The Sun.
London, England, 1836-01-05 00:00:00

PIhEON MATCH AT BIRMINGTIAM.

corn an

svinptoty

- -
The annual match for a superb Cup and Cover, with a Snuff-box
as the second prize, came off on Wednesday. -All the crack shots
of the vicinity were present, and it was a fine day's play. The
terms of the match were, charge limited to two ounces, twentp•tine
yards from the trap. Twenty-four gentlemen contested the match.
Mr. Partridge was the winner of the cup, killing eight of his birds.
Mr. Blackmoor won the snuff-box by killing six.

THE JOY OF lIILDHOOD is a very beautiful en.
graving after Lawrence, which bas been much admired in
the new " Book of Gems."—" The merits o° this work
perfectly justify the title which has been beStowed upon its
high sounding and pretending as that title may strike the
reader. It is really a ' Book' of .Gems,' the illustrations
are taken from the productions of such artists as Reynolds,
Lawrence, Wilkie, Westmacott, &c. It will be apparent
at a glance that there is as much of originality as of good
taste in the planning of the book, every portion of which is
exceedingly well executed."— Mlles.
AN IMPRUDENT INIARMAGE.--In that ekcellent
novel, " My Aunt Pontypool," the leading circumstanc
of the story consist of an imprudent marriage.
miseries of a supposed disinherited son. "1. '
~,
(and they are numerous) are 83—' • tie c ;Ind theharacters,
are placed in situation- -"
to, bon... i•-• ..., ul great iitraembleynt
by calling
lie author seeks not to fix attention .
excitement
...- ..,,,,era- persons, with some
drawn,bot l- i abroadand t andh.e y
_ ..... anportations. of. the precious the scene of action, he introduces us to p
to his aid the charm of fiction, but making the present time
My Aunt
Metals ' for the past :'year have no dOtibt eoiisiderably ex- of whom every body is more or less acquainted.
ceedcd the exports.—.2lforifili Pver,
l'Qutypool is no stranger to us all,

FRENCH and AMERICAN QUESTION.

(11:7,1n r!,

,s Debat.o

, 1 ,
Whoever- is .cnverra t • riOi the charact(r of: Pi:et.:;:icut
.liicks'en:vvill ext,brien::e an agreeable st;rprise in rt ading the
late .Message. • ,
. • I
As regards ....-1..,..,tie' ct ,r,‘,l ,Qtle of that document is
Prance has hecoaecusterned
moikr,l„. -111;12,k;,:j•nkl:;:,:,. o,:', t..:43, : W.:AC. • kv,; therela clis-
luscc.:l: :',,:.'Li;j,;-01? 1.1;;;:i consideration, at wliich
we are not to‘hn .;u1.1)-1.>e.::,lor
to this sentiw:cot, and will net easily get rid of the habit,
however singular may be the contrast between the com-
plexion of the late Message and that of December, 114.
Oae thing seems' certain, that even the ,President ii at• the
present moment entertaining the hope and the dc:ire that
the difference which has arisen betwe;la. two great nations
may be brought to an honourable conclusion, both for the
one and tile other. If he has exhibited ibis year tome

De ;rrit'ibirt-- r';#l, Frfusco it was only
r;ainst A.n-mrican opposition in genenil, imtL ecpeeittlly
inst the Sniatc, for having la3t 3-c•ar rA'us:fd an cxtraor-
inary grant of z,000,000 dollar; for the fortifications.
Thd French Government having accepted the amendment
of General Valaze, was forced to wait for explications. Mr,

Livingston hastened to offer a certain number, but At lii
own responsibility. We subsequently find the President,
declaring that the Course adopted by the American ~..linhter
" had revived his sanction arid his entice approbation." Lie

that " this approbation weal. hai.e been at any',lme
comrniinieitted te the French
,Goveltment hail it 11,2eu•ai-
c,..diy • dernanded.". He protests rgain.st the interpre-
tations given to his previoim Inessa,.;e. ; and he- decipe4
that "an afternpt to. extort .frorn the,feLrs of the French
nation anythirrg inconsistent with its f(2.3!ings of justice would
have been fatije and.ridiculous."

