The Sun.
London, England, 1838-01-19 00:00:00

hear)—and that it was spewing they anticipated there :could
oe a resistance, Why, my Lords, is it not Letter to antici-
pate resistance—is it not better to appear to be over cautious
than in reality to be too supine? Is not a revolt successful
infinitely worse, if that revolt occurs, than the appearance of
of being afraid of a revolt which may never break out ?
And, my Lards, above all, is not a revolt more likely to be
successful (and I will add, much more likely to break out, and
if it breaks out to succeed) if you do not take the ordinary,
tiatnettl, and necessary precautions in order to fortify yourselves
When yoU have reason to expect something? But then, says
Illy Noble Friend, it Would be paying a bad compliment to the
loyalty mid real of a large portion of the Canadians had we
tient out additional troops, whom it is, I admit, our bounden
duty to protect in authority and to reward for loyalty. Now,
I should not wonder if many of these loyal and devoted and
peaceable inhabitants of all parts of this province might be in-
duced to say—a truce with your compliments; don't praise our
zeal and our loyalty at the expense of the peace and security
of the colony—give us less praise and more protection—
( Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear")--and we shall be better
satisfied ; never mind the imputation you Wight be
exposed to by sending out a troop of sol-
e':iers, so that you only secure us against the worst
of 8.1 mischiefs, first a civil war breaking out, and next
should it break out proving
,successful.—( Hear, hear.) My
Lords, it must be aggrieving to the loyal and peaceful to
tell them then se being agitation, disaffection, and discontent
boiling over in meets parts of their eountry, that you will not
adopt those measures eeNch your duty—the duty by which
alone you have the right tea the reciprocal payment of alle-
giance to you—the duty of proteetelg them, called upon you
to adopt—that you will not do that because the discharging-
of that duty might seem to indicate a want of confidence in
their zeal and loyalty. My Lords, this is not, I are sorry to
say, a proper defence—it is an after thought —( Hear, hear.)
This is not a real, sincere, and but for the respect I owe my
Noble Friend, I could hardly be prevailed upon to call it, an•
honest line of defence. If any man had asked my Noble
Friend a few months ago why he had not sent troops to back his
odious resolutions, he might have given one answer or he
might have given another to what would have been
a very prudent question—l cennot divine what that answer
Alight have been, but of one thing I am quite certain, that he
would not have given the same answer before the recent
events, as by an ingenious after-thought he has given since.
viz., that he did not send troops to Canada, because it would
seem to indicate that he had some distrust of the goodness of
his Bth resolution, or that he had some mistrust of the loyalty of
the Canadiads. That is an answer not characterized by the usual
candour, fairness, and ingenuousness of my Noble Friend.
Well, my Lords, thus these matters went on, and thus
they went on with admirable consistency to the very last.
Notwithstanding the recommendation of the Commissioners to
alter the Constitution of the Executive Council in Lower
Canada, and the expressed determination of the Government
in the month of April to act on that Report, no instructions
on the subject had been sent out—at least none had reached
Canada until, he believed, the latter end of September, not
having left Downing-street until the 22d of August ; then,
for the first time, is sent a detailed account of the new con-
structien of the Legislative Council. On the 14th July—a
day remarkable in Canada by an extraordinary activity—for
there are no less than four despatches in this volume dated July
14.—(Laughter)—on that day I am well aware there is some-
thing said in one despatch about the construction of the Legisla-
tive Assembly ; but its merely sending a long—a very very long
extract—so long that my Noble Friend thinks it necessary to
apologize for reading it, from a Report of the Canadian Com-
missioners. The composition of the Legislative Council was
one of the two things the Commissioners agreed upon ; and
when they did agree, they always agreed with one another
upon opposite reasoning—(Laughter)—and the arguments of
the one afforded a satisfactory refutation of the other--( Con-
tinued laughter)—and they alone of all men, and of all Com-
missioners, had found out the knack of coming to the same point
by diametrically opposite roads. —( Laughter.) That is, not go-
ing to York by way of Grantham (the usual road), but first set-
ting out for Exeier, and then proceeding to York. —( Laughter. )
In the dispatch of the 14th of July there is an extract from
that portion of the Report, in which alone the Commissioners
were agreed_namely, that relating to the appointment of new
members of the Legislative Council. The dispatch, how-
ever, merely quotes the extract, and gives no sort of know-
ledge to the Governor—surrounded as he was by rebellion--
as to how he was to act upon the only point of the highest im-
portance in this part of the subject, that is, what men he was
to put upon the Legislative Council of Lower Canada.--
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") But, then, I beg Noble
Lords to bear in mind that Lord Gosford was one of the
Commissioners who drew up the Report, and it was
possible—barely possible—that he might have a copy
of that Report.—(Hear, and laughter.) But my Noble
Friend, for the greater security, thought it necessary that he
should send the Noble Lord a portion of the report, lest, per-
chance he might not be in possession of the whole.—( A laugh. )
The names of the peasons to be put upon the Council were
not sent out until the 22d of August, and could not be re-
ceived there until the end of September, when it was too late,
as the country was than organised in opposition to her Ma-
jesty's Government, not in a narrow and confined sense, but
an extensive military, civil, and police organization.—( Hear.)
It was then too late to think of soothing the people by put-
ting proper men upon the Council.—(Hear, hear.) They
herd already their pacilicators—ainiables compogiteurs—and
their police. —( Hear.) It appears that promises had been given
Mind before the demise of the Crown, which were never kept
—(Hear, hear)--hopes had been held out which were never
realized—Bills were to be passed which, in point of fact, never
Were even as much as proposed.—( Hear, hear.) In the
Meantime the revolt took place—blood was spilt—and the
Province was involved in civil war. No such Bills as were
promised before the demise of the Crown have been introduced
ever since Parliament re-assembled ; but an entirely new Bill
has been introduced to meet entirely new circumstances. But
if we ask the question—why was no such Bill as my Noble
Friend promised in these dispatches brought in within the last
six months ? Well, the reason is this—here we find it
thus given in the Report of the 14th of July._..( Hear, hear.)
" Much as they have always lamented the necessity of adopt-
ing such a measure under any circumstances, they would at
the present moment feel a peculiar reluctance in resorting to
it, as they would deeply regret that one of the first legislative
acts of the reign of her most gracieus Majesty should carry
even the semblance of an ungracious spirit towards the repre-
sentatives of her Majesty's loyal and faithful subjects in that
Province." If, then, " even the semblance of au ungracious
spirit towards the representatives of her Majesty's most loyal
subjects," condemned in such a manner, what thinks my
Noble Frient of pursuing such a course as to excite the
reality and the spirit of resistance ? Does he not think that it
would have been better to have avoided their empty compli-
\ Merits, meaning nothing, and to have at once proceeded to dis-
charge the imperative duty vt:sich lie had to perform? I should
have thought that instead of complimenting his Royal
Mistress in such a clumsy fashiore it would have been
better to have called upon her to protect her loyal
subjects, and to have preserved the peace by pursu-
ing such a course, as under her predecessor they had
ei-elertakep to ado t*— (Cheers. ) My Noble Friend says in
hls dispatch,' They would deeply regret that one of the.first
legislative Acts of the reign of her most gracious Majesty
should carry even the semblance cf an ungracious spirit."
Were not, then, the dilatory proceedings which are disclosed
in these despatches deserving of blame ? Did not such wealt-
tess and vacillation and want of energy as marked the whole
Proceedings, and which must of necessity almost ensure dissa-
tisfaction, breaking out into disaffection, and from disaffection
leading to' revolt and the shedding of the blood of her Majes-
tY's subjects—did not all this excite my Noble Friend's re-
gret?—(Cheers.) We have been told that at the beginning
of a new reign we should not disturb the mind of the monarch
and that the rose-leaf on the royal couch should riot be ruffled.
Put, then, should the dying couch of the monarch he so dis-
turbed?
