The Sun.
London, England, 1822-05-09 00:00:00

PUBLIC HOUSES.

Mr. BENNET gave notice, that on Friday next he should
move for leave to bring in a Bill far altering the system of li-
censing Public Houses.

AGRICULTURAL REPORT.

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY moved the Order of the
Day on the adjourned debate upon the Report of the Alricul-
tural Committee.

On the question being put " that the Speaker do leave the
Chair,"

Mr. WY VILL rose, and said, he was satisfied the country
would be na longer deluded by the Noble Marquis opposite,
and he trusted the House would also begin to resist the effects
of that delusion. He (Mr. W.) felt assured ther2 were but
two modes of relieving the distresses of the country : one by
repealing the Act generally called Mr. Peel's Bill; the other
by a considerable reduction of taxation. The first lie should
oppose, because they had proceeded too far in that measure to
retrace their steps ; but a reduction of taxes was called for
from one end of the country to the other. A reduction of
twenty millions in annual amount ought to take place imme-
diately ; and even of this only ten millions, he thought, would
be saved to the Agricultural Interest. All the Resolutions
proposed in the Committee he considered as of no avail what-
ever, and he should therefore at once move as an Amend-
ment, a Resolution " That. it is the opinion of this House that
the only effectual relief which can be provided for the Agri-
cultural Interest will be in a large remission of taxation."
Mr. LOCKHART opposed the motion. A reduction of
taxes would, in his opinion, be tantamount to a breach of na-
tional faith : for with such a reduction, it would be impossible
to pay the interest of the national debt. No one Petition from
the Agricultural classes went the length of this motion of the
Hon. Member; and he (Mr. L.) for one should oppose it. The
distress should be relieved ; but he did not approve of such a
relief as that suggested by the present motion. He had heard
the distress ascribed to a superabundant produce; but of this
he was not satisfied. The motion appeared to owe its origin
to the early sales of corn at low prices; but if lie (Mr. L.) were
to see in a pawnbroker's shop an unusual quantity of wearing
apparel, he should not therefore believe that there was a
superabundance of that article (a laugh), though, assuredly,
he should believe that the consumers were distressed. But,
whatever was the cause of the distress, he conceived the pro-
position of the Hon. Member for Portarlington was altogether
unsound. It would have the effect of throwing much of the
poor lands out of cultivation ; a measure so destructive to
thou interested in it, that had he not known the amiable dispo.

sitio i of that Hon. Member, he should be disposed to question
his notives. The persons engaged in the cultivation of these
lands could not successfully look for employment in any other
dire aion, as manufactures were already overstocked. The
number too of these persons would be very considerable ; for
there were large tracts of poor land all over the country ;
especially in the Counties of Norfolk, Bucks, Cambridge,
Huntingdon, Oxford, and Gloucester. There would be con-
siderable danger to be apprehended from those persons thus
brought to distress by acts of the Legislature. But, at all
events, it was not to a reduction of taxation that they looked
for relief. It was to protecting duties; and on this part of the
subject he was glad to find that the Noble Marquis himself
thought a provision should be made against sudden and strong
competition in the market. To proceed on this basis, the House
should satisfy itself on two points. The first was, the price of
corn, generally, at Dantzic and other Northern places. He
was here much surprized to find that the evidence of Mr. Solly
stated the average price at from 43 to 48s. This he conceived
could not be a fair average ; as he was satisfied the general
price on an average was not more than 235. The Noble Mar-
quis thought that on this part of the subject a trifling variance
was of no great or particular consequence; but surely the Noble
Marquis was not at this moment to be informed that a shil-
ling difference in the bushel of wheat made a difference amount-
ing to the whole rental of the kingdom, The mistake of a shil.
ling only would therefore drive the English grower out of the
field. The second point to ascertain was the amount of pro-
tecting duty. This also would depend on the average price at
Dantzic and other Northern places. He had already stated his
belief that this average was 235.; but he would take it even at
30s. Allowing, then, ss. for profit, ss. for freight, and 15s. for
duty (instead of the 12s. proposed by the Noble Marquis), this
would. make 555. only ; and yet a Resolution proposed by the
Noble Marquis himself admitted that the English grower could
not sell at less than 70s. The English grower must therefore
come down to the price of the foreigner or not sell at all. He
(Mr. Lockhart) only wanted protection for the English farmer;
no matter whether it was caused by a duty of ss. or by one bf
50s. It was indifferent to him at what price he sold, provided
he could be ensured from the competition of the foreigner. And
here he could not but express his surprise that the Agricultural
Committee had not noticed the Petitions for protecting duties
on other articles of the soil besides corn. This, he thought,
ought to haVe been adverted to by the Committee in some way
or other. As to the Agricultural classes being able to pay the
taxes, and support themselves under the accumulation of evils
under which they lahoured, was what, in the language of the
Petitioners, they were unable to do, not from want of inclina-
tion, but from want of means, unless they were relieved from
the pressure of distress.
Lord ALTHORP spoke against the amendment. He
begged, however, to be understood as thinking that the prose-
cution of the inquiry would not afford any relief whatever to
the suffering agriculturist. His only reason, therefore, for
wishing that inquiry to go on was, that he expected it would
terminate in the abolition of the Corn Laws in their present
form. But although he agreed in the motion for renewing the
discussion on the Resolution which formed the subject of last
night's debate, he should not vote for it.
Mr. MONCK said, he would vote for the Resolution, be-
cause he thought something of the kind should be done to re-
lieve the agricultural distress. lie had heard a great deal
about low prices ; but what were the prices on the Continent ?
Bread in Ii ranee and Switzerland was one penny per pound,
and in this country it was twopence, being 100 per cent,higher,
and yet Gentlemen were found with the bonus of the Corn
Laws to wish for higher duties on importation. The fact was,
that nothing could be done without a general reduction of taxa-
tion. 'Before the last war, 1792, the price was 445. a quarter
of corn, and previously to the American war it was 425. ; and
after it was declared 465. Thus they had a period of twenty-
seven years before 1792, shewing that the prices were mostly
lower, never higher, and scarcely ever
,equal to what they-
were now. This, however, was nothing surprising, when it
was considered that in those times the whole expenditure of
the country was twenty millions, whereas it was now seventy
millions. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had changed
places with the Landlord of former times, taking that rent
from the landlord which he then took from the tenant, but
which he could not now get. 'There w;.s this remarkable re-
sult, however, from the change, that what the Chancellor of
the Exchequer took in the shape of rent never returned,
whereas what the landlord took returned through the same
channels by which it came to him. But they were told that
taxation did not procure the distress, because it was said, there
was agricultural distress in Switzerland, where there were
no taxes, comparatively speaking. Never was there a more
unfortunate illustration than this ; for it was a fact that no
distress prevailed in that country except where there existed
heavy mortgages. It was the tendency of the law prevailing
in that country which stood opposed to the law of primogeni-
ture, to create these InOttgages ; but with that exception he
knew that the whole country was in a most thriving state.
They were not burthened with taxation, and nothing but re-
lief from that would relieve this country.
Sir. It. NV ILSON assured the House that he had not hitherto
remained silent on this momentous question of agricultural dis-
tress from any want of sympathy in that distress; but from the
hope that Hon. Gentlemen would see the fallacy of attempting
to relieve that distress by partial measures. Finding, how-
ever, that his abstaining from exciting opposition had not the
effect he wished, but that measures having a tendency to raise
the quartern loaf to a half a crown and three shillings were se-
riously advocated in the House, he felt himself called upon to
declare his sentiments. Ile always thought the system of corn
laws bad. The Hon. Member for Portarlington thought they
ought to abandon them, although the Right Hon. President of
the Board of Trade was of a different opinion. They tended
to strengthen the hands of a coercive Government, and he had
been sufficiently the victim of such a system of governing,
' to be averse from increasing the action of one. The remis-
sion of taxation was the only effectual mode of administering
relief. Of the truth of this, France furnished an example.--
He had frequently conversed with the peasantry of that country
lately, and lie found that almost all of them were able to sit
down to three and four meals a day. There was nothing ex-
traordinary in this, when they considered that in 30 millions of
people, France was taxed no more than 34 millions, exclusive
of her sinking fund, being not more than 11. sterling a-head.
This country, with a population of seventeen millions, support.
ed a taxation to the amount of upwards of sixty millions, being
at the rate of four pounds a man. He wished that faith should
be kept with the public creditor, but he was convinced that by
a revision of the Civil List, and of the general expenditure of
the country, ten millions of taxes might be taken off. He
knew it was impossible to come down to the level of France,
hut they should approximate as far, as possible. He thought
they were ip a state of danger, from the warehousing system.
It was well known that it was storing up of corn that was the
incipient cause of the French Revolution. For the reasons he
had stated, he should certainly vote for the Resolution before
the House.
_

