The Sun.
London, England, 1831-02-26 00:00:00

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.

(FROM A CORRESPONDENT.)
No one who has properly reflected upon the tri,,:mentotis
subject which is appointed for discussion on Tuesday next,
will deny that upon its result may depend the support ur
destruction of our most valuable institutions.

Instances are, unhappily, now too common of the total
overthrow of Governments, and the subversion of soel,ll
order, in consequence of a marked determination on the
pat t of rulers and senators to resist the advance of civiliza.

lion, and the correction of those abuses in civil polity
which time and various corruptions have engendered.
Hitherto these dire effects have been only observed by us
in the distance, but it will be sufficient to quote the
borough of Preston as a proof that the British Constitu.
lion has not escaped aggression, for a right of voting has
there been introduced unknown to our ancestors, solely
because in the year 1661 the select corruptiopists of that
place chose rather to risk the bane of universal suffrage,
than to restore to the inhabitant householders the exercise
of their elective franchise.

While, however, endeavours are made to correct abuses
in the representvive system, it behoves the Legislature
with a firm hand to check innovation ; and to accomplish
this double o'hject is a desideratum most earnestly to be
sought for.

The objection urged most frequently, and with the
greatest effect, against the question of Reform is, that its
supporters have no defined plan by which they propose to
effect their amendmen s, but this difficulty is wholly ob-
viated, provided the reformwion extend only to the cor-
rection of abuses. Having just satisfied ourselves that the
British Constitution in its theoretical purity, is one of the
most perfect systems of human laws (and which is so
universally acknowledged that further illustration of it
wou'd be a work of supererogation); it only remains for us
to trace out the original form of Parliamentary represen-
tation, and taking that as our guide, to assimilate the pre-
sent to the ancient form as far as circumstances will permit.
In Granville's Reports (pp. 107 and 142), which are
considered the highest authority extant on Parliamentary
and Constitutional law, it is expressly stated, that, of com-
mon right, all inhabitants, householders, and residents
within boroughs ought to have voice in the election of
Members to Parliament, and Mr. Justice Blackstone re-
cognizes the same principle in his valuable commentaries.

By
Stat. Ist Hen. 5, cap. 1., which was confirmed by
the 23(1 Hen. 7,6, cap. 14., it was ordained that the
citizens and burgesses of cities and boroughs should be
chosen by men, citizens and burgesses resiant, dwelling
and free in the same cities and boroughs and no othen.
Thus the original form of representation is plainly dig-
ceruible, and it was not till the Act of 14 Geo. 111.
c 58, was past, that any inroad was made upon it by the
Legislature. By that Act, however, the statutes Ist
Henry V. and 23 Henry VI. were repealed, by which
means the numerous abuses which had already sprung up
in various boroughs throughout the country were sanc-
tioned, and numerous other necessarily concomitant evils
of non-resider.ce speeedily defiled the fair face of the
Constitution.

A simple repeal, therefore, of the statute 14 Geo. 111.,
and the re-enactment of the let Henry V., or the passing
an Act a little more explanatory, would effect one most
essential Reform.

Our attention is then directed to those places which
have grown into such magnitude and importance as to en-
title them to send Members to Parliament, and again also
to others which have been accustomed to return 'Members,
but where the inhabitants have become so reduced 'in
number as to render their continuing to exercise the elec-
tive franchise not only unjust, but inconvenient, to the
public. With reference to such cases we cannot more faith-
tully pourtray the ancient working of the o,nstitutinn, than
by quoting the words of the Learned Commentator to
whom we have before alluded. In page 173, vol. 1, he saws
" As for the electors of citizens and burgesses, these are
supposed to be the mercantile part or trading interest of
the kingdom. But as trade is of a fluctuating nature,
and seldom long fixed in a place, it was formerly la* ,"
the Crown to summon, pro re nata, the most flourishing
towns to send representatives to Parliament. So that as
towns increased in trade, and grew populous, they were
admitted to a share in the Legislature." The process de-
scribed by the Learned Judge was admirably calculated to
preserve the elasticity of the Constitution, and, had it
been duly exercised, would in a great measure have pre-
vented the numerous evils which we now deplore ; but
the misfortune was, as he too truly observed, that the de-
serted boroughs continued to be summoned, as well as
those to whom their trade and inhabitants were transferred ;
and, he might have added, the King, for particular rea-
sons, neglected to summon many large arid populous towns,
which, from their great increase in trade and population,
were entitled to be admitted to a share in the Legislature.
Another great object of Reform, then, must be to re-
store this elastic principle, and, as it is clear, that the
power over it, by being vested in the Crown, is liable to
abuse, it will be no great departure from the w'erlona of our
ancestors, and in fact will more accord with the spirit of
the Constitution, looking to the altered circumstances of the
country, if the regulation of this important process is vested
in the three Estates, instead of the Crown alone. At the
time this great prerogative was conferred upon our Kings
the feudal system prevailed throughout the count, y, awl
so powerful were the Barons in many parts, that the
kingly dignity was frequently trampled under foot. It was
necessary, therefore, in order to preserve that just equi-
librium, which is the very essence of our Constitution,
that the King's hands should be strengthened as much as
possible; but these reasons no longer exist. The King,
although possessed of less apparent power, because his pre-
rogative is less arbitrarily exercised, has, in truth, by the
vast increase of wealth and power throughout iris domis
nione, an l the consequent distribution of patronage, and,
above all, by his total independence of the aristocracy, who
at present derive their lustre almost wholly from hint, an
immense accession of strength to his office.
The duration of Parliaments now only remains to be al-
luded to; and on this point there is also little difficulty in
ascertaining the ancient practice. In early times Parlia-
ments were summoned as often as the affairs of the nation
required their assembling, and, as their discussions rarely
extended over one Session, they were dissolved inime-
diately afterwards. When the business of the country in-
creased, it became necessary to summon them every year,
and there can be no doubt that formerly Parliaments were
annual. It is unnecessary to refer to the long Pali merits
held in the time of Charles the First and Cromo en, be-
cause they were clear usurpations, sad we 'therefore de-
scend to the more settled times of the Restoration.
About this period many debates arose concerning the
proper duration of Parliaments, some panic, being de-
sirous of retaining the ancient mode of returning represen-
tatives annually; but, as it, was generally admitted that
the constantly-recurring ferments of elections tended only
to create disorder in the country, without producing any
proportionate advantage, the Statute of 6th William and
Mary was passed, which declared that front thence-
farth Parliaments sliould be held once in three }ears
at the least. This Statute was unfortunately repealed
by the Statute of Ist Geo. 1., c. 38. which directed that all
Parliaments should thenceforth have continuance for seven
years, unless sooner dissolved by the King, It is much to
be regretted that the latter Statute was ever allowed to
come into operation ; and as the principal reason assigned
in the preamble for its necessity has long since ceased, viz.
" that a restless and Popish faction was designing and en-
deavouring to renew rebellion within the kingdom," it
ought ere this to have been erased from the Statute-b iok.
From the foregoing remarks it may be concluded that
f simple restoration be kept in view the work of Reform
lepwsishaearti:ochviratheotubnet arysstiostaenxceelaitraft honest,::st
will be comparativo'y easy. It is only by . speculative,
schemes and untried plans that we become involved in
di
observe our beautiful Constitution
doubts and difficulties. Let the former object. then, a'one
in uilYrity and. beneficial operation as will
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