The Sun.
London, England, 1831-05-18 00:00:00

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

SIR,-At this important crisis, when England expects
every man to do his duty, I beg permission to mike a few
plain remarks on the subject of the me asure of Reform now in
agitation, believing, as I do, that very many of its opponents,
who are in themselves both able and well-intentioned men,
are so opposed to it upon principle, from an apprehension
hit it has a tendency, and will ultimately lead to dan-
gerous innovations upon the established institutions of the
country, and upset our •glorious Constitution, which is
the Admiration of the wen Id ; the excellence of which
Constitution is now manifesting, itself in the measure now
proposed by working its own restitution.
To those who are only opposed to it front that appre-
hension I would beg more particularly to address myself;
and next I would address myself in particular to those who
think the measure does not go far enough in its principle,
and who will not, by it, have a direct or personal repre-
sentative in Parliament. As the law now is, the latter
conceive that their interests are not duly considered, be-
cause their interests are so far removed from the interests

of the Aristocracy who compose the House of Lords, many
of whom have exclusive privileges of nominating their own
representatives to the House of Commons, which ought,
as it was intended by the Constitution, to represent the
Democracy of the country only. But surely when the
elective franchise is extended, as it will be by the proposed
measure, to about half-a•million more of the Democracy
than it now does, whose interests approximate so much
nearer to that of those whose interests are not directly re-
presented by it, those interests must be virtually much
more represented than they now are. The lower orders,
of society who have not property to qualify them to vote,
have a more immediate intercourse, society, and connec-
tion with those to whom this measure will extend the.
elective franchise than they have with the Aristocracy,
and more opportunities of communication with them to
represent any grievances they may conceive that they
libour under ; and their representations are more likely to
be attended to than under the present system—consequently
it must be to their advantage.
_ _

There are two descriptit:ns of character in every class of
society, in a greater or a less degree ; the well-meaning,
live and let live, and peaceable, on the one band ; and the
rapacious, the never-satisti,d, and turbulent, on the other ;
we have both these descriptions in the nominees of close
boroughs ; we have noble instances of disinterestedness in
some of them, but we have very many proofs of others
sticking to the last with their whole soul to retain their
unjust and usurped privileges ; it will surely not be con-
tended that to deprive them of those usurped or unequal
privileges, and remove the elective franchise into an ex-
tended field of independent voters, will not at some time

tie conducive to the benefit of those who are not themselves
qualified to vote ; such would be contrary to all reason.
There are many well-meaning men who are advocates
for a more extensive, and what may with propriety be
deemed a too sweeping, Reform—universal suffrage ; at
the same time many of the advocates for such a measure,
aid who listen to the agitating demagogues of the country
with avidity, look forward to it as the end and aim of a
scrambling spoliation by which they hope to benefit, and
the emoluments derived from the public purse, without
services by many, gives them a plausible pretence for it.
This is a well-known fact, whoever may doubt it ; but
the proposed measure is founded on the basis of property,
and the ci iterion is drawn indicative of the voters having
property, and also education, to enable them to discrimi-
nate who are, and who are not, fit and proper persons to
represent them ; I cannot see, in such an extension of the
ctive franchise, that the Aristocracy, or others possessed
of large property, have the least probability of their interests
suffering by enlisting to their aid about half-a-million of
voters who are possessed of property, though to a less
amount than themselves, but which they will naturally
wish to protect, and are in every respect likely to respect
that of others ; a union with such an additional body
cannot but strengthen and secure their own interests
against the designing and rapacious.
This body of men have an equitable right to the
elective franchise, and more so than many who now enjoy
it ; and for the possessors of large prop, rty to refuse their
sanction of its being granted, will he furnishing a real
ground for discontent, and which, in the midst of the cla•
mour and confusion that may ensue, may cause a union
amongst them with those who have not that equitable right
to it, to the prejudice and danger, in no small degree, of
those who possess large property ; a stronger union than
heretofore of the Democracy, with a just ground of com-
plaint against the Aristocracy. Disarm them of all just
ground of complaint against the representative system by
granting this measure, and unite hand and heart to make •
it as perfect as it will possibly admit of, and I cannot di-
vest myself of the idea that, properly and dispassionately
considered, the interests of the well-meaning of all classes
of society are see and the same.
Instead of throwing impediments in the way of this
effectual and healing measure, for so I cannot help con-
sidering it, being carried into a law, or rendered inefficient,
it is the duty incumbent on upon every well-wisher to the
peace and good of the country, and to those in particular
who object to it only from an apprehension of its leading
to ill consequences, to assist in rendering it full, fair, and
efficient ; let it go every inch as far as it ou:Jit to go, and
not one inch further ; this is the way to prevent the ill
consequences apprehended from it ; settle it down to as
complete a measure as it can be made, so as to set the
question at rest, and England will be more at peace with-
in itself, more contented and united, and consequently
more strong than it has been for centuries, or perhaps than
it ever was, and be mere able to set the world at defiance.
If you make it only a partial, or half-measure plan of
Reform, you leave much room for a real cause of com-
plaint; you also record a precedent which carries with it
a legal, a more powerful, and irresistible claim for a further
extension of the elective franchise, and will renew the
excitement we now experience, and which a complete
measure would set at rest. The great, the most vital ques-
tion as to the utility or inutility of the proposed measure
will, I conceive, turn upon that single point, of whether
it will lead to these ill consequences en the one hand, or
whether it will, on the other, be an insurmountable
barrier and security against them.

