The Sun.
London, England, 1838-01-30 00:00:00

NEGRO SLAVERY.

Lord ASHBURTON presented two petitions, praying
Fer the abolition of the apprenticeship system in the West

ndiPs.

Lord BROUGHAM—My Lords, I have a petition
to present from, I will not say a very large, but I will say a •
most respectable, body of the inhabitants of Leeds, on
he same subject, and to the same effect, as those
just presented by my Noble Friend from another
part of the country. The petition is signed by between
16,000 end 17,000, and I can answer for their great respec-
tability, for I have looked over many of the signatures at-
tached to it, and I believe further that it speaks the una-
nimous sentiments of not only that part of the North, bat
of the large and important county of Yorkshire.—(Hear.)
After reminding your Lordships of the provision
;made by Parliament on behalf of the planters and
`slave owners who have been paid between eighteen
and nineteen tnibions, all of which they have ob-
tained as compensation for some loss of property which
they were exp,seted to sustain—all of which was voted by
Parliament, and this confiding country, in the firm belief
that it would be no more than compensation, and no one
million, cr pound, or penny of which would have been
voted if it were not in the firm conviction that such a
loss would occur to the slave owners. After all this, my Lords,
it turns out that this alteration has been not a loss, but a po-
sitive gain to the slave owners, and that they have had their
twenty millions of money of the people of England in
compensation of the profit which that measure has
been of to them—of the revenues increasing under the
system of free labour—and of the capital increasing in
proportion to the many years' purchase which has been
added to the value of all \Vest India property. These repect-
able petitioners, many of whom 1 am proud to call my
friends, and all of whom I had the high honour of
representing in Parliament, remind your Lordships of this
boon, and they also add that it forms the groundwork of
the petition on their part, not alone for the sake of hu-
manity, but for the sake of justice, that negro slavery in the
form it now exists of indentured apprenticeship should be
brought as speedily as may be to a termination, and they claim
from your Lordships to fix the period at the Ist of August,
1838 (in the present year), when that slavery, under the
name of indentured apprenticeships, of what are called
household slaves, should by law terminate.—(Hear.) My
Lords I shall take this opportunity of giving notice, which
I do on presenting this Leeds' petition and 13 others
from several towns and boroughs, all with the
same prayer, that as soon as the more pressing matter of
Canada is out of this House one way or another, which I
hope will be in the course of about ten days, I shall
name an early day for bringing before your Lordships a
proposition for enabling your Lordships to accede to the
prayer of these numerous petitions, with many others which
I have presented to your Lordships on various occasions.
Agreeing as I do in the sentiments expressed by your
petitioners, I cannot help myself from now observing that
there is this material difference between the grievances
of which they complain, and another subject of
grievance which I think it my bounden duty to
lose not one single hour in bringing under the notice
of your Lordships. That grievance is, that whereas
objections may be taken to the policy of the Slavery
Emancipation Act—that while some think we have stopped
short of extinguishing the foul blot of slavery—that while
others suppose that our hopes have been frustrated, and that
the Act does not work well—that while others think the
rights of the nation obtained by the payment of
twenty millions had been taken away by the Acts of the
local Legislature—that, nevertheless, whatever has been
done—and it is - not trifling in amount—whatever- has
been done has been done in the right direction, and that
the objections which I have now to make is a mere sub-
ject of degree—it is that too little relief has
been obtained for the slave—that too long a period
has been prescribed for his emancipation—that too much
suffering still exists. The question then is that too little
has been done. We are charged with having gone in
the wrong direction—it is not that we have made slavery
more universal, burthensome, or bitter for the slave
to endure—these are not the charges which
these petitioners bring before your Lordships. What
would have been said by the petitioners and by the
nation, if instead of stopping short of the goal to which
we aspired—if, instead of their complaining that the slaves
ware not earlier emancipated—if the charge was, that, in-
stead of loosening the chains which galled the limbs of
the slave—if, instead of lightening the burthen, we
had made it more heavy, and that we had more
