The Sun.
London, England, 1836-09-06 00:00:00

DECREE.

Art. 1. The Executive Power will proceed to make
such stipulations as may be considered favourable with the
holders of the obligations of the foreign debt for the gra-
dual payment of the rents to the extent of a third part of
the capital of each of the foreign bonds, which may be
converted in that proportion into national bonds, with the
previous consent of the said creditors, and saving always
the proceeding in the same manner with respect to what-
ever may otherwise concern the Republic in the definitive
adjustment of Colombian affairs.
11. To the exclusive payment of the rents of the foreign
debt for which Granada is liable are applied-
1. From the Ist of September next, one-eighth part of
the duties paid on the merchandise imported into the ports
of the Republic.
2. One half of the surplus remaining in specie in the ge-
neral and provincial treasuries at the end of each financial
year, after the expenses of the Administration have been
covered, in conformity with the law.
3. The clear produce of the sales of all the tobacco
which, after providing for the internal consumption, may re-
main in all the factories at the end of each financial year,
deducting from that produce one-third part to be applied to
the profit of the said rent.
4. One-eighth part of the import duties paid in securi-
ties of the recognised floating debt, thereupoa extin-
guished. _ _

Paragraph.—The second and third assignments referred
to in this article will begin to have effect with the surpluses
which may remain at the end of the financial year, which
commences on the Ist Sept. next.
111. The Executive Power may transmit the tobacco re-
maining in the factories to be sold in foreign countries on ac-
count of the nation, or cause it to be sold to individuals in
the form hitherto observed, or receive the amount in Eng-
land, under the previous corresponding securities, choosing,
however, the course which may be considered most advan-
tageous for the nation, according to circumstances, but
always by public sale.
Paragraph I.—By the word " amount," in this article,
is to be understood the sums which, conformably to the ex-
isting provisions, are payable at certain periods.
Paragraph 2.—ln the case of the tobacco being removed
for sale in foreign countries, on account of the nation, the
sums to which the principal and costs of shipping, freight,
insurance, commission duties, and other charges, which the
removal and sale will occasion, may extend, shall be added
to the other funds applied by the preceding article to the
payment of the rents of the foreign debt.
IV. Until the Congress shall otherwise provide, there
shall not in future be sold any uncultivated lands except
for foreign debt bonds, including principal and interest, or
merely for the interest, conformably to the engagements
which may be entered into by the executive in fulfilment
of article 1.
There are to be excepted from the conditions of this
article, the lands which the Congress has granted, or may
grant, as compensation, with some exclusive privileges, and
those for which at the time of the publication of this law
proposals have been made to the Government, and which
may be sold in the manner prescribed by the existing laws
and regulations.
V. Until the Congress approve the transactions which
may take place in virtue of what is provided for by article
I. ; or if they should not be carried into effect until the re-
partition of the Active and Passive Debt of Columbia,
whereby it may be known what amount of the foreign debt
fails to the share of New Granada, the produce of the re-
sources specified in article 11. shall with the corresponding
securities, be transmitted by the Executive, and deposited
in the Bank of England, in order that in such case due ap-
plication thereof may be made.
Paragraph I.—The said deposit may be made in Trea-
sury bonds, English Exchequer-bills, or in such manner as
the Executive may consider most advantageous and secure.
Paragraph 2.—From the sums transmitted to England
there shall previously be deducted the costs of conveyance
and insurance.
VI. There shall be appropriated to the payment of the
rents of the consolidated domestic debt, for which new Gra-
nada may be liable, and which must be paid as soon as
the rules for the division of the Active and Passive debt
of Columbia are agreed upon, the following funds :-
1. 25,000 dollars of the produce of the salt-works of the
Republic in each financial year.
2. The annual and half-yearly produce of the first-fruits.
3. The income arising from the leases of mines of the
precious metals and the mortgages of the state,
Paragraph.—These assignments will begin to have effect
from the first of September next.
VII. The executive shall provide for the funds arising
from the assignments enumerated in the preceding article
being deposited in the mints of Bogota and Popayan, in
order to augment the funds in the said Mints, until an ap-
plication be definitively given thereto by the Legislature.
VIII. The officers of finance, to whom may be intrusted
the collection and keeping of the funds appropriated by this
law to the national debt of New Grenada, shall be respon-
sible for any sum which may be diverted therefrom to other
objects, and shall be deprived of their situations without
being allowed to justify their conduct by the production of
orders from any authority of the republic whatever.
IX. The Executive will cause to be defrayed from the
funds which are appropriated by this law the expenses
which may be indispensable for its Executive, this provision
being held to be included in the law of expenditure.
X. This law does not alter any of the existing provisions
respecting the alienation of property, assets, or valuables
of any denomination whatever which may belong to the Re-
public, and which may not be necessary for, or suited to
the service of, the national administration.
XI. In order to realize the alienation referred to in the
preceding article, which should always be effected by public
auction, the authorities shall regulate the same entirely
according to the provisions which the Executive may pre-
scribe.

