The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-08 00:00:00

N0.1.73589.] LONDON, THURSDAY E E .
5.4. 9 FEBRUARY 8, 1849.

BY COMMAND OF THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL.
NOTICE TO THE PUBLIC.
GENERAL POST-OFFICE, FEBRUARY, 1849.
Persons haying occasion to forward Money by the Post are
strongly recommended to transmit it through the medium of the
Money-order Office ; and they aro also advised NOT to transmit
Coin in Letters under any circumstances.
Money Orders may be obtained for any sum iot exceeding 51. at
the following charges, viz. :
Not exceeding £2 .... • • 3d.
ft ~ £5 • . Gd.
Those persons who desire to remit Money in Letters, by Bank-
notes or Drafts, payable to bearer, or any articles of value, are caut-
ioned to Register all such Letters.

GUILDHALL, FEBRUARY 1, 1849.
TILE COMMITTEE for LETTING the CITY'S
LANDS will MEET at GUILDHALL on WEDNESDAY, the
14th day of February instant, at One o'clock precisely, to receive
TENDERS for LETTING on LEASE, for twenty-one years from
Lady-day next, a House, No. 14, on the north s'e'e of Broad-street-
buildings ; a House, No. 28, on the south side of Broad-street-build-
ings ; a House, No. 38. on the south side of Upper Thames-street.
Also, to receive TENDERS for LETTING on LEASE,
for 18% years (less three days), from Lady-day next, a House, No.
22, on the east side of Finsbury-street ; and a House, No. 15, Ar-
tillery-place, on the west side of the City-road.
Further particulars may be obtained, and plans seen, by applying
at the Office of Works, Guildhall.
THOMAS SAUNDERS, Comptroller.

THE ROYAL POLYTECHNIC
INSTITUTION, REGENT-STREET.
_ . - . . . -

A View in the Gold District of California is added to the New
Series of Dissolving Views.—Lectures on the Cultivation of the
Voice, and en the Art of Singing, by G. Clifford, Esq., Illustrated
by a vari ty of Songs, on Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at
Two o'clock.—On the Electric Light, by Dr. Itachhoffner on Tuesday,
Thursday, aid Saturday Evenings.—On Chemistry, by Dr. Ryan,
with brilliant Experiments, daily, and on the alternate Evenings.—
Childe's Phantasmagoria, with new effects on Tuesday, Thursday,
and Saturday Evenings at Eight. —New Chromatrope.—Microscope.
—Diver and Diving-bell.—Machinery and Models explained.—The
Music Is directed by Dr. Wallis.

Open daily from Eleven to Five; and in the Evenings (includlig
,aturday) from Seven till Half-past Tea.
Admission, ls.—Schools, Half-price.—The New Catalogue, Is.

TN consequence of the great rush of Visitors to see
BANV.ARD'S GRIND MOTING PAINTING of the ➢MIS-
SISSIPPI and MISSOURI MYERS, at the EMT HAN HALL,
Piccadilly, the Proprietor respectfully announces Two Exhibitions
every day during the baliOays. This immense Painting is the
Largest in the World, and exhibits more than 3,000 miles of Ameri-
can scenery.—The Day exhibition will commence every Afternoon,
at Half-past Two, and the Evening at Half-past 6eve■ o'clock,
doors open half la hour before commencing. Admission, lower
scats, 2s. ; gallery, Is.

CL ARK'S ROYAL WAX CANDLES.-
NO PUFF,—(Only 111“1. per lb.)—Luxuriant Light ; mil-
lions win admire. Tke chief of Candles, a Royal title bears—A
silvery flame—Transparent as Wax.—They snuff themselves.—A re
kard as alabaster—Glossy as glass, and cheap as common Tallow
Candles is their true character.

The Public will knew the Candles, for every 41b. packet bears a
gold Label " CLARK'S ROYAL WAX CANDLES, 447, WEST
STRAND." All not bearing this Label are base deceptions.
Other Candles and Soap are reduced is price, and may they
long continue so
The Eight New Lights can be seen at the Establishment of the
Metropolitan Light Company, 447, 'Vest Strand, next door to the
Electric Telegraph Company.

PUBLIC NOTICE. - WAR AGAINST
RIGHT.—The Diamond Lamp is perfect—Buy no other.—
The so-called Carcel Lamps are leaky aid worthless. All who
have bought them, know this too well. These Carcel Lamps are
puffed off for the Diamond Lamp—What a delusion! What an
absurdity to think thus to triumph over public opinion. The
language that describes CLARK'S DIAMOND LAMP is copied
to eulogize these Carcel Lamps.

The Metropolitan Light Company, to end these impositions, give
this notice, so that by all demanding the Diamond Lamp, the de-
ceptive Carcel Lamp cm no more be sold.—The Diamond Lamp
bears a Label, oa which is inscribed " CLARK'S PATENT DIA-
MOND OIL LIGHT," so all can know the Lamp.
The Diamond Lamp with the Eight New Lights are always bus-
ing at the Establishment of the Metropolitan Light Company.
RICHARD CLARK, Resident Manager, 447, West Strand,
next door to the Electric Telegraph Company.

GAS CHANDELIERS AND GAS FIT-
TINGE.—AII who require Gas Fittings of any description
should inspect the Immense Stock at the Establishment of the
Metropolitan Light Company.—Designs of Chandeliers, Brackets ,
Hall Lanterns, Pendants, &c., to snit every taste. The prices are
so low, all mast be pleased. The Fittings can be done with all
dispatch consistent with proper workmanship. The proper Gas
Burners for dwelling-rooms are the Glass and the Reflecting
Burners.