If there is any provisions in the proposed measure in-
consistent with the proper balance of power, for securing
the different interests of the country as one whole, for
GA's sake let them undergo such modifications as are
dictated by a sound and dispassionate consideration, for the
sole purpose of making it Inure perfect, and make the
measure complete at once, as the best possible security
against further alteration.
With respect to the long-established institutions being
disturbed or interfered with, and which I will freely allow
ought to be carefully guarded, and great caution used
against any theoretical or visionary alterations,l have yet
to learn that a House of Commons, representing an ad-
ditional number of voters, are less capable of judging the
merits of any question brought before them, or less likely
to act honestly and manly in their decisions upon it than
a similar number of members sent there by a much smaller
body of voters.
This may possibly be considered by the advocates of
universal suffrage as an argument in its favour; hut we
must first understand what is universal suffrage ? which
must, in this instance, mean suffrage universal throughout
the United Kingdom ; at the same time its utility, or even
its practicability, is not so easy of solution. Some main-
tain that every one who pays taxes ought to have a choice
in those who are to impose those taxes ; this has a plausible
and catching sound with the unreflecting; but who does
not pay taxes, more or less, directly or indirectly—man,
woman, or child? And I suppote!, according to that
hypothesis, every child which may contribute, directly or
indirectly, at the utmost calculation, one shilling in the
whole year to the revenue, is to have an equal vote with
those who pay hundreds of pounds annually to it. Others
maintain that every one who is subject to be punished by
the laws of the country ought to have a voice in choosing
those who are to frame those laws; in which case the
child unborn ought to have a vote, as it is subject to be •
punished or suffer a degree of injury whilst in its mother's
womb, if its mother commits an offence against those
laws. In fact, such is the diversity of opinion that every
one's mountain must be delivered of its mouse on the
subject of the representative system ; that if you follow
the chimerical principle of universal suffrage, there is n°
knowing how far it will extend, or how to draw the
boundary line where you are to stop. The advocates for
it cannot thenzsel”es point it ou'.
On the other hand the Anti-Reformers, or advocates
for moderate Reform, that equally undefinable hypothesis
with universal suffrage, complain that by this measure you
are disfranchising a number of boroughs which have com-
mitted no offence against the laws by bribery or corn-JP-
non, and depriving, or as they term it, robbing the elec-
tors of those boroughs of their birth, or otherwise acquired
right. They may advance the same argument of the dis-
franchisement of East Retford or other places, where part
of the electors have been convicted of bribery and corrup-
tion, whereby they have punished the other part, the inno-
cent equally with the guilty. But do they mean to con-
tend that the birthright or purchase of the elective fran-
chise is of the same nature and principle as the birthright
cr purchase of landed or other property they may possess?
it would seem that they make no distinction between the
two : at the same time one is private property, which
certainly ought to be protected and held sacred ; but the
other is public property, held for the public good, which
public good ought to be protected and held sacred also.

