The Sun.
London, England, 1849-05-15 00:00:00

AFFAIRS OF ROME.

Lord BEAUMONT, in rising to put the questions of
which he had given notice with regard to the intervention
of the French, the Austrians, and the Neapolitans in the
affairs of Rome, besought their Lordships to keep silence
in order that, as he suffered from severe hoarseness, he
might be heard. On the accession of the Supreme
Pontiff, misgovernment had brought Rome to the verge of
rebellion. During the reign of Gregory XVI. hundreds
had been executed, and the prisons were filled to over-
flowing. On the accession of Pius IX., it was deter-
mined to reform the institutions, in order to
prevent an outbreak; but to such a height had
abuses grown that it was seen that the attempt
must lead to the separation of the temporal from the
spiritual power, but it was made in a manner which in-
sured its failure. It was attempted to govern the country
with the advice of secular councillors without sacerdotal
supremacy. These secular councillors were deprived of
the initiative in legislation. At this time revolutions took
place in the other states of Italy, and the Roman people
claimed for themselves those liberties which had been
conceded to the people of the other Italian states. To
the granting of these concessions the whole body of the
Cardinals was opposed ; for they believed that no
concession could be made to the people without a con-
cession of all. The Pope would not allow a secular
education to be given to the people. (The reasons were
given by Lord Beaumont, but as we did not hear them,
we leave all conjecture as to the nature of those reasons
to the imagination of others.) When we wero again
able to hear his Lordship, ho was contending that the
circumstances which he had detailed clearly proved that
all that Pius IX. had granted to the people was given
against his will, and against the advice of the cardinals,
and with a certainty and conviction on his part and
theirs that it would lead to the consequences which bad
happened, and which many of them foresaw; and also
with the reservation (he was not speaking of any reli-
gious mental reservation), that whenever a fitting oppor-
tunity occurred every step which they had taken in ad-
vance should be retraced, that the supremacy of the
clergy in the Roman state should be maintained in all
its original vigour, and that the laity should be deprived
of and remain without any of the privileges which had
been conceded to, and were enjoyed by the clergy. Con-
formably to the advice which he had received from
foreign Courts, the present Pope called to the head of
his councils, not a man who deserved his confidence from
his knowledge of the constitutional course recommended
by civil liberty well understood, but a man who had
been exiled from Rome, who had been branded as a
rebel, who had been excommunicated as a churchman,
who had abandoned the Catholic religion and professed
another, who had forsaken his own country and had be-
come the inhabitant and citizen of another country, and
who had been employed as the ambassador of that
country to that which it considered a foreign state. That I
person, with such qualifications, bad been recommended
to the Pope as his alieister by a foreign state; but his
advice soon appeared to be as unwelcome to the Pope
and as adverse to his views as it was as unwelcome to
the Cardinals and adverse to their views. His first
attempt wat to retrieve the finances of his country, and
he saw no other mode of accomplishing that object than
by mortgaging the estates of the Church; and, with
that view, he was proceeding to enter the Capitol,
when he fell by the hands of an assassin, and thus
brought unmerited disgrace on those who were
opposed to him as Minister. He (Lord Beaumont)
d.plored the death of M. Rossi, and deplored it deeply.
It was an event which stood by itself—it was completely
isolated; and though he must admit that some joy was
expressed in Rome at this monstrous crime (and he ad-
mitted that all who expressed that joy must be consi-
dered as participators in that monstrous crime)—yet he
had evidence to convince the most incredulous of their
Lordships that not one of the men who afterwards suc-
ceeded to power evinced any joy at that atrocity. On
the contrary. they lamented it deeply—not only for the
sake of M. Rossi himself, with whom they were in
habit s of intimacy, but deo because they saw that it was
an event which would delay the success of that cause in
i which they were embarked. The m )ment that M. Rossi
felt the cardinals endeavoured to retrace their steps and
to rtgaiu the privileges which they had been obliged to
abandon, a plan was drawn up and agreed upon which had
no other object, out fortunately it was discovered in time.
The people rose in indignation. They did not wish to drive
the Pop from his throne—they went to the steps of the
Vatican and implored him to stay in Rome, asserting
that if he would, they would sacrifice their lives rather
than a hair of his head should be injured; but they
asked him at the same time to send away the foreign
forces on which he relied; they insisted that be should
disband the Swiss regiments, and that he should renew
the oath to stand by the constitutional form of govern-
ment which then existed. The Supreme Pontiff de-
clined to do this; for that form of government allowed
laymen to take the initiative and propose measures, and
he saw the results to which such a measure would lead,
and therefore he rightly in his own conscience refused
to do any such thing. He was then advised by some of
the parties by whom he was surrounded to quit Rome.
His flight, if he had given notice of his intention, in all
probability would not have been prevented. No attempt
beyond entreaties would have been made to arrest it.
But, instead of ascertaining the wishes of his country-
men, he adopted other advice, and fled from Rome in dis.
guise, which showed a strange want of confidence in his
subjects.
Lord BROUGHAM—Had the assassins of Rossi been
arrested at that time?
Lord BEAUMONT bad heard the observation of his
Noble and Learned Friend. Though generally he re-
spected what fell from the Noble and Learned Lord, he
regretted to tell him that on this occasion, as indeed on
many others, it was impossible for any man to fathom
his motives. His assertions, one after another, were in-
consistent with themselves and all contrary to feet; and
it would not be long before he beard from those whom he
had slandered that his assertions were falsehoods, and
before he would be called upon to contradict or retract
them .—(Order, order.)
Lord BROUGHAAI—I have allowed the Noble
Baron to go on without interruption in one of the most
irregular speeches which I ever heard delivered in this
House.

