The Sun.
London, England, 1831-12-24 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We some days ago devoted a large space in
our Paper to a report of the interesting proceed-
ings which arc now going on before a French
tribunal, to set aside the will which the late Duke
of Bourbon had made in favour of Madame de
Feucheres and the youngest son of the citizen
king. These proceedings were published at
length only in two or three of the Paris consti-
tutional journals. The more violent prints not
only published them, hut added remarten nu the
report of the Learned Counsel's speech by no
means flattering to the character of Louis Philip,
and have in consequence been seized. If these
journals are prosecuted to a conviction, the scan-
dal, whatever it may be, will be spread more
widely, by the report of the trial, than it could
have been by the articles of the alleged libels ;
and if they arc not so prosecuted, the character
of his Majesty may suffer still more severely,
front a belief that the prosecution has been
dropped from a fear of defeat. The three jour-
nals in question are, the Tribune, the lforiro-
meat, and the Courier de l'Europc. We have
given, in our private correspondence from Paris,
all the account for which we can find room, of
the Paris news on Wednesday, and of the pro-
ceedings of the Chamber of Deputies both on
Tuesday and Wednesday, The conduct of
M. Dumolard, the Profit of Lyons, in his at-
tack on the Prime Minister, is of a piece with
his folly in fixing a tariff of wages ; but we much
fear that these bursts of passion, and this ebulli-
tion of party violence, directed against the Cabi-
net, may weaken its power with the leaders of
the factions, and with the partisans of popular
sovereignty.— Times.
We have received letters front three different
gentlemen, offering to become useful after their
death by engaging during their life to give their
bodies for dissoetion when they shall " have
shuffled offtbis mortal coil." Though they have
followed the example of Colonel ,Tones in declar-
ing publicly their patriotic intentions, and an-
nouncing through us, their post obit contributions
to science, we owe it to their reputation for ori-
ginality to state, that they had all previously re-
solved on making this sacrifice to the correction
of popular prejudice, and had recorded their be-
quests with their respective friends. One of our
correspondents alluded to is a professor in the
London University, who had promised his skull
two years ago to the anatomical collection of that
institution, as lie bad no doubt previously de-
voted his head to the promotion of its interests
and hone. The cranium was intended to illus-
trate or to refute certain doctrines in phrenology
on which he himself entertained no fixed opi-
nion ; but the body was necessarily to go along
with the craniron to the dissecting table for the
general objects of anatomical demonstration.
Hudibras, we are told, used only one spur,
well knowing, adds his poetical historian, that if
" be could move one side of the horse," the other
side would not lag behied. By the same reason-
ing, the friends of the learned Professor might
have been convinced, that though he only be-
queathed his cranium, the whole body was to
follow. Our next correspondent ) wishes to
become a contributor to a public stibscription of
bodies, is more generally known th-in any sub-
scriber as yet on our list. He has been "at
home" for the entertainment of the public in
most parts of Great Britain and America, and
has no objection to be "at home" with the
doctors, to instruct us when he shall cease to
amuse. He has been the subject of so much
applause during his life, that he can afford to be
cut up at last, without any injury to his reputa-
tion. We, however, hope that he will long be
able to resist his critics and his anatomical lega-
tee. The initials of our last liberal correspon-
dent are J. F. H., and thought he has sent us
his name, we shall not insert it at length, lest
some resurrection-man, learning his address,
should prematurely claim the payment of his post
obit bond. The meeting of Parliament, and the
discussions on the Reform Bill, which have pre-
vented us for a fortnight from publishing the
foregoing statement and remarks, have, by the
delay, enabled us to add another name to our
subscription list of bodies, and to cite the ex-
ample. of Major Cartwright in its favour—an
example which ought to have some influence
with the radical objectors to the proposed plans
of supplying our medical schools with subjects.
The new subscriber is Mr. Cleary, who, we fluid,
is not yet dead, though he has not been heard of
for some time past.—Trues.

