The Sun.
London, England, 1849-01-08 00:00:00

si.
11X11

LONDON, MONDAY, JANUARY 8, 1849.

MACAULAY, in that great " History of England''
which has become renowned within a fortnight, and
has already assumed its place of immortality among
our classic literature, utters this memorable sentence

—" It is no exaggeration to say that a civil war of a
week on English ground would now produce disasters
which would be felt from the Hoangho to the Mis-
souri, and of which the traces would be discernible
at the distance of a century. —Hilt. of Eng., I. 35.
A tacit conviction of this has long impressed itself
upon the consciousness of Englishmen: and the merit
of the historian arises simply from the cir-
cumstance of his being the first to express
in articulate words the thought which has
gradually overshadowed the soul of the population.
Yes : it is certain that any successful attempt at
physical force agitation in these islands would strike
an electric current of calamity from the Hoangho to
the Missouri, from Quadra to Formosa, from the
Steppes of Russia to the Pampas of Mexico. And
the consequences of this universal explosion of mis-
fortune would, as the annalist has declared, be "dis-
cernible at the distance of a, century." Now that
the truth has been pronounced, it cannot be too fre-
• quently reiterated—seeing that with it are intimately
• blended the destinies, more or less, of the whole
world,
and in an immediate manner the very existence of
the British empire. It affords, moreover, a striking cor-
roboration of the judgment decreed first upon the gang
of Chartists at Smithfield, and subsequently upon the
band of Repealers at Clonmel. It is a brilliant jus-
tification of the stringent measures adopted by the
Government for the maintenance of Order, and the
suppression of Rebellion. It testifies that the House
of Commons was only availing itself of its rational
and constitutional powers, in acceding to the Minis-
terial demand for the temporary suspension of the

Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland. It avers, moreover.

- in the most decisive language, that the multitude
have in these times of tumult, when the genius of Re-
. ..

volution appears to be übiquitous, at least within
the boundaries of Christendom—recognized their
only safe road towards the extension of their liberties
and the amelioration of their sufferings ; it re-assures
them that that pathway is the pathway of moral exci-
tation, and not of physical remonstrance, and that the
only effectual weapon for the conquest of their poll.
tical difficulties is the weapon of the intellect, em•

ployed at one moment through the medium of the
press, and at another through the fervent lips of the
orator. O'CONNELL revealed the sublime principle
which is embodied in the truth proclaimed by
MACAULAY, and which constitutes in fact its
very vitality, when he declared that no
political advantage is worthy of attainment
the struggle for which would cause the effusion of one
single drop of blood. So profound is the apprecia-
tion of all this by the inhabitants of these realms,
that democratic as we are in the innermost recesses of
our heart, and sympathising as we did (earnestly, and
almost passionately) with the insurgent Republicans
of February, we were, nevertheless, during last April
resolute in the prevention of an outbreak in the streets
of the metropolis. The awful responsibility of their
position weighs upon the imagination of the English
million—they feel that now more than ever they are
invested with a tremendous influence over the fortunes
of mankind—they know that at this moment they hold
within their grasp the hopes and fears of society, that
they are in fact the Custodians of the Liberties of the
World.

In the Parliamentary session which will commence
on the first of the ensuing February, there will very
soon be manifest the germs of a serious and compre-
hensive agitation. Abuses have proceeded to such
lengths in our system of administration, and these
abuses have been of such prolonged and grinding
continuance, that the people are fixed in the determi-
nation that, cost what it may, those abuses shall termi-
nate, that system of administration shall be modified.
Upon this point there is no longer any hesitation.
A vast scheme of retrenchment has become necessary.
The newly developed science of political economy,
applied already to the receipts of the Exchequer,
must at last and immediately influence its disburse-
ments. The corrupt and immemorial labyrinth of
sinecures the lavish distribution of the national
funds, without ensuring any adequate return, in the
shape of services—the deplorable and degrading habit
of nepotism, which has, in a greater or a lesser
degree, infected nearly every department of the
State all these things must be scrutinized,
and, in the event of their detection, annihilated.
Financial Reform is no idle watchword. Neither are
the plans for retrenchment advanced by Mr. COBDEN
and Mr. MACGREGOR to be treated lightly as the
eccentric programmes of an impracticable movement.
Prior to the passage of the celebrated Bill of
CRARLES, Earl GREY, through both Houses of Par-
liament, the preparations for its advancement were
without doubt immeasurably more noisy than those
which have been made of late by the promoters of
the still greater reform to be applied to
the finances of the country ; but of this
we are equally well satisfied that the will
of the multitude was not so inexorably resolute,
neither was its aggregate intelligence so directly im-
pinged upon the point of attack. In the present in-
stance there is no opportunity for retractation.• Our
most distinguished radical reformers are pledged
irrevocably to the venture—and, what is more, they
are not recognised, as in 1831, upon the benches of
the Opposition ; they are, on the contrary, ranged
behind the seats appropriated to the members of
the G evernment. We have said that the people
are sternly and inflexibly determined, cost what
it may, to realise their intentions in regard to the
accomplishment of a great financial improvement.
But we have prefaced that assertion with the remark
that the people of England are loath, beyond descrip-
tion, to work out any political advantage, no matter
how sublime that advantage may be, with the daggers
and the firebrands of rebellion. As Custodians of the
Liberties of the World they find themselves repelled
from insurrection. The weight of their responsi-
bilities makes them gravitate towards Order. And
the secret of all this is simply, that unlike the
struggling nationalities of the Continent, we have not
the necessity of digging out our foundations. Not
only the foundations but the superstructures of good
government have been built up for us by our fore-
fathers. Our labours are briefly restricted to the
modification of whet has been already created—and
common sense assures us that this can be accom-
plished without resorting to the perils of a grand
political detonation.

