The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-21 00:00:00

STATE 01"111tADE.

MANcHEarEa, FEB. 20.—The diminished activity
in cotton, together with some hittle giving way
in its price, has rather cooled the excitement
which our market recently caught from that of
Liverpool, and manifested to the latter end of last
week. But beyond this, and a slight moderating of ex-
cessive demands, as to prices, in some fevv articles, there
cannot be said Co be any appearance of a retrograde move-
ment in yarns and goods. Sellers have lost little be-
aides a trifling excess of heat and animation; they con-
tinue firm, at the average quotations. Through
these circumstances, however, aided by the accounts
received this morning from the Unitcd States, which
add to the previous estimates or the cotton crop,
there has been an increased wariness on the part of
merchants, and the business of the day has, consequently,
been of limited amount. Goods have gone off rela-
tively better than yarns.
ROCHDALE, FEB. 19.—We have had a very good
demand again for flannels, and the manufacturers have
been asking better prices for their goods, in order to
meet the rise of the raw material. There has been
rather more doing in the wool market, and purchasers
have been obliged to give higher prices.
HUDDERSFIELD, FEB. 20.—Every description of
goods adapted for the forthcoming spring trade was
bought up within two hours after the opening of the
Cloth :Hall. There was a large attendance of buyers,
and several lots of old patterns were purchased for
shipping orders. Not much has been done in new wools.
The great advance in price causes considerable circum-
spection amongst the manufacturers.

HALIFAX, PEu. 17.—Both plain and fancy goods
were very much in request in the Piece Hall to day, but
not so many were disposed of as this day week. The
merchants are unwilliug to give prices equal to the cur-
rates of yarn, and the manufacturers are reluctant
to sell or to take orders, except at a corresponding
advance. The spinners are still full of orders, and they
hold oat stiffly for improved rates on all new orders.
Another rise has taken place in wool, and considerable
quantities are changing hands; but the spinners do not
willingly accede to the advanced prices.
LEEDS, FEB. 20.—Our market to-day has not pre-
sented any new features; business continues sound, and
the improved tone holds good. There has been a good
deal doing iu the warehouses these last few days; but
at the Cloth Halls very little, for reasons often alluded
to.—Manchester Guardian.

SOCIAL EQUALITY.-11 there is much in the social
development of America that strikes an European as
different from that to which he has been accustomed, he
should recollect that society, in the two hemispheres,
rests upon very different bases. In the old world, where
the feudal relations are still permitted so largely to in-
,fluence the arrangement of the social system, society
presents an agglomeration of distinct parts, each having
its determinate relation to the rest, and the members of
each having the range of their sympathies confined to
their own particular sphere. European society, in its
different manifestations, is constituted, as it were, of a
series of different layers, which, though in close con-
tact, only partially Luse into each other. The conse-
quence is, that, although a common tie of mutual de-
pendence unites the whole, there is no common feeling
pervading it, each class looking chiefly within itself for
its sources of enjoyment and intellectual gratification,
and recognising the others more as politics! necessities
than as social adjuncts. The sympathies of one order
touch, but do nut intertwine with those of another, each
living within itself, as if it had no interest in common
with the others, and holding little intercourse with them.
This distinctiveness of class is also accompanied with
an inequality of position,. which exaggerates the pre-
vailing exclusiveness, and fetters the general relations of
society wiih a constraint and formalism, which renders
one class, by turns, arrogant and awkward, and the other
supercilious and condescending. Within each the social
graces are more or less cultivated, and the refinements
of lite more or less displayed; the constraint is visible
at their line of contact, as mutual dislike is often found
to pervade the borders of two civilized and amicable
states. In its general aspect, therefore, the internal in-
tercourse of European society is less marked by kind-
ness than by formality, less regulated by sympathy than
by rule. Very different from this are both the basis and
the manifestation of society in America. There social
inequality has never been a recognised principle, mould-
ing the social fabric into arbitrary forms and tyrannically
influencing each other's position in the general scheme.
Society in America started from the point to
which society in Europe is only yet tending. The
equality of man is, to this moment, its corner-stone.
