The Sun.
London, England, 1831-01-05 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The news from Poland in the French Journals
may, in some degree, be considered a counterba-
lance to the intelligence brought by the Frat.kfort
mail from St. Petersburgh. General
Who had so honourably kept his word, and resigned
the Dictatorship, has been reinstated by the Diet
of Warsaw in his important functions. The Poles
are evidently in earnest, and if we may judge by
such fragments of informations as reach us, seem
to be fully aware of the awful struggle which they
will have to undergo. The St. Petersburg!' letter,
on the other hand, intimates that the Emperor will
allow no alternative but unconditional submission,
or a war of vengeance. It is pretended that the
Russian people are enthusiastic in their cries
of " Down with the Poles !" Slaves as the great
body of the nation are, we can scarcely believe in
this ardour on their parts for the destruction of
their brother slaves : if the fact be true, it will in-
deed be another lamentable proof of the fright-
ful degradation which despotism produces on
the human character. But we are incredulous,
nor can we attach any credit to the statement of a
writer who has had the effrontery to talk of the
"magnanimous treatment which Poland has expe-
rienced from Russia." If a man who has been
knocked down and robbed may reasonably be ex-
pected to be grateful to the robber who flings him
back hal-a-crown out of the spoil, then may Poland
applaud the magnanimity of a nation which has torn
away its fairest provinces, oppressed its most distin-
guished subjects, and trampled on its ancient and
cherished institutions. No : terrible as the conflict
must be between powers so unequally matched, we
confess we derive some hope, not merely from seeing
all the eminent names of the existing generation of
Poles at the head of the insurrection, but also from
the certainty of those numerous grievances which
have stung the whole population into a determined
and energetic resistance to a powerful despot.—
Tiaras.

