The Sun.
London, England, 1838-03-15 00:00:00

whether Mr. Gordon's name had been struck out or not, he did not

know,

All this he (Mr. S.) was at liberty to communicate to the meet.

ing. When he was in Jamaica in February last year, he had visited

among the workhouses the workhouse of St. Ann's, and upon looking at
the Magistrates visiting book, he found that the last visit of the Magis-
trates had been in the October before, and that during the whole of
those four months, all the horrors which had been described in 'Williams'

pamphlet, which had before been alluded to, had been going forward.
He had himself seen the stipendiary Magistrate intoxicated in the streets,

and the whips were in the hands of the condemned convicts, who flogged
the cases in the workhouses just as they pleased.—(Cries of " Shame,

shame," from all parts of the meeting.) The boy Williams, was the
young man whom he had brought over himself, and convinced of the
truth of the statement which he had made in England, as he (Mr. S.)

was under examination before a Committee of the House of Com-
--

If that was the case it was the worse for the Government, as it showed
they were deluding the people of England.—( Cheers.) If the friends of
'he negro found the system worked badly—if the negroes themselves
were equally convinced on that point—if their best friends were con-
vinced that it was slavery under another name, then they were en.
titled to call for a repeal of that clause of the Act.—(Loud cheers_)
He said, let it be on the Ist of August, 1838, if not before. And why ?
Ist, Because it was the negroes right, and it would be far easier to effect
the entire extinction of the negroes in all the Colonies, than to carry out
the provisions of the Bill before Parliament, or even to make the at.
tempt to brieg that Bill into operation.—(Hear.) He knew not what
amount of industry, or money, or number of agents it would require,
in order that the provisions of that Bill might be even applied ;
but this he knew, it wanted no money, it wanted no men, not even a
statesman as an honest man and a Christian, to bring forward a measure
that should break the yoke on the first of August, 1838.—(Hear, hear.)
They wanted no extra troops—they could do without them in Antigua,
and instead of being defended there by British bayonets, there was a
proposition to bring home the British troops, and to leave that island
to be defended by the valour, by the loyalty, by the gratitude, and the
piety of emancipated negroes. They asked it on that day, because on
that day the non-Priedials would go out, or some of them would go out,
.hey asked it, because many of them had been deprived of their free.
dom. Would Lord Glenelg revive the classifications ? He wondered
how his Lordship meant to effect it. Had he ever heard the story of
belling the cat?—(Laughter.) Their Noble Chairman knew, that in
some of the islands there were no classification lists to be
revised.—(Hear, hear, hear.) It would be impossible for Lord
Glenelg with all his industry—with all his wakefulness—(Laughter)—
.t would be impossible for Lord Glenelg—lynx-eyed though he might be
to discover who were the negroes that, on the 31st of August, 1834,
belonged to the prmdial class and the non-prmdial class.—(Cheering.)
What a sinful mockery it was, that on the Ist of August, 1838, some
should go out from the mere fact that they had been domestics—simply
oecause they had known nothing of the rigours of the ease-piece—be-
cause they had not been scorched and blistered under the rays of a
vertical sun in the open air—because it had been the lot of
some of them to cleats houses, some of them to dress their mistresses,
and some of them to watch the changing countenances of their masters.
Why should they go out because of these things ? Were they mole
educated? They were less educated. Were they more moral ? They
were less moral. The negroes would tell them that of the two classes
the field negroes—the agricultural peasantry—were more prepared for
freedom than the domestics. The domestic lived in the cities, and were
contaminated; but the poor negro who toiled in the field all day
retired at night to his hut, and was glad to avail himself of the Sabbath-
day, for the purpose of seeking in the sanctuary, either in that hal-
lowed face, which, belonging to the establishment of this country, was
open to him, and where he heard every Sunday those beautiful words
put up beibre God—" That It may please Him to take pity on all psi.
soners and captives"—(Cheers)—or he proceeded to the more modest,
but not less holy nor beneficial sanctuary of the sectarian, the I)is_
senter, the Wesleyan, with all his energy, and fervour, and faith—or
the Moravian, with all his unostentatious labour, and sacrifice, and
toil—or to the many of the other asylums for the spiritual enslaved,
where he was promoted from rags on earth to robes in heaven—from a
tattered parchment of earthly freedom here, to an unperishable title to
rest and liberty hereafter—from the frown of a tyrant on earth, to the
smile of a father in heaven—and from all that was wretched, vile.
demoralizing, and afflictive on earth, to all that was just, and pure, and
beatific, in those regions of bliss, where the slave would be—even as Isis
master.—(Loud cheering.) Why should the non-prwdial go out, and
the prxdial remain in ? He asked again, had they not purchased that
liberty ?—(Cheers.) Was there no danger of delay ? He would
contend that the negro had been injured principally for this reason,
that he was the mild, the docile, the gentle, and the forbearing being
that my Lord Glenelg had at last admitted him to be. If not, the air
would have wrestled with spears; or if he could not have
got spears, the very instruments with which lie cut the fruit of his in-
dustry on his mountain ground, would have served him to wreak on the
head of his tyrant that vengeance which in any bosom would have been
engendered by the dreadful miseries he was called on to
endure—was there no danger now that the negro was becoming en-
lightened and fully aware of the intentions of the people of England ?
fhe negro, had been taught to look from the tyrant master and the
pliant manufacturer—from the Custus and the Assembly—from the Go-
vernor, and even from the Cabinet and Parliament, to the humanity,
generosity, friendship, and Christian zeal of the British people.
When they found that they were kept in bondage two years longer
in despite of their payments and their prayers, they might do that
for which men had been lauded and immortalised in all ages.—
(Cheers.) They might learn the lesson that had been taught them
all over Europe, and which had been successfully practised on the
shores of the United States of America; and they might say, "if
Lord Glenelg thinks we have a right to freedom—that we are fit
Mr liberty—if he knows that we can work for wages and do so, I
think we ought to take him at hls word, and we will be free,
and throw the onus probandi on him of proving that we are not
tit for freedom."—(Vehement cheering.) They now asked that the
negro might go out in 1838, and they asked it with a full knowledge of
the feelings of the people of that country. He was sorry that the Mi-
nister of the day had been, so far as his acts declared his knowledge,
guided by so exceedingly limited an acquaintance with the feeling out
of doors.—(Hear, hear.) He thought the present Ministers were
somewhat at sea upon the question—they were reckoning without their
host—they were taking too much for granted, and they were stretch-
ing a little too far in estimating the gullibility and plausibility of
the people of that country.—(Much cheering.) Once robbed, it was
likely that a man would be cautious for the future, and he did believe
that that Bill would be scouted, as he thought it ought to be, from
one end of the kingdom to the other.—(Cheers.) When he said
scouted, let him not be understood as meaning that it should be so
treated when it became the law of the land : but he believed it never
would be carried.—(Cheers.) He honestly believed that it would not
answer the purpose; but if even everything it promised could be per-
fected, it would not perform what truth and justice demanded.—(Ap-
plause.) The negroes being prepared for freedom, it was for that meet-
ing to do its duty—let them by those peaeeful but determined energies
they possessed, by putting them forth wisely and prudently, see if they
could not get what they wanted. Let them do itquickly_let them not de-
lay. He believed the country was with them, and he spoke from actual
observations.—(Hear, hear.) He knew that the religion of that land
was on their side.—(Cheers.) He knew that the moral feeling of the
land was on their side.—(Renewed sheers.) He knew that the genius
of Great Britain at large was on their side ; he knew that from the
starving peasant, who treads the quivering bog of Ireland—from the
Scottish peasant free, robust and happy in his own mountain glens,
worshipping his God, where his fathers fought and bled and died for
freedom—from the miner of Cornwall and the collier of Newcastle,
and the weaver of Huddersfield and Bradford to the pea-
sant of Sussex and Devonshire—from every quarter, including
the people of that vast metropolis who had poured cut in thousands
both yesterday and to-day, filling the vast area of that building, and
sending hundreds away disappointed, that all were with them,—(Loud
and protracted cheering.) He had said that he knew the genius of
the land was with them, and nothing but a determination of the
Government and Parliament to make that Bill the law of the land,
would be able to carry it into actual accomplishment and working. He
would repeat, then, it remained for them to do their duty. They had
appealed to both Houses of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) They had
poured in their petitions almost without number, and no one knew that
better than the Noble Lord who presided.—(Much cheering.)
atd Ladies
rf
otnhseolfa nod
rhea. dt aßprpi rt oa
i7l,h6e d3oh, eorooMajestyg es
tQr
ounege M
in e
and he
es
was sure they would admit, and stronger in purpose and moral power
(Much cheeringl—had approached the presence of their gracious and
youthful Queen, nor would, he believed that appeal from woman to
woman on behalf of woman, be in vain.—(Loud cheers.) Where the
ladies had led the way they might safely follow, and if the ladies had
been up to the Throne there was no reason why the gentlemen
should not go up to the Throne also—(Loud cheers)—and that
brought him to speak of the resolution he held in his hand, and on
which he should say but one word. It was with reference to
the appointmedt by that meeting of a deputation to present an Address to
her Majesty the Queen, praying her Majesty to bestow a prompt and
gracious consideration on the condition of her negro subjects, and to
exercise her Royal prerogative in favour of a measure of complete
emancipation on the Ist of August, 1838.—(Much cheering.) He
perceived that they agreed to the measure, and he knew that they liked
the men who were appointed to carry the measure into execu.
tion.—(Hear, hear.) He knew they would have no serious
objection to Lord Brougham. (The meeting here responded
with three distinct rounds of applause, and the Noble and
Learned Lord took off his hat and bowed repeatedly.)___
He repeated that they would entertain no serious objections to the
resolutions in which the Learned and Noble Lord was respectfully and
earnestly requested to marshal the deputation into the presence of
Royalty.—(Renewed cheering.) Neither would they object, after Lord
Brougham, that Captain Harward, R.N., who, with distinguished
ability and impartiality, presided over all the sittings of the delegates
in November last, should be the second.—(Cheers.) The third gentle-
man was one who was equally entitled to their esteem, their gratitude
and their confidence, whose name had become a synonynae for all
that was lofty in principle and generous in feeling, and upright
in conduct—he meant Joseph Sturge of Birmingham—(Loud cheers)—
and lastly, a gentleman who was not unknown to their Noble Chairman,
who had stood forward through years past, and even lately before
thousands in the Cloth-hall of Leeds, than which there was
not a town or city in the empire more attached to the cause of
the injured negro—with equal alacrity they would say, that the Rev. T.
Scales of Leeds should be the fourth person named.—(Cheers.) He
had done, except that he congratulated the meeting, that he congratu-
lated the country, and that he congratulated the bleeding and festered
slaves throughout the world upon the appearance of the Noble Lord
there on the two days that had passed, but especially when he recol-
lected that when that country was comparatively supine, when they
looked around to the House of Commons, and to the
House of Lords with something like a feeling of despon-
dency, doubting whether there were any, either willing, or being
willing having strength t nough for the task, or having the strength the

