The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-14 00:00:00

FRANKFORT.

The following is a translation, in extens•, of the
Austrian note forwarded on the 4th instant to the
Central Executive at Frankfort, or (according to other
accounts) to the Prussian plenipotentiaries in that
free city :
" When, in the spring of last year, the national feel-
ings of the Germans, struggling for a closer political
union, found vent in the desire for the reform—i❑
accordance with the spirit of the times—of the
political relations of their fatherland, the princes
of Germany readily met the wishes and seconded
the endeavours of their people. On the 30th of
March the Germanic Diet resolved to bring about
the election of the national representatives, whose
mission should be the intermediate one, between the
governments and the people, of completing the wurk of
the German constitution. Tile elections took place in
perfect freedom, unprejudiced and unshackled. In a
short time the National Assembly met in Frankfort,
and commenced the great undertaking. No attempt
was ever made by Austria to exercise any influence
on their deliberations and decisions. From the day
on which the Austrian Plenipotentiary, at the seat
of the German Diet, signed the above.mentioned
decision, the point of view which the Austrian Go-
vernment then took remained unalterable. True

to the then generally prevailing opinion that the desire
on the part of Germany for a closer union should be
fully taken into account, but at the same time adhering
to the principle of a concordance between the princes
and the people—a principle set forth by the Germanic
Diet in its sitting of the 30th of March—the Govern-
ment of his Imperial Majesty thought that it was in-
cumbent on them to await the results of the deliberation

of the representatives of the people in Frankfort, in
order to complete, in unison with the other German Go-
vernments, and in a manner which should afford satisfac-
tion in all quarters, the great work of the regeneration
of Germany.
" Whilst continuing to perform faithfully all their
federal duties, his Majesty's Government did not hest
tate to acknowledge the central power created by the
National Assembly in the place of the German Diet, and
thus, de facto, manifest their readiness to coulorm to the
wishes expressed by the legal representatives of the
German nation. The new executive of the Confedera-
tion will not fail to prove—taking a just view of the
difficulties of the internal relations—that his Majesty's
Government ever assiduously endeavoured, even under
the extreme pressure of events, to comply with all de-
mands which did not encroach upon the territory of the
legislature. The deliberations of the National Assembly
were attentively followed by the Cabinet, which, as there
was a desire expressed in Germany for a declaration
of its views, would not suffer it to be thought that
it was desirous of concealing its sentiments under a
dubious and reserved system of policy. Equally with
the German population on both sides of the Austrian
frontiers the Imperial Government felt the deep neces •
city of the regeneration of Germany; and, equally with
them, also acknowldged that the first condition of that
regeneration was the forming of the separate states into
a closer bond of union. To establish that intimate
connexion, to introduce that closer union and alliance,
is, in the opinion of the Austrian Government, the
mission in common of the princes and people of Ger-
many. Far from seeking a separation, that Cabinet is
,ready to afford its serious and sincere co-operation, pro-
vided that the question turn not upon the entire amal-
gamation, but on the union of existing relations ; not on
the destruction, but on the maintenance, of the various
and vital organic members of Germany.
" The formation of one state appears to the Imperial
Cabinet to be neither practicable for Austria nor de-

