The Sun.
London, England, 1849-08-29 00:00:00

PRUSSIA.

The Independence of Brussels publishes the follow-
ing, dated Berlin, 24th instant :
.‘ Count de Bulow, the Under Secretary of State, has
to-day communicated to the First Chamber the docu-
ments relative to the restricted federation which has
been announced for some days. These documents form
a large folio volume of nearly 80 pages. They contain,
after an introduction, the circular of the 28th of May to
the Government of Germany, the dispatch of the 28th of
April to our Ambassador at the Central Government
relative to the position of Prussia as regards that Go-
vernment and the National Assembly, the protocols of
all the conferences of Berlin from the 17th to the 26th
of May, the final protocol of the 26th of May, the
project of the constitution, the electoral law, the
statute of offensive and defensive alliance, the
declaration of the Saxon Ambassador of the 26th of
May, that of the Envoy of Hanover, of the same date,
the circular relative to the arbitration tribu-
nal at Erfuth, and the memorial explanatory of the
constitution of the 28th of May; such are the contents
of the first volume. The second part of the collection
has a certain historical importance. It contains the ne-
gotiations of M. de Canitz at Vienna before the 26th of
May, the instructions given in that mission to our envoy,
the project of union submitted to Austria, the reply of
Prince Schwartzenburg, and the communication to
Austria of the result of the conferences. The end of
the introduction, which takes the question from the
beginning, recounts what has taken place at Frankfort,
and justifies the policy of Prussia as far as concerns the
Parliament. It says—Baden, Electoral Hesse, Nassau,
Saxe-Weimar,Bernbourg, Brunswick, Saxe-Altenbourg,
and Mecklenbourg-Strelitz, have adhered and ratified
their adhesion. Grand Ducal Hesse, Mecklenbourg-
Schwerin, Saxe-Coborg-Gotha, Meinengen, Olden-
bourg, Schwarzbourg, Rudolstadt, Reuss, Hamburgh,
and Bremen have adhered, subject to ratifica-
tion. Dessau, Costhen, Sonderhausen, Waldeck,
Lippe, Hesse Homboure, and Lubeck have mani-
fested their intention to adhere. Wurtemberg, Ho-
henzollern, Hechingen, Sigmaringen, Lippe Detmold,
Lichtenstein, and Frankfort have not yet declared.
Negotiations are pending with Bavaria. The relations
to be established with Holstein and Lunenbourg have
been reserved for the negotiations of the peace with
Denmark. The Governments who have manifested
their intention to adhere, and those who have not yet
declared on the subject, have been requested to make
known their definitive resolutions within the shortest
possible delay, in order that the council of administra-
tion of the alliance may be in a position to understand
its extent, and to take the necessary measures for the
convocation of the Diet.' What is more important,
perhaps, than the volume of which I now give you the
circum-
stances
substance is the speech of Count de Below, when he
communicated the documents. The .following are its
m tor more
which
necessitatedpoints
he said, The Federal States supposed two conditions—
enrge n ce the
a t Berlin,a
strong executive power, which would maintain order
at home and represent Germany abroad, and a national
Legislative Parliament. The first comprises the com-
ftetrhe detailing A
com-
mand of the army, rejects the directory, and only per-
mits the two great powers to be face to face in the
Federal State. One great power cannot abandon to
another its army and its representation abroad. Here
there is no compromise possible. Austria has its point
of support out of Germany, and she cannot be invested
with the highest dignity of the empire in a purely
German sense. Austria cannot make the German pro-
vinces participate in a Diet of the empire; her unitary
constitution of the 4th March is opposed to it. This is
a fact which we state without making any remark on it.
Prussia alone can take on herself the supremacy. The
question of our presidency is identical with that of the
constitution and with the existence of the Federal
State. That is why we have offered Austria en offen-
sive and defensive alliance. We have not wished to
break aoundcr tho old bonds which united us to that
power. We think, to solve the German question, there
must be first a Federal State and then an alliance with
Austria.' The orator, in quoting the text of Art. 11 of
the Act of the Confederation, and Art. 6, of the Final
Act, proved the legitimacy of the restricted federation,
and added, The presidency of the federation will com-
prehend all the executive power, while the College of
Princes will secure the participation to the legislative
power. Bavaria wishes to transfer the executive power
to the college, and make the presidency a simple instru-
ment. Prussia cannot consent to that proposition. We
cannot sacrifice the conquest of our forefathers for an
institution which will not favour German unity. In the
interest of our power we should reject any organization
which does not grant to Prussia the rights conferred on
her by the project of May 26. The Federel State, if
established, must be so under the presidency of Prussia.
We must now put the question. Yes or no? The Go-
vernments have been invited to make known their defi-
nitive declaration. Then will take place, in as short a
time as possible, the convocation of the Diet of the em-
pire. It may happen, that by this means we shall not
attain the desired object. It is necessary above all
things to show that the Government and people wish
for a Federal State. If our allies now hesitate to follow
us to the end, we shall then have to again ask our-
selves if we ought to make still further sacrifices to an
unrealisable project. We shall have gone beyond our
duty, and we shall have the pain of being obliged
to abandon the solution of the problem to a better
future.' The Chamber listened to the speech in at-
tentive silence, only interrupted by marks of approba-
tion. The galleries were full, as was also the portion
reserved to the diplomatists. It was remarked that when
M. de Bulow left the tribune, M. Camphausen advanced
towards him and shook him heartily by the hand. The
Chamber has fixed for Monday the continuance of the
discussion on the motion of M. Camphausen, which had
been adjourned for the production of documents."
The Spanish General SERRANO has arrived at
Berlin.

