The Sun.
London, England, 1831-07-14 00:00:00

duc.d many eminent men into Parliament, they all ap-
peared to he seized with the conceit of being eminent ;
tor. when it was stated, that the Anti-Reformers wt re
without a leader, Sir Robert Peel having long retired to
rest, each sprung forth, appearing to think himself, or to
make himself, the chief of the party. The whole pro-
ceedings were ludicrously childish, yet in their effects most
beneficial to the success of the Bill. We must most
strongly urge the constant attendance of the friends of the
Bill, not from any doubt of the result, but from a wish
for overwhelming majorities, the effect of which will be
felt in another place.
THE OPPOSITION OF TUESDAY NIGHT.
The following are the Members who participated in the series
of motions for adjournment :---
Mr. Gordon, Member for Dundalk borough, and represen.
tative of Lord Roden : the borough is to be opeeNd by the Bill.
Sir Charles Wetherell, Member for Boroughliridge, and repre-
sentative of the Duke of Newcastle : the borough is to be wholly
disfranchised by the Bill, being in schedule A.
Lord Stormont, Member for Woodstock, son of Earl Mans-
field, representative of the Duke of Marlborough : the borough
to be wholly disfranchised, being in schedule A.
Colonel Trench, Member for Cambridge town, representative
of the Duke of Rutland : the place will be thrown open by the Bill.
Mr. Spencer Perceval, Member for Tiverton, Representative
of Lord Harrowby : the borough will be thrown open by the Bill.
Mr. Praed, Member for St. Germains, representative of the
Duke of Northumberland: the borough to be wholly disfran-
chised by the Bill, being in schedule A.
Lerd hrudenell, Member for Fowey, representative of Earl
Mount Edgeumbe, eldest son of the Earl of Cardigan : this bo-
rough will be wholly disfranchised, being in schedule A.
Mr. F. Clinton, Member for Aldborough, representative of the
Duke of Newcastle, his relative : the borough is to be partially
disfranchised, being in schedule B.
Lord 'l'ullamore, Member for Carlow town, representative of
his father the Earl of Charleville: borough to be thrown open by
the Bill.
Sir John Brydges, Member for Coleraine; reprisentative of
the Beresfords, his relations by marriage—petition pending
against his return : borough to be thrown open by the Bill.
Mr. Atty., ood, Member for 13oroughbridge. See Sir Charles
Wetherell above.
Lord Ingestrie, Member for Armagh borough, representative
of the l'rimate of Ireland (a BeresMrd, eldest son of Earl 'Tal-
bot : the borough will be thrown open by the Bill.
Thus it will be seen that the opposition consisted of the Mem-
bers for—
The Earl of Roden

