The Sun.
London, England, 1838-07-30 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, JULY 30, 183 g.

MR. 0 CONNELL TO THE PEOPLE

OF IRELAND.

(Concluded from The Sun of Saturday.)
And such uncertainty has this additional disadvantage, that
the occupier of a decayed house (of itself of little value), will
necessarily get credit for a larger sum as against the rating
than his neighbour, who may occupy a much better house, re-
quiring few repairs. In short, Lord Lyndhurst's plan, although
it mitigates that of Peel, has this egreeieus disadvantage, that
it creates perpetual uncertainty, and gives occasion to the
exercise of chicanery, and, above all, of favouritism, on the
part of the rating officer, whoever he bc.
It is manifest that Lord Lyndhurst, under the pretence of
making the rated approach nearer to the real value, intended
to create so much confusion and difficulty as to deter persons
from taking the trouble of registering themselves at all. And
this it is that demonstrates that such was his design—because
there are other items which, if credited for, would make the
rated value approach nearer the real value, and which is per-
fectly certain in their nature, and could create no dispute. I
mean the Grand Jury and municipal ceases and taxes. These
are matters reduced to pounds, shillings, and pence, be-
tween the payer and the tax collector. At the registry no
dispute could arise as to that amount. When Lord Lynd-
hurst was bringing Peel's rated value nearer to the real value,
why did he not adopt the items constituting portions of the
difference which were certain and indisputable? Why did he
adopt the uncertain and disputable portion? He had both
before him : an honest mart might have adopted both ; a
candid man would have taken the certain and rejected the un-
certain. Lord Lyndhurst has rejected the certain and retained
the =certain. Let the Irish people now judge of his candour,
and above all of his honesty.
There is one thing, however, which the House of Lords
have placed still more clearly beyond a doubt ; that is, the
total fallacy of all Peel's assertion that the rated value and
the real value are the same. Look to the schedule and you
will find—lstly, columns to ascertain the net or rated value;
the columns are arranged thus :
First, the gross value—that is, the real value of the pre-
mises (for example) in the hands of the landlord, unlet and
untaxed. Suppose this value to be equal to a rent of, say
50/. per annum, out of this there are no less than twelve de-
ductions to be made, in order to get at the net or rated
value. They are these :—First, the landlord's rates; se-
condly, the tenants rates; thirdly, the landlord's taxes;
fourthly, the tenant's taxes; fifthly, the landlord's other
public charges; sixthly, the tenant's other public charges;
seventhly, landlord's repairs; eighthly, tenant's repairs;
ninthly, landlord's insurance; tenthly, tenant's insurance;
eleventhly, landlord's other expenses ; twelfthly, tenant's
other expenses. These entire twelve classes form twelve dis-
tinct columns of deductions out of the gross value, before the
real or rated is ascertained.
Such is the Municipal Reform Bill. The reason of mak-
ing these twelveleductions is manifestly this :—to make the
net or rated value as low as possible, so as to bring it below
ten pounds, and thereby deprive the occupier of the franchise.
It. can have no other object. It is true that Lord Lyndhurst
gives credit to the tenant in the franchise for two out. of these
twelve classes, in order to give a semblance of fairness ; but
to be just, or honest, or consistent with himself, he ought to
give the tenant credit for the other ten. But that would be
too fair and too just towards the people of Ireland to come
r sat
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icai tl rin4iyaiiiibpyp etahri s that
uthough n
gtl,le yet o chc
eu pnine
within his pious Lordship's contemplation.
tsaminasnearpsencinu.nierguat
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of ich
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So
each assessed in a proportion, say of 20/. each, they will have
to pay only 6d. in the pound ; if each of them was assessed
at 101., they would have one shilling in the pound to pay ;
the one shilling in the latter case,
and
the sixpence in the
former, producing exactly the same sum ; and the lower
amount of the sum to be charged with the rate creates no pe-
cuniary gain or saving, whereas it is intended to effect, and
will necessarily effect the political loss of the franchise to
multitudes of those at present entitled to rote for
Members of
Parliament.
lam sick-4 am heartily sick of this political juggle and
delusion. It is in vain to watch over the cause of Ireland
with an uncongenial and unsympathising Parliament. Oh,
what wretches we were, who did not prefer ten thousand
deaths to the extinction of our domestic Legislature. Irish-
men !_blessed be God—THERE IS A REMEDY. Whenever
you are worthy of being a nation again you will be so—you
SHALL be so. Unmoistened with tears and unstained with
blood was the first assertion of Irish legislative independence.
And such, and no other, must be the recovery of our national
rights. For I distinctly tell you that every day convinces me
more and more that Ireland has no prospect of obtaining jus-
tice, save from a domestic Legislature. At present she is
treated by the predominant faction in England either with
open hostility or hypocritical swindling.
It is said that there is one consolation—one wretched con-
solation—namely, that the present class of corporators will at
all events be swept away and annihilated for ever. It is quite
true the present set of corporators are abandoned by their
friends, and dismissed with contemptuous indifference by those
whom they have so long supported and sustained. There is a
miserable and unmanly comfort-in beholding their deserved
fate, and one should pity them if this blow, struck by their
friends, could show them the futility, of relying upon faction,
