The Sun.
London, England, 1822-07-02 00:00:00

an abuse. They ought to have Committees of that House Upon
this subject. Commissioners were very good, but by no means
equal to Committees of that House for inquiry. They did not
possess the same power. With regard to the Colonies, whieh
were a source of expence, instead of revenue, he must say
that it would be far better that the department belonging to the,
Right Hon. Secretary for the Woods and Forests, should be
conducted by the Commissariat, by which it could be done at
so much less expence. He would next go to the dead weight,
which he must say was.unfairly managed. Instead of filling
up new official appointments from the retired List, new ones
were brought forward, whilst the old remained a dead Weight as
before. He would take the liberty of proiing what lie asserted,
by a reference to the Lottery department, by which would be
seen the'improper persons chosen to put into office as far as
age went. Looking at the list of persons of first appoint.
ments, here lie found an individual of 47 years of age put in to
a first appointment with a salary of 2251. a year. Here, he
was sure, it would strike the House as it had struck him, that
a younger person might have been Selected from the half pay,
which would have possessed a double advantage. Upon this
list, however, he found the second appointment was a person of
57 years of age ; the third 53 ; the fourth 45 ; the next 47,
and, the following ones, 21, 24, 69, 36, 46, 34 ; all of which,
he contended, might have gone to reduce by so much the dead
weight on the country. In the department of the Hawkers and
Pedlars, and Hackney Coaches, the same practice was visible.
The appointments there for salaries of 301. a year, first ap-
pointments, were 37 and 62 years of age, and then went on
from 26 to 70 years, affording as he thought a tolerable san-ple
of a desire rather to add to than diminish the dead weight.
Wiwn the concerns of the Bank of England came to be dis-
cussed,before that House, he undertook to shew that instead of
three per cent. they received six. It appeared that their mili-
tary establishments were of a much larger extent on account of
the state of Ireland ; and indeed in looking back it was found
that at all times latterly this had been the case, arising as
he contended frorn the maladministration of the affairs of
that country, and also from the absOlute weakness they suf-
fered from all the capital being taken out of the country,
which should there be employed for the support of the la-
bouring classes.—(Hear, hear !)—There was no way, he was
Convinced, to bring about an effectual reduction of taxation
but the appointment of Committees of that House thoroughly
to examine into the abuses in the mode of collecting the
revenue, and make a complete revision of our finance sys-
tem. From expressing these sentiments he did not wish it to
go abroad that he took a gloomy view of the situation of the.
country. The cultivators of the soil were in a state of consi-
derable distress, and nothing would be more grateful to them
than a reduction of taxation ; and regarding the present situa=
tion of all the great interests of the country, he thought this
was the best time to look into these matters. The talent, the
industry, the knowledge, and science of the nation, were in-
creasing, and wohld enable them to pay even greater than
their present burdens, but that formed no justification for in-
creasing them unfairly. He was convinced the country would
go on in increasing prosperity, not in consequence of its good
Government, but in spite of its bad one. -He would abstain
from further taking up their time, as many opportunities
would occur for addressing them ;again on these subjects. He
hail rather on the present occasion confine himself to what the
Noble Marquiis opposite, the real Finance Minister, had
thrown out when lie first opened the Budget to them in the
early part of the Session.--(Hear !)
Mr. ,ELLIOE said, that he could not collect from the state-
ment of the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer what the intention of Government was as to the ex-
penses of the present year, and what they were to be for the
future. By the estimates proposed by the Right Hon. Gentle-
man for the year 1823, it was manifest that every thing was to
be kept up exactly the same as they were for the present year—
at least that Government did not intend to make any reduction.
Another ingredient in the Right Hon. Gentleman's statement
was the Sinking Fund , He never comprehended the Right
Hon. Gentleman's statements in former, years and was certain..
ly far from comprehending his statement of that evening.__
The _Right Honourable Gentleman said, that he had a sur-
plus revenue of 5,000,0001. for 'the present, and would have
in the next and the ensuing years, a surplus of 10,000,0001.
more. The surplus of the present year was stated at
5,000,0001. but 1,800,0001. was borrowed from the East
India Company. Another item, charged on the Sinking
Fund, was the 2,400,0001. for the payment of the dead
weight falling on the country in the payment of the Naval and
Military Pensions. Both those items, added together, made
a whole of 4,200,0001. to be taken from the Sinking
Was not the Sinking Fund then entirely gone ? He did not
know whether he stated those items correctly, becau:.e he did
not understand the Right Hon. Gentleman. A. sum no less than
5,000,0001. was lost to the public by the frequent lending and
borrowing, and by the mismanagement of Government, gene-
rally, with respect to the Sinking Fund. The funds might
advance, because there was nothing seen, by the Right Hon.
Gentleman in the state of Europe, to give him reason to appre-
hend any disturbance of peace. But if any thing happened to
interrupt that peace, what would the consequence be ? The
whole accounts respectino• the Sinking Fund ought to be re-
vised and simplified. '"No doubt but the finances of the
country were in a flourishing state. If there was a sur-
plus revenue of 5,000,0001. beyond expenditure, taxation
ought to be reduced to that extent. He had heard of a pe-
tition presented to the House, praying for a reduction of the
interest on the National Debt. He was not surprised at such
petitions, although he could not agree in the prayer, because
if Parliament once broke faith with the public, there would
be no end to the violation of contracts. lie, however,
agreed that the income of the fundholder was increasing, while
every other interest was decreasing. In 1814 the public credi-
tors' property, the three percents. were sold for 531. per cent.,
and gold was 51, per ounce. At present the 3 per cents. were
81, and gold 31. 17s. 10id. per ounce. The fundholder's pro-
perty was doubled, while the farmer's had decreased in the
fame proportion, or rather Was annihilated by the misconduct of
Parliament. The House onght to look into that state of things,
with a view to reduce the National Debt by some fair contribu-
tion. When the fundholder's property doubled, while the
farmer's was entirely destroyed, he was not surprised to hear
the latter petition for reducing the income of the former, and
at the,same time lessening their own burthens. A relief ought
to be granted in the remission of taxation to the extent of the 1

