The Sun.
London, England, 1849-01-12 00:00:00

All letter. addressed to VCillam Grimstone, tierbary, Tilabgata,

1 8 4 9.
" Eighteen Forty-nine will be
A year of great prosp rity !"
Old Prophecy.
MAY prosperity shine in the year '49,
And banish depression and sadness ;
May friends that we meet with rapture now greet,
And smile with a halo of gladness.

A happy New Year —may it quickly appear,
Its advent the public will treasure ;
Let brighter days come to each Englishman's home,
They'll hail them with bursts of real pleasure.
From depression's dark trance, one and all then advance,
Like lIYAM, exert all your duties:
His aim's to surpass—and, at all times he has,
A Stock that is teeming with beauties.
The theme that is runnintr, is—" Good times are coming ;"
They have come at lIYAM'S in earnest;
For though he excels—for " half profits" he sells
The choicest of Clothing that's furnished.
Prepare for good times, in the year '49,
To save, use your utmost endeavour,
And delighted you'll cry, whilst the echoes reply,
The Clothing of HYAM for ever !
LIST OF PRICES.
READ 2 MADE. £ s. d.
Chesterfield Overcoat • from 0 10 0
PAlbert Capes, new style ...• ........ .. 11 0
arisian Sacs... • • ••• • ••
• •• • • 1 5 e
Devoin Driving Ca;:;,
The Improved
anwatee•xrp•te•rao.Oif;e••
assortment:.• •.• : 2l 25 00
Palandran
The Registered Shoetfirtzts •• • • •••••• • • • • ••
0 17 0
Dress C0ata....... n- ••••• • •• • • ••• • •• 016 0
Frock ;; • • " .... • ... 0 19 0
Thibet Vests ••• •••• • • • • ••• • • .... 1 1 0
Black ...... •: • •
0 G
.......... 0 2 0
White Nlarcella, for dress•..::•.; • " ••• '• •• •• • •
Tweed Trousers. ......
Fancy Doe
Black .. - • 0 9 0
•
•
. ..... •
WTunic and Hussar Suits
.... ....
......... . • 1
0 0 10 0
inter Blouses .... • •
4 6
~...... ........ from I 10 0
MADE TO MEASERI. • • • • 0
Superior Paletots
Driving Coats.... •• • • "
• •
Double-milled superfine Overcoats, of ev•• 2 2 0
ery
Dstyle, beautifully made and trimmed.... •
•• • 2 0 0
re55C0at5........... .. ••••• • • • • . from 110 0
Doeskin Trousers, any colour....•••••• ••• • • • 0 15 o
8115 0
ack Dress Do.' .. .• ..• •••••••• • • • • 0 18 0
The most beautiful and• newest design in Tests 0 9 6
eYs' Hussar Suits • • ** •• • 1 1
An
Tunic .• . ••••••• • • • • • • 15 0
stantly o
Innehnasne.variei;•OfM• ..o:irning, Of ...... .desCri.p.tion, kept con-
Hats, p s
A sinc t and Hosiery at proportionately low prices.
) enefit nal will be sufficient to convince any individual of the
he will
from rantecehynpatronising L. HYAM, Proprietor of
, 36, Graceehurch-street, London.
No USinla bap/acted on Saturday until the Evening.

THE BELLS OF ST. BOTOLPH.
A NEW YEAR'S NOTION.
'Twee New Year's Eve —the last of la.t, December— •
Between eleven and twelve, if I remember,
When merily the bells of Aldgate Church,
Told us the year had left us in the lurch ;
In other words, they rung with pleasing din,
The old year out, and then the new year in ;
And beim. rather sleepy at the time,
I closed my eyes and dreamt about the chime.
I fancied I was taken, unawares,
Slap through the gates, and up the steeple stairs;
And having reached the bell loft in the steeple,
Methought the bells could talk like " other people."
Tile treble bell, while up and down it swung,
First in the octave wagged its iron tongue :
" Brethren," said he, " excuse your little brother
In rising first—use understand each other.
I beg to drop a hint which you'll discuss,
'Couching that mart which faces us;
The Warehouse opposite, we know full well,
Like Aldgat, steeple, long has ' borne the bell ;'
And certainly this year before it closes,
Should hear a first-rate peal in praise of MOSES."
" That's right," said Number Two, " we can't do less,
On looking at their quality in
DRESS.
A very wise suggestion, Brother Treble,
And one which we'll adopt without a quibble.
MOSES and SON a merry peal shall hear,
For what they've done in trade the by-gone year.
Ring I Brothers, ring I do justice with your clappers,
To Dress-coats, Frock-coats, Trowsers, Vests, and Wrappers."
" Well done," said Number Three, " you're coining out ;
I quite agree with what you've talked about,
Much might be said in praise of this and that Mart,
But I'm inclined to touch upon
TUE HAT MART.
MOSES in Hats and Caps are truly' eappers,'
And hence we'll advertise them with our clappers."
" Decidedly we will,' said Number F ur,
" 11l lend a hand to publish such a store ;
Nor do I think that any will refuse
•
To ring the changes on
THE BOOTS AND SHOES.
From what we view, on looking from our steeple.
MOSES' prime Shoes are valued by the people."
This was responded to by Number Five,
Who felt assured that MOSES still would thrive.
And in addition hoped they'd nor demur,
In giving one round peal for
MOSES' FUR.
" You need not he afraid," said Number Six,
Our peals of praise shall shake these stones and bricks ;
And, doubtless, we shall all of us agree
In praising MOSES'
FIRST CLASS HOSIERY.
They've sold such famous goods throuehout the year,
That really we are bound to applaud them here.
" MOSES' PRI al: OURFITS,"
Said the last but one,
An equal credit to the Mart have done."
" Well," said the Tenor, " I am pleased to know
That all my brothers value MOSES so.
I quite agree with all of you, and, therefore,
We'll set to work without a why or wherefore."
Then off they went, quite glorying in their theme,
Aad I awoke and found it was a dream.
E. MOSES and SON beg to call the attention of Emigrants to
their low lists of outfits, commencing (inclining every necessary) at
755., lower if required. The liat can be had on application, or sent
post free.
Notice.—A New Department far the sale of Parasols and Chil
Iren's Dresses has been opened at 157, alinories.
E. MOSES and SON invite especial attention to their Shooting-
coats, which possess a peculiar cut and style, adding much comfort
the St. E. M. and 8. are convinced they will be much approved
by the public.
Shooting Coats, in a variety of materials from Bs. 6d. to 21s.
The Doeskin, or Elastic Cost, frem.......... 17s. Od. to 325.
LIST OF PRICES.
'LEAHY MADE.
Autumn and Winter Coats, in all the new styles •• from £0 9 6
Chesterfield and Codrington's, and every description
of Over-coats, handsomely trimmed ••• 1 5 0
The Prenater • • • • • • • •
Bulwer ..... ..... ............. ••••.. • • • • 1 0 0
D'Orsay • • .
Shooting Coats •• • • .•••• • • • • • •••• • • • • 0 8 6
Autumn and Winter Trousers .. • • .... • • .... • • ...... 0 4 6
Doeskin ditto .. • • .... • • .••• • • • 0 12 6
Autumn and Winter Vests ........ •........ •• • • 0 2 0
boys' Hussar and Tunis Snits.. •••• .............. 0 16 6
MADE TO MEASDEE.
Autumn and Winter Coats, in all the newest style ruin .£1 6 0
milled cloth Coat •• • • .... ••.. • ... • •• .. • . 2 2
Tweed Trousers •
Payees' Wrappers •••• • • • . ••• - • • ols 0
New Patent Trousers, in all the approved styles .... .. 0 16 6
Doeskin Trousers •.• ..... •••••• • • .. • ......... 1 2 0
Beet, or Dress ................ • • ...... • • ••• .. 1 6 0
Dress Coats •• • •
Best quality .. •• ..
Best quality .. • • ...... ••.• • • • ....... • • 3 3 0
Cush:nem Test • •• • ...... ............. 0 8 6
Saila, Plain or Fancy ............................ 0 12 0
Hussar and Tunic Suits .. ••..•••• • • • • • • • • •• • • 1 9 0
Mourning to any extent at Five Minutes notice.
A Suit of Clothes complete for 1/. Its.
N.B.—E. MOSES and SON invite especial attention to their pre-
sent Stock of juvenile attire. The designs are elegant and unique,
end the workmanship and materials are such as to command univer-
sal approbation, while at the same time the prices are unusually mo-
derate.
E. MOSES and SON, Tailors, Woollendrapers, Clothiers, Hatters,
Hosiers, Furriers, Boot and Shoemakers, and General Outtitters, for
Ladies and Gentlemen, 154, 155, 156, and 157 Mb:tortes, and 83,
54, 85, and 86 Aldgate, City. London.
Observe.—Any article purchased, ready made, er made to mea-
sure, if not approved of, will be exchanged, or if preferred, the
money returned.
Castinn.—E. Moses and Son regret being obliged to guard the
aublie against impostors, but have learned that the tuttradesmaa-
like falsehood of being connected with them, or it's the same concern,
has been resorted to in many instances, and for obvioas reasons.
They have no connexion with any other house in or out of Leaden;
and t4ose who desire genuine and cheap. clothing, too., should call at,
or sand to, Minories and Aldgate, City, London.
Notice.—No business transacted at this establishment from San.
set Friday, till sunset Saturday, when basins is resumed till twelve
o'clock.

