The Sun.
London, England, 1831-10-01 00:00:00

Malice and effrontery are still at cork in libelling
the Queen of England, as if she were really beating
up for the cause of Anti-Reform,---that is to say,
up hostility
greatostility to the King's Ministers,—
Imeasure for his support of
stirringgting u
which, even so far as it has already gone, the name
of William IV. will be pronounced with grateful
reverence by all succeeding ages,—blasting the just
hopes of the people of England, and frustrating the
hard-earned triumph of their representatives, to
whom Queen Adelaide, within these few short
weeks, expressed in full Parliament her sense of the
munificence which she had experienced from them,
—and finally planting in the bosom of her Royal
Consort himself a thorn which no time can eradi-
cate. Such is the conduct Which Tory faction pre-
sumes to charge upon the Queen of England,—such
the title wherewith it would invest her Majesty to
the loyal attachment of the British nation ! Is it
necessary for us to say how utterly untrue are all the
tales thus circulated ? Must we make an open ap-
peal to the parties, if they would not abdicate all
pretension to the privileges or immunities of men of
political honour, and shall we demand of 072 M that
they will no longer attempt to screen them-
selves from public obloquy, by meanly ire-ieuatings
or suffering others to insinuate, that their Royal
Mistress is the instigator of their perverse and un-
English manoeuvres—that they but comply with her
desire, or even that in their mutiny she has promised
them her sovereign countenance and protection ?
The fact is not se, and they know it well. How,
then, are such individuals to be dealt with ? We
will 3 pe,j( out, what it is quite certain that every up-
right man in England feels. The consistent doc-
rines of Whig illisi!sters has always been that the
officers of the Royal lieusehold ought ever to be
looked upon as in political allissce with the Cabinet,
and that any opposition of theirs ie measures pro-
posed by the Crown, must either be held to indi-
cate such alienation on the part of the Sovereign
from his official servants, as to justify their imme-
diate resignation, or such a spirit of enmity in his
domestic to his responsible officers, as to necessitate
the dismissal of the former. Even Tory Ministers
have not scrupled of late years to enforce the Whig
maxim in its application to the Household, Lord
Fife and others have received their conge for votes
not approved by the responsible advisers of his Ma-
jesty. And it is notorious that on the Catholic ques-
tion the Household were compelled (no matter how
disposed) to vote for the Duke of Wellington. Lord
Grey, then, if he wishes to abate this most perni-
cious nuisance, will without losing another hour,
just call upon the state servants of her Majesty's
household (beginning, as a mark of respect for his
high office, with Lord Howe) to declare whether
they will pledge themselves to support the Kiog's
Government on this occasion er not, and, in the
latter case, will at once dismiss them before the se-
cond reading. The slander on the Queen, then,
having been drummed out of society, may prove a
lesson to future dabblers in libel, that Royal repu-
tation is somewhat of a dangerous game. The pro-
ceedings of the House of Lords on Thursday even-
ing were full of interest for all observers of the
public spirit, in its rapid and resistless progress to
maturity. The sense of the two capitals of Eng-
land and Scotland, in eager approval of the Reform
Bill, was conveyed to the House of Peers by Lord
Brougham. London spoke through her Corpora I
dons : Edinburgh in spite of hers; the utter un-
importance of which latter was proved by
the amount of signatures to the Reform petition,
which, according to the judgment of the Noble
and Learned Mover, might be considered equal
to the whole adult male population. We see
that childish efforts are making to depreciate
the immense value of these popular movements,
by comparing them with those exhibited against
the Bill for Catholic emancipation, and asking,
were the Anti-Catholic petitions attended to,
lat that time, by Parliament ? We answer,
they received all the attention due tc; them; but
not so much—for they merited not so much—
as the more numerous and more enlighteueel pe-
titions from the friends of religious liberty. On
that occasion, however, the people of this country
were divided in some degree, and the business of
the Legislature was to arbitrate between them.
But where is now the material on which to arbitrate ?
Where are the counter-petitions ? where a single
claim put forward by any given portion of the King's
subjects against the Reform of Parliament? Point
out to us a single public meeting at which one Anti.
Reformer has recently dared to show his head.
Where are the opposing parties, we ask ? Yes,
there are the boroughmonger crew and the nation ;
the robbers and their victims; and it is between
these that the House of Lords have to decide ! Oh !
for a Judge and twelve hottest jurymen of West-
minster; then we might be sure of justice I On
Wednesday last was held the meeting of the county
of Gloucester, where the most animating spirit was
displayed, and resolutions in favour of the Reform
Bill were unanimously adopted. Of the Kent,
Surrey, and Hertfordshire meetings we can take no
further notice this day than to beseech the House
of Lords to reflect whether such expressions of the
national feelings of Englishmen can be safely looked
at by their Lordships with indifference?—Times.
On the occasion of the second of the Reform Bill,
we would earnestly intreat our countrymen to ab-
stain, not merely from all acts of violence and out-
rage—for their love of order and respect for the
laws will be sufficient to ensure their doing that—
but still farther, to abstain from such demonstrations
of their feelings as might in arty way afford our
enemies the slightest pretext to complain that any
arguments but those of reason and discussion are
employed to influence the decision of the Peers.
Thus, on Monday next, whatever persons may be
led to observe the neighbourhood of the Parliament
House, as the intense interest taken in the question
may induce many to do, we beseech them to refrain
from all cries and outward signs of disapprobation,
and to maintain a manly and dignified silence, and
so deprive their foes of the boroughmongering fac-
tion of any ground of embarrassment to the Mi-
nisters, by asserting that the peace of the metropolis
is not strictly preserved. The public, we know,
confide in us, and will listen to our advice. We re-
peat then—be silent and orderly—show no symp-
toms of anger or condemnation. Trust to our King
and a Reforming Ministry, and let us await with
calmness and patience the result. The Noble Lords
shall suffer no molestation of any kind, but may
quietly proceed to discuss, with all the gravity and
solemnity befitting the occasion, the all-important
measure to be submitted for their legislative sanc-
tion.—Morning Chronicle.
ost be will
supposed
bes up s oe r
soontiuo u
ssolved,to waste
much i
timema y
We have received a Second Part of What will
a
the Lords do ?" by the Author of the First. This
problemlm
on conjecture. But so long as there is life there is
hope—so long as Lords have not voted, there is a
hope that reasoning may not be without its influence.
At all events, every man is bound, at a crisis like
the present, to make use of such arguments as he
conceives best calculated to enlighten the judgment
of their Lordships. We have always made very
light of the non-intimidation argument. The whole
resolves itself into a play on words. The House in
which their Lordships deliberate is not, we take it, the
Sedesque quiets ;
Quas neque concutiunt venti ; neque nubila nailing
Adspergunt
I ntegit, et larsger dietf'culu,:liuninnrnbeilinisd.eltlr
A legislator cannot abstract himself from those
for whom he legislates. He must, like Solon, con-
sider what the people will bear. An Emperor Paul
will now and then occur in history, disposed to treat
men as mere pieces of mechanism, without inclina-
tions of their own, and he will Pay the sacrifice of
his folly with his life. He who leads must always
ask himself how far these he leads will follow. If the
I f
actedtempire were as insentient as the pieces of
poop eo g , . .
Lord Londond
coal extra from etry s collierteQ,
Noble Lords might decide the question without he-
• the
mg in least influenced by circumstances. But a
madman only would pretend to determine a question