The Sun.
London, England, 1849-07-04 00:00:00

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two great classes of society, the two classes cor- ,
responding with the two Chambers of the Legislature.
This is surely not the most fitting season to evoke
discordance between the Lords and the Commons.
When thrones have crumbled to dust ; and whole
c-istocracies have been dissipated by the whirlwinds
of revolution ; and democracy has caused its gigantic
strength to be felt from the northern shores of the
Baltic to the southern beach of the Mediterranean,
from the Vistula to the Garonne—when the stub-
bornness of Peers has suddenly changed Monar-
chies into Republics, and substituted for dynasties
dating back beyond the age of the . Carlovingians
the leaders of a people consolidated into a Pro-
visional Government, it would clearly be nothing less
than an exhibition of lunacy for the Upper House of
the British Parliament to place themselves in an atti
tude of antagonism with the masses of the population.
And to do this, moreover, in reference to the holiest
principles, the fundamental principles of the Con-
stitution !

For a long while the conviction has forced itself
upon our consideration, that, glorious as the demon-
stration of the 10:h of April, 1848, unques-

tionably was, as indicative of the stern and unani-
mous resolve of the English people to strangle
political fanaticism, and to proclaim to the whole
world their allegiance to the double cause of
Peace and Order—its meaning has been either mis-
understood or distorted to suit the feelings of the
Ultra-Conservative aristocracy. That man must be
either blind or mad who can look back upon that day
as upon an occasion when the people of Great
Britain pledged themselves to become the slaves of
an oligarchy. The 10th of April was the jubilee of
Order, not of Aristocracy. It was expressive of the
popular determination to conserve rather than to
destroy. Yet the conservation for which the
community then pronounced itself with one voice
was strictly a discriminative conservation, the
conservation of what was good accompanied
by the expurgation of what was bad or indifferent in
the Constitution. If the Peers were to delude them-
selves into a contrary opinion, and were to continue
to act accordingly, they would in the end discover to
their cost the error of their judgment, they would
rue the day on which they came to such an erroneous
and destructive decision. But that we look upon the
matter of the Jewish Disabilities as one already re-
moved from the reach of their jurisdiction, we should
commend the bigotted majority of the Lords to
weigh well their proceedings in its regard before they
presume to hazard another step in opposition to the
will of the community. As it is we cannot think
that the Commons of England will any longer con-
sent to bow before the insolent fanaticism of the here-
ditary branch of the Legislature simply from a servile
obedience to the routine of Parliamentary etiquette.
The course adopted in reference to the admission of
Mr. PEASE to the Chamber of Representatives may
surely, in an emergency like the present, be adopted
to effect the legal admission of Baron Itoniscuitn.

The rule established to suit the convenience of the

Quaker may be imitated to satisfy the conscience of
a Jew. If an oath may be altogether dispensed
with to afford room for the entrance of
one of th-.; Society of Friends, an oath
may surely be modified to enable the Hebrew to find
his way to the benches of the Commons. What has
baen done with so much ease for the followers of
Fox may be effected without difficulty for the fol-
lowers of Mons. A hint to the House of Commons
is enough!
Now—a hint to the House of Lords ! A hint to
those Right Honourable and Right Reverend Sena-
tors who appear to be tripping forward so very
unconsciously and hilariously towards the brink of a
precipice ! A hint just to save them from the immi-
nent dangers of their position, to open their eyes and
enable them to turn back before they go
blindly dancing over the edge ! Let them

beware lest in the midst of their interference
with the prerogatives of the House of Commons of
England, the latter should retaliate upon them
by refusing to grant the Supplies ! Ilow foolish the
Bench of Bishops would look in such a predicament I
What a sorry figure the whole of the Peers would

cut in such an event ! And such an event is always
possible, for (let it not be forgotten) the purse of the
nation is in the hands of the House of Commons
While the lovers of Civil and Religious Liberty
are exulting in the magnificent majority by which
the Baron LIoNEL DE ROTHSCIIILD has been elected