But if you are to maintain such a refinement of rights and
privileges in support of old-established institutions, which,
be it rememberA, are held for public purposes, where are
you to draw the line? is it to be a straight or a serpentine
one? If you are to act upon such principles of legislation
you must continue the elective franchise to Ohl Sarum
and Gatton, that mockery of representation—a green
mound and an old wall, on the same principle that the
child ►inborn must have its elective franchise, for though
the inhabitants have left those places, and the houses are
destroyed or decayed, there yet remains the soil on which
the owners may erect other houses for other inhabitants,
which they may contend ought to send Members to Par-
liament, because, forsooth, they have heretofore bad that
blessed privilege. Such a grand and noble structure as is
now projected to he raised cannot stand on such refined
and narrow ground ; it must take a wider range to main-
tain its equilibrium, where great interests are grown up,
they must and will have their weight in the balance.
As, in fixing the right of individuals to a vote by a
criterion indicative of property and intelligence, viz. the
occupation of a house of 101. annual value (which should
be expressed as rated at that value, and rented from year
to year, not from week to week, or month to month, or
occupation of other property) which, if extended to the
county as well as boroughs, would simplify and equalize
the matter, as then where they have not a right to vote
for a borough they will for a county Member, which
would soften down the objection of the landed interest
against the commercial and manufacturing interest, over-
balancing theirs, so in fixing the boroughs which shall
send Members to Parliament, they take the number of
inhabitants as a criterion, thus acting on the broad prin-
ciple in both cases.
When this measure was first made known to the public

I could not discover in my own consideration a real and
sound objection to it, And have waved expressing any posi•
tive opinion, to find if others pointed out any ; and I must
confess that I am not convinced by anything I have heard
or read that there is any sound objection, except those of
secondary considerations, which may readily be amended in
the consideration of its details, provided faction is kept out
of the way, and the real well-wishers of the country, both
in and out of doors, would cordially and sincerely as i-t
to render it as perfect as possible ; and if they succeed,
they will effect a greater public good, and achieve a greater
victory than either a Nelson or a Wellington. The ques-
tion will then be set at rest till time works so great an
alteration in the circumstances and situation of places as
may require and justify a fresh revision of the elective
franchise, which in a'l human probability will be some
centuries hence. Wishing that the good sen,e of the
country may prevail in settling this momentous subject,
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
A WELL-WISHER TO OLD ENGLAND.

SCOTLAND.

(From the Scotsman.)

We like to do justice to an adversary, and have
the following from an unquestionable source. When
Mr. R. A. Dundas was passing along the Mound
from the county election, with Baron Clerk Rattray,
stones were thrown at him by several boys, two of
whom were caught in the fact by the police. Mr.
Dundas having found out who they were, an►d learned
from their employers that they were well behaved
lads in other respects, addressed the Judge of Police
upon the subject, requesring that they might be let
off without any other punishment than such a repri-
mand as might serve as a %yarning to them against
committing similar offences in future. This was ac-
cordingly done.
Colonel Douglas has succeeded in Lanarkshire by
a narrow majority, and may boast of being the repre-
sentative of 87 persons out of 240,000! Thank
heaven, these di-gusting exhibitions arc near an end.
We much regret the disorderly conduct of the people,
but we are not surprised at it.
In spite of all the efforts at corruption, the fifteen
districts of burghs in Scotland will return twelve
members friendly to the Reform Bill ; and twelve
others will in all probability be returned by the
counties, making together an absolute majority of the
Scottish representatives. This we think a wonder.
ful effort of virtue, when the barbarous nature of our
political machinery is considered.
SCOTCH REPRESENTATIVE PEERS.—The candi-
dates in the field are those who sat in the last Par-
liament, except Lord Sinclair, who has retired : there
are six new candidates,—namely, Earls of Buchan,
Leven arid Melville, Airly, and Selkirk, Lords Kin-
naird, and Elphinstone.
Mr. Cutlar Fergusson will be returned on the
24th for Kircudbright, as his opponent has with-
drawn.

NORTHAINIPTuNSHIRE ELECTION.

(From the Morning Hcrald.)

