The Sun.
London, England, 1831-06-01 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Art ntiempt is making to prescribe to the House
of Lords a method of defeating the Bill for Reform,
which at least would have the merit of novelty, for
that House has hitherto usually confined itself
-within the bounds of duty, and abstained from any
aggrandisement of its powers at the expense of the
other House of Pa liamenta But the course whicl
is now recommended to it would at once affect thi
Tight of the Commons to originate any Bill ;
for it is advised, as soon as Parliament is assem-
bled, anti before any other business is transacted
that the Upper House should mass some decla-
ration against Reform, or *t least against the spe•
title measure by whikh it is about to be produced.
A declaration tea either of these effects would bt
very absurd and dangerous ; for if agesiest Reform
generally, bow can this he done, when almost
all the Members of the Upper House have beer,
brought to acknowledge that Far:* Reform is neces-
a.ary, is indispensable ? If against the specific
measure, what right can the Upper House have so
declare its opinion upon a Bill only just introduced
into Parliament, and as yet before the Lower House ?
The counsel, therefore, given to the House of Lord'
seems to be neither more nor less than this,—involve
yourselves as soon as possible in a quarrel with the
Commons, and with wrong on your side. The Lords
are too prudent to comply with this advice. They
will probably wait till the Bill comes before them
from the Commons, and then give it that Calm and
respectful consideration which the importance of
the subject and the previous decision of one branch
of the Legislature respecting it require. We do not
fear for the success of the Bill with the Lords, if it
pass the Commons in a consistent and proper shape.
—Times.
The address of Lord Milton to the freeholders of
Northamptonshire is an enlightened and generous,
and, in some of its allusions to the personal circum-
stances of the writer, a very affecting production.
One, whose " bosom is a stranger to joy," has been
dragged from that retirement which he had devoted
to the indulgence of melancholy feelings, or to the
discharge of domestic and pious duties, and is
clothed with a most conspicuous public trust, at a
time of fierce pulitical struggle, into the midst of
which he will be forced to plunge by the necessary,
effect of the obligations thus suddenly cast upon
him. His Lordship's notice of the late election,
and of its result, so favourable to the cause of the
people of England, was accompanied by much
liberality of expression towards Mr. Cartwright, the
unsuccessful candidate. " The defeat" (says Lord
Milton) " has nat been INIr. Cartwrieht's: it has
been the defeat of a system and set of opinions." Lord
Milton then goes on to re-assert the important maxim
that knowledge is power, and traces the augmented
influence of the yeomanry and tradespeople through-
out the kingdom to the rapid spread of useful infortmo
Lion amongst them. The fact is, that an acquaint-
ance with their own strength, and with the most
effectual means of directing it simultaneously to a
common object, is the most precious of all know-
ledge that a nation can acquire, being, indeed, the
only secure species of aerriament against enemies in-
ternal or foreign. Lord Milton is wise as well as
upright, in declaring that he " does not lament the
change" which breaks up the monopoly of power
by certain great proprietors, and diffuses it amongst
the people at large. This for such a man is an
honest sentiment, because, if any body could hope for
immediate profit by the continuance of monopoly in
a few hands, it might be Lord Milton ; and it is
wise, because, in the long run, and in the general
account of things, the monopolist of power, which
is but another name for a despot, must feel himself
in a position of no small peril, while surrounded by
a community which has begun to understand the
rights of all its members. We have already hinted
some of our own doubts as to the policy of extend-
ing the elective franchise to leaseholders, save
under circumstances which were likely to render them '
in a great degree independent of their landlords. It
has always,indeed,appeared to ue,that tenants at will,
or from year to year, we wholly out of the ques-
tion as being fit repositories for so grave a
public trust. Others have added, that every tenant
ought, as a justification for granting him the eke-
tire franchise, to be in actual possession of a lease
which had at least seven years to run. But Lord
Milton goes further still, and gives his opinion
against any introduction whatsoever of leaseholders
amongst the voters at county elections. His Lord-
ship entertains considerable objection to all deriva-
tive rights in county elections. But on that point
we beg leave to differ with Lord Milton, if, as may
be guessed, his objection be founded on abstract or
theoretic reasons only. The grand desideratum is
to have the franchise enjoyed by every intelligent
and independent Englishman, and we conceive that
many descriptions of leaseholders may be both; but
let Lord Milton make it clear to us that the land-
owners will have the means, as well as the inclina-
tion, so ingeniously to shape and modify their leases
as in substance to deprive the bulk of any large por-
tion of those who hold under them of that free
agency, a semblance of which undoubtedly belongs
to every 501. lease for 21 or 14 years, and his Lord-
ship will perhaps have little difficulty in persuading
us to adopt his judgment. The truth and good
sense of one passage in the address are such as well
entitle it to be laid a second time before our
readers, and in a mariner more prominent than
when placed in juxta-position with the context. It
has always been our argument, not merely that the
aggregate weight and influence of property would
be essentially promoted by the Bill, but that it would
improve and elevate the whole character of the Eng-
lish Aristoc'ary, by inducing them individually to
aim at that moral influence, and at the attainments
and qualities necessary to it, which might best enable
them to replace the positive, though partial and ca-
pricious power of which they would no doubt be
deprived by the destruction of the borough mono-
poly. This contrast between vicious power and
wholesome influence over their countrymen, is well
put by Lord Milton in the following passage :
" I fear that the establishment of the leasehold franchise
will have a particular tendency to affect their independ-
ence. I fear that it may give the landed gentry and no-
bility a larg'r share (and that of a bad description) of
authority in them than they ought to possess. I fear lest
it should give them power, which is a bad thing, instead
of influence, which is a good thing : power is a bad thing
because it presses upon the fears and selfish feelings of the
electors, while influence addresses itself to the hearts and
understandings;—power compels men, influence vide.
them."... Times.

