The Sun.
London, England, 1825-01-14 00:00:00

RECOGNITION OF SOUTH AMERICAN INDE.

PENDENCE.

( From the Etoik dated Tuesday.)

IVe must expect to find certain great writers make a great
noise on the determination announced by the British Govern•
ment to conclude commercial treaties with the new Republics of
South America.

The Journal des Debats, which makes every thing the ground
for an attack, says this morning—" The consequences of this
measure are most serious : and it is at this critical moment,
when Ministers have just proposed an indemnity in all respects so
sacred in its character—it is at this moment that they think of the
conversion of rentes, in order to create new means," &c. What
connexion is there between our projets of laws and the English
commercial treaties with the Spanish insurgents ? Let the
Journal des Debits recollect the treaties of commerce with the
Spanish Cortes. What has become of the guarantee for them ?

It is, however, an essential point, which claims the attention
of all reflecting minds, that the measure in question does not
alter the principle of right, and can exercise but a very limited
influence on the fact.

" The interests of our manufacturers and merchants," say
the English journalists, " demand that we should recognize
the Republics of Mexico and Colombia." The answer to this
argument will be found even in the Manifestos published by
the Court of London, when the colonies of North America
began in 1775 to rebel against the mother country. We there
read in every page, that the Sovereign of Great Britain was not
less the King of Pensylvania and Virginia than of the provinces
of York and Northumberland.

They seek to support this decision on the speech to Parlia-
ment, and on diplomatic papers laid on the tables of the two
houses. But in every thing that has been said or written, we
constantly find this admission—that, while opposing herself to
foreign interference in the affairs of Spanish America, the Cabi-
net of it. James's never pretends to contest the full and entire
right which the King of Spain has to employ all means, even
force, to reduce to obedience the revolted colonies.
The right of ligitimate sovereignty over these countries of
the New World is, then, formally recognized as inherent in
the Crown of Spain. To give effect to it, she has had recourse
to conciliatory negociations, and, finally, to arms. This great
struggle is far from being terminated. Who, then, would in-
vest all at once a foreign authority with supremacy so absolute,
that a simple declaration of her part should be sufficient to an-
nihilate all the rights of Spain !
If such confusion be established in the political principle
which govern civilized nations, where would the calculations
of ambition and mercantile cupidity stop ? Europe would see
that disasterous period revive, when a decree, dictated by the
ever-increasing thirst of aggrandisement, announced that such
a Sovereign House had ceased to reign. To-day, for instance,
the English would release the American subjects of Spain from
their oath of fidelity ; to-morrow, Spain might proclaim the
independence of the Asiatic subjects of England !
But such declarations are nothing, so long as they are not
supported by fleets and armies. And can it be supposed that
the royal troops of Spain, who still possess the most beautiful
portion of Peru and Chili, will suddenly retire, struck with
terror, because some English consuls have arrived on the ter-
ritory of the scarcely-formed republics of Mexico and Colom-
bia ? Certainly not. When the sword is drawn, force no longer
regards any thing but force; and England has never dreamed
of employing it to solve this question, the decision of which
cannot be more fatal to any other Power on the globe than to
herself.

(Prom the Etoile, dated Wednesday.)
The Constitutionnel and the Journal des Debats (for we are
destined to find them always together) attempt to draw an argu-
ment against the' presentation of the la* projects before the
Chambers, from the measure which the British Cabinet has
just adopted in negociating treaties with Mexico and Colombia,
as if the King's Government had been taken unawares by this
determination.

