The Sun.
London, England, 1849-03-27 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 27, 1849.

the advance, as the supply is small. Jamaica is quoted
at 61 to 11/ for good and fine quality, other
sorts 31 to 51 10s, African and Barbadose 28s to 31s,
East India export sorts 22s to 255, and home trade kinds
30s to 90s per cwt. Cassia Lignea is in scanty supply,
and there are several buyers at 90s to 96s per cwt.
Cinnamon is held with firmness. For Cassia Buds,
prices rule high, as the supply is scanty, Cloves are in
more active demand; Bencoolen is quoted at Is 3d to
is 9d. At auction 270 bags African sold at lid to 7-!cl
for middling dark.
SPlRlTS.—Leeward Island finds a better sale at Is 4id
to is 5d proof; these are also higher rates, and on the
part of holders there is much firmness, a small amount
is on offer. Demerara has been in excellent request, and
the parcels sold were at 2s to 2s 2d for 28 to 33 per cent
over proof, and at 2s 3d to 2s 66 for stronger. Jamaica
cannot be quoted higher, but exporters and home dealers
operate with more freedom, and holders are less disposed
to sell. The value of plain and mid quality 28 to 32 per
cent over proof is 2s 9d to 3s, better 34 to 36 over 3s 2d
to 3s 6d, fine and ►pry superior 3s 8d to 4s 61. Former
rates are well kept up for Brandy ; home trade de-
liveries are also upon a large scale, and imports are light
On the part of holders there is also much firmness.
Geneva met with little attention, and a desire is evinced
to sell ord at is 9d to Is 10d, and fine for duty at 2s to
3s 4d; the stock is getting upon a more extended scale.
The market is dull for British made Spirit, and the
price has been reduced 2rl per gallon. To-day East
India Rum was in excellent request at is 3id to is 4d
proof, and several purchases were made in Leewnrd
Island; is 5d to is .yid is the value of good quality
proof.

TaLLow.—Prices are on the decline for Russian on
the spot and the trade continue to make purchases wit's
caution. There are sellers of fine P.Y. Candle at 40s to
405 3d per cwt, and the tendency is still to recede.
For delivery in the last three months of the year
a good business has been concluded at 41s 3d to
41s 6d. Home melted is not much wanted, and
is offered at 40s per cwt. net cash; the supply is also
greater than in the former week, ani the consumption
is also getting smaller. For other sorts of Tallow a
further fall in the value is visible and the quantity on
offer has been large. The parcels offered at auction
were nearly all sold; 300 packages of New South
Wales went at from 35s 3d to 40s for low to fine; 792
ditto South American, 34s 6d to 39s 63; 35 casks North
American, 36s 3d to 33i; 33 casks Tuscan, 38s to 395;
4 calks East India, 41s 63; 5 casks Cape, 41s, and 50
casks Petersburg Soap, 39a 93 per cwt. For auction
the large quantity of 1,000 packages of Tallow is de-
clared.

Ou.s.--The amount of business concluded in Linseed
Oil has been small, and former rates are not sup-
ported. There are sellers on the spot at 25s 93 per
cwt. For delivery the demand has been limited at
26s to 26s 61 Rape Oil, brown at 36s 6d, pale 37s
to 335, and Foreign 3Ss to 395. Palm, fine 34s to 355,
Olive has not risen in the value, but several purchases
have been made ; Gallipoli at 431 to 43/ 103, and other
sorts 401 to 461 lOs. Cocoa Nut, 345 to 37s per
cwt.. at which the market is firm. There is no change
for the better in the position of the market for Fish
Oils ; deliveries do not fall off, and imparts are
of little mom-nt. Of Cod only small parcels have
been sold at 26/ lOs to 27/, end more desire is evinced
to realize. Seal has been dealt in with caution, and
prices are on the decline ; pale selling at 301 to 31/,
other sorts 271 to 291 103. In the market for
Souther❑ there is much dullness, but es the supply is
small, holders are enabled to obtain for trifling parcels
of ordidary and middling quality 28/ to 29l 10s, and 3C/
to 32/ for good to fine. A public sale of 100 tons fine
Sperm Oil is declared for Friday.

MORTALITY in the METROPOLIS.
NUMBER OF DEATHS FROM ALL CAUSES REGISTERED IN
THE WEEK ENDING SATURDAY, MARCH 24, 1849.

Epidemic, Endemic, and Contagious Diseases
Diseases of Uncertain Seat
Turbercular Diseases... ...