The Duke of Newcastle

The Duke of Newcastle. !).
The Duke of Marlborough. The Earl of Charleville.
'I he Duke of Rutland. The Marquis of Waterford.
The Earl of Harrowby. The Duke of Newcastle ca
The Duke of Northumberland. third time !)
The Earl Mount Edgctimbe. The Primate of Ireland.
In the House of Peers last night the motion of Lord
Farnham, for papers explanatory of the late melancholy
events at Newtownbarry, was very properly opposed by
Ministers, on the gronnd that the production of them
would prejudice the judicial inquiry about to be insti-
tuted. Lord Farnham immediately acquiesced in the jus-
tice of this reason, and withdrew his motion. The Lord
Chancellor has given notice of two motions which all
friends of economy and legal reform will bail with plea-
sure. His Lordship proposes to abolish that nest of judi-
cial sinecures the Scotch Court of Exchequer, which, with
all its expensive machinery, executed last year the amazing
labour• of hearing one cause ! We suppose that the
loudest clamourers for "vested rights" will hardly venture
to predict any serious injury to the Constitution by the
abolition of this venerable batch of useless functionaries,
whose only duty seems to be the receipt of large salaries.
We say not one word against the respectable persons who
have been perhaps annoyed by appointments which exhibit
them in an invidious light to all who know their real situa-
tion. On the contrary,we anticipate the hearty concurrence
of all of them, and most certainly of the Chief Baron, in the
projected measure for letting them down frOm their painful
eminence. The other plan of Reform, proposed by the
Lord Chancellor, is of a more extensive nature; it is for
the complete organization of a new Court of Bankruptcy,
to supersede that multitude of tribunals now in existence,
whose inadequacy to the efficient discharge of the duties
imposed on them has long been a fruitful source of bitter
complaint among all classes of the trading and commer-
cial world. We suppose we may safely rely on the wis-
dom and patriotism of the House of Peels for their cor-
dial co-operation with the Lord Chancellor in both these
important labours for the benefit of the public. The pro.
ceedings in the House of Commons last night were not so
lively as on the previous morning, when Hon. Members
had so much clever walking out and in, but their interest
was of a more useful and permanent character. The
House at last has got into a Committee, and will be able
to " report progress" to-day, though little " progress"
was made. The intended progress was stopped by Mr.
Charles Wynn, who insisted on reading the Bill, like a
Hebrew Bible, backwards, and would not let the first
clause be discussed till other deuces were settled. After
a good deal of discussion, the motion of the Right Hon.
Gentleman was rejected by a great majority, 174 only
supporting it, and 292 being against it. This prelimi-
nary obstacle being removed, the Committee can start
with schedule A to-morrow, unless some other very
Learned Member should 'propose another inversion of the
alphabet, and should divide the Committee on the ques-
tion, whether Aor B should have the preference.— Times.
The affairs of Belgium may now, we hope, be considered
as settled. The Belgic Congress has acknowledged the
mediation of the London Conference, and has authorised
their Government to negociate on the preliminaries pro-
posed by the five Powers which compose that meeting. An
admission of those propositions was very properly made, by
Prince Leopold, the condition of his acceptance of the
Belgic Crown. He could not, consistent with any regard
to the stability of his power, or any respect for the com-
mon sense of his subjects, proceed to take possession of a
new throne, carved out of a divided monarchy which Eu-
rope had established, without having a sanction for his
conduct from the same Powers by wnich that monarchy
was constituted. As well might he have gone to Greece
before the Allies had procured the consent of the Porte to
the independent establishment of a Greek principality.
The vote come to by the Belgic Congress on Saturday last
—a vote which left no doubt of the inclination and wishes
of tire nation—has allowed his Royal Highness no alter-
native but an immediate and definitive acceptance of the
Belgic Crown. In that vote he would find seventy names
against the decision of the majority, because the discus-
sion of the preliminaries was made independent of his
rights ; but he will not find one of the seventy prepared to
contest the latter. M. Lebeau, the Minister for Foreign Af-
fairs, who pleaded the cause of his country with so much elo-
quence—who has given, perhaps, one of the most splendid
examples in modern times of the power of a well- tinted
speech in swaying the councils of a nation,—has very pro-
perly observed, that all who opposed the election of the
Duke of Nemours when his pretensions were iu dispute,
concurred afterwards is a hearty desire for his acc, scion,
and a loyal resolution to support his power, as soon as
the majority appeared in his favour. The same conduct
will be pursued with regard to Leopold 1., King of the
Belgians. As regards the great act u hich the Belgic
Congress has accomplished in accepting the preliminaries
of peace, there is now neither majority nor minority—
there is a definitive decision of the whole nation. The
Belgian Moniteur has published the 18 articles in ques-
tion, "as the preliminaries of peace between Belgium
and Holland," adopted by the Belgic people, without any
reference to the source whence they were suggested. The
deputation appointed to carry the result to their future
Sovereign has arrived in London ; and, as promptitude is
a necessary requisite on such occasions, the King of Bel-
gium will leave our shores in the course of this week.—
The whole of Europe, or at least every portion of it de-
sirous of peace, must acknowledge a debt of gratitude to
that able Belgic Minister (M. Lebeau), whose powertal
reasoning and electric eloquence threw such an irre-
sistible charm of peace over the turbulent tempers and
discordant purposes of the Congress. As M. Lebeau is
now in London, no mark of regard and admiration which
can be shown him would be thrown away. Though
the IS preliminaries leave the qutstion of Luxem-
burg and Limburg unsettled, the Plenipotentiaries of
tire Conference leave no doubt as to the manner in
which the new Sovereign of Belgium is expected to make
the definitive arrangement. Hitherto Belgium had ro re-
cognized Government,—no Governtnet t at least with
which the King of Holland would condescend to treat,
Every thing that has been done since the commencement
of the Conferences in last November, has been effected
solely through the Plenipotentiaries themselves. The

