The Sun.
London, England, 1836-10-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

It may appear curious, but is only quite natural,
that we should have yesterday anticipated the very
precise defence Of the Tory Peers, and of their code.
derates, the Tory parsons of Ireland, including the
Very Reverend and Worshipful Dean Hawkins, Juse
tice of the Quorum, which has been set up by the
journals interested in the support of the opponents of
Reform. We foresaw the line of defence which would
be adopted by those who arc enlisted under the flag of
Toryism, in favour of the party whose cupidity, into.
lerance, personal pique, and political antipathy and
intrigues led them to frustrate the efforts of a liberal
Administration to reconcile the people of Ireland to
the payment of tithes. Dean Hawkins had a lemel
, Le' •
right, we are told by a renegade Morning print, to
tithes ; and the blood that hie blitorceinent of that le.
gel claim has shed, is twain the heads of Lord Mel-
bourne and' John PussCil, and of Mr. O'Connell 1
The Very Rev, bean's legal right to tithes nobody
questions. But though the law—a vicious one—
oblige; the parishioners of Dunkerrin to pay, in aeldltion
to the rackrents of grinding landlords, the tenth of the
produce of their labour to a clergyman who re'.nisters not
to their comforts, spiritual or temporal, tb' force of the
moral obligation is exceedingly queetionable. The
law which gave the rector of Dunkerrin a statutable
title to
He
tithes,e is
boundiinpos imposed corresponding obliga-
tions.y law to
reside on his benefice ;
and his title to the tenths is based upon the notion that
he not only has a spiritual cure, but performs leis cle-
rical dutieS. His non-residence we are entitle', to use
as an argument in favour of the presumption. that he
has no cure of souls, or that he has neglected to dis-
charge his bounden duties. In. either case the moral
obligation of the parishioner* to pay him tithes has
ceased, if it ever existed. And that this is the conviction
of the parishioners of Dunkerrin—Protestant and
Catholic—has teen clearly demonstrated_ The
recent fatal collision between the Very Re-
verend and Worshipful Dean's merrmidons and
the peasantry is a sufficient index of the
popular feeling with respect to his demands.
The archives of Dublin Castle bear evidence to
the hostility of the Protestant gentry to his ex,
tortionate and unearned taims. Mr. Rolliston, The
principal landed proprieteer of the parish of Dunkerrin,
appealed, if we mistake not, to the Lord Lieutenant
and Privy Council, against his Very Reverend Wow
ship's demands .;
as inimical to and Mr. Rolliston is a Protestaret,
Catholicism the influence or spread of Dissent, alai
as the Bishop of Exeter—though we are
far, indeed, from harbouring the suspicion that he word,'
debti.ee himself by choosing the means to achieve hes
trarpose which the Right Reverend pampleleteer has
not scrupled to adopt. Still the corruptionist organs
will have it that the King's Ministers and IVIr. O'Cem-
nell are the originators, the authors, the abettors GI. the
tithe campaign, with its rebellion ruffianism, equets,
bills, law costs, and massacres. Why have not these
honest writers noticed the Dutch auction of a Proteetam
farmer's property at Wexford, to which we havid. ai more
than once called their attention ? Why have tley e-
' been
guilty of tile turpitude of misrepresentation,
a
sup-
pression of facts ? Why have they char ged upon a
Protestant Liberal Administration, and 'epon a Catho-
lie leader of the present day, the fomentation
ea' a re-
sistance to tithes which they knew to have (existed
for fifty years ; which (they had, the authority of
Lord Clare, a High Church Che..neellor Vt. Ireland,
and of the Protestant Bishop of Cloyne for the fact)
they knew in their souls to leave originatetl, with the
Protestant landlords of Ireland at a period. when Mr.
O'Connell and Lord Mel were
n
r.,°thledy suppose
ren, and
Lord John Russell yeas Unm buorriiiie?
