The Sun.
London, England, 1831-12-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TIM PUBLIC JOURNALS.

His Majesty's speech on the opening of Parliament is just I
and appropriate. It met with no hostile remark in either
House, for it presented not, we should think, any ground for
well-founded censure. We observe that the word " measures,"
in the plural number, is used, as applicable to there
ral plan
bject of
Reform; from which we should infer that the g
may now be comprised in more Bills than one. But of this we
know nothing as a fact. On the subject of distress, which
the speech says "still prevails in many parts of his Majesty's
dominions," we are inclined to say a few words. The people
of England certainly are not in that condition in which we
could wish them to be. We should desire that their " garners
were full of all manner of store, and that there were no com-
plaining in our streets." But still we are inclined to suspect,
that the present pressure, when compared with that which has
existed at other times, is greatly exaggerated. In any case, the
proceedings at Lyons show that we have got a tight hold of the
silk trade. And though prices may not be high, our monopoly
of the cotton manufactory continues unshaken : only there must
be security for the employment of capital. The grand subject
of dissatisfaction is the opposition to a Parliamentary Reform ;
and this painful feeling is, we are convinced, neither in the
first instance created, nor subsequently much embittered, by
p iblic distress. The cholera morbus is a visitation of Provi-
dence, which we presume, therefore, cannot be imputed to Mi-
nisters. But its existence among us, which has not hitherto
proved very destructive, will sharpen the industry, and may
perhaps improve the science, of our medical practitioners.
Another more important consequence must mark its progress,
and shed a kind of compensating blessing on the traces of the
calamity in this country as well as in others which have been
subjected to its visitation. Cleanliness, ventilation, the removal
of nuisances and attention to the diet, dress, and comforts of
the poor, are found to be the only means of arresting its ravages
or mitigating its violence. Without the employment of these
means, this pestilence would difflise itself over the lower ranges
of society, and soon reach the upper classes. The warning which
this fact affords cannot but be useful to the poor ; and accord-
ingly we find in every town, city, and almost in every parish, a
Board of Health established, and a disposition generated among
the wealthy to relieve the squalid wretchedness which
lurks in hovels and by-lanes, seldom before visited by the
foot of charity. From this cause casualities by other
diseases are reduced, and in some countries of Europe,
which have lately suffered from the scourge, the mor_
tality has been less than in cosumon years. Oh Ireland ! Ire-
land! What can be said of thee? Grand cause of England's
uneasiness and Insecurity! An improvement in the law of
tithes, " with the necessary protection to the Established
•Church," is recommended in the speech. Whatsoever may be
the source of her good or improvement, we are sure that it
will not be found in the selfish plots and furiously-acted ma_
rueuvres of demagogues. As to Portugal and Belgium, these
are objects ssf lass interest at present than our own domestic
concerns. The farmer country must, under any form of Go-
vernment or member ef the Royal house of Bragansa, return
to her amity with England, for there is no other country to
take her products. It must, however, be a source of great re-
gret to find the population of a kingdom. with which we have
been so long connected by a profitable commercial intercourse
arid an honourable political patronage, still a prey to such in_
terns' disorders as niG,st lessen the amount of our trade, en_
danger the security of our factories, and render it impossible
to adroit its Government into the association of European
States. The continued civil dissensions which prevail in Por-
tugal after nearly four years of the reign of Dan Miguel, the
danger which he apprehends from granting an amnesty, and
the great numbers of his subjects in prison or in exile, form a
complete answer to those who would speak of the blessings of
his sway, sad make us look forward with hope to a contest
which must decide the fate of our ancient allies in one way or
another, In applying the language of Statius to the approach-
ing struggle between the two brothers
_— Nude potestas

Armavit fratres."
we may a.dd with the poet, pugna est de paupere regno—for ne_
ver was a state reduced to greater misery and distress by des_
potism and misrule. The King of Holland is still said to
waist the award of the London Conference; but while the
great Powers of Europe continue in peace and friendship with
each other, which they cannot well afford to break, the disputes
between the component parts of the late Netherland kingdom
must, we conceive, settle and compose of themselves, in confor-
mity with the general principles, if not the express provisions,
of the late arrangement. Of the suppression of the African
slave-trade, the late riots at Bristol, and the organized societies
of England, we have before spoken by anticipation ; and these are
all the topics of the speech. The proceedings in the House of
Lords, on the chief subject of the speech, were really almost
rach as we could wish them. There was a disposition to ac-
quiesce in the calls of the country and in the fixed tictermina-
:.ion of the people to have a Reform, which will he perceived
With pleasure throughout the land. No amendment was moved,
nor even contemplated. The chief leader of the Opposition to
the last Reform Bill showed so little disposition to oppose Mi.
iisters iu the address, that he threw opt courteously a proposed
:alteration, which was readily adopted by Lord Grey, without
attaching to it the formidable name of an amendment. The
manner and bearing in the House of Commons were somewhat
different, from which we ere almost inclined to infer that there
is no very complete underatao.ling between the Tories of the
two Houses—Times

