The Sun.
London, England, 1831-12-07 00:00:00

Ae (Lord Grey) thought he could see many reasons,
affecting the interests not only of that Sovereign, but
of Europe generally, which should induce the King
of the Netherlands to assent to the proposed ar-
rangement. Whatever suspicion the Noble Earl might
entertain of the disposition of his Majesty's Government
on the subject, there were no members of the conference
more anxious to make the old ally of this country indepen-
dent, and to secure to him a safe frontier, and all the
vantages which could be attached to his position, than the
Ministers of his Majesty. With respect to the navigation
of the canals—on which the Noble Earl had communi-
cated to their Lordships so much new infinination—he
trusted that the King of the Netherlands would have
strength enamel), to maintain the leatrencial arrangement ;
for beneficial be maintained it was. All, however, that
he at present wished was, that the Noble Earl would stes•
pend his judement. or at least suspend the dec!_aration of
an opinien formed upon insufficient erounda. The article
of the treaty to which the Noble Earl alluded, could be
justly considered only in comparison with other articles.
There was one particul.arexpression used by the Noble Eat I,
on which he wished to make a few remarks. if he Noble
Earl said th it his Majesty's Government had " rednce'it"
the King of Holland to consent to the abandonment of his
provinces. Did they reduce him ? The provinces in question
were separated front Holland before the present Alinistera
came into power. It bad been distinctly acknowledged by
a Noble Duke (whose absence, and the cause of where!
absence, he regretted) that such was the cases sad that
he considered the re-union of those provinces oerth Holland
as an impossibility. What then becattle the duty of his
Majesty's Government ? To teseet the best arrangement
which, under the circumstances of the case. it was practi-
cab!. for them to make. That could he effected only by
the Five Powers taking the affair into their own hande.
Their object was to establish the independence of Belgiattn,
and to give to the kingdom of the Netherlands all the
power and security compatible with that independence.
'That was all be would say on this subject, waiting the
opportunity which the Noble Lord promised him of en-
tering more fully into it, and assuring the Noble Earl that
lie should never he found unprepared or unwil!in,q to de-
fend the conduct of his Majesty's Government respecting
it. The Noble E ,r 1 had then proceeded to speak of Por-
tugal ; admitting, however, that the proper time had not
arrived for arraigning his Majesty's Government for not
having acknowledged the sovereignty of Don Miguel.
This was a singular charge from the Noble Earl.—(Hear,
hear.) How long had the Noble Earl felt convinced that
the recognition ought to tike place? In the lot speech
from the Throne, during the Administration of which the
Noble Earl was a Member, his Majesty announced his in-
tention of acknowledging Don Miguel on a certain condition
—a condition which he (Lord Grey) thought an unwise one.
But that condition had never been fulfilled. On the con-
trary, the evils to which that condition referred bad
been greatly aggravated ; and not that alone, hut his
Majesty's subjects had been exposed to insults and injuries
never before attempted. The Noble Earl said that for
these., insults and injuries redress had been obtained. But
from their occurrence to the present moment it had never
been deemed expedient to leave the Tagus unoccupied by
a British squadron. When those occurrences came to be
detailed, it would be found that the words of censure
used by the Noble Earl on a former occasion were not
sufficiently strong for their reprobation. Let not the
Noble Earl suppose that the injuries in question were
capable of being justified as proceeding from the temporary
excitement of persons over whom the Government of Por-
tugal had no controul. When the subject came under
discussion, he (Lord Grey) would show not only that they
were of the most aggravated description, but that they
were perpetrated under the eye of the Government; and

therefore that the Government must be responsible for
thetn.—(Hear, hear.) On that subject lie would say no
more, hut wait for the proper period. A Noble Duke had
said that there must he an inquiry into the conduct of
his Majesty's Government with reference to the riots at
Bristol and the proceedings at Birmingham. He (Lord
Grey) should be always ready to meet such an inquiry ;
and lie thought he should he able to show that neither
diligence nor precaution had been omitted by his Ma-
ksty's Ministers in doing everything in their power
for the preservation of public tranquillity. But it seemed
that, according to the Noble Duke, their Lordships were in•
rimidated, and that it was necessary that the unions ghould be
put down. Nothing could be more clear and explicit than
the manner in which the intentions of Government to deal
with all illegal combinations according to law had been
announced. But the Noble Duke was not to be told that
such Associations were not now in existence for the fist
time, and that they were not to be put down so easily.
Similar Associations, and some of a much more formidable
nature, existed towards the end i.f the American War and
at the beginning of the French Revolution. At those
periods, the Executive Government felt that they could
not suppress them by their own authority ; and the Legis-
lature felt that they could not suppress them by new enact-
ments, without infringing those popular rights and pris
vileges which he (Lord Grey) hoped would never be in-
vaded.—(Hear, hear.) Nor was the existence of those
Unions chargeable on his Majesty's present Government.
Most of them, and especially the Birmingham Union
(emphatically the most formidable), were begun and
matured before they came into power. If, there-
foie, they were reprehensible for not having put them
down, what charge ought to be brought against
tl ~,e who allowed them to spring up ? He would now
aoply a single observation to a Noble and Learned Lord,
for whom he entertained the greatest respect, and who had
alluded to a publication entitled " The Black List." He
was sure that he need not tell the Noble and Learned Lord,
that he perfectly agreed with him in considering that
publication a most atrocious libel But it was not always
expedient to prosecute a libel. There were many circum-
stances to be considered besides the atrocity of the libel
itself They must consider the probability of obtaining a
verdict ; for an acquittal was productive of more harm
than good. As to the publication in ques,ion, it was so
full of the most groundless and false assertions, that lie
could not believe it would have the slightest injurious
effect on the public mind. The Noble Earl concluded by
repeating the satisfaction which he felt at the prospect that
the e.ildress would be carr'ed unanimously.
The Duke of BUCKINGHAM o! served that in the
lest Gazette a Commission had been appointed to proceed
and try offences at Bristol. He wished to know whether
it was to he extended to Nottingham ?
The noise of Noble Lords leaving the House prevented
us front distinctly hearing the answer, but we understood
Earl GREY to reply in the negative.
The imeion for the address was then put, and agreed to
atcminc contradicente, and a Committee was appointed to
prepare the same.
The several Grand Committees were then named, and
the usual Orders at the commencement of a Session
agreed to,—Adjourned at a Quarter past Eight.

ROUSE OF COMMONS, DEC. 6.

The Members began to arrive about One o'clock.
At about a Quarter to Two the SPEAKER entered the
House and prayers were read, at which time there were
upwards of a hundred Members present. The only
Minister on the Treasury Bench was Lord Amtoar, who
we are happy to state looked remarkably well.
At Twenty-five minutes after Two o'clock the SPEAKER
took his seat ;at that moment _ _

Sir Thomas Tyrwbitt, the Usher of the Black Rod.
entered the House, and said, " Gentlemen of the House
of Commons, his Majesty commands the immediate
.at-
tcrelance of this House in the House of Peers."
The SPEAKER, accompanied by almost every Member
present, immediately proceeded to the Bar of the House of
Lords, and upon their return the House adjourned during
pleasure.
At Four o'clock the SPEAKER again took his seat,
but it was Half-past Four o'clock before the House pro-
ceeded to business. At the latter hour there was a con-
siderable attendance of Members.
The SPEAKER said, before the House proceeded to
the Clandestine Outlawry and other Bills, there were
several notices of motions to be given.
Colonel TORRENS gave notice that on Monday he
would move for leave to bring in two Bills for the gradual
reduction of taxes on agricultural produce, and on all taxi's
affecting the labouring classe=, and to substitute in Heir
thereof a modified property tax.
Mr. J. CAMPBELL said it was his intention to-moo.
tow to move for leave to bring in the General Registriy,
Bill, and also a Bill relative to Fines on Recoveries. 1
Polr. HUNT gave notice that he would, on Thursday,
move for returns of all the yeomanry corps in England
and Wales, together with the names of the officers, and
the expence attending those corps.
Mr. PERCEVAL gave notice. that on Tuesday he
would move an address to the Crown, praying his Ma-
jesty to appoint a day of general fast throughout the king-
dom, in consequence of the severe visitation which no*
threatened the country.
Lord DUNCANNON said that on Friday he woulp
wove for leave to bring in two Bills, one regarding the
offices of Surveyor to the Commissioners of Woods and
Forests, and the other regarding the repairs of Buckint
ham Palace. _

THE REFORM BILL.
Lard JOHN RUSSELL gave notice that on Monday
he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the
representation of England and Wales.—(Hear, hear.)
The Marquis of CHANDOS intimated his intention of

moving. during tie progress of that 13i1, that the chose
he moved last Session, regarding the 501. tenants at will, be
again introduced. _

Mr• CHOKER asked if his Majesty's Ministers had re-
ceived any additional inrortnation to that which they laid
before the Howe last Session?

Lord JOHN RUSSELL wa4 understood to say that all
the information which had been received would be laid
before the House.

THE KING'S SPEECH.

The SPEAKER begged to inform the House that he
had been to the bar of the House of Lords, and heard his
Majesty's most gracious speech, a copy of which, in order
to prevent mistakes, he heti procured, and with permis-
sion of the House he would read it.—(The Right Hon.
Gentlotatan then read the speech, for which see the Lords'
Report )
Lord CAVENDISH rose and addreSeed the House to the
following effect:—Mr. ripeaker, I now rise to propose
an address in antisater to his Majesty's most gracious speech,
which h&s ca'ilerl us tosether at this time. And I will
ventSt're to remark in the outset, that never has Parlia-
tnent been opened by a speech containing topics so inte-
restine, so important, and demanding sech,serious delibera-
tion and reflection. Before I pro'Sted to discuss the matters
contained in it, I cannot terrain from expressing my entire
approbation el' the course which his M •jesty's Ministers
haoe IS'arsued in assembling us thus early together.
Notwithstanding the inconvenience which doubtless must
result from re-assembling Parliament after so short an in-
terval, I think the state of the country is such as not
only completely to justify the Government, but loudly to
demand from them this course which they have thought
proper to adopt. Such was the anxiety in the public
mind produced by the circumstances on which the
last Parliament was dissolved, that the state of the
country required the immediate settlement of a ques-
tion towards which the eyes of all Europe were di-
rected,—(Hear, hear.) The first, and I think the
most important topic which I shall review, is one to
which his Majesty most expressly arid energetically
calls our attention. I rejoice that on a subject of Re-
form the words of his Majesty's speech are so expli-
cit, and I rejoice that his Majesty's Government have
det, rmined without delay to introduce a measure upon this
subject, inasmuch as I feel convinced, that so far from any
circumstances having intervened within the last six weeks
to alter the opinion I bad formed on it, or to lessen the
nee,s•i,y which I believed then to exist, for its adjust-
ment, circumstances have, on the contrary, satis-
fied me that its speedy enactment has become now
absolutely necessary. This is not the time to enter into
the discussion of the principles of that measure
shish will soon command so much of our attention ;
but I will only say that I entertain the most complete
confidence that the measure when introduced will be found
to be such as the emergencies of the time require, and
perfectly satisfactory to the country at large. There are
other points in the speech so intimately connected with
this subject, that it would be impossible to refer to them
without viewing them in their bearing on this
great and important question. In reference to the origin
of the disgraceful occurrences at Bristol, I think it clear
that they were undoubtedly to be attributed, in the first
place, to a manifestation of political opinion, but which was
readily taken advantage of for the purpose of indiscriminate
plunder. As a commission has lately issued to investi-
r ate the circumstances of this painful affair, I avid not at-
tempt to cast any reproach en any parties connected with
the occurrences ; hut I think the very plain fact, that a
small hand of rioters were enabled to continue their work
of devastation for a considerable space of time, is quite
sufficient to induce us to comply with the recommendation
in his Maj-sty's speech, as to the best means of improv-
ing the municipal police of the kingdom, for the
more effectual protection of the public peace against
the recurrence of similar commotion`. Whatever
differences of opinion may exist on the subject
of Political Unions, there can be no doubt that they die.
play, on the part of the people, the most intense anxiety
on the subject of Reform. That patt of his Majesty's
speech which refers to the subject of Political Unions
completely accords with my own views. His Majestystates
that it is his firm determination to suppress all corn-
'dna tions, under whatever pretext, which in their
form and character are incompatible with all regular
Government, and are equally opposed to the spirit and
previsions of the law, and in this point I see no reason
to doubt that he will be cordially supported by all
his subjects. The Birmingham Union in particular
so far from persevering in any thing that was illegal, have
d'sclaitned such an object with the utmost promptitude,
their object being not to infringe on the law. But setting
aside all illegal unions, which on all hands would
be deprecated, I am well aware that a difference of
opinion may still exist on the subject. I do not hesitate
to say, that if those bodies assumed a permanent
association, they should be viewed as distinctly inimi-
cal to good Government.—(Hear.) But I will not
view them abstractedly, but in connexion with the circum-
stances to which they owe their origin. And when we recol-
lect that they do arise from the unsettled state of the most
vital question ever agitated in this country, and that the
4lhjnt they profess to have in view has been sanctioned
by a large portion of the Legislature, I think the
course which I conclude from the speech, Ministers in-
tend to pursue, is the only one that could be followed
with safety. His Majesty states that he can never sanc-
tion any interference with the legitimate rights of his
people in discassing and making known their griev-
ances and difficulties, and whatever may be the opinion
of those who oppose Reform on this subject, I think
that of all Reformers must be,that the only interference that
can successfully be directed towards them, is to render
them useless, by redressing the grievances in which they
originate. The speech does not pretend to disguise
the fact that very considerable distress exists. It is
a task far beyond me to enter into all the causes
that hare given rise to this distress. But in
the state of the country, in the anxiety which
prevails from internal as well as political causes, much dis-
tress undoubtedly was to be perceived. The Noble Lord then
referred to that part of his Majesty's speech which alludes
to the cholera. He had no doubt that very considerable
distress would be produced by the quarantine which foreign
countries now appeared pretty generally to expect from us.
This would form an important consideration in en-
deavouring to form an estimate of that disease, as
to its more immediate effects. The mortality it has
occasioned is certainly less formidable than might have
been anticipated. But what we have to expect ap-
peared very uncertain even in the opinion of those
professionally acquainted with it. But whatever might
be expected in that way, it would be unpardonable in
them to shut their eyes to the fact that other
consequences must flow from it which must be most in-
jurious to the country at large. In referring to Ireland,
the speech contained an important passage. His Majesty
recommends us "to take into consideration the question of
tithes, and to enquire whether it may not be possible
to effect improvements in the laws respecting this
subject, which, he hoped, might afford the necessary
protection to the Established Church, and at the same
time remove the present causes of complaint." It was the
duty of all to make every exertion for the maintenance of
public peace and due observance of the law. The miseries
that had in Ireland flowed from discord on this subject,
would satisfy any reasonable mind that the present system
could not long continue, and whenever the plan referred
to in the speech was brought forward he should feel it
his duty to give it his most warm and cordial support.—
He had now referred to the principal topics of the
speech relating to domestic affairs ; arid as respected
foreign relations it was certainly satisfactory that
his Majesty regarding the state of Europe generally,
was inspired with a hope from the friendly assurances
received from Foreign Powers, and the union subsisting
between him and his allies, that peace would not he inter-
rupted. The subject which was calculated to create
any uneasiness was the refusal on the part of Holland
to agree to the treaty acceded to by the King of the Bel-
gians. He could not, however, but entertain a hope that,
the unanimous decision of the Five Powers which
bad been unbiassed by private interests, would lead him,
the King of Holland, without much further delay,
to give his assent. He could not turn without regret
to that part of the speech which referred to Portugal.—
No expectation seemed to be held out as to the immediate
settlement of affairs in that country. But affairs in that
country were so complicated, that it would be preposterous
for him to offer any considerations as to the best manner
in which they might be settled. He could not conclude
without referring to a most important part of the
speech, in which he declared that he had been ena-
bled to conclude with his Majesty the King of the French
a treaty, the object of which was the suppres-
sion of slavery, and he felt assured that what-
ever differences might exist on the other parts
of the speech, that would be hailed with universal
approbation. The success which had attended Ministers
in their attempt to stop this infamous traffic entitled them
to the gratitude and confidence of the House and nation at
large.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord then moved an ad-
di ess, which, as usual, was an echo of the speech.
Sir FRANCIS VINCENT rose to second the ad-
dress, but in doing so felt that lie had great reason
to ask for the indulgence of the House. The em-
barrassment, however, which he would most naturally
feel, was much diminished by the manly and straight-
, forward speech which had this day been delivered from

