The Sun.
London, England, 1849-04-24 00:00:00

to Trinidad the trade with Venezuela in ships not built

in Venezuela, and which aro prohibited fr'eur trading
with Trinidad by the prestmt navigation-laws, even
though you can have no equivalent advantage on the
other side.—(llear, hear.) We are told that We shall
not obtain from foreign nations similar advantages. The-
information that I derive from the papers laid before
Parliament is of a totally different kind.—(Hear, hear.)
I conclude that, with respect to the greater part of the
nations of Europe and of the world, we shall obtain fair
and equal terms of navigation with those countries, pro-
vided we are ready to give those terms to them.—(Hear.)
Nobody can doubt it with regard to the United States of
America; no one can doubt it with regard to Prussia, or
Russia, or Austria,. Indeed, I think the nations which
will not be prepared to give those equal terms, reduce
themselves to some three or four—to France, Spain, and

Belgium, and perhaps one other ; the list can hardly be
extended beyond that.—(Hear, hear.) But let us tike the
opposite case—let us take the case that this Bill is re-

jected, and that you wait for some years before you take
any measure; what will be the case then? Prussia has

;old us (I do not consider it a threat, I consider it a fair
leclaraticn), " If you continue these restrictions, if you
hink them wise, I will copy your wisdom, and give you
the same terms that you giie me." I cannot see that
there is anything offensive in that, or that we have any

reason to complain of such a declaration.—(Hear. hear.)
Russia has already proclaimed the same thing; she has
proclaimed, with regard to other nations, that she will
impose upon them the restrictions they impose upon her

shipping, but she will not do Iso with regard to England
because she has a treaty with England; and how lung
does that treaty last? It expires in 1851; and from that
time Russia will be at liberty to impose restrictions upon
us. Is it Vl ise to wait till you aro subject to them, and
then endeavour to negotiate in order to take off those
restrictions on both sides?—(Hear.) I remember that
Mr. iluskisson held a very different, and, I think, a much
wiser doctrine? I have here the words which he used,

after speaking of what is now called the " threat from
Prussia," and the conduct likely to be adopted by her,
he said—" The immediate lesson which I derive from it

is this, that it is a part of political wisdom, when danger
is foreseen, not supinely to wait for its approach, but,
as far as possible, to take timely measures for its pre-
vention."—(Hear, hear.) That is the course that we
are now taking.—(Hear, hear.) We are told that there
is no popular cry for this measure—that there is no de-
mand for it on the part of public opinion; but I think
we are bound, if we see such dangers before us, if we
have the information which enables us to judge, not to
wait till the people of this country come to us complain-
ing and saying—" Our navigation is subject to restric-
tions, you knew that it would be so, you might have
prevented it, it was your duty to settle these questions,
but you have allowed this to come upon us, and you are
to blame for the injury we are suffering."—(Hear,
hear.) I ask the House, then, to agree to this Bill, and
to endeavour to procure a settlement of this question.
—(Hear.) lam the more impressed with the necessity
of arriving at the settlement we propose, from the
considerations which have been adverted to by the
Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham). He has quoted the
statement of a Noble Lord, that, with respect to protec-
tion, we ought to retrace our steps. We know very well,
not only that this is a declaration from a person of high
authority and in a commanding position, but that in
many parts of the country, from certain classes, a cry
has been raised for a renewal of protection, not upon any
trifling article, not upon any imported goods, with re-
spect to which the great mass of the people of this
country can be indifferent, but they have asked at once
for a renewed duty on the import of food.—(Hear, hear.)
Now I beg Hon. Members to consider what would be the
probable consequences of any attempt of that nature.—
I am reminded of what the Right Hon. Gentleman
said at the conclusion of his speech, when he stated that
we were making agitators ; and he called upon us not to
promote agitation, or irritate the minds of men. Now the
agitation and irritation produced by our proposal to re-
peal the navigation laws are not very considerable or
very alarming—according to the opinion of any one.
But if we were to declare that we were about again to
impose a tax upon food ; that we were not satisfied
with the low price of corn, then, I believe, we should
have an agitation and an irritation of a very
different description.—(Loud cheers.) I believe that
you would then have the mass, the great mass of the
people who are now quiet and contented—(lronical
cheers from the Protectionists, and counter cheers from
the Ministerial trenches)—l again repeat it, " who are
now quiet and contented," and I rejoice that they are
enabled—with regard to articles both of necessary food,
and of those slight comforts which they enjoy—that
they are enabled to purchase them at lower rates than
perhaps they have been able to procure them in the
memory of man in this country—of any one now living.
I believe that if you were to proclaim that you were
about to impose a tax upon the importation of corn, that
these classes would agitate from the fear of the suffer-
ings which they would bare to endure, and of the scarcity
which you by your legislation would attempt to expose
them to.—(Cheers.) Who would feel the benefit of
such a state of thing? The farmers, you tell us, are
asking for a duty upon corn. If that duty were
small an advantage would be gained to the revenue.
But a protection, to be effectual, in the opinion of
the farmers, must not be the protection of a small
duty, and no benefit would be derived from it. If
any benefit is to be derived by them we ate told
it must be by a high duty; but is it imagined that there
could be imposed upon the nation a high duty upon
corn ? In the present state cf this country does any
man imagine that, even although this House, by a ma-
jority of four to one should pass such a law, and if it
should pass the House of Lords without a dissentient
voice being raised against it, does any one believe that
such a law could be maintained and enforced in this
country?—(Loud cheers.) Well. Sir, then I ask this
House, do not, by the rejection, give a signal for fresh
and renewed agitation ors the subject of the corn-laws.
Like the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Ripon,
I rejoice in the tranquillity with which we passed
through a year remarkable in its revolutions and con-
vulsiots, in almost every country in Europe. I believe that
there were three things that contributed mainly to your
tranquillity, to the preservation of confidence, and to the
loyalty of the people. I believe that the first of these
causes was the attachment of the people to the form of
their own ancient institutions, and in the next place
that it was very much owing to the removal of those
grosser abuses in the representation of the people which
the Reform Act proposed and carried under the Admi-
nistration of Lord Grey.—(Hear.) I believe that if you
had had such flagrant abuses as Gatton and Old Sarum
that what might have been a call for reform would have
swelled into a cry for revolution.—(Hear, hear.) I be-
lieve the third reason why the people were so tranquil
during the agitation of the past year was that the
grievances which they felt from the high price of food,
caused by your legislation, had been removed, and that
by the Act of 1846 there had been removed all the im-
pedimenta by which the people were prevented from pro-
curing that food as cheaply as it could be introduced
from every foreign nation.—(Hear, hear.) I-believe that
to these three circumstances you are indebted mainly
for the position in which you stand—a position which is
gratifying to every native of this country—and a posi-
tion which is conspicuous among all the nations of the
world. I ask you to maintain that position by the means
by which you acquired it.—(Cheers and counter. cheers.)
I ask you not to refuse a reform which is pointed . out
by reason which is the result of inquiry and which in
conformity with the principle that Parliament has
already deliberately adopted. If, on the other
and
-
thheendc,oyuorsua announce t thaton if youe araboutindu induce men
mpeulirsato
think that yen doubt of the soundness of those yrincie
ples that you have adopted, if the opinion prevails that
the shipping interest is not alone to be left as the sole
protected interest in the country, and that you are about
away,torestore
me
then
helant
commenced
the op
youw
protectioneilrlawt
i boehi
operation,
,gh
giving
Parliament
f the
si
whichhasgn
ayl fortakenouai
w lnl
agitation of which indeed you may have been proved of
having
not see the end without the deepest regret and sorrow.—
"Loud cheers.)

