The Sun.
London, England, 1849-09-25 00:00:00

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SERIOUS ACCIDENT.—The Falmouth horse-race
and steeple-chase came off on Friday the 14th instant.
The pleasure of the day's sport was interrupted by the
falling of the grand stand, whereby many persons have
been seriously injured. One gentleman had his thigh
broken, another his arm, and many others have sustained
injuries more or less serious. The wonder is that more
serious consequences have not resulted. It appears that
a stage, or stand, for the accommodation of persons,
was raised to the height of from twenty-five to thirty
feet, to enable the spectators to witness the whole of the
ground. As the horses were returning froml,the steeple-
chase, a rush was made on the t tage to catch a sight of
the winning horse, when the stage suddenly gtive way,
tumbling the persons it contained over each other.
Fortunately for those who had booths undtr the stage,
with the company usually occupying such places ou a
race-course, who had as great a desire to witness the
winning horse as those above, they rushed out to catch
a glimpse also, which was but a moment: before the
stage gave way, burying everything beneath it, other-
wise the loss of life must have been immense. As it
was, the loss of property was considerable ; one pub-
lican had every glass, bottle, and cup broken, and all the
contents of the bottles and jars wasted.—Devenpo t
Telegraph.
The result of the investigation of the Crown
authorities into the fall of the bridge at Roxburgh, on
the line of the North British Railway, by which several
persons were killed and injured, is the indictment for
trial at the next assizes of the contractor and resident
engineer.—Newcastle Journal.
Dispatches were sent off yesterday evenir g, from tle
Colonial-office, for the Governors of Liong-long, Cey-
lon, and Malta.

GOVERNMENT.
MESSIEURS DE TOCQUEVILLE AND DI FALLOUX,
MINISTERS Or FRANCE.
Gentlemen,—lf in your speeches in the Assembly,
on the 6th and 7th of August, you had restricted
yourselves to calumniating me, I should have been
silent. Throughout my life I have nevsr felt any-
thing but indifference to calumny and contempt for
the calumniators. But you have calumniated an en-
tire revolution, holy in its right, and pure from all
excess in its career; a whole people, good, brave, and
remarkable for the attachment to order, and for the
capability of discipline which it has inherited from
its ancestors. You have, to serve your own ends—
you men of study and of calm philosophy—repeated
at the tribune the same commonplaces, of "anarchy,"
"foreign faction," and " terror," with which the
journalists, hired to prepare the way for anini-
quitous expedition, systematically fed the public
mind for the space of two .months. You have de-
liberately, with the smile of irony on your lips, cast
the slanders of reaction upon those who have died
for their awakening country. It is necessary, for
the honour of humanity, that some one should
protest. It is necessary, not for you, net for a par-
liamentary majority from which, under the influence
of egotism and brute force, all moral sense has de-
parted, but for those amongst you who suffer as we
suffer, for their lost liberty, and for the future of
France, that the voice of one honest man should be
heard, and should say to you :—" Gentlemen, your
eloquence is artifice, your faith hypocrisy ; through-
out the whole series of your declarations you have
done nothing but lie to France and to Europe. If
there is anything viler than the executioner, it is he
who insults the corpse, who deals a blow, like that of
her valet upon the pale cheek of Charlotte Corday."
I come forward, therefore, to protest in the name of
Rome. I know men who, for the honour of France,
ought now to do what I am doing; they are the
employes of your chancellerie at Rome,* whom I
have seen blush at the conduct of their Government,
and who thanked me for the protection afforded them,
and for the admirable conduct of the Roman
people ; but they feared dismissal from their
posts. I know others—these belong to us—
who from Rome itself, in the face of sacerdotal yen-
geaace, would now willingly protest against your
calumnies ; but your foreseeing administration has
deprived them of the only means of so doing, by sup-
pressing every journal in Rome except your own.t
Rome was without a Sovereign. The Pope had
deserted and fled, and fled to Gaeta. A Governmental
Commisson, which he had instituted, had refused to
act. Two deputations, sent one after the other,
entreating Pius IX. to return, were repulsed. It was
necessary to put an end to a state of things which
was inevitably leading to anarchy and civil war. It
was at one o'clock, on the morning of the 9th of
February, that the downfal of the temporal power,
and, as a consequence, the inauguration of the
republic were proclaimed. By whom ? By the
Constituent Assembly of the Roman States. In
what manner had that assembly been elected ? By
universal suffrage. Had there been—l speak not of
terror—but even any agitation, any influence illegally
exercised ? No, all had taken place calmly, quietly,
without corruption, without threats. Was the
minority imposing ? Out of one hundred and forty-
four members present eleven voices declared against
the proclamation of the Republic as inopportune ; five
against the abolition of the. temporal power. how
many amongst those whom you now stigmatise as
foreigners, how many Italians born out of the Roman
States were then seated upon the benches of the
assembly ? Two—Garibaldi and General Ferara. I
deceive myself—Garibaldi had already set out for
Rieti. It was not until some time later that Saliceti,
Cernuschi, Cannonieri, Dell Ongaro, and myself,
were elected. In what manner was the double pro-
