The Sun.
London, England, 1849-01-16 00:00:00

a. -

LONDON, TUESDAY, JANUART 16, 1849.

Democracy is declared to be at a discount by an
the organs fof aristocratic conservatism, and
by all
the more enthusiastic promoters of a counter-revolu-
tion. It is imagined by those who are afflicted with
an over-sanguine temperament, and whose names
may be classed under one or other of these categories,
that the popular cause has dwindled into insignifi-
cance, and that the flames of agitation are almost
wholly extinguished. When we glance over the
nationalities of Europe we are disposed to smile
at a delusion so exquisitely extravagant as that
which has taken possession of the minds of our Tory
aristocracy and their toadies. When we see
the most despotic Governments of the Conti-
nent ':compelled to extort obedience from the
multitudes subject to their authority by the pressure
of enormous standing armies ; when we see the more
enlightened races, even under these disadvantageous
circumstances, availing themselves of every opportu-
nity for the assertion of their abhorrence for abso-
lutism ; when we se the energies of the greatest des-
potism of southPfn Europe—that of Imperial Austria
—entirely engrossed with the subjugation of its
different provinces, now heating down the walls about
the ears ~f the Viennese, now trampling upon
the germinant courage of the Hungarians, now
standing at bay before Lo'nbardy,, now hold-
ing the sword of intimidation in a threat-
ening attitude over Gallic:. —it does seem
marvellous indeed to hear the minions of the aristo-
cratic faction exulting so very cell fidently in what
they erroneously deem the extinction, or, at the least,

the permanent :suppression, of democratic ardour
There has never, perhaps, been a more signal instance
-E$ of political infatuation since the days when FILBEER
wrote the Gospel of Toryism, embodying in his
rs-1 7.14 7(\:\'\--4, "ingenious treatises the paradoxes of nine generations:
- 'There is a certain sublimity, in fact, in the effrontery
with which the individuals we have mentioned insist
upon the security of Conservatism throughout
the Continent at the very moment when
—-" KOISMITE is in arras in littegtry, when

CABRERA is in arms in Catalonia, when
PEPE is in arms in the Venetian territories, when
Dihuuosiawsur is exciting a passionate sympathy for
Posen by his spontaneous but rhetorical eloquence,
when RUGGIERO SEPTIMO still makes the„heart of
Palermo throb with hope by the remembrance of his
earnest manifestoes. There is a glaring falsity,
moreover, in these noisy paeans which are being
chanted for what is termed the final triumphs of the
SOVEREIGNS, when we bear in recollection the fact
that Provisional Governments exist simultaneously,
in more or less vigour, in Sicily, in Rome, and
in Venice. While their worshippers in England
are congratulating the retrograde Monarchs upon the
satisfactory settlement of their respective states,
those Monarchs are still watching with profound
anxiety or with sullen amazement the gradual
diminution of the power which has hitherto enabled
them to tyrannise over the million. The Emperor
FRANCIS JOSEPH, succeeding to a system which had
been enervated by the weakness of a crowned faineant
and corrupted by the casuistries of a Ministerial in-
cubus, looks with alarm to the remote extremities of
his empire—recognising the security of his sway,
not in the devotion of his people, but
in the vast assemblages of soldiery,'armed to the teeth,
under the supreme command of WINDISCHG RITZ, of
RADETZKT, of JELLACHICH, and of their lesser but
still formidable coadjutors. The King FREDERICK
WILLIAM observes, with vigilant dismay, the irre-
sistible advance of ideas against acts, placing less and
less reliance every day in the official power of
BRANDENBURG and in the military vigour of
WRANGEL. IThe King CHARLES ALBERT, driven
by misfortune to the western banks of the Tessino,
and compelled reluctantly to install a de-
mocratic Administration at Turin, observes,
with emotions of indescribable anxiety, the
extension of republican aspiration and the gradual
diminution of the distance which has hitherto sepa-
rated the theories of MAZZINI from the theories of
GIOBIRTI. With the King FERDINAND of Naples it is
by no means surprising that the remorse arising from
his late unparalleled atrocities should be deepened in
intensity by a sense of the precariousness of his domi-
nation—aware that he is alone sustained upon his
throne by the efficiency of his troops and by the
prestige attached to his government by the presence
of Pope Pius IX. at the royal palace of
Gaeta. So far, indeed, from the strength of
democracy having diminished upon the continent it
has developed its energies with too much rapidity—
in several directions carrying the excited multitudes
into excesses for which they will long and deeply
reproach themselves. Thus, for example, has it been
at the Quirinal, where the Father of his People was
menaced with rifles and artillery because he regarded
a declaration of war as incompatible with the duties
of one presiding over the ranks of a pacific priest-
hood. The Grand Duke LEOPOLD of Tuscany
finds himself, in like manner, placed between the
cross-fire of insurgent principalities, like the King
MAXIMILAN of Bavaria in the midst of the agitated
divisions of Germany.
Everything affords the same incontrovertible tes-
timony of the strength, of the development, and of
the indestructible vitality of those democratic princi-
plea which are regarded by so many as being sunk
below the limits of redemption. Everything en-
ables us to demonstrate that arbitrary government
was never in so perilous a predicament as now, when
its power is vaunted as unassailable and unconquer-
able. Every rood and furlong which is still subser-
vient to the despotic masters of Europe pre-
sents to us the spectacle of a country trodden
down under the footsteps of mercenaries. We see
everywhere that Absolutism exists no longer on suf-
ferance, no longer on superstition, no longer by a
" right divine," but, by force of bayonets and gun-
powder, by the terror of the gallows and of the sword.
There is consequently no cause for despondency—the
futurity of the races of Christendom is at their own
disposal. Formerly there stood between democracy
and the epoch of its regeneration a barrier of moral
obstructions that seemed to be almost impassable; now,
that barrier is in ruins—the obstructions which alone
remain to be conquered are merely physical or material
obstructions. They are consequently the more easily
to be destroyed. The fermentation of political events
in 1848 has prepared Europe for those efforts of ful •
tilment and reconstruction which 1549 must inevit-
ably unfold like an extending panorama.