The Company, to prevent their Gas Work being defaced, xse
Glass Handles tor the turn-taps.—Contracts entered into, and the
work guaranteed.

RICHARD CLARK, Resident Manager, 447, West Strand,
comer of Adelaide-street, next doer to the Electric Telegraph
Company.

IPENCER'S CHINESE LIQUID HAIR DYE.
► The thousands of individuals who for upwards of twenty
years have used this celebrated liquid, pronounce it to be the only
article extant which effectually changes, in a few minutes, red or
grey hair, whiskers, moustaches, ste., to a dark brown or black,
without trouble (by simply combing it through the hair), and pro-
duces by one application a pleasing and permanent change ; and it
can be incontestibly proved, that while many dyes tend to destroy
the hair by their pernicious properties and dangerous process of ap-
plication, that this article promotes the growth of hair, nourishing
the roots till the latest period of life. Price 3s. 6d., 65., and 10s.
per bottle.

To be had of the Proprietors, 29, Nottingham-place, Fieldgate-
street, Whiteehapel-read, London ; also of Mr. Johnstone, 68, Corn-
hill ; Butler, 4, Cheapside ; Prout, 229, Strand ; Sanger, 150, Oxford-
street; Barclay, Farringdon-street ; Atkinson, 24, Old Bond-
street; Hooper, 43, King William-street, London -bridge ; Finnigin,
Milsom-street, Bath ; Elmore, Bull-street, Birmingham ; Roberts, 23,
Church-street, Liverpool ; and of most Perfumers and Medicine
Vendors in town and country. Sent to any part of the kingdom
by receiving a remittance, post-paid.

Please to ask for " Spencer and Co.'s Chinese Liquid Hair Dye.'
Observe. the Proprietor's address is on the wrapper.

THE ATRAPILATORY, or LIQUID HAIR
DYE ; the only dye that really answers for all colours, and
does not require re-doing but as the hair grows, as it never fades or
acquires that unnatural red or purple tiat commoa to all other dyes.
ROSS and SONS can, with the greatest confidence, recommend the
above dye as infallible, and ladies or gentlemen requiring it are re-
quested, if convenient, to have it done the first time at their esta-
blishment ; which will enable them to use it afterwards themselves
without the chance of failure. They think It necessary to add, that
by attending strictly to the instructions given with the dye, nu-
merous parties hate succeeded equally well without coming to them
Address, ROSS and SONS, 119 and 120, Bishopsgate-street,
London.

FRAMPTON'S PILL of HEALTH.
The manifold advantages to the Heads of Families from the
possession of a medicine of known efficacy, that may be resorted to
with confidence, and used with success in cases of temporary sickness
occurring in families, more or less, every day, are so obvious to all,
that no question can be raised of its importance to every householder
in the kingdom. From among numerous testimonials, the following
is respectfully submitted :
" To Mr. Thomas Prout, 229, Strand, London.

. .
" No. 5, David-street, Regent-road, Manchester, March 12,1842.
" Sir,—l have much satisfaction in communicating to you the re-
sult of my experience after repeated trials of Framptou's Pill of

Health ; and I feel it but justice to state, that in the course of many
years' trial of various Aperient Medicines, I have never found results
at once so salutary and efficient in the relief of the system from
redundant bile, &c., &c., with so little inconvenience ; I am there-
fore warranted in declaring that they supply to me a means loni,
wanting of being able to recommend to families, schools, and espe-
cially mercantile men, whether at the desk or en the road, a most
valuable resource in an occasional medicine. And I shall take credit
to myself if, in giving this testimony, I am the means of making
Frampton's Pills more generally known and appreciated.—l am,
Sir, respectfully yours, " WILLIAM SMITH."

The unprecedented sale of these Pills, arising from the earnest
recommendations of the many thousands who have &lived benefit
from their use, render any lengthened comment unnecessary. They
are not put forth as a cure for all diseases to which mankind is
liable, but for Bilious and Liver Complaints, with their many well.
known attendants, Bilious and Sick Head-ache, Pain and Oppression
after meals, Giddiness, Dizziness, Singing Noise in the Head and
Ears, Drowsiness, Heartburn. Less of Appetite, Wind, Spasms, &c.

Two or three doses will convince the afflicted of their salutary
effects. The stomach will speedily rejoin its st-ength ; a healthy
action of the Liver, Bowels and Kidneys will rapidly take place ;
and instead of listlessness, heat, pains, and jaundiced appearance,
strength, activity, and renewed health, extending to good eld axe,
will be the result of taking this medicine, according to the directions
accompanying each box.
Sold by T. Prout, 229, Strand, London. Price Is. I%d. and 2s. 9d.
per box ; and by the Vendors of Medicines generally throughout the
kingdom.
Ask for FRAMPTON'S PILL OF HEALTH, and observe the
name and address of " Thomas Prout, 229, Strand, London," on the
Government Stamp.

BRITISH INSTITUTION, PALL-MALL.
The GALLERY for the EXHIBITION and SALE of the
WORKS of BRITIsII ARTISTS will OPEN on MONDAY, the 12th
instant, and continue Open Daily from Ten till Five.
Admission, Is.; Catalogue, Is.
GEORGE NICOL, Secretary.

