The Sun.
London, England, 1836-03-28 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We had imagined that the Duke of Wellington
ould set an example of moderation to the Tory Peers
'his Session, and we attributed the furious article on
the application of the military system to politics, in
which our Contemporary the Standard laboured to
prove that the Duke of Newcastle was not only a
greater orator than the Duke of Wellington, but also
a wiser statesman, to something like a conviction that
the latter had parted company with the more violent
ultras ; but the threatened opposition to the Irish Con-
stabulary Bill by the Duke of Wellington inclines us
to believe that his Grace is about to change his Murse,
and that the Peers will receive his countenance in
their absurd resistance to all measures of improvement.
Has his Grace been frightened out of his moderation
by the Standard? Or has he determined to make
the amende honorable to the Marquis of Londonderry
by showing that he knows what is right in some
cases, hut can be as absurd as his Lordship in
others ? If the Peers imagine that they will strengthen
themselves by resisting all improvement, on the
principle that every abuse -removed strengthens
the popular party, and leads necessarily to further de-
mands for reform, they are grievously mistaken. It is
unquestionably true that the Tories have been
weakened by every reform which has been extorted
from them ; but it does not follow, that if they had
held out, their power would have been greater than it
now is. They yielded to circumstances which they
could not control ; but the circumstances and not their
own inclinations caused the Reform, and it is there-
fore folly to speculate on their refusing to concede re-
form when it was in their power to prevent it. In
like manner, they cannot, by arraying themselves
against the people of England, defeat, except for a
season, ally of the measures demanded by them ;
but by making the attempt they may greatly
weaken their order, by producing in the public
mind a conviction that a reformed House of
Commons and an unreformed House of Peers
cannot work harmoniously together. The greatest
enemies to the Peers, therefore, are the more
violent of their own body, who seek to place
them in a state of constant hostility to all improve-
ment. The publication of Mrs. Austin's translation
of M. von Raumer's " England in 1835," has placed
within the reach of our Tory Lords many sound opi-
nions on the subjects which now agitate the country,
from which they might derive much benefit. We
would particularly recommend to them the enlightened
views of the German historian on the subject of con-

cession-:
" Is it with my consent," he observes, " that time rolls
on, and that every thing changes with time ? Did the
Pope consent to the Reformation ; or did his non-consent-
ing retard it? Did the Venetians consent to the new direc-
tion taken by the commerce of the world ; or did the Eng-
lish concede' independence to America? * * In
public affairs a concession is generally the consequence of a
demand ; and neither is the result of any individual will.
* * * The formal right of expressing the will
(such as that possessed by the Lords, or the King, of
throwing out Bills) has no effect in deciding the thing,
and gives no answer to the question of wisdom or folly,
justice or injustice. It is often maintained in letter,
when it is dead in spirit. Such maxims as, that a Go-
vernment ought to grant no demand, or to grant every
demand, are equally null. Because it is possible that
the concession of a just demand may be followed
by an absurd and unjust one, I am in no degree
absolved from the first ; on the contrary, the concession of
the just, is precisely what will give me strength to withhold
the unjust. When, on the other hand, one just principle
gives birth to a whole series of new conclusions, we ought
not to be alarmed, hut should learn to understand how
and why such was the natural, the inevitable, and the
proper result. This ensued upon the abolition of the
shire-trade, or villenage, of commercial restrictions, of ex-
clusive class or corporate privileges, and so on. New forms
of disease, as well as new vital energies, are doubtless con-
nected with every new stage of development, but the latter
cannot be represse.l, nor can the former be cured, with old
nostrums.