'3elgian~ were
nhea.errd.con'irliletr‘:,l'e—ve,tl:::.:LePsitnt."4l'na';;Lit:tlZ:
s;ons which issuedhfrotuthe Confe.rentlesr s l which, nerler
the name 0€ protocols, were transmittid to'thein a, final
arrangements. "'Alandsill calved the Belgians rebels,
and their revolution a revolt. It is not likely, thenfore,
that whsle both patties stood to their right respecting the
disputed territory,—while both declared the inteif r. rice
of the allies an usurpation,—either shou'd yield their "pi-
nions to their opponent, or meet in an amiealde spirit of
equality. Now the cas, is completely alo-r, d. it Igilint
possesses a King, and boasts of an acknowledged Govern-.
ment as well as Holland. We shall hear no more; ther..
fore, of Belgic rebels and Orange despots. Lenteld I. of •
Belgium is as independent a sovereign as Will,am I.
of Holland. They can treat about Luxemburg, cr
any other interest of the two countries, on to Its of
perfect equality, without allusions to past sohj..ction
or to superannuated claims. And we have n.,t the
slightest doubt that the arrangement which, in the
new circumstances, the Belgic Government will pro-
pose will meet the views of all parties. Loseroborg noist
belong to Belgian's. Such has always been our derla-
ration, while we never ceased to in,ist on some indemnity •
to the King of Holland for the rut re of those districts
in Germany for a hich the Grand Duchy was, in 1815,
given as an equivalent. M. Lcheau and all the Upporters
of the prelimtnarirs were consistent in their avowed opi-
nions respecting this right, and in their confirlen* antici-
pations that a satisfactory artangerrent would be made to
secure it under the new Sovereign. in n cpect to the other
parts of the disputed territory, if the of 1790 be.
adopted by Holland as they have b en in the preliminaries
of the Belgic Congress, Holland will he obliged to sur-
render all that Belgium desiNs, in order that BeLtium may.
abandon its rights to fortrecs..s and rl7s•ricts which are
asential to the safety and integrity of II .lland. It is de-
lightful to know, that a generous regard for the fate of un-
happy Poland was not without its icfluence in procuring:
votes fur the pacification of 13,1ginfri. Several of ti c
Deputies saw, that " to rci-ct the preliminaries of peace
would be, not only to commit suicide, but to perpetrate
assaseination,—not only to endanger their own destruction,
but to ensure the resubjugation of Poland. They, there-
fore voted in conformity with this, views and wishes of
France and England, that England and Fr..nee might be
able to unite in favour of Polish independence, and thus'
they happily brought an ardent sympathy in foreign
patriotism to aid the cause of ender and liberty at home;
—Times.

A Scotch Newspaper, whose sentiments are echoed by
a London Morning Journal, says that the " want of
principle in Sir Robert Peel, in conanom with Burke, and
every paddle man of note in this country, is to be
traces! to an oligarchical ascendancy." If this he muatat.
as an excuse f r the political infimities of Sir Robert
Peel, Edmund Burke, or any other ilaconsi•stent politi-
cian, it is a very lame one ; it is only saying that such
men belong to a class who might be, honest if there
were no inducements to be otherwise, but that, regard-
ing tl e:r own selfish interests as of paramount import-
ance to the public good, no sooner does a strong temp-
tation come in the way than they sacrifice their princi-
ples at the shrine of a sordid ambition. To excuse the
prostitution of the opinions of public men, on the ground
of finding it expedient not to he too stubbornly honest
in resisting a strong temptation, is much the same as
to excuse the faux pas of ladies of " easy virtue" by
telling us that the fault lay not with them, hut was
solely to be ascribed to the constitution of human affair',
which made it more profitable to follow the footsteps of
Thais than to emulate the example of Penelope. We are
as touch opposed to an " oligarchical ascendancy" as any
of our contemporaries can be ; nevertheless we should
think we were I ndiug ourselves to a deception on the
people, if we were to assert that the removal of that
oligarchical ascendancy is to be followed by a millenium
of public virtue, and that public men will he no longer
found to barter their principles for private advantages,
and to prostitute their talents to the purposes of a
had ambition. Let not the peep'e suppose that any
modification of the representative system of Govern-
ment can have such a magic influence upon political
morals. As there are men who, like Andrew Mar-
vel, can dare "be honest in the wet st of times,"
so there are others who ran be corrupt and selfish and in-
consistent under the best form of Government that human
wisdom ever devised. If the people were once induced to
believe that a reformed system of Government would, of
itself, keep pnbliti men honest, without the perpetual ex-
ercise of their own vigilant controul over the conduct of
politicians, they would fall into a dangerous error—they
would be lulled into a fatal security, from which they
would be awakened to find that they had their work of
political Reform to begin again. The fact is that neither
Sir Robert Peel, who is a man of moderate abilities and
great fortune, nor Edmund Burke, who was a man of
sp'endid talents and moderate income, were under any ab-
solute necessity of being guilty of political trickery or ter-
giversation, if their ambition wet e not below the level of the
station in which accident or Providence had placed them.
Neither of them would admit private dishonesty to stand
excused on the plea of Romeo's Apothecary—" my po-
verty, but not my will, consents;"—still less should expe-
diency be a justification of political violations of principle.
Morning Herald.