The Sun.
London, England, 1822-01-22 00:00:00

SPAIN.

CADIZ, JAN. I.—The, Ministers of War and
the Interior have returned to the charge against
General Jaureguy and the Political Chief. They
have expressed to them, in the King's name, his
Majesty's displeasure at their not surrendering
the authority into the hands of their successors.
The two letters have been printed in our journal,
with the following observation by Jaureguy
" I announce the -above to the public in order
that they may be acquainted with the facts. I
wish to state at ti-e'same time, that though Senor
Romarete and myself are disposed to obey the
orders of the Government, we have resolved,
with one common accord, to suspend the execu-
tion of the measures ordered with the view of

maintaining the tranquillity of the city, and of
making the Government sensible of the necessity
of their proceeding for the stability of our politi-

cal Constitution."

A courier extraordinary has been dispatched

to Madrid with the above resolution ; and to-
day, which is the second anniversary of our re-
generation, we intend to repeat the oath en-
graved on our hearts no more to obey any orders
proceeding from the present Ministry.—We ex-
pect the immediate arrival of the Infanta Don
Francisco Paul, the King's brother. He is to
embark here for Mexico, whither he proceeds
with unlimited powers.
13.incELos.t, JAN. s.—Letters are said to bare

been found from the Captain-General, Villa
Campa, to the Ministers, professing his adherence,
and promising, by his authority, to secure the
adherence of the province. But he had greatly
over-estimated his own character and influence.

At present a sort of fugitive, he is expected to
make his entry into the town, along with the Po-
litical Chief, and others of the constituted att-
thbrities who have been absent during the epi-
demic, on Monday next, when it is expected he
will appear in public with the greatest meekness,
_ _

and even humility of deportment.
The events of the fever at Catalonia, and the
laws of health generally, which take precedence
. _

of all other parts of the constitutional code, will
form a subject of interesting discussion at the open-
ing of the new Cortes. Opinions here, respecting
the ca►>se of that malady, have recently undergone
a very considerable change. To do the physicians
of Barcelona justice, they never entered generally
into the absurd views of Dr. Pariset and the French
and Carthagena Medical Commissions, although
they were overborne by the fancied weight of
the authority attributed to the former body ;
their pernicious doctrines were applied, and the
people, in consequence, perished twenty-fold.
The Members of the Medical Academy at Bar-
celona, containing all the principal Physicians of
the place, assemble twice a week at Dr. Mac-
lean's lodgings,. to report the facts which fell
under their personal observation, and to discuss
the phenomena of the pestilence. On Saturday
and Wednesday they assembled -to the number
of fourteen. They appear to be generally con-
vinced
of the non-existence of contagion as the
cause of the recent malady ; and even to re-
nounce that delusion in epidemic diseases uni-
versally. It is supposed that they will sign a
declaration to that purport, notwithstanding the
terrifying assertion of Dr. Pariset, that" to deny
contagion; is to deny God."
BAYONN.E, JAN. B. Letters from Madrid
state that the authors of a publication, charac-
terized by the Jury as seditious in the second
degree, entitled " Numerical State of the Fo-
reign Troops on the Frontiers of France and
Spain, and of the Aggressions of the French and
English on Spain and Portugal," have been con-
demned by the Court of First Resort to four
years' imprisonment, and payment of the ex-
, pences of the process.

Mn.. PIIISENT'B SYSTIM

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLR- THE MOIL OF.

_______
LIVERPOOL, •
FIRST LORD OF THE TREASUII, &C. &C. &C.
Mr I,ollD—l:had the honour of addressing your Lordship
on or about the 9th of September last ;. among other topics,
respectfully informed your Lordship, that I had, after many
years' research, discovered that our distress arose not from tile
amount, but from the mode of taxation, and from an ignorance
of the mighty resources of the British Empire ; and I then of-
fered, on certain.reasonable conditions, to make your Lordship
and Colleagues -actin:tinted with a system of Commerce and
Finance combined, which would bring those mighty resources
into action, unfold the latent energies of the nation, and effee-
-tually remove the embarrassment under which all tho industri-
ous classes are to a certain extent now labouring. '

