The Sun.
London, England, 1836-12-16 00:00:00

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LONDON,
FRIDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 16, 1836,

The South Devon Reform dinner which took place
on Wednesday at Totness, and which was attended
by five hundred of the most respectable, intelligent,
and influential people of the district, is another flagrant
proof of what the Tories are pleased to call, " re-
action." In every sense of the word this spirited Re-
form gathering may be considered as one of the most
important that has been held since the close of the
Session. It reads an equally valuable lesson toWhigs
and Tories. To the former, because, taken in con-
nection with other meetings of a similar character, it
furnishes them with proof positive that they can only
retain office by pressing onward, instead of halt-
ing in their course ; to the latter, because it brings
home to them with equal force, the fact, that
their influence over the mind of the community
is past and gone. In the determination and enthu-
siasm exhibited by the Reformers of Devon, the To-
ries may read their death-warrant. Is this the lan-
guage of exaggeration ? Surely not—for when we
find an assemblage consisting of the elite of one of the
largest, most populous, and most influential counties
in the kingdom, rising unanimously, and giving three
cheers at the very mention of the word " ballot," we
may be pretty certain that this enthusiastic spirit will
spread. And then, where are the Tories ? Intrigues
and backstairs influence will not avail them when once
the public fiat has gone forth against the present elec-
tion system; and already opinion is making itself felt
on the subject, with a force that no Ministry will
henceforth be able to stifle. Well said Sir WNL
MOLESWORTII, that the " Ballot " and " Peerage Re.
form " were hourly obtaining converts. But three short
years since, these two questions were in their nonage ; now
they are all but arrived at man's estate. Under these
circumstances what remains for Ministers to do ? Why
just this—to make both questions open ones, just as the
'f,:ries were compelled to do with Catholic Emancipa-
tion. :Unless they come to this determination, they
have one really honest adherent left them ;
will scarcely'
and in the event z,f a dissolution, or any other contin-
gency, will find thcmselves completely non-plus'd.
Mr. LEADER'S remark, that the ballot and Peerage
Reform should hencefeth form the subject of in-
cessant constitutional agitat:on, is deserving the most
serious attention of the people. If they desire to
obtain equal justice for Ireland, and such other Re-
forms as are called for by the ciecumstances of the
times, it is only by adopting Mr. LEAD is suggestion,
and following it up with zeal and perseveonce, that
they can obtain these advantages. They may rely oil
it that the Tory faction in the Lords and Commons
are incurable ; that advice—remonstrance—menace—
are all equally lost on them ; and that the Ballot
and Peerage Reform are the only means left of extin-
guishing them. Let us fix our attention then unceas-
ingly on these two great cardinal questions. Let us
agitate them in every possible form ; by speeches—by
addresses—by petitions ; and if these do not give suf-
ficient impulse, by reviving the Political Unions. We
have lost much by delay ; let us learn wisdom from experi-
ence, and ape time Fabian character no longer. Energy
and determined constancy of purpose are now the only
things wanting to ensure our success. The victor's
wreath is our own, if we will but stretch out our hands to
reach it. It is idle for us to shake our heads despond-
ingly, and say, " The people are not yet ripe for these
sorts of reforms." They are ripe—ripe as medlars—
for them ; but granted that they be not, how, in God's
name, arc they to become so, if their leaders will not—
to use Lady MoRGAN'S choice expression—" stir them
up with a long pole ?" Sir WILLIAM MOLES-
wORTII—MCSSIS. LE .% D ER—GISBOR NE—PA RROT
—NEWTON FELLowlis —HOLLAND—Sir H. PAR-
NEI-L.—and others—who have all become converts to
the necessity of Peerage Reform and the Ballot—
these gentlemen have bravely led the way ; and we
most devoutly hope that their example will not be lost
Reform Representatives. on the rest of our