Mr. GURNEY made a few observations in a low tone of
voice. He was understood to express' his apprehension that I
the measures propos :d for the relief of agriculture would be
productive of more harm than good, if adopted in their present
shape. He thought that much might be done by getting rid
of oppressive and vexatious taxes, and substituting (where a
substitute was necessary) others less liable to bear with undue
weight upon the labouring classes. He remarked, that great
distress was represented to prevail in Ireland, and it would
seem that speculators there had exported all their corn to Eng-
land for money, and left the poor people to starve. There was
great difficulty in practically applying the theories which were
founded upon the change in the value of money. The present
price of corn was 46s.—it was 100 s. before the depreciation of
the currency ; but the calculators ought to take into account
how many more grains of pure silver were in the 100 s. of de-
preciated money, than in the 10s. now of a purer standard. In
the alteration which had taken place, and the effect that fol-
lowed, he thought neither Ministers nor die House were to
blame • but on the present occasion it became them to act with
great deliberation and caution.—(Hear !)
31r. WESTERN gave his most decided support to the pro-
position that the removal of taxation alone could afford relief.
But in order to accomplish that reduction of the burdens of
taxation, they must look to the removal of that Act of Parlia-
ment, which had aggravated at least 40 per cent. the already
oppressive taxation of the country. He apprehended they must
look to that as the main cause of the singular state of diffi-
culty, in which the agricultural and all the other industrious
classes of the community were now placed. Until they had
fully and fairly grappled with that measure, these subjects
raative to the Resolutions were waste of time—a diversion of
the attention of the Legislature and the public from the real
object which called for their immediate consideration.—(Hear,
hear !)—They talked about price ; but what mattered the price
of commodities, so long as the question of the price of money
remained tuusettled ?-411ear 1)—It was to that they must first

direct their attention, whilst the question of. the amount or sta-
ture of the import duty of corn was absolutely wandering in die
dark. To the proposition of his.,Hon. Friend he should give
his most decided support. When the Noble Marquis opposite
talked about the price of corn in foreigrf markets, Dantzii for
instance, it was the price of Mark-lane in reality that ,he
quoted. Brit even if the standard -of currency should remain
at what it now is, what a fallacy it was to attempt to calculate
the prices of 25 years past, without including in the eaktll.l--
don the difference in the value of money. In discussing theoe
subjects, it should always be considered that the money price
of-corn meant one thing, and the labour, or real price, another.
It was a proposition that he was prepared to maintain,
that the higher the price of corn, the lighter were the
burthens of the country. Their interest was, to make the
real price of a commodity as low as possible ; and he only
wished to. raise the price of corn, by lowering the prim of
money: By raisingthe money-price ofa commodity, the weight
of taxation witajowered, and the real price of labour reduced.
When Hon. aledihers, therefore, talked of price, they ought to
have a clear conception of what it meant. Above all, It was
most desirable in a country to beat dOitn as low as possible the
real price of corn. It operated prejudicially on the lowerclasses
when it was high' and therefore on the country. No one could
think that it was good for the country to enhance the prices of
the necessaries of life to the people. The time was not far dis-
tant when the House would take into its consideration the sub.
jeer of the Act of 1819, which changed the standard of the value
of money. He hoped that a metallic standard would be adapted
consistent with the substance of all the compacts and transac-
tions of the 25 years that they had departed from 'the ancient
standard. It should have been seen that, after so long a depar-
ture, it was not possible to return to the ancient standard. It
would be difficult, no doubt, to discover the exactstandard which
should represent all the bargains and engagements entered into
during that 25 years. It was a matter of delicacy, and required
the maturest deliberation. The Hon. Member then adverted
to the subject of the laws which should regulate the importa-
tion of ,foreign corn. "He distinctly declared that he did not
wish to obstruct the importation of foreign corn when symptoms
of a necessity for it should appear. But he would take the
average of the last 20 years, and with that would have no ob-
jection to it. All he wanted was that it should be so regulated
as not to overwhelm British Agriculture. He contended that
on political grounds it was dangerous to favour a system which
made us dependent on foreign countries for the necessities of
life. There might be good grounds in other points of view for
encouraging the traffic of British manufactures for foreign corn,
but he could never reconcile it to his mind, upon political
grounds, to place reliince upon foreign supply for any oonsi-
derable portion of the food of the people. This country, if that
were the case, would have no security of her being able to
maintain the rank she had hitherto held among. the other na-
tions of the world. With regard to the motion before the
House, he thought it an extremely judicious motion, and should
give it his support.
Mr. PEEL said, he did not then rise to enter into the sub-
ject of the particUlar motion before the House, he rose to ad-
vert to the observations made by the Hon. Member for Essex
(Mr. Western), relative to a Bill which had been introduced
by him at the desire of the Committee of 1819, for' restoring
the standard of currency. He wished to know if he was to
understand that the Honourable Gentleman opposite intended
to bring that question under the particular consideration of the
House ?

