The Sun.
London, England, 1822-04-08 00:00:00

WEST INDIA INTERCOURSE.

The SPEECH of the Right 'Hon.. GEORGE CANNING
against the AMERICAN INTERCOURSE BILL, in
1806. . .
" Mr. CasseaSsor rose, and spoke as follows :-,-The Iton.
and Learned Gentleman, who has just sat down, seems to think
that every suggeStion and advice from this side of the House is
to be received with distrust by Ministers, unless accompanied
with a declaration of friendship for Administeation.... I have
always considered it a sufficient apology for every Member of
Parliament who delivers- his' opinion in the fair execution of
his duty, if he professes to have in. view, not the pleasure of the
Administration of the day, but the interest of his country.
Upon that principle I shall take the liberty. of considering the
subject now before us. than which -ram confident there never
was a matter brow,ht into this House of greater importance,
not so much for its immediate effect, as on account of the poli-
tical principles connected with it. • Many propositions have been
submitted to Parliament which have been liable to one or other
of these objections, either that they were altogether unneces-
sary, or that being called for by a supposed necessity, they
have been pressed to an. extent which would produce a greater
mischief than that which they were intended to remove n but I
do not recollect any measure which comprehended so much of
both these Objections as the Present ; originating, as I think'has
been most clearly shewn, in ns necessity whatever, andat the
same time teeming with so much practical mischief. The he-
cessity in which it is contended that this measure originates,
I take to be this, that under the circumstances of •waseit has
been deemed impossible for Great Britain to supply the West
India Colonies with the articles which it is absolutely necessary
they should have, and that America alone can supply them.
If it had been contended on this side of the House that the
' latter mode should in no case be adopted, but that measures
should be taken to preclude the furnishing of supplies-from
America; in cases where it was found impossible for the West
India Colonies to do without them, I should understand the
eagerness with -which this measure is supported. But in
arguing this question, I think myself at liberty to put the
M est India supplies entirely out of my consideration, not be-
cause I think them of no importance, but because they are no=
wise affected by this Bill. • Whether this Bill passes or not, the
West India interest may. be equally well secured, as it has
hitherto been, by the continuance of the discretionary power of '
the Governors of the (Monies. I desire- to know in what in-
stance the exercise of this discretionary power of the Governors
has been either rashly 'checked or severely inquired into; in
-what instance the responsibility attached to that exercise of
power has prevented any Governor from exercising it in case of
necessity ; in what instance the exercise of that power, with
that responsibility attached to it, has failed to receive the
sanction of Parliament, and an indemnity by law. So confi-
dently is this indemnity anticipated by the present Government,.
that there is now on the table tit' this House a Letter of the
Secretary of State, on which I shSill have occasion to remark
bye and7bye, promising on behalf of Parliament what he calls
the usual indemnity to all the Governors who are called upon
to act under it. If then there has been no disposition shewn
to prevent the exercise of this discretionary-power upon all
occasions which appear to require it ; if there ba no intention
in any quarter either to abridge that power, or to enforce more
severely the responsibility attached to the exercise of it, there
can be no necessity for the Bill now before us. These can be
nothing like a necessity for an Act to provide for'the'doing of
that which perpetually-has been done, and as constantly sanc-
tioned whenever the occasion for it has occurred.--31y t! on.
and Learned Friend (Mr. Perceval), is stated by the _Hon. and
Learned Gentleman to have admitted (and as a general truth
it undoubtedly must be admitted), that when a -necessity is so
constant and so urgent that you cannot escape out of it, you
should endeavour to provide some permanent remedy appli-
cable to the continuance of such necessity; and the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman triumphs in this admission. But where .
is the ground for that triumph ? The esidmission concedes no--
thing. iily.l'lon. Friend says, that where the necessity is con-
stant, some permanent remedy should be applied; but that is
so far from being an admission of the propriety of passing this
Bill, that it is a direct condemnation of it. For if the authors
and supporters of this Bill are to be credited, it is according to
their own statement nothing . more than a temporary remedy:
they themselves say this Bill is not an abrogation, but a suspen-
sion merely, of the Acts of Parliament which regulate our
Navigation System, not a pernianent, but a temporary law.—
My lion. Friend contends, that for a permanent evil there
ought to be provided a permanent remedy ; and that to ascer-
tain the extent of the evil, and to enable yourselves to judge of
the fitness of the remedy, you ought, in the first place, to in-
vestigate the whole subject carefully and diligently-_to get
together and digest all the information that can 'be collected
upon it. The authors of this Bill refuse all inquiry, reject all
means of information, and propose to pass a law, of which
their best defence is that it is only temporary ; and doing this,
