The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-01 00:00:00

TBE SUN

; ,* 4

L 0 N ON_

()Jung continued apenet, fie . eeteeeeo,,,e. thou
mentioned that apologies had been received from the follow-
ing gentlemen, all of whom were prevented by different un-
avoidable causes from being present—Mr. Fox, Mr. Moffat,
the Hon. Mr. Bouverie, Baron Rothschild, Mr. Brown, M.P.,
the Hon. and Rev. Baptist Noel, Dr. Pye Smith, Dr. Bow-
ring, Mr. Hume, and Mr. Ebenezer Elliot.—(Cheers.) He
had now to request them to fill their glasses while he pro-
posed—" The Queen, may her reign be long, peaceful, pros-
perous, and happy."—(Cheers. )
The toast was drunk with the usual honours.
The CHAIRMAN then said that the next toast on the list
was the "Health of the free-trade Members of both Houses
of Parliament."— (Loud cheering.) In support of the toast
he would say nothing but this—the merits of the gen-
tlemen in question being as well known to others as to him -
self—that he never knew a question which had been pre-
sented to the House ofCommons on all occasions with ability,
equal to that which had characterised the anti-corn-law agi-
tation.--(Cheers.) They had present this evening their
friend Mr. Villiers, and he should call on him to return
thanks for tho toast.—(Long-continued cheering.)
Mr. VILLIERS, who was received with long-continued
plaudits, said—l beg to acknowledge with every feeling of
respect and gratitude the cordial welcome ;with which you
have honoured my name, and I beg to offer, on the part of
the Members of the House of Commons, who are
associated in the sentiment just enounced—my warmest
acknowledgments for the honour you have done us.
—(Hear.) I assure you it would have been a matter of
deep regret to me had I been prevented from attending this
evening. There is an appropriateness in this assemblage,
whether I look to the place, or to the purpose, or to the
think
konms
uwsthbome felt b y
It
haveev
every
ye
mhonourol fa addressing.boured inis cause,This
I
t
and who does 'not regret his services. Ladies and gentle-
men, I need hot say that I am not one of those penitent
free -traders to whom the Protectionists refer, who are sighing
still for the sliding scale. On the contrary, lam proud of
n
having taken a prominent part in the late struggle; and I
feel more assured of the wisdom, the justice, and the
policy of our exertions, than I ever felt upon any previous
occasion.—(Hear, hear.) It was ten years ago, when I
first appeared in this town to. state to you the
difficulties with which I was encompassed, in ray
then single-handed efforts to repeal the corn-laws, and
to ask for your assistance in removing those difficulties. I
need not say that I much more gladly appear on the pre-
sent occasion gratefully to acknowledge the extraordinary
and successful efforts which you made to accomplish that
object.—(Cheers.) And, gentlemen, I should not have for-
gotten, even if I had not been reminded of the fact by my
friend the Chairman, that I do now stand in the capital of
that district which conferred upon me the signal mark of
confidence—almost tile, highest which a man can receive
from his fellow-citizens—of having entrusted to me the
representation of your interests in Parliament, and coming
as it did froni one of the most important constituencies in the
United Kingdom, I shall ever refer to it with proud and
grateful reflections.—(Cheers.) And knowing I now speak
to many of the electors of the South Division of Lancashire,
I hope I may be excused for taking this somewhat
appropriate occasion of making, what I have long desired
to do, a personal acknowledgment for the honour.—(Loud
cheers.) I cannot but observe that there is a peculiar
propriety in the time that, has been chosen for this meet-
ing, for I believe it is the only one, as it is the earliest,
which we have held to celebrate that for which we
have fought—that which we have had in view throughout—
and that which we have invariably refused to compromise.—
(Loud cheers.) For, regarding the corn-law, as we did, to
be one of the greatest blemishes, nay, as one of the greatest
blots which disfigured British legislation—regarding the law
as injurious to all, and its repeal as unjust to none—we con-
sider that the character of the country could hardly be re-
deemed, or the justice of the case satisfied, without the
effacing of that law from the pages of our statutes—(Cheers)
- and it is gratifying to think that the hands of the dial will
make but a few revolutions more, before the results of your
toil and the wishes of the country will be fully realised.
(Cheers.) It is not my fault that you have had to submit
to a sort of transition, or modified form of corn-law for the
last three years; for true to the instructions I received from
you, and in consistency with the annual motion which I was
entrusted to make —(Cheers)—l did, previous to the passing
of Sir .R. Peel's Bill, propose, as I had done for eight years
before, that all duties on the importation of the necessaries
of life should cease and determine immediately.—(Cheers.)
And it is curious to consider the way in which events have
justified everything that you have done upon the subject for
the thirty months that a modified form of the sliding scale
had been in operation—during fifteen of those months the
law has been suspended altogether. And what is curious
enough, I may mention that a year after I had made my
motion, which was in March, 1846, I happened one night to
come into the House of Commons, and heard the Protec-
tionist member for Dorsetshire (Mr. George Bankes) make
precisely the same motion in March, 1847. What could in-
duce Mr. Bankes to make such a motion it is not for me to
say—whether it was that he had become a convert to the
League, or whether it arose from certain scruples of con-
science, I cannot determine; but I believe the fact was, that
no grain could come into the ports on that 'occasion.—
(Laughter.) I am not sorry, however, that an interval has
occurred. lam not sorry, because it has given you time
for reflection—time to see yourselves, and to e satisfy the
world whether you were right, or whether you have repented
before it is too late of what you have done; because this is
not a meeting following up the first flash of victory,
when men do not see clearly what they do, and who act in
parties ; but it is a meeting held three years afterwards, di-
liberately to consider what has been done or acquired—a
meeting held at a time when disturbances at home and cala-
mities abroad have withheld from us many of the material
advantages which we expected from the measure—at a time,
I say, when the world has been Convulsed—when all Europe
has received a shock—when the intelligence of our leaders
has been called in question—when everything, in short, has
been done to shake our faith on this subject. All this has
been done, and the world is curious to know whether the
men who had the power to effect these changes in the com-
mercial policy of the country, are still true to their con-
noxious, and adhere to their principles.—(Cheers.) And
now they see that all those men that rendered such service
to the cause, whether by their munificent contribu-
tions in this district—whether by the consecration of
their talents, or by the sacrifice of their time--are again
assembled on the present occasion, and so met, not
only to express their continued and, confirmed satisfaction
with what they have done, but also to express their more
than satisfaction, their utmost gratitude, that events enabled
this question to be carried before it became the cause of
similar calamities to those which have befallen other parts
of Europe. They do not offer this as a mere display of con-
sistency and of public spirit, but as a manifesto to the world,
on the part of the men who have been engaged in this
struggle—that they are still of the same mind—that they
had not changed their opinion—that they still hold as sacred
the principles of commercial liberty, as they do the principles
of political liberty, or the principles of religious freedom.—
(Loud cheers.) I believe you have accomplished a still
further triumph; for we have so far converted our op-
ponents, that there are not ten sane men in the country
who, if called to the councils of the Crown, would re-
commend the adoption of the system of protection, or who
would propose a restriction on the importation of
those necessaries of life which, through your means, have
been abolished.—(Loud cheers.) If I may refer at all to
what has occurred since the Act passed for the abolition of
the law, I believe that if Sir Robert Peel had proposed that
the duties should cease on the 10th of April, 1841, instead of
the Ist of February, 1849—1 believe you would have had all
our friends in 17, Old Bond-street, sent down here to cele-
brate its expiration.—(Laughter.) I believe you would
have had all the Protectionists blessing the efforts you have
made, for I never met with any person at that time last
year—so great was then the alarm that we should follow the
example of our neighbours—who did not think it a Godsend
and a blessing that this sore and grievance had been re-
moved. I believe they were ready to have asked my
friend Bright to the Carlton—( Laughter and cheers)—as
a man who had assisted in time to remove the greatest,
and, perhaps, the only excuse for such convulsions oc-
curring here; as had taken place in neighbouring coun-
tries.—(Cheers.) If I may venture to account •for the
confidence with which you have maintained your opinions
and the impossibility of shaking your faith, I would say it
was because every thing you did was done deliberately; .
everything in your proceedings was dictated by reason.
Nothing was done in passion—nothing was acquired by
violence, and this furnishes me with a useful hint. It may
not be an exciting sentiment b utter, but it may supply a
useful hint to this and other countries, that if changes are to
be rendered complete, and changes that will endure, see,
that they are practical and just in the first place, and the
next that they are obtained by peaceful means.—(Cheers.) I
think it not only useful to mention this, but it ought to
be said to the credit of those whom I address,
that while they wish to bring about changes in
the legislative policy of this country, they are de-
termined to obtain them only by moral means ; that
they will not be satisfied unless they enlighten the judg-
ments of the ignorant, and fairly convert the prejudices of
their opponents; andetherefore I, for one, would admit that,
however much, we may deprecate existing evils, however
much of reform needs still to be accomplished, still it is gra-
tifying to reflect that we have reached that pitch of civiliza-
tion, that, if a cause is just, it will be advocated perseveringly,
but peacefully, by the removal of prejudices and the enlight-
eement of opinion, and before such an influence as this,
every power and every Government must give way. I
know it has been said that we were a long time in procur-
ing this act of justice, and that it would be extremely tedious
if we were to go through the same process whenever we
want further reforms. But I say in the first place, that
what appears long in the life of an individual, is short in the
history of a nation ; and I say, in the next place, that
having watched this movement from the first to the last, the
difficulties were such that my wonder is at the accomplish-
ment of so much in so short a time, for it was not
only that we saw a majority in both Houses against
us—it was not only that the powerful co-operation
of the working-classes was withheld from us—not,
indeed, that the working classes approved of the corn-
lt
ar
ewe' t te
hd
ewth great the
y i were
severityfirst that y rosetbe Government
against it—but
at
t thatthe y were
and they determined to agitate for nothing but political
power to themselves. But I beg to say, and the truth ought
to be known, that when the question was first agitated—
when I was the unfortunate person to move this question
year after year in the House—there was something like
apathy in the manufacturing districts, and there was little
sympathy with us in the commercial towns. When, early
in the day, I communed with my friend Cobden on the sub-
ject, I said to him, if we intend to attack the agricultural
gentlemen we must begin at home, and before we throw
stones at the House of Lords, we must be sure that our own
houses at Manchester and Liverpool have no glass windows.
The fact is, that when Mr. Cobden and I began to con-
sult as to the best means of getting rid of this monstrous
system of protection, we found that moneply had
a large family—(Loud laughter)—and though cer-
tainly the corn-laws was the finest child amongst
them, the hope of the family—(Laughter)—yet
there were some of the younger members of the family
who were as lively, as active, and as tenacious of what they
held as the first-born—(Laughter and cheers)—and no class
of persous whom you could meet displayed more prejudice
in defence of the corn-laws than our old friends the sugar-
hogshead men, the timber merchants, and the shipowners of
England. These were all friends and leagued with each
other, and though they might quarrel among themselves now
and then, the moment we appeared they were all in the same
boat directly.--(Cheers.) So that it was not all plain sail-
ing when we first began this agitation; and nothing could
be more true than what my friend Cobden used to say, that
this was not a battle of class against class, but that it was
rather a battle of the intelligent and liberal-minded of all
classes against those who had ignorance, and prejudice,
and interest on their side. It was when Mr. Cobdeu was
taxing his brain night and day to get rid of this ig-
norance and prejudice, and to obtain a co-operation
among all classes of? the community, that he saw
the necessity for an organization of no ordinary kind, and
it is to him and his friends] the formation of the League is
due. He saw that it was not a matter which we could ac-
complish at once; that it was not a thing to be done by
violence, for to the honour of my friend be it said, he is, the
last man to acceinpli-1 his purpose by violence.—(Cheers.)
He saw that it was a question of time, and to be brought
about by public discussion, and therefore those who organised
the League said, we must retain the ablest men that we can