mons, he had sent a copy of the statement to every Member of the
Committee, and he was happy to find that the Government had
now directed an inquiry into the subject. Williams stated in
his pamphlet that all the women not able to dance were
flogged most dreadfully, particularly all the women from Hayti field.
There were twenty-one women to one man, and there were only three
of the twenty-one women able to work in the fields, as all the rest were
in the hospital from the effects of the whip and the mill.—(Cries of
"Shame, shame.") Now there was nothing for which the people of this
country were more anxious than that women should not be flogged.
There was nothing which they so positively insisted upon obtaining
for their money as its abolition.—(Hear, hear.) But they had heard
Williams's statement, and that statement had been confirmed in ex-
press terms by the Report of the Commissioners, who said that it had
received few and unimportant contradictions, but that all its material
allegations were supported by a chain of unbroken an convincing tea.
timony.—(Hear, hear.) The Rev. Gentleman then read several extracts
upon letters recently received from Jamaica, to show that the opinion
very generally prevailed in that island that much danger was to be
apprehended if the negroes were not fully emancipated by the let of
August, 1838. No violence was to be apprehended from the Christian
negroes, but much was to be feared from the disappointment of those who
were not restrained by Christian principles. He asked the meeting
would the people of England allow this country to be held up as a
laughing stock to the world, and their sable brethren to be cheated of
their liberty ? It was a noble act of the British people to wash their
hands of the blood of their brethren.—(Hear, hear) Would they
now allow the great experiment to be marred by those who were
paupers on their bounty, and who had violated all the provisions of the
Emancipation Act, which if it had been based on the principles of jus-
tice upon which it was demanded, would have put an end before now to
that accursed system which had desolated fur ages some of the finest
portions of the habitable globe.
Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON (who was announced by the Secretary as a
distinguished anti-slavery advocate, and one who had laboured in
the cause in very great suffering and peril) said it was highly
important that they should undestand very distinctly the ground
on which they were assembled within those walls. The impression
should not go abroad that they were there to discuss details, but to
enunciate and reiterate principles.—(Hear, hear.) It will be necessary to
show the injustice of the Bill now before the House, of which the Noble
and Learned Lord'in the chair was so pre-eminent and distinguished an
ornament. It might be necessary to save this great empire from delusion,
and from once more placing its head in the lap of expediency,
and being shorn of its strength—otherwise they would not condescend to
look at the Bill at all—they would throw it overboard—they would leave
it to be carried into effect by those who begot the measure.—(Hear,
hear.) He feared that the rock upon which they were in danger of
splitting, was their being hoodwinked as to the real character of the
measure now before Parliament. He did not know how to
comprehend the temerity of those who, after a whole nation
had been praying for liberty, and after that liberty had been purchased,
after an Act of Parliament had been passed, settling the contract price
to be paid, and the value to be received—after that Act had been
brought into operation and had signally failed, he could not compre-
hend how the same parties came before the public again, after they had
shown their impotence, and ask to be again entrusted with the charge.
The prayer of the United Kingdom was for freedom, immediate, en-
tire, unconditional, and universal.—(Cheers.) The promise of the
Minister was to that effect. Lord Stanley declared he purposed that
from the day when this Act should come into operation, the ne-
groes should be placed in a condition to enjoy all the rights and pri-
vileges of freemen, with this restriction only, that for a certain
number of hours each day he should be called upon, under a oon-
tract, to labonr for his former owner, now his employer only.—
(Cheers.) The Act itself guaranteed that from and artier the Ist of
August, 1834, all the negroes in the British colonies should be dis-
charged from all manner of slavery, and should be absolutely and
fur ever free.—(Hear, hear, and loud cheering.) Now after
the working of the system had been exposed—after the friends of
the negro had brought forward witnesses, many, and veracious,
to bear testimony on the subject—after the Government had
been compelled to admit everything that had been alleged
and more than had been alleged, as to the system, were the negroes
again to be mocked, and the principles of this holy cause compromised,
by consenting to a measure which proposed no more than had been ori-
ginally proposed, and which was to be committed for execution (to a very
great extent) to the very parties who had combined most systemati-
cally and energetically to frustrate the intentions of the former Act.
" We scorn that Bill," continued Mr. Thompson. "it is not the na-
tion's Bill."—(Loud cheers.) We are told the Negro has a right to
freedom. Lord Glenelg says so—a Minister of the Crown—a cautious
man—a reluctant, and therefore more valuable witness.—(Laughter,
and Hear, hear.) Why, then, my Lord Glenelg, do you not set him at
iberty ?—(Loud cheering.) Is he unfit for freedom ? Would he
abuse his liberty ? Would he run riot, and his first acts be
those of spoilation ? Nothing of the sort. My Lord Glenelg
says the negro is docile, forbearing, industrious, grateful, and pious—
why, then, my Lord Glenelg, why not set him at liberty ?—(Loud cheer-
ing.) You acknowledge he is docile—more than his master is—(Loud
cheers)—grateful—again he is superior to his master—to 20,000,0001.
relieved, and nothing given, to wit—(Loud cheers)—pious—which you
cannot say of most of his masters ; witness smoking chapels,
and the ashes of the immolated Smith—(Hear, hear, hear)—the
advocate of whose cause and character is before you—(This allu-
sion to Lord Brougham was followed by tremendous cheers.) Oh ! my
Lord, it is well to do a noble act—it is but justice to receive a nation's
gratitude.—(Renewed cheering.) Why then, my Lord Glenelg, why
not set the negro at liberty?—(Loud cheers.) Dare you withhold it?—
(Tremendous cheers.) The negro is willing to work for wages ; he is,
you admit, qualified for freedom ; why not set him at liberty ?
(Loud and continued cheering.) Does not a people whose hearts
are throbbing through every pulse on behalf of the negro,
encourage you, may constrain you to do it.—(Great cheering.) Do
not the 750,000 themselves appeal to you from their chains and blood
to do it?—(Renewed cheering.) Do not considerations of palipical
economy urge you to do it ? See you not that it is the wisest emitse ?
See you not that it is the safest course ? See you not it is the cheapest
course ? See you not it is the path of honour—the path of glory—the
path of immortality ? Sec you not it is the path straight to a people's
hearts—deep to their confidence ? See you not it is the way to gather
tee those suffrages which used to-day to abolish slavery, may to-morrow
be employed in a work equally noble and benevolent.—(Loud cheering.)
Why then it might be asked, do you not, my Lord Glenelg, set the
negro at liberty ? His Lordship pauses, retires from the table, goes
back to his seat, advances, folds his arms.—(Laughter.) At last he
says—Tile interest of the Planters must be consulted.—(Cheers.) He
challenged the multitude before him to produce any other argument for
the course that had been adopted on the present question in the House
of Lords on behalf of the postponement of that great measure.
of justice and mercy. The interest of the planter, said my Lord
Glenelg, many of whom adorned the House of Lords—(Cheers)—he
(Mr. Thompson) thought they did not adorn upon this subject—(Con.
tinued cheering.) He liked not to see men with reverend on their
brow, and lawn on their sleeves, stand forward as the assertors of the
right of property in their fellow-men.—(Cheers.) The interest of the
planter must be consulted, said the Duke of Wellington.—(Cheers.)
Had not their interest been consulted from time immemorial ?
(Cheers.) Were not their interests consulted when they first
got grants of land, and when they obtained their charters ? Was not their
interest consulted when the best and proudest of British blood was
sent to those islands to protect them.—(Cheers.) Were not their
interests consulted when the country consented to give them twenty
millions of money, when they consented to give the wrong doer so
large a sum.—(Cheers.) The planter had been given that large sum,
and not a penny had been given to the poor negro. The planter
had been made suddenly
rich, but not a pound had been given
for the relief of the diseased, the sick, or the distressed widow.—
(Cheers.) Why, he would ask, under such circumstances, were the
claims for mercy and the demands for justice to be set at nought because
of the interests of the planters.—(Cheers ) Such a course was an insult
to the nation, and would it after that take the Bill ? (Cries of " No,
no!" one gentlemen stating " You can't help it.") They stood there to
assert their former principles, and therefore they could not take the
Bill.—(Cheers.) A gentleman in the meeting had said they could not
help taking it ; he 'begged to differ with him—(Cheers)—and he would
fearlessly assert that the people of England would not take that Bill.—
(Cheers.) It would be the Bill of Lord Glenelg and a majority of the
House of Lords—it would be the Bill of Sir G. Grey and a majority of the
glalel.—(Great cheering,) Would that Bill put
ollfotuhsee opleoCpollenmofonEs,nif he could get One—but it would mint be the Bill
down organization ? Nothing of the kind.—(Cheers.) Were the
people of England to be gagged by such a Bill? Nothing of the kind.—
(Cheers.) 'File people of England, the real lovers of their country,
would continue to oppose that which was diametrically opposite to the
rights of mankind everywhere, ate! at variance with the constitution of
the land in which they lived.—(Cheers.) What was it that was asked ?
The freedom of the negro. That freedom was the property of the
people of Great Britain.—(Cheers.) They had paid the ransom-money.
—(Cheers ) The planter was therefore out of court—(Cheers)—he
That money had been given for
—tn(tConetehrsC)principle that that freedom should
the hadfnr erdiogihnt ot f()
not be delayed, while at home they were discussing the interests of the
tbhee hneca g rit
planter.—(Cheers ) There had, perhaps, been a consideration that the
twelve years which had been first named, and the six years which had
been subsequently determined on,_ should go to the planter.—(Cheers.)