that the public do not read, or that; reading
, they are
such dolts as not to comprehend, eer'such bieots.as to
disbelieve authenticated truths ? This must be their
impression ; else, how account for the monstrous mis-
statements, the glaring suppeession and distortion of
facts with which their rucubrations on the Irish Church
question every morning and every evening abound ? For
instance, we are told that " the House of Lords ac-
tually commuted tithe for rent charge, and transferred
the debt from the proprietor or, the soil to the occu-
pier. The House of Lords, therefore, declared that
these should be ieo more tithe demanded—no further
processes from the Eeechequer against the tenant
—no further incentives to collision between
clergy and
people—me further opportunities for the shedding of
human Mood." The House of Lords did not do any
one of these tleinebs when it concurred in Baron L ynd-
hurst's mutilations of the Tithe Bill of last session,
the to which the apostate journalist alludes in the
preceding extract. Already one-half of the landlords
of Ireland were, by the operation of previoles 'Acts of
Parliament, subject to the tithe composieion. The
mangled measure returned to the House of Commons,
bad it been accepted by that assembly, would have
done no more, even in the way of nonzin al transfer of
liability from the tenant to the landlord, than one-half
of what the neophyte flatterer cf their Lordships gives
them credit for. But in reality it made no such
transfer. It made the landlord liable, directly, in one
contingency, and one only. Where there were tenants-
at-will, the Lyndhurst scheme—being partly an edi-
tion of the least beneficial, or popular part of the
Ministerial Bill--transferred the liability of tithes
to the landlord. But then the landlord had
merely to extort an equivalent, in the shape of
increased rent, from the wretched tenant-at-will,
and forthwith the pecuniary obligations of the tenant
would be as weighty and oppressive as if the Tithe
Bill had never been prepared. That the grasping
landlords would commit this extortion, there being un-
fortunately no poor-laws in Ireland to check their ruth-
' less rapacity and punish them for making paupers, the
history of Ireland forbids usfor one moment to doubt.
Yet this was the boon—the " measure of unmixed
good " which the Tory Peers offered to the people of
Ireland ; for, mark you, all leaseholders—the vast ma-
jority of tithe-payers—were to be still liable for the
clergyman's claims until their tenure expired, \ellen the
liability would devolve upon the landlord, 'who would
here, also, be enabled to indemnify hirne:eif, by extort-
ing an increased rent as the primary 'condition of re-
newing the lease. Thus we have.;,
we think, clearly
shown that the Lordly tithe sci-.teme-would not have,
in the slightest degree, allevie'
eted the burdens of the
people of Ireland, while it ,
lacked that principle of ap-
propriation which alone gave popularity, and would have
e iven efficacy, to t' et
6 Bill prepared by his Majesty's Mi-
nisters. Had thret • • .
mischievous bantling become law, there
would be " rr
. 4° ‘e" demand for tithes, alias rentcharges,
equivalent. ie. es
enect and in amount to tithes; there would
be " fe
..mer processes from the Exchequer against the
ter
- ;" there would be " further incentives to col-
! lisi.on between the clergy and the people ;" there would
oe in fine, " further opportunities for the shedding of
human blood ;" unless the people cheerfully consented
to pay tithes, the want of which consent alone ren-
dered a Tithe Bill necessary. After putting forth the
series of false assertions which we have been taking to
• the maaniloquent writer,
pieces, with wonted swagger,
exclaims, " Who is the culprit now, we ask ? who is
blood stained now ?" We echo the question, and
leave the people of England to answer it. But, it is
said, the Bill sent down by the Lords would, if it be-
came law, have settled time tithe question. Upon what
authority does this assertion rest ? Simply the
recieless presumption of its authors. It has been
shown that the Lordly Bill would not have at all
transferred the liability of paying tithes from the
occupiers to the landlords for several years to
come, except in the case of tenancy at will. It
has also been shown that such transfer, at any
time, would be of no positive advantage to the
tenantry. They would still have to' pay the
parsons (to use a vulgar adage), in either meal or
malt. Though the right hand would lie relie-eed from
the trouble of handing out the amount of the Clergy-
man's claim, the left hand should perform that unplea-
sant office. In a word, the tenant would be obliged,
in any event, to pay
i the tithes, either for a time, di-
rectly or hereafter, n the indirect character of an in-
creased rent. Now this obligation—this necessity to
pay tithes without receiving any benefit in return,
without having any interest whatsoever in its collection
or distribution—is the sole fountain of that unseemly
warfare between the Clergy and the people, which it.
was the object of time King's Ministers and of their 7
supporters—time Representatives of the United King-
dom—to bring to an agreeable termination. That ob-
ject no human power can achieve without the consent;

_
of the people. This consent was given to the Minis-
terial meainre, because that measure contained the ap-
p ropriatory clauses ; it was sternly refused to the
Lordly BM, because that Bill did not contain these
salutary clauses. How then can men, pretending to
a right to walk abroad without keepers and a strait-
waistcoat, venture to assert that the Lordly
mutilation would have restored peace to Ireland—
produced harmony between the Established Church
and the people—and secured to the Clergy the quiet
enjoyment of their peaceably-collected revenues ? This
is a question which every rational, unprejudiced person
will put to himself. This is a view of the case which
reason will suggest, and which cannot be cloaked by
wretched sophistry, nor concealed by a cloud of turgid
'phraseology, vulgar abuse, and envenomed falsehood.