Ought his last moments to be vexed and liar-
ra"ed by tine consideration of measures harsh, penal, and
Bd"ere ?---( Hear, hear, hear.) Was this the reason wiry
_uoring the last six weeks of his late Majesty's reign, my
ble Friend and his colleagues did not follow up their own
resolutions ? My Lords, I sly this is a delicate and perilous
argument. It is 'resorted to for the sake of justifying the
Ministers at the expense of the Monarchy, and of the Monar-
°lteal Constitution.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") I know
nothing of the last hours of one reign, or of the dawn of a new
reigns, which can diminish or lessen the responsibility of the
e
"isers of the Crown, or excuse them from doing their duty
.0 the Crown, be that duty of a harsh and violent, or of a
Peaceful and conciliatory nature.—( Hear, hear.) Beware, I
say, how you advance this argument against the l'ifonarehy,
a
in favour of another form of Government.—( Great sensa-
tion Oil the Opposition side.) This is not my argument—it is
not I that am to blame.—[ Here the Noble arid Learned Lord
turned round to the Ministers and said with great emphasis,
1; r°l‘ are they; and this dispatch (striking the dispatch
between his hands)—this dispatch is the authority, whence will
derived a text, upon which commentators will not be wanting,
,-`,"Stillness on both sides, remarkable after the excitement
Trion was manifested on the Oepesition during the other and less
titillated parts of the speech.] But, my Lords, these were
hot the true reasons of the vacillation and delay. The real
reason oozes out a few pages further on in the volume be'ore
me_; My Noble Friend, in his next dispatch to Lord Gosford,
1.Y% " In my dispatch of the 29th of June I apprised your
ddoethat in consequence of the demise of the Crown, and
,5 approaching dissolution of Parliament, it had been re-
fc'ved to propose to the House of Commons a vote of credit
tl°,,r the advance by way of loan, out of the funds of this coun-
ty' Of a sum of money adequate to the payment of the arrears
tttle to her Majesty's civil servants in Lower Canada." Thus
ItaPPears, then, that the Government determined to give up
4bei eighth, which was the most harsh, insulting, and objection-
s. e, of their resolutions, and to furnish the money that was
eNtdred for the payment of salaries out of the pockets of the
e eto„Pie ou this side of the water. But my Lords, we (ironi-
Coil) are now in our full vigour--( A laugh)—when by ting
T4cl stroke of ecohomy we are performing the crowning
of impotence.—(Cries of " hear, hear," and a laugh.)
e
time had passel when it was right to pause and de-
its rate—( Hear, hear)--for no reasonable hope could present
4telf of securing tranquillity by irresolution—(Hear.) For
r. Ile see—in a subsequent pert of this dispatch, my Noble
hs lend says, Without too far indulging hopes resting, as I
412 t confess, on no very definite ground, I yet cannot..ll,ie-
ebi'ler despair that the Assembly, or that some very consider,
portion of that House, may be disposed to abandon the
eelll'Se Which they have so long pursued." But they did not
eo`ill disposed to abandon that course. But I suppose the
teltil!se which my Noble Friend adopted was not adopted on
pr:ary grounds, and therefore I suppose not abandoned
tea," any but extraordinary grounds. Indeed he knew
lib:A retreat from it would be inconsistent with hie most de-
rate sense of duty, and therefore he deprecated every ale.
e, ranee of vacillation.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Did
tj Noble Friend really suppose that his vacillations would de.
rthe disaffected from their projects? The reasons whits))

these dispatches furnish, and the arguments which my Noble
Friend advances in them, arc triumphant in favour precisely
.if that bee of conduct which my Noble Friend never once
pursued.—( Hear, hea-, and a laugh.) But the dispatch I
hold in my hand furnishes the most marvellous sample of the
vacillation that seems to have pervaded the whole of their pro-
ceedings. They passed their Resolutions—they resolved to
seize the money of the Canadians_and they resolved that
there should be no vacillation. But mark ! what did they
g,:s why, they cast this resolution from their minds, and
they resolve again—what? Why, that the money should
not be taken from the Canadian chest, but from the
pockets of the good people of England.—( Hear, hear.)
It would really appear as if some great change had come over
the senses of my Noble Friend just at this time, which, if it '
did not deprive him of his ordinary faculties, at any rate lulled I
him into some sweet sleep, or kind of trance, such as we are
told by physicians renders people insensible to the impressions
of the objects by which they are surrouuded.—( A laugh.)
Could this hare arisen f. orn the deep grief into which my
Noble Friend and his Colleagues were plunged, at the decease
of their kind and generous Master ?,f Laughter. ) Bet that
grief must have had its day and its hour—it ie not in the na-
sure of grief to last fop ever. Why did the trance continue,
then, nearly up to this time? Oh I doubtless, its continuance
must have been occasioned by the accession of their late Mas-
ter's illustrious successor---( Hear)_which prolonged the pause
into which grief had plunged them : and the sleep now appears
to have been continued by something inexpressibly delicious,
which most have influenced them.—( Laughter.) Or could it
be that the Whig party not having sat down to the banquet
of royal favour for nearly a century—could it he that they sat
down with such an eager appetite, the natural result of so lone't'
abstinence, it was impossible for them in such a state of unu-
sual pleasure to bring their faculties to bear upon points so
distant as the affairs of Canada, or so trifling and unimportant
as the well-being and tranquillity of the most important co-
lony of the Crown, or so trivial of the peace as this country,
possibly of the world ? If all were in jeopardy, nothing could
rouse them from their luxurious stupor. I put the query— I ask
the question—l am unable myself to solve it. I may indeed have
hit upon the solution, but of this I am certain, that to that solu-
tion I am led by those passagez of the despatch which spoke of
the demise of the Crown and the accession of the new Sove-
reign. They were not even roused by the dissolution which
of necessity came after the demise. Indeed, the dissolution
had something to do with the neglect of the colonial affairs.
It was immaterial whether the Bill founded on the resolutions
was brought in at the end of July or the beginning of August,
for there was ample time to pass it. The resolutions upon
which it was founded had passed, and the passing of the Bill
was a matter of course. Indeed, in this House, my Noble
Friend knows }mean do as he likes—(Laughter)—l mean, my
Lords, when he does wrong..—(Much laughter.) Ille se
jactat in atria. Ido not say that you would let him do much
to advance the interests of the people, but only let him invade
their rights and he is sure to find you every way indulgent—
( Renewed laughter)—for I must do you the justice to say
that you are never unwilling to give your support to what aro
called vigorous measures. Therefore I cannot connect the
dissolution of the late Parliament with the ladies of which I
complain. I believe the truth is, that the Minister hoped to
procure by a dissolution an increase of not less than fifty to
his majority, and I do not think that he ever suspected that
this imaginary increase would be changed into an addition of '
fifteen to the number of his opponents.—( Hear, and laughter.)