MR. LIONEL GOLDSMID, assured by the
success of his first appearance, is induced to announce the
repetition of his Entertainment, called AT lIDME AND ABROAD,
at the MUSIC HALL, Store-street, TO-MORROW EVENING,
Friday, February 9.

PRESENT STATE OF ITALY.
Now ready, in 2 vols. post Bvo., price Oue Guinea,
A GLANCE at REVOLUTIONIZED ITALY.
Ly CHARLES MACFARLANE,
Author of " Sports, Pastimes, and Recollections of the South of
Italy," Re., Re.
" A clever and well-informed book."—Morning Chronicle.
London : Smith, Elder, and Co., 65, Comhill.

lIR ITISH COLLEGE OF HEALTH,
LONDON.

CHOLERA.
TO MESSRS. MORISON.

Gentlemen—l have just received the following statement from
Mr. Scott, of kionth Shields, being a cure of Cholera, by Morison's
Pills, while laying at Hamburgh.—l remain, Gentlemen, your obe-
dient servant, J. KAINES, Agent for Morison's Pills.
20, New-road, St. George's East, Jan. 20, 1849.
"7, Heron-street, Bank-top, South Shields, January 13, 1349.

" To Mr. ICAINES, 20, New-road, St. George's East, London.
" Sir,—l wish to inform you of the wonderful cure of Cholera, by
taking Morison's Pills, whilst laying at Ilamburgh when the
Cholera was raging there ; so I hope you will making this public for
the good of others. I have also been cured by the pills of palpitation
of the heart, and a chest complaint, after being given up as incurable
by the doctors. I purchased the pills at your shop.
" I am, sir, yours, &c.,
" JAMES SCOTT."

A R R I A G E.
14 One halt the world are desolately single, and the other
iupposing them married, questionably contented. Diffidence, er a
sense of right determine the former, and miscalculated hopes em-
bitter the latter. The solitary one may shield himself under the plea
of caution and worldly prudence, and the indissoluble, regret un-
comprosing harry ; but the truth lies deeper. Physical incapacity,
and broken health, are the great hindrances to domestic -happiness
and social content. The dowry should not be the only marriage set-
dement. Honour and justice demand tkat health should form an item
in the compact; it alone dignities the alliance. Blighted hopes er
neglect wound more sorely than poverty or misfortune. Reader, if
.hese surmises concern you, procure Dr. CULVERWELL'S little
MEMOIRS "On Single and Married Life, " pub, in 2 vols., Is.
each (by post, in stamps, Is. 6d. each). Let no imaginatively
refined, or prudish feeling deter you, by their titles, nor be hindered
oy misinterpretation of their supposed contents, from obtaining
them. They are not intended certainly for mere idle curiosity, but
for the closet perusal of those more deeply interested, to whom
they are offered as antagonistic to the empyrical trash put forth on
the above subjects, by unqualified authors, which alone or
together, are a disgrace to the age. Furthermore, two other
ittle publications claim your attention (same price ls. each,
by post ls. 6d.) called " What to Eat, Drink, and
Avoid," and " How to be happy." They are not merely
pamphlets, but equal in quantity a library volume, nor are they the
mere ephemeral scribblings of the hour, but the study of the author's
life, who owes his present existence, health, and position to this ob-
servance of the maxims he would inculcate—to do unto others as he
would be done unto—to live after nature's laws—and to keep always
on the "sunny aide of the way." The above works may be had of
Sherwood, 23, Patemcsrer-row ; Carvalhe, 147, Fleet street • Mann,
39, Cornhill ; Nalson, 457, West Strand ; or direct (by post or other-
wise) Prom the author (who may be conferred with personally,
mornings and evenings), 10. Argyll-place Regent-street; and all
Scokmallerot

