The Sun.
London, England, 1825-03-17 00:00:00

LTIIE PUBLIC LEDGER.]

By a letter received yesterday from Paris, we
learn that Prince Metternich was.expected there
on Monday last, but it throws no light on the
purpose of his visit. The Austrian Ambassador
at our Court has proceeded to join the Prince ;
but to this circumstance we do not attach much
importance, as it may be a mere act of courtesy.
In the mean time, it is no ordinary object which
can have led the all-powerful Minister of Aus-
tria to the French capital ; and, from his uniform
hostility to the Greek cause, it is probable
that this is one of the motives, though
we do not think it is the sole inducement.--
If it be true that the King of Naples has soli-
cited the intervention of the French Monarch to
procure the departure of the Austrian troops
from his it) minions, this would, in a great degree,
account for the journey, as the French Govern-
ment could not well evade the request ; whilst
the Court of Vienna would feel rather aukwardly
placed between its reluctance to comply with,
and the want of a good excuse for rejecting, so
reasonable a demand. On account of the family
connection subsisting between the Sovereigns
of France and Naples, the former claims a
right above any other Power of interposing in
the affairs of the latter kingdom, when they
seem to require foreign interference. Also
when the Austrian troops invaded that kingdom,
the French Ultras, who were not then in power,
bitterly inveighed against the Ministry for having
allowed Austria to do that which they insisted
France had a preferable right to perform. Their
attack too was so popular that it had the effect
of turning out the Ministry ; and the French
Government has ever since witnessed the oc-
cupation of Naples by the Austrians with
ill-suppressed dislike.- This feeling would
have assumed a more marked and open cha-
racter in all probability, had not the French
Cabinet got entangled in the affairs of Spain,
by which its argument against Austria, and
its means of enforcing it, were at once weakened.
But the new reigns in France and Naples have
given additional force to this question ; the pre-
sent Monarch of Naples urging his application
with as much energy as his predecessor had
treated it with apathy, whilst the French King
probably thinks that circumstances are as fa-
vourable now, as they were formerly adverse,
to his interference in behalf of a Prince of his
House. If the foregoing report be correct,
the Austrian Minister will evidently have
not much time for agitating in a very pro-
minent manner the affairs of Greece. Notwith-
standing his hostility to the Greek cause, we
think he feels a stronger, and more immediate
interest in the occupation of Naples; and no
doubt he will exhaust all the hacknied arguments
in use to make out a strong case of danger, were
the curb, now placed upon the disaffected, par-
ticularly in Naples, to be removed. lay such
reasoning as this, he may hope to work upon
the passions of the Ultras ; but, in this ex-
pectation, if lie really place any reliance
upon it, he will probably find himself dis-
appointed. It appears from all accounts that
the King of Naples, since his accession to the
throne, has not ceased to urge the evacuation of
his kingdom ; and, as it is said, that he had ad.
dressed himself to every Court in whose justice or
influence he sees a chance of obtaining redress,
we cannot see how Austria, notwithstanding her
tenacity on such occasions, can retain her grasp.
It is evident that she cannot count upon the good
offices of England in an affair so much at. va-
riance with English principles, and, we may add,
English policy. It is true, the most friendly re-
lations subsist between the Court of St. James
and that of Vienna ; but this friendship, as far as
the former is concerned, has for
general welfare of Europe, arid riot
individual State. the aggran-
dizement of an irs object the
Moreover,
nothing can be more consistent
with the true
objects of English policy, than that the just
claims of the King of Naples should receive
their due consideration. The
have a paramount importance in the view of secondary States
a British Statesman, now that the first-rate
Powers are leagued together for objects teat

are equally hostile to British interest and British
principles. The most obvious mode of counter-
acting so alarming a confederacy, is to remove,
as far as possible, the minor States beyond the
reach of its influence ; and we have reason like-
wise to think, that this is one of the great objects
of our diplomacy at this time. It is said that
the Austrian Government, seeing no good
chance of evading a demand, supported by the
whole weight of the French Government, besides
being probably backed by the English Cabinet,
and secretly, if not openly, countenanced by the
other Great Powers—has met it by a counter-
demand, to which she insists, that Spain should
have the benefit of the principle, as well as
Naples. As England must concur in the pro-
priety of both demands, she has a singular part
to play, alternately hacking and supporting the
two Powers, whilst her influence is so great, and
at the same time so salutary, that we have no
doubt but she will bring these newly-contested
points to a conclusion, that, instead of loosening,
shall knit more closely together, 016 friendly ties
that bind the European Powers at this time. 1