The Sun.
London, England, 1836-02-02 00:00:00

O'CONNELL AT BIRMINGHAM.

ANTI-SLAVERY MEETING.
(Abridged from the Morning Adertiser.)
BIRMINGHAM, MONDAY, FEB. I.—A meeting of the Anti-
Slavery Society was held this morning, pursuant to advertise-
ment, at Zion Chapel, which is about two miles distant from
Birmingham. A deputation had waited on Mr. O'Connell on
Friday, requesting his attendance, and ho having assented the
chapel was quite full before the proceedings commenced.
Captain C. R. MooßsoN, R. N., took the chair.
Mr. O'CONNELL here entered the chapel, and was received
with loud applause.
The petition was then read by the CHAIRMAN praying the
total abolition of slavery and the duty on East India sugar,
which was a great aid to the continuance of slavery, after which
he observed that the recital of the miseries of the slaves was in-
deed mortifying ; and although twenty millions had been paid
for their enfranchisement, were still in a state of as grinding
thraldom as before.—( Hear. )
Mr. STURGE (one of the Society of Friends) read letters
from several of the colonies—from the Mauritius, and from the
Cape of Good Hope—stating that the slaves were still shock-
ingly treated, and that the new Magistrates behaved in a man-
ner most tyrannical ; from Dominica, stating similar circum-
stances; and that the new Magistrates seemed to have come
there but to punish the slaves. A number of instances of
arbitrary and severe punishment were also mentioned as having
taken place there. He then read a letter from Grenada, stating
that the negroes were shockingly overworked—they were kept
at work till a late hour at night, and on Sabbaths. In a letter
from Demerara it was stated that unless the blacks were taken
out of the power of filch masters, the mortality amongst them
would be treater under the new than the old system.—
( Hear.) All these circumstances were borne out by concur-
rent circumstances stated by individuals unconnected with each
other.

The Rev. Mr. JAMES proposed that the petition be adopted,
and trusted to the borough Members for presentation, and that
Mr. O'Connell be requested to support it.
The Rev. Mr. NIORGAN seconded the resolution, which was
passed unanimously.
Mr. O'CONNELL then rose, and was received with immense
applause. They had paid down 20,000,0001., the planters had
received the money, but had given them nothing in return,
not even thanks, for the villains said they were robbed.—( A
laugh.) Yes, they received 20,000,000/. for nothing, and
said they were robbed into the bargain. It was only necessary
to make the people understand that they had gained but a
barren victory; that they had got the laurel but no fruit; that
they had the stalk but no potatoes, and they need not fear the
result.—(Laughter, and loud cheers.) That a man should
have property, in goods, chattels, cattle, and land, he could
understand, but he could almost as soon fancy that a pig
could have property in man, as that one man should treat
another as he would treat his pig.—( Hear, hear.) He had
no idea of paying the men who had been robbing the negroes
so long, a compensation for ceasing to rob them.—( Cheers.)
It was outrageous to give the money, but, after all, it was more
outrageous to give them money, and not receive its value in
return.—( Hear.) Let every man understand this, that the
planters of the Mauritius were in possession of 50,000 slaves,
to whom they could show no legal title. This case was laid
before Sir George Murray, and here (for he would do justice
to every man of every party) let him do justice to that gentle-
man.—( Hear, hear.) When this case was laid before Sir
George Murray, it was highly to his credit that he gave im-
mediate directions that every man thus kept in slavery in defi-
ance of the law should be set at liberty, unless the master
proved a legal title to him—( Hear, and cheers)—the proof in
this case being thrown upon the master. He was sorry to say
that the present Ministry had changed this plan much for the
worse, for they had ordered that every slave who could prove
that he was illegally kept in slavery should be set free,
thus throwing the burden of the proof upon the shoulders
of the slave instead of the shoulders of the master. Now,
in the first place, the slave was a poor man ; he had no pro-
perty ; and what business had a man of no property to go
to law, for what could he hope to get by it ? Next, the slave
was illiterate, and where was he to draw his proofs from ?
Before he left that part of the case, let him again repeat that
50,000 men, women and children, in the Mauritius, were un-
justly held in slavery. He said so because it was vain to tell
him that they were not unjustly and illegally held in slavery,
when they could be bought.—( Hear, hear.) They were call-
ing for the people of England's money. They were calling
for two millions of money in order to purchase slaves from
those who had no right to sell them, and offering to give them
a title which they had not before, of becoming the slaves of the
purchasers for six years. Was there a man—oh, he would not
say woman--who could endure—was it possible for human na-
ture to endure the injustice of having such a plan as this car-
ried into effect ? Would it not be laughed at all over the
world if they did ? Would not the Americans, who were so
fond of slavery ? But there was one thing he was glad of with
respect to the Americans ; they were abusing him nearly as
much as the Tories—( Cheers and laughter)—for which at that
distance he humbly thanked them.—( Renewed laughter.)
Would not the shrewd Jonathan laugh at them ? Would they
not, from South Carolina to the source of Mississippi, cry out
what a good joke it was, that they had borrowed this system
from Britain, and that they were extending it in regions
where Britain would never have dared to carry it? Would not
the shrewd cigar smokers, in the midst of their slaves, laugh
at silly England, if she gave them two millions for their
liberty, when, instead of which, they would be slaves in the
shape of apprentices. It would really make dogs laugh.—
( Laughter.) It bore absurdity upon the very face of it. The
next topic was one which England had not maturely con-
sidered as yet, but he hoped shortly would. It was this—that
in order to increase the slave trade in the West Indies there
was a tax upon sugar of Bs. in the cwt. ; and there was a
greater tax upon the East India than upon the West India
sugar. Every body knew that the cheaper any article was
brought to market, the more of it was purchased. If the duty,
therefore, on East India sugar were to be taken off, the con-
sequence would be a greater quantity would be brought to
market ; and then this other result would also follow to the
Government, without any disparagement to their revenue, it
would lessen the duty to all. The West Indians had the choice
between the English or foreign markets, and they would of
course send wherever they could get the highest price, and they
would not sell a cask here unless it brought them home as high a
price as they got on the Continent, and by this drawback the
sugar was made dearer to the people of England. It was for this
purpose that the flogging of negroes was to be continued ; and
this was the value which they were to receive for their twenty
millions. Thus, the dearer the sugar, the less value they re-
ceived for their money. He now came to the third point—the
subject of apprenticeships all over the colonies. It has been
said that the measure was brought in in a most extraordinary
shape, and evincing no statesmanlike qualities. He was not
the eulogist of Lord Stanley—( Hear)—but he was ready to
do him justice. The delicacy of political enmity—and, thank
God, he knew no other—should not prevent him from doing
justice to the negroes and the people of England ; and he
would say, he never saw a more atrociously absurd Bill than
the Negroes' Bill. There was certainly this satisfaction in it,
that fifteen millions of the money was to be repaid, but the
negroes on being taken from slavery were to be made appren-
tices by it. For how long think you ?—forl2 years !—(Laugh-
ter)—and there were certain old ladies' slaves, some of them
were 70 years of age—and when, he wondered, would they be
out of their time ? Why, when they would be 82.—( Laughter. )
And when were they out of their apprenticeship ? why when
they had lived to the merry age of 82--( Cheers and laughter)
—then they were no longer apprentices ; they could turn out
to do for themselves when they were 82.—Laughter.) This
was a splendid idea to be sure. No person had ever attempted
to make 800,000 apprentices before Lord Stanley. But
this was nothing to him. Eight hundred thousand 1 There
was manufacturing apprentices for them.--( Laughter. )
The next step that was proposed was to give the slave-own ers
a loan of 15,000,0001.; but the cry was " Oh, no : the English
are a generous nation, and they might as well give them
20,000,000/. out and out, instead of 15,000,000!." Now they
gave the money, but they bought with it an apprenticeship.
This was said to be a preparation for emancipation : it was so,
but, alas, it was but a preparation for the emancipation of
the grave. The apprentice system then was worse than the
the old one, for it gave no inducement to the master to treat
his unfortunate slaves properly. And then as to the stipen-
diary magistrates, with their 300/. a-year each, can the negro
invite him to a dinner or a jollification, could he invite them
to a ball or a dance ? If he could or if he did, they could
not go; but the turtle-soup is excellent there, and the fresh
mutton and the turkeys—which I understand is a principal
article of food—were all good there ; and there was plenty,
of Madeira to be had at the table of the planter, and the spe-
cial Magistrates took special care of themselves, with their
tiffin and Madeira, and thus they were all rallied round the
planters, and were his friends and his allies.—( Hear and
cheers.) Let them understand, then, these points. Let
them understand the Mauritius robbery and the bounty sys-
tem, and that in the West Indies, slavery was now in a more
unmitigated shape than it had been even before the late Bill
had been passed. And let the people of England band them-
selves in the cause of humanity and charity.—( Hear.)
Let the people of Scotland follow their example and on
the score of humanity he himself would venture to answer
for Ireland—(Loud cheers)—that was no vain boast—he would
show them that it was not for the Irish Members, however they
differed upon political or religious subjects—however strong
were the animosities between the 66 or 68 Members who voted
on the one side, and the 36 who voted on the other, and they
were strong ; but on the subject of negro emancipation, they
had but one opinion as to the freedom of the slave. He would
support their petition, and stand just in the presence of God,
having fear for no man.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. O'Connell then
alluded to his support of the Dissenters' claims. He was then
one of the " pressure from without," and he would again be
one of the pressure from without, in giving a gentle tap at the
door of the Lords.—( Cheers.) There he was " pressure from
without."—( Laughter and cheers.) He called on Englishmen
to assist him in carrying into full effect justice to all the chil-
dren of human nature, who, however they differed in colour
from them, stood equal with them in the eye of God. He
concluded by saying, they should all remember that if faith was
good, and hope was cheering, that the greatest of all was cha-
rity.—( Continued cheers.)
The petition was then agreed to, and after some othel
speeches, the meeting broke up.

