The Sun.
London, England, 1838-05-16 00:00:00

came to be valued, the owner actually gave evidence to increase his
value, that he was an honest, steady, good working hand, so that a
man had to pay for his moral qualifications, and his religious attain..
meats—for his honesty in most instances was derived from his know-

ledge of religion.—(Cheers) Think at the last awful day how men
will be made to answer for these crimes who have done that ?
—(Hear, hear.) Their representatives in Parliament, and every
man and woman within the reach of his voice who did not use
their exertions to get their representatives to undo that injustice bore
some portion of the responsibility.—(Hear, hear.) With all this array
•f facts it had been asserted that they had not cases enough. How did
they know ? Did Lord Glenelg, or the special Magistrates, or the Go..
venor find them out? No, forsooth, but private individuals from among
their ranks went over, and out of the mouth of a single boy came vo-
lumes of evidence. What was to prevent these statements being ge-
neral ? Nothing but the consciences of the planters. And who
were the planters ? The Members of the Jamaica House of Assembly.
Were these men anxious to prevent the abuse and oppression of their
slaves ? On the contrary, Lord Glenelg told them that they had ob-
jected to every measure which was brought forward to ameliorate the
condition of the negroes. The same persons were Members of that
Assembly now as when one of them had the audacity to propose that
women should be decently instead of indecently flogged; and would it
be believed that these planters, some of them the most respectable men
in the island, voted two to one against the measure ?—(Hear, hear.)
The Bill admitted a great many of the abuses of the system, but
not all. For instance, under the slavery law there were
only two effences punishable with fifty lashes under the
slavery law, while now there were thirteen offences punishable by
the same number, making the apprenticeship system far more degrading
and severe than the former. The allowance of food, which was twenty-
one pints per week, had been reduced to ten pints in some colonies—in
the Mauritius to six pints, and in Tortola to four pints. It appeared
from a return of punishments inflicted on the negroes that, out of
25,395 punishments, only 3,129 would have been inflicted in a state of
freedom, leaving 22,236 to be inflicted for the purpose of enforcing la-
bour, which would be better done by a system of wages. In the island
of Antigua these same negroes were working without any such punish-
ment at all. The indolence of the negroes had been complained of, but let
them show him the white man who would work for another for nothing,
and yet they expected the negroes to do so, after paying 20 millions for their
entire freedom. He could not better illustrate the cruelty of the system
than by showing how it was treated when brought to light in the co-
lonies. Mr. Bowley here read extracts from dispatches from the Marquis
of Sligo to Lord Glenelg, detailing gross cruelty and misconduct on the
part of the overseers, and in which it appeared that in no instance had
the guilty parties been brought to punishment. Again, it was asserted
in Lord Glenelg's Bill that the special Justices would protect the negroes
from persecution, but the Bill did not attempt to protect the Justices
against the far more insidious and dangerous snare--the hospitality of
the planters. There was nothing in the Bill to prevent the Justices from
riding the planters horses—from drinking their wine, from sleeping in their
beds, and dancing with their daughters. The number of special Magis-
trates that had fallen a sacrifice to the hospitality of the Magistrates
was very great, and he had heard it stated that it made a difference of
501. a_year to the Special Magistrate whether he was on friendly terms
with the .Magistrate or not. Let them put that to the test of their
own consciences, and ask how many of them would have attended that
meeting to-day if they were required to pay a soveleign ? How could
they expect the Special Justices to give up 501 a-year. It was exact-
ing more from human nature than they ought. If these men could but
have dune justice, the apprenticeship system would have worked very
differently. When they found that these unfortunate women were
flogged, could they not have said, "We will not convict a single
negro more till this matter is put to rights ?"—(Hear, hear )
How much, then, had they not in their power ?—(Loud cheers.)
