The Sun.
London, England, 1831-02-24 00:00:00

FRANCE.

CUAMBER OF DEPUTIES.—Strrraw or SUNDAY.
‘' The Minister for Foreign Affairs rose amidst cries of
• The Electoral Law before any thing.' He said, that
having formed a part of both the Administrations spoken
of, lie would take upon himself the responsibility of both.
The Hoe. Deputy had spoken of a majority in the
Chamber, but lie (the Minister) could find no majority at
all. Probably it had been thought that it consisted in a
unity and homogenity of the principles, but where were
these to be found? To possess this unity and homogenity,
the whole Chamber must have belonged to the grand move-
ment of July. To end the discussion, there was but one
thing to be said. The Government would ask for the
commands of the King, who would throw no obstacle in
the way, if such was the opinion of the Hon. Deputy who
had just sat down, every body would he in accord.
" Extreme agitation ensued, during which M. Dela-
' horde attempted to speak, but the confusion and cries of
' Question' rendered bins inaudible. We understood the
Hon. Gentleman to say that, under existing circumstances.
the Chamber, so far from being wounded bv the dissolu-
tion, ought to consider it a homage rendered to the country.
" Gentaal Lafayette said—The discussion has hitherto
turned upon personal questions rather than upon an inte-
rest wholly national. It now appears terminated by a
declaration of an early dissolution. Yet many of my
friends and myself proposed to explain our principles of
liberty and public order, which I regard as one and the
same thing, not agreeing with an Hon. Deputy who said
yesterday that we had two missions, one to establish order,
and the other to found liberty. If the Chamber had
not wished to close the discussion, I would have ex-
plained what I me:int by a popular throne surrounded by
republican institutions.—(Cries from all sides of Speak,
speak.') I thank the Chamber for its indulgence. In July,
at the Hotel de Ville, I said that I believed in the will of the
nation to establish a popular throne with republican insti-
tutions, and I am happy in being able to tell the Chamber,
that he who adopted this programme with most favour was
the citizen King himself.--(Approbation.)—Republic and
monarchy are terms extremely vague. Constitutional mo-
narchies arc frequently more republican than ever where
the ancient republics of Sparta and Athens, or the modern
ones of Genoa and Venice. I should prefer the distinction
laid down by Montesquieu,—namely, a national govern-
ment, and a government of exception. Do you know,
gentlemen, what I mean by republican institutions? It is
a national guard formed of all the armed citizens, appoint-
ing their own officers. A republican institution is the
declaration of the national sovereignty not only at home,
but also abroad, and with regard to all the nations who
claim the exercise of this right.—(Murmurs from the
centre.)—l regret that the Minister for Foreign Affairs is