tune—he congratulated that great meeting, the country, and the world,
on the appearance, foremost and mightiest in that cause, of the
Noble and Learned Lord, who now presided.—(Loud cheers.)
Ills Lordship had there a sample of the whole country. As he had
been received there that day and yesterday, so would he be received in
every part of the country. His Lordship's speeches upon the subject had
enlightened districts which hitherto had been in darkness. His Lordship's
magnificent and matchless speeches in the House of Lords.—(Loud
cheers, for some moments.) Those speeches had been sent forth to en-
courage the hearts of the friends of the negroes, and to strike terror into
the hearts of those who put their feet upon the necks of their fellow men.
His Lordship had done well ; and might He, who alone could cause the
success of any efforts, enable his Lordship to bring his labours to a peace-
ful, speedy, and happy termination!—(Cries of Hear, hear, hear.) Ili'
Lordship had the hearts of the country with him, and he would
have the hearts of their children's children if his constancy remained
unshaken, and by the blessing of the Lord, he was enabled to go through
with the good work, and bring it to a final conclusion.—(Cheers.) 'lf it
was fated that he should die soon, he had earned for himself a title to be
named amongst those few imperishable names that were born never
to die.—(Cheers.) He moved the resolution with pleasure,
and he
called upon all present to stand fast by their principles, which were
those of truth and justice. He believed, that at present the condition of
the negro was as bad as it had ever been, and in many respects worse, but
they wero to remember that it was when the day was darkest—when "
the heart wa sadest—when the straw was taken from the people—it w'
then that abright light shone, and God was seen looking out from heaven,
and striking down the tyrant of Egypt, and made him let the
captive go free. The same God lived now to be invoked; his power
was unfailing, and he is Omnipotence; to hint let us present our
prayers, that he may bring about the happy day when the !legit; shall
be free.—( Loud cheers.)
'JOSEPH PEASE, Esq. M.P., rose with the greatest pleasure to second
the motion, approving, as he did, most highly, of every effort
which was made, from the lowest of our fellow subjects to
the Princess upon the throne. that they were determined and
rasolute to remove the foul blot of Slavery from our country's
name. He had yesterday met with a most agreeable disappointment—
he was but a few moments behind the time appointed for the as-
semblifig of
the meeting, yet he found it impossible to make his
way through the crowded entrances to the Hall. He felt
that no credit was due to him for his attendance On
that meeting, for it was as much as his situation, as representative for
the county of Durham, was worth had he shown any reluctance to
assist all in his power on a question like the present.—(Cheers
and laughter.) Ile knew that Mr. Thomson, the eloquent
and active friend of the negro, had been in that county, whew
he had not contented himself with holding public meetings, but
he went from house to house, where by his energy and his pleading he
had prevailed over many, and had succeeded in arousing their attention
to the sufferings of the negro population.—(Cheers.) He was glad, and
was proud of the honour of belonging to that county, for in it there had
always been found a portion of those who had assisted the
Clarksons and the Granvilles in keeping the subject of