1/1 One Ahalf the Rwerld are desolately desolaltely siAngle, and the o
thEer.
apposing them married, questionably contented. Diffidence, or a
case of right determine the former, and miscalculated hopes evn-
tatter the latter. The solitary one may shield himself under the plea
of caution aud worldly prudence, and the indissoluble, regret un-
awaprosiag. harry ; but tke truth lies deeper. Physical incapacity,
old broken health, are the great hindrances to domestic happiness
and social content. The dowry should net be the only marriage set-
tlement. Honour and justice dereana tkat health shauldferm an item
in the compact; it alone dignities the alliance. Blighted hopes or
•seglect wound snore sorely thus poverty er misfortune. Reader, if
.hese surmises concern you, procure Dr. CULVERWELL'S little
EMOIRS "On Single and Married Life," pub. in 2 vols., Is.
:ads (by post, in stamps, Is. 6d. each). Let no imaginatively
refined, or prudish feeling deter you, by their titles, nor he hindered
oy misinterpretation of their supposed contents, from obtaining
them. They are not intended certainly for mere idle cariosity, but
'er the closet perusal of these mere deeply interested, to whom
they are offered as antagonistic to the empyrical trash put forth on
the above subjects, by unqualified authors, which alone or
ogether, are a disgrace to the age. Furthermore, two other
ittle publications claim your attention (same price Is. each,
by post Is. 6d.) called " What to Eat, Drink, and
Avoid," and " How to be Happy." They are not merely
Pamphlets, but equal in quantity a library volume, nor are they the
mere ephemeral scribblings of the hour, but the study of the author's
Life, whoa owes his present existence, health, and positioa to this ob-
servance of the maxims he would inculcate—to do auto others as he
would be done unto—to live after nature's laws—and to keels always
the " sunny side of the way." The above works may be had of
i, _erwood, 23, Paternoster-row ; Carvalho, 147, Fleet-street • Mann,
; Nalson, 457, West Strand ; or direct (by post or other-
niorr)"out the author (who may be conferred with personally,
00111dn
g 8 "d evenings), 10, Argyll-pleee Regent-street; and all
elleni

LAW INTELLIGENCE.
BAIL COURT, Jan. 11.
(Sittings at Nisi Prius.)
LANE V. CLAIIKX.

Mr. Currie was counsel for the plaintiff, and Mr.
Brown for the defendant.

