The Sun.
London, England, 1836-08-25 00:00:00

SECTION D.

An account of the Agricultural Products of the Deccan,
by Col. SYKES.

On the Cow-Fish of Guiana, by Mr. HANcocx.
On the Geographical Distribution of Plants in Ireland
and the West of Scotland, by S. T Macicsky.
On the Luminosity of the Sea, by P. DUNCAN, Esq.
On Caotchouc, by Professor RoYLE.
On a method of preserving Animal and Vegetable Sub-
stances, by Dr. MACARTNEY.
Mr. HOPE to give a communication from Mr. Radden, on
Insects obtained from Turpentine.
Mr. BALL'S Reptrt on Echinus Levidus.
SECTION E.
Report of the Dublin Commission on the motion and
sound of the Heart.
Report of the London Commission on the same subject.
On the Mechanism of the Heart, with a demonstration,
by Mr. (REEVES. •
• On Absorption, by Dr. CARSON.
SECTION F.

Observations on the effects of Railroads on the inter-
communication of the population of places which thus con-
"et, and of the desirableness of ascertaining, if possible,
the !am (if there be any) which governs the increase, by
Dr. LARDNEB.

On Statistical Desiderata, by W. R. GREY, Esq.
On the advantages of Spade Husbandry, by Dr. YEL-
LOWLEY.

A comparison of the Mineral wealth of Great Britain
with that of the Continent of Europe, and statement of the
products of some British Mines, by Jolor TAYLOR, Esq.

_
SECTION G.
Dr. LARDNER.-- On* Steam• communication between
Great Britain and the United States.
J• S. RUSSELL, M.A.—On the nature of the obstacles to
steam navigation :it high velocities and in shallow water,
and on the means of overcoming these obstacles.

EXTRAORDINARY SPEED.--Otte of the steamers
employed in the trade between Liverpool and Glasgow arrived
at the former port on Sunday last in 17 hours and 2b minutes
from. Greenock, the shortest passage on record. The distance
is 220 miles.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC jOU2I,NALS

---
The contest for the second seat in the boro,ugh of
Warwick is honourable to the spirited Reformel's of
that' town, and the result anything but consolatory to
the Noble Earl whose pocket borough it once ww:, oc•
to the Tories who support his " interest. It will h~
borne in _mind that the contest tyres for a vacancy
created by a Tory Member,—Lord Warwick's bro-
ther, Sir Charles Greville,—who, doubtless, selected
the most fitting time for accepting the Chiltern Hun-
dreds. We have received several letters which
enable us to estimate the " re-action." First, Ore
electors were taken by surprise, the Conservatives'
having secretly, for several days, obtained requisi-
tions from their party to Mr. Canning, and the
Liberals being wholly unprepared' with a candidate-
' Secondly, the 'Tories had two clear days' start in their
canvass. Our readers are well aware of the desperate
conflicts which the Warwick Reformers have sus-
tained aoainst every species of persecution and corrup-
tion. In 1831, by the most desperate exertions, imp,Aled
by the exciting question of a national reform, they
barely succeeded in returning two Liberal Members..
In December, 1832, the first Reform election, the
most profligate arts were but too successfully employed
to oust one of their real Representatives. In 1835, on
the Peel dissolution of Parliament, 922 electors polled,
two Conservatives, Sir Charles Greville and Mr.
Halcomb, opposing Mr. King. The !Memos, how-
ever, successful, the numbers being--
Greville 564
King
Halcomb
- - -

The advantage to a Liberal Candidate of split votes.
is well known, and that in a small constituency' a.
" plumping" contest is the most adverse to a Reformer.
The electors may, in the first case, more safely divide
their vote ; in the latter the " thumb-screw" is Lin.
sparingly applied, and intimidation has no limit.
The coerced elector has to decide " one way or the

other i

;" he cannot serve two masters. We understand

that the independent electors in the past contest were not
sanguine of success, but resolved that their borough
should not be made over quietly to a nominee, and an
utter stranger to their local interests. It is highly to.
the credit of Mr. W. Hobhouse that he willingly ran
the risk of such a contest. We understand that the
real majority is about seven against him, allowing for
foul votes and good tenders on each side. The inde-
pendent party, therefore, under such circumstances.
justly consider the result as a real gain ; and one of
the letters before us says, " By this contest we shall,
with the coming registration, achieve our indepen-
dence ;" and a second letter says, " What could we
not now have done with the ballot ?" The dropping
_ _

