The Sun.
London, England, 1831-12-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

jects. Indeed, if ever there was a sree,:la which deserved
the character of being a 'plaitt straightforward speech, it
was this speech, n-hitA! Was the most plain straightforward
speech that ever Vas delivered from the throne of Eng!old.
THe would tot enter further into its topic, i',:deed he
-showhi nut have addressed the Hoar!, at ail upon this occa-
-4on, had it not been for the elusion which had been made
in the course of the debate to his connexion with the Poli-
tical Unions. He hoped that Ministers would speedily
bring forward a measure of Reform in which eC ptirtics
could agree ; by so doing, they wval4 establish peace and
tranquillity in England, Scotland, and Ireland, 'and Wou!:'.
enable Parliament to deliberate with calmnesenn the other
subjects which must soon be brought under irstoonsiderition.
Mr. R. C. FERGUSSON-1 never said that all the
Political Unions were illegal. In the observation's wilict;
made use of, I was alluding to the Unions itzmvanced in
the proclamations as illegal. I never btlonged myself to
any such societies—never, at tiny ; but I have always
attended, and I am ready again to attend, at all meeting
which may be convenes in my neighbourhocd
the propriety oC a Reform in Parliamest,

Sir R. PEEL expressed his grtAt rprisc at the very
extraordinary speech which ttti Hon. Member for West-
islinater had just mac. As the Hon. Baronet had been
in his place last night, and had then had the opportunity
of replying to his (Sir R. Peel's) speech, he thotighl that it
would have been better if lie had taken that Upprtunitv
of making his animadversions ujioit nis (S'r R. Peel's)
arguments, than to have reserted tlitun until the present
occasion. He would repeat that which he had dr:A:Said,
for it was a remark in which the Noble Lot:t.i. 'opposite had
concurred, that Parliament ought Lave had a longer
notice than fourteen d tvs of thy' Period on which it was to
assemble. The Noble Lett bad only vindicated the short-
ness of the 'notice on the ground of necessity; and so far
was he `..rotta having stated that his (Sir R. Peel's) objec-
tion wiastrtezely a cavil, as the Hon. Baronet haA galled it_
Sir a. BURDETT (interrupting)-1 said no such
thing . I said that nothing but the circumstances of the
Cate ,
justified the shortness of the notice.

Sir R. PEEL thought that the Hon. Baronet had said
that his objection was only a cavil, and that nothing could
justify it. The Hon. Baronet had now stated the reverse,
and if such were his opinion, he only did right to vindi-
cate it. He (Sir R. Peel) had never blamed Ministers
for calling the Parliament together at this season ; all that
he had said was, that the Reform being the only alleged
cause of its meeting, Ministers bad an opportunity, more
than 14. days since, of giving notice that it should meet
now. Ile should not have objected 'Oa their meeting at pre-
sent, after only fourteen clays' nOtlce, if any sudden distur-
bance had sprung up in the country ; but his objection was
that the necessity of eeltling the question of Reform was as
obvious on the I et as it was on the 22d of November. He
had said 'ant he was afraid that the Reform Bill was pro-
posed seed supported upon principles which precluded any
thlsas like a final settlement of the question of Reform, and in
reply to that observation of his, the Hon. Member for
'Westminster had said, that the people had as much right
to representation in that House as the King had to his
crown, or as the Peers had to their seats in the other
House of Parliament. Now if such were the case, he
should like to know what right the Hon. Baronet had to
draw the arbitrary distinction which he had drawn be-
tween such of the people of England as were 10/. house-
holders, and such as were not.—(Cheers from the Oppo-
sition, Ma-. Hunt's cheering being heard high above the
rest.) He should like to know who was to divide the
people of England into &asses; he should like to know
Wlso had a right to say " Provide yourself as a 101. house-
'holder, otherwise you shall be excluded from the elective
franchise?" He (Sir R. Peel) denied this right to exist,
either on one side or the other of the line of demarcation.
But how the Hon. Member for Westminster, who claimed
the elective franchise as the prescriptive right of the people
of England, could tell him that this Bill, which confined the
elective franchise to 10/. householders, would be a
final settlement of the question, he could not for his life
understand.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) One word
now about the Unions. The Hon. Baronet had com-
plained of the tone in which he (Sir 11. Peel) had spoken
regarding them. Why it was the very tone taken
in the speech from the throne, which the Hon.
Baronet so much admired. Tine speech from
the throne said that it was the King's duty " to prevent
combinations, under whatever pretext, which in their form
and character were incompatible with regular government,
and were equally opposed to the spirit and provisions of the
law." The Hon. Baronet had said that he defied him
(Sir R. Peel) to prove that the Unions were incompatible
with regular government, and were opposed either to the
spirit or the provisions of the law. He would only say,
in reply to the Hon. Baronet, that the King of England,
fur whom the Hon. Baronet professed such sincere respect,
naserted that he knew of the existence of Unions confede-
rating in England to oppose both the spirit and the pro-
visions of the law. He did not mean to say that the Poli-
tical Union of es hich the Hon. Member for Westminster
was a member, was opposed to the law, hut he took it for
granted that the King would never have declared his de-
termination to put such Unions down, unless they had
existed for put poses of danger. He would here observe,
that it was the mention of these Unions in the King's
speech which had led him to notice their existence,
and not wish to create idle objections against the Go-
vernment. As he did not wish to revive the discussion
which ought to have closed last night, he would not
toter further into these subjects at present. As he was,
however, on his legs he would state to the Noble Lord
opposite (Palmerston), that there were two points con-
nected with our foreign policy on which be required some
information. The first was, whether the Government of
the United States had acquiesced in the adjudication made
by the King of the Netherlands, as to the northern frons
tier of the United States. If the negotiation on that sub-
ject were not yet concluded he would not insist upon an
answer. The second point, on which he was going to
propound a question, was one on which lie was surprised
no observation had been made in the King's speech. It
related to the condition of Greece. He was surprised that,
alter the repeated mention which had been made of the
condition of Greece in the speeches from the throne, and
after the singular events which had recently taken place
there, no notice of Greece should be found in the speech.
He asked whether the circumstances of the case were such
as would enable the Noble Lord to give him an answer on
these points.
Lord PALAIERSTON—As to the first question put to
me by the Right lion. Baronet, I can only say the decision
made by the King of the Nether lands is to be submitted
to the Congress on the first Monday of next month ; and
I cannot make any communication upon that subject until
after that time. As to the question he has put to me re-
specting Greece, the reason why no mention was made of
that country in the speech is, that the matters now under
the consideration of the Conference are not at present in
such a state as would justify the Government in giving any
final answer on that point. The most important matter
now under consideration is the selection of the sovereign
for that country. i can assure my Right Hon. Friend,
that when the progress of our measures shall allow us to
make a communication to Parliament, we shall be most
happy to make it, and to accompany it with the fullest
disclosures.

