The Sun.
London, England, 1838-10-01 00:00:00

TAIT'S EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.

Mr. Banim has contributed a short tale of surpassing
power to the October Number of our Northern Monthly
Radical ContemPorary-, entitled " The Defender." The
scene is laid in Ireland, in 1797, and one of the actors in
it is General Abercromby—a name never uttered by the
Irish peasantry without the addition of some epithet of
which the greatest hero might justly feel proud. The
tale overflon,s with the deepest pathos, and exhibits filial
piety—a virtue of which the humbler classes in Ireland
are more observant than perhaps any other race in the
World—in a high and holy light. Mr. Banim is always
successful when he devotes his energies to that, to him,
most congenial of tasks—the portraiture of the Irish heart.
The " House of Lords in 1841" is a good idea, but we
cannot applaud.the manner in which it is executed. It
would have been more accordant with our ideas of proba-
bility, it; instead of two years, some fifty or sixty were sup-
posed to intervene before the publication of a successful
debate in that House in favour of Universal Suffrage.
Besides, there would be ample materials for the fancy and
the imagination to work upon in a debate conducted by;
an assembly of as yet unborn Legislators ; whereas, in the
article before us, we have merely clever imitations of the
diction of Inm with whose speeches we are all quite fa-
miliar. " Wild sports of the Far West," is a vivid descrip-•
Lion of bear and buffalo hunting in the remote wilds of
Upper Canada, interspersed with some lively characteristic
anecdotes of the hair-breadth escapes of the hunters. We
select one of a buffalo hunt
" On the way I received many instructions as to how I
must conduct myself during the hunt, I being quite a novice
so far as reg,,rded buffalo hnnting. Air. .C— related many
anecdotes of the escapes he and his fellow-hunters had had
from enraged or wounded bison bulls. Oa one occasion he
and three companions went out for a hunt. It was early in
July—the season when the bulls arc in hez.t, and consequently
very furious. They rode boldly among the herd, and, selecting
a fat cow, with a calf by her side, all fired together, and
brought her down. " The herd," said he, " had not seemed
to take much notice of our party ; but, as soon as we fired,
they floundered off in all directions. We dismounted, and,
having hoppled the calf, which affectionately remained to wit-
ness its mother's decease, we proceeded to bleed and dissect
the cow. While thus engaged, I observed a buffalo disengaged
from the herd approaching us. On calling my companion's
attention to the circumstance, one of them insisted on going to
meet, and have a shot at it. We expostulated with him,
pointed out the danger of attacking, single-handed, an animal,
which, from its manner of approach, seemed to have no ami-
cable intentions; hut he would have his way, and we con-
tented ourselves with re-loading our ritics, and preparing to
follow him. We were on the side of a small elevation, and

therefore could only see one side of the prairie, and it was cn
the other side that our friend and the buffalo were. While
mounting our horses we heard a shot, and immediately after a
loud cheer. We proceeded up the slope at a canter, but had
not gone a dozen yards, when we heard the peculiar thunder-
ing noise whiee heavy feet make upon the prairie. Just as
we reached the to;), a fearful sight presented itself--our friend
the hunter galloped furiously past, about an hundred yards dis-
tant from us. We could hear the loud panting of the horse,
and see the flakes of foam dropping from its mouth, as with
convulsive energy it bounded along. About twenty yards be-
hind him was the buffalo, apparently an enormous bull, bel-
lowing with rage, and tearing up the ground with his horns,
as he madly rushed on after our poor friend, lately the hunter,
but now the hunted. Not a moment was to be lost : we gal-
loped on, keeping at a wary distance col one side, and ready to
fire the moment we got within shot. . One of the hunters, a
half brother to our apparently devoted comrade Pierre, kept
up within two hundred yards of the buffalo; the other hunter
and I, finding the distance increasing rather than otherwise,
began to despair of getting up in time for a rescue, when sud
denly Pierre changed his course, and made off nearly at right
angles for his former direction, thus getting the start of the
huffJo, and giving us the opportunity to ride across to meet
him. We spurred on our horses, and in a few minutes were
considerably in advance of Pierre and his pursuer; we each
took our station at a few yards' distance on either side of the
course, and raised our rifles ready to 11:.e. In another moment.
Pierre dashed by between us. We both fired at the maddened
animal behind him. Whether wounded by my ball or not Ido
not know, but in an instant it rushed on me. My eyes began
to da ken, I felt a severe pain, and then became unconscious
of what passed, until I was recovered by the usual remedies of
brandy and cold water, and then found that my left arm' and
three ribs were broken. I had been lifted off my horse on the
bison's horns, and pitched up in the air. My poor horse was
gored terribly—it died on our return. Pierre's breather, on
coming up, tired at the monster, on which it left us and trotted
off to the herd, probably mortally wounded; but we were in
no condition to pursue it. Pierre never stopped his furious
career till within the shades of the forest. When his half-
brotheriiof speech. tot him up, he found that extreme terror had deprived
hint
He, however, recovered his speech before
night, and informed us of the circumstances. He had fired at
the animal ; it tottered and fell, which was the occasion of the
cheer we heard ; he then trotted up to it, reloading as he went
on, when, in the twinkling of an eye, the buffelo was on his
legs, Pierre threw down his rifle, and the chase began. I,
concluded Mr. C---, was assisted home, and was confined
to bed for several weeks after; however, Pierre and I have
shot many buffulocs since then."

