The Sun.
London, England, 1838-01-19 00:00:00

and the result :.as, that the sensible part of the French Cana-

dians quitted the ranks of the agirators, and gave their
support to the Government. The English also supported
the Gov.rnment, but this was not themcde to sa.

munication with that gallant person, that he dal not
think it necessary to a:ail himself of the power that hnd
been given. Three months afterwards, however, he thought
right to exercise that power to the extent of one regiment.
At a late period in November he found it necessary to make
a demand for a larger force, and in doing so no doubt he was
aetuated by a sense of the necessity of such a force being
placed in the Province. Now, my Lords, my argument is, that
in so acting he acted not hlameably, but from a pe.-suasien of
a necessity of the case. Upon that judgment, my Lords, I
am boa d to say that until November there was no necessity for
fresh troops. But believing this tube the case, I must further
add, that distressing as the events that have occurred may be.
it is sonic consolation to think that the result in one respost
is most satisfactory, namely, that of showing how completely
intitled we were to rely on the affection and support of the '
British colonists. I confess, my Lords, that nothing in
my opinion would be more to be regretted, than that we should
I have despatched an overwhelming military torce with those re-
solutions which were passed by the House of Commons during
the last Session. By adopting such a course, we should have
told the world we were satisfied of the impropsiety of those
resolutions, as we did not venture to communicate them to
the Lover Province without accompanying them by an over•
whelming force. The adoption of such a course would have
placed us in an improper position in the eyes of the world, and
have a tendency to represent that the state of the colonies
was such that it could not be kept under without military force.
That notion, at last, might have been dissolved ; and, my
Lords, it appears that at this moment, whatever may be the
discontents of the colonists, the great security of the Bri-
tish Colonial Empire rests upon the well-tried allegiance
and fidelity of our fellow csuntryrnen in the Colonial pos-
sessions of the country.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, I can-
not pass from this part of the subject without expressing my
utmost satisfaction at the manner in which Lord Gosford and
Sir John Colborne have conducted themselves throughout the
painful times and circumstances in which they have been
placed. Lord Gosford has been placed in a most difficult
situation; he has been placed in such a position as to be al.
roc st compelled to give offence to both parties; yet he has con-
ducted himself in a manner which will receive the approbation
of all. lam persuaded that his conduct will give satisfaction
when the asperities of both parties have given way to a better
state of things. Of Sir John Colborne it is unnecessary to speak;
his character as a military man is too well established to re-
quire eulogy at my hands.—( Hear, hear.) Such, therefore,
being the state of affairs in the Colony, and the
district of Montreal—by the late accounts, being in
a state of open insurrection—it becomes us to con-
sider what is to be done in this crisis. With respect to the
immediate suppression of the insurrection, it is to be hoped
that there are means in the power of Government
to carry the question to a satisfactory issue.—( Hear.)
But the question then arises what course ought to be
pursued with respect to the general Government of the
Colony. At present the actual Government may be said to be
in a state of abeyance. For some years past the Legislative
Council has been superseded by the conduct of the House of
Assembly. It would be idle to think of again calling together
the present House of Assembly, and it would be as idle to hope
for any good result from a new election. It is irapossiblo, how-
ever, to leave the Government in its present position. It is ne-
cessary we should have some sort of Government in its place—
some legislative body. It will be necessary for us to provide
some form of Government, suited to the exigency of the crisis.
It is therefore proposed to do by law what practically has been
done by the Assembly itself—it is proposed to suspend for a
given period of time so much of the Constitutional Act of 1791
as relates to the functions and Constitutions of the Legislative
authority. It is proposed to place the Legislative authority
in a Governor and Council during a given period of time in
three years, and during that period to direct that the laws
which may be passed by that authority shall not be of
a permanent character, but shall partake of the nature
of the authority itself.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It is
at the same time provided, that it shall be competent
for her Majesty, at any time prior to the expiration of that
period, to restore the tree Constitution. such, my Lords, is
the temporary Constitution, substituted for that which has been
for sonic time suspended. It is undoubtedly, my Lords, a
measure of severity—it is an arbitrary measure—(hear, hear,
from Lord Brougham)—but, I submit, it is a measure which
has become requisite under the ozisting circumstances. It is not
enough, my Lords, to provide merely atemporary Constitution.
It is right and proper that we should look forward to a period
when we may Lave some degree of tranquillity in the provinces,
and that the period will come when the functions of a free Con-
stitution maybe resumed by some part of the Canadians. Let it not
be imagined that it is inconsistent with a measure of this na-
ture to look forward at the same moment to a period when a
better system may obtain ; so, that whilst we are neces-
sarily secure, we may bold in contemplation the hope
and the intention to return to a better system. The
question then is, what steps are necessary to be taken
with respect to the restoration of Lower Canada, and the set-
tlement of the ques ions which now agitate that Province ?
Upper Canada must, of course, be taken into consideration,
as its interests are intimately interwoven with those of
Lower Canada. The questions which connect them are
of such importance as to require great consideration. For
instance, the navigation of the St. Lawrence the duties by
which their commerce is to be regulated, their railroads,
bridges, and internal communication, their monetary system, and
other subjects common to the two provinces. It is also ex-
pedient that the disputes in Lower Canada should be adjusted.
Various plans have been suggested for the attainment of these
objects. Among others it has been proposed that the Lower
Province should be dismembered—that the city and district of
Montreal should be annexed to Upper Canada. This, of course,
my Lords, is not a plan which we can entertain, and I do not
know that it would tend to reconcile the feeling of both par-
ties, but that it would have the effect of transferring the feuds
of Lower Canada to Upper Canada. Another plan
which has been much insisted upon is a Legislative Union
between the two provinces. To that there are very
strong objections. The great extent of the two pro-
vinces—the difference of habits between the inhabitants,
and other objections of a formidable nature—and as the
close of the whole it is not likely, my Lords, that the Upper
Province would assent to such connection. A better prospect
might be obtained by a Federal Union, this would
have a very considerable effect in adjusting the disputes
between the Provinces. It would give the Upper Province
a just influence over those great questions to which I have al-
luded, and would, I should think, satisfy the demands of the
Upper Province. It would, at the same time, by bringing
u gether the natives of the two Provinces to discuss subjects
of general interest, raise them above narrow and local questions.
But in this also I ma not swore that the Upper Province ac-
quiesce; ; and it is therefore, my Lords, proposed that some-
thing analogous should be attempted by the Governor who is
selected by her Majesty for the government of Lower Canada.
