The Sun.
London, England, 1831-04-19 00:00:00

writer of the paragraph t.sbe.',. 'vituperated him for being an
absentee, as if it htd been a strange and novel thing for any
of their 10 Chips to choose to reside on one part of his
rnperty rather than another. He was sorry to say that
It appeared from the accounts ist the otith of Ireland, that
things there were geirtg m crorn bad to ivoiSe, for the dis-
turbances, which had liven fir some time confined to
Clsres had ektended to the Neighbouring counties. It was
vertainly tio't peasant to reside in a country in such a
stilS. of disdrder ; but the writer had said, " that there
'it Ware some Members of this House who surprised nobody
by declaring their indifference to pop's a` 6,':raln—espe-
cially when they were at such a 'disc nee from Ireland as
to insure the safety *of their 'persons." He, however, had
served citringtifte fetteilion of 1795-9, and, as an Irish-.
man, he repelled with scorn the imputation here throwt,
out !...gb.intt him. He would abstain at present front ob.
setTatione on any arty subject, and content himself with
moving that the person who wrote this paragraph be
called to the bar.
The LORD PLIANCELLOR—*—the .rinttr and pub-
lisher were the reerionsiMe y.,e'rstitis. The proper mode of
precreding WaS to r:ut itt the paper and have it read, and
then the Noble Earl, if he thought that he was designated,
tarter move that the printer he brought to the bar.
The Earl of LIMERICK—Although he was not named,
vet it was evident that he was the person meant, as he
was the only person who spokr. on Friday in support of
that side of the question to which the writet alluded.
The paragraph r:as theh read, and was as folloWs:
" Vet Mean, true!, and atrocious as every civilited mind must
eeti-sider the doctrine, that Ireland has no need of poor laws, or
*i,%?ne equivalent for them—haterill and abominable as is such a
screen for inhumanity:-41`t‘re are men, or things with human
pretensions, nay, wikli lofty privileges, who do not blush to treat
the mere proposal of establishing a fund for the relief of the
diseasect 'ir helpless Irish with brutal ridicule and almost impious
seen, Will any man credit that an Irish absent Lord could say
What he is reported to have uttered in the House of Myers last
night, when Lord Itosebery presented a petition, praying that a
compulsory tax on land might be ihtriithiced into Ireland, to-
wards alleviating tier pout P We shall not name him—because
the House of bortis is armed with a thing called a t Bar,' and
other tltsagrefehbl'e appendages. But there are Members of that
House Who surprise nobody by declaring their indifference to
% popular odium,' especially when they are at such a distance
trim Ireland as to insure the safety of their persons."
The Earl of LIMERICK then moved that the printer
of the Times newspaper be brought to the bar of the
House to-morrow,
The Earl cf HADDINGTON suggested whether the
question should not be first put, whether there was a
breach of privilege?
The LORD CHANCELLOR—There could be no
doubt but that it was a breach of privilege to publish
whet paased in that House, or to comment at all on any
thing which any Noble Lord said in it, either in public
journals, or in private letters, such as that which had
been sent a short time ago to soother Noble Lord
(Farnham). But at the same time he would add some
observetions which were not inapplicable, and which
he earnestly recommended to the attention of the House
with reference to all these controversies. From his
own experience in the other House; and likewise
from the experience of others of higher authority, he
could say that it was, that the Members who interfered in
this manner with these controversies did not soon repent
of the course which they had taken, without gaining any
great satisfaction for themselves, or any great security-
against such observations for the future. In cases where
plain outrages were committed in the House itself, then
unquestionably it would be necessary to interfere. But
when the conduct of an individual Noble Lord was im-
properly commented on, it was proper to look at the diffi-
culties which even the very extent of their privileges threw
iiithe way. Those privileges were part of the law of the
land, for they were given them, not on their own account,
but on account of the public, and they were extensive. The
bare publishing of anything that passed in that House was a
breach of privilege, much more to comment on what a Peer
had said in the House. To say that a Peer had said so and so
in the House was a breach of privilege—much more to state
objections to what a Peer had said. The very extent of
the privilege was embarrassing to an individual who made
complaint tie the House of a breach of privilege: The
printer, and not the author, was the person legally respon-
sible, and when he should be brought to the bar they
would, as usual in such cases, have the most complete
apology, and the innocence of the party would be pleaded ;
and yet, if punishment there should be, he would be the
person to be punished, however innocent. In 99 cases
nut of every 100 in the other House, it happened that the
very person making the complaint was, after an hour's
discussion, the very first who wished to get well-rid of
the affair. He did not mean to say that this was a reason
for their never interfering at all in these cases, but it was
a very good reason why they should be prudentially slow
to interfere ; and it ought always to be well considered
in these cases, whether, upon the whole, it might not be
baser to pass the matter by. The expressions in this pa-
. .

