The Sun.
London, England, 1849-10-17 00:00:00

BANK OF FRANCE.
The following is a return of the situation of the Bank
of France up to Oct. 4:—

ASSETS.

Cash and ingots £266,715,313 5
Ditto in branch banks 134,384,382 00
Bills past due ••• ••• ••• 610,133 86
Bills falling due in Paris, of which
16,420,054 f. are from the branch
banks ••• ••• ••• ..•
Bills in the branch banks ~.
Advances on coins and ingots... ...
Ditto by the branch banks ...
Ditto on French public securities ...
Ditto by branch banks... ...
Ditto to the State on Bons do Tresor...
Ditto on the loan of 150 millions ...
Rentes of the reserve fund ...
itentes, disposable funds
Investments of the new branch banks in
the public funds ...
Elotel and furniture of the Bank ...
Real property of the branch banks
Interest in National Discount Bank ...
Ditto branch banks ..•
Bills protested at Paris
••• •••
Ditto at the branches
...
Expanses of administration of the Bank
Ditto of the branches
Miscellanet us ... •••
AdvAnce to the department •of the
Seine
•• • •••
Loan of 3,000,000 f. to• the city of Mar-
seines •" ••• •••

42,775,067 69
77,144,035 00
7,652,100 00
490,137 00
20,593,926 10
1.336,705 00
50,000,000 00
50,000,000 00
10,000,000 00
42,581,488 13
12,779,541 39
4,000,000 00
2,607,312 00

200,000 00
230,000 00
3,299,301 27
2,390,160 00
315,789 97

316,121 00

151,157 88
3,000,000 00
1,075,000 00

f. 734,604,421 7
LIABILITIES.
Capital
▪ f. 67,900 000 00
Ditto of the Branch Ban▪
ks
... ... 23,350,000' 00
It:serve fund •••
▪ 10000,000 00
Ditto of the branch bank▪ s
... ▪ 2,980,750 00
Reserve-itnrnobiliere
..• ... 4,000,000 00
Notes to bearer, in circulation ... 377,710,900 00
Ditto of the branch banks ... 60,108,250 00
Ditto to order (post-bills) ... 813,455 90
Account-current with Treasury creditor 54,020,455 41
Various accounts current ••• 80,408,799 53
Ditto in branches ... 27,136,021 00
Bllls payable at sight ... ... 8,185,000 00
Ditto at branches 1,857,678 00
Bills of the branch banks payable by
the Bank ••• ... 7,179,281 .74
Ditto of the Bank payable by branches.. 3,317,384 00
Dividends payable ••• . • ••• 398,89.5 25
Liquidation of the Algiers Bank ... 160,982 99
Discounts, interest, and expenses ... 2,891,036 84
Ditto branch banks ... 1,272,299 00
Ite discounts of the last six months ... 143,693 49
Ditto in branch banks
... 321,562 00
Nliscellaneous ... ••• 447,975 92

E 734,604,421 7
Certified by the Governor of the Bank of France,
D'ARG OUT.
The above account shows that the cash in hand in
Paris has increased by 500,000 f., whilst it bas decreased
in the branch banks by 3,500,0001. The commercial
bills discounted have diminished by 1,250,000 f. in Paris,
and tli arly the same amount in the branch banks. The
protested bills have diminished in amount by 120,000 f.
The bsnk-notes in circul:►tion hove increased by
3,000,000 f. The balance to the credit of the Treasury
has increased by 2,000,000 f., whilst the sundry credits
have decreased by 5,000,000 f.

THE LAMENTABLE OCCURRENCE AT PIMLICO.-
The body of John Walsh, the constable, who lost his
life in endeavouring to save thOse of his fellow-creatures,
in the sewer at Pimlico on Friday night, was yesterday
consigned to its resting-place, in the burial-ground of St.
John's, Westminster. His brother constables having
expressed a wish to bo present at the mournful cere-
mony, all those not immediately engaged on duty,
amounting to nearly 200, followed in procession after the
chief mourners, who consisted of the relatives of the de-
ceased, and Mr. Bishop, the proprietor of the Clarendon
Tavern. The mournful procession was conducted by
Mr. Superintendent Russell and Inspectors Beckerson
and Simons. A vast assemblage of persons followed.
who expressed their sympathy at the melancholy and
untimely fate of the deceased.