This was an action upon. an agreement in the following
terms:—" I (the defendant) admit that you have given
me value, as agreed, on my bill on my brother, Sir
Simon Clarke, for 5001., at three months'; and, in con-
sideration that you have discounted the bill, I agree that
if the same be not paid at maturity I will pay you in-
terest upon the amount at and after the rate of 401. per
cent. per annum from the time it shall have been due
until the. date of payment; and, if you sue me thereon, I
authorise Mr. Robson to enter an appearance for me, in
order to obtain a judgment against me in the Court of
Queen's Bench." The plaintiff was an attorney, to
whom this agreement was given; he was in the habit
of discounting bills at the rate of 401. per cent., and
this agreement
i was in his common form. The de-
fendant was n the army, but was now in the
Queen's Prison ; his father was a man of large
wealth in West Indian property; but, in consequence of
the loss of that property, the defendant and his brother
got into difficulties. The bill was discounted by the
plaintiff, but in what manner did not appear. It became
due in September, 1844, and it was dishonoured. On
the 16th of July, 1846, the 5001. was paid, together with
481. 18s. 11d. for interest at 5 per cent. and expenses.
The action was now brought to recover 327/. 18s. 5d.,
being interest at 401. per cent. per annum upon the bill
between the time of its dishonour and payment.
Mr. BROWN, on the part of the defendant, took seve-
ral technical objections, and was addressing the jury
upon the hardship of such a case, when he wasinter-
rupter) by.
Mr. Justice ERLE, who stated that his opinion was
very strong respecting contracts. All persons wore at
liberty to make any contracts they chose, and a party
who had entered into one had no right afterwards to say
that it was a very hard one, and ask a jury to state that
it was a very imprudent thing for any man so to have
contracted. If the defendant had made an agreement
and had broken it, it was not a question for the jury how
much he ought to pay; but it was their duty to give the
401. per cent. per annum which he had agreed the plaintiff
should receive.

T ojun.ryt returned a verdict for the plaintiff for the
full amount.

COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, Jan. 11.
(Sittings in Banco, before Lord Chief Justice WILDE and
Justices MATJLE,
PARTS
TSWEL.LL,OaRn.d WILLIAMS.)
Ex.

Mr. Sergeant BYLES applied on behalf of a married

Mr. Lawrence appeared in support of the bankrupts,
who passed.
IN THE BANKRUPTCY OF JOHN EVANS.
The bankrupt was the proprietor of the Oriental
Hotel, in Vere-street. This was the certificate meeting.
Mr. LAWRANCE supported.
The debts were about 3,0001., the assets a mere trifle.
He bought the Oriental Hotel for 1,1001. about two
years ago, he being then insolvent, and sold it at the
commencement of last year for two-thirds of its cost.
The books were imperfectly kept, and the general aspect
of the trading, in the judgment of the Court, reckless
and imprudent.

The certificate was suspended for 12 months. Pro-
tection withheld for three months.

INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, Jan. 11.
(Before Mr. Commissioner PHILLIPS.)
A THIRTY-ONE YEARS' PRISONER..--.IN RE RICHARD

CAIIDLIN.

In this case an application was made with regard to
the taxation of coats, with the view to facilitate the dis-
charge of this person, who had been in prison for thirty-
one years.
Mr. Commissioner PHILLIPS expressed his astonish-
ment at the long imprisonment, and asked how it had
happened ?
Mr. Lewis (Lewis and Lewis), who appeared for the
prisoner, said there had been a Chancery suit and de-
tainers fir debt.

An attorney named Gray, who appeared on the other
side, said the prisoner had refused to put in his answer.
It was his own fault he had been so long in prison.
It appeared that he was originally in Montgomery
gaol, and in 1831 was committed to the Fleet, and when
that prison was closed, in 1842, removed to the Queen's
Prison. His original commitment was in 1817. Some
years ago a vesting order was made, and an assignee
appointed, on which money was received ; and the
object of the application was to obtaia the funds to pay
the detainers and to get the party out of custody.
Mr. LEWIS mentioned that it was the wish of Captain
Hudson, the Keeper of the Queen's Prison, to get rid of
the prisoner, and nothing could be done with the Chan-
cery proceedings until the detainers for debts were
satisfied. _ _

His HONOUR had no doubt the Keeper wished to get
rid of such a case.
AR arrangement was made between the solicitors to
settle the amount of costs, and the matter stood adjourned.

THIRD FALLING-IN OF A TUNNEL NEAR GUILD-
FORD ON THE GODALIIING BRANCH OF THE SOUTH-
WESTERN RAlLwAY._Yesterday morning, about ten
o'clock, an immense mass of chalk and earth fell in
within a short distance of the spots where the two pre-
vious ones took place, under St. Catherine's Hill, about
half a mile from the town of Guildford, and three miles
and a half from Godalming, by which several of the men
were buried under the same. Fortunately all were ex-
tricated but one poor fellow within an hour after the ac-
cident took place. About six o'clock in the evening the
poor man was extricated, very little hurt but much ex-
hausted. All the men who assisted in removing the
fallen-in earth had a supper and a quart of beer each
man at night.
THE LINENDRAFERS', SILA.MERCERS', LACEMEN'S
HABERDASHERS', AND HOSIERS', INSTITUTION.—This
institution, which bas been established sixteen years, for
the relief of such persons engaged in any of the trades
as may be elected members, held its annual ball last
night at Willis's Rooms. Upwards of 400 persons as-
sembled, and expressed perfect satisfaction with the
arrangements of the stewards, who had secured the effi-
cient services of the proprietors of the rooms for the
refreshments. Mr. Adams appeared as leader of the
band, and Mr. Corrie resumed his office of master of the
aoremnies.