In the first article, entitled " Peeps P..litical from the
Loop-holes of Retreat," Government is attacked with a bit-
terness of feeling unusual in the sober columns of our Radi-
cal friend Tait. To Mr. O'Connell and Lords Melbourne
and John Russell, no quarter is given. Tait is for upset-
ting the whole Cabinet at once ; and from the tone of some
of his remarks, it is plain that he would prefer a Tory to a
Melbourne Administration. With all their energy and their
bowed knowledge, the Ultra-Radical leaders sadly lack
that most useful of every day qualities—common sense.
In this respect, Tait is no better off than Vincent or Fear-
gus O'Connor, while he exhibits towards public men all the
wayward caprice of a young beauty towards a crowd of
anxious admirers. His first love was Lord Brougham,
whom he proclaimed his admiration of, by constituting him,
in effigy, the presiding genius of his magazine. The Noble
and Learned Lord was not long a favourite, and was suc-
ceeded by the Earl of Durham. Next came Mr. O'Connell,
who in his turn was obliged to make way for Sharman
Crawford, and, as a sort of wind-up, Lord Brougham is
once more taken into favour. Where is the consistency
here ? And yet, the Ultra-Radicals cannot pardon the
slightest symptoms of inconsistency in others. Theree;
clever
and of Clarkson's Strictures on the " Life of Wiber rorc,r
and Lord Lindsay's " Travels in the East,"are _
poor
and judicious. The incidental sketch of .the
Tsevhoof
fell a
Robe:t Nicoll, late Editor of the Leeds 7
martyr to his zeal for liberty, onib9died in the former of

these articles, is very
affectingly introduced. We shall
conclude our notice of this Number, by an extract from it—
merely premising that it follows an Ode to Clarkson,
written by Robert Nicoll, under the impression that he
was casting a flower on the grave Of the virtuous dead :
" Robert Nicoll wrote under the common idea that Clark-
son, wha had been labouring for Abolition fifty years before,
had finished his course. But the kindred-hearted, youthful
poet was to drop at his own honourable post, before the patri-
arch of Negro Freedom closed his career. When a herd-boy,
some few years ago, on the braes of Lowland Perthshire, the
self-educated Nicoll had probably first heard or read of Clark-
son ; nor could this have been without a responsive chord being
struck in his fervid bosom. At a very early age for such a
task, he became the Editor of the Leeds Times, and at once
acquired an influence among the manufacturers and handi-
craftsmen of the West Riding, which, to those unacquainted
with the sympathetic influence of mind over con;;enial minds,
must have appeared unaccountable. We have sometimes
wished that the valuable lesson, both for encouragement arid
warning, which might. be drawn from Robert Nicoll's brief
history, were given to the young men of his class—now a
numerous and most important cne. His genius, of which
ELenezer Elliott, the head of that noble class, has said,
" Burns, at his age, had done 'nothing like him," was, all cir-
cumstances considered, less remarkable than the purity of his
life, and the fortitude and energy of his character. He was
prized for the purity and singleness, and the ardour of his
mind—for the bright promise of that dawn too soon overcast,
and for enthusiastic devotion to what he considered the good
and the true. Robert Nicoll emerged in life in almost the
same circumstances of self-privation and rigorous self-denial
with Garrison of Boston, and with the same apostolic zeal for
freedom and missionary devotion attributed to that remarkable
person, but with more splendour of poetic genius. From un-
acquaintance with the world, or with the habits of society, and
ignorance, and perhaps unwise contempt of its conventionali-
ties, he was, as a journalist, occasionally chargeable with the
same faults as Garrison—intemperance of language, and what
are usually called personalities ; nor is it easy for those tiho
would denounce abuse and iniquity, and rouse masses of men
to the assertion of their rights, to be always bird-mouthed or
choice in their expressions. But all his verse is remarkable
for tenderness and sweetness; and for simplicity, without rus-
ticity ; showing nothing of that staunch uncompromising Da-
mocrat, who, reared in and among "the huts where poor men
lie," gave all his love, all his sympathy, and probably all his
esteem, to the virtuous poor. .
" For two or three years before his death, which took place
at the age of twenty.three' Nicoll's physical strength bad been
literally consuming in the fires of his sleepless mind. He had
contrived to subsist upon the pittance of about 2s. 6d. a
week ; burning with the thirst of knowledge, and giving day
and night to study and composition. When he went to Leeds
as a journalist, aware of the deficiency of his education, or
of his non-education, his anxiety " to do his best," as he
termed it, and a high and sustaining consciousness of his real
powers, made him doubly task himself. The consequence was
the rapid popularity of the newspaper, whose Editor was
known only by the fervour of his writings, and by that resist-
less sympathy with the feelings and scants of the people,
which obtained him their confidence and admiration. He
struggled on, until he literally dropped at his post ; though
his last breath was drawn in that native land which he loved
so dearly, and to which so much of his sweetest verse is
dedicated.

.‘ We rejoice that this desultory reference to Robert Nicoll
gives us a fit opportunity of mentioning a circumstance which
ought to be known to all the world, and especially to the
Radicals of Leeds and the West Riding. When his days
were evidently (hawing to a close, Mr. Tait wrote Sir Wil-
liam Molcsworth to the effect that young Nicoll of the Leeds
Times bad been induced to leave his post, in the last stage of
a decline, aggravated by the prospect of destitution, rendered
much more bitter by the distress of those who locked to him
for daily bread. But his wants were few—his time, in" all
probability, to be short in this world—and little would suffice.
Sir William, without an hour's delay, transmitted an order for
fifty pounds, and a most kind and delicate letter. It would be
a sin to conceal this unostentatious deed of benevolence in
their Member to their late Editor, from the Radicals of
Leeds."