Never was a universal ruin brought about by the
concession of what was just and suited to the age (which,
indeed. inquiry proves to be identical) ; what was destroyed
by such means had lived out its life. Never, on the con-
trary, have senseless and untimely changes borne the fruits
Loped for by lovers of revolution. Therefore let every man
who has a share in public affairs exert his understanding to
tl:e nttro,q: an:l lay aside his prejudices, that he may see
where it is fit to concede and where to withhold ; and not
fancy himself a statesman because be can repeat a few
phrases out of Haller or Bentham.
,‘.General changes, moreover, are not effected by mere
personal springs of action. If Luther's opposition to the
sale of indulgeocies proceeded (as some Catholics falsely
aFs.,rt) only from envy and avarice, the Reformation
would not the less remain a mighty turn in human affairs—
an event belonging to universal history. Supposing that
O'Connell's efforts in behalf of his countrymen spring
from ambition or from avarice—the discovery or the pro-
clamation of this fact will neither tranquillize Ire!and, nor
settle the justice or injustice of their demands. lfimmoral
springs of action are really at worl., the way to render
them impotent is to withhold nothing that ought to be
granted." •
The ConAtalmlary Bill was thrown out` by the
Lords Inst year, solely because it was approved of by
Mr. O'Connell. Sir Robert Peel, in the House of
Commons, parted company with his old Orange asso-
ciates, and approved of the principle of depriving the
local magistrates of all power over the police. But
this, we suppose, was merely to cover Ins attempt to
destroy the Irish Corporations, in order to deprive the
people of the management of their local concerns.
The Lords, on reflection, find, we suppose, that they
cannot afford to be rational, for they hold together as
a party by retaining every absurd opinion, and' making
common cause with the opponents of all necessary re-
forms ; consequently every folly abandoned irritates the
fools or knave/ who clung to it, and thins the Tory
ranks.—Morning Chronicle.

The varid and main objection to the " principle" of
the Irish Municipal Bill, which comes to a thild read-
ing in the House of Commons thiS evening, has always
been, that the pretended principle is not the true prin-
ciple, and that the whole measure is nothing better
than a downright fraud. In England the municipal
franchise has been made more popular—literally, as
well as substantially, more " democratic." Now,
although to our judgment the most rational fear for
Great Britain at this moment, or, in other words, •the
risk most likely to be realized, is, the overgrowth
and despotism of mere democracy—a democracy
at once unenlightened, insolent, and coarse—we can
imagine dangers in their nature more terrible, and a
yoke by far more degrading. The bill of so called mu-
nicipal reform for Ireland is one which professes to in-
troduce a more popular spirit than heretofore into the
corporations of that island, but in fact and truth it does
no such thing. It blinds and mystifies those who claim
to .he the body of English Liberals, by taking for its
motto with regard to Ireland, the name of "demo-
cracy," while the real purpose is to set up a " hiero-
cracy," which, under that watchword of democracy shall
make the populace the tool of its tyrannical ambition.
A motion was made in •the House of Commons by
Sergeant Lefroy last Friday, which the House thought
proper, in its wisdom, to reject, but which if carried
would have thrown curious light upon a subject closely
interwoven with this of Irish municipal reform. It was
for a return of the number of voters at the last Cork
election who had affixed their marks to the affidavits of
registry—in short, for a return of the proportion of the
Cork constituency under the Reform Bill who could
not read or write. Sergeant Jackson, as it may be
recollected, had averred that there were no less than
600 of the electors of Cork who could not write their
names I What the consideration must have been
which alone could operate upon the Irish Artorney-Ge-
neral to resist such a motion, it is easy enough to con-
ceive. It certainly was not precisely the same as that
so humorously implied by Dr. Baldwin, viz., that he
. was afraid to let this country know to what a pitch the
Corkonian rabble were over-educated ! No ; Sergeant
Jackson was unfortunately too well informed. He knew
well what sort of animals they are who exercise the
political functions of Irish electors, and used the fact as
,
a warning to Parliament against the admission to
municipal, or any other power, which could be brought
to bear against the constitution, of a description of
persons still less intelligent and independent than those
whose wretchedness it now appears that the Irish
Attorney-General was ashamed to have recorded by a
Parliamentary proceeding. Those scandalously incom-
petent Cork ,electors were men lying prostrate under
the tyranny
.of their priests. The evidence delivered
ce placed
before the intimidation Committee long sin