The King's speech, by commencing with the agitating and
all-engrossing question—Reform--observes the fleet rule of epic
composirtisin, and rushes in medias res. But the allusion to this
question is et the same time so general and vague, that it may
be taken, according to the wishes and interests of men of dif-
ferent parties, to Apply to a great Reform, a moderate, or a
small one. It is truly said, " a speedy and satisfactory settle-
w ent of this question becomes daily of more pressing import-
ranee to the security of the State, and to the contentment and
welfare of my people." This may mean a settlement on the
basis of 4 the whole Bill," or on that of a Bill very dissimilar.
It may mean a more or less sweeping measure of Reform than
that which the House of Lords rejected. It pledges the Mini.
sters to nothing speeific, and therefore no argument can be
drawn from it as to the efficiency or inefficiency of the forth.
coming measure. It is like tire recommendation of a mediator
to two hostile parties to settle their dispute, without
any indication of the terms on which it ought to be settled.
The next topic in order, and certainly in importance,
is " the distress" which, as his Majesty but too correctly
states, " still prevail.; in many parts of my dominions."
Distress indeed does prevail in many parts of England and Ire-
land, to a degree which it requires all the fortitude of the people
ao support, and all the wisdom of Parliament to relieve. It is said
kn the Royal speech that for this distress of the preservation of
peace, both at home and abroad, will, under the blessing of
Divine Providence, afford the best and most effectual remedy."
We know the value of peace—we know that nothing can be
more desirable than the continuance of a peace by which the
interests or honour of the Mintry are not compromised—a peace
of principle, and not humiliation. But peace alone will not
afford an effectual remedy to the es-sting distress. It must be
peace accompanied by wise and honest Government—by a sound
system of taxatiors, *set levied upon the productive industry of
the nation, but upon its actual property—by rigid econesny in
the finances—by abrogation 4 sinecures, unmerited pensions,
and other worse than useless esleipses, which drain away the
resources of the people to pamper cOrssUption, indolence, and
vice—by substantial and effectual retrenchment in all the over-
paid offices of State; and by the cultivation of those manly
arts of good and virtuous statesmanship, which inspire A public
confidence no mere expedients can supply, and which identify
the glory of the Ruler with the happiness of his people. Next
comes the subject of cholera maims, and its introduction into
the King's speech is, to say the least, of it, in bad taste. This
is no question of polities to be discussed and decided, like Re-
form or the tithe question, within the arena ssf Parliament.
Neither a Committee above stairs, nor a Committee of the
whole House, can deal with this question. Government had
already delivered it into the hands of the Board of Health, and
the Board of Health immediately constituted itself It board of
terror; for, instead of communicating privately to the Medical
part of the community the regulations which were thought
necessary to he observed, it sew: forth a manifesto which was
calculated to produce a general panic, and accelerate the very
evil which it pretended to Avert. Why hasthis subject been again
alizeged into the King's speech ? Why increase the alarm, when
caveat tend in any way to increase the means of presersation.
To say that precautions ought to be adm)ted against a pesti-
lence, is A truism which need not have eciaanisted from the
Throne. To say that precautions have been adopted? is what
every body knows, aithesigh we by no means admit they are the
" most effective for the purpose." Where is the wisdom •r
consistency of placing the AQUlPAlrdesstion with Sunderland by
sea under quarantine; and allowing the inteycourse by land to
he unrestritted ? We pass over that eternal Ik'Sbject of dissen.
aion, and heartsburning, and outrage, the Well tithe Ingstion ;
merely obierving thst it is as necessary for the interests 4 the
Clergy, who are placed in a most difficult situation, As well as
for the peace of the peolsle, that some less irritating and objec-
tionable mode of paying the Irish &Orgy should be adopted.—
Itut the settlement of this question aloee cannot tranquillize Ire-
land, It is the great misfortune of Ireland 5.43. its Govern-
ment has always adjusted its measure to the withes, the impor-
tunities, or the threats of the leaders of one faction, Aar the
leaders of another, instead of looking only to the wants of the
country and the interests of the people. Hence Ireland, With
its masses of misery and discontent, is always a foot-ball at the
feet of some boisterous and unprincipled agitator ; and so it
will continue to be until a Wise Government, detaching itself
from the influence and the intrigues oe Party, apply them.
selves to develope the resources of the country, aid give to all
classes the benefit of impartial and paternal proteetic,ks The
state of Portugal is the next subject intrceltseed in the speech.
His Majesty is made to say---" The return to Europe of the
elder branch of the illustrious /Louse of Bragangs, and the
dangers of a disputed succession, will rettiJire my most vigilant
attention to events; by which not only the safety of Portugal,
but the general interests of Europe, may be alfected." As
far as applying a vigilant attention+, to the events arising
out of the present state of Portuguese affairs may be considered
* duty by Government, there can be no rational objection to
their exercising that vigilance ; but if this is to go On U.
posi-
tive interference, and to lead to new conferences with the Holy
Alliance, and to a new issue of protocols from the volumi-
nous pen of Lord Palmerston, we must protest against it.
We were bound by treaty to protect the independence of Po-
land, ,and we did not. The question of a disputed suc-
cession to the Portuguese throne is a
question for the
decision 4f the people of Portugal alone—let them decide
it. The allusion to the treaty between the five Powers
and Belgium is followed up by only the expression of
a vague hope that the King of the Netherlands will ac.
cede to the arrangement. We suspect the " enlightened MD_
parch" will turn out to be only a puppet in the hands of other.

