The Sun.
London, England, 1849-10-19 00:00:00

FRIDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 19 1849.

above the sewer a layer of gas lime, which had been
used for purifying gas, had been placed over the
sewer, through which the surface rain-water
had penetrated, and produced the by Ira= en
gases which prevailed in the sewer. le
concluded his evidence by stating that he had
repeatedly been in metropolitan sewers similarly con-
structed and sealed up from the air like this one, and
containing a much larger amount of refuse, but he
had never experienced gases like that which existed
in this sewer, or that were at all dangerous to life.
The CORONER—What lamp did you take with
you on these occasions ? Witness—A Davy lamp.
The CORONER—Why did you take that description
of lamp? Witness—To prevent explosion. The
common gas sometimes escapes into the sewers, and
if we bad not the lamp it would explode.
The CORONER—WiII not the other gases produced
by the sewerage deposit ignite too? Witness—No,
they will not.
The CORONER—Ought not some precaution to be
taken to destroy these gases before sewers are entered?
Witness—Precautions are taken for that purpose, but
my experience leads me to believe that there is not
a sewer in London which, without some extraordinary
circumstances, as in this case, to produce it, that
contains gas detrimental to health, or dangerous to
life. (The witness, then read the report, which
was submitted on Wednesday to the Court
of Sewers. It stated that the sewer con-
tained a quantity of sand or earthy matter
I covered with a dark green fluid, emitting the tame
odour that was found to prevail in the lime refuse
with which the sewer was covered.)
By the Jury—The Warwick-street sewer was
reported to be in a very bad state in 1848, and it was
possible that some of the gases and deposit in
it might have escaped into the Kenilworth sewer. In
his opinion, the sewerage fluids of large towns ought
to be conveyed away in pipes. It, however, could
only be done under a general system, but that system
could easily be carried out. It would altogether de-
stroy the bad gases which were so injurious to health
in large towns. The sewerage, immediately that it
was produced in a house, ought to be at once carried
off through the medium of pipes, as he had
already described. He had entertained that notion
about five years, and he had frequently recommended
lin public the adoption of invulnerable drains and
pipes in large towns, for the purpose of carrying off
the sewage matter produced in every dwelling-house.
The witness was examined by Mr. Hopgood, a
solicitor, on behalf of Mr. Thomas Cubitt,
and admitted that this sewer was well and
efficiently constructed. He believed the fall of the
sewer was into Warwick-street sewer, but he had
some recollection that it was originally intended to
make the fall towards the Thames. The fall was
about 1 in 3,500, almost a dead level. He found none
of the gas refuse in the sewer, but he felt quite cer-
tain that rain water had perforated the sewer. That
belief was not absolutely induced by the similarity
between the smell of the water and that of the gas
lime. He was quite certain that none of the
refuse could be found in the sewer, but
the accumulated matter in the sewer had been a
good deal trampled upon. The lime refuse was
tound lying over the spot where the men fell and
died. The sewer had been formed about two years,
but during that time the Commissioners had done
nothing to cleanse it.
By the Jury—The flushing system had not been
applied to this locality.
By Mr. T. Cubitt—These sewers, if properly
constructed, ought to carry off the refuse, and he
believed they were so in every respect.
Mr. T. Cubitt—And yet it appears that there
is a foot of refuse in the sewer, which is a
very considerable accumulation indeed. Now
these sewers are under the superintendence
of the Metropolitan Commissioners, and they ought
to clean them out. Formerly if an accumulation
took place notice was given to the Commission and
they had it carted away, but now the Commission
resort to flushing, and the consequence is
the refuse of one district is carried to another. Now,
if this sewer was properly constructed, ought it not to
have been perfectly dry at the bottom ? W itness—
I think so, but then the sewer is almost on a dead
level.
Mr. T. Cubitt—The fact is the Commissioners have
neglected to have the sewer cleansed.
Andrew Ure, of 24, Bloomsbury-square, a doctor
of medicine, but now chiefly employed as an analy-
tical chemist, was next called in and examined.
He stated that a bottle of the water found
in the sewer had been handed to him by the last
witness, which he now produced, as also a piece of the
gas lime which had been found over the sewer, and
another piece which be had picked up out of the
shelving of the sewer found in the trench
which bad been opened in Kenilworth-street. The
earthy matter which he produced was a refuse of
lime of gasworks impregnated with sulphuretted
hydrogen, certain prussic acid compounds, and
little ammonia of hydro-sulphate, which were all
exceedingly noxious to life, and were liable
to be liberated by the action of the carbonic
acid of the :atmosphere, to "be washed out by the
rains, and to percolate down through the crevices and
joints of the arched roof of the sewer. The water in
the sewer contained the same poisons, and it was
these which had produced the death of the victims.
The inquiry was ultimately adjourned till Monday
next, at eleven o'clock.

