The Sun.
London, England, 1831-02-03 00:00:00

' the domination of the House of Orange, or partition it.
The fate of Belgium must he linked with that of France ;
but by choosing the Duke of Leuchtenberg, recollections o f
the empire and of Buonapartism would be recalled, and
France would see in it a Napoleon restoration. The King
of the French would be perpetually hostile to the Duke
of Leuchtenberg, and the Belgians would not be secure of
either the opening of the Scheldt, or the possession of
Luxemburg or Lemburg, nor would they have any ad-
vantageous treaties of commerce either with France or
Holland. After proceeding in the same strain for some
time, he concluded by proposing the Duke of Nemours.
M. Ch. Lecoq, Deputy of Tournay, said, that the news
which had been communicated to the meeting had not
changed his opinion. " The reponsibility which is upon
us is (said he) immense—terrible ! But we must submit
to it, whatever the consequences may be. Honour must
be our guide. In saying this, I cousult my judgment, and
am directed by my conscience ; but I tremble while I do
it. Perhaps in our hands ale placed the destinies of Eu-
rope : this consideration might make us waver, if the sense
of duty were not predominant. After all the injuries we
have suffered, we are justified in treating this dictation
with disdain. Diplomacy has deceived us, but I hope we
are not lost ; our safety depends en ourselves. Let us
take care, for we are going to the very limits of honour;
if we pass them, we shall meet humiliation and disgrace.
An individual may survive shame; but a nation !—to a na-
tion:it is death ! Let us come to the important question—
which Prince shall represent our nation, Nemours or Leuch-
tenberg? Nemours is France in the eyes of the four
great Powers—it is inevitable war. Leuchtenberg is the im-
perial dynasty in the eyes of the Nouse of Orleans—it is not
immediate war, but a source of irritation against us. Be-
tween two such difficulties how are we to choose ? Good
sense must direct us. The proposals which have been
made do not prove that if we choose the Duke of _Nemours
war is inevitable, but we see it in the nature of things ;
for England deserves to sink to the bottom of the sea if
she allows the Scheldt again to belong to France. Turning
to France, I fear there will be torrents of blood. I see the
choice of the Duke de Nemours followed by the blockade
of our ports—l see the flag of the British Leopard flying
in the Scheldt; the Prussian eagles turning towards Liege
and Namur—l see a general conflagration. But, on the
other hand, if the Duke de Leuchtenberg is chosen, it will
be for the House of Orleans a cause of towards us,
not far from an open warfare. I cannot hope that in the
interval the prudence of the counsels of Louis Philip will
create one of those happy combinations which may save
the throne at this momentous crisis, and which, in the
mean time, ought to hinder the arrival of one of the mem-
bers of that unhappy family which deserves to be so far re-
moved from Belgium. As far as concerns the other Powers,
speaking without concealment, they will find their inte-
rests divided with that of the French Government, from the
moment that we have elected Augustus Beauharnois. This
clashing of interests will serve the other party. The Mi-
nisterial letter of the Est of January says, the Duke of
Nemours will not accept the Crown if proffered, and that
if the Duke of Leuchtenberg is elected, France will not
acknowledge him. So much for Nemours sad Leuchten-
berg. But after having meditated upon this letter, I think
that the obstacles to the choice of the Duke of Leuchten-
berg are not insurmountable. Ido not flatter myself with
this idea, except as a measure of safety. The second let-
ter of Sebastiani is not of such great importance as the
first, but after having weighed it with the former, I
cannot bring myself to think the language expresses the na-
tional sentiment. In taking upon myself the charge,
which I had not asked for, but which I considered as a
duty, I undertook it with the persuasion that the question
was to consolidate the actual, full, and entire independence
of our beautiful country, with the hope of making it
a strong and united State, and I should consider that
command revoked the very instant a different opinion
predominated in the Congress. This strong and united
compact will, I think, be obtained with the Prince,
whose family connections promised such favourable
combinations on our frontiers,—combinations which
will be in harmony with the true interests of Eng-
land, Prussia, Austria, and even Holland. France only
is opposed to the choice. lam convinced that thelGo-
vernment is determined to give us a weak Prince, that
our provinces may be ultimately taken from us. It is too
true that France does not like to see a Prince on the
throne of Belgium, who might encourage her to look for-
ward to future power and prosperity. But are we to
throw the gauntlet at France,—do we intend to insult her
wilfully by a choice which will he unpleasant to her ? To
this serious question I ought, undoubtedly, to give an an-
swer; and I say conscientiously, that we must be directed
entirely by concern for our own preservation. The safety
of the people is the highest law. In considering the ques-
tion with respect to France, has not the French Minister
promised us as the reward of our obedience all the advan-
tages of commerce and agriculture consistent with the in-
terests of that nation ? This is all that she offers, and I
am sure it is all she can offer. The reasons given by the
partisans of the Duke of Nemours are, first, that war is
inevitable, let our choice be whatever it may; the second,
in ease of war in consequence of our choice, France will
save us." M. Leceq proceeded at some length in a similar
strain, and concluded by voting for the Duke ofLeuchtenberg.
