The Sun.
London, England, 1849-04-17 00:00:00

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Non of of tii,,se c.:ionies. It was but a little time since
they gave up Vancouver's I, land to a company whose
course of policy was r ether to &populate than populate.
That island was enriched with iron, coals, &c., and yct
the Government gave it up to such a company as he had
described. If they looked at the policy of the colonial

department, in relation to the colony of Jamaica, they
found its fruits is the bankruptcy, disgust, and bad feel-
ing which that policy engendered, all arising from tho
bad faith which had been kspt with the colonists. There,
then, the cffects of the colonial policy were most loath-

sot e.—(Hear, hear.) lle stared, if-the House did not
I.•nd its ussisrance to (Talent the colooies of this great
empire with the mother country, that it would take such

a course as would lead to the dismemberment of its

integrity.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. HAWES said that he felt it to be his duty to
oppose this motion, as being unprecedented, and as
being adverse to the interests of the colonis in

general. lie, therefore, wished to take a glance at
the colonial system as it at present existed, and
piaci, it before the House as it really was. He would
first allude to the Executive Council of Goverment

in Can :da, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, trnd Prince
Edward's Island, and felt it his duty to state, that
the Colonial-office rarely interfered with those Govern-
Fuents except in cases of trade; but in cases of trade and

matters belonging to the Crown, he believed that it
would be generally admitted by the House that the Crown

had a right to exercise its veto. Again, he should say
that there were other representative Governments in
which a totally resp nisib!e authority did not exist, he
alluded to the West Lidi,s. Yet Jamaica had full and

uncontrolled power over its own taxation and expendi-
ture; but with regard to Trinidad, it was well known to
the House, that whe❑ that colony represented that their
revenue was less than there expenditure, that the Im-
perial Government agreed according to their )uggestions
to reduce the officers in that colony. Ile would make no
further allusion to Guiana than to state that Lord Grey
informed that Government, that he would reduce the
salaries when these matters were properly brought
under his consideration. He should also say that the
representative bodies in Guiana and Trinidad were not

popular assembla,Yes, for they consist fur the most part
et merchants awfabsentecs, who have the privilege of
voting by proxy, and therefore that the Crown had a
right to exercise a controul and to act as an arbiter be-
tweea the two parties, the aristocracy and the emanci-
pated natives; and with regard to the latter class be con-
sidered it right that the Crown should exercise a Glue
and salutary control and protection over them, until
they advanced more is intelligence and information. Of
the forty-three colonies, twenty-seven had representative
institutions, and there were nineteen which had actual

