The Sun.
London, England, 1831-08-25 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We cannot concur with some of our contetn-
poraties in thinking that the practices which ievali-
dated the Dublin election, and sullied the " cause of
Reform" with the tint of bribery and corrupt infiu-
vice, should he lightly passed over, as not demand-
. ing either Parliamentary animadversion or judicial
punishment. We do not understeed the ethics of
those political writers who are only intolerant of
certain vices when practised by one party, which they
regard with indulgence, or even with approbation,
when practised by another. If ever an occasion
arose when it was peculiarly imperative that the
choice of popular representatives should be free
from all imputation of corrupt practices or improper
influence, tt was that occasion when the Sovereign
appealed to the people to know their real sentiments
on the Reform Bill, which sentiments could only be
. collected by the result of free and unbiassed eiee-
tious, It is a bad rule of conduct, whether in
morals or politics, " to do evil that good may come
of it." The evil in such a case is, unfortunately,
always. certain and positive, while the good is
" merely contingent. It is strangely inconsistent to
advocate a Reform in the representation of the
people with that sort of zeal which consumes
the temple in which it worships—seeking Re-
form through the violation of every princip!e of
. purity of election. The result of the late Dublin
election is only a new exemplification of the old
homely rule, that " honesty is the best policy."
No political disadvantege which the cause of Reform
might have derived from the rejection of the Reform
candidates could be so bad as the mortal blow which
tha' cause has received from the exposure of the
illegal and improper means taken to ensure their
success. Such means of carrying elections the ad-
vocates of Reform have always reprobated in the
severest language when practised by their adver-
saries Mr. B. Gordon, who ably discharged his
duty in bringing this subject under the notice of
the House, is himself a steady and consistent Re-
former, yet he has been charged by some of our
contemporaries with unnecessarily delaying the Re-
form Bill. Surely he could not have adduced a
mote powerful argument in support of the principle
of Reform than by showing how perniciously for
public morals and for freedom of election the
present system was capable of being worked,
even by the hands of Reformers. To the sen-
timents of those Members who spoke in defence
of the character of Mr. Perrin we give our full
concurrence. The unquestionable reputation which
that gentleman has always borne for sound judg-
ment, rind correct principles of conduct, makes us I
feel assured that he is the victim of the officious
zeal and dishonest activity of others—of men of
that class whose blundering support is more dan-
gerous than any enemy's hostility---met who rea-
lize the caustic description which the satirical poet
gives of the species to which they belong, when he
says, "No enemy can match a friend." It is
foolish to say that any Reform Bill can extirpate
bribery and corruption. The most perfect Bill that
could be framed would only diminish the chances of
corruption; but to suppose that it could destroy the
practice altogether, would be to suppose it had the
power to work a total and miraculous change in the
moral constitution of men. As we hope it is in-
tended
to punish bribery, corruption, and perjury,
after the passing of the Reform Bill, so we are ofl
opinion that those offences ought to be punished '
now, whether they are detected in Evesham, in
Dublin, or Liverpool.—Morning Herald.
Another wasting useless night hits been spent in
the House of Commons, without the least progress
having been made in the Reform Bill. And for this,
neither 'Ministers, nor, we might almost say, the
Opposition, are to blame, although these last, of
course, gladly avail themselves of every opportunity
which the false friends of Reform so constantly give
them, by interposing other business, or by bringing
forward capricious amendmen6 to the different
clauses. Ott Tuesday night, Mr. Robert Gordon
edified the House by ten hours of instructive dis-
cussion on the Dublin election, and had the high
satisfaction and reward of telling, with his colleague
Mr. Hunt, sixty-'ix of the most Ultra-Tories of that
desperate and persevering faction. Last night the
farce was to have been opened by Mr. Hughes
Hughes, who gave notice of the repetition of a
motion, similar to the famous one of General
Ciascoyne, in the last Parliament. It is understood
that some of his more influential constituents re•
monstrated with their less considerate representa-
tive, and disappointed, by their timely advice, the
hopes of the Opposition that another night's delay
might have been added to the hours already wasted
by the injurious suggestions of the Hon. Member
for Oxford. Ott the withdrawal of his notice, Mr.
Henry Hunt took the field with an amendment, and
was supported on a division by the solitary vote of
Mr. Alderman Wood. Next followed that busy
and stirring Reformer., Colonel ;Davies, who, not sa-
tisfied with the former decision of the Committee,
aeain moved the exclusion of freeholders in cities
and boroughs from the right of voting in their re-
spective counties. After two long speeches from
the Hon. Member, and a protracted d;scussion on
this twice debated point, the Committee lost half
an hour in again dividing, the numbers being 223
to 136, 'the lion. Meerber for Cricklade and, we
understand, only four other Reformers, supporting the
views of the Gallant Colonel, with 131 enemies to
all Reform. To Colonel Davies succeded Mr, Pol-
hill, another Reformer, who occupied the time of
the House two or three hours with another amend-
ment, which, with more consideration than his pre-
"decessors, he did not press to a division; and at
half-past twelve the Opposition, as usual, called for
an adjournment, on the grourid that it Was too late
to discuss this important clause, which ought to
have formed the subject of the evening's debate !
All this delay was caused by Members who call
themselves friends of Reform ! We do not quite
understand the motives of such men as Mr. Gordon
and Colonel Davies, who are old and experienced
Members, and, withal, ;gentlemen to whom the
public have been accustomed. to look up, as the
steady and consistent advocates of the great cause,
evhich is now suffering from their want of judgment,
and, we fear, of temper and disposition, to second
the efforts of the present Government. They cm-
not, at all events, be suspected of acting on the piti-
ful feelings which may. influence other Members
who take part in these proceedings, of adding to
their personal importance, and raising themselves
in the estimation of their constituents, by display-
ing an active zeal in contesting points in detail in
which they may consider themselves peculiarly inte-
rested.—Morning Chronicle.

