The Sun.
London, England, 1849-08-14 00:00:00

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PARLIAMENTARY AND FINAN-

CIAL REFORM. ASSOCIATION.
The first aggregate meeting of the Metropolitan Par-
liamentary and Financial Reform Association was held
last night within the walls of Drury-lane Theatre. The
east edifice was crowded to the roof, and additional ac-
coinnaodaticn was provided for several hundreds of per-
Eons at the back of the stage and behind the speakers.
A considerable number of ladies occupied seats in the
boxes and pit. The arrangements for the preservation
of order wes enforced by a number of stewards wearing
rosettes and carrying wands. The chair was taken at
seven o'clock by Sir Joshua Walmsley, M.P., President
of the Association. Among the members and friends
of the association upon the platform were Lord Nugent,
Lord Dudley Stuart, M.P., Mr. C. Lushinwtor,
Mr. F. O'Connor, M.P., Mr. G. Thompson,
Count Puiski, the Rev. T. Spencer, M.A., Sir F.
Knowles, Bart. ; Mr. C. Gilpin, Professor Mahpqn,
Oberlin College, Ohio, Unitei States; T. Price, LL.D.,
kr. S. Harford, &e., &c.
The CHAIRMAN, in opening the business of the meet-
ing, read the followrg letter from Mr. Cobden, M.P.,
expressing his regret at being unable to attend the

"Eastbourne, Sussex, Aug. 7.
"Sir,—Will you be good enough to express to the
committee my regret that absence from town will pre-
teat my being present at the next meeting of the Mstro-
Politan and Parliamentary Reform Association? You
nave many years of good work before you, und it Bill
not, therefore, be amiss to keep an army of reserve for
another campaign. In the mean time you are doing
battle Lerotcally, and
"I remain, Sir, ye ur obedient servant,
"E. Whitty, Esq. "RICHARD COBDEN."
A similar letter cf apology was read from Lir.
game, M.P.
The CHAIRMAN then said, that amongst the verieus
Vrrjects of congratulation arising out of the present
brilliant and important meeting, not the least signifieant
Was the, presence of so unusual a number of their fel-
low-countrywomen.—(Cheers.) It was an evidence of
the rectitude of their prieclplos and the peecsfulness of
-their policy, and it spoke volumes in favour of their
early, and complete success. He only echoed
the sentiment of every gentleman present when he
thanked them gratefully icr their countenance.—
(Loud cheers.) It was honourable to the metropolis
that this association had so rapidly developed the neces.
thy of uniting ail classes iu the attainment ol a larg,,
eubstantial, and permanent measure of reform. In the
short space of six months they had succeeded in inspir•
bag cent fence where distrust formerly existed, in unit-
ing those who had long been alienated, and in giving
form and consistency to the demand for civil rights; and
froth their present place of meeting might go forth a na-
tional rallying cry which would end in the extinction of
abuses and the elevation of the masses to the rights of
citizenship.—(Cheers.) For this early efficiency they
Were indebted to the zealous, untiring, and earnest
labours of their Council. They were told the middle
classes were apathetic, and the messes chilled into iedif-
ference. They applied the test of public meetings to the
assumed fact, and the result had been that no building
had Set been found sufficiently capacious to receive the
thousands who had thronged to give their adhesion to
the cause of freedom and advancement.— (Cheers)
" the great feature that distinguished the
Present movement from all others in the his
lory of
political agitation was the n:o:nentcuis
fact that the link was broken, and, thus separated, the
Vvo great classes had ngain been welded firmly, ono
4e trusted for ever, for the just purposes of social and
elevation,—(Cheers.) .By means of this union
the association had already become a " great feet,"—
(Cheers)—but to be really powerful for good the sphere
°I its labours must be extended, its members z. sinus in
the support , pport of their cpiniums, and the principles for
Which they were associated, carried out in a fearless and
uncompromising spirit. The objects they sought were
worthy of the effort. The wou emanciate their
fellow -men, restore tho spirit of the constitution, place
Property on a safe and permanent basis, and make that
!1 fact which had hitherto been purely a fiction, by caus-
. rr
the institutions of the country to live in the breasts
and affections of the people.—(Cheers.) At present
their Politiaal
existence was a perpetual turmoil, un-
tosd the habits and genius of the people.—(Hear,
hear.)
The masses throughout the country were every-
Where sullen and discontented. The middle classes
rttratted under the pressure of unequal and unneces-
sary taxation.—(Cheers.) There was an antagonism
between the people and their representatives of so
it.traordinary a chracter, tht no great social or po-
aieal ameliorations could bona chieved without an or-
Zcixed agitation, destructive alike to the time, the
sera.) ns, and the energies of the country.—(Hear, and
chatle
eou -) A glance at the Parliamentary history of this
Iltry would convince the most sceptical of the neces-
-1? for a thorough reform of the representative system.
° °IIIY great national measure which received the
issetetion of the Legislature during the entire of the last
the
`it3n was that crowning act of tree trade, the repeal of
navigation-laws—(Cheers)—nor did this arise from
Wlarge
of exertion on the part of the Members representing
ttrge constituences. Mr. Cobden's motion for placing
Warlike establishments of the country on the basis of
~735, after 20 years of peace, and thus saving 10,000,0001.,
Was rejected by 275 to 78 ; Mr. Hume's motion for the
eittclenclment of the national representation by 268 to 82;
"Lor. Berkeley's, for the ballot, by 136 to 85. Mr. O'Con-
tor's motion for the Charter met a similar fate, and was
thrown out by 224 to 15. Nor was Mr. Osborne's
motion for a Committee to Inquire into the Irish State
Church viewed with more favour ; it was refused by
i
7
u s 0
to
en 103.
In fact, every measure to relieve the
burdens or elevate the condition of the people was
treated
as visionary and out of place, and would con-
111lue to be so treated until the House of Commons became
notes °ale' in name, but in reality the Commons' House.
e would conclude by reminding them that there
Were few objects of higher, purer, or more ennobling in-
terest" than those for which they associated. It was for
theta to determine whether they would continue to allow
a territorial oligarchy to subvert the entire spirit of the
e24stitution, or whether by the exertion of their moral
and
they would vindicate the majesty of the people,
a insure peace, happiness, and contentment to every
portion
of the empire.—(Loud cheers.)
eat`act
report was then read by Mr. G. THosersoN. We
act the following passages:—
have
It la with the utmost gratification that the Council
mete-
her t° announce to the first aggregate meeting of Mete-
,B the indisputable success of the association.
With After repeated deliberations, and having consulted
tbk the leaders of all classes of reformers, it was re-
u'ved to advocate the following reforms:—
le Such an extension of the franchise as will give to
leery
male occupier of a tenement, or any portion of a
cement, for which he shall be rated, or shall have
claimed to be rated, to the relief of the poor, the right to
e registered as tin elector.
`,` 2. The adoption of the system of voting by ballot.
three
3. The limitation of the duration of Parliament to
years.
"4. Such a change in the arrangement of the electoral
a
"'slriets as shall produce a more equal apportionment
01 representatives to constituents.
4 1,5. The abolition of the property qualification for
"'embers of Parliament.
,p;" The plan of agitation hitherto pursued has been to
"Sit in succession the various boroughs ; and public
meetingsf,,s have been held in Lambeth, Finsbury, Mary-
uotle, the Tower Hamlets, Greenwich, Southwark,
and West London ; which, with the meeting now held
11 Westtninst,r, will include every section of the rce-
.ropolix.
:` With a desire not to exaggerate, the Council can
til,!l'elY assert that they have been everywhere enthusias-
j°4llY greeted by crowded assemblies, held invariably
Ll the largest buildings available in the localities.
the It
a exertions
titohni s
would be idle to attempt to conceal that much of
of success which waits to reward the persevering efforts
aoefeiation must be the result of the individual
the people. Two great practical modes of
Should be ever borne in mind—the existing
registers must be closely watched and purified ; the
county constituents must be enlarged by the vigorous
and
simultaneous working, in every locality, of freehold
qualification societies.
"In this movement the men of Birmingham set the
example, which was speedily followed by the midland
counties. In Manchester, and in almost all the other
large towns, freehold land and building societies have
also been formed; whilst in the metropolis this Council
has aided in the establishment of one for the emancipa-
tion of the home counties. _ By the aid of these societies