Bogota, May 25, 1836.
VALENTIN FROETZ, President of the Senate.
JUAN CLIMAOO ORDONEZ, President of the
1.
Chamber of Representatives.
,May 27, 836
FRANCISCO DE' P. TORRES, Secretary to the
Senate.
PASTOR OSPINA, Secretary and Deputy of the
Chamber of Representatives.
Bogota,
To be executed and published.
FRANCISCO DE PAULA SANTANDER,
President of the Republic.

The fourth general meeting of the Scientific Con-
gress of France will be opened on the 11th instant, at Blois,
M. de la Saussaye is appointed Secretary-general. Among
the various men of science invited from England, are the Earl
of Munster, Dr. Roget, Dr. Charles Ilolland, Messrs. Chil-
dren, Carlisle, Pratt, Hopkins of Cambridge, and Spencer
Smith, P. R. S.
Sir Martin Archer Shee, President of the Royal
Academy, hai been permitted two or three audiences of his
Majesty on the subject of the removal of the Society from
Somerset-house to the New National Gallery. The King
G
being patron of the Royal Academy of Arti9ts, the result of
tdhreeavtahr,ious deliberations of the Council are always submitted
to his Majesty for his approbation. The Council have already
met in their new apartments in Trafalgar-square.
A single stalk of potatoes was drawn from Tywar-
hparzoedtute.ced 106, weighing sixteen and half pounds.
—Cornwall
OXFORD WLT.—A wealthy and well-known Lon-
don brewer thought proper to join a pack of foxhounds one
day, and on the occasion appeared with mustacheos. lie was
well mounted, and dressed in a very conspicuous manner. A
French nobleman who was present, and was struck by his ap-
pearance, asked Lord A. if he was not WI grand nillitai7e.
" No," replied his Lordship, West qu'un Chevalier de
Malte." _ _

The present state of the Annuity Fund, now rais-
ing by Subscription for Mr. and Mrs. Buckingham is above
3,0001. _ _

The grounds at Kew abound with pheasants, which
seldom leave the place, in consequence of a quantity of buck
wheat sown in the preserves, which is their favourite food.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The letter from Mr. O'Connell to the Spectator,
which appeared in the Chronicle of yesterday, has, as
was to have been expected, excited considerable atten-
tion. The Tory journals are all in raptures at it. The
Standard fastens on the passage, The substantial
point of difference between us is this—l assert that
the majority of the English nation are indifferent, or
worse—hostile to the claim of the people of Ireland to
justice. I assert that indifference, or rather that hos-

