The Sun.
London, England, 1831-08-11 00:00:00

CORONATION.

Viscount STRANGFORD wished to put a question to
the Noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Government.
He the (Noble Viscount) wished to know, whether in the
curtailment which was to take place in the ceremony of
the Coronation of his present Majesty, the Peers of Eng-
land and Ireland were to be deprived of the constitutional
and hereditary right of paying homage to his gracious
Majesty. Ile was given to understand that the present
Government, amongst other abridgements of that august
ceremony, meant that only one front each rank of the no-
bility should pay homage on behalf of the others belong-
ing to that rank. This he understood was at present in
contemplation of Ministers, and he felt extremely anxious
to know whether it had any foundation in truth.
Earl GREY observed, that all he could state upon the
-object was, that it had been the desire of his Majesty to
save as much expense as possible in the ceremony referred
to by the Noble Viscount ; to which desire his Majesty's
Ministers felt they were bound to attend, even though it
alight be unconnected with their own wishes. In answer
to the Noble Viscount he would assure him and the House
that the ceremony was not; entrusted to Government,
hut to the Privy Council, to whom all matters on the sub-
ject were referred.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE thought it would he
important for the Noble Viscount to know that it was not
referred to the Privy Council, as he might understand it
at present constituted, but to a Committee of that. Privy
Council.

Lord HOLLAND had yet to learn that the King had
not a perfect right of nominating any Committee of the
Privy Council he might think proper, and that Committee
was, in common courtesy, gifted with all the privileges of
government in that respect.
Tke Duke of WELLINGTON observed that on former
occasions it had been usual to leave the question of the
ceremonial to the whole, and not to a Committee of the
Privy Council, and he was exceedingly sorry to are any
part of so solemn a ceremonial abridged.
Lord HOLLAND explained, and felt glad that the
Noble Duke went in part along with him in his views. The
fact was, in the first Proclamation the Privy Council were
called together on the subject, and he believed that the
usual course had been pursued by nailing in the next
commission only those who had thought proper to attend.
(LEFT SITTING.)

