The Sun.
London, England, 1831-02-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

The introduction of the Arrnv Estimates on Fri-
day night opened a debate or discussion on almost
every thing connected with the general policy of the
country, and we think upon the whole the issue
was not unsatisfactory. The quantity of force mei
cessary to be kept up is variously estimated. Olin
principle, we think, ought to be attended to, which
is but too often violently outraged ; and that prin-
ciple is to have as many rank and file men as pos-
sible, and as few staff officers and other official per-
sonages of that character. It is a great detriment
to convert the idle members of families of conse-
quence into red-coat pensioners on the state; and
on the contrary, if we must have standing armies, it
may be serviceable to transfer into its lover ranks au
many as possible from a population hut too often
exposed to severe privations at home. With respect
to the two services—the military and naval—with
the highest respect arid warmest affection for the
hitt( r we may observe, that curtailment (we do not
say retrenchment, lest we should be thought to
recommend small pay)—but curtailment may ope-
rate with most security upon its numbers, be-
cause a soldier can only be made such by serv-
ing in the army, but a man may be made a
sailor in the merchant service ; and while we have n
greater commerce than the rest of the world, we can
never want the best manned navy whenever a war
takes place. But Reform—Reform is the subject
of most interest, arid upon this question a conflict is
menaced by the late Home Secretary, Sir Robe!:
Peel. The most dangerous course, if we may here
use such a word, is standing still. Something
must be done; and between that necessary some-
thing, and an excess or extravagance in Reform,
tl.ere are probably many secure resting places. Sit
Robert recommended to Ministers " not to forget
what was due to the ancient monarchical institu-
tions- of the country." It is rather singular, that
while a measure relates only to the external orga-
nization of one branch of the Constitution, care
should be thus directed to another. The Monarchy
will not be touched by a Reform in the House of
Commons. But what does Sir Robert mean by
the ancient institutions of the country ? In ancient
times there were certainly no rotten boroughs
The first rude sketch of a House of Commons
presents us with a King calling to his aid,
against a factious nobility, a few representatives
from the places then most powerful, rich, and
populous. If we revert to this system or prin-
ciple now, there will be no complaint. Anciently,—
indeed till lately,—n the general history of Eng-
land, there were no septennial Parliaments ; yet our
ancient Kinga did not want power or Royal prero-
gative. ft is clear, therefore, that the monarchical
institutions of the country can exist with short Par-
liaments, arid without nomination boroughs, because
they have so existed. Again : anciently the Sove-
reign disbanded his armies and laid up his fleets at
the end of a war, and therefore was deprived of the
patronage connected with those establishments dur-
ing every interval of peace; we do not say that the
fleet and army could be now wholly dismissed, and
sent to mingle with the people at the end of a
war ; but it is clear, from the ancient practice of the
Constitution, that the Royal prerogative may conti-
nue in sufficient vigour, without the more modern in-
fluence which it exercises through the appointments
in the immense naval and military service of the
country. Finally, there were, and, ntly, no expences
incurred at elections, the members being themselves
paid for serving, or for the loss of their time. It
is obvious, therefore, that whatever measures may
be now introduced for the purpose of diminishing
expenses at elections, can but so far tend to bring
back the Constitution to its original practice, and, in
truth, to support the ancient monarchical institutions
of the country. In ancient times, certainly, beg-
gars and paupers had no share in the active admi-
nistration of the ceuntry. They had no votes for
Members of Parliament, and we do not know that
we wish to see such a custom introduced. Besides
laying the foundation of a cheaper and more general
system of corruption than exists at present, it would
take away one of the strongest excitements to hones

Many attempts have been made of late years to
amt'nd and improve the poor laws, which only end in
rendering: the system more complicated and embar-
rassing than it was before. We observe that the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, in alluding to a Bill

relative to this subject, which Mr. Briscoe has ob.
tained leave to bring in, assured the House that

" his Maje,ty's 'Ministers were considering the ques-
tion, in order to devise some plan to ameliorate the
present defective system ; bur, in a measure of that
n trure, it was necessary to proceed with great cir-

eumspection. He was-of opinion that, if paying the
labourer out of the poor rates were avoided, the ad-
ministration of the poor laws would be improved."
That a Minister of State should gravely inform the
House of Commons that the suppression of the
practice of paying employed labourers a por-
tion of their wages out of the fund raised
upon the public for the necessary relief of
the indigent and infirm does appear to us to be
a very pompous enunciation of a truism. What man
in England doubts the fact ? Has the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, by a labourious process of reasoning,
come, at the present day, to a conclusion of which
every body else has been long since convinced ? We
should have preferred that the Chancellor of the
Exchequer had thrown some light on the mote dif-
ficult parts of the question. Since he has not done
so, we will endeavour to supply the deficiency. We
say that if Ministers are proceeding with " great
circumspection" to devise some plan to ameliorate
the poor laws, by introducing any patchwork amend-
ments into the present system, they will fail. They
may be as circumspect as they please, but, if their
caution is not un ted with boldness, their work will

begin in labour, and end in disappointment. We
tell them that the evil of this system can never be

obviated, that its vices can never be eradicated, until
the whole mass of legislation is swept away that
. .

itai overlaid and counteracted the principles of the
Statute of the 43d of Elizabeth. Of that Statute,

of which much has beeti said, but of which the public

know little, we will here give the substance in'a few
words :—" The churchwardens and overseers of the

poor of every parish, or the greater part of them; shall
with the consent of two or more Justices of Peace,

in the same county, dwelling in or near the same
parish or division, raise, weekly or otherwise (by
taxation of every inhabitant, Parson, Vicar, and
other, and every occupier of lands, houses, tithes
impropriate, propriations of tithes, coal-mines, or
saleable underwoods in the said parish, in such com-
petent sums of money, as they shall think fit), a
convenient stock of flax, hemp, wool, thread, iron,
and other ware, and stuff, to set the poor on work,
and also competent sums of money towards the ne-
cessary relief of the lame, impotent, old, blind, and
such other among them, being poor, and not able to
work; and also for putting out poor children to be
apprentices." Here the true principle of charity is
recognized by law. It WO undoubtedly a duty upon
all men, having the means, before that statute was
made, to relieve the poor and neeeaeltous ; arid
Lord Kenyon, in the exercise of his judicial func-
tions, rightly described it as " being passed for the •
Furpose of enforcing duties 'of imperfect obliga-
tion;"—that is, duties only binding in morality and
conscience, but having no legal sanction GC enforce-
ment. That the obligations of humanity should re-
quire to be enforced by the compulsory enactments
of the law is to be lamented, hut it is quite certain
that, without this temporal sanction, a great pro-
portion of mankind would evade the religious and
moral duty of contributing to the relief of Ale poor;
but there exists no religious, moral, or legal 0b11,.,
gation to give the funds which are raised to support
the aged, the infirm, and those who are unable to
work, to persons who indulge in wilful idleness, or
to those who are in full employment. Yet in most
counties of England it has become the common,
though it is not the legal practice, to pay a portion
of the wages of the unemployed labourer out of the
poor-rates. This practice, the Chancellor of the
Evellequer will find, is not authorised by law,