and more galled the limbs of the slave what,
I ask, would hate been the language used by your
petitioners ?—rayLords,there would have been one out-burst,
one indignant outcry from one end of the nation to the
other. We would have been charged with hypocrisy
and cruelty, and in one hour all would have been
granted, and the slave would have become free with-
out any apprenticeship. He would hare become
a free man. Now, my Lords, that is the very
charge that I have to make out before your Lordships,
that is the view which with pain it becomes my duty to
induce your Lordships to take. I have to show your Lord-
ships that the slave trade is going on now at an increased
rate. I have to make out to your Lordships that that ac-
cursed traffic, which was considered to have been put down
by the indignant outcry of the whole rational mind
of Europe—that that trade—that accursed traffic, is flourish-
ing more and more, and now flourishing to such an extent
that it is tearing out the very bowels of the African continent.
My Lords, when the abolition of the slave trade was first
ctarted in America, a plen was in an ill-fated moment
adopted, the evil consequence—the inevitable consequences
of which I wish now to represent to your Lordships. That
plan, my Lords, was, to confine the right to capture
slave vessels to the coasts—whether belonging to the sub-
jects of the United States, or under treaties made by
France, Spain, and Portugal—to confine the right of
search and seizure, and the bringing in for condem-
nation in the prize courts under the Mixed Com-
missions in different places established, to cruisers
of the States, or her Majesty's ships of war.
The temptation held out to induce them to perform this
duty was riot only a share in the proceeds of the ves-
sels carried in by them, but of a certain sum of money
per head—commonly called " head money." My Lords,
it must be admitcd that, at first sight, this looks
like an additional impulse to cruisers to capture the
vessels in which the desperate miscreants, engaged in
this felonious traffic or piracy, carried on their horrid
business. But, my Lords, it had this effect—that the
cruizers, by the hope of obtaining the head money, were
directly induced not to capture the slave vessels till they
had gone into the African ports to embark their " cargo"
—I suppose we must call it—of human beings, and sailed
out to insult the highway of nations by this com-
plicated robbery, piracy, awl murder.—( Hear, hear.)
So that this interest of the captor was to let her' have those
unhappy beings on hoard, to let her complete her cargo of
slaves, to ldt her clear from the African port, and not to
attempt to capture her, much less to prevent her from corn-
milting the crime of taking the cargo on board, but to en-
able her to wait till sire had completed that criminal
act ; but until that act was completed the right to
have the money could not attach. But what then?
The vessel goes out, passes to the coast of Africa—
slse is fitted out with bulk heads in is way in which a
slaver is known to be fitted out, with a kind of acconi-
modation for those human beings that are to be the
• cargo--with all tl.e manacles, fetters, and other instru-
went; of torture and detention on board—with a sort
• of musket that never fires twice without bursting.
No steps are taken to prevent the cargo being put on board
—no interference with the cruizers, because that would
prevent the object ; but this is what takes place, and this
I state on information on which I can rely—information I
' have received irom my excellent friend the celebrated Afri-
ran traveller who has just come home. Mr. Laird, who with
Mr Oldfield, are the last survivors of that expedition, after
having suffered almost unheard-of hardships—they
Motto (continued the Noble and Learned Lord) had
returned home, and it was from information received
from them, he was about to state the course pursued. The
cruiser did not go near the port, because it was aware of
the effect that would be produced by that—that would pre-
vent the cargo from being brought down, and prevent the
slaves from being shipped. The object of all the crui-crs was,
that such a number should be shipped as to entitle the captor
to his head-money. Accordingly they took them on board
and sailed out to sea. In a climate where light winds pre-
vail it was not difficult to get a pretty accurate notion of
the time that they would take. They went out to sea just
so far as to leave them able to descry the mouth of the
harbour from the top-mast, but not to be themselves
seen. The felons who were engaged in their crimes
ashore in putting men, women, and children on board,
thinking that the cruisers were not on the spot, shipped
, them on board the slave vessel, and then the slave vessel,
flattering itself there was nobody to watch or to intercept her

