The Sun.
London, England, 1831-06-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

It will be-perceived by an advertisement in this
day's journal, that the project of erecting some
public structure in honour of the King, for the noble
part which he has taken in emancipating his people
from the tyranny of the boroughmongers, is in a
thriving state. We fervently recommend and press
its execution ; and, by the way, while we are upon
this subject, we cannot help recommending it as a
test of real and sham Reformers. Sir John Owen,
for example, has for a while jockeyed Mr• Gre-
ville out of the county of Pembroke, by sud-
denly giving himself out to be a Reformer. If he
be a Reformer, let him present something to the
monument for the King, which is meant to comme•
morate his Majesty's firmness in dissolving the
Parliament, which resisted openly, and trickily
endeavoured to elude, Reform ; and the same may
be applied to other hasty converts to the principle
of Reform; if they be sincere, their loyalty must
overflow to that Sovereign, and their gratitude to
those Ministers who have given to Reform its only
legal chance of success, by appealing to the voice of
the people. The real Reformers will, of course, aid
the plan from principle.—Times.
- We insert a letter, signed " A Mother," in this
day's Journal, on the conduct of Major Dundas in
Ireland, towards that unhappy girl, whom, with her
sister, it is painful to us to name. VITe did mean to
have said nothing on the subject, out of respect to
the friends of the more weak offending party; for,
unfortunately, there was blame on all sides. Lord
Dorchester was a boy, and appears to have been
seized with compunction in the progress of his mis-
conduct, and before its completion. We still hope,
therefore, that he will live to do honour to his ele-
vated rank, in which case every thing in this trans-
action will be forgotten; and we are much mis-
taken if times are not approaching in which a fair
name will weigh as much as an empty title. The
conduct of his more hardened companion, whose age
approached probably to 40, is without excuse,---his
infamous falsehoods to a foolish but yet a confiding
girl,—his abandoned dissoluteness,—his callous
efforts to retain possession of the victim when
present desire was palled, render him an unfit per-
son for Christian society, and if so, an unfit person to
held his Majesty's commission with the certainty of
promotion. In the capture of a town by assault,
for example, bow could such a man restrain the
fury of the common soldier ? Would he not rather
encourage his passions and participate in his crimes'?
We hope, with our correspondent " The Mother,"
to see him dismissed from the service. We suppose
an authentic copy of the trial has been forwarded
to the Horse Guards.—Times.
The report of a Special Commission, for the trial
of marl deluded individuals in the county of Lime-
rick, will be found in another column of the Times.
The chnrge against the prisoners--and now it may
be fairly stated the crime of which they were, we
believe without exception, found guilty—was the
turning up of pasture land with the shade, aggra•
rated in some instances by the use of force or in-
timidation, to compel other parties to join them in
the perpetration of that very serious attack on

lauded property. Two of these wretched men,
who had employed menaces to their neighbours,
were sentenced by the Court to be hanged. It is a
carious fact, though not singular in the history of
such proceedings, that some of the culprits could
not plead the extreme of poverty in extenuation of
their offences. A man of the name of Kiely was de.
.scribed by his own witness, as a " snug farmer—not
in want of land." We hear frequently, and quite truly,
that the destitute condition of the peasantry of Ire-
land
is the main cause of most of their outrages upon
person and property : the purpose of all these outrages
to revenge or to intimidate, and to intimidate through
the effect produced by ostentatious vengeance.
They term it " execution, lawful punishment,"
—" a fair and legitimate administration of justice,"
—in other words, it is their mode of vindicating
the law, the only law for which they have any re-
spect•—the poor man's law,—the end of which (how-
ever grossly they mistake the matter) is to save
themselves and families from starvation. We need

hardly repeat what is so well known, viz.—that the
Irish peasant cannot, in cue instance out of five,
support himself, as the English peasant does, or
used to do, by the wages of daily labour. There is
not labour in the country to maintain a fifth of the
existing peasants. Their staple support is land, au
Acre, half an acre, or sometimes less, occupied at an
enounous rent, arid yielding seldom more than a
scarify crop of potatoes,—a pig,—an expedition, for
the man, in harvest-time to England ;—the practice
of beggary from door to door, by the woman and
her children, until the husband's return, which is al-
ways before the time of potato-digging,—an occa-
sional job of some hard drudgery while he is at
home; these form the resources of the Irish peasant,
which it is manifest must be wholly insufficient
under the contingency—first, of a fit of ague, too
frequent amongst the mud-wallowing poor of. Ire-
land; second, in case of a bad Irish potato-crop;
third, in case of a slack demand for labourers in
England. Well, if his land be taken from one of
these poor wretches, what is he to do ?—what, we
repeat, is he to do ? There is no labour,—there
is no habitation,—there are no poor laws in Ire-
land : it is, therefore, potato-field or positive fa-
mine. When a large extent of land remains in
pasture, while there are hundreds of wretched
families, end as many surplus members, ripe to
swarm and take wing, from families already pro-
vided, all panting for leave to toil upon the idle sur-
face, their manner of hinting their wants to the
proprietor, is to turn up four or five inches deep of
the land, which, translatel into English, says—
" Give us the use of this ,virgin earth for our po-
tatoes." But how come people to join this throng
who have no common cares or sufferings with the
multitude ? Your " snug farmers"—how come.
they to mix with the half-famished peasantry, while
the latter are engaged in setting the law and Go-
vernment at defiance ? Why, simply, that they
cannot feel secure in the midst of a multitude so
distempered and unanimous, but by ranging them.