If the scheme of the Tory Lords would 7201 tranquil-
lize Ireland, by adjusting the tithe question to the sa-
tisfaction of the people, who would of course be well
contented if they were relieved from the pressure of
that tax—and the people of Ireland have proclaimed
aloud that that Bill could not produce any such effect
.—it is manifest that the rejection by the Lords of the
.Ministerial Bill, which received the approbation and
assent of the tithe-payers, was a most mischievous
proceeding, and that on their Lordships' heads, and
on the heads of the clergy who encouraged them in
their factious and pernicious conduct, the guilt of all
the crime which the non-adjustment of the tithe ques-
tion has caused, or may still produce, will of right
fall. They are, in truth, the " non-commuters of
tithes—the grand writ-mongers—the factious, vi-
rulent, stubborn, incorrigible ( ? ) perpetuators of
those frightful sanguinary conflicts," which have
nearly destroyed the framework of society in the
sister country, and covered the Established Church
with odium and with blood. This revolting state of
things cannot, however, be permitted to continue ; a
barrier to agricultural anti commercial improvement—
a fountain of immorality and outrage, and a constant
source of weakness to the United Kingdom. Whether
the Peers or the Parsons become wise or Christianlike
between this and the spring months of the next year,
the Irish tithe question shall and must be settled satis-
factorily in the ensuing Session of Parliament. Peace
must be restored and the blood of God's creatures
shall not continue to be shed in the loathsome pursuit
of Christian Clergyoen after Mammon.—Morning
Chronicle.
When Lord Melbourne confessed in the House of
Lords with a mixture of sulk and humiliation, that the
peerage—the untitled aristocrscy—the gentry—the
i
learned professions—the universities--the bankingn-
terest—and the upper class of the commercial interest,
were his political enemies ; when Lord Brougham
stated broadly, that almost every man in the kingdom,
having 5001. a-year to live upon, was a Conservative ;
each of these Noble Lords admitted, in fact, that so
far as the property, the education, the intelligence, the
independence, and whatever constitutes the mind of
the nation went, it was not represented by the policy
or character of its rulers. But the Prime Minister
and the Ex-Lord-Chancellor might have gone a good step
further, without passing, or even approaching, the
limits of obvious truth. Had they taken the trouble
to look about them, they might easily have perceived
the symptoms of a coming danger to the Ministry
from the opposite side of the horizon. The Reform
Bill—and what some of its authors anticipated as
the certain consequences of that measure, viz., the
downfall of the church, the aristocracy, and the gentry
of England—were offered to the more turbulent
portion of the middle and working classes, and to that
sect of Dissenters who call themselves "Independents,"
as a bribe and payment for their support of the
" Reform Ministry" against the Conservatives, through
thick and thin. The bribe was swallowed, and, until
very lately, the consideration for it has been fairly
enough discharged by the seditious and anti-constitu-
tional, otherwise. the revolutionary, " section" of his
Majesty's subjects. Of late, however, they have
fallen off from their allegiance to the Melbourne
Ministers, in proportion as certain individuals among
that ill-adjusted faction have betrayed marks of terror
at the extremities to which their Movement allies were
propelling them, and as the whole Government, taken
collectively, has proved unable to carry the promised
measures of destruction, that is, to realize in kind the
stipulated purchase-money of Ultra-Radical succour.
But a far more grievous calamity has befallen the Mel-
bourne Whigs. While the disaffected of the middle
classes have been growling and threatening them for
flinching from the full extent of crime agreed upon,
another more estimable and far more powerful descrip-
tion of the same order of citizens has roused itself
from the indifference into which it had sunk, or the
despair by which at first it was confounded. The
sober, loyal, reflecting majority of the industrious in-
habitants of towns, as indeed was foreseen from the be-
ginning by all who understood the tone, genius, and
spirit of this great people, have in a manner simulta-
neously opened their eyes to the nature of the vassalage
which oppressed the Ministers ; and, being alarmed for
the too certain result of a contest in the minds of Minis-
ters, between their sharp consciousness of immediate
and selfish interest and their feeble sense of a higher
duty, as well as of a remoter risk, these active-minded
but untainted Englishmen have resorted to the new expe-
dient of associations for preserving unimpaired the solid
and well-devised institutions of their forefathers, not
against the fair and natural operation of the Bill which
reformed the old borough system, but against the cor-
rupt and ruinous perversion of that system to the ends
of a sordid, factious, and tyrannical democracy.
