The Sun.
London, England, 1831-04-27 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF' THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Livery of London have set a very proper
examile to the country, and we trust it will be
geaerally followed. Hitherto the people have beer,
Err too much in the habit of considering themselves
as retainers of this or that candidate, and allowing
themselves to be moved according to the interests
t,f candidates. It is the business of the people, no'
s much to support this or that man, as to see that
.
they are properly represented. The anecdote of
13eatimarchais's dog must be familiar to most of our
readtrs. On the collar was engraver) the s
dog'
ownership of Beaumarchais—. Beaumarchais be-
limes to me." The voters have hitherto belonged
to the candidates; whereas it is the business of the
voters to fix on, and choose their Representatives.
In pursuance of these views, it was determined yes-
terday, at the rneeting of the Livery, that they would
not give anrpledga of support to any candidate
fom personal favour or predilection, but should re-
serve themselves for those four candidates Wedged
to Reform who should appear to have the best chance
of success ; and it was also agreed on by the indivi-
duals comprising the meeting, that they would net
pledge themselves except in coniu.rictie74 with the
Committee to be appointed by moos, This a‘Vill
Live a concert and union to bf tee
Reformers, without whici.; I.;e hey °11"1-2)1i;:lten,s
danger of having it palmedlim: ind
on
them as their ReV
esentativea. It was sensibly ob-
served by Mr-I)erring" that they could not split their
votes with :out splitting the great principle.—( Cheers.)
For hi.loself he cared not who the four representa-
tives were ; but he would take cam, if no one else did,
to be on the hustings, for the purpose of obtaining
from them all a moat unqualified pledge on the
topic of Reform.—(Cheers.) He meant no
-paragement to Mr. Ward; but this Ire would say,
that no one could give that gentleman a vote, and
also vote for a Reformer, without saying that he
bad no pretence either to principle or to honesty.—
(Cheers.) It should be remembered, that the dr-
. .
r mon to which they were about to come was not
merely the derision of that meeting; by mans of
the Press it would be dispersed throughout the
country; and as the London election was one of the
first to take place, the question was, whether the
city should show such unanimity and decision as
al•ould be an example to all other corporatioas and
e'ectors.--(Cbeers.)" This is as it ought to be.
Many gentlemen who voted for Mr. Ward last elec.-
titan wilt certainly not vote on this occasion for any
sath.r than a Reformer ! Mr. R. Squills, for in-
stance, came boldly forward, and said, that " it
was probably known to many that he had voted for
Mr. Ward at the last two elections, because he be-
lieved him to be a most honourable and respectable
man ; but he felt bound to sacrifice his liriend to
she public cause—(Loud cheers)—that ought to be
the principle with all who wanted the great question
of Reform to be cerried." We ourselves know
several Liverymen who voted for Mr. Ward,
who are determined to vote on this crew,.
sion exclusively for Reformers. We hold it,
therefore, impcos;ble for Mr. Ward to succeed, if
the Livery proceed as they ha\'e commenced. We
agree with Mr. Fearon that no names ought to be
mentioned, and that confidence ought to be reposed
in the vigilance of the Committee. The Livery
will act with effect, when they act in one spirit.
The long continuance of boroughmongering in this
country has been lit-fortunately attended with the
effect of makirris Englishmen think far too lightly
both of bribery and !perjuiy at elections. To in-
stance tare case of out-voters. We lament to say
that, few men in the humble walks of life are proof
veinet the temptation of being conveyed to their
native place, to visit their relations, at the expence
eist candidate. The vote they should give it too
often the last consideration with them It cannot
be too much inculcated, that voting contrary to con-
viction, merely to have the gratification of a journey
to the country to visit friends at a pleasant season
of the year, is a dreadful violation of a sacred trust.
The Reformer who for such considerations votes for
an Anti-Reformer is worse than a thief ; and if he
reflect a moment on the thing) he will see that a
greater crime cannot be committed than to be ac-
cessory to the sending a man to the Legislature,
who, he believes, will betray the intereste of his
country. We take it for granted.thst there is hardly
an Englishman so ignorant, its not to have made up
his mind whether Reform would or not be beneficial
to the country. If he be an Anti-Reformer:he may,
of course, vote for an Anti-Reformer; but no exe-
eration is sufficiently strong for the knave who,pro-
tessing the principles of Reform, sells himself for
the sake of beastly sensuality to an Anti-Reformer.
The punishment of the pillrry has been abalished,
because in certain cases, against which public opi-
nion is strongly directed, the punishment inflicted is
?renter than the law intended. But the mean-
spirited wretch who allows himself to be conveyed
by an Anti-Reformer to vote against his conscience,
ought to be more an object of general execration
'than the victims of popular indignation or the pillory.
Thank God! an end is about to be put by the Re-
form Bill to this degrading traffic in the consciences
of non-resident voters, which has not, certainly,
been hitherto viewed in a proper light. Many per-
sons have expressed themselves anxious to contri-
bute their mite towards the good cause, but know
not how to give effect to their wishes. A Cor-
respondent (P. 0.) has enclosed a guinea to us.
We have the satisfaction of being able to state, that
a meeting of gentlemen of the first respectability is
about to be held this day, for the purpose of concert-
ing the proper measures for adoption, with a view to
raise a subscription to support popular candidates,
sand that no time will be lost in coming before the
public. We shall hand over the guinea to the Com-
mittee, and we request our metropolitan readers to
retain what they mean to contribute till they receive

