The Sun.
London, England, 1838-09-01 00:00:00

XlOl4.

WITH WHICH
THE " TRUE SUN " IS NOW
INCORPORATED.

LONDON :
SATURDAY EVENING. SEPTEMBER 1, 1838.

Some of our Contemporaries have properly directed
the public attention to the neglect of the Post-oifice,
in suffering 34 hours to elapse before the letters which
were brought from New YOrk by the Great Western
could be obtained in London. If private enterprise
goes on in its bright and railroad career, and the ma-
nagers of our public offices continue at their old snail
pace, we shall soon arrive at a period when letters will
be transmitted across the Atlantic in a shorter time
than from one side of England to the other. We
should like to know why the Postmaster at Bristol
should not be authorised to board such a packet the
instant she arrives, at whatever hour it might be, and
to forward, as soon as they could possibly be separated
and sorted, the bags of letters by express to their dif-
ferent destinations. With diligence on the part of the
Post-3ffice authorities the letters of the Great Western
ought to have been in town by the middle of Thurs-
day, and it is a disgrace to them that they were not.
But we have a complaint to make that private en-
terprise is stopped, propably that the faults of the
public officers may appear less glaring. Our agent
at Bristol informs us that persons were prohibited
and prevented from going on board the Great Western
on her arrival, and prohibited and prevented from
coming on shore till the morning. But for that prohi-
bition and prevention we should have received on
Thursday an account of the arrival of that noble ves-
sel. Why could not the Customhouse officers exert
themselves a little, and transact their business by night
as well as by day. All the persons connected with the
Morning Journals, all sea-going men, mail-coach men
and guards, work by night ; and why not the Custom-
house officers when necessary ? In fact, however, the
servants of Government—which should at least protect
(we do not ask it to promote) private enterprize--put
barriers in its way ; and while it largely taxes the
community for its support, impedes or destroys the
means of creating wealth.—Reform is wanted.

our Presbyterian friends of the North, are as much
gulled and beguiled by their own priesthood as we poor
English are by ours. We pity amazingly, the poor
men of Boughton under Blane, of Hearne Hill, and
the Ville of Dunkirk, who, living within sight of the
spires of Canterbury Cathedral, and living on the es-
tates of the Church, are in a state of ignorance, more
gloomy from the light around than the darkness of the
middle ages ; and whose ignorance made them the prey
of an impostor less guilty than the priesthood which
takes the wealth of the industrious classes on false pre-
texts ; we pity amazingly those poor men, some of
whom were slain, while others were banished for be-
lieving in a heated fanatic ; but amazingly as we pity
them, we pity still more the shrewd, learned, sagacious,
worldly, knowing Presbyterians of the north, who suf-
fer themselves to be deluded by their spiritual O'CoN-
NELL and his allies, to give a broad and unflinching
support to the papacy of the united Churches of Eng-
land and Ireland. The Canterbury fanatics sinned from
ignorance—the Presbyterians have not that excuse.

Every one must, we think, have observed that the
Tories of our days are more of Liberals than were the
Whigs of 1820 ; that the Radicals of that period were
left behind by the Whigs in proposing the Reform Bill,
and that the Radicals now desire to go much further
and faster than did the more-than-Whigs even of the
Reform Bill. This progress of all classes in one
direction gives rise, in the class which goes fastest and
furthest, to very considerable injustice ; and they are
very apt to calumniate as dishonest, or deride as weak
and ignorant, even the furthest-going of those whom they
in their ardour have distanced. The case of the Scots-
man," a paper," says the Chronicle very justly, " not
more remarkable for the sound and luminous views
which it takes of questions of general interest, than
for the undeviating constancy with which it seeks to
promote whatever tends to enlighten the people and
improve their condition," has suggested our observa-
tion. We have known that Journal almost from its
commencement, and a more honest, unflinching advo-
cate of Liberal opinions—when it was dangerous to
advocate them—a more calm and enlightened Paper, a
Paper more thoroughly imbued with devotion to the
best interests of all, does not exist in the empire. But
because the Scotsman does not come quite up to the
present line, at which the Radicals of the North have
reached, they, not contented with vilifying and
abusing, most unjustly, the whole Press of Scotland,
propose to establish a new Journal, which is to be
called " The True Scotsman ;" not only interfering,
commercially with the property of our excellent Con-
temporary, but implying that the present is a false
Scotsman, and no longer the trustworthy organ of Libe-
ral opinions. This, we beg leave to say to our Radical
friends in Scotland, is an act of gross injustice to one of
the best friends the Liberal cause ever had ; and we can
tell them this with the greater confidence, and with a
more assured hope of being attended to, because we do
not agree in many of the strictures on the Radicals, in
which the Scotsman indulges. No cause can ever
prosper which is founded on wrong, and it is a very
bad augury of the future success of the northern Radi-
cals, that they commence by vilifying the whole Press
of Scotland because it is not as ardent as they are, and
by the threatened usurpation of a most holiest
Journalist's title, which at the same time scan-
dalously and falsely implies that he is not a true
Scotsman.

