The Sun.
London, England, 1831-04-11 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THEPUBLIC JOURNALS.

From, amongst many speeches, the majority of
which were not -worth remembering, made in the
'House' COrnmrins against the principle of Re-
form, or rather against the Bill of his Majesty'sl
Ministers, tivo or three may be culled out, se
spectable for talent, and so little obnoxious ltr the
spirit which seemed to. pervade_ them) Its to inspire
no small regret that; whether frool the political en-
gagements of the speakers, or from a peculiar timi-
dity or indecision of temper which unfitted them to
grapple with the exigencies of an important crisis,
the country had wit (what it might reasonably have
looked for) tht benefit of their influence and their
votes. Art Hon. Baronet, Sir John Walsh, was
one of this class of Members, and may be said to
have grieved every friend of Reform, while he cer-
, vainly offended none, by the activity of his opposi-
tion to the measure proposed by Lord -Sohn Rus-
sell. Sir John Walsh has recently written a
'pamphlet against Reform—se second pamphlet—.
which, with the anti-Reform party, enjoys the re-
putation of combining all that can be said in
favour of the existing system ; and for us re-
formers, we are ready to acknowledge its me-
rits to the same extent, with this single 'qualifica-
tion,—that the required allowance is of but little
value. Putting out of sight the literary taste and
gentletnenly tone •of this production, our conscien-
tious opinion is, that it does not contain a single ar-
gument of weight enough to occupy for twenty-
four hours the attention of any man used to reflect
upon the questions—much less to arrest, for a single
moment, the determination of a Legislative Assem-
bly to support the present measure of -Reform. To
t ike the propositions of the pamphlet in detail and
discuss them, would be' nothing short of re-arguing
the whole question for the twentieth time, which it
is obvious that neither our own spate would permit,
nor the patience of our readers tolerate. It tney
Suffice to say, that the Hon. Baronet divides his
subject into an examination of the measure as the po-
licy of completing it ought to be affected, by argu-
ments drawn from the state of England, of Ireland,
and of Europe. With regard to this country, we
differ entirely from Sir John Walsh, when he blames
Lord 'Grey for having come into office under
" any pledges whatever." On the contrary, the
true wisdom of a Minister in a free country is,
to show the nation that he deserves their' confi-
dence, and that he is not afraid to bind himself by a
solemn engagement to accomplish what he COMM'S
with them in considering to be a great public good.
Nor is the' question,' -sit often asked, and now re-
peated by Sir John Walsh; whether, this Reform
is likely to satisfy the People of Engleed," worth
iy more than the spirit of Tory jealousy in which
'lie reproaches Lord Grey with having- bound him-
'self by promises to the people. If this Reform
Bill does, not satisfy—and it aught not to be so
framed as to satisfy—the unreasonable or violent
classes of petitioners, it will separate (says Mr.
Jeffrvy) the reasonable froth their side, and restore
them as faithful allies to the Constitution. As for
the " revolutionary" character of the Bill, it may
be answer enough•to affirms, that a revolution in
favour of property, of which,the first interest ever
will be to enforce the reign of order mei of law, is
not a revolution to create much tenor in the mind
of any civilized- being. We 'challenge., therefore,
any friend of truth to say whether it' is not the
obvious tendency of the Bill to strengthen incal..
eulably the connexion between the whole mess of
property and the Whole mass of power, in the same
ratio to fortify those, means through which the
law exercises its-wholesome authority over indivi-
duals, and through which it helps to maintain the
peace and comfort of society. With regard to
Ireland, we distinctly acknowledge that-the- Re-
form. Bill must 6cy as- that of emarteipation ought
to have beett;' accompanied by 'some new and
decisive regulations for attaching the Catholic-clsagy
to the State, and releasing them from their present
position, which entaila upon them a degrading:and
disastrous subserviency to the fiercest, most reckless,
and most brutalized, portions of the Irish milltitude.
The entire establishment of Maynooth must be re-
constructed, or it Will pour forth from, age to age
Peccessive swarms of active conspirators' against the
Protestant church. The chapter inoivqiCktheatithOr
of this pamphlet•discusses the bearlritis'of our foreign
policy and interests upon the, expediency of the Re-
fern? Bill, Presents some. curiotfa' eonsiderationi.
Throughout the whole there' biAthesi`in our opi-
nion, too much tenderness for"s- the; ‘. monarchical
principle," decidedly too, litge allowance: for those
grievous wrongs and provocations which have
goaded the people of France; Italy, and Poland, to
assert the rights of humaniheings.-against the vile
mixture,of fraud and forge Which • had • oppeesied
them, and a corresponding proneness to seethe the
enemies of, despotic Government abroad Of a head-
long passion for the extreme of republican institu-
(ions.— Times.
•,
We insert the report of the great Reform Meet-
ing of Warwickshire, held at Warwick on Monday
last. Mr. Lucy, the High Sheriff, was in
.the
and the numbers of freeholders and-inhabitant house-
holden present/Were computed at 15,000. The
speeches and proceedings were full of animation and
interest, hut thflength of the report itself, and the
general press if matter, preclude us from making
any further comment on this important addition to
the weight or evidence, already before the eyes of all
men ; profidk incontestably the pitch of determina-
tion which the people of England have arrived at
in support of his Majesty's Government. It is a
blessing Which 'we gratefully acknowledge, that the
nation ihas reason so clearly on its aide in a case
yberct the expression of the general will of the comH
sounity -has been pronounced with a' force which,
right or wrong, would be irresistible. We recom-
mend attention to these proceedings in Warwick-
shire.--/Itnes.

