The Sun.
London, England, 1838-10-15 00:00:00

TflF, SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, OCTOBER 15, 1838

MONEY AND Cll Y NEWS.

(FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.)
CHRONICLE.—More than usual attention has been
directed in the City, within the last few days, to a Corn-
pany recently formed in New York, termed " The North
American Trust and Banking Company," as it is proposed
to connect it more closely with this country, by raising a
portion of the intended additional capital in London. Pro-
spectuses for this purpose have been issued by the firm of
Messrs. Palmers, Mackillop, Dent, and Co., and the under-
taking, it is said, is strongly supported by leading bankers
at the \Vest-end as well as in the City. The chief object,
and which is of the utmo,t importance to the mercantile
interests of this country, is to protect, it is declared,
the American British trade as much as possible from
the pecuniary inconvenience to which it has hitherto
been subjected. The difficulty which every branch of trade
and commerce has had to contend against since the panic
of 1836-7, from the almost total impossibility of doing
business on credit, is but too well known ; and, there-
fore, any undertaking which would assist the fair trader,
while proper security is given for the advances, must of
itself be a matter of great consideration to the mercantile
and manufacturing interests of this country, who are now
almost wholly without orders, and suffering so acutely from
from the stagnation of trade. The system hitherto adopted
of drawing bills backwards and forwards, and the acceptor
relying upon the drawer to meet the bill at maturity, has
been the ruin of the country, and any thing which will su-
persede it must be a benefit. This, it is sail, will be
effected by the working of the new Company under their
trust business, by granting loans upon the deposit of pro-
perty, while the Company are compelled, under the New
Banieir°r Act of the state of New York, to issue the notes
of the Comptroller-General. By this new law, in fact,
the state of the affairs of any new Bank are put under the
supervision of the Court of Chancery, and none can issue
their own paper, but that only of the Comptroller-
General of the State, which is given upon the
deposit of security ; while the notes are still payable
on demand at the Bank. There is necessarily, there-
fore, much greater security afforded to the public
under the new system than ever was before ; and a trust
Company is, moreover, bound by law to render annually to
the Court of Chancery, and oftener if required, " a true
and just account of all and every trust fund in the posses-
sion of the Corporation, the object and intent thereof, and
the manner in which the same has been vested and applied."
The Act also requires that any trust created with a Com-
pany " shall be confined and solely applied to the purposes
and intents of such trusts," and that the Corporation
" shall keep separate books and accounts solely for the
objects of such trusts," the effect of which is that the
trusts are distinct, and that the property assigned for
each, with the whole capital of the Company, are re-
sponsible for such trust respectively. The business
under " trust," which is little known in this country,
except as far as the Court of Chancery is concerned,
is to receive moneys for account of public establish-
lishments, widows, orphans, trustees under marriage
settlements, executors, and judicial tribunals ; aisa from
persons in business who seek a temporary employ-
ment of capital, and from those not engaged in active pur-
suits who desire permanent employment of their funds.
For these monies the companies allow the depositor an in-
terest, varying from three to five per cent., and they re-
ceive from the borrower interest at the rate of seven per
cent., the difference of interest and the accumulation upon
it constituting the profit of the company in the transaction.
In other words, " where real estate trusts are created, the
parties desire aid to pay off existing incumbrances upon the
property ; in such cases the company, having received a
perfect title to the real estate in fee, issues its certificates
of trust redeemable in twenty years, bearing interest at five
per cent. per annum, payable half-yearly. The company
receives from the cestui que trust seven per cent. interest,
being the legal rate in this state ; the difference of two per
cent. per annum constitutes the earnings of the company
for the execution of the trust."
The present undertaking is under the presidency of
Joseph D. Beers, Esq., with Myndert Van Schaick as his
deputy, and the existing capital is 2,000,000 dols., which it
is now proposed to raise to 10,000,000 dots. Of this,
5,000,000 dols., in shares of 100 dols. each, are to be is-
sued here, to be paid for between this and the 13th of
August, 1839, in eight instalments of 10 per cent. each,
and one instalment, the last, of 20 per cent. ; the first be-
ing payable on the first of November. The dollar to be
estimated at 4s. 6(1., but the premium upon the bills drawn
for the instalments to be allowed in deduction of the last
payment. Subscribers are exempt from personal respon-
sibility. We have entered thus fully into these details as
much misconception appears to exist in the minds of some
persons as to the solidity and security of American under-
takings, more especially as regards banking and trust ope-
rations ; and we have, therefore, taken this opportunity of
putting the case clearly before the public. Whatever may
the defects in the new law of banking in the State of
New York, it is evidently a great improvement upon the
old system, and the plan of " trust," we believe, has
been found successful wherever it has been undertaken.
It is represented, indeed, that the wants of the trading
community in New York require additional banking capi-
tal, and that there is no doubt the banks forming under the
new Act will be of great importance to the commercial in-
terests generally. It is indeed remarkable that after the
late severe pressure on the banks, the shares of all the New
York city banks, incorporated by that State, with the ex-
ception of one or two minor establishments, are now above
par, and the dividends are from Bto 10 per cent. The
number of banks in the State of New York is ninety-five,
their aggregate capital being 34,351,460 dollars, of which
22,000,000 dollars appertain to banks located in the city
of New York. In Pennsylvania the number of banks is
fifty, including the United States Bank, forming together
capital of 58,750,338 dollars. In Louisiana the number
is sixteen, with a capital of 36,769,455 dollars. It will
therefore at once be seen that New York, which may be
considered the metropolis of the American Union, and
where naturally the great bulk of all money settlements
must centre, has less banking power than two other of the
sister States.

