The Sun.
London, England, 1831-04-16 00:00:00

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cease the boon. Such was his answer to the Honourable
Member, and to the Noble Lord (Althorp). He (Mr.
Burge) would say, that his amendment, while it excluded
the most important poiut in the resolutions of 1893,
abandoned the great principles of national justice. He
implored the House, in justice to the great interests of the
empire—in justice to the possessors of vast properties in
the West Indies, and in justice even to the slave popula-
tion to pause before it adopted either course—that of the
lion. Member or that of the Noble Lord ; for both would
indisputably retard instead of promoting the 'emancipation
of the negroes. At all events, before the pa inciple of the
resolutions of 1823 was; abandoned, the House ought to
take care to be well informed upon the subject ; and if
the amendment of the Noble Lord were preferred to the
resolutions of the Hon. Member, he (Mr. Burge) should
think it necessary to move, as a farther amendment, that
a Committee be appointed to inquire.
Lord HOWICK adverted to the extreme difficulty be-
longing to the subject when the object wis to induce the
Masters of slaves to piss an effectual law to controul their
own despotic and irresponsible powers. No wonder,
therefore, that the colonial Legislature bad been found un-
willing agents; and he was not surprised, on looking to
the debates in the House of Assembly in Jamaica last year,
to find passages in the speeches of Members which showed
no disposition to accomplish the purpose of the Legislature
at home. He particularly directed the attention of the
House to a passage in an address delivered by Mr. Davis,
on what was c ailed the suspending clause of the Slave Bill,
in which that gentleman talked of the facility with which
it might be evaded, and added a hope that it might be re-
jected. The fact was that the law, as it had been first
sent over to this country, was only intended to atop the
mouths of those wlui demanded emancipation, and little
effectual assistance, it appeared, was to be eipected from
the colonial Legislatures. The Slave Bill was originally
passed by the House of Assembly of Jamaica with two
clauses, to which Mr. Huskisson decidedly and strongly
objected ; they were afterwarde struck out, and he (Lord
Howick) wished to direct the attention of the House to the
amendments introduced by the House of Assembly.—
There was not an instance where any change was made in
Which it was not in favour of the master and against the
slave ; and penalties for breaches of the 13w were reduced
in one case from 100/. to 501., and in another from 50/. to
20/. On the other hand the punishments to be inflicted upon
the slaves were augmented, and in one case three days' impri-
aonment was increased to a whole month. It was also
Worthy of remark that in no colony had the officer, called
a protector of slaves, been appointed. The Hon. Gentle-
man (Mr. Burge) had said that a protector was unneces-
sary, because there was an Attorney-General in each of the
islands. The Hon. Gentleman could not be aware that the
Attorney-General was appointed by the Crown, and that
he was incapacitated from holding the office if he were in
Possession of a single slave. He was paid not by the*
Crown, but by the House of Assembly.—(Mr. Burge,
across the table, denied this position ) He was paid by fees
on prosecutions, which fees were established by the House
of Assembly.
Mr. BURGE interrupted the Noble Lord, to state that
the Attorney-General of Jamaica was quite independent of
the House of Assembly, and that he was not paid by fees
established by the the local Legislature.
-Lord HOWICK conteoded, that at ail events the offices
of Attorney-General and Protector of Slaves were entirely
distinct, and referred to what the Hon. Gentleman had
himself said regarding the impossibility of the Attorney-
General in Jamaica acting in any respect as the Protector
of Slaves. He knew what the Hon. Gentleman's reply
On this point would be; that in Jamaica there was a
Council of Protection ; but he (Lord Howick) would
Meet this answer by the production of the opinion of *the
Law Officers of the Crown in Jamaica (of whom the
Hon. Member had been himself the first and chief, and in
that capacity bad signed the opinion), which 'stated that
the duties of the Council of Protection and of Protec-
tor of Slaves, were entirely different.—(Hear, hear.)
The fact, indisputably was, that the appointment of
a Council of Protection was only an expedient, by di-
viding responsibility, to extinguish it ; and his Lord-
ship expressed his conviction that in the case of
Kitty-lElOu a prosecution would have been directed
bad the decision depended on any one individual of
the twenty Members of the Council of Protection. It was
worth while to inquire a little how far the Slave Bill of
the House of issembly carried into effect the principles of
Mr. Canning, when he moved the resolutions in 1823.
The Right Hon. Gentleman had talked of the fitness of
keeping up the observance of the sexes—of the considera-;
thin that was due to the weaker, and of the indecency and
degradation of --exposing women to the infliction of the
lash. What Englishman, he (Lord Howick) would ask