DINNER AT BIRMINGHAM TO MR. O'CONNELL
BY THE UNREPRESENTED.
(Abridged from the Morning Advertiser.)
The dinner of the Unrepresented to Mr. O'Connell took
place shortly after that gentleman left the meeting at Zion
Chapel. It was given in the Town Hall, which was orna-
mented in the same way as at the dinner on Thursday, and was
completely filled by the Unrepresented. The gallery was also
thronged by ladies. Mr. O'Connell, on his entrance, was
greeted with loud cheers.
GEORGE EDMONDS, Esq., tcok the Chair, and proposed, in

an appropriate speech, " The King—his just prerogative."—
( Loud aprslause.)
The CHAIIMAN next gave, " The People—their inalienable
rights."—( Immense applause.)
Mr. HADLEY in returning thanks said—The Hon. Member
for Dublin, on Thursday last, said that the men then before
him carried the Reform Bill. I admit their share of
assistance in that great measure ; but, Sir, the men now
before us are unquestionably entitled to a much larger
share of honour on that occasion. We tell him that that
spirit and determination which animated us then still ani-
mates us, and with increased intensity from the success
which has attended our exertions. We acknowledge the debt of
gratitude due to the Hon. Gentleman for his great services, and
are resolved to pay it in full. lam convinced that the Re-
formers of this town and neighbourhood are prepared to make a
solemn league and covenant with him to assist him in esta-
blishing justice for his unhappy country.—( The whole corn.
pany here rose and gave three such terrific cheers as shook the
very building.) He concluded by saying that wherever Tory
domination reared his hydra head, it would be crushed, and
that they would never cease labouring till liberty and justice
was alike the inheritance of every man in Great Britain and
Ireland.—( Loud and continued applause.)
The CHAIRMAN would now give " Lord Melbourne and his
Majesty's Ministers, and may they not forget that we are non-
electors."—( Loud and general cheering.)
The CHAIRMAN next gave, after an appropriate preface,
" The Army and Navy."—(Loud cheers.)
Captain ACKERLEY, R. N., returned thanks.
The CHAIRMAN gave " The Members for the Borough, the
patriotic friends of the people."—( Loud cheers.)
Mr. SCHOLEFIELIIO rose to return thanks amidst loud cheers.
In Birmingham at present they were running a very painful
race in politics, and he regretted that some of the other sex
had interfered in it, going about and telling shopkeepers they
would not deal with them unless they were Tories ; he was
ashamed of them, and of their husbands who permitted it—
they were called the unwashed and unshaved by the Tories;
but this charge came very badly from the Grand Master of
the Orangemen. It was said that Sir R. Peel was gone to
London for the purpose of turning out the present Govern-
ment.—( A person from the gallery, " We'll turn them in
again.") He believed they would.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. ATTWOOD then came forward amidst the most immense

