, shown the English flag to deceive and capture Si-
cilian vessels; the second was that there was an intention of
establishing a forced loan in the kingdom of Naples, to which
British subjects might be compelled to contribute, if there
was no protection near them ; the third was, that the
neutral waters, as they were denominated, had been en-
tered upon by a Neapolitan vessel in pursuit of a Sicilian.
Not satisfied with this explanation, he (Sir J. Walsh) put
the question whether Admiral Parker had either propria
motu, or acting on instructions received from home, inter-
posed in any way in the quarrel between the King of
Naples and his subjects, or attempted to prevent the Nea-
politan fleet from sailing for Messina. He (Sir J. Walsh)
did pot charge the Noble Lord with any breach of faith to
him or to the House; but on that occasion the Noble Lord
did distinctly state that up to that point of time. England had
not interfered in any way whatever between the contending
parties. The inference of the Neapolitan Government from
this statement was naturally enough that the English Go-
vernment would not in anywise interfere, because there was
no cause for such interference. It appeared, then, that Sir
W. Parker offered no obstruction to the sailing of the Neapo-
litan expedition. If any valid reason existed why he should
haye interfered, there was the time and place for it ; but none
occurred, because it was considered that the British Govern-
ment had no ground to justify them in making any demon-
stration as respected the King of Naples and his re-
volted subjects of Sicily. The • expedition to Messina
sailed—it was successful—Messina was captured, and
the King's authority established. It appeared to
be probable that this authority would be also re-
established in the remainder of the island, when
her Majesty's Government thought fit, in conjunction with
France, to interfere in the question. On what ground did
they so? Was it on the ground of the atrocities alleged to
have been committed in the war, and if so, by whom were
they committed. These questions had not, however, been
answered. He (Sir John Walsh) admitted the vast responsi-
bility of the Foreign Minister at the present time; but be
could not help contrasting the views of the Noble Lord who
presided over the foreign affairs of this country as regarded
other institutions, with those which he enforced in his own
department. That department was carried on upon the
principles of a Nesselrode or a Metternich, and the
principle which the Noble Lord seemed anxious to
introduce was to set aside all the powers of Parlia-
ment as regarded the Foreign-office. He (Sir John
Walsh) however, hoped that House would never
blindly subscribe to such a doctrine, or renounce the right
of inquiry into subjects which so largely influenced the
destiny of the civilized world. Another topic of the Address
was the large measure of financial reform which the Noble
Lord proposed to bring forward. For whatever large re-
trenchments the Noble Lord could safely make in the ex-
penditure of the country the House would be grateful, but
there was a great inconsistency between the tone and lan-
guage 'of the Noble Lord on this occasion, and his tone and
language on the same subject last year. " I will never
consent," said the Noble Lord, "to disarm England in the
present state of the world." On that occasion also the
Noble Lord said he would never consent to be led astray by
a feeling of economy to prostrate the power of the country.
The Noble Lord had touched upon the affairs of Ireland, and
had pronounced one of the most deserved eulogiums he had
ever heard on the present Lord-Lieutenant. One part of
Lord Clarendon's proceedings deserved particular praise; it
was the mode in which he answered deputation and replied
to addresses. To one address Lord Clarendon appropriately
replied, that he hoped an end would be put to that system
of pernicious political agitation in Ireland, which more than
anything else disturbed the peace and checked the progress
of the country. He agreed with these sentiments of Lord
Clarendon, but then, he asked, if political agitation was per-
nicious in Ireland was it salutary in England? Was agita-
tation to:be put down in Ireland by force and by coercion
Bills, and was it to be allowed to reign unchecked and un-
controlled in England? For what were the agitations at- I
tempted to be got up in Manchester and other places? Were
they not in the nature of pernicious political agitations?
Were they to be governed by club law—that is, by the law
of clubs?—(Hear, hear.) In France they had put down
clubs ; and he would tell the Noble Lord that, ere long, the
Government of this country must grapple with the evils ot
political clubs in England.—(Hear, hear.) lie would sup-
port the amendment of the Member for Buckinghamshire.
Mr. M. MILNES had hoped, when he saw the Hon. Mem-
ber for Northamptonshire (Mr. Stafford) rise, that he did so
for the purpose of telling the House that, after the speech of
the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, the Opposi-
tion had agreed not to insist upon pressing their amendment.
He had hoped so, because an amendment of this kind,
brought forward by one who, he presumed, was now the
recognised leader of the Opposition, was a very serious and
solemn step, and one which they would hardly have been
justified in taking so hastily even if we had actually been
plunged into a continental war, or if every kind of misfor-
tune had accumulated on the head of.the country by the im-
prudence of Government, Bat when the charges upon which
the amendment professed to be founded had been proved to
be erroneous, he really thought the Opposition would not do
justice to themselves with the country if they persisted in so
grave a censure upon her Majesty's Government. Neither
would such a course be at all consistent with the generous
character of the Opposition in former sessions ; ansi if
persisted in it would be a sign that the Government must no
longer expect that justice and moderation of which there
had been so many previous instances.—(Hear, hear.) It
seemed to be assumed by Hon. Gentlemen opposite that the
country was in a state of rapid declension. He did net
agree with them in that opinion. Oa the contrary, he
thought that better prospects were at hand—that trade and
commerce were improving, and that there was no reason
for believing that the agricultural interest, by the event
of yesterday (the entire abolition of the corn-laws), had re-
ceived a blow from which it could not recover. The Hon.
