The Sun.
London, England, 1849-06-20 00:00:00

CANADA.

Lord BROUGHASiiose--to—move the following re-
solutions:—" That by an Act passed in the Parliament
of Canada, intituled An Act to provide for the indem-
nification of parties in Lower Canada whose property.
was destroyed during the rebellion in the years 1837
cod 1838,' no security is afforded against corereir
cation for losses sustained in the rebellion in Canada
in 1837 and 1838, being given to persons engage'
in the said rebellion. That it is just and necessary
eitt er by recommending a further and amending Bill 1°
;he Legislature of Canada, or by such other means as
may be effectual, to provide security against any come
sensation for losses sustained in the said rebellion being
riven to persons engaged in having aided or abetted the
some." The late affairs of the province of Canada had
ceased great interest, not (slily at home but in our colonic!!
Without any further preface to the observations which
he was about to make, and notwithstanding the able
discussion which that question had undergone by Judi
cious men elsewhere, he should proceed to retested .1
House shortly of the history of the colony of Upper and
end Lower Canada. It would be remembered that by
the peace of Canada in 1762, negotiated by his
Noble Friend's father, we having wrested - from
French by force of arms the province of Canada.;
that province had, by the peace of Paris, been ,ceded to
us, and had continued ever since, by a tenure more or less
.
nominal, or more or less real, to be one of the posse
sions of the British Crown. The settlers of that pro'
voice were, of course, French, and their descendants,
who were now three or four times the number of British
subjects in the province, were, to all intents and Per'
poses, equally French. In Upper Canada, on the coo"
trary, the inhabitants were, with a small exception,
entirely British settlers or of British descent, the pro-
f
vince having been mainly settled during or after the
American revolutionary war, when many loyalist
Americans quitted the United States, disliking, from
their attachment to monarchical institutions and their
loyalty to the British Crown, to remain under the domi-
nion of a Government which had thrown aside both.
Of all the men whose opinions were strongly tinctured
with the most vehement desire of monarchical Govern-
ment, and with the warmest sense of duty, allegiance,
and loyalty to their Prince, he might venture to say thil6
the American loyalists bad at all times proved themselves
to be among the first.—(Hear, hear.) Accordingly they
did not change their minds with the sky under whir
they began to live, they did not alter their opinionsi
modify their principles, or reverse their feelings
loyal attachment to the Crown of England, whet'
they removed from America to Canada, but they ratio',
on the contrary, cherished more nearly and gore
warmly the same feelings which caused their emigrations
and, having left their homes, where they had been born,
and having, as it were, transferred their household gods
to a foreign soil, they clasped the more eagerly to their
bosoms those principles which had led to their quitting
their native soil. Such, then, as was their origin, so
their progress—such as they were at first distinguish
e
above ail men by their love of their mother country, by
their scrupulous attachment and the zealous performance
of their duties to that mother country and their So;
reign, so throughout, in good furtune and in bad, in
they always been faithful subjects of their Sovereign, ofin„
devoted adherents to the cause of the parent state.
instituted no unjust comparison between them and their
fellow-subjects, the French inhabitants of Canada,
putting forward their claims to the respect and sympathy
ot the Home, yet he could not help adverting to the Da"
tional distinction between the two classes of the Caw
diens. The one at all times, in good and bad fortune,
the attached subjects of the British Crown, and by.
blood, language, religion, manners, institutions, and
laws, Englishmen at their hearths and in their hearts;
while the others, in every one of these respects,
as well as by descent Frenchmen, although aoamcoe
accident—by the chances of war—they
British subjects. Nevertheless, these
felt bound
subjects of our had, generally Ise ,Fhroebnacdh fellow.
h r demeanour, a con-
summationto say, behaved like peaceable subject of the Crown, and
shown no want of loyalty
oi;
if not occasioned, hccasione
e-e continued;that in that kind of union
yet facilitated
pruba probably, if notmu eche caused, db,
bY t" a the
which subsists between mother country and the
colonies, which he lead elsewhere taken leave to call the
eyertt,ejlncetdelin a co
improper federal union; there was always on the part
ot the Government a great force, a greattrpsuorwe ander,o
weight, and an influence, both of treasure
of authority and of troops by sea and by
land possessed by the mother country, which
made it impossible to say that the mother country de'
pended on the colonies ; as the Government of the
mother country depended on the consent and goodwill
of the citizens at large, the subjects of the Crown at
home,
and, consequently, the French Canadians, knew full
well whose authority she had, or, as their Liturgy said,
"duly considering whose authority she had," also duly
considering what power she had of maintaining that au'
thority, and duly considering that at all times the fleets
and armies of England, and the treasures of England,
wielded by the British Government, in
.concert with the '
British Patliament, and with the consent of the British
people, were ready to stifle revolt in all parts of her vast
colonial dominions—considering, he repeated, all these
things, the French Canadians had exhibited at least an
apparent loyalty, and thus for many years, had any out-
break in the colony been prevented. But the time was
approaching when attempts were at last apprehended, and
some idea of a severance of the present connexion
might enter the minds of the Lower Province, and un-
happily it proved true that in the years 1837 and 1838,
a serious attempt was made, not arising from say parti-
cular grievance, not excited by any act of rest or sup-
posed oppression, but more probably from the difference
of feeling of the, colonists towards one another, and to- •
wards the mother country, and rebellion, for he could call
it by no other name, of a very serious nature, broke out
canada. It was fOlll4l tha; 091lepirecy hid

!truck its root deep, and had extended its branches
in various directions, and to a considerable distance from
the centre of Government. It was found that in one
district, that of Montreal, there were secret societies
Organized, partly under French influence, and partly, he
was grieved to say, under the guidance of foreign agi-
tators, or, to use the technical expression of the day,
"sympathisers" from a neighbouring empire, and under
their guidance and inspiration those secret societies
!lumbered, in the town of Montreal and the neighbour-
ing districts, no fewer than 3,000 conspirators, thus
showing no inconsiderable taint of
.disaffection. The
Conspiracy at last broke out into acts of riot, which led
to the calling out of the military force, the civil force
being found utterly inadequate to cope with it. The
rebels, who had arms in considerable abundance, were
Met by the force under Sir Allan, then Colonel Macnab,
but who had since been knighted, in reward for his ser-
vices in that rebellion—one of the most economical mea-
sures of that Government which had created so many
Peers with large pensions, to whom he would not, how-
ever, further allude. The rebels were met by Colonel
Macnab at the head of a force of militia and some
Queen's troops, who fought. beat, and destroyed them,
and in pursuing them found signs of their disaffection
Wherever they went. The rebels, it was true, hail fled
from Colonel M`Nab, but they left behind them houses
deserted and despoiled, barns burned, awl the prisons
filled with the loyal subjects of the Crown, incarcerated
.by those incendiaries and rebels. The very road they
bad marched along was strewed with the relics of their
Pillage and of the fires they had lighted to destroy the
Property of the Queen's loyal subjects, who had of
course left the country districts and fled to Montreal for
security and shelter. On one occasion,—and he would
give them but one example, for painful it was to him to
asme it, it would be still more painful to adduce others
•---a gallant officer, Lieut. Weir—he named him only to
do honour to his memory—was seized in fight by those
rebel troops and carried to the rear, where he was over-
whelmed by numbers, who with a cowardice equal to
their cruelty, then plucked his epaulets from his shoul-
ders, pierced him with wound after wound, destroyed his
life, and mangled his body, before the royal troops could
Come to his rescue. Dr. Wolfred Nelson commanded the
rebels on that occasion, and he was a claimant under
the Indemnity Bill for 23,0001., but had kindly, gra-
ciously, and generously given up one-half of that
claim, He only mentioned that in passing, however,
as he had been compelled, though most reluctantly, to
Mention his name. Such was the rebellion which
had been put down by the gallant officer he had men-
toned and his coadjutors in arms. Such being the state
of the colony at the period of the rebellion, he had
to call their attention to the frame of mind in which his
Noble and lamented Friend, Lord Durham, found the
Inhabitants committed to his care on his arrival in Ca-
nada as Governor-General. The exigencies of the case
compelled Parliament to suspend the Constitution of
Canada, and inflict temporarily upon it an absolute Go-
"tenement, and his Noble Friend was sent to admister the
government of the whole provinces with dictatorial power.
The state in which he found the colony he would give in
the Noble Lord's own words, as given in the report to
the Crown. In that report he said—" I expected to find
in Lower Canada a contest between a Government and
a people. I found two nations warring in the bosom of
a single state; I found a struggle, not of principle, but
of races. It is in vain for me to expect that any de-
scription I can give will impress on your Majesty such a
view of the animosity of those races as my personal ex-
perience in Lower Canada has forced upon me. It is
scarcely possible to conceive that the descendants of any
of the great European nations can be more unlike one
another in character and feeling, more totally
separated from each other by language, laws,
and mode of thinking, or placed in circum-
stances more calculated to produce mutual mis-
understanding, jealousy, and hatred. Even in the schools
of Quebec and Montreal the boys fight as bitterly as the
men." He went on to say, " The intercourse of society
is entirely out of the question. The put lications of the
Press are of a difference and diversity, and of a mutual
hostility, implacable and extreme to a degree unknown
elsewhere;" and, as a last symptom, he said, that—
"even on grounds which ought to be neutral to all man-
kind—the sacred grounds of charity— even in matters of
charity, they cannot agree and unite together;" and, last
of all, that--" the only public occasions on which the two
rages meet, is in the jury-box, when they must meet,
being summoned, and there the; inset only to the utter
obstruction of justice." The Noble Lord then proceeded
to read Lord Durham's dispatch, in which it was stated,
that the British Canadian population would never again
consent to any House of Assembly in which the French
population had a majority. It then talked of the union
with United States, adding, that for the purpose of ven-
geance, and to give a momentary triumph, an American
army
would be received with open arms if it marched into
the country; that they would never again consent to be
rnade stalking-horses of for the purpose of party contests
at home, and that Lower Canada must be English at the
expense even, if necessary, of the remainder not being
British. The dispatch went to say tlt the British
t3opulation entertained a deep-rooted attineent to the
ritish, as against the French, institutions, but that some
there be parties to French domination. They would fly
to the Anglo. Saxon Government in the United States.
