The Sun.
London, England, 1831-04-01 00:00:00

SITTING OF MARCH SU.

Tlic siteng commenced at two o'clock. The President,
M. Delesserr, occupied the chair.
The boxes of the spectators were much more crowded
than they have been for seine days past.
The House proceeded to the continuation of the dis-
cussion on the Association.

M. Bernard commenced by saying that lie decland him-
aelf as having signed the Association which had been
attacked in yesterday's sitting, and that it was more as an
accused criminal that he ascended the tribune, than in the
quality of a Deputy. After a short preface, in which he
thought that the attack which had been made upon the
Association was unjust and " violent," and lie said that
although he did not by any means wish to make com-
parisons between the present and past governments, not-
withstanding, under the government of Charles X. such
associations were not considered 29 criminal. This asso-
ciation, he continued, had received its impetus at the time
of the revolution, and that it was purely formed with the
intention of using all their endeavours to exclude the fallen
family from the soil of France, to protect the country from
foreign arms, despotism, and the chance of future dis-
turbances. They had been accused of being opposed to
the Government. This accusation he defended with much
address, first by considering the thing for an instant as
the case, and proving that it could he no injury to the
Government ; and secondly, by proving that it was not the
case. Ile then attacked a proposition of M. Dupin's
as to that association and all others being considered
as public assemblies, and having the law now treated upon
relative to mobs applied likewise to associations. He con-
aidered the association to which he belonged as a merito-
rious one, arid one which was entirely composed of good
citizens, and to which all good citizens ought to belong ;
and was, then, the good citizen, sitting in council for the
good of his country, to be treated as a disturber of the
public peace, and to be obliged to withdraw at the third
" animation," or, how was lie to he treated ? Was there
a particular case to be made for him, or an amendment,
perhaps, proposed to the article of M. Dupin?—(With
sarcasm.)—And there never was a man to whom the
country owed perhaps the greater part of her present
liberty—(this related to M. de Lahorde)—who, at the
time the ordinances of July were published, assembled his
friends and other persons at his house (he himself was one
of them), and from his house they repaired to the house of
the present President of the Council (Casimir Perrier),
where they held a meeting, and decided upon the steps
that ought to be taken ; and that was the man who must
now he deprived of all his functions, or renounce the as-
sociation, break an oath be had taken, and thus appear
like a coward in the eyes of all Europe : he finished by
declaring that he (M. Bernard) intended to continue of
the association, and considered that he only acted as a
worthy man and citizen in doing so.
M. Dupin Caine) then answered the accusation laid
against him. Me had not proposed that the association
should be considered as a turbulent one; but only pro-
posed that, were it necessary, and that any assembly shoul.l
be formed contrary to the proceedings of Government,
that then the law for the suppression of mobs should he
applied, and that he had by no means considered the " As-
sociation for the Independence of the Country" as opposed
to Government, or the present system ; but that all asso-
ciations might become so, although in their origin their
intention was not such ; and that it was necessary to take
all the precautions they could against such evils.
M. Jea, against the association, made a long-speech,
during which he entertained the Chamber with some
events that had occurred to him during his residence in
the United States,

NI. C. Perrier, the President of the Council of Minis-
ters, ascended the trihunoto,,,, acquaint the Chamber end
the nation with the view
, so
thl:':cthi the Government consi-
dered these associations
aose who were proposed
to belong to them might know fir' what they were likely
to subject themselves to. Heinthernetashionwed that evil might '
arise from those associations,
article male
by the association under the name of 1, .4,
p I,
1
toi, le Ciel
t'aidera," and the Government would consider
asil political
associations as mistrustful of their honour and ions
confuted some interpretations of General Lafayette re. Hee
to the 1(10,000,000 that had been demanded by Golvaetiv
meat. He said that that Hon. Deputy was mistaken, jilt
the 100,000,000 were by no means connected with the
affairs of Poland, they were merely as a measure of pre-
esttion. And that nor, relative to the affairs of Italy, the
French Government wore making negotiations which they

" hoped" would be successful, and equally satisfactory to
both the countries concerned,

- -
M. Salverte spoke in defence of a personal attack of the
Ministers.