Our situation as journalists compels us sometimes
to give currency to reports which carry with them
ajmost their own contradiction. Such we esteem
that to be which imputes to au illustrious female a
sarong politicalobias, not to say interference, against
the progress of the Ministerial measure of Reform,
rand a wish to prejudice the Royal mind upon the
sisbject. - It is one of the misfortunes of high station
to be.subject to constant misrepresentation, without
ipossessing ale means of refutation which fall to the
,4. lot of -"the lowest of the community. Against this
.;11 such persons have but two sources of protection—
the innate integrity of their own character, and the
liberal allowance which the good sense of the public
makes for the peculiarity of their station. In the
instance to which we allude the personage in•ques-
ttort possesses the first of these advantages in no
ordinary degree. We only speak, we are convinced,
the voice of the whole country, when we declare
that, since the accession of the House of Bruns-
wick, no member of it, with a character in every re-
spect so free from reproach, or so entitled to ap-
plause, as the illustrious female in question, has
Of we except one lost and lamented member
of it) ever graced its annals. In political , sub-
jects we
etidibelieveed the personage ill question
has never m
k
Those who know her best nmeanow s
how
affords little Ite.'
htr
of
falues high station beyond the
it
extending her circle of use-
fulness and benevolenceare:onand that, RS far as her
own private feelings
concerned, her own choice
would be " a private statiocner.'n'
Royal Household
of h e been Consideringav how
the comforts of the
en-
croached upon by the scions
Parliamentary e -
ruption, I t was not to be expected that the or
present
measure of Reform 'could be so much as mooted
without stirring up the venom of the brood of Gmrt
vipers which it is calculated to sweep away; and the
report in question, we have no doubt, is a mere
malignant interested falsehood, put forth by some of
those who stick at nothing to save themselves from
the extermination which awaits them when the mea-
sure in question takes from them the source of their
polluted existence. The people at large then will,
we are sure, reject with scorn the imputation we
allude to. They will judge of the illustrious indi-i
vidual by the purity and integrity of her own cha-

racter„ which has been, from first to lhat; 'suet' as
entities her to universal li&tiKe, 'attachment, and
respect ; and will. sari lute the ,calumny in question
to its true soor.r.Y6—to those whose wishes 'are the
parent's tni. thougbts.-Littorning Herold.
In answer to the rumours rte industriously, and,
it might be added, facetiously circulated, we mv ttly
that the virtues which adorn tbe-Ilitsitions Lad
thus groundlessly aspersed) forbid life 110.thi ter;
seeking to emplon Itlattb., 'MA
the inflat'nee •o'Ver 'liar fhifstiarld c,Aich his affection;
invests het; while hls native strength of cha-!
rater, and m'isnlilleSs of feeling Would, if necess6v,'
assign the proper limits to that infltittri4‘fe' did, tis-
possibility, a desire exist to'ekretid them. It is not,
the King Well knows,' people with foreign notions
and Germat trejudices, whether connected with him
by ties of consanguinity or affinity, that a British
Monarch ought to take counsel; nor would, We will
confidently affirm, the people sobtnit Itil'npla-
cency to counsels derived, noltispckte'd of being de-
rived, from such a scaa'm The private virtues of
the small Gerini,an 'family attached, by recent con-
nectioln., tl kin British throne, are respected; but
let Ilto, parties take heed. These are times in which
small account might be Made of their pretensions,
should they interfere with the just claims of the
people ;or should an apprehension.-get .abroad that
the proximity to the Sovereign had been abused to
purposes pernicious to the general weal. ';'hough
we say thus much, it is, we firmly believe, through
the perverse indus,ry of t.l Prince—English;--no
doubt, by birth, but Att alien in habits, manners,
and demeanonr-r--that the reports to which we allude
have got- into circulation. They are, We belief, tote
last. desperate resource of baffled splen.; and not
countenanced even. by the
,adterents or the party
they are meant te syive. We refer our readers to
an extract from ate Windsor Express giving some
details of Ale influence exerted at Windsor to pre.
rent any public expression in favour of Reform in
that town.—Morning Chronicle.
Two. great counties last week came forward in
support of Reform—Warwick, a Mailittacturing
county, on Monday last, and Sussek, an agricultural
county, on Thursday last., At both the cause was
triumphant. The meeting at Warwick was in every
respect deserving of notice. It was attended l*y
Lord Mud, Lord Dormer, Sir Grey Skipwitb,
Batt., Sir G. Chetwyed, Bart, Sir G. Phillips,
Bart., Robert Canning, EA., James West Esq
A. F. Gregoe,y, Esq., the Hon., Mr. Clifford, R.
Knight, Esq.. M.P., John .TOmes, F.gq.M.P., Mr.
Lawley, M.P., Mr.. Dugdale, M.P., most, of the
principal Members of the Birmingham Union and
Birmingham Chamber of ettfltnerce—a union of
parties never befite Witnessed in that county, and
at least 14,009 persons. The Political Unionists
from Birmingham, above 2;000 strong, came by the
canal in six boats, with banners flying and music.
They had been met by the Political Societies, of
Warwick and Coventry on their first entering the
town, and the three Societies, after their junction,
formed into tiles, and immediately proceeded to the
Marketplace. We regret that our limits will not
allow us to avail ourselves at present of a very full
report which has been transmitted to us of the pro-
ceedings at this very important meeting. Asa good
deal of shuffling hos been displayed by some pre-
tended Reformers, with regard to the extent of their
approbation of the Bill, a test was put by Mr. Joseph
Parkes, at this meeting, to the two county Members,
which had the. effect of eliciting from them their sen-
ments respecting the essential parts. of it. .As this
part of the proceedings is well deserving of attention
we here subjoin it : • • •
S. T. Gallon, Esq., after paying a merited compliment.
to D. S. Dugdale and F. Lawley, F:sqrs;, the two County
Members, on tbeirattention.-to the interests of :the county,
moved that theYbe requested to present the Petition to the
House of Commons. _! * • '
Thin:tins Attwood,7El.7seconded the motion.
biro .Joseph Parkes eatne forwaid and Said, that before
this motion was put-to the meeting, be deenicd :it, an im!
pefatiVe-duty, however humble his station as a freeholder,