the throne.—(Loud chem.) A speech which he
felt cenvinced would diffuse much general satisfaction
among the people, as it showed his Majesty's earnest
desire to uphold their interests, and to continue his
confidence in those Ministers on whose perseverance,
ability, and integrity, that House had last session
expressed their entire approbation.—(Cheers.) The
country would hear with pleasure that his Ma-
jesty, by the assistance of those Ministers, had
evinced a determination to grapple with every diffi-
culty. It was just such a speech which a free
people ought to hear from their Sovereign and such
as the Sovereign of such a people would be ex-
pected to deliver.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The first topic
in the speech to which he would allude was that
of Belot in, and he hoped that whatever opinions
Honourable Members might entertain upon that subject,
there was no one who did not concur in that
part of his speech which wished for its speedy settlement.
--(Hear. ) All were agreed that great embarrassment,
and great want of confidence, prevailed amongst all classes
of men, and he thought he should not be saying too
much when he attributed those evils chiefly to the suspense
in which the public mind had been kept respecting
that great measure ; when, however, that question should
be again brought under their consideration, he hoped
that all parties, laying aside their prejudices, would
combine to effect a speedy settlement ; be would there-
fore content himself with merely observing, that since
the last session of Parliament the country had exhi-
bited no symptoms of re-action.—(Cheers.) At the
only county election which had taken place since that period
a Reform candidate had been returned by a large majority,
and at all the county meetings which had taken place, ex-
cept Edinburgh, the people were unanimous for Reform.
He deduced from those circumstances that there had been
no re-action, particularly when it appeared that no
Anti-Reformers had in any one instance thought
it advisable to convene any meeting to discuss the
question.—(Cheers and laughter.) He might go fur-
ther and deduce it from the fact, that no Anti-
Reformer had ever attended any of the meetings. Since
they had last met together, be regretted that an additional
cause of uneasiness had arisen, that of the introduction
of one of the greatest of human scourges ; but although
the cholera morbus had made its appearance in one
of our sea-ports, still it was not of that malignant
nature which hod characterised its appearance in other
countries. Its insidiousness and suddenness had impressed a
salutary terror on the country ; but from the measures
that had been taken to prevent its spreading, he hoped
it would not be of long duration. In adverting
to another part of the speech, the Hon. Baronet st ited
he was gratified to learn that the general peace was pre-
served ; when lie saw the convulsion which had agitated
other nitions, he thought credit was due to our Government
for keeping up the dignity of this country without re-
sorting to hostile measures. That the individual
at the head of the present Government in Portugal
should put off the proper demands made by this
Government could be a matter of no surprise, but what-
ever steps the Government should think proper to adopt,
they would be adopted with moderation and spirit,
so that whatever might he the consequence, Don Miguel
would only have to blame his own obstinacy and perverseness.
The Hun. Baronet then took a cursory view of the agi-
tated state of Don Miguel's Government, and of the exe-
cutions and imprisonment of such vast numbers of per-
sons in that country. He was happy to state that
Belgium had acceded to the wishes of the Five Powers,
and he thought there could be no doubt that when the
King of Holland saw that the ereater part of Europe
desired a settlement of the question, he would comply
with their wishes. The next topic to which he would allude
was, the arrangement made by France for abolishing the
slave trade, and it was to our Government the honour was
due, for obtaining those concessions which,during the last
fifteen years, other Governments had been unable to obtain.
Grist en dit was also due to that Government with
which the arrangements had been made. The Hon.
Baronet next alluded to the events that had oc-
curred at Bristol. In that town such atrocities
Lad been committed by a mere handful of per-
sons as must convince the public mind that there
was some radical defect in the municipal police,
and he felt satisfaction from his Majesty's speech that
it was in contemplation to introduce some measures
to remedy that defect. He must, however, strongly
protest against its being said that those evils
had been brought about by the friends of Reform.
In all large and populous towns there were always to be
found some restless, dissatisfied persons, ready to commit
mischief, and he admired the promptitude with which the
Government had determined on the appointment of Spe-
cial Commissions.—(Cheers and laughter.) In re-
' ferenee to another part of his Majesty's speech,
he expressed his satisfaction that his Majesty's Government
had determined to repress those associations, the exist-
ence of which was not known to the law, but
while he could not refrain from giving his tribute
of praise to the Government fir issuing the proclamation,
yet he begged to express his admiration at the ala-
crity with which the Birmingham Political Union
had rescinded their motion for organization, which
was done, he believed, even before the proclamation was
issued.—( Hear, hear, and loud laughter.) As an humble
individual, he expressed his gratitude to the Government
for that proclamation, and in conclusion he begged most
cordially to second the address.
The SPEAKER then put the address, which was an
echo of the speech, when Sir R. PEEL, Mr. GOULBURN,
and Mr. CROKER rose together to address the House, but
the former gave way, and
Mr. CROKER proceeded to address the House. It
was with great reluctance that he did so, as he
had much rather that that duty had fallen to a gentleman
better capable than himself. He, however, rose for the
purpose of protesting against some of the principles laid
down by the Hon. Gentleman who had
just spoken.
It was necessary for the Members on his side the House
to enter their protest against some of these principles,
otherwise it might be considered thee agreed with the
address if they did not move an amendment. The Hon.
gentleman who had spoken last had said that the speech
which he had just seconded was a speech moan's and
straight-forward, and such as became the King of a free
people. He (Mr. C.) must, however, be allowed to say
that if manly and straight-forward meant any thing, it
meant stating in a straight-forward way the future inten-
tions of 'Ministers. But lie would defy any Hon.
Member to say that a distinct view of any policy was
given in that speech, and he would take on himself to say
that a less manly or straight-forward speech had never
been delivered.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) Upon the
great question of Reform, of which it said. so much;
did the speech give the slightest intimation to the public
of what Ministers meant to do? Nor did it give the
slightest intimation whether the measure to be intro-
duced was the same as that of the last session. It did
nut give the slightest intimation whether the inflamed ex-
pectations of the people were to he kept up by the cry of
" The Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill,"
nor did it state whether the admitted anomalies of the
Bill of last year were to be met by some moderate concession
on the part of Ministers. Ile did not blame Ministers
for the general way in which the speech had been framed,
but he must object to the principles drawn from it by the
Hon. Member who had just sat down. Would to God,
I.e could see a satisfactory conclusion of that mighty
tempest which his Majesty's Ministers had raised.—(Tre-
mendous cheering on the Opposition side of the House.)
In the speech, they had used the words " speedy
and satisfactory." With speed they might go on, but
they might believe him when lie said, the satisfaction
would lag far behind.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He would tell
them that the measures they were about to introduce
if they in any degree resembled the measure of last year,
would he very wide of giving satisfaction, for he would
take upon himself to say they would be the beginning
of trouble. The only persons satisfied with them would
be Ministers and their immediate retainers.—(Cheers.)
The agriculturists and the great body of the people
stood aloof from Ministers, and were hostile to them and
their measures. There had not been one sing'e public
meeting that had not been accompanied by some pro-
position on the part of time speakers at it, that it
was but the beginning of a longer and wider mea-
sure. Time Government had been told in distinct
terms that it was considered. only as a stepping-stone.
At one of the greatest of these public meetings it
bad been distinctly stated that the Reform proposed
by his Majesty's Ministers was not what the people
wanted, but that it was the first step to it. and the
people were told that if they resisted the Bill then
brought forward by Ministers, they would delay their
future success. The Hon. Baronet asks why no Tories
went to these public meetings to exhibit their hostility ?
Does he recollect what occurred at Bristol ? I do not ac-
cuse the people of England of participating in the spirit
which led to the riots there ; but will the Hon. Baronet
tell me, when the constitution of society in this country is
in such a state, that I Judge, with all precaution, and
under time sanction of his Majesty's Government, cannot
enter a large city_(Cheers)—and when he is cen-
sured for the obstinacy and temerity with which he pro-
ceeded, shall we blame the Tories for not attending meetings
where they could not have a hope of being heard ? Had
the Tories shown themselves at such meetings, would they
not have been accused of volunteering inflammation on the
public mind, and would not the blame have been instantly

