The Sun.
London, England, 1838-05-10 00:00:00

came forward, as his father had done for thirty or forty years, as the
friend and advocate of the education of the poor, on liberal and
Christian principles, that still the public on that occasion taught him that
much as they esteemed those good deeds, they did not forget that upon
this great subject of negro emancipation he had not done his duty, and
therefore their ardour and attachment was rather paralised.—(Cheers.)
History, in all ages, demonstrated that in a good cause steady perseve-
rance would be crowned with ultimate success. Let the people petition
from every locality in the country—let them, by conversation with their
friends, prevent any diminution of their past zeal or former ardour—and
•hen the flame would burn more pure and bright, until all the evils of
which they complained should be dispelled, and the great good which
they had pledged themselves to accomplish should be happily obtained.—
(Cheers.)

Mr. Under Sheriff WIRE said there was one remark made at the be-
ginning of this meeting, which, he trusted, would be reiterated from
time to time until the subject had sunk so deeply into the hearts of the
people of England that they would make it their daily meditation until
they had abolished slavery altogether.—(Cheers.) The venerable gentle-
man who addressed them first said that slavery was injurious
to the slave and alike injurious to the holders of slaves—
it was a system that was doubly cursed—it cursed him
who Nas the object, and it cursed those who were the holders.—
(Cheers.; In every country and in every age where it had prevailed it
had always been accompanied by moral degradation on the one hand—
by misery on the other. Under the most modified forms, under the best
dispensations, and under the divine law it had been proved to be a curse
to the people who had encouraged it. The history of our colonies
verified the remark more and more, for from the first introduction of
slavery to the present hour it had been an accumulation of human
suffering on the one hand and degradation on the other. If this were
true, it was their duty as men and as Christians to do all they could to
abolish a system which was so cursed in its operation.—!Cheers.) The
resolution which he had the honour to second spoke of a contract sup-
posed to have been made by the Legislature of this country, and on this
contract he wished to make a few remarks. Let them look at the
history of the Act of Parliament passed four years ago to abolish
slavery altogether, and see how it was obtained. After more than
thirty-five years of incessant labour by the greatest and wisest men this
country had produced, Parliament at last consented to pass the Act for
the abolition of slavery, and rather than have the opposition of the
planters and others who were interested in the continuance of slavery
it was arranged that twenty millions of money should be pail to pur-
chase the liberty of the slaves, in order th_A the planters mi4ht be ill.
vested of all plea by which he could seek to held the slave whom he
had purchased. The nation and the Parliament consented to pay that
money to redeem their brethren from bondage, and they had a right to
see that the object had been attained. But he agreed with Lords Den_
man and Brougham that no contract could be made for the flesh and
blood, bones and sinews, body and soul of human beings—(Applause.)
In what part of the resolutions did they find that right bestowed ?—(Ap-
plause.) They had no right to make that contract.— (Hear ) The negroes
were not party to the contract, if there was one. The object of the ap-
prenticeship clause was and must be to fit him for freedom—to make
him able to work for himself ; it was, acc.)rding to Lord Stanley, a
transition state from the horrors of slavery to the blessings of freedom.
But the planters having got the 20,000,000/. which redeemed them
from mortgage and increased the value of their estates, making them
worth more without the slaves than they were before with them—

(Hear, hear;—in every one of the anticipations of Lord Stanley, the
stave-owners had frustrated the objects of the Emancipation
(Hear, hear.) He referred to the Parliamentary evidence, that their
apprentices were still flogged and tortured as before the so.called
emancipation, and amongst other tortures he described the
horrible treadmill of the West Indies, upon which pregnant
and aged women were put, and were brt.tally flogged.—(Great indigna-
tion.) The tteatment which the negroes were now undergoing was ca'-
culated not to fit them for freedom, but to prepare them for discon-
tent, revenge, outrage, and insurrection.--(Hear, hear, hear.) The
planter had not now the interest iu prolonging the life of the appren-
tiee which formerly he had in the life of the slave; and therefore he
did ail in his power to render him incapable of enjoying freedom when
the day of his liberation should arrive. It was the intention
of the Act that the domestic affection df the appprcntices should not
be violated ; but, on the contrary, the husband and wife were confined
in different places—and the wife was flogged in the presence of the
husband, and the husband in the presence of the wife. The Justices who
were sent out to protect the negroes have been harassed by actions,
and mulcted in penalties which they were unable to pay; or were ca-
joled by the attentions and hospitalities of the planter to do inju,tice to
the negroes. The consequence was, the grossest inequality in the
puniahmenta—to the slaves fines of labour and time, which render the
provisions of the Act for his advantage altogether nugatory—to the
matter fines of money, utterly inadequate to make him observe the
aw—(Hear, hear)—and those money fines went into the public
reasury, and the injured negroes received no compensation.—(He ar,
bear.) But nothing would ever put down slavery until the new slave
traie, in transporting Hill Coolies to the Slaurit:us and the West hi-
kes. •eaa prohibited. He appealed to the mothers and daughters of
England, and to the young men atm, to use every exertion to put an end
to Slavery and slave dealing in every form. As to the statement that
the nea7oes were unfit for freedom, he referred to the testimony of
Lords tileneig and Sligo to prove that the negro was docile, peaceful, in_
slustrious, and religicua and perfectly at for freedom. Although the
example of Lord Sligo and sir. Hankey would practically put an end to
Slavery in Jamaica, he would rather see it done by law. He should
wish to see the slave emancipated, not by the haal-wrung concessions
of the planter, but by the philaryhrople zeal of• the British people.—
(Applause.) It was the duty of the friends of the negro throughout
the country to allow no political motive to induce them to vote for any
men who would not vote for the negroes—for any Iran who was not
disposed to give liberty to any portion of mankind was unfit to legislate
for a free people. Tim Learned Genthaman sat down amidst reiterated
applause.