and the wisdom_ of adhering to their country, and of seeking
her freedom and prosperity.
Fellow-countrymen, I have done with the Poor-law Bill for
the present. I have done with the Municipal Corporation
Bill for the present. Deploring the one, and watching over
the progress of the other, constitute my present employment
and duty. You may rely upon my utmost care and vigilance.
There is another Bill before Parliament of portentous im-
port to the peace of Ireland—it is the Irish Tithe Bill. It is
said that it is calculated to satisfy the Irish people. I neither
think it will nor that it ought to satisfy them. It leaves all
the enormous abuses of a sinecure Church unreformed and un-
touched. It leaves the enormous anomaly of a State Church
supported at the expense of an entire people, for one-tenth only
of the population.
There is no country in the world in which such an enor-
mous anomaly exists, save Ireland. In Ireland nine-tenths
of the people are compelled to contribute to the Church of
one-tenth.
The new Bill does nothing but change the name of the
tithe composition into rent-charge, and give to the landlords
twenty-five per cent. for the change of name. It can never
be accepted of as an instalment of the justice due to Ireland.
I am quite content to go through the experiment of its con-
ciliatory powers, if such it have ; but, strongly impressed as I
am with the doctrine of accepting instalments, yet I cannot
consider, and therefore cannot designate this as an instalment,
or an approach to an instalment, of the rightful appropriation
of the public property.
One advantage, however, has I hope, been gained. A
considerable grant of money has been made by the House of
Commons to extinguish the arrears of tithes, and terminate,
if possible, the ravages of rebellion-ruffians and other tithe
exactors.
Whatever merit there may be in this arrangement, I am en.
titled to claim that it originated with me. If I have been
ice to my count-) men, I shall have that con-
able to do any sera
solation which could not be compensated for by professional rank,
judicial station or emolument.
Fellow-countrymen !—I close this lengthened epistle with-
out having expressed half the sentiments upon these topics
with which my heart is full tolawburstßitiits. We are derided,
jured, insulted.
The Poor- l, purporting to be for
charity, is turned into a national oppression, and into an in-
strument for _
the extinction of our political rights.
The Municipa • I Corporations Bill is converted into a na-
tional mockery and a us delusion.
And the Tithe Bill seeks but to perpetuate in another form
a system of ecclesiastical polity worse than any that ever was
imposed by the Mahometan sword on Grecian vassals. Shall I
be asked, then, whether my experiment to procure justice from
come end ?—whether the time has not
England is at an to
proclaim as a first duty the never-again-to-be-abandoned agi-
tation for the Repeal? My answer is prompt. NO. The ex-
periment has not been as yet completed. There are sources
of consolation and of hope as yet unexhausted. In the first
place, there is upon the throne a highly educated being,
full of all the generosity and kindness belonging to her
youth and to her gentle sex ; totally devoid of that pre-
judice against the Irish people, which was hitherto the cha-
racteristic of the monarchs of the Brunswick race. Anxious
for the liberty and prosperity of the Irish people, as they are
devoted in their aspirations for the glory and happiness of her
reign. Yes. We must never despair, whilst our youthful
sovereign countenances the friends, and keeps from power
the enemies of Ireland. Secondly, the Executive Govern-
ment of Ireland is almost all that we could wish. It is not in
human nature to be perfect, and, therefore, there must needs
be some errors and mistakes in the Irish Government. But
take the Marquis of Normanby for all in all, and he has so tho-
roughly deserved the esteem and won the affections of the
Irish people, that my hope for justice to Ireland, and my expe-
riment to obtain it without agitating the repeal, cannot possi-
bly, as I believe, terminate, so long as the Marquis of Nor-
manby continues to be Viceroy of Ireland. Thirdly, there is
a large, and I believe, an increasing portion of the English
people, awakening to a sense of the injustice that is offered us.
From this wise and patriotic body (though, alas I they form a
minority,) something, nay, much may be expected. I cannot,
for the present, relinquish the hope with which this class of
excellent and intelligent Englishmen inspires me.
Fellow-countrymen, ours is a lovely land. Nature has
showered her choicest blessings on her fertile plains and her
green valleys, her majestic mountains, and her mighty waters.
It is a land to love and to struggle for ; the suggle of peaceable
but determined men ; of men faithful in every extremity of
ill, and devoted to martyrdom for the liberty of the land of their
birth.

Amongst those who prefer-the rights of Ireland to every
other consideration, will, while lite continues, remain your
ever faithful and devoted servant,
London, July 25, DANIEL O'CONNELL.

. .
NEW ZEALAND._. Mr. Polack's " New Zealand,"
comprising a Narrative of his Travels and Adventures during a resi.
dence in that country from the year 183 t to 107, is now before the
public. At a period, says the Literati/ Gazelle, when New Zealand de.
servettly occupies so much public attention,
when, perhaps, the happi.
!Jess or misery of its people may be shaped by the measures pursued in
settling E itis tinglish colon
, putt the island, and prescribing rules for inter.
course with the natives, we are glad to see a genuine and straightforward
narrative like this. It is full of interesting matter, and supplies infer.
Illation of great value as regards the fate of a numerous race emerging
from barbarism, and open to every external impression. Numerous
engravings, illustrative of scenery, ccstume, and manners, embellish the
w k