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 15. 1838

negro slavery constantly alive in the minds of the people.
He had never had the opportunity of presenting petitions so nume-
rously signed on any subject from his own country, as he had had on
this.—(Hear.) He was happy also to be able to state that the
petitions he had presented did not recognise the Bill before
the House. They recognised only the unalterable principle which
had been so manfully advocated this day.--(Cheers.) So far as he
was able to pledge himself he was prepared to say that Bill could not
be accepted, inasmuch as they had a right to do what they were pre-
pared to do, namely, to demand that this year the apprenticeship system
should tenninate.—(Much cheering.) He was surprised last year
on hearing a Member for the County in which they now were, say,
Members would be much better engaged in bringing this matter be-
fore the House of Commons, than in meeting large bodies of the people,
to speak against the Planters. He had no confidence in that House,
unpropelled by the people.--(Much cheering.) Their mighty energies
must be exerted, their feelings must be conveyed, their virtues, if
possible, must be transported into that House, before the effects they
anticipated could be realized. He could make many apologies for the
persons engaged in Parliament. He craved apology for himself The
multitude of matters there, and the round of engagements they had
prevented them from entering into those views which others might pon-
der over with their children, at their firesides—(Cries of " No, no")—but

the principles of eternal justice remained the same—(Loud cries
of Hear, hear, hear)—nay, commerce, morality, and all that is holy,
joined in the imperative call.—(Cheers.) He had great pleasure in
seconding the motion that the meeting should approach the throne of
our Sovereign and urge upon her that her mighty influence should be
exerted with theirs in accomplishing the great object in which they
were so nobly, so laudably, and he trusted, so successfully engaged in.—
(Cheers.)
The Noble CUAIRNIAN then put it to the meeting that a resolution
agreeing to an address to this effect should be presented to her Ma-
jesty, and that Lord Brougham and three others should be respectfully
requested to present it.
The resolution was agreed to unanimously.
The Rev. Mr. Scales then read the terms of the address to the meeting.
The Rev. W. BEVAN, of Liverpool, in rising to move the next reso-
lution, wished to address himself to one part of the question, which had
struck him forcibly. It was said they were not justified in going to
her Majesty with petitions or memorials on the subject, because they
were asking fir !hat which was a breach of a solemn compact.—(Hear.)
It was not for him to inquire into the details of that compact—bad, base,
iniquitous as they had been, and unjust and oppressive as their operation
had been. It would be his object briefly to show that every charge
alleged against the abolitionists, for the course they had determined to
adopt, was a charge lying at the door of the colonists themselves, by the
admissions of Lord Glenelg. It was not the abolitionists who
had broken the contract, but the colonists, as was demonstrated
by the Parliamentary evidences, for Lord Glenelg said it was
admitted on all sides that it had been broken. Passing by
the inunence mass of evidence which had been brought before this meet-
ing by the illustrious advocate of the cause of the negro in the land
where freedom seemed to hare played the harlot with slavery, and
where it endangered a man's life to speak en the subject—(Great cheer-
ing)—dismissing this, he would come to the point which Lord Glenelg
had admitted that the contract had been broken by those who are the
parties with the British nation to its completion—what was the plea
on which this contract was asked for, and on which it was entered into ?
Was it that the planters might be benefited? The preamble of the
Act distinctly declared that it was for the benefit of the negro,
and for the specific object of preparing him for a state
of freedom.—(Hear, hear.) Now, how was the contract
discharged that devolved upon one of the contracting parties by giving
up the principle of slavery under another name ; arid if that principle be
bad, inconsistent with the Constitution of Britain, and yet more an
outrage upon the laws of God, it was worse in its aspect when it came to
us under a false guise, and retained its evil essence under the modified
and delusive name of apprenticeship.—(Cheers.) But this was the prin-
ciple, slavery was to be continued for the first time as had been said by
the Noble Chairman—continued for six years, in order, that by the con-
_

iinuance of slavery, the negro might be prepared for freedom. The con-
tract bad in its principle, was suffered to come into operation, but bad
as it was it was made worse in its operation, and those few principles
which seemed to be excellent, had been neglected and trampled under
foot. This had produced the practical evils of which so much complaint
had been made.—(Hear, hoar, and Cheers.) Lord Glenelg had
said he would remedy those practical evils, but by the measure
he had proposed Lord Glenelg himself would violate the compact. So
that if the charge of violation was made against the abolitionists it
might be made with equal force against Lord Glenelghimself.—(Cheers.)
Then, in another clause of the Act, he found that if it should be proved
to the satisfaction of the Governor, that cruelty had been endured under
the operation of the apprenticeship system, the Governor should be
warranted in declaring absolutely, at once and for ever, the sufferer free.
—(Hear.) Now, if that were made retrospective, it would include the
majority of all the apprentices, and if the measure were honestly car-
ried into operation, it would partly effect what the abolitionists de-
manded. It was also determined that the prerogative of the Co.
lonial Assembly should be interfered with—Governors should
have a discretionary power, with which they should have nothing
to do, for carrying the amended Act into effect. Now, if that Bill was
intended to be carried into effect with sincerity, what objection was
there to grant at once, in a direct manner, all that the meeting required ?
The SECRETARY here stated, that as there were so many disappointed
yesterday in hearing the Noble Lord in the Chair, he (Lord B.) had
been requested to address the meeting before he retired, and his Lord-
ship would do so after the next resolution.—(Applause.)
The Rev. J. Sirestmax said he would trespass but a few moments on
the patience of the meeting, as in the Resolution which he had to pro-
pose, he would have all the good feelings of the meeting on his side.
'rho Resolution was, " that this meeting in presenting thanks
to the Noble and Learned Chairman, for his kindness in
taking the Chair, and the ability with which he has pre-
sided on this occasion, cannot forget his energetic services
last malsi
tiec
rhl y seo.
pmosuucrhe
ofo ft
hhei
ss
apvuebllirca d
el
ae
nhdatsh
ebeets
udi et
..-
oivtusostettiatiti:tenemdapuhtsties: to w
revivethat trade in connexion with some of our colonies,
and as this meeting is convinced that the extinction of slavery itself is
the only means of putting down the Slave Trade, they respectfully,
but earnesly call upon the Noble Lord, and all their friends
in Parliament, to use their utmost exertions for the extinction of
slavery, in whatever modification it may exist." Before he (Mr. S.) re-
tired, having moved that resolution, lie begged particularly to direct the
attention of the meeting to his Lordship's exertions respecting the
Coolies of India.—(Cheering.) They thought this was more important
than the public seemed to be aware, for he was convinced that the ob-
ject of it was to revive slavery in a new form.—(Hear.)
Rev. Dr. HEUGLI seconded the resolution.
A person at the further end of the Hall rose and uttered some
words which were inaudible where we sat.
Lord BROUGHAM, addressing the individual, said, You must come