Our readers will see, by the more particular and
detailed statement of the votes in favour of Prince
Leopold, contained in our letter from Brussels,
than we bad room for on Monday, when we alluded
to the subject, that his Royal Highness is likely to
be chosen by a great miijority ci the Belgic Con-
gress. We have examined the list of names pro-
posing him, published in the Courier des Pays Bus,
and
e find that he is supported by almost every
" Puty who has hitherto figured in the deliberations
of that assembly, with the exception of some of the
violent republicans.andTthhe nobility, the party of the
Catholic Church,
possessed of wealth
or engaged in trade who mendesire repose, are all in
kis favour. Count de Celles, who made the con-
cordat with the Pope; Count F. de Merode, who
as a Catholic
is looked upon bigot ; and several
of the priests who are members,e of Congress, have
subscribed this call. il
Con-
gress has likewise his nameresnlent of the
list. The Ministers are zealous,
senrolled in the
arid the Re-
gent himself, if it were requisite,
the casting vote. This day (the Ist of‘‘J.ouunled) is an
give
important epoch in the annals of Belgic affairs.
has been selected by the Congress at Brussels for an It
definitive choice of a King, and it is accidentally
also the term fixed by the Plenipotentiaries of the Fiv'e
Powers in the conference at London for the accept.
ante or refusal by the Belgians of the act of sepa.
ration between Belgium and Holland. To this act,
with all its conditions, Holland has already acceded,
and by the 22d protocol, the consent of Belgium is
made the necessary condition of the formal recogni-
tion of its independence. On this recognition will

ilepeed the acceptance of the crown by Prince Leo-
pold, for it requires little sagacity in his Royal High-
ness to perceive the imprudence and danger of as-
cending the new throne amid the dissatisfaction or
• hostilities of neighbouring States. Indeed his
Royal Highness has repeatedly declared that
he must decline the Belgic sovereignty, in what-
ever manner tendered, tin the settlement of
the limits sectree him against any imme-
diate collision with his neighbours respecting the
extent of his dominions. As the moderate party in ‘ •
Belgium has lately been gaining ground,—as the
Congress has seen th rolisy of its former bluster
and pretensionyai,-Os the violent patriotic associations
formed l'o`e the purpose of declaring war against
Holland, instead of doing her justice, has now
ceased from their inflammatory proceedings,—it •
may be hoped that, not withstending the efforts of a
republican friction. en& the intrigues of the propa-
gandist agents of France, an amicable arrangement
will be brought about,—an arrangement which will
secure to the Belgians the fun extent of the terri-
tory to which they can justly lay claim, or which
they can puechase by a pecuniary indemnitsease-re-
store their trade,—give them the free navigation of
the Meuse and the Schelde—insure them, like
Switzerland, in a seeepetual neutrality amid nations
engaged in ever, and make them happy and pros-
peroes under a King of their own choice.—Times.
The furious Ukase of the 22d of March, addressed
by the Autocrat of Russia to the insurgents of Li-
thuania and Samogitia, has been carried, wherever
the Russian arms have been successful, into bar-
barous execution. Already numbers of prisoners
have been shot in cold blood, or otherwise butchered
by the f!eythian " heroes," who are never at a loss
to make up for their deficiencies as soldiers by their
energy as executioners; This is a foretaste of what
Poland may expect, if ever the warriors, whose
noble devotion to the interests of their country has
excited the admiration of the civilized world, should
stiffer the fate of the brave bands of the immortal
Kosciusko, and perish hr defence of the most sacred
cause for which an oppressed people ever raised the
standard of defiance to a tyrant's power. What a
contrast to tire savage spirit in which the Russian
forces carry on hostilities was the generous conduct
of the Poles, even in the moment of the first fer-
vour and excitement of their revolution. The con-
flict of Warsaw on the night of the 29th of last
November—the consequence of fifteen years of in-
tole:able oppression—ended in giving a complete
triumph to the Pole.. If vengeance, and not the
mere redress of wrong, had been their object, the
victorious youth of Warsaw might have sacrificed to
their fury every Russian soldier then on their native
soil; but, with a forbearance arid magnanimity to
which none but a barbarian heart could be in-
sensible, they allowed 7,000 Russians, with the
brother of the Emperor, to return peaceably to
their native land, through a country whose armed
population were stimulated with the bitter re-
collection of so many years of Russian insolence,
rapacity, and outrage. What was the return
made for this forbearance ? Those very troops came
bark soon afterwards to spread slaughter and de-
vastation through the land where they had found
that mercy which they did not merit. Great were
the cruelties which they committed in many places
—sparing neither age nor sex, when they thought
their march to 'Warsaw was to have been more of
a triumphal procession than any thing else, and
their imaginations already revelled in spoils and
pillage, and desolation of the burning city, that was
to have been offered as one vast holocaust to appease
the indignation of the Calmuc Jove, who brandishes
his lightnings against freedom from the secure sum-
mit of his northern olympus. But the brave men
who defended Warsaw have taught the Russian
armies, led as they are by the passer of the Balkan,
that they must pay some respect to the rules of
civilized war on the soil of Poland. The prisoners
whom they have taken they dared not put to death
as rebels, because the Poles have in their hands the
means of dreadful retaliation. These means are
16,000 prisoners, along with 300 officers and 10
generals, whom they have treated with the attten-
tion anti respect which brave men pay to misfor-
tune. But the question arises, how long can the
Polish soldier restrain his just indignation,
when he learns the savage cruelty that has
been practised on his Lithuanian brethren ? ,
Another question arises from this state of things,
and it is, shall the Polish Government retaliate for
the executions and massacres which the Russians
have perpetrated in the Lithuanian and Samogitian
territories ? In answer to this question, we shall
give the language of a Pole ; arid if any thing could
make the cause of that people dearer to the friends
of civilisation and humanity than it is at present, it
is language like the following, in reply to acts of
cold-blooded cruelty which might goad even a
humane people into ferocious reprisals :—" We
reject the system of retaliation; it is not at this
moment, when the whole nation displays the most
sublime virtues, that we should deny that type of
our national character—that natural horror of all
sanguinary and cowardly deeds which 12 ages of our
history have never belied." Having in these terms
rejected the system which punishes the innocent
for the crimes of the guilty, the Pole goes on to
say," How long will civilized nations rem&ri inac-
tive spectators of a struggle between violence and
injustice on one side, and humanity anti loyalty on
the other? Can they pretend to constrain us to
return under the yoke which, if not disgraceful, is
insupportable for its barbarity. Do they want
tiny new proofs of the incompatibility of habits
which divide Poland from Russia ? A bloody war,
which has already cost both parties nearly 100,000
men, to which is to be added the devastation of
!he country between the Beg and the Vistula—wo-
men and children massacred by soldiers disappointed
in the hope of the pillage of the capital—frightful
malady, which even victory increases by the crowds
of prisoners taken, arid by leading the Polish armies
over districts in which the wells have been poisoeed
by pestilent carcasses. In fine, this atrocious Ukase,
not satisfied with pronouncing the sentence of ex-
termination on the brave men who have answered
the call of their country, rages even against their
offspring, snatches them from the arms of their
mothers, and causes them to disappear in the wilds
of Russia. A Ukase that would destroy in its in-
fancy the nation, and those opinions which can only
be extirpted by measures as barbarous as they are
opposed fo Morality and the rights of nation. Such
are the preliminaries to the re-establishment of peace
between the Poles and the Emperor of Russia.—
Such measures, in this stage, sufficiently prove what
will he the treatment reserved by the Emperor for
the inhabitants of the unfortunate kingdom of Po-
land, if, after a long arid desperate conflict, the armies
of the Autocrat should succeed in overwhelming
the brave defenders of the country. Nothing else
could then be looked for than the entire change
iif the population of this unhappy country.—
Diplomatic notes, which might be useful so long
as the conflict is doubtful or the Polish armies
triumph, would fall pointless with the barbarian con-
queror of the Poles. But when Russia shall have
covered the whole of its European frontier with her
military colonies, then too late will Europe under-
stand that the truest political foresight, as well as
the strictest justice, had imposed it as a dusty, having
almost the obligation of a law, to sustain and support
the exertions of heroic Poland." In the above sen-
timents we perrecily concur. There can be no doubt
that, if the Russians conquer, the threat of the
tyrant will be realized, arid Poland will be erased
from the map of Europe! But the Polish army is
but the advance guard of France;—the warriors who
stopped the Russian legions on tile banks of the
Vistula only anticipated the display of Muscovite
e,taohfr:
valour on the banks of the Rhine. But how is it
that
treatyb iithes ‘
veGnin,i i
rteenoaitPthoie: in(lvers," who were parties to the
lBl:er,dve
s;shte
i,clet
of rectohgenkiziengddtoimie
of Poland, can witness the struggles
attempting, on the
ground carnage
of the present conflict, without
ground of justice, policy, or humanity, to enforce
the terms of that treaty ? Is a Russian Ukase to

