The Sun.
London, England, 1836-05-03 00:00:00

SEE OF DURHAM.

Alderman THOMPSON presented a petition from Sunder-
land, complaining of some of the provisions of the Bill intro-
duced for the appropriation of the revenues of the
see of Durham. They represented that the county
of Durham was entitled to the benefit of any surplus,
instead of its being applied to the country generally.
The Rev. Mr. Grey, one of the petitioners, was rector of
this place, with an income not exceeding 2001. a-year, and
yet he had to keep two curates.
The SPEAKER said the Hon. Gentleman was transgressing
the understanding : he was doing more than stating the prayer
of the petition.
Mr. Alderman THOMPSON thought as the Rev. Gentle-
man was one of the petitioners, he had a right to state his
views. However, he hoped the Bill would not pass without
an alteration as prayed for. The Honourable Member then
presented a number of petitions from Sunderland and its
neighbourhood, praying for the better observance of the
Sabbath.

Similar petitions were presented by Mr. KEARSLEY, Mr.
CLIVE,. and several other Hon. Members.
Mr. HINDLE Y presented a petition from Warrington,
against the Factory Amendment Bill. The petitioners stated
that they were prevented from enjoying the advantages of the
Mechanics' Institution, established in that town, by the long
hours they had to work.
Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD presented a petition
from the landholders and landowners of Ballyninny, in the
county of Antrim, praying for the total extinction of tithes and
all compulsory assessments for the purposes of religion. They
also state, that the compulsory Tithe Composition Act, instead
of affording relief, had immensely and unjustly increased, and

rendered permanent the burthen of the tithe assessment. To
this allegation he particularly requested the attention of
English Members with reference to the Act now proposed for
England. The petitioners also prayed that the Bill for the
improvement of the law of landlord and tenant, now in pro-
gress, should be passed into a law.
Lord CLEMENTS presented a similar petition from a pa-
rish in Longford.
Mr. PARROTT presented a petition from Devonshire
against tithes.
FLOGGING IN THE ARMY.
Major FAN COURT presented a petition from Barnstaple,
praying for the abolition of the punishment of flogging in the
army.

CASE OF. LIEUTENANT MAUVE.
Mr. A. PE LHA AI presented a petition from Lieutenant
Lister Mawe, R.N., praying the House to take his case into
consideration. This was a case of great hardship. This
gentleman bad been tried by a Court-martial in South America,
and he (Mr. Pelham) believed that it was truly stated in the
petition, that this Court-martial was illegal. It was, he under-
stood, illegal, in consequence of one of the officers being a
second captain. He moved that the petition be read at length.
The petition having been read,
Mr. LABOUC HERE said that the Court-martial had
been a perfectly legal one. He admitted, however, that the
sentence had been rather harsh, and the Admiralty had done
all in their power to remedy it, by restoring Lieutenant Mawe
to his station in the Navy.
The SPEAKER (as we underltood) said it appeared to
him the petition could not be entertained by the House, be-
cause it prayed for a grant of money. The petitioner had a
pension under the Act of Parliament. ,
After a few observations from Capt. PECHELL, the petition
was withdrawn.