The Scotsman complains of the Radicals that they
expect too much from laws, and are over eager to
have the making of them. It dwells with some
earnestness and much force on the magnitude of our
empire and the variety of its interests, and properly
insists that " legislation is not a mere holiday affair,
to be intrusted to every ignorant adventurer who
shall declare himself the friend of the people." We
may remark, less as singular, however, than as
a sign of the tracks into which human thought
is now running, that in the Times of this
morning there appears a letter with this title—" The
Question considered—Are the difficulties with which
Britain is encompassed political or social ?" And the
writer goes on to argue, in the very teeth of all the
Tory vilification of the Ministers, that the difficulties
are social and not political, and that our greatest states-
men have not used due discrimination in considering
the phenomena. It is therefore a settled thing that
Legislation concerns most extensive and most im-
portant interests, and that there are no known
and well defined limits where it ought to be-
gin, and where it ought to end. Now we differ
from the Scotsman in condemning the Radicals, the
greater portion of whom belong to the poorer classes,
for seeking to ameliorate their condition by getting an
effectual controul over the instrument for making laws.
At least when the general ignot ance is so great, when
statesmen are thoroughly ignorant on the subject, and
when all classes propose to attain their separate and
peculiar ends by means of legislation, the Ra-
dicals are as much justified as the others in en-
deavouring to obtain wealth and power, and free-
dom for their industry, by means of enacting the
laws. They will fail no doubt, but with so many
stimulating examples before them, it is not just to
blame them for trying.

In common with all other classes, they are taught
to look up with respect to our present law•makers.
Kings and Nobles, Bishops and Parliament men, pre-
sume to set the fashion of thought, as well as in
dress. And what does their language, and still more
their conduct, teach ? Why, that every thing can
be done by making laws. The whole system of legis-
lation proceeds on the assumption that by laws most of
the evils men suffer, and most of the crimes they
commit can be prevented or cured, and the nature
of man and of society modelled after the pattern
and perfect idea of the legislator. By Sabbath-laws
it is proposed to make men religious ; by license laws
and taxes on spirits to make men sober. Laws to hang
them are supposed to make them civil and humane ;
and laws to imprison or transport them, with an im-
mense mass of cruelties, are established to make them
polite, honest, and virtuous. Our landlords pretend that
they can by law feed the people; and they pass those star-
vation laws, which at least are supposed to enrich them-
selves. Nay, both the words and practice of our
Legislators, and of the great mass of public writers,
teaches something more wonderful than this, for
it is actually endeavoured not only to make men
virtuous and make them happy, but to ensure
their eternal salvation by law. Hence, we have
a law-decreed Church, and a law.decrced faith.
Now when this overweening confidence in the
efficacy of laws is the general creed of society,
we must assert, for the Radicals of the north,
that they are not blameable for imitating their so called
superiors, and seeking, like the landlords, to better
their condition, or like the Bishops to secure power
and wealth by civil and penal enactments. We may
lament the general activity on this point, but the
Radicals are not so bad as the Saints. Great as is the
'horror we have for war, we are sometimes al-
most tempted to wish for it to find employment
for the superabundant zeal of the nothing-to-do classes
who now take every branch of society under their tute-
lary care, and inflict on us, by their never ending med-
dling, a more permanent, if not a greater evil than the
calamities of war.

