The Sun.
London, England, 1849-09-04 00:00:00

route across the Isthmus, be under their entire
control. They have done this, as fax as we
are aware, without an observation from the Go-
vernment of this country. Another route, how-
ever, offers itself to public enterprise through the
Mosquito territory, and thence across Nicaragua or
Costa Rica to the Pacific. A counterfoil is here
opened in case of any abuse of their privileges by the
United States Company, through the opportunity it
affords of a route for British trade to the Pacific.
The w hole question then is this, are the United States
to monopolise both routes, or to have such a control
over the second route as to deprive the valuable com-
merce of this country of one independent communi-
cation across the isthmus from the Atlantic to the
Pacific ? That instructions to oppose this have
been given to Mr. Bancroft, as has been recently
reported, is not credited; but, if it be true, there is
no hesitation expressed as to what the answer of the
Government ought to be. The United States may
rely upon it, this country will back the Government
in any position it may take to protect its just and
necessary interests on this subject. It is perhaps not
generally known that, entering the river San Juan, at
Grey Town, steamers of small draft could run up to
the River Sarapiqui, in Costa Rica, and navigate it
likewise for seme way up. From thence to the town
of San Jose*, the capital cf this little republic, there is
already a mule tract, the usual road of central Ame-
rica; but, from San Josh to Punta Arenas, a good
road (the only one made throughout central America,
since the independence) has been run to the Pacific.
The Costa Ricans are now engaged in forming a road
from San Jose to the Sarapiqui. When this is com-
pleted a good route will have been constructed from
sea to sea, and be the only one in existence on the
American continent. While the Nicaraguans pos-
sessed the port of San Juan (now Grey Town), they
manifested great jealousy of the Costa Rica people, and
precluded their communicating this way with Europe.
The assertion by the British Government in 1847 of
their protectorate rights in Mosquito has again opened
out this country to improvement. Another question
exists, the most important which can now be pre-
sented to the consideration of this country—the proba-
bility that here will be found the most available po-
sition for the opening of a ship canal. If this is to be
effected, it must not be under the anarchial influences
of Nicaragua, or the monopolising spirit of the United
States ; and this can alone be prevented by Great
Britain continuing to maintain her connexion with
Mosquito, the origin of which is anterior to the ex-
istence of any of those settlements in North America
which now, in their independence, evince such a
narrow jealousy of the parent state.
"There can be no mistake as to this being the view
and fixed determination of Government, if we may
judge by the letter of Mr. Barclay, our Consul at
New York, to the agents of the New York and New
Orleans Steam N avigation Company. Mr. Barclay
states, in referenece to an agreement made by these
parties with the Nicaragua Government, for the ex-
clusive right of ma vi gating St. John's River,' that
he is instructed officially to inform them' of the
boundary line of the Mosquito kingdom, and to
intimate to the company that the Port of St. John's,
now called Grey Town, at which they have agreed
with the Nicaragua Government to build a store, also
belongs to Mosquito; that her Majesty's Govern-
ment is bound to protect the King of Mosquito in
the exercise of the territorial rights which he pos-
sesses over Grey 7i7own, and over the lower part of St.
John's River, and that the Government of Nicaragua
has entered into a:a agreement in regard to a place in
which it has no competence.' To this we would only
add that Nicaragua was not in the occupation of the
port of San Juan when it made the agreement re-
ferred to, and from the time of its independence of
Spain in 1823 it first took up a position at the mouth
of the San Juan (in usurpation of the rights of Mos-
quito) only about eight years prior to its compulsory
retirement before a mixed force of Mosquito militia
and British soldiery, and that from the outset the
King of Mosquito protested against the aggression,
and would have repelled it by force but for his reli-
ance on the intervention of this country, to which he
had made appeal."

A SONG FOR THE RAGGED SCHOOLS.
(From Eliza Cook's Journal.)
To work, to woxk! ye good and wise,
Let " ragged " scholars grace your schools,
Ere Christian. children can arise,
They must be trained by Christian rules.
We ask no fragrance from the bud
Where canker-vermin feeds and reigns,
We seek no health pulse in the blood,
Where poison runneth in the veins.
And can we hope that harvest fruits
In living bosoms can be grown,
That palms and vines will fix their roots,
Where only briers have been sown?
Man trains his bound with watchful care,
Befure he trusts him in the chase;
Man keeps his steed on fitting fare
Before he tries him in the race;
And yet be thinks the human soul,
A meagre, :fierce and untaught thing,
Shall heed the written Law's control,
And soar on Reason's steady wing.
Oh, they who s►id not by their gold,
Or voice, or deed, the helpless ones,
They who with reckless brain withhold
Truth's sunshine from our lowly sons;
Shall they be blameless—when the guilt
Of rude anal savage hands is known;
When crime is wrought and blood is spilt—
Shall the poor sinner stand alone?
Dare we condemn the hearts we leave
To grope their way in abject gloom,
Yet conscious that we help to weave
The shroud-fold of Corruptions loom?
Shall we send forth the poor and stark,
All rudderless on stormy seas,
And yet expect their spirit-bark
To ride out every tempest breeze?
Shall we, with dim short-sighted eyes,
Look on their forms of kindred clay,
And dare to trample and despise
Our sharer's in a "judgment day?"
Oh, narrow, blind, and witless preachers!
Do we expect the " ragged" band
To be among: God's perfect creatures,
While we refuse the helping hand?
To work, to work! with hope and joy,
Let us be doing what we can;
Better build school-rooms for " the boy,"
Than cells and gibbets for " the man."
To work, to work! ye rich and wise,
Let " ragged " children claim your care,
Till those who yield Crime's jackal.cries,
Have learned the tones of peace and prayer.
Ana COOK,

