The Sun.
London, England, 1836-04-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

M. Coletti most industriously perseveres in his
belief, and in his exertions to make all the world be-
lieve, that Greece is not and cannot possibly be tran-
quil, unless be be placed at the head of its Govern-
ment. He has been propagating this doctrine since
the very day of his arrival in Paris, through all tho
channels of the press to which he could find access.
The Journal des Debats, the Constitutionnel, the
Courrier Francais, and the Temps, having been so
often obliged to contradict the statements which they
had put forth upon his authority, appear at last to have
declined receiving his false inspirations. La i'aix,
lately the Moniteur du Commerce, having still its
fortune to make, opens its columns to every party in
turn. M. Coletti has found refuge in it for his in-
ventions ; and accordingly we find the number for
Wednesday devoting a considerable portion of its space
to an elaborate piece of declamation on Greece, the
beginning, the middle, and the finale of which are
burdened with the inference, that nothing can go on
well in Greece until the ex-Minister of the Interior
shall be put in Count Armansperg's place. The sum
of all this rhodomontade may be conveyed in very few
words. The new kingdom of Greece continues to he
unsettled ; it is agitated by civil dissensions ; it is the
odd upon which the great Powers are contending for
European supremacy ; the influence of Russia at the
Court of Athens 'is predominant, and that predomi-
nance is secured by the connections which the Emperor
has secretly established with the members of the Go-
vernment, but especially with Count Armansperg. Not
a single fact is stated by way of evidence, to justify any
one of these assertions. It has been demonstated, over
and over again, within these last six months, that the
conspiracies and open rebellions which were reported
to have taken place in Greece, and which at one
time drove the young King from Athens, at another
compelled his father to take refuge on board a
British man of war in the Pirwus, and at another
:,übstituted a democratic for the monarchical form •
cf Government by a simultaneous movement of
the whole population, were in all and every part
of them, unqualified fabrications. With- the • ex-
ception of a few acts of brigandage, perpetrated
occasionally in the Morea or in Western Greece, and
which called forth immediate and effective resistance
from the local authorities, nothing has occurred, since
the removal of the King to Athens, to afford the least
countenance to these slanders. As to the idea that
the Court of Otho is the field upon which the great
Powers are contending for European supremacy, it
could only have emanated from the head of a man
who never could have attained or held office without
being a party to every species of intrigue. The habits
engendered by such a course of existence, could alone
have given.birth to the ridiculous notion that Athens
ia the great field of battle upon which the future des-
tinies of Europe are to be decided. Speaking for our
own Government, and for the very able and discreet
7,linister who represents it in Greece—Sir Edward
Lyons—we say, confidently, that no interests are
sought to be established there of a British character.
Our only desire is to see the monarchy, which is partly
under our protection, happy and prosperous, and
attaining all that it yet requires of a constitutional
organization by means of institutions thoroughly na-
tional in their character. If the Russian Minister be
charged by his Imperial Master to counteract these
purposes, he is opposing not British but Greek in-
terests ; and of this we are certain, that if he has
taken any sieps to carry his designs into effect, he has
wholly failed to accomplish his object. The views
which our Government entertains with respect to the
r:,generation of a people, interesting to all the civilized
parts of the world, arc also the views of Count Ar-
mansperg. This we state in the most unreserved
terms, and what we state we know to be true. Count
Armansperg is Greek in the whole tenor of his policy
—from sentiment, if you please—from conviction—
we believe that if he were otherwise, he would be
unfit to retain for one moment the distinguished office,
the duties of which he has hitherto discharged in the
most honourable manner. One fault, indeed, we con-
fess he did commit ; he sanctioned the appointment to
the Court of the Tuilleries of a Minister who occu-
pies all his time in misrepresenting and injuring the
country whose bread he eats.—Morning Chronicle.
