The Sun.
London, England, 1836-09-10 00:00:00

which tolistitntional principles and feelings
ha.ve recently made among all ClasSes so'Ciety. 'I 116
.15a Srsecbirnibicliymlgarniiill.,:tetiOr te`6,4;arly WoWiahtl jieiSß4 Vrirti.!
WiAlth'y her to the humbl'i.eaat and
industrious sta tio n
all actuated by one common feeling, that whatever
they hold most dear in life is at stake in the struggle
tradesman, frol
n the
now proceeding with so much activity and vigour be-
tween the friends of the British Constitution And its
enemies ; and all alike determined that no effort on
their part shall be wanting to maintain and invigorate
those excellent and venerable institutions which have
been the source of so many blessings to their fathers
and to themselves. There never can tie (14 geollnd Or
despondenciy as to the dentilly of a nation which can
present hticli scenes as that to which we now exult-
ingly refer. Nor when we hear such an united
testimony to the value of our national institutions
proceeding thus from the elite of every class of the
community—when we find the best men of every
rank expressing, with one voice, their veneration
and attachment to those institutions, and mutually
exciting each other to whatever efforts or sacrifices
may be required for their defence—can we any longer
apprehend the continued ascendancy of a political party
which omits no opportunity of proclaiming by its con-
duct that it holds the established institutions of Eng-
land as things so utterly vile and worthless that they may
be stigmatized for the sake of popularity, and bartered
away for sake of place and pay. Such men as those
who assembled at Newton on Thursday—and the
great majority of the British people closely resemble
them in character and disposition will never be
brought, we may be sure, to tolerate with patience a
system of government under which the Prime Minis-
ter of the Crown is heard to say of a measure which
he and his colleagues in office have introduced and
supported, that it is a measure of discouragement and
injury to the Protestant cause, and that they have in-
troduced and supported it because it has become ne-
cessary to pacify an unruly and misguided, but compa-
ratively small minority of the King's subjects. Ho-
nest men such as those of South Lancashire will not
long endure a Government which founds its most im-
portant measures upon such weak, and pitiful, and in-
sincere pretences. Such men have too much vigour of
mind, and too much integrity of purpose, to be thus ca-
joled. They can understand why a set of Ministers to
whom place is everything and duty or conscience nothing
should inflict discouragement and injury upon Protestan-
tism for sake of the Roman Catholic votes in the House
of Commons which have procured, and which are ne-
cessary to preserve for them, the advantages of office.
But they never will be able to see a reason, for no
reason can ever exist, why an institution for which a
great majority of the King's subjects entertain the
warmest attachment, and the most profound venera-
tion, should be degraded and injured to gratify an ig-
norant, turbulent, and deluded minority. Straight-
forward, and honourable, and manly dealing, and at-
tachment and reverence for the Church and Constitu-
tion of England, paramount to all other considerations
—courage and vigour sufficient to cope with the
tur-
bulent and lawless, and to maintain in defiance of
their most violent and audacious resistance the supre-
macy of lawful authority—are the qualities which
brave men and good subjects will always expect to find
in the Statesmen who aspire to the honour of govern-
ing them. Such qualities, it is plain, the ho-
nourable, high-spirited, and clear-sighted men of
South Lancashire, have not been able to discover
in the present Ministers of the Crown. It is im-
possible for us to advert—in this place—to
more than one or two of the topics which elicited
from this great Conservative assembly the strong ex-
pression of its feelings and opinions. One of the
most prominent among them was the judicious, pa-
triotic, independent, and manly conduct pursued by
the House of Lords during the last session of Par-
liament. Upon this subject the sentiments of the
assembly were expressed as unequivocally as upon
that of the weak and dishonest apology of the Prime
Minister for the measure, which, according to his
own too candid description, would have struck a
severe blow', and produced a great discouragement,
to the Protestant cause in Ireland. The House of
Lords has the merit of having effectively warded off
the meditated blow, and of having turned the in-
tended discouragement into a ground of renewed
and encreased confidence and strength. It is a
merit which the Conservatives of South Lancashire
could not fail to appreciate, and which they did not
neglect to acknowledge by the warmest expressions of
gratitude and veneration. The feeling was universal
as it was intense, that the value of a House of Lords
has been demonstrated, in our day, by what that illus.
trious body has done, better even than at some former
periods of British history the value of that assembly
was shown by what it had been compelled to suffer.
This is assuredly not the time for the adherents of Lord
Melbourne and his colleagues to menace the House of
Lords with the bugbear of Reform. If to have ad-
vanced itself immeasurably in the general estimation of
the country—if to have shown, to the full satisfaction of
all sober-minded men, that it has lost none of its compe-
tency to discharge the important functions entrusted to it
by the British Constitution, at a period when all
sober-minded men perceive that these functions have
become more essential than ever to the safe and regu-
lar working of the whole machine of Government—if
to have demonstrated its vigour and efficiency as the
appointed guardian and protector of all the institutions
of the State against headlong innovation or traitorous
' assault—if these be reasons why the House of Lords
should be enfeebled or abolished, then, indeed, the ad-
herents of the Melbourne Ministry who clamour for
what they call Peerage Reform, are less proper objects
of derision and contempt than we have hitherto consi-
dered them. The people of England are, we suspect, how-
ever, entirely of our mind—that little serious attention is
due to those who insist upon the necessity of a reform of
the Peerage upon no better ground than that the Peers
have reformed several of the projects which the present
Ministers of the Crown have been compelled by Mr.
O'Connell and his Irish tail to embrace. There is
not much danger that an organic change in the consti-
tution of the House of Lords will ever become very
popular in Great Britain, so long as it is known to
every man of common understanding,, and acknow-
ledged by every man of common honesty, that we
must have the House of Lords as it is, if we do not
desire the other alternative, viz., the absolute dominion
over the whole empire of Mr. O'Connell and the
Roman Catholic Priests of Ireland. In the peculiar
circumstances of the present day the House of Lords,
as a component part of the Constitution, is felt to be
more than usually valuable. Never was the House of
Lords so popular, so powerful, or so safe as at the
present moment. The Ministerial party in losing so
many of their favourite measures must surely have lost
also, what was almost of equal value, namely, their
wits, or they never would have chosen this particular
pet iod for agitating the question of Peerage reform.—
Morning Post.

