The Sun.
London, England, 1838-06-11 00:00:00

NEWSPA PER STAMPS.

(From the Pkrliamentary Returrs.)
klleturn of the Number of NEWSPAPER STAMPS at
One Penny an'? One Halfpenny issued to the several New•s-
Papers in En-land, Scotland, and Wales, from the Ist De-
cember 1837 to the 31st of March 1838 inclusive ; specifying
each Newspaper bv Name, and the Number of Stamps issued
each Month during that period to each Newspaper.

EXTRACT.
LONDON EVENING NEWSPAPERS.
77'e Sim... bee. 1837 102,000
Jan. 1838 lll,OOO
Feb. 1833 96,000
Mar. 1838 lll,OOO

420,000
St( nd zrd ...Dec. 1837 - 78,000
Jan. 1838 105,000
Feb. 1833 lOO,OOO
Mar. 1838 lOO,OOO

388,000
G/ose ...... Dec. 1837 72,000
Jan. 1838 90,000
Feb. 1838 72,000
Mar. 1838 72,000

.?06,000
‘oterier ..... Dec. 1837
Jan, 1838 39,000
*Feb. 1838 83,00()
Mar. 1838 33,000

136,000

hbrni7,12:!..1-1 ii;rEn AT LONDON FiItMGE TO-MORROW.
...... 2 minutes after 5 Evenin . . li moiutss after 5

In a few days, Vol. I.
In Imperial Octavo elegantly hound, Gilt Etlges, 20s.
sLarge Folio, a Maimi'ficen-t Edition, superbly bound, 50s.
AUNDERS' 'POLITICAL REFORMERS,
containing Portraits and Memoirs of
1. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, M.P.
2. CHARLES MILLER, Esq., M.P.
3. J. A. ROEBUCK, Esq.
4. Lord MELBOURNE.
5. J. T. LEADER, Esq.,
6. GEORGE GROTE, Esq., M.P.
7. Dr. BOWRING.
8. JOSEPH HUME, Esq., M.P.
9. Colonel THOMPSON.
10. Right Hon. G. BYNG, M.P.
11.._ C. P. THOMSON. M.P.
12. THOMAS WYSE, Esq., M.P.
13. Mr. Sergeant TALFOUD, M.P.
14. EARL SPENCER.
15. T. FOWELL BUXTON, Esq.,
16. H. WARBURTON, Esq., M.P.
17. Lord EBRINGTON, M.P.
18. Earl ASULGRAVE.
*.* Also in Monthly Parts, at 3s. and 7s. 6d. each.
London : J. Saunders, Jun., 49, Paternoster-row.

14
6 publication of THE SUN NEWSPAPER commenced this day

at 20 minutes past Three o' Clock.

‘.

P
4. 4.

WITP WHICH
" THE TRUE SUN" IS NOW

IIk,TI;ORPORATED.

LONDON :
MONDAY EVENING, JUNE 11, 1838.

The Church party, according to the o.l:Prd Herald, as
quoted by the. Times, asserts that " fanaticism implies
4.11
°lviedrre " and that the real cause of such ebullitions as
thoseeth at Canterbury is " our boundless religious liberty."
at Party means, therefore, if we may rely on what its
croup puts forth,to make the Canterbury tragedy a pretext
t
curl) and prescribe the knowledge of the people, and to
limit and restrain still more the imperfect religious liberty
:" "joy. Such a course of conduct will be in fact the ne-
etsiry consequence of the position of the Church. The
k'rogress of knowledge, and the extension of liberty are
alike hostile to the Establishment, the members of which
4Pe wall convinced that they must obtain a complete controul
t,Nr both, or see it destroyed by them. There is,
to fact, an open and avowed war between the Cler•
t,Y men of the Establishment and the progress of know-
Nge, an 1 it is consistent with their principles to
4cribe the fanaticism and enthusiasm of the Canterbury
l'asantry to knowle Ige and liberty.