Ile (Lord Brougham) could not shut his eyes to what
had passed latterly; a cloud no doubt had passed over
the hitherto bright and brilliant loyalty of the English
Canadians in the recent outbreak at Montreal. He knew
well it would be said that by the present proceedings he
would be encouraging the rebels; that factious speeches
and divisions in that House go across the Atlantic, and
give encouragement to those who misdemean themselves
. in Canada. That was the risk which all statesmen must
be content to run, as well as the slanders which they must
also face in the discharge of a public duty honestly and
fearlessly performed. As Burke said, vvhen some such
charge was brought against him respecting America, or
the Catholic question, he forgot which, " the fire bell
that breaks our slumbers saves us from being burned
in our beds." It was therefore that he (Lord 13roughana)
should go on fearlessly with his charge, and hoped,
in so doing, he should not be charged with having
unnecessarily or wantonly raised the Tice tion, which it
was the bounden duty of Parliament to entertein and
grapple with, and that no one would accuse him of having
a fellow feeling even with the most provoked of those
outrages which disgraced, on a late occasion, their Ca-
nadian fellow-subjects. There was much property de-
stroyed in crushing the rebellion, and for some time
nothing was done to find compensation for these whose
property suffered, for doing their duty as loyal subjects.
A Bill was passed to give compensation to those loyal
subjects who suffered on that occasion, and it was clear,
from the contents of that Bill, as well as the phraseo-
logy and its construction, that most false statements had
been made about it. It was clear, not only from the
language used, but the words of the Governor himself,
that compensation was given solely for property taken
during the rebellion. Horses, for example, and provi-
syms, for which parties received the note of the respec-
tive commanders of the military force, who had not at
the time money to pay for them. These notes entitled
the parties afterwards to receive payment ; it was a
matter of contract, and -as such was dealt with. An im-
portant event, however, happened. At that time the
British party, who, for distinction sake, he should call
the loyal party—not that he used that term in an invi-
dious sense, but as a matter of history—the British, or
loyal party, were in the Councils of the Governor, and
measures were passed by the Canadian Parliament which
included that to which he had already reterred.
The Duke of WELLINGTON—The Upper Canada
Bill?
Lord BROUGHAM—Yes.
The Duke of WELLINGTON—Hear.
Lord BROUGHAM. continued—These were followed
by others, and another event happened; he would not
say whether it was judicious or not, the more particu-
larly when he differed with men not on principle, but on
a matter of tactics, which proved unhappy in its results.
A. conciliatory course was adopted, which, while it
aimed at reconcilement, had the effect of breaking faith
with the friends of the Government—a course which, in
endeavouring to gain an enemy, deprives them of their
friends, was sure to fail. It they could keep both, no
doubt all would he well; but, as he had said, if they
gained an adversary they lost their friends; and the
consequence was, that they turned the friend into foe,
and made the foe despise them.—(Hear, hear.) He
(Lord Brougham), for his own part, never saw that
trick tried that it did not fail, and cover with ridicule
and contempt all those who tried it. He was for a con-
ciliatory course, for the purpose of a coalition, when
great parties in the state yielded a little for a public
good. That was creditable and honourable to all par-
ties, and capable of being made highly beneficial to the
state; but it was a bad and bastard policy when it was
pursued as in Canada, and brought with it feelings of
great contempt, when friends were made enemies of,
and enemies taught to despise them. That happened in
Canada. The friends of the Government were dis-
gusted, and the consequence was that the Government
found itself in a minority in the House of Assembly, the
majority not being of the loyal party. The Prime Mi-
nister of the new Government was alonsieur Augustus
Alexis Hypolite Lafontaine; and it so happened, etc,
cording to his own petition, presented to that House in
1839, that be was obliged to fly the country before the
rebellion commenced at all,, as he was more than sus-
pected. He was " not out'in 1838, as they expressed it
in Scotland, but he was a quasi rebel—he was implicated
in the proceedings then going forward in Canada, as
any Noble Lord might see who read Sir J. Colborne's
dispatches giving an account of what was then going
forward. The Noble and Learned Lord then read a
letter from M. Lafontaine to M. Gironeud, written, at
this period, enclosing him 20,000 Louis-d ors, or
18,0001., for the purpose of providing the people with
arms, and clothing, and ammunition. That was the
language used after the rebellion was crushed, by M.
Lafontaine, who was now Prime Minister, and before
he was allowed to return by virtue of Lord Durham's
amnesty. Now when he (Lord Brougham) found
that Prime Minister the leader of a party en-
gaged in a rebellion, and pursuing such a course
even after the rebellion was crushed, he thought
he said enough which justified him in the
use of the word loyal as applied to 'the other
party. He did not call M. Lafontaine a disloyal Minis-
ter or a disloyal man. He may be perfectly loyal, but
he would not call him loyal as contradistinguished from
the other party, who were always so except the shade
which passed over them lately. He would now bring
their Lordships to the year 1848, but before he did so he
must pause for a moment to account for the circumstance
of Lafontaine and his coadjutors being Ministers of the
Crown in Canada. A notion sprung up, which was
much encouraged by his Noble Friend, the late Lord
Durham, that the colonies should be permitted to enjoy
what was called responsible Government. Now if he
were to say that he clearlyand distinctly understood
what was meant by responsible Government he would
be giving himself credit for perspicacity which he did
hot possess.—(A laugh.) Bet as far as he understood
it it was this. It was not, as their Lordships would see,
confined to Canada alone, but had reference to all their
Colonies, and consisted in this—whoever was the Gover-
nor of a colony was bound to appoint his Ministers, and

satisfaction than some of his Noble Friends near
him.—(Hear, hear.) The Americans rejoiced at this
policy on our part. Not because they sympathised
with us by any means—they sympathised much more
with the Canadian rebels.—(Hear.) He had seen letters
addressed to merchants in the City, in which the ut-
most joy was expressed at the paseing of the navigation-
laws, but they sand, " Don't imagine we are going to
follow you; on the contrary, we shall draw restrictions
tighter than ever." The Americans heel a strong desire
for protection, and what prevented them from making
it complete? Upper Canada,.—(Else.r, hear.) It was
impossible for them by any Custom house regulations,
by any number of officers, or by any American militia.
to completely guard a coast of some 14,000 or 15,000
miles in extent. A friend of his, a Member of the other
House of Parliament, when in Itlinuis lately saw some
hatchets. He said, " These are very curious hatchets."
" Yes," said the party addressed, " and yon can't make
such hatchets; they cost only 1 dollar and 25 cents."
That mistake was soon corrected. In a short time
5,000 hatchets of a very superior kind, English make,
were imported into the district, and sold at half a dollar a
piece. 'l'lie moment that this was heard of down came a
party of militia to seize the hetche:s a hut they failed in
doing so, because they were all sold and conve) ed out of
the way by the people. Now, while there was sack a
differ, nee in the price of hatchets as that between 1 doll.
25 cents. and half a dollar, it was clear that it was hope
less to attempt the enforcement of any Custom-house
regulations. All they want is a frontier, and Canada
would be that frontier.—(Hear.) Therefore it was that
he implored their Lordships to knit more closely to
them the affections of their fellow-subjects. It it was
by any unworthy concession, by any sacrifice of power,
ur even of wealth, that end was to be attained, he would
not counsel it; but there were no such sacrifices required
in order to retain their love and affection, and to render
the severance of the colony impossible.—(Hear, hear.)
He had the strongest sympathy for his fellow subjects,
and ho could not but feel that it was a cruel desertion to
take any step w hich would throw them into the hands
of America. He had seen many of these men, men
who had fought on the field of battle, and these men
to whom Canada had been a home for half a century,
who had all their possessions, as well as their families,
who had risked life iu defence of the power of the
British Crown, would be driven against their will
into the great republic of the west, and if so, he
could only say, that like their forefathers, they would
leave England from their loyalty to the Crown. He
called upon their Lordships to save Canada from being
made the sacrifice to this whim of responsible Govern-
ment. He implored them to adopt the resolutions lie
would now move, feeling perfectly certain that they
would pour oil on the troubled waters, and restore peace
and concord to Canada. The Noble Lord concluded by
moving the resolutions.
Earl GREY could not, although he had listened most
attentively to the arguments of the Noble and Learned
Lord, understand what object he sought to attain by
submitting the motion which he had brought under the
consideration of their Lordships. He had not heard one
syllable advanced in sustainment of the necessity of the
proposition, nor was it attempted to be shown that its
adoption would tend to promote or facilitate the har-
monious government of Canada by the authority of
the British Crown. Of the two hours and a quarter
which the Noble Lord had occupied the attention of
their Lordships, fully one hour and three quarters were
taken up with prefatory matter. It was not expedient
that he should follow the Noble and Learned Lord
through those discursive observations; but though he
should not follow the Noble and Learned Lord through
the whole of his lengthy statements, there were never-
theless some points on which he bad fallen into error,
that he felt it to be his duty to notice them. His his-
torical review of the connexions between England and
Canada was altogether incorrect. In substance and
spirit the Noble and Learned Lord said that the Cana-
dians were French in heart and spirit, that they were
alienated from the British Crown, and that they were
kept down only by force. This was a statement which
he denied in tote. For many years Lower Canada had
been much attached to England, and in the revolutions
which had taken place the militia of Lower as well as of
Upper Canada had distinguished itself by no ordinary
display of valour. No doubt a portion of the population
had been betrayed by designing men into the guilt of
rebellion in the year 1838, and it was furthest from his
intention to say one word palliatory of that guilt. He
could not avoid remarking that the whole cause of dis-
content would have been remedied muck sooner and more
effectually if neither force nor treason had been used.