As often as it has exhibited any tendency to aberration,
has it been brought back again to this intelligible and
essential principle. American society, therefore, exhi-
bits itself in an indivisible whole, its general character-
istics being such as to mark each of the different classes
into which European society is divided. That which
developes itself with us as the sympathy of class, becomes
in America the general sentiment of society. There is
no man there whose position every other man does not
understand; each has in himself the key to the feelings
of his neighbour, and he measures his sympathies by his
own. The absence of arbitrary inequalities banishes re-
straint from their mutual intercourse, whilst their mutual
appreciation of each other's sentiments imparts a kind-
ness and cordiality to that intercourse, which in Europe
are only to be found, and nut always there, within the
circle of class.—The Western IVorld.

CHESTER AND HOLYHEAD RAlLWAY.—Traffic for
the week ended Feb. 11, 1849:—Coaching traffic, 7441.
10s. 2d. ; parcels, 481. 1 ls. 3d ; goods and cattle, 2801.
25. 3d.; steam•-bonh,ll2l. 53.4 d. Total, 1,1554 9E.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMEN T.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 20.
CROWN COLONIES.

Mr. BAILLIE (in continuation from our Third
Edition) said—The Governor thought fit to change his
former resolution, and consent to the reduction,
but a dispatch from the Colonial-office deprecated the
measure, and refused to consent to a reduction
of taxes. Now, what did that House suppose was
the chief tax in Guiana? why it was a tax upon corn;
and yet, although the Minister was so staunch an advo-
este of free-trade at home, he did not think
it politic to extend the principle to the colony of British
Givana.—(Hear.) In that dispatch Lord Grey stated
that the faith ot the colony was pledged to the Civil
List, meaning, no doubt, that a certain agreement had
been entered into between the Court of Guiana on the
one hand, and the Colonial-office on the other, that the
civil list should be voted for a certain period. The
Noble Lord accused the colonists of breach of faith,
and insisted on the civil list.
" I'll have my bond ! I will not bear thee speak;
I'll have my bond, and, therefbre, speak no more;
I'll'not be made a soft and dull-ey'd fool,
To shake the head, relent, and sigh, and yield
To Christian intercessors.
I'll have no speaking—l will have my bond."
Such appeared to be the spirit in which the dispatch re-
ferred to was written. With respect to this agreement, he
wished, however, to offer one or two remarks. It hoe
been proved before the Committee en coffee and augur
plantations last year, by so competent a witness as Mr.
Barkly, since then appointed to be governor of the co
lony, that that agreement had been obtained from the
colony under false pretences and fraud. Mr. Barkly
stated in his evidence, that the Colonial-office, anxious to
raise the salary of the Governor, applied to the Court of
Guiana to do so, but that. the Court refused unless the
Colonial-office promised to issue an emigration oroinance,
and that so soon as the civil list was obtained the Colo-
nial-office refused to issue the emigration ordinance.
Such was the evidence of Mr. Barkly.—(Hear.) Was it
not wonderful, then, that .a Minister of the Crown should
charge a colony with a breach of faith, when the
breach was manifestly on the side of the Colonial-
office? Were not the colonists perfectly justified
in refusing to perform their part of the agreement, when
the Colonial office had tailed to keep faith with them?
But they did not do so. They appealed to the Colonial
Secretary in forma pauperis, and told him that, reduced
to such poverty, they were compelled to practise economy
in the expenditure of the colony. The refusal of the Co-
lonial-office to accede to their wishes, under such cir-
cumstances, was wantonly cruel and ut,just. On receipt
of the Noble Lord's dispatch, the Combined Court, per-
ceiving that the Colmnal Secretary had stated his wil-
lingness when any office became vacant to consent to a
reduction of the salary attached to it, proceeded to reduce
the salary of the Governor because a vacancy had oc-
curred. The acting Governor, however, opposed them,
told them their duty was to vote the civil list, and
that if they refused he had Lord Grey's instructions
to adjourn the Court sine die.—(Hear, hear.) They did
refuse, and the Court was so adjourned. The result
had been most disastrous. Last year no supplies had
been granted, and no money paid to public functionaries,
the civil list excepted. To meet the demands on the
civil list Lord Grey had secured a sum of money which
had been deposited in the public treasury for the purpose
of being applied by way of an emigration loan.—(Hear.)
He would allude now to only one other act—the ap-
pointment of Mr. Barkly. He regretted that Mr.
Barkly had sacrificed his consistency by accepting such
an appointment. He could not but recollect that Mr.
