The Sun.
London, England, 1849-01-11 00:00:00

suade)ied it was in
they dealt with tae.,
peace, but When the
emit- gets Said,
___
Aa .. . taaent tells its (hey are far peace- and tht trivia
broken out in a state pf Ite.are" They' halve Adi Ifeek 'to s
state of war, but in a .er4te of. revolution; in- alas, Of .;,J-.
obtaining precisely :the'tianae objects; for ivhiefte..nise,e.."' '-e
"egli
country went througlira prodesqr revolutionrevolutiontwercitattgelleCr'
ries ago.—(Cheers.) Arid W of l
ti France ,their gain
in the way of practical liberty lie.s not been ,se greatAis in
other countries—for they had a fitir at cunt; of 'egtecti-
cal freedom before their last iAlluttiorilt-whih'Syou
compare the state of Germany and Italy' iO"itli wit it
was when I was there not two leeri'agteeee say
that Germany and Italy, with' their co:46151011kt 1 ea
ii
and evanescent compared with the ten, years'. cifil ewer
required in England to overturn the prerogative °Pour
first Charles,—they have gained the same amount of
liberty, I say, which it required ten yeare',cieil Jai* in
Ergland to obtain,—(Clear, hear.) I left them ernthese
countries with every newspaper and every lettek under
the strict control of a censor and his scissors; noun took
allowed to be read but the Government officer teed it
over first and expurg, d what he pleased. ' Ifoutid them
with closed courts of justice, not administered broral
testimony in the presence of the accused, but by-written
documentary evidence; without representative forms of
government, without trial by jury. Now, though they
may blunder and stumble in the path of reform,
they are at least on the highway for obtaining
those privileges so soon as they are in a con-
dition to use them. And in spite of those who in this
Country look with no favourable eye upon the movement
the people in those countries have 'made, I stand-here
to express the sympathy of the public in Englalid for
those people who have been so nobly fightiog for their
countries liberty. Do -not think that I am taking of
foreign politics, that are foreign to your interests here.
It is by studied misrepreeentateen of: what is going on
upon the continent that your immense standiugs armies
are maintained and defended in this oountry. I sir that
the progress of constitutional rights on the cononent
must be favourable to the continuance' and' preservation
of peace, because I think I have proved to you dint, the
mass of the people on the continent, as well as the mass
of the people in this country, are favourable to peioe and
averse to war. There is no guaraetee—gentlentep, I
defy you to show me how any Government or any people
on the continent can strengthen themselves, even it.tbey
choose to carry on a war of conquest. Let France in-
vade Germany, it only makes. Germany unite like 'one
man; the whole Teutonic, race would rise to repel the
French. What is now the predominant passion in Ger-
many? Nationality. The union of Germany to expel
France would not be an aggressive force, but for defen-
sive security? What is the contest between Lombardy
and Austria? Austria may call Lombardy part of its
territory, but you have another race, and the Latin race
will not be governed by the Teutonic race. Though the
Austrians may keep down the Lombards by Radetzky
and 100,000 men, it is not a source of strength, but of
weakness to .Austria.—(Hear, hear.) And I defy you to
show me any conquest or partition of territory within the
last century in Europe that is not rather a source of
weakness than strength. Take it at the worst that may ever
happen— that somebody on the continent is going to
make an attack on their neighbours, is that any reason
you should be armed to take part in that struggle? In
ancient times, when the people counted as nothing, and
princes told out their subjects as the shepherd with his
flock. If a royal marriage united the crowns, all these
people became willing subjects or slaves to their sove-
reign. Then there might be danger from an acquisition
of territory. Now that we all know that men
count, every one, for something on the continent
of Europe, and now that we know there
are great lines of demarcation of race—one
for France, another for Spain, and another even in the
Mosaic empire of national Austria=-split up into Sole-
yoniens and Magyars—why, I say empires have limits,
and instead of a country being strengthened, it is pos-
sible its conquests may be a source of weakness. Then,
gentlemen, I say take it at the very worst, who, I ask, is
coming to attack you if you let their politics alone? And
that brings me to the other question:as to the doctrine we
must adopt if we wish' tO reduce our armaments—it is,
gentlemen, that we wily 'leave other people to manage
their own affairs.—(Cheers.) The Spaniards, who have
some very wise maxims, say that a fool knows no more
what is going on in his own house, than a wise man does
in that of his neighbour.—(Laughter.) If we want apply
that to nations, and give foreigners credit for knowing
their own affairs without interfering in the management
of them, it will save us a great deal of money. Depend
upon it they will get their affairs still better and sooner
settled themselves than with our interference.—(Cheers.)
Now what are we doing? There cannot be a petty
squabble in any corner of Europe, or rather of
the world, but what you must have a fleet of line-of-
battle ships from England. We are taking part and in-
terfering between .the King of Naples and him Sicilian
subjects, and are, as a consequence, detested by both par-
ties. In all Italy we are spoken of with contempt;
they do not value our good quelities; as men they are
ready to pay you the highest tribute in that respect, but
as a nation and a Government who have interfered with
their politics, and they cordially hate and detest the
nation for having meddled with them.—(Hear.) The
same with Spain. Hundreds of millions have you spent
on Spain, and what is the present state of .Spanish .feel-
ing? I have travelled from ono end of Spain in . an-
other, and I never heard the name of the Duke of Wel-
lington mentioned.—(Hear, hear.) Ho fought their
battles, as we persuaded ourselves, through the Penin-
sula; but I never saw his portrait or his bust, though I
saw Napoleon's portrait and the portraits of his mar-
shals everywhere; because Napoleon and, the French
are more popular at present than the English.