•
Mr. WESTERN. Certainly.
Mr. PEEL.—Then certainly all he should say on tile sub-
ject at present was, that he would abstain from offering any
answer to what the Hon. Gentleman had gone into. The Hon.
Gentleman he was sure would agree with him that it- was a
subject of such immense importance, involving so many in-
terests, that it ought to be reserved for a separate discussion,
and not be mixed up with a question not directly connected
with it. lle hoped that the House too would approach if with
a full sense of its importance. Notwithstanding all that had
been said upon it, he must say that he had heard nothing
which impressed his mind with the propriety of unsettling all
the compacts and arrangements that had been entered into
upon the faith of that Act. Neither the propositibn of the Hon.
Member for Portarlington, for substituting a standard founded
on the price of corn, nor that of the Hon. Member for Essex
(Mr. Western) for substituting a standard founded on all the
contracts which had been entered into since the commencement
of the late war, had tended to alter his opinion and diminish in
his mind the immense importance of the subject. lf, as was
maintained by some, the operation of the Act was to be dated
from the year 1816, any change would tend to unsettle'all the
contracts from that period, and that deserved to be-regarded as
well as those of the twenty-five years preceding. When the
Honourable Member informed them that this measure had
increased the weight of taxation in the ratio of fort.), per
cent., he must say that the resources of. the country appeared
to him from this extraordinary circumstance to be of greater
extent than ever he knew them before, seeing that they had,
under such an increase of burden, a still increasing revenue.
—(Hear, hear !)
Mr. WILLIAMS said, that feeling that the motion of his
Honourable Friend was calculated not to withhold, but to give
relief, he felt it his duty to support it, and shortly to state his
reasons. What, he would ask, was the language of the Peti-
tions under which the table groaned ? What did they ask for ?
Not for a distant remedy—not for remote relief—for a regula-
tion of the Corn Laws; which might or might not affect the
rising generation, when the present cultivators should be
swept away ;—(Hear, hear !)—but the language of the'Peti-
tioners was without any exception, that they should receive im-
mediate relief, or die.—(Hear !)—What to them was the pro-
position of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, which might
be brought into operation in some years, or perhaps never ?
What, then, he asked, was the plan to be adopted now thatthe
plan of the Noble Lord had been disposed of, and after an at-
tempt of an Hon. Gentleman and an Honourable Baronet, not
then in his place, if possible, to pronounce a panegyric upon ;
and now that no other plan remained of a remedial aspect ?
What was the situation of the House ?—it had nothing to pro-
pose; and, as the wisdom of the learned appeared deficient,
they were bound to return to the plain, simple, homebred
sense of the Petitioners. Such was the duty of the House—
such, he hoped, was their inclination. He (Mr. W.) had not
heard that the Petitioners sought for any other remedy than
one of these two—a Reform in the House of Commons; the
other a reduction of taxation. With respect to the first, after the
decision which the House had recently come to, he would not at-
tempt to resume the discussion of it he had only to regret that
it had not been in his power to have added his vote to the mi-
nority on that occasion. But, with respect to taxation, was
there any person in that House prepared to contend that a re-
duction of taxation would not have some effect, he was not
called upon to state to what amount, in relieving the dis-
tresses of the country ? If the repeal of taxation would have
only a small effect, still itwould be better than the proposal-of
that House, which would have no effect at all. The repeal of
the Tax upon Salt, the Tax upon Leather, or upon other articles
of general use, would give some relief, but the proposal of that
House would give no relief at all —would have no tendency, save
to mislead the public opinion—to withdraw the attention
of the country from the contemplation of its wretched state.
Instead of attempting to mislead, lie thought it would begetter
for the House, if they had no remedy, manfully and distinctly
to avow it, and to state in the face of the country, that as the
present case was of an unexampled nature, the wisdoms of
Parliament really had no relief to offer. He hoped there was
no man ready to say that there remained nothing for the
House to do in the present state of the country. Was that
a lesson which Ministers had yet to learn ? The present
was a time, above all others, necessary to practice it, when
the constituents of Gentlemen, at least of those who had the
misfortune of having any—(A laugh)—were loud in their
complaints, and when these Gentlemen could no longer re-
strain their remonstrances. That was the time when Parr a-
ment became saving of its supplies. But he would not then enter
on that subject. lie could not, however, help observing that the
Colonies alone afforded an ample field for reduction ; in his opi-
nion every Colony which did not bring a return for the Money
expended on it, or that was not of paramount political necessity,
ought to be abandoned. The reduction of taxation was certainly
within the reach of that House—it was a remedy net distant.
not speculative, but which would operate as an immediate prac-
tical relief. There was another point upon which he felt it ne-
cessary to say a word ;—if the distress of the Petitioners went
to the extent described, the fact afforded the strongest argument
for retrenchment—for a reduction in the receipts of all those
persons who are paid out of the taxes Of the country—(Hear,
hear !)--It was by no means a pleasant thing to touch upon
' such a topic, but they were not there upon pleasant business--
they were there to try whether it was possible to apply any remedy
to a state of general, of melancholy and unexampled distresa ?
Something a few nights since had' been said by an Hon. Mem-
ber respecting the opinions of the people of England—lanien-
cations wets made that that Houie were ontinuay falling in