*.* Our criticism of Mr. Macaulay's " History of
England" has been delayed until the present time by the
non-receipt of a copy of the first edition, arising from
the unprecedented rapidity of its sale. An impression
of the second edition has just come to hand, and, imme-
diately we can find space for so doing, we shall have the
satisfaction of laying before our readers our opinion of
this remarkable production.

The inquiry into the working of the Poor-law in
Ireland, which was so urgently demanded last ses-
sion by the great majority of the Irish representa-
tives, but which was so injudiciously refused, must
undoubtedly be conceded immediately on the meet-
ing of Parliament. An incalculable amount of mis•
chief has already been occasioned which might have
been averted if the desired investigation had taken
place, and remedial measures introduced. The southern
and western districts are those in which the evils have
reached the most fearful extent, and unless something
be done, and. that speedily, all classes in these ill-
fated localities will be involved in one common ruin.
The rates that have been struck cannot by any pos-
sibility be collected, although the most stringent
measures are adopted. Boards of guardians are
deeply indebted to all those from whom credit can be
obtained, and they cannot procure funds to provide
even for the daily expenditure, much less to satisfy
existing liabilities. Memorials are every day forwarded
to the Poor-law Commissioners and the Govern-
ment, setting forth the deplorable state of affairs
and imploring some immediate assistance, without
which the most frightful results may be anticipated.
These statements may be in some degree exaggerated,
but they are unquestionably based upon truth ; and
the real state of facts is sufficiently appalling to com-
mand immediate attention from the Government and
the Legislature. The case of each union must be
investigated upon its individual merits. No general
view of the condition of the entire country will
suffice. It may be perfectly true that the
average demand on the rental of the coun-
try is not more than should fairly be provided
for, or than must be encountered by many English
rate-payers—that the average number relieved does
not exceed 10.48 in the entire population, or that the
amount of expenditure could be fully liquidated by a
rate of 3s. in the pound on the poor-law valuation of
the nation; and yet in the more impoverished unions
the poverty may completely swamp the property, the
nominal proprietors of land be left without a
single shilling for their own support, or for inte-
rests upon the charges by which their properties
are incumbered, and eventually the lands may remain
uncultivated, because the entire 'produce should be
appropriated to the maintenance of myriads of paupers,
and nothing would remain for the landlord's rent or
the tenant's labour. Is it desirable that such a state
of affairs should be brought about by the operation
of a law imposed upon the country by an Imperial
Legislature? Is it politic, just, or equitable ? We
unhesitatingly reply in the negative ; and every un-
prejudiced man must join in the response.
As an illustration of our argument, let us
take the condition of the Union of Ballinrobe
during the month of April, 1848, as set forth
in the report of the Commissioners ; and we
believe that it is not an extreme case, or by any
means more than many others that could be adduced.
It appears then that the population of the union, ac-
cording to the census of 1841, amounted to 85,031,
and that there is workhouse accommodation for 800
only, or something less than one in a hundred and six
of the population. The average number relieved, how-
ever, amounted to no less than 35,486, or 41.75 out of
each hundred ; of these 786 were maintained in the
workhouse, while 34,700 were placed upon the out-
relief lists. It also appears that the valuation of rated
property amounts to 85,2171., while the total expenses
in the single month of April amounted to 3,685/.
Now, 2,685/. Xl2 amounts to 44,2201., or 10s. 6d. in
the pound on the entire valuation. Again we find
that the amount of poor-rate collected during the
month amounted to 1,0251.—. that 7,346/. of rate re-
mained uncollected at the end of the month, and that
the expenses during the month exceeded the collection
by no less than 2,6601,—that 91. remained in the trea-
surer's hands to the credit of the union, while the debts
and liabilities amounted to no less than 3,1331. Now that
very month was one of seven during which the union
in question received the following assistance from the
British Association, viz. :
Amount advanced at the recommendation of the
Poor-law Commissioners .•. 47,609

Amount of Grants for Feeding Children ... 1,400
Amount of Grants for Relief of Sick Poor, Cloth-
ing, &c. ... ... ... ... 75
The condition of the rate -payers was, therefore,
more than usually favourable, because munificent and
liberal aid was afforded,'! which could not be hoped
for under other circumstances.

