The Sun.
London, England, 1849-08-17 00:00:00

Oteithut

LONDON, FRIDAY, AUGUST 17, 1849.

Another meeting in the metropolis of England has
indicated the extension of enthusiasm among our
fellow-countrymen in—behalf of the Hungarians.
London has not set its example in vain to West-
minster. The scene witnessed in the London Tavern
and in Captain HALL'S Riding Academy has been
equalled in point of comparative numbers, and, if that
be possible, surpassed in its exhibition of resolute and
energetic devotion to the cause of Magyar inde-
pendence. A little while and the reiterated declara-
tions of the people must exercise a visible influence
over the Government. A little while and the
Cabinet, either coinciding with the multitude,
will recognize the necessity of an immediate
interposition between the belligerents, or assuming
an attitude of direct antagonism with the country
will be compelled to withdraw from the administra-
tion of the affairs of the empire. That man must be
blind with prejudice, or deaf to the portentous in-
dications of public feeling, who cannot recognise a
fact perceptible to every rational and reflective observer,
that fact being that the continuance or dissolution of
the Russell Government is dependent upon the great
question of- Hungary. Never before was any senti-
mant ar any opinion so rapidly diffused throughout
a population as the sentiment of England's sympathy
for, and the opinion of England's con-
viction in, the justice of the glorious war
now raging in the country of the Danube
between the race of the heroic Magyars and the le-
gions of Austrian and Russian despotism. Never
did the people of the United Kingdom become so ra-
pidly and cordially unanimous upon any question of
public policy even in reference to their own internal
government. That consideration alone is sufficient
to augur well for the realisation of the noble and ge-
nerous ambition of the British multitude—the
ambition of affoisding the aid of their friendship,
and, if necessary, of their arms both naval and
military, to the gallant and illustrious Hungarians.
We say, if necessary, of their arms both naval
and vailary, for it would be the height
of folly, or the depth of stupidity, to suppose that a
eountry like England—the arbitress of all the desti-
nies of Europe—could dream for a single moment of
declaring herself in favour of the cause of Hungary
without being prepared in case of a necessity to draw
her sword in vindication of that course, and in de-
fence of her own opinions. Why, those who speak of
protesting against the interference of the AUTOCRAT,
and who yet shrink from declaring that the country
should, before uttering that protest, be in
readiness to uphold her views with her
land and maritime forces are labouring
most effectually to degrade the glory of Great Bri-
tain. Were England to recognize the independence
of Hungary, and to issue the only protest that could
be forwarded to the two Emperors—namely, a de-
mand that the Hungarian territories should be evacu-
ated by all foreign troops before a certain period, say
forty days, had expired—what would be the effect if,
on the expiration of the stipulated interval, her atti-
tude still continued pacific ? Why, the golden
bowl of her political life would be broken—
the Queen of all the maritime nations, an-
cient or modern, would be the laughing-stock
of all the races of Christendom—an insult unrepelled
wou'Al be branded on the forehead of our beloved
SOVEREIGN—the moral power of her sceptre would
have dwindled from a living fact to a shadowy recol-
lection of the Past. Talk not of the atrocity of
war and of the culpability of those who,
by inflammatory adjurations' eedeavour to ex-
cite a population to enter the lists of battle. The
atrocity devolves upon the
te criminal originators of the
h
struggle against Hungary, culpability appertains
to the infamous despots of the
who
northern coali-
tion. It is the CZAR has hurled at
England the provocation of yielding to
diabolical demands of the Camarillo. surrounding
the
the youthful Emperor of AUSTRIA. Ind is not thnat
provocation sufficient in all conscience; is it not more
than sufficient, or rather, is it not absolutely un
endurable ? It is nothing
.less, in fact, than the
violation of all treaties—the violation of the confidence
of the western countries—the violation of the sacred
frontiers of Hungary—the violation of all codes,
Human and Divine—the violation pf the first princi-
ples of Justice. And yet, in the face of this outrage
upon the friendship and reputation of England,
it is said that ye should preserve en attitude
of indifference. Or, it is said by others,
that we should remonstrate with the aggressors,
but under no circumstance forward the purpose of

our remonstrance by a resort to the energies reserved
exactly for such emergencies. As one of the speakers
last evening at the meeting in Westminster very
felicitously said, quoting from one of the shrewdest,
as it is certainly one of the wittiest works ever
written, exclaimed in the language of Hudibras—

