The Sun.
London, England, 1849-01-15 00:00:00

MONDAY EVENING, JANUARY 15, 1849.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of Saturday
and yesterday.
The National Assembly, in its sitting on Fri, lay,
determined, by a majority of 3, to take into consi-
deration the proposition of M. RATEAU for its disso-
lution. This decision is tantamount to granting
leave to bring a Bill, and it is by no means to be
taken as an indication that the proposition of M.
RATEA. will be adopted in its entirety, or even that
it will be adopted in principle. All that the
Assembly has as yet decided is that it is desirable the
question should be discussed. The debate was very
animated, and the speech of M. ODILON BARROT
was remarkable for its want of temper, and its viru-
lent abuse of the Republic, of which he is a Minister.
Having betrayed the Monarchy in 184 k, he seeks, as
a set off, to betray the Republic in 1849, but it is to
be hoped that the PRESIDENT of the Republic will
remember his responsibilities, and protect the Republic,
which he has sworn to defend from thenow too-evident
treachery of the President of the Council. M.
OniLoN BARROT has cast away his mask somewhat
too soon. He has so effectually damaged himself,
that finding he has no chance of being elected Vice-
President of the Republic, he has ceased to be a
candidate for the office, and will, it is said, support
the candidature of M. VIVIEN.

In The Sun, of Saturday, we gave a report of the
speech of lA. Gszz, who commenced the dis-
cussion.
M. Pierre Bonaparte next rose, and said that he did
not intend to speak in so grave a discussion, but he
wished to refute a calumny directed against the As-
sembly. It was asserted that the latter was hostile to
the President. This was untrue. It was the Assembly
that admitted him into its ranks when he was elected
Representative of the people. It was the Assembly that
had recalled his family from exile, and had proclaimed
him President. That alleged hostility was a mere de-
mocratical susceptibility. The accord between the two
powers was the only safeguard of the constitution, and
what proved the necessity of that harmony was the
audacity of the re-actiouary parties. It belonged to
the Assembly alone to assign a period to its glorious
session. If the Government, invested with all the power
of the country, did not maintain the liberty of is deli•
berations, it would betray its duties, for the decrees of
the Assmbly were the law of the land.—(Bravos.) He
hoped the Assembly would solve with energy a question
that ought not to have been brought forward. In May
and June it had demonstrated that the factions could not
intimidate it, and it bad sealed with its generous blood
its attachment to the cause of order and the country.
He trusted that the Assembly would impose silence on
its rebellious adversaries by manifesting its determina-
tion to frame the organic laws. In the name of the (le-
mocratical Republic and the sovereign people he pro-
tested against the pretensions of those who questioned
its right to accomplish its mission to the end.
M. Montalembert, who followed, said that the Assem-
bly was composed of three parties—a minority desirous
to retire at any prise, because, amongst other good
reasons, it believed itself certain of being re-elected ;
another party resisted the dissolution for the contrary
motive.—(Laughter.) There was another party, com-
posed of men who had no decided opinion on the subject,
but which was waiting to hear the reasons for and
against the measure, in order to form its opinion. That
party, when enlightened, would decide the question. To
this last party he addressed himself. The demonstra-
tion of the 10th of December was not the mere triumph
of a name; it was a manifestation in favour of a mode-
rate policy and order. The country was thrown by the
Revolution of February into a state of fever, and had
tried all sorts of remedies. It now regarded the convo-
cation of a new Assembly as another remedy. The
patient was the master of its physicians, and could pre-
pare its own prescriptions. The Revolution had let
loose the giant, and armed him with the irresistible
force of universal suffrage. He now told the Assem..
bly his wish in a low voice, and the latter should not
compel him to tell it aloud.—(Murmurs.) M. de
Montalembert then contended that the organic
laws were not the same_ thing as the Consti-
stution, and could be framed by the next Assembly.
If it were animated with the same spirit it would frame
them to its satisfaction. If animated with a contrary
spirit nothing could prevent them from undoing its
work.—(Loud murmurs.) M. de Montalembert pro-
posed for imitation to the Assembly the noble conduct of
General Cavaignac, who, after being invested with the
most extensive powers, which he had used for the sal-
vation of society, had loyally resigned that authority
into the hands of the elect of the people.

