The Sun.
London, England, 1838-11-05 00:00:00

men in their own country would in no way have endangered
its peace and I challenge Lord Durham, I demand of him,
in the name of outraged morality and of an aggrieved people,
to justify his conduct, by proving the probability of danger.
With fourteen thousand troops at his disposal, what had he to
fear ? If he say that he feared the influence of M. Papineau
upon the minds of his countrymen, I tell him that influence is
as great as ever; while by his injustice be has destroyed his
own only chance of gaining the confidence and esteem of the
Canadian people. I assert fearlessly—and the time must come
when Lord Durham will have to disprove what I say—that
this breach of one of the most sacred rules of justice was unne-
cessary, therefore unwise, therefore immoral. It is not for me
to show that my assertions are true ; it will be the duty of
Lord Durham, having regard for his own character and for
the opinion of the people of England, to show that they are
false. No people ought to put such faith in any ruler as to
permit him, without severe scrutiny, to make an assault upon
the very foundations of morality and law. Washington would
have blushed to have asked for such confidence ; Lord Durham
should tremble to think that he needs it."
Such are the weighty reasons adduced to prove that
Lord Durham could have done no good in Canada. Now
really the French Canadians ought not to carry matters
with such a high hand, considering the forbearance with
which they have been treated throughout. The prisons
were, it is true, filled on the arrival of Lord Durham ; but
when did it ever before happen in the history of the world
that an insurrection was suppressed in such a way as to
afford room for Mr. Roebuck's complaint? We do not
wish now to go into the question between the French in
Lower Canada and the Government. We may, however,
say this much, that whatever the case might once have
been, there had been no indisposition of late years to re-
medy any ascertained grievances ; and the attempt at in-
surrection-on the part of the French Canadians was not
only unjustifiable in itself, but foolish in the extreme. It is
quite clear, however, that there never was less evidence
shown of a disposition to shed blood. It cannot be said of
the victors in Canada, as was said of those in a rebellion in
our island—
" Yet when the rage of battle ceased
The victor's soul was not appeased ;"
for, short of absolute impunity, it would be difficult to point
out a more lenient course than that adopted towards the
parties implicated in the Canadian rebellion. We really
do not think that Governments are particularly called on
to encourage rebellion, though, from the manner in which
some persons speak of what has taken place in Canada, it
would almost appear as if the insurgents deserved the
thanks of Parliament, and those who contributed to sup.
press it were guilty of a crime. It is quite forgotten by
Mr. Roebuck that besides the Nation Canadienne there
are in Lower Canada 150,000 men of British origin, to
whom something was also due by Lord Durham. Mr.
Roebuck, however, puts the feelings of the British altogether
out of consideration. Had Lord Durham opened the pri-
son doors and recalled the exiles, how would the British
have felt ? it would be rather a hazardous speculation
to conciliate the French Canadians by proceedings which
must to the British have been saying, we do not thank
you for your exertions to suppress this insurrection.
We •must have some better assurance of the good
dispositions of the French Canadians towards this
country before we proceed to give them what would amount
to little less than a triumph over the British. Lord Dur-
ham acted wisely, as events have proved, under the diffi-
cult circumstances in which he was placed. The banish-
ment to Bermuda would not have been perpetual, and as
soon as he felt persuaded that no injury would result from
the presence in Canada of the banished, there can be no
doubt they would have been suffered to return. It is quite
possible that some of the persons accused of treasonable
practices may have been accused on insufficient evidence ;
but the mildness of the punishment, and the magnitude of
the object which Lord Durham had in view, form a suf-
ficient justification of his conduct. There can be little
doubt that any injustice done to individuals would have
been cheerfully redressed. Where life is taken there is no
remedy ; but the punishment inflicted by Lord Durham
alloa cd a remedy. However, it is useless wasting time in
discussing the means necessary to conciliate the French
Canadians. What is wanted is a plan for preventing the mis-
chievous collisions which have taken place, and rendering
the provinces really available for British settlers. One
measure which is essentially necessary trill not be accept-
able to the French Canadians, for it will strike at the roots
of their nationality.—Morting Chronicle.