the invitation alluded to. Those places which have no
yet organized Committees will, of course, fallow the
example of the metropolis ; and xt hen our Com-
mittees are everywhere appointed, an easy commu-
nication between the different parts of the country
will be practicable. Evelywhere meetings are
taking place. A private meeting very numerously
attended, was held yesterday at Sittingbourne, at
which a requisition to Mr. Ryder to come forward
was signed by all present. Sir E. Knatchbull may,
therefore, consider his reign in the county of Kent
at an end. In Bedfordshire it was expected that Mr.
Stuart, Lord Bute's nominee, would be opposed by
Nlr. Cra whey ; but he has refused to come forward.
Mr. Potter Macqueen, however, will oppose Mr.
Stuart. Surely the University of Cambridge will
not so far disgrace itself as to remove Lerd Palmers-
ton and Mr. Cavendish for the sake of Mr. Gott!.
burn and Mr. W. Y. Peel. Report makes the sum
sebscribed by the Tories enormous. We have heard
of four and five hundred thousand pounds, and of
the Duke of Northumberland alone subscribing one
hundred thousand pounds. We should think there is
exaggeration in this ; but the boroughmongers are
fighting_. for their freeholds. The plunder of so in-
dus"l°"" nation as this is not a matter to be yielded
up without a hard struggle.• But as we yesterday
observed,
nothing sh_cmsmore the benefit the nation
will derive from
boroughmongers
are
than the enormous sums the
eurready to expend to prevent it.
Lord Monson,
of course, turns out his two Members
for Gatton. By selling
will his seats to the holders of
t e stock-purse, get back a little of the
50,000/. We do not he candidatesh for
Weymouth, though we are assureday
their
rthael e-
formers of that place are sanguiae as to
lity
to return proper supporters to Mr. F. Buxton. In
Somerset Mr. Dickinson has retired,and,Mr.
offer, himself in his stead. In Derbyshire Mr. .eli
Ver-
non opposes Mr. Mundy. Most of the counte,
will, we believze return reformers. In Scotland we
inti,t prepare ourselves for a loss. We read in the
history of that country that in contracts of matriag,
in former years, a Laird would give with the bride a
Michaelmas Moon, that is all the cattle that should
be stolen by him at that season. The people of
England are viewed by the descendants of thenc
Lairds as legitimate subjects for plunder. They
have a vested interest in robbing us. The impudent

way in which candidates promise to their constitu-
en:s that they will obtain booty for' them is finely
instanced in the following naive advertisement fiom
the candidate for East Lothian, in the Scotsman of
Wednesday last :

" Whittinghame, 15th April; 1831.

" To
" SIR,—Lord John Hay having announced his intention
of withdrawing from the representation of the county of
East Lothian at the next General Election, I beg to entreat
the honour of your vote and interest on that occasion
which I shall take the earliest opportunity my duty in Par-
ham, nt will permit of soliciting in person.
" On the principles by which my public conduct will br
guided, I beg to refer you to the advertisement I have
,his day inserted in the Newspapers, and have only further
to say, that if I shall succeed in this, the great object of
my wishes, I will feel it my duty, and it will be to me a
pleasing task, to attend to the private interests, which in
any respect concern those connected with this county.
" I have the honour to be, with the higher' os„tt.
Sir, your most obedient ,•-r','
—(Morning Chronicle.)