We do not pretend that this fact is not important; we lOok
upon it even as serious ; but it is incorrect to represent that it
was unexpected, and that the French Ministry must have been
surprised by it because it was not foreseen.
To refer to the declarations of Great Britain will be a suffi-
cient reply on this point. In the speech of the King of England
on the opening of the Session, his Britannic Majesty made
known his sentiments to Spain and the other Powers; and it is
only necessary to consult the diplomatic documents to be con-
vinced that communications in the same spirit were made by
the English Cabinet previous to the month of March, 11323;
that is to say, before the speech of the King of France, at the
opening of the Chambers, laid it down for the first time as a
principle
.that an indemnity should be granted to the emigrants.
It cannot, therefore, be said that the intentions of England
were unknown to the French Cabinet when the measure of
indemnity was brought forward. Besides, the speeches of the
Earl of Liverpool and Mr. Canning were still more decided in
favour of the acknowledgment of independence than the mea-
sure which the British Cabinet has just adopted.
We ask the journalists who reproach our Ministry for hav-
ing, under those circumstances, introduced the law of indem-
nity into the Chambers, whether they do not think that the
accomplishment of this great measure is not much better cal-
culated to consolidate order, and to strengthen confidence, than
an indemnity announced in prospective? We ask, in fine,
this very cavilling opposition, and even in terms which have
twice proceeded from the throne, whether France will not,
when she has dosed the last wounds of the Revolution, be more
at liberty to direct her views abroad ? Will not the world be
then more certain of finding in every combination of the poli-
tical system the influence of this great and powerful monarchy,
which has paid so dearly for the right of warning all other
states of the globe against violent innovations ?

Certainly, and we have no hesitation in repeating it, Eng-
land, by lending, if not her hand, at least her name, to acce-
lerate the total separation between the Old and the New World,
has taken a very grave step, and one, all the consequences of
which she has probably calculated ; the same as every. Cabinet
in Europe, being; duly apprised of her intentions, has also cal-
culated them beforehand.

But these consequences have a future, not an immediate re-
ference ; and we are bound to say, no power is so much in-
terested as England herself, in preserving, untouched, the
principle of legitimacy—witness Ireland, India, and the West
Indies.

What England has done, therefore, is, as we have already
said, either a commercial or a political act. In a commercial
point of view, the treaties with the new Republics add nothing
to what she already possessed—namely, the greater part of the,
commerce of those countries. We may easily suppose that
she will not pretend to stipulate for exclusive privileges beyond
those of other nations; for, notwithstanding what the Ari-
:torque says, the French Ministry would never give its sanc-
tion to so base an abandonment of its interests and its honour !
Considered in a political point of view, England may be re-
garded as having committed a dangerous act, by the example
which is thus given to her own Colonies—an act, too, which
cannot be really beneficial to the
.Republicans of Colombia but
in proportion as it may be followed by an efficacious interven-
tion, and we perceive that the English Courier strongly dis-
claims all intention of this kind.

What, then, is to be concluded from the conduct of England?
That the enormous interests of private individuals have impe-
riously demanded these treaties. English commerce has al-
ready embarked from four to five hundred millions in loans to
those countries. To that must be added the working of the
mines of Mexico, of Colombia, of La Plata, the pearl fishery of
La Plata ; and we behold a mass of British interests, too im-
portant in every point of view to remain without that protection
which will necessarily grow out of the relations now about to
be established. Has not England, then, committed a fault by
thus placing private interests above public ones I We think so,
and the future will teach England so.
With respect to the reproaches addressed to the French Ca-
binet, why are they not equally cast on the Cabinets of Austria,
of Russia, and of Prussia, whose principles, as well as ours, are
at variance with what England has done ?
If we ask all the daily publicists, those hook politicians,what
they would have France do, they would be much puzzled to
answer. For more than a year the United States have recog-
nized the independence of the new Republics, and yet their
vessels are received in Spanish ports. Do they wish that
Spain and the other Continental Powers had declared war
against the United States ? Let them say so, or cease their de-
clamations

We repeat it, France, Europe, have not been taken by sur-
prise. And while Frenchmen, too forgetful of the glory of their
name, delight to represent France as a stranger to the councils
which regulate the destiny of nations, there is not a country on
the face of the globe where the Monarchy of Louis XIV. has
not regained that eminent rank from which the revolutionists
Alone were able to degrade it.