A smart discussion took place last night on the
presentation of a petition from the Petty Jurors last
session assembled at Knutsford, correc:ing certain
statements put forth by the Grand July respecting
the beer shops. The petitioners praised these shops,
and declared their establishment -had been produc-
tive of the best effects to the agricultural interests,
and had promoted the comfort and morality of the
people. Mr. Hume " expressed himself highly fa-
vourable to the principles of the Beer Bill, and de-
precated any interference with it such as that con-
templated in another place, where Prelates were
bemoaning the evils which they asserted sprung
from these beer shops. If ever there wad - cant and
hypocrisy exhibited in this world, I it was displayed
in inveighing against these beer strips, when men
were silent with respect to gin?'
um e named
11 0 one ; but the allusion to cant '
and
brought the character of the Bishop of Lonclotiit°
hypocrisy
discussioti, as well as that of the beer shops. That
Right 1 ev. Prelate, as may be remembered, presented
a petition against beer shops, signed by ninety_five
Clergymen of Staffordshire; a pretty good proof, at
all events, that the Clergy.are more devoted to the in-
terests of the brewers than to the interests of the people.
Birds of a feather flock together. Sir M. W. Ridley,
whose sympathy with the Bishop of London we
can welt understand, declared that it IVaS B misre-
presentation to say that -any class of men in the
country (he did not even except Clerical Magis-
trates) wished to put down beer shops; above all

the Bishop of London wee the last who would en-1
courage any thing of that sort, or who had a wish
for anything but the prosperity and happiness of
the whole of his flock." We have no doubt that
the Bishop of London would be ready to return the
compliment. We know no man who stands more
irr need of a thick-and-thin friend—in common par-
lance, an Irish friend, than Sir M. W. Ridley him-
self, the tried friend to the people, who procured for
them the Bill to stop up footpaths. It would not
at all surprise us to hear the Bishop of London, on
the presentation of a petition against that Bill, or
some other of that gentleman's labours, declare that
a hetteretlisposed man towards the poor than the
Newcastle Baronet did not exist it the country. The
Bishop and the Baroneteetlee enemy of footpaths and
tie enemy officer-houses, skittles, and boating on the
Thames---are well matched. There was another evi-
dence to the kindness and philauthropy of the Bishop,
Mr. Crampton, who said" that the charge of cant and
hypocrisy, if made against the Bishop of London,
was unfounded and brijust. There was no man less
subject to such a charge, nor to the imputation of
wishing to lessen the comforts of the lower orders."
Did Mr. Crampton derive his knowledge from the
production of the 'tight Reverend Prelate., pub-
lished alteut a year ago, in which lit inveighed so
lustily against the heieeent site of poor sedentary
mechanics making eYttlrsions by water to Richmond
en the only day they are at liberty ? The act of
countieg the number of people eyllo on one Sunday
passed his Episcopal Palace in boats, indicated a
warm benevolence. How superior to Fenelon, who,
on a Priest complaining to him that the people would
dance, exclaimed," Well, let them dance; they toil
hard, and have few enjoy mente ; we need not dance,"
Who knows but Fenelon might have even been tole-
rant of skittles, hat abomination le the eyes of the
kind and benevolent Bishop of London ? We
are glad to find that in the House of Com-
mons there is a better spirit on this subject
than in the nonse of Lords. Several Members
had the courage to protest egainet the system of
interference with the lower orders. What fell from
Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Hume was excellent. In
the posthumous work of Mr. Hope, on the Origin
and Prospects of Men, there is a chapter in which
the selfishness of the higher ranks of England, and
the mischievous resulee of their treatment of the
lower orders, ere described by the hand of a master.
What he says is well deserving of attention ; but we
fear selfishness has so far obtained possession of the
higher ranks of Englishmen, that nothing short of
some great calamity will open their hearts to kindly
feelings. " Nay (he says), all the wealthy alike
will, from the disproportion between the real worth
of different things, and the imaginary value they
set upon them, acquire for mere gold—in itself only
a glittering substance, without intrinsic means of
procuring happiness or even pleasure—a thirst sc
inadequate to the real portion of felicity gold
is able to afford, CS to destroy all public spirit,
all patriotism, all regard for integrity, virtue, and
whatever else supports and strengthens a commto
ni•y—as to substitute to these mere venality, cor-
ruption, and a spirit of jobbing—as to cause every•
thing in the country, the seat in the Senate and the
privileges cf the Pulpit, the right of defending the
interests of man, and the task of inculcating his
duties, like the box at the opera on the concert—
like the shake of the stage dancer, anti the quaver
of the soprano—only to be deemed worth what they
will fetch in the market; and as to make the highest
orders of the community, instead of being those
most solicitous let the public welfare, those precisely
most ingenious in sacrificing the public good to
their private emolument." Speaking of the fruits of
their conduct to the lower orders, he says, " They
(the lower orders) within despair at no longer by their
mechanical labour earning their wonted subsistence,
cease their toil, fling away the'r tools, break their ma-
chine=, and give up the possibility even of resuming
their former occupations if they should wish it. They
will, for want of being- able to take to higher employ-
ments, in their forced idleness, while they retain
some fear of those above them, doggedly receive or
extort from them an arrogant, a forced, and a de-
' grading charity; and when, by the daily sight of
the wanton way in which the wealthy part of the
community spend their means, and the contrast
thereof with their own misery, they at last are made
to lose all regard for lasys, from which they only reap
an inadequate advantage, they will avail themselves
of their superior numbers, resort to rapine and to
violence, and destroy all the means of enjoyment of
the rich, without adding much to their own felicity."
We wish to remind the higher ranks, that if love
begets love, hived begets hatred ; and it is dan-
gerous for any class to allow themselves to become
objects of hatred.--ilfmning Chronicle.