The Countess NESSELRODE, wife of the Russian
Prime Minister, died at Salzburgh on the 20th, of
apoplexy.
On the 25th the " May prisoners " were released,
having undergone the three months' imprisonment
to whieh they had been sentenced. Among them
was Dr. WALDECK, brother of the celebrated WAL-
DECK. The prisoners were received at the gates of
the gaol by deputations, who handed them into car-
.

riages prepared for them, and escorted them to their
respective abodes amidst the shouts of the people. The
day was celebrated as a public holiday, and in the
evening a crowd assembled, with the intention of
serenading Dr. IVALDECK, but were d;.,persed by the
military.
The Second Chamber sat on the 25th, and M. DE
RADOWITZ laid before the Members copies of the
papers relating to the German question which had
on the previous day been presented to the first
Chamber by Count BuLow. In the course of his
speech M. RADOWITZ made the following allusions to
Austria :

" It is known to you." said the orator, " through the
note of the 23d of January (this celebrated note signed
by M. de Bulow, which created so great a sensation in
the German political world) that the King's Govern-
mentmawdees erveedryueeeffdotrat
a simple question of submissionto come to an accord with the
i Natonal Assembly of Frankfort—but in vain. The
matter
(to Frankfort). Was it possible for the Government to
submit unconditionally? No, it could not. Had it done
so it would have sacrificed the established relations of
the country and a glorious history without the slightest
compensation. Look at what occurred at Dresden and
Stutgardt, where, instead of a German empire, German
anarchy broke loose. The Government could not possibly
think of its own interests alone, or act according to
what ss as termed the dictates of a bold policy, and profit
by the embarrassment of others. Thiss, would have been
a most Machiavelic proceeding. Consequently Prussia
resolved only to act upon the bases of the free assent and
accord of other governments and national represents.
tions. It proceeded with justice and mature considera-
tion. Its task was most difficult. Whilst some demanded
that Prussia shouldact as the executor of the
merely
Frankfort National Assembly, others required her to re-
turn to the old Confederation. The difficulties were in-
creased partly by the, conduct of Austria towards Ger-
many, partly by the repugnance of certain midland states
to all octroyment (of constitutions), and partly by the
objections raised by many honourable men in our own
country against the union of Prussia to Germany, lest
she should be enfeebled, in lieu of receiving strength
or support from this union. The Government did
not think it advisable to adopt the easiest course
end return to the old system. She held that to be un-
just and unwise. Such a step would have been a
powerful succour to the subversive party. It would
have risked plunging our country in a deadly struggle—
fetal, perhaps, to the monarchy. Nothing remained,
therefore, for Prussia, but to propose an intimate union
to such states and to such national assemblies as chose
freely to unite with her. . • I will spare you the
treaty of the Germanic Confederation. Thirty-three
years of its history are before us. The labours of
the Diet were limited to mere documentary produc-
tions. Not being able to succeed in mediating between
governments and their states (assemblies), they were,
of course, unequal to any positive exertions of their
own. Thus the Diet, at last, fell into general con-
tempt The complaints raised