HERALD.—Considerable anxiety has been manifested
by our commercial interests to ascertain the contents of the
letters and papers which hive been received by the Sheffield
packet, via Liverpool, from New York, to the 15th ult.
Up to a late hour this afternoon, there has not been any
public delivery of papers or letters, but on the authority of
a private communication, we are enabled to state that the
commerce of the model republic was gradually improving.
The exchange on this country had considerably advanced,
and was then quoted at the rate of 109:i a 110, whilst
United States Bank Shares were 123. This evident in-
crease in the value of bills upon England appears, accord-
ing to the information which we have received, to have
arisen out of the circumstance that the bills drawn for cot-
tons exported to this country had in a great measure been
anticipated by
the bills already drawn by the Bank of the
United States and other establishments in the southern and
western portions of the Union, though we believe that one
cause of this advance in the exchange has arisen out of the
progress which is making in the liquidation of the last por-
tion of the American commercial debt.
A new project is on foot for the purpose of extending
the capital of the North American Trust and Banking
Company. This Association, which was originally esta-
blished for the purpose of receiving deposits, to be laid out
on bonds or mortgages, has so far prospered that it has
been determined to advance the capital from 2,000,000 dols.
to 10,000,000 dols., and to carry on a banking business
under the new banking law of the United States. The
project has been well received in the City, and considerable
countenance has been given to it, from the circumstance
that the highly-respectable house of Palmer, Mackillop,
and Company are tl.e agents for this new project.

POST.—A prospectus has Just been issused, inviting
lish capitalists to participate to the extent of 5,000,000
of dollars in a new American bank, under the title of
" the North American Trust Banking Company." 0f
this undertaking all we can say at present is, that it is
introduced to the Money Market of Great Britain under
the auspices of a house extensively connected with Ame-
rican commerce, and inferior to none in reputation for pru-
dence and integrity, or for the commercial success which
generally accompanies these qualities.

Lord
Sandys has arrived at the seat of the Hon.
Colonel Clive, M. P., and Lady Harriet Clive, in Worces-
tershire, from Dublin, where his Lordship was entertained in
a most flattering manner by the officers of his fine regiment,
the Scotch Greys, or 2d Dragoons.
NEW VOLUME OF TIIE STANDARD NOVELS.—
TUE ADVENTURES OF CAPTAIN BLAKE; OR, MY LIFE.—
This work, by the popular author of " Stories of Waterloo,"
Mr. Maxwell, does not now for the first time, come before the
world. It originally appeared in three volumes, and met a
most cordial reception, but Mr. Bentley has now thrown it
into a more portable and economical shape—printing the three
volumes in one, There are few modern novels which take
a greater hold of the reader than "My Life." We caution
our friends not to open it when it will be inconvenient
to their leisure to finish it—for they will find it difficult to
to lay it down again until they shall have drunk it " to
the very dregs ! ' There certainly is a charm in the
style as well as in the matter of this novel, which cap-
tivates in a superlative degree. In its varied page there is
nothing heavy • and still there is nothing which your
understanding does not inform you real life may produce.
You are introduced into the innumerable walks of modern so-
eicttY—to the great metropolis (might we not say of the
world ?)—into the wilds of Connaught—into the midst of Irish
insurgents and French invaders—to the fields of Waterloo—to
the English gentleman's comfortable mansion—and the London
miscreant's haunts—and still, propriety of expression is never
iviolated...—Dublin Warder.

