The Sun.
London, England, 1825-07-23 00:00:00

MEILCANTILZ SHIPPING.

DEAL., JULY V.—Wind S.E.—Passed through for 'lvy
River, the Turners, Leader, from Palermo, and Edward I•ro-
theroe, Propert, front Opo ♦ .
PORTSMOUTH. JULY `2Z.--Winti S.---Arrived the Ata-
lanta, , from Malaga, for Petershurgh. Sailed. de.
Triumph, Green, for Bombay.

FALMOUTH, JULY 21.—Wind E.—Arrived his Majesty's
ship Jasper, G.lpt. Fieemantle, from Portsmouth, and sailed
again immediately for Mexico, with dispatches tat were in-
tended to go by the Redpole packet. Arrived the Kingfisher
padket, from Plymouth.
I.lv cu Poo JULY 21.—Wind E.—Arrived the Agnes,
Stripling, from Maranham ; and Jessie, Boag, 'from Alca•
andria.

Arrived off l'enzance, the Hannah, I.egg, from Bombay.
Arrived off Dov,T, the Bun:, Alexander, from Gibraltar, atsd
Juno, front Lisbon.

Arrived oft' Scilly, the Enterprise, Logan, from the Medi.
terranean.

Arrived off Cork, the William Picker, from
Jamaica; Benson, Taylor, and Minerva, Witi:amson, fmni
Quebec.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

Bow-STREET.--Yesterday Mr. Gilbert, an auctioneer NA
dealer in pictures, appeared upon a summons before Tuostss
liaLna, Esq., to shew cause why he detained a quantity e.;-7
jewels, the property of Lady Briscoe, from the lawtul owt.er.
The application for the summons was wade some days aw,
under these circumstances : —Sir John Winnington, whose
name has been so often before the public as connected with pro-
reeding s in the Courts in Doctors' Commons, being arrested
for debts to a considerable amount, applied to Mr. Gilbert to
become his bail. Mr. Gilbert refused to comply with this re-
quest, unless be had some collateral security beyond the wool
of Sir .John Whittington ; and the latter prevailed upon Lady
Briscoe to lend hint her jewels, which he deposited with Mr.
Gilbert as a security to him against the possibi,ity of loos. is
due time Sir John \Vinnington not being able to pay the debts'
for which he was arrested, surrendered to the Marshal of tltd
King's Bench prison, and of course all liability on the part
of Mr. Gilbert, as his bail, ceased. Lady Briscoe then de-
manded the restitution of her jewels, but Mr. Gilbert stated,
in answer to that demand, that he had sold pictures to Sir-
J. and had paid law expences connected with
his arrest, to the amount together of 451., and until that sum
was paid, he should not think of giving up the jewels. The
demand being repeated several times, but without producing
compliance from Mr. Gilbert, Lady Briscoe applied at tots
office for a proceeding to issue under Sir Thomas Plumer's
Act, averring that Mr. Gilbert had appropriated the jewels)
to other than the special purpose for which they were placed
his hands.

3lr. HALLS said he very much doubted if he had jurisdiction
in the matter, but he would send a summons for the appearatwl
of Mr. Gilbert, and perhaps, if it turned cut as he suspected 4
would, that he had no power to interfere under the Act of Par-
liament, some anal:gement might be come to between gar
parties._

Mr. Gilbert appeared yester.lay, accompanied by Mr. Butler,
clerk to Mr. Harmer, who stated that insinuations had been
conveyed by letter and otherwise, that the jewels bad beets
pawned by the defendant, but the fact was, that that gentleman,
for their better security, had placed them at his banker's; and
when the insinuations alluded to were thrown out, he took then
from his banker's, to show them to the parties, in order to con-
vince them that they were not pawned. All doubt upon that
subject being now removed, Mr. 6i1b.11 had only to state, that
so s:ion as his claim upon Sir Join Wilmington, which was a
just and honourable one, was liquidattd, the jewels should be
given up, but certainly not before, and he was ready to conteat
the point in the prorer Court.
Mr. IlAt.r.s said the case had turned out exactly as he ex.
pected. He had no jurisdiction, and the parties must be left to
their remedy at civil law.'
Lady Briscoe's solicitor said he was perfectly-satisfied wick,
the investigation ; and now that the Magistrate had deterrOined
that he had no jurisdiction, he should know what course to pur-
sue. Here the matter ended for -the present, and the parties
left the Office.