M. Billault ascended the tribune, and said that the
opinion he was about to express would be in no way
influenced by seeing an election in perspective. Every
member in that Assembly had issued from universal
suffrage, and it was because they were the delegates of
the French people that they had a right to speak in
its name. When the Constitution was voted, when the
discussion on the organic laws was postponed, it had
never entered into the mind of any one to dispute the ad-
journment, for the object of the delay was to arrive at a
definitive state of things, for which the country was so
anxious.—(Hear, hear, on the Left.) The Assembly did
not by so doing renounce its work, and no one could se-
riously contest its right to complete the task which it had
commenced, and which it was its duty to terminate. The
question did not, therefore, lie in that point; it was one
of a purely political character; it was to know whether
the Assembly, invested with its electoral mandate,
should hasten or retard the period of its dissolution.
lie admitted that after the trials through which
the country had had to pass, it stood in need of peace
and stabLity. It had thought that the six millions of
votes which had invested a citizen with the supreme
magistracy would have given an immense force to the
Government, and to the country great p:-osperity,
That strength of Government was not now called
in question, but nevertheless confidence bad not been
re-established, and it was asked with a feeling of un-
easiness why, after the immense majority of votes given
to the President, business did not revive. It was not au
easy thing to constitute a Government and to give it a
firm root in the country; it was a difficult task. The
present Government could not boast of having acquired
that feeling of unanimity. The Republican Go-
vernment which had been founded had also had ob-
stacles to contend with, obstacles of which advantage
had been taken, and which were still endeavoured to
be turned to account.—(Murmurs.) Much had been I
said of a want of agreement, of a governmental incain-
patibility between the National Assembly and the Pre-
sidency of the Republic, but these insinuations
had been clearly proved to be unfoundsd. It had been
sought to organize the public mind against the Assem-
bly, to bring about not a material, but a moral 15th of
May.—(Hear, hear, on the Left.) It had been wished
to ascertain whether the Assembly, which had by its
attitude resisted an anarchical emeute, would be able to
resist anti-revolutionary passions.—(Renewed approba-
tion from the Left.) The Assembly would know how
to stand firm between these two extreme opinions which
struggled against it; it would prove itself equal to the
question of order which interested both the power of
authority and the Constitution. ...Tie was aware that it
had been said to those who were impatient, that the work
they wished for could not be accomplished; that the Na-
tional Assembly was a permanent obstacle, that it had
been condemned on the 10th of December, and must re-
tire.—(Hear, hear.) But he would simply ask, what
had taken place on the 10th of December ? What were
the principles professed by the President of the Re-
public in his programme, when he solicited the suffrages
of the French people? Did he not promise to found an
honest Republic, to protect religion, family ties, and
property; to diminish the taxes which bore heavily on
the working classes; were not those the principles which
they all professed, and which the National Assembly
had energetically practised? On their first assembling
they had proclaimed respect for the great social prin-
ciples; and when, at a later period, the sovereignty of the
Assembly had been attacked, it had with stoical courage
caused riot to recoil. Again, in June, the Assembly
had presided over the defence of social order. Let any
one state a single day when the Assembly had been
wanting in its duty, a single measure which had been
rejected that was considered beneficial to the country.—
(Hear, hear, on the left.) The programme of the Presi-
dent of the Republic was, therefore, he would repeat,
merely a simple repetition of the principles of the As-
sembly; how then could it be /mid that the election of
the 10,h December had condemned the Assembly, unless
the programme of the President contained some hidden
intentions? The Assembly had in no way changed its
principles—they remained the same as they had always
been. That pretended obstacle, therefore, did not exist.
It had also been said that the action of the Executive
Government would not be complete in the presence of
the National Assembly. That he could not conceive,
as the Constitution had clearly defined the rights of the
Executive Power. There was .only one point, the
promulgation of the laws, and the right to make ob
nervations which the President of the Republic could
not exercise towards a Constituent as he could towards
a purely Legislative Assembly. The great reason why
the country was uneasy and confidence not restored was
that none of the great questions which really and inti-
mately conserved it had been settled. It bad been said
that the National Assembly impeded the progress of the
Government, but that could not be the case, for although
the Ministry had been formed for a month, it had not
brought forward a single Ministerial question. The
country wished for a strong Government; what, then
would it think when it saw men whose previous conduct
had given hopes of better things hold aloof add leave to
others the care of overcoming the first difficulties?—
(Approbation on the Left.) That fact was calculated to
give uneasiness to the country; in fact, when they should
have given for some months a spectacle of inertness, it
would be said that the Republican Government had
been definitely condemned, that it produced only hesi-
tation, and then the currei.t which now impelled
them would carry away both the Republic and
its President. He should prefer to defend what
now existed to incurring fresh dangers, and having per-
haps to recommend a fresh revolution. If he bad in cer-
tain cases considered it his duty to recommend concilia-
tion, it was to prevent the misfortunes which inevitably
resulted from division and party spirit. It was only ne-
cessary to read the petitions which were put forth
against the Assembly to be convinced of the truth of
what he said. A kind of terrozism had been got up
in the journals against the National Assembly, and
chose who pretended to be Conservatives, and applauded
such manmuvres, were, in his opinion, highly culpable.
'There were in that Assembly contrary currents; those
who wished for the maintenance of the Republic end
of the Constitution, and those who believed that its
existence was not possible. He should, in conclusion,
repeat what he he had said •t the commencement, that

