The Sun.
London, England, 1849-07-31 00:00:00

rights of the people of Hanover. The whole quarrel had
arisen from itepoia tine, Jellachich, who was a colonel in
the Italian army, Bin of Croatia, w hich could not have
been legally duae without the consent of the Hungarian
Government, but whieh had been persisted in by the
Austrian Government, notwithstanding its illegality.
Such was the state of things when Radetzlzy was see
cessful, and the Austrian Court threw off the disguise.
The Austrian troops united with the rebels, but :fella-
chich got a good dressing, and the Hungarians took ten
thousand prisoners. So far as the question between
Hungary and Austria was concerned, the matter was
settled, hut the Russians then stepped in, and the Hun-
garians declared for independence. Was she not right
in doing so, and was it not their duty to assist her in
her noble effort? He trusted that public opinion would
be brought to bear on the sentiment uttered by Mr.
Cobden with respect to the Russian loan. He could not
believe that the house of Rothschild meditated the loan,
or that they would take any step to facilitate the opera-
tions of Austria in crushing the spirit of independence
which so happily had sprung up in Hungary, end which
the brave Hungarians were so nobly struggling to main-
tain. Mr. Cassell concluded by recommending the
adoption of petitions in every district of the country,
calling on the Government to recognise the independence
of Hungary.—(Cheers )
Mr. MoNcrurraa MILNES expressed his gratification at
the admirable historical statement they had just heard
from Mr. Cassell, of what was going on in Hungary.
It would be unnecessary for him to travel over the
ground which had beau so ably occupied by that gentle-
man. What they wanted was the assurance of sympathy
with the gallant cause, and the more they differed on
other subjects, the more valuable was their opinion in
agreeing on this.—(Elear.) He certainly should not have
been present that evening if they had met to interfere
in the internal affairs of any other state of Europe. He
believed that non-intervention was the right English
principle, and if that principle had been more rigidly
adhered to, it would have saved them considerable
difficulty and trouble. If the contest had remained be-
tween Hungary and Austria it would be a civil war, not
unlike to civil wars which they had before witnessed ;
and though no doubt their sympathy would be expressed
on the side of constitutional freedom, yet they should
not, in his bumble judgment, be justified in a meeting
of the kind they then held. All the misfortunes of the
existing state of things had arisen from interference.
France had interfered with Rome.—(Groans.) Why
had not the Romans been allowed to settle their own
affairs?—(Hear, hear.) In the one case it was better
that they should be left to themselves; but in the case of
Hungary it was different, and called for their most active
sympathy and interest. Why, simply for this reason,
that the Emperor of Austria having been beaten in
Hungary, called in the as istance of 200,000 foreign
troops to crush the Hungarians.—(Hear' hear.) Let
them suppose a civil war between England and Ireland,
and that the English Government called on 200,000
troops to crush the Irish people, what would they think

of such a proceeding ? - -
A Voice—" They did so before."
He protested against the Russian invasion of Hungary.
He had no objection to urge against the Russians, or any
other state, so long as they remained at home, but when
Austria broughto her aid 200,000 foreign troops, to put
down freedom in Hungary, all the balance of power was
destroyed, and the people of the western world, who
asserted constitutional liberty, would not stand by in
peace and see a great and gallant people destroyed by
the mere brute force of a foreign nation. This was the
reason why he appealed to English faith. He advocated
the cause of a people deprived, not of the forms, but of
the absolute sense of freedom, and their restoration to
that free and independent position given them by the
treaty of Vienna, which, if the present state of things
was allowed to exit, would be nullified and destroyed.
Mr. KEYZOR, amidst some confusion, wished to speak
to the resolution, but it was some time before he could
obtain a hearing. At length, when silence was partially
restored, he expressed a hope that the bull dogs of Eng-
land would endeavour i❑ this glorious struggle to keep
the Russian bear at hay.—(Cheers.) Let the great lion
of England arouse himself, and placing one paw on the
shoulder of the Russian bear, and another upon the
shoulder of the Austrian wolf, tell them that they should
go no further in the crusade against the brave tiger of
Hungary.—(Laughter and cheers.) Hungary had the
sympathy of all England, Ireland, and Scotland—of Jew
and Gentile alike. God had blessed their cause with
success, and if they continued to maintain a bravo front,
prosperity must remain with them.—(Cheers.) Some-
thing had been said about Rothschild negotiating a loan
for Russia; but, as a Jew, he came forward to express
his belief that Baron Rothschild would never di-grace
his name and career by advancing money to put down so