stipet sale the Ininciples recognized by those Poweis
as the basis of what they called the " settlement of
Europe ?"—MO'rning, Herald.

The result of the elections in Scotland has sur-
prised us as it must have surprised many others be-
sides. We consider it little less than miraculous,
and we are not surprised that our Northern neigh-
bours should appear .ome,,that elated at having
qeh irsed so much with such unpromising materials.
The result is thus summed up m the Scotsman, of
Saturday last :
" The result is, that the burghs return eleven Reform-
ers, and four anti• Reformers, and the counties (including
Orkney) thirteen Reformers, and seventeen anti-Reformers.
From counties and burghs together, Scotland sends to the
House of Commons twenty-four Members who will sup-
port the Ministerial Bill, and twenty-one who will oppose
it. This, we say, speaks volumes for our political Virtue,
when the wretched machinery we have to work with is
considered. It is true that some of those who are ranked
as friends to the Bill, are rather moved by the spirit of the
times, than by theit own inclinations ; but we have little
doubt that the same influence which has thrown them into
the right side, will keep them right in their votes. The
fact is plain, that the people are not in a humour to be
trifled with."

Nothing less than the intense interest taken in the
question of Reform by the people, and the array
which every where presented itself to the depoi,-
taries of the franchise could have wrought such a
Miracle. At the Reform dinner, at Aberdeen, Mr.
Ross, the Member chosen by the Aberdeen district
of burghs, observed, with respect to the Reform
Bill, that " it would be vain to suppose that so de-
sirable a measure could be accomplished without
great sacrifices of individual interest, and in Scot-
land these sacrifices have been made. I have only
to cast my eyes about me, and to look upon indivi-
duals in this assembly, who, to their honour, have
cheerfully and manfully parted with their rights ;
and, in having done so, I give them credit, because
they have shown that rights and privileges which
are exclusively founded on private interest, deserve
not to be put in comparison Avith the public good
and the interests of the country at large." We
may be assured, however, that but for the thorough
conviction that the people were not on this occa-
sion to be trifled with, the private interests would
have carried the day. We do not, in saying this,
wish to detract from the merit of those Scotchmen
who have sacrificed their political consequence on
the altar of their country ; but merely to observe,
that such sacrifices are only to be expected under
the influence of such a determined spirit as has been
here elicited. In Blackwood's Magazine for June,
we have a couple of doleful articles on the means
employed to regenerate the Scotch electors, who in
so many cases have been made virtuous in spite of
themselves :

