The Sun.
London, England, 1838-07-12 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The debate in the House of Lords on Tuesday evening
possessed great interest, and interest of a mingled and va-
rious character. Lord Brougham moved for copies of in-
structions which it was self-evident had been issued to the
British naval commanders on the Eastern coast of Spain,
requiring them in certain cases to commit hostilities upon
armed vessels in the service of the King of Sardinia, a
Sovereign with whom England is at profound peace ;
which instructions, therefore, it was equally self-evident,
would, if acted upon, force Sardinia, and such allies as are
bound by defensive treaty to assist that power when at-
tacked, into an open war with Great Britain. There never
were instructions which demanded more imperatively to be
laid before Parliament, and to be there sifted and examined
with the most searching diligence, as well from their general
nature as from the circumstances under which they might
be suddenly brought into operation, than those which were
in a manner confessed to by the First Lord of the Ad-
miralty. There never was an attempt to justify the refusal
of a parliamentary motion by Ministers so utterly feeble,
so disgracefully evasive, as that of which Lords Melbourne
Lansdowne, and Minto, were guilty in resisting the motion
of Lord Brougham by their votes, for by argument they
did not pretend so touch the speech or to impede the pur-
pose of the Learned Baron. As for Lord Minto, he
showed himself on this, no less than on the former occasion,
the most ignorant and incompetent among all those gene-
rations of unwise adventurers, who, from age to age, have
held office in a country where leaders of faction are com-
pelled by the first law of their existence to lift up with
themselves the dregs and offal of that greedy multitude on
whose support they lean. According to the sage Lord
Minto, the quadruple alliance of 1833 or 1834 was sub-
stantially, not a defensive alliance, binding England to
certain stipulated succours in favour of the Queen of Spain
and against Don Carlos, but in fact, nothing short of
an offensive alliance against all foreign Powers trad-
ing with Spanish ports, the presence of whose ships
might happen to be disapproved of by the British
Ministers. Nothing ever was clearer than the proposition,
that where there is no war declared between two inde-
pendent states, the coast of neither can be legitimately
blockaded. By what right, then, or on what pretext, can
Lord Minte regard the Spanish ports along the whole coast
of the Mediterranean as in such strict and rigorous blockade,
that British men-of-war are at liberty to fire upon the ships
of a neutral power, and prevent them from enjoying the
privileges of commerce with the Peninsula? The Qua-
druple Treaty gives him no power of the kind. The law of
nations is notoriously abhorrent to any such pretension. It
is one which, if practically directed against Sardinia or any
independent state, produces at once a war between England
and that monarchy ; and further, between England and those
far more formidable Powers which are engaged, as Austria is
by treaty, to defend the Sardinian monarchy. Lord Minto is
fore carrying out," with a vengeance, the principles of
the quadripartite alliance. He has not denied that
formal instructions to British officers have been framed
upon his own monstrous and contemptible view of the ob-
jects provided for by that treaty. Lord Brougham, con-
sidering the case to be one of deep and imminent danger,
inasmuch as no person seems to be aware of our real rela-
tionswith foreign States under such guidance, calls for the
means of comparing the instructions with the treaty, and
what is the answer? Lord Minto babbles out, " that no
ground has been laid for an inquiry," as if his own eager and
angry words had not laid more than sufficient ground.
Lord Melbourne showed even more effrontery than Lord
Minto. He charged Lord Brougham with resting his mo-
tion on nothing more positive than a former speech of
Lord Lyndhurst, which the Prime Minister alleged to be
founded on mere public rumour. But did Lord Mel-
bourne affect to deny the truth of that public rumour?
Did he venture to deny that the instructions so much
end justly reprobated had been actually issued? Not
one.. He durst not once allude to the barefaced block-
he tdism put forth by his own First Lord of the Admiralty
as a principle of public law, because it was an imp'ied ad-
mission of the feet that " rumour" had falsified nothing.
Then, with a ludicrous solemnity, lost upon every ear but
that of the Duke of Wellington, did Lord Melbourne de-
precate any appearance of "jealousy " on the part of the
House of Lords towards the Whig ;Popish Ministry.
" Don't, I beseech you," quoth the Whig Popish leader,
"(bat disparage or weaken 'the Government' in the eyes
of foreign Powers ; censure us if you will—get rid of us it
you can—but in God's name don't make us look little."
The Noble Viscount thinks, no doubt, that " looking his"
becomes them better. It was not until the second time
he got up that Lord Melbourne gave a flat contradiction
to.the dictum of Lord Minto on the law of the case,
and avowed his concurrence in the interpretation of
the treaty by the Duke of Wellington and Lord
Aberdeenviz., that it wes one which stipulated
certain succours to the Queen of Spain through cer-
tain channels, but that a treaty offensive and defen-
sive it was not. What reason, however, did Lord Mel-
bourne adduce for his reluctance to produce the papers ?
Why, that the prnduction of them would " be most in-
convenient, and would emberrass the policy of the Go-
vernment." Now, what was the natural and becoming an-
swer to such a piece of presumption as this? Was it not,
and ought it not to have been—if it embarrasses your
" policy, as you call it," to give Parliament fu'l informa-
tion upon matters which mainly concern the public interest
—why, then, let the least of two evils befall us ; eive Par-
liament that which it has a right to ask, and what the na-
tional welfare requires that it should be possessed of, and
do you, Lords Melbourne, Minto, and the rest, go quietly
about your business. And this was on the point of happen-
ing, and this must have happened, but for an interposi-
tion of which unfortunately we have had some si-
milar experience before last Tuesday. We need
scarcely add that it came from the Duke of Welling-
ton, whom Lord Brougham called " the friend indeed, be-
cause the friend in need," of these undeserving Ministers.
The Duke of Wellington seemed to have no' faculty of
withstanding the appeal of Lord Melbourne to the anxiety
of Parliament that e Ministers should not be embarrassed,"
and declared that on such a ground he would not persist
" in calling for the instructions"—aa announcement whielt,
our Reporter says, provoked loud " murmurs" (and who
can be surprised at it ?) from a large portion of the Peers,
while Lords Mansfield and Harewooil, two of the most re-
spectable men in Engiend, avowed at once that they entirely
dissented from the Duke, and would, in opposition to his
Grace, support Lord Brougham's motion. Lord Ellen-
borough, who has in many cases proved the independence
of his own judgment, gave his vote also in opposition to the
Duke. The numbers, however, were even, and the motion
lost. The Duke of Wellington's reasons for this new
succour to the Ministry will, of course, ere long, transpire.
—Times.