A paragraph has gone the circuit of the daily press,
announcing the intended erection of a bridge over the
ornamental water in St. James's-park. We have made
inquiry, and have ascertained that there is no foundation
whatever for the statement. The want of a direct com-
munication between the northern and the southern parts
of Westminster has long been subject of complaint, and
it has at length been decided to place a boat on the
water at a point near the St. James's and the Que,n,s.
tquare entrances to the enclosure, by which foot passen-
gers will be enabled, with the aid of an experienced
waterman, to pass from one side to the other at all times
of the day.
We have what we consider good authority for
stating that his Royal Highness Prince Albert will cer-
tainly visit this city when the meeting of the R
A ,zrieultural Society takes place next year.—Devonshre
Chronicle.

Nothing keeps a man from being rich, like thinking
he his enough ; nothing from knowledge and wisdom,
like thinking he has both.—Eliza Cook's Journal.
[ADVERTISEMENT.]—A dreadful Abscess under the
Chin Cured by Holloway's Ointment and Pills.—Robert
Davidson, shoemaker, of Anstruther, had suffered for more
than five years with a very dreadful abscess under his chin ;
during this time he had been under the care of two surgeons in
Anstruther and one in Edinburgh, without the least prospect
of a cure. In this miserable condition he began to use Hollo-
way's Ointment and Pills, which, in the short space of two
months, soundly healed the wound ; and he is now enjoying the
best of health. The se fine medicines are admirable remedies
for king's evil, wounds of all kinds, burns, scalds, piles, fistula,
and bearings dawn. Sold by all Druggists, and at Professor
Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, Louden.

