The Sun.
London, England, 1831-03-05 00:00:00

the rule by whielrwe are to be guided ? for if that the
ease! I call on' the Right Hon: Gentleman (Sir R. Peel)
Issel 'his friends to explain how it was they di,fienehised
the 40L freeholders of Ireland ?—((;heers.) At the seine
time I beg to say that I go along with him in that nice-
sure : I believe that it has been productive of ii nefit to
Ireland; and I agree in the principle that we should not
allow the franchise to be exercised by those who exercise
it to the injury of the public benefit. What was the ease
in that instance ? That it wasexereised nominally by the
many, hut really under the influence of a few. But, ii
we are to reject the manye who; because they ere under
thls cobt!sonl of th'e fete' tinti'jtexellise their rights with-
out injuryeto the country,
how is it that, we are called im
to save there who are lesthe nominally Eel really the fe--7',
and who bold their franchise to,,the exclusion of the man:,':
--(Cheers. ) It has alsn happened, that the sons of 10/
t tliat fic
the
'l
the
Right Honourable Gentlemen fixed upon that sutn?
for freeholds has been objected to by Hon. Gentlemen on
the other side, when, curiously enough, that was the very
earn at
t.
evwhichhise in Ireland.theßiglst lAHonHonourable Gentleman i
nd why
Because he conceived that that was the right =coot
to secure the' mass of the intelligent and conseien-
tious freeholders. But, in fact, the present measure will
not disfranchise a single man who is now enjoying that
plivilege.(A cry of " No, no.'') Before gentlemen dis-
pdte that point, it wouP., perhaps, be as well if they
would wait till the Bill is brought in. When that is done,
it will be foiled that my position is correct. No man,
repeat, will he disfranchised, except, by his own art. The
rights of individuals are safe, bet the rights of claeses are
abrogated. Mitch has been !aid of the benefits of the,
nomination of botougha ; lint that has been so ably an •
swered by the Hon. Member for Caloe, diet it would nut
merely be a work of supererogation in me to ea ose that
I,,llacy, it would,be impertinent for me to go over the 2,31111,
ground which he went over so much to his credit. It
might be true that they had been the Means of bringing
twiny able and excellent men into the House, but there
was one class they could never bi ing ; there was one peint
in which they must fail ; they can never send to the flute
representatives of the people.—(Chcers.) That single
defect overbalanced all the good they produced. The
Right Hen. Gentleman sail, that it was roost imprudent
to take 500,000 people into our councils; but we do not
take them into cur councils; we call them to the exercise
of their constitutional rights, and attach them, ob-
taining their confidence and the assi•tanee of their
knowledge, to the institutions of the country, found-
ing its security on their affections and support. I
will not advert to what has been said of this be-
ing a revolutionary measure, further than to desire
those who make that objection to look to the constitu-
tion of his Majesty's Government. Is my Noble Friend
who brought in the Bill a man belonging to no family,
and dues he bear a name not associated with the glorhs
and history of the country ? Is the Noble Lord at the
head of the Government a man to make light of the pri-
vileges and rights of his order? Is he not rather attached,
pertinaciously attached, to • tie privileges of the aristo-
cracy? Has he not been reproached with that?—(No,
no.)—ls not the Government composed of persons who
have a great steke in the country, and is it possible that
they can gain any advantage by exposing themselves to
the chance-medley of a revolution? Their &west inte-
rests are too closely united with the good of their country,
their fortunes are too deeply would up in its welfare, and
they are too anxious to transmit to posterity those for-
tunes undiminished, and their reputations untarnished,
to undertake any revolutionary measures. The measure
is only one of wise foresight to secure the privileges of
their order. They saw that the country was menaced,
an I they believed that the aristocracy would be placed on a
firmer basis than at present by being based on the ;Sec
tione of the people. It was not intended to change the
Constitution, but renovate it, and give it consistency and
strength ; to repair its blemishes, and adapt it to all the,
circumstances of the times. It was the result of wise fore-

sight, and it was stigmatized as tending to depose the Mo-
narch and destroy the House of Lords. I have no doubt
that the legitimate influence of the aristocracy will be in-
creased by this Bill, but the il,egitimate influence of that
aristocracy, its influence by means of bribery and corrup-
tion, Will be put an end to, and the influence by intimi-
dation will cease. Their influence, in the present cir-
cumstances of the country, and among a people remarkable
for their attachment to rank and station, with the power
of the aristocracy to promote the welfare of the lower
classes, will secure to that aristocracy the love and affec-

