The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-01 00:00:00

QUEEN'S SPEECH.-THE ADDRESS.

The SPEAKER intimated that he had been summoned to
the House of Lords to hear her Majesty's Speech from the
Throne. (The Right Hon. Gentleman then read the Speech,
which will be found in another part of our paper.)
Lord HARRY 'VANE, in rising to move that an Address
should be presented to her Majesty, in answer to that most
gracious Speech, said he was unable to avail himself of the
plea so often set up by those standing in the position in
which he now stood, that he had recently become a Member
of that House, and was entitled to solicit their indulgence.
But if he was unable to urge that plea, he trusted that in-
dulgence might be accorded to him in consideration of the
remarkable incidents which had marked the annals of the
year gone by, and of the impending uncertainty which still
hung over the face of Europe, as well as in consideration of
the important nature of the domestic policy which would be
brought under the attention of the Legislature. The para-
graphs of her Majesty's Speech to which he would in the
first instance advert, and to which he begged to request the
attention of the House, were those which related to the
foreign relations of this country. It was a subject of
congratulation to all, considering the marvellous incidents
which crowded in such rapid succession in the space of the
year just gone by, to see that the forbearance, the prudence,
and the deep sense of responsibility—perhaps he might
say the mutual apprehension of those at the head
of the administration of affairs in Europe—had
induced them to use their best efforts to preserve Europe
from any further calamity, in addition to those
disastrous events which had occurred.—(Hear, hear.)
There were events to which he wished now to allude, but he
was not about to enter into any historical dissertation as to
the cause of these events. He alluded to the war of Ger-
m any against Denmark, on the Schleswig-Holstein question,
and to the invasion of Lombardy by Sardinia. He was not
about either to censure or condemn these two acts, and his only
motive for alluding to them was to direct the attention of the
House to the particular relations which this country held in
regard to those two countries. The policy which had been
pursued by Government in reference to these two affairs was
highly commendable, for in both instances Government had
manifested a desire to arrest the progress of war. It had
been their endeavour to allay political heat and dissension. It
had been their endeavour, more especially in the case cf
Schleswig-Holstein, to stop the shedding of blood, and in each
of these cases the Government had happily been enabled to
bring about the suspension of arms. Their object had been
throughout to mediate on such a basis as to prevent the con-
tinuance of war. There was another case of the suspension of
arms of a different character to those which he had just referred
to. He alluded to the affairs of Sicily. In that case also a
suspension of arms had been concluded, but the cha-
racter of this case was somewhat different to the former.
In this instance the British and French Admirals,
acting under the influence of humane motives,
namely, a desire to prevent the shedding of blood, had
interfered, and by their good offices had brought about the
conclusion of an armistice between the two powers of Naples
and Sicily. That armistice having been accepted, ne-
gotiations were at the present moment pending which might
have the effect of conciliating the two kingdoms of Naples
and Sicily. In other respects the foreign policy of Government
bad happily enabled the country to remain a passive specta-
tor of passing events; that position had enabled the
country in this extraordinasy year, when men en-
tertaining different views had alternately held the
high offices of State and been driven from them to afford
its support and refuge to many deserving individuals
who had been driven from their homes by political dissen-
tions.—(Hear.) It was a satisfaction to him to be enabled
to say that there never was a period when less hostilities
were offered to the country than there were at the present
moment.—(Hear, hear.) There never was a period
when there was less chance of war or less likeli-
hood of political embroilment on the part of this
country than at the present time. In the midst of un-
paralleled conflicts on the continent the institutions of this
country bad stood the test of trial, and whilst in every
country from the confines of Russia to the Appenines
had been distracted with political dissensions, this
country had remained unchanged and unshaken.
It could not be said that the peace of the
community had ever been disturbed, for these irruptions of
the Chartists had rather strengthened than shaken the spirit
of loyalty which prevailed amongst the people.—(Cheers.)
The movements of the Chartists had not disturbed
the peace in the least, but they had rather had the bene-
ficial effect of eliciting an expression of intelligent but not
servile attachment to the institutions of the country
on the part of the great body of the people.—(Hear.)
They had the misfortune, too, in the autumn of 1848, to have
a very indifferent harvest. It varied, indeed, in various parts
of the couutry, and in the eastern and western counties
there was both a deficient harvest, and one very ill got in ;
and notwithstanding that complication of misfortunes—he
spoke then much rather of England than Ireland—towards
the close of 1848 our finances did recover, and our trade had
been recovering, slowly it might be. but more rapidly since.
