The Sun.
London, England, 1838-03-07 00:00:00

Government was in 1836 in as uesettled a position as it was in
1834. —( Cheers.) Yet they were to be told that the Ministry
had not been idle in adjusting the affeirs of Canada. Lord
Aberdeen relinquished office in April, but in doing £0 he left
behind him the instructions given to Lord Amherst with his
Signature affixed.—( Loud cheers.) Thus, Lord Glenelg
came into office with the double advantage of being able to
avail himself of the labours of his two predecesso s.—
( Hear, hear, bear.) Did he avail himself of those ad-
voltages ? Did he avail himself of the final despatch which
Wan said to be almost ready on the 15th of November ?
No, A commission was of course to be sent out..—( Loud
Cheers and laughter.) But the commission was not con-
fined to one ; that would be too despotic for a Liberal Go-
vernment, and it was increased to three—and these three
were so selected as to comprehend between them every pos-
sible shade of political opinion. The necessary result was of
course insured, and there was a most happy unanimity of dis-
erepany. —( Laughter.) On one point, however, they were all
agreed as the mildest course to take, namely, to adopt, in
1836, the identical measure which he (Lord Stanley) recom-
mended in 1834, which had the sanction of the Cabinet of
Earl Grey, and which also had the sanction of another au
therity, and which he ( Lord Stanley) considered a very high
one in all matters relating to Canada. namely, the sanc-
tion of Sir J. Kempt.—( Cheers.) That was, however,
the only portion of the advice of the Commissioners which
her Majesty's Government had not followed.—( Hear, hear.)
Receiving no evidence other than they had in 1834, her
Majesty's Ministers came down to the House with the
resolutions which were passed in 1837. One passage in the
Report of the Commissioners was peculiarly worthy of re.
mark. It related to the proposed change in the Legislative
Council. The last Commission, like the others which preceded
it, •indioated that body from the obloquy to which it had been
so frequently subjected. The Commissioners stated that
though the French inhabitants, especially those of the lower
classes, wero in favour of the elective change, the British were
not, and then they continued with the following remarkable
passage ;—" Turning now to the consequence of an Elective
Council we are not to suppose that the party now so violent
in demanding it would sit down in quiet thankfulness if it
were granted. It is looked to, we must consider, not as an empty
nsme, but rather as a means towards further ends. Neither
are we left entirely in the dark as to what these ends may be.
We will not enter into the field of conjecture as to the various
steps which might mark the progress of their demands, but
simply point out that two at least have already been announcsd
which it appears to us, whilst England has a shadow of autho-
rity, it must be impossible, because dishonourable to grant."
Such was the language of 1836 ; but it was not until 1837
that resolutions of the Noble Lord opposite were brought
forward. When they were brought, however, what was the
result.—( Hear, hear.) There was no distinct positive opinion
contained in them as to one of the disputed topics.„ For the
delay in all these proceedings not Lord Glenelg but the
Government was chargeable, and that was the difficulty which
would render it hard for him, and those at his side, to agree to
the motion for the Hon. Member for Leeds. The resolutions
were passed, but no Act founded upon them was brought
forward.—(Hear.) The resolutions were transmitted to Ca-
nada, but what steps were taken to convince the colonists that
the Government at home was in earnest in passing them ?
The result which had been foretold had taken place. The re-
solutions had proved most irritating. Ministers had been fore-
told by the Agent of the House of Assembly that the result
Of the resolutions would be blood. What was the natural
consequence of the course which Government had thus pur-
sued? Was there an individual in Canada who did not natu-
rally infer, from what had already taken place, that if they
Pressed their claims more strongly the resistance to them
Would, in a proportionate degree, become less violent.—
(Hear, hear.) This inference the whole conduct of
Ministers warranted. He (Lord Stanley) did not wish to in-
dulge in allusion to persons, but he would ask was there any per-
son in the House who used stronger language with respect to
Canada than the lion. and Learned Member for Dublin ; and
what must the Canadians think of the resolutions sent out,
when they saw that Hon. and Learned Gentleman enjoying
so large a portion of Government favour? The whole course
of Ministers had been quite the contrary to what it should
have been. They were vacillating when they should be firm,
and harsh when they should conciliate. Delay seemed to be
their whole policy. In 1836 Lord Glenelg promised to de-
vote his whole mind to the state of the Canadas. Nothing,
however, was done until the Noble Lord opposite came down
with his resolutions. Then there could be no measure founded
on them until they passed the Lords, though no apprehension
whatever could he entertained of their being rejected by the
ether House. With regard to the Executtvc Council, what
unaccountable delay had taken place ? Lord Gosford, in
1836, made certain recommendations for the appointment.
In May, 1837, Lord Glenelg informed him that he could
Lot agree as to the names which had been selected.—( Hear,
hear.)
.Month after month passed, and Lord Gosford endea-
voured to make selections of proper persons to be recom-
mended. How did the Colonial Secretary at length act?
