The Sun.
London, England, 1838-07-03 00:00:00

THIS SNUG RETREAT

does not pretend to be adequate to the wants of R Large Family ; it
claims only to represent the comfort of a Villa Residence, and there
are offices in good keeping with the
THE HOME GROUNDS

arc adernet; by a suotnry and are-tit-Louse, and a ftsb-pond well
stored. The farm btilit,:ngs arc quite commensurate, and there is
a good supply of water to
Ike Residence. It is in a good Spotting
Country;
LORD DELEW' Ai:s'S PRESERVES

are close at hand, and the Cambridgo hounds hunt this part of the
country. About .70 acres of the prope:tv are planted with Forest
Trees of about 20 years growth ; the remain;er is pasture and arable
of an excellent quality. and has been recently. underdrained. The
entrance to the villa is by a lodge entree, and the. domain altogether
FIFTY-SEVEN ACRES.

Offering a delightful piopertx either for InYesfrt,nt or
A PLEASURE FARM.

Particulars may be had tvventy-one days prior to the Sale at the
, Cambridge ; the Inns at Caxton and Nev.-market ;
of Messrs. Cox and Tippett, solicitors, St. Pancras-lane ; the
Mart, and in Coveut-garden.

IN AIONAIOUTIISHIRE.

The HILSTON ESTATE, FIVE MILES FROM MON-
MOUTH," in the MOST INTERESTING PART of the
COUNTY, NEAR 300 ACRES of LAND, WELL TE-
NANTED.

171- R. GEORGE ROBINS is directed to SELL
_cm by AUCTION, at the Beaufort Arms, Monmouth, on
Fatima-. the 17th of August. at Twelve, for One, exact,
A valuable FREEHOLD PROFERTY.
The HILSTON ESTATE

far many yen-, had stood high in public estimation, when it became
renowned by
*Sir ROBERT BROWNRIGGE, Bart.,
_ _

king on this enchanting spot to retire from the turmoils of publie
life, and disperse
OLD ENGLISH lIOSPITALITY

in a style well wen thy of imitation. His successor would have fol-
lowed so amiable an examp:e. but fate (egsinst which settof us
can contend) had ordained it. otherwise. The Mansion was con-
sumed by fire, and its progress only stopped on the ground floor,
although a great. portion of valuable materials are safely deposited
on dm spot. The Gnat-yard and i:uiltling,s escaped without in-
jury, inclosing capital stabling, coachhouses, and most excellent
av,poinied onkes througimut. The new possessor will have the
pleasure in cleating a neW edifice, to avail himself of the improve-
ments suggested by the present sell° .1 of architecture, and in the
meantime the principal farm-house might he rendered a suitable
temporary abode. So much by Ku; of introduction. The next point
will be to ,give a little detail of its manifold qualifications. Firstly,
The Estate
IS ALL FIIEF,IIOLD, INCLUDING
591 ACHES, WITHIN aItING F.ENCE
A moderate tithe •
AND LOW POO RATE.
Around the

SPLENDID RUINS of HILSTON

are
51 ACRES, DISPOSED in WOODS, SHRUBBERIES,
LA NNS, and GARDENS.
The Estate is divided into four farms. and the tenantry modelled
on the old F chool—the feeling is happily not extinct—in
short the school:mister has not vision this neighbourhood—the con-
sequence is that.
CONTENT -AND HAPFIN ARE
DEPICTURED IN THEIR COUNTk...NANCES;
to which a sin;;olar fact may be appended
THERE IS NOT ONE GUINEA OF ARIMAR•
Thu situation claims to be especially noticed; the grounds look down

ulon a

RICHLY WOODTM VALLEY, WITH
THE MONNOW RIVER bIEANDERING BELOW.
so much prized for its highly flaTourort fish. lhs pano►ama. 7, hieh
is I•resented from the
COEDANGRA HILL, .

should be seen in order to gire a moderate appreciation. It embraces
a prodigious extent of country•, in which is prominent the Ksmin,
with its ancient tower. The Blorenge Hills,
GREAT SKERRID OR HOLY MOUNTAIN,
with the Black Mountains in the distance, presenting a landscapo
not less diversified than beautiful, and such a one as would at one.
incline a purchaser to sdd to it once more
AN ABODE WORTHY OF
THE M. P. FOR MONMOUTH.

