The Sun.
London, England, 1849-06-13 00:00:00

tons burthen sold for a much higher price, now that! opinion an enemy upon this subject, they would raise a
the trade was denuded of all monopoly. He believed great obstacle in the progress of their efforts to suppress
that was one of the many proofs which would gradually the slave trade by negotiation and remonstrance; but it
chase away those f-ars created by debates which had could not be believed that the exclusion would be con-
taken place in that House, for British ships, built by conducive to the suppression of the slave-trade.
British shipbuilders, and,manned by superior men, would The Bishop of OXFORD replied, and their Lordships
for ever command the supremacy of the, seas over the divided, when there_ appeared—
nations of Europe. Content ......
The Bishop of OXFORD, upon the motion being put, Non-content — -23
said he should not have troubled their ;Lordships with Majority —l4
any remarks upon this Bill if he regarded it merely as a The Bill was then passed, and their Lordships ad-
commercial or maritime measure. But it seemed to him journed.
to touch upon moral considerations of a most serious
kind. The amendment which he had to propose would
explain in what way it touched moral considerations.
The ground upon Which he was justified in treating this
as a moral question was that the slave trade was an in-
jury to humanity, and that this country should use its
influence and strength to put down this accursed trade.
—(Hear, hear.) It was upoa this ground that they esta-
blished a fleet for the suppression on the African coast,
and entered into treaties for the same purpose.—(Hear,
hear.) It was not true that that was done for commer-
cial purposes, but to serve a righteous object. They
must therefore deal with the subject he had in
view upon moral principles only. He would probably be
told that this was a commercial question, and to act as
he would suggest would be followed by inconvenience
and loss, but that was no answer. The object he had to
pursue was the cause of right, and should be treated as
he would propose. Now he had to show to their Lord-
ships that, without the clause he intended to propose,
this measure would increase the slave trade. It was
stated that this measure would quicken trade generally.
The traffic he alluded to would be augmented. That
country abounded in the prodigal gifts of Heaven, and
all it wanted was labour to supply, which it went upon
the principle of working out their labour, which had to
be renewed every year to produce the raw material.
That labour was only -to be furnished by the African
slave, and as this Bill would have the tendency of
quickening trade, and Consequently the necessity for the
supply of the raw material would increase and in
exact proportion as it did, that a direct stimulus would
be' given to the African trade, and in, the same pro-
portion they would leieen the inducements of the Bra-
zilians to do away with this 'trade, which by treaties
they were bound to do. But they did not enforce the
treaties by arms because the Government had not the
power to enforce its commands. Was it not, therefore,
much more imperative upon them to 'aid the Government
by every moral means in their power? At present in
Brazil a few slave-traders in Rio were paramount. These
traders bribed the members of the Assembly, and to such
an extent was influence carried, that no hope could be
entertained of any effort on their part to abolish the
slave trade. Now nothing could more strengthen the
desire of this country _to suppress this traffic than the
adoption of the amendment he had to propose. If they
persisted in their present course he feared that the time
was not far distant when this country would once more
again directly participate in the pollution of the slave
trade.— (Hear, hear.) The course of trade was from
this country to Rio, and there the selection of articles
was made for the slave trade. The vessels bringing
sugar here would on their return • touch • on the
African coast, and-having conveyed their living cargo to
Brazil, would again return to England with the produce
of their labour, and so they would once more be in-
directly engaged in the African slave trade, the
most polluting and abominable of all trades. That was
strong ground, but he might appeal to theta on higher
and nobler motives. Many of those present bore here-
ditary honours, derived from those who were willing to
peril everything for a cause which 'they deemed the most
sacred on earth. It was a false and hollow promise that
this would increase the national wealth if it stained the
national honour. Commercial advantage should not be
sought at the expense of the sacred cause of freedoin
and religion. They were building this fair edifice of
maritime advantages upon a smouldering volcano, for in
process of probably a very short time the slaves might
combine against their masters, and violence and brutality
would attend the convulsive struggle, in which all hopes
of commercial benefit must perish. The Brazilian people
hated we because they looked upon us as increasing the
price of the slave to serve our own avaricious pur-
poses, and from the course we had pursued as not
being really in earnest in the object we proposed
to accomplish. With a view to the removal of
this impression, and for the reasons he had given
he begged to propose the following amendment:—" And
whereas it is expedient that the privileges proposed to
be given to foreign ships by this Act -should not be ex-
ten4ed to the ships of nations actively engaged in the
African slave trade, nor to foreign ships carrying the
exports of such nations ; be it enacted, that the said
privileges shall not extend to the ships of Spain, or to
foreign ships exporting the produce of the West Indian
colonies of Spain, or to the ships of or to foreign ships ex-
porting the produce of Brazil, until such time as her
Majesty shall have declared, by orders in council, that
the Governments of Spain and Brazil have respectively
given to her Majesty full satisfaction as to the fulfilment
of the treaties into which they have or shall have entered
with her Majesty for the suppression of the African slave
trade; but that until such time the aforesaid Acts, de-
clared by this Act to be repealed, shall remain and be of
full force and effect as regards such countries, any such
repeal as aforesaid notwithstanding."
Lord HOWDEN said that, despite the eloquence of
his Right Rev. Friend, in depreciation of what he called