It is proposed that the Governor be authorised to invite from
the two Provinces persons who may be justly supposed to re-
present the feelings and wishes of the people of the two
Provinces, and consult them as to the measures it may be ad-
visable to adopt, both for the adjustment of the Constitution
of the Canadas, and the formation of an arrangement for the
common interest of both countries. If it be asked whst ad-
vantage is to be gained from this proposal, I shall answer, that
in some respect=, I have touched on them in adverting to the fe-
deral union, and I think similar advantages may be obtained.
At all events, the Governor will ho able to ascertain what are
the opinieas of the two Provinces respecting the Constitution
under which we live, and respecting those amendments
(some amendments being admitted to be requisite) it
may be advisable to adopt. It is at the same time most
probable that he may be able to submit to Parliament
measures relatingGL E
NRIPONE
enquired to
_ tohe f a
csadjustment
probableu of f these
rest differences.
time.w i
t,dbi
vernor to choose the time. The proposal is, that should
iu prerogative.
which
invite the Assembly to nominate a certain number of persons.
Lord EL LENBOROUGH—Supposing the present house
of Assembly to be suspended, how will it lie then ?
Lord G LE NE LG— If the Legislature of Lower Cartage he
he
Go-
suspended, it is proposed that he should endeavour to a' d.ain some
persons who would fitly represent the province of Lo srer Canada.
It is suggested he should call on the electors of Lower Can 'da.
There are now five di oricts in Lower Canada from which we
propose to have these representatives chosen under the pre-
sent franchise.
Lord BROUGHAM—By the present electors ?
Lord GLENELG—Yes.
Lord BROUGII A M— Oh, that's absurd.—( Laughter. )
Lord G L EN EL G— At the same time a power to select the
bestyLcorrndmt
Lords,
time iniets
,i
proposes
of course,
which
ss
ett
,00
ecnaaolrtl,
yafunirne
tnoliancetl e
enactment
nt
t; assembly of these electors.
Such, my Lords, are the outlines of theitr,heptlia,linsetwtichiriilclh the Go-
haynntehreoy op Lords,so Governmentascek t . h a v
meanh i w
,13 'r
butt' it miys
considered to be an essential part of this plan ; hut, of course,
statedit vvi will
generallybe provided
tl, fore
manner
to meet the present emergency, I shall now merely refer to the
motion I intend to propose to your Lordships. Ido not con-
sider it necessary fir me to say one word on the subject, as I
do
Thenot
A d believedre
Address
havinget one obfeyeonurre
ad Lordshipsfro from
ecti.\Nn‘l
Lord 81/0 UG HAM said—My Lords, the part which I
had the honour to take last Summer in this House, when these
ill-fated resolutions were transmitted from the other House of
Parliament, to which, and to our concurrence in them, I trace
the whole of the present evils, has impelled me to present wy.
self thus early hi this important discutsion upon the
attention of your Lordships. And, nay Lords, I wish
I could follow my Noble Friend over the ground
which he has just gone, and confining mys. If to that
ground, not to trespass upon other more painful topics,
But it never seems to have struck my Noble Friend that
when P. Mi iswr of the Crown comes to Parliament
with a proposition—not only such as is contained
io this Address, but which gives us also notice
of measures about to be proposed following the Address of a
high t.ssrsgative and unconstitutional kind—it never seems to
have struck my Noble Friend that the Moister who comes
to Parliament resorting to it for such extraordinary
remedies bas another thing to do besides—to show
that these remedies are necessary—that he has to ex-
plain the conduct out of which that necessity has arisen—
that he has to defend himself and those with
whom Ijo acts, and the Ministry of whom he forms
a part, for having brought our Colonial affa'rs into
such a state, that we are assembled at an unwonted period of
the wieter, for the purpose of remedying no less than rebel-
li nt in our principal province, and adopting prospective
measures to prevent a recurrence of it by snspende
l Lords ? Are these
ing the Constitution of that Province.—( Hear, hear.)
lA,ll:ettetshiewse
tei:erpyisdgtady'sbyoasccuarrsehnacdcosw. ,
d not to be regarded?
Areand
i 4 which a Minister of the Crown
has Parliament, arid to ask for the pleat
a these
right
tco i rcu
come ms tdsonw e ens
to
extraordinary powers they can bestow, and to pass by the i
as t 9 vim caused this state aiite-
s—t
yestioil of tni o whom was
Fectent plat of
,the case, and never to answerh the needful previous

!isfy the leaders of the disturbances. Those reforms
sieve opposed to their objections. They thought that
the redress of grievances had been granted by the Par-
liament and the Crown of this country, not through

sense of justic,,, as they really were, but through fear, and they
felt that their only hcpe was to urge fresh grievances, having
no real existence, whci those that existed had been swei,t

away, arid the result which my Noble Friend opposite found
..VAR the applause with which the agitators were received in the
(louse of Assembly. Wh2n those fresh questions were advanced
the House of Assembly took its ground on principles which
involved the independence of the Colony. They demanded
that the Legislative Council should be elective—that the
House of Assembly should possess the control of the
Revenues of the Crown—and they required further that
the officers of the Government should be responsible to
that Assembly, which would in fact place those officers
completely under their control. To all these demands
the English were opposed, fur they saw in them the proscrip-
ti:.n of their own race.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.)
Such, my Lords, was the situation of the minds of
men in Lower Canada up to time when the present
Government entered upon the consideration of this subject.
At the same period, in the adjoining provinces, there was
room f:ee much anxiety. In Nova Scotia, and in New Bruns-
wick, there was s.orne agitation—at least the Agitators of Lower
Canada thought themselves entitled to claim—or at least they
took the liberty to claim for themselves a fellow-feeling on
the part of those Pi ovinces—most falsely, I believe—
most unjustly—but they did make that claim, and that
is sufficient to show at least that there was—and un-

doubtedly there was—some agitation in those Pro-
vinces sufficient to demand the attentive conside-
ration of the Government. Such were the d,fficulties in which

we found these questions when we were called upon to cm- 1
amine into them. I know it may be said that the course
which wa had to take was very s'mple—that we
ought to take neither one line nor the other. My
Lords, it is very easy after a result to prophecy the issue,
and to assert what line of conduct should have been pursued.
What were the taro courses between which we were to
choose? One was, to support the pretensions of the French
party. The result of following that line of eonduct, every
clear and simple, in one sense, it is true—putting aside for
the present what I shall presently advert to—that it would in-
volve the surrender of the British Sovereignty—the result of
following that line of conduct would have been very great
injustice to the British residents in Lower Canada. My
Lords, justice is the principle on which the Government is
bound to act with respect to the colonies of this country. If
I we at once had acceded to the demands of the French Cana-

titans, the result would have been extremely injurious,
to say no more at present, to the British race in
Lower Canada. And would such acourse have been sanc-

tinned in this country by the Parliament—by the nation ?