But my Noble Friends determined to have the dissolution at
all hazards. It was not justice to Canada, it was not justice
to the people of this country, that influenced the dissolution,
but it was the peculiar situation of Ministers that made them
think that it would prove beneficial to them. It was for I
some reason of this kind that a certain official—l do not
know what kind of quarter-master-general out of doors—
thought that it was expedient that the dissolution should
take place on a particular. .day, not one day sooner or one
day later, but at a certain specific period, and the conse-
quence was that matters of all kinds were either got rid of
or postponed that this might happen. When it was deter- I
mined upon it appeared to afford unusual satisfaction to my
Noble Friends and their retainers. As to my Noble and Learned
Friend on the Woolsack,' never saw upon his countenance such an
unwonted and unaccustomed expression of hilarity as when
he heard of the determination.—(Great laughter.) He was
giving judgment at the time on a very important question,
involving the gravest considerations, and the determination of
which would serve as a precedent. My Noble and Learned
Friend the Lord Chief Justice had delivered his opinion on
the subject, and expressed his doubts on the matter. My
Noble and Learned Friend then rose and moved that the judg-
ment in the case should be affirmed, by which a question
would be set at rest which had been greatly litigated, and
which was a matter of considerable importance. Having in
the first place given a reason for the course he took, which
was no reason whatever, as every lawyer was aware—
( A laugh)—he cited some cases ; but while my Noble and
Learned Friend was in the midst of his judgment, he was
accosted by my Noble Friend the Lord Privy Seal, who was
then in his robes, who doubtless said something to him in a whis-
per as to the necessity of putting an end to Parliament. Instead,
therefore, of going on with his judgment, my Noble and
Learned 'riend at once concluded with moving that the judg-
ment of the Court below he affirmed. My Noble and Learned
Friend then at once retired, and shortly after took his seat as
a Commissioner to give the Royal Assent tc certain Bills.—( A
laugh.) I was most anxious that the dissolution should be
postponed for a day or two, to allow me an opportunity of
giving judgment in some appeal cases which I had heard, and
in which I was fully prepared to give judgment. I more than
once implored the Government to postpone the dissolution on
this account from the Monday until the Tuesday, so as to
save the parties from the ruinous expense of litigation
in the shape of further appeal. I repeat I was ready to give
judgment, and I was anxious to do so, as I knew that the
whole expense which had already been occasioned, the par-
ties would be exposed to again, if I should happen to die in
the interim before the meeting of the new Parliament. This
I think was a sufficient reason ; but there was also the ad-
ditional reason of the evil that always arises from the post-
ponement of decisions, till the year after the case has been
heard. It was, however, said that it was utterly impossible to
grant my request, as the dissolution must needs take place on
the day that had been named. The object of this, no doubt,
was that certain election purposes should be attained, and
that, therefore, the dissolution could not be postponed for even
one day. On this point I find something in one of the four
dispatches of my Noble Friend, of the date of the 4th of
July, which confirms the view I have taken on the subject. I
an, therefore, justified in saying that the dissolution of Par-
liament had some share in taking the attention of the Govern-
ment from Canadian matters. It took all men's minds from
the subject of Canadian affairs, and fixed their attention upon
matters nearer home. My Lords, the picture, then, which
these papers present to the minds of your Lordships is cer-
tainly not very much calculated to raise i,s your estimation the
capacity, the Statesmanlike habits, and firmness of my Noble
Friends. I do nut mean to say that you will not find here
many instances of great dispatch amounting even to rapidity;
Ido not say that the volumes before me do not afford
proof of much deliberation, delay, pausing, and considera-
tion ; I do not say that you will not find many instances of
important suggestions end mature reflections ; we
have both the " consu/to" and the " mature
.facto"—but the
misfortune is, that they occur at the wrung time and in the
wrong place. You have deliberation applied to the execu-
tion. You have rapidity applied to the deliberation. The
head is hot ; the hand is paralysed. There is no want of
haste when you are called upon to adopt resolutions which
were sufficient of thews. Ives to throw the whole country into
a flame—there is no want of delay when you have to carry
those resolutions into effect.—(" Hear," and a laugh.) You
pause when any thing calls upon you to act with rapidity—you
never begin to falter until all faltering, even for the twinkling
of an eye, is ealeule ted to throw the whole of Canada into
danger—you then matiffeet 4 disposition for tranquillity at a
time when pausing and hesitation arcs most dangerous—you
appear supine and hesitating at a time when the reest vigorous
exertions are called for and should he resorted to if you der
sire success, If I referred to all that I had met
with in the history of oar own time, or in the history
of by-gone ages, I could not mention a more remark-
able instance than the present of the truth of the ob
servation of the old Swedish Chancellor Oxenstiern. who
said, "Mi ffli, disco yuautula prudentia orbis regitur." My
Lords, I cannot sit down without expressing my ("pinion
touching the conduct of the other party in this disastrous
struggle. My Lords, I would advert for a moment to the
language which has been employed by my Noble Friends to-
wards those who have set themstelves in opposition to the law.
My Lords, I need not defend myself against so absurd a charge
as that of being disposed to vindicate or abet any who have rebelled
against the laws of the empire. But, my Lords, we are talk-
iog of the crimes of those persons when we lavish all the epi-
thets which can be dictated by angry feelings upon those who
have been goaded by the conduct of the Government to re-
sistance, doee it not become us to reflect that they are not
here, and that they are not represented here ? Nor have they
any advocate here to defend theist in their absence, and in no
part of these papers is one single word to be found, nor, in-
deed, could be expected, regularly, of defence, or vindication,
or extenuation of their conduct.—( Hear, hear, hear.)
And, surely,
,my Lords, with all candid, not to say
generous minus, I need not say ono word further iu
order to prove how strong is their claim to every kind furs
bearanee—to every allowance that it is possible for charity to
to make.—( Hear.) Then, my Lords, I hold those deeply re-
sponsible who have not sent over an overwhelming force, to
make resistance hopeless; and therefore render it impossible.
After having been goaded to resistance by maltreatment, they
have been tempted to rebel by seeing the province unproeided
with a sufficient force to put down all insurrection.—( Hear.)
Who is it, I ask—from what quarter
it—that the Canadians
have learnt the lesson of resistance? Yon ceclaiin against
their resolt, but have you not heard of 20,00/. taken
in spite of their teeth—without their votes—against their
resolutions—by the imperial Parliament, who had nothing to
tic with it. You say indeedeesand this is the argument of my
Lord Gosf rd —that this people pay rin ta“‘;.—that they enjoy
a valuable boon in the way of trade with this eountry—ehat
they have a revenue appropriated to their local purposes—and
tented at having 20,000/
consentQn of elicit. representatives.
cannot
without
much
the
'
Twenty thouiieted pounds taken without the coneeet ef the
thattak e they n
rrom
them
people's
representatieea I Why, what was it that Hemp-
lien resisted but the payrnetit of twenty shillings, taken
frosts hirn without his consent, or tee gunsent of his
representatives, ,410 by that resistance he has won for letese/f
an imperishable name, Hf which the Plantageeets and the
Guelphs envy him the pOSSek;3l44i.. In resisting oppression,
therefore, in resisting the taking of their ,stoney without the
consent of their representatives, I say we are the ceimieals
who have set the exampits to thp Canadians. My Lords,
throw this out in mitigation, in extenseetion, god with a view
weetee
'n hove all others is now nearest my heavt—ot isreQl,Tipg
the shedding ninsee drop more blood than strict justice at so
lutely and rigorouslydenientteeesud of calling upon those into

whose hands the sword of justice is committed, to sheathe it
from the instant that the rebel has submitted.—( Hear, hear.)
I am How called upon, my Loi ds, by the speech of my Noble
Friend, to enter into a much wider field (which, however, I
decline doing), to look forward to the system of Government
which is proposed to be established in Canada. My Lords,
it it proposed that a Governor should rule without any re.
striction whatever, for three years, while all the time we are
told that it is but one province out of eight that is disaffected.
Why, then, my Lords, is the Constitution, net only of 1831.
that is already suspended, but that of 1791--Mr. fill's
Cons itution is to be suspended, because one-eighth part
of the colony has rebelled ? This may be rigour,
—hut it is not justice :—it is an attempt to supply the
want of activity which has hitherto characterised the con-
duct of the Government by an excess of morbid vigour
—it is not consistent with common sense, or justice. It is
strange, my Lords, to see how the vigour of my Noble Friend
works. Sometimes it is cenfined to the corner of a province ;
sometimes it spreads over a whole colony. Just as it suits the
argument of my Noble Friend, the whole of Lower Canada
is disaffected, or one little district. When it is asked why
troops were not sent out in sufficient numbers to prevent any
insurrection—" Oh! the people of Canada are a paragon of
loyalty—we would not distrust them—we would not for the
world appear to distrust them."—(Hear, hear.) But
when the question comes—abeut mulcting, the Canadian
Constitution, governing Canada without the representatives
of the people—taking the money of the people without the
concurrence of the representatives—and governing without
law, or making laws which I admit to be arbitrary, and which
have been called despotic—then the whole face of the argu-
ment is changed, and the rebellion is spread over the whole
colony.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, let me ask, if the colony
is so disaffected as to afford any justification for suspending the
Constitution, and sending a Governor out to rule lawlessly,
what justification has the Government for leaving the
colony without any troops ?—( Hear, hear.) My Lords,
I do not think that this question will be answered.
It seems that this Constitution, this despotic form of Go-
vernment, is only the precursor of another arrangement.
