The Sun.
London, England, 1836-11-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

There is a leading article in the Times of yes-
terday on a subject not exactly of a description coming
within the range of topics which custom has assigned
to that department of a newspaper. It alludes to
" certain reports with reference to a club at the west-
end of the town," and observes, hat " in justice to
the Nobleman alluded to (in the reports) it should be
stated that his Lordship has _been most warmly wel=
corned on his return by persons of the first considera-
tion in the kingdom, and that he has been guided by
the advice of those distinguished persons in deter-
mining the course to be adopted." This
.mysterious
allusion, and the interest taken in the affair by our
Morning Contemporary, are calculated to excite a de-
sire for some explicit information with regard to the
subject of the reports ; and attention having been
thus formally called to them, a searching and
thorough examination of all the facts connected
with the case will be demanded by the public,
and must be anxiously wished for by the parties
concerned. In common with other journalists,
we have often called the attention of the police-
offices to the nests of swindlers who fleece and
rob the youth of the metropolis, at the places not in- •
appropriately called " Hells," in the neighbourhood of
St. James's-street. When rumours that nefarious
practices exist even in the Clubs in the same neigh-
bourhood, the exclusive resort of the noble and the
wealthy, it is due to the public that the most rigorous
investigation should take place, that, if unfounded, a
satisfactory refutation should at once be given. So far
from sanctioning the slander against any of the parties,
we will say, that though names, places, and circum-
stances have been stated to us, we have carefully ab-
stained from any mention of the subject, as we could
not bring ourselves to believe in the reports ; and we
should not, therefore, have now alluded to them had
not the public attention been so pointedly called by
other parties to the case. The circumstances have been
either known or talked of by persons " in society" in
the West end of the town for the last month. At a