Why, he sent out his despatch to Lord Gosford, saying,
You may select any nine persons whom you may choose
to name.---( Hear, hear.) After twelve months' mature
consideration—or rather, he should say mature vacillation—
this was the course that Government thought proper to adopt.
(Cheers.) On the 6th of March, 1837, Lord Clench; in a
communication to Earl Gosford, signified his intention of pro-
bably increasing the military force at his command by the
addition of two regiments. They were to be sent out in the
Inconstant frigate What a happy and appropriate name. The
navigation was- then' open. Here it would appear from the de-
spatches that the time for vacillation had passed. This was
on the 6th of March. On the 22d of May, Lord Gosford
writes that ho had expected the troops. This was not un-
natural, as they had been promised. Lord Glenelg, however,
Sent word that it was not then possible to detach them.
It had been stated on high authority that there was a sufficient
force it; Lower Canada to put down any insurrection which
might arise. This, perhaps, was true enough ; but was it suffi-
cient to prevent the loss of life which had taken place, and all
the miseries incidental to such a state of things amidst the
severities of a Canadian winter ?—( Cheers.) What were the
oPitiions in the neighbouring nations ? What were the discus-
sions in the American papers, and the calculations with respect
to the 38,000 troops, or whatever the number was, which
would be blockaded in Lower Canada when the winter set in ?
These were not his own calculations, but calculations such as
these were made in America. The winter in Canada was pe-
ell!iarly late this season. The insurrection broke out before
the period contemplated by its leaders. Had counsel been kept
7,-.-had the mine not thus unexpectedly exploded—it would be
mffieult to say what might not have been the consequence.
One other circumstance was singularly favourable, and he was
happy to take that opportunity of paying a deserved tribute to
the handsome manner in which the central Government of
America had behaved in this trying crisis, and maintained the
33" of neutrality.--( Cheers.) Placed as they were in the
heart of a population over whom the law had little control—
surrounded by States from which, if wo were assailed by
acrambling troops, we were so circumstanced that we should
the
the last to complain—with the whole border in a state of
'tie most extreme excitement, with the natural democratic
feelings of the people inflamed in favour of a cause which they
1 •
ooked upon as their own cause, and in a position to be at
once excited by those acts of supposed aggression which it
was almost impossible to avoid. The Central Government
under these circumstances, and to the hazard of its own popu-
larity, adhered to its treaties and preserved its neutrality. lie
would be the last to speak disparagingly of the Noble Lord
at the head of the Colonial Department. lie respected
his private character, and gave hint full credit for his
abilities ; but to claim for him foresight and energy was
to ask an acquiescence in the two qualities in which he
was particularly deficient. Neither would he detract from
ile character of the French Canadians, but it was well-
known that their ignorance was profound, their prejudices in-
veterate,_ and their 'vaunting egregious. They had, however,
;Zan)* good qualities, and were misled by wily intriguers from
bring
attachment to the mother country. If they were to
that people back to their former attachment to this
country, their measures must be framed on the principle of
giving them their just rights ; but, at the same time, no
lucre than their just rights—( Hear, bear)—and of never
throwing out hints about giving them that which they never
intended to give them. In conclusion, then, he must say, that
though he did not charge her Majesty's Government with all
the calamities that had occurred, yet, if they had not exhi-
bited such vaccilation, both in regard to their language and
conduct, the evil of revolt would not, in his opinion, have
arisen ; and they would not have been necessitated to have
reeourse to the terrible alternative of shedding the blood and
'-uspending the constitutional rights of their fellow-subjects.
(The Noble Lord resumed his seat amidst long and reiterated
cheering. )
a Sir CHARLES GREY, seeing the nature of the motion
IFiainst the Noble Lord (Glenelg), was anxious that those
e‘llo Item what appointment he ( Sir C. Grey) had held in
with this part of that Noble Lord's colonial policy
17,14 d not be under any mistake as to his opinion upon that
Piety. Before they rose that night that motion, as well as
proposed as an amendment by the Noble Lord (the
tcl;nber for Liverpool), must be disposed of.—( Cries of .‘ No,"
ou from various parts of the House.) It did appear to him
seat
lea the motion was not only in some degree ungenerous, but
hoe t there was a want of generosity in other Hon
been . Mem.