shifted from the shoulders of the malefactors to those of the
injured party ?—(Much cheering from the Opposition
benches.) When he will procure for us all we want—a
clear stage and a fair hearine—l, for one, am ready to
meet the Hon. Gentleman and his friends in any of those
ordeals, and to give reasons for the faith that is in me.—
(Hear.) But, with one breath, he tells us that a handful of
men were able to destroy almost the second city of the em-
pire, and in the next, he challenges us to attend public
meetings of Reformers, and asserts, because we do not
attend, that we are ashamed of the state of public feeling
which is so much against us. The next topic of this
manly and sr raight-forward speech is the pr evalence of Poli-
tical Unions ; and here I am bound to admit that there are
expressions, especially towards the latter end, which have
my entire and cordial:approbation.—(Cheers.) I agree with
Ministers that there can be—or, at least, ought to be—but
one Government in the country. There ought not to be
one Government in Downing-street, another in the Strand,
a third in Birmingham, a fourth at Manchester, and a fifth
at Bristol.—(Hear, hear.) The painful experience of the
last few months has shown us, that such a state of things
must end in the ruin of any country that submits to it—
it must end in the ruin of any imbecile popularity-hunting
Cabinet.—(Cheers and laughter.) Although I entirely
approve of the meeting of Parliament on this day; al-
though the state of the world, and of England in particu-
lar, considering that state positively, relatively, officially,
and commercially, and above all, politically, requires that
the King should be aided by the wisdom of the Great
Council of the nation, yet 1 believe that we are not in-
debted for it to the sagacity, to the firmness, or even to the
terrors of the Ministers —( Hear, hear.) No, no ; their
master told them that they must meet in the first week in
December.—(Much cheering.) They told them that before
the cholera made its appearance—before the Political Unions
had attempt organization—before Bristol had been burnt—
before the whole frame of society was in a state, if not et'
dissolution, of precariousness—it was the order of the great
Leader of the Leader of the Cabinet that Parliament was
to meet. I really do not know whether the phrase was
not that it should meet in the first week in December.—
(Much cheering.) The pleasure I have derived from
some of the con,titutional expressions in the speech, I
must say, is exceedingly diminished when we have time
substantial proof that the Ministry is itself subservient to
the identical associations and influence which they are so
naturally anxious, but so powerless to put down.—
(Ceeers.) I hope it will not he necessary to resort to any
extraordinary measures. I hope that timely suggestions
upon the subject were directed to other places as well as
to Birmingham—(lleal., hear)—and that the ex stnple
will be followed. The Noble Lord (Cavendish) has ap-
peared to-night, I believe, for the first time, as a debater
among us. I hope he will in future have frequent oppor-
tunities of thus illustrating the great risme that he
bars, but I cannot concur with him in the comment
he has read on one part of time Royal speech. He tells
us that the mode Ministers intend to adopt of putting
down Unions is by the redress of grievances. If
grievances exist, let them be redressed, but first let
them be shown. Carry the law into effect, arid do
not grant to force what you would resist to reason.
—(Much cheering.) lam filled with alarm when I
think what may thus become of the firmness and
consistency of Ministers, and this commentary comes with
peculiar effect in connexion with the next topic in the
speech—tithes iu Ireland. Ministers tell us that there
has been a s)sternatic resistance to the payment of tithes
in Ireland. This is the first time I have heard of it. I
know, indeed, that there were local objections, and that
two persons of a better rank were convicted of a conspiracy
for exciting the deluded peasantry. They were convicted
but the punishment was remitted, and if the resistance
were local this lenient course might be likely to assuage
the evil. If, on the other hand, it was a general and for-
midable. combination to resist the payment of tithes, or,
is other words, to shake the foundation of property, I
should have thought a different course advisable. I sup-
terse that the Noble Lord would apply to tithes the same
argument that he applies to Unions—" Put an end (says
he) to Unions by conceding all their claims." In the same
way he might say, " Put an end to the disputes regarding
tithes, by abolishing them."—(Hear.) Destroy here-
dietary rights, and equalise property, and the two
great points required by the Reformers will he
gained at once. It is complained that the payment
of tithes is resisted, and what is the remedy ?
Not enforce the law, because it is just and neces-
sary, but change it because it is unpalatable. But
in Reform as well as in tithes, it is a question of principle
that is involved—no modification will be sufficient, and
you never will be alile to satisfy the claimants without an
entire destruction of the system. If there be hidden in
the Speech any such design—l do not suspect it, above
all from the Right Hon. Secretary for Ireland, whose
sentiments do him so much honour, and afford him so
much hope to Ireland—but if such a purpose do lurk
under the fair-seeming words, to destroy tithes and to
shake the tenure of all property, I shall be most vehemently
and determinately opposed to it, not merely for the sake
of the Church, but because I consider it like an assault
upon the weakest part of a citadel, in order that the be-
siegers may incontinently become masters of the whole.
Nut only the property of the Church is aimed at but all
property that has belonged to the Church—not merely
tithes, but Woburn Abbey.—(Cheers.) I allude to it
only as an illustration ; for if the Noble possessor had sat
on this side of the House, I should have mentioned Wo-
burn Abbey. I say with Mr. Burke, that not only the
tithes of the parish, but the Abbey of Woburn itself, must
be sacrificed, and with it the property of all the gentry
in England. This principle is openly avowed in some
of the Unions. They say that all property arising from
honest industry ought to be respected. So that
property which has not been so derived has no chance of
surviving, Against that principle I enter nay protest;
but the Noble Lord who opened the debate, on the other
band, tells us not to resist, but to tranquillize by conces-
sion. Ile told us that the state of the Church in Ireland
was exceedingly had, and that it was proved by the fact
that the clerey could not get their rights without going to
law--:that atilt system roust he bad which required the
aid of the . strong arm of the law. Is the Noble Lord
aware that such is the case with al fiscal regulations ?
should like to know who ever voluntarily paid any thing ?
—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Could the Noble Lord
get his rents paid without the intitnidation of distress, and
perhaps distress itself? If so, I should be glad to know in
what happy part of the kingdom he resides. Nothing is
paid but either by force or dread of the law. He expressed
a hope that the ministers of religion would be the last to
object to new regulations—in other words, that they
would conciliate by giving up their property. We are to
sitisfy Reformers by giving up the Constitution, and they
by giving up their property. Will that object then be ac-
complished? No, not quite. It is a thirst that increases by
drinking—" Increase of appetite sloth grow by what
it feeds on." Tire more you give, the more you will
be required to give. Once yield, and you can never yield
enough. I will tell the Noble Loid, from experience
somewhat longer than his own, that whatever concession
is made should be distinguished as much as possible from
submission to terror.—(Cheers.) So far from thinking
with him that it ouglmt to be done because it is demanded,
I say that it ought not to be done if to do it he to yield to
intimidation. Upon the next topic I can speak with more
satisfaction—l mean the convention with France. On a
former occasion, I said that the only remedy for the slave
trade was the concession of the 'right of search ; but it
must not be granted by one nation only. If it stands
alone it will he insufficient. The flag of France will not
be used, but that of some other nation which has not con-
sented to the arrangement, and the trade in human flesh
alive will be kept up, although as odious and as detestable
as the trade in human flesh dead by the horrible murders
which have recently disgraced our metropolis. I have
made those observations rather for the purpose of guarding
myself from being suspected in concurring in what fell
from the Noble Lord and the Hon. Gentleman opposite,
than with a view to raise any opposition to the speech of
his Majesty ; nor should I be as illing to do anything
which might appear to be wanting in lespect to the highest
person in the realm, unless I were called upon to do so in
respect for my own honour.—(Hear.)
Mr. STANLEY—AI the Right Hon. Gentleman does
not intend to propose an amendment to the address which
has been moved by tire Noble Lord near me, in reply to
ltahi so
ullgliajty' s
t Majesty's
do not mosta g
ree gracious
lvith speech from t
e v
elri
ye tpharrot no thatel
speech is not perfectly frank and explicit—anti although I
think it would be impossible for the Right Hon. Gentle-
man to move any amendment to the eddress, in which,
either in this House, or in the other House of Parliament,
a majority would be induced to concur—l shall not follow
him through all his observations, but shall confine myself
to his remarks upon the passage of his Majesty's speech, in
which allusion is made to that part of time United King-
dom with the Government of which lam connected. To
those remarks I may the rather be expected to reply, inas-
much as the Right Hon. Gentlernan has alluded to nay private
opinions.---[Mr.CROKER hem e made sorneexplanation across
the table, which was not heard in the gallery.]—l trust,
Sir, that the Hon. Gentleman does net suppose that my
public conduct is at variance with my private opinions.—
(Hear.) When the Right lion. Gentleman does me the
honour to allude, in the terms in which he has alluded, to
my opinions respecting the church of Ireland, I will
assure him, Sir, that I have no opinions on that subject
which I could be unwilling publicly to avow. The

•-•

s Cy

Hon. Gentleman and the House way rest; assured that,
respecting that passage of his Majesty's speech, there is
not one member of his Majesty's Government between
whom and myself there is the slightest difference of
opinion.—(Hear.) In the Right Hon. Gentleman's
ob•ervations on the speech of the Hon. Gentleman behind
me, who seconded the address, I cannot think that he his
fairly expressed himself when he did not mark the distinc-
tionbetwen the demands of an illegal combination, or the
cl imours of a molt, and the opinions of the people fully
and fairly expressed. He says that my Hon. Friend re-
commends concessions to be made to unjust and groundless
clamours, which would only be renewed and aggravated by
every fresh concession. But if I understood myHon. Friend,
what he said was that the Government should put down all
illegal unions by the laws, but that there were unions and as-
sociations whose views and conduct were not illegal, which
kept within the spirit of the Constitution and the inten-
tions of the laws, and which made none but just demands.
—(Hear.) Such Unions are only to be put down by the
removal of the grievances which have given rise to them.
--(Hear.) The Government, Sir, will concede to no
clamours that are unjust, and they will use the powers of
the law to put down any Association that may be incon-
sistent with the spirit of the Constitution ; and if the
powers which the laws at present give them be insufficient
for that purpose, they will call for further powers. But
I do not think that, by resistance to the just and equitable
claims, you can extinguish the voice of the people.--
(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman indeed says,
that the moment the people pass the line of just and rea-
sonable demand, that moment we should refuse to concede
anything ; we should steel ourselves against all applications,
but should tell the people tbat none of their demands
should be conceded to, because some of them were unjust ;
we should make no concession, lest it should be supposed
that we had conceded everything in fear. What, Sr,
shall I answer to such an argument ? What shall I soy
more than this—take care that you concede in time.—
(Hear, hear.) Seasonable concession is the only means
by which you can either put down just or prevent unjust
demands. The Right Hon. Gentleman tells us, that the
resistance to the payment of tithes is the commencement
of an attack on property of all kinds, and that his Majesty's
Ministers are yielding to that attack. But how dues be
find that in the speech ? The speech, after stating the
fact that such a resistance is made, proceeds to recommend
to this and to the other House of Parliament to take
into the earliest consideration the state of the law on this
and the other questions before referred to, in order to
ascertain whether it is not possible to snake some legis-
lative enactment, by which the removal of the griev-
ances complained of may be rendered consistent with the
preservation of our institutions. Was it not the duty of his
Majesty's Government, in the first instants, to suppress
illegal combinations, and in the next, to look for the means
of removing real grievances ?—(Hear. ) Will any man tell
me that the system of tithes, even in this country, much
more in Ireland, is not fraught with mischief ? Will he
tell me that it is the most amicable arrangement that could
be made between the minister and his parishioners ? Will
he tell me that it does not give rise to dissension, nay, to
bitter animosity? And are not those feelings of animosity
necessarily stronger amongst a population where the ma-
jority of the people dissent from the Church for the main-
tenance of which the tithes are collected ?—(Hear.) It
was with a view to remove or to alleviate those grievances
a Right Hon. Gentleman proposed a modification of the
law relating to tithe-composition ; and I verily believe,
that if the operation of that Act had been more widely
extended, it would in a great degree have removed the
grievances. But this is a question, respecting which we
must look at no distant period—whether it be done next
year or the year after—with a view to remove the evils
with which the present system is attended, and to place
the clergy of the Established Church in a better condition.
Was it not stated in a petition front the clergy of the Dio-
cese of Leighlin, presented iu the last Session, that the
existing laws were inadequate to enable the clergy to re-
cover their tithes, the payment of which, in many parts of
that diocese, was successfully resisted for three or four
successive years ? The existing laws being found insuffi-
cient, the security with which the payment of tithes can
be evaded, without violating the laws, has given stren?;th
to the combination. Under these circumstances, there-
fore, it is the intention of his Majesty's Ministers, in
compliance with the gracious speech which has been
to-day addressed to us from the throne, to move for the
appointment of a Select Committee, to which all the facts
of which the Government is in possession connected with
this subject should be referred ; and Ministers are at the
same time prepared to lay before that Committee, imme-
diately after its appointment, the measures they propose
to adopt.—(Hear, bear.) I trust, then, the House will
see that, with those views, it would he most inconvenient
to take up the time of the House by going further into the
d tails of this question—(Hear)—which is one of the
most important that could he brought before the conside-
ration of Parliament. But of this the House may rest
assured, that in the plans which his Majesty's Ministers
propose to bring before Parliament for the removal of po-
litical grievances, they will do nothing by which the Con-
stitution might be endangered—(Hear, hear, hear)—and
in any measures they in. iy have in view in reference to
the Church, their object will certainly not be to weaken
• its property. I grant that if the property of the Church
was once endangered, the danger would soon be extended
to the taxes of the State, and next, to the rent of the
landlords. I can assure the House and the Right Ilon.
Gentleman, that in the measures which I may frel it my
duty to submit to the House, I will have in view to give
additional security to the rights of the Protestant Clergy,
and to remove the evils that are complained of as arising
out of the present system. As it is not the intention of
the Right Hon. Gentleman who last addressed the House,
or, I believe, of any other Member to propose an amend-
ment to the address, I will not trespass further on the
time of the House, having replied to the observations or
the Hon. Gentleman upon topics connected with that de-
partment of the Government to which I have the honour
to belong.
Mr. CROKER explainet% -