STAMP DUTIES.
Sir GEORGE CLERK gave notice that he should in the
Committee on the Stamp Duties Bill move that the duty upon
the certificates taken out by the Writers to the Signet should
be redded to the same scale as the duty upon the certificates
taken co'. by attornies practising in other parts of the United
Kingdricr.
Lord ASHLEY wished to know from the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman the President of the Board of Trade, what day would
be fixed for the discussion on the Stamp Duties' Bill. There
were several parties kept in town anxiously waiting the termi-
nation of the matter, and it was most desirable that it should
be brought on for discussion as speedily as possible.
Mr. P. THOMPSON quite agreed with his Noble Friend
in what he had just stated. There had been other business of
importance which it had been necessary to bring forward. The
discussion had stood for Friday, but he believed that night
had been fixed for the Budget, and he thought he might safely
say that the Stamp Duties Bill would be brought forward on
Monday next.
REGISTRATION OF VOTERS BILL.
In reply to a question from Lord GRANVILLE
SOMERSET,
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, that on Monday next he
would be able to state when it would be convenient to take the
Report into consideration.
CHURCH RATES.
Lord STANLEY begged to ask the Noble Lord whether
it was his intention to bring in any measure, on the subject of
Church rates, during the present session ? He had that morn-
ing received a letter from a parish in Lancashire, stating
that the parish church was falling into decay, and that they
were unable to repair it without mortgaging the rates. lf,
therefore, the Noble Lord intended to introduce any measure,
he begged to know whether the payment of such securities
would be provided for.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL hoped to have been able to bring
forward a measure on the subject to which the question of the
Noble Lord referred during the present session. The
former Bill was objected to on the ground that the House
was not in possession of sufficient information on the
subject of Church property. Some were of opinion that
the revenues of the Church were sufficient to provide for the
payment of Church-rates. He certainly did not agree in that
opinion, but he thought the recommendation contained in the
report of the Commissioners deserving of serious consideration ;
because if the House agreed with him that the revenues of
the Church of England were sufficient for the religious in-
struction of the people of the country, then he would make
that the ground-work of the measure. It had likewise been
his duty to propose two measures for the relief of the Dis-
senters, one relative to registration, and the other to marriages,
and he considered that it would be very inefficient and useless
for Parliament to settle the question of Church-rates,
unless the House was prepared to settle the questions of re-
gistration and marriages. Therefore his (Lord J. Russell's)
answer to his Noble Friend's question was, that he did intend
bringing forward during the present Session the question of
Church-rates; but it depended upon the House agreeing in
the opinion he entertained, that the present Church revenues,
from the Report of the Church Commission, were sufficient for
the education of the people of that country, and on the dispo-
sition of Parliament to relieve the most pressing and promi-
nent grievances of the Dissenters. He believed it was not
necessary for him to say more.
COMMUTATION OF TITHES (ENGLAND.)
The NOBLE LORD then moved the Order of the Day for
the further consideration of the report on the Tithe Commu-
tation Bill.
Sir G. S INC L AIR did not rise for the purpose of opposing
the motion of the Noble Lord; but he complained of the
conduct of Ministers in considering the Irish- and En-
glish Church as separate establishments, and legislating
for them upon different principles.—( Hear, hear, hear.)
Considering the way in which the two establishments were
connected, it would have been much more manly if the Go-
vernment had brought forward the Irish Bill at the commence-
ment of the Session, in order to see if the House of Commons
would agree to such a measure. Ile trusted if such was the
case they would have it thrown out in another place.
Lord EBR IN GTON begged to have the opportunity of
presenting some petitions against the Bill before the Speaker
left the chair. The Noble Lord then presented two pe-
titions from parishes in Devon against the Bill. , Petitions
with a similar prayer, were presented by Mr. CAYLEY and Mr.
BLAMIRE ; the latter Hon. Gentleman's came from parishes in
the county of Cumberland, and they stated that the tithes
there were paid in kind, before 1797, when the parishes took
them into their own hands for seven years, when the im-
provement in the land was very visible.—( Hear, hear.)
They.allotted the tithes among themselves, and the plan worked
so well that they prayed they might not be obliged to take any
other. The Hon. Gentleman also presented a petition from
Mr. Davenport, late a Member of that House, stating that from
the unprofitable nature of the wheat upon poor lands, his te-
nantry had put most of his lands into grass, so that the Bill
as it at present stood, would double his tithes. He therefore
prayed that the Commissioners might have power to consider
such cases.
Mr. PARROTT wished to address a few words to the
House, and more especially to the Noble Lord who brought in
the Bill. It appeared to him that upon a question of such vast
importance they were about to legislate without sufficient in-
formation. He trusted the Noble Lord would allow a
Commission to be appointed in the first place, to enquire
into the state of all tithes and the practice of tithing
in different counties, and when that was done there was no
doubt they would have sufficient information. He must say
the Noble Lord's Bill would be a most cruel Bill to thousands
of people in this country. It was not his intention
to divide the House, but if the Noble Lord should perceive a
general feeling in the House in favour of the proposition
he was about to submit, he trusted the Noble Lord would give
in, because he was quite satisfied that if the Bill was carried
into effect, in the way proposed by its originators, it would
raise the tithe, at least in his own county, from ten to twenty
or thirty per cent., in many cases, higher than it was at pre-
sent.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He believed the same thing
would take place in Cornwall. These were not small districts,
and he would tell the Noble Lord that when a system was
proposed that should in any large district or county raise the
tithe beyond its present amount, that that would be considered
as a grievous injury on the tithe-payefs of that county. The
county with which he was connected was in the most complete
ferment upon this Bill.—(No, no.) With great deference to
the Hon. Member for Barnstable, he was bound to say that
that was the case, for he had had forty-seven petitions
.sent
to him, to present on this subject.—( Hear, hear.)
He entreated the Noble Lord to issue a Commission to inquire
into the subject. He assured him he did not not take this
course through any hostility to the present Ministry. On the
contrary, he wished to avert all opposition from them ;
but if they persevered as was proposed, it would have the effect
of driving every Whig who supported them out of Parliament.
An Hoe. MEMBER, whose name we could not learn, declared
his approbation of the Bill ; and stated the wish of his consti-
tuents to have the measure settled during the present Session,
because if any delay took place, they must come to the same
condition in which the Irish tithe question stood at present.
Mr. HUME had on a former evening stated his objections
to the Bill before the House. He did not know if the Noble
were
reflected,
cl
settlementet
t ar ntdf ent
40
more
The
t per
e by
Lord had taken them into consideration. He was convinced
f
that the value of land was considerably increased by the present
state of the Corn Laws, and as the people generally looked
forward to the abolition of theselulod as
areweheo
e advanced, fair
fl
bhsne
laws,
fixinghee e
repealed. f
t aedx e,
ad
o h u
oh l ss ao
fixed value was put upon the tithes below that pr
he
he cuhe
r
-
posed, they would be sacrificing the interests of the landed
gentry.—(tb
th Tyh euo dm b
tthNhie proposedle Lord he
owas e s t Hear,ioconvincedwneon uualnedht:lfine hmeaatr.
difficultiesthereCorne Laws thend
cow
cent. on the landed interest of the country.
Mr. BLAMIRE thought the Corn Laws had nothing to do
with the question. In a parish in his neighbourhood, in the
year 1771, the tithes were commuted for a fixed corn rent, and
the rector received in that year only 2/.more than in the present.
The price of wheat was then 4s. 6d. a bushel, Winchester
measure, and the average for the last two years was 4s. 61c1.
The House then resolved itself into a Committee, Mr. BER-
NAL in the Chair.
Upon the first clause being put,
Lord J. RUSSELL said his wish was that the Bill should
be gone through clause by clause, and he would listen
with atttention to any alterations which Hon. Members might
suggest, and gladly adopt them, if he conceived them calcu-
lated to improve the Bill.
Mr. PEMBERTON said he had carefully perused the
Bill, as amended by the Noble Lord. and had compared it
carefully with tho former Bill, from which it differed most
materially. When this Bill was formerly under discussion,
he (Mr. -Pemberton) suggested that tlfe Bill should be either
compulsory or completely voluntary. The Noble Lord
dissented from that opinion, and expressed his determination
to persevere in the principle be had laid down.' In this
declaration lie was cheered by Hon. Members on that (the
Ministerial) side of the House. The Noble Lord had, how-
ever, adopted the suggestions of the present Bill, and he (Mr.
P.) supposed the same Hon. Members who cheered the Noble
Lord's declaration on a former occasions would have come

forward and assist him in carrying those suggestions into ef•
fect. By another portion of the Bill, it was competent for
the parishioner to agree upon the amount of the rent
charge, and how it was to be apportioned. It was quite
obvious that it had been a question with the framers of
the Bill whether they should take the tithe according
to the value of the land, or the value of the produce of the
land. Another alteration in the Bill was with respect to the
hop grounds. As the Bill now stood, those lands now in cul-
tivation for hops would be fixed with the high tithe, though
they should be out of such cultivation in a few years; and,
on the other hand, those lands which might be put into
cultivation for hops, after the passing of the Bill would be fixed
with only the small tithe now put upon them. In the former
Bill the secretary and clerks were to be appointed by the Com-
missioners. By the present Bill these Commissioners were
not so independent as before, for the protection of being re-
movable only upon the address of the two Houses was taken
from them, as was the appointment of the secretary and clerks,
which was given to the Lords of the Treasury. With respect to
these matters there was much alteration, both in principle and
detail. He regretted there was not embodied in the Bill the
scheme of the Noble Lord for the absolute redemption of
tithes; that was one subject of regret to him, for he thought
it would have much improved it. He did not complain of the
rate at which the commutation was fixed ; he thought it was
fair, and that the Government deserved credit for it ; but on
the other grounds stated he must oppose the Bill.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said the object of the Govern-
ment was not to take to themselves the credit of preparing a
Bill which required no alteration ; their object had been to
prepare a Bill which would work fairly and satisfactorily to
the country.—(Hear.) He was ready to take the shame, if
shame it was, of having submitted to the reproach
and feeling of the Honourable Gentleman opposite, and of
saying, that one of his alterations was a good and use-
ful alteration. As to individual agreements, he had
stated before, that the power of allowing individuals to make
agreements as to particular parts of their property was part of
the Bill.—(Hear.) He did not know that he could say
more than that he should agree to any proposition
consistent with that.
Mr. C. BULL ER said that it was with great regret that
he had allowed the Bill, without opposition, to go into Com-
mittee at all, because he was so opposed to the principle on
which the Bill was founded, that it appeared to him a mere
waste of the time of the House to sanction the Bill in any
shape whatever.—( Hear, hear.) However, as it was the duty
of every Member to make the Bill as perfect as possible, he
should object to the first clause.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.)
The first clause gave the power of appointing any
functionary to the Archbishop of Canterbury, who was
totally irresponsible ; the House of Commons had not
any. control over him, and for this reason the Archbishop of
Canterbury was an improper person. The Bill proceeded upon
that which was against the very principle of the Constitution.
The principle of the Constitution was, that the King was the
bead of the Church, but the Bill took that high office from. the
King, and gave it to the Archbishop.—( Hear, hear, hear.)
If the Church were to appoint a Commissioner, why was not
the landed owners to appoint aCommissioner ?—( Hear, hear. )
He did not mean to divide the House, but he only wished to
point out the objections he had stated.
The clause was then agreed to, as were clauses 2 arid 3.
On clause 4 being put from the chair,
Mr. PARROTT moved, as an amendment, that the As-
sistant Commissioners should be taken from the counties and
districts where their services were required.—( A laugh.)
How could a man in London know anything of the practice of
tilling in Devonshire ?
Mr. HUME thought that his Hon. Friend would see, on a
moment's consideration, that his proviso would be extremely
incurious.—( Hear, hear.) It was true that a gentleman in
Devonshire might be well acquainted with the practice of tith-
ing, there, but would he not also be prejudiced ?—(Hear,
hear.) The Government did well to appoint perfectly disin-
terested persons. He hoped the amendment would be with-

