The Sun.
London, England, 1836-09-23 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, SEPTENII3ER, 23, IS3G.

STATE OF IRELAND.

that purpose. Many of these boroughs, the historian says,
were not incorporated, till after writs had been issued to se-
cure the return of minions subservient to the views of the
Court party. Such were the seeds of dissension sown by the
first pedantic monarch of the House of Stewart, and they
were but too industriously kept alive in succeeding reigns by
the Ormonds, Straffords, and Whartons, who successively pre-
sided over the destinies of this ill-fated Principality. The
latter nobleman was one of the Lords Justices, who in the
year 1715, during the first Scottish rebellion, when Irish
Catholics, that is the majority of the Irish people, were the
only sect of British subjects not disaffected to the reigning
sovereign, recommended such unanimity to the Commons,
as might " put an end to all other distinctions in Ireland
but that of Protestant and Papist firs est ab poste doccri."
If the Liberals should now adopt this policy under the effi-
cient and impartial Government of Earl Mulg-rave, what
would become of the faction? But such was the policy that
produced civil wars, rebellions, Orange dominion and as-
cendancy,
tithe persecutions, and all the other train of mis-
chiefs, to which this country has been hitherto exposed by
the remissness or selfishness of its rulers. No wonder the
author of the "Wealth of Nations," that profound philosopher
and discriminating observer of cause and effect, should com-
plain of the effects of this system, as preventing the im-
provement of Ireland ; and recommend a union, as the
best means of interesting- on our behalf the sympathies of
honest Englishmen, and thus put an end to such a system.
" By an Union with Great Britain," says Adam Smith, "the
great part of the people of all ranks in Ireland would gain
an equally (alluding to Scotland) complete deliverance from a
much more oppressive aristocracy—an aristocracy not founded
like that of Scotland, in the natural and respectable distinc-
tions of birth and fortune, but in the most odious of all dis-
tinctions, those of religious and political prejudices—distinc-
tions which, more than any other, animate both the insolence
of the oppressors, and the hatred and indignation of the
oppressed, and which commonly render the inhabitants of
the same country more hostile to one another than those of
different countries ever are." This is a most perfect picture
of the state of the community in Ireland, as it existed for
centuries past, and must still exist, as ion?: as we are denied
the benefit of any one principle of the British Constitution.
The people of this country, encouraged by the events of the
last seven years, not less than by the promises of the pre-
sent Government, expect an immediate and total change of
this state of things. In my next letter, I shall endeavour
to point out, what seem to be the views and determination
of Government in this respect.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
" Summa sequar fastigia rerum"—Vntc.

Srn,—l promised, some time ago, to send you a few let.
ters on the state of this country, in which I would keep in

view,
First—How Ireland has been treated since the fi!st
es-
tablishment of the English dynasty.
Second—What seem to be the views of the present Go-
vernment towards her.
Third—The facilities and difficulties affecting the accom-
plishment of these views.
I shall now endeavour to fulfil my promise ; having
premised that the notion of doing so had been suggested
to me by my own feelings and observations, while sojourn-
ing for a few days with a friend, in the county of Wex-
ford, during the early pert of last month. His lodgings
were for the purpose of bathing, on the sea coast, near the
ancient and celebrated church of Bannow ; the very spot,
as some say, on which the English landed, on the Ist
of May, 1170, for the purpose of establishing that power
and connexion which they have ever since retained and
continued with this country. Whether or not this, or the
more frequently mentioned promontory of Bagenburr,
which lies about two miles to the South West, be the
identical spot, is not material to my present purpose. The
former retains some vestiges of antiquity not fully de-
veloped, while the latter exhibits the remains of that very
foss and mound, said to have been formed for the protec-
tion of the first English adventurers. But independently
of all the historical, legendary, and traditional information
associated with the place, and gratifying to the antiquarian,
there are other objects of deep interest to the political eco-
nomist and statesman, much more visible in this locality
than, perhaps, in any other part of Ireland. It is the es-
tate of Mr. Buse, that well known resident landlord, who
has so signally distinguished himself in promoting, by pri-
vate and public example, the welfare of his country. 'While
on one side the stranger has pointed out to his view the
very remarkable rock that first attracted the attention of
the invader, he beholds on the other a most perfect model
of modern rural comfort and civilization ; the scene is, alto-
gether, calculated to excite conflicting sentiments in the
mind of one, even moderately acquainted with the history
of Ireland ; for while by one view he is reminded of all that
this country has suffered during the nearly seven centuries