the Hon. and. Learned Gentleman opposite yet fancies that he
obtains some advantage from what he calls the admission of
my Hon. Friend. So tar from wishing tp retractor qualify my
Hon. and Learned Friend's admission, I admits or rather I
contend with him, that you ought to go thoroughly into the
discussion of the whole subject, and endeavour to find out some
effectual-and lasting remedy to this perpetually recurring evil.
But no• man has adlnitted or contended that the undigested,
crude, .incompetent measure now before us, has either been
founded on a sufficient investigation of the whole subject (the
very reverse is notorious) or that it is to be considered as a per-
manent and adequate remedy for the necessity from which it is
Said to arise. The adthission therefore of my Hon. and Learned
Friend _is of itself an argument sufficiently conclusive against
the passing of the present Bill. But considering this as what
it alone pretends' to be, a temporary measure, let us examine
what is the difference between it and the usual indemnity
granted to.the constant exercise of the discretion of the Gover-
nors of the West India Colonies ? lt is said that it is better
that this power of a temporary suspension of the Navigation
Laws should be lodged with his Majesty'a Ministers, than with
the Governors of the West India Islands ; that Ministers are
more competent to the task of judging of. the necessity of the
case,' a- far as the West Indies are concerned • while, on the
other hand, they will have the opportunity; which the Gover-
nors cf the Colonies cannot have, of hearing every thing that
may be advanced on behalf of the 6)lp-01T/tiers, before they con-
sent to open the ports in the West Indies.' This, they say, is
so manifestly for the interest of the Ship-owners, that it is al-
most inconceivable that the Ship-Owners - should oppose this
measure. NoW, Sir, these are very fine words, but men of
sense, and of business, are not likely to be deluded by them.—
How does the case of the Ship-owners now stand ? lt has been
proposed, that before you provide a measure which is to conti-
nue in operation during the Whole war, you should go into a
Committee to ascertain what are the claims, pretensions, and
interests of the Ship-owners ? They tell you that, according to
their belief, this 1 w will operate to their incalculable prejudice;
that it will absOlut ly annihilate their trade ; and this they say
they are ready to prove to you in a Committee above stairs.—
Ministers answer, No ! We will consent to no such Commit-
tee. Why not ? Is it for want of time ? the time of ' bring-
ing forward this measure is of the Minister's Own choosing.—
Nor do they now appear to feel themselves hurried in other
matters. Much of their important military arrangements re-
main to be settled. There is therefore session enough remain-
ing, and there can be no apprehension of danger, even if this
measure should go off until the next session ; for whatever the
'necessities of the West , India. Colonies may be, the Go-
vernors there can act upon their responsibility, and . will
have their Bill'of Indemnity as heretofore. But for what-
ever reason, they are determined it seems to have no inves-
tigation now. They will have no previous inquiry into
the nature of the case, for which they are now providing a law.
They say, " leave the discretion in our hands," " let us be
judges of the necessities of cases as they occur, and we will hear
you, theiShip-owners, hereafter, upon each particular case, but i
'we will not hear you now." That s, you will not hear them
now, when you might receive useful information from them,
and profit by their advice ; you will not hear them now, when
you have the leisure for going into a full investigation of the
case, without danger of mischief so the colonies from the delay
of decision, as well as with the least injury to the interest of the
Ship-owners. 'When this investigation might he pursued with
the least possible inconvenience to any individuals, and with
the least possible risque to the . public interest, you refuse to
enter upon it; you wait until an application shall come to you
from the West Indies, accompanied perhaps with an assurance •
that the Colonies are starving, - that an insurrection is appre-
hended every hour, that immediate instantaneous relief can .
'alone avert a public calamity; that is the opportunity which
you will take for hearing the Ship-owners expatiate on the na-
ture of the trade, and on the possibility of going from 'hence 1
with provisions to the West Indies; that, it seems, will be the
time for going into the investigation of the whole matter, into
a discussion of the best means for regulating the 'whole system
of supplying the West India Colonies, by means of British
shipping ;,then it is that the season will arrive for hearing coun-
sel, and collecting evidence, and balancing the advantages and
disadvantages of adhering to, or relaxing the Navigation Laws.
Ministers, undoubtedly, will enter into this cool deliberate dis-
cussion with great advantage, under the pressure of a sudden
and immediate necessity, when the Colonies are starving ! Un-
doubtedly the Ship-Owners will then be entitled to a favourable
hearing, when the question is not (as now) one of general
prospective policy; but simply whether the Governors of the
West India Islands, under the stimulus of immediate want,
shall be permitted to let in supplies from America! Why,
Sir, to say to Gentlemen who use this argument, that there is
nothing in it, to expose to them the fallacy of it, I ain, sure is
needless; they know it is fallacious, they know it full well ; bist
they want to evade the present proposed inquiry; and they