& recent number of the Quarterly Review contended that
11" e'lucation of all the people should be placed in the
hands of the Established Clergy, and was at pains to show
how that, without much additional expense, could be accern-
Plisi •
• By the events at Canterbury, it has been made
apparent, that great danger is to be apprehended from the
Moral condition of the peasantry ; and men of all classes
and descriptions connect that condition with the teaching
(3' the Clercs • We condemn them, the Tory prints say
there is not Church hurch enough. At any rate, they arc held
responsible
for that condition, which is manifestly unjust,
finless they a're to have a complete controul over the people.
Their Position as a State-endowed Clergy, therefore
drives them on, and compels them to acquire a mas-
tery over the whole knowledge of the people. Between
that and boundless religious ]iberty—bewteen the voluntary
53'stern and plaeing the whole education of the people
tinder the controul of the state priesthood—between a
perfectly free-trade in religion and a state monopoly pre-
zeribed to its minutest branch by the Establishment, we
4eo
110 possibility of a compromise. The two systems arc
'0 fact now in conflict in the empire. The Voluntaries
4trqgle for perfect freedom, the Establishment for a per-
f.
e't monopoly ; and being thoroughly convinced that the
established Clergy cannot and ought not for their credit
84Ice to stop short of that, we are as hostile as possible to
the present unon between Church and State which compels
th" 10 to drive at establishing in every part of the land a •
ilerFect and complete spiritual despotism.
It IS singular enough that all the examples quoted
byt: the Times and the Oxfoid Herald of fanaticism
Ming the offspring of knowledge and religious liberty,
naive existed in conjunction with an Established
o't"urch, and they might have added a long string of
nth 'Ts, beginning with the first race of fanatics
adli
tn e" appeared after CONSTANTINE decreed Christianity
l
a few a truth, and ending with the Pietists, in Silesia, who
months ago were silenced and turned out of their
Itirehes by the King of PRUSSIA'S hussars. In fact, the
least acquaintance with the philosophy of mind and the
st"t3' of the world, teiches us that wild belief and claims
,
Hispiration must be and have been the offspring of
:ncirance. The multitude of poetical fables which form the
th4lY mythology of all the people who have ever lived is
historical proof of the fact, while the moral dcmonstra-
ea, a
'l ' ows from the circumstance that the permanency and
`hriability of the order of the physical world could not
belearnt, whatever might be the precedent instinctive
belief, for a long period. It seems to us that those who
most
oti r inculcate on the present generation a belief in the
a 4culous interruptions to the order of nature which
;111"gst all the people of antiquity were, from their igno-
411's, held to be common and frequent, are the chief
;11thers of such fanaticism as prevailed at Canterbury, and
or that accurate knowledge is the only cure. If it
l'iing from any inherent love in the mind for the mar-
414"hs, as the Tunes and Oxford herald would imply, it
b
}),
3' e doubted whether that can be cured, or even lessened
4" enactments whatever ; but, certainly, richly to en-
lia-\:; a priesthood only strengthens fanaticism by cupidity,
adds the desire to get hold of the wealth set apart for
lThe clers.'v, to the many motives which cunning knaves
-ye to practice on the credulity of mankind.
Tithes are a tax levied by the power of the State, and
ma
'n Ireland, levied at the point of the bayonet. In like
to`ll4er, Church-rates are a tax which the law compels
° Ishmen to pay. For the imposition and the
s-al"tenance of these taxes the Legislature is re-
it)nsible• Of course it is also responsible for all
the. doetrines, and for all their worldly effects, which
o', State-paid clergy teach. It is bound, therefore,
Lolv:ok closely into them, and if it find or suppose that they
8s t, a tendency to propagate or encourage such fanaticism
6 bound
which existed at Canterbury, or any other evils, it
pio "nd to discountenance them. The Times and other
irY Journals thunder away continually against the doe-
n" of the Romish priesthood, but with those doctrines
to clothe,
which is not responsible for them, has much less
ion Irian with those taught by the tax-paid Clergy. As
byas a Church or a sect is not patronised nor protected
tiahs the State, its doctrines may be considered only in rela-
stat ; but the instant it is taken into the pay of the
not the truth but the utility of its doctrines must be
'4Blders
the a fr by Statesmen. They have to provide only for
trio a ans of this life, and must consider any religious doe-
es 'l4 as it affects the public welfare. It is under thit