On Tuesday last we pointed out the imperative
necessity for a speedy revision of the rules of Parlia-
mentary procedure, with a view to the removal of the
abuses that have gradually arisen therein. We also
alluded briefly to the valuable " Remarks and Sugges
tions" so appropriately offered by Mr. TilomAs
ERSICINZ MAY,* with a view to facilitate the dispatch
of public business. These rules, or at least the
greater portion thereof, are of ancient origin, and
have been recognised and sanctioned by many gene-
rations of statesmen. Few objections can be
raised to [the principles on which they are founded
or to the objects intended to be attained.
They are indeed, generally speaking, well adapted to
regulate the proceedings of a deliberative body, and
the legislative assemblies of Europe and America
have borrowed largely therefrom in framing rules for
their own guidance. An over strict adherence to the
letter, has, however, occasionally led to a violation, or
at least an evasion of the spirit of these regulations.
It is undoubtedly essential that the fullest freedom of
discussion should be secured; that a minority should
be protected against any tyrannical conduct on the
part of a majority ; and that over-hasty legislation
should be avoided ; but it is a matter of scarcely
less importance that the vexatious obstruc-
tions that are of such frequent occurrence
should be prevented, that a large and overwhelming
majority should not be compelled to succumb to the
wishes of a factious and perverse minority. There is
a happy mean which it should be our object to obtain
as far as practicable. It is on this principle that Mr.
MAI, has acted. He would take away no safeguard
that had been approved of; he apparently regards
with great reverence the ancient practice and prece-
dents, but happily he has not fallen into a supersti-
tious veneration, or been satisfied to yield a blind
obedience to regulations whose antiquity form their
only recommendation.
The rules in force may, according to Mr. MAT,
be divided into " Rules of Procedure" and " Rules
of Debate."

