The Sun.
London, England, 1838-02-21 00:00:00

lowing freedom in the new meter of things, but of rapid moral
improvement of social union among all castes and colours,and of a
'progress coutined to none in the arts of civility and refine
ment.—( Loud cheers.) These forms are pleasing to con-
template even in the. imagination ; but another form
is nigh. I do not not deny that there is danger,
nor can I close my eyes to it. The planters, its
usual, look to the wrong quarter. Their interest tells them
that they are in jeopardy, bet it is a false interest, and mis-
leads them as to the nature of the risk they run. They,
who always dreaded Emancipation—who were alarmed at
the prospect of negro indolence, who stood aghast at the vi-
sion of Negro rebellion should the chains cease to clank, or the
lash to resound through the air, gathering no wisdom from the past
—still persist in affrighting themselves, and scaring you with
imaginary apprehensions from the transition to entire freedom
out of the present intermediate state. But that intermediate
state is the very source of all their real danger ; arid I dis-
guise, rot its magnitude from myself. You have gone
too far if you stop here and go no furtl-er ; you
arc in imminent hazard of having loosened the fetters; you do
not strike them off—if leaving them ineffectual to restrain,
you let them remain to gall, and to irritate, and to goad. Be-
ware of that state, yet more unnatural than slavery itself—li-
berty bestowed by halves—the power of resistance given-_
the inducement to submission withheld—)ou have let the
slave taste cf the cup of freedom ; while intoxicated with the
draught beware how you dash the cup away from his lips—you
have produced the progeny of liberty--see the prodigious
hazard of swathing the limbs of the gigantic infant—you know
not the might that may animate it—have a care, I beseech you
have a care, how you rouse the strength that slumbers in
the arm of the sable peasantry of the Antilles I The children
of Africa under the tropical sun of the West, with the prospect
of a free Negro Republic in sight, will not suffer themselves to
be tormented when they no longer can be controuled. The
fire ia St. Domingo is raging to windward, its sharks
are borne on the wind, and all the Charibbean sea is studded
with the materials of combination. Every tribe, every shade
of the Negro race will combine from the fiery Koromantine
to the peaceful Eboe, and the ghastly shape of colonial destruc-
tion meets the astonished eye—
" If shape it may be called that shape has none.
Distinguishable in member, joint, or limb,
Or substance may be called that shadow seems
For each seems either ; black it stood as night,
Fierce as ten furies, terrible as hell."
I turn away from the horrid vision that my eye may not once
more,in the prospect of enduring empire, and peace founded upon
freedom, I regard the freedom of the negro as accomplished and
sure. Why? Because it is his right—because he has shown
himself fit for it—because a pretext or a shadow of a pretext can
no longer be devised for withholding that right from its pos-
sessor. I know that all men now take a part in the question,
and that they will no longer bear to be imposed upon now they
are well informed. My reliance is firm and unflinching upon
the great change which 1 have witnessed—the education of
the people unfettered by party or by sect—from the beginning
of its progress, I may say fsom the hour of its birth. Yes, it
was not for a humble man like me to assist at Royal births
with the illustrious Prince who condescended to grace the pa-
geant of this opening Session, or the great captain and States-
man in whose presence lam now proud to speak. But with
that illustrious Prince and with the father of the Queen, I
assisted at that other birth, more conspicuous still. With them
and with the lord of the house of Russell I watched over its cradle
—I marked its growth—l rejoiced in its strength—l witnessed
its maturity ; I have been spared to see it ascend the very height
of supreme power—directing the councils of the State—accele-
rating every great improvement—uniting itself with every good
work—propping honourable and useful institutions—extirpating
abuses in all our institutions—passing the bounds of our
dominion, and in the new world, as in the old, proclaiming
that freedom is the birth-right of man—that distinction of
colour gives no title to oppression—that the chains now
loosened must be struck off, and even the marks they have
left effaced by the same eternal law of our nature which makes
nations the masters of their own destiny, and which in Europe
has caused every tyrant's throne to quake. But they need
feel no alarm at the progress of right who defend a limited
monarchy and support popular institutions—who place their
chiefest pride not in ruling over slaves, be they white or be
they black—not in protecting the oppressor, but in wearing
a constitutional crown, in holding the sword of justice with
the hand of mercy, in being the first citizen of a country
whose air is too pure for slavery to breathe, and on whose
shores, if the captive's foot but touch, his fetters of them-
selves fall off.—( Cheers. ) To the resistless progniss of this
great principle I look with a confidence which nothing can
shake; it makes all improvement certain—it makes all
change safe which it produces; for none can be brought
about, unless all has been accomplished in a cautious and
salutary spirit. So now the fulness of time is come ; for our
duty being at length discharged to the African captive, I
have demonstrated to you that everything is ordered—every
previous step taken—all safe, by experience shown to be
safe, for the long-desired consummation. The time has
come—the trial has been made—the hour is striking: you
have no longer a pretext for hesitation, or faultering, or delay.
The slave has shown, by four years' blameless behaviour
and devotion unsurpassed by any English peasant to the
pursuits of peaceful industry, that he is as fit for his freedom
so any Lord whom I now ad'lrcs3. I demand his rights--
I demand his liberty without stint, in the name of justice
and of law—in the name of reason—in the name of God,
who has given you no right to work injustice. I demand
that your brother be no longer trampled upon as your slave.—
( Hear.) I make my appeal to the Commons, who represent
the free people of England; and I require at their hands
the performance of that condition for which they paid
so enormous a price—that condition which all their cons+ i-
tuents are in breathless anxiety to sec fulfilled ! I appeal to
this House—the hereditary judges of the first tribunal in
the world—to you I appeal for justice.--( Hear, hear.)
Patrons of all the arts that humanize mankind, under your
protection I place humanity herself! To the merciful Sove-
reign of a free people I call aloud for mercy; to the hundreds
of thousands in whose behalf half a million of her Christian
sisters have cried aloud, that their cry may not have risen in
vain. But first I turn my eyo to the throne of all justice,
and devoutly humbling myself before Him who is of purer
eyes than to behold any longer such vast iniquities—l im-
plore that the curse over our heads of unjust oppression
be averted from us—that your hearts may be turned to mercy
—and that over all the earth His will may at length be done !
The Noble and Learned Lord resumed his seat amid loud
cheering from both sides.
The following resolutions were then put from the chair:—
" That an humble address be presented to her Majesty,
earnestly beseeching her Majesty to take immediate steps for
negotiating with the Governments of Spain and Portugal,
and obtaining the concurrence of the Governments of France
and the United States in such negotiations, with a view to
declare the trade in slaves piracy, wherever the same is carried
on ; and making those who persist in it liable to all the pains
and other consequences of piracy.
" 1. That it is the opinion of this House that the reward
of persons engaged in suppressing the trade in slaves, by the
payment to them of head-money, is highly inexpedient, and
ought to be discontinued : and that in lieu thereof there should
be substituted a payment in proportion to the tonnage of the
vessels employed, and the number of guns, and of the crew
on board the same.