ITALY.
M. Mercier left Rome for Naplle3 on the Bth.
The Italia del Popoto contains a leading article
by Mfazzini on the subject of the trial now going
on at Versailles, from which we glean the following
pass;:iges

" Phis trial will be regarded as an Italian fact, ser-
viceable to our cause through the instrumentality of
those who, by injustice, hatred, and criminal resistance,
threw obstacles in the way of the infallible arrival of a
period when the sister nations will go hand in hand.
These men are our brethren, their hearts throbbed with
enthusiasm when Italy returned to life at Rome, as ours
throbbed with joy when France awoke in 1848. And
now they are accused for the same cause for which we
are proscribed. We do not know whether in France
judges will be found to condemn men who had attempted
to save the victim when the sacrifice was over. But we
know that to justify themselves before impartial France
and Europe, they need only lay one hand on the Consti-
tution and the other on the Papal nootu proprio of the
12th of September. The question is decided—' France
shall never employ her forces against the liberty of
any nation.' Rome lived under a republican govern-
ment., issued from an assembly elected by universal
suffrage. The republic has been overthrown by French
arms, i❑ order to substitute—whet? A government
issued from the will of the people, once more consu ted?
No; a motu proprio of the fallen Pope. And does
this motu proprio at least establish some guaran-
tees, a legal system of any description ? No ; the
part it all.ms to some persons chosen or approved
by the Pope is merely consultative.. The Pope may
effect his will; the Roman people can do nothing. Has
the French Government violated Art. 5 of the Constitu-
tion ? Let the sentence of the judges be what it may,
all Europe will answer—Yes ! the. Article has been
violated. We repeat it; the 12th of September has
decided the question. And whatever be the sentence of
the judges, let the accused console themselves; sooner or
later they will leave their prison greeted with the grate-
ful applause of France."
The Piedmontese Gazette of the 13th, the only
Turin papar it seems that appeared on that day, in
consequence of the funeral ceremony of the 12th, has
the following on the subject :—" Yesterday was for
the city of Turin a day which will leave a per-
manent impre3sion in the heart of every one.
Dating from that day, a new destiny, as it were,
will commence in our fatherland. The august
remains of him, who was more a father than
a king, whom we saw eight months ago abandon
his palace to fight for the sacred eause of the
nation, were brought into the capital in the midst
of an innumerable multitude. The ashes of that
great Prince will be the palladium of those liber-
ties which he so generously conferred upon his
people." The same journal then, atter noticing that
the enthusiasm of the people was by no means
diminished by the rain that began at noon and did
not end till halt. past two, and that every window
in the streets through which the procession passed
had been carefully adorned with black hangings,
promises to give a detailed account of the mournful
pageantry in a future number. It mentions, how-
ever, the inscriptions which adorn a magnificent
pavilion and triumphal arch erected before the gates
of the city. These inscriptions were to the following
purport :
" Alas! how didst thou leave Albert, to increase

the sorrow of our days of grief, and how dolt thou re-
turn! Thou art the sigh, the symbol, and the banner
of Italy, and on thy sacred ashes is written our hope!"
"The star of Italy cannot set. The mind sees, the
heart feels, and the world honours it. Let there be praise
and not tears for Charles Albert!"

"Italy has awarded thee, tho vanquished in a most
noble cause, the palm of victory. Wuat can force effect
against noble feelings? King Charles Albert, thine is
the moral triumph !"

