The Sun.
London, England, 1831-04-20 00:00:00

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the popish= tow'neiram interfering with the elective fran-
chise of that borough, and declaring that it ought not to
be placed in the same situation with themselves, for that
its claim was influenced by that of a respectable Nobleman,
whose character, u well as his property and wealth, had
given him the power of purchasing their suffrages ?
With reference to the opinion, that there was no middle
course between the opinion of Earl Grey and the
Duke of Wellington, he must remind them, that the gentle-
man who now entertained that opinion, bad not always
held it, and that when the Right Hon. Baronet oppo-
site held a more elevated situation than he did at pre-
sent (pointing to the poet in the third row of seats on
which Sir J. Graham used to sit), he had recommended
the formation of a middle. party of country gentlemen,
who should check both the others in the extremes that
either might possibly fall into. He now returned to the
Bill itself, to which he had the strongest objections ; and
first and chiefly that it went to create a great change iu
the mode of voting, and thus decidedly altered the coned-
tuency of the counnry. The number of bout.eit in Man-
chester rated between 101. and 201. was 1770, while those
rated shove 201. amounted only to 851 ; the amount of
the assessed property above 201. was 29,3001., while the
amount below 20/. was 22,1301. ; so that, according to
the first proposition of the Noble Lord, the representation
of Manchester was to be given to bl,OOO/., while
240,000/., because it belonged to out-voter,, was to be ex-
cluded from the right of giving any vote —(Cheers.)--
The Noble Lord, however, had at length discovered his
mistake, and, to use the expression of the Lord Chancellor,
was now about to sluice the 2,621 houses with 4,500 be-
longing to non-residents. And then, after this, what be-
came of the principle of the Bin ?--(Loud cheers.)—He
would not absolutely say that this was against the principle
of the Bill, but it showed the neoessity of the Ministry
deeply considering the measure before they proposed it to
the House. The Noble Lord concluded his speech by
asking—anal no doubt it was an important question—
supposing, after examining this measure, you reject it,
who will you find capable of governing, the country ?
He (Sir Robert Peel) had heard the same ques-
tion asked (themeh be believed in a different mode
and time from that adopted by the Noble Lord);
but he had heard it said, "if we are incapable of
administering the public affairs, at least we will render
them impossible to be administered by others.—(Cheer-
ing.)" But, surely, even in the mitigated sense in which
the Noble Lord used it, it was a great objection to the
Bill, if it was to have this effect, viz., that those who
consistently opposed it, and believed it, in its ultimate
consequence, to be pregnant with ruin, had the alternative
offered them by his Majesty's Government, either to ac-
cept that which they believed to he radically wrong, or to
be convinced that it had become impossible for others than
the present Ministry to conduct the affairs of the Govern-
ment. He should deeply lament if this indeed was the
alternative. He knew not whether it was or not; but
this he knew, that he saw no advantage in relinquishing
the exercise of his deliberate judgment, or in yielding
against the dictates of that judgment to the popular
clamour on this Bill, or in yielding to the infuriated
menaces of that Press which exerted in so degrading a
manner—(Loud cheers)—which exerted in so degrading
a manner the irreeponsible power with which it was en-
dowed, and which ought to be exercised with the most
scrupulous care.—(Cheers.) Besides, if we were to give
way to those motives, what security bad he that he must
not persevere in the resignation of his own judgment and
conviction to the same influence ? His conscience, in act-
ing on his own judgment, was at rest. lie could not be
looking to gain anything by the defeat of the measure.—
( Hear. ) The Bill interfered with no interests of his.
Quite the reverse : for if it was to prove the effect which
it was said it would have, it would add to his influence iu
every county wisere he possessed any property.—(Hear.)
He, therefbre, could not he influenced by what lie had
heard ascrilicd--and, as he believed, most unjustly ascribed
—to honest men, who bad endeavoured, from the sincere
convictions of their iniuds, to resist this measure as per-
nicious and destructive.—(Cheera.) What might be the
conseluearcee of the Bill he would not say ; but if it
should prove prejudicial to the interests of the country, lie
should hold responsible for it that Ministry which had pre-
pared the Bill without due ea neideration to its importance,
and b 3 so doing, had reduced them to such a state of em-
berraesanent, that they most either acquiesce in what they
believed to be injurious to the Constitution, or witness the
melancholy prospect of the affairs of this realm being soh-
roitted'to misrule anti anarchy.—(Continued cheering.)
Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, that with respect to the
motives diet hail been attributed to the opponents of this
measure ley the friends of the Bill, before any weight was
put span that, it should be remembered that the basest
motives had been attributed to these who had brought
forward this measure—(Cheers)--though he must ob-
serve that his Noble Friend (Lord Althorn) had on the
previous night well answered such insinuations, wlaau he
had observed that the Ministry would have been unworthy
of the slightest confidence, could it for one moment be
supposed that iu !whining forward a measure which he
(Sir James Graham) would readily admit to he of the most
iniportant since the acceeaiou of the House of Brunswick,
to the throne of these realm,, they bed attended to either
private:or party interests, or done other than pursue an
open, manly, and straight-forward course.—.(Hear, hear.)
Tie Bight Hun. Baronet bad mistaken his Right Hon.
Friend the S,cretary for Ireland, in thinking that he had
complained of any combination among the open eneniii.s
of the measure. The Right Hon. Beronet himself had
given an even anti smanly opposition to the Bill; and when
lie (Sir James Graham) eat at that pest to which the
Tight Hon. Baronet had referred, and where it might,
perhaps, be his destiny to returc—for he agreed with his
Right Han. Friend that the vote of that night would be
vital to the Bill itself, and that if defeated in this, it would
be a question of aneious deliberation with the Ministers
whether they could venture to urge the rent of the Bill on
ti,e fature attention of the House. He rememliereS the
arguments of which the Right Hon. Baronet bad made
use, arid was willing to admit that they were consistent
with tho.T now employed liv the Right Hee. Baronet.
The arguments of lilt Right flaw]. Friend, however, had
referred to those who professed Oahe friends of the measure
and who had voted for the second reeclieg of the Bill, but
who now (like the iron. Member fur Southwark) had
united with the Gallant Gellert], who, if he mistook not,
had voted against the sevond readiog of the B:11. It wee
remarkable enough, that the speech of the Right Hon.
Baronet, in defence of the Gallant General's motion, not
only impugned the principle of the Bill, but bad gone
considerable length even into the details of the measure.
But if there could be any doubt that the principle
of the Gallant General's motion was , against that
of the Bill, he thought that it was set at rest by the
fact that they had net yet learned from any of the friends
of that motion that it wag politic to efiefraoehise
a single borough, or to give the right of representation to
a single large town. If this was the case, how was it pos-
sible to carry the Gallant General's motion into effect, and
not destroy the principle of the Bill ? And bow could
those who voted for the second reading of the Bill now
support this motion ? The Right Hon. Baronet bad hien-
self felt the'difficultv, and asked, if they must not add to
the number of the House ; hut, most assuredly, he (Sir
3. Graham) and his colleens-ea.:es were not prepared to con-
sent to such an increase ; and it was singular enough that
when last year it was proposed to add six Members to the
House for large unrepresented towns, the Right Hon.
Baronet hail altogether objected to it, though the addition
WAS not to be permanent, but to be balanced by the de-
duction of such boroughs that might be proved to have
been guilty of bribery and corruption. While on this sub-
ject, be would quote the authority of Mr. Southey, which
would probably be of weight with the opponents of the
measure. That gentleman had stated, that the cumber of
the British House of Commons was inconveniently large,
rather resembling a popular dem a deliberate assembly.
Now, though he could not perhaps go the length of Mr.
Southey, yet he certainly thought, if any means could be
devised of abridging the number of the Members, it woold
be found desirable and csnvenient.—(Hear, hear.) But
the alteration in the respective representation of the three
portions of the United Kingdom, had necessarily followed
on the 'deliberations of the Government. After determi-
ning the boroughe that should be disfranchised, and giving
new Members to such counties and towns as appeared most
to require theme the attention of the Government was di-
rected to the state of the representation in Scotland. It was
found to be moo f
refer to the aalmistuetY' and, indeed, on this point he need only
of Edinburgh (siiro;s of the Hon. Member for the county
eellerk). upon which it was deter-
mined to extend the franchise in that county.
Government having th-toeseriteivetet.l to add to the represen-
tation
of Scotland, had felt that: would be unjust not to
give fresh Members to Ireland also and laante arose the
necessity for the extension of the representation tteter
be
eation in Ireland.
On these points he bad endeavoured
with
respect to what remained, he would not saeyxptllliactittbe Bill
would be abandoned if the Gallant General's
motion
carried ; but at all events it would be matter o gravew"
consideration with the Government. He, therefore,
warned all the friends of the measure, that if they had
hitherto been sincere in its support, this present step was
a most important one. He did not use this in the way of
intimidation ; all that he wished to do was to make them
aware of the clouds and darkness that overhung the pro.
grea of the Bill. Fur himself lie should return with
pleasure to the rank of a private citizen, and endeavour to
4o his duty in that situation; but at all events the conso-