The Sun.
London, England, 1831-01-15 00:00:00

■

SPIRIT OF .THE PUBLIC. JOURNALS.

The arrangement with respect to the office of
Lord Chief Baron is, we believe, now completed, It
is understood that Sir William Alexander retires;
and, we presume, in a manner satisfactory to his
feelings, at least it will be so to his advanced age,
and to the expectations and wants of the public.
His station is to be filled, and we need not add how
it will be filled, by Lord Lyndhurst. An idea, we
will not say has prevailed, but has been in move-
ment, that an Ex-Chancellor could not with prc-
priety accept the office of Chief Baron of the Ex-
chequer. The rules prescribed by etiquette are ab-
surd enough no doubt ; but it would be a rule some•
thing worse than absurd, which should condemn
such a man as Lord Lyndhurst to idleness and his
pension, when he can serve his country and himself
in so useful a manner, by presiding in the Court of
Exchequer. But what are the objections to such an
appointment? Are they personal or general? Is
there any man who will say that the duties of an im-
portant office do not require a man of first-rate talent
and knowledge ? Or that any office can be deemed
inferior merely on the ground of its emoluments or
heraldic rank ? If such a view be correct,—if such
are the grounds on which an Ex-Chancellor ought
to be expected to decline an " inferior" office,—
it is not likely that any man, except a man of great
wealth, or a mere political tool, would ever take
the Great Seal,—an office which, being the first
in rank except that of Archbishop of Canterbury,
involves its holder in extraordinary expenses quite
tEeproportioned to its uncertain duration. These
reasons, no doubt, influenced Lord Mansfield
and Sir Wm. Grant—the first in his refusal to
give up the King's Bench, the latter the Rolls for a
precalious and expensive dignity. But if we look at
the office of Chief Baron of the Exchequer, and
--•:sh reference to its jurisdiction and pr 0...,
..., rank, we shall sea no reason for the absurd
oteection of alleged inferiority, Its jurisdiction is
more extensive than that of the King's Bench or
Common Pleas; it comprehends common law,
equity, and matters of revenue. The King's Bench
jurisdiction is limited to common law—criminal and
civil ; that of the Common Pie" to the civil branch
of common law only. The appeal from the Chief
Baran, sit tirtg in equity, is not to the Chancellor, but
to the House of Lords—a species of appeal to which
the Chancellor is equally subject. On the common
law side of the Court, the new regulations have di-
rected the appeal to be made to the other two Law
Courts, in this respect putting the Court of Exchequer
on a footing with the King's Bench and Common
Pleas. In point, then, of mere dignity of office, it
may be asked, is there any reason why an Ex-
Chancellor may not accept the office of Chief Baron
as well as the more ostentatious, but less important,
place of President of the Council,—a sort of sine•
cure in which political lawyers have frequently
taken shelter after retiring from the woolsack ? Is
there not more real dignity of character in accepting
a laborious office than in indolently reposing on a
pension? Is there any deficiency of self-respect in
not declining to preside on that bench which was
adorned by Sir Matthew Hale, the greatest lumi-
nary of English law, the oracle not only of his own
but of all succeeding ape ? But the great point
is, does not the public benefit by the exchange ?
Here we have art Ex-Chancellor in the full vigour
of his talents, younger by many years than any of
his predecessors who have been deprived of the
Great Seal. Why, the public may ask, should such
a man receive 4,600/. a year for doing nothing, if
that sum call be saved ? Ought not the people to
be gratified to have great and important service ren-
dered for their money ? and does not the Ex-Chan-
cellOr discharge a duty, and we may add, only a duty
which he owes to the Crown and the public, by ac-
cepting- the cffice which has been offered to him ?
There is another but important consideration con-
nected with the subject : the office is merely judi-
seal, and not political ; but Lord Lyndhurst, as a
Peer, having already a seat in the House of Lords,
will be able to give great assistance where it is ninell
wanted, in the numerous appeals pending before that
Zligh tribunal.—Tinges.
In a reformed Parliament we expect that, if the
qualification of property be retained, the privilege of
personal inviolability against arrest for debt will be
abolished. These two regulations are inconsistent
with each other. If qualification be right, privilege
most be wrong; the former is founded on the prin-
ciple that a man who is needy and dependent is not
in a situation to execute faithfully the duties of a
Member of Parliament ; the latter goes upon the
supposition that a man who wants either the means
or the honesty to pay his debts may be competent
ro discharge the office Of a legislator. In our opi-
nion, it is degrading to the " Great Council of
the Nation" to throw the shield of privilege over
those who are in the habit of evading its own laws,
which are so rigidly enforced against others.—
When the privilege of franking letters was first
proposed as incidental to a seat in Parliament,
some sturdy Members, of the true English breed,
disdained it as unworthy of a Senator's considera-
tion, and one of them called it a " mendicant privi-
lege ;" but the protection against arrest for debt is
worse—it is a dishonest privilege—for it allows a
man to defraud and defy his creditor as long as he
may have a seat in Parliament, which, if he happens
to be a Peer of the realm, and thereby a hereditary
legislator, is an immunity for life. It is said that the
French Chamber of Peers have come to a resolu-
thou that henceforth its Members shall not be pri-
vileged against arrest for debt. if they have done
so, it reflects great credit upon that body, who
thereby have performed an act equally wise and
popular. We say that both Houses of the English
Parliament ought to do the same : for it is unjust
and monstrous that our Senators should have the
power of setting their creditors at defiance, while
they can throw their own debtors into person. The
Gothic privilege of sanctuary for debt has beets abo-
lished in other places, except " within the rules" of
the King's Bench, where it is considered discredit-
able, for that very reason, to reside; and certainly
no discreditable privilege ought to attach to a seat
in Parliament. Would public inconvenience arise
from abolishing this privilege ? Are the services
of a man who cannot or will not pay his debts of
such great consequence to the State that it is better
the law should be inoperative than the House of
Lords or Commons should be deprived of his com-
pany ? In the House of Commons there are upwards
of sot hundred Members, and forty constitute a
House for the despatch of business. Is it feared that
to " make a House" would be a much more difficult
matter than at present if the privilege against arrest
.vere abolished ? Such a supposition would place Par-
liament in no very respectable light with the country,
and therefore we wish they would pruetkelly refute it,
and, by annulling this privilege, show that it ie but it
contemptible few who "fly to sanctuary in St.
Stephen's against the persecution of their duns.
For our own parts, we should prefer that such an
alteration took place in our law as would protect the
personal liberty of every man from violation, except
in case of crime ; but until that takes place we
would have the law equal in its operation to all
men, without respect of persons, and we would
particularly wish to see legislators amenable to the
laws which they themselves make, that so they
might have the best evidence possible of the ad-
vantage or mischief that resulted from their prac-
tical application. The legislators of England corneas
that they look upon the law of arrest for debt as a
very inconvenient one by screening themselves from
its operation. We with them to know it more than
theoretically, that they misv be induced to abceiieh it
altogether. Even legislative wisdom may become
more enlightened by experimental knowledge.—
No ening Herald.
Whatever may be the ultimate result of the
struggle which has now commenced in Ireland, be-
tween O'Connell and his faction, on the one hand,
and, on the other, not only the Protestant com-
munity, but the whole of the intelligence and pro-
perty of Ireland, we think it cannot be disputed,
that the present Administration bag, so far as its
proceedings have yet been before the public, done