TIMES.—The execution of Count Louis Batthy-
any, by sentence of Marshal Haynau's court-martial
at Pesth, cannot fail to produce a most painful im-
pression wherever the affecting details of his last
moments are known ; and it is to be feared that
this act of extreme severity has been accompanied by
a still more sanguinary and indiscriminating punish-
ment of the Hungarian chiefs at Arad. Such acts
can be endurable only to those who have sought to
identify the name of Austria with the most cruel
and revolting forms of despotism, and they
are singularly discouraging to those friends of the
Imperial Government who had hoped that the
forbearance and clemency so lately shown to
Venice and Comorn were to be the basis of the
restoration of the Emperor's authority in Hun-
gary. This feeling has already been powerfully ex-
pressed in Vienna even by the leading Ministerial
journal of that place. The Austrian Cabinet may
not be personally responsible for these executions,
which have taken piece under the full powers confided
to Haynau ; but, as they invested him with those
powers, they were bound to provide for the use he
might make of them in capital cases, and not to allow
their policy towards Hungary to be sullied by the
atrocities of a Bloody Assize or a Butcher Cumberland.
The intelligence and the humanity of our age are
alike opposed to the policy which followed the battles
of Sedgemoor and of Culloden, and the infliction of
the extreme penalties of the law for political offences
requires the sanction, not of mere military authority,
or even of the forms of justice, but of public opinion.
Louis Batthyany has been the Ney of Hungary, and
his death, which only avoided the last ignominy of
the gibbet by his own desperate attempt at self-de-
struction, throws a darker shade over the last page of
his country's history than all the calamities of
the war. He may have incurred the last penalty
of the law ; he may even have deserved to
suffer, especially if his misguided efforts for the inde-
pendence of his country were aggravated by the deli-
berate treason to the Sovereign whom he served, and
by any guilty participation in the horrors committed
in Vienna on that day whose bloody anniversary was
solemnized by his own doom. But it was the duty
and it was the interest of the Austrian Government to
proceed against him with all the formalities of the law
and all the guarantees of a public trial. To put men
to death because they have withstood a Government
and fallen into the hands of its Janissaries, is Turkish
and inhuman. In such a case as this, the mortal
enemies of the victim still reeking from the battle-
field become the judges and executioners of their
prisoner. But, if such fearful penalties are to be
inflicted (and we are not prepared to say they are
never to be inflicted for the highest offences
of treason and rebellion), they must b 3 awarded,
not by political rancour, not by martial authority, but
by the solemn judgment of the law, restrained by its
own sacred vocation, guided by the rules of evidence,
and sanctioned by proof. If the Imperial Govern-
ment had in its possession the means of supporting
such capital charges against Count Batthyany, it
might have proceeded, in the face of the empire and
of Europe, to convict and condemn the author of the
Hungarian rebellion and the instigator of the insur-
rection at Vienna, if such he was ; for such a sentence
would at least have been dignified by the stern but
open front of justice. Even Ney was condemned by
the Chamber of Peers. But to hand over such an
offender from the drum-head to the Provost marshal
is an act more worthy of the assassins of the Duc.
d'Enghien in the fosse of Vincennes than of the Mi-
nisters and officers of the Imperial Crown in the hour
of victory and in the light of freedom. Louis Batthy-
any was not taken with arms in his hands; he
had no part in the latest and most violent acts of the
insurrectionary Government. On the contrary, it
was in December of last year that he presented him-
self voluntarily in the camp of Prince Windischgratz
at 13ude to make a last effort at reconciliation.
Strictly speaking, he was at such a moment under the
protection of a parley ; yet he was arrested, or rather
kidnapped, detained in close confinement in Austria
or Moravia, and only taken back to Pesth to be -hung
or shot. Such an act of perfidy and deliberate re-
venge converts an act of painful harshness into one
of atrocity, and it throws a portion of responsibility on
the whole Government of Austria. Whatever may
have been the faults of Louis Batthyany, they were
not those of a low demagogue or a popular revolu•
tionist. Although he had assumed the leadership of
the Opposition in the Diet, no man in that assembly
of magnates was more jealous of the dignity of his
order, or a more chivalrous champion of aristocratic
power. In asserting the pretensions of his rank and
of his race he was not only ambitious but arro-
gant; yet, by a curious turn of retribution,
it was his patronage which first placed
Kossuth in the legislature, and prepared the
