The Sun.
London, England, 1836-04-21 00:00:00

tion f it„""-s : --- -_—__________
° --silt, and in a state of internal war, and extensive
disturbancese prevailed, vet our trade had increased with it in
t•!3,
lamest rapid and promising manner. Again, the prospects
!II Opened On the side of Persia were equally favourable. Our
trade to Trebizond during the last three or four years had in-
creased from 450,000/. to 8.50,000/. or 860,000/. though a
disputed and doubtful seceession and an internal war (both so
and
to commerce) prevailed all the time. If his
lion •
heou• F need 'bad shown that prosperous trade with these
. entr.ies had fallen away of late years, then indeed he would
"'iv had a right to call on and stimulate the dormant energies
of the '''
nth_Government ; but now the state of the case was far
ir`, "wiae—now that the commercial relations of these coun-
tries with England had not retrograded, but that in despite
of 11 the untoward accessaries which beset them, had pros-
!), rto an unprecedented extent under the policy pursu.ed
eutYlat
pnegllieend, it was scarcely fair to press an interference with
itidue
h.Y. He thought he had made out a case that should
e is Hon. Friend to forbear urging his motion, and the
buelidacserTed condemnation on his Majesty's Ministers it might
would upposed to carry in the eyes of foreigners.—( Hear.) He
now turn to the subject of Sweden, and the proofs ad-
duced of the aggressions which it might be inferred Russia
ad-
was supposed to intend in that quarter. He did not stand
airy
to defend the aggressions of Russia. Neither was there
, yt, disposition on the part of the British Government to
polderi essarily interfere with the demonstrations made by that
judged tboywards its neighbours ; but if any of •these . were
aggress' the
.British Cabinet to indicate an intention ofd
state len, and if Ministers were to come to that House, ane
dreg, that after negotiating they could not obtain proper ri; va. ss, such an appeal, he was confident, would not be made
pri,ll-(llear, hear,) But though he had followed his Hon.
that 'end closely tbroueh his details he could not make out
g Russia: had combmitted an recent and specific act of lig-
itf-ss`°ll. His Hon. Friend's argument appeared to be founded
tieerse " apprehensions and anticipations than facts and reali-
poL In dealing with the relations of the Sultan with other
that"vra we should not anticipate events. He was not aware
Dap a°3' interruption had been given to the navigation of the.
uhe I,
bad 'I Russia, but if there had, he wished the parties
Lay oonimunicated the circumstances to him, and he should
ally° immediately taken the opinion of the proper legal
ehenersri\es to have such a wrong redressed.—(L"
D 14,, •S With regard to the trade with Trebizond, he. wa,s
s(; ' to be enabled to inform his Hon. Friend that his Majesty's
leavernment had already appointed a Consular agent. to that with Russia
~also.. Hitherto this country had had no commercial treaty
resting . &tussle, the commercial intercourse of, the two countries
ne,„ °lily upon ancient usage ; but there was at presenttoa
e 1 ?e.iation going forward between the two Governments
be
saishsh a commercial treaty, which he hoped would soon
h.s
broughtl_ to a favourable issue. These facts would prove to it
11611...0.Friend and the House, that his Majesty's Governmen
tee :1.. t insensible to the great interests which the motion before
}tad No embraced. He had never said, as his. Hon.
aFraiieined.
s'eristtated, that a kingdom could not be exting.uoieshed, i
What he
allu-
ded
6: Russia and Poland, on a former occasion.