Would it have been approved of by the rest of our North
American Provinces? Above all, would it have been tolerated
by those so deeply interested in it ? My Lords, the result of
following any such course would have been to involve us in the
calamities of a war, to which wo are now brought—but a war of
a far more obnoxious and unhappy nature, for we should have
been called upon to support the French party against our fel-
low-subjects in Lower Canada. My Lords, there was another
course which might have been pursued, which was, taking the
part of the British. It might have been recomraended
to as to remove the House of Assembly, and consti-
tute a new system of representation, with the object
of giving the majority to the British party.—( Hear, hear.)
Neither was this the best line ; it was surrounded with the
same difficulties, with this addition, that if it had been
adopted we should have been involved by it with the whole of
the French populations of Canada.—( Hear, hear.) The
only course which I conceive the Government could possibly
pursue was the course of justice and moderation ; to act not
as the partisan of either, but as the mediator between bcth.
Such a line of proceeding was, of course, open to the
censures of persons of extreme opinions, but it was,
after all, the only true and safe one, and the only one
that was likely to be crowned with success. That line I
venture to say was that which the Government adopted, and
the results to which it led were the redress of acknowledged
grievances, and the investigation of alleged ones. On that
principle the Government proceeded, and it was also the
principle on which preceding Governments acted, for I do not
claim for the present Government alone the credit of such a
course, believing its predecessors adopted it, and certainly
it was the only one left to us to pursue. In accordance, therefore,
with this policy, Lord Gosford was appointed to carry into effect
the intentions of Government to redress such grievances as were
admitted, and to institute inquiry into those that were alleged.
Lord Gosford's endeavours in that province were met, how-
ever, by the Assembly with conduct which I will not charac-
terise. It is enough to observe that it was not calculated to
maintain that spirit of conciliation and moderation between the
contending parties, which it had been the object of the Govern-
ment to promote, and of Lord Gosford to extend. The
truth is. that the leaders of the French Assembly, whom
Lord Gosford was called to address, were not disposed to
acquiesce in any proposition short of this, to which I have
adverted, as involving the surrender of the British pro-
vince; and after the failure of these efforts the
cause was referred to the Imperial Parliament, and
last Session the Parliament pronounced its decision. Even
after that decision was pronounced, an opportunity was offered
to the Assembly to retrace their steps. There were some
moderate persons anxious to adjust the differences, but the
attempt failed, and the Assembly separated, making the defi-
nitive demands to which I have alluded. Now, my Lords, such
has been the result of the efforts which have been made ; and
at this moment I need not assert, because it is sufficiently
notorious from the papers on the table of the House, that in
one part of the Province there is a direct resistance to the
Government of this country. There were circumstances favour-
able at the time,notwithstanding the calamity is hich has occurred.
Deeply as I lament that result, I am bound to observe there
are other circumstances which within the last two or three
years have occurred. The result of the mission of Lord Gos-
ford has produced one effect on the feelings of a great portion
of the French population of Lower Canada. A few years
ago, many of the persons who were scattered through dif-
ferent parts of that Province, and resident in Quebec, were
allied with the interests of those whom now they oppose.
But having seen the course this Government pursued, and,
observing the sincerity of their inattention to the province,
those persons have voluntarily quitted the ranks of the agi.
tutors, and are now supporting the Government. The result is,
those feelings which spread over the Upper part are now confined
to Lower Canada, and in Montreal and Quebec persons of
large fortunes and respectability are in a state of perfect tran-
quillity. In like manner I would observe with respect of the other
provinces of North America that a different spirit there prevails.
I need but refer to Upper Canada to prove that the feelings
of the people are peaceable and loyal. In New Brunswick
and Nova Scotia the same feeling animates the people,
because the Governors of those respective Provinces
state, that it is impossible for any thing to exceed the enthu-
siasm wi h which the people of both of those provinces are
desirous of giving their support to the people of this
country and her Majesty. These circumstances are
of no small moment, when we are in such difficulties
and embarraaments as those which prevail in Lower Ca-
nada.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, with respect to the insur-
rection—the revolt which has broken out in Canada, I know
it is s lid that the Government has shown a want of precaution
in looking forward to what his taken place. It has been
said there ought to have been a greater supply of forces
in the province of Lower Canada last summer, and that
it ni;g,ht naturally be expected that sonic commotion would
tate place when the resolutions were made known which w, re
passed in the last Session of Parliament. With respect to any
want of precaution on that subject, I have to state in allusion to
the question that was asked by the Noble Baron opposite, in
refeeenee to a dispatch in answer to a letter in the month of
SeTtemner, 1836, although one of those was confidential,
yet I may say that we fulfilled the p-omise that was given ;
and though I am not at liberty to produce that despatch, yet
I feel I am at liberty to State expressly that I distinctly referred
to the possibility, not the y.robability, the possibility that the
arrival of the resolutions in Lower Canada, might tend
to produce some local clisturtaneee.—( Hear, hear.)
And I therefore pressed on the Governor to communicate
with Sir John Colborne, to snake preparations in case such
a thing occurred—not anticipating that such serious dis-
turbance end alarm would have ensued.--( Lord Brougham
—the dote?) February, les37.—( Hear, hear, hear.) That
letter referred to a letter of Lord Gosford, which trans-
mitted an account of the meeting and separation of the As-
sembly ; and it was in consequence of its being necessary to
consult my colleagues, and see what steps they would
decide upon taking, that I stated I should shortly
again address them and communicate what the inten-
tions of the Government were. No time was lost in
maturing those measures, and which were afterwards
communicated to Lord Gosford. But, my Lords, the charge
made of the insufficiency of the force in Lower Canada
proceeded on the assumption of the fact of its inadequacy.
Now, I beg leave to deny that it is at all established that the
force in Lower Canada was at all inadequate. Certainly there
was no proof of that fact ; and an far as the accounts have reached
us, it is c!ear that the farce in Lower Canada was adequate in a very
great degree to suppress the insurrection. However I may
be inclined to bow to the opinion of persons of such weight and
authority, I must be allowed to claim for the Government the
benefit of the actual state of things in Lovscr Canada. But
independently of that circumstance, I may observe as it appears
in these papers that in March last I announced to Lord Go.-
ford the intention of the Government to send out two more
regiments. And in the same month I announced to him that
that intention had been reliquiahecl.—( Hear, hear, liner. ) It
was argued from this that the Government bed changed
their previous intentions, and it was also assumed that they
did Ten think it necessary to make any addition to the troops
there ; but in that same dispatch there is a letter addressed
to .the Governor of Nova S. otia, requiring him to
obey the requisition of the Governor of Lower Canada ;
and ia that very letter he is most expressly autho-
r:zed to apply to the Governor of Nuva Scotia foe
any force he might require. The change was simply this
—instead of sending troops direct to Quebec, the Government
decided upon drawing them from the other provinces.
