The Sun.
London, England, 1825-05-19 00:00:00

•
cOnduct might not be conformable to, those prin-
CiPles if they were strong—that they be
in'clined to etercise their. supposed' prerogative,as
the of II eaven,- to extirpate heresy, as
times of old, and to drive the 'ungodly, after
their own :manner, . into the fold of the faithfUl.
Bit we leak 'tothe. Catholics of Ireland, not as
Catholics, bu 'as—citizens Of • a.' free State, and
born to the .blessingS: of alltee" Constitution.—
We look to rank, and station, and, office, as to
those prizes 'which every..Govermn.ent.has more
or less for distribUtion, and Which ought to be
distributed to thOie who are qualified for the dis-
charge of all.the functions they require, and all
the duties they impose, and- this without regard to
what religions opinions they may hold ; because
it is of the essence of all real liberty, that con-
science should be unfettered, and the mind be al-
ways free. his for this freedorn that our forefathers
have valiantly fought ; and though we are no
doubt justified in 'hut.t.-ing the•door of the State
against those who would, disturb, its peace, it
doeS not follow that we are warranted in refusing
those rights, the perversion of which we might
punish—or .in withholding those Claims, the
abuse of *Lich it iS .amply in •Our power to
provide against. If .we were impotent to ef-
fect our own security
.against danger, the case
would be different ; but -this we consider as an
object of no very difficult attainment. We are
at present worked up to the summit of our
fear; we should only have to work ourselves
up to the summit of our valour. As to the
rest, there is no danger that we should unlock
the doors Of preferment to the Catholics too
quickly ; and while we, abstain, as we are likely
enough' to do, from a too lavish liberality, there
is little risk that we shall concede too much,
either for the security of ChUrch or the safety
of the State That the loss of the Catholic Bill
inthe;llouse of Lords will beget any turbulent
'feelings in
,the mass 'of, the Trish population we
do not at all believe. :not the peasantry are
poor, and wretched, and destitute, is true ;
•but their condition is not to be ascribed to
the absence of any, benefit they would derive
from what. is termed Catholic Ernancipation.
What is wanted in Ireland is capital ; there wants
wherewithal to set in motion the looms of the ar-
tificer, the ploughs of the. husbandman, and the
labour of the peasantry : supply- this, and in-
dustry will spring up, and quiet, and content-
ment, and prosperity will follow in her train.
At present the great body of the Irish popula-
tion suffer oppression of a deeper and very dif.
ferent kind from any that is brought upon them
by exclusion from political office, and by any
other causes from which any- Catholic Relief Bill
could deliver them. You may give them Ca-
tholic Emancipation, but will that give the la-
bourer employment ?—will it give the peasantry
bread ? The system in Ireland is radically
bad ; it is pregnant with turbulence, and
faction, and crime. Much; very much, has been
done by Lord 'Wellesley ; more for the real
and permanent good of Ireland was never accom-
plished by uny man that ever yet presided over:.
her Councils ; but the seeds of evil are deeply
sown, and-to de' troy them is not in the election
of any Lord Lieutenant;be he Who he May. To
bring Ireland to that state of wealth and industry
to which she is capable of -arriving, would give
full employment to the wisdom of the wisest
Statesman ; but in the present 'state of things we
doubt if, with the very, best intentions, the means
are within their reach. The fault is in the
foundation.