its duty both by Ireland and by this country. Its
first step was to appoint a Lord Lieutenant, who,
of all others, it had reason to believe, would be most
acceptable to a people, for whose sake he had made
great sacrifices, and into whose feelings he had largely
-titered—the next, to proclaim that whatever might
have been the policy of this country towards Ireland,
under previous Administrations, her wrongs should
now receive the most attentive consideration, and the
most prompt redress. It has also met the rebellious spi-
rit which has been lately manifested with firm, but mild,
repression—it has had recourse to ne harsh measures
to put down those whom, we think,it would have been
justified in dealing with in a very different manner—
it has tried to ,vin back those to the path of recti-
tude and good feeling who have only proved them-
selves to be the enemies of order—it has met
rebellious movements by mere proclamations to pre-
vent them, and not by laying hold of those who
were guilty of them ;—but the rebellious excite-
merit still exists—the powers with which the
Government is invested are all but exhausted, and
it is now become evident to all men that a different
policy must in future be adopted ; that mildness
must give way to rigour, arid a system of concilia-
tion, which has proved unavailing, to one of vigour
and repression—in it word, that extraordinary means
must be adopted for the extraordinary and unfore-
seen case which hat occurred, and, if it become abso-
lutely necessary that a battle must be fought for
the interests of the two countries., that the Govern-
ment be fully armed and strengthened for the
contest. Nor let it be supposed, for a moment, that
the issue of that battle could be doubtful even for
a week. Ireland does not will the repeal of the
Union any more than the English Catholics wilt a
return of the political thraldom in which they were
lately held; arid the battle would, therefore, be not
between Ireland, on the one hand, and England, on
the other, but between the latter and a petty fac-
tion—a faction composed of O'Connell, the priests,
the shopkeepers of Dublin, and a tew desperate men,
who care not what miseries they might bring upon
Ireland, provided they could forward their own pri-
vate interests. And does such a faction think that
it could make head, even against its brethren in
Ireland, much less against the people of this coun-
try ? Does it imagine for a moment that its case
has the slightest similaeity to that of Belgium, and
that it would be joined by ail the patriotism and in-
telligence of the country in expelling the English ?
But it is needless to put questions to which only one
answer can be returned ; and we are, therefore,
anxious to impress upon every one who desires that
the union of the two courizrieg should remain as
now established, the necessity, if they wish to
save Ireland from the bloodshed, the devastation,
and the misery which would result to her from an
actual collision with this country, of uniting like
one man, and supporting the Government by every
means in its power. This is the safest and the most
effectual way in which the schemes of the Agitator
can be met and defeated : and the sooner it is re-
sorted to the better for all parties. Let every peti-
tion for a repeal of the Union be met by a counter
petition against it, and the false assertion that the
people of Ireland desire a disunion, by facts of a
contrary nature. The Government will thus be en-
abled to deal more firmly with those who foment dis-
cord and excite insurrection, and the people, both of
England arid Ireland, spared the infliction of the
melancholy scenes which a recourse to the sword
would inevitably bring down tipon the latter.—
Morning Advertiser.

