The Sun.
London, England, 1849-04-03 00:00:00

brienina Aittlt

LONDON, TUESDAY, APRIL 3, 1849.

The debate on the second reading of the Rate in
Aid Bill was last night resumed and again .adjourned,
on the understanding, however, that the see eral mo•
tions standing for this evening should be po% tponed,
in order that a division might be taken on thi' prin-
ciple of the measure before the Easter holidays. We
should, perhaps, rather have stated the debate to have
been on the statesmanlike and comprehensive sugges-
tions of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tatn-
worth, for the question nominally before the House waki
but partially alluded to, while every speaker directed
his chief arguments to the new elements introduced,
into the discussion by the ex-Premier. The rate
in aid itself is at best but a temporary measure,
not put forward as one of those great remedial enact-
ments, the necessity whereof is admitted on every side.
It is acknowledged that in several unions the local
resources are completely exhausted, that the unfortu-
nate inhabitants must perish miserably unless extra-
neous aid is afforded. From whence then is
that aid to be received? From what source
is the requisite relief to be afforded? It
can only be from the Imperial Exchequer, or from
a rate levied upon the more solvent parts of Ireland ;
and for many reasons the latter appears at the same
time more equitable and more expedient. The people
of England feel that they have a right to demand a
separate and independent exertion on the part of Ire-
land. They have already bestowed what they were
but ill able to afford. They have contributed freely
and liberally to the wants of their Irish
brethren, and they do not regret their benevolence,
although they have themselves experienced many
bitter sufferings from the enormous expenditure.
It is time that the Irish should do something
for themselves, and when they exhibit a desire
to elo so we will gladly, assist their meritorious efforts.
It is, however, asserted by the opponents of the
present Bill that the poverty of Connaught has no
claim upon the wealth of Ulster; that western
indolence is not to be a burden on northern industry ;
that if the limits already assigned for the purpose
are to be exceeded, if the areas of taxation
are to be at all extended, that the deficiency, what-
soever it may be, must be provided from a general
fund—that the calamity must be regarded as im-
perial, and that the burden should consequently fall
upon the national Exchequer.

There would undoubtedly be some weight in this
argument if Ireland were subjected to the same bur-
dens in every respect that press with such peculiar
weight upon this country. She is, however, ex-
empted from the income-tax, although the possession
of 1501. a year on the other side of St. George's Channel
will ensure the enjoyment of greater comforts than can
be obtained here for the same amount. The assessed
taxes are unknown ; the land-tax has no existence ;
the duty on Irish whisky is scarcely one-third of
that which is levied on British gin. In fact, the
people are peculiarly favoured in fiscal matters ; and
it is rather too bad, when enjoying so many valuable
privileges and exemptions, that they should consider
themselves aggrieved by being called upon to raise a
sixpenny rate for the relief of their distressed brethren.
They cannot, however, blow hot and cold. If they
are spared the income-tax as Irishmen, they cannot
repudiate the responsibility of providing for Irish
distress, in whatever province or division of Ireland
it may be discovered. They must either accept the
liberal offer now made, or assent to a perfect assimi-
lation of the fiscal burdens in both countries. Their
only alternative is, the rate in aid for a limited
period, or the income-tax permanently. They have
not as yet experieneed the blessings of the latter, or
they would not have much difficulty in forming their
choice.

The propositions of Sir ROBERT PEEL are, how-
ever, of a very different character. They are pointed
not towards the temporary wants of the people, but
to the permanent and lasting amelioration of their
condition—the elevation of their country in the
scale of nations. They are mainly directed against
the monster-grievance of the country—the fountain
and origin from which all her sufferings have pro-
ceeded. The Right Honourable Gentleman per-
ceives that there can be no hope for the
country so long as it remains in the hands of
an embarrassed and insolvent proprietary, unable to
improve their estates, to give employment to the
people, or, in fact, to discharge any of the duties in-
cidental to property. Advances of money to landlords
may be productive of some slight advantage ; em-
ployment may be given and improvements effected
that otherwise would not be attempted, but the bene-
ficial results will be limited to the amount
of the Government aid, and when that
is expended matters will speedily fall into
their former course, the old system will again
prevail, and new demands will be made, which must
be responded to by new loans, perhaps by new
grants. The middle-man system has been justly
regarded as one of the chief curses of Ireland. There
is little practical difference between an embarrassed
proprietor and a middle-man ; both endeavour to
increase their present income by every possible
means, to extort the highest possible amount from
the occupiers without in any degree looking to the
permanent improvement of the lands, or the welfare
of its inhabitants.

The eloquent and witty Member for Buckingham-
shire, in the course of his very able speech last night,
considered that it would be unjust to give Parlia-
mentary titles to estates in the distressed part of the
country. He truly stated that by simplifying the titles
and affording every facility for the easy transfer of
land, would improve its value by no less than eight
or nine years' purchase. And be asked, "Is the pro-
♦ident landlord—not the insolvent, but the skilful pro-
prietor, to be placed at a disadvantage in the market?"
This would be a great objection, but what necessity is
there for limiting the operation of the law to estates
in Connaught ? Why should not titles be simplified
throughout the entire of Ireland, aye, and in this
country also? The vast advantages resulting from
the establishment of "a free trade in land" have been
repeatedly pointed out. The evils of the restrictive
system—of the entails and settlements—by which
the free transfer of real property is impeded, are no
less injurious in England than in Ireland.
We have, however, been able to struggle against it in
this country, while in Ireland it has involved the