[hone it has been carried to an extent which
if not checked in time, by making overseers
of the poor indictable for such a misapplica-
tion of the poor-rates, threatens to reduce to the
degraded condition of paupers the whole of the
peasantry of England. When we say the whole of
the mass of legislation which has overlaid the Statute
of Elizabeth, we more particularly allude to the
Statutes which introduced and established, in all its
intricate ramifications, the doctrine of settlements,
—a doctrine which gives rise to unceasing litigation
between parishes, and causes an enormous propor-
tion of the funds raised for the relief of the poor to
he squandered in law proceedings. Besides, this
doctrine of parochial settlement is a mischievous and
unnatural check upon labour in a free country, and a
grievous source of local oppression to the industrious
labourer. This doctrine, as it at present prevails,
owes its origin to the Statute of the 13th and 14th
Car. IL cap. 12, wh eh has been followed by a mul
tiplicity of Statutes showing how settlements are to
be obtained or restricted, and others to explain or
amend what went before them. All these must be
swept away, and the simplicity of the ancient law
restored, before a real reformation of the system can
be effected.—Morning Herald.

A FEW WORDS ON THE BUDGET.

(From the Glasgow Free Press.)

Those who expected from the present Ministry any
real reduction of our public burdens, have only to examine
the exposition of this year's Budget, given by Lord Althorp
on Friday last, to be convinced that such expectation was
quite visionary. Several very onerous and impolitic taxes
are no doubt to be repealed; but then, in lieu of these, we
are to be saddled with as many others, every whit as
onerous, and some of them, if possible, even more impolitic.
A reduction is to be made in the duties on newspaper
stamps and advertisements. This will be hailed, not by
newspaper proprietors only, but by the people at large, as
an unmixed good. It will give new facilities to commerce
and business of all kinds, and be the means of disseminating
more widely among the poorer classes that species of
knowledge, which, of all others, is best calculated to
render them good citizens and members of society, and,
by consequence, to give greater strength and security to a
Government based on sound principles, and conducted
with wisdom, equity, and moderation. The duty
on sea-borne coal is to he entirely repealed. Our
readers will have some idea of the great good that
must result from this measure, when the nature of
the tax to which it refers has been explained to them. In
the northern counties of England, where alone the
article of coal is produced, no tax whatever is levied upon
it, and coals, therefore, are bought in those counties at
the pit mouth, for about 14s. per chaldron ; but, when
this same coal is carried by water to any of the southern
counties where no substitute for it exists, a tax of Gs. per
chaldron is levied upon it by Government; and, not to
mention how this, together with freightage, factorage,
sheotage, harbour dues, &c. &c., enhances its price in
other places, we shall take as a sample the metropolis
alone, where the chaldron of coals, when tumbled into the
cellar of the consumer, cests the enormous sum of 2/. 10s. Sd.,
—being an addition to the prime cost of not less than
11. Gs. Sd. ! Ministers deserve much praise for at once
utterly abolishing so monstrous an iniquity. Ireland will
also profit by the measure, as she at present pays 2s. sd. per
chaldron upon the coal she imports, while the city of Dub-
lin pays an additional I Id., on the ridiculous plea that
this addition goes to constitute a fund for improvements !
The most important of the treasures under the head of in.-
_ .

position, are, the equalization of the wine and timber
duties; the levying a tax on the transfer of property in
land and in the funds, the taxing of raw cotton imported,
and the taxing of passengers by steam boats ! As to the
equalization of the duties on wines, we believe it to be a
judicious measure, as it is absurd to argue that, in the
present state of our relations with Portugal, we ought to
keep up in her favour a high rate of duties on the wines
of other countries, in order that she may enjoy almost an
entire monopoly of our market. Taxes on the particular
products of all foreign countries should he equal, and their

Favour or disfavour amongst us left to be decided only by
quality. On this account, we rejoice also at the more
close assimilation of the duties upon Baltic and Canadian
timber. The tax on cotton cannot fail to operate very in-
juriously on our manufactures; and, which is still worse,
it will fall almost entirely on the poor, while the rich will
he proportionately exempted from its burden. 'We are
now arrived at the last part of our subject, and perhaps it
is the roost important of them all,—namely, the tax upon
steam boat passengers. Of this tax we have no hesitation
in saying, that under the circumstances, it is the most im-
politic and cruel, and calculated to be in operation the most
ruinous and impracticable, that ever was suggested by a
rapacious Minister. After what fashion is it to he im-
po•ed ? and by what sort of machinery is it to he col-
lected ? Every passenger sailing in a steam boat twenty
miles (a distance for which they at present are charged on
the Clyde only is.) is to be taxed Is. more,—thus render-
ing the expence double ;—for twenty to thirty miles, the
tax is to be 2s. ; and for any distance beyond this point,
an additional 6d. is to be levied. Now, how could these
scandalous and most unequal charges be collected, without
the appointment of officers fur that purpose at every creek
and quay where a steam boat touches, and the incurrence
thus of an expense that would equal, if not exceed the
whole amount received, and thereby render the tax quite
abortive ? This at once proves its absurdity ; but on this
point it is even less objectionable than on the score of
justice. To confine our observations to the Clyde alone;
it is a fact, that, even as at present situated, the steam-
boats plying on this river, are, instead of paying, requiring
constant advances from their shareholders to keep them up,
and that, in consequence, their value is depreciated more
than one-third. The imposition of the proposed tax,
must therefore have the effect of rendering them altogether
valueless ; and, when it is remembered how much the nation
at large has benefited by steam navigation, and how
much it would consequently suffer by the ruin of this
agent of its greatness, who can fail to be struck with the
reckless indiscretion of the tox referred to ? But the ruin of
steam boat proprietors, is not the only immediate effect we
should have reason to dread. Let proprietors on all our coasts
mark us : the instant this tax is imposed, their property,
whether in houses or in land, will fall at least one-half
in value, if not much more ! And what, also, would
be the result to our River Trust ; to the harbour trusts and
trade of every town where steam-boats are in the habit of
touching ; and to the various watering places and privat,
villas along our beautiful Firth and elsewhere ? This city,
Greenock, Dumbarton, Port Glasgow, Rothsay, Largse
Ayr,—in short, all places thus deeply interested, must
without a moment's delay bestir themselves, and unani-
mously oppose, by protest, by petition, by memorial, and
otherwise, an imposition which to them is fraught with
incalculable injury. Movements, we know, are already
being made here. Let other places follow with prompti-
tude the example, and the ruin may be averted
We have now gone partially over this Budget of a Re-
trenching and Reforming Ministry. If, as our readers also
go over it, they recollect that all this taxing is for the pur-
pose of maintaining a disgraceful pension list, dead weight,
standing army, and other most notorious abuses, they will,
we doubt not, retire from the subject like ourselves, with
a feeling of disappointment, mingled with disgust.