Conservatiye " tradesmen's" associations, Conserva-
tive " operatives" associations, have been organised in
various parts of England, and have commenced a series
of vigorous and decisive proceedings in cordial alliance
with the Conservative aristocracy of their respective
neighbourhoods, whom they alternately support and
lean upon, and with whom they maintain an encou-
raging intercourse of festive meetings and political dis-
cussions. Now, the beauty of such a muster, such
discipline, and such reciprocal pledges consists in its
being a direct attack upon the public enemy in the
stong-hold of his own free choice. The very founda-
tion-!tone of the Whig-Radical or Movement empire
was to tie insurrection of the town democracy against
the noblest institutions of Church and State. When
the flower, tfretefore, not of the agricultural, for that
is all safe, but of the " urban" population itself,
through whose eager and unanimous assistance the
cause of Conservatism was to have been effectually
crushed, the spirit of reguiizted freedom and constitu-
tional monarchy subdued, and Whig dominion, the
grand object of all, assured to its present pos-
sessors when, instead of this plorious victory for
Whig-Radicalism, the intended instruments whereby
:is was to be accomplished, namely, the large and
opulent towns of Great Britain, become
.foci of
loyalty, and of zealous attachment to good and ra-
tional government, it is nothing less than a mine
sprung within the very citadel of revolution ; and
the fat effects of it have become already visible.
:11
But if toms in
general be the scenes whmereannerantthie-
revolutionary' spirit developer itself in a an
roost formidable to the Movement Ministry, so there
kingdom where it is of such inesti-
is l'3o quarter of the
mahle value to the good cause,. that the town inha-
bitants should display that spint, as in the great mann-
a.nd. the parts of
facturina emporia of Lancashire,
Yorkshire and Staffordshire connected
with them. The
example of Liverpool is of an importance iiot to be ap-
preciated. Leeds follows boldly in her wake. Manchester
contains materials which require onlyito be well h
ist wandledo
and disposed of to make the pedantic economh
now sits for that industrious and intelligent constituency
soon look out for some new place of refuge. Oldham,
Bolton, Sheffield, Birmingham, will, ere long catch the
spark by which Liverpool is animated, and the un-
English foe will be felled with his own weapons. In
turning to the speeches at the late Lancashire meetings
we find a short notice of one delivered at Preston by a
worthy operative named Parker, who, it is satisfactory
to add, went thither from Birmingham, which shows
the sound sense and well-directed feeling of the
speaker, as it indicates no doubt those of the class is
which lie belongs. In alluding to our Protestant Church
he says—" The Established Church is peculiarly the
church of the' poor man. Was there ever a truth
more undeniable than this, or one more pregnant with
vast and awful consequences ? The parish church is
open to the whole community. The humblest inha-
bitant of this wide realm, the most destitute pauper
that knows not whers else to seek a resting place, en-

tors therein with asp t,-humble indeed, as befits him,
towards his Maker, but towards man, erect in con-
scious equality of brotherhood, with the wealthiest and
noblest of his fellow-creatures. Shut, then, the door
of this House of God, by taking away the legalized
subsistence of its ministers, and by refusing the funds
that protects it from dilapidation—what follows ? The
rich and noble, the independent, the comfortable, the
competent, the tradesman; the artisan in constant em-
ployment, all who have wherewith to feed and clothe
their families, and to pay something towards the main-
tenance of a church, and the support of its minister—
all such can fay money obtain a right of admission, and
can hear the vord of God without impediment ; but
what becomes of him who has no money, who can
contribute nothin2, who has not bought his way
into the list of the congregation ? What does the
voluntary principle Jo for him? Let him try a
meeting-house of political Dissenters—let bun try
any place of worship raised, and its minister main-
tained, by subscription, or by money contribution under
any form, and see what will be the success of his ap-
plication to the porter or functionary who keeps the
gate. For the very poor, who cannot afford t”o pay,
there is no help from the " voluntary principle, But
in the Established Church, those who pay not a farthing
are entitled, as their indefeasible birth-right, to receive
all which can be there supplied to the worn-down
spirit and the broken heart—the solemn prayer—the
inspired word—the Holy Sacrament—that peace and
blessing which the world cannot give, but of which our
charitable advocates for " religions liberty" would, in
their beneficence, despoil the children of affliction—
the chosen ones of Christ Yes, the Established
Church of England is emphatically the " poor man's
church," and cursed be he who would destroy it. The
Established Clergy are the poor man's ministers ; they
are bound to yield him, when called upon, and they do
yield him, spiritual instruction and consolation, as or-
dained by the law under which he lives ; and cursed
again, we say, is he who would rob the poor man of
this his inalienable possession here—this passport to
his immortal inheritance in a better world.—Times.