surplus of the revenue beyond the expenditure.
Mr. RICARDO observed, that the Right Hon. Gentleman
opposite hid laid great stress upon the existence of the Sink-
ing Fund to the .amount of five millions this year, and had
promised them one of six Millions for the year 1824, if all went
on as he anticipated. But the only Sinking Fund there could
be must be a surplus of revenue ;• and looking at it in this.way,
he contended that there was but 1,400,0001. The total amount
of their revenue Was '53,807,0001.; the total amount of ex-
penditure was 51,839,0001., leaving a surplus of 1,968,0001.
—But the Right Honourable Gentleman said they were to
add the 700,0001. gained by the reduction of the Five per
Cents. Allowing that, there appeared but 2,600,0001. ; but, at
the same time, he must say that he was totally at a loss
to conceive upon what pretence he .took that in. That was
the amount of it according to his own statement ; but .let them
look at the amount of Revenue paid into the Exchequer,
which was 54,200,000/. ; out of that they paid 52,600,000/.
leaving., as he had originally stated, betwixt one and two mil-
lions of surplus only. The Right Hon. Gentleman made some
allusion to the Usury Laws, and he certainly had not expected
that he would add that this was not the time to alter those ab-

surd laws. In his opinion the precise time for such an alters_
Lyon was when the mArket rate of interest was lower.than the
legal rate. At whatever rate the Bank lent money, it could
not affect the market rate of interest long. He certainly was
glad that they now lent money at 4 per cent. ; but it was quite
obvious that the Bank could not for any material period affect
the rate of interest of money. , He did not know what to make
of the case stated by the Right Hon. Gentleman of a Solicitor