clamation received by the populations ? Was there
through all the extent of the Roman territory a single
attempt at resistance, a single mark of dissent, a
single protestation in favour of the fallen power ?
No, not one. A few carabiniers on the frontiers of
Naples deserted, perhaps imagining themselves com-
promised by the arrests that they had been obliged to
make undor Gregory. And this was all. The towns
and the country saluted the Republic with a
common joy. The old municipalities, elected
under the Papal regime, sent in their adhesion, since
renewed by those elected by universal suffrage on the
11th of March. Piu3 IX. had still some personal
friends ; the Papal Government could not boast of
one. And later on, after the 30th, when the Govern-
ment on the eve of the quadruple invasion was obliged
to concentrate its forces, and could therefore retain
only a moral influence in the provinces—in the midst
of the financial crisis, and in spite of the efforts of
some few reactionaries, this, the conservative ele-
ment of the state, renewed again the testimony of a
spontaneous adhesion to the Republic. Bologna,
Ancona, Perugia, Civita Vecchia, Ferrara, Ascoli,
Cesena, Fano, Faenza, Forli, Foligno, Macerate,
Narni, Pesaro, Orvieto, Ravenna, Rieti, Viterbo,
Spoleto, Urbino, Terni ; two hundred and sixty-
three municipalities sent addresses declaring in the
name of the populations that the abolition of the
temporal power and the existence of the Republic
formed henceforth a double condition of life for the
Roman States.
The Constituent Assembly, consisting of 150 mem-
bers, the elite of the country, by the instincts of the
heart, if not by the force of intelligence, and of whom
seven only did not belong to the Roman States,
kept their seats without interruption until the moment
when brute force in violating the duties and the pro-
mises of France, dissolved them. It had dictated or
sanctioned everything that had been done from the
9th of February till the 2d of July.
And by whom did it govern ? First by an execu-
tive committee; two Romans, Armellini and Mon-
tecchi ; one Nepolitan, Saliceti; afterwards by the
Triumvirate—the same proportion. But below the
supreme executive, all that vivified and embodied
the principle of government, all that represented
or that affected the country in administration, in
the distribution of offices, in the every-day affairs of
State, was purely Roman. The President of the
Council under the Executive Committee, Muzzarelli;
the Minister of Grace and Justice, Sazzarini ; that
of Fcreign Affairs, Rusconi ; of the Interior, Saffi
and Mayer; of Finance, Guillioli and Manzoni , of
Public Works, Sterbini and Montecchi ; of War, Cam-
pello and Calandrelli—all belonged to the Roman
States. The Police (sicurizza pubblica) was succes-
sively directed by Mariani, Meucci, Meloni, and
Galvagni, all Roman subjects. The Ministry of
Public Instruction was entrusted to a Roman, Sturbi•
netti ; other Romans were charged with the direction
of the public debt, and of the statistical department,
and with the presidency of the High Court of Justice,
the direction of the hospitals, the Mint, &c. A com-
mission of seven, all Romans, Sturbinetti, Piacentini,
Salvati, Meucci, Allocatolli, Spada, Castellani, was
named to examine all applicatioas for employment:
Not a single president, not a single employe or
Government officer in the provinces, who was not born
a subject of the Roman State. Amongst all the
superior officers successively appointed from the first
to the last day of the Republic, I find but two men
who were not born Romans—Avezzana, Minister of
War, and Brambilla, a member of the financial com-
mittee—the latter of whem, however, had two fellow-
officers who were Romans, Valentini and Constabili.
And the army : —The small army concentrated in
Rome at the time of the siege was composed of the
Ist of the line, Colonel. De Pasqualis ; 2d ditto,
Colonel Gaucci Molari ; 3d ditto, Colonel Marchetti ;
all these Romans, soldiers and officers. Two light
regiments :—The first commanded by Masi, the very
man whom M. de Corcelles, in his dispatch of the
12th June, puts down as a foreigner, entirely Ro-
mans ; the second, commanded by Pasi, the same.
The Roman Legion, commanded by Galletti. The
Riflemen, commanded by Mellen, since dead of his
wounds, all Romans. The small body of the
.Reduci, Romans. The battalion Bignami, Romans.
The regiment called the Union, Romans. The
body of Carabiniers,
,General Galletti, Romans.
The Dragoons, Romans. Ile body of Engineers,
Romans ; the Artillery, Romans. All these, all the
chiefs I have already named, the Colonels Ilene,
Amadei, Berti Pichat, the General-in- Chief Roselli,
the Chief Intendants, first Gaggiotti, and afterwards
Salvati, the principal employes at the Ministry of
War, all Romans, represented the indigenous element.
Where, then, were the foreigners ? Garibaldi and
his legion, HO men; Arcioni and his legion, 300
men ; Manara, dead for liberty, and his Lombard rifle-
men, 500 men ; 200 Poles ; the foreign legion, 100
men ; the handful of brave men who defended the
Vasiello under Medici. Altogether, 2,000 men ; but
not really so many, because Arcioni's legion contained
at least:one-third of Romagnoli, because the little knot
of cavalry which formed part of Garibaldi's legion,
and which was commanded by Misina of Bologna,
dead on the field, were almost all Roman citizens,
and because half even of the foot soldiers of Garibaldi
belonged to the country.
The number of " foreigners" who assisted in the
defence of Rome was from 1,400 to 1,500 men; from
1,400 to 1,500 men amongst a total of 14,000; for it
is well that Italy should know that 14,000 men, a
young army without traditions, and improvised under
the very fire of the enemy, held in check for two