" No more savage system of intimidation (says the
writer of one of them) ever raged in Paris, under the
sway of the Jscohins, than that which was transacted
here—on a small scale, indeed—against all those respect-
able citizens who were supposed to he in the interest of the
' corrupt candidate,' forsooth, a man like his fathers before
him Bribery and corruption, we

doubt not, are plentiful as blackberries in London ; but
her citizens of credit and renown, during times of poli-
tical ferment, in the exercise of their elective franchise,
are seldom, if ever, we believe, exposed to an organised
system of merciless persecution, whose ministers haunt
them daily and nightly through life, and thre iten, if they
withstand it, to cut them off from fire and water. Nay,
such political persecution is not, we verily believe, in Eng-
land at all ; she has no such tyrants—no such slaves.--
But Scotland, small and savage (start net at cur seemingly
inconsistent speech), has many of both breeds—cr rather,
here many Whig tyrants do sometimes, on such occasions,
prevail over a few Tory slaves, and with liberty on their
lips, affix to the limbs of their victims irons that eat into
the bone—and into the soul. It needs rare strength of
mind to stand out against such devilry ; imps swarm
round your very hearth, and Satan himself, in the figure
of a tall man in black, or perhaps in blue, with cord
breeches and top boots, assails you on your threshhold,
over which you have neglected to nail a demon-driving
horse-shoe. The last elector goes to bed . . . . in
despair, and, waking early in the morning, shivers to feel
that he is no longer an honest man ; for that lie has sold
to brass what gold could never buy.' Never anywhere in
small and savage Scotland, had the political persecutor
been abroad, with the bootikins and the thumbikins that
crush the heart, in such turbulence as in Edinburgh on
this election. Men's wives were tampered with—we
mean their fears and their loves for their own husband! ;
and small families of children—consisting, perhaps, •2,,ch
of about a dozen—in silence or in squall beseeched daddy
to vote for the Lord Advocate that they might see his Bill."

All this is evidence furnished by the enemy him_
self of the intensity of the feelings of our northern
neighbours in favour of the Reform Bill. At the
Aberdeen election, the procession to meet Mr. Ross
on his arrival extended upwards of two miles in
length, and the multitude of persons of both sexes
and all ranks exceeded 80,000. The Magistrates, it
seems, became alarmed, and wrote to prevent the
procession, if possible.
" We cannot think," says the Aberdeen Chronicic,
"that this object would have been promoted by repressing,
or rather attempting to repress, the proposed procession of
the people, and all the triumphant preparations which were
making for duly celebrating the return of the popular
Member and friend of Reform. Hence we cannot but
think that the publication of the Lord Advocate's letter
was extremely ill advised, in every view in which it can
be considered. Did the Magistrates really and seriously
propose, at that late hour, to stop the people in their public
I demonstrations of joy ? Did they propose that, on the
lelection day, they should each plod on in the dull routine
of their ordinary employments, insensible to all around
them ? This was totally impossible. No power on earth
—nothing short of the enchantments that we read of in
the Arabian Nights' Entertainments—could, on that
day, have converted into stone the busy, active, intelligent
population of this great and trading city ; and if the
gentlemen of the Reform Committee had made any such
attempt, on any plea of illegality, it would have placed at
once the civic authorities and the people directly at is.oe,
and would to a certainty have produced a riot. To pub-
lish the opinion of the Lord Advocate was, therefore,
highly impolitic ; and with what view it was sent to Mr.
Blackie is incomprehensible; for, could the Lord Prevost
imagine it possible, by such a vague, indefinite letter, to
stop the intended procession, and all the demonstrations of
public feeling which it was proposed to display ? Mr.
Blackie's views were far more judicious. Any such inter.
ference would have produced a riot."
With these demonstrations in every quarter of
the United Kingdom, not, be it remarked, originat-
ing in an evanescent feeling, a transient whim, but
in an intense deep rooted conviction of the necessity
for carrying the Reform Bill at all hazards—who,
we ask, will dare to say all this ought 'to pass for
nothing ? In the social union, it is found expedient
that property should be religiously respected ; that
he largest estate should be as secure to the owner as
the cottage to the poor man, because, if the estate
of the rich should not be respected, neither would
the cottage of the poor. Property will always give
influence to the owner, for he is enabled to command
the services of men without property. But there is
a mighty difference between this sort of influence,
and the arrogant claim set up by a certain number
of Tory Aristocrats, to have their will deemed of
more weight than the will of an united nation. On
this occasion, where they are deserted by the nation,
these Tory Aristocrats ought to rank for nothing
more than any given number of individuals. Their
property entitles them to nothing beyond its fair in-
fluence. The owner of a cottage, the shopkeeper,
may be influenced by their rich neighbour, but with-
out that influence the rich neighbour is not more
than one of them. It is proper that the rich should
know this—that they should have constantly present
to their minds the condition on which alone they can
legitimately possess power. On the present occa-
sion, they who array themselves against the nation
only expose themselves to contempt. They renounce
the only tenure by which they can possess influence.
We hold it, therefore to be visionary in the extreme
to entertain for a moment the idea that any number
of individuals in the country, be they whom they
may, can oppose the universal determination of this
nation. A Morning contemporary (the Morning
Post) has been amusing its readers with an account
of the tactics to be followed by the opponents of the
Bill. If the House of Lords take opportunity by
the forelock, and vote a hostile Address to the King
at the commencement of the session, the Ministers,
quoth our contemporary, must either modify the

