The Sun.
London, England, 1831-08-08 00:00:00

ssoch ade gee is now almo impossible,—that the
'two legislative bodies coare to an understanding in
the House of Commons,—that the great party;
Poetics are there fought,—that victory is there de-
cided, and that the House of Pers in extreme
•cases is only called upon to concur with the verdiot
pronounced by its friends in another place, `or record
a judgment on which they had alreals, pronounced.
We are far from saying that this is the true theory
'of the Constitution, but it is both the theory and
the practice of the boronglimongers. It is the env!
swer which they give to those who talk of an etrial
balance of the three Powers in the Legislatures—
the reply which they make to veasoners like
Delotme and other foreign writers who have adopted
too literally the military dements of our constitu-
tional system. The alleged prettier seems esta-
blished by recent facts and " modern instances,'
Do we not see in the present discussions of Re-
form a noble army of occupation, sent into the
other House from the Peers, in possession of the
strong places of the Commons, and there contest-
ing every inch of ground with the rerssentatioss
of the nation for their mere- private advan-
tage? What are all the nomination boroughs in
the hands of the Lords but so many commanding
positions, from which they defend their alleged
rights without creating the necessity of any 'rupture
yr misunderstanding between the two Houses ?
Surely the same party who contended for " virtual
representation," and who assured us that untepee-
sented Manchester wits represented by the Members
for represented Liverpool, will rest deny that the
Peers are more than virtually represented in the
Commons by their sons, their brothers, theiv eon-
sins, and other relatives, or by the abler agents
whom they nominate to sit and vote for them within
its walls. We shall not libel the Members for 80,1
roughbridge by hinting that they are less able than
the Duke of Newcastle to defend the interests of
their patron. "Van any body who founts the votes,
or reads the speeches of Lord Chandos, doubt that
the Duke of Buckingham has a representative in the
House of Commons, of as much activity if not its
much weight as the Noble Duke himself in the House
of Peers? Has not the Earl of Isonsdale still re-
presentatives in the Commons House, though he
has lost some of his former nominations ? h not
the Marquis of Bath fully represented in the Lower
House of Parliament by his two suns and his
brother, the three Lords Thynnsss To go over
at length the list of those Noble Lords who have
" legislatorial attornies" in the House of Commons.
would be almost equivalent to an enomeration of
the patrons of the boroughs in schedules A and B,
together with the other places not in the said con-
demned categories, It is enough for our purpose
to have shown how the system works in some
cas:s—how the Lords fight their battle on
neutral ground ; and we may refer to the exami-
nation of the late majorities by our correspondent
" Radical" for fuller information on the details. It
would seem an almost irresistible conclusion from
there facts, that the House of Peers will not at-
tempt to reject " the Bill"—that they will consider
it as having virtually received their own sanction
when it has passed the ordeal of discussion by their
relatives and agents in the Commons, and that
thus a collision between the t we Houses will be pre-
vented by the very state of the representation itself,
which has transferred the arena of contest to St.
Stephen's, and assembled within its walls the
champions of the Aristocracy as well as the guardians
of the popular interests. This meeting of the nomi-
tiers of the Peers and the Members chosen by the
people has, on great questions which are long dis-
cussed, and where each tries their strength, some-
thing like the appearance of a conference between
the two Houses. A conflict is prevented which a
vote could not decide (because the two bodies
claiming equal power, neither could gain a majo-
rity), by another kind of conflict, in which a majo-
rity is easily obtainable without the danger of civil
commotion. But if this theory of the Constitution
(which we beg again to repeat is not ours) is not
enough to remove the alarms of one party, or de-
stroy the hopes of another, respecting the fate of
the Bill in the House of Lords, a better version of
the same Constitution—a version allowed by all
parties to be correct and authentic—bus placed in
the hands of the Chief of the State the means of
restoring harmony between its Legislative bodies,
consistently " with the privileges of both Houses,
and the maintenance of the just rights of the people."
To these means his Majesty will not scruple to
resort should the emergency require it.—Times.
The foregoing observations leave us little room
for a history of the proceedings on " the Bill" on
Saturday. It made as much progress as the wrang-
ling propensities of its enemies, and the shortness of
the time allotted for the discussion, would allow.
Though a debate, as usual, got up on point of form,
occupied some of those valuable hours which the
business of the country exclusively demands, the re-
tnainder of the boroughs in schedule D were disposed
of, and received one Member each. These were
Kendal, Walsall, and Whitehaven. Some of the
most important clauses of the Bill have now received
the sanction of the Committee. After a debate
upon the ten-pound qualification, which has already
been sufficiently discussed, the remaining provisions
of the measure need not occupy much time, as they
consist chiefly of regulations or modes of execut-
ing the principles and objects previously agreed to.
Indeed, the two kinds of clauses might have been
separated without any injury to either. The Bill
• will then be sent to the House of Lords, and whe-
ther it passes by the admitted theory of the borough-
mongers explained above, or by a necessary ad-
dition to the House of Peers, of members whose
sentiments accord with the spirit of the age and the'
interests of their country, there cannot be the least
question of its unobstructed success. Neither can
there be any doubt of its tendency and effect to pre-
vent that state of things in future from which it now
forms our only means of escaping. We are happy
that on this point we can rely on better authority
than our own opinion—an authority on which our
usual opponents will allow all the force,—the au-
thority of one of the chief opponents of the Bill_.
Mr. Alexander Baring. In reply to Lord John
Russell, that Hon. Gentleman said on Friday, with
a frankness which almost made Sir R. Peel's hair
stand on end,—" I will tell the Noble Lord how it
will work. It will work the entire extinction of
_ _ _

the Tories—indeed they are already almost at an
end ; and if the Bill passes, there is no political
party in any country that will be so completely de-
stroyed. 1 will Venture to say, that in five or six
years there will be hardly a Tory gentleman left in
England." What a calamity !—Tinies.

If the assurances which we receive from certain
quarters be well founded, that the King of Holland
has not been countenanced or encouraged in, com-
mencing hostilities against Belgium by the King of
Prussia or one of his brother despots, we are at a
loss to conceive why the King of Belgium should
think it necessary to call in the aid of a French
army to repel the Dutch invaders. Surely he does
not wish the world to believe that the Belgians have
become less capable of coping with Dutch valour
now that they have a King to lead them to battle
than when they were without one. Did not the
Belgians drive the Dutch out of their territory (with
the exception of the citadel of Antwerp) when
they had nothing to rely upon but their own man-
hood and prowess ? And have they not over and
over again declared that they would like nothing
better than to fight out the quarrel single-handed
with the heroes of the Dutch King ? We thought
at the time that they ought to have been al-
lowed to fight it out. The two nations are in
size and population a pretty fair match—though
the advantage is on the side of Belgium. If
they had been permitted to settle their disputes
between themselves—if the " great Powers" had
allowed them " a clear stage and no favour," in-
stead of pushing both aside to comi commence learincerothbez
selves a paper warfare of protocols,. *r
ofp fight
lit), the belligerents, after baying enough
time, aud
ing, would have shaken hands by this
have settled their differences without. putting the
peace of Europe in danger of being disturbed. The