Mart Lnottoncit-SnizET.—Tlicmtar Gurley, a lad about
18 years of age, the driver of at cart, No. 137,282, belonging
to Evan Boulter, of George-yard, Grosvenor-square, appeared
yesterday at this office, accompanied by his master, before Sir
GEORGE FARRANT, the sitting Magistrate, upon a stamtnonea
to answer the- complaint of It. Martin, Esq:; M. P., wlw
-
charged him under the Act of Parliament which bears this
gentleman's own name, with cruelly beating and ill-treatitig, a
donky.
Sir GEORGE FARAANT, after hearing evidence, said,' thht
there could he no doubt but the case ir3. mufficiently made -ow,
under the Act, and the defendant vas liable to a fine of 61 ,
and to three months' impritonmcnt in the House rf eirrection,
if not paid.
I.lr. Boulter said, that the poor lad (who now began to cry)
had not a shilling in the world, and he must go to prison, for
he, Mr. Boulter, could not pay such a sum for him.
Sir G. FARRANT said, that what he had named was the
extent of the penalty, but he did not mean to inflict that :
he should reduce it to 10s., which was the lowest sum fhb Act
allowed.

Mr. Boulter said, he could not with any convenience even
pay this sum. The defendant was then committekto the
House of Correction for 14 days.
Two men, named James Chadwick and John Bailey, in the
employment of Messrs. Brooks and Gilbert, house-agents in
Bond-street, were brought up under a warrant, charged with
the following unmanly assault:—
Mrs. Chapman, an elderly respectable female, well known
as having kept for many years an extensive and fashionable
fruit and confectionery shop in Old Bond-street, stated, that
she had been for some weeks past in care of the house No. 40,
Clarges-street, Piccadilly, in which she was placed by a gensle-
tleruan named Frere, to whom it belongs, but between whan
and Messrs. Brooks and Gilbert, the house-agents, some die-
pute existed, of the merits of which she knew nothing. respett-
ing some claim on the part of the latter to possession. On
Thursday night, as she was alone in the house, and preparing
to go to bed, a knock came to the street door, whied she open-
ed, and instantly rushed in the two defendants and Mr. Gilbert,
who proceeded 'up stairs, locked every drawer, press, and room,
in the house, forced her down into the kitchen, where they told
her she might remain, if she determined to stay in the house ;
but that while she did so she should have neither a bed Mlle on,
nor a morsel to eat—no, not even so meth as a glaswof posse,
so that she had better turn out at once. This she refused
being in charge of a gentleman's house ; and she attempteil
to go up stairs to ger to her bed-room ; but every step she made,
up stairs, each of the three would, in turn, push her back' with
violence, telling her that she should have no bed, but that stle
might sit in the kitchen, or in the parlour if she liked bettei,
all night, where a bed was prepared for Mr. Gilbert to sleep
in, so that she was obliged to quit the house, to inform Ms.
Frere of what had taken place. She knew all the defendnote
:very well by sight, having often seen therzywhen she lived in
Bond.street. -;
The defendants were about to enter into a history of she
disputed possession, but the Magistrate said, that, however
this might be settled in the end, there was no justification
for the treatment of 'Mrs. Chapman, and assaulting her in such
a manner; anti they must find bail to answer the charge at dr
Sessions.
They were locked up for want of bail.

