The Sun.
London, England, 1822-04-02 00:00:00

ancient colonies of Spain and Portugal, to which it was ma-
terial that Parliament should direct its attention in legislating
on this subject. No man could say how soon those colonies
would alter their relation with the mother countries—how soon
they would cease to depend upon their ancient masters. If such
an event were to take place, either in the Spanish colonies or
the Brazils, the whole of the free port system would be neces-
sarily extinguished; for it applied solely to the possessions of
European Foreign. Sovereigns, and those colonies might at no
very distant period cease to belong to a Foreign Sovereign de
jure, as well as de judo. It would be most unwise, therefore,
to pass a law, all Owing intercourse with Cuba, the Caraccas,
Brazil, or Mexico, in the event of their becoming independ-
ent, but not extending to the United States of America. The 1
soundest policy we could pursue in our commercial inter-
course with Foreign Nations was to place all on the same foot-
ing,
and a departure from that policy would tend only to ex-
cite
jealousy, and embarrass our political as well as our coin-
mercial relations. Let the Rouse look to the policy_ pursued
in other Countries, with reference to their colonial interests.
At the time we passed our Navigation Laws, the restric-
tions we imposed on Colonial Commerce were not greater
than those imposed by other countries, and the consequences,
was that no colonysproducing articles similar to our own
possessed any advantage over us in a common market.—
This was not the case now, for the colonial policy of Spain
and Portugal was in effect entirely altered. Brazil and Cuba,
two of the •greatest producers of colonial produce, were now
open to the whole world. If, therefore, Spain and Portugal
permitted a more unrestricted intercourse than formerly with
her colonies, while this country adhered' rigidly and pertina-
ciously to the ancient system, we should leave those countries in
possession of a vantage ground, which might lead to the most
prejudicial, if not the most disastrous, effects upon' our colo-
nial interests. There was another very important view of
this question—he alluded to its connection with the Slave
Trade. This country had honestly, manfully, and decidedly
abolished that odious traffic in defiance of all the prejudices
and alarms which had existed on the subject ; we had raised
an imperishable monument of Christian benevolence, and na-
tional honour, and had endeavoured, by unsparing pecuniary
sacrifices, and by every means which diplomatic skill, and
an honest perseverance in the just cause in which we had em-
barked, could supply, to obtain the cordial assent and co-
operation of other powers. We had obtained the cordial sup-
port of many, and the nominal support of all the European
powers ; but he was sorry to observe that the support of some
of those powers was merely nominal. It was well known indeed
that the traffic was openly carried on by Splin and Portugal,
for supplying Cuba andthe Brazils with slaves; a circumstance
which gave those colonies an advantage, though he believed
only a temporary advantage, over our own. This was of itself
an important consideration, and furnished a strong argument
for our endeavouring to give to our Colonies the advantage of
free and unrestricted competition. He might possibly be asked
why he brought forward this measure at the present moment ?
and why he did not rather wait till the Colonies of Spain and
Portugal were declared independent, instead of legislating- with
a view to future contingencies ? This brought him to the Con-
sideration of the actual state of our Colonies. He would not
weary the House with an array of figures and details, to prove
the existing pressure on the Colonial interests. It was notori-
ous that the value of Colonial produce had greatly diminished,
and that that diminution had not been accompanied with a cor-
responding increase of consumption. The existing distress arose
partly, he believed, from impolitic restrictions on their trade, and
partly from the increased production not only of the Colonies
which we formerly possssed, but of those which had come into
our possession by recent arrangements. It was the duty of Par-
liament to look to the present circumstances of the Colonies, and
to see whether any mode of relief, not objectionable in principle,
could be adopted. He believed there were no available means of
relief except by opening new markets for their produce ; and un-
less that relief were afforded, both the British Proprietors of
the Colonies and the negro population, of which they were the
' protectors—he would say, the generous protectors, must be con-
signed to ruin. It might be said that the markets were already
crowded, and that no effectual relief therefore could be derived
from this source, but he had never been accustomed to regard
the operations of commerce in so contracted a point of view.
The operation of a particular market at a given period might not
indeed afford all the immediate relief that, was anticipated. But
when he looked back to the history of commerce.—when he con-
sidered its enterprising nature, and the penetrating qualities
that belonged to it—he was persuaded, that by removing re-
straints and breaking fetters, it was impossible to calculate the
extent of the benefit which would ensue. Ile could not better
illustrate this principle of commerce than by the words of 'a dis-
tinguished Poet of this country, in reference to the influence of
climate on the mind of man :-•-•
44 What seasons can controul,
What fancied zone can circumscribe, the soul,
Who, conscious of the source from which she springs
By reason's light, on resolution's wings, • ' ,
Spite of her frail companion, dauntless goes,
O'er Libya's deserts, and through Zembla's snows ?"
What ,was the elevated language of poetry, as applied to the
soul of man, became mere prose, as applied to the spirit and
enterprising nature of commerce. There was another Principle
of which he should recommend the adoption to the Committee,
namely, to extend the intercourse which was now confined to
Malta, and Gibraltar to all parts:of Europe. When we saw
Spanish . and Portuguese ships sailing from Cuba, with the
produce of that islano,into the Baltic, he could not conceive
why British ships should not be allowed to do the same thing,
without subjecting them to the inconvenience and expense or
bringing their produce into warehouses in this country, and,
afterwards transporting them to the different markets. The
Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by proposing two Resolu-
tions—That the Chairman of the Committee be instructed to
move for leave to bring in a Bill to regulate the trade between
his Majesty's possessioni in America and the 'West Indies,:and
lather places in America ,and the 'West Indies ; and, secondly,
for leave to bring in a Bill to regulate the trade between his
Majesty's possesions in America and the 'West Indies, and
other parts of the world, exclusive of America and the West
Indies.

