The Sun.
London, England, 1831-05-18 00:00:00

PiRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

It is needless now to say much about Reform
The boroughrnongers, indeed, are visibly losing al!
presence of mind, as every breeze which wafts in•
telligence of a fresh defeat of their faction drives
them closer to the rock on which they must ine-
vitahly split : like ill-disciplined sailors, grown un-
governable at the imminent risk of shipwreck, the,
stave the spirit casks, get frightfully dirstrilx, and yell
fiercely, while they stagger into the gulf that opens
for them. The scribes of the beaten faction have,
within the last few days, become more abusive than
ever. Of all men in England they have pitched
upon Lords Althorp and Milton as
`prop subjects
on %%ham to fasten an accusation oi disnonourable
dealing; and, to bear out a charge not itself the
-most credible, they very rearnahlyinvite the
1 c confidence by a stringot notorious falaehtacis.
sit'hitt the conduct of either of the Noble Lords
referred to may have been wit+. 'regard to the re-
presentation of Northamptonshire is, of course,
much less important than their sentiments upon
the question of *Reform. Still, RS ccliateral
evidence of the degree its whith a man
ought to be held generally trustworthy, by
those who have so much at stake as British free-
holders at the present moment, we admit that if
oven the shadow of a pretext could be found for
fairly ascribing the least particle of thipliity to a
gentleman who, by his appeal to public opinion,
flings down the gauntlet to all impugners of his cha-
racter, such au imputation left unrepelled would be
a just ground for withholding from the individual
thus tainted so high a mark of confidence. When
it was discovered, therefore, that the spirit of Re-
form had penetrated even to the county of Nor-
thaaripton, and that the old Tory faction a'as in
danger of being there, as elsewhere, " devoted to
the infernal Gods,"—in other words, demolished
for ever,—the scheme was hit upon of vamping up
a story which might touch the reputation of Lord
Althorp for straightforwardness, by alleging that
his Lordship had, in the teeth of his own declara-
tions, contemplated for some time previous to the
election the proposal of a second Whig candidate for
Northamptonshire, and the consequent disturbance
of a county, for the peace of which, as well as for
that of Mr. Cartwright, its former representative, he
had professed to be solicitous. In furtherance of this
calumniating project, the story in question was got
-up, and, notwithstanding the positive and detailed re-
futation already given of it by the Noble Lord, whom
the authors aimed at injuring, he was, only so late as
yesterday, charged by their tools with making no
defence but by a mere apostrophe to character
Lord Althorp might well have rested upon such a
plea against such accusers, although, as may be seen
by yesterday's Tithes, he did not ; for he made
counter-statements as distinct and precise as were
the allegations against him. But we now publish
another and yet more circumstantial answer, ad-
dressed by Lord Alrhorp to the freeholders of the
county of Northampton ; and leaving, as it must
appear to every honest and candid mind, no item of
the adver,e charge undisposed of. This reply of
his Lordship, characterised throughout by manly
simplicity and downright adherence to facts beyond
all question, we leave to the calm perusal of our
readers. In the mean time are the Northampton-
shire electors asleep ? Are they dead ?or are
they only indifferent and dead to the honour of Eng-
lishmen ? Why do they not throng to the hu,t-
ings, and send in unbought votes to the Reform
candidates ? Are they like wretched Spaniards or
Italians, that will not move in one brave mass for a
Constitution ? or, like the more brutalized Portu-
guese, who reject the glorious gift when offered to
them, and, snorting, in swinish terror, lie close
within their sty, when summoned forth by the very
trumpet that proclaims the feast of rational liberty
Baser than Helots are those of English " woman
born" who know not what freedom means, and who
feel not that its blessings are the rightful inheritance
of their children ! So feel the men of Dorset-
shire, at least, whatever may be the sentiments
entertained at Northampton. In Dorsetshire we
have to announce a mighty triumph for the
people. The men of Dorset have forced Mr.
Bankes to resign the contest,—a contest which,
under discouraging circumstances, the stout old
English gentleman sustained with spirit and
constancy, arid admirable temper, to the last ;
disputing the ground manfully while he had an inch
to stand on, and yielding gracefully when nothing
more could be accomplished. The speech of Mr.
Bankes, on abandoning the field, is one which can
scarcely be read without exciting a wish that the
speaker had not been a Tory. Messrs. Portman
and Calcraft have thus been returned—the first pair
of Whig representatives for Dorsetshire for a longer
period than any man living (as we hear) can re-
member. The Bill, we doubt not, will have
staunch supporters in both of them. The happy
conclusion of this contest leaves nothing to be
hoped or feared in England—we mean as to the
counties—but for Not thampton ;—nothing but
Northampton, to raise one additional emotion of
gladness or scorn. In Ireland the cause prospers
well: the friends of Ministers are secure of two
Members in 20 counties out of 32, and in the rest
(with two exceptions) of one representative for
each. The metropolis, by one grand act of consti-
tutional mutiny, has unshippedits Corporation : the
Bill will send their W orships adrift for ever.—Tortes.