I also informed your Lordship, that when ()VII. Revenue was
only stationary ; our population, wealth and, power, far from
being in a thriving cond►tion, were undergoing a depression of
about •lA per cent. per annum ; and, Coat when our Revenue
actually declined at the rate of 24 per cent., not fewer than a
million of our people were morally, plipically, and politically
rendered non-effective to the state, and that were we in a sound
moral and-political state, our Revenue from the same taxation
would increase at the rate of 2A per cent. per annum. • -
These truths, as•well att-the whole contents of that Letter, I

now beg.leave io'reiterate, and further to express my 'surprise,
.that such it communication should 'in the present distressed state
of the country have been treated by your Lordship with silent
contempt; I- think the more of this treatment, as my measures,
in spite of your own to the contrary, wouhl,. if adopted, have a
tendency to keep yout Lordship and Colleagues in power.
I also crave permission to. add to tile remarks which I made.
in that Letter, a few observations on a-subject which has since
come to my'knowledge. I have been informed, that when a de-
putation representing the lest India interest waited on Minis-
ters, inorder to request that a protecting duty might be laid on
foreign cotton, your Lordship objected to the adoption of this
measure on, these two grounds :—First, that it would.. be impo-
litic to do any thing which might disturb our friendly, relations
with the United States -of .America; and Secondlye_that our
manufactures would be injured by being deprived of Sea Island
Cotton, and that the sale of Illenecwould in consequence be di-.
minished in the foreign-rarket: •
In reply to thefirst objection, I can only say, that I hope and
trust that the prosperity of my country will not be sacrificed to
foreign interests (where there is notreaty), through the ignor-
ance or cowardice of any man or set of men. At the same time,-
I would beg your Lordship calmly to consider how far the
manifestation of such a repugnance to break existing arrange-
ments with the United States, may be the means of consolidat-
ing a lasting peace with that country ; and also, whether such
timidity of conduct does not give your political opponents co-
lourable reason to hint, that your Lordship and Colleagues are
as ready to seize occasions of coping with your necessitous coun-
trymen, as you seem to be backward to encounter foreign hos-
tility, and to enforce'. the just rights, and to pursue the un-
doubted interests, of the country.
1 do not pretend to be a competent judge of the merits or de-
merits of the conduct of Ministers on 'those occasions to which I
have alluded, and therefore I will not hazard an opinion on the
subject; but this 1 will boldly -say,-(and I say it without fear of
contradiction), that had our systems of commerce and finance
been corrected and made perfect in the year 1815 (being about
the time the war ceased, and I gave notice of their imperfec-
tion for peace measures), our entire population would havS.
been provided with profitable employment, and being cense-
qiiently occupied and happy ithome, would not have been in-
duced by the writings and speeches of seditious individuals to
afford Ministers opportunities of displaying their humanity.
I have further to observe, in answer to the first objection,
that I am ready to prove, on the principle that the profitable
employment of our people constitutes the wealth and prosperity
of the nation, that the British-Empire sustains an annual loss
of more than 20 millions sterling;, by manufacturing from fo-
reign instead of Colonial and British India cotton. In this
sum I include, and have made allowance for, the profit which
we should derive from the employment of half a million of our
people, and 150.000 tons of our shipping, if we were to gra-
dually exclude, by protecting duties, the former description of
cotton from our market. lam free, however, to acknowledge
that your Lordship and your Colleagues are not sing filar in
over-rating the value of our cotton manufactures to ,eaie state,
for there is scarcely a person, however higheot-tow his rank
may be, who does not believe that all things are going on well,
so long as our cotton spindles are in motion. No one consi-
ders how inconsiderable are the numbers whom they maintain
in activity when compared with the whole population of the
Empire, nor how our other interests are sacrificed to its sup-
port, yet the prosperity of this manufacture is universally
deemed an infallible criterion of national prosperity, whilst in
effect it may be only encroeehing on our native woollen and
linen manufactures, and providing payments for a branch of
foreign industry, which is gradually exhausting' these natural
sources of wealth, revenue, and power, and which I calculate
has already deprived of employment, and been the means of
demoralizing, a twentieth partof our native population. When
it is also considered, my Lord, that all but East. India cotton is
cultivated by slaves, that we profess to be averse to slavery,
that a less duty is charged on cotton wool (according to its
