The Sun.
London, England, 1836-04-29 00:00:00

PUBLIC &EETING-BRISTOL.

(Abridged from the Bristol Gazette of Thursday.)
A Public Meeting was held on Monday at the Guildhall,
in pursuance of the requisition contained in our last week's
paper, for the purpose of " considering of the propriety of the
resolutions of the Town Council on Monday, the 18th inst.,
relative to the rejection of certain persons nominated to be
Magistrates, and to the conduct of Sir R. R. Vyvyan in the
House of Commons ; to express their sentiments, and to de-
termine upon such proceedings thereon as they may deem ne-
cessary."

At half-past one the Hall was completely Hui in every
part, when on the motion of R. Bligh. Esq.
W. P. TAIINTON, Esq. was called to the Chair.
As soon as the applause which greeted the nomination of
the Chairman had subsided, he rose and addressed the meeting
to the following effect—Gentlemen, in consequence of certain
resolutions passed at a Special Meeting of the Town Council
on Monday last, it occurred to some gentlemen in this town
that it would be desirable to obtain the opinion of the
citizens in general upon the subject at issue ; and a requisi-
tion, signed by upwards of 80 gentlemen, was presented to the
Mayor asking for the use of the Guildhall, and which use was
very readily granted. You are therefore now met here to
consider of the two resolution% of the Council to which I have
referred ; the first of which calls upon Lord John Russell to
furnish information as to the grounds upon which he acted
with respect to the appointment of Magistrates, and the other
proffers a vote of thanks to Sir Richard Vyvyan—( Shouts of
derision and hisses)—tbanks to Sir R. Vyvyan—( Renewed
laughter and hisses)—Gentlemen, I will state it gravely if I
can--for his conduct in the House of Commons, in taking
Lord John Russell to task. I need not observe that both those
resolutions were carried by a considerable majority in the
Town Council, but we are now here to know what is the ex-
pression of the opinion of the citizens at large. When the
Municipal Reform Bill was passing through Parliament, Mi-
nisters were anxious, in the spirit of the old elections, to vest
the appointment of Justices in the Town Councils. Who op
posed this ? Lord Lyndhurst and the Tory Lords ; they
said the power should rest with the King and none else ; and
they carried their point. Lord John Russell endeavoured to
mitigate this as much as possible, and said the Government
would give due weight to the recommendations of the Councils.
He never said he would, give them any number they might
choose to fix on. But there are some parties to whom, if you
give an inch, they will take an ell. In the instance of Bristol,
I believe he has given all due weight, and more than due
weight to the aforesaid recorwgiendation. If we had the choice
of the Magistrates, as in the good Saxon times, by free ac-
clamations in this Hall, I doubt whether the same list would
be chosen as it even now is. At all events, in the number
to be considered, 18 is more than sufficient, and why the
Town Council should dictate to the Crown how many should
be chosen, is to me quite unreasonable. If then 18 were suf-
ficient, what had Lord J. Russell to do? On 24 being handed
in, it was necessary to make a selection somewhere. They
say this subject has been dealt with as a party matter, but
look at the list, and say whether it was possible Lord John
Russell could have been actuated by party considerations.
What are the first names on the list? those of Mr. Fripp
and Mr. Payne ; if there are any two determined party men
in this city, I have no hesitation in saying those gentlemen
are. Would he not, then, if he had been influenced by
party motives, have struck his pen, through their names?
whilst, if he had wished to save appearances, could he not have
retained one or two others, who do no good—of no power of
intellect, or of any other power—( Cheers)—and thus have
left the party not so strong as now? I fully believe that
Lord John Russell acted from wise and good motives, and
not from the party considerations which have been imputed to
him. Gentlemen, there is one other subject upon which I
need hardly waste a word. If a person gets up in the Senate
and prefers against the Minister of the Crown a grave and
specific charge of being actuated by corrupt motives—a charge
only to be wiped away by an acquittal under Parliamentary
impeachment—when that person sits down and afterwards
says that his accusation means nothing but supporting a party,
but will neither substantiate nor retract his former charge ; is
not that a most lamentable exhibition for any man with a mo-
ral sense or a sense of justice ?—( Loud cheers.) What then
shall be said of a body, who seeing a person in such a dis-
graced state, identify themselves with him in feeling and in
character ?—(Cheers.) As to the obligations you are under
to Sir Richard Vyvyan, I leave that in your hands—if you
think he has or has not done that of which any other man
would have been ashamed, you will have an opportunity of ex-
pressing your opinion. When the day comes that lie will have
to appear before you on the hustings to solicit your votes, do
not forget the glorious speech, the eloquent display, for which
he has received the thanks of his supporters.—(Mr. Taunton
concluded amidst loud applause. )
S. WARING, Esq.—Our opposition, Gentlemen, is so ludi-
crous at this moment that Momus alone could do justice to it.
The mis-called Destructives assembled in public meeting to
support the prerogative of the Crown I Against whose at-
tacks? Why, forsooth, against the attacks of the party, who,
so long as they could do so, perverted it to exclusive and de-
spotic purposes, and have always claimed for themselves all
power and loyalty par excellence. If we must discuss the sub-
ject seriously, the fact is, that a factitious majority of the Town
Council, instead of attending to the real interests of the city,
have travelled out of their province to catechize the Home Se-
cretary, and to call in question the prerogative of the Crown.
It really appears to me that their ignorance of what is right is
only exceeded by the impudence of their conduct—l cannot
speak less plainly. What did Lord John Russell propose ?
Simply to give due weight to the recommendation of the Town
Councils. lam sure vou will join me in believing that his
Lordship has performed all be promised, and that both in fix-
ing the number of Magistrates at eighteen, and in omitting
the six names in question, his Lordship acted uprightly, and
in a manner the most conducive to the true interests of this
city. I will not presume to surmise what influenced Lord
John Russell in his choice—he is above suspicion and needs
no defence, but let us take care that the city does not share in
the degradation which the factitious majority of the Council
have brought on themselves. Before I read the resolution I
have to propose, there is one point I must touch upon—the
hypocrisy of the Tory party in now affecting so much horror
of a Ministry being guided by the political opinions of candi-
dates for the Bench, whereas their own uniform practice has
been to keep the country in absolute thraldom by this very
system. Witness the dismissal of the venerable Earl Fitz-
william from the Lord Lieutenancy of the West Riding of
Yorkshire, in 1819, because he could not applaud the massacre
of the people at Manchester.—(Cheers.) Mr. W. then moved
his resolution.

