The Sun.
London, England, 1849-11-22 00:00:00

THE SUN,

with his fitness to be a magistrate, a 'egislator, or a
minister of finance, than with his fitness to be a cobbler.
Nobody has ever thought of compelling cobblers to
make any declaration on the true faith of a Christian•
Any man would rather have his shoes mended by a
heretical cobbler than by a person who subscribed all
the Thirty-nine Articles, but bad never handled an
awl. Men act thus, not because they are indifferent to
religion, but because they do not see what religion has
to do with the mending of their shoes." Now the ap-
plication of this mode of reasoning in the present instance
must be sufficiently obvious without any very elabo-
rate explanation. The knowledge of bow to manage
a vessel at sea, or of how to keep its crew in proper
subordination, has surely no more to do with the
science of ship-building than the belief in Judaism or
in Christianity has to do with the skill or activity of
a cobbler. And yet, perceptible, ridiculously
perceptible as the truth of that assertion is, the
authorities of the Admiralty now for some years past
have appeared to consider otherwise. At any rate,
whether they consider so or not, they have unques-
tionably acted as if they considered otherwise. Of this
the enormous disbursements required for the experi•
ments of SIMMONDS and others in the cultivation of the
science of naval architecture afford ample and most
melancholy testimony. We would see this eccentric
predilection for amateur performances in the way of
ship-building replaced by a reasonable preference for
the aptitude of men who have adopted that description
of labour systematically from the outset as their pro-
fession. We would see the capabilities of the science
developed by a wholesome and not merely
an idle and speculative scheme of competi-
tion. We would see the risk and the respon-
sibility of expenditure, in the way of mere experi-
ments, transferred at least now and then to the
voluntary efforts of men capable of entering upon an
honourable rivalry—a rivalry which would not only
redound to their own credit, but would materially
forward the interests of the naval service, while it
would prevent any repetition of useless and unfortu-
nate extravagance on the part of the Government.

Both in the want of Zorne propor C.TYOsogo
ment for the better manning of the British
navy, and in the necessity for some less
expensive and more effectual plan for the
construction of its vessels, there is visible a great
and importunate necessity. Let the authorities at the
Admiralty recognise the existence of this necessity
before the opportunity of rectifying matters them-
selves has passed altogether beyond the reach of their
influence, devolving upon the energetic and practical
civism of some non-professional Member of the Com-
mons House of Parliament. Promptitude is incumbent
upon them if they are solicitous to retain within their
own hands the privilege of naval jurisdiction.