-.*236
-. 38
174

Diseases of the Brain, Nerves, and Senses... ... 130
Diseases of the Heart and Blood-vessels .. 4
Diseases of the Lungs, and other Organs of
Respiration
Diseases of the Stomach, Liver, and other Organs
of Digestion... •.. ••• •••• •••
Diseases of the Kidne3 s, &c.
Childbirth, Diseases of the Uterus, &
Diseases of the Joints, Bones, and Muscles
Diseases of the Skin, &c.
Malformations... •••
Premature Birth
•• •••
Atrophy ••• •••
Old Age ••• ••• 1••
••• .•• ••• ••• •••
Sudden ...
Violence, Privation, Cold, or Intemperance
Causes not specified

... 59

... 18

... 13

... 26
... 29

... 30

1,048

under local reismaragement, that the powerful hand of
the Executive was about to be applied to the cor-
rection of the evils under which they now laboured.
So limited was the municipal franchise of the city of
Dublin, that instead of having a franchise of 20,000,
they had only one of 2,900. Besides, great dissimilarity
existed between the system pursued here and in Dublin.
These persons were rated to the poor at 41., and pos-
sessed a vote in Dublin, nor could they do so unless
they were rated for 101.—(Hear, hear.) There the
administration of the rates was in the hands of seven
boards, six of which were self-elected, and who employed
69 collecters to gather in 200,0001. a year. Each board
consisted of a staff of commissioners, secretary, collec-
tors, and lawyers—lawyers without end—(Laughter)—
each, in fact, was a royal court in miniature, and each
estimated itself so highly that it would be as difficult to
get an interview with one of them as with a Prime Minis-
ter.—(Laughter.) Now he asked the House to relieve the
ratepayers from their intolerable burdens. He was
favourable to the withdrawal of the Bills, and if, when
altered, representation was made the basis of taxation,
he should assist the passage of them through the House
by every means in his power.
Mr. T. O'BRIEN would withdraw his amendment, on
the understanding that the second reading of both the
Bills should be postponed.
Mr. GROGAN could not consent to withdraw his
Bills.
Lord LINCOLN was of opinion that by refusing
to allow the Lord Mayor of Dublin to withdraw his
amendment, and by rejecting both Bills introduced
by Mr. Reynolds, the House would be much more
likely to conduce to the benefit of the city of Dublin.
Mr. lIUME thought if the House postponed the
second reading of the Bills withsut limit, probably they
should not have any Bill brought in on the subject by
the Secretary for Ireland this session. He would beg
leave to suggest that those Bills should be postponed,
and that her Majesty's Government should undertake to
bring in a Bill.
Sir W. SOMERVILLE thought the speech of the
Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down was not
very complimentary to him; he proposed to keep those
two Bills hanging over his (Sir W. Somerville's) head,
in order to induce him to bring in a Bill.—(Hear, hear,
and a laue,h.) He thought it ehould be preliminary to
any Bill beimg brought in by the Government that both
the Bills should be withdrawn or rejected.
After a few words from Mr. J. O'CONNELL and Mr.
REYNOLDS, to the effect, that as the first amendment was
to be withdrawn, he would not press bie—(Cries of
" No, no")—strangers were ordered to withdraw for
a divls's,n, but after a few minutes the gallery was
again opened, no division having taken place.
On our re-admission into the gallery,
The Earl of ARUNDEL was stating, that in the
event of the amendments bring carried, the Bill would
be rejected by the House.
Mr. REYNOLDS said that in the discharge of his
duty to the Corporation of Dublin, however unpleasant
to him, he should divide the House.
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw.
The House divided, when there appeared—
For the second reading ... 126
-Against it ... 34
Majority ... ... —92
The Bill was then read a second time and ordered to
be committed.
Mr. REYNOLDS wished to ask the Right Hon. the
Secretary for Ireland when it was likely that the Govern-
ment Bills would be introduced.
Sir W. SOMERVILLE replied, as soon after Easter
as possible.
The Dublin Improvement Bill was withdrawn.
BAKEHOUSES.

Mr. STAFFORD gave notice; on behalf of the
Noble Lord the Member for Middlesex, that on an
early day he should move for leave to bring in a Bill
or limiting the manufacture of bread in bakehouses to
certain hours of the night.
HIGHWAYS IN SOUTH WALES.