The
exam"' imiwritiCitV anti tith' co Inc eo.
whicl:me Wittitifs of Iteform in the 'fir!! Of London
have Otto to tote lertilot tail to have a be-
neficial intrfea'ret D i the ensuing elections. There
tlte'prt.‘i%Setion will be only between the friends of i
the Reform Bill and its opponents diVßion of
interest will weaken the streutth of the Reformer;
when the day of battle &rives. Great credit is due
to the Lott!. mayor for the liberal and self-denying
mpl.ril which be evinced in declining to aceede to the
requisition to become a candidate, lest) by the etimr-
petition of his claims with four bthet itefoi'm can-
didates, he might endanger the "coMplete triumph of
the cause: This tblithiet is the more honourable to
him, treehig that, besides the influence in an election
struggle whirl' always alaches to the office of Chief
Magistrate, his firm and unflinching support of the
Reform Bill has created for him a popularity that
afforded him almost a moral eettility of success.
We hope this pellet t (Alford among the friends of
Reform win tie imita.ed in all places where the
people hare any share in the election of repre-
,etratives, and that all partial interests—all objects
of individual ambition—will among English.
men, as among the heroic Poles, be entitely
and nobly merged in a generous tiValry to over-
come the common foe, and serve the interests of the
common rountry. Although three of the late Mem-
bers trapported and will support the Reform Bill, it
is tight to make as great a struggle to bring in a
fourth of congenial principles, as if the whole fate of
the Ministerial measure depended Oh 'the result of
this one election for London. The value of a single
rote in the House of Commons was proved upon
the teconcl reading of the Bill, and this ought to
make the people, wherever they have power to re-
turn a Reformer, to be neither careless nor confident,
but to exercise their constitutional privilege as if the
fate of England depended upon it single vote. There
are those who ptetend to be friendly to some un-
defined spit of Reform, but who advise the people

not to shackle, as they call it, their represeniati;les
with specific pledges. This is insidious advice.
Clear, distinct, and unequivocal pledges sheuld in
every instance be demanded, to support the particular
Bill of Reform, by which the late Parliament was
tried and found wanting. Did not the King declare
that he dissolved Parliament for the purpose of
giving the people the opportunity of express-
ing their opinion, constitutionally and authentically,
on that very Bill? How then can the people
convey to the throne their express wishes in
favour of the measure, unless they elect representa-
tives who are specifically pledged to support it?
There are other questions of great moment, on hich
certain and distinct pledges, admitting of no subter-
fuge or evasion, should be obtained from the candi-
dates, before a real reformer votes for any one of
them. We need scarcely remind the electors of
retrenchment and economy, because we think the
pressure of taxation and distress will suggest these
topics. But there is also the foul stain upon our
murals and civilization of slavery in our colonies—
the prolific source of degradation and crime, which
cannot he too soon cleansed away from every por-
tion of the soil of a Christian empire. There is, be-
sides, the wale of the criminal law, which requires
the improving hand of a judicious Reform, that its
sanguinary spirit may give way to a more intelli-
gent and moral principle of litigation ; and there is
likewise the important question of Chancery Re-
form, in effecting which Lord Chancellor Brougham
will need the assistance of an honest and enlightened
House of Commons.—Morniwg Herald.
We have already warned our countrymen, that
the battle fee Reform is not half gained, and that
without the most strenuous, and generous, and,
moreover, the best concerted efforts, on behalf of
the much-injured nation, there appears. very serious
ground for apprehending, that even in the new Par-
liament the Bill may he mutilated or altogether
thrown out. The boroughmonger Tories, it is ac-
knowledged, are few in comparison with those who
feel that the Kingly Government, and the safety of
England, are bound up with the destruction of the
whole system of rotten boroughs. The anti-re-
formers might, indeed, be almost enumerated, after