Whatever the result of the several Bills now before Par-
liament for the settlement of Ireland, may eventually be,
one thing seems to be tolerably clear, that they shall not
answer their ostensible purpose if Mr. O'Connell can help
it. Even Lord J. Russell appears to be at length a little
vexed with Mr. O'Connell's apparent determination in this
matter, and has ventured to express his hope that in future
discussions on Irish affairs the " Honourable and Learned
Gentleman" will use his best exertions to make the Parlia-
mentary Bills " satisfactory to the country." Lord John
ought to know by this time that Mr. O'Connell does not
care a straw what his hopes may be regardinc, his (Mr.
O'Connell's) conduct. " The Honourable and Learned
Gentleman" knows that whatever he may happen to
require from the present Government, that the Go-
vernment must accord him, whether he gratifies the
hopes that may be publicly expressed regarding his
future course, or does not. When the Government'
is in such a position with respect to any " Honour-
able and Learned Gentleman," that it offers to make him
Master of the Rolls, without being sure that he is such a
man as to desire to make Parliamentary Bills " satisfactory
to the country ;" it must also be in such a position as to
have its hopes treated with contempt by that " Honour-
able and Learned Gentleman," whenever it is his conveni-
ence to adopt such a mode of treatment. A Government
cannot meanly truckle to a man in one week, and exercise
an honourable influence over him, for a good purpose, in the
next. The tone which the Hon. and Learned Member for
Dublin takes in the discussion of the Irish Tithe Bill is
very worthy of observation, especially as it isla striking no-
velty in the proceedings of the Imperial Parliament. He
discusses the measure as though it were in no inconsider-
able degree a sort of bargain offered to himself. " I will
not," he has said, " I will not delude the House, by
promising the Bill will in any way work well. I believe
it will create dissatisfaction and disturbance in Ire-
land. I believe it will increase instead of remedying the
evils of the present system." Now, as to Mr. O'Connell's
gift of prophecy, supposing he and his agitating troops
left events to their free course, we do not think it is worth
much. For his guesses respecting future events, over
which he has no influence, we would give no more than
for the guesses of any old woman in the country. But
when a man makes a prophecy which he possesses the
means of fulfilling, there is good reason to suspect that he
may be a correct soothsayer. We would have Lord John
Russell look to his " hopes," and see that he takes some
better security for their fulfilment than Mr. O'Connell
is likely to afford. But the " Honourable and Learned
Gentleman " has grown " liberal " to the Esta-
blished Clergy ; for he is very strenuous in his
proposition that the advances made to them of 640,00 W.
by the Government, on account of the arrears of
tithe, should be remitted, and poor stupid Mr. Hume la-
ments over such a remission as " a defrauding of the peo-
p'e of England of a large sum in order to support an Este-
Yishment which ought to have been reduced long ago."
Now, it might surely have penetrated even into the "lead
and leather," which doubtless, occupies, instead of brains,
the inside of Mr. Hume's cranium, that Mr. O'Connell,

his worthy and magnanimous patron, would not have proffered
this remission of 640,0001. for the sake of the Protestant
Established Clergy. The Honourable and Learned Gen-
tleman guarded against such a mistake (but no precaution
can provide against the mistakes of the intensely stupid)by
expressly stating, that it could not be expected that Protes-
tant Clergymen should pay back the arrears of their debt to
the Government without having recourse to those who ori-
ginally owed them. What Mr. O'Connell asks (and that he
will take right good care to make known to the Romanists
of Ireland, though the egregiously stupid Joseph Hume
may not understand it), is not a boon for the Protestant
tithe-receivers, but for the Romanist tithe-payers. That
it will be a convenience to both, we admit ; but that Mr.
O'Connell proposes it for the sake of the convenience to
both, it would be folly to believe. We have not the
slightest doubt that, when next the begging-box is sent
round the parishes of Ireland for contributions in support
of the highly honourable and extremely learned Member
for Dublin, a principal argument of the collectors will be,
that the man who, by his exertions in Parliament, made
the Chancellor of the Exchequer pay 640,0001., which,
but for him, the Court of Exchequer would have compelled
them (the Irish Romanists) to pay, is evidently deserving
of the very largest donation which they can possibly con-
tribute to the " rent." Thus it is that worthy Mr. O'Con-
nell turns his "liberality" to the' Protestant Clergy, and
his hostility to the same, all to one account ; as indeed he
very cleverly does every other branch of his senatorial
business. And what is that account ? Why, marry, the
filling of his begging-box with coin.—Morning Post.
The article which appeared in the Times of yesterday on
foreign passports is marked do less by gross and unpar-
donable ignorance than by inveterate malignity. It is the
duty of those who profess to instruct the public on public
matters to make themselves acquainted with information
which is accessible to all, and if, failing to do so, they mis-
' represent and falsify the facts, they expose themselves to a
graver charge than that of ignorance and neglect of duty.
Now, it is well known that all persons landing at foreign
ports are required by the police regulations of the Conti-
nent to be provided with passports ; and that persons who
. land without passports are liable to very unpleasant conse-
• quences. A British subject,by name Brown, wasindeedmade
to suffer a month's imprisonment in Belgium, in conse-
quence of his having wandered into Belgium from France
, without a passport. Therefore Lord Palmerston and
Lord J. Russell, finding that British subjects were from
time to time exposed to serious inconvenience from neglect-
. ing forms which are rigidly enforced on• the Continent,

only did their duty. But, then, says the.sagacious Times,

;he effect, and of course the purpose, of this warning is
:o induce persons setting out from hence for the Conti-

nent to take Foreign-office passports, in order that the
Foreign-office may collect more fees. Now, unluckily for
this oracle of Puddledock, the fact happens to be that a
Foreign-office passport is not indispensable ; that a Belgian,
Dutch, or French passport is quite sufficient to enable any
person to land in the ports on the opposite coast of the
Continent ; and that such passports may be had with-
out any payment whatever, any day of the week, at
the offices of the French, Belgian, and Dutch mis-
sions. Therefore, Lord Palmerston and Lord John
Russell, in warning travellers of the necessity of being pro-
vided with passports, did not imply " Foreign-office pass-
ports." In the next place, nothing but wilful or affected
ignorance could lead any person at all acquainted with
Parliamentary business (which the Editor of the Times
must be supposed to be) to assert that the Secretary of
State, or any of the officers of his department, have any
interest whatever in the amount of fees collected for pass-.