Mr. ALEXANDEI!, i t prupwing a petition to both Houscs of Parliament
prayins for the immediate abo!it ion of slavery, and the adoption of the
sill int:ix:meet by Sir George Strick?and, said that the Abo:ition
Society had received the most cheering accounts from all quarters, of
the excellent erects produced by the numerous meetings that had taken
and were taking place throughout th 3 country.—(Cheers-) Lie was
ghd the present meeting had taken plate, as it would chew that the city
of London was not backward in the cause of humanity He w,:s
sorry, however, to say that one of the Members for the city was
against their cause, but as long as they had such men as Grote, Patti-
atm, ;Ind W cod, to advocate ti;;.ir c.arte, they could not fail.—(Che,re.)
The Hon. Gentleman after deprecating the conduct of. the Ministers
id Cisettarging Lord James Fitzroy from the Queen's Household, be-
cause Mitts vote on this question proceeded in an eloquent strain to de-
nounce t!-:e lrlth P.fernbers whom he described as having shamefully
deserted the cause of freedom? en Sir George Strickland's motion. He
wished the present question to he considered, not as one of party, but
of humanity. The Hon. Member concluded an eloquent speech which
we regret want of spate compels us to omit by proposing the adoption
of the petition.
Mr. Batt, second,2d the motion.

The petition was then unanimouily adopted, and the rneeting broke up

DORCHESTER LABOURERS.

