The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-21 00:00:00

studious care, avoided that part of the question, and
represented Lord Torrington as volunteering a system
of finance solely for the purpose of having direct taxa-
tion.—(llear, hear.) He read a dispatch of Lord Tor-
rington on the subject of the gun-tax; but there is a
passage immediately previous which states that Sir Colin
Campbell had left an ordinance imposing the gun-tax,
and that he, concurring in the views of Sir C. Campbell,
had taken up the matter, and carried the tax into effect.
(Hear, hear.) It would not have suited the Honourable
Gentleman's purpose, however, which was to show that
Lord Torrington was the author of the rebellion by
first imposing these taxes, to read this passage; and
therefore he did not read a word of that part of the
dispatch.—(Hear, hear.) Then the Honourable Gentle-
man concluded his speech by bringing a most unusual
charge against Lord Groy, of having made a speech in
the House of Lords in which he did not give a fair ac-
count of a certain memorial that was presented to
Government from Jamaica. Having indulged in every
sort of misrepresentation, and having suppressed the
truth in almost every instance, he charged Lord Grey
with respect to a speech in the House of Lords, of which
none of us can have any accurate account—(oh, oh!)
—and had you, Sir, been aware that ho was referring to
a speech in the House of Lords, you would, no doubt,
have been induced to notice it as disorderly. I believe,
however, that that speech was of a totally different cha-
raster from that which ho has represented it. The Hon.
Gentleman says it was a speech representing that there
was great prosperity in Jamaica. I believe, however, it
was a speech made to show that property in Jamaica
was changing hands, and going into the possession of a
different and smaller class of proprietors.--(Hear.) But
I submit that while the Hon. Gentleman is not capable
of giving a fair account of Lord Grey's dispatch,
and of Lord Torrington's dispatch in answer to his, he
is not entitled to found a charge against Lord Grey with
reference to a speech on which people differ as to what
was its meaning and substance.—(Hear, hear.) I come
now to a more painful part of this subject, namely, the
insurrection which took place in the island of Ceylon.
The Hon. Gentleman has described the insurrection as
being entirely owing to the tax ordinance. I, on the
contrary, view it as being the result of plans long con-
ceived, of cherished feelings of hatred, of a desire of
independence of British rule, and of feelings.of resent-
ment at a want of attention being shown to the priests
and to the head men and chiefs of the natives. I am
inclined to believe, however, the tax ordinance may be
the immediate occasion of the insurrection, that the ac •
count given by Lord Torrington, corroborated as it is by
various other authorities, is the true account with re-
spect to the origin of that insurrection. lam confirmed
in that belief by seeing that Ceylon has not been, as the
Hon. Member for Montrose has described, from the year
1811, a colony entirely peaceable, but that in the
year 1818—thirty years ago—there had taken place an
insurrection founded upon similar motives; founded on
a wish to obtain independence on the part of the Cana-
dians, and a desire to restore their religion in all the
splendour in which the followers of Buddha ever re-
juiced. That insurrection lasted for more than a year.
The lives of many people were lost in conflict, and no
less than 28 persons were sentenced to be shot by mar-
tial law. That law continued in operation not only
during the rebellion, but for a year or two after. With
respect to this part of the subject, therefore, I must say
that I think we are indebted to Lord Torrington for the
energy he displayed in the commencement of this insur-
rection, and that instead of its lasting twelve months,
with a loss of the lives of many British soldiers and
natives, it was quickly suppressed, and the country
restored to quiet. We have an account that while a ,
small British detachment were on march, 20,000
natives were on the watch to intercept and
surround them. There are also accounts of the people
meeting at other places in order to greet their King,
and to rise in insurrection; but all these attempts
were quickly suppressed.—(Hear.) Without referring
to any opinion which Lord Grey may entertain with
regard to the merits of Lord Torrington, I will give you
the opinion of Sir Herbert Maddock, a name carrying
with it that authority which belongs to a man who has
been long conversant with the affairs of India, who
has held a high character among the public servants of
the company in that country, and who is entirely im-
partial in any estimate he may have formed with respect
to the conduct of Lord Torrington. He says, in express-
ing his high approbation of the able and well-arranged
plans of the Governor of Ceylon, that by the prompt
distribution of his military resources at the inception of
the insurrection to those points where the insurgents ap-
peared unexpectedly in great force, and where, if not
checked, they may have been enabled to overrun the
country and spread havoc and ruin throughout the
island, Lord Torrington preserved the lives and pro-
perties of the European settlers, and all the
other loyal and peaceful subjects of her Majesty in
that important province ; and he unhesitatingly stated
his belief that the people of Ceylon were
directly indebted to the person at the head of that colony
j for that security, peace, and tranquillity which now every-
where prevailed. So far from giving such a character
j of Lord Torrington as the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Baillie)
has been pleased to give—probably without any know-
ledge either of the character or of the abilities of that
Noble Lord ; though I do not accuse him of forming
the same estimate of governors in general as the Hon.
Member for Southwark does, who takes them all in a
lump, and calls them " privileged incapables,"—Sir
Herbert Maddock has distinctly declared that the people
of Ceylon owe the tranquillity of the country and the
safety of their lives to that able person. I find, likewise,
at more than one public meeting, a similar expression of
opinion given as to the ability and energy with which
the insurrection was suppressed. I say, therefore, with
respect to the first part of the insurrection, and the
manner in which it was subdued by Lord Torrington,
he deserves thanks and not blame for the energy and
promptitude which he exhibited.— (Hear, hear.)