Sir R. H. INGLIS was almost inaudible in the gallery.
He was understood to be commenting upon the commu-
nications which had taken place during the last session of
Parliament between the Birmingham Union and Earl
Grey, and • o be attacking the Government for its con-
duct on several recent transactions.
Mr. EWART would not have troubled the House on
the present occasion had it not been for the very extraor-
dinary speech which his Noble Colleague, for whom he
profes.ed the greatest respect, bad just delivered. He un-
derstood his Noble Colleague to assert, that if Hon. Mem-
bers were to examine the opinions of their constituents
individually, and to strike a balance between the conflict-
ing opinions of individuals in private, and of the same in.
dividuals in public meetings, they would find that a very
different opinion as to the merits of the Reform Bill per-
vaded the country at the present moment, in comparison
with that which prevailed in the last session. lie was
now speaking before the public, and he stated fearlessly,
that the majority of his
constituents
lwere f
therie in
f
favour, not only of the principles, butdetails
the late Reform Bill. There might be one or two pro-
visions in that Bill which they did not think liberal enough,
but that was the only objection which he had heard them
make to the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) It teas due to himself
and to his constituents to make this statement, and he
was sorry that his Noble Colleague should have given so
erroneous a statement as he had done, of the sentiments
entertained by their joint constituents at Liverpool.
(Hear,.hear.)
The report on the address was then agreed to, and the
address was ordered to be presented to his Majesty.
GENERAL REGISTRATION BILL.
Mr. J. CAMPBELL asked leave to bring in a Bill for
the General Registration of Deeds in England.
Lord MORPETH was instructed to say, that his con-
stituents wished to be exempt from the operation of this
Bill. lie therefore hoped that his Learned Friend would
himself propose a clause, taking the county of York out of
its operation.
Att. J. CAMPBELL could not assent to this request,
as be had received several reprpselitatioris from the county
of York, pi-Lying to be included In the
Sir C. WETHERELI, said, that in discharge of his

public duty he felt bound now it,. the ctts•:tt of this
measure, to declare th,t ht the id give it as decided an
opposition al he 1,6 a ever given to any measure introduced
t'nto
Mr. STRICKLAND also declared that he would give
the Bill his most strenuous opposition. It was m'Sat
strongly objected to, not only, by 41. t CO'niUdoits In the
county of York, bet by ttl. r•::lia northern 'counties.
.Meter A feCi• wordy .frotto I.r. SciroNsWAß and another
.Fldn. Member,
lEOrd ItlOßPETfrexpie;Sed a hope than his Non. and
'earned 'Friend would not impose upon him the necessity
of moving 'that YorliVdee be exempted from the operation
of the Bill.