party at whist at a most fashionable Club some time
ago, of which four individuals, two of them titled, were
partners, it was discovered, or supposed to be discovered,
by one of the gentlemen who had been a considerable loser,
that the aces and some other of the higher cards, were
marked in the two packs of cards then in use at the table.
The only expression which fell from the discoverer at the
time was, " This is too bad ; these cards are marked."
Fresh cards were called for, and the marked cards
given to the waiter to be sealed up, as it should seem,
for subsequent investigation. It is not for us to ex-
plain by what extraordinary infatuation the parties se-
parated without demanding an investigation on the
spot ; but be that as it may, none appears to have
been called for or instituted. One of the individuals,
a Noble Lord, went subsequently abroad. In his ab-
sence the transaction was much talked of, and, of
course, became the subject of many surmises and re-
ports. Anonymous letters, referring, it is said, to
former transactions, containing injurious suspicions,
and making free with the name of one individual, were
quoted. His friends are said to have insisted on his
return, to call the parties to account who had been
busy with his reputation ; and some article published
in a weekly journal, directly imputing the most frau-
dulent practices to him, made it absolutely necessary
that some steps should be taken to clear up the mat-
ter. We have already said that we entirely dis-
claim the belief, that persons of the rank, and in
the situation of the parties implicated by this rumour
could possibly be guilty of the low and base conduct
imputed to them, nor do we see the justice of singling
out one Nobleman of the party present on the occasion
as the only individual on whose behalf justice demands
an open inquiry. With respect to another titled in-
dividual, we do not know which of the Noble Lords
bearing his name was unfortunate enough to be pre-
sent ; but we have that deep feeling of respect for the
high honour and principles which have invariably dis-
tinguished the character of one Nobleman of the name
and family, to feel assured that no imputation cotild
attach to his conduct ; and he is more than any one
called upon to see that the mystery of this transaction
is satisfactorily cleared up. We understand that the
proceeding now intended is by action against the
Journal in which a highly-coloured, and probably
false or exaggerated, description of the transaction
wads first published. But will that be satisfactory ?
The whole description may be proved a tissue of false-
hoods ; and yet the real transaction may remain un-
explained. We have heard it said—Why not refer
the whole case to some committee of gentlemen, who
can hear all the parties that suppose themselves ag-
grieved in this case, or state themselves to have been
aggrieved by former transactions of the same character
—who can make inquiry into the anonymous letters,
and thoroughly sift all the circumstances connected with
a system either of slander against innocent individuals,
or of fraud which would disgrace the lowest gambling-
house in London ? Of one thing we are certain, that
any attempt to patch up the affair will be most cruel to
the gentlemen whose names are mixed up with it, and
disgraceful to the character of the club at which it is
said to have taken place. We detest gambling of all
descriptions, either at the hells or the clubs of the aris-
tocracy ; but in this instance we think " the order" as
much bound by interest as by feeling of what is due to
the rising generation to see that they are protected in
their resorts against practices which, even if true,
cannot be reached by the police, like common nui-
sances.—Morning Chronicle.
The Lord Chancellor's proceedings, in reference to
Mr. Lechmere Charlton, as reported in Saturday's
paper, appear to us deserving of some notice. How
far a summary power of commitment for what is called
" a contempt of Court" (except in such cases as in-
volve a palpable infraction of rules and injunctions
respecting wards), is to be disparaged as one of the
relics of Star-Chamber feudalism, or valued as a wise
provision for upholding the Chancery tribunal in pro-
per reverence and authority, is a question which we
do not now discuss. On such a point there will pro-
bably exist a considerable difference of opinion ; but
of this at least there can be no doubt, that while the
respect due to such an important institute ought un-
questionably to be maintained and enforced by all or
any means which do not expose the liberty of the
subject to arbitrary infringement, it is indispensable
to the desired end, not only that a judicial adminis-
tration should be so pure, deliberate, and dignified as
to render suspicion impossible in any quarter, but
that the exercise of its penal power in cases of alleged
contempt should be distinguished by such clear righte-
ousness and impartiality on the part of the Judge,
as alone can justify his interference, and vindicate his
claim to the confidence and respect of the country.
To the Lord Chancellor, as far as regards the par-
ticular case before us, we arc bound to give credit for
the utmost propriety of purpose : but, known as it is,
both to ourselves and his Lordship, that the infirmi-
ties of human nature, especially when acted on by
political prejudice, will often obtain, even in an honest
mind, the unconscious and insidious entertainment
which temporarily diverts it from its otherwise un-
exceptionable course, we cannot but feel that as
the unfortunate circumstance of this fracas having
arisen out of a political question about Corporation
funds, which two of the parties as Government sup-
porters may be not wholly indisposed to view in a
particular way, must greatly embarrass the charitable
disposition of the public to ratify the extremity to which
the Court of Chancery has carried it ; so, on the
other hand, Mr. Charlton, while equally entitled to all
allowances on the score of infirmity mixed up with
conscious rectitude of purpose, seems to
have pos-
sessed a proportionally strong claim rather upon his
Lordship's powers of forbearance and admonition than
upon those of sarcasm and imprisonment. To say
the truth, we cannot admire very much either the
taste or the law of this affair. Mr. Charlton, it seems,
had the temerity to write to the Lord Chancellor,
telling him that his power had a limit beyond which
he durst not exercise it. Now, we are just as sure
that no dispassionate person will attempt to defend
this language, as that no magnanimous Judge would
dream of resenting it. A judicial station can never
appear more truly venerable in the public eye than
when able to exercise an elevated and charitable indif-
ference to the mere ebullitions of temper which some-
times escape from the victims placed within its power ;
nor is that power ever so truly honoured as when
used with abstemiousness and moderation. Lord Cot-