MEETING AT THE CROWN AND ANCHOR.
A meeting was held last night at the Crown and Anchor, to consider
the means of establishing the Dorchester Labourers in independence.
Shortly alter eight o'clock,
The Secretary informed the meeting that T. Wakley, Esq. M.P., who
was ;Announced to take the Chair, was engaged et the House of Com-
mons (on Sergeant Talfourd's Copyright Bill) and would not be able to
attend. He moved that Mr. Saul do take the Chair.
The motion was carried by acclamation, and Mr. Saul accordingly
took the Chair.
The CHAIRMAN said he we; happy to meet so numerous an assembly,
to aid in the good cause. Their ardour must not cool, but be rather
redoubled on behalf of the wives and families of the Dorchester labou-
ers. Let them bear in mind that it was the force ofpublic opinion alone
that, in the recal of their brethren, gained the triumph of humanity, and
justice—(Cheers)—and that public opinion would ever prevail, whether
under Whig or Tory rule.—(Cheers.) It was an old saying, that the
voice of the people was as strong as the voice of the Deity.--(Cheers.) It
'was to be wished that the voice of the people was more powerfully ex-
pressed against injustice and oppression than at present.—(Hear, hear.)
Still it was gratifying, so far as it went, to find that those who had been
so unjustly persecuted, had by the united voice of their brethren been
brought home to their wives and families.—(Cheers.) But there was a
necessity to exert themselves yet farther, to secure their partial victory.
(Cheers.) The Secretary would now read the report of the Committee,
from which the object of the meeting would be more clearly gathered.
The SECRETARY read the report of the " Central Dorchester Com-
rnittee"—previous to which two of the Dorchester labourers, George
Loveless and J. Bryan, appeared on the platform. They were received
with the most tremendous cheering. The report stated that the wives
and families of the Dorchester labourers had been in great penury and
and distress after the labourers had been sent out of the country. To
relieve their distress a subscription was entered into, by which
9001. had been raised—(Cheers)—of this sum 3501. had been
expended. The Dorchester labourers had returned it because
the object of the Committee was to fix on:some plan for giving them the
means of obtaining a decent and respectable livelihood. It had been
considered the best way waalci be to settle them on land—to give each
labourer five acres—by .!.1:e cultivation of which, with industry and care,
they might maintain Chemselves and families. The cost of purchasing
thirty acres of laird would, at 301. per acre, be 0001. The expense of
stocking each Portion of land would be 300/. more—a total of 1,200/.
To meet tt.s estimate there was in the hands of the treasurer of
the Comr
iittee 550/., which, by various other items, would be raised
to 670/,—(Hear, and loud cheers.) For the remainder an appeal must
be Made to the liberality of the working classes.—(Cheers.) A penny
tribute from 150,000 persons would raise more than the required sum.
The SECRETARY stated that application had been made to the Lon.
don Literary Institution for the loan of their theatre to hold the meeting
In, which was refused.—(Hisses, and groans.)
It having been moved and seconded, the Report was received and
unanimously adopted.
Mr. VINCENT rose, amidst much cheering, to move the first resolu.
tion. He said, every working man must be proud of this meeting ;
every man who is not a Whig must rejoice at the conduct of the work.
big classes from the first moment the Dorchester labourers were made
victims of by a liberty professing Government down to the meeting this
night—(Loud cheers). We have met to night to do justice to those
who have suffered for us—(hear)—to men who have been deeply
wronged by an accursed system of misrule, under which the population
of this nation has groaned from time immemorial—(Loud cheers.)
Let us review briefly the circumstances of this case. Just previous to
the transportation of the Dorchester men events of an extraordinary
nature had occurred throughout Europe--(Hear, hear). A neighbour.
ing country, France, had made a glorious physical effort to rid itself of
Its oppressors—(Loud cheers). The effect produced by that
momentarily brilliant, but, alas, finally u nsuccssful revo-
lution, was tremendous—(llear, hear). People hitherto le-
thargic, sprung at once into activity—proclaiming to listening
multitudes those great democratic truths which will ere long effect the
werld's emancipation.—(Loud cheers.) The British people, ripe for
change, became the dupes of flaming Whig orators—designing knaves !
who, under the specious pretence of liberty, sought power and emolu-
ment for themselves, degradation and slavery for the people.—(Loud
cheering.) The working classes, who had learnt something during this
mock Reform struggle—who had seen kings totter and fall from their,
thrones—(Cheers)—resolved to knit themselves firmer together in the
bond of union.—(Cheers.) The Consolidated Union was formed. The.
hypocritical Whig Government became alarmed ; and how did they act
under this alarm? They did not, as they ought to have done, pounce
upon and imprison the principal and active leaders of the Union re-
sident in London.—(Hear.) They dared not do it—(Loud cheers)—but
they sent their tools down to the little village of Tolpuddle, and there
selected six poor, unknown, inoffensive labourers, men who had been
guilty of the high crime and misdemeanour of endeavouring to pre-
vent the reduction of their wages from seven to six shillings per
week.—(Sham.) The Whigs thought that as these men were un-
known, the working classes would feel no sympathy fur them—(Hear)
—and they hoped by this magnanimous proceeding, to spread
dismay and ruin amongst the unions. Miserable fools I How:
have the results blasted their expectations!—(Loud cheering.)
You assen.bled forthwith, to petition for their return—and though your
efforts were not at first crowned with success, the presence of Loveless and
Aryan to-night, bears proud testimony to the efficacious vigour of your
:,,,Tltati`"i•—(Loud and continue I cheering) You nobly subscribed
-?neY, and comfortably maintained the wives and families of these
injure .I men
.-_(Hear,) No doubt this was tall and wormwood to
their oppressors; avid the Whigs,
at length, compelled by circum-
stances (for they never do a
ood thing without compulsion) par-
doned the men.—(Cheers) Why ) did they pardon them ? tell
you.—(Hear.) It happened that that unsuspected, spotless piece of
human clay, the Duke of Cumberland—(Hisses and groans)—com.
muted a crime the same in nature as the one for which the Dor.
cheater men were punished ; with this addition, that he was guilty
of high treason, and they were not,—(Tremendous cheering.)—Now,

the Whigs had not the pluck to send Cumberland to the gallows—(Loud
cheers)--so they pardoned the Dorchester men.—(Cheers.) On their
return you hailed them by a procession through the streets of the first
city in the world.—(Hear.) Now, no doubt, you think you have done
your duty.—(Hear.) Ycu may think so, but there are some folks who
think otherwise. There is one who does the "leading" business for
that " best possible public instructor," the Morning Advertiser.—
(Groans.) He tells us that instead of welcoming the men to their homes
as we did on Easter Monday, we should have been better by our fire-
sides, or enjoying the festivities of Greenwich Fair l—(Roars of laugh-
ter.) Let me whisper something into the ears of this sage adviser, and
commentator :—We have too long sat by our firesides—(Cheers)—
while our kind rulers have been busy plundering us; stripping us not
only of every vestige of freedom, but of almost the commonest neces-
saries of life—(Cheers)—whilst we, good, easy souls, have too long
received in return the amusement of Greenwich and other fairs.—
(Loud cheers.) You were denounced as scurvy knaves, disorderly va-
gabonds, drunkards, and thieves, because you honoured men of your
own order.—(Hear, hear.) Why, time was when you only left your
fire sides to block up the public streets to look at Royalty when it
choosed to mock a nation's misery by a display of wealth and splen-
dour wrung from an impoverished people's toil.—(Cheers.) But then
you were called wise, virtuous, intelligent and loyal:—(Loud cheers.)
But when you have your own jubilee—your own festival—when, in
short, you are loyal to yourselves, do homage to labour, and forget for a
time that Queens, Kings, and Aristocrats exist—(Loud and repeated
cheering)—then the " best public instruction" steps in, and gravely tells
you it is wrong. And yet, time again will shortly come when this public
instructor will expect you to leave your firesides, to throng somewhere
in the vicinity of Westminster to see a young lady walk or ride to a
certain abbey there, to undergo the highly important ceremony of
having a Crown stuck upon her young head.—(Laughter and cheers.)
Yes, this " public instructor" will expect you to go to look at monkeys
dressed up to imitate the gods--(Cheers)—to look at stars, ribbons and
garters, as I should go to a theatre to see a melo-dramatic show