•
Xs.l*. J . CAMPBELL briefly defender? th;-, o.lcrai prin-
ciple of the Bill.
Mr, PAGET cor...ct.rl::,': in the ohjection to the Bill
taken by tile mber for York (Mr. Strickland).
Art<Ss• a few words from Mr. CAMPBELL in explanation,
was given to bring in the Bill.

In a short time the Hon. and Learned Gent!ernan
brought in the Bill, which was read a first tim(c, and
ordered to be read a Wc9kl ti tithe oh tote 19th thst. and 'to
be ptinted.
'LAW AMENDNIENt BILLS.

CAMPBELL then brought in the following
bills :—A Bill for the tiMitation of Actions and Suits
Relating to Real ; a Bill to Abolish Fines and
Recowirics.; a Bill to Amend the Law Relating to Tenants
the Courtesy of England ; a 13111 to Amend the Law
Relating to Dower, and a Bill to Amund the Law of !r,.-
heritanee.—They were severally read a qrst tithe, and
ordered to be read a second tint on l'iiday next, and to be
printed.
BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.

Lore; ALT HORP, after adverting to the great conveni-
ence of giving precedence to the Government business on
cert. tin days of the wt.ek, moved, that for the present ses-
sion the orders of the day do take precedence of all notices
of motions which may stand on the book on Mondays,
Wednesdays, and Fridays; but with this understanding,
that Government would not press its claim to precedence
for its motions on Wednesdays.
Mr. HUME suggested that some regulation should be
made for taking orders or the day in the order in which
they were set doWn on the order hook. At present the
utmost htegularity prevailed in this respect, and from the
uncertainty schich prevailed as to the time when a motion
would be brought on, many Members were put to great
inconvenience.

Lord ALTIIORP did not see that taking the motion
according to the order in which they were set down would
be productive of such advantages as the lion. Member
seemed to think.

The motion was then agreed to, and the Iloume ad-
journed at a Quarter to Eight.

THE YELLOW DOMINO.

In the latter part of the reign of Louis XV. of
France, the masquerade was an entertainment in high
estimation, and was often given at an immense cost
on court days and such occasions of rejoicing. As
persons of all ranks might gain admission to these
spectacles, provided they could afford the pur-
chase of the ticket, very strange rencontres fre-
quently took place at them, and exhibitions almost as
curious in the way of disguise or assumption of cha-
racter. But perhaps the most whimsical among the
genuine surprises recorded at any of these spec-
tacles, was that which occurred in Paris the 15th of
October, on the day when the Dauphin (son of
Louis XV.) attained the age of one-and twenty.
At this fete, which was of a peculiarly glittering
character—as much so, that the details of it are
given at great length by the historians of the day—
the strange demeanour of a man in a yellow domino,
early in the evening, excited attention. This mask,
who showed nothing remarkable as to figure,—
though tall rather, and of robust proportion,—seemed
to be gifted with an appetite, not merely past
human conception, but passing the fancies even of
romance.

The dragon of old, who churches ate,
(He used to come on a Sunday,)
Whole congregations were to him
But a dish of Salmagundi,—
he was a nibbler—a mere fool—to this stranger of
the yellow domino. He passed from chamber to
chamber—from table to table of refreshments—not
tasting, but devouring—devastating all before him.
At one board, he despatched a fowl, two-thirds of a
ham, and half-a•dozen bottles of champagne ; the
very next moment he was found seated in another
apartment, performing the same feat, with a stomach
better than at first. This strange course went on
until the company (who at first had been amused by
it) became alarmed and tumultuous.
" Is it the same mask—or are there several
dressed alike ?" demanded an officer of the guards, as
the yellow domino rose from a seat opposite to him
and quitted the apartment.
" I have seen but one—and, by Heaven ! he is
here again," exclaimed the party to whom the query
was addressed.

The yellow domino spoke not a word, but pro-
ceeded straight to the vacant seat which he had just
left, and again commenced supping, as though he
had fasted for the half of a campaign.
At length the confusion which this proceeding
created, became universal; and the cause reached
the ears of the Dauphin.
" He is a very fiend, your Highness !" exclaimed
an old nobleman—" saving your Highness's pre-
sence—or wants but a tail to be so l"
" Say rather he should be a famished poet, by his
appearance," replied the Prince, laughing. " But
there must be some juggling; he spills all his wine,
and hides the provision under his robe."
Even while they were speaking, the yellow
domino entered the room in which they were talk-
ing, and, as usual, proceeded to the table of re-
freshments.

" See here, my Lord," cried one—" I have seen
him do this thrice !"

I twice i."—" I five times !"—" and I fifteen !"
This was too much. The master of the cere-
monies was questioned. He knew nothing—and
the yellow domino was interrupted as he was car-
rying a bumper of claret to his lips.
" The Prince's desire is that Monsieur who
wears the yellow domino should unmask." The
stranger hesitated.