the 403. franchise is brought within the reach of every
industrious man
placed above the struggle for the merest
necessaries of life. A judicious investment of 201., which
may
be
subscribed at the rate of ls. a week, will thus se-
cure an annual return to the subscriber of at least 10 per
cent. upon his outlay, and place him upon the register
for the county in which his qualification is situated.
"The amount of individual aid thus brought to the
common cause will be the fairest test of the sincerity and
public spirit of the great body of reformers; and theh
.gour which the freehold-qualification movement has
hitherto displayed affords every reason for a confident
"Pectation that it will constitute one o f the most
most
efficient means for the attainment 01 political rig .
"The movement having
'focal now become a fact of unequi-
• import, and having insured the support of the me-
tropolis
and its environs, the Council, in obedience to the
necessity
• of its position, and in compliance with repeated
Invitations from many of the largest provincial towns, no
longer hesitates to extend the operations of the associa.-.
ticn to the whole kingdom. Its scope, likeits object, is
now national ; and the Council earnestly
calls upon the
enlightened reformers in all parts of the country to unite
With this great movement for the extension of popular
light4.—(Cheers.)
To accomplish the objects of the association it needs
scarcely/I to be said that a large amount of pecuniary aid
.„, now become indispensable. Small subscriptions, if
Universally contributed, will suffice, but it is necessary
that the Council should be furnished with adequate
bacans of competing with the compact body of their in-
terested opponents, who will cling to the abuses by which
t,ll,eY Profit till the united efforts of an earnest and in-
dignant people shall enforce their relinquishment.
" It is not within the object of the present report to
dilate upon the results of the proposed change; but the
Council cannot conclude without reiterating their con-
firmed belief that it will tend to the preservation of our
moat valuable institutions, give stability and protection
to property, elevate and improve the condition of all
'uses of the people, and consequently raise the king.
,i
'cm to a height of prosperity and grandeur which, amidst
all its successes, it has never vet attained."
Mr. C. LIISIIINGTON acid, he regretted the absence of
„._
Hume, who
% it had been arras wed, should first have
addressed the meeting to night; hu tiis privation, as he
has sure every one present would feel is, would enable
of
to
Pay a cordial tribute to the transcendent merits
h, at excellent man and admirable statesrati.—(llear,
"L
en,
Mr. Herne remmene«l his ear, er at a time
"L".een, according to the prejudices of the day, to hdvo•
Itt, reform was almost to contend for treason, hut,
.Although he was reviled by the enemies of reform, he

pursued his course steadily, and had succeeded in con-
ferring upon his country inestimable benefits by the ex-
tinction of abuses and the reduction of the national ex-
penditure. Their gratitude was-, therefore, essen-
tially due to that venerable and consistent reformer. A
public compliment was already paid to that Hon. Gentle-
man by a particular seat being reserved for him in the
House of Commons into which no other Member in
truded; and when nature should assert her stern and
final decree he (Mr. Lcshington) felt convinced that a
niche would be assigned him in the temple of public
gratitude, where the memory of his patriotic deeds
would be consecrated and embalmed.—(Chters.) He
(Mr. Lushington) would now turn to the immediate
business of tie evening. He believed this was the last
iretropoliteu district which had been visited by the Fi-
nancial Reform Association; but the Council of that as-
sociation knew that there was in Westminster an appe-
tite for re'erm of insatiable voracity.--(Laughter and
cheers.) He considered that the Council had laid down
an admirable plan of eperatiens, and he rejeiced that
there had been a union of sentiment and exertion upon
this question on the part of various sections of the
community entertaining different political opinions—a
union which he believed no machinations of the enemies
of freedom could succes7,qilly resist.—(Loud cheers.)
The middle classes and the great hotly of the
artizans of this country hod proclaimed the approaching
doom of that offensive and detestable exclusiveness which
had hitherto deprived a great proportion of the people of
their proper share in the representation. Was not such a
combination required? How were the people repre-
sented in the House of Commons?—(A. Voice—" Not at
all.")—(Laughter and cheers.) Where were the friends
of the people in that House? He believed the Largest
number of Members who had voted in favour of any one
reform question ltrid been only 84; and motion after
motion for reform had been negatived by large majori-
nen Of 850,000 electors in tt is country only 1-17th
belonged to the industrial classes; and ho thought this
was a state of things which ought to be remedied. The
fact was that the representation of the House of Com-
mons wes a mockery; and the people, having no voice
in the representation, coold exercise no control over the
expenditure which was met from that taxation to which
they were the chief contributors. Taking the annual
expenses of the nation at 56,000,0001., the working:
classes Nvere required to contribute 32,000,0001. of that
amount. Under the present system the constitutional
right of the people not to be taxed without their own
consent was constnotly violated. At the period of the
American war Lord Chancellor Camden enunciated this
magnificent princihle, " Taxation and representation
era inseparably united. God has joined them; no
British Parliament can put them asunder. Taxation
and representation are inseparable; it is one of the laws
of nature that whatever is a man's own is abe-olutely his
own; no man has a right to take it without the consent
of the prssessor, expressed either by himself or his re
presentative, and whoever attempts to do so commits an
injory and a robbery."—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now,
it was an incontestable fact that the people of this
country were not rcpreeented—(blear, heir)—nevertbe-
less they were taxed.—(Laughter and cheers.) There
fore, as Lord Camden sail, they were robbed, because
they were not allowed to exeicise that control over the
public expenditure to is hich they were entitled by every
principle of justice. Seven-eighths of the Members 01
the House of Commons were, he believed, altogether op-
posed to any ref,; t% He (Mr. Lushington) had fre-
clue ntly been in minorities of eighteen or twenty upon
questions of reform; and he believed the smallest 'min-
tier with which he had voted was npen the " People's
Char ter."—(Loud cheers, renewed and continued for
some moments.) On that occasion only thirteen Members,
•x.id<...s the two tellers, supported the motion—(Cries of
" Shame, Fhatti,!")— but in that baker's dozen he
was numbered, along with Mr. Hume, and several Hon.
gentlemen who were present on this ocraeien.—(hear.
noir, and cheers.) He held in his bend a list of 21
propositions for reform submitted to the House o f Com-
mons, every one of which had been negatived by large
inajorities.—(Cries of "Shame!") The people, then,
were not duly represented; they were let to writhe in
compulsory submission to aggravated abuses, flagrant
but unacknowledged, iniquitous but unredressed. The
Prime Minister derided the idea of reform—(Cries of

" Oh!" and groans)—and seven eighths of the House of
Commons opposed ( very emendatory measure. What
then was the r mecty for this state of things? They
could not rely upon the House of Commons—(llcar,
hear) they must rely upon themselves.— (Cheers.)
They must secure an amendment and reform of the
electoral franchise; they must have universal suffrage.
—(Loud cheering, which was prolonged for some
moments.) Universal suffrage was proffezed to them
by the Finance Association, purified to a small extent
merely to protect it from abuse —from the invasion
of the common beg.4ar and the common vagabond.—
(A voice—" here's the rights o' man?"—Laughter
and cheers.) But while they got universal suffrage
they must also secure the privileges of the ballot.
(Cheers) How had universal suffrage operated in
America? It had established peace among the people,
and had given universal satisfaction. They never heard
of seditious tumults or disturbances against the Govera•
ment of the United States, because there the people were
their own governors, and would not attempt to destroy
their own authority. Then let them look at France.
—(A cry of "Rome," followed by hisses and groans.)
He did not wish to go into the question, but merely to
express his opinion that the exercise of universal suf-
frage had preserved France from much evil.—(llear.)
Ile called upon them to persevere steadily in carrying
on their objet', avoiding the minutest infraction of the
law, and they would then confound their enemies, who
might be still endeavouring to entrap and to punish
them.—(Hear, hear.) The honest declaration of public
opinion, enunciated calmly, and according to the dictates
of the law, could not be battered down by artillery—
(Hear)—no six-pounders would lurk in the suburbs; the
Horse Guards Blue would repose harmlessly in their
barracks—(A laugh)—and the people would achieve
complete success, because their sovereignty and their
rights would be constitutionally vindicated. He might
conclude by observing, with reference to the scheme for
purchasing 40s. freeholds in counties, that he was glad
a society bad been lo: flied to at cure to artisans and to
the industrious classes the means of obtaining by that
means votes in counties, and that he hoped the plan
would be encouraged by those who had the power of
promoting it.— (Hear, bear, and cheers.)
The Rev. T. SPENCER observed, such was the power
of corruption, that no Prime Minister could remove great
evils without the assistance of popular opinion.—(Hear,
hear.) If they looked to the past, they would find that
every great measure brought to a successful issue by the
Government of the day had been carried by the assis-
tance or the people at meetings of this kind; and he
therefore took courage for the future, and believed the
great work upon which they bad now entered would in a
few years be perfectly arcianpli.hed. Sir Robert Peel
had rejoiced at the repeal of the corn-laws, and had
attributed to that measure the escape of this country
from revolution; but there were other dangers by which
the country was threatened besides the want of free

trade. 1-re considered that the great danger to this
country, and perhaps to every country in Europe, arose
from excessive taxation, and the monopoly of legislation.
—(Bear, hear.) They (right to apply to Governmero
the prir.ciple of buying in the cheapest market. The,
Emperor of Austria had an expensive government, bur
it was ,not a good one; the United States had a cheap
government, and it was a good one.—(Laughter.) It
was quite unto cessary to spend 54,000,0002 a year
upon the government of this country.—(Hear.) The
President of the United States received 5,0001. a year,
and the Secretaries of State 1,0001. a year each, end they
did their duty quite as well as Lord J. Russell—(Laughter
and groans)—or any minister of state in Great Britain.
He (Mr. Spencer) did not mean to say he would reduce
the salaries of the Ylirdsters of this country to the
amount of those paid in America--(A voice " I would,
though," laughter)—and he thought the public expen•
dituie in that respect might be very considerably di-
' minished. He considered that there was no good rep son
for giving Queen Adelaide 100,0001. a year!—(" Oh, oh"
and a laugh)—for allowing Lord Brougham 5,0001.
a year—(Laughter)—and for giving to descendants of
the illegitimate children of Charles 11. large sums of
public money.—(Cheers.) He was convinced that, un-
less a reduction of taxation was effected, they could not
look forward to a continuance of peace in this country.