drawn.
The clause was then agreed to without amendment, as were
clauses 5,6, and 7.
Clauses 8,9, 10, and 11, after a short conversation, were
ordered to stand part of the Bill.
On clause 12 being put,
Sir 31. W. RIDIrE Y said that, according to the words of
the clause, no provision was made for the commutation of
small tithes.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE observed that this measure, the
principles of which had never yet been fairly discussed, and
with respect to which an indifference prevailed throughout the
country, because it was not believed that the House of Corn-
-111016 would ever consent to pass it, would have the effect of
putting one fifth of every man's landed property into the hands
of ecclesiastical corporations, of large lay impropriators, and
of the clergy, who, of the three, would certainly receive the
smallest share of benefit from it. He thought it a perfect
waste of time to be discussing a measure, which sooner or
later must be thrown out.—( Hear, hear.)
The SOL IC ITOR.GENER L begged to remind the
Hon. Member for Finsbury that " all uncommuted tithes" were
provided for by this clause ; and the phrase embraced every
species of tithe, personal tithe and tithe on fish being exempted
from its operation only because it was impossible, from their
nature, to make them liable to the same arrangement as that
which was applied to land.
Mr. BE NETT contended that taking the statement of the
Hon. Member for Finsbury to be correct, the landholder would
not have to pay more under the proposed measure, than he
had at present.
Sir R. INGLIS was one of those who held the opinion that
the existing system was better than any substitute which could
be found for it ; and before this Bill left the House he should
take its decision upon that proposition.
Mr. EST COURT suggested that as there were nine or ten
kinds of tithe which this clause did not comprise, it would be
well if these were specified. He should, therefore, move as
an amendment, that after the words " all uncommuted tithe,"
should be added, " excepting those hereinafter mentioned."
After a desultory conversation, the amendment was with-
drawn, and the clauses to.
Clauses from 13 to 29 were agreed to, with a few verbal
amendments.
Clauses 30 and 31 were then agreed to.
On clause 33 a long conversation took place, which, from
the noise in the House, and the low tone in which it was car-
ried on, it was impossible to give with anything like accuracy.
In the course of it Sir R. Peel was understoed to recommend
that circulars should be issued by the Noble Lord (Lord J.
Russell) explanatory of the nature of the important clauses.
To
.this proposal Lord John Russell declined acceding. On
the motion of Mr. P. Howard, the Chairman reported pro-
gress, and obtained leave to sit again on Monday next. In the
course of the discussion it was stated by Mr. Blamire, that if
the expense of the valuation should be great, it would defeat
the object of the Bill ; and be instanced the expense to which
the parishioners of Kendal had been subjected about two years
ago, when it became necessary to have their tithes valued.
An individual whose tithe was under 51. a-year, had to pay
471. 103. 10d. for his share of expense.
DUBLIN POLICE BILL.

This Bill went through Committee, and the Report was or.
dered to be received to-morrow.
UNIVERSITY OF DURHAM.

Mr. A. TREVOR asked whether it was the intention of
the Noble Lord (Russell) to introduce a Bill with reference
to the University of Durham?
Lord J. RUSSELL did intend to bring in such a measure,
but he could not state exactly at what time.
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at half-past twelve o'clock.

HOUSE OF LORDS, MAY 2.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the wool-
sack at five o'clock this evening-.
The Earl of WICKLOW presented petitions for the better
observance of the Sabbath.

Lord DACRE presented a petition from the medical prac-
titioners of Worcester, praying for a Committee of Inquiry
into the laws regulating the practice of their profession.
CORPORATE REFORM (IRELAND).
Earl GREY presented two petitions in favour of the Irish
Municipal Reform Bill.
SABBATH OBSERVANCE. •
The Bishop of CHESTER presented several petitions in
favour of a Bill for the better observance of the Sabbath.
TITHES (IRELAND.)
Lord CLONCURRY presented petitions from Kilcullen,
Westport, and several other places, in favour of the Bill for the
adjustment of the Tithe Question in Ireland.
POLICE (IRELAND.)
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE presented a petition
from the Grand Jury of the county of Galway, praying for some
measure to relieve the landholders from the pressure of taxes
necessarily imposed under the existing law, for the support of
the constabulary force in Ireland.
HULL AND SELBY RAILWAY.
A Noams LORD presented a petition against the Hull and
Selby Railway Bill.
Lord RODEN presented a petition from the masters
mistresses, hostlers and post-boys, of Matlock, against Sunday
trading.
The Bishop of EXETER presented similar petitions from
different parts of Exeter.
STAFFORD DISFRANCHISEMENT BILL.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE moved the second
reading of the Stafford Disfranchisement Witnesses Indem-
nity Bill.
Lord ASHBURTON and Lord LYNDIIURST objected to several
parts of the Bill.
The Duke of WELLINGTON thought the House ought
to agree with the other House of Parliament as to some mode
of deciding this question.
Viscount MELBOURNE admitted that some efficient
course should be adopted to effect such an object.
After some observations from Lord LYNDHURST, which
were in so low a tone as to be totally inaudible in the gallery,
the Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed
to-morrow.
The Earl of ABERDEEN presented a petition from Bath
praying for an alteration of the system of insurance in cases of
fire.
CONSTABULARY FORCE (IRELAND) BILL.
Lord DUNCANNON moved the Order of the Day for
the House going into Committee upon this Bill.
Lord RO'DEN said that having been prevented from attend-
ing himself on the second reading of this most important
Bill, he was most anxious to take the opportunity now of
making a few observations as to the principle and details
of the measure, which appeared to him most objectionable in
one, and most dangerous in another point of view. He had
carefully read over the contents of this Bill now upon the
table, and he thought he was not expressing himself
too strongly when he said, that for the six and twenty
years he had sat in that House, he had never seen
such a measure proposed for the adoption of either
House of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) It appeared to him