" The command with which his Highness ho-
nours Monsieur is perfectly absolute."
Against that which is absolute there is no con-
tending. The yellow man threw off his mask and
domino; and proved to be a private trooper of the
Irish dragoons!
" And in the name of gluttony, my good friend
(not to a'k how you gained admission), how have
you contrived," said the Prince, " to sup to-night
so many times ?"
" Sire, I was beginning but to sup, with reve-
rence be it said, when your Royal message inter-
rupted me."
" Beginning !" exclaimed the Dauphin, in amaze-
ment, " then what is it I have heard and seen ?
Where are the herds of oxen that have disappeared,
and the hampers of burgundy ? I insist upon know-
ing how this is !"
" It is, Sire," returned the soldier, " may it please
your Grace, that the troop to which I belong is to-
day on guard. We have purchased one ticket
among us, and provided this yellow domino, which
fits us all. By which means the whole of the front
rank, being myself the last man, have supped, if the
truth must be told, at discretion ! and the leader of
the rear rank, saving your Highness's commands, is
now waiting outside the door to take his turn."—
Republic of Leiters.

VOLUNTARY DISPOSAL OF THE BODY.--
Dr. MACARTNEY'S document is now signed by upwards of
400 names, chiefly of professional men, who are anxious, by
practical example, to remove the prejudices which stand in
the way of dissection. We believe it is somewhat more
than three years now since the document was prepared.
Is it not time we heard of some actual example ; or who
shall have the honour of the proto-m trtyrdom ? There is
one obvious disadvantage attending this sort of post-obit
bond in favour of anatomy; it leads the public to suppose,
that medical men are more interested in the matter than
other people ; whereas there is no class of persons who
would benefit so much by the entire prohibition of dissec-
tion as the present race of practitioners. Their profession
would become a complete monopoly, and no fresh com-
petitors could arise to "push them from their stools."—
Medical Gazette.

