The Sun.
London, England, 1836-11-22 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING. NOVEMBER 22, 1836.

Now ready, in 2 vols. post Bro.,
THE GREAT METROPOLIS.
By the Author of
" Random Recollections of the Lords and Commons."
CONTENTS.

Metropolitan Society
The Higher Classes
The Middle Classes
The Lower Classes
Saun !era and Otley, Condi

The Clubs
The Theatres
The Gaming Houses
Newspaper Press.
,it-street, Hanover-square.

TO PRIVATE FAMILIES AND ECONOMISTS.
CHEAP WINES and SPIRITS
WINES.

PORTS. TIM DOZ.
Stout Wine, from the wood 24s.
Fine old ditto, ditto
Good crusted ditto .. 2Bs.
Superior old ditto 34s.
Very curious of the most celebrated vintages 4os. and 465.
Fine old crusted ditto in pints and half pints.

CAPES.
Good stout Wine
Ditto Sherry flavour
Superior ditto, very fine
Genuine Pontac, excellent

SHERRIES.

14s.
17s.
20s.
20s.

Very Good
Excellent ditto, pale or brown
Fine old ditto, straw coloured...
Very superior ditto
Marsala, first quality
Fine old Rota Tent
Old Lisbon and Mountain
Bucellas, excellent
West India Madeira 34s.
Old East India ditto, very fine s2s. 58s.
Sparkling Champagne 6os. 70s._
Clarets
A Large Assortment of Wines always on Draught.
SPIRITS. GALLON.
English Gin, of the first quality 6s. Bd. to Bs.
Mouls's celebrated Old Tom
The Best Old Jamaica Rum ... los. 6d. 12s.
Very Good French Brandy
The best Old Ditto, very excellent 26s. 6d.
Irish and Scotch Whiskies, genuine from
the Still l2s. 161.
Patent Brandy
Fine Old Rum Shrub

225.
28s.
345.
40s.
245.

Highly Rectified Spirit of Wine
Bottles, hampers, &e., to be paid for on delivery, and the amount
allowed when returned.

No Orders front the Country can be attended to without a Re-
mittance.

W. MOULS,
No. A_ HIGH-STREET, NEWINGTON-BUTTS.

BRILLIANT PIER AND CHIMNEY GLASSES, &c.
FAMILIES about to Furnish will find many ad-
vantages at HENRY L. COOPER'S MANUFACTORY
for Upholstery, Carpeting, Chairs, Cabinet Work, and Looking
Glasses, in design, quality, and price-93, Bishopsgate-street Within,
and 57, Conduit-street, nine doors from Regent-street, left-hand side.
Annexed are the Prieto of current sizes of Plato Glass, for
Sashes, tze.

5 Inches. Indst. Inches. Inches. Inches. Inches. Inches.
15 13 20 29 25. 2$
--
£. s. d. X. s. d. X. s. d. X. s. d. X. s. d. X. s. d. X. s.
d.
12 0. 3 011 6 013 0 •14 6 116 11 0 19 S 1 1 I
16 013 0 016 0 0 111 6 1 10 1 4 7 1 61 0 110 •
20 •11 11 1 1 6 1 4 1 7 6 111 3 1 15 • 117 6
25 1 2 8 1 is 9 1 11 $ 114 5 1 19 1 2 8 2 611
30 1$ 2 1 13 • 1 17 • 2 1 3 I 611 212 • 216 3
34 111 11 1 18 3 2 2 6 2 6 0 213 9 1q 6. 3 0
38 1 15 7 2 9 9i 9 7 6 212 3 317 4 3 6 6 311 3

Or any sires containing from 3 feet to 8 feet, at 9s. per foot.
Properties registered and Fixtures appraised.

THE GAOL OF NEWGATE.

The following is a copy of the letter from Lord John
Russell to the Lord Mayor, on the subject of the Gaol of
Newgatc :

" Whitehall, N0v..19, 1836.
•' My Lord—l have the honour to acknowledge the re-
ceipt of the report from the Sheriffs of London and Mid-
dlesex, recommending certain alterations in the Gaol of
Newgate ; and I have the satisfaction to inform your Lord-
ship that I consider many of the proposed alterations to be
material improvements on the present system.
" Their effect generally will be, I conceive, to afford more
room in the prison, and to promote cleanliness, order, and
subordination.