half an hour's perusal of the Red Book, or a cur-
sory r. ference to any pocket edition of the Peerage.
Tin v are not the people, nor politically connected
with the people, of England, although they have
exercised over us a sway neither less unlimited, nor
more lawful, than that of the 2,000 or 3,000
Turkish robbers at Algiers, who ruled by the scourge
for so many ages the fortunes of northern Africa.
Nevertheless, what these usurpers of the dearest
rights of Englishmen want in actual numbers, they
have made up to the mselves by a mass of secondary
advantages, derived, in a great measure, from their
Position as boroughmongers, which they hold in de-
fiance of the coun.ry. They have the power of
sending Members to the House of Commons
pledged to enact whatever laws their borough-patrons
may please to dictate, no matter how hateful to the
people of England, who, by a fiction, are bound to
obey them,—no matter how severe, or how pre-
datory, or insulting, or demoralizing,—whether corn
laws, or game laws, or laws against the cheap ad-
ministration of justice, or against economy in any
other forip,—in favour of immense civil and military.
establistiments,—of pensions from the Treasury to
profligates of both sexes,—of profuse grants for the
indulgence of courtly prodigality,—or of sanguinary
wars without an object but the squandering of public
money on favourites and jobs, or against the right
of petition, or against the liberty of the Press. The
power, we say, of manufacturing into Members of
Parliament unprincipled adventurers, eager to vote
for any villainy which shall please or serve their
patrons, the boroughmongers do possess; and have
exerted—not once, nor incidentally, but without in-
termission--on a determined and unswerving system,
for self-aggrandisement, at the expence of the people,
arid the consequences are innumerable bad laws, a
-burdensome and terrible form of litigation, an ever-
loaded list of pensioners and placemen, and
800,000,0001. of debt. But the Anti-Reformers
have not done so much against the people that they
might do nothing for themselves. All the depart•
ments of state are crammed with them and their
miserable tools and followers; they have the com-
mand of enormous wealth, not only from their he-
reditary possessions, but accumulated from ap-
pointments made out to themselves or to their
creatures at their bidding: the long enjoyment of
dice, beside, in which their borough interest has
established them, bas given them habits of manage-
ment, combination, and finesse, most favourable to
any factious object, and, in the same proportion, fo
ballr-
midable to King and people. We find, in
effect, that the leading boroughmongers are sub-
scribing vast sums, and manwuvring with skill and
perseverance, to prevent the nation, if they can, from
answering that appeal which an upright Sovereign
hat
• s made to its wisdom and virtue. Gamesters, as
they are, both practised and intrepid, they know that
this is their last stake, and all
the
e diceresources of a
diabolical proficiency are brought into
are loader,
fraud immeaddiate
action. The cards are masked, h
fraud and falsehood are every where rt sorted to, nen:l
if we—the people—have not our eyes and ears about