* Messrs. Degerando, Lerne, Astier, B‘o.
t Le Giornale di Roma.

months 30,000 soldiers of France. You know all this,'
gentlemen, or you could have known it, and therefore
you ought to have done so ; and nevertheless you
shamelessly gave out to the Assembly the number of
" foreigners" as 20,000, as a proof that after all it
was not the Roman idea that you had endeavoured to
stifle in blood; and upon this cipher of your own in-
vention depends the greater part of your argument.
Foreigners ! I entreat pardon of my country fur
having inscribed the word, after you, upon my page.
What ! Lombards, Tu3can3, Italians, foreigners at
Rome ! And it is by you, Frenchmen, by you who,
in re-establishing the Pontifical throne, have been
supported by Austrians and Spaniards, that this re-
proach is made. A year ago our provinces sent the
elite of their youth to fight upon the plains :of Lom•
bardy as to a convention of honour ; but Ido not
remember that Radetzky ever called them in his pro-
clamations foreigners. The absolute denial of Italian
nationality has been reserved for the nephew of him
who, at St. Helena, uttered these words :—" Unity of
manners, of language, of literature, show that Italy is
destined to form a single country."
The accusation of violence, of a reign of terror,
directed against the Republican Government, is an
accusation to which the lie is now solemnly given by
the facts of our defence. The armed enthusiasm of a
whole people i 3 not to be commanded by terror ;* and
you are compelled, gentlemen, either to calumniate
the valour of the French arms, or to confute your own
statements—to declare that a few factious individuals
were not only able to restrain a population of 160,000
souls, but also, for two months, to contend with and
often to conquer your army ; or, in order to preserve
yourselves from the stain of imbecility and cowardice,
to confess that the Government, the people, the Na-
tional Guard, and the army of Rome were all united
together as brothers in the common idea of liberty, and
of war to the enemies of the Republic. It is necessary
to speak of this, so that, at least, you cannot repeat
the absurd accusation without others being able to
reply, yours is a premeditated lie.
Pass by the assassination of Rossi, which has been
so often and so hypocritically cited. The Republic
inaugurated on the 9th of February, 1849, has no
occasion to exculpate itself from a deed which occurred
on the 16th of November, 1848, when the princely
party, the Moderates, the partisans of Charles Albert,
possessed the field, and drove away, or condemned to
absolute silence, the men of the Republican faith. No
one in Italy accuses your revolutions of having had
their rise in assassination, because the Duke of Berry
fell by the dagger, and five or six attempts at regicide
succeeded each other in the space of two years in
Paris. Mark the facts which, in every time, and in
every place, accompany every system supported by
violence. During nearly five months of Republican
government can you, gentlemen, point out a single
condemnation to death for a political offence ? A
single exile, founded upon political suspicions ? A
single exceptional tribunal instituted in Rome to
judge political offences ? A single newspaper sus-
pended by order of the Government ? A single de-
cree directed to restrain the liberty of the press ante-
rior to the siege ? If so, point them out. Point out
the laws originating in a system of terror ; point out
the ferocious bands of whom you speak ; point out the
victims of our rule—or resign yourselves to be
branded as liars.
In one of our declarations we said, " The Repub-
lican banner raised in Rome by the representatives of
the people does not represent the triumph of one frac-
tion of citizens over another; it represents a common
triumph, a victory gained by the many, accepted by
the immense majority, of the principle of good over
that of evil, of the common right over the arbitrary
rule of the few, of the sacred equality which God has de-
creed to all over privilege and despotism. We can-
not be Republicans without being and proving our-
selves better than the overthrown powers. . . We
are not the government of a party, but the govern-
ment of the nation. . . Neither intolerance nor
weakness. The Republic is conciliating and ener-
getic. The Government of the Republic is strong,
therefore fearless." In these lines were summed up
the Republican programme ; nor was it ever violated
by the men who ruled our Republic, as yours has been.
Ministers of France 1
And we were strong, strong in the love of the good
—the bad amongst us are but few ; strong in the
common consent of the citizens, and with a strength
differing widely from yours, gentlemen. We had no
necessity, in order to maintain ourselves in power, to
place the capital in a state of siege, to dissolve the
National Guard, to fill the prisions, to exile (amongst
others) the representatives of the people, to condemn
to transportation hundreds of working men, and to
surround ourselves by cannon and soldiers. Our ca-
pital was cheerful and happy under the weight of
sacrifice which sudden changes must always impose
upon a state, tranquil and serene when the presence
of your army under its walls might have provoked
the malcontents, if malcontents were to be found in
Rome, to acts of rashness. Our National Guards
furnished upwards of 7,000 men for active service
within the city and on the walls. Oar prisons were
all but empty of political offenders. Two or three
individuals strongly suspected of intercourse with
your camp, two or three cardinals taken in the very
act of conspiracy, and an official, Zatuboni, guilty of
desertion, were all who were under trial when M. de
Corcelles visited the prisons. The five or six
prisoners, Freddi, Alai, and the rest found by him in
the Castle of St. Angelo, were there by order of Pius
IX., and for plots against his Government. The men
most averse to the Republic, a Mamiani, a Pantaleoni,
walked free through the streets of Rome. We
reminded the people who mistrusted them that the
Republic, superior to the dethroned power, held
opinions to be inviolable, unless manifested
in dangerous acts ; and the people, generous
by nature, and from a consciousness of
power, understood and respected this: nor
was there any danger for such men, until we could
no longer interpose, and the spectacle of your brute
force irritated the multitude to reaction. Owing to
the impossibility of keeping guard round the whole
circuit of the city, several of our cannons often re-
mained accessible to any one, and without a single
soldier to guard them. And thus it happened on the
16th of May, when our troops moved on the side of
Villetri against the army of the King of Naples—
when from 5 A.M. until midnight the city remained
without a single soldier, and entrusted solely to the
people.
The French troops were at a little distance from the
walls. The few guards left at the palace gates were
withdrawn, as they were wanted elsewhere. The
affection of the people was our safeguard. Neither
then, nor at any other time, amidst the evils of an
inevitable financial crisis, in the midst of physical
privations inseparable from the semi-blockade which
your forces extended around us, alike under your
bombs as under the corruption which your agents and
those from Gaeta endeavoured to excite--not an
attempt at insurrection was made by those whom M.
Drouyn de ',buys insolently calls the honest ones ;
not a single voice arose to say to us, Descend. Fac-
tion ! terror! Ab, if you, Ministers of France, re-
tained a shadow of shame, you would, on looking
around and thinking of the fears and violence by
which you rule in Paris, have studiously avoided
those words, from the fear that others would read
there your own condemnation. And if the Assembly
before which you spoke had not been irreparably cor•
rupt and inaccessible to the love of truth—if the
Members who supported by their votes your foreign
policy, instead of servilely following in the tract of
the power of the moment whatever it might be, had
had any system in their minds, however different
from ours, or had been actuated by any faith—a
hundred voices would have arisen to say to you,
"Be silent, nor dishonour our aims by open false-
hood. What! your first decree in Rome is to
establish the council of war for political offences ; on
the sth of July you dissolve the clubs, you forbid
all meetings, you threaten exemplary punishments
to protect persons having friendly relations with
your troops ; on the 6th, you dissolve the civic
guard ; on the 7th, you command the coin •
plete disarming of the citizens—on the 14th you
suppress the journals—on the 18th you fulminate
threats against any meeting composed of more than
five persons ;—all these your acts in the midst of a
population which you declare to be favourable to
you, and which comes officially announced to us
by your journal, are exactly those which we, upon
your word, believed to have taken place as part of
a system of terror in Rome under the Republican
Government, and of which we do not discover a
trace in their decrees ; and yet you impudently
persist in throwing out an accusation against
them, which must recoil upon yourselves, and you
boast yourselves the restorers of liberty in peace and
order.
And this state of things still exists; exists two
months after your triumph. The prisons are choked
with men, for the most part guilty only of having
obeyed the ruling power, and pointed out by spies to
priestly vengeance. Upwards of fifty priests are con-
fined in the Castle of St. Angelo, guilty of having
lent their services in our Republican hospitals. Even
the subaltern officialst in the police are not spared in
Rome, and are ferociously condemned to the galleys

" The National Guard numbered about 13,000 men,
and in virtue of the organization anterior to the Repub.
ican Government, which excluded from active service
the poorest class, it represented the middle clan in Rome.
t Capanna, Petralia,