'the 'favour, respect and esteem of the people—such, he fear-
ed, was the fact ; but against that evil there was no other
remedy than a demonstration on the part of that House to
attend to the public complaints, and to redress the public griev-
ances. It was by entertaining such_ motions as that of his Ho.
nourable Friend, that the House would best evince its anxiety
to the welfare or to the distresses of the people. By diminish-
*
ing their burthens—by resorting once more to the salutary, but
almost antiquated constitutional controul, of stopping supplies,
• that House would best evince a disposition_ to relieve the suffer-
ings of the people from the grinding taxation under which they
gcaned. As no other remedy had heen proposed, and as he
felt and believed that the motion of his Hon. Friend would go
far to establish the confidence of the people in that House—a
confidence which was much wanted—he would,vote for that
motion.—[This was the Learned Gentleman's " maiden"
speech in the House of Commons.]
Mr. PHILLIPS said, that from what he heard of the speech
of the Hon. Mover in support of his motion, he should be dis-
posed not to vote for it. Ile could agree with the Hon. Mem-
ber for Essex neither in his reasons for supporting the motion,
as the precursor of a return to a depreciated currency. Hay-
; . ing wisely returned to a metallic standard of currency, he
- thought it would be most improper to depart from it again.
, Ile proceeded to contend that the effects of the change in the
currency had been much mistaken, and this he supported by
chewing that what had followed the adoption of the measure of
1812 was not that which might have been expected, and which
must have taken place, had the reasoning which they hid heard
on thiS subject been correct. He could not support the motion
now before the House on the arguments which the Mover had
used, but for other reasons he should vote for it, and he hoped
it would be carried. The present Agricultural Distress arose
• from the charges which now fell on the farmer which he had not
fqnnerly to sustain. These made the prices which would for-
merly remunerate him insufficient. His expences generally
augmented—his tithes had increased—wages had increased—
the poors' rates had increased—and taxation had been en-
ormously increased. With respect to certain articles of con-
sumption, such as clothing, their price had not been raised,
but generally, however, the articles used by the farmer and
agriculturist had been much advanced in price, and mainly
through taxation. Tithes and wages had in some measure
settled themselves according to the circumstances of the coun-
try, and Poors' Rates had been reduced in something like
proportion to the diminished price of provisions. To him,
therefore, it appeared that the only way in which the Agricul-
tural interest could be relieved by Parliament was by the re-
mission of taxes. For that reason he thought the motion of
:his Hon. Friend ought to be adopted. The circumstances of
the country were such that the public expenditure must be re-
duced, and that House ought not to rest satisfied with voting
against the continuance of two Lords of the Admiralty, or
with doing away one of the Postmasters-General, bur they
ought to carry retrenchment and economy into every depart-
ment.
Sir I. COFFIN did not understand much about these sub-
jects; but he begged to correct the gallant General who was
the Member for Southwark. That Honourable and Gallant
Gentleman had said that the Frenchman lived as well as the
Englishman. Now he (Sir I. Coffin) had travelled over every
part of France, and lie could take upon himself to say, that an
English farmer ate as much at one meal, and that of the best
too, as any four Frenchmen.—(A laugh.)—Bad as our situation
was at present, he believed that the Nobility, Gentry, Clergy,
and Yeomanry of 'England, were better off than those of any
country in the world.
%I r. K. DOUGLAS was surprised that the Honourable
Gentleman (Mr. Phillips) could support a motion, while he
deprecated the principles which had been advanced by the
Hon. Gentleman who brought it forward.
Mr. CURWEN should not have supported this motion, but
that, on the grounds stated by the Honourable Mover, he did
in his conscience believe it to be necessary. Unless very speedy
. and very effectual relief should be given to the country, he saw
a period approaching, and no very distant one it was, at which,
before total ruin should ensue to the landed interest, the funded
interest would be called on to bear their part in these over-
whelming times. He should therefore infinitely regret that any
remedy should have been omitted to be applied for the purpose
of averting such a calamity.—(Hear.)
Mr. D. BROWNE was surprised that any one could vote
for the present motion who did not wish to favour' that which
tended to a revolution. He, however, was glad the subject
• had been brought forward, not doubting the decision which
would be come to by the House, because he hoped that the
repeated negatives put on questions of this nature would do
• good out of doors rather than harm.
Mr. BEAUMONT thought it was certainly possible that
the day of that revolution might be put off for some time, or
altogether ; but the only way of averting it was, not by paying
taxes, but by reducing taxation • by placing the country in
-such a position as might enable her to exert all her natural
energies.—( Hear, hear !)---He (Mr. Beaumont) objected to the
Speaker's leaving the chair, seeink that the measures now pro-
posed by Ministers could furnish no real relief, and that the
reduction of 'taxes was the only absolute remedy. He should
therefore support the motion.
Mr. NICHOLSON CALVERT supported the motion, as
wascollected.
Mr. W IT'LL, in explanation, declared that he felt it to
be his duty to persevere in taking the sense of the House upon
his motion.—(Cries of " question.")
Mr. BROUGHAM would support it, not because it had
.any tendency to prevent the House's going into a Committee,
hut because his Honourable Friend had brought forwafrd a
. principle of the utmost possible importance, looking to the'way
in which his motion was worded. If it were carried, the only
. effect would be to delay the Committee for a single day, as at
must sit again to-morrow ; and he (Mr. Brougham) thought
delay so valuable, that he looked upon it as cheaply purchased
,by the sacrifice of one day. -
Lord LONDONDERRY suggested that it would be highly
proper, before a motion was agreed to, the effect of which was
to confiscate 20,000,0001. of the revenue of the country, to ask
the Hon. Mover what he precisely meant by it?—(Hear,
hear!)--When they should be satisfied as to the cruel calami-
ties which it must entail on the public creditor—the violation
or public faith—and the disgraceful abandonment of public
pledges which it must carry with it, the Committee would be
in possession of the full scope which the motion would take ;
acd the Hon. Gentleman himself would perhaps ,feel satisfied
that he had performed that duty to his constituents which he
declared had alone induced him to persevere in it.
Mr. TIERNEY said that he was quite as much averse to
revolution as the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. D. Browne), and his
conduct and opinions were a little less likely to produce it. It
was not usual at all to speak of the motives of Honourable
Members, but at least they ought to be judged with charity,
and none needed more of that virtue than the motives of the
lion. Gentleman himself. All he (Mr. Tierney) hoped was,
that the Hon. Gentleman would allow him to exercise his dis-
cretion. The motion did no more than establish a principle,
and he could-have no objection to it, unless it put an end to the
discussion of the resolutions. Whatever their merits, it was
admitted that they would give no immediate relief; whereas
the amendment before the House was calculated to produce
that effect. If he were asked whether it ought to have been
brought forward now, he should immediately answer in the ne-
gative. If sufficient notice had been given, a fuller attendance
might have been obtained. Ile should not vote for it, because
be thought that 20 millions of' taxes might be taken off; nor
did he support it because lie thought it would endanger public
credit, but because, in the words of the resolution, immediately
to reduce taxation would be " the best and most effectual re-
lief" to the general distress of the country.
Mr. mucin T thought that a great reduction of taxes was
necessary, might be made, and would afford relief.--(Question,
question.)_

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER only begged
to be allowed to say, that it was generally understood that
those who voted for a resolution concurred in the arguments by
which the mover supported it—(No, no, from the Opposition
side)--7unless they distinctly in their places expredsed their dis-
sent.—(Hear, and no.)—He was very happy to find that so
many honourable Gentlemen had adopted this course. He
concluded by some remark upon revolutionary principles, which
was net heard.
kr. POWLETT supported the amendment of Mr. Wyvill,
though he by no means concurred in the opinions that Hon.
Gentleman had expressed.
Sir W. DE CRESPIGNY said a few words, which, amid
the numerous calls for question, were not audible.
Mr. J. BENETT (of Wilts) did not concur with the Hon.
Mover of the amendment in any thing but the vote he should
_give. As the greatest relief might be afforded by lessening the
weight of taxation, he was, almost against his will, compelled
to support the Resolution.
Mr. T. WILSON would willingly vote for the remission of
taxes, nor did he think he gave any pledge to the contrary by
opposing an Amendment made under the present circum-
stanses.—(Hear.)—lt was brought forward in a manner, in his
opinion, humiliating and degrading to,the dignity of the coun-
try, and its terms alone ought to induce every man to vote
against it.