T. J. MANcHEE, Esq,_We are met here this day to con-
sider the resolutions of the Town Council of Monday last, the
first of which, with the permission of the meeting, I will read.
It is, " that a respectful application from this Council be made
to the Secretary of State for the Home Department, request-
ing information as to the ground upon which this reduction in
the list of magistrates recommended for appointment in this
borough has been made, and the reasons by which his Majes-
ty's Ministers were governed in excluding the -six gentlemen
who were unanimously recommended." This application might
be at once met by requiring to know by what right, legal or
constitutional, the information is sought from the confidential
Minister of the Crown. The power of appointing the magis-
trates is vested by a recent statute in the King. Ministers are
responsible for the exercise of that power. If any corrupt
motive can be substantiated against them, they arc liable to
impeachment, but the power of impeachment rests with the
Commons of England, not with the Town Council of Bristol.
—( Hear, hear.) I will show, Sir, that the complaints of the
Bristol Tories are hypocritical and inconsistent with their own
conduct ; that in fact they set Lord John Russell an example
of omission or rejection to which his Lordship might tri-
umphantly- refer. in answer to their memorial. I need not
tell this meeting that the late Corporation was a close self-
elected body ; that the Aldermen were ex officio Magistrates,
appointed by each other, and that neither the citizens of Bris-
tol nor the Crown had any voice in their election. Now look-
ing over the names of the present Magistrates, who we must
keep in mind were appointed by the Tories themselves, I find
that, in preparing their list of new Magistrates, the Tories
have rejected three of those gentlemen, three whom they had
already thought qualified for the office, and who, by this omis-
sion, will be degraded from the rank to which they had been
elevated by their colleagues. The selection made by Lord
John Russell produced no such effect as that. But, Sir, I
have said that, admitting that the selection was made on poli-
tical grounds, what right have the Tories to complain that a
liberal administration should make liberal appointments? Did
they not set the example of adhesion to party ? For fifty
years were not the counties inundated with Tory Lord Lieu-
tenants and Tory Magistrates? I beg leave to second the
motion.