.

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cruise, would move out of the harbour, and put to sea.
She is afterwards chased and teken, send then her rigging,
hull, and cargo are sold, and the slaves are liberated. But
if the passage across the Atlantic. shOuld be effected—if
those wretches survived the horrors of that terrible
passage—let us see what the effect of the changes
of the law have been in exasperating the mischiefs
or this detestable traffic. A swiftness of sailing is the
grand object in the construction of the vessels engaged
in it, so that everything else is sacrificed. I will
not say that humanity is sacrificed. I should be
laughed to scorn by any one connected with the
horrible traffic called the African trade, if I were
to say that humanity was sacrificed. Humanity !—No,
not humanity, but even the vessel herself is sacri-
ficed. She is made so narrow for the attainment of
this one object, swiftness, that her safety is in
peril. But what is the effect of that upon the
crew ; what is the effect upon the wretched slaves? Some
time ago they bad the advantage of an Act which we
passed after we had been for many years engaged in the
curious discussion, up to the year 1807, whether murder
and robbery were crimes, and should be put down. Before
we came to that decision, Sir Wm. D'Olier procured a
Bill to be passed, which required that every slaver should
be provided with water, a supple of provisions, and sufficient
space, in proportion to the number of slaves she was per-
mitted to carry. Now they 'have no such protection—there
is no one security whatever that they shall have water, or
provisions, or air, or more space than that in which it is
possible by pressure, as if they were actually dead
goods, to pack and crush them as they are stowed
on board those illegal and contraband slavers. But, my
Lords, there is even a worse feature in the traffic than
this, and I approach the statement which I am about to
submit to your Lordships, with a feeling of horror which I
cannot describe, and which, even though I have been con-
sidering the subject for three or four days, I cannot conquer,
but with the hope oflbeing able to bring home to your Lord-
ships' minds all the horrors that are practised in the middle
passage, and which I shall be able to trace to this system of
head money. Let me first remind your Lordships of the ana-
logy which this system of head money bears to what is
called blood money. That this head money has the ten-
dency to produce all the effects of blood money I am not
prepared to assert, because blood money had not only the
effect of setting a price upon people's heads, but of baring
charges brought against innocent men, in order that by
their conviction, the reward might be obtained
by the
...fraudulent conspirator. One half, however, of
the practice is applicable to the slave trade.—(Hear.)
But the other part of this—the blood money—exists in its
full force, and precisely the same motives and springs of
human action here, produce the same mischiefs there. No
man has an interest in stopping offences till they reach a
certain depth of depravity—until they become capital, and
until the 401. reward offered by the State is available.
—(Hear.) The common cant expression—the Old
Bailey phrase is, he does not weigh enough yet—he has not
come to his proper weight--that is to say, he is not worth
40/. sterling. Accordingly, crime is connived at by some ;
by others encouraged—it is fostered, it is nursed up, as
it were, till it has attained that pitch of guilt as
to make it worth the while of the party—the
same trouble being entailed, whether the offence is greater
or lesser—until it is worth the while to pounco upon the
criminal and make him a victim to the State reward. Pre-
cisely the same is the effect of the head-money—the vessel
goes in, and is allowed to lay to ; the forcible separation of
friends and relatives takes place, nothing is done to prevent
that—the penalty does not attach—to use the same phrase,
the ship does not weigh enough—she has not got her weight
—her cargo—she has not got the slaves aboard for whom, in
proportion to the number 5/., each is to be paid. And now,
my Lords, come we to consider the iniquity which is perpe-
trated and which is almost unavoidable, considering with
whom our cruisers have to do. The vessel, on being descried,
.and seeing that the cruiser is making chase, calculates
first whether she is so near to port as to he able to regain
her berth for the moment, and choose a better
opportunity of coining out—or whether she should
not rather make an attempt to accomplish the
middle passage, and escape, by her structure and
swifter sailing, the pursuit of the cruiser, by throwing over
a part of the cargo. My Lords, how many horrors are
embraced in that word which I have accidentally let slip—
a put of her cargo. No sooner does she find the
cruiser gain on her, than the miscreant in command
of the vessel perceives that his case is all but desperate,
and that if he cannot quicken his pace he will fall
into her hands. Then he begins to cast overboard
that which he thinks is the heaviest, and which to him
is as valueless as 'any lumber on board his vessel.
He throws men, women, and children overboard. Does
he knock off their fetters ? No. Why ? Because those
fetters by which they have been held together by pairs in
the vessel for safety against the crew, for security against