subject of the necessity of esta-
blistnrsestaineistemina theofsup
Poor Laws in Ireland, we wish
it to be primarily- understood, that we shall not here
enter into any discussion c, respecti" the frivolous and
absurd objections made to that
umnde measure by
Reportsignorant
o
:o
f •
and interested declaimers, who select for their tests a
few isolated passages, to be found
the English Commissioners, relative to the bad effects
of a system of compulsory relief upon the morality of
particular districts. There is, in our opinion, a great
deal of unnecessary anxiety evinced respecting the
danger to public morals in Ireland, from the introduc-
tion of a law for the prevention of periodical starva-
tion. A world of very superfluous sympathy is daily
frittered away in this manner, in the shape of speeches,

THE SUN, LONDON,

sixpenny pamphlets, and elaborate treatises in a still
more bulky form. This, upon the whole, is some-
what suspicious. Such excessive trepidation on the
part of certain persons and bodies of men in this
country, is rather calculated to make the thinking
portion of the Irish people cry out for a Poor Law,
than to oppose its enactment. Ireland has had ample
experience of the fact, that none have ever yet canted
about preserving her morals and her religion, without,
at the same time, harbouring a design upon her purse.
If we were silly enough to pay any regard to the excla-
mations of those who so violently oppose the establish•
rent of any system of compulsory relief in the sister
kingdom, they would persuade us to believe that Ire-
land is an Eden into which crime never yet entered—
that they themselves are only intent upon preserving it
from the miseries entailed upon degraded and demo.
ralized England—and that, in a word, they seek but
to preserve a nation of high-minded, happy freemen,
from being perverted by a pernicious law into a horde
of idle and dissolute paupers. But such prattle as
this would reflect discredit upon the mental capacity
of a nursery-maid's charge. We beg to ask these phi-
lanthropists—rhapsody apart—can the condition of Ire-
land be more wretched than it is at this moment
We want no fine sentimental high-flown flourishes
about a sense of independence—we ask a straight-for-
ward plain question, and require a simple answer.
Or, if this mode of putting such a question be ob-
jected to, we wish to be informed, if, in the opinion
of these gentlemen, the condition of the poor of Ire-
land be better, and more conducive to good morals,
than that of their fellow-subjects in the same position
in society in England ? They dare not answer these
questions. They know, as well as we do, that hunger
has changed Ireland into a theatre where wretched-
ness, vice, and depravity exhibit themselves in all their
deformity, to the amazement of Europe. They re-
quire not to be told that in Ireland the great bulk of
the people regard the laws, and all who administer
them, as their natural enemies—that they scorn their
protection, and seek only to evade their vengeance.
It is a hitter—an insulting mockery, to talk about the
moral effects of a Poor Law to a people annually
driven to the commission of agrarian outrage by the
horrors of famine. We care not what may be the
baneful effects of a Poor Law—its introduction into
Ireland must be for the benefit of the nation. The
mischiefs cited as the consequences of a Poor Law in
England cannot have an existence in Ireland. In the
first place, a Poor Law cannot depreciate the tone of
public morals, in a country disgraced by the presence of
Associations for the perpetration of agrarian outrages,
as Terry-Alts, Whitefeet, Rockites, and Levellers.
A Poor Law cannot lessen charitable sympathy, in a
land where the rich leave the poor to die of hunger,
unless relieved by creatures who are themselves hardly
removed one degree above the fear of immediate starva-
tion. A Poor Law cannot depreciate the wages of labour
among a population unable to find constant employ-
ment, at an average rate of two:shillings and sixpence
a week, round the year. A Poor Law cannot in-
crease idleness, in a nation where nearly one-half of
the people are without any kind of useful employment
for more than two-thirds of every season, though
otherwise willing and able to work. A Poor Law can-
not dissociate the rich from the poor, for at present
there is no connecting link between them. A Poor
Law cannot encourage improvident habits, among a
peasantry who having no interets in the soil, of which
having no leases, they have no inducement to hoard
earnings which their landlords would not suffer them
to enjoy. Neither can a Poor Law lead to early and
ill-assorted marriages, in a country where, without it,
the men marry for love at twenty, and the women at
seventeen. Where, then, are the dreaded evils to be
apprehended from the introduction of a Poor Law ?
They dwindle down to the hobgoblin of the rental.
This really is the only calamity anticipated by the
philanthropists. They fear a Poor Law would touch
the pockets, or otherwise abridge the barbarous power
of the heartless Aristocracy, who feed upon the vitals
of the Irish peasantry. They are too short-sighted to
perceive that in the long run the ruin of the peasant
must involve the degradation of his oppressors.
As a Poor Law is not a stationary measure, it may
be safely assumed that where its introduction can be
proved incapable of evil, it must effect good. Admit-
ting that the. system be liable to great abuse, the people
of Ireland ought to be left to decide whether they will
accept it, such as they can make it, or do without it.
Poor Laws arc established in England, in Scotland, in
France, in the Canton of Berne,in Bavaria, in Wir-
temberg, in Norway, in Sweden, in Denmark, in
Mecklenburg, in Prussia, and even in Russia ; and
though the system in these several States is widely dif-
ferent, the principle is everywhere the same. Now it
is for the principle only that we are contending. A
principle essential to the well-being of so many different
races of men, must be equally essential to the happiness
of a country circumstanced as is Ireland at the present

