The Sun.
London, England, 1831-06-25 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

" The Bill" was brought in again last night by Lord
John Russell, and underwent its first reading in the
new House of Commons. Sir Robert Peel objected
to the whole of it: this was not only taking the hull by
the horn., but by the tail too. The Right Hon. Baronet
intimated, however, that he should only oppose it ad
far as the second reading concluded, and that after that
he should offer no captious or vexatious opposi•ion to the
details. The power of voting at county elections is now to be
brought down to seven years' leaseholders of 50/. per
annum, and, if we understand the matter rightly, to smaller"
leaseholders in value if their term be longer. This of
course extends the franchise yet more than was at first in-
tended. No new light was struck out last night'. indeed, how
should there be ? The Bill is knEwn and approved by the
people ; yet was there something very candid and noble
in the manner in which Lord John Russell reintro-
duced the measure. What we would wish is, that it may
be peculiarly attended to in its progress, in order that all
may learn and be prepared, when it comes into operation,
to act under it without perplexity or embarrassment. The
second reading was intended for Thursday ; but Lord
Althorp giving way to the application of Sir Robert
Peel, it was finally settled that it should take place on
Monday week. We do not see why, on a question of so
much moment, Saturday should not be added to the Par-
liamentary days—of course without violating the solem-
nity of the Sabbath. It may be said that this would be
hurrying through an important question. It is quite the
contrary. Adding hours of debate is not hurrying, but
prolonging the consideration of a question. Times.

Last night a conversation—for we cannot call it a de-
bate—took place in the House of Lords, on the state of
our foreign relations, particularly in reference to the
affairs of Belgium and Portugal. The subject was in-
troduced
properly by a Noble Earl, whose knowledge of
our foreign policy is rendered accurate and extensive by
hisrecent experience of office, and oboes vigilant. atten-
tion to the present conduct our.foreign.affurs is at once
stimulated
u,,,0u
at. enlightened by his practical acquaintance
withreily tolfiezari,
Greyi lona out of which it has grown. The
d explanations which, if they
possessed no strilcincr novelty,ta'ne and disclosed no diplomatic
secrets, were at leastuferawnakifn followed
tone and satisfactory in
their statements.
the Duke of Vel •
lington, whose remarks, thoou'olwedby gave an additional
interest to the conversation, from brief,th
oferf
aeapraki whichniion immediate
ex-
pressed respecting the expediency
that up to
recog-
nition of Don Miguel. \%e will
the policy
the period when the late Ministry y e'ffilre'e
which they had pursued with regard to 13 and Por-
tuguese affairs was not very different frObienyg'tehtaht which
is now avowed and acted upon
pre-
sent Cabinet. The former had admitted thee hof the Belgians to national independence, and had ropenedt
the conferences of London to settle the differences between
them and their late Sovereign, without permitting either
to have recourse to arms. The latter has cordially con-
curred in the recognition ofßelgic independence, and has
continued the negotiations, to render the separation of the
kingdom of the Netherlands into its ancient elementscon-
sistent with the preservation of the territorial rights of
each, and the guarantee of general tranquillity. The
former Ministry had treated Don Miguel personally with
proper indignation,—had refused to recognize his achnis•