us, the game is irreparably lost. Misrepresentations
of the most disgusting kind are every where put
forth against the principles and tendencies of the
great measure of Reform. One Clay it is described
as an attack on pnblit ereclie—another as bring-
ing certain ruin to the farmer : again, as piegnant
with annihilation to the a:istocracy t and l'astlt.r, as
plundering the vested ihteeests trahchi sus of the
poor. Now we tell the Debpie of the United King-
dome wham we love too well to flatter, that if theY
permit themselves to be gulled by 'any 'df the
swindling preterites, and it in "eoriseteitienee they quit
the field, and leave Ifeing and country to the
tender thettiea br the boroughmoneers, language
has no Dame for the pitch of degradation to which
,
they will have fallen, ric37 it theie a race of men ex-
wing on the globe who might not blush to be corn,
Da.r.'eat with the degenerate and self-Ni-laved Britons.
It is Keeeeter# that sine its this iiittdhct should
be opposed to ehi'eduery coti-ittiittee6 of the
most ekpgien'cM and ttio*At earnest reformers
?ark be f:-.:!:.thwith const;tuted throughout the
whole kingdom, in every county, city, town;
and borough ;—that bankers should be earned
in London to receive and account fer what-
ever sums shall lie snbstl'ilied in aid of a general
fried rt.* er'SmOting the election of friends to the Bill
of Reform. It is necessary that hand-bills should
be scattere 1 through the whole community, stating
clearly, anti it may be done briefly, the advantages
of Reform over no-Reform ; that the nerion has been
hitherto existing; undee one prodigious lie, holding
ottt to the svotld that it had a share in framing the
lan s by which it was governed, when it had no such
share,—boasting that it sent 658 representatives to
Parliament, when the majority of those who com-
posed the Parliament were not i,s representatives,-,e-
-pretending to be a free and independent pebrilP, wheh
it wes a bode of kicked; anti trampled, and plun-
dered slaves. The benefits of a Reformed Parliament
may, indeed, be expres-ed in few words; but no
imagination can embrace their amount, ncr ingenuity
calculate their value. By ite:500,000 Englishmen—
having intelligence, having property, and by vire
tue of both a stake in the Vi Ware of the country—
will br, added to the efficient force of the state.
By it every man who has a good house over
his head, or a breadth of land capable of sup-
porting his household in decency, will have the
privilege of choosing those whom he may pre-
fer as his own trustees for the 'protection of his
person and property. By it every Member of Par-
!lament will be Made responsible to the public, arid
not to an individual master or pa•ron, for his votes.
By the new plan of Reform in Pareament, a man
known to be a knave, or not known to be any thing
better than a fool, a vely ignorant, or idle, or silly,
or disreputable, or insignificant person, will find the
door of the Hou-e of Commons locked against him,
although lie may be the son, or brother, or tool, or
toadeater of a Lord; so that every candidate must
bring forward scme claim or other to distinction, on
the score of personal merits. Hence it follows, that
the great mass of titled or untitled rubbish, which
now fills the back benches of the House, and is no
other than a nuisance to the country, will be entirely
got rid of; and that none can have a chance of be-
coming a representative of the people, who is not
chosen because of some capability of doing the busi-
ness, and enforcing the opinions, and serving the in-
terests, of those who elect him. One circumstance
it is most important, to mention. The borough-
mongers have circulated, with astonishing industry,
a report that all the potwallopers and others who
have not a freehold or copyhold worth 10/. a year,
or a leasehold interest of SU/. a year, or who do not
rent a house rated at 10/. annually, are to be al once
disfranchised. Ties is a monstrous falsehood. Not
a human being, who now enjoys the right to vote
for county, city, or borough, will ever be disturbe.l
in that enjoyment during his natural life. Even the
sons and apprentices of existing freemen, with no
other title but birth or servitude, are to be invested
with that valued power. Non-residents only will be
compelled to surrender their vote for the place
which they do not inhabit, and to accept, in ex-
change for it, the elective franchise where the'r resi-
dence happens to be fixed. The great and important
character of the Bill is that it redresses wrongs, and
takes from wrong-doers all futute capacity to injure:
while, at the same time, it confers rights on all who
heretofore had been excluded from them; and ex-
cludes 11071 C who are justly entitled to the exercise
of constitutional power. If the people of England
(and we here speak of all classes, high and low,
rich and poor, rut. rs and ruled), by their own imbe-
cility or apathy, fail to improve the blessed prospect
DOW placed within their reach, we repeat that they
will be handed down by history as the most con-
temptible of nations —Times.
It is a matter of scandalous notoriety, that though
there are resolutions in all the chief towns of the
county of Oxford in favour of Reform, and against
the late Members, who opposed the Ministers on,
that question, yet eio one stands forth to offer him-
self upon the•principle of Reform. Lord Blandford,
who professes himself a reformer, cannot, it is said,
bear the expense. But why is not a subscription
entered into, of all sums from 1/. to as many up-
wards as the donor pleases ? Why, we say, do not
the independent gentlemen and yeomen of the
county come forward ? and why do not others enter
into an obligation to bear their own expense's ?
Ireland " beats us into fits." Remember, yeomen
of England, what the county of Clare did for
O'Connell ; how the poorest voters came to the
hustings at their own expense ! and how the most
dissolute rejected the temptation of ardent spirits !
Times.

If any thing wire necessary to render more appa-
rent than it is at first sight, the treachery of those
who, though they are opposed to the Bill lately be-
fore Parliament as too sweeping, yet profess to be
desirous of some minor kind of Reform, it would
be a glance at their past conduct. If they were
willing to admit of any change in the preset)t sys-
tem, why did they not show that willingness in the
East Retford business ? There was a case of pe-
culiar corruption. Birmingham, Manchester, Shef-
field, and Leeds, were actually gaping for the fran-
chise of the offending borough. How can those who
then resisted, through every species of Ministerial
influence and chicane, so easy and proper a transfer,
have now the impudent e to say they wish to have
those grand and populous towns represented ? There
is, perhaps, nothing which has so much embit-
tered the national spirit as the knavery practised
on that occasion, of merely extending the vote of the
corrupt borough to the enslaved hundred, instead of
giving it to a great town ; and yet Sir Robert (then
Mr.) Peel, who presided over that iniquity, now
pretends that he is a friend to large places having
reprtsentatives ! It is remarkable that ut the close
of the last debate nn that subject, and when the
hopes of moderate Reformers were frustrated, Mr.
Huskisson thus expressed himself :—" Whatever
might be the fate of the amendment then before the
House, he consoled himself with the reflection, that
the time was not far distant when Government"
(that is, the then Government—the Peels, the
Goulburns, &c.) " would find themselves compelled
to propose the very reformation which they now re-
jected."—Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, March
5, 1830.—Times.