against the policy of the Government cern, from so
many sides, and are so contradictory that they
mu,t be olas.-i an;: fir. vud before t:i y c b un-
derstood. Some accused Prussia of w,shirg to re-esta-
blish the old Confederation—others, that ale aimed at a
centralized individual creation—others, that she sought
to give precedence to democracy—others, that she wished
to exclude the democratic element—whilst others, again,
declared that she sought for the absorption of Germany
in herself (Prussia). From this any reasonable man
may find a hint for his benefit Most truly
may it be said that the difficulties and complications to
be overcome were so great, that had not the Government li
regarded it as a holy duty to make every effort to satisfy
the cravings of the German people for unity, it would long
since have shrunk back from the impediments thrown in its
way by blindness and egotism. Prussia would lose less
than any other state by prolonged hesitation. (This is
an incontestable fact.] The next thing to be asked is,
shall Germany lose all Austria? This question must
be solved. Two conditions aro requisite to be fulfilled
in regard to this point. First, it is necessary not to
diminish previous convexity by a new intimate union;
and secondly, it is requisite that the new union should
not be of such loose character as to weaken an intimate
federation. One of the main obstacles to a union be.
tween Austria and Germany is generally considered to
be the question of chiefdom. This is incorrect. Prussia
has been most malignantly accused of seeking to circum.
scribe Austria. The conditions put forward by Prussia are
not the result of ambitious views. Austria would not fulfil
her duties as member of a German Federal State;
let the Central Power be invested in a Directory or in a
[That is, alternating power.] Prussia, on
the other hand, has her whole and sole European ex-
istence in Germany. Let us go back into history, and
ask, has Austria ever conducted herself as a true Ger-
man state—has she ever been able so to do? If Austria
could not act otherwise formerly, can she do so now,
when her constitution of the 4th of March renders her
own centralization more absolute? [By this is meant
the declaration of all Austrian states forming one sole
state, without regard to Germanic or other distinctions.]
Thus if the German constitution were to be enacted
after the principle of Austrian policy, the bond
would be too lax ; whereas if Germany were consti-
tuted upon the basis of the intimate union of a federal
state, Austria must be excluded." _ _ _

The following was the conclusion of the speech :
" It only remains to cast a glimpse at the future. Gen-
tlemen, the Government is perfectly aware of its posi-
tion, and alive to the immense difficulties of its task; be
assured it will pursue the fulfilment of its duty to the
very utmost possible extent. Whether the task it has
undertaken will be brought to a successful issue de-
pends—next to Almighty aid—upon the question
whether our efforts are or are not supported by others.
You, gentlemen, will doubtless contribute all in your
power to this mighty consummation. You will bear wit-
ness, also, that it is not Prussia that has sought to ex-
clude Austria from the German Federal State. You will
testify to the immense sacrifices which Prussia, a great
European state, is prepared to make for the interest of
German unity. You know the situation of Prussia upon
the 3d of April, 1849 [the day on which the King re-
jected the Imperial dignity]. Judge, then, if Prussia
merits the accusation of self-willed ambition levelled
against her! No! Prussia is free from selfiA projects.
She fulfils a most serious duty. She will not take--she
will give—give to the grateful as well as to the ungrate-
ful. We will proceed to the work of federation—be it
with few or with many voices. Prussia will insist upon
the maintenance of the rights of the smallest state, but
she also demands the rights for mighty Germany.—
(Immense applause, joined in by the galleries)."