of by two of them but approved of by all the rest of them. Those men were
no longer in the Government in 1836,50 that none remained but those who
formerly approved of it—and it was as effectual a Bill to prevent non-
residence and pluralities in our Church—two great abuses in our
Church—(Loud cries of" Hear, hear")—it was as effectual as the Bill
I shall present after Easter to the House of Lords for abolishing
Negro Apprenticeship on the Ist of August, 183S—(Loud eheers)—
which will be an effectual method, and they substituted for toy Bill—
when I was out of town, in bad health—they substituted their Plu-
ralities and Non-residence Bill, which was just as ineffectual, and
could do as little good, as their present Bill is, for touching Negro
apprenticeship.—(Cries of" Hear, hear.") Nevertheless when I had
by the blessing of Providence, recovered my health—(Cheers)—and
regained my strength, I was informed the Government was in so
dangerous a situation, so perilous, and so near being overturned
with a hostile Court, and hostile House of Lords, and a bare scanty
majority in the House of Commons, that if I came up to town, which
I projected doing, and stated my general support of them, but adde3
the impossibility of my supporting them on those Church mea-
sures, which they had taken from the Episcopalian Church
Commission, and which were not mine—that if I had done
that I was assured it would put an end to the Government—(Laughter
and cheers)—and therefore, instead of being as usual—(Laughter)—
unjust to the Government, I purposely absented myself during the re-
sidue of that session, that I might not overturn them. Last Session my
usual course was taken—l supported them whenever I could.—(Hear.)
I opposed them on one measure, and upon none other, namely, their
abominable resolutions to coerce the people of Canada.—(Loud
cheers.) I warned them that that would lead to rebellion. I
showed them how differently they treated Ireland, because Ireland
sent over 60 votes to support them, and Canada sent over—no, not one,
Great cheering and laughter.) I entered on the Journals of the House
my protest, denouncing the measure, with the reasons; and I have
since been told, when my prophecy was fulfilled, and rebellion took place
—1 have been told by the Government supporters—the very injudicious
and truth-despising Government supporters out of doors—none dared
to say so in my presence.—(Cheers.) I was told that I belonged to
that class of what they called—
" Juggling fiends who never spoke before.
And cried, I warned you when the event was o'er."
—(Hear.) When I had spoken an hour and a half, and entered two pages
of protest on the journals, to warn them just twelve calendar months
before.—(Great cheering.) As usual;—(Great laughter)-1 was found
equally just this Session—l never opposed them till they brought on their
Canada Bill to suspend the Constitution, and to send over a
very worthy and Noble Friend of mine who used to be a great Reformer
and friend of liberty, and to whom it must be vet y painful to go over as a
dictator, with a Coercion Bill in his right hand.—(Hear.) I was
to stand by, I suppose, and see the negro apprenticeship endure
for twelve months longer, and I was to see them continuing the abomi-
nable African Slave Trade by another name; and under an order in
Council.—(Cheers.) My defence of my conduct is, that instead of
being unjust I was as just as it was possible for a person to be, and
that if I had taken any other course, I should have been unjust to my
country and to the poor African Negroes—to the poor Negroes in
the West Indies—and, above all, unjust to my own character.—(Hear.)
Now then, let us understand cads other. I will never support any set
of men because they find it convenient to call themselves a Liberal Mi-
nistry, and do not do one liberal act. They are only returning now to
what they were before. Some of them, at least two or three
of them, were Anti-Reformers, all their lives up to 1831. They
then found it convenient and necessary all at once to turn round and
some of them became almost Radical Reformers. I continued and
consorted with them up to the Nov. of 1837, until that day, when they
declared the Reform Bill, one certainly in which I had some share in
concocting, until they declared that the Bill was a perfect measure, and
that they did not intend to alter it in future. I differed with them
then, and being by nature of a frank difposition, I stated so in,,l believe,
a calm, tempeyate, yet firm, but certainly inoffensive manner. It was
them that changed, not me. Now, as to slavery and the slave-trade.
They greatly decive themselves if they believe that charges of injustice
will have any effect upon my conduct, or ruffle my mind for the twen-

tieth part of a second.—(Loud cheers.) I know what a state they have
got themselves into by their infatuated conduct.—(Loud and
continued laughter.) I know they have chosen to break with the friends of
emancipation tgroughout the whole empire. I know they have
chosen to give up the constant and most important sup-
port of the Dissenters—their best friends—(Loud cheers)—and
I very much suspect they will not find the support of the Established
Church will atone to them for the loss of support of the great body of
the Dissenters.—)Loud cheers.) That body who had done so much for
sound policy, those men who had conferred such vast benefits
on the rising generation should have been so suddenly thrown
off by the Government. That men should have so suddenly become
intoxicated by the favour of a Court during a continuance only of a
few months, really astonishes me; but their conduct during those few
months, especially during the present session, proves that they are in
the state I have described. To my mind it appears but little
short of monomaninaism.—(Loud cheers.) But are we to give up
our principles because it pleases the Government to shut their eyes
to them ?—(Loud cries of " No, no.") No, we will not; and we will
make our voices heard, and the Government as well as the country
shall know that we are determined that the fetters of the slave shall be
struck off.—(lmmense cheering.) Mr. O'Connell told you yester-
day that he was a practical man, I venture to enrol myself
amongst among practical men, and knowing that there are many men
of the Lower House present, I have to make one observation to them,
because it goes to the vote, and the successful vote I hope, on the mo.
tion to be brought forward by Sir G. Strickland. Nothing I ever heard
gave me such heartfelt satisfaction as when I found my worthy friend
Sir Geo. Strickland was going to bring forward this motion in the House of
Commons. He has been a friend of mine for more than 40 years—man
and boy throughout life almost lie has been my most intimate friend
He canvassed with me when that greatest honour of my life was con-
ferred upon me—that honour which I parted from with the most
Poignant regret, the honour of representing the hundreds of thousands
of Yorkshiremen in the Commons House of Parliament. It pleases me
that the honour is still conferred upon my friend Sir George Strickland.
Ile is the worthy and able representative of that great community, the
West Riding, the very cradle of the abolition question—(Cheers)—and
a more proper person, a better quarter from which sti:!h a great motion
should come, exists not in either House of Parliament.—(Cheers.) The
question is how it it to be the most effectually supported. It was said
yesterday we have very little hope in the Lords, and I will say nothing
against the Lords here—(Laughter)—because I have an opportunity of
speaking my mind to them when we differ in opinion ; and it is more
agreeable to me to do that than to attack men behind their backs, when
they have no opportunity to defend themselves.—(Cheers and laugh-
ter.) And I'll tell you one thing about these same Lords who are so
much abused and reviled, that I have seen worse things done in the
House of Commons than I have ever seen done in the House of
Lords.—(Loud cheers.) And lam one of those who am ready
to take upon trial the present House of Commons, in the hope
that it may prove better than its predecessors ; but I am also one
of those who cannot, in anything I have lately perceived
in the conduct of that House, but have my mind filled with the greatest
possible apprehension. It is better we should not shut our eyes to this.
Our having our eyes open, their conduct may prevent the mischief which
we dread, and that is the reason I speak it now that I may not be accused
of having waited the event, and afterwards branded those who brought it
about when I might myself have prevented it. Now the danger, I ap_
prehensl, on the part of the House of Commons, I deem is not so much
what I call the Conservative Members, the Opposition side of

