The Sun.
London, England, 1831-05-03 00:00:00

•ou, told the Mayor that " the introduction of such
scoundrels was infamous," and "he pledged his
leputation to the legality of the people inflicting the
summaty justice Englishmen were wont to deal out,
if the bullies, so imported from the foulest lanes of
the metropolis, offered any interference with, or in-
sult to, the inhabitants. He warned the Mayor,
that, in swearing in such fellows, he, the Chief
Officer, would be responsible; for that assuredly,
in the temper of the inhabitants, the foreigners
would he exterminated." Let not the people re-
lax in their endeavours. The boroughmongers must
be beaten if the people continue true to themselves.
Let us obtain a majority in the House of Commons
and all must go well. Sir Francis Burdett yesterday
alluded to a point which is a sore one with the
boroughmongers, and which, indeed, they can never
hear agitated with any patience. " They had not
now (he said) one of those crazy owls upon the
Throne who would sit still and witness the plunder-
ing of the people, but a King of that stamp, that if
the so called representatives of the people had the
hardihood to disregard their universal sentiment, he
would, in calling the next Parliament, withhold the
writs of those places which ought to be disfran-
chised.—(Cheers.) Fir a trifling expence the
homughmongers would be defeated ; and he was
confident the Bill would not only be carried, but
carried triumphantly by the voice of the people. His
Majesty had exercised one prerogative—he had
another to exercise, should it be necessary—which
was to dissolve Parliament again, and then refuse
Iris writs to the rotten boroughs. (Loud cheers.")
We should like to see those vingni•loquent men who
talk of dying in their last ditch, arraying their con-
stituency against a patriot King and an united
people. Sir George Rose, at the head of his ten
Ci•ristchurch constituents; Mr. Bankes, of Corfe
Castle, with his returning officer, the proprietors and
constituency of Gat ton and Old Sarum, &c , advanes
ing against the capital with their anti-Reform
standards ! The very idea is ridiculous. The nation
has declared itself too unequivocally to allow the
base boroughmongers to stand between them and
the Reform which is to save it from their clutches in
all time to come.—Morning Chronicle.
Are rejoice to Gnd that some of the nesvly-
elected Members of Parliament, who have obtained
their return under the livour of revolutionary
clamour, are not likely, after all, to prove such de-
termined Revolutioni,ts as their language before

the infatuated electors had fixed them in their seats
might have led us to apprehend. To mention a
single instance. Mr. Mills, the new Member for
Rochester, where clamour fur " the Bill, the whole
Bill, and nothing but the combined with the
threat of brutal violence and remorseless assassina-
tion, so openly proclaimed by the organs of Minis-
ters, had put down all opposition—this gentleman
is no sooner elected than he informs those who
have chosen him, that "whatever alterations Lord
John Russell's Bill may undergo before being again
brought forward, he will by no means endanger its
passing; but that, nevertheless, if any real amend-
ments should be proposed in a Committee, he will
certainly think it his duty to vote for thorn." This
is certainly a very clever and ingenious mode of re-
ducing a pledge to nothing. We would by no means
he understood to applaud fraud or tergiversation, but
when men have once consented to place themsi.lves
in a situation in which they must either dis-
appoint the wishes, the mis,aken and epheme-
ral wishes, perhaps, of their immediate consti-
tuents, or become parties to the ruin of their
country, we can have no hesitation in saying, that
the former alternative ought to be preferred. The
gentleman whose language we have quoted seems
in this respect to be entirely of our opinion, and so
we have reason to believe are many others, who are
taw content to be floated into Parliament by the
tide of popular insanity. The new Member for
Rochester has had the penetration to discover, and
the frankness, somewhat prematurely perhaps, to
disclose, that the candidates who now pledge them-
selves to vote for " The Bill, the whole Bill, and
nothing but the Bill," will never have the opportu-
nity to redeem their pledge. He very sagaciously
supposes that a Bill, many of the provisions of which
all men who have attentively considered it know to
be morally and physically impracticable, will undergo
very considerable alterations before it is again
brought forward, and he foresees th,it the effect of
this must be, to set fie all the Members who are
pledged to support a thing never to be ()tiered to
their acceptance, leaving them bound, as they would
equally have been without any pledge whatever,
by the ties merely of party or individual attachment.
view of the whole subject. Ministers bring for-
ward This opens to us a new and somewhat startling
a Bill admirably calculated to entrap the hasty
i
and inconsiderate feelings of the people, but n the
same degree and for the same reasons altogether
unfit to sustain a detailed and minute examination
by any deliberative assembly. They then, without
any immediate necessity, dissolve Parliament, before
their measure arrives at the stage for close, accu-
rate, and severe scrutiny. They thus get all the
benefit of the popular feeling, and avoid all the
danger which a rigorous examination of their mea-
sure might and would have produced. Having by
this ingenious contrivance succeeded as they think in
securing the return to Parliament of many of their
special Wends arid retainers, under the name of friends
and partisans of " the Bill," it comes out all at once, by
the indiscreet confession of one of the number, that
" the Bill," in favour of which so many pledges
have been extorted and given, is never to be again
proposed at all, but that some other measure of
Reform, with respect to which the country is left
entirely in the dark, is to be proposed in lieu of it. •
We shall be curious to see Lord John Russell's
new (it will be his third) Bill of Reform, or as Mr.
Mills ingeniously describes it, Lord John Russell's
Bill, " whatever alteration it may undergo before
being again brought forward." The two former
measures offered to Parliament were manifestly
framed with no other view than that of securing to
the Whig party, for a century or two to come, a de-
cided preponderance in the House of Commons. As
the friends of the Administration tell us daily that
their strength will be greatly increased by
the pre-
sent general election, arid as courage commonly
grows with strength, it is not very improbable that
the next Reform Bill of his Majesty's Ministers may
expressly enact that Earl Grey and Lord Brougham
shall now nominate th E e nglish, Irish, and Scotch
families, the members of which shall for the next
two hundred years compose the House of Commons,
to the absolute exclusion of all others.—Morn. Post.