" I presume, likewise, that the praiseworthy zeal which
has been shown by the Sheriffs in framing and suggesting
those alterations, will likewise be displayed in a vigilant at-
tention to the internal discipline and government of the
Gaol of Newgate. But I should fail in my duty if I did
not on this occasion call the attention of your Lordship to
the resolutions of the Select Committee of the House of
Commons, which sat last Session, the first of which declares,
That it is the opinion of this Committee that it is expe-
dient to provide means for the separate confinement of
prisoners committed for trial before the Central Criminal
Court.'

" In my letter of the 4th of June, addressed to your
Lordship's predecessor, speaking of the Gaol of Newgate,
I stated my opinion that separation appears to me to be in
all such prisons most desirable, liut in such a metropolitan
prison absolutely essential.
"At a Special Court, held on the 2d day of July, my
letter was considered, and after a recommendation that
Newgate should be used as a place of confinement for un-
tried prisoners only, it was resolved that, upon certain con-
ditions specified, it would be the duty of the Magistrates
to concur in a measure for providing for payment, out of
the City's cash, of a portion of the expense of the alterations
contemplated by Lord John Russell.' I have, since this
time, advised by his Majesty to issue an order in Council,
by which Newgate may be cleared for the future of con-
victed prisoners. I do not now wish to enter into discussion
upon the question of separate confinement for untried pri-
soners ; but it is necessary that I should state my opinion
to your Lordship, that no plan of classification will make the
gaol of Newgate what the City authorities, and the Sheriffs,
most laudably wish it to be—a model for other prisons of
the kind, in the United Kingdom. In conveying, therefore,
the expression of my satisfaction at the improvements con-
templated, as a temporary expedient, I must add my hope
and expectation, that the authorities of the City of London
will proceed still further, and, by adopting the best plans
that can be suggested, maintain their high reputation, and
set an example, to be followed in other parts of the country.
" I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) J. RUSSELL."

" The Lord Mayor.

THE MARKETS.-(THIS DAY.)

HAY MARKETS.—(At pee Load of 36 Trusses. )
CUMBERLAND.
Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow Hay...... .£5 15 t• £4 0
New Meadow Hay 0 0 0 I
Useful Old Ditto 4 5 4 10
Fine Upland Meadow and Rye.grass Hay 4 15 5 0
Clover Hay 5 5 (I 0
Oat Straw £1 1110 S 2 01 Wheat Straw 2 1 2 2

SMITHFIELD.
Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow Hay £3 10 to .£3 15
New Meadow Hay
Useful Old Ditto
Flue Upland Meadow au Rye grass Hay
Clever flay (extra fin• #:6 0. .... ..Generally ..
Oat Straw £1 IS to .£2 0 I Wheat Straw 9 0 2 9

PRICE bd.

