The Sun.
London, England, 1836-03-07 00:00:00

ledge, inasmuch as it prevents the middling and lower classes of the
community from obtaining that infOrmation respecting the proceed-.
ings in both Houses of Parliament, and the administratidn of law
in the Courts of Justice ; and that knowledge' of foreign and do-
mestic occurrences, which, to a free and commercial people, are
essentially necessary to enable them property to discharge their so-
cial and relative duties, to stimulate their industry, and to direct
their commercial enterprize into now channels of profit to them-
selves, and advantage to the community at large.
Dr. BlRKBECK—Gentlemen, I do assure you that I should
feel the greatest pleasure in informing you on what principle
I vindicate the resolution which I now appear to second, but
in the present state of the Ilall, and the state of expectation in
which you now arc, I shall not detain you by making any re-
marks on this great topic. Ido assure you that I consider that
the tax upon newspapers is a direct tax upon knowledge—
that it excludes from you, many of you at least, the possession
of the information which belongs to the map of life—to its
affections and vast concerns ; and although there are many
other 'kinds of knowledge which I might now offer to
your notice, I should be the first to place this within
your reach—(Hear),—because I believe it is of the first
importance to you to possess it. Without encroaching longer
on your convenience, which must be disturbed by the position
in which you are placed, I shall merely say that I cordially
second this resolution, which declares that the middling and
lower classes, whose interests I shall always advocate, are en-
titled to a share in this knowledge.—( Cheers. )
The resolution was then put by the Lord Mayor, and car-
ried unanimously.
Mr. Joust TRAVERS—Gentlemen, I have great pleasure in
proposing another resolution for your consideration, and I hope
for your approval. It is Of the same character as those
which have preceded it—( Hear, hear)—and is intended to
point out to you the universality, the impolicy, and injustice
of all taxes on knowledge—and more especially that most
odious of all taxes—the tax upon knowledge.—( Cheers. )
Gentlemen, there are some amongst his in this great city, and
elsewhere, who will tell you, and I blush for them, who from
the purely fortuitous circumstances of what is termed birth
and fortune, and therefore they ought to be possessed of a
better education, who pretend to say that these taxes on
knowledge do not affect you—that all are not fitted for the
same amount of education as themselves. But I sub-
mit to you, that if this notion suits their views,
it ought not to satisfy your desires—( Hear, hear; hcar)—
For I have ever found in my intercourse with society that the
greatest amount of knowledge of the best quality will always
produce the greatest good—( Cheers)—that the human mind
is the same every where—that it is constituted the same as I
have said, in the higher as well as in the lower classes of so-
ciety, varying of course in its degrees of power and intelligence
according to men's circumstances, but being desirous of the at
tainment, with the same capabilities for every improvement in
every rank and condition of life, and of every sunshine of
heaven. And, Gentlemen, these persons affect to say,
(and I need not tell you that it is pure affecta-
tion in them to say so, because they know better),
that in newspapers there is no real knowledge —or
that it is a species of' knowledge that it is some-
times dangerous, and that none but the favoured few
who can afford to pay the tax on it should possess it. Where-
as; I assert that it is a knowledge beneficial to all—that it is a
picture of our daily life—of the wants and necessities of man-
kind—where we may see our own and other men's wants daily
depicted before us. I believe that in contemplating this pic-
ture we arrive at a better knowledge not only of mankind, but
of our rights and liberties, and are thereby better enabled to
stand up for them, and enforce them. Gentlemen, is it not,
therefore, an act of the greatest injustice and impolicy in the
legislature of a free country—moreover, a legislature possess-
ing liberal opinions to endeavour to check that knowledge—of
a legislature that ought to do all it can to promote liberal
opinions, and not impose a tax or endeavour to perpetuate for
a single moment a tax upon that food which is so neces-
sary for our daily intellectual and moral sustenance.
That food which in its diffusion in society contributes so well
to the purposes of good order, and which is the best support of
good Government—is it not enormous to support a monopoly
which is so partial in some of its consequences ? You, Gen-
tlemen, arc' not aware of the great excitement which exists
over the country, because the meetings where that excitement
was shown—where the excitement was beyond all description.
and shown by men of all parties—these meetings were burked
by all the London Papers.—(Groans and Shame.) Are you
aware of what is good for you in the shape of competition? I
will show you the effects of it in another country.—
(Hear.) I have here an American Newspaper, which cost
only one halfpenny.—( Cheers.) The type, composition, and
arrangement of it, are equal to any one of the London News-
papers, and it was sold for one halfpenny, because it was not
taxed,—(Cheers.) I have another secret to tell you respecting
this paper—it and all others in the United States are sent 300
miles for one halfpenny postage, and that even then there is a
profit to the Government. Then why cannot we have the
same thing ?—( Cheers.) Can it be proper on the part of the
Legislature of any country to uphold a monopoly which has
discovered the greatest political profligacy—which has shown
the world the greatest stretch of political prostitution.—(Loud
cheering.) I will trouble you with only one other
observation upon another subject. This monopoly must be
odious in your sight, when you remember the number of vic-
tims it has in the prisons of the country.—(Cheers.) Men
have been torn from their families.-. 4 shame, shame.) It is
time, Gentlemen, we should get rid of these things, They
talked to him of equal justice—let him hear no more of that,
while the great, the titled—the illustrious, as they were
ealled—(Great hooting)—are stalking forth with all their
guilt fresh upon them—( Loud cheering)—while such
men are suffered to stalk abroad unpunished, with all the guilt
of their Orange confederacy fresh upon them. I will not de-
tain you ; there arc those to follow me--vvho are more capable
of amusing and fixing your attention to this important subject
than I am, but I have thought it my duty, having been en-
trusted with a resolution, to touch on those the most important
points. lam glad you have responded to my call, and I have
not the slightest doubt but that you will do your duty. I have,
the honour to propeike the third resolution:-
3. That the present Stamp Duty of fourpence upon every English
newspaper, is alike injurious to the cause of moral, scientific, and
political truth ; arid encourages a monopoly which tends not less to
destroy the freedom of the Press, than to weaken our confidence in
those who have its direction and management.