There men stand before you as the accused parties, receiving 4501. a
year each of your bard earnings, without doing justice. One provision
of the Bill gave power to the Governor to manumit the slaves who were
ill-treated; but who would tell him, how was it, who could not find out
the case of James Williams ? Look at the extent of Jamaica, and at
the barriers against the negroes laying their complaints against the
masters, when it was well known that Lord Sligo knew nothing of
women being brutally flogged within a hundred yards of his own door ?
3lr. Bowley here referred to certain returns relative to the value of
estates in the island of Jamaica, for the purpbse of showing that
under the slavery system they had been every year dete-
riorating. Notwithstaading all the money that had been paid
to the West India planters, they had been paying, in the
name of protecting duties, a large amount every year, and yet they
could not contend with the produce of free labour. It was asserted
that if the system was put anzend to there would be no employment for
their ships ; but every body knew that the sugar, and the other pioluce
of the West India islands, could be fetched from where it was cultivated
by free labour as well as under a system of slavery. Another argu-
ment was, that this system encouraged the consumption of our manu-
factures; but what could persons consume who were clad in coarse
Osnaburgs, living in little huts—whereas, if he was a free man, he
would earn, and consequently consume, ten times as much. He held
in his hand a large volume, drawn up in the West Indies, and containing
an account of the distress of the proprietors, from which it appeared that,
notwithstanding the protecting duty, they sustained a loss of SA. for every
cwt. of sugar brought to market. If that were true, the sooner they
put an end to the system the better for the planters themselves. It was
extraordinary that come of the advocates of the present system had not
cast their eyes seamen that statement ; for he would like to know where
the man was who, on taking a business where there was a loss of 501.
a year, would give any thing for the good-will. This statement was
not confined to Jamaica ; but it applied to Demerara, to Essequibo, where
there was a soil of 15 feet in depth, and there they found that matters
were so nicely balanced that the planters had nothing for themselves. It
appeared to him that it would be a great kindness to the planters
to put an end to this system. But it did not rest there, for
they had been sending out troops in thousands arid tens of thousands
to keep the people in a state of subjection. In time of war every man
sent out cost the country 1001., and by an official return it appeared
that in five months 6,000 men died by disease alone. He knew a man
who went out with a regiment of 1,000 strong, at different periods it had
been made up to 3,000, and they returned with only forty five alive.
Was it nothing that the bravest and best of our troops should be
scot there to perish ? Scme years ago a body of black troops was
raised from the refuse of the population, and yet they had never
miseonducted themselves, but the prejudices of the white men,
who could not bear to s e a red coat upon a black skin, occa.
sinned their being disbanded—(Hear, hear.) If they only gave
those men their freedom there would be no occasion for troops at all.
In Antigua they were about to withdraw all the soldiers, and as a proof
of the beneficial operation of free labour he had heard that a gentleman,
a Member of Parliament, who had an estate in that island, had, for the
last ten years, paid 7,0001. out of his pocket to keep it up, but since the
abolition of slavery he had Lean offered 1,2001. rent. So much for the
policy of slavery. It appeared, be an extract from a Earhadoes paper,
which lie held in his hand, that the fixing of a maximum of wages was
suggested lest it might encourge too much of a miserly spirit in the
negroes, and make them desire luxuries beyond their station in life.
, That paragraph was not intendeJ for time English public ; and he feared
that the planters required a lesson of humility more than the negroes.
If gaMing too much money was likely to lead men away from humility
he thought they had berm a euilty nation in giving them 20,000,0004—
(Cheers.) Why had not the system been long since done away with ?
Beca,:se a liberal Government had been against them. Now, a fe:i
words with respect to Lord J. Russell. His Lordship had complained

