The Sun.
London, England, 1825-04-28 00:00:00

Government directed to the cultivation of the

fleece.

[THE TIMES.]
There is not now existing a more aggravated
parochial evil than that which, it appears by the
votes, was to have been the subject of Mr.
Monek's motion last night, in the House of Com-
mons—the payment of labourers' wages out of the
poor-rates. The poor's-rates are by law, by cus-
tom, and by right, the patrimony of the infirm at
either extremity of human life—of the maimed,
the blind, the idiot ; and to convert these into a
fund for the labourer's wages, is at once an in-
sult to the industrious, and a robbery of the
helpless. Nor is the cruelty and injustice of
the practice adequately developed in the pre-
ceding description. It is truly said, that when
one interest or portion of society suffers, the rest
suffers with it ; when the farmer, therefore, has
not a remunerating price for his grain, the trades-
men, manufacturers, and every description of
shopkeeper with whom he deals, must be sensible
of his reduced demands and slack payments;
and, as if these evils were not sufficient, he sends
them his labourers to keep, in part, out of the
stock to which they both jointly contribute. Why,
then,should not the grocer, the tanner, and the
blacksmith, send their shopmen and journeymen to
receive their wages from the same fund? But farmers
have remunerating prices at present: the practice,
therefore, which we are reprehending, is yet more
unjust and cruel. When manufactures are in
work, the master maintains his journmen liberally,
and corn finds a ready vent. Let the landowners
recollect this! If they begin by raising the
price of corn, the British manufacturer is ob-
liged to give high wages—to raise the price of
his article ; from whence he will be undersold,
not only in the foreign hut in the home market,
by imported goods; he must speedily sink his
high wages, and then his journeymen cannot pay
for bread. The printurn mobile of all domestic
prosperity is low prices. When the machine is
once set agoing, high prices will follow of course,—
, high prices, too, resulting not from artificial but
natural means, and therefore not oppressive, but
a proof of prosperity by the ease with which they
are borne. There is another point also deserving
of consideration while we are engaged on this sub-
ject. When the high price of agricultural produce
is spoken of, corn simply and exclusively is always
the article specified or implied. But how many
other necessaries of life does the agriculturist
produce, in which he dreads no rivalry from the
foreigner. There are no cattle imported, except
a few from Ireland. The breed of horses rests
entirely with ourselves, and we can and do ex-
port largely. And be it observed, that the
cheaper grain is at home, with so much the less
expence may these, together with all the tribes
of domestic animals and fowls, be sent to market ;
and the gain of the farmer under these heads is
`le greater.

[THE PUBLIC LEDGER.]
The Paris Papers continue to harp on the sub
ject of allegeddifferences between England and
the leading Powers of the Continent. Yet,
there never was less foundation apparently for
such surmises than there is at present. Our
own Government exhibits as much confidence
and security, as if not a germ of discord ex-
isted in the political world. Other Powers
seem to fe'et in a corresponding manner ; and,
however active the diplomatic intercourse be-
tween them may. be at this time, the total
want of military movement chews that it is
not of a character to justify the slightest appre-
hension. France, instead of strengthening her
Army in Spain, as she would do, if she had any
angry discussion with this country, is reducing
its amount • considerably. This fact, connected
with the curtailment this year of the usual
term of
military exercise in Hanover, must
convince every one that these rumours have
not a leg to stand upon. It is possible
that England, may disagree on principle, with
the Continental States- upon some particulat-
question ; end; if this supposition . were true, it
would account for Sir Henry Wellesley absenting
himself from the discussions, which, it is said, are
to take place at Milan. If it were intended for
example to discuss there the question of Greek
independence, it would be highly unbecoming the
character and situation of this country to take a
direct part id the proceedings. Rut her refusal
would nei,ther excite surprize nor give offence,
though it might be a subject of regret;
but the matter would rest here. The French
Papers are the very worst authority to consult,
to obtain a just insight of what is passing in the
different Cabinets. They are surrounded by a
constant mist,, which disfigures every object that
is seen through. it. They behold only plots and
intrigues every where ; and it is therefore not at
all surprizing that, let the occasion be what it
will, they are so ready to sound an alarm.

[MO RNING HERALD.]
The opinion of the second Personage in the
State on the subject of the Catholic 13111, so
plainly and equivocally expressed, is calculated
to have great weight with the country ; and will
be a source of equal satisfaction and dismay to
the advocates and opponents of the measure.—
However people may differ as to the policy_ of his
Royal Highness's avowal, there can be but one
opinion as to the manliness, the candour, and con-
sistency with which his sentiments have been con-
veyed. The matter and the manner are alike cal-
culated to excite attention and respect ; and
though we do not ourselves entirely concur in the
views thus imputed to his Royal Highness, we
are nevertheless bound to *pay homage to the
qualities with which they are thus characterized.
We are among the number of those who think
that there is nothing in the Coronation oath which
militates against the proposed concessions to the
Catholics ; but if any one has taken, or who
may be called upon to take that oath, has
thought or thinks Otherwise, surely it is a'
reason why Parliament should seriously
.con-
h.ider the subject, and frame such altera-
-6" in the oath for the future, as will
meet
the difficulty, , withoutog a great
endangering Constitutional
the spirit of
r the
the oath itself,
prin-
ciples
.nvo.ve- in it. We regret to a certain
k degree that the sentiments attributed to his
re