(Cheers.) But let me whisper—we shall take his other advice upon
this occasion—we shall sit by our firesides—(Loud cheers)—we shall
delay our next precession until the return of the deeply injured
and basely calumniated the Glasgow Cotton-spinners—(Loud and long
eheering and clapping of hands)—again to pour forth in countless
thousands to welcome men to their homes again who are of far more
utility to their fellow.crratures than all the Queens and Kings that ever
reigned in the world. —(Loud cheering.) I don't advise you who feel
the advantage of our blessed Constitution not to be loyal on the ensuing
Coronation—such of you who feel that every thing is as it ought to be
—that you have plenty of labour, high wages, cheap food, cheap know-
ledge, and no taxes—(Laughter)—will, of course, be there—(pearl—but
such of you as feel with me, that our whole system is one of injustice
and corruption—one which, from the top to the bottom, requires revision
and reconstruction, will stay at home, instruct your children in their
future duties, sow in their minds principles which will enable them in after
days to work for the common liberty and happiness of their country—
(Cheers)—and if you must raise a loyal shout, let it be
" God save the Queen !—and kings!"
(For I'm sure the people won't do so much longer)
Methinks I hear a little bird that sings,
The people bye and bye will be the stronger."
—(Tremendous cheering.) The resolution I now offer to you proposes
that our six brothers should be placed in farms upon the land. Mr.
Vincent here entered into a detail on the duty of the working-classes

carrying on the work until the men wese placed in a position indepen.
dent of their oppressors. He eulogised the conduct of the men; their
character; and concluded a long and energetic speech as follows—" On
all these occasions we should look at the cause or our evils—we should
ask :ourselves, how it is that we are continually compelled to
act upon the defensive—(Hear)—todofend ourselves against unjust at-
tacks—and we shall find it is because we have no political power in the
country.—(Loud cheers.) That great and exclusive trades' union, the
House of Commons, is always at work against us. We must be repre-
sented in that House—it is our only security and hope.—(Cheers.) Let
us, then, go on increasing in unity and moral power—let us stimulate
the sluggish portion of our fellow-men into activity—let us proclaim
throue,hout the land that we will wring universal suffrage from our rulers
—(Loud cheers)—and, believe me, by such united activity, the day is
not distant when we shall establish a Government divested of all aristo-
cratic fooleries—which, doing injustice to none, will give knowledge,
liberty, and happiness to all,—(Loud and repeated cheering )
7,1 r. PRIOR seconded the resolution with much pleasure. They (the
working classes) were called upon to act strenuously in favour of the
Dorchester Labourers, in order to show their reprobation of the cow-
ardly and treacherous conduct of the Whigs, who had attacked these
poor men, net for thepurpose of punishing them, put of putting down
the working classes, and putting an end to the Trades' Unions. Without
those unions the working classes must be trampled on by the other classes
—they could do no good fez themselves unless they were firmly united,
aild the only plan was to have unions in every trade. Surely it was the
duty of the working classes to make a firm att:mpt to get rid of those
laws, under which the Dorchester labourers had suffered so
nin ch persecution—under which they had been sent into slivery. Those
who forbid their being united among themselves, forbade them
justice.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The men of Dublin—the working
men of Dublin had shewn a noble example in the manner they had
treated the arch-apostate O'Connell—(Groans and cheers)—it was an
example that out to be followed by both Scotland and England. Their
unions were formed merely far the purposes of mutual protection, and
any one who had the. hardihood to denounce them for such conduct
would deserve the same treatment as O'Connell.

Mr. TCOMBY begged to remind the working classes that the Tories
were as great enemies to them as it was possible for the Whigs to be, at,d
had it not been for the support of the Tories, the Whigs would never
have dared to carry out the punishment of the men who had been re
stored to their wives and families by the noble conduct of the working
classes gencraLy. The conduct of the Governmcnt with respect to the
Glasgow cett.;:n spinners showed the necessity for the continued activity
and vigi!arce of the working classes. The Resolution was then put and
carried unanimously.