In France all the great families must, before
a +planer of a century, be extinguished, li the present law
continua.. A Duke with but 1,5001. is no Duke at all,
but a beggar—and if he expects to rnjoy even his 1,5001.
a year, he had better lay dawn his title. In fact, all the
nobility of France are perishing as fast as they can._
Monthly Magazine.

BREAD.—" It is universally known, that
wheat flour is, of all kinds of flour, the best adapted for
making good bread. Why is this? Because it contains
more of a pecu:iar principle than any other kind of flour,
which principle is. absolutely necessary to the perfect for-
mation or rising of the dough. This principle is called
gluten. Gluten exists in most kinds of grain, and in other
vegetable substances, but the very small quantity of it
found in barley, oats, rye, &c. is the cause of its being im-
possible to make good light bread from the flour of those
kinds of grain. jlrorth American wheat contains a much
larger proportion of gluten ;lan the wheat of this country."
—Dr. Graham's Chemical Cale..--hism.

Many amusing scenes were exhibited in the
height of the late demand for gold at the banks of Lime-
rick. The country people were of course the urgent and
almost only applicants. One of the clerks of the bank,
seizing a tire-shovel, which was red-hot in a coal fire,
brought out a lot of sovereigns on the burning metal, and
threw them on the bank counter. The country fellows
stated with surpri,e at the dazzling spectacle, and their
astonishment was increased when the clerk exclaimed in a
quick voice, " Here, boys, here they are; easy and we'll
coin enough of them for you." The peasantry, whose
eyes spread upon the shining heap, actually imagined tbere
seew ti
asa mint in full work at the bank, and it was funny to
them
dropping the heated sovereigns, which, an instant
before,l
they fingered with the cupidity of a miser.—Lime-
rick Chronicle.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.

IVEVCI/ES T.E R.

A meeting of the inhabitants of this city and its
suburbs was convened by the Mayor, on Thursday morn.
ing, in compliance with a requisition signed by more
than 100 respectable inhabitants, " to consider the pre-
' priety of petitioning for a Reform in the Commons House
of Parliament." 'lle Guildhall was crowded to excess,
and it may be safely said that a meeting, at once so nu-
merous and so respectable, has seldom been seen in this city.
Its object too was altogether new, and the times, portentous
as they are, have afforded few more striking examples of
their " form and pressure" than this meeting, assemble,!
and conducted under the auspices of a corporate body, to
petition against their own monopoly, and declare their
readiness to yield it up, for the good of their fellow
citizens and their country. Persons accustomed, on pre-
vious occasions, to meet under the same roof, in angry or
sulen discord and mistrust, became united upon this oc-
casion, without any previous concert or reconciliation, in
one common effort for the benefit of the whole community.
The requisition having been read by the Town Clerk, it
was proposed by Mr. DEVERELL, and carried by accla-
mation, that the Mayor (W. Barnes, Esq.) should take the
chair.

The MAYOR assured the meeting of the great pleasure
he felt, on this as on all other occasions, in complying
with the wishes of his fellow citizens. He trusted that,
in the discussion of the resolutions about to be proposed,
every speaker would hive a fair impartial hearing, where-
by they might best facilitate the business of the day, and
promote that good feeling towards each other which he
hoped would ever distinguish the inhabitants of that city.
Dr. CRAWFORD, in moving the first resolution, observed
that there were many persons then present, and many
others whom he should have been delighted to see there
on that occasion, much more entitled to come forward and
address them thus early in the proceedings; but those
who had been most active in bringing the meeting to-
gether had requested him to propose to them the first
resolution, and these were not times for any man to
shrink from his duties as a citizen.—(Cheers.)—He
therefore ventured to claim their attention. The last
time they were assembled in that Hall by their Worthy
Mayor, it was for the purpose of supporting the authority
of the King, and maintaining the laws of the country.
They were now met together to declare and maintain the
rights of the people, and to petition for that which, in his
conscience he believed, would above all things tend to
render those laws respected, loved, and upheld by every
subject within his Majesty's dominions.—(Cheers.)—He
could not help congratulating them that the time was
now past when Reform was considered by many as the
watchword of disaffection, and that it had become rather
the rallying cry of those who wished to uphold our vene-
rable Constitution.—(Cheers.)—After the able and irre-
sistible
manner in which the measure had been advocated
for the last forty years, it would be presumptuous and
tedious in him to enter at any length on the proofs that
Reform is wanted. In calling on them, however, to sup-
port the resolution he was about to propose,- it might
fairly enough be expected that he should adduce to them
sufficient reasons for doing so.--(Cheers.)—lt was surely
as unjust as it was notorious, that such places as Gatton
and Old Sarum, which had in fact no inhabitants at all,
should have the right of sending Members to l'arlia-
ment, while Manchester, Leeds, and Birmingham were
denied that privilege.—(Shaine, shame.)—From a
pamphlet, published a few years ago, entitled " An Ex-
position of the House of Commons," and which bore
great marks of accuracy and research, he had gathered a
few facts which lie should take the liberty of stating to
them, and which strongly pointed out the necessity of
Reform. Of the 405 Members for English cities and
boroughs, there are 203 returned by the influence of less
than 100 individuals.—(More the shame.)—Of the 35
Members for Irish cities and boroughs, 25 are returned by
individual influence. In Lisburne, indeed, there is no
election at all, but merely a nomination by the Marquis of
Hertford.—(Shame.)—ln the Scotch boroughs the mari-
ner of elections is so limited, that they are all, without
exception, placed within the reach of undue influence ;
even the Members for Edinburgh are returned by 33
self-elected burgesses—(Shame)—of the 30 Members for
Scotch counties, there are 10 returned by less than 50
votes each—lS by less than 100 each—and only two by
more than 200.—(Shameful.)—And let it be remarked
that these are the number of votes, not of voters. The
right of voting there does not necessarily imply the pos-
session of a furrow of land ; neither does the possession
of 100,000 acres carry with it the right of voting. This
right attaches to the possession of a merely nominal
superiority, as it is called, over certain lands ; and, as it
is saleable as well as separable from the soil, it is within
the range of possibility that one man, by purchasing the
superiorities of a whole county, might return whom he
chose for its representation. These were surely circum-
stances which cried aloud for Reform.—(Yes, yes, it mast
be altered.)—Again, it appeared that the boroughs of
Cornwall returned 42 Members to the House of Com-
mon., while the whole of Scotland sends only 45, and
Wales but 24. But, perhaps, of all the arguments in
favour of Reform, the most forcible in a constitutional
point of view is this—that, independently of the influence
of Peers in the election for counties and the more open
boroughs, there are 135 Members sent to the House
of Commons by the direct, and scarcely even disguised
influence of individuals in the House of Lords.—(Shame.)
When such is the case, what has become of our boasted
Constitution, King, Lords, and Commons ? Could that
be called a House of Commons in which the Peers pos-
sessed so great an influence ?—(No, no, all a deception.)
It was not surely such a House of Commons as they ought
to have. It was not such as they were there met to peti-
tion for—not such as, be verily believed, they should ere
long obtain. The march of events during the last six
months had brought more converts to the cause of Reform
than 20 years had done before them.—(Bravo.) He must
be blind, indeed, who did not perceive that the question
now lies between Reform and Revolution.—(Cheers.) He
gathered from their cheering, that there was no one present
who would hesitate which to chuse. ,Certainly he, for
one, did not.—(Bravo and cheers.) But their opponents
might perhaps reply as, indeed they often do reply to us,
that, granting the truth of all we assert, granting that
there is much to blame in the present system, they cannot
see what good Reform will produce. Now I would ask
them, what security have we, in the present state of thinge,
for the political honesty of our representatives? I will go
farther. Ido not accuse any individual Members—but 1
will say, that, returned in the manner that many of them
are, it would be ridiculous to expect that they should
oppose any but a feeble resistance to the unchaste solicita