Bill, or they must resign, If they resign, it has been
asked who is to succeed them ? Our contemporary
takes a mortal leap over this difficulty ; for he as-
sumes, that as it is necessary for a mixed Govern-
ment to proceed harmoniously, that the several parts
should, to a certain extent, defer to each other, and
" for the same reason, and to the same extent, it
must be the opinion of all but determined revolu-
tionists, that the House of Commons ought to de-
fer to the declared opinions of the Upper House."
And if the Upper House votes an Address against
the Bill in the outset, and Ministers should resign,
the House of Commons would, it is concluded,
defer to the opinion of the Lords. But the House
of Lords are not such fools as to try their
strength in a case where the nation has declared
itself in such an energetic manner, that even the
corrupt bodies of Scotland have been awed into
suicide. In a mixed Government like ours, the
Lords may, in cases where they have the nation with
them, resist the Commons. The election will he
their justification. But, in this case, a fresh election
would be more determined than the present, and
therefore the House of Lords would be mad to think
of opposing the Commons. The separation of the
Legislature into King, Lords, and Commons, has
for object, not the resistance of the nation by any
one of the three, but the preventing the voice of
faction from being mistaken for that of the nation.
When the will of the nation cannot be mistaken,
they must and ought to yield, for it is only for the
interest of the nation that they are entrusted with
their powers. The most ardent admirer of the
Peerage will not contend for any influence to the
order, distinct from that which they derive from
their embodying the opinions of the nation. The
check of the Commons on the Loris is the with-
holding of supplies ; and the check of tire Lords on
the Commons is the compelling a Ministry to sum-
mon another Parliament. Neither Commons nor
Lords are anything when opposed to each other,
when not backed by the nation.—Alforning Chron.
As the time approaches for the meeting of Par-
liament, one branch of which has been formed undi r
the influence of national intoxication and delirium,
the anxiety 9f all rational and sober men becomes
daily more intense as to the degree in which the
whole Leg;slature will prove itself to participate in
the frenzy that has presided over the birth of its
more popular members. We are very far indeed
from believing that the revolutionary inssnity of the
hustings will have been transferred in any other than
the most mitigated form to the House of Commons;
and we shall be greatly surprised, as well as grieved,
if the progress and result of the Reform question
be not such as to prove to the present and all future
ages the practical value and importance, not only of
the unelective and hereditary branch of the Legisla-
ture, but of that component part of the popular and
elective branch, which theorists and constitution-
mongers have always deemed the most irregular and
defective. Where at this moment can the British
nation, and the hundred other nations of whose wel-
fare and happiness the British Legislature has the
absolute disposal, look for the legislators possessed
of the attributes of calmness, freedom from passion, in-
dependence, free, manly, and unbiassed reason, or
any of the other high attributes which ought to
distinguish the Legislators of a mighty, extensive,
and diversified empire, but in the House of Peers,
and upon the borough seats in the House of Com-
mons ? Elsewhere, all that is to be seen is the
madness of democratic fury, or the iniquity of de-
mocratic despotism. If we had wanted a proof
that sheer folly may become popular, and that some
effective counterpoise to popularity is necessary in
the Constitution of a State which would secure its
permanent welfare and respectability, cars stronger
proot be required than the late, but we believe now
fading popularity of the Reform Bill of his
Majesty's Ministers ? The ten pound house-
hold franchise of that Bill is an absurdity arid
an injustice the most stupendous and enormous
perhaps that was ever offered to the acceptance of
reasonable men ; and yet it has not failed to obtain
a degree of popularity sufficient to decide the elec-
tions in the majority of places having a numerous
constituency. Are we wrong in describing this
franchise, when it is made, as the Bill makes it, she
source whence two-thirds of the House of Corn-
mons are to spring, as a stupendous fulls, and ini-
quity ? Is it not a stupendous folly and iniquity,
to give the power of constituting the whole Govern-
ment of an empire upon which the sun never sets,
to a class of society in the centre of that empire
tower than any other class, and for no other appa-
rent reason than that it is the lowest, in the scale of
intelligence and independence ? Let us see then if
in the above questions we have in the slightest de-
gree exaggerated the absurdity and atrocity of which
we speak. There shall be five brothers of a family
in the middle walk of life. The eldest shall have
succeeded to a considerable farm, occupied, before
it came to him, by his father, h s grandfather, and
his great-grandfather. He shall be a man, as such
men commonly are, of substance, integrity, and in-
telligence. l he second shall have launched out
into commercial life, and, after years of instructive
competition and laborious and meritorious effort,
shall have retired upon a moderate independence, to
dwell in a house situated in the more retired, and
therefore less highly rented, part of the town,
nearest the place of his nativity, paying the rent for
his comfortable dwelling, which in a great many
of the towns of England is not a low one, of 91.
per annum. The third shall have realised a fortune
iH one of our colonies, and have remitted his gains,
progressively as they accrued, for investment in the
public securities of Great Britain, whence his annual
income is still derived. He shall rent, within a mile
and a half of the same town, as tenant at will, a
handsome house and grounds, worth perhaps two
hundred a year, declining any more permanent te-
nure, because the habits of his life have implanted
in bins an aversion to be confined to one particular
spot. A fourth, having been bound apprentice to
a mechanical trade, unmoved by the urgings of am-
bition or the excitements of luxury, shall have been
content to pass his life long as a journeyman in his
craft. He shall, however, have taken care to lay
by against a rainy day, in the Savings' Bank
of his district, say two hundred pounds. He
still lodges in the humble apartments of which
he took possession the day after he was out of
his time. The fifth brother, the scamp of the
family, after being three times through the Gazelle,
and twice through the Insolvent Court, and now,
probably, on the high road to one or the other, shall
at this moment be in the possession, but mere!y as a
tenant at will of an alehouse, a gin-shop, a brothel,
in the high street or near the market-place of the
town, or perhaps he may soar even to the compara-
tive respectability of a dealer in ribbons, a maker of
shoes, a tailor, a brazier, a butcher, or a baker.
Now how does the Reform Bill of his Majesty's
Ministers treat these several brothers of the same
family ? Does it impart time elective franchise to
those who, from their actual situation or their past
course of life, are the most likely to be men of pro-
perty,
integrity, and independence ? No such thing.
It avoids the substantial farmer, the commercial
man, him who has prospered in the colonies, and
contributed to their prosperity, the actual fundholder,
the laborious and frugal artisan, as if each was a
pestilence necessarily fatal to national happiness, pro-
sperity, and virtue, and bestows all its favour and
confidence upon the fifth brother, simply because be
lives in a town, and in a high-rented part of it,
although he may fairly be presumed to be inferior
desirable in an elector. I
res
moreaosrk,mporoessirlisdleicitio
imagine any thing
to all others of the family in every qualification
revolting
lous, any thing of which the folly and injustice can
be more conspicuous or unequivocal ? And vet
such are the stupid and unprincipled provisions of
" the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill,"
to which Ministers are pledged, for which mobs
have clamoured, in favour of which Newspapers
daily contend, and in which the House o
bmdeemitnheoan ictsr
aa democratic
excitedretvoclul
timicouotrib.,, tosirpi
eoatnt
Ministry
tire
spr
toar,iy,r(iofLords
of an
caan instantrdlnCoto there
has descended to excite it, are insane; but the proof