whatever might be the influence his opinion might
have in another election, ho should support the con-
clusions of the committee.
The President—The tribune is to M. 0. Barrot.—
(Moven), nt of interest.)
The President of the Council—l am perfectly aware
of the reserve which a discussion like the present im-
poses on the Government. I know that no influence
from without ought to weigh on the Assembly, and
therefore I not only set myself against every kind of
threat, but, as the depository of the Government, I will
put them down as much as is in my power.—(Hear,
hear.) But I must be permitted to say that the Assem-
bly ought not to occupy itself so much about its elec-
toral prospects as about the interest of the country.—
(Hear, hear.) I come here to tell you what are the
views of the Government on this question. If the mat-
ter were a personal one, as the last speaker seems to
imply, I should not come forward to speak; but the
question is of the very highest interest, and may involve
a public peril; cc nsequently it is my duty to speak—no
matter what Ministry might be in power—even if M.
Billault himself were a member of it.—(Laughter.) If
I speak of M. Billault, it is because his talents
and personal consideration entitle him to hold a place
in a Ministry.—{Renewed laughter.) I say that what-
ever persons might compose the Ministry in power,
with an Assembly like the present, whose days are num-
bered, with an Assembly fated to cease on the comple-
tion of the Constitution, with the electoral incident
which has crossed your existence—that Government
would be reduced to mere impotent efforts.—(Violent
murmurs on the Left.) I maintain that there is no Go-
vernment whatever that could look forward to any
length of existence or carry out a sound and useful
policy in such conditions.—(Agitatiotf.) I have re-
received so many marks of confidence from the Assembly
that I consider myself bound to tell it the exact truth.
But that truth has been already told by the Constitution
itself. It proceeded from the particular situation in which
we are now placed—it comprehended this respective
situation of the two powers—it foresaw the present
fal a position.—(Agitation.) The Constitution so
well f.resaw what would come to pass that it de-
clared that the Assembly of revision had only to pay at-
tention to one great question—the Constitution itself, and
the measures of inquiry connected with it. Well, does
not the situation so foreseen now exist? Have you not
in your hands at present a part of the executive power?
Rave you not made and unmade the executive power?
And does not the remembrance of what you have done
as a constituent body weigh on you and impede your
movement? I know that with cleverness the present
difficulties might be in a measure masked; but will that
prevent the difficulties from existing? We have been
reproached with not having, since we have been in
power, decided on any of those great measures which
engage the future course of a Government. How could
it be otherwise? Do you forget that since we have ex-
isted as a Ministry we have been each day the object of
incessant and most violent attacks?—(lnterruption.) I
will not recal to your attention the incidents which have
arisen at each sitting—l will not remind you of the fact
that your time has been wasted in sterile discussions,
when it could have been better employed in voting the
organic laws.—(Loud interruption, which prevented the
Hon. Gentleman from going on. Cries of " Order.")
The President—l think it right to say, that after the
vote of the Constitution, the Assembly occupied itself
with the election of the President of the Republic, voted
the rectified budget for 1848, and prepared several or-
ganic laws.—(Yes, yes; agitation.)
The President of the Council—l say that both the
reminiscences of what you have done, and your own
personal views, render you but little calculated to live
in face of an executive power perfectly independent of
you. I say that for the last two months you have been
occupied more with the Government than with passing
laws.—(Renewed agitation.)

A Voice—That Is not true.
The President—Such an interruption is contrary to all
parliamentary usage and to order.
The President of the Council—lf such a manifestation
of feeling continues—
M. Portalie— Order, order!