3elvea on the stronger side, which is that of the

discontentelpeasaniry, until the day of reckoning

comes, and that comes not very often.

The smaller

farms in Ireland find their best protection in seem-
ing to feel with the very poorest of the people. It
was so in 1822, when the whole south of Ireland

was insurgent : it was so in 1798, when a grey-

treated man, not a rebel, was looked upon -as a
rnouster, and stabbed or pitched over the parapet of
a bridge, or upon some pile of blazing turf or fag•
gag.. The cause thus is misery—the concomitant
is mean•spirited imitation. No man is safe that has
inac. a stone-walled house, with a stated roof—nor
he without barricading his windows—nor then.
The peor must be relieved by some permanent
system of legal assistance ; that is the first principle
of the whole reasoning on the state of Ireland : they
must be relieved of their present distress, and de-
fended against its recurrence, or Ireland will never be
at peace.—Times.

The conduct of Austria to the brave Dwetnicki
and his corps is now proved to be, by all concurrent
accounts, what we originally stated it was, a gross,
and flagitious violation • of the principle of neu-
trality and a shameless infringement of international
law. It appears that the General and his officer•
are to be sent to Laybaeh,and the privates to Tran-
sylvania; all the Russian arms are to be delivered
up to General Rudiger, and those which ore recog-
nized as the property of the Polish Government,
are to be considered a 3 property intrusted to the
Government of Austria. The event which enabled
Austria thus practically to evince its animus against
Poland, will have little influence on the destinies of
that heroic country, for the lose of Dwernieki and

his warriors, is already repaired by the successful

issue of the expedition of General Chrzanovraki to
Zamosc, but it involves a precedent that may be
hereafter of the most mischievous consequences, as
being subversive of the rational and equitable prin-
ciples which, under similar circums:ances, have
hitherto governed civilized nations. But an Evening

Paper (the Courier), which seems strangely solicit-
ous to rescue the policy of Metternich from the re-
probation with which enlightened opinion will for
ever stigmeeise it, finds subject of praise in this
act of Austrian perfidy and spoliation. That Paper
says " there is something gratifying to the friends
of Poland, and very creditable to the Austrian
Cabinet, in the distinction drawn between the Rus-
sian arms and those which are recognised as the
property of the Polish Government. This does
sot look as if the Poles were regarded as mete
rebels by Austria." Now, if Austria does not re-
gard the Poles as rebels, she must look upon them
as an independent people at war with Russia ; arid
in that character no person will have the folly to
assert that she has any right to detain them as pri-
,oners, having been forced upon her territory by at,
enemy, who purposely violated neutral rights, and
is now permitted by Austria to take advantage of
his own wrong"! If to treat the Polish officers and
-oldiers as prisoners—to deliver up part of their
isms to the Russian e, and retain the other poi,
,ion herself, be a specimen of the impartial justice
which Austria affords to neutrals, driven for momen-
tary asylum on her soil, by a foe that did not re-
spect its neutrality, we should like to know what
acts of hers tossards the Poles could be charac-
terised as outrage and oppression. Could she throw
hem into dungeons, loaded with chains, or could
,he put them to death? Could she even deliver
them up to Russia without by that act declaring
.car against Poland, and thus trying whether there
was any extent of dishonourable forbearance,
which could not be submitted to by the pusil-
lanimous Government of France, rather than en-
force the principle of " non-intervention" which she
had so pompously proclaimed? Again, if Austria
has taken upon her to decide that a certain portion
of the arms seized from the Poles are Russian arms
(though, if taken in battle, they must have become
the property of the Poles by right of conquest),
and delivers them up to Russia, she was certainly
bound in equity to have delivered up the arms,
which are riot disputed to be Polish, to the National
Government at Warsaw. We are told she does not
regard the Poles as rebels. At all events they are
not rebels to her authority; and she has no other
right to detain either the Polish prisoners or their
arms, under the circumstances in which they have
fallen into her hands, than that which entitles the
strong to oppress the weak—brute force unjustly
exercised. The Evening Paper to which we have
alluded, informed us, a short time since, that Austria
was not likely to act unjustly towards the Poles, be-
cause "it was not her interest." Did the world
ever know a despotic State to take an enlightened
or comprehensive view of its own interests ? lithe
Emperor of Austria knew the real interests of his
Government, and were virtuous enough to act upon
them, he would not be guided by the Machiavelian
policy of such a statesman as Metternich, whose evil
genius has been mainly instrumental in causing all
the revolutions with which Europe is now distracted.
But though Austria sect etly hates Russia much, and
,s jealous of her encroaching power, she hates free-
dom more, and dreads its vicinity. But who can
wonder at such conduct in a Mate that was one of
the three Powers that plotted the crime and divided
the spoils of the infamous partition of Poland ?
Morning Herald.
It has been remarked in the City that the letter
of Lord Ponsonby to the Belgian Congress is the
most unconciliatory and dictatorial document that
ever fell from the pen of a British Diplomatist.
Without entering into the question of the justice or
injustice of his Lordship's demands—for such they
may be called—it appears to us to be quite clear,
that, unless those demands are complied with, the
Five Powers bare dttermined to interfere in a man-
ner much more effectual than any that can result
from the mere use of words. Lord Ponsonby does
not disguise this intention of the Allies. He plainly
tells the Belgians that, unless they settle with the
Dutch upon certain terms, they will be compelled by
force of turns to submit to an arrangement. " Not
one inch of Dutch territory," says his Lordship,
" shall be left to Belgium, unless she shall have con-
quered Europe. What she may lose of her own
territory, if she should happen to be defeated in such
contests, is another question." Nothing can be
more peremptory than the language employed in the
above extract. It besides assumes the whole thing
in dispute—namely, what is Dutch territory ? The
Belgians on the one hand claim certain districts as
belonging to them—the Dutch say that they be-
long to Holland. Now according to the law of
nations, which his Lordship talks so much about,
the dispute ought to be settled by the contend-
iug parties themselves, unless they agree to refer
it to a third party. Lord Ponsonby has said a great
deal about the sacredness and sanctity of treaties;
but this is mere fudge, or something worse, when
applied to the Belgic question. If treaties were
-o sacred us not to be allowed to be changed,
Belgium herself ought to be considered as sub-
ject to the King of Holland. But in all the
talk and negotiations relative to this affair, one very
important point appears to be entirely left out of
consideration. We allude to the wishes of the
people of the disputed distfets. The question with
us is, do they wish to be united with Holland or
with Belgium ? The fact might be easily ascer-
tained, and when ascertained, in our humble opinion,
it ought to decide the question. A rumour has been
current in the city among persons usually well in-
formed, which, if true, fully accounts for the
peremptory tone of Lord Ponsonby's letter to the
Belgian Congress. It is said that the Five Powers
sre perfectly satisfied that the Belgians will reject
their proposals as to limits, and that they have de-
termined upon an armed intervention. It is further
reported that a French army will occupy the whole
of West Flanders, as Brussels, Ghent, Ostend, arid
Antwerp; and that a Russian force will take pos-
session of what may be called East Flanders—
namely, Limburg and Luxembourg. For our part
we cannot attach any credit to this rumour, opposed
as it is to every principle of foreign policy professed
to be held by the present French arid English
Governments. The project cannot be looked upon
in any other light than as a division of spoil between
Prussia and France—a division almost as infamous
as was the partition of Poland. But it is said that
the miseries of the last twenty-five years of war is
so impressed upon France and Prussia, that, instead

