The Sun.
London, England, 1838-10-17 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF T

C JO URNALS

Mr. Sharman Crawford's new series of letters upon the
Tithe Bill, " grievances of Ireland," " justice to Ireland,"
the chicaneries and " treacheries of Mr. Daniel O'Connell,"
&c., are, as was said in the Times of yesterday, valuable
performances in their way. When persons of a certain
description fall out, persons of another description are
seldom much the worse for it. The people of England,
therefore, must be rather unlucky if they do not gain some
little benefit (knowledge is in itself a benefit) from the in-
sight which Mr. Sharman Crawford so eagerly affords them
into the character of his own most conspicuous associate
and fellow labourer, and so unconsciously, at the same time,
into the ultimate object of all those mighty boastings of
patriotism and schemes of Reform with which this noble
pair of brothers have so long deafened the community. Ay,
when the sneaking rogue crawls to windward of the bold
one, and when the latter, to revenge himself, betrays their
common machinations, the result is for the most part such
as ought to satisfy the sternest demands of vindictive jus-
tice. It may be well to expose the base practices of
O'Connell in disappointing, mortifying, betraying, deftroauhdis-
ing the factious conspirators whose fbng subserviency
plots bad raised him to his late condition of preternatural
power, whereby he has been enabled to sell that flock of
innocent lambs, the Papists of Ireland, to her Majesty's
Ministers, and to get in exchange thereof the patronage of
the said Ministers for his own private uses. It may be
very well to expose all this, and to convince the whole world
how profitable it is to have any dealings in the shape of
trust or partnership with Mr. Daniel O'Connell, even in
the blessed cause of revolution. But there is something
better to be achieved by such performers as Mr. Sharman
Crawford, tnd which none can accomplish half so satisfac-
torily as a personage who has been himself a principal in the
proceedings referred to by him—proceedings which it may
have been treachery in O'Connell to abandon, but which it
was nothing short of treason in him or his fierce accuser to
attempt. This high and paramount consummation, in
every way so desirable for the country, was an announce-
ment ex cathedra, from such an authority as Mr.
Sharman Crawford, of the precise nature and somewhat
awful extent of those reforms which the latter worthy indi-
vidual still openly meditates—which the faction described
by him as the " people of Ireland," are applauded by him
for still passionately cherishing and pursuing--and the
frustration, or indefinite delay of which, from motives of
disgraceful selfishness, constitutes that crime of " apos-
tacy" with which he charges Mr. Daniel O'Connell. With
reference to the second and more important use to which
Mr. Sharman Crawford's mad-dog cry against O'Connell is
convertible, we must observe that it is almost unawares he
has made it an index to the reckless and immeasurable ruin
projected by your so-called patriots against the foundations
of the monarchy. Let us hear the whole-hog Sharman
upon these topics, and first in the setting forth of a piece
of exquisite nonsense, wherein he shines with no borrowed
light. Endeavouring to show how much worse the
" people of Ireland" are off since the passing of the new
Tithe Bill than they ever were before, thus the muddy
mystifier drivels :—" Formerly it was argued by the sup-
porters of the monopoly, that the tithes were paid by the
landlords, who were chiefly Protestants, and not by the
people, who were chiefly Roman Catholics or Dissenters.
But the late Act, by its provisions, clearly acknowledges
the principle, that the tithe rent-charge is to be levied by
the landlord, in addition to rent, and clearly imposes it on
the people, in that form." So, then, the new rent-charge is
a tax imposed upon the " people," as contrasted with the
" landlords," is it ? How is this broad and stupid alle-
gation made out ? Suppose to-morrow, that there were not
a shilling of rent-charge in lieu of tithe, or any other
provision made for the Protestant clergy ; does this igno-
rant demagogue or deliberate impostor—for one or other

he is ofnecessity—does he mean to tell his " people
of Ireland," that in the case of a farm to be let to-
morrow, the incoming tenant would get the land for
a single shilling less of rent per acre than now, that a por-
tion of that rent is to go out of the landlord's pocket for
the support of the clergy ? A tenant, having formerly
tithe to pay in addition to his rent, would offer just so
much rent as when, together with tithes and other inevi-
table charges, deducted from the produce of the soil,
would enable him to have a tenant's profit. No landlord
could force him to give more. But now that the tenant
has no tithe to pay, he will offer as much more for the
l-nd per acre as the tithe, if still payable, will amount to.