Though disaffection existed at that period it did not
follow that they should always regard the Canadians as
a disaffected and disloyal race of men When they
spoke about Canada they should recollect that that coun•
try was added to the dominion of the British Crown by
one of the most successful wars in which the country
ever achieved a victory, and that the painful policy of the
Ministry who brought about that glorious consumma-
tion, was to bury in oblivion past rebellions and disaffec
tions. This was the policy pursued at Culloden and by
Henry IV. The entire spirit of the Noble and Learned
Lord's speech was that they should adopt quite an op-
posite policy, but having shown how absurd such a course
would certainly prove, he thought it unnecessary to pro-
ceed further with a refutation of his historical statement.
The Noble and Learned Lord then complained of M.
Lafontaine's promotion to emolument and office, after, as it
was alleged, he had been engaged in treasonable practices.
Now he (Earl Grey) thought it would have been most
unwise to have excluded a gentleman of M. Lafontaine's
talents and influence from being raised to distinction in
the administration of the public affairs of the province.
pltticwatacd in
squitetilLntr rueebiai ; or h
that l‘ I.Latfoanttaihnee
hh:dd
fledbeon
enfrim-3
Canada in consequence of treasonable acts. Ha sag-
gesttd certain constitutional changes, not being satis-
fied with the form of governmentond he did his best
to obtain that change in a peaceable manner; but it
was quite a mistake to suppose that his views were
not stroegly opposed to disaffection or outbreak of any
kind. When he re turned to Canada he challenged an
investigation of his conduct, but unsuccessfully. Tilt
Noble Lord then proceeded to consider that portion of
the Noble and Learned Lord's speech in which he ad-
verted to the Rebellion Losses Bill, and stated his ob-
jection to its sanction by the British Legislature and
Crown. It appeared to him (Lard Grey) that the inter-
ference of that House in matters of colonial government
should be confined to extreme cases, and if they inter-
fered at all, it ought to be in a regular and constitu-
tional way.—(Hear.) If the Noble and Learned Lord
thought that Parliament ought to suggest the refusal of
the sanction of the Crown to this Bill, tho proper and
respectful course would be to make known their wishes
by an address to her Majesty. He contended that to
come to a resolution on a question of colonial govern-
' ment was a mode as unusual as it was irregular and in-
convenient. In 1831 another Act was passed autho-
rising the several claims and demands for violence done
by her Majesty's forces in the suppression of the rebel-
lion to be taken into consideration with a view to their
being paid. Their Loruships would observe that by
the words of that Act compensation was extended to
all losses incurred by the inhabitants of Upper and
Lower Canada, and inflicted by her Majesty's troops
—whether regular or irregular, imperial or
provincial. The Noble and Learned Lord was very se-
vere en him for appearing ignorant that the objects and
intentions of an Act of Parliament must not be taken or
judged from the acts or policy of a Governor. General,
but from the words of the statute itseif. He (Earl
Grey) thanked him for that reproof, and if their Lord-
ships would turn to the words of the statute, to be found
in page 31 of the papers presented to their Lordships'
House, they would sea that it contained nothing what-
ever confining compensation to ono party or the other.
But, in point of fact, compensation was granted to par.
ties who had taken an active part in the rebellion. If
the Noble and Learned Lord would refer to the speech
, made in the Canadian Assembly by Mr. Hincks, the
Inspector-General of Accounts—aa officio tantamount
to Chancellor of the Exchequer in this country—he
would see that some of the persons most active in the
rebellion, and absolutely convicted of high treason,
had their claims put in and allowed. Messrs. Harris,
Ingerson, and Hunter were paid, though notorious
rebels, and the Lieutenant-General of the rebel army,
the Commissary-General, and Dr. Cooke, of Norwich,
who was convicted and sentenced to be hanged, re-
ceived compensation. The Noble and Learned Lord
says that the payment to Dr. Cooke was contradicted,
but what was the fact? The reporters in the House of
Assembly called him Tooke instead of Cooke, and that
was the amount of the contradiction. Mr. Hinsks states
positively, that he knew his handwriting, and that he saw
the receipt signed by him for compensation, paid under
the Canada Compensation Act. Dr. Hatterman was
also convicted of high treason, and, he believed, was paid
compensation; there was, however, some doubt about
his case, but a remarkable circumstance occurred, to
aschtoiounldwacsalblrtohuegahtttenataiaoinnsotf
hthimeirfoLrotrhdeshsiupps:
NwpThe did not act as a private individual, but as com
hiheicsehnfuarhnneished him for the rebel army, he pleaded that
sary-general of the rebel army.—(A. laugh.) That,
however, he need hardly add, did not avail him, for the
plea was not received. The Noble and Learned Lord
was exceedingly romantic in his observations in praise
of Sir Allan M'Nab. No doubt that gentleman did
good service, but the Noble Lord was dreaming
when he talked of his great actions, fur he was never
actually engaged in the rebellion of Upper Ca-
nada. The Noble and Learned Lord gave so eloquent a
description of his gallant actions and achievements, that
one should have thought he fought such battles as that
of Salamanca or Vittoria. Under the Act of Parliament
to which be referred payments were made in Upper
Canada to persons convicted of treason, and yet no fault
was found or clamour raised against it, and immediately
consequent upon it was an address of the Parliament of
the United Provinces, praying that an inquiry should be
set on foot respecting the losses incurred in Lower Ca-
nada. He should also mention that when this Bill was
under discussion it was objected to, inasmuch as it was
alleged that if an inquiry were to be instituted in Upper
Canada with a view to give compensation, Lower Canada
ought also to be included. The inquiry respecting Lower
Canada was conducted by Commissioners appointed for
that purpose, who were appointed by the advice of those
gentlemen who' now objected to the Act which gave
that compensation. They were directed by Lord
Cathcart to make the inquiry 'by the rules of evidence
which governed courts of law, and accordingly, when it
was concluded, a Bill was brought in during the pre-
sent year in every respect like that previously passed
for Upper Canada, submitted to the Assembly of the
United Provinces, and, after considerable opposition,
passed by a large majority. Some discussion occurred
as to the propriety of excluding those either convicted
by a court-martial, or having submitted to her Majesty's
mercy, were afterwards sent to Bermuda, but the pre-
amble of the Bill was of great importance, for it stated
that the losses for which compensation should be made
were strictly confined to those who had suffered from
wanton and unnecessary damage. All losses brought on
themselves by parties engaged in the rebellion, or en-
couraging its promotion, were excluded. If they ob-
t
jetted to •
it on the ground Unit rebels were to be compen.

to choose them from those to wh m
o the Legislature
of the colony gave its confidence, and also to re •
tain them, whatever his own opinions may be upon
the subject. In a word, it meant this, as Lord Elgin
said, that every colony should be taken and deemed to
be as the mother country with the constitution. They
all knew that in this country the Ministers were the
organs of the Crown, and the depositaries, for the time
being, of the power of the Crown. They all knew that
they were responsible to Parliament, and held office
during the pleasure of Parliament. Parliament in this
country chose the Ministers, but the Crown had the
power of rejection, choice, or dismissal; but in the
colonies the great danger was, that the majority would
act the tyrant with the minority, which the power of
the Crown and of their Lordships prevented in that
country. The Noble Lord havicg passed a glowing
eulogium on Sir Charles, afterwards Lord Metcalfe,
proceeded to reed a dispatch written by the Noble Lord
now at the head of the Government to the then Gover-
nor-General, dated Oat. 14, 1839, which he characterised
as the ablest state paper which ever emanated from any
man. He argues precisely as he himself had done in
respect to the relations which a colony should bear to
the mother country. He argues against responsible Go•
vernment as suited to a colony. In doing so he gives
illustrations in support of the doctrine laid down, but
he never conceived such a case as British loyalists taxed
to compensate French rebels.—(liear.) Where the
honour of the Crown or the Einpire was concerned,
Lord John Russell lays it down that the Governor was
justified in opposing the wishes of the Assembly. Now,
could anything more affect the interests of the Empire
and the honour of the Crown than a Bill to compensate
men who had sought to subvert the Government at the
expense of those loyal subjects who had expended their
blood and treasure in support of that Government? Upon
the principles laid down by his Lordship, the conduct of
the Government in Canada was undefensible. The two
Canadas were unhappily united on this subject. Upper
Canada was altogether loyal and English; Lower Ca-
nada was in great part French. The consequence of this
union was that the English were given over to the
French. All the French Members of the Assembly,
constituting by far the largest majority under their
priests and leaders voted together; but the English
Members did not act harmoniously together, and the
consequences were obvious. There was also a Legis-
lative Council in Canada and ten Ministers. But the
majority of the Assembly being under the control of
certain parties had passed a Bill which it was affirmed
was never intended to give compensation to rebels. He,
however, denied that, and upon resorting to the Act
itself for its character and objects, he said that it was
intended originally to compensate both the loyal and
disloyal. There was no wholesome line of dis-
tinction drawn at first ; but a Gentleman—Mr. Bolton
he believed—introduced an exception. The resolution
or groundwork of the Act contained so much excep-
tion. His amendment, however, only, regarded persons
convicted of high treason and transported to Bermuda,
and in the hands of the sheriff; but what became of rebels
not answering tl the whole or apart of that description?