M. Odilion Barrot was then left speaking at four o'clock.

(Extracts from the French Papers.)
Know you from whence comes the great fury of the
men of the just middle, and of the Ministry of the 13th of
March, against the national. associations ? Why, these
associations do not please the Ambassador of Russia ; the
Ambassador of Austria, whose august Master is now
putting to the sword the patriots of Bclogna ; the Envoy
of his Majesty Ferdinand; who is now hanging the pa-
triots of Andalusia; the Ambassador of Prussia; and,
perhaps, the Apostolic Nuncio. These gentlemen, who
receive from their respective Courts the most encouraging
assurances of the easy manner in which they despatch
the friends of liberty, wherever they are to be found,
take it ill that in France there are cautious men who
use their best efforts not to be hanged or shot in
their turn by a new Holy Alliance, if the Govern-
ment, which has already by its weakness two-thirds
compromised the cause of the revolution of July,
should surrender the remainder in a moment of dan-
ger by their unskilfulness. A Minister said a few
days ago, to one of his subordinates whom he
wished to detach from the National Association—" You
do not know what harm you do us ; we have recovered
the good opinions of the Ambassadors from Foreign
Powers. The Ministerial revolution of the 13th of
March has almost satisfied them ; they consent to let us
contend among ourselves about our principle of national
sovereignty, and we might talk to them that we are strong
enough to guarantee them henceforth from any interference
on our part, in the little severities which they may judge
useful in regard to persons who may he tormented with a
revolutionary spirit ; and, behold, just at this moment
arise your associations to cross our path. The Ambas-
sadors ois not wish to hear of these associations ; they tell
us we can never be a firm Government while we tolerate
them, and that until we are considered firm, it is impos-
aible they can promise us peace."—Le National.
At the review last Sunday, a grenadier of the Ist com-
pany of the Izath Lesion cried out at the moment when
the King passed, " Long lire the King—we must ha,,e
war." After the King had passed, M. Agier, Colonel of
this Legion, on being informed of the grenadier's name,
formed the company into a circle, and put to the vote the
expulsion of this National Guard, which was instantly
pronounced. This mode of proceeding belongs more to
the Swiss military code than to ours. We have been sur-
prised to see such a form adopted on this occasion, prin-
cipally by a magistrate accustomed to all the sage slowness
`of the march of justice. Although he had at this moment
the military uniform upon his back, he ought not to have
forgotten that he was ordinarily clothed in the robe. He
ought to have remembered, above all, that he commanded
fellow-citizens, and that with them he should have acted
as well legally as martially. —Courrier Francais.
They write from Bayonne on the 26th of a rumour
that the Constitutionalists, having escaped from the
Royalist troops, had occupied Malaga. A letter from
Madtid of the 22d mentions that numerous arrests had
been made in that capital, and that proof was discov, r,d
of the existence of a vast conspiracy in many parts of
Spain. Orders have issued for the organization of mili-
tary commission• in the provinces.
They write from Barcelona on the 22d Marcia that
Count d'Espagne has come to Tortosa, and reinforced the
garrison. He is traversing Catalonia with General
Monet. They reviewed, in passing at Olot, about 4,000
men, who evinced little enthusiasm. Letters received at
Barcelona from Cadiz a the 9th notice an insurrection in
the lit marine corps. The monks and secular clergy
make great efforts to deny this news, but the people be
lieve it. Figuciras is put in a state of siege. Deserters
who arrive there are immediately sent on to Vich or Bar-
celona.—Le Temps.

(From the Messayer des C'hambres, dated March 30.)

EXCIIANGR OF PARIS, MARCH 28.—The contract of
a loan of one hundred and twenty millions was announced
to-day by the Moniteur, and we had then reason to ex-
pect a decline in the Funds ; it is, in fact, the interest of
those who offer to become contractors to keep the Funds
low in order to obtain the loan on more favourable terms.