The letter, exclaims the Standard, contains
" more truth than any one ever saw vouched by the
signature of the same writer ;" but that truth is all
comprised in the single proposition ab‘ove cited.
On the other hand, our Liberal contemporaries ge-
nerally question Mr. O'Connell's position. The
Honourable and Learned Gentleman had instanced
the Newcastle election as affording a proof of
the want' of sympathy of the• people of Eng-
land with the Irish. It is true that Mr.
Hodgson, the successful candidate, distinctly de-
clared himself hostile to appropriation : hut this
circumstance does not bear out Mr. O'Connell
in his conclusion. Before we identify the electors of
any place with the people of England, we ought to
know who are the electors. The principle of the Re-
form Bill is that the suffrage shoulifbe limited to per-
sons possessed of a certain qualification from property ;
but the exceptions to the principle are many. The
great object of the Tories is to destroy the iulepen-
dence of electors, by bestowing the suffrage on persons
who may be intimidated or bribed. Their sheet-an-
chors are the 501. tenants at will and the freemen—

the one class dependent on their landlords ; the other
paupers, accustomed to be bribed from time immemo,
rial, and so degraded as not even to be aware that
there is anything wrong in selling their votes. Now,
at Newcastle, as is well observed by the Courier, Mr.
Hodgson polled 949 freemen, and Mr. Blackett only
468 ; so that Mr. Blackett had a large majority of
householders, the independent class, in his favour.
It is said, too, that the Radicals, who are not
over and above satisfied with Ministers, (lid not
support Mr. Blackett as they ought to have
done. If this be true, the Radicals of Newcastle
must be exceedingly stupid, and there would, in that
case, b.e no answering Mr. O'Connell when he ex-
claims, " You say Blackett was rejected by the. Ne-
wcastle electors because he was a mere Whig—that he
did not go far enough for the Reformers of Newcastle,
who therefore rejected him. You also allege that if a
Radical Reformer had stood, the result would have
been his return to Parliament. * * If

the Newcastle men acted upon your principles, and
rejected a mere IN' hig, why what confounded blocli-
heads must they be to elect an unequivocal Tory."
We would fain believe that the Newcastle Radicals,

however, are not open to this accusation. Mr. O'Con-
nell's proposition that " the disposition of the Eng-
lish nation towards Ireland was but evinced by ' the
doss of voters,' which class constituted the portion of
the English people most if not solely efficient for poli-
tical purposes," must be understood with the limitation
that the class of voters consists of those who accord-
ing to the principle of the Reform Act, ought
to have the suffrage. The 501. franchise was carried
against the Government by the Marquis of Chandos,
and is a departure from the principle of the Bill. In