Mr. B. Woon--Gentlemen, in seconding this resolution I
will offer you but a low words, for the purpose of expressing
the satisfaction I feel at the assemblage I see before me—met
for the purpose of gettingwid of a tax which keeps knowledge
from the poor man. Knowledge, gentlemen, you admit is
necessary to all claws pf persons. In this country, and in
all countries which are attached to liberty, such is a principle
admitted by all. Knowledge cannot be circulated without
cheap printing, Printing cannot be disseminated if it is taxed.
Newspapers are the vehicles by the means of which
knowledge is to he dispersed Throughout the kingdom. We
Kaye heard to-day of this tax which afflicts the preys of
of this country. You have heard of a tax which enables the
rich to buy newspapers, but it is one that will give few to the
middling _classes, and at moat none to the poorer classes.—
( Cheers.) Gentlemen, I will tell you that the five Morning
Papers of this ulty issue yearly nine millions of newspapers.
I will tell you that in France—in Paris, five Morning News-
papers issue eighteen millions yearly.—( Loud cheers.) I
will tell you that in America in 1810, there were issued
22 millions of Newspapers, which in 1834 had Increased to 73
1n
miui
jilionao7s,(Cheers.) In 16
23 10 in England the circulation was
while in 1834 it had increased to 30 millions,
being an itinrease only of 7 millions, while in America that
number had been three times multiplied.—(Cheers.) These
are dry facts, gentlemen, but you can understand them.
No doubt you have heard that Newspapers can be printed
and sold at a profit so small even as a halfpenny each.
These paper; are issued throughout the country at a postage
of only another half-penny—the consequence was that in
America there was one newspaper'to f,3 inhabitants, while in
England there was only one to 240. Now, Gentlemen, these
facts are for your consideration—you are to consider whether
it is possible for any free Press to exist in this country, so long
ar this burthen hangs about you. You have heard of a monopoly..
This tax is the monopoly, and it can never be got rid of until
the tax is got rid af, Ido not mean to say that it is capital
which produces the monopoly. The great object which a per-
son ',tailing a newspaper has, is to obtain a great connection.
Capital, or aottraei is necessary. He takes a liberal side
in politics, for the purpose of inducing the public at
large to support that parer which he has established.
Need I tell you that the limes newspaper—(Tremendous
groaning, which lasted several minutes)—need I toll you that
the Times—(Renewed groaning)—that that newspaper would
have obtained its great and overwhelming circulation
but for its liberal opinions ?—(Loud cheers,) It was
the people at largo that had raised the Times into im-
portance ; and what had it done—it had turned its
hack upon the people.—( Loud Groans.) This is the mono
poly by which the Times is supported. It still linepa its ground
to a certain extent. Its fortune is made—it turns its back
upon those whose exertions have raised it—and it supports the
Tories.—(Tremendous groaning,) If there was no tax upon
newspapers, could the Times have done what it had done,
without meeting such an opposition as would have driven it from
the country—would have plevented persons from giving it
any encouragement at all, and it must have been annihilated.
What was the Nurse it had followed? It was accused, and
attempted to accuse others, hsisn sacrificing
ngpoaelloe, and bring
decency,
every thing moral and good, t deceive
about one of the most tremendous revolutions that had Won
ever known—it had supported Grangeism—(Groans)—and it
had dtnounced O'Connell.—(Tremendons groaning.) It had
endeavoured to Musa the feelings of the people against their
duty—because he had Faked his voice in defence of his coun-
try, and had demanded for Ireland—iTreMendous cheering)__-
for his country—that justice which would be ashamed or any
one here vaunt, if he did not demand for his own.—( Loud
cheers.)
The resolution was then put, and carried
Mr, [lwo came forward, and was received with trenicndons
applause. 'After the Pheeriug and waving of hats had ceased
the Hon. Member -spoke isa follows :—Gentlemen, I am ex-
iseoply anxious to address to you a very few words can the im-
portant for which we are here assembled. Yon arts nii
weli w
no friend to taxation at any
asaur bj e
that u;il
time—(Loud cheers)—but I- MI assure you that I
never snigcd
my voice to demand the ripta4l of arty
tax with
and anxiety than I now do th
propose
po s
ResolutionPrY
to your Rtico, which. I am sure will t
e a more
re-
ceive your unanimous coneurrence.—:( 40?-0 Pheer§. ) The
tax on newspapcn is one of the most impolitic and the !post
imoous that a free State had ever imposed. But when you
learn :bat this t#lf•
was imposed by the 'feu poyernment 120
years ago—(TreMeta4o4s groping)--1 trust now th two
t talcs off this tax. -(Loud
have put the Tories down we Fa" f
cheers.) We will le,ep them down you will o; l' take off
cc
this tax.—(Cheers; 12+4 94 W9ll keep Ptept down. 9
The Tories have power, but how s,„over an ignorant multi-
tude, who know not their right., hut are willing slaves to
power, office, and emolument. It is to raise them to their
proper positions to giye them an opinion of the 460 they owe