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE.
LEOMINSTER.
LEOMINSTER, WEDNESDAY. —The election of a Mem-
ber to serve this borough in Parliament, in'the place .of
Mr. H. Barkly, the late Member, appointed Governor
of British Guiana, took place here yesterday. The pro-
ceedings were conducted in a most quiet and orderly
manner, and without any of the customary popular demon-
strations. There was no bell-ringing, for the vicar of the
pftebAottspoohdhui
opal
otiererlteranophoieneiwscoeulenheeasgendctv,
endhe:iedoowtnrnamui
trbdhawnrotyeiapOdt:ant-ctresehmkliotpotohceteecethuieeerenksopeeshnteedrsittat:eaihrphnnifeteusdgdeehstovi
Aehetd2hefithdeancooauat
tu:hfste.aatsttoesenitharbOnpeoed y of the bells in the abbey
church, refused to permit them to be rung on the occa-
ttagaeot
and
ars
wnhnadsn;
ndoeondpamnon,
TetfoTsiiiwn:ontnMonudnhaawy,ieu.atennippnnlshoc. iuechnaulsnbeucsca.
dldthlhoiolecit.o,uenTnh-oeanghaetlauhcy,noueieusulayfalwpsomeoneecalrfewPanit
ancient
gheuhrrniasdeeen:ts:
number of women and children, but, judging from the
manifestation of popular feeling, or rather the abscence
of it, there was very little interest excited in the event.
On the opening of the doors of the Court-house the
building was filled in a most peaceable and orderly man-
ner in a few minutes, the electors and others taking their.
places as orderly as though they were assembled in a
church. In consequence of the retirement of Sir Edward
Bulwer Lytton and Mr. Phillitnore, as already announced,
the only candidate was Mr. R Peel, son of Sir R. Peel,
who was attended by his brother, Captain W. Peel, all
the magistrates of the borough, and other gentlemen of
the town and neighbourhood.
The court having been opened by the Mayor, Mr.
H. RUDGE, who is the returning officer here, the writ
was read, and the usual formalities were gone through,
after which
The Rev. J. P. TAYLOR proposed, and Mr. STANWAY
seconded the nomination of Mr. F. Peel.
The MAYOR then put the usual question, and no other
candidate being put in nomination, declared Mr. Peel
duly elected Member for the borough of Leominster,
amidst some cheering.
Mr. F. PEEL then addressed the electors in a speech
which occupied nearly an hour in its delivery, and in the
course of which he touched upon almost every political
topic of the day. After thanking the electors for the
confidence which they had reposed in him by electing
him their representative, he said he should take that
opportunity of entering fully into an explanation of his
political principles. In seeking the suffrages of the elec-
tors of Leominster he had no personal or individual re-
commendations to depend upon as passports to their fa-
vour. He sought their suffrages upon public grounds,
in the conviction that a Parliamentary trust like that
just confided to him ought to be exercised not as a thing
subservient to private interests, but to the general
interests of the kingdom at large.—(Hear, hear.)
The connexion that day established between himself
and the electors of Leominster was grounded on
their common profession of attachment to the Con-
stitution, and their common zeal for its preservation.
However unwilling he might be to revert to what
had passed during the election proceedings, he thought
it incumbent upon him to say a few words on a topic of
a local nature in connexion with it. It had been stated
on more than one occasion by Sir Edward Bulwer
Lytton, of whom he wished to speak in terms of the
utmost honour and respect—but a charge had been
made, and it had been reiterated by the press--that the
electors of that borough had been backward in promising
their support to the candidates. Now, for his part, he
omnustht esacyont
greater number of promises than be was entitled to
thraatryh,ehheandandadrenneoivesducdhurcionmgplhaiisntntaonmvaasks ea;
expect; at least, he had received such a number as
would have been amply sufficient to have secured his
return as their representative had a contest actually
taken place at the poll.—(Hear, hear.) But he had
also observed with much pain that insinuations had
been thrown out by the newspaper press, that
this alleged backwardness of the electors arose from
other motives than a justifiable hesitation and a
desire maturely to weigh the merits of the candidates
before deciding as to which of them professed principles
and opinions most in unison with their own. Without
doubt it was meant to insinuate that some of such pro-
mises were withheld in the hope of obtaining a corrupt
return for them; and, in drawing this inference, he had
in his recollection a speech recently delivered at Brad-
ford, Yorkshire, by one whose abilities he was ready to
acknowledge, while at the same time he complained of
the injustice which that gentleman had done both to him
(Mr. Peel) and to the electors of Leominster.—(Hear.)
They would at once perceive that he alluded to the re-
marks made by Mr. Roebuck at Bradford the other day.
Ho thought there could be no doubt "that in the com-
ments which he had made at that meeting in reference
to the proceedings of the Leominster election then
pending, he meant to imply that both the con-
stituency of Leominster and himself as a candidate for
their suffrages, would not object to a corrupt arrangement
being made. He had himself the fullest confidence in
believing and affirming that these insinuations were as
unjust as applied to the electors (and he spoke of them
without any distinction of party in the borough) as they
were unjust as applied to himself. He believed the elec-
tors of Leominster were as incapable of bartering the
free exercise of their franchise, as he felt that he (Mr.
Peel) was incapable of soliciting it upon any such terms.
—(Applause.) He could sincerely say that he solicited
no man's vote except on public and honourable grounds,
and he would go further and declare that he never de-
sired that any man should give him his vote who could
not give it with a clear conscience, and without having to
upbraid himself with having committed a breach of his
constitutional privilege. He would prefer defeat to any-
thing savouring at all of corruption.—(Hear.) He would
now pass on to the consideration of questions of a
more general nature—to:a review of those political views
which he held in common with a majority of that con-
stituency, and on which he had rested his
appeal to their support. He desired to maintain
in all their integrity the institutions of the country in
Church and State.—(Cheers.) He professed the warmest
loyalty to the frame of our civil government—the Queen,
the Lords, and the Commons—and he desired to pre-
serve to each of these three branches of the Constitution
the exercise of their respective functions, and a due pro-
portion of the legislative authority of the State. He did
this in the firm conviction that the form of government
under which we lived was better suited to our feelings
and better calculated to promote our happiness and
liberty than any other form lof government that ever
existed or could be devised. The events of the last ten
or eleven months must have taught them that it was no
easy task to frame a scheme of government which should
combine security of public credit and tranquillity with a
due respect for the property of individuals, and which
should contain in itself the elements of stability. In
the construction of a government regard must be had to
the peculiar character and prejudices of the people
to be governed, and in our case we were a people proud
in historical recollections, and looking backwards as well
as forwards for guidance. We should then touch none
of the great principles on which the chief institution
rests. There might be other institutions not essential or
subordinate which might admit of amendment or im-
provement, and with reference to these he would cor-
dially adopt the sentiments expressed by one of our il-
lustrious statesmen, whose name he did not at that mo-
ment recal to memory—viz., that our institutions might,
be preserved for the purpose of improving them, and
might be improved for the purpose of preserving them.
—(Cheers.) He felt a deep attachment to the Established
Church, from a sincere conviction of the truth and
purity of her doctrines, and a full appreciation of the
inestimable benefits which she had rendered to the cause
of morality and pure religion. In respect to the Church,
however, as in respect to the State, he should be favour-
ably disposed towards such reforms as should be really
and truly calculated to strengthen her foundations, and
to enlarge her opportunities of usefulness. He would
also reconcile attachment to the Church with a re-
spect for the feelings of those who conscientiously dis-
sented from her doctrines, her ritual, or from her polity.
In illustration of his meaning, be would refer to a sub-
ject which had been lately under consideration. Had he
been in Parliament, be should have given his assent to
measures for appropriating the revenue of sinecures of
the Church to the extension of parochial ministration
and the augmentation of scanty stipends.—(Hear, hear.)
He would also have given his support to measures pro-
viding secular education to the children of poor parents
who were dissenters from the Church of England. So
much for the great institutions of the country, civil and
ecclesiastical. He would consent to no measure which
would be likely to impair their stability, or oppose that
feeling of attachment towards them which he held,
tounded on the convictions of reason. There were,
doubtless, many questions of a practical nature likely to
come under the review of the present Parliament upon
which they would probably expect some expression of
opinion. He said " expression of opinion," because he
hoped they did not expect of him any positive pledges
by which his conduct was to be fettered. As a candi-
date before them, he laboured under one defect which it
was impossible to correct. There were some defects
t her s butde
which became stronger by the lapse of time, but the de-
fect to which he alluded diminished every day. He
was a young man, and could not refer them to his past
hs services vi ce s
wantedor
te experiencejnatiry
thei Pm
arliamentary I ity not
un
aahmreenitaer by
selectionn yt
giving
on
ea pledge
which they
i
had made of a representative, and he had asked himself
that,"ii without u canw
du
having
he would give a vote upon a question on which men of
experience and known intelligence differed. Surely not
this?"
heardSuthreel arguments
by sacrificing his honest judgment and the liberty of act-
ing on his own conscientious dictates. He should ever pay
deference to the opinions of his constituents, but he must
reserve to himself the power of forming his own con-
clusions upon political questions, readily promising to
hear both sides, and to give his vote, not as private in-
terest might dictate, but upon sincere conviction.—
(Cheers.) Was not this more rational conduct than
giving positive pledges?—(A voice—" Certainly.") He
would take, by way of illustration, a question on which
public opinion had latterly been much excited—that of
endowment, as it was called, of the Roman Catholic
clergy. Were he to give a pledge that at no time, under
no circumstances, and out of no fund whatever would he
give his sanction to such a measure, he should have con-
ciliated many votes. He thought the pledge might
have been safely given, for it was very improbable
that any such proposal would be brought before Par-