of fighting about Belgium, they have come to the
conclusion of quietly dividing the country between
them. Now, granting for a moment that this is

true, we.would-ark, are not the interests of England
compromised by such an arrangement ? If we are
►old that England would be satisfied by the razing
of the fortifications of Antwerp, and rendering it
like Hamburg—a free town, we answer that though
her commercial interests might not be injured, her
political character would be most materially. For
ouf own part we should not envy the reputation of
that Minister who could take part in such a deed of
infamy. We repeat, however, that we do not be-
lieve the rumour.—Morning Herald,

The war between the Russians and the Poles has
led to a more sober estimate of the power of the
former than was before entertained.
" The Conqueror of the Beim," observes the Consti-
tulionnel, " couf ned to strong places, is reduced to a de-
fensive war, and his army is by turns decitnated by the
victories of regular troops, by the independent arms of

scythe bearers, by tbe zavag,s of the cholera morbus, and
by the insufficiency of the supplies of provisions, the fruits
of its own devastations, and the habitual rapine of the
Russian Commissariea. In vain the Czar still threatens,
and gives utterance to language of rage and contempt; in
vain he announces the arrival of 150,000 serfs as a rein-

forcgment to put an end at once to the affair with the man
of Pohlad, The prestige of Russia is gone; the whole
Russian army ii demoralised ; superstition, so useful in
success, becomes an additional obstacle in reverses, and
the forces' of the two countries may beeorno less unequal in
the struggle on which they have entered."
It is fortuntrn that wherever in huFnan affairs we
see one man at liberty to give such commands, and
utter such frantic metiacei as those of the Emperor
of Russia, the means of execution are usually in the
inverse ratio of the extravagance. Extreme des-
ignorance and extreme in-:-
potism suppoies extreme