We yesterday reminded our Presbyterian readers,
who are very conscientious men, that they are taxed at
this moment, and taxed through their bread, to main-
tain Episcopacy in England. We must remind them
to-day, on the authority of the Bishop of NORWICH,
that a great portion of our Episcopal Clergy are not
distinguishable from
the Priesthood of the Papal
Church of Rome. In doctrine and discipline, in
creed and practice, in arrogance and hypocrisy, the
great mass of Episcopal Clergy, so closely resemble
the Clergy of the Romish Church, that the most acute
theological sense cannot discover the shadow of a shade of
difference between them. To say nothing of the Epis-
copal monster which is called the Irish Church, and to
support which the Presbyterians of Scotland pay horse,
and foot, and artillery, it is a fact that they pay for the
maintenance of a quasi-Popery in England. If there
be any great difference between the two Churches, the
advantages are all on the side of Rome, for its priest-
hood possesses the apostolic power, which our priest-
hood claim, in unbroken succession ; and the head of
their Church is a venerable ecclesiastic, selected by other
aged, and, therefore, venerable ecclesiastic, while the
head of the Episcopal Church here may be a madman,
an atheist, or a rake, and is at present a young, help-
less, unknowing, though graceful and accomplished
lady. But though there is little difference between the
two Established Churches, except what is advanta-
geous to Rome, the spiritual O'CONNELL of Scotland,
in his pursuit of priestly aggrandizement, is so for-
getful of the doctrines of his own Church, that
he makes common cause with the Papal-Protest-
ant priesthood of the Established Church. Truly

The Paris Journals of Thursday have all been re-
ceived, but their contents are of very little importance.
The health of the Duchess of ORLEANS was in-
proving—all symptoms of the milk fever having disap-

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1838.

peared in the course of Thursday morning. Wednes-
day being a holyday, no business was transacted on
the Bourse. The following report of the celebration
of the fete in honour of the young Prince's birth is
taken from a Paris Journal, and is of considerable in-
terest as evincing the feelings of the Parisians upon
an event which has filled the Court with rejoicing :