Mr. MOORE had bern intrusted with a resolution to propose, and he
was happy to say it required little eloquence to support it. It was—
" That to enable the Dorchester Committee to carry the foregoing reso.
lution into cfrect, by adding to the funds already in band, this meeting
earnestly recommend that a penny subscription be entered into through-
out ;he United Kingdom, to be called the Dorchester Labourers' Farm
Tribute,' and that •all sums thus collected be forwarded to the Trea-
surer of London Committee, on or before the 25th day of June, 1835."
If all who were then present would only give a pull, a long pull, and a
strong pull, they would soon effect their object. But they must not be
contented with that, but each one must induce his friends to act in the
seine manner, and then they would be trampled upon no more. He had
much pler.sure in moving the resolution.

Mr. McaPity, as one of the drones of society, seconded the resolution,
for he was glad to see the working men assuming a proper position. lie
trusted that upon the day on which there was to be a gewgaw precession
in Westminster, they might have one cf their own of a nobler nature.
They might have the six Dorchester victims adorning a procession, in a
large waggon, and surrounded by implements of husbandry; and then
Loveless and his comrades might look as proudly as any who would
ligure in the other place.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. COBBETT and Mr. NORMAN spoke to the resolution, which, like
the other, was passed unanimously.
Thanks were then voted to Mr. Saul, for his services in the chair, as
well as in his office of Treasurer of the Committee.

Thanks were also proposed to be given to Mr. Murphy, both for his
conduct in Marylebone and the general support he gave to the cause
of Unions, which were agreed to, and the meeting broke up.

GLASGOW WATER-WORKS.

(FROM A CORICESF ONDENT.)

WtDNESDIY, May 9.—This day the Committee OR this Bill (which
excites great interest in London from the Tory complexion of the Com-
mittee, led on by Sir G. Sinclair), came to a resolution reversing the re-
, solution of yestf-rday, which was, to allow the Opposition to go into evi-
dence that a gravitation supply of water purified by settling in a great
reservoir was both better and cheaper than to lay out a great additional
capital in pumping impure water from the Clyde, and that gravitation
would continue the present constant supply at all hours, while the
projected monopoly threatened to limit the supply, and thus force upon
Glasgow an expense for cisterns of '..'00,000/., which would more than
defray the cost of a constant supply of good water by gravitation.
After the decision of this morning, excluding this enquiry, which
had been yesterday allowed, the most important engineering evidence
provided by the opposers, on the paint of gravitation, was of course
shut out, and Mr. J. Boyle Gray was then examined, and gave most
interesting evidence, chewing, from a laborious investigation of the
books of the two Water Companies, that they had from the very be-
ginning held out to the public, by various advertisements, assurances
of a constant and sufficient supply of good water, and down to the
period of their illegal compact, in 1833, when they got Glasgow ex-
cepted from Lock's Bill, they had frequently advertised apologies for any
local or temporary interruption of the constant supply occasioned by
replacing or repairing pipes, &c. Mr. Gray detailed from their minutes
their advice from eminent lawyers, that their compact and any pre.
tended sales by the one to the other were illegal. Mr. Gray's examine.
tion will be resumed to-morrow.

In the course of some objections by the promoters to the course
of Mr. Gray's examination by Mr. Hill, Mr. ANDREWS, the Counsel
for the Bill, characterised the opposition as proceeding from personal,
paltry, and pitiful motives.

Mr:Dor•CLAs rose, and addressed the Committee, stating, that if the
Glasgow gentlemen representing the numerous population whose peti.
Lion against the Bill was now on the table, were not protected by the
Committee from such aspersions, they had the spirit to assert themselves.
Mr. ANDREWS instantly declared that he was not aware that Mr.
Douglas was in the room.

Mr. DOUGLAS rejoined, " I cannot accept that, for Mr. Andrews is
not so dull as not to know that I am here supporting the petition and
instructing the Counsel."

Mr. Gray's examination afterwards proceeded for the remainder of
the day without any interruption from Mr. Andrews.

SIR CHARLES WOLSELEY.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

SlR—There is a question of historical importance to every real Re.
former, an answer to which would be very acceptable to that body gene.
rally. What has been the treatment of the original promoters of lie.
form ? Have they received the honours and thanks due to them for the
result of their labours—or have they reaped that neglect common to all
who sow their seed on the ungrateful soil of popular favor ?
Ala,: we fear so—loss of caste, fines, persecution and imprisonment ;
but what avail all these unless backed by ceaseless agitation ? Nought :
Well does Mr. O'Connell know the profound meaning and value of his
war-cry, " Agitate, agitate, agitate." By his constant intrusion on
the attention of the Public, what is he ? A Demigod :I Yet could we
mention one who has the strongest claims to public attention, and public
sympathy; one who has- fought and suffered for " the many"—whose
reward has been " sorrow and imprisonment"—whom, now sitting
down under his accumulated wrongs, a Ministry are bold to persecute,
because he does not interrupt their quiet with " agitation"—neither
carrying a county in spite of them, nor making a Corn Exchange " ape
their Parliament." To obtain redress from a Lord John Russell, must
it ever be necessary to march a Trades' Union to Downing-street ? Or,
will he, as he professess, " redress grievances where their existence is
substantiated ?"