It is the same everywhere—in Greece, and also in
Portugal. Is not this a very undignified attitude for
a great nation to occupy? s The English people
are hated everywhere because of their interference. If
you would keep aloof from their squabbles and their
politics, and put your own house in order instead of
looking after others, you would be the better respected
and be the better for it. I say put your own house in
order—(Hear)—and put your mud cabins in Ireland in
order—(Cheers)—and you will show a great,de,al,more
common sense than by going and attempting to put the
homes of other people in order, where you are not
responsible for their government. Nuw, gentlemen,
there is en argument which I am glad to see, as itsbows
that our opponents are on their last legs ; they tell us
if we don't interfere France will go and interfere. So it
is now—we have gut a fleet at Naples because the French
have got a fleet there. I remember in the last stage of
the Anti-Corn-law agitation, they said, " Oh, - free
trade is a very good thing, but we can't have it till other
countries have begun free trade." My answer was, that
if it was a good thing for us, let us adopt it, and leave
them to adept it if they find it is a good thing for them.
—(Hear.) Interference with the affairs of the continent
is a costly, and useless, and pernicious plan ; and I say
if foreign interference is bad for us, and the Fiend'
and Austrians choose to pursue that plan, leave, them to
do it, but don't ruin yourself.—(Cheers.) Now this is a
common sense which does not pervade high quarters` in
this country.—(Hear, and a laugh.). Well, now, we
have another argument to meet. They tell us we must
keep up our enormous armaments because we have
. •
colonies, and people say, " We must maintain our colo-
nies." I say is answer to that, do you intend to hold
your colonies by arms—with swords, with ships of war?
Because I consider that not a permanent hold—l want
to hold them by their affections.—(Loud cheers.) If
you tell me that your armies are kept for the sake of
your colonies, then I say your colonies can afford to pay
for their own police; for I beg to tell the English
people that the people in the colonies are a great deal
better off than most of the people in England. They
have a vast deal more of the comforts of life, and they
have very few of the taxes that bother us so.—(Hear.)
Mr. Cobden then went on to say, they were spending
too much as a nation, and whilst-that leeteitioeat taxa-
tion would go on increasing. ' He premised 'one thing--
he would never cease the advocacy•of this -question till
he saw the cost of our, armies reduced to 10,000,0004--
until he saw the expenditure' of the countryetedueter to
what it was in 1835 at least: Alb didiibt itlieEfiAlci
stop there.—(Cheere.;): That was 'the le-airthefiall:e
to do, and it was something sroat hetrgs striseagle ' an, he
repeated he would not -As*AbeiteV--(Cheers) 4 4.1 e,
sincerely believed that with;the,AM*ance b '..'ses Ss..the
and the growing tendency ford ...ttfr .!; -',:id:' :j, he
*to ti,' .-
world, they' would not long tiontienea t • ,:i . ' ant
e as': '
horrid waste of 10,000,000/. on as '- s ;,,, the day
in time of peace ; but they wouldalives.Tei
enough .
when one-half of that sum would be ce0i,72."ean5a.....!
nor did he think that time would. beu long
_:ta'fir 'or.nd
(Mr. Cobden spoke for about an. learbsZiesili; address.
aas most cordially cbeerede;r r
enthusiastic applause.)
Some passages were receiroevdedLus en"'
"Shat although a Com-
bined Mr. MILNER GIBBON nt'he country may and will suc-
ceed effort throughout e
redt
laiee .n"
i the publif bur-
dens in effecting a 'IT, shown that ecOrtobay'ivill not
dens, yet experience
fGovernment, nor the' 'liedi alty for
become the tale 0
b.
done away •
with, Uhtii the 'tax-
continued agitaticm- direct and complete
btata a- more cOutrorqver
payers o commons by the ame aw. .._ 0.
the House of . n.vo n---.ent •of Our s gem
of represent:din
jaw BRIGHT. Esq., M.P., moved—" That, whether
view w the speedy success .
with a of the efforts snow
waking to reduce taxation, or to secure, by means of a
real representation, a guarantee against future attempts
of
of Government to return to the present extravagant ex-
penditure, the most effectual mode .Of proceeding is that
adopted by the late Anti-Corn-law. Le ue, viz., the ex-
tension of the franchise by the 40s. fregehold quelifica-
don, and a careful attention to the registratfon in
boroughs and counties;' and the chairman of thiseneet-
is requested to take, thnecessary. ,styps for, theAuraa-
. e , -
tiun of an association to carry out, this object, in con-
junction with such constituenciea as may be wil-
ling to unite with it." The Honourable 'G6iitle-
man began by stating that he thought .'the con-
dition of the country was ample justification- for the
meeting, We have an expenditure constantly increas-
ing, even in years when distress is almost uniVerially
felt. The vast revenues of the kingdom are squandered
by a Government which is not subjected to the control
of the tax-payers, and the heavy taxation thus rendered
necessary is imposed with little regard to what is just to
the great body of the people. Witness the burden of
probate and legacy duties on personal property o_. ny.
Sijice 1797 personal property has paid 75,000,000/ in
these taxes, from which real property has been exemlnea
Everything has paid but freehold land, houses,
tetam and
plate. Witness also the gross inequality
inthe
34 years
p
duties. The protection on corn teat
fasted
and was intended for the advantage of. the proprietors a
the soil, and by the system of indirect taxation the chic
burden of the state had been thrown upon the mans
consumers, without reference to their means of paying
taxes. All parts of the empire show how faulty the
Government has been. Canada, with its insurrection
but a few years since, arid' its army since then to
secure it to this country; the Cape of Good Hope,
Ceylon, India, with its incessan t wars and ab-
sence of internal improvement ; and Ireland offers
a scene of misgovernment perhaps unequalled in the