here—you can't be heard.—Cries of " to the platform.") The person
addressed, then came round, and ascended the platform amidst the
loud cheers of the audience. He was announced as
Mr. EDWARD 9 of Lambeth, and he proceeded to make some
suggestions with regard to the use of the eartwhip, stating that the
nature of the instrument to be used ought to be described, as well
as the number of stripes to be inflicted, or the severity of the punishment
might be augmented at pleasure by certain alterations of the whip.—
( Hisses, and cries of " There will be no cart whip.")
The Rev. J. SHERMAN then put the resolution, which was carried by
acclamation.
The whole meeting rose, as with one accord, and cheered the Noble
Lord iu the chair with the utmost enthusiasm for some minutes.
Lord BROUGIIANI, on rising, was again received with similar applause
When the cheering subsided, his Lordship said—l know not how to ex-
press my grateful sense of the kindness with which you have received
me both yesterday and to-day, and for the honour you have done
me in this vote of thanks. I labour under some anxiety on the
present occasion, for that I was the means, unintentionally on my part,
of interrupting one of the most able advocates of the cause—the Rev.
Mr. Beaver of Liverpool, whose services in this cause are beyond all
value—but the fact is, that I promised to return to my judicial duties
at two, and it is now much later (three o'clock). I have been de-
tained for a great part of this time, as you have been
most agreeably, 1 am sure, by that speech of incomparable
eloquence and feeling, which my friend Mr. George Thomson
pronounced, and which I have seldom, if ever, heard excelled in any
place __(Hear, hear and loud cheering.) The gratitude which
is expressed in this vote of thanks to me, is much more due
to other and more distinguished fellow labourers in the cause
(Cries of " No, no")—to Mr. Allen, to Joseph Sturge, to Thomas
Clarkson, to the Wilberferces, to the Granville Sharps, the Thornton,.
the Romillys—who have passed away from us, and left us to follow, if
we can, at a humble distance, in their steps—(Loud cheers) —and to
one whose name has been mentioned to-day, who, though ab-
sent in body, and labouring under severe affliction, is present
with us, I am sure, in spirit—who has ever struggled oh be.
half of the negro against a mock emancipation—the half—the half
of half emancipation of apprenticeship--(Loud cheers)—l mean Zecha-
riah Macauley, who, through his whole life, partly in Africa, as Go-
vernor of Sierra Leone, and partly in the West Indies, has been the
champion of freedom. Now, gentlemen, I am about to quit you for
the purpose of returning from whence I came, though I am afraid it will
be too late, and in doing so I cannot refrain from stating that my time
has been more agreeably employed than usual for the two last days.—
(Cheers.) Why do I say so ? Why ? because I know that the Go-
vernment requires to be stimulated, controled, and compelled to this
great work.—(Great chering.) Great public meetings like the present
are not called together to tell us what we know—the real purpose of these
meetings is to give vent to our feelings, and to follow up the principles
which we profess ; but the great primary fact that such meetings have
to perform is to declare the will, the sovereign, the paramount, the
irresistible will—(Cheers)—of the people of England, Scotland, and
Ireland, that the negroes shall be free—(Cheers)—that will, shew me the
man who dare resist—(Tremendous cheering)—that voice, show me
the minister who dare close his ears to it—(lncreased cheering)
—it proceeds in accents of respectful supplication to the Throe,,,'aas
(Great cheering.) It is true we have no experience whatever of She
character, or of the principles, or of the feelings of this illustrious Prins,
cess who sways our sceptre.—(Great cheering.) We have chosen
over these three Kingdoms to give her credit for the possession
of every virtue that could :adorn the female character.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers.) I have lived upwards of half a century, and I',
partake of that distrust which age is calculated to give.—(Cheers.) My
mind, however, is warm to hope, and it may be strengthened by re.
flection—(Cheering)—that that illustrious lady, that well-educated.
Princess—(Tremendous cheers)—to whose excellent Mother—(Cheers)'
—the people of England owe a debt of gratitude, not easily repaid,
for having conferred upon her child the greatest of blessings, and upon.
the people whom that child is destined, as I hope long to rule, th
greatest of blessings that a people can enjoy—viz., a well-educated'
person to sway over them.—(Great cheering.) This is the ground
of my hope on a subject upon necessity—vse are in utter
ignorance, because time has not afforded to that Princess the realize.
Lion of these expectations.—(Loud cheers.) But I do say that I hope:
that we shall not be disappointed in the Princess that now valets .
over us. I hope that we shall not be disappointed in the sense in which
we have hitherto entertained with respect to Kings, but our hopes will
realised, and that the King of Kings will incline the heart of our Prin-
cess to love mercy and to deal justly to a4l.—(Great cheering.) That
however is not what we now ask—we now ask her to say that
strict, rigorous justice be done and no more.—(Continued cheering.)
We do not ask to receive favour, but we ask of the Princess that rules
,Over us, to give us justice. This great meeting asks that from her not
In the language of supplication, but in the language of right.—(Cheers.)
It is said that I am unjust towards the Ministry. I see in some remarks
made to-day by an able advocate of the cause of emancipation, that I
am, as usual, unjust to the Ministry.—(Great cheering.) I am, as usual,
one that will not he taken in.—(Cheeriing.) I am, as usual, one that
'will not take promises for performances.—(lncreased cheering.) I am,
'as usual, one that will not take profession for action.--(Vehement
cheering.) I am, as usual, one that love to see a Ministry show their
professions by their good works.—(Loud and long reiterated cheering.)
I am as usual—(Laughter)—and I believe I am not singular iv. tlaat
.pustom and usage—one who won't be satisfied with people being called
,a liberal Government if I see their conduct illiberal.— -(Cheers.)
As usual I—(Great laughter.) Nit hy to be sure.—(Renewed, laughter.)
I hope I shall never outlive that usage by half an hour—(C'neers)—for if
I do I make myself a prince of all dupes—the very prototype of human
folly and gullibility—to take the shadow for the substance--thb word for
the deed—the promise for the fulfilment.—(Laughter and cheers.)
As usual !—(Great laughter) Why, I did not belong to the. Government
'in 1835, and yet I supported all their measures of that Sisssion, because
1 thought those measures were framed on liberal principles, and con-
duced to further those principles. I think those who saw the
ate of the Municipal Corporation Bill in the House of -Lords, and who
night possibly have suspected what other fate it would 'nave had it' it had
been left entirely to those Ministers who brought it forward and as-
sisted it by support—because they left it to me to carry it through
that House, which I had great pleasuae in doing, and the next Session I
lett the House. They then gave up my measures of reform—they
gave up the Pluralities andNon.residellt I3illr whiel)liad bee4disalproved

the House of Commons--they act according to their prin.
ciples—(Hear, hear, and great cheering)—and let inc be just to those,
I speak of myself only, I may differ—let me be just to those with whom
I generally differ on political questions—questions of Reform in
Church and State. With respect to the Conservatives in the
Lords, never did I see a great party behaving better than they
did, the other night on my motion on the subject of the slave
trade.—(Loud cheers.) I had the support of Lord Ellenborough
in one of the ablest, and honestest, and best-reasoned, as well as the
best felt speeehes I ever heard delivered in Parliament.—(Hear.) I had
the powerful support of Lord Lyndhurst upon the same question.—
(Cheers.) I had the vote of two Right Reverend Prelates.—(Hear.)
I had the vote of Lord Wharncliffe, who had been a Cabinet Minister
with the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel. Of the three
Cabinet colleagues of the Duke of Wellington sitting in the House, all
three voted in my minority on that question. The Liberal Peers, with
one exception, I think, all voted against me.—(Hear, hear.) The
Conservative Peers would not negative my motion—they only
voted the previous question, which means, "we don't deny that every
word you say is true, but we think it inconvenient to put the question
at present"—(Hear)—for which reason I mean to bring it forward again.
(Immense cheering.) But how does it happen that in the House of
Commons, the place where the people are represented—where such
meetings as these are heard to speak by their delegated trustees—where
all Yorkshire, Lancashire, Cheshire, Warwickshire, Devonshire, Cum-
berland, and Durham, have been meeting again and again, and send.
ing thousands of petitions upon thousands on the slave trade—
how does it happen that all these meetings and all these petitioners,
all of whom are represented in the House of Commons, and represented
by Liberal Members—(Hear)—have not found one word to employ
against this insidious, as the resolution justly calls it—this abominable
and despicable attempt to sooth a few planters by the introduction of a
worse than African slave trade?—(Cheers.) I am sure that in the
old times the House of Commons would not have allowed a day to pass
without giving a notice upon the subject; and although I have looked
day after day for the last eight weeks since I introduced the subject, not
one Liberal Member has risen in his place to give such a notice.—
(Hear, hear, hear.) Yet the principles of all these men ore known to
be liberal—they are for freedom--they arc against bondage—they detest
slavery and the slavedrade.—(Hear, hoax.) They avowed all these
things on the hustiskgs, and they canvassed with all these professions
and promises wer,m, their lips, when seeking the your votes.—(Cries of
" Ilear, he.kr.) It is not six, mails sienke they have all said this, or as-
sented to tt when, others. 'said IA for them, and yet, when they got into
ratkithn?lekkt ttiq, did neAhi:uig. They then said no opportunity has
tJC:g4i at\rk'd ‘l4, of referring to the subject ; it has never been
t laSeAght fiAre the House. You are in the House of Lords where
yon oats make your motion, and where you address it to
three times as many Members of the House of Commons as
Members of the House of Lords. That is quite true, and I am
happy to say they have had more meetings of the House of Commons
than the House of Lords to listen to them.—(Hear, hear.) " But,''