CO=URT CIRCULAR.
BALMORAL, SEPT. 1

THE BERMONDSEY MURDER.
Mrs. Manning has somewhat recovered the excite-
ment she displayed on the fact being made known to
her of her husband's arrival in Horsemonger-lane
gaol after being examined at the police-court on
Saturday. The coolness and general levity of her
conduct, however, excites considerable observation, if
not surprise. She often expresses much concern
about Manning, and when speaking of him remarks,
" Ah, poor boy, he ought not to have been taken."
Scarcely a word escapes her lips in reference to the
part she is supposed to have taken in the dreadful
crime. All her thoughts apparently are devoted to
dress. Having obtained permission of Mr. Seeker,
the police magistrate, for some satin dresses and
bonnets, found in her luggage when apprehended, to
be restored to her, she has been employed most of
the time since her last appearance at the police-
court, in preparing her attire for the next examina-
tion. She has been very busy in adding a double
fall to her bonnet so as to screen her, as she
says, from the vulgar gaze of the mob. She makes
hut little complaint of the restrictions imposed upon
her • indeed, she has often expressed herself satisfied
with what the prison authorities had done for her,
saying, "I have plenty of room, plenty of air, and
plenty of food, and am not without society. She
expressed a desire to see Mr. Moxey, the superin-
tendent of the Edinburgh police, but being told that
that gentleman had left the metropolis to attend his
official duties in Scotland, she seemed rather disap-
pointed, and observed that " she wished particularly
to have thanked him for his gentlemanly conduct,"
adding, " but I intend to go again to Scotland as
soon as I have got over this difficulty, and I will call
and see him." During the whole time she has been
in the prison, it has been generally observed that she
relies much on the belief that she will succeed in
satisfactorily clearing away all suspicion of her being
concerned in the murder of O'Connor. The appear-
ance and conduct of Manning have undergone a great
change in prison. Yesterday he seemed depressed in
mind. On Sunday night he expressed a wish to have
an interview with his wife, but Mr. Keene, the
governor, informed him, as on the previous occasion
when he made a similar request, that it could not be
granted.
Mrs. Manning attended Divine service in the chapel
at Horsemonger-lane Gaol on Sunday, both in the
morning and afternoon. Her husband was not pre-
sent at either service. Both the prisoners have had
several interviews with their professional advisers,
preparatory to being brought up for re-examination
on Thursday next. Manning still asserts his own inno-
cence, and upbraids his wife as the sole perpetrator of
the deed. The police are actively engaged in making
inquiries after the air-gun or pistol from which the
bullet found in deceased's head was fired; and it is
believed that a clue has been found which will fix
the recent possession of an air-gun on Manning.
An air-gun, wrapped in a baize cover, was left by
a man answering his description at a shop in Cheap-
side on Wednesday, the Bth, and taken away again
on Thursday morning. The shopkeeper states, that
the person who left it appeared to be in a state of great
agitation, and said he would call for it again, which
he did.
Since the examination of Manning, the house No.
3, Minver-place has undergone another minute
search, by order of Mr. Evans, the Superintendent of
~the M division of police. The whole of the back
kitchen was dug up some distance below the
depth where the body of O'Connor was found, but
nothing material was discovered. Inquiries are now
being made of most of the marine store dealers in the
metropolis respecting the crowbar which Manning
bought of Messrs. Evans, the ironmongers in King
William-street, and which is missing. It is evident
that a weapon of that description must have been
employed in raising the Yorkshire flagstones and
picking up the hard soil under them.
It will be recollected that a dress was found by In-
spector Haynes in one of Mrs. Manning's boxes, the
front and left shoulder of which bore marks of blood.
This confirms the admission made by Manning when
apprehended at Jersey, that Mrs. Manning invited
O'Connor downstairs to wash his hands, and when
reaching the bottom of the staircase put one arm
round O'Connor's neck, and with the other shot him

Her Majesty and the Prince walked out this morning.
The Royal dinner party this evening will include Mr.
and Mrs. Farquharson, of Invercauld, and Sir Charles
Lyell.

through the head. The stains on the dress have been
examined by Mr. Odling, the surgeon, of the Borough,
and that gentleman is of opinion from the experiments
he has made that they are marks of human blood.
Yesterday a letter bearing a foreign postmark and
addressed to Maria de Roux, was examined by Mr.
Seeker, the police magistrate, but it contained only
some doggrel verses on the late murder, and threw
no light on the facts of the case.

HUNGARIAN QUESTION.

The Queen will hold a Privy Council to-morrow
(Wednesday), the sth inst., at Balmoral. Summonses
to the Ministers and Officers of State to attend the
Council were issued yesterday from the Privy Council-
office, Whitehall.