10? of that House upon this question, and lie had at a
sa to account fur it, except in the supposition that the Go-
sernme
ieav nt would turn round upon a wounded companion_ and
No; him altogether to his fate, or that the adversaries of the
„ °le Lord ( Glenelg) were desirous of trampling on a fallen
irY, end disposed to join with the Hon. Baronet the Mein-
s_, .for Leeds.—( Hear.) He rejoiced, however, to find him-
tr(l)l disappointed in this respect.—( Hear, hear.) The mo-
ut he confessed, appeared to him to be objectionable on
constitutional grounds, inasmuch as it singled out one in-
11,1volual, and called upon the House so vote an address to
cfiClajesty with regard to hirn—( Hear, hear)---thus, as it
teemed to him, sanctioning an interference with the preroga-
tive of the Crown.—( Bear.) The light he viewed it in was
Ini t e (31. extreme injustice. The forms of the House did not, ad-
off Lord Glenelg being heard in his own defence, and head ,
not the same protection afforded him that would be granted
cthe meanest culprit—( Hear, hear)—and although he ( Sir
Grey) was aware that motions like this might at
pnj time be made, yet he was confident that it was
the House could forget that the Noble Lord who
tilais the object of it was fully entitled to protection, on the broad
,otc and principle of common justice.—( Hear.) There was
' contended, one single word or argument offered to
it °re that Lord Gletielg deserved a voto of want of me fi-
eenr_c°•( Hear.) The course of the debate, however, had
nodergeme a change, and now be left Lord Glenelg to be de
eetioced by others, his conduct and merits' being now merged in
uki'ne of the
defewhole Cabinet. He should not think of under
g the nce of the Ministry, when there were so many
die so much more competent than himself to do so ; but
circumstances of his baying been much in Canada, and
one of those
Commissioners who had been commented upon

in the most handsome terms in the course of the evening,
induced him to make a few observations respecting what had
been said of them ; and he would first observe, that it did ap-
pear to him that, if this debate was to b. 3 considered as a ge-
neral censure upon the Ministry, and a trial of strength be-
tween two great parties, the occasion for making it was by no
means well chosen. lehad the:character of a pitched battle, and
it appeared to him that the public would think it a most ex-
traordinary proceeding that, immediately after a great and
important measure with respect to Canada had been passed,
that very moment should have been chosen for such a trial of
strength—( Hear, bear)—and for a direct censure upon that
very Government with which the Hon. Gentlemen opposite
had allied themselves in passing that measure.—(Hear,
hear.) There was such a remarkable degree of disagreement
among Hon. Gentlemen opposite, and there had been such
differences of opinion expressed by both Houses of Parlia-
ment upon the subject of Canada, that it appeared to him to
be anything but an easy matter to pass a vote of censure upon
the Government with regard to that question. —( Hear.)
[The Hon. Baronet then entered into a defence of the Coin-
iniecionerv, but almost the whole of his observations were itiau-
dible in the Gallery.] In the spring of 1834 the ninety-two
resolutions were passed in which were compromised the whole
of the unreasonable demands made by the French Canadian
Assembly. It was only from that period that the present
Ministers could be held responsible. The whole of the.diffi-
culty had originated in certain acts which had taken place be-
fore Lord Glenelg had come into office. The dispatch of the
Noble Lord ( Stanley) opposite, which appeared at the end of
the evidence of the Committee of 1534, tended to increas4 the
irritation which had grown up in the Assembly against the
Legislative Council, which was the root of all the evil. He
(Sir C. Grey) would not say that the policy of Ministers
had been sufficiently decided, but he could not, on the
whole, conclude that they had in any assignable degree eon-
tributed to produce the disasters which had unhappily taken
place. What were the acts of the Government since 18'35
which could be complained of? It was charged against them
that they had appointed three Commissioners instead of -one.
—( Elem..) That he could not consider an act likely to create
rebellion. Lord Aberdeen had sent out Lord Amherst not
to inquire but to demand, and then—to do something else !
He (Sir C. Grey) felt assured that had Lord Amherst made
that peremptory demand he would have stood a worse chance
of conciliating the Assembly than the three Commissioners,
and then what would be the something else which he wonld
have to resort to ? Another charge made against the Go-
vernment was the delay in passing the resolutions of last year.
—( Hear, hear.) He ( Sir C. Grey) did not think that delay
had any tendency to create rebellion. It was also argued that
persons had not been named in proper time to improve the
Legislative Council. He knew it to be then impossible to
find persons who would be satisfactory to the French Cana-
dians, to appoint to that Council without irritating the
feelings of the British party. In the papers on the
table of the House were the resolutions of the Assembly sub-
sequent to the addition to the Legislative Council in which
that improvement was stated as being considered by it a fresh
insult, because their other demands were not accecded to.
Again it was said that effective means were not employed to
check the growing discontent. But there was no danger
apprehended in 1835, nor in the subsequent year, by any mi-
litary man. The Noble Duke of Wellington had given it as
his opinion that the presence of a greater number of troops
than had been dispatched to Canada was not required. Upon
what ground could Ministers, then, conic to the House, and
in a Committee of Supply ask for the maintenance of forces
for which there was no necessity ?—( Hear, hear.) He came
to the conclusion that there was nothing brought home to the
Government as proving that they had, or could, in any way,
be considered as having caused the troubles that had ensued,
although he would not say that more decided measures should
not have been pursued.—(llear. )
Mr. BROTH ERTON then moved the adjournment of the
debate till this day, and the motion was agreed to.
Mr. BERNAL brought up the Report of the Committee
on the Navy Estimates. The resolutions were agreed to, and
leave to bring in the necessary Bill was given.
The other Orders of the Day having been disposed of, the
House adjourned at a quarter before one o'clock.