cheering. Their franchise was confined to 101., but it should
not be three shillings, and he trusted they would soon have the
rights held by their fathers—that of household suffrage. He
was the friend of universal suffrage, but he was the great friend
of household suffrage, because it was their constitutional right.
Ile was the friend also of annual Parliaments, but was anxious
to get triennial Parliaments with household suffrage, because
he preferred demanding indisputable to disputable rights.—
( Hear, hear, and loud applause.) Mr. Attwood then reviewed
the conduct of the Tories, evidencing what their conduct would
be if they again obtained power.—( Cheers.) There had been
a cry raised, that the Church was in danger ; but it was not
the Church, but the loaves and fishes that were in danger.--
( Mean) Mr. Attwood concluded by proposing " Daniel
O'Connell, the talented advocate of the rights of his unhappy
country."--( Loud and long-continued cheers, with waving of
hats and handkerchiefs from upwards of 2,000 people ; the
scene indeed, animated as it was, completely baffles description.)
Mr. O'CONNELL then rose, and was received with the most
tremendous and continued cheering. The Tories accused
them of being never satisfied, whatever instalments of liberty
might be given to them. Why ; they were not satisfied with
instalments—they wish for entire liberty; and no blame to them
either.—( Cheers.) Such was the good sense of the majority
of the English people, and so great a dislike had they natu-
rally to agitation, that the fault was rather the other way, as
was proved by the general cessation of agitation when the Re-
form Bill was carried. Was Toryism to prevail, or was it not ?
The system of Toryism was essentially a system of monopoly.
The Tories wanted power in order that they might quarter
their sons, their daughters' husbands, their nephews, and their
cousins, on the Church, the Army, the Navy, the Excise, and
the Customs. It was even said by one of themselves that he
looked upon the Irish Church as a fine milch cow for the chil-
dren of the Aristocracy. Toryism was the assumption of the
powers of the State for the benefit of particular classes to the
exclusion of the people. It gives the people leave to work in
order that the Tories might receive the pay. It put its spoon
into every poor man's dish, and it took a spoonful in taxes out
of the tea-cup of every infant. It took a quarter of every
slice of bread from every poor man's child; for the Tories
had a corn tax of 25 per cent.—( Loud cheers.) Now was
Toryism to prosper, or was it not?—( Shouts of No.) There
was a battle between two great principles now goinc, on, be-
tween the principle of Toryism on the one INAnd, and prin-
ciple of democratic liberty on the other—democratic liberty,
which gave to every man his own, and to some, though not to
every knave, a halter—(Cheers)—democratic liberty, which
would make law cheap and not dear—which would make reli-
gion a matter only between man's own conscience and his God
—which would make representation and taxation consistent
with each other, and extend throughout the empire the influ-
ence of truth, justice, and common sense.—( Applause.) But
what was it they would look for in the coming session ? First
then, with relation to the Protestant Dissenters—he had read
with great pleasure the declarations put forth by the Com-
mittee of the Protestant Dissenters in London.—( Hear.)
They had condensed their claims into eleven propositions, of
which he would take two as the chief :---Ist, That no clergy
man should interfere in any spiritual function, such as mar-
riage, baptism, &c., except for the people who confided in
that clergyman, and believed in his opinions. This was com-
mon sense. The next was, that Protestant Dissenters should
not be compelled to pay church-rates or any other contribu-
tions to any church, in the faith of which they did not believe.
The only thing was the shorter duration of Parliaments.
Short accounts made long friends. Mr. Attwood said three
years ; and as it was so settled in the time of the revolution;
he did not object, for he believed old things, provided they
were good, though he would certainly take any thing spick and
span new, if it were better, and small blame to him for it. But
he would have the three years certain, and not three years
subject to the caprice of any Minister who might wish to dis-
solve the Parliament before that period. Mr. O'Connell next
referred to the vote by ballot. Vote by ballot was essentially
necessary, in order that the sentiments of the people might be
recorded by their Representatives in Parliament. They had
invited him there as to a dinner of the unrepresented portion
of the inhabitants of Birmingham ; and he would ask them why
they were so ? or were they content ?—( Cries of " No, no.")
Let them look at it in this point of view. Here was a class
who voted—here a class who did not. Were those who did
vote framed by nature of higher or better materials than those
who did not ?—( Hear, hear.) If not, don't consent to be
without the franchise. Were they more honest ? Oh ! they
were not, nor half as honest.—(Loud cheers.) On the ground
of taxation and property every man had a right to vote, and
justice would never be done until every man did vote.—(Loud
cheers.) He (Mr. 0' Connell) would take it from them by
degrees.—( Much laughter.) He was not at all an unrea.
sonable creditor. He would take some portion of suffrage
from them first ; and when he had quietly gotten that, he
would look for the rest—( Hear, hear)—and not cease until
every man would be on a footing of equality, as every man
ought to be.--(Cheers.) Let legitimate distinctions exist in
point of property and title, if they chose—and Heaven knew
he did not envy them their title—but " a man was a man for
a' that"—(Loud cheers)—and if any man claimed to be more,
in his (Mr. O'Connell's) opinion he was less. There were
only two two natural distinctions—men and beasts--(Great
laughter)—and those who claimed to be more than the former
might take their situation in the category of the latter.—
(Cheers.) If the Tories came in had they any chance of
effecting this?—(" No, no.") Would they make the unrepre-
sented represented ?—(" No, no.") He would tell them what
—it would be better that they should die to the last man, than
not be represented.—(Great cheering.) The Tories might
break their oaths—the Lords might violate their pledges of
of honour ; but he was sure the men of Birmingham would
never violate their words—they were pledged to do justice to
Ireland, but that pledge was of no use unless they determined
upon the means. That means would not be obtained except
through a reform of the House of Lords. He recommended
them to pursue a course of peaceful and constitutional agita-
tion ; and for his part he was contented to take the smallest
share of lordly reform that would let in the democratic prin-
ciple of popular control. He would not change one atom
of the frame of the constitution in doing so, unless, indeed,
that part of it which was so rotten as to endanger the in-
terior of the building. He addressed this to them because
Ireland was now embodied with them. There was now no
Ireland. She was no longer a province, but a part of Eng-
land.—( Enthusiastic cheering.) They had determined with
him to do away with this abominable tithe system. They had
expressed their determination that Ireland should have corpo-
rate reform as well as England, for she wanted it as much—
this was all he asked, all the rest was common cause between
the nations ; but give Ireland these and they would be doubly
strong.—(Loud cheers.) He was now strong in the aid of
the conjugated millions of Ireland, and doubly strong in the
aid of the hundreds of thousands of English.—( Cheers.) The
Hon. and Learned Gentleman then alluded to the gradually
increasing prosperity of Ireland within the last year, since the
government of Lord Mulgrave, and passed a high eulogium
upon that Nobleman and Lord Morpeth.—( Loud and continued
cheers.)
After Mr. O'Connell several other toasts were given, and
speeches were made, which we shall give to-morrow.

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1836.

present. In the last eleven years, successive Administrations
had taken off seven millions of taxes. Surely they could, if
they had liked, have included the half million of taxes on
knowledge, acknowledged by themselves to be most hateful
and bad, among the reductions.—( Hear, hear.) All the crimes
and excesses which misery had driven a starving people to
commit, had been attributed to the bad passions engendered
and fostered by ignorance. Yet, had the Administration
stoutly refused to take off the taxes on that knowledge, the
free diffusion of which would have removed that ignorance and
softened those passions.—( Hear, hear.) It remained for the
people, by steady and undivided perseverance in legal means
to enforce the total abolition of those taxes. Nothing but
union and perseverance would effect this ; and nothing
but the unhappy course fallen into by Reformers of
dividing among themselves upon half-a-dozen different
points, each party refusing, as to a deadly foe, to give
the slightest way to the other, instead of forming into an
united body immoveably fixed on the attainment of each
great reforming measure in succession. Nothing but this un-
happy division among themselves could so long have retarded
the abolition of this obnoxious impost. The Hon. Gentleman
proceeded to suggest that such eligible clippings might be
made in the various departments of the Army, the Pension
List, the half-pay, and dead weight, &c., as would very speedily
mount up to the sum required by the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer in lieu of the newspaper stamps. It had been said
that the forcible resistance to this law was a moral duty. Fully
admitting that it was conscientiously and honourably upon this
principle that Messrs. Cleave, Hetherington, and many others
had proceeded, he could not himself express a feeling that the
violation of the law, however bad, was a moral duty__( Hear,
hear)—and he had been a witness to too much of the misery
which the imprisonment of many of the venders of the un-
stamped newspapers brought upon their wives and families to
give encouragement to the course which brought it about.
The most effectual way of removing this disgraceful tax was
for the Reformers to persevere in their united efforts, and to
take care that they had no men for Representatives who would
not do a'way with the nuisance. It was useless, as well as ab-
surd, for them to talk about reforming the Lords, while in a
House of Commons of their own choosing there were not
fewer than 300 Tories out of a body of 658 Members. Let
them send into that House 500 stanch Reforming Representa-
tives, and the tax upon newspapers, and every other nuisance,
would speedily be removed. The Hon. Member proceeded to
express his belief in the honest intentions of the present Mi-
nistry, and cited several of their measures of the last Session

in justification of his opinion.
Mr. WARDEN, in moving the first resolution, took occasion
to objurgate Air. Bulwer for what he described as his treachery
to the people, on the occasion of his motion about stamps on
newspapers. The first resolution was as follows :
" 1. Resolved, that this meeting consider it the duty
of Government to afford the easiest and cheapest facilities for
promoting instruction amongst the mass of the people; and
that, consequently, all taxes or imposts which restrict the cir-
culation of knowledge are tyrannical, odious, and unjust ; and
that any Executive Government which could attempt to enforce
bad laws, by the seizure and imprisonment of men, women,
and children, would not be entitled to any portion of public
confidence."