mutiny, for security against suicide—because that
is one of the great dangers of the slaver loosing
his cargo—he fears that those unhappy victims
will fling themselves overboard, as they are known to do
as often as they have the power ; therefore, for security
against mutiny, and fur security against suicide,itis thethe
has them fettered by pairs in the hold and the hull of the ves-
sel, and every crevice where human beings can be crammed.
Fetters of what sort, my Lords ? With padlocks so that they
can open them in case of accident—so that in case
of a fire breaking out he can enable them to escape—so
that in case of a shipwreck befalling him, as justly it might
at any hour, he can help them to escape or help the ship ?
No such thing ; but it is a fact, and it speaks volumes as to
this traffic—it is an appalling fact in this case that
the fetters are not padlocked or screwed, but rivetted
by the blacksmith in his forge before the vessel sails,
because they are never intended to he loosened until they
arrive in the port of America. The human beings, in
order to lighten the vessel and enable her to escape, are
flung overboard. Enough, my Lords, this is of crime
and misery, but this is not all, nor any thing like
all. They are thrown overboard, if time is given,
with weights appended, so as to ensure their instant
destruction. Why ? Because the negro with that herculean
strength he possesses—with that power of living in the wa-
ter which almost gives him an amphibious nature—the ne-
gro might support himself on the water so as to
be taken up by the cruiser, and be a witness against
the men, if men they can be called, who have car-
ried them thins from their own country, and thus flung them
into a watery grave. They are therefore loaded—purposely
loaded—so as to entangle them and prevent their swimming,
and to ensure the destruction of the esidence, as well as to
secure the escape of the malefactor. My Lords, even this
is not all. It has been found that being uncertain whether
they could throw them overboard in tune enough
Hith security, they have packed them in water-casks—
packed them two and three in water-casks—loaded those
;casks and flung them overboard. One vessel, in an escape,
sent twelve of those casks overboard, filled with human
'::beings.—(Hear.) My Lords, there were two vessels
,thus overtaken, captured by her Majesty's cruisers.
and out of those two vessels it had been proved by in-
contestible evidence to enable the crew to effect their
'escape—but the attempt was made in vain—five hun-
dred slaves were thrown overboard, every one of whom
met a watery grave. It is a fact which is stated
upon no fancy at all—by no one whose mind is heated by
speculation—by no one who disregards his feelings of hu-
imanity, and only consults his feeling of just horror
rand unextinguishable indignation=-but by men in the
[service of the country, acting in the command of the
King's ships.—(Hear, hear, hear.) It is stated on the
authority of one of those gallant officers, a Commodore
-on the station. I may add—though but for such au-
thority I should have paused for a moment, doubt-
ing whether fancy might not here have supplied some-
thing—that the very sharks are quite aware of the
proceedings gone en—that they follow those vessels when
they leave the port, and that the track of the slaver is to be
traced in the ocean, by the blood of her murdered victims—
by the blood of those whom the crew, in order to effect
itheir escape from justice, have revoltingly murdered.
10Aly Lords, I have read of scenes with horror and disgust
end almost shame, that I had the same human form with
pyre
t-hes whose deeds I was examining—l have
ve a d of scenes,. cf which it was deemed the pub-
lic eye could hardly endure the disclosure—l
iisee read of scenes which I will not now paint
tin detail—but which, I will venture to say have never been
surpassed by all the cruelties of either hemisphere—by all
the blood-stained, gold-defiled annals of Spain and Por-
tugal in times past, by which they have won for them-
selves an unenviable name of infamy amongst the
most sordid and the most cruel of the human
race—me' Lords, it has been my painful duty to read of
'scenes in comparison with which the tortures which were
''inflicted on the victims of Spanish avarice in the new
world shrink into mere common and ordinary cruelty
—scenes, my Lords, which I defy the history of
'any country or any period to equal—scenes which were not
exceeded by those which the fancy of the great poet of mo-
dern Italy depicted in his wildest of moments when peopling
Ihe infernal regions with the creatures of his own imagination,
Jand in tints so sombre and so dark, that not the
;pencil of his great countryman ever shed more horrors
over the roof of the Sistine Chapel—
" Mortua quill etiam jungebat corpora vivis."
alf one 'of those two fettered slaves die on board the yes•
el, lie is allowed to remain baund to the one who is left
:aniserable, because he has not shared the fate of his fel-
low slave. A woman is allowed to give birth to the fruit
lof her womb on the deck of the vessel, which is covered
'with the decaying corpses of her fellow slaves. My Lords, if
fI am asked to what I ascribe the existence of this inhuman
system—if I am asked how these enormities arc to be pre.
;vented ?—I have no hesitation in stating that it is to be as-
cribed entirely to the system of head-money, which I have