Every trick, manoeuvre, and stratagem, which
can possibly be devised, is now in motion, and has
been put in motion by the Anti-Reform party, in
order to crush the spirit of Reform, and to despoil
the people of England of that just restoration of
their rights and privileges, which it was the object
of the defeated Reform Bill to effect. They are in
daily, nightly, and hourly, communication—they
have subscribed al immense fund, in order to buy
up the suffrages of the dirty corporations and rotten
boroughs to which they have access ; and to those
in which they know that a strong fit cling exists
against their principles, they are sending round
agents whose pockets are lined with money, and
.
mouths
their with but whose principals find it
convenient to avoid all personal interrogation, by
bein, personally seized with the gout, or some other
equally convenient apology, for absence. Will the

Reformers of tngland be less tealous and less active ?
Will they tint also have their parse ? Will they net
have their Committees, and will they ndt meet the
low tricks and base Conddet of their opPdhents by' a
Onion; and detbfrhinatiOn to atcomplish the
wishes of the tieopie, which shall admit of no Fiva!:
Ship? Up, we say, and be doing.) for thig is the
great crisis-thi,s is alb only insuting the
pasSirig Of the Refoim Bill, without having tecour:c
to those Pezi.nh, the necessity of employing which
we should deplore as a national cklamity.
" Stick to the Bill," as Mr. Dy.on ,ays in his speech
now before us,—" it is your Magna Charta, and your
Runnymede. King John made a present to the B.irons.
King Wi litm has made a similar present to you. Never
mind, common qualities, good in common times. If a
man does not vote fur the Pill) hn is tintleanthe plague
spot is tipott biro intd the Lataketto of the last
tienitiry, with Wetherell and Sadhr—purify the air before
you approach him—bithe your bands in chloride of lime,
if you have been contaminated by the touch."
This is sound adVice, and it has been acted upon.
We know many who have refused to pledge their
votes until a satisfac.ory answer had been given to
them reSpetting the Bill; and we trust that their
conduct will be universally imitated. It ought never
to be forgotten, that every vote that is solicited by a
Reform candidate, is solicited in support of the
King; and that those who are not for Reform are
against him ! The King, according to Colonel
Jones's fpeech yesterday, resisted tears and menaces
froth those Isar Wally dear to him, in order to ensure
to his people a fair representation ; and shall this
people prove i self less patriotic than the Sove-
reign f—Nursing Advertiser.