He will offer the value of the land as if it were tithe free.
What the landlord has to pay out of his rent, whether
rent-charge to a clergyman, jointure to his father's widow,
or interest on a mortgage, will not alter the amount of rent
a single farthing ; because it is the tenant's outgoings, not
the landlord's, which determine the value of the land
to the occupier, who never troubles his head with the ques-
tion, " What the landlord is to do with his rent when he
receives it ?" but how much rent the quality of
the land, and its position with regard to markets,
will enable him (the tenant) to pay. It is a knavish
delusion, therefore, to pass off upon the " people of Ire-
land," or a despicable blunder, that the rent-charge fixed
upon the soil is a tax upon the tenant. Were it abolished
at once by Act of Parliament, not a farthing more on that
account would find its way into the tenant's pocket. The
landlord would get all. If Mr. Sharman Crawford says
otherwise, he is a blockhead or something worse, as any
farmer from Caithness to the Land's-end will inform him.
A pretty instructor of " the people of Ireland!" There
are some curious admissions sprinkled here and there with
the pugnacious menaces of Mr. Sharman Crawford—as,
for instance, that trammelled as the " Irish people" are
and have been by the perpetual tricks, and shifting, and
dictations, and exactions of O'Connell (and why not
of the priests, Mr. Sharman Crawford ?), they " are
ready to march" upon every " scheme of delusion,
and I say with grief, that a people so trammelled
can afford no security for the maintenance or attain-
ment of either political or religious freedom." Say you
so, vociferous champion of the " people of Ireland ?"
Have not we said so all along ? Have we not laughed in
derision of the paradox that, enslaved and trampled on as
those miserable, superstitious, priest-be-ridden, demagogue-
ridden, duped, stimulated, maddened, more than semi-bar-
barians were, it was a daring and wicked fraud to hold
them up as safe depositaries of political right, or as reason-
ing assertors of the cause of freedom. But this man moves
on. He asks if this new Tithe Bill were not better for the
Church, which signifies in his dialect worse for the people,
than Lord Stanley's Act, which it superseded, why should
the " Tories" have agreed to give up one-fourth of the
Church revenue to obtain it? This interrogatory involves
a piece of factious misrepresentation, and of matchless im-
pudence. The Conservatives agreed to the Bill, and to a
deduction of one-fourth from the income of the clergy,
already by no means too much for their wants, because they
hoped by such a sacrifice to promote in some degree the
peace of Ireland—a desire which it would be well if
Mr. Sharman Crawford, Mr. Daniel O'Connell, and other
patriots, had betrayed a much mere obvious inclination to
thwart than to participate. The Conservatives were as
anxious to get rid of the unhappy disputes between the
established clergy and the occupying tenantry, caused by
the ancient condition of the tithe system, as Messrs. O'Con-
nell and Sharman Crawford would be to perpetuate any
source of disturbance, or, ceasing the old ones, to invent
and fabricate others. One grand vice of the new Tithe
Bill in their eyes is, beyond all doubt, its aptitude to stop
the collisions between the peasantry and the beneficed
clergy. Listen once more to this incendiary, and watch his
fatal exhibition of the cloven foot, in the following most
pregnant passage of his first letter. He reproaches O'Con-
nell for having supported a measure which he represents to
hare been so much more objectionable than Lord Stan-
ley's Composition Bill ; and why does he thus prefer
Lord Stanley's imperfect measure ? Because, " had
the people been permitted to work out their own
cause"—that is, of course, by the pike and fagot—
the " power of the people"— their numbers and
savage cruelties, no doubt, would have swept away the
" abomination of ecclesiastical monopolies" by mere force,
and for ever have prevented the " revival of that or any
other compulsory payment for the establishment of any
other Church usurpation in Ireland ; and the same result
would have soon been effected over the British empire by the
successful crumple qf Ireland ! !" Well, is not this
enough ? Are our supercharitable, namby-pamby, half-
and-half Protestants of England and Scotland in want of
further light than is afforded them by the above frank
avowal as to the true nature and frightful magnitude of
the plot for the destruction of the United Church, under
the lying and diabolical pretence of a moderate reform of