Were they within the exception that did not except from
the Act a large class of rebels and traitors who it was
now said it was intended to except? No line was
originally drawn between the loyal and disloyal. Ho
did not blame Lord Elgin for this, for he was supposed
to be acting under the influence of constitutional Go
verament, being entirely in the hands of Mr. Lafontaine
and a tyrant majority. Great stress had been laid upon
the manifestation of feeling in favour of the Bill, as
shown by the majority of th Assembly. But he found
on a close analysis of the votes given on Mr. Wilson's
amendment, which was in fact, against compensation to
rebels, that a great majority of English represer.tatives
were in its favour. Twenty.seven English Members
voted for it and only fifteen against it. From these he
deducted five, who were Ministers, leaving only ten, or a
majority of nearly three to one of the loyal English
party in the Legislature. Then, with respect to popular
feeling out of doors, he found that Lord Elgin plumed
himself very much upon the number of addresses he had
received. He admitted that a great number of addresses
had been made, and that a large number of signatures
was appended to them. He had counted some
fourteen or fifteen thousand, but he had also
observed that the great majority of these ad-
dresses confined themselves to condoling with
his Excellency on the late outraees, to the
statement of their regret at the attacks which had been
made upon him, and the insult that had thereby been
offered to the Crown, and to an expression of their un-
abated loyalty. But of the Bill itself they said nothing.
None of them expressed their approval of it. Perhaps
one or two touched upon itAbut that was all, that was all
the result of the greatest exertions in getting up the ad-
dresses, He had been informed that there were, in fact,
what was called in this country hole-and-corner meet-
ings—they were got up by a knot of people who were iu
one way or other interested in doing so, and they were
no proof that the voice of the people was expressed in
these addresses. But on the other hard a vast number
of petitions and addresses from public meetings called
upon requisitions, and presided over by mayors, sheriffs,
and other public officers, had been presented against the
Bill. They were held in the face of day, and expressed
unequivocally the feelings of the people—and therefore,
as far as addresses and petitions were concerned, there
was an immeasurable superiority on the side of the op-
ponents of the Bill. The Noble Lord, to show the
state of public opinion in Canada, proceeded to read a
letter he had received from a person in an official po-
sition in Canada, dated 9th of June, in which it was
stated that the excitement was very great among the
English in Upper Canada, and that if her Majesty gave
her assent to the Dill, it would cause the annexation of
the province to America. He (Lord Brougham) did
not say that would be the case, but at all events, he
gave it as the opinion of a loyal man. He condemned
the riots and outbreaks which had taken place; but
placing himself in the position of those who had not
been rebels—who had resisted rebellion, and who were
now to be visited by this ill-starred measure—he could
feel how much they were writhing under this infliction.
It was a common remark, that an injury to the feelings
was more acutely felt than a more material injury, and
when these people felt themselves oppressed by a junc-
tion of their rulers with those agein,e whom they had
striven when the authority of the Crown was rebelled
against—it was their duty to prevent these people from
this severe, this intolerab!e infliction. As to the argu-
ment for compensation drawn from the Act for Upper
Canada, he totally: denied its validity. In the first
place, there were very few rc bels in Upper
Canada; and if they had been numerous, the Bill
excluded them from compensation. Mr. Hincks's
statements as to the five persons said to have been
rebels, and to whom compensation had been awarded,
turned out to have been a mass of errors. Mr. Ingersoll,
the commissioner, who made these awards had contra-
dicted these statements entirely. He saw a report of
Mr. Hincks's speech, and thereupon he sent that gentle-
man a letter, denying the charge. He held it in his
hand, and he admitted the language in which it was
couched was more strong than courteous ; hut that was
excusable in a person holding the situstiou of a judge,
when he found unjust and untrue imputations made on
his conduct. Mr. Ingersoll said—"ln reply to your
statements I have only to say that they are not founded
in tact ;" and he proceeded to state that this was the
more unjustifiable, when Mr. Hincks might have so
readily, at any moment, have come in possession of the
truth. With respect to the claim of the would •be Ge-
neral Duncombe, no such claim had been made ; and if
it had, the Commissioners would not have granted
it. There was no claim from Mr. Cooke, whom Mr.
Hincks had called Tooke. Mr. Waaerman was arrested
sal tried, but not convicted. That meant that he was
acquitted. This claim was put in for supplies. and, as
well as he could recollect, he held the vouchers of
the officers for these supplies. That was not a claim
for compensation, but for goods supplied. Even in
an enemy's country we paid for such supplies. It was in
the nature of a purchase, and grossly untrue to call the
sum paid on such vouchers for such supplies, a compen-
sation, in the sense the word was used. He could only
say, after looking at these random statements, that he
could account for them by the inveterate hebit of asser-
tion which people in office have been accustomed to.—(A
laugh.) He had now brought to a close the facts which
it appeared to him necessary to state on the subject of
this motion. He was certain there could not be a more
fatal course than to carry to an extreme this theory of
responsible Government. If it was good for Canada, it
was good for Trinidad, for the Cape, for other colonies;
and he would ask, where we should have been if they
had adopted the theory of responsible government on
questions affecting slavery. As Mr. Canning had well
remarked, he would never trust slave owners with the
responsibility of making laws for slaves. He therefore
said, axay with a theory which he felt convinced would
bring the Government of Lord John Russell into ridi-
cule. He did not argue the question upon that ground,
but he did say, that inexact proportion as colonial legis-
latures interfered with general questions, was it the
duty of the Secretary of State to hold the power of
licensing or refusing what was intended to become the
law of the land. He did not call upon the Government
or their Lordships to exercise the power of refusal—he
did not ask the Government to advise her Majesty to re-
fase her assent to this measure—(hear)—but he did ask
them to take care that the Bill was free from errors, by
which compensation might be given for rebellion losses
to those who were actually engaged in and aiding and
abetting that rebellion. We were on the eve of a great
struggle, and if they supposed that struggle between the
parent state and a great colony was viewed with indiffe-
rence by our American neighbours, they were indulging
in a fatal mistake. If, for a moment they rocked them-
selves asleep under the impression that America would
not look across the St. Lawrence, oh, let him wake them
from their pleasant dream. It would be the first time
in history that a Government and a people without the
control of the Crown, and the moderating influence of
an aristocracy, were to be entirely unmoved by such
a struggle. If they imagined that because Ame-
rica had more land than she knew how to cultivate
—more produced than she could find markets for—
that, therefore, she would not look to au increase
of her dominions, and of here stores, he could only say
that it would be infinitely eater wonder and miracle
than he knew oc. It was contrary to the fact, that the
lust for dominion grew strongest with the most power-
fulp nations, and it grew in proportion as it was grati-
fied.—(Hear, hear.) America counted every day an age
till she heard that this Bill had received the Royal
Assent, and he asked them if they were going ruth-
lessly and recklessly to plunge into the gulf that was
yawning before them. The Northern States had a
direct interest in the annexation of Canada and the
Southern States, though they had not so direct and im-
mediate an interest apparently, had yet one great reason.
Canada was the refuge for runaway slaves.—(Hear,
hear.) They had also the general love for American
rule. But the whole of the American States had one
great reason to watch with direct and earnest interest
the struggle between the parent country and the co-
lony. We had given up the principle of protection,
and adopted the principle of tree trade; they were
gradually extending that principle to one article
after auother, a fact which he observed with more

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 20, 149.

sated, his reply was that the Bill had no such view;
and as to the intentions of parties, how could they at
the end of eleven or twelve 3 ears ascertain who aided,
and who aesieted at least in heart, the rebellion which
took place?—(Hear, hear.) For his own part, he
thought that such an inquiry instituted at the end of
twelve years into the feelings of parties at that
period would create such bitterness of party spirit, and
exasperate to such a degree existing animosities, that it
would be infinitely better if no indemnity whatever was
granted than have such inquiries instituted. The Noble
and Learned Lord said that a majority of the English
race voted against the measure ; but what was the fact?
As the House of Representatives then stood, it consisted
of 46 members, 31 of whom were of English origin, and
15 returned of French extraction. The English popula-
tion of both provinces was something lees than cue-half
the French, and when the Noble and Learned Lord said
that the addresses presented to Lord Elgin were no test
of popular opinion, he agreed with him. He biieved that
the real expression of the opinions of a people wore to be
tale a from their representatives, and neither in this coen-
try nor in Canada would he, for one, ever listen to or be-
lieve public opinion was ever collected from any other
source than through the votes of their representatives in
Parlieme rt. They all lenew how these things were got
up; but wile he did. so, he would remind the Noble and
Learded Lord that there was something more than ad-
dresses ; fur deputatione from all parts of Canada had
waited on the Governor- General toucan. hitn
ctheir
thesuppot
—(Hear, hear.) He (Earl Grey) also pereived by
mail which arrived than day, that the Opposition no
longer clamoured as thev had done before, for the dis-
solution of the Assembly, end the recal of Lord Elgin.
When he found a party strongly deprecating a dissolution,
the conclusion he had a right to form was, that they were
not confident in anticipetting a majority. It was from
Upper Canada the addresses had come expressing con•
fidence in Lord Elgin, and he must say,that the Noble
and Learned Lord had shown no ground for her Ma-
jesty interfering to prevent the operation of the Act
which had received the support of two-thirds of the
Assembly. All he called on them to do, by refusing
their assent to the Noble and Learned Lord's motion,
was to affirm the opinion that that House was not
called on to interfere. The Act was one which the
Provincial Government had a right to pass, which the
Governor- General could not disallow, and which it
would be wrong for the Home Government to interfere
with. Instead of the Noble Lord's resolution casting
oil, as he said it would, on the troubled waters, he (Earl
Grey) believed that its effect would be to do the very
reverse.—(Hear, hear.) His conviction was, that to
come to such a decision as the Noble and Learned
Lord would lead them would be a grievous bk' to the
peace and prosperity of Canada, and on that ground he
should feel it his duty to oppose the resolution.—(Hear.)