The dilemma in which the leading enemies of
Reform .are now involved cannot escape the com-
monest observation. A few months have scarce
elapsed since they had it in their power to have
satsfied the wishes and the expectuti.,ns of the
country by such a moderate plan of Parliamentary
Reform as the spirit of the age, as well as the
almost unanimous feeling of the disinterested part
of the community, called fur ; to lead to which, and
to crown their efforts with success, they had on the
throne a Monarch newly sewed, whose first ambi-
tion it seemed to be to outrun the reasora:ble de-
sires of his people, as it should have been
theirs to meet him. But no ; insensible alike to
reason and to justice, as well as to the march of
events around them, they openly avowed them-
selves the enemies of an amendment in our
Parliamentary system, unblushingly avowing its
most notorious defects to be, in their eyes, among
its most striking beauties and advantages. Driven
front the helm of affairs, fur this among other
offences, they have been succeeded by men pledged
to an opposite line of conduct, and, above all things.
pledged to the one great measure of Parliamentary ;
Reform. Thus ousted, they attempted at first to re-
ive their avowed antipathy to Reform in any shape;
but no sooner do they find some Reform inevitable,
than they hypocritically turn round, and talk of Re-
form as the very thing they have always wished and
desired ; thus cloaking their hatred of the particular
measure of Ministers under a pretended readiness
and anxiety to produce in its stead one of their own. •
To say nothing of the downright falsehood of this,
as opposed to all their previous conduct and as-;

ertioes, let us ask why, if they professed to
have a plan of their own, they do not produce it ?
The country in general, whatever may be the case
with Ministers, are not wedded to any minute de-
tails; hut, on the contrary, are open to, and ready
to receive, any better plan than the one now before
them, were any better presented to their adoption.
Why is Sir Robert Peel—why is Sir Robert
Inglis—why is Sir R. Vyvyan—.=o slow in produc-
ing his plan, but for this plain reason—that neither
-of them has any, and that the very mention of their
having any is only meant as a delusion, a throwing
of dust in the eyes of the people, to draw off and
divide their attention from the sound and practical
plan which is before them ? The first object of the
delusion, however, is fast fading away, arid is failing
altogether. They thought that, by professing
themselves friendly to some Reform, they would
deter the King from dissolving the Parliament;
and, failing in this, they imagined it would ope-
rate in their favour at the new elections. Their
machinations failed with the King, and they are
failing everywhere with the people. His Majesty
was too firm of purpose to be lulled or intimidated
either by their threats, their promises, or their en-:
treaties ; and the people, wherever they have a
voice, are nobly responding to the patriotic views
and consistency of the Sovereign, and are determined
that he shall not appeal in vain to their honest and
unbiassed judgment. Thus situated, and thus hu-
miliated, the boroughmongers have only to make a
virtue of necessity. As to the ultimate result of
the elections there can be now no question. The
first city of the empire, in the person of the most
estimable of all the Anti-Reform candidates, has
proved incontestably what the boroughmongers have
to hope where there is an open field and no favour.
The Duke of Wellington, probably, will learn in a few
days what chance his nominee in Hampshire has;
and Sir Robert Peel may quietly ruminate, before
the meeting of the new Parliament, whether he may
not be able to find as ready a salvo, in his political
conscience, for Reform, as he not long since found,
after years of wan fare against it, for Catholic
Emancipation.—Morning Herald.
Dark hints have been thrown out by some of our
contemporaries, for some days past, relative to the
conduct of certain Judges, who ere said to have
canvassed against the Reform Bill. One, in parti-
cular, who is said to have exercised his influence in
this way at Cambridge, has been made the subject
of unpleasant allusion. We do not pretend to know
whether these charges ere true or not, but we do
know that, if they are true, such conduct reflects no
credit upon the Bench. The fountain of justice
should not only be pule, but unsuspected of taint;
but, if once the turbid stream of political contention
flow into it, how can its waters flow in a clear and
wholesome current throtioh their constitutional
channel ? Far be it from us to deny to Judges the
right to hold political opinions, or to fairly exercise
political privileges. Indeed, such Judges as are
Members of the House of Lords are, by the very
nature of their situation, called upon to vote on po-
litical questions, and, if it be their duty to vote on
them, it is their undoubted right to discuss them;
but. this open, avowed, arid constitutional privi-
lege is a different thing altogether from the inde-
corous exercise of the influence of their high
office in the heated partisanship of a contested
election. If any Juqge, who is a Peer of Parlia-
ment, has endeavoured to influence en election, he
has not only acted in a manner derogatory to the
Welty of the Bench, but he has committed a gross
violation of the privileges of the House of Com-
mons ; and has incurred for such infringement of the
freedom of election a very unpleasant liability.
There are several of our Judges w ho, not being
Peers of Parliament, are themselves academic eke-
tors, as being members of the Senate of the Cam-