the Church in Ireland only ? Are we not warned now
Shall we not buckle on our armour now P Shall we set
fire to our own holy edifice, wantonly, sacrilegiously,
this
ly ,now
that our eyes are opened ? Will any milt]
manifestation of the destroyer's project from his
the Churchi; own after
lip
will any Protestant now dare to pretend that s_
in
thereof n
glahad England
pmighteriperished ed
sti be secure, though the Irish branch
khepslatzenduanrdd e
rest
hd
ee naydi
flan n
itsltl that t thei
on
Are we to understand t
Itathcormack massacre too
He might as
.w.ell deny that the de-
of Sir Robert Peel
to
oy
producethe
the smallest
Tory press, were
de-
luge took place under? Noah ; a position which we have no
the denial of it ever
ef advantage to t eir par h • t But •
lTttalientlaikineelyd
y. it appears that
particle
doubt would be stoutlyso
Lord Haddington had not gone over to Ireland! Why
this only makes the case of the Tories worse.
Coming events cast their shadows before."
The very shadow of a Tory Government was a massacre!
We had not perceived before the full moral of the tragedy
of Ratlieormack : we thank the judicious Standard for the
new light he has thrown upon a point of so much prac-
tical importance. The Standard shows a total misap-
prehension of the matter when he tells us of the
,nstructions of Lord Wellesley's Government, under

which it is alleged that a holy minister of the Gos-1
pel presided at the shooting to death of ten or twelve
of his parishioners. The resistance that caused that
shooting could have taken place under none but an Orange
Administration. Whether the instructions were right or
wrong, or whether Whigs or Tories prepared them, it mat-
ters not a straw. A Tory Ministry was in power, and the
Irish people will not endure under a Tory Ministry what
they would endure under a Liberal or Reform Ministry.
In the same circumstances, under the Marquis of Nor-
manby, the transaction in question would not—we might
safely say could not—have occurred ; so important is the
character and spirit of the Government we establish beyond
the Channel. It is notorious that since the Marquis of Nor-
manby went to Ireland numerous combinations of ascendancy
have taken place, far moreirritating, farmore oppressive,far
more likely than Archdeacon Ryder's foray to lead to armed
collision and shedding of blood. Yet since the Noble Mar-
quis entered on his present office there has been no Rath-
corrnack, there has been no sanguinery collision between the
authorities and the populace, although the law was never (by
Tory confession!) so vigorously administered by the Castle,
or put into motion so oppressively and barbarously by the
parsons. A return was made to the House of Commons
of tithe-suits instituted between January, 1835, and June,
1836. In that brief space nearly 400 declarations were
filed in the law Courts, and 1,552 bills in the Court of
Chancery for tithes ! Some of these bills were filed against
more than 200 defendants. In those six months no fewer
than 15,000 Roman Catholics, many of them paupers,
were dragged into the Court of Exchequer by the ferocious
process called the Writ of Rebellion, issued at the suit of
the Protestant Clergy, men who in conscience end equity
had as much claim against the Irish Catholics for tithes,
or any other payment, as they have against the settlers at
the Cape of Good Hope or the people of Cochin China.
Yet there was no Rathcormack. The old, the sick, and
the maimed were dragged from the remotest parishes in the
island, and thrown into the dungeons of the Irish capital,
and no degree of outrage could engender the slightest dis-
position to resist the law. The present Irish Govern-
ment, in truth, has been the golden age of sinecure
parsons and oppressive landlords. We fear we are
raising an argument against liberal dynasties in Ire-
land ; but certain it is that the extortioner and the
local despot have a liberty and security in that
country under a popular Government which they did
not enjoy under the most ferocious Tory system. A
Tory Government has one advantage, and but one :
it keeps the local oppressor in that degree of con-
troul which results from the fear of a people over whose
conduct he knows the Government has no constraint or
influence. Under the Marquis of Normanby the tyranny
of parson and proprietor has had full swing. Under no
other administration could the Ryders, Beresfords, Hing-
stones, and Murrays have so fearfully hunted end harried,
tormented and slaughtered, the unoffending natives of the
country. Under no other Administration could the Rev.