" Sympathy without relief,
Is like to mustard without beef."
Our sympathy for the Hungarians has gone quite
far enough in mere words—we must now sympathise
in fact, sympathise in earnest, sympathise in action.
We must compel the Government to show that Eng-
land is no mere braggart in her devotion to freedom,
or else we shall only be an object of mingled ridi-
cule and astonishment. We should be the Shrew of
Nations, scolding the AUTOCRAT, and abusing the
KAISAB; but looking, nevertheless, at the perpe-
tration of their atrocities in Hungary, with ignoble
apathy, regarding the battle between Liberty and Des-
potism at a very respectful distance ! Away with
this paltry dereliction of the noblest duty, and of the
holiest principle—the duty and the principle of true
patriotism ! NicaoLes has himself thrown down the
gauntlet of defiance. It is the part of England
to repel the insult, to acknowledge the in-
pendence of the Hungarians, and to protest
against the invasion of their territories. Then—in
the event of that protest being disregarded—the crime
and culpability of the struggle will descend threefold
upon the heads of the original aggressors, when

" We take our stand,
And draw the brand,
As in the ancient days!"

Justice and our national honour alike impel us to this
course. Interest also incites us to declare at once
boldly and decisively for the llungarians—for by so
doing we should open a new and encrmous field for
our merchandise. We are called upon, moreover, to
act thus out of a regard for our imperial supremacy,
out of our allegiance to civilization, and out
of our homage and reverence for religion.
Already we have quoted into our columns a docu-
ment showing the tendency of Russian ambition,
as indicated in the Will of PETER the GREAT. That
singular effusion, however, only indicates a slight
portion of that spoliative and domineering lust of
dominion. The ambition of Russia is directed to the
acquisition of three kinds of authority—

Political Supremacy,
Commercial Supremacy,
Religious Supremacy,
As EnglUmen, we are called upon to oppose the
two former, and as Christians we are required to
withstand the latter. And to withstand the extension
of the Greek Church is incumbent upon all
creeds alike, upon all Christians without dis-
tinction. Indifferent to the development of ethical
truth, or of ecclesiastical orthodoxy, the aim of the
AUTOCRAT is to forward the Church through which
he wields an irresponsible power—driving its doctrines
upon the acceptance of Europe and Asia, driving them
in, like a wedge, between Mahometanism, Pro-
testantism, and Catholicism. Every Catholic, every
Protestant—nay, every Mahometan, must conse-
quently feel an innate antagonism to the views and
policy of the AUTOCRAT. Hence the Hungarians
might naturally look to England, to France, and to
Turkey, for their simultaneous assistance.
What will be the response of England ?

We are compelled to postpone until to-morrow the
publication of our very lengthened report of the great
meeting held last evening in Westminster.

The period best:suited for the successful agitation
of any great national amelioration is that when
there is an absence of any extraordinary degree of
excitement or irritation, when the nation is in the
enjoyment of undisturbed peace and tranquillity, and
when there are no peculiar causes in operation to
prejudice or influence the judgment of the people.
The voice of public opinion is then peculiarly power-
ful. The validity of the arguments for and against
any proposed reform can be carefully and accurately
considered and a sound conclusion arrived at. At
such a time there are no superfluous elements to
disturb the calculation, no feelings of exasperation to
influence the popular mind, or to produce excessive
demands which cannot be sustained or justified by the
voice of truth and reason. The various classes, in
place of being obstinately fixed to their own peculiar
opinions, will be prepared to make moderate conces-
sions and to cooperate with the general body for the
attainment of safe and practicable measures. They
will accept what some believe to be only instal-
ments of justice, rather than, by at once pressing for
the full extent of their rights, afford powerful assist-
' ante to the enemies of all reform, and thus enable
them to maintain their position, despite the efforts
of the moderate party. Timid politicians, too, who
shudder at any radical or sweeping alterations, will
feel more disposed to come forward to array them-
selves on the side of the people, and to add
their weight to the popular ranks. They will not re-
gard the propositions brought forward as the results
of a feeling of despair that desires any change, how •
ever dangerous to the best interests of society. Each
suggestion will be considered do its own merits, and
not marred by any extrinsic influences. The time,
then, is peculiarly appropriate for the labours of a
great society like the Metropolitan Parliamentary
and Financial Reform Association. The middle and
the working classes, who have too long been alienated,
will—nay, have—become united, and will co-operate
together zealously and energetically for the " extinc-
tion of abuses, and the elevation of the masses to the
rights of citizenship."