It is understood that Ministers have yet made
DO converts from the ranks of the Opposition
Peers ; and all idea of negociation has been for
some time abandoned. We take it for granted
that Ministers have made up their minds to
create such a number of Peers as may not only
secure the second leading of the Bill in the
House of Lords, but carry it harmless through
the Committee. Were there any prospect of
damaging the Bill in a Committee, not a few
Peers might vote for the second reading, with a
view to escape the obloquy of a second rejection.
All who vote for the second reading may not be
disposed to vote for all parts of the Bill. There
is less objection to the enfranchisement of the
large towns than to the disfranchisement of the
rotten boroughs ; and not a few attempts were
made to prevail on Ministers to make the en-
franchisement and the regulations connected with
it the subject of one Bill, and the disfranchise-
ment of another. It is the rotten boroughs which
give the character to the Parliament, and the
enfranchisement alone would not materially
affect that power. It may easily be conceived
that many Peers would vote for the enfran-
chisement who would not vote for the disfran-
chisement ; and the same Peers will, if possible,.
endeavour to defeat the disfranchising clauses in
the Committee. Of all these things Ministers
are no doubt aware, and have made up their minds
to adopt the only means by which success
can be made a matter of certainty. Were they
to fail a second time, the country would be
much more hostile to them than towards their
opponents. 1 hey ought, indeed, to have made
the Peers before the-second reading of the Re-
form Bill, and not have left it in the power of
the Bishops to decide the contest, it being cer-
tain that the Bishops will always betray the
good cause when reliance is placed in them. It
was not unnatural for the Bishops to think that,
by throwing their weight into the scale of the
Opposition, they might in reality trip up the
heels of the Ministers; and as they live, move,
and have their being in corruption, they were
only acting in character when they endeavoured
to deceive Ministers into a reliance on them.
But having once been deceived is enough ; to be
deceived again would be unpardonable. The
country, in its gratitude for the great measure of
Reform, will forget that it might have been ob-
tained earlier by the adoption of the necessary,
means ; but the agitation of the country for a
twelvemonth, without any result, would be,
keenly resisted ; for if Peers in sufficient num.;

bens are not to be created, there is no use
in feeding the people with illusory hopes.
For these reasons we are persuaded that
Ministers have determined to carry the
Bill coute qui coute. There is no safety
for them in any ether course. The time for te►n-
porising is long past ; and determination is the
one thing needful. The exercise ofpover tends
to increase it. If Ministers had availed them-
selves of the po'Ntr placed by the Constitution
in their hands, they would have weakened their
opponents, and added to their own force. We

have long lamented the timid course pursued by
them in the disposal of offices of trust and emo-
lument, conceiving that it has had a most inju-
rious effect on their measures. Nothing tends
so much to give strength to a Ministry as the
persuasion that whoever supports them will be
supported, and that no half courses will be tole-
rated. Energetic measures with regard to the
Lieutenancy and Magistracy in particular would
have raised up against them no enemies whom
they have not at present ; and would have ob-
tained for them many friends whom they have not
at preserth All that is possessed by their enemies
is withheld from their friends. In a forthcoming
number of the Westminster Review, there is a
pointed article on the Adjustment of the House
of Peers, from which we extract the following
passages, having more particular reference to the
subject of the above observations :

