The Sun.
London, England, 1838-03-05 00:00:00

be passing of the Reform Bill. The triumph of Conservatism
on the present occasion, therefore, is to be referred, as our Con-
temporary well argues, not to any defection on the part of
men who have hitherto supported Conservative candidates—
but to increased activity amongst the hitherto-apathetic Conser-
vatives, in a borough which ought to be the very head. quarters
of Conservatism ! The Whigs, however, are an odd generation
During the period in which their juggleries under the Reform
Bill enabled them to secure immense majorities in the House
of Commons, the fact that they did possess such majorities
was pointed to by their supporters, as a proof that the policy
of the " reform Ministry" was necessarily, the best of all pos-
sihle policies. The fact that the "reform Ministry" has, now,
ne majority at all, ought, surely, by parity of reason, to be ad-
mitted as a proof that " reform" policy is sadly at a discount !
So, in regard to these Marylebone elections ! a Whig victory
in that borough used to prove (according to the Whigs) that
the Conservatives there were weak ;—but a Whig defeat (on
the same authority) by no means proves, that the Conserve-
Ives are strong ! The assertion that the ultra-Radicals of
Marylebone have decided the election in favour of Lord
Teignmouth is at variance, not only with the fact, but is
sadly at variance with other assertions by the Whigs, as
to the numbers and importance of the ultra-Radical
body ! The ultra-Radicals were signally discomfited at
`the last general election. The results of that election
`showed, in fact, that there is no ultra-Radical party in
the kingdom. There may be in each constituency, a
score or two of men disposed to go much further in
" reform" policy, than the Whigs are disposed to go ; but
assuredly, an ultra-Radical party, is not to be met with any
where ! The fact has been proclaimed a thousand times by
the Whigs themselves; and the miserable ultra-Radical band
in tho House of Commons—comprehending five or six votes—
has often been pointed to by Whig officials, as representing,
faithfully, the relative numerical power, out of doors, of the
Ultra- Radical section of the society ! In their assumption on
this subject, the Whigs were perfectly right. The ultra-
, ' adicals have as little influence upon the various constituen-
cies in the kingdom, as Mr. Grote, and his four or fire compa-
nions have, upon the deliberations of the House of Commons.
But even if, for the sake of argument' it were conceded to the
:Whigs, that the co-operation of the ultra-Radicals has been
instrumental in returning Lord Teignmouth as the represen-
tative of Marylebone—how, let us ask, would such a conces-
sion serve the cause of Whiggery ? A coalition, if such had in
truth taken place, between the Conservatives and the ultra-
Radicals, would prove nothing more than the fact—which ten
thousand other proofs tend,daily, to establish—that the Whigs are
rapidly losing all that a few short months ago belonged to
to them, of the confidence of the country ! The ultra-Radi-
cals, till within these few weeks, supported the Whigs on all
occasions ; and, till within these few weeks, the Whigs, in ex-
change for the habitual support of the ultra-Radicals, were ac-
customed, from time to time to lavish a few unimportant civi-
lities upon their allies. Now, however, the ultra-Radicals
utterly repudiate the Whigs; and the Whigs, thereupon, raise
the howl of " treason" against their old backers ! What fully
is this ! The ultra- Radicals, whatever may be their value ( and
Heaven knows that value is but small in amount) are the same
men in all respects now, as they were in 1835, when the pre-
sent miserable occupants of office, organised a conspiracy
amongst " all classes of Reformers," to drive the Duke of
Wellington, and Sir Robert Peel, from power. The
\%higs have changed since that period—not the ultra-
Radicals ! Let the Whigs, however, (if such be their high
pleasure) by all means, abuse the ultra- Radicals, and
let the ultra-Radicals, again, by all means, disparage the
Whts. The affair is none of ours; and the parties to the
squabble have, beyond doubt, an inexhaustible fund of un-
pleasant truths to proclaim to the world at the expense of
each other. We would only venture to hint to the Whigs,
that when they disparage the ultra-radicals, they disparage
the very men to whose energies they were indebted, to some
extent at least, for their restoration to office ; and to whose
support, continued without interruption till the present session,
they have been indebted, at times, for the means of pi °long-
ing their wretched Ministerial career. The theme, in short,
rese-ires delicate hanuinz by the NA higs. We do not, by any
means, object to hear the ultra- Radicals charrg,-d with " base-
Less." and treachery ;"—for we know that the ultra- Radi-
_ cals were parties to the opposition which displaced Sir Robert
Peel three years ago; and that opposition, we are well
aweee, rested on " baseness," of the deepest shade. —Morn-
ing Herald.
Ot.cours., the Cons,rvative triumph in Marylebone may be
viewed in a variety of lights, which, in our hurried notice of
it on Saturday, we could hardly even glance at. Notwith-
ttamting the ingenious speculations of a respected evei,ing,
Codtempomry, our opinion remains unaltered, not only that
the results indicates a strong reaction among those new con-
stituaucies, whose earlier exercise of political rights had
neither been guided nor tempered by experience, but that the
personal qualities of Lord Teignmouth, 'esp.-table as he is,
have contributed to this victory no otherwise than in furnish-
ing the usual conventional symbol of certain general prin-
!sip'. s, %hose growing influence would, we cannot doubt,
have been successfully asserted on the present occasion,
although his Lordship had never been born. The pros-
' parity of that great cause, of which the Noble Lord is
now, and we trust will long continue, a worthy representa.
tine, cannot, in our judgment, be justly identified with
the personal attributes of any of its professors, be they who
they may. It is the cause of reason, religion, and
social happiness ; and while we are by no means indifferent
to any advantage it may derive from the amiable qualities
of i's supporters, who, nevertheless, scarcely confer more