' -ion into the community of Sovereigns,-,had demanded,
though probably not in the tone which the British. Goiern- :
merit wielded by the buke of Wellington, Might have et&
ployed, reparation for insults Offered to British stAjects,—
, end had annottnced that no &plethoric relations would be
renewed with hh 'Goveriarthmt-, till he bad performed a
great act of justice., by l'a'suing a general amnesty in favour
of those peraeenred men, who, relying upon We tyrant's
oaths, their own loyalty, and British 'Sb.i..,Ouragement, bad
raised the standard of tavolt against his perjuries
and usurpations. 'file latter has continued the excht-
Rion of the Lisbon Dey from diplomatic intercourse
with the Court of their Sovereign., and has compelled
!dm with fear and trembling to atone for insults and re-
dress wrongs in4ticted On British subjects. Thus far the
two lino Of policy alluded to rue parallel re etch other, or,
if tl*re is any divergence, it lekna 'to the side of greater
1 energy in the present edVisers of the Crown. But it is
evident that the late Administration left office at a time
when circumstances were just arising which must have put
their peaceful professions to a severs test, and to which
their doctrines could not hot applied without the danger
of a general congagtation. In the King's speech, at the
comniencernont of the last session, the principle of inter-
rentitm,--though afterwards explained away in the debate
—was pretty unequivocally announced, and an opinion was
given of the "enlightened" Government of the King of the
Netherlands, as compared with the conduct of his " rtvolted
subiests," which, though just in itself, implied not only a
disposition to interference, but e'Oiwed on which side that
interference would be eleercised. If the conferences had
gone en as they began,—if the Belgians had become more
turbulent and menacing, as they did,—if tan polder of
the ?Tench Government had been wee:relied by continued
agitation and repeated tumults, as it really was,—and if
the arrogance of lliissia had increased, there is much
reason to apprehend that the schism between settled
and revolutionary states would have been widened, and
that a Cabinet at the head of which stood an illustrious
Anti-Reformer, when the half of &rope was in a state
of revolution, would have joined a coalition of regular
Governments and large armies- to repress revolt and bring
the 13elgians to their senses. Any attempt of this kind
must hare led to a war, and a war of interference with
that country must have led to a genera/ conflagration in
Europe. Neither the French Go'ernment, nor the French
people, whose confidrrict it had been so important to win,
or to retain in these transactions, could have allowed their
Ambassitdor to treat, in the London Congress, about the
settlement of Belgium, with the same freedom, or have
ratified his decisions with the same readiness, if an Eng-
lish Prime Minister; Whom they had accused of belonging
to the Holy A'liance, had occupied the place of the liberal
Noble Earl now at the head of the Government. When the
present Cabinet was formed, an important part of the de-
vice inscribed on its flag was " Non-interference in the in-
ternal affairs of other States." On this principle they
would have been obliged to have tolerated the establish-
ment of a republic in Belgium, had the Belgians preferred
that form of government to a monarchy. On this prin-
ciple they have been led to abstain from any attempt to
influence the Belgian people in their choice of a Sovereign.
On this principle they claim no power of dictating any spe-
cies of internal arrangement, or deciding in any pecuniary
transaction between Holland and Belgium. But to settle
the boundaries between conterminous, states—to compel
an adherence to the faith of international treaties—to pre-
vent or punish an invasion with the object of conquest—
are not acts of interference with any rights which every
independent nation may exercise within its own limits.
In joining the Congress, and signing the protocols, the
British Ministry has not therefore receded from its ori-
ginal
professions. Nor do we see how the passage in the
King's speech, announcing what had been done, can bear
the interpretation put upon it by the Noble Earl who com-
menced the conversation. With respect to Portugal, we
have room to say very little. To the new circumstances
which have arisen since the change of the British Ca-
binet, the present Ministers and their predecessors profess
to apply different rules of policy. The latter quote trea-
ties which bind us to protect Portugal against foreign ag-
gression; but as the former properly reply, these treaties
cannot certainly call us to interfere against a Govern-
ment which demands satisfaction for an admitted wrong.
The Government of France has as good a right as that
of Great Britain to insist on justice being done to its
subjects; and while our own fleet had scarcely left the
Tagus, after having extorted satisfaction to our claims,
how could we object to a similar course pursued by a
neighbouring state ? The non-recognition of Don Miguel
is made a ground of complaint against the present Admi-
nistration ; but how long is it since the policy of this mea-
sure was considered as so urgent by their predecessors?
Have the conditions on which the latter offered to recog-
nize the Prince been compl ed with, or is it right now to
acknowledge him without the promised amnesty, while it
would have been wrong in the month of November last?
The most important view of this case was suggested by
the Duke of Wellington, as connected with the late ab-
dication of Don Pedro, and the arrival of this Prince in
France while France is in a state of quasi hostility with
Portugal. By the fall of the Emperor he is rendered
unable to aid his daughter in the recovery of her rights,
and as the overthrow of Don Miguel becomes thus less
probable, the motives for delaying to acknowledge him
are proportionally weakened. We ought, therefore,
it is said, to renew our diplomatic intercourse with
his Government as soon as possible, because his throne
is for ever secure. On the other hand, though Don
Pedro may be unable to support his daughter's rights, a
French invading army, led by the Ex-Emperor, may
hurl the usurper from his throne, and place the young
Queen upon it. We ought, therefore, it is argued, to re-_
cognize the Prince, because he is in danger ; and because,
by treaty, we may be ultimately under the necessity of
offering him our protection. These two apparently con-
tradictory arguments may be left to settle the proper con-
clusion between them. We shall only say on the subject,
that a French army could not invade Portugal by land
without passing through Spain, and that Spain would re-
sist an enterprise which could not be accomplished with-
out alarming all Europe. The invasion which might be
effected by a naval expedition, on the other hand, must
have our concurrence or permission, and could not rea-
sonably have conquest for its object, nor could it establish
the Ex-Emperor without the assistance or consent of a
great part of the Portuguese nation. In this latter case,
we, who have suffered all sorts of insults from the usurper,
would have no reason to regret his fall, as we should find
our interests better protected under his successor. Be-
side's, rather than risk the loss of our protection in critical
circumstances, Don Miguel would consent to our de-
mands, and our recognition of this title would follow .as a
matter of course. It is gratifying to bear from Earl
Grey, that though he cannot state with confidence in the
present state of Europe that peace will be preserved, he
entertains strong hopes that we are not destined to be de-
prived of that blessing.— Times.
We are summoned by correspondent., and prompted by
our own feelings, to take some notice of the very singular
assertion of Sir Robert Inglis the other night in the
House of Commons, that "he had looked over seven
consecutive Speeches from the Throne, and in every one
of them he had found a direct allusion to the providence
of God';" but there was no such allusion in the late
Speech. Mr. Goulhurn was somewhat warm on the
same subject, and Mr. Sadler at " blood beat." Now is
it not most remarkable that the supposed fact, upon which
the animadversions of these gentlemen are founded, is
essentially no fact at all ? The truth, as to all the pur-
poses of debate, is oth-rwiae than as Sir Robert Inglis
would have it understood to be. The superintending care
of Providence is not necessarily introduced into a King's
Speech on the opening of a Session of Parliament, and Sir
Robert Inglis, as well as the other gentlemen, have been in
the House of Commons when all mention of Providence
was omitted; and yet this is the first time they have ever ob-
served on the omission. It is an odd piety that thus comes
by fits and starts ! But where did Sir Robert choose his con-
secutive years or consecutive Speeches? According to one of
our correspondent's letters, which we publish, he must
have picked his period with some dexterity, to be able to
count seven speeches in succession, all of which, without
exception, should make mention of the providence of
God. To come to a late date=was there any mention of
it last February twelvemonth, on the opening of the Ses-
sion ? We observe that it is the practice of the American
President always, or generally, to 'make some reference to
the benevolence of the Deity. 'The Message of General
Jackson thus begins on the opening of the last session
(Dec. 9, 1830) :—" The beneficent Author of all good
has granted us during the present year health, peace, and
plen-y." And it thus closes:—" Under an over-ruling
and mercifial Providence the agency of this spirit has been
thus far signalized, in the prosperity and glory of our be-
loved country." We hope Englishmen will learn to despise
cant as much as they venerate true piety. The allegation
of Sir Robert Inglis was virtually false; it misled those
who read it, and therefore cannot have any smack of relish
of religion-in it.— Times.

