The Sun.
London, England, 1849-06-05 00:00:00

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.

Mr. lIUME, in rising to move for leave to bring in a
Bill to amend the national representation, by extending
the elective fraechise so as to include all householders,
by enacting that votes shall be taken by ballot, that the
duration of Parliaments shall not exceed three years,
aed that the apportionment of representatives be ren-
dered more equal to the population, said, in addressing
himself to this important subject, he must ask for the
indulgence of the House, as he did not feel himself
physically able to go fully into it. As an old re-
former, addressing a reformed House of Parliament, he
could speck from experience as to how unsatisfactory it
was for an independent Member to address the House
on subjects of reform. Paring the last thirty years he
had scarcely ever known a private Member introduce
such a subject that it was not treated as
it were unworthy of the time bestowed upon
it. He took a full share in the reforms of 1831,
and he was happy that they had proved so successful,
because their success had convinced many parties of
talent and influence, who opposed them, that they had
placed this country in the unenviable position it now occu-
pied.
lie was confident, though the Reform Bill was not
carried out to that extent which many expected, that it
had been productive of the greatest possible benefits;
that it had put an end to the direct nomination for
boroughs which formerly existed; and though it had
fallen short of what they anticipated, they must yet
look with gratitude to the change that was produ red, and
thank those who had contributed to bring it about. He
believed an opinion now exist( d very generally among
those who opposed that grand proceeding, that it
had been productive of much good, and had satisfied
many classes who wee c weera.vated at the state of things
which then existed; and it was because he thought
that re'orm was not carried out to the extent wl ieh
it ought to go; it was because he saw in refusing
to ield that which was the right of the gre at
masses of this country ; it was on those grounds that he
was induced to make the motion which was on
the paper, although very unwilling to do so, for
ha had promised as lung as he remained in
the House that ho would nut let a session pass
without using his humble endeavours to f'rvvard the
reforms which he proposed. lie was not prepared to
deny that the House, and Parliament generally, was blow
in making reforms, but it was better to go slow and
sure than to make rapid strides, which were liable to
danger. But he was prepared to submit that
which ho thought was not in any way attended with
danger, because it would produce great content
and satisfaction among the community at large,
who were anxious that it should be carried out.
Every one, he believed, from the Crown to the
peasant, were equally interested in having a good
government. Ile was aware that Parliament, instead of
being an engine to promote that good t hich was in-
tended, was an engine which extracted from the people
a greater amount of taxation than their circumstances
could warrant. Under the great improvements,
however, which had taken place, it was no longer in the
power of any aristocracy, of any oligarchy, or of any
class of individuals, as on former cccasioes, to
dictate to the Sovereign, who had now the
power of choosing her own Ministers.—(Hear, hear.)
Up to the Reform Bill the Sovereigns of this country
had been the leading string of the oligarchy, and the
revenue and the expenditure which was carried on in
the different establishments had reference more
to their own individual interests, and the
interests of the classes belonging to them, and the in-
terests of the community at large were not at all taken
into account. Now, he would say, that unless Parliament
was what it purported to be—unless it represented the
whole population—it was defective in its constitution.
He did not say that any proposition of his could make
Parliament perfect; but where they had evidence of acts
ewlhecotio ns to that of injustice committed in regard to the rights of those
ought to participate
House,articipat h
and
dhidavesay a sharethat in the
proposition that would tend to improve that Par-
liament ought to be supported by the House, and
by the Ministers beyond all others; they had
taken an oath to her Majesty to support such measures
as would tend to the security of the Throne, and the
welfare of the community at large. He would ask
those Ministers if they could lay their beads on their
pillows with the reflection that they Lad acted as
honest and faithful advisers of the Crown, to allow
a state of discontent to exist which at times
had threatened alarming consequences? Were he (Mr.
Hume) in their situation, and had taken the oaths they
had taken, he could not lay his head upon 1 is pillow,
and, as a Minister of the Crown, say that he had done
his duty. Ile recollected Mr. Canning, on a motion
brought forward by a late Member for Westminster (Sir
F. Burdett) sending up in his place, and 5144 geese A,
for me I take ray etaeet against all reform; I am for the
rotten boroughs; I wish to maintain thi m, and I do so
because England has enjoyed a greater pre eatien of
prosperity under the eysteni thief: has exhte el than in
any of the continental powers; but (said M. Conning) I
go further, Parliament has been ready to meet the cir-
cumstances of the times, and I will uphold, until I see
reason for thinking otherwise, Gaeton and Old Sarum
as the:bulwarks of the Constitution."—(A laugh.) He
(Mr. Hume) bad visited Old Sarum a few days previously,
and ceen rot even a house there, and nothing but an old
building for protecting the fort ; and he asked Mr. Can-
ning if that was a place to be represented. lie replied,
no ; but it is property, and property ought to be
represented. As to Gallon and Old Sarur4, and all the
other rotten places, they were now removed; and at the