'The Gallery was then cleared for a division. The numbers
were the following_
For the original motion - - 120
. For Mr. Wyvill's amendment - 37
Majority - - 83
When strangers.were re-admitted, the House had resolved
itself into the Committee, and
Mr. BENETT (Wiltshire) was speaking. The Act which
had restored cash payments had virtually added not only to the
taxes, but to the private debts of everyindividual debtor. He
thought it would yet be necessary for them to retrace their
steps, or the country could never recover from its present de-
pression. It.was said that the present Corn. Bi,ll had given the

Agriculturists a monopoly, but he could never discover that it
had benefitted the landed interest. It indeed prevented the
importation of grain for a time, till the price rose to 80s., but
when the ports opened it subjected the country to an inundation
of foreign grain, from which it could never recover. Whenever
the price of corn should again rise to 80s. besides throwing open
the ports, the present Bill would cause foreign corn, to the
amount f a million of quarters, to be thrown on the country.
He therefore contended that a protecting duty on foreign, corn
was necessary, anne could not conceive on what grounds this
could be opposed by those who were friendly to a free trade in
grain, and who wished its price to be low. What
.they had to do
then was to ascertain the price at which the protecting duty could
be equitably imposed. To determine this, it was necessary
that they should inquire into the cost of productions in other
countries, and act on the best information they could procure
on this subject. Mr. Solly in his evidence had said corn co
.brought from the interior of Germany cost 21.165. ihe quarter:
—(" From Poland," several Members called - out.).-He wa4
sorry that he had been wrong, but it made no difference to his
argument, and he would therefore say from Poland. He had
had a calculation furnished, -which made the price at which
corn could be brought into this country much lower. The price
at Memel in January last was 335. 10d. This he thought he
had a right to take as a very high price. To the autho-
rity. of Mr. Solly, who was a very respectable man, but
who as an importer of corn had an interest in the question.,
he thought it but fair to oppose an authority of equal respecta-
bility-that of a farmer. His informant stated that that might
be obtained for 325. which Mr. Solly believed would cost
565. He should take the price above the medium if he took
it at 345. To this, adding. for freight and insurance 45., for
landing and warehousing in London 25., and fifteen per cent.
:for the merchant's groat, the price, including all charges,
would amount when it came here to 675., which was exactly
the amount paid for rent in 1792. Mr. Solly had said nothing
about over measure. But another honest man (all the parties
of whom lie had occasion to speak were honest men) had ex-
plained to him what was meant by over measure. This was the
difference between foreign and English measures, which he un-
derstood did snore than cover the freight and insurance. He
then !went over a series of calculations chewing the expence
attendant on raising corn in England. It was admitted by the
Hon. Member for Portarlington, • that the British farmer was
entitled to protection to the amount of those duties which he
paid, and which the foreign farmer did not pay. These he
shewed to amount to 11. I,os. Bd. the quarter, and he only pro-
posed' to call for a protecting duty of 245. !He was convinced
that the people of England could be fed cheaper by the
farmer than by the merchant. This was proved by the expe-
riment made for 52 years in the last century, when this coun-
try exported corn. During that period corn was cheaper than
it had been at any other time. By encouraging the cultivation
of the soil, the people would be made more happy and com-
fortable than if they were detached from agricultural pursuits,
to become manufacturers. The latter course might add tem-
porarily to' the wealth of-the country, but would not contribute
wits permanent security. There were petitions now on the
table against protecting the agricultural interest, and he was sure
that the public generally wished that it should be relieved.
What he desired was, that that protection should be given to
the farmers which was afforded to the manufacturers of
the country. He should be very glad to see. a free trade
established, but under existing circumstances this was im-
possible. ! If the monied interest could find a way of paying
themselves by means of a free trade, why then let them
have it, and let all protection be denied to the landed in.:
terest, but while the-funtiliolders expected to receive the in.
terest on the mortgage which they said they had on the soil
and property of the country, protection must be afforded.—To
this the monied interest ought not to object, as while the value
of landed property was declining, theirs had been improving
from 20 to 24 per cent. Capital was at present being paid for
rent, and property was changing hands more rapidly than was
generally supposed. The country might recover, but the pe-
riod at which this would take place seemed remote. The dealer
in money would make a good landholder in time ; and, in. the
mean time, as he would pay the taxes, the country might go
on. The Farmers were a patient body of men, and suffered
much without complaint; but could it be expected that they
would see themselves almost ruined without making some ef-
fort to obtain justice ? lie most anxiously:piressed these things
on the consideration of the House, and announced it to be his
intention, when the proper time arrived, to submit to the House
that proposition which he had described as being, in his judg-
ment, most applicable to the circumstances of the country.
Mr. CRIPPS said he observed that among all the plans pro-
posed, there were not three persons who approved of any one of
them. They had nothing but a choice of evils, and the only
thing to be decided was which of the six they would make choice
of. The only object he could hope for was, to effect all the re-
lief they could, consistent with the other great interests. He was
free to allow that a reduction of taxation must he a great relief
to agriculture. how far it was beneficial hitherto might be seen
from the reduction of the duty on malt: Since that time the
price of barley had decreased. He thought no plan could afford
effectual relief but that of the Member for Somersetshire. But
then it could 'not be carried into effect without loading the table
with petitions against any such proposition. They must next
consider the other plans. Amongst all that occurred during the
inquiry of the Committee, no evidence was given of an impor-
dun off breign corn that could affect the home produce. Therefore
he must conclude that the present import price operated as a
prohibition. He was fearful of adopting any proposition but that
of the Noble Marquis (Londonderry) but could wish the import
price a little higher. He could not reconcile himself to lower-
ing the 20s. down to 10s. without an import price. It had been
stated in the Committee that corn might be had at 265.; there-
fore, with a duty of 20s. it might come. in at 465. the quarter.—
If, under these circumstancee, there should be a good crop
on the Continent, and a failing one here, there would be
no protection to the English farmer. It was desirable to set
this question at rest one way or the other. The farmer would
be made easy, when he became satisfied that every thing was
done that could be done. He knew the distress to be great.—
(Hear, hear !)—but he-did not think it could be removed by
any of the plans proposed. He did not see how the plan could
be curried into effect of letting farms on an average price of
corn. How could this be done with such a crop as that of last
year? It would put the Agriculturists in the most cruel situa-
tion. All farmers who made contracts or not knew they must
have suffered severely. All they could do now was to prevent
an inundation of foreign corn.. He should wish, to adopt the
proposition of the Hon. Member for Somersetshire, (Sir T.
Lethbridge), if it could be done without injury to other inte-
rests. It was the only means of atlimding effectual protection.
Altogether he thought the Resolutions of the Committee the
best.