Mr. DISRAELI—There are only two considerations
which lead me to address the House at this late hour (a
quarter past twelve), and these are the general desire of
the House that the debate should terminate to-night—
(Cheers)—and the remembrance on my part that I shall
not trouble them for more than a few minutes. I have
on another occasion entered more fully, with the indul-
gence of the House, in the discussion of this great ques-
tion; and I now only take the liberty of venturing to
express the general feeling with which I shall give my
vote on this occasion. The Right Hon. Gentleman the
Member for Ripon has told us that he considers the
motion before the House to be in short the capital which
is to be placed on the column that we have been so
long engaged in raising. But if the column that we have
raised be one that, in the symmetry of its outline and
the general beauty of its design, has somewhat disap•
pointed our 'expectation; if it is found when we have
raised it that it does not realise the expectations of our
creative fancy, then wo may fairly hesitate before we in-
cur the additional outlay of raising an expensive capital
upon a column of an ill-fashione design.—(Cheers.)
This is an oratorical illustration which placed the matter
in its right light. The Government measure appears to
be brought forward to realise a theory.—(Cheers and a
laugh.) You are called upon to deal with an important
interest not from any popular appeal, or apprehensions
of a great national grievance, but because, you are told
that the repeal of the navigation code of England is to
complete a great experiment. But we say that the time
which has been appealed to this evening has tested that
experiment. We believe and imagine that that experi-
ment has failed, and the argument wkieh—you urged
with such effect twelve months ago in favour of a pro-
position which was necessary to complete an experiment
that had not then failed does not tell this session with
the same effect when the Right Honourable Member
for Ripon, who denied that reaction could ever occur,
admitted that reaction and progress were analagous,
and when the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) has
deprecated a change of the agricultural system in con-
sequence of the distress and discontent which he said it
would occasion.—(Cheers.) You have brought forward
your plan-on theory, and it is necessary you should have
a case to support it. What dil you do? You made a
case. With a foregone conclusion you nominated a Com-
mitteeti of inquiry, a Committee which you will permit
me to say, has not conducted its investigations _in
Committees of this House.—(Elear, he .
o sooner had
have you had this Committee of inquiry—tifyn
a decision
it gone about collecting evidence toji:
was found that
that had already been adopted, than
manner which has generally raised the character aßr au ct t
ne
or
sooner
the case was not auonthere
incon-
venience which you alleged the c
It was, therefore, necessary to give
coun-
try was enduring.
colour to the changes which you were about to
anotherb r
bring
forward, end ultimately (I think I state it fairly),
toto jujusisitfiyfyyoyuuuwitwh
iptrhactthiecoalremtieonal,
sufficiently substantiated
omoroe
ofby
thisthe
youravyouren.
e case,
e,
rested theory
uponh threewwaass
nience, colonial discontent, and foreign menace. Well,
twelve months elapsed, and this subject was very deeply
and,: carefully considered. We are now much more emu-