There is plenty of gsnao, lots of hunting,;iist;o pa►cLs cf fel
bounds close by, and
TINTERN ABBEY AND PIERCEFIELD
. . .

are within a morning's drive. To this it may be added, that if a
valetudinarian be desirous of extending his lease of life, the climate
is suited to give him a ver♦ long term. It is exceedingly mild, and
longevity prevails around. Snow is all but a stranger there. The
Upper Grove is a Farm House, suited to a gentleman's temporary
occupation; and there are pews in two chinches.
The Estate can be viewed by applying to the tenants, and pat ti-
culars had at the best inns at ltoss, Monmouth, Newport, and (lel.
tenham, with plans to each ; also at Mr. Robin's offices, London.

It is not easy for persons who ate, as it were, bystanders
to discover any sufficient reason to warrant Mr. Ward in
re-pttoducing the appropriation question in the House of
C mons last night. It has already been patiently dis,
,cussed and deliberately decided once in the present Session,
carthe motion to rescind the resolutions of 1833, when it
was determined that they ought to remain upon the Jour-
nals, although Ministers admitted the inexpediency at the
present moment, and under. ,existing circumstances, of
acting upon them. Perhaps: r. Ward considered himself
pledged to his constituents to revive the subject, or perhaps,
haling himself been the originator of the plan (as he claimed
to be on the late occasion), he felt a sort of paternal affec-
tion for it, and was unwilling to abandon his otrn offspring,
which the Tories repudiated, and which the Whigs were
willing to allow to sleep for a while in quiet. We
do
riot see what practical good Mr. Ward was to accomplish
by the course he took ; he must have been aware that he
should be supported by neither side of the House, and that
his efforts would be as gratuitous as futile. At the same
time we fully acquit him of any design to embarelvii the
Government ; and certain it is, that whether he did or did
not persevere in his notice of moving an instruction to the
Committee on the Irish Tithes Bill, it could make no dif-
ference to Ministers, who were last night prepared, as in
May last, to adhere to the principle of appropriation, al-
though they did not propose on this occasion to carry that
principle into effect. Lord Morpetli, who answered Mr.
Ward in his short and forcible speech, was very distinct
and intelligible upon this point :
" We have not," said his Lordship, " in any respect changed our
opinions upon the question of the appropriation of the surplus of the
Irish Chinch. We hold to them as firmly as ever. Twice we have
brought in Bills to carry out that principle, and twice they have been
rejected. What, then, is to be fi.:)ne ? For the peace of Ireland it is
necessary that a Tithe Bill should be made law, and the present objec-
tionable system amended. If we introduce an appropriation clause, we
know that the meast-.le will be thrown out elsewhere; and are we, be.
cause we cannot 0.0 all the good we wish, to remain inactive, and attempt
to do none? 'We bring forward the Bill as it stands, in the hope that
it will obtsan the sanction of the Legislature, and that it will promote
the peste, and thereby increase the happiness and prosperity of Ireland."
This reasoning was so conclusive that nobody attempted
to prove it to be otherwise, and it put. all that Mr. Ward
had advanced in the shape of quotations from the former
speeches of Ministers beside the present question. They
still consider the appropriation principle essential to the
permanent welfare of Ireland ; they feel assured that
sooner or later it must be carried ; but they wait until
the progress of public opinion shall have produced a change
in its favour : in the mean time they do all they can to
supply a remedy, and it is not their fault if it be partial
