The Sun.
London, England, 1849-11-12 00:00:00

THE SON, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 12 1849,

of clemency but—of the simplest justice. Relax the
bonds of authority in a re, invent or on board a man •
of-war, and you will soon see the character of the
crew or of the soldiery become degenerated. Evince a
perverse tyranny, a habitual unfairness, or a total
indifference to the merits of the men under command,
and you create all kinds of inducements to insubor-
dination, you foster the evil spirit of mutiny, you
goad many on even to -flagrant acts of violence or
desertion. This was not long since most lamentably
shown by the result of the cruelties of the Commander of
her 11,fajesty's shipailders. The same effect has yet more
recently been witnessed in certain deplorable occur-
rences at 2sTottingham. On the 9th of October, while
troops for a field-day, Lieut.-Colonel
inspecting the
AliTatit issued a peremptory order that the whole
regiment should be confined to barracks for imperfect
grooming of the horses, there to remain in durance
until such time as he, eke commanding officer, should
feel satisfied with their appearance. By this harsh,
abrupt, and most arbitrary" proceeding, innocent and
guilty were alike subjected to a very irksome punish-
ment. The whole regiment, without any discrimina•
tion whatever, between right or wrnng,were treated by
the colonel as offenders. As an instal ce of the shame-
ful and monstrous injustice of the proceeding, it is
only necessary to refer to a single individual out of the
many who were with peculiar hardship rendered ame-
nable for the slovenly grooming of the really culpable.
Private THOMAS HoLasEs (who himself conducted his
own defence before the court-martial, and who did
so, moreover, with the most admirable temper and
the most intelligent circumspection) proved from the
cross-examination of no less a personage than
Lieutenant-Colonel ARTHUR, and of his own com-
manding officer Captain DYSON, that he (HoLuss)
was, on the 9th of October, employed in looking after
the young horses, none of which were on that day's
parade, and that consequently he was punished
for the imperfect grooming of his horses when
his horses were not evea inspected—much less
found to be imperfectly groomed. After remaining
four days patiently under this disgraceful ill- treat-
ment, in a moment (as he himself acknowledges) of
extreme impatience and irritation he " broke from
barracks," as the phrase is, and for that offence is
sentenced by court-martial to 84 days' incarceration !
Now we put it to any rational person if, with all
possible consideration for the necessity of maintaining
discipline, such proceedings as these are not calculated
to breed a spirit of open mutiny and insubordination ?
We are anxious, moreover, to learn from the subse-
quent acts of the authorities at the Horse Guards,
whether,if a PITMAN was deemed unfitted to continue
in the service of his country, an ARTHUR is regarded
as a proper person to continue in his present rank as
colonel of a distinguished regiment.