Now, with respect to the punishments which were
afterwards inflicted, I confess I feel that, upon
that subject I am not a competent judge as to
the extent of punishment which was necessary in order
to preserve the lives and the property as well of the
British settlers as of all the other subjects of her
Majesty in Ceylon. It certainly would appear to me,
in looking at the correspondence between the Chief
Justice and Lord Torrington, that the Chief Justice took
a more able, and I should say a more politic view of
what it was prudent at that time to do. Lord Torring-
ton concurred in the recommendation of the Chief Justice,
and, in effect, those persons whom that recommendation
regarded were transported. With repect to the court-
martial I know not of any reason to presume that Colonel
Drought was a person likely to be guilty of any cruelty
in conducting that court-martial; or that he at all gave
way to any excess of severity merely from any gratifi-
cation that ho might have had in the exercise of lila power.
I presume therefore that Colonel Drought thought it ne-
cessary to inflict those punishments. With regard to the
conduct of Lord Torrington with reference to those
punishments, it consists only in the expression of his
general satisfaction and approbation of the con-
duct of Colonel Drought, a satisfaction which I must
say was shared by many of the inhabitants of Ceylon.
The Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Taniworth
(Sir R. Peel) has spoken of two particular punishments;
first, with respect to the execution of a priest in his
sacred habiliments; and, secondly, with respect to the
corporal punishment which was inflicted upon a native
prince. Now, as to these two facts, I must decline giving
any opinion upon them.—(Derisive cheers and laughter
from the Opposition, and cheers from the Ministerial
benches.) I confess that with regard to facts of that
kind, when they are merely stated as such, unaccompa-
nied with other circumstances, I should not feel that
there was sufficient reason for such an ingiction of pu-
nishment; but, at the same time, I am far from thinking
it impossible that there might be peculiar circumstances
in the state of the minds of the people, after the insur-
rection had just been suppressed, which did render
those punishments justifiable on the part of those in au-
thority.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") But it is said that
Lord Torrington has shown a disregard to the religion
of the people. Now on this subject I must say, having
been myself Colonial Secretary, that although it is very
easy to say—" Pay every respect to the religion of the
natives; take care that no kind of contempt is shown to
their religion, and that every regard is paid to their
rites,"—although that is very easy to say, yet no Gover-
nor is exactly able to preserve the line which he might
think it best to preserve in the situation in which a
British Governor is placed. I remember having written
a dispatch to the Governor of Ceylon, pointing out to
him the line of conduct he should follow ; but of this
I am convinced, that this is a danger to which a Go-
vernor of a colony is constantly exposed. If he
appears in any way to neglect the religions rites of
the natives ; if having, in consequence of being
Governor, the temples and the lands belonging to them
in his hands, he does not apply their produce to the
rites of the followers of Bramah, he then offends the re-
ligious feelings of the natives, and runs the risk of ex-
citing very grave discontent. But if, on the other hand,
he continues to pay to those rites, to those temples and
to their priests, all the respect which the former native
Government have shown, then we find that in this
country, and even in this House, there is raised an accu-
sation that idolatry is respected—(Hear, hear)—that
British Governors show their contempt for Christianity
by the deference and the forbearance with which the
most superstitious, and sometimes the most disgusting
rites are treated ; and we are asked at public meetings
throughout the country, and in speeches in this House,
to condemn the conduct of those who show themselves
to be so unfit to be the Ministers and Governors
the
dangers ap-
pointed by a Christian Queen.—(Hear.) Let me tell
House, therefore, that between these opposite
t_otshe!
line is by no means so safe, so definite, and so eausy_eas.ohr
the
who by their speeches would lay down a tog id
conduct of „our Governors, would seem
(Hear, hear.) With respect to Lord Torrington, more
suppose.—
especially, I believe that with regard to th
has received instructions, some given
present,
by a
which tend much
formerbjSe ce
ct rhee-
tary of State, and some by the
fi tt
subject then©
e s e
to fetter and to control his conduct withrespect
temples. This may be amocgm at tera a
for the Committee to confident but I do trust that in
other
investigating that subject they will show that forbear-
ance which ought to be
eto administer government shown, and that they will con-
sider the persons who have
either in India or in any of those eastern colonies. I do
trust they will consider that between the two paths, both
o fwhich aro beset with difficulties, it requires the ut-
most temper and discretion to choose the line which it
is prudent, and at the same time wise to pursue. Having
thus spoken of the affairs of Ceylon, I certainly shall
not say much with regard to the affairs of Guiana to
which the Hon. Gentleman has referred. Ido not agree
in what the Hon. Gentleman has stated with regard to
what has fallen from tile on a former occasion. As far
as I remember, I said I was quite ready to agree to an
emigration ordinance, but that I did not think it was
right that s loan should be raised for that purpose. I
thought that the whole expenses should be charged upon
the colony. Lord Stanley consented to an ordinance
with a loan. Neither can I agree with the Hon. Gentle-
man in the opinion he has expressed, that Mr. Barkly
has at all forfeited his claim to respect in this House,
by accepting the governorship a British Guiana. Qz