The Sun.
London, England, 1849-07-03 00:00:00

SCOTCH BILLS.-PUBLIC HEALTH BILL.

asid,,, he did hope that some Bill on the sublect would
be hid on the tab e b: fare the am.° broke up, as
though little progrev; could at present I,e made, the
future furtherance of the measure w..tuld be greatly
fAcilitatetl.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL could give no pozitive
answef to the question of 01+, Right Hon. Gentleman, or
pledge himself to anything which he was.nut sure of ac-
complishing.
THE NAVIGATION. LAWS.

Mr. HERRIES wished to put a question to the Noble
Lord at the Head of the Foreign Department respecting
the l rubabtllty that existed of any rt.laxation being made
in the navigation•lawA of the United States, in reply to
the relaxation which had been made in our own laws,
and if so when such concession was likely to be made.
Lord PALMERSTON said that the Constitution of
the United States required the President to
grant relaxations in the laws which regulated the
c,nnmorce of that country in porta in the Pacific,
not ports belonging to the United States, equal
to those granted by the Powers holding any other pos-
sessions in that ocean, but he had no expectation that
any relaxation of the American tariff would at present
bo made.

ECCLESIASTICAL PLURALITIES.
Mr. HUME complained that the returns of pluralities
which were ordered to be given four months ago had
not been produced. He thought that if the officials
in the several offices from which they were to
emanate were overburthened with work, that the best
thing that could be done would be to dismiss them._.
(Laughter.) If there was any hope of the returns being
made he should be glad to hear when they were likely
to be made.

Lord J. RUSSELL said that the returns were very
weighty, buc would appear as soon as they could be made.

THIRD READINGS.

The following Bills were read a third time:—
Irish Turnpike.
Marriages in Foreign Countries.
Sewers Act Amendment.
_ ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSION.

In answer to a question from Mr. E. DENISON,
Lord J. RUSSELL said that he believed that the
Ecclesiastical Commission would report during the
recess.

Ax Hox. MEMBER referred to the Scotch Marriages
and Registration Bill. He understood they were not to
be proceeded with. What did the Noble Lord propose
doing with the Publ;c Health Bill and the Towns Im-
provement Bill ?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said there were all important
Bills, and he should be glad to have the opinion of the
House whether they should be proceeded with or not.
The Scotch Members had certainly expressed a strong
disinclination to the Scotch Bills.
JUVENILE OFFENDERS.
Mr. ROEBUCK wished to ask the Attorney-General
a question with respect to a Bill which, though it had
not excited much attention, was, nevertheless, to his
mind, one of the utmost importance—the Juvenile
Offenders Bill.—(Hear, hear.) As the Members con-
nected with quarter sessions would be absent next week,
he hoped he would not then bring it on, but he trusted
it'would be proceeded with this session.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL intended to proceed
with the Bill this session, but should not bring it for-
ward whilst the Gentlemen referred to were absent.

Mr. HUME sincerely trusted that as the private
Members had given up the Thursdays, that the
Government would not now press for the
Tuesdays, for if they did, how was it possible
at the hour on which such questions might
come on as a difference of the Irish Church.—(Loud
laughter.) It was quite evident that the Noble Lord
had no conscience.—(Renewed laughter.) He did hope
thr n that the Government would not deprive private
_ _

Members of the only advantage that they possessed.
MERCHANT SEAMEN'S FUND.

Mr. GLADSTONE wished to ask a question respect-
in..; the intention of the Government concerning the
interest of the mercantile marine. He had hoped that
some Bill would have been introduced, and until lately he
had hoped that a Bill would have been passed this session
for the regulation of the Merchant Seamen's Fund. No
matter was of more importance to the commercial in-
terez ta of the country; and if it were much longer delayed
it must of necessity become much more costly than it
would be now. Yet, although all expectation of passing such
a Bill during the present session ;mist 9f course be laid