The excitement in the city relative to the elec-
tions is now confined to the contest in Northamp-
tonshire. In all the other counties, with one or two
exceptions, the b ittle has been fought and won.
We repeat what we observed yesterday, that we
have little or no doubt that Lord Milton will be re-
turned : as for Lord Althorp, his election may be
considered as absolutely certain. The strength of
the Anti-Reform party is very great in the county of
Northampton ; but had the Reformers made those
preparations and took those precautions which they
did in other counties, the victory would, long before
this, have been declared in their favour. But the
fact is, the Northamptonshire Reformers, so far from
preparing for a contest, had absolutely, for the most
parr, made up their minds to submit to the return of
Mr. Cartwright. Hence it is that the borough
faction have been able to make so great a stand in
that county. As was well described by Mr. Went-
worth, their struggle, like the hooked and exhausted
salmon, is merely a prelude of their death. They
die hard, it is true—they have obtained " a long
day," but die they must. The out-voters, however,
as well as those who are resident, must exert them-
selves. Though the. victory may be easily gained,
it cannot he gained without fighting. " The elector
(as The Sun observes) who, with the knowledge he
long ere this must necessarily have
acquired of the
intrigues of the boroughmongers, still persists in sup-
porting them, is actually stripping the coat off his
own back, and taking the bread out of his child's
mouth." We understand, however, that the Reform
candidates have no less than seventy-five out-voters
in London, who are ready to go to Northampton at
a moment's notice. With this number in reserve
in the metropolis, together with the force in the
country, and the great majority already obtained, it
is almost impossible for Mr. Cartwright to be re-
turned. We are sorry to find, that among the
Northamptonshire electors some black sheep have
exhibited themselves_ We have heard of a respec-
table auctioneer—a man who can afford to keep his
country house—who has declared that he will vote
either for or against Reform, providing ten pounds
are first forthcoming. This fellow is worthy of the
Charles-street gang—a fit and proper person to sup-
port the sinking cause of corruption—and we
seriously recommend Mr. Cartwright's Committee
to lose no time in securing the suffrage of so con-
genial a spirit. We cannot take leave of the subject
of the Northamptonshire election without alluding
to the atrocious, but ridiculous, calumny which has
been propagated about the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer having adopted the tri-coloured flag of France.
It appears that the Reformers have united the red
and white colours of Lord Althorp with the green
of Lord Milton, and thus formed a three-coloured
flag, and this the adherents of corruption unblushingly
declare to be the tri-coloured banner of the French
revolution, which, as all the world knows, was blue,
red, and white ! Had the reformers hoisted the
Union Jack, there would have been some ground for
the charge, the colours being the same as those of
the French flag.

BOOK OF THE SEASONS.—This delightful
chronicle of the ever-interesting operations of "great Na-
ture," has become an especial favourite, not only with
those who live in the country, but with the pent-up
dwellers in populous towns; so true is it that a love of
nature is the first and most enduring passion to which hu-
man beings cling. In his introduction, the author elo-
quently says " We should not only make our books breathe
into the depths of every 'street, court, and alley, the natural
aliment of human bearts—the love of Nature—but rouse
them, like a trumpet, to get out at times, and renew that
animating fellowship which Gon designed to be main-
tained between the sou! of man and the beauty of the
Universe."

TRIUMPH OF REFORM IN ESSEX.

(FROM A CORRESPONDENT.)

CHELMSFORD, 7,IAY 17.

This town has been to-day a scene of unusual gai -ty,
life, and bustle. It was the first time within the memory
of the oldest inhabitant that the county of Essex has failed
to return a representative of what is called the True Rue
party, in which maybe comprised the leading land-owners.
the Clergy, and the Magistracy of the county. The cause of
Reform has produced this extraordinary reversion in public
opinion. The freeholders, in the propot tion of nineteen
to twenty, are Reformers. In their eagerness to promote
the success of the Bill, they seem to have merged all pri-
vate feeling, and that spirit of local partizanship which
has influenced their votes on former occasions appears to
have been wholly disregarded in the present instance. In
fact, it is net the men but the measure that they have
supported.
One of the Reform candidates, Mr. Western, was chaired
immediately after his election had been declared by the
Sheriff. The same compliment to his Honourable
Colleague, Mr. Wellesley, was necessarily deferred to
this day, in consequence of that gentleman's ab-
sence. Mr. Wellesley arrived in the town on Sun-
day evening last, and preparations were immediately
male for giving eclat to the ceremony. Though Cliehns-
f ird is known to be a blue town—the capital of Te.ryism,
several of the inhabitants expressed their determination
to illuminate, and in some of the adjacent districts, the
labouring classes unanimously agreed to abandon their or-
dinary avocations, in order that they might devote that
day to the great cause of Reform : apparently content, to
let their losses go down to account of " The Biil"—of that
Bill which engros-es the attention of all classes.