did -not joinin this sentiment, as just and politic as it was
huMane? Yet he grieved to add, that it found no echo
iii thebosoms of the West India planters, for the Bill to
which he had referred made no provision that the cart-
whip should not be applied to females.—(Hear, hear.)
The next. principle advocated by Mr. Canning was, that
families ought not to be separated—that the first step to-
Ward civilization was to teach the slave to respect his do-
mestic relations.—(Hear, hear.) What had the Legi-
slators of Jamaica done upon this point? They 11.-id, in-
deed directed the Provost Marshal not to separate families
unless it were impossible otherwise to avoid an excessive
levy S° but the master was left at full liberty to tear asun-
der the dearest ties—to"separate husband and wife—parent
and child.—(Mr. Burge, across the table, denied that the
Noble Lord was correct.) His Lordship defied the Hon.
Gentleman to point out to him the clause in the Act
Which prevented that separation. He would say, perhaps,
that such a provision was needless—that the feelings of
every min would revolt from such cruelty.
Mrs BURGE observed, that the Courts of Jamaica
Would set aside any sale which separated husbands and
Wives, or parents and children.
Lord HOWlCK—Supposing the fact to be so in point
of law, it was singular that a declaratory enactment of the
kind should not have been inserted in the Bill, if only to
show the disposition of the House of Assembly of Jamaica
to accord with the recommendation of the Legislature of
Great Britain. With' regard to the amendment of his
Noble Friend, he would remark, that its object was to
Mitigate the wording of the resolution of the Hon. Mem-
ber far Weymouth : that amendment stated only that the
Measures adopted by the local Legislatures were inadequate
%ghat although they had done something, they had not
done enough ; and who would deny it, when they had
riot vet exempted females from the infliction of the cart-
Whip ?—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman had urged
that the slaves were not prepared for the operation of any
More effectual law than that which had been passed ; and
Yet, with singular inconsistency, he had called attention to
the vast improvements in the conditions and habits of the
negroes introduced by the local authorities. The As-
',suably of Jamaica had passed even the Bill to which he
bad adverted, and which went the length of brutality of
allowing women to be whipped. The Hon. Gentleman
had asked if Ministers were prepared to abandon the prin-
ciples of 1823, and to sacrifice the private property of the
West India planters? He (Lord Howick) was not pre-
Pared for that. He would maintain the rights of pro-
l'erty, but not at the expence of the slaves.—(Hear, hear.)
tle objected to the resolution of the Hon. Member
for Weymouth, because it would not be for the benefit
of the slave himself to pass it. Those who were partners
guilt ought to be partners in suffering, and those who
had encouraged tl.e traffic could not be considered free
from delinquency. The whole system of slavery was in
the
highest degree iniquitous ; and if they were satisfied
that the emancipation of the slaves could be safely accom-
lt""thed, he would vote for it at once, and leave all scores
6be settled afterwards. All that could be done securely
;:ght to be-done speedily, and the negroes ought not to
allowed to suffer while parties were haggling about
rr, unds, shillings, and pence. Until a plan was brought
'Ward which would be safe as well as effectual, he must
decliner to adopt the resolution of the Hon. Member for
eYnaouth, which would excite the slave while it irritated
the
master. A tragical instance of the danger arising from
tlofounded expectations on the part of the negroes had
b
een recently witnessed. Emancipation. must be gradual,
and through the planters, to be safe and effectual ; if not,
Airs Canning bad said, a flame would be lighted that
cold only be extinguished by blood. Emancipation ought
1)5 gradual, by lightening the yoke to the slave, and
pre-
moving the links of his fetters one by one, until he was
prepared for the enjoyment of perfect liberty, He would
as:', set free a tenth part of the slave population to-day,
4o another tenth part at some future period, because
• theao_ tenth part might be equally unfit for the great
of sis "ges The course recommended by the amendment
withdanger, and he was satisfied also that it would be
tio " His Majesty's Government had in contenipla-
th:otnneeassiudres by which the oppressions complained of on
e, andb th! inconveniences apprehended on the
had
thready might
e obviated. The Orders in Council, which
y been sent cuss provided for the accomplish-
ment of great practical good.
great He believed that already
progress had been made i
especially by the diminished frueqsontacey ooff the colonies,
discipline.
("eat, hear)—as a means of domesticue vhi;'—he
intention of the Government was, as muds as possible, to
reduce the practice. It was the intention of the Govern-
ment to prevent, by law, the infliction of more than fifteen
stripes on any female slave within 24 hours. By that,
and by other measures which Government contemplated,
the use of the whip, as an incentive to labour, would be