FRAZER'S MAGAZINE.
The first article in this Number is the best, and few
better have appeared in the Magazine. The subject is
" Genius and the Public," and It is treated throughout
in a manly and common-sense style. The writer scouts
the popular sentimental notion that nine out of ten•men of
genius are left to starve by an ungrateful public, asserting,
on the contrary, that they arc assessed at their proper
worth, and rewarded accordingly. It was not so some
eighty or ninety -years since, when Johnson signed one of
his Ramblers " Impransus," and Javage walked about the
streets all night, because he bad not where to lay his
head ; but certainly in the present days, genius has little
or no cause to complain, for, if duly seconded by perse-
verance, it is as sure to succeed as the east winds to blow
in March. The public not only encourages, but actually
courts it in all its var:ous phases ; nor is the case of the
late Co!eridge an exception, for if a man, instead of
vigorously a workin out the fine poetic faculty with which
God has endowed him, chooses to plunge head over ears
into the dull, heavy slough of transcendentalism, bewil-
dering his readers as well as himself, bow can be expect
to become popular? " A Day among the Mountains"
is, as its title imports, almost Wholly descriptive. We will
give the reader a taste of its quality :
" A day among the mountains—far in the hills—is a pass-
age in a man's life more touching and memorable than a day
in the woods. In the latter we scarcely ever lose sight .of the
cheerful haunts of men, or their occupations. Our sensations
are unmixed with terror. The animals and objects around us
excite the genial sympathies and impulses of our frame; our
emotions are not forced into one channel, or overpowered by
one master feeling or passion. Alone among the mountains,
we are reduced to utter insignificance ; our sympathies aro
choked; the soul is thrown back on itreif. The scene is
strong with the original, primeval impress• of nature, un-
touched by man or his works. We wet to stand directly in
the presence of the Almighty, stripped of all flatteries and
disguises ; the bold outlines and peaks of the hills, cleaving
the silent, motionless air, appezr as Ilis handwriting, le-
gible in their m,jestic character, and appalling in their stern-
ness and solitude. Such as we now see them they were be-
held by the world's grey fathers,' bond and free, in the ear-
Lest periods of creation. The eagle still builds his nest among
the cliffs; the torrent still flashes down the ravine; the birch,
tree, or the pine, waves over the precipice; and the lake, vi-
sited by the red deer and the solitary water-fowl, still beats its
hanks, reflecting the grey rock and the cloud, all utterly careless
and unconscious of man, who seems an alien, an incumbrance
to the scene. The conquerors of the world subdued nations ;
but the mountains, like the banner of heaven, were impregnable.
Woods are perishable and evanescent ; they flourish and fade;
Fall successive, and successive rise ;' are cut. down or
reproduced in their deciduous beauty and leafy splendour ; the
mountains remain unchanged amidst the mutations of time."
" Foreign Policy of the Whig Cabinets of 1807 and of
1838" is an attempt to establish an analogy where not the
slightest analogy exists. The article is vigorous in point
of manner, but full of false assumptions, and inferences
drawn from untenable premises. " The Constable of
Bourbon" is an interesting, well-digested historiette, simi-
lar to some that have lately appeared in Blackwood. The
details of the memorable sack of Rome and the death of
Bourbon are given in a vigorous and graphic spirit. " Our
Club at Paris" is an amusing bit of gossip. " Little Men
and Little Measures" attacks Lord Brougham, both as an
author and a politician, comparing him, in this last capa-
city, to Jack Wilkes, whom he resembles about as closely
as O'Connell resembles Jack Cade. The article is re-
markable for nothing but its flagrant injustice and absurd
vehemence. " Homeric Ballads" are cleverly rendered by
Dr. naginn, and the " Loose Thoughts" suggest some
hints worth consideration on the subject of the Birmin;ham
Railway.

ALEXANDER'S EAST INDIA 4ND COLO.

.NIAL MAGAZINE. •
With this periodicid is now incorporated, the "Meerut
Universal Magazine"—a publication in deservedly high re-
pute in British Indi.r. The joint productions is henceforth
to be conducted by the Editor, of the merged periodical,
who offers, as his qualification to treat of Indian affairs, a
fifteen years' residence in that country, aria a five years'
Editorial connection with the Indian Press.. His first
Number is certainly one of great promise. The articles
are, for the most part, light and buoyant, to a degree
.hitherto unparalleled in Anglo-Indian Magaiine literature.
The" Lecture on Drinking," "My Furlough," and" Some-
thing New," " Stanzas about the Mocn," are full of spirit.
To the curious in Hindoo Mythology, Mr. George Strat-
ton's account of the Tripetty Pagoda, and the celebrated
idol therein worshipped, will be especially welcome. The
sketch of the Shaik Dulloo, a noted Indian free-booter,
will likewise afford much amusement to the lovers of the
marvellous. As very little is really known of ' India in this
country, the Editor will render an important service to
the British public, by devoting much of his attention to
the Portraiture of social life in the East ; carefully noting
those a
laws,,
religious iotfn
pnractsi
svieo
nesh, aar an cdt etrr,a
o%i, a
ryre produced.,p
rjud_; c
by e
and reminiscences.