The Parliamentary reforms which the Council of
the Association have, " after repeated deliberations,
and having consulted with the leaders of all reforms,"
decided on advocating, are fivefold, which, to: adopt
the language of opponents, we are quite satisfied to
term " the five points of the new league," which are
as follows, via.:

" 1. Such an extension of the franchise as will give to
every male occupier of a tenement, or any portion of a
tenement, for which he shall be rated, or shall have
claimed to be rated, to the relief of the poor, the right to
be registered as an elector.
"2. The adoption of the system of voting by ballot.
" 3. The limitation of the duration of Parliament to
three years.
"4. such a change in the arrangement of the electoral
districts as shall produce a more equal apportionment of
representatives to constituents.
" 5. The abolition of the property qualification for
Members of Parliament."
First in position, as it unquestionably is in impor-
tance, comes the great question of the extension of the
franchise—of bestowing upon those who have hitherto
been deprived of their unquestionable rights, and
reduced to the condition of political cyphers, the
privilege of being represented in the national councils,
of voting for those who are to enact laws for the
general government of the country, and to impose
taxation to which all must contribute. If the consti-
tutional axiom, " that there should be no taxation
without representation," be well-founded—if, as
laid down by Lord CAMDEN, it be " one
of the laws of nature that whatever is
a man's own is absolutely his own ;" and that " no
man has a right to take it without the consent of the
possessor, expressed either by himself or his repre-
sentative ;" and that " whoever attempts to do so
commits an injury and a robbery," there are six-
sevenths of the adult male population of these king-
doms injured and robbed under the present system.
So long as indirect taxation is sanctioned and tole-
rated-80 long as duties are demanded on the chief
necessaries and comforts of life, every individual
consumer is entitled to he represented in the popular
branches of the Legislature. There should be univer-
sal suffrage in its most extensive signification, those
only being rejected who, in place of being the crea-
tors and producers of national wealth, and discharging
the duties of free citizens in the positions in
which they may be respectively placed, become
useless and unprofitable consumers of the general
stock, either from their own crimes or their own
idleness and apathy ; in fact all, except convicted
criminals, so long as they may be undergoing the
punishment due to their offences against society, and
paupers who look to the public for support—all but
the inmates of the prisons and the workhouses
should
be possessed of the right to vote.
Although the Association does not go the full length
of universal suffrage, it advocates a measure that
would place the franchise within the reach of every
well-disposed and industrious man, and which would
at once more than quadruple the number of voters. It
desires to make every man who directly contributes to
the public exchequer, or to the support of the poor, en-
titled to a vote :—" Every male occupier of a tenement,;
or any portion of a tenement, for which he shall be
rated, or shall have claimed to be rated to the relief of

the poor, shall have a right to be registered as an
elector." This should surely satisfy the most enthu-
siastic advocate of popular rights, more especially as
it should be remembered that another object of the
association is to procure a total alteration in the
fiscal system, and the substitution of direct for indi-
rect imposts. When that reform also is obtained
there will no longer be taxation without representa-
tion, and every man who contributes in any degree
to the national finances will also have a voice in their
disposal.

Having obtained the suffrage the people must be
guarded against any undue interference in the exer-
cise of their newly-acquired rights. For this purpose
" the ballot" is also demanded, for without its aid the
franchise might become a curse in place of a blessing
to its possessor. By its means, and its means only,
coercion and intimidation would be rendered impos •
sible. The establishment of the vote by ballot is there-
fore a necessary supplement to the extension of the
suffrage, second only in importance to the possession
of the right itself. The admirable speech of Lord
NUGENT must for ever remove any difficulties that
might have existed on this subject ; it completely
answers the hacknied argument—if argument it can
be called—that the vote by ballot is an unmanly and
un-English custom.

Next, after the right of voting and manner
of voting, naturally comes the question of the
duration of Parliament, on which depends
the amount of control that the constituencies
shall exercise over their representatives. The sep-
tennial term is manifestly too long, as rendering
members too indifferent as to the wishes of the
electors, and careless of the strict observance of the
pledges they may have given on the hustings.
Annual Parliaments are possibly equally objec-
tionable, for those who have been selected would be
called upon to surrender their trust before they had
acquired an experience of Parliamentary usages, or
been afforded an opportunity of exhibiting their
qualifications for the station. Triennial Parliaments,
as advocated by the Association, will probably suit
every good purpose more nearly that any other that
could be selected.