Who pulls the strings? The next announcement in the
speech is one of great importance to the couse of civilization ;
and the interests of humanity. It is the announcement of a
convention with the King of the French for the effectual sup-
pression of the African slave trade. Few as the colonies of
the French nation are, the French flag has been made abun-
dant use of in this abominable traffic ever since the " Mixed
Commission" with Spain, and some other Powers, was esta-
blished for the purpose of putting it down. The convention,
we presume, concedes the mutual right of search, and will
thereby contribute more than anything that has yet been done
to sweep from the seas the pirates that desolate Africa, to per-
petuate the curse and crime of slavery in other parts of the
world; but this, of course, does not touch the question of the
actual condition of the slave population in our West Indian
islands. The riots at Bristol were a fit subject for ob-
servation in the royal speech ; but we regret that, though
they are spoken of as the subject of deserved punishment, no
inquiry into the causes of those disorders is recommended. It
is right that the causes should be inquired into, because,
until they are known, the real amount of the guilt of the rioters
cannot be ascertained. Hundreds of them were in the end cut
down by the sabres of the military, or shot, and yet we do not
find that the rioters destroyed a single life. Their frantic acts
appear to have been the result of the first fatal weakness of the
authorities, whoever they were, which allowed them to get
possession of the wine.cellar at the Mansion-house. The in-
toxication that followed can account for all the rest—but we
want to know something more than has been told of the begin-
ning of those disorders. The laws must be vindicated, but
we trust justice will be administered in mercy. With the
sentiments of the concluding part of the speech from the
throne we heartily and entirely concur. The imperium in int-
perio which was attempted to be created all through this country
by means of Political Unions and armed associations, we op-
posed with whatever powers of reasoning and language we could
command from the beginning. We argued from the lights
that history afforded, and from the principles of the Constitu-
tion ; showing the danger of the example from the one source,
and the violence done to rational freedom and the stability of
regular Government from the other. A Morning Paper that
had Leen, day after day, and week after week, most vehement
and impassioned in calling for the formation of those associa-
tions, now says " freedom is At an end if self-elected and self-
propagating bodies, whether Corporations or Political Unions,
are allowed to govern us." The Journal in question affects to
be profoundly Ministerial, and thus does it attempt to conjure
down the spirits of political storm and agitation, whose dange•
rous assistance It had invoked. For our part, preferring, as we
d 6, a Constitutional Monarchy to every other form of Govern.
ment, we did not hesitate to denounce voluntary associations,
under whatever pretence, usurping the functions, without the
responsibilities, of Government ; for if such associations were
aflowed, a Constitutional Monarchy could exist no longer."—
Morning Herald.