MEETIN G AT GREENWICH..
Last evening a public meeting was held at the
Literary and Scientific Institution, Greenwich, for
the purpose of expressing sympathy with the brave
and patriotic Hungarians, and of raising contributions
in aid of persons belonging to that nation seeking
refuge in this country. At eight o'clock, the time
appointed for holding the meeting, the theatre of the
institution was densely crowded in every part by a
very respectable auditory, a considerable portion of
whom belonged to the fair sex.
Mr. GRAHAM, by whose exertions the meeting was
convened, took the chair, and, after a few preliminary
observations explanatory of the objects of the meeting,
introduced
Lord DUDLEY STUART, who was most enthusias-
tically received, and said—Mr. Chairman, Ladies, and
Gentlemen, I have very great pleasure in meeting.this
numerous and respectable meeting upon this most
interesting question—upon a question interesting to
every Englishman—interesting to every one attached
to liberty—interesting to every one desirous of the
welfare and prosperity of Europe.—(Cheers.) We are
met this evening to consider the state of Hungary,
to pay a tribute of respect to those gallant patriots
who have risen up in defence of the rights of their
country, and who, undismayed by fearful odds—the
odds of two powerful empires arrayed against them—
have boldly drawn their sword—(Cheers)—have
dared every danger, and if they have not been suc-
cessful, at least have played a part which will be
handed down to the latest posterity—(Cheers)—the
theme of admiration and the example of all
the lovers of freedom.—(Renewed cheering.)
These circumstances alone are sufficient to claim
the sympathy of every native of Great Britain—of
that soil peculiarly dedicated to freedom, on which
no slave can stand, because the instant he places his
foot upon our shores the chains fall from him.—
(Cheers.) Taking, therefore, the most general view
of the Hungarian question, and not stopping to ex-
amine into its details, there is enough in it to awaken
the interest of every British heart.—(Hear.) But if
we examine further, if we examine the page of
history, and make ourselves thoroughly ac-
quainted with what the Hungarians have
done in times past, and what they have
been doing within the last two years, we find
that all our impulses in their favour are confirmed
and encouraged by that investigation.—(Hear.) We
find that the Hungarians are a people who, like our-
selves, have always been attached to principles of
freedom—(Cheers)—that they have not now for the
first time evinced a desire to make laws for themselves,
but that for centuries and centuries they have lived
according to their own laws, according to their own
charter, which they, by their valour and determined
courage obtained in former times, just as the bold
Barons of England extorted Magna Charta from King
John.—(Cheers.) As many years—aye, and more
years than we have enjoyed freedom, the Hungarians
have also been free; and though in the process of
time they have come under the sceptre of the despotic
Emperor of Austria, yet, although they have lived
under the sceptre of a despot, they have not permitted
him to rule them as slaves—(Hear, hear, and
cheers)—but it has only been upon condition of
his swearing to observe their constitution and
to protect their rights that he has ever been permitted
to mount the throne of Hungary.—(Renewed cheer-
ing.) As Emperor of Austria the Hungarians have
never known him—they have known no sovereign
but the King of Hungary—(Cheers)---and no sove-
reign has been King of Hungary till now without
taking a solemn oath to observe the constitution of
Hungary. It may. be that successive sovereigns—
as sovereigns history proves are too apt to
do—have forgotten the laws, and have more or less
violated the constitution."( Hear.) That has been
an abuse which has been more or less tolerated, ne •
vertheless the constitution has never been set aside,
and the Hungarians have still held to that dear
privilege of freemen—the right to have no taxes
levied but those voted by the people or their repre-
sentatives.—(Loud cheering.) If I were to tell you
that in times past and until the present day the con-
stitution of Hungary has been a perfect model of
what a free constitution ought to be, I should be guilty
of a gross exaggeration, and say that which
certainly cannot be supported by facts. But has the
constitution of England always been a perfect consti-
tution ?---(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Is it a perfect
constitution at this day ? (Hear, hear, and " No,
no.") Why then it is no reason that we should think
slightingly of the Hungarians if they, like ourselves,
have lived for a long time under a constitution not
perfect, although certainly very much superior to any
other except our own which has prevailed in Europe
—(Hear)—and if they, like ourselves, have been
contented with an imperfect constitution ; still
if you examine it you will find, that it was in many
respects highly commendable, and as good as could
be expected according to the spirit of the times.—
(Cheers.) The enemies of Hungary, the friends of
despotism, are anxious upon all occasions to malign
the Hungarians, and in doing so, distort history—
(Hear)—and they would have you believe at one
time that the constitution of Hungary was one
divined only for the benefit of a small part
of the nation, and without any regard to the
welfare of the people at large—that the
Hungarians have been struggling for some wild
scheme of a constitution— some red Republic founded
upon absurd and extreme principles.—(Laughter.)
But neither of these two things is true—it is
neither true that the constitution of Hungary as it
was of old was not worth having, nor that the con-
stitution which they proclaimed in later days was
one which was not deserving of the approbation and
respect of the philosopher.—(Cheers.) The Hun-
garian constitution, it is true, instituted the power of
electing the Members of Parliament only in a particu-
lar class, which was called the class of the nobles ; but
the nobles in that country were a class so large that
they were more than equal in proportion to the whole
of the inhabitants than the class of electors in this
country were previous to the Reform Bill.—(Hear,
and cheers.) I know very well that that was not
enough to satisfy a nation, and I know too that the
Hungarians held that that was not enough, and
that last year, feeling so under the guidance of the
immortal Kossuth—(Loud and prolonged cheering)
—they introduced a reform—a great, a noble, and an
efficient reform—a reform much greater than that
which was introduced in this country some 15 or 18
years ago—(Cheers)--they did away with all distin-
ons between nobles and non-nobles.—(Cheers.)