The President—M. Portalis, if you go on disturbing
the discussion in this way, I shall be obliged to call
you to order!
_ _ _

The President of the Council—When I speak of your
personal views, and of the continual interruptions which
have broken in on our labours, I point out the ♦ery
gravest symptom of all—the matter which most attracts
the attention of the country.—(lnterruption.)
A Voice—Why, that is an invitation to civil war!—
(Agitation.)

The President of the Council—l do not doubt your
patriotism, but I believe that in this case it is mistaken.
—(Noise.) Here are men who have always praised up
universal suffrage, and yet they now seem afraid to meet
it! The Assembly ought to dissolve, and again present
itself to the suffrages of the country. That act I declare
to be absolutely necessary to restore public confidence;
for it is uncertainty which causes passions to ferment.—
(Loud applause on the Right.)
M. Portalis entered into some explanations to show
that he had not been justly called to order. The dis-
cussion was then declared to be closed, and a division
was piroceeded to, amidst the greatest agitation. The
following was the result:—
Number of voters 805
Absolute majority ... ... 403
Fur the conclusion of the (Movement)
Committee ... ... 401
Against it ... 404
Majority ... —3
In consequence, it was declared that the proposition
was to be taken into consideration.—(Agitation.)
The President—l have been just informed that some
Members have voted both ways. The votes shall there-
fore be carefully examined, and the result made known
to-morrow.

The Assembly then rose in the greatest agitation at a
quarter to eight o'clock.

- The AsseMbly met on Saturday, when the error
alluded to in the voting was corrected, without how-
ever, affecting the result. The real numbers were
announced to be as follows
For considering the question of dissolution ... 400
Against it 396
Majority . —4
The proposition will now be referred to the bureaux,
who will draw up a report, which will embrace all
the propositions that have been presented for fixing
a time for the dissolution of the Assembly.
The reactionaries; are of course in ecstacies at the
result of this division. The Democratic Pacifique
says that a Royalist, on leaving the Chamber after the
vote, said, " We must be sad bunglers if before the
end of the year we do not bring back HENRY V."
That there is an intention on the part of the Ministry
to betray M. LOUIS NAPOLEON BONAPARTE into the
hands of the Orleanists and Legitimatists, is evident
from the appointments they have recently made to
the various departmental prefectures. On this subject,
The National says :

4! Who will, therefore, pretend that we are under a
Republic? Are not the ten months which have just
passed merely a dream? Let us awake and return
quickly to reality. It is now the 24th of February,
1848, the happy day from which dates the Ministry of
M. 0. Barrot.

" His Majesty Louis Philippe, yielding to the obser-
vations of the Chamber, and to the pressure of general
opinion, has confided to M. Thiers the task of forming a
new Cabinet. It is to him, in fact, the devoted servant
of the Monarchy of July, that it belongs to point out the
mew capable of estimating the wants of electoral reform.
and the necessity of preserving those great principles of
order and of authority which the Orleans dynasty now
represents. M. Thiers, in accepting this mission, has
refused to enter into the Cabinet, in order not to alarm
Europe, which is still uneasy at the tapage of 1840.
" M. Thiers, united to M. Mole in this work of dis-
interestedness and self-denial, is content with placing
one of his most faithful servants as Minister of the Inte-
rior—M. Leon Faucher, so well known by his note of the
Bth October, and by the Free-trade Association. M.
Odilon Barrot, in default of M. Thiers, has naturally.
taken the place of President of the Council. The rest of
the Cabinet is composed of members of the moderate
left, MM. Tracy, Lacrosse, &c. We only make an ex-
ception in favour of M. de Rulhiere, whose presence in
the Ministry was demanded by the King, in order to
bold a high hand over the army; for the Viscount de
Falloux, who secures the support of the right for M.
Passy, specially recommended by the tiers-parti, and M.
Buffet, who represents nothing. The new Cabinet is
therefore remarkable for the spirit of unity which bas
ruled over its
" Scarcely had it been installed than the Council con-
sidered it necessary to turn its attention to the prefec•
tures. The instruments of the 29th of October, the times
damnoes of M. Duchatel—tbose men, in a word, to whom
we owe the Pritchardist majority, and, more recently
still, les satisfaitsTeannot think of retaining their func-
tions under a Mlinstry formed to the cry of Vive la
Reforme,' A has la corruption.'
" The Ilioniteur publishes in fact this morning 17 no-
minations, and 18 changes in the personnel of the sub-
prefectures. But can we believe our eyes? Can it be
true that M. Guizot is again Minister? No. Let us
not calumniate any one. M. Guizot is in London. Louis
Philippe has been driven from the Tuileries! France
has proclaimed a Republic. (After some further criti-
cisms on the appointments of the sub-prefects above al-
luded to, the IV ational continues), M. Barrot talked a
few duys since of conciliation. He now shows us how
he understands carrying that principle into practice.
What M. Guizot would not have dared under Louis
Philippe, M. Barrot has done under a Republic. By the
aide of prefets, Orleanists, pond memo, figure irrecon-
cilable Legitimists, the avowed partisans of Henri V.,
even those who have all their lives exclaimed loudly
against the revolution. This is what is called con-
ciliation.