The Earl of WICKLOW (we were told)—There is
no irregularity.

Lord BROUGHAM—No irregularity?
The Earl of WICKLOW—Not in his speech.
Lord BROUGHAM—There is irregularity, and the
gross irregularity is this—the Noble Baron puts a ques-
tion, and prefaces it by a long speech, which is perfectly
irregular.
The Earl cf WICKLOW—It is done every day.
Lord BROUGHAM—The only office of a speech is to
introduce a question and make it intelligible to the Go•
vernment which has to answer it. But to make a long
speech, and to refer to former debates, and to say that
any Noble Lord's assertions are falsehoods—(Hear,
hear)—is a course so irregular that I never saw it taken
in this House before; and I receive the statement just
made, from whomsoever it comes, with the most absolute
contempt.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord BEAUMONT—I am now doing what the Noble
and Learned Lord admits that I am strictly entitled to
do. lam making a statement to render my question in-
telligible, and, if my speech be longer than it otherwise
would have been, it arises from the erroneous statements
of the Noble and Learned Lord. _ _ .

Lord BROUGHAM—My Lords, I ask whether it is
either regular or orderly, even according to the laxest
rule of order, for any Noble Lord, on the information of
an Italian, I know not whom,ito accuse another Noble
Lord of having delivered falsehoods to the House. I will
pin the Noble Lord to that expression of falsehood. He
may either explain it, or retract it, or apologize for it;
not, indetd, to me, because I despise it, but to the
House, whose orders he has violated.
Lord BEAUMONT—I certainly did use the word
fahhood; and said that statements were put forward
which were false; but I never thought they were the
falsehoods of the Noble Lord. Whatever may be the
violence of his language, I have too much respect for my
Noble and Learned Friend himself, even in moments
like these, to say he would state anything which was
false, knowing it was false. Falsehood is too strong,
perhaps, but if I had used a milder form of expression,
still the meaning would have been the same. I think
falsehood is not a word which ought to be used, and
if it did escape me lam the first to retract it, as I
do not even wish to use such language, and if I have
offended the Noble and Learned Lord I willingly apo-
logise t' him. My only object was to show that many
of the statements put forward before the public
were not in accordance with the truth. The Noble
Lord then proceeded to say that no attempt what-
ever had been maile by the Government of the Sove-
reign Pontiff to arrest the assassins of Count Rossi; and
the first step for that object was taken by the Provi-
sional Government of Borne. Different schemes were
then suggested at Gaeta, fur Austria was said to allow
Spain and Naples to interfere, and that France and her-
self should be neutral. Gaeta was then the scene of
self-interest between these powers. and during their dis-
cussions thereon the Roman Republic was proclaimed,
and all who supported that form of government should
be thought to have spoken the will and voice of the
Roman people; tor, though the number of Republicans
might not be very numerous, yet it was the wish of
the people that laymeu should haYsl a bare

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