Viscount EMLYN asked the Under-Secretary of State
for the Home Department, whether it was the intention
of her Majesty's Government to introduce any measure
for the management of the highways in South Wales
during the present session.
Mr. C. LEWIS said the Government bad found it
impossible to bring South Wales within the scope
cf the Bill at present before the House with
respect to the management of highways and
turnpike trusts; but if that measure received the
satisfaction of the House it was the intention of the
Government to assimilate the law of South Wales to
that of the rest of the kingdom.
Mr. EVELYN DENISON said, as a great number of
county Members would be called out of town next week
to attend their respective sessions, ho wished to know
whether the Hon. Gentleman would have any objection
to postpone the Bill for the present?
Mr. C. LEWIS said, in order to meet the general
convenience of the House, he would postpone the second
reading of the Bill until the 18th of April, the first
Wednesday after the Easter recess.
HUDSON'S BAT COMPANY.
Mr. GLADSTONE asked the Under Secretary for
the Colonies whether it is the intention of her
Majesty's Government to introduce during the present
session any Bill for the purpose of adding to or
altering any of the provisions of existing statutes, having
reference to the territories of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany in America, with a view of giving facilities to the
procerdings of the company, or of any settlement formed
under it in Vancouver's Island ; and if so, whether such
Bill will certainly be introduced at an early period.
Mr. HAWES was heard imperfectly in the gallery,
but was understood to reply that it was not the intention
of the Government to bring in any measure beyond that
which was introduced into the House of Lords by his
Noble Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies,
NOVA SCOTIA.
Mr. DISRAELI gave notice of a motion with refe-
rence to the grievances complained of by the inhabitants
of Nova Scotia.

BURIALS IN TOWNS.
Lord DUNCAN asked the Secretary of State for the
Home Department whether it was the intention of the
Government to bring in any measure for the prevention
of burials in large towns ?
Sir GEORGE GREY said such a Bill as that referred
to was in preparation.
TRANSPORTATION TO SOUTH AFRICA.
Mr. HUME presented a petition from the commis-
sioners, wardens, and others of Cape Town, Cape of Good
Hope, saying that the Government would act unjustly
if they converted that colony into a penal settlement.
Mr. HUTT rose to present a petition from the land-
owners of South Australia against transportation to that
part of her Majesty's dominions.
The SPEAKER said the petition did not relate to the
matter before the House.—(Laughter.)
Sir F. BUXTON presented a petition from the Abo-
rigines Protection Society against convicts being sent to
the Cape of Good Hope.
Mr. DISRAELI presented a petition from a large
landowner in Albany, South Africa, stating that in
accordance with the treaty with the old Dutch settlers,
convicts could not be sent to that part of the world.
Mr. HUTT said he had consulted the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department,
who had advi,ed him that his petition related to the
subject before the House. He, therefore, begged
to seek the Speaker's permission to present the
petition; it was from Australia, and it prayed that the
transportation of convicts to South Africa might not be
followed by sending others to South Australia.
Mr. ADDERLEY having presented a petition against
transportation to the Cape, proceeded to move, " That
an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying
that her Majesty will be graciously pleased, out of
consideration for the honourable pride and moral
welfare of her subjects the people of South Africa,
to order that this hitherto unpolluted colony may
bo spared the disgrace and affliction of being
made a receptacle for the convicted criminals of the
mother country, whether as prisoners, free exiles, or
holders of tickets of leave. Ho should indeed deeply
regret if in moving an address to the Queen
to relieve one of her colonies, from a great
infliction, anything he should say should be construed
into bearing the character of a personal attack. No-
thing, he assured the House, was further from his
mind than to bring forward under the guises of
a great national grievance, an objection to the
policy, and an implication of certain individuals
connected with the Colonial Administration. He be-
lieved he spoke plainly and distinctly when ho said that
this question was the A B C of the problem which was
working to the destruction of our Colonial Empire.
He confessed that he did not see that any notions of
scrupulous delicacy should prevent him from fairly
stating to the House a great grievance of this kind.—
(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He had the highest
respect for the character of Earl Grey, and
believed that his administration would work well for the
colonies. In the outset, however, he wished to guard
the question from two misconstructions; first, lest the
House should think the question unimportant because it
was brought forward by one so little known to the
House in connexion with questions of great importance;
and 2ndly, lest from his unskilful handling of a question
of such grave importance only should be injured, or be
mixed up with extraneous matter. At any rate he was
totally unhampered by prejudice or party, and it would
be gratifying to the colonies to learn that a questic n of
this importance had not been brought forward through
the instrumentality of party feeling.—(Hear, hear.)
He represented a great portion of people who I,)oked
with interest to the proper administration of the, col°.
nies, &c., and who were further desirous to learn,
whether we were disposed to treat them as
slaves or as freemen. Whether they intended to
stultify their moral growth of contaminating
them with a dmoralized population, or to treat
them as integral parts of the mother country.
With regard to the question itself, simply considered on
its own footing, he thought he should best consult the
patience of the House and the interest of the question by
at once simply and shortly stating his case. His ,case
this—that Lord Grey having decided on a new ex pe-
iiment in convict discipline, involving, first, punishu ent
by confinement in the penitentiaries of this country As a
probationary state, and then on their removal to, our
penal settlements by spreading the convicts under ti diets
of leave over as large as possible a range of our d, Ten-
dencies, had begun that new experiment by recomme.acing
transportation to New South Wales, and by commene' mg for
the first time transportation to the Cape of Good Hope, not
only without consult irg the authorities there, buX had
done so also against the strong and general re mon.
strance of the whole population of that c.slomy.
He would not stop to question the value of the
consent of New South Wales. The consent of
a Legislative Council was not worth much ; hut
what must the dissent of the Cape of Good Hope be,
which had found its way through the narrow wad
meagre channels of the public journals, and been s nt
home by the Governor there, and which formed the sub Sect
matter of that debate in that House? It must have be en a
strong dissent. The justification of Lord Grey was the Attie
mother-country having had to expend a certain et pa) of