The Ulster Orangemen and their sympathisers
continue with unabated malignity to grumble forth
their slanders against Lord CLARENDON. Old and
refuted lies are repeated with a circumstantiality of
time and place which does infinite credit to their in-
genuity. A mere dull, common-place falsehood ex-
pressed in vulgar generalities was not found sufficient
to stamp a clear-headed statesman with the gross
folly and inconsistency of secretly arming the Irish
Orangemen, and they have been compelled to " come
it a little stronger." They have been obliged to re-
sort to the usual trick of adepts in misrepresentation
to give the air of probability to their inventions by a
detail of minute particulars.
It is now openly put forward by some of the
Orange organs in Dublin, that the Orangemen were
regularly drilled by some of her MAJESTY'S troops in
a house in William street and in IVhitefriars' Hall;
and it was arranged that they should receive a pass-
word to insure their recognition by the military on
duty—
" And that the signal for turning out' was to be com-
municated by the bell of St. Anne's Church tolling three
distinct strokes, which signal was to be repeated there-
upon from the other parish steeples throughout the city.
A book was regularly kept, containing the names and
addresses of the Orangemen so organized, and an ow h
was administered to each on receiving his arms and ac-
coutrements. But this book has been, as Colonel Phare
in his circular declares, abstracted, and is now nowhere to
be found."
And Lord CLARENDON, they aver, did all this in the
teeth of his express directions to every functionary in
Ireland to whom was intrusted the distribution of
arms. We are called upon to believe that one of the
ablest men that ever represented the QUEEN in Ire-
land entered into a secret combination with the low
Orangemen of Dublin, and for what end ? Wby should
be deal in any secret mystery with TREsIIAM GREGG,
and the silly brawlers of Whitefriars' Hall ? If he
could rely upon the loyalty of any of the Dublin
Orangemen, surely he would be perfectly justified
in supplying them, in common with every other loyal
subject in Ireland, with arms to be used in defence
of the QUEEN and the laws. Their being Orange-
men would not at that time have justified the Lord-
Lieutenant in excluding them as a body from the
test of allegiance and loyalty, to which he had invited
the well affected of all classes and creeds in Ireland.
He would have been no more justified in refusing
arms to the Orangeman who was vouched to him as
a loyal subject than he would have been in refusing
them to the liberal Protestant, or the well-disposed
Catholic. Yet, in the teeth of this plain fact, the
absurd tale is reiterated that the Viceroy secretly
countenanced the mysterious drilling and organiza-
tion of the Dublin Orangemen, but, alas ! the book
that could have proved all this is nowhere to be found ;
indeed we believe not, for in truth this
black book had never " a local habitation" beyond the
fertile brain of the reckless inventor of this egregious
absurdity. But nobody beyond the murky precincts
of an Orange lodge could give it the smallest
credence. " The three strokes of St. Anne's bell" will
appeal in vain to the senses of even the most credu-
lous beyond the dark porch of some Orange conclave.
Now let us for a moment suppose that the Irish
Government on an occasion when the country was
threatened with rebellion did place confidence in the
Orangemen anti their leaders, let us for the sake of
argument suppose that the Government supplied them
with arms to aid the authorities in maintaining
order and crushing insurrection and disloyalty, let us
suppose that they were sworn to use those arms in sup-
port of the military against the QUEEN'S enemies, would
this justify them in turning these weapons against their
unoffending fellow-subjects? Would this justify
them in using these arms to shed innocent blood ?
Are they to turn the arms with which they were
entrusted to use against the rebellious and disaffected,
against the peaceful subjects of the QUEEN ? Surely
the old woman of seventy was no rebel, the playful
child was no rebel, the poor demented being whose
skull was shattered was no rebel. If they obtained
the QUEEN'S arms—as their organs assert they did—
and used them for this unholy purpose, what does it
prove but that they deceived the Government, be.
trayed the trust reposed in them, and added duplicity
to murder ?

The argument of the Orangemen and their organs,
if it mean anything, amounts to this, that Lord
CLARENDON is answerable for the innocent blood shed
on the 12th of July, because he supplied them with
arms from the QUEEN'S armoury. If the Lord-Lieu-
tenant did this it would, no doubt, be a grave
error. If he supplied these miscreants with arms
and accoutrements, in order to indulge in insulting
processions, and to parade, like a gang of ruthless
bandits, through the country, spreading terror and
devastation around, he would not only prove himself
unfit for the high place, the arduous duties of which he
has on all occasions so ably discharged, but he ought
to be at once impeached for treason against the Con-
stitution and the laws. We entertain, however, little
fear that he gave the smallest countenance to such
atrocities ; and we believe that he will be able fully
to crush these foul slanders on a fitting occasion, and
before a proper tribunal.
But the public have a deeper interest in this sub•
ject than the mere question between Lord CLARENDON
and the Orangemen. It is now of minor importance
whether the arms were supplied by Lord RODEN
or Lord CLARENDDN. The purity of the administra-
tiismoonvpeorr:tnfaedtbj ciuuysae,,ntictdi:eonis at stake. The great and
throughwhe a whether Ireland
ord not,i i
ststiillnytoolvebde.
These are questions which affect the interests of the
community. The blood of the innocent has been
shed. It concerns the public to know whether men
can countenance scenes of massacre, and then use
their high office to shield murderers from the ven-
geance of outraged law. These are the serious ques-
tions with which the public have to deal—these are
the principles which that public requires Lord

LONDON,

CLARENDON to vindicate; his character demands no
vindication. The absurdity of the Orange slanders
carries with it its own refutation.