Mr. WATSON seconded the resolution, which was carried
unanimously.
Mr. NoaTunousE, of Lincoln, attempted to address the
meeting from the other end of the room, after the attack on
Mr. Bulwer, but was induced by the Chairman to come to the
platform, and wait till the resolution was carried. He avowed
himself to be a decided friend to the untaxed and unlicensed
spread of knowledge. The proceedings of that night were
sufficient to convince him of the necessity of educating the
people, when the best and the brighest of the benefactors of
mankind were allowed to be assailed by the petty strife of little
minds—when they whose luminous lives had brightened the
whole path of freedom, kindled it with their energy, and
gilded it with their beauty—when such men as Bulwer and
Brougham—( Loud cheers and partial hisses)—when the long-
continued services of such men were forgotten, and for an act
—possibly a misrepresented, probably a mistaken, but cer-
tainly a solitary act—they could be branded as traitors, and
denounced as enemies to the people, it was indeed an unan-
swerable argument in favour of the object of the meeting.
He had that day been with Mr. Bulwer, and could bear tes-
timony to the anxious desire of that gentleman to carry this
great question. Let them consider for a moment the cir-
ncoutmgstraanteefens of
lly, the,t case, a
justly,
and then
with
ith severesay whether
justice, y—no,
ah teeyf unlol yn—l d n
oor,
ought to listen to those attacks upon him. It was said he
might have carried his motion—perhaps he might—what then?
Would the tax be nearer its repeal? Could not the next night
the supporters of Government, if so disposed, as in the case
of the Malt Tax, have joined with the Tories in a full house,
or even absented themselves altogether ; and then what could
have been the gain of a solitary vote in a thin house obtained
by accident ? Mr. Bulwer got that which was of vastly more
importance than a mere triumph—he got the solemn pledge of
the Government that the tax should be repealed.—(Hear,
hear.) Mr. Bulwer a traitor, indeed I If lie were a traitor, he
was a strange one, for lie accompanied his treachery with a
speech so powerful, so luminous, so unanswerable, in favour of
the very cause which you are told he betrayed, that the page
of parliamentary debate, studded as it is with the brightest
coruscations of genius, has none to surpass it in either argu-
ment or eloquence.—( Cheers.) Such, however, has been the
fate of all men who struggle and waste their lives away in
toiling for an uneducated, a thoughtless, and a thankless
people. They, whose lives will in after history be—
" Like dials, which the wizard Time
Hath raised to count his ages by,"
must expect in this life ingratitude, envy, and suspicion. He
( Mr. N.) considered the repeal of the tax on knowledge to
be absolutely necessary from the great democratic power which
the Reform Bill gave. The law had been lifted up to
the wishes of the people, and it now became necessary to lift
the people up to the law. Only about one-sixteenth of the adult
population enjoyed the franchise, yet he dared to assert, that
not one in twenty of that small proportion understood the
nature of the franchise he possessed, or believed that he
held it, for any other purpose than his own advantage : they
know not that it is a sacred trust which they hold for the
remainder of their countrymen, who are yet shut out from
the temple of the British Constitution—a trust which they
hold for the hundred millions of men who are subjected to the
British laws—a trust for the whole family of man.—( Cheers.)
At present the means of enlightening the people are confined
to the stamped press, the price of which renders it unattainable
to those to whom you have given power without intelligencet
and the unstamped press conducted by men who canno,
calmly reason, but who are rendered sore and savage by in-
justice and oppression—desperate from their position, reckless
from their poverty, the very pirates and buccaneers of litera-
ture, and little fitted to consider quietly or justly practical
measures of government, or organic changes of Constitutions ?
—( Cheers, and hisses.) After some further observations,
Mr. N. sat down, stating that he had not intended to take any
part in the proceedings, and should not have done so, but for
the gross and unfounded, ungrateful and unjust attack upon
his friend, Mr. Bulwer.

Mr. CLEAVE moved the second resolution, agreeing to a
petition to Parliament for the repeal of the stamp-duties, and
the release of all persons now in confinement for violations of
the stamp-laws. The petition to be presented by Mr. Wakley.
Mr. Cleave said the whole of the prosecutions on this point
were forced on the Stamp-office by the proprietors of the
stamped press, who, he added, were go ing to have a meeting
to-morrow (this day) to consult how best to annihilate the
unstamped.
Mr. BELL seconded the resolution, which was carried una-
nimously, as was a vote of thanks to the Hon. Chairman.

PARIS.

INFERNAL MACHINE PLOT.
COURT OF PEERS, SATURDAY, JAN. 30.

TRIAL OF FIESCHI, PEPIN, MOREY, BOIEEAU, AND BESCHER,
FOR THE CONSPIRACY TO TAKE AWAY THE KING'S LIFE
BY MEANS OF THE INFERNAL MACHINE EMPLOYED ON

THE 28TH JULY, 1835.

The hour fixed for opening the proceedings in this extraor-
dinary case was twelve o'clock, but, strange to say, the ap-
proaches to the Luxembourg exhibited no signs of public cu-
riosity, and even at the entrance of the Court, there were not
more than twenty or thirty persons, and only two police-offi-
cers. The square inside the entrance gate"was occupied by a
strong body of the Municipal Guard, Soldiers of the
Line, and National Guards. About twelve o'clock
the Peers began to arrive in rapid succession. We also ob-
served several Ambassadors' equipages in the line of carriages.
At the entrance to the vestibule was stationed a number of
police-officers and Municipal Guards, the hall itself beinr,
lined with Municipal Guards, as the prisoners were to be
conducted into Court through that passage. Although a
quarter past twelve was the hour appointed for calling over
the names of the Peers, it was almost one o'clock before
they took their seats. The interior of the Court had
undergone hardly any alteration since the trial of the
state prisoners of the April affair; the space allotted to
the prisoners was merely contracted by means of two par-
titions, leaving only sufficient room for the five prisoners
and the Municipal Guards. On the floor of the Court and
to the right of the President was Owed the infernal machine,
consisting of 25 gun-barrels mounted upon a solid oak stand,
and arranged upon an inclined plane, in the same manner as
upon the memorable occasion for vhich the infernal machine
was invented. On a small table ye observed the cords pro-
vided by Fieschi for his escape, tie formidable martinet or
cat and three tails, made of leathern thongs, having leaden
bullets at the ends. Upon the desc of each noble peer lay a
copy of the act of accusation, the roort of the Attorney-Ge-
neral, and othei voluminous papers 3onnected with this case.
At half-past 12 o'clock the Gent was crowded to excess,
every seat reserved for the public was occupied, and even
standing room was eagerly sought ifter. At one o'clock the
number of Peers in attendance was greater than we recollect
having seen on any former occasion Amongst the number
were Prince Talleyrand, the Duke ce Valentinois (Prince of
Monaco), the Marquis de Dreux Brze, and Marshal Gerard.
The greater portion of the Peers ately appointed were also
present, but merely en amateurs, ant not to take part in the
deliberative proceedings. At the above hour the five prisoners
namely, Fiesehi, Pepin, Morey, Boireau, and Bescher,
were led in by the Municipal Guarls, and placed upon the
bench prepared for them, in the sane way as upon the trial
of the April prisoners. Each prisomr sat between two Mu-
nicipal Guards.
Colonel Feistamel, and several dicers of that corps, took
their scats behind. The witnesses, tc the number of 155 in
all-105 for the prosecution, and 50 fo- the defence—occupied
three boxes immediately above the spec allotted to the pri-
soners; several female witnesses vere in attendance, and
amongst the number Fieschi's three nistresses. On entering
the court, Fiesehi walked forward witl a firm step, and with a
tranquil and rather a gay countenance ; he even smiled on step-
ping over the bench, and looked about with an inquiring eye,

but in an unaffected manner. All eyes of course were instantly
turned towards him, but without producing any apparent em-
barrassment in the object of their curiosity. Fieschi is a man
of short stature, stout and broad-shouldered, but somewhat al-
tered by his long illness. He looks 50 years of age, although
only 41. This must also be attributed to the same cause. On
his left temple is a large cicatrix, left by the wound inflicted
by the bursting of one of the gun-barrels, from which acci-
dent he seems to have completely recovered, at least as far
as the wound is concerned. He wore a suit of black, and
black neckcloth.
The prisoner Morey was helped into court. He appeared
in a very feeble state. He wore a black silk nightcap, which
formed a striking contrast with the extreme paleness of his
countenance.
Pepin walked quietly to his seat, but he seemed much de-
jected. He is a remarkably tall man, with dark hair, and
rather a fierce expresskin of countenance. He had on a new
suit of black clothes.
The prisoner Boireau is a young man about five-and-twenty.
He sat down With a careless air, and looked about to examine
the arrangements of the Court.
The prisoner Bescher had nothing particular in his appear-
ance.