We place a case before him. In the year 1819 reform principles first
began to make head in England. Government feared a repetition of
the scenes enacted in neighbouring France, and every popular expres-
sion of feeling was looked on with a jaundiced eye. Tinder these cir-
cumstances Sir Charles Wo!seley, of Wolseley (the head of one of our
oldest Saxon famine") was induced to take the chair at a reform meet-
ing at Stocicport, whither he happened to have gone as a spectator.
The meeting was voted illegal by the Quidnuncs of the day !! The
principals were brought to account—tried—convicted—(in this par-
ticular instance. oa the evidence of a common burglar ! !!)—ancl Sir
Charles was sentenced to eighteen months imprisonment ! Eighteen
months imprisonment, for what would now be honour, and renown, and
profit. Times are changed : for him who can make most agita-
tion—who can cause the Guards an extra six hours duty—or in any way
make "the Ten" of Downing street tremble, there is a bowing of the
knee and great worship. Probity and political honesty are bugbears
Sir ; how many votes can you command, or how many sturdy
vagabonds can you excite to revolt ?" These are now the only acknow-
ledged titles to consideration.

Wi:l it be credited that the gentleman whom we have mentioned was
not only struck oft- the Commission of the Peace for conduct
which would, if repeated to-morrow, indisputably call for and
receive a service of plate : but " Tempora mutantur et nos
NON' mutamur in illis"---his name has never been yet restored to
the Magistracy ! any application to that effect having been disregarded;
and the " Friend of the People"—him whom O'Connell himself, ex
cathedra, at a meeting of the Association, pointed out as the " best
Reformer in England"—has Leen s•) shamefully neglected that, at his
advanced age, he is still made to feel the indignity put upon bim by a
Castlereagh Government. Is my Lord J. Russell aware of this ? We

LONDON:
THURSDAY EVENING, MAY 10, 1838.

We hare been favoured with a communication on the
subject of 'that foulest of social abominations the Slave
Trade, which has startled us more than all the revelations
hitherto made relative to this most inhuman traffic. The
substance of it may be given in a few words. It is, we
believe, generally known that slavers when captured are
brought to Cuba, where they are declared lawful prize, and
their human cargo committed to the care of the Lieutenant-
Governor, whose duty it is to direct their conveyance back
to their own country. The instant the slaves are landed
they are placed in an hospital ; slave-dealers are invited to
examine them, to whom they are actually sold at the highest
price, and smuggled on board vessels cruizing for that pur-
pose in the. Mexican Gulf ; and when a demand is subse-
quently made for them by our Consul, forged certificates of
their death from yellow fever are produced, signed and coun-
ter-signed by the Spanish authorities ! This statement may
seem improbable to many—yet we have evidence for it,
of the truth of which we cannot permit ourselves to enter-
tain the shadow of a doubt. We are assured that four-
fifths of the slaves landed at Cuba are thus disposed of ;
and in this way is England made in some sort accessary to
the providing a supply of slaves for the United States!
Surely a question so important will not be suffered to
escape unheeded the notice of Parliament. What we de-
mand in the first place is a searching inquiry into the truth
of this statement ; which if found correct, ought to be fol-
lowed by the severest reprehension of the bad faith of the
Spanish Government, whose promised anti-slavery co-ope-
ration has been purchased at a cost of about half a million

stcrling.

The Bill for allowing Foreign Corn to be ground in
bond was thrown out last night at the instance of the Mar-
quis of CHANDOS. Two hundred and twenty landed gen-
tlemen decided that our ships shall not bring corn hereto
be ground by our millers, in order to supply our colonies
with flour ground in the country ; but when the colonies
want flour, as they do continually, they must send to Prussia
or the United States for it, and must pay Prussian or Ameri-
can millers, while our own millers are standing idle with their
hands in the pockets. Why did these two hundred and
twenty gentlemen, who are entrusted with power solely
that they may promote the public welfare, give such a
murderous vote ? Because, as Mr. HEArticoTE was afraid
fraud would be committed, our ships would be victualled
with this foreign flour, and it would be smuggled into the
country. But why should our shipowners and millers
commit frauds to obtain foreign flour? It is so much
cheaper, says Mr. HEATHCOTE. He and his friends then
oppose a law, because there is a possibility that our ships
and our people will get biscuit and: flour cheaper than
at present. Is it a crime then to lower the price of com-
modities, and to get them as cheaply as possible; to that the
enlightened two hundred and twenty Members of the
House of Commons sought to prevent it by legislation.
The landed gentlemen themselves, both by words and
deeds, protest the very contrary. They buy everything as
cheap as they can, and they praise those inventions and
improvements, such as the steam-engine and power-loom which
give them cheap silks, cheap cottons, and cheap conveyances,
But they will not allow others to follow their example, and
buy cheap ; they lay legal impediments in their way, and
cry out " fraud" if these impediments be surmounted. To
produce commodities cheaply, or at a small cost of labour,
is the very end and aim of all the discoveries of science,
and all the inventions of art ; but in the case of foreign
corn cheapness is offered to us, and the landowners will