We wish to caution the freeholders of North-
ampton, row residing in London, against a very
despicable stratagem which the agents or friends of
Mr. Cartwright seem desirous of practising upon
them—that of canvassing them on behalf of that'
gentleman and Lord Althorp—a mode of proceeding
which, by drawing off the voters' attention from the
true state of the contest (which is between 111 r.
Cartwright and Lord 'Milton), has the effect of
leading the voter to suppose that he is supporting
the cause for which Lord Althorp embarked in the
contest ; whilst he is really defeating it, by giving a
vote to Mr. Cartwright at the expence of Lord
Milton. An instance of this nature has been men-
tioned to tts, which has led to the above remarks.
The case is that of a freeholder of the name of
Forscutt, living in Long-lane, Smithfield.—Morning
Chronicle.

Another resignation has taken place, that of Mr.
Bankes, so that the only remaining contest now is
that for Northampton. At one o'clock yesterday
Mr. Cartwright was ten a-head of Lord Milton on
the (lay's poll. On both sides the polling went on
bri,ker than usual. On the gross poll Lord Milton
was still one hundred and twenty-three a-head of
Mr. Cartwright, so that as the freeholders must be
now pretty well exhausted, we would fain hope
Lord Milton will be returned. A Correspondent has
supplied us with an account of the mode in which
the Reformers manage matters in Worcestershire,
which we have inserted in another column. The
grand secret is local arrangement. In Worcestershire
those in more affluent circumstances afforded the
means of conveyance to their less wealthy neigh-
bours. This ought to be a lesson to the North-
amptonshire freeholders. The Tories are straining
every nerve to have Lord Milton rejected ; and the
absencefeeiri 01 his Lordship, however honourable to his
an unfortunate influence on the contest.
Let thehas
friends of Reform meet the exertions of its
enemies by corresponding energy. Every man Pos-
sessed of influence should exert it among his humble
neighbours, and assist them,‘as
as it was proposed to
n
do in Kent, and as been done in Worcester-
shire, with the means of conveyance. It would for
ever disgrace the county of Northampton, were the
Tories now to neutralize its representation.—Morn-
jog Chronicle.

The slow progress of the Russians against a power
so weak in a military sense as Turkey, and the
suc-
cessful stand made by the poor Poles
against t
them,
must, one should think, go far to disabuse the world
as to the immense power of the Autocrat. The
truth is, Russia is not formidable, and cannot possibly
be formidable for ages. It is true, that the popula-
tion of European Russian amounts to about fifty
millions; but amount of population must be cond.