to require from thel;ounty Members a plaits andnnequi.
vocal declaration of their sentiments and intended future
votes on the - great principles uf. the Reform Bills. He
(Mr. Parkes) did not desire to assume any right of in-
terrogation belonging only to him as a censtituent with can.
didates on the•hustings ; he acknowledged :the :right of
repreientatives, wheii elecfed, to 'vote_ indePendently and
uncontrolled. But -he (Mr. ;P)• admitting • this right,-,
muat,.nevertheless, claim the right of '_knowing the opi-1
nions or their 7" Members on a petition- about to be com-
mitted to their-presentation; In this sense . he- sought".in
explanation of their inteuded votes. - The quei'iona he (Mr.
Parkes} now put were--.." Will you (Mr: Lawley and Mr.
Dugdale) vote in the Committee forsOlieduli A and B in
the English Reform Bill; the first schedniv•disfranchising
entirely.. sixty decayed : boroughs; ' the second . •sche.,
dole disfranchising !ens member:in forty-sii boroughs?"
--(Loud cheers, and:, cries of "that is the point.")
Mr. Lawley appealed to Lis general political opinions--
to the consietency sf his votes on. Referm-and claiming-7
credit for those he unequivocally-declated, in a frank:and
manly speech,- thartboUgh. differing on some points. of
detail itii-the. Bill, he should support the two broad 'pain-
ciples 'of disfranchisement, and transfer of the franchise
stated to him by Mr. Parkes.—(Loud cheer's lb:lowed
this declaration.)

Mr. Dugdale next-presented hiniself to the meeting, and
in general words declared hie assent to the Miniaterial
Re-
form Bills, but at the same time-his doubts and difference
on same points.- -•-- * -
Mr. Parkes again came fOrward; and said that he de-
sired a mote;specific-explination.-- - • •
Mr. Lawleyihere:-intimTated that he thought Mr.. Dug-
dale's explanation plain and satisfactory..-(Loud cries of
No,' no, Mr.-Lawley. ")
Mr. Parkes then resumed—He; begged pardon of the
Hon. Member, Mr. Lawley; he (Mr. Parkes)
.was per-
fectly satisfied with his explanation, but-Mr: Longdale's
was not spifcific. He (Mr. Parkes), Wishing to make no.
invidious distinction, must say that he did Consider
Mr. Lawley a real representative of the Opinions of
the country ; but it was not usual. at an English,pyl3lie
meeting' for
.otie member to ansevei. for' anothei.": ':The
times were momentous—the question critical;` it was
his duty to obtain a full and plain declaiation; and'
he hoped his manner and mode were not offensive
or illiberal. He (Mr. Parkes): must read over another:
page of the Political catechism 3o- Mr. Dugdale.—(Loud
cheers.) He repeated to that Poii. Memliet, " here is
the printed copy of the Bill,. of the two schedules A and B,
will you, Mr. Dugdale, or will you not, attend and Vote in
Committee fOr those parts of the English Reform Bill
say aye or no."—(Load and continued cheering'from the
meeting.) • -

111r.Dugdale, in reply, unequivocally answered, that
he had no hesitation in pledging iinself to support
those parts of the Ministerial measures; 'he had only doubts
on the expediency of reducing the Members of the House,
and of decreasing the relative proportion of the English
representation.—(Loud cheering, and cries " well, then,
you will do.")
Mr. Parker then stated his perfect satisfaction with
the answers, and that he cordially united in committing
the petitions to the care of the two county Members.
Much amusement prevailed while this catechism was
administered. 1")