MR. PIPS HIS DIARY.
(From Punch.)
THURSDAY, OCT. 11, 1849.—T0 the Docks to
meet Mr. Soker, and go over the Wine Vaults with
a Tasting Order, and taste the Wine there before it
had undergone any Roguery for the Market. Found
there Salter, and Mr. Wagstaffe, and S wilby, and
Swype, and 5 or 6 more, and with them Mr. Good-
fellowe, who had gotten Soker the Order. First to
the Quay, heaped with Barrels of Wine, close as
Pebbles on a Beach, and one huge Barrel, they did
tell me, holding 625 Gallons, and I wondering how it
could have been hoisted ashore, Mr. Wagstaffe did
say, by an Adjutant, or Gigantic Crane. Then,
through all Manner of Casks and Tubs, and Bales of
Merchandise, to St. Katherine's Dock, and down to
the Vault, where a Cooper forthwith did wait on us
with a Couple of Glasses, and gave each Man a flat
Stick with a Lamp at the farther End, to see our
Way, and we looked Goblins with Torches in a'
Pantomime. The Vault almost quite dark, only
lighted by Sconces from the Roof, and the farthest
Sconce looking Half- a•Mile off, and all this Space full
of Barrels of %Vine ! The Roof supported by Rows
of Columns; and the. Vault altogether like the Crypt
of a Cathedral, but 20 times as big, and more than 20
sweeter; the Air smelling of Wine very strong,
which alone did make me feel giddy. Strange
to see the Mildew hanging in all sorts of Forms
from the Roof, which many do mistake for
Cobwebs, but some call Fungus, and Dr. Lim-
beck, the Chymist, do tell me is mostly Nitrate
of Lime. The Cooper did lead us to the \Vine we
were to taste, and pretty to see him tap the barrel by
boring a Hole in it with a Gimlet. We did drink, all
round, a good Ale glass each of excellent Sherry, all
except Mr. Goodfellowe ; and I did wonder to see him
taste the Wine and call it rare good Stuff, and yet
spit it out, but found by and by that he was wise.
Next, to the London Dock; and Mr. Goodfellowe
did give us Biscuit, and recommend us to eat, and I
did take his advice, and glad I did. Here, more
curiosities in Mildew, hanging from the roof: and
one a festoon as big as the great Sausage in the Pork
shop at the corner of Bow-street. A good story from
the Cooper, of a Visiter that would needs take a
Specimen of the Mildew away, and put it in his Hat,
and with the Moisture of his Head, it melted and
blackened his Face, and served him right, that—like
more than enough Sight-seers—could not keep his
Hands from Picking. To several Vaults, and tasted
Wine in each ; all very vast, but the East Vault the
biggest, and do contain more thousand Pipes, and
cover more Acres than I duubt, by Reason of the
Wine I drunk, I can remember. After tasting so
much, our Party very jolly and noisy, and did begin
to dance and sing, and flourish their Lamps like
Playhouse Devils ; and methought I did see the
Meaning of the Notice outside, that Ladies could not
be admitted after one o'clock. Coining into the open
Air, our Company could scarcely stand; and Mr.
Goodfellowe did see them into two Cabs, and I home
on foot—l fear not very straight—and my Wife
wondering at the Redness of my Nose. Good Lack,
to see the Quantity of Goods and Wine in the
Docks; and to think what a great and mighty Na-
tion we are, and what Oceans of Liquor we do swill
and guzzle !