FREE TIRAI)Ee

THE GRAND BANQUET AT MAN-
CHESTER LAST NIGHT.

The proceedings of last night at Manchester will be for
ever memorable in the annals of political demonstrations,
and must create an interest not confined to the inhabitants
of that city and neighbourhood, but extending to every class
of the population of the British empire. The 31st January
being the day fixed by law for the extinction of the last
shred of protective duties on the importation of foreign corn,
and the consequent abrogation of a system which had long
cramped the energies of our national commerce and industry,
has been looked forward to with interest in every quarter o
the country, but especially in those great seats of trade and
enterprise, which took such an important and influential part
in promoting the great movement which has now reached

its long desired consummation. A preliminary meeting was
held at the League-office in Manchester, on Thursday, the
28th of December last, at which it was resolved to celebrate
the final repeal of the corn-laws by a grand public banquet,
to take place at the Free-trade Hall, in the same town, on
Wednesday, the 31st of January. It is now our duty to
lay before our readers an account of the proceedings which
took place on this remarkable occasion, standing perhaps,
for magnitude and interest, alone amidst public celebrations'
The preparations at the Free-trade Hall were on a very
splendid and costly scale, producing when completed a de-
corative effect of unsurpassed brilliancy and tastefulness.
Flags with rich blazonries and expressive mottoes, tapestries,
floral wreaths, and festoons of evergreen boughs, were dis-
posed about the hall and hung from the pillars in gay pro-•
fusion. The long range of tables, neatly covered with white
and pink cloth, bore a plentiful dessert of fruits and sweet-
meats, with generous wines at the choice of- the visitors.
At the back of the platform allotted for the president and
distinguished guests was placed a large white silk flag, with
the emblem of a wheatsheaf worked upon it in gold, and
the words "The League," in large letters, the same which
brought up the rear of the procession held to celebrate the
passing of. "the Act for the Repeal of the Corn-laws in 1846.
On each side of this giant banner were placed union jacks
and other national flags, the whole being surmounted with
crimson drapery, and the royal standard at each side. At
the lower end of the hall was a large crimson flag having up-.
on it the words " Free trade with all the world," on each
side of which were suspended British ensigns. At the top of
each of the pillars supporting the roof was placed a group of
three silk banners, arranged in a very pleasing form, and
bearing appropriate devices (the royal arms, the wheatsheaf,
and other emblems of the useful arts being conspicuous) and
followingmottoes,a:Ln,o,ntishterttlviearrin.dosptrergTemesaarLabjepeoafewe hanicdhpalveenrtey,the
vheerthien
Qunneietyn:--
::
Peace
ed
and the
goodwillp loug h "—t
"o
altlernt euns"—li'v'eGotodgseat
" Measures and men"--" Who is he that will harm you, if
ye be followers of that which is good?"—" Victory to free
trade" —" Retrenchment and reform"—" Prosperity to com-
merce"—" Success to agriculture"—Repeal of the Naviga-
tion-laws"—" The welfare of the labourer"—" Love thy
neighbour." In front of the gallery, at the lower end,
directly opposite the chairman, were placed three large
and fine mirrors, whose surface reflected the whole of the
picturesque and exciting display presented by the hall and
its crowded array of banqueters, thus doubly enhancing the
charms of the scene, The company were accommodated as
follows :—On the platform, at the four guests' tables, 72; at
the eight vice-presidents' tables, 168; at the two reporters'
tables, 24; in the gallery, 700; in the body of the hall,
2,020; making a total of 2,984. In spite of this ample
amount of accommodation, hundreds of intending visitors
were disappointed, and the tickets had borne, for some days,
a consid4able premium ; thus testifying, in the most forcible
way to the interest with which the occasion was antici-
pated. The refreshments, provided by Mr. Royle, of St.
Mary's-gate, consisted of 2', 500 sandwiches, 2,500 veal pies,
1,500 pork pies, 600 mince pies, 2,000 preserved tarts, 600 lbs.
of figs, 600 lbs. of almonds and raisins, 6,000 oranges, 6,000
American apples, 300 lbs. soda biscuit, 600 lbs. Carr's lancy
biscuits, and 600 lbs grapes:.
The list of guests who re ceived the honour of an invita-
tion from the committee ol management was as follows:
The Right Hon. T. M. Giblion, M.P. ' • R. Cobden, M.P. ; C.
P. Villiers, Esq., M.P. ; J. Bright, M.P. ; A. Henry, M.P. ;
J. Brotherton, M.P.; J. K srshaw, M.P.; J. B. Smith, M.P. ;
J. Williams, M.P.; A. A nderson, M.P. ' • W. Scholefield,
'
M.P. ; M. Wilson, jun., M.P. ; Colonel T. P. Thompson,
M.P.; C. Hindley, M.P. ; Thompson, M.P. ;A. Hastie,
M.P.; J. A. Hardcastle, M.P. ; T. A. Mitchell, MP. ; J. S.
Trelawny, M.P. ; W. Fag an, M.P. ; J. Reynolds, M.P. ; W.
Jackson, M.P. ; J. Pilking ;ion, M.P. ;' W. S. Crawford, M.P.;
Colonel Salwey, M.P.; Heyworth, M.P. •B. Etwall, late
M.P. for Andover; D. -R.. Ross, late M.P. 'for Belfast; W.
Williams, late M.P. for Co. ventry ; R. Gardner, late M.P. for
Leicester; Sir J. Walmsley, late M.P. for Leicester; John
Denistoun, late M.P. for Glasgow; B. Escott, late M.P. for
Winchester; George Hope, Fenton Barns, Rev. Thomas
Spencer, the Mayor of Aslton, the Mayor of Salford, the
Mayor of Wakefield, the I Vlayor of Leicester, the Mayor of
Warrington, the Mayor of .Bradford, the Mayor of Halifax,
the High Sheriff of South.smpton ; C. Hill, late Sheriff of
London ; Major-General Briggs, R. H. Greg, Esq , and Elihu
Burritt.