THE CHAIRING AND ILLUMINATIONS.
At an early hour the freeholders poured in from every
direction. Flags and banners. with appropriate inwrip-
tions, were to be seen gaily floating in all directions. The
fallen advocates of the Tory boroughmongers were alone
exempted from the general jubilee. The Saracen's Heal,
the principal inn, was engaged by Mr. Wellesley as his
head-pirters, during the election, and here was exhibited
a tramparency, representing the triumph of Reform—the
King, bearing the union jack, trampling., the hydra of cor-
ruption beneath his feet, with the appropriate, though
perhaps not strictly metrical, inscription—
" Foul Corruption fell'd by Royal hand,
And Liberty resolved to bless the land."
The Bell Inn also exhibited a most brilliant st..r,
with the letters W. R. in amber lamps.

At Mr. IVelles'ey's lodgings, in the High-street, there
was an exceedingly chaste display—a bulging Crown—W.
IV. R. and in transparent characters " God save the
King." Several other houses exhibited other appropriate
insignia, all illustrative of the prevailing feeling in the
cause of Reform, and complimentary to the Member who
is pledged to support that measure.
About three o'clock, Mr. Wellesley was handed into a
very beautiful chair, at the Saracen's Head Inn, from
whence the procession moved off down the High-street,
towards the hamlet of Moulston. Two trumpeters
mounted on blood greys led the van—then followed various
banners—band of music, with a long array of Mr. Wel-
lesley's immediate friends, we ring his colours, blue and
orange—next came the chair, tastefully decorated with
artificial flowers arid rosettes of blue and yellow ribbons—
the Wellesley armorial hearings, two lions rampant on a
blue ground, appearing above the back of the chair, cud
surmounted by a rich green standard, with this word
"Freedom" in gold letters. The procession went through
the town, which was immensely full. The Hon. Member
was enthusiastically cheered on his route by persons of
every chem. Even the Blues appeared to have been seized
with the general mania, and " Wellesley, Western, and
Reform" was the universal cry.
Mr. Wellesley alighted at the Saracen's Head, from the
balcony of which he addressed the crowd at considerable
length, and in allusion to his absence during the election,
said that he had been compelled to remain away in con-
sequence of debts not of his own contracting.
The dinner was served in the long room, and con-
sisted of turtle and other choice fate, with excellent
wines. After the usual loyal and public toasts,
Mr. WELLESLEY rose, evidently affected by the manner
in which his health had been drank. He referred to his
tenantry, and said he loved them as he loved his country.
He could deal severely with them if severity were neces-
sary, as he could deal harshly with his country if harshness
were necessary ; but he had never attempted to influence
the votes of his tenantry, and yet he was confident he had
their good wishes.—(Cheers.) Indeed it would be a proud
day for him if he could know that he owed his election to
the affections of his tenantry alone ; but if it should be
known that he owed it to persons who admired his conduct
and forgot his errors, as regard, d himself personally, he
should be the proudest man alive.—(Cheers.) He had
studied the philosophy of the human mind, and knew
how full it was of incongruities, of which he had more
than most men ; but although he might have wanted in
talent, he trusted he had never wanted in principle nor
in obstinacy either, when he knew he was in the right.—
(Cheers.) He now stood before them a most singular
and extraordinary exemplification of what could be done
by the stern, unbending integrity of the freeholders of a
great county. He had been in what was called public
life ever since he was eighteen years of age, but he had
never until of late years been placed in such a situation
as enabled him to follow the bent of his own political in-
clinations, and since then he had found it very easy to deal
with great men, but as a Swedish person—one Oxensteirn—
had said, it was not so easy to deal with great concerns.
Under these circumstances he had riot until lately ventured
to put himself before the public as he had done. He
begged to give the company a short aecount of his poli-
tical history in this county. When he first came into this
county it was for the purpose of opposing the continuation
of that system which was now completely destroyed ;
when he had first wished to write an address, he required
Mr. D. W. Hervey to give his opinion, and that gentleman
bad said it would he right to take off eleven millions of
taxes, knowing, however, the exigencies of the State, he