hold out to the Ship-owners and Merchants, whose interests are
to be sacrificed by this Bill, a prospect of indulgence, to be
granted to them hereafter, at a moment when they know that
the necessity will be so urgent as to preclude the possibility of
deliberate invegtigation.. One main proposition upon which this
Bill is to be supported is, though not in terms, in substance,
this ; that an urgent, local necessity can be judged of by those
who are at a distance, better than by those who are on the
spot. I ask, whether it can be necessary to do more than state
this proposition, in order to shew its absurdity ? But even this
absurdity is only subsidiary to that other of which we have
been speaking, the notion that the Ship-owners will be heard to
most advantage when the necessities of the West Indies are im.
mediately Under discusSion before the Privy Council. It' is
plain that if you hear the Shin-owners now, yofir whole policy
may be governed by their statements ; you will learn from them'
what they Can do upon proper'encouragement, what means they
possesS if it should be thought fit to bring them into activity,
for meeting the necessities of the plantations. If they can shew
that their means are equal to those necessities, or can be made
so, then this Bill is wholly unnecessary ; if they can do so
only to a partial extent, then the Bill would require modifica-
. dons conformable and commensurate to that extent. It may
be said, no doubt, that:elle prospect of commercial gain may
lead men to promise more than they can perform ; but it is
true, on the other hard, that it must operate as an encourage-
ment to them to do all they can : whereas the passing this Bill, '
-which will put an end at once to all hope of employment, will
slacken their exertions, and diminish their enterprize to such a
degree; that if they-should be called hereafter before the Privy
Council to make their offer to carry on this trade, they must
come there not.only with abated ardour, but with their general
capacity for the purpose considerably impaired ; se that by this
Bill we shall then have lost what 'can never be recovered. But
neither is this the:- extent of the absurdity : Ministers will not
hear now what the Ship-owners have to say upon the general
state of the British-shipping, by the comparison of which, with
the general amount of the demands of the West India Colo-
nies, they might be enabkd to draw their own conclusions as to
the general policy which they ought to adopt. They will exa-
mine the Ship-owners from time to time, on the spur of each
particular necessity. In the name of 00D, what can the Ship_
owners know more than I, or any other Member of this Douse
may know of the state of things in the ,West India Colonies, at
any particular moment, when application is made for relief from
a sudden pressure?- (Jr what probability is there, • that called
upon,_ on a sudden, after years of neglect and depression, they
will be prepared to come forward to meet the necessity of the
moment ? So that now, when you might avail yourselves of
the unbiassed intelligence of these gentlemen, when their pa-
triotism and adventurous spirit might be called into action for
the service of the State, you will have nothing to do with them;
and when that spirit is enfeebled by disuse, or soured by dis.
couragement, and when the points under your inquiry will be
confined simply to the existence or degree of a particular ne-
cessity in thel.Vest Indies, upon which their testimony can be-
good for nothing, then you propose to call them before you for
examination, and to require from them exertions which you
will previously have disabled them from making. But we are
told there is a more simple, as well as a more constitutional
view in which this matter is to be looked at, and this proceed-
ing recommended. It is said " that we have been under the
necessity of subscribing to the repeated violations of a law, and
that it is more prudent, as well as more constitutional, to pro-
vide by legal means for a necessity which we cannot obviate."
Thelobjection to this proposition is that it assumes too much L-for
it assumes that you cannot at any time supply your Colonies :
it is.indeed stated to have been proved by tine practice of thir-
teen years, that we cannot supply our Colonies ; it is stated as a
cheering piece of intelligence to the people of England, that
they cannot supply their Colonies ; it is stated to the Ship-
owners, that they cannot, and shall not, even be-permitted to
try what they can do towards effecting that object. The Hon.
and Learned. Gentleman, the Attorney-General, exults and tri-
umphs in the supposed truth, that we cannot supply our Colo-
nies. I presume the Hon. and Learned Gentleman cannot
mean to say that we ought not to be desirous of so doing if we
bad the power. He cannot mean to deny, in one instance, that
which is the fundamental law. L-f-every country, admitted to be
so in all books and in all writingi of all authors on the law of
'nations; neverknown to be contradicted by any rule adopted
by any nation in the whole history of the world;. namely, that
a nation possessing colonies has a right to reserve to itself the
exclusive trade with such colonies. This is a principle which
it would be at least desirable to have observed . between this
country and the \Vest Indies : whether it can be so or not in
every instance, is the question which is row in agitation; but I
own it was to me matter of some surprize, that the Attorney-
General of Great Britain should appear to think it matter of
triumph and exultation, that the united efforts.of Great Britain
and the British American colonies should not be equal to the
constant necessary. supply of the West India islands. . The
Learned Gentleman, however, seems to imagine that all man-
kind have uniformly acquiesced in his doctrine, for that no en.
demonr has ever been niatle.to prevent this practice of supply-
•ing the wants of the Colonies from America, instead cf supply-
Mg them from Great Britain, and he particu:arly points this
observation at the conduct of my Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Rose)
who, he says, was in office -22 years without making any at-
tempt to alter the practice of suspending the Navigation Laws,
and he especially blames my Right Hon. Friend for not having
made such an attempt towards the conclusion of the late war.—
First, as to the fact. It is well known, though the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman chooses to appear to forget it, that myßight
Hon. Friend (Mr. Rose) was out of office a -considerable time
before the end of the last war, and before-the experiment which
he row recommends to this House, of trying what we may do
by British shipping ::lone, could have been tried. It is worthy
of remark, also, that my Right Hon. Friend, while in office,
during the late war, was in a situation which gave him no
power over measures of this nature, and it is fit that the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman should be informed, that no sooner did
my Right Hon. Friend return to office, and become Vice-Pre-
sident of the Board of Trade (in which situation he has render-
ed his country so much service) than he did take up the consi-
deration of this subject, and before he had been many days
,in
office did make an effort to discontinue the practice which both
he and myself are now opposing. But whatever he did for this.
purpose, the present Bill unquestionably is intended to destroy.
The Honourable and Learned Gentleman is, therefore, incorrect
in his apprehension of the fact, when he supposes my- Right
Honourable Friend to have made no effort, while in power, to
discontinue the practice of thus suspending the navigation laws,
for the enforcing of which he is now an advocate, and therefore
I may without offence infer that all the observations which the
Hon. and Learned Gentleman has made, and all the sarcasms
which he has attempted on that part of the subject, are wholly
unfounded. Something of the same kind the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman insinuated against the Hon. Baronet (Sir C: Price),
one of the Members for the City of London : he was asked
where that Hon. Member was when all these suspensions of the
Navigation Laws took place, and when Bills of Indemnity
were passed for those who advised such suspensions ? This
question can be answered, I believe, on behalf of the worthy
Baronet, as satisfactorily as it has been on that of my Right
Hon. Friend. Surely it is in the recollection of those who are,
or who ought to be, on the bench opposite to me, that that
worthy Baronet did call the attention of the House to the very
subject which the Learned Gentleman has accused him of
neglecting, and did more than once complain of the suspension
of the Navigation Laws; and if I am not misinformed, be, was
prevented only by the promise of the Government itself; to
look seriously into the question, from making it the subject of
a regular motion in this House. All that the Learned Gentle-
man has said, therefore, of the supposed acquiescence of those
who oppose the present Bill, and who support the interests 'of
the Ship-owners, all that part of the reasoning of the Learned
Gentleman falls to the ground, because all'the factsaipon which
his reasoning. is founded are removed from . under him. So
much for the Learned Gentleman's facts. Now f9r the general
.policy which the Learned Gentleman recommends to us. , He
says that rather than violate a law.fregnently, you should enact
another to make that violation legal.' • When .you cannot en-
force an Act of Parliament - in. its . strictness, you should do
what—pass another to amend- and medify\ it ? No, paSs another
that is a direct repeal and :contradiction of it : when a law be-
comes difficult to be enfOrced to its full extent, when it be-
comes inconvenient, or troublesome, or distasteful to Ministers,
what is the :lateral- course of a Government, at least of an om-