The speech from the Throne has given very general satis,
faction. The tone throughout is excellent, and the various
subject,: introduced into it have powerful claims on the atten-
tion of Parliament. Reform, as was to be expected, occupies
a prominent place, and the importanre of a speedy settlement,
with a view to the security of the State, and the penteptment
and welfare of the people, is dwelt on with an earnestness suit-
able to the occasion. The speech expresses only the senti-
ments which his Majesty has expressed on other occasions. In
a very interesting extract from a letter from Dr. Burns, of
Paisley, published In the Glasgow 'Chronicle, received on Mon-
day, in which he gives an account of an intesvitm With the
King on the 22d of November last, the same cordial interest is
evinced by his Majesty for the welfare of his subjects
Pray, Sir, (asked his Majesty) what situation do you hold
in Scotland ? I told him : I'lease your Majesty, lam one of the
parochial Ministers of Paisley, so well known for its manufac-
tures ; and where, I am sorry to Inform your Majesty, there is
At present very great distress among the operatives, two or three
thousand of whom are out of work. His Majesty asked the
cause, when I adverted to several causes, such as the unsettled
date of the public mind, occasioned by the delay in the settle-
' meat of the Reform question • * * * • •
I remarked that his Majesty's time must have been for some
time past very painfully engaged with those matters; when he
, said, in reply, that he personally had not felt the burden so
much, but that those who were his advisers had certainly done
so. I expressed a hope, that with the blessing of Divine Provi-
dence matters would soon be brought to a bearing, to which he
cordially assented."
Much more is stated, which proves how much the language
of the speech on the subject of Reform, and of the distress to
which the delay has led, is a transcript of his Majesty's own
feelings. The speech and the addresses were not of a nature cal-
culated to lead to the proposition of an amendment. Some of
the topics in the speech, however, being of an agitating nature,
such as the Bristol riots, the indication of a municipal police,
and the refusal to pay tithes in Ireland, they gave rise to a good
deal of diseu,sion, froker broke the ice in the Commons.
The Right Hon. Gentleman emerly laid hold of the allusion to
tithes, and endeavoured to show that a departure from the pre-
sent state of the law regarding tithes would lead to the destrue.