Lord LYNDHURST commenced by saying that he
had not been in the habit for a considerable time of ad-
dressing their Lordships, but on the present occasion he
felt that he was imperatively called on by a duty he owed
to their Lordships and to the Crown to express his dis-
approbation of the conduct which had been exhibited
towards the Noble Lord at the head of the Government
in Canada. No one could by possibility feel more
strongly than he did upon the treatment he had received
—the insults and perils to which he had been subjected
—and no one could more strongly condemn those intem-
perate acts which had distinguished the conduct of a por-
tion of that population. It was not his intention to go
into the question of responsible Governments, but this
he would say, that there might be cases which would
render it necessary for this country to interfere.—(Hear,
hear.) The question was a very narrow question, and
turned on the construction of the Act of Parliament, and
his objection to it was, that it rewarded rebels.—
(" Hear, hear," from Lord Brougham and the Oppo•
sition Lords.) Those who peritled their lives and
who shed their blood to put down the rebellion were
now to be taxed to remunerate the very persons
who had been in rebellion for the losses they
may have sustained. —(" Hear, hear," from Lord
Brougham.) He approved of the amnesty when it
was promised, but he knew of no case where persons
who had been in rebellion had not".only received the be-
nefit of an amnesty, but also had been rewarded for the
part they took, and had been remunerated for the loss
they had sustained on account of their own rebellious
acts.—(Hear, hear.) He could not avoid referring to Sir
Allan 111• Nab, who had been alluded to in the course of
the debate, and who bad been sneered at by the Noble
Earl on the opposite side (Earl Grey) as if his conduct
had not entitled him to their respect and admiration.—
(Hear, hear.) Now he (Lord Lyndhurst) begged to in-
form their Lordships that Sir Allan M‘Nab was at the
head of his troops at the battle of Toronto, but had not
been in action, as the rebels fled at their approach. He
had also been with his troops on another occasion, when
the rebels had decamped, and on various occasions had
exhibited his activity and loyalty. For this conduct Sir
Allan had received distinct thanks from the Governor•
General of Canada, Lord Seaton, and he had afterwards
received thanks from the Crown, and the title was con-
ferred on him, which, although one not very high in
point of rank, was nevertheless valuable as a reward and
acknowledgment of his services. The question they had
to deal with resolved itself, as he had remarked, into a
very narrow compass—the consideration of the Act
of Parliament. The provisions of that Act embraced
all persons engaged in the rebellion, with the exception
of those alluded to in the proviso, and the effect of the
Act was to reward and compensate persons in the rebel-
lion.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition side.) Let him
refer to the case of Mr. Papineau. Now he eidhiut sub-
mit; he absconded and went to the United States, and
afterwards passed to France, and be did not return till
the Queen's pardon was proclaimed, and then he returned
to Canada.—(Hear, hear.) Was it not clear, he would
ask, that Mr. rupmeau was cue cn, of r.ho
fathers of the rebellion? and yet he would be entitled to
compensation under the provisions of theelAct.—("Hear,"
from Lord Brougham.) The role that was followed in
construing all Acts of Parliament was, that whatever did
not come within tile exceptions of the Act came as a
matter of course within the sphere of its operation. What
then was the fact, that the prime instigator, who had
voted for the Bill giving compensation, was entitled to
make his cleiet for having sustained loss.—(hear,
hear.) Was not that an affront to the loyal people
of Canada, who had exerted themselves in
aiding to put down the rebellion ? And from whom
was the compensation to be received? From this coun-
try? No; bat from the very persons by whose loyalty
and by whose bravery he had been defeated in his re-
bellious attempt.—(Hear, bear, from the Opposition.)
Let their Lordships take the case of the late rebellion
in Ireland—the leaders of it had been tried—bad been
convicted, and were to be transported. Suppose, after
a time, that her Majesty was to grant these individuals
a pardon, and that by the revolution of events they were
to return to this country, and were to become members
of the Government, and suppose that they were then to
propose a measure to give compensation to those who
had been engaged with them in the rebellion, was there
one in that House who would not express his deep detes-
tation of such a proposition?•,—(Hear, hear.) And yet
that was what was now doing in Canada.--(Hear, hear.)
The principal party who brought in
the Bill evidently
did so for the purpose of rewarding his associates in
rebellion. It had been said by the Noble Ear! that
Mr. Lafontaine had not been engaged in the rebellion.
But what was the fact? In 1837 Mr. Lafontaine saw
the danger, and he came over to this country. The
Executive Colleen, however, issued a warrant for his
apprehension, and, upon hearing of that, he went to
France, and he never returned to Canada till alter the
amnesty had been proclaimed. Yet, the Noble Earl
had told them that Mr. Lafontaine had challenged in-
quiry. He (Lord Lyndhurst) had a great respect for the
Judgment and abilty of the Noble Earl, but ho s:nust say
that some of the shifts he had resorted to in the.course
of his speech were really ludicrous. He conjured their.
Lordships to treat the subject under consideration with
seriousness, The Noble Earl had inquired how that'
were to find out who were the parties engaged in tha:
rebellion, but by the records of the courts in which they
were tried? But, did the Noble Earl mean to say, that
all who bad been engaged in the rebellion, bad been
tried? Why, Lord Colborne had taken 800 prisoners,
some of them with arms in their hands, and the names of
352 only had appeared. What, then, was to hinder
some of these parties claiming compensation, and for the
loss of their time while they were detained prisoners?—
(Hear and laughter.) Upon these grounds he was
opposed to the measure. He was surprised, knowing
the ability of the Noble Earl, at the careless manner in
which he had gone through the Act. The Noble Earl
then cited some of the clauses, and said that under ono
of them the 800 persons he had alluded to might claim
compensation for the very arms they were found to be
in possession of when they were taken prisoners.—
(Hear.) Compensation could also be claimed for any
loss sustained in the suppression of the rebellion, from
force used by her Majesty's troops, and compensation
could also be claimed by owners of premises which had
been used for purposes of defence by her Majesty's troops.
There was another class he had been reminded of by his
Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougham), namely,
104 persons who had been outlawed for treason.—
These persons could also claim compensation under the
Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Were their Lordships then pre-
pared to sanction such a measure? Unless they treated
Canada as an independent state, he thought they were
bound to interfere to prevent the carrying out of the
measure he had described as one injurious to the empire
at large, and to that respect which they owed o the
British Crown.—(ilear, hear.) With respect t
to the
appointment of the. commission under the Act, he
would remark that when the Crown issued a commis-
sion the Crown had the pow
as is er of giviunng
er instructions,
but when a commission wsued dan Act of
Parliament, they were bound by it, and the Act could
not be qualified by any instructions given by the
Governor-General. It had been said that there was no
intention to give compensation to the rebels. Mr.
Baldwin had said so in a part of his speech, but he
(Lola! Lyndhurst) believed, nevertheless, that the Act
was passed with that intention.
Upper
not
Canada,toThe Noble Lord then
went on to remark upon the species of evidence which
might be recived before the commission, and next called
attention to the preamble to the Act, and to that proviso
which had been introduced, and according to which
compensationt s that
gti,vmenan,towathsolsoeyalpa,ratnd h
parties
they
had been actually engaged in that rebellion. It was no.
o ri o
hoto
sustained no less; but the loyalists in Toronto did. Why
t
should vll these suffer for losses sustained by rebels?
The Noble Earl said what were they to do? The alter-
natives were open to them. Pass the Bill and with it
keep up all the agitation in Upper Canada, which would
be followed by the most serious consequences. But an•
other course was open to them. Withhold the assent of
the Crown—that was no unusual course. The Attor-
ney-General said that there was no intention of com-
pensating rebels. Why, then, persevere in passing this
measure—bring in a Bill according to the intention which
had been expressed, and pass that instead. That would
be the cour.-e he would recommend, and it would enable
them to avoid the difficulties which ho contemplated
would follow on this Bill becoming lavv.—(llear.).
He
begged to apologise to their Lordships for entering more
at length upon this topic than he intended, Put be

done so because he felt it his imperative duty.—(Cheers.)
It was his intention in future to trespass but seldom on
their Lordships' attention.
Lord CAMPBELL said that his Noble and Learned
Friend had forgotten that the Bill was now law, and law
in operation, and if they advised to withhold the Royal
sanction, it could only be by interfering with the law in
Canada, aed annulling the acts of the Governor-General.
That would, indeed, be throwing oil upon the troubled
waters, and fanning the flames of discontent. He must
confess that he had heard with pain the speech of the
Noble and Learned Lord. He was in hopes that he had
returned to the cause of liberality—that he would have
remained attached to that cause, as he had begun, and
would have died in it.—("Oh," from the Opposition.) He
was old enough to remember his Noble and Learned
Friend a staunch Liberal, and when he would have sup-
ported this Bill, and ;rested the arguments against it es
they des rya, but he took a sudden turn, and associated
himself with those of whom he was accustomed to speak
by no meats with respeet.--(Cries of " Question.") He
then took another turn, and he was in hopes that he
would hive persevered in his new course.—(Loud cries
of " Question.") He not only supported the emancipa-
tion of the Catholics—(Order)—but actually assisted to
emancipate them.—(Cries of " Order.") He had been
a steady supporter of free trade.—(Question.) He,
was speaking to the question.—(Here loud cries of
" Question," arose from their Lordships, amidst much
laughter.) He was explaining that by whatever mo-
tives the Noble and Learned Lord was actuated—(res
newed cries of "Order," which drowned the conclusion'
of the sentence.) His Noble and Learned Friend, he
was afraid, was influenced with regard to the French
Canadians, by considerations that they were aliens in
race, in language, and in religion.—(Question.) It ap-
peared to him, that his Noble and Learned Friend had
taken a most perverted view of this Act of Parliament.