These fanatics would seem to say :—" My Lord
CLARENDON, you gave us arms to aid in crushing
rebellion, but our services were not required. The
army and the police were found sufficient for the
purpose ; you deprived us, by your timely and ever•
getic measures, of the pleasure of shooting the Papists
under cover of the QUEEN'S troops ; you must,
therefore, allow us to indulge in a little sport on our
own account by burning a few cabins, and shooting a
few old women. You allowed us, my Lord, to march
in grand procession, in 1848 ; true, the game was
scarce in the route we then took, we had not much
sport. On that occasion we were only able to get a
stray shot or two at a Popish priest ; you did not
appear angry then. Why, my Lord, should you visit
us now, in 1849, with your displeasure, for merely '
wrecking a few houses and shooting a few beggarly
Papists ?"
These are the absurd arguments with which these
insane bigots would attempt to justify the revolting
atrocities of Dolly's Brae ; these are the fatuous
puerilities with which the Irish Orangemen would
presume to insult the common sense of the British
empire.
At this moment the Orangemen are sitting in
secret conclave in Dublin, every moral cloaca in that
wretched land has discharged its mal-coniente upon
the metropolis. The evil spirits of the island are
pent up within the walls. of Leitrim House, whence
is to issue the dread explosion that is to annihilate
Lord CLARENDON as a statesman, and hurl him from
his high office a disgraced and dishonoured man. But

let not the members of the Leitrim House cabal
delude themselves with the notion that they can, by
insane resolutions, or furious invectives against Lord
CLARENDON, shield themselves from public reprobation,
while they avow themselves the atettors of the crimes
of their bretheren of Castlewellan. They must purify
themselves from the imputation of the blood of the

innocent ere they can appear before thp b;3l-, --t, „r
pule wan clean hands. The ravings of
surpliced fanatics and furious bigots, who glory in
such triumphs as Dolly's Brae, are but little calculated
either to win public sympathy or dethrone a Viceroy.
`We believe many indiscreet but amiable persons
have been seduced into the Orange Society. We
have no doubt many young persons, otherwise ra-
tional and Christian, have, through curiosity,
fashion, or the persuasion of friends, been drawn into
the vortex of this absurd and mischievous mysticism.
Now, we would seriously ask these persons, What is
, the use of Orangeism It is useless as a system of

defence—the laws are sufficient to secure the life.

liberty, and property of every British subject. It
cannot be based on the principles of the Christian re-
ligion—the faith of CHRIST repudiates the sword,
and enjoins peace, and love, and charity.
It is useless as a manifestaticn of loyalty—true alle-
giance requires not the aid of secret signs and pass-
words. Uses, it can have none, but, alas !it has many

evils. It is the nursery of evil passions, it is a moral
pestilence tainting the young Protestant mind of
Ireland, spreading hatred and all uncharitableness
through the land, disgracing religion by assuming its
garb, and putting humanity to the blush by the re-
volting misdeeds of its misguided votaries. There
can be no peace or hope for Ireland while such a nui-
sance is tolerated, and we hope one of the first acts of
the Legislature will be to put an end to it for ever.

Tim FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris journals of yesterday.
The Assembly on Tuesday discussed the proposition
of M. RASPAIL, interdicting any banker from holding
the office of Minister of Finance. The following is
the report of the discussion, which was throughout
one scene of confusion :

M, Raspail, jun., developed his amendment. He
argued that any minister who chose to speculate at the
Bourse could make large gains by using the intelligence
which he might receive in his official capacity.—(ol].)
He meant nothing personal to any member of- the pre.
sent Ministry.—(Loud laughter at this allusion to M.
Feuld.) There were honest folks in every station—
A Voice—Even amongst the Reds.

M. Raspail, jun.—There were honest folks in every
station, even amongst the Ministers. But was it to be
supposed that a man accustomed to stock-jobbing could
all at once renounce that practice because he became
minister ?—(Enough I enough !goonlgo on !) He
maintained that the minister would always remain
banker. But the interests of the country were at stake,
and something ought to be done in the matter. Would
it not be well to declare that an ex-banker could not be-
come minister until five years had elapsed from the time
that he had ceased to form part of the banking class ?

(Loud interruption.) If that were not done, ministers
ought to be selected elsewhere.
A Voice—From the Mountain, for instance ?
(Laughter.)
M. Raspail, jun,—Could not an instance be found
where a minister had saved 1,500,000 f. out of his salary
of 100,000f.—(Loud interruption on the Right.)