Sir C. WETHERELL said that there was one pas,age
in his Majesty's speech which referred to a subject on
which be felt a great anxiety to express himseif ; and he
had no doubt that the House on all sides would honour
him with its attention.—(Hear, hear.) His anxiety arose
from several considerations : first, from a consideration of
the duty which he owed to the public ; secondly, (rein a
consideration of the duty which he owed to the laws ;
and, lastly, from a consideration of the duty which he
owed to himself. He alluded to that part of the King's
speech in which reference was made to the late calamitous
occurrences at Bristol.—(Hear.) The speech, he said,
after alluding to those events, goes on to say, " The autho-
rity of the laws must be vindicated by the punishment of
offences which have produced so extensive a destruction of
property and so extensive a less of life. I think it right
to direct your attention to the best means of improving
the municipal police of the kingdom, in the more effectual
protection of the public peace, against the recurrence of
similar commotions." For reasons which were perfectly
ohvious, the speech omitted to go into the history of those
disastrous occurrences. Indeed, as the inquiries into the
circumstances out of which they arose were at that mo-
ment in progress, until they should have been concluded
it would have been highly improper to go into a detail of
facts the true nature and extent of which has not yet been
clearly ascertained. But in reference to himself, he (Sir C.
Wetherell) felt bound, on considerations, as he had said,
of his duty to the public, to the laws, and to himself, to
make a few remarks upon that part of the speech.--
(Hear, hear.) He had been charged by the Press in
part of Great Britain and Ireland with being directly the
author of all the disasters that had befallen Bristol. But
if the smallest part of those calamities was attributable to
him, he would be content to refire in shame from that
Hon. House, and to bide his diminished head in the ob-
scurity to which public indignation and contempt might
justly drive him.—(Loud cheers.) But yet that charge
had been reiterated from time to time by all the Press of
London, and especially by those writers who avowed that
they had communications with the Government—who as-
serted from time to time that intelligence was communi-
cated to them by members of the Government, and who
had, at all events, given information to the public wtich
they could get only from the Governinent.—(Hcars hear.)
Now, it was not to be inferred that he found fault with
Government for so communicating with the Press. To
do so had been the habit of every preceding Administra-
tion, and no one could blame the present Ministers for
communicating in the usual way with the Times, or the
Courier, or with any other newspaper. But in all those
Journals the charge had been made against him that he
went down to Bristol, in the exercise of his functions as a
Judge under his Majesty's Commission, contrary to the
remonstrances of the Government and of the Magistrates
of that town—that his doing so was the effect of indis-
cretion, obstinacy, foolhardiness, and a wish to stimulate
the people to acts of violence ; in short, that his conduct
was influenced by every unworthy motive, which the re-
monstrances which were made to him could not restrain.
Pilasien,lYan that that statement was in
everyd scandalous.—(Hear, hear,
sa
hear.) If he were to go over and continent upon every
Now, e would
parth
of
it false,y base,
species of calumny with which he had been assaile,d,
it would be necessary for him to occupy the House—he
would not say four-and-twenty hours, but four-and-twenty
days.—(A laugh.) But when newspapers, which were
in communication with the Governmant, made those at-

tacks upon him and represented hint as the autho.
calamities at Bristol, he was compelled to assert, 0
members of the Press were become tyrannical,
slanderous—(Hear)—for many of those who
assertions respecting him, knew well that they wet
—(Hear, hear.) How stood the case? A gt
connected with the office of Recorder of Bristol,
him in the ordinary discharge of his duty, sum,
vious to the period fixed for the gaol delivery in
and he informed him that he did not think it safe
Recorder to enter Bristol in the usual manner to
hisduty on the occasion then approaching, without
tection of a stronger force than the civil authoritin
their disposal. He need not inform the House
entry of the Recorder into Bristol is made in
manner as the entry of the Judges of Assize
places. In consequence of the information whic
thus received, he consulted with the Magistracy,
found them to be of opinion that the constabe'
which they could obtain would not be sufficient
vent riot ; and it was accordingly decided that a
tion should wait upon the Noble Lord (the
the Home Department) to represent to him the
for a military force. It might he asked why di,
(Sir C. Wetherell) attend with that depurati
reason was this, that if the Noble Lord and the
should have occasion to enter into any discussion
to him, he might furnish them by his absence a
opportunity to do so.—(Hear.) Those gentlemu
then informed by the Noble Viscount, that mi
sistance should he furnished to the
and a request was made that he shoo.
with the deputation at another interview. In
afterwards, he believed, he did so. Here, then,
instance in which it was communicated to the
ment, that military assistance was necessary for
tection of the Judge in the exercise of his duty.
that occasion a single word passed which should
sidered confidential, no man would he more
than he to mention it. But, in fact, there
thing. Word was then sent down to the asic
Bristol, that every thing should go en as usua.
Gentlemen opposite were aware of the truth of 1
ment, and he was sure that it would he confirrneu
Members of his Majesty's Government.—(Hear,
Now, if they saw that military assistance was _
preserve peace at the entry of the Judge, and
was a sufficient reason for the suspension of
gaol delivery, surely they would have stated the.
the first interview with the deputation, or at
he (Sir C. Wetherell) was present. For his part,
nothing more than send down word, as had been
upon, that every thing should go on as 11E
lie trusted that the House was satisfied that he
a full and fiat contradiction to the gross calum.
had been kept up in the London Newspapers for
fortnight, and from thence was poured through thi
of the Press into every part of the country, and
veyed back again through the veins, having
the usual alterations in its course.—(Laughter.
whatever glory the slander might appear in the
the morning, additional brightness was shed
The Sun in the afternoon—(A laugh)—and the
at length took it off to Paris—(Laughter)—negl,
thing by the way that could make it more est'.
!minions, anh offensive.—( Hear.) Well, the Fr.
assured the public that his (Sir C. Wetherell
was greatly condemned indeed by the coteries-
the word.---( A laugh)—but lie did not know wita
meant the coteries of La rue des Tuilleries, or
La rue de la Pail.--(A laugh.) He only knew
conduct of the humble individual then before t
was most unsparingly assailed on all sides. He
tell the House that the Press of Ireland kept
that of England, and attalred him with no
mence and injustice. All this might seem mot
man ought to endure without repelling it, nor
have borne with it, butt that he should have
worthy of his station as a Judge—( Hear)-1
have degraded himself as a gentleman—( Hear),
have forgotten his dignity as a Member of th,
Parliament—if he had surrendered his right of
the Reform Bill, and of stating to that House,
country, fully and fearlessly, the grounds of h'
tiun.—(Cheers.) He would net consent to
of those rights, by entering iuto a controvi
newspapers for the purpose of refuting the sl
numberless assailants. Indeed, to do so it
been necessary to write letters to every editor in
informing him that lie had been altogether mishit
to his (Sir Charles Wetherell's) conduct.—(A
That course he would not consent to take,
hope that the time would come when, in that
should have an opportunity of explaining himsei
showing to the nation that which every candid
nected with the Government must acknowledt
been the true nature of the occurrences. Agaii
been said that a deputation from the Magi
Bristol waited upon him, in London, to disci
from going down, and that, subsequently, an
putation met him at Bath for the same purpoll!'
that was not the truth. He had already rip!**
nature of the communication which he had had
deputation to London, and the gentlemen who
him in Bath did so for the purpose of commu,
him the very judicious arrangement which had
for the purpose of protecting the precession.
termined, and, as he thought, very properly, than
litary, which the Government had placed at tlo
of the Magistrates, should not be displayed par
streets, as forming part of the procession, but
should he kept under cover ; and, in fact, if
for the Political Union, it would not have beet
known in the city that there was any apprehea
litary assistance being likely to be required
thought right to avoid the excitement which
have occasioned, But he would not go in.
which had, very properly, as he thought, been
from in the speech. It was not true that he
from Bristol as had been said—(A laugh)—until
bed had been taken off the bedstead, and put i
dow to make a barricaile...(Laughter.) Thu
tainly did think that the presence of the Jud
longer necessary.—(Hear, hear.) The gaol du
terminated, and at six o'clock in the evening of
day he left the town, so that every thing whit
on the Sunday and Monday took place without
ledge. He thought that he had now said en,
cuipate himself in the eyes of the House.—(•
If he had not done so, lie might appeal to the
might invoke the spirit—might challenge the
any man in any part of that House, and he
him with respect, would he stand up in i
and tell him (Sir Charles Wetherell) wha'
in the same circumstances, he would havf
—(Heer, hear, hear.) No, he knew he
so answered in that House. He knew that no
could go within a hundred leagues of telling him
putations, what sneers, what insults, what ten
sistent with the respect due to a gentleman an,
bee of the House of Commons, would not
poured upon him by the many-mouthed,
venomous Press of England.—(Hear, and
Would it not be said that he had basely and false,
to attend to his duty through a feigned api.
tumults which no one else had ever dreamt o)
it not have tern said that he was a false An..
that he invented the tale of projected riot!,
with the cowardice which is the constant
falsehood, he shrank from encountering the d,
his own invention alone had created ?—(Chee,
newspapers to which lie alluded had not even yet
their calumnies, and had not ceased to throw
tations, base, false, and unjust, respecting the t
which they stigmatised him as the author, and
for which his name haul been omitted in the C
i, t Y 'lighse-Itn
appointed to try the rioters. But he had novrl'.
ti
House sufficiently iv in possession of the facts as fell
~ spir "'ed tbt
warded him, to enable his political opponents, As 4'uhs
his political friends, to place him on that footingrolc toPeeeh
stn
should make a man's station in that House honn°63til
an
himself and useful to the country. If he bBd, ;Ned to the 8,
bath sides of the House—as he trusted he had pertlent, a
them—it gave him but little concern:in what In; Fa oj'e and g
conduct might he viewed by his assailants out ° jed ketneat 0,
ment. The Hon. Gentleman opposite, who eeeod°l4( itt,eth4led, ins
address, made some allusions to those matters, I'o it, „Meeting
Charles Wetherell) wished to make one soda'
ie.`"e purn,
observations in reply. That gentleman assert out, 4g the Cr
the trausactions at Bristol had not grow° d I *la ; but
tine Reform question, or, in other ty°ratsesrli tal„ch, recen
the delinquents were not Reformers, but tjof fotrtikeil u
to the city arid outcasts, who were ever ready CO offttuV an „
in riot, and to seize opportunities of pillage: es" ed age:
extremely difficult to show what part of the nrot,chas
tt"--he Iv(
actuated the rioters was love of Reform, and wss'elfs' ute tint
ho
pot th tae originated in other feelings. In one thing,
agreed with the Hon. Gentletu in, that no resP te:toking
tizens of Bristol took part in the tumults. or 1 kdo ('ers, at
would neither affirm nor deny that Reform`egitrted,and
the causes. He had a paper before him, to :, sol;ci tlaei,
would call the attention of the House, not the' but if
lated to 13ristol, hut as to the proceedings of the
ielit (.:I?etatio
Unions throughout the kingdom. In that doct°'defied stl74 °ion,
Bristol Political Union assumed the power of it ht:? ill-a
the Magistrates and the Recorder of that city. Oa( origi
by expressing the surprise of the Union that the
lie evti tiii_gee.n, he
trates should have called in the troobs to protec! ,1 ), la and
ofto say, that SlrCt.tif the
Wetherell
Magistratesint
into the
felt themselves
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formingo
it safe fo of it, for, of c
iner to per e (Laughter.)
House that ':.e inte:tst and
de in Ebb . entrusted w
Lssize at 0 t!') There v
satrwahcyic,hahnell
,ahulatory ; 'Mended Sir
flicient to ee of Record
I that ade eating riot, ;
e Secretel eY asked was r
$ hear.) But
a the nee' Ition should 1
why did not hnion) to e
the depu tt
.„ttientsfiaFrairitnigc,
ehtiphseeeo—ipi
IT,
once an A ttoti
ietepihr
e.:aingistir
eeat
me:
.ussion rel tit; limited to tl
entlemen Put down th
hat rainfall it,t,hlen every cr
e Magistr "outed to the
should 3. pa; But they c
Le,
I,'
,cirt,
s,
raeotitilulhsiniahoustweifgulu.menioaelru,
should
, n.Gnyal(t
ibavdeloo.tes:s fj
s v,,,i
If . e't
. 1
prtbe4 - ' gad. n°
etc.
,idoyaot °auhrbtleedtLoosedfhaehe con
nconcludernot i
cti ' :it
ooighi
ue:
cry for the 1a,444 loodshed
c authoritet, fires of the r
ath of his' ,a- c'n the morr,
)nfirrned hi :need, were
-(Hear, b - than was ti
araosf ntehcee sag , I:43zeorrai‘.bed. prompt( l
~ and that Was about tc
I that,
rat that s% dit C. Wethe
his part, be it:leot—a co
lead been a, 1546 t 0 follow.
ugh the art/I
y, and n'a'' 44,411101)1d be
aghter.) taj, °I any in
in the iit ►4,,r of the I
ti
ihed upon 'l,44ta d` °tiller was
and the Cr0'&11, erastatinr,
•tiag it . r)ell d''
-neglec A ap,et rre sit
astringent
ite gr Or of the
e French r Sltt;:°°,l.—(A
„raw.) colt hitt,,•_lre once 1
rtes—that hiltea-", a Dew
lw Wiletile, IN, '4hieh, in t
.ies, or tb‘r It r)., near.) NI
r knew thtka. :t°os mob,
store the P, Illr,Q-4, he (Sil
. He nee ti jot to send
kept pace y sig° Promptitu
Li no less , ilitetlitt, pf pro
m more tri 'O, ' the cA
;, nor woo' a Passed°!l What gr
fear)--ileaiftl,(glitt-elun4gdthseenct,,
of the a kiiairetary of
ght of of
~' t,,Y_,thi;t spe
L
.1 of his eP 4; ' Wa,. it
to surrender, jutease in wh,
.ralrieoaa:hnuoimrvsatd)sreiv—ieari
seiwd,:inYridaobi
nbf:Eueo%er '''
idiareod'o°;l4:,' :tll:4l'tstittli 'etdohv:etiolt):l4l;co.ll::°ittde"litt
nhnthan 'uhoecemvetYpieses'iladtstsrarbsiii
t.—(A la
I
take, but be 4'l' hear.)
that Ho°'° lit'xitending t
himself, $
retruld not 1
lowledge 04 trt:'') He ti
Again, it tali° tart error error it
5
c-a dissuade la, eY• For
tly, anotherfret,e, Union.
purpove. itli a:sy to ar
ly expiaiori, tletd rother...._
lad had Wit
who waite(lei "e of the
.minunicatirl,44tercf?t half.y
aidiri°litidn,Yh3hia,:olehtaatintdictghtobblihaushete ettigr:sib:ab.i 1
.°,.let4,
,',,fi911(74 site:
'1,:1,5,41t e (lit
iil t, With
eLlit
)h.etoOal°ernstrfirit ni.htiliwl I tasitetarauldi
Matesnpti he
yed parediaei ileklion a remit
, but that ,tt''l ati.o."-(Che,
et, if it werit'h4Polld-tt:,° Oil
•e been gertif ,!.t a ''' Wit
a rebension 'I ti'l,ailiee°unt
quired. Itj the 1: to ha.
rhich that '', 'e i.°rder it
• . a as.'eto gi°n h d
go in.o tot,. tde_ a
t, been abs JoriN ', and
t
).. lleuTndhteiisnl aPsliscilide,ifi lit;::,,,tehli a
touniittghttitofitv.lev .
put in the e on,ilott,l44d to „f
he Judgeo: ~Ittto)rtie.si yitetrripor:
gaol Jeliverhe 4 th,rla co
ing of the ../ 11141.-1 'Vecial
,„ r P 414 , and
—(Hen t tie' it tilt rile
.;.oiet;pthtliei:nehliacblitoeiiira 1404:iitlitte.tiac:::tvateysetmtvir.aa
td he mei „.11/' 1,,t1 a v
hi have P 1 teei the
to should a°, q pea Pal fort
hat no Oft of weedc' in till
• 013$ 4 a. out . ~‘
ng bon If ill atte 1
lilt terrniii,,y, iiit nothing
st
lan and a 'tit 441 of antg s
not baste 4.:. ox.
~,, uis 31
E.d, many-flii ktllLd it °ltld et
and a ;,,1101, :1, 611affai"'
,niadmaftpaplosrfeel?b):olltio,i, ki,,,,to:itltell4elliittxtt:pherae,olivh,etoiruboaliii
Anti-Reoc,7ibi :t'tlii,g else
:ant coniP it, ~ ipiaL a..
tthherodwangoeeurt.t" ,
even yet 5 ilOc'l 441''lliiar7Perit
ilg(trChiohet:ill9l:.::i4:: .:115.4:1t1141:4:e-:wfturethii;
w, and the .fil, IPPtkr"e Pul
a the Coat,,t t eli_t tli t() tun
oi,.