is equally cogent that both these bodies are essen,
rially arbitrary and despotic. To please the Eng-
lish, Irish, and Scotch rabble, the fate not only of
England, Ireland, and Scotland, but of a colonial
empire, in comparison with which these countries
are but specks and their population an unit, is to be
subjected to the absolute disposal of the nominees
of the shopkeepers of the mother country—of a
class of society in the mother country which knows
the least, and cares the least, about the colonies, and
which, less than any other class of the State, are en-
titled to the respect or confidence of their colonial
fellow-subjects. The Ministry which has devised,
and the mob which has applauded, this equitable
scheme of Reform, are well qualified no doubt to
introduce, and protect, and keep alive in the Le-
gislature, the spirit of rational freedom and the
principles of enlightened Government.--illoriz.Post.
It is a fact not altogether unworthy of remade,
that those who have, in every Session of Parliament,
and in every meeting, both public and private, ex-
pressed the strongest opposition to every species of
Reform, have now themselves become Reformers—
though to what extent they very carefully ktep to
themselves—and that they trace the origin of the
spirit which is now abroad, partly to their own non-
sensical conduct in opposing the disfranchisement of
rotten boroughs, and the transfer of the franchise to
such places as Birmingham and Manchester, and
partly to what they denominate the vile and corrupt
influence of the Press, combined with a revolutionist
Ministry. Neither of the positions are correct.
The c ?rruption of the Press has riot only never
been proved, but not even a shadow of proof exhi-
bited in support of the assertion ; while, with regard'
to the revolutionary tendency of the Ministry, we
may fairly ask, what have the present Ministers to
gain, or rather, what would they not lose by a revo-
lution ? It is equally untrue that the spirit of Reform
has been produced by the refusal of the Anti-Re-
forming crew to disfranchise rotten and corrupt bo-
roughs, and to transfer the franchise to large and
populous towns; for the cause of Reform has been
gradually gathering strength during the last forty
years, and the present Ministers, if they would, c mull
not have kept it down. What with taxation,—what
with unmerited pensions and sinecures,—what with
enormous establishments of every kind, and undue
preference of aristocratic nonentities to hard work-
ing and industrious men, who had no Court in-
fluence,—and what with the invariable resistance
waged by the Tcries, against all changes except
those which were calculated to benefit rhemselvt s,
—the state of the coumery was such, at the acces-
sion of the presort Ministry, that Reform could no
longer be delayed ; and if on no other ground but
that of prudence, his Majesty's Ministers have done
well in giving vent, at once, to the hitherto pent up
spirit of the people, by bringing forward a measure
of Reform, calculated at once to satisfy the desires
of all rational men, and to prevent the rational wish
for Reform from breaking out in the shape of a grant
and bloody revolution. Such, at least, is our view
of the matter ; and from all that we have yet seen
or heard, we flatter ourselves that it is not very wide
of the truth.—Murning Advertiser.

DREADFUL RIOTS AT WHITEHAVEN

BY LORD LONSDALE'S COLLIERS.

WHITEHAVEN, MA 1.29.

I very much regret to state that the reign of ter-
ror has commenced in this town. The late Sir
James Lowther declared he would make, grass grow
in the streets if the people dared to think for them-
selves. What the views of his heir are we shall not
say ; but if we were to take the conduct of his
agents as a criterion, we should infer a determina-
tion that no man's life shall be safe, nor his property
secure, who ventures to oppose his political views.
Since the termination of the county election, at
which Lord Lowther was so signally defeated, a re-
gular system of proscription has been adopted by
his Lordship's agents towards every tradesman of
the town who either voted, or was suspected to en-
tertain opinions against the Noble Lord. Yusttr-
day, however, was the crowning effort of his de-
parting power; and the occurrences of that day will
neither be forgotten nor forgiven by the respectable
inhabitants of Whitehaven, while the name of Low-
ther is known.

I shall endeavour, as briefly as possible, to detail
the facts as they occurred. For many years past it has
been customary in Whitehaven for gentlemen of all
parties to meet together on the King's birth-day to
drink his Majesty's health. The usual dinner was
appointed to take place this year on the 28th
(yesterday). The Lowther agents, mortified by
their defeat at the election, refused to coalesce as
usual, and immediately began to beat about for an
opposition loyalty dinner ; a word which, in this
town, means subserviency to Lord Lonsdale, and
not obedience to the King. They were soon able to
muster names for a large party, and Whitehaveo
Castle (the seat of Lord Lonsdale) was the place
appointed for the dinner ; probably the first time
that a Nobleman's seat was converted into a common
inn, where people were called upon to pay for what
they ate and drank. lam credibly informed, how-
ever, that many persons did pay for their dinner and
wines, which were furnished by one of the inn-
keepers of the town. The Lowther agents having
taken this step, the independent party proceeded
with their dinner as usual, and invited Mr. Blamire,
the newly-elected Member for the caunty, to
meet them. This appears to have been gall
and wormwood to the Lowtherites, as you will
see by their proceedings. Both parties endeavoured
to muster us strongly as possible. At the Castle
140 dined, the Rev. H. Lowther in the chair; at the
Black Lion,7o gentlemen dined, Isaac Littledale,Esq.
in tie chair, supported by Mr. W. Blanire,Ai.l:
W
Henry Curwen, Esq. of Worthington Hall ; John
Christian, Esq. of Ewanrigg, W. Wybergh, Esq.,
of Isell Hall ; Milham Hartley, Esq., Captain
Ro-
bertson Walker, R.N., and a number of the princi-
pal gentlemen and tradesmen of the town. The
colliers in the employ of the Earl of Lonsdale, above
one thousand in number, were allowed to leave their
work, and ale in large quantities was given to them,
under the direction of his Lordship's agents, at an
early hour in the morning. Part of this ale was
supplied by a Magistrate, John Harrison, Esq., and
I have heard that spirits were also given to them :
but I cannot vouch for the authenticity of this.
That two quarts of ale were given to each collier, I
have on the most undoubted authority. The men
any
become
yi
mischief,
hhe cieafs,Castle,
eh
,sul
eayiEei l
were
ederrneut y
ssupplieda ndintoxicatedfifes, to be ripe for
with
and withw these
they began to parade the streets, insulting every one
who was known or suspected to be Blue. About
half an hour before the time appointed for the divi-
ner at the Black Lion, they arrived in front of that
inn, and immediately commenced a row. They at-
tacked a gentleman who was going to the dinner,
Captain St. Clair Wemys, and struck him several
violent blows. He tan into a house, and seized
a poker, for the purpose of defending himself,
and on coming out again struck one of the col-
liers who had attacked him, a blow -on the
head. His friends interfered, and got him into the'
Black Lion, to protect him from the mob. The mob
followed him, some of them got into the kitchen
and broke seven dishes, &c., and repeatedly struck
at Mrs. Jackson ; they then endeavoured to get into
the dining-room, but were repulsed and driven from
the house. The Rev. Mr. Curwen, and some other
gentlemen went to a Magistrate and the Superin-
tendent of Police, and complained of the above con-
duct, and they promised that care should be taken
that it should not be tepeated. For about an hour
after there was peace in the town; but soon after
the gentlemen at the Black Lion sat down to dinner,
the colliers again came in front of the inn with their
flags and music, and commenced shouting and yell-
and
tnigle-rtovoinmd,o7,sd. hoTisttle4
soonntg. afterhey
returntli n
epda,rabdeel tuhgroaungehffitghye
os tfrei‘eitrs.,
mire. This they paraded round the streets, and
adtsoilb'iurned amidst the most
tons. By this time the
itthil then
horrid
setai i severalfieeiri ntoi ateirmsoi dfpcirlttoehes::,