tions of a corrupt Ministry.—(Laughter.) There is
another benefit which would spring from Reform—a bene-
fit which would be felt throughout the whole community.
By means of it the source of honours and promotions
would be rendered pure. Ido not assert that merit does
not, under the present system of things, often meet with
its reward. But can any one doubt that, were the borough
influence destroyed which directly or indirectly taints the
tvhole stream of promotion in the Navy, the Army, the
Church, the B fr, and almost every other profession or
business—we should see honours and appointments far
more uniformly bestowed where they are deserved.—
(Cheers.) There is an argument, however, used against

us, gentlemen, with much more force, and, lam sorry to
say, with much more justice, than that I have just alluded
to. Our opponents accuse us of the want of unanimity.
Al. hough we may differ, however, on some specific points
of Reform—we are all united in thinking that some Reform
is absolutely necessary.—(Yee, yes, and cheers.) But, as
I have admitted, that this is a weapon which they use
with some show of justice against us, and as it is unques-
tionably a weapon of some effect, I trust that, by our pro-
ceedings this day, we shall wrest it from their hands. It
has been deemed advisable by those gentlemen who ori-
ginated this meeting, that in the resolutions proposed to
you we should abstain from urging any of those specific
measures of Reform on which we might not all agree.—
But although this has been determined on for the sake of

unanimity and consequent strength, you will not find that
the grand and essential object has been compromised, of a
full and efficient Reform. Gentlemen, we have now a
Ministry that is pledged to bring forward a measure of this
full and efficient nature.—(Bravo.) We have not only
this—but we have a most patriotic and popular Monarch
—(Cheers)—who aids them in their plan with all his
heart.—(Cheers.) These are advantages which the cause

of Refori.n has never possessed before, and with these
advantages it depends upon ourselves whether the victory
shall be gained or no. Should the present House of Com-
mons refuse to sanction the plan of the Ministers, they
have declared their resolution to dissolve the Parliament—
that is, to refer the question to the people themselves.—
(Bravo.) And I do trust, should this be the case, that no
person will give his vote or influence at the election to any
Member who shall have thwarted so all-important a Insca-
sure—l here pledge myself that I at least will not.—
(Cheers.) But I have little doubt that the question will
be carried in the House of Commons. If defeated at all, it
will more probably be in the House of Lords. In that
case, seeing that the Peers send so many of their repre-
sentatives into the Lower House, I know no reason why
Ministers should be deterred from advising his Majesty to
send up a few representatives of the people to sit in deli-
beration with their Lordships—(Bravo)_by which
means their opposition alight be neutralised.—(Cheers.)—
ha concluding, gentlemen, I beg to express a hope—a