The Message of the American President, long
as it is, and multifarious in its topics, requires, we
are happy to say, but very little observation from
Englishmen, with reference at least to English in-
terests, and that little of a friendly and satisfactory
stature. The numerous questions formerly under
discussion between this country and the United
States, had for some years past been reduced to two,
of which one, viz. that embracing the Colonial trade,
has been adjusted by a recent treaty. The pro-
visions of the treaty are such as to place the navi-
gation of the North American Republic in the ports
of our British Colonies on the same footing as that
of the most favoured States ; but the execution of
it was preceded by an entire abandonment on the
part of the United States of that offensive claim
which had been put forth during the Presidency of
Mr. Adams, to shackle the trade of British vessels
clearing our from American ports, with the Colonies
and dependencies of Great Britain. The President
appears to dwell with pleasure on the " frank arid
friendly spirit" which had characterised the whole of
the British negotiations on the above subject,
and declares that he shall feel it a privilege, as
well as duty, to reciprocate the kindly feelings of
this Government to the utmost extent of his ability.
The second question, affecting the mutual interests
of Great Britain and the United States, is that re-
lating to the north-eastern boundary of the Repub-
lic, where it rests upon our province of New Bruns-
wick. That question has been referred by both
parties to the arbitration of the King of Holland,
whose time and thoughts are now, we presume, too
deeply occupied with his own affairs to expatiate
much upon those of other people. After an ela-
borate, but to foreigners generally an uninteresting,
disquisition upon two points of internal policy,—
namely, the appropriation of national funds to local
purposes, and the indirect arid circuitous manner in
which the President has hitherto been elected—the
Message proceeds to congratulate Congress on the
success which has attended the " benevolent" po-
licy of the United States, which has for nearly 30
years aimed at the " removal" of the Indians be-
yond the white settlements! TI e removal of the
Indians means simply their expulsion from every foot
of land which they and their ancestors for numberless
generations had possessed arid enjoyed by inde-
feasible right, long previous to the existence of
the North American Republic. We do not mean to
deny the incalculable advantage to the whole world,
derived from the substitution of a civilized for a
savage community throughout the vast region which
at this moment forms the dominion of the United
States, but things ought to be called by their proper
denominations. The unhappy Indians are " treated
with" as the wild beasts are treated with,—they are
hunted off the earth, wherever a white man chooses
to raise his log-house. There is no " benevolence"
in this, but the pure selfishness of unbridled power
The " removal," means a violent expulsion ; the
expulsion is followed in almost every instance, and
even within a single generation of mankind, by ex-
tinction. Within the short term of 30 years, many
once numerous and powerful tribes of the Indian
race, thus ousted from their homes, have perished.
General Jackson philosophizes upon these sufferings
of the ancient occupants of America, which, says he,
upon a " comprehensive" view of the general in-
terests of the human race, is not to be regretted.
A philosopher of a different school might answer,
that the needless infliction, and selfish disregard of
human misery, is, on the most comprehensive survey
of the interests of the race of man, at all times and
under all circumstances, to be "regretted." Might not
the wretched Indianshave been taught, and reclaimed
to civilization ? Might not more fit preceptors have
been provided for them, than the barbarous and un-
pitying backwoodsman ? -The tariff is held. by the
President, a subject too ticklish to be meddled with
as a whole; and he hints that its several parts and
features should he subjected to separate considera-
tion. On the all-important matter of the finances,
the Message describes a state of public prosperity
which may well excite the envy of contemporary
nations, and almost fill them with despair. The
whole revenue drawn from 12,000,000 of people
does not exceed .5,000,000/. sterling; and their ex-
penditure, including array, navy, an extensive out-
lay for various public works, and the whole charge
of the several departments, may be reckoned at
3,000,0001. sterling—a sum not much exceeding, if
it does not fall short of, that raised for the civil list
of this happy country of Great Britain, together
with the sinecures and pensions. Here is the true
vulnerable spot—here is the ulcer that eats into us.
If we cannot bring the annual outgoing of Great
Britain into something like a mere reasonable pro-
portion to that of other—and those other rival—
states, the proportion between British power and
theirs will every day exhibit a lamentable and fear-
ful alteration.—Tintes.
At the time of the discussion in the House of
Commons on the subject of the legality of the pro-
cession of the Trades to present an address to the
King, we observed that, whether legal or not, all
processions in this crowded metropolis were at-
tended with great inconvenience. We are a very
different people from our forefathers, to whom pa-
geants and processions, while they afforded a salutary
excitement, could be prodUctive of little injury.
We appeal to the inhabitants of the Metropolis,
whether the preparations made for the Royal Visit
to the City did not, for a week or two, subject every
person who had business to attend to much trouble
and annoyance, to say nothing of loss of time ? We
are induced to allude to this subject at present by
the announcement of a determination of the friends
of Mr. Hunt to assemble to the number of 100,000,
for the purpose of a triumphal entry into the me-
tropolis. We are sure that we only speak the sen-
timents of most of our readers when we express a
wish that all assemblages of this sort should be dis-
couraged as much as possible. We have no wish to
interfere with any man's popularity, or to prevent

any description of the people from manifesting their
feelings ; what we wish is, that some mode of ma-
nifestation should be resorted to, attended with less
public inconvenience.— Morning Chronicle.
The measure which will now occupy the French
for some time is the new Law of Elections. The
Law is long, but the material point is contained in
Articles Two and Six of Title First, giving the
franchise to the heaviest taxed Citiiens of every ar-
rondissement, till the number of electors doubles
that ofthose inscribedon the lists closed the 16th Nov.,
1830, providing, that where in an arrondissement the
number shall not amount to two hundred, it shall
be completed by th.:i inscriptions of the highest
taxed citizens immediately after those inscribed as
above, We have given the reason assigned by M.
Montan ver, Minister of the Interior, for conhning
the suffrage to 30 small a number of citizens. He
dreads an improper or careless exercise of the right
were the qualification to be much lower, and con-
tends that the advantages of self-government are
too perilous to be hazarded by rash experiments.
He points, too, to England, %rhere so much mischief
results from the action of wealth on poverty in
elections. In the course of the discussions on this
important part of the project, much light will no
doubt be thrown on the subject. We own we find
it difficult to believe that there can be any necessity
for so extraordinary a limitation of the right of
suffrage, and we can easily foresee that a dangerous
advantage may be taken of the limitation. It is
hardly a justification of it, that the poverty of the
electors in England opens a door to all sorts of dan-
gerous abuses. Almost any system of election would
be preferable to that of England, which gives to a
comparatively small number of individuals the right
of subjecting the whole property of the country to
contribution. But there is surely a medium between
vendible electors and monopolists of suffrages. The
great point is to identify the electors with the pro,
perty and intelligence of the country.—Morning
Chronicle.