GRAND SUB-UNION FESTIVAL.
The grand opening festival of the North-West,
Sub-Union of Mechanics' Institutes is definitely
fixed to take place in Harrogate on the 27th of the
present month. To give the public an idea of the
unusual and splendid attractions which will mark the
celebration of this event, we have only to say that Mr.
G. L. Banks, the general secretary of the Sub-Union
is in correspondence with many of the most eminent
authors and public men of the age, some of whom
have pledged themselves to attend, while the result of
his application to others is not yet made known. Of
those who it is already known will honour Harrogate
with their company, comes, first of all, the celebrated
George Cruikshank, the eminent artist and carica-
turist, whose exquisite dashes of humour and beautiful
conceptions contributed to Punch, the Man in the
Moon, and shown in his illustrations of the works of
Dickens and others, and still more recently in
his series of tableaux, " The Bottle," have
won for him a world-famed reputation, and
placed him in the highest ranks of ge-
nius. The above gentleman will preside,
and will be ably supported by Lord Goderich, who
in the handsomest manner possible 'has recently iden-
tified himself with the Mechanics' Institution at
Kirby Malzeard ; the Hon. and Very Rev. H. D.
Erskine, Dean of Ripon, son of the late Lord Ers-
kine, whose name is a tower of strength, and whose
good works ought to be had in everlasting remem-
brance ; George Dawson, Esq., M.A., the eminent
lecturer, of Birmingham; Charles Swain, Esq., of
Manchester, author of " The Mind," " Dramatic
Chapters," " English Melodies," &c. ; Edward Baines,
Esq., President of the Yorkshire Union of Mechanics'
Institutes ; Charles Mackay, Esq., LL.D., of London ;
William Scholefield, Esq., M.P. for Birmingham,
&c. The arrangements for the occasion will consist
of a public dejeuner, at two o'clock, at the Queen
Hotel, and of a public meeting in the evening,
tickets for which must be obtained some days prior
to the festival. The following are the stewards :
the Worshipful the Mayor of Ripon ; John James
Harrison, Esq. ; William Williamson, Esq. ; Wm.
Bennett, Esq., M.D. ; George Kennion, Esq., M.D. ;
Robert Pollock, Esq.; William Melville Lomas,
Esq. ; H. Myers, Esq.; and John Richardson, Esq.
A superior hand will be in attendance during the
proceedings.—Harrogate Advertiser.
ve

COST or CHOLERA.—At the last fortnightly meet-
ing of the Liverpool Board of Sewers, the proceedings
related chiefly to the sanitary measures adopted by the
board at the present juncture. Mr. Harbord said the
board were spending about 10,0001, a year in order te
relieve the aufferera from cholera.

The landlords procured the emancipation of 'the pea
sants, and not only that, but going beyond what has
been done in any other country, they not only
forbore to exact from the peasants the two or three
days labour in the week, which was the tenure by
which they held their land; but with a noble and
mognanimous impulse worthy of all praise—and which
surely will carry down the names of those noble
men to the latest posterity—they at once not only
emancipated their peasants from the obligation of this
labour, .but they presented them with the land itself.
—(Loud. cheering.) The constitution of Hungary,
however, whether in former times, or reformed as I
have explained it to have been last year, was a
constitution always extremely similar to our
own, consisting of King, Lords, and Commons
—(Laud cheers)—an hereditary Monarchy, an he-
reditary House of Peers, and an elective House
of Commons—(Cheers)—and, as you see, like
our own it was a constitution susceptible of being
reformal without being overthrown.—(Prolonged
cheering.) The Hungarians, therefore, being free,
rejoicing in free institutions, besides those to which
I have alluded, they had also the inestimable advan-
tage of enjoying throughout the land local rights
and local institutions.—(Cheers.) They had muni-
cipal institutions, they had county meetings—they
had all. those local institutions, or many of them,
which we have, or others similar to those which we
have, And these are the institutions which
are so valuable to a nation—(Loud Cheers)—
these are the institutions which teach men
how to deserve to be free—which accustom them to
govern themselves, and which implant in them the
desire ef self-government and the determination to be
governed by nobody else.—(Loud cheers.) And with
all these noble institutions no wonder that the people
were a noble people, because it is institutions that
make men good or bad.—(Cheers.) Men that have
been ruled for centuries by despots have the vices of
slaves.— (Hear.) Dien that have been accustomed
to be free have the noble virtues of free men—and
those virtues are indomitable attachment to their
country—(Cheers) —a thorough determination,
against All dangers, to sacrifice themselves for their
country—(Cheers)—unflinching courage—resoluta
detennination to have their rights, and with that
deter! nination the humanity which becomes Christians.
—(Laud cheers.) All these things you will
find in the noble Hungarian nation—all these
things. calculated to awaken sympathy in this
nation, which has enjoyed similar rights, and
which has di: played similar virtues.—(Cheers )
There never was an occasion where more heroic
courage) was displayed than in the war not yet over,
or hardly yet over, in Hungary .—(Hear, hear.)
There never were more brilliant deeds of prowess—
(Loud cheers)—and I must say on the other side, on
the side of the despots, there never were more hide-
ous deiAs of cruelty and inhumanity.—(Hear, hear.)
The ;Hungarians were brave, but they were his-
mane.- —(llear, hear.) No instance of barbarity soils
their escutcheon, though, God knows, they have
had provocation enough, in the hideous barba-
rity practised by Austria.— (Hear, hear.) General
Ilaymm's name will go down to posterity—(Groans
and sensation)—bet he will always be mentioned as
thebutcher of the Hungarians.--(Hear.) 'lava% you
read his proclamation ?—(" Yes, yes," and groans.)
Proclaiming death to every man ! very man did I
say ? To every man, woman, or child who should
dare—what? To insult one of his soldiers.—(Groans.)
And these were not empty thaate. Prisoners have,