.....,,,,........,,...... ....11
of this House in 1811, -Alen Mr. Tierne'y made .a similar
motion, though no doubt the Member fin I\loetruse then
vteed agani4 that motion. Doubtless if I had framed my
motion differently I might have fished for a stray vote here
or I might Lave aught one there—.(Hear, hear)—but that
was not toy object ; 1 wished to bring the state of the country
fully and openly before the House, and to state frankly—as
is my duty to my constituents and to myself—the reasons
why I cannot give my confidence to the present Adininistra-
tion.cuairlrl i
et edllotnhue
pioliol ursieg
right
ti aptr
itnhcei
plGe,,o,v(bruntmneontt
boyf this
I do not overlook the fact that there may be found
co
many
his°
right men, but my (OM nis this—that if England is to be
governed on Whig principles, I prefer that it should be go-
verned by Whigs. (Hear, hear.) Considering, then, that
the system of government pursued by the present Ministry
tends to the decay of the country, 1 give them a frank—l
hope not an ungene: ous, but certainly an uncompromising
opposition, and I take this opportunity of laying before the
House the reasons why ue are in opposition. I want to
been
know why the condition of the people of England should
thus
deterioratinguAformlatbiys qruesitiemtnrsui
teiltehfautr theal l pre-
sentthe Government are
measures in operation during the year 1846—the alteration
have
of the tariff, for example; but I apprehend they will not
shrink front that retponsibility.—(•• Hear, hear," from the
Treasury bench.) They supported and accepted those mea-
sures, alai from the statement which the Noble Lord made on
the subject, we have every reason to believe that his not
being then in office was merely owing to an accident, and
that but for that accident he would have been the Minister
to open the Parliament of 1846, and himself have pro-
posed similar measures. One cause of this distress is that, not-
withstanding the continental convulsions, the goods ex-
potted are equal to the great years of 1845 and 1846,
yet the declared value of goods in those years averaged
59,500,0001., but in 1848 it was only 53,000,0004 so that our
working people for that same quantity of goods received
6,500,000/. less in 1848 than in 1845. The first reason, and
perhaps the principal reason, that will be assigned for this
decline and decay in the condition of the country, will be
the famine in Ireland, of course, the investments in railway
undertakings naturally, the operations of commercial specu-
lation for several Vass, and the continental c- nvulsions for
the purpose of completing the climax.—(Cheers.) The
famine in Ireland, no doubt, was a great calamity, but it has
its limits—it was • not sufficient to disturb the peace of
Europe—not to place our colonies in their present position—
not to destroy our formerly flourishing foreign trade—not to
depress our agriculture or exhaust our finances; all that we
suffer is not to be attributed to that cause. I enter my pro-
STATE OF THE NATION.
( test against all these being imputed to the Irish famine. I
I have not heard much of speculation in foreign trade,
Mr. DISRAELI rose to bring forward his motion—
considerable stress has been laid on railway investments.but I
" That this House will resolve itself into a Committee of
presume I need scarcely remind the !Luse that railway un-
the whole House, to take into consideration the
dertakings have been going on for a very long time, and no
expected from them any other than beneficial results;
state of the nation." He said—l rise, Sir, to make but now those who approved of them (like all par-
a statement to the House on the motion of which ties engaged in unsuccessful speculations) turn round and
I have given a notice. I do so, because in .
r
abteeeians
on to
the ab
effecteachuseof such investments otlier.lelsotmsee,nttos aro,we themiddleho ss
the
la
revails class,lost
my opinion great and general distress p that only class said to be competent to the government of
in this country—(Hear, hear)—and because I be• this country—they turn round on the railway investments,
d impute to theta, as a cause,
lieve that this great and general distress has been and
not been the moving principle.
n have certainly
i evils of which they
it S
ple. On the contrary, L
progressive since the formation of the present my full persuasion that we do not suffer from any want of
Government. The Noble Lord and his colleagues capital, because it is at this moment notorious that any man
have possessed the government of this country for three with good security can get as much money as he wants. I
years, uncontrolled and unscrutinized.—(Laughter.) repeat, then, it is not want of capital that has diminished the
They have passed all their measures—they have not
commerce of England ; but then, we shall have the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer accounting for it all upon his fa-
had to encounter an ordinary opposition.—(Hear.) seller
ground—the continental convulsions. Now, I should
No body of men have enjoyed the government of this . like to see the data, the facts which justify that cool assump-
country heretofore under circumstances so favourable tion. I say that they ought to be investigated, and I have
as those possessed by the Noble Lord and his col- no doubt that, if they were, it would be seen that the differ-
leagues. That being the case, one is inclined to contrast ence between our condition in 1846 and that which we cc-
the situation of England at the present moment with copy in 1848, is owing to other causes than the continental
what it was at the period when the Noble Lord and his convulsions; and what I want is, that those causes should
colleagues assumed the reins of power. I need not recal be laid bare before the House in full detail. At present,
to the recollection of Hon. Gentlemen the state and condi. we have theta l not, and in this day of rapid pro-
tion of England at the commencement, I would say, of the
sgeeosusldl cannot help hleane
expressing
pl. eBs4s9i n gly
itbou considerablesuffi.surprise that we
year 1846. In all its relations profound tranquillity pre- n t
point
nfuNtieiwnfodruntriintiona
as to our condition in a commercial
veiled throughout Europe, and it any of those crib- period which elapsed between this and 1846. lam persuaded
cal conjunctions that will always be occasionally occur- there would be no difficulty whatever in giving us these de-
ring in the complicated transactions of great states tails at a much earlier period; and I hope the President of
did ever arise, so great was the influence of England, and , the Board of Trade, who, I am bound to say, is always ready
so justly great, that the kindly mediation of to attend to any suggestions of advantage to public business,
our country uniformly resulted in the amicable will give his attention to the subject. I have, however, a
settlement of those questions at issue. tat that return of the total exports of cotton goods in 1848. We hear
moment also our colonies, alter suffering great vicissi- or continental convulsions which have caused a diminution
of our exports ; but it appears that in 1848, notwithstanding
:odes—l will not stop here to say vicissitudes which were
the continental convulsions, there was au immesse increase
the cons, quences of our inconsistent legislation,— but
in the export of cotton goods.—(Hear, near.) Remember
after enduring great vicissitudes, our colonies had re-
that cote n gco's fo in one-half the entie ( f our exports;
conciled themselves to the new position in which tin 1848 the: e was an increme in our of
they were placed ; and great, as some thought, goods of 88,000,0e0 yards ov exporter the export of the precedincottong
insuperable as were the difficulties with which they had year. There is another reason why I doubt whether
to contend, there had existed in our colonies a quality there has been a diminution of our exports. I
which I fear no one can pretend exists at tee present atn indebted to the courtesy of the President of
moment—hope.—(Hear, hear.) At that period, the Board of Trade for a return which has only just been corn-
the commencement of 1846, our export trade had reached pleted of the entire imports and exports during the years
an amount which never before had been achieved 1847 and 1848. I find from this return that on contrasting
