The Sun.
London, England, 1838-10-18 00:00:00

THE POPULAR CHARACTER.

(From the Spectator.)
The more the people become intrusted with power, the
more it becomes an object of interest to estimate and de-
termine their capacity for exercising that power with dis-
cretion. This cannot be done effectually without a sound
perception of their character, disposition, and habits, and
considerable philosophical acuteness in applying that know-
ledge to prospective circumstances. Statistics will not
avail us here ; the question is one rather moral than poli-
tical. To every country is attributed a certain national
character. This national or average character is chiefly to
be sought in the humbler classes of society, and becomes
more strongly marked the lower we descend in the social
scale. The aristocratic and the rich, who spend a great
part of their lives in travel, form a sort of nation of their
own indeed, but do not differ so materially amongst them-
selves : their mind and manners, to begin with, are cast in
a more uniform mould ; intercommunication assimilates
them ; and the reciprocities of peace tend continually to
remove the discrepancies of nationality. But the poor con-
tinue for the most part under the influence of the same
causes which originally combined to give them a distinctive
character. Between an English and a French nobleman
the moral interval is not nearly so large as between an
English and a French labourer. The difference may be
understood from the example of two neighbouring trees,
whereof the upper boughs mingle and unite, but the trunks
cannot meet. We would not, however, insist on fulfilling
the comparison to the extent of denying that in the infinite
social progression, promised by the diffusion of knowledge
and humanity, the lower classes of different countries may
not ultimately effect the same approaches which have been
made by those above them: only this is to be borne is
mind—that they are the last to move in such a direction.
Now, therefore, since national character—in the sense
of the moral peculiarities which give distinction and indi-
viduality to the people, or rather populace, of a country—
is one of those social landmarks which the tide of innoya-
tion has hitherto spared or but slightly touched ; and as it
exercises an extensive, though silent, influence in political
affairs—one difficult to temper, and impossible to extinguish
—it follows that the knowledge arid study of that national
character is an indispensable branch of the science of
politics itself, and that no political education can be, or
ought to be considered, complete without it. Without a
deep insight into human nature, there can be no great phi-
losopher ; without a shrewd sense of the national character,
there can be no able politician. There can be no wise legis
lator without both.

And here we see that line, so often overlooked, which
separates the mere politician from the political philosopher.
The former reduces politics to an affair of arithmetic ;
King, Lords, and Commons with him are only another
sort of pounds, shillings, and pence ; man and wife are
given quantities—to be divided if need be ; and if his figures
run high, it is a chance but all England starves in the
quotient. The latter, because he comprises all that the
former boasts of useful or practical, omits nothing essential
from his calculations, nor is to be outwitted by him in
numbers ; but his arithmetic is in subservience to his wis-
dom ; the speculative is not swallowed up by the practical,
nor the lasting by the ephemeral ; humanity tempers dis-
cipline ; every smaller view is a section of one larger and
more comprehensive ; feeling is not discouraged because it
is humane, nor induration held a part of duty ; with an arm
to strike there is a heart to feel ; benevolence goes hand in
hand with justice ; and in all that is done there is an
under-current of catholic good-will, which sanctifies and
lends new weight to the prosecution of the severest truths.
This comparison will describe, in some measure, the de-
fects in the political education and views of such a legisla-
tor as the Duke of Wellington ; to whom, while all the
qualities of a military commander may be conceded with-
out hesitation, a few only of those belonging to a great
statesman can with justice be ascribed ; these few being, in
fact, nearly identical with the military attributes.
Legislators of this school are apt to look on politics as a
game, in which man, woman, and child are mere pieces, to
be moved or removed in any manner that can promote the
designs of the players. They mistake diplomacy for wis.
dom, and doctrine for good government. Looking on the
people as an indistinguishable human mass of one general
character—and even of that general character having fre-
quently 14 0 just perception—they deal with them in a manner
proportionably indiscriminating. They are too uninterested
in them—they are too interested in themselves—to make
a study of the disposition and feelings of the people, with
a view to accommodating and shaping the measures of go-
vernment to the pattern before them—as all good political
workmen would do. Their study is not men, in fact, but
books. In them they place their trust—.and are deceived.
A column of figures is not a body of men ; and the results
of measures are not to be foretold either by arithmetic or
by dialectics, but by experience of human nature, super-
added to book knowledge, and especially by the experience
and study of the nature of those whose political wants it is
endeavoured to supply.
The importance, therefore, of some correct medium of
representation for the character and feelings of the people
—not the particular animus of any given concourse of
people—not people in Palace-yard, or Kersal Moor—we
mean the people of Great Britain, the lower or industrious
classes, as honourably cistinguished from the upper or idle
classes, of the country,—the importance, we say, of such a
medium of representation, is as obvious as the importance
of the knowledge to be sought from it.
The whole basis of opposition to popular demands—.
avowed by the Tories, and entertained, with ill-concealed
fears, by the Whigs—is the moral inference which is drawn
to the prejudice of the people ; the belief in the encroach-
ing, grasping nature of their disposition. It is thought they
may not stop short at the point where justice may be ren-
dered to them, but may rise in their demands and become
insolent and unreasonable in proportion to concession. The
French Revolution has been the example perpetually
threatened as that which the people of England are pre-
pared to realize here, if only suffered to follow the natural
bent of their inclinations. But can it not b• proved, on
the contrary, from moral data, that this opinion springs
from no just estimation of the English character, but
rather from base fear—from the cowardice of conscious
injury and ill-government—the misgivings of the oppressor ?
We think it may. Tories and Whigs are here both in
the same moral. Bullies are cowards, and so are sneaks.

