The Sun.
London, England, 1836-05-28 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

It is manifest that the time is fast approaching when the
Houses of Lords and Commons must come into collision.
The Bill for the Reform of the Municipal Corporations
of Ireland, passed by the Commons, has been sent back
to them by the Lords, so completely altered in character
that it may be said to be now entirely new. The Com-
mons cannot possibly acknowledge the changeling. But
the question which every one asks, is—what will follow ?
The merest tyro in politics knows 'that the question be-
tween the two Houses is not an ordinary issue. It would,
in fact, be betraying our duty to the public were we
to wrap ourselves up in mysterious reserve at a crisis like
the present. This is not a difference such as may be
looked for from two bodies having the same purpose in
view, and exercising an independent judgment on the sub-
jects under their consideration. The Lords, in destroying
Irish Corporations, meant to proclaim to the world that they
had finally determined to take their stand against the prin-
ciples established by the Reform Bill. That Bill gave
to the people of England the power of compelling
the Government to act in accordance with their
interests. It was extorted by an united nation from the
fears of the Lords, who ever since have evinced a dispo-
sition to deprive the people of the fruits of the measure,
by opposing themselves to all the reforms and improve-
ments for the sake of which it was demanded. The de-
struction of the Irish Corporations is the last stage in the
long trial which has been afforded to the Lords. They
knew all the importance of the stake for which they were
playing ; and the people, who for five long years have
borne w,th patience the freaks of their Lordships, watched
with intensity their proceedings on this occasion. Before
vie proceed further in our observations, it may be of use
to inquire into the nature of legislative power, that we may
have clear notions on the subject of the present dispute
between the two Houses. That power, though nominally
distributed into two Houses, is really one and the same,
and resides in the Commons. Before the Reform Bill, a
majority of the Members of the Commons was returned
by certain Members of the House of Peers, through their
influence in boroughs, so that no co.'lision between the
two Houses could then possibly take place. Since the
passing of the Reform Bill, the Peers have no other
influence in returning the Members of the Com-
mons than what they possess as owners of a share of
the property of the country. The Representatives
are now returned by the great mass of owners of property,
f wlifeh a very inconsiderable share is possessed by the
Peers. The House of Lords, however, seem unwilling to
perceive the real nature of the situation in which they are
now placed with reference to the Commons. They con-
ceive thoraselves still possessed of the power which they
enjoyed while the other House was filled by their nomi-
nees. They blindly suppose that the oligarchical interest
can be maintained against the interests of the nation, by
two or three hundred individuals nominally possessed of
the power which they enjoyed when the Lords commanded
a majority of the Commons. The issue now is, shall the
nation have the benefit of the Reform Bill or not? It is
clear that without some change in the composition of the
House of Lords it cannot. No one will pretend that a great
nation like this ought to be mocked by the constant frustration
of its best founded hopes, through the determination of the
Peers to deprive the Reform Bill of its legitimate fruits.
The people are fully aware of the necessity of having two
Houses, for the benefit of mature deliberation, and the ad-
vantage of having a second discussion of every measure,
conducted by a distinct body of legislators. They have no
wish to set aside the Peers : but the very first considera-
tion is how the interests of the nation can best be promoted,
and therefore some plan ought to be devised for so mo-
delling the Upper House as to place its movements in ac-
cordance with those of the House of Commons. There
must be a community of interest and feeling between the
different branches of the Legislature, otherwise Parliament
will be a curse instead of a blessing to the na-
tion. We assume that the difference between the
two Houses ever since the agitation of the Reform
Bill, is one resulting from a determined opposi-
tion of principle, and that there is no ground for
hoping that any House of Commons, faithfully re-
presenting the nation, can obtain the concurrence of the
House of Lords. Having disposed of this preliminary in-
quiry, we may now consider more particularly the questions
which must come before Parliament in the ensuing week.
Besides the measure sent down from the Lords, two no-
tices have been given in the Commons, that of Mr. O'Con-
nell and that of Mr. Grove Price. " Between these two
notices (says The Morning Post) it may puzzle even such
accommodating personages as his Majesty's Ministers to
steer." Now, we confess we do not see how Ministers
ought to be at all puzzled with respect to these notices.