tion of all property.
" Ministers (he says) tell us that there has been a systematic re.
sistence to the payment of tithes in Ireland. This is the first
time I have heard of it, I know, indeed, that there were local
objections, and that two persons of a better rank were convicted
of a conspiracy for exciting the deluded peasantry, They were
convicted, but the punishment was remitted; and if the resist-
ance were local, this lenient course might be likely to assuage
the evil. If, on the other hand, it was a general and formidable
combination to resist the payment of tithes, or, in other words,
to shake the foundation of property, I should have thought a
different course advisable. I suppose that the Noble Lord
would apply to tithes the sama argument that he applies to
the Unions. Put an end (says he) to Unions by conceding all
their claims.' In the same way he may say, Put an end to the
disputes regarding tithes by abolishing them..--(Hear.) Destroy
hereditary rights and equalize property and the two great points
required by Reformers will be gained at once. It is complained
that the payment of tithes is resisted, and what is the remedy!
Not enforce the law because it is just and necessary, but change
it, because it is unpalatable! But in Iteforin as well as in tithes
it is a question of principle that is involved—no modification
will be sufficient, and you never will be able to satisfy the claim-
ants without an entire destruction of the system."
And then comes an allusion tf) Woburn Abbey and the pro-
perty of all the gentry in England, which will of course follow
the fate of tithes. This passage is characteristic of Mr. Croker's
mode of arguing. He never heard of Russell-square—he knows
nothing of slang, and, consequently, knows not what is meant
by finding a !ogre's nest; and he never heard of a systematic
resistance to the payment of tithes in Ireland. What does Mr.
Shaw, an Irish Member, opposing Ministers like himself, say
on this subject? " The state of the Clergy in Ireland was
most deplorable. Great numbers of them were sailing their
libraries and all that they possessed, to support life, they having
nothing to subsist on but potatoes. The Clergy were, in some
cases, actually living on the alms of their Catholic parishioners,
who told them that they wouldbe willing to pay the tithes, only
they were not allowed, and did not dare." Mr. Croker, how-
ever, has heard nothing of all this, It is quite new to him.
What does Mr. Leader say ? " For three years the Clergy of Ire-
land had got nothing, and he hoped some means might be found
to give them an adequate remuneration for their services, with-
out upholding a system which weighed down the industry of the
country, and led to periodical disturbances. The resistance to the
payment of tithes was such, that it was impossible that the in-
come of the Clergy could be collected without the assistance of
an army." But this is all new to Mr, Crap'. Mr, Stanley Asked,
" Was it not stated in a petition from the clergy of the diocese
of Leighlin, presented in the last session, that the existing
laws were inadequate to enable the clergy to receive their tithes,
the payment of which, in many parts of the diocese, was suc-
cessfully resisted for three or four successive years. The ex-
isting laws being found insufficient, the security with which
the payment of tithes can be evaded, has given strength to the
combination." "It is with tithes as with Reform, and with
Reform as with tithes (quoth Mr. Croker). If the continued
agitation of Reform has led to distress, Ministers ought not to
have proposed Reform. Neither ought they to interfere with
Reform, as one concession only leads to another." The glaring
unfairness of this mode of arguing, prevents Mr. Croker from
producing a due impression on the House. A man ought,
above all things, to guard against the appearance, at least, of
trick, either in action or speech. Obedience to the laws, sup-
poses the belief of the people that they are benefitted by the
laws. It is net enough that the boroughmongers have nomina-
tion boroughs, and the clergy have tithes : if the nation is op-
posed to nomination boroughs and to tithes, a change of law be-
coracle necessary to secure obedience to it. " Will any man tell
me," said Mr, Stanley, " that the system of tithes even in this
country, much more in Ireland, is not fraught with mischief ?
Will he tell me that it is the most amicable arrangement that
could be made between the Minister and his parishioners ?
Will he tell me that it does not give rise to dissension, nay, to
bitter animosity ? And are not these feelings of animosity
necessarily stroager amongst a population where the majority
dissent from the Church for the maintenance of which the
tithes are collected r The MR4 fp Which Ministers mean to
proceed with regard to tithes is the following ;—" It is," said
Mr. Stanley, " the intention of his Majesty's Ministers, in
compliance with the grecipuji sppeeh Which has to-day been ad-
dressed to us from the throne, to wove for the appointment of
a Select Committee, to which all the facts of which the Go-
vernment is in possession connected with this subject should
be relerf,c4 ; and Ministers are at the same time prepared to
lay before Committee, immediately after its appointment,
the measures Whicb they propose to adopt." Before quitting
the subject of tithes, we pLly aklucle tp the attack on Dr. Doyle
by Mr. Shaw :
" The Catholics (he said) did not respect 01 dri;ad the law so
much as they feared illegal associations. They west glider a
spirituatlhondage, and the spiritual authority denounced the pay:
molt of legal ri44f. A great deal of agitation was kept up in
behalf of the Catlapli,c r,4lirrion. The chief person who kept up
4
this agitation *as an indifiduai eminent for his talents; and that
same indivl4/4
had lately, in language which he knew so well
how to employ, 414t1e several suggestions, in a letter which he
had published only a few days before, hnd urged several iipe,•ious
arguments why the people snoUid 'resist laW. They were not
bound, he said, by the laws in the aaige manner as the English ;
and what would be wicked in the English Might be excusable
in the Irish. He suggested some specious arguments Why they
should not obey the laws, while he hoped, under a flimsy COYer,
inq of a prt4i4iia!?d attachment to the law, to conceal his real
object, which was r,qt.hing else but to put down one religion,
and set up another-in its iqapa.—(Hear, hear.) That eminent
individual would then take. t 4 glaceof those whom he now
censured,"
The following is, we believe, the passage in tn 4 lrfte Pastoral
Letter of Dr. gtoyW to which Mr. Shiw more inunediatele
refers ?
" Then, as to tithes, employ agai:rat this devouring impost all
the resources
of your wit and talent, wash 11 the means which
the law allows. gut in your ePposition to this pest of agricul-
ture, and bane Of religion, keep always before yOur eyes a 4alutary
dread of those statutes which guard the tithe. Let no violence,
or combination to inspire dread, he ever found in your proceed-
need of such allies. In these countries, if
law and reverence the Constitution, they both
you only
onlJyuostbiecey hasthe °
will furnish you with ampie mem
,whereby to overthrow all oyr
pression, and will secure to yoy enjoyment of every social
rljght"
The illusion to Bristol in the speech naturally called up
Charlesi
Wetherell,
Victim according
ofthe,.
injured n h Whiz own account, is a much
114ny.nsoutbed, many fanged,
man —the
e y
venomous Press. f Togland." Wh4 will astonish most of eur

•
readers, Sir Charles took Minister. roundly to task for not
giving him an opportunity of making a second entry Into
Bristol in the Special Commission. We should have thought
he had had enough of Bristol, in all conscience. It was
shown by Mr. George Lambe, that there were precedents in
Dint where a Special Commission had been sent to Bristol ex.
eluding the Recorder. Sir Charles is very sore at the charge
of having " invented the tale of projected riots, and with the
cowardice which is the constant companion of falsehood, with
which he shrank from encountering the danger which his own
invention alone had created ;" and he was at some pains to
show that he did not steal off till his bed had been taken to
make a barricade of. Perhaps, therefore, Sir Charles 'Wether-
ell's pique at not having been included in the Special Commis_
Lion is not so much caused by a wish to sit in judg_
ment on his assailants as to show that he is not
afraid. The answer of Lord Althorp to the rhodomon-
tades of Sir Charles Wetherell was fair and candid in the
extreme. Lord John Russell announced his intention of
moving for leave to bring in his Reform Bill for England and
\Vales on Monday next ; but to a question from Mr. Croker,
wishing for information beyond the mere notice, he declined
giving an answer.—Morning Chronicle.