and inadewate.
:' What they can give they freely now bestow ;
VVhat give hereafter, they must wait to know."
The speech of Mr. O'Connell was of a threatening
and somewhat alarming character. He voted in 1835
in favour of the appropriation clause ; but he ex-
pressed his determination to oppose Mr. Ward's mo-
tion last night, not for the reason assigned by Lord
Morpeth, but because, if carried, 'it would be a
mere delusion. The Roman Catholics of Ireland,
he asserted, would never rest satisfied until they had
obtained the extinction of tithes ; whereas, if the appropria-
tion clause were adopted, it would accomplish little or
nothing in the way of relieving them from an unjust and
intolerable burden. He maintained that the present pacific
state of Ireland was merely superficial. " Though the sur-
face be tranquil (said he), a volcano is beneath the feet of
the Irish Protestants, which may burst into flame when it
is least expected. It is the fixed determination of the
people of Ireland not to pay tithes, and tithes, take my
word for it, they will never pay." He then contrasted the
comparative numbers of Milan Catholics and Protestants
in various districts, and remarked at the close of his speech,
that if the latter were saved from present peril, it would not
be the effect of the paltry Tithe Bill upon the table, but of
the confidence reposed in the intentions of Ministers, and
of the anxiety of the people of Ireland to preserve the
'administration of a Lord Lieutenant who had evinced
such an earnest disposition to do equal justice without
regard to political or religious distinctions. As to the vol-
cano beneath 'the feet of the Protestants, it will be recol-
lected that Sir Robert Peel gave it as one of his reasons
for this year conceding corporations to Ireland that they
were required, for the permanent preservation of the peace
of that country, in which the reigning tranquillity was
rather artificial than real. Notwithstanding this declara-
tion, the Right Hon. Baronet was the man who haggled
for what he called a bona fide 101. qualification, and was
willing to risk, if not to sacrifice, the peace of the sister
kingdom, because he thought fit to insist upon the appli-
cation of the test of the new Poor-law. Mr. Ward's
amendment was negatived by a very large majority, only
46 voting for it and 270 against it. The house subse-
quently negatived a motion by Sir C. Style, for throw-
ing out the Tithe Bill, and resolved itself into the
Committee upon it. Several amendments proposed by
Mr. Shaw were then considered. One of these was
postponed, but upon another a division took place, and it
was carried by an accidental majority of 23. The effect
of it was to make the reduction only of 25 per cent, in-
stead of 30 per cent. on the conversion of tithe into rent-
charge. We presume that the matter will be set right
again on the Report, and that the Bill will not be allowed
to remain more inoperative in point of relief than even Mr.
O'Connell supposed it when he spoke earlier in the evening.
A good deal of desultory discussion occurred upon minor
points, and, after a long struggle and several divisions, it
was finally agreed that the Chairman should report pro-
gress, and ask leave to sit again.—Morning Chronicle.
At five o'clock yesterday evening, before the House of
Commons resolved itself into Committee on the Irish Tithe
Abolition Bill, a motion was made by Mr. Ward, one of
the members for Sheffield, the object of which was, that the
House should take measures for embodying in the Bill a
clause of appropriation—that is, a clause for applying the
revenues of the Protestant Church to the purposes of the
Catholic faith. This gentleman, in the first Parliament
under the Reform Act, made a hobby of the principle of