•
liarnent. Tlwre were difficulties in the way of the
question, 111:b regarded the fund from which such
an approY;;riation could take place, and also as re-
garded 'the repugnance of the Roman Catholics to
accept of any provision for their clergy. By giving
this pledge, therefore, he would have gained many
votes and had no practical difficulty about it. Had he
F.een asked to give a pledge in favour of Roman Catholic
endowment he should also have declined giving it. He
would not undertake to support any measure which his
reason might tell him he ought to oppose. On the other
hand, when they looked to the state of Ireland, the dis-
order which had long prevailed in that country, and the
great amount of military force required there to check
it, it would be unwise to pronounce against any measure
tending to benefit Ireland, and one which had for its
object to render the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland
—a most powerful body for good or evil—less absolutely
dependent for their existence on the taxation of the
poorest and most destitute of that country.—(Hear.)
But he had heard it stated that this was a question of
principle, and that it was sinful for the State to endow a
sect which professed theological tenets different from our
own. He could not agree in the assumption that it•
involved of necessity a recognition of the truth of those.
doctrines. He refrained, however, from entering fur-
, ther on this question, which was one disposed of many
years ago. The Roman Cathlic religion had been re-
cognised and prgtected through the length and breadth
of the British dominions—in Canada, in many of our
colonial possessions, and in Ireland. Why, this very
question had been seriously entertained by men who
united to great sagacity a devoted attachment to the
Established Church. Mr. Pitt was in favour of grant-
ing a decent and adequate stipend to the Roman Cath-
lies ; George lIL did not object to this question being
taken into consideration by his Government - Lord Sid-
mouth was in favour of it ; Lord Castlereagh made no
objection to it. Did not these facts then justify him
in pausing before he gave a pledge to vote against it,
ere he had heard arguments for and against
such a proposition ? So much in reference to this
question, which had absorbed a good deal of public
attention of late. There were many other questions
on which he should be called upon to pronounce, by his
vote at least, an opinion, and he would now shortly
refer to the more prominent of these. They had
already learned from his printed address, that he had
intimated his intention to support economy and re-
trenchment in every branch of the public expenditure,
consistent with public safety. But be would not attempt
to deceive them by promising this to the extent to
which some persons had gone. He would not consent