In The Sun of yesterday we gave a full report of the
proceedings at the Great Financial Referm Meeting held
in the Free Trade Hall, Manchester, an Wednesday
evening, to the conclusion of Mr. Cobden's speech, and
a condensed summary of the remainder of the proceed•
Tugs. We now give a full report of what took place
after the conclusion of Mr. Cobden's speech.
ALEXANDER HENRY, Esq., M.P., seconded the reso-
lution. He said —I have great pleasure in seconding the
resolution which has been proposed. My experience in
Parliament has given me some insight into the workings
of the parties who have hitherto had the rule in that
House. I was placed, unfortunately, upon a Com-
mittee called a Committee for miscellaneous expen-
diture, and sat upon that Committee, with other
gentlemen, for the weary period of five months,
and, finally, we produced a miserable abortion of
a blue-book. When first upon that Committee, I
inquired who were to be my colleagues, and was
assured that it was an honour for me to have been
requested to become one of its members. The proceed-
ings of that Committee are before the public in the blue-
book to which I have referred; and to show how little
was to be expected from its members, I will read the
names of those who were placed upon it by the Govern-
ment. They were Mr. Ellis, Mr. Vernon Smith, Earl
Lincoln, Mr. Henry, Sir George Clerk, Mr. Rice, Mr.
Stafford, Dr. Bowring, Mr. Parker, and others, in all
fifteen members; and at our second meeting I saw there
was no use in going on with the Committee, and proposed
to the chairman that I should ask permission of the
House to withdraw, for whenever it came to the voting
of any large amount of expenditure, Dr. Bowring and
myself were outnumbered, and it became exceeding dis-
heartening to be upon the Committee, though nothing
better could be expected when the two Members for
Dover, where a large amount of expenditure was to be
laid out for harbours of refuge, were sitting upon it.
Mr. Henry concluded by saying that the pressure from
without must be applied, if they wished to effect the
reforms proposed by Mr. Cobden in the next Parlia-
ment.— (Loud cheers.)
Mr. Gensioen M.P., rejoiced to see the movement they
were setting on foot inaugurated by such a meeting as
the present, which he knew would have an influence far
beyond the sphere of the locality in which it was held.
A political movement should never be originated with-
out an earnest desire of carrying out the objects in
view, not for mere party or personal objects. He had
now represented Manchester for seven years, and he felt
that his constituents had a right to the full expression of
his political sentiments. When he addressed them last
year, he was an official of the present Government; he
now stood before them an independent Member of Par-
liament. He hoped that by making that change ho had
not forfeited any of that confidence of which the people of
Manchester had given him repeated proofs. He was
not insensible, it would be affectation to say so, to the
personal distinctions which office conferred ; he only
estimated at a higher value the confidence of the electors
of Manchester.—(Cheers.) The opinions he was sent
to Parliament to support, were also in accordance with
the honest convictions of his own mind. He found that
his connexion with the present Government would pre-
vent him from supporting those political opinions which
he had been sent to Parliament to support. Burke said,
" War with the world, peace with our constituents." He
(Mr. Gibson) did not go that length, but he said peace
with our constituents when the opinions they profess are
in accordance with our own conscientious conviction.
He could not give that assembly a very satisfactory ac-
count of the proceedings of the last session of; Parlia-
ment; they passed 133 Acts of Parliament, but
amongst them only one solitary measure for the
advancement of those principles of commercial
freedom, and the trade of the country at large,
in which Manchester was so deeply interested. He
referred to the abolition of the duty on copper
ore, but in sugar they had made a retrograde step. It
was said there was a reaction against free trade, but he
would ask them if they were not determined to uphold
the principles of free trade with respect to corn, as well
as other articles? There was a letter in that day's
Morning Chronicle from Mr. Young, who had distin-
guished himself by his advocacy of the navigation-laws.
lie did not call upon the free-traders to retrace their
steps, but wished them to pause in their career. This
would be the greatest injustice, especially to the agricul-
tural community, whose interests Mr. Cobden had so
ably advocated. Why pause in our career? We had
exposed the agricultural community to the disadvantage !
of competition with foreign powers—were they to be re-
fused the same advantages of free trade which wo ex-
tended to all other classes? Mr. Cobden promised the
farmers the repeal of the malt-tax, and a reduction, in all,
of 10,000,0001. from the amount of our taxation, in-
cluding the hop duty, and a variety of other burthens. The
honest agriculturist, who had been taught by such high
authorities to look up to Mr. Cobden and respect his
advice, would begin to think he might as well try that
statesman with a bill of fare so tempting.—(Loud cheers.)
With respect to the extension of the probate and legacy
duties to real property, ho gave it his most cordial sup-
port; no thing was more likely to create misconceptions
between a Government and its subjects, or to lead to
bitterer discontents amongst the different classes of
society, than the idea that any particular class was
favoured at the expense of others. Any one who looked
at the great burdens imposed in the shape of local taxes
would say that the amount of general taxation ought to
be as small as possible. There were, under the head of
local taxes, the poor-rates, the church-rates, the tolls, the
fees levied by the various officers in the administration of
justice, the port dues, the navigation dues, the lighthouse
dues, and others; add these together, and 3 ou had a total
sum, accordiig to the report of the Local Tax-Committee
of 1831, of no less than 12,000,000/. The local taxation
of this country was equal to the whole expenditure for
defence and civil government of some of the greatest
countries of Europe.—(Hear, hear.) Again, it behoved
them to examine that system of policy which required
them to keep large amounts of force in every quarter of
the world. He distrusted altogether the principle of
what was called an armed peace, believing that instead
of preventing war, it provoked to war. Why should we
have twenty-five ships of war cruising in the Mediter-
ranean, for no other purpose than to keep the Euro•
pean powers in a fever? Might not the United States
as well keep a large fleet in the British Channel,
for they had a much larger and more valuable
trade with our ports on that sea than we had in the Me-
diterranean?—(Hear, hear.) With regard to Ireland,
he thought that by adopting a policy based upon the
reconciliation of classes, the necessity of maintaining a
large part of the force at present maintained would be
avoided. He looked upon the endowment of the Church
of Ireland as a gross misapplication of the public
money.---(Cheers.) He would not endow the Roman
Catholic clergy—he would have religious equality in that
country, as far as religious opinions were concerned;
but it was his firm belief that they would never find
Ireland what it was, unless they put down the Protestant
Church, and applied its funds to the general purposes of
the civil government of that country .—(Hear.) With
reference to the aspect of foreign relations, our security
was increasing, the influence of the peace principle was
increasing, and whilst that was the case, it was merely
absurd to be augmenting our military establishments.—
(Cheers.) Tho Hon. Gentleman having declared that
he gave his warm support to Mr. Hume's plan of re-
form, concluded by moving the following resolution:—
" That although a combined effort throughout the
country may and will succeed in effecting a largo re-
duction of the public burdens, yet experience shows that
economy will not become the root of government, nor
the necessity for continued agitation be removed, until
the tax-payers obtain a more direct and complete control
over tho House of Commons by the amendment of our
system of representation."
W. RAWSON, Esq., seconded the resolution, which,
like the former one, was carried unanimously, and amidst
much cheering.
JOHN BRIGHT, Esq., M.P., came forward, and was re-
ceived with a burst of enthusiastic cheers. When silence
had been obtained, the Hon. Gentleman spoke as fol-
lows:—Although we meet so many thousands strong in
this hall, I am not mistaken in supposing that there are
numbers of persons out of doors who will not agree with
the objects which we are met here to advocate, and with
the arguments that have been to-night brought forward.
And I suspect that in that mysterious and somewhat
sacred district, generally known by the name of " The
West-end," our opponents will not be few.—(Hear,
hear.) They have asked already why we meet? and
after the meeting they will ask, where is the justifica-
tion for the course which we have taken? I would ask
them to come here, and to look upon this meeting, and
the men who say that we are here without as object and
without an earnest purpose must be wholly unaccus-
tomed to the character of Englishmen and to the intelli-
gence which reigns in these northern districts.—(llear.)
I find a justification for this meeting in every part of
this empire—(Hear, hear)—and in every department of
its Government.—(Hear.) find that 60 millions of
taxes are annually expended—not a little of it squan-
dered—by a Government which is not truly and honestly,
or directly, responsible to the payers of the taxes.—
(Hear, hear.) I find, too, that these 60 millions of taxes
are levied by this, to a large extent, irresponsible power;
and being levied by such a party, I find, what I might
naturally expect, that this largo sum is levied most un-
equally and unfairly.—(Hear, and applause.) My
Hon, Friend who has just preceded me alluded to one
paint where this gross inequality was apparent. He did
not give you the figures to show how great was the bur-
den laid upon one description of property—how extra-
ordinary the exemption which was permitted to another.
—(Hear, hear.) That tax upon the property which
your fathers left, arid which you will leave, h4a9s.
, and
imposed from the year 1799 to the year
bylS the ass
habitants that time the personal property
habitants of the United Kingdom, hasiljeesitid
into the
than 75 millions of pounds _
eterv:thile nut less
of that
public exchequer; and during th
time the real freehold property has
(shame.) But
.2een altogether
exempted from this onerous bu
ed with this which during
there is another point n
the next session, I believe, will come under some revs
upon stamps.—(Hear, bear.)
sion. That is,
I will give you the duties
with respect to them; for, I be-
in the whole range of our taxa-
lieve, there is not
wicked unjust than the system upon
taxa-
tion more
web 00 taxes upon stamps Wore been arranged,—