ports, or for any other official instrument. The annual
papers and estimates and votes of Parliament distinctly show
that the salaries of the three Secretaries of State, and of the
officers of their respective departments, are fixed, and are
in no way liable to fluctuate according to the amount
of fees collected ; that the amount of fees collected at the
three offices are divided in three equal portions, and are
taken in aid of the annual vote of Parliament ; so that the
sum voted for each Secretary of State's oiiice is the dif-
ference between the total charge of that office and one-

third of the amount of fees collected in the three offices.
Thus no salary in either of the three offices is either greater
or smaller in consequence of any increase or diminution of
the fees collected in the year ; and the only effect of any
such increase or diminution is to diminish or increase the
amount of the annual vote. When, therefore, the Tiwes I
talks of " frauds," it is the Tines that attempts to page I
tine a fraud upon the public, by putting firth a to einent
totally, and it may be suspected deliberately, fa?se
tog Chronicle.
One of the most important questions which for some years
have ocsupl?d the attention of the British public is the
subject of Trades' combinations ; and whether regarded in
political or social effects, there is scarcely any more deserv-
ing
of serious and impartial examination into its causes and I
consequences. We have before us a very ably-written
pamphlet on this topic, entitled " A V indication of the
Principles, Objects, and Tendencies of Trades' Unions or
Associations of the Working Classes ; by a Unionist." I
Though, in the exposition of his principles. the writer lays
down axioms inapplicable to the complicated state of
existing society, yet, in the course of his arguments, there
occur many observations which must. strike the impar-
tial. and reflecting mind with the force of irresistible
truth. We consider the right of comb:nation or asso-
ciation for mutual interest and protection amongst the
labouring and all other classes, while conducted on
defensive principles, and without aggression on the rialits
or interests of others, to be as sacred as the right which
forms the basis of all social communities. The labouring I
classes, above all others, have a right to do as they please,
collectively or individually, with their stock, that is, their
skill and industry, in the general mart of social anti com-
mercial interchange. But a combination of individuals of
any class has no right to use coercive appliances, unless
where a violation of the fundamental principles of society
he involved, to compel others to adhere to the rules which
it may mark out for its own guidance. If landowners com-
bine—and a virtual combination amongst them at present
exists--to exact exorbitant rents, through direct or indirect
influences, so long as their right in the soil be acknonlcdged,
and so long as they forbear from violent or coerciveinflu-
ences on other landowners who will not consent to their
regulations, there exists not in the State any power
to which they may be legitimately held responsible. And
if the owners of land—a property at present inherited ex-
clusively by social regulations at variance with the natural
inheritance—be justified in combining for protection on the
principle laid down, the owners of labour, skill, and in-
dustry—natural and self-acquired possession—must have,
under the restrictions specified, a still more indisputable
right to exercise the same faculty and power. Though
the author disclaims the influence of enthusiasm in the
treatment of his subject, he is carried on by a warmth of
style which it would he scarcely possible for any person in-
terested in the result, and impressed with similar convic-
tions, to have avoided. There is no country wherein the
evils of an undue accumulation of capital are more sensibly
felt than in England ; but the great desideratum in a so-
ciety like ours is not to break it up into its constituent ele-
ments, but by the gradual and judicious relaxation of inhi-
bitory restrictions to open a fair field to general competi-
tion. We may find it necessary to revert to the subject of
the pamphlet, which we for the most part approve, and in
which there is manifested a spirit of reflective inquiry highly
exemplary and deserving of general encouragement.—
Morning Advertiser.
The joy of Ministers at their escape on Tuesday night
is in direct proportion to the feebleness and meanness by
which all their movements are distinguished. The jour-
nals in their interest are absolutely boisterous in the ap-
plauses which they shower upon the Duke of Wellington ;
whilst on Lord Brougham's head, as might be expected, are
poured forth all the vials of their wrath! And yet, the re-
sult on which they hug themselves, is,—not that their pa-
trons commanded a matiority—but that onla question:affect-
ing vitally the character of the Administration, and, in all
probability, its existence, Lord Melbourne and his col-
leagues were able to command an equality of votes with
their antagonists! The spiritless imbeciles in office glorify
themselves, in short, on a result which would have driven
any Ministry, animated by honest sentiments to resign
Contemptible as the Whigs are, it is, however, conso-
latory to, discover that they are not destitute of all the
best feelings of our nature. They seem still to be capable
of entertaining the sentiment of gratitude—only for a mo-
ment, it may be—yet the intensity of the emotion may,
perhaps, be permitted to atone for the briefness of its du-
ration. Yesterday they would have prostrated themselves
in the oriental fashion before the Duke of Welling olon—
and have deemed permission to kiss the hem of his garment,
an honour of the loftiest kind. Their organs of the press'
caught the contagion. The Globe observes : -
" We are on many occassions obliged to differ with his
Grace's politics, but never to question his honour. Lord
Brougham compliments him upon saving the Government,
and Lord Brougham thinks his sneer is successful, and that he
has cast a slur upon the Duke for giving such aid, and on the
Government for being compelled to look for it. It may be a
very good joke for Lord Brougham, and a grand provocative
of laughter for some of the wiseacres in their Lordships'
House. And what does the exquisite satire come to ? and
what is the point,of the wonderful epigram ? Why--that these
questions would meet with one answer from honourable men;
that there are some men of the Opposition not so blinded Is
the accursed party spirit—not so frantic at exclusion from
office—not so envious of those who hold it, but that they will
say that truth is truth, even though it come from the enemy,
and that on that sacred ground they will see no enemies at all."
And the courier exclaims, that the Duke " although
remembering that he is a Tory, cannot forget that he is a
gentleman." Praises from such quarters may, we think,
induce the Duke of Wellington to doubt whether he has
not been betrayed into forgetfulness of the true interests of
the cause, of which, at present, he is the recognised head.
Not that we should not be disposed to applaud any dis.