they say, " we know nothing about it in the House of Commons, and
you must give us an opportunity of redeeming our pledges." My answer
is, I am satisfied, for the present, but Sir G. Stricklalid is in the House
of Commons ; he brings forward thequestion on the 29th instant ; here
is an opportunity that gives yon; the power of showing whether you
really are the honest men you profess to be, and whether or not
you are for slavery ay emancipation.—(Veherneet cheering.)
Therefore I look to this slay, and I will trust no man hereafter
in his professions, if ou that day he is absent from his post.—(Loud
cheers.) Why do, I complain of the Liberals and not of the Conserve_
. tives._.(llear., tae„..)
It is for this vessels that the Conservatives are
very scanty. in their professions—(Hear and laughter)—and don't affect
to be. ttte friends of a liberal policy.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.)
'Mep do not pretend to be the great liberators of mankind.—(Hear.)
I lament that they differ from me—they may be in the wrong and in
darkness, but at least they are honest, and don't affect to be better than
they are.—(Renewed cheers.) It must almost be recollected that they
represent the illiberal party in the community.—(Great laughter and
cheers.) What I mean—for I do not use the word in an improper
sense—is that those men arc politically honest, for I respect an honest
Tory a great deal more than a shuffling Whig.—(Hear and cheers.)
They represent tire Tory part of the country, by which they say they
represent the Church and Kipg, by which they mean the Clergy rather
than the Gospel, and the t:ing rather thaAi the Consititution.—(Cheers.)
They do'nt make great oig professions and use high-sounding language
about liberty and tt'.e rights of men, bring forward slavery and chains,
and cry aloud for, universal, civil, and religious liberty, toasting the
progress, of liberty and reform all over the world. They do not
do :co—their toasts are of a totally different principle—(Hear, hear)
—and their apprehensions are founded upon alarm that Reform
should go too fast—my fears of which being that it is apt
to go a little too slow, or stand stockstill altogether, or even go a little
back--(Cheers.) But that is not their creed—they have a totally dif-
ferent creed, and thenll say they are:faithfully represented and their
opinions accurately expressed by the Conservative body of thu
House of Commons.—(Hear, hear, hear.) But that is no: the.
case with the Liberal party in the House of Commons.—(Hear, bear.)
Do they accurately express the sentiments of the Liberal Corestituency
all over the country ?—(Cries of " No, no, no.") I say thw represent
a very different sense—a very different opinion—they are the.represen-
tatives of a totally opposite class. I am soepy to say it. L shall ba
called, as usual, unjust—(Loud laughter)—but 'I am rest noiog
to say any thing now against the Govenunene—sraite the con-
trary, for the Government will always be as their supporters enable
them to be—rather as their supporters make them be—theyi brag they
have a great majority in the House of Commons, ate yet they support
the Government in their most illiberal measures.— (Immense cheering.)
And what's the reason they support them? That brings me to tell you
who they do represent—what class they are the faithful guardians of,

...
The meeting then separated at half-past four o'clock.
The cheers of the hundreds that greeted his Lordship in proceeding
to and entering his carriage in Burleigh-street were meat enthusiastic
and flattering.