The Wiener Zeitung, an organ of the Austrian
Government, has in a, laboured article attempted to
justify the atrocious murder of the Hungarian
patriot Count LOUIS BATTHYANY. That sanguinary
and infamous,butchery has, indeed, elicited the marked
condemnaticn of men of all classes and parties
throughout the civilized world. Even those who were
opposed to the gallant Magyars who so gloriously
struggled in defence of their violated nationality,
who justified the invasion on the liberties of that
oppressed and long-suffering nation by the
myrmidons of the Red EMPBELON, and even the
unwarranted intervention of the Russian AUTOCRAT,
had not a word to utter in favour of that most
tyrannical and illegal massacre. No second opinion
was entertained by any save those who participated in
the woman-floggings and the wholesale cold-blooded
slaughters of the hangman B.AYNAU. Even the modern
NERO, callous and hardened as he has proved himself
to be to the sufferings of the heroic people who dared
to dispute the despotic authority of his house and
Government, and to insist upon the maintenance of their
constitutional liberties, could not remain indifferent to
the reproaches and curses which his blood -thirsty
conduct provoked. Hence the elaborate effort to
vindicate this most cruel and infamous act of a cruel
and infamous administration. For among the numee
rous cases of shooting and hanging that have disgusted
Europe, there was not one in which the semblance
, and pretence of justice was so wholly wanting as in
that of the martyred BATTRYANY.
sigiiany tailed. it exhibits, even in a' itiimyei
light, the unmitigated atrocity of the execu-
tioners of that high-minded but unfortunate
nobleman, whose memory will long be enshrined in
the hearts of his countrymen, and of the lovers of
freedom and haters of oppression throughout the
world. The weakness of their cause becomes most
apparent when viewed through the flimsy veil of
sophistry, by which the hireling scribe has en-
deavoured to conceal the worst and the most
distorted features of the heart-sickening trans-
action. The document will speak for itself.
No language that we could utter would
render the failure more conspicuous than a
simple perusal of the futile attempt to justify a crime
of so deep a dye. We should not now refer to it in
any manner were it not that the motive is revealed
that led to the premature and dishonoured—but not
dishonourable—death of the patriot statesman. We
say not dishonourable, for the shame and ignominy
rest upon his accusers and judges, and no death can
be disgraceful that is sustained in the cause of a
bleeding and oppressed nation. It had previously been
a matter of astonishment how Count Barraeasir
had excited so deadly a feeling of animosity
in the mind—we cannot say in the heart, for heart
there is none—of the Austrian. What were the
extraordinary services he rendered in the gallant
but ineffectual struggle for Hungarian independence ?
His whole soul was undoubtedly with his compatriots,
and, if permitted, his life and fortune would have
been freely devoted to the cause. But he was made
a captive when, trusting to the faith of the Austrian,
he went as the envoy and messenger of peace and re-
conciliation. In his person the universally recognised
principle of the sacred character of an ambassador
was violated, a principle which even barbarians and
savages have respected. He was immured in their
dungeons during the most stirring and eventful scenes
of the campaign, and was unable to act on behalf of
his unfortunate country. By no code of laws could
wishes or feelings be rendered punishable ; there
should be some overt acts in support of those desires
before they could be considered criminal. What,
then, was his offence ? It is now stated
in the columns of the Wiener Zeitung.
By his couneele, it is said, the sinews
of war were provided for the contest. "He was
found guilty," says the writer, "of having, by a
treasonable issue of Hungarian bank- notes, created the
' most efficient lever of the rebellion." And he adds,
"this measure bears the stamp of illegality, for it
wanted the consent of the Sovereign, and its
purpose is generally allowed to have been the
giving .Hungary the means of seceding from Austria,"
Here, then, it is shown how potent an instrument in
the regeneration of a nation the much despised rags,
against which the bullionists sneer, might be
rendered. The issue of inconvertible notes, not
based on large deposits of gold or silver—but
resting on the honour and integrity of a people
struggling for their birthright, created the incs*
efficient lever of the movement. It gave Hungary
the " means of seceding from Austria." " Why,
then," as a correspondent of a morning contemporary
has pertinently asked, "when so much can be done
by the issue of an inconvertible paper money, why
should we English be so simple as to adhere to crude
monetary Acts, which every five years create
commercial panics, without affording the least possible
security in another direction ? The inquiry is worthy
of mature and attentive consideration. If all the
expenses of a war can be borne by means of
a paper currency, if the people can make the most
extraordinary exertions by its assistance, why
should we not resort thereto in time of peace ? We
could reclaim our wastes, improve the fertility of
lands already under cultivation, afford full and
remunerative employment to every man able and
willing to work : the real capital of the country
would be brought into active operation. As we have
already explained, there is no want of that capital.
A measure
of value alone is required; and
the bank note that
payment of taxes and wreonudledredbea
legal received
tender,
ma
would answer every beneficial purpose.
be fo rh It
ey
be
asked, what security there would
redemp-
tion of these notes ? We answer, the same securi •
ty
that is now afforded for the interest of the public
debt—the national faith, and all the resources of every