There is a wonderful deal of straggling among the
supporters of the Whig-Radical Ministry. What is,
we believe, in the Army, technically called " falling
out" is of continual occurrence in the Ministerial
march. The man in the farce tells.us, with reference
to his mimic instruments, that when they " do agree,
their unanimity is wonderful." Not so the instruments
of the Anti-National party. they agree after a fashion,
it is true—namely, in abusing every man of honour
and intelligence connected with public life ; and we
are proud to add, we are especially distinguished by
their gross vituperation ; but as regards the purposes
of their incongruous coalition, the poor people pursue
a course for which the Conservatives ought to be grate-
ful, calculated as it is to cover both Whigs and Radicals
with the consideration to which they are by this time
equally entitled. For instance, in two matters important
to the public—the question of military punishments, and
the restoration of Lord Brudenell to his rank in the ser-
vice—a most extraordinary difference of tone has distin-
guished the several organs of the Government. As re-
gards the first of these questions, the two evening
supporters of the mal-Administration took diametrically
opposite views, one of them bearing a manifestly re-
luctant tribute to the just line of advocacy which we
thought fit to adopt, the other denouncing it altogether,
and, as is natural when people of this sort "fall out,"
they interchanged strange compliments, and we, who
honestly advocated the subject of discussion, " came
by our own"—that is, we were left in possession of
a question misrepresented by one of these journals, and
misunderstood by the other. As regards the restora-
tion of Lord Brudenell, discord arose between the
morning and one of the evening organs just alluded to.
It was loudly declared by one, that in this step the Mi-
nistry were wrong, and gently insinuated by the other
that they possibly might be right. The journal that
took the more "liberal" view, as it is called, advocated
the substitution of proscription for salutary and digni-
remonstrance. Their violent virtue could be pro-
pitiated by nothing short of the professional ruin of an
hniourable man, and we were reproached with not re-
vtining an implacable resentment against the Noble
Lord who had erred and had paid the penalty of his
error. This forbearance on our parts from that to which
we never can descend, namely, a factious misrepre-
s'.aitation of a . public matter, unfortunately for the
Evening Journal, was equally chargeable on his Ma.-
jnty's present Ministers. This circumstance, cf
course, called its morning co-adjutor into heavy acti-
vity, and the result was, that these two floundering
periodicals left this question as they do most others—
confused by their interference, and suffeaing under
their special pleading. What are the real. facts of this
case ? Let us at once consider them. 'The head and
front of the offending of Lord Brudenell is, that lie
misconceived the true nature of his position, with re-
ference to a brother officer, subordinate to him in cone-
mand, and that, acting under such misconception, be
pressed charges of an unfounded nature ; on which,
according to the finding of the court-martial, he ought
to have better informed himself before lie appealed; 0
a military tribunal. This has not b een denied—
thouah we beg to direct the attention of our readerslaitr:
the fact, that the indisputable word of Sir Henry
(:).iilngtieuthpaasratsosfurLedortdhei3Hruoduelsieeioi fthCaatm
hniisoi(isLoofrdths:eur_irwbu-indi.wsiliii.
cell's) own condu-et should be submitted to the decisaan
Ui a court-mart'il. Sir Henry Hardinge has beet'., re_
atcoh:ils
chsitsys
ottedmderaitfrtobardt
stahteisfnaicetinioonriatlo
had the feelings of a gentleman.
Moleswcali,
:lferilo'ed when he (Sir Henry- Hardiaoc)
When so reproached an allusion was made to the con-
duct of Caoalosonaetl Eo:atnhse, rTemreoaisitsitrray
bench. Surel ,the
)ccupied
Colonel Evans now finds hiireselfi
sufficiently perplexing to him, and the unrepiataentedi
constituency of Westminster, without
forcing h ins into
with the ~~tllant
that bitter form of prayer,
:::.tsict :ioialtin which
"deliver me fr over my
friends." We have no wish to assume an au .thoritta-
tive tone with refuelice to the particular cony ersat,.on.