G. Wilson, Esq., late .p resident of the Anti-Corn-law
League, occupied the chair..
Upon the platform we obs erved the following distinguished
and influential gentlemen :—Aldermen Sir G. Armitage,
Mayson, Lockett, Harvey, C. J. S. Walker, and Bradford ;
Thomas Ashton, Esq., Hyde ; Joseph Acton, Esq., Wigan ;
Robert Ashton, Hyde; Hen ry Ashworth, Bolton; Edmund
Ashworth, Esq., Egerton all; John Allen, Esq., Warring-
ton ; William Brickham, E•3q. ; Nathaniel Buckley, Ashton ;
Jacob Bright, Esq., Rochdale; Thomas Bright, Esq., Roch-
dale; Thomas Bazley, Earn., •president of the Chamber of
Comrneree - Sir Ralph Plet3 dlebury, Knt., Stockport; Alfred
Reyner, Alton-under-Lyrte ; C. E. Rawlins, Liverpool; R.
Platt, Stalevbridge ; W. H. Petigean ; Peter Rvlands, War-
rington; H. Pease, Dar:tington ' • William Morris, Esq.;
Robert Munn, Bacup ; J. S.. Orrarod ; Salle Schwabe; James
Simpson, Foxhill Bank; John Walker, Bury; Absalom
Watkin, Esq. ; Peter W hitebead, Rawtenstall ; David
Whitehead, ditto ; Thomas. B. Turton, Sheffield ; Town-
end, Esq., barrister-at-lavr, , London; W. Chambers, Edin-
burgh ; F. W. Cobden ; J. T. Crook, Liverpool ; F. Carbutt,
Leeds; John Chadwick, .Esq., Eccles; Henry Coppock,
Stockport; Walter Crum, Esq., Glasgow; J. C. Dyer, Bur-
nage ; John Dixon, Carlisle; E. Grundy, Bury; George
Goodman, Leeds ;• Samuel Lucas ; N. Lees, Dukinfleld ;
Samuel Higgenbottom, Glasgow.
The doors were opened at six o'clock, and the spacious
hall rapidly became filled— the number of ladies in evening
toilet giving the assemblage a very gay appearance.
Exactly at seven o'clock--

Mr. GEORSE WILSON took the chair, appearing on the
platform, followed by Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Milner
Gibson, Colonel. P. Thompl3on, and the other leading Mem-
bers of the League. Their• appearance was hailed by a uni-
versal burst of cheering, frc m the occupants of the hall, and
" See the conquering hero c owes" from the band.
The proceedings were ope ned by a short prayer, pronounced
by the Rev. Mr. Spencer, o f Hinton.

-The banquet, which, as Ire have stated, was composed of
a handsome dessert, having then been done due justice to,
The CHAIRMAN opened the proceedings of the evening by
apologising, in the name o f the managing committee, for any
disappointments which n' fight have occurred with respect to
the accommodations and arrangements, one of the worst of

the latter being, he feared, the selection of himself as chair-
man. The Hon. Gentleman continued as follows :—We meet
this evening to celebrate the repeal of the corn-laws.—(Loud
and long-continued applause.) We meet this evening, after
having been united for m ore than ten years, for the promo-
tion of a great object, to tsike our leave of that first organisa-
tion which has created on e of tt:e greatest revolutions in the
policy of the country ever brought about.—(Hear.) We
meet to hail the inauguration cf a better era—an era better,
I hope, for all classes, bust especially for that class which is
the greatest of all, and of which the destiny is for its mem-
bers to earn their bread E-13,theisweat of their brow,—(Cheers.)
Like all great association s, the League has had its friends and
its enemies. It has often been condemned for sins of which it
was entirely innocent, and it has been occasionally, though
but seldom, praised for benefits which it had no :claim
to have attributed to it:..—(Hear, hear.) I am not one of
those who pretend—l am not one of those who beg the ques-
tion, by asking whether, on all occasions, and in every, re-
spect the League conducted itself precisely according to the
most approved method:; which the very fastidious might
require.—(Hear, hear.) I will not say but that the League
might occasionally have done things, in the course of its
operations, in its farmers' meetings—in its meetings of mi-
nisters of religion—things which a man in his slippers and
morocco wrapper would not quite approve of; I will not say •
whether, in distributing its tons of tracts—some of which
were read—some returned unread, and others burned—whe-
ther in getting up and applying its vast subscriptions—its
subscriptions of tens'of thousands—of fifties of thousands—
of hundreds of thousands--nay. of a quarter of a million—
I will not, I repeat, say, that in reference to these matters
the League did all which some men at head quarters
would be prepared to sanction.— (Hear, hear.) But this I
will say for the League, that, taking it all in all,
when you consider the vast and momentous interests
with which it had to deal—the vast influence which
it had on party—tb e destruction which it has dealt to
the spirit of 'party— w hen you consider all which it had to
do—the temptations which presented themselves to it in its
progress—then, gentlemen, I dosayt hat,
under
and left
l these
t
circumstances, the League made fewer mistakes,owr
et
rhs, or
couldto blush
bare
lfoesrs, ftobraint s
tmembers t to
sarnegpar
naechothemselves
reasonably expected.--(Cheers.) I will say, further, too—as
one of those whose duty it was to watch -those momentous
forpoemr a
thetion s —l2t Ih
owillf
isaary onlBt3h9i: t
h3elsdtayo f Jwhaenou
thear y, L
elBa
g 49, ne that
constituted, to the 2d of July, 1846, when its proceedings
were suspended—that there is no record of its meetings
which we would desire to blot out—no entries in its books
which we would desire to rescind ; while there are few or
any of its public proceedings which we would wish to change.
(Hear, hear.) The League, of course, did much mischief;
it disturbed political relations.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.)
It was no party movement. It has, in the minds of many,
many sins to answer for, but it never made merchandise of
itself to any political party.—(Loud cheers.) It has
been charged upon the League, however, that, thottgh it
did much good, it yet did harm, in this, inasmuch as it dis-
placed other questions, and prevented them from progressing
in the public mind—hindering the onward movement of such
subjects as economical reform and extension of the suffrage.
Perhaps to a very small extent such may appear to be the
case, but I doubt if it was so in reality. Indirectly the pro-
gress of the League tended to assist that of every good mea-
sure which the country could desire. With one great ques-
tion, indeed, that of the suffrage, the League fairly grappled.
It had showed how the suffrage can be extended, without a
new Act of Parliament, and how counties which had from
time immemorial returned members to the old political par-
ties, may declare themselves free, and send a champion to
Parliament, to figly. the battle of the people. Thus we found
leaders from amongst our own ranks—we found our Villierses,
our Cobdens, our Foxes, and our Brights.—(Loud cheers.)
We prepared for a fair stand-up fight.—( Hear.) No man
can charge the League with having ever departed from
its fundamental principle of being a League of the
middle classes.—(„Loud cheers.) It would indeed have
been a source of great regret to myself, as well
as to others, if we thought that we had intercepted
for a moment the march of any other great question. But,
on the contrary, it was the League which united all the great
towns together, for the first time in this country's history,
and it showed by doing so that there was no coalition of
popfuarartpygorsseevalicn(haLtciooounudladl for any length of time sustain the attacks
combination,eh eers.) lr
e ndirected s foofr a
experiencegreat nationalhas
shown us how entirely, how reliably,' the towns respond to
each other for every good and proper object. And we have
found, by the experience which we leave as a legacy, asa
most valuable legacy, to the country, that the cry first raised

writer

THITRSDAY EVENING. FEBRUARY I_ 1849.