(Hear, hear.) If any man here wishes to apprentice his
son to a profession where the apprentice fee should
amount to the sum of 4001.—and there are many such—
there are many medical men who receive as large a fee
as this—the tax upon that indenture of apprenticeship
is not less than 25/.; and you may settle for generations
the largest amount of landed property which the eye
can look over, and you would not pay for a stamp larger
than 251.—(Hear, hear, and cries of " Oh!") If you
settle property of 20,0001. value or upwards, you pay
a stamp of 25/.; but if you sell a property in land of
the value of 20,000/., a stamp is paid of 2401.; the object
being to favour all that scheme of settlement which in
this country is productive of so much evil, and to dis-
countenance that distribution of the land, without which
no people can be permanently prosperous and contented.
—(Applause.) But, in addition to this, this irresponsi-
ble Government has had, as we know, who are accus-
tomed to meet here, thirty-tour years of corn-law.—
(Hear, hear.) And in addition to this, they have intro-
duced a system of indirect taxation, by which they
throw the chief burdens of the state upon that portion
of the people who have the smallest amount of property,
and who by right are least entitled to be called upon to
defray the expenses of the state.—(llear.) Well, now,
survey this empire. Canada has been already touched
upon. That insurrection would never have taken place
to which allusion has been made, had the people of Eng-
land been fairly represented in Parliament, for imme-
diately after the insurrection everything was granted to
the Canadians which they had asked for before the
insurrection.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Go
across the ocean, and come to the Cape of Good
Hope; there we find an innocent warfare, and within
the last three years we have been called upon to pay
a larger sum than the actual value of the whole fee sim-
ple of all the property which is beneath the British scep-
tre in the southern part of the continent of Africa. Go
to the island of Ceylon, to which, I believe, a lord of the
bedchamber was some time ago appointed Governor.—
(Laughter.) He has succeeded in getting up an insur-
rection there.—(Hear, hear, and renewed laughter.)
And this very session, in all probability, or in the next,
wo shall have a sum in the votes for extra expenses in
"putting down" this disturbance in Ceylon.—(Hear.)
India has been spoken of; and I shall be forgiven for
saying a word or two upon that subject, for I sat many
months last session on a Committee to inquire into the
reason why we cannot have cotton from India. I then
found that India had no roads; that Lancashire pro-
bably has more metalled roads than are to bo found in
the whole continent of India.—(Hear, hear.) I found
that its population was prostrated and degraded; that
capital was almost entirely unknown; that there was
neither spirit, nor enterprise, nor industry, nor hope, in
scarcely all the one hundred millions of the people who
therein are acknowledged as the subjects of the British
Crown.—(Hear, hear, and applause.) But I find,
besides that, that those old women who sit in Leaden-
hall-street—(Laughter)—and let me tell you, if I have
not mentioned it before, that the people of India, so
many thousand miles away from us, have a very great
dread of the government in Leadenhall-street, and—l
speak it on the authority of Colonel Thompson, who is
well acquainted with Indian affairs—they believe the In-
dian Government—the Hon. East India Company—is
some indefinable company, some mysterious old woman,
who rules that great continent. But I find that the
Leadenhall-street Government takes more than twenty
millions of taxes annually from the people of India.—
(Hear, hear, and " Shame.") And I have it upon the
authority of one of their own directors,;,before that Com-
mittee, that during the last 14 years, in which time their
, taxes have amounted to the enormous sum of 280
millions of pounds sterling, he could not show that
they had expended more than one million and a
halt in any of those internal improvements—roads,
bridges, canals for irrigation, and tanks for irrigation,
which are absolutely necessary for India, and which
cannot there be founded by any other means but
through the superintendence and provision of the Go-
vernment.—(Hear, hear, and applause.) But we come
nearer home. Ireland has also been mentioned. We
have not an idea of what Ireland is. We don't know its
state. Ireland has, for the last two years, been a land
of starvation and death. Half a million of our country-
men—those whom we call brethren and sisters—those
who are, or ought to be, one with us in everything that
is good and forward—half a million of these have died
in the workhouses, in the hovels, by the roadsides, un-
pitied and unheard of, in the ditches of that island.—
(Hear, hear, and " Shame.") They tell us of the insur-
rection in Paris, and of the three thousand- people that
were slaughtered in the June emeute—they tell us of
what is doing at Rome and Vienna; that one man
was assassinated in Rome, and another gibbeted in
Vienna ; and the columns of all your morning
papers—no, not all of them, for there are two, the
Daily News and the Morning Advertiser, that have told
the truth—but in the columns of the morning papers,
and of all the papers of tho faction, you find all these
horrors related at length and with a minuteness—l will
not say a fidelity—but with a minuteness which is dis-
gusting; and then we talk as if we were better than our
neighbours, whilst in one year have died in Ireland of
starvation—and starvation which I believe can be traced
to the Government of this country—(Great cheers)—a
larger number of human beings than ever fell in any war
in which this warlike country has been engaged.—
(Hear, hear.) Half a million starved to death or dying
of fever! Half a million! If uprooted by the pressure
of necessity and crossing the ocean, found in a burning
ship, or tempting the channel and suffocated in a steamer.
—(Hear, hear, and applause.) It is as if the misfor-
tunes of that land were never at an end. I do not say
that there are not Irishmen to blame.—(hear, hear.)
But it is not so much the poor of Ireland that are so
much to blame as the nominally rich; and whatever blame
be showered upon them, the oligarchical Government of
this country, which has governed for the nominally rich in
Ireland, can never but plead guilty of the calamities
which have taken place in that afflicted land.—(Great
applause.) Why, everything 'there appears idleness.
There is ruin to property there are disasters
abundant to our own country and district from the course
which affairs aro pursuing in that country.—(Hear,
hear.) But go to the propertied class in Ireland and
examine their condition. They don't pay assessed taxes
as you pay them. They don't pay the income-tax as we
pay it, when we have any income, and some of us when
we have none.—(Laughter.) It is only just now that
they have begun to pay poor's-rate, and yet this nomi-
nally rich class requires, for its safety and security in
that country, 50,000 armed men, paid at the expense
chiefly of the people of England.— (Hear, hear.) I agree
with my Hon. Colleague entirely in the view which he
has taken of that Irish Protestant Church.—(Great ap-
plause.) I believe that on the whole page of universal
history, you cannot put your finger upon so flagrant a
violation of common sense and common right as exists in
that church.—(Hear, hear, end applause.) Why, what
was it for? To convert the Catholics.—(Laughter.) It
has not converted the Catholics, and, what is more, it
has made it utterly impossible for anybody else to con-
vert them,—(Renewed applause.) Why, Protestantism
has gone to the Catholics, not with that benign
aspect which Christianity should always wear ; but,
ghastly-headed, it has made Protestantism a bye-
word and a horror to the people it was intended to
convert.—(Great cheering,) It is to maintain that
Church and the privileges of the landowners, the pro-
prietors of Ireland, who hold vast estates when they
are ruined men; it is for this, and this alone, that 50,000
men, armed men, are kept there at the expense of the
tax-paying people of Great Britain.—(Cheers.) But we
don't need to go so far off as Ireland. Look at our own
land. We have here not a little discontent. We have
here periodical attempts at insurrection.—(Hear, hear.)
And the few foolish and violent men that make these
attempts would not themselves be emboldened to try the
desperate hazard, if they did not believe that there was a
large amount of sympathy for them, if there was not
actual oppression and wrong.—(Hear, hear.) Oh! look-
ing over this last year, 1848, we see the tricks of the
ruling party, and we see the solidity of the character of
the people of this country. Do you recollect the 10th of
April ?—(Laughter.) The Ist of April should have been
the day .—(Roars of laughter and applause.) Have you
read the reports of Sir George Grey's speech in the
House of Commons? You should have seen him speak
it. Why, heaven and earth were coming together.
There never was such a panic.—(Hear, hear, and laugh-
ter.) I don't know what they thought these Chartists
were. The sea serpent was nothing to them.—(Laugh-
ter.) The newspapers of the faction wrote up this de-
monstration as something exceedingly formidable.
They knew what they were to do. They had it
from quarters which I need not name. And then,
having excited the alarm of the people to the utmost
possible extent, the moment it was over, they came down
upon these poor unfortunate Chartists, as being the most
contemptible set of rascals that ever took it into their
heads to attempt a re volution.—(Laughter, and applause.)
I pitied the people who were getting up the meeting,
while these articles were being written. I pitied them
more after the meeting had taken place; but chat
that my heart the policy of a party, of a rult,y, la"
that could raise that alarm, for this only p_uursiane tehil
they might make broadcloth afraid of I
cheering.) I do not believe now, at
tiler,
broadcloth would side with the aristectLaitsicti_mpa:,tyth.
Lhe)ur(el
of the working
were 100 men in this country 0
sit -gea the possibility of
or COUCCIVC •
classes, who meditated
which were imputed to 1
than we do who live surrounded Don't believe it. Nobody
Renewed cheers.)
practising any of those fe
aorcgioeusroaasn
sdosdor
featdhf
eul
wd,oe
rski
people.—(
eoundecdoubld
not for their love of order, why,
if it was
them; and
no special constable pewee,
knows more of them
aer'sx such
_ circumstances(Lou
i e
hee
cheers.)
no military P
preserve orderhave re-
centlyexpose • • Yell, then,
this country, and over
looking over this empire, and
the doper
(lie
a r,
departments of the Government, I
hilern,) But I am driven to an unpleasant conclu-
sion along with it, and that is, that the Government of
this country, as now constituted, is wholly incapable of
effecting those reforms.—(Hear, hear, and applause.)
Incapable, in the first place from will,
will, and incapable from the circumstances
or
nt the want
hlehiof
it
i s
placed. Look at your House of Lords ! The House of
Lords does not look a very likely body for effecting very
successful reforms.—(Laughter, and cries of " No.") It
has generally been notorious for opposing them to the
very last point that opposition was safe ; and about six-
teen
years ago it opposed them so long that the people
began to make them very unsafe. But if you look at the
house Of COIZIUIOIIS--wktiCh by the theory of the