Mr.-Gilbert ,was included in the warrant, but Clements, the
officer, could not find him. His partner, Mr. Brooks, how-
ever, came to office, and engaged for his appearance the next
day. It was also agreed on the part of Mr. Brooks, that; MS.
Chapman should be permitted to take away her own and l'4r
husband's wearing apparel without molestation.
Mr. Frere was in attendance during the examination, 'art
expressed his determination to proceed against the parties who
forced possession. -
ManYLEnorm-Orrics.— Yesterday Thomas Aldridge
and George Tell, the eldest not more than 14 years of age,
were brought up on a charge of having enticed Joseph Rolph:,
a boy about 9 years of age, to rob his mother, a poor woman re-
siding at No. 7, Wellington-street, Paddington.
It appeared from the statement of the mother, that on Wed-
nesday night last she missed her son from home, and made
the most anxious inquiries after him until the following day,
when he was found in the company of the prisoners, by a per-
son who was aware of the absence of her soa, and brought
him home. On questioning him, he confessed having stoke
the money which she kept in a box, concealed in the coy -
board, on going to which she found the money was gone. He
said that when he was walking through the street, he met
with the prisoners and another boy, who entered into con-
versation, and asked questions about his mother's money,
and on telling them that she had 41. and, upwards, they advised
him to go and steal it, which he did, and brought to them.—
They immediately went and purchased, a donky, for 11. Ss.,
which they led, together with himself, to a house in St. Giles's,
which he could point out, but not the name of the street.
Gibbs sald.he knew one of the prisoners as a bad boy.
The mother suggested to Mr. II OSKI xs the necessity of find-
ing out the house to which her son had been inveigled, as there
was little doubt but such delinquents were encouraged by the
owners.
The Magistrate ordered Gibbs to take the boy to St. Wats,
to point out the house, and to bring forwsrd the owner.

TH E LONDON JOUlt NA

DAILY
Extractg from the Morning,. PaperssJuly

[BRIM," PRF-SS.i
The Catholic Association, it seems, gain no
ground among the well-informed persons in Ire-
land, not withstanding the philanthropy of their
avowed purpose—that of producing peace and
concord among all classes. Their proceedings
do certainly not promise to realize this vision of
pacific empire. Mr. O'Connell and his friends
have t. 'lked out a pretty broad line of conduct
for their public labours ; but to begin with
evading a statute enacted for preserving the tran-
quillity of Ireland, is to afford rather an omi-
nous prelude to subvert, to the utmost of their
means, the authority of a Legislature, and rather
en equivocal sample of their sincerity in preach-
ing up obedience to the laws. The Catholic chief-
tains put forth, as one of the prominent features
of their plan, that of numbering their population,
that its gross amount ►nay be the more correctly
compared with that of the Protestants. It is ex-
pected, no doubt, that on counting these le-
gions, the latter will bow their haughty crest,
and that the British Parliament will be induced
to accede to those claims, which upon a calculation
of prudence it may be deemed unsafe any longer
to withhold. But, in truth, vre should expect
no such result from this display. Catholic con-
cession was never discussed as u question of num-
bers ; it has always been made to rest on consi-
derations of a very different nature. That causes
—great and just causes—of complaint exist in
Ireland, cannot be denied, and their removal
must ever be an object of anxious desire to the
most enlightened minds. The true bearings of
the question of Catholic Emancipation have never
been placed, as it appears to us, in their true and
proper light by either of the leading parties,
whether of its advocates or its enemies. The
friends of the Catholic cause insist on the in-
justice of excluding any class of subjects from
any offices of trust and profit in the State on
the ground of their religion : while their op-
ponents, on the other hand, contend that the re-
ligion of the State, being established by law,
must be upheld and protected by the law, which,
for this purpose, is justified in excluding from the
higher offices of Government all persons of a dif-
ferent religious creed, inasmuch as their weight
and influence, when invested with power, may be
employed to purposes hostile to the interests of
that Church which the Government has pledged
itself to the nation to maintain. Taking these
opposite grounds of opinion, both parties may
argue plausibly and without end ; while the
ninny, who would gladly make up their minds
conscientiously on one side or the other, could
they come to any satisfactory conclusion, are left
at the mercy of the last argument, on whichever
side It be : those who undertake, for the time, to
think for them, interweaving quite enough of
truth into their reasoning to prevent their think-
ing for themselves.—That every man should be
permitted to worship God in his own way, and
according to that form which he conscientiously
believes to be acceptable to him, is a truth
which we should be sorry to hear controvert-
ed. It is a truth which every honest and
enlightened Statesman must admit ; it is a
truth to which the Clergy of our Established
Church most readily subscribe.- But, this being
granted, does it not follow that no class of per-
sons in the State ought to be subjected to any
civil disabilities on account of their religion ?
Assuredly it does. On what ground, then, it is
asked, is it that the religion of the Roman Ca-
tholics is made to disqualify its members from
holding those offices to which the law has declar-
ed them inadmissible ?—Here it is that we pause.
It is in reply to this home question, arising out
of a chain of reasoning perfectly logical, that it
becomes necessary to take those important dis-
trtictions a hich can alone enable us to reply to it
as we ought—that is, fairly, intelligibly, and
without shrinking from any one consequence
which the premises involve. We say, then,
that it is not the religion of the Roman Ca-