The question was upon the construction of the Act of
the Canadian Parliament. That Act followed the pre-
cedent of the Act with, respect to Upper Canada, which
was unrestricted in its language. It was proposed to do
the same justice to the Lower Province that was done to
the Upper Province. It would be most injurious to in-
troduce clauses in the last Act which were not to be
found in the Act for the Upper Province. Many there
suffered serious loss, and every objection made against
this Bill would apply with greater force to the first
Act. Now, he came to the construction of the
Act. Every lawyer knew what his Noble and
Learned Friend had laboured so much, that the con-
struction was to be taken from the words of the Act, and
not from the comments of the Governor. Upon the
words of
by theof
rebels. T
oAc he
The claimant
ed that
mustcompensationsho show
tha
that
ohuel dh ha
de
a
suffered a just loss. 17.1... ie ahe shown that, his
claim is just, it is to be instantly dismissed. Could M.
Papineau claim compensation? He apprehended not;
nor any person who had suffered in the act of rebellion,
because the claim of such a person would not be just, he
not being a loyal subject. If every claimant before he
could receive compensation was to prove that he was a
loyal subject, it would lead to great injustice and oppres-
sion. If Mr. Wilson's amendment had been carried,
great inconvenience would have followed. In every
case there might be an objection taken, and then, in ef-
fect, a trial for high treason would follow. It would
have led to interminable inquiry, and often to great in-
justice. And in every case where a party was convicted
of rebellion the most serious results would follow.
Under those circumstances, it was expedient to reject
that amendment. This Bill being now the law of the
land, the question is, should it be disallowed. It was
said that the United States had an eye to this province.
He believed that nothing would more delight the United
States than the passing of the motion of the Noble and
Learned Lord. It would give rise to a war of classes,
with all its disastrous consequences. For these reasons
he trusted that their Lordships would be of opinion that
her Majesty's representative had acted wisely in giving
his assent to this measure.
Lord STANLEY said he had listened to the able,
lucid, and powerful speech of his Noble and Learned
Friend behind him (Lord Lyndhurst) with anything but
pain, and rather with admiration.—(Loud cries of
"Hear, hear," from the Opposition.)—The conciseness
and force with which he grappled with the argument
showed the undiminished vigour of his intellect, and he
should have thought that if there was any one feeling
which it was possible to have after that speech, it was
in no way akin to that which could have induced the
Noble and Learned Lord (Lord Campbell) to meet it by
unworthy taunts.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) His
high position, his great experience, his high character,
his distinguished and eminent ability, might have
secured him in the honoured decline of his years from
that insult.—(Loud and general cheers from the Oppo-
sition.) If it was the case that the Noble and Learned
Lord had listened with pain to the speech of his Noble
and Learned Friend (Lord Lyndhurst), he was sure that
few of their Lordships sympathised with him in that
opinion; for he was much mistaken if the great majority
of them did not listen to it with a great deal of pleasure,
—(Hear.) In addressing himself to the question before
the House, he did not mean to repudiate what was said
by the Noble Earl the Secretary for the Colonies, iu
respect to responsible Government, so far as the
Colonies were concerned; but while he made that ad-
mission, he wished to qualify it by saying, that he did
not think the Government of a party was good for their
colonies. At the same time, he was hound to say
that he had so far given countenance to that system by
not having objected to the admission of Lafontaine into
the Government of Canada. But while he admitted the
principle on which be was admitted, he having been the
minister of the people's choice, he could not go farther;
for were he to do so, and say that the man so admitted
was to exercise a control over the representative of the
Sovereign in that particular colony—that he was to in-
st.:gate ;a ovx.tfkot uai Ey •vich the wishes of his
party, and from them through the Legislature, then he
said that such a system was subversive; of the law and
practice of this country. Were such to be the case it
would be a perfect farce to say that the Government of
this country was responsible for the actions of the Go-
vernor-General of Canada.—(Hear, hear.) It had been
said that this measure had received the consent of the
Canadian Parliament, and that therefore it would
be wrong in that House to reject it, or to find
fault with it. But if such doctrine were admitted, if it
was said now that a certain Bill having received the as-
sent of the local legislature in Canada, and that conse-
quently it must be recognised and adopted by that House
and the Government of this country, then he said that
the constitution of Canada was much more democratic
than was that of the United States.-e-(Hear.) If the
Primo Minister of Canada was to have the Never of ad-
vising the Governor-General in all such cases,-what was
the use of the Legislative Council of Canada? And he
had no hesitation in saying that were such a system at-
tempted to be carrried out, a legislative body, elected by
some other party than the Legislative Assembly was at
present, would be found necessary. The Legislative
Assembly of Canada had been increased by twelve mem-
bers since last year, and it was no answer to him to say
that the m ijority of them were of British origin, for it
was the fact that they were elected to carry this par-
ticular Bill.—(Hear, hear.) What would be the effec
if on any particular measure one hundred and fifty ad-
ditional peers were introduced into that House for the
purpose of carrying such measures as the Government of
the day might deem necessary? Would not that be
thought a measure of the greatest injustice?—(Hear.)
,But that was what had been done in Canada, and, by
having recourse to it, they had introduced a system more'
democratic than was the system of Government of the
United States. The question then came to be, in
what respect was the Government of this country to
interfere ? The Noble Earl had said, what was
the use of calling up old recollections ? No
such thing, said the Noble Earl, was done after
the rebellion of 1745. But was there ever any mea-
sure for giving compensation to those who had been
engaged in the rebellion of 1745 attempted to be
pressed upon the country?—(Hear, hear.) It was be-
cause the present measure rewarded rebellion, and
called on innocent parties to compensate unconvicted
rebels that it was considered unjust.—(Hear, hear.) So
far as Upper Canada was concerned, be did not believe
that it was the intention of the Acts passed by the Par-
liament of that province to compensate rebellion. The
first measure passed by that Parliament was for the
purpose of giving compensation to those who had
sustained losses in consequence of their property having
been destroyed by' the rebels. An Act was subsequently
passed, ex-tending the provisions of thethe Act to losses
sustained vot only by the ravages of rebels,
from the acts of her Majesty's forces in crushing that
rebellion. When !Ist .Act came to be discussed, he
had the honour to hold the seals of the Colonial-
office, and the nature of the claims submitted for
compensation was in strict accordance with the
terms of that Act. To show the necessity for its
being enacted, he stated the case of a person who
had allowed his property to be destroyed, in order
to forward the operations of her Majesty's troops
against the rebels, who was not considered entitled
to compensation under any of the existing Acts,
and it was to meet that case that the Act of 1834 was
passed. In no case, however, did ho believe that a single
sixpence was given in compensation to a rebel under it.
—(Hear, hear.) The Noble and Learned Lord (Lord
Campbell) had said that there was no difference between
the
ebryand a
eioL,ow„As:ht
loyaltynlne Canada;ooy tr) sa
thei
dpass buttn
that
inhabitants,
sA,ahniic
tlt t
es nottforihn the
the fact, that while in Upper Canada the rebellion was
y
alm casesostputofd
own
Lower Canada it required a large number of her Ma-
jesty's troops to suppress it? And while the Noble and
Learned
Upper
Canada?
aLnoardo Lord had
he
e said,
d Lower Canada, as a similar one had been passed for
Act passed for Upper Canada might not strictly have
excluded rebels from compensation, yet the present one
had a far less chance of doing so in Lower Canada,
where they were much more numerous, and therefore he
objected to it. It was said that all rebels would be ex-
cluded under the Act, as only those were to be beard who
had just claims of compensation. But would the Noble.
and Learned Lord say that those outlawed would
be in-
eluded, or that those parties taken with armhsyin t e
i
their
halide would be excluded ? it
"s
saisdvhowweregonot ?
such inquiry as to who were rebels, or r s
are bound to
But under under this Act the Com
re sustained. The Noble
compensation was claimed we
ch about the injustice
and Learned Lord had talked mu
ts r compensation in this case
vestigrste under what circums
of putting the clairna" mtainscselosnthe losses for which
fur hi h t
-that they had been
them to admit, the Noble Lord sari,
rebels. But where was the har.dship otf_comelng those
parties who clainldtheeoimr ploesnsseastioHn
etoha tell in what anner
d not the slightest
they had sustained under, as it were, a trial g reason. Why compel
doubt but that when the present measure was proposed,
it was the intention of Lord Elgin% advisers to have com-
pensated rebels. That was far from the policy pursued
by the late Governor-General of Canada, Lord Metcalfe.
—(Hear.) Having been officially connected with that
Noble Lord, lie could state, to the credit of his memory,
that while beset with difficulties, while labouring under a
most painful disease, he never for a monent shrunk from
the performance of his duty, and he never would have con-
sieteel to the passing of such a measure as the present.

About ten days previously to Lord itletcaliete resigna- • But he did say, that when a man like Lord E'gin ,
tion he instituted a strict inquiry
.into the losses sus- after full consideration of the teitj.,ct, thought that
tained by the loyal subjects of Canada during the rebel- such a measure was required, he deserved the -respect
lion, and thus discovered who were the persons worthy and support of their Lordships, and not their con•
of being indemnified, and who were not; but such was demnation.—(Cheers.)
not the course adopted by Lord Elgin, far on the 12th Lord BROUGHAM replied. The Noble Marquis
of December last, when he issued orders to inquire into had said that, having given representative institutions
the losses of the Lower Canadians, he made no distinc- to a colony, the occasions were rare when they should
tion between the loyal subjects, and those who had been interfere with it. lie admitted it, and the onus lay upon
armed in the field against her Majesty's forces. The him. Ile accepted it. Unless they were rare and ex- .*
Noble Earl (Earl Grey) had already stated that the traordinary occasions, they had no right to interfere. - ,
limitations of this Bill were sufficient, and that no in- If they were to vote money to a foreign enen', they.
vidious distinction was to be made by the Commitsioners would clearly be acting wrong ; and, for his otstn part, -: *
of Inquiry, except between those who were, and those he saw no difference between voting money to a foreign • -
who were not convicted of treason. He was at a loss to enemy and to rebels against the Government.—(Hear.)
know how those Commissioners could try the matter The Commissioners had no discretion. Lord Elgin had•
properly, when they were instructed not to interfere no discretion. The Government was responsible, and
with any who were not convicted as rebels, an 1 particu- in the bands of M. Lafontaine and M. Geraud, the
larly when they had not the power of almittistering an brother of the rebel; sad even according to . the Bill it •
oath. He believed that there was no ineentiott on tlte self and their own words, the cornpensatitni wee only to
part of Lord Elgin to limit this Bill to parties who be given far just claims; el that, according to their own
were not convicted ; for, from what had taken place showing, there must be an inquiry before compensation
in discussing the measure, he considered that could be awarded. Ile would only add, that if this was
there was enough to show that the Noble Duke not a c ise tor the interference of the Crown such a case
was in error all through; and he was well an are that could never arise, for, cxc pt in the instance of voting
in the course of that discussion numerous qeestioes on money to a foreign enemy, he could conceive of no
that point, as to their being rebels, which the Ministry strong r ground for its interposition; and with that
on all occasions avoided, by every possible ingenuity to remark' he would leave the resolution in the hands of
answer. Oue of the members of the Canadian House of their Lordships.