01
order to supply Lower Canada with a sufficient force. But
kdeon n
t m
by‘y v s
theh view
to
denying as I the the fact of the inadequacy of the
force,
tchirosovweer fnerrootrmainmo of the
certainly rather different from that
tsetlbfeany
thesep o r
poavffiritlocefersthfooerfrneosCt"laannasvailbng
al
:
lily, but I am sot desirous to blame
a force when they bad the power to have one,' because they
dd:‘iiarentio,t
tthhnk
eiauitthonveitcyes
to oi,too haver
d ones
ter thwas eexpreorioll};Of
was in communication with Sir John C,olbourn' amtist
experienced officer, and Lord Gosford said after coma

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 19, IS3B

to be attribute I the breaking out of this rebellion—why it had
not been guarded against by timely precautions—and whether
the policy which caused it was justifiable or not ? t
looking from beginning to end of my Noble Friend's
statement—clear and lucid as it eras—to this hour
I cannot perceive one explanation given—one defence at•
tempted—or one protection of himself resorted to against those
charges which have been ringing in the mouths of her Ma..
jesty's subjects against the Government from one end of the
Kingdom to the other, and which charges, I will venture to
say, point at him and point at his colleagues in this unfortu-
nate business. My Lords, I cannot dispense with the neces-
sit/ urCe,- which I feel myself placed, of at once Galling the at-
tentioa of the House to those matters which he has pa=sed
over without a single remark, ns if he were coming down
in the ordinary discharge of official duty to move any
accounts, the production of which are a matter of course, or
to tender any proposition for the supply of the yearly expenses
of the State in tranquil times, and under ordinary circum-
stances. My Lords, there was but one explanation in my Noble
Friend's speech to remark generally which I have made. He
Bald they had been charged with sending over the resolutions,
and sending no force to back them. His defence against that has
left, the charge, in my apprehen,ion, isolated as it was. I will
now come to that fact, and in doing so come also to the ex-
planation of the circumstance, which has been alluded to
already by the Noble Baron—l mean the extraordinary interval
between the receiving of that dispatch of September, 1836, and
the answering of it, on the 1 lth of March, 1837.—( Hear.)
He atys it is not correct to suppose that this extraordinary in-
terval took place—that instead of somewhere about four months
having elapsed, a lesser period had intervened—for that there
was, though he could not regularly or accurately advert to it—
there was in point of fact another shorter dispatch—one more
meagre or shorter of its natural proportions than the one bearing
date the 11th of March there never was—( Laughter)—hut that
in point of physical and mathematical dimensions a shorter dis-
patch had been conveyed to the Queen's Commissioner in Canada.
Lcrd G L ENEL G—l beg pardon— I did not say a shorter

dispatch.
Lord BROUGHAM—WeII, I must say this is one of the
most extraordinary modes of preparing papers for the informa-
tion of Parliament, the exculpation of the Ministry, or the
elucidation of public affairs, I ever knew. The dispatch, which
is of no value whatever, which tells nothing, is produced—
( A laugh)—the dispatch which may be of some value—l
cannot say it is of none till I have seen it—that dispatch
is not produced. Why is it not produced? Its production
is the only means by which we can ascertain its value. My
Noble Friend affirms it is of value, that it is long—( Laughter)
—hut he is angry with me for curtailing it of its due pro-
portions.—( Laughter.) He is, as a parent should be, anxious
to protect his child.—( Laughter.) He says it is long but
he does not tell us that its value is equal to its length.—
( Hear, and laughter.) But still I will assume it to be of
value—l will suppose its value is proportionate to its bulk.—
( Laughter.) I will assume that instead of containing nothing,
like its predecessor of the 20th of November, or its successor
of the 11th of March, and that train of successors which
followed one after the other, as it were, to the crack of doom
—admitting it to be of value, and to be as important in value
as it is in bulk, why have we not that dispatch, which would tell
us something, when all the dispatches are produced that tell us
nothing? That is my question; and if my Noble Friend will
answer that question in a satisfactory manner, it will preclude
the necessity of my entering upon that point of debate—and God
knows there are so many points to which it is necessary briefly
to advert, that I would most willingly indeed dispense
entering upon any that are superfluous.—(Hear, hear.) If a
dispatch is called private or confidential, no man has a right
to prevent its being produced, if it throws light on the sub-
ject. Dispatches sometimes commence with "My dear Lord,"
or "My Lord," and conclude with " I am your's sin-
cerely," or " I have the honour to be," in all the
ordinary forms of office and official communications, varying
according to the degree of intimacy between the parties.
But the question is, do the dispatches relate to the matter for
which Parliament has been called together, and upon
which the Crown is to be addressed? If so, I say Ministers
are bound to produce them whether they are formal or in-
formal, whether they are letters, or notes, or official dispatches
of the usual formality. It is necessary for the consideration
of the subject, that they should be laid before the House, and
I never knew, nor did any of your Lordships ever know, that
the one which was most material was omitted. Now, in this
correspondence which brings before you the conduct of the de-
partment upon which you are called upon to deliberate
—upon which you are called on to address first, and to legis-
late after—you find that there is the promise in one of the
letters (that of the 90th of November), and in that of the I Ith
of March there is also the promise of a further communication—
the Noble Baron stating, that as soon as he shall be able to
communicate the decision of Parliament on these polite, he
will send further instructions. When is the decision of Par-
liament asked upon them? The decision of Parliament on
those matters is asked by the 6th of March ; an adjournment
takes place during the Easter holidays—Parliament meets
again on the 6th of April, and showed no reluctance to sup-
port the Ministers. Members came from all parts of the coun-
try. They wore not squeamish as to the votes which they
gave to Ministers, as to any part of these dominions, or as to
any measure of the Cabinet ; it was carried by a steady work.