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HO USE OF COMMONS, "luaus!' 100
STATE OF THE IRISH POOR.
( Continued from our Second Edition of 3buterday.)
Mr. HtTME explained. He called on the Government
to take some decided steps on the subject, or they would
be held responsible for the conduct of those whom they
employed.
Mr. STANLEY admitted that Government must be
held responsible for the conduct of those whom they em-
ployed, but he begged to say that they were not to be made
answerable for every groundless charge and every hasty
imputation that any person might choose to bring against
them. Whoever was anxious to bring forward any tan-
gible charge against the Government, let him state it to
the House, and he (Mr. Stanley) should be at all times
ready to meet it. Imputations were lightly thrown out
upon the Irish Government, and charges of partiality were
made ; but he would fearless assert, that since the Noble
Lord the Marquis of Anglesea had been Lord Lieutenant
of Ireland, he had had no object nearer his heart than
that of taking care, as far as he was concerned, that,
in the administration of justice, there should not only
be no ground of imputation on the conduct of the Go-
vernment, but that there should not even be the shadow
of a suspicion of it.—(Hear, hear.) The Honourable
and Learned Member opposite had called on them to
throw themselves on the other party, but he begged to
tell the Hon. and Learned Member, and through him the
country, that it was not because one party Was opposed
to the Government on one point, and another party sup-
ported it one point, that the Government would throw
itself upon either. It was the fixed determination of the
Government never to throw itself upon any party what-
ever, but to administer justice equally to all.—((;heers.)
He called, therefore, on Hon. Gentlemen not to come
down day after day, and state general imputations of un-
fairness and injustice on the part of the Government, but
to bring forward some clear and specific charge capable of
proof and capable of denial, and he should not be at all
afraid to meet it, Among other things it was said, that,
on a recent occasion, a certain number of persons had
been Set aside from being called on the Jury, because they
were Catholics, or because they were liberal Protestants,
and it was even asserted that this was done by the Go-
vernment. Whatever might be the fact as to the setting
aside the Catholics, or the liberal Protestants, this he
would assert, without fear of contradiction, that it had
not been done by the Government became of their opi-
nions. This, however, was a serious charge made solely
on the strength of individual assertion, and it was strange
enough that a charge of partiality thus made on one side
did not prevent an equally strong charge of partiality
being made by the other. In the Castle Pollard case the
Government were accused of favouring the other side.
He denied the accusation in both cases, and he repeated
that the Government would ioin with no party, but would
do its beet to secure a fair and free administration of justice.
Mr. HUNT observed, that the Right Hon. Gentleman
has not said one word upon the only question that was
really before the House. That question was the petition
from the Irish Catholic Bishops on the state of the poor..
He was astonished that on such a question the Noble Lord
opposite should tell them to pause hefore they decided, and
should object to the early introduction of Poor Laws, be-
cauee they would put an end to the charity of the people
among one another. T,he Poor Laws were necessary, be-
cause the evils of Ireland arose from the great absentee
nobility. There was Earl Fitzwilliam—(Lord Milton WhS
understood to deny that Earl Fittwillitun could fairly be
considered an Irish absentee proprietor,)—there was the
Duke of Devonshire—.there was the Marquis of Lansdowne
—and there wi the Earl of Egremont. Why were they
not taxed for the support of the poor in Ireland ? Nobody
suggested anything else as a remedy for the evils of Ireland ;
then why not adopt the Poor Laws?
Mr. SHEIL declared, that this was not the case of a
private prosecution—it was throughout considered a Crown
prosecution, and it was conducted not only by the Crown
95,cers but by Crown Cetnnael. The Right Hon. Gen-
tleman had said very properly, that the Government in-
tended to mix itself up with no party, but to administer
equal juatioe to both. He was glad to hear the declare-
tinn. If that was to be so, then let the Government take
care that the rule thus laid down was strictly acted upon
in the selection of Juries. He did not charge the Right
lion. Gentleman personally—he did not mean to make
any charge against the Government; but he was bound
to say, that if the Government did intend (as he most
firmly believed they did) to act fairly, they should take rare
of the conduct of their agents, so that the administration
of justice, which they intenled to be pure, should not
even appear to be defective. There was now a Jury Bill
before the House, and the Hon. and Learned Member foe
Kerry, nal the Hon. and Learned Solicitor-Generel for
4e;and were appointed Members of the Committee to
prepare it. Let them take care that it was so framed as
to guard against those evils now the subject of comp'aint.
Mr. S. RICE denied that it Lad of late years been at
all the. custom of the Government to influence the seleta-
Sion of Juries. On the contrary, they had regularly ad-
mitted all permute legally qualified, both Catholics and
Protestaota, and they had generally found that both had
done their duty impartially.
Sir R. PEEL said he did not rise to make any obser-
vation on this subject of a political nature, but he must do
his best to prevent the recurrence of such discussions as
the present, on the state of the administration ofjuetiee—
diacnasians which he could not but consider as fraught
with evil both to the Government and to Ireland itself.—
(Hear, hear, hear.) It must be for the advantage of the
country that Catholics and Protestants should be united,
yet %twee. daily debates in thic House of Parliament could !aye no other effect than to widen the breach unhap-
pily existing between theca.—(Hear, hear.) Under these
eircurnstaaoesa he submitted to the Noble Lord opposite
whather it would not he better (he did not require it him-
self, fur he was ready to declare that he thought no case
whatever bvt been made out) that a Committee of Inquiry
ehonki be appointed, than that there should be day after
Jay this sort of discussion. If there was any ground for
asserting that justice was not properly administered in Ire-
land., he should, if he were the Noble Lord, challenge in-
quiry, attd Compel those who made the charge to the proof
of their assertions. Ile was only giving the advice which
he should certainly adopt were he a member of the Go-
vernment, as be should deem it of the utmost importance,
to pot an end to these cavilling objections to the admiati-
atration of justice, which, however ill-founded, must tend,
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