appropriation, and was encouraged by the artful Whigs,
who saw that they could make play by riding it after him.
They therefore cajoled him to get out of the saddle, with
many eulogiums on his horsemanship. They worked the
hobby for three years, till it became wholly broken winded ;
and last night, when they had long turned it off, he got
astri.le again, and shuffled through three-quarters of
an hour amid the ungrateful inattention, nay, the un-
civil and somewhat contumelious clatter, of the very
Whigs who had once affected to applaud his at-
tempt. In this state of things it was difficult therefore to
hear him with any accuracy, but whenever he was audible,
he appeared to be t aking his revenge by showing up the
weaknesses and shabbinesses of his old friends. Ile urged
that this House, by its recent refusal to expunge the reso-
lutions of 18:35 for the appropriation of a surplus in Ire-
land, had pledged itself tostliae resolutions, er, as be rather
inartiticially phrased it,:ha'd identified itself with them. And
as to the inrlinatio temporum, which Ministers had assigned
as their excuse, he considered it an insufficient, and indeed
unintelligible, plea for so great a change in the policy of a
Government. Lord Morpeth thought (in which we ven-
ture ti differ from him) that the course of Government re-
quired very little explanation. Having abandoned their
demands upon the Irish Church, they would not, lie said,
pursue their arguments against leer," nor go on with rail-
ing when they had done with fighting." Their wish was to
terminate the excitement and estrangement between Church
and laity, Protestant and Catholic. Occupying himself
a situation of responsibility, he could not consent to
continue such a state of things. It might have been
convenient to Ministers to leave the subject as it hail been
left at the close of each of the three last sessions ; but they
were bound to consider the public good. (Which it is
thus admitted that for the last three sessions they had not
thought fit to consider.) 'l'hree times they had tried an
eppropria:ion clause, and failed ; thrice had they sealed
that perilous breach, and thrice they had been repulsed.
la the present Parliament it was quite clear that their
chance was pot likely to be a better one. They still re-
tained the same opinions which they had formerly expressed
by their speeches and their votes ; but, for the good of
Irelan.l, they found themselves obliged to bring in their
13:11 without an appropriation clause. Mr. Hume was
for going even further than tl:e !never, and would never
Le s ttisfied till the Church sinecures were all abolished.
(Nor would we ; but we would carry the superfluity to the
ill-paid Clergy by whom the real duties of the Church are
done.) Mr. O'Con el would oppose Mr. Ward's mo-
tion for Mr. Ward's own reasons. The mere price pro-
posed by that motion—the mere approeriation of a surplus,
to induce an acquiescence in this Tithe Bill by the Irish
people, was a price which the Irish people would liot take.
Some nepreliension, indeed, appeared lurking in the tone
of the Government, and, for his own part, "ke never
I I' Joinclhia,f; were not
knew Irehn 1 in .such danger.
Worn; to sati6 the people, collision, he feared, ninull take
place. The insurgent. might, indeed. be defeated, hut
b/cod and inisciy must .still." (Ties is the country
whose tranquillity has made Lord Melgrave a M irquis.)
He had doec what he could to keep the people quiet, to
the no small de;riinent of his own popularity ; but the
people obeyed a leader no longer—they were meeting in
tens and twenti •s cf thousands—going straight to the
point—askiiig no allotment of surplus, but demend-
ing the entire abolition of tithe. Ile could agree to
no compromise eow : it would be to delude both Ire-