The fetes of yesterday passed off with unusual brilliancy and
success. Tile weather, which in the morning was lowering
and windy, improved in the afternoon, and the inhabitants of
Paris were enabled to enjoy the amusements prepared for them
by the municipality, in honour of the birth of the Count de
Paris, without any drawback. The preparations in the Champs
Elysees, on the river, and at the Barriere du Trone, were
so nearly the same as those for the fetes of July, that we
have scarcely anything new to say upon them. The theatres
and the battles drew their usual crowds in the Champs
Elysees, the amusements on the river were well attended,
and the sports occasioned by the Mats de Cocagne were ex-
ceedingly good. The people seemed to enjoy themselves
most thoroughly, and the greatest good humour was visible
throughout the dense crowds that flocked during the whole
of the afternoon to the western end of the capital. The
evening was peculiarly auspicious for the illuminat►ons and
the fireworks, the wind having greatly subsided, and the moon
shining sufficiently bright through the clouds, that continued
to drive across the sky, to give additional interest to the scene.
By eight o'clock all the avenues to the Pont de la Concorde,
the terraces of the gardens of the Tuileries, and the great
place round the Obelisk, were densely thronged. The grand
avenue of the Champ Elysees was most brilliantly lighted with
festoons and pillars of lamps, and pyramids of lamp►ons illumi-
nated the base of the Obelisk, and the intended fountains on tho
Place de la Concorde, while the Madeleine, the Chamber of
Deputies, the residences of the various Ministers, the Hotel of
the Legion of Honour, the Hotel de Ville, and most of the
public buildings of the capital, contributed their share to the
general flood of light. At half-past eight the first rockets
were discharged, and the fireworks then followed each other
in rapid succession until past nine. The balloon, discharg.
ing fire-balls, was let off amidst the other works, and
produced a most beautiful effect. At the side of the
Chamber of Deputies, towards the Tuileries, a lofty frame-
work, on becoming lighted, displayed the Royal arms,
with the words " V ive he Comte de Paris," on a scroll
above, and the initials of the Duke and Duchess of
Orleans in a star, one on each side. A shower of tri-
coloured fireballs accompanied this display. As soon as
this was terminated the Pont de la Concorde sent forth
fountains of white fire into the river, and three magnifi-
cent bouquets followed each other, giving the effect of
an intense conflagration on the bridge, with endless showers
of rockets in the air. The discharge of the bouquets of
bombs, the last of the three, was exceedingly grand; several
other minor bouquets were let off nearly opposite the Hotel of
the Legion of Honour, and a discharge of fireworks took place
at the Arc de Triomphe de l'Etoile, which was illuminated
with red, white, and blue lights, at different intervals. The
display of fireworks at the Barriere du Trone, which took
place a little before that on the Place de la Concorde, was
also very magnificent, and attracted immense crowds. The
evening passed off without any disturbance or accident as far
as we have heard; and, from the admirable order preserved by
the police, and the ample means of approach possessed by
each of the places above-mentioned, the dense masses of people
congregated for the occasion were enabled to come and to take
their departure with the greatest safety and convenience. The
Champs Elysees continued to be crowded with dancers and
holvday folks to a late hour.
It is stated in some of the Papers, that the Duke
de MONTEBELLO is preparing to return to Paris, in
consequence of the independent tone assumed by the
Swiss Deputies. Such a step, it is supposed would
frighten the Diet into a ready compliance with the de-
mands of France, while to foreign States it would seem
as if the KING wished to remove from the Republic a
functionary, whose awful presence might be supposed
to influence the proceedings of the Representative
Body. There is really no occasion to have resource to
such a petty intrigue. The Duke has never been an
object of terror to any party, and whether he go or stay
matters little to the guardians of the honour of the
Helvetian Republic. The following article from the
Journal de Geneve may be taken as a specimen of the
spirited language of the Swiss Press, respecting the
justice and the reasonableness of the demand made by
France

The Neufchatel deputy to the Diet, doubtless expecting that
he would embarrass the canton of Thurgau on the question of
of Prince Napoleon-Louis, proposed that the Prince should,
on his naturalization, be asked whether he renounced the title
of French citizen. This silly quibble has already been de-
nounced. The fact is, that proscribed in France, and deprived
of the rights of citizenship by an exceptional law, which
aff,,cts the whole family of the Emperor Napoleon, the Prince
had nothing to renounceor, acquiring the title of citizen of
Thurgau. Being actually domiciliatcd, his admission as citizen
%%as strictly legal, and he could have no choice to make be-
tween two countries while a law of proscription hangs over
him in France. To give him the opportunity of choosing, it
would be necessary to repeal that law. The French Cabinet,
surely, cannot expect to extend its exceptional laws beyond
its frontiers, and to oblige other nations to make outlaws of
individuals who are guilty of no other offence than that of be-
longing to the family of a great man to whom France erects
statues, end whore ashes she claims. . .

The people of Thurgau have been influenced by no spirit of
hoAility in giving the citizenship to the nephew of Napoleon,
and that character the prince may assert without on his own
part renouncing his rights as a French citizen Whatever may
be equivocal in his situation is none of his fault; it is the effect
of the unjust proscription. To diveA him of his Thurgovian
citizenship the obvious way is to repeal this law of hatred and
fear. That is the preliminary which should have preceded
the French note. Then might it have been said, " Switzer-
land cannot allow him to call himself at one time a French
and at another a Thur.Tovian citizen." In that case he
could have a choice, and he might have been called upon
to choose, but how can he now choose? If he cease to be
a Thurgovian, what does be become ?