Shortly after the prisoners were led in, the crier announced
the court. The President, Baron Pasquier, took his seat, and
the Registrar proceeded to call over the list of Peers, 175 of
whom answered to their names. The Procureur-General
( M. Martin du Nord), and the Advocate-General (M. Franck
Carre), attired in their scarlet robes, were present on the part
of the Crown.
The counsel for the prisoners were MM. Parquin, Chaix
d'Estange, Patorni, for Fieschi ; MM. Dupont, M. Philippe
Dupin, Marie, and others, for the rest of the prisoners.
The President having reminded the advocates to plead with
all due decency and respect for the laws, proceeded to ask the
prisoners their names, professions, addresses, &c.
Fieschi, in a firm and audible voice, replied, " My name is
Joseph Fieschi, my age 41. lam a mechanician by profes-
sion, and my residence was at No. 50, Boulevard du Temple
(the house whence the infernal machine was fired off). The
place of my birth is Murato, in Corsica."
The prisoner Morey said he was 62 years of age, was born
at Chassaigne ( Cote d'Or), his trade was that of a sadler. He
usually resided at No. 23, Rue St. Victoire, Paris.
The prisoner Pepin gave his Christian names " Pierre Theo-
dore Florentine," 35 years of age, and carried on business as
a grocer; was born at Remy ( Aisne). He lodged at No. 1,
Rue Faubourg St. Antoine, Paris.
The prisoner Boireau said he was 25 years of age, born at
La Fleche ( Sarthe), worked at the lamp-trade, and resided at
No. 77, Rue Quincampoix.
The prisoner Bescher (Tell) said he was 41 years of age,
was engaged as a bookbinder, born at Laval, in the depart.
ment :of Mayenne ; he lived at No. 8, Rue de Bievre, Paris.
The above formality having been gone through,
The President directed the registrar to read the act of accu-
sation, at the same time recommending the prisoners to pay the
utmost attention to the contents of this document.

The Registrar then commenced reading the act of accusa-
tion, but he was interrupted at the end of the first page by a
scream from the witness-box. It was immediately ascertained
that the cry proceeded from one of the female witnesses, who
had fainted; it was, in fact, one of Fieschi's mistresses (Nina
Lasave) ; she was removed to the open air, and shortly reco-
vered, and came back to her seat. She is only eighteen years
of age, and Ills an agreeable countenance, although deprived
of the sight of one of her eyes. She was fashionably attired
in a merino cloak, white silk hat, kid gloves, &c. She lent
great attention to the act of accusation. During the reading
of this document, which we gave at length a short time since,
the prisoner Ficschi became occasionally restless, took snuff
constantly, rose up from his place, folded his arms, listening
carefully to the act of accusation, always resorting to his snuff-
box whenever anything seemed to annoy him in the document;
in fact, the box was sometimes hardly in his pocket, when he
hastily drew it out again, and took a large pinch of snuff in
rather an affected manner.

The reading of the act of accusation occupied the Ccurt
until past three o'clock. During the whole of that time the
prisoner Fieschi conducted himself with the same assurance
and sang froid we described in yesterday's report. Occasion-
ally he assumed a disdainful smile, and shook his head when
any of the National Guards, in a box to his left, stood up to
take a view of his person, or when any passage in the act of
accusation'excited his particular attention. He then had re-
course to his snuff-box, and also drew out a little memorandum-
book, upon which he took a hasty note of the objectionable
point. If, however, any allusion was made to his supposed
Republican opinions, he was observed to give an impatient nod
of the head.

The prisoner Morey appeared completely absorbed in
thought, his head bent upon his chest, leaning with his back
against the pillar behind him.
Pepin maintained a sort of stupified And downcast look,
and sometimes had his head in his hands.

The appearance and conduct of the other prisoners pre-
sented nothing very remarkable.
The Registrar having. concluded the readingr, of the act of
accusation, the list of the witnesses (in all 155) was called
over. They were then ordered to retire,
At half-past 3 o'clock the sitting was suspended for a short
time, and the Court retired to the Council-Chamber, but se-
veral of the Noble Peers remained, and quitting their seats ap-
proached the bar, apparently with the view of conversing with
some of the Counsel, but no doubt for the purpose of having a
closer inspection of the prisoners, arid particularly of the chief
actor, Fieschi ; the latter was by no means abashed at the cu-
riosity he excited, but maintained a quiet and even careless
countenance ; from time to time he conversed familiarly with
M. Patorni, his advocate, and seemed to be flattered with the
general attention of which he was the object. It is said that
he expresses great contempt for his accomplices, and accuses
them of faint-heartedness and cowardice.

The prisoners were removed for a few minutes, and on being
brought back, the Court resumed the proceedings. The pri-
soner Fieschi was placed at the middle of the bench in order to
undergo his interrogatory by the President, who ordered him
to stand up.
President—Was it not you, Fieschi, who, on the 28th of
July last, you being then at the house No. 50, Boulevard du
Temple, at the moment the King was reviewing the National
Guards and troops of the Line, and was passing opposite to
the Jardin Ture, on the Boulevard du Temple, applied a
match to the machine now in Court, and the explosion of
which had killed or wounded 40: persons, and had exposed to
peril the lives of the King and Royal Princes by whom he was
surrounded ?
Fieschi—Yes, Sir.
. .

President—The machine in question consisted of a strong
framework of oak, three feet and a half high, with iron fas-
tenings, surmounted by a certain number of gun-barrels,
placed upon an inclined plane, and secured at the upper end
by a bar of iron, extending from one side of the framework to
the other?

Fieschi—Yes, Sir. The prisoner continued to give a fur-
ther description of the infernal machine, in reply to the Pre-
sident. The framework and fastenings were so constructed
that the gun-barrels could easily be raised or lowered, so as to
give them a particular direction. The machine before the
Court is the one I made use of in committing the crime with
which I am charged ; there were 24 gun-barrels mounted upon
the frame, each barrel was charged with two bullets, four small
balls, and one bullet cut in four pieces ; in one of the barrels
there were, in addition to the above, two screws about an inch
long. The train of gunpowder was placed along the trans-
verse iron bar, and so arranged as to communicate with the
touchholes of each barrel. It was by means of this train and
of the firebrand found ignited in my chamber, that I set fire
to the machine. It was I myself who applied the fire at
the middle of the train. Some of the gun-barrels burst, and
it was in that way that I received the severe wounds in my
hand and head. They, however, did not prevent me from
trying so escape by means of a rope suspended from the win-
dow. When apprehended in the inner yard of the house, I
was taken by the police to the guard-room at the Chateau
d'Eau, on the Boulevard, where I was searched. They took
from me a martinet armed with three leather thongs and leaden
bullets, a knife with several blades, and a small quantity of
gunpowder. Subsequently they found a poniard at the same
guard-house ; it belonged to me, and I had sufficient cause to
make use of it upon that occasion, for whilst in the guard-room
one of the National Guards came behind me and gave me a
blow with his fist. I was enraged at this treatment, not being
accustomed to suffer blows of that description. I recollected
that I had a poniard—however, fearing to make use of it un-
der such provocation, I flung it from me upon a camp bed. I
previously never went without that poniard.
President—What was your intention in buying the picture
of the Duke of Bordeaux ?