" The doubt of the men who love their ' order,' the
fear and app: ehension of that portion of the aristocracy
which possess, s a hold on popular opinion, is whether they
should t xpose the hereditary branch to the evils of tul-
mixtrire—to the inconvenience of a crowded house, and
• the discredit of being elbowed by a king-and-people's Peer.
The zeal of anybody on this point may he nascent rather
than ungovernable ; there are chances on one side as well
as on the other ; but the still small voice on the whole
says, 'Preserve the House of Peers.' It may be mis-
taken, and the other course may turn out to be the best in
the result ; but at the present moment the balance of de-
sire seems to he, that the Minister worth] secure the
House of Peers. With a great proportion of its Melillo, a,
the public has no distinct quarrel ; and for many of them
it has a personal, and, what may perhaps please them
more, a hereditary retard. It would be pity that the lochcs
of the Ministry should ruin an in•titurion need'essly. But
every thing depends on grace. There are fine chances on
the other siee ; and if it he the will of Heaven to with-
hold its rifts from the Lords, it remains only to hope it is
for the sake of be•towing the more upon the rust of the'
community.
" Among the inventions put forth by the enemy, one is,
that there it ou!d he a difficulty in finding individuals to
accept of seats in a House whirl: has been so repeatedly
recruited with creations of the Tories. It might he so ;
but it is r, feeling which ought to be overcome. The Ile.
rald's Office might do something towards re-moving it, by
ass:ler-ling- some distinction which should prevent the new
Peers ft om being ever confounded with any others. The
date of the year in a corspieuous place upon tt sir coats of
arms, would make them perfectly secure in travelling with
post-horses, and prevent the slightest danger of being
pelted on any race-course in the country. But the occa-
sion for this difficulty altogether, as well as the suggested
inconvenience of increasing the number of the Peers, are
in the main only things of straw. To the list of the House
of Peers in the second pamphlet, mentioned in the heal, i•
appended a list of twenty-five heirs apparent, and fifteen
others standing in the line of succession, who might be
created without any permanent augmentation of the Peer-
age. If these are riot enough, or, if any of them fall, new
Peers might be recruited under the supposed stipulation
with the 11, raid's Office ; and it is hard if the country
cannot produce twenty land-owners, twenty owners of
commercial or manufacturing property, ten lawyera, and
ten Generals or Admirals, from whom the Ministers
might select a cohort that should not be afraid to speak
with the Peers of the Pitt and Liverpool Administrations
in the gate. Another list demonstrates that of the Lords
Lieutenant of counties seventeen voted for the Reform B 11,
anti fifty-five against. Such was the way the Tories had
packed the counties for the approaching Armageddon ; and it
is to be question whethtr a Whig Ministry are to exert
the countervailing power when they have it. If they do
not, the thing they call the Constitution is a cunningly
devised fable to let in mischief on the people, and keep
none nut. It may be all very silly ; but if the game is to
be played with Peers, let it be played fair. It is said just
now there are to be twenty-seven. But why are we to be
defrauded of our forty-two ; is it that the Whigs want a
difficulty in the House of Lords to fall hack upon ? The
theory that a creation would be followed by a defection to
an equal amount is anotl er invention of the enemy. Some
would probably fall off; but they would not balance those
whom the display of serious intention to carry the Bill
would cause to fall off the other way.
" The hypothesis which remains is, that Ministers
should act like sensible men, who do not want to turn the
country upside doWn, and make Peers. Why they did
not do it before, must still remain a mystery. But if
they make them, all that has been said is a justification of
their course. If there is really to be what a Noble lord
is reported to have called a tussle,'—if it is the determi-
nation of those that manage affairs, that nothing shall
serve them but a new htaven and a new earth, such as may
arise out of making a chaos of the old,—there is no harm
in praying that, by the will of Providence and the guidance
of all good angels, the morning stars may sing together at
the birth of the prettiest republic that ever smiled on man.
But, as Mr. Liston says, ' it is quite optional ;' they may
keep the world in the old course if they like. If they do
not, let the blatne, with such as finally find fault, lie on
those that cut the cable, or refuse to Ity down a new one
when they might."-411orninie Chronicle.

The last melancholy act of the Spanish re-
volutionary drama appears, by the following cor-
respondence, to have taken place at Malag,a on
tie 10th instant. General Torrijos and the
small band of patriots who had trusted in his
guidance and shared his fortunes, seem to have
been entrapped into an ambuscade, and to have
fallen a sacrifice to the executioners of a jealous
Government, without the chance of benefitting
their country or of overturning the power of
their tyrant. The explosion of popular indig-
nation which shook Charles X. from his throne
was expected to extend its convulsive effects be-
yond the Pyrenees. Those patriotic and gallant
men, therefore, who had been exiled from Spain
on account of their hostility to the abominable
system of despotism which the Bourbons of
France had re-established in the dominions of
their Spanish relative, hastened from all quarters
to profit by the anticipated commotion, to reco-
ver possession of their country, and to break the
chains of their countrymen. While the Pyrenees,
along their whole line, were occupied by a trusty
but inefficient force on the north, and the valley
of Itoncesvalles was expectinc. to witness a descent
of Patriotic Paladins on the barbarous hordes of
Fernidand, General Torrijos imagined, from the
correspondence which he had held with his suffer-
ing and disaffected friends,that t he great blow could
be most successfully- struck on the south. He
therefore hastened to the Bay of Gibraltar, with a
few followers, to lay the train there for blowing
up the Bourbon tyranny, or applying the match
to a train already laid. In the north we heard of
various skirmishes, and saw the proclamation of
several juntas, front the middle of October to the
end of November ; but as nothing occurred for
history in the south, the acquaintance of Ge-
neral Torrijos, so far from despairing, only as-
cribed to him the wisdom of greater caution, and
anticipated from his arrangements the fruits of
more decided success. But in this quarter, like-
wise, the friends of the Spanish emancipation
were destined to suffer an overwhelming
disap-
pointment. The attempt of an insurrection at
Cadiz failed,—an ill-judged attack on the Spa-
nish lines near Gibraltar likewise failed ; and Ge-
neral Torrijos and a few of his friends were
henceforward obliged to conceal themselves, in
the garrison of Gibraltar, from the know-
ledge of the Governor and - the autho-
rities of the place. We are as yet un-
acquainted with the circumstances which led to
the late fatal enterprise, and -know nothing of the