nipotent Govertmient, such as this country is at present blessed
with, a Government which abhors detail, which scorns to de..
scend into the little affairs and petty interests of any class of
men ; what but to abrogate it at once, and for that purpose to
bring before Parliament one grand sweeping clause to do the
whole away, without the difficulty- of descending into particu-
lars ? This they are pleased to call the revising the system of
our lakes ; but one way of revising a system is to examine it,
and one way of understanding a thing is to examine it with de-
liberation, and after having so done, the result is what we call
decision : in this case act with as much decision as you please ;
but what I ask of you is, that your decision should not precede
inquiry, but what you do should be the result not of arbitrary
will, but of well-considered information. Bit the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman thinks that the Navigation Laws will be
found inconvenient in some particular instances, or incompa-
tible with the extent of empire which we may enjoy ; but must
these laws be altogether repealed because they may be found
inconvenient in some particulars ? I trust not. Do I mean to
say, therefore, that it is better that our Colonies in the West
Indies should starve than our Navigation Laws should be made
to give way ? Nothing of the kind. I do mean to say, that
there are means of moderating the rigour of these laws, and
that, like any other laws, they may even be suspended in cases
of absolute necessity ; and I say too, that' notwithstanding this
same experience of thirteen years, I am persuaded there are,
or may be, means of supplying the Colonies rrom this country
in a manner nearly, if not entirely; adequate to their- necessi-
ties; and I contend that it would be extremely rash to suspend