future greatness of the man whose subtle and unscru-
pulous character destroyed the Administration of his
benefactor, led the revolution to its last excesses, and
consummated the crimes for which other and better
men have laid down their lives. Whatever, therefore,
the precise charges may be for which Batthyany
has suffered, they must fall within the first period
of the revolution, between March and October, 1848.
Ile was during that time the Prime Minister of the
kingdom of Hungary, duly constituted by the Sove-
reign, and supported by the Diet. His acts were ap-
proved and ratified by that Sovereign. His colleagues
in office were some of them men of undoubted loyalty,
such as Prince Esterhazy himself. There was not
one of them, except Kossuth, who would not at that
time have recoiled with horror from such acts as the
murder of Lamberg, or the deposition of the house
of Hapsburgh. Doubtless many of the rash and
violent measures of that Ministry did lead to the revo-
lution, and the recal of the troops from Italy was little
short of treasonable; but, unless the Prime Minister of
that day can be implicated in other and more violent
acts of rebellion, and particularly in the catastrophe of
October in Vienna, we are at a loss to perceive on what
grounds he can have been put to death. The
insurrection originated under his Administration,
but he certainly laboured to effect a reconciliation
which would have been most desirable for all parties,
and on the failure of his last attempt, which had
been made in too imperious a tone, he relinquished
power and took his place for a few weeks in the ranks
of the army, until the parley occurred which led to
his capture. It cannot, therefore, be for his acts as a
rebel, but fur his acts as a Minister, that he has been
pronounced guilty. Yet the bulletin of a court-martial
is the sole evidence submitted to the world to explain
his fate ; and we are at a loss to recal a single instance
in the worst of times in which Governments the most
bloody and the most absolute dared to perform such
an act of horror on such a man, by such means, un-
less it be the murder of Count Egmont by the Duke of
Alva. Aggravated as this most impolitic and brutal
measure manifestly is by these considerations, we do
not presume to pass censure upon it simply because
capital punishment has been inflicted for a political
offence. The existing law, and the present practice
of our own country, most undoubtedly punish treason
and rebellion with death, as the highest crimes, since
no others inflict so large an amount of misery, blood-
shed, and ruin on a nation. Nor du we believe
that humanity gains anything by dealing lightly with
such offences, as in a neighbouring country, where
the frequency of revolutions has rendered it conve-
nient to extend indulgence to the authors of these
disturbances at the expense of their victims. If
the insurrection of last summer in Ireland had
ended, not in the cabbage garden of Ballingarry,
but in the loss of some hundreds of innocent lives—
if the fate of Frost and his associates had not been
arrested by judicial doubts, we are by no means
assured that the supreme penalty of the law might not
have been inflicted on the guilty parties with the
assent of public opinion. More recently we have seen
insurrections in Ceylon and Cephalonia repressed and
punished with a degree of severity which the law and
the Administration of this country do not disavow,
however deeply we may regret the necessity of such
measures on any sul-s;ects of the Crown, be they Bri-
tish, Kandyans, Corcyrxans. But, if the law of
England be severe to such offences, it is public and it
is just. It surrounds the man accused of treason with
every precaution for the protection of innocence, and,
above all, it abhors covert proceedings, loose charges,
and ministers of justice liable to be swayed by ran-
cour or resentment. In the melancholy case which
has called forth our present remarks all these defects
of justice occur, superadded to treachery towards this
unfortunate nobleman, and excessive impolicy towards
the Hungarian people. This blood will be a curse on
those who shed it, and men who sully their victory
by such crimes have conquered in vain.
CHRONICLE.—The attitude assumed by M.
Thiers as Reporter of the Committee on Roman
Affairs, is chiefly interesting as marking the relation
of that statesman to the Ministry and the Moderate
Party. The language he has hitherto held has been
so guarded, and the topics on which he has enlarged
from the tribune so bare of exciting interest, that he
has been plausibly regarded as merely tolerating the
policy he has supported by his votes, and as virtually
separated from all existing combinations of political
men. But the report read by him on Saturday as-
signs him his place. His view of the Roman question
is that of the most advanced phase of French Conser•
vatism, and we may safely gather from his language, his
reasoning, and their occasion, that the partizans of ex-
treme reaction may henceforward command all the