Again, we find it stated in a memorial unanimously
agreed to at a meeting of magistrates for the county
of Clare, and transmitted by Sir Lucius O'BRIEN,
the Lieutenant of the county, to his Excellency the
Earl of CLARENDON, that " from the month of
April to October they had Bs. 3d. in the pound poor-
rate in one union of the county, and still more in
another ; and that they are informed that another
rate, of at least 3s. in the pound, is on the eve of
being; struck." Such a state of affairs would surely
be sufficient to paralyse the exertions, and eat up the re-
sources of persons wholly unincumbered, even during
a season of more than average prosperity. What,
then, must be the result when it occurs during a
period of the utmost depression—when other heavy
burdens, public as well as private, must be pro►ided
for, and when (to use the words of the memorial
we have already quoted), " agricultural produce,
corn, cattle, butter, and wool have fallen 50
per cent. in value." It will not enable the
rate-payers of Ballinrobe, or the union in the
county of Clare, to meet their liabilities,
because the average amount in Ireland is only 3s. in
the pound—nor will the farmers of Connaught be
encouraged to cultivate their lands, and give the
whole produce to the poor, because itheir brethren of
Ulster and Leinster are enabled easily to maintain
the paupers for whom they are chargeable under the
present state of the law. Some alteration is essential,
and the more speedily it be introduced the better.

'ME FRENCH REPUBLIC.

MINISTERIAL EXPLANATIONS.

We have received the Paris papers of Saturday and
yesterday.

It appears 'that the differences which existed be-
tween the PRESIDENT of the Republic and his Minis-
ters have been patched up for the present, and he is
to give them a grand dinner at the Elysee in token of
reconciliation. The differences which have existed
are, however, of too serious a nature to thus be lightly
pissed over. They no longer relate merely to per-
sonal questions of patronage, but to matters of national
concern. With regard to the conferences at Brussels,
for instance, one portion of the Ministry is desirous
that they should be confined entirely to the Lombardo-
Venetian question, whilst others think the question of
Rome should also be considered. The President BONA-
PARTE considers that the question of Rome should he
kept distinct from that of the other, and on this point
he agrees in opinion with the minority of the Cabinet.
In the sitting of the Assembly, on Saturday, some
explanations took place as to the cause of the retire-
ment of M. LEON DE MALLBVII.LE from office. These
explanations were elicited by the appearance of the
following letter in La Liberte, addressed to that
journal by M. GERMAIN SARRE; representative of
the people :
" In an article in your journal you express, on ac-
count o!' myself and M. Belmontet, an old friend of Louis
Napoleon, the intimation that we possess valuable end
secret information on the affair at Boulogne, encore en-
velopee de brouillards. For my part, Sir, I have bet n
waiting with some impatience for those interpellations
about which some noise has been made, and my voice
would not then have failed in declaring the truth; bu.. I
think that it does not belong to me or to M. Belmontet
to open the breach of publicity en dehors de M. Louis
Bonaparte, without being officially called upon. In the
same article you say, la production en ses lieu et place des
dossiers judiciares peut, etc. This is completely erro-
neous. I affirm in the most absolute, positive, and cate-
gorical manner, that there were some dossiers judiciares,
of which there are no traces left en leurs lieu e place,
and I take upon myself all the responsibility of this de-
claration ; and, if they were restored, I could prove in
the most peremptory manner—first, that their removal
had taken place; and, secondly, that their restoration
to their place was posterior to the retirement of M. de
Malleville from the Ministry of the Interior. I do not
think fit at the present moment to carry my assertions
any further."
In consequence of the publication of this letter
M. LEON DE MALLEVILLE, during the sitting of the
National Assembly on Saturday, interrupted the
proceedings, and requested to be heard. His request
having been granted,
M. Leon de Malleville ascended the tribune, and spoke
as follows:—I have to apologise to the Assembly for in-
terrupting its proceedings a moment ; but I feel con-
vinced it will pardon one of its Members who has been
attacked in his honour, and who cannot wait longer for
interpellations, announced incessantly, and never brought
forward. I have waited for these interpellations, though
I have not provoked them myself. I need scarcely say
that I did not fear them. Since my withdrawal from the
Ministry there have appeared in various journals most
shameful calumnies against me, which I have looked
on with disdain. But this morning a letter has been
published which I cannot pass by in silence, since
it has been signed by one ,of our colleagues.---(Move-
ment.) He did not come and ask a word of explana-
tion from me before launching forth his attack. I have
waited all day to ascend the tribune until he should
happen to be present.—(Hear, bear.) The following is
the passage of the letter in which I find my name men-
tioned:—" I affirm, in the most absolute, the most posi-
tive, the most categorical manner, that there have been
judicial documents of which not a trace remains in their
proper place, and I accept all the responsibility of this
assertion. I further declare, that if they are at present
restored, I can prove, in the most peremptory manner—
let. That their removal had taken place; and 2d. That
their restoration to their proper place is posterior to the
withdrawal of M. de Malleville from the office of Minis-
ter of the Interior."