We are net, Lowever,to suppose that this document noes
not contain some obscure passages and omhiguous expres-.
sions, For instance, IvQ d 6 not :.enderstand the•purnoL of
the following- words :—" treaty-once put into ereseution
by France, there Will remain but £e....„,7 eruies•of misunder-
standing between the two countries, trothing.butwhat must
yield to a pacific and enlightened
_policy," Stc. But it is
well known that. the above constitutes a di/dimity from wliieh
American documents, notwithstanding their extreme pro-

fixity, are never exempt.
With regard to the which General Jackson

has thought: Prorer to male in favour of the .fecl.Mg of na-
tional self-respect of the United States, we can by DO
means feel offended ; for ire could never think it wrong in.
the President to emplythe same precautions with respect;
to the vanity of his countrymen, as he has so often put
into, practice in .our own ease, The Ivorld is no loUgeT•
constituted rk3 at the period of -Louis XIV., who thought
he had the rlp,ht of enchaining slaves around the foot of
his statne. Were we anxion3 to pass for advocates of
peace at any price, we EliGuM avow that the dignity of a
great People .col-isisted in not forcing others to sacrifice
.theirs.

• It would be silly to 'appear offended because General
Jackson thangl.t fit to tickle the national pride of the
American's With: A few high-sounding expressions, or a few
military reminiztences, or a pompous detail of their warlike
resources. ;Representative Governments have all a certain
number of wants, to which they th•lst be resigned; as well
abroad, as at home. Geae4 Jackson is obliged to hutimur
the paSsions aud.prejudices of the democracy wbich raised
piesiaency, the same way as the Mbiisters of
the King of the French my. i:del-the necessity of sacri-
ficing their feelinat:to the Parliam3ntary.majority
by whom they were made Ministers. The patriotic decia-
mationS of President Jackson, if he had ventured on any,
would have been nothing more nor less than the natural
consequence of the adoption. of the amendment of General
yalaz6 by the Ministry, although it had previously de-
clared, by the mouth of the Minister of Finance, that the
Message' OF 1834, not having received the .sanction of the
Congress, was only the ,echo of the private opinions of the
President, for which opinions neither the Government nor
the people of•the United States ouglit to be made respon-
sible.

In the Message are annomiced various demands for con-
siderable sums, for.the purpose of increasing the navy, and
for completing the unfinished fortifications along the coast..
Considering that we had taken the initiative with respect
to augmenting the nary, and as our coast fortifications
have been for some time 'in a gOod state; mi. Love no rea-
son, to find fault with the display of :bresight on the part
of the American. Government, anti we could have no ground
for viewing it as a symptom of an approaching rupture. It
is important to remark that these, grants are to be raised not
by means of new taxes, but solely by the surplus. revenue
now existing in the !ruericau Treasury, and wbia amounts
to nc:ayly 100,000,000. dollars.
It is true that General Jackson absolutely refuses to
Under 'a certain form, the reparation demanded by
the French Government, alleging it to be, his convictioni,
that such ,sewation vu ;id be iuzensistentzith the, Ame-
rican constitution, and with tAC independence and govern-,
meat Of the people of Liierica. But .it has not appeared
that the *French Qovernment had even peliited, dui: the
particular ferl-a ereparation, and, at all events, it is of little
coniequence, The material object is, that a rc,pat:ation
should the made,—that it be arcropriate and expliei:.
it appears to us, that this exphet, appropriate, an 1 unde-
niable reparation is contained- in the Message-which has

just been received. -
In order to determine what meaniug,Franee ought to at-
tribute to the Message, it would be essentially requisite to
ascertain the exact impression which it product, in Ame-
rica. If the Americans interpret• it in the 'light of an ex-
planation ; if they understand the words pronounced from
the President's Chair 'ati antoueLg to a reparation, and
offer them to us as- such, why should we refuse to receive
them in the same sense ? But however hazardous it.would
be to venture on any prophetic observations after the lapse
of only eight days, we, think we safely predict that
throughout 'America all . friends' of order—all those inte-
rested for the prosperity' of the country—the lovers of peace
and eVery honourable man, will have received the Message
With grateful satiSfaCtion. When the courier sa anxiously
expected shall have conveyed it to New York,-New Or-
leans, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Boston, and. Cincinnati,
public opinlen will no doubt be that the misunderstanding
with 'France is on the point of being satisfacterily arranged.
It will boa subject of congratulation to them to observe
the modifications which had taken place in thn,ideas,„or t
y. least in the tone, of General Jackson, and the will 'oe de-
lighted.on learning the efforts made by his frienS; i4,UTpar-
ticularly by -Mr. Van Buren, to induce that inflexible old
gentleman to desist from his menacing attitude, and for the
first time in his life to retreat after he had audaciously put
hitnsell forward.