tholics that either gave rise to their exclusion
from high official power, or that still cc-dinues in
force the remaining disabilities of w hich they so
urgently complain. It is the political doctrines
engrafted on that religion, and which have, from
the very origin of the Popish councils in which
they Were framed, be( o made subservient to the
worst excesses of spiritual tyranny—it is these,
and the bulls, sentences, confessions, absolutions,
interdicts, and dispensations which follow in their
train, that inspired that dread of the re-admission
of the Catholics to power and place, and which
bolted the doors of preferment against them with
such decided force. Every religion, in its essence,
must combine a'regard for man with its love of
the Eternal Being whom it worships—it is not,
therefore, against the religion of the Roman Ca-
tholics that those laws are still retained from
which they seek to be emancipated : it is against
those-bigotted and sanguinary principles which
have governed the Roman Church from its com-
mencement, and which will govern it to the end
—it is these, and the dread array of spies, inqui-
sitors, and confessors, which are identified with
its hierarchy, that Protestants fear to encounter,
and which they would faiu keep at, arm's length.
The religion of the Catholic, viewed in the ab-
stract, has in it the essence
.of Christianity—
it has within it, consequently, the whole of
those. moral precepts which Christianity en-
joins; it is not, therefore, against the re-
ligion of Ireland—identified in all that is essen-
tial with their own—that the Protestants of
England stand upon their guard. No; it is to
the complete dominion over the conscience which
the intriguing pastors of that communion exer-
cise, and the studious care with:Which they keep
down the tower classes in that. state of servile ig-
norance, which makes them at all times the fit
tOOls, as well as the ready instruments of their
priesthood, to whatever service ,they may be
called; it is to this, and to the danger arising
•
out of it, that they look with alarm, and against
which ..they seek security in those remaining
laws which they refuse to surrender to the Ca-
tholic claims. Doctor Troy-, in his celebrated
Pastoral Letter of 170, says that the religious

.. •

concerns of Ireland are regulated by a College of
Cardinals at Rome. In our opinion, however,
the reign of spiritual and temporal usurpation, as
far as the Holy Pontiff is concerned, is pretty
well at an end, but is the hatred of heretics ex-
tinguished? Is the spirit of proselytism less ac-
tive ? Is the belief in miracles less implicit ; or
is the machinery of Popish superstition played
off with less success on the ignorant peasantry
of Ireland at this day, than it has been for ages
past ? Have not the Jesuits, under the present
Pontiff, Leo XII., gained an ascendancy in the
Roman States, and in all the Catholic States of
the Continent—France among the foremost,—
that threatens to throw Europe back half a cen-
tury in the progress of civilization ? Let not
those among the Catholic leaders, who wish to
lay hold of popular disquietude to speed forward
the cause they advocate—let them not urge that
it is to their religion, as Catholics, that our laws
are hostile. It is not the truth. The leading
doctrines of that religion make a part equally of
the Protestant and Catholic faith. They are to
he found in that Gospel which they both equally
revere. The attack made upon the Catholic
power at the Reformation was not against the
exterior form of worship, or against the tenets of
religious belief which accompanied that wor-
ship. It was against the insolent dominion of the
Romish Church—the overwhelming tyranny of
its priesthood—the imperious despotism which
they exercised over the freedom of opinion—the
extortionate purposes to which they applied all
the mystic symbols of the faith—the system of
fraud, artifice, oppression, and intermeddling by
which they got the direction of the conduct and
conscience of the people, and possessed them-
selves of every avenue to wealth and authority in
the State—all this it was, combined with the mer-
ciless bigotry of the Popish Clergy, and the im-
pious pretensions of the Papal power, that made
England rise to rescue herself from a dominion
which trampled her in the dust. We have been
induced to go into this subject at some length,
from our anxiety to remove a misconcep-
tion which is fruitful of mischief and of false
reasoning. But having said thus much, we
would ask Mr. O'Connell, and the leading
members of the Catholic aristocracy, with
whom he acts, whether, in this view of the sub-
ject, those who are hostile to the grant of any
power to the Irish Catholics beyond what they
at present possess, are likely to be conciliated
by any arguments drawn from their superior num-
bers—frOm their facility of levying contributions
—from the concentration of their strength by as-
sociations—and from the imposing attitude which
they would fain assume before the British Par-