rail 7 was, that it was impossible to exterminate, either mo-
tatiYon°"_Ph3_'sically, a whole nation, and more especially such a
that . as Poland, consisting of many millions. It was true
Pin i.ip tn she present time Russia occupied Silistria and the
takueePaluies, but by arrangements which were now likely to
and place the debt of Turkey to Russia would be discharged,
bill,te the latter Power would immediately evacuate all those
11 es----( Hear, hear.) The feelings of the Government, and
o pe_whelieeed of that House, were to submit to wrong from r
ton
° er5..44 tee
o .0 ` -"eera)—but cautiously to abstain from a provoca-
d tf
War by doing wrong to any other Power—(.. Cheers)—
Until th own
rights,
e end
Ourbut to wait with vigilant caution
that ose rights were really attacked—(Cheers)—to see
that
wtheathapd.aaejeusti
.ground of war before we ventured. to dis-
Prosperit - • vv.iic. was .
h so essential to the happiness and
or Fu 3of all civilized nations.—( Cheers.) All the nations
peace o
had by this time learned the value of preserving
as, e and he hoped that peace would never be disturbed by
But if
eri7 rash ase of England.—(Hear, hear, and cheers. 1,1 ether country attempted to interrupt that peace cheers.) But
the Other instantly resist that attempt ; and he was surieththt3htisailili
put.eser_he.r countries, whose interests were identical w
sistae"lng peace, would rally round us, end join in that re-
, llee•--(Cheers.)
been MAHON said the interests of Turkey had always.. en: a most forward part of the policy of the Duke of 'Wel
Bp,' ''t4°ns Government.—(Cheers.) In all negotiations re-
te•rtellg Turkey it should never have been forgotten, as itweeri-
fel 7 [led net been by the Government of the Duke of e. -
silegtr., that we had to deal with a nation much diminished in
Tuinribter, and greatly broken in spirit. In this feeble state was.
lees eY When she became engaged in the war with Russia in
Ise..' a.nd 1829. It had been said by the Hon. Gentleman
bilok introduced thepresent motion to the House that the
to eOl Wellington's Government of that day made no effort
ti
aProcere an honourable peace for Turkey by an intelvein.-
ascse with the belligerent arties • but for a refutation ot this
etr_tton be could with confidence refer to the documents on-
that id
with the negotiations carried on by the Government o
rsferY to preserve the integrity of Turkey. He could
ur.also
b our
e„,eato the instructions forwarded to Lord Heytes
Lo.",ue 8!la dor at St. Petersburgh, and the despatches. sentY' by
ea° Aberdeen to Lord Exmouth then at Constantinople. It
4441waYa been a principal feature in the foreign policy oithef
Teriie of Wellington to uphold the ancient independence
had
asitedeivi The Hon. Member for Lancaster (Mr. Stewart)
ti,ireranient why
Go, - s'-lch were the disposition of the Duke of Wellington's
did they not go to war in support of the
acted that
Turkey ; but the Hon. Gentleman should have recolies
%are,' that at that time Turkey had no specific claim upon this
1444 TY. It came with a peculiar ill grace from Hon. Gentle-
onf
IV e;tlie opposite side of the House to charge the Duke 011 Lngt ore Government Areal. a now with a neglect of Turkey, and a
saute lty to Russia, because he could not but recollect that the
tree tl)rties in 1829 charged the same Government with an
ll" "
Russen
1014. ofdlY disposition Turkey and an unworthy jea-
.t ia-7( Cheers. to )
For a proof of this he could
IP a diLt,he. opinions of some Whig statesmen of that day.
James Mac that House on the 14th of February, 1828, Sir
thattii ''',„eektintosh said " He was prepared also to contend
*ith e wive.&nment of the Ottoman Porte had been treated.
xtraordi
ante, and
with
long suffering, with most exemplary pate-
Asti, with most unexpected forbearance. It was but
Powee te Russia to sa that her dealings with the Ottoman
fosbe r for the last seven' years had been marked with a great
guisea4ueee, as the conduct of that Power.
.had been disten-
Lord Holt' continued insolence and incorrigible contumacy."