Fieschi—lt was in order to mislead, so that no one should
guess whether the deed had been accomplished by Carlists or
Republicans. I was advised also to get a supply of Opposi-
tion papers for the same purpose, but 1 forgot to do so. Morey
assisted me the day before in loading the barrels of the ma-
chine ; he left me at 11 o'clock at night, and from that moment
no one came into my room. Ido not know whom the extra
hat found in my room belonged to. My own was a new one,
and I wore it when I was arrested, but it was stolen from me
afterwards.

President.—You know the number and the names of the
persons who fell a sacrifice to your attempt. Tell us, was it
not your intention that the King, whose forehead a ball
grazed, should, with the other members of his family around
him, be the principal victims ?
Fieschi.—l have already told you the truth as to that, and
I will tell it again. I say, then, yes; the attempt had been
prepared by me and my accomplices, with the view of taking
the life of the King and of his sons.
President.—What could have been }our motive for so atro-
cious an act?

Fieschi.—Mr. President, I am but indifferently acquainted
with the French language, but I will do my best to make my-
self understood. I am a Corsican, and I was formerly a sol-
dier. I was condemned, in 1815, along with Murat, but my
sentence was afterwards commuted, and ultimately declared
innocent by the Court of Draguignan. I was prevented from
re-entering the army, and after the revolution of July, I offered
my services to the new Government, and received a portion of
the money set aside for political victims of the Restoration.
I am neither Carlist nor Republican. I was incorporated
with the veterans and was happy, when, at an ill-fated hour,
I formed a connexion with a female, which reduced me to
my last shirt. I have been in the service of M. Cannes,
and of M. Lavocat. M. Baude, the Prefect of Police at the
time, also employed me. I feel very grateful for their kind-
ness. On the 23d of April, 1834, I was accused of having
falsely represented myself a political sufferer under the Res-
toration. The fear of consequences compelled me to lead a
life which drove me to extreme distress. I could not procure
myself wherewith to dine, not even a couple of sous to get
shaved. It was then that the man whom you know opened
his house to me, and that the plot about this unfortunate
machine was entered upon. My accomplices, Sir, were men
beneath mo ; they were not equal to my worth. I have only

committed one misdeed in the course of my life, and that one
will lead me to the scaffold. I regret that so many should
have suffered from my deed; I ant truly sorry for it, but the
thing is done. I have never bek'uged to any political so-
ciety ; but I was acquainted with fo'lr members of one, who.
often came to dine at the house of the woman with whom I
kept company. They professed conten.'pt for me, because
they looked upon me as a Bonapartist.
President—But lime you not sometimes crofessed repub-
lican principles?
Fieschi—l am obliged .to. say no. What has been said of
greatmy
desirevingdtoonesprseoad a bisfael le. Some persons have shown
lie.` that I was in the habit of asso-
ciating with the enemies of t.7.‘e Government, but Messrs_
Carries, Lavocat, and Baude cat;' Attest that I was not the
man to do that.
The President then questioned Fieseh.l as to his intimacy
with Pepin. Fieschi accused this accornpliCe of his, exactly as
stated in the act of accusation.
President--Did you ever .belong to the Society of the

Rights of Man ?
Fieschi—Never; occasionally
I met some of its memht'rs at
dinner, as I said before; but we could never agree, for f was
a Bonapartist. They never inspired me with any sentimeots
inimical to the reigning family.
President—Where did you first conceive the thoughts of this
attempt ?
Fieschi—At Morey's, towards the close of December, 1834.
I made the model of the machine by the aid of some military
recollections, in order to show that a whole regiment might be
killed by it. But that model bad 90 barrels. When Morey
saw it he said, " This would do very well for Louis-Philippe."
He showed it afterwards to Pepin.
President—How did Morey speak to Pepin about the ma-
chine that you had constructed ?
Fieschi—He made al appointment with Pepin, in conse-
quence of which we breakfasted all three together, and dis-
cussed the matter between us. Morey told me afterwards that
a sum of money might be placed at my disposal, to put into
execution a plan still more important; It was that of hiring
a house contiguous to the Chamber of Deputies, and blowing
up the King and all his family while there. But I made hint
perceive the impracticability of such a plan. Morey then told
me, that if the King came within 150 yards of his musket,
he would not miss him. He need not have said this to me,
for I knew it well enough. In our first interview, Pepin
asked me for a model in wood of the machine of which
Morey had spoken to him. I made the model, and left
it at a house in the neighbourhood. Some days after I
went to that house, and no longer found it there. As lo
what such a machine would cost, I told Pepin it would
be 500 francs. He said—" Such a sum is not likely to stop
our purpose." The Ist of May was first fixed for the attempt,
it being the King's birth-day. We looked out for a suitable
apartment, and after visiting a great number, I pitched upon
the one on the Boulevard du Temple, on the 15th of March.
I took Morey to look at it, and it was on .his approving it that
I took it. He gave himself out as my uncle, and I took the
name of Girard. Pepin also came and looked at it, in order to
examine the spot on which we could fir the machine,
so as to hit the King. I said in the house that I was a me-
chanic, in order that I might introduce my implements with-
out attracting notice. I worked, and although it was 'for the
commission of a great crime, I might say that I was regularly
earning my livelihood. It may be said- that lam a great
criminal, but surely lam not an assassin. I call an assassin a
man who murders another, in order to get at his purse; but
I fully admit that I am a great criminal.
Fieschi then spoke of a dinner at Pepin's, where there were
several persons, among whom was Ni. Recurt, concerned in
the proces d' Avril, an advocate, and a deputy. The sub-
ject of attempting the life of the King was discussed. The de-.
puty said. " Let the mutton boil well."
Fieschi further stated that it was he himself who bought
the timber used for the machine, and that he paid 6 francs
for it to a carpenter in the Rue Montreuil. Those six francs
were supplied by Pepin for that express purpose.
After a few more unimportant questions relative to the
frequency of Morey's calls on Fieschi at the Boulevard du
Temple, the sitting was adjourned by the President till Sun-
day, at 12 o'clock at noon.

