The Sun.
London, England, 1831-09-02 00:00:00

(ic THE PUBLic itJURNALS.

ruommend to general ueention the speech of
he 1.,' Crhancellor yesterd,y, on terminatina the
3itting in his Gout, a,rr w:tioli.v.vinir to a short and
impeyfect int&tnis'on (fl txh•:lat Tiw business of
tiic Court is t!ninhedorod th:.!re I.S not a
~adv hearing- 1!!.~ not ti on heat
e;do;±. And can this have been drne. snrilmarilv, or
(to csrfi hard word) pelfonctorilv ? 1.-t it be
%talked %vliat Lord.o:ity said, v.-ith r(sret to one
;hat of the business. The appeal,: which 'nay, ben
;iispo.cd of tvithin a few months are in, of which
number 108 have been deridec:, and the arc, ogr dt
:d ;f1;i) flab:
oc :rf Lord r i7npierl upe-n at:y tptotion for
rata r
eh
irlttitr. ;. w.esi ;71
Slit
pp e
the administration at sttbstantial jugicr. We have
no doubt that the improvement:: of the Court, which ;
Iry cautiously meditates, will keep pac' with his
Lot.dship'n ewe practice.—Tia:cs.
We cdl tie especial at le;:tien of our retliit r; to the

___..............e....
report of the C!iaticery proceediege yesterdey. The
Lord Chaecellor has just cause for triumph.- -- Morn-
;ng Chronicle.
Our report from the Curet of Cheticery will be
teed with great satisfaction. It contains the address
of the Lot Chaneellor to the Bar arid the suitors
ef his Court, previous to the adjournment for the
long varation. Th's admitelble aatere—edmirable
for the facts it communicates, and the ieeeepece
which it holds fort;: to that once-hopeless class of
mcn, the suitors in Chancay-eewill be read with a
1 mixinre of ant prise and dclig?tt by ever,- ftiend of
1 justice, It seems almost inciAble—we can seettely
I ,rust our eyes, when we see it reported, es coming
from the lips of a Lord High Chancellor of England,
that " there was not a single caese ready for hear-
irig brit what had been heard and decided; net a
single petition presented but what had been an—
,wered,—in short, that the whole hit-hires of the
Court is concluded." That a declaration like this
should be made, arid made with truth, on the last
day of any Term or Sitting that was to (till within
the compass of the present century, no man in this,
country would have believed twelve months
ugo. We even doubt whether the energy
of the distinguished individual, in whose per-
son the prophecy has been fulfilled, suggested
to his own mind, at that period, the whisper
of such an inspiration. Now, however the fact has
taken place, the arrears have vanished, the delay has
shifted its quarters, and we are henceforth to look
upon the Court of Chancel), in a new light, and in
advantageous contrast to the proceedings of another
place, which formally engages to meet for the de-
spatch of business. But those who would estimate
the achievement of the Lord Chancellor merely by
the degree of knowledge and industry which it im-
plies, will overlook a main ingredient in his charac-
ter, without which those assistants, powerful a•
they are, would have bt en insufficient—we mean
that firmness of purpose which was not to be di-
verted front its object by the peevish and sometimes
arrogant opposition of interested persons. Had he
been of a more compromising, a more timid, or,
perhaps, a more irritable spirit, there were not
awing those who would have availed themselves
• of such weakness to defeat his endeavours, and keep
things in the old train. But, happily, the reformer
of Chancery abuses was too intently fixed upon the
work he had taken in hand to allow himself to be
turned aside from it by any tricks or contrivances.
The consequence has been a complete triumph fur
himself and for the country in the success of one of
the boldest undertakings that ever patriotism and
genius conspired to realize.—Morning Herald.
The expenses of the approaching Coronation are
estimated at 50,0001. Those of the last Coronation,
when there was no Queen to be crowned, and
which was, in fact, notwithstanding the eclat which
't was endeavoured to give it, only half a Corona-
tion, amounted to more than five times that sum,—
to upwards of a quarter of a million of money'.
We know nut that 50,000/., extracted certainly from
the pockets of the people, but distributed to the
people again in re-payment of bills for work done
(which is much better than gratuities), is any great
evil; but we really do blush at the programme of
the nonsensical ceremonies which are to be performed
on this otherwise solemn occasion, and in a solemn
place ! How much better to have taken the neces-
sary oaths, with all the due ceremonies of an unos-
tentatious religion, and then to have suffeicd his
Majesty to retire, and meditate on the important
duties which he had undertaken, and the fearful
responsibilities of his situation. Protestants speak
with scorn of Catholic ceremonies and Catholic
fooleries. Is there any thing in the Catholic Church
more childishly absurd than the greater part of the
solemnities to be observed on the Bth of September?
—Times.