4, and, too, in the House of Lords on the 16th of July,
iliebsa'd, " Turkey has been called our ancient ally, words
No ' "en examined, will be found to be a modern blunder.
iiho'llriLords, I hope I never shall see—God forbid I ever
end ee, for the proposition would be scouted from one
position Rligland to another—any preparations, or
.any pro-
W,ll the a any attempts to defend this our ancient ally
ii• e attacks of its enemies." There was, however, one
biaittstatestuan who certainly dissented from the views2oBf
Grey
said in the House of Lords, when speaking of tlhae
conch °I Navarino—" With respect to the transaction itself, he
tie „re.,51 With the Noble and Learned Lord (the Earl. o
tres°o-) in thinking it most unfortunate ; that the effect which
arertaturally to be expected from such an event might be
see od Ile sincerely trusted." What he chiefly found flult with
thatP°lleY of the Noble Lord opposite (Palmerston) for was Foreiwhen be succeeded the Earl of Aberdeen at the head of the
ll‘hiebgne Department, be did not persevere in the remonstrances.
the d been made by the previous Government against
\kb aggressions upon Turkey. What was the consequence ?
lott; the fate of'S ria which, by the war that ensued, was
feet 3telle Ottoman' Power, lid left Turkey prostrate at the
esert"; alehemet Ali. Turkey, seeing that she was unable to
etieiet"itherself, threw herself into the arms of England!.hear
proposaialelY. She sent two envoys to this country, one wi!lt
ger with 'or.the assistance of a squadron to put down the da.isio-
t° defr which she was threatened, and another with a promise kerns aY
„the expense of the armament, either by pecuniary
ll'ereiZr u.Ygranting to our countrymen certain peculiar com-
vegrett Privileges in their trade with Turkey. While he
.thus
4,dOpter that the proposition of Turkey was not at that time
-Lord 'he was free to admit that the position of the
it
most wa, a difficult one. But, while he owned this, it was
tee, oilit ortunate that the offer of Turkey was not accepted.
the aff.usaia herself was urgent at the time that -ire should take
in her 4sirs f Turkey into lir hands by au armed interference
eth
e-if.arote..,
i The battle of Corea preceded the treaty. of the
1ii.e!,....
ueosiradquraitnbcC, oalnisttahleitienvoetes; but where was the British Ani-
l).
that went before that battle, and
% to that
Poieted treaty ? He believed that Lord Ponsonby was ay-
tie, Ambassador to Turkey in December, 1828. He was
}led44 .v Naple. Where was he in January, February, March,
0 Phrii following ? Certainly not at Constantinople, w
hen
oft° have been, to watch the important events
(Ct: , for he only arrived there on the 2d of May.-
tr Eneris' ) He did not say that this absence of the Ambassador
eiseu! and from the scene of his embassy, under such important
othergistatices, could not be accounted for by illness, or some
eever.
,unavoidable circumstance ; but certain it was that he
new
e'lad beard it accounted for.—( Loud cheers.) He would
:rusite°„rne to the difficult and embarrassing situation in which
4ty er-Jaa was at present placed. The independence. of Tur-
aeost i an object about which he felt most anxious. It was
other-cr,'Portant, not alone for the interests of England, but of
lions '0 wers that of Turkey should be secure. Her rela-
itepe,with Russia required the deepest attention. It was the
tote lative duty 0 the
fNoble' Lord to ascertain how far the
dtjuoclsoawinat:eiasgeairn:etotyrhe Allied Powers, grounded on their con-
On
4°l the Danub rere true. With.. respect to the naviga-
e, the Treaty of Adrianople c.ould. not affect
fee ,(4) but there were other treaties by which it might be af-
es,pe and they should be well and maturely considered. With
have e,et to Poland he did not see how the Noble
Lord Could
60,- ;well acted otherwisetthai he had done. It was a qutese-
seto'olvd in thet
dthf, time express the rcaYof
hVienna, but he must at the
~,,t-liaring the Noble surpriseLor e eifieltlupona former occasion
at ie had received no. co _
it becations from Cracow onvotwhetsubject of the occupation of
the .