tenham, we fear, has yet to be taught this ; for on no
other principle call we account for the apparent animus
with which (alluding to Mr. Charlton's defiance) he
announced in a spirit of sarcastic and undignified
retaliation his determination to let that gentleman ex-
perience in prison the power he had dared to challenge.
On the point of law it is not our intention to insi-
nuate either that Mr. Charlton has not partially in-
curred its sanctions, or that his noble and learned
punisher has overstepped his legal authority. 'But
au►o►;g the catalogue of precedents wherewith his
Lordship sought to justify his procedure, was one in
which an individual had been committed to the Fleet
for contempt of Court in having attempted to corrupt
a Judge with a present of 201. Whether his Lord-
ship discovers any analogy between that case and
Mr. Charlton's we cannot be supposed to know ; for
ourselves, we can see none. The Learned Gentle-
man's expostulations addressed to Master Brougham
is not a case of corruption in any sense ; and though it
might have been more orderly, and more prudent to
have complained to the Court rather than have written
to the Master, yet any impartial person must see that
by the latter course a►► opportunity was afforded to the
inferior functionary of giving such an explanation of
the apparently extraordinary circumstances therein re-
ferred to as might have rendered ulterior measures un-
necessary. The circumstances alleged by Mr. Charl-
ton are, we repeat, extraordinary. Any mistake or im-
prudence of his, in the way of urging them, will neither
diminish nor increase their force. In short, they
peremptorily demand explanation ; and we cannot
doubt that the Court of Chancery is prepared with a
better answer than merely locking up the learned gen-
tleman who proclaims them.—Times.
The proceedings which took place at the great meet-
ing held at the Horns Tavern last evening, have once
more placed Lambeth in the van of Reform. The
resolutions which were passed, as well as the speeches
in which they were supported, cannot fail to produce a
sensible impression in the next session of Parliament.
They express a determination to support a full mea-
sure of justice to Ireland—to seek a Reform in the
House of Lords, and to give the utmost support to the
Government, in its endeavours to carry measures cal-
culated to improve the condition of the people. The
resolution to give equal laws to Ireland, which was pro-
posed, in an able and energetic speech, by Mr.
M'Lcod, was received with enthusiastic applause.
The utmost unanimity prevailed with respect to the
necessity of making the House of Lords responsible
to p►iblic opinion, and though some individuals dis-
sented as to the best means of carrying an or-
ganic change in that assembly into effect, but
one feeling was manifested as to the principle of
Peerage Reform. It would be impossible, in the
limits of our time and space, to point out the
several arguments which were urged by the different
speakers ; but a reference to our report of the proeecd-
ings will be sufficient to strike conviction to every
mind, that it is impossible to resist any longer the im-
pulse which the aggressive, contumelious, and insult-
ing conduct of the House of Lords has given to popu-
lar feeling. There were some persons present who
were desirons of forcing the meeting into a stronger
expression of opinion than that embodied in the reso-
lutions, not only in reference to the House of Lords,
but also in regard to the Ministry ; but the good sense
of the meeting prevailed over ill-timed suggestions, and
the resolutions to reform the Lords—to do justice to
Ireland—and to support the Ministry in its exertions
to promote the welfare of the people—were carried with
the strongest—we ought to say the most unanimous—
expression of approbation. On the moving of the peti-
tion to the House of Commons, embracing the resolu-
tions of the meeting, the Right Hon. Tennyson D'Eyn-
court, M.P., and Benjamin Hawes, Esq., M.P., ad-
dressed the meeting—approving, in the strongest lan-
guage, the resolutions which had been passed. The former
gentleman observed that if the meeting had erred in
wishing to urge the Government into a more liberal
course of policy, it had erred on the right side—and
that the assertion that a Reform of the House of

Peers could not be carried without violent means
should have no weight, as that reform was now ne-
cessary to the welfare and safety of the country, and
whatever the means, it must and ought to be carried
into operation. Lambeth, he observed, had the merit
of taking the initiative on this momentous question,
and, there was no doubt that an echo would respond
to its resolutions throughout every part of England.
Mr. Hawes followed, in a speech of great ability,
and shewed that if the Ministry had not introduced
measures of Reform as extensive as might be de-
sirable, and if the representatives of the people did
not urge them to a more liberal policy, the fault did
not rest with the Ministers or Members of the House
of Commons, but with the people themselves, who
during the discussion of the most important measures
of last Session, scarcely gave any manifestation of
their sentiments. Where were your petitions, said
the Hon. Member, addressing himself to those who
demurred to the expression of confidence in Ministers
—where were your petitions when the Reform mea-
sures of the last Session were pending ? You say
Ministers and Members of the House of Commons
have not done their duty—it is ye who have not done
your duty, in not being more earnest and active in the
support of the Ministers, when they were prevented
from carrying their reforms into law. In this Mr.
Hawes has reiterated the opinion, which this journal
has so frequently expressed, that it is on the people,
and not on Ministers or Members of the House of
Commons, that devolves the onus of that exertion ne-
cessary to the consummation of the prineiples of Re-
form. We shall resume the subject, and we have no
doubt that, in following the glorious example of Lam-
beth, the other metropolitan boroughs, and chief
towns of England, will furnish abundant materials for
commentary. The Peers and the people are now the
opposing powers in the State—and all that is neces-
sary to the success of Reform is to place each party in
its true position, and there cannot be a doubt of the
triempli of popular opinion.—Morning Advertiser.
On how many points have we had to protect public
liberty from the attacks of the " Liberals ?" In these
days of volatile change and " ignorant impatience" of
any established and fixed principles of government,
scarcely a revolution of the moon passes without
bringing with it some new project of " Liberal" in-
novation upon old and estimable constitutional prin-
ciples—principles which are of the very essence of
English freedom, and which have always, commanded
the respect of the wisest Statesmen and the most en-
lightened patriots that England has ever produced.
The most recent of these liberticide projects, emanating
from a self-styled liberal source, is the scheme for the
establishment of a rural gendarmerie, to assimilate as
closely as possible free England to centralised France ;
and to make the whole peasantry of our island the
serfs of a central section of the Home Office, as de-
spotic as a Turkish Divan, and as little likely to be
influenced by any Christian compunctions in the exer-
cise of a power so admirably adapted to purposes of
oppression. On the first peeping forth of this novel
and alarming scheme which is designed to carry
the centralising policy of the Whigs into every
village and hamlet and rural district in the king-
dom, we raised our warning voice against it as
we did against that other unconstitutional, un-
christian, and most oppressive measure, the pauper-
grinding, and bastile-building Poor Law Bill. We
are glad to find that our warnings, and those of the in-
dependent portion of the Press which has taken up the
same cause with us, have not been in vain. In seve-
ral parishes of the metropolis, the public feeling has
spoken out, and now we find that the sense of consti-
tutional danger with which this At elo-Bourbon scheme
is deeply fraught, has extended to other parts of the
kingdom—
.
as is testified by the following paragraph
which we Copy
from the Berkshire Chronicle :
" On zaturday last, a meeting, numerously and respect-
ably attended, was held at the King's Arms Inn, Malmes-
bury, for the purpose of considering the best means of op-
posing the project at present anticipated by Ministers of
introducing through the country a system of gendarmerie,
or rural police. Resolutions were unanimously agreed to,
expressive of suspicion and distrust at such an alteration in
the constabulary of the country as should deprive the re-
spectable inhabitants of a parish of the choice of constables
centuries,
andgive universal satisfaction
c—isaedrilgvhitthwhich has been exer-
esnujcohyettfebrre
discretion
ntuars
and security. Though the meeting was attended by politi-
cians of all parties, yet but one feeling prevailed—that of
indignation—the various speakers strongly denouncing the
projected measure as an insidious and dangerous attack
upon the liberty of the subject. A memorial, founded on