detailed to our Lordships. I have ' shown - the
operation of the system, and I ask your Lordships are your
Commodores, your Captains, and your Lieutenants of
cruizers always successful ? I would ask your Lordships,
are they vigilant ? I would ask your Lordships whether
the slavers never escape ? I find that the im-
portation of slaves into the new world is as large,
and steady as ever, and shows not the slightest appear-
ance of any decrease. The premium of insurances in
the Havannah on a slave ship the last time I had an oppor-
tunity of seeing the return, was I'4- per cent. Out of that
there was to be deducted 4 Der cent. for sea risk, leaving the
full value of the risk on the slaving trade at only 8 per cent.
But I have also quotations from Rio—where the premium
is much less, being so low as seven or eight per cent.,
with fOur per cent. for sea risk. I know that in the year
1835, eighty vessels were fitted cut from Havannah,
the bulk of which returned. I have the amount of the
cargoes of all those vessels—they vary from 175 to 700,
and the average gives about 28,000 imported into the
Havannah in that year, 1835. After what I have told ycur
Lordships of the treatment of those slaves on the passage,
and the risk they run in being thrown overboard, NOD will
say it is too horrible for belief. In one of these vessels there
were the enormous number of 700, and in others 590. I
do not speak without the book when I tell you
that in one single month two vessels arrived at
the port of Rio with cargoes of 700 and 590
wretches.—(Hear, bear, hear.) The names of those
vessels were the Felicidad and El &cola. In 1835
4,900 slaves were imported in one moth into the principal
port of our friend and ally the Emperor of Brazil.
The greatest of all slave-dealers are the Spanish
Portuguese and Brazilians, and we still continue
quibbling with them on the meaning of a Treaty,
and endeavouring to obtain from the Courts of
Madrid, Lisbon, and Rio, the right to search their ships,
while we suffer there enormous evils to continue. When
I say we, I mean France and England—we suffer those
hideous enormities to continue, when, if but an ordi-
dinary pirate disturbed the highway of the seas, we
would not suffer the flags of those nations to protect him
—we, who threw ourselves single banded into the
breach, against all Europe combined, when our
clients were the dethroned monarchs of the continent
—but now, when our clients are only the millions of
Africa—when they have only the claims of right
and justice, we pause ; if a word would do it, a
word would not be long in being prenouced—if
a wave of the band would put it down, our consent
would not he long withheld ; but when anything active—
when anything beyond the waving of a finger is wanting
to put down the greatest enormity that ever stained the
annals of mankind—our tongue cleaves to the roof of our
mouth—our arms are instantly paralized : we shrink, and
blanch, and quail, before the very ancient and very
power ful monarchy of Brazil—before the established and
consecrated might of Portugal -- before the consoli-
dated, established, and all powerful empire of Spain in the
old world.—(Hear, hear, hear.) My Lords, I trust,
we shall quail, and blanch, and faulter no longer—
and I trust that one of the distinguishing glories
of the reign which has just commenced will he that this ac-
cursed traffick shall be at length put dowu. I would not
surround the throne of this young Queen with the triumph
of arms and with the glories of war. I would not build
it on military or even naval greatness ; but I would have
it founded on rights established, liberties ex-
tended, humanity secured, and justice promulgated to
the world ; and I would have it go down to the latest
posterity, that our young Queen, in the first year of her
reign, adorned her country, fortified her throne, and embel-
lished her Crown, by gaining the greatest triumph in putting
down the worst of crimes—the greatest triumph ever mortal
won—and the worst of crimes that ever man committed.
The NOBLE and LEARNED LORD then moved for the
returns.
On the quession being put by the LORD CHAN-
CELLOR,
Lord MINTO rose and said that after the eloquent
speech of the Noble Lord, and the severe attack made
on the officers in the profession to which he
had the honour to belong, the House would naturally
expect to hear some few observations from him. The ho -
rors described by the Noble Lord were not at all exagge-
rated, but in reference to the imputation that the officers
commanding the ships equipped for the purpose of prevent-
ing this traffic ever, for the sake of head-money, connived
at the carrying on of the traffic, he did not believe. He
knew that the Noble and Learned Lord had disclaimed
the imputation; hut his argument, if it meant anything,
£onveyed that imputation. It was alleged that, in order
that vessels might, in the express terms employed, " weigh
enough," the officers of the cruisers were in the habit of
watching at the mouths of rivers, waiting purposely until
the vessels had been laden. On the part of the profession
with which he had the honour to be connected, be could
only say :hat no such case had ever come to his knowledge,
and that he did not believe such had ever occurred. He
thought at least, when the Noble and Learned Lord had
made so sweeping and general a charge, he should have
brought forward some instances to substantiate it.—
(Hoar, hear.) In many cases it might certainly be ne-
cessary that the slaver should be allowed to take her
cargo on board before the cruiser could seize her ; as,
for instance, was the case with respect to all vessels that
were not subject to the equipment article. He could as-
sure their Lordships that the only complaints he had ever
heard of the officers on that station were, that they were
rather too ready to take the vessels, and that they took
them without sufficient regard as to the prosecutions which
they might bring upon themselves. Every letter that was
received from those officers was to the same effect, lament-
ing the difficulties of obtaining evidence respecting the
slavers until the cargo had been taken in, and urging the
necessity of further treaties, which would give them greater
powers, without which they stated it would be impossible
effectually to put down this infamous traffic. That un-
doubtedly was the case, though not, as had been stated,
with respect to Spain and Portugal ; because, as to Spain,
they had a treaty which enabled them effectually to
capture all slave-ships under her colours. In reference
to Portugal, however, it was true that a great part of
that slave trade was carried on under Portuguese colours,
and the British officers were not able, under those circum-
stances, to put an end to the traffic. But the Noble and
Learned Lord had dwelt upon the topic a ith considerable
eloquence, and had violently condemned the conduct of
Government for remaining on friendly terms with countries
which would encourage such practices. But he must beg to
ask the Noble and Learned Lord if of late there had been
any peculiar change in the circumstances of the case, which,
especially at this time, called for their hostile interference ?
But, if am), change had taken place, it was this—that they
had succeeded in procuring from Spain, at least, a treaty
effectual for the suppression of the traffic. He begged their
Lordships' pardon for having said so much ; but he could
not hear the officers of the navy grievously charged and
compared to the police-officers of old without rising in their
vindication.