The Session of Parliament was opened yesterday with a
speech from the throne, the indefinite character of which
affords but little ground for comment. The leading paragraphs
are of course devoted to the Reform question, but no intimation
whatever is given in the Royal speech, nor was any hint afforded
in either House, whether the forthcoming third edition of the
measure is to present us with the same Bill, upon "the whole"
of which Ministers have solemnly pledged themselves to stand
or fall, or with some new plan to which the love of office or the
noeessity of conciliating still further their mob allies may have
rendered it advisable to resort. With similar vagueness is
treated the important subject of the maintenance of the Pro-
testant Church in Ireland. A case of greater urgency could
scarcely arise than that of "a systematic opposition" to the
Payment of tithes ; but having officially announced the existence
of this great and pressing evil, do his Majesty's Ministers add
that they will immediately adopt means of mitigating or removing
it, or that they are ready with a measure to be submitted to
Parliament, with a view to that object ? No, but we learn from
them that a Select Committee will be appointed to collect infor.
mation ; or, in other words, we have an avowal that this lament-
able state of things must endure, and the robbery of the Church
continue in an undiminished extent, till that most dilatory of
411 proceedings, the inquiry of a Select Committee, shall have
reached its termination. If, however, we derive no satisfactory
information from the Royal speech, the guiding principle of the
present Ministry is sufficiently apparent throughout—the prin.
ciple of conceding every thing to popular clamour and violence.
Thus the settlement of the Reform question (by which of course
is meant the passing of the Reform Bill) is necessary to the se,
curity of the State, and to the contentment of the people, We
had imagined that the State had been more secure and the people
more contented before the introduction of the Reform scheme
than they have been since that time; but the Ministers, it ap.
Pears, are not aware of this fact, or rather, in the hope of main.
taming themselves in office, they are not ashamed to deny what
is palpable to every man in the kingdom, and notorious to the
whole world. The State was secure ; the people were contented ;
but a reckless scheme of innnovation has reduced the one to the
brink of ruin, and excited in the lattor a fell spirit,which has al.
ready shewn itself in acts of fury and desperation, and which
threatens to produce still further calamities. They who have let
loose the torrent know that any attempt to stem it would involve
their own overthrow. Reason, therefore, is rejected; the solemn
decision of the House of peers is set at nought; and the old
and only agument is repeated—the people (that is, the Bristol
and Nottingham mobs) insist upon the Bill; therefore it must
be granted. The security of the State requires that we should
yield whatever the greatest enemies of the State, the enemies
of order, the violators of the laws, may please to demand.—
Again, when we come to the subject of tithes in Ireland, the
same principle developes itself. The payment of tithes is sys,
tematically refused. What remedy is proposed ? To enforce
the law ? No ; to Alter or abolish the law ! The law must be
accommodated to the views of those who suddenly think fit to
denounce it. Admirable principle of Government! This sub-
ject was so forcibly treated by Mr. Croker yesterday evening
that it is unnecessary for us to do more than refer to the truly
excellent speech of that Right. Hon. Gentleman. The very

summoning of Parliament at this inconvenient season is
another illustration of the Ministerial principle, As Mr, Crolcer
well observed, there was no ether reason than this—,, Their
masters told them to call Parliament together." With regard
to our foreign policy it is announced that the same system
of injustice as heretofore is to be adopted towards Portugal,
though it has now become more than ever manifest that Don
Miguel is the choice of the Portuguese people. This fact
cannot be gainsaid even by those who absurdly deny his legiti-
mate title to the Crown, and we marvel how such a title as that
of the people's choice can be rejected by a Whig Government.
As to the ill-treatment of British subjects in Portugal, there is
very little if any foundation for the charge ; but supposing
such to be the case, can it be a matter of surprise that the sub-
jects of a Government which vexatiously and unjustly refuses
to recognise the acknowledged and legitimate Sovereign of
Portugal should not be considered entitled to that courtesy with
which othorw* they would be received Y The Interests of
commerce suffer more severely than individuals in consequence
of the obstinate injustice of our Government. On this subject,
and on the other important point of our foreign policy, viz. the
negotiations with Holland, Lord Aberdeen's speech is worthy of
attention. As regards the treaty with France for the sup-
pression of the slave trade, it was shown by Mr. Croker
that this alone would not effect nor even in any way pro-
: mote the desired object. The concurrence of America and
all other Maritime Powers must be also obtained. The
Royal speech of course reprobates the atrocious outrages at Bris-
tol, and condemns the revolutionary societies which would set
themselves above the Government. It is to be hoped that this
formal condemnation will be speedily followed up by the enact.
ment of a law for their effectual suppression. With respect to
the Bristol outrages we shall content ourselves with directing
attention to the full and satisfactory explanation given by Sir
C. Wetherell. After exposing the malicious calumnies that
have been heaped upon him by the Radical Press, the Learned
Gentleman dwelt in terms of honest indignation upon the in-
sulting conduct of the Government towards him in omitting to
insert his name in the Special Commission, and refusing to at-
tend to his application. In alluding to this subject yesterday
we rightly estimated the feelings of the Learned Gentleman,
and we must say that this unwarrantable departure from prece-
dent looks very much like a studied slight upon Sir Charles
Wetherell, and an effusion of petty spleen against a conscienti.
ous and powerful political opponent. The Opposition, unin_
fluenced by any factious motive, moved no amendment in either
House to the address, beyond the correction of an inconsistency
in one of the paragraphs, pointed out by Lord Harrow by in the
Lords, and Sir It, Peel in the Commons, The Earl of Eldon, in
a brief speech, alluded to the infamous falsehoods propagated in
a paper called The Black List, a production which, we believe,
we adequately exposed at the time of its appearance. Sir It.
Peel delivered a speech, as usual, most eloquent in style and
impressive in argument, and which will be better appreciated by
perusal than in any description we could offer. The Reform
Bill will be introduced on Monday,—Morning Post.