We have looked carefully into the French and
German Papers for news respecting the affairs of
Russia and Poland; and we regret to say that the
purport of all that we can glean from them is that
the Emperor of Russia is determined to inflict his
tender mercies on what he terms his "rebellious"
subjects the Poles. At a review on the 9th ult. his
Majesty rode through the ranks of all the regi-
ment, " and related," says the account, " the
terrible events in Warsaw to the soldiers, who
cried aloud for vengeance, and were confirmed by
the spectators in their just indignation. Your
wish shall be fulfilled,' answered the Emperor,
I will myself lead you against the rebels.'—
A universal huzza ! arose from the ranks of
the warriors, and Down with the Poles !
Down with the traitors!' was the universal
cry." This is enough to show the spirit in
which the war will be conducted; but it is far-
ther added, that 160,000 men are now almost in a
state of readiness to march against the devoted
Poles, and that although Diebitsch has been ap-
pointed Commander-in-Chief, the Emperor intends
to take in person the command of the army. When
the contemplated army is fully equipped and assem-
bled, it is determined that it shall march against the
Poles, and to use the language of the poet—what
"A field of blood rushes red on the sight !"

The Poles, we believe, are fully prepared to give
them a warm reception—at all events they are deter-
mined ; but the odds are sadly against them in all
but the spirit with which they are animated. The
forces of Russia are not to be easily withstood.
They are numerous and well equipped—they are
animated with inveterate hatred to the Poles, and,
if necessary, they will be assisted by those of Aus-
tria and Pf llESiii. But let us trot despair. The
people of France will not sleep while the Poles are
massacred. A strong sympathy exists in their be-
half, not only in Paris, but in France, and, indeed,
in almost every State in Europe ; and, if the Go-
vernment of France should show itself disinclined to
interfere, we are confident that " the men of July"
will compel them.—" There is now only," as the
IVestmin,ter Review says, in an able article in the
present number, on the subject of European Revo-
lution, " but one question—
" 117i11 Europe desert Poland ? If she does, it is
simple charity and pure unmingled meek humanity to
pray that she may be subjected for another half century
to baser barbarians if they can be found, to more ensan-
guined hypocrites if the earth earl breed them, than those
who have borne sway and rioted in all her quarters for the
last. If what is past has not demonstrated the true intent
and bearing of arbitrary Governments, or has been insuffi-
cient to unite mankind in terror of their tender mercies and
horror of their piety, there must of necessity be more ; an t
charity is to wish it quick and over, that the world at some
time may begin to flourish and to breathe. In all the va-
rious nations of Europe, insular or continental, every indi-
vidual, except the combined for plunder, has deeply suffered
and is now suffering for the passive guilt of submission to
that scheme of flagrant wrong of which the spoliation of
Poland was the beginning, and is promised restoration is
the end. Will these individuals, in their several spheres
and capacities, and as God shall give them grace and
power—unite for the purpose of securing that great act of
abolition of European slavery, the re-establishment of inde-
pendent Poland as a harrier against the barbarians of the
East ? Is there any inhabitant of the British Islands—to
limit the applic ition to a single quarter—who does not see
that the power of Russia has been appealed to for the pur-
pose of cutting off and diminishing his own liberties, and
that the magnitude and security of his enjoyments fluc-
tuate in exact inverse proportion to the influence of the
other ? It is not that there is any animosity against Russia.
Russia is as yet intrinsically barbarian ; somebody must be
last in the progress of civilization, and it happens to be
Russia. Her Gsvernment is centuries behind those of most
of the other European nations, in all that is acknow-
ledged to constitute the existence of a good or desirable
government. And for this very reason it is that she is
courted and appealed to by the supporters of misgovern-
ment in all quarters of the globe. It might be thought hard
if the Portuguese and Spanish constitutionalists had eerie
to Russia, to say they did not entirely approve her govern-
' ment and beg she would alter it. But by what right is
the barbarian power permitted to act the converse, and to
send to men congregated for freedom in the west of Europe,
the assurances of her high dislike and meditated enmity.
The snare is too manifest; our enemies fight us with the
barbarians; civilized Europe therefore must be against the
barbarians, an] join in one effort to drive them back
to their frightful deserts.' There !et them remain, and
learn from Europe all they can towards the improvement
of their patrimony; but let Europe be freed from the
nuisance of their interference. The Russians are to Eu-
rope, precisely what the Persian empire was to Greece ;
a people in an inferior state of civilization, pressing for-
ward
on a people in a superior, hacked by huge numbers
and the treacherous aid of all that is opposed to liberty
within. The serviles would bring the Chinese upon us,
if the Chinese could fight : the brother of the Sun and
Moon would be a magnanimous sovereign,' if there was
any chance of his mountebank soldiers being brought to
Brussels. The simple plan of the lovers of arbitrary
power all over the earth, is to keep down the civilized
people by the help of the barbarians. It is for this
reason that Austria is to have Italy ; and it is for
this reason that civilized man, in every village
throughout Europe, has risen or will rise, to effect
the liberation of his species. Treaties are but the
bonds with which the victims have been tied ; let
those that made look to them, but do not tell the Sam-
son who has just burst his willies, that these were the ob-
ligations which engaged him to lie still. Most of the
Governments in Europe have been the people's enemies ;
and those which are not, will put themselves at the head
of the people's movement, and be safe. Men have pene-
trated every where the mean fraud by which arbitrary
Governments protested against revolutionists and levellers,
while themselves were the great upturners of all right and
levellers of all security. The universal feeling towards
them is hatred mixed with scorn : a compound which
those who taste of seldom prosper after."—Morn. Advt.