lc. to thP • • ,

01 our object, and for these pursosts tie must ask ous
friends who have wealth to contribute to our funds. I
refer particularly to those friends, because I do not think
that justice has been done to them. When I think of
the importance of maintaining' this agitation for a series
of years, which could only be carried on through these
means, I think that justice has hardly been done to the mu-
nificence of their coistributions.—,(Hear).—Speaking in an-
swer to what J have heard said about the long time we
took to accomplish our object because we were quiet, I say-
that in the House of Commons it was not a mere question of
right against might ; that the agricultural gentlemen were
wiss in their generation, and that though they said nothing'
which on examination could not be proved to be foolish, yet
they said some things which had great effect at the time.
They said that if food was dear wages would•be high, and
people were taken with that-sentiment. They said that if
rents were high
,they would be good customers, and the
tradespeople began to believe that they would get their
bills paid. They said that if rents and wages were high,
faith would be kept with the public creditor. All
these had their effect at the time, and it was of
no use to deny them. If we said the people
are poor and bread is dear, we were said to be,
a set of grinding capitalists, who were intent upon
pressing the wages of the workmen to the lowest pitch ; and
if we said, if the people are obliged to spend all their money
upon food they cannot purchase clothing, we were told that
it was all the effect of over-production. All these things
were said, and said with effect, and it was a question of time.
We were obliged to depend upon the seasons—we were
obliged to depend Upon nature to assist us in proving that
everything they said was false, and everything we said was
true.—(Laughter.) And we were favoured in that respect.
We had bad seasons, and we had good seasons; and the
League, as a sort of body guard, was always on the watch to
enable us to take advantage of every circumstance that oc-
curred to our advantage. About six months before the re-
peal of the law, and after six years of discussion had wrought
a change of opinion in the country, the question began to be,
what Ministers would do? Ministers saw, as everybody else
saw,that a famine was coming—that a scarcity was in pros-
pect. Sir Robert Peel and Sir James Graham were then at
the head of the Government, and two more sagacious men
hardly ever existed—(Cheers)—and it became a curious
question to know what they would do. I shall not easily
forget the impression that was created among the country
gentlemen about six months before the repeal, when Sir
James Graham said to one of his speeches that a high price
of food was, in his opinion, the greatest curse that could
befal a country. He said he had been in power when food
was cheap, and he had been in power when food was dear,
and he prayed that he might be'in power again when there
was a scarcity in the country—that she
,knew the one led to
turbulence and crime, and the other, to peace and content-
ment. This sentiment struck directly at the roots of protec •
tive legislation, which said that high prices were good for the
poor; and I shall not soon forget its effect upon the agricul-
tural mind. They said what have we been doing for the last
thirty years? If this is bad, what have we been about with
the corn-law, which was formed for the express purpose of
raising the price of food ? I need not tell you that the famine
did come in Ireland, and that every potato that rotted
there was a nail in the coffin of the corn-law, and that siy
months after that declaration, the Minister showed all the
country that everything that had been done in a contrary
direction was wrong. I need not tell you that the corn-law
which we had assailed so long was at last strangled by its
very authors. This is not the place to enter into the motives
of those who repealed the corn-laws, but my impression
was--without entering into the quarrels of former periods—
that if those men were convinced the law was wrong, if
they were persuaded that it was injurious to the country—
then I say they acted wisely, honourably, and justly, by
admitting their error and repealing the law.—(Hear, hear,
and great cheering.) I may just refer to the process by
which the law was repealed, in order to show the advantage
that the League was to the country, in discussing and
arguing the question, and because I am satisfied that
but for its organisation, it was almost impossible to
have accomplished what you wished in so short a time.
It is not necessary, perhaps, to refer more to the] corn-law.
There is no difference of opinion, I take it, in this assembly.
And as we are, I suppose, on this occasion, rather averse to
prOnounce funeral orations—(Hear, and a laugh)—and it is
not usual to say anything against those who are gone, I shall
not refer further to the subject; but I cannot help calling
your attention to what I may term the legacy of the protec-
tive system, as it has been left to us, and in justification of
all that we have done against it.--(Hear, hear.) There was
no argument urged so strongly in favour of the corn-laws, as
that the agriculture of this country could adequately supply
the people, and that we ought not to be dependent upon
foreigners or a supply of grain,. That was an argument used
for upwards of 30 years in this country ; an argument upon
which the corn-law was introduced was passed, and was recom-
mended and supported afterwards • that our own agriculture
could supply the people adequately, and that we ought not
to be dependent upon foreigners.—(Hear, hear.) I just wish
to call your attention to the manner in which this promise
was realised. I wish to show you exactly how far the de-
ficiency extended, and the supply of provisions that actually
was necessary to feed the people of this country. From
June 26, 1846, to January 5, 1849, I have taken from
the official tables published by the authority of the Go-
vernment, that we imported into this country 23,600,000
quarters of wheat.—(Hear, hear.) That is, in two years
and a half we imported 23,600,000 quarters of grain
necessary for the sustenance of the people. This protec-
tive system, that was to be the means of making us per-
fectly independent of foreigners, and providing a perfectly
adequate supply of food for the people, after two
years; and a half left us with a deficiency of 23,600,000
quarters—very nearly 8,000,000 quarters a year, and at a
cost of 53,000,0001. sterling.—(Loud cries of" Hear.") That
was the promise of the corn-law supporters ; but now see
what actually happened. During that time we had brought
into the country 581,000 head of cattle, and of provisions
2,716,000 cwts. of flour.—(Hear, hear.) In 1843, I pro-
posed, in the House of Commons, that there should be no
duty at all upon live, cattle and provisions, and a division
was taken upon the question. Well, you see we had 581,000
head of live cattle, and 2,716,000 cwts. of flour, from fo-
reigners. That I quote to show how far the promise of the
corn-law was realised in fact, and now that a system does
exist which permits the importation into this country of
large supplies from abroad; you may see not only how far
short we are of an adequate supply, but may learn what an
amount is actually imported into the country which is neces-
sary as a supply of food. There was another argument I
remember to have heard frequently put forward in the
House of Commons, that if you refuse foreign supplies of
food, you. will drive the great mass of the people to feed upon
kindsorienaedfiunlfefraimorinein
ofth efooooudn,
country.—(Hear, hear.) I believe it
if that fail, there will be a
d
is within the knowledge of all of us, that in the last thirty
years the people of this country have been resorting to the
use of the potato much more than ever before. In every di-
rection the potato has become more
.plentiful, and the people
more dependent upon it. There is nothing more clearly
substantiated by the testimony of every writer and speaker
than that the corn-laws drive the people to an inferior kind
of food, and if that fail they must starve. In 1847, we had
the realization of the prediction. The food of the (people
failed, and there was one of the most frightful famines
ever
ea
gof
ogooddone, was to leave us with a deficiency of nearly 24,000.
(hr,eharedar. in theone hoifsttohrye
quarters of grain, and to bring about a famine, by which
thingsis country,
this o
corn-lawr
has
n the lives of thousands of the people were lost, and which
cost us nearly 10,000,0004 sterling.—(Hear, hear.) Again,
it was said that under a free-trade system, the gold would
leave the country to pay for the food brought into it, and
would go into the pocket of the foreigner. Now we have
imported all this quantity of food, and we have just as
much gold as we know what to do with. What is the
inference? That we paid for all, this quantity of food with
manufactures. Surely that was no disadvantage.—(Hear
and a laugh.) Is it not good that if we import food we
should pay for it in manufactures ; is it not also good, that, if
we are to pay with manufactures, we should have the raw ma-
terial introduced into this country as cheap as possible ?
(Hear, hear.) How was it we escaped from many of the evils
which the calamity of famine threatened to bring upon us ?
Because the duties formerly imposed upon the most impor-
tant raw materials of our industry, have been very much
reduced, as in the case of timber, and, in some cases, as those
of cotton land wool, altogether removed. Is it not better,
then, that we should have the raw material brought in at
the lowest cost, instead of being subjected to a protective or
prohibitory duty ?—(Cheers.) These are so many arguments
for the free-trade system ; whereVer you turn for them, there is
not one single fact that can be urged against. it. They are
working every day against the free-trade system, because
other countries do not receive our goods. These are not facts
they bring against us; they do not tell us what we receive
we pay for—the goods we import, some way or other. When
we find that our imports have greatly increased, the fair
inference is that we pay for what we receive by the ex
ports of our manufactures. There have been three startling
instances within the last twenty years in which 'we have re-
duced our duties upon the products of foreign countries,
whilst they have not relaxed the provisions of their restrie-
tive system directed against us, yet we find that our export's
to those very countries have largely increased. I refer to
France, Germany, and the United States. We have been
gradually relaxing our duties on the goods of those coun-
tries, whilst they have not relaxed their . duties upon our
products, yet our exports to those countries have been gra-
dually increasing; and as this is a very important point to
establish, I will quote a few returns to illustrate my position.
In 1829 we exported to France goods to the value of
491,381/. ; in 1846 our exports had risen in value to
2,715,9631. To Germany in 1829 we exported goods to the
value of 4,470,000/. ; in 1846 our exports amounted to
6,606,0004 —( Hear, hear.) To the United States, in 1829,
the value of our exports was 4,800,000/. ; in 1846 it
was 6,Boo,ooo4—(Hear, hear.) None of those countries
have relaxed the heavy duties they still unwisely, and for
themselves most injuriously, maintain upon our manufac-
tures ; yet we have increased our exports, and it
is clear that the only .way in which we can
pay for them is by our manufactures.—(Hear, hear.)
It is said that our example will have no effect upon the
people of those countries. I deny that ; the presumption is
not supported by facts. The people lately have had a voice
in the Governments of the Continent, and I say, that wher-
ever that has been, they have been decided partizans of free
trade and enemies of restriction. I was upon the Continent
in autumn, and I ascertained that in Germany there was en-
thusiasm for free-trade. I found at Frankfort a collection of
delegates, composed of men of every description of trade,
assembled to press on the Legislature the adoption of a free
commercial system.—(Hear, bear.) A large free-trade
club is duly established in Frankfort, to which sixty of the
members of the Legislature belong, doing everything
they can to impress upon the Legislature and the
public the adoption of their doctrines; and it 'is only
within the last few days we have seen published in
the newspapers the reduction of duties recently determined
on by the Zoilverein. In France everything concurs
to show free-trade principles have made great progress;
the feeling in favour of liberal commercial legislation is much
greater in the National Assembly than it was in the old
Chamber of Deputies. The influence of the south of France
is more considerable. They now treat with much greater
respect whatever we do. Their doubt before was whether we
were sincere. We have repealed the corn-laws, and they
now see that we are sincere; and they will see by this
meeting that yon are as firm of the faith as ever.—(Cheers.)
If we wanted evidence of the interest felt in the freedom of
trade, and the triumph of the cause on the Continent, what
could we refer to better than the reception given to my Ho-
nourable Friend (Mr. Cobden)? Was not he the champion
of free- trade in every country he visited?—(Hear, hear.)
Was not he received with gratulations and open arms in every
quarter to which he went, because he had contributed to es-
tablish the triumph of free-trade in this country ?.....(Hear.)
Does any mat; believe the United States are less well affected
to free-trade because we have repealed the corn-laws? If
any man does, he knows little of what is passing there.
The southern states have ever been in favour of free-trade
and unrestricted intercourse with England, and new there
are the vast north-western states directly interested in ob-
taining the freest communication with our markets, in which
they dispose of the great bulk of their exported products.
(Hear, hear.) We import their grain, and, under a better
system, each of us might take far more largely from the
ether: nobody, then,. who knows anything of American
notions, although the President is stated to be a Protec-
tionist, can suppose that there is the most distant chance of
the tariff being maintained.—(Hear, hear.) I may briefly