Marcus Beresford's diabolical advice of extermination have
been acted upon so systematically, and with such compara-
tive impunity, by the Orange landlords. Ungrateful To-
ries ! you are, of all the parties in the State, the most
deeply indebted to the present Government of Ireland ;
but for that Government, and its unprecedented sway over
the people, you might confidently reckon upon blow for
blow, and outrage for ourtage, as there is certainly nothing
that has, for the last three years, screened you from the
fiercest retaliation, but that respect for the law and the
Government which has been generated by men who have
sustained that law with equal clemency and vigour, and
taught the mass of the people to look up with reverence
and affection to the depositaries and vicegerents of British
power.--Morning Chronicle.
Several times lately have we called upon the Reformers
of Great Britain and Ireland to unite for a common object,
rather than by a division of their strength to afford to
party an opportunity of making the agitation in one portion
of the empire a counterpoise to that in the other, and thus
securing its own- triumph at the expense of both. This union,
however, is so important and desirable, that it cannot be
too frequently and impressively urged upon the attention
of Reformers in all parts of the empire ; and therefore, at
the risk of being considered tedious and tautological, we
continue our earnest and anxious efforts towards that most
desirable consummation. In both countries the power
about to be put in action is awful. On its judicious
exercise depends the fate of the British empire ; and,
therefore, awful also is the responsibility of those charged
with its direction. Agitation, at a time so critical as the
present, should address itself to the accomplishment of
great and comprehensive principles recognized by all
friends of reform, and not encumber itself with details
which are unsuitable to the decision of multitudes of
men, and likely—nay, certain—when introduced, to disturb
the unanimity essential to success. For this reason, we
have conjured, and do conjure, the people of Great Britain
and Ireland to take their stand on the broad ground of
" Household Suffrage and the Ballot," whereon every true
Reformer can fight the battle of liberty without a sacrifice
of opinion or principle. We know, and pledge ourselves,
that notwithstanding the more extensive claims made by
the Reformers of England, that the adoption of these mea-
sures by the Legislature would give perfect satisfaction to
the nation : the more extensive claims being put forward,
not so much with the expectation of their realization
as to assert their abstract justice, from a feeling most na-
tural to_all men, when refused a moderate and just demand
to urge their right to its utmost extent. To concentrate
the action of the Reformers of Great Britain on these
Points would be a task of comparative facility ; and with
regard to the Reformers of Ireland, notwithstanding the nu-
merous and complicated objects proposed by the Precursor
Society, and the rejection by its founder of all association
with English Reformers, yet we confidently hope that they
also will ere long see the advantage of uniting for the
first great purpose of a free people—a full and fair repre-
sentation in the Legislature. This hope is strength-
ened by the fact that many of Ireland's best Reformers
keep aloof from the Society till its purpose be more dis-
tinctly defined, and many others join it solely with a view
of bringing its action more speedily to bear on objects more
practical than those set forth on its formation. Some of
its professed objects are such as no rational man could
hope to accomplish, and of which not one individual Pre-
cursor entertains the slightest or most remote expectation.