liament ? If they are kept out of power from a
dread of the use they might make of it, is it
worse hi the Catholics to make a parade of the
muster-roll of their population, of their financial
resources, and of all the well-concerted means
which they have of becoming the ruling power in
Ireland ? We would entreat them to reflect upon
the course they are pursuing. Neither our space

nor our leisure will permit us to pursue the sub-
ject further at present, but occasion enough will
be presented to us of recurring to it.

[NEW TIMES.]

It is gratifying to observe that the foreign po-
licy of England, under the direction of Mr.
Canning, extorts applause even from those wri-
ters who are unable to appreciate the princi-
ples in which it originates. We some time
since remarked, that the Constitutionnel was
wrong in supposing that Mr. Canning had
taken Mr. Charles Fox as his model: the
French Journalist says, 64 the Nem Times has
misunderstood us, and we shall therefore enter
into an explanation of our meaning." Now this
explanation is nothing more than a long and la-
boured mis-statement of Mr. Pitt's principles,
founded on the false idea " that the object which
he proposed to himself throughout the whole of
his life was the abasement of France." it is
somewhat singular, that the opposite parties in
France should fall into the very same error.
The real object of Mr. Pitt was to inaintain the
British Constitution, and to raise his country,
not on the ruins of any other nation, but by
means of advancing general civilization and hap-
piness. During the first ten years of his power,
his imaginary hatred of France was w holly im-
perceptible. In 1786, he negociated a com-
mercial treaty with that country. In 1789 the
French Revolution began. Mr. Pitt was so far
from seeking the destruction of France, that
Ile maintained the strictest neutrality between
the adverse parties, for nearly two years after
the greater part of Europe had taken part in the
war. That he secretly encouraged the Revolu-
tionists, and even promoted the destruction of
the Bourbons, has been said, but it is as un-
founded a calumny as ever was uttered. When
he was forced into the war by the inhuman mur-
der of Louis XVL, he pursued it, indeed,
with inflexible firmness, but he was always
ready to treat for Peace on the most liberal con-
ditions, and did in fact offer terms which many
eminent Statesmen thought far too favour-
able to the enemy. There is no reason to
believe, that if Mr. Pitt were now living,
and at the head of affairs, his policy would be
in any material point different from that of Mr.
Canning; whether Mr. Fox would, if living,
adopt a different system, we do not think it ne-
cessary to consider. Possible it is, that in the
present state of the world, those two great men,
were they living, might be found marching side
by side in the path of an enlightened foreign
policy ; but at all events it is certain, that the
course pursued by Mr. Canning, in relation to
the rising States of South America, is strictly in
consonance with the principles of Mr. Pitt.

[THE TIMES.]
The New York Papers present us with a re-
port of proceedings in the State Legislature of
Georgia, which, so far, as words go, bear a me-
nacing aspect to the tranquillity, if not to the
permanency, of the Federal Constitution. But
in a. free country, be-it observed, strong language
is more frequent than any other kind of violene,,
and very often cures* the ill-temper which it e
presses. The t:overnor of Gporgia -had scut a
tn.-..si•age to the noti,e of 4-1 op ro. •fl lativt;s, chart.