value) than on sheep's wool, hemp, or flax, although these sup-
ply our native manufactures ; at the same time, to any one ca-
pable of correct calculations, it must be plainly seen that our
native wool, hemp, and flax, pay to the state no less in their
production than 50 per cent. on their real value,promote freedom,
depress slavery, and increase the wealth and eolitical power
of the Empire, consequently their (the wool andA linen manu-
factures) excess of taxation, not only tends to injure themselves
anti the Empire, but acts as a stimulus and bounty to the pro-
duction of foreign cotton, as well as to support African slavery,
and foreign shipping ; now it is worthy the consideration of
every good Englishman how far such impolitic and ruinous
measures proceed from the ignorance of our Legislature, or from
the influence of certain individuals having particular interest in
this cotton manufacture, _ and who use an undue influence with
Ministers, to obtain these protections at the expence of our
woollen and linen manufactures and of the community.
In answer to your Lordship's second objection, that we should
be deprived of Sea Island Cotton for our Manufactures, I have
to observe, that the superior quality of the varioue cotton ma-
nufactures of India proves the fallacy of what is said with re-
spect to the superiority .of the Sea Island Cotton ; and I have
been informed that the mere uncertainty of receiving an ade-
quate supply of cotton from India and from our Colonies, an
uncertainty occasioned solely by the want of due _protection,
and not by the inferior quality of the cotton itselfe is the only
reason why oar Manufauturers do not adapt their machinery to
the use of this cotton ; be this however as it may, a protecting
duty for India and. Colonial Cotton, would no more prevent the
importation of Sea island Cotton, than the protecting duty
which was created to promote the consumption of West India
Rum, prevents the importation of Foreign Brandy. A pro-
tecting duty of this sort would only act as a bounty on the pro-
duction of cotton in British India, and such of our Colonies as
possess a soil and-climate better adapted to its growth"; and in
whith the cotton Plant is indigenous, and not an exotic as in the
United States, ant whose latter inhabitants are only able by the
-employment of a slave popula' ion, and by an Utter exemption
from those burdens to which British sub)ects are liable an all
ports of the world to compete with the British India and Colo-
nial Planters If we were, therefore, to oblige the Foreign
Planter to bear an equal burthen with the British Planter, by
laying a duty on the cotton of the-former equal to the superior
value of the latter's cotton to. the State, that is all which the
British and Colonial interests reqiiire; and'without some such
equalizing measure: England's supremacy-can only be, and I
will add should only beeof,short.duration.
Your Lordship anktlie Community in general seem to have
imbibed a tuition ilia „our Cotton ManufactureS should be kept
at as low a price as possible, lest foreigners should undersell us
(as it is termed), in Ihreign markets. Now, my Lord, I am
also ready to prove that .the price paid for goods in this country
has no influence in the foreign market ; for all our exports are
meihepayments for the consumption of.-the British Empire, and
we cannot carry foreign commerce- beyond such payments. It
follows therefore, that if our Merchants sell our exports
for less than 'they cast them, they will charge a greater price
for their imports, and vice versa ;. but if they sell their
exports at an unreasonable profit, they will self their
imports so much the less ; the merchants' profits are regue
lated •by competition:. There is also an injustice in pro-
tecting our cotton more than our woollen and linen manufac-
tures, as well as in, protecting the labour of machinery more
than manual labour. [n nearly all our, colonies the price of
British exports are at a fair profit, but the foreigners (even to
their own ultimate loss) -having possession of our home
markets for the supply of articles similar to the products of
our Colonies, without paying a fair share of our burthens in
the shape of protecting duties, prevent remittances from being
made from our own (.blonies, and thus occasion a considera-
ble loss to our planters, merchants, and the Empire, where
-great gain ;' thus the industry, not
there would otherwise le a
only of these valuable appendages to the Empire, but even to
eliSaffection and rebellion engendered throughout both, which I
a certain extent of the Empire itself is paralized, and a spirit of
am convinced can only le eradicated. by the adoption of that
perfect system of commirce and finance, the want of which has
been the cause of all. the ailments of the body politic, and will
only serve to render tleni every day .more inveterate and in-
curable.
If we were to lay protecting duties on foreign cotton, tobacco,
tee present trade which we carry on with
foreigners,
in
ghneemr
sp
Ett andthose
flax,articles would, with our capital and excess of
population, almost immaliately be diverted to British . India
and such of our Colonic: as arc suited to their growth, and in.