THE ASIATIC JOU.R.NAL.
Allen and Co.
The " Penal Code of India," a subject of deep interest
to nearly one hundred million bumanbeings, is the subject
of a good article in the
of
domestice:i present tnNdNe wpursmozombceei
Zealand
society,
teayos:f
dt
aot
nhptdo:'
throw
Asiatichrwya:m here
u ecar I:
Journal." The illustrations upon the text arc remarkable
for their broity and distinctness. The " Analyses of
pew
wstelirgnii
tu-p Works"o
be called familiatrhiegresclti°agntieotius impressions and prejudices in
the East. We cannot pretend to
they
yy
wopiiiinbioentrheosupgeticttinbcrye
tfets(tioj;fudges of the value of such w
butte swpee2ihmacvieisnoofd'o'
of far higherares lqiuteitrearyecitl
_t. a rt st ,
to the of young gentlemen
tension than the bards of New Zealand. pre.al
111. de Sacy, the French Orientalist, is very interesting.
The memoir of
We have read with pleasure. ‘ Native Society in Indi L"
is likewise an article embodying much novel information.
As a whole this Number is a decided improvement upon
the last.

[The rest of the Magazines will be givp to-morrow,l

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We are informed that we have not stated correctly the
the nature of the punishment which the Government have
resolved to inflict on Mr. Young and Mr. Webber, two
thoughtless lads who were found guilty the other day at
the Old Bailey of being present at a recent miserable
duel. Our error consists in our having attached " hard

labour" to the twelve months' imprisonment." Hard labour,"
we are told, forms no part of the punishment. We
doubted greatly, notwithstanding the authority on which
we received the intelligence, whether any such punishment as
twelve months' imprisonment (with or without hard la-
bour) was to be inflicted on these young men ; and there-
fore we made no observation on the announcement, but
published it in the form in which we received it. In ad-
verting now to this punishment and to the duel at Wim-
bledon, we are quite prepared for pretended misconstruc-
tion and really malicious misrepresentation of our opinions
and of our language, however cautiously and however
clearly we may be careful to express ourselves. But be-
lieving that it is our duty to speak plainly, and with-
out reserve, on this case, we trust that if the risk of unjust
censure were ten thousand times as great, we should
steadily discharge that duty, confident that the good sense
of the community would right us in the end, and that
in the purity of our motives and in the sincerity of our opi-
nions we should receive consolation and support until we
triumphed in a consummation which, however delayed,
must certainly be at last achieved. With This preface we
proceed at once to the object we have in view. That ob-
ject is to entreat most earnestly of the Government, of that
part of the community who, by station and character,
should have weight with the Government, to consider well
whether it is not alike unjust and unwise to visit these
young men with more than a nominal punishment. We
know very well what the law upon the subject is, and it
would be as idle in us to descant upon that as it would be
for any one who is opposed to the views we entertain on
this subject to throw the law in our teeth. But see what
the custom has been—custom which prevails over the law,
and is obeyed where the law would be laughed at—custom
whose empire is universal,because, unlike law, it is familiar
to all men, and not unknown even to moderately preco-
cious children. What, then, we ask, has been the custom
in regard to duelling, and to the punishment of those who
have been concerned in duelling ? In other words, what
has been the doctrine, what the practice, with regard to
duelling? For the doctrine as generally received, we
know not where it has been better expressed than in the
following passage :—" As men become in a high degree
refined, various causes of offence arise which are considered
to be of such importance, that life must be staked to atone
for them, though in reality they are not so. A body that
has received a very fine polish may be easily hurt. Before
men arrive at this artificial refinement, if one tells his
neighbour he lies, his neighbour tell him he lies ; if one
gives his neighbour a blow, his neighbour gives him a blow;
but in a state of highly polished society, an affront is held
to be a serious injury. It must, therefore, be resented, or
rather a duel must be fought upon it ; as men have agreed
to banish from society one who puts up with an affront with-
out fighting a duel. Now, it is never unlawful to fight in
self-defence. He, then, who fights a duel does not fight
from passion against his antagonist, but out of self-
defence, to avert the stigma of the world, and to prevent
himself from being driven out of society. I could wish
there was not that superfluity of refinement ; but while such
notions prevail, no doubt a man may lawfully fight a duel."
It is no brawler, no bully, no hot-headed fellow, that speaks
here. The words are the words of no less a person than
the celebrated Dr. Johnson, whom everybody knows to
have been equally eminent for piety and for learning. Let
us, however, not be mistaken. We freely admit that the
Doctor's reasoning is not satisfactory. Another distin-
guished writer, generally a much looser moralist than Dr.
Johnson, has placed this question of duelling in a more
proper point of view. Defining the fombidden crime of
" murder" to be the deliberate taking away of human
life otherwise than by public authority, he says—" If
authorized laws of honour be allowed to create ex-
ceptions. to Divine prohibitions, there is an end of all
morality, as founded in the will of the De:ty ; and the
obligation of every duty may, at one time or other,
be discharged by caprice and fluctuations of fashion."
We cheerully confess that we entirely subscribe to
this view of the question ; and we have quoted Dr.
Johnson, not for the purpose of showing what the orthodox
doctrine is, but merely to demonstrate how high authority
the received, the general, the popular doctrine, may call to
its aid. And for the practice in this matter of duelling,
how has that been ? The late Duke of York and the late
Duke of Richmond fought a duel, their seconds being the
late Marquis of Hastings and the late Lord Winchilsea.
Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, Mr. Tierney, Mr. Flood, Mr. Grattan,
Mr. Curran, Mr. Canning, and the late Lord London•
derry (seconded by Lord Seaford and the Marquis of
Hertford), Sir F. Burdett, the Duke of Buckingham and
the Duke of Bedford, the Duke of Wellington, and Lord
Winchilsea (seconded by Sir H. Hardinge and Lord Fal-
mouth), have all set the example of an appeal to duelling
as a means of obtaining or giving satisfaction for
affronts, real or imaginary. And this list might be
multiplied an hundredfold ; for there is scarcely a
public man of any mark or likelihood who has
not been concerned in a duel either as principal or
second ; or who has not invited or shown no disposi-
tion to avoid a duel. Let it, moreover, be considered,
that scarcely a month passes during the Session of
Par!'ament in which there are not several instances of
Members who publicly intimate that they will resent by
dueling expressions at which they have taken offence in
debate ; that in private society duelling is always resorted
to as a means of redressing grave affronts not atoned for by
apology, and that if five minutes after these observations
meet the eye of any member of the Government—of Lord
John Russell, for instance, the Home Secretary—he hap-
pens to be personally insulted by any one in his own rank
of life, his Lordship must—nay, readily will—have recourse
to duelling by way of satisfaction. We say again, let these
facts be borne in mind—let this doctrine and this practice
be kept in view, and where is the sound-headed and sound-
hearted man who will deny that to pounce suddenly upon
two lads who have merely been spectators of a duel, and
punish them with twelve months' imprisonment, is cruel,
unjust, and unwise? We may be told that punishment
is inflicted on these young men in order to put an end
to duelling ; but this is worse than nonsense. If the
Ministers desire to attempt the achievement of that ob-
ject (we pass no opinion, because we are not called upon
to pass any, respecting the propriety or the practica-
bility of such an experiment) they ought to use fair
means. It is not fair suddenly, in the month of Sep-
tember of this year, to visit with a heavy punishmeat two
lads who merely looked on at a proceeding which the doc-
trine and practice of high moralists and of the most dis-
tinguished members of the Commonwealth have taught
them to consider not as innocent only—not as laudable
merely—but as, under given circumstances, positively in-
dispensable. No ; the fair, the just, and therefore the
wise course would be for the Government to give notice
that for the future they will enforce the law in regard to
duelling. Any man who fought a duel, or wlt was the
spectator of one, would, after that notice, have no right
to complain if he were sent to Guildford gaol for a twelve-
month. But to make victints without notice, as in this
case, is a proceeding very little less unjust than' ex post
facto legislation ; and we do most fervently hope, more for
the sake of the character of the executive branch of our
constituted Government, than for the relief of the
unlucky persons who are in Guildford gaol, that
the Ministers will, on reflection; see the propriety of
restoring Mr. Young and Mr. Webber to their fa-
milies and friends, making publicly known, at
they will the same time, if they please, that hereafter punish
as severely as the law will admit, and the circumstancestuedels Soof
the case may seem to justify, all parties in fu
will the abhorrers of duelling be propitiated ; so a u
in-
justice, and, consequently a great disgrace, will be gret
avoided
so,in all probability, two young men, who, it wionly s charitable
to suppose, are fitted for better things, will betaught to
eschew the bad society and haunts of wickedness they have
hitherto
h e
hitherto frequented, which, after the contamination incident
to twelve months' residence in gaol, can hardly be expected.
Times.