THE BISHOP OF EXETER AND

MR. HEAD.

(FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT.)
EXETER, OCT. 13.—The topic of universal discussion
at the present moment is the rebuke which the Rev. H. E.
Head has received from his pious diocesan. The Bishop
having in the course of his confirmation tour to visit Ho-
niton, in which district Mr. Head's parish is situate, took
care to have matters so arranged that the Rev. Gentleman
should be present to undergo any censure, or receive any
rebuke, which the episcopal office enabled his Reverence to
inflict.
Mr. Head, who is a devout and simple-hearted man, is
no more fit to cope with Phillpotts than a child with a
giant. The Bishop drew him into a correspondence in-
tending, it is supposed, to visit him summarily, if he had
given a legal avowal of the authorship of the letter. To
what extent this punishment might have extended, the
knowing- in matters of Church discipline may perhaps in-
form you. Some say the stripping off of his gown. How-
ever, the Bishop being with his clergy at Honiton on Tues-
day last, proceeded to deliver a bitter speech on the occa-
sion, reading the correspondence as he proceeded. The
Tory paper had been apprized of the Bishop's intention to
take vengeance on the Rev. Gentleman, either by himself
or some of his officials, it is supposed ; and so a Reporter
was sent up, and the Bishop having delivered himself of the
speech, in the course of which he read the correspondence,
gave the letters to the Reporter for publication; and having,
it is also added, taken the precaution to correct the report
of his speech, the whole story is now circulating in the
Tory papers, garnished with the letters at full length.
The Bishop appears to be much scandalized at the un-
ceremonious manner in which Mr. Head tackled his " Supe-
rior." He charges him, in effect, with perjury, in having
neglected to do duties which he had sworn faithfully to
practise, end goes on to show that Mr. Head had only
taught the children of his flock their duty towards God from
the Bible, when he ought to have been teaching the doc-
trines of the Sacraments, as contained in the Catechism.

I send you one of the papers containing the speech and
correspondence, and do pray give us a little sunlight on the
subject.
Mr. Head is brother of Sir Francis, and a very excelleLt
man as I before said. He has been pestered to death
nearly by the importunities of considerate " friends," who
are anxious to see him stand well with the Bishop. To
these importunities he has yielded, so far as to acknowledge
the supremacy of our Devonshire Pope, but he does
not appear inclined to give him any further practical
advantage.

RADICAL DEMONSTRATION AT

HULL.