He was not unaware that great depression existed
among the agriculturists; he was perfectly well aware
they had suffered much, but that suffering seemed
to him incidental to the very great change that had
taken place in the corn laws. That a large importa-
tion of corn must take place on the abolition

of those laws might have been expected ; but,
andavdebresee.n
vletrywaabs
nwn
de lain
tk, naonwdnt
hteh aptr i
ciena In' rnannacoealtlyh el 0 hwa;rvaensdt
independently of that, circumstances had been particularly
degree, existing
uexatirsetrin,ganadmhonegtrtuhseteda
that might account for the depression, to a certain
gtribacutliurists; :latfthecoulwdonuolidat
Latter participate in that
were so many indications. H
quitever forget that a revival of trade was taking place '
the agriculturists
recommendedhet a consideration 'of theer improvement. of which
nav Majestyig attoinn.
navigation-laws.
SpeechT he
Itihoeurese would bear in mind, fromm,ai then great stress of busi-
ness
thsaptfee
inlhieer tit'
alaajefs°tujedy'ili
, hecaoru d not provoke
Speech
the a i
para-
graphs dueld
ness last year, the time
consideration
which
wereoft h ecosnutbajtnecetd.
was .habitually
re-
lation to that subject were such
very
would
hostility in any quarter.—(llear,
not doubt from the division that wadtaicelie
House on the subject last year, that the Hounseill the
this year think it expedient to make a
ex-
tensive alteration in those laws. He then approachedsubject which presented a most serious complication af
ready materials
evils; he referred' to Ireland. He feared that the normal
state ctlavtoeiveodf aigtaidtatioontibaipnpiwiyhicphretshenattecdountotroy
fo.r the designs and schemes of men of morbid ambition ;
butwaa in t uth,
incontrovertiblet—that disaffection to tofaact, considerable
degree existed among the mass of the people. A very large
1 brce s,ras stationed in Ireland, in very excellent condition.
I 't wao above all praise that the police in Ireland
I iad refused, during the late imurrectionary movement, to be
( iebauched from their duty, bywbich a greateffusion of blood
N vas saved. The suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in
I Xalauci,Yiticli teek place at the Cieae of the last session exer-

cised, he believed, a most beneficial influence in Ireland in the
suppression of rebellion, the saving of the effusion of blood,
and the restraining, of insurrection. It was a measure of
confidence reposed in the Lord-Lieutenant; but every one
knew that the temper with which he administered the great
powers invested in him, and the wisdom with
which he applied those powers, was above all praise. It
was absolutely essential to a strong and vigorous
administration of the law; it was a measure so absolutely
necessary, that it should be antecedent to any other mea-
sure, without those measures were to be inoperative. There
was a subject of great complaint in different quar-
ters. He believed it was the intention of Govern-
ment that there should be an inquiry into the Poor-law.
He would, by the permission of the House, allude to one
more subject— one which had engaged much of the public
attention, and on which there had been much expression
of opinion, and which had in fact struck deep in the
minds of the people— namely, the expediency of economising
the national expenditure.— (Hear.) A general opinion
seemed to prevail that a considerable reduction of that
expenditure was necessary. Reductions to some extent had
been made in that expenditure during the past year.
In his opinion, nothing would conciliate the public more than
a fair and equitable reduction of the national expenditure—a
reduction consistent with the requirements of the
public service, and the maintenance of that pro-
tective force on :which the security of the country depended.
—(Hear, hear.) He had now endeavoured briefly to deal
with the questions referred to in the address. In doing so,
he trusted he had avoided any irritating topics, as ho
was desirous to preserve the unanimity which ever
characterised debates of this nature. The Address
he was sure had been framed in such a manner that its adop-
tion would not compromise any Hon. Gentleman who might
take an adverse view as to the cou: se which had been
adopted by the executive ; besides Hon. Gentlemen who
differed with its sentiments would have ample opportunities
of enunciating their opinions without, on the present
occasion, disturbing the unanimity which had so
long prevailed in the discussion of motions of this
nature, and to which good rule he trusted no excep-
tion would be made on the present occasion.—(Hear.)
In conclusion, he would express a hope that the last para-
graph in her Majesty's speech would meet with
unanimous approbation from all parts of the House,
namely, that the destinies of this country must de-
pend upon Almighty God. That they must depend
upon His superintending mercy was evident ; and he
trusted that that protection which had so long been vouch-
safed to their institutions would continue to be extended to
them.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord then read the Address,
which was as usual the echo of the Royal Speech.
