The Sun.
London, England, 1831-01-18 00:00:00

talents of some of the leaders, and the decided in-
fluence they possess over the mass. The Irish have
always acted on the principle, that in order to obtain
anything from the Government of this country, they
must avail themselves of a moment of embarrass-
ment. They are impressed with the belief that no
Ministry of this country is sufficiently strong to dis-
pose the Aristocracy to concede any vital measure,
except under circumstances which create apprehen-
sion. This is evidently the tact of the Irish Agi-
tators at this time. They suppose that the English
Ministry have so much on their hands at home, tha'
the agitation will place them in a dilemma from which
profit may be derived. We really do not believe
that the repeal of the Union is the object actually
aimed at by most of the agitors ; but that, by pre-
senting the Government of this country with the
alternative of Repeal or the destruction of the Esta-
blished Church, they may obtain the latter. That
the Irish Catholics have deeply at heart the anni-
hilation of the Establishment may easily be believed.
They know, too, that the real secret of the opposi-
tion to Emancipation was the suspicion of the
Tories, that the object once carried, the next fight
would be for the Church. There is not a Priest in
Ireland who has not again and again turned over in
his mind how the Church can be attacked with
most advantage. There is not a Priest in Ireland
who will ever rest till that object is effected. The
period is confessedly cr;tical. Still we do not believe
that conciliation is impossible. If we wish to pre-
serve the Union, we must not have the Priests in
hostility to the Government.—Norning Chronicle.
While the diplomacy of all Europe has been im-
mersed in questions purely European, and while the
King of the Netherlands may have been supposed
the most occupied of all the individuals whose in-
terests they affect, a matter has been for some
months past debating at the Hague, under that Mo-
narch's auspices, of a nature very remote from all
those to which his attention might be thought ex-
clusively devoted. We allude to the American
boundary question, left, as will be recollected, some
two years since, to the arbitration of King Wil-
liam. The 20th of this present month was the day
to which his Majesty was limited by the terms of
the arbitration ; and while the Ambassadors of Eng-
land and the United States at the Hague fully ex-
pected the Royal Umpire would, from late circum-
stances, have demanded an extension of time, they
were agreeably surprised a few days ago- by a noti
fication that the decision was already formed, ant
that it would be delivered to them for the informa.

tion of their respet tive Governments on Monday
last, the 10th instant. On that day the King ac-
cordingly handed to Sir Charles Bagot and Mr.
Preble duplicates of his award. On a point of such
consequence we feel it necessary to speak with cau-
tion, as the question involved may eventually be-
come of national importance far greater than that
which seems implicated in it now. 13ut if our in-
formation be correct—and we may almost vouch
that it is so—the King of the Netherlands has de-
cided the points submitted to him in a way that
must give ample satisfaction to British intetests, as
far as they may be considered involved in the mat-
ter at issue. We will not at present enter further
into the merits of the ca,e than to remind our readers
that, in execution of the treaties of peace of Novem-
ber, 1782, and September, 1783, between England
and the United States, which terminated the
war, and established American Independence, a
line of boundary was drawn as the demarkation of

territory between the two countries, extending over
nearly twenty degrees of latitude, and ranging over
seas, lakes, and mountains, then very imperfectly
explored, and scarcely opened to the geographical
knowledge of the age. In the progress of discovery
and settlement since that time, several questions of
boundary between the respective terr►tories have
arisen, which have been found of exceedingly diffi-
cult adjustment. At the close of the last war bu-

tween England and the United States, four of these
questions pressed themselves on the consideration
of the .negotiators of the Treaty of Ghent, but
without the means of concluding a definitive ar-
rangement concerning. them. They were referred
to three separate Commissions, consisting of two
Commissioners, one appointed by each party, to
examine and decide upon their respective claims.
In the event of disagreement between the Com-
missioners, it was provided that they should make
Reports to their several Governments, and that the
Reports should be finally referred to the decision of
a Sovereign, the common friend of both. The de-
cision of the fourth of these Commissions was
made on the :?9th of September, 1827 ; the ap-
pointment of the King of the Netherlands, as final
arbitrator, took plane soon after, and the question is
now, it appears, set at rest, it is to be hoped, for
ever. It would be, perhaps, premature to state
precisely the terms of the decision. That the prin-
cipal point at issue—the North Eastern boundary of
the United Staes,---is decided in favour of English
claims, and contrary to American pretensions, tray
be enough to satisfy the public. That much may
be relied on as the result. To the provinces of
New Brunswick and Canada the decision will be
deemed of vit4l importance. How it may be re-
ceived by the Government of die United States we
do not undertake to prophecy.—Morning Chronicle.
The last (or fourth) Proclamation of Lord Angle-
sea was a bold and sweepine. stroke : it was de-
signed, we doubt not, to embrace and cover all de-

„ -
scriptiops of political meetings, in the state of
phrenzied vioience into which Mr. Oiconua anni

lig myrmidons have wrought the temper of the
Irish mob. Under any but peculiar and unnatural

circumstances, this meaiure would be repro-
Lated by every subject of Great Britain. To a--

semble and discuss their grievances, with a bone
I fide view tQ found on such proceeding a petition to
the constituted authorities for iedrezz, iz the birth.
right of a free people. But there is no identity,
and no analogy, between a right to petition, and a
right to intimidate and overawe the Parliament by
the excitement of passion and the display of tim-
bers, uu4 by 4,?.;+; directly leading to commotion,
however labelled by the false characters of peace.
Mr. O'Connell says he has the people of Ireland
with him. Why, then►, toil, sweat, and supplicate,
and threaten to gain that public opinion, which he
boasts of being already his? When he talks of the
people of Ireland, does he mean the people exclusive
of the property,—exclusive of all educated,
gent, independent tnen,—in one word, of all the
gentlemen of the country ? For not one individual
of the least distinction, who has been ir,rl()%ll as an
independent Irish gentleman from north to south
of the whole island, have we yet seen or heard
of among Mr. O'Connell's coadjutors, nor any
names whatever but those of our own liveried

and blustering liNneys, the stock of factotums
of vulpr turbulence, who have infested Ire-
land for these fiftoe4 cr twenty years,—the
practised agents of all adventurers who
.might spe.
culate in sedition. The last number of the Jlorn-

ing Register contains an epistle from Mr. O'Connell
to Lord Cloncurry, which is merely the most impu-
dent attempt that ever was imagined to bully that
nobleman into a cop4rtnership with the agitator in
his plot for the overthrow or the realm. Findinc,
that neither gentry nor commercial interest, nor'
professional men (save only certain of the more
thorough-going of the priesthood) will have aught
to say to him,—that old Dublin demagogues are but
stale wares, and that the rabble are not susceptible
of an organization fated for difficult and complex
movetnents—he grows desperate, and makes a
dying grab at a Lord. Listen to the language in
which this mountebank addresses Lord Cioneurry

" No man ever before had such a load of national
responsibili.'y thrown upon him. Do not disguise it
from yourself, if you now desert your u/d co/ours,
though it be only for a season, all the evils that

may arise from a protracted struggle will be at your
door—all the misery—every day of want aml woe—
every famishing family, may justly scream out
against you, as the continuator, if not the author, of
their calamities !" Is this enough ? we ask,—was
ever such an outrage on the free agency of any
man ? The letter is not written in confidence to