" If these deplorable and shameful appointments,
which have raised a cry of indignation in the ranks of
the majority, are not a veritable act of treason against
incapacity
of Republic, they at least testify the great
of the members of the old Left.' Let any one now
accuse the Republican party with the weakness, and
poverty of its personnel We shall reply by the names
inscribed in the Moniteur. You are now the masters,
and you can find to place in,the prefectures only the old
and sad supporters of the 29th October. Is it, there-
fore, men or principles that are wanting? For eight
y ear • s you opposed the policy of M. Duchatel, and yet
you inaugurate your accession to power by installing in
office the very men in which the fallen system was per-
sonified. We consider you either as traitors or as den-
cient in power—you can choose which appellation best
suits you."
Those who in 1841 betrayed Prince Louis NAPO-
LEON BONAPARTE tO King LOUIS PHILIPPE, are
endeavouring in 1849 to betray the PRESIDENT of the
Republic to the Bourbon Pretender.
The PRESIDENT of the Republic, it is said, refuses
to nominate M. VIVIEN as one of the candidates for
the Vice-Presidency. He is exceedingly desirous

that M. ODILON BARROT should be chosen, in
which case M. DUFAURE will, in all probability, be
called on to form a Ministry.
It is intended to fit out an expedition for the resto-
ration of the PorE.
The IVouvelliste of Marseilles of the 10th of Ja-
nuary, says :
We can announce, in the most certain manner, that
telegraphic dispatch reached Toni( tn yesterday, enjoining
the Maritime Pref-ct to pres, by all the means in his
power, the immediate arming of eleven steamers. On tin-
receipt of this dispatch the Solon steam•corvette imme.
diately got up her steam- and started for Gaeta on a
secret mission to the Sovereign Pontiff. Although
the destination of that force is kept quiet, there
can be no doubt that it is prepared with the view to an
intervention in the States of the Church. We know,
from a source worthy of our confidence, that Pius IX.
has given his adherence to that extreme measure, and
that it has been adopted, in concert with all the great
Powers. It is not yet positively known what part these
Powers are to take in an armed intervention, but it is
beyond a doubt that each of them will interfere, at
least in a diplomatic way. It i s thought that a part at
least of the vt ssels armed at Toulon will be sent to
Marseilles, to take on hoard the brigade of General
Molliere."

The Journal des Daats publishes a letter direct
from Toulon, which confirms this news, and says
that the following steamers are all ready to sail, and
are only waiting orders by the telegraph :—The Ca-
cique and Magellan steam-frigates, the Cato steam-
corvette, the small steamer the Liamone, and the hos
pital steamer the Gregeois. The steamers were all
taking in their coals. A fresh levee of sailors in
the sth maritime arrondissement has been ordered
to complete the crews. The Ocean, three-decker,
which had discharged a large portion of her crew,
has been ordered to take them again on board, and to
prepare for sea. The Magellan was under orders to
sail for Algiers, with a detachment of the 45th regi
ment of the line, but counter-orders arrived from
Paris after she had the men on board, and her desti-
nation was at once changed. In the arsenals, the
port, and the roads of Toulon, everything was in the
utmost bustle of preparation. The men were kept at
work all night, and the steamers intended for the ex-
pedition were getting in their provisions with all pos-
sible speed. A great personage was expected to
arrive at Toulon from Paris, whom the Government
of the Republic was to send on an expedition to the
Pope at Gaeta, and the report was that it was the
Archbishop of Paris. The Cato steamer was placed
at his disposal.
A fair share of business was done in the Five per
Cents. in the Passage de l'Opera. They opened at
75f. 80c., but then went down to 75f. 60e., to close at
75f. 70c.; the tendency, on the whole, being some-
what more downwards.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, J.N. 13.

