The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-10 00:00:00

Mr. HENRY GRATTAN said he stele ed in what
had fallen from the Noble Member for Tyrone (Lerd
Claude Hamilton) as to the personal character of Lord
Clarendon, but what the House bad todo with was the cha-
racter in which that Noble Lord appeared when recom-
mending such a measure as the present as being neces-
sary for the government of Ireland. He asserted that all
the return which the people of Ireland had received for
supporting the free-trade movement was that of being
duped by the Free Traders.—(Hear, hear, from the Op-
position.) That was the return which the generous
credulity of the Irish people, as it was called, had
brought them, when they went so far in supporting free
trade as to forget the interests of their own country.—
(Hear, hear, from the Opposition side.) But they de-
served better than that from the men they had given
their support to, and should walk out of the House when
measure so deeply affecting them was under consider-
ation. The Hon. Member then referred, as he had done
in the debate on the introduction of the Bill, to Lord
Clarendon's complaint of the want of obedience to the
law, contending that the measures of the Government
in Ireland made it impossible that the law, as it was
understood in the course of the recent politicalding
Prosecutions, could be respected. After alluding
So the efforts which had been made in Ireland to sticure
the advantages of free trade previous to the Union, and
to the attempts of the then Secretary for Ireland to have
bb
the men who advocated that measure indicted for high
treason, he passed on to the conduct which had bees
exhibited by certain Members in that House on the
grant of 50,0001. being proposed for Ireland a few nights
since, and to the comments which that proposal had
called forth. The people of Ireland were taunted, he
said. about mendicancy. Mendicacy, indeed! Let them
take back their dirty money.—(Loud laughter.) Yes;
Ireland need not be asking for aid of England if she had
but justice done to her. If the rents were not drawn
oat of the country by the great landed proprietors—if
the Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord Palmerston, Lord An-
glesey, and others who had large estates in Ireland, re-
sided upon them, and attended as they ought to do to the
tenantry on their estates, Ireland would not be placed in
her present miserable condition, nor would her people
be starving for want of food. He was anxious for the
liberty of his country, and was there to defend it.
Bad any case been made out on which the legitimate
rights of his countrymen should be interfered with, or
had any season peen shown that it was necessary to do
so? They were told that this measure was to remain
in operation for six months; but when it expired, what
would they do? There was no certainty of repose and
quiet hereafter in the assurances that were given the
House of the temporary nature of the enactments, and
therefbre such legislation should be condemned as bad.
It was not discussing the Habeas Corpus, but it was
discussing whether they would have any corpus there at
all.—(Great laughter.) The separation between Pro-
testant and Catholic had taken place already, and was
not now to be guarded against. Those proud men of the
Borth, whose ancestors had trampled on the poor Catholic
half a century ago, were now about to prostrate them-
selves before him, and therein the retribution of
Providence was remarkably evidenced. He had
two letters in his hand, from unfortunate per
sons who had been arrested by the Govern-
Ineht, to whose cases the attention of the House
ought to be directed. The first was a merchant of Dub-
lin, who was realising at the time of his arrest the sum
of 800/. a year, was a member of the Royal Dublin So-
42ietY, and since 1835 a member of the Dublin Chamber
of Commerce. The second was from a gentleman who
had been locked up with felons and pickpockets of the
lowest class; and in both instances bail to any amount
had been refused.—(Hear, hear.) He could not con-
ceive how any man could think it right to allow a poli-
tical dictator to arrest any man he chose, of his own
and on the representations of any one who might
ear a spite towards him. He did not think the people
q England would gain anything by oppressing the liber-
ties: of the people of Ireland. The repose they were to
tire was the repose of death—such a repose as, when
e 'veins of an Irishman were cut, nothing but water
Would present itself. To leave Ireland in th miserable,
dejected condition in which she had so long languished,
seemed to be end of this ungenerous legislation, and the
consequences of it might be the abandonment of this
;41118
;_ti.etrY for America of a large portion of the population.
ion from a
dungsurr, e, they might depend upon it, was pregnant
and was far different in its scope and inten-
measure which would raise the people from
their present wretched condition, and encourage them to
'aspire to industry and competence.—(Hear.)
DISRA.ELI—Sir, it was my intention to have
given a silent vote to the measure of her Majesty's
Ministers. When the measure was first introduced I
thought it my duty to express an opinion why I sup-
Ported it, and I did so without reserve. But, Sir, after
the speech of the Right. Hon. Gentleman the Chief Se-
cretary for Ireland, I feel that I might lie under some
misconception of the opinion under which I now give
si tey support to her Majesty's Government if I remained
lent on this occasion. Sir, the reason why I support
the measure of her Majesty's Government is, that I think
it is demanded by the exigency and circumstances of the
pcarsoep.oseTdhtoosetbciirscumstances since the measure was first
there may bellosotmisee,
ter which were then evid ns'ay have varied in some de-
gree;featuresentbut alarmingwofbaiunburono
perceptible ; but I believe
the general aspect of
locribgaerraseb
affairs is not so changed that I for one cannot incur
the responsibility of refusing to support the Govern-
ment on this occasion on a similar proposition. But
When we are told by the Right Hon. Gentleman, the
Chief Secretary for Ireland, that her Majesty's Govern-
ment come forward and require support to their mea-
sure, not on account of the urgency of the case, but on
account of the confidence which is placed in her Ma-
JaestY's Government, I feel it my duty net to pass over
etell an observation without comment.---(Hear, hear.)
