The Sun.
London, England, 1831-06-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT' OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

At last we have accounts of the election of Prince
Leopold to the throne of Belgium, by such an over-
whelming majority, and with such demonstrations
of zeal, as leave no doubt respecting the sentiments
of the National Congress ; and in this case we are
persuaded that the Congress fairly represents the
country. The Belgic National Convention consists
of 200 members. Of these, 196 attended the dis-
cussion on Saturday, the day of election. As some
of them desired to see the election postponed till
the question of the limits was settled, 19 probably
of this party refrained from voting, and note vote
was lost. Thus only 176 gave their suffrages on
the occasion, and out of these Ms Royal Highness
obtained the support of 1.52, or within 24 of the
whole members who 'voted. Even cC these 24
votes, only 10 were hostile to his nomination, as the
14 wasted on the Regent mac be supposed given to
his Royal Highness, whose claims the Regent sup-
ports. We have not yet seen the names of the
deputies who voted on either side ; but we have
no doubt that the 10 dissentient votes will be found
to have been given by the small faction which voted
for a republic last November, when the Congress
came to a decision on the form of government
to he established in Belgium. His Royal
Highness has often declared, that 'among other
conditions of his choice, his acceptance of the
Belgic crown would depend upon the extent of the
maj,,r;ty by whom it should be offered. He had
resolved never to become the King of a party or a
.crtion—but of the nation, pronouncing its senti-
ments through its representatives in such a manner
as to leave no doubt of its general and cordial, if not
universal, predilection in his favour. This condi-
tion has been realized to an extent which must be
highly satisfactory ; for supposing all the votes not
united in his favour to be hostile, he has still more
than three-fourths of the whole Congress as his sup-
porters. The case was very different with the
young Duke of Nemours, who was elected by very
little more than a bare majority of the assembly.
As the settlement of this important affair will not
admit of delay, the deputation appointed by the
Congress to carry their decree of nomination to the
Prince may be expected in Landon in a day or two.
This deputation consists of the following members :
—The President, M. de Gerlsche ; the Vice-Pre-
sident, M. Destouvellee ; Count F. de Merode,
Count Duval de Beaulieu, Baron Osy, M. Van de
Weyer, Count Vilain XIV., M. de Brouckere, and
N.de Thorn. This last gentleman being member for
Luxemburg, and Governor of that disputed province,
will present himself to his Royal Highness as a living
protest against its cession to the King of Holland.
When a similar deputation at the beginning of the
year proceeded to Paris with a tender of the Crown
to little Nemours, they were received in a style of
the most splendid hospitality by his father's Go-
vernment--offered a residence in one of the Royal
palaces, and driven about in the Royal carriages.
In short, they were welcomed and entertained like
persons who embodied the majesty of the Belgic
nation, and who, having a great state dignity to
bestow, deserved to be treated with a correspond-
ing munificence of gratitude and ceremony. The
Deputies, who are about to arrive in London, must
not expect such treatment front our Government.
They will be the guests of Prince or King Leo-
pold, and not of King William, his Royal High-
ness not standing in the same relation to the Sove-
reign of this country as the Duke of Nemours did
to the ruler of France. This fact—of which every
thing will remind the deputation—ought to con-
vince the Belgians that the English have but a re-
mote, or very accidental interest, in their proceed-
ings, and to disarm the weak and absurd jealousy of
our French neighbours, who imagine that this
country can derive any peculiar advantage, either
political or commercial, from the contemplated set-
tlement. The same ridiculous suspicions were fos-
tered and avowed by the French press when his
Royal Highness was nominated to the sovereignty
of Greece—and that too by parties who, clamour-
ing for popular institutions, ought to know that
whether on a Greek or a Belgic throne, the Prince
must cease to be English or German, and become
identified with the state n hich he is elected to ad-
minister.—Times.
We do not know whether it may be prudent to
notice—we are sure it would be quite otherwise to
encourage—any of those schemes of Reform which
are circulated, some perhaps with honest views—
many indisputably with views the reverse of honest,
but all of which discard, in a manner more or less
peremptory, the principles of the present or Mini,-
terial Bill. Take the thing in the most favourable
sense, any very important deviation from the prin.
ciple of a measure of Reform, on behalf of which
the minds of most men are already, we may say,
eager and unanimous, would tend to disturb that
unanimity, to unsettle the bearings of the whole
question throughout the country, and to overcloud
the now cheering and animating prospects of com-
plete success with which there is no doubt that the
understood plan of his Majesty's Government will
be immediately attended. But there is no doubt
that the great proportion of " schemes," " pros-
pectuses," " synopses," " outlines," &c., of Par-
liamentary Reform, which are now afloat, have been
launched from Tory slips, and sent into the world
on Tory missions. Their purpose is to dethrone
the Bill of Reform from its eminence in public
opinion, or at least to dazzle and confound the
public eye, by presenting many objects at the
same moment, in the garb and under the ban-
ners of Reform, with like pretensions to the Bill,
but inviting support to themselves, as mote
worthy of countenance from the friends of Re-
form on the very principles assumed by Ministers
of gaining accessions to the constituent body, as
well of property as of numbers. All these quackeries
ought to be flung aside at mice : they mean nothing
but pure mischief—they have no object—they
dream of nothing but to defeat the Bill. When
women of rank drive about, from house to house,
declaring violently that " they would rather see
England deluged with blood than the Bill carried,"
we may guess at the bitterness and inveteracy of
spirit with which certain portions of the old Tory
coterie regard this great amalgamating measure. The
fact is, that the effect on society, as well as on State
policy, will be most renovating. Every description of
exclusiveness—all sorts of coteries—the Almacks
of office, as well as of fashion—it will destroy.
Fashion, which follows power, will no longer be
monopolized, where power ceases to be monopolized.
The vices and follies which have hitherto been no
impediments—if they have no-, indeed, been faci-
lities—to success in high but narrow circles, will be
laughed at or spurned when the circle in which they
exhibit themselves shall be that of public opinion.
The men of upper life be;tig, competitors, which they
never yet have been, for popular or national favour,
must cultivate those qualities which nations (not
coteries) approve. This will spread to their wives
and-daughters, and the moral character of the whole
aristocracy will be mended. A paper has been sent
to us, displaying a plan of Reform formed on popu-
lation merely—the taxed population ; but our vote
is engaged by Lord J. Russell. We cannot hence-
forth change, and we trust the country will remain
unshaken.—Time,..