THE WHIG-RADICAL COALITION•

(From the
" It is only," say the Conservatives, " by a factious and
disreputable coalition that the reins of Government are
prevented from falling into our hands. Our opponents, to
keep possession of them, abjure principle and alter prac-
tice ; are leagued with men they have denounced, to sup-
port measures they have repudiated. This is the tenure of
their official existence, which is thus humiliating to them-
selves
obnoxious to the gravest moral censure, and an op-
probrium to the nation by whom it is tolerated." Now,
if to gain the support of a hostile party, and so to enjoy place
and emolument, the Ministry have indeed abandoned the line
of conduct they- previously pursued, then certainly no terms
would be too strong to stigmatize their baseness. In that
case those who have conscientiously adhered to them during
all their political career, would be forced to own that more
than the obloquy heaped on them by their adversaries
would be richly merited. It becomes then every sincere
Whig to examine attentively whether circumstances war-
rant the sweeping assertions of apostacy in the leaders of
his party reiterated by the highest Conservative authorities
—remembering the ease with which such a general charge
may be .advanced, and prepared to deem it substantiated
only if satisfied respecting its details. It is certain that the
supporters of the Ministry throughout the country, and in
particular their adherents in the House of Commons, are
not unanimous in regard to several questions. Is it there-
fore impossible that their union can be honourable ? May
not the support received by Government, though originating
in some cases from but a qualified approbation of their po-
licy, be yet both accepted and tendered justifiably ?—pur-
chased by no dereliction of principle, and awarded in com-
pliance with its injunctions ?
What have ever been the points of distinction between
the Whigs and their Radical allies, to whom they are ac-
cused of truckling, and from which of them have they de-
parted ? The questions which sever the two sections of Re-
formers were clearly discriminated during the sitting of the
first Reformed Parliament, in which they formed indeed the
main topics of discussion. They were ascertained to be—
the ballot, the shortening the duration of Parliaments, the
extension of the elective franchise, the expulsion of the Bi-
shops from the House of Lords, and a revision of the Pen-
sion List. These were the measures, the advocacy of which
by the Radicals and the opposition to which by the Whigs,
placed the two parties at variance. Are they even now
agreed respecting them? By no means. All the difference
that ever subsisted subsists still, and has continued unabated
during the whole term of the alleged Whig subserviency to
Radical dictation. Lord Melbourne's Government has in
no degree mitigated the hostility to Radical measures
manifested by the Whigs when headed by Earl Grey.
The Ministry of the former, as well as of the latter states-
men, have repeatedly opposed a decided negative to all the
specified characteristic propositions of Radicalism. For
example, not six weeks after the Ministerial change of
April, 1835, Mr. Grote, when moving the adoption of the
Ballot, encountered an opposition on the part of Govern-
ment quite as firm, and based on precisely the same argu-
ments, as that which he met with in March, 1833, from
Lord Stanley and Lord Althorp—an opposition which, on
the recurrence of his motion last session, was promptly re-
peated. Respecting also the Pension List, the withdrawal
of the Bishops' votes, and the extension of the suffrage to
non-ratepayers, the course pursued by the Whigs, after
their asserted compromise of principle and sacrifice of inde-
pendence, differed in no respect from that which they held
when their animosities with the Radicals were most vio-
lently inflamed. Some may, perhaps, regret their stubborn
preservation of consistency on each and all of these points of
contest among Reformers ; but assuredly with reasonable
and reflecting men, of whatever party predilections, there
can be but one opinion as to the fullness and sufficiency of
the proofs it affords, that the railing accusation of apostacy
with which the Whigs are so often assailed, originates either
from an unparalled oblivion or from a wilful and wanton per-
version of recent and notorious facts.
But the Conservative organs, when obliged to descend
from worthless generalities to a reference to special and de-
finite instances of the tergiversation they so freely impute to
the Whigs, carefully and cunningly shun all allusion to the
conduct of the Ministry regarding the points truly at issue
between them and their more impetuous fellow-reformers.,
Hoping apparently to induce in others the same convenient for-
getfulness regarding those they themselves evince, they appeal,
in support of their charge, to other and totally different ques-
tions, regarding which, they say, the Whigs, in order to con-
ciliate the Radicals, have relinquished their original policy.
They cite the Ministerial measures of Irish Corporation and
Church Reform, and in general the renunciation of that
principle on which the Whigs for some time acted, that no
proposal be made to Parliament to which it might be antici-
pated that the House of Lords would not agree, as the con-
sequence and the proof of the subjection of the Whigs to
their ultra-reforming auxiliaries. But what ground is there
in truth or reason for thus essaying to make good this
imputation? Can the most industrious efforts of party
hostility expiscate any declaration by members of the
Ministry, made previously to their last accession to
power, against the fundamental principles of the two
Milli reforms they contemplate? No evidence of such
a contrariety between the past and the present pro-
fessions of Ministers has been proffered,—it may
safely be concluded, considering the powerful motives
that would prompt its production, because none exists.
Until, indeed, about two years ago, other questions than
those of the Irish Church and Corporations were more pro-
minent, seeing that their immediate settlement was indis-
pensable, and therefore well nigh exclusively occupied the
attention of all parties, including the Whigs. Consequently
it is difficult to ascertain the former sentiments of statesmen
regarding the questions that are now the great tests of po-
litical opinion, since but a little while ago they were merely
prospective. The present Ministry, however, have ever
given every indication that in their circumstances could be
expected, of a persuasion that the Irish Corporations must
ultimately be popularized—and the overgrown bulk of the
Irish Church redlned. They ever protested that religion
should be no ground for political 6;tio.ction, and by issuing
the Irish Corporation Commission, they a„ )wedly proposed
to carry some measure of 1t4.6 Corporation Ite.`"r" Con-
necting this general principle with this particular t.:('l,
,the
.:
•
inference is unavoidable, that the reform they meditateu in
the halcyon days of their freedom from every coalition, was
precisely that which they now advise.
The adaptation of the Irish hierarchy to the wants of
Irish Protestants was long known to be desired by all the
Whig- party, excepting, indeed, that small section now hap-
pily severed from the confederacy. It was advocated in
the Whig literary organs—in the Times, for instance, and
in the Edinburgh Review—in the 37th volume of which
latter periodical, there is an article on Ireland maintaining
the propriety of the measure in point, by substantially the
same facts and arguments now urged in its support. But
all doubts as to the Ministerial consistency and indepen-
&nee respecting this question, instantly vanishes when it
is remembered that they first declared in favour of the
projected Reform, and parted with Lord Stanley and such
of their colleagues as were its opponents in June, 1834,
when the Whig Parliamentary predominaace required to
be corroborated by no Radical alliance, and when, indeed,
the Whigs were, if possible, more virulently opposed by the
Radicals than by Tories. Moreover, the declaimers about
Whig inconsistency and subserviency, would do well to keep
in mind that, after the secession of Lord Stanley and his
friends, the self-styled Protestant members of the Cabinet,
Earl Grey—now revered by the Tories as the
paragon of
Whiggism, and overwhelmed with adulation more disgusting
than their former slander, remained at the head o: the Go-
vernment—became pledged to appropriation. Ann that
this principle was not adopted as a condition of the co-ope-
ration of the Radicals, and especially of the Roman Catholic
part of them, is still further demonstrated by the violent
anti-Ministerial letters published by Mr. O'Connell so late
as Nov. 1834.
Can any one believe that the rule of conduct Lord Grey's
Government prescribed to themselves—never to introduce
measures certain to be rejected by the Peers,was ever intended
to be aught but temporary? Out of a multitude of reforms to
be effected, it was well to allow those precedence which would
pass with least difficulty and danger. It was prudent and
temperate policy to keep the peace between the Houses of
rerdeofourbmtasbales, and to pave the way for an
the Legislature, as long as the
pgoos
soidb
lv‘e:ork tendedof ntaot iroennadl
erre
tglei
e-
neration was permitted in any mode so proceed. To carry
people's
the final and inevitable struggle with their
easy
ycp el
lea, bse tyo r asy i many
nprowess
foes—for the achievement of every successive reform is the
substraction of a prop from Toryism, and a conquest of van-
tage-ground by Reformers. But who ever dreamed of per-
sisting in a temporizing policy, after the exhaustion of those
cases in which it was alone either advantageous or practi-
cable ? The Whig Ministers (always excepting those ex-
crescent members who have since fortunately been ampu-
tated) all along avowed their determination to broach, in due
season, those
questions which it was foreseen must pro-
voke a Legislative conflict. They girded themselves for the
good fight, and gave the most trustworthy attainable gua-
rantee of their resolution to engage in it, by issuing the
Irish Church and the Corporation Commission at a time
When Tory rancour itself dared not asperse them as tram-