—(A voice," What about the bishops?") Then there
was alto the danger :rising from the discontent of every
man v,ho had not a vote. It was not in human nature
for six men out of every seven to stand by at an
election and see themselves counted for nothing.

—(Hear, hear.) These two objects were united
by the Financiel Reform Association, and he
(Mr. Spencer), therefore, commended it to their support.
He might be told that, as a clergyman, he ought to re-
commend every man to be quiet and contented, and not
to " meddle with thoao that are given to change," and
that it was his duty to preach peace and good-will among
men. Well, he believed the course he took was the best
mode of fulfilling that mission.—(Hear, hear, and
cheers.) He never felt that he was doing his Master's
work so much as when he was endeavourineto diminish
the sum of human misery—(Hear, hear)—and he be
ttfihalitthheet made and eaerta men
lieved the will of Almighty God was the happiness of all
men;
withjoy
not t o starve,and
gladness,o r to be slave:,giving
tut o
them all things richly to enjoy; and that his will was
that the Government should live for the people, and not
that the people should live for the Government.—(Hear,
hear.) One of the " powers ordained of God" in this
country was the House of Commons, which was sup-
posed to represent the people at large; but the working
man, and the taxpaying men, who created the wealth of
the country, were not the persons who elected the
House of Commons. That House was indeed filled with
naval and military afficers, pensioners, and the sons
of the nobility, and it represented anything rather
than the Commons of the realm. Lord J. Russell had
said that the people had no right to universal suffrage,
had the right to be well governed. That
although they
seemed toforget that a great deal
Noble Lord, however,
the persons who had to answer the ques-
tiondepended upon .
q was • and as a member of the
what good government ~
thinkthat •
Lord might it was
aristocracy the Noble
enough it one person in every four, five, or
six possessed
the elective franchise. But the question was, what the
people of England would think? He was in the United
n a country
States some time ago, and he had never seen
bearing the marks
so peaceful as that, or a sat of men so . He
of cell-respect, int!epeadence, and manly bearing.
.t
had seen elections at New York and Boston, and so elute
and orderly were the people, that unless he had been
told, he should not have known that elections were in
progress. Well, then, as universal suffrage and vote by
ballet were working so well in America, why should they
not work well here?—(Hear.) Were the people of this
country ink rior to those of America? did they not come
from us? A few years ago the directors of railways ob-
jected to expressions of opinion on the part of share-
holders respecting the management of their affairs.
1 They said, " Let us alone; we will manage the railway
poperiy foe you.—(A laugh.) It you put a question to
us we will resign." Well, the shareholders were good
boys, and did not interfere. But, by and bye, it was
discovered these men had played the rogue, end the

shareholders found it necessary to take the management
of their affairs into their own bands. The people of
England were now the shareholders, and the aristocracy
were the'railway directors, who said, " Leave us alone
to manage everything, and don't you interfere." But
the people had found that they did not manage very
eel!, and they were determined to take their affairs into
their own hands. The working man was taxed 50 per
cent, the middle class 25 per cent. Now, they would
rather see every man pay according to his property. He
believed there was not a single working man who would
wish to escape all taxation—(Cheers)—and they were all
ready to pay their shilling when taxation should be ren-
dered fair and equal. He believed that if the people
would meet in such assemblies as the present, Govern•
ment would within two years say, " We cannot stop
them ; we will take the matter out of their hands; and
have it they shall.—(Tremendous cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN then introduced Lord Dudley Stuart,
whose presence he especially hailed, as a member of the
aristocracy who had stepped out of the ranks of his
order to aid the cause of the people.—(Laud cheers.)
Lord Dudley Stuart then presented himself, and was
greeted with enthusiastic and prolonged applause, which
was increased by a gentleman on the platform exclaiming
" three cheers tor Hungary l" when the vast audience en
masse, by shouts and waving of handkerchiefs, testified
li
their enthusiasm in the cause.
The CUAIAMAN here announced that Count Pulzzky
was on the platform, and this again excited the enthu-
siastic cheering of the meeting.
Lord D. STUART proceeded, at length, to say that this
was, indeed, a great moment for him. The cheers which '
the meeting had given, not for his own name, but fur
that of IJungary—(Renewed cheers)—would resound
from the banks of the Thames to those of the Danube '
and the Theiss; end he prayed that they might urge on
the gallant patriots—not in their struggle against op-
pression, but in their hour of triumphant victory.—
(Great applause.) But the meeting had not been as-
sembled to discuss any topics of foreign policy, although
the enthusiasm which reigned in their hearts for all who,
in whatever clime, were struggling for their rights,
had burst forth in a noble strain, and for a moment
diverted attention from the object of the evening.—
(Hear, hear.) It was not fur him to return thanks for
,hat noble ebullition of feeling. The Honourable
Chairman had announced that there was present one of
Hungary's noblest patriots—(At this point the en-
thusiasm of the meeting was greatly increased by the
chairman pointing to Count Pulszlei, who was forthwith
called in front of the stage, and accommodated with a
prominent seat)—who before they separated would
probably express his feelings at this noble episode
in so magnificent a meeting.—(Great applauSe.)
After the many eloquent speeches upon the
subject of financial and parliamentary reform,
both in and out of Parliament, and the able writings
that had been circulated upon it, he bad not the vanity
to suppose he could adduce any new arguments in favour
of these important objects. But none were necessary.
Every person of reflection in the kingdom must feel that
financial reform was necessary, and that the means of
obtaining it lay through reform in Parliament.—(Hear,
hear.) What need of argument to show that financial
reform was le quired when every schoolboy was aware
that the expenditure of the country was now ten
millions greater than it was ten years ago.—(Cheers.)
The great evil of this country was excessive and
unequal taxation.—(Cheers.) The remedy fur the evil
was Parliamentary Reform.—(Renewed cheers.) There
mutt be unequal conditions in every country. Every
person could not be rich or prosperous ; and no legisla
Lien could place a man in the receipt of a hundred a
year in as good a position, in a worldly sense, as a man
who enjoyed a thousand a year. But we need not
have a system of taxation pressing more hardly upon
the poor than upon the rich.— (Hear, hear.) We might
nave a more equitable system ; we need not have every
article consumed by the poor highly taxed. By the as-
sistance of a leegue, similar to that which they were now
re-:sernbled to promote, the will of the people had been
made known, and the tax upon the stuff of life got
rid of ; but there were other articles, consumed by the
poor, which were heavily taxed—tea, tobacco, beer
(through the malt tex), and light and air, through the
window-tax.—(Hear, hear.) And he was sorry to add
that, in the metropolis at least, water was also subjected
to a heavy tax—a tax which might not be paid to the
collector of the Government, but which was a grievance
the t the inhabitants of the metropolis, and of must towns
in England, laboured under, and which he hoped, ere
fcrg, would he removed.—(Hear, hear.) It was to re-
move grievances of this sort that the association
had been foi med ; and, knowing that the
present meeting was to be held, he could not have been
satisfied with pointing to the votes he had given in the
House of Commons for the motions of Mr. Cobden and
sir. Hume. He therefore thought it is duty to be
present, being desirous of taking part in this great,
sound, and wholesome agitation. It was by agitation
that all great ends were to be obtained, and by agitation
only, at least he trusted so, in this country. It was only
by such agitation as this association would persevere
with that they could effect the purpose of relieving
the people from the crushing injustice of unequal
taxation. He had himself been a strenuous opponent of
the income-tax, and it might be said "if you mean
to take off such taxes as you have mentioned money
must be raised to meet the obligations of the country,
and you must come to direct taxation." It was per-
fectly true that he had opposed the income-tax might
and main, but he had not opposed a property-tax.—
(Cheers.) Ile had not been told by the Government,
•‘ We will take off the window-tax, abolish the duty
upon tea or tobacco, to enable the poor man to buy his
comforts and necessaries at a cheap rate; but he had
heard them say, "We must have an income-tax of
live per cent. to meet the necessities of the State."—
(Hear, hear.) Let it be remembered than an income-
tux was not a property-tax; but he believed the
best thing that could be done for the people would
ue to take off the taxes he had mentioned, and es-
tablish, not an income-tax, but an equitable property-
tax.—(Hear, hear.)—Ho believed that the same amount
of money which was now raised could be raised by less
oppressive means. Reduce the duty upon tea, and the
revenue would be equal to its present amount, whilst the
poor would be benefited. It bad been so with coffee.
Cite duty had been reduced, whilst the revenue derived
;row it was the same, if not greater. So it would be
h every other article which the poor consumed.—
(Hear, hear.) How, then, were they to urge
financial reform? By revolution, anarchy, and vio-
ence?—(Cries of "No, no.") Such a remedy would
be worse than the disease. The real remedy was Par-
Uamentary Reform—(Hear)—for until the House of
Commons was made what it professed to be, a real re-
-1 presentation of the people, it was vain to hope for any
.melioration in our condition. This, then, was what
.he association proposed to effect. First, it would ex-
tend the suffrage by extending the right of voting to any
wan who was rated, however small in amount, or who
chose to claim to be rated. He did not know how far
.nch an extension of the suffrage might give universal
satisfaction, but it would be a great and a most import-
int step towards improvement. It would at least effect
.no purpose—that, whereas the electoral body was now
only a minority of the adult population, and the non-
oleetors a large minority, places would be changed.
The electors would be come the large majority, whilst
those excluded would be the minority; and atter all, if
this was not found sufficient, it would not prevent the
people going turther.--(dear, hear.) He had alwa) s
been for p: ogressive reform. Long ago he had voted for
what was called the Reform Bal. Now he voted for what