th Is, Allied Powers. It was by no means creditable to
Nee °ble Lord or to the t Nothing stboortooftehlivdaiz
As sable necessity should Zuuncrey.this country eeilieg,arded the present motion, he saw no general object that
Doi0()00 gained by it. He should much prefer leaving the
M. the responsibility of the Noble Lord.
PossibIyARBURTON said the House should consider the
them "nsequenees before they agreed to this motion. Let
,%ild,lnnaintain the independence a Cracow as long as they
tin a "by war, but through moral agency, and by sending
tsithg;nt there. The short recipe for extending their trade
fee°, I°VeY, lied preventing Russia from injuring it; was to
Thi_ rwrportation from Turkey, by moderating their duties.
vent; uld increase the comforts of both countries, and pre_
f was
, ,ir, B '
&rote ihi • HOY doubted whether any benefit would arise
tiaed by Rug runtion• He believed that the quarantine laws were
Pursued Russia for political purposes, but the same course was
In estabebY,4ngland. The conduct of Russia on the Danube,
Mr. "sblag a quarntine, was a just ground of remonstrace. ll° .11311CKa said the people ofr England sufferedn se.

rious difficulties from the last war, and in this time of peace
they ought to consider seriously what might be the result of
a war. He laid it down as a general principle that England
ought not to interfere with the politics of Europe for the idle
and nonsensical purpose of maintaining the balance of power.
Their power was insular, and they should not attempt to at-
tack others until they were attacked. They ought to follow
the example of the United States--a commercial nation like
themselves. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman quoted the
authority of Washington in proof that it was advisable for a
nation like America to have as little political connexion with
other countries as possible, and said that the same rule would
equally apply to England. The Hon. Gentleman had di-
vided his motion into two parts. The one related to the
Poles, and the other to the injury which had been, as he al-
leged, inflicted by Russia on our trade. As to the first part
of the motion, it was perfectly obvious that it had nothing
whatever to do with British interests, nor did the Hon. Gen-
tleman say more in reference to it than that this country was
bound by treaty to defend the rights of the people of Poland.
His opinion was that humanity, like charity, began at home.
—(Hear, hear.) War with England would—in point of
fact—be war with the whole civilized world ; and was it
because the Poles had made an unsuccessful attempt
at revolt, that war was to extend itself from pole
to pole, to every quarter of the globe? The Poles had failed
in their attempt, and they must bear the consequences, for that
was the condition upon which parties had always engaged in re-
volution or rebellion. Much has been said about the ancient
partition of Poland ; but he regarded it as a change from a
mere aristocratic power to absolute despotism. He was at
a loss to understand what the Hon. Gentleman sought by his
proposition, inasmuch as the Noble Lord had told him that it
was the intention of the Government to send a party to
Cracow. If his object was to irritate Russia, he could not
have devised a more effectual means of attaining that ob-
ject. The Hon. Gentleman admitted that, instead of dimi-
nishing, our commerce had increased. Was this evidence of
aggression. " Oh, but," said the Hon. Gentleman, " I shall
go across the Black Sea to the mouth of the Danube, and
there show you that tolls are exacted, to the great injury of
our commerce." The assertion of the Hon. Gentleman was
the only evidence they had of the fact which he stated ; but,
even admitting it to be true, how were they to determiue the
intention with which that of which he complained had been
imposed.—( Hear, hear.) He thought that the King's Minis-
ters should be left to prosecute their inquiries, and ascertain
whether it was necessary to take any steps or not, without
coming down three several times to thrust into that House a