money in conducting the Kafir war, the mother-country
had a right to demand in return such services from the
colony. Now, he appealed to the House against the
impolicy of treating our dependencies in such a
manner, against the injustice so apparent, of
selecting a weak dependency to try the experiment upon
first, instead of trying it upon them all alike. He ap-
pealed to the House, to their sense of honour and their
love of freedom, and then to her Majesty herself to wipe
off that taint from the equity of her admininistratioe:
and to wipe out as speedily as possible so flagrant
an act of capricious tyranny. He appealed to that House
knowing its inclination, from the freedom of its debates
to digress into collateral subjects; and he ap-
pealed to its interest in colonial questions not
to clog this question with any matter relating
merely to the philosophy of punishment.—(Hear, hear.)
Should any gentleman think that by avoiding the ques-
tion of secondary punishments he was blinking the sub-
ject before the House, he (Mr. Adderley) would remove
every such suspicion by saying he was ready for
the sake of argument during this debate
to admit ell they wished on the qaestion
of transportation. Be would admit, for the seke of
argument, that those convicts sent out to the Cape of
Good Hope would be as serviceable to the
colonists as servants as they would be a good
riddance to this country. He would even further
admit, that if the Government were ready to
carry out the principle of this measure equally
and impartially to all the colonies that
the greatest part of his accusation against them would
fall to the ground. Now, all that ho had to do
was simply this, first to prove his allegations against the
Colonial Department, namely, that they bed sent con
victs for the first time to the Cape of Good Hope, that
they had done it without consulting the colonists, sad that
they had persisted in that course against their remon-
strance. He would then endeavour to prove that the
Cape, of all our colonies, had the most right to remons-
trate, and that this transaction on the part of the Noble
Lord (Grey), :if sanctioned by the House, would be
a direct and public adoption of a retro-
grade movement in colonization. (Hear, hear.)
And at the same time when stating that these remora
strances where disregarded, he believed that a system
was at work which was in every respect evil. He believed
that if this Act wore persevered in it would be distressing
to hundreds in this country, injurious to the colonies, and
dangerous to our liberties at home. His first assertion
was that this was the firrt time of sending convicts to
the Cape of Good Hope, but he was aware
that it might be alleged that there was a prece-
dent for the practice. Ho was well aware that
some ten years ago the philanthropic plan was started
for sending foundlings and boys found in the streets
without a home, and juvenile offenders, to the Cape.
Yet such was the feeling excited at the Cape
from the apprehension that they might some
day be flooded by a convict population, that
they immediately arose against it, and the measure,
though only philanthropic in its character, was of neces-
sity abandoned. There was another subject to which al-
lusion had been nude, and out of which, he was aware,
much representation might arise, and from which cer-
tainly an impression had been created that this
was not the first time that "convicts had
been sent to the Cape. That was the fact, that long
correspondence had been held between the Secretary ot
the Cape, Mr. Montague, and the Secretary of the Colonies
here upon the subject. But the object of that correspondence
was to state to the authorities the suggestion which had
been made to him, that it might be well for the Govern-
ment to know that if convicts were sent out not a single
person tin the colony would employ a convict
(if any were sent out) in any capacity whatever.
He was aware that this might also create an impres-
sion that the present plan had a precedent. The third
document to which he would allude was a memorial
from the culeaists of the Cape on the subject to their
Governor, whom they knew well sympathised in
all their feelings. All these documents were
now in England, and had been, he knew,
for the last two months, yet not a single copy of them,
though he had repeatedly asked for them, could he ob-
tain from the Colouiel-office.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.)
He saw that the Right Honourable Gentleman the
Secretary for the Colonies was taking a note of