THE. SUN, LONpON, THURSDA_Y, JULY 12, 1838..

play of magnanimity, on the part of his Grace, .towards
an enemy so contemptibly feeble as the Whigs are—pro-
viding the conduct of the party in office could be connected
in any way with high principle, however false in itself that
principle might be. But the history of each day of the
existence of the Melbourne Cabinet proves the utter base-
ness of its members ; whilst the history of the last fort-
night proves that they have. at length, learned to throw
aside even the semblance of respect for principle or consis-
tency. Within a fortnight, they have thrown overboard the
appropriation clause—and yet have had the meanness to re-
tain their places ! On the question, with which that clause
was connected, they turned Sir Robert Peel out of office ;
and now they have adopted Sir Robert's policy, without re-
linquishing the fruits of their opposition to the Conserva-
tive Government, of which he was the head. Will it be
alleged that their change of sentiment has been sincere ?
Scarcely, until they shall furnish evidence of its sincerity,
by abandoning office, which they gained, by means of a
course of action diametrically opposed to that which they
have recently adopted ! The Whigs resisting the appro-
priation clause—and yet administering the Government of
the country—stand in the light of self-convicted political
swindlers ! The present occupants of office, therefore, are
no fitting subjects for the display of the Duke of Welling-
ton's magnanimity. Their conduct in reference to the ap-
propriation clause has been only in keeping with their
previous tactics—with their threats, when in oppo-
sition, of " stopping the supplies"—and with all
the other frantic revolutionary movements which they '
menaced, when their exclusion from office promised to be
of long duration. The Whigs, in fact, are not entitled
to the benefit of the laws of civilised political warfare. They
have proved themselves mere pirates. They fight, habitu-
ally, under false colours. They violate, on all occasions,
that species of good faith which fair enemies never fail to
display towards each other. The most summary process
for extinguishing them must, therefore, be the best. We
are quite sure that the Duke of Wellington, in interposing
to save from destruction, Ministers—his present eulogists,
but his mean, treacherous, and unrelenting enemies and
calumniators in other years—was animated by the highest
and the purest motives. But we cannot, nevertheless,
avoid the conclusion, that he laboured under a grievous de-
lusion. The Duke owes something to the opinion of the
great party, which has chosen him for its head :—he owes
much to the feeling of the country, of which the feeling of his
otvn immediate party is, to a great extent, representative! To
overlook a venial error on the part of an antagonist may be
consistent with true wisdom ; but to interpose habitually to
prevent the destruction of an antagonist, whose whole course
is error, and whose every error is deadly, is to be guilty
(however unintentionally) of treason to the highest interests
of political truth ! Why should the Duke of Wellington
spare the Whigs? Have the Whigs ever conferred the
slightest benefit on the country ? Or, (if their reign should
last for fifty years to come), will they, let us ask, ever con-
fer any benefit on any valuable section of the community ?
Are our domestic relations, and our foreign relations in so
satisfactory a state that the expulsion of the Whigs from
office would be sure to derange them ? Are Whig prin-
ciples so pure and valuable, that the present Ministers
ought to be aided by Conservatives in filling all the public
offices with professors of these principles ? Has the Duke
in short, fallen in love with Whiggery, or has he become
ashamed of Conservatism ? These arc questions which
Conservatives will ask. The answers will vary with the
varying tempers of the inquirers ;—but of this fact, we
may, at all events, rest assured, that the recent tactics of
. the Conservative leaders are little calculated to strengthen
the Conservative cause l—iliorning Herald.

IMPERIAL PARLIkIVIENT

HOUSE OF COMMONS, JULY 11.

For the third reading 65
Against it
Majority in favour of the Bill
MIDDLESEX COUNTY COURT.

-50

STATISTICS OF FRANCE.—Some curious facts
have been collected in a work on the statistics of France by Count d'An-
geviile. Life is of longest duration in the department of the Orne,
and shortest in that of the Seine. The age of 100 years is rarely at-
t,ined in any part of France. Illegitimate birth is most frequent in the
department of the Seine, where it amounts to 313 in every 1,000 ; in
that of the Ile-et-Vilaine, and in Bretagne, it occurs more rarely than
elsewhere. Before the revolution of 1789 only 40,000 foundlings were
maintained in the hosplals, and in 1833 the number amounted to
129,000. Most exceptions from insufficient height are to be found in
the department of the Haute-Vienne when recruiting for the army, and
in that of the Meurthe most exceptions take place on account of feeble-
ness of constitution. Education is more general in the department of
the Jura. and a singular coincidence between the amount of instruc-
tion and that of doors and windows is remarked! by M. trAnge-
rifle. Where these exist in the greatest number, or in fact whole
the houses are best lighted and aired, the inhabitants are also moat
enlighten:A, so that stranger in passing through a town mayite
able to estimate the mental cultivation of the people by counting
the doers and windows of their dwellings.—Londun and Paris Ad-
vertiser.