COURT OF PEERS—SITTING OF SUNDAY, JAN. 31.
At a quarter past 12 o'clock the five prisoners, Fieschi,
Morey, Pepin, Boireau, and Bescher, were introduced with
the same ceremony as on the preceding day. The only dif—
ference was, that Fieschi, instead of being placed first on the
prisoners' bench, was led to the centre scat, which he occupied
with the same cavalier air so remarkable at the former sitting.
He spoke familiarly with the officers of the court and the
municipal guards, and seemed particularly anxious to show
the cicatrix of the wound on his hand, that on the temple
being so evident as to be plainly visible from every part of
the court. The prisoner Morey occupied the first seat ;
he still appeared extremely ill, but be paid more attention to
what was passing than on the previous day. The prisoner
Pepin had a less gloomy air than yesterday; be rose to make
an inclination of the head when his cotosel came into court,
and took his seat in front of him. The other two prisoners
offered nothing particular in their manner or appearance. The
interior of the court was crowded in every part, and contrasted
forcibly with the want of external marks of interest or popular
curiosity, for although Sunday, there were not more than
twenty or thirty individuals at the entrance of the Palace of

the Luxembourg.
There was a numerous attendance of Peers ; we did not,
however, observe Prince Talleyrand amongst the number.
Several foreign Ambassadors and diplomatic personages were
also present.
At half-past 12 the President, Baron Pasvier, took the
Chair, and the Registrar called over the list of Poers.
The President ordered Ficschi to stand up, and continued
his interrogatories commenced at the former sitting'. The
prisoner was
,questioned as to his intimacy with the three
females whom be had kept as mistresses ; he said that one? of
them was named Nina Lasave ; she was, in fact, his only m:s-
tress at that time ; the other was the mistress of one of his
friends, and the third was an acquaintance of Nina's brother ;
he. took a special interest in the welfare of the second female ;
she shared his lodging and table ; he respected her much, for
he had always been a man of honour. The three females
were not his mistresses ; in fact, he thought that one wife
was half too much.--(Laughter.)- He conversed with them
on different subjects ; it could not be supposed that he would
talk politics with women. Nina Lasave knew that I was
intimate with Pepin, and that I had credit for money at
his house—that is to say, for small sums, as is the case
every day in Paris ; he regarded Pepin in the light of a
friend. He told Nina that Pepin and Morey would take
care of her if anything happened to him ; he was then
seriously engaged with the plot, and he had therefore told her
the above, as also that he could not any longer keep her at his
lodgings, not having the means ; but it was agreed, that in
case he was forced to fly, Morey and Pepin were to pay her
sf. each per month. Nina was only acquainted with Morey,
who often came to the house. The girl 81 ocquin knew Morey.
He became acquainted with the prisoner Boireau in 1834, at
the shop where he worked. He sometimes saw him at his
(Boireau's) lodgings. He called on him on the 23d of July
last, with the intention of sharing his bed, as it was too late to
return to his own house. The porter at Boireau's would not
allow him to go up stairs, as it was late. He could not say
that he returned there the following day to take a bed, but he
certainly slept there on one occasion. The prisoner replied to
many of these questions in a very sharp tone, often speaking
with much energy and action, crossing his arms, and giving
other demonstrations of sang froid. He was still under exa-
mination when our reporter left.

FRENCH FUNDS.-PARTS, JANUARY 29.
Five per Cents., 1085: 95. 109 f. 25e.
Four per Cents., 102 f.
Three per Cents., SOf. 25c. 15c. 35c. 50c.
National Loan, 108 f. Sic.
Rank Actions, 2,150 E
Rente de Naples, 99f. 25c. 20e.
Roman Five per Cents., 103%.
Spanish Actives, 48,7 i 49,A !.(ii
Spanish Differes, 25;4.
Spanish Passives, 15'5 16!‘a1A.
Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagnc, 37%.
Belgian Loan, Five per Cents, 103 X.
Portuguese Three per Cents 53
Dutch Two and a half per Cents , 56f. 25e.
Ilaytian Loan, 4105.
EXCHANGE ON LONDON.
One month, paper, 25c. 4'Nc. ; money tlsf. 4714. e.
Three months, paper, 25r. 32%e. ; money, 25f.
- rs Authentigue.
FRENCH Ft_INDS.-Fa RN, JANUARY 30.
Five per Cents., 109 f. 15c.
Four per Cents., 102 f.
Three per Cents. SOf. soc. 6Cc. 40c. 3Cc.
Bank Actions, 2,150 E
Bente de Naples, 9.)f. 30c. 35c.
Roman live per Cents., 103%!.i.
Spanish Actives, 49! 40.
Spanish Differes, 251,4 '.D.
Passives, '6 16 1.6!f,
Rente Perpetuelle,
Pclgian Loan, Five per Cents., 103!..
Portuguese Loan, Three per Cents. 52.
EXCHANGE ON LONDON.
One month, paper, 25f. 45c. ' • money, 25f 45r.
Three months, paper, 25f. 30e. ; money, 25f. 30c.
-Coors Authentigue.

Bevan, THREE o'CLoex.—The Three per Cents. haVO
not maintained their ground, and the prices arc lower than
yesterday. Great fluctuations have taken place to-day, this
being the settling- day of the bargains at option. The Three
per Cents. opened at 801. 50c., rose to 801. 60e., and receded
to 80f. 45c. Spanish stock is also lower, but no reason is
assigned for this. The buyers had over-stocked themselves
yesterday.
The settling is heavy ; an overflow of Rcntes has occasioned
another decline.

QUAkTER TO FOUR.—Five per Cents., 109 f. 15c. ; Three
per Cents., 80f. 20c. ; Five per Cents. Spanish, —; Three
per Cents. Spanish, —; Cortes, —; Coupons, —; Gueb-
bards, —; Differes, 16k; New Loan, —; Actives, 49k
Passives, 16i; Ducats, 99 30 ; Romans, 1031; Pedros, —;
Belgians, 1031 ; Dutch, —f. —c. ; Haytians, --f. ;
111iguels, —; Brabant Bank, —; Belgian Bank, —; Con-
tinuation, —c. ; New Differes, 25 ; Five per Cent. Pei pe-
tuelles, 38.
Three per Cents. for the next account, end of February,
80f. 4.7ic. to 80f. 50c.

the French surgeon, is n
Madame de Beaumont, only daughter of the late
celebrated Baron Duptlytren,
one of the richest ladies in France, having by the deathow
li unt ly
her father succeeded to a fortune of 7,000,000 francs. of
THE WEATHER.—On the 27th 1111
BY LIG. has fallen to the
(Scotland), there was a tremendous gale of ;:inda,t
accompa-
nied with sleet and snow. To-day, snow
depth of several inches, and a stroll.. gale coutmues.
CHURCH STRUCK
esemng, we had as heavy a
fall of hail, accompanied vividbyy flashliels'ONfiNligGl.;ninßge, tav: ewe tei.
four and five o'clock on Friday •
remember to have Witnessed for some years. The spire of
Blackrock Church was struck by the lightning, rent from
top to bottom, and the stones scattered about the building.
—Cork Reporter.

VERY SECRET DISPATCH of COUNT

POZZO Di BORGO.

(From the Portfolio, Nos. VIII. and IX.—Continued from
The Sun of Saturday.)
PRUSSIA.

Prussia appears to have announced her policy, by the con-
duct she has pursued, and the attitude she has already
taken. Desirous of preserving peace, she would, I think,
see with satisfaction the end of the struggle between Russia
and Turkey ; but she takes care not to provoke it by any
step likely to incommode the Imperial Cabinet, and has
-pronounced herself against those of this description, pro-
jected by the Court at Vienna. Her attitude, her lan-
guage, her demonstrations, have, until now, been favourable
to Russia, and the fear of seeing her unite with us in an
extreme case, overawes Austria, and serves to France as an
encouragement to confirm her in the favourable sentiments
she evinces towards us. The Imperial Cabinet has, then,
the greatest interest in attaching, as it has done, that of
Berlin to itself, in cultivating it, in accustoming it to see
that if Austria and England would put the existing terri-
torial statu quo in peril, by an attack upon Russia, his
Prussian Majesty, in making common cause with her, would
and advantages he could not hope to find elsewhere.
The confidential note which your Excellency communi-
cated to me by your last despatches, contains the germs of
this system ; we have only, therefore, now to tend their
growth, and, as it were, to fertilize them, so that they may
be ready to develope themselves, when the necessity shall
arrive. _ _

In my whole intercourse with the French Cabinet, I at-
tach myself to maintain it in friendly relations with that of
Berlin. Its representative, the Baron de Werther, applies
himself equally to this end, in the most zealous manner. It
might, perhaps, be wise and useful to familiarize Prussian
policy, with the idea, that if events should present the oc-
casion for aggrandisement, France, on her side, cannot
compromise herself, and take the field without an object. I
am persuaded, that, in the event of the three Powers, Rus-
sia, Prussia, and France, coalescing, the latter would exact
nothing which would be disproportioned to her sacrifices
and to her importance, or which could give just cause of
alarm to Prussia. .