We are not fund of exposures in private life,
but it is impossible to deny the advantage afforded to so-
ciety by pictures of its modern abuses so graphically and
i
fatally correct as that contained n the new novel of
" Mothers and Daughters." We suspect it will produce
no trifling derangement in the matrimonial speculations
of the ensuing spring. The fashionable characters intro-
duced into this work are true to nature. Report assigns
the sketch of Lady MARIA 'WILLINGHAM to the second
wife of a fashionable Baronet. The " mother," having
failed in the establishment of her " daughters," is said to
have secured her own.

SPECIAL COMMISSION.

BERKSIIIRE.-READING, JAN. 4.

The Commissioners entered the Court at ten
o'clock, when Mr. Justice PARK proceeded to pass
senience on the prisoners convicted at these Assizes.

IMPRISONMENT.

Thomas Dance and Jacob Gater were first
brought up.
Mr. Justice PARK addressed the prisoners, and
told them that the Court would make a distinction
between the two, and sentence Dance, as the elder,
and as a person who ought to have been better in-
formed than to engage in an unlawful transaction,
to twelve calendar month' imprisonment, and hard
labour in the House of Correction. Jacob Cater
should he imprisoned and kept to hard labour for
nine calendar months. _ .

It is to be understood that all sentences of impri-
sonment include hard labour.
IMPRISONMENT AND TRANSPORTATION.

Edward Davis, James West-, Joseph Edney,
Edmund Viccus, Chitties Mil!orn, Thomas Hanson,
Charles Green; and Joseph Smith, were placed at
the bar.