The equalisation of electoral districts is so clearly
demanded by justice and policy, that any reform of.
which it did not form a consituent portion would be
utterly inadequate to the wants and wishes of the
people. We have so repeatedly put forward our views
on this all-important subject, that it is unnecessary
to recapitulate the many cogent arguments in its
favour; nor indeed would our space permit it on the
present occasion.

We are, indeed, rejoiced to find that the Association
have at length, upon mature consideration, deter-
mined on seeking for the abolition of the
property qualification. No restriction will thus
affect or narrow the right of selection. The electors
will be enabled to send forward the man of their
choice, whose opinions are most in accordance with
their own, and whom they believe to be capable of
giving full expression thereto. Those who would
refuse to accept the larga and comprehensive mea-
sures above indicated would, indeed, be guilty of the
utmost folly, and would be unworthy of the privileges
for which the people are now struggling. Let them
ra'ly around the Association, and contribute every
man his mite to its finances. By such means will
a speedy triumph be ensured—a triumph which, in
the words of the report, " will tend to the preservation
of our most valuable institutions, give stability and
protection to property, elevate and improve the con-
dition of all classes of the people, and consequently
raise the kingdom to a height of prosperity and gran-
deur which, amidst all its successes, it has never yet
attained."

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

The only Paris papers published yesterday were
the National and the Reforme, the other papers having
strictly observed the feast of the Assumption as a
close holiday.
The split between the parti pretre and the other
sections of the majority is becoming every day wider.
The parti-pretre, emboldened by the presence of M.
DE FALLoux in the Cabinet, and Gf General CHAN..
GARNIER at the head of the army, declare that they
will be satisfied with nothing less than the restoration
of the sacerdotal power, as it was before 1789, in the
days when CALAs was judicially murdered and Pro-
testants were hunted down like vermin.

It is rumoured that an attempt will be made to get
up addresses in the Departments, praying for such a
revision of the Constitution as will extend the period
during which the PRESIDENT of the Republic may
co ntinue to hold office.

M. GENT, one of the representatives accused of
being implicated in the affair of the 13th of June, sur-
rendered himself to the authorities on Monday, and
after undergoing an examination was set at liberty.
The trials of the accused of the 13th of June will
commence on the 10th of October, at Versailles.
Mr. HEALD and the Countess of LANDSFELDT
(LOLA MONTES) have left Paris for Germany.
M. BALLARD, the Director of the Democratic
and Socialist Propaganda, who was arrested on the
15th of June, has been realeased.

It is expected that M. CARNOT will be elected a
representative of the Cote d'Or, in the place of the late
M. JAMES DEMONT&EY.

The Semaphore de Marseilles publishes a dispatch
from the Prefect of the Drome, announcing that the
Court of Assizes has just pronounced sentence on the
persons implicated in the riots at Marseilles. Out of
about 150 who had been brought to trial, 57 have
been found guilty and condemned to different punish-
ments, from transportation to simple imprisonment.
Everything had passed off with perfect calmness.
BOURSE—Panes, AUGUST 16.
_

THREE O'CLOCK.—A rumour prevailed to-day at the
Passage de I'Opera, before the Bourse, that the Pope had
been assassinated, and in consequence the French Five
per Cents. went down about 25c., to 881. 75c. They
opened, however, in the Parquet at 89-:, and went up
steadily to 891. 25c., at which trey closed. From this it
would appear that the rumour was looked on as a mere
bruit de bourse. Roman, it was observed, fell If. on the
day, closing at 74f. The Three per Cents. closed at
541. 20c., the advance not being altogether as much as
that of the Fives ; the latter were done at four o'clock
in the Coulisse at 891. 20c. Bank of France shares are
sf. higher, closing at 2,275 f. Railway Shares show but
little variation. Exchange on London (30 days), 25 37k,
ditto (90 days), 25 27k.

BUSINESS DONE 1N FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, AUGUST 16.
Boulogne and Amiens, 6%—East Indian, 3%—Orleans
and Bordeaux, 274.