Who, for instance, is so insane as to expect that sixty
Members will be deducted from the representation of Eng-
land and added to the representation of Ireland in the
next or any other Session of Parliament ? Who would
have the audacity to brave the ridicule of the British
House of Commons by making such a proposition within
its walls ? Will even the Member for Dublin ?—Fudge
It is not so much an increase to the number of her Repre-
sentatives as a more extensive and better protected suffrage
in their election, that Ireland needs to accomplish her re-
generation. Of what advantage would it be to Ireland to
have an increase to the number of her Representatives if
these Representatives shall be chosen, as many are at pre-
sent, by the dictation of Tory-Orange landlords, or the cor-
rupt influence of Tory-Orange Corporations ? To use the
native idiom, " Such again would be a mighty great loss." Let
the suffrage be first extended and protected—let the people
be first enabled to exercise a free choice in the election of
Representatives, and it will be then time enough to discuss
the question of increasing their number. To increase the
number of Irish Representatives, in the present st its of the
lianchise, would be merely to impose an additional burden
on popular action. Ireland has at present many Members
—those of Armagh, Sligo, &c.—she could very well spare,
and, to reverse the foregoing idiom, " the loss would be a
mighty great gain." Dismiss from your minds, then, Re-
formers of Ireland, a proposition so absorb, impracticable,
and useless as that of making an addition to your Repre-
sentatives by a deduction from ours. It is not from selfish
motives we deprecate the proposition, for we also have
many, very many, Members of whom we would gladly
make you a present, did we not fear it would prove to
you to be one of those Grecian presents—sure to prove
detrimental to the recipients. You forfeits the respect due
u
to your intelligence by entertainingpuerile pro-
positions, while objects of such eh
momentous interest
demand your most earnest attention and exertion.
You lose your moral weight and influence b insisting.
y
on concessions which you have no intention
of !rif or cing,
obtain. and which you know you cannot otherwise
ves
not the number of Representatives, but
I, their quality,
which should engage your attention and ours. The pro-
ceedings of the House of Commons of late years have
afforded but little verification of the adage—. in the mul-
titude of
.counsellors there is wisdom." A single score
seef=toLtsll,l; of Representatives fairlypochpuolsaern bcyontthreolfrbeey
people, and subject to
triennial—elections,
would
be infinitely better calculated
to counsel for the national interests, than hundreds chosen
like the present Houseof .Commons, by contracted and
coerced constituencies. Join with us, therefore, in purify-
ing the representation.
If there be any
Ballot, let him
any amongst you who
and
object to Household Sujerage
de-
clare himself, we seek not his co-operation ; but as you ho-
nest Reformers value all that is dear to you, accept the
eight hand of fellowship which we offer to y•ou,r, flous
e,pudiatee.
--
humbug, and unite with us in the great claimd
t, for
erti
hold Suffrage and the Ballot."-Morning j
A few days ago we offered some remarks upse
onr.
Lord
John AusselPs " hope," expressed to a small company at
Liverpool, "that much would soon be done to raise the
people, in a moral point of view, by an enlightened and re-
ligious education." Our view of the matter was, that sup-
posing anything to be really attempted in this way by the
present Government, it would be some experimental quack-
ery, which, however it might profess to be religious, would
not be so according to the views of religious people, and
would therefore turn out, like most 'Whig schemes, an
utter failure. We stated at the time the reasons which
itriluenced ns in coming to that opinion, and we need
not pow repeat them. Our present purpose is to

give some additional consideration to the subject, with
reference to the ably-stated views which were
v,iven to the public in the Spectator of last Satur-
day. Our Contemporary entertains doubt that anything
at all will be attempted for the furtherance of public edu-
cation in the next session of Parliament, notwithstanding
the " hope" that Lord John Russell is trying to kindle.
The same hope was attempted to be raised by Lord John
in his address to the constituency of Stroud, with a view to
the election of the present Parliament :
" The State,' said Lord John, has in this matter a para-
mount duty to perform. It was the benevolent wish of
George the Third that every child in his dominions might be
able to read the Bible—may his illustrious descendant see that
wish accomplished l'
" The session, however, passed with nothing done to pro-
mote National Education, beyond the usual grant of 20,0001.
which is to be expended in a highly objectionable manner,
and on the principle that they who need help most shall re-
ceive the least. The paramount duty' of the State—which
means one of the most presQing duties of the Government—re-
ceived no visible attention from the Government—and the ques-
tion, as far as Ministers are concerned, is in state quo."