bridge or Oxford University. They have a right to
give their votes as their consciences direct ; but they
have no right to canvass or attempt to influence the
votes of others. To do so would betray a party
' spirit unbecoming their high station, and such as
could not be expected to consist with the impartial
administration of justice in any civil or criminal
proceeding which they might subsequently have to
try, arising out of such elections. An Evening
Paper (the Courier) says—" The conduct of Lord
Lyndhurst—a Judge restored to the Bench by an
impartial Ministry, but who could not have expected
that he would have availed him,,elf of his indepen-
dence to oppose the King, when in the act of pro-
moting the happiness of his subjects—and the more
recent display of political interference by a Judge at
Cambridge—prove that even the best intentions may
he frustrated,and almost make us wish thatJudgcs were
dependent upon the Crown, in order that the Crown
might have the power of punishing individuals who
have, with so much im ropier v, attempt ed to thwart
the wishes of the King, and ai,turb the tranquillity
of the country." We cannot say that any act of
political indecorum by a Judge would induce us for
moment to entertain a wish hostile to the inde-
pendence of the Bench. Long and bitter experi-
ence in the history of this and othei' countries has
shewn that Judges dependent on the Crown—or, in
other words, on the Ministers of State for the time
being—Are, in all contests between the Crown and
the subject, the slaves of power and the oppressors
or the people. As to Lord Lyndhurst, he was al-
ways a politician, and yet Ministers cave him the
situation of Chief Bison, to which Baron Bayley,
who never intermeddled in politics, had, from his
svui(pleedrioarttsettantitlmin g
to,
ihliiss
legl j
caa knowledge,
duties, a Ira Idt bue tntdeir-
claim. Ministers must, therefore, thank themselves

for whatever vexation he has caused them. There
are still worthy men upon the Bench who will do
nothing unhecoming their station. If there be any
of another description, their best restraint will be
found in public opinion.—Morning- Herald.
The Westminster election took place yesterday,
and it is almost unnecessary to say that it teimi-
nated in the return of the two former Members.
The anti-reformers had even sense enough—and
that is saying a great deal—not to venture on an
opposition. Had they done so, and we regret that
they did not, the result would have been the same;
but then, on the other hand, the cause of Reform
might have gained by an opposition so utterly
worthless as any which could have been set up
against the representatives of Westminster. How-
ever, what the cause of Reform has lost by the
absence of opposition in what we may now term,
;without any disrespect, the original and great (len
of Reform, it will gain by what we may as justly
style the frantic opposition set up at Nor-
wich against the late representatives, Messrs.
Gurney and Grant! And who are the oppo-
nents ? Our readers, we bet a farthing to a mil-
lion, (if we could afford to lose the bet,) will
not
gue=s ! Well then, not to hold them in sus-
pense,
we will state at once, that the opponents are
the doughty champions, Sir Charles Wetherell, and
the Duke of Newcastle's late sub for Newark, Mr.
Sadler! !—Arcades antbo, assuredly in the opinions
which they entertain, but how unlike in all other
respects ! It is a characteristic, however, of extra-
ordinary times, as well as of extreme poverty, to
make people acquainted with " strange bed-
fellows;" and so it would appear to be with the
Duke's nominees; for who so unlike as the late
laughter-moving Member for Boroughbridge, and
the late solemnly pompous Member for Newark ?
Nature herself rarely exhibits more decided con-
trasts; but, after all, if there had been a chance,
as there is none, of their election, it was, perhaps,
as well on the p.trt of the Duke to furnish the
rood people of Norwich with a specimen of the
vares in which he deals. If they did not like the
.lotnus of the late House, their suffrages might
have fallen on him who has anything, to judge from
his manner, but veneration for the god. To be mote
. erious, however, upon a very serious question, the
Duke might have saved his money, and his nominees
their journey. The expenditure of the former mil
he found as useless as the trouble of the latter; for
Messrs. Gurney and Grant are safely lodged in the
respect and affections of the people ; and so utterly
hopeless in every respect is the cause of the Duke
of I
Newcastle in all quarters, that it is confidently