THE Se N LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 4 1849

in cold blood, been shot and been hung ; women have
been scourged—(Sensation and groans)—ministers
of religion have been put to death for no crime but for
being known to nourish sentiments favourable to the
insurgents, and for administering the consolations of
religion to the wounded and the dying.—(Hen r.)
The Government of Austria has always been famous
for its enmity to religious liberty.—(llear.) No
power ever did so much to destroy the Protestant re-
ligion as the Government of Austria.—(Hear, hear.)
The ancestors of him who now sits upon the throne
at Vienna established the Spanish Inquisition.--
(Hear.) They have always been the most intole-
ant of all governors.—(Hear.) But of late they have
shown impartiality when they have hung upon one and
the same gallows the other day a priest of the Catholic
religion and a Protestant clergyman.—(Sensation.)
That is the only impartiality shown by such a Go-
vernment as that of Austria.—(Hear.) The Hun-
garians, on the other hand, have always been famed
for their attachment to religious as well as to civil
liberty.—(Cheers.) There has never been any dif-
ference between any sects of Christians with regard
to any privilege.—(Uheers ) Many of them are
Protestant—many are Catholic—many are of
various denonitrations—(Cries of " Hear")—there
was no difference between them.—(Hear.) The
only difference between persons of any religion was
that of the Jews, and the great Kossuth— (Cheering)
—the other day proclaimed the emancipation also of
the Jews.—(Prolonged cheering.) So that under
the irce Hungarian constitution there was no dif-
ference whatsoever on account of religious faith.—
(Cheers.) And is not that another reason why we
ought to take an interest in Hungary ?—(Cheers.) Is
not that another reason why the Liberals of England
and the English nation ought to feel an interest
in the noble Hungarian nation ?—(Yes,
'yes, and
cheers.) Why, it ought to hold out to it the right
hand of friendship, and to do all that is in its power
to benefit and befriend it.—(Yes, and loud cheering.)
In doing so, we should not only satisfy the feelings
of our hearts—we should not only act in ac-
cordance with the generous impulse of every
British bosom, but we shall also be doing
that which would materially promote and ad-
vance our interests, as a commercial nation.—(Hear.)
Our enemies at one time are disposed to turn us into
ridicule, as sentimentalists, and they say what have
we to do with Hungary ? why should we take ar.
interest in those people, however free, however noble,
however distinguished by all virtues they may be—
what business is it of ours to take any part in any
struggle of theirs ? Those who would do so act upon
sentiments—they do not act in a way which is to be
expected from those who rule a nation.—(Hear.) But
when we turn round and show, as we can show, that
nothing would conduce more to the interest of this
great commercial country than the establishment of
the independence of Hungary, then the same
persons that have ridiculed us as senti-
mentalists, turn round and say that we are
actuated only by contemptible and sordid motives.—
(Laughter.) Sordid motives ! Is it a sordid motive
to endeavour to promote free trade and the inter-
change of commercial relations between different
countries ?—(No, no, and hear, hear.) To endeavour
to obtain any advantage by violent or by un-
lawful means ?—(No, no.) That certainly is a
sordid action, but to endeavour to promote
the welfare of our own country, and the welfare
of other countries, and to extend the civili-
zation of the world by the mutual intercourse of
commerce. I say this is so far from having any-
thing sordid in it that it is a thing most laudable—
(Cheers)—it is a thing which promotes the welfare
of different countries in every respect, and one which
ought to be lauded and supported as well by the
Christian as by the philanthropist or the statesman ;
and I could show you that if Hungary were made in-
dependent, she possessing a fertile soil, abundant in
productions of every description, and a population not
up to manufacture, would supply us with a vast amount
of products of great importance to this country to
possess. She would render to us corn and wine, hemp
and flax, and many other articles much cheaper than
we have them now; while she would open an inex-
haustible market for our manufactures.—(Hear
and cheers) If Hungary were independent it would
be felt in Lancashire—it would be felt amongst the
manufacturers of that great county—it would be
felt amongst the woollen trade of Yorkshire,
Manchester, and Leeds, and Bradford, and Halifax.
Halifax would rejoice, and many a family there,
without knowing it, would enjoy full wages, and be
enabled to provide for their families, which they can-
not do now, and would owe that without knowing it
to Hungary.—(Cheers.) Our cotton and woollen
would go out there, our cutlery would go from Shef-
field, our porcelain from the potteries in Staffordshire,
and from Worcester, our silk manufactures from Co-
ventry, and from Spitalfields, and from other places
where the manufacture is carried on. Trade would be
renovated and vivified in a very short time if Hun-
gary were allowed to be independent, anti