• A war between France and America would be the heigh.
of folly. Were such event to take place, all Europe
could not indulge irA sufficient laughter. It would, indeed,
be a subject of: joy to all the enernie;: of liberty throughout
the uniyene, and at the same time the signal of despair to
at:l:no:lovers of freedom. One Message can suflice tore-
pair the injury done by a previous one. The pride of
France should be directed to another quarter. The Ame-
ricans are destined .to become a nation of tho Chit order, in.
fact, they are so at present, according to general acknow-
ledgment. " However, in point of military prowess they are
as yet but novices, notwithstanding their excessive p:eten-
sinus on this point, and our fourteen centuries of glory can-
not be effaced by the petulftnt sorties of this infant Her-
eule,. We arc, therefore,. very ready to admit what we
think ought to be the general opinion in Anicrica-7namely,
that the late 'message of the President is of a nature to
lead to the' adinstMent of the differences. existing 'between
the two countries.
1 It would appear t'ot for the last five years a paelfie

Providence has watched over the destinieS'of the world, and
took a pleasure in frustratimr, those warlike combinations
which might at one time le excited by a vain disquie,
tude, and at other by the ebullitions of some absolute
monarchs, and sometimes by., the whims of the dc- •"-
moci:tley. Mor • than twenty tunes during these five years
'Was it supposed that it would be necessary to come
to • the last expedient of Kings and people—more than
:twenty
,times has a rupture appeared inevitable between
the north and the south—between western and eastern:
Europe—between the old and the new World ; but on mat .
occasion an irresistible force, to which it must be adinited
the wisdom of our Government mainly: contributed, has_
calmed the impending storm, and has once more consoli-''-
dated„ peace, and insured the triumph of the ,•.enius of
commerce. 4
There arc some optimists who contend that, this restnt
exclusively owing to the progress of human morality. 07-
posed to them are others who pretend that interests 'alone
govern the present age, and that the Preservation of general
peace is entirely to attributed to the unbridled mercan-
tile spirit which now pervades the world.
Whatever be the cause which spares the effusion of blood
and prevents frightful collisions, we must acknowledge its.
authority, and bless it at the same time. - If interests are at:
the present day the law of the world, if. commerce rearn
wields the sceptre in conjunction witia the posvers
time and the laws have adopted, let us congratulate our-
selves that we are in the enjoyment oi tranquil days, during
which we may analyze at leisure live contradictory 'interests
'
which divide society, se that wet•Anay be able to reconcile:
them, and open to commerce that new field which it imp e-
riously demaP[,),s., which it would be imprudent to re-
fuse tr so 'powerful an advocate.

At the Vice-Regal ball last Thursday, ufrxrcls. of
800 persops attelalcd.