period of which he spoke, defective although that House
was in its representation, still it steed at the top of the
ladder among representative governments. Nu state in
Europe could say tint there. was a greater deer( e of 1
popular power or of popular reere,senteton eeiseine,
that, existed at that time in England. The times were
changed, anti they had to consider whether they ought
not now to make other changes. When his Ito-
nourablo Friend Mr. Duncombe brougtst in a Bill
to repeal the rate-paying clauses, which formed a
great impediment to the workir g of the Reform
Bill, it was thrown out by Ministerial influence.
He (Mr. Hume) recollected the Noble Lord rallied his
Hon. Friend on the danger of interfering with the Bill
that had passed, and talked about progressive reform.
What had been the Noble Lord's progressive reform since
that? Why, the Noble Lord gave notice of his intention
of bringing in a Bill fur repealing the tax-paying clauses
so far as they related to the assessed taxes. He (Mr.
Hume) thought the proceedings of the two last years
had been perfectly delusive, and therefore he came to
the conclusion that the Noble Lord and his colleagues,
reformers as they were in his day, had made
up their minds to stand fast by the Reform
Bill. They were now at the very bottom of the ladder
of reprcst ntative government, and that which had been
supposed dangerous to Englishmen had been conceded
to Frenchmen and to almost every continental country.—
(" Hear, hear," from Lord J. Russell) Look at the result
What had the result been? The result had arisen form
the reckless conduct of the sovereign of France, who,
having agreed to reform, grossly violated his faith.
He appealed to any man whether this Lad
not been so ?. Let them mark the progress
of universal suffrage in other countries, and its growth
in our own. In other countries, where it had been con-
ceded to the people, had there been any alarm?
No! On the contrary, the returns at recent elections
showed a preponderance of the Conservative party.
Though the people of these countries had been up to the
time when they were endowed with the right unaccus-
tomed to popular institutions, they had exercised the
right, to speak justly of them, in the
most praiseworthy manner. The Noble Lord
was the first to cheer his interrogatory. Look
at the result ? Why, if he looked to the condition
of Prussia, of Vienna, he could not fail to be struck
with the result of the conduct of the " dear
darling Sovereigns," who, after taking solemn
oaths on the altars of their country, to concede reform
to the people, openly broke those solemn asseverations.
Those were the parties against whom the Noble Lord
should direct his complaints and taunts, and not the
people who had been outraged, and who had no
interest at heart beyond that of the whole mass of the
population. Of late, however, he had not heard the ar-
gument broached that the people could not be trusted
with the unlimited exercise of the suffrage.—(Hear,
hear.) Indeed they were obliged to arm against the
people to awe them from arising in their might, and de-
manding their rights in a way which could not be
refused.—(Hear, hear) He looked with deep regret
upon this, because he recollected the days when
the Kings of this country could trust the
preservation of the peace of the country to the keeping
of their own people, and the peace was in those
days preserved by such means. He recollected the
time when the military was kept up to pro-
tect the country from foreign invasion, and when
garrisons in other lands were simply kept up to protect
places likely to be attacked by foreigners, when the
only display made by the military were recruiting
.par-
ties; when the expenditure in respect of the military
establishments was from 25,0004 to 26,0004, and when the
Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston), when Secretary at War
(as we understood), stated before a Committee that he
only required military for foreign countries, and that he