giving 5000/. more for an estate because the Bank discounted
at 4 percent.
Mr. J. MARTIN regretted that the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer had not called their attention to the deficiency of the
Consolidated Fund, which he thought was a subject of great
importance to the country.
Mr. HUME said,.that in 1815, the permanent annual public
debt was 25 millions, since which time it had become twenty-
nine millions. Instead of reducing this, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer told them that next year the annual permanent
charge should be 31 millions. The unfunded debt was also to

be increased 5 millions. There was no prospect of a reduction
at all. lie could not in any way see that there was any sur-
plus ; but, on the contrary, that there was an increase of 5
millions at least. He should be glad to see how this could be
reconciled with the Right Hon. Gentleman's congratulations
with respect to the state in which his operations had placed the

country:
Mr. , LUSHINGTON said, he thought his Right Hon.
Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer hod distinctly shewn
that we had a clear surplus revenue of between four and five
millions. If the Hon. Member for Eortarlington-would make
a fair deduction of the expenditure from the Revenue, he
would arrive at the exact, sum of 4,961,0001., which was all
that was stated as the amount of the Sinking Fund. With re-
spect to his Right Hon. Friend's statement of the settlement
of the East India Company's debt, he thought he was entitled
to take credit to himself for arranging -a debt, which had ex-
isted for so many years, and he might say that it,had been done
with fairness and even liberality. He repeated that, notwith-
standing the cheer of the Hon. Member for Winchelsea (Mr.
Brougham). That Hon. and Learned Gentleman had not seen
the papers, or he might think with him, that they were fully
entitled to 1,300,0001. The Hon. Member for Abingdon (Mr.
Moberly) had complained of the inefficiency of Commissioners
of Inquiry, and thought Committees of that House preferable.
He assured the, Hpn. Gentleman that he thought that one