THE YARN TRADE.—Ws understand that the en-
gagement to abstain from lighting up mills, to which we
alluded on Wednesday last, has been signed by all the spin-
ners of middle numbers of mule yarn for export in Manches-
ter and the immediate neighbourhood, with the exception of
one or two, who, from the peculiar circumstances in which
they were placed, could not be expected to join in the en-
gagement. We understand the short time is to commence
on Monday next ; and the stipulation is, that none of the par-
ties to the engagement shall recommence working full time
without giving a fortnight's notice to their associates. We
believe there is very little doubt that the example will be very
generally followed by the principal country spinners who reel
their yarn.—Manchester Guardian.

LAWs AGAINST IMMORALITY._HOW much
have we heard, within the last ten years, of " the march of in-
tellect" and the wonderful increase of knowledge
among the
people I We should rejoice to see a proportionate improve-
ment in the national morals.— Several attempts have been
made to pass a Bill in the House of Commons for the better
observance of the Sabbath, which has been considered, and
we think justly, as an improper interference with the rational
enjoyments of the humbler classes in their relaxation from the
labours of the week, and tending to engender hypocrisy. But
with respect to moral conduct, the case is widely different.
This concerns the national character, and it is essentially the
duty of Legislators to regulate and protect the morals of the peo-
ple, for the general good of society in a civilized nation. There
is a crime which is nearly allied to murder, inasmuch as it leads,
in every instance, to mental and moral wretchedness, to do-
mestic destitution, and, in frequent cases, even to death ; and
yet for the punishment of such a crime we have no existing
law in this enlightened country. How many victims of seduc-
tion appear at our police offices every week 1 How frequent
are the paragraphs in the London newspapers headed " Se.
duction and Suicide 1" How many families have had their
domestic union and happiness destroyed by the artful and dia-
bolical conduct of immoral men, alike regardless of parental
feeling and of the horrible destruction of female chastity I The
Legislature, we earnestly hope, will not much longer puffer
this most unfeeling, unmanly, and degrading offence against
morality to remain unpunisbable. We trust some Member, of
high moral feeling, will bring a subject so important to the
character of the country before Parliament, in the next Ses-
sion. Let us have at least some reason to hope the " march of
intellect" is not a mere empty boast, and that the march of
morality is making some progress.— Warwick Advertiser.

It is now long since any new documents relating to
the time of the Commonwealth have been given to the public ;
and we aro glad to understand that Mr. Colburn is going to
fill up this deficiency by the publication of an interesting se.
ries of Private Correspondence between Secretary Thurlow,
and the other distinguished men of the time, throwing much
light on the principal events, and on the secret policy of the
reign of Cromwell.

The Newcastle Journal states that on Monday, at
Hexham, the bed of Mr. Hedley, butcher, was sold in the
market place, by auction, for Church-rates. A croA d of
people assembled on the occasion, and were addressed by Mr.
Gray, on the impolicy of the Church of England employing
such means fur the support of the Establishment.

- -
The workmen employed at Clarence House, St.
James's, the residence of her Royal Highness the Princess
Augusta, commenced on Tuesday to renovate the mouldings of
the exterior of the edifice, which had been injured by the
weather. The Commissioners of 'Woods and Forests have
also ordered the edifice to be painted throughout. The
Princess will reside at her delightful seat at Frogmore, be-
queathed to her by her illustrious mother Queen Charlotte,
until the first week in next month, when she will proceed
to Biighton. Ttie m in the precincts of
lion, formerly occupied by General Sir Herbert Taylor, has
been *griped her.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

COURT OF BANKRUPTCY, Oct. 17.

GENERAL PALMER'S BANKRUPTCY.

This was the day appointed for the general auditing of the
accounts of the estate of this bankrupt, the late M. P. for
Bath, the proceedings in which have been reported in our
Journal.