Last Frith), afternoon, at a public meeting called by the
Committee of the Working Men's Association, to adopt the
National Petition and People's Chatter, and also to elect a
delegate to the National Convention in London.
Colonel Tiromrsoe came forward, and was received with
great cheering and waving of hats. He said—Townsmen—
You well knew from the connection which has been between
as, that I could not hesitate to present myself at the call of
any portion of you ; still more when I was aware that I should
see here a meeting of the honest and industrious classes—
not, it may be, very learned—not, it may be, possessed
of what the world calls power and grandeur, but possess-
ing those qualities which enable our countrymen to
boast, that whenever they take a question seriously in
hand, it always ends in their success.—(Loud Cheers.)
Look back upon your history, see what there is that has not
been carried by resolution and perseverance. I came not
here to flatter you—l came not to buoy you up with false
hopes—but to tell you that if you enter seriously and steadily
upon the demand of that which justice would give you, you
cannot ultimately fail.---(Cheers.) You will be disappointed
if you think to gain much hastily, perhaps by any single advance
you could describe or calculate upon; but everything has a
beginning—every march is begun step by step; your's
is the first step here, the second will follow ; you will stand
one by another—you will gain the assistance of the better part
of the other classes—(Cheers)—and see if the time does not
come when we look back upon this day with gratitude to Him
who gives us resolution to persevere unto the end.—( Cheers.)
And what are you here for? You are here to ask the right of
having, not everybody's share, but your share in making the
laws you are to obey.—(Cheers.) Is it said you would legis-
late for all ? It is a foul calumny. You demand only to have
the fair effect of your influence, after it has been strained
upwards through that of all the other gradations in society--
you ask that your poor man's vote shall go as far as a poor
man's vote may finally be worth. Because you are the nume
rival majority, does it follow that you must carry all before
you ? Do you carry anything like all now ? Is there any fear
that you will be too powerful ? Do not you sec daily and
hourly your influence directed by your masters—by those with
whom you are connected in your trade and business? They
have influence over you; has anybody said they ought
not ? You only demand, then, that you shall have en honest
share in the composition, which makes the difference between
free men and slaves.—(Load cheers.) It is hardly necessary
for me to point out the ways in which you suffer from the want
of all legislative power. You have laws which, for the benefit
of one overbearieg class, restrict the industry of you all ;
which stop your ships, lay an embargo on your port, limit the
number of your seamen, and confine the prosperity of all within
an arbitrary rule. Well, then, you have determined on a cer-
tain course. And when that has been tried, what is your in-
tention next? Perhaps I may be charged with anticipating,
but you certainly will not be long before you find that question
force itself upon you. I will tell you what you must do. You
must do as your fathers did—you must turn politicians at
large—you must not say we will have this thing and that
thing—but you must fight the battle wherever it is to be
fought. Who is there here that ever worked with a baffling
wind into Gibraltar Bay? You went before the wind when it
was favourable, and when it was not, you did the best you
could to hold your own ; if you could not gain on one tack
you tried another, and so went on till by God's blessing you
got into port.—( Cheers.) Just so must you do here—gain
all you can, and above all things make a stout resistance to
any diminution of the privileges you have already. What
hope you may have from the present Government it is not in
my power to point out. I never wish to set class against class;
there will be always in a country like this, a variety of shades
of political opinions—we must encourage no bitter feeling
against men who go less lengths in polities than ourselves. I
speak of those classes—not the Ministers—who go by the name
of Whigs.—(Mr. O'Connor here arrived, and was greeted
with hearty cheering.) I was saying that we must not un-
necessarily seek a quarrel with any class of political opinions
—the time will come I hope when we all shall move together
again for the common good. What are we all, but Whigs risen
upon—risen a good deal you will say ; but with them was the
beginning. But I can hold out no hope to you from the men
they have made their Ministers—on the contrary, honesty
obliges me to declare, the sooner you succeed in removing
them the better.—(Loud cheers). Never give in to that
feeblest of all fallacies—the engaging to support bad men be-
cause there are some worse.—( Cheers.) The business of a
small political party was to have acted between the two great
parties, threatening each alternately—and so making activity
make up for weakness. Never give in to that folly, or
treachery, which abandoned Canada, and ultimately Ireland,
for the sake of some six months safety to the latter, and then
turns her:over to her enemies, after having thrown away the
defence which was in her reach before.—( Cheers.) I have
stood here by the side of great men—you know it is not in
my desire to speak amiss of them—but I think the time is
not far off, when they in dust and ashes will repent the
course they have followed with respect to their own
country, and equally so with respect to ours. When dan-
ger comes to Ireland, where can she look for support but to
the English Radicals, described as so without talents, with-
out leaders, without anything that makes a political party
respectable ? It is not the Radicals who have deserted
Ireland er anybody. But fear the Whig-Radicals—distrust
the Whig-Radicals—the party who, instead of showing front
against the invaders of liberty, have bent and bowed when
they were in a position where a bold defence might have
served their cause. Listen to my own experience of them ;
for I have a sort of obligation to speak to you or, what has be-
fallen myself since I saw you last.—( Cheers.) Much
have I been decried for certain events which took place in a
London constituency—Marylebone. Hear my account, and
if you have reason to distrust me, do so ; but if not, believe me
on my word.—( Cheers.) It so happened, that before the
conclusion of the last Parliament, I bad been invited to stand
for two several boroughs against a Whig. I replied—as you I
think would have done in my place—the Whigs and we
are acting together—they promise further Reform, and
we believe. them—is it proper that at such a moment I
should make myself a party to break up that alliance,
and bring on myself the disrepute and disgrace of having
been a treacherous ally ? In one of those places I should
have been to a certainty returned ; in the other, not. What
was the consequence? 'When a general election came, the
Whig-Radicals said to themselves, " This man must be a
fool ; he is honest, and we must make a set at him." In Mary-
lebone, where I am a resident, I had many months before
been known as a candidate ; but no such measure was
meted to me, as I had given others. I was opposed : and
how ? They called a meeting by advertisement, professedly,
to decide which candidate should stand, and inviting me by
name. I went there accompanied by friends. Ad then
came forward the great Leader of the Whig Radicals—l
grieve to sly it, because I loved the man ; he came forward
and gave his word to me in that manner which I would have
believed from the mouth of every dragoon in my troop, that
the meeting was net a public meeting to decide upon the can-
didate—that the declaration to that effect was the mistake of a
district committee—and that it was a private meeting of the
other candidate's friends. We went away ; and he then took
the chair, and declared it to be a meeting to decide between
the candidates—" He hoped that all would be heard, be wished
the whole parish was here."—( Loud cries of " Shame.")
And so, after sending us away upon his word passed to
us, he declared the majority to be against us ; and upon that
declaration so obtained, the peopl of Marylebone were in-
duced to vote against me. That is a specimen of Whig-
Radicalism, given us through their organ, their chief. I have
said it in print, and I say it again out of print. " I'll not
march through Coventry with such a party."—( Loud cheers
arid laughter.) My advice is, then, suspect the Whig-Radi-
cals
Cheers)—they will let you down when they are able.
Such among them as are honest, for there are honest men
everywhere, will join you upon occasion ; but your business is
to try to set up the Radical interest by itself. Is may be
at first, you may have only two or three men in the House of