ing majority, composed of Members of various parties—of
Members not too prone to scrutinise any measure of the pre-
sent Government ; that is, provided it did not affect one par-
ticular part of the United Kingdon—of Members who did
not examine too closely as to the votes they gave in sup-
port of the Government policy as to any other portion
of the Queen's dominions. There could not be much diffi-
culty in obtaining their votes on these resolutions, and they
were carried with almost unexampled majorities.—( Hear. )
Still no communication, nothing but a promise of a des-
patch—that is all the unfortunate Governor of Cana la has
to guide his conduct. My Lords, I cannot understand why
a dispatch should be stuffed with notices.—( Laughter.) I
can understand why the Order Book of the House
of Commons should be filled with notices—( Hear, hear, and
laughter) and anything more NI of notices than
the dispatch of my Noble Friend, I can no where find but in
that Order Beok.—( Loud laughter.) On the first day of any
given Parliament, where persons arc brought from all quar-
ters to discuss measures—where an opposition is looked for—
where a difference of opinion is reckoned on, no doubt, I
can comprehend why the order-book should be filled with
no:ices ; but of what possible use can it be, what purpose can
it serve, to give notice to your own agent, to your governor,
chose only duty it is to obey, and who is timely enough
warned of what your views are when he receives your orders ;
that is what I cannot comprehend. Nevertheless the practice
of my Noble Friend seems to be that notice after notice
should be given of what instructions are to be sent out. And
accordingly, on the 29th of April, after eight months have
elapsed, this production, this instruction, as it were, this
eight-month child—( Much laughter)—is produced, which
barely makes a cry to give a sign of struggling for life, and
then he 'is heard of no more.—( Continued laughter.) I defy
the wit of man to discover in this which has taken eight months
to bring forth—l defy the fancy of man to suggest any one
purpose which this dispatch, purporting to give instruc-
tions first promised in November, 183 ti, then the promise
continued on the 11th of March, 1837, by a dispatch
containing no instructions, but only a report of the di-
visions in the House of Commons, which would have
been more accurately given by the original document being
conveyed if the Newspaper report did not satisfy the Gover-
nor, and a list of the members who voted on each side. It
se, ms incredible, but it will be seen that so was performed the
promise which was given in November, and continued and con-
firmed by the despatch of the 11 tli March. The despatch
first alludes to the full discussion of the resolutions in the
House of Commons ; it then describes the large majorities
by which they were supported, and states that they were all
passed. It goes on to say, " I enclose for your Lordship's
information extracts from the votes and proceedings of the
House, containing a statement of the several divisions which
have taken place on this subject since I last addres.sed you."
Since I last sent you an account of the divisions with the
names of the Membersl—( A laugh. ) Then as to the intro-
duction of the Bill, it is stated that " it must be postponed
till after the opinion of the House of Lords shall have been
taken on them," about which there s.!eins to have been g, eat
doubt, which I am hardly surprised at, considering that not
only had no division taken place on the subject, but mine was
the solitary voice that was raised against the measure. Mine
was the solitary " No." The despatch proceeds to say—
" but I have every reason to anticipate that it will be
submitted to Parliament within a very short period."
That was on the 29th of April—" So soon as the reso•
lotions shall have been disposed of by the House of
Lords, I shall address to your Lordship full instruc-
tions on the steps which should he adopted under existing cir-
cumstances, especially with reference to the composition of
both the Legislative and Executive Councils. I regret that
owing to the delay which hiss occurred in passing the resolu•
tions, arising in a great measure from the pressure of public
business, I have been compelled to withhold these instructions
f,,r a longer period than I anticipated; but your Lordship
may rely on receiving then in ample time to enable you to
prepare fur the meeting of the Legislature." Did he? I
shall show to your
demo Lerdnstratep that not
shis at he
hayingclidnorseuecehivethdintgh,esaendin!
shall presently
structions had a most fatal effect on the state of affairs and the
peace of that colony. The dispatch thus proceeds
Whether that meeting should be postponed until the time
when the law will require that a session should be held, or
should be fixed for an earlier time, is a question which must
depend to a certain degree on local circumstances, of which
your Lordship will have the means of obtaining a fur m ire
accurate acquaintance than I can. I shall, however, dis-
tinctly advert to this point, in connection with the other mat-
ters on which I shall have to address ysur Lordship, and I
only refer to it now that ;ou may be aware that it will not be
ove:looked." Really so many thinge had been referred to be-
fore by my Noble Friend, all of which had iii regular suc-
cession been overlooked—( A laugh )—that I am rather appre-
hensive this reference must have frustrated its own object, and
taught him to expect that it would be also overlooked, folow-
jog the fate of its predecessors.—( Much laughter)—" and
that your own attteon‘tvihonat
?msaayysistsiiedirGeocyteedrutoor
youin tliiieuemetautlid-
:nine en'o"—tthinle" iyett".—(Laughter.) How am I to direct my at-
tention in the meantime, to what you withhold from ray know-
ledge?--( Renewed laughter.) Why, the thing seems utterly
incredible, and one must keep ones eyes fixed upon the pas-
sage, lest his unbelief should get the better of him. " With
yieeet' pee on the dispatch ;so that tbpre a view, with
which Lord Goeford,s ettentioe was in the meentime, welting
the uncertain period of the arrival of unknown instructions to be
directed to that which he could on the face of the dispatch have
no possible idea of, and to which he therefore could not possibly
direct his atteetirp. And what my Lordsi title yipw with
.Lossl friOefeedli ettieet!p.n. le'tlitie directed towards the
davit ?—(Lat4ghter.l Nil at is the reason that his attention
should be fixed upon darkness, andabsolute and necessary- un-
certainty ?—( Much laughter.) " With the view," concludes

the despatch, "to the sound exercise of that discr.etien which September, my Lords, the Earl of Gosford states that he is
it may probably he expedient to leave in your Loruships hands disposed to think he may be under the necessity of suspending
with regard to it." S. that my Lord Gosford is toll in the the Cohstitutiani . This, my Lords, cannot be described as an
despatch of the _9th April, that he will at some future but indication that t ilegs were going on in their ordinary course
undefined day, be informed of something which he is to attend —this does nut betoken perfect quiet and tranquillity. Again,
to, but which is in the meantime carefully conceded from on the 9th of September Lord Gosford states that up to that
him ; the reason for telling him this, however, being that he time (so that it was not new, it had been going on from day to
may occupy. the awful interval between
despatch which tells him nothing, and the future de naSch missed. And for what, my Lords—for what (Alice ? The
which possibly may tell him something, in making up l mind magistrates for attending illegal assemblies, end the guerre;guerre;how he shall act in unknown circumstances, upon undisclosed for takingl part in treasonable proceedings, again,a,
.rny
instructions—( Laughter) —and in exercising a sound discretion Lora s, surely betokens no perthesly tranquil. state of flaire
with regard to " it," the nature of " it" being precisely that How, my Lords, it that this piece of inlormation got printed
with he ; here ?—how is it that it was not kept out, seeing thath it tells
heti 1
with which he is left altogether unacquainted, and
is by no means certain will ever be communicated to him.--. a tile ?—( Hear, hear, hear. ) First it tells us Wat hits veil.