for life. In Terni, in Bologna, in Ancona, in Rimini•
young men guilty of having a musket in their pos-
session have been shat. There is not, perhaps, in the
Roman States one family in five, one of whose mem-
bers is not either an exile or a prisoner. The men of
the self called Moderate party—the men whom, when
entering Rome, you declared to be rightfully there,
are through you in exile. Mamiani, Galeotti, Father
Ventura are exiles. Your work is one of destruction,
equal to that accomplished by the Monarchy in. Spain
in the year 1823. Would that you had at least the
brutal courage of the Monarchy! But false inter-
preters of an idea which is not your own ; secret
enemies to the banner which you have publicly
sworn to serve; conspirators rather than ministers,
you, are condemned to wrap yourselves round
with hypocritical and premeditated falsehood.
,
alshood in your fundamental assertions; falsehood
in the particulars; falsehood in yourselves; false-
hood
in your agents; falsehood—l blush in saying it
for France, which you have at length brought so low
as to soil her traditionary honour—falsehood in the
generals of your army. You have conquered by
falsehood, and by falsehood you endeavour to justify
yourselves. General Oudinot lied when, in order to
deceive the populations, and to smooth for himself
the road to Rome, he vilely trafficked in our affection
for France, by keeping the Italian tricolor, which he
knew himself about to overthrow, entwined with the
French flag at Civita Vecchia:until the 15th July.
Ile lied impudently by affirming in his proclamation
that the greater part of the Roman army had frater-
nised with the French, when the whole staff of the
army protested and resigned, when only 800 men (at
the present time even they are dissolved) accepted the
proposed conditions of service. He lied as a coward
when, after having given his solemn promise in
writing not to asesanit the city before Monday,* the
4th of June, he assaulted it on the night of the Sab-
bath. The envoy Lesseps lied when, induced by a
culpable weakness, partly redeemed by the hope of
remedying the evil, he re-assured us by continual
promises of a conclusive treaty, and conjuring us
not to attach importance to the movements of the
French troops, dictated solely by the necessity of
satisfying the soldiers, who were impatient of repose,
whilst in the meantime you basely took advantage of
our good faith to study unmolested our defences, to
strengthen yourselves, and to occupy unexpectedly,
during an armistice, the strategetical point of
Monte St. Mario. M. de Corcelles lied when,
in contradiction to the declaration of the
Roman municipality, to that of the foreign
Consuls, awl to the testimony of a whole
city, he declared that Rome had never been bom-
barded. The bombs fell for many nights, and par-
ticularly from the 23d to the 24th, and from the
29th to the 30th, most frequently and injuriously
upon the Corso, upon the Piazza di Spagna, upon
the Babuino, upon the Colonna Palace, upon the
hospital of Santo Spirito, upon that of the Pel-
legrini, and in other places. You lied, M. de Toqueville,
when, relying upon the ignorance of your majority,
you boasted a solitary fact in history, of the choice
of the point towards the Porta San Pancrazio, for
assaulting the city as if for the greater safety of the
people and their habitations. Rome offers at the gate
of San Paolo and at the gate of San Giovanni an
open country, whilst the gate of San Pancrazio is
surrounded by the people and their houses; the gate
of San Pancrazio was chosen because from there a
communication with Civita Vecchia could be kept
with less risk, and because whilst from the other
points it would be necessary to descend to a battle
with the people and their barricades, which you
rightly feared, from that of San Pancrazio, the
Janiculum dominating Rome offered the opportunity
of conquering it, not by a war of men, but of bombs
and cannons. You have all lied, from him who is the
first amongst you to the lowest of your agents, to us,
to the Assembly, to France and to Europe, when, from
the first day of the nefarious undertaking to the last,
you gave repeated promises of protection, of brother-
hood, and of liberty, that you had already determined
to betray.
Having resolved, in conjunction with Gaeta,
Spain, and Austria, to overturn Republican liberty in
Rome, and after having so long conspired as to de•
ceive yourselves with the idea that reaction amongst
us would second your designs, you demanded assist-
ance from the Assembly ; deceiving it, as was unan-
swerably shown by the after discussions, as to the
oleject of the expedition. You deceived the commis-
sion charged with questioning you; the soldiers
whom, at Toulon, you persuaded you were leading to
fight against the Austrians ; the inhabitants of Civita
Vecchia, amongst whom you descended, like a
masked thief, with two proclamations, one of which
destroyed the other ; then, when the day of the 30th
moved men to indignation, again deceiving the
Assembly, by sending Lesseps to follow out
the decree of the 7th, and writing the same day
to General Oudinot to remain firm, and promising
reinforcements ; then the same messenger giving
instructions authorising him to act according to
the will of the Assembly, and enjoining him
nevertheless to maintain himself in agreement with
Rayneval, who had instructions directly opposite :
then us ; then all—to• day most likely deceiving the
Pope,: to whom you have promised to restore his
authority unconditionally, and whom now finding it
difficult to make France pardon you for having dis-
honoured her you would wish to reduce to a consti-
tutional Pro-Consul dependent upon your policy,
Nevertheless you,have not lied so skilfully, but that
even in your own words we find the right to perpe-
tual revolt and the absolute condemnation of all that
you have done, or may do without legally consulting
the will of the people ill-used by you.
The preamble of your Constitution in Article 5 de:
Glares :—France respects foreign nationalities. She
never employs her forces against the liberty of any
people. And strangled by that article, which you
would fain, but dare not, tear; without the conscious-
ness of virtue or the strength of crime, you have let
fall words which Europe has gathered up, and which
are now torture to your soul. Odilon Barrot, the man
who, on the 31st of Jan., 1841, declared the absolute
right of every Italian state to liberty and independence,t
declared to the Commission of the Assembly," that the
idea of the Government was to make %France co-
operate in the destruction of the Roman Republic,
and that it would act independently of every
solidarity with the other powers." And when, on
the 16th of April, the reporter of the commission re-
ferred these declarations to the Assembly, the Presi-
dent of the Council said : " I do not deny a single
word: uttered by me before the Commission, and re-
ferred to this Assembly." And, he added, "We
are not going to Italy to impose a government,
neither that of the Republic nor any other. . . .
We do not wish to employ the forces of France to
defend in Rome one form of government or another.
No ; our intention is to be present at the events
which may occur in the double interest of our own
influence and of liberty, which may be jeopardised:"
The declaration of the French corps of occupation
to the President of Civita Vocehia, dated the 24th of
April, declared that the French Government " would
respect the voice of the majority of the Roman popu-
lations . . . . and that it would never impose
upon them any form of government."
On the 26th General Oudinot repeated that " the
object of the French was not to exercise any oppres-
sing influence, nor to impose any government upon
the Romans against their will."
On the 7th of May the President of the Council
declared to the Assembly that " those:proclemations,
the work of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, in-
volved the whole objects of the expedition."
" We ought only to march upon Rome," said the
reporter of the Commission, " in order to protect her
against foreign intervention and against the excesses
of a counter-revolution. . . . as protectors," or,
quoting the expression used by the President of the
Council to the Commission, "if called in as arbi-
trators."
Odilon Barrot repeated on the same day, that " the
Assembly was unwilling that under the direct pressure
of Austria the contra-revolutionary spirit should
triumph in Rome."
And the Minister for Foreign Affairs confirmed this
by saying : "the object of the expedition was to
assure to the Roman populations the conditions of a
good government, of a full liberty, conditions that
would have been compromised by, reaction or by
foreign intervention." And he denied that General
Oudinot had received orders to assault the Roman
Republic ; he denied that the General had intimated
to the Roman Government that they must yield up
their powers. Then came the solemn vote of the
Assembly : " The National Assembly invites the
Government to make the necessary preparations
without delay in order that the Italian expedition
may no longer be diverted from the object assigned
to it."
And from that time forwards have you, Ministers
of France, at every instant, in all the steps that you
have taken towards your secret intention—in the
words dictated by you to your envoy, the choice of
whom ought to have been to the Assembly a proof

* Letter of the Ist ofJune to Gen. Rose :—" Only—
I defer the attack of the place until Monday morning, a
least."

t Besides the absolute right of all the Italian states to
choose that form of government which they may judge
fitting in all the fulness of their independence, and the
formal declaration of France that she intends to main-
tain that independence, there is another question—the
'Amity of the independence of Italy.