mitry ati,pted twt, . .
whether we think the people are likely to be happier, wiser,
more moral, or more prudent, becalm they have obtained
free-trade? I say I am not bound to answer that question; it
has nothing to do with the matter. We have removed a great
source of grievance and disaffection amongst the inhabitants
of this country by the repeal of the corn-laws; it was the
fruitful parent of intolerable inconveniences, and led to those
great fluctuations in prices which deranged the monetary
affairs of the country, and lirought disaster to every man's
door. By repealing those laws, I believe we have removed
the occasion of great evils. Irnever supposed that the repeal
of the corn-laws was to be a substitute for other reforms.—
(Cheers.) I just supposed-the other thing.— (Hear, hear.)
I was told that it threw obstructions in the way of other re-
forms, and that, until this question was disposed of, the people
'ould attend to nothing else; but I never supposed that, be-
cause the corn-laws were not repealed, that was any reason
why we should not advocate a better constitution of Parlia-
ment, or a greater amount of retrenchment. The fact is,
that any amount of constitutional or political reform is use-
less, if the people are to remain miserable —(Cries of " Hear.
hear.") We must improve their physical condition before
we oan hope for moral amelioration.—(Cheers. ) I believe a
cheap and abundant supply of bread to be the first condition
of all progress, civilization, and refinement.—(Loud cheers.)
Unless a man, after he has provided for his internal wants,
hai enough left of his earnings to clothe himself decently,
lodge himself comfortably, and educate his children, he is at
the lowest point in the scale of human society.—(Hear.t It
is the condition of all human improvement that the people
should cease to be anxious about the amount of food they
can possess themselves of; I believe that will be one of the
consequences that will follow from a repeal of the corn-laws.
—(Hear, hear.) I like not to! prophesy—l have a mistrust
of every. prophet ; bat I do believe that one of the effects of
the repeal of the corn-laws will be that we shall have bread
both cheap and abundant, that we shall not be .subject to
those scarcities which have so often and so grievously
afflicted us, and that the physical condition of the people
generally will be improved. It I am asked where this
abundance of food is likely to come from, I should say that it
is as likely to come from our own soil as from foreign coun-
tries.— (Hear, hear.) I believe that • agriculture, subject to
the fetters of monopoly, withers and pines, just as much as
any other branch of commerce.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") I
believe that the removal of those fetters will be the date of
great improvements in agriculture. I can refer, in support
of this view, to no authority so strong as that f the agri-
culturists themselves, who say that the soil of these islands
is capable of producing much more than it does at this
time produce. We have only to look back to the last
Smithfield Cattle Show, where the Duke of Richmond
addressed terms of reproach to the agriculturists, be-
cause they did not improve their lands, stating that he knew
of tracts which were capable of yielding twice their present
produce. The Duke of Richmond told the squires that if
they would but apply themselves to the pursuit of agricul-
ture with something of the energy and judgment which was
shown by the Manchester manufacturers, they would double
the prod-uce of their soil. I expect, therefore, that when the
agriculturists are exposed to the influence of the free breeze
of competition, and relieved from the blighting influences of
monopoly, their produce will be largely increased, and that
abundance will result, which nothing but bad legislative
arrangements could have prevented. We are told that the re-
peal of the corn-laws has done no good, because it is to be suc-
ceeded by another agitation. A paper of last night says
that the agitation against thecom-laws ought never to have
been conceded to, and that the only result of the concession
has been that we are instantly to have a fresh agitation di-
rected towards another object. Ido not think that this is
any argument to us, who are corn-law repealers.—(Hear,
hear.) It is no argument against certain other improve-
ments, that one has been conceded already. It seems to me
that, if there be any agitation in a country, there probably
also is a grievance, and the best way of stopping the agita-
tion is to remove the grievance.—(Hear, hear.) The people
of this country are enlightened enough to see when there is a
cause for agitation and when there is not. I should say, from
past experience, thab the reliance of the country would be
upon those who were the leaders of that 'agitation, and that
public opinion would declare that to obtain the measures pro-
posed by them, the agitation should proceed. I never was
fond of agitation; considering the time and energies ex-
pended on the struggle, now victoriously closed, I feel some-
what tired of agitation, and disinclined to any new agitation
that may be set on foot; but I am not at all prepared to say
that there are not other grievances, or that the memories
of our rulers do not require to be reminded of them. The
people of this country have generally profited by agitation,
and are not likely to be frightened at the sound of that
name.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) We have nothing
whatever to do with the repeal of the corn-laws. It was an
unjust law, and we have repealed it. We are on the eve of
deriving benefit from that judicious measure—we are, I trust,
on the eve of a great return of prosperity to this country.
I believe that is owing to the cheapness of goods, and
the easier access we have given to foreigners for intercourse
and commerce with us.—(Hear, hear.) I believe the ex-
periment of free trade is now about to be fairly made; Ihail

Its advent, and I venture in your name, and in that of the
community at large, to return my thanks to the people of
South Lancashire for the noble manner in which they have
contributed to the triumph of our great cause.—(Loud and
prolonged applause.)
The glee, " Here in cool grot," was executed with great
eclat.

The CHAIRMAN here called on Mr. Cobden, who, on pre-
senting himself, was received with a burst of 'rapturous
cheering, again and again renewed, and accompanied by,
waving of handkerchiefs and other demonstrations of attach-
ment.

Mr. COBDEN spoke as follows :—Mr. Chairman, Ladies,
and Gentlemen—So often as I have had the honour of ad-
dressing meetings in this hall, I think I may venture to say
that on no previous occasion have I seen an assemblage so
numerous, so influential, and possessing the singular charac-
ter of being literally collected from all parts of the United
Kingdom. I have had the pleasure to-day of shaking hands
with friends of our good cause who have come from North
Devon, Haddingtonshire in Scotland, and, I believe,
almost every intermediate county. And, Gentlemen, I
take this demonstration to be the more important at this
moment, because I agree with my friend Mr. Villiers, who
has told us in the eloquent, able, and exhaustive speech
which he has just addressed to us, that it is of
the utmost importance that it should be understood—
not merely in this country, but throughout the civilized
world—that it should be understood that those who !began
the agitation for free trade, and those who carried it through,
are now every one as stanch and firm to their principles as
they were during their time of trial.—(Load cheers.) I
see all those old friends around me ; they look as determined,
as unwaverinea as firm now as they did ten years ago, and I
am happy to say that none of them look any older.—(Hear,
hear, and a laugh.) And, Gentlemen, we are as united now
as we ever were ; we are unchanged as we were five years
ago; and if we could succeed in putting down monopoly
when its champions occupied the citadel, I ask our opponents
now if they can succeed in restoring protection when their
citadel is in the hands of free traders ?—(Hear, hear.) Ido
not say this boastfully, nor in a spirit of triumph,
for I am anxious that there should be nothing in
this night's proceedings that should indicate for a
moment that we are met to indulge a feeling of
exultation over fallen foes.—(Loud cheers.) But when
we see that other individual, the Duke of Richmond—(A
laugh)---when we see a man who, however he may want
discretion, want talent, want what we call here pluck—
when we see a man who wears a coronet, and is called his
Grace, summoning together large bodies of farmers belonging
to the county in which I was born—Sussex; and when we
see this Duke trying to hoodwink, gull, and bamboozle
those poor men who have been duped for ten veers past—
(Laughter)—and trying to persuade them that he can restore
protection, leading the farmers of the south of England after
a Will=o-the-wisp—why, we will save those farmers from
getting into bogs and mires, by telling this Duke that we
hi this hall, where we beat monopoly before, declare
he shall not restore one shilling of protection again. I
see that his Grace meets his friends, the farmers of Brighton,
and tells them, that he will go to London, and present
their petition to Lord John Russell, or to Lord Stanley,
and that he, the Duke, will talk to them about restoring
protection to the farmer.—(Hear, hear.) I tell his Grace
that it is of no use his going to men in power to talk about
restoring the corn-laws. Ws are in power on the corn-laws.
--(Tremendous cheering, which continued several minutes.)
Now I do feel somewhat indignant at this barefaced attempt
to delude honest men.—(Cheers.) I have had credit given
to me for seven years, for keeping my temper upon this sub-
ject.—(llear, and a laugh.) But I can't keep my temper
with humbugs.—(Loud cheering.) I want it to be understood
that, in dissolving this League, we are not going to be re-
vived again, to have a fresh contest about protection. We
have done with that.—(Cheers,) It the Duke of Richmond
had sense enough to be a reader, he would perceive that there
is something coming up behind the Anti-corn-law League—
to see that it is not merely protective duties that are getting
out of favour in the country, but that there is ran opinion
forming—aye, and gradually and surely growing up, too—
which is decidedly opposed, not merely to duties or pro-
tecien, bat to duties for revenue at all.—(Hear, hear.) I
venture to say that you will never live to see another states-
man in this country who will ever propose a custom-house
duty on any raw material, or on any article of first necessity,
such as corn.—(Cheers.) I question, indeed, whether you
will ever live to see a statesman in this country—at least a
statesman who has any aspirations for future fame, who will
ever propose another excise tax, or another custom-house
duty at all.—(Loud cheers.) Is this a time when
a roan who has an eye to look abroad, and sagacity to
understand the tendencies of the public mind ; is this a
time for a man having an honest purpose in view, to
tell a body of farmers that by running up and down the
country, and shouting in articulate sounds at his back, that
they can get the corn-laws restored.—(Hear, hear.) .Why, 1
am as anxious not to see such evident delusions practised
upon the poor people, as I am that the League, which we
are going; to bury, shall not be resuscitated.—(Hear, hear.)
Besides, Iwant to see the farmers, who are being bamboozled,
look about them—consult with their neighbours as to the
grievances which they feel, and the difficulties which they
have to undergo, in order that they may set really to work to
remove any circumstance which may prevent them from ex-
ercising their industry.—(Hear, hear.) Why, if these griev-
ances or impediments do exist, either in the form of
game-laws, or the want of better laws relating to the con-
nexion between landlord and tenant—if their difficulties
refer to any local or general question which admits of
legislation at all—then I do say that the farmers will find in
this assembly, and those whom this assembly represents,
a body as willing to do justice to them as to any Protec-
tionist landlord of them all.—(Cheers.) The only question
which can now arise in the farmers' minds is this, how are
we to compete with foreigners? It is no use talking of
having a restriction put upon the supply of food. Farmers
must compete with foreigners as we do—as you do.—(Loud
Cheers.) You must spin and weave as cheaply as anybody
in the world. They must do the same with regard to the
production of corn and cattle.—(Cheers.) You seek for no
protection. If the farmers can point out an item of protec-
tion which you enjoy, then I will vote against it. I will
vote for protection neither to the farmer nor to anybody
else. They say that they want high prices as a
condition to their trade being carried on. I tell
them on the other hand that such a wish is in-
compatible with the interests of the community, and
that we will not foster the class of farmers at the ex-
pense of the other classes of the country. Let them go back
and test the condition of the country in every respect during
the last ten or twelve years, and they will find that in pro-
portion as the prices of food have been high, in proportion,
in fact, as they have had their own wishes, have the rest of
the community suffered in every phase, moral, social, politi-
cal, and pecuniary in which it is possible to
svill not, sub-
view them.—
(Cheers.) Then I say that we cannot, and we
unit to a principle which, if it be successful,
fh comforts, dimi-
nished results in increase
of crime, increase of pauperism, diminished
means of general education, and diminished prospe-
rity.—(hear,is, that we must have
ritv.—(llear, hear.)
hood as cheap as it can\b‘erh'part weoduceda upon the face of the earth.
We will allow no impediment to frustratei the importation,,
of the first necessary of life, and if there be anybodywho
deems that state of things which. contributes. to the
happiness of the people to be incompatible with his own well-
being—then to him I say, " Search out the cause of the
phenomenon, and if it can be removed, we will contribute
to that removal, setting to work with as much zeal and
ardour as any Protectionist in whom vou ever trusted."—
(Loud cheering.) With this general declaration of our de-
termination to maintain fro trade in corn—of our willing-