land and the 3iikii3try. Every year the price of peace was
higher and higher, lihe that of the &byline books. Three
years ago Ireland would have considered Mr. Ward's pro-
posal a; a concession ; now they would no longer adopt it
as a " I vote against the motion," continued Mr.

O'Connell, " that I may carry out its principle of appropri-
ation, not partially but fully. In England and in Scot-
land the tithe is paid to the Clergy of the people ; in Ire-
land, to the Clergy of a small part of the people. The

/ /9

We do not understand how any man possessing common
sense, and an average share of honesty, can avoid being
heartily disgusted with • the adulation which Ministerial
writers pour out before the " fire-new" coronet of the Mar-
quis of Normanby. This is doubtless Mr. O'Connell's
work. He has very good reason to be pleased with his
Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, and his influence is sufficiently
great to affect very forcibly those writers whose gratitude to
the Administration consists of a very lively sense of favours
to come. But, like most other things that come from the
O'Connell source, the outrageous rant about the merits of
the new Lord Normanby is a compound of blarney and of
lies. The whole secret of Lord Normanby's government of
Ireland lies in this, that he has given himself up utterly to
the Romish faction of which O'Connell is,the leader.
Other Lords-Lieutenant of a liberal turn, had still
some sense of shame which prevented them from en-
tirely abandoning the constitutional principles of that
British Government which they represented. It is
probable, too, that their feelings as noblemen and gen-
tlemen caused them to revolt from any sort of near contact
with the coarse vulgarity, now swaggering, and now fawn-
ing, of the O'Connell set. But the new Lnrd Normanby
has not enough of elevated good sense to be capable of the
shame of which we speak, and as for the rest, his own
mind is of that cast that he cannot distinguish between
offensive swagger and manly spirit, nor will his vanity per-
mit him to see how widely apart are vulgar fawning and the
deference of polished courtesy, to a high official functionary.
That man must be altogether destitute of sound informa-
tion, or of respect for truth, who pretends that the political
and social state of the kingdom of Ireland has been im-
proved under the sway of Lord Normanby. The dif-
ference in the state of things under his government, and
the government of other Lords Lieutenant, is merely
that the leaders of the populace have been bribed by
Court favour, into a partial cessation of those com-
plaints, and more terrifying evidences of discontent,
which have been common in Ireland. But this does not
deserve to be called improvement, for it is in truth gross
injustice, and like every other expedient of the kind which
has been tried, whether upon a small or upon a large scale,
the result will be a worse state of affairs than that which is
pretended to have been remedied. Lord Normanhy is not
the first Lord Lieutenant of Whig politics that has been
sent to Ireland, and the scribes of the present Ministry
show indeed a strange sort of respect for the party to
which they profess to belong, when they tell the public that
Ireland has now for the first time enjoyed anything like
g-od Government. It is ridiculous to suppose that other
Chief Governors before Lord Normanby did not see that
it they chose to throw themselves completely into the
hands of the Romanist Radicals that they might acquire a
prodigious amount of rabble popularity, while they would
avoid all violent hostility, bee?.use the Protestant party,
however ill used, are iiicapable of disloyalty and outrage.
This must have been obvious to Lord Wellesley, Lord
Anglesey, and others, but they disdained the coarse ex-
pedient, and shrunk fro:n injustice so monstrous, however
great might be the temporary popularity which thereby they
wLoour(lidNacolurniraenby ?
. In whattphlyen consists the merits of the new
scended to a lowness of stratagem, and thia'astvelnie htureaisl tcoocndome --
mit a grossness of injustiee, which his betters, who are naw
receiving ex post facto insults from the pens of their own
party, had sufficient pride to disdain, and sufficient principle
to avoid. In the public conduct, of the new Lord Normanhy
there has been something much worse than meanness, and
much more wicked than bestowal of favour upon fawning
agitators. The course of his policy—or of that policy of
which lie is ostensibly at the head—has been a course of
injustice and oppression to the friends of British Go-
vernment in Ireland. We do not say that the conduct
of all the Members of the Protestant party in Ireland
has been such as to merit approbation from a wise aryl
patriotic Government—neither do we say that it would
have been just or prudent or reasonable, to have confined
all the favour of Government to the Protestant party,
while persons of ability and character, who were not of that
party, should be driven by neglect into discontent ; hut CO
do say th it a more his° and dastardly policy cannot be ima-
gined than that of completely turning away the counte-
nance of Govornrnent from the great body of the able, the
respectable, and the loyal people of Ireland of all classes,
in order to lavish unmerited promotion upon a crowd of
course, unlettered, disreputable men, whose only title to
attention has been their furious partisanship, and ,;Bose
previous live; had h--en spent in acts of hostility to British
institutions. Whatever a man of high station and mean
ability can do, to turn the warm Irish friends of British
Protestant institutions into careless contemplaters or their
danger, and to give the bitter enemies of these institutions
additional strength for carrying on their warfare—that has
the new Lord Normanby done. Hence his promotion in
the Peerage !—Morning Post.
We understand that, among persons likely to be well
informed upon the subject, it is believed that the Parlia-
mentary Session will not go beyond the close of the present