We do not know that any arguments em be urged
upon Ministers more cogent and forcible in favour
of speeding forward the Bill, than that which has
been already addressed to them, having reference
to the present condition of Europe arid to the pro-
bable designs of certain foreign Powers. One cruel
effect of the procrastination we have witnessed, is
the daily increasing chance which it affurds of oc-
currences on the Continent becoming so critical as to
distract and perplex the British Government before
their hands arc clear of the domestic difficulty,—
that is, before the perverse action of the borough
opposition shall have been completely broken by
he final success of the measure. There is no doubt
that if the internal state of England be once com-
posed, and the nation identified with the executive
power, by feeling that there exists no longer a
separate interest in the commonwealth from theirs,
the language of foreign Governments to that
of Great Britain will be more respectful, their
tense of responsibility for saTosigs, or even
-lights inflicted on her eflicial representatives,
will become more acute and vigilant, and their acts
in all instances more strictly conformable to their
professions. The reason for this is clear enough—
because the British Minister, in asset ting his coun-
try's rights, may at ail times reckon on the support
of a free people ; and one very question really affect-
ing the national dignity, interest, and honour,
strangers must know that they will not have to deal
Inerely with the heads of departments in Downing-
-treet ; but that, from the direct sympathy established
betwen the nation and t be. Government, every Eng,
lishman will feel himself a party to each negociation
in a degree of which surrounding courts cannot fail
to be early made sensible. In a freely chosen Par-
liament, no opposition from factious motives, or for
the pursuit of any but great public objects, will dare
to show its head; so that those troublesome en-
gines which have now and then been played off to
the annoyance—perhaps with a view to-the frustra-
tion—of British d,plomacy when most honestly and
usefully exerted, may be thrown aside with the pha-
lanx of congenial artifices which have nightly been
employed for the last three months in systematic hos-
tility to Reform. Ministers, therefore, meaning—as
we give them full credit for meaning—to serve bona
fide the highest interests of the State, can by smother
human expedient secure to themselves such effectual
co-operation out of doors, or so entirely crush all
vexatious hostility from the boroughmongers within,
as by enabling themselves to have recourse without
delay to the protection of a free Parliament, repre-
senting mainly the mass of English principle end
feeling. With confidence Lord Palmerston, or any
succeeding Secretary, may thenceforth refer a Con-
gress, or an individual Foreign Minister, to the
spirit manifested by the nation through its delegates,
as to a text on which to reason for the edification of
his master. There will then be no vicious partiality
exhibited towards despots whom England abhors-f--
00 truckling to arrogant and menacing densocracio,
—no surrendering points of honour to aggresaive
armies—no sullen or barbarous indifference to the
destiny of heroic nations expiring for the love of
ites in our political movement
must, I,l),Friay and in the cause of Europe.
from
imrregthee-
nature of things, -be set right by the rejection of
those factitious and illegitimate forces which now
bear capriciously upon it. Such a clearance away of
rubbish from the machine of State would rrialce
t,flia a paradise to an honest Minister. To us it
io amazing that obis truth, above all others, does

not so impress itself upon the minds of out present
Cabinet, as to urge them forwards with irresistible
energy to the completion Of the 101. Sure we are,
that until it shall have passed into a law, the King's
Government will be wholly unable to do justice to
the empire, in its interests, domestic or foreign; and
much reason have the .Vhiga themselves to fear,
that althoeigh eh exclusively boroughmonger Mi-
nistry may be impossible, the thousand accidents
arising from the unfortunate delay of this grand
measure may so affect the iotaiity of Lord Grey's
Adminieteetien, as to compel him by-and-by to
compound for an infusion, not of Tory principles
alone, into his policy, but of Tory persons into
office. It gives us no dissatisfaction to leartn that
meetings in London and elsewhere s are to take
place, for the perpose of pressing upon Parliament
a retorisideration of that Anti-Reform clause, bv
which counties are to be split in twain, and the free
constituency throughout much of England to be
annihilated. Our readers may assure themselves
that the people are all alive, and earneet in their
watchfulness over the Pill. l'he tenant-atswill
clause has engrossed no small share of their dis-
approbation. But the subject of most serious
concern,—of deep and grievous concern to
the people,—is the intolerable beaau-se un-
profitable, teclimesnese of the nightly discussions
in the lease of Commons. What advance has
been made since Monday night last in the Bill ?
On Tuesday night Reform was never mentioned.
Lest night the House began with the 21st clause,
there being three times twenty-one clauses in the
Bill, and how much further did lion. Members pro-
ceed ? We refer to our own columns for the art-
s we're It is true, and we should be unfair to Mini-
sters if we denied the fact, tint the posiiire blame
of such tardy journeying is not imputable to them.
They speak as se!don;, and with as much brevity,
as niat be but it does appear to us, that by a dif-
ferent arrangement of the clauses, and by a greater
simplicity in the qualifications, they might have left
fewer questions for debate. Mr. Hume is DOW .to
move that the Reform Bill shall take place of all
other business in the House, and that the Speaker
shall take the chair at twelve o'clock daily. This
will, we trust, have a most beneficial effect. Colonel
Davies last night proposed one of a series of amend-
mente of which he had given notice; but finding
it defeated by a large majority, he declined to bring
forward any further propositions, which he se
would merely occupy the time of the House with-
out any reasonable chance of being adopted.—Tiews.
We daily receive a great variety of letters, which
we have neither room to insert nor time to abridge,
but which, nevertheless, are far from being useless,
as they often suggest hints or relate facts, of which
the public have the benefit through our own obser-
vations. The Reform Bill is the topic to which our
correspondents now chiefly direct their attention,
and to the tendency and details of which they in-
cessantly call ours. One of them yesterday gave
us a curious account of the Lowther manufacture of
freeholds for 'Westmoreland,—a manufacture which
we hope will be less extensively and less profitably
conducted under the proposed law, than on the old
system. He states, that in the three last elections
the Lowthers expended 130,000/. to have the
Noble Lord and the Colonel returned ; and that
about .50,000/. of this sum went—not to buy voters,
but to create votes. In reference to the colours of
that noble House, and the narrow property which
con•tituted the new freeholds, the latter have been
appropriately denominated yellow ribands. 'Fire
parties who deal in such ribands should be sent to
Coventry. The following is our correspondent's ac-
count of the manufacture:—
" One of the Lowther agents or friends at Manchester,
or Liverpool, or any large town, selects a person of the
high Tory party, saying, I know your principles are
Church and King; will you be a Westmoreland voter?
You need. not pay the 171., the price fur the purchase for
your life of the one-thousandth part of an estate, or
one-fiftieth part of an estate, at a rental of forty shillings,
a year, except you like; we will provide that for
you. You shall have a journey to Westmoreland, 70
miles, every election ; a guinea a day for your loss of
tone, all your travelling and other expenses paid, besides a
jovial dinner, and the best of wines, &c., at Lowther Castle.
To this he consents. On the day he gives his vote, a
piece of parchment is put into his hands. It is a printed
deed of a life interest ia, or annuity out of, land lying in
the county, or a purchase in fee of I-30th part of an
estate, and rated to the land-tax : 40s. is paid him by the
Lowther agent as his rent for the last year ; he is then
drilled in by the Committee. ' Where is your estate?
Look to your parchment;' and he says 'here it is.'
' What is your tenant's name?' Ido not know.' He
produces the deed, and strange to say the description both
of the estate and name of the tenant is printed. What
did you pay for the purchase money?' 1 sin not bound
to tell.' Who paid your expenses ?' do nut know.'
You will swear that you are a freeholder ?" I "
Thus are freeholds and voters made on the exist
ing system, and the county is bound, neck and heels,
with
,yellow ribands. The only other letter on this
subject to which we can now advert is one signed
by a correspondent called " W. M." who seems to
be a little of a puritan, and a theorist in election
matters. He argues strenuously that the right of
voting for a Member of Parliament should be made
to depend—not on the property possessed, or the
rent paid by the elector—but on the amount of taxes
with which he is charged. This might be plausible,
on the supposition that a lawgiver was made for no
other purpose but for passing the national budget,
or examining the estimates of public expenditure.
But what would be done in those happy countries
where the people never see a tax-gatherer ? Must
they be deprived of the benefit of a Congress,
or a House of Representatives to give them
good laws, because they obstinately resist the
imposition of taxes ? Another odd notion of our cor-
respondent relates to the mode in which the candi-
date and the elector must commence or conduct their
intercourse, in order that the former may continue
independent, and that the latter may avoid temp-
tations to dishonesty or corruption He strongly
sets his face against all canvassing " for sweet
voices" at elec:ions, either by the candidate in
person, or by his proxy—and would have the
match concluded like a royal marriage, without any
previous meeting of the parties. Our correspondent
forgets that all kinds of influence are not necessarily
corrupt—that there may be the influence of talents,
virtues, and accomplishments, es well as of money—
that the voter may require to see his future repre•
sentative, to ask him questioosatespecting his prin-
ciples, as well as to make him open his purse; and
that the intercourse between a constituent and his
deputy should commence in a knowledge of each
other, in order to be continued in harmony and con-
fidence. We abhor as much as our correspondent
the employment of pecuniary means at elections,
and shall say, with Cicero, that " it is a bad state
of the commonwealth when trusts or honours are
procured by money, which ought to be the reward
of virtue;" but if he can read Latin, he will find
in the following beautiful enumeration of election-
eering motives, from the same author, other in-
fluences than those of bribes, though bribes are un-
happily admitted :—" Atque etiam subjiciunt se
homilies imperio alterius, et potestati de catisis
ribus. I)ucuntur enim aut benevolentia, aut beta-
fictiorum magnitudine, ant dignitatis prreaantia, aut
see, sibi id utile futurum, sot metu, ne vi parere
cogantur,aut se largitionis, promissisque capti : aut
postremO, lit swpe in nostra republica videmus,
mercede conducti."—Times.