[MORNING POST.]
In. again congratulating the country upon the
wise and firm .decision of the House of Lords
Yesterday morning, we think we m.ty safely pre-
dict that the Catholic Question has been thus set
at rest, not only for the present, but for the fu-
ture. Among the circumstances which have
led to this happy issue, the frank, and manly,
and determined declaration of the Heir Pre-
sumptive to the Throne, has had a most power-
ful and permanent effect—and we will add,
that this effect is not more salutary in giving
confidence to the Protestants and the people of
Great Britain; than in dissipating the false hopes
of the Catholics; and in terminating the fretful
suspense of the people of, Ireland. Whatever
doubt and wavering prevailed before in the pub-
lic mind, the honest avowal 'of his Royal High-
ness's unchangeable sentiments on the subject,
sustained by the'firm and forcible arguments with
which they were accompanied, stilled alarm on
one side; while •it frustrated undue expectation
on the other. The speeches of the Earl of Li-
ver Pool and the Lord Chancellor, on Wed,
nesday morning, have confirmed this impres-
sion. We therefore feel assured that there
is an end of that painful agitation which
' thee-untimely discussion of the Roman Catholic
Question this Session has occasioned, both here
and in the Sister Kingdom, and that the repeti'-
tion of the emphatic" Resolution of the House of
Lords to resist all further encroachments upon the
Constieutidit,' is un act of sound policy and of
Strict wisdom, equally carcUlated to tranquillize
. Ireland, as to shtisfyEngland." Let.u.S, hear no
more then of those silly" but treasonable menaces
and incitements' 'of' rebellion, which have late-
f7 become- familiar in the mouths of some of the
highesti 'Well as the loWest persons in the
state. The liish may rely' Upon it, that their
real and trust-worthy friends would never resort
'63 so ahStirdi'mean's-of forwarding, either the ac-
...
jun l‘ or. theiniaginarY interests
,of that country.—
The' RoMan:Catholies.feeLalready too intimately
the blessings of, the British,ConStitntion to risk
them.; at- the expellee of,' happiness, for
idraladvattageS-;. and they must, after reading
the T.)etat.in 'the I,IOUSe, of Lo rd s be too well
`convinced of the reasonablenea's'antneCesity of
their eidosion fronn•political power. in this Pros.
testt Stale; to niuCrintr'afthe depiivation.• •If
Ithert. be a fault in that exclusion, every
candi t mind. mast, admit it° rests with the Ca-
tholic themseiVes,..inat their Protestant
*64' t"s. if Ave Catholics,: will,. ion.;
00.3 e t 5 LOVO. a: otottßa-allegianceone.ha If ,to; a
ireroiOti' arid the'. other fialf ,t4lll,r)6**ll6,SOVe
at-Varkanee:Yetathe latter---let:
then, a filifeaihse Of. stich• pe r-
tittacj in error. Their sentence is now irrevoca-
bly pronounced—the Protestant Constitution of

the British Empire' will protect all their rights
and liberties; but white they persist in declaring
themselves its enemies, not in belief only butin
practice, they cannot be recognised as principals
in the Government'of the country.. Had this de-
ciSion been long,ago proclaimect,', we': should at
present have fewer Rornan Catholics in the
United Kingdom, and we should have avoided
all the useless irrittfion which the constant dis-
cussion of their preposterous claims has produced.

