The Sun.
London, England, 1836-10-22 00:00:00

to regain and to maintain office at every sacrifice and
at every hazard. True to this their leading prin-
ciple, and to this alone, as the needle to the pole,
they advance the Papist power in Ireland at the risk
of disuniting the empire. They place the destinies
of Englundin the hands of a small majority consti-
tuted by that persuasion alone, against the declared
sense of the representatives of England. They defy
the wealth and the intelligence of Great Britain and
Ireland—they insinuate disloyalty—they foster dissent
—they encourage sedition—they coax the Radicals
whom they hate—flatter O'Connell whom they fear,
and fawn upon Hume whom they despise. Blind
zealots ! infatuated faction I not to see that their own
selfish policy must lay them at the feet of the party
which they court, and upon which they depend, and
which wants nothing so much as th,..s opportunity of
strangling them -as the objects of their greatest loath-
ing—that a great and rich empire cannot be governed
against the sense of its aristocracy, its wealth, its Pe►is,
its gentlemen, its merchants, its bankers, 39, 'manufac-
turers, to say nothing of the Church and the liberal
and learned professions, withor.l, a revolution and an
agrarian law—that their own Reform Bill, accord-
ing to their own pledges and professions, made it
practicable, and, according to all sound opinions,
made it essential for all men of all parties, who had
any property at stake, to unite for the preservation
ct the Church and the monarchy—to bring all that
the influence of position in society, of wealth, and
of intelligence, could accomplish, into union, that
they might act together in adjusting the balance which
that measure had necessarily for a time disturbed, in
trimming the vessel that she might not be forced to
drive to her ruin before the popular gusts to which
she must at the first be exposed. What, then, has the
boasted Reform Bill brought us to this—that we must
treat our splendid nobility, our renowned English
gentry, our magnificent trading capitalists, as so many
impediments and so much lumber in the State ? Had
they no part in exalting the glory of the British name,
in forming and consolidating the unexampled grandeur,
power, and prosperity of the British nation ? Are
they not bound up and inseparably incorporatod with
the very form, and essence, and durability of the Bd.-
fish empire ? Is it to the Wat Tylers of past ages
that we owe any portion of our greatness or of our
liberty ? or from those of the present that we expect
any support of the one or the other ? Must we forget
the Chathams, the Grenvilles, the Pitts, the Foxes, the
Burkes, and turn only to the Hunts, the Cobbetts,
the Whalleys, the Wakleys, the Gullys, the Sheils,
and the Roebucks, for lessons of true patriotism and
wisdom ? Or are we indeed doomed to forego all the
benefits of a wise, temperate, and enlightened Govern-
ment, guided by the talents, and experience, and mo-
deration of a Peel and a Wellington, in order to listen
to the impudent charlatanerie and the empty frivolities
of Spring_Rice--to be insulted and trampled upon by
the lawless passions and rude violence of O'Connell,
and to be made the laughing-stock of Europe by the
stupid ignorance and incurable conceit of Joseph
Hume ? Greatly then is England
" Fallen, fallen, fallen,
Fallen from her high estate,"
with nothing great to console her in her fall. She has
been no stranger to misfortunes and reverses, but she
has been a stranger to disgrace and shame.
" We've grieved, we've sighed, we've wept, we never blushed
' before."
—Times.

There is a time for all things, saith the proverb.
The same act which at one time, and under some cir-
cumstances, would be decorous and proper, may, at
another time, and under other circumstances, be di-
rectly the reverse—as much depends on the propriety
of the season as the propriety of the act. We would
recommend the consideration of these premises to our
fellow-citizens who are now exerting themselves to
have a statue raised in honour of the Duke of Welling-
ton. Were this exertion exclusively confined to that
party who entertain the same political opinions as his
Grace, we should not, perhaps, think it necessary
to interfere, knowing that the monument would be
esteemed at its just worth ; but when we see men of
liberal politics lend the sanction of their countenance to
the proceeding, and give the semblance of national to
the demonstration of a party, we feel it incumbent to
appeal to the calm, unprejudiced
,opinion of the public
to decide whether or not the time be well chosen to pay
the tribute of a monument to his Grace of Wellington ?