The charge briaught by Sir Robert Bateson against Lord
Plunkett was repelled last night in the House of Lords by
his Lordship, in a way which must satisfy everyone of two
things :—first, that there is no foundation whatever for the
imputation ; and secondly, that Sir Robert Rawson is a
very silly individual, to make such a grave charge, on no
other authority than the gossip of a club room. .Lord
Londonderry (a 3 like draws to like) endeavoured to defend
his friend, and manifesto no small degree of pique when

, .
Lord Elleriborbugh declared that he considered it to be a
duty incumbent on the individual in question to inveSti.
gate the matter further, and then diitinetly to del wife.
cher or not he adhered to the Charge. Lord London'd6rry,
in whose hands Sir Robert BAteson lia's placed himself, felt
jealous at this 6ci:oathment on his own functiOns of ad-
Viitr, and observed, that " hi 4 Hon. friend was quite as
fit a judge of what h ought to do as some other prsuins,
and perhaps fitter." With all deft-inct Loidstip, the
sooner a man titak-eI atonement to him whom he has Ca-
It inniated the better. —Morning Chronicle.

The first step in the progress of the lieform bill was
taken last night, Loi.d John Russell, in introducing the
subject to the House, paid some high, but not more high
than deserved, compliments to the people of England.
" I cannot proceed further (said his Lordship) without
saying in a few words, how mach I admire, as worthy of
411 praire, and glory, the conduct of the people of tug..
land —(Cheers)—and I say this, without any reference to
the merits of the measure iteelf, which, however, has suc-
cessfully undergone the great test of national approbation.
—(Cheers.) * * * It has been
said that the elections were not governed by reason, but
by passion—(Cheers from the Opposition)—that they
were under the influence of passion I do not deny—(Re-
newed cheers from the Opposition)—it was the passion
of the love of country that made them exhibit that ani-
mation and enthusiasm, which lead men to forget all their
own petty interests when the public good is concerned.—_
(Cheers.) Nothing but a passion of this kind could have
persuaded then, with only the income of a few shillings a
day, to give up all the bribes that temptation offered to
their acceptance—to give up all that was insinuated
upon the subject, the possession of a privilege which
they had enjoyed, and which they were told their
children ought to enjoy after them—a valuable privi-
lege too—for the sake of what? For the sake of
a measure which was not for the benefit of a few,
hut for the future benefit and welfare of millions of the in-
habitants of this kingdom ?—(Loud cheering.) This
must have been a lesson to some who despise, and who
never !peak but with disparagement and contempt of the
lower classes." The public have been so often tantalizei
with reports of important alterations in the new Bill, that
it is natural they should be anxious to hear his Lordship's
statement on this point. " The features and details (said
his Lordship) of that measure, I shall not think it neces-
sary to enter this day particularly into, because they are
the same as those of the Bill that was before the House
during the late Parliament—(Cheers)—and as the slight
improvements which have been made are solely intended
to carry into eff ct the principles of the Bill, I think it
will be quite sufficient if I leave the consideration of all
the details of the measure till the period when this House
shall have sanctioned the Bill by a first and second reading,
and the Bill shall be about to be committed." In a state-
ment of the alterations which is in circulation, the most
important is the extension of the right of voting to lease-
holAers for seven years, and whether determinable on lives
or not, and the giving votes in boroughs to land occupied
in conjunction with a house, warehouse, or counting-
house, held under the same landlord, and amounting alto-
gether to 101. of rent. The other alterations are too mi-
nute to deserve particular notice at present. Lord John
went into a history of the representation from the earliest
times, showing the constant fluctuations in the places re-
turning
Members, and expl tined by reference to cases, the
first of which was from his family borough of Tavistock,
how of late years the representation of towns had devolved
on the neighbouring great proprietors. Down to a com-
paratively recent period, though the number of electors
might not be great, yet still they made an independent re-
turn. To show how little power was possessed in elec-
tions by the Lords in the reign of Charles the Second, he
instanced the case of the Exclusion Bill, which was re-
jected by a majority of two to one in the Lords. The
Commons were generally in favour of the measure. The
King dissolved the Parliament. Had such a thing hap-
pened in modern times, 150 or 200 new Members would,
upon the new election, have found their way into the
House to vote against the sense of the people. It was not
so then, for one Mwister was retained a Secretary of
State, and when he proposed an amendment to the Ex-
clusion Bill, he could not find one Member to second him,
a tolerable proof that the House of Commons no longer
possesses the popular controul which the House of that
day possessed. Lord John's speech was throughout able
and conciliating, and he concluded with summing up, very
impartially, the advantages which the country wound