[MORNING CIIRONICLI.]
The tone of Lord Liverpool's speech, and the
heavy majority against the Emancipation Bill—
greater considerably than on the last occasion—
will not EtllOW us to entertain a hope of any
change in the situation of the Catholics, so long
as the relations of the country continue what
they now are. When danger from abroad
presses, then we may, as on former occasions,
consent to be just lo the people of Ireland, for
whatever the Catholics have obtained has been
extorted from our fears, and not from our jus-
tice. What Lord Harrowby said, in answer to
Lord Liverpool, exhausts the argument on the
subject of the Catholic Claims. " It was un-
doubtedly true," said his Lordship, " that the
Pope had greater influence in the nomination of
Bishops in Ireland than in their nomination in
any other country in Europe. But did not the
Pope exert that influence at present? If danger-
ouss was it not dangerous at present? If dan-
gerous, would not that danger be counteracted
by the concessions now proposed ? It was an
evil, which, in some respects, the Legislature
could not diminish. They could not loosen the
bonds of spiritual allegiance to the Pope.—
What, then, could they do ? They might
draw more closely the links of political at-
tachment to the State. The true way of
dealing with the supposed dangers, was to
strengthen those ties which bind man to man, and
the citizen to the Government of his country."
Lord Liverpool is confident that Ireland can be
tranquillized, and made rich and prosperous,
without restoring the Catholics to their civil
rights ; and the Bishop of Chester, in order to
preserve the Church, would, we suppose, strip
the gentry of their estates, by way of commenc-
ing this improvement. Lord Harrowby again
observed, " that although he was not prepared
to say that the proposed measure alone would
tranquilize Ireland, he
.was quite prepared to
say, that without the proposed measure, Ire-
land would not be tranquillized." Lord Li-
verpool caught at a statement of Dr. Doyle,
that the population was now on the decline
(which we can hardly believe), and the Marquis
of Anglesea she wed him how the process of de-
population might be accelerated. We agree
with the Noble Marquis, that if the work is to
be done, the sooner the better, because the
trouble and the expence will be in the ratio of
the resistance, and at present little resistance is
to be apprehended. We observe that those who
are most deeply interested in the tranquillity of
Ireland express the strongest apprehensions.—
Last night Mr. Spring Rice feelingly observed,
'that "he could almost wish now that he
could bid adieu to 'that ill-fated country and all
her interests." How the peasantry will receive
I the intelligence remains to be seen. The Catho-
lic Deputies have now, however, obtained a va-
luable experience. We told them, long ago, that
as they lowered their tone their enemies would
raise theirs. The result has proved how correct
we were. They must now arm themselvei with
patience—suffer themselves to be kicked for
conscience sake, and look on while Lord Liver-
pool's schemes are advancing towards maturity.

[MORNING HERALD.]

It would appear by the " verbose and grand"
bulletin occasionally given by some of our con-
tem.poraries, that the horrid nuisance called the
Westminster Pit stilt continues, despite all
the el:forts of the Member for Galway. If
such brutal and disgusting exhibitions really
take place such ai they are described, they dis-
grace the country and human nature. It is even
difficult to conceive how any but the basest po-
pulace could be. gratified by witnessing them,
Or, indeed bear to witness them at all. If this
spectacle, with the Police cases and other scenes
which occasionally come before the public, were
received as tests of the moral dispositions and
practices of the people, we should be thought
worse than savages—having their worst vices and
propensities, without any circumstances of a na-
ture to redeem or palliate them. Nothing, how-
ever, would be more mistaken or unfair. A cu-
rious contrast, is observable between the pre-
sent attempts to put down cruelty to animals,
in n hat are called cruel sports, and the spirit
and manner in which similar attemps were made
in a former age. In the latter end of the reign
of Charles 1., or the beginning of the Common-
wealth, the godly party in Parliament effected
the suppression of cock-fighting, dog-fighting,
bear-baiting, and even of horse-racing. This,
of course, precured a great respite to the ani-
mals particularly concerned. It appears, how-
ever, that humanity had no share in it. It was
the sport that was condemned as " heathenish,"
not the cruelty as inhuman. So little regard had
the adversaries of these sports for the suffer-
ings of brute creattues, that Colonel fiewsort,
one of the godly, marched into London at the
head of his regiment, and, in the excess of his
pious zeal, as Hume expresses it, did military
execution upon. all the, bolls and bears that he
could .find, kept for the amusement, of the
populace. The motives of. those who, at the
present. day, condemn these exhibitions, are
more creditable, to themselves and to the
age. The object is two-fold-,to prevent any
thing having life, and consequent suscepti-
bility of pain, from unnecessary. and wanton
Suffering; and, what is still clearer, as a matter
of practical rectitude and utility in moralsi
to restrain.' human beings in the indulgence
or those itripuises of malice or- cruelty, which
are unpappily *inherent in human nature. At
the sane h-urnattity,
!'table _to. to -
marked and„ general :01141'SY--
into cant---to which a very
like reirgiOn, is•
s
in our time—and it may be said,'evenseitivle
in'
country. Strange that such should be a trait in