by the people of this country. At that period those the much maligned year of 1818— the year of continental
various classes that form what is popularly called the convulsions-ulnsioons.-i-mwithtitohneignretai,t years 1845 and 1816, there has
.e uantities of oods ex orted.—
agricultural interest were prospering, not so much by the b d . q g P .
. (Hear, hear.) The official value of goods denotes their
enjoyment of what is called high prices, but by being en- quantity. The average official value of the exports of 1845
abled to produce from the soil a greater quantity of produce and 1846 was 133,000,0t0/. The total value of the exports
than they had for many years, and being sure of a in the year 1848, in consequence of continental convulsions,
market where that produce would be disposed of. was 132,904,000/. ; nearly the same amount. But mark
At that period the state of Ireland, if not en- the significant fact—the average of 1845 and 1846, in de-
tirely satisfactory to those who were its real dared value, was 59,500,000/., but the declared value of
friends—if still it were the victim of political empiricism, 1848 was only 53,000,0001.—(Hear, hear.) That is a most
and the only cure for its evils was still to be important consequence, full of instruction, and I recommend
Hon. Gentlemen—and especially the advocates offree trade
considered —if still it were to be sent Me 3.
care,ully to consider that result, and if they can, satisfac-
sages of peace was, nevertheless, compared
torily to explain it. We have it here upon the records of the
with its present state, one only of comparative Government that the working classes of this country received
happiness.— (Hear, hear.) And, finally, in her in 1848, 6,500,0001. less than they obtained in 1845 and 1846
Maiesty's Exchequer there existed a surplus for the same quantity of goods exported.—(Hear, hear.)
revenue between 3,000,0001. and 4,000,000/. sterling. Now, Sir, it may perhaps he said that in fixing upon the
The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to draw a still fur- commercial year concluding at the beginning of 1846, and
ther comparison between the state of the country and contrasting it with the commercial year ending in 1849, I
its state when Lord John Russell came last into power. am taking an advantage of the Government, because we
Notwithstanding all the sacrifices that have been made have the tables of
of the
Board of Trade, which give us returns
by the colonies—sacrifices which no body of men ever of
se tthe commercean %tithe ciountry for four months of the pre-
yet before endured and met with equal spirit—they
exports.year,n can assurew sthloes'ra Right considerableilon Gentleman
liencarenasehatinl oura
were told that they had to make still far from wishing him to lose he advantage' of these tables;m
greater exertions. Not satisfied with possess- but lam bound to say that in this evidence that has been
in an ample surplus revenue, and discreetly offered us of the revival of trade, and the more satisfactory
administering it, we were told that the tea duty must be condition of our workmen, I find consequences exactly the
taken off immediately.—(fiear,) Notwithstanding we , reverse, and reasons to make me view the future condition of
possessed the greatest influence in our external relations, the working classes of this country with increased gloom.
and mainly secured the tranquillity of Europe, that There are, I think, 65 articles of export: enumerated in the
did not satisfy us. What we wanted to pos . tables of the Board of Trade;. and of these I find that 41 ex-
sess was ncthing else but perpetual peace andgreat depreciation in value. I find that a larger
hibit a
this .
of goods was exported from country in the
cosmopolitan tranquillity.—(Laughter and cheers.) Well, quantitytonr months
ionths of 1842 than in the first four months of 1848 ;
Sir, what has been the consequences of these aspirations? but that those goods have been exported at a much di-
Three years and a half have elapsed and we have upon minished price. In nine of these articles it appears
this table the most elaborate and most authentic evidence there has been a slight appreciation. There are fifteen
of the condition of the people. I apprehend that lion. articles where the gross value alone is given, and not the
Gentlemen will agree with me that the best test quantity; and therefore it is not calculable what may be the
of national prosperity is the employment of the great appreciation or the depreciation. Upon the 41 articles de -
mass of the working classes—(Loud cries of " Hear, Preciated, which were sold to foreigners in the first four
hear")—of the working population at a fair rate of pro- months of this year, for (in round numbers) 13,000,000/.,
fitable wages.—(Hear, hear.) I mean, by profitable there would have been received, at the prices obtained last
wages, wages that will leave a profit to the em- year, 14,685,000'. On the nine articles appreciated there
ployer; otherwise the wages enjoyed by the
wreassulatnisintchraerine ota)areicefirtaottheamountof 44,0001. But the
employed would have very little prospect of lasting. were told exhibited such satisfactory
four months
evidenceof 1804?,t which irch. we
l
(tiear, hear.) The rise and fall of pauperism, especially of trade, there is positively a net depreciation of price revival
when there are great fluctuations, are the best test of the amount of 1,738,0001.—(Hear, hear.) I will mention two or
state of the body politic, and especially when three of the great items upon which this depreciation takes
we consider the condition of the able-bodied : place. There is a depreciation on cotton oods ,
poor. (Hear, hear.) Now, when the House ()silvered with the price of 1848, of 64g6,000/. ;exported upon
is employed in considering political systems, all sup- woollen goods exported in 1849, as compared with 1848, of
ported by great ability, and when there is such rivalry 295,000 .; upon linen goods, of upwards of 100 a 00/. ; and
of economic theories, we are very apt to paused upon metals, of upwards of 400,0001.
hyodw are you to ex-
andpl ou a s ation ?Yd
take general views of affairs, we are very
may tell this?
me the raw materia ec l is cheaper tepi-e ci
his year thano it
apt
the changeslast.—( which are occurring hourly 'serial is dearer than it. was lastyear. I will take the article upon
beneath us, and about us, and the alteration is not drawn
which the greatest depreciation takes place —that of cotton.
to these results until they are realises'. It we look to the The average price of the fair quality of cotton for the first
state of the able-bodied poor in England at the corn- four months of 184 was 4-/tol. and one third, and in 1849 it
l-
mencement of 1846, and the condition of the abbodied was Pearly 41/2cl Now, a farthing
poor in England, up to the last period is no light appreciation of value ; yet the English workman
when we have authentic information on the
has been obliged to receive for his labour 646,000/. less than
subject, we find a startling result—Bear, hear)—
he did last year. I think, Sir, this proves that which I have
I am not bringing before the House any factitious state-
taken occasion frequently to impress upon the consideration
meats, nor any an .nymous letters—no correspondence, hots, of the House—namely, that you have made a mistake as to
ever credible, excepting that which is officially authenticated the principles of protitsble interchange between nations.—
to the House. I avail myself of no illegitimate mode of (Hear, hear.) Ido not believe it is continental convulsion,
bringing forward or supporting the statement which I have 1I
or railway investment, or commercial speculation, or the
to make, and I trust I shall not be met by any data or in-
Irish famine, that has caused this decline in the exchange-
formation resting on slighter grounds than those on which
I able value of the English workman's labour. It is the hos-
tile tariffs of foreign ii stag's— (Hear, bear)—which you have
House at present has before it the report of the Epgl he
my own propositions and conclusions are founded. T
to encounter, which no policy of yours has yet modified, and -
ish
which the system you are pursuing aggravates in their con-
Poor-law Commissioners, which very plainly shows the state