The Rev. Robert Taylor, of Hartlepool, ',hose
lab° irs of love towards his " ignorant fishermen" parishioners, ss'ir
have had frequent occasion to mtice, seems determined to sacrifice him.
self fur the good of the Established Church. Following a great way off
toe example of the meek arid lowly se;folenying Master, whose servant
he professes to 1,1,, this Minister itf the Gospel, last Wednesday, invoked
certa n ministers of the law from Stockton, to do duty for him a, tempo.
rary sub.curatcs. They accordingly entered on their pastoral dirties
with much :.lacrity, and instead of the Easter Offerings ((Wrings ! )
c:airned by the Priest, carried off with them, from the house of Mr.
Samuel Cram, a piece o; cloth, value five guineas, for a elairn of
five pence; from Mr. J.-ffinson Worthy, six chairs, a fender, and fire-
irons, valtt.., four pounds, for seven pence; from Matthew Carter, six
chairs, value 31. 12s. furl:fa:pence; from Mr. Will:ain Jenkinson, six
chairs, a carpet, fender, and fire irons, value 31. (3,., forfivc pence. The
officials have carried their well-earned booty to Stockton. It is under-
stood that Mr. Taylor, who is actuated in this painful business by a high
sense of duty alone, trill preach two sermons neat Sunday fir the benefit
of the sufferers ; one of his texts being 1 Samuel, ii. IC. ; the other,
Acts xx. 03.—Sunacrland Herald
Oil the Wednesday previous to the Coronation, a
disgusting.looking old wretch, who stated that he came from Wirk
worth, brought a #decent.looking young female to Matlock Bath, with
the avowed purpoge of prostituting, her for money Ile was advised to
stay till night, at which time, a party (collected for the purpose) after
bestowing a hearty lucking on the brute, soused him right well in the
horse-pone'.
The Siecic mentions a report as being in circu-
lation, but which it considers as highly improbable, and which we look
upon as still more so, that one of the objects of Marshal Soult's Embassy
Extraordinary to England is to demand the cession to France of the re-
mains of Napoleon,. The rumour adds that this demand has been
readily acce.led to' by the English Government, and that the Prince de
Joins ille op.bis return to Brest is to go to St. Helena, in command
of a frigate, to !etch the hod), which will afterwards be deposited under
the column of the Place Vendome, &e.
COACH ACCIDENT.—The coach that connects
Denbigh Hall with Stamford, was upset last night, on its return. The
downward railway trains are bringing such multitudes from the Corona-
Con, and to proceed to the waters, that the coaches are in extraordinary
ie, and the driver of this was unable to get a drag. He was particularly
careful, but descending the hill halfway between Kettering and Stan.
ford, the accident occurred. Several Lincoln passengers were in the
each, and Mrs. Franklyn's wrist is broken, but no other serious in.
jury was experienced by airy one but the driver, he being much hurt.—
Lincoln Ganeite.
THE FORTY-TIIIEVES.—Bv this designation in
future those liberal, enlightened, and loyal inhabitants are to be known,
who to the number of forty sat down to a sulky dinner at the Swan, Chi.
Chester, on the day of our gracious Queen's Coronation, instead of join_
ing their fellow citizens in attending the Mayor's invitation to dine at
the Council Chamber.—Brighton Guardians
CAUSESinonopolisis.
OF POVERTY.—It cannot be too often
repeated that every monopoly, not only robs the public of all that the
pocket,ea,bi
Leaving,
alsoh owoef,
ear7tuhcilsr,
latterlarger
itemsum
altogether
in
the
out of
of
the
reel:oiling, how stands the account between the people of this country
and the grand monopolists ? According to John Crawford, Esq., for.
moray candidate for Glasgow, &c
this question
t eshape
jury to trade
thoroughly, the following is an enumeration of the cost to the eountry
of the different monopolies maintained by the aristocrary :
Monopoly of the Corn Laws .E 30,000,000
Monopoly of other articles of food and necessity 15,000,000
Monopoly of Colonial products
Interest of Paper Currency jobbed away instead
of being put to the public account
Monopoly of tire Church .

1,000,000
0,000,000
Total £60,000,000
Here are the annual burthens upon the people, which exceed by
twelve millions sterling, the total amount of the public taxes,
including the charges of collecting and which are, by four mil*
lions, more than would pay the interest of the national debt twice over.
It may be added, that the joint annual amount of the public taxes and
monopolies is not less than 110 millions sterling. To this, moreover,
are to be added, the parochial assessments and poor rates ; those in
1831, for the Untied Kingdom, amounted to 8,622,9204
TRADE WITH INDIA.—Our dates from Canton
to the 7th of March, announce the opening of the trade between Can-
ton and India to American vessels. This new outlet to our industry
will be of immense advantage to the shipping interest, struck down as
it has been by the wicked policy of our rulers. The carrying trade
now expect to hear of our Yankee clippers crowding the'
has always been to Americans the greatest source of profit, aci may
and plying between China and India. They will prove
competitors to the English merchant service. The o troublesome
seasye
fficlal mu'
f
tion
following the decision of the conventional treaty of July
Insotlisica
s
thus :—" Foreign ships belonging to any state or country'in Europe
America, so long as such states or countries remain in amity with eher
Majesty, may freely enter the British sea-ports and harbours in the East
Indies, whether they come directly from their own country or from any
other place, and shall be there hospitably received. And such ships
, in such sea-ports.
shall have liberty to import into such sea-ports, from their own respective
countries, goods, the produce of their. own countries ; and to export
goods from such sea-ports to any foreign countries whatsoever, accord.
special permission
trheagtu at ti
shallon
n establishedbtbe
lalawful
lt ofobret
the
established, hd
ships
in time of war
, saltpetre or
Ishinward cargoes
biinergt°wvteiodeetnid'ethe British government
.and. any state. or power whatsoever, to
port of India
bexport
Bfrroimtisthhgebvsacirdbmßerbitti,shabytertrblitlottraiersy, word hztalthsetbsres
gorbaifnre;ignhotrortobtrheecrewivieser
butods boenvebrotharedlesasttboenberißgirbitai
of such Ships may be discharged at different British ports, and the
outward cargoes of such ships may be laden at different British ports
for their foreign destination."
DREADFUL SUICIDE—The inhabitants of Ber-
nard-street, Hawkhill, Dundee, having for several days past felt a
disagreeable smell proceeding from a room occupied by Alexander
Bruce, road-contractor, and the house having been shut up for some
weeks, vague suspicions were entertained in the neighbourhood that all
was not right. It was therefore resolved to give notice of the circum-
stance to the Police. The house was then entered by the window—
when when a most appalling spectacle presented itself. The body of Bruce
was found on the floor, far gone in a state of decomposition, with the
throat cut, and a great quantity of clotted blood around it. A razor
was found in the apartment, with which the fatal act appears to have
been perpetrated. He had a brother who committed suicide about
thirty years ago, by throwing himself over the Barrack-wall ; anti his
sister twice attempted to drown herself, by leaping into the river, but
was on both occasions rescued. A coffin having been prepared as
speedily as possible, the rapidly-decaying body wa, committed to the
ground, about eleven o'clock on Monday night. The de,:ea,ed
widower, but has left a son and two daughters who are grown up._
1 Dundee Advertiser.