lur liberal intentions —in all the conferences

-h-el-with us by your agents in the projects of agree.,
meat* drawn up by M. Lesseps and General
Oudinot, the 16th and 18th of May. In the letter of
M. de Corcelles, on the 13th June, " France has but
one object ; the liberty of the Pontiff, the liberty of
the Roman States, and the peace of the world." Your

Government has always directly or indirectly pointed
to the will of the populations as the source of every
right, and promised to them the free vote. The piti-
ful honour was reserved for you alone, M. de Falloux,
of having been the first to declare to Europe, in your
speech on the 7th of August, that France had lied
up to that day. The victim was then overthrown
with the dagger at its throat. But even your tardy
declaration of the real object of the expedition, gen-
tlemen, does not cancel the repeated promises of your
government. The Roman people has a right to call
upon you and say, Fulfil them; and we who know
you of old—we who are aware of your designs and
of the necessity that they should be made clear, in
order that the good, hitherto deluded, may abandon
you and seek safety elsewhere—we hold it as a duty
to say to you, and we will say it to you daily what-
ever you may do, " Fulfil them ; what pretext now
remains to you for not fulfilling them ? Rome
is free now from every foreigner, from all the
factions.' Some of them have died on the field under

.e carbines of Vincennes—the rest wander in exile.

he honest men are reassured and reinstated : they

know that all the Cabinets, even the Republican
Ca-
binet of France, are ready to labour in their defence,
and the people know how many dangers the expres-
sion of their dearest wish involves for the future.

Take courage, then : make the trial once again.
Give the people a free vote. Withdraw; and let the
armies of your allies, now that the mission assigned
to you in the capital is fulfilled by them in the pro-
vinces, withdraw themselves also; and call upon the
citizens through a provisional government to declare
their will concerning the temporal power of the Pope
and the institutions which ought to govern the nation.
We from afar, exiles through you, accept the experi-
ment. Accept it you then—or again resign your-
selves to be marked out as liars."

You will not, you dare not do it; you know that
the result of the experiment would be the condema-
tion and the ruin of your designs. Endeavouring to
destroy the Republic in Prance, and anxious to eu-
cate your soldiers to fire upon its flag, you cannot
submit yourselves to,the risk of seeing it raised again
amongst us by the choice of the people. Weak even to
cowardice in your diplomacy, transfixed with shame for
the part you have played in Europe, uneasy about the
opinions of your fellow-citizens, you thought to con-
ciliate your fears and your aims by the appearance
of strength, proving your vigour inaction by
attacking a weak new-born Republic , and now you
would fain deceive yourselves into thinking that a
few orders of the day dated from Rome will flatter the
pride and the warlike tendencies of your people.
Your President needed the votes of the Catholic
party ; and you have need, for your views, that the
principle of authority, founded upon privilege, should
be re-established by the aid of the example of a great
religious institution. Therefore you remain at Rome.
And you will remain as long as you are able, for
you know that nothing but a foreign force can
prevent a second revolution. You will remain
odious to both parties, going from subterfuge to
subterfuge, from protocol to protocol, powerless to
prevent priestly reaction on the one side, and the
popular discontent on the other, rendering the
situation worse, not modifying it, still further
complicating the diplo:natic question, leaving
undecided the political, and exciting the religious
question. Europe will see that 3oa ace not only
wicked but incapable, that you have sullied the
glorious name of France and the honour of your
arms, yet failed to fulfil either your public or secret
programme ; and that you have gained the curses of
the people without having won back the confidence
of their oppressors.
For the 'lame and honour of France are sul ied
not only by the deed of iniquity itself, but by the
mode in which it has been accomplished—not only by
the shameless violation of the programme of non-
intervention and of international independence
inscribed upon her national flag, and subscribed to I y
all the Ministers of her Government—not only by the
cowardly oppression exercised by the French arms in
conjunction with the Neapolitan, Austrian, and
Spanish forces, against a state almost unarmed, and
with a population greatly inferior to that of the
smallest of the invading states—not only by all the
repeated promises of liberty, peace, and order,
suc-
cessively betrayed ; but even by the smallest particu-
lars of the undertaking. Ido nct know of any period
in modern history, that of the dismemberment of
Poland only excepted, in which so brief a space such
an amount of infamy has been accumulated upon the
head of a nation daring to breathe the name of
liberty. As if the consciousness of crime might make
those committing it lose all sense of dignity,
and the corruption of the promoters infect their
instruments, every act, from the first day cf the
occupation to that upon which I write, has been
marked by immorality. Anti whilst on the one hand
a Goveremeat .Minister could descend so low as to
insert in the copy f of the instructions given to M.
Losseps (recently communicated to the State Council)
an expression which entirely altered its meaning, I
myself was compelled to order the imprisonment of
two officials who had come to us for the purposes
of parley, and who abusing our generous confidence,
abstracted the plans of our city works; whilst Gen.
Oudinot, before any act of hostility had taken place,
and whilst the two banners joined by the French
themselves waved together upon the tree of liberty,
disarmed and retained as prisoners in Civita Vecchia
the corps of Mellara ; a little later a French superior
official degraded himself by snatching with his own
hand, from the breast of their dead colonel, in the
church, and during the funeral service, the Italian
cockade. Ali, we may forgive you Ministers of France
the incalculable and unprovoked evil that you have
done us, our sorrows, our fallen or dispersed brethren,
even the postponement of our future emancipation ;
but one thing we cannot forgive that of
having dishonoured, for many yeas to come, the
name of a nation to which we all turned as to an
emancipating nation; that of having by falsehood, by
the materialism of promotions and by the example
of their chiefs, corrupted tho soldiers of France,
making them executioners of their brothers, in the
name of the Pope, whom they despise, and by the side
of Austria, which they abhor. Of having degraded
to a meaningless symbol, to a material idol to be
blindly followed wherever it may lead, a banner
which is the sign of an idea, of a faith ; of having
sown the seeds of a hatred which will be slow and diffi-
cult to uproot between two nations which Everything
tended to unite in the bonds of affection • between the
sons of fathers who had taken together the sacrament of
glory and suffering upon all the fields of Europe ; of
having brutally given the lie to the holy dream of the
brotherhood of the peoples, and given to the enemies
of progress and humanity the ferocious joy of seeing
France degraded to be the bully and the executioner
of their designs, a blow upon the front of our Italian
nationality, at the same time that she strikes that of
Ilungery in the rear for the good will and pleasure
of Austria and the Czar.
Mee wl'eout heart and without faith, the last dis-
ciples of a school which, beginning with the atheis-
tical doctrine of art for art's sake, concluded ulti-
mately with the formula of power for power's sake,
you have lost all understanding of past history, all
presentiment of a future. Your minds are steeped
in egotism and in the fear of that European move-
ment which no human power can arrest, which, ac-
cepted and directed, would develop itself peacefully,
aed which your culpable resistance may succeed too
well ier changing into the elements of a fearful war.
You were incapable of understandino. the grandeur
and beauty of the new life of Italy which was
dawning in Rome, in the Rome of the people.
But wilt were your hopes when you decreed frater-
nal war ? To destroy, by wounding it to the heart,
the national revolution ? You ought to have seen
that every resistance opposed to your arms by Rome,
the mere fact of your leaguing yourselves wiih three
Governments to suppress her movements, would give
an everlasting consecration to the dogma of
our unity, anti make of that one word, Rome, a
religion to all Italy. Remake throneaA ns
constitutional
ltelipiea?l
For the Pope, and by bayonets . ,
throne for the Pope ? A temporal throne may be
re-established for a time by bayonets, but not that of
the head of believers. And the simplest logic might
have taught you that the Pope can be nothing if not
an absolute monarch. Two months from this time
will show you that you have in all respects failed in
your purposes. You wished, you said so at least, to
prevent the re-establishment of the old abuse s in the
Remad states, and yet those old abuses will inevita-
bly re-appear one after the other, and all the stronger
for having been cancelled by the Republican Govern-
ment for rive months, and threatened for the future.
You cannot change the habits, the tendencies, the
wants of the aristocracy of the clergy ; you cermet
destroy the people's abhorrence for it; and you can-
not support 'yourselves on a moderate intermediate
party, which does not exist in Rome. You may dic-
tate conditions, hut the nonobservance of such
regulations has always been, and will always be, a
fatal consequence in the Roman states.