moment.
We yesterday suggested the' expediency of forming
an Association for the establishment of a good Poor
Law in Ireland. We are confident that we could re-
commend no measure more likely to obtain for all en-
gaged in carrying it into operation, the lasting gratitude
of the Irish nation. Of the pleasure derivable from
the consciousness of having been the instrument of re-
storing peace and plenty to the homestead, and the
hearth of hundreds of thousands of starving wretches
tottering on the verge of crime and despair, we shall
say nothing. The hearts of the benevolent will readily
suggest to them all we could say on the subject ; and
as for the unfeeling, an appeal so made to them would
be made in vain. An Association so consonant with the
spirit of Christianity would be speedily joined by the
great majority of the clergy of Ireland, of every reli-
gious denomination. The more humane among
the middle classes, and the most intelligent in
every grade and rank, would speedily follow their
example. All parties would begin to give the
subject that share of careful consideration necessary to
a perfect understanding of its more immediate results,
however little they might know of its ulterior conse-
quences. The film which prejudice has drawn over
the eyes of the public would be removed ; and in a
very short time the landlords themselves would discover
that no body would derive greater advantages from the
establishment of a good Poor Law than would they.
If an Association for the establishment of a Poor
Law be formed in any part of Ireland, it shall
have our best support. io originate it is worthy of
1-ie brave men of Clare. Without some such combi-
nation on the part of the advocates of a Poor Law,
years may yet elapse before it can be extorted by the
cries of the famishing peasantry, from a Parliament
misled by the ignorant clamours of Irish absentees.
We address ourselves to the creatures of no faction in
recommending such a project. We appeal to the just
and generous feelings of all honest Irishmen. The
Protestant, the Catholic, the Presbyterian, the Quaker,
and the Methodist, have here ample ground for trio'
common onitivation of the noblest feelings of our
nature. We shall await the result of this suggestion
before again returning to the subjee.t, When it is re-
quisite to discuss the details of any fixed plan,
opinions shall not be withheld from the public.

We had been endeavourinZ PI) find out the reason
why, among all the mountebank displays Af Toryism
during the last two or three months, Mr. PETLR
BoRTHWICK should have been kept in the back
ground—when lo ! PETER bursts upon the public view
in all his glory. Having waited with a degree of pa-
tience that can be estimated only by those who are ani-

"itiDA'Yb DECEMBER 16, 1836.