Our correspondent, 0. P. Q.,
forhas,
.in a letter in
formidable
Fiance.idable bill of
this day's Chronicle, drawn up
indictment against the Government o
admit that there is a foundation for any of ‘ 111'.s
charges. The Government has undoubtedly be
en
very culpable, and we should think very foolish, in
its crusade against the Press. It seems very. hard'
that a Frenchman should not have liberty to educate
his child as he thinks fit, and that the controul of
instruction throughout the country should be vested
in the University of Paris. 3lonopolies in trade are
as bad as monopolies in instruction, and there seems
no reason why bakers and booksellers should be
obliged to purchase the right to make loaves and
books. The seizure of newspapers is still worse than
prosecutions. Again, the franchise is confined to a
small number, for it is difficult to suppose that ad-
vantage will not be taken of the limitation. Sine-

cures, Pluralities, and an enormous Civil List are all
great evils. But %hat has not been done in 1831
will be done in future years. With respect to the
change in the constitution of the House of Peers
and the Law of Election, it would, perhaps, have
been as well had it taken place as soon after the
Revolution as possible. But the organical changes
having been once effected, we rather think the Go-
vernment entitled to credit for its determination
to execute the existing law, whatever it may be.
The law, for instance, investing corporations with
a eentroul over industry, is, no doubt, exceed-
ingly absurd ; but we question much whether the
people of Freacse are sufficiently enlightened to
see its absurdity. We know that there are no
people in Europe more narrow-minded than the
French in matters of commercial legislation ; and we
have always understood that even the Polignac Mi-
nistry were disposed to be more liberal in setting in-
dustry free than was acceptable to the nation. The
Lihersl Journals, with few exceptions, were very
illiberal in their economical views. The truth will
ultimately prevail; and when the people are prepared
for the change, then the law may enact it. With
is spect to education, we have no doubt that it will
scon be placed on a better footing. It is probable
that this will be one of the subjects with which the
Chambers will be first occupied after they meet.
What the French have gained by the revolution is
of inestimable price : they have now a Government,
which may err unquestionably, but which is depen-
dent on the nation, and which can only hope to exist
by the support of the nation. The Government
which was destroyed in July was imposed on the
nation, was in a constant conspiracy against the no-
titre, and looked for its support to the despots of the
surrounding countries. It was a Government which
endeavoured to revive exploded superstitions, as a
support to projects for restoring the ancient anti-na-
tional regime. But if the present French Government
is chargeable with sins—if Louis Phillippe has shown
himselfavaricious,and a lover of tbe worst part of Mo-
narchy—namely, its costly extravagance—the Libe-
rals, also, are not without their faults. The foreign
policy which they recommended would unques-
tionably have plunged all Europe in war. Now, in
the case of Belgium, it is far better that France
should rely on her own strength than seek to revive
the old policy of rounding her tr rritories, and ac-
quiring natural boundaries as they are called, and
thereby inspire all Europe with alarm. She has
done wisely in not yielding to the temptation. As
to Italy, we are far from justifying an endeavour to
conciliate the favour of the great Monarchies by
treachery towards the Revolutionists, for of this
Louis Philippe is accused. It may also be true that
it would be much more for the interest of France
to be surrounded by Constitutional than by Abso-
lute Governments. But would the Government of
a country which had just terminated a revolution,
and was of course exposed to a variety of dangers
both front within and without, have been justified
in expending the treasures of that country in a war
for the support of the Revolutionists of Italy ?
To interfere in the internal affairs of another
country is at all times a questionable policy.
In the case of Italy, it is pretty clear, that
though the most enlightened individuals might wish
a change, the people in general were not prepared to
.second them. The people shewed no disposition to
fight; and in a country so strong by nature as Italy,
the people might have easily maintAined their ground
for a length of time. But if we once admit the
principle of one nation giving relief to a party in
another country, how are we to be sure that the
consequence of that relief is not to do violence to
the majority of the population ? We may thus
lay a foundation for interminable civil war, for the
majority will, of course, rise on the withdrawal of
the foreign aid. Upon the whole, the foreign policy
of the French Government seems to us less liable to
objection than its domestic policy. Europe has too
much at stake in the continuance of the existing Go-
vernment of France, to wish to see that Govern-
ment rashly committed to an European war. It is
quite clear that no Government will think of at-
tacking France. France, by adopting a warlike
policy, might overthrow the existing Governments;
but she would become again probably a military
monster, a foe to the repose of the world. We
dread armies—they are the pest of humanity. The
nation which possesses a large army must find work
for it, arid the head of the army soon discovers that
there is no power but his own in the State. We
see that Russia has been a constant pest to all her
neighbours, from the necessity of giving her army
something to do.—Morning Chronicle.
If Special Commissions and sanguinary punish-
ments were the Lest means to subdue the passions
and correct the habits of a people, there is no reason
why Ireland should not now be the most peaceabtle
and the most civilized country in the world. No
people on the face of the earth have had more of the
discipline of rigorous laws, and few have had so
much—and no people are more ready to act upon
warm and impetuous feelings, under a real or imagi-
nary sense of wrong, without any regard to the con-
sequences of an intemperate or illegal vindication
of what they consider their violated rights. Last
year Cork had its Special Commission—this year
Limerick and Clare are undergoing that " fiery
ordeal" of justice; and we suppose the avenging
sword of the law will presently be bared in a simi-
lar way in Galway, the Queen's county, and some
other places. The majority of the offenders to be
tried are charged with outrages and crimes punish-
able tinder the " Whiteboy Acts," which outrages
have their origin in disputes about the rent of land
and the payment of tithe—matters that have been,
for a great space of time, the exciting causes of the
most bitter contention and deadly animosity between
the rich arid the poor; the former being backed by
the laws of the land, which are truly vindictive ; and
the latter by the no less sanguinary laws of the noc-
turnel conventions of Agrarian legislators. In
charging the Grand Jury at Limerick, the other
day, Mr. Justice Jebb is reported to have said,
" The offences which have led to this investigation
are of such a nature as to justify me in describing
them as a species of warfare between the peasantry
and the proprietors and occupiers of land. The
object of this warfare is to deprive the proprietors
or occupiers of the power of disposing of their
property as they shall think fit, and to dictate to
them the terms on which their estates shall be
deilt out to the peasantry of this country. The
means by which this object is sought to be ob-
tained consists of every species of crime, accom-
. parried by violence, by injuring of property of every
kind, and by ascending, in regular grades, from
ordinary trespass to murder in its worst and most
hideous forms—cold-blooded premeditated assassi-
nation, so cunningly contrived, so secretly plotted,
and so timely executed, as to baffle, and escape, in
many instances, the pursuit arid diligence of the
mesa active and persevering individuals to whom are
-ntrusted this branch of the Administratioe of the
awe of the land." Vie believe this description is