The public, for some days past, have been not a little scan-
dalized by the reports of certain proceedings at Doctors'.Com.
mons, between a married man and his wife. The case we al.
lude to is that of the Neelds, and really we have seen nothing
more calculated to shake the respect of poor and uneducated
people both for persons of rank and for the institution of matri-
mony, than the persevering, perverse, and unworthy practices
which are said to have been developed in the course of this judi.
cial investigation, on the side of one at least of the parties. It
seems quite strange that in these bargain-driving matches,
where one evil passion is bartered against another, as in the
present instance, by what would appear from a juxta-position of
the adverse statements, highborn cupidity might be supposed
to have taken the field against plebeian vanity—it does undoubt-
edly seem to us altogether wonderful that the most diligent en-
deavours of the ill.assorted pair are not always given to the
single object of disguising, under plausible and decent forms,
the motives which an inquisitive and not too charitable
world will be generally prone to impute to them, instead of so
often betraying the cloven foot and emblazoning the want of
reciprocal delicacy in which their hapless union has originated.
Marriages between persons in unequal walks of life; and of in-
congruous habits and associations, have rarely turned out welt
A dissonance, which might pass unheeded in the slight corn.
coerce of the promenade or ballroom, becomes harsh and insup.
portable to the inmates of the same dwelling, and in the privacy
of domestic life. The published proceedings which have sug-
gested to us this subject of painful commentary, show that al-
most from the very outset of their matrimonial intercourse, a
glaring disparity of taste, feeling, or demeanour, had totally
unfitted the parties in question for prolonging with any com-
fort the relations of man and wife. We mean to say nothing
of exclusive blame to either of them,—nothing to wound the
individual feelings of Lord Shaftesbury's daughter, or of
Mr. Ilundell's heir. But we merely lay it down as a
maxim of prudence, riot by any means unconnected with
sound morality, that two people educated in the opposite
habits, and with incompatible views of life, ought seldom if
ever to run the risk of matrimony, even were they sensible (as
is very uncommon) of something like a mutual preference.
From Addison downwards, innumerable cases might be ad-
Iliced of " Ladies of quality" affording lessons of tardy wis.
dom, but unceasing repentance, to husbands whose only title
to distinction was their merit. But if disappointed greediness
of money be superinduced upon mortified arrnpnce or guile, it
is impossible for the woman who feels such pangs to be, Under
any circumstances, " a crown of glory," an ornament, or bles-
sing, to her husband. It has been held too much a fashion in
this country to hold cheap the estimation wherein the conjugal
ties are }?/q by our French neighbours. Was there ever made
by any married couple of t 1.14 nation a more disgusting expo.
sure of their scern for the duties undertaken by them at the
altar, as well as for the decent and civilised observances of life,
than throughout that unfortunate cause in which Dr. Lushing.
ton has recently pronounced his judgment ?—Times.

A Cabinet Council was held this day at one
o'clock at the Foreign-office. The Ministers were in de—
liberation when our Paper went to press,

lIERRINGS.—During the week the herrings
have been considerably p'entier in the Firth of Forth, but
still they are by no means so numerous as could be wished.
They have been taken chiefly between Newhaven and
Queensferry, and prices run from 3s, Gd. to 4a. a hundred.
--They are of excellent quality, indeed, in the words of a
fisherman, tl.ey are " nearly as big, as fat, and fine as
mackerel,".-- Scotsman,

Remained at last report
New eases

Total

Diod
Recovered

Remaining at this date, 8 o'clock, A.M.!