* A provisional government shall be added to the
present executive power, and chosen by the Roman Na-
tional Assembly, until the moment when the populations
called upon to manifest their wishes shall have deter-
mined the form of government which shall rule them,
and the guranteea of security which shall be afforded to
CatholiciPna and the papacy.—Preject of May 6. Art. 3.
The Roman populations have the tight of freely pro-
nouncing upon the form of their governmcnt.—Project
of May IS. Art. 2.
Everything which, by checliag the cows() of inter-
tervention on the part of other powers animated by 1(53
moderate sentiments, will leave a greater field for our in-
fluence; all that which shall hasten the fall of a regime
condemned to perish, &e.—The phrase in italics was added
tin the copy.

And this non-observance resulting from the nature
of the elements which constitute the supreme power,
and which divest it of all real responsibility, will in-
crease so much the more as through your work the
illegal war of secret associations will be substi•uted
for legal and public agitation; and—may God forbid
it I—the daggers of an incensed population, despair-
ing of all legal protection, may seek to assert these
rights which the law is unable to defend. Physical
misery, financial ruin, and the anarchy inseparable
from the contempt in which their rulers are held,
will aggravate the content amongst the different ele-
ments which compose the state. In the meantime
you have the old Government unconditionally restored
and the spy system returning into use with the
men—not of Pius IX , but of Pope Gregory—
masters at Rome and in the Provinces. You wished
to maintain, to increase French influence in Italy ;
and you have destroyed it ; destroyed it with the
people whom you have iniquitously and ungrate-
fully robbed of their liberty and independence ; de-
stroyed it with the people's oppressors, because, by
condescending to ally yourselves with them, you have
liberated them from the fears with which you had
inspired them ; you have lost it with the satellites of
the Papacy, because your situation in the face of
France obliges you to annoy them with suggestions
of concessions which they neither will nor can admit,
without denying the principle which sustains them,
and digging their own grave. Your influence in
Italy consisted in the hopes which the people per-
sisted in nourishing on your account, and in the
sword of Damocles which you held suspended over
the heads of the princes. Now you are despised by
one party and abhorred as traitors by the other.
The French name is a mark of scorn from one end
of Italy to the other, and will remain so until unmis.
takeable facts convince the world that France is re-
awakened to the consciousness of her mission.
You wished to rebuild a throne, and give new
lustre to the papacy; I will tail you in what you
have succeeded. You have raised the religious ques-
tion, and given the finishing blow to a falling institu-
tion. You aimed at saving the sovereign, and you
have killed the Pope : destroying the moral prestige
which surrounded him, by the aid of your arms—
degraling in the eyes of Italy him who is the sole
arbiter of the religious question, by foreign support ;
and separating him from his people by a torrent of
blood. In that blood the papacy was stifled. The
only means of saving it—the only means of with-
drawing it from the foreign influence which is its
ruin, was to snatch it from the sphere of political
iaflaences to the more pure and independent one of
the soul. You have now closed for ever the last
road to safety. The papacy is extinct. Rome and
Italy will never forgive the Pope for having, as in the
middle ages, called in foreign bayonets to transfix
Italian breasts. You are beginning now, gentlemen,
to understand these things. Your cabinet conceals
secrets of discomfiture, and dissipated illusions- of a
system of policy wavering between Paris and Gaeta,
which will soon be revealed. You hear the low mur-
murs of Rome's vengeance.
The Roman Republic has fallen; butlits right lives
immortal, a phantom that will often rise to disturb
your dreams. And it shall be our care to evoke it.
The political question is intact. The Roman Consti-
tuent Assembly, by declaring that it yielded solely to
force, without entering into any condition, or becom-
ing a party to any unworthy compromise, took
from you every basis of legal action. We have not
capitulated. Rome's right exists as strong as on the
day when the Republic was first inaugurated. Defeat
has left it unchanged. The vote of the populations,
legally and freely expressed, remains a normal con•
dition of life, from which no one can now retreat.
You dare not deny that right; in all that has passed,
you have but sought to weaken and to render
doubtful its expressions. And the defeat of those
whom you falsely denominated as factious, removing,
even in the opinions of those who believed in you,
every obstacle to the free voting of the populations,
has rendered the right of voting only more urgent and
more sacred.
For us, for those who feel with us, the right of
Rome has deeper root and other hopes than those
which are merely local. The roots of Rome's right
embrace in their ramifications the whole of Italy; the
hopes of Rome are the hopes of the Italian nation,
whose re-awakening neither your nor any other's
veto can prevent. God decreed that, awakening on
the day when all monarchical delusions overcome one
by one, when all false ideas of leagues and federations
which an erroneous doctrine had tried to implant
amongst us had been expiated by martyrdom, the
Italian national instinct raised within the ancient
capital the banner of national unity, and declared
that God and the people should henceforth be the
only masters in Italy. Rome is the centre of Italy :
the palladium of the Italiam mission ; and the city
in which broods the secret of our future religious
life can patiently endure the brief delay which your
arms have unexpectedly caused to the development of
its destinies.