violent declamation against Russia ; and upon what ? Why,
upon the mere assertions of two Hon. Members relative to
matters which, up to the present time, had not been mentioned
to any one Minister of the Crown.—( Hear. )
Sir R. PEEL—Sir, I beg leave to state, for my own part,
my entire and unqualified concurrence, not in the arguments
or opinions of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath, but
in the practical conclusion at which that Hon. and Learned
Gentleman has arrived. If the Hon. Member for Lancaster
will withdraw his motion, I for one shall not oppose his doing
so ; but if he will not withdraw it, if he have resolved on
pressing it to a division, all 'I can say is, that it shall have
the opposition of my vote, because in much that has fallen
from the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath I am bohnd
to concur. In the first place, I am bound to agree with
what the Hon. and Learned Gentleman has stated, as to the
extreme caution which should be exercised, before a step is
taken which may involve this country in a war ; and, in the
next, as to the unfitness of a popular assembly entertain-
ing such a subject. On these points, Sir, I feel that I must
concur with the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath; but
I cannot agree with him in other points of his speech, be-
cause, for instance, I cannot, like him, ground my opposi-
tion to the motion of the Hon. Member for Lancaster on any
such principle as that England should withdraw from all con-
nection with the Continent. For my part, Sir, lam one of
those who are anxious to preserve the balance of power in
Europe, who think that the maintenance of the balance of
power in Europe is not a matter with respect to which the
Government of this country ought to be indifferent.—( Hear,
hear.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman states, Sir, that
war with England is tantamount to war with the whole of the
civilised world, and if so—if, as he says, the spark once lighted
up by us, would involve the whole civilised world in conflagra-
tion—surely, so far from being inconsistent with good policy,
his Majesty's Government would not be doing their duty if
they did not do all in their power to cultivate the favourable
opinion of their allies.—(Cheers.) Sir, the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman has quoted for us the example of Ame-
rica ; but does such an example necessarily lay down a rule
by which we can be guided ? I contend that it does net. It
is wholly impossible that we can emancipate ourselves from
European politics, and, therefore, the doctrine which might
have been good, as America was circumstanced at the time,
could have no application whatever to this country. Sir,
the Honourable Member for Bridport has expressed his
alarm at the hostile manifesto contained not in the resolu-
tion but in the speech of the Hon. Member for Lancaster;
arid I must say that a more harmless motion was never
followed by a more warlike speech than that which we
have heard from the Hon. Gentleman. It is not necessary
et present for us to go into the matter, because the Noble Lord
( Palmerston) says that it is the intention of the Government
to recommend his Majesty to send a diplomatic agent to Cra-
cow. The resolution of the Hon. Gentleman, after stipula-
ting for the sending of a diplomatic, agent to Cracow, goekon
to say--" And that his Majesty will be graciously pleased to
take such steps as to his Majesty may seem best adapted to
protect and extend the commercial interests of Great Britain
in Turkey and the Euxine." Why, Sir, it is the bounden
duty of the Government to do this in the Black Sea as well
as in the Euxine. It is the duty of the King, as well as the
universal rule, that the interests of the commerce of this
country shall not only be extended but protected by every
possible means ; and if the Government are incapable of
acting up to that principle, the power which they hold
should be taken from them and placed in other hands.--(Loud
cheers.) Now, Sir, I object to the course which the Hon.