The Glosgow Chronicle, in noticing our recom,
mendation of a pecuniary qualification for the Elec,
tive Franchise, observes--
" At the very time when sound principias arg expecte(
to prevail in Parliament, why should the old organ oi the
people inculcate th policy of rejecting the votes of the in-
dustrious classes, and of adopting a most iniquitous inno-
vation in the Constitution ? We quote a passage from it
in which the propriety is advanced of withholding a vote
from every man whoso income is less than 1001. Such a
scheme is pretty nearly the same with that which would
exact for a vote the occupation of a house assessed at .10/.
of rent, It would consequently disfranchise five-sixths of
the heads of families, and place them in desperate opposi-
tion to the Government; until by agitation, disturbance,
or insurrection, the justice or their claims were admitted.
Whatever the expediency-mougara may assume, the ques-
tion ia one of justice. The industrious peopie, who earn
by hard labour half the entire income of the nation, have
as clear a right to 4. voice in the disposal of the taxes, as
they who, by their capitaZ, earn the other half. It is in
vain to attempt to obliterate this Lose of justice by urging
the superior claims of the privileged etaas iu inaellect or in-
formation. Happily, good Government is no obscure raat-
ter. To its pamper understanding, honesty is more re-
quired than book knowledge, The questions which occa-
sionally arise respecting points of political economy, are as
touch above the understanding of the priaileged class as
of the rest of the people. Witness the discutsions in Par-
liament about the corn and currency, shipping, and free
trade. It would he impossible fur greater blunders to be
fallen into by the worst-educated assembly in the kingdom.
" To the expediency-gentry, the a;?estion of internal
tranquillity ought to commend itself as importaapt ; for who
can hope for internal tranquillity, if five-sixths of the
people are cut off from their just share in making the laws
by which they are governed ? The Aristocracy, loaded as
the country is with debt, cannot afford to carry on war
with the workmen ; and their only policy i; to permit the
enlightened iNlipisters to carry Reform on so broad a basis
as witl satisfy the country at large. Nothing can be more
judicious than F.arl Grey's original scheme of Reform ;
and if Reform cannoi no7w be begun on his principles, it
would be a prudent choice of evils to postpone the sub-
ject, rather than bring forward any plan which would
disgust every man who would wish to extend to his fel-
low-creatazes the same rights which he claims for himself."
We are not of the number of those who feel any
great alarm on account of ; much greater extension
of the suffrage than that which we I:77Pe proposed.
But we know that great alarm at anything approach,.
ing to urikitasal suffrage is felt in many quarters,
and affected in still more. Now, for the sake of the
great object sought to be effected by Parliamentary
Reform—the protection of the property of the na-
tion,---we would willingly compromise matters, by
accepting of a Reform with a qualification which
would effect all the objects that a more extended
suffrage could possibly ac;xrpplish. The vice in
our present Constitution, as all the ^offd knows, is,
that the great mass of property is without protea-
lion, at Ole suffrage is chiefly in the hands of
poppers, who either at the disposal of a small
number of powerful individuals, or are purchased by
them. The Aristocracy of the =wary are thus
enabled to appropriate to themselves ail the. rich
livings 4.: the Church (not private property), to till
all the lucrative of,f3.ces in the State, at home and in
the colonies, and thus tegarn fortunes to themselves
out of the mass of property or tLe nation, compared
with which their own private estates are ir:signifi-
cant. As to Lord Grey's original scheme of Re-
form, it has long been abandoned by him, and would
find but few supporters in Parliament, " If Reform
cannot now be begun on his principles (says our
Northet.n contemporary), it would be a prudent
choice of evils to postpone the subject, rather than
bring forward any spice: which would disgust every
man who would wish to extend to his fellow-crea-
tures the same rights which he claims iow
We doubt the prudence of this very much. To
postpone Reform, in the present temper of the
nation, would endanger the pui,lie tranquillity. On
the other hand, we are satisfied, that if anything
like unigersal suffrage were demanded, the "higher
ranks would be supported by a very large proportion
of the middle classes .n their refusal to grant it. It
cannot obtained. The 91:1;7 chance we have of
obtaining Reform is in the Union of the middle
classes. The lower orders, though they c9ntribute
so much to the wealth of the country, are
.unable
to caake themselves felt by the Aristoerarl. In times
when society is thrown into confusion, arid force
decides, the lower orders are every thing; but the
signal must be given by the I:igher and middle classes
before the lower can act. The extension of the
franchise which we propose, would give a vote ;O
upwards of a million of heads of families—that is,
would make the franchise. about ten times more
popular than it is now proposed to make it in France.
It would include little short of orie•third of the heads
of families of the United Kingdom. This is pretty