....... , ,
--......- .
~..
. ..
1,-..
moiled by a Radical connection. It may fligy .be On-- - -,)
eluded, then, that it is their own plans the ig.s
itr rose
~.
cute, as assuredly it cannot be denied that to tkokhrci- ~' . --.-•• ..''''
pounded and defended by the Radicals alone eichtke;:-.,,,-
never assented. It is therefore evident that the Whig— A N
Radical coalition, as it does not restrain the Radicals from
advocating their peculiar tenets, so neither does it empel
the Whigs to abandon theirs, or to become converts to any
to which they are spontaneously alien. Can an alliance
which thus involves no sacrifice of principle on the part of
either of the allies, deserve the hard names so proftsoly
lavished on it by the minions of Toryism ? Surely no.
What is there of dishonour or of meanness in the Radi-
cals saying to the Whigs—. We do not wholly coincide
with your views. We are impressed with a conviction of
the necessity of many measures, which you, no doubt act-
' ing conscientiously with ourselves, oppose ? If we could
we would in our proper persons occupy the seats of Go-
vernment, and reduce our own theories to practice. But
•
this we know to be as yet at least impracticable, for our
common foes the Conservatives agree with you in resisting
us on the poiets of difference between us, and our strength
is inadequate to cope with you both. Hence we are under
the necessity of being content with the supremacy
of either the Conservatives or you. We cannot hesi-
tate which to choose, for in so far as you diverge
from the Conservatives, you approach us. We, there-
fore, hoping for better times, continuing to cherish
an ulterior regard to the triumph of our characte-
ristic opinions, and not seeking to compel you to any modi-
fication of yours, acquiesce in your Ministerial existence.*
To the Radicals speaking thus, if not in express words,
then in the equally intelligible and more eloq'ient and trust-
worthy language of action, are not the Whigs bound in
conscience and honour to give an assenting reply ? In con-
science, because an opportunity is presented to them of
conducting the Government in the mode they deem most
conducive to the advancement of the national welfare--ia
honour, because it would be ineffably disreputable in theta
to shrink from Ministerial elevation, for the merely personal
and paltry reason that their own forces alone are not powerful
enough to maintain them there, but must, on every occasion
of conflict, be aided by one or other of two hostile parties.
It is certainly no small mortification to Ministers, to want
that glorious majority of the whole Representatives of the
people by which they were backed in the first Reformed Par-
liament, and which it is to he hoped is not departed for ever ;
but they may be consoled and fortilfieedmiendituhmeirbreetswoleuetnionthtoe
remain at the helm of the State, by reflecting that there
is a strength of position as well as of numbers, and that
the former, if not the latter, is pre-eminently theirs. A.
party occupying, as they do, t
two extremes, must predominate over both, however inferior
may be its numerical force to that of all its opponents, nay, of
each of them, provided it but retain a sufficiency of adhe-
rents to fill the Ministerial offices, and so long as neither ex-
treme commands a majority over its two rivals. And why ?
For this plain reason, that, in such circumstances, the
medium party, and it alone, can never be in the minority.
On every question it must enjoy the support of one of the
extremes. Between these two confederacy would be ab-
surd, and supposing' them other than idiots, impossible.
The only point in which they can agree is in priderring
the medium party to each other. Thus it is that the pre-
sent Ministry, though theirs is perhaps the weakest of the
three 'contending parties, do yet, without unprincipled
compliance, either on their part or on that of any of their
rivals, exclusively possess the Cabinet, and may justly be
regarded as holding a position that is naturally impreg-
nable, until either Tories or Radicals become able to seize
and to maintain it in defiance of a combination of enemies.