' means employed by the Spanish authorities to
entice the victims into the net, but we are in-
clined to believe that there has been as foul
treachery in provoking the descent on the
Spanish coast, as there has been almost unex-
ampled cruelty in punishing its authors. The
whole proceeding bears the stamp of the
treacherous and unrelenting despotism of the
Spanish .Monarch and his Monkish advisers. It
adds the plots and stratagems of the Inquisition
to the despatch and precipitation of a drum-
head Court-martial—the deceitful cunning of a
Jesuit to tho violence of a military despot.
General Torrijos, who has thus ended his days,
will be regretted by a wide circle of friends as a
modest, sensible, and gallant man, a good officer,
an ardent patriot, and an enlightened lover of
liberty. We know not on what grounds Mr.
Boyd could be shot as a traitor, not being a
subject of Ferdinand ; and we think it likely that
some inquiry will be made into the matter.
" GIBRALTAR, DEC. S- —A Mr. Boyd, with about 60
more of the liberals, seized a vessel in the bay, and got
possession of arms. Titey sailed last Wednesday evening
for the neighbourhood of Malaga, where they were to be
.
• pined by two regiments, and then to proceed to Malaga,
where the Governor was to join them and proclaim the
Constitution. Shortly after leaving the bay, they were
chased by a Spanish ship of war, and driven on shore
about 50 miles from hence ; they then made for the
mountains,—were surrounded by the peasantry, who kept
a fire upon them until the King's troops arrived ; and the
last news states them all to be in the common gaol at
Malaga. The poor fellows were thoroughly betrayed, and
their deaths cost the Spanish Government 40,000 dollars.
The Governor of Malaga entered into a correspondence
with them, sent a Colonel to confer with and supply them,
promising to rise on their landing, and proclaim the Con-
stitution ; and all this With the view or getting them into
his power.
" P.S.—Just beard Mr. Boyd and the whole party, to
the number of 62 persons, were shot at Malaga, in the
Great-square, on Sunday morning."
We find in an Evening Paper the following
corroboration of the melancholy news with which
our correspondent has furnished us :

" A steer-boat from Gibraltar has arrived this morn-
ing, bringing letters to the 14th. The following is an
extract from One relative to the fate of Torrijos and

party :

' Gibraltar, Dee. IS.

" ' About ten or twelve drys ago some Spanish Liberals
of consequence, who had long evaded the vigilance of our
police, contrived to ship themselves off with about fifty
followers, and landed between this and Malaga, and were
almost immediately Purrounded by the military, and carried
prisoners to the latter place, where they remain heavily
ironed. What their fate is to be is not yet known. It
seems to have b-en a trap formed by the Spanish Govern-
ment to secure this party, and they have succeeded to the
extent of their wishes. It appears the Liberals were given
clearly to understand that the troops were ready to join
them, but in place of which they bad been corresponding
under false colours. Some of the chiefs they have taken
are—Mr. Robert Boyd, an Englishman ; General Tor.
rijos, Mr. Calderon, Borjas, &c. &c. ; in fact, it is a com-
pli to clearance of all the party that were secreted in
Gibraltar.