ing with impropriety the interference exercised'
byrthe General Government of the United States
in the internal concerns of Georgia, and announc-
ing, that as the Georgians " had exhausted argu-
e ment, they ought to stand by their arms." This
message being referred to a Committee, a Re-
port and Resolution were founded on it, couched
in the most menacing and even warlike terms
towards the General Government. The details
of these documents are inserted in another co-
lumn. With respect to the reasoning contained
in them, we can collect nothing, but that the po-
licy of the Central Government is at variance
with what the Georgians consider their rights and
interests, and that if the difference should proceed
in its present course, it must lead to a defection of
the Southern States (for all of which, including
Virginia and South Carolina, the Georgian
Committee professes to speak) from the other
members of the Republic. The subject of dis-
cord is—what we are well used to at home—the
opposition between the interests of those who,
deal in slaves, and the sentiments of those who
wish the whole system of slavery annihilat-
ed. But there are circumstances which render
this a question of the gravest character in rela-
tion to the intercourse of the United States with'
Foreign Powers. One or two of the Southern
States have resolved, that every roan of colour
who enters their harbours in a foreign ship shall
be imprisoned until the ship is again ready for
sailing. The King of England has thousands,
perhaps, of black subjects and mulattoes, helping
to navigate his commercial marine ; are they to
be treated as criminals and thrown into gaol,
if, in reliance on the faith of treaties, the
'vessels on board of which they serve should
enter the port of Charleston, for instance ? Would
England endure this ? Would the Govern-
ment of Washington uphold it, or go to war
to enforce such cruelty and injustice ? Assuredly
neither of these things would happen. Ilow, then,
can the United States remain incorporated, if
contradictions so radical between the whole
and its parts should continue ? It is foolish
to speculate on slight, or perhaps transient oc-
currences, as if they were fixed in the na-
ture of things; but undoubtedly it does ap-
pear, that a wise and liberal policy on many
questions is that which suits the Northern
States of America, yet is altogether unconge-
nial to the spirit and character of their
slave-owning neighbours in the South. Con-
trarieties thus obvious and important would
call for a vigorous concentration of power
in the Federal Government of the Union to re-
concile them—that the more partial and narrow
should yield to that interest which was more ex-
tensive and enlightened. Whether such a conso-
lidating force exists in the Republic as at pre-
sented constituted, is an inquiry of all others the
most interesting and the most difficult to decide.

[THE PUBLIC LEDGER.]
The House of Representatives of Georgia
have just come to a resolution, which shows
of what frail materials thb- United States Go-
vernment is composed. How any body of
enlightened men could have adopted such a sys-
tem of Government is astonishing ; but if any of
them are still alive, they must now see their error;
and instead of the duration, upon which they
calculated, they have the certain prospect before
them of its speedy extinction. Such is the plain
interpretation, in Our opinion, of this important
Resolution. In fact, it contains a challenge to
the Northern States to separate from those in the
South ; and to understand the course which is
likely to be adopted in consequence, it should be
known that the New England States have, more
than once, entertained the design, which has been
now agitated, we believe, for the first time, in the
South. During the last war,, they entered into a
sort of compact to this effect; and had hostilities
continued, it would have been acted upon in all
probability. Therefore the challenge has not
been given to n lukewarm party ; and, if it have ,
no other consequence, it will increase the ill-
blood already subsisting between the Northern
and Southern sections of the Union, and which
has boiled over in this intemperate resolution.—
The marked and studied contempt in which the.
New Englanders are spoken of in this import-
ant document, will not be overlooked by the
latter ; and these will soon return the compliment,
with a cordiality which will place the Legisla-
ture of Georgia, and those of the Northern States,
upon a perfectly equal footing in this respect.—
The fiery spirits of the South will recriminate, of
course ; and, in spite of the moderate men of the
Union, a separation will ensue in good earnest
and without further formality. One of our con.
temporaries speaks lightly of this affair, because
he thinks superficially, and feels slightly upon
the subject himself. But "the people of whom he
is speaking, and whose character he so little com-
prehends, will take up the matter with an acri-
mony of feeling, which every day will increase,
and which can only be compared to the bitterness
that the higshisi sptiit of faction, or the most un-
compromising political hostility, usually en-
genders.