the resolutions, is now lying for signature at the King's
Arms Inn, and will in a few days be sent to the Secretary
of State."

During the number of years that we have been en-
gaged, regardless of party and its selfish interests, in
defending constitutional principles against the encroach-
ing spirit of Whig or Tory ambition, or the destructive
rage of Radical violence, we have met with no scheme
put forward under the pretext of the public good, in
which more real mischief to civil liberty and popular
rights lurks than in the 'Whig project for a rural
gendarmerie. The moment it was put forward we gave
it as our opinion, that it was intended in the first in-
stance to be a powerful auxiliary in working the Central
Poor Law Bill. Nor was it necessary to see the se-
cretary to the Central Board appointed one of the
Commissioners to lead us to that conclusion, though
certainly that appointment is a strong circumstance in
favour of the supposition. Thus one bad measure
makes another necessary. The vile Malthusian legis-
lation, which crushed the beneficent principle of the
poor-law system of Elizabeth, instead of reforming
the practical abuses of that system, has made it
allsolutely necessary to create an army of police-
janissaries throughout the country, to work the law that
has doomed every poor man to the treatment of the
vagabond and the criminal—that turns the milk of cha-
rity into the gall of oppression—that converts the public
asylums of human affliction into places of grievous
bondage, where the " iron enters into the soul"—a law
that severs what Christianity declares to be the indis-
soluble union of man and wife, wages war upon the
dearest relationship within the circle of domestic love,
drugs with new bitterness the cup of misfortune for
those who have to drink it to the lees, and forbids the
victim of poverty to seek the peace of religion on the
Sabbath at those altars where he has been accustomed
to solicit its consolations. Who can wonder that, while
any portion of the free spirit of our ancient Constitution
pervades the frame-work of society, such a law can
never be carried into full and unmitigated effect ? Who
can wonder that the machinery of a rural Government
police is requisite to screw to the highest pressure of
which it is capable so cruel and impolitic a measure?
But we trust, as at Malmesbury, that politicians of all
parties who have any regard for public liberty will give
it their decided, but temperate and constitutional, op-
position.—Morning Herald.