not allow us to profit by it, because they have corn to sell.
So far do they carry their abhorrence of cheap corn, tbat
they will not even allow our millers to grind foreign corn
least, perchance, a few grains of it should go to feed our
seamen, or appease the hunger of our labourers.
Sir JOHN TYRRELL admitted that Colonel SEALE's Bill
would give employment to surplus machinery and labour.
Here, then, by the admission of the landowners, two great
benefits would be obtained by the Bill--_a cheapening of
food to some parties, and the employment of our people to
fraud in others
a profit ; but they would not allow the Bill to pass, lest it
should give rise to fraud. How careful they are of our
morals ! They plunder us by a processi,onfnilnawst—iy,therenyebiley-,
wickedly,have, as Aalnr.doppressivly,,,and
BROTHERTONe told them,
call
that
which only partially breaks through the net of their
injustice.

We do not see anything very novel in the arguments by
which the selfish landowners maintained their star-
vation law with the utmost rigour ; but the public
will be amused by the declaration of the Mar-
quis of CHANDOS, that the agriculturists (meaning the
landlords) are doing well, and deprecate legislative interfe-
rence. But do not all who batten on the spoils of the public
say the same ? They all wish to be let alone. That is the de-
mand of the pickpocket and the swindler,in dragging
the sharp po-
lice officeror the ruined tradesmen persist dragging the cul-
prit to the bar of justice. The manufacturmgand the commer-
cial classes, all who eat bread, in fact, and are not landowners
or not under their influence, complain of the landowners for
wickedly curtailing the supply of food, stopping trade, and
limiting employment; and when the starving people and the
hampered manufacturers endeavour to obtain a little
improvement, the landowners, by the mouth of the
Marquis of CHANDOS, tell them, " We, the oppressors, are
very well off, and desire only to be let alone." That is
no doubt true, but the statement should stimulate the
people to put an end to the repose of the oppressors.
At the same time it is not true that the agricultural in-
terest is well off. In another part of our paper will be
found an account of a public meeting, to form a new Agri-

cultural Society, from which it is evident that the
Agriculturists disagree amongst themselves, and are
anxious to improve their condition. The object of the
meeting, at which Earl SPENCER presided, was to
form a Society to promote agricultural improvement, because
England—mark that, men of Kent and Sussex—is not cul-
tivated as well as Scotland. Several persons present, how-
ever, said that the meeting tended to mislead, and would
injure the farmer ; and after a contest with the landlords,
they withdrew to form a rival Society. The agricul-
turists, however highly delighted the Marquis of CHAN-
nos may be at getting rent paid for his stony land in
Buckinghamshire by taxing the people's food, are by no
means contented, and would probably find their condition
improved by that very legislative interference which the
Marquis deprecates.
We noticed, the day before yesterday, the close union
which now exists between ultra-Tories and Conformers, as
exemplified by Lord CHANDOS' presiding at the dinner to
be given to Sir ROBERT PEEL. Sir ROBERT last night
ratified the alliance, by giving both his vote and his speech
to the Marquis. He now goes the whole hog, and avows
himself the leader of the party which aims at impoverishing
as well as enslaving the people.
It was rather shabby, both of Sir E. KNATCHBULL and
Sir ROBERT PEEL, to vote directly contrary to their former
votes and speeches on this subject ; but they could not help
themselves. The lordly Marquis who insists on b cinglet alone,
commands too many votes for them to disobey him, and
they acted as he directed, on condition of having his sup-
port on other questions. Sir ROBERT PEEL, after a long
resistance, has in fact succumbed to the bigotted Ultras,
and will henceforward hold power on condition of being
their vassal.

The citizens of London have generously and humanely_
resolved not to be outdone by any portion of their fellow-
countrymen, in the zeal and perseverance of their'efforts, to
obtain for the apprenticed negroes the so cruelly withheld
right of immediate, unqualified emancipation. Notwith-
standing the crow ded and imposing meetings so recently
held at Exeter-Hall, a numerous and influential body of
citizens assembled yesterday at the City of London Tavern,
to re-petition the two Rouses of Parliament for the uncon-
ditional redemption of the coloured race. As a report of the
proceedings is given in another part of The Sun, we refe,.
our readers to it for those details which might appro-
priately enough be inserted here, were the question one o
those upon which it could be supposed that nineteen-
twentieths of the people of the Linitcd Kingdom enter-
tained two opinions. But the citizens of London have not
yet done half of what they have the power of doing.
Let parochial meetings be called, and every parish send
its own petition to Parliament. An example so worthy of
being generally followed will not be lost upon the country