Lord William Paget, ‘3,110 is a Captain in clic -navy,
lately commanding the Winchester, is said to 'nave volun-
teered his service for the Queen of Spui", 3'Lnd that. he has
received an appointrneut 4kl the Star "of General Evans.
Baron de Rottenburgh, brother
Lady William Paget
commands the rifio °I'M, We tEC bead,:quartors
of the British ©ti.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We are not aware that Sir Robert Peel was ever I
guilty of the sin of undervaluing himself, and indeed
the Right Hon. Baronet is supposed, from the very
commeneznient of his political carter, to have had an
especial eye to the station he now occupies—the ae-
knowle4cl chief of the Tories. That ambition is his
besetting sin, was, we think, sufficiently proved in the dis-
creditable intrigues, in which he was the prime mover,
to prevent Mr. Canning from forming a Ministry. In
the Times of yesterday, the Right Hon. Baronet re-
ceives credit for fully as much virtue as he really pos-
sesses. To this we have, however, no great objection ;
but our Contemporary cannot afford to bestow praise
without distributing an equivalent amount of abuse ;
and in this case it appears that, in order to deck out
Sir Robert, the Tory Aristocrats are all treated worse
than dogs. "It is a matter of notoriety (exclaims
our Contemporary in its irrepressible eagerness to
idolize Sir Robert), it is a matter of notoriety that
Sir R. Peel has never been very cordially supported
by some of the more lordly Aristocrats of England, be-
cause lie is a novas ho»zo—b:cause he has sprung more
directly from the people than themselves, as immediately,
for instance, as the greater number of their ances-
tors did in the last or the preceding century ; and
that the sting which vexes them is the more severe by
reason of the Right Hon. Baronet's possessing, in an
eminent degree, the great feature of that rival Aristo-
cracy, of which the thing called birth ' is naturally,
but meanly and absurdly jealous, viz.—the Aristocracy
of wealth." 'We are sorry to learn from so compe-
tent an authority that the Tory aristocrats arc equally
proud and mean—proud of their birth, and, without
possessing talents themselves, meanly jealous of the
man whose talents are indispensable to their existence
as a party. But admitting this character to be 'de-
served, there may be as much pride in affected humi-
lity as in vain display ; and many discerning persons
have thought that the ostentatious manner in which Sir
Robert Peel has occasionally referred, at public meet-
ings, to the sources of the fortunes of his family par-
took fully as much of pride as of humility. Sir Robert
Peel appears to he perfectly well aware of the advan-
tages of being rich ; and as nature does not seem to have
intended him for a Merry Andrew, any more than a
bear for dancing, the Tory Aristocrats, who, in their
way, have the taste of Kings (Burke says that all
Kings are fond of buffoons and low company),
may almost be pardoned for indemnifying themselves
for their subjection to their stately chief, by laughing,
behind his back, at what they deem his low-bred airs.
A pretty escape, however, we have had, according to
the Times. We are gravely told that Sir Robert con-
centrates in himself all the talents and all the virtues
of the Tories. " The Conservatives, young and old,"
says our Contemporary, " who sit in Parliament, are
bound to consider that Sir Robert Peel can do extremely
well, without their assistance ; but that without him
they can do nothing for themselves." This, with all
due submission, seems to be elevating Sir Robert be-
yond his deserts. Sir Robert can visit Rome and
Naples, and buy pictures without the Tories ;
but he cannot be a political chief. We had
imagined that the soldiers were as necessary to
the general, as the general to the soldiers.
Sir Robert cannot hope even to beat the Reformers
without the aid of the Tory Members. " A sad con-
temptible set they no doubt are ; but Sir Robert must
take them as they are. We fear that the Times, in
administering adulation to Sir Robert, has not re-
flected that the Right Hon. Baronet would dread no-
thing so much as to be taken at its word. He is not
yet prepared for a retreat from public life. The To-
ries, therefore, worthless as they may be, are still ne-
cessary to him ; and we cannot help thinking there is
in this attempt to elevate Sir Robert at their expense,
a design to break up a party which seems now farther
from pryer than ever, and which, therefore, our Con-
temporary must wish to be rid of with as little delay as
possible.—Morning Chronicle.
Some of the Radical prints are as " elevated" with
their corporate returns as an Irishman whose heels
have been tripped up by the last half gill of whisky.
We are assured by one of them that " whenever a
general election comes" there will be a demonstration
of political feeling similar to that of the last ten days.
There is no doubt of it. We expect no other. We
as Conservative Reformers—Sir R. Peel, we are sure,
as a Conservative and Reformer—desires no other de-
monstration of public feeling than one similar to that
of the last six months—the last ten days being specially
therein comprehended. But if our worthy Radicals in
and out of office are so marvellously satisfied with the
promise of the last ten days, and so convinced of its
fulfilment to such an extent and of such a nature as
they have been anticipating " whenever a general elec-
tion comes," why don't they hasten the advent of this
their Whig-Radical Messiah—why don't they make
the general election come? We shall rejoice to see
that hour—much will every honest man who knows
this country exult in the announcement of a new
election, should his Majesty be pleased to afford his
loyal subjects so full and fitting an opportunity to
" demonstrate" their matured opinions with regard
to this Repeal-O'Connell-Popery-anti-Saxon-anti-
Monarchy Administration. But no such happy con-
summation is yet to be accomplished. The O'Connell-
Melbournes will not dare dissolve. Desperate as is
their game with the present House of Commons of
315 or 320 Conservatives, they will not throw away
their last and only chance, by adding to them a rein-
forcement of 50 or 60 other Conservative gentlemen.
Blind and stupid though they arc, the tag-rag Minis-
ters will not designedly poke out the precipice by a
fall from which they must be annihilated. Lord John
Russell has nosy ostensibly put forth his Circular sum-
moning all that heterogeneous body on whose unani-
mous adhesion bangs his Being as a Minister, to meet
his Lordship and his colleagues on the 4th of February,
when " business of great importance will be imme-
diately brought forward." Here, alas ! is no symp-
tom of that general election to which sanguine and
prophetic Radicals look forward with hope so con-
solatory to the afflicted. Lord John Russell states,
or rather threatens, that business of " great impor-
tance" will be at once brought forward. This is
altogether inevitable. Where the existence of a Mi-
nistry is identified with the ruin of the Church, the
prostration of the Crown, and the dissolution of the
Empire, it needs no assurance from the leader of the
House of Commons to persuade us, that if the ensuing
King's speech be any index whatever of the acts which
are meditated by his Ministers, it must be not only the
most important, but the most awful and appalling, that
ever was delivered in the name of a British Sovereign.
It is vain to guess what these unfortunate men might
wish—nay, purpose—were they independent. They
are not independent. Their position binds them to
the evil principle on which their Government was
founded. It enslaves them to the demon who presided
over their Ministerial birth. They are in the helpless
condition 'of the usurper who stabbed the gracious
Duncan while he slept, and feel, as he did, that perti-
nacity in crime is their sole defence against an entire