Advantage has been taken of the state of the people's
minds to spread various alarming reports—among others,
the occupation of Rome by the Austrians, and the declara-
tion said to have been made by our Government, that if
that capital were not evacuated at a certain time, it would
be obliged to support its demand by arms.
Though the news may be only the repetition of one of
those mano.uvres so often employed on 'Change, it easily
met with credit among, distrustful distrustful and discouraged specu-
lators.
PAnrs, 111Aacit 29.—Yesterday the King gave a pri-
vate audience to Count d'Appony, the Austrian Ambas-
sador. The audience lasted about an hour.

His Majesty tratuacted business successively with the
'Ministers of Foreign Affairs, :Marine, Commerce, War,
Finance, and Justice. _ _

Count de Celles had the honour of an audience of the
King.
M. Leopold de Balthasar, ex-pupil of St. Cyr, has pre-
sented himself before the Juge d'lnstruction as the person
who offered the lithographic portrait of the Duke of Bor-
deaux to the catafalque of the Duke of Berri.
A letter from 'Marseilles of the 16th of March says—
" Daring the last six months of 1830, there entered into
the port of Marseilles 1161 ships ; and sailed 653 more
than in the corresponding period of 1629. In the last
six months of 1827 (query 1829), no ship front the Black
Sea entered our port; at the end of 1830 ninety-three
arrived. It is well known that this branch of cornaserce
is the most advantageous to our city, and especially to the
labouring classes. Nose we owe these benefits to the re-
volution of July; they are the effect of the law proposed
by M. Guizot. This fact, added to the increase of the
receipt of the Octroi, and of the duties on weighing and
measuring at Marseilles, seems to be a triumphant reply
to those who represent our city as a prey to distress since
the revolution of July."
The ..Tfoniteur of to-day (23d) says—" That the
number of the troops reviewed by the, King was erro-
neously stated at first about 30,110 men. The reader
would easily perceive that such precision did not agree
with the word about. It should be about 50,000 men."

A Journal having spoken of the sale of some cannon
on the sea coasts by the late Government as a very alarm.
my affair, the Moniteur says, that the cannon sold were
found by two Special Commissioners to he wholly uneer•
viceable, as they could not be discharged without danger
of bursting, they were sold to a company, which en-
gaged to furnish new copper and other metal fit for cast-
ing cannon in exchange for the old iron in the arsenals,
and these cannon could not be considered as any thing
more than old iron. However, those have been still
retained which may be used without danger. Measures
have been taken to complete the number of iron cannon
which are requisite for the defence of the coast.
" M. Casimir Perrier," says the Tribune, " wishing to
make a display of force in foreign policy, has addressed a
note to Count d'Appony, the Austrian Ambassador, de-
manding explanations as to the occupation of Bologna by
the Austrian troops; and this time has said, very seriously,
that France could not consent. The Ambassador replied
that the occupation of Bologna had been concerted be-
tween Prussia, Russia, England, and Austria; and that
the Austrian Government were resolved to stifle rebellion
wherever it might break out."
The Journal des Debats has the following, upon the
question at this moment at issue between France and
Austria :—" The declaration made to the Chamber
of Deputies on Monday, by the President of the
Council, is a complete and noble answer to the party
who, since his entrance into office, have accused him of
being determined on peace, cost what it may. Since the
glorious port we acted in the affairs of Belgium, this is
the first occasion on which foreign intervention could be
injurious either to the honour or interests of France.
Well ! M. Casimir Perrier does not hesitate to demand ex-
planations, which, supported by an army of 500,000 men,
cannot fail to be honourable to the party who calls for
them. There are persons who conceive that it would be
better to open negotiations at the cannon's mouth. These,
no doubt, imagine that it is not sufficiently to the honour
of France to cause Bologna to be evacuated by a mere
note of threats. The explanations must be candid and
distinct, and delivered without delay ; for, though it may
not yet have become a cause for war, it is a point of ho-
nour, and M. Casimir Perrier has promised us to obtain
satisfaction. Let us wait for it, and rely, in order to form
a judgment of the port that France ought to play, upon a
Ministry who have declared themselves boldly to be the
jealous defenders of her interests, and the wise, but proud,
guardians of her power."
The 3fonitore Bolognese, of the 18th instant, contains
the following notice, issued by tire President of the Cham-
ber of Representatives of the United Provinces of Italy :
" In compliance with the wishes of the Provisional Go-
vernment and the public, the meeting of the Representa-
tives, which was adjourned to the 31st instant, will take
place on the 20th. The assembly will not only discuss
the elector.llow, but also consider the extraordinary means
necessary fir supplying the urgent wants of the State.
" ANTONIO ZANOBINL"
Another decree, of March 16, runs—
" Considering that the main power of States is in the