Vuices—%Vtio? who? Name name !
The President—An attack like that cannot be allowed
to pass unnoticed.
On the Right—Name, name, whom do you mean ?
On the Left—Go on, go on !
The President— Twenty or thirty Ministers of
Finance have quitted office with an unstained reputa-
tion. You cause a calumnious allegation to weigh on
them all.—(Hear, hear.)
On the Left—Do not reply to these interruptions.
The President—The Hon. Gentleman must give some
explanation, for we cannot allow—(lnterruption on the
Left.)
M. Raspail, jun., had only spoken of a vague re-
miniscence.

On the Right—No, no ! Not a word of that
was said.

M. Raspail, jun. (turning towards the Right).--
The Gentlemen at that bide could better tell the names
than he--

On the Right—Order, order I You are an insolent
fellow.

The President—When whole classes are attacked,
they defend themselves by their own force against
calumny; but when a person individualises, he ought to
give names.
On the Left—No, no!
On the Right—Yes, 3 es!
The President—You must give the name, or I shall
call you to order.
On the Left—lt is downright tyranny.
A. Member of the Extreme Left here rose, and said
something with great animation, which we could not
catch.
The President-13y such vivacity, you encourage the
Hon. Gentleman to go still further. I call you to order.
M. Bourzat—lt will be said next that no minister
was ever guilty of peculation!
A Voice on the Right—We never belonged to the
Provisional Government.

M. Raspail, jun.—When I refer to a reminiscence
which I draw from history, I am called to order. I
submit to being so called to order.

On the Right—Your history is calumny!
The President—You are unable to state the fact. I
formally declare it.—(Hear, hear.)
Great agitation was here manifested. Loud exclama-
tions were uttered on the Right, whilst on the Left we
caught the words "Peculating Ministers—Teste—
Cuthires."

M. Raspail, jun.--I am really astonished that this
question has raised such a tempest, —(Loud interrup-
tion) _ _

Vie President—What, you insult a large portion of
the Assembly, and you are surprised that they are in•
dignant !
Several Members of the Right at the foot of the tri.
buns, and amongst others M. Base, cried out, " Name
name Lwe insist on it."

M. Respell, jun. (with great apparent unconcern)—
Contemporary history
On the Right—No, no 1 Name, name !
The President, to M. Raspail—lf you continue in the
seine strain, I shall consult the Assembly as to the pro-
priety of publicly censuring you.—(Applause.)
M. Bac approached M. Raspail, and addressed some
observation to him. M. de Benet spoke with energy to
M. Bac.

The President—l allow Hon. Gentlemen to ascend the
tribune to discuss and not to insult.—(Great agitation,
which lasted some time.)

M. Raspail, jun.-1 regret having alluded to a fact
which has so moved the Assembly, when I could have
cited others which could not have done so.—(On the
Eight—You cite no fact !) Can you forget the case of
M. Tests ? Did he not yield to the solicitations of an
ex-Minister of War and a banker ?—(Great agitation.)
I cannot say if justice strikes the guilty in proportio❑
to their position. Ido not think it does ; for we every
day see poor devils condemned for a paltry theft, and
sometimes when only intending to procure bread for
their families.—(Violent murmurs.)
The President—You attack everything, even what has
bec 11 judged, and those who judged it!—(Tumult on the
Left.)_

M. Ducb e —lt is you who attacked him just now.
The President—l recommend M. Duct,` to use less
violence, or I must call him to order.

On the Left—lt was the Right who interrupted jus
now, and it was we whom the President called to order.

The President—There was on the Right just now a
legitimate indignation, and on the Left a violence with-
out example—an illicit support to a calumnious assertion
struggle against the President himsvlt when endea-
vouring to enforce order.—(Hear, hear.)
M. Raspail, jun.—Was not a letter found on the 24th
of February at the Tuileries, in which I forget what
King wrote to Louis Philippe: —" Your Ministers ma-
naged badly, else assuredly you would have realised
millions of profit."—(Loud exclamations.)
On the Right—lt is a lie I
Other Voices—lt is alike ridiculous and odious.
The President—Once for all, I call on the li9l].