,‘ Things bad began, strengthen themselves by ill."
That is their text. What the fiend inspired, the fiend
must consummate. Lord Melbourne and Lord John
Russell have pledged themselves to their party, for
the success of that cause which is common to them
with O'Connell : their sense of honour (!) will not
suffer them to shrink from the subversion of the Mo-
narchy, though it includes their own infallible per-
dition. To Lord John Russell's circular we wish all
manner of success ; but it is coupled with one pro-
vision—viz., that our circular, addressed on Saturday
and yesterday to the Conservative majority of English
Representatives, and to their few faithful allies from
the north and west, shall also work its own just im-
pression. It is our anxious wish that the array on
both sides may be full, and that the overthrow of
the Revolutionists may be total. The Radicals have
been talking their usual amount and usual kind of
nonsense on this occasion, affecting to consider our
blunt appeals to the firmness, activity, integrity,
and manhood, of the Conservatives, in :urging
them to show front every day to the enemies
of themselves and their country, as a symptom
of despondency on our part. Poor blockheads of
Radicals, it may be cruel to undeceive you, but we
cannot help it. When a soldier whets his blade and
-buckles on his armour more carefully than usual, it is
not often a sign that he means to balk the combat. ,

When troops are publicly reminded of their relaxation 1
of discipline, and orders are issued for enforcing the
rules of the service with more strictness than ever, it
is no proof that the general means to disband them,
or to turn his back upon the enemy. So when we
have within these few days volunteered our remon-
stances to those of the Conservatives who had left their
racks in the course of last session, thus crippling the
movements of the Constitutional host, and impairing the
moral influence of the cause for which their skilful and
resolute leaders were contending, our obvious
hope and design have been merely to insure some
harder work for the adversary than he experienced
in the year gone by. In the execution of this task
we have employed rough language; we have read
in rude words, a harsh but wholesome lesson ;
we have told many gentlemen truths which per-
haps their self-complacency, perhaps their inward
consciousness, rendered unpalatable to them—but it
was for their own sakes we did so. For ourselves,
what delight can we take in rendering ourselves trou-
blesome to a number of our constant and most indul-
gent readers ? What pleasure can it yield us, to
be set down by them for meddling and ill-mannered, be-
cause ❑ninvited monitors ? It is to nave the country we
' have done so, for its salvation is in no hands but theirs—
in no hands but those of the Conservative body—who,
if they will but screw their courage to the sticking place,
cannot fail to protect the kingdom—and to protect it by
receiving from the Sovereign and the nation, ere long,
authority to govern it in the name and on behalf of
both. With such great and patriotic objects in view,
we will venture to give temporary annoyance to our
friends, while we regard as mere idle wind the noisiest
execrations of our and our country's enemies. To be
sure, there is one libeller by profession, who has in a
recent attack upon Sir Francis Burdett launched an-
other slop-bucket at this journal. He—O'Connell—
after sundry " rhetorical artifices " of the class called
lying, charges us with a prodigious multitude of enor-
mities " for the filthy lucre of gain." If the fellow
means that we are bribed, or ever have been bribed,
in any form, or to the value of one of those in-
numerable farthings which he extorts every year
from his brethren, the sturdy beggarmen of Ireland,
by means scarcely differing, if at all, from highway
robbery,—if he means to insinuate that any human
being, connected with the Times, has ever in
a single instance solicited or accepted favour to
the amount of one fraction of a farthing, as the
price or in consideration of any part ever taken by this
paper on political questions, let him come forward
himself, or bring forward any earthly evidence, or
even any shadow of plausibility, in support of such a
despicable falsehood,—and here we stand to give him
the lie in his throat. We found the Whigs support-
ing our own views of national policy, and we helped
them—God knows they needed help. We found them
afterwards chained to the car of this wretched adven-
turer—this O'Connell—far overleaping all our views
of what the national welfare required or admitted of,
and driving our institutions headlong into the gulf
which his ravenous selfishneSs, and that of his priestly
coadjutors, had prepared fot them, and we abandoned
the Whigs. The Conservatives are now what once
the Whigs professed to be, and as honest men we give
them our support. We have never varied from a
single principle which we ever avowed. The Whigs
have become revolutionary Destructives, and we abjure
them. O'Connell has been their min.—Times.

