The Sun.
London, England, 1825-09-16 00:00:00

[MORNING CHRONICLE.]

The Journal des Dards of Tuesday contains
an admirable article signed T. L., on the Con-
ferences of the Bishop of Hermopolis, a work
begun in 1803, and continued to the present
time. Why, says the writer, are these works
sent to us ? It seems it was convenient
for the Ministers of Religion to hold a language
with respect to examination of doctrines, when
M. de Frayssir►ous commenced his labours, which
it would not he convenient to hold at present,
and thus the first volumes are utterly at variance
with the last. lie began by declaring, " Reli-
gio❑ does not dread the open day ; she loves to
show herself uncovered ; she challenges exami-
nation—she even commands it." But France
was not then Catholic, is seems, and " a liberty
of examination is only allowed to those to whom
it is proposed that they should change their reli-
gion, as Pagans, or Protestants, but not when we
are addressing Catholics." Bossuet did not, as
said in this article, hesitate, in his conference
'with Claude, to call children who had once been
baptized infidels, if they even doubted, though
they should have received no instruction since
that first sacrament. " Strengthened by the au-
thority of Bossuet (says 'l'. L.) I own that I was
a little disconcerted by this right of examination so
liberally granted in the Conferences,and by other
concessions, made with a certain prodigality ; not
that I dreaded any thing for myself ; but I had
fears fur young persons who might perhaps be
one day at a loss to decide bet Wee- the Bishop
of Meaux and the Bishop of Hermopolis. This
uneasiness pursued me, and distressed me in the
reading of the first volumes. Fortunately, the
last volume has completely tranquillized me.
cannot express with what satisfaction I found,
with respect to this right of examination, a doc-
trine contrary to the opening discourse—a doc-
trine supported by such strong reasonings, that I
felt the concession at first made was merely to
justify the tone of the first Conferencts, and pre-
pare men's minds to allow them to be led by
him." The persiflage throughout the article is in
the same happy vein ; and, indeed, it is impos-
sible to prove more successfully the inconsistency
;and thorough knavery of the Catholic Clergy of
France. This Bishop. Of Hermopolis preceded
Dr. Magee in the pious wish to retain the people
in ignorance. They ought to be better ac-
quai►:ted with each other.

[MORNING. HERALD.] • • •
In the granting of places by Ministeri,, or va-
cancies occurring, there is not always that at-

tendon paid to the economical filling of them'
whiCh might be desired, nor that anxiety (occa-
sionally professed in the House of Commons) to
meet the claims of meritorious individuals by ad-
vancing them from half-pay, and almost whole
starvation, as opportunities may present them-
selves. Thus, we are informed, an individual
(we name him not, because the act, not the per-
son, is complained of) has been appointed to the
Alien station at Gravesend, held by the late
Captain Walsh, also as head of the stations
connected with the Alien department at the
Port of Leigh and Sheerness; he likewise has
the office on the Flamer gun-brig, stationed
off Gravesend, attached to the Customs, and these
appointments are centured in one person, who
previously held, and still holds an office at the
head-quarters of the Alien department in Lon-
don. Now, if we are correctly informed dn this
subject—and we have no reason to question our
authority—it must be tolerably obvious that this
one individual cannot be personally present at all
these places, in London, at Gravesend, the Port
of Leigh and Sheerness. To the individual we
have no special objection—indeed we believe there
is every reason to say that he has been at once a
zealous and a useful public servant; but surely
this multiplication of offices in one person, previ-
ously well provided for, is not very praise-worthy,
while there are so many equally meritorious per-
sons now lingering on• miserable half-pay. Had
the appointments taken such direction, they
would have reflected quite es much credit on
Government, and would have been as satisfac-
tory to the nation. We should be glad to learn
that we have been misinformed ; but it is stated
to us that the individual has appeared at Graves-
end, with his new appointments. The Alien Act
was passed in May 1824, for two years ; but
though it may be permitted to expire (while its
equally amiable twin brother " the preventive"
lives), Mr. Secretary Peel plainly intimated that
in such case he should propose some general re-
gulations regarding foreigners ; so that there is
not much chance of the extinction of the Alien
Department in reality, though it may be mulcted
in name. The appointments, therefore, are an
object of considerable consequence, because they
are things that are likely to last ; and a plura-
lity of office-holdings, especially where half-pay
Officers might be brought into useful service,
ought not to be countenanced by the Govern-
ment, so long as efficient persons were to be
found on such list, the half-pay ceasing on the
individuals going into full duty and remuneration.
This principle ought to be rigidly adhered to ;
there may be some, there cannot be many justi-
fiable exceptions to it. Besides, ever since Cap-
tain Walsh's death, which happened at least a
year ago, the duties at Gravesend, &c. were per-
formed by the late Captain 1V .'s deputy. Does
not that tend to show "hat further appointments
were unnecessary ?