off of the scot-and-lot franchise under the provisions
of the Reform Act has also reduced the constituency
194, comparing the registers of 1832 and 1835-6.
We see, therefore, any thing but cause of triumph
for the Conservatives, who we know expected no
contest. The influenced electors, who served the
Liberals by not voting (because they could not), if
freed to exercise their franchise, would have carried
the election. The Tories succeed in the smaller
borough as much throuqh the instrumentality of those
who do not as of those who do vote. The 'Standard
affirms that the Corporation " was wholly changed"
on the election of the new Town-Council at Christmas.
Such was not the fact. One ward only was carried by
the Reformers ; the other was divided, although the

majority gave the Liberals the nomination of the Al-
dermen. Further, the entire municipal property of the
borough has been withheld from the Town-Council by
the .ex-corporators, On the plea of a small charitable use
of bread•money charged on the • estates ; and the
charities also have continued in the old corporators.
Our Contemporary also enrols Newcastle and Devizes
in his list of "re-actions." He omits to notice that
Captain Dundas, though previously defeated, gained
the last scat unopposed. Newcastle, except by Mr.
Ord, never was represented by real Reformers ; and
was always accessible to those who bribed freemen and
possessed London influence: The adverse circum-
stances of the recent contest there fully explain that
reverse, and the large majority of householders polled
by Captain Blackett tolerably manifest the real state of
" public opinion." We leave, however, the Conser-
vatives to deceive themselves, as they have always
done the last few years—to revel in their few county
successes. Their labour is thrown away. The first „ge-
neral struggle will undeceive them.—]Worn. Chronicle.
" When you are sure to fail in an endeavour to an-
swer the main argument, try sonic collateral issue," is
a rule frequently acted upon in forensic pleading. The
Government writers, or rather those who guide them,
are not ignorant of the advantages which sometimes
result from the adoption of this rule, as we see from
the course they daily pursue. In particular, that
print which recently declared itself, in a tone that but
too feelingly expressed its own sense of its forlorn con-
dition, " the wily morning Ministerial print," almost
always has recourse to this expedient. We allude, of
course, to the " Morning Grunt-icle," as tht Gomm
ment have most appropriately nicknamed the print iii►
question—not because it goes the whole hog, but
from the peculiar tone of its sonorous snout when the
teachers of the learned pet pig of the Treasury wind
it up to its work by a twist of the tail. This
said " Grunt-isle," which has not attempted any
thing like a defence of the Ministers against Lord
Lyndhurst's most searching examination of their pro-
ceedings throughout the session, showed on Tuesday
last how docile it is when directed in a devious course,
and exemplified the use of a collateral issue thus:—
" The Municipal Corporation Amendment Act, which
was thrown out, on the motion of Lord Lyndhurst, on
Thursday last, contained two clauses only. •
" Ist. A clause to remedy defects arising from the pre-
siding officer at an election of the Council having his title