crowd gathered about the inn was immense ; and
the colliers, who kept in a compact body, and
were easily distinguishable, continued to shout and
vor iferate against the Blues for a considerable
time, and struck at several gentlemen, who
were about to leave the house. Between eight and
nine o'clock the Rev. H. Lowther (the Chairman at
the Castle dinner and Magistrate of the county),
rode through the crowd in his gig, accompanied by
his sister, and while passing amongst the mob, waved
yellow handkerchiefs, &c., and by their gestures (some
say by words, but I have not been able to ascertain
this upon sufficient authority to warrant me in re-
peating the words said to have been used) appeared
to encourage and applaud the mob for their conduct.
immediately after the gig had passed through the
crowd, and while Mr. Lowther must still have been
within haring, a volley of stones was thrown through
the dining-room windows ! Volley after volley was
thrown, till scarcely a pane was left unbroken. The
stones had been brought up from the sea beach in
baskets, and were about half a pound weight each.
The gentlemen who had been dining escaped from
he loom as they best could. The mob having de-
stroyed these windows, and observing that the gen-
tlemen had all quitted the room, next commenced an
attack upon the front of the house; the pannels of
the door were smashed in, and several windows
broken, and the mob swore that Mr. Reinke should
not leave the town alive. Their object was now to
get into the house; arid had they succeeded, there
can be no doubt but lives would have been lost, as
the gentlemen had armed themselves with pokers,
and such other weapons as they could lay hands upon,
to defend themselves. I cannot describe to you the
scene at this dine ; the mob were making the most vio-
lent efforts to break in, swearing they would pull the
house down or set it on lire. Those inside were de-
fending the door with all their might. At length the
besieged party made a sally out, and seized one of the
fellows, whom they brought into the house, and there
was a dreadful fight for some minutesat die door, hav-
ing nearly overpowered those who guarded. Several
gentlemen were much cut and bruised in the con-
flict. Mr. G. Hartley was struck a violent blow on
the head, which laid it completely open, and Mr.
Hamilton, spirit-merchant, was so much cut about
the fare, that it is feared he will lose the use of one
eye. The fight, such as I have endeavoured to de-
,cribe it, had now continued for nearly an hour, and
yet not a single Magistrate could be got to come
near the place—they were dining at the Castle, and
could not be disturbed! The Superintendent of
Police, Mr. Heywood, who is also clerk to the Ma-
gistretes, and a regular partisan of the Lowthers,
was also the Castle, and alleges, in excuse for hill
absence, tint he did not hear of the riot, forsooth!
The agents of Lord Lowther, who could have cow
mended the men home by the lifting of their little
fingers, if they had wanted them to go home, were
also at the Castle, and did not make their appear-
ance ! This fact has satisfied every man that they
were privy to what was going on, and that if they
del net give directions for it, at least they re-
joiced in the work of destruction. About tett
o'clock Mr. Heywood, with Mr. Jackson and Mr.
Quail, two of the under stewards, arrived, and
the two latter certainly exerted themselves to
the utmost of their power .to quell the disturb-
ance ; and so far succeeded, that several gentle•
men were enabled to leave the inn without moles-
tation. There was now a cessation of hostilities for
about half an hour. In this time the colliers had
gone to the pits, and wined themselves with the
sharp-pointed pickaxes used in bagging coals. These
must have been received with the cognizance of some
one in authority. On their arrival in front of the
inn, they commenced a second attack—the windows,
shutters, &c. in the louver part of the house were
&leen in, and the doors much injured ; but they
were still unable to effect an entrance. About
this time ene of the principal agents came amongst
them and ordered them to go home. The answer
he received from one of them was—" curse you fte
a —, didn't you send us to do all the mischief we
could do, and now you won't support us!" About
twelve
done
steo
rtheioo'clocktisillyi.ntiihisje
Neu:
ei.b,?(eig.garre,
oatto:;
ed i
bss poeeiesrhea.al s
pribe eseondamage
e
been
upon the head with a pickaxe, and is not expected
to get better. The town is in a state of great ev
citement. Nohoey appears to doubt but that the
riot was done to order from head-quarters. It is
temperary evil—but it will be a lasting good. It
has destroyed the Lowther influence for ever.