Mr. Grove Price is at liberty to move that Mr. O'Connell's
notice be expunged ; but no honest Reformer will support
such a motion. Who will dare to proclaim to the people of
England, that the welfare of the nation ought not to be held
paramount to every other consideration ; and that when
the House of Lords has exhibited a constant determina-
tion to resist every measure calculated to promote
that welfare, the reform of the Lords is not a
proper subject for discussion ? To support a motion
for expunging Mr. O'Connell's notice, would be
to declare that the House of Lords ought to ride

rough-shod over the country. The House of Commons
was reformed because it did not answer the end of its
original institution ; and if a project for the reform of
the House of Commons was not only entertained but
carried, we cannot see why there should be any delicacy
as to entertaining a motion for also reforming the House of
Lords. The reception Mr. O'Connell's motion may re-
ceive will depend on the feeling in the House, as to whe-
ther the Lords have had a sufficient trial, or whether they
should have a further trial, that the country may second the
proceedings of the Commons ; but to expunge the notice
would be to exhibit a degrading subserviency to the Lords.
It would be to give the victory to the oligarchical principle,
and to declare that the. Reform Bill had passed in vain.
We can conceive, however, that there may be individuals,
calling themselves Reformers, and also possessed of high
claims to the gratitude of the people, so far blinded by at-
tachment to their order, as to refuse even to allow the
question of a reform of the Lords to be agitated. Such
individuals may even go so far as to say—no matter
what conduct the House of Lords shall pursue, no matter
how much the people may be injured by its proceedings—
that House shall in no case receive any modification,
and any Member of the Commons who dares to hint at
the expediency of a reform of the Peers, ought to be
punished for I'4. audacity. Should any such individuals
compromise their long-established reputation by the avowal
of sptiments so unworthy of British legislators, all we
can say is, that they ,greatly mistake the character of
the British people if they imagine that such arrogance
will now be tolerated. We would warn any such infa-
tuated persons to weigh well the consequences of a step
which must deprive them for ever of the respect and
regard of the people of England. As for Ministers,
they can have no difficulty in deciding how they should
act. It is only by an union of all classes of real Re-
formers that the existing Government can possibly be
conducted. Whoever supports any proceeding which
must have the effect of producing an incurable di-
vision among Reformers, is necessarily an enemy to a
Reform Government. No man can support the 'no-
tion of Mr. Grove Price, without thereby meaning
to weaken, if not to break up, the present Ministry, and to
transfer the reins of power to the Tories. We can have
no hesitation, therefore, in declaring that all who from an
affected regard for the inviolal,ility of the privileges of the
House of Lords support the motion of Mr. Grove Price,
arc in heart anti-Reformers. Were Ministers to fall into the
snare set for them, the disunion among Reformers would
soon effect their ruin. The people of England would not,
indeed, long submit to a Tory rule ; hut the immediate
consequences of the loss of confidence in the present re-
forming Government might be disastrous in the extreme.
But we will not for a moment suppose that Ministers can
fall into so obsious a snare. To be the victims of so silly
an invention es that of Mr. Grove Price would indeed
subject them to the derision of all mankind. No good Re-
former Can for one moment believe that Lord Melbourne's
Government is in any danger from Mr. Grove Price and
his Tory associates.—Morning
Much superfluous chatter has been bandied about be-
tweet' certain of our contemporaries, touching the move-
ments, motives, and intentions of that somewhat common-
place personage,: Mr. Edward Ellice, who has lately stowed
himself away on board a trading vessel for New York. It
is assun:ed on one side, that the Member for Coventry went
off in open dudgeon—by the other party it is asserted, with
a mixture of resentment and alarm, that he only went to
visit his Canad;an property. Now we are believers in the
dudgeon doctrine. We have strong reason for being satis-
fied that Mr. Edward Ellice did speculate ion Lord Mel-
bourne's resignation of office, and did work hard, by his
usual med!ods, to procure, as the successor of the Noble
Viscount, eiOler—lst, Lord Durham, who, though a clever
luau, certainly, • has not the luck to be popular, and would
find it no easy matter to gain admission into any Cabinet,
still more to make himself the head of a Government
already formed, without its being regarded as a signal for
the prompt retreat of body and members from under
him : Or, 2dly, Lord John Russell, who enjoys still less
popularity than Lord Durham, without one tenth of his
talent. With these alternative projects was combined a
third, more indispensable in the estimation of Mr. Edward
nice than eithey%.,Tiliptof pushing Lord Glenelg out
of the Coloni4l7 Department, and seizing possession of it
himself! Xifourthclause of t. 4 intrigue (but that was in
a parenthesis) was, the expulsion of Lord Palmerston from
-
the Fsereign-office—because, why ? Mr, Ellice is now ab-
sent, awl we will not state the reason, but it was one which
might have produced something different from smile or
dimple in tliAtseighbourhood of the Noble Viscount's whis.