When a Member's objections to the Bill do not
relate to the clauses for disfranchisement and re-
duction, they ;nay be borne with ; it is essential
that the rotten parts of the Constitution should be
cast away. With the champions of boroughmon-
gering, then, no terms are to. be kept. Several of
the speakers animadverted, with great severity, on
a sermon, preached at the Warwick Assizes, on
Sunday, the of March, by the Rev: Lane Freer,
Vicar of Wasperton, near Warwick, the Chaplain
to the High Sheriff, Mr. Lucy. Mr. Lucy is half
proprietor of the borough of Fowey, returning Mr.
Severn, who voted in the minority. lie, however,
at this meeting, reprobated his chaplain's notable
sermon. A correspondent, who heard the fermon,
has forniihed us with an account of it, which, as it
is a curiosity in its way, the here lay before our
treaders ;—". After praying •for all the constituted
uthorltiefin church, and—State;.tind corporations,
e gave out this text for the gospel of • the day—
But the chief priests and elders persuaded the
tnultitude that they should ask Barrabas, and destroy
Jesus?
ihat the te Ilxti th
ppl i
was e coursecaboife
infatuated tritdttituedeprl
-bsermon, he
ti said
a
eedsenat mebs
,
when we see Tia
designing persons to their own destruction, awsawye doy
itt the present moment, and from this selection ofl

Scripture,respecting the choice anal:fabric, We cannot
fail to observe the dangerous errors which a popular
assembly may be led into by wicked, designing) and
Unprincipled individual, who nn sae Upon' the
'when
of their vial**, istid,iriai44e ,their'inituts,
when in thP'lrtooterpomr'erica they tronld,be patient
_titer.: ‘Ve may observe,;
Iron? "in' times, how easily and how sud-
denly the multitude can ,be persuaded to rush head-
long to destructiort, under the preeiouo tlrelext of
Reform. After we, had sv,teb, anti heard, and wit-
nessed stibus harangues of designing dema-
gogues, these remarks may not be considered un-
necessary or uncalled for at the present moment. We
need not go far from home, for in .I.NS nei'ghisour-
hood there is a town, whi.ch %Ott Once pre-erninent
for its loyalty, and set..&lcl to none but the metro-
polis,:ie;aYealtl and extent, which had now fallen
trot; its integrity and honour, and rendered infamons
by the vilest association that ever disgraced the an-
nals of any country, and led on by a wretched and
designing leader, who had rent asunder ail the ties
of affection, &c. &c. and lai'd a scheme by which
society was diVitled and overtlkoventhat the timil-
titude was deceived by the arts and, insinuations of
such men,and were, therefore, not able to judge who
were 'the reel and Whi6 the 'counterfeit friends: of
liberty."Bpertkagot himself and his party,be said"We
are the friends of liberty, and they are the advocates
of confusion—we wish to do away with the abuses
of Government, they wish to bring fonvaia the
horrors of anarchy:—.and that t'vri*eli 'such contest was
going on we had inson to thank. Heaven that this
county not been stigmatised by a Special, Corn-
mission.". He also said, that the leader of this vile
association used his best endeavours to Ithitate the
arch demagogue of the &stet Kingdom. He preached
wholly against mercy and clemency, and concluded
by saying, " When bold and bad men combine, the
friends of truth and honesty should unite to prevent
Revolution;". and fit the very close said, " The
laws at'e With use and God is on our side." We
are assured, that of the congregation of St. Mary's
Church, at Warwick, where the discourse was
preached, probably 19-20ths of. the adult males had
attended the Reform meetings held in that borough.
The sermon was- aimed at Mr. Attwood and the
Warwickshire Reformers. We regret our inability
t this time to do justice to this modern Sacheverel.
—Morning Chronicle.
The course which his Majesty's Ministers have
pursued with respect to the question of Reform has
been so devious and eccentric, that it has become a
matter of doubt with very many obserrant and re-
flecting persons, whether it has ever been the inten-
tion or desire of the majority of their number' that
the revolutionary measure they have presented to
the Legislature should- pass into a law. By con-
cealing their project to the last possible moment
they reserved to themselves the power of adapting
it to the circumstances in which the Administration
might be placed at the time of its presentation.
Hence, it is more than suspected, has arisen the
enormous and appalling difference between the
scheme of Reform described in general terms
by Earl Grey at the commencement- of the Ses-
sion, and the detailed project finally submitted to
the House of Commons by Lord John Russell.
How wide that difference is may be gathered
from the fact that the 'Earl of Radnor, one of the
leaders of the radical reformers, characterised the
original description of the intended measure given
by the Noble Premier as calculated to. (Ouse a
general feeling of disappointment, consternation, and'
dismay, among all real and genuine reformers;_ and
that on the presentation of the' measure itself the
Noble Earl and_ the radical reformers.were at once
ithtoWn into an eeatacy of astonishment anddelight.l
The•approximat ion of the radical and t heMiniiterial
reforpt.ers sinee. the commencement :Of the. sessionis
ioltogether wonderful., Grey, We -reeollect;,in
reptrto 'the :above tirade :of the Earl of Bardier, stig.:
matised.the party-in-whose' flame it was delivered as •
revolutionists; and thattparty coristiiutei„neverthe-
less, at the present moment, with the eiception'of
the mere mercenary dependents . and. expectants of
office, the only support of the Ministry of Earl
Grey or of its sweeping scheme of. Reform;
It is evident from: the speeches of Earl Grey, wren
without-- the commentary offered by so leading. R,
radical as the Earl of-Radnor; that at the com-
mencement of the Session; nothing was further :kern
theintentions of the Ministry than to throW them-
selves into the. arms of iheßadicat party. • And it
is equally evident that_theforrner have-in fact thrown
tbonselves, ,into. the arms of :the latter, for 'no one
will deny that the two parties 'are- now perfectly
Cordial and unanimous, :or affirm that there has been
any change or. appearance of change in the views or
pkinciples of the latter to explain this sudden-and
perfect reconciliation.- The 'facts,:wonderful as-they
May appear, are nevertheless . capable. of one,
.and
only' one, clear and 'satisfactory exPlanatiori: :The.
Ministry quickly found itself,: in eensequence-of the
egregious blunders-, the' inordinate selfishness, the
sordid nepetism, thereckless and nnprincipled dis-
regard of every important national interest, foreign,
'colonial,. and domestic,- which, characterised its
proceeding., entirely destitute of support in the
confidence or esteem -of any respectable class of '
the community, and in a position of direct hostility
to a decisive. and progressively increasing_inte,
T jority of the constitutional Legislature. o a
Ministry so circumstanced, and resolved never-
*helot* per fas 'et twit's, to maintain themselves