Yesterday was a memorable epoch. It was St.
Crispin's Vay—the anniversary of the battle of Agin-
court—an event of which the conqueror, Henry V.,
predicted that future Englishmen " would stand on
tip-toe when the day was named." If we are to credit
the veracity of the rumours collected in Paris by our
French correspondent, and of which the substance has
been given in our Express, the day was intended to be
rendered still more memorable in the annals of Eng.
land and France as a new birth-day of French liberty
—a conspiracy having been concocted for the purpose
of dethroning Louis Philippe, and replacing the
people in possession of the rights they conquered
during the Three Days. In order that nothing might
be wanting to the theatrical effect of this reported plot,
it is stated that the great denouement and concluding
scene of the tragi-comedy of Citizen-kingship was to
be enacted on the very spot distinguished by the judi-
cial decapitation of another pretended Bourbon Ci-
tizen-king ; and, that nothing might be wanting to
render the scenery of this admonitory spectacle ade-
quate to its performance, the point of time selected was
the moment when the King was to be present at the
erection of the plundered obelisk of Luxor, on the
above spot, as if the present Russo-French Cabinet,
in the midst of their blundering confusion and trepi-
dation, had intended to celebrate the defeat of a Bour-
bon profligate at Agincourt, and the decapitation of
one of his successors. As to the plot itself we be-
lieve, as Macbeth says, " there is no such thing." It
is one of those " air-drawn daggers," which the con-
science-struck terror of tyrants is perpetually conjuring
up before their disordered and suspicious vision. It is
a satisfactory indication that tyrants, in the midst of
their faithless and oppressive acts, are still amenable
to the laws of retribution, and responsible by the claims
of personal fear to the people whom they injure. It
is most gratifying to have this additional proof, both of
the folly and danger of fettering the press. Where the
press is free there are neither grounds, nor means,
nor opportunities for secret machination against autho-
rity. It is by stopping this safety-valve of public opi-
nion that tyrannic infatuation hurries on those critical
periods of explosion which scatter the fragments of
their bauble crowns and tinsel sceptres to the four
winds. No ; Louis Philippe has nothing to dread
from this iinaginacy emeute, but the commotion produced
by his own conduct and that of the miserable tools—his
present Ministers—in his own breast. His real dan-
ger of being shortly dispossessed of his abused autho-
rity looms from another quarter of his darkened poli-
tical hemisphere. The speech of M. Odillon Barrot,
at the public dinner lately given to him by his consti-
tuents, and the manner in which he was received at
that dinner, constitute much more formidable signs of
the departing delusions of the mock kingdom of the
barricades. A numerous body of Magistrates, and
no less than thirteen Mayors of towns, were present.
We feel pleasure in quoting a portion of the speech
made on that occasion by that staunch and Consistent
friend of. human liberty and European reform—the
Deputy for the department of the Aisne. In eloquent
terms he conjured the French people " to emerge from
that lethargy in which a Government unfaithful to its
origin had plunged them, because it considered their
terror an infallible guarantee of its own security.
The representative system as at present understood,"
he said, " was a contemptible parody, a mensonge.
The Government, in his opinion, was every day pro-
ceeding in the way of re-action, and could not ad-
vance much farther without danger to its existence.
Several attempts to retrace its steps had been made
in vain. The Ministry of February had perished
after going through a legislative session, and in the
full possession of the Parliamentary majority. The
men who composed it had shared in all the terrors that
besieged the Government since 1830. They had
joined in all the coups d'etat, and voted in favour of
all the illiberal and exorbitant measures and laws of
which Fieschi's crime had been made the occasion or
pretext. But," said he, " they were men of the Re-
volution ; in spite of their protests they were supposed
to have a leaning towards the principles of that Revo-
lution, and they expiated the crime of their origin."