Whether the Noble Lord has himself formed any distinct
and accurate idea of what the new form is to be I know
not, and my mind is so dull that I cannet conceive what
new steps will he hereafter taken. It is true that there is a
proposition that a certain number of persons shall be elected
from the various provinces to assist the Governor, but how
those representatives are to act, or what measures are to be
adopted, I cannot discover. But above all how the repre-
sentatives are to be appointed is the question which is
of the greatest interest, and which is involved in the greatest
mystery.--( Hear, hear, hear.) I could easily imagine in
me own mind a plan which could be sketched out; but
what will be the use of having people from the country to
assist the Governor, unless he is instructed to conciliate the
people ? Well, but then supposing these representatives are
to be chosen by the electors, is it that those 447,000 persons
by whom formerly the rebellious Parliament was elected are
now to choose the ten persons who are to be employed in the
government? Can any one do otherwise than see that the
persons selected must be of the same class as those whose con-
duct has been complained of; that they will be men who will
follow upon the heels of Mr. Papineau, and who will imme-
diately call out for the establishment of an elective council?
Is:the Governor to have the power to select the people who are
to be sent to his assistance, and will those gentlemen only
whose opinions suit his views be appointed ? Or are writs to
be sent to those districts only which are known to support the
views of the Government, and are those whose opinions are
known to be of a contrary nature to be excluded ; If such is
to be the case, my Lords, I tell your Lordships fearlessly, that
it is the greatest mockery that can be imagined. It will be
much better to say, that the Governor should rule front no in-
structions whatever.—( Cheers. ) It will be better to leave
him to his own resourtes to govern as he likes, and to issue
'recepts as our Kings formerly did.—(Cheers.) These are
questions which must arise, and which must be answered. I
therefore say, my Lords, that no benefit whatever that I can see
will result from the abolition of the Constitution. I cannot but
see, that the greatest possible injusticeand discord willarisefrom
the abolition of the constitution—the suspension of the constitu-
tion—for i f you suspend it you abolish Cheers.) My Lords,
I have already said that Pe shall not enter further into
the plan at present. It certainly is most obscure at present.
I shall not enter into the history of the particular disasters of
this civil war, but I have heard what I hope, and what I sin-
cerely believe, that it has already reached its termination.
No thanks to the vigilance of the Home Government, but to
the colonists themselves—left to their own resources—who
have, without the assistance of the wisdom of the Home Go-
vernment to guide them, or force to help them, but armed by
their own wisdom, and inspired by their own zeal and loyalty,
have succeeded in putting down the revolt and restoring
peace.—( Cheers.) Then comes the pitiful question with
respect to the address ; and on looking at it I find it is the
same as the one that was agreed to in 1775, even in the very
order of its topics. I was quite surprised when I heard it
read, because I understood my Noble Friend to state that it
was perfectly different from that of 1775. I have often
heard that the language of official documents carries
itself from one Administration to another—( Hear, hear,
and laughter)—and certainly that is the case in the
present instance ; for if my Noble Friend, instead of being a
novice in such matters, had been horn in Whitehall, and bred
in Downing-street, he could not have more glibly given such
a positive and unqualified denial to the statement that_ die
address which had been moved was the same with that of the
year 1775.—(Cheers.) In the Address of 1775 there cer-
tainly is a passage which it would hardly suit the Ministers of
the present day to introduce into their Address. In 1775 the
Parliament took upon itself to bear testimony to the tact that
the Executive Govern:nent of Great Britain had borne with
much temper the resistance which the! Crown hail expe-
tienced in North America. The authors of the eight resolu-
tions durst not say that.—(Cheers.) The House, in 1773,
expressed itself grateful to his Majesty for conveying to it
the information which it had received, and then comes the
part which is omitted in the present Address ; for it goes
on to say' that, when they considered with how much tem-
per and moderation his Majesty and the Houses of Par-
liament had supported the laws and the Constitution,
they ever should be ready to pay' attention to any real grin,-
ances of the subjects of his Majesty, and would stand by hi,
Majesty in all cases of rebellion to maintain the just rights of
his Majesty and the two [louses of Parliament. There the
two Houses of Parliament were alluded to, but is the present
address me content ourselves with declaring our willingness to
support her Majesty only. But in reference to this subject
Mr. Burke said—and I beg to remind your Lordship of the
circumstance—Mr. Burke said Put down the rebels—con-
quer them, but subduing is not governing; and a province that
requires to be always conquered is literally riot worth possess-
ing."—(Cheers.) And so I say, my Lords, of Canada.—
( Cheers.) The rebellion in Canada may be suppressed, and I
hope that result before this time has been effected, and the blood
of our brother Canadians ceased to flow.—(Cheers.) But
;hen comes the period to try the statesman—then comes the
far more important and delicate question—then came a stet
of things requiring infinitely more circninepec:ion,
beradon, more judgment, and more wisdom than the sup-
pressioa of any rebellion—namely, the mode of governing- a
colony where armed resistance no longer existed ; the plan:
for that purpose must be matured before it be followed by
vigour and execution—all pausing, all faltering most end
when You have once maturely made up Jour minds.—( Cheers.
I hope upon that subject the Ministers of the Crown will
deliberate at the proper time for deliberation, and when the
time for action comes I hope they will not falter.—(Cheers.)
But if I am called upon to say whether or not the authors of
this dispatch, the propounders of last year's resolutions, they
who had failed to follow them up by any one aet of
consistency or vigour—( Loud cheers)—they who, the nee
ment they find their measures require to be prosecuted, deser
:hem, ere the men who are the titteet to preside over that
crisis which would form the rcal teat of statesmanship.—
( Cheers. ) Rebellion, it is true, may be met by ordinary
means and ordinary talents, a military power, or even one st
police may suppress insurrection, and subdue a disaffected or
rebellious spirit ; but the real test, my Lords, of the sagacity
of a statesman will be greatest at the period when tranquillity
is resto.ed. My Lords, I falter, painful its the avowal is, 1
am warranted in stating it, for their own acts have proved it--
I falter, my Lords, before I pronounce that the present Mi-
nistry have proved themselves to be the fittest men to approach
that exigency which is fast approaching,.—( Cheers.) My
Lords, do not let me be supposed to be one who sets a high
value upon such a possession ss Canada.—(Cheers.) I hold it
to be worthy no large secritice ; I hold it to be un-
worthy of a breach of our Constitution.—(Loud cheers.)
Good God 1 what can be worth the violation of the eternal
principles of justics?--(Checrs.) I hold Canada to be lite
rally worth nothing—absolutely nothing—in a national point
of view. I hold it to be immaterial, in a national point of
view, whether we net tin or lose it, so that it becomes quiet')
an independent people.--( Cheers.) lam not, however, sill:
enough to suppose that any nation can be expected to give ul'
large foreign possessions to dictation, disaffection, or rebel-
lion. I never expected to see that ; the feeling of interna-
tional honour and zeal are against such a surrender; but I de
expect, when all questions of honour are out of date—when ill
feelings and resentments are passed by —when all feelings
against the wrong-doers are subsided—when the reign of jus-
tice and law is restored—that that justice will be tempered
with mercy.—( Cheers)—and that all ill feelings will be put Si)
cud to, towards our brethren across the Atlantic.—( Cheers.)
I hope then our eyes will be opened to the false pos'tion we
are in voth respect to Canae'a, and that we shall be convinced
that it has lost us a vast deal more in men, and money, and
trade, than it has ever brought us.—( Cheers. ) I say, my
Lords, that the loss of Canada as a colony, provided it be
peaceful, will be a gain and an advantage.—( Cheers.) Ca-
nada costs us half a million for Government and del'ence, and
independent of the expense of that vast undertaking, the canal,
which has cost us several millions. From two to three mil-
lions had been laid out there in useless fortifications ; I cell
them useless, my Lord, lily worse than useless, upon the au-
hority of a Right Hon. Gallant Friend of mine, who was
pay.naster of the Forces.
L3r4 GLENELG—Who ?
Lord BR.O UO H A M-6ir Henry Hardinge—in addition to
ti.is, we are obliged to pay for keeping Canada, a duty of
ees, upon all the bad timber that comes from thence, to be
coesneraed here, when we only pay 10s. for the best in the
world ; for 1 bol4 0114 peltip timber is the best, and it is
comparatively near our own d6ore. Sueh an arrangement
would give great improvement to our commerce, because it
must he known that at present we won't take their timber in
re:urn for our produce. Grain and tinalfer ;ampt all that the
countries in the Baltic had to dispose of, and grain we
will not take for the sake of the agricultural interests,
end tiretier kee prehileit for the sake of Canada.—( Hear. )
Titerefore, f4er4i, learly of ppottun Net set,. ought
to make up our iniede tO'an Mineable separation of the colony
frese tice msther country—( Heer, hear)—and by joining that
to the other provinces 0 riCr,bbourhuod to form a union
1,

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 19, 1838.