'' ' P. S.—An express has just arrived from Malaga, to
say that all the Liberals to a man, about S to 57 in
number, were shot at Malaga on Sunday last. The only
distinction made was, thit the body of Mr. Boyd was
handed over to the Briti,h Consul for interment.' "

The following account of the capture of the
patriots is extracted from the Paris Papers of
Wednesday : _ _ _

" The .11:licutcur of Bordeaux says, that the refugees,
about GO in number, being compelled by the authorities to
leave Gibraltar, embarked on board two small French ves-
sels bound to France, but the Spanish Government, which
had long watched all their motions, ordered its custom-
house vessels to pursue and drive them on the Spanish
coast.

" The French vessels perceiving, but too late, this in-
famous plan, in vain hoisted the tri-coloured flag, protested
that they were bound to France, that they had no hostile
project against Spain, and had no passengers but some
unarmed individuals. They were obliged to land their
passengers, who were immediately made prisoners.
" If thee particulars are c►rrect (and the Indicateur
affirms that they are stated in the official despatch of Ge-
neral Monet), a great violation of the rights of nations has
been committed, which requires exemplary reparation.
" But we have before us a private letter, with a diffe-
rent account : it says, Torrijos and his partisans were not
forced to quit Gibraltar, hut resolved to attempt a landing
in Spain. The authorities of that country were soon in
formed of the day of their intended landing, and of the
spot where it was to take place ; and prompt orders were
given there to detain them at sea. They, however, suc-
ceeded in landing forty-seven in number, and took a posi-
tion in a place which the inhabitants abandoned in haste,
for fear of being implicated. Troops of the line soon ar-
rived, and surrounded them ; and after a murderous fire,
attacked the refugees at the point of the bayonet, who sur-
rendered at discretion. The Royal troops had three killed
and eight weunded."— Times.

That the shipping interest is one of the most
important interests of a great commercial
country we presume no person will den)•. That

the sacrifice of the prosperity of the ship-owners
cannot promote the general prosperity of Eng-
land is a proposition which seems to us to prove
itself, for it is only to assert, in other words,

that a commercial nation cannot be benefitted
by the destruction of the means by which its
commerce is carried on. Then comes the
question—Have the interests of the ship-owners
of England been sacrificed ? We answer that
they have been ignorantly and cruelly sacrificed
by shallow and conceited theorists to their own
vain speculations, aided and abetted by Mini-
sters of the Crown, who, if they knew any thing,
ought to have known that the navigation laws
were the foundation of the maritime greatness of
England ; and that, in breaking down those
laws, they betrayed the gates of our commercial
power, which it was their duty to guard, to the
foreign rivals of our trade, who had long viewed
with a jealous eye the advantages which a wise
system of policy obtained and secured for Eng-
land, until that evil hour when the work of mas-
culine st:itesmen was levelled by the mischievous
folly of babbling pretenders to new lights in po-

litical science. v Before the Navigation Act was
framed Holland had a maritime supremacy,
which, by that Act, was transferred to Eng-
land. The ablest heads in the Long Par-
liament—and it possessed many able men—
were employed in framing that Act. It was
a distinguishing effort of the political ca-
pacity displayed during the Commonwealth,
when the name of England was made to be
both respected and feared throughout the na-
tions of Europe. One of the objects of the
Act was to create a national marine by the en-
couragement and protection which it gave to
the sailors and shipping of Great Britain. Be-
fore this Act the Dutch were the carriers of
Europe, and wished to continue so ; but our
Statesmen of that day, preferring the interests
of England to any foreign interests, devised re-
gulations for our trade which excluded them
from continuimg to be our carriers. From that
time the maritime power of England began to
grow until her military navy obtained the do-
minion of the seas, and her commercial navy
became the carriers of the world. This was a
power which it required the mental energies of
great Statesmen to construct, but which minds
feeble for any purpose but, that of mischief were
sufficient to break down. As to the advantage
conferred on the ship-owners themselves by the
Navigation Act, we sink it in the paramount
consideration of the advantages which it brought
to the empire. Nothing can be weaker or more
odious policy in a Government than to sacrifice
the interests of the many for the purpose of se-
curing a monopoly to a few. It is in such a