and condition of this country at this time and in the year sequences.—(Hear, hear.) I have often taken occasion to
e stat the principles upon which I think the theory of reel-
paupers has been 74 per cent., and the increase of paupers 1846. Within that time the increase of the able-bodied
procity in commerce depends; but hitherto I have done so
generally, taking all classes, was not less than 41 per cent. with all the disadvantages which, in an assembly like this,
The report of the Commissioners shows within that time an , any one must endure who appeals only to abstract reason.-„,. w
o, however, we have practical results befo e us—in the
increase in the expenses of the poor amounting to not less '"
than 25 per cent., and the report further shows that the the sufferings, unfortunately, of the people of this country,
number of able-bodied poor relieved in the quarter ending and in the decline of our wealth— which illustrate the
Lady-day, 1846, was 382,417,whi1e the number of able-bodied theory. It has been said, indeed, that the principles upon
poor relieved in the quarter ending Lady-day, 1848, was which the reciprocity system of commerce is based are
666,338, while the number of all classes relieved in the quarter incontrovertible as far as they go, but that they
ending Lady-day, 1646, was 1,33 only apply to direct trade between nations; and inasmuch
2,0 9, and tha :,t in the quarter
ending Lady-day, 1848, was 1,867,541. From tlsesame auehen-
as the transactions of the world are carried on very little
con-
tic statements it appears that the expenditure for the relief of by direct trade, they are in fact of no influence in the
m
duct of affairs. But I think the critics who are so prompt
the poor for the year ending Lady-day, 1846, was 4,954,2041.,
and that for the year ending Lady-day, 1848, appears to be to make these observations are little acquainted with the
6,180,761/. I venture to think that, with such facts as these theory of commercial reciprocity. In my opinion we can
before
encounter the hostile commercial tariffs of foreign
before me, I was excusable—nay, fully justified—in bringingonly
such a motion as this before the House.—(Cheers.) When countries by countervailing duties, and I think such a sys-
we find that within the short period of three years the in-
tem occasions not scarcity and dearness, but cheapness and
crease of the able-bodied poor has arisen to the height of 74 abundance. I say that one of the principal causes of the
per cent.,l say that the state of the country does demand au distress of the people of England is, that you have estab-
inquiry y this House of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) I
fished a new commercial system, which mistakes the prin-
ciples upon which a profitable exchange can take place be-
know that very many ready reasons may be given for these
deplorable results, and I have not forgotten that the Commis-
tween nations; that the consequence of your adopting this
sioners have given some reasons on this subject; but all !system is to render British labour of a less exchangeable
value ; that its result must be diminution of profits and de-
these evils may be accounted for without altering the result pression of wages; and that if you persist in your system,
—the stern facts remain unchanged. I am aware that the instead of finding means for ameliorating the condition of
great extent of manufacturing depression is said to account ; the people, and increasing the resources of the country by
for what has taken place, that the immigration, from Ireland i
1 the foreign commerce upon which you rely, you will only
into England has greatly contributed to it; but I take upon
e secure further depression and further diminution, till you
myself to say that the House will fall into a very rent reduce the labourer, not to what is popularly
mistake if it supposes that manufacturing depression is
have la- called the continental level, but below the continental
cient to account for such extraordinary results. I)a e level— (Hear, hear)—for the whole scope and spirit of
now before me papers supplied by the Poor-law u. m
out- your system is to ren:'er the labour of this country tributary
missioners setting forth the condition of twelve agric 1
to the labour of other countries. This is the great result of
tural counties and twelve manufacturing countiesh during 031 contending against hostile tariffs by free imports. It is
the period from 1846 to 1848; yet, thou, in
unnecessary for me to say that, holding these opinions-
-have been county the manufacturing depression
trust
this country opinions, as I think, justified by the stern facts with which
much felt, and the immigration from Ireland yi,
to account we have to deal—l take a gloomy view of the state of our
chiefly endured, yet those results secret sufficient
imputed too foreign commerce; and I cannot look to our exports, stimu-
for all, nor anything like all, that hashabereant
ea
in the 12 1 lated on a system which does not increase, but which
those causes. The average increase of
3t9
diminishes the profits of the labouring classes and the
per cent., while manufacturing counties appears to be
Itl6l, and the capitalists, as a source of the renovation of this country.
that of the agricultural distrie! was a
all classes of the poor Hitherto, in England, when our foreign commerce has been
increase of the expense of maintaining
suffering from depression, the industry in our manufacturing
throughout England was something under per. 25cent. (NI).
, districts has been suet tined by what is popularly called the
county, the increase was
In Hereford, a purely agricultural
._ t t
it
home market. Now, Sir, I have observed that great con-
-21 per cent., while in Buckinghamshire, 1. regre_ Ty,uf
fusion subsists with regard to that phrase. It is one of very
is 22 per cent. Considering, then, that this is ths
_ate
common use, and I have heard Hon. Gentlemen in this
the country,this Hoes,
I conceive it to be the first duty of , .r.,.
lamof o i- "
to eider upon an examination of the subject, and. p
ouse use it, on the same night, and in the same de-
s :'ate, and attribute to it very different nion that this is the right form in which to bring it uncle.
lags. The lion. Member for the West Riding, in
r,
mean-
the notice of the House.—(Cheers.) I perceive that my Hon.
Friend the 111embs i
dilating upon the value of the home market, has always
s
r for Montrose has given notice of an i
motion ; that Honourable Gentlemen formed his estimate of it by the quantity of articles of
rfeonnddmortivtiongmnyotice of amendments, which is somewhat I foreign imports which are consumed by the various classes
' • giving
b . does not generally succeed in carrying his i
surprising, for L. that constitute what is called the agricultural interest ; and
amendments.
Mr. Fox has been beard to say, that there 1 he has said that the consumption of a million of peasants,
was at play not only the pleasure of winning but the plea•
surel and 200,000 „
of losing also. Now, the latter source of satisfaction is I ever gre..t might be their consumption of articles of foreign
one that my lion. Friend has very often enjoyed; and, on import, could not be compared with the demands of all the
the present occasion, he was so intent upon securing it that nations of the world. Now, that is not my idea of what is
he gave notice of his amendment before he even heard the I meant by the home market. I do not undervalue the
terms of nay moiion.—(Hear, bear.) From some chance ob- , power of consumptioit of the various classes forming the
nervations, 1 imagine that he objects to it on the ground of agricultural intere.,t, but this is not my idea of the home
its not being sufficiently definite—on the ground that I have market. I think it is of great importance that we should
not laid before the House a set of resslutions ; but I think have correct ideas on this sulject, and I will put before the
almost every Hon. Member must agree with me, that the Reuse what I conceive to be the nature of the home mar-
course which I sin taking is the regular and constitutional ket, and the influence which it exercises upon this country.
course, that it is intelligible, and cannot be mistaken. lie- ; I will put it before the House on a great authority—oue
Wes; if I recollect right, the Ron. Gentleman was a Member With
which Hon. Gentlemen opposite will 119 t quarrel—the