Mr. BUNBURY then rose to second the motion of the
Noble Lord, and in doing so said it would be no idle com-
pliance with established custom, to ask the indulgence of
the House whilst he adverted to various matters con-
tained in the Address to her Majesty. It was im-
possible for him to look back to the events
of the year just passed, to the events which were still pass-
ing, and to the struggles which are now taking place, with-
out. feeling that the present occasion was one of deep and •
portant interest. To be enabled to resume their discussions in
a free element, without any imposing military array to protect
them, and without any intimidation or popular fury, was no
small circumstance, and ought to be a matter of great con-
gratulation.--(Hear, hear.) It was a gratifying tact that
her Majesty bad been able to allude to the peace and tran-
quillity which reigned in this country, notwithstanding the
revolutions and disturbances which had taken place elsewhere.
(Hear, hear.) He said this from an acquaintance with the
sentiments of a large class of the French people, the small
landed proprietors, who were altogether strongly opposed
to any renewal of hostilities ; and that class was so powerful
that no Administration in that country could effectually,
oppose them.—(Hear, hear.) They were also, notwith-
standing' so many adverse crcumstances, able to rejoice in
the prosperity of their commerce and their manufactures.
That they had thus been able to outlive so many dis-
asters was the strongest proof of the sound foundation
upon which British commerce and manufactures were based.
(Hear). He had great pleasure in stating that the amount
of exports had gradually increased since last November.
The subject of taxation was one of great importance, and
had latterly excited a good deal of the public attention ;
but it would be very different indeed, as some individuals
had proposed to limit the taxation of the country. It would
be difficult to say what amount of taxation the British
people would or would not be able to bear; but he be-
lieved a strong feeling prevailed in the country, and no doubt
very prosperly so, that the taxation of the country had
latterly been too excessive. He should be most unwilling to
reproach either the present or the late Government with any
disposition to indulge in reckless and wanton expenditurit;
but this he must be allowed to say, that it was
the duty of the First Minister to pay especial attention
to the financial department of the Government. With regard
to the navy he would only make one observation. He was
of course as ignorant as any other independent
Member of what would be the precise amount of
the reduction to be made in that service, but he
trusted the reduction would go to such an extent
as to show the people that Government was desirous of
carrying out to the fullest possible extent the retrench-
ments which had already been so successfully commenced.
—(Hear, hear.) There was one subject more which was
alluded to in the Speech in so pointed a manner,
that he could not allow it to pass without
observation. He alluded to the question 'of the navigation-
laws. Whatever diversity of opinion might prevail upon
that subject, he thought the House generally would agree
with him that the time had arrived when those laws must
be indispensably reconsidered. The policy of the country
for the last few years had a tendency to show that some change
was necessary in that law, arid he hoped when the proper
time arrived the expediency of their discontinuance would
be fairly and dispassionately discussed. He would turn now
Co a subject which had already been touched; upon by the
Noble Lord who preceded him. He meant the state of Ireland.
It was impossible to disguise from themselves the fact that
the prosperity of Ireland was bourid up with the prosperity
of this country, and while he regretted that the disaffec-
tion in Ireland still called for extraordinary powers, he
Ihoped something would be done to mitigate the suf-
ferings of her unfortunate people. There was one
other subject only upon which he should presume to trouble
the House; but it was fraught with so many difficulties
that he hardly knew how to allude to it further. It was
the Irish poor law. It was impossible to disguise from
themselves, that in undertaking to introduce a poor-law
into Ireland, they were trying a very large and
doubtful experiment. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")
He could not wonder, then, if the introduction of the law
had not been prosperous or even satisfactory.
This might or might not be attributed to its
errors or its defects; but, at any rate, it would form the
subject of future consideration by Parliament. He would
only express his earnest hope, that in solving the
problem of the best means of curing the difficulties of Ire-
, land, that they would not mix up in the discussion of any
measures that might be introduced party feeling, or personal
animosities.—(Hear.) He trusted that they would enter
on the discussion upon these measures with an earnest desire
to grapple with ail the difficulties inherent in the question,
and with a determination to avoid embarrassing the ques-
tion with diEculties. He trusted, further, that Irish
Members would belive that English Members were ac-
tuated by a desire to do justice to that unhappy
country with which they were connected.— (Hear,
hear) There were many Members in that House
unconnected with Ireland as he was, but who yet bore
no sentiments towards that country except of deep
sympathy of her sufferings, and with an earnest desire
to alleviate her sufferings and to repair the wrongs of
which they complained.—(Hear.) They must bear in mind
that it was not withirf the power of men, in one session, or
in a longer period, to undo that which had been the work of
ages. He believed he had now touched upon every
point in the Speech from the Throne, as well as he had
been able—(Cheers)—and had only, before he resumed his
seat, to thank the House most sincerely for the indulgence
with which they had heard him.—(Cheers.)