a:lth;
ert,

'5 the peace of the city, they ought to retire from
and allow Magistrates to be elected by the
the citizens. Thus the Union first created the
"er and then told the Magistrates, that if they
nit it down, they must resign for sooth. —(A
Then they proceed to say, that men clothed in
the Magistracy ought not to be politicians.—
•inly that was rather a strange doctrine. He
what my Lord Brougham and Vaux would
it, for, of course, it must be taken to apply to
\tighter.) But for his part, he (Sir Charles
saw no reason why a man should be pre-
. forming opinions en great questions concern-
ite•.4ast and happiness of his country, because
trusted with the administration of its laws.—
There was nothing incompatible or incon-
the two characters of Judge and politician.—
Ir.) But the Union thought otherwise, and
:ed Sir Charles Wetherell to retire from
of Recorder—(A laugh)—as the best means
riot, and, perhaps, bloodshed." So then,
asked was merely that he should retire, that the
should lay down its privileges, end allow them
a) to elect a Recorder and Magistrates.—
) He could not say how they meant to regu-
icbise—whether it was to be universal suf-
cited to the ten-pound householders. But they
Magistrates this election, that if they were not
' down the tumults without the aid of the mili-
every crime that should be committed should
to the Corporation, and its charter be re-
at they concluded their address by " exhorting
in the meantime to keep the peace, as the only
join,* the rights which they were seeking."
deposed the Magistrates, and having talked about
bloodshed as the consequences of the Corporation
the line of conduct which they pointed out,
concluded, like most documents of that kind,
the people to peace.—(Hear, hear.) He would
` he could not undertake to say what share in
of the rioters was to be attributed to Reform ;
Id not but think that they who put forth that
the morning of the day on which the tumults
were much more the authors of those di,-
was the individual to whom the whole had
I.—(Hear, hear.) As to the Commission
shout to be sent down, he would only say, that
I promptitude, which the Hon. Gentleman op-
, used in his speech had occurred in the address,
C• Wetherell) would certainly have moved an
course which he would be by no means
to follow. In that case he should have been cour-
t refer to what occurred some time ago at Not-
when (as he bad on a former occasion shown to
'e) the castle of a Noble Duke was attacked
t was an Anti-Reformer. He had then taken
of stating, that if once it was allowed that ven-
mid be wreaked upon any man for his political
there would be no safety for the parson or
of any man ; and the partition wall which divided
of the Duke of Newcastle from the mansion of
ias too thin to prevent the conflagration
ating the latter.—(Cheers.) What had ac-
irred since? Why the custom-house of the
of the Exchequer, a Reformer, was burnt to
I.—(A laugh.) When disturbances and tua
'e once arisen, they frequently assume, in their
a new character wholly unconnected with the
in the first instance, had produced them.—
hear,) 'When, therefore, a castle was burnt down
Is mob, solely because its owner held obnoxious
he (Sir Charles Wetherell) exhorted the Go-
•to send down a Special Commission. But there
Promptitude then.—(Cheers.) Neither did he see
of promptitude at present. Speaking on the
of the Commission, he must say that he did not
on what grounds the Mayor and the Recorder had
ed over. He had put in his claim to be named
Commission. He bad a right to be placed upon it.
had
sent a written communication to that effect to
ttary of State and the Lord Chancellor. It was
that species of right which might be superseded
iency. But in this case, what was the cape-
Was it not indirectly imputing to him that this
in which personal feelings tnight interfere with
• and impartial discharge of his duties as a Judge.
was a stigma which he was honestly desirous to
and he therefore claimed his right to be nominated
' Commission—(Cheers)—and be made the same
°II the part of the Corporation, and of the Aldermen
-stituted the Court sitting at the gaol delivery.—
? hear.) He would not charge the Government
Intending to do any thing personally offensive to him,
Id not prove it, nor would he charge them with
the Corporation, if he had no reason to ',believe it.
•) He thought, however, that they had committed
error in not putting in the Commission every
that was in the Commission of the General Gaol
For now it would be said, tbat they gave way
Union.—(Hear, hear.) It was true, they had
LY to another Union, and they bad corresponded
'other.—(CheerS.) In the Bill which they intro-
'it the last session, they had a clause confining the
of the ten-pound freeholders to those who paid
half-yearly. Well, the Birmingham Union pro-
inst the limitation—communicated on the sub-
the bead of the Government, and the clause was
es it pleased them. Then, two Noble Lords op-
aunicated with that same Union, after it had
resolution bordering as closely as possible upon
'cTheers.) Even after that resolution, as lie
the House at the time, the Government cor-
with the Union.---(Renewed cheers.) On
. it was that he had wished his Majesty's
to have put the Aldermen, the Lord Mayor, aed
rr in the Commission.—(Hear, hear.) For
'n had before deposed the Corporation and the
and the Government, in passing them over,
hove confirmed the deposition.—( Hear, hear.)
nem• made the explanation which he had felt him.
id to offer at the very first opportunity, without
five minutes to elapse. There were yet two or
er points on which he had some observations to
c,He complained that his name had been left out.
Special Commission issued for the trial of the of-
at Bristol. In two former Special Commissions
dar purpose, to be effected in the same city, the
• had been included, and so had the local Magis-
end the only precedent which he could find to the
was one which did not rank very high
estimation, and which he was sure would
lO'd a very elevated place in the estimation of
,swyer. lie would, while upon this subject,
a matter which had been made a prominent
to the speech from the throne—it was that a new
force would be required for the preservation
•in this country. The plan was not very clearly
`iut something was indicated, but nothing very
its l vas stated ; and, at all events, it was to be hoped
'thing special against Bristol was in the contempla-
of fats Majesty's Government.—(Hear, hear.) He
would come to a subject very foreign from Bristol
affairs—he alluded to the prohibition respecting
Ll 5 trade, and the influence which that prohibition
have on our relations with France. There was a
•nibition of the trade by a treaty ; but there was
else ; nothing more had been accomplished, and
further was likely to be effected. He hoped that
tt would be done to impair our right of search, or to
1"5, those privileges, not inconsistent with the rights
ter nations, which were so important to the dignity
erity of Great Britain ; in the meantime he
ii t.‘ the House, and every rational man in the corn-
r.:,'„Would suspend its judgment until the convention
"e public. He confessed it did not by any wens
I to him that any proceedings whatever could be of
ghtest ice e pes who could by
'ad onity 5 pret sery
interfereuntil withall theth trade,arti had come in, and
'acts asll
nente, \'„l,i eiaiun;u their concurrence. Whatever might be his
at footiot ble tPeeet, upon that subject, there was a branch of the
le exprriti which, in the abstract, he was not prepared
re honou'lti4
he had °tab i4terl o
" any dissent, namely, in that portion which re-
*petlealentthe suppression of those meetings, which, in his
he had ssoe(!
what inns a(l' ate appeared to be utterly inconsistent with the
of
itaaltnt good order—nay, with the existence of civil Go-
a out
.or authority in this country. It bad been
•ho sea, (.
,tees sou in argument, that we could not interfere with
t one or e' r theeetiaga
of the subjects of this realm as might be held
n assn netts to Purpose of petitioning the Legislature or address-
li,a!ed 7 Crown. To that, in the abstract, he fully as-
grown f
w0r(90,1 ,„liiehirbtit if it were intended by the Proclamation,
r but stie rtnah. !cently issued, to convey the idea that the Bir-
eady to ttai,l 544' Union was the only one of the Unions which
ofr,Ni an excetion to the general rule—that it alone bad
pillage. ea against
tiees suit the laws, and that all the rest were inno-
be 1" °I. 95 would -
od w 'note take leave to say, that a more unsound,
ing, bowe'bie
the
th_u !enable doctrine had never been promulgated.
no resP4t3j3o e Iltinsingham Union, in dividing the subjects of
molts. thander:lg into classes, and placing them under corn-
..edoptet),_ arid in the other preceedings which they had
eforro ss
st' ',l&ttijast the
which they threatened, was guilty of an offence
in, to 'ng • b e laws, be bad not the slightest difficulty in assert-
not •
f I" the ut if the design of the Proclamation was to limit
of toe „tit io euP,,e:rantion of the intended proceedings to the Birniing-
tat docut\''pe
je,.4 equal'"? then he would say that that Proclamation was
,ewer It IT; h. Y in-advised with. the measure of those in which that
t city. Pr 4 14-141 originat d
that die! _ k With that remark upon the Procla-
s t Ita'rti'n, he shoulde return to the speech which its ad-
the- ;ere Manly'-ens and an
ppo!-ters bad thought proper to designate as a
n ogleana straightforward speech ; and yet he con-
iseives