Boulogne and Amiens, B—Dutch Rhenish, 3N—Luxem-
bourg (10/.), 296—Namur and Liege, 6111—Northern of
Franee, B—Rouen and Havre, 94

SPAIN.

Madrid journals of the 7th have been received.
The Finance Minister Mori has presented his
budget before the Council of Ministers. PONS, the
brother of BEP DEL OLT, who deserted to the Queen's
party in Catalonia, has been shot.
The Bolsa was closed on the 7th.

GERMAN Y

AND

THE NORTHERN STATES.

A UST RIA.
Count WELDEN, the Governor of Vienna, has offi-
cially announced the surrender of Buda Pesth.

FRANKFORT.

At the sitting of the German Parliament on the
9th, the President announced the receipt of a note
from the Imperial Ministry, stating that General Von
SCHAFER-BERNSTEIN had completed the line of demar-
cation between German and Polish Posen. This line
had met with the approval, both of the Central Power
and the Prussian Government. The Ministry moved
that Sc HAFEE-BERNSTEIN'S plan be accepted: all draw-
ings and documents relating thereto should be laid
without reserve before the House, and any special
infurtnation given that might be required. The whole
of the papers, &c., were referred to the international
committee.

MAMMEN said, that as the National Assembly had
done nothing in the course of full eight months to
relieve the material wants of the German people, he
might at least be allowed to ask the Minister of
Commerce when he would be prepared with the
draught of a law concerning the total abolition of
river dues on German rivers, and whether it would
be possible, according to the Minister's plans, to
bring such a law into force by the Ist of March en-
suing

FREIIDENTHEIL would ask the Department of Marine
whether the whole 6,000,000 florins voted for- the
foundation of a fleet had been paid in ? If not, how
did the Ministry intend to enforce the payment of the
arrears on the part cf the individual states ? What
was the present condition of the German fleet And,
since the armistice of Malmoe would expire in March
next, would the German naval force be sufficient by
that time to defend German merchantmen against the
aggressions of the Danes ?
The following resolutions were then adopted, form-
ing section 191 of the chapter entitled " The Impe-
rial Parliament:"—

" 1. All financial proposals made by the Imperial Go-
vernment must be laid, in the first place, before the
House of the People.
" 2. Grants of money can only be made on a motion
of the Imperial Government, and only to the amount
specified in such motion. All monetary grants are to be
regarded as made for that particular purpose only for
which they were demanded, and the consequent expen-
diture must be confined within the limits of the grant.
"3. The financial period, and the duration of the
grants made in respect of the budget, are a year.
" 4. The budget concerning the regular disbursements
of the empire, as also concerning the reserve tund, to•
gether with the means of providing for both, are to be
determined in the first Imperial Parliament, in the form
of Parliamentary resolutions. An increase in this bud-
get in any subsequent Parliament also requires a Parlia-
mentary resolution. This ordinary budget is, in each
separate Parliament to be laid, in the first place, before
the House of the People; which House shall examine it,
clause for clause, according to the explanations and
vouchers produced by the Imperial Government, and
wholly or partially adopt or reject it.
" 6. After being examined and approved of by the
House of the People, the budget is to be taken up to the
House of States. This House has the right of making
emendatory additions and deductions within the sum
total of the amount of the ordinary budget as fixed in the
first Parliament, or by subsequent resolutions of Parlia-
ment, which additions and deductions are finally declared
valid or invalid by the House of the People.
" 7. All extraordinary disbursements and the means of
providing for them, require, like the increase of the ordi-
nary budget, a resolution of Parliament. ;.1
" 8. The statement showing the application of the Im-
perial moneys is to be laid before the Parliament for exa-
mination and approval; and, in the first place, before the
House of the People."

Hesse, Brunswick, and Hamburgh have decided to
support measures for bestowing the Crown of Ger-
many on the King of PRUSSIA.

HAMBURGH.

The Hamburgh Borsenhalle of the 9th says—" The
Elbe is now firmly frozen over as far as Schuld, and
can be safely passed everywhere on foot ; but sledges
crossing to Twielenfleth are obliged to make a detour
through the Suder Elbe. This morning several pas-
sengers' carriages and other light vehicles arrived
here from Harburg by the ice-bridge. The cold was
last night I deg., and at noon 10 deg."