that assertion .—(Hear, hear.) He might not have
asked with anything like official aptitude, but lee
had numbered the papers for which he inquired
as A, B, C. He might have been wrong—he might
have asked for papers under A which were re•
gistered under B, but he had made the application in
such a way as to elicit the necessary replies, but he had
not obtained them.—(Hear, bear.) The Hon. Gen-
tleman then read a series of extracts from the documents
which bad been supplied to him to prove his assertions.
By a resolution assented to by a large meeting a peti-
tion, touchingly and respectfully appealing to the con-
sideration of the Sovereign, and a memorial to
the Governor, appealing to the sympathy which
he was known to feel for the colonists,
ought to have produced some better response than sim-
ple silence and disregard; but no such thing. The
Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Government
simultaneously announced the receipt of these pa-
pers, and his determination to disregard their
prayer.—(Hear.) Since then the Noble Earl had acted
as if the colonists themselves were of no consequence,
or as if he felt that he had power enough to crush their
opposition, but he, for one, could only say, that if any
English spirit still existed in the colony, as to inducing a
rising against this unjust policy he would not vote a
single shilling to put it down.—(Hear.) He thought he
had proved how injurious this policy had been to both
the mother country and the colonies, and ho wished
non- to shorn that the Cape had especial grounds for
remonstrating against an infliction of the sort. The
Cape was originally a Dutch establishment,
which originated about the period of the
foundation of New England. Indeed, the Dutch
Cape and New England stood at one time in the
position of two brothers who had left their parent
home, but some time afterwards the Cape was
adopted by a band of Protestant refugees, who
were remarkable for their intelligence and strict moral
habits. To this day even, the inhabitants of the
Cape retained that character, and the state of
society in the Cape strongly contrasted with that of
some of our speculating colonies, where the moral in-
terests of the colonists were often sacrificed a thirst
for wealth.—(Hear, hear.) But the strict morality of
the inhabitants of the Cape might be inferred from the
simple fact that they exacted testimonials of good cha-
racter from all strangers entering the colony, but inde-
pendently of this system being averse to the feelings
of the people, there were other features attached to the
colony, which rendered it unfit for a penal settlement.
In the first place one
portion of the Cape was overrun
with barbarous tribes ; &but, perhaps, it would
be said that the ;convicts set out might become
missionaries amongst those tribes, though he
was inclined to question the morality which such
missionaries. The colonists themselves, however, urged
stronger objection to the Cape being made the recep-
tacle of convicts. They said their society was sufficienttly
advanced to admit of their requiring or being able
to establish gaols.—(licar, hear.) He came now to the
thatin mentioning this measure of
last point, namely,
the Noble Lord, it would be adopting on the part of the
House a retrograde movement in colonization.—(Hear.)
Perhaps the Cape was not strong enough to manifest
itself as America did, but it was labouring precisely
under the same grievances. Carlyle had related with
just disgust a feature in the life of Louis XV.
who after using every remedy, without success,
to cure his vitiated body, resorted to the
most selfish and
.brutal superstition to recover
his health by debauching young virgins. Now that was
precisely the way in which they had dealt with their
colonies. If the House took no steps to avert
the consequences to which the conduct of the Govern-
ment had given rise. They would be looked upon as
sanctioning what he called a "debasing system
of colonization. —(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Let
them send convicts to the Cape in its turn, but ,do
not take the weakest colony first. What he feared
most in dealing with this question was apathy. Oh!
that he could transport a few lion. Members to the
Cape (Laughter) —in order that they might
learn how odious this system of transportation
to the Cape would be; more especially as it would
be placed under irresponsible Government.—(Hear,
hear.) Ile asked the House if in serving a
Colonial Minister it would endanger losing a colonial
empire. The Hon. Gentleman concluded with proposing
his motion.

