The Sun.
London, England, 1831-06-22 00:00:00

inking from any
hich he bad just
fo that which he
words which he
g so distinct and
3 misunderstood.
wed was that the
any justification
'ound in the con.
eceding evening.
he would adopt
Noble Lord had
!ver seen before"
nted report was
it it reached his
said the Noble
rdships' speaker,
iuse has a right
ijesty I have the
Ibly. I will be
i a right to be
3 att6ittpttd, fot
it with cries df
in either House
3f doors." The
inted report and
lilt the King had
lie saw fit, the
[mons have con•
1 unprecedente I
sure that any
who were ac-
'hich they were
upon it that be
3ical terms the
3r whether they
effect was the
roin another, it
hut the door in
De, or whether,
adjourn d him-
instead of the
d hito3elf from
iectfullytowards
ad been his con-
his superiors, as
had any, or his
ntlernan, or he
red to another.
as knew him,
He would not,
against a par-
le historian bad
rid. After the
elf, their Lord..
se words.—(A
is an off3n-
rew his hat on

iuse in an un-
veil knew that
tan the Horse-
e until he 'T-
T, communi-
of the Black
command the
dance upon hip
staircase." It
had any right
titleman Usher
jW to obey the
iurtesy, by the
to hear what I
bottom of the
alked as swiftly
iuld now conic
domestic cala-
seemed to en-

me, in remein-
bed the wounds
arkness or the
Noble Marquis
ting anything
i, with respect
soine parts of
who exposed
most liable to
on the other

spare diet—
care of them-
e poor natives,
.tre the parties
I the most fa.
ad the Noble
dy to patronise
ighter.) With
td ie,ued by the
rd Mayor with
per which had
Court of Law,
issued. Still
sere Was some-
iination might
and Mayor and
ad taken upon
la, the present
Mayor to put
!Lir.) Prevent
ion of popular
indon was ex-
)o or 700,000
of the Home-

cent ?

effect of popu-
I from it; for
y smote Whig
a certain Bill,
le, there was a
illumination,
sinclination to
persecuted in-
unbounded joy
lent, forgot to
Lee was pelted.
days? Dien
ioble Friends.
tell the people
) much sense ;
: of such non-

They had a
ey had no right
stify their joy.

on what had
he present dis-
t called. The
Ld clothed his
inced that so
ck longer ; but
'oble Earl, for
I side of that
.alien away by
her side of the
it observation,
he practice of
ate into which
he last Rana-
- fall into dis-
Ise would re-

But though
seci, such re-
tration to meet
pn ; for if he
he fight, why
vas one reason,
t was the in-
th the other

: it the more
en he remem-

n there were
deeply affect-
f Parliament ;
• measure did
!nt a desire for
was one upon
rere unhappily
.ordihips, who
of the people,
MI the repre-
irtually so in
make the re-
consideration
ion there was
of deliberation
niships to feel
Lee ? Did not
nle themselves
F;,l them under
rld that House
which could
r ? or should
4:21a, of a shade
representatives
of the King ?
thmiselves to
co• disorderly
it unprofitable
id r .ther recut
former Par-
/leo atld every