Member for Buckinghamshire had asserted that our exports,
so far from being lessened by the confusion and tumults on
the continent, had been larger last year than in the preceding
year. By what moans did the Hon. Member learn that fact,
when no papers on the subject had vet been laid upon the
table of the House? The Hon. Member must either have had
some secret source of information of which other Members
knew nothing, or he must have indulged in a very reckless
assertion.--(Hear, hear.) The charges against her Majesty's
Government resolved themselves principally into questions of
foreign affairs. He presumed to call upon the House to
beware how they condemned, in the solemn manner which
the amendment did, the peaceful policy of her Majesty's Go-
vernment, for it was above all things important to bear in
mind that the conduct of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs
had been one continuous and successful effort to preserve the
peace of Europe during a most difficult and perilous time;
and he thought he had a right to call upon the people ot
England to accept his conduct in that sense, and to demand
from the House that they should grant it to have been such.
—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire
had asked whether the Government were co-operating with
the Universal Peace Society. Now, although he (Mr. Milnes)
could not indulge in the hopes in which those amiable enthu-
siasts seemed to indulge, yet he believed that there was a
growing opinion in the country to an extent of which many
Honourable Members were little aware respecting the
wickedness, the miseries, and the abominations of war.
—(Hear, hear.) He ,believed that this opinion was the re-
sult, not of mere Christian emotion, but of a strong and
intimate conviction that if statesmen chose to set their
minds to it—not perhaps every act of violence, but certainly
the greater part of the contests which desolate the world,
might be avoided by means of peaceful mediation.—(Hear,
hear.) He (Mr. Mildes) fully accorded with that feeling.
He deeply respected it; and he believed that it was the
feeling upon which his Noble Friend at the head of the
Foreign Department had continuously acted. He blamed
the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire for having carefully
concealed in the course of his speech that but for the very,
acts which he condemned it would hardly have been pos-
sible to avoid a continental war; and in proof that such was
the case he briefly referred to the state of affairs between
Naples and Sicily, between Austria and Sardinia, and Prussia
and Denmark. Such was the wise and Christian policy of
his Noble Friend; and if by some hazard it had not entirely
succe,ded—if his great hopes had not been entirely realized,
were they to say that the principles on which he had acted
et:aasea!st slcuotnedlyneutnoifust(th,Heand that the attempt ought not te
v
that been
made ? ecla rp, pho
seiatiro. ts t wnasighntomt
igimhtpobse thesible
means of preventing the peaceful settlement of the disputes
between Naples and Sicily, and of causing an internecine
war beteen these two countries. —( Hear, hear.) He under-
wasyictimobtiby
stood a congress
He had lived in the Loout to meet on the affairs of Italy.
a rdo
strangersen e t ina9nsym kingdom,pat
h.znagn and
nh
de
military had left with the that the military occupation of
those beautiful provinces
ungenial, could not continue without giving rise
to a dissension. Admitting occupation to be a right
thing, he had very little charge to lirieneca
Government. But he must express lfaisagoaoionvlntenAtuhsattri an
long as the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom lasted, there that,
no security for the peace of Europe.—(Hear, hear.)
Austria had made no advance in conciliating the
people. The most suitable arrangement was perfectly
simple. There WAS no confusion of race in that kingdom;
there was a
determination to get quit of the Austrian Go-
vernment , • a feeling which was shared by all classes, from
the noble to the peasant. The
difficulties e however, were
•
before
Since the occupation of Milan by
now greater than
P dtk the eo le had been
the Austrians under Marshal sa ez y, p p
oppressive rule. The Aus-
kept down by a most cruel and
trians seemed intent on establishing a second Poland in
Italy. When on all sides except one, Lombardy had the
sympathies of homogeneous populations, be did not
believe
be-
that the military occupation of the country could ucd
cessful. He could not, therefore, anticipate any greatsa-
vantage from the congress which bad been proposed. The
Honourable Member for Buckinghamshire—who he wished
would take some other subject for jest than great constitu-
tional struggles—had made extreme mirth of what be had
called the sentimental cant of race. Composed as this nation
was of so many races, they ought to be the last to indulge
in such ridicule. But no one could read, as with great plea-
sure he had read, the works of the Honourable Member
for Buckinghamshire, where the predominance of race was
the sole motive by which it was held the world was go-
verned, without feeling that the Hon. Gentleman at least was
guilty of some inconsistency.—(Hear, hear.) With re-
ference to that part of the Speech from the Throne in which
her Majesty expressed the hope that considerable reduc-
dons would be effected, it had been alleged that Ministers had
been influenced by the proceedings of the Financial League
in Liverpool; though the Government had, as soon as they
entered office, expressed their willingness to adopt financial
reforms, and the measures they had taken since showed
their sincerity. Agitation was said to be detrimental to the
general interests of the country, but all parties had got into