of sufficient stability' and strength to ceunterhalance the co7os-
sal empire of the United States.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords,
these are not the opinions to which I have come yesterday,
but after long arid careful examination. But of one thing I
am certain, that it is of the last importance to this country
how the separation should be accomplished.—( Hear, hear.)
If that member is to be torn, as it were, bleeding from the
body of our empire, a wound is left on bo'h sides, both on the
body that remains and on the limb that is severed, which may
rankle for generaiions to come. Hence all that national
enmity, the cause of commercial decay, the proximate cause
of war, the remote cause of every species of discontent,
not only among the people of the two countries, but
among each class of its own inhabitants.—( Hear, bear.)
'Fhere is nothing more which a great statesman ought to
guard against. Consequently every thing that can pour balm
into the wound should be tried. Every thing that can make
the separation gradual, that can make it amicable, that can
make it cordial, that can prevent the possibility of leaving
any rankling feeling behind it—every thing that can tend to
that object ought to be held is tire most sacred regard by
every prudent arid virtuous statesman. My hope and trust is,
that whatever sinister aspect our colonial affairs may wear,
hat from the experience of the past a lesson will Le der iced
by those who still manage the affairs of this empire—that they
will bestir them:elves, while it is time, to heal the wounds
which improvidence and rashness, and to a certain degree im-
becility and vacillation have inflicted; and the result will be,
not only the restoration of peace, but of concord, without
which
last, if a permanent settlement of these grievances i
is but
sauppused f
name, andor
athme
o nl'uotreontdt,t)hbaot
skinnedhas been
eeonveinr.-
My Lords, above all, my hope is for peace—but that peace
cannot
shall not be effected. All Canada calls out for apt elective
titeehd canp peace
c oenly be
Legislative Council. Refuse it you cannot. They have used'
against the Council that now exists no more vehement lan-
guage than is often used against your Lordships in this
country. I don't see that they have used any more vehement
language than you have used in this place respecting Bills
sometimes brought from the other House of Parliament. But,
my Lords, there is a difference between the Canadians and
the people of this country, and that difference it is which
makes my present appeal to the House of importance. The
difference is this—that whereas here a very, very small frac-
tion of our countrymen have ever even whispered the pro-
priety of a reform of the House of Lords, and not even
the most inconsiderable fraction of our countrymen have
ever been able to state consistently or distinctly, or intelli-
gibly at all, how that reform of this House can be exe-
cuted without totally destroying the English Constitution-
-diet in Canada they have a plan established consistent with
their Constitution, contrary to none of its fundamental princi-
ples, introducing an elective system there which is the com-
mon law of all the new world, and that instead of being fol-
lowed by only an insignificant fraction of the people, the whole
people are with one voice calling out, and have for years been
calling out, for that reform of the Legislative Council, If
Your Lcrdships, with all the difficulties, with all the impossi-
bility I would almost say, of forming an intelligible plan fur
reforming the Upper House of Parliament, had acted by your
fellow countrymen as the Legislative Council of Lower Ca-
nada has acted by the Canadians, I am very certain that not
a small fraction of the people of England would have insisted
upon the change here, but that that call would have been loud,
vehement, and universal. The wisdom of your Lordships has
prevented the possibility of such a call—the avisd:m of your
Lordships has mitigated many measures and altered the detail
of others. You have rtjected one or two Bills in one or two
sessions. The Legislative Council of Canada will not pass
any Bill at all whether relating to police, to education, to the
administration ofjustice, to the distribution of the revenues, to
the Crown lands, to the Executive Government, to the rela•
tions of the mother country, or to the relations of trade or
commerce : no Bill seat front one House to the other is ever
passed by that Legislative House. No wonder then that the
call for change should be loud, vehement, and universal; but
much wonder, if a cause so just, so vehement, and so unani-
mous should not be found to be altogether irresistible. It is
in vain to send out any one with power to refuse boons and to
abolish Constitutions, if you arm him not with power to
do that which alone can reconcile the people of Ca-
nad: ; and I should deeply deplore, if my Noble Friend,
to whom the task of accommodating these differences
has bsen entrusted, and who in the first instance has cast upon
him that most thankless office of carrying out the most un-
constitutional Act of Parliament that has crossed the Atlantic
s'nee the celebrated Massachussets Bill, should not also be
fortified with the power of healing the wound which, in the
first instance, he is to be compelled to inflict, because I well
know that he will neither derive honour from his mission, nor
credit nor benefit to the country from any possible means of
discharging the dirties of his mission. My Lords, once more
I beseech your Lordships to make up your minds to do jus-
tice, to grata liberally, to improve fearlessly, to reform un-
hesitatingly, whatever the people of Canada have a just right
to call upon you to grant and to improve. By no other means
can either right or justice be done to the people of America,
or the character of the people of England be sustained ;
and by no other means can the integrity of the empire and
the honour of the Crown, and, above all, the peace of this
country, of America, and of the world; be secured.—( Hear.)
Viscount MELBOURNE, after a short pause, rose and
said: I should have wished, before I addressed the use
on this subject, that some other Noble Peer who took a
different view of the question from the Noble Lord who
has just resumed iris seat, should have risen. Even amidst
the torrent of invective and sarcasm with which the Noble
Lord has overwhelmed the officers of her Majesty's Go-
vernment, and that most laboured and most extreme con-
cent ation of bitterness which has been poured forth on this
occasion, I have not, however, discovered that the enter-
taised any decided disapprobation of the present motion,
:and I apprehend that I may fairly take it for granted that
so such dissapprobation will be expressed ; and I trust that
I may expect from no Noble Lord any view to be taken
very different to that of the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord
towards faltered,n
rbehfOresit)ieeecciolulsdaiplrotaut
hcee
it to bo
h hesitated,
Iris
ecoilioelpuasioosiet
opinion that the present Ministers had shown themselves
o be fitted to act in this important affair, with the ma-
nagement of which they are entrusted. Now, considering
t h
.he introductory part of the speech of the Noble Lord,
Ido not see why he should falter ; but but I rather think that
in, doing so savours in some degree of that vacillation which
!ne has alluded to as having characterised the conduct of Mi-
deters ; and I do not see with what confidence the Noble Lord
entertaining the opinions which he has expressed, can excuse
snmeif from making some motion to this House declaratory
f his want of confidence in the Government. However he
nay falter in respect to his judgment of Ministers, I do not
'titer with regard to this expression of my opinion in
reference to Iris speech. The Noble Lord has taken a very
iarge discursive view, not only of the question now imme-
iiately before the llouse, but also of the measures which have
preceded it, and which have led to the present state of affairs
and of all the topics which have reference or allusion to this
.nest important subject. lie is well acquainted with the sub-
s, many of which he has himself been a party, and he
;cc
kal?e,
' t, and is well aware of the van ious steps which have been
k
how by degrees they have led to the state of thiegs
v
unfortunately at this moment exists in Lower Canada,
That state of things I, for on most sincerely lament ; but it
,ti
h cv taken,
vh
occurrence, by airy means which might have been
~ impossible to say how it could have been averted, or whe-
.Lthdcoptriedts, could have been prevented, or whether it must not
'rave happened in the ordinary course of events ; but I feel
some satisfaction, and I think all the °ricers of Government
wino have been employed on this question must do the same,
suggested to have arisen from any want of justice
teat, to whatever other ceuse it may be attributable, it ono.
part of this country, or from any assertion of
rights which did not exist front any tyranaieal or
unjust procedings,.