allowed to carry out those principles of
free trade which she has ever maintained,
and has of late shown herself most anxious to
develop, we should soon have as large an amount of
trade with free Hungary as we now have with the
United States.— (Cheers.) We should have in the
East another America, another nation of freemen,
another nation bound to ourselves by similarity of
institutions and of habits ; and what an advantage
would that be to us, besides forming a most effectual
bulwark against the encroachments of the colossal
Autocrat of Russia.—(Cheers.) Every advantage
would arise from it, the promotion of freedom, the
extension of free trade, and the better security f all
the nations of Europe. Instead of that, what
shall we see now ? Instead of seeing in
Hungary another America, alas ! I much fear
we shall witness another Poland.— (Hisses.) Another
brave nation overrun and oppressed by the barbarous
hordes of despots—another nation which has struggled
manfully, nobly, and gloriously ; but has succumbed
before overwhelming numbers—and are we, then, to
see this fair land, like Poland, a prey to misery and
oppression ?—its best inhabitants driven into exile,
seeking an asylum here amongst us; perhaps received
with kindness, but yet never able to feel one day's
happiness while forcibly torn from their beloved
country—(Cheers)—tbe rest groaning in hopeless
misery, some transferred to the wilds of Siberia and
others to the still more dreaded dungeons of
Speilsburg. That, alas 1 if the accounts which
have come of the discomfiture of the
Hungarians be true, is too likely to be
the case. But, Ladies and Gentlemen, if you agree
with me that this brave nation deserves your sym-
pathies, if it awakens your interest, let us inquire
what are we to do, and whether anything can be
done ? because I have not come here, I confess, for
the purpose of reciting an elegy over Hungary. I
have not come here merely to lament over her mis-
fortunes, and to pronounce to you a funeral oration.
No. I hope it has not come to that, I hope that al-
though a dark cloud now hangs over unfortunate
Hungary, that still better days for her are in store.—
(Cheers.) But what, then, can be done, or what can
we do ? Let us come to that point, let us inquire for
something practical, and then we shall be
acting a part worthy of Englishmen.—(Loud
cheers.) Now, I will tell you one thing which
I think we can do, and I hope with some effect.
It is not to be supposed that the Government of
this great country should be without influence upon
the Government of every other country. However
much the principles which guide those who govern
affairs at Vienna may differ from the principles of
those who govern us here, yet still such is the power
and the moral weight of this country, that it is not
to be supposed that a strong expression of opinion,
coming from the Government of this country, should
not obtain some attention, and should not produce
some effect. I think we have seen enough of some
of those who are now in the Ministry to have
good reason to think that they are well disposed
towards the cause of Hungary.—(Cheers.) I believe
that what they require, in order to act,
is to be supported by the unanimous voice of the
people of England.—(Cheers.) I think that Lord
Palmerston—(Loud cheers)—disposed as I believe
him to be to assist the cause of Hungary as far as
he can, will be placed in a much better position for
doing it—will be encouraged to raise his voice, and
will raise it with much greater power and effect, if he
can point to such meetings as that now held at
Greenwich all over the country. I want him to be
able to say at Vienna, or to have it said by his
ambassador, " The Government of England are
anxious that if Hungary is to be submitted to the
sceptre of Austria, that at least the integrity of Hun-
gary should not be tampered with." I want him to
represent to that Government the monstrosity of at-
tempting to do anything like a partition of Hungary.
We have had a partition of Poland. The nations
of Europe stood by and suffered it, to
their shaine.—(Cheers.) There has been no per-
manent peace in Europe since.—(Hear, hear.) The
Poles are not only scattered all over the world every-
where discontented, as why should they not be?—
(Hear, hear.) Who would be contented if he were a
Pole ? Not only that, but when there has been no
possibility of permanent tranquillity, while that
country submitted against the will of its inhabitants
to the three northern despots, are they then going to
add another element of discord and discontent to the
world ; and can they expect, if they do, that they
should have anything like peace • or that if they cry
peace where there is no peace, dial. it should be any-
thing but deceptive and hollow. I want Lord Pal-
merston to represent these things at Vienna, and I
am sure that he will do so with more effect
if he can point to such meetings as these.—(Cheers.)
s
There have been meetings all over England upoil.st thisof
subject. Here is a list of the meetings—a
some of them, for I am quite sure a great many have
been omitted; but I know that there have been meet-
ings of this sort in the city of London,. Alarylebone,
Hammersmith, Birming-
Westminster, Kensington,
ham, Manchester, Leicester, Carlisle, Newcastle.