not exaggerated : it is no more than the melancholy,
the afflicting truth. What is worse, the moral dis-
ease which has stricken the peasantry of Ireland in-
creases from year to year in violence and malignity.
The Judge looks only to the crimes in the calendar,
for the purpose of their punishment; the Govern-
ment should inquire into their causes, with a view
to their prevention. Whatever the causes may be,
we can assert with confidence, that it is not mild
and temperate punishment which has led to the
contempt of the laws, which Judge Jebb so forcibly
describes ; never were laws framed in a more exter-
tninating spirit than the White-boy Acts; they have
since the first year of their enactment, which was
in 1787, been applied from time to time with an
unsparing rigour, congenial with the temper of the
tierce legislation that called them into existence.
What is the consequence ? They have not tamed
the wild passions or subdued the exasperated feelings
of the peasantry ; on the contrary, they have rendered
wild passions more savage, and exasperated feelings
more vindictive. Instead of introducing discipline,
they have increased disorder. Where they found the
peasantry discontented they have made them despe-
rate; they have aggravated the evils which they pre-

ended to cure, until we have seen the peasantry be-
c)e as they are at the present day habituated to
outrage, as a familiar practice, and, dreadfully familiar
with the shedding of blood. This statement of the
increased and increasing demoralization of the Irish
peasantry, while such sanguinary laws hang over
heir heads, is confirmed by Judge Jebb, who says,
" The character of the people, once remarkable for
their warmth of feeling, and for strong and sincere
attachments, has become changed; their morals are
now perverted, and all the principles of religion dis-
regarded." ft is quite clear, therefore, that front
the year 1787, down to the present day, Special
Commissions, with the terrible spectacles offered to
the public eye by the rigid execution of vindictive
laws, have done more harm than good. When a
people become more savage and immoral, the laws,
which ought to be a great source of civilization
and morality, must be essentially wrong. Under
the Whiteboy Acts, a threat of violence to induce a
man to enter an unlawful combination, or to induce
him to do injury to the lands of another, is punish-
able with death. Leaving the morality of such an
enactment out of the question, we are of opinion
that its impolicy requires its abolition. Where no
distinction is made in the punishment which the law
assigns to threats of violence and actual murder, the
perpetration of the latter crime will become of more
common occurrence than it otherwise would be.
When a man knows that he may be hanged for a
threat, or other indication of violence, and can only
be hanged for putting that threat in execution, to
the destruction of life, he will the less hesitate to
gratify his revenge by destroying an enemy, or to
consult for his safety by putting a witness out of the
way. Under such laws we are not surprised that
revenge should so frequently terminate in homicide.
In Clare, the number of persons charged with mur-
der, to be tried at the present Commission, are forty-
one—rather a strong illustration, we think, of the
unhumanizing influence of violent laws. We observe
that two persons—namely, Michael Devitt and
Michael Stovin, have been capitally convicted at
Limerick, for feloniously threatening one .Harlin
Kelly with the words " I'll break your head, and
split your skull," to induce him to join an illegal as-
sociation. We trust we have shown cau=e why the
law should not be carried into execution in those
cases. The law which confounds violent words with
sanguinary deeds is in barbarous opposition to the
first principles of justice.—Morning Herald.
Since the gratifying news which we published
yesterday respecting the success of the Polee, arid
the defeat of the Russians on almost every point, and
in every renconnter, we have received the official
dispatch of the brave and skilful Commander-in-
Chief of the Poles, containing all the particulars of
the actions of which we were yesterday only enabled
to gi re the heads. The dispatch not only bears out
everything contained in the Hamburg Papers, but
confirms us still more strongly in the opinion which
we gave yesterday, that the Russians have now no
chance with the Poles, and that the great battle so
long threatened and expected, is put off for a much
longer period than either party imagined. The
Russians have, in fact, been driven out of Poland,
and not only driven out, but given up, without
firing a shot, a fortress which the Polish Com-
mander-in-Chief deems to be of the highest im-
portance, and whose strength will now be turned
against the invader, should he attempt to make a
second irruption among the Poles. In inquiring
into the causes of this extraordinary success, the
reader will be at no loss to discover them : first,