troops which are destined to defend them, and finding that
the troops which have been enrolled hitherto are insuf-
ficient for the service of the country-, whilst the number of
those who wish to serve in the army is very considerable,
the Provisional Government directs that an enrollment of
volunteers for eight regiments be set on foot in the dif-
ferent towns."

A third decree, of the same date, appoints the Prefects
and Vice-Prefects of the provinces. Among them are the
Counts Francesco Grimasi, of Faenza ; Eduardo Fabbri,
of Cesena ; Carlo Pepoli, of Bologna; Francesco Manzoni,
of Lugo: Pietro Seretti, of Ancona, Sze.
"We find (says the Journal du Commerce) that it
was not General de Bourmont, but his son, who wished
to proceed to Madrid, and whom the Spanish authorities
at Badajoz enjoined to return to Portugal."
(From the Journal du Commerce of Wednesday.)
Tot; Lox, Maacx 24.—The 4th Regiment of Light
Infantry, lately in garrison at Marseilles, passed yesterday
through Sisteron. The troops on the side of Arles
Avignon, and other places, have also left those canton-
ments. Thu., notwithstanding the assurances of peace
(when we consider those movements), we cannot suppose
that it will be preserved.

(From the Courricr Francais of Wednesday.)
FRONTIERS OF BOHEMIA, MARCH IS.—Every thing
assumes here a warlike aspect. Bohemia alone will have
shortly to furnish 19,000 recruits. The Government is
also purchasing a considerable number of horses 2,500
have already been bought at 140 florins each. The Arch-
duke Charles will, it is said, be appointed Generalissimo
of the Austrian army. Bohemia is very tranquil, which is
rather a blessing at the present time.—Leipsic Gazette.
BOLOGNA, MARCH 15.—The War Committee of the
National Assembly met yesterday, and adopted the follow-
ing resolutions :-
1. The citadel of Ancona shall be provisioned for a
year ; 3,000 men taken from among the National Guards
of the different provinces shall be sent to reinforce the pre-
sent garrison.
2. The castle of St. Leon, in the Duchy of Urbino,
shall he provisioned for three months, and 600 men will
complete the present garrison.
3. The garrison of Ravenna, consisting of 2,500 men,
shall furnish detachments for the defence of the coast.
Those troops, and the artillery, are td be commanded by
General Alini.

4. A camp of observation, of 3,000 infantry, and 300
cavalry, shall be formed on the Ferrara side of Lugo, and
detachments shall he sent from it as far as the Austrian
advanced posts. General Zucchi will command it, and
the 1,200 men (dragoons) be brought from Modena and
Parma will form part of it.
5. General Grabilski shall assemble at Forli 6,000 in-
fantry, 800 cavalry, and the artillery now stationed in
Bologna.
6. Two gun-boats shall be armed in the port of An-
cona, to protect the coasting trade of the Adriatic Gulf.
The Government of the place shall furnish, out of the
arsenal, the materials necessary for the armament.
In consequence of this decree, and of orders issued by
the Military Commissio❑ to the Generals of the insur-
gents, three corps of the army made various movements on
the 15th. The troops stationed at Rieti, Narni, and
Otricoli, marched on Civita Castellana. Two battalions,
from 'Umbria, went front Spoleto to Rieti ; and the Na-
tional Guards of Perugia, Todi, and Foligno, took the
direction of Orvieto and Viterbo.