an entire system, because in some few instances you find that
it cannot be enforced to its utmost rigour : revise the system, if
you will ; but in that case what I contend is, that you ought
to receive information upon the subject before you proceed
upon your legislative enactments. But it seems the responsi-
bility of these suspensions of the law of navigation is hot to be
abandoned any longer to the Governors of the Islands, but is
to
.be transferred to the great and wise' men at home who con-
stitute his Majesty's present Ministry. Now, I beg the House
to consider of this responsibility. At present the Governors of
the Colonies are left to act according to their discretion upon a
view of local circumstances, of which they have perfect know-
ledge. They are bound to prove that they have acted under
such circumstances with a sound discretion ; and upon this
proof they are indemnified : a rational responsibility, inasmuch
as it attaches to those who have the means of knowing precisely
what they do. The alteration proposed upon this system is, to
take the whole power and discretion out Of the hands of those
who alone can have any knowledge how it ought to be exer-
cised, and whose conduct Parliament is necessarily to review,
(for their conduct is of course brought under the view of Par-
liament the very next Session), and to put it into the hands of
those who can have no knowledge whatever of any of the local
circumstances by which discretion may be guided ; who are
subject indeed to a responsibility, but a responsibility of a very
different nature, one which never can lie enforced except in suet'
momentous cases as may compel Parliament to call great Mi-
nisters of State to an account for high misconduct, a very cum-
brous process, and one which is never resorted to except in ex-
treme cases. I would ask, therefore, is it advisable to take
away the responsibility of those whose conduct must come under
the revision of Parliament every Session, and to fix it upon
those whose conduct you can never examine, without grave
suspicion of criminality ? In fact, upon a subject like this it
would never be examined at all. But as we are speaking of
the discretion to be intrusted to Ministers, let us see how that
discretion has been -already used on this very subject. 'We
find on the 2d of April, while this Bill was only in cot-item-
, plosion, but before it had been mentioned to Parliament his
write
to Secretary of State for the Colonies thinks fit to
to the Governors of the West India Islands, not to exhort them
to take care how they exercise their power, not to, say that-they
will be held to their responsibility if they should in any instance
relax the Navigation Laws unnecessarily ; • but he sends out to
the Governors of the West Indies one general sweeping di-
rection to suspend the Navigation Laws during the present war,
during the whole war, without any qualification whatever ! A I
most unusual, and, I will say, a most unjustifiable exercise of
authority ; and with a confident anticipation of the decisions
-of this House, he adds, that the Ministers will take care that
the usual indemnity shall be provided !—(Hear, hear !)--This
is before the Act of Parliament has passed. The Ministers
assure the Governors of the West Indies they will take care
that Parliament shall pass an Act according to what they-con-
sider " the usage of Parliament" Now Ido say, that no per-
son whatever is- entitled-to write in this manner prospectively of
what Parliament will - do : " an Ad of Parliament shrill pass
according to the usage of Parliament." I should be glad to
know by what usage of Parliament any one of , the King's ser_
vont§ at home can tell the King's servants abroad that Parlia-
ment shall pass ail indemnity for an Act which when ordered
to beslone was against law? I must say that it is a most ex-
traordinary and indecent exercise of Ministerial power. But
have we any better security-for the safety of our Colonies by
shifting the responsibility from the Governors of the islands
to the Ministers at home ? Is it not obvious that the, evil of
the discretionary power must be increased ? I will suppose.
the case of a representation coming over from the West Indies,
in which it should be stated that there was an absolute neces-
sity for a certain immediate supply ; suppose the Ship-owners,
on being heard, were to persuade . Government that they would
supply the wants of the islands, and that Government, yielding
to their suggestions, send out an order to the West•lndies
against opening the ports; suppose that before the supplies could
arrive from hence the inhabitants of the Colonies were starving; I
trust that the rigourof that order would not be obeyed by the Go-;
vernor of any one of the islands in such a case ; but that every:
one of them would consider it as his duty to his Sovereign and
to his country, to disobey it;- but if he adhered to that order he
could not be called to an account, for under the authority of
this Bill there is no discretion left to him. Surely this is put-
ting the Governors in the most painful situation, a situation
unjust in the extreme, at the same time that it exposes the Cos
lonies to unnecessary hazard. So much for future discretion I
and responsibility : at present, I defy you to call any Governor
whatever to account for any the most wanton suspension of the
Navigation Laws. The sweeping authority which the Right
Hon. Secretary of State (Mr. Windham) has sent to the Co-
lonies, provides for the suspension of the whole of the Naviga-
tion Laws during the whole continuance of the war. Such is
the foretaste which Ministers have given us of the use which
they will make of the discretionary power which they require at
our hands. We are now called upon to sanction the Right
Hon. Gentleman's letter by enacting the substance of it into a