which a British white and free population might be profitably
employed in their 'production. Unless, however, the protec-
tions I demand have a beginning. the experiment ofproducing
our own cotton-can never • have a fair trial.; of its success no
rational doubt can be entertained, for it is, as I have before ob-
served, indigenous both to lndia'and New South Wales, where-
as it is an exotic the United States of America. In this lat.

ter Colony Port Alaequirie possesses numerous advantages in
point of soil, climate; and situationi'for the production of cot-
ton.similar.to the Sea Island cotton of die United States ; but

unless the cultivation of it be encouraged by the protecting do.
tierwhich- I harepointed-rnitc'their-capabilities must remain
in embryo, or be transferred to foreign countries, and in twenty
years hence we shall-be in the same situation as we are at pre-
sent; vith only this dfference, that we shall in the interim
have lost four hundred millions, yet still remain dependent on
foreigners, -and liable to have our spindles stopt, whenever it
may be their will and pleasure that they should be stopt.
Our Colonies are only valuable in. proportion as they supply
us with those- coiumodities for which we should otherwise be
compelled to resort to foreigners, as they afford profitable em-
ployment to our surplus population and capital, as they in-
crease our -national wealth, and, finally, as they add to the
Means of offence- and defence. And regarding them, nthis

point of view, the superior value to the parent state of British
America, Southern Africa, and of New Holland over British
India ; and again of the latter over our West India and Middle
Africaii Colonies must be evident, as neither of the two latter
serve to employ our excess of population, c4increase our nursery
for seamen beyond whata foreign trade would do but the laws
to which we have subjected them are in many respects snbver- -
sive of the very order of "lattice, by giving to foreigners those
markets, or in other wards that nurture and encouragement
which every principle of natural feeling and affection, as well
as sound policy, should have induced us to reserve exclusively
for their own offspring. Nor' could it, I conceive, have en-
tered -into the calculation of any but ideots that an arrange-
ment thus fundamentally vicious and unnatural can be of any
very long duration ; for (to leave all feeling out of the question)
sound policy alone demands; cOnsidering the immense extent
of our empire, and the great intervening chasms that exist:
between its various.parts, chasms which prove that it is not an
empire designed by nature, but established in spite of the Q. 1);
stades created by na.ture, I say, corisideringthese circumstances;
sound policy of itself imperatively requires that every possible
encouragement should be given to the interchange of products
of the various members of this monstrous and ill combined corn-