proportion as the 50/. tenants at will are numerous, in
the same proportion the class of voters do not evince
the sentiments of the people of England. In most of
the old boroughs the pauperised freemen form unfor-
tunately a large portion of the electors. The freemen
must be deducted from the independent voters before
we can draw any inference as to the opinions of the
people. We can oppose East Cumberland to New-
castle. East Cumberland is one of the most indepen-
dent districts in England. The 501. franchise is
comparatively rare in that part of the country.
Mr. James was returned without opposition ; and it
is understood that Sir James Graham will lose his
seat on account of his refusal to do justice to Ireland.
We may surely set East Cumberland against Newcas-
tle. But, besides, in all the great towns of England
not polluted by the corrupt remains of the old system,
the Members returned have all declared themselves in
favour of the Ministerial measures in behalf of Ire-
land. Great pains have been taken by the Tories to
mislead the people of England with regard to the Ca-
tholics. The English being generally Protestants are
generally attached to their own religion, and designs
to favour the Catholics are unblushingly attributed to
Ministers. One part of the Tory plan is to. charge
the Catholics of this country and the present day with
all the errors of Catholics of every country and of
every age. Because the Catholics were intolerant two
hundred years ago, it is inferred that they must be in-
tolerant now. People of all religions were intolerant
two hundred years ago. The Protestant Government
of England executed men for heresy and schism,
as well as the Catholic Governments. The Scotch,
since the Union, were all but in a state of re
hellion because toleration was imposed on them
by the Legislature. It would, therefore, be easy
for the Catholics to retaliate on the Protestants if
they chose. We are naturally opposed to the Catholic
religion, believing, as we do conscientiously, that it
has a tendency to shackle the mind ; but because we
entertain this opinion, we do not conceive that we are
entitled to withhold from the Catholics any rights or
privileges which are enjoyed by Protestants. • We per-
ceive in the present state of Ireland strong evidence of
the mischief which has resulted from acting on a con-
trary system ; and believing the Catholics sincerely
attached to their religion, with what feelings, we ask,
can they view the favour shown by the State to the
Protestants merely on account of religion ? A large
share of the national property is monopolised by the
Protestant Church, and even the attempt of the pre-
sent Ministry to apply a portion of the tithes of pa-
rishes where there are no Protestants to the religious
and moral instruction of the people, is construed by
the Tories into an act of hostility to the Protestant re-
ligion. The people of England do. not now gene-
rally abet the Tories in this injustice. They see,
too, that justice to Ireland is the best policy of
England ; for no people of any spirit will
tamely submit to insult, while equal justice will
always in the long run put an end to heartburn-
ings and jealousies. Upon the whole, we are not
sorry that Mr. O'Connell has thrown out this chal-
lenge, because we are satisfied abundant proofs will
soon be afforded to him, that he has formed a false esti-
mate of the people of England. In the mean time,
however, it must be admitted that he places Ministers
in rather an awkward position. He is playing the
game of the Tories, who maintained that the appro-
priation was carried by Irish and Scotch IVlernbers
against the English Members. The majority of the
people of England were in favour of appropriation ;
but the Reform Bill having left too many rotten in-
roughs undestroyed, and too many counties in a de-
pendent state, the Tories were thereby enabled to
obtain a bare majority of English Members. But thee
representatives of all the great and popular constitu-
encies supported Ministers, and afforded a demonstra-
tion that the Government had the hearts of the English
people with them in their measures in favour of Ire-
land.—Morning chronicle.
Mr. O'Connell's letter to the Editor of the Spec-
tator will do good service to the cause of Peerage
Reform. Its appearance is most opportune. Now is
the time when every man who has any influence in any
way with the public, ought to bring that influence to
bear on this great question. Let every Reformer now
act as if the issue of the momentous struggle about to
take place between the Lords and the people, depended
on his own isolated exertions. No one must trust to
his neighbour : that has been the grand error of Re-
formers in past times, and has tended, beyond all other
causes, to the perpetuation of that Tory domination
which this country has been fated to endure so long.
It is to be hoped that the people of Great Britain
have learned wisdom from experience, and that not
only do they now see clearly that their duty is to acquit
themselves in the impending .conflict, as if the result
were entirely dependant on their individual exertions,
but that each man is fully prepared to act up to his
convictions of duty. It is one thing to be theoreti-
cally convinced of what is the proper course, and
another to pursue that course with the eikergy and de-
termination which become the occasion. The present
is a crisis of tearful importance, and awful is the re-
sponsibility which rests on every man who clearly

perceives the line of conduct he ought to adopt. It
cannot be too strongly or earnestly impressed on the
public mind, that the people have a duty to perform
at this most momentous juncture, before Ministers can
' be expected to take one step towards the accomplish-
ment of that Reform which is now admitted on all
hands to -be indispensable. It is not enough for Lord
Melbourne that the conviction .of the necessity of a
reconstruction of the Upper House be deep and uni-
versal ; that conviction, to justify him in bringing for-
ward a measure suited to the emergency of the case,
must be expressed. He must have something tangible
to refer to, as the ground on which he brings forward
such a measure. The expression of public opinion
which the occasion demands, can only be made through
,the medium of public meetings, and through the adop-
tion of strongly worded and numerously signed peti-
tions, by those meetings. This is the way to fortify
Lord Melbourne, when he brings the question—as
brought it must bc—before the House. This is the
only way to arm him with the power of carrying an
efficient measure of Peerage Reform into effect. The
people will have one great advantage in the coming
conflict ; it has not been their seeking. They have
been forced into the contest by the conduct of their op-
ponents. The people will only be acting on the de-
fensive ; they were passive until further 'forbearance
would have been both cowardly and criminal. And
now that they have been compelled to enter the arena
of .conflict, their war-cry will be " Heaven defend the
right !"—Morning Advertiser.
Yesterday we noticed a display of " the .master,"
and to-day it is our fortune to have to say a few
words respecting an exhibition of " the man." Daniel
figured in our pages yesterday, and to-day Lord Listen
—we beg pardon—Lord Morpeth—makes his bow to
our readers. Daniel, for reasons which it would not