on in the province for a considerable time back, and
(Laughter.) This, my Lords, is the plain and manifest un- ;
port of the dispatch of the 29th of April, to which the atten- gneoixtt'git, shows us that information must have reached this
tion of Lord Gosford was so carefully called—by which the ; country from the province which is nut furnished to the
exercise of his sound discretion was to be guid, d.—( Hear, House. —( Hear, hear.) Lord Gosf uhl afterwards' states that
hear.) My Lords, let us, in justice towards an absent man— , a Central Committee had been organised by the disaffected,
towards a man who has been assailed in terms not very consist- to which " the" Local Committees reported. Here, my Lords,
cut with proper courtesy and fairness—and by a process not the use of the definite article clearly infers that something
very complimentary to human justice, which always supposes about these Loesl Committees must have
ave been mentioned be-
the absent man to he in the wrong-( Ideate hear)—let us, in fore—that this was not the firer time the facts concerning tleens
common justice to Lord Gosford, pause a moment to consider had been reported to the home Government. A
that, even if he has disappointed the expectations of his which states that "a " Central Committee 'mad been
countrymen, if he has failed to satisfy the employers who formed, which issues instructions to " the'. Local Corn-
commissioned him, he is not the person whom the country has , mittees, absolutely demonstrates to us that this is not the
to blame, or, at least, upon him must the blame be lightly vi- I first time on whieh Local Committees have been named to
sited.—( Hear, hear.) Mark his situation—sent to the out- i her Majesty's Ministers ; and whether this information
post, to the advanced post, of our empire, at a distance from I was conveyed in private familiar notes, or long formal
the wisdom, from the vigour, from the resources of the Go- dispatches, the iiiformatioa is not slight in importance whi .h
vernment Councils at home—(Great laughter)—left with I discloses an organized system of insurrection. Indeed it is a
no other than the ordinary resources of the colony—( Hear, : feet which I know, and which has been stated by the agents,
hears—intended only fur peaceful times, to meet a crisis that instantly after the account of the resolutions and the pro-
brought on, I might say, by his employers ; but, at all events, posed Bill was received in Canada, the whole of some of
a crisis of colonial affairs of a most unparalleled character ;to tne provinces, and a great pmt of many others of the dis-
meet a state of things which he himself gave the home Go- affected districts, were divide I under a system of accurate
vernment unequivocal intimation of in his last dispatch, organize ion. In each parish, local or parish committees
where he told them that the public peace of the colony i were formed ; in each district, district committees ; and,
which had been committed to his charge was in the greatest finally, a central committee was formed, wnich issued in-
point. Mark, I say, the situation of this Governor so situated. structions to the district committees, which then again forwarded
so unaided by the taouncils at home, so unassisted by extra- to the central committee. Again, there was another part of
ordinary forces to meet the extraordinary exigency of the chi- the system organized under which persons were appointed un-
sis ; the only communication he has from his employers being der the designation of aimables compositeurs, friendly peel&
a direction to wait for "it"—to wait for instructions till an caters or arbitrators, to whoiw all the disputes of the dis-
uncertain day arrives, while, in the mean time, the party who affected among themselves were to be referred, instead of to
sends him such a despatch either cannot or will not give him the King's Courts; and the patriots passed resolutions that
an inkling, or a guess at what it is he is to direct his attention it was contrary to the allegiance due to their native country
to. My Lords, I say it is not Lord Gosford only whose for any among the patriots to have recourse to the King's
position you are to mark, but it is the position of the colonies courts instead of to the aintables compositeurs, the inhabitants
themselves. If you will have plantations in every clime, if who had recourse to the King's Courts were waited upon and
you will have subjects by millions in opposite sides of the globe told, you had better not do so again, and whoever among them
—if you will undertake the administration of the affairs of. an committed this so stated offence a second time, some of his
empire extending over both hemispheres, over an empire on cattle were injured ; and on the third occasion all his cattle
which the sun never sets—it is well—whether such a deter- were houghed. Now, my Lords, there, is no doobt but this
mination on your parts be prudent or impolitic, whether its system was organized at the period to which I have adverted
effects be beneficial or detrimental to our highest interests, I —the early part of September. My Lords, there are some
will not now stop to inquire—but if you make up your minds things which, from their very nature, take so much time in
to this, at all events it imposes on you the absolute and pare- completion, that if, at any given moment, we find them arrived
mount necessity that you shall be alive, and awake— at a certain height—we may calculate pretty nearly the time
(laughter)—and vigilant at all times : that you shall not they have occupied in so doing—and if there be anything which
sleep and slumber—(renewed laughter)—that you shall more than another carries within itself the proof of its existence
not, like the sluggard, let you hands sleep before you, as if for sonic time, it is the organization of Committees such ass
you were administering the affairs of a parish, or even of a these, communicating one to the other, and, above all, the or-
kingdom near at home, to which, and from which, the pest ganization of a judiciary system, having for its object the ad.
goes and arrives every day in the week.—( Hear, hear.) That ministration of a mockery of justice by violence, and to super-
is one condition of holding such an extended empire, difficult sede the public courts. I therefore, think, my Lords, that it
to grapple with, dangerous to be possessed of—not, perhaps, is self-evident that this organization, both executive and
wholesome either for the parent State, or for the colony it judicial, must have proceeded to a considerable extent before
self, that they should long remain together so connected ; the period at which we have any indications of them in any of
but, at all events, that which I have insisted on is the the despatches. But, my Lords, this system was not confined
bounden duty—the condition, the sine qua non—of those to committees. There was a force appointed by the patriots,
who undertake the administration of such extensive and ar- stationed as a police force, in order to keep the peace, when
duous affairs. But, my Lords, the resolutions passed the all these magistrates were removed from the commission, and
Commons on the 6th of March. Parliament re-assembled all these military officers were compelled to resign, or base
on the 6th of April after the recess, but the resolutions their commissions taken from them. It is clear, my Lords,
were not submitted to your Lordships until the Bth and that ever since the arrival of the Resolutions in Canada, the
9th of May, on which day they passed your Lordships' whole country was in a state of organization. Tribunals of n
House also, with but one dissentient voice against them. voluntary kind were forced upon the people, and a system. of
Now, Lord Gosford had been told, Parliament had been levying men for the purposes of police, as it was called; but
told, that as soon as the two Houses should have agreed in who, my Lords, can for a moment doubt the purpose was re.