- •
munity, so as to render them, or as far as is' 'Practicable, de-
pendent on one another, and to form them as it were into one
vast family united together, if not by the ties of consanguinity,
at least by tics which are perhaps scarcely less binding, the tics
of common interest and expediency.; yet, on the contrary, our
laws, the want of giving them our markets for their, produce,
oblige them to become manufacturers themselves and to con-
sume their own produce.
Our great and glorious forefathers, in their wisdom, made
laws to protect tiritish industry from foreign competition,
Which' laws Sufficed in spite of natural obstacles of no ordinary
magnitude to raise our royal and mercantile Navy, our Manu-
factures and Commerce,-to the highest pitch of power and pros-
perity. Our Modern worthies on the other hand seem to deem
it sound policy to frame laws for 'the purpose of guarding
foreign industry and commerce from British competition; I
need not dilate on the consequences : they are visible in all hut
themselves, though mole-like they either cannot see, or owl-
like (1 speak with reference to the fabulous attributes of Mi-
nerva's protigee), they think they can see more clearly than
any one else.
As far as common sense can direct us to a right conclusion,
what can be a greater anomaly than to have sacrificed, as we
have done, the lives of thousands (1 may indeed safely say), of
hundreds of thousands, of our brave sons, and to have ex-
pended millions upon millions of our wealth in discovery, con-
quering and planting colonies ; and when at this enormous
cost of blood and treasure we have aequir.ul them, that we
should then, to a certain extent, exclude their produce from
our market, by throwing it opan to the like productions of fo-
reigners. What must be the obvious and inevitable result of
such a course of legislation, if it be not to drive our colonists
to rebellion, and to deprive our redimdant, population
of that employment which they, would otherwise most
assuredly find in our colonies? I must confess that I
for one am at a lost to; conjecture ; such conduct, as
it appears to my humble apprehension, resembles the
folly and cruelty of certain school-bovs, who at a great
expence rear up cocks, and then tie them by the leg for
the purpose of having the mischievous pleasure of throwing
sticks and stones at them until they have either knocked their
brains out, or broken their bones.
" To remember, the consumer,"
,is a trite adage, now in
vogue among the authors and suppotters of the new tangled un-
protecting commercial system, which they are endeavouring to
substitute for tile good old system established by our forefathers.
All that I require myself is adherence to this maxim in reality,
and not in semblance. For instance, if I allow the importation
of seven quarters of foreign corn duty free, in order that I may
gain about 20s. per quarter by it, or 71., but in doing this I de-
prive of profitable. employment a British cultivator either at
home or in our Colonies, whose labour would otherwiso be'
worth in wealth, power and revenue, taken together, at the rate
of 401. per annum to the state ; it must be evident that instead
of benefiting the consumer and my country, I occasion a loss
to the State of the 401. aforesaid, as well as occasion a charge
on the parochial or public funds of 201. per annum, inde-
pendently of the demoralization which the individual may
sustain from the want of employment, and which demoraliza
don may in etrect cost the community at the rate of 101. per
annum more. . .; • _

—... ..... ...e.e. _
Thus then, while According to the opinion of cur modern 1
politicians, we are obtaining a gain of 71. we are in fact expe-
riencing a loss of from 401. to 601. by every able man so de-
prived of profitable employment : and the same arguments
hold good with reference to the employment of foreign ships
and the use of foreign timber, cotton, tobacco, hemp, flax, and
indeed of all other foreign articles, the like of which might be
produced by our surplus population within the limits of our
own empire. ,
It appears plainly to me that our dominion is not only
much more extensive than nature originally intended, but