" The principal objects which the former are in
tended to secure are—

" First, That every Member shall have au opportu-
nity of bringing under the notice of the House any
law, grievance, resolution, or other matter of which
it may take cognizance; of expressing his own
opinion ; of hearing the opinions of others ; and of
obtaining the decision of the House.
" Secondly, That before any law is enacted it shall
have the most ample opportunities of consideration
and discussion as well in principle as in detail. That
all opinions may
be expressed, all objections stated,
and that Without haste, secrecy, or surprises, it shall
be passed with the knowledge, if not with the ulti
mate consent, of every member of the Legislature."
The principal objects of the " Rules of Debate"
are, "that the debates upon each question shall be
relevant and orderly, free from intemperance and
personalities, fairly distributed amongst the Members
who shall be desirous of speaking, and (so far as may
be practicable) not unmanageable from their length,
frequency, or repetition."
If we try the various rules by ascertaining bow
far they are necessary for the attainment of the above
objects, and also how and in what manner they
may be perverted from their original purpose, we
shall be enabled to form a sound judgment as to what
modifications or amendments should be introduced
therein.

E a
ar Early in
Thursdays,the sess n,
areappropriated
two days
in
the t
ohe week,
aof the various motions of which notice may have been
e
given, while Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays are
Tues-
days hearing
" Order days," that is days on which questions
already appointed for consideration by the House
itself are entitled to take precedence of " Notices."
Towards the latter end of the session, when there
are many adjourned debates standing over,
and a great accumulation of business, it is usual to
add Thursdays to the other " Order days." Again,
Mondays and Fridays are " Government days,"
on which Ministerial measures take precedence,

* " Remarks and Suggestions with a view to Facilitate
the Dispatch of Public Business. By Thomas Erskine
May." Ridgway: Londoa, 1849, Pp. 36.

while on Wednesdays each order is proceeded with
according to its priority without reference to the
quarter from whence it may proceed.
One of the most frequent evils under the present
system is " the counting out of the House," which
too often occurs on a notice night. A private Member
is frequently unable to secure the attendance of forty
Members during an entire evening. If a disagreeable
subject is about to be brought forward means are taken
to induce those present to withdraw. The House is
then counted, and the required number not being
present, it is, as a matter of course, adjourned until
the following day. In fact, a " count out" has be-
come fully recognised as a legitimate mode of super-
seding a disagreeable motion. It is certainly some-
times useful in this respect; but it may be well
questioned whether some other method might not be
devised of equal efficacy, and which would not involve
the sacrifice of an entire day, and also of other impor-
tant motions, which necessarily are set aside together
with the obnoxious one—good and bad share the same
fate, without selection or discrimination.

Those Members whose carefully prepared orations
and pet projects are thus summarily disposed of na-
turally feel indignant, and avail themselves of any
opportunities that may subsequently arise, however
inconvenient, to give expression to their views. Al-
though often disappointed, they will generally find
some time when they can enforce a hearing. As any
grievance can be discussed before the supplies are
voted, it being an old principle that " the redress of
grievances should:precede the granting of supplies,"
an amendment may be moved on the question of
going into a Committee of Supply, and the whole
evening may be consumed; on a matter perfectly irre-
levant thereto. By such means the] appointed
order of business is deranged, and the rules by which
it is adjusted are evaded:
Mr. MAY suggests that the rule should be discon-
tinued " by which the sitting of the House is ad-
journed after four o'clock, whenever it is discovered
that forty Members are not present." It is of course
proper " that the proceedings should be suspended,
as in the case of a Committee, until the proper num-
ber of Members are assembled," but that a sitting
should be terminated from accident or surprise, ap-
pears to he perfectly indefensible. In France and
America means have been adopted for getting rid of
inconvenient or mischievous discussions without
breaking up the sitting. This object is at-
tained in France by what has been termed
La Cloture, and in America by the question that "The
motion do lie on the table," which is decided without
debate, and if carried disposes of the motion forthwith.
One Member, and one only, may be heard in France,
against La
_Cloture.

Some fears have been entertained that undue ad-
vantage may be taken of either of these rules if
adopted in this country; accordingly, although they
have been alluded to by the Committee on Public
Business in their report, neither has been recom-
mended, it being considered safer to trust to the
good feeling and forbearance of individual Members.
The Speaker has indeed suggested a proceeding which
in some degree resembles them, viz., " that before the
order for resuming an adjourned debate is read it
shall be competent for any Member, who shall give
notice of his intention, to move that such debate shall
not be further adjourned—which question shall be
decided without debate, and no amendment shall be
moved thereto; and if the same shall have been re-
solved in the affirmative, and the debate shall
not have closed before two o'clock in the
morning, no Member shall rise to speak
after that hour, but Mr. Speaker shall put the ques-
tion." This rule would, however, only apply to
" adjournedidebates;" it would also not prevent the
loss of an entire evening, which might be wasted,
The French or the American rule would therefore
better meet the difficulty ; and it appears to us that
the good feeling and forbearance of the majority
may be relied on with as much confidence as of
an individual Member or even of a small minority.