law. For one, I cannot consent to do so ; nor can I hesitate in
saying that Ministers ought to take more care than they have
done in this instance that their own acts are right, before they
make them the foundation of any legislative measure. At all
times; and under all circumstances, the multiplying laws unne-
cessarily is a great evil. I think it is not contended on the other
'side of the house, that there is.that urgent practical necessity
for the passing of this Bill, which would make ,you overlook
all other political considerations; what you now propose to
have an Act of Parliament for doing, may be done at any
time without an Act of Parliament, if necessary to be done at
all. If there be no instant and urgent call upon you, it is clear
that you ought not to adopt such a measure without inquiry ;
go into that inquiry you will find the measure unnecessary al-
together : we are not now providing for the urgent and imme-
diate supply of the Islands, that is secure. The principle on
which any permanent provision on so important a subject should
founded, is surely matter fit for the gravest deliberation of
Parliament; and I wouldventute to ask whether, before coming
to a decision on such a subject, it does not become Parliament
to consider the political state of the world, to consider in what
way the adoption of a permanent measure of this kind may
bear upon any points which are; or may be, in discussion be-
tween us and America ; and how tar the Government of Ameri-
ca, or at least considerable parties and leading individuals there,
whose sentiments towards this country are avowedly of the
most hostile nature, may be likely to consider the passing of
this Bill as a concession on the part of this country.—'The
Honourable and Learned Gentleman who spoke last professes
to be acquainted in a peculiar degree with the manner in which
the trade is carried on between America and our West India
Colonies.; He has stated that no articles of any kind but lum-
ber and provisions are imported from America to those Co-
lonies ; but I understand that, in point of fact, other ar-
ticles, such as soap, candles, leather, and other manufac-
tured articles, do find their way from America into the
West Indies ; and if so, if they do now find their way before
the passing of this Bill, they will afterwards find their way
still more ; for this Bill, wnatever prohibitions you may in-
seri in it, will obviously facilitate the intercourse; the ,trqs7
ding, in the first instance, will be general, and you will be
left to take care of your exceptions in each particular instance.
Thus you will be giving to America a very great boon, not
only to the extent which you
.admit, -but much beyond it;
it will be impossible to prevent many things from being done
under colour of this act whiCh -cannot be done at present : and
if you do in fact give.such a boon, it is idle to pretend igno-
rance or indifference about it ; either you mean it, or you do
not--if not, why` pass the bill at all ? Our Colonies can get
what 'they want without it. If you intend to gratify America,
how does she receive it ? as a favour for which she is thankful,
or as a concession which she claims ?—lt is notorious that there
are points of great delicacy in discussion with America. Ido
not wish to give or to ask any opinion upon them ; but I must
ask the Right Hon. Secretary (Mr. Fox) whether he is already
so weary of' the approbation and applause whickhes received
-for his conduct in the dispute with Prussia, that he cannot per-
suade himself to act in the same spirit towards America ? I
know he will tell me, that this act has no direct reference to
America--that America is no party to it. But however that
may be, it is no less true that considerable advantages are af-
forded by it to America ; and that by this measure you may
embarras yourselves in the consideration of any treaty you may
have to enter into with that country. Suppose you should here-
after wish to repeal this bill, at a time when America might be
again, as she is now, -in a state of ferment with regard to this
country, would not they think the repeal of a law so beneficial
to their commerce a measure so injurious, that the continuance
of it may perhaps be made the price at which the friendship of
America is to be purchased ? and they will rior.be Without ar-
guments to sustain their claim Was not the law necessary
to your own convenience," they may say, " and founded on
die experience of 13 or 14 years before it was adopted ? Did
you not, upon deliberation, adopt it as a measure of state-poli-
cy ? Did not we receive it as a measure of conciliation ? Why,
when the same reasons are still in force, should it be disconti-
nued, unless as an indication of hostility to us ?" Such may
be, at some future, and perhaps no distant, time the language
of America. Do ',therefore say, that all concession -is in its
nature necessarily bad ? No, I do not ; but I do say, that con-
cession may be good or bad according to the circumstances of
-the time in which it is made ; and Ido further say, that a
worse moment for this country to make any concession to Ame-
rica could not be chosen. 'What greater sacrifices could any
country, friend or foe, expect from you than this which you
are now about to make to America ? Has France—has even
France, with all the extravagance of her pretensions, ever been
bold enough to ask you to suspend your navigation-laws ? I do
not say that America asks you to do so ; but 1 do say that, in
the situation in which you stand, you ought to take care to be
above even the suspicion of an undue compliance. This mea-
sure, on the face of it, carries the appearance of a concession at
a moment wherein it is your duty to stand upon your rights :
it is at least liable to this construction ; and if you pass it at