(From the Constitutionnel of Wednesday.)
VIENNA, MARCH 19.-Although our regiments are
nearly all complete, a new ordinance has ordered the rais-
ing of 50,000 recruits.
FRENCH FUNDS, PARIS, Maacit 30.-Five per Cents., 78f. 77f.
75c. (10c. 50c. 30c. 40c. 30c. 40c. 25c. 20c. 30c. 40c. 30c. 35c. 40c.
30c. 40c. 25c. 30c. .s'c. 75c. ; Three per Cents., 48f 50c. 30c. 48f.
47f. 75c. 49f. 47f 90c. 48f. 20c. 25c. Sc. 48f 4Sf. Sc. 48f 47f. 95c.
48f. 48f. sc. 15c. 25c. Isc. .50c. 60c. 75c. ; Bank Actions 1,380 f. ;
Rente de Naples, 55f. 20c. 55f. 55f. lOc. 55f. 56f. 56f. 25c. ; Rente
d'Espagne, 127. 13 134 ; Royal Spanish Loan, 60% 61 611,4 ;
Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagne, 42 4' 43 434 3y. Exchange on
London, one month, paper, 25f. 20c., money, 25f. 20c. ; three
months, paper, 23f. 5c., money, 25f.

SIR JAMES SCARLETT AND REFORM.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SWV.

SlK,—Having been s,ruck by some parts of Sir
James Scarlett's speech against the Reform Bill, I
have sent you the following observations, should
you deem theta worthy of a place in your paper:—
Sir James Searlett says—
. .

That Reform, to be useful, must be such as was con-
sistent with the main constitution of the Home. The
present Bill was not for the Reform, but the reconstruc-
tion of the House of Commons upon principles entirely
new to the Constitution."