.•
disputed, as at Ipswich.
" 2d. To supply a deficiency in the original Bill in these
cases, in which the Mayor might not also be a member of
the Council.
" It was admitted on all hands that these were good pro-
visions. Lord Lyndhurst bad nothing to say against the
Bill, and be only moved that it should be committed that
day three weeks, because this Bill and three others formed
part of the Bill which the Commons threw out on account
of the clause introduced into it by the Lords, retaining the
trattees of charities for one year longer.'
After some choice specimens of the swinish style,
which we pass over, the Bill is termed " a Bill to
which not even a plausible objection can be urged."
Now we propose to examine its provisions, not doubt-
ing to demonstrate that in this, as in every other case
in which the Lords have rejected the crude and hasty
attempts of the Commons to legislate on this subject,
their Lordships have done the State great and important
service. But, first, " Lord Lyndhurst had nothing to
say against the Bill." Now, be it remembered that
on the 29th of March the principle .of this Bill was
discussed upon the motion for the second reading of
the Municipal Corporations Act Amendment Bill, on
which occasion that Noble and Learned Lord exposed
most forcibly the injustice of the ex post facto opera-
tion of some of the clauses. He showed, first, that
the Bill would deprive of their offices persons who
were legally entitled to them. Secondly, that it would,
by its retrospective operation, subject persons—who
had most properly refused to deliver up the corporation
muniments to the councils, whose illegal constitution
the Bill was intended to cure, and who, if they had
delivered them up, would have acted illegally—to
punishment by fine or imprisonment, under that " most
arbitrary power which was given to the town council
by the Act of last session,' and which was so ably
commented upon by Sir Charles Wetherell and Mr.
Knight in their several addresses to the House. Lord
Lyndhurst objected, in the third place, to the unfair
provision which was made for the costs of the parties
who had proceeded against..the corporate officers by
quo warranto, for the purpose of trying their title, and
he instanced the case of one Wright, who had formerly
commenced most vexatious proceedings against the
clergy for penalties for non-residence, under the Act,
almost obsolete, of Henry VIII., but to whom the Act
which suspended these proceedings awarded (because
the strict law was on his side) thefull costs of such pro-
ceedings. The Bill was referred to a Select Committee,
and we confess it was with some regret that we saw that
the measure, when it left that Committee, still com-
prised the objectionable provisions to Which the Noble
and Learned Lord had so forcibly alluded. On the
occasion of the rejection of the Municipal Elections
Bill, which is the subject of the article in the " Grunt-
icle," Lord Lyndhurst pursued the course which