;atm; an, equally ardent ambition, for an invitation
to take part in
some of the numerous and various exhi-
bitions friends have been getting up
ohfislate,t a
and
himself quite overlooked—finding
le:Yith'ls(f'obr finding
rd ng
gedy, comedy, and melodrama, are in
as little demand on the political stago as they were when
he was a candidate for theatrical honours at the Ro-
tunda—PETEß, we say, finding all this, and not a
little mortified at the discovery, determined, like a
high-minded hero, to get up a little farce of his own.
Accordingly, off he posts the other day to the ancient
and renowned borough of Evesham—for which, by a
dexterous piece of harlequinade, he managed to get
himself popped into Parliament, under the style and
title of Representative—takes the worthy burgesses,
who were never dreaming of such an honour, by sur-
prise, and before you could say " Jack Robinson,"
finds himself seated, brimful of eloquence, at the
right-hand of the IVIAYort, in the Guildhall, ready
to astonish two or three dozen of natives assembled
on the spur of the occasion by the village bell-
man. It is dear from PETER'S speech, that it
had been carefully committed to memory, and often re-
hearsed. Stupid as he is, we hold it utterly im-
possible that he or any man should have uttered so
much nonsense in so short a space, at a moment's no-
tice. The pompous style, elaborate inanity, and ill-
assorted mixture of evangelical and theatrical phraseo-
logy, are exceedingly curious, as sheaving the men-
tal compound generated by the influence of pro-
fessional habits of opposite kinds jumbled together
Judging from the evidence here_ afforded we should
say that PETER'S taste lay more towards the theatrical,
which was his latest line of business, than to the evan-
gelical, which he was engaged in at an earlier
period—we believe, after his bankruptcy as a sta-
tioner at Dalkeith. We find his effusions studded
with such green-room expressions as these—" tragi-
comedy rehearsed at Stourbridge," " judicious curtail-
ments," " imperfections of the first performance," his
" occupation's gone,"—which latter quotation is parti-
cularly happy, as Othello was one of PETER'S fa-
vourite characters in days of yore.
Two parsons addressed the motley meeting. One
was a superannuated driveller, who recommended the
assembling of the Convocation ! The other was, we
should think, a very young aspirant for clerical honours,
who remarked that he had given them " a little, good
Latin, and a considerable quantity of very indifferent
English." To the fact asserted in the latter portion
of this sentence, we bear our cordial testimony.

The Paris papers of Tuesday and Wednesday have
been all received this morning. The Moniteur of
Wednesday does not contain a line of the continuation
of Marshal Cr, AusEL's despatch from Constantina, of
which the first part appeared in this paper of yester-
day, copied from the extraordinary express of a
Morning Contemporary. This omission has excited a
strong feeling of hostility to the Government on the
part of the Opposition press. It is presumed that the
facts withheld are disgraceful to the French arms, and
the Opposition is loud in its censures of Ministers,
who declined to send Marshal CLAUSEL the reinforce-
ments promised him by M. TMIERS. Even the Paix,
a Ministerial print, dares to condemn the policy
of the French Cabinet, with respect to Africa
and Spain. Both countries, in the opinion of this new
convert to liberal ideas, must be strenuously defended,
or openly abandoned. There must be no more com-
promising. The Gazette de France treats the whole
affair of the dispatch as a piece of humbug. It asks,
wherefore was the dispatch not published earlier ?
*Why was it not dated? Why are the details not
given, seeing that the public mind is in such a state of
excitement ? This journal laughs at the subterfuge
of an interruption by night-fall, and leaves it
to be inferred that the Government is play-
ing a dishonest game. The National declares

iat it cannot recognise in the published fragment
.he language of a Marshal of France. The
bulletin of the grand army under NAPOLEON
announcing the retreat from Russia, displayed dignity,
at least, in bad fortune ; but the fragment, signed
" CLAUSEL," must be the work of M. GUIZOT, or
some tutor of the Duke of NEmouas. The National
concludes by stating that the fate of the expedition is
but the accomplishment of its early prediction The
colony of Algiers must be destroyed by the Marshal,
and the Marshal by the colony." This is not so much
a prediction as a riddle, delivered in a Sybilline form.
The following official despatches are copied from
the Moniteur:—