It must be felt by every man who is not a tra:tor
in his hear, that it is his duty to exert himself to
the utmost within Ws own sphere of association or
of influence, to dispel the dangerous delusion in
which some portion of the people of England are
wrapped, upon tl e sulject of the Ministerial Re-
form Bill ; mid there is no class of persons who
must have a deeper consciousness of this duty than
that of the honest asd rational reformers. It is
scarcely to be expected of the lower orders of the
people that they should unravel for themselves the
detailed enactments and intricate contrivances by
which the real practical objects of this' measure are
studiously concealed from their view. And what
must naturally be expected to ensue from the just
irulignation of this class of society, when they find,
as every man who has read and considered the Bill
must know they will eventually find, that they have
been made the dupes of false and fraudulent pre-
tences—that their enthusiasm has been artfully
excited in behalf of a measure which, instead of
extending, curtails their privileges—instead of
yielding then additional security and protection,
deprive them of much which they now enjoy—in-
stead of promoting, invades their dearest interests—
instead of gratifying, mocks and frustrates- every
political wish they have expresged with any degree
of steadiness or uniformity. It is dreadful to reflect
upon the tensper and fetlings which must be pro-
duced among the lower orders of the people of
England should this Bill unfortunately come into
operation, and should their disappointment be goaded
into anguish and desperation by the bitter reflec-
tion that under the influence of a strong delusion,
artfully propagated by their superiors, they had
assisted to inflict it upon themselves. An un-
principled Ministry and their equally unpriecipted
abettors may laugh anemg themselves, at the apps-
rent success of their own fraud; but should this
fraud fully and finally succeed, it will, we are per-
suaded, prove the most costly political and elec-
tioneering manoeuvre ever practised in any country.
What will the lower classes of the people think,
how will they feel, and how may they be expected
to act, with respect to the superior classes—and
especially to reformers of the superior clusses—
when tht y find that they have been deluded into
the enthusiastic support of a false and fraudulent
Reform? Into what violence may they not natu-
rally be led w hen they find that the Reform thus%
eagerly sought has done nothing to alleviate any of
the real substantial evils of their condition ? How
must they be exasperated when they discover that
instead of providing for their more adequate repre-
sentation in the Legislature, the measure from its
first enactment begins to diminish, and must finally
extinguish, the share of the national representa-
tion which they now enjoy? What resentment
must be excited in their minds, when they be-
hold the servants, the hired servants, of the
Executive Government travelling about the
country to bestow or to withhold the elec-
tive franchise at their pleasure, subject only to
one single limitation, that limitation imputing in
effect that no matt of the labouring classes is
worthy of possessing the right to vote ? How just
and natuial will be the indignation of the labouring
classes when they see, as in dozens of instances
they will see, if the Bill to which Ministers are
pledged should bt come a law, the constituency of
klteir native towns reduced from thousands to hun-
dreds, and the elective power, in its new and con-
tracted dimensions, gradually passing away from
themselves and their posterity to the class imme-
diately above them ? What must they feel when
they see, as they will see, direct bribery facilitated
and extended ; and when they know that the
staple commodity in this general mart of corrup-
tion, is the franchise which, but for the Bill
in favour of which they are now induced to
clamour so loudly, might- have been the honest
and honourable inheritance of their children ?
These are questions which, before it be too late,
we would implore all hottest reformers seriously to
consider. The Ministers are pledged to the Bill.
They are striving by every means in their power to
get into Parliament men as deeply pledged to it as
themselves. We believe they will utterly fail. But
suppose they should suet ed. What, when their
success has produced its necessary result—the enacts
merit of this treacherous arid fraudulent Bill—are
the honest leaders of Reform to say to the beguiled
and betrayed and insulted and indignant lower
orders of the British people? It is an appalling
circumstance connected with the present general
election, that it puts the final seal upon a measure
of which the people do not and cannot understand
half the effects—of which the details, and in this
case the practical operation depends wholly upon
the details, have never been closely examined, ex-
cept perhaps by the authors of the measure. But
upon all general principles the authors of any mea-
sure of so extensive a character ought to be sus-
pected. There ale also in this case special
grounds of suspicion. The Bill manifestly in
many of its clauses has been formed with a view
to increase the permanent Parliamentary influence
of the pary now in power. Is it not possible that
the interests of the people may have been overlooked
or betrayed ? We put this question to honest and
dispassionate reformers. We invite them to examine
the Bill scrupulously with reference to the practical
operation of each of its clauses. We say that no
honest man can promote the success of a Ministerial
candidate at the present election until he has done
this. Let it not be forgotten that the privilege of
deliberation upon the merits of the measure is not
to be, and cannot be, allowed to the new Parlia-
ment, should Ministers have a decided majority.
And let it be seriously considered whether the as-
sumptions of infallibility with regard to this particu-
lar measure is justified by the general conduct of the
Administration, or whether it can be justly re-
garded as a claim to.the implicit confidence oflthe
nation in a matter of such awful importance.—
Morning Post._

The want of a popular and concise history o'•
;Medicine, Surgery, and Anatomy, has long been felt. The
public will be glad to hear that this deficiency is about to
be supplied by Dr. liaattiron, a distinguished member of
the profession. The author's object has been to trace the
progress of Medicine front the earliest period, and to in-
troduce an account of the various discoveries and improve-
ments that have from time to time been made in the
healing art," with biographical sketches of the distin-
guiAted characters to whom we are indebted for the stare
of per fection which this branch of knowledge has now at-
tained. The work is to be entitled " The History qt.
Medicine, Surgery, and Anatomy,"