The Sun.
London, England, 1831-09-24 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The second reading of the Scotch R4orm Bill
was carried last night by the ]urge majority of 115,
there being for it 209, and against it 91. The speech
of the Lord Advocate is remarkable for sound ar-
-.

gument and eloquent expression.—Tinics.
The meeting before announced, the most im-
portant that could be assembled throughout Europe
for wealth, commercial importance, and intelligence,
took place yesterday in the Egyptian Hall, with the
Lord Mayor of London In .t he chair, for the purpose
of petitioning the Lords to pass the Reform 811.
We really are at a loss to know what we can say of
such an assembly to increase its influence with the
public, or with that body to which its petition is
addressed. Can any thing which should detract
from its consequence be said or imagined ? If so,
we might reply to the detraction, and wire off the
imputation. But the names of the eminent per-
sons who took part in the discussion and carried the
resolutions defy attack, and must command atten-
tion. Here are no counter-petitions; not even the
hole and corner gentlemen venture to move. The
Lords must, therefore, in reason and justice, listen to
the universal expression of the public will. The
crisis indeed in our political condition has now be-
come one of breathless interest. The people, on
one side, are in movement every where, to put
down the atrocious calumny which described them
to have betrayed their own cause, by deserting the
Government which first opened for them the road
to liberty; while, on the other side, the agents of
corruption are more malignant than ever, and more
desperate,—louder and more audacious in their pro-
phecies, that the Lords will throw out the Bill.
" Thject the Bill !" Good God ! Who is he that can
pronounce those three words without suffering a
convulsion of his entire nature ? What benefit does
any man living propose for the Lords—the Tory
Lords, we mean—as likely, or even possible, to
result to them from the rejection of this measure ?
Will they obtain influence by it—will they arrive at
power ? Influence ! over whom could it be exer-
cised when the whole nation are Reformers?—
Power I—by what miracle, if in office, could they
carry on the Government, with a majority of 130
or 140 votes against them in the House of Com-
mons as at this instant compoed ? But against a
majority out of doors of 99 to one throughout the
empire, by what sleight of hand, or what resource
of necromancy could they hope to carry on the Go-
vernment with another House of Commons, chosen
by, and out of, such a people ? It comes at last to
a question of the practicable ; and we desire the
Tory counsellors of Tory Lords to answer us, what
could they do, suppose the Bill rejected to-morrow ?
They might, indeed, turn the tables upon us, and
vote the House of Commons " a nuisance"—they
might vote the people of England, what we are aware
the Ultra-Tories to a man consider us, " a nuisance,"
but when it comes to an abating of the nuisance,
we just wish to ask them quietly, " How would
you proceed ?" There is no use in sputtering or
scolding upon such a question ; we pray a direct
and straightforward answer from the Tories. The
Bill rejected, and yourselves in power, how, gen-
tlemen, would you manage to retain that power,
with the whole body of the nation, and at least
four-sevenths of their representatives in Parliament,
against you ? As an inference may easily be trans
ferred from one class of men to another, and as we
are far from wishing to offend the Peerage, or even
to disturb them beyond what may be strictly neces-
sary for their own safety, we shall address a ques-
tion to the Bishops, who are said to have delicately
and wisely resolved on standing aloof as mere spec-
tators of this great temporal contest, and, applying
the answer to that question to the lay Peers, leave
themselves to judge of what right policy would pre-
scribe to them as their duty. Let us ask the
Bishops, then—Do they suppose, that in the actual
spread of intelligence and spirit 'of research into the
fountains and foundations, the uses and character-
of all public establishments in this country, it would
be consistent with worldly prudence on their part,
either as individuals, or as members of a vast bu.
not very popular corporatiou,. to enter themselves
as parties in a declared opposition to the fixed policy
of the Crown, and to a measure still more ardently, it
possible, pursued and called for by the people? The
sreutrieiylyo, of, eppacisel,towphs
essn.ovt.u,led
dnoa ttuarkael l ya
part
tt hi
in
this—"
politics,
is by the side of the throne, or under its wings, for
protection; our place is further, one where we shall
i'lo
appear to the nation in a paternal attitude, and with
a benign and favourable aspect, as kind, and gene-
rous, and beneficent promoters of all that the people,
who support the church, may deem most conducive
to their political well-being. We, therefore, shall
either consider it decorous to look on, and let the
laity settle its own general interests at its pleasure,
—or if we do vote, to vote for that law which is
recommended by the Crown, and eagerly adopted
by the nation; which, moreover, has for its object
to repress fraud,—to repair injustice,—to preven,
the sale of consciences,—to stop the wild career of
vice and immorality,—to discourage perjury,—to
give more solid power to property, and, by engaging
a greater mass of people in the defence of- it, to
render more secure the possessions of those who
have, against the passions of those who have not ;
knowing, as we do, that if the people become hos-
tile to us, the reign of the Church of England is at
an end." Such, we doubt not, would be the reply
of the reverend and pious Prelates of the Esta-