alluded to by the Whig-Radical journal. I kit this
we are in a situation to declare that never was the
calmness of true courage more 'loftily evinced than
v;)cii Sir Henry Harding; from consideratiui ,eri

a public nature, felt it right to sacrfice his feel-
ings of personal resentment. This, however, is, we
fear, beyond the understanding or feeling of the
journal alluded to. Let us then address ourselves to
the remark complained of, that if Sir W. Molesworth
has the feelings of a gentleman, he must be gratified
by the perusal of the memorial addressed by Lord
Brudenell to his Majesty. How sunk must be
the soul of him who can see in this expression any-
thing annoying to the feeling of a man of honour !
Sir H. Hardinge, speaking from personal knowledge
of a document, submitted by a man of unquestionable
character and courage to the King, who is constitu-
tionally the " fountain of honour,"—Sir H. Hardinge
says, that if he to whom he addresses himself has the
feelings of a gntleman, he will be gratified by the pe-
rusal of the document in question. ' It is really a mat-
ter of some difficulty, now that the usages of the
House of Commons have been adorned by the flowers
of radical rhetoric, to say what is the line of remark
which the Government-ruling power may deem most
consonant to their feelings. But we—mindful of what
once was the tone pervading that assembly—should
have imagined that such a man as Sir H. Hardinge,
assuring such a man as Sir W. Molesworth, that the
reading of any evidence must be pleasing to him, if he
had the feelings of a gentleman—and be it always re-
membered that Sir H. Hardinge added, that he doubted
not the Hon. Baronet was in possession of those feel-
ings—this assurance, we say, was of a complimentary
character, and probably, on this very account, it was
utterly misconceived. Calmly we wish to ask any of
our readers, whether it be possible for a moment to
doubt that the distinguished General who thus, with
his characteristic determination, stood forward to shield
a British officer from party persecution, could have
condescended to a misrepresentation of facts, on
which it was competent to every Gentleman who
heard him to decide ? Who—we should be glad
to learn—among the haters of Lord Brude-
nell, can boast of that undoubted service, that
devoted attachment, that enthusiastic interest in the
honour and character of the British army, for which
Sir Henry Hardinge has inherited the Royal title
of the " Soldier's Friend ?" The illustrious Prince
to whom the British army was so much indebted,
may very naturally have possessed greater powers of
effecting his heartful object ; but we with confidence
appeal to every man competent to form a judgment,
whether the unceasing attention to the welfare and
glory of the British army which in the period of exer-
tion and the repose of peace Sir Henry Hardinge has
invariably evinced, could possibly have permitted him
to sacrifice the interests of the service to any consi-
deration whatever ? Who would dare to• say so ?
Then are we to deprive an officer, who, by the admis-
sion of every military man who spoke on the question,
is one of the most eificient, most zealous, most devot-
edly attached gentleman that ever embraced the pro-
fession—are we to deprive him of the advantage of that
testimony which, to whomsoever borne, ought to be of
conclusive honour, and which, in this instance, was
borne, we sincerely believe, rather from feelirws of
general sympathy than of private intercourse. The
Government paper to which we, in the consideration
of this Noble Lord's re-instatement, have principally
alluded, has, with a bungling genius peculiar to its
clumsy trade, attempted,to associate Lord Brudenell's
restoration with the question of the proposed promo-
tions, which we have urged as advisable, should
corporal punishments be, as we trust they will be,
abolished in the British army. The fervent partisan
and feeble reasoner in question delivers himself as
follows :

The single case of Lord Brudenell, if shalr eases could
not be quoted in scores, proves that the present system of
pandering to the aristocratic classes actually makes them
unworthy of the places they fill, and is equally injurious to
them and to the public. Let us, therefore, insist on the
abolition of flogging as a certain means of improving the
character of both men and officers."
The "therefore" in this passage we leave to the en-
joyment of those who are fund of amusing conclusions.