glorious a struggle.
Upon Sir De Lacy Evans presenting himself, great
confusion prevailed.
The CHAIRMAN said he hoped they would support
the chair ; if they did not there would be an end of the
meeting, and the enemies of Hungary would triumph.—
(Cheers.) Those who interrupted the order of the pro•
ceedings were not friends to the cause.—(Clieers.) Did
they wish to hear Sir De Lacy Evans or not 1 —(Cries
of " Yes," and continued cheering.)
Sir DE LACY Evales again presented himself in front
of the hustings, and was received with a volley of cheers.
He said there were subjects upon which, perhaps, he had
not given everybody that satisfaction which he could
wish to have done; but the cause which had now called
them together, and which was the immediate business
before them, had his cordial ca-operation, because it
was a cause in support of which he had the
honour of shedding his blood.—(Loud cheers)—
and now he came there, if he came for anything. to
support by moral, if not by other means, the cause of
liberty abroad.—(A Voice—" You have not supported
it.") He did support that cause; and he would tell them
the result of it— (Cheers)—he did not shrink from that.
Hungary he wished to speak of, but he begged to be
understood as supporting the cause of liberty in every
foreign country.—(Cheers and hisses.) A gentleman in
the meeting challenged him that he had not supported
that cause abroad; he now declared that he had—
(Cheers)—he supported it in Spain, and he would tell
them the result, not so much with regard to himself
as for the purpose of showing that by giving their sup-
port to the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston, they
might possibly contribute to the emancipation of
other nations besides that to which the meeting
more particularly referred.—(Cheers.) Now, what was
the result? The English Government, Lord Palmerston
himself, and others were taunted for assisting in that
cause. But it had triumphed; and that day Spain was a
proof of the good which had resulted from it.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers.) Who could know the matter better
than he did?—(Cheers.) A Cortes had been sitting at
Madrid for the last seven months; there freedom of de-
bate had existed; and the Cortes had been prorogued as
our Parliament was about to be, and the last Act which
they passed was a free trade Act—(Cheers)—and now
a freer press existed in Madrid than was to be found in
any other country in Europe. Well, then, he had reason
to be proud of the humble assistance which he had ren-
dered in that naive, and he did think that the aid
given by the English Government taught them not to
despair of being able to give assistance to other nations.
they
yillinhgad tono admitright
interfere
—(Cheers.)he general
principle as quite w
that
to with the concerns of other • nations,
but there were many exceptions,
and
righteous excep-
tions, to it.—(Cheers.) He should like to know if the
principle of non-interference were never to be deviated
troth, in what state this great and powerful nation would
be at the present moment ?—(Cheers.) He would re-
mind them that 150 years ago we were in want of foreign
aid to support our liberties in this country—(llear)
and it was- through the assistance of that noble and ex-
alted friend of Britain, William the Third, that foreign
troops were brought over here to assist us in establishing
our liberties. There was no more conspicuous proof in
all history than that, that there were just and righteous
exceptions to the principle of norainterference.—(Hear,
hear.) Thut maxim, therefore, ought not to be pushed
too far. But he was not there to advocate war ; his de-
sire was to humbly offer an expression of his concur-
rence in the propriety of publicly expressing
their sympathy with the Hungarians.—(Cheers.)
The first consideration, before even offering any moral
assistance with respect to squabbles or wars between
foreign countries, was, on which side did justice lie ?
The able speeches which they had just heard, and the
able speeches that were delivered last week, had pointed
out, if the press had not amply done so before, that
justice laid completely and exclusively on the side of
Hungary.—(Cheers.) But if there had been any doubt
upon that point, the events which had occurred were
striking proofs that the Hungarian people were united,
and whoever heard-of a contest in which a whole nation
were united that had not for its object a just and holy
cause?—(Cheers.) What were the proofs? They had
heard an admirable analysis, or resume, of the military
operations in Hungary; he would not trouble them with
any observations upon that subject, but he might be
permitted to give a short resume of the political
pert of the question. Hungary, it was admitted
on all hands, had possessed her constitution 800 years.
It was supposed, however, to be too aristocratic, but
within the last fifteen months; that illustrious man Kos-
suth, and others, had resolved that it should be reformed
and made more popular, and they had already been told
by Mr. Casseil that universal suffrage now very nearly
prevailed in Hungary. But what did Austria do ?
Austria declared that Hungary no longer possessed an
independent Government, and that it was to form part
of a confederation that was to be governed from Vienna.
Where was the justice or the parallel ? Why it had no
parallel in any other case. Austria was the revolu-
tionist.—(Cheers.) Then his Hon. Friend, Mr. Milnes,
had stated, that if Russia had not interfered, there
would not have been ample cause, or any cause at all for
them to manifest their opinions. He must confess that
he differed with him ; that interference had certainly
aggravated the question extremely, and added immense
importance and gravity to it (Hear, hear)—
but without that interference, it was their
duty as free men to express their sympathies for
the Hungarian people.—(Cheers.) The contest of Hun-
gary and the Gorerninent of Vienna was not a civil
war; it was a war of the Hungarian nation against a
Sovereign and his sattelites at Vienna, who dared to
assume the right to put down the government which the
people had established. It was not a civil war but an
infamous attempt on the part of Austria and the Cabinet
of Vienna.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, if that be se, if
justice be on the side of the Hungarians, was it not
fair and proper for other nations to express their sym-
pathy, and even to do more--(Loud cheers)—but, at all
events to recommend their governments to acknowledge
the de facto Government of Hungary.—(Cheers.) This
was no novel proposition, it had been done again and
again by different Administrations and by different
statesmen in this conutry. In the case of Belgium the
Whigs acknowledged the de facto Government, which
was to occupy the place of the old race
of the Bourbons--(A cry "D —n the Whigs"
and laughter.) Well, the Whigs had had their
backslidings, but he hoped, as it was said they were
made of squeezable materials—and that was one of, the
best qualities they possessed—that they would be able to