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,' Catlitkc§ cWtnlimber the Protestants of the establishment
' W ttare than five millions and a half ; yet, whc4O•er ,
would injure or insult us, yon come but t.4Prr us with your
Protestantism-. fir 13"Oti Sictlaii you failed with such
instrument§ as 64 ti,,Vord and the gibbet, you will not
subdue us teW with simple insult." Mr. Harvey attacked
101 Parties--as well Mr. O'Connell and the Ministers, as
the Clergy and the Conservatives; and Sir Robert Inglis,
answering him, vindicated his own consistency, and ob-
served, with respect to the Learned Member's advice,
that, according to all experience, the danger was not in op-
posing, but in following it. The House then divided and
swamped Mr. Ward's busy motion by an overwhelming
majnrity. After this another attempt was made, of the
same nature, though in a different form, by Sir C. Style,
who, with great loudness and length, proposed to post-
pone the Committee till that day three months—in other
words, to throw out the Bill which he regarded (and, as
fat as Ministerial motives are concerned, he' probably had
great reason) to be a mere juggle for the promotion of
party purposes. Lord Morpeth, of course, objected to
this proposal, and so did Mr. Bcnett, of Wiltshire ; while
Lord Dungannon was inclined to support it, not for the
mover's reasons, but from a general disapprobation of the
Bill. The motion, however, was negatived without a
divisicin, and the House —.vent into Committee. It was
then proposed by Mr. Shaw to release the sums due
to those tithe•owners to whsm Government had made
advances during the season, while the collect ion
of tithe had been impracticable. Mr. Spring Rice
was willing to give some relief—but not to the
extent proposed. He would rather accomplish the object
by a separate Bill, which it would be desirable that the
House should take time for fully considering. Mr. Harvey
objected to the remission, the total sum being 640,000/.
He wondered that the English landlords did not appose
it ; hut he saw plainly that there was no disposition to-
wards resistance on the part of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer ; that functionary seemed rather to con-
sent and say, " We will do it if the House will let us ;
if it can be managed in Committee when the reporters are
not taking notes, and some of the Members are at dinner,
and others at the Queen's Palace, at such a time per-
haps we can shake the two parties in a sieve, and leave a
residue of nothing but a few dirty Radicals." For this
accurate description of his friends the Hon. Member was
rewarded with a laugh ; and he proceeded to contend
that the law ought to be adequate, so long as tithes
should be property, te enforce their payment—nay, he be-
lieved it was adequate : for, if he were rightly informed
respecting the success of certain tithe process against Mr.
O'Connell, the law had proved too mighty even for that
sturdy foe of tithes—even for him, " the master of this
house." Here was another home truth, at least as far as
the Ministerial majority is concerned ; and it was received
by the minority with proportionate mirth. Mr. Sergeant
Jackson advocated the remission to the clergy of the debt
due from them to the Government. They had suffered
deeply and patiently. Rather than sue their parishioners
they had sold their property, even to their very books.
With respect to the tithe suits against Mr. O'Connell, it
had been said that the Learned Gentleman had offered to
pay those demands. He had, indeed, but not till within
two days of the hearing, when the plaintiffs, the clergymen,
had been put to all the costs of the proceeding. After a
shrill complaint by Mr. Sheil that the Government of the
Whigs seemed inclined to give worse terms to Ireland than the
Government of the Conservatives had proposed, Mr. O'Con-
nell rose to say that he still adhered to his offer of paying the
tithes to the clergymen who had sued him ; but if the
costs were added, the plaintiffs should sell his bed ere he
would submit. (That is, he would visit the clergymen
with the penalty of costs for the intolerable offence of de-
manding what was their own.) The Bill now in Committee
would not be final, it would not be accepted by way of
compromise ; but, the 640,000/. might as well be given at
once, for it would never be got. The subject of the debt
from the clergy was then dropped, and Mr. Shaw proposed,
that instead of deducting, in the rent-charge to be substi-
tuted for the present tithe composition, the amount of 30
per cent., 25 per cent., only should be taken away. The
incomes of the Irish parochial clergy were no more, on the
average than from 2001. to 300/. a•year, and even 25 per
cent. was a heavy tax for the benefit they were to derive
by the transfer of the liability from the occupier to the
landowner. Mr. Lucas preferred a deduction which should
vary in different districts. Lord Morpeth objected to the
substitution of 25 per cent. for 30, and could not think it
the duty of Government to give a bonus now for the delays
by which their measure had theretofore been defeated.
Several other gentlemen tendered their suggestions ; and
Mr. Serjeant Jackson concluded the discussion upon this
the most important perhaps of all the clauses, by referring
to a petition from the clergy of Elpbin, from which it ap-
pears that in that diocese the incomes of the parochial
clergy are below the average of 1151. per annum. This
is the overgrown, bloated, luxurious Church of Ireland.—
Times.