Mr. Justice PARK said Thomas Hanson had been
thrice convicted for breaking thrashing-machines;
Milsom, Edney, Viccus, twice; and the remaining
prisoners once. It now became his duty to pro.
nounce that sentence which, on the best and deepest
consideration of their respective cases, the Court
had resolved upon as the fittest. The sentence
upon Davis was, that he should he imprisoned for
eighteen months. The offences of the prisoner West
were committed by night, arid he must be trans-
ported for seven years. Hanson, Milsom, Viccus,
and Edney, had been thrice convicted; notwith-
standing which the Court would only sentence them
as if two offences had been proved against them.—
This was a very merciful proceeding, for the cases
of all four were very grievous and desperate. The
sentence of the Court was, that they should be
transported seven years for the first offence, and at
the end and expiration of that period, that they
should be transported for seven years more, accord-
ing to the statute. As to Smith and Green, the
Court had considered the distinction between agri-
cultural and other labourers, and they, as coming
under the former denomination, were to be trans-
ported for seven years.
The prisoner Smith, who was suffering severely
tinder rheumatism, was helped into and out of the
dock.

William White, Robert Gibbs, Cornelius Ben-
net, Thomas Goodfellow, George Hi.hnes, Robert
Page, George Whiting, and John Aldridge, were
put to the bar.
Mr. Justiee PARK said, that the eight prisoners
had been convicted of the offence of machine-break-
ing. White was to he imprisoned for twelve
months ; Gibbs would experience the same punish-
ment ; Bennet was to be transported for seven
years ; Goodfellow for fourteen years ; and Holmes,
although by trade a smith, being an extremely yonng
man, and having received an extremely good cha-
racter, should only be imprisoned for twelve months.
Page, against whom one indictment had been proved,
was to be transported for seven years; and Aldridge
for the same period. Whitine,althoueh there were
two indictments against him, 'being ariabourer, and
not having taken a very active part in the transac-
tions, would be imprisoned for eighteen months.
James Deacon, William Waving, Jason Green- .
away, Isaac Burton, John Gater, George Liddiard,
Richard Nutley-, and William Pearson, bring placed
at the bar,
Mr. Justice PARK said, that Pearson would have
a slight punishment inflicted on him, because he was
ar, agricultural labourer, and had only been convicted ,1
of one offence, in which there were no circumstances
of aggravation. The sentence of the Court was, that
he be imprisoned twelve months. Nutley was in
pretty much the same predicament, and would also
be imprisoned for twelve months. Liddiard would
not be transported; but as he was a blacksmith, his
punishment would be increased to eighteen months'
Imprisonment. Gater was in much the same situa-
tion as Pearson and Nutley, and was to be imprisoned
for twelve months. The cases of Burton and Green-
away were different. Burton, who was a'teilor, had
no pretence for mixing in those transactions but a
desire of mischief. He had demanded money, and the
crime was committed at night, with circumstances
of aggravation. The same observations applied to
Greenaway, with this exception—that he was a
labourer ; he had used threatening language, turd
the offence took place at night. Both prisoners
were sentenced to seven years' transportation. The
same sentence was pronounced on Waving, who had
also committed an outrage at night, and demanded
money. Deacon, who was a labourer, had not been
guilty of airy excess beyond the guilt of joining in
such outrages, was to be imprisoned for twelve
months.
John Gennaway, Elijah Baker, James Grant,
John Ilitchins, William Hamblin, James Watt,
William Beckett, Stephen Denton, and Charles
Gilliam, were placed at the bar to receive sentence
for the destruction of threshing-machines.
Mr. Justice PARK was happy to announce to all
the prisoners that, in the judgment of the Court, their
cases were favourable, and that it was not necessary
for the ends of justice that any of them should be
sent out of the country. Against Gilliam, there
being only one conviction, and no other charge
having been made, and nothing particular appearing
in his case, the sentence of the Court was, that he
be imprisoned for six months. The Court had taken
into account that Denison was originally pressed to
join the mob; but as he subsequently became an
active member of it, he was sentenced to twelve
months' imprisonment. The sentence of Beckett
was tivelve months' imprisonment ; of Watt and
Hamblin, six ; Hutchins, who appeared to be a
labourer, and who had taken no very active part, was
also sentenced to six months' imprisonment; as was
Grant, who was likewise a labourer, and had re-
ceived a good character. But his companion Baker,
although also a labourer, having received no cha-
racter, would be imprisoned twelve months. The
same sentence was passed upon Gennaway, and for
the same reason.