In the House of Commons last night, a desultory
conversation took place on the effects of the Beer
Act, and the management of the beer-shops, which
have been the consequence of this benevolent sta-
tute. We were perfectly prepared for a great deal
of clamour and complaint among the Magistrates at
the Violation of their vested rights,—at the abolition
of their ancient monopoly to license the pleasures
and superintend the morals of the poor. We are
quite sure that, though they could see without in-
dignation drunkenness reeling out of a gin shop, or
hear of riot raging in a public-house under their
own=patronage, their virtuous souls could scarcely
tolerate the enormity of. drinking beer in a place
licensed by the Excise : but we scarcely believed
that they would so soon commence their attacks on

the impromi state of the law, or that so much
cant and hypocrisy could be displayed in so short
a period. The discussion last night took place on
a petition against certain representations made
by a quorum in Lancashire, and it required
no small share of patience to listen to the
gabble which was uttered against the new Act
on this occasion, the ignorance and hypocrisy
of wh:eh we have so often exposed. The complaint
against these shops is, either that they tempt the
people to drink too much beer, or that they harbour
them too long in the enjoyment of their humble
pleasures, or that they present them with incen.
tives to riot or breaches of the peace. In the first
case, their pockets are generally a restraint on their
excesses, or if they were richer, they might enjoy
the licenSed excesses of the Magistrates. In the
second case, the necessil of working for their
bread is a better regulator of their time than the
dictation of the Magistrate, or the staff of the con-
' stable. And in the third case, the beer-shop has no
privilege, and the common law of the land is suffi-
cient to maintain or to restore order. But are not
all these supposed dangers increased tenfold by com-
pelling the poor to resort tti public•Thoirses, where
the nol: only meet with the refreshment of their
own humble beverage, but the excitement of
spirituous liquors and bad company Away, then,
with these cruel and harsh restraints on the poor, or
first shut up every gin-shop, and make it felony to
distil ardent spirits.—Times.

Wearied and disappointed as we are at the slow
progress of the Reform Bill—tired and disgusted as
the public is, that the whole matter has nor (teen al-
ready disposed of—we nevertheless cannot reconcile
it to our conscience to cas.t Warne, to any very great
extent, on his Majesty's Ministers for the delay
vihich Las occurred. That they are most honest and
sincere in their endeavours to pass the and the
whole Bill, we have no doubt, and we never had any
doubt : but they cannot trample on the forms of
Parliament—they cannot compel a factious opposi-
tion to give its aid to their desires—they cannot at
all times controul the vagaries of some Members
of their own party :—and hint dice lachrynce,—
hence the delays which have taken place—the dissa-
tisfaction which is universal—:he general rising of
the population against further delay, which we knew
is about to take place—the " indignant s7irit of the
North," which is about to pour forth its fury on
friends and foes. The Toriei mistake their position in
thinking that they are now combatting with a politi-
cal storm, and that by the delay of which they boast
the success they can weather it—no such thing—
the storm is not yet come—the clouds are only ga-
thering—the dark spots are scat rely visible, or only
beginning to form—but the lightning is seen in the
distance, and is approaching—the thunder will soon
begin to be heard, and who will have the courage,
should it visit our island, to face it unappalled, or
to aver that it is not better to eschew it by a timely
retreat from dangerous positions ? Of the delays
interposed in the progress of the Bill on Tuesday
last, we shall only observe, that though mainly
mooted by the Reform party, we shall not wish to
see their like again : respecting those of last night,
we must pronounce a similar wish—and we con-
elude with expressing a hope, that as the present
Parliament met for the purpose, and no other of
any moment, of giving a new representation to Eng-
land, the Reform Bill will, in future, not only form
the principal, but the only subject of its discussion.—
When it is settled, wine duties and other matters
may he very safely disposed of—at present they can
wair.—Morning Adveriiver.