hope, tiowever, lay tvlikh I do not mean to compromise
any other person, though, 1 believe, a great portion, I
might perhaps say, a great majority of my fellow bur-
gesses unite with me in it—that, at the next election of a
representative for this city, we may see as large a body of
electors assembled in this chamber as are now before me.
Mr. BARNARD WINTER, (treasurer of the county,) had
great pleasure in coming forward to second the resolution
proposed by his friend Dr. Crawford, and after the able speech
they had just heard, he conceived the meeting would have
no difficulty in coming to the conclusion that a Reform in
Parliament was necessary.—(Cheers.) He thought they
might safely give credit to his Majesty's Ministers in their
promise to come forward with measures calculated to in-
sure a full, fair, and equal representation of the people in
the House of Commons. Under that impression he did
not think it necessary to trespass further on their time, in
expressing the sincere pleasure he felt in seconding the
first resolution.—(Applause.)
The resolution was then read by the Town Clerk, and
carried by show of hands, without a single dissentient.
Mr. JOHN YOUNG (a member of the corporation)
craved the indulgence of the meeting while he stated his
reasons for proposing the second resolution.—(Cheers.)
He regretted that it had not fallen into abler hands—
(Cheers)—but he felt assured that no ability or eloquence
were required to induce the meeting to accede to the
measures that day submitted. For, from the opportunities
afforded him of ascertaining the opinion not only of the
individuals who signed the requisition, but of many other
citizens of equal talent and respectability, be could assure
them the feeling of the inhabitants upon this subject might
be considered as almost unanimous. Nor was that feeling
confined to this or any other city or district—it pervaded
the whole United Kingdom.—(Applause.)—ln its pro-
gress it was irresistible, and no earthly power could check
it.—(Cheers.)—ln case there had been by chance any op-
ponent to the measure in that assembly, .he (Mr. Y.) felt
satisfied that the able manner in which the first resolution
had been submitted, would of itself have driven that indi-
vidual out of the Hall.—(Cheers.) For no opposition,
however high or violent it might be, could contravene the
statements they had heard as to the anomaly which this
country in its representation at present exhibited.—.
(Shame.) It was no longer to be borne that great and
important places, the seats of almost all our commercial
and manufacturing wealth and enterprize—places that were
growing still in population, and becoming of inure con-
sequence every day—should be totally unrepresented in
our national assembly.—(Shame.) Let it not be sup-
posed, however, that this meeting professed any wild or
levelling principle—its object was not to tear down, de-
molish, or destroy—but to uphold, repair, restore, and if
possible, to beautify the original structure—the British
Constitution. Reference had been made to his Majesty's
Ministers, who had pledged themselves to bring forward,
in a few days, a full and effectual plan of Parliamentary
Reform. It must be admitted that they had, since
their accession to power, done as much in furtherance
of their avowed principles of Reform, economy, and re•
trenchment, as existing circumstances would permit.
—(Cheers.) The noble declaration so lately made by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer that the present Govern-
ment should be carried on and supported without patronage,
had been fully borne out by the occurrences in the House
of Commons during the last week, which proved that
they had determined to do without it.. Upon the faith of
there fist efforts the country might safely trust to them
that they would proceed further in these important ob-
jects.—(App'ause.) But alas ! all the hopes of the
country would be vain, unless a Reform of Parliament
should first take place. For it was only on Friday
last exhibited how impossible it was for an honest Govern-
ment, under the present system, to bring forward financial
measures to the satisfaction of themselves and the country.
The Premier and the First Lord of the Admiralty had
made forcible calls upon the country to support them. Let
the country then convince them that it was ready and
anxious to obey that call. But in case they did not
bring forward measures equal to their own pledges and
the expectations of the country, lie (Mr. Y.) would not
have any individual present commit himself by the vote he
might give at that meeting. Nothing was required but
firmness and unanimity, the only spurs to the proceedings
of that day. If they suffered themselves to be divided, and
their proceedings frittered away and stultified in dissen-
tions, they might as well not have assembled at all. But
on the contrary, by unanimity, their proceedings would as-
sume a character entitled to attention and respect. He
would conclude by moving the second resolution.—(Tre-
mendous applause.)
Captain HEWITT, R.N.—Though not accustomed to
address large bodies of people—except upon the quarter..
deck—took great pleasure in seconding Mr. Young's reso-
lution.—(Cheers.)
The second resolution was then read, and received with
only one dissentient voice, that of Mr. Geo. Twynam,
who proposed as an amendment, that instead of the
concluding words, " consistent with our established
institutions," should be inserted the words " con

sistent with the principle that ail persons paying
a certain amount of taxes and rates should have a vote in
the representation of the country."—(Applause and disap-
probation.) The amendment being so well received, he
might fairly abstain from offering any remarks; but as it
differed very touch from the original resolution, it might
be expected that he should state some reasons for his inter-
ference. At the same time that he admitted the necessity
of unanimity, he thought they should not leave room fur
their sincerity to be suspected. They might abstain from
detailing any particular plan of Retorm, but ought, he sub-
mitted, to mention some wide principle, as its basis, such,
fur instance, as that expressed in his amendment, in which
principle he thought nine out of ten would be found to
agree.—(Cheers.) It would be highly presumptuous for
any individual or assembly to fix the precise amount of the
qualification, but he thought it quite expedient and be-
coming to lay dawn sonic general principle in which they
might concur, and such he now submitted, with much de-
ference, to the meeting.—(Cheers.)
Mr. MOULDEN seconded the amendment.
Mr. WHEELER was sorry to oppose the amendment,
but hoped to show good cause for doing so. He ought,
howevir, to apologize for intruding himself at all on the
meeting.—(No, no.) He thought it a wise maxim not
to meddle with those who " were given to change," and
that persons engaged in the tranquil pursuits of commerce
should carefully avoid the shoats and quicksands of poli-
tics.—(Hisses.) But times and circumstances would ari•e
in a free country like England, which imperatively called
for the exposition of private opinion, and even for the sa-
crifice of private interest at the shrine of public spirit and
patriotism.—(Cheers.) That time was arrived—the ano-
malies of the representative system, long since exposed in
theory, and now allowed to be mischievous in practice,
had excited the indignant reprehension of every class. The
people demanded, in a voice which could neither be mis-
taken nor despised, a complete alteration in that system.—
(Cheers.) They looked for such an enlargement of their
political rights as should give them a proper influence in
the Government which it was their duty to obey, which
was established for their benefit, and paid for from their
purses.—(Cheers.) To this proper share of influence they
were entitled by their loyalty, their common sacrifices, and,
he might say, their common sense, fur no axiom was more
apparent than that "every man whose duty it was to obey
the law, ought to 'have a voice in making the law."—
(Cheers.) Thus far, then, he perfectly agreed with the
spirit of the amendment, but he foresaw that its object
would lead to the introduction of other suggestions which
might disturb the unanimity, and destroy the efficacy of
their proceedings that day. Ile wished he could succes-
sively enforce the necessity of prudence and moderation,
but more especially of unanimity, in laying their wants
and wishes before the Legislature of the country. He was
sure that a proposition for vote by ballot would follow on
the heels of this amendment if adopted.—(Cries of " We
hope it will.) He did not deny the advantage of vote by
ballot ; he would adventure no opinion so adverse to its
practicability ; he thought the day might come when it
would be ingrafted on the representative system of
thel,; a
n introduction
trtried
frfriends
doaf
anytbe country. But
hißehutnnhieghdtiddisogbujsetct
thet old
of Reform, endanger the very elementary principle for
which they were contending, and verify the old adage, that
a reformer's text-book was like the coat which Jacob gave
to his son—a patchwork of every colour.—(Cheers.) It
was not that "he loved Ceeoar less, but that he loved Rome
more." He had no positive antipathy to the ballot, but
lie had a very decided affection for Reform.—(Cheers.)
fie entreated them to reflect on the situation in which
they were placed. For the first time in the history of
Winchester, they were assembled in that municipal hall,
under the sanction of constituted' authority, for the consi-
deration of what ? A Reform in Parliament ? True;
liiit of a Reform which would also seriously affect that very
body which now joined them heart aed hand in petition-
ing for a measure which was to cut down its own political
monopoly for the benefit: of the city at large.—(Loud
cheers.) Would they turn round on their new friends,
and neutralize the first fruits of their exertions, by adopt-
ing sentiments which might prevent the petition from re-
ceiving the signatures of that body, and would they lightly
sacrifice the weight and influence wilich would be gained •
by those signatures? He thought it impo.sible, political
enthusiasm could exhibit nothing more suicidal. If
they really wished well to the great cause of Re-
form, they would take all prudent means of obtain-
ing that essential object. They would recollect, that
n addition to the powerful body which had a direct inteb