morality. Where men possess the talents and
energy that render them available instruments to
carry great purposes into effect, they will not be
blind instruments, and no ruler would dare to treat
them as such. The Russian is in that state of civi-
lization in which a man is little above the brute.
He yields to every animal impulse when the oppor-
tunity for indulgence presents itself; and of mora-
lity, in the higher sense of the word, he has not an
idea. Every man robs and plunders wherever he
has an opportunity—every man takes bribes. No
reliance can be placed on any man in any situation
in which he may be placed. In the hospitals, the
physician robs the patient ; in the field, the com-
missary, officer, and private all rob each other. Even
as mere machines, leaving out of consideration all
the higher parts of warfare, the Russian is slow and
stupid. Lord Londonderry, in his Narrative of the
War in Germany and France, attributes to the
Duke of Wellington, on the occasion of a review
at Paris of the Russian army, at which he was
present, an; observation tolerably indicative of his
opinion of it. "We rode down the hill (says his
Lordship), and the Russians broke from their
lines into grand columns of regiments; and no one
but a soldier can conceive the beauty of this great
simultaneous change. A spot was then fixed upon
for these masses to march by the Sovereigns ; and
the Emperor of Russia, putting himself at the head
of the leading regiments, thus formed in column,
marched past, and saluted the Emperor of Austria
and the King of Prussia; then placing himself by
their side to see the rest of the army go by. The
whole of the day was only sufficient to give time for
a re-formation into line, and an opening of ranks,
along which the cavalcade of Monarchs and their
immense suite rode The Duke of
Wellington and Sir Lowry Cole, and various other
military friends, met together in the evening at my
quarters, full of admiration of the movements they
had seen ; and I well remember the Duke of Wel-
lington saying to me, Well, Charles, you and I
never saw such a sight before, and never shall again ;
the precision of the movements of those troops are
more like the arrangements of a theatre than those
of such an army. I never saw anything like it.'—
Much, however, as the Duke was struck with the
extraordinary perfection of the Russian formations,
he was by no means satkfied with their slowness :
and I remember a remark from him, that his little
army would move round them in any direction
whilst they were effecting a single change;' an
opinion which all who beard it re-echoed."—
But real war is a very different affair from parade
movements, as Marshal Diebitsch has had some cause
to know. The materials of which a Russian army
is made being bad in themselves, the army cannot
be good. The mere bodies of men ate not
enough. If the masses whence the soldiers
are taken are low in the scale of civilization,
no discipline can give it the honour and the intelli-
gent spirit which the army of a civilized nation pos-
sesses. The Czar may issue his Ukases, but the
officers will not less rob their soldiers, the Com-
missary starve them, the physician cheat his hospital
patients. Diebitsch must be sensible of the mad-
ness of ravaging the very country whence he can
alone hope to feed his troops ; but Diebitsch could
not restrain them if he would. We have been much
struck with the picture of Russian life, in a volume
recently sent to us, the first of a work preparing for
the Press, under the title of " Ivan Vejeegher, or
Life in Russia" said, in the accompanying eommu-
wcation, to be a translation from the Russian. On
perusing this volume the causes of the weakness of
Russia appear sufficiently obvious. Every Russian
has constantly present to him that he is at the
mercy of every man in authority, that the law to
him is a snare and not a protection, and he has no
other resource than to make reprisals in his own way
on those who rob and plunder them. There is a
striking passage towards the close of the volume,
where a discussion takes place in a merchant's house,
on the question why in trade the Russians are
merely drudges for the foreign mercantile houses,
and never become respectable merchants them-
selves.—" On a sudden there was a noise ta;sed in
the passage. The landlord was on his way thither
but he had scarcely risen froM his chair, when the
door opened with a bounce, and into the room, with
a howl, ran a huge mastiff dog. There appeared a
gentleman in u travelling dress with a pipe between
his teeth, and behind him a footman, and an under-
strapper of the police. In the mean time, as the
dog was strellieg about all the corners of the room,
and his master was undressing himself, without tnore
ado, the policeman said : There is a lodger for
Suder Yerrnolayeveetch : His High-well-born-ship
(translated literally) is come from Petereburgli on
Government business, and you are so fortunate that
your house has taken his fancy.' Have mercy
upon us; there are already six men in the Govern-
ment-service quartered upon me,' replied the land.
lord ; besides that, the Cr. pitan Eespravnik ordered
me to take in those two gentlemen.' Hold your
tongue, long beard!' said the man of office, casting
a grim look :it the respectable old mare ' I wish to
have no further acquaintance either with thee or thy
Capitan Eespravnik, and will remain here because
it pleases myself." The landlord turned to the
policeman, and said, But the neighbouring houses
are quite unoccupied.' How can you
,compare
your house with your neighbours' houses `e replied
the policeman. They are gentlemen in office,
people of rank ; you know that with them lodge the
Governor, the Procureur.

Enough, enough, Slider Yermolaye-
veetch, if re have not merchants to answer all pur.
poses, what order would there be ? It is strong men
who should carry burdens, and you are the richest
of them all.' The policemen went out, and the
man of office said, Move about now, old one;
your brotherhood here seem to have a fine time of
it, when you dare to be so contumacious!' make
no objections (replied the merchant); but I and
my family have only three small rooms remaining,
and Ido not know where to lode you. shallr
take two and you can occupy the thin: (said the man
of office); and if you are too crowded,you can betake
yourself to the pantry. Observe what airs this boor
gives himself.' lam no boor, Sir, but a met-
chant." But do you think that is not all the same ?'
repli, d the man of office, with a laugh. 'He who
is not a nobleman, what can he be but a boor ?'
We left the room, and the landlord followed us.
Gentlemen (said be) we hare found out the reason
why merchants do not like to remain in their pro.
fession. This is a small sample of the respect which
the other classes pay us. But you have not yet seen
the thousandth part of our vexations, and when you
see them, recollect the good features in our cha-
racter, and do not lay the blame where it is not due.