The resolution was then put, when a forest of hands was
held up for it. For the negative there was a solitary dissen-
tient, who occupied a position in the dock. The resolution
was then carried with tumultuous shouts of applause.
J. ADDINGTON, Esq. moved the second resolution, condem-
natory of the conduct of Sir Richard Vyvyan, in a speech of
considerable length, in the course of which he read several
extracts from the debate in the House of Commons, to prove
the feeling excited among men of all parties at the rash and
unfounded attack made by the Hon. Baronet upon Lord John
Russell; but from the very low tone in which Mr. A. spoke,
he was quite inaudible at the table.
Rev. Mr. EDGEWORTII.—Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, I
know it is not necessary that the illustrious descendant of the
house of Russell should look to us to shield him from the at-
tacks of Sir R. R. Vyvyan.--( Cheers and laughter.) Nei-
ther is it necessary for us to furnish information to that Hon.
Baronet who now unhappily for us, because I think disgrace-
fully, represents us.—(Loud cheers.) He is ignorant of the
real state of things here, and for aught I care may remain so.
But it is due to ourselves to show to the rest of the kingdom
that Sir R. Vyvyan, in using the language attributed to him
by the press, did not represent the feelings and the sentiments
of the citizens of Bristol. Sir R. Vyvyan as a Tory, and one
of those who are for ever boasting of their loyalty, and their
peculiar respect for the prerogative of the Crown, should have
known that when he reproached the Noble Lord for the per-
formance of his duty, he indeed attacked the Throne. Sir
R. Vyvyan then goes on to charge Lord John Russell with cor-
rupt motives and corrupt conduct in so advising the King. The
Noble Lord answered him by generously and constitutionally
telling him (from the Russells you are sure to hear language
in accordance with the principles of our Constitution) that he
would not blame the Hon. Baronet for his attacking him as 3
responsible Minister of the Crown; but he would maintain
that if Sir R. Vyvyan did not at once and without delay co. ofmc
forward and substantiate his charges, his conduct was that
a calumniator, and his imputation of corrupt inO.t.lves ..
and unfounded.—(Loud cheers.) Ought not bit:
onu l.
either to have produced the proofs of Is hardybs;ean urged on
ticments, or
failing to do that, acknowledged that ,
restraint
by that desperation which seems now to actuate ) all the doings
l
lye
by a sudden impulse of bad temper, or ga (
of the Tories, and manfully retracted his charges, if not the
°-

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1. 77 ii.„
same day at least the next. But !Nam that dayetct„e4,
not done so, and as he still unfortnnately,•and disererli,i;
us, represents the city of Bristol-41-learl.hear)-4'11,-;K, -
4,...raf.
gess of Bristol, fcel the danger ittatang in li*_, , e.
The resolution I hold in my hand, der fill.liqpir. 11°
part in the conduct of our representative ; it' 'atAa ndemns
the proceedings of the majority of the Town-Council on the
same subject ; I ask this meeting, can they, as hon.•st men, join
in the expressicn of thanks which has been offered by this lux-
row majority to Sir R. Vyvyan ?—( Loud cries of `• No, no.")
Do you approve of their conduct ?—( No, no.) The resolu-
tion declares you do not.—(Cheers.)
The resolution was then put and carried as before, with tl.e
same dissentient.

H. VISGER, Esq., moved the next resolution.
The Resolution was put as before, with, as the Chair:flan
observed, the " glorious minority of one."
R. Bhock, jun., Esq.—Mr. Chairman, a Resolution has
been put into :ay hands which I rise to propose with the great-
est satisfaction. (Mr. B. read the resolution expressive of
thanks to the minority of the Town Council, which was re-
ceived with loud tokens of approbation.) Notwithstanding the
majority claims to be composed of the elite of Clifton and St.
Augustine's—the fashionable gentry of the west end—( A voice
" The worst end")—it has been shown to you that the minority
represents the feelings of the majority of the citizens, and I
know they have and will retain your support, which they look
to as their best meed and reward. If you take care in future
that all vacancies are filled up with men of equal sense and
ability, we shall in a short time have nothing to dread.
W. HARWOOD, jun., Esq.—l have great pleasure in rising
to second the motion for a vote of thanks to the Liberal mino-
rity in the Town Council. That minority have been grossly
misrepresented both in public and private ; it has been indus-
triously insinuated that the fact of six gentlemen having been
rejected from the list of magistrates was the result of 'some.
communications from the Liberal members of the Council, that:
in fact they undermined in private what in public they had!
supported. Now this is an accusation so grievous, a calum-
ny so heavy, as must sink to the dust the reputation of any
man against whom it is proved, and I do not envy the feelings
of that mare who can spread such a charge, knowing at &se,
same time that it is totally without foundation.—( Cheers.)
They have also been charged with inconsistency in not sup-
porting the Memorial to Lord John Russell, calling for informa-
tion, when they did not object to the names which have been
struck off; but it appears to me there is no inconsistency in
the case ; eighteen magistrates being the number allotted to.
Bristol, six must have been rejected, and the Council have ma
more right to question the motives of Lord John Russell iw
advising the Crown as to the exercise of its prerogative in this
particular case, than they have in any other. As to the vote
of thanks which was passed to Sir R. Vyvyan, I feel myself;
as one of the constituents of Bristol, degraded by it; it was
most prepostereus.—( Loud cheers.)
The Chairman put the motion, which was carried with three
hearty cheers.
J. W. HALL, Esq.—Gentlemen, I thank you all for the
very handsome manner in which you have passed the Resolu-
tion.