The French Ministry are said to be highly grati-
fied at the commission of the Chamber of Deputies
appointed to examine their project of law on the
Peerage. Out of the nine members who compose
it, six or seven are said to he in its favour. This
majority would be perfectly satisfactory, had the
Ministers themselves been satisfied with their own
Bill; hut as they preserved it, not from the belief that
the measure %vas good, hut that it was inevitable,—
not because they thought it useful, hut because they
saw it necessary,—the favooe with which it is re-
ceived is an additional attack on their own opinions.
We speak, of comae, of the hereditary rights of the
Peers, which the project abolishes, and which M.
Casimir Perier wishes to maintain ; but the exulta-
tion of the Government may arise from seeing in
the majority of the commission a security against
any proposed amendment in their project which
would increase its democratic tendency. The ultra-
liberel party wish to go farther than the abolition of
hereditary succession in the Upper House; they dr.-
rimed a limitation ill the number of Peer:, as
well as in that of Deputies, awl their nomination
by the Electoral Colleges, or out of lists supplied
by those Colleges, instead of their appointment
by the King. The commission, of which M.
Guizot will likely be appointed Chairman, will roast
probably oppose those dangerous innovatious which
would have the effect of making two Chambers of
Deputies, instead of a peerage and a popular repre-
sentation, and would leave the King no support in'
an Upper House against any sudden gust of popular
pas•sion. The report which the commission will
inahe to the Chamber will thus leave the question
for its decision in the same state in which it was
submitted to i s delibeeetions by the Cabinet. These
papers con'ain a protocol of the London Conference,
dated the 6th ult., containing the decision of the
Plenipotentiaries on the new state of things which
was presented to their view, on the invasion of Bel-
gium by the Dutch, and the entry of the French
army to expel theme. From this document we learn
officially a number of facts, of which the public had
not before an accurate knowledge, and ascertain the
precise terms of an engagement, of which we have
now a right to demand the rigid execution. It in-
forms us of the alarm spread among the Plenipo-
tentiaries by the rupture of the armistice—of the
cry of distress uttered by the Belgic Government
—and of the different rates of speed with which
'hat el), was answered by the different Powers.
The French Government having announced its
intention to succour Belgium without waiting
to form an atrangement with its allies about
the amount of force, or the period of occu-
pation,
would appear to have given to the Plenipo-
tentiaries of the Four Powers at Paris assurances
that it would act only on the views of the abience,
and under :he direction of the conference. These
:issurances were repeated in Downing-street by Prince
Talleyrand, and ate consigned to tile protocol. By
them France is bound to withdraw' her troops as
soon as the object of their passing the Belgic Iron-
er, or, in other words, as soon as the expulsion or
ietreat of the Dwell, was secured. We hear of no
~tha reason for their tub once but the preservation
or restoration of the artnis,ice, awl to other reason
for their stay but the presence of the Dutch hive-)
No pretext, therefore, for one day's cowl-

toed ecczivri; accin,litig to this docu nt,
I,e found in a regard to interests peculiarly F: each
--ar ;a a compliance with oeinamis timely Belgic.
The French cau find no authority front this pro'OCO
t‘) stay. either to demolish fortresses, or to suit port
Constitutions. " The extent of their military ope-
rationl," it is said, " and their continuance in Be'-
p,ium, aro to be fixrd by common agreement between
siir Five Courts at the conference of London."
Thug, if there be any null monable delay by the
F each troops in re-cr the frontier, the conk-
,nre will have thenselve; to blame. The only
,thEr point ‘vorthv of notice in this document is
tl.e rate with which at ang,ments are made to
prevent an araci; upon IF diauti, or a collision be-
:wren the French and the Prussians on the Dutch
Ciontier. The approach of the cholera snm3 to have
Vienna with consternation.--Tinter.