honour thereon than they themselves receive front it, we yet
bear in mind not only that the abstract reasonableness of Con-
servative principles is sufficient per se to sustain and extend
their triumph, but that Individual character, how good soever
it inay be, as in this case, is much too variable an element to
brine them into permanent favour, as well as too shifting an
anchorage to moor them on with perfect safety. That the
Marylebone victory, therefore, has arisen wholly or chiefly
from the mere personal popularity of the successful candidate,
is what we cannot imagine. Lord Teignmouth however, will,
we trust, dischaige his Parliamentary duties with the energy
and judgment which his important position demands. Viewed
in the abstract, the election which has happened to fall upon
his Lordship is an authoritative sad influence testimony against
the miserable Ministry for whose expulsion it virtually prays ;
nor can their heart's soreness at this event be better judged of
than by the quiverings and convulsions into which it has thrown
those lower extremities of theirs—the Government journalists.
Certainly these alarmed dependents are carrying their wrath and
wo beyond all reasonable bounds. One of them screams out,
that Lord Teignmouth owes his return to the assistance of the
ultra- Radicals. Another protests that all the " instructed
persons" voted for Mr. Ewart ; and a third anticipates that
this defeat, followed by Sir William Moles worth's motion to-
morrow evening, will be the final death-blow of the Whigs.
Now, in all this there is manifestly a good deal of that lugu-
brious wailing which shows that the days of Lord Melbourne's
Court dinners and Cabinet influence are unhappily numbered.
Alas, for the vicissitudes of human life ! His Lordship's kit-
when-chimney must smoke once more. The Minto waltzings
at the Admiralty arc already at a pause. The Glenelgs, Dal-
_ Inenys, Steuarts, Murrays, Fergusons, Maules, and the whole
:'tribe of Scotch corners are even now whining their valedic-
tory chant " I'll gang nag main to yon toun." All the other
Lord Thisee and Mr. Thats must equally evacuate their Tree-
eury quarters ; but we are the less disposed on these accounts
:to dispute the variorum versions of the Marylebone triumph,
which have been assigned above, as the causes and precursors
.of the approaching move. The assertion that a large number
;'.of what are called Tory-Radicals turned the scal in Lord
Teignmouth's favour is sufficiently disproved by the fact,
!that at this election the Ministerial party polled more votes by
steveral hundreds than on any former accasion. In the allege-
, -time that all the " instructed persons" gave their support to the
'Whig nominee we are more inclined to concur. We said on
:Saturday that all the official vermin had been instructed to
exert themselves in favour of Mr. Ewart. These instruc-
tions they could not dare to disobey ; and therefore, far from
disputing our contemporary's superior information on this
lead, we exult in the fact that upwards of 4,000 free and in-
dependent electors, wholly uninstructed from any quarter,
lave spontaneously given their voice in favour of Conserva-
tive principles. What precise effect this may have upon the
party in power, or how it may bear upon the motion of Sir W.
Molesworth, we do not stay to inquire, especially as the
issue of that motion will so immediately be known. But,
apart from all such speculations as these, the acquisition of
nother metropolitan seat, to be placed side by side with those
.f Greenwich and the City of London, is calculated to give the
friends of constitutional government the most encouraging confi-
dence in the general soundness of Englishmen on allthose fugitive
and popular innovations which are now advocated by the lead-
ing agitators of the day. While the Marylebone victory pro-
mounces an unequivocal condemnation of the Ministry whom
Lord Teignmouth has been elected to oppose—while, in
fact, it is virtually a solemn vote in favour of Sir W. Moles-
'worth's motion for their expulsion from power—every person
must see, especially in connexion with Colonel Thompson's
low position on tho poll, that it equally stigmatizes all the
favourite projects of the ultra-party, and that even the very
"Whigs are scarcely more distasteful to this intelligent consti-
ency than are the Radical doctrines of Household Suffrage,
Ballot, and frequent Parliaments which they have sent a Con-
servative to resist. It would give us sincere pleasure to find that
aech gentlemen as Sir William Molesworth and Colonel
Thompson were learning to understand the minds of the
Jiritish people, and were consequently abstaining from a
tourse of policy, which even if successfully carried in opposi-
nf s tccsi
ett
yh e
oaunlidfe manifest
layn a
throwlog
ot hteh
awthcool enprogress
f society, would only throw us back into that condition of
barbarism from which, in obedience to the great laws of moral
necessity, it is the object of all improving communities to
escape. This Marylebene business is also strongly demon-
strative of the unabated reverence and affection in which the
Church of England is held by all orders of the people. Mr.
Ewan, although supported by the Whigs, was obviously the
Dissenting candidate. In one point of view indeed, the late
struggle was clearly a trial of strength among the Papists and
Dissenters in opposition to the established faith. Accordingly,
Mr. Ewart was proposed at the hustings by a Roman Catholic,
and he was seconded by Mr. Henry Weymouth, Chair-
a-nan of the Dissenting Board. It appears, however, that
'the combined force of these discordant arties, so unna-
turally united pro hae vice, has not only') n defeated by the
faithful friends of the Establishment, but efeated, moreover,
'l." spite of the notorious fact, that many professing Church-
men threw the whole weight of their influence into the Dis-
osenting scale. Is short, the existing movement in hostility to
Stile Establishment has commenced somewhat too soon to an-
tswer the designs of its abettors, but just time enough to
energies of that noble hierarchy ; to
:hake herself from the dust of ages,
rally the filial affection of her children.
iday's contest an uninstructive one to
Iself. It is true, that beyond the usual
his Lordship's sentiments, no sort of
ed or given. But that the distinct
his constituents have returned him,