Mr. WILBERFORCE spoke in a low tone of voice.—The
Hon. Gentleman was understood to speak in terms of commen-
dation of the principle of extending the commerce of the \Vest
Indian Colonies. In proportion as the intercourse was ' in-
creased with our islands in that quarter, and they were visited
by our ships, would the 'illicit traffic in slaves, 'still carried on
by foreign countries, contrary to their acknowledged sense of
duty, and their positive stipulations, be kept in check. He
understood that that odious trade was still carried on in Ja-
maica. He perceived some of his friends dissented; but if it
were not so, there must be Some precautionary measures
taken of which he was riot aware, and which he would be glad
to hear. His object was to impress on his Majesty's Govern-
ment the expediency of consnie'ring in this measure for the
relief of the European interests of the West Indian Colonies,
the greatest of all interests, that of the slaves. He could not
help thinking that it was absolutely necessary that a registry
of slaves should be kept in the Colonies. He would not occupy
the time of the House longer by going into the details of this
subject, but would content himself for the present with merely
putting in his claim to a full consideration of the great interest
he had mentioned.

Mr. BARHAM assured. the house that there was no
ground for apprehending any fresh importation of slaves into
the British IN est India Islands. The difficulty of all the pro-
prietors was to know what to do with their slaves. They would
be glad to get half the price of the cost of them, and a man
must be insane who would at this time import slaves. He did
therefore implore his Hon; Friend (Mr. 'Wilberforce) before he
allowed this measure to go out to the West Indies charged
with his malediction as tending to cherish the Slave Trade, to
inform himself on the subject. He knew that he had
means within his power, and he begged him to employ them.
His Hon. Ffiend was wrong if lie conceived the planters and
proprietors in the West Indies were not considerably distressed.
This measure was absolutely necessary to save them from
ruin, at the same time that he was convinced that no measure
'could be more conducive to the abolition of the Slave Trade.

Mr. WILBERFORCE -explained.. He had not said that
the West Indian Colonies were not in a distressed state; he
knew and he regretted that they were so.
Mr. BI A R RYAT T considered the measure as one of the great-
est importance, not only with resped to its general object, the
amelioration of trade, but also as it affected the negroes. From
the state in which their masters were at present, they were in ex-
treme distress and starvation. The measure, whilst it went to
save. the masters from ruin, was also highly interesting to the
slaves. The object of it was to place those who had abolished the
slave trade upon the same footing with those who had not. The
good which would result fr6m this measure would affect not the
colonies only, it would be a general benefit to the trade, by
drawing part of that to our own colonies which now went to
Cuba, to the Brazils, and to other parts of America which were
not ours. The number of ships from the other parts of Europe,
and particularly from Russia, which resorted to these colonies,
was very great. By a return which he had that morning re-
ceived, it appeared that no fewer than 575 sail had visited
those parts in the year 1820. He knew it would be said that
the establishment of a regular intercourse between our Colonies
and the United States would tend to hurt the Navy. But on that
subject he would always maintain the opinion of Burke, that
the establishment of the Navy depended but upon time and
upon strength ; and he thought that at least one of these would
derive advantage from the measure. At any rate, in a mea-
sure which, like this, went to do away that which would lead
to a total stagnation of an important part' of our trade, other
interests ought to give way for the general good. There was
one
.part of the existing regulations which it would be advisable
to do away, and that was the non-intercourse between the
different colonies. Goods imported into any one colony could
net, in the event of their not meeting with a ready sale there,