he called the Morin 13111 of the present day, as proposed
ny the Hon. Gentleman in the chair.—(Hear, hear.)
The next point demanded by the association was the
ballot, which might be called at once the greatest and
the least of the points. It was the greatest because the
most necessary, and the most important of all at the
present day; perhaps it would be the least important
at ter all the others had been secured. Although he had
voted again and again for the ballot, and should do so
again whenver it was proposed, he confessed he did not
tike it. He did not like doing things in secret. He
migt,t then be asked why he voted for it? He would
say why, for the same reason that he built a wall
round his garden—to keep out intruders. It was his
right to be secured; it was his right that no man should
come in and trespass upon his grounds to steal and carry
away that which belonged to him; and although he would
much rather not be put to the expense of building a wall
—although he had much rather it was not necessary to
protect the voter by the ballot, he was determined
that the voter should be free. Therefore it was
necessary to afford the voter protection, and therefore
he voted for the ballot. The next point of the asso-
ciation was that of shorter Parliaments. On this
point he had always entertained strong opinions—
stronger than those of many good and earnest Re-
formers. Nothing was more important than to have
short Parliaments. The people could not continue to
be properly represented without them, for if there was
all the extension of the suffrage that could be desired,
and they were protected both by their numbers and by
the device of the ballot from improper interference,
they would have no security that their representatives,
however fairly chosen, would continue properly for any
length of time to represent their opinions. Three years
was the time proposed by the association. Some per-
sons might think that too long ; but he said, "let us
try that first." The fourth point of the association was,
that of more equal electoral districts. It was not necessary
to explain in many words upon that point ; for who
could think it right or just that a city like Westminster
should have no more Members to represent it than a
little fishing town like Harwich, and other places of no
greater moment ? Upon all these points, then, he
agreed; and he was anxious to promote their being
passed into a law. He was also in favour of the other
point urged by the association—the abolition of the pro-
perty qualification.—(Hear, hear.) One word more re-
specting the association. It had for its object and its
effect to unite the working and the middle classes.
Henceforth they were united for a common object.
Union was strength; by union they would obtain their
object; and those who wottid attempt to sow disunion
among them were their greatest enemies.—(Hear, hear.)
Those who bound the different classes together, and
amalgamated them, as far as possible, all into one, were
a nation's greatest benefactors. But the greatest of all
its enemies,l in his mind, were those who, by pro-
moting class legislation, gave to one class of the people
and
ndhisrunnniionn ,
a right to be banded together in aversion and dislike to
thisa lastinga sso
and.
another class, who established in a country discontent
not
malady.as a
Therefore transient evil,
butas
honoured
ciation, and wished to support it, because it sought to
destroy all class. legislation—all legislation for the benefit
of one set of men in the country and not for the benefit
of all. He was happy to do whatever lay in his
power, however humbly, to promote such good and
righteous ends; aid sure he was that this great move-
ment, begun under the auspices under which it had ap-
peared—ttiat was, emanating from the people, would
progress from day to
its day, from week to week, and from
mo:,th to inuLth, until it became; triumphant in the at-
tainment of noble objects.—(Cheers.) How soon
that might be he could not foresee. Futurity was
wropt in clouds, end he might Dot lire to see these

great reforms wrought out. Yet he trusted they would
be achieved in a very short time, arid that an impatient
people would not have long to wait. But whether he
lived to see their triumph or not, if he had contributed
ever so little in promoting it, he might feel that he had
not elose.her lived in vain.—(Cheers.)
Lord NUGENT said this was the first occasion on
which it had been his good fortune to take part in the
proceedings of the Financial Reform Association. It
had been said by a great man that " When bad men
conspire, good men must combine," and he thought they
ought now to sink all minor differences end combine to
make head against the corruption, the self-interest, and
the tyranny which was endeavouring to stop the course
of reform.—(Hear, hear.) He must confess that he did
not concur in one sentence of the report, which recom-
mended that the franchise should be thrown open to all
persons who paid even the smallest rates. Now, he was
an advocate of complete universal suffrage—(Great
cheering)—and he had never been able to see the common
sense of what was called a money qualification. Every
man who consumed bread contributed to the taxation of
the country; and so long as a duty was paid upon any
article which related to the produce or import of corn it
could not be said that bread was untaxed. He (Lord
Nugent) would act upon the maxim of Lord Camden,
which had been quoted to-night by Mr. Lushington—
that taxation without representation was robbery. He
(Lord Nugent) would call no man a robber, but be might
ne permitted to soy that if, Kith his opinions, he ever
found himself in the House of Commons voting for a tax
or a grant of public money, and he was not prepared on
the same night to vote fur universal suffrage, he would
certainly consider himself a thief and a robber.—(Great
laughter and cheering.) He could not understand how a
property qualification bore upon the question of the suf-
frage. He knew that in the early period of our Parlia-
mentary constitution it was assumed that a money qua-
lification was a hied of test of a certain amount of in-
telligence and independence.—(Laughter.) The vote
was given for the intelligence and independence, the
money being only the test ; but now they did not look
to independence or intelligence in voters, but merely to
the money qualification.—(Hear, hear.) He differed
slightly, on the question of the ballot, from the Noble
Lord who had just addressed them—one who was noble
not only from the name he bore, but from the manner
in which he had associated that name with a noble
cause.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The Noble Lord
had said that if human nature were more nearly
advanced towards perfection, and if the difficulties
thrown in the way of independent voting were
less manifest and powerful, he w ould not be
disposed to adopt a system of secret voting He
(Lord Nugent) would not dislike secret voting even if
human nature were much nearer perfection than it was,
and it no attempts were made to destroy the indepen-
dence of voters, and for this reason—Was the secret
kept by the voter when he put the ball into the ballot-
box an unmanly secret ? The voter had a right to
keep that secret, and no man was entitled to ask him
how he voted.—(Hear, hear.) If his opinions and prin-
ciples were asked, the voter would at once avow them ;
but if a candidate asked for his vote, ho might reply,
" My vote is my property, to be given for the general
benefit, and I have as much right to put my ball in the
ballot-box without saying for whom I vote, as I have to
keep my will sealed."—(Hear, hear.) The ballot had
been called unmanly and un-English, but it was no more
so, in his opinion, than the proceedings before gland
juries. He (Lord Nugent) had taken the oaths as a
grand juryman to keep secret his own and his fellows'
counsel ; and why was this done? To guarantee
the jurymen against corruption, oppression, or vio-
lence.—(Hear, and cheers.) It must not be said,
then, that the ballot was
they h
un-English osourulnden com-
bineanly
until they were prepared to abandon trial by jury.—
(fleaar.t)thilst
twim'ase
min ost
tpnpeocret of ssaryliberalthat principles, because
they had to encounter a powerful oppositi en. The Whig
Government—(Loud groans and hisses)—opposed Par-
liamentary and financial reform, judicial reform, and
colonial reform—(Hear, hear, and hisses)—and with
such a Government the Liberal party could not act.—
(Cheers.) He did not wish to speak with disrespect of
absent persons, but he would allude to one member of
the Administration who had hitherto kept the character
of the Government from disgrace and degradation by
refusing to become an accomplice to the tyranny of other
powers c f Europe.—(Cheers.) There was one who had
not allowed himself, either hastily or by mistake, to call
the most glorious struggle that had been made for cen-
turies "an insurrection," but who had termed that
struggle " the war between Hungary and Austria,"—
(Great cheering.) The meeting perhaps might not be
aware that Lord Palmerston, by his conduct, had raised
himself to the glory of being the subject of an intrigue
intended to cast him from his position.—(Hear, hear,
and shouts of " Shame!") At that very time an in-
trigue was proceeding—(Cries of " Shame!' and cheers)
—fostered by the criminals who had been ejected from
their own countries by revolutions—fostered by the Met-
ternichs—(Groans and cheers)—the object of which was
to undermine Lord Palmerston with his colleagues, and
to substitute in his place a Foreign Minister of a Met-
ternich choice—(Hisses and cheers)—who was thought
a more fitting associate for a Whig Ministry.—(" Hear,
bear," and cheers.) Why, then, did not Lord Palmer-
ston appeal to the people and throw himself upon them?
—(Lend cheers.) The period, perhaps, had not yet
arrived for such a step; but, if Lord Palmerston was
what he hoped and believed him to be, the time was not
far distant when they would see the result of the struggle
between the Noble Lord and his opponents. He (Lord
Nugent) would say—" Up with Lord Palmerston,
and down with intriguers."—(A cheer was called for and
given for Lord Palmerston, and immediately afterwards
three hearty cheers were given for " Gallant Hungary.")
The Noble Lord in conclusion exhorted the meeting not
to forget the cause they had to-night met to promote,
but to recollect that it was the beginning of a combina-
tion which they must carry out with determined per
severance until they had obtained entire Radical uni-
versal reform.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. E. MIALL considered that every subject of the
realm, contributing to the support of its civil and political
institutione, was entitled at least to an elementary share
of political power; and he therefore gave in his humble
but hearty adhesion to this movement. After a few
other observations, which were delivered in a low tone,
and were inaudible to the great body of the meeting, the
imuatient interruptions of the audience in the upper
boxes and galleries prevented Mr. Miall from proceeding;
and 2, after expressing his full concurrence in the objects
of the association, he resumed his seat.
Mr. F. O'CoNNOR, M.P., was received with rapturous
cheering by the Chartist portion of the assembly. He
said he supposed he might regard the present assembly
in Drury-lane as " Lord John's bespeak "—(Cheers and
laughter)—because the Noble Lord said, at the close of
the session, that he was always prepared to yield to the
pressure from without. He was delighted to see the
present assembly. He would not have fraternised with
mere wealthy men, because he would not cooperate
with, money-jobbers any more than with land-jobbers;
but he liked to see the fraternisation of mental and
manual labour.—(Cheers.) He was glad to find that
their chairman, and the other members of the associa-
tion, had taken the greater portion of the five points
of the Charter; and he hoped they would at last
think that every one of the six points depended upon
the other.—(Great cheering from the Chartists.) For
example, some of his friends on the platform would like
to see working men iu Parliament; but how were they