and that their wishes on any point not involving an
crganic change in the Constitution will always command the
noble Lord's best attention and support, we cannot permit
ourselves to doubt. Now, on the subject of the New Poor-
law, it is certain that Lord Teignmouth received the suffrages
of immense numbers of electors on the strength of the printed
declarations which his Lordship issued upon that question.
To the Whig Poor-law it is well known that a large majority
of the voters are strenuously opposed on general grounds, but
especially to its introduction into the borough of Marylebone ;
and so well was this understood by Lord Teignmouth, that
these feelings were skilfully played up to in several of the
handbills which he addressed to the constituency. Without
meaning to give offence, we must take leave to say, that his
Lordship's declaration upon this vital point fell ♦ery short in-
deed of what in our judgment the case absolutely requires. Ne-
vertheless the fact that the Noble Lord has proclaimed himself an
enemy to " the harsher provisions of the New Poor-law,"
and also " the friend of out-door relief," is of considerable
importance. We take Lord Teignmouth at his word ; and as
none but a wretched Jesuit will deny that these " harsher pro-
visions" consist chiefly of the bastardy clauses, the separation
of man, wife, and children in workhouses, the denial of pe-
cuniary aid to labourers out of employment, and the miserable
scale of diet and medical treatment to whish paupers are sub-
jected, so we not only hold that, to this extent, his Lordship
has come under a solemn obligation to his constituents, but
shall wait, with the deepest interest and anxiety, his early
and strenuous exertions, both to discharge that obligation ge-
nerally, and to resist to the utmost of his power the introduc-
tion of the new system into the principal parish of the Bo-
rough which he now has the honour to represent.—Times.