those who have witnessed his able exertions during election came. Who does not remember the exulting
the present Session will know to be almost inva- shouts of triumph sent forth by the Ministerial Papers
riable with him. He did not repeat his former argu- on account of the changes wrought in the local govern-
anents, for they were fresh in the recollection of went of those places by the Municipal Reform Bill.
the public, and he contented himself with offering While that Bill was under discussion in Parliament,
one Tee.son which of itself seemed conclusive to his the Ministers and their adherents described it as a Bill
iv-nt., and which will, we feel assured, be satisfactory intended merely to procure a 'toter and more respon-
rto every rational person in the country. The Lords sible government for the boroughs than they could
had passed a Bill with amendments, to some of possess under a system of self-election. No sooner,
which the Commons disagreed, and the Lords had in- however, had the first elections under the Bill taken
sisted upon those amendments, as necessary in their place, than the Ministerial Journals, with shameless
view to the measure. A free conference was held, and effrontery, avowed that the great value of the Bill
the result was the rejection by the Commons of the Bill. consisted in its capability of being worked so as to
Four Bills were then concocted, which contained nearly control Parliamentary elections, and, in fact, to place
all the clauses to which the two Houses had agreed, the reformed representation at the will and disposal of
but omitted those upon which the Lords had in- the Ministers of the Crown. If such were the case,
istcd, as necessary to the entire measure. If the Lords we argued that Corporations ought to be abated alto-
had agreed to all these Bills, they would have been, gether as a national nuisance. One of the most se-
as Lord Lyndhurst, we recollect rightly, said, the rious charges made against the old boroughs was, that
laughing-stock of the country, permitting themselves to they made a property of the representative system. The
be entrapped by some crafty lawyer into a surrender of Whig-Radicals exulted too soon in supposing that the
those provisions on which they had so properly insisted Municipal Reform Bill had transferred the power of
at the free conference. Mark, then, what they did. returning Members of Parliament to their own party.
They passed a Bill for the protection of the borough They evinced their love of corruption and undue influ-
fund ; another to remedy a defect in the Government ence when exercised in their own favour ; but, for-
mer...sure of last session respecting the boundaries of tunately, the Bill is not so capable of counteracting the
boroughs ; and a third " for the better administration principle of free election as Ministers intended it to be.
of justice in boroughs." They did not, however, pass In many of the old Corporations the elective franchise
the ex post facto clauses before referred to, and even was in a few corporators, and in them alone, ever since
Lord Holland himself must, we think, on reflection, see the reign of Charles 11. That was a usurpation and
notwithstanding the pile of black bottles, that it would abuse, and, as being such, we gave our assistance to its
have been most unconstitutional to have done so. Let reformation ; but we would ratherhave called for the total
us now see what might have been the effect of passing abolition of Corporations, than have advocated such an
these clauses. The councillors having been illegally alteration of the system as would have had the effect
elected, had no right to dismiss any of the officers of the of substituting one set of close boroughs for another.
late corporation. But tenants may have paid rents to the When the evening organ of the Ministry, at the time
treasurer; were they to pay them over again ? Yes, says of its premature chuckling over the anticipated opera-
the Government measure. Tenants may have given no- tion of the Municipal Reform Bill, published a list of
tices to quit the lands held by them of the Corpora- the boroughs which were for the future to return, ex-
tion to some legally-constituted body. Were these elusively, Whig-Radical Members to Parliament, both
notices to be invalidated ? Yes ! again, says Mi. Newcastle and Warwick, if we mistake not, were
Attorney-General. Defendants in suits or actions among the number. But alas for the predictions of
may have pleaded as a defence " that there was no the Treasury oracle ! each of those boroughs have been
Corporation, and therefore no such deeds as those recently called upon to exercise the elective franchise
professing to be executed by the Corporation could —in each of them a Whig-Radical, supported by all
exist." Is that legal defence to be rendered a nullity the influence of Government and the most zealous
by an ex post facto law ? Yes, yes, to be sure exertions of its creatures, has been met and defeated
says Mr. Solicitor-General : and the " Grunticle" by a Conservative ! In the case of the Newcastle
grumbles because we reiterate' " No, no." The eases election Mr. Blackett, the Ministerialist, had all the
we have here suggested are, we assure the learned advantages of a prior possession of the field ; but Mr.
authors of this measure, not altogether imaginary : Hodgson came in at the eleventh hour and signally
and we conclude .in the full conviction that we have defeated him. In that borough the political test was
shown that much of injustice has been prevented by " appropriation" or "no appropriation," and Mr.
the rejection of this measure, and that the Lords have O'Connell had tome time before " agitated" the con-
here, also, done their duty.—Tinzes. stituency and " laid on the steam ;" but all would not
Some of the liberal London journals seem to attach do. The English sense of " justice" and love of con-
extraordinarystitutional principles triumphed over Government in-
fluence and measures of confiscation and robbery, pre-
recently made in Liverpool of the connection which
ceded by the banner-bearer of the system of " scull
existed between the Marquis of Salisbury and the Li-
and cross bones" intimidation. The contested elec-
verpool Standard ; but for our own part we should
tions at Devizes, Newcastle, and Warwick, have all
consider this " mare's nest"—this " criminal con-
had similar results, showing the preponderance of
nexion"—unworthy of the slightest notice, were it not
strength on the side of Conservatism and the Con-
for the wordy war which it has caused between our
B.tution. But,
tiin regard to the Warwick elec-
Reform and Tory contemporaries, and the acrimonious "
on, there is one circumstance very remarkable, and
spirit which characterises the contest. Some twelve t hat is, that the Government candidate—the brother
months since we published a list of several Tory pro-