buds nly from the unreasonable and impra,c-
icable reform whih demanded in the Canadian Constltu-
t tl;leo
non by the House of Assembly, My Learned and Noble
Friend has made Several observations on the various delays
which he conceives have taken place in the correspondence ; he
have never been fulfilled; and many
has made several observations on the promises which he asserts
were and which
observations on the long interval which elapsed between one
,etter aod another ; but I must say, that he does net appear to
ate to hive made out his case upon this point. It is not suffi-
dent for him to assert that promises have been made ; it is
eot sufficient for him to say that there was a long interval
without any dispatch ; but he must prove also that it was ne-
„ssry to write something during that interval ; ho must
prove that something beneficial to the service must have ac-
crued from sending out further instructions; and he must
held out,
erose, also, that there has been some omissi3n prejudicial
to the colony, and injurious to the public service ; and he has
railed in such proof. The Noble and Learned Lord has in-
deed said that there have been some !aches and some n glect
which have had a prejudicial effect, and have boon the real
cause of the outbreak; but I confess, my Lords, that I
cannot recollect throughout the whole of that Noble Lord's
able and n
discursivedsur speech one single endeavour to bring his
tesa —( Hear.) My Lords, my Noble and
Learned Friend commented with much severity on some pas-
sages in the dispatch of Lord Glenelg to the Earl of Gosford,
lased 29th April, 1837 In dispatch Lord GI 1 held
• thatcue g
the following language : « I regret that, owing to the delay
Nhich has occurred in passing the resolutioes, arising in great
measure from the pressure of public business, I have been corn,
aelled to withhold these instructions for a longer period than
I anticipated, but your Lordship
may rely upon receiving them
in ample time to enable yoit to prepare for the meeting of the
Legislature; whether that meeting should be postponed moil
the time that the law will require that a session should be held
or should be fixed for an earlier time, is a question which
must depend to a certain degree on local circumstances, of
which your Lordship will have the moans of obt tining a far
more accurate acquaintance than I can " What was the fair
meaning of this passage, but that with respect to the time of vale
ling together the local Legislature the Governor was better ac-
quai
than nted with the circurestoncea, which must regulate the pe-
riod any otie here could be, and that Lord Glenelg would
'sot,
in oppoSition to the Governor's opinion, venture to give
et
and nip opinion Was not this tiro ()
e proper coarse to LO taken,
s it not Ire aeatedanoo with Gemmel sense?
Lord Glenclg then 'went on to say--" I shall, however,
distinctly advert to this point,• in connection with the other
matters on which I shall have to address your Loldshi.p, and
I only refer to it now that you MT; by away's that it Will not
be overlooked; nrisl that yew, 99 attention may be dir, cted
to it in the meantime, with a, view to the sound exercise of
that discretion whielt it'may probably be expedient to leaye
in
your Lordship's bands with congest] to What did Lord
Glenelg sea' i4l 'nut that wo' would rinnk the subject over,
and that we wished the Earl of Gosford also to consider it,
because it was a subject better left to his discretion and deter-
mination ? And I think, my Lords, the, ain,mantish it riot
env oopoistens litai right rentson'anir prudence, but lhat'it is
P conhao which airy feasenahle man'woUld pursue
upeni such an cCi:a:iion'. My Nobleand Learned Friend seetmced
to imply that the Earl of -Gosford Would Infer from tllisLde's.:

patch some doubt as to our approval of his Conduct; but,
inv Lords, it was the furthest from my thoughts to co .nplain
of the course which the Governor might pursue, to give
other than a fair and candid consideration to ael his actions,
and to extend to them a fair, firm, and unflinching de-
fence. As to the Bth resolution of the last Session, it is
not my intention, my Lords, to re.argue the question. I
admitted then, and I admit still, that it was a strong re-
solution ; but it was a measure rendered necessary by the
dereliction of duty on the cart of the Legis'ettive Assembly of
Lower Canada, which had rendered it impossible that the
most important duties relating to the Government of the colony
could be performed. My Noble and Learned Friend says that
we must have known what were the feelings of the Canadians
with respect to those resolutions—that we must have known
the result which they were likely to produce, and that after
what had already taken place, it was our duty to have pro-
vided against the possibility of tan outbreak, by increasing the
military force in the colony. My Lords, lam peifectly ready
to own that this is a point which seemed to rite the most pres-
sing 111
the whole case; but, my Lerels, it is perfectly clear
that the persons in office in the colony did not entertain any
gr at apprehension for the in.e,nal safety and quiet of the
country ; still, when it was considered what discontent the reso-
lutions were likely to produce, when it was considered what
agitation was at work, some danger might possibly have been
anticipated. However, this was a most difficult question to de-
chic. If we did not reinforce the troops we certainly ran the
hazard of what has since taken place, and as my Learned and
Noble Friend says, we knew that we could have easily put down
any outbreak if the force-had been larger, and that possibly it
might not then have taken place, or if it had that less blood
would have been spilled. But both sides might have been
argued with equal probability and with plausible effect. For
if a considerable body of troops bed been sent out, there
would have been an end to all chance of an amicable termi-
nation of the disputes ; it would have been instantly said that
we were filling Canada with troops, and that we were mani-
festing a fixed intention of bearing down the opinions of the
Canadians by main force. Between these two difficulties,
therefore, we had to decide ; if we did not send our troops
we were running some risk of an outbreak ; if we did send
them out we were giving up all hopes, we were destroying all
chance, of that which every Government hoped, perhaps too
fondly hoped, to effect—the termination of the differences in
a feiendly manner. My Lords, I have fairly stated both sides
of the question—( Hoar, bear)—and there is no point in the
case which imposed upon me a greater difficulty in reply
than this intricate question which we had to decide. We
decided, my Lords, according to the best of our judgment ;
and I do most sincerely trust that no permanent et il, that no
irreparable mischief, has arisen, or will hereafter arise, from
the determination to which we have come.—( Hear.) My
Noble and Learned Friend has made another great charge
against us. and asks, after we had passed the resoluti-00,
complained of, why we did not introduce a Bill 10 carry
them into full effect ; and he has stated that, the Preparation
of a Bill would have been an easy measure, and that it would
have rapidly passed the Parliament ; but the Nobl© Lord
knows well the state of the country at that period. ife knOws
that we were bordering on a dissolution, ape; •„,c all know how
easy a weapon for delay this diffiaty would have afforded.
But then the Noble Lord adds, that it did not signify whether
the dissolution took place in August or in the beginning of
July. That there was, however, a necessity for hastening the
dissolution I thought lied been gencrelly admitted ; at any
rate, all parties in this Ilouse, my Lords, agreed in its pro-
priety, and no one raised against it a dissentient voice ; and it
was further agreed that it would not have been proper to bring
under the consideration of a Parliament whose existence was
in so precarious a state any measure of great magnitude and
importance. The Noble Lord had also caked what good we
ii ;d derived from this hasty dissolution, and he affirms that it
has ended in a reduction of our majority in the other House
by 15 ; but how does the Noble Lord know that?—( Hear,
hear, hear, and laughter.) I hope, my Lords, that the Mem-
bers returned to the House of Commons know their duty bet-
ter than to come pledged to any fixed opini:m, but that they
are disposed to hear what is said, and to form their own judg-
ment upon it—( Hear, hear, hear)—and if such were the
case how was the decrease of 15 to be judged?—( Laughter. )
We have indeed heard of declarations on the hustings, which
have sot afterwards been acted up to, and I do hope that
Hon. Representatives have come to consider fairly the pro-
positions which will he brought forward—(Laughter)—and
that they will come to a decision in favour of what they
conscientiously believe to be most likely to promote the inte-
rests of the country.—( Hear, hear.) As to the Noble Lord's
observations on the beginning or termination of a reign, I
may perhaps be disposed in so:no measure to agree with
him, but, my Lords, that depends upon totally different
principles, and relates t 3 the constitution of the monarchy
itself; and most true it is, that, whether in the helplessness
of infancy or the decrepitude of age, the monarch is per-
fectly able to discharge the functions of Government, and
that it cannot absolve itself front this duty. But this had
little to do with the present question. It was said that the
resolution which the House had passed was to take the money
out of the public chest, and that the course which we have
adopted was to pay the money front this country. But, my
Lords, is there any great difference between the errors of such a
course? Do the Canadians think that there is any great
difference in principle between the two measures? 011.2 is
as invidious as the other, for each avowed the right to ap-
propriate the supplies without the vote of the Legislature;
and we are charged with imbecility and weakness, such as has
never before been exhibited, because we have adopted a mea-
sure not less strong than the one we abandoned. My Noble
and Learned Friend also complains that when, on a former
eeening, he stated his belief that the present address would
b the same as the one of 1771, I said, " No, quite different."