nowto gent 0 t hdeirffee
rewnictehso übt
et twh
eee
npaymenti d
dolfe
amnedm
wb corrsk?i n—g
(Cheers.) lie rejoiced it would go forth that there were
classes, and that they were determined to unite to obtain
the justice that had so long been withheld from them.—
(Cheers.) He had laboured long, incessantly, and
ardently, for the purpose of procuring something for the
people, and if from vanity and ambition he were to tell
them that this association would do nothing for them, he
should mislead them. He told them to get what the
association were striving for, and then they might carry
the rest afterwards if they pleased. He saw happy days
for England in the prospect now before him. Political
parties were divided now, not into Whigs, Tories, and
Radicals, but into Liberals and Illiberals. A small
minority should no longer control the will of the over-
whelming majority. The Chartists had never thought
of war and bloodshed, although Lord John Russel]
and Sir George Grey had tried to force them into war.
—(Hisses.) Where was the class of people who had
so strong an interest in the preservation of the peace
as the working classes ?—(Hear, hear.) He wanted
the association to develop the labour question, be-
cause by the profitable cultivation of the soil and by
developing the resources of the country a working man
ought to receive 30s. or 40s. a day instead of ss. or 6s.—
(Cheers and interruption.) He was happy to see the
present combination of parties, and the prospect of see-
ing the people's grievances redressed. He trusted that
the evil prejudices entertained in many quarters against
the working classes would vanish, and that the more in-
fluential members of the association felt that they would
be better represented if the working classes were allowed
to vote for Members of Parliament.—(Cheers.) He
regarded the present meeting as a fair representation of
the mind of the working and middle classes. He would
bury the past in oblivion, and with it all the persecu-
tions, and prosecutions, and slanders he had been ex-
posed to; and he would say he had not worked in vain
if he had brought about this happy combination be-
tween the veritable;working and middle classes of Eng-
land.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. CLARK, the Chartist candidate for Reading, next
addressed the meeting.
GEORGE THOMPSON, Esq., M.P. for tho Tower Ham-
lets, then came forward to address the meeting, and was
received with the most enthusiastic and rapturous ap-
plause. When the cheering had in some measure sub-
sided he said—Mr. LChairman, Ladies, and Gentlemen,
I have the satisfaction of informing you that I
.am the
last man.—(Laughter.) I am merely called up to pro-
nounce the benediction, after the solemnization of this
alliance between the working and the middle classes to-
night, in the cause of national reform; and, Sir, I can
only repeat what has been said by the last speaker, that
I congratulate you upon the proceedings of what I think
I may describe as an unprecedented assembly within the
United Kingdom. I believe there has never before
been such a gathering or exhibition of a collusion
of elements hitherto estranged the one from
the other. Now, ladies and gentlemen, lam going to
ask your permission to retire from this platform without
delivering any speech.—(Loud cries of " No, no.") Well,
then, gentlemen, what must I say ?—[A voice—Tell
us something about Hungary.] A gentleman says,
"Tell us something about Hungary." Sir, I am sure
the exhibition to-night must have been sufficient to have
demonstrated to cur Hungarian visitors here that there
beats in every British bosom a feeling of the most per-
fect sympathy with those noblemen who are struggling
1
for their rights in their native land. Sir, in the cause of
liberty we_ cannot help sympathising with all in every

clime who are struggling for the same object. We con-
gratulate ourselves upon the aspect of the world at large.
" There is a voice on every wave,
A sound on every sea,
The watchword of the brave,
The anthem of the free :
From steep to steep it rings
Through Europe's many climes,
A knell to despot Kings,
A sentence on their crimes.
Where'er a wind is rushing,
Where'er a stream is gushing,
The swelling sounds are heard
Of man to freeman calling,
Of broken fetters falling,
And like the carol of a cageless bird,
The bursting shouts of Freedom's rallying word."
(Cheers.) Well, Sir, let us, in the middle of all this commo-
tion,cougratulate ourselves that we are not obliged to resort
to the weapons which other oppressed nations are cilled
upon to use for the purpose of winning their just rights;
and let us nut, in our aspirations alter a larger measure
of political power than that which we have enjoyed, be
unmindful of the substantial blessings with which we are
favoured. We are thankful that we live in a country, in
the metropolis of which we can assemble as we have
done to-night; we are grateful that at least we have it
in our power to rebuke, from this platform, those who
are our rulers, and who, as vie think, have not sympa-
thised as they ought to have done with the people whom
they govern. We are thankful that, though ne have
not gained at present what I hope we shall speedily gain,
a removal of all taxes upon the spread of knowledge—
(Hear, hoar)—yet at least there are the pens of reaey
writers amongst us, who will multiply the speech( s of
to-night, and cause what has been said here to go forth
to the most distant portions of our empire, not only
stimulating the people of England, or the children of
this soil in every other land wheresoever they are cole-
nised ; but I hope that one effect, flowing from this
movement, will be to lead the' people of our colonies
firmly and sternly to maintain their rights, and to dis-
miss from their shares those that have been billeted
upon them, to the. exhaustion of their resources,
and to the country's impoverishment.—(Loud cheers )
Sir, I venture to predict that our friends, the Whigs
--(Hisses and groa'is)—will be prepared with some
measure of reform for the next session ; but if not,

-----.—.
unless I am much mistaken, they will have to make
room for better naen.—(Cheers.) My friend (Mr.
Clark) has alluded to the elvction at Reading. The
Government in London—the Treasury and the Reform
Club—gave their countenance to a man without any
political character, who went to Reading with a sheet of
white paper in his hand, and said, " Only let me be your
member, and I am svything you pleasel"—(Laughter.)
I felt it my duty ter take a humble share i❑ keeping
that man out of Paeliameut.—(Hear.) In so doing I
acted in co-operation with a very large section of the
Liberals of that towu, who are prepared to tell the
ledgekw knee
nomineee ew ltalht
cue:yourht
hre
great
Treasury,se hiur principlesis shrine. e
ur soe
or the
votes,hu down,
althoughaoe twhende ,e
Whigs, once fur all, " Never more will we bow the
e hereni
Reform Club ; let bias be a man refusing to acknow
a minority of 150, or give them to a man who truly
- shallnig h t
b,
ea and
id
represents the cause of the people."—(Cheers.) Well,
Sir, last week, as you know, in company with Mr.
Tindal Atkinson, I had the honour of attending a great
public meeting at Northampton as the representative or
the association, and wbat spectacle did I witness there?
Almost every leading,•--I will not call them Whigs—but
every leading Liberal was upon the stage of that theatre,
which was crowded as wo witness this house to-night,
and yet the Whig paper of that town did not not give a
single name of the gentlemen upon the platform, com-
prising nearly all who take a leading part in the elections
there, the editor, I suppose, being so startled with the
length and character of the list—(Laughter)—that he
did not insert a singles name except that of myself and
the gentleman who accompanied me as a deputation.
Now, Sir, these are some of the signs of the times. They
are significant, and I say to those who have been accus•
Corned to manage elections that I believe it will come to
this, that unless they allow the earnest, and what are
called extreme Reformers to have a share in the se-
lection of candidates and in the conduct of elections,
they must expect to find their milk-and-water Govern-
ment supporting candidates go to the wall; and, if it
must be so for a time, to see even a whiskered Protec-
t.
candidate
to-night,
w t,
of
tt
hh
ee