Representatives (Hr. Cameron) said that be hoped that Ea.l GREY did not believe that any warrant was ever
there would be no Star Chamber transactions, but that sent to this country against M. Lafontaine. Certainly
everything would be done openly, and that all who suf- he had never heard of it, and he was pet fectly per-
fered would be compensated. Mr. nitwits said that ell suailsd no such warrant was ever issued against him.
who had been convicted of high treason slaeull be Ex- Teis he knew—that covered by an Act of indemnity, M.
eluded from the benefit of the 131, but that it was im Lafontaine went back toCanuda and challenged inquiry.
possible to say who were or who were not. Mr. Drum- His impression was that when he was here and had his
mond stated tho Act of Amnesty did away with all petition presented he had the advantage of finding, from
charge against those who advocated rebellion, and that the Noble and Learned Lord the greatest possible sym-
the time was not far distant when all would receive com- paty for his wrongs and the wrongs of his country.—
pensation for their losses; and also the President of the (Laughter.)
Council spoke in favour o compensating those who had Alter a few words from Lord BROUGHAM,
been guilty of high treason. From all those circum- Their Lordships divided. The numberss were—
stances be thought that he had given sufficient proof that Content—Present
the Ministry of Lord Elgin were for compensating those Proxies ... ... 42-96
rebels. The only exception that he knew of was Mr. Not-coutent—Present ... ... 46
Jones, who resisted that project by stating the converse. Proxies ... ... 53-99
tion he had with Mr. Lafontaine, which he would read to
their Lordships, to the effect that the latter replied to his
question, that all engaged in arms against the Q teen would
be entitled to compensation by this Bill, and by this
means Lord Elgin listens with too much credulity to the
advice of his Ministers, who, as he (Lord Stanley) had
proved, are prepared to compensate even rebels who had
been in arms during the rebellion of 1837 and 1838; and
the question now was, will the House of Lords acquiesce
in the principle :of the Secretary of State, who hes
already suttee that Lido ,a,a nob ci quectinn that would
affect the interests and honour of the Crown and the
safety of the Canadian people, and that this Bill would
be the means of throwing oil on the troubled wa ers.
He hoped that their Lordships would support the
motion of his Noble Friend (Lord Brougham), as it
was not to address her Majesty, but to delay the Bill
until a better one should be substituted, as there was a
very great anomaly in many of the clauses of this
measure. He looked upon the measure as one of very
great importance, and as one which required of their
Lordships to call for the interposition of the Crown, so
as to prevent such mischievous legislation. He thought
i that the time for suppressing animosity of war races had
arrived, and that the system of packing the Legislature of
that country should be put an end to, for every circumstance
belonging to that Bill, showed that such a step had been
taken, the haste with which it was carried, the import-
ance of the large minority and the self-interest of the
majority. Thus he thought that was the time for effect-
ing peace and happiness for those colonies, when the
present Ministry came into office, but so favourable an
opportunity was slighted and overlooked, to the disap-
pointment of all persons.
Lord CAMPBELL briefly explained.
The Earl of ST. GERMANS said that he did not
wish to give his vote in silence on this occasion, because
this question originated with the Government with
which he had the honour to' be connected, and he, there-
fore, felt that he would not act a manly and straight-
forward part if he did not give his reasons for his oppo-
sition to the motion of the Noble Lord (Lord
Brougham). The Noble Lord then entered into the
history of the Governors-General before and since the
Canadian Parliament was established, how Lord Dur-
ham had investigated into the condition of the Canadas
and had reported the benefit that would accrue from a
union in the Parliaments of the two colonies, which had
been acted upon by the Imperial Legislature. He then
eulogised Lard Elgin, and deprecated any interference on
the part of their Lordships with respect to any measure
passed by that local Government for their own interests,
particularly as the House of Commons had, by a great
majority, agreed to leave the management of their local
affairs to themselves.
Lord LANSDOWNE said that he thought the ground
on which his hopes rested had been already stated by
his Noble Friend (Earl Grey); but he should confess
that be never stood in the same situation as at present
on so important an occasion, because this was the first
time since the Canadian Parliament was constituted that
any opposition had been offered to the transactions of
that Parliament by the Imperial Legislature.—(Hear,
hear.) Since the full benefit of Constitutional Govern-
ment had been given to Canada, it had worked well, and
this was the first time that their Lordships had been
called upon to decide whether it was a substance or a
shadow. The question they were called upon to decide
was one of the most difficult nature, arising from ex-
tended empire. There was great difference in the cir-
cumstances of each colony, and according to these they
must judge as to the best form of Government in a small
colony, where intelligence was confined to a email sec-
tion of the community. That Government might be
best carried on by a large power on the part of the
parent country, but, where the large Proportion of the
people were in possession of these qualities, they hal a
right to what might be culled Constitutional Goveni
inent—(Hear, hear)—and, he trusted, that not only
i Canada, but many other large provinces, might enjoy
that form of Government. But there was a third form,
when they had given a colony a constitutional form
of Government, and remain jealous of its exercise.
They must riot give a government to be held in leading
strings, because they differed from the action of the pro.
vincial legislature, or call in the whole power of the
parent state to override its decisions. lie would remind
their Lordships that this was no question of principle
but one of detail, and that in order to make it appear a
question of principle, the Noble and Learned Lord had
assumed the very question of principle, by speaking of
the Bill as one for rewarding criminals. He utterly
denied it. If the Bill was of the character described, it
should have in the first place enacted-that rebels should
be rewarded. But it did nothing of the kind. If its
principle had been that, he would say that it was carried
out very imperfectly. No one 'could be said to be cri-
minals except those who had been convicted.—(Cheers.)
But what did the Noble and Learned Lord ask them to
do? Simply this, that having given the people of
Canada a constitutional Government, they were to
disallow its conclusions, and, without any knowledge of
the facts, equal to that possessed by those who passed
the measure without considering the Bill, clause by
clause, to reject the Bill thus passed.—(Cheers.) But
they were told this was not the expression of the opinion
of the people of Canada. Who were they to take as the
people of Canada ? Were they to take those Who had.
burned the Parliament-house.—(Hear, hear.) 'lle be'
lieved that Noble Lords on the other side of the House
would, on any other question, argue in the same way.—
(Hear, hear.) He would call to their recollection that
in Canada there was a council composed of men of here;
ditary families, in which respect it resembled that Housel
He asked if that House was of recent creation, but it was
said that numbers had been added by Lord Elgin; that
was true; but large additions had been made to the
Council by previous Governoreassed he asked their Lord-
ships if, in the progress of a couture', such additions were
not absolutely necessary. But he asked at the same time
if, after the lapse of twelve years, without disturbance,
it was just to keep hanging over the heads of the French
Canadians the imputation of dislo3 alty, and to exclude
from the Council all who belonged to that race.—(Hear,
hear.) Nothing could be more calculated to
destroy the character of this country for
justice and impartiality, and thus to weaken
its • influence. The Noble and Learned Lord
had himself received M. Lafontaine when he came to
to this country with that hospitality which distin-
guished his treatment of illustrious exiles. He was
certain he would net have done so if he had considered
him a convicted rebel. M. Lafontaine did not wait till
the Act of Indemnity was passed, but went back to Ca-
nada, trusting in his character and conduct, and was
received in a generous spirit by Lord Durham.—(l-lear,
hear.) But there were now aspersions thrown upon M.
Lafontaine because he was of French extraction, and
i upon the Government as a French one. What was the
fact ? that out of ten or twelve there were only three
French members. He said that if we meant to keep
Canada, we must not exclude the r, preseatatives of one
half of the population irons a share of the French Go-
vernment. He believed that a growing feeling existed
among the French population, that of all the people in
the world they were those who would gain the least by
annexation' to the United States.—(Hear.) And further,
that the increasing liberality of the British Government
was producing an impression on their minds which
attached them strongly to that Government, as
the one best calculated to promote their interests, and
that of the colony generally.—(Cheers.) The Noble
and Learned Lord said this Bill was the wodrkthoofsae
1 tyrant majority, because it proposed !do rewealr .
of
who have suffered, without
this re
c ex
shat . ,
those who had taken part in this rebellion, an in
opposition to the loyal feeling of the people in the co-
lony. Ile found that principle first laid down in a
resolution affirming the necessity of giving compensation
to the inhabitants of Lower Canada for losses during
the rebellion. That resolution was passed not by the
French majority, but by the exclusively loyal section
of the population, who now protested against it.
The Canadian Assembly had only adopted that
resolution with exclusions which were not men-
tioned in it, and at that time Noble Lords had their
correspondents in Canada, as they had now, and they
they then said nothing about danger, and he said it was
now too late for them to come forward and object to it.