Cases. Died.
From the Commencement of the Disease, on --
the 26th October, 1631
(Signed) G. STEPHENSON,
Secretary to the Sunderland Board of Health,

His MAJESTY'S speech appears to have given I
general satisfaction, for not even the Ultras them.
selves were able to allege aught against it. Sir R.
PEEL indeed alluded to its omission of all allusion to
the Bank and East India Charters, but the Right
Hon. Baronet's strictures fell flat and lifeless on the
House, and seem scarcely to have been thought
worthy of reply by Lord ALTITORP. The two most
important points in the speech are—its mention
of the Reform question, and that of the tithe system
in Ireland. In alluding to the former of these topics,
his MAJESTY recommends " a speedy and satis-
factory settlement," as the question is becoming
daily of more pressing importance to the se-
curity of the State, and to the contentment and
welfare of my people." This language is just what
it should be—concise, decisive, and pertinent, and
shows that his MAJESTY is as feelingly alive as ever
to the wants and wishes of his subjects, and both
anxious and determined to concede to their just
demands. On the tithe question, his MAJESTY
itays—" In parts of Ireland a systematic oppo-
sition has been made to the payment of tithes,
attended, in some instances, with afflicting results;
and it will be one of your first duties to inquire
whether it may not be possible to effect improve-
ments in the laws respecting this subject, which
may afford the necessary protection to the Esta-
blished Church, and at the same time remove the
present causes of complaint." We are glad to find
that the Government are at length resolved on
seriously turning their attention to this important
subject, we might have waited long enough ere
a Tory Minis•ry would have dreamed of taking
up the question—as it is one of pressing, para-
mount necessity, on which depends in no slight
degree, the weal or woe of Ireland. We are glad
of this, we repeat, in justice not less to those
who have to receive, than to those who have to
pay tithes in Ireland. The former have for the
last three years, particularly in the southern parts
of the sister island, been in a constant state of col-
lision with the latter, and reduced to the greatest
distress in order to receive from them those dues
which the law, as at present constituted, awards
them. The non-payment of tithes was no sooner
resolved on by one district than it was in-
stantly taken up by another, and so the con-
tagion has been spreadiog and spreading, up to
the present hour, when it pervades, at least, one-
half of Ireland. The consequence of this has been,
and still continues to be, a general system
of disorganization, which can only be effectually
put down by a prompt, spirited, and liberal
interference on the part of Government. We
have no desire to see the receiver of tithes
wronged, but we wish to see the payer righted :
above all, we wish to see the monstrous abuses of
the Irish Protestant Establishment rigidly inquired
into, with a view to their immediate purification.
The evil has become so monstrous, its effects so
alarming, that it must no longer be permitted to
continue.

In the House of Commons last night Lord JOHN
RUSSELL gave notice, that on Monday next he should
move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the re-
presentation of England and Wales. This announce-
ment was received with loud and continued cheering;
Sir C. WETHERELL afterwards entered into expla-
nations respecting his share in occasioning the
late disgraceful riots at Bristol. The Hon. and
Learned Gentleman's statement was a lengthened
one, but left the question just where it was before.
In the Upper House, contrary to expectation, no
amendment was moved to the Address, though Lord
HAttßownv suggested one or two trivial alterations,
in the justice and propriety of which Earl GREY at
once acquiesced.

Hamburg and Brussels Papers have been received;
their contents are unimportant. The following are

extracts :

SAXONY, Nov.2o.—Leipsic is assigned as their place of abode
to all Poles coming to Saxony, and is already swarming with
those fugitives. We understand they are not permitted to stop
in any other town of the kingdom. Princess Czarcryski and
Countess Cecilia Plater, who made herself known as a Colonel
of Hussars, have already passed through Leipsic.
HESSE CASSEL, Nov. 15.—The law relative to the press
drawn up in the department or the Minister of the Interior, and
just laid before the Assembly of the Estates, !s. one of the most
liberal that has ever appeared in Germany. I. he municipal law,
also laid before our Assembly at the same time, fully answers
the expectations that were formed respecting the privileges
granted to the communes.
M, Von Manger, formerly director of police, who was confined
for many years in the fortress of Spanoenberg on account of the
celebrated affair of the threatening letter to the Elector, now lives
at full liberty in Marburg, where his son is prosecuting his
studies in the university.
WILNA, Nov. 7.---Senator Novosilzow is for the present
appointed Governor of the University, which it is thought will
be removed to Kiow, on account of the insurrections that have
taken place in Lithuania, Wolhynia, &c. A great number of
our Professors have already been either discharged or with-
drawn from their functions as Emeriti, or removed to other
places. M. Pelikan, formerly Rector of the University, who