these resolutions they should be followed up by action, by a volution—(Hear, hear)—was carried on under the very nose
Bill, by legislation. Was this done, my Lords? No such of the Government. My Lords, why do I speak with such
thing. Day after day passed, week after week elapsed, and confidence as to the inevitable result of these resolutions? My
up to' the middle of June, when the lamented and unhappy reason is clear; it is contained in these despatches. Lord
demise of the Crown took place, which was said to alter the Gosford himself has asserted that the effect of the arrival of
state of things, no one step had been taken to follow up the re- those resolutions, particularly the eighth resolution, was this,
solutions by a legislative enactment. Yet, did any man doubt that even those who were most adverse to the party of the
what the effect of these resolutions was likely to be ? Those Canadian agitators, who most warmly had opposed the French
resolutions were not conciliatory ; they were not intended as party, and who had been the stedfast and unyirsiding friends
conciliatory—( Hear, hear)—they were coercive—( Hear)— of the Government of the mother-country, were loud and una.
they meant repression, or they meant nothing—they meant nimous in their disapprobation of the, eighth resolution.
a refusal of the long-pressed demands of the Lower Cana. Nor, my Lords, do I marvel at all this ; to me it is no surprise
diana—they were harsh and coercive—there was no infusion of —I expected this. I argued against the resolutions—l pro-
tenderness or kindness in their composition, What was this tested against them—l earneseny though humbly besought
cherished object of the House of Assembly of Lower Canada ? your Lordships not to plunge the country into that quarrel
The desires of the Lower Canadians were unequivocally ex- which I saw was absolutely inevitable if this Bth Resolution
pressed in its House of Assembly by majorities unexampled, were passed. In addition to injury of the deepest character.
comparatively speaking, in the Legislative Assembly—by ma- that which was worse than all injury, mockery and insult,
jorities of 80 to 11—by majorities representing, not, as in for- were added. To tell men you gave them the English Con-
mer cases, say two to one of the natives of the province, but stitution—to tell men that they have no longer had it in form,
after the House of Assembly had been dissolved, a general but that they have it now in substance—to tell men that they
election took place, and the result was, that in place of a ma_ have now the same command over the Government, the same
jority of Representatives representing 300,000, as compared to power over the public purse which the Commons of England
your party representing 160,000—there was in the new As- in Parliament assembled enjoy, and which is the very founda-
sembly a majority representing 477,000, prepared to make the tion of the charter of their liberties--to tell them that, and to
same demands as the former Assembly, as compared to your tell them that you gave them that power for the purpose of
party, which now only represented 34,000. In that proper- their using it to protect themselves against grievances, to ob-
tion was the public voice in favour of the cherished desire of taro redress of grievances, to extort from the Government the
the Canadians. And let this never for an instant pass out of possession of their owns rights, and to prevent their rulers from
your Lordships' mind—by this vast proportion of the Repre- tyrannising over them and encroaching on those rights—and
sentatives was the public voice of the Province declared to be then the very first time that they exercise the authority you
in favour of the cherished object. What said the resolutions gave them, the very first instant they put that power in force,
of the British Parliament ? How were the declared wishes the very first time they use that power which you boast
of the Representatives of fourteen to one of the Lower you have given them for the purpose of obtaining a redress
Canadian population responded to in England ?By resolutions of those grievances—to obtain and secure the success of which
passed in your Lordships' House with but one dissentient voice ; you have been bragging you gave them that power—and the
and in the other House, oy majorities nearly as great as those very first time they use that power as you meant it, you do not
which in the Canadian Assembly expressed the voice of 14 to take it from them, but pass it by and seize hold of roue money.
lof tlio Lower Canadian population—resolutions which dc- You take by main force and by a file of trofspg that fund
stared to the people of Canada that any idea of attaining an which you said they, and they alone, were t have the option
elective Legislative Council was, as far as the mother country or discretion of using or not. All this, nny Lords, is neither
was concerned, henceforth entirely hopeless. But, my Lords, more nor less than a mockery and -en insult in the outrageous
was there, on the other hand, no tenderness exhibited, no kind- nature of which the real Nor, done to those people merges,
ness, no boon, to counterbalance the repulsive, the offensive, and is wholly lost. But it was deemed necessary to do ;
the irritating, the vexations effect of turning a deaf ear to the and, accordingly, the wisdom of Parliament being consulted,
deeply-cherished and almost universally expressed desire of both Houses almw:‘, unanimously agreed to that course. It
the Lower Canadians? Yes, my Lords, there was a boon is too late now __it is unavailing now to lament it; but this at
granted. You gave the House of Assembly, in 1831, a power least we ;,,ay say, that, when you did take that course as recom-
over the public purse—you told them that they should stand mernled by the Government, who had notice of it long before
towards the revenue of the colony, as we, the Parliament of you knew it—who knew it before hand—who had been think-
the mother country, stand towards the revenues of the mother ins of it from the 20th of November, 1836, up to the date of
country ; that they should have the power, like us, of grant- the nnknown withheld dispatch of the middle of July, 1837,
ing, adjourning, and withdrawing supplies; henceforth consi- and up to the date of the 6th of March, and the subsequent
der yourselves as the same as ourselves ; henceforth you.shalk date of the not very instructive, but at least forthcoming dis-
have no reason to complain of having but an imperfect 411adow patch—( A laugh)—of the 11th of March—the Government
of the British Constitution ; that henceforth they Should have knew what it was about, was aware of what it was going to
the substance of that shadow, the power which controls and propound, knew the effect that was to be produced by it—it
set bounds to the power of the C,rnwit, the absolute power of must have made up its mind to the consequences, having resolved
giving, withholding, end Adjourning the supplies. Having to give the insult and inflict the injury—and was ever yet imbe-
this Constitution they were told that if they hod a grievance cility—was ever yet confusion and insufficiency of ideas—was
unredressed, they should have the same remedy as ourselves ; ever yet unintelligible policy (if I might prostitute such a name
they were told they might refuse the supplies if they deemed to such a use)--( Laughter)—was ever yet anything of the kind
fit. They were told this in dispatches to the Governor, in in the history of human blundering equal to this?—that of
messages of the Governor, in speeches from the viceregal offering insult and injury, and yet taking no step against the
Throne, in tiaceehee of the Colonial Secretary of the day, inevitable effect of it to prevent tumult and quell rebellion.—
that if they felt themselves aggrieved the remedy was now in (Cheers from the Opposition benches.) In other words, the
their own hands, the same rein ely which the Constitution people of Canada were told " you shall be injured, you shell
gave to the people of England by means of their representa- be insulted, you shall be oppressed, you shall be goaded to
tives in Parliament, that of refusing the supplies till their resist, but care shall be taken all the while that no provision
grievances were redressed. But what do you do in 1837? By shall be made either to prevent that discontent which we know
way of sweetening the bitter pill, the nauseous potion which we are giving you, or that dissatisfaction which we are aware
you compel them to swallow, when, by unheard-of majori- our proceedings will excite from breaking out into revolt, and
ties, you declare that, as far as you are concerned, they if it should so peradventure break out to prevent that revolt
shall never have the fulfilment of their wishes._( Hear, beiag successful, and to prevent the shedding of blood."