The SPEAKER. took the Chair at Four o'clock.
HARTLEPOOL DOCK AND RAILWAY BILL.
Mr. PEASE moved the third reading of the Hartlepool
Dock and Railway Bill.
Mr. CAYLEY opposed the third reading. He intended
to have introduced clauses in Committee for the protection of
the shareholders, but had been precluded doing so upon a
point of form. As be could not introduce these clauses now,
by the forms of the House, he must oppose the Bill.
Lord DUNGANNON trusted the House would agree to
the third reading.
Mr. LANGDALE thought the Bill should be postponed.
The SPEAKER said the parties, the promoters of this
Bill, had given no notice at first. The Bill was then re-
ferred to the Standing Orders Committee, who gave the
parties leave to proceed, on condition of giving
notice, which notice was then accordingly given. The pe-
tition was for a different mode of raising money, which they
were authorised by the former Acts to raise—it was to this
extent only, that the notice went.—(Hear.) If parties were
to be allowed to introduce clauses not included in their
notice, it would be opening the door to great inconvenience
—( Hear, hear)—because parties might then be taken wholly
by surprise, as they would.reasonably conclude that parties
were to be bound by their notice.—( Hear.) This question,
therefore, very seriously concerned the forms and orders of the
House.—(Hear.)
After a few words from Mr. PEASE,
The gallery was cleared, and the House divided, when there
appeared,

On the motion of Mr. AGLIONBY, that the Middlesex
County Court Bill be read a third time,
Sir E. SUGDEN moved the omission of the 39th clause.
Mr. AGLIONBY defended the clause, which he said was
common in all County Courts' Bill.
Mr. FRESHFIELD and Mr. COURTENEY were
against the clause.
The House divided, and the numbers were—
For the clause l5
Against it
Majority against the clause —77
The clause was consequently struck out.
On the next clause being read,
Sir E. SUGDEN objected to the clause. He thought
the principle involved in it was very objectionable.
Mr. AGLIONBY implored the House not to be led away
by the statement of the Right Hon. Gentleman. None of
the clauses in his (Mr. Aglionby's) Bill were introduced in the
present measure—they were of a totally different character.
The Bill then in his Committee related entirely to the power
to be given to justices, and the clauses under consideration
related to the power to be given to a Court presided over by a
judge, who did not act ministerially, but had power to hear
and determine all causes brought before it. He hoped the
House would allow the clause to stand.
After a few words from Sir E. SUGDEN,
On the motion of Mr. FOX MAULE, the debate on the
remaining clauses was adjourned till to-morrow.
WESTMINSTER IMPROVEMENT.

Sir M. WOOD moved the second reading of this Bill.
Mr. P. THOMSON said the object of the Bill was
undoubtedly laudable; but he objected to the mode by
which it was proposed to be effected—the raising 900,0001.
by tontine. He did not think the House would sanction such
a principle. If persons were desirous to enter upon under-
takings requiring capital, let them raise it among themselves,
and not have recourse to a scheme for hocus-pocussing people
of their money : and he hoped the House would not agree to
the second reading. •
Sir M. WOOD said the respectable inhabitants of West-
minster, and the Dean and Chapter, were very anxious that
the improvements contemplated by this Bill should take
place. If the tontine plan were objectionable, it might be'
altered in Committee. But the Government ought not at
once to oppose a Bill, the object of which was so important
as the improvement of a great city like Westminster.
Lord G. SOMERSET said his objection to this Bill had
not been removed. If the Legislature had determined on
doing away with speculations such as lotteries, he thought it
ought not to recognise a speculation for expending 900,000/.
in this manner. Besides, there were eleven Members of this
House who were Directors of this Company.
Sir DE LACY EVANS said, that although he surported
this•measure, he was no Director—he had been requested to
become one, but had declined doing so.—( Hear.)
Lord G. SOMERSET explained.
Mr. M•KINNON thought it unfair to lay down the prin-
ciple, that because a Member was an honorary Director, having
no interest or shares in the Company, he should be prohibited

from voting.
Mr. A. YATES suggested that the Bill should go into
Committee, in order to make such amendments in it as might
be deemed advisable.
Mr. C. LUSIIINGTON had been a member of the Pro-
visional Committee, but he had declined to become a Director,
because he thought it wrong for Members of that House to
embark in sueh speculations.
Sir E. SUG DEN had also directed his name to be with-
drawn from the list of DireetorA.
Mr. A. YATES explained that he also had directed his
name to be withdrawn.
Sir R. INGLIS would ask the Howe what credit could