of their agitation, but agitation did very well, wh,n it got his Lordship
into office—when agitation caused all the people in the country to cry
out for reform, as if that would cause roast beef and plum-puthlng to
drop down out of the c'ouls, it was all very good and consistent with a
healthy and sound legislation—(Hear, hear)—but now that the religious
-public and sound thinking men who understand and arc thoroughly pre-
pared to prove their case come forward, Lord John Russell declares
that agitation has become dangerous. Really it did not come well from
him, to bring any such accusation against them. His Lordship
told them that the slaves were not fit for freedom while
he intimated that if they gave the planters a little more money they
would be perfectly fit for freedom. It appeared, therefore, that Lord
J. Russell had no grunt confidence in those teachers of liberty; but a
more anoma'ous thing was never heard of than apprenticing men to
West India tyrants to learn liberty.—(Cheers ) His Lordship said it
was unfair to agitate the country in that way; but the wisdom of Par-
liament appeared to him (Mr. B.) a little above ordinary comprehension.
IT, slloeld have said that it would be as well to have kept the money till

they had got the goods. The wisdom of Parliament thought it better to
p.y the money first, and never get the goo.'s afterwards —(Laughter.) He
coefessed after that he had more confidence of the wisdom 4 f the people
te an is the wisdom of Parliament. Before a single meeting had been
held, in November last a Committee had waited upon Lords
Glenelg and Melbourne, and they had then and there offered to
prove their case. At that time he did not believe that Lord Glenclg had
got a bit of his own Bill framed, but finding that the steam got so hot,
that not being listened to by the Government, the Committee had ap-
paled to the people, Lord Glenelg and Sir George Grey as a sort of
sedative, before the country had been agitated, the Committee had
wished the Government to take upon itself the measure they had been
now advocating. Lord J. Russell refused to take the responsibility of
such a step upon himself, and intimated that he must res,gn. The abo-
litionists did not ask his Lordship to take any responsibility upon himself
—all they asked was, that the measure should be placed upon
the responsibility of Parliament. It was open for them to
say that in their lofty wisdom they did not see any neces-
sity for the measure, but that tl ey would leave it to the wisdom
of Parliament to carry it out, if Parliament decided that it was right
It had been stated that they had used unnecessary influence with Mem-
bers of Parliament, but what was their influence compared to that of
Lord J. Russell ? Did he not send out Government circulars to call
in his supporters to vote against the wishes of the people, as repre-
sented by thousands of petitions ? But his Lordship had gone further,
and in his official capacity had turned Lord Charles Fitzroy out of the
Queen's household for voting with the wishes of the people.—(Hisses,
and cries of " Shame:") A Liberal Government had turned a man
out of office for daring to vote against their dictates in favour of Eman-
cipation. He really hoped that the people of that country would not
allow such an Act to pass without some mark of sympathy on their part,
and his proposition was, to open a subscription of one shilling each to
present Lord Charles Fitzroy with a piece of plate, as a memorial from
the people of England of his integrity and independence.—(Vehement
cheering.) Again, Mr. Sturge and others had been treated as if
they had done something very wrong in exposing the negroes' wrongs
and excited the people. But what had the Government itself
done ? There was General Evans, who was sent out to Spain, to force
political liberty on the people at the point of the bayonet—lie destroys a
great many lives, and flogs a great many men, to keep up the discipline
of the army, and on his return receives towards, and honours, and title.
On the other hand, there was an individual who went to a foreign coun-
try, not to establish political, but personal rights, and instead of being
treated with honour on his return, or a title conferred on him, he is
sneered at by the Government which conferred a title on Gen. Evans.
He (Mr. Bowley) was a Liberal, and a supporter of truly Liberal princi-
ples, but he would never sacrifice his principles at the shrine of any po-
litical party, and he must say that no man, or set of men, were fit to
be entrusted with the guardianship of their own liberties who were heed-
less of the liberties of another country. Hitherto he had treated the ques
tton on the grounds of political economy and moral obligation, but as
Christians, they should view it as one of awful responsibility. In the
sight of the Almighty, one day there would appear the degraded slave,
with a pure heart and broken spirit at the bar of eternal justice, and then
he would be placed face to face with his tyrant and oppressor, and in pro..
portion to their responsibilty in not doing all they could to relieve that
poor and oppressed people, would they be considered guilty in the sight
of a just, a pure, a holy God. He did hope that as Christians they would
use their best exertions to obtain the liberation of that unhappy race,
and he hoped before the Royal diadem descended upon the head of their
beautiful Queen, her sceptre of mercy would be put forth over every
clime which owned her as a Sovereign, and extend freedom to every part
of her dominions.—(Loud cheers.)

JAMES WOOD, Esq then came forward—He said at that late hour he
he would be guilty of very great impropriety if he addressed them at any
length. lie had come prepared with a large bundle of papers to. prove
every point of their case, but the speakers who had preceded him had
left him little to do in that way. Certainly the grant of twenty millions
of money did stand prominently forward as an act of the greatest crimi-
nality that had ever passed a legislative assembly. To select those who
were bars to propagate the principles of truth, would be folly in the ex-
treme, and to give a premium upon cruelty and injustice, was the act'of a
madman. If he wished to inculcate the principles of honesty and fair
dealing between man and man, would it be wise to go among thieves and
robbers ? and, as had been observed, by one of the gentlemen who had
preceded him, to endeavour to inculcate the principles of freedom
by men who had trampled liberty under their feet during
the whole course of their lives, was an act of the most egregious folly.
He did not regret the grant of twenty millions, although they had re-
ceived no per centage. It was the fulcrum on which they would place
the loser to extinguish slavery forever. Archimedes had said, " give
me a place to plant my machine, and I will move the world." The
abolitionists had first taken up the case upon the grounds of religious
liberty alone, but now they can apply the much better argument of
twenty millions of money paid for the emancipation of the negroes,