to the cutting- off of ten millions from the expenditure
of 1849 because the expenditure of 1835 required no
more. He thought it would be better to inquire what
were the bona fide requirements of 1849 rather than
what was the expenditure some 14 years ago. He would
vote for no expenditure not required by an enlightened
regard to the public interest. But, 'on the other hand,
he would not engage to support improvident retrench-
ments in our naval of military force, which might re-
quire increased exertions hereafter in order to make
good that which was so inconsiderately abandoned, and
which had proved a bad economy in the end. The Hon.
Member next alluded to the following passage in his
first-published address to the electors:—" The necessity
of a wise economy is the more urgent, in my opinion,
because I shall feel it incumbent upon me to
resist any attempt, if such be made, to reimpose taxation
upon those articles of foreign import which constitute
the materials on which our manufacturing industry is
employed, or which enter into the subsistence or ad-
minister to the comfort of the great mass of the com-
munity; unless it should be deemed prudent, on more
extensive experience of the effect of free-trade measures,
to adopt a different line of policy, a result, however,
which Ido not anticipate." While he had already ex-
pressed a reluctance to enter into positive pledges pre-
vious to the discussion of a question, he had thought it
not inconsistent to reserve to himself the power of
weighing any arguments which might happen to be
brought forward. But he had added upon this sub-
ject that which he strongly felt, viz., that any such
re-imposition of duty would be unadvisable. He
could not think that it was consistent to reimpose
duties on the necessaries of life and the materials
of manufacture. The extraordinary circumstances
which had agitated Europe had no doubt dis-
turbed our manufactures. These disturbances had had
their natural effect of disturbing credit and of disposing
people to hoard their money, which no doubt had af-
fected commerce both abroad and at home; but he was
at a loss to conceive how the removal of duties on flax,
cotton, and other materials had had any other effect than
that of compensating the crippled resources of the fo-
reigner, by enabling us to supply his markets cheaper
than before. Referring again to the convulsions which
had agitated Europe during the past year, he would
contrast with this state of universal ferment—he had
almost said anarchy—the internal condition of this
country,. which had maintained an almost unbroken
quiet; where a disposition to disturbance had been ma-
nifested it was at once checked, not so much by a dis-
play of power as by the love of peace and order which
characterized the British community. There had been
much suffering during the past year from want of
employment, but no disturbance had taken place
here, and scarcely a murmur had been ut-
tered, and they might attribute that, in part at
least, under Divine Providence, to those measures which
had opened the ports of this country to an unrestricted
supply of everything which might be considered as the
necessaries of the people.—(Hear, hear.) There were
only two other questions on which it was necessary that
he should say a tew words—he alluded to the questions
of ♦ote by ballot, and the extension of the suffrage. He
professed himself a decided friend to the object contem-
plated by those who advocated vote by ballot—(Cheers)
—namely, the independent exercise by the voter of the
right of suffrage ; but he was not at all satisfied that the
ballot would insure the independent exercise of that
right, and in attempting to exercise that right by the
ballot he saw so many impediments in the way as to deter
him from adopting it.—(fiear, hear, and cheers from
another part of the court.) If the ballot was designed
to impose silence:upon electors, if it was intended that
there should be no canvassing of the merits of the can-
didates, then the nature and character of the English fran-
chise would become much changed; and he was of opi-
nion that it would be changed for the worse.—(Cheers,
and cries of " Hear, hear.") It would open the door to
deception and fraud. The residuum would have been
deposited in the ballot-box. But he would not consent
to purchase an occasional good by the adoption of a
system which appeared to hold out a premium to fraud,
and by imposing silence where there ought to be the
freest expression of opinion.--(Hear, hear.) In refer-
ence to the extension of the suffrage, it would be most
absurd to expect from him, or any man, an expression
of opinion on the abstract question. He must first in-
, quire for what purpose the suffrage was to be extended,
and what new class of constituency was proposed to be
invested with the right, before he could form any opi-
nion. He was far from saying that the elective consti-
tuency established in 1832 would not admit of
amendment. It was true he saw an evil in
frequent changes ; but he would not deny that
the progress of knowledge and extension of
education might justify a mature deliberation as to
whether some further extension of the suffrage might
not be desirable.—(Hear.) What he considered was
the main purpose for which the franchise was given
was, that the country might be well governed, and that
the people might have security for good government;
and it was his deliberate opinion that our Constitution
did secure to us that good government, and provide gua •
rantees for its continuance in a higher degree than any
other form of government under which we could live.
Popular representation was not the only principle in it.
He would consent to no change in the constitution of the
House of Lords or Commons which would endanger our
constitutional rights and prerogatives, or impede the
free use of them. In our representative system great
influence was given, as it ought to be given, to interest
in the soil, to wealth, and to intelligence. These were
the conservative elements of society. If they wished to
preserve a limited monarchy and a mixed form of go-
vernment, they must incorporate these elements in
it. More than this —if they wished to protect pro-
perty and liberty, they had a better security for
the attainment of these objects by giving to
superior intelligence itslegitimate influence in the popular
branch of our Legislature than they would have if they
admitted into the constituency a million of new voters.—
(Hear, hear and cheers.) In conclusion, the Hon. Mem-

ber thanked the constituency of all parties for the atten-
tion and kindness shown to him during his canvass.
He was now the representative of the whole constituency,
and as such it would not be less his duty than his inclina-
tion to receive with respect and attention any recom-
mendation which might be forwarded to him relevant to
the public interests of the country or the local interests
of the borough, from whatever quarter emanating ; and,
although he could not hope that his conduct would have
the concurrent approval of all the electors, he did hope
that when he should return into their hands the trust
which they had confided to him none would be able to
say that he had been negligent in the faithful discharge
of his duty as their representative.

The usual vote of thanks to the Returning Officer was
then passed, and the proceedings terminated in a most
quiet and orderly manner.