The debate upon the King's Speech was r"..
sumed in the Hoene. of cotnmons last night, the
reeestion for bringing 'up the Report on the Address.
There had been some previous skirmishing on
the Pet'ititOn fie;iri thb county of York, the enor-
mous hulk of which seemed .to create, as much
uneasiness amongst the Opposition es the entrance
of a fat passenger amongst the travel`.ers in a stage-
coach. ,Mr. Crolee'e, who seems to act as foreman
f the apposition for the present, assisted by Mr.
Hunt, the representative of all England, endeavoured
to undervalue the importance of this petition, which
was signed by 150,000 persons, every one of whom
can reed and write. We notice the circumstance
chiefly because it seems to suggest an inference that
the Anti-Reformers May not lee, afire all, so pacie
Really disposed as some of our contemporaries would
have. es to believe; for it is probable that neither
the Hon: nor the Right Hon. Gentleman would
have thrust themselves so prominently forward, if
they had not some hope that their labours will not
be altogether in vain. Lord Althorp, who presented
this petition, renewed the declaration so often made
on the part of his Majesty's 6oVernment—namely,
that " there should be no departure from the prin-
eiple or the original measure, whatever improve-
ments might be made in the details." Still there is
so much latitude in the construction of all ge-
neral declarations of the kind that, until the
Bill or Bills be laid before the public, it is im-
possible to pronounce how far the provi-
sions of the new measure will assimilate with
the provisions of that which has been so lately
rejected. Our own construction of the declara-
tion, probably coloured by our own views, which are
by no means favourable to some of the details,
would go to this extent, that preserving the two
great principles of disfranchisement and enfranchise•
ment—that is, the destruction of the rotten bo-
roughs, and the extension of the elective franchise
to the great towns—the Ministers are willing to
make such concessions on other points as will invite
the concurrence of those conscientious men in the
new measure who opposed the late one in conse-
quence of its inherent defects. We cannot under-
stand why such an arrangement, which partakes
nothing of the nature of a dishonourable compro-
mise, should not, consistently with the declaration
of which we are speaking, be contemplated by
Ministers, and accepted not only by the Opposition,
but by the country at large. For our own part we
shall always retain the opinion that we, and those
who join with us in calling for the demolition of the
rotten boroughs upon almost any terms that will
secure the concurrence of one of the great influen-
tial bodies of the State—that we are the ardent and
zealous Reformers, and not those who would stand
out upon minor points of arrangement, to the ruin of
that object to which almost every other consideration
ought to be sacrificed. But when to this we add the
fact that certain alterations are absolutely necessary
to the improvement of the measure, the refusal togive
up such points, in consideration of thegreat advantage
to be obtained by their surrender, looks so like delu-
sion, that those who cherish or indulge, not those who
resist it, are the persons who ought to enter on their
just:fication. A few days, however, will put an end
to the uncertainty in which the question is for the
present enveloped. The Ministers may still pre-
' serve their pledges—they may still preserve the
principle of the former Bill—and yet do enough to
conciliate those who opposed it in that shape.
Whether such be the course they will adopt time
only can determine ; but it appears to our simple
apprehension that such is the course most likely to
promote the Reform which the best friends of the
country are desirous to support and consolidate.
During the discussion on the address both Mr.
Hume and Sir Francis Burdett spoke; the former
complaining of many omissions in the King's speech,
and the latter vindicating it from the charge of a
want of candour and energy with which it had been
assailed on the preceding night by Mr. Croker and
others. The debate, though short, was interesting,
and concluded of course with the reception of the
report, a formality which was only delayed for the
purpose of giving birth to a few additional speeches
both for and against Reform.—Morning Herald.
The session just opened bids fair to be the most
important that England has witnessed since the be-
ginning of the 19th century; nor are we deterred
from repeating that opinion by a recurrence to the
many eventful crises which the 31 years alluded to
have embraced. It is true that early within that
period, a general peace was made and broken,—a
general war, the most extensive and awful in modern
history, was begun and triumphantly ended;—that
a second peace, miscalled the " settlement" of Eu-
rope, and founded on principles of everlasting tur-
moil and revolution, was signed,—that corn laws
and bullion laws were passed,—that laws abolishing
almost the entire body of commercial prohibitions
were enacted,—that the navigation law, once called
the " maritime charter " of Great Britain, was re-
pealed,—that the penal code against dissenters from
the Established Church, that cancer in the vitals of a
Christian community, was eradicated ; and that
every one—how much more the entire ?—of these
vast changes in our political, financial, commercial,
maritime, and social systems, have wrought effects
incalculable, and hardly conceivable, in the very at-
mosphere of England. Yet has no one session—
we might not err in saying all the sessions put toge-
ther—during which these mighty measures of State
policy have been separately er collectively accom-
plished, a right to be compared for the abundance
and value of their fruits with the prospects antici-
pated from that on which we now have entered.
Whether by the fulfilment or the disappointment of
a nation's prayers, the next six months must be im-
mortalized, for Great Britain must be convulsed or
saved. But the prayers of the nation will, we doubt
not, be amply and expeditiously gratified. The King's
speech we consider a remarkable production. It at
once speaks out with boldness to the people,
and to the Tories with a discretion which has
deprived them of all handle for complaint. On the
Reform question his Majesty's declaration is, all
circumstances considered, the most complete and
absolute that could have been desired." A speedy
and satisfactory settlement of this question becomes
daily of more pressing importance to the security of
the State, and to the contentment and welfare of
my people." Now, what is the true and genuine
import of these explicit words ? That if the
Reform question be not speedily and satisfac-
torily settled—that is, " carried"—the security
of the State will be endangered, and the people
will he wronged and discontented. Hence it
follows that the King considers the safety of the
realm to be involved in the success of the Reform
Bill. After this, can any man in his senses doubt
that his Majesty will sanction whatever employ-
ment of his own lawful prerogative may be deemed
by his political advisers indispensable to the passing
of the Bill ? But it seems that words may change
their meaning according to the person who utters
them. When the King of England tells his Par-
liament that the public safety requires a certain Act,
it is all very well : he gains credit, as it is most just
he should do, for the delivery of a grave opinion,
and for the use of a powerful argument. How, then,
was the Press treated, when it employed exactly
the same admonition, and in the very terms which
have since been adopted by his Majesty ? When
the daily journals told the Peers, that on their
votes for or against this great measure of Reform,
would ultimately depend their own safety, and that
of the Monarch itself, some of the stupidest of the
Tory partisans set up the yell of " intimidation."
We were brow-beating their Lordships ! and threat-
ening, and bullying, and putting the gallant Peers
upon their mettle ; and " it became them, as men
of honour (forsooth), to sho.v thut they were not to
be scared from their previous resolutions." Now
it has been represented numberless times—far
oftener than for the sake of Noble Peers themselves we
could have wished it to be necessary—that the suscep-
tibility of political alarm on the approach or belief
of national dangers affects in no possible degree a
gentleman's reputation for personal courage, while