the more objectionable as a permanent measure, giving, as it
(lid, so immense an influence and power to the Government.
He could not conceive that the circumstances of the country
to which this Bill was intended to apply, at all warranted so
great a departure from the Constitution. He could not think
that any circumstances warranted the introduction of such a
measure as this, and he trusted that their Lordships would
pause before they consented to agree to its introduction. In
examining this Bill, he found that it cast an unwarranted stigma
on the resident gentry and unpaid magistracy of Ireland, and
in their name and in his own, he protested against the whole of
this measure ; and he implored the House to pause before they
consented to adopt either the principle or details of this Bill.
It was no argument to say that former measures as coercive
and objectionable as this had been agreed to.—( Hear, hear,
hear.) It would be in their Lordships' remembrance
that those measures were temporary—that they were meant to
apply to particular districts, and to be removed when the
circumstances that called for them were done away. But
this measure was proposed to be permanent, and it gave the
Executive a most extraordinary power. It was no answer to be
told that there was no intention to carry into full effect the
power which the Executive asked for, and which was con-
tained in this Bill. That might be so or not, and he was ready
to give every credit to the Noble Lords opposite, but he knew
the circumstances in which they stood. They were liable to
be moved by the pressure from without at one time, and at
another by the spirit of the age; and as to Ireland, they were
under the controul and under the command of the Romish

faction, so that they were not their own masters to follow
the course they thought necessary. He had therefore no
confidence in the line of conduct pursued by his Ma-
jesty's Government in Ireland, and he believed he was not
saying too much when he said be was joined in that by
the great mass of the resident gentry, and that they were as
unwilling as he was to give those alarming powers which
were sought for in the enactments of that Bill. He had
a right to argue against it as he found it on their Lordships'
table. He was not bound by what might be the intention of
the Noble Lords opposite, or the Noble Lords behind him, in
Committee ; but looking at it as it came from the House of
Commons, he would fearlessly confess that it was the most
extraordinary specimen of the view of his Majesty's At-
torney-General he had ever met with; and he truly be-
lieved that such a measure had never come from any
Attorney-General before. The first feature it presented was
the enormous patronage of various offices differing in grade,
differing in duty, and differing in the value, but all
of them subservient to the will and patronage of the
Crown in Ireland. It gave a power to the Lord Lieutenant to
appoint 143 Magistrares at 4001. a-year. He had been told
by a Noble Viscount opposite that it was his intention in the
course of that Committee to reduce the number, but he ( Lord
Roden) was speaking of the Bill as it came from his Majesty's
advisers in the House of Commons, and as it passed that House.
He knew not, nor did he question, the objects of the
framers of the Bill in taking such a power to themselves ;
but it was natural for those at a distance to suppose that they
were appointed for some sinister motives, and that it was the
intention of Government to set aside the honest, unpaid, de-
voted Magistrates of that country, who had so long discharged
their high and important duties with honor to themselves, and
benefit and credit to their country. He found in another part
of the Bill that the Lord-Lieutenant was appointed to be an
autocrat over that country, nearly equal to the Emperor of all
the Russias—that he was empowered to raise a standing army
to any amount, without any application to Parliament—without
any sanction of the Privy Council, or any application from
the Magistrates, or persons best acquainted with the cir-
cumstances, and anxious for the preservation of the peace.
He had not only the power of raising, but of paying that army
—first by a moiety out of the consolidated fund, and the other
from the grand jury cess of the county. In addition to that,
the magistrates who now had the appointment of the con-
stables, and who from their local knowledge were best
acquainted with those who ought to fill the situation, were to be
deprived of it, and it was to be thrown into the hands
of persons who were totally ignorant of the case. He might
he told, that in some parts of Ireland magistrates bad resigned
that power ; but that was no argument that it was not a whole-
some and salutary control. lie found the Bill unnecessarily
increasing the expenditure to a very great degree, and doubling
the tax on the landed proprietors, who first paid their moiety
to the consolidated fund, and then their moiety to the grand jury
assessment. He conceived it to be therefore a most unjust
proceeding. He objected to it becaue it extended to all parts
of Ireland—to Ulster, where peace and tranquillity reigned, as
well as to the three disturbed provinces of Leinster, Munster
and Connaught.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The whole was a
system of patronage, injustice, and arbitrary power, and it
was uncalled for, as the present police force was sufficient for
all ordinary purposes ; and on extraordinary emergencies, the
Lord-Lieutenant had a Peace Preservation 13il1 to apply to.
It appeared to him that no amendment was likely to alter the
features of the Bill, or remove the objections which he had to
it, as unconstitutional, expensive, and unjust. His Noble
Friend behind him intended to move some amendment ; but in
his opinion nothing would make the measure unobjectionable.
He felt great distrust in the result of the measure should it
pass into a law. He protested against it as an act of gross
injustice aimed at the landed gentry of Ireland. He depre-
cated giving power to any Governments, such powers as were
conferred by the proposed Act; it was a power too great to
be entrusted to any human being in a free country.—( Hear,
hear.) He could not forget that they lived in times of
great change, and that circumstances might arise which would
throw the power into the hands of persons who should seri-
ously abuse it. He trusted their Lordships would pause be-
fore they would yield to the suggestions of those through whose
means the Bill was brought forward, and he should feel it his
duty to say non-content to its passing. He protested against
it in the name of the whole of the Protestants of Ireland—
he protested against it in the name of the
Roman Catholics who were not under the controul
and dominion of the faction who ruled the Government and
the country. He protested against it in the name of all who
desired the peace and prosperity of Ireland, and he trusted
they would only accede to such parts of it as would seem to
their Lordships calculated to promote the security, the tran-
quillity, and the happiness of all conditions of his Majesty's
subjects in Ireland.
Viscount MELBOURNE would be sorry to detain their
Lordships from going into Committee on this measure, accus-
tomed as he was and as the House was to the loud and hostile
tone of the Noble Earl, to his confident assertions, and gross ex-
aggerations. He should however express his surprise at the tone,
manner, style, and tenor of his speech, and had not their Lord-
ships been acquainted with the measure before them, he should
ask was it a Bill, conferring new powers unknown to the Con-
stitution ? did it propose to make that perpetual which before
was only temporary ? He would not then go into the details
of the measure, but he should deny the assertions
of the Noble Earl. He denied that it conferred
powers greater than those at present in the hands
of the Government. Every one was aware of the na-
ture of the Police Establishment. Every one knew the
nature of the police establishment of Ireland, framed as it was
upon a footing which the peculiar circumstances of the coun-
try rendered necessary, and every one approved of the opera.
tion of that system. The Noble Earl, in the latter part of
his speech, had referred to the Peace Preservation Bill, which
conferred upon the Lord Lieutenant all the material powers
contemplated and provided for by the Bill now before the
House. It gave him the power to increase the magistracy of
the country fully to the extent contemplated by the present
Bill ; and by the advice of the Privy Council, it empowered
him to send into any county any number of policemen he
might think proper, charging the expense on the county in
the same way as that now proposed by the Bill, and which
had been complained of by the Noble Earl as a dangerous
and oppressive novelty.—( Hear, hear.) He did think that
it was a most injurious proceeding to adopt with respect
to this Act—an Act which was only brought in for the pur-
pose of consolidating various statutes and provisions now
existing, and in certain portions of those provisions to intro-
duce ameliorations. It was with such an Act most unfair
to give it a character different from that which it bore. It
was leading the public into error for Noble Lords to de-
nounce such an Act as the introduction of a new coercion
measure, as one unknown to former Parliaments, and as one
e bein opposed and contrary to the spirit of the Constitution.
A Noble' Lord had declared that his Majesty's Ministers acted
under the influence of what some termed a pure Radical spirit
—that they were under the subserviency of others. This
often-repeated and as often-refuted allegation he must again
most decidedly deny.—(Hear.) But (continued his Lord-
ship) I must beg leave to state again this subject, that if your
Lordships mean to maintain and preserve, in order that you
may consolidate the Union—in order that you may conciliate
and win the affections of Ireland ; if you mean to lay down
this rule, that no Government can obtain your confidence—
that no Government can receive or calculate upon your sup-
port—that no Government can reckon upon your favour, un-
less it prove itself to be determined upon a bitter and inve-
terate opposition to the majority of the representatives of the
Irish people—( Cheers)—if a Government being so, is to be
the mere condition—the condition precedent in order to obtain
your support, then I say, that if so, you are not acting wisely,
you are not acting prudently, and you are not acting consist-
ently with those who are continually holding forth language to
the effect that they wish to cement the union between the two
parts of the empire.
The Earl of WICKLOW looked upon the present measure
as an insult to the magistracy and gentry of the country. He
was quite aware that the Noble Viscount was acting under
the dictation of others, but even then he was surprised that
such a measure should have been brought forward when he
cast his eyes upon the evidence given before the other House
of Parliament a few years since by one whose authority he
did not respect, but which was of great weight with others.
That individual stated that there was no complaint against
the police, and that in his county the majority were Roman
Catholics.
Viscount MELBOURNE asked whose evidence was re-
ferred to.
The Earl of WICKLOW—The Noble Viscount asked
him whose evidence he referred to ; he replied, it was that of
the master of the Noble Viscount's Government. —( Hear, and
cheers from the Opposition benches.) It was extraordinary
that the Government, which was decidedly under the influence
of that individual, should have brought forward such a measure
as this.—( Cheers from the Ministerial Membors.) It was
too so decidedly in opposition to the opinion of that indi-
vidual—( Hear, hear, from the Ministerial Members); and he
should say, so directly contrary to the constitutional principles
(ear,
that regulated any country, that it was to him a matter of in-
finite surprise.—H hear.) The present law was one
rebellion,
stronger (
Hear.) If, however, their
than his.—(
was only fit for a country in a state of rebellion, and
yet, if the Noble Viscount considered Ireland to be in a state
of
he was bound to come forward with a measure
much
Lord-
ships were determined upon going into Committee upon the
Bill, lie hoped that safeguards would be introduced to prevent
the Bill beirer of the tyrannical nature that it was, as proposed
by his Majesty's Ministers.