' Commission of Inquiry was worth all the Committees that
had ever sat. By their aid the present Government had done
more in the last five years than all the other Governments that
had preceded it for the last century.—(Hear„ hear !)—Their
retrenchments and improvements were particularly apparent in
the Excise and Customs DepartMents. With regard to another
part of the Hon. Member for Abingdon's speech, he assured
him that since the passing of the Superannuation Act, his:Ma-
jesty's Government had had an eye to the necessity of appoint-
ing persons not too old for office.—(Hear !)
Mr. RICARDO and the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
mutually explained.
Mr. CALCRAFT thought the Right Hon. Gentleman for-
got, in taking credit to himself for 500,0001. to be paid by the
East India Company, that, by receiving that, we cancelled an
account of 1,800,0001., which we had against them. He had,
therefore, now 1,000,0001. less in assets than at the commence-
ment of the year. But since that Company was to pay 500,0001.
that must be deducted from the 1,800,0001., leaving 1,300,0001.,
which we had been entitled to receive, but which we should be
so no longer.
A mutual explanation betwixt the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer and Mr. Calcraft here took place across the table, which
was inaudible in the 'Gallery.
Mr. J. SMITH said, he had always been friendly to a sink-
ing Fund, and to the idea of keeping up the funds, because by
that mode they would find means to lower the rate of interest.
There were two ways of accomplishing this desirable object—
an honest and a dishonest ; and the former he hoped would al-
ways be preferred. The high price of the funds advanced
public credit both at home and abroad, and therefore conduced
to that end. He could not think that the agricultural distress
would continue long. There was a remedy for all these evils,
and he never knew an article of consumption to be cheap for a
long time without becoming suddenly excessively dear. It was
not, therefore, fair to urge against the sinking fund the distress
of this portion of the empire.
Mr. BROUGHAM said, it was with regret he observed the
novelty that attended the Right Hon. Gentleman's opening his
budget OR the present occasion. He alluded to the want of
what was a general concomitant of this operation, of some
Country Gentlemen or other independent Member not con-
nected with Government to congratulate the Right Honour-
able Gentleman and the House upon his successful exertions.
That they had not this night ; for the Right Hon. Gentleman's
great champion was the Honourable Secretary tcr the Treasury.
Here at all everts they had made a saving; for they had
turned their own trumpeters.--(A laugh.)—lf they were to
believe their impartial Secretary, there never were such eco-
nomical Ministers as those to whom he himself belong-
ed. First of all they had done much by their five years
Committees. Next they had done more than a century of
'Ministers in the way of saving the public money. All this
was very well in the way of panegyrie ; but in his opinion
it would have been better for the Honourable Secretary
to have left that vague mode of dealing with the question, and
came to the pinch with his Hon. Friend the Member for Abing-
don. He should be glad to know what they had done. The
estimate of the Committee of Finance, of 1817, was 25,100,0001.
The Expenditure last year was 26,600,0001. nearly, instead of
being less • and for this-year there was only a reduction of
800,0001. from last year's estimate. But what were they to say
of that reduction, when they knew that provisions had come
down twenty-five, and he might almost say fifty per cent. ?
At this rate there ought to be five millions of a reduction,
instead of less than one million. He could not, therefore, at
all go along with the able and very impartial panegyric given
.by the Secretary of the Treasury to the First Lord and
the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He thought his Honour-
able Friend (Mr. Moberly) had distinctly' pointed out
the principle upon which reductions in the public expenditure
should be made. He maintained that no superannuation al-
lowance should ever be given where persons were appointed to
other lucrative offices. 'flee observations of his Hon. Friend on
the subject of appointing persons ripe for' superannuation to
first appointments in public offices, were worthy of attention.
The Honourable Secretary- had been so desirous of conflicting
with Hon. Members on his side of the House, that be was
not content with those who had spoken, but he must take
tice of those who had not spoken,but had merely cheercu.
He for one certainly did cheer that part of the-Hon. Secretary's
statement which referred to the East India Company's
His cheer, and that of his friends, went to say that it was a
very odd sort .of claim, when the
claimants consented take
1,300,0001. out of 5,000,0001. demanded. At least he had a
right to say that they would have been greatly overpaid if they
had got 10s. in the pound. The best way of supporting pub-
lic credit was to pursue a rigid and even parsimonious system
of economy.
Mr. C. SMITH said a few words, which were inaudible in
the Gallery.
The first Resolution was then put and carried.
AUSTRIAN -LOAN.
On the second Resolution being put,
Mr. P. GRENFELL begged to call the attention of the
House to the subject of the debt of Austria to this country. The
last time it was mentioned in the House the Noble Marquis
stated that he had not given up hopes of recovering it. ' He be-
lieved it was at present 17 millions, and although he did not
look forward very sanguinely to the receipt of that money, he
hoped the Noble Marquis would not give up all attempts to
recover it. ;Why should not -the bond be sold ?—they would,
no doubt, in this enterprisingcountry, find purchasers, and any
sum was better than nothing.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY assured the Honour-
able Member that the negotiation for a compromise of the debt
in question was now in progress, and without pledging him-
self' to any thing, he had no hesitation in saying that he had
hopes of success. Whatever should be the result, however, the
House would be entitled to know it.

Sir JOHN NEWPORT said, he hoped that theliquidation
would not be of the same nature as the settlement of the East
India Company's Debt.
THE LOTTERY.
On the Resolution that 200,0001. be granted for the Lottery,
' Mr. J. MARTIN opposed it, and called for a division.
Mr. HUME said, he hoped this, which had so long been a
bone of contention, would be given up.
After a few wprds from Mr. W. SMITH, the Committee di-
vided—

For the Resolution - - -
Against it - -
Majority in favour of it -

--40

The remaining Resolutions were then agreed to: the house
resumed, and the Report was ordered to be received to-morrow.
The Chairman obtained leave to sit again on Wednesday.
ALIEN BILL.