In the sickly state of the Russian army,—secondly,

in its disorganised condition in consequence of
secret disaffection,—thirdly, in the superior gal-
lantiy and activity of the Polish troops,—fourthly,
in the great military talents displayed by the Polish
Commander-iii-Chief,—and lastly, in the hostile
spirit of the population. One of these positions,
according to a French journal, which gives the
merit of the plan of the campaign to a French
General, we have no right to claim ; but the
Polish Commander-in-Chief evinced superior abi-
' lities long before there was the slightest inti-
mation of French cfficers having tendered their
services, and we are, therefore, inclined to give to
the former, until more authentic accounts to the
contrary have reached us, the merit which, it appears
to us, so justly belongs to him. It is easy for
any one to lay down a plan of campaign, which,
under given circumstances, must prove success-
ful; but it is equally evident, on the other
hand, that that plan can be of little use
under altered circumstances, and that in a case
like that of the Polish and Russian war, where
there have been so many changes, no in-
structions from Paris could be of much use except
in a general point of view. Another question arises,
not for the first time with us, for we were the first
to s:ir it, and that is, what is now to be done
with Poland ? When Charles X. was expelled
from France, the English Government hastened to
recognize the new order of things—when the Bel-
gians drove the Dutch from out of their territories,
a virtual recognition, in the shape of amicable
mediation, between the contending parties, was
tendered; and Poland is now in the same, or rather
a more noble and exalted position. Is she not to
be recognized? Are the Russians to be permitted
to carry on a war of extermination against her
people, after they have so nobly vindicated their
right to incorporation with the independent
States of Europe ? Are not France and England
to interfere by remonstrance in their behalf,
and if remons.rance will riot do, force of arms ?
We have no wish for war either here or elsewhere;
still less have we any desire to embroil the great
powers of Europe; but it appears to us that there
never was a clearer case for recognition than that of
Poland at the present moment; and that as both
France and England disgraced themselves by allow-
ing the infamous partition of Poland in former
times, now is the time both for retrieving their ho.
nour and doing justice to a gallant and much-injured
people. The regard for Poland formerly evinced by
Lord Grey, encourages us to hope that he will per-
mit no delay to interfere in doing every thing that
justice demands; and it may be noted as a fact on
the other hand, that in any steps which he may take
in behalf of the Poles, he will be seconded to his
heart's content, not only by the people of the
United Kingdom, but by the whole population of
France. The two countries combined in one com-
mon cause are irresistible, more especially in the
present state of public opinion throughout Europe;
and never will they exert their great powers in the
vindication of a nobler cause than that of Poland.
Morning Advertiser.

An Evening Contemporary takes us to task for
asserting that the present system in bankruptcy
worked well. We repeat our assertion; and we
will take upon ourselves also to assert that the
change which is meditated in the administration of
the Bankrupt Laws is the reverse of useful or just.
There are plenty of good-natured friends who are
gaping for places, and fifty new ones at one dash is
no small Godsend to a minister, who has the cravings
of so many to satisfy- There is a story, too, on
foot, now, that Lord Lyndhurst means to give the
measure his support. We doubt the assertion).
We believe that a very intimate friend of his Lord-
ship has succeeded to the appointment of King's
Counsel in the Duchy Court of Cornwall ; but
to say, as we have heard it said, that therefore
Lord Lyndhurst will support the Lord Chancellor's
Bankrupt Bill, is, in our opinion, to libel that Ho-
nourable Gentleman. He knows that the present
system works well ; and that, with some regulations
as to a few points of practice, and with, probably,
some curtailment of the number of the Commis-
sioners, the present plan and the existing Bank-
rupt Laws are much better calculated for prac-
tical benefit than all the new-fangled notions
of his Majesty's Attorney-General or Lord High
Chancellor. The Solicitor-General has admitted the
utility of it over and over again in his examination
before the Chancery Commissioners; and as he was
himself for many years a Commissioner of Bank-
rupts, must have been perfectly cognizant of the
subject of which he was forming an opinion. 1,1 hen
the new plan shall have undergone the criticism it is