---- ______—_____— ----------
The Duke of WE LLING7ON observed, that by this BiP
the Lord-Lieutenant had power to appoint a chief and ot}er
constables, and this could be done without reference tr
state of disturbance in a county The Lord-Li had
full power to appoint any num. her of policemen.—(llers
hear.) He was willing to go into Committee uon this Bill,
to amend it as much as he could, and to give top his Majesty's
Government all the power he thought they ought to possess.
L —(Hear, hear.) But to give to the Lord-ieuteant
call
mited power to raise any number of men he pleased, and cal!
them police constables, to pay them out of the on
Fund, and charge one half of the expense upon the county',
and force the grand jury to pay them, was giving
which no public officer ought to possess, unless controlled by
some check, either by the necessity of issuing a proclamation,
or upon the advice of the magistrates.
Lord HATHERTON considered that the most valuable
part of the Bill was, that it enabled the Lord-Lieutenant to
dispense with the powers of the Peace Preservation Act. He
appealed to any one of their Lordships aCquainted with Ire-
land, whether the difficulty under which the Lord Lieutenant
a power
laboured was not to oppose an increase in the police force--
applications for an increase of that force were frequently made,
and such demands had to be refused more frequently than wil-
lingly acceded to by a Lord-Lieutenant. Since the first i
troduction of the force in 1822, every succeeding Government
had considered the expediency of making an alteration in the
system of their management. There was not a principle the
into this Bill that was not sanctioned by ancient ail:
thority in the Irish Office, and that was not in furtherance of
the advice to be found given there.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY should say that look-
since
ing at the appointments made by the p M
resent Government
they came into office—looking to their nomination of
r'
Fogarty to an assistant barristership, and Mr. Gore Jones to
the office of stipendiary magistrate, he did not know but that
.ia
six weeks Mr. Maurice O'Connell might be appointed heid of
the police in Ireland.—(Laughter.) By this Bill the Govern-
, ment must have the appointment of the staff officers of the
l t
lice—the expense of maintaining them would be at eas
37,0001. a year; and he saw -no reason for this increased ex-
pense, unless this, that the Government would have confide
tiunity of making those appointments. Having no ce.
n the Government, he should protest against any such fill