the mere commercial principle, he would confine his ob-
servations entirely to that part of the question, and deal
with it as one of facts and figures. Although he might
take it from that high ground on which the Right Rev.
Prelate had so felicitously placed it, yet by that mode of
treating it. the practical effect of the amendment would
be more clearly discerned. The Right Rev. Prelate ac-
knowledged, with great frankness, the importance of our
commerce, but he did not see any part of his speech in
which that importance was practically admitted. There
was at this moment no treaty between England and
Brazil. This state of things gave to us a power of deal-
ing with Brazil as we might think fit, but it gave the
same power to Brazil also. In fact, there was at this
time in existence a decree, though not formally put in
operation, by which the vessels of nations that did not
put Brazilian ships upon a footing of (quality were to
be charged with a differential duty of one-third more
than the usual charges. This would show not only the
immediate burden to which our ships would be subject,
but at the same time Brazil could not be charged
with acting in a vindictive spirit, because the
date of the decree was October, 1847, and its
operation had been merely suspended from time
to time In order to give foreign nations time to enter
into friendly arrangements. But if in the interim we,
having materially altered our navigation-laws, were to
enforce unfavourable terms upon Brazilian ships, the
consequence would be an increase of one-third of all the
charges to which ships are liable, independent of retalia-
tory duties on the goods landed. This would lead to a
similar policy on our part, and ultimately to the sus-
pension of all commercial intercourse with Brazil. That
would actually lead to the object aimed at by the Right
Rev. Prelate; but when the fact that the exports to
Brazil from this country were 3,000,0001., he thought it
would be considered that an amendment which would
injure, if not destroy, a trade like that, ought to be
carefully considered.—(Hear, hear.) The imports of
pure Brazilian produce into this country were much
smaller than our export trade, being about 600,0001.
Besides this, the amendment, if passed, would very likely
not touch the trade immediately aimed at. He had no
doubt that some Noble Lords might vote for the amend-
ment, on the ground that it might disarrange the influx
of foreign vessels, and thus preserve the trade to our
own ships; but he believed that the Right Rev. Prelate
acted upon no such principle.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
He believed that he was, sincerely anxious to put down
the slave trade, and therefore he hoped the Right Rev.
Prelate would pause, when he assured him that so long
as Brazilian produce was so much required in all parts
of the world, any such proposal as that submitted would
not diminith it by one bag of cotton or one hogshead of
sugar.—(Hear, hear.) He could assure their Lordships
that the world was very slow to acknowledge our phi-
lanthropy in the matter of the slave trade, and if we
passed such a measure it would materially increase the
impression that interest, and not benevolence, was our
actuating motive.—(Hear, hear.) In short, the proposal,
if carried, would place one million tons of British ship-
ping under greatly increased burdens; and he asked
if
the Right Rev. Prelate was prepared to bring in a Bill
to deprive the British shipowner and merchant from
enjoying the privilege of trading to Brazil? Such a
measure, if introduced, would produce general opposi-
tion, and yet in his conscience he believed that no-
thing short of it could effect the object aimed at by
the Right Rev. Prelate. The repression of the slave
trade was, however, not to be effected by legislation. The
habits and feelings of mankind, either national or con-
ventional, were so strong, that unless there was a general '
movement against that trade, actuated by feelings al-
most amounting to fanaticism, it could not be put down.
The proposal would not in reality affect the slave trade,
but merely displace some other part of the traffic at pre-'
seat existing.—(Hear, hear.) He asked, therefore, bow,
without actual force, the growth and exportation of Bra-
zilian produce could .be prevented? This amendment-
was, in fact, an intervention in the internal affairs of
another nation—part of a system which he deeply de-
plored, and which had already raised up numerous
enemies to this country. Our energy and trade were so
great and so widely extended—our arms so long and our.
fingers fingers so active—we interfered so generally in the afforas
of mankind,That any such interference iss that pwrop.oeseof
would, in the end, damage infinitely more tbe ad
this country than that of the countries we thus
meddled
with. He could not think thai it was the intention of the
.
House to damage this measure by adopting amendments
that would injure it, and be hoped they would not accept
this amendment.
The Earl of WARWICK said he thought the adop-
tion of this amendment would nullify what they had
already done with regard to the navigation-laws, and on
that ground he could not support it.
Lord DENMAN said he was glad the speech of his
Right Rev. Friend had been made, and that it had been
answered. That speech convinced him that the amend-
ment grew out of this Bill, and therefore he should sup-
port it. He was satisfied the slave trade had been so far
repressed as to afford evidence that it could be sup-
pressed. When the world believed that the natious
which had united for the suppression of this trade were
sincere, it would be ea,ily suppressed. He could not
believe that the principles of morality would not prevail
is p.itting en end to this wicked traffic. They spoke
" solidulity" of nations but was not Africa within that
fraternity ?—(Hear.) In this question he only saw two
parties, the slave-trader and the miserable slave, who
was the victim of this nefarious traffic.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said he had nothing
to add to the arguments used by the Noble Lord (Lord
Howden), who brought so much information on the sub-
ject, which he so ably interwove into his argument. If
they abandoned their commerce they would lose their
influence, and recede from the position they attained by
commerce. They were called upon to do that exclu-
sively upon religious grounds, by refusing to deal with
MUltrism who .retiguod Wog. If they mute public