thing that was irregular situ unparliamentary, leaving
the discuusion of the Bill referred to, to be taken
up solely upon its own merits when that Bill came
regularly before them. If, however, a'ter that caution
they still persevered in pursuing the course recommende
by the precept and example of the Noble Earl, it would
only he for him to take part in their discussions as he best
might ; and he assured their Lordships lie should do so
as readily as any man could desire, but. at the same time as
calmly as if he had not tendered the present advice. Much
had been said of the use made of the Sovereign's name in
time course of those discussions, and first with reference
to what had been said relative to Government influence
during tile late general election. He could venture to say,
that never since the tevolutiou of 1688 had Government
interfused less in election proceedings. Here and there in-
dividuals might be found who might affect to speak of
their intimacy or connection with a particular department
No one would be absurd enough to deny that such occur-
rences did always take place at general elections ; but he
would repeat his assertion, that from the revolution of
168E3 to the present moment, there never had been less in-
terference at a general election. But the Noble Marquis
appeared to have been very sensitive on the subject of his
Parliatnentary influence and his Parliamentary affairs.
Now lie would ask what business the Noble Marquis, as a
Peer of Parliament, had to talk of his influence and con-
nection with the other house—what right had he to
speak of his election interests?
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY rose to explain. He
had not said a single word about his election affairs or his
election interests.
The LORD CHANCELLOR had then misunderstood
the Noble Marquis, but lie had thought he never bad heard
words more distinctly, and some Noble Lords about him
thought the same. With respect to the use of his Majesty's
name, he thought it remarkable that the Noble Earl himself
had, in his speech, named the Sovereign, and said that he
might have given leave to his servants to bring in the Bill,
but
, might change his mind, or have advice given to him
"3' other persons. He (the Lord Cancellor) knew that
When his Noble Friends haul been turned out of power, on
the question of Catholic Emancipation, which haul since
been carried, some advice had been given to the Crown ;
but in the present case there were no secret advisers, or if
there were, they would be treated with scorn by an honest,
upright, and straightforward Prince. If there had been
any of these intrigues, all would have gone on smoothly,
and there would have been no complaint of the use of the
King's name. Was it unfair for a Minister of the Crown to
say that the Sovereign approved of a measure which the
Permitting his Ministers to propound it was a proof that
he did approve ? But if it was right to tell truth, it
was not right to tell a foul falsehood. Yet at the corner
of every street, the King had been printed about, talked
about, sung about ; it was said, " You talk of dissolving
the Peril tment, you cannot dissolve it, the King will not
let you." Was that not using the King's name? But it
'vas a perfectly false and most foul slander of our gracious
and paternal and most popular Monarch.—(Hear.) Iu
1806 and 1807, in the period of " No Popery," the King's
name had been used in debates both within and without
Parliament. The Noble and Learned Lord concluded by
aPologizing for the time he had taken, and with repeating
that he should be ready to enter upon the discussion of
those subjects at time proper time.
Lord FARNHAM rose, lout was at first inaudible, owing
to the noise of Peers quitting the House. His Lordship
referred to a supposed connexion of Government with the
Press of the country. He would ask, was not the speech
of to-day given in a mot ning journal before any Member
of that H.-use had a copy of it ? was not this a strong
proof that that journal was in the confidence of Go-
vernment, and did not that journal work upon
the public mind in favour of a dissolution of Par-
liament? I low any person acquainted with Ireland
could put such a sentence in his Majesty's mouth
as that the disturbances in that country were not connected
with political causes, when it was well known they arose
Iron) political causes, he could not imagine. The Noble
herd then referred to the recent case of a Clergyman in
Ireland being refused his tithes, and being told, if he dis-
trained he would repent it, did distrain, and on the day of
sale was attacked by a mob. The Government should
Put down these things by the force of law—( Hear, from
the Ministerial bench)—and if the law was not strong
enough, they might ask for new powers. There should
be no compromise.—(Hear.) It was not Parliamentary
for him to refer to a certain gentleman ; but suspicion
might arise, and it was notorious that the power of that
gentleman had been exercised in favour of Government
at the elections by writings and lay personal exertions.
There were many instances of the interference of Govern-
ment at the elections in Ireland, and if these instances
were brought before Parliament in election petitions, he
had no doubt he could substanriane them.
Lord PLUNKETT should not have troubled the
House except tor the observations which bad fallen from
the Noble Earl and the Noble Baron who had just sat
down. They either made direct assertions, or strong in-
sinuations as to matters of fact, with reference to Ireland,
to which he was hound to give a most explicit and unqua-
lified denial. He believed the Noble Earl and Baron were
convinced of the truth of what they stated. But with
respect to the Noble Baron, he must take the liberty of
saying that his mind appeared so deeply steeped in incur-
able prejudices with regard to Ireland, that the effect was
worse than utter ignorance of the state of that country,
and calculated to mislead the House. The Nible Baron
was not applying his mind to the actual state of Ireland,
but was brooding over those measures carried into effect by
the Legislature, which were c ilculated to restore to Ire-
land peace, prosperity, and happiness, instead of that
ill-fated system adopted by a Government of which the
Noble Baron formed a p irt. (Here a yawn from the
bench where the Dukes of Cumberland and Gloucester
sat, and which had several times been heard during
the Lord Chancellor's speech, interrupted the Noble
and Learned Lord.) He was sorry he had disturbed
tl e slumber of the distinguished person, whose voice
lie could not say be heard.—(Hear.) What was the
reason why there was excitation in Ireland ? Not be-
cause time measure he alluded to was carried, but be-
valise it had been ao long delayed. But for that delay, and
the unfortunate declarations in that House, Ireland would
have been different from what it now was. The Catholic
Emancipation Bill should have been put on its proper
ground, its intrinsic justice; whereas it was found neces-
sary to suppose that it was a measure conceded to a patti-
trtar party agitating Ireland, and Mr. O'Connell had the
merit of carrying the measure, though it was, in fact,
carried by the good sense and feeling of the people of Eng-
land. Mr. O'Connell was one of the great foes of that
measure. Yet the people of Ireland were told, by the
highest authority, that they owed the Catholic emancipa-
tion to him. Was it surprising that this man was armed
with the power of mischief? They had'reversed the pro-
cess of canonization ; they canonized him fist, and made
a martyr of him afterwards.—(Hear.) Mr. O'Connell
bad pursued a course of conduct inexcusable ; and what
was the charge now brought against the Government?
That they had compromised with him. Time Noble and
Learned Lord here detailed minutes of the proceed-
ings against Mr. O'Connell. By withdrawing his plea of
Not Guilty and his demurrer, he admitted his offence,
Which was a misdemeanour, and gave up the legal objec-
tion. The charge of a compromise, under such circum-
stances, was a serious charge, and ought not to be lightly
Made. He declared that it was destitute of all founda-
tion whatever. Mr. O'Connell had a right to be heard
in arrest of judgment; and upon the question being
laid before the law officers of the Crown in Ireland, men
of great ability and knowledge, they were of opinion that
M point of law, the expiration of time Act of Pam liatnent
rendered it impossible to bring Mr. O'Connell up for
judgment. This opinion was confirmed by the opinion of
the law officers in this country. He (Lord Plunkett) had
hilly considered the subject, and was of that opinion : and
if any legal person chose to make a question of it, he should
he prepared to meet him. It had also been said that Mr.
O'Connell had offended against the common law ; but the
Power of the common law to take cognizance of the matter
was founded on the statute, and of course expired with it.
It would
not therefore have been legal, constitutional,
prudent, or wise, to have proceeded with the prosecution.
But the Noble Lord had asserted that the prosecution haul
he n dropped in consequence of a compromise with Mr.
O'Connell. If such a charge was true, it became the Noble
Lord to make it matter of impeachment ; but he declared
that House that it was absolutely and entirely false. He
did not mean to say that the Noble Lord intended to abuse
the House by making such a charge ; but he lamented
that‘ the Noble Lord had brought it forward, unless
r_le had documents to support it. The Noble and
Learned Lord then alluded to disturbances which
had taken place in different parts of Ireland, which he
denied had proceeded from political motives. It
he
Was'said, purely a servile war, which had
fortunately been put a stop to by ordinary means of
(: law, without the aid of any extraordinary measures.
lie,
however, advised the House to look to the causes of
the evils which afflicted Ireland. He knew the present
vernment were turning their attention to the subject.
The"
principal cause of these evils he took to he super-
abundant population, and it was the duty of a wise Go•
v
ernment to make the resources of the country available
for finding employment for the population, without time
introduction of poor laws which would be attended with
interminable difficulties. But no good would be done for
reland, if they kept indulging themselves in prejudices