Irmt ;n opposing petitions for Reform ; there was Anotter
large, influential, and worthy class of persons which,
without being arrayed in direct hostility against them, did
nevertheless regard the question with suspicion and dis-
trust. This feeling arose, in some cases, from the force of
old connexions—from the inveteracy of old habits—from
the prejudices of early education, and in many instances
from the dictates of an honourable and conscientious,
though mistaken consistency. Was it not common policy,
nay, a plain and positive duty, to conciliate and win over
to their demands the opposing mass, by the reasonableness
of their pretensions, and the moderation and unanimity
with which they preferred them.—(Cheers.) It was on
this account, and not front any desire to lose sight of prac-
tical objects, that the resolution was framed with such a
wise latitude of expression, that might be safely agreed on
b) the most timid and by the most adventurous Reformer.
And this should be a powerful reason for rejecting any
amendment which would raise minute pints of difference,
and disturb the mild tenor of the resolutions already pro-
posed. Differences of opinion would exist on that as on
every other topic—
" Their judgments, like their watches, often erred,
Vet each thought his the best."
But their first and united effort should be to get within
the door sof Parliament. Let them knock as long and as
loudly as they chose, and when once admitted, they would
soon decide whether they would ride there in a close
chariot with ballot on the box, or in an open carriage
with old-fashioned honesty for coachman. Still, how-
ever, they might differ on the details of the machinery
which should accompany Reform, of this he was certain,
that no system would satisfy the people for twelve months
which did net represent the intellect as well as the pro-
perty of the countey_(Cheers)— which did not give to
the copyholder and leaseholder the same franchise that it
gave to a man who called himself a freeholder, because he
had a cottage in a cabbage garden and a goose feeding on
the common—(Loud laughter)—which did not in short
give to every man paying to the burdens of the State, and
to the assessments of the town in which he lived, the same
power of choosing his representative that was now given
to the privileged minority of a close or trading corpora-
tion.—(Repeated cheers.) These, with other practical
improvements, which would guard the purse of the can-
didate and the probity of the elector, and prevent the
abominable corruption now so universally practised, he
was convinced would be ultimately conceded; whether that
concession would be early or late would depend upon the
people themselves, and especially on the perfect unanimity
and moderation with which they proceeded. They were
all anxious to receive a full and efficient Reform, but it
was thought wiser to express in the resolutions no opinion
whatever as to the mode in which that Reform should be

effected.
Mr. TWYNAM, in explanation, begged to assure the
meeting that he had no intention of making himself the
organ of any other proposition than that which he had
submitted. He could not but bear in mind that they
were in the midst of an extensive agricultural county, and
that many of its inhabitants were paying largely in rates,
taxes, and other public burthens, but had no voice at all
in the representation. His object was to enable that re-
spectable class to protect their own interests, by taking a
part in the election of their future representatives. But
since the introduction of such a clause at that time did not
seem to meet the general concurrence of the respectable
persons about him, he thought it would be prudent to
withdraw it.—(Cheers.)
The second resolution was then carried in its original
shape.

Mr. BIRD had the honour to propose the third resolu-
tion ; but he felt that he did so under peculiar disadvan-
tages, when almost every thing that could be said upon the
subject bad been already advanced with more propriety and
energy than he was capable of. The theme of Reform
ought to ingross the attention of every Englishman, for on
that measure depended all their future prospects and ad-
vantages as citizens of a free country.—(Cheers.) It was
true, lamentably true, that from the present system flowed
innumerable evils, so that this country, once the envy of
the world for its laws, its liberty, and the unfettered en-
joyment of private property, had of late years been tra-
duced, or at least vilified, with no small reason, in conse-
quence of the misconduct of its representatives in Patlia-
ment—(Much cheering).--who had laid intolerable bur-
dens oil the country, and laboured under the imputation of
having done so far the emolument of themselves, their
families, and friends.—(Shame, shame.) It behoved every
lover of his country to oppose and put an end to such a
system. Reform alone opened the door to that object.
The resolutions they had heard w, re ,!ottched in terms to
meet the approbation of all its friends. If they once
gat within the door of the house—and they would not
cease knocking till they had done so—the public voice
would be heard, and there would then be an opportu-
nity of stating the public grievances. Without unanimity,
however, they would never get the footing which they sought.
Many particular grievances might indeed be enumerated,
many particular plans submitted for adoption. But upon
all these differences of opinion would prevail, and they
would destroy the unanimity of the meeting. He there-
fore strongly deprecated the introduction of topics that
might tend to thwart the grand and prime movement now
making. As now understood the petition would doubtless
have all their signatures—but if any disunion should arise,
a great part, probably some of the most influential part,
would withhold their ❑ames, and the prospect of success
would be much diminished. He would now move the
third resolution.

The third resolution was then read, but received with
mingled applause and disapprobation, the latter being
occasioned by the introduction of the name of one of the
Members, whose votes had been obnoxious to the feelings
of some of his constituents. After repeated cries of " No,
no, Mildmay for ever, Mildmay alone, no East, East, &c."
Mr. Barn resumed. Objections had been made to one
of the Members, but there was one of them whom he (Mr.
B.) believed to be as firm a supporter of the cause as any
individual in that meeting. To pass them by on the pre-
sent occasion would be highly impolitic and disrespectful,
e,pecially as the vote of one of them had always been on
the popular side. Should either of them refuse the charge
now proposed to be entrusted to them, then indeed might
he stand open to their reprobation. He (Mr. B.) did not,
however, anticipate such a refusal. Under these circum-
stances, he begged to put the resolution as it was.
_ . _

The third resolution was then seconded by Mr. HENRY
KNIGHT, and real by the Town Clerk.