month: It understood that, in all probability, what
has been rather absurdly called a settlement of Irish ques-
tions will take place—that is, that the Irish Poor-law Bill,
the Irish Municipal Bill, and the Irish Tithe Bill, will all
become Acts of Parliament within the period we have
mentioned. The Irish Poor-law Bill has been already
amended in some important particulars by the Lords. The
Irish Municipal Bill is likely to receive important altera-
tions in the same House, increasing the amount of fran-
chise beyond what it stands at in the Bill as it left the Com-
mons ; but on coming up to what was proposed by Sir R.
Peel. The Irish Tithe Bill, being without the appropriation
clause, and on othergrounds not disputed by the Conservative
party, is likely, it is said, to pass without difficulty, but not
without some considerable noise, in the lower House, from
the feeble Mr. Ward, and in the upper from the stre-
nuous Baron Brougham. Should all this happen we may
look for proditzious boasting during the whole of the autumn
of what the Whigs have accomplished, and all the Radicals
who are looking for a share of those substantial benefits
which Whigs have to bestow, will probably join in the
praise. On the other hand, the Tories will say that what-
ever has been settled has been owing to their forbearance,
either in one House of Parliament or in the other, and the
honester and more discontented Radicals will join in the
statement, insisting that a virtual coalition as to measures
has taken place between the Whigs and Tories, while the
interests of republicanism and freedom from religion have
been scandalously overlooked. Supposing the events of
the sesson to turn out according to the anticipations which
we have mentioned, we think that the friends of honest,
intelligent government, and humane salutary laws, will have
little reason to be proud of this first session of Queen
Victoria's first Parliament. Many will, no doubt, be glad
—from mere weariness of the perpetual discus-ion of Irish
grievances—that something professing to be a settlement of
them has been accomplished ; but they who really attend
to public affairs, and take a serious interest in them, un-
biassed by party predilection or party animosity, will, we
fear, find in these measures little evidence of vigorous legis-
lation, and little promise of permanent tranquillity. In the
present state of parties every thing which is done is nothing
better than a compromise ; and in political affairs every
compromise is but a mere postponement of the difficulty.
It is, no doubt, agreeable to the Minister on the one hand,
and the leader of an Opposition party on the other, to
have mutually made each other give way ; and they may
possibly think that, in coming to an arrangement which,
under all the circumstances, is satisfactory to themselves,
they have brought about a satisfactory adjustment of the
question. But it should be remembered that the people
outside the walls of Parliament, who have called for or
opposed the measures thus said to be adjusted, do not
by any means participate in the feelings which
have led to the compromise, nor generally under-
stand the Parliamentary necessities to which their
views have been sacrificed. They will insist that this
Parliamentary settlement is no satisfactory settlement of
the question. They who have called for change will in-
sist that they have not had what they asked for, and they
who have resisted change will complain that they have been
injured by the amount of change which has been effected.
Thus will the foundation exist for fresh attacks and de-
fences in Parliament with respect to the very questions
which are said to have been arranged, and their bitterness
will be aggravated by popular distrust of those who have
previously given way upon points respecting which their
partisans had believed them firm. With regard to the
present aspect of public affairs, and the balanced state of
power between the innovating Government, and the Con-
servative Opposition, it is not too much to say that
there is a general feeling of something like hopelessness.
The people at large are very far from being satisfied with
things as they are, but they see no element of force and
activity likely to make an important alteration for the
better. The British people naturally look with great jea-
lousy at the direction of affairs, sensible as they are that
this direction is under Irish influence, and in spite of
the repeatedly-expressed disapprobation of the majority
of British Members in both Houses of Parliament. They
long for an opposition which would do justice to the force
of British feeling against a state of affairs so unnatural, and
to this part of the united kingdom so degrading. They wish
for a revival of the old British popular feeling within the
Houses of Parliament ; but they wish for it in vain. A
frigid and mechanical system of management has taken pos-
session of those who should be foremost in taking advan-
tage of the tide of British sentiment. There is less fear
of disturbing the principles upon which the Throne and the
Church are based, than of clashing with arrangements for
the despatch of business. The Opposition appears more
desirous of credit for having given aid to the Government
in disposing of the business of the session, than for rescuing
the country from a Government which endangers the na-
tional institutions, and degrades the national character.
Both Government and Opposition appear to be intent
merely on holding their own, while the patriotism and spirit
of the country are without an organ by which they make