upon-Tyne, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Paisley, Arbroath,
Cardiff, Southampton, Halifax, Wrextiatn, Bradford,
INTa kefield, Winchester, and Greenwich.—(Cheers.)
At all these sympathy for Hungary has been ex-
pressed, and a great desire for the independence of
that country. That we cennot have now, it seems, but
we may have the integrity of Hungary. Hungary may
be allowed to remain whole and and not partitioned,
although still under the sceptre of Austria.—(Hear,
hear.) She may be allowed to enjoy her institutions
and local rights, although unfortunately still under
the sceptre of Austria ; and it would be very much
better to have Hungary in her integrity, and Hun-
gary in the enjoyment of her local rights, than if
she be split up into small divisions and altogether
fused into the empire of Austria, so that no nationality
&hall remain to her; and let us hope that the young
Emperor that now sits upon the throne of Austria,
and now extends—though I must say, and always
shall say, unlawfully—his sceptre over the Hunga-
rians—let us hope that when he comes to reflect,
and to be better acquainted with the real state of
things, than I dare :ay he is now—for probably,
surrounded by interested ministers, he is kept in a
great degree in ignorance of what is passing—let us
hope that w hen he has a little more experience—for
you know he is now extremely young, lie is only
emerging from boyhood, and the brilliant morning of
eighteen now dawns upon him ; that is the age when
most men are accessible to generous impulses and
noble aspirations, but it is an age without experience,
when a man, perhaps, even of a noble nature, may
easily be misled, and think that he is doing right
when he follows the advice of persons he has been
taught to respect, and men of much more experience
than himself. Let us hope that this has been the case
with the youthful Emperor. At any rate,
I must say that of all the perons in his
Government, much as I detest that Government,
and deeply as I consider it to be stained with illegality
and barbarity, it must be owned that of all the men
in that Government, the young Emperor himself is the
least culpable. Let us hop^,:then that he, with a little
more experience, and becoming better acquainted with
the real state of things, will not only shudder, as he
must do, when he hears of the barbarities of his General
Haynau—when ho hears that women have been scourged,
that prisoners have been put to death in cold blood, that
ministers of religion have been hung up, towns set fire
to and ravaged, and whole countries laid waste in his
name—let us hope that he will not only shudder at this,
but that learning, as no doubt he will, sooner or later,
what passes in other countries, he may be filled with
a noble ambition not only of ruling over a large extent
of country, and of many millions of men, but of ruling
with beneficent sway. I always must contend that he
has no right to rule over Hungary, because the Hunga-
rians have decided that he should not.—(Cheers.) I
contend that every people has an indefeasible right of
deciding by whom they shall be governed—(Cheers)—
and what form of government they will please to live
under.—(Cheers.) Therefore the Emperor of Austria,
h'sing established his rule over Hungary by force, I
never can hold that rule to be anything but unlawful. I
must consider it a usurpation, and I must consider that
he has entered upon an estate without a valid title • but
let him make up for the faultiness of the title by
the excellence of the manner in which he exercises the
right, that is what lam feign to hope of him. He
may strive to efface the chief impression produced by his
mode of entering upon his reign by the moderation and
the kindness with which he may afterwards rule. I
trust that this may be the case. And oh, what a noble
thing it would be; what imperishable renown that young
monarch would acquire if he were to act upon any mode
of that kind! if he were to show not only moderation in
his victory—which I must say is the most inglorious
victory that over was achieved, because as long as the
Hungarians had to deal with the Austrians alone they
beat them in every field—(Cheers)—they drove their
best armies before them like chaff, the Austrian generals
were covered with disgrace, and nowhere could they ven-
ture to meet the Hungarians; and it was only when they
got the assistance of the Muscovite hordes, when the
Emperor of Russia, against the law of nations, poured
in his vast armies to the assistance of the beaten Aus-
trians—it was only then that the; arms of Austria
became succesful. But let us hope that the Emperor
will endeavour—knowing as he must, if he reflects at
all, that he is looked upon with dislike and abhorrence
by the Hungarians—let us hope that ho may endeavour
to convert this hatred into respect; that he may strive by
all means to redeem what has gone before, by acting
with kindness, forbearance, and moderation.—(Hear,
hear.) I do not know whether these hopes are such
as cau be reasonably entertained. t am afraid there is
very much reason to fear the contrary, but at
the same time, I must say that the representations of
the Government of this country would be more likely
to bring about such a state of things, and such a blessed
change, than any thing else. I think, therefore, that
meetings such as this which I have the honour to address,
expressing their sympathy for Hungary, expressing
their anxious desire that the integrity at least of Hun-
gary should not be violated, expressing their earnest
hope that those who now rule will rule with moderation
and forbearance—(Hear)—expressing their opinion that
the Government of this country ought to use all the in-
fluence which it may command in order to inculcate the
propriety of such a course of action aelrenice—rahinkthat