It is amongst us here as it is everywhere; everything
will go its own course,' said Peter Petroveitch,'till
civijization circulates through all classes of the com-
munity. It is only the man of education and refine-

merit who can in lull measure be sensible of his du-
ties to others, arid can respect all his fellow-creatures.
The well-educated man knows that in a properly re-
gulated empire every profession is respectable, arid
as necessary as all the strings of an instrument to
produce harmony. Ignorance erects a barrier between
them." Civilization, however, cannot be created,

a
likeo a an army, by the
nation
ine i
vil fiat
izt
tio n of
isn
at
first Emperor. T
exceedingly
siprogresso
v.
We are not aware, too, of any instances of nations
having succeeded in springing over any of the stages.
Peter the Great might cause the Russians to cut off
their beards, but we question if he really advanced
their civilixition beyond what it would have ad-
vanced without him. On die other hand, it ii
more than probable that the militaiy system which
he introduced, while it extended the powers of the
Government, has at the same time retarded the im-
provement of the Empire. To the army every
thing is necessarily sacrificed, and every country that
depends on an army is forced on a career of con-
quest, which impedes all internal improvement.
Who knows but the successes of the Poles, by
breaking up this immense Colossus, will lead to the
amelioration of the condition of the Russians, and
hasten their progress in civilization ! Russia now
possesses some millions more inhalOants than in

1817, when Sir Robert Wilson wrote his famous
tolume. It is curious to contrast the low opinion
!low generally entertained of her power, with the
terrific idea given by Sir Robert. "In this post-
, tion, which may be called the very heart of Europe,
The rides alongside the Brandenburg possessions with
the lofty and fearful superiority of one of her hurt-
' deed and twenty-gun ships over a Prussian gallio!,
where there is no escape from pressure, and where
the weaker must be crushed or overwhelmed. Not-
withstanding the possession of the fortresses of
Dantzic, Gradentz, and Colberg, Prussia can never
attempt to defend any territory north of the Oder ;
and her line of fortresses on that river is the only
rampart of Germany; a rampart, too, of no value, if
there are not supporting armies in the field equal, or
nearly so, 'to the attacking force, and especially it,
the army of cavalry, which is almost impossible,
since Russia, without any extraordinary exertion,
could bring one hundred and twenty thousand
(regular and irregular) cavalry into action on the
Prussian frontier . . • Both
quarters of the globe are overshadowed by the mass
of six hundred and forty thousand men, while an
establishment of one million two hundred thousand
ranges, in order of battle, exclusive of militia,
Tartar cavalry, &c." The Czars, constantly hear-
ing such noneense as the above, no doubt believed
that they were invincible. Hence the modest
language of the Russian Court of late years.
What is constantly repeated, comes at last to be in
some measure believed. To the nations of Europe
Russia was a constant bugbear. The Czar may now
talk as big as he pleases; his fulminations will be
placed in the same class with those of the Sovereign
of the Moon, where he lately conquered. Even
Sir Robert Wilson must nosy have some doubts as
to the feasibility of his leading seven hundred
thousand men against Warsaw, and giving law to
Vienna, Berlin, and Constaminople, at the same
moment. The poor Poles have wrought this
miracle. Even if they should be conquered, they
have humbled Russia to the dust But they will
not be conquered.—Morning Chronicle.
It appears that we have at length got the true
version of the case as relates to Mr. Coleridge, the
provision of which he was deprived, and the pro-
vision tendered to his acceptance, but which he--
respectfully declined. We publish a letter on the
subject, which does equal honour to Lord Brougham
and Lord Grey, and equal no-honour to certain other
personages:—
TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.
SIR,-1n consequence of a paragraph which appeared
in the Times of this day, I think it expedient to state the
fact respecting Mr. Coleridge as it actually is. On the
sudden suppression of the Royal Society of Literature,
with the extinction of the honours and annual honoraria
of the Royal Aisociateships, a representation in Mr. Cole-
ridge's behalf was made to Lord Brougham, who promptly
and kindly commended the case to Lord Grey's considera-
tion. The result of the application was, that a sum of
2001., the one moiety- to be received forthwith, and the
other the year following, by a private grant from the
Treasury, was placed at Mr. Coleridge's acceptance; but
lie felt it his duty most respectfully to decline it, though
with every grateful acknowledgment of the prompt and
courteous attention which his case had received from both
their Lordships.

1 remain, Sir, yours respectfully,
Highgate, June 3. JAMES GILLMAN.
—Times.

Various reports were prevalent in the city yes-
' terday respecting advantages gained by the Poles
over the Russians; but we have not been able to
trace them to any authentic source, and are, there-
fore, more inclined to set them down to the credit
of the good wishes of the people of the city towards
the Poles, than to place implicit belief in them.
No official intelligence on the subject has been re-
ceived—nor, indeed, intelligence of any moment,
since the taking of Ostrolenka, of which, however,
there appears to be no doubt. In the meantime,
we are informed by the German Papers, that a de-
c's;on has been made by the Austrian Cabinet re-
specting the corps of Dwernicki, very different in-
deed from that which was originally reported. The
General and his officers, it is now said, are to be '
sent to Laybach—the privates to Transylvania—all
t 1 Russian -arms to be delivered up to General
Rudiger—those which are recognized as the pro-
perty of the Polish Government to be considered
as property entrusted to the Austrian Government
—and the officers to retain their horses as private
property. This distribution wears an air of impar-
tiality; and an Evening Paper is so taken with the
matter, that it observes upon it in the following
strain

" There is something very gratifying to the friends of
Poland, and very creditable to the Austrian Cabinet, in
the distinction drawn between Russian arms and those
which are recognized as the property of the Polish Go-
vernment. This does not look as if the Poles were re-
garded as mere rebels by Austria; and the Emperor of
Russia must be Sadly mortified on learning that the Aus-
trian Ministry acknowledge such a thing as a Pu:isli
Governmyry, and tie right of the Poles to have arms of
their own, in spite of the decrees of the Russian
Autocrat."