authority of a irofe.sor of political economy, a g-mtletuan
who, ho'ding, a high official situati) ~ and pos2ssing very
great a')llity : n 1 a very schooled it,Llloct, has been
allowed to geoeralize upon a greater qeantity of data
connected with rural life than any teller gentleman living.
I allude to the Tithe Commissioner, Professor Jones. He is
a high authority, and I do nut know that this question
has ever been put with greater neatness and felicity than in
his work upon rent. He there lays it down, that what are
called the "agricultural classes," after reserving from their
produce all that is necessary for their own consumption, have
left for barter with the non-agricultural cl.,sses of the coun-
try a sum equivalent to 100,000,0001. sterling. I should
think that is not an exaggerated estimate, for it is much
under many popular estimates. Professor Jones then says,
that in times of what are called "agricultural distress," at
periods when the farmers are scared with losses, it is a very
easy, a very common, and an almost imperceptible thing
for them to diminish their cost of production by diminishing
the quantity of labour employed, so as to reduce their cost
of production 25 per cent. ; and, as he observes, the natural
consequence in a short time is, that their pro luction is also
reduced in value to the same amount, and they have then to
bring into the market to barter with the non-agriculturists
only 75,000,000/. instead of 100,000,000/. Now, if that be
a
a correct description of Professor Jones, let us view the pre-
sent state of the agricultural classes of the country with the
light of his intelligence, and see what must be the effect
Upon the social state of what is called the agricul urat in-
terest. It appears from the reports of the Poor Law Com-
missioners that the average price of wheat for the last 10
years is something under 605. a quarter-1
have seen
101Atbde.
It appears from the latest return I seenthat
average price of wheat in England at the pr_wesoen,t mleotmlneen t
is
445. 61., being a reduction of 26 per cent, \
ob-
serve, that we are always well supplied with statistics as to
our foreign trade. We can, with attention, research, and
study, form generally a very accurate idea as to the circuit
of our commerce; but we have no details whatever—no
statistics—as to our home trade. ( Hear, hear.) It is,
therefore, only in such c alculatio
calculations as I am referring to that
we have anything to guide use Professor Jones, then, cal-
culates upon a reduction in produce of 25 per cent.—there
being only 75,000,0001. instead of 100,000,0001., sent into the
market for barter between the agricultural and the non-
agricultural classes. I have shown you that there is at this
moment a depreciation of 26 per cent. in the value of agricul-
tural produce. Well, what is taking place in England?
Why that diminution of the home market of which we have
beard so much ; the withdrawal or disappearance of
25,000,0001. sterling. one-half the amount of your foreign
trade, which under ordinary circumstances would have been
circulating in the country.—(Hear, hear.) It is this which
has.already paralyzed the agricultural towns of this country
—ay, more than that, which has been loading this great and
wealthy metropolis with embarrassment and ruin.—
(Hear, hear.) That is the second great cause to
which I attribute this deterioration in the condition of the
people of England,—which has diminished the means of em-
ployment of the great mass of the labouring population at a
fair rate of profitable wages, and which has made the
amount of ablebedied paupers in this country increase be-
tween 1846 and the present time 74 per cent. What conso-
lation have we under this depreciation in price—under this
diminution of our home market? I am not going to offer you
any argument of my own ; but I wish to refer to an authen-
tic table which I trust Hon. Gentlemen opposite may deem
worthy of their notice. I have before me a table prepared
by the Poor Law Commissioners, showing the prices of
wheat in the seven years in which it was highest, and the
seven years in which it was lowest in England, and it ap-
pears from that return that a larger amount was expended
in the support of the poor in the seven years when wheat
was lowest than when it was highest by upwards of
200,000/.—(Hear, bear.) Nor must it be forgotten, as the
Commissioners remark, that the sum of money expended
when provisions were lowest represents a much larger
amount of relief afforded to the poor than when prices were
high.—(Hear, hear.) The year in which the price of wheat
was highest were 1839, 1840, 1841, 1818, 1842, 1847, and
1838 ; and the years when the price was lowest were 1836.
1835,1845, 1844, 1837, 1846, and 1843. I have shown you the
effect the diminution of your foreign trade has had upon the
people, and the little hope you have of increasing the profits
of that trade. I will now show you what effect has been pro-
duced upon the condition of the people by the fall in your
home market The Poor-law Commissioners in their report
for 1848 attribute the increase of pauperism to manufactur-
ing: depression and to emigration into Englend from Ire-
land. Now why, I ask, has there been emigration from Ire-
land to England? Has it been the consequence of that par-
tial famine of which we have heard so much, or is it not
rather the result of the policy which the Government as-
sumed in consequeece of that famine?—( Hear, hear.) What
was the position of the Government with respect to Ireland
when the hapless state of that country was placed before
them ? The patient was in a state of exhaustion, and the
physician had recourse to a system of depletion.—(A laugh.)
Instead of stimulating the industry of the country by the
sanction of the state—instead of g lin
ia 1 with the question
of emieration, which was then
singularly opportune—all
the Government did was to administer a poor-law so
ingeniously exhaustive in its character that it has suc-
ceeded almost in resolving society there into its original
elements._ (Hear hear.) They called upon the proprietors
of the
land to make the greatest efforts and the greatest
se.crifices, while only a short time before they had deprived
the property of Ireland of the surest market for its produce.
7-(llear.) I say that it was the duty of the Government,
in consequence of the state of Ireland, to have encountered
the question of emigration. I say so, because as statesmen
they ought to have known it was impossible to evade that
question; that it must arise, whatever might be the opinion
of the Cabinet. And what has happened in Ireland? The
question has arisen, but instead of a Government emigra-
tion, you have had a spontaneous emigration. Instead of
an emigration which, by the aid of the State, would have
sent a great portion of paupers to a rich land, which they
Might have cultivated, N ou have had a spontaneous emi-
gration of those who left their country because they were
determined to save what they possessed.—(Bear, hear.)
Three years ago Ireland was like a poor man struggling
against entering the workhouse. It is now a content pauper.
Its demoralization is complete, and the very individual
who three years ago would have accepted a very little aid