DORSETSHIRE ELECTION-CONDUCT

OF 11IE CLERGY.

Whilst we, in common with all right thinking
men, have regretted the part which the University
of Cambridge has taken against the candidates for
Reform, we are satisfied, from what has come to our
knowledge, that in every place where a contest has
taken place, whether in boroughs or in counties,
that the clergy have taken a most decided parts
hostile alike to the feelings of the people and the
known sentiments of his Majesty.
Lord Saadon was rejected by the Clerical Cot'
poration of Taunton (which has long been the ad-
herent of his Lordship's family), and an insolt
offered to him as a Reformer by electing Mr. Spencer
Percival to be the Member for the borough. 1"
Essex, and every place were the clergy could shoot
their hostility to the general sense of the natiogh
they have not lost the opportunity of showing that
hostility to the King and his Ministers which will,
ere long, be brought serious& under consideration o',
the Parliament; for already have the people freely
and fully discussed and passed an opinion oftheir coo'
duct. The proceedings at the late dinner at Gateshead
may be taken as a pretty good sample of the feelingsei
the country at large regarding the conduct and sittia•
tion of the clergy. But we would call the public
attention to the conduct of the clergy in the late
contest for Dorset. From personal observation tt
is reported to us that the clergy, in almost every'
parish, and the authorities under them, were
employed actively in behalf of Mr. Bankes, the
Tory and And-Reform candidate; and that it was
the irresistible sense of the public duty in thi,
breasts of mass of the people which overcame a"
those exertions of the clergy and their dependants.
Of the voters at the election there were 156 clergymea
who voted, of which number were, plumpers for
Mr. Bankes . . • . 95
Plumpers for Mr. Portman . . 5
Split votes for Portman and Bankes . 41
Split Votes for Portman and Calcraft . 12
being 144 against Reform and 12 for Reform.
Net one plumper for Reform or Calcraft I
We would ae,k if that is the way for tke
clergy to m and
is the public sympathy with them ; -
is that the best way of preventing danger to the
Church, which is• the greatest danger alleged
against Reform?
Verily they dig a grave for themselves, and 710
efforts of power will be able to &eve thetn from
tgb
the pit of their own el .ing

BITHS.
Esil.#
•
On the 30th ult. in Hill-streetß, the lady of J. 'W. Patten,
of a daughter.
fo
of (A);
tN(hiaelettlbio,,e)it-iiitioti,,,isstrie..,,inCohfselsea, the lady of H. V. Tebbs, Esq.,
Doctors' Commons, of a daughter.
aomdaeursgehtisctrr.eet, Portman-square, the lady
.v, J •
Ott the 2.4 h ult. in Queen Ann-street, the lady of ,
Monson, Esq., of a son.
MARRIED.
ll'
On the 31st ult. at St. George's, Hanover-square, N. J. Kna,itecit
bull, Esq., eldest son of Sir E. Knatchbull, Bart. to Mary, et of
daughter of J. W. Russell, Esq., of Ilam Hall, in the courlP
Stan:all, and of Biggin Hall, Northamptonshire. pi
Ott the I9th tilt. at Carlsruhe, Grand Duchy of Baden, CaPt'to
Drummond, late of the 90.1 Highlanders, heir presumptive I,e,
the Earldoiroitr,'eallleillirita,nait,i Scotland,l:sex. should' his iilajestYpt"
pleased to restore that title, to the Baroness Albertine de !tea
bergAtheinweiler, widow of the late General Count Rapp, •
ft ult. at St. George's, Bloomsbury, M. Mason, fI.
to Emma, youngest daughter of the late
11 ult. Sarah, wil: lof G. Wilson, Esq, Hallam T°vver'
(o(N);No.O:leF::‘:llll:lttiaittt:l'ilihh:cillseeeigrenc:;2..3g3l:l,a,-'ott'll'ltln It. W. Camfieltl, jun. Esq. of Burrswood, Creel
bridge, Kent, aged 34.
••
On the 30th tilt, it Newcastle.street, Strand, Mr. 01. !Wl'
chemist.
(In the 29th tilt. at Blackheath, Caroline, youngest (laugh°
of B. E. Batley, Esq.
'"
On the 29th ult. at. Denmark-hill, 1, 119 Charles, eldest -
. he, 1
of C. Scovell, Esq
_.......0.i

PRINTED ANO PUBLISHED HI'MURDO YOUNti, AT Ta
SUN OFFICE, 11:?, STRAND, LONDON, -

'THEP
LArnes
111 E ad\

tion I

hhgiand, indu
tottering rim
l'ection of 'l,,c
41ified to do
I shall in di
pies

and Jr,
Inds on wl
state co
k period

al, and tl
iher of tt
-Presiders
I William

I have

Ladies al
London, Jo

TEW

•Cottglits.:-

a Pain
Ishwood-3
See-fin, o
rence—f

sting by

er in Si
inter.; for
—The C
cord Sprir
:
Northur
)unds—Tli
in, omo-el
ARlolown
:Pigeon S

iistory of tl
`Notice to
1". 1. publi

the Notiv
" The Nt.
tied w

14 the subjec
Magazine de
Tour
i 4 lik
*ritten, an(
lever hand.
ilabourite in
l'i Mr. Barr
Need by
11'01 rendere

" The N
e remernbt
lnati, air
,st'ven uninit
Editors, ain
4terers of I
The engrav
°Pirit and t
"We ha
Sporting Al
the
the Article.
the Spain
With the

Present nut
hellishmeni
'-Age, Mt
" The 1!
Cradock.
monthly pt
r'PPeet. '
'"tertainin
They are t
I,ntlikene
Verde, E.
accom
beer. NN
tecommen
tura in F.
Morning
Publish
and to be
Tilt

which the

r!ihnaa
nu dg iunagg e
icate
bee
classifyini

ItETRO
Just Intl
AN'

" We
eventful 5

,Printe

This da,
Seven
ME

r

latest Pi.
Pious Ni
Poleon
Duke of
toerous
Fleur,
street.