Sir G. GREY rose to warn the House of the danger
it would incur by the adoption of the views of the
Honourable Gentlemar. His whole speech was
entirely directed against transportation to any of
our colonies. If the House ado[t.d his motion
it would pronounce a verdict against ti a isportation
altogether.—(Hear, hear.)
(um SPEAKING.)

LEEDS PAROCHIAL EEPENDITURE.—Yesterday,
public meeting of the inhabitants of the township of
Leeds was held at the Court-house, in pursuance of a
requisition, signed by upwards of 450 rate• payers, to
take into consideration the best means that can be de-
vised for effecting a reduction in the local expenditure
of the township. Mr. Alderman Bateson presided ; and
after speeches from Mr. Bissington, Mr. Councillor
Newsome, Mr. Councillor Brooke, and others, a resolu-
tion was unanimously adopted, which recited that, dur-
ing a few years past the local rates had accrued to an
almost unprecedented amount, resolved that a committee
should be appointed to investigate the causes of this in-
crease,
andreport to report to a future meeting, and also to
inquire into the causes of the increase of pauperism,
and also into the remedies for the same, with a view
of profitably employing pauper labour on land or other-
wise. A committee was accordingly appointed for that
purpose.

DECLINE OF TRADE IN SHEFFIELD. Too little
union among the masters, and too much of it among the
men, appear to be fast ruining this once busy seat of
trade. Every one complains, yet no one mows an amend-
ment. Thus, while Belgium, Germany, and the United
States, in which no such pernicious system prevails, are
beating the English out of extensive markets, and
even bearding the Shaffielder in his own den, or shaving
him rather with his own weapon—by help of the same
sure instrumentality the latter is deliberately cutting his
own throat—smashing his own machinery, in fact, in
more senses than one. There is a talk of the necessity
of some new trade. But of what use would a new trade
be with the old system of " anion" and disunion? It
is " a new man" that is wanted probably still more than
a new trade.—The Builder.
Thirty-four steam and sailing vessels were pre-
paring to leave New York, on the 7th instant, for San
Francisco ; including several old Liverpool favourites,
amongst them being the celebrated ship Memnon, and
the Clyde-built steam-ship Unicorn. The Unicorn was
entered also for Vancouver's Island, Oregon.—Liverpool
Albion.
SOUTIIA3IPTON MARCH 26,—Sld, liermann:stearaer,
Now York.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.
HOUSE OF LORDS, March 26.
This morning the House resumed its sittings on appeals.
The Lords present were—the Lord Chancellor, Lord
Brougham, end the Earl Somers.

MALCOM V. I,4ANSFIELD AND OTHERS.

The arguments in this appeal were resumed.
This was an appeal against two interlocutors of the
Court of Session in Scotland. The arguments were
altogether confined to matters of technicality in Scotch
law.

Mr. Turner and Mr. Dl‘Neill having brought their
arguments to a termination,

The House, without hearing counsel for the respon-
dents, at once dismissed the appeal, and affirmed the in-
terlocutory of the Court below.
BARNARD GREGORY V. THE DUKE OF BRUNSWICK AND

ing, and immediately the room was filled with steam and
sulphur. Part of the floor was blown up. They were
all very much scalded, and were taken to the house of re-
covery, where Mary Hart died.
Joseph Clayton, engineer—He made the two boilers,
waggon shaped, for the Brunswick mill. They were
low pressure. To such boilers a gauge of never
more than 91b. is applied. The usual pressure was
not more than 41b. to 61b. In August, 1843, witneso
and Mr. Stephenson examined the engine and boilers'
which had the safety valve in such a state
as to admit of a pressure of 20Ib. to the inch, when
the steam ought to have blown ell at 101 b. at most.
Witness was at Mr. Cooper's a few days afterwards,
and in consequence of what took place in September,
1843, witness put on the boil-over pipes, which would
boil over at a pressure of 121 b. On the 7th witness saw
the prisoner and the master together, and he told them
they were working the boiler at a pressure greater than
it could bear. The prisoner said they could not work
the machinery with the boil-over pipes on. Mr. Cooper
asked why. The prisoner said because they were con-
tinually boiling over. Witness said yes, that was what
they were put there for, to prevent them giving it a
higher pressure than the bailer ought to be worked
with. He again asked the prisoner what had become of
the boil over pipes, lie answered he had ordered them
to be taken off, as when they were on they could not
drive the whole of the machinery, as they were con-
stantly boiling over.