I the want of such a sensibility deprives him of all
claim to common senses, to patriotitm, or humanity;
And lowirs him, in filet, to the level of a meie bar:
harian. When Noble Lords protested against being
bullied, they mistook, or pretended to mistake, the
motives of thos.e•wlro addressed them, The appeal
was to their wisdom, not to their individual fears.
Pie reasoning was, es:•t that they ought to do wrong for
the feir of personal bad consequences,but that by doing
what was right in itself, they would escape, in their
own properties arid persons, and avert from the State
of which they formed part, the consequences of a
disgraceful obstinacy, or a deplorable error. Was
there in such language any thing disrespectful to the
Peers ? We deny it. If there had been, we should,
upon a moment's consideration, have ditavowed it;
Liit we 'reiterrtte the argument o it is as Statesmen, as
Legislators, as Chiefs of this great nation, we adjure
them. " My Lords, you have in your hands the wel-
fare of England, and your own, which is but part
of your country's. Your last vote against Reform has
almost convulsed the kingdom to its centre. You
have not rebuked, or repressed, Or pot down,lhe
people of England, by your 'resistance to their una-
ninious desire—much less have you soothed or
calmed them. On the contrary, it is yourselves who
stand rebuked by the general voice of your coun-
trymen. You have provoked them till. Some
among them—we fear an increasing number, you
have filled with deep resentment towards your entire
body. They say that you stand in the way of their
national rights—of their liberties—of the public
prosperity ; arid that if your privileges clash with
theirs, they will try with you which is the stronger."'
Since the second reading of the Bill was negatived,
what symptoms have appeared of that re-action, the
existence of which was alleged by certain of their
Lordships as the only defence of their adverse votes?
About two hundred arid twenty addresses and peti-
tions have been intrusted to Members of the Cabi-
net, besides innumerable others, declaratory of full
confidence in his Majesty's Ministers, and of im-
passioned eagerness for the Bill. Among these ad-
dresses, we observe those of eleven great English
counties, arid of near an hundred cities, towns, &c.,
but of districts, political societies, and corporations,
the numbers and names are beyond our count. In
Yorkshire alone the petition presented last night by
Lord Althorp, had annexed to it more than 140,000
signatures ! In the debate on Tuesday, in the
House of Lords, there were sentiments expressed
by some of the most distinguished of their
Lordships, scarcely less satisfactory than those
contained in the Royal speech. From Lord
Harrowby nothing, indeed, could be expected
that was not characteristic of a temperate and tract-
able mind. The Noble Lord's former speech had
exhibited a tone of moderation, which argued a ca-
pacity for cool inquiry into all the circumstances
which ought to direct the judgment of a prudent
legislator ; and his language on Tuesday convinces
us that the Noble Earl has not mis-spent the oppor-
tunity afforded him since the late prorogation for as-
certaining the prevalent voice and feelings of the
nation, on whose interests he is a second time about
to decide. Lord Harrowby's son may require sharper
teaching than his noble parent. We do not much
admire the spirit of Lord Sandon's short speech
last night in the House of Commons. If his Lord-
ship fancies that he can hustle the country out of
the main principles of the Bill, by vague talk on
behalf of other Bills, not nearly similar to the last,
does he make love to Liverpool by abuse of public
meetings ? or is he not secretly laughng at his audi-
ence when he describes the majority of the present
electors as hostile to the measure of last session ?
We can tell his Lordship—as Lord Althorp has
already told him and the country—that every
principle of the former Bill will be strictly and he-
nourably adhered to in the new one. There were two
speeches delivered in the House of Lords on Tues-
day—we mean those of Lord Eldon, and the Duke
of Buckingham, who followed him—to which it
gives us pleasure to refer. On this occasion, the
Noble Earl, who, with the Noble Duke, was last
session vehemently opposed to Reform, very freely
and candidly declared his willingness to revise the
vote which he had already given, and if he found
that he had really taken a false step, " to retrace it."
The Duke of Buckingham seemed to be more
pressingly alive to the risk incurred from the predo-
minancy of political associations, if they should be-
come incorporated with our system of Government,
than to the details of a Reform Bill, whatever they
might be. His Grace, however, declared that he,
as well as the Government, was most anxious for the
speedy and satisfactory settlement of the question—
" on which depended the quiet of the country, and
the security of the State; he would, therefore, when
it came before the House, consider it with a view
to the feelings of the people, with a view to that
spread of education and knowledge among them
which had rendered them both more alive to poli-
tical matters, arid more competent to understand
them ; but lie would so consider it always subject to
the principles of the Constitution." The country
requires no more than that Reform and every other
question should be so considered. In truth, there
is no other view to be taken by any rational states-
man. He is a mere fool who would attempt to
carry on a legislative warfare with a united nation.