Mr. PEEL moved that the Committee on the
Aliens' Regulation Bill.
Mr. HOBHOUSE said he, felt himself bound to oppose
this motion. When he declared he would move perpetual
adjournment, he did not mean that he would offer vexatious 9-
position ; all he meant to promote was the due consideration
of the bill. He might be excused• for desiring to resist this
bill, since an Honourable Member, who was now amongst his
Majesty's Ministers, had, in 1816, declared, that if it were at-
tempted to renew such a Bill, it ought to be met by " physical
force, if not by bodily resistance." He saw no necessity for
continuing the bill, and he was mortified beyond descrip-
tion when the Right Honourable Secretary gave notice that
he should apply to the House for a continuance of the bill.--
If he was shocked then, what must be his astonishment when
he afterwards heard the measure asked for as one of confi-

dence ? The-Right Honourable Gentleman had in fact said—
" Give me this power, for I want it ; give me this power, I
will not abuse it." That was the plain meaning of the ground
on which the measure was asked—they were to have confidence
in the Ministers. However, it would be worth while to go
back to • first principles. The Bill of 1792—and ali the Bills
had resulted from'that measure—was required, as Mr. Burke
then said, " to keep out murderous atheists, who only desire
to pull down Church and State." But all then said that it
was a power, the granting of which could only be justified
by the most urgent necessity. Indeed, Mr. Burke declared
that such a power, in• a period of peace, would be " too
much for liberty." The Attornejr--General for Ireland (Mr.
Plunkett), however, had no such opinions; he differed from
Mr. Burke; he thought there- was no danger in such a
Bill. In
_lBO2 the Bill was received on the ground of the
instability of Buonaparte's power; and in 1814 Mr. 11. Ad-
dington demanded it on account of the instability of the
power of the Bourbons. He alluded to what had been stated

on former occasions, to show that the Bill had never before
been asked for, without some grounds, some pretexts being
urged apparently to justify the application. But now no
reasons were adduced; they were to have confidence in the
Right Hon. Gentleman, who said he would not abuse the
power. It was no question with him whether the Right
Hon. Gentleman would or would not abuse the power ; what
he maintained was, that the existence of such a law was in
itself an abuse.—(Hear !)—He did not care whether the Bill
was used or not; he repeated, that such a la* was an abuse.
With regard 'to the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr.
Secretary Peel), who was to be responsible for the exercise
of this power, he should say sine studio et ira, and without
feeling any personal hostility towards him, that he „saw no-
thing in him but a minister most dangerous to the liberties
of his country ; he saw nothing in him that recommended
any measure of his. He saw in the Right Hon. Gentleman
a great deal of consistency, and. an uniform adherence to the
principles with which he had set out in public life. But in
all this he saw nothing but a keener edge, which rendered
his talents more formidable to the liberties of his country,
and made him a person quite different from some of his pre-
decessors. He must therefore say that the Right Honourable
Gentleman was one who could nirlt be considered as entitled

to have this responsible power. Had Lord Chatham cpme
down after his glorious career, and said he would not abuse