64
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_

you Ines aecomplished your Breaal/Pindiatin one
sense, that there is no existing mode, by which man, woman,
or child, was taught or led to the truth, which does not
claim to a certain extent a portion of our tribut of praise.
But when that was done, it was still necessary that their
efforts should be collected into certain leading channels,
which would convey your wishes to the audible nerves of
those whose duty it was to hear and to obey.—(Loud cheer-
ing.) I need not tell you that I point to the consti-
tuencies of the country. You are a constituency, but
you are not all. In speaking to you I speak to all,
and if I point backwards to the success that is passed
I also point forward to the success that will be needful
afterwards.—(Hear, hear.) If it does so happen that we do
not all separate, then, the study of what is gone by must be
our direction for the future. Remember, then, that so soon
as it becomes manifest, through the legitimate organs of
power in this *country, that the popular will has decided en
the great point on which we meet to speak this evening, the
question is decided. If one power will not grant what the
popular will demands, another power will take its place and
do it. Have but the will, and if one power grant it not, it
I will but hold forth an opportunity ,for another power to bid
s
ad7ehiauirttofe 31,0tu o
comfortsthe interests er
at estss some
of e
e thexpewndoriltdut re a. ndus
ligher. I can imagine many things, which, with your
habitsn-
and opinions, you wish for the cessation of
andditu r3e, ius
mustthe d will treea n which
o mustcorru meetptsy again e
your domestic happiness,
I lay the axe to the root omefleosst Useless
xPt
rpterei ,
and in no long time, 3.0
congratulate
each other on a second series, of which the first w" harbinger. Already your power is felt. What bulthtlie
last but that the effect of your economical habitsdid ear
is rising
upwards, and the Lords of the Admiralty are about to take
stock at Christmas.—(Hear, and laughter.) There is hope
in that I say; nay more, there is the certainty of success in
it. You have hardly shown yourselves,; and here you have
conquered—when you do show yourselves what demand will
you be obliged to stop at, that you may have retrenchment,
peace; for peace is the pledge of retrenchment, as war is the
great outlet of national expenditure. It is an old saying,
that to have peace we must be prepared for war. Well,
suppose I close with that sentiment. You want to be
prepared for, war. I have a principle which is not bran
new, but which has some novelty on this sub-
ject. Suppose it is a settled object that we must
prepare for war. Let us bear in mind, that in the uncer-
tainty of all human events, we do not know but that at
some future time it may be necessary to make a great na-
tional exertion. What are we to do ? Look around at the
men—the conduct of your neighbours—to whom every 11812
can point, who have risen from small beginnings, till their
wealth now appears to have no end. How did they come
by it ? Not by spending every shilling as fast as they
got it.—(Cheers.) Not by borrowing at the pawnbrokers.—
(Great laughter and cheering.) No man ever heard of them
in these latitudes ; and what is funding by a nation but hor•
rowing at the pawnbrokers.—(Loud cheers.) What can
be more clear, if there be any analogy between public
and private prudence, than that the way to be pre-
pared for war is not to spend all beforehand ?
Take the case of France. It is possible that a compact
of the despots of Europe might invade that country, and so
induce the same necessity for defence as in former times.
What then ? Are the people of France to keep, themselves
prepared? No, the last thing we hear of them is that they
propose to reduce their army by 120,000 men. I congratu-
late them on the happiness which will fill 120,000 French
cottages when all these men come home.—(Leud cheering.)
What dancing and merrymaking there will be. What a
crop of honest popularity for the Government which shall do
this. And would it not give them strength ? Would not
every man, each with two more by his aide,
come forward again, if foreign invasion rendered it
necessary for the service of their country ? Now, in
Heaven's name, if there is any prudence in this, do
leave us in this country a few shillings to fructify in
our pockets.—(Loud cheers.) You have ways and means
which none know better than you, to make an
honest economy increase and multiply, if only you are al-
lowed a little in store, and why should the management of
the State be different from the management of our private
concerns? I believe that a sense of this truth has reached the
nations of Europe. Well, let us take the lead in this as we
have done in other questions—let us hazard a little, do not
wait till others step into the front before you—but let us an-
nounce to the world that the people of England have asked
their Government, and that their Government did not refuse,
to take the lead in removing the greatest evil in the way of
human happiness.—(Cheers.) There is work before you.
There is agitation before it can be done; and what harm
will there be in you when agitation is done with you?—
(Cheers and laughter.) By some people that word agitation
is very unjustly treated; for though there is a harmful and
injurious agitation, there is also a healthy agitation, which
ie necessary to the existence of life. We have lived in agi-
tation all of us. It has brought no harm to us, nor to any-
body else, that we know of.—(Cheers and laughter.) Let
us go on then. I hops we shall not be alarmed, though
we see some small symptoms of another agitation. Let us
endeavour to do our best to improve the constitution that
we may leave onr posterity something to be grateful to our
memories for, as we have to the memories of those who pre-
ceded us. I propose that we should drink to the health of
those constituencies which have returned free-trade Mem-
bers to Parliament.—(Loud cheers.)
DS r. Bainax then came forward, and was warmly received.
He said—Amongst the thousands present for the purpose of
rejoicing over the final end of the corn-laws, he claimed to
be one of those who had so much reason to rejoice. He had
been looking back mentally to thirty-four years past, when
the position of this country was very different to what it was
at present. On the 17th of February, it would be thirty.
four years since Lord Ripon offered to the House of Commons
resolutions of great consequence. One of those resolutions
asserted the desirability of taxing corn ; and a Bill, founded
en that resolution, was introduced in March ; two days after
it was brought in, and passed its second reading ; and seven
days after it passed the House, with ahurry that the House of
Commons would not employ on a Bill affecting dogs in draw-
ing carts. In the course of twenty days it passed the Lords.
What was the object of that Bill? To raise the price of
corn to eighty shillings per quarter, and whenever it reaches
that point the country was in a state of confusion. It wasi n
tracing back that law they saw the great revolution they
had effected. He (Mr. Bright) conceived that the Corn Bill
of 1815 combined within itself all the tyrannies that Govern-
ments had exercised over the human race. The corn-law
was passed to make the consumers give a larger amount to
the proprietors of the soil than they had a right to. How did
the proprietors of land look on the League? They looked
on the League with disgust, and when at this moment
their possessions might have been wrested from them, were
it not for our victory, they were not thankful to the League.
Why? It was not until 1838 that population had so in-
creased, and that competition had become so sharp, that
combinations were formed, and in the following spring the
Anti Corn-law League was established.—(Cheers.) Within
the last week he had been looking over the first pamphlet of
the League, and in the first number there was developed
something like the programme of the whole thing. Ur.
Paulton was then lecturing gratuitously. That lecturing
was continued up to the Bth of December, when he (Mr.
Bright) and Mr. Cobden read the celebrated article in the
Times, announcing Sir Robert Peel's intention to repeal the
Corn-laws, which he had made great efforts previously to
sustain. Amongst other places to which Mr. Poulton wen
was Tamworth, but he was refused the use of the Town-
hall by the Mayor. The people of Tamworth are
extremely cautious—( Cheers and laughter)—and the con-
sequence was no lecture could be given in Tamworth. H
hoped, however, that the people of Tamworth had since read
the lectures which had been delivered to them and to th
country, upon this subject, by their celebrated Member.
—( Hearty cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman referred to the
presence of two farmers on the platform (Mr. Hope and Mr.
Miller), and said that he wished that the land of the country
was at the disposal of the capital and skill of the country.—
(Great applause.) They did not speak of force during their
agitation, though he bad been honoured by the notice of a
Noble Lord, who stated that they were dangerous
parties. He was listening to the Noble Lord when
he was reading a paper in the House—and, though
be did not wish to turn the Members out of that
House, he did wish that the people should be so repre-
sented as to control the House of Lords.—(Cheers.) When
meetings were held in this hall, and in Covent-garden
Theatre, the country became aroused to the necessity of corn-
law repeal, and without risking something worse, the Go-
vernment could not hesitate to turn round and repeal the
Act they had hitherto supported; they had no compromise,
the thing was a wicked pretence, and they demanded its
repeal, and it was granted without a compromise; there was
a complete capitulation ; they marched out ; the reason
of the people was triumphant, therefore it was complete.—
(Cheers.) What was to be done for the future? There was
nothing which they wished for that was unattainable, if the
same means were used.—(Cheers.) As a people we have
found out we have some power.—(Cheers.) We have die-
covered we were not born with saddles on our backs,
and country gentlemen with spurs.—(Laughter.) We
have also found out that we can use and combine our powers.
Ile was anxious that the people should have an increasing
intelligence, to show them how to use power.—(Cheers.)
There was a revolution taking place in the country which
was bloodless, but would the Government learn from the
past? He believed that Government would not learn_.--
(Cheers.) Their Government would not learn as long as they
were irresponsible to the people.—(Cheers.) For thirty
years they allowed the corn-laws to exist, and the
reeult hai
been to spread democratic feeling, and the people were
what
P d. He (Mr.
look-
ing at the Government with a different ffeelingfrom"
g
it would, had these laws never been as
Government with
Bright) wished he could look upon the
Lords.
The Duke
respect. Look at the House
0f
ornaments, but was
of Richmond was one of its against its will
it not humiliating to see that House
(Cheers.) From this
passing
the Bill repealing the core-laws.—(Cheers.) a
v
for'ward to a new era. They
night he (Mr. Bright) looked
had many disasters at home;
they had disasters in the sister
tion for all this in the indi-
cations compensation island ; but there was
of a healthy political action in th cations which existed t
discuss ndition of freedom thate
country.—(liproaraL _
id bed, and h trusted
e that
public questions
s
what they had learned from the past would be
memory of this useful for the
and whilst theodious corn-law was
future;
about to expire rejoicing, amidst our they should ever re-
member
that there was no political good to which we can
d seek to be successful, which if
aspire an
it by we cannot obtain,
we labour to obtain these means which morality and
sanctioned
religion (Applause.) Mr. Bright concluded by
proposing the " Anti-corn-law struggle."
Mr. MILNER GIBSON, in proposing the next sentiment,
said that the Duke of Wellington had
at one time avowed
a that the object of the corn-law was to give the possessors
of
the :and a position in the social scale, to keep down the trad-
ing and commercial classes, and to make them secondary to
the aristocracy and to agriculture.—(Cheers.) The whole
policy of England had been to elevate the landed interest,
and to give it a higher position in the country. A man
might sell beef and bread andhave a place in the Government
of the country, but if he sold calicoes or dealt in clothing he
was not to be trusted. The repeal of the corn-laws was &
triumph over the spirit of feudalism.—(Cheers.) He (Mr.
Gibson) was of opinion that free-trade would promote peace,
and show to the world that they had confidence in their
principles, they should reduce the expenses of their fighting"
establishments, which
weighed
so heavily upon them.—
(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by pro-
posing " The Agricultural, Commercial, and Manufacturing
Interests," whose welfare is best promoted by the removal or
all legislative restrictions.- (Cheers.)
Mr. Horn, of Fenton Barnes, was called upon, and re-
sponded in a brief speech. This gentleman, at a few
'lutes to twelve o'clock, concluded his observations, and at
their close a party of singers, who were stationed in the gal-
lery, sang Mackay's celebrated song, " There's a good time
corning, boys." That time had come, protection had ceased a
and he proposed that they should thew their appreciation of'
it by giving three tremendous cheers.
The call of the Chairman was, as twelve o'clock struck,.
responded to in the most enthusiastic manner. The whole
company rose en masse and cheered most vociferously for
several minutes, hats and handkerchiefs were waving, and
the cheering was again and again renewed. At the conclu-
sion of the cheering, Mr. George Thompson addressed a few
observations to the meeting, and the proceedings terminated
at half-past twelve o'clock.

