The Sun.
London, England, 1822-10-24 00:00:00

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

PARIS, OCT. 20.—We have indicated the series
of the questions of public right which will pre-
sent themselves to the attention of the Congress
of Verona in case it would take cognisance of
the affairs of Spain. Each of these questions is
of so grave and so complicated a nature, that it
deserves a separate examination.
In what case can a foreign Power demand,
'with arms in hand, the change of the political
constitution in another state ?
History and diplomacy present us several ex-
amples of a legitimate intervention of thivnature.
—Austria, in 182.1, interfered in the affairs of
Naples, in virtue of a formal treaty, by which
Austria, on re-delivering to Ferdinand IV. his
continental states, reconquered in 1815, from
Murat, by the Austrian armies, had stipulated,
" That King Ferdinand should make no innova-
tion in the internal' organization of his states,
which could disturb the Italian States of Austria."
We do not examine whether such a stipulation
is compatible with the sovereignty of the King of
Naples, or the dignity of Crowns in general. It
is enough for our actual object that it exists, and
gives, formally, to Austria the right of interfer-
ence in the internal affairs of Naples. The last
century saw France, Sardinia, and the Canton of
Berne interfere in the disturbances of the Re-
public of Geneva, in virtue of conventions which
placed this republic under their guarantee.—
Every one recollects, also, that the right of inter-
ference has been the subject of very warm dis- ,
putes among cabinets,—it served as a pretext to
that deplorable partition of Poland, which beganl
the confusion of Europe, and which the present
Monarch of Russia has wished in some sort to
expiate, by restoring to a portion of the Poles
their national existence.
In 1787, another case offered itself, in which
all the diplomatic talents of France were em-
ployed to combat the pretensions of Prussia,
which arrogated the right of, interfering in the
quarrels of the Stadtholder with the States-Ge-
neral of Holland,—a pretension quite inadmis-
sible, as the Stadtholder was the mandatory of
the Republic—and the States-General possessed
• incontestibly the supreme power. The French
Ministry demonstrated these truths in its Decla-
ration and its Notes, but it did not support them
by arms. The great revolutions of Europe made
these differences forgotten, and the old law of
nations perished whole in the revolutionary abyss.
—On its re-establishment at the Congress of
Vienna, there was an opportunity for re-establish-
ing it completely on positive bases universally
recognised. That would have been especially
useful, necessary even with regard to the right of
interference in the internal affairs of a State.
We have said in what manner we should have
-wished to have prevented in 1814 the unhappy
alternative in which European policy is placed
with respect to Spain :
On one side the reasonable wish which every
-good Spaniard participates in to see effaced from
the Constitution of that kingdom several dangerous
principles, and to modify several vicious institu-
tions which perpetuate anarchy there :
On the other side. the_ imperious necessity of
not violating existiugAritOesond already made
solemn declarations, the just fear of authorising
a vague principle, which"might in other circum-
stances serve the ambition- of a conqueror, and
• even that of a revolutionary power ; the terrible
idea of compromising the days of more than one
_ august person ; lastly, the responsibility of a
• hazardous•enterprise, and even the possibility of
involving oneself in new differences, which might
produce schisms already difficult to be avoided,
and even irreparable calamities.
We will to day •only consider the question of
-• rights. _ _ _

-The Cortes are not an assembly of Revolu-
tionary origin. A Decree of King Ferdinand of
sth May, 1808, -addressed to every public au-
thority which ought to be in a state of freedom,
ordered the convocation of the Cortes of the
kingdom to oppose the acts of Bayonne. The
extraordinary circumstances in which Spain was
placed permitted the execution of the Decree
only in a very irregular manner ; nevertheless it
_is certain that all the friends of legitimacy in
• Europe applauded when the Cortes declared null
and of no effect the abdications and cessions
extorted from the Royal Family at Bayonne.
The Cortes were recognised by the Courts of
London, Palermo, and Rio Janeiro, as a ligiti-
mate authority. The Emperor of Russia, when
• he broke with Buonaparte, in 1812, concluded
%with the Cortes a Treaty, of which the third
Article runs thus :—(4 His Imperial Majesty
acknowledges as legitimate the Assembly of the
, General and Extraordinary Cortes, actually met
at Cadiz, as well as the Constitution of the
Spanish Monarchy, which that assembly has de-
creed and promulgated."*
That this _assembly, although ligitirnate, has
• manufactured- a bad Constitution, favourable to
Revolutions, is what we perfectly agree to ; we
dare even affirm, that the enlightened Members
of the Cortes are far from maintaining that this
Constitution is -a good one. But how can we
establish the principle that the internal vices of
-I. Constitution give Foreign Powers the .right
to overturn, by force of arms, a Government and
an order of things which they have recognised ? ,
It was in 1812, at the moment of recognisingl
. the Cortes, at the moment of treating with them,
that one should have said—" We reserve our-
selves the right of requiring some modifications
in your Constitution."
But this is not the only difficulty. In 1820,
all the Courts of Europe, with the exception, I
believe, of Ahstria, answered officially the letter
by which the King of Spain announced that he
-had thought fit to put in activity the Constitution
of the Cortes. Not one of these answers con-
tains a disapprobation of this Constitution. The
Court of Russia alone, it a Note addressed to
M. Zea Bermudez, gave to understand that she
blamed the military insurrection of 1820 ; but, in
'the same sentence, insinuated that she disap-