"2. That it is expedient, for the more effectual suppres-
sion of the trade in slaves, to employ a number of steam-
vessels under the command of the cruisers of her Majesty,
and to issue to private individuals letters of marque, to enable
them to fit out such vessel;, but so as they place such vessels
under the command of her Majesty's cruisers ; and that the
money paid by way of reward on the capture of any slave
trade vessel, as well as the proceeds of the sale of such vessel,
when condemned, be distributed among the crew of such
private vessel, subject to a deduction of one-fourth part,
which should be made payable to the officers and crew of the
cruiser under whose command the private vessel may be."
The second series was as follows :

" 1. That it is expedient, with a view to carry into effect the
intentions of the Act of 1833, that there should be such a dis-
tribution of the work and labour of the indentured apprentices
as shall leave them the half of every Friday to themselves for
working in their provision grounds, and the whole of every
Saturday for attending the market.
" 2. That it is expedient to declare all apprentices who at
present are registered as non-prtedial still non Trredial on the
Ist day of August, 1838, notwithstanding any agreement be-
tween them and their masters, or any change of employment
which thry may have undergone, or may hereafter undergo,
since the time of their registration..
" 3. That all questions which may arise between appren-
tices and masters respecting their rights, after the Ist day of
August, 18.38, shall be decided by the stipendiary magistrate of
the district where the party complaining resides, without any
appeal or other proceeding whatever.
" 4. That no female apprentice shall on any pretence be
flogged oc otherwise punished by any infliction upon her per-
son ; and that if any such punishment shall be inflicted, or if
any punishment shall he inflicted which is found to have been
wrongfully inflicted by the authority of the master, such ap-
prentice shall be immediately declared free from her appren-
ticeship ; and that all complaints of such female apprentice,
touching any punishment, shall be heard by the Stipendiary
Magistrate of the district alone, and decided on by him with-
out appeal.

"5. That it is expedient to vest in the Governors of the
several Colonies the power of making such regulations re-
specting the gaols and respecting the police of the several
Colonies as they shall think fit, the same to have the force
of laws until disallowed by her Majesty's Government ; and
that copies of the same shall be transmitted forthwith to her
Majesty's Government.
6. That it is expedient that the period of prmlial appren-
ticeship in all the Colonies should cease and determine on the
Ist day of August, 1838, and that until such time the fore-
goinc, regulations ought to be every where observed and en-
forced by law."
The Duke of SUTHERLAND felt that he should not do
justice to the petitions which were entrusted to him if he
his concurrence in
had been then deli-
tnheeg justeadntdh excellent t uotbi isteyr observations risTiienhg.
vered. He felt every reason to hope that this system, which
all agreed was opposed to the interests of humanity, would
soon cease. Instead of setting an example to the world of
justice and clemency, this atrocious slavery, which no doubt
was co-existent with human society, prevailed in more bar-
barous forms undor governments calling themselves Christian
than under any heathen nation. The impressive and forcible
speech of the Noble and Learned Lord on a former evening
could not be said to contain exaggerations of the horrible cru-
elties of this system. The men, or he should rather say the
monsters, who were engaged in this traffic, were the foulest
scum of the dregs of the human race.—( Hear, hear.) But
those who encouraged and maintained the traffic were amongst
the nations and governments called Christian. Ile thought
the energy and talent of the Noble and Learned Lord could