that have passed away since she became subject to the
British dominion, by others he is cheered with the prospect of
plenty and happiness, and feels convinced that she has within
herself abundance of such resources, if all classes of society
would honestly discharge the duty of their relative stations.
He sees more than English comfort diffused around him,
and begins to hope that the regeneration of the country is
commencing—the very spot which first bound her to Great
Britain being the first to derive benefit from that union,
and become an example to the rest of the nation.
Bannon, including its several townlands and sub-denomi-
nations, lies to the South West of, and is about 16 miles dis-
tant from the town of Wexford. It is a tract of land running
from North East to South West on the sea coast, and
measuring about four miles in length and two in breadth.
According to this calculation it should contain about
5,000 statute acres ; but what may be the exact admea-
surement and extent, having no better reeans of ascer-
taining than my own ocular survey during a few agreeable
drives through it, I know not ; but being informed that
Mr. Boyce derives about 8,000/. a year from this portion of
his property, I think I cannot be much mistaken in my es-
timate. The average value of the land, independently of
its present highly cultivated state, proximity to the sea,
and the facility thus afforded of procuring excellent manure,
would be about 1/. an acre. Some of the tenantry, how-
ever, pay 3/. an acre, and are well pleased with the in-
terest they have in their farms at that rent. Others pay
only two and sixpence for land which twenty years ago was
not worth much more, being then an uncultivated waste ;
but to promote their industry and electoral independence,
Mr. Boyse granted them leases at that period, which are
yet unexpired. This is now, if not the most valuable, cer-
tainly the most beautiful and thickly inhabited part of the
estate, and sufficiently rich and productive to enable the oc-
cupier to lay by as much money as might probably purchase
the fee by the time their leases shall have expired. Many
of these tenements include no more than two acres of land,
on which, with some other produce of industry, large fami-
lies are comfortably supported and provided for ; in fact,
the entire of the Bannow estate sustains a greater number
of human beings than any other of equal extent in Ireland,
on which there are not towns or villages. There is here
but one small village, Carrie, the scite of the Roman Catho-
lic Chapel. The remainder, however, of the 5,000 acres
is, for the most part, thickly studded with farm houses, and
cottages in the neatest order, resembling the vicinity of
Hamburg, Hampstead, or some such city outlet, more than
an unrepresented community, or sea coast, eighty Irish
miles distant from the metropolis. The most interesting
.pc,cies of economy manifest throughout this beautiful dis-
trict, on every perch of which humanity is depicted in the
number and industry of the occupants, is the manner in
which the entire is traversed and intersected by excellent
roads, the greater number of which have been constructed
at the landlord's,. own expense, for the employment of his
tenantry, at those seasons of the year when they were not
necessarily engaged with their own little farms, and for the
accommodation of themselves and the public at all sea-
sons. From what I have now stated it may be fairly in-
ferred that this estate must be, according to its extent.
and rural situation, the most valuable in Ireland. The
fact, I believe, is so. It is valuable alike to landlord and
tenant. One enjoys the fruits of his residency and super-
intending care of a stout, healthy, moral, and industrious
tenantry ; while the other is joyous, comfortable, and inde-
dent, and grateful for favours enjoyed by very few other
occupants of the Irish soil ; cherishes within himself notions
of superiority, together with that sincere love of home and
of his country which the example of a good landlord has
so liberally implanted and encouraged. Here, indeed, is
something like the appearance and spirit of nationality.
The lord of the soil and his numerous retainers are quite
unanimous, in their views on all matters of importance to
their country ; and it is almost superfluous to add that Mr.