Perhaps, my Lords, I was too hasty in giving that reply, be-
cause the present address, which contained a declaration to
support the Government, would necessarily be in somewhat
similar terms to those of the address of 1771 ; but what I
meant to assert, my Lords, was that there was every dif-
ference between the circumstances of that period and the pre-
sent time, that there was no similarity between the two
cases, and that I hoped there would be no similarity in the
result of the contest. My Noble Friend concluded his speech
with some observations to the general state of Canada, and
the advantage it was of to this country ; and as to some of
his remarks I must own, my Lords, that to an observer of the
present day only, and who looks alone to the present state cf
Europe, I am not disposed to say there is not some appearance
of truth in the Noble and Learned Lord's observations; but these
arc matters of vast and grave importance, and ought not to
be incidentally discussed. We have been told, nay Lords,
that these Provinces contain within them materia's front which
might be formed a great empire ; that they have vast har-
bours, immense natural resources, and that they are rich in
mineral and vegetable products ; and that it was not known
of what influence they might become as a separate country.
But, my Lords, it is not known bow valuable all these re-
sources may become in the hands of England herself—
( Hear, hear)-Land our present proceedings not only involve
the interests of the colonies themselves and of Eaglets(' also,
but the honour and the integrity of this country, its interests
among natione, and its character 04 a great empire, are in.
volved in the future welfare as, well as in the present seem ity
and tranquillity of these colonies.--( Hear, hear. ) It is of great importance, therefore, that we should not listen to vague
theories or fanciful suggestions ; but that we should pass the
Address HOW before your Lordships, in favour of which I am
sure but one feeling pervades your Lordships' House.
The Duke of WELLING I'ON—I shall vote for the Ad-
dress, and with the permission of the House say a few words
ott the general subject. It was not my intention to have of-
fered any observatiens to your Lordships on this matter, but
the course that hes been taken by her Majesty's Cloyornment
comdels me to it. 1 confess, my Lords, 1, etill feel very
s:rongly that the subject has not been brought berose Parlia.
merit in the form in which it should be brought. I object to
the manner in which it has laelt introduced, net merely on the
ground of informality, but also on the broader ground of the
substance of the measure itself. I say tint the Sovereign should originate every measure
which is a measure of war ;
and I would be particularly anxious that the meineare should
originate in a Message front the Crown on the very ground,
and for the very reasons, referred to la i the Noble Viscount in
the last few moments of his speech. 1 was anxious that her
Majesty should declare herself on the subject, in order that
no doubt might remain on the mind of this country, or
throughout leurope, that it was the determination of her Ma-
jesty to assert her rights of tevereignty—that her Government
should prepare to exercise their functions for that puspose.---
and that the Parliament should give its aid and assistance.
I was the more anxious on the subject, because, even during
the present Session of Parliament, more than one Minist..r
of the Crown has stated, in his place in this House, that the
measures which should be adopted were less to support the
honour and dignity of the Crown—less to vindicate the
law, which had frsi been outraged and then set at defiance
_.then to protect a particular party in the colonies. It
is for us, my Lords, to take as highs grounds as we can
possibly take on the subject, That is our duty—that is our
interest. lam satisfied with the explanation of the Noble
Viscount on that part of the subject, and with the language
held by him in reference to it, And, my Lords, I state nay
own views of the matter in debate, not fur the purpose of
throwing any blarno on that Noble Lord or his colleagues for
the course he has taken—though that course is at variance
with all precedents on the subject, whether in relation to
America, or whether in relation to Ireland, because I am con-
vinced they would have taken a contrary one if the sane
sentiments as the Noble Lord had just uttered, actuated them
on the oceesion of originating it. lam satisfied with the
statements of the Noble Viscount, I repeat, But with respect
to the Address itself, there are some parts of it which—.
although I do not deem my acquiescence or oppeaitlon a
matter of any groat importance—I beg to gatard myself from
bonnig► made a party to. Whether those parts relate to
the suspension of the Conatitntion, or to any other meter
whatever, I hold myeelf free front agreeing to them, un-
til I shall see the measure Which the Noble Lord intend%
to found upon the Address and bring forward to 11-a-
-liment, My Lords, I have considered those transac-
tions in North America long end earetnlly, and on a
former occasion I had the misfortune to differ from
many other Noblo Lords in relation to them. I believe I was
the irt,„•,le individual who voted against the proposLien of the
Noble Earl (the Earl of Ripon tee believe) near nie in lent at loast I was the only lae.eson who, aigned the reotest against
the passed on that eneasion. j oertainly think that that
cats a moat uueurtunate measure. My opinion of it thea--,sea
9.)nion which has not been altered 6i-ice—was thqt it vhottld
have contained, if it were adopted at alit a:.htuso providing
for its repeal in case the prcminse 0: .k.u,er Canada should
not adopt some meta to foss granting a Civil List to her MA-
, or, in oilier words, making a provision for enaWing the
V,ing to sustain the keel Government of tae 1(2.\310n
was m inion y. That
y op at the tits; reds tweed:. that ist
opinion nr,r,y, zinti my tiurther opinion is, that the onalsaio,n of
that clause is'the ,use of all the diseeatqA sod4ati ese that
haS'hai.Tened (an4da,. kiorcig, k total differ from

the Noble and Learned Lord opposite in thieking that
the Act of le3l has established the British Constitueon in the
North American Provinces dependant on this Crown. I
differ from him, my Lords, because it is not consistent with
the Bsitish Constitution that the Governor and the Judges—
the law and the Executive Government—should be provided
for only by an annual vote of the House of Assembly. Tho
British Coustituti in, fir the last one hundred acd Iff r years
at least, has a!waas mode a remanent provider. for the r,dttlis
nistra'ion of the Civil Government of tho State, Arid lens
particularly for the independence of the. Juti et, I tidy tkil,
that the Act a 1531 did not establish the nritioh
tion in those coloetes, but that, on tut contrary, it eltabli,hett
something flea is quite distinct firm it. It gave a kind tif
popular right to the people of the colonies altogether rotzlpi
to that conferred by the British Constitution
rind that, Ø.
Lords, is the cause of all the harm that has helSPertail tilesse,
It enabled desioe.ing indieideaN to entry r'4n titi epoosition to
the local Government--ait criebled there to array the popular('
, .„ .
agai,est it—it etialded them to tins trt an its measures and to
def at all its efforts. These individual; thought that they
could over tut-it the Queen's Government by geletlig the inhee
were
bitentsures of the country asoi.eel them, aria. imagine:l they were
of s.:ec..lis whoa they aitacked the Queen's troupe
But the result showed them their error, and they all ran offs
into the tesritortea of the United States when they found
their own persous it, danger. --; Laughter.) As soon na
these melt found that they were to be met by other men with
arms m their heeds, and who knew how to use them too, they
loft the unfortunate vi.:tims of their evil designs, thu poor
people who had been sedueed by them to rebel eeainst the
Queen's Gov, rnment, to provide for themselves, and to sub.
mit as weli tats they could, or share the fate which the victors •
would Impose on them.—( Hear.) I, therefore, wean the Noble :.