fessed himself unable to comprehend how that character
could be deserved by a composition which had touched, in
the manner it had done, upon six, eight, or ten different
topics. The multiplicity of its topics, and the mode in
which it noticed them, did, he would repeat it, appear to
him anything but consistent with that simplicity and
directness for which its advocates claimed such unbounded
credit. It had touched upon tithes, unions, and the ap-
pointment of a municipal force, and upon various indefinite
topics, upon not one of which a word had been uttered,
entitling it to the approbation or the confidence of the
House, though at the same time he acknowledged it was
so framed as not to call at their hands for any substantial
amendment. With all the objections he had to the
speech, lie must admit that it contained nothing calcu-
lated to disturb the unanimity which was desirable on oc-
casions such as that. Having thus briefly noticed the
chief subjects which it was necessary in reference to the
address itself to touch upon, he should now say a word
more as to himself. He hoped he stood before them, with
regard to his moral conduct, as completely acquitted as he
felt entitled to be—as, indeed, he had been by all on one
side, and as he. expected to be by many on the other.
Mr. GEORGE LAMB said if the office with which
he was more immediately concerned had not been so point-
edly alluded to, he should not have troubled the House at
that moment. He was sure that, upon reflection, he (Sir
C. Wetherell) would do that office the justice to believe
that his name not having been included in the Commission
arose out of no feeling of personal disrespect to him, and
that still less did it arise from any desire to give a colour
to that malevolence which bad 'Teen indulged in some
quarters on the subject. For his own part, he should be
the last man in the community to impugn the rights of
chartered corporations; but in referring to that point he
must say lie felt considerably relieved by what had fallen
from the Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite on that
point; but in acknowledging that, he could by no means
assent to any part of his observations on the subject of the
Press. He (Mr. Lamb) was not called upon to defend
the Press in any part of its conduct; or with respect to
anything the conductors of it might think proper to insert,
and between whom and the Treasury the Hon.and Learned
Gentleman had most unkindly hinted a connection, for
which he trusted the public would be just and discerning'
enough to feel there was no foundation. Any accusation
such as that brought by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman
of an interference on the part of the Executive with the
due course of justice, was, indeed, a grave and serious
charge, and one which should not be made lightly or un-
advisedly. How did the matter stand? Two interviews
took place with the parties concerned, and with persons
holding official situations ; and the question which
they had chiefly to consider was whether or not a ses-
sion ought to be held under the peculiar circumstances
in which the city of Bristol, and the public generally,
were then placed. It was well known that no session
could be held unless the Recorder presided ; and it
was universally believed that if he did, riots would be
the consequence. Application was thereupon made
by the authorit'es at Bristol, and Government immediately
made arrangements for sending thither, and into the
neighbourhood, an increased military force supposed to be
adequate to the emergency, and whicb, the result proved,
was fully adequate to the purpose for which it bad been
dispatched. Then, as to the issue of the Special Com-
mission, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had seemed to
impute to his Majesty's Government vacillation and a want
of energy, which certainly the facts did by no means jus-
tify. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had seized hold
of the word " promptitude," which had fallen from the
seconder of the address, and assumed that it was not a
term which could with propriety be applied to conduct
such as theirs had been. The word, he would contend,
was most happily and correctly applied. Promptitude did
not imply hurry ; neither did it even imply that steps
were iturnediatey taken ; it merely conveyed the idea that
no time had been lost—that steps had been taken as soon
as was at all consistent with expediency. How could they
proceed, unless they possessed a moral conviction that they
had obtained sufficient evidence to sustain a prosecution ?
In the very case to which allusion had been made, did the
Hon. and Learned Gentleman know that the depositions
were not ten days in town ? He confessed he did feel almost
ashamed in arguing a question of that nature with a lawyer
of his experience. There was no term could be more cor-
rectly applied that that to which the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman took exception. The conduct of his Ma-
jesty's Government was indeed prompt upon that occasion:;
for the Special Commission was sent down at the earliest
moment it possibly could. But it was maintained that the
Government were not only wanting in energy as regarded
Bristol, but also eminently deficient in it as respected
Nottingham Castle ; and that they ought on the instant
to have sent down a Special Commission to try the rioters
there. He really hoped he might be permitted to say that
subjects of that nature must be confided to the Executive
Government; it surely could not always be convenient to
state the reasons of their conduct in every such csse ; and
if they could not in all, why should they in any ? With
respect to the case of Nottingham, it would not be ex-
pected that he should tell either that a Commission would
be issued or that it would nut; but thus much he would
undertake to affirm, that if a sufficient case were made out,
a Special Commission for the trial of offenders there would
be issued, with as much promptitude as it had been in
the case of the Bristol rioters ; that is, as soon after a case
had been made out respecting the one as it had been re-
specting the other. He would now come to more serious
matter. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had com-
plained that be himself and the Mayor of Bristol had been
omitted in the Special Commission, and he claimed, as a
matter of right, to he so included. Now, the very
claim of right defeated itself. After making such a claim,
the Crown could not afterwards assert the right, as it al-
ways should, of issuing those Commissions according to its
pleasure. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had strongly
censured the conduct of the Bristol Union, and had imputed
to his Majesty's Government pusillanimity in yielding to their
recommendations. The Government had not yielded to
their recommendations ; and if they had not adopted the
course which, to their minds, appeared just, and wise,
and expedient, merely because it came recommended by
certain individuals in Bristol, they would afford a remark-
able instance of that weakness which was afraid of being
thought afraid. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman af-
firmed that there was no precedent for the exclusion of
the Recorder of Bristol from Special Commissions issued
for the trial of offenders in that city. So f.r from that
being the fact, there was a precedent of a remarkable na-
nature for such an occasion. He really thought the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman would have f It rather obliged for
having been omitted ; for there could clearly be no object
in including him in such a Commission when it would be
highly improper for him to act under it, or take any part
in the proceedings which that Commission went to au-
thorise. In the year 1769 a Special Commission issued
for the trial of a single prisoner, and the accusation against
hint was, that he had forged the name of the then Re-
corder of Bristol to a promissory note ; and when that
came to be tried at the Sessions, it was, of course, impos-
sible that the Recorder, who was a party most materially
interested, could sit as one of his Judges. A Special
Commission was drawn up by one whom they would all
acknowledge to have been a very able hand, and from that
Commission the name of the Recorder was left out, and
also the name of that Alderman whom the forgery was
intended to defraud. The Commission was most carefully
drawn up ; and when he told the Hon. and Learned Gen-
tleman that the name thus left out was the name of John
Dunning, he could not feel himself lessened by the associa-
tion. Having merely risen fee the purpose of saying a
few words in defence of the office with which he was
more immediately connected, he should not enter into any
mile' topics of tha Hon. and Learned Gentleman's speech,
than merely to observe, that he was quite in error in sup-
posing that there was any intention on the part of his Ma-
jesty's Government to' make a special arrangement relative
to the municipal force of the city of Bristol : but on the
other hand, there did not appear the slightest ground for
tasking that city an exception to any general rule which
it might be found convenient to establish.
Sir R. PEEL—It has uniformly been toy wish, both
when I held the station of a responsible adviser of the
Crown, and since I have receded into the situation of a
private Member of this House, to seethe speech from the
Throne, and the address which might be proposed in
reply to it, so framed that no difference of opinion could
arise upon it—that no collision of sentiment should take
place upon the subjects which they might embrace. I
have always felt an anxious desire that those who threw
up both should abstain from any expression which might
by possibility pledge the Members of this House upon any
subject of importance. lam happy, then, that upon this
occasion I can give so much of my acquiescence as may
effect that concord which appears to we so important ;
for I say, that I can give that assent which I should wish
to the whole address, with one exception, to which I shall
hereafter shortly advert. Before I say anything respecting
the tittle at which Parliament has been called together, I
shall just observe, that I am fully prepared to admit, that
at all times and at all seasons, private convenience should
give way to public service ; but what I protest against
is, the precedent. I hold it to be a bad and dangerous
precedent thus to call Parliament together without that
notice which is customary. I am as ready as any one
can desire, to admit, that the step taken upon that sub-
ject is within the letter and spirit of the law. lam
the furthest in the world from denying the right and
the authority of his Majesty's Government to call Parlia-

went together in the short space of fourteen days; but I
cannot at the same time help recollecting that it has been
laid down by a very great authority that the proper pre-
caution of not assembling them at less than 40 days' notice
should never be departed from unless in extreme cases.—
Mr. Hatsell, in his precedents, la)s it down most distinctly,
as I have already stated, that the right of assembling within
fourteen days is undoubted ; but it is at the same time to
be observed that in bad times the Members of the Legis-
Itture may he taken by surprise. In the year 1797, the
power of assembling within the space of fourteen days was
given to the Government, and it was first in 1801, with
reference to the Peace of Amiens, that advantage was
taken of it. From that time to the present—a period of
thirty years—there is no instance of Parliament having
been brought together in a less period than three
and twenty days; and be it at the same time remem-
bered, that the Union with Ireland took place since
that time. Hence I have no difficulty in a tying that,
as a general rule, there ought to be a longer period of no-
tice than fourteen days. Nevertheless„l am far from saying
that cases may not arise wherein it might be necessary to
call Parliament together with no greater notice than fourteen
days. A sudden necessity for declaring war—the unfore-
seen bursting forth of domestic tumults—the necessity of
new provisions to vindicate the authority of existing laws;
all, or any of those, might demand the sudden assemblage
of Parliament. But it was argued, now that the Reform
question was to be disposed of, was not the necessity for
that as great on the Ist of November as on the 21st? and
surely, if that formed the ground for the assemblage of
Parliament, the Government ought to have dealt more
candidly with the Parliament than to have allowed Hon.
Members to leave town in the month of October with the
fall persuasion that Parliament was not to assemble for
the despatch of business till after Christmas, yet now there

they were sitting on the 6th of December, without any
apparent reason, at least none alleged that is of more force
now than it was in the month of October. So much,
then, fur what the speech contains. Let me now direct
attention to that which has been omitted. Parliament has
met in the latter end of the year 1931, and not one word
is said to us about the renewal of the Charter of the Bank
of England, nor is the Charter of the East India Company
even once alluded to—on those subjects we are not favoured
with a single observation, but our attention is called to the
question, whether or not the cholera is indigenous; and
we are invited into all the difficulties of a medical dis-
cussion, anti other matters front the most urgent are
pressed upon our consideration in this " manly and straight-
forward speech." Though political agitation, one would sup-
pose, ought not to be provoked by his Majesty's Government
at this particular moment, and least of all should any-
thing approaching to religious disputes he mooted, yet the
speech from the throne at once excites all the angry pas-
sions in reference to tithes which affect Ireland ; it is
therefore to be presumed that his Majesty's advisers are
prepared with some measure calculated at once to settle
every disputable point connected with the church revenues
in that country. If they cannot at once allay the heats
and animesities to which tithes give rise, or are made the
pretext for, they have incurred great responsibility in
raising the question. The combination at present is
alarming; but it will derive new force from what has
this day been delivered from the throne, and from the
delay which must necessarily take place before anything
decisive can be accomplished. As it is to be presumed
that Government is prepared with some measure on the
subject, I hope not a moment will be lost in bringing it
forward ; and I sincerely hope that no time may be
wasted before a Select Committee.—(Cheers.) Our fo-
reign policy, as adverted to in the speech from the throne,
embraced two important subjects, and that to which I
shall more particularly seek to direct attention is the state
of our relations with Portugal. I would put it to the
House, is there not great inconvenience in Portugal being
as it were excommunicated from the rest of Europe?
How long is this country to go on demanding the observ-
ance of treaties, and denying the recognition of the Go-
vernment which the Portuguese people have set up and
maintain? On what principle, and, above all, on what
Whig principle, do we refuse to recognise that Govern-
ment ? If a civil contest arises in that country, I hope and
trust that we shall continue to act upon that principle of
strict impartiality upon which the safety and the dignity of
this country depend. On this subject I shall say no
more, except that I know nothing of the private character
of Don Miguel, and that I conceive his private character
Las nothing whatever to do with those political duties
which other nations should perform towards the Govern-
ment of Portugal. With respect to the disputes between
Holland and Belgium, I have to observe, that I trust this
country will not interniddle with that of which Holland
should be the sole judge. It has generally been the practice
to make the address an echo of the speech ; but, I confess, I
cannot concur in that part of the address which calls upon
this House to pledge itself to the approbation of a treaty
not yet before the House—not Yet ratified, and which we
should, if this address remain unchanged, be guilty of the
inconsistency of thanking his Majesty for promising copies
of it, and, at the same time, expressing our approbation
of that which, on our own showing, we have not yet seen.
It is quite clear then that there must he some alteration
made in the address, or that that paragraph must be
omitted.—(Hear, hear.) I am as ready as any Hon.
Member to acquiesce iu the appointment of a now muni-
cipal force. I have long seen the necessity for it ; but
while I hope preserved as much as possible from the evil
effects of local influence, I trust it will not, at the same
time, be made a pretext for the supercession of corporate
authority. As to the Political Unions, it has been said
that the law ought to be enforced against them if they
violate any enactment. I have my hope that it will ; and
I feel thoroughly assured, that if any further provisions be
necessary to vindicate the authority of the laws and main.
tain the peace of the country, that Parliament will not
refuse its concurrence. I have reserved for the lastthe great
question of Reform.—( Hear, bear.) According to the
address that is now offered to the adoption of the
House, we are called on to assure his Majesty
that we will proceed immediately to the considera-
tion of that important question ; and that we are
convinced that a speedy and satisfactory settlement of
it is necessary to the peace and tranquillity of the
country. Now, Sir, as we have on this pat agraph the
assurance of the Right Hon. Gentleman that it is not of-
fered to the House as a pledge of any opinion on the
subject, I feel no desire to criticize--or, perhaps it may be
said, hypercriticize the terms of this portion of the ad-
dress, because, no doubt, taking it for granted that no
opinion one way or another is given, any one may safely
state that he is anxious for the speedy and satisfactory set.
tlement of the question. The outline of the measure of
Reform that is to be submitted to us is not as yet ex-
hibited ; but whether it is to be exactly the same as that
which was passed by this House during the last Session-_
whether it will only retain the general character of the
former Bill—or whether it will materially deviate from it
—I will not now stop to inquire; for many days cannot
elapse before we shall have the full details of the measure
before us : and the subject is in itself one of too great irn.
portance to he discussed precipitately, or upon imaginary
grounds.—(Hear, hear.) But, nevertheless, lam bound
to say thus early, that, although I have the most ardent
wish that the arrangement to be made should be speedy
and satisfactory, yet I despair of witnessing such an
event.—(Cheers.) 1 fear that in the course of the de-
bates that have already taken place on the subject, we
have agitated notions, and awakened the public mind to
principles, which will preclude either the speedy or the
satisfactory settlement of the question.—(Cheers.) If I
thought that the passing of this Bill would be the ter-
mination of the subject, many of those objections which
I entertain towards it would be removed ; but to this con-
clusion I cannot come, because, in my conscience I do
not believe in the principles on which the late measure
was founded, or in the principles on which the King's
Government mainly rested their defence of that mea-
sure. In those principles, on the contrary, I see a
great impediment to a speedy or satisfactory settle-
ment of the question—such an impediment that I cannot
help doubting the ability of the Government to get over
it.—(Cheers.) We are at issue with respect to the
cause of the present unsettled state of the country. Of
course the advocates of Reform will tell us that it is all to
be attributed to the opposition that has been displayed
against the Reform Bill. I, and those who are in the
habit of acting with me, on the contrary, contend that you
cannot shake the foundation of those ancient institutions
upon which the Constitution of a country has been built,
without provoking the discussion and agitation of prin-
ciples which will long survive the introduction of the ori-
ginal subject. Now, Sir, in the speech from the throne
what do we read? We there read an admission of the
suspension of commerce, of the dearth of manufacturing
activity, of the paralysation of industry.—(Cheers.) We
there find an admission of the spirit of outrage, which must
be controuled by the law, hut which hitherto the sword
alone, in some places at least, has been able to suppress.
These are the things, Sir, which I read in the King's
speech ; but do I there read of reduction in the public ex-
penditure? Do I there read of a more economical financial
department ? Not a word of this. There is only a hope that
the usual votes for the public service will be agreed to, but
not one word of any reduction in that service. Do I blame
Government for this want of red uction, or do I express
myself of opinion that they will propose larger votes than
the public service requires! By no means. But at
the same time I am bound to say that I am able to en-
tertain no hopes of true economy emanating from Re-