M. Odillon Barrot finally denounced their unpopular
successors as following in the footsteps of Polignac,
and unavoidably hurrying towards destruction. This
is the language which it becomes all the real friends of
French liberty, as well as French tranquillity, to em•
ploy towards the present infatuated ruler of France and
his accomplices—perhaps victims—the present Rus-
sian Cabinet of the Tuileries. On all sides--in Por-
tugal, in Spain, in Switzerland—they are compromis-
ing the cause of French and European liberty, and
complicating the manifold and aogmenting dangers of
their position. It is perfectly obvious that " the end"
is rapidly drawing nigh. That is, indeed, a formidable
coi:spiracy when all the liberal intelligence of a
country —all that eatstitutes the healthy essence of
public opinio conspires—l:hat is to say, sympathizes
in thought and inclination in opposing £he incapabi-
lities, treacheries, or public crimes of bad or faithless
governors—heartily and thoroughly unite.---Morning
Advertiser.
Much as we are opposed to .the measures of Lord
Melbourne's Government, we do not think so meanly
of that Noble Lord personally as to suppose that he
can be indifferent to the judgment which history will
pronounce upon his character and conduct as a states-
man. To an honourable mind this should be one of
the polar stars of present conduct ; and " what will
posterity say ?"
the question which should precede
every important act or resolve. If Lord Melbourne,
stifling the insidious voice of flattery, allows himself
of reflection to ask himself this question,
a
aormdstthe main features of his political career in
office,
a en
ffis emg
cre, the honest answer must, we apprehend, be any.
thing but flattering or even consolatory. As a member
of Earl Greys Administration, Lord Melbourne's ease
and good humour, coupled with the comparatively
se not;nessucrt e
;do
him 1: ensuredif we
lulinmimpreosrptaenctti nature of his dutiec
nd,
B.7ldareesQtefem,
ouetry. with the Trades
officialbu but
any material
except his mischievous "
Unions, his administration of the (tutuZ, of the Home:
Department was as respectable and unobjectionai:e '‘Q
that of most of his predecessors. On this department
Lord Melbourne's character as a Statesman should
have been allowed to rest. Here having kept, with the
above exception, " the noiseless tenor of his way," he
ought to have considered how much better adapted was
its still repose" to his talents as well as habits, than

0

he command of a vessel, which it is but too apparent
e round em t ftity
to has neither the skill to steer, nor the moral courag
long as they proceed ir.t.1.1 ores
a
most efficient ceed, all Os-
bourne, Earl Grey, and the three other
to bring into action. In au evil hour for Lord Mel- cause the mallow.he
'dc
members of his Cabinet, Lords Althorp andle t ISt
ley and Sir James Graham, left the cab ,
andari- six v-
Iv-Tacit
ed Lorda f u
tu
Melbourne
repage
iisl donehistosroy
which will eo.
too, he would have
ob-
viated
but
little to the credit of his statesmanship, ans,;.
as little to
the honour of his country. We do nssi mean to say that
Lord Melbourne was to be governed in his opinions by
those of his late colleagues. lie,' " good easy man,"
might, if he pleased, laugh at their scruples, and ridi-
cule their ideas of danger ; but still retaining his own
sentiments upon those topics, Lord Melbourne, if he
possesed any degree of self-knowledge, ought to have
known, that to be Prime Minister of England, was a
station to which he himself in his cooler moments,
had never dreamt of aspiring ; and that in taking the
post of Earl Grey, he naturally drew upon 'him the
eyes of those who could not use them but to be con-
vinced of a wide and mortifying inferiority. That such
has been the result, and that Lord Melbourne's Pre-
miership has been as disadvantageous to his country
as to his own fame, is now pretty generally admitted by,
men of all parties, as well friends as foes ; for it is the
mortifying result of the false position in which Lord
Melbourne has allowed himself to be placed, that his
Government is now as loudly reviled by many of its
former adherents, as by the most steady and consistent
of its opponents. Indeed, it may be a question whe-
ther it does not owe its existence, on more than one
occasion, to the generosity with which its opponents
have rescued it from the attacks of seceding friends.
Whether, as in the case of Cesar, nothing will so well
become Lord Melbourne as his fall, remains to be
seen. For this, public expectation will not, we ima-
gine, have very long to wait. Like Cesar, Lord Mel-
bourne's Government may reach the " ides of March,"
but he is a bold soothsayer who can venture to promise
it a much longer existence.—Morning Herald.