Commons—there will be more at some time.—(Cheers.) But
I was telling you not to hope anything from the present
a equal
as an
g at
you s
unjust
ejatu the
t
chance Ministry. What have they done—vvhat was their first de-
claration after myself and others had res raiat• -to op.
pose them at the elections ? They ca e own by their
leader in the House of Commons, and de \e'd- tbat :they •
.
intended to have no further Reform ? ti'
jassof
political fraud ; were we not all deceived-0 .
may be easy to take in honest men once, but not Ma 6: ' (EherZ..l.N
leader himself got elected for Stroud. I know something of
the men of Stroud • they were the men who begged that all
commercial monopolies might be removed, on condition that
the great monopoly of the Corn-laws was removed along with
them. Ido not think the leader of the House of Commons
told the men of Stroud, he always thought the supremacy of
the landed interest necessary for the stability of our institutions.
I think he kept it to himself; and yet directly afterwards he
made that enunciation in the House of Commons. My advice
then is, petition for a new Parliament, and on this very ground,
that the old Parliament was elected under false pretences.
That would carry your cause forward by a long tide's.
work. At present they think they have you fast for six years ;
you see a specimen of the beautiful working of the Septennial
Act. The Ministers come forward after concealing their inten-
t ions , o
f thelives and when
o fmany of u
have
sthen they
fora
time
lo
set you at defiance. But there is another reason which you
should urge. Your Resolution says, " that this meeting is of
opinion that the great mass of the people cannot but view the
House of Commons, as at present constituted, a
usurpation of the national will." This may be called strong
' lancruage ; but let us see who can be got to support us in it
and here have we not got the House of Commons them,
selves? The present House was elected under that most
unjust regulation, which said that no man should sit who
could not prove that he had a pecuniary interest in
you
depression of your commerce. That regulation they have
this Session removed, but they have not asked for a new Par-
liament. They have admitted that they were elected
under an unjust regulation—is it then unjust that you
should ask leave to elect again ? But I will give
more reasons why you should never trust the Government at
present at the helm. Two great rights, either of which our
fathers would have defended at the cost of a civil war—they
have taken away from us, I am sorry to say almost without
resistance by the people. The people were sleeping, I sup..
pose, or fattening, or anything but up and doing. In the first
place, they have taken away the right of petitioning. Petition
me no petitions, to be put into a basket ; you could do that at
home.—( Cheers.) They have passed a rule that there shall
be no speaking upon petitions. They know the danger ; it
was on petitions that energetic men were in the habit of making
outbreaks favourable to the popular cause, and perilous to the
do.nothing system of the Government. They have taken
from you at one swoop that right. You know the other right
our fathers contended for as a last resource—the stopping the
supplies. That too is gone. They tried a simple trick, but
it answered only too well. They made the experiment in Ca-
nada, and because some men's names there ended in " eau" or
" ac," they thought it would not be minded here. They turned
out the troops upon the people as the French King did
in the Three Days, but unhappily not with the same result
and we have men here, professing to stand as watchmen on.
your tower, who say their truly British spirit forced them—to
take side with the grenadiers.—( Hear, hear.) If the troops
were turned out upon you to.morrow, would not these men
take the same side again ? It is perhaps a thing to thank Hea-
ven for, that we have bought experience cheaply.
eccoOcrrne ttyhi‘:lmary.
acre I was revived and strengthened by the speech Wood at Sheffield—a noble and a gallant speech, but on
one
th particular point I take e liberty professionally to h
Ile says the unfortunate people of Canada " unsheathed the
sword." It has been my trade to watch such things,
magistratesto kn
ow
who unsheathes the sword; it was the Government un-
sheathed the sword here.—( Cheers.) Their first operation was
to put down the press by the action of a mob, the
and troops standing by to support. They then seized upon the
leaders of the people—" the tall poppies," as they called
them. Who can say who may be the tall poppies next?
If your leaders were s .ized by military force, and dragged
hrough the streets with ropes round their necks, would you
not resist if you were able ?—( Cheers.) Before we can make
peace or truce with the party who has done this, we must have