destined to meet with from that leatned person, Sir
E. B. Sugden—when Sir James Scarlett shall have
exposed its anomalies—and when Sir Charles
Wetherell shall have shewn it properly up—we
shall be glad to see the effect produced upon the
House by the eloquence of those who know nothing
of bankruptcy or bankrupt practice, but who, never-
theless, presume to say that the present law and
practice in bankruptcy are wrong. The Commis-
rnissioners of Bankrupts have been very ill used by
lie Lord Chancellor, and have never been properly
defended in the House of Commons. We hope,
however, that justice, though tardy, may at length
be dealt to them, and that they may be shewn to
the commercial world in particular, and to the public
in general, not to be that place-hunting, fee-seeking,
meeting-making, mischievous race which the tongue
that talked of " compensation, for fear of turning
useless drones into stinging hornets," misrepresented
them to be.—Morning Post.

THE GENERAL POST-OFFICE, DUBLIN.

The inconveniences which have arisen to the
public from recent changes in this establishment
are, we regret being obliged to state, much
greater than we even anticipated when we com-
plained of the removal of Sir Edward Lees, who
was perhaps in his station one of the most
efficient public officers in the empire. We do not
here intend to enter into the grievous hardships
sustained by individuals, who, after holding situ-
. ations for several years, and becoming perfectly
' acquainted with the business of the office, were
suddenly removed, either to save the Exchequer
some forty or fifty pounds a year, or to make
room for strangers totally ignorant of the duties
imposed upon them. One very general com-
plaint against the Post-office is unprecedented
irregularity in the transmission of newspapers.—
The revenue arising from the postage of letters
containing complaints on this head is in itself
considerable. We do not attach any blame to
Mr. Godby for this; we verily believe he is sin-
cerely anxious to discharge his duties satisfac-
torily ; but so much confusion has been intro-
duced by various alterations and substitutions
that it is impossible, for some time at least, to
expect regularity. With perfect respect for Mr.
Godby in his individual capacity, we do not
hesitate to say that the removal of Sir Edward
Lees was a most injudicious, and we will add, a
most injurious step. Increase or saving of
revenue seems to be now the only object, and for
that, it is much to be apprehended, public ad-
vantage is frequently lost sight of. We shall
instance a particular case. A registry kept at
the Post-office window has been abolished—the
expenses attendant upon it were three hundred
pounds a year—as it is alleged that it did not
afford a security equivalent to that expenditure.
It is true it did not afford a positive security even
for post-paid letters ; but there was a species
of security to individuals who took the
trouble of registering their double letters, and
demanding a receipt for them, for the Secre-
tary was enabled to trace the loss of a letter to
the individual, by whose negligence, or other
impropriety, it was lost. Now there is no registry
kept, nor is there a receipt given for any letter.
It is said that it was useless to disc.)ver the loser
of a letter, as the late Post-.\l asters-General,
Lords O'Neill and Rosse, decided on not hold-
ing the individual accountable. But, we ask,
would it not be a wholesome check, that any
person handling money-letters should be aware
that any loss occasioned by negligence or impro-
priety on his part, would be certainly discovered,
and followed, at least, by instant dismissal ?
Although the money might be lost to the owner,
certain ruin would await the negligent or fraudu-
lent clerk, which in itself would be a security to
some other portion of the public. These obser-
vations respecting the registry office have been
elicited by a case of peculiar hardship which
has been submitted to us. A poor man named
M'Donald, a dealer in fruit, put two letters into
the Post-office on the 26th of last March, and
paid the postage of both, but was refthed a re-
ceipt, and both were lost. One of the letters
contained a whole Si. note, and the other a whole
30s. note. M'Donald took the numbers and
dates of both, and he has since discovered that
the Sl. note was paid in the bank on the 30th
of the same month. Is it not quite obvious that
the letter containing it never reached its destina-
tion ? and yet the poor man has no redress. The
30s. note has not yet been presented, but the un-
fortunate man has, we apprehend no chance of
recovering it. A similar case occured on the
25th of March. Mr. Stephen Doyle, of Great
Strand-street, put in a letter containing 2/.
notes, paid the postage, got no receipt, and lost
his money. These are circumstances well
worth the serious attention of the proper autho-
rities, and they will, we trust, deter the public
from remitting whole notes under any circum-
stances. The Post-office is accountable for no
money lost through it ; no matter under what
circumstances.—Freernan's Journal.

DESCRIPTION OF A BOROUGIIMONGER.-
At the Malmesbury Reform Dinr.er, Mr. Pou LETT SC ROPE,
the Chairman, gave the following description of a borough-
monger It was an animal of unclean habits and vicious
propensities ; like the swine, fond of wallowing in mire,
with the voracious appetite of the wolf, the cunning of the
fox, and some few redeeming touches of the ass about it.
The inhabitants of the country, however, in which it was
found, were now so thoroughly alive to its wolfish charac-
ter, that just as, eight centuries back, under good King
Encalt, they hunted out of the island the breed of four-
footed wolves, so now are they banded under King NVIL-
Laksi to extirpate the race of these two-legged, but equally
mischievous animals."