It will be seen by the circular letter of Lord John
Russell, dated on the day of the great municipal
triumph, the last day of the year, and addressed to the
Reform Members of the House of Commons, (which
appeared in yesterday's paper,) that his Lordship has
intimated to them how desirable it is that they should
attend in all their numerical strength on the first day
of the Session. We are glad to perceive this intima-
tion on several accounts. It demonstrates the unre-
laxing vigilance of the Ministry ; and their determina-
tion to lose no time in the great career of popular
Reform, which they have so well commenced, is re-
corded by the announcement « that business of great
importance will be immediately brought forward."
That is one subject of congratulation. Another is,
that Ministers show no white feather ; they are not in-
timidated by the Tory boast of their incompetency to
meet their braggart enemy. They manifest the wisdom
of borrowing the best page from the enemy's book—
fas est ab hosie doceri. They beat the reveille in
peremptory reply, to the enemy's drum :

" Sound but a drum, and swift another shall
Arouse the welkin with an answering peal,
And mock the loud mouthed thunder."
The reader will perceive our reference in the above
passage is to the extraordinary call made in a Conser-
vative Paper, on Saturday, on the supporters of Sir
Robert Peel—" to assemble in all their strength on
the first day of the Session." Certainly the article in
question was a most extraordinary one, both on account
of what it urged, and what it confessed. The speech
of the Emperor Nicholas at Warsaw has been charac-
terized as an extraordinary example of Absolutist
frankness. But the frankness of the article in question,
to use a phrase of the Conservative print in which it
appeared, " beats Banagher hollow." The Conser-
vative Members are " invited," something after the
fashion of the French police, to attend ; but under
terror of a whip of larger dimensions than ever Con-
servative whipper-in before brandished. The writer,
in soliciting their attendance, calls them " culprits,"
"recreants," and" criminals." They are said to have,
" during three-fourths of the last Session, effemi-
nately and shamefully betrayed their trust ;" and it is
added, " that they are too much absorbed in frivo-
lous and criminal indulgences to afford their country
a moderate portion of that time and industry of which
she is entitled to the whole." The Conservative mi-
nority who are plaCed in the above state of uncompli-
mentary contrast to their leader, and who are treated
in this unceremonious manner in the leading article of
a journal which they consider as their chief supporter,
may address the writer in the words of Falstqlf—
" Call you this backing your friends ? A plague on
such backing, say we." Perhaps some of them may
think they " smell a rat"—one of those rats who are
generally charged with the ungrateful sagacity of quit-
ting a sinking vessel. If it be " backing," it bears
a strong resemblance to " backing out." But whe-
ther this be so or not—we come to the main point—
we come to the two notices from the two opposing
head-quarters—the one proceeding officially from
Lord John Russell—the other coming less offi-
cially, but very palpably, from the Conservative head-
quarters at the Carlton Club. We thank the latter for
their notice that the Conservative troops are expected
to be in order for battle, " not merely on the first
day, or during the first week of" the Session, but
throughout it, from February to the end of July.'
We trust the friends of Government, and of the peo-
ple, will avail themselves of the hint, and confront
the enemy with a phalanx and with a determination
which shall " frustrate their politics" and " confound'
their knavish tricks." It is indeed a most important
crisis for the people ; but no gloomy clouds " heavily
bring on the day" of contest. On the contrary, it is
harbingered by the most auspicious omens of a bright
day for liberty, and for political improvement. " Busi-
ness of great importance," as Lord John Russell inti-
mates, will indeed be brought forward. A slight glance
at the measures with which the Session must begin will
demonstrate how important that business is. The
Irish Church Reform Bill—the Registration Bill—the
Dissenters' Marriage Bill—and the Jewish Emanci-
pation Bill—are among _ a few of those important
measures. The notice of them suggests, at the same
time, the revolting image of the machinery which
will be put in motion to resist them in the Commons,
and of the stumbling-block which will inevitably and
ultimately be thrown in their way before they reach
the throne, by the House of hereditary bigotry and
exclusive prejudice. But let the :Ministers fear no-
thing, and, in the words of Bayard, "do their duty,
whatever may be the result." Doing that, they are
invulnerable, unassailable,
,unremovable. Strong in
the armour of rights and in the shield and sword with
which the Municipal triumph has just invested them,
they may, as we have said before, defy their enemies.
A dissolution, if compelled, would all but extinguish a
party, the leaders of which, as we have seen, confess
it to be unfit even for common legislative functions,
and, therefore, certainly unfit for the possession of
power. They are pronounced to be "incompetent,"
" profligate," " frivolous," and " criminal," even by
their own friends. Qui pravaricatores, igitur, si yui.