tions of the people. The Bill will cut off or prevent the
illegitimate influence now exercised, but it will strengthen
and support the legitimate influence of the upper classes.
The Noble Lord said, that for the 168 Members who were
interested in this decision to consent to this measure,
-would be, to use his language, to sign and seal their own
damnation. There are probably many persons among
these 168 who will not be indisposed to sacrifice their own

interests to the greater interests of their eountry. I will
tell the Noble Lord that there has been one striking in-
stance of this displayed this evening, when one of these
168—(Cheers)—came forward, and wattd in plain
terms that he was glad that the power which he bad un-
justly possessed was to be legally put and end to—that he
rejoiced that tie Bill was to dry up the sources of that un-
just power—and that he was glad to sacrifice his own paltry
interests to the greater interest of national adv enrage.
Among the 168 I have no doubt that many will be in-
fluenced by the same motive, and wi I come to a similar
decision. The opponents of the measure may say what
they please of the policy of the measure—what they please
as to its being a violation of the constitutional law—but
not one word can be said against the honesty and sincerity
of those who have proposed the measure. They pledged
themselves, when they accepted office, to reduction and
retrenchment ; they pledged themselves to Reform; and
without looking to the right or the left, they have re •
deemd their pledge, bringing forward a plan which is well
calculated to put an end, fur ever, to the core upt species
of patronage by which their country has long been go-
verned. I implore the House, by considerations of pru-
dence, by considerations of justice, by consideeations of
wise principles, by the love they bear to the great and
glorious Constitution which has been banded down to
us—(Cheers)—l implore you, by the love you bear to our
Constitution, not to resist the plan of Reform now sub-
mitted to you. I call on you, by considerations which
must occur to every man, not, by now refusing the claims,
or demands, or requests for rights which are co natitu-
tionally asked, and which you cannot constitutionally
withhold,—l c ell on you not to defeat by resistance this
measure, but to unite yourselves to the Ministels, and
support them in their endeavours to promote the safety
and atobility of our institutions—(A laugh)—to found
their security on the legitimate influence of the Constitu-
tion ; and I call on you to build for yourselves an impe-
rishable monument of fame, based on the affections of the
people.—(Cheers.)
An Host MEMUER, who vas imperfectly heard, spoke
of the measure being a violation of vested rights. It was
equally a violation of the rights of the aristocracy and of
the poorer classes. If that House were corrupt as it was
described, it was incompetent to settle such an important
question.—(Speak out.) There was no principle pre-
served in the measure—it was kept up on one side, and
broken through on the other. To make the House con-
sent to pass the measure, it was threatened with the ven-
geance of the Crown, and the fury of the people. If they
were to have suck large and sweeping alterations, it would
he better to have a new Constitution at once. It left the
indirect influence, which was the worst, and did away
with direct influence, which was the least injurious. He
could not support the measure., and therefore he had left
the other side, and gone over there.—(Cheers.) [The
Hon. Member spoke from the Opposition side.)
Mr. C. W. WYNN rose to speak amidst much confu-
sion of Members leaving the House-, anti was some time be-
fore be could be heard. He was then understood to say,
that be had listened with great attention to the different
arguments which had been ably urged on both sides of that
most important question. With the single exception of
the Catholic question, it was of magnitude unparalleled by
any measure brought into Patliament for the thirty years
that he had had a seat in the House. He came to the con-
sideration of that question fairly, and destitute of all bias,
except that which naturally arose from the respect he felt
for his Noble Friend who brought forward the subject, and
except that respect he had for the different Members of his
Majesty's Cabinet, with whom he had long been in habits
of intimacy. He trusted that, in his (pinion, he was not
influenced by the false pride of consistency,, and be held,
with the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, that nothing
was so contemptible as..knowingly to persist in error. On
what were their opinions formed but on the state of cir-
cumstances and of society, on all the things around them,,
always
visionaryay s
al-
terations.
At the same time he had never felt that dread
on the tempers and dispositions of the people the go-
vernment of whom was placed in their hands.? He be-
lieved then he could say with truth, that on this im-
portant question he had no bias. He had looked, at it fur
and
Iran
ragn;v
neair years
generalssrith cdeepl.an tges ienretshte, andsyst
c inhad, w
of innovation which had prevailed amongst some of those
with whom- he :had lived on habits of intimacy, and for
whom he felt great respect ; for he was convinced that
the Constitution of this country was one of innovation.
of perpetual innovation, anti that a susceptibility
to perpetual amendment and improvement was one of
its leading principles. But then the amendments and im-
provements ought to be gradual. Measures which con-