single aspect that we speak of the subject, and nail on the
Legislature to investigate the effect of the doctrines
taught by the tax-paid Clergy to the people. We
do not hesitate to say that we believe them, without the
adjunct o!' physical knowledge, which the clergy keep from
their flocls, and which the labouring classes have not time
to acquire, to be most pernicious. and to be the source of
a great many other evils besides that credulity which makes
the poor easantry fall willingly into the trap of any cun-
ning knave. 'We repeat the expression of our ho.p that
the Legislature and the public will not neglect on this oc-
casion to institute a strict investigation into the effect
which the teaching or the paid priesthood has on the

With no portion of the parliamentary labours of last
week are we better satisfied than with the third reading,
by the House of Commons on Wednesday night, of the
Southampton Pier, or rather Commerclal Docks Bill.
She situation of Southampton for a great commercial depot
is not exceeded for safety and convenience by that of any
other harbour on the coast of England. With a fine and
extensive ancho age shut in, and sheltered from all storms
by the Isle of Wight, and opening at once into the English
Channel, with its central situation and facility of commu-
nication with nearly all the great inland towns of Englan 1 .
and above all, by its railway intercourse with London
which will place the cargoes of vessels arrived in its port
actually nearer the metropolis than if they were half-way
between the mouth of the Nore and Gravesend, Southamp-
ton must ultimately become a vast emporium of commercial
traffic. The proximity of Southampton to the coast of
France—the avoidance of the dangerous navigation
of the Goodwin Sands, and the accidents insepar-
able from the navigation of a river crowded with
the shipping of all nations, are advantages too ob-
vious and important to escape the attention of the mer-
chant and the ship-owner. The Docks which are now
in the course of erection at Southampton, are on a scale of
almost unequalled magnitude. The first to be finished will
contain an area of water only one-fourth less than the
largest London dock—an undertaking truly worthy of the
enterprising Company who originated this vast commercial
project. London will profit to a surprising extent by the
commercial growth of Southampton. The Railway, when
completed, will afford facilities for the transport of agricul-
tural produce from the country around Southampton, at
one-third the expense at which it is now conveyed
to this great mart of universal consumption. Equal faci-
lities, and equally cheap too, will enable the importers of
produce of France and the West Indies to lower the price
of all goods from those countries, and thus by the increase
of consumption, which never fails to follow the lowering
of price, increase their own profits and those of the pro-
ducers. We trust that a Bill, the object of which is to
effect these great advantages—to make one of the finest
harbours on our southern coasts available to the nation
both as a naval and commercial depot, a mine of wealth in
peace, and an impregnable fortress in war—will be allowed to
pass through its several stages in the Upper Hottst without
encountering any further opposition.

The Dublin Pilot, indefaCgabla in its efforts to over-
throw the monopoly of the Bank of Ireland, has published
an unanswerable article, a part of which we may give
to-morrow. We, however, fear that in these days
when a " do nothing" policy appears alone to be fashion-
able, and when compromises and conciliations, sacrificing
the public good, are matters of daily occurrence, that the
Irish Bank monopoly will, somewhat like the Irish Church
and corrupt corporations, be suffered to remain in state
quo. The Evening Past is considered the organ of the
Government, and it would seem that Mr. SHIEL also arida
to the distinction, by giving it the soubriquet of the Ch'of
Justice of the Press, attempts, in a paragraph in which
the quaintness of COBBETT is mingled with a Falstaff
species of argument, to set up a sort of defence far an esta-
blishment which no rational individual has the indecency
to defend, but we shall give the " gem of this Irish Jour-
nalist" itself :