well for a beginning, at all events. Let us ;take
any detailed view of the income of the different
classes of inhabitants, that of Colquhoun for instance,
and we shall find that a qualification of 1001. a year
would produce a constituency whose interest could
be no other than that of the whole nation. He
gives, for instance, of heads of families—
£l2o
280,000 Farmers with a yearly income of
70,000 Freeholders of the better sort 275
210,000 Lesser Freeholders 100
3,500 Eminent Merchants, Bankers, Ste 2,600
22,800 Lesser Merchants, &c BOO
8,700 Surveyors, Engineers, &c 3OO
140,000 Shopkeepers and Tradesmen 2OO
87,500 Innkeepers lOO
44,000 Manufacturers BOO
35,000 Persons engaged in Education 2OO
5,000 Dissenting Clergymen lOO
8,750 Ship-owner, 6OO
18,000 In Physic
19,000 In the Law 4OO
5,000 Artists, Engravers, &c2BO
43,750 Persons employing capital as tailors, &c lBO
35,000 Living on income BOO
We say nothing of the Nehility, Clergy, Army,
Navy, &c., because it may be supposed that thesa
classes have a greater interest in had than in good
government. It is true that these are average an-
nual incomes, and that in some of the classes a
number of iadividuels may fall short of the 1001.
But then in many other classes, of which eres eves
rage income is not 1001., many individuals may also
possess an ;tieoine of upwards of 1001. For instance,
95,000 clerks, shopmen, &c., are averaged at 701.
each, Out of these many thousands have upwards of
100/. In like maniter, 1,021,974, artisans, handic
crafts, mechanics, &c., are averaged at 4E3., but of
these some hundred thousands even have upwards of
40s. a week—that is, 100/. a year. .Every thing in
England at the present moo-lent, from the top tp
the bottom, is something different from what it
ought to be. Fraud runs through the whole. The
great corruption on which the Government is
founded finds its way into every institution of the
country. When we once obtain a suffrage em-
bracing all the ssrbstatitiai iisterestc of the
country, a new era commences. The sinister
interest, which watches so assiduously over every
branch of corruption in Church and State, and pro-
tects jobbing in Parish Vestries with ss much care
as jobbing in Church Livings, in Commissions, or
Places—will be deprived of its power. The Aris-
tocracy will be forced to rely, like the rest of
the comma pity, ss:n their own property. The
revenues of the Church, us well as the 'revenues
of the State, will be subjected to revision, and
no order of men will be allowed to perpetuate
their families at the expence of the nation. Public
money will be rigorously and exclusively applied to
necessary services. Tire holders of the property of
the nation cannot be bribed by any appropriation of
a part of the resources of the nation. The destruc-
tion of rotten boroughs, and potwallopping electors,
is the destruction of this system. But let not the
Glasgow Chronicle hailoo before we are out of the
wood. What appears to our contemporary a nars
row limitation, will be combatted by the Aristo-
cracy, as threatening the annihilation of that power
of taxing the community, to which they will cling
to the last. They will prefer any modification
of the Borough system, by which, under the mask
of regard to ancient rights, they will hope to cor-
rupt the poor and necessitous, and then deprive pros
perty of its fair influence. All places giving a large
part of the representation to towns will open a wide
door to corruption. A town of ten, twenty, or
shirty thottaand inhabitants, may easily have the ma-
jority of the electors bribed by a rich individual.
But an uniform qualification, dividing the country
into districts, without reference to towns, would set
corruption at defiance. We trust Reformers will
look to the easetetial.77the destroying the possibility
of corruption. This may ba dobe by an extenaion
of suffrage, which would identify the voters in inte-
rest with the nation. To a qualification of income,
no objection can be raised by the Aristocracy. To
a greater extension they would object ; and the Re-
formers of the middle class, by whom alone Reform
can be carried, would be divided. We are no enes
tnies to the lower orders, but sincerely devoted to
their interests. We advocate this limitation, be-
cause it can be carried, and because, under it, the
obstacles to the improvement of the people will be