this power, he (Mr. H.) would not give it to him. He would
ask if it was to preserve the domestic peace and Constitu-
tion of England, that three men and one old woman had
been sent out of this country ? How could those persons have
been dangerous to the liberties of England ? He denied that
there was a great or admitted evil arising from aliens coming to
this country ; and if there was any thing of the kind, it Origi-
nateA in the brain of the Right Hon. Gentleman. Suppose
some Neapolitans were to come to England with an intention
of devising some means of ridding their Country from the ty-
ranny of the Austrians, would the Right Hon. Gent. feel himself
justified in sending those unfortuate persons away ? If he did
so, must he not be an abettor of the numerous acts of tyranny
and oppression which had 'lately been exercised in Europe?—
(Hear, hear !)—and would he not act in direct hostility to
the principles of all the English Ministers who had come
before him ? It was said that this Bill had never been
abused"; but would it not be recollected that the late Sir
Samuel Romilly produced several instances in which the
power had been abused ? Was it not known that an Italian
named Marietti, whose evidence was particularly required
on a celebrated trial, was afraid to come to this country lest
he should be sent away under the Alien Act ? The Noble
Lord opposite, who was very fond of paradoxes, had said
that this Bill was a proof of hospitality on the part of Eng-
land. This was, indeed, taking the bull by the horns. It
was, forsooth, an act of hospitality in the Government to
keep 25,000 foreigners constantly at their mercy, and liable
to be turned out of the kingdom whenever they should
choose to do so ! In 1764, in a debate on general warrants,
Lord Chatham admitted that he did an extraordinary act
with regard to a foreigner whom he sent out of the country,
and said he was justified by the emergency which then ex-
isted in a time of war, and for which, lie said, lie woule, on
account of the peculiar circumstance, be responsible with-his
head. This cautions manner in which Lord Chathani spoke
of the act, *bowed that it had not been the practice of our an-
cestors to exercise the power now entrusted to Ministers: The
Right Honourable Gentleman talked of the acquiescence of
the peopre to this measure; but the people did not acquiesce
in any thing of this kind ; for the power of sending 25,000
persons out of the country was as great an infnngement on
the liberties of mankind as couldhe conceived. The Right
Honourable Gentleman' had talked of a revolutionary devil
being abroad. He (Mr. p) did not recollect such a devil as
this; but if such ever existed, lie believed he was now suc-
ceeded by another devil, described by Pope in these lines—
" Satan, now grown wiser than of yore,
Succeeds by making rich, not making poor."
Here the Hon. Member quoted extracts from speeches formerly
delivered by some of the Gentlemen opposite against an Alien
Bill ; and those Gentlemen had at one time declared they
would not take a share' In any Administration if they were to
be dragged through the mire of the Alien Bill. - One of these
was the present President of the Board of Controul. He looked
on this Bill as so odious and horrible, that he would oppose it
with all his might in every stage.
Mr. F. ROBINSON denied that this measure was brought
forward in subserviency to other States ; or that it was con-
trary to the principles of the Constitution. The only argu-
ment advanced, to show that it was hostile to the laws and
Constitution' of England, was the quotation made from
Magna Charta respecting foreigners. But the right which
Magna Charta gave to foreigners, was given with an excep-
tion and a qualification. There could be nothing illiberal or
inhospitable in a regulation like the present ; because, while
foreigners were hospitably received, that was done on an express
condition that they should not embroil us with any foreign
State. The mode in which the power was exercised by the
Government, was a proof that nothing was done with an &ntent
of aiding the views of foreign Powers; for many persons who
had fled from their own country, in consequence of the troubles
that broke out there, were now living among us in perfect se-
curity. After all we had suffered from a long war, it was our
policy to maintain the relations of peace as long as possible;
and there were circumstances now which might disturb those
relations, and which.had never existed before. In former times,
the ambition of a single Sovereign might be a cause of war ;
but causes like this were not now likely to produce a war.—
There was, however, a new spirit, arising out of the French
Revolution, which was more likely to disturb the peace of
Europe than any other circumstance that now existed.—
There was a perpectual conflict, between absolute power on
the one hand, and revolutionary struggles on the other hand,
out of which arose the dangerous spirit to which he alluded—
(Hear, hear !) ; and foreigners who were expatriated, and fled
to this country, might have views very different from any that
existed in former times ; and it was necessary to arm the Go-
vernment with a power of repressing any danger that might
arise out of such a state of things. He admitted that a violent
convulsion existing in any other country, would not be a just
ground for our interference. But the existence of such an event
ought to make us jealous and timid respecting the residence of
foreigners amongst us, lest such an offence should be given to
foreign Powers, as might embroil us in a war with such Power.
This alone was the principle on which he supported the present
Bill.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. WILLIAMS said that he objected to the measure is
every point of view, more particularly that in which it was re-
commended for their adoption. The Honourable Secretary
demanded to be invested with powers, solely on the ground
that those powers would not be abused. Stripping the Hon.
Secretary's speech of surmise and allegation, there was no
actual case made out to warrant the adoption of the mea-
sure. The question was taken up on the other side as a le-
gal one, but he considered it to be more a political than a
legal question.—(gear!)—As to the case of analogy taken
up by a Right Hon. Gentleman, he was of opinion that it
was not well founded ; for, in the worst days of our history,
the King had no right to send any person out of the country,
without a previous legal process. A writ of ne lexeat Begno
was never issued without a bill having been in the first
place filed. Aliens were punishable by the law of the land
as well as any of the subjects of the country. That respon-
sibility to the laws should alone be considered as a protection
to the State.—(Hear !)—lt was intended that the continua-
tion of the Alien Bill should be only for six months after the
peace ; at least such was the principle admitted in 1793.
There,was no similiarity or analogy between the present day
and the former periods, when the bill was deemed necessary
for the safety of the country. If Gentlemen were willing to
view the subject on English grounds alone, it would be suf-
ficient to defeat the proposed measure. Let • him put a case,
which he hoped Gon would avert, that the Greek people
should be defeated in their struggle for freedom, and be cast
upon this shore as one of refuge and safety. If those men
should conspire here for the restoration of the liberty of their
native land, would the House grant to the Government the
power to immerse those exiled patriots within a dungeon, or
drive them away from this country, lest they should destroy
our amity and union with our allies the Turks ? He was of
opinion by this Bill, that the House betrayed itself and de-
stroyed the character of the country. He would support the
amendment of his Hon. Friend.