in office to the last possible moment, the uncertainty
which they had thrown around their expected pro-
ject of Reform offered a very convenient and obvious
resource. By presenting a scheme of Reform suf.
ficiently extravagant and dangerous to , satisfy the

..
radical.-Party as:a first step in the career of revc-
lotion,. and by courting a considerable portion of
the Press, Ministers could confidently, calculate on
treating- a sensation through Out the country, upon
this, single subject, suffieiently powerful to reduce
for a time to comparative insignificance all the other
tiubjeets of national importance in reference to which
their official incompetency or delinquency, had be-
come conspicuous. By this means they could silence
or weaken the expression of distrust or contempt in
*Parliament, the Members of which, would naturally
be desirous above ,all things to avoid the possible
imputation of striving to get rid by a side wind of-
fs 'great constitutional question which had profoundly
interested and agitated the nation. By a bold
attempt at revolution they could, place numerous
and important interests in a situation of immediate
danger, and thus open at once. an extensive field for
corrupt oegociation_and,eompromise with influential
individuals. By a. project going vastly beyond any
safe or practicable, settlement of the question; the
e rinlatry may nave' expected to provide ,for-thetas
lves a wide space for retreats and an Opportunity
Of intriguing ttdvitnitigeotisly-with' difterent-parties,
Or witkrncy ,of
.various-shadet of °plait= in Perlin-
nnencwhile at the- same time, as the authors, the
unsuccessful authors even of a_project of this revo-
lutionary character, they may have hoped to secure
to thernselveothe peetiliar and permanent support of
all the friends•-of Revolution. These seem to be

the only rational or intelligible motives upon which
it is possible to explain that change of principle on
the part of Earl Grey's Ministry which has pro-
cured it the zealous support- of every individual of
the party whom the Noble Earl himself, on his first
entrance into office, stigmatised as Revolutionists.
From the past we may very safely reason to the
future. The Ministry which has acted upon these
principles is no doubt prepared to surrender any
part of the whole of the Reform Bill, if by
doing so it can see the chance of prolonging
its own official existence. We would not ad-
vise the Revolutionary party to rely with too
much confidence upon men who stigmatise as revo-
lutionists one day the pai ty with.whom they coalesce
the next. If the friends of the Constitution coald
condescend to flatter the present Ministry with the i
hope that they might be permitted to retain their
places even for a single year, without revolutionising
the country, we have no doubt whatever that, after
is mere sham fight, for the sake of decency, all the
revolutionary provisions of the Reform Bill would
be cheerfully abandoned. The friends of the Con-

. ,
ititutiori -know, however, too well what i s atie to
their own CharaCters, and what lb qPebted the'M
by the coi ifttry, /1111;:. between . them' arid the
Revolutionist Ministry is . a war to ,be,terminated,
only by the complete ,defeat and,extinction of .one
or the other. It is by. means of such a war, and
no ot4er; that the Constitution ern etiin in-
deronit for .the..past. and security for the future.
As :o toe threat of dissolution, which is manifestly
intended. onlyas.an engine of Parliamentary intrigue,
it.IS one of the weakest of all Possibleinventions.l
A dissolution of Parliament at, te present moment
would involve eonsegnet:tes in treat Britain, and
M'idendy- in Ireland, for braving which any
Minister would deserve the block. The represen-
tatives who would be assembled in consequenee.of a-
dissolution in existing circumstances would not be a
Parliament, but a meeting of delegates to a National
Convention, sent there for the purpose of deter-
mining the qiiestion of a great,constitutional Owe.
A dissolUtion of Parliament ildw *604 dins be
revolution begun by the Sl:riVre power of the, Crown,
and upon tie sole respon'ibility of its Ministers.
To such a measure a constitutional Monarch, to
whom the permanency of Earl Grey's Ministry can-
not be a paramount object, will, we may be asured,
never consent. And if any further, guarantee against
the danger of a dissolution ivete required, it noght
be found in the ce.L.tainty that a House of Commons
tow to be elected would be more hostile than the
present to the actual Ministers of the Crown, and
more decidedly opposed to the revolutionary project
by means of which they, have sought to prolong their
mischievous power.."--Morning Post.