PRIVATE BUSINESS OF PARLIA-

MENT.

NOTTING-HILL FOOTWAY.

Mr. Brathwaite's evidence continued.—He certainly pre-
fers a path across fields to the turnpike road. If this foot-
path were supped up, the public must choose between the
turnpike road and a path by the Potteries, making at least a
mile difference in distance. The Hippodrome road is alto-
gether preferable. People who want recreation, teo,
would prefer the footpath over Notting-Hill. The in-
habitants of Chelsea, Hammersmith, Kensington, &c., in
going to the Railway, would not be accommodated by such
footpath ; but on the contrary, it would be about two miles
out of their way. The footpath by Wood's-lane is generally
inconvenient from its swampy nature. The footpath over
Notting-Hill is at least twenty feet higher, yet witness
was nearly up to his knees, figuratively speaking,—(Loud
laughter)—whilst crossing the footpath four years ago.
The footpath by Portobello-lane is better, as witness in cross-
ing it a short time ago did not get mud quite over his shoes.
Hut the witness admitted afterwards that the path over the hill
of the Hippodrome was comparatively passable.
SUB-COMMITTEE ON PETITIONS, No, 2.

Mr. BARING in the Chair.
Blackburn Gas.—Petition for Bill read. Notices proved.
Unopposed. Standing Orders complied with.
Ramsgate Improvement ( No. 2. )—Petition for Bill read.
Notices proved. Unopposed. Standing Orders complied with.
Fleetwood Tontine.—Petition for Bill read. Notices proved.
Unopposed. Standing Orders complied with.
Balmore Road.—Petition for Bill read. Notices proved.
Unopposed ; hut it not appearing to the Committee that the
declaration lodged by the Commissioners of the road, in
lieu of a subscription contract, according to the Standing Order,
No. 8, page 18, was sufficiently explicit, some discussion
arose ; but subsequently the Committee decided that the
Standing Orders had been complied with.
Rochester Bridge.—Petition for Bill read, Notices proved,
unopposed. Standing Orders complied with.
Anderton Carrying Company—Petition for Bill read. Ti.e '
Committee decided that the Standing Orders dtd not apply to
this Bill.
Islington ( Angel-place) Buildings--Petitioa for Bill read—
Vie Committee decided that, in this cave also, the Stand-
ill' Orders did not apply.
'ltloy Navigation.—Petition for Bill read. Notices proved;
but it not appearing to the Committee that the proper sub-
scription interest, or a declaration in lieu thereof, had been
made, as to funds, according to the Standing Order No. 8,
page 18, they decided that tile Standing Orders had not been
complied with.
Nottingham Fields Inclosure.—Petition for Bill read. No-
tices proved. Unopposed. Standing Orders complied with.
Edinburgh Courts of Justicee—This was a petition
for leave to extend the time for giving notices, in a Bill to
stop a right of way through a public street, called the Royal
Lane or Bank Close, in the City of Edinburgh, in order to
fecilitate certain contemplated improvements iii and about the
buildings of Parliament-square, and the Courts of Justice.
Considerable discussion arose in the Committee as to
whether this was a public or private Bill. The Speaker
had sent the petition before the Committee, appearing to
have considered the Bill as a private Bill, quoad hoc the notices.
A petition was then read from Patrick Niell and William
Fraser, proprietors of houses, and in trade, in the street sought
to be stopped up, against the Bill, as injurious to their pro-
perty and interests.
After a lengthened discussion as to whether the Bill were
to be considered a private or a public one, the Committee
decided that as the Bill was originally considered a public
B'll, but as the Speaker considered it ((peed hoc the
Inotices) a private Bill, the Standing Ordershad not been com-
plied with.