The Tory papers, and particularly the Times, because,
as it would seem, they can find no otiterrground of attack,
are still firing small shot at Ministers fora supposed
often
nhe prin-
ciple
arc
7
aban-
donment of the appropriation principle. How f
to tell them that Ministers, instead of abandoning
last Session, re-asserted it in the most forcible mann e
by insisting upon retaining on the journals the resolutions of
April, 1835, and thereby pledging the present House of
Commons to the principle laid down and asserted by the
last ? In addition, our readers will not have forgotten that
when the Irish Tithe Act was introduced, Lord John
Russell and Lord Morpeth, in terms not to be misun-
derstood or misrepresented (and therefore the Tines is care-
ful to steer clear of what they then said), explained that al-
though they could not. do all the good they wished by car-
rying the appropriation clause, that was no sufficient reason
for doing nothing. Ministers were resolved to make the
experiment of the effect of the Bill without an ap-
propriation clause, rather than run the risk of leaving the
law as it then stood. This is the answer we make to ob-
jectors generally ; but we might say much more to the
Times, which down to January, 1835 (only three months
before the resolutions in favour of appropriation were
of
adopted by the House Commons), bad called the
abomination, Irish Church Church "an which might be
overturned on grounds not involving
English Church." Then it wastoah thet
our consistent Con-
temporary maintained that theadoption of the appropri-
ation principle was necessary the very existence
it of the Irish Church, although now ins;sts that it
Wag invented for the mere purpose of destroying that