rernove4. Besides, let it not be forgotten, that
when we have once a Government fairly in the in-
terests of the people, we can aitetwaena improve it,
if it be deemed advisable to do so. Till now all
improvement has been resisted, because the Consti-
tution was not in the interest of the nation, and
every improveriient diminished, as far as it went,
the strength of the prevailiug power.—XerseChron.
Our extracts from the Irish Papers sufficiently
dhow what is going on in that country :
" Is the Marquis of Anglesea (asks the Dublin
Evening Post) the Governo;:-General of Ireland, or Mr.
O'Connell? This is a question not propounded inferen-
tially, but in direct terms. For one proclamation issued
by the Government, Mr. O'Connell had promulgated
three. Ile has taken a position of hostility and de-
fiance. A system of terrorism and vituperation has
been organised, of which there is no parallel in
the history of this or any other country. By this
system on one side, the humbler classes of society
have been brigaded—as in Kilkenny, for example—against
their superiors; such of the middle ranks as wished to re-
main quiet are thaigi.ted into adhesion, and the upper
orders thrown into a state of alarm., for their station and
property. This, under the pretext of discussing the Act
of Union, has been accomplished to an extent, which
scarcely any one, only three months ago, would have con-
ceived possible. Well, the Lord Lieutenant was put to this
alternative--either to andicate his functions, and submit
himself to the decrees of the agitation, as. to enforce the
laws."
The same Paper elsewhere observes that
Terrorism is abroad—as well as enthusiasm. We can
make allowan,es for the operation of one principle of
action as well as for the other. Though the multitude,
including many worthy and honourable men, have run
willingly with the torrent, yet it is well-known to those
who have the means of judging, that many have been
borne down the stream against their will : that from their
position in society—fcom tar is popnections—froin their
fears—or from a short-sighted miscalcuiation 4f their inte-
rest—from the foolish policy of endeavouring, in a crisis
of this kind, to steer through difficulties, and to keep up a
conr.ection with hostile and conflicting powers—that many,
we say, have joi4ed, or seemed to join, in the hope, that,
come what will, they and then • intprests shall be safe. We
hnote, in a word, that this is the condition of n.any en
in Dublin—excellent persons, but timid, and who cave
been forced into the agitation reluctantly, who would
es:ape it, if they could, but find it or believe it impossible
at present"
In short, things have (Arise to that pass in Ire-
land, that the selfish, the men of no prinCiples, have
chosen the side of repeal as the safest. We know
that it is the opinion of several Irish Members of
high character now in this metropolis, that were
there an election to ensue few Members would be
returned not pledged to support the repeal, and to
oppose the Government with a view to that object.
This is, indeed, a sesious state of things. Believing,
as we do, that Ministers are sincerely desirous of
carrying that most important of all questions,Reform
of Parliament, we cannot but deem it peculiarly un-
fortunate that the affairs of Ireland 'should assume
such a theeetening complexion at this moment, of
all others. At a tittle when Ministers require the
support of all honest men throughout the country,
in order to enable them to grapple with the
powerful interests opposed to Reform, they
are distracted by ala opposition of a new and most
formidable character. One false atop at such a emir
juncture will be attended with the most tidal cons
sequences. In this country the Press is sufficiently
:zealous in condemning the Irish ; but the question
is rot what the English think, but how the Irish
are to be in4oen!zed. As far as Ireland is concerned,
we are satisfied the iantc.:we of the English Papers
is injurious, as it only tends to inflame the zeal of
the Irish. There are two parties to every contract.
If the Irish are dissatisfied, it is not enough to say
that we are satisfied, except we are prepared to go
to the extreme length of having recourse to force.
The Irish must either be conciliated or coerced—
that is the question. '1 he latter is an alternative
which we shudder to approach. The Catholic