be difficult to explain, were it worth while, selected an
obscure Sunday print as the organ of communicating
his last epistle to the public. Lord Morpeth has fol-
lowed his master's example, so far as regards the man-
ner at least of his performance ; but that coincidence
may possibly have occurred without concert, for Lord
Morpeth is fond of figuring at private theatricals in
characters he cannot fill, and his exhibitions before thb
public as a " walking gentleman," on the, .political
stage, have been attended with results that must natu-
rally incline him to desire to confine his feats to that
sort of picked and indulgent audience which will have
the politeness to groan or to laugh inwardly, while a
dull and incapable amateur frets his hour before them.
Let it, however, have happened by accident or by
design, still it is quite true that master arid man have
in this case done all' they could to hide their light
under a bushel. Had it not been for the assistance of
other papers, Daniel's epistle would have remained
till Doomsday shut up in the deep obscurity that
envelopes the print to which he addressed it ; and the
inhabitants of Leeds would, in common with the rest
of the world, have remained equally ielorant for as
long a period of the fact that Lord Morpeth " had a
dinner " in that town Wednesday last, if it had not
happened that Mr. Baines could command a Mercury,
which, however heavy-heeled and heavy-headed, has
managed to become the means of conveying the infor-
mation
more speedily. Thus we have arrived at a
knowledge of the occurrence of this dinner at Leeds to
the " Liberal members for the West Riding of York-
shire." Now, this said West Riding of Yorkshire
happens to contain a population of 976,415 per-
sons, of which number the town of Leeds alone
contains 123,393. And how many persons does the
reader suppose were at this grand dinner to the
Liberal members for the Riding ? Precisely one hun-
dred and twenty-three! Why, there are more readers
of the Sunday print to which Daniel sent his letter,
obscure as that journal is ! Verily the tailors of
Tooley-street, that dubbed themselves the " people of
England," stand a mighty good chance of having
their noses put out of joint. Lord Morpeth, it ap-
pears by the report, talked of the " much both
of political association and of festal celebration" (we
quote correctly) which the 123 out of the 976,415
monopolized ; and he farther spoke to the select
few in a most feeling and piteous strain of " the
more formidable responsibilities," and
.the " more
direct concern in matters of most extensive and critical
interest," that now devolve upon him. He did not,
however, mention that he had used precisely the same
language in thz House of Commons, and that Sir
R. Peed applied to him most happily on the occasion
the well-known passage of Horace :
" Demitto auriculas, ut uniqum mentis asellus,
Cum gravius dorso subiit onus."
Still more largely, however, did Lord Morpeth draw
upon the presumed ignorance, or the assured indul-
gence, of the elite of the West Riding. He had the
assurance to address to them this stuff, which they
had the faces to cheer :—" Reposing yourselves
under the shelter of your improved municipal institu-
tions—sharing in the first fruits of that system in all
possible prosperity and credit, under such courteous
and kindly auspices as those which we now appreciate,
you only feel a redoubled and a generous anxiety to
impart to your fellow-countrymen in Ireland those
advantaf;es and privileges of self-government and
of local control which you yourselves acquired, and
which you have yourselves ascertained can be
exercised without confusion, turbulence, or outrage."
Have the Ministers ever proposed to impart the muni-
cipal privileges enjoyed at Leeds to Ireland ? Look at
their Bill, and every man who can read will see that
they have not. That Bill confers no municipal pri-
vileges on the Irish : on the contrary, it deprives
them of all municipal privileges properly so called,
and permission to watch, pave, light, and cleanse
their streets, constituted the whole of the mighty
privileges, and the sum and substance of the überous
prosperity and credit the Irish were to enjoy under it.
These were the civic thrones, the vines and fig-trees,
beneath the shelter of which the municipal aristocracy
were to sit in dignified repose. Scavengers, watchmen,
and lamplighters, were all the Ministers proposed to
make Irish mayors, and aldermen, and common-coun-
cilmen ; and we can imagine how George Goodman,
Esquire, Mayor of Leeds, with " the splendid gold
chain," &c., seated in " Lord Milton's chair, lent
by the Trustees of the Coloured Cloth-hall" (here be
sights, my masters !) will start and blush when he
learns from us, for the first time, the real nature and
extent of the " improved municipal institutions" which
Lord Morpeth assumed that his worship and the rest of
the select 123 were inflamed with " generous anxiety"
to impart to Ireland I We have no desire to disturb
the dignified demeanour of that right worshipful per-
sonage by putting him into a passion : but we must
be allowed to ask him what he would think of a Bill
which created a so-called municipal corporation ii'
Leeds, with no other legal powers than those of watch-
ing, lighting, cleansing, and paving, but which was
so framed as to provide that the said Corporation
should be exclusively composed of men who, being pro-
claimed enemies of the Constitution in Church and
State, would reduce the town from its present flourish •
ing condition to absolute beggary, by keeping it in
perpetual turmoil, and driving every capitalist from the
neighbourhood ? Of such a character was the Irish
Municipal Bill which the Ministers brought in. We
turn with pleasure from the absurd and childish speech
of Lord Morpcth to that which Sir G. Strickland de-
livered at this dinner ; and as good sense end consti-
tutional sentiments have become so rare of lat.; in the
orations of Whigs, we make no apology for the length
of the following quotation, from the Hon. Baronet's
" The representatives whom you have sent will hereafter
be placed in some difficulty likewise, as to how they should
give their votes on questions of vast importance ; and I
think it becoming in me, in order to prevent any difference
between you and myself, distinctly and boldly to state how
my votes will in future be given. It is not unlikely that
the question of a reform in the House of .Lords will be
brought forward. I think it almost certain that the pro-
posed reform will be, that the principle of representation
shall be applied to that House. Now, gentlemen, although
I may run the risk of not agreeing with all of you, I shall
distinctly state how my vote will be given if that question
ever should be brought forward. In doing this I must re
vert to first principles—to those principles which throughout
have been my guide and conduct, and which must be thy
guide hereafter. I look back to the question of a reform of
the "louse of Commons ; and I ask you what was the vote
which I gave on that occasion ? It WAS decidedly to oppose
organic cange. The object of that reform was to do away
with the rotten borough system, and to put an end to the
nomination of Members of the House of Commons by certain
Members of the House of Lords, as being inconsistent with
the principles of our Constitution. It was therefore to prevent