was content to trust the preservation of the peace to the
people. Instead of the Government adopting
means whereby they might repose in the
affections and respect of the people, they adopted coercive
and harsh measures. In 1792, Mr. Pitt, who was then in
power, studied economy in the government of the State;
the military cost but 25,0001., and the whole expense of
the Civil Government was limited to 12,000/. or 13,000/.
l'hey had then very few barracks; now there were bar-
racks hi almost every town. Last year, for instance,
100,0004 was spent in building barracks at Preston,
because they feared that the people would rise, and the
whole country was covered with barracks— not to
attack our enemies abroad, but to coerce and keep down
the people at home. They had, for iestarce, twenty
barracks scattered throughout the country, for no other
purpose than the one he had stated. lle appealed to the
House, then, to protect the commonweal, which would
effect far more than bristling bayonets and pointed
artillery. What was it done for ? From the
fear of reform. He admitted that there were ardent
and wild Reformers, but because there were was no
into
consideration. against their taking the claims of the people
consideration. Its 1792 the taxation was 16,000,0001., now
it was 60,000,0004, so that it had been quadrupled. The
debt had been increased from the beginning of the war,
from 230,000,000/. to 800 000,0004 He did not blame
any one, but he declared this lay upon the oligarchy, who
dreaded the spread of democratic principles, which drove
them to a war against France, and brough. t that enor-
mous burden upon the people, which, unless
so ne relief was given, must press them down
Wen men were well employed and well fed, matters pro-
gressed things went on well; but let a change take place,
and then the convulsion came. Why not, then, take this
opportunity, and prevent such catastrophies by checking
the extravagant expenditure of the State. He appealed
to I:on. Gentlemen who represented counties, and par
titularly those in the south, where men and their fami-
lies were subsisting-noon 7.g. and Sr per week to join him
in the reform movement. if they were true Conservatives
they would do so at once, fur nothing could preserve the
institutions of the country so much us timely concessions
and wise change s.—(Hear.) He regretted that he was not
in the House the other night when the miscellaneous
estimates were under consideration, fur then he should
have had an opportunity- of attacking the civil-list which
was one great cause of the enormous increase which had
of late years taken place in the burdens of the country.
The course, however, he was disposed to take upon that
subject was to make an appeal to the Sovereign ;
he would ask the Ile use to address her
Majesty on the subject, and say to her—
We granted you the civil list, but let us see in what
way it is expended." Let them set en example les
making reductions at the fountein head. In tee
extravagant reign of George IV. the civil
list was increased to an enormous amount,
at his death
of William IV., matter was referred to a Select
, and on the succession
but
Committee, and the Civil List fixed at 385,0004 Now,
he thought it due to her Majesty to state, that out of all
that sum, only 60,000/. was at her own disposal. The re-
maining 325,0004 was spent by the Lord Chancellor, the
Lord Chamb( rlain, the Lord Steward, and the Mast( r of
the Horse. N. u doubt many of the servants of the Palace
w. re main.ained out of it, but he believed many of those
servants were my Lord this and my Lady that, who had
only duties to attend about once in two or three months.
This was not the way to spend the money of the
country ; and therefore, without interfering with
the votes of the foreign or other departments.
in the first instance let them rather address her Majesty
on the subject. Let them remind her that this was not
a fit state of things while the eye, passing along the
unions of England, Scotland, and Ireland, would