derive from the measure. Sir Robert Peel was willing to
wave all discussion till the second reading; as if they were
to commence a discussion, it might be protracted for six
or seven days, as before, without an object. He thought
!that one free and full discussion on the principle of the
Bill would be sufficient. The second reading of the Bill
was fixed for Monday, July 4.—Morning Chronicle.
The Archbishop of Canterbury brought in, last night,
his Tithe Composition Regulation Bill, which was read a
first time, and Lord Dacre expressed his intention to sub-
mit
a Bill for the Equitable Commutation of Tithes.
Earl Grey said, " It Certainly was of the greatest im-
portance to endeavour to establish some system respecting
tithes (en the rights connected with which no one could
entertain any doubt), which might have the effect of re-
medying the evils which were produced by the present
system. It was a subject to which he would give his most
attentive consideration. A commutation of tithes —if it
could be effected so as to settle the question finally and for
ever—would certainly he most desirable. But, adverting
to the extraordinary difficulties which would, in the first
instance, oppose themselves to any satisfactory arrange..
ment, the bias of his mind was to the belief
.that the best
way of ultimately arriving at a:satisfactory commutation of
tithes would be, in the first place, to adopt such a Bill
as that which had just been presented by the Most Reve-
rend Prelate for facilitating their c,Anposition. By the
working of that Bill, it would be seen what further pro-
ceedings might be advantageously adopted. Both of the
Bills in question were of so much importance, and their
provisions must be attended with so much difficulty and
complication, that he certainly very much doubted the ex-
pediency or practicability of carrying either of them
through Parliament during the present Sesssou Perhaps
the best course to pursue would be, for the Most Reverend
Prelate and the Noble Lord to state the nature and ten-
dency of the proposed arrangements, and to leave the sub-
ject to be considered in the interval before the commence-
ment of another Session of Parliament." As to his Lord.
ship's declaration, that no one could entertain any doubt
as to the rights connected with tithes, we presume he
meant nothing more than the trueism, that the titheholder
has a legal title to the tithe, so long as the law does not
alter the destination of tithe. The Legislature has already
frequently interfered with the destination of tithes, and
of course may do so again. But, however this may be,
we fear his Lordship will have some difficulty in prevail-
ing on the owners and occupiers of land in England to
rest satisfied for a time with a composition, instead of a
Commutation. But it is as well to drop the subject for
the present, as no good can arise from agitating a matter
now which can only be settled next year.—Morn. Chron.
Lord John Russell, in a remarkably full House, moved
for leave to renew the Reform Bill for England and Wales.
His Lordship stated that the Bill had undergone no ma-
terial alterations ; the changes that would be found in it
were only improvements, such as would en-ble the prin-
ciple of the Bill to be carried more completely into effect.
He would not enumerate the amendments till he moved
that the House go into a Committee on the Bill. In the
course of his speech, however, his Lordship stated that
leases for seven years (not fourteen, as before proposed),
the rent being 50/. or upwards, would give votes for county
Members. The speech of his Lordship was mainly occu-
pied with a general history of the progress of representation
in this country. His Lordship contended that the fre-
quent changes that had taken place proved that the Con-
stitution of the House of Commons was not so unvary.
ing and settled as to render it almost unhallowed work
to touch it—that great changes in it had been at dif-
ferent times made, to meet altered circumstances or the
exigencies of the times—that the Scotch and Irish Unions
were great changes in the state of the representation,
largely destroying then existing rights and practices—
changes promoted not by Whigs or Radicals, but by Lord
Somers and Mr. Pitt—men warmly eulogised by the
Anti-Reformers; that after the Revolution of 1688-89 in
particular, it was declared that elections ought to be free
—that they were notoriously not free, many borough arid
other voters being driven to the poll more arbitrarily than
ever the Irish forty-shilling freeholders were carried
thither—that the law said seats were not to be made
matters of traffic—that the law and the practice were in-
consistent, as seats were filled by nominations, and ob-
tained by purchase—and that the law and practice ought
to harmonise, to effect which was the object of his
Majesty's Ministers. His Lordship intimated that
he should hereafter propose an amendment of the Bribery
Laws, Mr. Fox having justly urged that it was monstrous
to send poor voters to Newgate, while they were sur-
rounded by Members in that House who bad received or
paid thousands on account of seats. Sir II Peel stated
that he should reserve bia opposition till the second read-
ing, and consequently the discussion closed very early.
The Bill is to,be read a second time on Monday week.—
Morning Herald. '
the new Reform Bill has been proposed to the new Par-
liament ; and 'it will be found from the speech of Lord
John Russell, that it differs from the hat only in. a slight