The SPEAKER having read the Address,
Mr. Grattan and Mr. Disraeli rose together. The former
gentleman, however, gave way, and Mr. Disraeli (who was
much cheered) stood up to address the House.
Mr. DISRAELI felt bound to say that both in the Speech
which her Majesty had been pleased to address to her Par-
liament and in the answer which had then been proposed
to the House to offer at the foot of the Throne, he did not
find that a fair and candid statement as to the condition of
the country was conveyed to the House and to the country,
(Hear, and cheers.) not a candid statement either as re-
garded the internal condition of this country, or external re-
lations.—(Hear, hear.) At this moment, important and
numerous as were the subjects for their consideration,
doubtless the most excellent would seem to be
the state of Ireland. The language which he
found in a note he had made of the speech, did
not convey, as it appeared to him, the impression that
her Majesty's Ministers were of opinion that the state of
Ireland required any immediate relief.— (Hear, hear. )
The language was austere, and if it could be satisfactorily
explained, it would show the advantage of discussion
in the present instance. He thought it was of
very great importance to know what Ministers
meant by the "earliest" inquiry? Was it an in-
quiry by a Committee of the House of Commons?
In that case inquiry, no doubt, might be early, but the con-
clusion most probably would be delayed.— (Hear, hear.)
And why inquiry by a Committee of the House of
Commons ? They had had sufficient experience of what
inquiries by Committees of the House of Commons mightaccomplish on subjects in which the Administration ought to
have taken the initiative. He did not see any cause
Why, the poor-laws of Irel!ind should be an exception to that
rule. From iv hat sources did the Administration obtain more
ample and luitisfactory information than from such
quarters? They ought to be in the possession of
that information ; they ought to
,he prepared to legislate upon
that well digested information. They had had sufficient time
well to con.sider the authentic information that had
reached them,. and certainly in the present state of Ireland,
aboutif the t
oo nblyri
g measure
poor-laws
inquiry into the operation of
Majesty's Ministers were
Parliamentary Committee. He
thought it was neither satisfactory nor statesmanlike.
There could be no doubt that the increase of employment in
the manufacturing districts was a matter of congratulation,
especially among those gentlemen who came from the rural
districts, because they could assure the House that there
was no increase of employment in their part of the country.
He was bound to say that they were called upon to assent
to a statement respecting the revival of commerce, which
was contrary to- the fact, and which was calculated to do a
great deal of evil. He would take a general view of the
commercial pos Rion of this country at the present moment.
The exports 13 ad fallen off by millions, and though rapid
( LIFT SPEAKING.)

many quarters there is an idea that
CALIFORNIA.
but
uit materialigce t
Whether the . gold of California is destined or not to effect
aretahiannl ;heaitninour currency relations, time will show,
such will be the case. It is natural, therefore, under such
circumstances, t.: hat suggestions should be made as to the
:
advantage of a. mixed currency of gold and silver, and the
following por dor: of Some "reflections" by a merchant may
interest:--
" The danger is thus evident, and it appears to me the
means of escar Air* it are equally so. We have but to
change our st andard from gold to silver—from a medium
that is likely to fluctuate to one that is likely to be sta.
tionary. Th. is measure has already been advocated on ite
own merits 1, v most of our own leading authorities on cur-
rency, so th at, whether Californian prospects be realised or
not, we sho: ald probably not go far wrong in assimilating
our standtu dto that of the rest of the world. But what is
to be dor .e should be done quickly, for, if accounts
ftrnomfaiAl Am
he3r,ica
anctoinctipinautienn like unchanged,
any other article)changed, gold will begin
in the 5 ame position!) before it actually appears tc
any ext€ ;1 ft on the European market, and we know by the
experie ive of 1822, how great would be the outcry were the
standard to be raised after it had become depreciated. With
a ,silver standard, gold coin would be received here as else..
wnere, at its intrinsic worth, and in the event of a fall such
as I h: awe supposed, the only losers by it would be the holders
at the tinbo of sovereigns and gold bullion, who would be ex-
posed to t his loss under any circumstances.
" it intKir be objected that the additional demand for silver
,call sed by ,the transfer of the standard; would have a ten-
de AU to rii ise its yalue, and so lead to some disturbance of