To do justice to an opponent is one of the most plea-
surable acts of an honourable mind ; and of the mili-
tary abilities and personal virtues of the Duke we are
as ready to record our admiration and respect as the
most ardent of his friends can possibly be ; but we
must not confine our view to one side of his character—
it should be estimated as a whole ; we must not look
at his Grace only as a soldier and a man, but also as a
statesman. We cannot abstract the good from the evil
—and, viewed in this light, our admiration of one part
of his Grace's character is equalled only by our aver-
sion of the other. Had this statue been erected imme-
diately after the battle of Waterloo, with which the
names of Britons and Wellington are so gloriously as-
sociated, it should have had not only our advocacy, but
our subscription ; but since then a generation has
passed away—his Grace has entered upon a new
career--and we ask, is it judicious or becoming, at a
time when the country is placed by the Duke and his
party in circumstances of fully as much danger as that
from which the battle of Waterloo rescued it, to offer
him a tribute of admiration and applause ? Pub-
lic gratitude has been claimed for his Grace on the
score of Catholic emancipation ; but we believe him
to possess too much sense and candour to appropriate
any compliment in this regard. We might as well
thank Napoleon for losing the battle of Water-
loo, as his Grace for suffering himself to be beaten on
the Catholic question, when he could not help him-
self. And here we must say that his Grace made his
usual candour subservient to his policy, for every act of
his public life since that period has been in opposition
to the principle on which that Act was based, and the
promise which it made to four-fifths of the British
people—the principle and promise of religious liberty.
We do not think that at a time when the Noble
Duke's party threaten to coerce the people by means
of the army, that his military attainments are altogether
a fit subject for public exultation. The Tories do well
to vaunt and eulogise his prowess ; but it is worse
than ridiculous for the friends of Reform to join the
acclamation in favour of its most steadfast, and, we
readily add, most honourable opponent. We under-
stand that several influential gentlemen of the City
intended to move amendments to the resolutions lately
passed at the Mansion-house, but were prevented from
taking part in the meeting by the terms of the requi-
sition by which it was called, which invited those
only who were favourable to the project. We
trust, however, that .those gentlemen will take an
early opportunity of entering their protest against
being considered parties to an act, which, however
disguised, is intended to be made an evidence of poli-
tical feeling. The gentleman who moved the second
resolution avowed his hope that one side of the column
should be left uninscribed, in order that when another
21 years should have passed, and political feelings
subsided, the then Lord Mayor and citizens might record
on it their opinion of the Duke's political principles.
On this side, we presume is intended to be recorded
the conquest of his country, and the Reformers who
now are cajoled into the enemy's camp will have the
satisfaction of transmitting to their posterity the me-
lancholy evidence of their folly and -their enemy's
triumph. If the Tories must have have a Wellington
monument, we would recommend them to purchase
that in the Phoenix Park, Dublin, which we are cer-
tain the people of Ireland would dispose of much un-
der prime cost. Here we shall be ready to help them
to a bargain ;
honour to a but we shall not subscribe a mite to do
man who, whatever his achievements in,
war, and whatever his personal character, is the politi-
cal enemy of his country. Even of his greatest vic-
tory, that of Waterloo, it is a question whether the
tyranny which it established or that which it subdued
was most hostile to human happiness and human
liberty.—Morning .Adveztiser.