tionist going into Parliament, whose chief recom-
meneatiun was, that he would have been an
admirable addition to Jullien's band.—(Cheers and
laughter.) Sir, since you placed yourself at the head of
this movement there has been more done to bring about
a friendly union between the working and middle classes
than was ever dune before; and what result is that, lead-
ing to? Why, to this, that the middle men will soon
begin. to look upon the working men as being as good as
themselves, and es much entitled to the vote as they are.
We shall not have to argue the justice of universal
suffrage by and bye, or to appeal in its behalf, or combat
with any prejudicee against it. Let but the middle and
working classes be brought together, as they now are,
and those who were opposed before to their admission to
the franchise will be the first to demand that it should
be extended to them. I was walking a few paces the
other day from my hotel at Reading, when a man came
up to me, and after apologising for addressing me,
proceeded to say that he was quite of my way
of thinking, which of course at once gained
him ,my willing ear.—(Laughter.) " But, said
he, " I quite agree with you, that the franchise ought
not to uepend upon the amount of rent a man pays.
You see," said he, " I just pays 3s. 10d. a week, and be-
cause I only pays that saw, and not 45., I aint consi-
dered intelligent enough to vote; but," said he, "if I
could only make up my mind to deny myself of a pot of
bLer a week, to make up t'other twopence, I should at
once be intelligent enough to give a vote for one of these
Members of Parliament. So you see it comes to this,
that it all lies in the 2d."—(Laughter and cheers.) And
really it does alllie in the twopence.—(Laughter) 13ut the
absurdity of making a man's vote dependent upon those
vicissitudes in life which now place him in a house of
201.:a year, and then reduce him to a garret or cellar at
at ; eighteenpence per week— I nay that absur-
dity has been most ably exposed to-night.—
(near, hear.) Sir, there is only one other observation
that I wish to address to the meeting. I grant you
that the suffrage is an important trust, and that the
franchise should be used wisely, but when I am told
of the ignorance of the people being a bar to their right
to the vote, I answer, while you deny them the fran-
chise, and the right of saying who shall be their repre-
sentative oace in every three, five, or seven years, you
yet allow them from day to day, week to week, and year
to year, to exercise influence upon society, in comparison
with which the title to vote fur a representative in the
House of Commons is insignificant and contemptible.
—(Cheers.) Why, Sir, if the enfranchised classes of
this country were as ignorant and vicious as they
are described to be society could not hold together.—
(gear.) Not all your policemen, nor all your bayonets,
uur all your innumerable ball cartridges and sandbags,
would be sufficient to preserve the peace of this country
if such a statement were true. We have the vicious
amongst

us, it is true, and temptations and

often-misfortunes create men who are disobedient to
the laws of their cuuutry; but I contend there never
was a society in the world so prepared for unlimited
suffrage as that to which we have the privilege of be-
lunging—(Loud and prolonged cheering.) In what
relationship is the man—a most important member 01
society—in that of voting for a Member of Parliament,
or in his connexion as a tether and a neighbour, in his
family or in his locality? Why, Sir, if there are mil-
lions of men in this country who are not fit to have the
franchise, there ure millions who are not fit to be at
large.—(Hear.) Tell me that a man who is a trusty
porter, an honest shopman, a discreet and upright fore-
man, an ingenious mecha-sic, a toiling and thrifty weaver
—tell me that that man is not competent, when candi.
dates have made their speeches and declared their prin-
ciples, and resorted to every imaginable means to make
themselves known, that that man is not competent to say
which of tnoso is most fitted to represent him in Par-
liament! Why, Sir, such au assertion is a libel upon
the industrious classes of this country. Sir, I saw at
Reading the other day a sight that nearly turned me sick.
There are a great number of men in that town
who have votes but are poor, and, I am sorry to say, very
comeatable.—(Laughter.) I saw those men, for my at-
tention was drawn to them, strutting about, bearing blue
banners, and having tickets in their hats, describing
them as " the messengers of Mr. 8.," or " the messengers
of Mr. S." Now, every one of those men had a vote.
and yet I fancy I did not son, in the countenance of one
out of half-a-dozen of them, any symptoms of sagacity.
—(Laughter.) I mingled in the market-place and other
parts of Reading, with men not only of intelligent coun-
tenances, but highly intelligent minds, belonging
to the working classes of that town; and while these
drivelling and corrupt wretches were strutting through
the street, straggling after a band of music, or degrading
themselves by bearing the standard of a candidate who
could say scarcely anything on the hustings, except that
he would marry one of the Reading ladies if they would
only elect him.—(Laughter.) I saw these intelligent
men shut out from the franchise. I weut to
see the candidate brought in with bribes,
and the constituency overpowered by those
despicable elements, which exist in every town
of small dimensions, which are used by the candidates to
serve their own interests and purposes. I contend.
therefore, Sir, that to say that the people of this country
have not intelligence sufficient to exercise the franchise
is to calumniate them.—(Cheers.) But, Sir, the secret
of the opposition is, not that the aristocracy arc afraid
of the people's ignorance, but that they dread their in-
telligence.—(Hear.) A man is never ignorant if he has
a vote.—(Hear.) As the candidates go round among
the most thaw-bacon men who happen to be electors,
then how " intelligent" they are!—(Laughter.) How
" independent " they become! Then, for the time, their
wives are angels and their children cherubs; and the
obsequious candidate will court a man to-day whom, as
elected Member, he would not condescend to spit upon
to-morrow.—(Hear.) The audience which these candi-
dates most dislike is such an audience as you will collect
whenever you allow the people at large freely to attend
meetings; but let such an audience have confidence in
the man who speaks, or let them but know that they
have in that assembly a right equal to that of every
other man, and I, who have had twenty years' experi-
ence of the working classes of this country, am here to
declare that they are the beau ideal of an audience for an
honest man to address.—(Loud cheers.) Sir, I am glad
that the council of this association have taken the
resolve of making this a national association.—(llene.)
When this fact was first stated to the immense
assembled at Northampton the other night,
it was hailed
with universal and prolonged acclamations.
I foresee for this society the honour o this country.of rCheers.)
leading the
honest and uncompromising Reformers f
I am quite sure that if we put ourshosumldewrislitiloigtftioe
wheel during this reecess—and I, for.
one,
End the cause to the utmost of my pea er— (Lead
cheers)—we shall have the country universally with us.
All previous reforms have helped to place
u—s(9lineayra'l
tne ground, All those particular reforms

which are sought after by certain sections of the com-
munity, inasmuch as they will he promoted by the
accomplishment of our object, will bring into our ranks
those who aro associated with thosereforms; for this
great movement is but a means to en end, and whether
it is that we want to remove that stupendous abuse, the
Established Church of Ireland—(Hear, hear)—or very
largely to reform the Established Church at home—
(Hear, hear)—or to reduce our taxation and equalise
our imposts—all who are in favour of any one of these
reforms will come to us; and inasmuch as it remains for
those particular sections of reformers to confine them-
selves to the publication of information, it is for this
society, by a grand organisation, to bring near the time
when there shall be a House willing to discuss all these
questions on their merits, without the necessity of having
costly agitations of fifteen or twenty years to carry
them. I say we shall, by this general and universal
amalgamation, carry the objects which we have in view.
Sir, again congratulating yuu upon the proud distinction
which you enjoy of becoming the head of this movement,
and this meeting upon the prevalence of an unanimity
most remarkable where there are so many diverse senti-
ments, I shall take my seat; not, however, without
congratulating this meeting upon the fact that, with one
or two exceptions, the gentlemen highest in rank who
have occupied this platform have been most hearty i❑
their concurrence with the hitherto despised principles
of universal sutirage. Ladies and gentlemen, thanking
you, not only on behalf of myself, but of those who have
preceded me, for your patient and protracted attention,
let us now go away into our respective spheres to do
our duty; let us be zealously affected in this good work;
let us sow our seed in the full assurance that in due

time we shall reap, if we faint not.—(The Honourable
Gentleman resumed his seat amidst most enthusiastic
and prolonged applause.)
On the motion of Mr. W. WILLIAMS, late M.P. for
Coventry, a vote of thanks to the Chairman wa% then
passed; and a cheer (called for from the boxes) having
been given for Kossuth, the meeting broke up shortly
after eleven o'clock.