' the present moment, it will be so thought of in America.--'
Once again, where is the necessity for this measure ? Cannot
our West India plantations be supplied with every thing they'
want without it ? Will they not be supplied exactly in the
same manner whether this Bill passes or not ? If there is IV
necessity for it, think of the danger there is in passing this Bill
into a law, not only on account of the injury you sustain by the
suspension of your navigation-laws, while that suspension con'
tinues, but also because you will, by such a suspension as this
Bill provides, make it difficult, if not impossible, to revert tv
your former system. It is not denied that it is an evil to sus-
pend the navigation-laws ; but the evil is in some degree un-
avoidable. Be it so—but why aggravate what you cannot al-
together avoid ? Why make that suspension permanent which,
when temporary and occasional, has fully answered every pur-
pose ? You say, you are only doing what has been already
done for many years—that you only mean to do the same thing
in a different manner. You may mean what you will ; but cer-
tainly the effect of your Bill will be to suspend permanently laws
which have hitherto only been suspended temporarily—to take
responsibility from.those who acted from knowledge of the ne-
cessity of each particular case, and rendered an annual account
of each act of discretion--and to place it in the hands of ethers
who already have shewn us what an extravagant use they mean
to make, and how little account they propose to render of it,
who have already anticipated for the whole of the war the ex-
istence of a necessity. which has hitherto been ascertained an-
nually, and never acted upon until ascertained.—And you do
this at a time, and under cirk,-Tistances, which induce inevita-
bly the suspicion that while Jt.. are thus sacrificing the lead-
ing principles of your navigation- system, as well as the inte-•
rests of that class of men, by encouraging - whom you would
encourage the maritime power of the country—you are malting
this sacrifice to a foreign power at present no way favourably
disposed to you, and in whom the appearance of ,concession is
likely to beget an increased spirit of encroachment ;—and all
this you are doing rashly and precipitately, shutting your eyes
against the facts which are offered to be proved to you, and re-
legating the evidence of those best capable of giving you infor-
mation, to a period when it can neither be received with the
same confidence, nor listened to with the same effect—when the
mischief will have been incurred—and ivhen the means of iv.,
medying it will be incalculably diminished. This is the way
in which you are passing this most unnecessary,
' and mischie-
vous Bill ;—these are the pretexts on which you endeavour to
recommend it to this House ;—these are. the dangers to which
it will expose you ;—these are the evils which it will produce.
I think it likely to be fatal to the best interests of the country,
and therefore I shall give it my decided opposition."