SOCIETY FOR THE RELIEF OF WIDOWS AND
ORPHANS OF MEDICAL MEN.—The half-yearly general
meeting of the Society fer the Relief of Widows and
Orphans of Medical Men it London and its vicinity,
was held on Wednesday at the Gray's Inn Coffee-house,
Mr. Martin Ware in the chair. Mr. Walsh, the secretary
of the society, read an abstract of the treasurer's account
for the half-year ending 20th of May last, from which
it appeared, that the income for the half-year amounted
to 1,6931. 143. 5d., including a balance from the previous
year of 2261. ls. Hid., a sum of 5001. Bs. 4d. withdrawn
from the Funds, an two legacies amounting to 5551.
From the account of the disbursements, the number
of recipients during the six months appeared to have
been 48, who received the following sums, being
half-yearly fixed amounts:—Thirty-two widows, 171.
103. each, 5601.; one, 12/. 103.; four orphans, 12/. los
each, 501.; eleven children, 6/. each, 661.; one widow,
101., a donation; salaries and incidental expenses
amounted to 551. 16s. 10d.; sum placed in the Funds,
5501. ; and the balance remaining at the bankers' was
3891. 7s. 7d. The members proceeded to fill up, by
ballot, the vacancies in the direction, the result of which
was, that Mr. T. C. Stone was declared one of the vice-
pre+idents, Mr. R. Blagden one of the treasurers; Dr.
Nairne, Dr. Jeafferson, Mr. C. Hawkins, Mr. 11. Han-
cock, Mr. W. T. Duff and Mr. J. Ansel!, directors.
Since the close of the half-year, on the 20th May last,
several new recipients_ hate been placed on the funds of
the society, and to one of them, the widow of a distin-
guished medical gentleman, who has been left with six
children, the court of directors voted an annual pension
of 1071., to continue till her children reach the age of
lourteen; yet her husband had only contributed 14/. 14s.
in all to the society's funds. The institution reckons
nearly 400 members, but it was observed that if, as it is
supposed, there are 3,000 medical men in London and
the vicinity, the nutnber who support this deserving
charity is comparatively small.
SUICIDE AT TUB SURREY LUNATIC ASYLUM.—
Oa Wednesday, Mr. W. Carter, coroner for East Surrey,
held an inquest at the Surrey County Lunatic Asylum,
Garratt-lane, Wandsworth, upon the body of Eliza
Griffiths, aged 46, the wife of a policeman, at Rother-
hithe, who had committed suicide by hanging herself.
Mr. Stephen Bridgeland, the steward, proved that the
deceased (a suicidal case) was admitted into the Asylum
for a second time, on the 221 of June last, and prior to
her first admission she had been an inmate of Bethlem.
Elizabeth Jenkins deposed she was a nurse employed in
the institution. The deceased being unwell for some
days, had been allowed to remain in LA, and her meals
sere taken to her. Witness saw the deceased between
11 and 12 on Saturday, when she had her dinner. Wit-
ness did not see deceased again until between 4 and 5
o'clock, when she found her suspended by a cord fi one
the wire grating of the window ; her feet did not touch
the floor. She was instantly cut down. Deceased had
previously attempted suicide by thrusting her scissors
into her side. Mr. Snape, the medical officer on the
female side, having proved that the deceased bad be(n
dead for two hours Shen he was called to her, and stated
that he had no doubt the death was her own act, the
Jury retureed a verdict " That the deceased destroyed
her life by hanging herself, being insane."
We understand that Lord and Lady Blantyre have
taken taken a residence in Edinburgh, where they
the Duchess of Sutherland, and sistuns, th
remain for some time and that the noble lady 'lntend
:ileTestsheor;
Argyle and Lady Constance
Gower, are ex-
pected in a day or two to visa noble relative.—
w
Edinburgh Advertiser.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.

TIMES.—The combination of parties which has
hitherto preserved the majority in the National As-
sembly of France, and has presented a successful
resistance to the violence of the revolutionary faction,
obviously possesses no bond of union but its common
fears. It acknowledges no man as its responsible
leader—it obeys no definite system of policy—it aims
in secret at different and incompatible objects—and it
is united by no principle but dread of the revolution
and aversion to the form of government which a
series of startling accidents and
_impostures have
inflicted on the French nation. To say the truth, it
is not the mere form of Republican Government
which is the cause of all the calamities of France.
The world has in all ages beheld Republics, from
those of antiquity to that of the United States, pos-
sessing all the qualities of a free, vigorous, and pros-
perous Government; under that form very absolute
powers have been exercised, and few such common-
wealths have ever enjoyed the same degree of liberty
which flourishes under the happy shelter of the
British Monarchy. The question in France is
not one of form, and it has been argued
with some show of reason that in that coun-
try the privileges of hereditary sovereignty
and the trappings of a Court are rather injurious than
profitable to the permanent interests of authority, be-
cause they excite in a lively manner that envious and
discontented spirit which is the bane of democratic
society. Be the form, then, what it may, the same
evils and the same difficulties subsist. The same
passionate pursuit of the prizes and distinctions con-
ferred by the State, which inflame the cupidity and
ambition of all classes—the same eager desire to make
the State minister to every want and accomplish every
duty, even at the cost of that independence which is
the root of genuine freedom—the same odious distrust
of the motives and character of those by whom the
affairs of the nation are carried on—the same desire
to lower whatever is exalted, and to change whatever
is established—the same endless divisions arising from
all these causes, where personal interest or vanity are
too often substituted for patriotism, and where the
only political party which finds it convenient to avow
its real principles is that which is at this moment
upon its trial before the High Court of Versailles.
In such a state of things a slight cause may suffice to
occasion a serious misunderstanding between the va-
rious elements of the majority ; and the consequences
which have already resulted from M. Tliiers' report
on the Roman expedition establish the existence of
important differences between the existing Govern-
ment and that party by which it has hitherto been
upheld. It is possible that on the present occasion
these differences may be made up, or at least con-
cealed, though even that is doubtful ; but they are,
by their nature, so deeply seated and so real, that
they cannot fail to lead eventually to far more serious
consequences. M. Thiers has, after considerable
hesitation, taken up his position at the head of the
most reactionary party in the Assembly. He is
aware that this party, which is in itself the strongest
section of the Legislature, only requires a leader to
go all lengths in its resistance to the revolution both
in France and abroad. His facile elocution and his
practical talents are calculated to produce the greatest
effect on the numerous class of timid and inex-
perienced politicians whom the agitation of these
times has thrown together, and who are eagerly
watching for the orator who will satisfy their
perplexed understandings, and the statesman who
will promise some short cut to the rescue of the
country. To these may be added, though with
greater reserve, that portion of the Legitimists
whom M. Thiers has conciliated by his recent