LOUIS BLANC'S JOURNAL.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
SrE,—The remarks you have made upon the letter
I thought it my duty to write in reference to your
notice of M. L. Blanc's Review require a few words
of answer. In the first place I leave your quotations
entirely to themselves. Although they might want
a context to be fully understood, even isolated as
they are, they cannot justify the severity of your
critic.
In the first passage, M. L. Blanc's intention is not
to establish an opposition between Socialism and
order, family and property; on the contrary, he ex-
presses his astonishment at his antagonists' preten-
sion : that those are incompatible. In the next pas-
sage the author merely enumerates the abuses of
matrimony, and where is the man possessing the least
experience of the world who will not vouch to the
truth of those remarks ?
The reference made to M. L. Blanc's political life
has, I regret to say, confirmed my former impression,
that your reviewer had allowed his mind to be biassed
by the false imputations circulated abroad on M. L.
Blanc's public character. I shall not here undertake
to repel those charges ; this I shall leave to himself ;
I will merely say that your allusion to his conduct on
the 15th of May is equally groundless as that made
to Barbes' alleged demand of a tax of a million upon
the rich.
As to your remarks upon myself, you might have
spared them, as altogether irrelevant to the object of
this unpleasant polemic. Although momentarily
separated from my friend, M. Louis Blanc, I have
thought it my duty, without even consulting with
him, to protest against what I still consider an unjust
attack. Besides my attachment to him as a friend
—a circumstance which I humbly admit is my sole
qualification to the office I have undertaken to fill—
my position as translator and editor was, I think,
sufficient to justify my presumption.
In conclusion, I beg to assure you that my name,
as editor of the New World, was never intended to
be made use of as an element of success. lam still,
it is true, on the threshold of my literary career, but
I cannot imagine how that circumstance can in any
degree injure a publication bearing on its title-page
the name of Louis Blanc, when the nature of my
position is avowedly almost restricted to that of a
mechanical translator.
I remain, Sir, your obedient servant,
P. R. TREHONNAIS.
August 13, 1849.

TESTIMONIAL
TO THE HUNGARIAN REFUGEES.

THE HUNGARIAN NATION COUNTS ON THE SYMPATHY
OF EVERY NATION WHICH LOVES RIGHT AND Ll-
BERTY."—Kosauth's Protest against Russian Interven-
tion.

Subscriptions may bo sent to the following bankers:—
Messrs. Coutts and Co.
Messrs. Drummond.
Messrs. Smith, Payne, and Smith ;
or to any one of the members of the committee recently
formed to carry out the TestimPnia).
**All further Post-office orders to be made payable toMurdo
Young, Esq., at the Money Order Office, Strand.

Subscriptions already received ... ...812 4 24
Third Subscription from Leicester, per Mr. G.
Smallfield, of the Leicester Mercury :

Mr. George Viccars, sen.

... 0 5 0

Mr. Merillier 0 5 0
Mr. W. Burden
F. Dalby ••• ••• ••• ••• 0 1 0
Mr. Henry Allen, Oxford-street 0 10 0
A Railway Guard ... . . 0 1 0
Mr. J. H. Williams 0 5 0
Workmen in Mr. Clark's Brush Manufactory... 0 3 6
Mr. Thomas Condi 10 6
Nine Framework Knitters ... 0 2 0

James and Jane Mortimer, John Smith, H.
Middleton, and John Jones (" working-folk") 0 2 0
A Few Working Men, meeting at the Temper-

ance Coffee-house, Llanelly

... 0 8 6

. -
Five Friends, Whitby, Yorkshire ... ... 0 7 0
Nicholai (Czar), St. Petersbnrgh, Pseudonym ... 0 2 6
A Few Friends, Lymondsbury, near Bridport ... 0 3 0
From S. and A.'s Workmen, Watling-street ... 0 6 0
Third Subscriptien from a Bristol Liberal ... 0 10 0
J. G., Islington .. ..• ... ... -- 1 1 0

Total

£Bl7 9 8;

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.
TATTERSALL'S.—YESTERDAY.
EBOR HANDICAP.
6 to 1 agst Mr. E. R. Clark's Giselle, 6 yrs, Est 91b
—take 7 to 1
8 to 1 agst Captain Harcourt's Ellerdale, 5 yrs,
Bst 51b—taken
8 to 1 agst Mr. Stebbings's Malton, 4 yrs, 7st.L—t
8 to 1 agst Mr. Nolan's Blucher, 4 yrs, 7str-taken
12 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Glen Saddel, 4 yrs,
6st 71b—taken
12 to 1 agst Mr. Jaques's Chantrey, 3 yrs, sst 81b—t
12 to 1 agst Mr. Medley's Cockermouth, 4 yrs, bit 51b
—taken
20 to 1 agst Mr. Bowes's The Knout, 3 yrs, sst 41b
—taken

ST. LECER.

2`to 1 on Lord Eglinton's Flying Dutchman—taken
15 to 1 agst Lord Stanley's Uriel—taken to 1001.
19 to 1 agst Lord Clifden's Honeycomb—taken
20 to 1 agst Mr. Pedley's Chatterer
DERBY, 1850.

35 to 1 agst Lord John Scott's Windhound—taken
40 to 1 agst Mr. Stephenson's Voltigeur—taken
1,000 to 20 agst Mr. Watson's Paul—taken
1,000 to 15 agst Mr. Gratwicke's The Nigger—taken
WOLVERHAMPTON RACES.—MoNDAY.
The Trial Stakes of 5 says. each, S
and 30 added. Once
round and a distaree. (4 übs.)
Mr. Barnes's Setterley, 4 yrs (Simpson) 1
Mr. T. I'arr's Woolwich, 3 yrs (G. Oates) 2
Mr. Miner's Shropshire Witch, 4 yrs (Darling) 3
The Produce Stakes of 10 sovs. each, and 20 added.
Once round. (IS Subs.) _

. .
Mr. Copeland's Aldgate, Bst (Marlow) 1 1
Mr. Stagg's Christiana, Bst ..~. .
Mr. John Fowler's John Dory, Bst 61b (Templeman) 0
Mr. 11. Wadlow's Sarah, Bst (Tasker) 0
Mr. S-,,ubb's Glorious, Bst 31b (Denman) 0
Mr. Critchley's Sir Henry Hardinge, Bst 61b
The Wolverhampton Stakes of 25 sovs. each, and 100
added. Twice round; the second saves his stake. (36
Subs., 25 of VI hom declared.) ,
Mr. Meiklam's Snowstorm, 3 yrs, sst 71b...(Arnold) 1
Mr. Giffard na The Model, 3 yrs, sst Sib (G. Cbilde) 2
Mr. Fowler's Zingari, 3 yrs, sst 51b (Wells) 3
Mr. Murphy's Dough, 4 yrs, Bst 71b (Magee) 0
Mr. Parr's Van Diemen, 3 yrs, 6st 31b (41b extra)... 0
Van Diemen threw his jockey.
_..

Sweepstakes of 50 sovs. each, h ft. Mile and a quarter.
Sir C. Monck's Vanguard, Bst Glb walked over,

SURREY ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS.—The annual
fete in celebration of the birthday of her Majesty the
Queen Dowager took place at these gardens yesterday.
The day being also the 18th anniversary of the opening
of the gardens, the two events were celebrated
withe usual more
than usual splendour and eclat. In addition to the
and the fire
of 13adajouzr,
entertainments of other evenings, the view of the wild
birds and beasts, the storming
four military
occa-
sions, there were the performances2d Lifo Guards, of the
works, which were more brilliant tban ()oat. ordinary occa-
bands, viz., the band of
theti Coldstream Guards, and
Horse Guards (Blues)' of
Woolwich, the perform-
ances the Royal Artillery
and of the band attached to
Theatre,
an orchestra of 250 musicians, the
ances of the German band and chorus from Drury-lane
d b Mr. E. odfrey. The selections of
whole conducte s .
d music were from the first masters, and made
concerted forming
with judgment, and it would be unjust not to
altogether E G
say that
the manlier in
which the whole was arranged and car-
ried out was most creditable to the liberality of the pro-
prietor, Mr. Tyler, to the conductor, and to the musi-
cians. Aim ngst the solos were Mr. Roberts, the Welsh
harper, Ur. Laz trus, the clarionet player, and Mr.
Richardson. The Misses Wells and other favourites of
the public were amongst the vocalists. The gardens
aro in excellent order, both the trees and parterres ex-
hibit signs of experienced horticultural judgment and
good taste, aid noLwithstanding the, at times, threaten.
ing state of the weather, during which the company
crowded into the new refreshment rooms, there were
home thousands of persona present.