SPEECH OF M. MAUGUIN 'IN THE SIT-
TING OF THE 4th OF APRIL.

Mauguin—As to the subsidies which the Mi-
ni,ter demands of you for peace, I must declare
that, if I agree to them, it is because I look upon
France as condemned to war. In my eyes, war is
the greatest scourge that could strike a free people;
sometimes it destroys their independenee—often,
their liberty. .But there are fatal epochs in history
in which a nation, hurried on by grave events,
ceases to be mistress of her policy aud of ter move-
ments. _.Such is the situation in which we now find
ourselves. In my judgment, the matter for considera-
tion is not whether we shall have war or peace.
The liberty of that choice no longer remains to us.
The foreigner brings war upon us; as I shall endea-
vour to prove to you by facts.—(Profound silence.)
—I shall recal to you neither the bloody struggle of
1792, nor that of 1814—nor the diplomatic struggle
from 1814 •o 1830. I shall not speak to you of the
doctrines of Verona, or of Laybach. 1 shall say
nothing to you of the popular principles persecuted
or destroyed in Piedmont, in Naples, in Spain. All
these facts are known to you ; it is useless to speak
of them. At the same time I cannot refrain from
remarking that an important consequence results
from them. The same men still direct the Cabinets
of Europe, and, without doubt, they will not prove
exceptions to the laws of human nature--46y will
not renounce the principles to which they havead-
hered for forty years." But our revolution has been
so pure—it has been effected with so much modera-

tion and courage—perhaps they may have changed
Let us see; let us verify facts; let us examine what
has pa,sed around us. Scarcely bad the report oi
our three days been spread over Europe, whey all
the Powers ordered new levies and armaments. It

will be s&d that they did so through prudence. I
grant. that. In any case, our preparations had
nothing which could , have excited their alarm. We
had'no thoughts even of creating: an' army on the
contrary, this Tribune had not pronounced one word
of war ; but rather we were told that Europe ap-
proved of our revolution, and that, as has been, said
this, day, her diepoeitious wereinteific. In October
and. iti.November-what,happened,?. We were told
that: the Russian armies were is, ; 'nerd' towards
the western frontiers of the empires-,.that the Czar
was about to equip the Polish troops, to fornt the
van-guard of his army. If we desire to know the
_ .