The prisoners left the dock, most of them con-
siderably affected by the Learned Judge's address,
particularly Gennaway, who is a very young lad.
James Burgess, Charles Williams, James Hut-
chins, Alexander Barrett, John Coventry, Joseph
Quarterman, James Fuller, and Stephen Williams
were placed in the dock.
Mr. Justice PARK observed that the eight prisoners
had been convicted of machine-breaking. Their of-
fences were attended with very different degrees of
violence arid injury. Some of them had been com-
mitted in the night time, and some were accompa-
niec by threats and intimidation, In addition to this,
S. Williams, Quarterman, Hutchins, and Burgess,
were yesterday convicted of one of the most dangerous
riots that had ever come before a Court of Justice.
Against James Burgess there were two indictments
for machine breaking, and he was also connected
with the riot, he would therefore be transported for
fourteen years. C. Williams, not being concerned
in the riot, and there being only one case against
him, which was accompanied by no particular out-
rage on his part, Isas to be imprisoned for twelve
months. The same observation applied to James
Hutchins. He was also in the riot, but had done
nothing particular, and received the slight sentence
of twelve months' imprisonment—a sentence which
the Court was the rather disposed to pass, inasmuch
as it had been intimated that the prisoner was not
of a strong understanding. Alexander Barrett was
not in the riot, and would only receive three months'
imprisonment. Coventry had acted .with more vio-
lence, and would be imprisoned for twelve months.
Quarterman was concerned in the riot. It appeared
that he had done nothing but blow a horn, arid
although that was an outrageous act, and calculated
to encourage the mob to advance, or warn them to
retire, as the prisoner had received an excellent cha-
racter, the sentence of the Court was, that he be
imprisoned for twelve months. James Fuller was
not concerned in the riot, and he was also sentenced
to twelve months' imprisonment. Stephen Wil-

liams, who was extremely outrageous in the riot,
and had acted in a most scandalous manner, us was
proved yesterday, should lie transported for fourteen
years.
As this batch of prisoners left the dock,
Stephen Williams looked towards the bench in a
reckless and impudent manner, and exclaimed,
" Thank you, my Lord."
Charles Vince, John Cook, Luke Brown, Thos.
Brown, George Williams (alias Staffordshire Jack),
John Nash, George Arlett, and John Naylor, being
called up for sentence,
Mr. Justice PARK told the prisoners they had
been severally convicted of the offence charged
against them, which they had now heard mentioned
by the officer of the Court, and many of them had
been also convicted of being concerned in that tre-
mendous riot prosecuted yesterday, which had
alarmed the Court, more than any thing that had
hitherto transpired in these proceedings, for the
peace of the country. Naylor had been convicted
on only one indictment, till the case of the riot was
brought forward, in which, however, he took no
active part. lie was sentenced to eighteen months'
imprisonment. Arlett was in a different situation.
He was one of those who had threatened fire (a tre-
mendous thing, which the Court was determined to
mask) against a poor woman if she did not comply
with his demands for money. He was to undergo
fourteen years' transportation. J. Nash would ex-
perience the same sentence. George Williams was,
without exception, one of the most desperate charac-
ters that had come before the Court, and if his of-
fence had, according to the strict rule of law, cow-
promised his life, the Court would have felt it its
painful duty to leave him for execution. However,
by the grace of God, he had escaped. His sentence
was fourteen years' transportation. Thomas Brown,
also convicted of the riot, but having taken no par-
ticular part in it, was to be imprisoned for eighteen
months. Luke Brown was likewise convicted of
the riot, had cut open a man's head, and used very
fearful expressions. The Court had, therefore,
augmented his punishment, but not to the extent
which might have been expee'ed. The charge of
machine-breaking not being very aggravated as
against him, he was sentenced only to seven years'
transportation. With respect to C. Vince, he was to
be imprisoned for eighteen months. John Cook
was concerned in the riot ; but being recommended
to mercy by the Jury, he would only be imprisoned
for eighteen months.
At the conclusion of the sentences on the pri-
soners,
Arlett said, that he had one favour to beg of the
Court, which was, that they would allow his wife
and child to go along with him.
Mr. Justice PARK said, the Court had no power
to oblige the prisoner. It rested with the Govern-
ment to grant or refuse his reque,t. By the way,
his case was an extremely bad one ; he should have
thought of his family before committing the offence.
Daniel Hancock, William Hawkins, Edward
Harris, Thomas Hicks, and William Page, were
placed at the bar.
Mr. Justice PARK said, that with respect to Page
the case being slight, he was sentenced to twelve
months' imprisonment. William Hawkins was con-
victed of two offences, and Daniel Hancock of one
with respect to threshing-machines. The latter
also took a part in the riot, but not an active one.
Hawkins was not present on the occasion. Hancock
would be transported for seven years, and Hawkins
for the same period. He now came to Thomas
Hicks and Edward Harris, and two more dangerous
persons had not appeared at these assizes. They
were transported for fourteen years.
The prisoner Hawkins, who cried bitterly during
his sentence, and lay on the front of the dock in a
state of great affliction, on being removed by the
gaoler, entreated the Court to allow his wife and
two children to accompany him in his banishment.
Mr. Justice PARK told the prisoner that he must
apply to the Secretary of State on that subject.