TIMES.]
A meeting of the barony of Condons and
Clongibbons, was held at Fermoy on Saturday
last. The intent of the meeting was to petition
Parliament on behalf of the Catholics of the em-
pire. Lord Kingston, who is proprietor of half
the barony, was chairman of the meeting. The
petitions, prepared by a Committee, were much
in the spirit of those excellent resolutions which
had been adopted by the Peers at Buckingham-
house, and were finally carried, with but two
dissentients—viz., Lord Mountcashel, nephew
of Lord Kingston, and General Barry, who may,
perhaps, for aught we are aware of, be a
brave soldier and a good man, but is evi-
dently not entitled, as an orator or statesman,
to any high place in history. We refer to
the speech of Lord Mountcashel, because it
points out, not unsatisfactory, the limits with-
in which an opposition to the Catholics Claims
now seems to confine itself among ais classes
'of the Irish, except the downright unmiti-
gated Orangeman. The Noble Lord attempted
no attack upon the principle of Catholic Eman-
cipation. Ile objected to the petition as being
" too vague." But it is 'not surely the business
of petitioners to dictate to the Legislature the
details of measures, of which they recommend
the adoption in the gross. His Lordship objected
to the time of preparing this petition, as being ill
chosen with a view to the spirit of anti-Popery,
which now exists in England. On this point it
seems not improbable that many sincere friends
of the Catholic cause might be disposed to
agree with Lord Montcashel. It has often
appeared to us a most important considera-
tion for the cause of Catholic relief, that
its advocates should recollect the different
classes of enemies whom it was their business
to conciliate. The Irish anti-Catholic has
not for many years been assailable by the same
description of argument which would influence
most powerfully the mind of his English neigh-
bour. Speaking generally, as we ought to do on
questions of wide concern, it may be alleged
that the Irish anti-Catholic was a less conscienti-
ous opponent of emancipation than the English
—that the former only felt for his monopoly,
the latter for liberty and his faith. So long as
the mere justice of the Catholic cause was the ar-
gument addressed to the Irish Parliament and aris-
tocracy, so lots; the question made no sensible
progress. Selfish interest was the ground of the
exclusion in Ireland ever since the extinction of
the House of Stuart ; and it was vain to urge
against such a feeling any modes of reasoning
that did not recommend the relief of the Ca-
tholics upon selfish motives. This has been done.
The uninterrupted disturbances of the country
have shewn the Irish Protestants their interest
under a point of view for which but ten years
since they were very little prepared. Fears for
their own safety have effected the thing wished
for, when the sense of duty did not. The Irish
Protestants are now, we believe, as ten to one in
favour of emancipation, because they are within
the enemy's fire, and peace is essential to the secu-
rity of their lives and fortunes. Menaces, there-
fore, and hostile demonstrations have performed
their part in the sister country. The Catholics
'there have succeeded. Not more than a miserable
fourth or fifth of the re presentatives of Ireland
_oppose their countrymen. There is loseti(ltis
answer by working a questi9n on the spot where

it has already triumphed. England still remains,
in great part, unconverted upon this question. It
is to the people of England, therefore, that the
efforts of the Catholics ought to be henceforth
turned ; and against the English people it is ob-
vious, that the same weapons which subdued the
Irish Protestant, will be altogether impotent and
vain. The English are too distant from the
nightly attacks and daily menaces which have
wrought with such effect in Ireland, to feel
them. They are a people too proud of spirit,
and too confident in their own tried strength,
to be intimidated. There is no Napoleon at the
gate, nor do there now exist in Europe materials out
of which domestic danger can in any definite time
be fabricated against the British nation. Have done,
therefore, with acting upon that which has no
real existence—the fears of John Bull for Ire.

land ; with a new enemy, vary the mode of war. 1
fare—scare, if you will, the weak and tyrannical 1
—reason with the powerful, the sober-minded,
and the just. There is abundant experience,
positive and negative, to guide the Catholics in
the course of policy which we are recommending
them to pursue towards the people of England.
The Saurin rebellion of 1822 did not produce
in this country the shadow of alarm. The intern.,
perance of the Association excited displeasure ;
it was made the subject of angry, not timorous '1
legislation, and a theme of argumentative reproach
against the Catholics. The leaders of the body
came over here. They were examined before
both Houses of Parliament. Evidence—open
evidence—unrestrained, but quiet and civilized
discussion made innumerable converts to emanci-
pation among the reflecting portion of the Eng-
lish auditors and readers. Anti-popery took
fright, and has been for some months labouring
to re-animate the half-worn-out prejudices of this
country against the Catholics. The turbulence,
the intemperance, of that body—their Jesuits
(we wish the Jesuits were all a thousand miles
from the United Kingdom)—the acrimony and
vindictive fury—the undefined ambition of their
demagogues—their attempts to revive the mis-
chievous and unconstitutional spirit of the old
association—their threats and boastings about
the six millions—their abuse of the Pro-
testant Church and its Ministers ;—these topics
are all dwelt upon, and here and there suc-
cessfully dwelt upon, by the enemies of Ca-
tholic freedom, with a view to the choice
of members of the new Parliament. ‘Vhat
then is our summary of the whole question ? It
is this—the battle is actually won in Ireland—
but here on English ground it is still to, be con-
tested. Let the Catholics, then, address their
minds to it, as if they had had none but English
opponents, and not use weapons which are inap-
plicable to the new combat, although they may
have conquered with them on another field. The
question can henceforth be carried by reason-
ing and by mildness, only. If the Catholics,
looking towards England, are at a loss how
to act, our advice to them is, at present " Do
nothing." Awaken no new disgusts. If you
throw into the stomach of a 'bilious patient
a fresh load of the aliment which has already
disturbed it, you but " increase his choler,"
wait, then, for the coming l'arliament ; as we
once before hinted, go to sleep. Do not provoke
the constituents here to put anti-Catholic tests to
candidates more enlightened and liberal than
themselves ; but let your secret friends come in
unfettered. Differing widely from Lord Mon t castle!
in the general tone and spirit of his sentiments
towards the Catholics, we- wistr with. him- that an-
other time had been chosen for this Fermoy peti-
tion. In Ireland there was no point wanting to be
carried—in England the wisdom is to make no
effort yet. In the first session of the ensuing
Parliament, bring the unanimity of Ireland, Pro-
testant and Catholic, to bear, if you will, upon
the common• sense of England, and crush the
table of both Houses under the weight of their
joint petitions. Daniel O'Connell,
Esqrs., and the rest of them, grate harshly at this
moment upon Englishmen's ears.

OLD BAILEY SESSIONS.