Church . then it was that the Times threatened
the Hoese of Commons with visitations from the
constituent body if it did not " take up the question of
appropriation,": with a view to the instant enforcement of
it : then it was that the Times pronounced the Tories who
resisted the principle " inveterate obstructives, bent only
upon gaining power at Th
e expense of honour, justice, and
the welfare of the people." Heaven knows that we do
not refer to these expressions for the sake of proving that
the Times upon this question, as upon many others, has
basely deserted its own deliberate and often repeated opi-
nions ; that requires no fresh evidence at this time of day.
Nor do we quote them because its sentiments were then
or are now of the smallest value. We do not even wish to
apply to it its own stale quit tulcrit Gracchos, &c., but
merely to show what sort of advocates are most in favour
with the Tory party. The truth is that the Tories are
willing to lean upon any thing for support in their distress,
and they find in the Times a most congenial instrument.
In proportion as it is unprincipled and subservient, it
answers their purpose to employ it.—Morning Chronicle.
Of all subjects of pree sing political interest, there is none
of which it is more desirable to form a correct appreciation,
and none upon which opinion deviates into a "eater variety
of error, than the character, powers, and tendency of the
present popular demonstrations. While one party treats,
or affects to treat them with ridicule and contempt amount-
ing to disgust, regarding them merely as the foetid exhala-
tions of ignorance fermenting amongst the masses, another
regards them with unqualified homage, believing the justice
and wisdom of their counsel to be as indisputable as the
guidance of Omniscience itself. In both opinions, but es-
pecially in the first, there is much danger to the preserva-
tion of that harmony amongst the elements of society which
is as essential to the general welfare as to the safe and
steady progress of political regeneration. The errors of a
reflecting and thinking peopl speedily rectify themselves,
and at no period in the history of the human mind were
Reflection and Thought so active amongst the masses of
mankind as at present, and by no people so vigorously exer-
cised as by the British pubic. The great danger, therefore,
lies in regarding the present manifestation of popular sentiment
as unworthy to exercise any influence on the Legislature or
Government of the country. To treat the people with de-
rision is not the way to correct their errors, and must ne-
cessarily excite feelings of animosity calculated to prevent
the adjustment of conflicting opinions, and dang:rous to the
public welfare and public peace. It must be borne in
mind, that if some of the political doctrines current amongst
the millions be erroneous or inapplicable to the circum-
stances of the time and the complicated relations of society,
even amongst the highest class of the aristocracy prevail
errors of a yet more monstrous character—errors not only
adverse to the present condition of society, but op-
posed to the eternal principle of justice and right—
errors in which to participate involves not only an in-
competency to exercise the most ordinary powers of rea-
son, but an inability to recognise the most obvious truths.
Is there any thing in " Universal Suffrage"—the
ultra claim of the people—more opposed to truth and
justice then in " divine right," the creed in which
the other extreme would entrench itself? Is it less ex-
pedient or less practicable, as a principle of Government ?
Is there anything in the most ignorant and stupid man of
the community claiming a voice in the laws by which he is
to be governed, more monstrous than in the claim put for-
ward by the Duke of Newcastle, to coerce his tenantry to
vote according to his orders, on the principle that " a man
may do what he likes with his own?" How many of the
Aristocracy act on the same principle, and deny those
over whom they can exercise any controul, the most pre-
cious right of man—the right of thought? Yet while
withholding this right, the exercise of which tends more
than anything else to elevate the character of man,
they exclaim against the ignorance of the people—
an ignorance where it exists of which the mismanage-
ment of the ruling powers is the chief cause. They
first accumulate every appliance to keep the people in
ignorance and degradation, and then pour scorn on the vic-
tims of their injustice. Such is the relative position of the
extreme sections of society. It may be difficult to say on
which side is displayed the greater ignorance as regards the
best means of advancing the interests of the nation and of
man, but of the side on which injustice preponderates there
can be no question. One claims a paramount influence for
what is called " the rights of property," the other for the
rights of persons. These conflicting claims we shall take
another opportunity to examine. At present we will ob-
serve, that between these extremes exist the great body
of the industrial and intellectual classes, in whom centres
the great force of public opinion. Were the present
manifestations the exhibition of mere physical force,
powerful as they would he in themselves, they might be
expected to produce but little impression on the Legis-
lature. But with physical force they combine a great
moral and intellectual force, which must give them an
irresistible influence on the future government of the
country. if in their claims the people err, it is in
giving to an abstract right a prominency unsuitable to the
capabilities of a populous country and a complicated state
of society. This, however, does not argue such gross igno-
rance as some would ascribe to the people, as to attach
too great importance to an abstraction is never the error
of ignorance. Undoubtedly the people want efficient
leaders, and therefore is it the more to be regretted that
those who might lead from position, if not from talent, instead
of placing themselves at the head of the Movement, should
blindly attempt to arrest its progress. We ha% e no
doubt, however, that in one quarter or another men will
be found suited to the emergency of the time, and in this
hope we look to the present demonstrations as calculated
to subvert the designs of factions, and exercise a most timely
and salutary influence on the destinies of Great 13ritain.--s
Morning Advertiser.
The Fourth Annual Report of the Poor Law Commis-
sioners, as presented to both Houses of Parliament, by
command of her Majesty, has just been printed. The
Commissioners state that the general result of the Act as
respects the burthen upon the rate-payers continues satis-
factory ; but express their inability (the entire country not
haling yet been formed into Unions) to state accurately
the increase or diminution of pauperism throughout England
and Wales. From the portion already in their possession
of a table which the Commissioners have ordered to be
prepared, but which is not yet complete, they think them•
selves warranted in the inference that the diminution of
expenditure for the year ending March, 1838, as com-
pared with that for the year ending March, 1834, ex-
ceeds 2,300,0001. From a table exhibiting the expendi-
ture of the years ending respectively on the 25th of
March, 1837 and 1838, for the 200 Unions, which have
been more than two years in existence, it appears that
the expenditure for the latter year was 1,269,854/.,
and for the former 1,187,3461., showing an increase
of 82,5081. The Commissioners remark here that
this small increase indicates general good management on
part of the Guardians, considering the augmented price
of food in the latter year, the severity of the last winter,
and the stagnation in trade and manufactures. This re-
mark would be liable to the censure, that it seems to at-
tach too exclusive an importance to the merit of koeping
down expenditure, were it not that the Commissioners
produce elsewhere much evidence leading to the conclusion
that the persons entitled to relief have not been subjected
to any additional severities or privations. The average
annual expenditure of these 200 parishes before their union,
appears by the table to have been 0,193,483 i., or nearly a
million per annum more than the present charge. But the
table is silent as to the number of years included in the
average expenditure antecedent to the unions, a remark-
able, not to say a suspicious omission ; and we have reason
to believe that this column of the table is made up of the
total amounts formerly collected under the name of Poor-
rates, a fund then chargeable with payments now otherwise
provided for. Making, however, the utmost possible al-
lowance on account of the circumstances we have mentioned,
it will still appear that the reduction of expense has
be en very considerable. The report contains a great body
of evidence, much of which is of a very interesting charac-
ter, tending to show that, in addition to the pecuniary ad-
vantages already mentioned, the Poor Law Amendment
Act has been productive of the following still more im-
portant results :-Ist, more prompt and adequate re-
lief to the
aged, the infirm, and the sick ; 2d, en-
couragement of the industry and moral habits, and
the consequent increaseimopfrot,he welfare of the labouring
pauperelasses ;ebainiddr,etnh.irdl
thirdly, improvement
all dueme atlioinwatnheee efedructbaetionof
whomaffec-
tion
twhichbey
brio;
beCommissionersre
tbe p u
balni
ed
nm
the
ey
e of
the,character
of
dhietho
theycherish
ntheessae
aretoawea.rds a system, in
Lminaiystrhaetiosenpopp eerfsowni
wit-
nesses,
is impossible to peruse this report without imbibing
it
a pretty
confident persuasion that with whatever
even vices, the Poor Law Amendment Act imperfections,Aet or
may in some
respects be chargeable, it has operated, and is operwing,
upon the whole, advantageously to the community, and es-
pecially to that class of the community
upon whom it is ac-
cused of inflicting gratuitous • d"
in Ignites and
fering.—Morning Post. unnecessary suf-
The " Napoleon of Peace " as his flatterers some time
since very absurdly styled Lc; •
appears, anothers Louis Philippe has gained, it
of those victories th I
liar genius is capable of achieving, , eon y ones his
some-
thingNeu-
the very opposite of glory. to which
house of Bourbon
which belongs
has at length vanquished the house
of
Bonaparte, Louis
Philippe at the head of a mighty nation
armies, and a whole legion of spies at his
with fleets and
command, has
triumphed over Louis Napoleon, a simple citizen,
a fugitive, the bearer of a name familiar with misfortune,
rne,
exile,
who having found an asylum among the Swiss mountains,tu
is driven thence by the persecution of a race, of whotl
late Emperor of the French truly said that they " learn
nothing and forget nothing." What was true of the elder
branch of the house of Bourbon, which " has ceased to
reign," is true also of the younger branch which now reigns.