certain individuals given up for justice. Should a struggle
ever arise between the people and their enemies, I trust the
people would use their victory as generously as the French in
the day of their success—they wheeled their conquered ene-
mies out of France in a coach and six.—(Cheers.) I trust we
should not be behind them in generosity to political enemies;
but the blood of unarmed prisoners has been shed, and for this
there must be an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth—.
(Cheers)—in the shape of personal reprisals on those who
have committed themselves by atrocities on the unarmed.—
( Cheers.) What will foreigners think of us? We declared
Spain disgraced when persons were massacred in cold blood—and
they have in Canada imitated the actions of Don Carlos?
There was a gallant foreigner, his name no ill one,—Moreau,
—his rank a Colonel's—this man they brought out
and murdered in cold blood ; none of the population, negroes
and all, would do the deed, and so the sheriff—God bless him
—murdered him himself.--( Hear, hear.) What was his
crime ? He was captured, as many Englishmen have been,
assisting an injured people to resist the illegal outbreak of
their military despots, and for this they murdered him.
—( Shouts of " Shame.") Other brave but unfortunate men
were captured—one a member of the Assembly, the other a
substantial yeoman,--and when their wives presented them-
selves to beg their bodies from dissection, they were refused.
Could you not join with me, in calling for one long curse
upon the men who have thus dishonoured us ?—( Loud
cheers.) Let the Lords take care of the things of the
Lords, our business shall be with the Commons. Their
leader in the House of Commons has a wife—a fair one,
I have heard, and good. If she should at some time
beg for her husband's body, what could she say
against the justice that refused her? 0, why will men
thus forget the world's mutability, an because they
were born in pampered aristocracy, make light of the tears of
those beneath them 1—( Cheers.) These men have put blood
between us • we will trust any body else but them.—( Cheers. )
We will take nothing at their hands ; there can be no peace
till somebody else is sent out to treat with us.—(Cheers.)
You have determined, then, in the first instance, to get the
suffrage for all.—( Cheers.) But neglect not other subsi-
diary objects--such, for instance, as shortened Parliaments. I
was one of those who professed themselves willing to agree to
Triennial Parliaments; but since the notable fraud which has
been put upon us, I never will be consenting to any such com-
position, unless accompanied with a provision that one-third
shall go out annually. Another important point is the equa-
lization of the representation. Why should a petty borough,
with some 250 freemen, send two representatives to Parlia-
ment, and an extensive and important town send none at all,
or only the same number ? On all these points, go on.
There has been much nonsense talked about the difference
between moral and physical force. Moral force means
nothing but the acknowledgment of the physical force which
would back it if need were.—( Cheers.) Let us then have no
hair-splitting about the impossibility of acting by moral force
and physical force at the same time. Physical force, happily,
is not necessary here. I know not anything that could make
necessary the employment of physical force, except such an
outbreak as that made upon our countrymen and friends in
Canada.—( Cheers.) God forbid that I should be among the
seen to admit that, in such a case, physical force should not be
brought forward to resist. But do not talk of it as the means
of increasing your political power. In fact, it is not fair. It
should not be for honest men to be charged with violence. Let
us reserve in awful privacy, as something not to be mentioned
needlessly, that circumstances might be conceived to justify the
physical force our fathers had recourse to. It is not necessary
now ; there are other means of obtaining your honest end. In
these courses then proceed, and heaven prosper your cause.
[The Colonel retired amidst long-continued and enthusiastic
cheers.] •
The Hull Journal, in which we find a report of the meeting,
states that it was not very numerously attended, as a bad day
had been selected, but that the numbers at the meeting were
about as large as at Liverpool. " This shows," says the
Journal, " that in sea-port towns, where the pressure of poverty
is not now felt so much as in manufacturing places, but where
labour is plentiful, and wages comparatively good, political
agitation is not so active. Let the shoe but pinch here, and a
slack winter come—we should then have the labourers of our
town demanding in assembled thousands that the present state
of things should not continue, as loudly as we find it in the
manufacturing districts."