to 'proceed to Canada er to Australia now looks upon him-
self fbr life as the recipient of a Government dole, and has
lost all that self-reliance which it has been avowedly the
object of our legislation to create. Why, then, has there
been this emigration from Ireland? In my opinion it has
been owing to the inconsistent and feeble policy of her Ma-
jesty'B Ministers.—(Hear, hear.) That is the third reason
_ hy the pauperism of England has increased—why there has been a deterioration in the state of this nation. I have
sketched, with more brevity than so solemn a subject re-
quired, the internal condition of the country as regards its
foreign trade, its agricultural condition, and the state of
whenlreland; but when your foreign commerce was declining,
your agricultural interest was severely injured, when
Ireland. was so misgoverned that she was pouring her paupers
into Liverpool like some wild nation that appeared at the
fall of the Roman empire, are you surprised at the conse-
quences that have occurred? But let me ask what has been
the conduct of the Ministers amid all these wide-spread cala-
mities and ulmost universal suffering? What has been their
conduct in the management of their finances? Did they
wrepare for the coming orm ? They were left with a
ell-filled Exechequer. Thstey supplied Ireland by loans, and
therefore that was not a reason why the Exchequer should
be emptied. They met Parliament only a year ago in the
midst, of all those European convulsions of which we have
heard so much, in the midst of the consequences of those
rash commercial speculations which they stimulated by their
legislation, in the midst of the disasters of Ireland, and did
they then come forward with any proposition at all conso-
nant With our depressed and embarrassed state? Increased
expenditure was the proposition placed before the House,
and, strange to say, increased taxation was the remedy. No
Hon. Gentleman can have forgotten the financial campaigns
of last year. The Hon. Member for Montrose (Mr. Hume),
who has given notice of au amendment for to-night, be-
longs to the school which prophecies the increased prosperity
of Eagland. He is the leader of those prophets of statis-
tical celebrity who foretell the future renovation of the
country.--(llear, hear, and laughter.) It is he .who told
us, independently of the great profits we were to receive
from the enlarged markets of the world that were to be
opened to us, we were to acquire by sober domestic economy
at least 2,000,000/. a week by the repeal of the corn-laws.
Why, Sir, the Hon. Gentleman ought to be ashamed
of himself—(Laughter)—to conic forward with his petty
savings, his cheese-paring policy, after the visions of El Do-
rado• in which he then indu'ged. I have not got the Hon.
-letnle'er's amendment in my hands at the present mcment ;
but its very language is a verdict against the system which
i he s supporting.—(Hear, hear.) How does the Hon. Mem-
ber describe those great changes of which he is the ardent
supporter, and which were to accomplish such vast and in •
ts.taanttaneous benefit? Why, he says that he once thought
P they had a tendency in his opinion—dropping the delu-
sigiolitn gentleness, and parting from his errors with that
,arterea
tore—to
which always characterizes him—
he
—to improve the country; but at the same time
experiments
financial reform a safer card "than any further
. in what he calls free trade.—( Hear, hear, and
laughter.) Now, we are told by those Honourable Gentle-
men who
that we promised unbounded prosperity from that system
i
nust add rigid economy, and we are taunted,
forsooth,because we do not support them in their plans.
:11ilt we have seen of their schemes certainly does not en-
age us to follow their example—(Hear, (Hear, hear)—and it
they had sueeeeded in their rormer measures we might have
vieweil their present propositions with more favour.—(Hear.)
But
Gentlemen on
against my Hon. Friend opposite holding
expenditure!). thin Bench up as the advocates of extravagant
Bentinck in 't- for I agree with my lamented friend Lord t;.
irons that
rhe statement he made to the House of Corn-
adopting, he if persisted in the measures they were
ould support a reduction in all public expen-
diture to amount of twenty-five per cent.—(hear, hear.)
Let this
ing in those _e.and those out of the House decide on persist•
merely as aaenemea, and I shall support that reduction, not
(Cheers.) 1 matter
i of duty but as a matter of necessity.—
Succeeded, yet? not acknowledge that your schemes have
such I have brought them forward as experiments; as
meats only you analyzed and criticised them •, and-as experi-
agree to acce t vindicatet them and defend them. I will not
are called accorim 1. b em
as what, to use the slang of the day,
great body
of
the
tshed facts; and I firmly believe that the
(Cheers,) But Ie all not join in
ateople will ultimately repudiate them.—
anent entauntpilretehe
precipitatedcountry into that course which would
rate eleubl* rst• rate monarchy into a second-
thestater- In.—Meer, hear.) Now 1 have examined
of the nation
interest, the state oefillas regards free trade, its agricultural
ceeded on reland,
by the Government with regard to that country,
the spirit of the policy pro-
and the conduct of the Government with regard to the
finances of tl
Hone
deeherited was convert
they. had . the empire. 1 have Shown
that the surplus
lion.
Genetrency of similar
into which
that that
veiled, under their management, 1
of the deficient
and I need not remind
by the interference
tration of the en"
--(Hear Commonsh
House ofenwas only terminated
state of our coloeneitieust?ry.
lArali,t chan ~y.hinatthe adn.:tinils-
colonial relations since ge has taken ' tleaece ins toiler
r a well warm in their seats, to re-
the treasure, before they Nve7" ? The Government ghulate t he industry of o
colonies. NV hat has been
tatten consequence of that u gr. e, according to the highest
iority—one well acquainted with the labour of those
colonies, and who for forty years has
~ connected himself
with the sacred cause of anti-slavere ing at the same
time a strong free trader—l mean Sir Ste be
Phen Lushington ?
Acc •
ording to his opinion blot an old oven not a musty
prejudice but
. contained in evidence given
aysagobefore a Com-
mittee of this House but a fewd
found
report of the Slavery Committee
in the , and to b:
---.according to his opinion the measure of the Govern
with respect to the duties has given the deathblonwieutot
oar colonies.—(Heasugar
,agceono-f
respect to thelN'haeot,lotnoo, ibsethgeolvaenignos
mined
e. orrev
with r, hear.)
ained 3
-,1 Che blue-book just arrived? y
of j---s•oa
plantersl,ol,slsss "rwitt. 1 have
in.—( Hear, hear )
measure of tl
to Sir S. Ln be G)vernme us the first great
nt has had the IT
lus to the a ingtoo, of givingeamount the greatest possible stimu-
unt of slaves ' and
it
the
te pears before us that the
,ve muntry is at this moment
was carried on 1!:Iactly the same exported from their na-
Thae are Yall the nations
07,3Fw1a n the slave trade
istinaulus of the significant facts—the ruin 'urope.---(Hear, hear.)
Ithicil the e slave trade. the of your colonies and the
People ee Enei,tual ar, hear.) Is that a policy
'0 prepared
to sanction, or