FROM THE LONDON GAZETTE, APRIL 6.

This Gazette notifies that his MAJESTY has granted 'his
Royal license to Sir T. F. Fremantle to assume and use the
title of Baron „of Austria, conferred on his father, the late
Vice-Admiral Sir T. Fremantle.

BANKRUPTCIES SUPERSEDED.
J. White, Bletchingley, Surrey, farmer.
• J. Stanstield, Ardwick, Manchester, merchant. •
R. Holmes, Tottenham Court-road, linen-draper.-
BANKRUPTS.
J. Smethurst, sen. and R. Hindle, Torkington,. Cheshire,
calico-printers, to surrender April 23, 24, and May 18, at one,
at the Bridgewater Arms Inn, Manchester. Attornies, Mr.
Edge, Manchester; and Messrs. Milne and Parry, Temple,
London.
W.:Watton, Lichfield, brewer, April 10, at six, 11, and May
18, at .eleven, at the Town-hall, Nuneaton, Warwickshire.
Attornies, Mr. G. Greenway, Attleborough-ball, Nuneaton ;
and Messrs. Constable and Kirk, Symond's Inn, Chancery-
:
S. Miles, Ludgate-street, watch-maker, April 9, at eleven,
20, and May 18, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners. At-
tornies, Mr. A. Rosser and Mr. Jones, Great Ormond-street.
F. Birmingham, Charles-street, City-road, common-brewer,
April 13, 20, and May 10, at twelve, at the Court of Commis-
sioners. Attorney, Mr. S. Miller, Castle-street, Holborn.
-T. Sanders, Stratford-on-Avon, Warwickshire, ,coal-mer-
chant, April 13, 27, .. and May 18, at twelve, at the. Court of
Commissioners, London. Attornies,Messrs.:, Tyrrell and 6"
Gbildhall-yard. •
H. Reynolds, Cheltenham, Gloucestershire, saddler,
.April
10, 22, and May 18, at eleven. at the Ram Inn, Gloucester.
Attornies, Messes. Williams and White, Lincoln's
.Inn ; and
Mr. Lovesay, Cheltenham.
W. Ramsden, Leeds, Yorkshire, victualler, April 22, 23,
and May.lB, at eleven, at the Court House, Leeds. Attornies,
Mr. R. Battye, Chancery-lane, London; and Mr. Hargreaves,
Leeds..
J. Peyton, Skipton, Yorkshire, innkeeper, April 25, at six;
20, and May 18, at eleven, at the Black Horse Hotel, Skipton.
Attornies, Mr. C. Beverley, Garden-court, Temple, London ;
• and Mr. H. Adcock, Skipton.
J. Friend, Bristol, maltster, April 19, 20, and May 18, at
one, at the Commercial Rooms, Bristol. Attornics, Messrs.
King and Lukin, Gray's Inn-square, London ; and Messrs.
Cary and Cross, Bristol.
IV. Hudson, St. • George's-terrace, Bayswater, ship-owner,April 13, May 4, and 18, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners.
Attorney, Mr. Seale, Covent-garden Chambers, Covent-
garden.
J. Westlake, Moretonhampstead, Devonshire, serge-maker,
April 23, 24, and May 18, at eleven, at the Subscription Rooms,
Exeter. .Attornies, Mr. R. Brutton, Broad-street, London;
and Mr. C. Brutton, Exeter.
J. Pitsow, jun. Witham, Essex, miller, April 13, May 4,
and. 18, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners, London. At-
tornies, Mr. Wilson, King's Bench-walk, Temple, London ;
and Mr. Andrew, Coggleshall, Essex.
J. Tomlinson, Bedford Bury, St. Martin's-in-the-Fields,
woollen-draper, April 13, 23, and May 18, at ten, at the Court
of Commissioners. Attornies, Messrs. Nethersole, Barron, and
Nethersole Essex-street, Strand.
W. Weisford, Tower-hill, merchant, April 9, 16, and May
18, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners. Attornies,
Messrs. 'Woodward, Overton, and Coombe, Tokenhouse-yard.
.1. Steele, Liverpool; map-seller, April 16, 20, and May 18,
at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners. Attornies, Messrs.
Smith and Weir, Austin-friars.
W. Tate_, Cateaton-street, bookseller, April 9, 16, and May
18, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners. Attornies,
Messrs. Dickinson and Sadgrove, St. Swithin's-lane, Lom-
bard-street.

[Dividends, &c. to.morrow.]

•
, TO CORRESPONDENTS-
Wc....Arg 'Akita to postpone ManiTus, the Poetical Epistle
from Brighton, written by the late Mrs. ROBINSON, and
other interesting Articles intended for this day, till to-morrow.

PRICE OF STOCKS
THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK, . .
3 per Ccnt. Red nil 5 per Cent. Navy Ann. 1023 i,!i
ex div. - India Bonds 63s 3 per Cent. Cons. pp Excheq. Bills 3 4 pr.
4 per Cent. 95,i3 ex div. Cons. for Ace. 78 79 78 7v

HIGH WATER AT LONDOT
Morning, 0 minutes after 4. I

ST BRIDGE TO-MORROW.
Evening, 24 minutes after 4.

THE SUN.

SOLEPI OUTS DICERE FALSUM AUDEAT

LONDON,
1110.NDAY, APRIL

The rupture of the negociations between
Russia and Turkey is placed beyond a question
by the contents of the French Papers of Thurs-
day and Friday, and as little doubt exists of the
approaching commencement of hostilities. The
Austrian Funds continue to fall, and it is gene-
rally believed that Austria will take an active
part in the war, orders having been transmitted
to her troops in Bohemia and Moravia to join the
armies in the Bannat, and the Buckowine, which
are prepared to enter the Ottoman territory.—
The determination of the Turkish Government
to persevere in her warlike courze is plainly
shewn by the orders despatched to her different
armies immediately after rejecting the Ultimatum,
directing them to march towards those points
near which the Russian forces had assembled.