His Majesty's Monsters, by attaining higher si-
tuations, have attained also, it appears, a higher
morality. Bribery at elections is become so dread-
ful to their minds that the mere mention of it fills
them with apprehension and disgust. The subject
must not be agitated in Parliament ; " let it not
even be named among you." The House of Com-
mons are delicately to abstain from any notice of
particular offences, and must look forward to the
General panacea of all moral, political, and social
maladies. In this way Evesham was disposed of.
Those who would have attracted public attention to
its delinqutlicies were t ;tinted with new-born zeal in
the cause of purity ; next they received for answer
that the Reform all, in laying the foundations of
electioneering virtue,would smite the bribes with an-
nihilation, and the briber with impotency; but as for
this case of Evesham, " 0, no we never mention it I"
The next instance which harrowed up their hearts
was the misfortune of Liverpool, This also was a
case too offensive for public discussion, or even for
private meditation; •so they determined to issue the
writ if possible, and thereby avoid the scandal which
must result from a general investigation. The harm
they thought was done, not by the fact itself, but by
the notoriety of it; and on this principle we explain
their eager desire to count out the House, and sup-
press all debate—a measure at the time somewhat
questioned, but now fully interpreted by our know-
ledge of their original and delicate sensibility. The
third instance was in the debate of Tuesday night
on the Dublin election. They again exhihited an
anxiety to avoid " shocking the consciences of men"
by such a display of bribery and corrulition. The
cure, they urged, is at hand. " Postponement,"
said the Noble Paymaster, " is of little importance
compared with that of the comprehensive question of
Reform." A debate, however, has been inevitable,
and pungent truths came forth ; but their out-
raged sentimentality was avenged in a Reforming
majority of seventy-seven. Now for these three at-
tacks of sensibility there are three very evident
causes. The case of Evesham was pure nervous-
ness, arising from a general defect of seats for their
official allies; the case of Liverpool may be equally
referred to a nervous habit, but particularly superin-
duced by affection for a Noble Lord, fear of a Gal-
lant General, and the hope of one vote more to Re-
form. The case of Dublin was elicited by a sort of
grippe, which in Ministers, as in the body physical,
stirred up the inherent disorder of the person af-
fected. Ilis Majesty's Whig Government have thus
in eight months done more for the promotion of
bribery than was done by the Tories during the last
thirty years. The Tories consented to the disfran-
chisement of Grampound, threw East Retford into
the hundreds, and only spared Penryn after long
examination. These three cases may be set in com-
parison with Evesham, Liverpool, and Dublin.
Evesham has escaped, Liverpool is set aside, and
Dublin got rid of by a majority of our pure, un-
earthly, angelic Reformers.—Morning, Post.

MR. GALT'S NEW NOVEL, BOGLE CORBET.
—A new work, by the Author of " The Annals or the
Parish," and " Lawrie Todd," forms an event in the
literary year ; particularly when it is calculated to display
so much of the dry humour and curious circumstantiality,
characteristic of its writer, as Bogle Corbel. Mr. GALT
has a peculiar genius for investing familiar objects with the
magic of poetry. The most valuable portion of this work
is that: which contains many luminous details on the sub-
ject of emigration ; but the most interesting is the episode
of Leezy Englesham and her worldly lover. Mr. GALT
is a travelled as well as.an accurate observer, and has pre-
sented us, in addition to his human portraits, with many
original descriptions of singular power and interest.
CHARACTER OF Slit 'THOMAS MOR E.-
Of all men nearly perfect, Sir THOMAS MouE had, perhaps,
the clearest marks of individual character. His peculi-
arities, though distinguishing him from all others, were
yet withheld from growing into mural faults. It is not
enough to say of him that he was unaffected, that he was
natural, that he was simple ; so the larger part of truly
great men have been But there is something homespun
in Mortz which is common to him with scarcely any other,
and which gives to all his faculties and qualities the appear-
ance of being the native growth of the soil. The homeli-
ness of his pleasantry purifies it from show. lie walks on
the scaffold clad only in his household goodness. The
unrefined benignity with which he ruled his patriarchal
dwelling at Chelsea enabled him to look on the axe with-
out being disturbed by feeling hatred for the tyrant. This
quality t,ound together his genius and learning, his elo-
quence and fame, with his homely and daily duties, be•
stowing a genuineness on all, his good qualities, a dignity
on -the most ordinary offices of life, and an accessibly
familiarity on the virtues of a hero and a martyr, which
silence every suspicion that his excellences were magnified.
Dr, Lurdner's Cabinet Cyclop.edia, Vol. XXI.

FRANCE.

BUDGETS OF 1831 AND 1832-Q UES-

TION OF THE PEERAGE.
To the EDITOR of the MORNING CHRONICLE.
Paris, August 21, 1831.
_ _ _

SlR,—The Minister of Finance has been speak-
ing to the Chamber, and to France; and although
arithmetic may not be interesting to many of my
English readers, yet I must not omit to perform a
duty, though it be a dull and a laborious one I
avow, howeser, that I am a great friend to economy,
as well of money' as of time ; and I see no reason
by the poor should* pay more taxes than the rich,
in proportion to their means, nor why the mass
should labour and suffer for the purpose of encour-
aging idlene•s, contributing to a protliga.e expendi-
ture, and for indulging those who were in possession
of sinecures and pluralities. Wise, moderate, and
just taxes, raised to support the necessary expellees
of a well-regulated public administration of affairs,
should he paid not only with punctuality, but with
cheerfulness and satisfaction. A wise and national
Covekoment, attentive to the wishes and wants of
the nation, careful in its expenditure, and honest in
its interior and exterior policy, should never be em-
barrassed for mean, and, indeed, never could be so.
Governments are necessary—Governments are ne-
cessarily more or less expensive, and it should he
considered as a pleasure, as well as a duty, by every.
honest citizen, to contribute his fair and just poition
towards the general charge. The benefits derived
individually as well as collectively from the arts of
such a Government as that to which I have alluded,
are infinitely greater than can possibly be paid for by
the contributions it will demand from the people. I
am not, therefore, among those who attack all bud-
gets because they are budgets, and all taxes because
they are taxes, and all Ministers of Finance because
they are Ministers of Finance—since, if I were a
citizen of several cantons in Switz-_trlaod, or of
the United States of America, I should feel it to
be my duty to support those wi-T, economical,
and rational Governments, and would reckon as one
of the pleasures of the year that of paying my
taxes, and thus contributing to the strength and
preservation of my liberties, rights, and happi-
ness—and the liberties, rights, and happiness of
all the community. I cannot say thus much of any
other Government in Europe or the world. I know
of none except the Governments of some Cantons
(and not all) in Switzeiland and of the United
States of America, where the expenditure of the
public money is not conducted without any sort of
reference to the sufferings, toils, and wants of the
poor; and I know of none where those who are
roost wealthy, and least deserve, and are least in
want of the public contributions, do not receive the
most, and where they are not pampered and fattened
on the products of the sweat, toil, miser v, want,
and fasting of the millions. I know there must be
gradations in society. Heaven has established
them, and reason sanctions them. I know we must
have rich as well as poor, and " rulers " as well as
"governed." I know that these ranks and grada-
tions in society would not diminish from the happi-
ness of any class, provided Governments were na-
donsl and just. I ant opposed, therefore, to all the
madcap schemes of Agrarian law, division of pro-
perty, and even to the m re moderate system of
subtraction adopted by the followers of St. Simon
I am opposed to all theories which. are merely ima-
ginary, and which, as they cannot be 'educed to
practice, only tend to distract and torment, instead
of consoling and rendering happy. But it is just
because I ant opposed to all this, and because I
would contribute with pleasure and gratitude to all
the just expellees of a national Government, that I
grudge the demands which are made of me to sup-
port in more than Eastern splendour a Government
which addresses itself to the Aristocracy, which
leans upon it for support and assistance, and which
neglects the interests of the millions, and the wants
and wishes of the mash.