that it possesses infinite resources which our Legislators have
not discovered, , much less called into action. It is this
disregard of the important duties with which they - are in-
vested, that drives us to the humiliating necessity. of crouch-
ing to foreigners and submitting to their n olent pretensions
for fear they should withhold from us supplies, forsooth,
which we might ,raise in superior perfection within our own
limits, and in the production and carriage of which, ten times
our present unemployed countrymen and shipping might be ac-
tively and beneficially engaged in adding to the wealth, reve-
nue, and stability of the empire.
It is worthy of observation that if we import foreign corn
duty free, we shall not, under any circumstances, be able to
increase our manufactures, but shall be compelled to decrease
them very considerably, since we can only manufacture to the
extent which the payment of imported articles of consumption
may require 'and to this extent we manufacture already ; added
to which when an agricultural population are deprived of profit-
able employment, the manufacturing and commercial interest
would have to pay what they, the-landed interest, now pay, and
for their maintenance when so deprived of employment, of 200
millions sterling per annum. But it is more than probable that
the foreigner would take in payment for his grain rum at 2s.
per gallon, sugar at 30s. per cwt., tea - at 2s. per pound,.
and other goods, not the produce of this country, at a
proportionate rate, in preference to British manufactures,
while at the same time the English farmer would be
paying 18s. per gallon for the rum he consumed, GOs. per
hundred for the sugar, 4s. per pound for the tea, and for
other goods of the like nature in proportion. 'lt is this, and the
large sums which the farmer pays -for taxes, poor-rates, &c.
that constitute the difference between the price of English and
foreign corn, hemp, flax; cotton, tobacco, ships, &c. &c. &c.
fbr if we impose on foreigners the 'burdens with which the Bri-
tish agriculturist and shipping interest are charged, they will
not conic to our ports with their grain, Sec. &e. &c. I contend
therefore, independent 'of other weighty considerations, that it
is impossible for England to exist under a non-protecting sys-
tem of commerce and finance in-her present circumstances.
. If my principles are wrong, dislodge me from my position;
if right, adopt my system, and Our people will no longer
languish in misery and demoralization. Now as your Lord=
ship has deprived me of the pleasure which I solicited of exhi-
biting my plan before you, and which would have rendered my
public meeting unnecessary,• still, if you do me the honour to
attend that meeting, I will endeavour to convince your Lord-
ship that the cause of our distress is not the extravagance of
Ministers, nor the consequences of last war, nor of a depreci-
ated currency, nor abundant crops, nor the amount of .taxa-
tion ; but a national ignorance of the mighty resources of the
Briti!kh Empire, and of that system of commerce and finance
necessary to bring them into action, so as to give all our peo-
ple profitable employment, and increase our revenue in the
like ratio, with a knoWledge of which I hope to bring the
meeting on that day acquainted. If you say
,my general mea-
sure will require the sacrifice of individual interest, my answer ,
is, no general measure should be adopted that will not benefit
' the nation after it has paid the sacrifice of individual interest.
It is high time that all British interests knew they had but
. m otthineeieronbttjrseile object to promote, as by their divisions hitherto they have
. become the dupes of party intrigue, which always divides to con-
quer ; and as nothing can so- effectually obtain a union of sen-
tilnieterest, as
disarmingthe ofap
pom tm
e opposition,nto f
aand
Committeet the
to discoveryasc
eor
.f
, tang the value of every. British interest in the Empire to the
State, and then to protect them respectively, and accordingly
E from foreign competition, and to let commerce then Lave the
: freedom of air, I hope, my Lord, you will use your influence
i to bring about this desirable measure ; but the guide .for incl.-