stated that time Government could not afford to lose more
than eight millions, and to show that his prophecy was
correct, as soon as Parliament met, the Government con-
rented to take off the exact number, about eight millions;
he put thi, forward merely (although he might be accused
of vanity) to show that he took a just view of the affairs of
the country, and at a time when he had no connexion
whatever with Government. He paid a high compliment
to the Parliamentary exertions of his Hon. Colleague,
although he declared that that gentleman was not a person
to whom he owed any personal favourable feeling, but in
estimating the public services of public men he allowed
no private feeling to interpose—he wished only to speak
of Mr. Western's Parliamentary conduct, which was highly
praiseworthy, and his re-election did the county great
honour.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman next alleed
to his uncle, the Duke of Wellington, between whom and
himself there existed now the greatest personal animosity;
he had, nevertheless, supported his Grace's Administra-
tion, while it was conducted on principles that promised
to be liberal, but the instant he found the policy of the
Ministry to be opposed to the wishes of the people—and
although he bad felt surprised at the Duke being at first
appointed Prime Minister—that moment be refused his
humble support to the Government.—(Cheers.) He,
(Mr. W.) had stated then that if it was thought that
revolution would stop at Belgium, or France, or any par-
ticular point of Europe, it was a mistaken idea. Where
now were Poland, Italy, and Germany? They had all
been in revolution. Ile had also said that the people
of England would command a Reform, and had he
been mistaken.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman then
stated that he was a great admirer of Earl Greet, and he
related an anecdote which occurred when he was a young
man, and had delivered some despatches to his Lordship,
who rewarded Imim with a public employment, a feet
which, as he (Mr. W.) was then only Mr. Pole, would
now (through the medium of the Press) be known to his
Lordship for the first time, that th.mt person so favoured
was him, Mr. Wellesley.—(Cheers.) However, subee-
qnently, he was put out of office and hie name was on the
pension list, although he 'leaved he had never applied for
what
thehi
sincere determination to do the duty they expected of
a shilling of the pension in his life.—(Cheers.) Mr.
s
Wellesley proceeded at considerable length to advert to the
beneficial effects that would result from a Reform in Par-
liament, and alluded to the iniquitous system of the tithe
laws, which he hoped to see altered.—(Cheers.) He
feroeleichloult,lieetrisbyheaxdprdeosnsien
ing
returning b isgr
him.—(Loud cheers.)
Harvey,RSTE eat gratitudem, a
nfdo r
stated
Dr.
brief
forecb proposed the health of
Colchester, which occa-
sioned some confusion, owing to the Rev. Mr. Hanbui y'e
getting up to make some personal allusions to that gentle-
man. The toast was however drunk.
Mr. ftoteE briefly alluded to the great exertions made
during the contest by the Hon. Mrs. Wellesley while her
husband was abeent, and proposed her health, which
received in a most rapturous manner.
Mr. WELLESLEY evidently affected by the manner in
which the toast had been received, returned thanks.
The Hon.. CHAIRMAN soon afterwards retired, and Dr.
was
Pritchard, the Chairman of his Committee, succeeded
him in the Chair. The hilarity of the meeting was kept
tip until a late hour.

REFORM-BETTER LATE THAN NEVER.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

Stn,—l have just heard from undoubted authority that
among those Peers who hive lately sent in their adhesion
to Lord Grey, in favour of the Minister's liberal measure
of Reform, are the followinz distinguished individuals
fl e Marquis of Bao, his hrother (Lord Carteret). the
Duke of Bueeleugh, and Earl Cawdur ; the Noble Mar-
quis's sons.in law, and Eauls Chesterfield, liarewood, and
Cork and Orrery.

Lord I:lath, I am convinced, is a truly good and con.
seientious ;van, who has never refused relief or assistance
to the suffering poor, or disregarded the oppressed and
_ .

,tarving lal,ourers; and, although his Lordship is the
p,ssessor Of two ancient and rotten boroughs, is now be-
coole a strong advocate fur the disfranclii,ement of them,
and all other mea,urcs that may tend to restore honest
Britons to their rights and privileges. I am, Sir,
Your humble and obedient servant,
Wednesday Morning. A REFORMIST.

EVER.

7N.

ority that
adhesion
1 measure
Auals :
ere* the
ble Mar-
Wood, and

and con.

assiitance
eased and
ip is the
now be-
of them,
arc honest

rant,
)RMIST.