BOLTON.
Yesterday was the nomination for this election. The
excitement was not so great as on former occasions.
From 4,000 to 5,000 people were present. The candi-
dates were Sir Joshua Walmsley and Mr. Thomas Ridge-
way Bridson, bleacher, of Bolton. The usual forms
having been gone through, Mr. Robert Heywood,of R
cm-
hill, proposed, and Mr. Thomasson, of High-bank,
seconded the nomination of Sir Joshua Walmsley. Mr.
Thomas Burton proposed, and Mr. John Stones seconded,
the nomination of Mr. Bridson.
Sir J. WILMSLEY, in presenting himself as a candi-
date, said he hoped at thJ various meetings he had at-
tended, both public and private, that he had been suf-
ficiently explicit. If all could not hilly agree with his
political creed, he trusted that they would give him their
confidence as a straightforward, honest man, who was
determined fairly to meet and answer every
question which any man would propose. He
thanked his political opponents for their kindness,
and said that some bad expressed regret at not being
able to support him because his political creed was too
extensive; but it was for them, electors and non-elec-
tors, to say whether he went too far or not. He had ex-

► plained to them that his creed was just this—to do unto
others as he would they should do unto him. He wished
to extend to his countrymen of all grades that fair por-
tion of the representation of the country to which they
were entitled. He would give them that protection t
which they are fully entitled. He would give to every
man an opportunity of voting according to the dictates
of his conscience. That protection could only be se•
cured by the ballot.—(lnterruption from the opposite
side.) He hoped to have a fair hearing. In the course
of his canvass if he met with an elector who said that
he would vote for Mr. Bridson, he would appeal to
every elector if he had in any way tried to ipiluence
such elector. He had invariably said to him, " Keep
your promise." That course he intended to pursue to
the end. If he should win he would do so fairly.
There were great abuses to be reformed, great reduc-
tion in the expenditure of the country to bo effected ;
our army and navy must be much reduced; but he would
ask them if they were likely to succeed in accomplishing
these changes by sending men who had neveryet come for-
ward to reform one single abuse. He should, indeed, be sur-
prised to find any working man against the extension of
the suffrage, against the ballot; and he thought there
would not be one found opposed to retrenchment. He
should prove to them that our navy, our military esta-
blishments, and miscellaneous estimates are carried on
at an enormous expense to the working classes of this
country; and all this not for the good of the great mass,
but of the smallest section and the wealthiest in the
community. He went on in a long speech to show that
the cost of the army and navy in 1535 was 100,0004 less
than at the present time, and that our expenditure ought
to be cut down to that limit.
Mr. BRIDSON said that though he was not so fluent of
speech, yet he would promote their local interests quite
as well as his opponent. He was their townsman, and
though Sir Joshua talked a great deal about retrench-
ment, he was quite as much in favour of it as he could
be. If they sent him, they would find him at his post,
not in Canton.
The show of hands was much in favour of Sir Joshua
Walmsley, when a poll was demanded by the friends of
Mr. Bridson, and, after a vote of thanks to the Mayor,
the proceedings terminated.