'lnstitution is " •u/* House," you find there iil
/
t very much difference between them. The great
Ijority of the Members of that House reissue's'
.her very small sections of the people, or are returned
under circumstances which have made it impossible
that the electors should exercise a free choice in
their election.—(Hear, hear.) Now, I will give you one
or two facts. There are 22 boroughs represented in
the House of Commons, which send 42 members, and
the whole copulation of these 22 boroughs is 100,000
people. There aro other 20 boroughs that send 42
members also, and their population is 3,750,000.--(" Oh,
oh," and cries of " Shame.") Here is another fact.
There are 42 boroughs which you will find put down in
" Dodd's Parliamentary Register " as being under the
influence and patronage of the nobility or gentry. These
return 69 members, and the whole population is 370,000
There are 36 other boroughs returning 69 members
also, whose population is five millions .—(Hear, hear.)
I will just read the names of them, and you will recog-
nise them all. A man does not want a microscope to
find out London, Liverpool, Leeds. Now all those places
that I have mentioned, being 36 boroughs, having a
population of five millions, send their 62 members to the
House of Commons; and 42 boroughs, having a popula-
tion of 370,000, send also 69 members, who meet
them in power and number.—(Shame.) Take another
point. The metropolis, London, with all its boroughs,
has two millions of inhabitants, and it sends sixteen
members to Parliament; while eight small boroughs,
such as Bridgnorth, the names of some of which have
never been heard, send also sixteen members; and in-
stead of two millions of population, how many do yon
think they have? Why, they have 40,000.—(0h, oh.)
The metropolis increases every year by about the num-
berroeu pr r oeofsp',4pnoot,
opponents
nobt
s,y wttpehbol i
these
hueul
us that
ii
txoehtqnse.uet anpl v
vr tmooepel
elmt,rhhtbeyee
rrwses
h. h_iosoul(elalld population
tt.
sented, and not
that, which is a very ugly fact too.--(Laughter.) Buck-
inghamshire, for instance, has eleven members, and
is rated at 174,0001. Lancashire has. twenty-six mem-
bers, rather more than double, and is rated at 5,266,0001.
Now, Sussex and the West Riding of Yorkshire
have the same number, eighteen. Sussex is rated at
1,100,000/. and the West Riding of Yorkshire at
3,300,000/. Well, now, I think nobody will say that
sort of arrangement is a fair idea of a representative
system.—(Hear, hear.) If they were to attempt to set
it up on the continent, in some of those countries where
a representative system is about to be established, it
would be scouted as little better than the system which
they have just overthrown. But there is another point.
You have heard of the Cabinet, that mysterious thirteen
or fourteen gentlemen who always know the secrets
everybody else wishes to know, and many cannot get to
know.—(Laughter.) If we had a fair representation in
the House of Commons, and a fair Cabinet representing
the House of Commons, our own class—that is, the
trading class—would assuredly be found in the Cabinet.
But who are there ? There are fourteen of them, and
you will see how many of them are connected with the
trade and manufactures of this country. There is Lord
Cottenham, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Earl Minto, Earl
Grey, Lord Campbell, the Marquis of Clanricarde, the
Earl of Carlisle, and until the other day when he was
removed by death, the Earl of Auckland, whose place
is filled up by a Member of the House of Lords. Ii
addition to these eight Peers there are two Lords—Lord
John Russell and Lord Palmerston ; so that, out of the
fourteen, ten aro Lords. Then there are Sir Charles
Wood, Sir George Grey, Sir John Cam Hobhouse, and
Mr. Labouchere ; the two former being connected either
by relationship or marriage • Sir John Cam Hobhouse
is son-in-law to a Peer ; and Mr. Labouchere is son-in-
law, or brother-in-law, or both, to a Peer. I am not
'making any charge against these men. These men are
admirable men in many respects, but I don't think they
make an admirable Government. But they are very ex-
cellent men in many respects. I say that a Government
—a Cabinet, whether composed of eight Peers, two ad-
ditional Lords, and four Barons—l say these fourteen
men do not and cannot represent truly and fairly, and
without bias, the great commercial and industrious in-
terests of this great country.—(Cheers.) I imagine
them sitting at the council table and questions being
I discussed such as we are discussing to-night. Why,
they have got half-a-dozen friends and relatives nursed
1 up with this great taxation and expenditure, and the
families would disagree if they advocated to a small ex-
tent the principles advocated in this hall. Yeu cannot
pretend to have a real representation, or that you are
governed by laws emanating from the people so long as
fourteen members of the Cabinet are chosen entirely
from one class in the community.—(Cheers.) To what
conclusion do we come ? That Government is in a dead
lock, and cannot carry out the very reform which some
of the members would wish to be carried out. They
have not the power, and many not the will. They want
that amongst them which has enabled them or other
men to carry out reform in past time. They want the
assistance of a popular and democratic element, and
without that I defy them to move in the direction which
we require.—(Cheers.) The democratic element repealed
the Test Act, emancipated the Catholics, carried the Re-
form Bill, renovated the municipal eorporations,abolished
slavery, mitigated the criminal code, and repealed the
corn-laws.—(Loud cheers.) And unless that element
is again roused throughout the country, infused into
the Government, and united with the Government,
it is impossible that the interests and opinions
of the people of this country cau have a fair
discussion and deliberation amongst the members of
the Cabinet. Well, now, how are we to get this popu-
lar element into the Government and the House of Com-
mons? Why, by the union of all popular, all the de-
mocratic, all honest reform influence which exists