ELECTION COMMITTEES.

NEWCASTLE-UNDER-LYME ELECTION.

ThaCOrnniitteo met yesterday at two o'clock, Lord EnalN
TON in the Chair.

VThe
Petition of Richard Badnall, of Cotton Hall, Stafford-
shire, the unsuccessful candidate at the last election, was read.
It alleged threats and intimidation on the part of the sitting
Member, William Henry Miller, and prayed that his election
might be declared void.
Counsel for the petitioner, Messrs. Austin, Colburne, and
Palmer; and for the sitting Member, Messrs. Thessiger,
Wordsworth, and Talbot.
Mr. COLEURNE, in the absence of Mr. Austin, stated the
case. The questions the Committee would have to decide
were bribery and treating merely, and he apprehended that
they would have a clear ease to establish before the Com-
mittee. The election took place on the 233 of July last, and
there were three candidates, for whom the numbers were as
follow at the close of the poll :—For Mr. De Horsey, 667 ;
for Mr. Miller, 633 ; and for Mr. Badnall, the petitioner, 292.
The object of the petitioner was to unseat Mr. Miller, leaving the
election of Mr. De Horsey untouched. He would be able, be
trusted, to prove that not only were acts of bribery com-
mitted by the agents of Mr. Miller, but by Mr. Miller him-
self. If those facts were proved, there could be no doubt
that the sitting member must be unseated. The Committee
might be perhaps called upon to report specially upon the
corrupt state of the representation of Newcastle, for although
it might not all be proved in connexion with the sitting member,
he would be able to show that bribery to a vast amount was
carried on during the last election. It was rather a singular
fact, that Mr. Badnall polled a majority of 10/. house-
holders at the last election ; but the freemen (among
whom bribery so extensively prevailed) were brought to
bear against him, and outvoted him. There was an alle-
gation in the petition, that a number of fraudulent votes
had been given to the sitting Member at the last election,
and the petitioner claimed to be seated in his place. The
majority for the sitting Member was however so large, al-
though obtained in the way he had stated, that the petitioner
would not undertake the great expense of striking off these
fictitious votes, and he had therefore decided not to go into
the scrutiny of votes. That part of the petition would there-
fore be abandoned, and they would confine themselves to the
charges of bribery and treating.
Zr. WARD, the returning officer, was then called in and
examined. He knew Mr. Mason, an extensive tradesman of
Newcastle. He took an active part at the election on behalf
of the sitting Member, Mr. Miller. There were three or four
booths, for which he believed deputies were appointed.
The poll-books were delivered to the Town Clerk.
The books were brought to the poll clerks from the
different booths to the Town Hall. After the numbers
had been declared, the books were given to the town-clerk,
and I have not seen them since. Mr. Miller was in the
habit of taking an active part at former elections. Mr. Mil-
ler called upon mojat the last election. He was accompanied
by some person, but I don't recollect who it was.
By Mr. PHILLIPS.—I saw no act of Mr. Mason that lcd me
to think he was an agent of Mr. Miller.
By the CIIAIRMAN.—Mr. Mason was certainly an active
friend of Mr. Miller,

Thomas Fenton—l am town clerk of the borough of New-
castle. I received from the Returning Officer the poll-books
after the election. They are in the same state, and have been
in my custody ever since. One copy of the poll-books has
been taken to be printed. _ _

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