For our part we see nothing very " gratifying" in
the matter. The Emperor of Austria bad no right
to make the distribution, or to constitu•e himself a
Judge, an,l in giving every thing to the Russians
which he conceived to belong to them, and retain-
ing every thing which he conceived to belong to the
Poles, proved himself any thing but an impartial
Judge, and a friend to the Poles. He is pursuing a
middle course, and the leniency of that middle course
has been produced by the remonstrances of France
and England. To us the conduct of Austria is any
thing but satisfactory.—Morning Advertiser.
It appears that the Bankrupt Bill is to be brought •
forward [main for the consideration of Parliament on
the first day of the session. Not, however, in the
"Loco in quo" it has heretofore been considered,
but in the House of Commons, where it is to be in-
troduced, in a luminous speech, by his Majesty't,
Attorney-General, and supported by all the wisdom,
knowledge, legal learning, experience, and eloquence
of Mr. Frederick Pollock. After the thri*Aniseraide
miscarriages which have happened to the Lord High
Chancellor of Great Britain in his hitherto frustrated

attempts to force this measure upon the House of
Lords, in spite of the opposition of Lords Eldon,
Lyndhurst, Wynford, and other Peers, he has se-
Jetted Sir T. Denman to introduce his ricketty bant-
ling into the presence of the Commons House
Two more faulty measures than the two preceding
Bankrupt Bills could not well have been con-
ceived, and we fancy that this one (for we con-
fess that we have not seen the performance) wili
not be more perfect. The present system, which
only requires a proper regulation, and -which has,
in spite of the Reformer's assertions, worked
well for so many years, is to, be abolished for
the purpose of introducing the theories of a specula-
tive individual, and to answer no practical purpose.
Everyinstitution, therefore, of our ancestors is to
be turned upside down. Commissioners of Bank-
rupts are to go in the general swoop, and it is pr -
posed to supply their places by persons who will do
the business in half the time, for half the pay, and
kith
the n the ignorance of the present race.
That
business may he done in half the time,
tivieorl Six different Courts are to be constituted,
and therea m
ever a dispute shall arise, five or six different
ap
be, at the option of either side, when-
appeals of these different Courts. This
v
That the ignorance also of bankruptcy law, which,
t is asserted, is now much to limit the expense.
w so often displayed by the
i%iplie also
l io t o
tend
Commissioners, many of whom have paid great
attention to the law of, the practice in, and the
judicial administration of, bankruptcy (and many
of whom, in our opinion, really know a
great deal about it), may be displayed no
more, Mr. Sergeant Pell is to be made Chief of the
new Court; chiefly, we suppose, because he Lever
held a bankrupt brief its his life. For the same
cause, Mr. C. F. Williams, Mr. Frederick Poliock
(the seconder to his Majesty's Attoroey-Gerieral
aforesaid), and Mr. Erskine, are to be appointed
Junior Judges of the First Court of Bankruptcy.
For the same reason, every other judicial appoint-
ment under the new Bill is said to be intende.l to be

filled up by gentlemen from the Northern Cirett't,
who, from their common law practice, can know
little of the principles of equity, of which bankruptcy
chiefly consists; and who, from their having solely
seen the proceedings on circuits, sessions, and at
Nisi Prins, can know little of the proceedings be-
fore the Lord High Chancellor upon a petition
in bankruptcy. For the very reverse of this rea-
son, Messrs. Montagu, Rose, Beames, Swanston,
Jacob, Meri vale, Fonblanque, Gregg, Roots,
and others, are excluded from Lord Brougham's
new Bankruptcy Judges; and yet this is the syqem
which is to supersede the old one, and such are the
new Judges to be who are to be substituted for tht.
present Commissioners. Sir James Scarlett will,
we are happy to say, give the measure his decided
opposition. The mercantile world is up in arms
against it, and its transportation from the Lords to
the Commons shows that the Lard Chancellor
is Rot very sanguine of its success. He may be
sorry to lose the patronage it would give him; bar
he must be sensible that a House of Commons,
which the Whigs say does not truly represent the
people, and which is so soon to be reformed, is not
the very best tribunal (radically speaking) to moot
a measure so deeply important to the mercantile
world.—Morning Post.