eeeive' ‘ • --i-elece under which
mess niae nr —and e li tile; expression of our ein-
cerest hope that the fanners will not allow themselves to be
duped, I pass from the subject, and that the more willingly,
as my friend Mr. Villiers has most ably said really every-
thing which can be said about ft.—(Heer, hear.) And now, as
we meet here for the last time as members of that great
and united body which effected the emancipation of our
industry, I cannot help saying that I should feel the
deepest regret in separating this evening, were it not, that
there is something in the toast which I am about to propose
which leaves me a hope that we shall not separate after all.
—(Tremendous cheering.) The toast which I have to pro-
pose is, " Free Trade and Peace—the best guarantees of
po-
pular rights—the best promoters of national industry, and the
most effectual means for the reduction of national burdee.s."
—(Loud cheers.) Well, I repeat, I don't think that we shall
separate for long after all, for if free trade and peace be
united together, why then I think that we have something
vet to do before we have finished our work.—(Hear, hear.)
I think that we may conscientiously co-operate to carry
out the second object of the toast ; indeed, I do
not think that there is one of this assembly but will be
as willing to work for one as for the other, and who
will not agree with me that the most logical conclusion
to Which we can come in arguing the matter is this,
that having effected free-trade, we are bound to see if we
cannot carry peace also.—(Hear, hear.) Now, when I
speak of peace, let it be clearly and erstood what I mean. I
have not had, for many years, any great fear of war; and for
this reason, that the nations of the world have already spent
so much money in war, that they are too poor to go to war
again—that what I want is, to reap the benefits of peace.
We have not peace.—(Hear, hear.) The present state of
things is but an armed truce.—(Cheers.) Our warlike esta-
blishments cost us more every year new than they did in
any one year of the seven years' war in the middle of last
century.—((;heers.) Yes, we now pay more for peace than
we did then for war. Now I don't call such a peace peace
at all.—(Hear, hear.) What I want is, that the advocates
of peace should try and secure to the country the bene-
fits of peace.—(Cheers.) I can talk to you on this
subject of peace in a very (afferent spirit and with the
expectation of very different responses from those which I
am in the habit of meeting with in that assembly to
which lam about to proceed.—(Hear and a laugh.) Why,
in that said assembly—as my friend Mr. Milner Gibson well
remarked—if you prognosticate peace, they charge you with
telling them of the millenium.—(A laugh.) Nay, if you
even express a hope for peace, up jump halt a dozen gentle-
men, exclaiming, " Peace—nonsense! You see how wrong
Cobden was when he talked of peace in Europe." Again
and again have people declaimed upon that topic. Why, if
they really represented the feelings of this assembly, they
would not exult, even though I were wrong; they would
come, not with smiling aspects, but with doleful counte-
nances, and say, " Well, you were too sanguine, and we are
all much disappointed."—(Hear, hear.) !tat there is nothing
of the kind. My alleged error is treated of in the most
exulting tone, as if it involved a triumph over
somebody else—a triumph not certainly for our interests.
Now I will tell you how this arises. The vast expenditure
you allow of in your warlike establishments creates
a powerful interest with which you have to battle.
The eighteen millions you spend in fighting men
make fighting men more fashionable in society : they can
give employment to the people—they can build the best
clubs in London—they manage to give a tone to society—
they can make it worth the while of journals to write for
them, and altogether they exercise a greater influence than
can be easily counteracted.—(Hear, hear.) Now, I wish to
see the same excellent people, who have been so long exert-
ing themselves to accomplish free-trade, exert their influ-
ence to bring about a real state of peace ; and, notwithstand-
ing all that has been said upon the subject, I believe that
there never was a time when the whole of Europe was so
much prepared to listen to the pacific advances of England
as it is at present.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Villiers has told us
that what passes in this room is not without its
influence abroad and over the world. This I can cor-
roborate. I have seen the proceedings of our last
meeting in this hall, in the French, the German,
and the Italian papers. Indeed my own humble sayings
have been made the subject of daily comment in the Paris
as well as the London journals.—(Hear.) Now this is a
state of matters which gives us great opportunities for in-
fluencing public opinion throughout the world. Let us bear
in mind that the press is now free throughout Europe.
(Cheers.) There are no longer censors in Germany, ready to
clip out with their scissors the objectionable paragraphs.—
(Hear, hear.) More than that, they will not return. I
think I may promise you that there will be no censorship in
Germany again until the Protectionists restore the Corn-
laws in England.—(Loud cheers.) Therefore it is lam glad
to have this opportunity of letting not only our own fellow-
countrymen, but all Europe, know that those men and wo-
men who exerted themselves with so much self-saeeifice and
so much honour to themselves to emancipate industry—that
they are as determined now to watch over and preserve the
peaceable relations of ,this country with foreign nations—
( Hear, hear)—that they are as much opposed to
war as to monopoly—(Cheers)—and as determined that
peace shall be henceforward a real peace, and not a mock
one.—(Hear.) I am glad to tell you there are some pros-
pects of our making a little progress next session, even in the
coming session.—(Hear, hear.) I must not, and you must
not, expect too much. We are not accustomed—we
Leaguers—and we do not expect, to have these changes
made in a session, or a year ; but, at all events, we shall see
a step taken in the right direction, and that is a very different
thing from last year, when there was a step taken in the
wrong direction.—(Hear, hear.) What I want to see is
our friends everywhere, in their different localities, uniting
to put down this spirit of war, which has spread
abroad amongst us, and helping those men in the House
of Commons who will be prepared to bring forward
measures for the reduction of our expenditure for
warlike purposes.—Near, hear.) If we have the co-opera-
tion of those who are represented by this great assemblage,
Awn I assure you that they will not take seven years to
effect large reductions in the military and naval expenditure
of this country.—(Hear, hear.) I hold that a reduction of
our expenditure and a lightening of our burdens are abso-
lutely needful—(Hear, hear)—for the well-being of the com-
munity. I say that we are very heavily weighted—that
there is too much money wasted—and that it is degrading to
us, and unbecoming of us, as a commercial people, to permit
such waste, such malversation of our funds.—(Hear, hear.)
I do not ask my friends to put themselves in the position of
being taunted with the reproach that they wish by a
hop, skip, and a jump to abolish all armaments, and