The CHAIRMAN suggested the propriety of taking each
set of Resolutions seriatim. This would greatly simplify their
' proceedings. ,
Mr. BANKES agreed that the course suggested by the
Hon. Chairman would be the most convenient for them to pur-
sue. 1 hey could take them seriatim, beginning with the
highest scale of duty, and so descending to the others. He ap-
proached this question with great anxiety and apprehension.
Though it had been stated that this was a favourable time for
• legisleting on the Corn Laws, as perhaps it was in some re-
spects, he doubted whether they could do qood. Since the Corn-
mittee had sat last year, the prices of agricultural produce had
continued to decline. The only reason that led him to think it
expedient to introduce a new law was the feeling that it was
necessary to guard against the country being deluged with fo-
reign corn, when the price of wheat should again rise to 80s.
If that were not guarded against, the landholders and farmers
would receive a blow, from which; he thought he did not over-
state the ,case when he said it, they never could recover. An
Hon. Baronet had thought the importation of corn might now
be permitted without injury. He stood alone, he believed, in
this opinion, for it was generally considered that the importa-
tion of foreign grain was an evil which it would
.behove them to
guard against at almost any expence. It was not necessary
to regulate by law what should be the general price of corn.
He was of opinion that there might be a regulation providing,
that if corn should get up in price beyond what now appeared
to be the verge of possibility, then to prohibit importation al-
together until the time when Parliament should meet again to
take the subject under its .full consideration. Much had been
said about the superabundance of corn which had lately been
grown. Undoubtedly sonieOf the late crops had been abundant,
but he doubted whether that of last year reached the average
growth. The fact Was, that from the low state of prices, the
farmer was compelled to bring his produce into the market in
larger quantities, and that led to the belief of a superabund-
ance. He contend4d that the present was not a time for le-
gislating to fix the prices at which the trade in torn should be
carried on. If the highest duties that had been proposed
were to be laid on, they would not keep foreign corn out of
our ports. The distress being general, and the foreign far-
mer being as unable to get a remunerating price as the British
farmer was, he would bring his corn here and sell it for what
he could get. The Honourable Member then alluded to the
calculations which had been made by some Gentlemen. upon
the averages ; hut he argued that they who so looked at long
averages deceived themselves, because they did not attend to
the extreme fluctuations. If they intended to adopt any par-
ticular plans out of those before them, it would become neces-
sary to discuss the principles of these plans as a separate and
distinct question. But he saw another reason why they should
not now legislate upon the subject, in the numerous projects
which had been submitted to them, ,and the small number to
whom they appeared to give satisfaction. All ages had their
peculiar fashions and usages, and the fashion of the present
time was to talk about liberality and a free trade. The coun-
try had grown up in its power and in its greatness under a dif-
ferent system from the universal freedom which some Hon.
Members now thought of. The Hon. Baronet wished for a
perfectly free trade m Corn, and even •argaed that it would

give relief to agricultural distress. This principle, if acted
upon, must necessarily lead to a free trade in all-articles of
-manufacture, and in all raw materials. Now this might be
right, but it was not the system. under which the country had
acquired its wealth and power. That system was one of re-
striction upon all articles of home produce, and upon none
more than corn. They might be much wiser than their ances-
tors, but lie was -not disposed to consider them such fooli as
modern philosophy would make them out. They had been wise
enough to make a little country a very great one, and to
acquire for it fame and power far beyond the apparent propor,
tion of its. means and resources. A free-trade in corn must ne-
cessarily make our imports larger, and ir we had greater im-
ports we must become more dependant upon foreign countries.
There would be some Hon. gentlemen old enough to remem-
ber, _that' at the beginning of the present century great alarm
existed on.account of scarce crops, the increase of prices, and
an apprehended inadequacy of ' the borne produce to meet the
consumption. It was now curious to see the siulden absurd,
and, as he thought, unreasonable change which had taken place,
in the general opinion. At-that time it was considered a mat-
ter of great triumph that 100 inclosures had taken place in one
year, and all attention was turned to bring the produce to an
average supply. He did-not wish this feeling to have changed..
He should consider it to be a public. calamity if one acre of the'
land so enclosed should be now thrown out of cultivation. If
they refused to protect agriculture, the question was', whether
they would turn the country from an agricultural one to a ma-
nufacturing one ? At the present time there was an evi-
dent tendency to this, and he thought the country was more
manufacturing than was good for it already. He was dis-
posed to give all just encouragement to agriculture, in
order that capital should not be withdrawn from the land.
—Some Honourable Members said that, if capital would
not pay in agriculture, it might be put somewhere else. He
would ask them where it was to be employed ? Our manufac-
tures were, he hoped, as they had been stated to be, in a
state of activity and prosperity. But he deemed it impracti-
cable to increase them in any considerable degree without ge-
neral detriment. It was fearful to contemplate the inroads
that bad been made upon the capital employed in land within
the- last five • years ; and that made it necessary that they
should protect what remained. By encouraging foreign agri-
culturists instead of our own, they would be reducing those who
had formed the strength Of the country to irretrievable ruin.
'This must be the result of the liberal doctrines of the day, if
they were to be adopted and acted upon by the House. The
alteration in the currency had, to a certain extent, operated to
keep up the distress; but its effect had been greatly ex-
aggerated. With regard to that, as well as taxation, being
the chief causes of distress, he must confess that he had never
heard any reasons advanced why they ought to be treated in
any other than the lightest manner. Since the close of the' ar
eighteen millions of taxes had been reduced, and that without
affording relief to agriculture. The greatest further remission
which he had heard proposed was that of five millions, and
what.benefit could be expected from that, after the experience
they had seen ? The Hon. Member concluded by reminding
the House of the fable of the bundle of sticks, and conjuring
them to hold the interests of the country bound up together.
If they did so, they should be safe. But if they became dis-
united, and suffered the political economists to pull one out of
the bundle, they would all be broken up. Let them look to
agriculture as the chief stake, and protect it as far as lay in
their power. But above all, let them continue to follow in the
course by which their ancestors had made a small country be-
come a great one, and he had no doubt but they should even-
tually triumph over partial distress, and remove all the obstacles
which opposed their progress for a time.
Mr. HUSKISSON said that, after a debate which had ex-
hibited a greater diversity of opinion than he ever witnessed
in Parliament, the House would doubtless be glad to hear
that he only meant •to trouble them for a very short time.—
His object was to explain what he had done upon this
subject during the present Session. He had abstained from
attending the Committee, because after all that had passed
in the former Committee, and the observations which had been
made with regard to him, and after he had drawn up the Re-
port, his-Noble Friend concurred with him in the view that he
was justified in staying away. Upon that Report he should
say nothing. If he deserved the observation made with regard
to it, that it was a mystification, it was a mystification con-
fined in a very narrow compass ; and as the French would say,
(from whom the word was borrowed), with respect to the Hon.
Members who had used the observation, he thought it was only
a mystification of themselves. His Noble Friend had the
other day adopted the principles of that Report, but with a
mystification of those principles to a greater extent than he was
prepared to go. He then thought it necessary to recommend
what he considered to be the true principles, and with that view
alone he had put his Resolutions on the table. He should take
no further part in the proceedings, because he found it impossi-
ble to discuss the question without being subject to animadver-
sions,which were unpleasant to him, as to the part he took in
the Committee of last year. It was, therefore, because he was
anxious to support the principles he recommended to the Com-
mittee, that he had proposed his resolutions ; and also be-
cause lie wished to take off the responsibility of the existing
laws, which, if they remained, would wholly destroy the Agri-
cultural Capital. of the country, already injured to a fearful
extent—not by the importation of foreign corn, but by the mo-
nopoly and the restrictions which they created. He should
no'v leave the question to the House, to be disposed of as '
should think fit.