ragraph were very coarse certainly, but he had seen and

read, or heard of attacks upon himself and his Noble
Friend at the head of the Administration ten times more
coarse than this, and yet they had thought it more prudent

.-. . .
to
pa! ogiet ere really so bad, that this paragraph rose al-
most to a species of courtesy to the Noble Earl in the com-
parison.--(A laugh.) He had seen and read during the
pendency of the Catholic question, about three years ago,
attacks upon the Noble Duke who was then at the head of

the Administration, and on an Hon. Baronet (Sir R.
Pad) in the other House, ten times worse than the pas-
sage i❑ question, and quite as had as the attacks on him-
self. So that if he had suffered, his socii doloris were at
least creditable enough to keep him in countenance. Yet
these attacks had been suffered to pass by. And as for
himself, he had adopted one line of conduit when assailed
by these attacks, and that was to live on, acting steadily
on his own principles, trusting that the effect of this pro-
ceeding would be, that whatever might be the inconveni-
ence to him at the moment, truth would, in the end, pre-
vail. One word more : there was something very vague
in the passage as to who or what were meant. No parti-
cular Peer was named, and it spoke only of what some
Peer was reported to have said : and it would seem that
they must read all the reports, in order to he sure that
they might not he mistaken. That, however, was not the
ground on which he rested his recommendation, but he
founded it ors the reasons which he had already mentioned
He hoped the Noble Earl would see fit to re-consider the
matter, and listen to the suggestion which he had thrown
out. Notwithstanding occasional abuses of the liberty of
the Nevi, yet he must say that it was, on the whole, at
present conducted with much more ability and purity and
freedom from scandalous attacks on private property, than
at the time when he first entered into public life. The
Press did not deal now half so much in slanderous
libels on private character, as it had formerly done, and
he thought that some indulgence might be fairly shown to
this great organ of communication, of liberty, and of ci-
viliz ition.

The Earl of ELDON said that this was not merely a
comment on what a Peer was reported to have said, but
a scurrilous and abusive comment. That it was a libel
was beyond all doubt, and the question was, whether,
when brought regularly under their notice, they were to
pass it over, thereby intimating that they were so feeble,
that although'a breach of privilege of an aggravated de-
scription had been committed, they were afraid to visit it
in the manner which it deserved? If the Noble and
Learned Lord on the Woolsack would divide the House,
he (Lord Eldon) would certainly vote for the motion.
The Earl of HADDINGTON—It was certainly a mat-
ter of discretion with the Noble Earl (Limerick) whether
to bring this attack on him under the notice of the House,
and he thought that the Noble Earl did right in doing so,
for he was of opinion that his duty to himse:f and a regard
to the honour of the House required it. Generally speak-
ing, what had been mid by his Noble and Learned Friend
on the Woolsack was worthy of consideration. His Noble
and Learned Friend had, no doubt, been the subject of
attacks of this kind, and had forborne to bring them for-
ward; and probably he had acted wisely. But if he bad
chosen to bring them forward they must have been at-
tended to. There was a great difference, however, be-
tween his Noble and Learned Friend, in reference to such
attacks, and a private gentleman in either House. His
Noble and Learned Friend occupied a very prominent si-
tuation in the public eye, and therefore he alight well ex-
pect that his own conduct would make the truth known
in the end ; and that these attacks would pass harm-
less by. But this was not the case with such
Members of Parliament as spoke their sentiments
in a great measure as private gentlemen, and did not
play the prominent parts which were performed by men
like his Noble and Learned Friend. Their general con-
duct was less under the public eye. They might be most
seriously injured by such invidious and scurrilous attacks.
In this paragraph, a Peer in this House had been held up
to scorn in the most scurrilous language; and it was clear
that this was a gross breach of privilege, and an infringe-
ment on the liberties of Parliament. and the matter now
could not be passed over. His Noble and Learned Friend
had said that the Press of this day was not so much given
It were
toi
this
private character as it had formerly been. But
made
fitting Otnlshould
tt nsk was a time of great excitement, and most violent
charactersat-
the
be
andomf
amieenapopneareitthhaetr
asuideeh,
things were not to be d
an Illustrious and Qair Lady
impunity.. He had seen
whose station, character,y and
ddy assailed in this manner,
her against such scurrlous abuse,sex ought to
his opinion
could not he passed over, and if the In
o his opinion this
vided, he would certainly vote in supporut'oef should
be
' The LORD CHANCELLOR—He had not Innokitiontb.
at