d
and what opinions—what "principles" I can hardly call
what feeling it is they really do most accurately express.
you what they represent—they represent a very stroi
which exists which is cloaked under another phrase,
means another thing—(Very great cheering)—a fear of all evetatil
of the events most to be dreaded—a fear of tne Tories get-
ting in —(Hear.) Why, that looks very well, but it also means a fear
of that event which must precede the Tories getting in, namely, the
Whigs getting out.—(lmmense cheering, and much laughter.)
That's the real state of the case.—(Hear, hear.) They most •
faithfully represent that feeling, and their whole conduct is suited to
feeling—(Hear, hear)—and there is no one measure which this Go-
vernment can propose —that is my conscientious belief—but they
will undeceive me if lam wrong on the 29th of March—at present
as advised on looking at their past conduct and present proceedings,
I have a right to say there is no one measure, be it ever so coercive—
be it ever so illiberal, which the Government can propose, that they, or a
very great majority of them arc not prepared cheerfully to support, and all
from fear of the Tories getting in. (Great cheering throughout the Hall.)
But I do not think that the people of this country will be satisfied
with such conduct much longer.—(Cries of " Hear, hear, hear.) If
a vote of censure were to be moved for upon the Order in Council, would
any liberal Member vote against it.—(Hear, hear.) I call on the liberal
Members to bring forward such a motion.(—Hear, hear.) lamin a
House where the people have no representative. They are in a House
where the people are represented—and as the people from the Lands End
to John-o'-Groat's House execrate that Order in Council, as far as they
know. I call on some Liberal Member to do his duty to his constituents,
and to move a vote of censure on the Order.—(Loud cheering.) If you
do not, you are accomplices to the revival of the Slave.trade—you
are accomplices to all the felonies, to all the atrocities that may be com-
mitted under it.—( Cheers.) Attending, as I told you yesterday, the
voyage from India to Mauritius, there has been, in two vessels which
I named to you, a greater mortality that was ever known
in the African Slave trade.—(Hear.) One vessel sailed
with a cargo of 240 apprentices, as they are called ; I call them slaves.
The other with a cargo of 7e. Now out of the 240 there perished 31,
and out of 72, 26 perished—a greater mortality than ever was known
under the African slave trade.—(Hear, hear.) Every man
who allows that order to stand is an abettor of the African slave trade.
—(Cheers.) Let the censure be proposed, and let me see what Liberal
Member will vote against it.—(Hear, hear.) I know it will be said
that if you censure the Whigs you vote for the Tories —but I never
knew the Tories do anything so bad as that order.—(Hear, hear )
and I know that the Tory opposition expressed abhorrence upon reading
it. But I am not so unjust to those who passed thatorder, and for whom
I have much esteem, as to suppose that they intended to abet felony, and
to revive the Slave Trade with their eyes open.—(Hear, and a laugh.)
But I believe they were induced, by the representations of a certain
Tory merchant of Guiana, who obtained 120,0001. out of the twenty
millions' grant for an estate which cost him only 80,000/. I know that
lie got 120,000/.,for I saw the papers. I moved for them, and I have theme.
He was not satisfied with the bargain, but he must get cheap labour
also. and he gets this order to bring over people from India who can
live upon a handful of rice and a pinch of pepper daily. Now it was to
serve this Tory enemy the Whigs passed this order, that was the course of
every feeble Government—that was the rack upon which they always
split—counting their enemies.—(Cheers.) I gently whispered to them
at this time—l mildly warned them—l told them what it was they were
doing-1 told them that if they would revoke their order in
Council, they never should hear one word of it from me
But instead of listening to me, they did as weak men always do. They
were afraid to acknowledge they were in the wrong and they
persisted in following the wrong course.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
But I dragged the iniquitous order into light.—(Cheers.) I placed it
before the public. I showed you what it was—(Cheers)—and now
let me see what the Representatives of the people will do.—
(Great cheering.) The 29th of this preseut March they will
have the opportunity of showing us what they will do.
I look forward with anxious expectation to the motion of my friend
Sir S. Strickland, and I hope Sir E. Wilmot, who honourably came for.
ward to preside at our last meeting, will be alive to bring on his motion
which now stands on the notice books for the 27th. Sir G. Strickland will
be ready to stand by him and support him. With him I am in constant come
munication, and can any day communicate whatever suggestions present
themselves to my mind—(Cheers)—and I hope that their joint efforts—
and above all, the honest and independent conduct of the liberal party in
Parliament, they will accomplssh their object.—(Cheers.) Don't let
the Liberal Members think that they may with impunity be
absent on that day—don't let any of them so far cover his eyes as to shut
them against the risk he runs, if he has a liberal constituency, of never
more being returned to that House if he votes against emancipation.
—(Loud and continued cheers.( Don't let any one attend to the
finesses of Treasury, Secretaries, and Under-Secretaries of State, and:
private Secretaries to Cabinet Ministers—don't let them listen to the
voice of the charmer, when he charms most wisely—telling them:
of the risks of Tories coming in and the perils of Whigs.
going out—(Laughter)—of a dull and placeless existence in Oppose.
tion—(Loud laughter)—of the hopelessness of ever again being
visited by the cheerful gleams of official day—(Loud and renewed
laughter)— patronage gone power beyond reach office out of
sight—the Court itself all but shut—no little jobs in Downing-
street—(Roars of laughter)—no small favour to cousins in the country—
no petty advantages for kinsmen in town—(Continued laughter)—no
honours in prospects—no pensions in reversion—no places to succeed.
to—nothing but opposition hereafter should you vote for Sir Get rge or
Sir Eardley—never mitd what the meaning of the motion is—disregar
all you hear about slavery and emancipation—these are enthusiasts
teese are fanatics—these are Methodists—these are Quakers—(O rent
laughter end cheering)—they are ignorant of the world—they lire at
home and read their books, among others the Bible pothaps—
they look to things which, perhaps, they do not much
understand—(Laughter)—they will not allow these quiet (easy genteel
planters to flog their Negroes—to coin the sweat of their blow, and the
labour of their muscle, and the blood of their veins, into eugar, or rum,
or gold—they will bring forward this slavery—slavery--slavery—(tre.
mendous cheers)—aye—and they will do so (exclaimed his Lordship)—
until you stifle their cry by removing the thing.—(Long continued
cheering.) Do not then let the voice of these Treasury charmers get
into the ears of the liberal adder—(Laughter)—or his constituents
will squeeze his parliamentary life out of him so sure as he does not
vote for emancipation.—(Laughter and long continued cheering.)
I thought it fair to give these gentlemen this candid warning—(Great
laughter)—which I have no doubt you think and join with
me in deciding towards its destination—(Cheers.) One Haan
will be safe, and that is he who is able to face his constituently and
say that be has acted up to his professions, but tlie man who nas not
done so, will he retire to honoured privacy ? Will he be able to face an
honest eonstituency, and say you sent me to discharge my duty—l
have done it—l have redeemed the pledge that I gave you—
I have performed the promises which 1 made ? Can such a man, I would
ask, stand erect, look honest men in the face, and say that be had done
his duty ?—(Great cheering)—he returns a disgraced mnan.—(Cheers.)
He has broken his pledged faith ; he has forfeited the pledges
which he has voluntarily given, he has branded himself with the name
of a dishonest man. Why ? Because he has broken the pledges which
lie gave, .end by which all honest men are bound. One word more and
I have done. I have heard much said of the blessed effects that
are likely to result from the passingof this great measure. I have heard,
it stated that its effects would relieve from bondage eight or nine hundred
thousand of negroes tinder the name of the apprenticeship system.
I know that it will do so—myriads of negroes from Africa and
Asia are suffering under the effects of the law that now exists. The tor-
ments they are enduring it is incalculable to state, but it said, that if this
great law passes, the example set by England will be followed by the
United States. God grant that it may. It is my fervent
hope and earnest prayer that the Americans will do an act of justice.—
(Loud cheers) I blame the Americans for the very ridiculous
resolution which they have passed, for their own violation
of commonsense. I blame them for their absurd Resolutions, which
prohibit the introduction of all petitions against slavery.—(Hear, Lear,
and cheering.) Much as I lament the course pursued by the
Americans, I must not close my eyes to what America
has done.—(Cheers.) She was the first to abolish the Slave Trade--
she it was that tendered to this country the proposition of making the
slave trade piracy.
It is said that the Americans will follow the example which we ha►e
set them here. I think that time example we set America ought not tobe
followed. I will add my blame and my lamentation over the conduct of
this country as regards slavery. I think that it becomes us, least of 3111,
to say that the Americaes should follow our example in the elec.
lition of slavery. We know that in the year 1833 we pretended
to abolish the slave trade, and yet in 1838 that trade is not abolished.
We take the credit, forsooth, of putting it down about four or five
years ago, whereas we only chan,ge its name, or, as Dr. COX most
aptly styled it, we have only re-beptised it.—(Great cheering.) Under
such circumstances I think it does not become us to censure the
Americans. I think the Americans have a good right to say
to us, " Good fblks, take the beam out of your own eye, before
you remove the mote that is in your brother's eye." We ad-
mit that you have been befooled out of your money, but you
have not given up slavery—you have only changed its appellation.
Suppposing that slavery will have been given up after the first of
August, 1838, I will not use the pharssaical phrase, and
say the Americans, " I am not as other men are."--(Great cheering.)
If you want to make the Americans, just make the cause your own.
—(Great oheering.) Supposing that you were not in Middlesex.
where there is no slavery, but in Jamaica, would you there abolish sla-
very—certainly not—(Cheering.) Supposing that I had attended a
meeting in Jamaica, would the object of that meeting be to abolish
Slavery ? No. It would be to increase it.—(Cheers.) 1 still retain my
regret of she conduct of the Americans, and 1 hope and trust that
I shall live to see the ground of complaint with respect to that
country entirely removed, by the slow but certain practtice of
the entire extinction of slavery in the Southern States of America.
—4Cries of" Hear, hear.") If that portion of America do not their
duty, Omit I look to the middle states, and I hope that they will do theirs.
I have always been a friend to the Americans. No one
has disapproved more than I have of the coercion with
respect to their trade, and it was the second act of my life to
endeavour to put an end to those Orders of Council which
against American independence.—(Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.)
I should violate my duty to America and likewise to this country
if I were to conceal my sorrow at the rentention of negro
slavery in that country, but at the same time I must express:
confident hope that the time is not far distant when the people•
of England will see slavery extinguished and every attempt'
to revive the Slave-trade stifled in the birth. The Noble Lora
concluded amidst tremendous cheering.
Captain Ilsewoun was then called to the chair.
The Rev. Mr. BSVAN then resumed, and moved the resolution of
petitioning Parliament.
The Rev. W. BANTING moved the resolution. He hoped the meeting
would receive so mach of the Noble and Learned Lord's address as
of a political character as a mere subject of intellectual amusement. He
had not the honor or the happiness of coinciding with his Lordship is
his political views, but the expressions of sympathy and approbation in
their views, came from all quarters, gooduess,righteousness,and truth were
of no party.--(Cheers.)
The resolution was then put and carried unanimously.
The CHAIRMAN then announced the business of the meeting
was at an end, and then asked them for their attendance on that import-
ant occasion.

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