Our Contemporary then proceeds to argue that, suppos-
ing Ministers are now more in earnest than they have
been, and really desirous of effecting extensive improvement
and augmentation in the means of popular instruction, they
have not the talent nor the power to grapple with the sub-
ject. This, too, is very nearly our view of the matter ;
but while we doubted their talent, their power, and their
disposition to set on foot an extensive system of national
education of that kind which would satisfy religious peo-
ple, our Contemporary doubts their capacity for putting an
enlarged system into action upon any principles, whether of
that system which is called " Liberal," or of any other
system, We do not dispute that this is a broader view of
the improbability of Lord John's " hope" being realised,
and we believe it is a perfectly correct one. If a ge-
neral system of national education be in truth a public
desideratum, it is one among the many evils resulting from
a weak and distrusted Government, such as the present,
that this want cannot under such a Government be sup-
plied. It is, we think, quite . true, as our Contemporary
states, that, at the very outset, the present Government
would be met by the deep distrust of the Church, and that
large body of the people who go with the Church in all
matters relating to the education of the people. It is in
vain for Ministers, who cannot dissolve the constitutional
and legal connection between Church and state, to think
they may proceed practically as if such a connection did
not subsist. Without the form of the thing, the Church
does substantially and practically, and through the con-
fidence of a large body of the people, exereise an im-
portant sway in all affairs of education, which are on a
large and popular scale; and the consequence is, that
unless the secular government be (as we think it
always ought to be) upon terms of mutual trust and con-
fidence with the Church, it must be impotent to effect a
really great plan of national education. Whig writers
may say what they will about the " liberality" and the
" enlightenment" of their plans, and they may have the
utmost success in persuading themselves that no objection
should stand for a moment against the perfection of de-
sign at which it has been their peculiar felicity to arrive ;
but they cannot alter circumstances, they cannot change
the views of the people with respect to the inestimable
value of religion in the education of their children. They
tried their grand Whig experiment in what they called
the " London University," meaning thereby what is now
called " London University College ;" but it failed utterly.
The people, notwithstanding the enormous puffery by which
the establishment was for a long time attempted to be sus
tained, were too much in earnest about a thing that
touched them so nearly as the education of their children.
The establishment attempted to get on, while it held out
to the world that it had nothing to do with religion ; but
the people of England look with dread and abhorrence
upon education to which so fearful a negative applies,
and the establishment went down. And so would any
other, however popular in some respects, and however
cheap, if the same awful blank as to religion were held to
be part of its character. Nor would the people (of Eng-
land) be deceived by the mere name of religious education,
if the Church, upon which, in some matters at all events,
they place much more reliance than they do on the present
Government, passed upon the system an unfavourable
judgment. Our Radical Contemporary says :
"It is easy to talk about the paramonnt duty of the State'
to educate the people ; but on the threshold we are met with
difficulties which only a resolute Administration, possessing
the confidence of the country and a large majority in Parlia-
ment, can overcome. This must be evident to all who know
that with education by the State the Church question is
mixed up. For a weak Government to propose a scheme
which should exclude religious instruction from the State
schools, would be absurd—not in itself, but on account of the
powerful prejudices which exist on this subject; and then comes
the pinch—what sort of religion, and how much of it, must
be imparted ? The introduction of the Irish plan, by
which portions of Scripture, not objectionable to Catholics, or
indeed to arty Christian sect, are taught to the scholars, would
not be tolerated by the Church party in England ; and pro.
bably a majority of the Dissenters would not agree to muti-
late the Word of God.' But this is not the only obstacle to
a plan of national education. The lligh Churchmen insist
upon the Book of Common Prayer being taught with the
Bible; and they would raise a storm throughout the land
against any scheme which did not embrace both. They are not
dissatisfied with the existing arrangement, because they re-
ceive by far the largest part of the annual grant; but to be put
on a level with the Evangelical party and the Dissenters would
be too bad.'"

We have already shosvn in our Paper of last Friday, as well
as in our foregoing observations, why we think that for any
Government to propose a scheme of instruction which
should exclude religion would be absurd in itself, but we
quote the above as another foundation supplied from a dif-
ferent quarter, for the conclusion at which we have arrived.