sense that monopolies, whether of trade, manu-
facture, or any other sort, are equally impolitic,
oppressive, and unconstitutional. But for a
Government to confer advantages on its own
subjects, in preference to the subjects of
any other Governments, is a very diffe-
rent thing from a monopoly granted to a
few members of a community, to enable
them to confine to themselves the profits of any
branch of trade or industry, in exclusion to the
claims of their fellow-citizens. By the Naviga-
tion Act the British ships and sailors had that
preference secured to them, in the trade of this
country which a British Parliament had a right
to bestow ; and which a British Parliament
never would have taken away, at least without
having secured equivalent advantages to the na-
tion, if political etnpirics had not obtained a fatal
ascendancy in the Councils of the empire. But,

besides the folly of which the Legislature was
. . .. .. . __ .

guilty in abolishing the Navigation —Act, it com-
mitted signal injustice in continuing the heavy
liabilities and serious restrictions to which the

ship-owners are subjected by law, while it took
away their protection. They were still obliged
to build ships of a certain burden, and to go to

great expense in coppering them, by the high
duty paid on foreign copper ; and they were also
compelled by law to provision anti man their
ships on dearer terms than they need incur if
their free agency had not been fettered by re-
strictive legislation. Thus Parliament, with an
obliquity of political vision rarely equalled, ex-
cept in some other instances where the modern

race of political economists have taught it
to look through the spectacles of theore-
tical science at the great interests of the
country, removed the protection of the ship.
owners, while the restrictions were pre.
served; thus saving to them, as it were,
and as the Parliament did, in effect, address not
only the ship-owners, but the silk-manufacturers
and others, " You shall enter into competition
with foreigners, but we cannot allow you to
enter into that competition on any thing like
equal terms. The foreigners with whom you
have to compete have few taxes to pay, and you
have many : they may build their ships or pro-
duce their manufactures cheaply—you shall pay
dearly for both, because we will not release you
from heavy fiscal burdens and legal restrictions.
The foreign manufacturers shall be invited to
pour their goods into England, but English
manufacturers must not dare to demand the re-
ciprocal privilege of pouring their goods into
foreign countries. We open our trade to them

in the plenitude of our liberality, and, with the
most magnanimous contempt for the interests of
our on•n people, which only the exalted theories
of political economy teach, allow excluding
tariffs to bar out our manufacturers in return.

We have emancipated' trade by making
foreigners free, and leaving our own people
enslaved. We have united the hands of
the rivals of our commerce, while we leave
the manacles on your's, ye ship-owners and
manufacturers of Great Britain ! This we
call free trade—and we call upon you to vene-
rate in those proceedings the profound wisdom of
that enlightened liberality which disdains the
vulgar trammels of justice." Upon such proofs
of the parental solicitude of a free trade Par-
liament for the commercial prosperity of the
empire, is it not very ungrateful and preposterous
of the ship-owners and manufacturers to talk of
the embarrassments which a vicious system of
experimental policy has brought upon them, and
even to carry their complaints to the foot of the
throne ? Well may that portion of the Press
which flattered the speculative and mischievous
follies of Ricardo and Huskisson in currency and
commerce, and now offers the incense of flattery
to such " burning and shining lights" of politi-
cal science as Macculloch, and his pupil, Powlett
Thomson—well may that portion of the Press,
we say, fling all manner of scorn and contumely
on the ship-owners for daring to know better
than the theorists when they are ruined, and
for having the audacity to falsify philosophical
predictions by the evidence of facts and the
melancholy refutation of experience.—Morning
Herald.