This order of things, then, the necessary and proper re-
suit of the state of parties, is that odious Whig-Radical
coalition that scandalizes the rigid morality, and offends the
sensitive delicacy, of the whole tribe of ex-placemen and
renegades. It becomes them, however, to advert to this
circumstance, that if in it there is either guilt or shame, by
themselves it is participated. They are parties to the co-
alition. They hesitate not to support the Ministry against
every Radical assault. They muster with alacrity, and ad-
vance to the Ministerial rescue, on the field-day when the
Ballot, or shorter Parliaments, or the Pension List, is the
bone of contention. They commend themselves for acting
so, and ascribe no blame to the Ministry for then depending
on their potent aid. Having thus countenanced and in-
volved themselves in. a Whig and Tory union, with what
consistency do they vituperate that between Whigs and
Radicals, which, with precisely the same moral characteris-
tics, ensues on other questions? In both cases, such a co-
alition must b 3 equally deserving of censure or applause.
He who urges that the former co-operation is honourable,
and the latter nefarious, attempts to disseminate what ho
must know to be an absurdity, if the enthusiasm of partisan-
ship, has not rendered 12irn deaf to reason and blind to fact.
D.

On Saturday a newly-born babe was found exposed
in Islington church-yard ; and, from the appearances, it is
much to be feared it has been murdered.

Mrs. Anne Cleaton, of Penygloddfa, Montgomery-
shire, left at home a child, about three years old, whose
clothes caught fire, and it died in agony the next day.
TITHES.—The tithe and land-owners of Staple-
grobe, near Taunton, held their meeting according to no-
tice, on the 28th ult., and, after a short discussion, agreed
upon the sum for the general commutation of their tithes.
The parties were disposed to do justice to each other, and
before they separated the necessary documents were signed,
and immediately forwarded to the General Tithe Commis-
sioners. Mr. Abraham Turner, solicitor, solely conducted
the legal part of the proceedings on this occasion.—Bath
Herald.