themselves felt. In such a state of things, it will make little
difference to the public sentiment whether at the close of
the session the Irish questions have been stamped with a
nominal settlement, or are openly left as the materials for
future Parliamentary struggle.—Morning Herald.
A letter on the subject of Imprisonment for Debt has
just appeared from the pen of C. Pane, Esq., to whose
opinions, from his position—that of a Commissioner of her
Majesty's Court of Bankruptcy—the gravest importance
should attach, were not the effect of that position impaired
by the introductory Address of the Letter to Sir Robert
Peel, as being " that Statrsman of the day from whom the
cause of rational, useful, and practical reform has most to
hope?! Such an introduction in the present state of pub-
lic feeling is but little calculated to attract an impartial
consideration of the writer's opinions ; and on examining
the tenour of his observations, the doubts elicited by his
dedication are confirmed into a certainty of insincerity,
by the dubious character of his arguments, which, like
those of his Patron, are elaborately adapted to every
possible contingency of circumstances, so as, after
a close perusal of the Pamphlet, to leave one in
doubt, whether or not he be favourable or op-
posed to the abolition of that slavish and unjust law, impri-
sonment for debt. From his statements, however, we may
consider him opposed to imprisonment on mesne process,
which the Bill now in progress proposes to abrogate ; but
he appears to consider that something more stringent than
imprisonmeat on the comparatively slow and expensive
process of execution is necessary to the protection of the
creditor. There are in the letter many observations de-
serving the utmost consideration, and strikingly illustrative
of the cruel and oppressive effects of the present law
of debtor and creditor. The question is certainly one
which should be met on its intrinsic merits. We are as
anxious as my parties can be for the protection of
the creditor, but we consider the power of imprisonment
for debt is as much calculated to encourage an unfair
system of traffic on the part of the creditor as evasion
of payment on that of the debtor. Credit given in the
expectation of exacting payment through the medium
of imprisonment is not a legitimate credit. Abolish.
imprisonment for debt, and though credit may be curtailed
of its present enormous proportions, it will rest on a more
secure basis, and be more calculated to promote the gene-
ral prosperity. Nor in this case will the fair trader have
any cause to complain ; on the contrary. the fact of abo-
lishing imprisonment for debt will make him more guarded
in hie business, and, instead of giving, as at present, al-
most unlimited credit, he will confine his dealings to those
who lie has just and sufficient reason to believe will pay
without such coercive appliance. The question is, no
doubt, a complicated one, and we arc most anxious that
the interests of all parties should receive duo considera-
tion in its adjustment ; but the principle on which this
adjustment should be based, is that of alter abolition V
exultationsttheer on attributes
tiiasttotih,
the plenitude
freedom.i
imprisonment pr. debt, unless wherejiaud or criminal intent
tsAho ,
apostropheßbrci ctois becomes
lcensodfob an
bound
nd(
Irish.
has been proved. We boast that the slave, on toucl ing our
h
ade
int withhaurirl
of their liberty, and the (we must coin the word
ing qualities of their climate and soil. But in
d:erous light does this exultation appear, when factthe
eat a la-s
made known, that not only the manumitted slave but 1
master himself, or either at the suit of the other,may theb
cast into prison, on the oath of any party who may tlink
proper to swear a debt against them. This is thebnasted
freedom in which an Irish barrister, borrowing from Black-
stone, by the way, waxed so thrillingly eloquent. Imprison-
ment for debt implies a system of polity inconsistent
th
that of a civilized community. If the abolition of imprison-
ment, unless in the exempted cases, be effected, of what will
creditors have to complain ? As we have already stated,
credit given solely on the faith of imprisonment for debt ii
filseand fraudulent credit,and, as proved by Bail, reports, as
injurious to legitimate trade as the most nefarious schemes
of the professional s'aindler. Under such eircuinstauces
we call for the total abolition of imprisonment for debt, un.
less in such cases as those to ishich we have already ad-
vertel—Morning Advertiser. pehhi; isne rintt

Mrs. Troilope continues to lie dangerously ill at the
hause of her brother, Mr. Milton, in the Fulhain.road.
cu his return to
yilisinn'iotnlit'o a la; whose name
The Governor of Cape Coast Castle (nr. George
ii\.Lcilecaa.n) 'l7, isba gentleman c k•netzl,noni:ltnStaiatuirbd:yri raetceili;ol
i. associated with her land's literature, whe ter we write that name
Landon or "L. E. L." Iler writings fr li their grace, sentiment,
and feeling, are deservedly popular am ig all classes of readers, mid,
not less so are they, by their brilliant t, bold thought, and vivid por-
traitures of character. No one wli 'has read her last novel, " Ethel!
Church:ll," that powerful proo o ier gradually maturing genius, but
must be glad to learn that she d not intend to lay aside her pen, but
that, on the contrary, she has made arrangements with Mr. Colbur may
the publication of such productions as her future opportunities
uti
give rise to, in the fervid climes she is visiting. The best wishes of
all who can admire genius and appreciate generosity cf character go
with ber.