dered in conjunction with the extent of territory
over which it is spread. From the scantiness of the
Russian population, it is impossible for that power
to move a large army in fighting order. It is equally
difficult to roovea large army into Russia, as Bonaparte
found to his cost; and, therefore, Russia may be said
to be in so far strOnr, that it is secure against attack.
A distinguished political writer characterises briefly
several of the States of Europe very happily :
" The shape of the territory, and the influence which
a happy rounding of the different parts may give it
with respect to other States, from the facility of con-
centration, in a Material element, in conjunction with
the extent, in estimating its strength. How very
different in this respect is a State surrounded on all
sides by the sea, or only accessible on one side
from an inland State, cooped up between larger
States How different the real power of a State
which, from the securiry of its frontiers on several
&des, can concentrate its force on a small space,
compared with a State open on all sides with
iyidely distant frontiers I Compare, in this respect
the 13iitish Empire, which, in itself secure
from attack, can reach every coast washed by the
Ocean ; France, of which the real power consists in
the rounding of her territory, and the strength of
her frontiers; the Russian Empire, which, secure
by nature, and the weakness of her neighbours in all
directions, can concentrate her force against the
feeblest of them, and in this manner has a compen-
sation for the weakness which is the necessary con-
sequence of her enormious extent, and prevents that
extent from being ruinous to her." This is the real
strength of Russia, that her neighbours are all feeble.
She is strong only because she is secure from attack;
because the immense extent of her territory would
prevent any Power from occupying it, after beating
her armies. But were she to move one step farther
westward, and to more her forces not as an ally,
but as an invader, into Germany or France, she
would instantly be defeated. The experiment in the
ease of Poland will do much good, in preventing
Europe from being called off from its more interest-
ing concerns to the consideration of the movement
of this btu barons Power. We shall hear no more
of Russian invasions of our Indian territories. The
Czar must be contented to be considered a second-
rate Power for all but defence. The Power which
has been checked by the poor Poles, with such in-
ferior means and so few preparations, cannot be con-
sidered very formidable.—Morning Chronicle.

The Anti-Reformers have two things by which
they contrive, in every place where they can stand a
contest at all, to make the most of their strength, or
best conceal their weakness—those two things are
money and tactics. With the former, which has
been most abundantly subscribed for the purpose,
by all those who have a positive interest in the cor-
rupt state of the representation, they bribe the dis-
honest voters, and procure for themselves and friends
all the facilities in the advancement of electioneering
business that a liberal supply of the sinews of war
can procure. Philip of Macedon used to say that
an ass laden with gold could break through the
walls of the strongest city, and certainly there have
been, ever since the elections commenced, many
animals of this description, laden with full panniers
of that precious and potent metal, seen trotting front
the great depot in Charles-street, to cities and
boroughs, to realize, if possible, the sarcastic
apophthegm of the crafty Macedonian, and to prove
that the best takers of towns are they that storm
them with golden ammunition. How they have
succeeded is before the world. They have not, in
general, found that the walls of cities and boroughs,
possessing any considerable number of electors,
are so easily broken through by such means as the
hostile towns were with which Philip was acquainted;
but still they have succeeded in a few, and very few
places : and in several others they have made a
better appearance on the poll than they could
have done if they were not more indebted to the
recommendation of Midas than their own merits.—
Now, as to their tactics, we admit their dexterity in
this respect ; for it is not only possible, but what
every day's experience shows, that a miserable
deficiency of intellect and sound judgment may he
connected with a very considerable aptitude for
trickery, finesse, and petty manoeuvre. It is a part
of the tactics of the Anti-Reformers to set up can-
didates, without any chance of ultimate success, in
such towns and counties as they find they have just
sufficient strength in to maintain, for a few days, a
tolerably respectable position on the poll; and hat-
ing polled out their voters before the Reformers have
seriously commenced to display their strength, they
resign. Their object is obvious—they wish to be
able to refer, in the new Parliament, to the state of
the polls in those places where they have stood a
contest, to show that public opinion is not so over-
!
whelmingly in favour of the Reform Bill as it has
been represented. A correspondent, who signs him-
self
a " Freeholder of Oxfordshire," informs us that
this scheme was practised in that county, and that
it is in conformity with a plan agreed upon by the
Boroughmongers' Subscription Club, in pursuance
of which, as we have said, the Anti-Reform candi-
date " polls all the votes he has and then resigns,
being, perhaps, only 200 or 300 votes below the
Reform candidates, who have not yet had time to
poll one•fourth part of their votes. He says Sir
C. Wetherell has owned he practised this scheme—
co also has Mr. Bankes for Dorsetshire, Colonel
Tyrell for Essex, and many others, who, having
accomplished their purpose, resigned." But, after
all, these are but the natural and unavailing struggles
•of the borough system in the agonies of dissolu-
tion.—Morning Herald.