the representative of the first city in the world, we

wonder very much what the sensations of the Country
Party are under the circumstances I They must feel
themselves rather small by the way—so small that
we should estimate them microscopically. At any

rate, this we must say of them —they played
for a high game—and, and, and (a mere
secondary consideration) lost it i They
were to have followed up their recently daring

tactics, their displays in Drury-lane Theatre and on
the loftier stage of the Parliament, by carrying the
City of London by storm—by blowing the tantarrara
of victory in the heart of the empire—by inducing
the capital to choose as its Member a Protectionist.
They have done all—but succeed ! And if the num-
bers polled by the Jewish candidate in 1849 be less
by 173 than those polled by him in 1847, the votes
obtained for the Protectionists in 1849 are less by
1,600 than those obtained for them in 1847.
Everything, indeed, combines to render the
victory of yesterday's election complete and
decisive. Everything attests that the capital of Eng-
land is now permanently at the head of this as it has
been of so many other great political movements.
Everything proclaims that the Electors of London
have destroyed the last vestige of religious intolerance
and civil tyranny ; and that they have at length se-
cured for England in fact, as well as in word, Civil
and Religious Liberty.

Were it not for the ulterior objects contemplated
by the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire—were it
not that his motion was intended " seriously to
damage, if not effectually to destroy, the Ministry,"
and to bring into power a party desirous of imposing
fresh restrictions on trade and commerce, and of
taxing the "many" fur the benefit of the privileged
few—we would indeed rejoice to witness the appoint-
ment of a Committee " to take into consideration the
state of the nation." The Hon. Gentleman did
not by any means exaggerate the distress and
difficulties endured by the industrious classes through-
out the entire country. Ably and eloquently he de-
picted the sufferings of the people, and his tale was
unfortunately " ower true." He exhibited but too
caithful a picture of the fearful depreciation of every
description of property, and of the contraction of in-
dustrial pursuits, and the strictest and most
searching investigation should unquestionably be in-
stituted into the causes that have produced
or contributed to produce such lamentable results.
But the Honourable Gentleman is grievously
mistaken as to the nature of these causes. He has,
perhaps, succeeded in showing that the acknowledged
evils are not ascribable to " continental convulsion,
or railway investment, or commercial speculation,''
or even " to the Irish famine ;" neither are they to
be ascribed to the "new commercial system," and the
abolition of protective imposts, of which he so loudly
complained. It is owing to the adoption and
establishment of that " new system" that the nation
has been enabled to weather the storm, 'and to en-
counter successfully the difficulties by which it has
been surrounded. These difficulties would have been
fearfully aggravated, perhaps rendered insurmount-
able, if prohibitory tariffs had been retained, if the
corn-laws flourished, and the " sliding scale" had
been maintained in full operation. It is
not because the principles of free trade have been
partially recognised that the nation has suffered, but
because they have not been fully and completely car-
ried out; because " free trade in money" has not been
conceded; because a system of indirect taxation still
It
is imposestrueunthduate rtehsetsreicdtiuotniess are onounrow leviedforeigncorormeprucre:
poses of revenue, and not of protection ; the effect is,
however, still the same, and but too painfully per-
ceptible. Our trade 'with China is still con-
tracted from the high amount of the tea duties, al-
though the object of these duties may not be to sti-
mulate the consumption of other beverages of home
production.
" The rose by any other name will smell as sweet;"
and the effect of indirect taxation will remain the
same, although the purposes for which it may be im-
posed are altogether different.
The nation has passed through a crisis of no ordi-
nary character. We have witnessed a monetary