Hi; LORDSHIP told tlro` jury if a man did an act ne-
gligently, by which the Ife of a man was lost, he was
guilty of manslaughter at least, and he should be sorry
that there should be any doubt about it.
The jury found the prisoner Guilty, but strongly re-
commended him to mercy, and his Lordthip fined him
51., and to enter into recognizances in 1004 for two
years.

Mary Ann Smith, aged 20, was indicted for the mur-
der of Hugh Watson, at Liverpool, on the 3d of March.
Watson was a porter, and on that night he met a
woman named Collins, who now swore that he accosted
her in the street, asking where he could get a lodging,
and she took him to a house of ill-fame, on arriving at
which she knocked, and a servant opened the door, and
as he was going in he fell off the step. She lifted him up.
The surgeon said the deceased had an abrasion on the
cheek, and on a post mortem examination ho found that
the skull was fractured, caused by a severe blow at the
base, and consequent effusion on the brain by a fall.
His LORDSHIP said it was a case of manslaughter
only, and the jury acquitted the prisoner of murder and
found her guilty of manslaughter, on which his Lord-
ship, telling her it was a bad case, sentenced her to be
transported for ten years.

IMPERIAL PARLIAAIENT.

ROUSE OF LORDS, March 26.
NOVA SCOTIA.
Lord STANLEY (in continuation from our Third
Edition) said—Mr. Fairbanks accepted the office on the
understanding that he should not be removed for poll
tical causes; he had performed his duties faith-
fully, and it was proposed to remove him
without compensation, and the Noble Earl considered
that the faith of the Crown was not pledged to him, and
had said that without again appealing to the
people of the colony, he would, it those who had
passed the Bill persevered in it, advise the Crown to
give its assent to the measure. Why, if the faith of the
Crown was not ph dged in this instance, in what instance
could it be said to be pledged ? Under these circum-
stances ho thought that Mr. Fairbanks had been un-
fairly treated, if the Colonial-office should give its con-
sent to the measure which the Noble Earl had previously
condemned. The plea could not be maintained, that the
membt rs of the Cabinet should be of the same political
opinions, which Ives a modern arrangement, even in this
country, and was a principle which could not be applied
to a colonial administration without great inconvenience,
because there could not be an effectual check upon the
Legislative Council. The Liberal party not only dis-
missed Mr. Fairbanks, but removed one hundred jus-
tices without assigning a cause; and after the election,
at which they obtained a majority, they nominated
all the members of the Legislative Council of their
own party. They could not but regard with alarm,
under such circumstances, that the minority 'might be
oppressed by a temporary political majority. It was on
these grounds that the petitioners prayed their Lord
ships to protect them from despotic government. They
should look with jealousy at the enunciation of a prin-
ciple, that the Government was not responsible, and that
he should not take any steps without the advice of the
Council. This principle was repudiated by Lord Met-
calfe, when Governor of Canada, who said that such a
surrench r of the prerogative of the Crown would be
incompatible with the character of a British colony.
He cordially concurred in that sentiment, and thought
the petitioners should be protected from a small domi-
nant majority.
Earl GREY felt that in this case he stood on so strong
a foundation of truth and reason that he might well ere
counter the Noble Lord's superior powers. He should
take the topics in the opposite order from that in which
they had been introduced by the Noble Lord, and if he
endeavoured first to explain his own views of the system
of colonial administration, their application to the indi-
vidual case before their Lordships would then be more
easily made. The Noble Lord had pointed out the diffi-
culty of reconciling the exercise of due authority on the
part of the Crown with the enjoyment by the colonies of
those privileges in the administration of affairs which
they valued no less than the people of this country.
Lord John Russell, when Secretary. for the Colonies, had
otravx a, llintl• lb was easy to point out contradictions
and difficulties which might arise from an extreme use
of power vested in different authorities. Ms words
were—" It may be said that I have not drawn any spe-
cific line beyond which the power of the Governor, on
the one hand, and the privileges of the Assembly, on the
other, ought not to extend. But this must be the case
in any mixed Government. Every political constitution
in which different bodies share the supreme power, is
only enabled to exist by the forbearance of those among
whom this power is distributed. In this respect the ex-
ample of England may well bo imitated. The Sove-
reign using the prerogative of the Crown to the
utmost extent, and the House of Commons exerting
its power of the purse to carry all its resolutions
into immediate effect, would produce confusion
in the country in less than a twelvemonth. So in
a colony; the Governor thwarting every legitimate
proposition of the Assembly, and the Assembly
continually recurring to its power of' refusing supplies,
can but disturb all political relations, embarrass trade,
and retard the prosperity of the people. Each must ex-
ercise a wise moderation. The Governor must only
oppose the wishes of the Assembly where the honour of
the Crown or the interests of the empire are deeply con-
cerned; and the Assembly must be ready to modify some
of its measures, for the sake of harmony and from a re-
verent attachment to the authority of Great Britain." If
the great authorities of the state strained their respective
powers, our balanced system of a constitution would be
brought in a month to a stand still, and the result would
be, hopeless confusion • but the remedy, to use the expres-
sive language of his confusion;
Friend, was to be found in the
"wise moderation" with which their constitutional powers
were exercised. The same principle must be applied to
the colonies. The time now had arrived when the power
of the colonies of this country must be regulated by the
feelings and judgment of the colonists. He had never
intimated to any governor that he was free from respon-
sibility for such measures as he might sanction, but after
the constitutions which they had given to these colonies,
they could not shrink from the conclusion that public
opinion must finally prevail. The Noble Lord having
read some extracts taken from his dispatches to Sir
J. Harvey, Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia,
directing him as to the policy he should pursue, proceeded
to observe, that in his opinion they could not maintain
the North American colonies on any other grounds.
These were his views as to colonial government, and
these were the views he had uniformly and constantly
maintained; and in doing which he had the full concur-
rence of his colleagues. He had endeavoured to carry
them out as fairly and impartially as he could, he had
administered the powers entrusted to him to the best of
his ability, and whenever mistakes may have been com-
mitted—for he was not presumptuous enough to suppose
mistakes were not committed—the actual condition of
their North American provinces was the best proof that
those principles were sound and just. The Noble Lord
said that the power of the Crown was thrown away in
this instance.