t Lord ALTH()RP expressed his desire to state the opinions
- he held on the question. The reasons of the Right lion. Gen-
i had no weight, the principles of the resolutions had not
been explained to his satisfaction, and he should abstain from
- voting in support of theory, which did not prorhise any real ad-
; vantage to the country. He had looked to the inconvenience to
which the fanner was subject. He found it arose from the great
fluctuation of prices, and the objeet was to give a settled price.
With regard to the protection which the farmer had a right to
demand, he did not wish to extend it beyond the present Corn
Laws, but lie was desirous to give • a steady price, from fifty
• shillings to seventy shillings. -If that were the arrangement,
the consumer would not suffer more than at present. Looking
to the evidence before the Committee, -and finding that Dant-
zio corn might be sold in this country at 60s. an import duty of
20s. would be quite sufficient. The Noble Lord was better sa-
tisfied with•the resolutions of his Hon. Friend than those pro-
posed by the Hon. Member for Portarlington. The propositions
of the Noble Lord and the Right Hon. Gentleman were to be
preferred to the law as it stood. With regard to the best relief
to agriculture, he did not see that any.relief could be afforded
except it came from reduction of taxation. The manufacturing'
districts would no doubt suffer by a rise in agricultural prices.
In the present state of distress, the Farmer and Country Gen-
tleman had certainly a right to call on Government for relief.—
, They were all satisfied upon that proposition, but the question
was, how could that relief be given ? The proposed drawback
on exportation would doubtless have the effect of taking off
the glut from the market. A bounty of 18s. would increase
the advantage.
Mr. GOOCH did not rise to trespass long on the attention
of the House, but he wished to explain a few points which had
occurred in debate. He had unfortunately given offence by
stating, that the last report of the Agricultural Committee was
a mystification. He really considered that report drawn up
with talent; but it was not a report which could afford much
instruction. He lamented that any party spirit should per-
vade the House on this subject, yet the abandonment of ,
one resolution by the Noble Lord was . certainly ground
for the attack made by an Honourable Baronet. He wished
the first resolution moved by his Noble Friend had been
agreed to. It would have relieved' the • country from the
glut in the markets. As to any sweeping measure for the
relief of agriculture,. he did not believe there was any pos-
sible chance of giving relief in that way. All they could
do was to stem the torrent' of mischief which was inun-
dating the country. All they could do was to prevent a fluc-
tuation in the prices of corn, which kept the farmer always
in a panic. That panic ought to be removed. He agreed in
the third resolution, which declared that the ports ought not
to be open till wheat came to 755. The protection of the agri-
culture of the country was serioursly called for. They were
expected to adopt measures which might enable landlords to
maintain that situation they had so long held with respecta-
bility. It was said reduction of taxes would accomplish that
object, but he was convinced the reduction of half the present
' taxation would not remove agricultural distress. If taxes could
be removed, he should say, impose no restriction—open your
ports—England would be able to enter into competition with all
Europe ; but under the unnatural state of commerce throughout
the world, agriculture in England ought to be protected. He
wished the protecting duty to be 15s. and the price at which
they are to open 755. It was almost impossible the farmer
could sell his corn and Eire by it at less than 655. per quarter.
Sir T. LETHBRIDGE rose to explain. Nothing less than
the scale of duties he had proposed would operate as a protec-
tion to Agriculture. The expectation of the country was
raised for immediate relief, and he had stated how immediate
relief was to be obtained. The half-way measures submitted
to the House did not probe the wound to the bottom. The
Hon. Baronet expressed a hope that the Committee would adopt
his Resolutions.

Mr. NICHOLSON did not suppose any effectual relief
could be afforded. He wished to support the existing law,
and he was anxious to caution the Committee against giving
implicit confidence to the 'statements made by corn merchants
as to the prices of foreign corn. He did not wish to say any
thing uncivil of witnesses; but he could not help feeling that the
evidence of interested persons ought to be looked at with jea-
lousy. It was important that the landed interest should have
a remunerating price, but he was not partial to any of the re-
medies proposed.
Mr. IRVING rose amidst the cry of " Question !" and, ad-
verting to the Resolution which had been abandoned, said,

some blame had been cast upon him as the author. He had
not left the Noble Lord -in the lurch. The proposition made
by the Noble Lord differed from his. The Noble Lord's pro:
position was inadequate to the_ object, and his would have an-
swered the purpose. The withdrawing of his resolution had
disappointed the expectationvof the countiy. The Hon. Mem-
ber concluded by saying he should take the liberty to submit
the Resolultion :wain to the House;—(" No, no !" from several
of the Committee.)w.