Does the Honourable Member forget the ancient
burgage tenure, or the Ist Henry V., cap. 1
which ordains that the citizens and burgesses
of the cities and boroughs be chosen by men,
citizens and burgesses resiant and dwelling and
free in the same cities and boroughs; indeed, noth-
ing would appear new in the Bill, except giving
votes to lease and copyholders, who ought to have
been franchised at the abolition of the feudal tenures.
Blackstone says, vol. 1, p. 171, if any alteration
might be wished or suggested in the present form of
Parliaments, it should be in favour of a more com-
plete representation of the people. We therefore
contend that the principle is not new, though the
practice of coming forward in the noble manner the
present Ministry have done may be unprecedented.
" His Learned Friend might as well propose to reduce
the House by half, and call upon all reformers to vote for
the second reading of such a Bill."
Coke, in his Commentary on Littleton (110 a.
110 b.) says, " The jurisdiction of this Court is so
transcendant, that it maketh, inlargeth, diminisheth,
abrogateth, repeateth, and reviveth laws, statutes,
acts, and ordinances concerning matters ecclesiasti-
call, capital', criminal', common, civill, martial',
ritime, and the rest." So the right of Parliament is
undisputed. By Oldfield's History of Boroughs it
would appear that between seventy and eighty have
been disfranchised and discontinued, including Man-
chester and Leeds, and that in the Parliament held
18th of Edward 1., besides the two Knights for
every county, only 161 boroughs returned Members,
the rest were added as State purposes required;
the Bth Hen. VI. c. 8, disfranchised all freeholders
under 405.; and in our time we have seen 200,000
forty-shilling freeholders of Ireland disfranchised by
the same party, who are now so loud in their
laments over the 5,030 electors of the sixty rotten
boroughs, and tell us we might as well propose to
reduce the House by one half.
" The advocates of Ref irm took three grounds. One
was a constitutional right in the people to Reform ; the
second was a theoretical ground, with which the present
constitution of the House of Commons did not agree; and
the third was, the practical ground of expediency. As to
the ground of constitutional right, he would ask in what
law or in what usage was it to be found? The House of
Commons, as it new existed, was formed by writs, Acts
of Parliament, and charters. In which of these would lie
find one word with respect to any specific mode of repre-
sentation, or any specific plan of Reform ?"
After making every allowance for errors of the re-
porter, it should seem that the Hon. and Learned
Member did not state his views in the clearest lan-
guage. " By a constitutional right in the people to
Reform," he could scarcely mean any thing else
than a right in certain classes of the people to re-
turn representatives, and if he meant this, the form
of the very writs to which .he refers furnishes the
most triumphant reply. In these writs, as far back
as 5 Ed. 111., (A.D. 1332) Elsynge on Parliaments,
p.. 57, 8 ed., 16G0, the King commands the return
of two knights for each county, two citizens for
each city, and two burgesses for each borough, and
thus the uninterrupted usage of five centuries would
establish the right of the agricultural arid trading
classes to representation; it would indeed have been
wonderful had these writs, Acts of Parliament, or
charters, said one word about Reform, when they
were all framed long before those abuses existed
which now renders Reform necessary.
" His Noble Friend who had brought forward the ques-
tion, had alluded to an Act passed in the reign of Edward
111. and stated to have been passed by the Bishops, Barons,
and all the Commons of the realm. But if his Noble
Friend had looked a little further into history he would
have found that the words Commons of the realm' did
not hear the meaning which he had ascribed to them ; for
it appeared that in allusion to the Oxford Provision, which
sat in the reign of Henry 111., the expression ' Commons
of England' was used to signify the persons elected by the
Barons to represent the Commons, which persons were
themselves Barons. He did not mean to say that, there-
fore, they should have no Reform ; but merely that the
Reform should depend on the expediency of what was
most useful for the public benefit."
The Learned Member here indulges in very need-
less hypercriticism; the sense in which the word
Commons was used on a particular occasion in the

13th century is of very little importance, when the
writ above cited proves that before the middle of
the 14th century, (when the Act referred to was
passed,) this word had acquired its modern meaning.
It would also appear from Grafton, that the Parlia-
ment referred to by the Learned Member is better
known by the name of the mad Parliament, for the
mischief it occasioned ; and the twelve Peers were
expressly chosen "to avoid the enormities, and
reform the evil rule that was in the land." The
terms used in 36 Ed. 111., c. 15, are," P,elatrydues,
counts, barons, et tout la commune," rendered " arid
all the commonalty" in the folio edition of the sta-
tutes. Petit, in his observations •on the rights of
the Commons, 1680, instances the prescription of
the borough of St. Alban's, Bth of Ed. 11., " to send
two burgesses to all Parliaments, Sicut cthtor burgen-
se: Regni totis retroactis temporibus, in the time
of Ed. 1., and his progenitors." Also the declara-
tion on the rolls of Parliament 2 Henry V., n. 10,
that the (7ommons had ever been a Member of the
Parliament, and that no statute law could be made
without their consent; and statute (1 Henry V. c. 1),
which regulates the persons to be chosen Knights,
clearly points out what was meant by the word Com-
mons in those days.
" As for the ground of theory, it was altogether unten-
able. Such attempts de,erved only to be treated with
scorn, experience being the only guide worth a moment's
attention from any one who pretended to the character of
a Statesman."

