The Sun.
London, England, 1836-01-05 00:00:00

PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK.

Paid. Per Share.
British Iron Company 5O 35 5,4 6;4
Hibernian Mining Company lO 3"4
Brighton {Gibbs') Railway 1 1
London and Rlackwall Railway 3 4,7 i 5
L'.ndon and Greenwich Railway Company 2) 29
North Midland Railway Company ....... ........
Canada Company 2O :14,,c,
Danube and Marne Company , 5 ',i

of themselves and their country, as a symptom of des- '
pondency on our part. Poor blockheads of Radi-
cals, it may be cruel to undeceive you, but we can-
not help it. When troops arc publicly reminded
of their relaxation of discipline, and orders are issued
for enforcing the rules of the service with more strict-
meet than ever, it no proof that the general means to
disband them, or to turn his back upen the enemy."
Indeed i But, r fey, when is it that this "relaxa-
tion of discipline" takes place among " troops ?" Not
surely when they are marching from victory to
victory ; no, but when they are disheartened by
repeated defeats ; when they are diminished in
numbers, and see the enemy adc;riicine towards
them with overwhelming power I It is then—
as the Duke of 'WELLINGTON can tell him--.
that the " relaxation" complained of by our contem-
porary takes place ; and in such a hopeless state, we
contend, the Tories are at the present juncture. They
are disheartened, and consequently relaxed in discip-
line, by a series of wholesale discomatures ; and such
being the case, the odds at that the " general"—
despite what he himself may assert to toe contrary—
does really and truly " mean to :turn his back upon
the enemy." We infer the present deplorable con-
dition of the Tories, not from the particular charge
of relaxed discipline brought against them yesterday
by the Times—for this was without foundation at the
period alluded to, when, inefficient as they were,
they unquestionably put forth their utmost energies—
but from the general tone of despondeney that per-
vades his recent effusions. It is here we feel his sin-
cerity. It is here he blurts out the unpalatable
truth. Stripped of its 'mock disguises of alternate
swagger and reproach, and sounding phraseology, the
language of his article amounts to neither more nor
less than this :—" All is over with the Tories ; well,
we.have done the best we could for them : and now
that our efforts have failed, we arc bound in justice to
ourselves, to prove—or at least endeavour to prove—
that onit defeats would have been turned into victories,
had the men for whom we acted, combined and fought
with as much zeal as we recommended. But they
would not take our advice, and now they are rightly
punished for their indifference."

Governments, like individuals in social life, are for
the most part very deeply interested in learning the real
impression which their general policy makes upon
those who view their conduct from a neutral or hostile
eminence. The interest thus felt by Governments is
nothing more than the concentration of a shallower,
but widely diffused feeling among the people. The
social feeling of curiosity originates in a wish to be
loved, and mainly springs from a consciousness of
weakness or imperfection ; the concentrated national
sentiment entertained by Governments emanates from
the pride of power—the conviction of immense rela-
tive strength—which delights in knowing that it has
impressed others with fear and reverence, or in seeking
to discover by what means it may so impress them.

Whether the Cabinets of London and Paris will
feel an interest in the opinions entertained of them by
two of the first diplomatists in Europe sufficiently deep
to compensate for the publicity which we, in common
with our liberal Contemporaries, give to such opi-
nions, is a question with the solution of which
we shall not trouble ourselves. When the honour and
interests of our country demand from us, as public
Zouso-iailte,,adout.,ion n.f.a. certain conduct, we must
not pause to inquire whether such conauti be ngTee-
tbie 'to the . private feelings of certain individuals.
Yesterday we gave Prince LIEVEN'S official view of
the. Cabinet of London in 1829 ; to-day we publish
Count POZZO DI BORGO',S picture of the state, policy,
and- prospects of the French Government, imme-
' diately after the convocation of the Chambers in
1826. Both evince the extraordinary sagacity of
their respective concoctors in estimating the real
characters of the Ministers, and the political conduct
prompted by the genius of the Constitutions of Eng-
land and France. In all its important features, the pie-
, ture drawn by M. Pozzo DI BORG° of the Government
of France in 1826, bears the strongest resemblance to
Prince LIEVEN'S representation of the Government
of England under the management of the Duke of
WELLINGTON in 1829. The Ministry in both coun-
tries are therein represented as depending for support
on the votes of a corrupt and hireling majority in the
Representative Assemblies—as being destitute of ca-
pacity, intelligence, and enlightened comprehensive
views—as ignorant of the consequences of their own
Ministeral acts—as forgetful of the past, careless of
the present, and heedless of the future—and finally
as political nostrum-mongers, whose prescriptions were
calculated to defeat their own purposes.M. Pozzo DI
BONGO is particularly felicitous in exposing the fatal
error of a KING, who supposed that a Constitu-
tional Government could co-exist, respected by
the people, with a corrupt Chamber of De-
puties. Mark with what a happy facility of con-
densed expression the diplomatic Count apprizes NES -
SELRODE of the conception of the Chamber of De-
puties, and of the sentiments which the acts of such
a Chamber would excite in the minds of a constitu-
tionally free people :
" ,The Session which has just opened will not be wanting
in keen and bitter discussions—but the conclusion will be
in conformity with the wish of the Ministry. The majority
of the Chambers is so composed that it cannot, and, more-
over, does not, wish to escape from its state (ye subserviency.
This advantage is great : it is even in a representative
Government, a condition necessary to the existence of every
Ministry whatever but this does not fulfil all the conditions
necessary for security and strength. Majorities in the Cham-
bers, to be useful, should respond to the sentiments of the
people the,, represent, or insure the»: with those that they
prqfils ; and serve as a modeli and example, to enable the
Government freely to dispose Vila, resources of the nation.
Without this result they become a simple formula necessary
to the preparation of laws, regarded as odious or indifferent.
Unfortunately, these inconveniences, arc here partially rea-'
used, and are the cause (f all the uneasiness that takes from
royalty its energy, and lends arms to those who aim at co»z-
promising and attacking it."

Such was the system of policy adopted by M. DE
VILLELE at the instigation of CITA nLES X, and his
confessors. This policy produced the fatal consequences
which M. Pozzo DI BORGO must have foreseen, when
he addressed these words to the Imperial Government.:
" Russia has re-established the French Monarchy by
her arms ; she has continued to protect it by her gene-
rosity ; she will preserve it, I dare hope,./rom the em-
barrassments, and even misfortunes, which seem to
menace it, by her influence and her policy."
Compare with the above Prince LIEVEN'S account
of the means by which the Duke of WELLINGTON
managed to retain the reins of Government in 1829 :
" The Duke of 'Wellington has employed the interval be-
tween last session and the one about to open, itt increasing,
to the utmost of his power, the number of his adherents,
and in this vital interest he has employed more money and
address than any of his predecessors.
" Not being able to conceal from himself the insufficiency
of his talents as a statesman or as an orator, to draw into
the sphere of his opinions the majority of both Houses, he
wished to secure at least the number of votes by means more
simple, and which are not less' efficacious in this country than
in any other."

In all main points; the policy of M. de VILLELE
differed in nothing from that of the Duke of Wiii..-
LINGTON. Both obtained and retained power by the
same means—corruption. Money and chance were
the political idols to which the Noble Duke offered
homage, and upon whose bp relied in all extremi-
ties. The French Minister was equally peak or
cri-
u~inal; but unfortunately for France, the• people weie
wanting in ti constitutional discernment which