The times of George the Third and George the
Fourth, attention to which has recently been drawn by a
Learned Lord in the late numbers of the Edinburgh Re-
view, will receive additional illustration in a Novel announced
under the title of " Melton de Mowbray." The author a dis-
tinguished character, mixed extensively among the best circles,
and was indeed at one time among the choice friends of the
" first gentleman in Europe." The story is one of powerful
interest.

THE'. HULL COUNTESS.—This lady honoured
York races last week with her presence, and excited great
curiosity. She is the same person who some years ago ap-
peared in the ball-room at Doncaster races as the Countess
Schwartzenburg, and led off the ball with the Mayor of Don-
caster. She was then under the protection of the Noble Lord,
who was much surprised on finding from those who had
known her ladyship in early life, that the ci-devant Countess
was in fact a milliner from Hull, who had been for some time
in the habit of playing off these pranks. Oa other occasions
she has figured as the Countess de Sierawska, representing
herself as the widow of a Polish Count, and again as the Mar-
chioness St. Arden and Lady Cecilia Ferguson. She is now
said to be located in York.—Hull Times. _

...._
On Saturday an inquest was held at the Nine
Elms, Battersea, on an elderly lady, aged 82, named Ann
Lawer, who committed suicide by hanging herself. Mary
Ann Billiard deposed that the deceased was her grandmother
by the father's side. She was 82 years of age last March, and
resided with her son. She (witness) took her breakfast to
soe dsal beingtsb,
y aan weak
her on Tuesday morning inpiece
ne
and childish ; but she had been,ausps aensdupapboosueta:nsttahnedipnrgelvoioouks_
day. After she partook of her breakfast the witness left her,
bed, she (deceased)
suspended so'
and never saw her alive again. In about an hour afterwards
She spoke to her, but receiving
ing out of the window.
she went up stairs tocaetnsatdaikwmeseaht:vehre
sdheechewaasesd
especially for the last six months.
of riband. She called for assistance, and two persons came
sqe Etete:r icnsib,giel thed ijosohrkfocoodrinsuops
some
and cut her down, but she was quite dead. She had been
Verdict—" That the deceased d tes royed herself in a tem-
porary state of weakness of mind, • • arising from age and
infirmity. .

It was the remark of a celebrated bon-vivant that
" when aman had once too much, he could never have enough."