" December 8, half-past two o'clock.
" Carlist reports of the sth announce that Espartero, on
Loe 4th, attempted to force their positions at Asnu, fur-
nished with a part of their besieging artillery, and that he
succeeded on the sth ; but Villareal and Eguia having
joined, had repulsed him. He fell back upon the heights
opposite Desierto, and was preparing to repass to the left
bank of the river. The mail from Madrid was stopped at
Ateca, by Quelez ; but an English courier has brought
letters of the 3d; announcing that Gomez had escaped, and
arrived at Osuna."
" December 8, eight o'clock in the evening.
" They write from Portugalette on the 6th, that Espar-
tero has repassed the river in order to join his reserve, which
has arrived from Balmaceda. It is hoped that with the aid
of this reinforcement he may be able to make his way into
Bilboa. Irrabaren again came up with Cabrera on the 3d,
near Jouguas, and killed or took 150 of his men, and as
many of his horses."
" Bayonne, Dec. 9, half-past one o'clock (arrived by the
mail).—Accounts from Callahora of the sth announce that
Cabrera, after his second defeat of the 3d, dispersed his
forces in groups, a part of which endeavoured to gain
Mount Cavo, and the others the Sierra Cebollera. They
were beaten by the Governor of Soria. Irrebarren has
returned into Navarre. Narvaez arrived on the 28th
ult. at Osuna, and had Gomez only four leagues from
him, at Estepa. He hoped to come up with him on the
following day."

" December 10, Three o'Clock..
" Nothing new from Bilboa. It is believed that the cap-
ure of the town will depend upon the result of the opera-
iions against Espartero, who was joined on the 6th, at Por-
tugalette, by five battalions of the reserve. The Carlists
have made an unsuccessful attempt to destroy the bridge
of the Desierto. Brigadier Albu►n, on the 4th, took from
Cabrera 450 more horses. The Bishop of Pampeluna is
among the prisoners.

" December 11, half-past twelve.
" According to indirect reports, Alaix came up with
Gomez, at Alcaudete, in the night of the 29th, dispersed
his force, and killed or captured a great many of his fo.
lowers."

" Bayonne; Dec.l2, four o'clock in the afternoon.
" News of the 10th states that Espartero, established on
the left bank, between Portugalette and Baracaldo, has
caused his bridge to be replaced. The Carlists are for-
tifying themselves on this shore, in order to prevent his
reaching Bilboa. They have left before the town one part
of their artillery, and planted the other on the heights.
Their fire against Bilboa has been suspended ever since
the Ist instant. They seem to place their successs in the
siege upon that of their operations against Espartero." •
The Sentinelle des Pyrenees of the 10th inst. has
the following remarks upon the condition of the be-
sieged and the besiegers. We cannot vouch for their
correctness, especially as regards the abundance of
provisions in the city, as a state of things directly the
reverse is represented to us in private letters from Por-

tugalette :
Baca is abundantly supplied with provisions and ammu-
nition, and defended by 6,000 brave men, 5,000 of whom
are troops of the line, and 1,000 National Guards. There
is a battery of nearly seventy pieces of cannon, and the
carli2ts have already had some experience of the courage
of Santos sap Mignel arld Antonio Arana, It is impos-
sible that Espartero, reinforced by the division of Alcrtla,
should be unable to make his way through the Carlist bat-
talions. The besiegers, who, since the 30th ult., have
lipitle no demonstration against the town, have withclrawo
then: heady artillery i Upt their nff WPTIq are stlil crowned
by their light artillery. We have beard no other news on
which we can depend. The troops brought by Espartero
are, it appears, in great part, new levies = at least those
who have been made prisoners seem to be scarcely 16 year
old. Nothing is wanting in the camp of the besiegers.

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