extension of the Sweeping dlarranchiPmut previotisly con-
templated. considering the peculiar circumstances in
which the Reform question no* stands recollecting the
union of popular excitement and intimidation of the better
informed classes under which its progress has been made,
and, aboire all; the gross misfepresentations by which
electors were wrought upon to return a great number of
Members pledged to the Reform Bill, we think we have
reason to look not only with satisfaction, but with some
degree tif triumph, upon the proceedings in the House of
Commons last night. the Statement of Lord John Russell
*as Made with his usual flippancy and feebleness—for
let venal writers vaunt as they will, and foolish
functionaries compliment him with snuff-boxes,
his Lordship is one of the pettiest orators that ever
undertook a great question. Sir Robert Peel did not
deem it necessary to reply, but announced, with a firmness
and determination which is the best answer to the calum-
nies circulated against his consistency upon the question,
his resolution to take his stand boldly, and divide the
House upon the recond reading. Never was there less
occasion given for even the shadow of an imputation of
" factious opposition." Sir Robert Peel camly de-
clared his intention, and pointed out a course for the
adoption of Ministers, with regard to the time and
manner of bringing in the Bills, to which on their
part it was thought prudent to yield. It appears
that the Government had not decided, even yet, as to
whether the three Bills for the separate portions of the
United Kingdom were to proceed together or consecu-
tively. Sir Robert Peel's suggestion that they should
proceed together was agreed to ; his suggestion to post-
pone the second reading from Thursday next to Monday
week, was also agreed to ; and, upon the whole, a singular
spirit of compliance seemed to possess the Treasury Bench.
What may be the ultimate fate of this momentous mea-
sure, we dare not yet venture to hazard an anticipation ;
but sure we are that the friends of the Constitution have
much reason for hope, in the tone and deportment of their
party in Parliament, notwithstanding the advantage gained
by their opponents, through means which would make
even victory disgraceful.—Morning Post.