Mr. WAKLEY brought forward his threatened motion on
he Copyright question last night in the House of Com-
mons. The ostensible object of the Hon. Member was
to prevent Mr. Sergeant Tar.rooßD'S Bill from proceeding
any farther ; but we can scarcely persuade ourselves that
he was sincere in his hostility-to the measure. Had he
wished to convince the House and the public of the abso-
lute necessity of an extension of the term of Copyright for
the protection of authors, he could not have taken a course
better adapted to effect that purpose. If his speech were
not intended to favour the Bill, it was a blunder from be-
ginning to end.
Mr. WAKLEY wisely refrained from entering into the
question of right. This point has been finally settled by
the general—we might say universsl—acknowledgment, that
an author has a right at common law in his works. But
the Honourable Member for Finsbury laboured hard to
show that this was not a beneficial right, unless it was
limited to a very small number, the smallest possible
number of years. " Before the year 1709," says Mr.
WAKLEY, " Copyright was deemed perpetual, and
subsequent decisions of judges confirmed that ; but what
were the effects of a perpetual Copyright ; they were seen
in the limited scale of the works of that period." Now the
Honourable Gentleman could not have been more serious
is this argument than in the rest of his very amusing
speech ; for the obvious cause of the limited sale
was not the perpetuity of the copyright but the
smallness of the number of those persons who took plea-
sure in reading. And in illustration of this we may
adduce the fact which publishers are not very anxious to
set prominently before the public, that since 1814, when
Copyright was extended from 14 to 28 years, books
have been much cheaper than they ever were before
that period. And why ?—simply because readers have,
so multiplied, in consequence of the spread of education
that it is the interest of publishers to look for remune-
ration, rather from a very small profit on a large num-
ber of copies, than from a very large profit on a
small number. Such has been the effect of the partial
extension of Copyright in a reading age, and were Copyright
made perpetual by statute, as it ought in justice to be
such would still be the effect, notwithstanding the
melancholy and disinterested_ forebodings of publishers and
their abettors.
The allusion which Mr. WAKLEY made to Sir WALTER
SCOTT was, in our opinion, quite out of place. What can
it matter to the question at issue what sums Sir WALTER
SCOTT received for his works ? If he received a larger
sum of money for his works than other men, it is only saying
that he did his work better. Even Mr. WAKLEY professes
to say that he does not think so eminent a writer overpaid ;
then why drag him forward on this occasion, and comment
.upon his love of gain, as if it had neutralised the benefit which
not his family ought to have derived from his labours. We are
'not going to defend Sir WALTER from thi., charge, becaus we
do think he requires any defence, but we may be allowed to
remark, that when Mr. WAKLEY asserted that " it was a
love of gain which led Sir WALTER SCOTT to ruin," he
might in csndour have stated, that a love of gain never
led Sir WALTER to escape by dishonourable means
from the consequences of his imprudence, but, on the con-
trary, that he affords the noblest instance of a great mind
struggling with unconquerable determination and unex-
ampled effect, to maintain its independence in circum-
stances which would have overwhelmed any other man.
Mr. WAKLEY amused the House by giving a statement
of the prices at which Mr. TEGG, the most violent of all
the opponents of Mr. TaLrouttn's Bill, has purchased
some of the works of the most eminent living
authors. This exposure may not perhaps be very
agreeable to the feelings of these gentlemen, and may
perhaps tend to lower the public estimation of their literary
labours ; but how does it strengthen Mr. WAKLEY'S argu-
ment ? Mr. TEGG, it seems, instructs Mr. WAKLEY to
inform the House of Commons, that be gave only nine-
pence a volume for the unsold stock of Captain MAR-
RYAT'S works, one shilling for THEODORE HOOK'S, the
same for Mr. BULWER'S ; and that this Mr. TEGG has a
stock of books purchased in this way amounting to 170,0001.
Now, we would ask Mr. WAKLEY whether this is a satis-
factory proof that literature is in a sound and healthy state ;
or whether some stronger inducement than exists at present
is not necessary to induce men of talent to devote them-
selves to the composition of literary works that may out-
live the passing day ? Such an inducement we hold an
extended Copyright to be, on the same principle that in
creased value is given to other kinds of property by in.
creased security.

But to return to Mr. TEGG. Mr. WAKLEY forgot to
tell the House the price at which this hater of Copyrights
sold the books which he bought at so cheap a rate. We
shall supply the omission. It will be expected, of course,
that one who clamours as Mr. TEGG does, about the para-
mount importance of cheap books, will be satisfied with a very
moderate profit on his articles. In his catalogue of this year
we find some of Mr. BuLwEa's works bought at Is. a vo-
lume, priced at as. ; THEODORE HOOK'S, bought at Is.,
priced at 3s. ; MARRYAT'S works bought at 9d. a volume
priced at ss. 4d. Thus are the pvofessions realized
of those who are so anxious that the public
should be supplied with cheap literature ! They have no
objections that both authors and public should be fleeced,
provided they can get a profit on their capital of from 200
to 600 per cent. !

The Paris Journals of Tuesday contain no intelligence
of any interest. The Chamber of Deputies was engaged
on Monday with Railway Bills ; while the Chamber of
Peers was occupied with the rejection of Count HAR-
COURT'S Alien Law Amendment Bill. M. Timm was
so ill of inflammation in the throat as to be confined for
several days to his apartments. The trial of HUBERT and
his accomplices excited not the least attention in the poli-