The statement of Mr. Stanley on Wednesday
that " Parliament bad just as much right to
touch the property of the Church of Ireland as to
attack thet cf any private individual, and no snore;
ii (act, it had no right of the kind ; but, neverthe-
less, it might exercise the power," Lae induced a
corrsspondent to addre4s a letter to him finder the
signature of " Pio Bono Pubfiea," which our
readers sail find in another part of the Paper. Ott
the same oceaaion M. Stanley is reported to have
stated that " although the Legislature had the
paver of controulieg the expenditure of the Esta-
blished Church, as of any other Corporation, yet
had it not the power of devoting them to any other
!imposes than those for which they were originally
lotto:del, and therefore not the power of apportion-
;in any pert of them to the maintenance of Die-
sentinfY Minietere." We do not wonder at the
astordshmentr eapreesed by our able correspondent
that Mr. Stanley Should have given utterance to the
above sentiments. They are at variance. with sound
principles of sound government, and at varinice
with the practice of this and the other enlightened
countries. The supreme power of the Stale would
not be supreme if its legitimate functions did not ex-
tend to the creation, modlication, or destruction of
all subordinate institutions whatever. The estaldish-
rnents for the religious inetructions of the people, for
their defence, for the administration of justice, &r.
ate creatutee of the supreme power, and are depend-
ent for their existence on its will. It would be
strange, indeed, if the Legislature could cot de-
termine who should be the religious teachers of the
people—who should fight for them—who should
decide their differences. The power of the Legis-
lature is undoubted, but power is not always pro-
perly exercised. To take from private individuals
their property would not be a rightful exercise of
power, because the security of property is the great
object for which men live together in society. With
respect to cmporations, whether paid directly by
the State, or maintained from endowments, before
we can deteiniine whether the propriety of an inter-
ference of the Legislature with their direct pay-
ments, or with the endowed property, we must
know whether the end for which the Corporation is
instituted, is most likely to be promoted by the ex-
isting state of things, or the changes to be effected
by the Legislature. If, for instance, iodiriduala
should endow estates for a military corporation,
like that of the Janissaries or Russian' Strelitz, anti
it should be found that the constitution of the Cor-
poration renders it inefficient for its object, the Le-
gislature would be justified in altering its Constitu-
tion. Again, if the endowments should yield a re-
muneration out of all proportion to the supply of
she wants of the Corporation, whereby luxurious
habits were created destructive of the militia),
character, the Legislature might, with pro-
priety, limit the remuneration, and transfer
the residue to some other public object. In the
same manner, if the constitution of the Corporation
for Religious Instruction is such as to impair its
utility, the Legislature may alter the Constitution.
If the religious opinions of the inhabitants come to
he such, that the Corporation, hitherto in receipt of
the whole of the endowments, should be unfit (from
diversity of creed) to instruct a large portion of
them, then the Legislature may, with propriety,
effect a new distribution of the funds, so as to leave
no portion of the inhabitants without religious in-
struction. If the inhabitants be all of one religiou,
still the funds may be too ample for the efficiency
of the Corporation. To take a case in point: were
property to be left to the palish schoolmaster.
of Scotland, yielding—even frith a contrivance of
arch-superintendents, superintendents, and other
functionaries, equivalent to the ecclesiastical hierarchy
to swallow up a large proportion of the revenue—
en income of 1,000/. to each incumbent, the Legi-
slature would, with propriety, interfere to limit the
remuneration to an amount compatible with the due
discharge of the duties. In this country, in which
a struggle is going on between the oligarchy
and the people, statesmen are tempted to equi-
vocate in public. The body in possession
of political power have interests distinct hum
those of the community, and the statesman who
delivers opinions in the interest of the community
must lay his account with the hatred of the oli-
garchy. Mr. Stanley probably pays what he deems a
necessary tribute of insincerity to the oligarchy. His
sentiments may, however, b e his own; and, in that.
case, we can only lament his very loose notions re-
specting Government, and hope that he will fall into
the hands of better instructors than he has vet had.
When the Reformation took place, the property held
by the Catholic Church was wiihdrawn from it,
despite the intentions of the founders, and part of it.
became the property of individuals, and part was as-
signed to the teachers of the new religion. We
would recommend to Mr. Stanley the pet usal of the
obServations of Mr. Hallam on this distribution :
" I cannot," he observes, " until some broad pritt-
ciple is made more obvious to me than it ever yet
has been, do such violence to all common notions on
the subject, as to attach an equal inviolability to
private arid corporate property. The law of here-
ditary succession, as ancient and universal as that
of property itself—the law of testamentary disposi-
tion, the counterpart of the former, so long esta-
blished in most commies as to seem a natural right,
have invested the individual possessor of the soil
with such a fictitious immortality, such anti-
cipated enjoyment, its • it were, of futurity,
that his perpetual ownership could not be limited
to the term of his own existence, without what
he would justly feel as a real deprivation of pro-
perty. Nor are the expectancies of children or other,
probable heirs, less real possessions, which it is a
hardship, if not all absolute injury, to defeat. Yet -.
even this hereditary claim is set aside by the laws of
forfeiture, which have almost every where p•evailed.
But in estates held, as we call it, in morfinain, there
is no intercommunity, no natural privity of interest
between the present possessor and those who may
pt
thef complaint,Legir ei f,
shouldltis o wan! t
errigltiht se being succeed him ; and as the former cannot have any
course of
transmission after his decease, so neither is any
hardship sustained by others, unless their succession
has been already designated or rendered probable.
Corporate ploperty, therefore, appears to stand on
iheld justifiable a very different footing from that of private indivi-
duals : and while all infringements of the established
privileges of the latter are to be sedulously avoided,
and o
nclayn trilYo thebut
strongestadmit
themfotti right
hott
public
expediency, I
of the Legislature to re-mould and regulate the for-
mer in all that does not involve existing interests
upon far slighter reasons of convenience. If Henry
heal been content with prohibiting the profession of
religious persons for the future, and had gradually
diverted their revenues, instead of violently cerifie-
eating them, no Protestant could have found it eaSy to
ceusure ills pelicy." The E-tabiished Church isclearly
not the Church to which the property was originally
given, and the labours of the Protestant Clergy arc
cat the objects which the founders contemplated.
Mr. Hallam, alluding to this, and the projects tor
reconciling the di-pawl of the property with the.
" suppose this is
considered an
wills of the founders, coserves ,
. „.e to the donor's ireentitni,
duo coin of violation of ioopei sorrewhot oft
he principle called cy wioptcf.i. b the Ceuta