M. GREGOIRE, LATE BISHOP OF BLOIS

(From a Paris Paper.)
France has just lost one of those men whose
lives are models of consistency, and may be com-
pared to beautiful dramas, where all the stages
of the action are in harmony with each other.—
In his youth, in his riper years, and in his old
age, M. Gregoire was always attached to the
same things, to letters, philosophy, humanity, and
religion. The love of religion was the predo-
minant feeling of his breast, and contributed not
a little to keep alive that passion for liberty
which the revolution of 1789 kindled within
him. The study of public and private rights
the meditation of the doctrines of Christ, the
great preacher of equality, and a deep know-
ledge of the history of the primitive church,
had admirably prepared the Cure d'Ember-
menil for our political reformation; he may be
said to have been a citizen before the French
people had conquered that sacred name on the
ruins of the Basil?.
So early as 1778, an essay on the ameliora-
tion of the political, physical, and moral con-
dition of the Jews, had announced in M.
Gregoire a man superior to the maxims of in-
tolerance and fanaticism. This production,
bold and new in its nature, was received with
favour by the clergy of France. At the same
time he was active in promoting the education of
his parishioners, both in a religious and agri-
cultural point of view, giving them free access
to a library adapted to their intelligence and . to
their condition, which he sought to render more
free and happy by increasing their knowledge.
It was thus that M. Gregoire anticipated, by
more than half a century, the generous attempts
made in our time to enlighten the popular mass,
and diminish that inequality of civilization which,
to the prejudice of liberty, places so great an in-
tellectual distance between different parts of
France. Gessner, Ochs, Lavater, and other en-
lightened men, whom he visited in their respec-
tive countries, had been made the confidants of
his philanthropic views, and felt for him the
highest esteem. This sentiment he had tile
good fortune to inspire to the most remarkable
men of his age, who never ceased to correspond
with him as with the zealous friend of humanity.
Perhaps there did not exist in all Europe, a
religious body so moral and enlightened, so hu-
mane and full of consolation for the poor, as
what was then called in France the has clerg,
the eitrls in particular were a chosen class, with
whom the higher clergy, indulging in every
pleasure, relaxed in their morals, greedy of dis-
tinctions and of riches, could not for an instant
have sustained a comparison. The conduct
of either class at the revolution was in accord-
ance with the difference which existed in their
moral condition. The grand dignitaries of the
church fought for their privileges and their trea-
sures, and even refused to succour royalty in
peril, and save it from destruction. The inferior,
the poor clergy, embraced the cause of the
people and of the King against the Court, join-
ing the generous citizens, who wished sincerely
to see the throne hi alliance with liberty. France
will never forget the noble devotion displayed by
M. Gregoire on different occasions, at the
meeting of the jeu de Paume, on the 14th July,
and at the celebrated discussion on the civil con-
stitution of the clergy.
Rome, which has modified its doctrines to
serve its ambition, and its still affected supre-
macy, may have condemned the principles of the
Bishop of Blois ; but he who has never ceased
to
oappealunjust, froma
of reason, to whose supreme jurisdiction even
willbe condemnationacgu ittedawhicht the h et r consi-
deredib til
pontiffs; are subject. What has become of the
pretensions, the maxims, the usurpations, the
Geraesgon hasries,defeated
the ex aanndders, markedand
there
the
ofse tsiC
Reason
stamp of eternal reprobation.
examples
Se x
with t u
the
Reason, whose rights are inalienable, has strip-
ped these usurpers of the inviolability, the infal-
libility with which they affected to surround
their power, their relations, and their oracles.
In the stormy scenes which succeeded the Con-
stituent Assembly, M. Gregoire, whatever his
accusers may have asserted, displayed still greater
courage. To give a faithful but brief summary
of his conduct, under the Convention, he pro-
posed the abolition of the pain of death at the
time of the trial of Louis XVI., requested that
the King should be the first to benefit by the
law; refused to sign a letter which called for his
condemnation. He protested, with the greatest
energy; at the very moment of the abdication of
Gobel, that he would never abandon Christi-
anity. Aidett. by Lakanal and others he laid
foundations for the re-establishment of public
instruction ; lie protected the monuments of the
arts against the barbarism which seemed to have
spread over some parts of France.
Under the Directory, all his efforts tended to
the re-establishment of religion ; he has himself
proved that four years before the finnous concor-
dat of Napoleon, the Christian worship had
been restored in 32,000 parishes, and that, of
the 8,000 remaining, 4,000 were petitioning for
the re-opening of their churches. Named a
member of the Senate under the empire, he did
not abjure the severit of his principles, and,
along with the Garats, Lanjuinais, and a few
others, offered in his conduct a striking contrast
to time slavish submission of that assembly to time
master whom it afterwards betelyed.

At the first restoration, M. 6re„goire, faithful
to his principles, was for rejecting the Bourbons,
until guarantees of liberty had been required and
obtained at their hands. In the great fault then
committed of not requiring from the Bourbons
a formal declaration of their submission to liberty,

which they would then no longer have looked
upon as a gift of their munificence,, which the%
might retake at will, a fault which has caused so
many evils, and has finally led to the irrevouabit

overthrow of the elder branch of the Bourbons
the Bishop of Blois did not participate.
Soon excluded from his bishopric and from
the institute which he had founded, M. Gre-
goire withdrew to Auteuil, which Moliere, Boi-
leau, and other celebrated men had successively
chosen as their retreat. He was thence called
by the free and unexpected choice of the elec-
tors of the Isere. The public are well ac-
quainted with the new tribulations to which this
event subjected him, and with the act of ostra-
cism inflicted on a delegate of the people, by an
assembly which contained more than one mem-
ber unworthy of a parallel with the virtuous ob-
ject of its enmity. Wise, but perhaps timid,
and, as he thought, pusillanimous friends ad-
vised him to give up his election. Such a re-
quest evinced but a slight knowledge of the
fixity of his opinions, and the constancy of his
character.