panics during which there was a total prostration of
credit, under which houses of undoubted sol-
vency, and which had previously maintained
commercial reputations, were compelled to suspend
payments. We have seen the value of money most
unduly and exorbitantly appreciated ; the most
rigid application of the screw, money being
doled out in scanty quantities, and at three times the
rate of interest at which it could easily be obtained.
This rate of interest on capital is unquestionably one
of the first charges on production. It is an element
that must enter deeply into the calculation of
every manufacturer, as well the manufacturer
of corn as the manufacturer of cotton. It is a tax on
industry, which, when unduly increased, completely.
paralyses the efforts of the producers of national wealth
Under the blighting influence of eight or ten per cent,
discount, there is a total cessation of industrial occu-
pation. Employment can no longer be obtained on
almost any terms. Who will devote his time to busi-
ness on the chance of obtaining six or seven per cent
profit on the amount of capital invested,
when he can easily receive larger returns without
risk or trouble ? Who will build houses, manufac-
ture cottons, cultivate farms, or in fact enter into any
speculation where the entire profits will be more than
absorbed by the capitalist behind the scenes, who
supplies the necessary funds for the undertaking ?
The Honourable Gentleman truly stated that " the
best test of national prosperity is the employment of
the great mass of the working population at a fair rate of
profitable wages." What, then, has directly interfered
with that employment ? That is the great problem
to be solved, and its solution must not be sought for
in the " new commercial system " recently esta-
bliihed, but in the stringent regulations contained in
the fatal Act of 1844. If those regulations did not alone
produce the panic, they materially ag3-ravated its in-
tensity. They led to the minimum rate of discount of
8 per cent.,insisted on by the Government, when owing
to the almost bankrupt condition of the country
they tardily and reluctantly consented to the virtual
suspension of that iniquitous code. Not witstanding
the conditions annexed to that boon, which in some
degree lessened its advantages, the effect was
almost instantaneous. An immediate improvement
took place, although a considerable time should
necessarily elapse before the nation could entirely
recover from the consequences of the great legislative
error of 1844.

We trust that these causes will be clearly and accu-
rately pointed out during the adjourned debate. Mr:
DISR tELI'S motion cannot be acceded to in its present
form, and with its avowed object, but one of the first
acts of the House in the very commencement of the
next session should be to institute a searching in-
quiry into the state and condition of the nation, with
a view to the adoption of remedial measures, and the
removal of the causes that have produced the evils so
justly complained of.

A glance at our miscellaneous columns will show
that our appeal was not ineffectually made, yesterday
evening, for aid to those brave Hungarian Hussars
who are, at present, penniless sojourners on the
shores of England. Pecuniary contributions to the
Testimonial proposed by ourselves have (as will be
observed) been already transmitted to us and duly
received. In addition to these and other communica-
tions upon the same subject, one of our Correspon-
dents makes inquiry as to which spot may be regarded
as the repository of such subscriptions?
Having ourselves suggested the Testimonial, we
are willing, we are not only willing, we shall be re-
joiced to become the medium for the transmission of
any sums that may be forwarded to us in trust for
the Hungarian Hussars encamped near Folkstone—
sums which will express at once the hospitality of ,
England and the cordial sympathy of the English
people in the great and glorious cause of Hungarian
freedom ! To all those who have secretly
sympathised in that sublime cause from the
day when BEM first drew his sword from its
scabbard, and when KOSSUTH first raised his
prophetic voice to predict the liberation of the
11lagyars—to all those who have exulted in the suc-
cessive victories achieved over the Imperialists, and
who have repined at the apparent apathy with which.
England has throughout remained a mere spectator
of the struggle—we here repeat our earnest appeal
in behalf of the heroic fugitives from German servi-
tude to Hungarian liberty. Let words and thoughts
now reveal themselves in deeds, to enable this band of
patriots to reach the country now sorely in need of
the arms of her valiant children.

Any contribution to the Hungarian Testimonial
will reach its destination if transmitted to The Sun
Office, under cover to " The Editor."