Barkly had opposed the Government measures relating
to the colony in that House, and that he had appeared
before the Committee of last year to justify the resist-
ance of the colonists to the Government. On that occa-
sion he stated that the colonists had been the victims of
fraud and oppression, and yet he shortly afterwards was
sent out to the colony as Governor, with the full salary
of 5,0001. a year.—(Hear.) He thought he had stated
enough to justify him in bringing the question before the
House.—(Hear, hear.) He had trespassed largely on
the indulgence of the House, and had now merely to
state that upon reflection he had thought it better not to
include Mauritius in the proposed inquiry. He wished
to confine the inquiry to the two colonies to which he
had directed the attention of the House, first, because
their complaints were the more urgent; and, secondly,
because the more the inquiry was limited the more likely
would an early practical conclusion be arrived at. And
now he would ask the House whether they thought
the colonies could long be governed under such a sys-
tem as the present—whether we could long continue to
deprive the inhabitants of our colonies of all interference
in the management of their own affairs? He was aware
that the lion. Gentleman the Under Secretary had
been most liberal in promises, both in his own and in
Lord Grey's name, on this point, and that he would tell
the House that he had always expressed opinions favour-
able to colonial self-government. But that was just
what the colonists complained of. They complained
that both the Honourable Gentleman and the Noble
Lord had expressed opinions in favour of self-
government utterly at variance with their acts.—
(Hear, hear.) They say that they have no longer
faith in the promises of the Colonial-office. How
could they? How could they place confidence in a
Minister who stood convicted of a deliberate attempt
to deceive the House of Lords as to the state of the
island of Jamaica by reading only a certain portion of a
memorial addressed to him, to show that Jamaica was
in so prosperous a condition as to afford an advantage-
ous field for the investment of capital, when he knew
that the memorial bad been sent to him to show that the
reverse was the case? A Minister who could so per-
vert the truth for party purposes could never enjoy the
confidence of the colonies, and ought not longer to be
intrusted with the highly-responsible duty of protecting
the lives and fortunes of her Majesty's subjects in the
colonies. Nothing but the unhappy divisions on that
side of the House during the last Parliament could
have prevented the whole Opposition uniting as one
body to denounce the Minister guilty of such conduct
and the Government of which he was a member. There
was a point, however, beyond which endurance could not
go—an occasion when the most effete and emasculated
bodies would no longer quietly submit. That time had
now arrived, and he hoped no tear of casting censure OH
the Government would deter the majority ot that House
from giving their support to a motion for that inquiry,
which he now had to demand in the name of justice, in
the name of the outraged British colonists, and of that
constitution, under the shadow of which—even in the
remotest parts—British subjects were accustomed to look
for safety and protection, but from the advantages of
which so many thousands of British colonists had long
been so pertinaciously excluded.—(Cheers.) The Hon.
Gentleman then proposed the motion.

. .
sir. HUME said that after the able speech of the Hon.
Gentleman there was no necessity for him to occupy the
attention of the House at any length in order to induce
them to support the motion. At the close of the last
session he had presented a petition from Ceylon, and had
called the attention of the Government to the state of
the island; but the Hon. Gentleman the Under- Secre-
tary for the Colonies told him that his statement was
exaggerated. Before offering any opinion on this ques-
tion, he wished the House to understand that it was the
system of colonial government that he found fault with,
rather than with the conduct of this or that Colonial
Secretary. It was impossible for one person, sitting in
Downing-street, to superintend the administration of 43
colonies in different parts of the wide world. He must,
however, say that every act of the present Colonial
Secretary was a discredit to him, when contrasted
with the opinions he had expressed while a Mem-
ber of that House.—(Hear, hear.) When the Noble
Lord took office three years ago, he declared
through the Under-Secretary for the Colonies, his
desire to extend British institutions to all our colonies.
Yet not one constitution had been granted, with the ex-
ception of that to New Zealand, which, however, the
Noble Lord had been glad, almost immediately after it
was granted, to abolish. Either the Noble Lord was
sincere in the desire he had expressed or he was not. It
sincere, then it would appear that he was without capa-
city to fulfil his wishes. He trusted an inquiry would be
instituted which would show the evils of the system
generally. With regard to Ceylon, so long ago as 1811
Lord Castlereagh entertained so high an opinion of the
natives that he recommended the establishment of trial
by jury and the appointment of natives to colonial situa-
tions. The result had been most beneficial, as might be
seen from the evidence given before the Committee of
1832 on the state of Ceylon. Sir W. Gifford declared
that the establishment of trial by jury had been
completely successful, and had been productive of
the best effects on the morals of the natives, whom
he described as quiet and peaceably disposed. The
same authority declared that as long as that system
was pursued towards the colony her Majesty would not
have a more loyal or peaceable one under her sway.