meetings of this kind are calculated to do a vast deal of
good.—(Hear, hear.) I have the greatest pleasure in
meeting you, and I rejoice and congratulate myself, and
congratulate the Hungarians upon this meeting.—(Loud
cheering.) I shall now, ladies and gentlemen, proceed
to read to you the first resolution, which has
been put into my bands, and which is—
That the destruction of Hungarian independence
by the combined armies of a Sovereign not legally enti-
tled to the throne, and of a foreign foe, only renders it
more imperative on Englishman to express their sympa-
thy with oppressed patriots, who have, in common with
all mankind, an) indefeasible right to a government of
their own choice, and whose liberties are, moreover, con-
firmed by positive compact, and are consecrated
by time, and historical records."—(Lowl cheering.)
And having read that resolution, I will only say that
while it aaeaks of the present state of Hungary, only
rendering it more imperative upon Englishmen to ex-
press their sympathy, I think it is imperative upon Eng-
land to do more.—(Cheers,) I believe a resolution
will be proposed, suggesting a memorial to Lord Pal-
merston upon the subject. I will move another soon after,
for which I trust I shall be forgiven that there is
still:another way in which we may hope to promote the
interests of the,Hungarians. It is one not very agree-
able always to suggest, but at the same time you know
that we can do no good without making some
sacrifice.—(Cheers.) If, therefore, there tare :any
generous spirits amongst you who have anything
to spare for the Hungarians, I assure you
that a contribution of that kind would be well
employed, because there are now here men who are pre-
paring to join their countrymen in arms in Hungary—
(Cheers)—but who aro now kept here and have nowhere
else to go to—(Cheers)—who can have no communica-
tion with their friends—(Hear)---and those friends
likely to be now consigned to dungeons, if they have not
paid the penalty of their patriotism with their lives,
and are at any rate very likely to be obliged to join
their friends in exile.—(Hear, hear.) Therefore any
contributions towards the Hungarians will be most
acceptable, and certainly would powerfully tend to
relieve those brave patriots now in this country,
and I grieve to say now in a state of destitution.
It grieves me to make any such appeal—not
that I am unaccustomed to it, because for the last fifteen
years I have passed a considerable portion of my life in
making appeals of this kind—(Prolonged cheering)—in
behalf of the Poles—(Continued cheering)—and I must
say that those appeals have not been made in vain—
(Hear, hear)—let them have been addressed to
whatever class they might.—(Hear, rand I cheers.)
But certainly the working classes have never been be-
hind hand in the glorious rivalry—(Cheers)—they have
not been so with regard to Hungary ; they have come
forward most nobly, because they feel, as every Eng-
lishman feels, that the Poles deserve their succour and
assistance. They received it—they have received
it for a number of years.—(Cheers.) You feel that the
Hungarians, no less true sons of feemen, deserve it also,
and lam sure that it will not be withheld. His Lord-
ship resumed his seat amidst long continued cheering.
G. Tuomrsoer, Esq., M.P., in a brief but eloquent
speech, seconded the resolution, which was unanimously
adopted.
Lord NUGENT then moved :—" That an address be
presented to Lord Palmerston, in the hope that English
diplomacy may successfully interfere to secure for the
Hungarian nation its own liberties, instead of a mere
fusion with the remainder of the Austrian territories."
Mr. THOMAS M'ENTEER seconded the motion, and it
was agreed to.
The prayer of the address to Lord Palmerston, was
to entreat his Lordship, " in conformity, as they trust
and believe, with the sympathies and sentiments
which your Lordship personally entertains to use
such prompt means as shall seem the most effec-
tual to cause the entire weight and influence
of the British Government—supported as it will be by
the strong and generous sympathies of the entire Bri-
tish nation—to be exercised for the purpose of obtaining
the full security of the inhabitants of Hungary, both
generally and specially from danger to their lives,
properties, and personal liberty; and, further, for the
purpose of ensuring that (tinder whatever arrange-
ments may be made in consequence of the termi-
nation of the recent struggle) the integrity of
Hungary shall be respected and preserved ; that
her ancient constitution, and her laws as amended by the
Diet, and solemnly assented to by the King of HuegaZY
in April, 1848, shall be left untouched; and, epecz";
cally and emphatically, that her ancient institutions of
local self-government, the basis and only sure pro to
of her liberties, shall remain unite])ired 1 and no re
spect superseded by that blightingisliyls-%aea of
l centralisation,
I d n been the
the attempt to impose upon
had 'cuffs ered for troot
hree
of all the evils which hungatrhy e
centuries, and the immediate cause of the late disastrous
struggle."
Mr. ErNsocu and several other gentlemen addressed
the meeting, and a liberal collection having been made
on behalf of the Hungarians, a vote of thanks Was
given to the Chairman, after which the proceedings ter
initiated.
I
'al-

Pride, jealousy, the love of argument, the disdain
of guidance, rivet on a panoply against truth more
eagerly assumed by the strong than by the feeble.—
Eliza Cook's Journal.
BLACK GAME IN 711 E LAKE DISTRICT.—Five or
six years ago some of these biros appeared rather mys-
teriously in this district, and now trey have spread for
miles on every side. Some have been shot, and fine
game they are, equal to any ever brought from Scotland.
With a little care they may become numerous.— West-
moreland Gazette.