You are Ministers of Prance, gentlemen—l am
only an exile ; you have power, gold, armies, and
multitudes of men dependent on your nod. I have
only consolation in a few affections, and in the breath
of heaven, which speaks to me from the Alps of my
country, and of which you, inexorable in persecution,
as are all those who fear, may yet deprive me. Yet I
would not exchange my fate with yours. I bear with
me in exile the calm inspired by a pure conscience,
I can fearlessly raise my eyes to meet those of other
men, without the dread of meeting any one who can
say to me, " You have deliberately lied." I have
combated, and will combat again, without pause as
without fear, wherever I may be, the wicked oppres-
sors of my country—falsehood, in whatever shape she
may clothe herself; and the powers which, like yours,
rely upon maintaining or reinstituting the reign of
privilege, upon corruption, upon blind force, and upon
the negation of the progress of the peoples ; but I
have fought with loyal arms ; never have I sullied
myself by calumny, or degraded myself by using the
word assassin against one unknown to me, and who
was perhaps better than myself. God save you, gen-
tlemen, from dying in exile, because you have no such
consciousness with which to console yourselves.
September, 1849. GUISEPPE MAZZINI.

CHEAPENING DWELLINGS 70E THE POOR..—It IS
supposed that one-fourth of the cost of a dwelling
which lots for half-a-crown or three shillings a week, is
caused by the expense of the title-deeds and the tax on
wood and bricks used in its construction. Of course the
owner of such property must be remunerated, and he
therefore charges lid. or 9d. a week to cover these
burdens. Government affect to regret that the working
classes are crowded together, which looks very like
hypocrisy, as it is in their power to prevent it by re-
ducing the price of buildings, and, consequently, lessen-
ing rents.—Builder.
SHOCKING CASE CF RAPE AND 111IIRDER.-:-At
Aberdeen, on Wednesday, the trial of James Robb, aged
19, a lebourer, inflicted fur the aggravated crimes of rape
and murder, took place in the High Court of Justiciary,
before the jridges Lord Moncrieff and Lord Cockburn.
()n the nif;'nt of the 9:h of April last the prisoner feloni-
ously entered the house of a woman named Mary Smith,
being in a lonely situation in the parish of Auchterlen,
Abeedeenshire. It appeared he obtained admission by
descending the chimney, and, seizing her, perpetrated
with great violence the outrage described in the libel.
She struggled violently to free herself from the prisoner,
who struck her with an iron instrument over her head
and other parts of her body, and eventually suffocated
her by forcing articles into her mouth and up her nos-
trelg, death immediately ensuing. The jury, after half-
an hour's consultation, returned an unanimous verdict
of Guilty of rape and murder," but with a recommen-
dation to mercy, on account of the prisoner having no
intention to commit the crime of murder. Mr. Shand,
on the part of the prisoner, instanced a case which was
hied at Glasgow in 1828, when a boy 12 years of age,
who caused the death of a woman by a stroke of a ham-
mer, was sentenced to transportation for life, on the plea
of having had no intent to commit murder. Mr. Mait-
land, in reply, stated that there had been specialities in
the case referred to which did not exist in the present,
and though the jury in this instance saw no specific in-
tention to cause death, yet the libel was proved. Lord
Moncrieff told the prisoner that, as be had been found
guilty of two capital offences, there could be no sentence
but death passed upon him. Lord Cockburn then rose,
amidst the most breathless silence, and in the usual form
sentenced the prisoner to be executed at Aberdeen on the
16:h of October next.
ACCIDENT TO THE DuKK OF HAMILTON.—Near
Wishaw, on Tuesday last, an accident happened to this
venerable nobleman, which might have been attended
with very serious consequences, but happily his Grace
escaped with only a few slight cute and bruises. On the
afternoon of that day, as his Grace was returning from a
visit to Wishaw-house, shortly after he left the house
the horse on which he was riding stumbled and fell, and
the Duke was pitched forward upon his head in the road.
With such force was he thrown, that his head was sent
completely through his hat, the crown of which was
driven out to some distance. His Grace was raised by
two men who happened to be passing, and who, with they
groom in attendance, rendered
every necessary assist-
ance. ills Grace
received some severe cuts on the face,
which bled considerably, but beyond
beyond that he was little
hurt. Lord and Lady Be
in-
formed of the accident, and
Duke,rEvon were immediately it t few minutes after its
occurrence were with the
and
his a!sisted ,him to
return to Wishaw-house, whereinjuries were
dressed, and he was shortly afterwards enabled to return
to Hamilton-palace in Lord Belhaven's cerriage.—Glas-
yew Saturday Post.
ILLNESS OF THE BISHOP OF LLANDAFT.--it is with
deep regret we have to acquaint the diocese, and the
public generally, that our respected Bishop has been
compelled to postpone his ordination, in consequence of
severe illness; and we are sorry to add, the malady con-
tinues of so painful and depressing a character that his
Lordship is necessitated to give up all episcopal duty for
the present. Our correspondent, writing under the date
of yesterday morning, says:—" The Bishop of Llandaff
still continues seriously ill, often suffering severe pain,
passing restless nights; but, though extremely weak, we
are httpc,v to learn that his Lordship is not considered to
be in a dang&roula condition."—Monntouthshire
Aazawa A..—LIVERPOOL, MONDAY. —The
Emilia, Captain Daises, has brought one day later from
Rio Janeiro (July 27 ). Exchange was somewhat firmer,
and freights had an upward tendency.

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people who were bound to obey—that the dictates ofl
the lawgiver should be pronounced in such a form as
to render them of easy comprehension and of easy
recollection. This was no less due to the swurn
interpreters and administrators of the law than to
the community in general. He thought that the
Government who neglected to provide a simple digest
of the law, more especially of the criminal law, was
guilty of a gross breach of duty towards its subjects,
and be could not rest contented while such negligence
could fairly be ascribed to him. He found that an
immense quantity of matter must be waded through
by those who entered upon legal studies that
the published reports of cases in the different
courts filled more than five hundred vo-
lumes, while the statutes at large extended
over nearly forty thousand quarto pages : although the
five codes of NAPOLEON, containing a full and com-
plete exposition of the laws of France, had been com-
pressed into 750 duodecimo pages—less, in fact, than
the enactments passed for the parish of Marylebone
alone within the last half century. He accordingly
issued in 1833 the celebrated Commission for Amend-
ing and Digesting the Law, which, through the laud-
able decision of Sir JAMES GRAHAM, and other
members of the PEEL Ministry, was continued, and
has now almost concluded its labours. In May,
1848, he brought forward a Bill enacting a criminal
code, defining all crimes and their punishments,
which he avowed his intention of speedily following
with another measure enacting a code of crimina
procedure.

Lord BROUGHAM has himself explained, in the
letter to which we have repeatedly alluded,
the manner in which this most important
Bill has been retarded by the inexplicable ne-
glect and apathy of the English Judges, who
should of all others be most anxious to aid in
carrying his Lordship's praiseworthy intentions into
execution, for they would thereby be spared much
trouble and ♦ast responsibility. But although letters
were addressed by his Lordship, as Chairman of the
Select Committee to which the Bill had been referred,
the sessions of 1848 and 1849 were suffered to elapse
without a single response having been elicited from
any of these learned personages. It is said that
" silence gives consent." His Lordship, therefore,
reasonably enough conceives that " the Judges of
England are, generally speaking, satisfied with the
Digest, and have no corrections to offer which they
deem of sufficient importance to call for the consi-
deration of the Lords."