o f one of the Ministers, found it necessary to gain the
vincial papers which were about to be.started at that
aood-will of the electors by denouncity, the Ministe-
time, and though we were perfectly aware that the
vial Poor Law Bill—that great and splendid work of
funds were for the most part furnished by the Conser- o
our Liberal rulers, whose " liberality" never shone so
vative chiefs, and in some instances we could even
brightly in the eyes of certain Whig-Radical " philo-
have named the individuals who put down the " need-
sop°hers" as when they made use of their position in the
ful," yet we considered it unnecessary to make any dis-
State to grind the poor in the dust, and put down Chris-
closure or commentary on the subject, as when men
tian charity by law ! Mr. Hobhouse, we suppose.
publicly profess a certain class of principles, it is but
would have been absolved by the Ministry for the
fair that they should make every exertion for their difftt-
crime of denouncing their Poor Law Bill, if by that
sion. Nay, more, if men conscientiously entertain
means he had succeeded in security, the seat. But
certain opinions, it is not only allowable, but commen- •
though, in addition, lie promised all those fine things
dable to contribute in every way to giving them publi-
I 'ell is brother Sir John Cam used to promise °to
city. The Marquis of Salisbury has made no secret which
Westminster Radicals, until he got into a snug
of his Tory predilections and prejudices, and if he has
lace, yet he was defeated by his youthful rival, Mr.
by his purse or personal exertions endeavoured to make
anning, who, until he entered upon this contest, was
converts to his party or his politics—insuperable as is
wholly unknown in public life. The splendour of his
our opposition to both—we do not consider him to de father's name ()mat as it was could have no value in
serve censure ; on the contrary, we should rejoice to
the eyes of that class of politicians who admit of no
see his example followed by his opponents. How can
hereditary distinction ; but his addresses showed that
men better prove the sincerity of their opinions than
he inherits more his father's name, anal that he has ta-
by paying towards their dissemination ? And it is far
lents to support and adorn the cause which he has
better that the Tory funds should thus find an outlet
espoused pp
—Morning Herald.
through newspapers, which to the public ffenerall‘
serve as mere waste paper, than be hoarded up for
more corrupt purposes, such as bribery at elections.
&c. The English public is now too enlightened to
be duped by the shallow artifices of the Tory press.
Its support or its opposition has little or no influence
on the public mind, and its slander, which, in dearth of
argument, is its staple commodity, is purchased only
for the gratification of the depraved appetite of time
' most inveterate of the faction. What effect has the ma-
lignant falsehoods and indecent abuse of the Times, or
the classical absurdities of the Standard, on public
opinion ? tione, save that the one excites disgust, and
the other laughter ; but if they minister to the pru-
riency of their patrons their purpose is answered.
Wc do not see how the Marquis of Salisbury is
more subject to attack on account of his connexion
with the press than any other nobleman or gentle-
man who personally advocates the same political opi-
nions. It is surprising that any of our Contempora-
ries should so stupidly compromise themselves as to
stigmatise a nobleman as acting disgracefully in writing
for a newspaper. How many Members of the House
of Lords, aye, and of the House of Commons, where
more intelligence may be fairly supposed to exist, have
not the ability to write anything worthy of insertion
in a newspaper Why, then, should the Tory Mar-
quis be blamed for delighting his party by the display
of his qualifications as a party scribe ? It is not for
advocating the opinions which he entertains, but for
entertaining opinions contrary to the general interests,
that he merits opprobrium. The Press is usually de-
signated as the " fourth estate," and though its in-
fluence is indisputable, we may say paramount, its
members in this country do not maintain that supe-
riority of position in society to which they might fairly
lay claim. They are, however, gradually emerging
into their true and proper station ; and none, whether
noble or gentle, are now so squeamish as to be ashamed
of writing in a newspaper, unless their contributions be
such as they should blush to acknowledge. We should
like to know the name of any Liberal or Tory Member
of either House of Parliament who, having the ability
to do it, has not, in some way or other, contributed to
the columns of
the Journals whose sentiments he
adopted. " Alarming exposure," indeed !—Alarming
fiddlesticks ! rather. What other " mare's nest" will
next be discovered ?—Morning Advertiser.
The result of the Warwick election has afforded a
new proof of the increased and increasing strength of
Conservative principles, and the consequent decline of
the democratic cause, with which the fortunes and the
hopes of Ministers are identified. All friends of our
ancient and mixed Constitution—a Constitution rooted
for ages in the soil, and accommodated to the genius
of the country, must rejoice at this ; for all sober-
minded and true-hearted Englishmen know that a
triumphant issue to the projeets of the present Mi-
nisters would be the death-blow of that Constitution
which now stands alone in Europe the stay and
asylum of enlightened liberty. The issue of the con-
test for the representation of South Warwickshire
was itself pretty strong evidence of the re-action which
bad set in against the policy of the Government, that
had apostatised from the principles of Lord Grey's
Administration to throw itself on the protection of the
Irish mendicant demagogue, whom Lord Grey's Govern-
merit had denounced as the enemy to the peace and
prosperity of his country. But great as was the majo-
rity for the Conservative candidate when the Southern
Division of the county was polled, we regard the
defeat of the Ministerial candidate for the borough
as a still more decisive, demonstration of the sink-
ing state of the 'Whig-Radical cause, of which
Warwick has long been considered one of the strong
holds. In all contested elections for counties that
have taken place since the last general election, the
Ministerial candidates have not only been beaten, but
beaten by overwhelming majorities, although in every
instance Government influence and the efforts of Whig
landlords have been unsparingly used to bring about a
different result. These Conservative victories leave
no doubt of the sentiments of the rural population ;
but theist he Ministers and their Journalists consoled
themselvas with the notion that Conservatism would
have no chance in the boroughs, whenever a general

ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE.

NORTHERN CIRCUIT—LivERPooL, AuG. 23

3IENDEL AND ANOTHER, ASSIGNEES OF CBOMPTON, A
BANKRUPT, V. DOWSON.

The bankrupt was a paper manufacturer, carrying on
business at a short distance from the town of Wigan. The
defendant is a grocer, residing in the town itself. On the
Gth of July, last year, the bankrupt absconded from the
mills, leaving assets behind him not sufficient, it would ap-
pear, to pay his creditors one farthing in the pound. One
of his brothers, who had for some time been in his employ-
ment as a traveller, remained at the mills after the bank-
rupt's departure. On the Bth of July the carrier from
Chorley to Wigan, passing the mill, was called back, a
large quantity of paper was hastily thrown into the cart,
and was carried, by the direction of the prisoner's brother,
to the shop of Mr. Dowson, in Wigan. About the 11th
of July, another large quantity was sent in carts belong.
ing to the mill. The whole amounted to about 150 reams,
partly writing-paper, partly paper fit for printing, and
partly such as would be used in the defendant's shop,
for tying up parcels. It was valued by the plaintiff at from
80/. to 90/. A portion of this paper was, it appears, af-
terwards sold by the defendant to a stationer in Wigan.
For the defendant, it was contended that the transac-
tion was a fair, and bona fide purchase. The brother
of the bankrupt was put into the box, who deposed
that he had called on the defendant in the usual way of
business as traveller for the bankrupt ; that he asked the
defendant for an order, and received one to the amount
stated above, That the terms on which he usually dealt
with the defendant being cash on delivery he was as usual
paid the sum of 56/. 195., the amount of the order, on the
delivery of the second parcel. The receipt and the invoices
were produced. The former he swore he saw written at
the time it bore date, the 11th ; the latter, he said, was
sent with, or immediately after, the goods. It did not
appear, however, from the books of the bankrupt, nor even
from the cash book of the witness himself, that any entry
whatsoever had been made as to the amount so alleged to
have been received.

His LORDSHIP intimated an opinion that the bona fide
of the transaction, supposing such to be the case, would not
protect the defendant, the delivery of the goods having
taken place subsequently to the act of bankruptcy, when
the property in them had vested in the assignees ; but he
left it to them to say whether, at all events, the transaction
was really bona fide or not.—Verdict for the plaintiffs.

PAINTER V. LIVERPOOL GAS COMPANY.

This was an action of trover, brought in consequence of
the seizure and sale of a coach and horses belonging to the
plaintiff. They were taken by a Magistrate's warrant for
non-payment of rent for gas due to the Company. The
defendants originally, it appeared, endeavoured to protect
themselves by this warrant, which, however, it turned out,
had been issued without a precedent summons, which it was
held would, on ganeral principles, be necessary, though not
specially directed in the Act. The plea on which the de-
fence turned at the trial was one of leave and license by the
defendants for the sale.
The plaintiff, it appeared, was at the time of the seizure
also indebted to the landlord, and while the coach and horses
were in the hands of Mr. David Jones, an auctioneer, for
sale, he received a letter from the plaintiff, authorising him
to sell the property, and to pay a quarter's rent to the
landlord. His Lordship decided that this would not at
any rate authorise a conversion by the defendants. It was
then
be u contended that, supposing a verdict for the plaintiff to
(b e6ntn)awvoo authorised
be
unavoidable, still the, sale by Mr. David Jones having
by him, the sum for which the goods sold
thehe couldm eas measure or
ef
utohvei
u their value
Evidence,i n th.
however, s act. on
and beyond that
was received to show theyh were worth considerably more.
The witness called for this
verdict e
o a
forch
at 601. He admitted, purpose valued them altogether
othwever, that the horses were in
very poor condition, and pthreettpylaiwuteilffl
f:•ro To.
1.
The Jury returned a