=.._

nr ever done away with, and care should, in future, be
taken to prevent the heedless or oppressive separation of
different members of the same family of slaves.—(Hear.)
The present was not a mere question of convenience,
where only freehold rights or commercial interests de-
pended upon the decision of that House.—(Considerable
noise.) It was the intention of the Government, also,
to enable parents to purchase the freedom of their children
—(Hear, hear)—and to prevent the employment of the
children in servile labour on the Sundays—(Hear)—at
the same time that an effort would be made to prevent
the imposition of excessive labour on the one, hand---or,
on the other, a deficiency of foOd. He hoped the Hon.
Member for Weymouth would not press his motion. He
thanked the House for the indulgence with which be had
been heard, and sat_down amidst considerable cheering.
Mr, STUART denied that the colonial legislatures had
d ne nothing. A more erroneous assertion could not be
made. Of the fourteen propositions of the Hon. Member
for Weymouth, all, except three, were actually in force in
the colonies. The exceptions are compulsory manumis-
sion, the removal of the negroes from the land, and the
liberation of children born after a certain period, all of
which required consideration. He (Mr. Stuart) asked
only for inquiry, the result of which would show, that
worthy but sanguine people were misinformed respecting
the condition of the slaves. As to. free labour, what had
been done in St. Domingo, once a garden, now confined
to the cultivation of coffee? In Trinidad, too, there was
a dispatch from Governor Woodford in 1826, stating that
400 free labourers had been employed for five years in
building a barrack. In Berbice there was a class of free
negroes, who cost. Government 2,0001. a year. He men-
tioned those facts to show the impossibility at the present
-moment of substituting free for slave labour. The at-
tempt would introduce pauperism. He expressed not his
own opinion merely, but the opinion of the colonists, when
he said that there was a spirit abroad in this country ad-
verse to the cnlonies.—(Hear.)—He would remind the
House of the declaration of Mr. Burke previous to the
separation of the American colonies, that though feeble in
themselves, they might be strong enough to work our
ruin.—(Hear.)—All he asked, all the West India interest
asked, was unflinching inquiry.
Mr. SYKES wished to record his opinion, that no
compromise should take place on the subject. Since the
plan of Government detailed by the Noble Lord (Howick)
contained a large measure of relief, he hoped that his
Hon. Friend, the Member for Weymouth,' would not per-
sist in pressing that motion to a division. The abhor-
rence to negro slavery had become a settled religious feel-
ing, and as long as slavery existed, that. feeling would
strengthen and increase. •
Mr. H. TWISS said, there were various difficulties
connected with this important question. lie had hoped
that his Hon. Friend, the Member for Weymouth, would
have found a way to relieve the measure from some of
those difficulties, by adhering to the principles contained
in the resolutions of 1823. It appeared, however, that
there was now a disposition to abandon Close resolutions.
By them, however, that and the other House of Parlia-
ment were pledged to the final extinction of slavery, as
soon as it was compatible with the well-being of the slaves
themselves, with the safety of the colonies, and with the
.
equitable consideration of private property. Such was
the language of the resolutions, and therefore the question
was not now whether slavery was to be abolished, for
that had been already decided, but whether the resolu-
tions were to be broken through, and violated by hurry-
ing on the emancipation of the slaves ? Hon. Members
who had taken a part in that discussion had accused those
with whom he thought and acted, of abandoning the reso-
lutions of 1823 ; on the contrary, he was satisfied that a
calm and impartial estimate of all that they had said and
done upon that most momentous occasion would lead to
an entirely opposite conclusion. According to the course
which certain advocates of abolition would recommend
them to adopt, for the purpose, as it was said, of adhering
to the resolutions of 1823, they would urge them now to
break through -the most solemn Parliamentary reso-
lutions by hurrying them 'on into precipitate mea-
sure., alike inconsistent with the well-being of the
slaves themselves, and with that respect for pri-
vate property and vested rights which Parliament had
hitherto shown, and from which, he trusted, no such
considerations as had been urged that night would in-
duce them to depart., He felt the more disposed to resist
the motion of the Hon. Member for Weymouth, and even
to charge him with inconsistency, when he remembered
that that Hon. Member was a party to those resolutions—
not only a party to them in the sense in which every Mem-
ber of that House was mixed up with its proceedings, not
merely as voting for those resolutioni,,but more stringently
did he make himself a party to them by accepting them in
lieuand in full compensation for his own, which he had then
submitted to that House. He thought himself also justi-