The uproar and disapprobation, however, continuing,
in consequence of the retention of both the Members'
names, the Mayor, Dr. Crawford, Mr. Doverell, Mr.
John Young, and other gentle, ten, spoke it, explanation,
observing that one of the Members (Mr. Mildmay) was
expressly pledged to the cause of Reform, ami that the
other (Sir E. H. East) would probably listen to the united
voice of his constituents and the whole county, and be-
come a convert. Besides, it was desirable to avoid making
enemies in the House of Commons ; and now that a
patriotic King and Ministry rendered the thing practicable,
conciliation might cosine, and could not prevent, success.
Mr. 3loonY observed that Sir E. East had said that the
representation could not be better than at present. If,
therefore, he had any consistency in him, he must vote
against Reform. He for one wished the petition to lie
intrusted to Mr. Mildmay alone.
Mr. JOHN YOUNG avowed himself a convert to the
cause, and why might not Sir Edward be ? He was for
giving him a fair opportunity.
A voice-Where is he? Why is he not here?
The MAyoit believed that both the Members would
have been present if there had been time to give them suf-
ficient notice of the meeting.

[Note.—The requisition- bore date on Saturday last, and
the Mayor's advertisement, calling the meeting, appeared
in the Winchester paper the same evening. Four whole
days, therefore, elapsed between the notice and the (nest-
ing, and there is a daily post, besides four or five daily
coaches to London. The worthy Members might there-
fore, by possibility, have heard of an intended meeting,—
The old adage says, "where there is a will there is a way."l
The third resolution was ultimately carried in its ori-
ginal shape.
On the motion of Mr. DEVERELL, seconded by Mr. J.
V. EARLE, the thanks of the meeting were voted to the
Mayor for his promptitude in complying with the requisi-
tion, and his able and liberal conduct in the chair.
Three cheers were then given for the King and Queen,
three for Reform, and three fur the Mayor, and the meet-
dispersed._

We have already said that Winchester has seldom, if
ever, witnessed such a meeting. The petition is already
signed by the Mayor, all the Aldermen, the greater part of
the Freemen, several Dignitaries of the Church, and a very
long roll of respectable inhabitants of all classes.

WAKEFIELD.
(Abridged from the Leeds Intelligencer.)
On Wednesday a public meeting of the inhabitants of
Wakefield and its vicinity was held in the Court-house,
Wakefield, " to consider the propriety of potitioning both
Houses of Parliament for a full and effectual Reform in the
representation of the people, and for an efficient retrench-
ment in every departiecnt of the public expenditure."
The Court-house was nearly filled with auditors, and
amongst the gentlemen on the bench we observed Daniel
Gaskell, Esq., of Lupset ; John Hardy, Esq., of Heath ;
Charles Waterton, Esq., of Walton; Captain Wood, of
Sandal; the Rev. Dr. Naylor, &c.
Mr. Josreu COSNAY, the constable, having stated that

he had convened the meeting in coropthinee wl'
numerously and respectably signed requisition, to
Parliament en the subject of retrenchment and Refa
DANIEL GASZELL, Esq., proposed that the Rev.
Naylor take the chair.
seconded i'he Rtehve.
pTr
opxooat‘ s
tion n
The CHAIRMAN said, he believed be was one of
oldest supporters of Reform and retrenchment in the tc
of Wakefield. No sooner was his attention called to I
's j,
°aHdl.; si tl.° wasNg' adUoilpitteadr.jan
early life, than be was struck with the full convict
,
that Reform and retrenchment were essentially twee&
to the well-being, if not to the salvation of the State.:
(Applause.)—The events of more than forty years b
not tended to lessen that conviction, but to confirm 0:
to fix it still mere deeply. He had supported to caeuf'or
the days of its persecution, when to be a friend to B
and retrenchment was almost deemed treason. 1/3vrel
supported it when it was persecuted, despised, and Mee
should lie now desert it in its better days, when Pr*reeerji
seemed to smile upon it, and it appeared in some degree
ht ?—(Applause.) • ietiat
Captain Wool), of Sandal, moved the first res° rt
He trusted that every description of politician to enh Pre
sent, from the radical Reformer, like himself, t° t
pentant Tory who had come back in the eleventh Inrd
labour with theist in the cause of Reform, he pee
united ; for by union only could they attain the reigc;e
ration of the country. They must loudly and so
riously demand their rights, and say that they nm_senu vie
submit to any taxation not authorised by the Pei
They must demand that the children of unreOrert'at
Englishmen should no longer be robbed to feed
by
pampered offspring of an aristocratical oliOdires
and a long list of placemen, sinecurists, and Mi•
who live upon the plunder of the public. A tabs
nister had lately said, " Woe be to the Reformer thei
seeks more than justice !" Justice was whatt
wanted ; not the semblance of it, but real and 00
stantial justice; and be would say, "Woe be to thje tbeo
who should refuse it. Wo°" ht
spoke at considerable length against the excessive eh, b
of taxation under which the country laboured, and wfthe
he attributed to the want of a due representation %etc
people. He said that not lees than 80,0001. a year a." of
taken out of the pockets of the people in the 43,,,r-„, of
taxes, and he reprobated the maintenance of an army
20,000 men in Ireland in order to collect, at the F°' ",tot
the bayonet, the tithes for the support of Prcitlool,
clergymen, who bad a revenue of nearly 2,o°°''
a year, though Ireland was a Catholic country.
He concluded by moving— der,
" That by the excessive and grievous weight of taxatiou try of
which the country has long laboured, the productive indu,!ort be
its inhabitants is miserably paralysed; and if such taxa"„d de'
continued undiminished, must be utterly extinguished teepil
stroyed. That this excessive taxation is only kept up tc?„-raia
a long and profligate list of unmerited pensions, to MY"clou'
host of sinecurists, and to "support the large salaries of a ontel
of officers in every department of the state for which the ce,,,° pro-.
receives no service, or at least none in the smallest degr—, of
portionate to the emoluments conferred; and that by gle—clo
these causes thousands of the labouring and industrioq toe
have been reduced to extreme poverty, and driven by '1; tea
sutrering to the commission of excesses which under betteostO
cumstances they would have contemplated with the utln
horrence."—(Cheers.)
M Dr. CROWTHER seconded the motion. f
r. Hallos- said he could not agree to the whole ° the
resolution, and he wished to state the reasons erhYlitel
could not. He advocated Reform upon principle,
Jo
wished not to see it supported by arguments which
l/
I'l'l,bl
application to it at all.—(Hear.) The resolution srirsi
imply that the taxation now borne by the emrounitac ate
kept up for the purpose of supplying a long and pal of
list of pensions---(" True")—of maintaining h°,-
oP
snut
::.),:egacuilsae)ssaparly:Nl cyoeoffimgwecenettisit—r
nt-m(
b‘ta`heneTwlsr:ulaaiesot,eal.ls_r.
augse(r'
great
—and of keePinboiee
concerned
oaecrneyreotnereduten, in' a tup°de et:irge
these resolutions, he would confidently avotv---tteet
plause)—but when they knew that the whole
of the Civil List did not exceed more than 1,000,°' l;
which, with a population of 20,000,0001., would (.1:131
be Is. a head, it was too much to say that the Weitlot
of taxation was for the purpose of maintaining ord
expense.—(Hear, hear.) The taxation which opPreias
them was caused by a severe war, in which A the
portion of the national debt had been contracted, 2°,04
weight of taxation was fur the purpose of paying theiPtiicil
of the debt, and of maintaining those institutions by ,"
alone the country could be upheld. About four Yeirgue I,
he (Mr. Hardy) addressed a letter to Sir Robert '1
.)
calling for Reform, and recommending the ballot,--(lle:res,
He therefore rejoiced as much as any man could do t,o the
from the various meetings which had lately been belt,'
our
overwhelming tide of popular feeling setting in in 6'; ort,
it,of
CRe
uxe
pfoote rapmi ,f
rltto%ninodofinon
jrusliiiiidicnitsoheola9fthattehteeampwpparttr,shended no danger a
of
fo seitieernvirte.nch
reolb;
ufnadjmertaekxetneoldiyinthefroarnristie,zancoye,
totoopdrseovoenutettrnij,
ctionntagwiaesn
and the war with America was not undertaken to de'e"
our likrties.
After a rejoinder from Mr. Hardy, and a few obsereair:
tions from two other gentlemen, the resolution W 35
tied, withonly two dissentient voices. ,ion
The subsequent resolutions recommended an exten
of the elective franchise to as large a body of the P&L.
as constitutionally could be done ; a shortening of the sea
ration of Parliaments; the annihilation of the elosehe
rotten boroughs; that the mode of election should ;jog
arranged as to afford every voter an opportunity of gi
otes
his suffrage near die place of his abode; that the./ see
should be given by ballot; and that every election in
united empire should begin and end on the same dal'