THE BRITANNIA BRIDGE.
We learn from the Menai Straits, that on Saturday
the critical operations connected with the lifting of
this great fabric to its permanent level, 100 feet above
high-water mark, were commenced with great vigour.
Considerable delay, inseparable from the stupendous
character of the machinery, the care required in ad-
justing it, and the calculations necessary to insure
success in an experiment so vast and novel, have
unavoidably taken place, so as to give time for the
preparation of all appliances, and the bringing to bear
all the engineering wisdom of the day upon a work
that is watched with so much interest by the public
and the scientific world. Under these circumstances
it will be gratifying to know that, under the superin-
tendence of Mr. Stephenson's band of eegineers,
Messrs. E. and L. Clark, Forster, Wild, and Mr.
Amos, the designer and manufacturer of the huge
machinery, the great tube is now making its
way majestically upwards. The raising is going on
successfully at the rate of six feet a day, and the
machinery acts most admirably. The great agents
that work it, and that elicit the enormous pulling
pressure of the hydraulic power, and by which the
water is forced into the presses, are two steam-
engines of forty•horse power each, with tubular
boilers, as in a locomotive, and it is these acting on the
chains that troll up the two thousand tons, foot after
fuot. The steam cylinder is horizontal. A continu-
ation of the piston rod, which passes through both
ends of the cylinder, forms the piston of the force
pumps, which are placed one at each end, in the same
line as the cylinder. The ram of the hydraulic press
that works the mass of metal upwards is 20 inches.
The simplest and most diminutive, but at the same
time the most amazing instrument of power, is the
pipe through which the water is forced into the
press. It is of wrought iron, and though exercis-
ing a force over two thousand tons, is not larger
than the hollow of a lady's thimble, its circum-
ference being that of a sixpence. The stroke now
daily accomplished by the presses is six feet. This
must be understood to imply that the hydraulic
power is only empowered to raise six feet at one
lift. The tube, when lifted that height, is sustained
by the chains until six feet of masonry are, for every
successive six feet, built under. Then to obtain a
fresh hold the chains are gripped between another set
of clams at the foot of the press, the upper set of links
are taken off and laid aside, and arrangements made
for another hoist. The upper clams are then
again closed, and the operation repeated as before.
The number of these separate lifting operations
required will be about fifteen, and as there will be
one a day, the whole operation will take a fortnight,
including the process of holding up beneath. Each
six feet stroke of the press occupies an hour, and an
additional hour is occupied in adjusting the machinery
for the next. The key beams employed in the pro-
cess, and on which the tube rests at intervals on its
upward journey, are 24 feet long by 4 feet high, and
weigh eleven tons each. The following up beneath
with timber and brickwork employs a number of
masons. Should not the present plans be modified or
altered, the lifts will be confined to six feet a day.
It is a grand sight to see the tube as it new hangs
suspended in the chains, swinging across the Straits,
during the present heavy gales in the Channel, with a
cradle like motion.

In the mean time the preparations for the floating
the next tube are complete, and the operation will
take place as soon as the machinery for lifting can be
shifted, in order to raise it as soon as it is floated, so
that the first train will very soon cross the Straits.

MORTALITY IN THE M ANDS-

WORTH-ROAD.

For some days past a feeling of very considerable
alarm has possessed the inhabitants of that part of the
Wandsworth-road comprised within the parish of
Clapham, and extending about a mile, in consequence
of the cholera having appeared in its most malignant
form, and occasioned a mortality unexampled in in-
tensity and numbers, even in the most squalid and
ill-drained portions of the metropolis. Albion-ter-
race, a row of second-class houses on the north side
of the road, and situated near the William the Fourth
has been more particularly the scene of the calamity,
and in ten houses of that devoted terrace, during the
course of eleven days, there were seventeen deaths
from Asiatic cholera, independent of several - others

to left their houses infected, to die elsewhere. In
one house, No. 6, no less than five persons died of
cholera. The house was in the occupation of the
Rev. T. Harrison, a dissenting minister, and with
that gentleman and his wife were staying, prepara-
tory to a departure of the whole of the family to
Brighton, Mrs. Henrietta Roscoe, a very aged lady,
and Mrs. Edwards, with a cook and housemaid.
Mrs. Roscoe was first seized, and died on the 4th
instant. Mrs. Edwards, who had attended upon her
relative, was next seized, and on Mr. Harrison return-
ing from the funeral of his aunt, Mrs. Roscoe, on
Tuesday last, he found his wife attacked with the
same dreadful disease, and that lady expired early the
next morning. It appeared that Mr. Harrison, over-
whelmed with grief, fled the house soon after his
wife's death, incempany with a lodger in the next house.
On the same morning that Mr. Harrison left his
house Mrs. Edwards died, and the cook was taken ill
and died the same evening. On the day following,
Thursday, the three bodies were taken to Mrs.
Roscoe's grave, in Kensal-green, and on the return
of the mourners the nurse who had attended Mrs.
Edwards was found dead. The remarkable fact of
so many persons in one family dying as it were
simultaneously, and the head of the house dying from
home, created an extraordinary excitement, which
was considerably increased by Mr. Milledge, the
undertaker who had buried the other members of: the
family, receiving the card of a medical gentleman at
Hampstead and a note from the landlord of the. Jack
Straw's Castle, stating that the Rev. Mr. Harrison
had died at his house, after having had his will
written out by a young man who had accompanied
him. On Friday the young man who had accom-
panied deceased from his home called on the under-
taker, and wished some boxes of jewellery and other
property to be moved out of the house, saying
he would take care of it. Mr. Milledge denied him en-
trance to the house, when he threatened to use force,
and Mr. Milledge said if he did he would give him in
charge of the police. The young man then said he
would go and remove the deceased's property from
the tavern at Hampstead, but as that was known to
be valuable, the landlord had been cautioned not to
part with it. These I.icts coming to the knowledge
of Mr. Harrison's relatives, they determined upon
communicating with Mr. Higgs, the coroner fur the
Duchy of Lancaster, and that gentleman appointed
an inquest to be holden, and a post mortem examina-
tion of the body to be made. Yesterday a long in-
quiry was gone into at the William the Fourth, and
evidence embracing the facts already mentioned having
been given, Mr. M'Donough, the surgeon to the
parish of Clapham, was.. examined as to the result of
the post mortem examination he had made. He stated
that great inflammation existed in the abdomen,
stomach, viscera, and thorax, and the heart was very
soft. He had placed the heart, stomach, and right
lobe of the liver in separate jars for the purpose of
examination. Mr. M‘Donough, who had pricked his
finger in opening the body, which had poisoned
was in excessive pain whilst giving his evidence.
The CORONER said it was highly essential that this
very extraordinary case should be thoroughly in-
quired into, and the young man alluded to, who would
appear to have been with the deceased in his last mo-
ments, must be looked after.

ROYAL WELSH EISTEDDFOD.—On Tuesday, the
14th inst., and two following days, a royal Eisteddfod
will be held at Aborffraw, in Anglesey. Some of the most
influential names in the principality appear on the lists
of vice-presidents, and preparations on a most ample
scale are in progress to accommodate the vast concourse
expected to be present on the occasion; thirty-two prizes
will be awarded to the successful competitors; and at a
Gorsedd, to be held on the 16th inst., degrees also will
be conferred on those who have distinguished them-
selves for their bardic skill. A grand procession will
take place, consisting of the archdruids, druids, bards,
harpers, &c., to the marquee in which the meeting will
be held. Contests of Penillion, singing, and other essays
of minstrelsy will be interspersed in ,the proceedings of
each day.
in the)
last the splendid grounds of this society,
wore h situateda
n ordinary
ZOOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF LONDON.--0 II Saturday
Regent's-park,
musics, reek,
1 op
eernfdol
ri, .
aivveffi
el,
afforded
det
ehzde-C
-I i
owing
to
brass band of the
the committee, by which excellentt
gaiety and animwateioren,
in the Gardens once a
the
scgene ofa new arrangement of
Second Life Guards assemblesmembers and visitors, by their
Ach selection of marches,
executed on the occasion,
waltzes, quadrilles, delight to a numerous com-
gentlemen, to whose numbers the
finenessp a n
yof o ladiesf
the weather, as well as
danodubt instrumental in adding. Commo-
dious r ewaats
the treat of sweet
tents and marquees were pitched through the
sounds,and
no
gardens to shelter the company from the too ardent heat
of the sun. The band will perform every Saturday
afternoon until further notice.

The following are the barristers appointed by Mr.
Justice Crtsswell to revise the list of voters for the
counties °and borcughs cn the Western Circuit for
1849:

South Hants and Isle of Wight, J. Aldridge, Esq.
North Hants, G. N. Oxenham, Esq.
Dorset, Douglas, Esq.. Holdsworth, Esq.
South Devon, J. L. Lucena, Esq., H. T. Erskice, Esq.
North Devon, W. Hodges, Esq.
East Cornwall, C. D. Bevan, Esq.
West Cornwall, J. S. Stock, Esq.
East Somerset, J. S. Graves, Esq:, F. W. Slade, Esq.
West Somerset, C. Saunders, Esq.
South Wilts, C. R. Dayman, Esq.
North Wilts, G. Pou'deo, Esq.
shadow of lighesitation_—Elwiza CooA's Journal. casts no
purl:,a 8 0 baskets f
oats , 1
703 f
HANSEATIC PRODUCE.---The steam-ship Princess
Royal, arrived in the River from Hamburg, has brought
234
cherries, baless ofof
apples,baeoa 2145
ofc asits o
plums,f
of beans, 280 of peas, 1,377 of wheat, 26 head of omen,
6 hones, and general merchandise.