dens vos consides?—qui balverones? qui latrones ?-
Morning Advertiser.

The Ministerial Journals prsist in claiming the re-
sult of the Municipal elections as a political triumph
in the true Whig sense of the word—that is, a triumph
over the uncertainty of place and emolument. But
boasting is not a very sober companion for truth, nor
a very graceful accompaniment to victory, and when it
••,: carried to such extravagant lengths as in the case of
the Municipal Elections, one cannot help suspecting
that there is some uneasiness, some fear, at the bottom
of all this swagger. We believe, and %NC are far from
being singular in the belief, that the near approach of
the Session, when the strength of parties will be put
to the test, when the dependency of Ministers upon
the voice or finger of a man whom they hate will be
again palpably exhibited, that these, and other consi-
derations of the same kind, have suggested to them the
policy of making the most of every advantage. But
there is such a thing as making too much of an advan-
tage, and the stretching and straining of the Municipal
doings of the day into a, conclusive proof that the
people of England are with the Ministers, is one
of the instances to which we should point, in order
to establish that principle. It is all very well to put a
good face upon matters when they are coming to a
crisis, but a little More frugality in the article of bom-
bast would be an improvement in the tactics of the
Government. The old Corporations were, no doubt,
many of them corrupt, but some proceedings have
come to light, which show that the new ones are not
altogether immaculate. It was some consolation to
think that in the old Corporations corruption was the
growth of time, the infirmity of old age and decay ;
but now, at the very birth of the new Corporations,
and while the joy bells are ringing for the nativity, it
seems that in some instances corruption has been
rocked in the same cradle. This is no very gratifyinc,
discovery for those who looked forward to the purifi-
cation of the old system, however it may enchant ano-
ther class of politicians—those who have no objection
to shake hands with bribery when it comes upon a visit
to their own party, or makes a movement in the direc-
tion of their own pockets. Let them not, however, be
too secure upon this head. The success of the elec-
tions, (in which they calculate with so much confidence,
as the prelude to other elections of a more important
character, has been a gain in the majority of cases, not
to the Whigs, but to the Radicals--not to the Govern-
ment, but to those who bully the Government, and
who may, and that too without subjecting themselves to
the charge of treason cr disaffection, contrive to bring
the present Government into contempt. But the
speedy commencement of the Parliamentary campaign
will put all these fine boastings and triumphings to the
test. We remember what a figure the Ministry made
upon many occasions in the course of last Session, and
we do not think it likely that the increasing strength of
the party which dragged them so often through the dirt
is a circumstance so favourable to their re-appearance,
as they would fain persuade the world to believe by the
pains which they are taking to give it publicity.—
Morning Herald.