But now, after 26 years of experience, what were the
results which they found there P The Hon. Member
who introduced that motion had detailed to the House a
variety of instances of misgovernment which had brought
the colony to the condition in which it ❑ow existed. He
believed that it was the acts of Lord Torrington, since
he came into power there, which had produced the
present state of things. There was no case on record of
a similar nature to such a one as that of having the pro-
perties of men, who were only absent from their homes,
invaded and taken possession of by military authority.
After what had been stated, and that upon good
authority, no less than the authority of papers emanating
from the Colonial-effice itself, it appeared to him that that
Nobleman ought to be recalled before 24 hours had
passed. It might be said that no blame ought to attach
to Earl Grey or Lord Torrington until after the pro-
posed inquiry had been granted. Nuw, it was upon
their own acts and statements that he conceived them
censurable. With regard to Demerara, he believed
there never was such an insult offered to a colony as the
Noble Earl at the head of the Colonial-office had offered
to that colony when it had applied for permission to re-
duce its establishments.—(Hear.) When the taxation
of the colony amounted to one-third of the ♦alue of its
entire exports, it was, surely, time to think of retrench-
ment. When an Act passed in 1836 which brought
them into competition with other colonies, they had very
prudently determined upon reducing their experniiure
to the extent of twenty-five per cent., yet that proposal
had been refused by Earl Grey.—(Hear, hear). It cer-
tain guarantee had been given for a civil list, but that
had been under the impre,sion that protection was to be
afforded to their produce. That protection had
been withdrawn, yet they were called upon
to maintain their civil list in its original
state.—(Hear.) The colony had said that they would
not refuse the supplies if allowed to make a general re-
duction of expenditure, and it was not until the Colo-
nial-cffice had refused this that they had come to the
resolution of refusing the supplies. He could show, if
ho were to refer to the case of the Mauritius, that a
similar want of good government prevailed there. Let
the British House of Commons come to the determina-
tion that the colonies ought to be left to govern them-
selves and pay their own expenses, and then they would
110 t be such a source of expense le England as their

mismanagement now caused them to be.—(Hear, hear.)
What was it that made the present order of things
be continued and atniitained ? Why, nothing more
or less than the patronage possessed by the Colonial-
office.—(Hear, heir.) He had moved last year for a
list of all the offices in the Colonial Department, but
it had not been furni,hed.—(Hear, hear.) But those
who were crying out for financial reform in this coun-
try had no conception of the wholesale abuses which
existed in our colonial department.—(Hear, hear.) He
would tell them to take away the patronage from the
Colonial-office, and give it to those who had to pay the
salaries.--(Hear.) It was incumbent on them that such
an inquiry as the present should be gone into, not against
this man or that man, but against the prevailing system.
—(Hear, hear.) It it were to be gone into, he conceived
that Earl Grey and his Hon. Friend below him (Mr,
Hewes), would do well to retire from the Colonial-office,,
—(Heer, bear, and laughter.) He hoped it they offere-
their resignations her Majesty's Ministers would accept
them.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) There had been in-
stances before of dispatches having been kept back.—
(Hear, bear.) He did not think the proposed inquiry
could be properly or satisfactorily carried out while the
present authorities of the Celonial- office held their places,
—(Hear, hear.) He concluded by seconding the motion
of his Hen. Friend Opposite.
The SPEAKER having put the question,
Mr. RICARDO proposed, by way of amendment, to
add these words to the motion:—" Whereby they may
b., rendered more capable of meeting the difficulties of
the treasitien from a system of protection to that of com-
petition in the British market with the produce of fo-
reign states to which Parliament has determined that
they shall be exposed, in accordance with the general
commercial policy which it has deliberately adopted."