which even Honourablo Gentlemen opposite are ready to
support?—(Hear, heir.) But the whole chapter of col,o-
alinini,tratioa is, perlin;, the dark-st page in toe
history of this country. Be.,id•..s the consequences of your
ecano • ical fallacies, there are the instances or 3 our
vial-administration.—(Hear, hear.) No sooner are
the sups planters ruined, having before them, according
to Sir C. Gre7, but a blank prospect of hopeless
depression ;no sooner was the death-blow given them,
_ac-
cording to Sir S. Lushington, than the colonists,.
sts, the last
effo-t of despair, commit the heinous sin of wishing to accom-
modate their expenditure to their resources.—(Hear, hear.)
The Government admit that, generally speaking, it is the.
wisest course they can pursue; but, if the wisest course in
the colonies, why should it not be the wisest course in Eng-
land ? —and those who believe in accomplished facts (and
Ministers are of that number, I understand)
litlae(rl-jlbleatjteesrtyse'st us the
example of financial reform. ( Hear,
hear.) No sooner, however, have the colonies shown a dis •
position to act in this wise spirit, when, instead of sympa-
thizing with and supporting them, her Majesty's Ministers
seemed to have had only one object—that of counteracting
all their efforts, and of finding in ail their schemes the means
of embarrassments and dissatisfaction.— (Hear, hear.) Look
at the case of Guiana, as well as that of Jamaica. At first
you have the sugar colonies ruined, and then, when any
colony attempts to accommodate its expenditure to its
means, it is made the victim of the Colonial-office, as if that
department had not enough on its hands—as if the insur-
rections in Canada and Ceylon might not have been
sufficient to occupy all their mature considerations, and the
war at the Cape enough to employ all their energies.—
( Hear.) Could they then be surprised that all our colonies
are suffering, and that there is a diminution in our com-
mercial transactions with them; though from 1831 to 1846
there had beets in the article of calicoes alone—that great
branch to which it seems we are bound to sacrifice everything
—an export to the British colonies of 313.000,000 of yards
more than to all the rest of the world. I want to know
whether the policy of her Majesty's Ministers with respect
to foreign powers has not of itself been one of the principal
causes of those continental convulsions which have been
spoken cf ?—(Hear, hear.) When her Majesty's Ministers
acceded to power, they appeared to have adopted a system
contrary to that of their predecessors. We find that the Go-
vernment was in apparent communication with the discon-
tented party in every state.—(" Hear. hear,' and laughter)
—that party which is sometimes called the Liberal party, but
which consists of secret societies, stimulating disturbance,
chiefly through the aid of an emigrant nobility. What was
the consequence of this ? A great convulsion occurs in
Europe. I will not stop to trace in any degree
that convulsion to the policy of our Government.
That might not be difficult, but when the hour
had arrived when the influence of England might have been
exercised to appease the discontents and settle the difficulties
of Europe, England was left without power, being only re-
cognised as the comate and colleague of the limited discon-
tented minority in every country.—(Hear, hear.) What
happened next? That minority was supported by England,
who took every opportunity of exposing their power and de-
monstrating their weakness. All the great Ministers of
Europe, who, whatever might be their faults, were at least
the representatives of great ideas and of a great and stable
order of affairs, were treated by our Government as if personal
enmity existed. The Mettemichs, Guizots, Narvaezes, and
the eollettis were swept off, or attempted to be swept off,
from the administration of affairs ; but the most curious
thing is, that the party with which our Government seems
to be connected never succeeded in any instance in produc-
ing men capable of regulating public busines. What has
been the consequence? Not merely that the great influ-
ence which England should necessarily exercise could no
longer be exerted to preserve the peace of the world, and to
prevent those complications and convulsions of which we hear
so much, but her Majesty's Government appeared to have
failed. in every object which they proposed as worthy objects of
attainment.—(Hear, hear.) I take the case of Italy, as
affording a complete illustration of the principles and effect
of their policy. Her Majesty's Government were so satisfied
that Austria could not hold her position in Italy, that they
expected a new power would assume the lead there, and
that Sardinia would be the chosen one. Her Majesty's Go-
vernment were also so satisfied that the Pope. being a re-
former, and indulging his reformatory views, would be the
only means of preventing the French entering Italy, that
they favoured his notion.; and they were likewise so satis-
fied that the King of Naples could not hold his own, that
they went hunting over Europe to find a King for Sicily.—
(Cheers and laughter.) The result, however, has been, that
Austria is paramount in the north of Italy, and Sardinia,
which was to have supplanted her, is now little more than
her humble ally; the Pope is not at Rome, but the French
are ; and the King of Naples is also King of the Two Sicilies
still.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) I want to know, then,
with what face can our Ministers go to the Courts of Austria,
Rome, and Naples, to tender counsels, and exercise a just
influence, when all these powers know that it was entirely
owing to their own conduct that they have not lost their
thrones, and, if the policy of her Majesty's Government had
been followed, they probably would have been emigrants in
this country, like other crowned heads?—(Cheers.) We
have a further illustration of how little her Majesty's Go-
vernment are informed as to the state of Europe in their
conduct with respect to Spain.—(Hear, hear.) It is quite
clear that what occurred in Italy never could have occurred
if her Majesty's Government had been well informed; and
how well they were informed of the condition of Spain is
evident from the instructions sent to our Minister at Madrid
to advise the Spanish Prime Minister to show deference to
popular opinion ; for our Minister is no longer in Spain, mad
the same Spanish Prime Minister still exercises authority at
Madrid.—(Cheers.) I hear how much commerce suffers
fromthese continental convulsions, and also great com-
plaints respecting the blockade of the Elbe; yet I remember
that when I called, on a former occs.sion, the attention of the
House to the evils which I knew must occur in consequence
of the state of Denmark I could not find a single gentle-
man of the Manchester school to support me—(Hear,
hear)—and I think the Hon. Gentleman for the West
Riding took the opportunity of saying that I was trying
to stimulate war in Europe.—(Hear, hear.) I have no
hesitation in saying that, had the Government acted as they
ought, they might have put an end to those vexatious
blockades, and have prevented those evils occurring.—(Hear,
hear.) It is impossible to understand why they have not
long since terminated, and one is almost tempted to believe