Among the thousand aspects of degradation under
which Whig-Radicalism is in the habit of exhibiting
itself, there is none more humiliating than the light
airs of indifference with which it reeds to regard the
public manifestations which mark the growing triumph
of its adversaries. There are fellows of this sort—
the Whig-Radicals, doubtless, of the felons' dock, who
grin, and affect an air of insolence, even when sentence
of death is impending over them ; and such persons
are more disgusting to the moral sense than they are
who exhibit a sincereterror. Downright cowardice is a
pitiable infirmity, but cowardice, coupled with-a pre-
posterous affectation of the contrary, is most contemp-
tible as well as pitiable. The Whig-Radicals now
say that they care nothing for the evidence of growing
and spreading Conservatism which so many public din-
ners, in various parts of the country, afford. The " wine-
inspired enthusiasm," as they are pleased to call it, of
these assemblies, is nothing to them—nay, they are
quite gratified, if you will believe themselves, that their
opponents can make these things " suffice to atone
for their exclusion from the solid .advantages which
they: were accustomed to reap from the possession
of the reins of Government." We can, in turn, assure
the Whig-Radicals, and we believe with rather more
sincerity, that they are perfectly welcome to the enjoy-
ment of those " solid advantages," which they appear
to value at their full worth, while the possession of
them, under present circumstances, exhibits their mean
and sordid character so effectually to the public. We
know not what " solid advantages" would compensate
honest and manly politicians for holding office without
the power of carrying any measure of which their oppo-
nents disapprove, and with no element of strength be-
yond a paltry majority in one House of Parliament—
a majority which is made up of men who continually
avow contempt and suspicion even of the Administra-
tion which, through entreaty and importunity, they are
induced to sustain. This is the positioh of the present
Administration. It can do nothing but by sufferance
of its opponents. It is beaten in the House of Lords
—it exhibits a bare majority, the result of a base and
unprincipled, and therefore very unstable coalition in the
House of Commons ; and now—now it affects to treat
with contempt even the expression of popular opinion,
because, forsooth, the expression of that opinion is not
accompanied by the " solid advantages" which belong
to the possession of office I We think we attach no
undue importance to the Conservative dinners which
have of late been taking place so abundantly through-
out the country ; and we are quite sure that if the
Whig-Radicals had anything of the same kind to boast
of, we should hear no sneers at such evidence of public
opinion. We should then find magnified into ten times
its real importance that which is now treated with an
affectation of contempt, because there are no " solid
advantages" combined with it—no salaries, no patron-
age no commissionerships to appoint to—no Crown
livings, or governorships, or regiments to give away.
We do not in the least doubt that the Whigs feel
the solidity of these advantages with all the force
which belongs to substantially good things ; but,
considering all that they have hitherto pretended to
think, it would be as becoming if they did not so
ostentatiously proclaim their value, as altogether out-
weighing any expression of the popular mind at
assemblies at once convivial and political. Pursu-
ing this impudent confession, that the " solid
advantages" are the real matters which should console
a political party, no matter what defeats they may meet
with in Parliament, or what contempt they may have
to encounter in public, these satisfied gentry proceed
to ask us why we do not renew the experiment of
1834 ? The first answer to this is, that the Conser-
vatives cannot renew an experinient which they never
made. Of all the vulgar falsehoods with which coarse
and ignorant minds have sought to gratify themselves,
surely the lowest, flattest, and yet most palpable false-
hood of them all is that which attributes the dismissal
of the Melbourne-Ministry in November, 1834, to an
intrigue of the Conservative party. The coarsest of
the coarse, the lowest of the low, even in the Whig
party, will scarcely dare to attribute false representation
upon this subject to the Duke of Wellington or Sir
Robert Peel ; and they have declared, as explicitly as
words can declare it, that the dismissal of the Mel-
bourne-Administration took them wholly by surprise.
Notwithstanding all the impudence of assertion which
belongs to the Whig-Radicals, along with the " solid
advantages," there has never been a particle of
even colourable evidence brought forward to show
that any member of the Conservative body had any
thing to do with that dismissal. Happily there was
no standing ground for such a fabrication ; the cha-
racter of those concerned—all the circumstances of the
affair—forbade it. But reckless impudence may insi-
nuate any thing. The assumption of the Government
by the Conservatives in 1834 was not of their seeking,
nor was it their wish. They undertook the Govern-
ment, however, making themselves responsible for what
had been done ; and the nation—England at all events
—well repaid the deliberate courage of the under-
taking. Under a new representative system—a system
invented, constructed, worked by their opponents,
for the destruction of the Tory party—a system
under which they boasted that the Tories were for
ever and ever shut out from the government of Great
Britain—under that system a general election took
place, which returned upwards of three hundred Con'
servative Members to the House of Commons. We
can tell the present e njovers of the " solid advantages"
that the Conservatives have lost no ground in the na-
tion since then. Can they—can the Whig-Radical
Administration—say as much ? Of a truth we
think not, though they do, by the aid of the
man who in October, 1834, spurned them as
knaves and fools, retain the " solid advantages."