which ought to be forgotten, and rot converting, with the
sagacity of ruminating animals, their food into wholsome
nutriment, but, with the perverted sagacify of misapplied
ingenuity, converting it into poison ; going back to the
past merely for the purpose of blighting the mercies of the
Legislature, and looking to the future merely for the pur-
pose of forming gloomy anticipations.
The Bishop of FERNS spoke a few words, which were
not heard.
The Earl of RODEN said that the Noble and Learned
Lord would not have spoken of his Noble Friend (Lord
Farnham) as a man ignorant of Ireland, and blunted by
prejudice, if the Noble and Learned Lord had been ac-
qtriinted with his character. With respect to Ireland, he
did not think that the statements in the Speech from the
Throne were borne out by the truth. He considered the
tranquillity of the counts, of Clare to be merely the tran-
quillity of gunpowder—it needed only the application of
the torch to make it explode with fury. A great part of
the peasantry were arming themselves every day.
Toe question was then put and the Address agreed to,
and ordered to be presented to his Majesty to•morrcw
(this day.)
The usual sessional orders were then moved by E
Grtev, and agreed to.
The Earl of SHAFTE.SBU ItY was chosen Chairman of the
Committees for the 17th time. His Lordship shortly re-
turned thanks for the honour of the selection'.
. . .

Adjourned at Three o'clock to lialf-past Twelve to-day.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, Jt-ter 21.