fied in complaining that the Hon. Member had found fault
with the resolutions of 1823, for not working out all the
objects which were expected from them in the short space
of seven years. It was hardly fair or reasonable to expect
that the work of two or three generations could be accom-
plished in the short space of one apprenticeship. He was
sure the House could not but regard such expectations as
purely visionary He entreated the House to remember
how, by the resolutions of the Hon. Member himself, pro-
posed antecedently to those of 1823, the abolition of
slavery was postponed to an indefinite period. His object,
as distinctly stated, was the most gradual extinction of
slavery ; from the language used by him in 1823, that
principle evidently appeared. He declared that his object
was net sudden emancipation, but, on the contrary, such
measures of precaution as, by slow degree's, would qualify
the black population for freedom, and gently conduct them
to the total annihilation of slavery. In his propositions at
that time he declared that there was nothing rash, that
there was nothing abrupt; that he aimed at causing slavery
by slow, silent, and imperceptible means, to die away and
be forgotten. Those were the sentiments of the Hon.
Gentleman years ago ; and let the House now compare
them with the language they had that night heard from
him ; and let them at the same time look to the general
effect of what had been done on the suggestions of the late
Government. He had also, he conceived, a right to com-
plain of the tone and manner in which the Legislature of
Jamaica had been spoken of by the Noble Lord opposite.
That Noble Lord bad taken advantage of an indiscreet ex-
pression of a single Member of the Legislature of Jamaica,
for the purpose of imputing mala fides to that Assembly.
He sincerely hoped that the observations of the Noble
Lord would not go forth to the public as the opinion of
the House of Commons ; for it was as little the opinion
of the House as was the indiscreet expression which al-
luded to the general feeling of the House of Assembly in
Jamaica. In making that remark in reference to a Colo-
nial Legislature, he begged it to be distinctly understood,
that nothing could be further from his mind than to say
that the Colonial Legislatures had done all that might be
done for that degree of amelioration which all were agreed
upon as practicable, and all were anxious to see accom-
plished. But though he was willing to admit that enough
had not been done, he would gladly learn with what con-
sistency the Hon. Member for Weymouth inveighed against
the faith of the Colonial Legislatures. In making that
observation be was, however, perfectly willing to admit,
that, up to 1827, nothing had been done except in the
island of Tobago; since then, however, every one of
them had been proceeding gradually and regularly in a
course of amelioration. The House could not have
failed to notice, in the course of the Honourable
Member's speech, that he let go for nothing all
that bad been done in the Crown colonies—a por-
tion of the West Indies which included a full third of
the slave population. The Noble Lord opposite af-
affirmed that no compensation ought to be given—that not
a moment was to be lost—and yet he admitted that some
time was required for the purpose of preparing
capable
o fenjoy-
ing. the a'aves
for the freedom which they were not yet
Time was confessedly necessary, and he would main-
tain that that time ought to be occupied in estimating
those claims, and the amount of that coMpensation and of
these claims which, according to acknowledged principle,
ought to be admitted. He altogether denied the neces-
sity for that precipitancy which the Noble Lord so ear..
neatly pressed, and he entreated the House to remember
the blood that had been shed in St. Domingo and in Bri-
tish Guiana, and the weighty obligation under which they
lay not to risk the repetition of such scenes, by incurring
the risk of rash liberation. He thought it also especially
unwise and mischievous to have such discussions brought
under the consideration of Parliament at a juncture like
that the House could be in_
dthueceporlretseo natg;reeantod
thurporsoipng proposition of the Noble Lord, if the
Government failed—as fail they must in the execution of
the measure—he put it to the House, must not such failure
be attended with infinite disadvantage to the negroes
themselves, and -the utmost danger to the white popula-
tion and to British interests in the colonies ?
Doctor LUSHINGTON remembered when they used
to come to the discussion of this question under very
interwoven s
tdoiffie)eresnutpcpiorrctuemd sats a ance —e
ts
whhi ng n
o h e s
the frame of colonial society, that it not be p ut an
ne st c
i oys se t eya! _a very os e
id
, t i
could
end to without the utmost danger to the
existence of the
a Prlia-
colonies. Happily, however, that condition of
end and
mentary and public opinion was now at anti had now
ceasing to be question of abstract principle,
t u on
become one of time and manner, and the only pm p
which a difference of opinion could arise was the ripeness
nr enripenese of the slaves for emancipation. The Hon.
and Learned Gentleman who spoke last had threatened