Lord BROUGHAM said it was very natural that the
Noble Lord, if he considered that the officers of the navy
had been charged with neglect of duty, should have risen
to defend them ; but he was only sorry that his zeal had
clouded his recollection, for he (Lord Brougham), so far
from making any charge of the kind, had expressed and
distinctly disclaimed any such intention. But he was now
almost compelled to make a charge, and he begged there-
fore to ask this question—there being slaves in some of the
great slave ports, whom the cruisers knew to be there, was
it or was it not true that the cruisers, instead of going in
or taking measures of co-operation with the authorities on
shore to prevent the taking the cargo on board, were in the
habit of going so far off as they could not be seen from,
though they could see, the port, and in this manner, first en-
ticing the vessel out, and then capturing it ? It had
that effect certainly—but it had another effect also—
it enabled the masters of the slave ships to put those
unhappy human beings on board, and then—in case of
their being pressed in the chase—to consign them at an
instant to a watery grave. That was, his charge ; he might
have been misinformed, but that charge had already been
in print four months, in Captain Laird's book. Upon ano-
ther point of the question he had been asked whether there
was any difference in the state of circumstances with regard
to Spain and Portugal. He thought that Spain and Por-
tugal were differently situated ; for upon both countries
this Government bad acquired a greater influence of late.
They had now as much weight in Spain as it was possible
for any Government to have in so anarchical a country.
Was the Spanish Government as little under their influence
as before ? They had sent, not an army, but ships and ma-
rines, and they had allowed Englishmen very properly to
serve in that country. Did that give them no influence ?
But he would not detain the House further than to express
his positive conviction that the Government of this country
would not do its duty if it did not take steps, in co-opera-
tion with France, to put down this traffic.
The Earl of MINT() had no hesitation in answering
explicitly the question of the Noble and Learned Lord.
He was asked, did it it not frequently happen that the
cruisers were lying off the mouth of a river long enough to
allow the slaver to take her cargo on board ? Now he
must repeat what he had stated, that if any officer, knowing
that a slave vessel had gone into any river into which he
could safely have followed her, that vessel being under co-
lours which entitled 'dm to seize her the equipment article,
did not follow and take her, he would he guilty of a beach
of duty ; but, as he had said before, he knew of no such
ease ; he believed that none such had ever occurred,
But if the veasel did not bear any of those colours the
officer would not be justified in taking her, and instances
of that sort he hail heard of. But be could tell their
Lordships that some of the most gallant actions which
had taken place either during the war or peace had been
performed by young officers going up the rivers in