Clergy will never be satisfied so long as there is a
Protestant Church in Ireland. Of this we are as-
sured. But the Aristocracy of this country will not
abandon willingly this source of wealth to them.—
The great body of Catholics and many of the Pro-
testants are hostile to tithes, and will never rest
till they are abolished. We have always been pre-
pared for this trying question ; but, we confess, we
were not prepared for its coming so soon on us.—
The conjuncture is serious. Every step is now of
consequence. Should one false movement be made,
there is no receding.—Morning Chronicle.

SPECIAL CONIMISSION.

AYLESBURY, JAN. 14.

Joseph Holland, Isaac Davis, George Hillesden,
Stacey Jarvis, and Joseph C. Turner, were indicted
for riotously assembling, on the 26th of November,
and destroying a chaff,eutting.machine, the property
of Wm. Ricklord, Esq., M.P., at Waddesdon. A
verdict of acquittal was recorded.
Mr. Justice PARK, on discharging the prisoners
from the har. admonished them to be careful of their
tutute condueto
Joseph Jarvis, Jonas Watson, Stacey Jarvis, and
Francis Tack, were indicted for riotously assembling
on the 26th of November, at Upper Winchenden,
and destroying a chaff-cutting-machine, three drills,
itcfre-itt,e, and girder-draining plough, the property
of Mr. William Wiggins.
In consequence of an alarm created by the pro,
ceedings of the mob at other places, and a -dre having
occurred at Mr. I3allad'4, a farmer in the neighbour-
hood, the draining plough was put out of the prose-
cutor's premises, to avoid danger to the house, &c.
people
had not
olpiecame been long
long done,
igsin s,, w ,
mah;innga
aF,11,5.b oiseot;
alnodo,
after breaking the p,lough„ they demanded the other
machines which Mr. Wiggins had got, and broke
them also. The transaction took place about ten
o'clock at night.
It was proved that Tack, on being told " there
were no more machines," said " he'd have :In chaff;
thei hate the machines and break them."
Stacey Jarvis and Joseph Jarvis assisted in break-
ing the plough. The mob was armed partly with
hammers and partly with large sticks. Tack had a
large stick, Joseph and Stacey Jarvis hammers,
Stacey Jarvis and IVatsp,n each Carried a drill, from
a hovel in which they were contained, to the main
body of the mob, in order that they might be broken.
All the machines mentioned in the indictment were
destroyed.
The Jury found all the prisoners Guilty.

John Evans, Robert lloperafi, EdmUnd Jarvis,
and Joseph Ridgway, were charged with riotously
assembling on the 26th of November, and breaking
a winnowing machine belonging to Mr. Richard
Hirons, at Waddesdon.
The Jury returned a verdict, finding all the pri,
soners Guilty, but recommended them to mercy, pat-
titularly the prisoner Ridgway.
dames Scott was indicted for having destroyed a
machine called a drill, but upon entering into rc-
cognizances to keep the peace, Mr. GunNv; re-
frained from offering any evidence against him, and
he was accordingly discharged.
Thomas Burrows, John Collins, and William
Goodall, were indicted for having riotously and tti:
multuously assembled, to the cii3twbapce of the
King's peace, on the 4cl of December.
The Jury found all the defendants Guilty, but re-
commended them to mercy.