He said it would be presumption on his part lo take
upon himself to reply to the heavy charges made against
ihe Government, and that he must express his surprise
that with so grave an accusation as the Honourable Gen-
tleman (Mr. Baillie) had made he should have concluded
with so small a motion.—(Bear.) If the Colonial-
office had been guilty of half the high crimes and mis-
demeanours charged against them by the Honourable
Gentleman, and insinuated against them by the Honour-
able Member for Montrose, then it would have been
more fair in them, more worthy of the position they had
taken up as the representatives of the colonies, to pro-
pose
a direct vote of censure on the Right Honourable
Secretary for the Colonies and his colleagues than to
demand a mere inquiry into their conduct.—(Applause)
But the Hon. Gentleman seemed to consider his motion
as a direct vote of censure. .It might be so; and, as he
(Mr. Ricardo) believed, it had a meaning different from
the terms in which it had been expressed. He had, for
that reason amongst others, given notice of his amend-
ment. It was his belief that the case of Ceylon had been
selected as a peg to hang another inquiry upon; but he
could not understand why the case of the alauritius and
British Guiana had been mixed up with that of Ceylon,
or what connexion existed between these three colonies.
If there was a charge against the Government relative
to Ceylon, why not bring it on by itself? Why intro-
duce British Guiana and the Mauritius, and then at the
last moment withdraw one of the
charges advanced
against the Colonial-office?—(Hear, hear.) He was
also at a loss to understand what it was that Hon. Gen-
tlemen were complaining of. They had commenced by
attacking the system pursued with reference to the co-
lonies, and then they had advanced charges against the
Governor and the Colonial-office. He was not going to
refer to the case of Ceylon.—(Laughter.) His belief
was that, under the guise of a motion for inquiry into
the administration of affairs at Ceylon and British
Guiana, an attempt was now being made of a reactionary
movement in favour of Protection.—(Oh, oh.) This
was his case, and he would prove it. The whole at-
tempt with reference to British Guiana has been Made.
in order to embarrass the Government by inducing com-
plaints to be advanced in and out of the House. Why,
the fact was avowed. The great mover in this affair
was the man who had acted as leader to the party who
refused the supplies. That man's name was Peter.
Rose, and he had declared to the Governor
that it was hopeless to expect the supplies.
while the colonists were unprotected against slave
sugar.—(Hear, hear.) The Court of Policy had pro-
posed in 1848 that the civil list should be reduced 25 per
cent., and the ground on which they made that proposal
was, that, when the civil list was voted, they had pro•
tection against slave-grown sugar, and that then, as
they had not that protection, they would make the 25 per
cent. reduction. They afterwards proposed that the
estimates should be postponed altogether, until the re-
sult of the Committee, which was sitting in that House
on the sugar and coffee question, had been ascertained.
Now, this looked very like having a motive, that motive
being to obtain protection; and, indeed, extracts from
the papers of the colony showed that the supplies were
refused, merely because they had been unable to obtain
protection.—(Hear, hear.) The Honourable Member
here referred to a meeting at which Rose presided,
and at which the terms were read for granting the sup-
plies and he then proceeded to observe that there was
no dispute about the long list of salaries to which the
Hon. Member for Inverness,(Mr. Baillie) bad called the
attention of the House. The dispute was about the civil
list. The salaries were under the control of the coma.
blued court, and if they chose to reduce them 50 per
cent. they might have done so without obiection.—(Hear,
hear.) There was no doubt that the movement in Bri-
tish Guiana was made for protection, and that it wis
not aimed against Lord Grey, but against a free trade,
Parliament.—(Applause.) But the days for obtaining..ik
restoration of the principles of protection were passed;
and the pe:)ple of this country had pronounced that they ,
would no longer consent to have their industry taxed far
the benefit of the colonies. He believed that Lord Grey.
much to his honour, had dared to encounter much mis-
representation rather than flinch from those principles
of commercial policy which he had supported in that
House, when in opposition, and which he maintained in
the other House, now that, he was in office. The
Hon. Member for Inverness was no friend to the colo-
nies if he endeavoured to persuade them that there was
a possibility of returning to the old state of things, if
he attempted to cajole them into the belief that there
was a party here ready to return to the commercial policy
which the people of England had declared to be oppres-
sive to the community and mischievous to those whom it
was intended to serve.—(Loud cheers.) Let them not
be deceived into the belief that the people of England
were not firm to the policy they had adopted—that they
would favour any interest, be it that of the landowner
or the shipowner, to the detriment of another interest--
that they would longer submit to subsidise the colonies--
or that they would resuscitate that monopoly to which
they had already given a death-blow.—(Cheers.)