throughout the country.—(Cheers.) And how are we
to get this union? By pursuing the same plan with re-
spect to the registering of votes that we pursued in the
Anti-Corn-law League.—(Cheers.) We can attend to
the registration and qualification of electors ; we can
s.ee that in boroughs everything is done as far as the
law will permit, and in counties the number of electors
can be doubled, and in many cases quadrupled, and the
power transferred to the people.—(Great applause.)
My object in rising to-night is to propose a resolution,
which will have the effect of initiating something which
shall carry this out, and although it is so late, I am
sure I shall have, for a few moments, the attention of
this audience, that I may explain it somewhat.—(Cheers,
and cries of " Go on.") We propose to request that
our chairman—it could not be in better bands, and I
doubt whether it could be in as good hands—(Ap •
plause)—that our chairman shall take the necessary
steps for the formation of an association, which shall
have for its express and sole object the attention to the
1 registers or voters in boroughs or counties; and the ex-
tension of the 40s. freehold in all those populous counties
where the people can, if they will, obtain the electoral
power within their own hands.—(Bravo.) I will not go
into the particulars of that movement. You know what
the 40s. freeholders are. You know that the question
of the validity of those freeholds, and of the propriety
of making them, was tried in the Court of Common
Pleas, and that that able justice, whose character, I be-
lieve, stands untarnished for honesty in the performance
of his public duty—l mean Chief Justice Tindal—de-
clared that it was meritorious for the people thus to add
to the register, and that it was the special object of the
Reform Act that the number of electors should be
increased.—(Cheers.) Well, then, we are not going
to make a violent agitation. This is not at all
necessary. We are going to recommend all the
wi c
bh i c tbh i
tsb
ecounty
int
countiesw.bicb
wenow
in Engisatnandd thous do
don©; onteh;a tthwa that
Riding has done to a considerable extent; that which the
people of Birmingham, Coventry, and Norwich are doing
now.—(Hear, hear.) We intend to invite, so far as the
constituencies will co-operate with us—to invite all the
constituencies in all the counties to a constant and unia-
termitting attention to their register. We intend to
point out to them how the people of these large towns,
if they would only make a judicious and patriotic invest-
ment of 501. a piece, or in many cases of half that sum,
how they might become qualified to give a vote along
with the greatest farmers or landowners in the country.
Now, let us recollect one thing, that we ;get nothing for
asking.—(Hear, hear.) We get everything for doing.—
(Loud cheers.) We have asked Parliament long enough.
We are going to ask them again. But they will listen
to us infinitely more if they see coming up behind 11s
s
thousands and scores of thousaniedobilocooefdtnoreuawlply enfranchised
voters, by the purchase of 40e. freeholds. When a..
of those fifty men who voted for economy and reform
last session; when any of those men
the House of Commons; when they
vote;
voices
they express an opinion upon a question,
ill be more
will be more listened to, their arguments
will more
cogent, their patriotism and good sensei
known that they
ap-
parent, and more acknowlenged,
ornollo.—ur(eHsceuart:
ifitthe co-operation of
have behind the sympathies and 5
of thousands who
millions, and the united exertions speak in
owe look for
weapons of
hear.) We discard violence
no
Teton for that which defiles
have placed themselves upon
war in our hands. There
hear.) Not
the page of history; but
this country from a very different
cheons. We hoafve_nhr'lueetadrin
the salvation e are no
by armaments
course of conduct still glares. hT her
d—of i,/1 its industry, but b
which shall bear
shall raise indust • nal
by the spread of
principles which)
by
holding population—
cheers out to all t
(Itaree"e„,, unenfranchised the hose
classes
that are pew are of the e f right hand of fellow-
ship from us n ranchised class.—(Cheers.)
I see no reason to doubt the nationality of the great body
of the people of this country, I am Willi t g o admit
that they do not look u to our i • • ri-
f t
ns.titutions as peF eo ,
and that the affection which -
in them hearts is said to
burn so brightly for the throne and institutions of the
country may be a little dulled. be like
Their case may
that of the Levite mentioned Mr. Macaulay's book,
in who was a chaplain in shousehold. He
remained at table, theyand
dome nobleman's
eat
might . .
of the corned
beef • butwhile the •
, choice viands and delicacies of the
table are being consumed, he stands apart. And then,
forthwith, this unfortunate •priest is called to the table
to return heartfelt thanks for the delicacies from which
he has been excluded.— (Laughter.) Recollect that five
out of six of all the grown-up men you meet in Man-
ehester and Lancashire, and Groat Britain and Ireland,
are as much excluded from the direct influence upon the
Government, as were the slaves who formed the great
population of ancient Rome. Recollect that amongst
these millions there are vast numbers that can compare
with any of us in intelligence, and in honesty and in-
dustry. Ay, they have done deeds heroic, but which
aro unknown to fame. And I ask you, who have the
franchise, who see how unequally you have it, who see
who govern this country, and how they govern it—l ask
you, whether you cannot judiciously, wisely, and
with the greatest benefit to your country, call up to your
electoral ranks vast numbers of those whom the rulers
of the country have hitherto excluded?—(Cheers.)
Don't fear that when they have the vote,
they will be
actuated by motives less pure than yoursel ves.—(llear,
hear.) Don't fear that the cottage has its hallowed in-
stinct, as has the more comfortable home of the middle
or higher class.—(Applause.) Don't think that work-
ing men, because they work and their hands are hard,
are brutal and depraved.—(Cheers.) I have an unfal-
tering faith in the integrity and good disposition of the