The speeches in the House of Commons last
night were briefer, but more interesting, than the
speeches on Tuesday night. The petition for Reform
from Yorkshire was so large and unwieldy that it
required the service of several Members to remove
it from the Bar to the Treasury Bench, arid Lord
Althorp was obliged to apologise for his inability to
present it in the usual way. His Lordship on this
occasion made the important declaration —" I should
be most sorry that the Bill about to be introduced
should depart from the principle of the Bill of the
last Session—(Hear, hear)—and whatever improve-
ments there may be in its details, I hope and trust
that when the day comes on which my Noble Friend
shall introduce this Bill, it will be found that his
Majesty's Ministers have redeemed the pledge they
gave, that they would not abandon the principle of
the Bill.—(Cheers.)" This declaration of his
Lordship will diffuse satisfaction throughout the
country. In the discussion on the report on the
address, Mr. G. Dawson made what may be called
a wild speech. " While the kingdom," quoth the
Right Hon. Gentleman, " was almost in a state of
civil war—when the second city of the empire
had been devastated—when trade was at a
stand and industry paralysed—the King's speech
contained no promise that measures would he
brought forward to remedy the existing evils."
No ! Why have we not Reform, arrangement of
tithes, and a municipal police ? If the agitation of the
Reform question is one great cause (it is certainly not
the only cause) of trade being at a stand, will not
the passing of the Reform Bill, by terminating the
agitation, tend to remedy the evil'? But the grand
blow of the Right Hon. Gentleman was levelled at
what he no doubt thought a vulnerable point in
Ministers. Earl Grey had given audience to he did
not know bow many tailors, and Lord Melbourne
had allowed a radical apothecary to intrude upon his
privacy ! Good heavens! only think of interviews
with tailors and apothecaries ! With men who,
perhaps, do not know that fish ought not to be ate
with a knife ! We suppose there are yet clubs and
coteries in this metropolis in which this sort of lan-
guage in a Senator may not appear supremely ridi.
culous. The Right Hon. Gentleman said," tie Was
sorry to confess that both England and Ireland were
ruled by an irresponsible Government. It was the
Government of the mob and the Government of the
Press, and the Ministers of the Crown were but
the servants of the mob and the Press. He was
sorry to'see the manner in which -Ministers had al-
lowed the ante-rooms of their offices to be filled by
the would-be representatives of the mob and the
press. Lord Grey had admitted he did not
know how many tailors into an interview ; and
Lord Melbourne, from whose character and
generosity of mind he had expected something
better (has Earl Grey no character, no generosity of
• This argument is ingeniously and powerfully urged in a
pamphlet just published, entitled What will tke Lards do next

mind ?) had allowed a radical apothecary to intrude
upon his privacy." Heavy charges these, no doubt t
Ministers, to show their spirit and, their dignity;
onght, to seem ignorant even of the existence of tai-
lors end apothecaries,, as Mr. Crotser, though first
naturalized in St. Giles's, contrived to be ignorant
of the existence of such a place as Russell-square.
As to the Press, which of course must be in tole-
rable accordance with its readers, Ministers ought
to endeavour so to act, as never to receive the ap-
probation of the Press, or the readers of the Press.
Mr. Dawson, in kindness to his relative (who, by-
the-bye, is manly enough to be proud of his origin),
ought to have borne in mind that many a had. joke
has been cracked against Spihning-jentliess as wbll as
hgairist cabbage, and pestles and mortars. A con-
ceited Coxcomb, like some of the personages of
whose approbation Mr. Dawson is ambitious, in
order, as he thought, to mortify the well known
Beaumarchais, who had been a.
,watchmaker, at one
of the Court parties to which Beaumarchais was ads
mitted before the Revolution, put a splendid watch
into his hand, and asked him to tell him why it did
not go properly ? Beaumarchais observed that he
ought to know something of watches, having been bred
a watchmaker, and having opened the watch let it fall
as if by accident, by which means it was broken to
pieces. Sir F. Burdett read Mr. George Dawson a
very proper lecture. " The time has been (he ob-
served) when Members of an Administration were
censured for their haughty bearing to the indus-
trious classes, for their inaccessibility, for neglecting
the people's interests, and for slighting their appli-
cations for redress. But now, a Minister is taken
to task for having condescended to give a civil an-
swer to an application from a large body of his fel-
low-subjects; and another Minister is reprobated
for having permitted a deputation of respectable
men to pass the threshold of his ante-chamber.—
(Hear, hear.) The assertion that a Secretary of
State was degraded by giving an interview to
tradesmen and apothecaries, struck his (Sir F.
B.'s) ears as the most extraordinary sound he ever
heard within those walls." These observations of
Sir Francis were loudly cheered. Those who do
not know Mr. G. Dawson might suppose, from
the remark about tailors and apothecaries, that he
was one of the last of the pig-tailed generation. They
would be much mistaken ; for, according to all ac-
counts, Mr. George Dawson is, what in common
parlance is called a good fellow, who, though he may
not always find it convenient to see tailors, is, upon the
whsle, both affable and accessible. He has not a
little of the peculiarity in which Goldsmith's blun-
ders are supposed to have had their origin, of
speaking without thinking. Garrick said of Gold-
smith, that "he wrote like an angel and spoke like
poor poll." That Mr. Dawson resembles his
countryman in speaking like poor poll, is sufficiently
oisvious; for he was merely repeating by rote what
he had seen in John Bull and the Quarterly Re-
view ; but we have never yet heard him accused of
writing like an angel, and so far the comparison
does not hold. The Political Unions are, naturally
enough, far from acceptable in the Senate. We re-
peat what we have more than once said, that they
have their origin in the uneasiness respecting Re-
form, that the passing of the Reform Bill will put
an end to them, and that till then it will be impos-
sible to dissolve them. The truth is, that the Eng-
lish are too apathetic, and have too many claims on
them by the tax-gatherer, to be able to devote time
to Political Unions, and trainings to arms. It re-
quires some strong excitement, like that of the Re-
form question, to induce them to make any conti-
nuous effort of an energetic nature. We have observed
with much satisfaction, that the Opposition have
determined to drop the pretext of re-action. Indeed
the very mention of re-action seems now to be dis-
agreeable to them. There is something curious in
this. What all the assemblages throughout the
country, all the numerously-signed petitions could
not effect, has been effected, it would seem, by the
stones of the mob. Are the skulls of the Anti-
Reformers only to be penetrated by sticks and
stones ? For the credit of the Aristocracy, we
should be sorry to answer this question in the
affirmative. And yet there is certainly something
suspicious in the coincidence of the broken panes
and broken pates and the discovery that there was
no re-action. "Even the persons of the Anti-Re-
formers (Troth Mr. George Dawson) were threat-
ened in all parts of the country." We have thus, at
length, fairly had the last of the tale of re-action.—
_Morning Chronicle.