Sir N. COLTH.URST made a few observations, but the call
" Question! question !" made the Hon. Baronet inaudible in
the gallery. - _
Sir W. W. WY NN supported the Resolution of the Noble
Lord.

Mr. GRIFFITHS attributed the distress of the Agricul-
turists to change in the currency and excessive taxation.
Mr. BROUGHAM rose amidst a loud and general call for
the question. He said; althoughlie had risen late to address
the House, he should not detain them long. He was surprised
to hear the House call for adjournment. The subjecthad been
fully discussed, yet if there was any Gentleman desirous of
speaking, he should consider him entitled to a patient hearing.
The question before the House was, whether and what altera-
tion might be made in the existing Corn Law ? Almost every
Member who had spoken on the subject admitted that some re-
gulation was necessary, and,that a worse principle could not be'
than the -present principle of the Corn Law. To provide a
remedy they were to adopt importation prices and average.
The question then was, which of the resolutions propounded
would he most advantageous ? The Noble Lord had proposed.
the importation price and protecting duties. His Honourable
Friend, the `l ember for Portarlington, had proposed a plan
free from objection. His plan was gradual, and in prin-
ciple he saw no objection to it; but he thought the scale'
..of permanent. duty was much too low. The principles of the.
Al embers for Wiltshire and Somersetshire were the same. But
were it not for the particular circumstances of this country, he
should be for a free trade altogether. He thought the Member.
for Somersetshire had treated with some acrimony the un-
happY political economists ; but he should 'recollect that they
were all political economists, though they belonged to dif-
ferent schools. His objection to the plan of the Member for
Somersetshire was, principally, that it amounted to an exclu-
sion. But it should be borne in mind that eighty shillings now
were equal, to 100 s. some time since. It was said, however,
that the agriculturist was burthened by poor rates and tithes.
He admitted that they were great burthens ; but Honourable
Gentlemen forgot how indirect taxation pressed upon all. The
breaking up of the poorer lands had caused a cessation from
the demand of labour ; but still he was happy to find that the
situation of the English labourer was infinitely better than that
of the Polish peasant, who stood in the midst of abundance. Ile
should, were it not for the lateness of the night, enter into an
examination of .many of the arguments of the Member for
Corfe Castle. He (Mr. Brougham), for one, thought that at
least much of our distress was attributable to taxation ; and
that we should be worse than folly-stricken if we did not
direct our attention to it. The proper object for consideration
was, cure for the present, rather than prevention against a
future disease.. It was better, he admitted, to legislate on the
subject while "we were at low prices ; but he protested against
this, his temporary admission, being drawn. into an argument
that he approved of the general principle. Before, however,
they touched the currency, he warned them to beware. He
did not altogether subscribe to the Right Hon. Gentleman's
'Bill, but he deeply regretted the wrongfully placing of the
power of altering the currency into irresponsible hands since
the year 1797. He deeply deplored that the effects of the
resumption had not been more maturely weighed before the
passing of the measure; but it was another thing now to undo
what had been so solemnly done. To tamper with it now would
be to admit that we were reduced to extremity. It was policy
as well as justice to retain this rather than avoid worse. Let
us reduce taxation, and relieve agriculture as much as we can ;
' and then and not till then would it be the bounden duty of the.
House to consider of that which had been called by many a
Sinking Fund, and which they still called a Sinking Fund for
the sake of their own characters. He concluded by saying, that
under the circumstances he should support the proposition of
the Hon. Member for Portarlington.
The Marquis of LONDONIIERRY admitted the right of
the Honourable and Learned Member to reserve his opi-
nion on the general question. He (the Marquis) only begged
in return the right of contending hereafter that the Honourable
and Learned Gentleman was in error, in believing that the
reduction of taxation would be productive of any great re-
liof to the agriculturist. Such a reduction might relieve him
as a grower, but not as a consumer. As for the question
of the currency, he really thought the Honourable and
Learned Member would have allowed it to remain asleep.—
The Honourable and Learned Member appeared to object
to the principle on which the measure had been passed ; and
yet he admitted that it was now too far advanced to be
questioned ; thus keeping the subject in continual agitation
in the minds of the people of England. With regard to the
observation of his Honourable Friend, the Member for Corfe
Castle, he really thought his Honourable Friend would on re-
flection see that he was rather advancing than opposing the
recommendation of the Committee of last year. The sub-
ject had been discussed in the House with calmness ;
and he had no doubt the people of the country looked with
confidence to the decision of the House. He could not agree
in any respect with the proposition of the Honourable Mem-
ber for Somersetshire ; and he thought that Honourable
Member would himself admit that his proposition was against
the general opinion of the Agricultural Committee. His (the
Marquis's) object was to assist the Agricultural Interest, con-
sistent with the duty which they owed to the country at large ;
but he deprecated the passing of any measure which, from its
partial character, would have the effect of exciting jealousy
among the'other classes, and ultimately work an injury to the
Agriculturists themselves.

tinges were 'then ordered to withdraw, and the Committee
divided, when there appeared
For Sir Thomas Lethbridge's Motion - 24
Against it - - - 243
Majority - - - - -219
Strangers were not re-admitted into the Gallery ; but consi-
derable discussion took place on the other motions. The cheer-
ing was very loud and frequent, from whence we infer that it
was an animated debate. No other division, however,. took
place; and it was at length agreed that the Chairman should
report progress, and ask leave to sit again to-morrow (this day).
The House adjourned at Two o'CLocic.

LIST OF THE MINORITY
OF 37 WHO VOTED FOR MR. WYVILL'S MOTION',
" That it is the opinion of this House, that the best and most
effectual relief that can be 'given to the agricultural interest is
a large remission of taxation."
Allen, J. A. Denman, Thos. Power, R.
Barrett, S. B. M. Dundas, Hon. T. Powlett,'llon. W.
Brougham, H. Fitzroy, Lord C. Palmer, C. F. •.
Blake, Sir F. Fergusson, SirR.C. Sykes, D.
Beaumont, T. W. Guise, Sir W. Sebright, Sir J.
Birch, J. . Griffiths, J. W. Tierney, Rt.Hn: G.
Bright, Henry • Graham, S. Williams, J.•
Benett, John Hornby, Ed. Webbe, Colonel
Bernal, R. Heron, Sir Robert Western, C. C.
Coffin, Sir I. Hume, J.
Creevey, T. Lennard, T. B. TELLERS.
Crespigny, Sir W. Maule, Hon. W. Wyvill, M.
Chaloner, Robert Monck, J. B. Wilson, Sir R.
Curwen, J. C. Philips, G.
R. 11. Gurney paired off in favour of the motion.