* The Duke of Wellington commanded the Royalist armies
•of Spain under this title--. 44 Marquess of Duero, Duke of Ciu-
dad Rodrigo, Generalissimo of the Royal Armies of Spain."
...Ile had no appointment but hOlll the Cortes.

proved the system pursued from 1814 to 1820.
Nothing in these official documents announces
the idea of an interference.

It is this double act of recognition of the Con-
stitutional system of Spain which makes all ar-
gumentation very difficult, by which it may be
attempted to establish a right of interference
grounded on the bad,principles of the Constitu-
tion—principles perfectly known in 1812, and
still more in 1820.

In general, an interference under such a prin-
ciple is of a dangerous example. The sovereignty
of each State would be annihilated, if the other
powers had the right of examining the laws made
in it. A victorious revolutionary power would
return this same principle upon neighbouring
Monarchies, which it would invade on the pre-
text that such or such article of their Constitu-
tions was not conformable to the rights qf man.
Have we not seen a Buonaparte, when he over-
turned old dynasties, mix up among his pre-
tended grounds of offence that of their bad le-
gislation ? Let us fear, in wishing to do good,
lest we forge arms for those who would do evil.
Let each nation revise ;Ind modify its laws ac-
cording to its degree of civilization, its interests,
and its wants. Europe can neither be constituted
nor governed in common.
All the rights of Europe with regard to the
Constitution of Spain reduce themselves to this—
first, to defend itself against her if she attempted
to impose her political code on others, or if she
assisted those who might wish to do so; second,
to give her the friendly advice to direct well the
revision of her Constitution, which, according to
various laws respecting it,may take plaue in 1824.
There is a much more incontestible motive to
interfere i❑ the internal affairs of Spain—a mo-
tive which depends not on a subtle theory, but
on a fact easily demonstrated, if it exists with
all the circumstances which public reports seem
to put out of doubt. The legitimate and consti-
tutional King of Spain, is he in liberty, when he
does not dare to go to a country house without
asking permission of the permanent deputation ?
Is he in safety when his guards and the garrison
of the capital tight with cannon under the win-
dows of his palace.? Can he freely exercise the
functions of Royalty when ferocious cries resound-
ing in his ears demand the blood of his almoners
without form of trial, as in the case of Vinuesa ?
Or when a phrenetic populace accelerates the
punishment of Gen. Elio to prevent the effect of
an application for pardon, is not his dignity cru-
elly outraged by the insults lavished on a dying
Queen, who is refused the liberty to breathe the
country air? These are notorious circumstances;
I cite them as such without inquiring what is the
cause—who are the authors of them ? It suf-
fices to prove authentically these facts by a de-
claration of the Foreign Ministers at Madrid,
especially the Family Ambassadors (France and
Naples), as having by right a freer access to the
Palace ; then the right and duty of Europe to
come to the aid of an oppressed Monarch will be
perfectly established and profoundly felt.

In vain shall it be said that the Cortes have
no part in the outrages on the Royal Family ;
if that is not the true question, this is :—Have
they the power of stopping these outrages ? Can
they guarantee the personal safety of the King ?
Themselves the playthings of the multitude, how
can they if they would ?
It is necessary that no legitimate and consti-
tuted authority should be kept in prison, or a
state equivalent to captivity. This is the true
principle which European policy should oppose
to these revolutions by armed force as fatal to
liberty as to authority. This is the only prin-
ciple which those, who like us take a true inte-
rest in the frightful situation of the King of
Spain must invoke. " But your King in the
most perfect state of liberty," will they say to
the Government of Madrid," If you will not or
cannot comply with this just demand to the satis-
faction of the Ambassadors representing the
other Powers, these Powers cannot recognise in
you a Government, nor in your country a Sove-
reign State."
After having laid down this first basis of in-
terference, the statesmen would have to examine
by what means they could succour the King of
Spain, what would be the dangers to avoid and
the obstacles to overcome, if there is any chance
of succeeding by a pacific negociation ; if any
thing can be hoped from time, or if it be neces-
sary to act ; if the different Governments ought
to unite their arms or confide the whole to a
single power? Finally, in case of success, what,,
guarantees ought to be exacted ? And as a
good constitution is evidently one of these gua-
rantees, ought the one to be proposed to be beH
fore hand agreed on, or ought it to be left to li-
beral Spain to propose one? Finally, oughtethis
country to be left at war with its Colonies ?
These are the questions which occupy at this
moment the statesmen of Europe. We will re-
turn to them without troubling ourselves with
the puerile declamations of men unacquainted
with these matters; and who are displeased that
we support, by reasoning, a cause which they
compromise by the amplifications of the College.
—( Journal des Debuts.)
OCT. 21.—L'Abeille de la Moselle has pub-
lished a Deliberation of the Chamber of Com-
merce at Metz, on the project of establishing an
European fair, of which M. Chedeax is the author.
The Chamber is deeply penetrated with the
benefits which would accrue to our country from
the establishment of an European fair at Metz ;
it admits in all their force the reasons assigned
by M. Chedeaux ; it pays homage to the civic
intentions of the author of the project, and votes
him its thanks.