betiOn must have no TZteietiCe to what ati artictO ens. in ani
country, but what it
.pays to our State in production, &c. Sr-e-
In the same ratio Ministers depend on men. anti their present
measures will be the duration of our distresses.
I remain, your, Lordship's very obedient hutiible Servant,
JOSEPH PINSENT?
A true Pittite.

23, Birchin-lane, 13th Jan. 1822.

INIPROVEMENTS IN SAIL CLOTH.

At the time of the conquest of Gaul by Juracg
etESAR, the only people in that countryi accus-
tomed to maritime adventure, were the. inhabit-
ants.of the coast of Britanny. In large half-
decked boats, constructed of wicker-work, anti
covered' With hides,, with sails and rigging, alSo
composed of leather, those daring seamen not
only traded along the shore of the Bay of Biscay,
but fearlessiy stood across the Channel to the
opposite coast of Britain. The native Britons in
smaller boats, but composed of the same mate-
rials, appear to have restricted themselves almost
entirely to river navigation. The Phoenicians,
Carthagenians, Greeks, and !lowans, from tho

time of Homua, and probably much earlier, ap
pear universally to hay employed flaxen cloth
as the material .of their sails ; and the Romans,
on their settlement in Britain, no. doubt intro-
duced the use of it into this country. Hemp,
according to PLINY, was one of the species ,of
vegetable fibre employed in making cords. and
ropes for land as well as for sea service ; but the
art of weaving it into canvas is, comparatively
speaking, of recent origin ; and, at this very
day, it is only the chain or warp of the so-called
hempen canvas, which consists of this substance,
the shoot being of flaxen thread.
Holland, Flan.lers, and Germany, having a
climate better suited to the growth of flax and
hemp than the British islands, and being earlier
addicted to manufacture, for a long time sup'
plied this country with sail cloth, it appearing
by the preamble to an Act of Parliament in the
first year of J..tmEs 1., that previmis to the 32d
year of ELIZABETH, the art of weaving canvas for
sails bad not been practised in England. M
soon, however, as the introduction of this very
important manufacture had taken place, its en-
couragement became the object of LegislatiVe
enactment. In 1696 it was allowed to be e -
ported from England, duty free, and in 1746 it.
was made penal for any British built-ship to
leave port, unless her first suit of sails were
wholly •of home Manufacture. in 1767, addi-,
tional dUties were laid on the importation sat
foreign sail cloth, and at present little, if any, 14
imported, but, on the contrary, large quantities
are exported, receiving a bounty of 11-d. per ell'
If flaxen or hempen yarn in its natural state ;4
woven into canvas, and this canvas without any far'
titer preparation is brought into use, it is speedily
infected by_mildew,which appearing at first in the
form of greenish patches of a minute fungous ve-
getable, soon destroys the tenacity of the fibre, giv-
ing it at the same time a black, and, as it were,
charred appearance. It is found also that this ten"
dency is greatly increased by tho colouring mat-
ter of the plants; hence in improving the Jura'
bility of canvas the usual course has been ta
get rid, as far as practicable, of the colourist'
particles by means of the usual bleaching Pr°-
cesses. The only objections to canvases so Pre,"
pared, as compared with the ordinary unbleached
kinds, are their higher prices, together with tl"'
weakness and rottenness Search Lite frequeotir
observed after a short wear to take place in suds
of them as have been bleached by strong alkalioe
preparations, and especially by oxymuriatic acid'
It is obvious, however, that all these methods are
only palliative, and, in point of fact, the most
esteemed kinds of canvas will contract the mifr
dew (often in a few days) when placed in a close
warm damp atmosphere.
A discovery for the prevent/an of mildew in all
kinds of canvas, bleached and unbleached, %VI
made some years ago by Messrs. BROWELL
CO. and subsequently submitted to the exarni°:
tion of Mr. NIKIN, Secretary to the Society 0l
Arts. The chemical knowledge of this Gentle-
man (which need not be insisted on here) eal-
bled hitreto extend the application of the illy
cess, and to introduce various imprOvements
its preparation. As soon as the proprietors 10
fully satisfied themselves of the efficacv'and vallte
of their discovery, they offered it to the fiery
Board, under whose direction experiments were
made by officers commanding ships of Srn
in the Channel, the Mediterranean, No"
foundland, and the western coast of Africa,:
In every instance the anti-mildew qiiality of
canvas so prepared received the unqualified ar
probation of ' the officers to whom .the
inents were entrusted. Similarly favourable
re
sults have attended the use of this process in Pr t
vate ships trading •to the East Indies and to°s,
other parts of the world. The London Society
of Ship-owners, after a full investigation,' iias
declared in their official letter to AleSSr'.
BROWELL and Co. their " perfect satisfac'
tion that the invention possesses the vald;
able property ascribed to it."—The advantage
derived from this very important discovery ttr"
1. That the duration of canvas, under the usual eirclo;
stances-of4ear, may beat least doubled at the small addition';
expence-of lid. per yard, or 5 per cent. on the whole cost °II
ship's sails, making, &c. included.
re
2. That unbleached canvas, which is in price much o
ea
than lid. per yard cheaper than bleached, may be substito
instead of the latter for all purposes, the mildewing effect of the
colouring particles being entirely neutralized,
i 5
3. That every kind of canvas, bleached and unbleach4
°r
rendered extremely soft and pliant, thereby becoming iroef
easy to furl, and is stowed in less compass than any /01
sail cloth now in use.
4: That not only the British shipowner will be immetli ttel he
henefitted by a very serious reduction of expence both in .11'44
first outfit and in the current wear and tear, but the PI- ill
'manufacturer will be amply indemnified for any reducti°l;ol
the home demand by the- superiority which his canvas, 1, the
subjected to the new process, will speedily obtain in ai
foreign markets.

To-morrow being the first day of Hilary le'.4",
the Judges will breakfast with the LORD
CELLOIt, at his house in Hamilton-place, Ficc -E,
dilly, and thence go hi grand procession to Wes
minster Hall to open the Courts of*Law.
The remains of the Duchess of St. .1.0319
are to be removed, on Friday next, iron' tr,
family mansion in St. James's-square, .for jilt
e, •
meat in the family -vault, Redburn, lancoinshir

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