farm--I mean from that Reform which is proposed by his
Majesty's Ministers, and which includes that unsettlement
of the sound principles of Government which has been
introduced by that measure.—(Cheers.) But while all
these things are omitted and apparently forgotten, we are
treated in their place to sarcasms on Tory proceedings
and the acts of a Tory Government. We are invited to
go abroad for the purpose of promulgating our principles;
we are called upon to attend public meetings, such as that
of the 150,000 men who addressed the Noble Lot d oppo-
site.—(A laugh, and hear, he ar. ) Alas, what a
mockery of free opinion and free discussion would it be,
supposing that any man of Tory principles had attended
at such a meeting ! Has there ever been a shackle
moulded by any Government within the last century for ,
the purpose of institwing so effectual a restraint on the ,
freedom of speech as would have conic into operation at
that meeting, supposing any Anti-Reformer had ventured
to accept the invitation that has been so sneeringly ten-
dered this evening? Sir, there are other tyrannies be-
sides the tyrannies of individual despots.—(Cheers.) Let
us look at what has lately occurred ! Can any one deny
that far many men, who in the House of Lords opposed
the Bill, no doubt, according to the dictates of their
conscience, and certainly without the suspicion of any
selfish or unworthy motive, it has not been safe for
them to travel to their own homes.--(Hear, hear.)
When this new measure of Reloetti comes on, I
shall be prepared to give it that deliberate anti di,pas.
aionste attention which the subject requires. I wish it
was in my power to anticipate those consequences which
the Government anticipates. I wish I could believe that
the spirit of impatience which has been displayed against
the institutions of the country was attributable to a cause
so temporary and evanescent as the opposition which the
Reform measure has had to encounter, and that the tri-
umph over that opposition (if there is to be a triumph
over it) would calm and allay the public disquietude, and
bring back that spirit of obedience which, under the in-
fluence of Toryism, was paid to the laws of the country.—
(Hear, hear.) I have read—and who has not read it?—
that to such symptoms as these is to be traced the first
progress of revolution in the Government of all states ;
and I much fear that the disastrous scenes which took
place in France at the end of the lest century--and that
even the reign of terror itself—may be traced to the
undue influence which such principles as these created.
In saying this, I do not mean to confound the first seeds
of revolution with the after progress of anarchy and
blood ; but what I do mean to do is to compare our
first steps with those that took place in France, and
to ask whether such things may not be the conse-
quence of disturbing and unsettling men's minds? I have
read that the National Convention, before Marat had in..
fluence there, made a denunciation against clubs—(Hear.
bear)—and that that same assembly, too, proclaimed death
to the man whe should propose an Agrarian law. I
have read that when the Kin,: accepted the Constitution
of 1791, he began in the words " La Revolution s'est
fait," thinking that he had then arrived at the termination
of revolution. In those days the persons cried out against
by the popular agitators were the priests and the aristo-
crats. In this country now it is the boroughmongers that
have to bear the burthen. And what course is it that his
Majesty's Ministers would have us pursue? We cannot
resist their proposed changes in the government of the
country without opposition. Why is it, then, that we
are blamed? What is it that they want to effect? Sir,
let them remember that though they may overbear, they
cannot compel our concurrence—though they may weigh
down, they cannot deter men from their self-convictions.
(Loud cheers.) It is in this spirit, then, that lam pre-
pared to discuss the Noble Lord's Bill, when it shall make
its appearance. I trust that we shall find that it is
founded on more moderate principles than the last ; hut
be its principles what they may, I shall feel it to be a duty
which I owe to the people of England to claim for myself
the privilege of delivering my opinions boldly on that mea-
suit! ; and as the King admits the rights of his Majesty's
subjects—even of confederated Unions—to speak their
opinions on their grievances, so 1, being a loyal subject of
the King, claim the privilege of stating my sentiments in
this House, and of receiving, in return for my allegiance,
due protection from violence or insult, should any be
offered ; because I, as a guardian of the public interests
in the House of Commons, venture to put forward doc- I
trines that may not be in accordance with the public voice.
Lord ALTHORP—The Right Hon. Gentleman has
taken occasion to bring a charge against his Majesty's Mi-
nisters for having called the Parliament together at such
short notice ; but, at all events, he has admitted that we
were within the letter of the law ; and I tnay, on my own
part, further add, that the Government felt that, but for
such imperious circumstances as presented themselves, it
would not have been desirable to have assembled the Par-
liament so early ; for which reason we naturally postponed
the summons to the last moment. And I believe that it is
now generally agreed—notwithstanding the inconvenience
of the step to the Members generally—that we have exer-
cised a sound discretion in calling the two Houses toge-
ther at the present moment.—(Hear, hear.) The Right
Hon. Baronet has complained, that though the speech has
embraced a great number of topics, there are two omitted
which ought to have been noticed. Those two sub-
jects, according to the Right Hon. Gentleman, are—
the renewal of the Bank Charter, and of the East India
Company's Charter. With respect to the Bank Char-
ter, however, I believe that it has not been usual, when
the times have come round for its renewal, for that
circumstance to be noticed in the King's speech ; but,
at the same time, I have no objection to state to the
Right Hon. Gentleman, that the period for its re-
newal being so near, I shall feel it to be my duty to move
for a Committee on the subject during the present Session.
With respect to the renewal of the East India Company's
Charter, the Right Hon. Gentleman will recollect, that
for the last two Sessions a Committee on that subject has
been sitting ; and that Committee will, probably, this
Session, resume its labours. The Charter, however, does
not expire till the year 1831 ; and, therefore, there is no
imperative necessity that the question should be taken
under our consideration during the present Session. The
Right lion. Gentleman then went en to allude to the dif-
ferent topics contained in his Majesty's speech ; and he
stated, that though he could not give his cordial concur-
rence to all of them, he was, nevertheless, prepared to
acquiesce in the address, and not take the sense of the
House upon it. This being the case, I shall not think it
necessary to follow the Right Hon. Gentleman through
all the ramifications of his speech ; and I shall, therefore,
only apply myself to one point in which I think that be
did not fairly represent the speech of my Right lion.
Friend near me ; although 1 must say that with respect to
that speech, it did appear to me impossible that it could
have been more cautiously worded ; and having Ireland
under our consideration, we were absolutely bound
to mention the point as we have in the speech, it
being the grievance that required redress. The Right
Hon. Gentleman then went on to say that the present
state of the country, from agitation, was such as had never
been known to exist before. The Right Hon. Gentle-
man says that we are forced to admit that commerce is
embarrassed—that industry is checked—and that riotous
proceedings and breaches of the law have taken place in
various parts of the country ; and, undoubtedly, we have
been obliged to admit the occurrence of some most cala-
mitous events in Bristol, with respect to which the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman (Sir C. Wetherell) has stated that
he felt himself called upon to speak in justification of his
own conduct. With respect to what has filien from that
Hon. and Learned Gentleman, I am ready to confirm his
statement, that no remonstrance was made against his
going to Bristol ; and, indeed, such a remonstrance would
have been quite improper on the part of the Goverutnent,
knowing that the session could not legally take place
there without the presence of the lion. and Learned Gen-
tleman in his official capacity. The duty, therefore, of
the Government was—not to prevent the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman going, but to afford such means of
protection as appeared to it likely to prevent any scenes of
tumult anti bloodshed. Those means were afforded ; but I
will not now enter into any account of the reason why they
proved insufficient. The Right Hon. Gentleman, how-
ever, announces it as his opinion, that all this mischief has
arisen from our having agitated the question of Reform,
whereby we have unsettled the principles of Government
that previously existed in this country; but when that
Right Hon. Gentleman, in proof of this assertion, thought
proper to compare these events with the French Revolu-
tion, he should have made this distinction—that although
we propose a great alteration in the mode of conducting
the Government, we by no means propose to unsettle the
principles on which that Government depends, or those
which have always been considered as the principles of
the English Constitution.—(l-leai, hear.) The com-
parison, therefore, which the Right lion. Gentleman has
made, is not borne out.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon.
Gentleman has also taken occasion to remark that there
never was a period when the public opinion was more
fettered than it was at the present moment; but surely he
must be able to perceive that it always must be the case in
every country where free discussion prevails, that on all
vitally important subjects the weaker party runs the chance
of being put down by popular clamour ; and that where a
large and overpowering majority of a population takes one
side of a question, there must be a considerable expres-
sion of feeling against the minority. The Right Hon.
Gentleman concluded by stating that he would not
take that opportnnity of going into the question
of Reform ; but, in the cautions which he thought

proper to urge, I must say that he took occasion
to state pretty strong opinions on the subject ; but as the
question will soon come to be fully discussed, I shall not
now undertake to notice those opinions, but merely con-
tent myself with saying, that I trust ti!e measure about to
be brought forward will be found as fully deserving of the
confidence of the people, and of this House, as the Bill of
last Session—(Cheers)—and that I hope, that by its
issing into a laW, that excitement which has existed will
be calmed, and general satisfaction given to the people.—
For my own part, I cannot see any thing in this propo-
sition which justifies persons in arguing, that it ought to
he regarded only as the commencement of a still further
change ; on the contrary, I believe it is of such a nature
as to satisfy the just expectations of the great majority of
the people of England ; and though on this, as on all
other occasions, there will be those who will wish for
inure, I believe that that number will constitute so small
a minority, that nothing that they will be able to do will
be of influence enough to disturb the general peace of the
country. —(Cheers.)
Mr. HUNT wished to express his opinions, though they
would not agree with those of either side of the House.
The King had told them that there was great distress,
for which the mover of the address bad accounted by the
cholera morbus, and the consequent. quarantine imposed
and for which the seconder of the addre:s had accounted
by the agitation of the qui stion of Reform. Now, the way
in which lie (Mr. Hunt) accounted for it, was by the
change in the currency, without a corresponding change
in taxation and the necessaries of life. With respect to
the riots that had taken place, there was nothing to be
wondered at in them ; they partly took their origin from
the distress of the people, and still more (he was not
speaking of those at Bristol) from the promptitude of the
base Press, that was in the hire and under the influence of
the Government, and which had urged the people of
Bristol, when it was announced that the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman (Sir C. Wetherell) was about to visit that city,
to take his life and commit murder. —(Cries of " Oh,
oh !—oh, oh !") The Hon. Member said " Oh, oh, oh !"
but such, nevertheless, was the case. As to the Unions,
they set out with supporting the measures of the Govern-
ment, and there they ere praiseworthy and proper ; but
no sooner did they offer to proceed a step further, than it
was instantly discovered that they were illegal, and must
b-a put down. He intended to move an amendment, though
he doubted whether he should get any one to second it.
The object of bit amendment was to give an opportunity
to the Ministers to revise the address, in order that they
might state the real cause of the distress of the country.
The Hon. Gentleman then read a long amendment, the
object of which was to state, that the distress of all classes,
except those that received taxes, was owing to the altera-
tion in the currency ; that the free trade system, which
admitted luxuries to the rich and kept out the food of the
poor, was unjust ; and that fur these reasons the House
should adjourn till the following day, to allow Ministers
an opportunity of altering the address, so as to accord with
these principles.
(No Member could be found to second this address, and
it, therefore, fell to the ground.)
Mr. ROBINSON said the time was arrived when that
House was bound to inquire into the distressed state of
the working classes. He observed that that distress was
no longer called in the King's speech a temporary distress;
but at the same time the subject was passed over so cur-
sorily, that he found no reason to expect it was the inten-
tion of the Government to propose any measure on the
subject. It was, however, an important fact, that we
had an increasing population with a decreasing means of
employing them. This was a most appalling circumstance
and demanded the strictest attention both of the executive
and the legislative Government of the country. He cer-
tainly looked to Reform to do something ; but be did not
expect to find it a remedy for all the grievances that ex-
isted and pressed so hard upon the country. One of the
great errors upon which we had been acting, and still
were acting, was the free trade system, by which the inte-
rests of the country were so materially injured ; and he
was afraid the Noble Lord would in the end find out that
he had been giving up the reality and grasping at a sha-
dow. The speech mentioned a treaty that had been en-
tered into with France with respect to the slave trade; but
he also wished to hear it announced that the Noble Lord
had been able to extract from that country a reciprocal
treaty of advantages, after the many benefits that bad been
conferred by Parliament on that country in the course of
the last session. With respect to the address he concurred
in the propriety of its being adopted unanimously; anti
he was, therefore, glad that the amendment which had just
been moved had not met with a seconder. With respect to
Reform, he should support it, not only on its own account,
but because he felt that Parliament was so engrossed with
that subject that, until it was settled, it was impossible for
it to legislate on anything else, for that one question, in fact,
was now occupying the whole functions of that House.
Mr. LEADER would not detain the House further than
to express the great gratification which he felt, that kis
Majesty's Government had taken into their consideration
the state of tithes in Ireland, and gave hopes of effecting
sonic arrangement concerning them. There was nothing
which weighed so much on the people of Ireland, and there
was nothing in which they had so long felt a great interest
as in the settlement of the question of tithes. It was pain-
ful to witness the excitement which existed on this subject
in lrelaud, and painful to witness the scenes to which that
had led. Since the affair of Newtowtibarry, there had
been nothing but agitation, and he therefore was highly
pleased at the intimation of the Government that it meant
to take this important subject into consideration, and he
hoped to carry it to a successful termination. He had
lately been present at a public meeting of a county in Ire-
land, which contained one million of inhabitants, and the
great subject of their complaints was the tithe system, and
there was nothing they were so anxious for as to have some
speedy arrangement of that system, such as that contem-
plated by his Majesty's Government. For three years the
clergy of Ireland had got nothing, and, he hoped, sonic
means might be found to give them an adequate remuner-
ation for their services without upholding a system which
weighed down the industry of the country, and led to pe-
riodical disturbances. The resistance to the payment of
titles was such, that it was impossible that the income of
the clergy could be collected without the assistance of an
army. He thought it right to express these sentiments,
as he was almost the only gentleman from Ireland then
present, and he could not avoid expressing the delight be
telt at hearing this announcement. He bad witnessed with
much regret the unfortunate circumstances of Ireland, and
the dismay they had caused, leading to this salutary mea-
sure, might prevent similar circumstances occurring in
other parts of the empire.
Mr. TREVOR thought the mention which was made
in his Majesty's speech of our foreign relations was both
ambiguous and unsatisfactory. He regretted, tots, that
such a brief notice was taken of the deep distress which
prevailed in the country, and that no means were pointed
out of remedying it. God grant, he said, that out of
that distress worse consequences might not ensue. He
held himself unpledged as to any Reform Bill ; that, as-
suredly if the Bill to be introduced by his Majesty's Mi-
nisters bore any resemblance to the Bill of last Session,
he would give it his most strenuous opposition. He could
by no means approve of the obloquy which had been
heaped on the Right Reverend Bishops since the proro-
gation of Parliament, as if they alone had caused the re-
jection of the Reform Bill. He had been struck with
amazement at seeing the manner in which they were held
up to public odium, and their property described as a
public trust which they held only for the people, and which
the people might appropriate to themselves when they
liked. When he saw such doctrines advocated by those
who should know better, he certainly looked with appre-
hension to the results; but God forbid that those appre-
hensions should be realised.
Mr. SHAW wished to say a few words, as he could not
concur in the approbation which had been expressed by
the only Irish Member who had spoken. He concurred
with his Majesty's speech, in deeply deploring the system
of opposition to the collection of tithes in Ireland; but
he differed from the speech as to the cause of it. He
was not a supporter of the Government, and he believed
much of that opposition arose from the supporters of the
Government, who were seeking, under various pretences,
to revive the Catholic Association. Those gentlemen
who pretended to support the Government, agreed
also
in speaking ill of it, and though he was not one of its
supporters, he did not share their personal enmity to its
Members. Of the Right Hon. the Secretary of Ireland,
they said, that no Irish Member could approach him and
not feel himself personally insulted. He differed in po-
litics; from those gentlemen ; but, as far as regarded the
Right Hon. :Secretary of Ireland, for him he felt a per-
sonal admiration. All his predilections tended to-
wards the head of the Government of Ireland. He
did not know an individual he should prefer to the Mar-
quis of Anglesea to fill that station ; but he was
much afraid that the Noble Marquis had fallen into
the hands of subtle and interested advisers to whose
influence his generous mind Was made the dupe. They
were contented to exercise all the patronage of the
Government—leaving him to bear all the odium and all
the responsibility of their ill-advised measures. The Pro-
testants of Ireland felt that they did not experience that
protection which was due to them from the hands of Go-
vernment. The poorer classes of them accordingly were
leaving the land in thousands, and their example
would certainly be followed by the higher classes if they
(amid remove with them their property and possessions.