passing into a law.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE protested against tbe
mode of arguing a subject adopted by the Noble Marquiso,l3l3°:
site. It was not becoming in that House to refer to individua!
cases, or to make comparisons. He had not the honourgrit
01
Mr. Maurice O'Connell's acquaintance, nor did he know
reason why he could not be a proper inspector of police ; nel:.
ther could he perceive that the nomination of that gentleman )
would be an improper one, if he should be appointed.--(lical%
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY explained. •
sen
The Earl of HADDINGTON did not conceive it
Lieu'
tially necessary to give by this Bill powers to the Lord-n
Lot%
tenant which never yet had been given to any chief gover,
a
and which it was admitted by a Noble Lord opposite,
vtn:
magistrates were only too anxious to offer such power, %
they considered it necessary to be exercised, if the Lord
Noble
tenant would accept of it. He had been asked by his ll
ton
Friend, if the Administration to which he (Lord Haddingt,
belonged were not about to bring forward a Bill similar B°'
this. He was so short a time in Ireland that he had not
vo
opportunity. of considering so large a measure ; but he ha°oo,.
hesitation in saying, that if the late Administration haa.c
tinned in office there was an anxiety to improve the
of the police force.—( Hear.) He should not say non-011 his
to the Bill going into Committee, but should feel it to be
duty to support such provisions as he thought must tend WI
prove the police force. 'll 25'
The Earl of WINCHIL SEA was opposed to this DI $
it tended to consolidate power in one individual, which /1.513,.
proposal that he should feel bound to view with appreheni°o-5
and whenever the opportunity was afforded to him, 0f giv
to it his decided opposition. refer
Lord G 0 RT, in opposing this Bill, took occasion to
in its present.
to the taxation of Limerick, which he declared, efificietrieni
state, was beneficial to a Noble Marquis opposite; he also •
verted to what he called " a piebald education, in wbich eve!'
bock was included except the Bible," and that was sanction en
by Government
The Marquis. of LANSDOWNE observed that the N° t
Baron was making a" piebald debate " on the present Oliev:,
by the introduction of such topics. He denied that h`J
in the least degree personally interested by the prescfit
tern of taxation in Limerick.
After a few words from the Earl of LIMERICIS., A little'
Lord CLONCURRY said this Bill in reality differe;.
from the Constabulary Act now in existence. In his (41011u14
the expense would be less than at present, and the force , that
be better managed. Such had been the state of Irelahn eo•
it was customary for the army to be let loose upon the Pop.
ple, when the Right Hon. Baronet in the other 11°,u,lhey
pointed a species of moving police called the " Peelers. d that
were sent to the disturbed districts, and they were 01%150,
as soon as the disturbances ceased their pay would cease°"- *o
and they were the parties who were relied for inform t,
had be 'eo,
as to whether the disturbances continued to exist or
suppressed.—( Cries of " Hear," and " Oh," from the °P {?to
sition Benches.) These were facts which he was seat'
'gar.)
prove at the Bar of their Lordships' House.—(Heger
Bill
If it were not for the ill treatment Ireland had i
there would not be any occasion for the force the pres ,ant
would create. the nilL
Their Lordships then went into Committee The
The first cause was agreed to without any obscrv-Atioll•
seconddc lEa hEaNv
Bn go bRe
oe
umGo ds
h,
ould move an amendlll„"tin
bald
te
the effect that all chief and other constables Should °„-
to act under this Act in the several offices which then'over:'
unenrd, orer
Chief Governors
thesaidrecitedof Ireland
for h
Act, tilltheLortdseLtiiemue beingtenant —sbould.
otherwise direct. vet to
o
Viscount DUNCANNON had objectionwhe
af
such
The a parmoevnisdonbieenintgwaadsdt
ehden agreed to,n and the ciaus ordered
to stand part of the Bill.
On clause 3 being moved, which provides for the, aPPO,
merit of an Inspector-General, and two Deputy-Inff mate no
Lord ELLE NBOROUG H said—Mv Lords, Ile
being to
objection to this clause, the object we have in vi.ewr
render this Bill as effective for its purposes as Pr ,ssih',' what
the
Noble
Lo
rEd Lmße
aOnUs
bßyNtiEm—wl‘nlryd dvse,. !1v its to kov'',hter
Great lati°
and cries of " Hear.") lie V"'
No answer was returned to the question of the --°l3
count.

The clause was then agreed to.
On clause 4 being moved,
Lord ELLENBOROUGH had an amendment, 0 10
viewca
Policeus ea. clause
The
Act,hll"
to this clause. Whoever had drawn it up e.videjii!trllapite:
importantacnlause
taehicletyreosfiwmthailsear, which was in the vac_ jo tip
eb uontbej
Lieutenant to make rules and retions for Ole gneo ob'
government of the police force. fool that there vias ,:' tart
jection. But it had been recently contended by fl"„ef the
officers of the Crown, that the rules 1 tionil - the
and regu a .a
Lord-Lieutenant
was
to
0i netnearbploel a
4t]hio: viioetrodi
r lard 8
, made under the previous Act, ore A thoS
commonwth law ; and it was apprehended by himself, ttnoider
i whom he acted, that the words of the clause nolvit bad
consideration might be to give some colour, whic) of
Ace;
not at present, to that assumption of the Law °'.- 6. In
the Crown, which had been repudiated by the Jod gate it the
words,d to obviate that difficulty he proposed to °_ duties,
" The extent and limit of their respecti re,horeof•
and
or their conduct and proceedings in the performani A 1
of any duties imposed upon them by law." , .000-
Viscount DUNCANNON considered the words ol trtishipe
ante, and objected to leaving them out. If their L?tbe re-
expunged this clause they must take on themselvc A altisod.
sponsibility of the bloodshed that there might be `hiss'eloia
The Earl of WICKLOW callcdon their LovisP rob lb°
that the object of the Bill was now answered—it. was Ito corn'
subject of the protection to which he was entitled bY t ion-
mon law. He had not sup posed
that such an insidious
tion existed.their oh'
Viscount DUNCANNON said the vvorashad for
._f tits
ject the guidance of the police under the lad=responsibilitt ler itf
Government. When the Noble Earl said the Bill : „over
object insidiously to deprive the Courts of justice of ow
6.0.0
belonging to them, he could not suppose that the P°° _ their
ever given to them to call out an armed force to enforc 7.,
owe r,
pr tittle ocesses. The Courts of law were invested with that
P there
whe tu ..
as the Noble Earl should bear in mind, at a the
was no armed cstabulary. sor tt to
The Earl ofon HADDINGTON could not con
clause as it stood. ; t A el' erd
The Earl of W INC HIL SEA protested ega'nls i,h sc°lll o
,
being given to the Lord Lieutenant of Irelanrits 01d w .04",_..tit tu
prevent Courts of justice from issuing their w
authority of the Lord-Lieutenant. hi 6 elate
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE admitted 'ale t ' sand la
would give a certain degree of unconstitutional power., , of tbo
the ref i,. e ode
that respect it would go a step further than
( Hear, heir)—and he begged to add that be
this statement because he did not - 'd thit a part,' (1 reposed
consi de rds P ite
—( Hear, hear.) He did not think that the wo , site
would ti °r
would make the difference wilich the Noble 0
la roils
supposed.—( Hear, hear.) ds would r°
The Earl of HARRO WBY hoped these wor .
loco. la
the House to a very extraordinary degree of vigl theY wild
words would do neither more nor less than this
!eloped tberf
set aside the decision of the Courts of law. r
use, but eve 0(
Lordships would look not only into every
clif
treshold
sentence and syllable of the Bill, upon the verf Ii
_....., hear.? _
which they met with words so very slippery. ri
, n
hisC'' opituona
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said, i of frelalt,
the amendment would give to the Lord-Lic;e.tensat.itls
tood, and
scarcely less power then the clause gave lily a a I
would something diminish his responsibilif,y . Noble Lords Pt'
Lor
d und
erstandnot the object Vac Bill, t v
to give
render the constabulary force more efficient, 11°"
the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland greatffc power.
were left 1
Viscount DUNCANNON said if. the words , troy ee,
the effect would be to prevent the Lord Lieuteni.inn.L_„ the
eoai.
1 lie b d era
in g the proper rules and regulations for maintal. ''' e
cicncy of the body. The ?ore a would then be 14 ,u ha
" ) 0
t e be t°
dared out, notwithstanding tl,Aey might say chant nute woo
order not to go out unless they were in suffiPolice
be effective. Ho did not mean to say that these
Of tlje
T., o •
not to be employed as constables. obje bles 11
The Duke of WELLINGTON said the costa ~.,,if
Noble Viscount was to the employment of these 0, cerle:Jo
the execution of writs from the Courts of justaice:he coustio:,aid
felt that if it were considered not desirable thet the coo
7:co s
should be employed in the execution. of tilos w'
r t'trnd tbeY
-omen-
be incumbent on his Majesty's Govez ion ant tto
but as u , •
Bill to prevent them being so employed ,
.ustice 0 g
thee
were constables, he did think the Courts °f. Lotion °fnut Ci:
have the power of employing them in tne ewer talc -
writs without being liable to ,cave that po