Colonel S-E, of the Royal Marines, was
always distinguished for the perspicuity and brevity of his
speeches, of which the following is a specimen, which was
delivered when going into the battle of the Nile :—Sir
Jamxs SAUMARE3I, who commanded the man-of-war to
which he belonged, had, in a lengthened speech, wound
up the feelings of the sailors to the highest pitch of ardour
for the fight, by reminding them of the duty they owed
to their King and country ; and, though last not least, he
desired them to call to mind their families, their parents,
and sweethearts, and to fight as if the battle solely depended
on their individual exertions. lie was answered by looks
and gestures highly expressive of their determination ;
when, turning to cur hero, he said, "Now, S---E, I
leave you to speak to the Marines." Captain S--K
immediately directed their attention to the land beyond
the French fleet, "Do you see that land there?" he asked.
They all shouted "Aye, aye, Sir !" " Now, my lads, that
the land of Egypt; and, if you don't fight like devils,
you'll
soon be in the house of bondage." lie was an-
swered by a real British cheer, fore and aft.

PETTY OFFICIAL TYRANNY.--A well-
known crier of " fine and young, young and green water-
cresses, fine spring water-creases !" whose musical notes
have for so many seasons amused the inhabitants of this
town, being forbidden to follow his occupation by the
overseer, in a fit of despondency cut about three yards
from a cart rope, with which he suspended himself; but
being observed by a man who wa also an inmate of the
sme house, he was speedily liberated. When recovered
from this " rash act" he attempted to drown himself, but
was also prevented ; and he has since taken to his bed, and
appears inconsolable. What appears the more severe on
the part of the parish officer is, that the person who con-
tracted to maintain the parish paupers, and who is en-
titled to their labour, is quite agreeable that this pauper
should, by the sale of water-cresses, obtain his pint of ale
and pipe of tobacco, which, to an old soldier, are truly
valuable, and which it appears hard to deprive him of, as
be is unfit to labour in any ether way to the least advan-
tage of his employer.—Bedford (casette.;

THE WHITEHAVEN RIOTS.

(From the Carlisle Journal.)

PUBLIC MEETING TO TAKE THE DIS-
TURBANCES OF SATURDAY NIGHT

INTO CONSIDERATION.

At an early hour on Monday morning the follow-
ng hand-bill was generally distributed about the
own . _

" PUBLIC MEETING.—A meeting of the inhabitants of
the town of Whitehaven will be held at the Black Lion
Inn, this day (Monday, the 30th of May instant), at twelve
o'clock at noon, to take into consideration the measures
proper to be adopted in consequence of the disgraceful pro-
ceedings which took place in this town on Saturday last,
and especially the propriety of presenting memorials to
the Lord High Chancellor and the Lord Lieutenant of the
County, for the appointment of a more efficient Magi-
stracy.—Whitehaven, 30th May, 1531."
By twelve o'clock the Assembly-room of the Black
Lion was filled with the most respectable gentlemen
and tradesmen in the town. The meeting was, in-
deed, more numerously attended than any previous
meeting held in Whitehaven for many years. At
the lower end of the room were a number of re-
spectable mechanics, who were no doubt anxious to
show, by their appearance amongst their fellow-
townsmen, that they had had no participation in the
dreadful scenes of Saturday night.
ISAAC LITTLEDALE, Esq. having been called to
the chair, said they had met to consider one of the
most disgraceful transactions that had ever occurred
in Whitehaven.

G. HARRISON, Esq. (banker), said the proceed-
ings of Saturday night must be viewed with indig.
nation by every man of right feelings ; and it became
the duty of every one to come boldly forward and
express his opinions freely upon the subject.—
(Cheers.) Such proceedings as those to which
they had been witnesses, he was bound to say, had
never before occurred, under si:nilar circumstances,
in any part of England.—(Cheers.) There was no
necessity to multiply words upon the subject, and
he would only now ask, was it not proper that they
should net upon such a subject, and adopt such
measures as would show they were not to he inti-
midated by brute force from the performance of their
duty ?—(Cheers.)
Capt. ROBT. WALKER, R. 1., hoped the meeting
would allow him to say a few words on a very
selfish subject—namely, what had occured to him-
self on Sunday night, after he had retired from the
field of battle.—(clear, hear.) When about to
step into his carriage, several kind friends came
about him, and begged of him not to go home by the
Bransty•road, for parties of colliers were there lying

in wait to murder him. Mrs Walker was with
him, and became alarmed by their remonstrances,
and also urged him to go by Hensineham ; and pro-
bably it was fortunate she was there, or he might
have been fool-hardy enough to have gone amongst
these fellows. Discretion, however, was probably
the better part of valour, and by taking the Hen-
singhatn road he had deprived the blood-seekers of
their prey.—(Cheers.) He had frequently ven-
tured his life in the service of his country—in de-
fence of the lives and properties of such men as the
Earl of Lonsdale, whil,t they were sitting at home
at ease ; and he thought it would be not a little in-
glorious to fall at the last by the hands of his Lord-
ship's colliers.—( Much cheering.)
Mr. 1-lonsoN (solicitor) begged to address a few
words to the meeting, to show the necessity of
adopting some strong resolutions. Mr. Blamire, one
of the representatives of the county, had been at
Whitehaven paying his respects to his constituents,
and had dined at that house with a convivial party
in celebration of the King's birth-day. The party was
broken up by a general attack upon the house by the
colliers of the Earl of Lonsdale—(Shame, shame)—
and for several hours neither Mr. Blamire nor him-
self could leave the inn without endangering their