*lr, I observe of late that her Majesty's Government
are apt to claim support from this House on the prin-
ciple of confidence in themselves. In my opinion they
Obtain sufficient support, without being at all too curt-
lions as to the cause.—(Hear, hear.) I certainly for one
sea not inclined to go out of the way to express a want
of confidence in the present Administration; but when
the Noble Lord and the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite
Challenge a declaration from the House of confidence in
their policy, I think I may be allowed, without offence,
to express my protest.—(Hear, hear.) I must say, with
regard to their Irish policy, that I for one cannot ex-
Press my opinion that the conduct of the Whig party,
from the time since I had experience of public life, will
afford them any blazoned fame in the history of Whiggism.
(Cheers.) I cannot forget the circumstances under
Which
the administration of 1835 was subverted.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers.) \ I should think that few people in
this eouutry have forgotten the celebrated appropriation
b
-
thee---(Loud cheers.) I have not forgotten the means
y i h
w ch the party in power then acceded to power—
'he tenure by which they held power—and the unful-
n"ed aseasures while they remained in power. and when
woitlbontbgeer in opposition, how they realised their compact
people of this country.—(Hear, hear.) I have
!mt forgotten the circumstances of how the last Govern-
t°,l.e nt were expelled from power.—(Hear, hear.) The
Noble Lord may tell us, as he told me and my friends,
that 'joined in the vote that turned the Right Honour-
able Baronet out of power on that occasion. We did so
"-but at the same time with a frank expression of our
nPini
°lL—(lleer, hear.) We looked on the Government
ia pernicious Government—we disapproved of their
N°,3deY, and we seized on the first occasion to turn them
onle °ffice•—(Cheers.) But was that the course of the
ele Lord and the Right Honourable Gentlemen oppo-
site? Did they openly impugn the policy of the late
Government?—so far from that being so they were
found in every division voting in favour of that policy
Q":-(Hear, hear, and cheers)—they were the ready adhe-
rcieindts of the Right Honourable Baronet, and when they
it ,seize the occasion to turn him out of office they did
opposition to that policy they themselves were
rnAlged to pursue.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, I think
se aY say justly I am supporting this measure not on
~oeount of the great confidence I have in the Whig por-
iesoil of Irish policy. But then lem told by the Right
Vhantoisrable Gentleman
.the Whig Secretary for-Ireland
arn to support this measure because of the confi-
erlee of the House in the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.
One Honourable Gentleman who addressed the House
said, I think, his confidence in the Lord-Lieutenant was
Only second to his confidence in Providence. But I can
not forget, that only recently many of these Gentlemen
who are so laudatory and so loud in their praise of this
distinguished functionary, voted in favour of a motion
for doing away with the office of Lord-Lieutenant—
(Hear)—and on that occasion I well recollect, that a
feeble opposition and scanty arguments only were offered
in favour of that motion. From that fact I draw this
inference—that the office of Lord-Lieutenant is not of
such slight importance as political economists and free-
traders would wish to impress on the House. But if I
have no confidence, as tar as their Irish policy is con-
cerned, in her Majesty's Government, I must still hesi-
tate, after all I have heard in this House, before I believe
that the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland—even if that Lord-
ieutenant be the Earl of Clarendon—is a sufficient
eeurity for the Government of Ireland. Sir, I have
eeess onfidence, I centess, in another party who have ex-
Prssced their loyalty, and in whose future ssenduct we
ve
e told is to bi found the best security fur the good go-
the prosperity, and the loyalty of Ireland.—
Wither) I mean those gentlemen whom I call, I hope
-(6hilet offence, the professional patriots of that country
us se rs, and laughter)—gentlemen who have favoured
•
0, theirghtwith such a minute and curious exposition
are Pre Political views and feelings—gentlemen who
slidingspared to offer on all occasions a tariff—a
on. h es
'w and, opposition, a vexatious opposition on the
texac and on the other a determined opposition
" dies aliens opposition, I presume, being one that
L nn the floss of the House"—(Loud and prolonged
_ rnstanees
slighter)
though fir ~a determined opposition meaning a mild,
eiree MI, opposition, not unwilling, under particular
v°antry
reeasure--self
, to devote itself to the service of its
Oared h'imeetenewed laughter.) One gentleman had de-
ready to give a violent opposition to the
tare for the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chief Secre-
eisgi;sreland had tried to appease the troubled waters,
of thee succeeded for he gets up and tels the opponents
(Lees_ -11111,
" does not apply toffy ou ; there is a
leso"gnee between treason and agitation." The Right
treas.sZeastlellsan says, "The Bill is directed against
,(lieee nu riot against agitation, so do not be uneasy."
tweeo tr' and cheers.) Sir, I believe the difference bes
differenceoll and agitation to be about the same as the
itisis between adultery and rape.—(Loud laughter.)
i'edireetese 13ill," says the Chief Secretary for Ireland,
tiseasone-bleagainst treasonable practices, carried on in a
e 'es not sa "antler, and not against treasonable prac-
"Pc'n ans,etled on in a treasonable manner." Where-
elouse si,",'ser gentleman in a long speech tells the
intended speech was only half as long as he at first
sgitat It should be, for be had only now to defend
way inn saf!ld not to vindicate treason. This, Sir, is the
e, by tluleb the question has been put, unexpectedly to
'.°l' 404 e Right Hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary
eessare a: Sir, this measure is wise, politic, and nc-
Whose"brought forward; it is opposed by.those
° conduct, in my opinion, whether inten-