put,
tik-
f6."
or-

fit

portbands
h•
ds .to the way proposed by the introduction of the
Visewounloth had been alluded to in this clause.
insieuatic MELBOURNE observed, with reference to some
Noble and taunts thrown out in a fcrmer debate by a
very 'arl , and which were said to have been delivered in a
cool nd calm manner, that when taunts and insinuations
of a hitterthey Fete and sharp nature were delivered calmly and coolly,
not more Probably not less severely felt, and, perhaps, were
fron;ovie. creditable to the character and feeling of the quarter
been ,e!ell they issued, than they would have been had they
ear,
d with warmth, and under excitement.—(Hear,
nant
0),In his opinion they ought to give to the Lord Lieute-
r , Ireland a power that would enable him to make such
feergeoei.ations as were necessary for the proper government of the
the e Whether the words proposed would in any way affect
bea ourts of justice, was a matter not yet decided—( Hear,
I,,b,r_?--_h.ut it was not meant in this Act to establish a power
tietlchna did not before exist. He apprehended the clause could
x:lre the effect of controlling the common law, that it
feevi.euasit,Tcoeu.ll
(have the effect as against the decisions of Courts
Hear, hear.) Taking this view of the subject,
he
shoe
not a very strong desire to contend for the words, and
the Le'jrdid not object to their omission if it was not to deny to
of
Lthe
forcLei,eutenant the power necessary for the government
!ord ABINGER said the Bill would give a most extrava-
banlat,amount of power to the Lord-Lieutenant • it would en_
v„: him to arrest the execution of a writ of rebellion, which
atteha power not possessed by the King himself. If a Bill with
konsasinitpose avowed, were brought into the House of Corn-
/ ' he was sure it would be rejected.
welt-7d D ACRE recommended that the Committee should
hi Veit the whole of the words objected to, but only those
had been the subject of remark by the Noble and
11.. late „V'ed Lord—namely, " or any duties imposed upon them
Th
the
clause
Earl of RIPON strongly objected to the retention in
of words capable of so wide and dangerous an in-
-9lretation
1.41142_, In
ELLENBOROUGH said no such words were to be
n the rules and regulations of the Metropolitan police
""'e force which had fully succeeded; and he hoped they
anii,
Q not be retained in this Bill.
tell fter a few words froin Lord Cloncurry, the Lord Chan_
acieort Lord Holland, and Lord Wynford, the amendment was
Pted
Cl„ ; and the clause, as amended, was then agreed to.
, se 5 having been propos ed,
Lord ELLENBOROUGH saw no necessity for ,appoint-
col such a number of county inspectors as two to three of the
to blbes, and one to each of the other counties. It appeared
ditieln that it was giving to the Government an immense ad-
auk 11 of patronage, without any corresponding beneficial re-
• ito the public. He thought that four county inspectors
~ibuld be quite adequate to the effective inspection of the
°lO police force in Ireland, each taking a district of so
many▪ ti counties under his care.—( Hear, hear.) He also should
ilegest, that if the half-pay officers, who it was contemplated
th°" fill the office of inspectors, were to be allowed to retain
oe4ir h f
pay, a salary of 230/. per annum, with the additional
f a-year for forage, would bequite a sufficient remuneration
t
c, he most efficient services, instead of the proposed 500/.
"eer•—( Hear hear.) He should move, as an amendment
og
the elause, that " the Lord-Lieutenant be empowered to
4Ppoi
tit four county inspectors of police for Ireland." The
Noblethey
Lord's amendment embraced some further details, but
2,,,eY Were not distinctly heard in the gallery ; indeed the
°*eater part of the discussion on these clauses was in such a
;4,wersational tone as to render anything like a full report of
Impracticable.
wON,After (to us) a totally inaudible remark from Lord DUN-
across the table, the clause so amended was
Iu DUN-
weed to
the 6th clause,
The Duke of WELLINGTON objected to so great a
onlber as forty-two paymasters; and we understood that the
J„,eotion was admitted and acted upon by Lord Duncannon.
T.rihe clause was then agreed to ; as were clauses 7 and 8.
/I.clause 9 being moved,
0,.1°0 Earl of RODEN objected to placing such extensive
'-'ers in the hands of a single individual, under this clause.
re Lord ELLE NB OROUG El thought the appointment might
hillain, as in the Bill, in the hands of Government ; but that
e "tent of the appointments should be limited to one chief
en
;nBtable, and one hundred constables and sub-constables for
each county of a city and county of a town, to be appointed
:bout the intervention of three magistrates, a; necessary at
;Pent ; and the Noble Lord moved an amendment to that
—ect, which was agreed to ; and the clause, as amended, was
ordered to stand part of the Bill.
belle clauses up to 24 were severally agreed to, after a num-
rrsof verbal alterations had been introduced into them.
un clause 25 being put, by which the Lord-lieutenant was
t'Ythorised to appoint resident magistrates in counties and coun-
ties of towns,
Lord ELLENBOROUGH had formerly objected to the
t2Wer which he thought was intended to be given to the Lord
,entenant by this clause, which he conceived might super-
,Zile the authority of the local magistrates, as four magistrates
a-ght be appointed to each county, and two to each county of
fag
or town. He understood, in the first instance, that it
the statement
intended to fill up the whole number, but lie found from
statement of the Noble Viscount, that the number of ma-
• trates so appointed
was to he limited to twenty. He also
should
to the limitation, and would suggest that the number
not be limited ; that there should be a proviso to the
clause hy which it was directed that in every appointment of
such magistrate the grounds of it should be stated, and the
--Acme,, of the magistrate published in the Gazette.
Viscount DUNCANNON had no objection to adopt the
Proviso of the Noble Lord.
After a few remarks from the Marquis of DOWNSIIIRE, the
P4a,:iso was added to the clause, which was then agreed to.
he remaining clauses, to the end of the Bill, were seve-
:Y put and agreed to. The House resumed, and the Report
"as ordered to be received on Friday next.
Adjourned at half-past Ten o'clock.