representative Governments. British Guiana might be
classed under this head, as having an actual Govern-
ment, though as yet very imperfect; but which he hoped
would be ere long very much improved; and the
lonian Islands had also a representative Government,
rounded on the treaty of Vienna, with a free press,
and other auxiliaries. Then there were 16 colonies,
such as St. Helena, Ceylon, the Mauritius, and others,
which, from the small number and character of their
population, were not as yet fitted to be entrusted with
the management of their internal affairs; for he would
ask, was Ceylon, with 1,500,000 Asiatics and 4,000 Ea'
ropeans, fitted to govern itself? Thus, on the whole,
there are 27 colonies enjoying representative govern
ments and a free press. He contended that the imperial
policy of this country must be carried out according to
the resolve of that House, and that, therefore, it was
most unjust to attribute to the Colonial Office a els-
conteet at .leonee and .in the _colonies' for which that
House, which was the organ tor the abolition of sla-
every; etas-sielely responsible, be it for good or be it for
evil. Who, he would ask, supported and carried out the
abolition of slavery? It was the House of Commons.
Then why attack the Colonial department for carrying
out the resolve of the House of Commons? When that
House resolved, alter many debates, that the
policy of free trade should become the policy of the
country, he would ask, did not that policy affect the
trade and condition of the colonies ? and were nut the
very persons who then advocated moat strongly the;
measure of free-trade, the most prominent in attacking
the Noble Lerd (Lord Grey) at the head of the Colo-
nial Department? Such attacks he considered to be
most unfair and unjust, and particularly coming from
Hon. Members who had been in some degree the cause
of those complaints. With respect to local self-govern'
client, he telt confident that Lord Grey was as much in
favour of that principle as any other person, and that
the only obstacle that presented itself to him was the
unfitness of some of those colonies. He would ask the
House would Ceylon, the Mauritius, and Guiana, with
a coloured population of 2,600,000, and 8,500 whites, be
considered to have the necessary elements for self-go"
vernment. He thought he might venture to say, that
if the French Government had taken the policy put'
sued by Eegland as their guide, at the first revolu"
Lion, when they lost a most important colon,'
in the West Indies, such an event would not have 09:
curred; or hal it been a dependency of England, "
would have remained to that momsnt annexed to Of
British Crown. There was another limitation to self-
government in their colonies, and that was, where grille'
naval and military establishments existed the Crown re-
tained its power and pro-eminence in regard to theta'
and every control necessary for those establishment°
must be vested in the Sovereign at home. With these
restrictions he was for granting to all their colonies, se
far as it was practicable, or circumstances would safely
permit, free government and representative assemblies
to manage their own concerns. Having thus ventured,
to show their colonial system as distinct from colonial
policy, he was justified in saying, that free institutions
were at all times conferred whenever the colonies were
in a state to use them wisely and moderately. The
Hon. Gentleman next proposed to inquire into the
financial relations between England and her colonies'
but he thought that would be a task of great difficulty
For example, grants had been made from time td
tithe to assist the colonies. Eight hundred thousao
pounds was given to the Mauritius some time sloes'
and a million to Ceylon; but these sums were nos
withdrawn, and the colonies required to assist tbeit
selves. The time was no doubt coming, when probable,'
all assistance would be withdrawn, particularly
their West Indian colonies, where the salaries of thell
governors were paid out of the imperial funds; but the.,
could not be done at present, however desirable it mad
be, in consequence of existing distress. With regal'
to naval and military establishments in the coloniee'
and the propriety of the colonies themselves maintaio°
ing an armed force for their own protection, that, 13°
doubt, was a subject of great importance, and was
der the consideration of his Right Hon. Friend the
Secretary at War. Everything would be done that Woil
possible, but a Committee of inquiry would do no go
in the furtherance of such a step. It was next sel.:
that the patronage of the Colonial-office was vesteddLio
the aristocracy, but what was the fact? Except the
office of Governors, every situation throughout their
colonies was conferred on the colonists themsetTe d
and persons appointed, not by the Colonialeof%
but the Governors of each of the colonies. ni
(Mr. Hawes) believed firmly that the opposition offer° t
to the Colonial-office in latter times arose in a grel.,
measure from persons who were disappointed in not e.
ting those appointments to which they looked forelerbe
But then, why should not members of the aristocracy
employed? And for his own part he hoped the day 03:(r
never arrive when they would not be found taking th
fair share of those appointments at the disposal of t ,
Crown. Lord Elgin had shown himself an able GO/Iro,
nor and statesman in his administration of executive 0
partments in their colonies. Lord Harris had heed
equally distinguished, and notwithstanding all that 14
said, when lion. Members read the dispatches on t''o
subject, they would find that Lord Torrington was fie
able Governor, and showed himself as such in his et°;;)
nagement of Ceylon.--(Cheers, and cries of Oh, ou'le
That was his opinion from all he had seen of the Nevin
Lord's administration ; and he had no hesitation
avowing it. But then, except these three appointme°,
the governorships of their colonies were not e°o,
re
tarred generally on the aristocracy. The office of ne,
vernor of New South Wales was given to Sir Chg.,.
Grey, who, with Sir H. Young, and many other distil),
guished persons, could not be said to have offices 0,
tarred on them because they were of the aristocrael,
He contenued that the most successful system of eft!s,
gration ever carried on was by the emigration cortt?',
sinners to New South Wales. The mortality dure3s7,
the voyages was next to nothing. A sum of 919,630
was realised by the sale of land, the whole of which Woo
appropriated exclusively to the colony. Half of it wo,
devoted to colonial improvements, such as making roe s.
bridges, &c., and the other half in carrying on the lee
tern of emigration. A sum of 100,0001. was due hY.-eci
colony, and that was paid off. Another,loo,ooo/. was rilijoi
also, and that too was paid, and now a third sum to to
amount was about being raised, which would be &Y.°
to the purposes of emigration.
Mr. SCOTT asked if these sums were to be paid
the produce of land? the
Mr. HAWES replied that they were raised 00 he t
security of lands hereafter to he disposed of in
colony. In 1846 the debt of 100,0001., to which he m a
A Of
already alluded, was due, and Lord Grey, instead
stopping
emigration at that time until the di
ce
was paid, encouraged it the more, and the consequeme
was as he had stated, that the money was now ratio's4e
—(Hear, hear.) Another sum of a similar amount "be
also raised and expended, and a third now about to
raised. He opposed the motion of the Hon. Gentled
because he deemed it unnecessary; because he biett
it would not attain the objects he had in view. a 0
while he did this, he attached the greatest importetne,";oo
the discussion raised on it, because it drew the atte_nee
of the House to the situation of their colonies, and et
manner in which they were conducted. He would snit)
repeat, that the Colonial-office had to carry out
tiott
policy of that House, and none other. The elOeed
ought to be met fairly, whether they were determulea
if
maintain in its integrity their colonial empire; eoolo'
they were they should pay for it. He believed the etbet
nial empire had conferred great benefits on the rog,ool
country. They were their brothers in blood. abe
possessed all the rights of free-born subjects, and
trusted the day would never come when England w.si,t,
deem it necessary to sever the connexion so long es
ing between them.
Mr. GLADSTONE agreed with the Hon. GeotletrieSlisli
who had just addressed the House, that no gOl-ee-o,lb'
arise from granting a commission of inquiry inteceee'
j. cts so complicated, because he believed such a
eer
mittee would find its hands so overloaded with (I,:teet
plexity of subjects as to render it a matter of the grv7o—ili
00
difficulty to arrive at any satisfactory result. I e
not, however, say that a Parliamentary Coainel'ttt,eB.othe
not do some good, as for example, with regard a be
disposal of Crown lands in New South Wee
ales. de'
lie%ee much might be said for such a modon 1
be 4 1 the
siring as he did that the attention of Parliament *eV,
country should be brought to colonial subjects, E
Still unwilling to give his assent to a des_cr_lll'7o.tas.'