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS.

From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commotes.l
TUESDAY, JUNE 12.
ARBITRATION.

Motion made, and Question proposed, " That an humble
Address be presented to her Majesty, praying that sbe will
be graciously pleased to direct her principal Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs to enter into communication with
Foreign Powers, inviting them to concur in Treaties, bind-
ing the respective parties, in the event of any future misun-
derstanding, which cannot be arranged by amicable negotia-
tion, to refer the matter in dispute to the decision of Arbi-
trators :"—Previous Question put, " That that Question be
now put." The Hou-e divided:—

MINORITY—AYES, 79.
Aglionby, H. Harris, Richard Pigott, Francis
Alcock, Thomas Hastie, Alexander Pilkington, James
Anderson, Arthur Headlam, Thomas Pryse, Pryse
Armstrong, It. B. Henry, Alexander Reynolds, John
BasS, M. T. Heywood, James Ricardo, Osman
Berkeley. C. L. G. Ileyworth, L. Robartes, T. J. A.
Blewitt,yeginald Hindley, Charles Roebuck, J A.
BouVerie, E. P. Hobhouse, T. B. Scholetield, William
Bright, John llorsman, E. Sidney, Alderman
BrOklehurst, John Hume, Joseph Smith, John B.
Brotherton, J. Ker„Richard Spearman, 11. J.
Brown, W. Kershaw, James Strickland, Slr G. -
Banbury, Edward .King, P. J. ThoMpson, Colonel
Clay, James Lushington, C. -Thompson, George
Cowan, Charles M'Cullagh,,W. T. Thornely, T.
Croivder, R. S. Marshall, J. G. Trelawny, J. S.
lo'yncourt.C. T. Matheson, Colonel Villiers, Charles
Duncan, George Moffatt, George • Walmsley, Sir J.
M Moody, C. A. `'W
'awn, John .. ... ,
- awn, J. T.
P.
Evans, Sir De Lacy • Morrig, David • Westheed,'J. P.
Fag-au, William O'Brien, J. Willcox, Brodie
Fat, W. J. O'Connell, John Williams. John
Gibaon, Thomas M.. O'Connor, Feargus Wyld, James
Glyb, G. C. Osborne, Ralph
Oreinall, G. Pearson, Charles TELLERS.
GreOne, John Pechell, Captain Cobden, R.
Grenfell, C. Pascoe Perfect, Robert E w art, William
1 Grosvenor, Lord It. Peto, Samuel M. •