not here.
" The Minister for Foreign Affairs entered at this mo
ment, and appeared to intimate to the Deputies near him
that he would not reply.
" General Lafayette continued.—l think that this right
of popular sovereignty should be supported among them as
among ourselves.—(Cheers on the left.)—A republican
institution is that national throne which we alone have
raised by our choice. An institution not republican, is
communes who do not nominate their magistrates, a po-
pulation of 6,000,000 of inhabitants, of whom 4,000,000
would not be called to elect their municipal officers.
In all cases, where, by the will of Government, a
part of the citizens alone are called to exercise this
right, there is aristocracy. Germany, Holland, America,
and England, have thought, as we do upon this sub-
ject, and yet you will find in some of those coun-
tries sufficient despotism to secure guarantees.—
. (Laugliter.)—A just medium and moderation have
been talked of. Gentlemen, I know some of my friends
who are, I will not say impregnated, but furious, with mo-
deration—(Laughter)—but we should understand what
is the just medium, and ask ourselves whether it may not
be an error. Between two opinions that assert, the one
that four and four make eight, and the others that four
and four make ten, the just medium would be, that four
and four make nine. In the horrible time of terror, one
would have passed for moderate in saying that ten or
twelve assassinations a-day were sufficient. I say assassi-
nations, for then one might have taken it as a general rule
that all those who were condemned were innocent. What
was the just medium two years ago, except to oppose those
who spoke of the National Guards, or municipal liberties ;
and I beg pardon of some of my Hon. colleagues, if I
allow myself to hope that perhaps some time hence they
will find the just medium somewhat farther on in the na-
tional sense.---(Laughter.) I believe that the salvation of
the Government, under existing circumstances, is, in truth
frankness, and, above all, in the union of the throne and
the people, The throne that we established in 1759, and
that we defended against the factious, sought success where
it was not to be found, and laboured to render unpopular
the men who were its real supporters, and whom it again
found at the moment of danger but too weak to defend it.
--(Powerful sensation.) It was the same with a throne
raised by a man of genius—a great General, to whom we
owed for a time the abolition of the freedom of the press,
and of all elections, and perhaps, also, notwithstanding
his great genius, the loss of the conquests made by the
Republican armies. In 1792, the people marched unani-
mously to the frontiers ; in 1814, they withdrew, and
admirable and incomparable armies did not suffice to de-
fend the national independence against this new coalition.
Hence it is that I am for republican ideas, because I hope
to find in them that union of the throne and nation which
is necessary to the strength of the one and the repose of
the other.—(Hear, hear.) I am not on this account an
enemy to public order ; I have suffered enough from anar-
chy not to be accused of loving or desiring it. Oar revo-
lution has been distinguished from all others, not only
because it was the electric signal which called all the na-
tions to the enjoyment of their rights, hut also because it
was pure from all excess. I ought to fear for my own
honour lest this put ity should be sullied, and I hope that
it cannot be —(Hear.)
" You have ken told that there is in Paris a class of
men who aim at nothing but trouble and agitation,—
there is perhaps a class still more formidable, that of the
intriguers of all periods, and the courtiers of all govern-
ments ; but what ought to inspire us with confidence is,
that there is also in this population a class of citizens who,
by their disinterestedness and their patriotism, are far
above many persons whose patriotism is to he suspected.
You will find them all in the ranks of our citizen militia.
The National Guard is the people, arid the people is the
National Guard. They are henceforth united beneath the
tri-coloured banner of liberty and public order. Since the
President of the Council has, as it were, announced the
cam iy dissolution of this Chamber, I shall, without doubt,
be allowed to hope that before we separate we shall at
least have time to deliberate upon the electoral law. It
would indeed be strange, when your committee has upon
thin subject a- report quite ready, that we should separate
witlfotet. offing to the enjoyment of their electoral rights
that portion ef the citizens whom the Government and
the Chamber appear te have the intention of admitting.
As the report is ready, I move that it ha brought up to-
morrow.
i\l. Beranger, reporter of the committee, stated that
the report would lei- read in the committee for the last time
to-morrow, and could not be brought up till Tuesday.
" General agitation ensued in consequenee of the delay,
and the President eisid that the report being on the order
of the day for to-morrow, it was contrary to established
preee4set to postpone it to Tuesday.
" M. Isessanger replied, in explanation, that but for the
important discussing;, the report would have been read in
the committee to-day, and ;hen brought up to-morrow.
Under existing circuinstacces, it cod not be made before
Tuesday.
" Cries of questio:3, question,' being uttered in all
parts of the Chamber, several Hon. Deputies who had
given their reemes to speak, renounced their intention.
" 111. Pataille observed; that it seemed to ressalt from
whet the President of the Couneil had said respecting the
dissolution, that the Chamber had soiiciteel it of the Go-
vernment. It wa.sreaspertant that this point should be made

clear.
" The President of the Council replied that he merely
meant to say that from observations made by many mem-
bers in the Chamber, it was evident that they de-
sirous of a dissolution.
" Sever;ll Deputies demanded that the report on the
elector.:) law should be made to-morrow, upon which
" The President rertiar!wl that the Committee !UMW
the wishra of the Chamber, and would do what they con-
sidered to be their duty.
" The Chamber then adjourned amidst great agitation."

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" SITTING OF NONDAY, FEB. 21.
" 111. C. Perrier, President—The sitting commenced at
two o'clock, when a very few Deputies were assembled,
and the tribunes of the spectators badly attended.
" 31. Charles Dupin ascended the tribune, and read a
report, which the inattention and noise of the House
would not allow us to hear a word of, until the President's
exhortation to silence produced sufficient for a minute or
two to enable us to perceive that the subject related to the
;nubile works, and apparently more particularly to the
canals.—(Four of the Ministers were at this time at their
seats, the President himself was conversing with appa-
rent interest to one of the reporters of the Chamber upon
some subject foreign to the one now reading.)—After this
ermv.l.l the order 0 the day, which was the formation of