boats after vessels suspected to be slavers. Very recently a
yonn:;• man, a midshipman, had been promoted for such
service. He had been sent up a river with six men after a
vessel, for the purpose of obtaining information respecting
her, and to see what colours she was sailing under ; after
proceeding some distance he met her saiing out ; he
hoarded and captured her with his six men—she being an
armed vessel, and defended by thirty men.—( Hear, hear.)
It was, preposterous to expect that officers, seeing a vessel
under the Portuguese flan, would-expose themselves to
damages and the censure of their own department. In
those cases the only way was to keep out of sight until the
cargo was on board, and then to pounce upon them. He,
therefore, answered the qui!,stion thus—that he knew of
no case where an officer could lawfully capture a vessel
before she had taken her cargo.
Lord BROUGHAM asked whether there could be any
possible objection to abolish head-money, and to give the
rower(' upon the tonnage of the vessel; because, if there
were none, the point was set at rest.

The Earl of MINTO sail it appeared to him that no
case had been made out beyond this, that there was
head-money, and the effect of it might be that which the
Noble Lord had stated. In certain cases already the re-
ward was given by tonnage.
Lord BROUGHAM—The objection was that they
made it worth while not to capture the vessel till after her
cargo.wason board.
_ _

Lord ELLENBOROUG 1-1 could not help thinking
that the proposition of the Noble and Learned Lord was
a very proper one. There could be no doubt that the
head-money did hold out the inducement that had been
stated, although it did not appear that that inducement
had ever led to any breach of duty ; but he contended
that the reward extended to those gallant expeditions
which the -Noble Earl had referred to ought to he as great
as if the vessel were taken with her cargo. Still, further,
the system of head-money held out an inducement to the
rn,mster of the slave ship to destroy the slaves, because he
would naturally wish to deprive his pursuers of their reward.
Lord ASHBURTON was very indistinctly heard in
the Gallery. He was of opinion that, if there were no ob-
jections to placing the reward upon the tonnage of time ves-
sel, it would be exceedingly desirable ; but before they
could come to such a decision it would be necessary to
have the opinion of persons practically qualified to judge of
its expediency. At the first blush it clearly seemed ad-
visable. The House and the country were much indebted
to his Noble and Learned Friend for calling the attention of
the House to the great enormity of this traffic, and to the
absolute necessity which existed of doing something more
than producing some treaty with some insignificant State
each year, to please the country with the notion that they
were doing away :Altogether with the traffic, when it was
perfectly notorious that it was carried on to an extent
almost if not quite as great as before, and with a degree of
cruelty increased tenfold.—(Hear, from Lord Brougham.)
He had no hesitation in saying, that not to have meddled at
all with other parts of the world would have been better, so
far as the quantum of cruelty was concerned, than to leave
that interference incomplete. They had not as yet done
anything effectually to put down the traffic—they had only
increased the risk, and by increasing the risk they had added
to the sufferings of those unhappy beings. The facts which
had been stated by the Noble and Learned Lord, were so far
from being exaggerated, perfectly notorious amongst all per-
sons acquainted with the subject. Was that a state of things
which the country ought to suffer, when it was known to
every one that the branch of the Royal Family which now
reigned in Portugal had been placed on the throne by their
intervention ? Connected as Portugal was with this country,
its present Government, owing its existen e to this country,
and Spain having set her the example, she ought not to be
allowed to continue her sanction of this barbarous trade.
They could send their fleets to tie Dey of Algiers because
he adopted a system which they deemed to be inconsistent
with the rights of other countries and the progressofeiviliza-
tion, and yet they suffered Portugal—he would say nothing
as to its magnitude, because the sovereignty of every country
ought to be respected—but they suffered Portugal to remain
a nuisance on the ocean, and to carry on the trade, which
was encouraged to an extent fully as great as of old, and
the cruelty of which had been exaggerated by the difficul-
ties that they had placed in its way. He thought the
Noble and Learned Lord had conferred a great benefit on
society by his motion. By the production of the corres-
pondence moved for a fund of information would be ob-
tained, of which the mass of the public were ignorant,
and perhaps some mode would by adopted to supersede
the present system, which all agreed ought not to be con-
tinued.

Lord GLENELG quite agreed with the Noble and
Learned Lord that this was a subject deserving their most
serious * consideration. Government was most anxious
to put a stop to the horrors complained of. He (Lord
Gknelg,) could say for his Noble Friend at the head
of the Foreign Department that he was at this moment
exerting himself to the utmost to induce the Government
of Portugal to carry into effect the stipulations of the
treaty ; but it was very difficult to know how far to
proceed in dealing with other States respecting the ful-
filment of treaties without infringing on the respect duo
from one State to another—a course which might involve
serious consequences. He was sorry to say that the re-
presentations of the horrors of the slave trade given by his
Noble and Learned Friend:were in no degree exaggerated ;
but lie must also say that he did not think that he had sa-
tisfactorily proved that these horrors were at all attribut-
able to the giving of head-money. It might be as he had
stated ; but he (Lord Glenelg) did not think that the fact
had been proved. He admitted that head-money afforded
a temptation to persons to allow the shipment of slaves,
but no other course was open to them for rewarding the
captors, except in the case of a vessel sailing under the flag
of a nation with which we had a treaty, including the equip-
ment article. He was not, however, prepared to defend
the practice of head-money--indeed he had not examined
the merits of the question. The practice had been estab-
lished several years ago by persons well-informed on the
subject, and was intended as a means of stimulating the
exertions of both officers and sailors on board the cruisers,
arid of securing good treatment for the slaves after
capture. He certainly thought those officers and men
employed in such a pestilential climate, and on such a dis-
agreeable duty, were entitled to some reward for their ex-
ertions. With respect to vessels sailing under the flag of
nations whose treaties included the equipment article, re-
wards were given not only according to th• number of
slaves, but to the tonnage of the vessel captured ; and in-
deed his wish was to abolish head money altogether. Th
only nation that still persisted in endeavours to thwart '
exertions of this country to put down the abominable
traffic was Portugal. He deeply regretted, while he
not conceal the fact, that vessels sailing under the Pf
guese flag were constantly guilty of violating not onl:
laws of humanity, but the direct stipulations of the t,
with this country. He knew it was the anxious wish o
Noble Friend at the head of the Foreign Departmet
bring the question to a satisfactory issue ; and in the In
time, whatever could be done to alleviate the miser;