HULL.
Matthew Talbot Baines, Esq., Chief Poor-law Com-
missioner, has this day, Wednesday, 7th of February,
been re-elected to represent the sea-port town of Hull
in the Commons House of Parliament. Although ru-
mour had been busy for the last few days in conjuring
up an opposition, yet such has been the fusion of the
great leaders in the borough, that no one was found to
stand forward to head the
,opposition, which, however,
only wanted a leader to have made Mr. Baines's return
at least doubtful.
After a champaigne breakfast given by the Sheriff, the
gorgeous procession marched to the hustings amid
mournful silence, en its arrival there, the yellings and
hootings of disapprobation from the mobocracy were
tremendous, and the whole of the proceedings were gone
through in pantomimic form. Mr. Baines was proposed
by Mr. Ward, a Tory, and seconded by the Mayor,
hitherto considered a Radical, neither of whom were
permitted to be heard, and Mr. Baines being treated to
a like reception, the whole of the proceedings terminated
within the hour.
From Mr. Baines's reception, it is not probable he will
in case of a vacancy for Hull, offer himself again as a
candidate; indeed, his friends would do well to dissuade
him from such an attempt.
The following address was delivered by Mr. Baines,
at the George Inn, to his committee and a few Chartists
who got into the room:—
Mr. BAINES rose amid loud cheers. He said—Gen-
tlemen,—l assure you it is with the truest satisfaction I
find myself again among those who have been my consti-
tuents one, and who, I would fain hope, I may in a short
time hail by that title again.—(Loud cheers.) I can
truly say it has been my most sincere wish that I should
be found not undeserving of a continuance of the confi-
dence with which you honoured me on a former occa-
sion, and the recollection of which must follow me as
long as I live.—(Applause.) I told you then, and I told
you most truly, that no efforts which I could make would
ever satisfy myself as being equivalent in the way of re-
turn for all the kiedness which you have shown towards
me. And I said so because I had erected in my own
mind a very high standard of the duty of your represen-
tative, and by that standard I can say conscientiously I
have ever endeavoured to regulate my conduct. If I have
failed, I have done so from the want of ability and not from
the want of will.—(Hear, hear.) I have thought it my
first duty on going to Parliament, not to look out for
the means of advancing my own individual interests, or
the interests of those connected with me; my object has
been—(A Voice—" Place-hunting")—in the first in-
stance to do what little I could to advance the interests
of my country, and in the next place to promote more
especially the welfare of my own constituents.—(Cheers,
hisses, and a Voice—" You looked out for yourself a
snug place.") If that gentleman who accuses me of
being a place-hunter will have the goodness to attend for
a moment to what I say, he shall see what sort of a
place-hunter I have been.--(Cheers.) I undertake to
satisfy every one who hears me that there never was a
place accepted under circumstances less discreditable to
the individual who accepted it, or to the constituency
which originally honoured him with its confidence.—
(Loud cheers.) I accept the challenge which the indi-
vidual who accuses me of place-bunting has thrown out,
and I will honestly and fairly show the circumstances
under which I have accepted office, and I will then leave
it to you—yes, I will fearlessly leave it to you (addressing
the man who had thrown out the accusation) to say whether
there is anything in those circumstances which is in the
slightest degree discreditable either to me or to you, if
you are, as I hope and trust you are, and as I hope and
trust I ever shall be, an admirer of fair and honourable
conduct.—(Long and loud continued cheering.) I was
about to state at the time I was interrupted, that I went
to Parliament not for purposes of personal aggrandise-
ment, for during the whole time I have been in Parlia-
ment I have never asked a favour either for myself, or
for any one connected with me by the ties of relation-
ship.—(Cheers.) And if I were to live to the age of
Methuselah I never would do so--(Cheers)—for it has
been my constant maxim not to make the office with
which you were kind enough to invest me subsidiary to
the promotion of my own private interests. Gentlemen,
I told you when I had the honour of standing before you
a year and a half ago, that I thought well, generally, of
the principles and conduct of the government of Lord J.
Russell, and I have seen no reasons to change that
opinion, although I have felt it my duty to differ from
him on several important occasions. Time after
time have I, the "place-hunter," voted against the very
Ministry to which I am charged with looking for place.
—(Loud cheers.) Upon points which they thought of
vital importance, I have divided against them, and spoken
against them.—(Applause.) I never hesitated to vote
against them when I thought they were wrong, and
when my public duty to my constituents required that I
should do so.—(Cheers.) Let us see what I have done?
I fully admit your right of asking. You have a right to
ask—" What is it you have done? How have you con-
ducted yourself during the eighteen months you have sat
in Parliament as our representative?" In the first
place, then, allow me to say, I have had the happiness
of introducing into Parliament three measures which I
believe all impartial persons admit have done somewhat
in improving the law of the country.—(Hear, hear.) I
am glad to say that these three measures met with such
unanimous approbation that there was not a single divi-
sion either in the House of Lords or the House of Com-
mons with respect to the expediency of these measures.
—(Loud cheers.) I have, therefore, not been an idle
representative.—(Cheers.) I set myself, in the first
instance, to introduce a clause into the Irish Crime and
Outrage Bill, which had for its object the putting an end,
as far as I could, to the dastardly system of midnight
assassination which then unhappily prevailed in many
districts of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) I thought it was
essential to devise some means of punishing those whom
in law we call accessories after the fact—that is persons
who knowingly give facilities for the concealment and
escape of the cowardly and blood-stained murderer.
The clause which I introduced has been held to be a
great improvement of the law, and I believe has done
much to prevent the crime of assassination in Ireland.
—(Cheers.) When I say I introduced this or that
measure, do not deem that I say it at all in the way of
boasting ; I hope there is not a man here who does not
know me sufficiently well to feel assured that I have no
such intention.—(Hear, hear.) For if I had done twenty
times as much as I have, I admit that you would have a
right to call me but an unprofitable servant after all. I
boast, then, not at all, but am simply showing what I
think you have a right to know, namely, whether your
representative has put out to usury the one talent, it may
be, with which he has been endowed, or whether he has
hidden it in a napkin and suffered' it to lie idle. I hope
you will find that this was not the case when you learn
what it is that has been done. I have said that In t
t.e
intro-
duced what I hope will be further improvements h
law—improvements which, I trust, are of avtailuonb olefethhe
cha-
racter as tending to secure the condemnation
guilty and the escape of the innocent. I
could towards
—(Hear,
w
hear.) I have done, also /I
reducing parochial expenditure.
re
taand knowingafrecta your as you
ie
all do how heavily such expend!
in-
terests, I trust you will not consider
are thesidert measures
anunimpor-
tant matter.—(Cheers.) These which
I have introduced into Parliaymetnhattduervienrgy theone poets. tthseems-
Houses of Parliament.—
(Applause.) and I am happy to say
And now let us see how
passed unanimously both _
(Applause.) I have conducted
myself in other matters, in order that it may be seen
what weight is to be attached to the accusation that I
am a " place hunter."—(Laugh ter.) It will be in the
remembrance of most who now hear me that the Mi-
nistry at the commencement of the session brought in a
proposal for increasing the income-tax—charging pro-
fessional and trade income in the same way and at
the same rate as the income arising out of realised
property. I thought that unfair.
gHear, hear.)
And I said so—(Cheers) and I (voted a ains
it.—(Loud cheers.) And yet that was a measure by
which the Government set great store. But I cared
not for that.—(Cheers.) I thought it my duty to vote
against it, and I did so.—(Loud cheers.) Then there
was the subject of the navigation-laws.—(Hear, hear.)
It is perfectly well known that Ministers introduced a
measure with respect to that Bill, against which I voted.
—(Cheers.) I divided against Ministers in every stage
of that Bill.—(Cheers.) I thought it my duty to do so,
and although I know I differ from many of my
conati.