We are heartily glad that upon the subject of the
intentions of his Majesty's Government with respect
to the Reform Bill, we have at length got a Cabinet
Minister to deal with. The Lord Advocate of Scot-
land is comparatively an inconsiderable person, and he
might shuffle and cut and trim as it pleased him, or
as he might think it likely to please the audience he
addressed, but now that Lord Althorp, the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, the Ministerial leader of the
late, and probably at its first meeting of the next
House of Commone, has placed himself within our
grasp, in all conscience we ought to be satisfied.—
And we are satisfied. Lord Althorp has spoken
upon the subject, and he fully confirms our conjec-
ture, that his Majesty's Ministers will not dare to
propose to the new House of Commons " the Bill,
the whole Bill, and nothing hut the Bill," in any of
the various shapes it assumed during the existence
of the last Parliament. His Lordship, in address-
ing the freeholders of Northampton at the close of
the poll on Monday, observed that " it had been
industriously circulated that it was the intention of
Ministers to make great alterations and modifica-
tions in the Bill. He distinctly denied that such
wits the fact. Ministers were determined to admit
of no alterations which could in the slightest degree
affect the plain and simple principles upon which the
Bill was founded ;" and his Lordship subsequently
added, that " he mentioned thus much because he
was anxious to disabuse the freeholders of the
rumour which had been industriously circulated that
it was the intention of Ministers to greatly alter the
Bill." What necessity, we beg to inquire, for these
elaborate and needless qualifications, when all that
the Noble Lord had to do was to declare that Mi-
nisters intended to re-introduce " the Bill, the
whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill," verbatim et
literatini? This is what Ministers have taught the
country to expect they would do, and this is what
it is now clear—clearer even than the Lord Advo-
cate of Scotland had made it—Ministers have re-
solved not to do. What Lord Althorp may mean
by the " plain and simple principles upon which the
Bill was founded," what may in his judgment
amount to a " great" alteration, it is of course im-
possible for any body to conjecture. It is his im-
mediate interest and the interest of his party to deny,
if they can, that any change is intended ; and the
world is not so stupid as to believe that they
would
verbal,
sacrifice
thi s
ot sakeoeus
cilo;nagney.
should have insignificant,supposedthe thatil the relative propor-
tion of Members in
nonua elorfe
loCafnodam
measure
respectivelyeo anssu,ret to be,
sent from Great Britain
had been an important ;principle

fessing to re-model the representation of the United
Empire—yet we have found the Ministers of the
Crown substituting a second Bill la lieu of their
first, varying that propottion most materially, and
protesting all the while that all the principles of the
two Bills were essentially the same. If the word
" principle" admits then of so much latitude of in-
terpretation, when employed by his Majesty's Mi-
nisters, what can be more obvious than that in the
mouth of Lord Althorp it is a word utterly without
meaning ? Or what does all he has said amount to,
beyond the admission that alterations are intended ?
And when we consider the immediate inconveni-
ence of this admission to the party making it, what
is the natural conclusion but that the alterations for
sake of which it is made are important alterations?
The thing we should have liked to hear from Lord
Althorp is the declaration that his Majesty's Mi-
nisters aro determined to stick to " the Bill, the
whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill." And in this
case, even in a House of Commons nominated en-
tirely by themselves, which the new House of Com-
mons will not be—if composed principally of Eng-
lishmen, Irishmen, and Scotchmen of education
and intelligence, as the new House of Commons
will be, their defeat and fall would have been cer-
tain. As it is, no man can form even a probable
conjecture as to the nature of the forthcoming mea-
sure further than that it will include the extinction
of the nomination boroughs, and the extension in
some direction or other of the electoral franchise,
points with respect to which Reformers of every
kind and degree are we believe unanimous. What
is further certain of the forthcoming measure, if as
we think we may take for granted it is to be a new
one, is that its introduction will involve the con-
fession on the part of his Majesty's Ministers of
their own incompetence at a very recent period to
deal ssith the subject of Reform. What is highly
probable with respect to it is, that it will furnish
the conclusive proof that their incompetency is in-
herent and incorrigible.—horning Post.