them with a union between the free people of colour and
' the whites. He was authorised to state that the free people
of colour in Jamaica were perfectly ready to give up their
own slaves if the Government required such a sacrifice._
(Hear.) But he was sure that threats of the nature to
which he alluded could have no weight with that House
If the 24,000 whites in that colony dared to breathe one
word of sedition, they might rest assured, that did the
authority of the King need such support, the free people
of colour would put down by a single effort any such piti.
ful attempt. The two thousand troops on that island were
under the command of the King; and though they were
maintained there at a frightful expenditure of human life
for the protection of the white population against their
own slaves, yet still.they were troops under the command
of the King, who would not passively see his authority
insulted. He then proceeded to deny that the proposition
that night brought forward was any violation of the re-
solutions of 1823 ; but that, on the contrary, its opera-
tion would be to carry these resolutions into effect
Could it be said that any one of the Colonial Legis-
latures had acted upon the resolutions of 1823
The Hon. and Learned Member then referred to a great
variety of instances, implicating the character of several
individuals, and which for obvious reasons we forbear to
give, to prove that the slaves 'derived no protection from
the Attorney-General who was stated by the Hon. and I
Learned Gentleman opposite to be the protector of the
slaves. That Hon. and Learned Gentleman had thrown
doubts on the statements of the Hon. Member for Wey_
mouth as to the mortality among the slaves, but he could
could confirm those statements by an unexceptionable au.
thority. The Hon. and Learned Member accordingly
referred to the work of a clergyman of the Church of
England, to show that those sentiments were correct, and
that the mortality among the, slaves was much greater in
the sugar plantations than in the coffee plantations. There
was one class of men who had been much censured, whom
be was ready to defend. The Wesleyan Methodists had
risked their lives, and submitted to live on the smallest
possible pittance, in order to carry the truths of Christianity
among the slaves: Than the Wesleyan Methodists there
was no more meritorious body of men in the colonies,
and they were the first and real promoters of all improve-
ment. They were the causes of that progress which had
been made. He was sorry that he could not bear the same
testimony in favour of the Bishop of Jamaica ; but truth,
compelled him to declare, that that prelate had not done
his duty, and had not merited the approbation of that
House and the country. He would not then enter into the
particulars, but the time would come when he might bring
the subject under the notice of the House. They had heard
a great deal of the distress of the colonies, but he was pre-
pared to prove that all -that distress arose from the in-
justice of the colonists. That was the punishment or-
dained, he believed, by Providence, for trampling on the
laws of humanity and justice ; for never was injustice un-
punished here, as well as elsewhere, and never did justice
go without its reward, it being attended even with pecu-
niary blessings. In his opinion no time was to be loot in
bringing forward measures of emancipation, though he did
not advocate the propriety of immediately passing a law to
give the slaves their freedom ; but he did desire to see
measures immediately brought in now and adopted, which
might lead to the gradual extinction of slavery.—(Hear,
hear.) He expected even that good would result from
bringing forward the resolutions of that night, and he im-
plored the House not to stultify itself, after it had passed
resolutions in 1823, but now consenting to inquire whether
what yet remained to be executed of those resolutions
would be carried into effect. To them all parties were
pledged, and they must be executed. Emancipation, in-
deed, he believed was much nearer at hand that his Hon.
Friend and his Noble Friend seemed to suppose; it could
not be for ever delayed, and the great danger was in post-
poning it, and it could not with safety be much longer
withheld.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir R. PEEL said if they had been called on to de-
prive those colonial legislatures of the power which they
possessed at present, then he could understand the tone
and temper of the speech delivered by the Learned Gen-
tleman.—(Hear.)—The colonial legislatures, it was to be
observed, formed the medium through which the amelio-
ration of the condition of the slave was to be effected, and
how the Learned Gentleman could hope to effect that
object by a speech of such vituperation and obloquy, he
could not possibly conceive.—(Heir, hear.)—He-stood
not there to vindicate the colonial legislature. It would
have been better, he thought, if they had shown a stronger
desire to act in accordance with the resolutions of 1823.
But if the time had not come when thinking and moderate
men should be of opinion that the power which they now
possessed ought to be taken from them, then he could see ,
no good that could possibly result, even to the sl ayes
themselves, from the application of vituperative language
towards those individuals to whom the slaves belonged.—
(Hear, hear.)—The Noble Lord (Althorp), who on this
occasion manifested his usual moderation and forbearance,
must have been bitterly disappointed at the speech of the
Learned Gentleman, and also at the speech of the Noble
Lord who was the representative of the colonial depart.
ment in that House. He, however, called on those whom
he now had the honour of addressing, to let no sympathy
for the slave mar and mislead their judgment in considering
this question in all its bearings, both as it affected the inte-
rests of the slave, the interest of the proprietor, and the
great interests of humanity. They must now see clearly,
that on a former occasion they were in error, when they
pledged themselves, by certain resolutions, to take para..
cular steps with respect to slavery after a given lapse of
years. They were wrong, because they could not fore-
see what circumstances might arise to defest their object.
They were, in cons, quence, placed in a situation of embar-
rassment. And now, what was proposed to enable them
to escape from that embarrassment? Were they not
called on to proceed by the adoption of another resolution,
to be hereafter acted on, under circumstances which it was
impossible for them to fore,ce?—(Hear, hear.) Many of
the Members then present had not heard the original reso-
lution nor the amendment; and he implored the House
most earnestly not to pledge themselves to the resolution
of the Noble Lord, comprehensive and important as it was.
It was now twelve o'clock, and certainly none who had
heard that proposition read ought to undertake to decide
upon it. That proposition, after reciting the resolutions
of 1823, proceeded to set forth that, according as the Co-
lonial Legislatures had or had not acted upon these reso-
lutions, a distinction should be made in the duties levied on
the produce of the respective islands. In other words, the
duty on sugar was to be raised, with reference to the re-
fractory islands, for the benefit and encouragement of those
who concurred in the resolutions of 1823. Such was.
the resolution they were called on to affirm after mid-
night. He had conceived it to be his duty last year,
when standing there as a Minister of the Crown, to
oppose a motion introduced by an Hon. and Learned Gen-
tleman, who was now Lord Chancellor of England, which
called on the House to pledge itself,
.in this session, to 'the
gradual amelioration of the slaves and the entire removal
of slavery. He had opposed that proposition, because he
objected to pledges of this kind. But now they came to
deal practically with the subject, and a proposition had
been made, so decisive, and as extensive in its nature, that
from it also he must withhold his assent. How, he
wished to ask, would the amendment of the Noble Lord,
if carried into effect, operate ? There was in the co-
lonies, it should be remembered, a free coloured population,
who had no power in the colonial legislatures. They
might be very willing to accede to all the provisions of
the resolutions passed in 1823, but still the colonial legis-
latures might refuse to ratify them. And would it, he
asked, be fair, according to the principle of this resolution
to place a higher duty on the sugars belonging to this free
coloured population, because the white population, over
whom they had no controul, refused to do that which
the British legislature required?—(Hear, hear.) The ini-
quity of the t wn-land fines in Ireland every one must
acknowledge ; and the iniquity in this case would be pre-
cisely the same, because the resolution would impose a
tax on those who had not been guilty of any contumacy.
—(Hear, hear.) , They might, by this resolution, if they
pleased, raise higher duties. But how would this be re-
lished by the public? Had they not for the last three
years been hampered with resolutions, having for their
object nothing but the reduction of those sugar duties ?
But in what situation would they place the slave whom it
was intended to benefit, if this resolution Were adopted?
It would give to the planter additional profit to be sure ;
but that additional profit would of course induce.him to
convert-his coffee plantations to sugar plantations, and thus
the slave would be visited by difficult and laborious, in-
stead of comparatively easy and light employment.—
(Hear, hear.) Thus while they assisted the planter they
injured ti e innocent slave. As a proof of this let them
.00k to the Mauritius. In the year 1825, 96,000 cwt. of
sugar were produced there. Some advantage with re-
spect to the sugar duties was given to that colony, and
the consequence was, that in 1828, only three years after-
wards, the quantity of sugar manufactured was absolutely
quadrupled. Such was the consequence of granting a
Ipflacite
.acre America
just in
to premium to the growth of that article. It ought also to
be recollected that reasons now existed for making this
country the great depot for sugar ; but the consequence
of this impostion of heavy duties would perhaps be to
thatta ke
suchs
i e tai ona
step, then
(
lie r,
expe-
dient mode of proceeding would be, to give due notice to
the colonists that at a certain time such a course would
the hear,
most hear.
certainly be taken The Noble Lord (Howick) had in-
formed then), that connected with this subject there was a