lives.—(Shame, shame.) These facts alone were
sufficient to show the necessity there existed for
the people of Whitehaven doing something to se-
cure themselves for the future.—(Cheers.)
MILIIAM HARTLEY, Esq. (banker), said —Gentle-
men, I am not a stranger amongst you—(Hear,
hear)—for I have lived in Whitehaven tifiy years;
and I am certainly at a loss to conceive what I have
ever done that my life should he sought to be taken
by the agents of the Earl of Lonsdale.—(Loud
cheering, and cries of " Shame, shame !" " Dis-
graceful !" " Horrible !" &c.) I have never been
opposed to the interests of Lord Lonsdale ; I have
been, indeed, on friendly terms with him, and have
frequently dined at his table—(Hear, hear)—and
what the offence may be that has created the wrath
of his agents, I can't say.—(Cheers.) After the
first attack here in the evening, I went to see one of
my sons, who had gone into the crowd, it was a
boyish trick of him, and I don't defend it—though
it showed there was some courage in the lad to face
such a mob as were assembled there.—(Hear, hear.)
I found him with his skull cut.--(Shame, shame.")
We got into our carriage, and when we came near
the archway,* I found about twenty colliers waiting
to attack me ; my coachman whipped forward, and
had it not been for him, it is my opinion that I
should have been killed.—(Strong expressions of
horror and indignation burst from every part of the
meeting.) They were not able to stop the coach ;
and they then struck at my man upon the box, and
attempted to strike me.—(Shame, shame.) The
coachman drove too quickly for them to do much
mischief, and when they could do no better, they
threw their bludgeonsat us.—(Shouts of indignation.)
Captain WALKER—The ends of the bludgeons
were filled with lead.—(Shame, shame.)
Mr. HARTLEY then read a series of resolutions
amidst much cheering, and repeated shouts of indig-
nation.
After reading the resolution respecting the ap-
pointment of additional Magistrates,
Mr. HARTLEY said, with repect to this resolution
I wish to say a few words. About twenty years
ago, my Lord Lonsdale did me the honour to put me
upon the Commission of the Peace; but I never
qualified, for I could not act on that Bench.—(A
voice in the centre of the room, " No honest man
could;" much cheering.) lam a peaceable man,
and wish to live in quietness amongst my neigh-
bours; but if my blood is to be shed, I will not
shrink from doing my duty.—(Repeated cheers.)
Mr. H. concluded by moving the adoption of the re-
solutions.
Mr. R. FORSTER seconded the resolutions.
The CHAIRMAN then put them seriatim, and they
were unanimously adopted.
When the resolution alluding to the distribution
of ale by one of the Magistrates was read,
Mr. IL FORSTER inquired if it would be proper to
adopt such a resolution without making some farther
inquiry upon the subject ?
A Gentleman present 'aid, he had heard one of
the agents of the harl of Lonsdale, who assisted in
distributing the ale, state that part of it was given
by Mr. John Harrison, a Magistrate.—(Hear.),
Mr. It. FORSTER said he was perfectly satisfied.
The names of the persons to be recommended as
new Magistrates were moved by different persons
in the room, and each was received with loud
cheering.
The Committee having been appointed,
Mr. HARTLEY again addressed the meeting. He
said there could be no doubt whatever but the riot
of which they had to complain was premeditated—
that it had been arranged and planned out long since.
—(Hear hear.) The conduct of the police on Sa-
turday night had been most shameful. They had
been in the midst of that crowd for hours, and now,
when called upon to identify some of the actors,
they declared they knew none of them—that they
had never seen any of them before.—(Shame.)
Mr. G. HARRISON thought it highly proper that
the Trustees of the Harbour should be called upon
to investigate the conduct of these men ; and if their
conduct had really been such as was generally be-
lieved, to dismiss them.
Mr. HOBSON thought Mr. Harrison's suggestion
highly proper,
should have his warm support.
r
A person was aionisd• in the room who saw Green, the
policeman, go into a public-house at two o'clock on
The entrauce to the town.

Sunday morning, and treat son►c of the most active
of the rioters with liquor.—(Cries of " shame.")
Mr. HARTLEY should like to know if any one
ever before heard of the colliers being treated with
1r;n1; on a King's birth-day ?—(No, no, no.) The
town, he knew, was anxious for peace ; but if the
colliers were to be incited to riot in this way, bow

_
was it to be maintained ?—(Cheers.)
Mr. HonsoN said the Magistrates had even yet
taken no steps in this affair.—[Captain WALKER
" They ought to have been here to-day."]—lndeed,
instead of taking steps to investigate the matter,
they appear to take credit for what had been done,
and to exult in their shame.—(Cheers.) He should
therefore move, that it be art instruction to the Com..