intention of those Military movements, we may
find them' in the documents since discovered at
Warsaw--in the opening speech to the Aritish
ParliaMent, and in the ,speechis, since. addressed
to, the House of Lords by the Duke of Wel-
lington.. The Cabinets were preparing war against.
France.. There exists no, doubt as to what were
theirprojeets at that first 'epoch.. , But; since their,
diplomatic language has become milder. Prussia,
Austria, and even Russia; talk of peace. I need
not tell gbh that the sectet of these'ehangeS is to be
fornid in the Polish Revolution. ' I hive said, at a
tot mer sitting of the Chamber, that the Poles were
accustomed to Suffer for us. , I ought to have said
that 'they 'Were, accustomed to save Fraace,.. as,, in
1792, they,saved u 4 from the, invasion of the North.
lively sensation.) But the Powers being thus
forced to suspend the accomplishment of their pro-
jects, have they, therefore, abandoned it ? Such is
the second question which must' be Solved. We
now know what was the'plan of 'the campaign un-
dertaken by Russia against'Poland. It was known.
at Vienna, Berlin, and even at Paris itself, before'
its execution was attempted., Its success was looked
upon as certain—the Poles were to have. been
crushed. Their courage bad not been taken
,into
the calculation. Was Russia, in the meanwhile,
disposed . to halt. upon .the ,banka of the Vistula ?
Judge-of that frorn:this single fact At the moment
when the Russian: General was entering upon the
campaign, the Major-General of his army, 'M, de
Strogonoff, was in Prussia. He was making Con-
ditional contracts, and was preparing the military'
route: But it will, be mid that Russia was acting
without Ithe concurrence, of her alliei. Let :us in-
quire. At the same moment Prussia was preparing
her armaments with-activity, she was inducing the
Germanic Confederation to put, the contingents_upOn
the fOoting of war; nay more,; in case es
war, they ,
were to be doubled; and all the measurea for thosel.
purPoses.have,all been taken. -Austria garrisoned all
herstrong places;:. Lima, which it isdeSired to make
the' bulwark of Vienna, became a store. of arms;
6,000 wcirkinen were' employed there dailY.. So,
upon the first movement in Italy, Austria was fully
prepared. But whit need is there to seek format-
ter ofsurmise.in a few occurrences ? Have we not
the most positive proofs of,tbe projects of .the Aus-, ;
trian cabinet ? What did 'our Annbas,sador write
to you ? Did he not tell you that Austria intended
war ?—that she was preparing.for it, :and that it
was necessary to anticipate, her. ? Did he norad- •
Vise you to commence the attack, and tg!‘lirqw an
army into Piedmont?. In this case; it is notrthar
speak so, it is yotii Ambasiador, Youi'Miniiter=he
who sees, who hears whit he describes; le; who is
on the spot; who has, and -who-merits your confi-
dence. His ..let!frIIILO ;beer' PI-iblikbeti in a periodi-
-4111 print,. I know not by what indiscretion. it reached,
the Editor;' but T know
. that the. letter is real
that' the - journalist has not -even eirpressed.
ijts strongest, phrases. Here, I must ask- one
uestiop. Was there. not at that time, in the,
ginis,try, one party which wished for peace, at any
price-4Mtirmtars of contradiction 'in the centre) S
~--Another, which'Would nobly have resigned itself
ip,war ? Wherefore did 'that letter remain: for two
days concealed from the eyes of the former President
Of the Council ?—(All eyes are directed to M. La-
fine, who makes no sign of denial) It is necessar
that,France shoidd . know—and I-must tell it,. as I
have, not learned it from the former President of the
Councilthatlettet was the cause of the dissolution
qf the Council. The 'answer- to a dispatch, an-
nouncing war, was the sppointmerif of a new Mi.
Oster, who 4ofired, ot any price,:toTreierve peace.
(A burst of mtieriurs in the centre7-intertupr
tint)) The princiPle on'whiCh the preent 111itiistry
has been formed is the maintenance of peace; but
from their acts I perceive that the:Ministry have
Taken resolutions. more_ worthy, of. Feanoe.-il7(Silence
is restored.) At this second epoch, I find fro more,
4oubt than in the first,' as to the' intention's of the,'
PoWers ; but t>t new event has occurred. The
heroic courage of .the Poles :has repelled; far . from.
Warsaw the enemy who had hoped to' subjugate ;
them. The success of the Russians has become un-

af,tai.n.: re ip °matte language of the Povre'r's
'' etl d. i'. -
..
has anclergone, a new change.. It has .los e„tOne
.of asperity, which was remarked, even in- icial
journals, and new assurances of peace h , 'een
given to us. But Mists* in despite of yours has
taken possession of the Roman States, and now she
raises the Landwehr (militia) in the Tyro 'eri.-
sation.) Prussia is quite ready : her armies a "a
out along our frontiers., She has carried,pree 4 n So
far, as to clear the approaches, to her place; of
1111
ptrength, oft every thing which could obstruct
:heir defences, Ithe trees being all cut down.—
(From the cent ".-That proves nothing.") But
Russia, two rntiths ago, ordered an ereraordinary
levy of 150,000 Then : 1 her armies are approaching
to the frontiers oft d, and from the immense
quantities of corn ?t' are being col ted in the
Duchy of Posen, we may judieorhe thole armies
are intended to halt at Wafsaw!:. 1 thO-'e facts,
deelaratoly of war, are opAsed by, assurances of
tilee
diplohlatic, protestations. In 01792, the thrt;e
Poweb said als) to Poland . that they entered her
territory only to restore order and peace; and Po
land was subjected to partition. In 1814, alSo, they
said to us that France must be great and strong; and
France has been mutilated. In 1820, and in 1823,
they said again to the Spanish Cortes that their Con-
stitution should be respected; and the Corteshave been
punished for their confidence by their proscriptions.
Give credit, therefore, to their protestations! Give
credit also to the assurances of their diplomacy, to
which for 40 years their doctrines and their acts have
been opposed.—(Sensation.)—However, at men,
tion of the word war, it is asked, what shall become
of our finances ? And 1, for my parr, ask will they
be in a better condition if we are compelled to pay
contributions of war ! But our industry! Will it
be more prosperous if the enemy occupy our lands
and our cities,—(Great interruption from the centre.
Several voices, " We have not yet come to that.")
M. Mauguin (in a louder voice)—War, I tell you,
is at hand. You must prepare for it. You have
no longer time to think of peace.—(Murm,urs re-
doubled. A fresh interruption. A host of voices
cry out," We are preparing, we are preparing.")---
War is to you a matter of necessity. Whatever may
be its inconveniences or - its results, nothing can
withdraw you frOns it.. I know that there are many
persons among you who give proof of resolution,
of courage—even of daring—for the sake of pre-
serving peace. Their voices should have been- heard
in the month of August, when we changed the
principle of-the Government and of the dynasty.
All,was just on their 'part then. Anticipations and
threats of danger could then make themselves be
heard. But now the position is taken, it remains
for us only to undergo its consequences. Look, in
the meanwhile, to the alertness with which the
Powers proceed to the accomplishinent of their pro-
jects. The Roman States rise: Austria enters and
subdues them. Now, you are making representa-
tions to her. Of what importance to her is that ?
The effect which she desired has been produced :
the revolution is suppressed ; and you have lost
allies. At first Austria spoke only of an interven-
tion.at Modena. She appealed to a pretended right
of reversibility, altogether illusory, since the Duke
of Modena has two sons. You have con.ented to