POLICE
HATTON_GARDEN
Yesterday John Shuttleworth was examined before Mr.
LAING, on the following charge :
Sheppard, a constable, No. 28, of the G division, stated
that just past four o'clock on Monday morning he met the
prisoner and another man in Benjamin-street, Clerkenwell,
carrying a large bundle, and knowing them to be thieves,
he approached and collared them. They made a despe-
rate,
resistance, and the prisoner's companion having kicked
him down, made his escape ; but the accused was pre-
vented running away by witness seizing his legs the instant
be fell, and keeping him in that situation until another
officer came up. The bundle contained a set of harness,
the owner of which witness discovered in the course of half
an hour afterwards in rather a singular meaner. He re-

rHE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, AUGUST 25, 1836.

turned to his beat after locking the prisoner up, and in pass-
ing up Holborn, he saw the driver of a cabriolet, No. 831,
fast asleep in that vehicle on the coach-stand, and the horse
belonging to it lying down between the shafts without any
hdrness about it ; and it turned out that while the cabman
had been taking his nap, the prisoner and the other man
had had the impudence to unharness the horse, and]] walk
off with the property in question.
Mr. LAING asked if the prisoner was known ?
The policeman said he was ; that he had once been con-
victed at the Old Bailey for theft.
The property having been identified, the prisoner was
fully committed to take his trial at the next sessions. _

Sophia King, who had a child in her arms, was charged
with vagrancy.
It appeared from the statement of an officer belonging to
the Mendicity Society, that the prisoner was following
ladies about in Lamb's Conduit-street, and begging of
them, stating that she and her babe were starving, and that
their parish would not assist them. Having seen her re-
ceive money from several persons, he walked her off to the
Mendicity office to see if she were known, and being iden-
tified as a common beggar, he was ordered to take her be-
fore a magistrate.
Mr. LAING (to the prisoner)—l doubt very much
whether that child is yours ? Prisoner (impudently)—
I suppose you know.
Mr. LAING—To whom does it belong? Prisoner—
Why, to my sister.
Mr. LAING—What brings you with it ? Prispner—l
take it out with me to beg, to be sure.
Mr. LAING—SO that's the way you excite commisera-
tion ? Prisoner—That's just it.
Mr. LAING—You are as fit a subject for the House
of Correction as I have met with for some time, and I shall
send you for a month.
Prisoner—Just as you please.
Mr. LAlNG—Where does your sister live ? Prisoner—
St. Helen's-place, Whitecross-street.
The child was then, by order of Mr. Laing, taken from
her and sent home, and she was committed to the treadmill.
James Davies, a chimney sweeper, was charged by James
Hall, one of the chummy fraternity, with having given him
a severe " bonnetter" on his Sunday tile, thereby injuring it,
and causing him'to go in fear.
Hall, in the peculiar phraseology of his tribe, said, " Your
Vurship, the prisoner is vun o'these ere chaps vot goes
about -the streets 'fringing the statty o' the law by calling
out serveep,' to the noyance o'the respectable part o'the
community o'the people, and I am a respectable master
serveep rot lays the informations. On Thursday last I
came to this here hoffice and conwicted a lot on 'em, and
on leaving the hoffice, Davies gave me a bonnetter' on
this here hat (holding up a dirty gossamer, which seemed
to .have suffered materially from soot and bonneting, the
roof being broken in), and he then kicked me behind, and
called me a b-- old rogue, a binformer, and sevore that
masters ought to be gagged as vel as the men, and that
ere's all I got to say yourVorship" (making a low bow).
Other witnesses proved the assault.

The prisoner denied having " bonnetted" Mister Hall ; he
only pushed by him, and he thought, as how, it was a werry
bard case thsat a set o' poor fellows, who had been prentice
to get a respectable liveliwood, should be sent to prison for
calling out serveep, ven other people cried cabbage plants
and savoys o ! and dustmen and postmen rang their bells
and made more noosince.
The Magistrates ordered bim to pay 10s.; or be com-
mitted for seven days to the House of Correction.
Prisoner—l'm blow'd, then, if I doesn't go to the mill,
I'se sure to get grub and a bed there ; Mister Hall shan't
get ten bob out o' me.
He was informed the penalty went to the King.
Prisoner—Vel, I'd rather the King should have it than him.