A Ministerial writer,
i of whom it may be said that
"
his wit, though small, s equal to his judgment, has
adverted (if we rightly remember) to the clay feet"
of the colossal statue of Russian dominion. There is
an obscurity about this allusion which we think inju-
dicious ; because obscurity is an attribute of the su-
blime rather than of that gay and witty style, which

Lord Palmerston and his copyists seem to think most
appropriate to the discussion of grave affairs. We
are at a loss to decide whether this pleasant commen-
tator upon the affairs of nations means to allude to
the feet of the statue seen in a vision of Nebuchad-
nezzar, King of Babylon, Dl' to the va'st and increasing
territory of the Italssitn einpite-. Perhaps a reference
is intended to both ; but it is eqnally Unhappy with
respect to each, The feet bf 'the titatile; as seen in
the vision of the PabylOnian, Welt only part of clay,
and they were i•eattitv broken because their courre-,::_
Lion was heterogeneous. Now 11,,;,,/an:o-oliel le the
very reverse of this. And as to 'ha teviiii3fy, it forms
not the feet of her power, httt bate Upon
which that Power plant§ its HMsMi Wilt, With a
caution which pitta out of the question.
But, to leave the flowers and statues of metaphor for
Tr suited to our purpose and our taste, let
a style bet_t
13‘7, seek to inform ourselves and our tee.dell Upon the
actual policy of Russia with Noll to territorial ag-
grandiacinent tkkaid by which she pursues it, and
the use Aieti she makes of her success. The writer
of " The progress and present prsitioll of Russia in
the East," throws a very lotur light upon the subiect
in the following teinarks :
"T4t.,.'...kviaity with which Russia has sought, and the
pertinacity with which she has clung to, every acquisition
of territory, even when it could be maintained only at the
cost of large pecuniary sacrifices, shows that she value's
these acquisitions, with reference to same other consi-
deration than the mere intrinsic worth of the property
acquired ; that she regards them as a means, not as an end ;
and the position she has secured to herself, by her treaties
with Persia and Turkey, affords unequivocal indications of
a preparation for future encroachments.
" aer whole history, and the posture in which she actu-
ally stands, contradict any professions of indifference to
conquest and aggrandisement that she may venture to put
forth.
" It is not by actual conquest only that Russia may
overthrow the independence of Persia and Turkey, and
convect the resources of both countries to her own use.
To overturn the existing Governments, and establish, by
force of arms, het' own direct rule, would involve a pro-
tracted eintp,g/e, and demand frequent and continued exer-
.
here of physical power. This would become a drain on
her own resources, and would go far to exhaust those of the
conquered country, before her authority could be fully esta-
blished. At the same time, it could hardly fail to excite
the alarm of other Governments, and perhaps arouse them
to active opposition. She has, therefore, pursued a wiser
course.
" She has confined herself to a system of successive en-
croachments, no one of which has been of sufficient import-
ance to interrupt herfriendly relations with the great Powers
of Europe; or to appear, when considered alone, a sacri-
ficefatal to the Power that made it; and she has founded,
upon her acknowledged superiority in physical means, and
upon the success of her arms and intrigues, an influence
which is progressively increasing in the councils of the na-
tions she has humbled.
" It is, therefore, her policy to maintain the existing
Governments, but to prevent them from acquiring strength ;
and to press her influence upon their weakness, till it be-
comes authoritative and paramount. She seeks to govern
the nations through their natural rulers, till the time shall
have arrived for annexing them more formally to her own
dominions. No violence is thus called for—no collision
need take place, and if there is no collision there is no op-
portunity for other Powers to interpose. No apparent
change will be made in the institutions to which the people
have been accustomed ; and the resources of the countries,
unbroken and undisturbed, will be more completely at her
disposal than if the forcible conquest of the kingdoms had
already been effected. This is no speculative opinion. It
is the precise course by which she became possessed of
other countries—it is the course she has pursued almost to
the verge of consummation in Turkey—it is the course she
has adopted in Persia. There, as in Turkey; her system
is to solve every question, political or commercial, not with
reference to its own merits or to justice, but by an appeal to
the clemency of the Emperor, or the threat of his displea-
sure. The domineering spirit of Russia is evinced in every
discussion, small or great, in which she has a part, and the
humiliation of the Persian Government is studiously exhi-
bited to subjects."