be given to a speculation from which three out of the Mem-
bers present whose names were attached to it as Directors had
stated that their names had been published without their con-
currence? Under all the circumstances of the case be could
not agree to the second reading of the Bill.
After a few words from Mr. P. THOMSON,
Sir M. WOOD withdrew the Bill.
Sir R. INGLIS brought up the Report of the Committee
on the All Souls, Oxford, Estates Bill.
Mr. P. SCROPE brought up a Report from the Poor
Law Committee.
PAROCHIAL ASSESSMENTS BILL.-
Mr. SHAW LEFEVRE, in moving the second reading
of this Bill, begged to state in a few words, the principle of
the Bill. His object in introducing this Bill was to place
the law relating to parochial assessments on a more sa-
tisfactory basis than that on which it at present rested ;
and also to put an end to that dissatisfaction which prevailed,
owing to the introduction of a principle of rating lately which
had never before been heard of. In the year 1836, the Pa-
rochial Assessment Act passed. The object of that Act was
to procure an uniform rate throughout the whole country.
The Honourable Member proceeded to quote at some
length the case " Rex v. Joddrell." It had been laid
down, he said, by the Judges that personal property
was to escape rating. Doubts, however, existed whether
the case of the King v. Joddrell was to be maintained.
The Parochial Assessment Act did not conduce to equality of
rating ; the only good derived from it was, that it gave a
cheap mode of appeal to the special sessions, and plenty of
appeals there would be if this rating question were not settled.
He was not consulted as to the introduction of that proviso,
but those who were consulted understood that it should be in-
serted without the smallest prejudice to the landowner, and
that it was open to bring the subject forward in the next
Session. It was said that the clerical tithe-owner received
the amount which came to him as a rent-charge for the duties
performed, and that as that was a salary he was to be
exempt from rateage. Ile (Mr. L.) could not take that
view of the matter. He ale ays considered this as one of the
most secure and valuable properties in the kingdom. It was
better to the holder than any landed property.—( Hear.) If
they introduced the new species of rate great dissatisfaction
would be created in all the parishes of England ; and in the
county which he had the honour to represent, the tithe-owners
were rated at one-half, while the occupiers were rated
at the rack-rent. Such dissatisfaction had been caused
by that mode of proceeding that all the benefits de-
rived from the Tithe Commutation Act would be counter-
acted, unless this House immediately interfered to remedy
this difficulty.—( Hear.) He ventured, therefore, to ask the
House to come to a speedy decision on this question, for if they
did nothing in it, they would give the signal for litigation in
every parish in England.
Mr. GOULBURN was sensible how difficult it wits to
oppose any proposition coming from such a quarter. He
would not have come forward to oppose the present measure,
if he had not considered it to be inconsistent with the law for
the commutation of tithes which had lately passed that House.
The Bill was the more dangerous because it in a great de-
gree concealed the object it professed to have in view.
Ile had no wish on the part of the clergy to avoid any burden
that might be justly cast upon them—all he asked was this,
that when the House called upon all classes to contri-
bute 'their proportion to the general burden, the clergy
might not be called on to contribute more than a fair
proportion. Two years ago, the House had passed an
Act for the Commutation of Tithes in England and Wales,
and that Act was in the nature of a bargain which the
present measure tended materially to alter. Every principal
of good faith required them to adhere to that arrange-
ment, and not impose an additional tax upon the clergy.
The Bill was entirely different from the notice put upon the
books by the Honourable Meinber, and from his speech it
appeared that his intentions were different from both. Had
he ( Mr. G.) no other objection to the Bill he would oppose
it, because the title of it had no reference to the matter
it contained.—(Hear, hear, hoar.) It was called a
declaratory Bill, but it was no such thing—it was an enact-
ing Bill, and made a total change in the law of rating.
The tithe-owner was the only one in a parish to whom no
advantage was given by the Act, while it was proposed to
exempt the landholder and the manufacturer from the tax.
The principle of the Act of Elizabeth, and every succeeding
Act, was that all parties should be equally rated. The
average of the profits on a number of years might be
made the foundation of rating. In the conduct of parochial
affairs there had certainly of late been great irregularity. If
this Bill were passed, every clergyman would be taxed more than
was just. Whatever might be the fate of the motion which
he had to make, he thought when the Bill was sufficiently
discussed, there was that sense of justice and good feeling in
the country that would not permit it to pass. The Learned
Gentleman concluded by moving that the Bill be read a second
time this day three months.
Mr. E. BULLER rase amidst cries of " Divide." The
Hon. and Learned Gentleman was almost wholly inaudible in
the Gallery. We understood him to say that the state of the
law was such as to render legislation absolutely necessary. By
the Act of Parliament all property, whether capital or profit,
was liable to be rated ; and no custom, of however long stand-
ing, could set aside the clear intent of an Act of Parliament.
The decisions of Judges were only valuable as interpreting
Acts of Parliament, but they could not alter them. He could'
not altogether support the present Bill. He thought it was
just sud desirable as far as it was declaratory, but he objected

104
42
Majority.
The Bill was then read a second time.
SMALL DEBTS (SCOTLAND) BILL.

Ayes
Noes.

to its enaction part, for it was an enacting Bill, inasmuch as
it declared that certain property should not be liable to be
rated. With this qualification he would support the second
reading of the Bill, although at that late period of the Session,
and considering the difficulties involved in it, there could not
be much chance of its passing.
Mr. AG LIONBY called upon the House, as it valued the
Church itself, to pass this Bill into law. The grcund upon
which he supported the proposed alteration of the law was this,
that it could never be practically carried into effect as it stood.
He did not deny that by the original Act of the 43d of Eliza-
beth they might rate profits and stock in trade, but it was
round that so much mischief arose from it, that it gave such
inquisitorial power to the overseers of the poor, and worked
such detriment to the country, that by general consent it was
never attempted to rate stock in trade or profits. If they
allowed the matter to remain in its present state after the dis-
cussions that had taken place, they would have in every parish
contests between the tithe receiver and the landed interest.

Sir H. INGLIS said he looked upon the question not as
one regarding the clergy only but as a question between the
tithe owner on the one hand, and the landowner on the other;
and which ought to be decided simply according to the law
which regulated tithes, as well as every other description of
hereditament. He .held that it would be very unbecoming
in an assembly consisting in a great measure of landowners to
take from the tithe owners, who, in this case were the weaker
pa,rty, that which the existing law did not take from them ;
for this Bill, which pretended to be a declaratory law, was ac-
tually an enacting Bill, altering the state of the law as to these
particular individuals. He trusted that the House would not
piss such a Bill.
Mr._ AG LIONBY explained.
Sir E. SUG DEN said, that, upon mature reflection, be
was much inclined to think that the principle of this Bill was
right. There were two grounds, however, upon which he was
disinclined to vote in favour of the present Bill. The first
was, that the case of " The King v. Joddrell," having been
decided, though he (Sir E. Sugden) was sure correctly so,
in favour of the clergyman, and the Tithe Commutation Act
having declared that the rent-charges in lieu of tithes should
be treated in the same way as Tithes, and Mr. Scrope's Act
having preserved all the rights of the clergyman then existing,
he could not now take upon him to usurp the power of the
courts of law, and reverse a decision which, until it was re-
versed, was favourable to the claims of the Clergy. The
second reason why be could not vote for the present Bill was,
that its recital was not correct, for there was no doubt existing
as to the construction of Mr. Scrope's Act. For these rea-
sons he should, therefore, vote against the second reading of
this Bill.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL quite concurred with the
Right Hon. Gentleman that the principle of this Bill wPs the
correct one, and was only sorry that the Right Eon. Gentle.
man's vote should not coincide with the view he took of the