When I trace these combinations, M. le Compte, it is
with the hope that they may never become necessary : the
unaccountable conduct of Prince Metternich has forced
us to seek, in such great changes, the means of thwarting
the general league that he labours to form against Russia,
and to avert the direct blows which he would aim at her .
When the question is reduced to self-defence, all means arc
not only permitted, but commanded, by duties flowing from
a higher source—the safety and preservation of the State.
The general tendency of the observation which I have
just submitted to your Excellency,indicates the conclusions
to which lam about to come. The close of the campaign,
and the position in which we' stand with regard to the
enemy, renders peace impossible for the moment, because it
cannot be honourable. _ _

Negotiations opened, under such circumstances, would
be altogether to our disadvantage, because we should be
compelled to break them off, and to draw upon ourselves
the odium of the rupture, after having revealed the secret
of our pretensions, before we are in a condition to support
them.

The zeal evinced by England and France to bring about
this negotiation, is unreasonable. Ido not cease to warn
M. de la Ferronays of this, and to predispose him against
compromising himself to such a point, as to force us into a
refusal in the case of the Turks, advised by Austria and
Great Britain, attempting to embarrass us, by offering to
negotiate, not to conclude, but to gain the reputation of mo-
deration and wisdom.

The project of England and France, to treat with the
Porte for the pacification of Greece, with the consent of
Russia, but without the presence of her Representative, is
for us inadmissable, for the reasons already given ; however,
since the French troops had withdrawn from the Morea,
and it was impossible for the Ministry to prolong their
stay, without sacrificing themselves, it is very fortunate that
this country has been put under the guaranty of the three
Courts ; this is the only shield which could protect it
a,ainst a new invasion.

In all probability, nothing can happen during the winter,
which can disturb our preparations—this time ought, there-
fore, to be put to profit, to show ourselves in a formidable
footing at the opening of the next campaign.
This condition is vital—it is the only chance that re-
mains to us to re-establish ourselves in public opinion, on
that footing where we were at the commencement of the
preceding campaign.
Whatever the explanation may be which we could give,
and the eclat which has shone in our arms, by the taking
of Varna—the raising of the siege of Silistria—the com-
plete evacuation of Bulgaria, with the exception of the for-
titied points in our power—the reports, without doubt ex- •
aggerated, of our losses—and the disorder which is sup-
posed to exist in our military administration—have h.-fi-
nitely lowered the opinion entertained of our power, and
of the organization of our army in all its parts.
The French Ministry is shaken by it, and its existence
will thereby be even, to a certain degree, compromised, at
the opening of the Chambers.
The intrigues of Austria multiply themselves—the Eug-
liA Ambassador seconds them, and if we do not hasten to
triumph, as soon as the season of operations shall arrive, ne
risk seeing changes here which will render the continuance

of our influence more difficult.
It is our policy to see that nothing new happens during
the next four months, and I hope we shall accomplish it,
because men in general prefer waiting—but the fifth must
be fruitful in events. The opening of the campaign should
astonish by its succass ; it arpears to me we have the
means, it-we bring them to bear, and if they are reasonably
employed.
The idea of terminating the war by menacing demon-
stration upon Constantinople, appears to tne inapplicable,
after the turn which affairs have taken. The capture of
places on the Danube will make a lasting impression—will

overawe Austria—will open the road to the remote provinces
- of Turkey—and will authorise our exacting their destruc-
tion in peace, as soon as we have them in our power.
Retain, M. le Comte, retain Varna,—it is a trophy which
belongs personally to the Emperor. At the proper time,
and supported by this station, our fleet can alarm the whole
coaq.
Although there is no probability of seeing an English fleet
in the Black Sea, it would be prudent to fortify Sevastopol
well aerp lust approaches by sea.
If ever England should break with us, against this point
will her attacks be directed, if she believe it attackable.
The progress of General Paskewitsch has been more im-
portant than the European public have imagined, because
its attention has been directed to that which was nearer.
We who know all its value, we should exert ourselves to
Tender it more considerable—it will make a great impres-
sion at Constantinople.
The blockade will not be so indifferent as they would
wish to represent it. As soon as the Sultan was informed
of it, he ordered a great supply of provisions from Egypt,
which the Austrians undertook to transport—l hope the
Imperial squadron will capture them.
Here, M. Le Comte, you have the tribute of my zeal,
and my feeble conceptions upon the grave questions which
occupy the Imperial Cabinet. In examining them, I have
not disguised the difficulties which we have still to over-
come, but I have also sought out the means we possess of
triumphing over them. The events of the past campaign,
far from discouraging us, will have given us the experience
which we had not. If unforeseen obstacles, have existed,
the Emperor knows them to surmount them—and I see in
the very necessity in which we are placed of conquering, a
principle of activity and energy which will preserve to the
Empire and its Glorions Chief, in the sphere which is their
own,that supremacy, from which it belongs to no human
power to make them descend.
I have the honour to be,

&c. &c.

RIPON.—The person to whom the following hand-
bill refers is a poor tailor, and has a wife and eight chil-
dren. A bailiff was put into his house to obtain payment
from him of milk tithes, claimed by the Dean and Chapter.
How long will such doings be tolerated in a civilized coun-
try ?—" Sale for Milk Tithes ; To be sold by auction, by
Mr. Charles Bailey, on Thursday, the 28th day of January,
1836, at the house of William Darnbrough, tailor (Dis-
senter), in Blossomgate, Ripon, part of his household fur-
niture, under a warrant of distress for milk tithes,"
claimed by the Very Reverend the Dean and Chapter of
the Collegiate Church of Ripon, under the title of Tithes,
Offerings, Oblations, and Obventions.' Sale to commence
at 12 o'clock."
THE LATE DREADFUL CASE OF STARVATION.
—On Friday a special meeting of the Paddington Vestry
was held at the Vestry-room, pursuant to a notice issued by
Mr. Pitman, the vestry-clerk, in consequence of the pre-
vious presentation of a petitTn calling upon them to ex-
plain the circumstances relative to the refusal of relief to
the unfortunate James Weeks, whose death has occasioned
so great a sensation. After hearing evidence, a gentleman
named Smart moved the following resolution:7“That
after a full investigation, this meeting is of opinion, that
James Weeks, at the time he was desired to leave the
poor-house on Jan. 11th, was not in a state of starvation,
b It in a condition to have proceeded to the next parish on
the way to his own in Wiltshire ; that it nevertheless ap-
pears to this Vestry, that' their assistant overseer did not
pay sufficient attention to the message of the Magistrate,
inasmuch as he did not refer the case to one of the over-
seers or medical officer." The resolution was put by the
Reverend Chairman, and carried unanimously. A long
discussion ensued, after which it was agreed that the Ves-
try should be adjourned to Thursday week, and in the
meantime the Rev. Chairman undertook to write to Over-
ton in Wiltshire, which was the settlement of the poor boy.
The Vestry adjourned at 8 o'clock.