The Sun.
London, England, 1836-08-05 00:00:00

HOUSE OF LORDS.

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack
at five o'clock.
• COPYRIGHT (IRELAND) BILL.
_ _ _ _ ________

On the motion of Lord'DUNCANNON this Bill was
read a third time and passed.
The Highway Rates Bill was also read a third time and
passed.
Lord LYNDHURST presented a petition against the
Ecclesiastical Leases Bill.
AFFAIRS OF SPAIN.

Lord EXMOUTH begged to ask whether his Majesty's
Government had received any information of the evacua-
tion of Vittoria by Cordova and the Christinos troops, and
the subsequent possession of it by the Carlists?
Lord MELBOURNE believed his Majesty's Govern-
ment had roceived no information of the kind.

Captain CHETWYND and others from the Commons
brought up the Hortons Estate Bill.
GRAND JURIES (IRELAND.)
Lord DUNCANNON brought up the report of the
Committee on the Grand Juries (Ireland) Bill.
RAILWAYS.

Messengers from the Commons brought up the railway
resolutions agreed to by that House.

(LEFT SITTING.)

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

The Standard ought at all events to quote ho-
nestly when it notices what we say. Remarking upon
an article on the Irish Church question, in the Chro-
nicle of yesterday, our Contemporary says :
_ _

" We have now to reconcile Lord John with the Morn-
ing Chronicle. The journal in question declares to-day,
that the Bill as it left the House of Commons was not a
good measure ; and that the 'appropriation clauses' alone,
infused into it a healing property.'"

What we did say has been grossly misrepresented
in this extract, by the omission of four important
words. We did not say that " the Bill as it left the
House:of Commons was not a good measure ;" but we
said—and we now repeat it—that " the Bill as it left the
House of Commons was not a good measure in all its
parts." The reader at once perceives the great dif-
ference between what we did say and what, by a
shabby and contemptible suppression and mutilation,
the Standard puts into our mouth. The vicious pur-
pose of this misrepresentation is manifest, even if the
clipper had not been at the pains of exposing his mo-
tive by the following exclamation :—" There—is a
character of a Ministerial measure, given by a Minis-
terial journal !" More we need not say about the
matter—less we could not have said. Before the
Standard next takes the trouble of reconciling Lord
John with the Chronicle, he should first effect a re-
conciliation between himself and truth.—Morn.Chron.
The Lords seem determined that no item shall be
wanting to fill up the measure of their outrage on pub-
he opin►on, and the exercise of representative Govern-
ments. Last night the Charitable Trusts' Bill and the
Catholic! Marriages Bill were sacrificed to heredita►y
domination, and consigned to the tomb of the Capu-
lets. Desirable as are both these measures, we scarcely
regret the fate to which they were consigned by the
hezeditary branch of our Senate, as it must serve more
distinctly to demonstrate the impossibility of effecting
any great improvement in our system, while birth-right
Senators are allowed to defeat the intentions of the
Representatives of the people ; and in this way it may
expedite that great change which is now become as
essential to the preservation of our liberties, as it is to
the prosperity and safety of the State. Can the people
of Great Britain any longer hesitate between the Go-
vernment of their own Representatives and that of in-
dividuals whom a most absurd and indefensible system
endows with the privilege of Legislators ? We have
become almost tired of watching the progress of lordly
insolence and despotism—we now wait for the end,
which is rapidly approaching.—Morning Advertiser.
We return to the discussion that occupied the House
of Commons on Tuesday, and which, though the
shortest, was nevertheless the most important, of all
that have taken place on the subject—not from aught
of novelty in argument or fact, for both, as we have
said, were already exhausted but—because it has
placed beyond the possibility of doubt the real cha-
racter of that measure which, called sometimes the
" Irish Church Bill," and sometimes the " Irish Tithe
Bill," may and should be, henceforth and always, de-
nominated, on the authority of the Prime Minister
himself, a Bill "for giving a heavy blow to Protest-
antism in Ireland." It was of great importance that
the real nature of the measure should be acknowledged
as well as known, and we suppose that even the Mem-
bers of an unprincipled Government, who have still to
answer for the iniquity of this anti-Protestant design,
must feel their consciences somewhat lightened by the
riddance of the gross duplicity which in regard to this
Bill had previously disgraced them—for beneath " the
lowest deep" in the slough of criminality there must
ever be a " lower still," to which falsehood will drag
down the most sunken sinner. At all events, the actual
question at issue is now placed in so clear and so simple a
point of view, that not even the dullest or the most dubious
of the community can fail to understand it, nor the most.
double-faced dare to dissemble concerning it. The
question is, whether in this land, renowned through
all the nations of the earth, ' chiefly, and above all
things; for having burst asunder the bonds of spiritual
tyranny, and freed the worship of the living God from
the degrading and deceitful mummeries of Popery, a
Government shall be allowed to deal " a heavy blow"
—to give " a great discouragement" to Protestantism
—or whether their impious and sacrilegious hand shall
be stayed from defiling that ever blessed and imperish-
able work, and the memory of the glorious army • of
martyrs, who secured to us with their blood the purity
and liberty of religious worship which we enjoy, shall
be protected from the scorn and insult with which
these, their degenerate descendants, have dared openly
to threaten it. Let the country decide, as assuredly it
will, and at no very distant day, to the discomfiture
and dishonour of those who have supported, or of
those who have opposed this " Great Discouragement
to Protestantism Bill." If the members of the Esta-
blishment and the Protestant Dissenters be not pre-
pared to resume the yoke of the Pope which their fore-
fathers threw off, there can be no doubt what the deci-
sion of the country will be. In the mean time we pro-
ceed with our notice of the discussion. If it required
—as most of our readers will, probably, think it
did—some powers of face in Lord Melbourne,
the Prime Minister of a Protestant Prince (who swore
at his coronation that he would maintain the Protes-
tant religion), to propound to an assembly of Protes-
tants a measure for g►ving a heavy blow and great dis-
couragement to the faith in which they have been nur-
tured, it must be admitted that Lord John Russell
made a most successful attempt to rival his leader in
brazenness, when he ventured upon what he was pleased