THE SOUSE OF LORDS SWAMPED. —ln consequence of the
thrnost unprecedented height to which the tide rose yesterday,
e "louse or Lords was nearly surrounded with water. Many
persons in the gallery, when they saw the waters dashing
mast the side of the House, and almost reaching the win-
-1,1:., looked upon it as ominous of the tide of public opinion,
I,leY seems to rise higher every day against the pro-
the'ings of their Lordships' House. At the present
itNent, the coincidence must strike every body. The
ttY,}l, t Reverend Peers in particular, who—from their si-
kb"oll in the House must, if the rush of waters be too
°,.ng to be resisted by the walls of the House—be the
pi` to suffer from it, cannot have felt over comfortable in their
%les. They would have but a poor chance of floating either
hio`ge waters of the Thames, or on the stream of public opi-
-4414. Let us hope that their Lordships, both clerical and
ip_Aoral, will look upon the rise of the waters as a sign, and
-41diately proceed to put their House in order.

'e C. mtitutionnel says---,6 We learn with regret
tha
t the Government unfortunately persists in the measure it
talonoPted against the Poles who signed the Act of Confede-
Eigh-teen of those noble exiles will set out directly for
Tillagiand, two for Switzerland, and five for the Departments.
e rest have their residences in the provinces, and were only
to Path."
ESCAPES.—The authorities of St. An-
ef have deposited fire escapes in different parts
14 Parish, in little wooden buildings erected for them, simi-
t° h
atcboxes, the keys of which are. kept by the Police on
Alitjlll the district, so as to be easily available in case of
Eger,
41R BISHOP OF LEON.—On the day after his
ernt t, the Bishop of Leon was conducted by the gen-d'armerie
, the Hotel Richelieu to the office of the Prefect of the
oull‘de, Where M. Barthez interrogated him on the subjects,
tlnttw details of which we are igncrant. It is only known
4, to a series of questions, more or less urgent, the Prelate
of the
fit to reply only in these words •.—" I am the: Bishop
L
e9Nthe friend and counsellor of his Majesty Charles
err e„ rit, appeared much affected by the intelligence of the
of his chaplain, who was detained at the Hotel de
-"
11nee.--.Prt rich Paper.
la ied, at Cliffe Pipard, Mrs. Rebecca Stiles, widow,
"'e 92d year of her age. It is a remarkable fact, that a twin
steo,
r sun ives y
her
•
ti• •at young Englishman, named Wilson, died suddenly
and
.ePpe, on the nht of Tuesday last. He was an engineer,
mad arrived by ig
the diligence from Paris a day or two pre-
kitThe raining districts of Northumberland, Durham,
Cu
mberland continue in a state of great prosperity, lead
the-rg; now thirty pounds per ton, with every prospect of a fur-
atnerease in price. It is but a short time since that the
tae
article stood at eleven pounds per ton. In one day last
kit.:l_. upwards of two thousand pieces of lead came down the
attie'teo and Darlington Railway for shipment in the Tees,
kiitt_airnilar activity prevails on the Newcastle and Carlisle
-IraY---Nezocastle Journal.
4-OEsTR , T 3 .1
4.11 if IJCrioN OF THE PYRAMIDS.—The .t.
c'ttle;e had not done enough already for immortality, has given
I.4,l2etliat one of the pyramids of Geese shall be pulled
want
in, to to fnrnish stones for the Barage. This enly,was
fi
fired
of 1.? consummate his glory. The fame of him who re
of ~,.Phesian dome" will sink into obscurity before the lustre
AirB achievement. Old Cheops must yield to Mehemet
Aoridne who has stood on the rock of ages, the wonder of the
' Who has seen barbarism and civilization alike respect.
lofty Must at length give way to the spirit of thrift, and bow his
ietterb,ead at the foot of this modern Attilla.—Extract of a
i,Jr(mi Egypt of March 4.
liE
the Princes
FRENCH PRINCES,.—The titles under which
the 6.oces are to travel are not decided upon ; but it is said
tik,.e of Orleans is to bear that of Count d'Eu, and the
‘lerelt- '3! Nemours that of Count de Penthievre. All the
teen °Thai is minutely arranged. The police of Paris has
correspondence with the authorities of Germany,
1„:41.". the strictest vigilance. The Princes will occasionally
ohwthe blue riband, and the insignia of the Order of the Holy
their `, unless the several foreign sovereigns confer upon them
Aill
(2rders, as unquestionably they will, in which case courtesy
Ncearrequire that they be worn. The Duke of Orleans will
1)4 t,he uniform of a French Lieutenant-General, and the
Aiu'e Nemours that of Colonel 'of Lancers.—Paris Paper.
E~yELOQUENCE.—Speaking of Military
.71", says Las Cases in his Memoirs of Napoleon, the
the' e.rem said, " When in the heat of battle, passing along the
41,141 used to exclaim, Soldiers unfurl your banners, the mo-
theo.l 1/4°!lle I' our Frenchmen absolutely wept for joy. I saw
sibie
,l,eultinly a hundred fold. 1 then thought nothing impos-
of calls to mind a similar expression of the Duke
0,„,e1",11",t0ri in his recent examination before the Military
liCteissioners ; when speaking of the discipline of the Lng-
•alwaatllly under hi: command in the Peninsula, he said, "
44, Ys 4,ought that could have gone anywhere and done any
9 with that army."l