L'oyse's political principles, and other excellent qualities as
a resident landlord, not less than his talents and splendid
literary acquirements, render him one of the most influ-
ential among the few public benefactors venerated by the
people of Ireland. I am therefore minute, as 1. thinit it
the duty of a public writer to be, in collecting for the
purpose of general example and imitation, many of the in-
cidents of this place, and the political attributes of its
singularly disinterested, domestic, and yet distinguished
proprietor. What he has done in his own neighbourhood,
and among a few thousand of its inhabitants, might be
done throughout Ireland, and among its millions of people,
if all the Aristocracy of the land were actuated by similar
motives and principles. Here is to be found neither local
vice, nor misery, nor discontent, nor laws violated in con-
sequence of the destitution of the people, and the ascend-
ancy spirit of their landlords. What a lesson to the Tory
absentees and opposers of every measure calculated to
confer peace, happiness, and comfort on their country. He
who has caused all the local comfort and contentment
just mentioned is a supporter of the present Government,
because he thinks them disposed to effect on a large what
he has done on a small scale for the people of Ireland.
For these reasons have I selected the place of his residence
and influence, whereby to illustrate my autumnal essays of
this year, on the state' of this much noted country.
This is the first year since the connexion with England
in which the people of Ireland begin to think themselves
really under the protection of a paternal Government.
Heretofore they believed, the first care of every ministry
managing- the affairs of this great part of the United King-
dom to be—to uphold. an ascendancy faction—such as that
which has been the bane of Ireland for six hundred years.
This is the six hundred and sixty sixth year of the British
connexion, and it may be perhaps an exciting novelty to
some of your sanctified or biblical Contemporaries of the
Press—if not to many of your readers—to learn, that a few
serious persons in the part of the world of which I write, re-
gard this number as very auspicious to themselves, and
ominous to their enemies. They say it is the Number of the
Beast mentioned in the Apocalypse (666), and that by
the " Beast" itself is typically signified the Ascendancy or
Orange-faction, which has so long been the curse of Ire-
land, but which, through the energy of O'Connell or Lord
Mulgrave, is to be this year crushed for ever ! ! ! I shall not
dwell upon the subject longer than to observe that we cer-
tainly can trace the Ascendancy-faction almost as far back
as the first English invasion, long before the' epithet Pro-
bestant or Orange was annexed to this anti-national system.
And all honest and rational men will perhaps be glad to re-
flect, that such Machiavelian policy originated not, either
in the Reform of our religious or civil institutions ; and that
the " spirit of the age," which, in the reign of Henry the
VIIIth, promoted the Reformation ; and in that of James
the lld, the Revolution, neither dictated nor established
that selfish and perverse policy that has ever since been so
detrimental to the peace and happiness of this country, but
which is now about to be extinguished for ever.
In the reign of Edward the Ist., about the year 1273,
just one century after the introduction of the British Dy-
nasty, the Irish people petitioned Edward to " grant the
free enjoyment of the laws of England to the whole body of
Irish natives indiscriminately"--and they offered him through
the Chief Governor Ufford 8,000 marks for doing so. Ed-
ward was willing to comply with the people's wishes, and
wrote several times to his Deputy to that effect (See Plow-
den, vol. 1. p. 193), but his intentions were defeated by a
faction. Similar attempts to establish equal laws and rights
were made by the Irish people and British Sovereign during
succeeding reigns, till the year 1613, when James the Ist,
convinced by his Deputy Chichester, of the necessity of
forcing the Reformation, repressing discontents, preventing
disaffection, &c., by means of a Protestant Ascendancy,
granted his sanc6an to the creation of 40 new boroughs for