to abandon all means of defence. I do not ask any
one to put himself into that position. I do not in-
tend now, mark me, to ask whether that be or be
not the only position tenable, when referred to the highest
standard-..that of the New Testament. If we judge by that
test, then I fear that the extreme views would be found right,
and the moderate views wrong. But, speaking as a politi-
cian, as a legislator, and as a man of the world, I stand here
to advocate a large reduction in our expenditure for warlike
purposes.—(Hear, hear.) I do not think it necessary on
this, the 31st of January, 1849, to discuss the other, and wide
peaceful alternative ; I decline to receive it ; but what I do
advocate is a long stride in the direction of the Peace So-
ciety—(Hear)—and an instant start if we can make it. But
when we propose so rational a measure as the reduction to
10,000,0001. per annum of the amount spent in what is face-
tiously called our peace establishment, I am charged with
wishing to disband the army and navy, and so to lay us open to
any attack.—(Hear.) Why, think of the sum of 10,000,0001.;
it is twice as large a sum as the whole revenue of Prussia, it
is larger than that of Austria, it is half of that of Russia, and
twice as much as that of the United States; and yet, when
I talk about paring down our warlike establishments to this
sum' they turn on me and call me a Quaker.—(Cheers and
laughter.) They say, " La! his head is turned with free-
trade—lie went to the continent, was feted there, and came
hack saying that everybody was for tree-trade and peace."
• ow I never said, either in jpublic or in private, that I was
sanguine that the nations of the continent would follow our
example in a year or two. What I said was, that I believed
that it would take foreign nations many years of discussion
before there was reasonable probability of their following
our example; and I defy anybody to prove that, either in
public or in private, I said more or less. As regards peace,
I fully adhere, however, to my opinions. Ido not think
anything of the late revolutions. Why, almost every revo-
lution which has happened was justified by the events which
produced it.—(Hear, hear.) 1 heard Lord John Russell say,
in the House of Commons, that the people of the Continent
were paying a heavy price for their liberties; but, he said
not higher than they were worth. But I maintain this, that
we have fairly and logically connected free institutions
abroad with the progress of pacific prime iples ; for, notwith-
standing what has been said of the tendency of the demo-
cratic principle towards war, I deny it. I say that the
snore we have freedom of communication—the more
the people are accustomed to take part in their own affairs
the more that public opinion is brought to act upon foreign
as well as domestic matters, the greater chanceltliere is for the
preservation of peace. I hope to live to see the time when
foreign affairs will be taken altogether out of the secrets of
a cabinet, or of a foreign minister, and will be made to un-
dergo a discussion as publicly among ourselves as domestic
affairs do now. lam against all monopolies of states, and I
hope to see the monopoly of the Foreign-office and the mono-
poly of the cabinet so invaded, that they shall not be allowed
to engage in a treaty which may involve you in the
liabili-
ties and risks of war without its first undergoing public
discussion.— (Loud and continued cheering.) And I am
equally prepared to maintain that the free-trade prin-
ciples necessarily conduce to peace; and I maintain this
without reference to what has been done on the Continent.
I take free-trade as the settled principle of England, and I
say that is a guarantee for the peace of England. Formerly
our colonies were the most potent argument—the most pre-
vailing reason for our going to war. It was justly stated by
Mr. Huskisson that all the wars of England for the last two
centuries may be traced to our desire for a commercial
monopoly. I believe it may be fairly stated that all our
wars—all our bloody contests for the last 200 years, have
sprung from a latent belief that by acquiring commercial
supremacy, by dint of force upon the ocean, we should be
able to recompense ourselves for the expenses of the war.
So, in the beginning of the last French war, for seven
years we were engaged, not in fighting the French at their
own doors, and on their own coasts, but in the capture and
seizure of their colonies. We were never happy unless
the bells were ringing for some island captured or
some continent seized; and it was believed by the mass of
the people, and by many eminent statesmen in this coun-
try, whilst you were spending tens and hundreds of millions,e
that the possession of those islands, the acquisition oafttthhoags
continents, would reimburse you for all the outlay.
the Etriumph
delusion is past. We have put in practice, bee
seventy years ago, that a nation does ii).tc:ig
lalar countr. He
of League principles, what Adam Smith
gain commercial
advantages by confining its trade to a pari
totropical grow
demonstrated also, seventy years ago, that,
en
countries for the sake of growing oura o uca is
as unprofitable as if we were to get
our own vegetables
Adam Smith thus demonstrated
market.—(Cheers.) What.
penetrating a century in ad-
vanceby the force of own
et
at. tgpoiLradal
instead of sending
.for them to the common
kitwc
his
genius, penetrating
in practice.—(Cheers.) But
of his age,
that we shall promote our own -
to war— pros-
if so, how will it we have
hbaelieved hereafter, that there is any
profit in going
war?_ (Cheers.)
Ithat
We know better now, and
say England has made a
particularly our tropical colonies, on the capture
p6rity by engaging in a long and bloody
great step towards peace, for it is now demonstrated that our
awnedso much congratulated ourselves duringand thetha last
as
ot
Nocvfoal‘rov,nhliiieacti'e turned out worse than useless to us,
far as the profit and loss of the last year is concerned, the
vast
for and
the
loss in a pecuniary sense has been great, while the loss to
ovvreerewe
rhveal mt
oi nng .
of s
eaayc, then,.e hthisi
si humanity
guaranteether has
been I
full faith that other nations will
reciprocate these feelings—
that an increase in your imports will lead, as my friend
Villiers has said, to an increase in your exports, and that by
thus connecting and logically identifying as we have done,
the principles of free-trade
with the principles of peace, you
will gradually, not immediately, but gradually and cer-
tainly, circulate and spread our opinions through the uni-
versal world. I believe we are now at the beginning of a
great world-wide revolution, which is destined to circulate
round the globe, and to end only with time itself; and 1 be-
lieve that the beginning and the dawn of that revolution
were laid at our own meetings in the Free-trade Hall.—
(Prolonged and universal cheering, in the midst of which
the Hon. Gentleman sat down.)
Colonel THOXIPSON was received with load cheers. He
said—My appointed mission to-night is to call your atten-
tion to the organs or leading instruments through whom

The Marquis of finsdowne (Lord President of the Coun—
cil) gave a full dress dinner yesterday, at Lansdowne House,
to the mover and seconder of the address in the House o f
Lords, several of the Cabinet Ministers and Officers of SW .e
of the Queen's Household, and a party of Peers.