M. Pirmez, Deputy of Charleroi (Hainault), opposed
the election of the Duke of Leuchtenberg, as it would be
the cause of Belgium being made the place for all the in-
trigues and all the bad passions of the Buonapartists. He .
also contended that war would be the result of the Duke of
Leuchtenherg's appointment, and he should therefore vote
for Nemours.

M. Lebeau, Deputy of Huy, said there are three results
possible—the Prince of Orange, the Duke of Nemours, and
the Duke of Leuchtenberg. To elect the Prince of Orange
would be civil war and national shame. The Duke of
Nemours would bring immediate and general war, but with
the Duke of Leuchtenberg war at theLutmost is only pos-
sible. It has been said that war in any case is certain. Ido
not share in this opinion. Two causes, however, might pro-
duce war: the one is certain, viz.—the direct or indirect
union with France; the otheris problematical, viz. the contest
between the principle of liberty and the principle of ser-
vitude. If we provoke a war of principle, England, France
and Belgium would all unite to repel the aggressions of
absolutism—the people of every country would be for us ;
but the Cabinets dare not commence a war of principle,
for their people would not submit to the tyranny of their
Governments. Another species of war is possible: if we
choose the Duke of Nemours, a war of conquest might
break out, for the nations of the north, who remember the
oppression of the imperial armies, would rise against
France. War would, of course, be made against us, and
the possession of Belgium by France would ruin our com-
merce on the Continent. If Belgium be given to the
Duke of Nemours, France will resume a system of policy
which was thought abandoned—she will attempt to regain
the limits of the Rhine, and from that instant there will
be formed against her a coalition, at the head of which
England would place herself ; for France, once become
mistress of the Rhenish provinces, would have a prepon-
derance in Europe which would destroy that of other
Cabinets. The speaker then proceeded to contend that
war would be inevitable if the Duke de Nemours were
elected, and said that Belgium would be devastated by civil
war, which the party of the Prince of Orange would turn
to their advantage. Holland would intrigue, and sow
corruption around us; and, be persuaded, we should pay
dearly for the extirpation of the House of Orange. The
speaker then alluded to Poland, and said that every Cabi-
net was interested in the reconstruction of that kingdom,
as it would be a powerful barrier against the invasions of
Russia, which menaced the independence of Europe. The
election of the Duke de Nemours also would still keep us
in that state of uncertainty from which we so anxiously
desire to escape, and months would probably elapse before
we could receive a decisive answer : in the mean time
civil war would desolate Belgium. The provisional
system is fatal to us. There is no Administration, and
no longer any force in the Government. Do you not
see, gentlemen, that if France accept the Duke de Ne-
mours, the other Cabinets will tell you that you have
been imposed upon by her, and that all her protests-
tions of disinterestedness were hypocritical, and concealed
ambitious and in
unjust views? It is possible that Louis
Philip may persist in hie refusal; but even if I were sure
of his acceptance, I would nevertheless vote against the
Duke de Nemours, fir what would be the real meaning of
this acceptance? 'Thy, that the dispute in the French
Cabinet between those who wish for war, and those who
a r r theof aca
tu
i
desire peace,, was decided in favour of the former. In the
ctesne or fy.
We
shallwar which France will declare against Europe, either she
will triumph or she will be vanquished. If she triumph,
adieu to our independence—to our country. If France
should
libertyisal b pl
ose p tponaie.cdellfeoi
out like cattle, and replaced under the sceptre of William.
rl
The mere election of the Duke de Nemours will be oe t h ilt) en
defeated,
a quarter
con-
strued by England as an act of hostility, and will produce
the entire abolition of the treaties of 1815. The speaker
then remarked that though he had a suspicion of French
diplomacy, lie did not believe that France would dare to
attempt a division of territory ; and said, that to make the
Duke de Leuchtenberg become King of the Belgians, as
little formidable as possible to France, we would place
every guarantee round his election, and we shall exclude
from the soil of Belgium, in spite of our repugnance to
such an act, the whole family of Buonaparte. The French
Ministry will then have nothing to fear.
This speech was received with immense applause.
Several other Members delivered their opinions, after