It has in consequence determined that it will
solicit by all the means in its power the sanction
of the Government, and that for this purpose it
will address an account of the present delibera-
tion to the Minister of the Interior, to the Pre-
fect of the Moselle, to the Council Governor of
Commerce, and to the Municipal Council of the
city of Metz.
They write from Bayonne of October 15,
" An extraordinary courier who passed through
here yesterday evening, from Madrid, announces
the arrest of three Ministers, Pambley, Marti-
nez de la Rosa, and ."
Letters received to-day from St. Jean Pied-

de-Port, and from the frontiers of the Aldades,
announce that on the 13th a great number of
officers and soldiers of the Army of the Faith fir-.
rived from Iraty, who stated that the Constitu-
tionalists bad pursued Cabra's troops to the fron-
tiers of France. The Liberals had immediately
spread a report that the Army of the Faith had
been beaten, and that even the garrison ap-
pointed to guard the fort had abandoned it on
the morning of the 14th; it is added, that one
of the Commanders of the Guerillas of the three
Provinces, named Barrutia, had separated with
400 men to return to Guipuscoa. We have no
reason to give the least credit to these reports ;
it appears only probable that the Constitution-
alists were on the 12th in the fort of Iraty, in
force, and that Barrutia, at the head of his band,
is going to some other point to carry on offensive
operations.—( La Quotidienne.)
We are assured, that official intelligence of
the defeat of the Army of the Faith has reached
Government.—(Courier Frangais.)
.A letter from Barcelona, of the Gth, has been
communicated to us, in which we read the fol-
lowing details:—

" All the insurgent bands of the neighbouring Proviaces
have fallen back on Catalonia ; the public mind is excellent.
The few Inhabitants who allowed themselves to be deceived by
the fanatics have discovered the impostures that were employed
to deceive them. This result is owing to the conciliating spirit
of Mina, who has done more even by his mildness than by force
of arms."

The insurrectional regency has retired to Puy-
cerda, and has sent the sick and wounded to
Livia, a village situated on the frontiers. It fore-
sees, no doubt, that if the snow should stop up
the defiles of Andorra, while Cerdania is occu-
pied by the Constitutional troops, the seo d'Urgel
will be invested, and not in a condition to defend
itself.

M. Legacieux, responsible Editor of the Cou-
rier Francais, went of his own accord on Wed-
nesday, and gave himself up as a prisoner, till it
pleases the Court:of Cassation to decide on the
appeal formed by the four opposition journals,
against the decision by which they are interdicted
from reporting judicial proceedings. It seems
that little regard is had for his voluntary submis-
sion to the decrees of justice, and that he is treat-
ed with more rigour than at his former detention
in the same house of Saint Pelagic. Till now,
the prisoners for political offences, and those for
offences of the press, had been collected in one
corridor, separate, and without communication
with other prisoners for crimes or offences
which are not connected with opinions.—Mo-
rality and humanity equally applauded this
arrangement,—for which we were indebted
to the zeal of the Commissioners appointed
to memorate the interior regulations of prisons.—
But for some time past all these philanthropic
dispositions have been changed, and now it seems
as if there was an affectation to unite at Saint
Pelagie persons Avho are not destined to live with
one another. Thus M. Legacieux is placed in
a dirty, dark, and damp chamber, in which he is
forbidden to light a lire, and which he is obliged
to share with a man detained for having used a
false name, in order to commit a large robbery of
some diamonds. Thus also the Corridor, in
which he is confined, is peopled with 16 persons,
of whom several are condemned for theft or
fraud. This is not all. His journals are de-
tained, and his letters reach him unsealed.—
Finally, his wife and his son have not been able
to obtain permission to see him since the five
days that he has been in prison. We do not
believe that authority commands its subaltern
agents to expose the persons detained for political
offences to such painful humiliations and priva-
tions; but we shall be justly astonished if know-
ing of them it tolerates any longer that they are
inflicted.—(Courier Francais.)
The Ruche D' Aquitaine of the 16th October
says, " It was not General Mina, but General
Espinosa, who was sent chained by order of
Colonel Alexander O'Donnel, commandant of
the Regiment 7'he _imperial Alexander, to Pam-
peluna, at the request of the Constitutional Offi-
cers."—(Journal de Paris, Oct.
SEMLIN, OCT. 3.—A courier arrived at. Bel-
grade has brought a Firman from the Sultan,
which orders all objects of gold and silver to be
delivered up. 'To•morrow this Finnan will be
published, but the Turks and the Christians
already manifest the greatest astonishment.