those ludicrous stories in the German newspapers as to
the manner in which these negotiations were carried on,
according to which it would seem that while one post from
Prussia brought satisfactory dispatches to this Government,
another, or the same, brought di-patches to the Prussian
Minister here, telling him not to mind the threats of the
Minister for Foreign Affairs, because his colleagues were
quite resolved he should do nothing.—(Laughter.) I am
told that, if her Majesty's Ministers have preserved the
peace of Europe, that is enough ; but I contend that the
Ministers have no influence in any part of the world except
Paris. They have not, however, more influence there than
their predecessors, and is it possible to conceive any sort of
Government which should not be on a cordial understanding
with France?—(Hear.) It is the,necessary consequence of
the state of Europe and the situation of the two countries.
But a good understanding with the French Government is
no compensation for not possessing influence in any other
country.—(Hear, bear.) In what other Court or country
of Europe can Ministers suppose they can exercise influ-
ence, when every authority in Europe knows that Ministers
have been the patrce:s and colleagues of the minority of dis-
turbance in every part of the world ?—(Cheers.) This is
the position in which England is placed, after having encou-
raged movements in every part of the world, and withdraw-
mg only after the insurrectionary party had acted in conse-
quence of antecedent support.—(Hear, hear.) This is the
cause of the diminished influence of this country. I be-
lieve the influence of the country generally was never
less, and in no instance has it averted from our commeroe
tpheerpcelnusaeolyuernecmeisnodfi
ntgholusetoc_uoln(dvaudelessairoirnts
lotfho
assev•aheliicn.hveM,
aiantttiteselitmetripsotnaerdoei
m
theor He lornupseerflytoecttbe stthaatne of this country,- in all its principal re-
lations. The canvass is so wide that it has been almost im-
possible for me to do more than to sketch the principal fea-
tures, but I have endeavoured without exaggeration and re-
lying on documents, the accuracy of which cannot be im-
pugned, to lay before the House a true and impartial statement
of our position I will not for one moment pretend that
what I deem to be our calamitous condition is to be ascribed
to: one particular cause. I am ready to admit that in
the complicated transactions of a great country like this, and
in a period of time which in this rapid age of events c annot
be considered as a brief one, many conjectures and casualties
must occur, which the prescience of no statesman could fore-
see and some which no minister could remedy. lam not
one of those who ever looked on the Irish famine as a cabinet
measure—(Laughter)—but 1 am bound to say that taking a
general, but I believe not an incomplete view of the course
of the Government in respect to all that has happened in
political life during the last three years and more, I do re-
cognize one predominant cause to which I attribute the
great part of our calamities; and that is our legislation.—
(cheers.) Some three years and more ago it appears to me
that we thought fit to change the principles on which the
economic system of this country bad been previously based.
Hitherto this country had been, as it were. d,vided into a
hierarchy of classes, each of which was open to all, but in
which every Englishman was taught to believe that he occu-
pied a position better than the analogous position of his order
in any other country in Europe. (Hear, hear.) The British
merchant's, for example, was most creditable. He was
wealthy and trustworthy; the English farmer was the most
as was proved by his obtaining a greater produce
than any other farmer in Europe or America. The English
manufacturer was likewise the most skilled manufacturer.
and silenced the looms of Flanders, France, and India. The
ability of the British sailor has passed into a proverb, and
chivalry seemed to have found its last resource in the breast
of the British officer.—(Hear, hear ) In like manner the
learned professions; our physicians and lawyers held a
higher position than the professional men of any other
country.— (Hear, hear.) I have heard it at the same time
stated that the superiority of these classes was attained at
the cost of the last class in the great hierarchy—the labouring
population. But though I have heard in this House something
of the periodical sufferings of that class—as if every class had
notits period of suffering—and though I have heard districts
referred to where their condition was much depressed —as if
a district condition was not essentially exceptional—l have
no hesitation myself in saying, and I shall be surprised to
be contradicted by facts, that no great community has
existed since the fall of the Roman empire where the work-
ing population were placed in so advantageous a position as
the working classes of England.—(Hear, hear.) I speak
not of those civil rights which are superior to those enjoyed
by princes in other countries, but I speak of their material
condition.— (Hear, hear.)
- say that they have had a
greater command over the necessaries of life than any popu-
lation of equal size in any community in Europe.—(Hear,
hear.) For the last sixty years their progress, and it can
be proved in detail, has borne a due proportion to the pro
gress of all other classes
; and for the last twenty years the
spirit of our laws, most important in such matters, and the
spirit of our society, have been to elevate their condition.—
( Hear.) Therefore I will not conceive that the position of
the last class in this hierarchy was relatively inferior to the
others, but I hold that the English working man was in a
better condition than the working man of any other country.
—(Hear, hear.) It was a state of society based on the aris-
tocratical element in its most complete and greatest develop.
ment. You thought you were destined to change these laws.
Instead of accomplishing the best, what you want to do now
is to achieve the cheapest.—( Hear, hear.) I have shown
you that the economic principle which you have acted on is
a fallacious one ; and that the necessary consequence of it
is to cause the impoverishment and embarrassment of
the
people.—(Hear, hear.) But your policy has done more in-
jury than this, and will lead to greater misfortune. The
wealth of England is not merely its material wealth, for
neither is it the well cultivated acres of England, nor our
havens full of shipping, nor our ingenious arts and unri-
valled manufactures, nor the intrepid industry of our mines,
that formed the sole or principal wealth of this country. We
have, indeed, a treasure more precious than all these; and
that is the character of the people.—(Cheers.) That is what
you have injured. You have destroyed, in destroying what
you call class legislation, that noble and indefinable spirit
of ambition, the source of our greatness, prosperity,
and power.—(Cheers.) I know nothing more remarkable at
the present day than the general discontent which prevails,
accompanied on all sides by avowed inability to suggest a
remedy. The features of the present day are depression and
perplexity.—( Hear, hear.) Tbat English spirit which was
supported and maintained by your old system seems to have
departed. It was a system which taught men to aspire,