Whether the latter is destined like the former, to afford yet
to the world another instructive example of the fickleness of
fortune and the mutability of human grandeur, INC cannot
say ; but this is certain, that whether the reigning branch be
destined to a prosperous or an adverse fate, its conduct is
such as is not calculated to inspire either admiration of its
success or sympathy for its misfortunes. There are two
motives which have actuated Louis Philippe in his persecu-
tion of Louis Napoleon—the one a little, mean, vindictive
jealousy of that name which is associated with an era of the
greatest glory which the page of French history presents—
the other an abject wish to gratify the Autocrat of Russia by
rnakin; an attack upon the independence of Switzerland
a country whose real liberty, the price of as great sacrifices
as any heroic people ever made in defence of their. national
existence and honour, puts toshame themockery of freedom
which "young France"enjoysunder the sceptre of herCivtiz.n
King. We cannot separate f. ern the persecution of a..ouis
Napoleon the disgraceful disclosures which took place
relative to the intrigues of the French Government in
Switzerland, through the agency of the spy
when the " liberal" M. Thiers was Louise,Philippe's
favourite Minister. M. Thiers, while persccnting real
liberty in Switzerland, was so great an admirer of
stock-jobbing Liberalism in Spain, that he wanted to send
a French army across the Pyrenees to assist
Palmerston 'tos
" buccaneering war," in forcing a sovereign on an inde-
pendent nation by the " liberal" logic of foreign b lyonets.
When we hear it said that Louis Napoleon plotted against
the peace of France, can we forget that the French Go-
vernment by its political agents did itself stir up plots in
Switzerland, for the purpose of alarming the northern
i
Powers, and affording them a plausible pretext to nvade its
independence? Such Machisvelian policy, though pros-
perous for a time, cannot in the end come to good. We
suspect that the triumph which Louis Philippe now obtains,
in compelling one of the family of Bonaparte to renounce
the asylum which the generous hospitality of the Swiss
people opened tohirri, will yet bear bitter fruits for France.
Toe political importance which now invests the name of
the young member of the Bonaparte family Las been created
by the persecution of which he has so long been the object.
drive from a hospitable shelter ainid the Swiss mountains
a politi, al exile, obscure in everything but his family name,
is the mighty achievement which the possessot of " the
throne of July" has accomplished! \Vhat a victory where-
with to embellish the annals of the Gauls in the nineteenth
century ! We can hardly condemn the 'young Bonaparte
for renouncing his asylum in Switzerland, rather than in-
volve his adopted country in a war with the country of his
birth ; and yet with some show of reason it may be said
that he ought to have either taken this stt p earlier or not
taken it at all. Has he yielded to any secret solicitations
made to him rather by the friends of Louis Philippe than
his own ? Certainly the " Citizen-King" would have been
placed in a very awkward predicament if Louis Napoleon
had abided by what appeAred to be his first determination
of insisting on his rights of Swiss citizenship, and putting
to the proof the courage of Louis Philippe in his bullying
conduct towards the Swiss Republic. Would the "Napo-
leon of Peace" have dared to invade Switzerland ?
We think not ; but if he had, different indeed
would have been the enterprise against a nation
of brave men, from his grand expedition with 50,000
men, under the command of Marshal Gerard, against
the isolated city of Antwerp. We fear that even with
Leopold and the Belgic " braves" at his elbow, the " Citi-
zen King," had he invaded Switzerland, would have made
sad work of it. What a sight it would have been for the
contemplation of Europe to have beheld the tricoloured flag
of July unfurled, like the oriflamme of northern despotism
some years ago in Poland, against the mountain home of
liberty in the Helvetian mountains! The cause of the
northern despot triumphed because France betrayed and
Enghind deserted Poland. " Order reigns at Warsaw !"
was the exclamation of the Government of July throu the
mouth of Count Sebastiani when the capture of the capital
of Poland was announced. Had Louis Philippe com-
menced his crusade against Swiss independence, it would
be a long time before he would be able to exclaim " order
reigns in Switzerland." He would have found every moun-
tain a fortress—every ravine a redoubt. The rocks that beat
back the waves of Burgundian' and Austrian invasion
would have shattered the brigand warfare of the " Na-
poleon of Peace," and crumbled along with it the " throne
of July." A war with the feeble and remote state of
Mexico—an assault of an isolated Dutch garrison of 4,000
men with 50,000—a Lisbon naval demonstration—a plun-
dering and desolating system of pirwical hostility against
the dependencies of our deserted and sinking Turkish ally
in Africa, contrary to solemn pledges given to the British
Government. Such are the martial exploits worthy the
heroism and energies of the Whig-admired and Whig-be-
lauded " Napoleon of Peace." But an invasion of Swit-
zerland by any other " legions" than legions of spies and
conspirators would, indeed, have been a haz,rdous experi-
ment of the citizen paeificalor's conquering prowess.
Neither England nor liberty would have any reason to re-
gret the day he attempted, if lie dared to attempt, to plant
with the bloody hand of battle the standard of the barricades
upon the grave of Swiss independence.—Morning Herald.