tdltee to make such investigation of the affair as
would bring some at least of the perpetrators to
justice.—(Cheers.)
R. BARKER, Esq., merchant, seconded the mo-

tion. He considered that the lives and properties
of the Blues were no longer safe in the town.—
(Cheers.)—The motion was carried unanimously.
Mr. J. GIBSON, for one, was glad that the last
resolution had been adopted. It was due to that
meeting—it was due to the town at large, that the
offenders should be brought to justice with as little
delay as possible.—(Cheers.) It was due also to
their h;ghly-respected and public-spirited townsman,
Mr. John Hamilton, who, in defending the door of
that house from the ruffian assaults of the mob out-

side, had received a desperate and dangerous wound.
—(Much cheering.) A poor boy had also been
struck on the brad with a pick so violently, that
his life was in danger.—(" Shame.") It was the
imperative duty of that meeting to see justice done.
to that poor boy, whose father was a poor man—
and bring the perpetrators of the diabolical deed to
jastiee.—(Cheerso At the meeting held in That -
house on Saturday evening, no party emblems had

been shown—scarcely even a blue watch-ribbon had
been exhibited. Many of the gentlemen present
were prsons who approved Lord Lonsdale's raea-

sures, and one of the very last toasts they drank
prior to their room being assailed, was the health of
the Countess of Lonsdale.—(Cheers.) At the

same time they were determined to do their duty,
and, spite of all threats, meet where they pleased to
celebrate his Majt•sty's birth-day. _

Mr. HARTLEY--Gentlemen, one word before we
part. I understand that the Earl of Lonsdale will
visit Whitehaven this afternoon. Let me beg of
you when lie strives, "that you receive him with
that ri spect due to a Nobleman."—(Hear, hear.)
I understand that a person went off this morning to
stop his Lordship, in consequence of these proceed-
ings ; but I hope he will not succeed in his errand,
for I should wish his Lordship to see this house
with his own eyes. But let me again beg of you
to treat him with respect.
The meeting then separated.
The Earl of Lonsdale is the Lord Lieutenant of

this county. He strived at Whitehaven on Moo-
day last; and it was natural to expect that, holding
the high station that he does, and being the em-
ployer of the men who had excited so much alarm
in the town, he would take some step to show his
decided disapprobation of the proceedings. He has
chosen another course : he retains all his agents, and
he refuses to interfere in the business ! On Wed-
nesday a deputation of gentlemen, consisting of
Isaac Littleton, Esq , George Harrison, Esq , and
Messrs. W. Perry, C. Hobson, P. Fisher, Jas. Bell,
and John Thompson, waited upon his Lordship, and
pre3ented him with a copy of the resolutions agreed
to at the public meeting on Mcnday; at the same
tune detailing to hint the occurrences of Saturday.
His answer was returned in the afternoon. He de-
clined to interfere, and referred the town to the
Lord Chancellor for a remedy Comment would
be superfluous; the facts are sufficient. " ltragis-
trolus indicat virum," is the motto of the Noble
Earl, and by that !et him be judged. We have
furnished the facts: let our readers draw their con-
clusions. But this we say—that if the Ministry
overlook this affiir, and continue the Earl of Lons-
dale in the Lord Lieutenancy of Cumberland, they
will most grossly neglect their duty to the public.
To all the consequences that are likely to result from
this premeditated riot, we have neither time nor
room to allude at present. It has, however, de-
stroyed what little hold the house of Lowther had
upon the affections of the non-expectant part of the
people of Whitehaven; it has roused the indigna-
tion of every thinking man in the town; it has
shown the danger of any longer upholding a power
that has proved itself capable of acts such as were
last Saturday exhibited ; and has roused every man
to a sense of independence which was before but

imperfectly understood. Out of evil comes good.
The line of distinction between the parties is now
drawn ; and few but the profligate, the debased, and
the expectant will be found to hesitate on which
side to range themselves.

An occasional correspondent of ours, whose
veracity is unquestionable, wishes to state, by way of ex-
position, that oxalic acid is not unfrequently used in the
cleaning of tripe, entrails, &c. He learnt this by mere
accident. Happening to be in a druggist's shop, not a
hundred miles from this town, a little girl came in to put.
chase some oxalic acid, and, as it is well known it is a
strong and deadly poison, the natural and very prudent
inquiry was made by the tradesman, " What do you want
it for ?" The answer was, "My mother wants it to
scour tripe." It is used to make tripe white. The
druggist took care to give the girl but a small quantity
after such an explanation. Several persons were taken
ill, and one died at Bedford last year, in consequence of
eating the inside of animals.—Bedford Gazette.
_ _

We learn from the most unquestionable au-
thority, says the Salisbury (N. C. ) Western Carolinian
of the 11th instant, that from 75 to 100 pounds of gold
(the precise quantity not known) were lately found upon
a tract of land in Mecklenberg county, about twenty miles
east of Charlotte, belonging to two gentlemen in Virginia,
whose names were not recollected by our informant. Se-
veral pieces weighed from eight to ten pounds. —New
York Paper. —0 rare Jonathan !

THE MALTHUSIAN SYSTEM SUSPENDED.
—Among the many curious returns to the population
papers. on Monday, there was one in Sloane-street, pro-
bably unique. The return gave twenty-four females,
Itches, servants, &c., in one house. A rather whimsical
dialogue ensued between the maid and the astonished col-
bctor :—" What !" cried the latter, looking over the
paper, "twenty-four women all in one house, and no man
among ye ?"—" Yes, Sir," replied Sally, " it is too true ;
hut mistress has set it down as if upon oath, and I arra
ready to take my oath too, if you doubt it."—Literary
Gazette.
On the 21st ult. ELIZABETH BROWN. aged
42, was committed to the county gaol, charged with the
wilful murder of THOMAS WILLIAM BROWN, her infant
child. We are informed she threw the baby into the air
:is high as she could, caught it in her arms, and then dashed
it on the stories in the mat ket.place, at Gravesend. The
unhappy woman was first sent to St. Luke's as a lunatic,
but was subsequently committed for trial.—Kent Herald.