a,
fr
el

With these feelings-I have examined the Budgets
of 1831 and 18:32, presented by the Minister of
Finance to the Chamber of Deputies on Friday last.
I have perused them with attention, and examined
them with care, and I am bound to add, that I urn
greatly disappointed ! lam certain that this feel-
ing is not personal but national, and that the millions
will ask what have we gained- finally by the Rairso-
lotion of July, 1830 ? Sinecures are still retained,
pluralities still upheld, large and exorbitant salaries
still vindicated. The items of 1829 taken on the
items of 1832—the same system of places for men,
and not of men suitable to places.
Eighteen millions of francs to be allowed to our
new Royalty—a sum more than sufficient to supply
the Civil List for eighteen Republican Governments
formed on the same basis as that of the United
States. The same system of " Chiefs of Division,"
" Chiefs of Bureaus," " Inspectors General," and
so forth—men who receive their 16,000, 18,000,
and 12,000 francs per annum for two or three hours
of supposed occupation in the middle of the day.—
There is the same system of supporting and defend-
ing and exaggerating the value and importance of an
institution, or of a bureau, or division, or class of
affairs, simply because they have existed ; and the
same enormous and extsavagont subdivision of
labour, so that no one certainly earns a tithe of the
salary conferred on him, except the hard-working
clerks, with their 1,300 or 2,000 francs per annum,
and who do all the duty of twenty superiors with
their 10,000 and 13,000 francs each. am now
speaking daggers to our Minister of Finance. 11--
cause he was in office under Louis X\ 111. and
because he then thought the system good, and suit-
able to an anti-national royalty, therefore he vindi-
cates the very same system to-day, and refuses to
make any alterations. I have read the report lately
made by Dr. Bowring. It is full of interesting facts,
and important conclusions, but I must add to it a
postscriptutn—" Adopt, if you will, the system of
keeping the public accounts pursued by the French
Government, but guar': yourself against the enor-
mous and wholly unnecessary expences that system
encourages, or for which it is offered as an apology."
The Budget of 1831 is rather an account of ex-
pences and receipts than a Budget. In consequence
of the Revolution of July, the Budget for 1831
was not voted in 1830, and only presented in
February last ; and the Minister of Finance has
now, therefore, submitted his scheme for settling ac-
counts. The Budget for 1831 consists of—let,
Expellees; and 2d, Receipts. The expences are
of two sorts, ordinary and extraordinary. The er-
dinars, expences are 947 millions of francs, and the
extraordinary 225 millions. I have not much to
urge against the extraordinary expences, except that
they have been useless though necessary ; and that,
although we have an army, according to Marshal
Soult, of more than 400,000 men, yet we did not
dire to march to Italy and bid the Austrians retire.
We do not require 400,000 soldiers to defend
France from an invasion, for if we will but allow
liberty to be crushed or chased in all Europe, we
shall be permitted to remain unmolested for at least
some years to come. Let Ferdinand re-es•ablish the
Inquisition—Don Miguel strangle the Constitutio-
nalists—the Austrians rule with an iron rod over
their lialian subjects—Poland be annihilated by a
series of bloody campaigns undertaken by the Em-
peror Nicholas, and Belgium be reduced to the
narrow limits ordained by a London Confer-
ence; and certainly if the French Government
shall sit quietly by and observe, acquiesce in, or
submit to all this—Marshal Sault may as well at
once disarm, for ripen such terms the French Revo-
lution of July, 1830, will be more than tolerated for
some years to come. Yet thougho
this is the system
of servility, obedience, and submison, the system
of peace at all hazrrds adopted by M. Casimir Pe-
ries, he arms France a la Quicholle, to fight with
the windmills, and says, " We are resolved on de-
fending our national independence." The ordinary
expellees of 1831 are those, however, against which
more particularly protest. Prefects, Sub-Prefects,
Nlinisters, Secretaries, Chiefs of Bureaus, Inspectors,
and Employers (all except those who work) art
paid double and treble the amount they dsservr,
and one-hall of the places retained are places made

ON
NOT
fr ma)
Eigh
Pr
Ttirinel i 4.s
ek.„„t 4,1

for individuals, and not because there is asY,
necessity for them to ensure the right adtninn
of public affairs. So in the army and navY•
privileged men receive enormous and profligl'
leries, whiter those who labour and toil Sr
adequately remunerated. ihii Whblb te.t.petteet
Church is an imposition on France, to which(
ought not to submit. There is no religion o',
State, and yet the clergy are dependent on
Gown and the Pope. The million, who reject:
Catholic faith, are yet obliged to contribute tone
large fortunes received by the higher clergy e;
year; and the Archbishop of Paris, who is to/
an enemy to the July Itevolutime----who beg
conspiring again,t it ever since the memorabiejet
which offered it—who is in direct correspenueij
with the Ex-Bourbons, and who is the chief eit
Carlist party, who arc occasionally occupied ind
deavouring, to secure the return of " 1-100,
Fifth," yes, Archbishop Qtelen receives an efi;
moos income, which is contributed by those l't,
:eject his religion, his system, his ministrationt,
bireetio
himself. In fine, in every department of the S; ;f
whether Civil, militarly, rnaHtirae, or etlclesiasti
the ordinary expenses of the State are al 0
double the amount which they should be. blot
to meet these expenses, the woods of the Statedi
been sold to the amount of five millions—a red
tion has been made on the salaries at a per Cefi,';
to the amount of six millions. The Patriotic ',,
Las amounted to twenty millions—a loan ft° f
Money Market to 120 millions—and additional
have, wth the lefore-mentioned sums, rat,`
total of extraordinary taxes amounting to 3.57 d
lions. As then the extraordinary expences arnc''',i
to 225 millions, and the extraordinary receie
:337, there is a balance of 132 millions in I.o°l'l'.
1821. But the ordinary receipts not being (I'
qual to the ordinary expeeces, there is a balatle'
131 millions on the year in favour of the Treat
Remember, however, that this is no real bene`.',
no real saving—it is an excess of recciP,t'
extraordinary expence,3, and nothing else'to
Iu Bv,
new loan has bean contracted, and has to be 'T
off. The woods of the State have been sold. t, • A 00,
public has lost money on Exchequer -Bills, 'ett 14 4
must be redeemed; and therefore, lthouglln.!;t Ben a a• wi
Government has money in hand, it is not ti'll AN
saved, but an excess of receipts for the monlent'do °eK'S
The Budget of 1832 is not less in amount '5( ,
0,
oil' ;„;
diav