devotion to the interests cf the Church ; and
with such support it is not unlikely that the ex•
leader of the Liberal Opposition to the Monarchy
may recruit an ultra-Conservative majority in the
Assembly of the Republic. We say at once, that
if this is to be the fate of the great party
which the French nation requires for the restoration
of order and peace, nothing could be more fatal to its
true interests and its eventual success. For such
duties the first conditions are high principles and
undaunted resolution—it has been the deplorable fate
of M. Thiers to compromise the loftiest positions and
to plunge those who have trusted him headlong into
ruin, because he wanted such principles, and because
in great emergencies such resolution forsakes him.
The failure of 1836 and the failure of 1840 may be
forgotten, but history will not acquit the Minister
who ordered the troops to withdraw, and subsequently
made an ignoble retreat from the Chamber of Depu-
ties on the 24th February, 1848. Such, however, is
the man who not only aspires to lead the majority of
the Assembly, but who has commenced a more
active campaign by throwing down a challenge to the
policy of the President. It was by no oversight that
M. Thiers omitted all allusion in his report to the cele-
•

brated letter of Louis Napoleon to Col. Ney ; on the
contrary, the whole spirit of the report is in contradic-
tion to the more liberal views and conditions on which
the Government and the President had professed to act.
They had made the amnesty, the secularization of
the Papal Government, and the introduction of
reformed laws essential conditions ; M. Thiers ex-
pressed, on behalf of the committee, a readiness to
accept the last consequences of a Papal restoration,
bound by no serious engagements, odious to the
Roman people, and derogatory to France. This
contest led to a crisis. The existence of the
Ministry seemed to be threatened, but the cha
racter and policy of the President were as much
at stake as those of his Government. Explanations
ensued which are said to have averted the danger,
but in the course of these transactions it has become
apparent that the real command of the majority is
not in the hands of the Ministers, but of M. Thiers;
that under his guidance and inspiration the majority
is more reactionary than the Ministry ; and that it
entertains so little respect for the President, as to
place him between an humiliating surrender of his
own opinions, when they are obviously dictated by
a generous and enlightened policy, or an open
rupture. Some such conflict is the inevitable result
of the provisions of the French Constitution, which
has created and opposed to one other, two co equal,
permanent, and rival powers ; and it is aggravated
by the character and position of the men who wield
those powers respectively. So that the one and the
other exist under the threat or the temptation of the
coup d'etat which will one day cut the insoluble
problem. If circumstances have occurred to alienate
from Louis Napoleon those parties who at first rallied
round him and accepted his election ; if the Legiti-
mists are prepared to risk their cause by any open
manifestation of the indiscreet policy of their leaders
and the crude fanaticism of their adherents, contrary
to the wishes of the Count de Chambord himself; if
M. Thiers imagines that the moment is come when he
can assume the direction, or at least the irrespon-
sible control of affairs, by the aid of the
bourgeoisie, the Orleanists, and the alarmists ; if
the Republican minority still pursues its frantic
chimeras ; the party of Louis Napoleon himself
would find itself reduced to very limited numbers in
the Assembly, and out of the Assembly his firmest
hold would be in the army. There undoubtedly his
popularity has not diminished, and his conduct to the
troops, both at home and in Italy, has been judicious
and effective. But to attempt the solution of such
difficulties by a blow is evidently in the highest de-
gree perilous ; and though such expedients may long
sppear possible, if not probable, in France, it is the
interest of all men, and above all it is the interest of
the nation, to avoid any sudden catastrophe, which
would give the signal for an eruption of all the fac-
tions, the divisions, and the political bands which in-
fest the country both above and below its surface.
These things cannot last. The edifice is built
without solidity of material or solidity of structure,
and all the elements which have successively over-
turned the mightiest Governments of the past
century are already warring against it. Yet again
we say, it is not so much by the fault of this Govern-
ment, either in its form or in its measures, as by the
present unhappy constitution of society itself, that the
French nation is hourly menaced with increasing
ruin. Democracy has literally devoured and swept
away the columns and bulwarks of the State, until
nothing remains to be destroyed but property in its
primitive form; and even that is attacked. The
moral state of the nation is even worse, since all
faith, contentment, and trust in the laws and insti-
tutions of the land are shaken, not to be restored.
Destruction has itself become a faith with the wilder
and more impatient sort of minds; and even at the
moment when some progress had been made in the
recovery of industry and ease, that authority which
can alone save the country totters on the brink of
perdition, alternately attacked by its open enemies,
or torn asunder by the more implacable passions and
more insatiable intrigues of those who call themselves
its counsellors and its friAnds.
POST.—Our advices from Vienna speak again of
executions. The official Gazette of Pesth announces,
it will be seen, the sentence passed by the court-
martial of Arad o thirteen of the late Hungarian
leaders. Of these, Colonel Kiss alone was condemned.
to be shot—the rest were doomed to a moreigconn°--
minious death. Haynau, the General-in. _ _
firmed the decision of the Court, but . afterwards
commuted the sentence in favour of Captain Desevvlfy
and Lieutenant Lazar. These, with Colonel Kiss,
were shot ; the remaining ten were hanged on the
6th inst., the anniversary of the murder of Count
Latour, and of the revolution at Vienna. It was on
the same day, as our readers are aware, that Count
Louis Batthyany suffered death at Pesth. The pro-
perty of the condemned, whether moveable or im-
moveable, and in whatsoever place to be found, was
ordered to be confiscated. By this decree the widows
and families of the chiefs are left destitute; and
punishment even in respect of worldly means is
extended to innocent perions, the cup of whose
sorrow might already have been deemed full.
Had the Hungarian insurrection been without any
particle of justification, and had the unaided power of
Austria been able to put it down, these proceedings