resources of subtlety and sophistry which he is known
to possess. Such considerations give his report a
greater importance than would attach to it from its
intrinsic cleverness, great as it is. In truth, the in-
tention of M. Thiers to argue the case of the Ministry
being once ascertained, it became easy to predict the
substance and manner of his argument. The report
is but two or three pages from " The Consulate and
the Empire." The same plausibilities, the same dialec-
tical tricks, and the same dexterity (for we
will not say dishonesty) of statement, have be-
fore irritated or amused us in that most unhistorical
of histories. M. Thiers has proved himself the most
successful of advocates, even when trammelled by the
decencies of historical narrative. He could hardly
be other wise than plausible, when enjoying the
logical licence permitted in a deliberative assembly.
Those transactions which he has no temptation to
misrepresent—in other words, those transactions to
which France was not a party—M. Thiers relates in
this report well and picturesquely. The light in
which he professes to regard the events which oc-
curred before the French intervention is precisely
dawned
that in which we, with feebler powers, have con-
stantly endeavoured to place them. We have re-
joiced
nalwliitbhertAyl. whichTt s over those
Italy ldeely
nnhopteos
be
obscured in the troubled skies of 1848. With M.
Thiers we have lamented the baseness, impotence,
and folly of those factions which the intestine
tumults of February twelvemonth disgorged ; and
we have attempted to expose the emptiness of those
unparalleled delusions which they substituted
for solid anticipations of eational happiness. We
have ever seen that a season of sharp experiences and
searching trial was in store for the people which,
though in thought and conduct the most childish
member of the European family, hurried to feed on
the strong meat which the most matured of nations
can scarcely assimilate—which, though in extraction
the most demonstrably mongrel, and in sentiment the
most palpably divided of local aggregations, devoted
the slender energies it should have carefully hus-
banded to the pursuit of an unity which not the most
homogeneous of races has been enabled to attain. All
this we have perceived, and have insisted upon through
good and evil report. But there are two ways of
looking upon the affairs of nations as of smaller fami-
lies. It is possible to draw from them lessons for one's
own guidance, or a pretext for meddling with that
which does not concern us. M. Thiers' inference is of
the second kind. Our own conclusions have ever been
of the first. Experience, repeating its teaching in every
age, has proved that to respect that which de facto exists
is the golden rule of statesmanship. Every attempt
—and the world has seen many such—to ignore a
palpable fact, whether in the social economy of a
nation or in its foreign relations, is a blunder. M.
Thiers would obliterate the Roman Republic, and
regard it as non avenu. The report makes no allusion
to its existence, simply stating that the Mazzinist
faction " excited the population to demand institu-
tions out of all analogy to the state of public feeling
and morals." Perhaps the narrator of the most gi-
gantic attempt ever made to override the declared will
of a people was unwilling to associate his country
with an enterprise of which the hopelessness and
quixotism were hest proved by the character of the
Assembly he addressed. The historian of the twenty
years' war waged by England against the first French
Republic may have felt that, in the Legislature of the
second Republic, advocacy of an anti-democratic cru-
sade was rather out of place. But M. Thiers can
hardly hope to cheat his readers into forgetfulness of
the Roman Republic, or consign to oblivion the form
of government deliberately selected for themselves by
the majority of the Roman people. The legitimacy of
the Maezinist polity is a capital fact, which no
sophistry can rob of its prominence. Its want of
" analogy to the state of morals" at Rome
,is quite
another matter. No French Conservative can insist
more strongly on the suicidal folly of the Roman
Revolution than we ourselves have done. But a true
estimate of the character of this outbreak only proves
the enormity of the mistake committed by the French
Ministry. Granted that Mazzini is no better than
he should be. Imposture, like brute force, should be
left to sink mole sul The Roman Republic was
propped for the time on the affections—misplaced, no
deubt—of the Roman people. It needed but to wait,
and these props would have fallen away. The demo-
cratic forrn of government has no real root among the
population of Central Italy. The Roman States, dissa-
tisfied even before the French intervention, would not
long have endured the hegemony of the metropolis,
deprived of its mystery and its sanctity. And it may
safely be affirmed, that Rome herself would not have
borne her own dethronement without some energetic
regrets, and that the reddest of her democrats would
have felt compunction, before she permanently de-
clined from the visible seat of the visible Head of
three parts of Christendom into a City of the Dead—
a town with its public buildings very much out of
repair. But for the landing at Civita Vecchia' the
catastrophe of Florence would almost certainly have
been repeated at Rome, and the Holy Father would
have returned in six months to the Vatican, amid the
acclamations of his subjects. We believe that this has
not escaped M. Thiers, or he would hardly lay so much
stress on an argument which he has borrowed from
former apologists, but which he has invested with
much more importance than they did. He assumes
that the Austrians would have seized on Rome if the
French armies had not anticipated them. The
answer is obvious. A word from Paris would have
detained the German bayonets on the Po. Almost
succumbing to the appalling difficulties with which
she struggled in Eastern Europe, it is utterly incre-
dible that Austria would have braved a serious rup-
ture with the greatest military power of the West.
M. Thiers affirms that the mote proprio of the Pope
is a trustworthy guarantee of future concessions and
extensions. Our opinion is the other way. But M.
Thiers may possibly be right. Only let it be re-
membered, that if the liberality of Pius hears in-
adequate fruit, or none at all, the fault will
lie at the door of the policy which the report
seeks to defend. If the Pope yields no further
measure of reform, it will be through disgust at
the coldness with which his subjects receive that at
present conceded. He is surrounded by men who
harp perpetually on the ingratitude of the rebellious
Romans. And gratitude on the part of his subjects to
Pius, restored by French arms, will be difficult, if not
impossible. They will contrast him with the men
who supplanted him, and whom he in turn supplants.
The members of the Triumvirate, and the Committees
of the National Assembly, may have been factious,
violent, treacherous, or worse ; but their regime
ceased before it had time to become intolerable or
even unacceptable. Rome will remember them as the
free-handed donors of wholesome institutions. Rome
will connect their names with a short experience of
national vitality, and associate their memory with
recollections of a brief emergence from the emascu-
lating and demoralising influences of priestly rule. It
may be that Pius has a-, much of substantial liberty to
accord as they had. But the cup freely given will
ever be sweeter than the cup snatched away and then
proffered, even when it is not tainted by the bitter
reminiscences of domestic humiliation and foreign
rule.