The amendment having been seconded,
Mr. HAWES rose and said, that but for the motion
of which the Hon. Gentleman the member for Stoke hag
given notice, it would have been his (Mr. Hawes's) duty.
as it would be his inclination, immediately to have fol-
lowed the speech of the Hon. Member for Inverness.
The latter Hon. Member had made heavy and grave
charges against his Noble Friend at the head of the
colonial department—ageinst the Colonial-office in times
gone by—and, he (Mr. Hawes) might almost say, nand
Parliament and the country itself.—(Hear, hear.) The
Hon. Gentleman bad attempted to support these charges
by re'erence to the papers on the table, in a manner most
disingenuous and unfair.—(Applause.) And he had
said that he wished a Committee to inquire into the con-
duct of the Colonial-office in reference to Ceylon and
British Guiana; but why had he struck out the Mauri-
tius? He (Hr. Hawes) entreated of the Hon. Mover to
adhere to his motion as it originally stood. He feared
no inquiry.—(Applause.) He invited inquiry—nay, more,
he was anxious to grant it—(renewed applause)_and
he was perfectly willing that the Mauritius, or any other
colony should be inserted. Let it not be understood for
a moment that either his Noble Friend at the head of
the Colonial Department or himself feared in the
slightest degree any inquiry that might be instituted.
He feared it as little as the Right Hon. Gentleman had
reason to fear it, who conducted the colonial affairs un-
der the last administration. He was ready to meet it,
and then the Hon. Mover of the resolution would have
an opportunity of making good his charges.—(lleac.)
That House was not the place to make these charges.
particularly in the way in which they had been advanced.
Having determined to move for a Committee of inquiry,
he might have suspended his bitterness and personality.
—(Hear, hear.) Having proposed to inquire whether
there was any ground for the charges, he, at least, might
have postponed his judgment until his own accusations
were proved, as they would be proved, to be utterly un-
founded.—(Cheers from the Ministerialists, and laughter
from the Protectionists.) He ( Mr. Hawes) was prepared to
be met with some jeering, but he was entitled at least to
a respectful hearing; at least, this he might say, that the
jeering would not interrupt him in the course he in-
tended to pursue.—(Applause.) He did not mean by
declaring his willingness to enter on the inquiry, and
his determination to have that inquiry followed up, to
shrink in any respect from dealing as well as he wag
able with the charges and accusations brought forward.
—(Hear, hear.) Now, the Colonial-office had been ee-
cused of tyranny and oppression, and wasteful expendie
ture; and it was contended that the colonies should
have control over their own affairs, and over the ex-
penditure of their own taxation. But no distinction had
been drawn, and no discrimination used in treating of
the subject. One would have thought from the opening
speeches that there was not a colony in existence which
had a representative government.—(Hear, hear.) The
Hon. Mover had attacked in generalities; he had cone
fined his illustrations to two or three oases; and he had
not stated fully and fairly what was the colonial policy
of the country.
Mr. BAILLIE—I stated that I would confine my ob'
servations to two of the colonies.
Mr. HAWES said that he only was now dealing With
the general charges advanced, and that he would after-
wards come to the particular cases.—(Hear.) First of
all, attention had been drawn to the colony of Ceylon;
and it was necessary to follow that part of the case WY
by step. When Lord Torrington had been appointed+
and when he arrived in that colony, he found its treasury
almost bankrupt, its trade declining, and, of course, the
European population chiefly engaged in trade, at ths!t
time by no means in a prosperous and thriving condi"
tion. Now, the Hon. Mover had not made the slightest
reference to any of the measures which Lord Tore
rington had introduced or carried with reference to tax-
ation. He had not said a word about the reductions hi;
Lordship had made; not a word about how be had
revived trade and expanded the springs of industry;
and not a word about the amount be b,„,d
~
converted from direct to indirect taxation.
allusion had been made to any part of the case which
would have done Lord Torrington justice, but most_ Ts_
taxation.—(Cheers.) aati:
ingenuously and unfairly had those points only Def
touched which would be likely to produce an
unfavour-
able impression on the House.—(Cheers.) Why.e_sei
first thing,his Lordship did on witnessing the deprs
condition of affairs in the color y was instantly cola'tore
municate with all the leading departments, and to d__97:
expense of all kinds. Next, he investigated theoutinr;ul
and repealed taxes pressing on the land to the era.
30,0001. a-year.—(Cheers.) Then he institutelsue hr7l6
wiry law the state of the exPeadillAre' oWI

MEXP

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