Lord and his colleagues against any attempt at endeavouring
to establish in those peevinces anything like an authority in a
popular awn-Hy, to withhold the necessary funds for carrying
on tho local Government, and most particularly for maintain-
ing the integrity and independence of the judicial establish-
ment. The thing which is most necessary' for that country,
as well a% for every other country in the world, is the rode_
pendent strength of the civil Government, and the indepen-
deuce, a 3 well pecuniary as fiscal, of the Judges.—(l-leare)
Let that be but established, my Lords, and I will warrant you t
that the loyalty of the Canadas, as well as that of tile other
British possessions in North America and elsete'ecre, will be
quite secure. But if, on the contrary, yo'l camper with that t
loyalty, by holding forth to the people, (*tie delusion of popular rights, which, in point of fact,
there, or any where else—_. -ere not popular rights here, or
sanction a system Isl
else—_' ere
my Lords, I say you will
•,
ich „
tion, and whit ill only conduce to popular agita-
knee,
commencing in declamation will end in vie- ;
i= • ;.eserrection, rebellion and blood.—( Hear, hear.) It
,rot my intention at present to follow the Noble and Learned ;
Lord or the Noble Viscount opposite through all the topics
a.
which they have touched upon and discussed this night. But
there is one to which I think it necessary to advert. I have
certainly heard and read in the newspapers, too, that the Noble
Lord had not thought proper to reinforce the troops in Canada
in the course of the last summer ; and I must do the Noble
Lord and his colleagues the Justice to say thet I cannot alto-
gether blame them for not having taken that step. I happen
to know several officers well acquainted with the Canadian
Provinces and the Canadian people—some of them, too,
having been even concerned in the Government of those
Colonies, and I have had much conversation with them on
the subject. I can, on the strength of the information so
derived, safely assert in my place in this House that their _
almost unanimous opinion was that there was no reason what ,
ever to apprehend insurrection in the Canadas. I have no
doubt that her Majesty's Government may have received the
same information ; I give them credit for it at least. Indeed
the dispatches of Lard Gosford state that he did not appre-
hend anything like insurrection in Lover Canada, up to a
very Late period of last year ; and I have likewise some reason.
to believe that that was the opinion of the General Command
oo
ing-in-Chief in that country also. I give, as I sail, her Ma- -
jesty's Government credit to the amount of these circum-
stances. But although Ido not attribute to them any blame
for not having sent out troops to Canada at an earlier period,
it does appear to me that they are not altogether exempt from, censure. By the statements which have been made, it seems
that the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for the Colonial
Department thought proper, at a certain period of last year, to
give authority to the Governor-General of the Canadas to call
on the Governor, or Governor-General, of Nova Scotia, for
any troops in that colony which might be wanted in these pro-
vinces. That is all well and proper enough, but I confess J
cannot understand why, hating given such permission, the
Noble Secretary fur the Colonies had not immediately, dis-
patched an equivalent number of troops from this country to
frit up any vacancy which might be caused in Nova Scotia by
its exercise on the part of Sir John Colborne or Lord Gos-
ford. That, my Lords, is the pressing part of the case, and
not that put forward for defence by the Noble Viscount. 'rho
consequences of drawing off the troops from Nova Scotia
would be that that important Colony would be left totally en.
provided for in ease of the occurrence of an emergency similar
to that which has recently occurred in Canada, If were to be sent to Canada, Nova Scotia should also troops
have
been provided for ; at all events, additional troops should have
been sent out, and the world and the country would then have
had en opportunity of seeing that it was the determination of
her Majesty's Government to maintain the ground taken by
them in their resolutions, and to support to the last that which
they had done in these circumstances. It would have shown
the Colonies that the advisers of the Crown were ready to
support those who would support them in maintaining the au-
thority of her Majesty's Government, and vindicating the due
execution of the law. I shell not, my Lords, advert to that
part of the subject edverti.d to by the Noble and Learned
Lord opposite in respect to the separation of the Colonies
from this country. The answer of the -Noble Viscount
was quite satisfactory to me, and cculei not be improved
by anything which I could say. Bet I confess, my Lords,
that 1 have a feeling—a strong feeling—for the honour of this
Country ; and I cannot but believe that if, by any misfortune,
we should fail in restoiing peace to that colony at an early
period of time, we shall receive a blow in respect to national
reputation, national honour, and national glory which will re-
quire years upon yea's for us to remove the effects of.—( Hear,
hear.) There is one topic mote on which I think it neces-
sary to say a few words, although it is not adverted to in tho
Address, and would, probably, be more properly taken on the
discussion on the Bill to be founded on it—l mean the esta-
blishment in Lower Cauada of an elective Legislative Coun-
cil. The Noble and Learned Lord opposite, with all his
knowledge of Lower Caaada, has not, in my opinion, suftle
ciently adverted to the strong fact of the difference between
the two races which compose the population of that Pro'; lute,
or given it a sufficient degree of weight in the coirsideration
of the subject. Bat if the Noble Lord would only look at
the. d;scussions which had taken place in. this matter; if
he bad only real the opinions advanced oy the advocates of
the two parties which divided that country—the inhabitants
of British blood and the French Canadians—he would find
in a moment that the former are as much opposed to an
elective Legislative Council as the latter are clamorous for
its establishment. If he considers the subject well he will
find that, in point of fact, the British settlers in that Pro-
vince would les as much in a state of insuirection if the.% de-
sire of their ooponents be conceded as the French Tarty now
are for the ostensible reason that it has not Item% granted
to them. I would, therefore, earnestly entreat her Majesty's
Government to attend to that fact, and also to the fact that an
elective Lrgislative Council is not in the Constitution of the
I.3,ltish monarchy. A Legislative Council appointed by the
Nlonarcli is in the Constitution of this country, but an elective
Legislative Council is not. This was stated over and over in
the diseuesioe on the Bill of 1791 ; it was stated by all the
great Authorities of the peeled—it was stated even by Mr. Fox
himself—for he srid that a Legislative Council appointed by
the Monarch was an essential part of the British Constitution.
Under these ci eumstancea, 1 would entreat of the Noble Lord
(Glenelg) not to loso aight of that fact, or the others men-
tioned in connection with it, in any arrangement he may make
on the subjest of the preeant unhappy state of things in Canada,
nor to flatter himself that, even by conceding an elective Le-
gislative Cote.c.l, he would have the concurrence of the entire
inhabitants of Lower Canada. It is not my wish to enter now
any further into the matter before the House, whether it re.
lates to the Address or to the subsequent measures to be
founded on it. My wish is to support the Address as it stands,
and ecrtaiuly to support her Majesty's Government in any •
measure which they shall think proper to propose in connection
with it, provided that they have a fair prospect of settling the
disputes between Canada and this country, with firmness, tem-
per, and no loss of honour to the British name.—Hear. ) Lard 13 aOU 0 AM said a few words in explanation, but
they were wholly inaudible in the gallery.
The Duke of WELLINGTON also made some observa-
tions in reply to the Noble and Learned Lord, but which were
equally inaudible to the reporters.
The Earl of RIPON wished to off. r some explanation on
the point o which his Noble Frirnek(the Dul o o" Wellington)
had refarred, riamely, the situation in which the act of 1831
had placed the Government of this country with respect to the
Civil Government of Lower Canada. It was perhaps true that
when he proposed the introduction of that Act, the Noble Duke
of poled it, and said he (the Earl of Ripon) would find in point
of fact that the Legislature of Lower Canada would readily
take the 'so n which the Bi 1 gave them, but would not esta-
blish any civil list in return. The Noble Duke certainly pro-
phecied that, and unquestioaably the Noble Duke's prophecy
had turned out to be true. He (Lord Ripon) admitted that
that occasion he acted more or less under the influence of
an imprudent confidence—( Hear, hear)—and under what he
conceived to be a pledge on the part of the House of Assembly
in Lower Canada, namely, that they would not take the advan-
tages to b aloeded t ) them by that Act of the Imperial Par-
liameet without making a reciprocal concession.
A!,d what was the
,ground on which h (Hens, hear.)
e founded thi fi-
df.nco ? Not only the repeated
assurance en their part that
they wou'.d not do so ; lie did not mean to say that in so many
precise words they had made that pledge, but taking men's
meaning as to the course of conduct they would pursue from
the langessge they used, no man of honour and honesty, after
reading the resolutions and addresses adopted by the
House of As;etubly Irons time to time, could doubt that,
they did lend the Government at once to believe that 11.7 lien
the royal revenues were given to their control they would
ia return protide a civil list.—(Hear, hear.) Not only had
he this ground for entertaining that feeling of confidence
i 1 nett;, Lit he had another reason for believing tha
they; wokill keep good faith nith the Government, which
was this, that the. Province of Upper Canada, which also had
its grievances, at least as long and as fully as Lower Canada,
did give, a elv.l list ; and elest was the fact ? That at this mo-
ment the Province of Upper Canada was in the enjoyment of
its share of the Royal revenues, and that the Governor, the
Seeeetericas and the Judges of that Province were in the en-.
joymeet foe ever of an independent income, not contiollabhe
by an annual vote of the lelonee of Assembly. The House of
Assembly of Upper Canada performed their promise ; but the
Hoge pf Auoiibly of Lower Cauada did not and that was