Acting on this conclusion, no further time will be
lost in carrying the measure through both. Houses;
and we may entertain a confident hope that the ses-
sion will not close without considerable progress
being made in the other measures that have been
promised, and that ere many years shall have elapsed
the nation will be in the enjoyment of that precious
blessing, " a complete body of written law, to be the
rule of all =en's conduct—the chart to guide all
judges—the standard of the rights and duties of all."

The letter of .Pklazzim, the Roman Triumvir, the
man who in rower, as in adversity, as a ruler of his
native land, as well as an exile, has ever preserved
the character of being a man of perfect truth and
honesty, is one of the most important historical
documents that has ever appeared. It is a history of
the Roman Republic of 1849, and the simple relation
of the history of that Republic proves that if ever
there was in the world a Government which had a
right to say it was in the strictest sense of the word
a popular Government, because emanating from the
whole of the people it exercised power by the people,
exclusively for the benefit of the people, that Govern-
ment was the Government of the Roman Republic.
The enemies of the cause of liberty have over and
over again reiterated that the Roman Republic was
founded on the assassLation of Count Rossi. In
the French Assembly, in the English Parliament,
this assertion has been repeated usgue ad nauseam.
It was in vain that the falsehood was exposed, it was
again and again repeated, and repeated " wilfully,
knowingly, and for a purpose." The refutation of
this falsehood by MAZZINI, in his letter to the French
Ministers, which appears in another column, is so
complete, eat not even M. DE FALLOUX will
venture to repeat it for some time to come
at least. A$ is well observed by Mazzixt—
" The Republic inaugurated on the 9th of February
1849, has no occasion to exculpate itself from a deed
which occurred on the 16th of November, 1848, when
the princely party, the Moderates, the partisans of
Charles Albert, possessed the field, and drove away, or
condemned to absolute silence, the men of the Repub-
lican faith. :No one in Italy accuses your revolutions of
having had their rise in assassination, because the Duke
of Berry fell by the dagger, and five or six attempts at
regicide succeeded each other in the space of two years in
Paris."
The Roman Republic was the orderly protest of the
whole Roman People against Anarchy—against
Anarchy brought about by the acts of Pro Nosro,
who, through treason or weakness it matters
not, deserted the post which he had
received a mission from Heaven (if his
own account of his position be true) to
guard—and, acting as chief Anarch instead of chief
preserver of order, fled—a coward shepherd, leaving
his flock to perish in the desert. But then we are told of
the great personal risk that Pio Norto would have run
had he remained at his post. We believe he would have
been safer, and we know he would have been more
independent,. at Rome than at Gaeta; but suppose he
had run personal risk. Did DENIS AFFzE shrink
from incurring personal risk in the execution of his
duty ? It would appear that the brave Pio Norio, here-
tofore Count MASTAI and a soldier, is not ambitious
of a commission in the Noble Army of Martyrs In
consequence of the shameful desertion, of the coward
Might of Pro Novo and the Cardinals,
Commission,diancegs: RprtiTeon deserted
aesnxwcd...ess sr,
op sovereign.ivehtrdwia:cttihjuatohrnnnohasuisflweheeandartdetoorneGepa eta
instituted,
AhTande rPefoupsGovernmentaleedhtaod
aulfsteerd.thletowthasern,eecnetsrseaarty-
-0 put an end to a state of things which was inevitably
leading to anazrchy and civil war. It was at one o'clock
on the morning of the 9th of February that the downfal
of the temporal power, and, as a consequence, the inau-
guration of the, Republic, were proclaimed. By whom?
By the Constituent Assembly of the Roman States. In
what manner had that Assembly been elected? By
universal suffrage. Had there been—l speak not of
terror—but e,,•en any agitation, any influence illegally
exercised? :No, all had taken place calmly, quietly
without corruption, without threats. Was the minority
imposing? Out of one hundred and forty-four members
present eleven voices declared against the proclamation
of the Republic as inopportune; five against the aboli-
tion of the temporal power. How many amongst those
whom you now stigmatise as foreigners, bow many
Italians borne out of the Roman States were then seated
upon the beaches of the Assembly? Two—Garibaldi
and General Ferrara. I deceive myself—Garibaldi hod
already set out for Rieti. It was not until some time later
that Saliceti, Cernuschi, Cann onieri, Dail Ongaro, and my-
self were elt+ctiA. In what manner was the double pro-
clamation received by the populations? Was there
through all the extent of the Roman territory a single
attempt at .resistance, a single mark of dissent, a single
protestation in favour of the fallen power? No, not
one. A few- •carabiniees on the frontiers of Naples de-
serted, perh ap s imagining themselves compromised by
the arfesta that they had been obliged to make under
Gregory. And this was all. The towns and the country
saluted the ,Republic with a common joy. The old
municipalities, elected under the Papal regime, sent in
their adhesion, since renewed by those elected by universal
suffrage on the 11th of March. Pius IX. had still some
personal friend s; the Papal Government could not boast
of one. And later on, atter the 30th, when the Govern-
ment on the *eve of the quadruple invasion was obliged
to concentrate its forces, and could therefore retain
only a moral influence in the provinces—in the midst of
the financial crisis, and in spite of the efforts of some
few reactiom.,ri es, this, the conservative element of the
state, renewed again the testimony of a spontaneous ad.
hesion to the Republic. Bologna, Ancona, Perugia,
Civita Vecchis, Ferrara, Ascoli, Cesena, Fano, Faenza,
Forli, Fogliso,. Macerate, Narni, Pesaro, Orvieto, Ra-
venna, Rieti, V iterbo, Spoleto, Urbino, Terni; two hun-
dred and sixty-three municipalities sent addresses de•
claring in the El .me of the populations that the abolition
of the temporal power and the existence of the Republic
formed hencefor 1 a double condition of life for theßoman
States."

If this be not a popular Government, where is there
such a Govern ment to be found ? If this Assembly
did not represent the will of the universal Roman
people, by what means can the will of any people be

ascertained ? :if the French Ministers are so con-

vinced of the truth and justice of their cause, and of
the love of the .Roman people for sacerdotal rule, let
them accept the challenge of MAZZINI, and, with-
drawing all foreign troops from the Roman territory,
leave the Roman people free to choose their own form
of government.

Then, again,, -with regard to the calumnious and
false assertions, invented by the French parti pretre,
and repeated -with parrot like fidelity by the
partizans or obscurantism in the English
House of Petra, as to the immense number of
foreigners dotraciled in Rome, and who alone pre.