The rumour that the Emperor of Russia has
refused to ratify the treaty by virtue of which the
London Conference has thought itself justified in
plundering the King of the Netherlands has
excited an extraordinary sensation, and has ob-
tained perhaps a somewhat too ready credence
from those who take pleasure in seeing perfidy
entangled in its own toils. This treaty, it is
plain enough, whatever may be the present de-
termination of any or all the other Powers im-
plicated in it, can be no more than a mere piece
of waste paper until it has received the authori-
tative sanction of the King of the Netherlands,
of whose rights it pretends to dispose. Those
rights were solemnly guaranteed by the whole
of the Sovereigns who have now united to
abolish them ; and why, it may naturally be
asked, should any one of those Sovereigns
think himself bound by the treaty any longer
than he finds it convenient, the treaty itself
being founded upon the basis that the mo-
ment national obligations become inconvenient
they become invalid ? There is something
exquisitely ridiculous in the affectation -c)f believ-
ing that anybody is morally bound to pay the
least regard to the proceedings of the Conference
of London or their result, unless it be the same
kind of regard which the parties to that Confe-
rence paid to their antecedent pledge to protect
the King of the Netherlands in the dominions
assigned to him by the arrangement of 1815—a
pledge redeemed, as we have seen, by permitting
in the first place the authority of that Monarch
to be overthrown in the largest division of his
territory, and, instead of assisting him to re-
establish it, by threatening him in the second
place with instant vengeance and destruction if
he presumed to re-establish it
.himself, after he
had shewn that he possessed ample means for
that purpose. Upon the principles of the Con-
ference the proper thing for the Emperor of
Russia to do, now that his Plenipoten-
tiaries have engaged for him to maintain
the separation of Holland and Belgium, is
to set himself earnestly to work to re-unite them.
What a foolish pother is here about a ratifica-
cation ! Was not the treaty of 1815 ratised ?
Let the ratification then have been exchanged at
St. Petersburgh, say on Monday—let the news
of the affair of Lyons, and the still better news
of the heroic exploits of the revolutionary King
of France in the sick chamber of a dying old
man, reach St. Petersburg!) on the Tuesday, and
what would be the value of the ratification on
the Wednesday ? Precisely as in the case of
the treaty of 1815, the value would be accord-
ing to circumstances. There is not perhaps,
after all, so much folly in the refusal of the
King of the Netherlands to accept the offer
latter threaten
of the confederated umpires he
es as em
gene-
rally to be imagined.
him with war ; and their separate force, much
more therefore their united force, is immea-

'Quantities Imported into the United Kingdom
in the Month ended Dec. 1, 18.11.

The Produce
of, and 1m-
Imported from ported from,
Foreign British Posses- Totid.
Countries. sions out of
Europe.
Ors. Bus. Qrs. Bus. Qrs. Bus.
28,678 '2 8,171 5 37,849 7
5,859 7 5,639 7
10,327 4 120 0 10,447 4
1,596 6 1,5151 6
1,564 6 1,564 6
1,291 6 1,291 6
50,018 7 8,291 5 58,610 4
Cwts. qrs. lb. Cwts. qrs. lb. Cwts. qrs. lb.
19,929 1 21 10,490 3 17 29,420 3 10
18,929 3 '2l 10,490 3 17 '29,420 3 10
Quantities charged with Duty for Home Con_
sumption in the United kingdom in the
Month ended I)ec. 1, 1831.
--s
The Produce
of, and Im-
Imported from ported from,
Foreign British Posses. Total.
Countries. sions out of
Europe.
Qrs. Bus. Qrs. Bus. Qrs. Bus.
18 3 9,046 5 9,065 0
5,258 7 5,258 7
65 0 129 0 183 0
15 5 15 5
9,076 1 9,076 1
1,759 5 1,759 5
- 120 0 120 0
303 5 303 5
16,617 2 9,166 5 25,76.3 7
Cwts. qrs. lb. Cwts. qrs. lb. Cwts. qrs. lb.
44 3 7 8,547 3 8 8,5(2r2 2 15
44 3 7 8,547 3 8 8,592 2 13

Total of Meal and!
Flour

Quantities remaining in Warehouse in the
United Kingdom on Dec. I, 18.11.

Species of Corn,
Grain, Meal, and
Flour.

Imported from
Foreign
Countries.

The Produce
of, and lin-
ported from,
British Posses-
sions out of
Europe.

Qrs. Bus
93,511 1

Total.

Wheat
Barley
Oats
Rye
Pease
Beans
Maize or Indian

Corn
Buck Wheat
Beer or Bigg .....

Total of Corn and
Grain

Wheat Meal, orl

Flour
Barley Flour
Oatmeal
Rye Meal
Indian Meal

Total of Meal and
Flour

93,511 1

Crrls. qrs. lb.

1'24,886 3 27

20 0 0

124,906 3 27