great mass of the people. And when I see what has
been done by restricted and unequal representation, I
when I see what all the education of Oxford has sent to
Parliament—(Near)—even for generations back, I will
never believe that classic lore, or the great knowledge of
history, or great literary skill, are ❑ecessary to the
honest and intelligent exercise of the elective franchise.
—(Great cheerinn) When these men are enfranchised
you will find that they will be actuated as you are.
They will choose men whom they believe to have corn-
mon sense and common honesty—(Hear, hear)—mer.
who have done some service to their country or to their
district; such men as they would trust and confide in
the management of their own private and individual
affairs.—(Hear, hear, and applause.) As they do in their
parishes, as in their unions, as in your municipal cor-
porations, would they do in the election of members to
Parliament. And I would never believe that a Govern-
ment restricted to a small number of the aristocratic
class, to an oligarchy like ours, could be so good and so
wise, and so beneficent, as a Government which rests on
the good sense, the good feeling, and the intelligence of
She great mass of the population of this United King-
dom.—(Great cheers.) It is, then, because I believe
this, and because I am unwilling that this great, this
extraordinary meeting should pass without some signs
of action, without some sign of cementing the power
which does exist in the country for great and good pur-
poses, that I come forward to propose this, which I be-
lieve will be the last resolution read to the meeting:—
" That, whether with a view to the speedy success of
the efforts now making to reduce taxation, or to secure,
by means of a real representation, a guarantee against
future attempts of Government to return to the present
extravagant expenditure, the most effectual mode of
proceeding is that adopted by the late Anti-Corn-law
League—viz., the extension of the franchise by the 40s.
freehold qualification, and a careful attention to the re-
gistration in boroughs and counties ; and the chairman
of this meeting is requested to take the necessary steps
for the formation of an association to carry out this ob-
ject,
in conjunction with such constituencies as may be
willing to unite with it."
Now that is distinct and explicit. Objects are con-
templated which we all approve of, more or less. But
that object of increasing the electors' list by these
means, every honest and intelligent man must of neces-
sity approve. I ask you, then to give your sanction
to this resolution, and when you leave this hall, consider
that it is your bounden duty, so far as you can, in the
county in which you live—and, with respect to others,
to induce them to do it in their counties, to baffle the
attempts of the ruling classes to keep any of you from
the franchise, by investing yourselves with that power,
and by doing so you will obtain the power of imposing
your own taxes and the expenditure of your own money;
and you will be able, I believe in my conscience, before
long to give peace and contentment to this country, and
to do away with the slightest pretence for the necessity
of a large standing army and naval force either in Great
Britain or Ireland.--(The Hon. Gentleman resumed his
seat amidst deafening cheers.)
Mr. Alderman KAY briefly seconded the resolution,
which was carried, like the rest, by acclamation.
The meeting closed at ten minutes past eleven o'clock