But why, it may again be asked—" why do not the
Conservatives push their influence with the country
to the extreme point of a change of Administration
and another election ?" Rather say, why should
they do any such thing? To what end ? Every day
the conduct of their opponents whe pow 4114 the
Government, and the circumstances to which their
holding of it gives rise, strengthen the influence of
the Conservatives in the country, Why should they
interrupt a course of events so favourable to them,
especially as they hold the power, of keeping in
•'- nroeress of the present contemptible Go-
check tn. L.. They are not in a
vernment towards revolts.— -• • .71
condition to feel any want of the "solid auvantages
which their opponents seem to consider an equivalent
for everything else whiph they have not, They are in
a better position than if they 'held the Government, so

1836.

_.,ent course of rallying
classes, and making their
.41, cause. If steadily they thus pro-
evils which this country has suffered under
- cars of bad and weak Government will be far more
than repaid by the glorious results which must follow.
An Aristocracy blended in heart and mind—in feelings
and in interests—with the middle classes will form a
rampart of Conservatism, against which the waves of
Democracy will beat in vain. The British monarchy
may start again in the race of nations like a giant re-
freshed. Meanwhile let the Whig-Radicals hold their
" solid advantages" as long as they can. In due time
they will drop from their feeble grasp, and that wretched
party, without strength and without character—without
honour and without merit—will sink, never to rise
again —Mornincr Post.

POSTAGES ON FOREIGN LETTERS.

The following explanatory notice, with regard to the re-
cent change in the mode of charging the postage on foreign
letters, was yesterday posted up against the foreign letter
department :

" With reference to the instructions on the subject of
charging foreign letters, I beg to explain it is not intended
to deprive the public of any advantages they derived from
the mode of charge in this country, and, consequently, a
letter, consisting of one piece of paper, not exceeding an
ounce weight, is still chargeable as single only ; a letter
with one enclosure, not exceeding an ounce weight, is
chargeable as double only ; and a letter with more than
one enclosure, not exceeding an ounce weight, is chargeable
as treble. This applies to British rates only. The British
rates on foreign letters are only to be charged by weight
when it is advantageous to the public at large. Thus, a
letter containing one or more enclosures, not exceeding a
quarter of an ounce, is to be charged single only ; a letter,
with more than one enclosure, above a quarter of an ounce
and not exceeding half an ounce, is to be charged double
only, and (according to the former practice) a letter, with
not more than one enclosure, exceeding half an ounce and
not exceeding an ounce, is to be charged treble.

" There is a aifference between the British and the
French mode of calculating the fractions of the weight.
Accordinc, to the English practice, a letter does not become
chargeable with a higher rate of postage, unless it exceeds
the weight specified, by turning the scale, whereas, according
to the French system, if it reaches the weight named, it in-
stantly becomes liable to the increased rate ; for instance, a
letter is not liable to two British rates unless it exceeds a
quarter of an ounce : or to three rates, unless it exceeds
half an ounce ; or to four rates, unless it exceeds an ounce ;
but in charging the French rates, if the letter weighs the
quarter of an ounce, although it does not exceed it, it must
be charged with two rates ; if it weighs half an ounce, with
three rates : if it weighs three-quarters of an ounce, with
four rates ; and if it weighs an ounce, with five rates, and
so on for every quarter of an ounce.
" By command,
(Signed) " NV. L. MABERLEY."

FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE.

OFFICE of the LORD CHAMBERLAIN to the QUEEN,
Queen's-House, St. James's-Palace, Oct. 25, 1836.
The Queen has been pleased to appoint Dr. W. F. Chambers to
be one of her Majesty's Physicians in Ordinary.

Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of Leicestershire.
Leicestershire Yeomanry Cavalry—Cornet Sir G. Palmer,Bart.,
to be Lieutenant, vice Sir E. C. Hartopp, resigned ; G. Moorr,
Gent., to be Cornet, vice Green, resigned; A. G. Robinson,
Gent. , to be ditto, vice Mammoth, resigned ; W. Hitchcock, Gent.,
to be Paymaster, vice Babington, deceased, Sept. 27.