find four millions of people in an absoluts
state of destitution. In such a state of things
there ought not to be expenditure of 390,000/. in keep-
ing a system of tawdry finery; a more simple style o•
living would better become the Sovereign while
there was so much suffering in the country.—
(Hear.) The ether night he was at the
Lord Mayor's dinner, where he met the ambassador.
of Constantinople, and an excellent friend of his who had
been appointed to go to the United States as the repre-
sentative of this country, but he declared he was almost
afraid to speak to them, as he could only do so through
the instrumentality of tawdry-laced footmen.—(A laugh.)
and so it was with the Ministers of State, who never
went out without the attendance of taudily dressed
footmen, whose general appearance only served to pleas(
ani excite the admiration of children.—(A laugh.)
He did not consider the sum of 60,000/. at the private
disposal of the Queen too mesh, considering the
calls that were made upon her charity—(Hear,
hear) but when he saw how the other
establishment of tho Court were kept up, the gold
lace and tinsel that was frittered away from the
rockets of the people, he thought the time was
come when they ought to have a House
of Commons who would address her Majesty on the
subject of such useless and wasteful expenditure. Ile
would therefore begin at the head, and in saying
that he was sure that her Majesty would be
the first to say that her people ought not to be so un-
necessarily pressed upon, and that be would willingly
yield to the suggestion of the House of Commons. Now,
as a proof of what might be done, if only properly
attempted, he would say, look at Belgium. When mat-
ters were represented in the proper quarter there,
the franchise was extended immediately, and every
public officer reduced his salary one-third towards the
urgency of the State. Look again at the case of the
present King of Wurternburgh, whose father was over
head and ears in debt. When the present King
ascended the throne he reduced his establishments
one-half, and for which he obtained the love and affec-
tion of all his subjects. He thought the time had now
come when similar steps should be adopted in England,
and for that purpose he asked that the House of
Commons should be made the real representation of the
people.—(llear, hear.) Unless they changed the pre.
sent system of the House of Commons, no good could
be done._(hear hear.) The present House might
be seized with fits of economy, but they would
not be permanent.—(hear, hear.) The change of the
system of election was the only way to make things
permanent in this country.—(Hear.). He longed to
see that state of things return to this country which
existed in the time of Elizabeth, who, when asked where
were her troops, answered that her troops were her sub-
jects.—(Hear, hear.) He contended that Parliament
did not repre sent the different communities
that existed he this country, and if Parliament would
only allow him to bring in the Bill, the details
might be settled afterwards. There was a diffi-
culty tan among his own friends to find
those that would agree with every measure that be pro-
posed--(Laughter)—but if the House would allow him
to bring in the Bill he would endeavour to modify his
visas to meet the wishes of tilt paries,—(liear, hear.)
Ii the people wei e to have a share. in the representation
of the country, they ought to have it effectually. If they
were to du justice to the people they must extend the
suffrage.—(Hear, hear.) Every man that had a house
over his head ought to have a voice in the representa-
tion in that house.—(Hear, hear.) But while he
was anxious to extend and bring within the
pale of the Constitution those who ought to have a vote,
he thought they ought to have the opportunity of voting
secretly, namely, by the ballot.—(Hear, hear.) Having
stated what his view of the condition was, he would
not read the opinions expressed by the Noblet Lord below
bun (Lord J,ggssell), which of late years ho teemed to