As to the sneer about the Established Church receiving
the largest part of the annual grant in the present arrange-
ment we let it pass. Such a scratch as that might be
given in mere play. Our Contemporary proceeds with
his view of the non-efficiency of the Government for any
great work :
" The difficulties here indicated would be insuperable by a
weak and irresolute Ministry. The Melbourne Whigs lack
the capacity to construct and the courage to propose a large
and efficient plan, which would deserve and receive the sup-
port of the ardent and unprejudiced friends of education.
They pare down everything to a petty standard; and the con-
sequence is, public ewe as to the fate of their measures.
It may be a sore trial of patience, but we must wait till the
country shall be blessed with a Minister bold enough to brave
the bigots and self-seekers of all sects and parties, and to
throw himself, with no rash but with well-grounded confidence,
for support or, the great body of the people."
We do not attempt to disguise from ourselves that in his
description of " bigots and self-seekers" our Contem-
porary includes those without whom, we believe no Go-
vernment of this country would be able to carry into effect
a great plan of popular education. Of course we say
this upon the supposition that no vast moral as well as
political revolution is contemplated as the antecedent to
the " bold" Administration which our Contemporary con-
templates. From the present Government we can expect
no great plan of good education, and a great plan of irre-
ligiously bad education we do not think the people of
Great Britain would suffer any Government to carry.
When the time shall return—as we trust it will—when
the Crown, and the Ministers of the Crown, and the
heads of the Church shall all work cordially together, for
the religious, and political, and social welfare of the people,
then, and not until then, do we think that the establish-
ment of a wise and wholesome p'an of general education
may be looked for.—Morning Post.

The Aberdeen Herald, received this morning, gives
an account of the hurricane that, as we stated yesterday, had
been experienced in Scotland. Besides so seriously injuring
the splendid chain bridge over the Esk, at Montrose, the
devastating effects of the hurricane extended over a great
breadth of country, occasioning considerable injury. The
Herald states that the accounts from the country are very unfa-
vourable. A gentleman who came to Aberdeen by the Union,
declares that he never was witness to such a storm. When
between Johnshaven and Bervie, the horses almost became
unmanageable ; and in several places the guard, driver, and
passengers, had literally to dig their way through corn-sheaves
and other agricultural produce; which had been blown from
the fields and cornyards, and scattered in every direction.
With the utmost difficulty Bervie was reached, and here the
scene was truly terrific. The slates and tiles of the houses
were flying like chaff—windows were battered in—doors and
gates of inclosures were torn off, and everything seemed to be
in a fair way to ruin. The coach could not get within some
hundred yards of the inn ; and the whole of the passengers
had to take shelter, for about an hour and a half, at the inn,
but the house was almost laid open in the roof. The Union
was two hours past her time, and the Defiance nearly four
hours, in consequence of the stoppage at the ferry, and on
the way also, from the weather. It is impossible to estimate
the damage dons to the crops, bat it must be extensive.

Some villain drew the damper and weighted the
safety valve of the boiler at Providence-hill, Thornton-road,
Bradford, belonging to Mr. D. Illing worth, early in the morn-
ing of yesterday week. It was providentially discovered,
otherwise the mill might have been blown up, and a number of
lives lost. Mr. Illin.worth has offered a reward of 201. for
the discovery of the offender, but no clue has been obtained to
him. It is surely very reprehensible for manufacturers to have
their boilers constructed in such a manner as that any villains
who have a spite to them or any of the cottagers whose dwell-
ings generally surround the mill, can get to the damper and
safety-valve, and be able to cause an exp105i0n.......11a Times.
A sword, poniard, and coat of mail were recently
found in the Lys, near Merville, by some workmen, employed
in clearing the bed of the river. Several human bones were
also found near the spot. The coat of mail is in perfect pre-
servationand of exquisite workmanship, and is supposed to
rivetrhesiLncyes
weretbe
amiddlesalso
found of tah eg l
Near the
have lain
bin le
ridto.ie
of
a medal struck in honour of the marriage of Henry IV. with
Marie de Medic's.