al organic change that a bill was framed, having for its ob-
ject a restoration of the rights of the people, by which they
could make free exercise of those rights by returning their
representatives to Parliament. Now, then, I say the very
same principle will be my guide hereafter, not to depart
from those early lessons I have learned ; that principle I
have long acted upon, and I must oppose any attempt to
introduce election into the House of Lords. It was the
opinion of one of the greatest philosophers and Statesmen
of antiquity, Cicero, who laid down his opinion in more
beautiful language than I can describe, that of all forms of
government which he knew, he thought the best would be
established by an union of the three existing forms—that was,
the kingly, the aristocratical, and the democratical. The
Government of England for centuries has been composed of
those three estates ; we have had a constitution founded in
that manner, under which we have prospered, and for God's
sake do not let us, for any momentary disappointment,
plunge ourselves into difficulties from which we cannot see
our way out. I know that some ardent politicians, some
persons loving freedom as well but no better than myself,
have pointed to America, and have said, there you see an
elective monarchy and an elective Upper House of Parlia-
ment all working well. I say, wait a little longer. You
have not seen that system of government tried in any other
part of the world. America is yet young ; wait and see
What civil commotion will produce, when it rises up among
them. It has been said that good can never come out of
evil. I think we can see the prospects of some evil. I will
ask whether America can do well under her accursed sys-
tem of slavery ? I will ask whether good can come out of
such a system ? What is it that we can contemplate under
it but civil war ? As the population increases, and those
who are held in bondage become stronger, their anxiety to
free themselves from their oppressors will increase, and we
shall have the slave States in open hostility against the free
States, and Tier Government will become as powerless as it
is powerful at present. And then, gentlemen, we shall
see whether they do not want some of that stability which
our ablest and hest writers have attributed to an hereditary.
monarchy, and an hereditary House of Lords."—Tinzes.
Assuming, without admitting—for the result, we
believe, in the eyes of the best informed, is extremely
doubtful—that most of the proposed railroads will not
only answer to the projectors, but be of national benefit,
yet it is obvious to common justice that even this latter
object, still less the former, ought not to he acquired, or
attempted, at the expense of injustice, and sometimes
even ruin, to individuals. Such, however, is, we fear,
in no small degree the case. Many instances corrobo.
rative of this we have ourselves heard of, and doubtless
there must be many more, especially in the lower
classes of life, where parties are not only not in a situa-
tion to see themselves righted, or even to make their
wrongs known. We are taught to look upon our
houses as our castles ; but it is surprising how merely
theoretical such a notion becomes, when projectors,
with a private Act of Parliament in their hands, can
walk up to the door, demanding entrance and posses.
sion. " But, replies some one, " they cannot do so
without making ample compenzation." To say no-
thing of local attachments, and other circumstances,
for which net snm of money can afford compensation,
there is too much reason to believe that great injus-
tice is exercised under colour of right, even whore
the affair becomes a matter of easy valuation. We
would instance, particularly, the very •comnion case
what may he termed consequential damage—that
of so much ?round is