A STRANGE GENTLEMAN.—For many years past
a gentleman of noble family (the Somersets), has been a con-
stant wanderer through this and the adjoining counties ; his
practice has been to walk the greater portion of his journies,
and, taking a post-chaise, for instance, from Sherborne so
Stock House, seven miles, and then travelling on foot to
Blandford, fifteen miles more, bearing his wardrobe, which
was generally tattered, on his back, and carrying, in a rough
sack under his arm, a shirt or two, and a few other articles
of linen. Mr. Seymour was as eccentric as he was shy ;
he had a great aversion to be recognised, and if the land-
lord at his inn would desire to show him any particular at-
tention, or any marks of recognition, he became offended.
Until lately, he possessed a robust frame and constitution ;
he was partiqular in his mode of living, and took his bottle
of wine daily, and in his bed-room always required a certain
number of rush-lights to be kept burning during the night, so
that he had obtained generally the cognomen of " the rush-
light man." Mr. Seymour was always punctual in his visits at
stated periods, and always paid handsomely and honourably,
and the only contract which he wished to be observed was,
not to be noticed by any human being. He has not been at
the King's Arms in this town for nearly eleven months, and
we have heard, from good authority, that this eccentric and
harmless gentleman has closed his wanderings, and gone to
that " bourne from whence no traveller returns." We have
often met him on the road, and we have heard. that passing
etongers have ere now offered him alms ; but no circum-
stanCq appeared to rouse him from a deep feeling of abstrac-
tion, in e-Z:ich he seemed to walk. For more than thirty
years this g,setleman has lived upon the resources of hisown
thoughts, stuch,'usly shunning all society, but the world will
gain nothing from musings.—.Vierborne Journal.
STRIKE AT THE ,POTTERIEs.---The farce of Al--
derman Atkins's Londoo on Fire has imen played in the
Potteries this week. Hanley was all in commotion on
Wednesday in consequence of some wicked persons having
made oath before a couple of magistrates that the public
peace was to be disturbed. Never were the Potteries more
peaceable than at the present moment. There was not the
most distant occasion for the proceeding. As to the work-
men they arc cautiously peaceable, for they know that their
enemies would gladly see them otherwise, but they arc wise
enough to feel that a breach of the peace would injure their
cause irreparably. 'We hear too from Newcastle of ammu-
nition waggons in the :greets, troops poured in on all sides,
and magistrates and noboL;N: can tell for what. The most
reasonable conclusion is, that some of the masters want to
draw attention from the men's qt estion of private dispute
to something public. We hear that two alarmist master
potters unwarrantably caused the Board of Guardians of the
."
Poor to be removed to Newcastle, under. pretence of fear
of the populace, who have never whispered A word of the
nk2st remotely constructive character against the peace.
The ~and has been removed back to Stoke again by mem-
bers of mol
good sense putting down these absurd gentry.
We have sineb
heard that the magistrates see no reason
for anything more ton the commonest precautionary mea-
suresare out of employ.—Staffordshire
i,:.iam whereile. many person:'
FUTURE PROGRESS OF SGCIETV.-" The ma-
terial development of society will advatk:' the development
be brought to
perfection, when, jointly with the telegraph and rail-roads,
it shall have annihilated distance, not merchandise' alone,
of mind. When steam communication shat;
but ideas also, gill travel from one extremity of the ;lobe
to the other with the rapidity of lightning. When the
fiscal and commercial barriers between different States 5110
be abolished, as they already are between the provinces of
one and the same State ; when wages, which is but a pro-
longed slavery, shall have emancipated themselves with the
assistance of the equality established between the producer
and the consumer ; when the different countries, adopting
each other's manners, forsaking national prejudices, the old
ideas of supremacy or conquest, shall tend to a unity of
nations—by what means will you make society turn back
to worn-out principles ? Bonaparte himself could not da
this : equality and liberty, to which be opposed the un-
yielding bar of his genius, have resumed their course, and
borne down his works ; the world of force which he created
is gone ; his institutions are decaying ; nay, his very race
has become extinct with his son."—Qtateaubriand's Sketches
of English Literature,