The foregoing extract is worthy of being read again
and again, by those who would rightly appreciate the
course of Russian policy. It is, in our judgment, a
most felicitous developement of that system of profound
and sleepless ambition, which, without giving alarm to
surrounding nations, proceeds onwards with calm, crafty,
persevering energy, to its point. Mark the difference
between this system and that of Napoleon. He
crushed and took possession ; tumbled down thrones,
overturned dynasties, and every where planted the
flaunting standard of his own despotism. His was a
personal ambition. He sought to make the nations
tremble and wonder at the power and glory of
Napoleon, and for this he sacrificed the mighty
empire which a national policy might have conso-
lidated. The oppressed nations of continental Europe
rose against him, led and supported by our own free
country, which, thanks be to God, even Napoleon
never was able to oppress, because we were true to our-
selves and to old English principles. His enormous and
palpable tyranny alarmed all Europe, and Europe arose
and put him down. In vain do the Parisians raise again
the statue of Napoleon on its old pedestal. His name
will never rise again where once it stood in glorious
pre-eminence. He dashed it down himself, when,
having made the empire of France, he sacrificed it to
his own insatiable vanity as a military conqueror. The
wonder and execration of civilized mankind will be his
portion, so long as he is remembered. Russian am-
bition contemplates the lifetime not of a man, but of a
nation, and the above extract shows us with what con-
summate skill it works. Let us take care that we are
not in the end absorbed by it ; and that we, who so
sternly withstood the arms of the French conqueror,
when all else fell before him, are not among the first to
be overcome by the arts of Russian policy, more fatal
to us than arms. There need be no fear of this, if our
foreign policy were ably conducted. Caution and firm-
ness, and the assumption of that attitude in Europe
which Great Britain is entitled to take, would be
enough. But if our policy remain under the guidance
of so mean a statesman as Lord Palmerston, who
wastes the power and degrades the name of Great Bri-
tain by paltry co-operation with liberal revolutionists,
Russia will surely take advantage of our folly, for her
own aggrandizement.—iVlorning Herald.
All the world remembers—or might, could, or should
remember--in what a terrible taking the provincial
Radicals were, not long since, because they were pre-
vented from electing trustees for the various local cha-
ritable institutions. " What I not trust the immaculate
Reformers with the mere management of a few cha-
rities ?" This was the cry. It was asked who were
so likely to be impartial in administering the munificen
bequests of pious Churchmen as those who cared no•
thing for the Church, and therefore could have no in-

terest in the matter ? By-the-way, it was not so
much to the want of interest as the want of principle
that we objected. But let that pass. Supposing that
there were some show of justice, said the more plausi-
ble " Reformers," in the exclusion of the no-reli-
gion faction from introniission with property be-
queathed for Church purposes, there were other
cases in which no such exclusion could in any way be
called for. For instance it would be difficult to imagine
how party feeling could have interfered with the distri-
bution of a score. of silver fourpences, or a dozen
penny loaves, on any particular Sunday or Saint's
Day. Nor was it one whit more probable that poli-
tical bias should be exhibited in serving out pulvis
rhcei to a medical or splints to a surgical patient in an
hospital or dispensary. All this sounded very plau-
sible, and was diligently urged, with a view to show
how illiberal were the Tories, and what suffering
martyrs to their political opinions were the Radicals of
the country. But let us see how sincere the latter
must have been when they.asserted, or rather implied,
their impartiality. The Lord Chancellor having as-
sumed
the management of charitable trusts—at least so
far as the appointment of trustees might be concerned
—invited the nomination of persons for his approval ;
and the lists sent up for that purpose are the
proofs upon which we rely, in support of that deci-
sion of the House of Lords by which the appoint-
ment of charity trustees was not confided to the re-
formed Mayors and Town-councils. Very many in-
stances have occurred in which we have had occasion
to observe, from what the Whig-Radicals have at-
tempted, what they would have done if the power had
been entrusted to their :hands. These instances have
been of more or less intensity of mischievous inten-
tion ; but one has been brought under our notice by
the Kentish Observer that tells a great deal in a small
compass. It relates to precisely one of those cases
that were so insidiously put forth as not susceptible of ,