By a letter received on Saturday it appears that the
Sir Edward Banks steam-packet, when going from Goree,
fell in with the wreck of a vessel on the Hinder, with a
number of hands on board. She proves to be the Neptunus,
from Finland, laden with deals and tar. Notwithstanding
the swell was very heavy, the first and second mates of the
steam-packet volunteered to go to the wreck with the boats,
and they succeeded in rescuing the captain and eight men
from a watery grave. One poor fellow was dead in the boat.
The crew had been three days on the wreck, and but for
this timely assistance would have perished. The steam-yes-
IPA Scotia took in tow a dismasted brig for the Brill. The
Sir Edward Banks also passed a ship dismasted and water-
logged, but on going close to her no one was seen on board.
The necessaries of life continue to rise in price, for
when the price of any one article advances the others are
sure to follow, although there be no justifiable cause for the
rise. The tax on candles has been reduced, but they are
still exorbitantly dear. Those who indulge in superfluity
should curtail it, for if the general consumption were de-
creased, the demand for provisions would be less, and a re-
duction in the prices would be the consequence.
There is at present living at Sutton-Veney a child,
who a short time since had a father and mother, two
grandfathers and two grandmothers, a great-grandfather
and a great-grandmother, and a great-great-grandfather, all
living at the same time. The great-great-grandfather died
nearly 100 years old, all the others are still living. The
great-great-grandfather's name was Brown, the child's name
is Webb.— Wiltshire Independent.
Jean Guerin, the once celebrated miniature painter,
died recently at Obernay, to which place he retired some
years ago. Guerin was born at Strasburg in 1760, and
was, in his youth, the particular friend of General Kleber,
who bequeathed his sword to him. Guerin was likewise
on terms of intimacy with General Desaix, Moreau, Rapp,
Caffarelli, and Bernadotte, now King of Sweden. The
latter always remained his friend, and it is but very lately
that his Majesty transmitted some marked testimonials of
his regard to the humble retreat of the artist at Obernay.
A gang of swindlers and impostors are making a
tour, it appears, through the county of Surrey, and have
levied contributions upon many of the gentry to a very con-
siderable amount. On Thursday evening one of the gang,
who is described as being a young man of rather genteel
address, went to the house of Mr. Schofield, the Mayor of
Kingston, and on being introduced to that gentleman, he
represented that he was the nephew of Mr. Marshall, of
Godalming, with whom Mr. Schofield was acquainted, and
that in consequence of a dispute with his family about a
young lady whom he wished to marry, contrary to their
wishes, he had left his friends and had gone to London,
but being reduced to great distress he was compelled to re-
turn borne, and had got so far as Kingston in pursuance of
that intention, and having spent all his money, he was un-
able to get any further. Mr. Schofield, believing the story
to be correct, gave the young man 10s., and also some re-
freshment. The story, upon inquiry, turned out to be a
complete fabrication. The Rev. Mr. Grandy, the minister
of Chertscy, has also been defrauded, by another of the
gang, in a similar manner. As it is believed that the gang
intend paying a visit to every part of the county of Surrey,
we trust this notice will put the inhabitants upon their
guard against their proceedings.
In the county of Gloucester crime is said to be
diminishing in an extraordinary degree. Last year the
commitments to the county gaol were 150 less than those
of the four preceding, and this year the diminution is still
greater.
SUBTERRANEOUS BUILDING.—III scooping out
the line of the railway on the north-east side of the moss of
Restennet, about a mile from Forfar, the workmen disco-
vered a building, several feet from the surface, of singular
construction, and great antiquity. The form of the ild-
ing, so far as the breadth of the railway uncovers, is cir-
cular, and, at first sight, seemed to consist of vast masses
of land stones thrown rudely together from no perceivable
motive or design ; bnt, on removing a quantity of stones,
an aperture was discovered, about four feet in width, and
nearly five in depth, which seems .to have been carried the
entire circle (about 50 feet) of the building, and to have
gradually widened as it receded from the moss side. But
this part being still covered with the thick sloping bank
of earth, which is not likely to be removed, its real di-
mensions cannot be correctly ascertained. The sides of this
subterraneous cave are supported with huge whinstones,
placed on end, which must have been brought from a dis-
tance with immense labour. The roof consists of long
stones, partly granite and sand stone, placed transversely.
Above these are a number of large smooth stones,
crammed endways, which bear some resemblance to the
convex side of an arch before the interstices are filled up.
No chisel, hammer, or cement had been used in the erec-
tion of this lonely dwelling. A number of the stones which
have been taken out by the workmen are of a dark, smoky
colour ; but, no certain marks of fire have been observed
upon any of them. Several parts of a hand-mill (quern,
anciently used for grinding corn), found among the rubbish,
is the only domestic utensil that has as yet been discovered.
Caledonian Mercury.
Professor Huffland, in a letter of recent date, gives a
most extraordinary case of a tradesman who, impelled by a
succession of misfortunes, and absolutely destitute of the
means of procuring food, retired to a sequestered spot in a
forest, and there resolved to starve himself to death. He
put this determination in force September 15th, and was
found on the 3d of October (18 days) still living, although
speechless, insensible, and reduced to the last stage of de-
bility. A small quantity of liquid was given him, after
which he expired. By his side was found a pocket-book
and pencil, with which he had contrived to keep a daily
journal of his state and sufferings, and in which he had per-
severed till the 29th of September. On the 26th he com-
plains of his feet being dead, and of being distracted by
thirst ; he was too weak to crawl to a neighbouring spring,
and yet dreadfully susceptible of suffering. The 28th of
September was the last day on which he made any memo-
randum. He had been a respectable tradesman, once pos-
sessing good property, of which he had been deprived by sad
misfortunes and the rankest villainy.
A new way of settling disputed accounts occurred
on Monday. Mr. Johnson, ironmonger, called on Mr.
Coultas, brazier, to come to a settlement of some disputed
accounts between them, to which Mr. Coultas replied by
sending him a very laconic challenge, which, after the
most approved Hibernian principle, he delivered himself
and a brown paper parcel at the same time. The iron-
monger first opened the powder-smelling epistle and then
the parcel, which, to his consternation, contained a pair of
terrific bell-nosselled horse-pistols, with the intimation that
he was to take his choice of the deadly weapons. Mr.
Johnson replied to the gallant brazier by a warrant, who,
before the mayor, pleaded intoxication as an excuse. The
other man of metal refused to allow the plea, and the man
of brass was held to bail in 401. to keep the peace. Mr.
Johnson asked what he was to do with the pistols ? The
Magistrate said if he kept them they could not be reco-
vered from him, and the complainant took them home with
him. Mr. Coultas said he had borrowed them, and left 51.
as a deposit, and he must say ho did not receive satisfac-
tion.—Leicester Chronicle.