a- ..

most important docurneut in the archives of the Colo-
nial Office, which, but for the question of Reform, would
have been produced before. The Noble Lord had stated mi-
nutely the contents of that document, which, however,
he (Sir R. Peel) had not seen, and he had declared
that Government was determined to compel the colonies
to comply with it to the lettet. The NoIA Lord had ex-
plained its nature,—and he said, " We will send out this
Order in Council, and iroist,that every word of it shall be
idopted." His (Sir R. Peel's) ears were ttill ringing with
he exclamation of "the Bill f the whole Bill ! and nothing
hut the Bill!"—(Laughter, and " Heat, bear,")—that
Bill of which' it was said the people of England were so
enamoured that not a particle of it should be changed.—
(Hear.) Here were schedule A and schedule B, so well
idapted to the feelings of the people, that not a particle of
them was to be altered.—(Hear, hear.) But how stood
the matter now? Why schedule A' and B were to be
thered.—(Hear, bear.) When such was the case with
this favourite measure, could he have any confidence in the
insertion that the document to which the Noble Lord had
alluded would not be altered?—(Hear, hear.) If there
were any spirit in the House of Commons, they would
pause and think seriously before they took a step which
oust inevitably lead to most embarrassing and unpleasant
consequences.—(Hear.) If that resolution and its penal-
ties were adopted, he foresaw that much positive evil
would be the result.—(Hear, hear.) He therefore called
on the House of Commons, if any spirit existed there, to
refuse this resolution, and boldly to resist its being forced
on them.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. A. BARING said he was rather surprised at the
course now proposed, in a question involving as this did
the power of the country. He was aware of the feeling
of the country on the subject, produced by the persevering
exertions of a society of gentlemen, whose well-meaning
efforts had created an excitement not warranted by the
teal state of the case. For himself he must say, that be
had no personal interest in the question, never having been
the owner of a slave in his life ; but as this subject-affected
an important commercial branch, and as there was no part
of our commerce, whether connected with the West
Indies, the East Indian or Australian colonies, which could
not be cut off without serious loss, he thought it was one
which ought to be considered with the deepest attention.
He was aware of the growing opinion in the public mind,
as to the stare of the colonies, though he was no party to
it: much of the feeling which prevailed was, he believed,
caused by exaggerated accounts of the actual state of those
colonies ; but if the House agreed to the resolution founded
upon those accounts, Le thought they would fall into a
serious error. Any person who believed the state of the
colonies to be as it was represented, must come to the con-
clusion that the present state of things could be got rid of
only by actual extirpation, or by some immediate means of
improvement. He would admit that the speet•h of his Hon.
Friend (Mr. Buxton) was in a tone of great candour,
but at the same time he must say that the resolution wiih
which he concluded was as wild and as imprudent as
any which could possibly be devised. On the question of
humanity what was the argument? That the greatest
labour of the negro was in the cultivation of sugar; and
from this it might be inferred that the negro if emanci-
pated and left to himself would not give hie labour in that
way; but the effect of this Bill would be, that if the black
population were made free, the white and black could not
long remain in'the same island—one or the other must
soon be master, and as the black had the greatest power in
physical force, the white must soon give way, and the pro-
perty of the country become that of the black. If, then,
the cultivation of sugar, which was the greatest injury to
human life in the colonies, were given up, what would
follow ? We must get it from other countries. We must
lose all the capital embarked in it, and then get it from
foreigners. But would that abolish slavery ? Should we
have one slave the less. We might have fewer slaves in
our own colonies, but would not the effect of that be to
increase their number in those countries from which we
should get the sugar.—(Hear.) Slavery would still go on,
and the condition of the slaves would be so much the worse,
because we should have no controul over the slaves, and
no means of improving their condition. On the ground,
then, of humanity alone, the advocates of abolition
would gain nothing by'the course pointed out by his Hon
Friend. He wished the people of England would under-
stand this—that by the total abolition of slavery in the
West Indies we should not reduce the number of slaves ;
but he would go further and contend, that if we trans-
ferred the cultivation of sug ir to Cuba and other places,
we should have a re-opening of the slave trade into those
places; a new impetus would thus be given to the slave
trade, and though we might double our establishments on
the pestilential coast of Africa, that trade would still be
carried on. The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to con-
tend that the condition of the negro poputetien would not
be bettered by the abolition of slavery ; that the accounts
of their condition were much exaggerated, though there
might be many instances of individual cruelty and oppres-
sion ; and that to ascertain the accuracy of those accounts
a Committee of Inquiry ought to be instituted. There
were, he knew, some 5,000 or 6,000 petitions pre-
sented on this subject to the House, but he believed that
they all, or the greater part of them, proceeded • from
one workshop in the metropolis, and he was con-
vinced that the resolution of the total abolition of
slavery now founded on them would be most napes
rious to the slaves themselves, and to the colonies gene-
rally. 'There was no doubt that something must be done
to ameliorate the condition of the slave, but when they
found so much exaggeration as existed on this subject.—
so much difference of opinion between the set of gentlemen
who were associated for this purpose in the metropolis,
and those who had actual experience on the spot in the
colonies—as to that condition, he thought they ought to
proceed with great caution. However, though he ad-
Intimhsiait2tttrseeidetohuf
jilsdr, he thought that something should be done, and
in this view he was disposed to adopt the proposition of
the Noble Lord. He was a friend to the abolition of
olarsftorrece.
slavery, when the slaves were in a condition to receive
that boon.; but lie would ask the Right Hon. Baronet how
more effectually could preparation be made for it than by
making it the interest of parties locally interested to take
steps for improving the condition of the slaves. He would
ask the Hon. Baronet how else could he get at the colonists
than by the means proposed by the Nellie Lord ? We
stmhouretamt:loelgrviicsiolicaahtxe
no
forooermp
person
oe inNn ,owwtos which hpt
preferred
oekru
rl
of
fd be
that
tai rnesohtuh:
es e
which
would make it the interest of the Colonial Legislature to
do something for them of their own accord. The question
n was,
otherhe knew, n
causeew,
could
some o
effectually difficulties, butob obtain
knew
e
same end.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that he was anxious
to catch the eye of the Speaker after the speech of the
Right Hon. Baronet, but he was now glad that the Mem-
ber (Mr. Baring) had precedence of him, for a more
complete answer could not be given than had been given
by the Hon. Member. The Right, Hon. Baronet 'said
that Government felt hampered by the resolutions of 1823.
hadcan
Canning,
himself
on spoken
the motion in e uopfptoirmt
This was the first time he bad heard of that fact, and he
dlmaferon:tfileo:l'ey‘l‘ll:irloo.uth. Mr. Canning on that cc--
was the more surprised at it, coming as 'it did from the
that there were only three methods of deal-
inscolonies, by directly forcing them, by ha..l
was
thahtcoakonseewwhniocth hwehau:
of fl io:tinboh.wnet
Memberialitmho statedenn.
the
rassing them with fiscal regulations, or by gaining them'
over by admonition. The first of these he was unwilling
disposed
could
to e try
adopted,
in the first;
but 1
as
courseds l)
to resort to—the second he 'also disliked—and the third
instance. Now, unless we gave up the resolutions of,'
athsceerretawinasbnyotit as
pow proposed by the Noble Lord. As to the•
irringanuiroyr.tvolvmainn innotthetchoeuncatrsye.
Committee of Inquiry, he knew not what good it could
produce,
who dij not know as much on the subject as any Com-,
Council and the efforts 'of the Attorney-General,
of Kitty Hilton well authenticated, and in spite of the Or
ders of -
the perpetrators of this atrocity had escaped? The Hon.
member for Callington had said that he was tired of hear-
ing of the case of Hodges, which he maintained to have
been quoted to excite the public mind in this country ;
buta few days after the Hon. Member's speech, there
arrived the other horrible story from Berbice. It was
notorious that the existing system o fevery produced.
tbese atrocities, and the Legislature of England had pledged
itself to abolish them. He totally disregarded the asser-
tion that the abolition of slavery would be the destruction
of the colonies. The reverse of this doctrine had been
in • proved in Mexico, and even Jamaica where free blacks
and whites lived together on peaceable Jamaica,
terms. In Hayti
those whites who behaved themselves
peaceably
w wered
notice
allowed
measure n
to live in security. The
to the House was tantamount to a o proposed
to that it was in-
tended to coerce the colonies by fiscal means if they did
not otherwise fall into the views of the House. He ridi
ruled the notion of the colonies throwing themselves into-
the arms of America, for, if they attempted this, there'
was a population of free blacks • to prevent it. He ap-
pealed to the spirit of the House to accede to the propo-
sition before it.