tnkino•

is, when the mer
not the oldv, or hv ineims the grrntest minty do:1

V 1

!e property is thcre:o y

to th,.! proprietor; but vcl
deteriorated in value to perhaps ten times the amount
of the mere value of the land taken. We4iave heard
of the insi:ance of a F.,,-entleinan, time actual saleal)le

value of whose estate was, in the opinion of compe-
tent judges, lessened betxeen 5,000/. and 6,0001. by
portion'of land taken for, as well as by, the con-
tiguity of the railroad, yet who was compelled to take
1,000/. ; the Company even then dismissing their
lirvevor for albwing him so much. Here the eon-
equential damage- is entirely overlooked ; yet were
this persOn or his executors to sell the estate to-
morrow, they wou'd be losers to the extent of 4,0001.
or 5,0001., because certain speculators, for their own
or the public good, take it which way you will, armed
with an Act of Parliament, can thus do him, under the
colour of law, so grievous a wrong. We mention this
ease, as we might several others, merely to eztablish
the principle on which we set out, that it should be
an invariable rule in cases of this kind that no w;ong
should .be without its remedy ; and that for any
actual injury, however extravagant it may appear in
amount, an individual ought to be amply remunerated.
Nor do the parsimony and injustice dealt out to pro-
prietors through whose lands and premises these lin
pass, become the less obvious
pared with the vast libe_
lectors towards themselves.
remuneration paid to lawyers, surveyors, engineers,
directors, secretaries, and the other members of the
railroad staff, come to be contrasted with the niggardly
bickerings which the landowner has to contend with,
well enough may the latter complain of the hardship
of his case, and conjecture that it is for the benefit of
these persons, and not for public advantage, that lie
finds his property deteriorated, and himself, sometimes,
driven for ever from the home of his ancestors. Whe
ther any of the new rules instituted by Parliament
upon this subject, towards the close of the late Ses-
sion, will meet the evil we have thus alluded to, we
are not aware; but this we feel convinced of, that as
the wrong is done under the authority of Parliament,
that assembly should take especial ‘care to shake off
the imputation, by steadfastly keeping in mind, and
realising, the well-known constitutional maxim, that
there shall be no wrong without a remedy.—Morning
Herald.

