The Sun.
London, England, 1831-10-31 00:00:00

was in office, one of the Journals, now most
clamorous for a national guard, directed some
furious tirades against the organisation of a
national guard in France immediately after the
revolution, which so justly expelled a dynasty
that struck down the laws, and madly drew
against the people the sword of military power.
We recollect that Journal to have asked " how
that was to be called public liberty which was
suspended on the points of 800,000 bayonets ?"
We vindicated the necessity for a national guard
in France, because that country, which had just
passed through the fire of a revolution, and had
every reason to apprehend that the despotic
Powers of the Continent would combine for its
invasion, absolutely required, both for the preser-
vation of its internal peace, and its security from
foreign aggression, that it should be placed in the
best possible position of armed defence. A consti-
tutional Monarchv,just established upon the ruins
of a despotism, and placed in the midst of Carlists,
Imperialists, and Republicans, could not be
better protected than by a citizen-force that had
an interest in the preservation of those liberties
which had been just purchased with the blood
of the bravest and the best of their heroic
countrymen. Besides, if it were necessary that
the regular army should take the field, and no-
thing but the Polish insurrection prevented an

invasion of France before this time, the national
guards would be indispensable to perform mili-
taryduty in their absence, and to train soldiers
to reinforce the troops of the line. These cir-
cumstances made it proper, and even necessary,
that France should then extensively organise a
National Guard ; but none of these circum-
stances apply to England. For what purpose,
then, should we have either Political Unions or
a National Guard England has not just been
shaken to the centre by a revolution which has
made it necessary to reconstruct, amid the most
terrific dangers, the elements of society ;—Eng-
land is not menaced with the sanguinary aggres-
sion of banded despots, for it seems, from the
course of her diplomacy, both with regard to
Belgium and Poland, that her Government has
a most sympathetic correspondence of feeling
with the Cabinets of those despots;—England
is not divided into powerful factions, like those
of the Carlists, Imperialists, and Republicans,
for the Journals that call for a National Guard
tell us that the people are, with the exception
of an insignificant few, unanimous in their ad-
hesion to the Reform Bill. In fine, England
fears neither foreign aggression nor internal
force, except what the constabulary power is
capable of dealing with, and, therefore,
there is no reason why her citizens should
leave their peaceful pursuits, and have
recourse to the dangerous avocation of arms.
The English are essential a commercial and
agricultural, not a military people. Corrupt
and wicked Governments led the nation into the
wars against America and France, which have
so seriously weakened her resources, and en-
tailed so much taxation, distress, and misery on
her population. Let not our Statesmen or our
Journalists endeavour to inoculate the people
with that martial virus which is dangerous to
the maintenance of peace, and pestilent to the
interests of humanity. If the people are united
in the cause of Reform, they want no arms but
those which reason and justice supply. If, on
the other hand, they are divided, to put the
weapons of war in their hands is to tempt them
from the bloodless contentions of the hustings,
and the constitutional struggles of county as-
semblies and town-halls, to the sanguinary con-
flicts of civil commotion ; for it is not easy to
prevent blood from flowing when men quarrel
with mortal weapons in their hands. They are
no sincere friends to Reform who reject the
peaceful energy of reason, and invoke the aid
of bayonets, terror, and revolutionary force.—
llorning Herald.
Our readers will see, from a report of the
Cambridgeshire election, that Mr. Townley
gained considerably on his adversary on Satur-
day._

The numbers at the close of the poll were

for Mr. Townley 1,685 ; Captain Yorke 1,257:
majority in favour of Mr. Townley 428; so that
Mr. Townley gained no fewer than 202 on the
Saturday's poll. Thus, in spite of the combina-
tion of the families of Yorke and Manners, the
aid derived from the Lord Lieutenancy, the
University, the Clergy, &c., the Reform candi-
date has already gained a great majority over his
opponent ! It is highly creditable to the men
of Cambridgeshire that they have come forward
in so spirited a manner, and that their exertions

have risen with the demands for them. When
we consider what preparations have been made
fbr some time past by the Anti-Reformers, and
the extent of the power opposed to the people,
against which the Reformers have to struggle,
we are inflined to think very highly indeed of
the exertions of the latter on this occasion.—
Cambridgeshire may well be proud of this
triumph. We were struck by a characteristic
trait in Captain Yorke's speech on Friday. On
the Thursday, a Dr. Lamb had made a very
powerful speech in favour of the Reform can-
didate, in which, speaking of the Refbrm Bill,
he observed—

" It had been thrown out by the votes of 199 here-

ditary Peers, and it was with sorrow and shame he said it,
by the votes also of 21 Bishops.—(Cheers.) Yes it was,
he would repeat, with sorrow and shame, that he found 21
I3ishops banded together to deprive the people of their
just and legitimate rights."
_ _

On this Captain Yorke remarked—
" That when a Rev. Gentleman came forward in the
habit of his order, and held the language that had been
held by the Rev. Dr. Lamb, that he should he suffered to
exist in the Church of England was a frightful degrada-
tion to the Establishment to which he belonged.—(Much
disapprobation.) Was such a man a fit instructor for the
youth of England ? Was it from such a men that they
ought to learn the truths of the Gospel.—(Cries of " Yes,
yes, for be tells the truth.")
This is a rich exhibition. We know of
nothing equal to it, except the declaration made
some years ago in the House of Lords by Lord
Eldon, that he could not bring himself to be-
lieve the Slave Trade was irreconcileable with
the Christian religion, as the Bench of Bishops
had uniformly sanctioned, by their votes, the
various Acts authorising the Slave Trade. Cap-
tain Yorke, very probably, never read a line of
the Gospel in his lire. With him Gospel means
maw. He has no idea that the Gospel enjoins
self-denial, brotherly love, charity—that it con-
demns false swearing, bribery and corruption,
and living on the spoil of others. The Gospel,
with him, is a richly endowed Church, and the
object of religion is to enable a certain number
of men to wallow in wealth and luxury, in re-
turn for the base subserviency they display in
the support of profligacy and corruption, and the
opposition they give to every measure calculated
to improve the people, and to secure to them
the enjoyment of their rights and liberties. He
seems to have been quite unprepared for the
exception taken by his audience to his notions
of the Gospel ; and being a man of the world,
he would haidly have urged to the people a pal;
pable absurdity, had he been aware of it. If
he bad known that the Gospel expressly declares