At a Quarter to Four o'clock the House again met, but
very few Members were present, and almost the only busi-
ness proceeded with was, the swearing in of new Mem-
bers, and for a considerable period the SPEAKER, sat in the
Chair without any business whatever being transacted.
At about Twenty Minutes past Four o'clock,

The SPEAKER read the usual Special Orders, respect-
ing Clandestine Outlawry, Committees of Privileges, &c.
many of which were agreed to; when that which Pre-
hibited the Interference of Peers at Elections of Members
of Parliament was read, _

Mr. AUNT rose to give notice that he would to-more ow
move to rescind that resolution. Ile did not wish to take
Hon. Members by surprise, but he ha l taken advice, and
he would move to-morrow to rescind it, and to substitute
another.
Lord J. RUSSELL begged to know what resolution the
Hon. Member meant to propose to him in lieu of the
present one.
Mr. HUNT said it appeared to him that the resolution
as it had long stood was perfectly unnecessary, for he
would appeal to every Hon. Member if it was not notorious
that Peers did interfere in elections. The Hon. Member
then read his intended motion, which was, " that, it is a

high infringement on the liberties and privileges of the
Commons House of Parliament, and a gross invasion of
the rights of the people, for Peers directly or indirectly to
interfe:e in the election of Members of Parliament."
That was somewhat stronger than the present resolution,
and he meant to follow it by going still further.
If his proposed resolution should pass, he meant
to follow it up by adding a clause to the Reform
Bill upon this subject to this effect—" And be it further
enacted, that from and after the Ist December, 1891, any
Peer who should be proved to be guilty of haring, directly
or indirectly, interfered in the election of Members of
Parliament should, upon conviction, forfeit 10,0001. and
be imprisoned in Newgate for one year."—(Hear, and
laughter.) Mr. Hunt said, Hon. Members might laugh
but he wished to know whether the House was in earnest
in passing their resolution.—(Hear.)—He then should
propose that for the second offence such Peer should for-
feit 20,000/., and be imprisoned in Newgate two years ;
and for the third offence to be degraded from the Peerage,
and transported beyond the seas for life.—(Loud laugh-
ter.)—Hon. Gentlemen might laugh, but he begged to
give notice of his motion for to-morrow evening.
The original resolution then passed.
When the resolution, empowering the Serjeant-at-Arens
to take all strangers who might obtain admission into the
House into custody, was read,
Mr. HUNT addressed the House, suggesting the pro-
priety of not passing that resolution as being perfectly
useless, for strangers were, it was well known, admitted
into the gallery, and of course it was notorious that the
order was infringed every day during the sitting of Par-
liament. He wished that there should be no order on the
books that was not intended to be enforced, and there-
fore he suggested the propriety of not passing it.
Lord ALTHOItP observed that there was business of
more importance before the House ; and, therefore, it
would be more proper not to discuss these orders now, as
DU inconvenience could result at present from them, they
having existed for centuries.
Atter a few words from Mr. ATTWOOD, who said these
orders gave the House a power of protecting itself,
Mr. O'CONNELL suggested that the resolution
should be so altered, as that the Serjaant-at- Arms should
take any stranger into custody by the desire of any one in-
dividual Member.

The resolution as originally prepared was then agreed to.
On that resolution respecting the giving of orders to
the constables of Middlesex and Westminster, to keep all
passages and roads from Temple-bar to the House dear
for Members, being read, Mr. Hume complained of the
stoppage he had experienced to-day at Charing-cross.
Lord ALTHORP begged to suggest that as short a
period as possible should be appointed for the receptio❑
of pt ivate Bills. The 27th June was appointed for that
purpose. His Lordship also proposed that no private Bill
should be read a first time after the 4th July.

In answer to a question put by Alderman Womb
Lord ALTHORP said it would not be necessary to
go through a second time all the different stages
of the private Bills. All minutes of evidence and other
documents taken before the Committees, should, in order
to prevent unnecessary expense, be taken as if no dissolu-

tion had ►aken place.
Lord J. RUSSELL then rose to give notice, that on
Friday next he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to
amend the representation of the peop'e iu England and
Wales.—(Hear.)
Alderman WOOD gave notice, that on Thursday
week he should move for a reduction forthwith in all Go-
vernment salaries, in consequence of the low price of pro-
visions. The Hon. Member should also, on the2Bth inst.,

move for leave to bring in a pill to prevent the spread of
canine madness.—(Hear, hear, and much laughter.)
Sir It PEEL gave notice that he should shortly present
a petition that had been sent to him from British residents
at Canton, touching the state of the China trade.