RICIIARD Asti, Esq.—Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen.—l
rise as one of the Town Council to express the gratifica-
tion which I feel from the vote just passed. We have heard
that efforts were made to induce the Home Secretary to reject

the names of several of the Liberals from the list of
trates, but when it was found that the attempt had proved
abortive, and that six of the Conservatives had beer omitted,
it was resolved to resort to the unconstitutional measure which •
has been the occasion of our meeting. In instances where
Liberals who had been recommended by Town Councils were
not accepted, I have not heard of their having indignantly ap-
plied to know the reason, but they appear to have manifested
their loyalty by submission and acquiescence, whilst the Con-
servative members of the Bristol Council, notwithstanding their
professions of superior reverence for the royal prerogative,
have requested information from his Majesty's Government,
which it would be highly improper for them to give, and
which was refused to the House of, Commons although de-
manded by no less a man than Sir Richard Rawlinson Vyvyan,
Bart., the redoubtable champion of rotten Boroughs. and close
Corporations.—( Cheers.) I have only to add that the ap-
proval by this meeting of the conduct of the minority of the
Council affords me the highest satisfaction.
W. HERAPATII, Esq.—Although I have taken no part in
the meeting, yet I signed the requisition, because I conceived
it essential that the inhabitants of Bristol should have an op-
portunity of showing that the votes of the Town Council were
not their's. You have now done so, and I trust it will teach
them in future to show more deference to the opinions of their
contit nen ts. —( Cheers. )
Mr. HERAPATII again rose and said, as the principal busi-
ness of the day is over, and there is a resolution unappro-
priated, I beg leave to move it with a little addition of my
own—l mean to add the name of Sir Richard Vyvyan as one of
those to whom the resolutions and proceedings of this day is
to be communicated.—( Loud laughter and cheers )
J. W. HALL, Esq., seconded the motion.
The Resolution was carried unanimously.

The Chairman then left the chair, when, on the motion of
R. BRUCE, Esq., seconded by Mr. MANdHEE, the thanks of
the meeting were voted him by acclamation, for his ability and
impartiality in conducting the business of the day.
The meeting then, after giving three enthusiastic cheers for
Lord John Russell—three groans for Sir R. Vyvyan—and
three cheers for the Liberal members of the Council, broke up
at a quarter past five o'clock.

A PLAN FOR THE RELIEF OF

IRELAND.

In unhappy Ireland there are from six to seven millions of
unproductive and unprofitable acres—one million of which
might be appropriated : —and, if put under the management
of Commissioners to be appointed by Government, every acre
of this land (which is not now worth is.) on an outlay, in
wages of labour, of 51. per acre, would be rendered adequate
to support a poor labourer and his family, during a whole year !
For this purpose, a fund of 5,000,0001. would be required ;
which, at 4 per cent. interest, would be an annual charge to
the country of 200,0001.:—and, I will ask, is there any way
under heaven, in which one million of families could be main-
tained, in a state of idleness—or, in a workhouse—for fifty
times the sum ?