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

FREN CII PAPERS.

(From the Messager des Chambres of Thursday.
The object of Marshal Diebitsch in stationing a part of his
army in the province of Polsk, previous to his death, was not to
cross the Vistula above Warsaw, but to procure it sustenance by
provisions drawn from Prussia, having been nearly starved upon
the Bug and Narew after the communications with Lithuania
were cut off. General Gielgud is now stationed in Samogitia, a
Lithuanian district on the north of the Niemen. He crossed
this river on the sth of June, near Kowno, from which place he
drove the Russians. His forces amounted to 8,000 men, which
were very soon increased to three times that number by the
junction of the insurgents and the rise of the inhabitants. Ros-
sienre and Telcha were occupied by detachments. The Russians
retired with precipitation at all points.
The insurrection of the Ukraine is confirmed by the Austrian
Observer, in terms from which it may be inferred, that it was
much more considerable than the censored journal dared to
state. The Journals of Warsaw have already spoken of the
insurrection ; and there is now no reason to doubt of its cir-
cumstantial correctness. It will prevent the Russians of Vol-
hynia and Podolia from receiving the reinforcements of Kiew ;
and give, without doubt, an irresistible impetus to the move-
ments of those two provinces.
The Russian regiments, it will be shortly seen, will capitulate
in the midst of these people, who will surround and block them
up in some interior position.
BERLIN, JUNE 10.—The arrival of General Flahault, the
French Ambassador of our Court, appears to justify the hopes of
the maintenance of a general peace.
The .Vessager des Chambres contains the following on the death
of Marshal Diebitsch _ _

" The chagrin caused by the dismissal from his command,
which immediately preceded this event, joined to his excessive
indulgence in the use of intoxicating liquors, appears to have oc.
casioned the apoplexy which destroyed him. Marshal Diebitsch
partook of much of the character and manners of Gen. Blucher.
He was rather more capable of combining a plan of tactics; but,
like Blucher, had the complete manners of a soldier, and an ac-
tive spirit. He was a great eater, and had the deplorable habit of
drinking daily after dinner several bowls of punch, in order, as
he said, to promote digestion, and keep off the cholera mor
bus. His military operations in Poland were all unfortunate
either from miscalculation or bad execution. It is, however,
but just to take into account the unforeseen difficulties by which
he was assailed—in the first instance by the sudden thaw,
and afterwards by the various insurrections which cut off his
communications. At the same time, thwarted by the Russian
Generals, who were his secret enemies, and by the Grand Duke
Michael—a Prince brave as any other soldier, but incapable of
command except upon parade; seeing an extensive con.
flagration, in a pert of the empire lighted by his own
faults, or, at least, vexed by the failure of his attempts to pass
the Vistula, his mind became distracted. A disposition to
apoplexy could not but be increased by so many overwhelming
cares, and by the immoderate use of spirits ; and the news of
his dismissal, and the substitution in his place of the Russian
Paskewitsch, must have been a finishingstroke to him. Paske-
witsch is said to be the perfect contrast to his predecessor, re.
served, cold, and sober.' He has hitherto only distinguished
himself by his conduct in the war against the Persians, as Die-
bitsch was , only known by Lis campaign against the Turks.
1 here is every reason to believe that Paskewitsch, as well as his
predecessor, will find in the Poles very different warriors from
the Asiatics." _ _ _

The destination of the English and French fleets seems to at-
tract attention in foreign countries. The Antwerp Journal says
on this subject, It is the interest of England and France to in-
tervene by armed demonstrations, if necessary, in order to pre-
vent the annihilation of Poland. Hence we conclude that the
two fleets will go to the Baltic or the Black Sea. It is worthy of
remark, that by the employment of naval force France does not
give offence to any nation in Europe, whereas, by succouring
Poland with an army, she would be obliged to declare war
against all Germany, and pass through it; and, consequently, to
wage an unjust war of aggression and invasion, reprobated by
the principles of true policy, as well as of morality and honour."