Mr. H. GURNEY said, that he considered the Alien Bill
was quite in operation, even on the showing of the Hon. Secre-
tary for the Home Department. The Bill was sufficiently ob-
jectionable to induce him to vote against it.
The House then divided—
For the Speaker's leaving the Chair, 142—Against it, 60—
Majority, 82.
Upon our re-admission into the gallery we found the House
in Committee, and the Marquis of Londonderry opposing a pro-
posal for adjournment. He stated that the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman (Mr. Brougham) had formerly opposed adjourn-
ments under the same circumstances: which induced him to
support this one.
•
Mr. BROUGHAM—If he had on, some former occasions
supported the somewhat effeminate practice of adjournments,
it was when the House was in the middle of a debate, whereas
the present question would, at that late hour, bring on a new
discussion.

Mr. PETER MOORE said, that though there was but one
blank in the bill, yet that blank went to regulate the numerous
bills which had formerly been passed. He therefore thought,
that the whole of its clauses should be categorically examined,
clause by clause, just as if it had never been passed into a law.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY could not flatter the
Hon. Member with such hopes of that kind of enjoyment as
would be an inducement for the House to postpone the discus-
sion.

The first clause of the bill was read, and the question put,
that the blank in the years of its duration be filled up by the
word " two."

Mr. HOBHOUSE proposed to substitute the word " one"
instead.

Mr. DENMAN would oppose the amendment, as it was an
agreement with the principle of the bill.
The House divided on the question of Adjournment—
For it 37—Against it 144—Majority 107.
While strangers were excluded, we understand that the ques-
tion was put that the blank be filled up by the word " two."
Ayes 125—Noes 55—Majority 70
On our returnto the Gallery, we found the Committee dis-
cussing an amendment to the preamble, which we understood
was proposed by Mr. Brougham.
A conversation took place between Mr. Wetherell, Alder-,
man Heygate, Mr. Peel, Mr. W. Smith, Sir R. Wilson, and
Mr. Brougham. t
After which strangers were ord'ered to withdraw, but as no
division took place, we presume it was either negatived or with-
drawn.

Mr. WESTERN stated that his intended Resolutions, for
Wednesday, he should simply move to have printed.
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, ate*
which the, ouse adjourned at Two o'clock.