petit

REFORM MEETING AT RICHMOND* k Or
Monday a public meeting of the clergy, gentry. bandritt
merchants, tradesmen, and inhabitants of Richino";;
this county, was held in the Common Hall, puro'f°r the
a requisition numerously and respectably signed, " f
purpose of taking into consideration the propriety 0, the
titioning the legislature for an effectual Reformu re'
Commons House of Parliament; for economy lu old
tienclituent in the expenditure of the public rnoneY; the
for the support of the principle of non-interference 4101
internal affairs of other nations." The meeting WaS Veit
numerously and respectably attended. Several eice
speeches were made in favour of a Reform, and res°
tions were passed accordingly.—.Doncaster Gazette'
A FINE FAMILY.—In the parish of TiCieted
burst there is a family of seven brothers, whose url-5)
height is 43 feet. The youngest is 16, and the eldest
years of age. —Maidstone Journal.
EMIGRATION FROM SUTIIERLAN/Vber#
Active preparations are again making by great nurnver
of the Sutherland Highlanders for emigrating to u5.r,..00
Canada. About 130 families (nearly 600 souls)!A"lot
among the small tenantry and labouring classes, soiled teo
summer in three Leith ships from Cromarty; and 'enfoe
recently.sent have held out the most encouraging re
rag to their friends to follow them.—. Edinburgh
server.

• fati'
Among the correspondents of the In e
gable Sir JOHN SINCLAIR were many eminent
whose letters, accompanied by characteristic anecdote' cod'
add an interesting feature to the forthcoming
ence of the worthy Baronet. Madame rig ~,51,074
Madame DE GENIIS, Duchess of GortnoN, Lady ug—okl
Miss EDGWORTII, Mrs. ABINGDON, Miss J°j',.o4'.
BAILLIE, Mrs. HANNAH MORE, &c. &c. are entatief
among a great number of distinguished cbaracteo °
late and present century.
raWri(i).
DRURY LANE THEATRE.—The
season commenced on Friday night under very fav°.:o
auspices. The selection of music on this occasion "3-etett
more varied, and was in general of a loftier ellee best
than it generally is. The band, which is one of t bf
that ever appeared in this theatre, was admirably
Mr. BARTON. The choruses, those of Hastat' ed 310/
ally, were given in a grand style. Mr. BRAHa)t tin one(
PATON both performed. They were received in a °ipso'
which must have been highly flattering to their feefe%e,
Mr. BRAHAM sang with accustomed brilliancy 014
cution. Miss PATON seemed to suffer from a sligh
which, in some degree, interfered with her voc3l P° ,bole
corresP)o
She however sang with much spirit and feeling. Vet di'
of the entertainment, which was under the immetistrOf'
rection of Mr. LEE, and was conducted by 31r•
gave perfect satisfaction to a crowded audience.

- - --' -
On the 19th inst. the wife of the
5'
BIRTS.
Rev. Gerrard T • 2"dre sosv'eot
of a daughter. g• NS'l On the 10th inst. in Montagu-square, the lady of
Esq., of a son,

- - -- -- C011;-1 •
MARRIED. Esq, 0! 1
inaOnndetrh e,,fl9tht lei inst.iast
latid(ialiasril,tiopn,mlol,eol:trsyt•
?Talriotroollisohini‘.o:too,7l,lo; oil,
son of Wm. Thompson, Esq., of liathwick, to Jzlti`
of C. 1). Wagstaff, Esq., of Blackheath.
0011
DIED. „lief. the
On the ISth inst. at Wool‘vich, Mrs. Buchanall,4; oclin the
late Lieut.-Colonel Buchanan, of the Royal Engi"';t'ill'erYl daughter of Lieut.-General Smith, of the Royal art
O f her age. ctian"; hells,
On thenoth hist. at Charing-cross, Mr. Edward r.jaijnl' es he
On the 18th inst. Mrs. Kelly, the wife of 31,* for
late of llaydon-square.
er, 940. f
Vince 9t‘
On the 18th ins,. in his flsth year, Charles Thesig.dand
merly
Collector of his Majesty's Customs in the 1
o''
oal
iorse,
On the 19th inst. at Hampton Court, Lieut. E.
Barrack Master.

PRI NTIM AND PUBLISHF.I) R 1( AIURDO YO 1..) A
SUN OFFICe, 112, STRAND 140"‘'N'

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