A question which had arisen in regard to some freehold pro-
perty of the bankrupt was reent:oned by Mr. Hauseman, but
the Court thought it had no jurisdiction in the case.
Mr. Clarke then addressed his HONOUR. He said be at-
tended at the request of several of the creditors residcn, in
Brussels, France, and England, fur the purpose of calling at-
tention to this bankruptcy, which was unlike those that too
frequently came before the Court. The bankrupt had brought
into trading a large sum of money, though he bad been re-
duced to the necessity of appearing in the Court. He further
alleged that the bankrupt had been deprived of a large num-
ber of acceptances, for which he had received no considera-
tion, but had been compelled to take them up, and could point
out one case in the accounts where 15,0001. of such accept-
ances had been procured. In this manner a great part of
the property had been sacrificed ; and so confident were the
creditors he represented that
.the bankrupt had been more
" sinned against than sinning," that they determined to have
a thorough investigation of all such accounts, and would sup-
ply the funds necessary to carry on the business. All they
required was his Honour's assistance, and should be be pleased
to grant it, they felt assured that upon the estate being
purged of all unjust claims a handsome divid,nd would remain
for the bone fide creditors. The claims he alluded to had
crept in, the bankrupt not having kept a regular account of his
transactions.

Mr. Commissioner EVANS said he would give every assist-
ance, as would also the official assignee. Meetings should be
given for the proceedings when application was made.

MIDDLESEX SESSIONS.

JUVENILE DELINQUENCY.—Ann Lynch, aged 14, and Jane
Davis, aged 13, were indicted for stealing a sheet, the pro-
perty of Jane Bradshaw.

The prosccutrix kept a lodging-house in Whitechapel, and
the prisoners went there to sleep on the night of the 13th of
October, and when they left on the following morning they
took the sheet in question away with them.
The Jury returned a verdict of Guilty.
The CHAIRMAN expressed his regret that there were no
means of suppressing the low lodging-houses that were in
Whitechapel, and which were the nightly resort of young
thieves and prostitutes. He then sentenced the prisoners to
six months' imprisonment and hard labour in the House of
Correction.

Daniel Sullivan pleaded guilty to an indictment charging
him with assaulting John George Stevens, a policeman of the
F division, in the execution of his duty.
It appeared that the prisoner not only knocked the prose-
cutor down, but afterwards kicked him, and inflicted such
injuries on his person as to render him unfit to attend to his
duty for a month.
The CHAIRMAN said the Court were determined in all cases
to protect the police in the execution of their duty. He then
sentenced the defendant to four months' imprisonment and
hard labour in the House of Correction.

Upwards of one hundred prisoners were discharged by
proclamation, after which the Court adjourned.

SURREY SESSIONS.

KINGSTON, OCT. William Bryant was tried and con.
victed of stealing three live tame rabbits. In the course of the
trial it appeared that the prisoner was a man of notori.usly
bad character, and was at the head of a gang who were the
terror of Sutton and the neighbourhood of Baustead. When
he was taken into custody on the present charge, and lodged
in the cage at Mitcham, his associates surrounded it, and ac-
tually tore it down to the ground, for the purpose of releasing
the prisoner. He was, however, subsequently taken into cus-
tody. Evidence was also adduced of his having been several
times in custody on charges of felony, and that he had also
been summarily convicted on various occasions, and imprisoned
in the different gaols of the county.—The prisoner was sen-
tenced to be transported for seven years.
Thomas Duke, Benjamin Chapman, and John Chapman,
the two latter father and son, were indicted for stealing 14
gallons of beer, the property of Messrs. Chandlers, the
brewers, of Epsom.
The trial of this case occupied the Court upwards of four
hours, the brief facts of which were these :—Duke acted in
the capacity of foreman to the prosecutors, and being sus .
petted of purloining property a watch was kept, and the two
other prisoners were discovered in the act of taking a barrel
of beer from the premises, which was given to them by the
prisoner Duke.
Evidence was adduced of the prisoners being concerned fur
some time past in purloining the property of the prosecutors.
A verdict of Guilty having been returned against the pri•
soners, Duke was sentenced to fourteen years' transportation,
and the other two prisoners to seven years' transportation each.

LICENSES OF PLACES OF PIBLIC AMURIMENT.

Mr. Jemmet moved for a renewal of the music and dancing
lice4nriei.
slefor Vauxhall Gardens, on behalf of Mr. Gye and Mr.
llu

After a brief consultation amongst the Bench, the applica-
tion was granted.
The license for the Royal Circus, or Surrey Theatre, was
renewed to Mr. Davidge.
Also the license for Astley's Amphitheatre, to Hannah W.
Astley, John Cobbould, Andrew Ducrow, and William West.
The next application was on behalf of Mr. Richard Haward,
proprietor of the St. Helena Tea-gardens, Rotherhithe, for a
renewal of a music license only, which was granted.
Mr. Philip Phillips applied fora music license to the Duke's
Head, in Bower-gardens, Stangate-street.
After some desultory conversation the license was granted.
Mr. Braster, of the Jamaica Tavern, Bermondsey, applied
for a music license. The Court granted it.
Mr. Chambers applied for a music and dancing license, in
the name of Mr. Levi, for the Victoria Theatre.
Mr. Jemmett said that Mr. Levi's interest would expire in
August, and he wished the names of Mr. Young and Mr.
Smith to be also introduced into the license.
Mr. Chambers consented, and the license was then renewed.