[MOANING POST.I
Certain advices..have been received that two
camps are shortly to be formed on the frontiers
of France towards Spain ; but whether as Corps
of Observation instead of the Army of occupa-
tion, or to aid it in case of need, is not at present
known. Whatever the real object may be, it is
an undoubted fact that orders have been received
at Bayonne, for the_ immediate preparation of a
camp at the do'main of Marac (about a mile from'
the gates of the city), for the reception of 15
battalions of infantry, each to consist of 609 ef-
fective men, making in all 9,000 men. Two re-
giments of cavalry are also named, which will be
cantoned for the sake of forage at the village of
Ustartitz, about three leagues from Bayonne,
and at -St. Jean de Luz. The like arrange-
ments are taking place on the side of Perpig-
nan. The arrangement of the park of Marac for
a camp has actually commenced, and is conti-
' ;flied with activity. A suitable train of artillery
will be attached, so as to form a complete diviL.
Son, at present called the 'division of. reserve.
The 6111 Freorh regiment of the In., at. present
ifl!.! rri!-0) at PatnplOoa, are un,ler orders to
in:11'0) toM,Crid to roioforce that garrison ; thry

will be replaced by a regiment immediately ex-
pected at Bayonne. Vittoria, Burgos, Santan-
der, and Corunna, daily present some disturb-
ances, and the loss of lives frequently is the
consequence.

[MORNING HERALD.]
The singular colloquy which took place a few
days since between the Lord Chancellor and one
of the Learned Counsel practising in his Court,
whatever it ❑►ay prove in other respects, at least
shows the former to possess as thorough a share
of good temper and self-possession as falls to the
share of any one man in ten thousand. By
some, the occasion we allude to may be thought
to furnish an instance of the manly indepen-
dence of the Bar. Be it so. We would not
for a moment insinuate or imagine that any
thing which the Chancellor ever said or did
in a memorable cause between the Gentleman
in question and the Regent's or some other Canal
Company, could in any way influence the feelings
or conduct of the latter ; but we may be permit-
ted to doubt the propriety and good taste, if not
the policy and justice, of choosing the Court of
Chancery itself, with the Judge seated on the
Bench, as the proper place for reading him a
lecture, and that in terms so unmeasured
as these are reported to have been. It is
the fashion with some people to attribute all
the faults of the Court of Chancery to the
Judge. The public at large—at least the unpro-
fessional part of it—migh be excusable for so doing.
A client, tired out with the delays, the intricacy,
and ex pence of a protracted suit, might be ex-
cused for saying to the Chancellor, " My Lord,
you are the cause of all this; for, at least you
do not cure it." But those who know how much
both the Bar, and its immediate employers, have
to do with the matter, and how largely they both
profit by the system, will be inclined to doubt how
far any one of these branches of the profession is
entitled to heap the whole odium and obloquy upon
the Judge. We repeat, that we believe the Chan-,
cellor to be no further answerable for the defects
and errors of the Court,than by suffering them Coex-
ist. Ile seems to imagine that nothing but a total
reform will do ; and that because no scheme has
yet been hit upon, which will at once remedy
every defect, therefore nothing can be done. On
the contrary, we cenceive that reform, to be avail-
ing, should be gradual. That the one is more
like repairing, the other like pulling down the
stately edifice. Est quodamprodire tenus, ii non
datur ultra. Why does not the Lord Chan-
cellor, for instance, rid himself of the affairs
of bankruptcy and lunacy ? Why does he not
do something- to stop the eternal talking of
Counsel, and the useless repetition of facts
and arguments. Why are not useless offices
abolished, which are only a source of pa-
tronage and expence ? Why are not desultory
pleadings shortened ; and the proceedings in
the Masters' offices simplified and quicken-
ed ? All, or some of these, perhaps, are to-
pics which have engaged the attention of the
Commissioners who were so long► ago appoint-
ed to investigate the subject. And we cannot
help thinking that if these Commissioners have
taken up and reported upon these and other
points one by one, and thus set about their re-
form by degrees, such a method would have been
more satisfactory—at least to the present genera-
tion, than postponing the whole for one sweeping
reform, which the greater part of the adult popu-
lation, including the Commissioners themselves,
may never live to witness or partake of.