would have been characterised by the untempered
severity of justice. Even then the absence of mercy
must have required explanation, and could only have
been defended by considerations, not one of which can
be pretended in the present case. The Hungarian
movement was not, as we have often had occasion to
show, without a cause. It was stimulated by a gross
violation of the imperial faith, and by a determination
to maintain an ancient, an honourable, and a guaran-
teed national independence, invaded by means which,
though they might be sustained by real policy or by
imagined power, were without the sanction of law
or justice. Men who rose in such a cause,
though misled into dangerous extravagances in its
assertion, cannot be regarded as meriting the death
of felons; and if there were amongst them any who
deserved so bad a pre-eminence over their fello c
nothing is more certain than that their guilt she i I
have been made manifest by due process of criminal
law. And besides the general principle which has thus
been violated in the face of the world, some rsspect
was due to the urgent appeal which the Emperor of
Russia made, in the hour of a victory not due to
Austrian arms, but to the mercy of the Sovereign
whose unbought generosity had saved his empire.
The amnesty sought by the Czar was without
exceptions. If Batthyany or any of his colleagues in
the insurrection had been concerned in the infamous
murder of Latour, they were responsible to justice,
and might have been punished with the approbation
of Europe for that fact. But it would seem that these
executions have become atrocities, revolting to the
sense of common humanity, by the absence of any
attempt to prove that they are inflicted for aught
beyond the act of having borne arms in a cause which
might have been, and probably was, in the estimation
of the victims, none other than that of
their country and her most sacred rights.
Of the value of Austria to Europe we are fully
sensible, and it has been our duty not seldom to
define its extent and explain its importance. But we
cannot deceive ourselves into the belief that one such
act as that now under notice is not more perilous -to
the stability of Austrian power than many such in-
surrections even as that which has required the aid of
nearly 200,000 foreign troops to subdue. The Cabinet
of Vienna must justify these proceedings fully and
promptly, or it must confess itself a more dangerous
enemy to the Emperor of Austria, and to the lasting
peace of Europe, than any combinations, armed or
otherwise, which Magyar disaffection could ever form
We cannot doubt that these sentiments, which are
universal throughout England, will hold their due
place in the correspondence between the Courts of
London and Vienna. It must sicken every loyal
heart to see, the councillors and representatives of
legitimacy lending themselves to the most degrading
practices of disorder and revolution.