Gentleman has taken, and the difference between the terms of
his motion and his speech. His speech was wholly directed
against Russia, and although I do not stand here to defend
Russia against any acts of aggression which she may have
committed—if, indeed, she have committed any—l still must
be permitted to say, that if the House of Commons is to in-
terpose its authority in such cases in future Parliaments, I
concur with the Hon. Member for Bath in thinking that
before we do so official proof of such aggressions ought to be
absolutely necessary.—(Cheers.) Before, Sir, I consent to
any thing of the kind, I must have the documents and treaties
before me. Until then, certainly, I shall not be content to
tell the King that injustice has been done to England and
reparation refused, and that we (the House of Commons) are
ready to support his Majesty in any steps he may think tit to
adopt for obliging compliance with his demand for redress.—
( Loud cheers.) This, Sir, is the course which I think the
House of Commons ought to pursue when an interposition is
called for, and this is the course which, when we are involved
in war, when the day of real danger comes, will give to the
voice of the House of Commons the weight throughout
Europe which it ought to have, and which it has ever up to
the present moment had.—( Cheers.) Sir, if we are to inter-
fere at all, let us interpose directly and openly—let us state
the extent to which we mean to go—for it should not be for-
gotten that there is no interval between leaving delicate matter
of this kind to the discretion of the Government, and coming
forward with a vote of want of confidence in them. With re-
spect to holding out menaces, all I can say is that I never will
be a party to any such proceeding.—( Great cheering.) That
is not the means by which the honour and dignity of the coun-
try can be maintained or war avoided. It is not only the in-
terest of Great Britain, but of the whole civilized world, that
peace should be preserved throughout Europe ; but Sir, while
I say this, I am free to admit that if a foreign Power were to
insult England, and refuse us reparation, it would be our duty
to assume our proper attitude and station, and to exhibit a
firm determination to resort to that last appeal—to arms, the
greatest calamity which can befal a nation—unless justice
were done to us. Before I conclude I must say a word upon
that part of the speech of my Hon. Friend which related to
the treaty of Adrianople. He appeared to me to cast upon
the Government of the Duke of Wellington a reflection that
it had not taken sufficient steps to counteract the influence
which Russia was held to, have acquired under that treaty. I
must protest, however, against now judging of that treaty by
the feelings which we now entertain towards Russia, for
although II e now entertain a just and well-founded appre-
hension of the consequences of the hostile intentions
which Russia is presumed to hold towards us, it must not
forgotton that at the time when that treaty was con-
cluded we were closely and cordially co-operating with
Russia in securing the independence of Greece.—( Hear,
hear, hear.) The Duke of Wellington and myself 'assumed
the direction of the Government in 1828, and as regarded
Russia we were certainly not perfectly free agents. By the
treaty of July, 1829, this country, France, and Russia had
contracted a common obligation to put an end to the disturb-
ances in the Levant, and to guarantee the independence of
,Greece. That treaty was not finally brought to a close, in
consequence of the rupture in 1828. With respect to that
war I will say, without for a moment adopting or wisnmg to
adopt any expression of undue conciliation towards Russia,
that it originated out of an act ,of gross provocation on the
part of Turkey—an act of provocation which I believe was
offered to Russia for the purpose of disrupting the alliance of
the three Powers. The manifesto on that occasion can only
be accounted for on the presumption that war would not ac-
tually take place, that Russia might safely be defied, for that
France and England would not take part in any hostilities.
But we felt it our duty to persevere and adhere to the treaty;
in fact we had no option. We deprecated the separate hos-
tilities of Russia against Turkey. We felt the great dif-
ficulty of that Power acting as a neutral Power in one part
of Europe, and as a belligerent Power in another ; but, on
the other hand, we felt that to withdraw would be to put
an end to Greek independence, and we therefore thought
it most advisable to keep the treaty. The Honourable and
Gallant Admiral said that the advance on Adrianople might
have been prevented ; and he is under the impression that
Russia made a proposal to England and France to unite with
her in hostilities against Turkey. But the answer of France
and England was, " We have no cause of hostility against
Turkey ; the treaty never contemplated it ; and the ground
of complaint you have does not extend to us." But the pro-
position made at that time to Russia had reference to the oc-
cupation of Moldavia and Wallachia by Russian troops, and
we told Russia, that if such was done, it was impossible to cal-
culate what would be the result of so important a movement
on the Turkish empire. But suppose we had assented to the
Proposition of Russia, and that Russia had advanced into the
provinces in question, what security should we have had that
xve should not have been parties to operations which would
ire annihilated Turkey, and have left her a prey to Russia?
will ask the Gallant Admiral, whether be thinks it would
have been wise in us to have guaranteed the security of
Turkey, unless we had been supported in that course by other
co'intries ? The Hon. and Gallant Member seems to think