ON THE STATE OF PUBLIC AF-

FAIRS IN NORWAY.

(From the Scotsman.)
[We request attention to the following communication,
which comes from a well-informed person in Christiana, and
relates to matters in which the freedom and happiness of a
moral, intelligent, and high-spirited people are involved.
There are strong reasons for thinking that the Swedish Go-
vernment has a plan in agitation for subverting the liberties
of Norway ; and it is of much importance that the sympa-
thies of the people of Britain should be awakened to the
dangers which menace the only free people in the north of
Europe. What happens in Norway is very little heard of
elsewhere ; and it is probably the general ignoranCe of its
affairs prevailing in other countries which has encouraged
Charles John to adopt the very questionable line of conduct
described below.]
CHRISTIANA, OCT. 1836.—1 t is believed that the legi-
timate Sovereigns desire much that the King and the aris-
tocracy of Sweden had a plausible excuse for extinguishing
the too liberal constitution of Norway, which, during the
twenty-two years it has existed, has improved the condition
of the people, and the financial state of the country so evi-
dently, that the Swedish and Danish nations, and even the
lower parts of Germany, begin to desire similar rights of
legislation. The visit of the Swedish Minister, Count
Withistidt, to the British and French Courts, is supposed
to have been for the purpose of sounding whether these ca li
-
binets would permit the extinction of liberalism in Norway,
and the incorporation of the country with Sweden. The
sudden dissolution of the Storthing in July is looked upon as
a snare in which the Storthing, it was expected, would have
mingled itself, in the heat of the moment, at a measure so
obviously injurious to the business of the country. The three
months during which the Storthing sits suo jure expire in
April, but in general a prolongation until autumn, under
the regal authority, has been found necessary. The Stor-
thing had so many important propositions made by the Exe-
cutive to take into consideration, that the budget and other
matters of consequence had not passed when it was sud-
denly dissolved, either from a fit of childish impatience, or
with deep design, expecting that the Storthing would, in the
irritation of the moment, declare itself permanent, or take
some other unconstitutional step, and thus afford a plausible
pretext for interference. The moderation and firmness of
the Storthing completely baffled the design of the Swedish
Cabinet. By the constitutional law a dissolution must
be notified three days before it takes ,place, that any
bills in progress may be passed—and also, by the same law,
the Storthing may demand the protocol of the Norwegian
Cabinet or Council of State ; a division of this council attends