The news from Salonica comes down to the
15th Sept., and from Seres to the 18th. In the
former the Turkish fugitives coming from Larissa
have taken possession of the handsomest houses
belonging to the Greeks.
Letters from Bitoglia, of Sept. 20, announce,
that Chourschid Pacha, who is sometimes at La-
rissa and sometimes at Ternovo, has sent a corps
of 4,000 men towards Salona, but they were en-
tirely defeated. Chourschid has since then sent
a great deal of baggage to Bitoglia, and it is
generally thought he will establish his quarters
in that town, which is more probable on account
of the plague raging in Janina, and besides
Tassis and Diamantz are close to his rear at Ser-
vizia, only four leagues from Larissa, with 7,000
men. These two .Chiefs have been for three
weeks in possession of Plataccione, and have
probably prevented Chourschid from personally
entering the Morea. All this information is in
circulation at Belgrade, and is regarded as true.
A Turk of high rank said lately to a Christian,
with much naivete, " that the Turks now expect
succours from the Congress against the Greeks."
NUREMBERG, OcT. 14.—A letter from Verona
of September 30th, announces that the Russian
Minister is arrived in that city, and that be has
visited the palace of Canossa, but not found it
worthy of his Sovereign. All the palace Du
Cours is destined for the suite of this Monarch.
The greater part of the house Sagramosa is de-
stined for the Court of the Viceroy of Italy, and
for the Chancellors. The Prussian Minister is
arrived, and regards the house Fracostoro, as too
small for him. The Hereditary Prince of Austria
will also come to Verona, and will occupy the
palace Aligeri, which he has hired for five thou-
sand francs. Prince Leopold of Naples, with
his wife, are also to be there as well as the Duke
of Calabria. The number of Ambassadors is in-
credible. Cardinal Spina and two Nuncios of
the Pope live at the Episcopal Palace. The
King of Prussia has two" Princes with him. The
Emperor of Austria has sent gold in bars to

Venice, to be coined into double sequins. The
banker Papadoli has received from him a bill of
exchange for four million francs. The horses of
the King of Naples are arrived. They are very
handsome.—(Nuremberg Gazette.)

FROM THE BANKS OF TILE LECH, OCTOBER 12.
—According to several commercial letters arriv-
ed within these few days,
.Chourschid Pacha has
received from Constantinople the most formal
orders to do all in his power to penetrate again
into the Morea ; and for this purpose he has col-
lected as many troops as possible : but, in spite
of his activity he is unable to execute the plan
which has been drawn up for him ; that he com-
plains very much of the slowness with which the
reinforcements he had been promised arrive; and
that the orders he transmitted to Bulgaria, in
consequence of the full powers entrusted to him,
have not been executed.

A commercial letter from Salonica, of Sept.
14, brought to Trieste by an Austrian vessel, in-
forms us that the Greeks, profiting by their
maritime superiority, have effected several de-
barkations on different points of the coast of
Macedonia, less with an intention of establishing
themselves than of annoying the Turks, and of
obliging them to scatter their forces. These
demonstrations have already produced the effect
the Greeks intended, at least in part ; for the
Pacha of Salonica has sent towards the Peninsula
of Cassandra the troops which he was to send to
Thessaly.
The same letter from Salonica, which does not,
from motives easy to be conceived, enter into
great details, informs us, however, that the troops
expected from the banks of the Danube, in
Macedonia, were not yet arrived.
The trade of Salonica is nearly, nothing at
present. •

News from Venice, of October 6th, informs
us that a numerous corps of Greeks collect-
ed in the environs of Vrachory, has pene-
trated into Thessaly, and menaces Chourschid
Pacha to operate in his rear, if he again advances
towards Livadia.

The report of a naval contest, which termi-
nated very favourably for the Greeks, continues
in circulation.