The preceding tirade against theoretical prin-
ciples is altogether beside the consideration of the
present plan of Reform, which has never rested
upon any such basis.
" What then did the framers of the Bill propose? They
proposed to cut off sixty-two Members. And from what
class ? From that class which represented the commer-
cial interest, while none were taken from the landed inte-
rest. He was ready to admit that the landed interest
should have the preponderance, but this w•as an undue, a
disproportioned preponderance."
The Learned Member, without offering a single
reason in support of his opinion, simply assumes
that the loss of 62 Members will be an evil, and
then asserts that they are to be taken from the class
representing the commercial interests. Now, with-
out saying how far this might or might not be de-
sirable, the short reply is, that the fact is not so,
since the great majority, indeed almost all of the
places returning those Members are now, and long
have been, in the hands of great landed proprietors,
and therefore have never returned Members to ad-
vocate principles to which these proprietors are op-
posed; indeed the lists of the Members will show
that not more than 26 merchants and bankers are
to be found among the 120 to be disfranchised, and
we have from 1.50 to 160 Members connected with
the mercantile interests in the House.

" It should only be done upon system, upon some intel-
ligible principle ; but there was notbiug of that nature in
the Bill ; but if population were to be the criterion, why
should 1821 be taken rather than any other period ? Ac-
cording to that arrangement, the borough which had two
thousand voters now, and only fifteen hundred in 1821,
would not return Members. It had been said that the
public sought for Reform because it did not suit s( me
theory in its practice. But after all they would find that
the public would be discontents d when, as would certaizey
be the case, the Bill did not answer their expectations.
The public would complain that they had pulled down the
old House to build up a new one, fu'l of errors in the con-
struction. But the errors in the latter case would be of
their own formation, not the growth of years, which they
might respect and venerate, but deformities made by line
and rule—(Hear, bear)—for which they could feel nothing
but contempt. If they must have change, it ought to be
conducted upon some principle, and not be of the same
anomalous and imperfect nature as the Constitution now
complained of. Another objection to the Bill was, that
it attempted to put the whole representation of the country
upon one uniform principle.—(Hear.) In his opinion the
House at Commons represented every interest and every
class in the kingdom somehow or other.—(Laughter, and
cries of " Hear.") But now there was an attempt to
adopt a uniform line. Might not the anomalies which at
present existed be the cause of representing all three in-
terests."

Here we are first told that the Bill wants system
or some intelligible principle; and the next objection
is its attempting to put the whole representation of
the country upon one uniform principle—instead of
putting down the old house we are only taking out
sixty planks that have got the dry-rot, least the
sound timbers should become infected. Lord Bacon,
in his advancement of learning, says, " Antiquity
deserveth that a man should make a stand thereat;
but, having discovered the right way, then make pro-
gression."

"In his opinion the class of voters who would be most
enlarged by this measure were those who were disposed to-
wards revolutionary principles, who aimed at the destruc-
tion of the House of Commons, and who ultimately looked
to the establishment of a republic ; and this class of
thinkers were, he was inclined to believe, more largely ex-
tended amongst the ten-pound householders than was very
generally known."
Here we have two opposite objections to the Bill,
namely, the increased influence of the landed in-
terest, or is other words the aristocratic tendency of
the measure, and in the same breath the approach of
a democracy through the revolutionary principles of
the ten-pound householders.
Judge Blackstone, after enumerating the various
infringements of our ancient Constitution by the Nor-
mans, says, " From so complete and well concerted
a scheme of servility it has been the work of gene-
rations for our ancestors to redeem themselves and
their posterity into that state of librriy which we
now enjoy; and which, therefore, is not to be looked
upon as consisting of mere encroachments on the
crown, and infringements of the prerogative, as some
slavish and narrow minded writers in the last cen-
tury endeavoured to maintain, but as, in general, a
gradual restoration of that ancient Constitution where-
of our Saxon forefathers had been unjustly deprived,
partly by the policy and partly by the force of the
Norman."

Johnson defines revolution to be " the course of
any thing which returns to the point at which it be-
gan to move." If then we are returning to the
pure and simple institutions of our Saxon ancestors,
the revolution will be like the one of 1688, a glori-
ous revolution.