A few days since we published " An Address from the
Refer viers of England, Scotland, and Wales, to the Irish
People"--a document claiming the gravest consideration
on account of the numbers by whom its sentiments are
sanctioned, and entitled to the highest respect from the
soundness of its opinions and the deliberate, we might say
dignified, style in which those opinions are expressed. The
address is apposite and appropriate, worthy alike of those
from whom it emanates, and of those to whom it is ad-
dressed. Without directly alluding to the charge of being
actuated by feelings of hostility towards Ireland, it gives
that charge the most conclusive refutation by the solicitude
evinced to effect a cordial union between the Reformers of
the two countries, for the promotion of those measures on
the success of which essentially depend the prosperity and
safety of both divisions of the United Kingdom. We trust,
notwithstanding the unaccountable anxiety of Mr. O'Con-
nell to establish his accusation against the English people
of being hostile to the people of Ireland, that this solicitude
will meet a ready and hearty response from every Irish-
man capable of distinguishing between a steady, consistent,
and determined pursuit of general practical good and a vacil-
lating course of action, dependent on individual caprice or
individual interests. Concurring in the opinion we have so
earnestly endeavoured to impress on the public mind, that
almost all the grievances afflicting both countries have
origin and perpetuation in the absence of a due represen-
tation of the people in the Legislature, the address empha-
tically urges a general combination for the abolition of
" exclusive legislation." The justice of the following ob-
servations is irrefutable :
" We can readily imagine that the oppression and injustice
you have received through the Legislature of Britain, have
aroused your feeling and deeply rooted your suspicions against
our country. But we would urge you to remember that we,
too, have shared in the injustice—we have been reciprocally
taxed to oppress, and drilled to enslave each other, and are
still united victims of the same cause which plunders, op-
presses, and blights the happiness of both countries—the curse
of exclusive legislation. This, we feel convinced, is the
great source of all our oppression ; ignorance, immorality, po-
verty, and crime, have their origin, positively or negatively, in
" exclusive legislation ;" for, as long as exclusive interests are
made the basis of law and government, so long will exclusive
measures be supported at the sacrifice of peace, happiness, and
virtue.
" Therefore it is to this one point especially we would direct
your attention ; nay, we would urge you. to inquire whether
you can trace the numerous evils you complain of to this bane-
ful origin. Who but your own exclusive legislators sold your
country ? and who but the exclusive legislators of England pro-
fited by the blood-cemented bargain ? Your own legislators,
corrupted by the gold, and cankered by the patronage of Bri-
tain, rendered your domestic Legislature a mere puppet of its
will ; there it was where landed supremacy predominated, and
English interests swayed, till eventually perfidy concluded the
bargain your own corrupt Legislature had begun."
ForciVe as is the general language of the address, there
is a total absence of every thing like passionate declama-
tion ; reason only is appealed to, and invoked with an im-
pressive eloquence, which, while attesting the sincerity of
its professions, affords in its intellectual ability the best
guarantee for the consummation of its objects. By the
perfect appreciation evinced of the theory and practice of
political science, and of the paramount influence exercised
by institutions on the social, moral, and physical condition
of nations, is advanced the strongest proof of those concurs
ing in the address being fully capable of exercising the
rights which they demand in a manner conducive to the
general good. The following remarks are peculiarly appli-
cable to the time :
" We have not, neither do we desire, leaders; as we believe
the principles we advocate have been retarded, injured, or be
trayed by leadership, more than by the open hostility of oppo
nents. Leadership too often generates confiding bigotry of
'political indifference on the one hand, and selfish ambition of
the other. The principles we advocate are those of tin
people's happiness, and, to be justly established, each man muss
know and feel his rights and duties ; he must be prepared ti
guard the one, and perform with cheerfulness the other ; au'
if nature has given to one man superior faculties to express of
execute
mandate the
of
f hgeneral t
bwriesnh_,
hhee
isontlhyeperforms his duty Of
e
One hundred and ten signaturel
equal of all."
signatures,
decal- c
ho f r
enpornees,enbtui
nt
gt h
different Association of Reformers, have already been at-
tachedthe
combinationto the
all p
a thetta
ofthenumbers
ked
kingdom,
and
whatever reception the address may receive from the peo-
ple of Ireland, its supporters will not be denied attention
within the walls of Parliament, as is thus intimated at the
conclusion
But, fellow-countrymen.—While we are desirous of your
aid we shall not despair without it: our cause is strong in
proportion as it is just, and our numbers will swell in propor-
tion as our enemies oppose us. Our National Petition' may
be indignantly spurned—our Charter at first may have but
few supporters, but our second petition will swell in numbers
at the injustice our energies shall be redoubled at each di-
vniustnionertilicaal power
t may b e ma
and ad
eagainstm, us; our third shall embody the
determination to have ntal
energy of the kingdom, whose
till their irresistible resolutionjustice will increase with each refusal,
coanevanurnehoase.
" These, brethren, are longer be controuled by
all that power and wealth
our objects, and deter
mination ; to carry them forwuarediews,
we
hi implore the co-operation
of rich and poor, male and iemale ttiee drunkard from oursober, the reflecting,
and the industrious : we can spare
re
of our cause,
ranks till reflection shall have made him
mem-
ber of society—and strong in the right and
justice
we invoke the blessing of success. We remain, m
o worthy T
union and
friendship, on behalf of our various Associations
We are pained, while we write, to perceive in the Irish
papers an address from the Trades' Political Unionit y i
of
Dublin, wherein the accusation of English ho