_
A Voice—Signed by whom?
M. L. de Malleville—By Germain Sarrut.—(Ah, ah!
Agitation.) Such is the letter; and certainly I could
never have supposed that in my political career, however
modest my part might be, I should ever have to defend
myself one day against the charge of being a purloiner
of documents.—(Renewed agitation.)
Numerous Voices—No, no; you have no reason to
reply to such a charge.
M. L. de Malleville—l now call on the member who
signed that letter to come forward and explain what he
means, But previously, I will disprove his assertions.
—(Hear, hear.) The documents of the affairs of Bou
logne and Strasburg have remained under the guard of
the various Ministers of the Interior, and are in perfect
safety. It has been affirmed that some of them have
been taken away. But here is a public act, signed by
%I. Herrmann, the Secretary-General of the department
of the Interior, declaring that the documents with which
the name of M. Louis Bonaparte has been mixrd up,
were carefully placed aside in sixteen paper cases, and
sealed with the official seal. This act further gives an
inventory of all the documents.—(Hear, hear.) This
proceeding took place the very day that M. Louis
Bonaparte was proclaimed President of the Republic.
Now, why did I take this precaution ; why did I pro-
vide myself with this act ? Because, as these docu-
ments could be removed, I was unwilling to be in
any way a party in such a transaction ; and I do not
think that any Minister of the Interior could so fail in
his duty as to allow documents to be taken away which
belong to history and to the state.—(Loud approbati
But, continued the Hon. Gentleman, raising his voice,
and speaking with extraordinary animation and firmness,
in reply to suck insinuations I can affirm, on my honour,
in the face of the country, that whoever asserts that I,
Malleville, Minister of the Interior, have touched these
papers—have seen them—have removed any of them;
whoever says anything of all this, basely lies (a lache-
ment menti).—(Tremendous cheering, which was again
and again repeated.) I have nothing further to add on
the subject; but there will always remain to me from
this discussion a most painful feeling—that of having
been obliged to declare that I am neither a purloiner nor
a forger.—(" No,norLoud denial from every part of the
Chamber.) I have been reproached with being ambi-
tious—if I have been so, lat this moment deeply expiate
that tendency.—(Sensation.) The matter alleged by M.
Sarrut is utterly impossible—the seal on the paper cases
has not been broken, the cases have not been opened, the
documents have not been taken. The fact alleged is, I
repeat, simply impossible.—(Loud approbation.)
Great agitation followed these remarks.
M. Germain Sarrut appeared on the tribune, but
withdrew on seeing M. Mon Faucher appear on the
steps at the other side.
The Minister of the Interior—The words which you
have just heard from M. de Malleville require no con-
firmation from any one. No one here entertained any
suspicions injurious to him—(Hear, hear.) His honour
is not merely his own property, it is that of the Minis-
ters who were with him in power, and of those who suc-
ceeded him—(Loud approbation.) I say that it is not
allowable for them to permit him to be attacked in
their presence. I say that to allow him to be attacked
would be to sanction an attack on the whole Cabinet.—
(Hear, hear.) Each of the Ministers sitting on that
bench comprehends his duty as M. de Malleville did.
The documents of which he spoke are still under seal ;
I can declare to the Assembly that they will remain so,
for we consider them as a public deposit, and as the pro-
perty of the State.—(Loud approbation.)
M. G. Sarrut—l am perfectly calm after these pas.
sionate words.—(Oh, oh.) I repeat that lam perfectly
calm.—(lnterruption.)
A Voice—Again!
M. G. Sarrut—Yes, I shall repeat the same, M. Bazi,
until the Assembly does me the honour to listen.
M. Baai—W lay, I never said a word.
M. G. Sarrut—l say, then, that I am perfectly calm
—(Agitation)—after the words which I have just heard
indicative of an honourable susceptibility on the part of
M. de Malleville. But I am sure of what I alleged;
and, notwithstanding the disinclination of the persons
who interrupt me, the truth must remain the truth.—
(M
(Movement.) M. de Malleville has not been in any
way attacked by me.—(Considerable agitation.) For
some days past my name has appeared, contrary to my