In a letter from Lucerne of the 26th ult., published
by a Morning Contemporary, we find the following
emphatic passage :
The federal Swiss camp, in which were assembled several
thousend troops from the cantons of Lucerne, Berne, Solourc,
and Tessin, his just been raised. The best spirit prevailed
in the camp; the patriotic manifestations which have taken
place must haveconvinced those members of the Diet who
witnessed them, that the first authority of the Confederation
may count on the energetic concurrence of the people in the
event of a levy of our militia becoming necessary. All
the officers have declared that they would break their swords
if the diet should be so weak as to accede to the demand of
France.

France is thus placed in a very unpleasant position.
To make Prince Louts BONAPARTE the occasion
of a war would be to aim a blow at the regal exist-
ence of the House of ORLEANS ; while to yield to
Switzerland would provoke the vengeance of the
nation upon the Cabinet. Annexed are extracts from
the Journals.
BONA, AUG, 1 1, —We have received from Constantine the
news that it has been found neccessary to put in irons two of
the natives, formerly in the service of the Bey, after the dis-
covery of their intrigues, both with;n and without the place.
An organised system of espionage has also been discovered,
which might have had very serious consequences, from the
connection of Achmet with all the vagabonds who can inter-
cept the communications and trade. On the other hand, Ben
Aissa continues to stir up the Kabyles, who have bands in the
space between the mountain on the north-west and the town.
We continue to be on good terms with the tribes of the
Seybouse; and it is not from these tribes themselves that we
have to apprehend any obstacle. Most of their chiefs have made
very positive offers, and they keep their word, only it is necessary
that the new General should declare in such a manner as to:pre-
clude the idea of any change ; it is hoped that he will, for this of
the highest importance. The inhabitants of the Gulf of Stora
endeavouredacconts
ta o renew, remain in the same temper as before ; it is only necessary to
show firmness and frankness in treating with them.
obfy boastingthe
with
Fn
rt
er
ni gtn
hue
ae.
ts
bw
se in
wimca hes
on the point of coming to from
n agreementen Tunis ,
w
Ac We have
has u
Achmet
supplies have been sent him, not from Tunis, but from
Sface and Monastir. He has likewise received some Turkish
soldiers, but on the whole his situation is no better than it was
before, and he can do nothing.
—The conclusion of a new loan is spoken of ; it is The ,Swabian Mercury has the following from Vienna, 20th
A ug .:
be-
lieved
by persons who are in a situation to be well informed.
If the fact is true, it may be
accounted for by the actual ex-
penses of the Treasury, which are considerable.
A Morning Paper says, that the English Cabinet is about
to negotiate a commercial treaty with the Kingdom of Naples.
It hopes by means of some concession, more apparent than
real in favour of that Kingdom, to obtain commercial advan-
tages which shall counterbalance the grant made by King
Ferdinand to a French Company of the trade in sulphur in
Sicily. At the desire of the British Government his Sicilian
Majesty has appointed commissioners to g? to London to ne-
gotiate with the Board of Trade the sof the proposed
treaty ; they have already left Naples, and will
shortly arrive
in London. —Le Commerce.
FRENCH FUNDS.—PARIS, AUGUST 30.
Five per Cents., 111 f. 35c. 25c. 20c. 10c.
Three per Cents., SOC 75c. 70c.
Bank Actions, 2,630 f. 2,640 f.
Rente tie Naples, 99E 50c. :+sc.
Roman Five per Cents., 102 101", .
Spanish Actives, 2.1% 21.
Spanish Difleres,
Spanish Passives, 4%.
Belgian Bank, 1,4401.
Hqyttan Loan, 350 E
EXCHANGE ON LONDON.
One month, paper, 25f. 374 c.; money, 2!.f. 35c.
Three months, paper, 25f. W)c. ; money, 25f. 20e.
LATEST PRICES.
Five per Cents. 111 f. 15c.
Three per Cents., SOL 70c.
Romans, 10111.
Belgian Bank, 1,4t0f.
Spanish Actives, 21.
Spaiiish Differe6, 8
Sp2uilbh Passives, 414.
Haitian Loan, 350.