The Ward of Portsoken has again returned Mr.
Scales, and it remains to be seen whether the Court
of Aldermen will again put their veto on the elec-
tion. It appears to us that the Court of Aldermen,
in exercising the power of rejection, have displayed
anything but prudence. The right they possess (if
they possess the right) is one, the exercise of which
ought to be reserved for rare cases indeed. It would
be much better, however, if the Court possessed no
such right. It cannot be disputed, that in rejecting
Mr. Scales, the Court offer a bitter insult to the
Ward; for what is it but an insult to the inhabitants
of dm Ward to tell them—you are men indifferent
to character and respectability, otherwise you would
not have chosen Mr. Scales ? The inhabitants of
the Ward must know Mr. Scales much better than
the Court of Aldermen can possibly know him. Mr.
Scales has lived long among them, and if he had not
possessed the good opinion of his neighbours, he
would hardly have been the object of their choice.
We take it for granted that bribery is out of the
question. The ground of exclusion is, therefore,
unfitness, and this is saying that the inhabitants of
the 'Ward themselves are not proper judges of charac-
ter, and as unfit to choose, as Mr. Scales is to be
chosen. The objections to Mr. Scales have appeared
to most people to be somewhat of the nature of those
described in the epigram—
., I do not like you, Dr. Fell,
The reasons why I cannot tell ;
But there is one thing I can tell—
I do not like you, Dr. Fell."
But these are not times to gratify tastes at the ex-
pence of the peace of the community. We have in
Bristol a striking example of the mischief of self-
election. But what is this power claimed by the Al-
dermen but self-election ? By refusing to approve of
the person chosen by the inhabitants, they may
themselves at length name all the Aldermen. It is
impossible that the jealousy of the freeman of the
Wards should not be roused by this injudicious act
of interference. We therefore think the Court of
Aldermen would act wisely in no longer agitating the
Ward of Portsoken, and in consenting to receive the
man of their choice.—Morning Chronicle.
For several years past, the conduct of General
Darling, the Governor of New South Wales, has
been a subject of constant and general complaint.
We are given to understand, that his recal from
Australia—an act of the present Ministry—was in
consequence of the very serious nature of some of
the charges that have been brought against him by
gentleman of the first consideration, holding Govern-
ment appointments. Amongst the complainants are
—the late Attorney-General of New South Wales,
the Solicitor-General, the High Sheriff of the Co-
lony, several Magistrates, and other Civil and Mili-
tary Officers. A gentleman also, of high legal re-
pute in the colony, it is stated, will follow General
Darling to England, for the purpose of substantiating
the charges which have already been preferred against
him to the Colonial-office. It appears that most of
the acts with which General Darling is charged, as
unconstitutional, illegal, and oppressive, met with
the countenance of the Wellington Cabinet, and
were approved of by his late Majesty. Appeals
that have since been made to the present Govern-
ment against these decisions have been rejected,
upon the ground that the approval of his late Ma-
jesty is considered an insuperable barrier against a re-
consideration. Several petitioi rs are, in consequence,
about to be presented to Parliament. A great va-
riety of papers have been transmitted to us on the
subject of these appeals, some of them containing do•
cuments and matter of fact appertaining to transac-
tions of a very serious character. We have only
been enabled to give them a cursory glance ; but,
from what we have seen, we must confess that we
are at a loss to account for their having been disposed