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
In the Legislative Assembly leave of absence was
granted to General BEDEAU, to fulfil a temporary
mission entrusted to him by the Minister of War.
The Constitutionnel, in announcing the departure
of General BEDEAU for Rome, says that " the object
of his mission is to observe the state of affairs, and,
in case of necessity, to take the chief command of the
French forces."
At the conclusion of the sitting of the Legislative
Assembly the following discussion took place on the
subject of the bombardment of Rome :
The President—M. Versigny wishes to address an in-
terpellation t• the Government.—(Oh, oh.)
M. Versigny said, that according to the last news
from Rome, a considerable breach had been made in the
walls, and a battery had been established on that breach.
It was said that this battery having been destroyed by
the Romans, General Oudinot had resolved to have re-
course to extreme means, such as were no longer the
habits of civilized nations ; namely, to bombard the city
and burn it.—(oh,oh—strong marks of incredulity.) He
wished much to learn from the Government that such
was not the intention of the General, and that it would
not authorise him to aim at the horrible celebrity of the
King of Naples.—(Loud marks of disapprobation.)
The President of the Council—lt is impossible that
the Government can thus allow itself to be dragged to
the tribune to reply to every fact that may be brought
forward. The Government has published all the dIS
patches which it has received; the dispatches of the Ge-
neral have alwars been published immediately on their
arrival. It has been asked what we shall do against
Rome—what means we shall employ, and whether we
shall imitate the example of such and such a sovereign.
—(Murmers on the Left.) We think that the conduct of
the Government is a sufficient answer to that question,
and that the consideration which it has shown towards
the foreigners who rule over and oppress Rome— (Loud
exclamations on the Left)—safficiently proved our inten-
t tion in that respect.
M. Larange said—ls it possible, then, that the Go-
vernment can say that it has no reply to give when it is
told that Rome—that the Eternal City is about to be
burnt? Do the laurels of Attila prevent the Ministry
from sleeping?—(.llurmers and laughter.) The Govern-
ment has directed a brave French army on Rome; by
its criminal orders it has violated the constitution 1
(" Bravo! bravo!" from the Left, and loud exclamations
from the Right, and cries of " Order! order!") All
Europe is now asking itself whether Rome will be bom-
barded or not? Let the Government then state what it
intends to do—the honour of the country demands that
an answer should be given.

The President—A Minister has already replied to the
interpellation. As no other member demands to speak,
the incident is terminated.

The Moniteur publishes a dispatch from General
OUDINOT, dated Santucci, the 26th ult., giving an
account of the siege operations up to that date. Two
pieces of the enemy's artillery, stationed on the
heights of St. Alexis, were silenced by the battery
No. 2. On the 24th and 25th the occupation of the
bastions was extended and consolidated. It was to
be further extended to the right, so as to cut off the
communication of the Porta Portese with the Mon-
tario. On the night of the 24th and the day of the
25th the working at the batteries continued, and the
mortars maintained their fire on bastion No. 8. A
breach was beginning to be made on bastion No. 9.
The loss during those two days was about 30 men
hors de combat, of whom two were killed.

A letter from Toulon, dated the 29th ult., an..
nounces the arrival there of a steam-boat from
Civita Vecchia, with 180 sick and wounded soldiers
from the camp of General OUDINOT. The excessive
heat was beginning to be severely felt at Rome, and
the number of sick was increasing. It was said that
General OUDINOT had resolved to adopt the most
energetic measures to bring the affair to a conclusion.
The 17th and 50th Regiments of Infantry had been
landed at Civita Vecchia on the 25th. The effective
force before Rome was calculated at 30,000 men.
The Asmodee sailed from Toulon for Civita Vecchia
on the 28th, having in tow a Government tender
laden with mortars, howitzers, shells, gunpowder, and
cartridges.
The Monitor publishes a protest presented by the
foreign consular agents at Rome to General OUDINOT,
together with General OUDINOT reply, and the
letter of M. DE COURCELLES transmitting the docu-
ment to the Government. The following is the protest
of the consuls :

"Rome, June 24, Seven o'clock in the Evening.
" General,—The undersigned consular agents, repre-
eenting their respective Governments, take the liberty
to express to you their profound regret that you should