Lord STANLEY did not say the power of the Crown
was exactly thrown away, but that it was exercised in
an unsound manner.

Earl GREY misunderstood the Noble Lord, no doubt,
but in the conclusion of the Noble Lord's speech he said
something very like it. To tell the colonies they were to
decide on local concerns, and that, whatever difference
arose, the Assembly, and not the Secretary of State, was
to give way; it followed that free grovernment was really,
under such circumstances, but a name. Now what hap-
pened in Nova Scotia? For 15 3 ears the granting of the
civil list was a subject of great contention, and during the
five years the Noble Lord was in office he endeavoured
to bring that difficult question to a satisfactory conclusion,
particularly as regarded the payment of the judge:. Since
he (Earl Grey) came into office, he had also endeavoured
to settle it, and he had the satisfaction of stating that by
a dispatch received not many days since, the question
was brought to a satisfactory conclusion. The Assembly
had seen the propriety of settling it, and thus was the
question set at rest. The Noble Lord read a dispatch
of his (Earl Grey's) to Sir John Harvey as to keeping
the principle of removal cf judges ou political grounds
within the narrowest limits, of which he was pleased
to approve—and that principle, he was happy to say,
was about to be carried out very generally in their co-
lonies. Again, he (Earl Grey) strongly urged that, in
adopting that system, they should refrain from doing
inju"y to individuals ; that whenever persons were
removed they should get compensation, and that rule
they also recognised. When their Lordships remem-
bered bow strong public feeling was on the con-
tinent of America against the giving of pensions,
they would at once see how important it was that they
should be limited within as narrow a compass as pos-
sible. If he were prepared to grant that, in the pre-
sent instance, the powers of the Crown were prescribed
—if he were to grant that which he was not ready to
do, it ought to be recollected that, even in this cc,untry,

no party or office could altogether justify the manner in
which the power of the Crown was exercised, and if
that were so at honae, how much more might they ex-
pect it in the colonies. Ho would not say thet no
errors were committed, but he contended that, to
tight the party battles in that House, of their North
American Colonies, would be most disastrous. When
quarrels existed between the Crown and the colonies,
uo doubt the subject was brought very properly before
Parliament.—(dear, hear.) When a difference arose
also between the Representative Assemblies and the
Crown, it was right that a similar course shculd bo pur-
sued; but, in the present instance, the case brought for-
ward nas by a minority, who corup;ained that their views
were not acted on, although the majority had decided
against them, githerty every Goyeranacut bAcl endea-