There are to be seen in Ireland and in Scotland, numerous
instances where O. whole family is supported by the produce of
a single acre of land, carefully cultivated; and that, too, after
paying a rent to the landlord of 1/., 21., or 3/.—according- to
situation and circumstances. ft is, by settling the labouring
poor in this way, that the country can escape a convulsion,
most appalling at the present moment to contemplate !
Let a labouring man, with his wife and children (making
five individuals) be placed upon an acre of land, worth no
more than 1/. per annum—he will, with the assistance of his
family during the spring season of the first year, or, in about
three months, make it capable of producing their whole sup-
port for the rest of the year : and, an allowance of Is. per day
for three mouths certain, for work—of which he is himself to
have the benefit—will, at once, convert a discontented and
dangerous outlaw, into a happy and valuable subject.
The three millions of half-fed and half-clothed objects, who
now present so deplorable a sight in Ireland, may be said to
be, not only a heavy burden and drawback, but a ruinous loss
to the United Kingdom. The consumption of their wretched
food consisting of potatoes and butter-milk, adds nothing to
the revenue of the country ;—and their equally wretched
clothing (which is chiefly composed of rags, collected in Eng-
land and Scotland) gives no encouragement to our manufac •
tures. Their miserable food, too, is principally given them, in
charity, by--or taken by compulsion from—the class, scarcely
a remove from their own degraded condition : for it is a well-
known fact, that the poorest Irish peasant will divide his last
pittance with a fellow-creature who requires his assistance.
If, therefore, these three million of wretched beings were
enabled to support themselves by honest industry, the class
immediately above them would be relieved of a positive exac-
tion of 15,000,000/. annually : —for, it is no exaggeration to
say, that the smaller holders of land, in Ireland, bestow to the
value of 5/., annually, on their starving fellow-countrymen.
Here, then, we have 15,000,000/. saved, and added to the
wealth and resources of the state ; and 15,000,000/. more
would be added by the productive labour of these people ; who
are now not only idle, and useless members of the community
—but are, in fact, dangerous domestic enemies. The country
would thus become enriched, by a positive addition to its re-
sources to the extent of 30,000,0001. annually ;—and the tide,
whose current is, at this moment, enereasing in rapidity to-
wards the destruction of the country, would be arrested, and
turned ; so as to flow in a glorious stream of prosperity and
happiness to the most civilized country in the world;—on
whose escutcheon the grievances of " Ireland" has too long
remained a most disgraceful stain I ! !
In addition to the 30,000,000/. annually, which would be
saved and called into existence, by providing profitable labour
for the three millions of idle beings, who are now pining in
misery and want—in addition to the blessing to the country of
having these stretched beings converted into contented, happy,
and loyal subjects—they would, of course, become consumers
of taxable articles ; and thus would the revenue be encreased
to a considerable extent.
Except in the consumption of whisky and tobacco (to ob-
tain which they will resort to any expedient), these three
millions do not, as has already been shown, contribute towards
the support of the state. Were they enabled to support them-
selves by their own industry, in the way I would advise, they
would become possessed of the means of acquiring the nee,-
saries and even comforts of life ; and they could afford to
chase, in food and raiment, six times the value of what they at:

present can procure.
For instance, the man who drags out a wretched existence
upon his miserable food of potatoes and butter-milk—which,
in the market, could not be worth more than 2d. per day, or
31. per annum—would be able to live, comfortably, on food
making the three
worth Is. per day, or 181. per year. In raiment, their present
int;ent for 5/. each, or
expense cannot exceed 2/. per annum. It', instead of this, the
destitute Irish population were properly clothed, it Nv ould take,
atm i
lleapt s
,6.
of.
o,
,fvo
sr
oep;eorryt•
oian dii
iv, i dfuoaold,
an d annuallyra
ocluds customers
created
satfootri
15,000,000/. annually, to become consumers to the extent' of
241. each, or 72,000,000/. annually. So that
our Colonial produce, and our manufactures would
at home, to the additional amount of 57' 000' 000/ t( meet
the payment of which the means and resources are
now dor-
m Nv hi
on
iusrii
thereipy
can
od
provedistracted lreland.on e .
teo
the whole of them put -ei
And," mhol
derived from any of our Poi g Colonies') or so much from
one-tenth of such a benefit i 4
20,000,0001. being appliedtogether?
to make an expeo t
West Indies-on what pretence 1 thatl sum bo
oence eanxone
refused to restore Ireland to one-fourth of. we loienartioaf..
her to be
t . what 1 ature d i!,
--the strongand ' vigorous right-arm of the empire'
I shall now proceed to state my views as to the means by
which the evils existing in Ireland could be remedied.
By an outlay of 5,000,0001. for the labour necessary to