" He would now come to the last topic on which he
should trouble the House with respect to the question now
before them—(Hear, hear)—and that was an examine-
into into the necessity for passing the Bill, because the
public demanded it of the House. He contended, with
regard to this important consideration, that, although no
doubt could exist as to the wish of the people of England
for Reform, yet the public did not insist on every part of
the plan before the House being carried into execution, and
he was, therefore, of opinion, that the House could not
adopt it, as a reason for passing the measure, that the
people were in its favour as it stood."
This in the teeth of 448 petitions, since the in-
troduction of the measure in approbation of the plan.
Nothing can be more obvious than the necessity
of passing this Bill, when we know it to be a fact
that 130 Members are returned by rich Commoners,
and 173 by the Peers--it was this that made Mr.
Pitt, in 1782, declare, " No honest man can, accord-
ing to the present system, continue Minister."

A WHIG.
[The above would have appeared sooner, but has been
delayed for want of room.]

The following is the House List of Governors
and Directors of the Bank of England for the year en-

suing, viz :

FOR GOVERNORS.
JOKY HORSLEY- PALMER, Esq., Governor.
ANDREW HENRY THOMSON, Esq., Deputy Governor.
FOR. DIRECTORS.
Sheffield Neave, Esq.
George Warde Norman, Esq.
James Pattison, jun., Esq.
John Henry Pelly, Esq.
Charles Pole, Esq.
Henry Porcher, Esq.
Richard Mee Raikes, Esq.
John Baker Richards, Esq.
'William R. Robinson, Esq.
William Thompson, Esq. and
Alderman.
Samuel Thornton,. Esq.
Thomas Warre, Esq.

John Bowden, Esq.
John Cockerel], Esq.
William Cotton, Esq.
Samuel Drewe, Esq.
George Dorrien Esq.
Charles Pascoe Grenfell, Esq.
Abel Lewes Gower, Esq.
Samuel Hibbert, Esq.
William Manning, Esq.
William Mellish, Esq.
Humphrey !St. John Mildmay,
Esq.
James Morris, Esq.

The election of the Governor and Deputy Governor
will be held at the Bank on Tuesday, the sth, and for
Directors on Wednesday, the 6th inst., from ten o'clock
in the forenoon till four in the afternoon.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, MARcH 31.

Eleven private hills were read a third time and passed.
Their Lordships then adjourned till Eleven o'clock on
Saturday, to hear Scotch appeals.

MAGAZINE DAY.

NEW MONTHLY MAGAZINE.

" A Letter to Dr. Southey" contains an analysis
of a remarkably spirited and even original poem,
which has been lately published at Sheffield by a
poor, uneducated mechanic, under the somewhat un•
promising title of " Corn Law Rhymes." It is
long since we have read bolder and more truly poetic
thoughts than are contained in some of these extracts.
" Conversations with an Ambitious Student" have
much merit ; but are rather too maudlin in the cha-
racter of their reflection. The biographical sketch of
Mr. Jeffrey is passable, but tells us nothing that we
did not know before. It is late in the day to criticise
the early writings of Mr. Jeffrey, in the Edinburgh
Review. The " Adventures of a Revolution" is an
allegory without point, consisting of seven pages.
Seven lines would have been enough for it. " The
Master of Logan" is an impressive story; impres-
sively told. The analysis of the " Great Reform
Debate" evinces much spirit and sagacity. The
brief passing sketch of Mr. Horace Twiss,
some time since an indifferent Reporter for the
Alimning Chronicle, and subsequently a manufacturer
of still more indifferent tragedies for the theatre,—
" Carib Chief," for instance, the most atrocious,
drowsy trash that ever yet set an audience, pit, box,
gallery, orchestra, candle snuffers and all, fast asleep
—is admirably characteristic. We have rarely met
with a description that combined such strict truth
with such caustic sarcasm. The " Memoirs of Cooper
the Novelist"—we suppose the engraving is a good
likeness—are tolerable ; though the writer is but a
sorry critic when he talks of the American's admi•
rable delineations of female character. Mr. Cooper
can no more paint a lady than a man of war's-man,
six feet high by about three broad, could describe
Almack's. He lays on his colours as if he were
tarring a ship. " After Dinner Chit-chat" is feeble
and common-place.