Often as we have had occasion to allude to the
progress of life assurance in terms of satisfaction,
believing as we do that the assertion of Dr. MuLLIN-
DEE, at the meeting of the Provident Clerks' Life-
office last evening, that " the life assurance associa-
tions of England have contributed more to the peace
and prosperity of this country, and saved us from
the evils suffered by other nations, than any other
institutions," we cannot but speak in terms of th'
highest praise of the success which has attended the
association since the year 1845, when the present
secretary took charge. Palnaam qui meruit ferat was
NELSON'S motto, and we, from long experience, say
that such should be the case with the board towards
their secretary. He-is persevering—indomitable, and
no man possesses a better knowledge of the general
principles of life assurance, and we are certain that
not even Mr. TIDD PRATT, the Government Com-
missioner, can give a better opinion as to the opera-
tions and law of Friendly Societies.

The report of last evening's meeting must be read
with great interest, and we sincerely call upon all our
readers to ponder over all the great privileges and ad-
vantages offered by this association.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
At the sitting of the National Assembly yestertay
M. ARMAND MARRAST was re•elocted President for
the ensuing month. The following was the result of
the ballot :

Number of voters..
Absolute majority
For M. Marrast

For M. Dufaure

Lost votes
The reactionary journals still continue to call for
the immediate dissolution of the Assembly, and
allude to the number of petitions that have been pre-
sented to the Assembly, praying for such immediate
dissolution as a proof that the country desires to pro-
ceed to the election of a new legislative body. That
the number of petitions may be large we can readily
understand, because a petition if it have but one sig-
nature attached is a petition, but that these petitions
form any data on which to ground an opinion
we utterly deny ; seeing that the aggregate of all the
signatures attached to all the petitions that have been
presented to the Assembly on this subjects amounts
only to 6,500.

The Constitutionnel and the Patrie deny the ex-
istence of a Ministerial crisis. The Patrie declares
that the most perfect accord reigns between the PRE-
SIDEXT of the Republic and the Ministers.
M. ODILON BARROT has determined to remain at
the head of the Ministry, instead of becoming a can-
didate for the Vice-Presidency. The PRESIDENT
refuses to submit the name of M. VIVIEN as a candi-
date to the Assembly, and the probability is that M.
DUFAURE will be the person chosen.
M. PIERRE BONAPARTE has addressed the following
letter to the Editor of the Asseobke Nationale

" Sir,—ln your number of this day you ask if I was
at the Assembly on the 15th of May? I was, and did
not quit it until after the expulsion of the President, and
when the mob, carrying off Hubert in triumph, evacuated
the salle. As soon as the tribunes were invaded I cried
out in the hearing of witnesses, Respect the national so-
vereignty.' I went then directly to the bench of Minis-
ters to offer my services to Messrs. Cremieux and Flocon.
They did not think it necessary to accept them, but
they thanked me, and said it would be better to have re-
course to reconciliation. M. 0. Barrot probably recol-
lects that at the same moment I manifested the like pro-
ject to himself I wont over in fine to General Duvivier,
and said, 'My General, let us act; and shall we not do
so in military fashion?' The General only replied by
inviting me to resume my place. When the hall was in-
vaded a compact group of persons, among whom were
several armed men, thronged around my neighbours and
myself. I said to them, Do you know what you are
come to do here? You are come to compromise, and
that for a long time, the Republic. You demand
assistance for Poland ! lam a soldier, and ready to
march with the division that you wish to send there.
But I am also a representative of tire people, represonta
tive of a department in which there are none but brave
`men, and as long as you profane that Assembly I declare
to you that I will not vote. On my leaving I was sur-
rounded
aasked a mev fewith
ea.
_I
w threateningent to
tahi re,
• If I was a representative." Yes,' I replied to them,
the
excellent
x embu
colleague,ourg,
Lefebvre,
repaired
military division. Colouelßollin, chief of the staff, se t
we to
and
of thewi t hm
brave Seine
Inferieure. MM. Marie, Gander Pages, Arago (mem-
bers of the Executive Committee), M. Bachez
(Presi-
dent of the Assembly), and the pupils of the Polytechnic
School, to whom I spoke, will remember having seen me
there engaged as much as I could be in devising the
measures to be taken. With Emanuel Arago, Lefebvre,
snd two other citizens, I returned to the National As-
sembly, where the armed force had then arrived.
" This, Sir, is the truth, and I rely on your impar-
tiality to lay it before your readers.
" PIERRE NAPOLEON BONAPARTE,
Representative of the people."
The reduction of the rates of postage has been fol.