Wslbroa
A 7
NT4
Americas a River I
Pre'ent tim
Publish
Lon. e'
Thi, day
COLA
the
Price s. e'
" His 111 i
are pie-eniii
aPeratioris
true element
cnnstnrtl
eatien,,,Y

,

In
Wit svo
AGU.
13Y Joips in CI

14 Ismo. w

and
7
Or, Quids

`~

,ettrrei

SuN 0

a tie Imager or 18.3-z is not less in amow•mor It
that of 1831. M. Louis made the same es" ,r 18410, wit]
the same protestations as to love of ceonool'io ii, FI.
the same cautions as to ,4 rake care not to dieli.6. Jl3 Question
the expenditure so as to injure the public 13,0 e YR. mu,
us he made when Minister for Louis XVIII, In
as all the Castlereaghs, Pitts, Valdes, and Alert ,
nicks would make, or have made in their o°o' ' l'r F
and over again. M. Baron Louis announced 'of 1 phr"a'seeis!era
that the army was not to be diminished' e' ~,_`' rrrneh 8
400,000 men arc to continue on a war footil'i, is---------,,
that the Minister of War demanded for it,( on',ISALI
sum of 307 millions. The Minister of 'gar° + - tuecoT_ur
ilitot1„411 Atinaereeasktiednethr
qoired an augmentation of his budget. from 6°l.' 1() BE
millions : and the total amount of extract4v. A ,
credits which the Government requires 19; . .q.
vr, ofp
millions, and for ordinary expellees 956 011.1 A uttNl
li "el, •
There is to be no diminution of taxes, no a Il'ati,,d with ,
tion to the poor, but France is to pay S' tellring,eartien,
amount of contributions to support a Govere,
which is feeble at home and ridiculed abroad' , , I'4ll co" c
you think this will last ? 1 tell you no! rii s'44°,l"latie',,tt In'
To-morrow, the Minister has pi omised to Pill t,:iet(luantity 1:
his project for regulating the question of e 1,,. 0 po e' pass th,
(burry or non-hereditary Peerage. Rememb,ece'? Olt iiParthf,
that when M. Casimir Perier accepted 09", 4,0„„:,. Amin
avowed system was an hereditary Peerage iiv?, i',------!etters
member, second, that he of to pledge r' It -------
to the electors to vote against an hereditarllo t HE
age. Remember third, that he counselled *oll,lld those Panic
trirnds not to consent to receive an order frcini
electors as to how they should vote °?ol%itike (whtere:P4et
(luestion. Remember, fourth, that he Ilan lifill'he'.'even g. ,A.,;,t,
Moniteztr attacked the " Mandat" as tillel jilt olii7alultble A,
tional and unjust; and remember, sth, that '-i,rll4•4:;.,P°lnt svi
and his friends said that the electors 0f,,,,,q..(:)::„ng their
were in favour of an hereditary Peerage. ''''o,Nd tn'res wh
of the Ministers is, then, now to be presente„,,L'4l,,,-: and
developed I. What will it be ? Ido not krwhiw Iliel,-,,Pri'zite I
know what his fr:ends assure me it will bOt, 4 listik`'nciPal.
place very little confidence in their statetliePificti„tiltiN a:' Met(
think, however, he will abandon the her,e prkil."ing onto the
system, and postpone the discussion of ti'cA! 4t the A/Wa ill
Should this he so, I shall then have shown f'i 4r by lettenrui
the s,•stein of the Minister had not a majoriti s;4
nation or the Chamber, and that he was c°ll'Ps,. CABII
to alter it, in order to throw himself upoo,til N 71,
jority. If otherwise, then I pledge myself s:141 "i• Ti]
hand, that any plan for preserving an her CI, t tel Gentry.
Peerage will be rejected by the Chamber of
In bath cases Casimir 11( tier's sys+eur is wit 41ilt Society's
Eno;
-and if he were not determined to retain eIP 't4t Y's "r
itii tage to the
all hazards, he would retire. ',llene, and
Your obedient 'servant, C' hirnies
0. ji, iela_ , who a
ti '" et the 10,
- • - •etY pr •
1141, Provide fu
THE MARKETS. . , tirti and for a,
- Peljilt'llitlOnefted Stoe
l' (1U N FRI CO RN l'il Alt K EIS DURING THIEYif Ih,"-eere tha
09 t .alty, Nobi
Wheat. Barley. Oats. /It; tr, Ihgdotu it,
----"" I. -Wed ' -11
Per Quarter. s. to s. s. to s. s. to S. 03 !' t 1,,,; °n them
Boston ---........- 6.2 - 31 - ‘24 /t t
tart itUnible
Gainsborough -- - 63 - - - 125 0' t;tte , - '
Grantham -- 60 66 36 49 22 '-'0 $8 1/ 'elti I, s'nle e.
Grimsby.--- 65 69 34 42 23 3„'., $, ii '414. )1' u'Licb t
Elortmistle---- 01 66 30 40 21 %;,L it; ', kel,,''"llet e„
Lincoln --.- 58 63 44 46 25 'f, TA i ) ~t,' at
the ,---
Spilsby ----- 56 CO 28 36 '22 ;P;
~, ; ,5;u4t,„,,, -"e tow
staniford.------ 57 67 40 45 23 `7l' Y/ nit t,,-'"ellt4 1,.,„
Vork,----- 56 66 32 38 22 tf....../ i ttr -PPear --
/I. Re, m ere},
CAN FERBU 11l , Aug. 20.
...41/ qtc6,l A ~,.•