to call an explanation of the loss which the Irish
Church had sustained, in being protected from Lord
Melbourne's heavy blow and great discouragement to
Protestantism. Had that blow been given—had Pro-
testantism received that discouragement, then, said
Lord John Russell, all would have been well ; for the
GovernMent would have stood pledged to maintain what
remained of the Church of Ireland, and to pay to its
ministers the pittance which, for the present, the Papists
have agreed to allow the Government to give them out of
their own property. We say, for the present, because the
measure which assigns even that pittance to Protestant
clergymen in Ireland is plainly declared by the Minis-
terial supporters to be a step only, and that they will
by no means rest satisfied with only half-starving the
clergy. It is openly proclaimed that this " heavy blow
to Protestantism" is to be repeated at the first con-
venient opportunity. The impudence, then, of such
a position as that of Lord J. Russell would, under
these circumstances, have been remarkable, no matter
from what quarter it proceeded—but coming from
Lord John Russell, and taken by him on behalf of a
Whig Government, it is eminently startling. Can
Lord John Russell seriously proffer any political
pledge of his as worth a straw—as any more to be
depended upon than a broken reed ? Does he sup-
pose the public have forgotten that he pledged him-
self, so far as regarded Reform in Parliament, to con-
sider the Reform Act as afinal measure ; that, never•
theless, in the English Municipal Corporations Bill,
he inserted a clause depriving freemen of the elec-
tive franchise, which the Reform Act had secured to
them ; that, moreover, on being reproached with this
breach of faith, he said, " Why, the fact is, we re-
served to the freemen the elective franchise in the Re-
form Bill, in order to induce the Lords to pass it ;
that reservation was a part of our bargain with the
Lords—but we never intended to keep that part of the
contract r Lord John Russell's pledges !—Bah
—one might as well talk of Mr. O'Connell's vera-
city. But the Government—the Whig Government—
would stand similarly pledged. Be it so. Is the value
of the pledges of a Whig Government an unknown
quantity in political calculations ? Let a glance at the
history of this very question be our answer. In 1833
Lord Grey pledged himself and the Government over
which he presided, that, until all the objects contem-
plated by the Church Temporalities Bill should be
attained, Ministers would not think of diverting any
part of the funds of the Church to other than cede-
siastical purposes. Lord Althorp, in the House of
Commons, gave the same pledge, observing, " that
every gentleman would, he thought, admit that the
first claims to the funds of the Church were the claims
of the Church itself." Well, the objects contem-
plated by that measure have not been attained : the
fund winch, it was calculated, would be sufficient to
effect them has proved insolvent ; and yet we have
this Whig Bill for robbing the Church and giving
a heavy blow and great discouragement to Protes-
tantism ! 0 rare pledge-redeemers ! But this is
not all. In 1834 a Whig Government, of whick
nearly all the present Ministers were Members,
repeatedly and most solemnly pledged themselves
not to attempt to carry into execution their views
relative to appropriation until, besides a clear sur-
plus being ascertained, they should have vindicated the
law and realized the revenues of the Church. This
pledge was given generally on the part of the Go-
vernment, and formally in various speeches by Lord
Grey, Lord Melbourne, Lord Althorp, Lord John
Russell, Mr. Rice, and Mr. Littleton, now Lord
Hatherton, as a reference to the debates of that year
will demonstrate. And yet in 1835, Lord John
Russell moved that factious resolution relative to appro-
priation which his honest colleagues one and all sup-
ported, and upon which they afterwards founded their
first Bill for giving a heavy blow to Protestantism—
the objects of the Church Temporalities' Bill being
still unattained, the law not vindicated, nor the revenues
of the Church realized, while, so far from a surplus
having been ascertained, the fact of there being no sur-
plus at all, but, on the contrary, from the calculations
of Ministers themselve3, a positive deficiency—has
been placed beyond a doubt ! And such is the Go-
vernment whose pledges Lord John Russell unblush-
ingly proffers ai security to those who, by the bitter
experience of that poverty to which the faithlessness
of the Government has reduced them, know its pledges
to be, on this subject at least, " false as dicers' oaths !"
We cannot quit, even for the present, this speech of
the leader of the House of Commons without a word
or two upon the ridiculous but mischievous extrava-
gance of the Noble Lord's concluding observations.
The House of Lords have refused to sanction a mca-
sure which, it is not concealed but confessed by its
framers, will give a heavy blow and be a great discou-
ragement to Protestantism in Ireland. 'This Lord John
Russell, with a degree of factiousness or of folly that
' it would be difficult to parallel even in the orations of
the most rabid Radicals of St. Marylebone, compares
to their Lordships' refusal to grant Catholic Emanci-
pation, and to concur in those measures which it was
supposed might have reconciled the revolted colonies
of North America to the mother country. If the
object of this comparison be not apparent, its tendency
is unhappily but too clear. The agitators in Ireland
will perfectly well understand it, nor will they, we fear,
find much difficulty in attaching a meaning to what his
Lordship mouthed so grandiloquently about " blood-
shed," as though the loss of human life was an affair
of no more consequence than, in his Lordship's opi-
nion, plundering the Protestant Church is. But we
wain Lord John Russell and his colleagues, that in
addressing this language to Ireland—
" they but teach
Bloody instructions, which, being taught, return
To plague the inventor." —Times.