But we have one word of serious observation to make
on the line of remark pursued throughout the article
terminated by this luminous quotation. The object of
the writer is to prove that the noblemen and gentlemen
of England are not so (Ancient a class of officers as
could be raised from the ranks of the army. In
reply to this observation, we will not be be-
trayed into any remark inconsistent with the calm
consideration by 'which we have endeavoured
to invite public attention to the general interests of the
British army. But we tell this writer, and all persons
who agree with him, if any such there be, that he
misconceives, not only the constitution of the British
army, but the constitution of the scheme of Govern-
ment, which is our national strength and glory, if h 2
would, to use his own words, exclude from a brave pro
fession " the stripling whose only recommendation is his
father's wealth or rank," on the plea that it " stifles
in others all honourable ambition." Here is a spe-
cimen of Whig-Radical reasoning ; Let us for a
moment consider the question as reasoning men. In
the Senate of England is there any exclusion ? Is
not the man returned to that assembly by the suffrages
of his fellow-countrymen placed on a level with the
foremost Representatives of the Commonalty ? Is
he not, if qualified by vigorous intellect and culti-
vated powers, placed in the front rank of any Admi-
nistration, consistent with his views and principles ?
The man who denies this must either be stupidly dull
-or factiously insincere. Then why, if in the very
proudest arena of national effort there is to be no exclu-
sion towards the humble on account of their origin,
should a chivalrous profession be closed against the
nobly born because of their nobility ? Nothing can
be more alien from the national feeling than this. It
violates the very principle of equal rights and equal
privileges, which, if the self-vaunted Liberals under-
stood ',their boasted creed, they would be the last to
outrage. And more—we doubt not that if the Bri-
tish army were canvassed to-morrow, and it were sub-
mitted to them whether or not they would prefer the
command of the gentlemen who have been their pro-
tectors in peace, and their leaders in war, or the exclu-
sive government of those elevated from the ranks, they
would unanimously give their voice in favour of the
present system. We wish for no exclusion ;we ask
as little that the brave yeoman should be kept down as
that the brave noble should be disregarded. For both
the one and the other we claim the equal privilege of
a fair field for their enterprise and energy ; and, whe-
ther in the Senate or in the army the blending of the
aristocratic and democratic elements is the best secu-
rity for that constitution which holds out the highest
distinctions to the humblest aspirants, and renders it
incumbent on the proudest to submit to considerations
equally indispensable to the good government of all.
To revert to the position which we originally took in
reference to this matter, we beg to suggest that the
disunion between the Government journalists had bet-
ter be accommodated. Corporal punishment is not
likely to be continued by the advocacy of one evening
organ, nor the reinstatement of Lord Brudenell to be
frustrated by the other. Both these questions are
already- decided in the public mind on principles
which, as we have before stated, it is scarcely probable
can be appreciated, or indeed understood, by the in-
tellects to which we have been charitably addressing
ourselves. It is true that we may not have done them
the service which we could have wished, but our re-
marks will not, we trust, have failed of arresting the
attention of that portion of the public to whom the
questions alluded to are naturally interesting.—Times.
It is much to be regretted that the cultivation of
living foreign languages is not more attended to in this
country than has hitherto been the case. We are by
no means inclined to undervalue classical attainments,
which, on the contrary, we look upon as the very best
foundation of general knowledge, and as the
i indispen-
sable requisite to any subsequent progress n taste or
sCience--(BtleUwhether we look to the mercantile or
diplomatic- -C6ricerns of an empire so vast and mul-
tifarious as ours are in all their ramifications, it surely
must be manifest to every one, that while the dead lan-
guages ought not tot; neglected, it would be well if the
living ones were,so what more effectually attended to.
It-is true that:Algiratterino• of French is very generally
racq-uire4oli.tjts truly a mere smattering, not one-half
t
the earners being able to hold conversation with natives
of France ; nor can a better proof be offered of our de-
fieiency in this respect than the fact that of the persons
whom the facility of intercourse now leads to France,
scarcely one half can make known their commonest