principle of the Bill.—( Hear, hear.) He agreed with the
Hon. Member for the University of Oxford that this was not
a question between the clergy and the laity, but between the
titheowner and the landowner. With regard to the case,
" The King v. Joddrell," that was by no means to be con-
sidered a clear decision ; on the contrary, he apprehended
there were good and sufficient grounds to set it aside as bad
law. And, therefore, when the Right Hon. Gentleman
alleged that the Tithe Commutation Act proceeded upon
the principle laid down in this case, he (the Attorney-Gene-
ral) must beg leave, with all respect, to differ from bim.
The titheowners received their commutation, not under the
law as laid down in " The King v. Joddrell," but according

to what was actually law ; and, therefore, if the law was
badly laid down in that case, no injustice could be done
them by passing a Bill declaratory of what the law was, or
ought to be. He agreed in the criticism that this was not
simply a declaratory Bill, as it was styled, but an enact-
ing one; but surely this was an error which could be corrected
in Committee, when he should certainly recommend that the
words used be "be it declared and enacted." He did hope,
however, that objections of this kind would not be held suffi-
cient to throw out a measure which the circumstances of this
country in this important point imperatively required. The
passing of this measure would prevent a tremendous flood of
litigation, of appeals, and reserved cases, which would other-
wise overwhelm the Courts from all parts of the kingdom.
Mr. DA RBY said he wished to call the attention of the

House to one point which appeared to have escaped its notice,
namely, what was to be dove with cases in which the com-
mutation had been made in direct opposition to the principle
of the King v. Jothirell, many of which cases he was aware
of ? The very existence of such a want of uniformity seemed
to him sufficient reason that something should be dine in the

matter.
Mr. R. PALMER considered this Bill ought to have been
brought forward at an earlier period of the Session. It was
impossible that the House could now give it sufficient consi-
deration. By this Bill great injustice might in miny instances
be done to the tithe owner.
Mr. B A RNEB Y said he should vote for the second read-
ing of this Bill.
Dr. NICHOLL felt that it would be his duty to oppose
the Bill, as he thought there was a great injustice-in it.
The House then divided—

Sir. WILLIAM RAE moved that this Bill be road a third
time.

Mr. W A LILACE moyed that the Bill be read a th!ri time
that day three months.

Mtn-. a few words from Sir Wm. RAE and Mr. Fox Maut.a,
the Muse divided—
Ayes.
Noes

45
63
Majority against the Bill —lB
The Bill was.therefore lost.
REGISTRATION OF VOTERS (IRELAND) BILL.
(No. 2. )
Mr. Sergeant JACKSON moved the second reading of this
Bill, as he had wished to go into Committee to lay the details
before the House.

Lord3:I6RPETH said he could have no objection to tho
Bill going into Committee, in order that the details might be
laid before the House.
Mr. Sergeant JACKSON said he could not attend to the
Bill, as he had paired off after the next day.—(Laughter.)
He felt it would be impossible for him now to go on with the
Bill. He proposed that the Bill stupid pass pro forma.
The Bill was then read a second time, and committed for
Wednesday next.
COURT OF CHANCERY (IRELAND) BILL.
On the motion of Mr. CURRY this Bill went through a
Committee. Report to be received to-morrow.
LOCAL COMMISSIONERS' RELIEF BILL.

This Bill went through a Committee. Report to be consi-
dered on Friday.
QUALIFICATION OF MEMBERS BILL.
On the motion of Mr. WARBURTON this Bill was read
a third time, and pm:ed.
IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT BILL.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL,in moving the second
reading of this Bill, expressed a hope that his motion might
meet with little if any opposition, and that those Members
who had objections to its details would reserve their observa-
tions for the Committee, when they would have ample oppor-
tunity for discussion. The principle of the Bill, he believed,
was generally admitted to be good and unquestionable, while
it gave a great boon to the creditors, by entirely doing away
with arrest mimesis° process unless where it was apprehended
that the party meant to fly the country. It materially assisted
the debtor in the practical recovery of his rights. He (the
Attorney-General) confessed he regretted the Bill did not go
further; but still, as it went a great way, he earnestly recom-
mended it to the acceptance of the House, and cordially hoped
that it would be allowed to pass.
Mr. FRE SHFIELD did not rise to oppose the second
reading of the Bill, but simply to endeavour to supply what
he considered a very serious omission in its details. He
suggested that it would be expedient to extend to all traders
the remedy at present possessed by creditors against Mem-
bers of that House, namely, that if on being served with ade-
quate notice they should refuse to pay, compromise, or give
security for the payment of their debts, they should be liable
to a Commission of Bankruptcy. He thought this was a fair
provision for all parties, and should therefore recommend its
adoption in the present Bill.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL was apprehensive that
by the introduction of any material alteration the Bill might
be endangered elsewhere.
Mr..HAWES said he had no objection to taking from the
trader the power of proceeding by mcsne process for the re-
covery of his debt ; but he certainly objected, under those
circumstances, to the continuance of the Insolvent Debtors'
Court. However, he would not oppose the progress of
the Bill.
After a few words from Mr. FRE S HFIE LD and the AT-
TO RN E Y-G ENE RA L, the Bill was read a second time, and
ordered to be committed, pro
.forma, on Friday.
REGISTRATION OF ELECTORS BILL.

The Order of the Day for taking into further considera-
tion the Report of the Registration of Electors' Bill having
been read,
Lord STANLEY begged to ask the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman opposite whether it was his intention to proceed
with the Bill in the present Session?
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL was happy that the No-
ble Lord had given him an opportunity of saying that such was
certainly his intention. All the party feeling that would be
excited on the subject had already beeu excited, and he
trusted the Bill would be proceeded with. He would now,
however, postpone the farther considerstion of the Report
to Monday.