Sir R. PEEL explained.
Lord HOWICK explained.
Mr. HUNT moved the adjournment of the question,
and the motion was seconded by Mr. O'CONNELL, '
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that
if the question was adjourned the state of the business
tante the House would render it necessary-that the ad-

journment should be for a longer time than many Mem-
bers were aware of.
After a few words from Mr. HUNT,
The motion of adjournment was 'carried, and the ques-
tion was put off to nett Tuesday week.
THE EAST INDIA CbitIPANV'S CHARTER.

Mr. C. GRANT said that in nuthing his motion rela-
tive to the Charter of the. East India Cortipany, he was
only f, lowing the precedent of former cases. fle should
move, in pntsuance of the provisions of the Act 53,
Geo. 111., c. 155, that the Speaker do give notice to the
Company that the public debt &It to them would be dis-
charged. This was a preliminary step ithith left to the
public the privilege of revoking the Charter, and it would
not pledge the House td any futnre course of proceeding.
The motion was then put, acid tarried.
On the motion of the CHANcELLort of the EXCHE-
QUER, it was resolved, that the House at its ris;ng do ad-
journ to Monday next.
Several petitions were presented on the subject of Re-
form, the abolition of s!avery, and the elective franchise
of Galway.
Colonel SIRTHORPE. gave notice that he would, en
Monday next, moved an instruction to the Committee on
the Reform Bill, relating to the rights of copyholders.
Adjourned to Monday at Half-past Two o'clock.

FROM THE GAZETTE OF LAST NIGHT

Office of the Master of the Horse to the Queen, April lb, 1831. .
The Queen has been pleased to appoint Captain Pechell, 11.1'1. to
be one of her Maje Sty's Equerries, vice Captain Sir 'P. Usher
R.N. resigned.

Office of the Lord Chamberlain to the Queen, Queen's House,
St. James's, April 15.
The Queen has been pleased to appoint Adolphus Coffin, Efig,
to be Gentleman Usher Quarterly Waiter to her Majesty.

St. James's Palace, A 011.13.
The King was this day pleased to confer thdfivnour of Knight
hood .upon George Harrison, Esq. Knight Comiffin.ler of the
Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order. •

Kensington Palace, April 8.
His Royal Highness the Duke Vf sussex has been pleased to ap-
point the Rev. William Bentinck Lethetti Hawkins, M.A. to be
one of his Royal Highness's Domestic Chaplains.

Crown Office, April 14.
MEMNIIR RETURNED TO BERYL IN THIS PREURNT PARLIAMENT.
BOROUGH oP LAUNCERTON—Ma-General Sir John Malcolm,
G.C.B. in the room of Sir James Willoughby Gordon, Bart. who
has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds.

Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Fife.
To be Deputy lieutenants—W. R. K. Douglas, Esq., Major-
General A. Bethune, F. Balfour, 0. T. Bruce, D. Wemyss, J.
Fergus, Esquires; Lieut.-Colonel T. Webster, R. Douglas, Esq.,
the Hon. J. Stuart, Rear-Admiral Sir F. L. Maitlano.
Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of oi:ford.
J. W. Fane, Esq. to be Deputy Lieutenant; J. W. Henfel,
Esq. to be ditto.
Ist Regiment of Oxfordshire Yeomanry Cavalry.
Robert Lord Clonbrock to be Lieut., Vine Peyton, promoted.
Watlington Division Troop of Oxfordshire Yeomanry Cavalry.
W. F. L. Stone, Gent. to be Lieutenant; J. Brovitil, Gent. to
be Cornet.
Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Chester.

Royal Cheshire Militia.
Ensign H. Mainwaring to be Captain, vice R. Wilbraham, re-
signed.
King's Regiment of Cheshire Yeomanry Cavalry.
Stockport Troop.'
J. Hunt, Gent., to be Cornet, vice S. Hunt, resigned.
Commissions by the Vice-Lieutenant of the East Riding of the
County of York, and Town and County of the Town of Kings-
tan-upon-Hull.
To be Deputy Lieutenants—The Hon. C. Langdale, Sir T. A.
C. Constable, hart., the Rev. W. Blow, the Rev. W. Parker, the
Rev. C. Sykes, the Rev. D. It. Currer, the Rev. D. Ferguson, the
Rev. H. Ramsden, T. Clark, R. Denison, W. C. Maxwell, W.
Scholfield, W. Hall, J. R. Pease, A. Terry, Sykes, R. Thornton,
C.Whitaker, M. Foulis, G. Strickland, E. Taylor, H. Willoughby,
J. S. Wyndham, E. B. Denisons, Esquires.
Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Durham.
To be Deputy Lieutenants—J. Pratt, L. Raisbeck, R. Appleby,
W. Hodgson, J. Fawcett, W. Mills, T. Greenwell, G. T. Fox,Esqrs.
Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Somerset.
North Somerset Regiment of Yeomanry Cavalry.
J. C. Somerville, Gent. to be Lieutenant; J. Gray, Gent. to be
Cornet.

Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Gloucester.
To be Deputy Lieutenants—Rev. M. F. Stephens, Clerk, R.
Canning, J. L. Codrington, J. D. F. Phelps, Esquires.
Royal North Gloucester Militia.
The Hon. A. H. Moreton to be Major ; M. H. H. Beach, Esq.,
to be Captain ; A. F. G. Hornsby, Gent., to he Lieutenant.
Stroudwater Troop of Gloucestershire Yeomanry Cavalry.
R. S. Paul, Esq., to be Captain ' • W. H. Hyett, Gent. to be
Lieutenant ; C. Stephens, Gent., to be Cornet.
Tetbury Troop of Gloucestershire Yeomanry Cavalry.
T. G. B. Estcourt, Esq. to be Captain ; W. M. Paul, Gent. to be
Lieutenant ; R. B. Hale, Gent. to be ditto ; R. S. Holford, Gent.
to be Cornet. ,

BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED.
GEORGE MITCHELL, jun., Brighton, broker.
BANKRUPTS.

CHARLES TUCKER, Bartlett's-buildings, bronzist, to sur.
render April 22, at two, May 3, at eleven, and 27, at two, at the
Court of Commissioners. Sylvester and Walker, Furnival's-inn,
Holborn.

AUGUSTUS HALSON, Bridgewater square, London, mer-
chant, April 19, at one, 29, and May 27, at nine, at the Court of
Commissioners. Peachey, Salisbury-square, Fleet-street.
WILLIAM MOFFETT, Great Bell-alley, Coleman-street,
London, baker, April 19, at twelve, 29, and May 27, at nine, at
the Court of Commissioners. Gole, Lothbury.
RICHARD GRAY GUNNELL and WILLIAM SHEAR-
MAN, Salisbury-square, Fleet-street; printers, May 3, at nine,
10, at eleven, and 27, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners. Bull,
Ely-place 'Holborn.
WILLIAM GERRISH, Bristol, dealer, April 29, 30, and
May 27, at two, at the Commercial-looms, laristol. Stevens and
Flower, Gray's-inn-Square, London ; Perkins, Bristol.
THOMAS SAXBY, Loughborough, Leicestershire, lace-ma-
nufacturer, April 21, at six, 23, at eleven, at Mr. Fosbrooke's
office, Loughborough, and 27, at eleven, at the King's Head Inn,
Loughborough. Norris, Allen, and Anthony, John-street. Bed-
ford-row, London • Fosbrooke, Loughborough
ELIZABETH WELLDON, Cambridge, butcher, April 26,
27, and May 27, at one, at the Bull Inn, Cambridge. Flower,
Austin-Friars, London; Gunning, Cambridge.
THOMAS MOORE, Allbrighton, Shropshire, butcher, May
5, at five, 6, and 27, at eleven, at the Red Lion Inn, Newport.
Heming and Baxter, Lincoln's Inn-fields, London :. Stanley,
Newport, Shropshire.
DIVIDENDS.

J. Holmes and F. E. EKards, Derby, booksellers, May 10, at
nine, at the Cdurt of Commissioners—C. Baglehole, and J. Red-
grave, Mark-lane, merchants, May 6, at twelve, at the Court of
Commissioners—J. Phillips and W. Gray, Platt-terrace, Somers-
town; plasterers, May 6, at three, at the Court of Commissioners
—C. and J. Osborne, St. James's-street, Pall-mall, tailors, May
6, at one, at the Court of Commissioners—C. A. Pettit, Golden-
square, builder, May 6, at three, at-the Court of Commissioners
—J. Marshall, Norwich, silk-merchant, May 6, at two, at the
Court of Commissioners—R. Triphook, Golden-square, book-
. seller, May 6, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners—J.
Buckley, Manchester, and C. Nunn, Old 'Change, Cheapside,
gingham-manufacturers, May 6, at ten, at the Court of Commis-
sioners—C. Bell, Billiter-street, wine-merchant, May 6, at ten, at
the Court of Commissioners—J. Drake, Southgate, Middlesex,
victualler, May 6, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners—S.
Mumford, Stanstead-street, Essex, corn-dealer, May 6, at one, at
the Court of Commissioners—R. Burbery and G. Wigley, Coven-
try, ribbon-manufacturers, May 10, at ten, at the Court of Com-
missioners—W. Marsh, J. H. Stracey, and G. E. Graham, Ber-
ners-street, bankers, May 12, at eleven, at the Court of Com-
missioners—R. Coner, W. Godfree. and V. P. Musgrave, Cheap-
side, lacemen, May 13, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners
—R. B. Cooper, Princes.streei, Lambeth, distiller, April 29, at
ten, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners—W. Packman, Lud-
gate-hill, tavern-keeper. May 6, at eleven, at the Court of Com-
missioners—J. G. Bonney, Cooper's-row, Tower-hill, wine-mer-
chant, May 6, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners—J.
Ogilvy, Fleece- yard, Tothill-street, Westminster, May 6, at
eleven, at.th:: Court of Commissioners—T. Wood, Birchin.lane,
merchant, May' 6, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners—S.
Hacker, Canterbury, builder, May 9, at twelve, at the Guildhall,
Canterbury—J. W. Pocock, Huntingdon, builder, May 4, at
two,. at the George Hotel, Huntingdon—E. R. Buchanan,
Stowmarket, Suffblk, maltster, May 9, -at two, at the Suffolk
Hot Ipswich.
CERTIFICATES, MAY 6.
'J. Clarkson, Scidcoates, Yorkshire, general-agent—J. Lane,
Middlewich, Cheshire, woollen.manufacturer—J. Farrell, Liver-
pool, flour-dealer—G. Russell, Brownlow-street, Drury-lane,
coach-smith--J. Hodgson the younger, Bradford Moor, Brad-
ford, Yorkshire, wool-stapler—H. A. U. Lock, Lower Thames-
street, custom-house-agent—H. Wyatt, Acton Hill, Staffbrdshire,
farmer—J. Rogers, High Road, Knightsbridge, victualler.