the King at_ Stockholm, and one of their number, Count
Lovenskiold, is the Minister for Norwegian affairs. It ap-
peared by the protocol that the other members of the coun-
cil at Stockholm had remonstrated against the dissolution
as unnecessary, this session not having been so long as that
of many previous Storthings, and the interests of the coun-
try requiring that many of measures in progress should
not be postponed. Count Lovenskiold was of course the
responsible author of the measure, and the Storthing, with
great prudence, avoided the direct collision with the Royal
authority which an impeachment of the Minister for giving
to the King advice inimical to the interests of the country
would have produced. They impeached him for the minor
offence of neglecting to protest against the injurious mea-
sure adopted by the Executive, and for which offence re-
moval from office is not the necessary punishment. The
impeachment was made by the unanimous vote of the Odel-
sting, or Lower House, before the Regi-Ret Court which,
as fixed by the Constitution, consists of a committeb of the
Lagthing, or Upper House, and of the Hoisste-Ret Court
of Law, which is a constituent branch of the State. The
accused has the right of challenging and rejecting a certain
number of the members of this Regi-Ret Court, as in our
jury trial ; the Court first hear counsel on the competency
and relevancy of the Court and indictment, and then ap-
point the actor, or counsel for the prosecution, and the
defensor, or counsel for the defence. This trial took place
in September, and excited great interest, not merely in
Scandinavia, but throughout the Continent ; it being an
unheard-of event, except in England, that a royal favourite
should be brought to trial before a constitutional court by
a legislative body. The case was conducted with great
eloquence and powerful reasoning ; the Minister was de-
clared guilty of neglect of duty, and a fine of one thousand
dollars imposed. The Swedes and Germans pretend to be
amused at the idea of a fine of paltry amount being awarded
as the proper punishment of a Minister of State, for a se-
rious breach of duty—they want the constitutional feeling
which prevails in Norway, and which makes the real punish-
ment to consist in the declaration of guilt by the National
Court ; and that declaration marked by the imposition of a
fine. The Norwegians say that they have vindicated the
principle of the responsibility of Ministers, have done so
constitutionally and moderately, and with the utmost cau-
tion to avoid collision with the Executive in regard to its
choice of Ministers. To appease the unpopularity raised
by this false stop, the King has appointed a Norwegian
to be Stadtholder, but it is an office of little real weight.
The meeting of the extraordinary (which differs from the
ordinary Storthing in that it cannot initiate any measure,
but merely considers what is laid before it by the Execu-
tive) takes place to-morrow, and will attract much notice on
the Continent. It is very important to the people of Nor-
way that their existence as an independent state should be
known in Britain, and that their free constitution should be
under the guardianship of the Liberal party, and secured by
the feelings of the people of England. They deserve, in
truth, as much as the Greeks or Swiss, our public support
and sympathy.

We have this week been almost deluged by rain,
which since Tuesday evening has continued up to the pre-
sent moment with little or no intermission ; the consequence
is that every path is overflooded. Those persons who have
come from the country represent the roads as entire sheets
of water, while from the interior of the country we are in-
formed that the fall is snow. The Tweed is greatly en-
larged, and aided by high tides, much loss has been sustain-
ed on the adjacent haughs where crops of potatoes have
been wholly swept away. A heavy sea is also rolling at
the mouth of the harbour—all combining to render the
present season as disagreeable as possible.—Berwick Ad-
vertiser. The Kelso Mail of Thursday says with regard
to the weather in that neighbourhood—This part of the
country has again been laid under snow to a considerable
depth. The storm commenced at an early hour on Wed-
nesday morning, and continued with little intermission till
the afternoon. During a great part of this time, much of
the snow melted as it fell.