sirable for Germany; not practicable for us, inasmuch
as the Government, whilst mindful of the position of
Austria in the confederation, must not forget its rights
and duties with respect to the non-German portions of
the monarchy. By the same rule that the union which,
during centuries, has kept together the German and non-
German territories of Austria cannot be dissolved, the
one-sided annulling of the relations of the Gernanic
Conferation, relations which form an important
portion of Nuropean treaties, cannot be acceded to.
Moreover, such a state is not, in our opinion, a de-
sirable one for Germany, for not only would it, in
manifold ways, prejudicially affect the various require-
ments of that nation, its dearest moral and political in-
terests, the traditions of the past and the hopes of the
future, but it would also place obstacles in the way of
the development of the political and personal freedom of
the Germans—a development ardently desired and jea-
lously watched. Let it not be objected that such a state
as the one referred to is not contemplated, but merely
a confederate state. We can attach but little value to
that assertion and to that term. The majority of the
National Assembly have decidedly declared in favour
of Herr Von Gagern's programme, which, if carried
out, will form the so-called closer confederate state;
that is to say, the kind of one just pointed out by us,
it being of no importance whether the centre of gravity
remain at Frankfort or be transferred to another part
of Germany. From whatever point of view such an
undertaking is regarded, great and insurmountable diffi-
culties present themselves—difficulties for Germany,
because if we err not, its separate members will be
deprived—contrary to all historical associations and
present wants—of an independent existence, which will
be made over to an artificially-created focus; and diffi-
culties for Austria, because such a state as the one in
question will either exclude us totally from the new
Germany, or dissolve the bond of union between the
German hereditary territories and the non-German
ones, that is to say, will render in force all over the em-
pire the second and third sections of the constitution
chapter. Let it be remembered that the constitution
was received with a cry of discontent throughout
Austria, including the German territory; and even in
Paul's Church (in Frankfort) many Austrian speakers,
particularly the present President of the Council,
brought forward, in the 103 d sitting, objections to each
paragraph. Thus the exclusion of the German terri-
tory
of Austria is contemplated; in other words, the
dismemberment of Germany or the severing of the
closely-united portions of Austria, which for the future
are to be held together (as proposed) by the slender
thread of a personal union. These are the two points
to which the formation of the so-called Confederate State
—a state which will be, however, anything but a Con-
federate one, will, of necessity, conduct Germany and
Austria. The duty of self-maintenance, not only in a
German, but also in an Austrian point of view, com-
pels us to decline all such arrangements. We repeat
that Austria and Germany will not be advanced thereby
in their development, but weakened and exposed, as
well as deeply, perhaps mortally, injured in their internal
political existence; for, as we had occasion to exclaim
in an ether place, The greatness of Germany does not
consist in the partition of the Austrian monarchy, nor its
power in the enfeebling of the latter. The continuance of
Austris in political unity is a German as well as a Eu-
ropean necessity.'
" Penetrated by the idea that between the so closely-
united, even if often apparently divergent, interests of the
German and non- German portions of the monarchy on
one side, and, on the other, between the latter and Ger-
many in general, no internal incompatibility prevails, the
Government do not, however, overlook in any respect the
difficulty in the way of an internal union; but, at the
same time, do not doubt that the attempt, if undertaken
in an unprejudiced and straightforward way, will end in
the happy accomplishment of the great mission.
" The Imperial Government picture to themselves a
firm and powerful Germany with reference to its foreign
relations, and, with regard to its internal affairs, a
strong and free one—a Germany organically provided
with members, yet one in itself. Our point is—that the
more sharply the lines of demarcation are drawn he •
tween the interests common to all Germany and those of
the separate portions, the more surely will the predomi-
nancy of the separate interests be obviated, and the more
extensive still be the boundaries of the great empire. A
persistancp in the course already entered upon, so far
from producing the unity of Germany, will necessarily
lead to the exclusion of Austria (the first German
power), and render the relations of Germany to us
similar to her's with regard to the Netherlands and
Denmark.

"According to the basis contemplated by the Imperial
Government, all the German states and all their non-
Getman territory will find due places. The Imperial
Government do not apprehend that mutual injury and a
war of races will be the result of a closer conjunction of
Germany and the non-German provinces of Austria.
On the contrary, they discover, on each side, a source of
immeasurable advantages. It is true that there are
great, but, in our opinion, not invincible obstacles to the
carrying out of this idea. A gradual progress, begin-
ning with the sincere desire to make approaches, and
conducing by degrees to the formation of a close union,
does not belong to the realm of dreams. Con
vinced that a truly united Germany can only be formed
when Austria and Prussia go hand in hand in the
work, it was our first and chief care to communicate our
views to Berlin. We proceeded in perfect sincerity, and
without having any idea of procuring for Austria a
greater share in the management of German affairs than

posed to begin in Frank;ort ;h;- work of concortianc,i, in
common with the Princes of Germany, and first of all
with its Kings. The contemplated previous understand-
ing with the Prussian Government could not, neverthe-
less, be fully attained. Upon that account we now,
single-handed, enter upon a concordance with Frank-
fort, instead of (as we had wished) doing so in common
with Pru,sia.

" His Majesty the Emperor and his Governor; nt tot
lOwed y.ith their c.frdial wi-lies the attempts ffe.,flf.
favour of the strength( mug and uniting ot G rmany
They are ready to co-operate in this work, so tar as ttP.
peculiar relations of the monarchy will allow. They
hope and desire that the present communication may
find a favourable reception both within and without
Paul's Church, and that, at all events, the candour and
readiness of disposition of Austria may be ;ully appre
ciated. We cheerfully indulge in the expectation thfit
the path to arriving at an understanding will not be cut
off by the recent decision of the Assembly, and by the
votes given ucder the impression that something more
and something else was in question than the motion
laid before the house for its decision. We readily
expect ale that if the constitution, which is to be drawn
up by the National Assembly, be submitted to the re-
spective Governments for their sanction, a universally
satisfactory understandirg will be arrived at. Through
whatever phases, however, the work of concordance may
still run, one thing is certain—that his Majesty the Em-
peror and his Government are compelled to recognise in
the formation of a central state the germ of unhappy divi-
sions and the opportunity for effecting the dismember-
ment, not the unity, of Germany.
" His Majesty the Emperor, as well as his Govern-
ment, solemnly guard against the subjecting him to the
central power exercised by any other German Prince.
They owe this declaration to themselves, to Austria, and
to Germany."