A morning paper, which affects to have adopted
Conservative principles, has indulged its readers during
the last two or three days with certain articles, the
motives of which are wholly unintelligible to us ; but
the tendency, or rather we ought to say the necessary
effect, of which, if they should produce any, is de-
plorably evident, viz., to inspire a general feeling of
contempt and indignation among the people of Eng-
land towards the great body of Conservative Members
of the House of Commons, and to alienate the most
important and influential members of the party from
each other. The pretence under which these absurd
and mischievous productions are ushered into light is,
that a large proportion of the higher classes of
Conservatives are so indifferent to the safety and
honour of their country, so regardless of what is
required of them if they wish to preserve their own
rank, station, and influence in society, so disloyal
to the Throne, so cool and languid in their attach-
ment to the Church, so neutral, in one word, as to the
ascendancy of Conservative or destructive principles
in the foreign and domestic policy of Great Britain,
that if not dragooned by the press all these important
considerations will be insufficient to compel them to a
diligent and zealous attendance in their places in Par-
liament. We do not know how our new ally can re-
concile these surviving notions of the character of the
Conservative party with his recent accession to their
cause—to a cause which, if there be any portion of
truth or justice in his accusations, is already lost. For
ourselves we will frankly say that if we entertained
such opinions of the great bulk of the Conservative
party as our contemporary ostentatiously proclaims, we
should at once withdraw from the banners under which
such must be our fellow-soldiers, and throw down our
arms in disgust and despair. But in the sweeping vi-
tuperation of our Contemporary, directed against the
Conservative Members of the House of Commons as a
body, we venture to assert that there is neither truth,
nor justice, nor reason, nor decency. It is not true
that the " prominent leaders and champions of the
Conservative interest were, during the last session of
Parliament, left shamefully in the lurch by their pro-
fessed supporters." It is not true " that while Minis-
ter, and afterwards while head head of the Opposition,
Sir Robert Peel was scandalously treated by the
minions of the titled and landed Aristocracy," and the
expression is as indecent as the assertion is false. It
is not true that the Conservative corps now in Parlia-
ment are skulkers and shirkers, or that they have
shown themselves to be " fine Gentlemen" in any sense
of the word that is incompatible with the disposition,
and the ability, faithfully and zealously to discharge
their duty to their country, to their party, to their
matchless leader,' and to their noble cause. All that
'is true in the furious tirades of our Contemporary, and
it is a truth which we trust may be adequately deplored
without employing the language of outrage and con-
tumely, is that upon a few occasions (they were very
few) towards the conclusion of a harrassing and pro-
tracted Session, the attendance of Conservative Mem-
bers in the House of Commons was less numerous than
unquestionably it ought ever to have been. But it
should be recollected that the relative strength of the
Conservative party, and of the confederated parties op-
posed to them, having been fairly tried in the various
divisions which preceded and produced the resigna-
tion of Sir Robert Peel and his colleagues, and a
clear though small majority of the House having de-
clared in favour of the latter, there no longer existed
such motives to incessant attendance, as could be ex-
pected to exercise an unabated influence upon the
conduct of every individual of a numerous body. It
was not the object of the Conservative party io the
House of Commons, whether followers or leaders,
nor did either act as if it were, to watch night after
night, for an opportunity to snatch by surprise from
their opponents a momentary and unavailing triumph.
Such opportunities might probably have occurred, had
the full muster of Conservatives been present every
night. And to what effect ? Simply to produce an
assemblage more full than usual of the Russell-O'Con-
nell majority on the following evening, to rescind
the vote in which the Conservative Opposition had
achieved a transitory victory. There is not a man
in Great Britain who sincerely believes that any dis-
play of numbers, short of that which would have
sufficed to convert the measures of Sir Rober' Peel
into laws, could have added anything to the effect of
his many splendid orations. The state of affairs since
that period has, happily for the country, undergone
a material change, and it is to those magnificen ora-
tions of Sir Robert Peel, more than to any other
cause, that this beneficial change is to be ascribed.
Whether the numerical superiority belongs to the
Conservative or the Destructive party in the House of
Commons is once more doubtful. The Conservatives
have now to fight a battle which is no longer hope-
less ; and they will fight it h such a manner as equally
to put to shame the insidious calumnies of pretended
friends, and the exultation of avowed enemies, to
which these calumnies have supplied abundant occa-
sion and pretext. We pass by, as utterly unworthy of
notice, the senseless imputation upon those who are
called " the more lordly aristocrats of England," that
they have withheld their support from Sir R. Peel be-
cause he cannot claim a noble descent. "rile heredi-
tary Peers of Great Britain are not generally idiots,
whatever ideas it may suit the disposition or the policy
of our Conservative contemporary to communicate re-
spectin& them to his pot-house readers or at what-

ever sacrifice of truth, decency, and consistency he
into
his labour for the privilege of being re-admitted
his ancient alliance with Mr. O'Connell.—Morning
Post.