CAPTAIN GIIAIIAM'S CHILD.—In the last
voyage of His Majesty's ship Firefly to Malta, an occur-
rence transpired which is almost a subject for romance.
There was on board, besides a great number of others'
Captain Graham, of the army, with his lady and three
children, proceeding to join his regiment in Malta. One
fine day the nurse took the youngest child in her arms,
went on deck, aad, seating herself against the gangway,
looking out oa the water. Whilst in this position
the vessel suddenly lurched, the bolt which fastened
the gangway slipped from its place, and the nurse with her
innocent charge were in a moment struggling with the
waves. The passengers and seamen were at this crisis be-
low deck dining—the watch on board heard the shrieks of
the gasping nurse and child, and in instant sprung to the
life-buoy at the stern, but unfortunately the cordage was so
entangled, that he could not cist it into the sea. The
man at tha wheel had by this time left his station, and or-
dered the vessel to be stopped, and was loudly shouting " Pas-
sengers overboard." A simultaneous rush to the stairs now
took place amongst the passengers below, and in a short
time the decks were covered. Amongst them were
the unfortunate parents of the drowning infant. One
wild shriek burst from the lips of the agonized mo-
ther—a convulsive tremor overpowered her feelings,
and she was immediately taken below, raving fear-
fully at her loss. The stunned father gazed on his young
offspring floating away in the firm grasp of its nurse,
and could do nothing of avail for its recovery. While
this affecting scene was going on, attempts were being
made to get out a boat,lbut here again some ropes were so
connected with it, that a long time elapsed before the
intended help could be rendered available. At length the
boat was shoved off, and away the anxious crew has-
tened to rescue the nurse and child, who by this time
was about half a mile distant from the steamer. The
clothes of the nurse had buoyed her up, and though nearly
insensible, she still retained her deathlike grasp on the al-
most expiring child ; but just as they had come within
hail, the poor woman's senses had entirely forsaken her,
and she loosened her hold of the child, who now floated
away a long distance apart. The boat's crew by this
time came up with the floating body of the nurse, whose
perception returned, and her first exclamation was—" For
God's sake, save the child—don't mind me." A few mi-
nutes afterwards both nurse and child, so mercifully res-
cued, were received on board the steamer ; and when
they were again safe, the whole on board gave three
hearty cheers for their almost miraculous preservation.
Medical aid was promptly administered, and the delighted
parents seemed once more to be happy- But, alas ! the
following day their young child died.
Two hundred new cabriolets and omnibuses are now
building for the metropolis, by an association. Eighteen
will b e ready this week, and the drivers will all wear splendid
liveries. The novelty in the construction of Hansom's pa-
tent safety cabriolets has increased their number to thirty ;
but the height of the wheel is not calculated for the wear
and tear of London streets, as their frequent breakage
evinces ; from which circumstance, and their destruction to
the horses from their weight, their numbers must decrease.
The drivers are expected to carry home to their employers
21s. per diem, and those which open with a door behind,
235. per diem ; yet instances do occur teat a cab goes out in
the morning and has not the success of a fare all day,

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

COURT OF CHANCERY, Nor. 28.
THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL V. FORBES.

This was a motion by way of appeal from an order of
the Vice-Chancellor, which res'.rained the defendants, who
are five magistrates of Berkshire, from cutting away the
wooden joists of Datchet Bridge. . The justices of Berk-
shire and Buckinghamshire having undertaken to repair
the bridge at Datchet, surveyors were appointed, and they
recommended that the new works should be iron instead of
wood. The justices adopted the recommendation of the
surveyors, but the ratepayers of Buckinghamshire, being
dissatisfied with this determination, they, in the name of a
gentleman named Tindal, obtained the injunction. It was
now contended that the question was one so purely local
that the Court should not interfere.
Mr. JACOB was heard against the injunction. Jr. TEED
was about to follow on the same side, when his Lordship rose.

COURT OF KING'S BENCH, Nor. 28.
DUKE V. WHITMORE.

Mr. W. H. WATSON, for the plaintiff, stated that this
was an action brought to recover a sum of 401. claimed
upon a guarantee of !indemnity. The plaintiff, a law sta-
tioner, resided in Chancery-lane, and the defendant was
an attorney of considerable practice. Some time since a
person named Ward was indicted for being a common bar-
retor, in other words a vexatious promoter of law-suits. It
was necessary to procure bail for Ward, and the defendant
applied to the plaintiff to become one of the bail. The plain-
tiff declined, saying that he was a man with a large family,
and that it would make his wife unhappy if she knew that
he had become bail for any one. The defendant, however,
still pressed him upon the subject, and the plaintiff still he-
sitating about the matter, he consented at last to indem-
nify the plaintiff against any loss that might occur. Ward
did not perform the condition of the recogniznnces into
which he had entered, and the plaintiff, as one of the bail,
was obliged to pay half the amount of those recognizances
to the Crown. The indemnity was in these words, " I
hereby consent and agree to save harmless and indemnify
Mr. George Duke against all liability in respect of his bo-
coming bail in the prosecution of Mr. Ward." The de-
fendant had pleaded first that he did not make this agree-
ment—a plea which would at once be put an end to by the
proof of the defendant's signature to the instrument. The
defendant had also pleaded that the agreement was void,
under the statute of frauds. That objection would not
prevent the plaintiff from recovering.
After hearing evidence, the jury returned a verdict for
the plaintiff.

COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, Nor. 28.
REES AND ANOTHER V. OVERTON.

This was an action brought by the plaintiffs, the owners
of a vessel called the Hymen, to recover the sum of 321.,
the balance of an account, which was in the possession of
the defendant, who was a ship and insurance broker. The
defendant pleaded, as a set off, commission which was due
to him, and the case turned entirely upon the question of
the defendant's right to the brokerage which he claimed.
The CHIEF JUSTICE► summed up, and the Jury returned a
verdict for the plaintiff.—Damages, 331.