STRANGE, YET TRUE !—Every reader must still
recollect the fearful thunder-storm of the sth July, the water-
spout rain that fell in such torrents, the damage done by
streams that ran wild to the sea, and the long list of accidents
of various kinds which filled at the time more than two columns
of this paper. Well, near to the Crook Inn, on the Edin-
burgh line of road, where the storm raged with great violence,
a burn crosses subterraneously the King's highway, by means
of a bridge, pond, or cundy. This burn, which, amidst the
droughts of summer is a mere thread of silver, margined by
green, presented a totally different aspect on the sth ult., and
leaped from its native heights so tumultuously that the road-
arch was choked, and finally carried away, abutments and all,
with the exception of a few stones at the bottom. The exact
width of the cundy we have not heard ; but it was macdamized
like the adjoining portions of road, and, linked to these, not
only remained firm after the arch had fallen, but sustained the
weight of his Majesty's mail. When the accident became
known to the roadmen, one of their number was stationed near
to the spot, to apprise the guard and diver in travelling from
the metropolis of what had occurred, and thus forewarned,
they took out the horses, and pushed or drew the coach across
with so much ease and safety that the precaution adopted ap-
peared to be unnecessary.—Dumfries Courier.
A certain degree of alarm was excited on Friday af-
ternoon by the arrival, at the Prefecture of Police, of a car-
riage, escorted by four gendarmes of the banlieu, containing
five persons, one of whom had no other upper covering than
his shirt, the sleeves of which were tucked up. It was soon
ascertained that they had been brought from Neuilly, and the
agitation increased. The following, however, are the facts :
—Three young students, with the mistress of one of them, on
Friday morning took an excursion on the Seine, in a boat,
and, being tired with rowing, engaged a workman raising
shingle to assist them. Carried on by the stream, they entered
a branch of the Seine which runs into the King's Park, with-
out observing a notice posted up, forbidding any one to pass
further. While they were admiring the beauty of the scenery,
they were descried by some of the keepers in the grounds,
and made to land. They were conducted before the Commis-
sary of Police at Neuilly, who, notwithstanding the explana-
tions given by the party, thought it his duty to send them to
the Prefecture. After a short examination they were all dis-
charged.—Constitutionnel.
As the season advances, we begin, we confess, to
get very gloomy as to the prospect before us. Of bright
summer weather we have hardly a scantling, with the excep-
tion of a few days in the end of June and beginning of July.
But the thunder storm proved the precursor of a most disastrous
change, and up to the 31st a constant succession of squalls and
floods lowered the temperature to such a degree that fires be-
came as necessary as they are in December. And August,
which has come, has done nothing to brighten the prospect as
yet. Monday, the Ist, was a most bitter day; from morning
to night the trees reeled under the blast ; rain, too, fell heavily
at intervals, and, in one instance, was mixed with hail.—Dum.
fries Courier.
On Tuesday afternoon a lighterman, named Stout,
in the employ of Mr. Pocock, the coal-merchant, fell over-
board from one of his master's craft, lying off the Temple, and
was seen by several persons struggling in the water, but al-
though immediate assistance was rendered, he was carried
under the barges and perished. Several boats with the drags,
from the Port Mahon Thames Police ship, were soon on the
spot, and a search was made for the body, but it could not be
found. The deceased was seen just before the accident sitting
on the deck, with his back reclining against the bollard, and
he is supposed to have fallen asleep, and while in that state the
barge must have given a lurch, and thrown him into the water.
He has left a wife and four young children unprovided for.