nd striking, ~vhen coin-
llity displayed by those pro-
When the extravagant

The Government papers are " putting forth a feeler,"
as the phrase is, on the subject of Johnny Russell's
probable success, should that lackadaisacal little man
stand for East Cumberland, in the event of a general
election. Monstrous " intrepidity of face !" But the
farct is, that these poor tools of a tottering Ministry
are absolutely bemazed at their astonishing triumph
over no opponent. And, under the intoxication of
delight, they seem disposed to set to work at a distri-
bution of the county representation throughout the
empire among their pitiful partisans. Is it possible
that the poor people can have forgotten the repeated
drubbings with which, during the last session, John
Bull visited their contemptible policy whenever a con-
tested election afforded an opportuntty for so doing ?
But, even supposing that this had been otherwise, and
that the Conservatives had not, as they undoubtedly
have, the support of the county constituencies—a
fact, by the way, which the clumsy scribes might
have learned from the speeches and letters of their
master, O'Connell—even in that case, what, in the
name of common sense and decency, are the claims
of Lord John
.Russell on the constituency of East
Cumberland ? What would the sturdy yeomanry of
that fine county think on beholding an insignificant
little body standing forward to solicit their suffrages on
0
no assignable grounds, that we can conceive, other
than the wretched distinction of having blindly, or,
rather, with calculating selfishness, devoted himself to
the will of that beggarly demagogue, whose latest de-
nunciation of Englishmen is directed against the par-
ticular class of the county constituencies ? The
shrewd and independent electors of Cumberland would,
by the sound of his Lordships name, be reminded
that he belongs to a Whig family of great wealth and
political influence ; and they would naturally inquire
how it was that the Home Secretary could not obtain
a seat for some county with which that noble family
has connection. Judge of their astonishment when
informed that he once had the honour of representing a
county in which he was well known, and from which the
public spirit and nationality of that county indignantly
expelled him ! The Cumberland cicctors would then learn
that, by that jobbing for which the Whigs stand pre-
eminent, his Lordship wriggled himself in for Stroud,
just as his worthy colleague, Lord Palmerston,
when also ejected hi the feeling of an English county,
sneaked in as the adequate representative of the
Radicals of Tiverton. Well, indeed, may O'Connell
and his Ministerial gang abuse the county constituen-
cies of England ! They are by far the most formida-
ble foes of the faction. But, to return to East Cum-
berland,—can there be a doubt that the result of such
an inquiry as we have supposed into the political
pretensions of Lord John Russell - would be his con-
temptuous rejection ? Nor could he claim much re-
spect on personal grounds. Even in an Adminis-
tration adorned by the talents and graces of a Rice,
a Palmerston, and a Morpeth, we much doubt
whether Russell be not the name most strongly
suggesting considerations unfavourable to a public
man. But this point we have rr • ish to urge. His

Lordship is as vigorous-minded, manly, intelligent,
,1
and accomplished a person as nature intended ; and
there we leave him, with the simple repetition that if
he be, as we have shown, politically contemptible, it
is no less sure that the electors of Cumberland would
not find him personally a Minister of much distinc-
tion. It may, perhaps, be thought that we have be-
stowed too much time in considering this stupid spe-
culation on the part of the Government prints. We
are inclined to think otherwise. Those unwearied
hacks would not have stirred in so ridiculous a busi-
ness had they not received instructions from head-
quarters. It was thus our duty to admonish Lord
Johnny of the utter folly and extreme impertinence of
such a person as his Lordship supposing that he could
ride a cockhorse astride the Reform Bill through a
strange county, after having been so contumeliously
kicked out of Devonshire, where his merits, whatever
these may be, had a fair chance of being appre-
ciated. And so, indeed, it seems they were.—Tdorn-
ing Post. •