—(Hear, hear.) Ile admitted that the Bill might have
been more carefully worded; but he asked, having
given the colony a constitution, would they enter upon
a contest with it upon the mere wording of a Bill ?
(lean) The Noble and Learned Lord had called upon
them to consider the consequences of their votes He
equally did so. It was an important vote. He had seen
occasions on which this House had been called upon to
disagree with the decisions of the other House of Par-
liament with local Legislatures, and to censure the con-
duct of governors, but never before had he heard of
that House being called upon, without full deliberation,
to disagree wiili the other House of Parliament, with
the local Legislature, and with the Governor of the
Colony invested with the Queen's authority. It was un-
necessary for him to say that the occasions were few
and rare when such a power should be exercised.

Majority against the resolutions 3
The HOuse adjourned at a Q iarter past Two o'clock.

FLOATING OF THE BRITANNIA
BRIDGE OVER THE MENAI STRAITS.
MENAI STRAITS, TUESDAY EVENING.—This great
engineering achi..vement was accomplished to-day with
ex nor... Unary éclat. Unfortunately the morning opened
unpropitiousiy, with a high south-west wind; but as the
........e....a tr,,,,rds the meridian the wind dropped, the
rain discontinued, and the weather, as welt as every-
thing else, worked well for the coming off of the ex-
periment. The scene, as early as six o'clock, presented
a very busy appearance, multitudes of men depositing
the buoys and shipping the enormous cables from the
London and Manchester platforms of the works. Ap-
prehensions were entertained in the early part of the
day whether the wind and tide would be sufficiently calm
to allow of the operation. The tide, at this time, was 17
feet, and the force of the wind raised it another foot.
The signals, consisting of different coloured flags, under
the direction of Mr. Steph,nson, were placed on the dif--
ferent capstans, for the guidance of the process employed
in navigating the great tube, en the Anglesey shore, and
at other points. Early in the morning the tube was
lowered three feet upon its piers, so as to enable it to
start earlier, and take advantage of the tide at high

water.
Steamers up the straits—the Prince of Wales, Cam-
bria, and Ayrshire Lassie, from Liverpool; with trains
from Manchester, Chester, Holyhead, Liverpool, and
other parts, came trooping in throughout the day. The
arrivals, in addition to those already given, include
Lord Newborough, Lord Mostyn, Mr. Duff, M.P., Mr.
Chapman, Chairman of the Sheffield and Lincolnshire
Railway ; Sir C. Smith, Sir J. Williams, Archdeacon
Jones, Mr. Samuda, civil engineer; Mr. Parsons, direc-
tor of the Brighton Railway; Mr. I3orthwick, civil en-
gineer; Mr. Guppy, Mr. Berkley, civil engineer; Mr.
Vignolles, and many others, with the resident gentry.
A brief description of the works of one of the largest
engineering structures of the day will fully illustrate the
arduousness of the task involved in the vast operation.
The masonry work, by reason of its gigantic charac-
ter, attracted great attention. The abutments on either
side of the straits are huge piles of masonry. That on
the Anglesey side is 143 feet high and 173 feet long.
The abutment on the Carnarvonshire side is nearly as
!arge, but owing to the elevation of the ground, the
masonry is less in altitude. The wing walls of both
terminate in splendid pedestals, and on each are two
colossal lions couchant, of Egyptian design, lifting their
limestone foreheads in the face of every train. These
lions, lilts the tube they adorn, are on a gigantic scale,
each being 25 feet long, 12 feet high, though crouched,
9 feet abaft the body, and each paw 2 feet 4 inches.
Each weighs 30 tons. They contain, in tote, 8,000 cubio
feet of stone, and weigh, one and all, 120 tons. There
is some intention of surmounting the central tower with
a colossal figure of Britannia, in stone, 60 feet high.
The towers for supporting the tube are of a like mag-
nitude with the entire work. The Great Britannia
Tower in the centre of the straits is 62 by 52 feet at its
base upon the rock; its total height from the bottom 230
feet; it contairs 148,625 cubic feet of limestone, and
141,625 of sandstone; it weighs 20,000 tons, and there
are 387 tons of cast iron bult into it in the shape of
beams and girders. Its provirce is to sustain the four
eeds of the four long iron Mist s which will span the
straits from shore to shore. The total quantity of stone
contained in the bridge is 1,500,000 cubic feet. The side
towers stand at a clear distance of 460 feet from the great
central Sewer, and again the abutments stand at a dis-
tance from the side towers of 230 feet, giving the entire
bridge a total length of 1,849 feet, the date of this pre-
sent year of gniee. The side or land towers are each 62
feet by 52 het at the base, and 190 feet high. They
contain 210 tons of cast iron.
Another point of attracii, n duricg the morning was
the huge stages and scaffolding, probably the most ex-
tensive ever constructed. They are of the same charac-
ter as that employed at the New Houses of Parliament,
The scaffolding of the tower is very lofty, and the weight
it has to support is 1,300 tons. The framing round the
Britannia Tower rises to the vast height of nearly 250
feet. The entire scaffolding is capable of sustaining
2,000 tons. There are in it 570,000 cubic feet of timber
and 20 tons of iron bolts. The chief centre of attraction,
however, was the interior and exterior of the novel and
gigantic tubes—the one floated on the pontoons, and the
others as they lay upon their platforms, presenting the
appearance of stupendous iron tunnels. As these were
the lions of the day, and as one of the largest was safely
floated to its final resting place, interest will attach to
its description, and a description of the one in question
will be a description of them all. The length of the
great tube transported yesterday is exactly 470 feet,
being 12 feet longer than the clear span between the
towers, and the greatest span as yet attempted. This ad-
ditional length is intended to afford a temporary bearing
of 6 feet at each end after they are raised
into their places, until there is time to form
the connexion between them across the towers. Their
greatest height is in the centre 30 feet, and
diminishing towards the end to 22 feet. Each tube con-
sists of tides, top and bottom, all formed of long narrow,
wrought-iron plates, varying in length from 12 feet
downward. The direction in which these plates are laid
and rivetted together is governed by the direction of
the strains in the different parts of the tube. They are
of the same manufacture as those for making boilers,
varying in thickness from three eighths to three-fourths
of an inch. Some of them weigh nearly 7 cwt., and are
among the largest it is possible to roll with any existing
machinery. In the sides the plates are 6 and 8 feet long,
and half an inch thick; but the longest plates are in the
bottom,: being 12 feet long by 2 feet 4 inches wide,
arranged in double layers. At the top they )are 6 feet
in length and 1 foot 9 inches in breadth. The con.
flexion between top, bottom, and sides is made much
more substantial by triangular pieces of thick plate,
rivetted in across the corners to enable the tube ,to
resist the cross or twisting strain to which it will be ex-
posed from the heavy and long-continued gales of wind
that, sweeping up the channel, will assail it in its
lofty and unprotected position. The rivets, of which
there are 2,000,000, each tube containing 327,000, are
more than an inch in diameter. They are placed in
rows, and were put in the holes read hot, and beaten
with heavy hammers. In cooling they contracted
strongly, and drew the plates together so powerfully,
that it required a force of from four to six tons to each
rivet to cause the plates to slide over each other. The
total weight of wrought iron in the tube floated yester-
day is 1,600 tons. It has been constructed by Messrs.
Garforth, of Dukinfield, Manchester; and the others
try Mr. C. Mire, of Blackwall. The trains will 'pass
through them, over the straits, at 100 feet above high
water. The names of the gentlemen who have been
contiguously engaged on this great work since_lrB4;
Captain Moorsow, the resident director; M
rank
Foeste
ar,s
sis n
residenttt n
e engineer;
gineers;
Messrs. Messrs.
ssrs. s
E.ovyl.l:
anedl.HmCela rot
Hemming-
way,
way, and Pearson, contractors for the masonry; Messrs.
Mare, the celebrated shipbuilders of Blackwall; and
Messrs. Garforth, of Dukinfield, contractors for the iron
tubes; Mr. J. Greaves, general manager of the ma-
sonry; Messrs. J. and A. Greaves, contractors for the
scaffolding and stages; Mr. J. Campbell, engineer of the
tube work; and Messrs. J. Morris and H. Hodgkinsou,
managers of it, all of whom were present yesterday.
At three o'clock the spectators, by tens of thousands,
had taken their place upon the piers. The tubes and
shores on either side of the straits for a mile in length
presented a vast amphitheatre of human beings. he
pilots, to the extent of 200 or 300, took their stand on
the pontoons, to ply the gigantic tackle. As many more
stood ready for action at the cap taus; thecable s, six
inches in thickness and of league-long lengths, were
attached to the steamers that were to have the towing
of the tremendous freight. All eyes were fixed, with
mingled feelings of confidence and fear, on the gigantic
fabric, upon which Mr. Stephenson and Captain
Claxton, who formed, if it may he so said, the
teens animat molem, amid the ominous silence of the
surrounding thousands. Soon after the utmost excite-
ment ensued, on the first signal, that of the sudden
springing up, on the Auglsea side of the first signal
slag, and a shrill strain from the trumpet of Cap-
tain Claxton, from the top of the tube, to the pilots to
take the tide and pipe all hands for the exploit. This
was responded to by a loud burst of enthusiasm from the
seamen, whose immense efforts, united to those of the
steam- tugs, told upon the screws and tackles, and upon
the hitherto motionless monster, who then glided very
slowly, and amid intervals of increasing cheers and sa-
lutation, without injury or jar, and with a majesty that
could only be compared to that of a mountain moving on
the waters, to the site of its final resting place.

We have since received, by Electric Telegraph, a die-
patch which states, that during the operation one of the
capstans broke, and that the floating of the tube ws,s put
of until seyen o'clock this morning.