lowed, as might have been expected, by an enormous
increase in the number of letters sent through the
Post- office. The distribution of letters by the post
daily in Paris, which before the reduction of the
postage was only 81,000, now averages 120,000.
The PRESIDENT of the Republic has made the
munificent donation of fifty thousand francs to the
society formed in Paris for the erection of buildings,
in different quarters, as lodgings for the working-
classes, of the comfort and salubrity of which most of
them are now destitute.

General MorrrnoLox has accepted the invitation of
the National Guards of the 12th arrondissement to
permit himself to be put in nomination as a candidate
for the colonelcy of their regiment,
On Friday, M. D'ALTON SHER attended the Club
de la Fraternito (formerly Club de la Revolution),
and, in a long speech, gave the following account of
his interview with Louis NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, at
the Princess in BELGIOJOSO'S, which has excited some
attention :

"'ln relation for twenty years with Madame de Bel-
giojoso, who has some right to the sympathy of demo-
crats, for, though worth five millions, she has sacrificed
all to the Italian cause, she asked me if I should not like
to have some conversation with the man who seemed to
have most chance of being elected to the Presidency. I
accepted an interview with Louis Napoleon—it took
place in the evening; and, after some common-place
observations, I asked him permission to address some
questions to him, and I am anxious to state that I did
so only in my own name. I said, France is in
my opinion, divided into two great factions—on one
side are the revolutionary democrats, on the other the
anti-revolutionists; on which party do you intend to
rely for support?' Be immediately answered, without
hesitation, 4 On neither!' and he then went on to give
me the heads of the programme which has since been
published in his name. He desired, he said, order,
peace, the reduction of the army to 300,000 men, and
the amnesty. Such was the result of the conversation."

In the course of his speech, M. D'ALTON SHEE,
defending himself from the accusation of being a
Bonapartist, reminded his hearers that he was the
only Peer who had voted that Louis NAPOLEON
should be condemned to death for the affair at
Boulogne.
M. D'ALTON SHER fought yesterday a duel with
M. C. DELACLEZE, the editor of the Republique
Denvacratique et Sociale. M. D'ALTori SHEE was
wounded in the hand.

The naval expedition fitting out at Toulon is,
according to some accounts, intended to go to Civita
Vecchia, to aid in the restoration of the POPE ; accord-
ing to others, its destination is the Adriatic, to defend
Ancona against the AUstrians.
The Count DE LURDB has been appointed Minister
of the French Republic at Berlin, in the place of M.
EMANUEL ARAGO. The Prince DE LA MOSKOWA,
who was in the first place appointed to Berlin, has
been offered the Embassy at Stockholm, but it is not
known if he will consent to accept to it.

- BOURSE—PARIS. MONDAY, JAN. 15.
THREE o'CLocK.—The French funds remain steady,
but have not advanced on the prices of Saturday. The
expedition to Civita Vecchia was much spoken of, but
created no alarm, as it was understood that it was un-
lertaken by the consent of the Great Powers, and that
it would consequently not endanger the peace of Europe.
A considerable deal of business was done. Exchange on
London:(3o days) 25 37} to 40; ditto (90 days) 25 27. i,
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE

LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE. JAN. 15.
Boulogne "and Amiens, B—Dutch Rhenish, I►/s—Luzem-
bourg (71. 10s.), 214—Ditto (10/.), ?lA—Namur and
Liege, 64—Northern of France, 84—Pans and Rouen, 17j4
—Rouen and Havre, 9%.