Instead of giving way to the storm he loudly
protested against the coup d'etat, as a violation
of the rights of the people. The Bishop of
Blois has rendered many services to the cause
of liberty in general, but one great trait marks
his whole political career. Ever since the Con-
stituent Assembly, he never ceased reclaiming
the emancipation of the blacks ; the indepen-
dence of San Domingo was his work ; and the
whole population of the blacks, when restored
to the dignity of man, will ever celebrate in him
the Las Casas of its liberty.
In his illness and last moments, M. Gregoire
remained faithful to himself; he died as he had
lived, with a sense of personal dignity, conscien-
tious in his actions as in his words, constant in
the support of doctrines embraced from con-
viction, the friend of liberty, of humanity, and
of religion.
He leaves behind him many esteemed works,
and a far greater number of good and noble ac-
tions. Mild in disposition, he was obstinate
from conviction ; he was easy of access, and a
sure and trusty friend ; his conversation was in-
structive—grave, and yet cheerful ; in his coun-
tenance, calm and handsome, there was some-
thing singular in the turn and expression, which
called to mind what Saint Simon says of a cer-
tain air which distinguished Fenelon amongst his
contemporaries.
THE NEW BEER-TRADE BILL.

Yesterday afternoon a very numerous meeting of
the persons engaged in the sale of the beer, under
the authority of the new Beer Bill, was held at
the house of Mr. Crucifix, in Bishcp•gate-street
Without. Mr. Morris was called to the chair.
The CHAIRMAN stated the objects of the meet-
ing, which were to take into consideration the cri-
tical state of the trade, and to come to some reso-

lotions to counteract the misrepresentations tnade
a 3 to the effects of the new Beer Bill, and to adopt
means to protect the trade from the informers. He
(the Chairman) considered it most important that
Parliament should be petitioned to have the same
privileges extended to the trade as those enjoyed
by the licensed victuallers. The Magistrates were
divided in their opinion as to the con-truction of a
portion of the new Beer Bill ; and the traders had
been convicted as having kept disordeey houses in
not clearing out their customers at ten o'clock. All
sorts of misrepresentations had been c'reulated to
the prejudice of the new trade. Some measures
were, therefore, necessary to secure to the trade their
present rights, and to obtain an extension of them.
Mr. BrtAtrxwAtTE stated that he and two others

had had an interview with Lord Althorp and Mr.
Hohhouse respecting the trade. His Lordship bad
replied that it was positively not the intention or
Ministers to do any thing with respect to the new
beer Trade at present ; but his Lordship said that
the time might soon arrive when the question would
be taken into consideration. H:s Lordship had ex-
pressed a realiness to present a petition which had
been sent to him, praying that the objectionable
clauses in the Bill might be struck out, to the House
of Commons, but would not support it. He (Mr.
B.) thought it most advisable that a deputation
should proceed to Lord Brougham with a full state-
ment of the number of the fines which had been laid
upon the new beet truders—the offences committed
—and other returns, which would prove that the
misrepresentations circulated were not founded in
fact.—(Hear, hear.)

_ .
Mr. BIRT said the retailers of beer in the county
had to contend against the influence of the Clerays
the Magistracy, and the great brewers. The retailers
of the new beer ought also to be on the alert, as
petitions were getting up in all parts of the country
ki pinst the new system, which had not only been
productive of good, in affording a cheap and whole-
some beverage to the labourer, hut the agricultural
interest had been benefited, owing to the increased
consumption of malt. Bailey had risen from 10s.
to 12s. per quarter, in consequence of the demand
fir malt. The new system was, therefore, prc-
ductive of great good, and he thought a petition to
Parliament, praying for protection and extension of
privileges, ought to be presented.
The SECRETARY read a series of resolutions agreed
to ar a preliminary meeting for carrying the objects
of the present assembly into effect.
It was unanimously resolved to petition both
Houses of Parliament, at a fining moment, for pro-
tection and un extension of rights.
Mr. CRUCIFIX agree" in the necessity of raising
a fund to protect the trade from the informers. The
trade only wished to be placed on terms of equality
with the Licensed Victuallers, us to the hours they
might keep open their houses; that they might be
allowed to keep open their houses till eleven o'clock,
and on Saturday night till t.velve o'clock. He con-
tended that the new system had afforded great
advantage to the poorer classes.

The resolutions for the formation of a society to
protect the trade were then unanimously adoined,
and a Committee appointed to draw up petitions.
A RETAILER suggested the propriety of every
person engaged in the trade obtaining from his
neighbours their signatures to a petition, setting
forth the mode in which the husincss was conducted.
Such facts would tend to counteract the assertions
that the new beer-shops, us they- were called, pro,
moted drunkenness, immorality, and debauchery.
After some comments had been made upon a
portion of the public press, which has opposed the
new measure, subscriptions were entered into to
defray expenses, and the meeting adjourned.

BI R
On the Ist inst. at Hampstead,Mrs. C. Holfurd, of a soil.
strle/anmth(e4Ldr(ilisi: ot.
t.takedaluagd?,.teort,'
s (t;usli!bnomelk.'reinantle, of the 'Cold-
On the 2d inst. in Upper Berkeley-street, Portman-square,
lady of W. H. Sharp, Esq. of a daughter.
Esoq.n, Bryanston-square, the lady
On the ‘..'d inst. in Cadogan-place, the lady cif G. E. Twiss, Esq.
of a son.