Friday the brig Sophia, the last vessel, we believe,
from the Clyde for Canada this season, sailed from Greenock
for Quebec.—Greenock Advertiser.

MADRID IN 1835.—This is one of the most inte-
resting works we have seen on the present engrossing subject,
the state of the Spanish people. The author, who is evidently
a man of acute discernment, appears to have studied the Spa-
nish nation with a painter's eye. He sketches every grade with
a graphic power rarely equalled. From the Prince to the
Peasant it sets before the reader the peculiarities of each in a
living panorama, with a skill and power seldom attained.
Such a work as this must unquestionably become extensively
popular.

SUDDEN DEATHS AND SUICIDES IN RUSSIA.-
It a2pears from official accounts published at St. Peters-
burg, that during 1832, 405 individuals (324 men and 81
women) died suddenly in Russia. In 1833 the proportion
augmented considerably, as, according to the registries, they
were 569 (353 men and 216 women). The number of per-
sons who died suddenly, therefore, during these two years,
was 667 men and 297 women. The proportion of men, corn.
pared to that of the women, was as 21 to 1, The greater
pert of these unfortunate persons die from intemperance.
It is rare at St. Petersburg, as well as in all the large towns
in Russia, that public rejoicings do not occasion the death of
a number of individuals. Thus, in 1833, there were found in
the streets and squares, on the footpaths and the quays, 78
men and 24 women, who had died from drunkenness and cold.
It is known that in Russia those who have the imprudence to
sleep in the open air, after having drunk strong liquors to ex-
cess, never awake. In the space of three years, that is to say,
from 1831 to 1833 inclusive, there were at St. Petersburgh
104 suicides. It has been remarked, that the young men
employed for self-destruction cutting instruments or fire-arms,
whilst the old gave the preference to water or the rope.