have thrown to the winds; nor to whatfell fromE irl Grey,
when he introduced the Refrrin Bill; and lie would only
say that he was one of those who supported him ith
greet eistliu,iasm, end raised the city, " The Bill, the
whole Bill, aril nothing bet the Bill.—(Hear.) Al-
though he would not (a 6 he dad said) read the Noble
Lead's (Lord John Russell's) speech, l e would
just state that the Noble Lord said every man undea our
coostitution was considered to be represent, d in the
lieuse of Commons, that he was considered to have
a share in the election of these who made
laws affecting his life and property ; and,
therefore, he recommended a reform, certainly
not to the extent he (Mr. Hume) wished to go, but the
principle argued by the rule laid down went to show that
a hat he proposed was right. There was one view in
hith he thought the question ought to be sub-
mitted to the House—viz , that things were not
remaining stationary, and that materials were
being collected which must explode unless some timely
remedy was adopted. The population of the country in
round numbers numbered about twenty millions ; there
were three millions of adults ; and yet the Lumber of
eh ctors only amounted to 126,000. Lut of the c ight
millions of the people of Ireland the re were only
40,000 electors. From the returns of 1836, it appealed
there were only one eh ctar to 51 male adults; and since
then the population had increased, and the relative nuni-
bars might now be taken at (The elector to ten adults.
The increase was not in the agricultural but in the ma-
nufacturing districts, where the people were, from their
intelligence, more capable of exercising tho franchise.
In no disturbance that had taken place had the working
chisses of this country shown any disposition to plunder
the property of their superiors; they had innumerable
examples to the country; and would the House refuse
to those men, what had been given to the
very Lezzarini of Italy ? What did the
inequality consist in? He had made a compariecn be-
tween the great and small constituencies. He had taken
16 boroughs containing a population of 2,917,000, being
one-half of the whole borough population of England.
Those 16 boroughs returned 32 members. Ho wished
the House to compare them with 23 small boroughs, where
there were only 100,000 inhabitants, and yet they
returned as many Members as that immense population
in the former 16 boroughs.—(Hear, hear.) Now, could
any man say that was a fair participation in the elective
franchise to which all were entitled by the Con-
stitution?—(Hear, hear.) He aske I a fair partici-
pation not sisl a favour, but as a constitutional right.
Would any man place himself in the situation
of any one of those who were deprived of those rights
and see how he would act, if he was compelled to re-
main in that situation. What were the consequences of
the struggle ? Why the Chartists ; and they even took
the alarm.—(Laughter.) Was it not time to put an
end to that state of things. He found there were 85
different kinds of qualification for the electors of this
country, from potwallopers to ten pounders Did not
Oat lead to enormous expense, trouble, delay, and
complexity beyond anything that could be conceived ?
330 out of the 658 Members of which the House con•
sisted represented 3,127,000, and 238 23,817,000. The
larger number fur the majority showed that on the aver-
age each Member represented,9,soo electors, and that each
of the minority represented 70,000 voters. Now this
was called the people's House. Many men were so
brazen-faced as to contend that it really was what it was
s'} led.—(Laughter.) The aristocracy had o .e House of
their own, and he saw no reason why they should possess
that House also. Under the present system they, how-
ever, possessed that House also.—(Hear. hear,) Was it
likely, when they put so many out of their doors—
only admitting one out of every eight, that either
property or the Crown could continue to be
respected. Of what class did these consist of whom
they excluded. Many of the aristocracy favoured
the establishment of baths, washhouses, and
lodging-lhouses, but he found that they were
the very persons who would admit them
within the portals of the constitution, and raise them in
the:social scale. Give them their rights and they would
work out their own redemption. The Honourable
Member then referred to a speech delivered
by Lord Ashley on the presentation of
prizes for essays on the Sabbath, in which he
much complimented the ability and morality of the
working classes. Yet that Noble Lord would
not give the people those rights which would
enable them to accomplish all this for themselves, be-
cause it would enable them to direct and feel an interest
in the welfare of the country, elevating them, therefore,
in the social

[LEFT SPEAKING.]

THE LONDON GAZETTE.

(THIS EVENING.)

WHITEHALL, JUNE 4, 1849.
The Queen has been pleased to direct letters patent to
be passed under the Great Seal of the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Ireland, granting the dignity of a
Marquis of the said United Kingdom to James Andrew
Earl of Dalhousie, Knight of the Most Ancient and Most
Noble Order of the Thistle, Governor-General of India,
and the heirs male of his body, lawfully begotten, by
the name, style, and title of Marquis of Dalhousie, of
Dalhousie Castle, in the county of Edinburgh, aild of
the Puniaub.

The Qaeen has alto been pleased to direct letters
patent to be passed under the Great Seal of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, granting the dig-
nity of n Viscount of the said United Kingdom to Lieut.
General Hugh Baron Gough, Knight Grand Cross of the
Most Honourable Order of the Bath, ar:d Cr,,ncri I and
Conimanrb r•in-Chief of her Alsjest)'s forces in the East
[tidies, and tai the heirs male of his body, Los fully be-
gotten, by the name, style, and title of Viscount
Gough, of Goojerat, of the Punjlub, and of the city of