Wheat, wlnte---- 655. to 721. ..-.. Old----• tai,A, ``.. by ~.r Ant(
- red...--- 60s. to 70s. -- Old-.....-, ,;,),0,2,1 ' letter, 1
Barley, Matting --38 s. to 445. -- Grinding.. "',,0',/,' 4,, , B.
Oats ------- 255. to 335....... Old----.. 5,,0r --e4ntdi •
Beans -.-.- 31s. to 428........ Old--...,, ,tc "'lan
_ y
Pease ----- -s. to -5.._,.,. Grcy „...... t''''' ,
NORWICH, Aug. 20. ,;# i. ()so New
Wheat (per qr.) ..60s. 68;. 70s. Beans (per qr.) .--.1"*.r,:.! '-' 8 w
Barley. ---30 s. 36s. -s. l'ease, Grey....-9,
Oats ......»..,..,....,.,,112 this. 30s. 3. Flour, fine (per sac"
‘s
MANCHESTER, Aug. 20. „El t°! 1. 9
Wheat, per 701 b. 9s. 13(1. to 9s. ltd. Red 9s. I" ' A, A
(.., " Hot
Batley, per 601 b 5 0 5 3 Oats 3' '`) N Our
Beans, per Imperial quarter
Pease, White, per Imperial bushel 4 (' '4t Pc)rti tdie 1
o $d 6 Illi 4
Malt, per 6 Imperial bushels 11": 0 Illi 4bef 1 nla°
Flour, per Sack t f 2801 b lt '4lt & 4' 'frects ,
tit e.
--- - '--------- ---- , or, , , are fu,
IRISH MARKETS. -414.t4it• 'exual '
reY Nrtibt 'Oh De
Wheat, 1 Barley. i Oats. 1 Flour, ~,
,tlklAi -IL • ,ery
'per barrePper barrel itarrell A------
.1, i';eti, t,.1", % led
20 stone. 16 stone. 114 stone. i Ist;
~4 41 n --Piair •
1---5. ~,,'e 4oss "Diz
s. d. a 5.(1.15,d. a s.d.l s. d. a s.d..s. d. 4.,:i;1 0 ii i (),,_ and
Cork-- 22 it 236 96 11 0,10 0 11 itll7 0 :;,., eOO .qt,i6
1
Limerick 126 S 39 013 C 14 (112 0 13 618 () 7', cl!), it I ', „'lehae A ,
Waterfordi22 030 0110 13 ojl2 014 CI 18 0 rf, (i PO , .11),, , Lieu
Cionmel -126 8 30 011 0 14 0113 6 13 920 0 ,e',Vjy , it. t, lle4v
Carlow -30 0 32 0 120 laoll4 0 -15_0+•20 6 ut --". ' : The que,hi '
--------_---.,-,-;,-putt, 4 e &x., ar
Beef, ' Mutton, Pork, __---,:cd.. tv.t fro 'PRII
per lb. per it'. per cwt. Ist. 2d• 1......, (1••0111tvg 1.4 Ltie, 1
-.......--.. -.......----, _........ ••-•-•"' ,i, ,; 0T 7 v, ) tce
d. a d. tl. a C. s. d. as,d.s. d. s. d,,t 1i; 0 l''Zl. '',`_4434, 'e Wit
Cork ---141 631 6 125 0 31 0810H)u 0 0 ji tiyo e pract
Limerick-,3 4IN 432 0 35 0.85 OSI
~,°.7.,,e , : NRi„, EtAx, ,
Waterfordl4 6 !z1 632 0 35 0182 076 u ' V:, ttiiii,.`q4 it, . .',Il
Clotill,Cl - 4 5'5 630 ii 32 080077!' ;5 0- 0 1,74, ,^ -'-eclel•li
CaTiow....-j-1 51i0 0 0 0 00SOC 70 `- t .1431.,0. t''' to the
in Iv
KILKENNV.-Itutter 82s to 81s. per cwt. ; Wil 15',it4, .I'.°, 1,,,,„_e Neu;
per barrel ; Flour 203. to 2.65. per bag; Oats 10, , ?V 1,11 It), i .-sipathie:•
rel ; Barley lls. to 13s. ; Beef 4d. to 54. per lb" 'cwt.; t, ea ' hp-,.• '
to sd. ; Potatoes 2d. per stone; Coals Is. 20. Per . , g s ill, `(-1411!
Pigs 325. to 335. per cwt. 40
fu
.strate 1
/ 14% fug. vmu
_ils '
.t.
LI VINO LITERARY CHAR ACII" • tl'i 111,"Let n.
next embellishment, under the above liesd i°l,,, ttr:10.4,1" Loy,
.Monthly Magazine (fix Sept. 1), will con§isto,Pi t, 1.:,,%•, tol'''y li
stand, of an accurate liketliss of Lord No"3l.isijocYjitth;if-dinhutldon
the Earl of illut.GilavE, who has acquired ',:riii'reTt,,ti, `lil,kr,rgli ;
the literary world by the pubic.ation of tv,"'
the
f i t 'ltit,ti istel;
4.404 ngtior,
tion, which have Liken their place among the lc , cio, and C,,.
lions of that class.
'',..it),,,,,e arld Si
of
; 4itit,
c!er, Ata_t
liIIITti way° '44.', NIi,LA n'
On the 2 ft inst. at the British Museum, the
' )1I 7. 40 "!:(1
.1. 1'o:shall, of a son. of II ,ti „jaY, ..,, Si an
:',IAR Itl ED. . f;sq• -, 0 1. N :11 -... t -
On the 23d inst. at Saviour's, York, G. 11111,, a the • 1t it rc Ir.
il.' i:,6 4,1%c,(14riti)
!t Elizabetho y,,rkS.iiiitli, you')
On (lies23:l inst. at Cheltenham, 11. (.;ervis, „erg, I, . ist. . ii
ton, near Exeter, to Loretta Sarah, third daug"` ~ye ~ '4l4'. tel,„
Storn!i'athra,
,vl,l tl' ,41 • ft ' , -1. .
Patch, Esq., of Topsham, Devon. 'or,l, tlq Litti, ••,J
On the '22 1 inst. Thomas Wright, Esq., ~ or r, 4. '1341
Northumberland, to Mary Harwood, dattsbte , • ..,,4 'l4
Esq., of liarrogate. 511I'' t .. 4q.,
„bit HA /ti er _
DIED.
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On the 111th inst. in New Bond.street, .mr•
of til '' ttreet, /
his St:th year. , retie. t, t??
On the 23dinst. in Surrey-square, :Nary,
‘Vheeler, Esq., aged 78. -*tile' .
. vent.
On the 22d inst. at Notting-hill-square, r.
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infant daughter of .1. Wilkinson, Esc].
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