the slaves, he was sure would be done by him.
The motion was then agreed to.
Lord REDESDALE moved for copies of all despa,
r. c hed by Government from Sir Coln Campbell di
the time that officer was Governor of Nova Scotia.
Lord GLENELG objected to the production of
despatches, but had no objection to giving their dates.
We understood Lord REDESDALE to express
self satisfied with the production of the dates.
The Earl of DEVON presented a petition from the
poration of Exeter, praying the total abolition of N
Slavery.
The Duke of SUTHERLAND presented a pro;
for a similar object from some Methodist congregatiol
Stafforshiro.

The House then adjourned until Wednesdsy.

BIRTHS. -7--
At Bordeaux, on the 21st inst., the lady of John P.
of a son.
On tile 26th inst., at Ewhurst 'louse, Rants, Mrs.
of a son.

MARRIED.
At Belgaum, Captain Fawcett, Assistant Adjuti
Bombay Arniy, to Eliza, daughter of the late Mr. Arm
ford.

On the `sth inst., at St. Pancras New Church, N;
Pollard, Esq., of Demerara, to Mary Elizabeth, eldest
Edward Hillier, Esq., of Gray's Inn, and of Cumming
tonville.

DIED.
On the 24th inst., Emma Louisa, wife of Mr. Vi,
formerly of the Post-office Department in New South
Oa the 234 inst., in Upper Seuthampton-street,
Mr. Abraham Lewis, aged 69.
On the aith inst., Mrs. Mary Weale, of Dyer's-bui
born, aged 86.
On the 24th inst., Rosa Harriett, youngest daughter
H. Groom, jun., of Great Castle-street, Regent-street
year and nine months.
On the 25d inst., at St. Alban's, Herts, Mary, wick'
Wozi, Esq., of the same place, aged 83.
On the 224 inst., at Rodney-street, Pentonville, T 1
worth, Esq„ aged 65.
Oa the .4th inst., in Edwardes-square, Kensingtoi
Mary, relict of J. Evans, Esq.
On the 22d inst., at Leamington, aged 26, the Rev.
lower, jun., eldest son of the Rev. J. Fellowes, of Sir
Norfolk.

41,111•1•11111MISIO
London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOU
112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, ii
Middlesex.—Tuesday, January 30, 1838.

deed his wish was to abolish head money altogether. The
only nation that still persisted in endeavours to thwart th•
exertions of this country to put down the abominable slave i
traffic was Portugal. He deeply regretted, while he could
not conceal the fact, that vessels sailing under the Portu-
guese flag were constantly guilty of violating not only the
laws of humanity, but the direct stipulations of the treaty
with this country. He knew it was the anxious wish of his
Noble Friend at the head of the Foreign Department to
bring the question to a satisfactory issue ; and in the mean-
time, whatever could be done to alleviate the miseries of
the slaves, he was sure would be done by him.
The motion was then agreed to.
Lord REDESDALE moved for copies of all despatches
r. c i‘ed by Government from Sir Coral Campbell during
the time that officer was Governor of Nova Scotia.
Lord GLENELG objected to the production of the
despatches, but had no objection to giving their dates.
We understood Lord REDESDALE to express him-
self satisfied with the production of the dates.
The Earl of DEVON presented a petition from the Cor-
poration of Exeter, praying the total abolition of Negro Nt
Slavery.
The Duke of SUTHERLAND presented a petition
for a similar object from some Methodist congregation in
Stafforsbire. j.
The House then adjourned until Wcdnesdsy.
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