CARNARVON AND BANGOR RAILWAY.—It is with
great pleasure we announce that this desideratum, so
trcquently projected, is now in a fair way to be ac-
complished. A company fully determined to com-
plete it has been formed ; and the full cost is ready
to be deposited so as to secure the final accomplishment
of ,the undertaking. Although the promoters aro a
company separate and distinct from the conductors of
the Chester and Holyhead line, its proceedings are vet
concurrent with the wishes of the latter company, and
sanctioned by them. For some time an objection was
understood to have been made, as it respects the pass-
ing Plas Llanfair; but we are glad to say that Mr.
Griffith has withdrawn his opposition—the company
undertaking to keep the upper side of the turnpike
road in passing through his property. Mr. Asstieton
Smith, in the same spirit which actuated his former
liberal off:r, consents not only to give that portion of
his land through which the line will pus, but also
to do everything in his power to encourage the un-
dertaking. We understand it is to be a single line, at
least in the first instance ; and to commence at the
Britannia-bridge. After leaving the Trehorth property,
it will pass through a tunnel nearly under Cape' y
Graig, and merge into the Bangor. road within a short
distance of the Vagnol Lodge. It will then keep on
the tipperside of the road, passing over the inclined
plane at Veli Heli, until it reaches the Llanfair
smithy, where it approaches the shore; but whether
it will continue all the way to Carnarvon on that side,
is not determined. Much will depend on the expense
of tunnelling under ate Gwyn, the seat of Finchett
Maddock, Esq. Thero can be no doubt that the most
eligible practical line will be adopted—one that will
secure the greatest amount of public advantage, and
entail the least ineanvenience on private individuals.
We therefore sincerely hope that no factious opposition
will be made to the undertaking, as the public generally,
no less than ourelf, are fully assured that its comple-
tion will not only tend greatly to the improvement of
Caernarvon, but to the general advantage of the Prin-
ciplity.—Caernarvon and DenLiglz Herald.
LONDON AND SOUTH-WESTERN RAILWAY.—This
company's extension line to God liming was opened on
Monday, the first train leaving Guildford (which will
now have thirty-six trains a day to all parts) at 25 p. 8 ,
with Mr. Stovin, the general manager, and officers.
CHESTER AND HOLYHEAD RAILWAY.—Traffic for
the week ended Oct. 14, 1849:—Coaching traffic, 1,222/.;
parcels,&c., 65/ •
goods, cattle, &c., 3814; stetwa-boats,
•9
1401.; Meld, 624—Total, 1,8704