hear.) By way of meeting this bitter dreught, though you (Hear, ) There have beer, many men minded to play a
daikng, de-
in
will not repeel the Act of 1831, or specifically deprive tyrant's part, resolved to oppress the enoffen
them of the power of withholding supplies ; yet because ternained to trample on the rights of men, m
they have exercised the power which we gave them for the their minds for some foul purposes to encroach ong up
hu-
declared purpose of so exercising it, because you find that they man liberty, and while they increased the list of injuries
have takes us at our word, and have refused the supplies, you to aggravate aad exasperate the feelings excited by injury anti
take the supplies assay from them, you seize their chest by an by still more intolerable insult; but I will venture to say, that
armed force, whether they will or no. This, my Lords, is this is the first time such a coarse was ever adopted without at
what was done by the eight Resolutions of 1837; this, my learn some little foresight, some slight precautions to enforce
Lords, is what you sent out as a sweetener for the bitter potion the policy which has been resolved on, and to preclude the
which you have administered to the people of Canada, by possibility of successful resistance. I will venture to say, that
telling them that you altogether refuse to make the Legisla. compared with that kind of policy to which I have now been
tive Assembly elective. But, my. Lords, was there ever a soliciting the attention of your Lordships—compared with such
human being in the world moon stricken to the excess of doubt_ policy as that which 1 now advert to, all the most timid, vacil-
ing for an instant of the effect which the arrival of those Reso- lating, inefficient, and impotent rulers that ever disgraced or
lutions in Canada must produce ?—( Hear.) Some persons, my degraded that station—the Richard Cromwell: themselves, and
Lords, there may be, who viewed those Resolutions with; a more the King Johns themselves, were consistent, and vigoroue,
favourable eye than others ; some who thought them necessary and powerful.—( Cheers and laughter front the Opposition
and justifiable, while others held them to be tyrannical, and benches.) My Lords, these resolutions are said by my Noble
without a shadow of justification; some elm expected n more Friend riot to have been accompanied by an increase of mili-
immediate, more general, and effectual result as their con- tart' forces in Canada for various reasons, and that the event
sequence than others anticipated ; but was there a single has proved that there were already sufficient forces in Canada
man—and this is the test of the conduct of the Government— to put clown the revolt I hope and trust it is so. Ido not
was there a single person, either among the authors of the lament that diet revolt has been put down, if it has already met
resolutions, or those who voted for them, or among the the fate it deserved. But my No le Friend said there were men
bystanders—the liberal portion of whom were astcnished enough out there before. flow, then, will he meet those QCO.•
and dismayed, and the illiberal portion rejoiced at seeing noinists of our resources—those who pre so niggardly, and
the friends of liberal principles placSd in so complete e di. most justly so, of the public treasury—those who are so jealous
lemma—l ask, was there a single man among all these, of the increase of the military establishment, that they will not
endued with sufficient understanding to make his opinion vote one pound or one man more than is absolutely necessary
worth having ? Was thorn one of those who doubted that the fir the protection of the colonies and the mother countey---
arrival of those resolutions in Canada would be, if not the how are they to be met ? Because if it turns out that eou had
signal for revolt, at least the cause of wide-spreading discon- so huge a force in Canada—but if a most unexpected crisis
tent and dissatisfaction? Arid, my Lords, such anticipations arises—if all but rebellion is expected to break out—if civil
were fully justified by the event I for no sooner did the reso- war is on the point of being declared—that :Here are still quite
i
lieions arrive n Canada than they produced very natural soldiers enough there, without sending out another man or
and very general discontent and dissatisfaction. I might another gun—how is the question to be answered—" Why is
refer your Lordships to all the organs of ordinary inter- it that in ordinary, peaceful times a force so efficient to carry on
'nation, to the newspapers of Canada and of North Ame- a war is kept up ?" If that question had been put upon any Other
rice, from that time to the present,
to what was the subject occasion than the present, I know what the answer would have
most private been, because I have heard it answered a hundred times, both
matter of conversation in all political and
circles since those resolutions passed, for a cenfirtnation of my while I held office and while in opposition. The answer
statement ; but I will only link you to look at one or two parts eould have been " there are only men enough to meet the
of these d 'spatchee, and I call on my Noble Fiiende to say ordinary demands of the service in ordinary times." But you
whether, in the face of what they have themselves produced, arc not to keep your men always on a war establishment in
they have any right to be astonished that the resolutions the midst of peace—in the bosom of peace, any more than you
caused that discontent and dissatisfactien which has now burst are entitled to have a holiday in rebellious times. But ac-
forth into open revnit 1!.—( Hear, hear ) I may observe that cording to rug Noble Friend's argument, in the most quiet
there nee some things printed among those despatches which timee there, are never fewer men kept up in Canada than
might possibly, without any great aggravation of the imper- were there when the revolt broke out, and yet we are told
feet character of the printed documents, have been e,mitled, that when a crisis cif the most unexpected nature to the Go-
while others are omitted which would hagg thrown consider- tecnment aria( a—though expected by every one else—there
able light on the subject.—( aetw, hear. But among those are quite men enough to put down an insurrection without ad-
documenta wbigd, are printed find, in despatches of the forces.—( Ilear, hear.) But, my Lords, there is an-
9th, and 9th of' September, 1837, indications eabitsh as other argument of my Noble Friend, of a most extraordinary
strongly as any of those whiell Innve leiely epp eared, since kind, and which 1.4%s surprised me even mare than the one I
the plot hats heeken ous ?WO open rebellion—indications I say, hasp juet adverted to. He tells
you that it would have had an
as plainly exhibiting the direful effects of the resolutions ai exeneilingly bad effect indeed, to have sent over any men at
any of the recent rnelanchol/ Gazette accounts; kng 4se 2 a till, because it would bg admitting they were in error—(Hear,