SENTENCE OF DEATII RECORDED,
Daninl Bates, Da rid Hawkins, William Chitter,
I~r el Pullin, David Jarlick, George Rosier, John
Field, and John Cope, were next called up for
sentence.

Mr. Justice PARK told the eight prisoners that
they had each been convicted, and many of them
in more instances than one, of offences that had
forfeited their lives to the offended laws of their
country. He meant to recommend them to mercy
as far as the sparing of their lives was concerned.
With respect to some of them, it was after deep and
painful consideration► that the Court had come to
this decision. As to Daniel Bates, his crimes were
of a very deep dye, and the Court did assure him
that the scale had been long balancing as to whether
death should not be the almost immediate conse-
quence of his crimes. Nothing had saved him but
the strong recommendation of the Jury in one case,
the very good character which he had received in
another, and, the Court must add, his own demea-
nour at the bar on the first day. The prisoner's con.
duct in his domestic relations produced a very strong
impression ; not that kindness to a widowed mother
alone could have influenced its decision ; however,
that fact evinced a tenderness of disposition in the
prisoner, which, coupled with other things, induced
the Court to interfere in his case. It would be re-
commended to his Majesty to spare the lives of all
the prisoners at the bar; what terms might be im-
posed upon them in commutation of the MN ful pu-
nishment of death it was not for the Court to say—
but in all probability many of the men now in the
dock must leave their country never to return to it.

The prisoners were more or less affected 1)y this
address. Bates, who was only sentenced to impri-
sonment, appeared more distressed than his cum-

pinions.
It should be observed that these were some of the
prisoners convicted of breaking the machinery in
Mr. Gibbons's manufactory at Hungerford.
Sentence of death was recorded by the Registrar
in the usual manner.

Thomas Willoughby, Charles Rosier, Jeremiah
Dobson, James Watts, Timothy May, Joseph Tuck,
Edmund Steel, and Joseph Nicholas, being placed
in the dock, sentence of death was recorded against
Nicholas for robbery, and against the remaining pri-
soners for breaking fixed machinery.
As the priaoners were quitting the dock, Steel
paused and said, " I never received any money, it
was another man who received it—and Page knows
that it was so."
Mr. Justice Panrc—Yout's was a very bad case,
and the Court anxiously considered whether it was
not deserving of death.
Thomas Radborn, William Carter, William Wes-
tall, Francis Norris, William Page, Charles Bates,
and William Simms were put to the bar.
Mr. Justice PARK said that the Court, desirous
not to carry the effusion of blood further than the
interests of justice absolutely demanded, had deter-
mined to recommend the prisoners to the mercy of
the Crown. On what terms that mercy would be
gi anted he could not presume to say ; he could only
observe that, with the exception of Bates, those who
advised his Majesty would say that the prisoners
had unfitted themselves by their offences to be al-
lowed ever to enjoy again the blessings of this
happy land.