THE MARKETS.

COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING LAST Cl'IZEt.

Wheat. Baricy. ; Beans. Pease.
Per Quarter. is.to s. s. to p s. to s. s, s P. to s.
Carlisle-----; 75 43 i 37 41
29
67 74 25 46 28 36
M roeth
64 72 31 38 i3d 38 34 =fi 40 42
Penrith 76 I 42 , 30 53
Shcthe 1. 69 1 31 I 43 2J
Winchester ....... ;63 72 128 31 20 21 42 45 :35 38
Per Bushel. s.d. s. 1. a. 0. s. (1. s.d. 601. 9. n sd.
00 98 0:0 40 00 44 00 0f C 0 0 0
0
Covphridge--- 19611 0 4 2 46; 2 6 3t 56 0 0 0
Newcastle (Stan.) it 0 10 9 3 6 40. 3 0 3 9 5 0 5 3 0 0 0 0
Northallerton—.....' 9 0 10 3 3 6 461 3 3 4 0 5 6 6010 0 0
90 10 6 4 0 48' 3 0 3 4 6 0 6 7 0 0 00
Swansea» 90 0 0 4 G 501 2 6 3 0 0 0 00 00 00
Warwick —....—..... •9 0 11 0 3 0 461 2 0 33 56 6 0 0 0 00
Per 8011. 1 1
tiarnardeastle......... 20 0 21 08 0 90 7 6 88 9 0 :2 7 6 11 0
Durham...,lBo 2lll 70
Richmond .......'{3o 21 0 70 90, 5 0 80 98 11 0190 90
5t0ckt0n................115 0 18 6 D 6 10 GI 5 4 7 0 7 6 BGI 0 0 00
WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET —SeFt. iB.
V-Aeat, Red, Norfolk and 5uff01k......... 635. to Cgs. fine 60.
Lin_ fl‘i ni, t,, 655. fine 675.

Per filishel. s.d. g.41.' 5. (1. 1.. d.
Carmarthen......,. ,0 0 9 8 0 0 4 0
Cowbridge---- '9 6 II 0 4 2 4
Newcastle (Stan.) 1 it 0 10 9 3 6 40.
Northallerton ........ '9 0 10 3 3 6 4ff
3tone---, , 9 0 10 6 4 0 48'
Swansea-----..... 90 00 4G 501
Warwick --......... ;90 11 0 30 46
Per Moll. ! I
tiarnardeastle -... 20 0 23 0 8 0 9 0 7 6 8 8
Durham ..................... 18 0 21 n 7 0 8 0 5 3 7 9
Richmond ---..... rIS 0 21 0 70 9050
Stockton ..........-...'15 0 18 6 96 10 GI 54 70 .
WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET -SeFt. 18.
V seat, Red, Norfolk and Suffolk ...... .-e. 635. to Cos. fine 695.
Lin. and Cam.
Yorkshire 624 -s. to 65 fine , 6..
- VVliite . -a. 635. to 635. fine , _2;.
.- Foreign, tied •-•-S. .....3. to ..-.li. fine -s.
White -s. -5. to --s. nne 7s.
Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk `,05 to 334. tine 3as.
- Lincolnshire
- Yorkshire Wold -
--- Foreign - fine -s
Beans, Small -6 to r,85. fine 411.
--- Tick
Oats, Potato 24s to 26_,. tine 279.
--- Poland -s. 025. to 25;. fine 46
--- Friezland and Small ...........
-- Mealing
Sh9lling
Malt -.-4, 378 fine 424. per Load.
Rapeseed