the intervention : do you now complain of the inva-
sion of Bologna ? Austria has obtained her object
in seizing Upon. the States of Modena. By Ferrara
she toucht s the Adriatic; by Massa, the gulf of
Genoa. She thus cuts and divides Italy. By
Milan she compresses Piedmont; by Modena, Rome
and the Two Sicilies. Austria is now Sovereign
in the Peninsula. Of what importance in this case
are the events of the month of August and the prin-
ciples of our revolution-? Never, never, can France
suffer the House of Austria to possess Italy. We are
not more fortunate on the side of Belgium. A Pro-
tocol of the 20th of DeCernber had assured its rode-;
pendetice. The prOtocol of the 19th February has
changed" all. The indepeadence •is no More than
conditional. .Belgium must surrender-Limburg to
Holland. Now, Belgium is not willing—is not able
to •surrender Limburg. She cannot abandon the
cause of the people who have fought for her. There,
then, she is engaged in war with Holland, who

prepares to attack her immediately with an army of
SO or 100,000 men. Other difficulties are raised
on the subject of Luxembourg. Some itiltabitittits
of the Duchy expelled . their Soveieign, the King
of Holland. We cannot deny their, right to 'do
so, without 'putting in doubt that of this na-
tion to expel Charles the Tenth. On the other
hand, the Grand . . Duchy makes pint of the
Germanic Confederation, and by the Federal Compact
the Sovereigns guarantee to one another the enjoy-
ment of their respective States. But there was the
same guarantee in the more extensive compact of
the Holy Alliance; and we cannot recognize the
right of the Germanic Confederation to undertake
the defence of King William, without acknowledg.-

ing at the =same time that the Holy Alliance have
the right to undertake the defence of him.who, eight
months ago, reigned over us.--(Mrirmurs in the
Centre; a voice on the lefr, " But it is true, it is
true.") However, in all the acts of the conference
Of London, that right is conceded to Austria. In
the mean time, they speak of conferences at Rome
upon the affairs of Italy. Thus it is that they pre-
tend to assure peace to us! It is necessary at length
to leave off this war of diplomacy; which was good
perhaps for the old times, but which is not suited to
the freedom and loyalty of ours. For some months
past we seem to have lost our ability, which eliarac-

terises nations and men called to great things, that
of taking a part, and taking it opportunely. We do
not guide the events—the events guide us. They
arise, press upon us, force us along. We yield to
them, but we do so too slowly, and we lose the

power to direct, because we have not had the sa-
gacity to foresee them. What have we to do with
the pretended rights of the Germanic Confederation
over the Duchy of Luxembourg ? Already the Con-
federation'is in arms; it advances, and will quickly
seize upon that Duchy. Thus Belgium is threatened
at the same time by Holland and by the Germanic
Confederation. She will not be able to resist them.
A restoration must quickly be accomplished. If we
take part with Belgium there will be war. If we
abandon her, an example fatal for France will have
been given, and we shall see the foreigner in arms
upon our frontiers. What are we doing in the midst
of all these dangers ? 'We are pressing Belgium to
accept for her King the Prince of Saxe Coburg, in
order that she may be giVen up to England : or we
ate proposing to her the Prince of Naples, that she
may be surrendered to Austria. Upon the rising
of Belgium, we open conferences and sign Proto-
cols. Still slower, in the case of Italy—we talk of
conferences, and we intend again to sign Protocols.
In the mean while, Poland, abandoned, is indignant,
and fights—Belgium complains, and is diVided—
Italy falls back into the powerful hands which
bear her down; and should we one day desire to call
those nations to us, we shall find them much more
terrified by the power of our enemies than en-
couraged by ours. In the interior what faults
have we not committed ! A loan becoming
indispensable to-day shakes our finances: six
months ago it would have confirmed them—(Loud
contradictions from the centre.) The formation of
an army, which was commenced in August, and
afterwards hindered by the system which 1 have
pointed out, would have rendered us masters of our,
political movements. Now four months have passed
away, and the army, being to be formed with more
precipitation, without rendering equal service will
be more costly. What reproaches might not well
be made to us for that delay, continued to the disso4
lution of the Chamber, and for the ensigns of the
fallen Gavernment, which ought to have Ilisaftkied
after our immortal three days, aod which Pit.nary
has seen fill before the'tumults of that month, with-
out glory ?—(Sensation.) Thus it is that the wisest
measures become fruitless, and lose their advantages
when they are taken too late. But with the great
question of, peace or war interests too important are
connected to allow the same faults to be cornrnittedo
with impunity I do not inquire now if it would not
have been more advantageous to take a part sooner;
I say only that the time has come for the decision.
There are to-day some allies ; to-morrow, perhaps,