tie state of the clergy in Ireland was most dep.oratolc.
Great numbers of them were selling their libraries, and all
that they possessed to support life, they having nothing to
subsist on but potatoes. The clergy were in some cases
actually living on the alms of their Catholic parishioners,
who told them that they would be willing to pay the tithes,
only they were not allowed, and did not dare. They
wenl3 no more oppose the payment of tithes than anv
othee legal due, if they were not encouraged, and even did
not dare to pay them. Of whom were they afraid ? They
did not respect or dread the law so much as they feared
illeg II associations. They were under a spiritual bondage,
and the spiritual authority denounced the payment of legal
rights. A great deal of agitation was kept up in behalf
of the Catholic religion. The chief person who kept up
this agitation was an individual eminent fur his
talents; and that same individual had lately in
that language which he knew so well how to
employ, made several suggestions in a letter which
he had published only a few days before, 'and urged
several specious arguments why the people should
resist the law. They were not bound, he said, by the
liws in the same manner as the English ; and what would
be wicked in the English might be excusable in the Irish.
He suggested some specious arguments why they should
nut obey the lams, while he hoped, under a flimsy cover-
ing of mt pretended attachment to the law. to conceal his
real object, which was nothing else but to put down one
religion, and put up another in its place.—(Hear, hear.)
That eminent individual would then take the place of those
whom he now censured. But if that were his object, he
might tell the Right Rev. Politician that the Protestants
were not to be injured, and they were yet wise enough to
unveil his sophistry, and had a spirit of independence
enough to say so. If his inform ition was correct, that
individual was one of the secret Council of the Irish
Government tinder whose advice Ireland was misgo-
' versed. He was one of those who hid recommended
large concessions to the Catholics, but he could not sub-
scribe to the doctrine that the religion of the land and the
Government were to be placed at their mercy.—(Hear.)
The Protestants had certainly to complain of not being
protected; and though they were loyal, and did not w,int
to be driven to imitate the illegal associations of the other
party, but if their religion were decried, if they were
ungenerously neglected by the Government, the Pro-
testants of Ireland would yet take means to protect their
religion from persons of a different faith. If they were
driven to do that, it would he the surest proof that the
Government of Ireland was in fault.
Mr. JOHN WEYLAND expressed his regret that the
Government had not taken a more exteresive notice of the
general distress which existed iii the country, and the difs.
ficulties which that exposed all classes to. The distress of
the labouring classes was extreme. He would not enter
into details, but he considered the Government pledged to
take this matter into its most serious consideration. He
wished that some Committee should inquire into its cause,
wite a view to remove it. Reform would convey more
power into the hands of the middle classes ; but if the
Government expected that the middle classes would benefit
the poorer classes, it was mistaken. In some parishes the
situ ition of the labourers was not bad, in others it was
extremely miserable; and be wished at leant that an in-
quiry should be instituted, with a view to place the latter
in as good a situation as the former. lie hoped, there-
fore, that the Government would enter seriously anel so-
lemnly into the most important inquiry it could undert
Mr. SHEIL wished to make a few remarks in reply to
what had fallen from the Hon. Member for Dublin (Mr.
Shaw). That Hon. Member had been the first, by hie
observations—which were calculated, he would not say to
excite acrimonious feeling, but a disagreeable sensation--to
revive and introduce the opposing names of Catholic and
Protestant. The Hon. Member professed that his predi-
lections were in favour of Lord Anglesea's Government;
but he forgot to tell the House in what direction his
interest lay. The Hon. Member had complained of the
Protestants not finding proection ; but what need of
protection had they? Where were they insulted ? In
what were they injured? The patronage of the whole
country was bestowed on them. How were the offices
of State filled ? Were they not all filled by Protes-
t tots ? Was not not the Court of King's Bench filled with
Protestants ? Was not the Court of Common Pleas also ?
Was not the Recorder of the city of Dublin a Protestant,
chosen by a Protestant Corporation ? and might he not
have to try, as Recorder of Dublin, a Member of those
Associations which be denounced as illegal? Would not
this Protestant Recorder have to charge a Protestant Jury
and pronounce sentence perhaps on a Catholic? He wished
for some specific instances of the Protestants needing pro-
tection, and not such general charges. He might indeed
complain if the Recorder of the city of Dublin was a Catho-
lic, chosen by a Catholic Corporation, and if the Protestants
were brought before such a Catholic Judge to be tried. 'fhe
lion. Member might make such assertions but he had not
satisfied the House of their correctness. lie had only
risen to make these observations in consequence of what
had fallen from the Hon. Member, and could not suffer
his criticism of the measures of the Irish Government to
pass unnoticed.
Sir JOHN M. DOYLE regretted that there was no
friend present of the Right Rev. Prelate who had been at-
tacked more able than he was to defend him. He hoped
that Prelate would continue to send forth such pastoral
letters as that the Hon. Member had referred to. It was
a most Christian production, worthy of his great talents,
and the object of it was to spread over all parties in Ire-
land the harmony of the Gospels.
Sir CHARLES FORBES expressed his regret that;
the affairs of the East India Company had not been noticed
in time speech. They were of great importance, particu-
-1 arly to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as that Company
enabled him to collect nearly 4,000,0001. of taxes without
putting the State to any expence.
The address was then put, and Lord Aurnotar having-
introduced the amendment suggested by Sir ROBERT PE El.
it was unanimously agreed to.
The usual Committee was then appointed to prepare the
address, and the House adjourned at a Quarter-past Tin
o'clock until to-morrow.

Mr. PLANTA, the Ex-Secretary to the Trea-
sury, has removed from Charles street, St. James's-square,
',ince his recent marriage with Mrs. OoM, and is now
domiciled at 15, Hertford-street, May-fair, which mansion,
we believe, was occupied by the present Mrs. PLANTA,
antecedent to her union with the Ex-Secretary.
The French Embassy is removed to 21,
Hanover-square, and the mansion iu Portland .place, which
has been successively tenanted by the Duke DE Cants,
Viscoropte CHATEAUBRIAND, Prince POLIGNAC. the Duke
OE LAVAL MONTMOREN'CY, and Prince TALLEYRAND, is
at present unoccupied. The house in Hanover-square,
now inhabited by Prince TALLEYRAND and the Duchess
DE DINo, was recently the abode of Prince and Princess
LtEvEN, who have resumed their occupancy of Ashburn-
ham House, Dover-street, which they quitted last year, in
consequence of the late Earl of ASIIBURNIIAM returning
from abroad, to receive the Garter, which honour his Lord-
ship did not long enjoy.
The establishment of Claremont goes on in
nearly the same way as when King LEOPOLD av ,s there.
Great attention is paid to the growing of vines and grapes
in the hot-houses, and all the fruit which is not wanted
by the Duchess of KENT, is sent to the KING at Brussels.
The expense of keeping up the gardens at Claremont ex-
, c-.‘eds 2,0001. per annum. The Duchess of KENT and the
Princess VICTORIA frequently reside at Claremont now, as
the removal of several large trees from the immediate vici-
nity of the house, has rendered the spot healthy, and the
young Princess gains strength whilst there. Sir Joins
Coianosr manages all that relates to the house, but does
riot interfere with the grounds. The KING, on the day of
his departure for Belgium, went over the flower gardens
with his gardener, and stopping at the plants or beds
which had been favourites with the Princess CHARLOTTE,
recommended them particularly to the attention of the
gardener. On leaving the garden, the face of LEOPOLD
was bathed in tears. Marlborough House will no longer
he kept up, either at the expence of King LEOPOLD or the
Duchess of KENT. By an arrangement with the Crown,
the mansion will be converted into a Royal Palace, and, in
an event which the nation would deeply deplore, become
the future residence of the amiable and exemplary Queen
ADELAIDE.
ROYAL INFIRMARY FOR CATARACT, AND
OCHER DISEASES or THE E.Ye have just seen, at '
tilis valuable charity, a patient, who had been blind five
years with a Cataract, on whom Mr. STEVENSON has ope-
rated, and restored to sight, in the short space of twenty
seconds ; without any subsequent pain, lotion, bandage, or
lass of sleep, and without leaving any apparent mark or
blemish iu the eye. This constitutes, we understand, the
sixth consecutive instance of recent and similar success
ffected by Mr. STEVENSON, at this establishment, agreeably
to his new mode of treating Cataract.—John Bull.
REFORAI.—A gentleman lately returned to
Edinburgh from an extensive tour through Lancashire,
s lys, that the idea of a reaction against the Reform Bill
in that populous part of England is heartily laughed at.
Such a thing is quite out of the question. The county of
L incaster, even to the paltriest village, looks forward with
niore and more eagerness to the meeting of Parliament,
and the fulfilment of their anxious expectations as to the
passing of the Reform Bill. Indeed, they now conceive
!nit two alternatives—" Reform or Revolution" is tine
word I.... Scotsman.

author olr,"tte peace c
ert, that e'en, ee, end all
cal, base, of the citizens
ho snide "Ince, and th
fi
ey were s.l),°t Put it dot
stol, call ''''' of the M
sometime
A gent'
Thenertainl
1
y th a'
( in that erect what m
t safe for Of it, for, of
ter to per (Laughter.)
t
thous the 'TO saw no
lorities h 1"01n formic
louse that ,t, ihtetst in
ein tb'c': I. entrusted
(size at 0 t!') There
which he (0 the two
racy, and ' hear.) Bi
bulatory ,If'tnended S
icient to "of Reco
that ade eating riot,
secretarf eY asked was
the nec
I'ltion shook
by did 001 niou) to
station? th He
He
the depu t franch
ission rel "' limited to
to xi
nce an A to ~aagistrat
ntlemen put down I
at militarf 'l,t,"eu every
Magist touted to tl
hould a' ho But they
In two Ple in the
then, son ila °I obtainin
o the Go t deposed tl
y for the hlnrd (posed
duty. I thg the I
Should be ~,t.eY conclud
lore unn'i
.'ng the pen
i
e was no ti' that he co
autholititi h:tives of the
usual. r could not
th of his I (41 the inn
ro
afirmed I)! 'need, wen
(Hear, h , to
han was
as necessa, 'theribed.—
and that . 'COS about
of the r .41'°'',1 prom
that, eit (sirad used ii
at that se id C. Wet!
is part, be iti:ieut—a i
ad been A, Ire to follow.
ual.—(ll 4.`0 refer to
thel. ad ( jib, When
\ •
aIUIIIIIY 0 .
ti„ the
rs for ne ' libe he was ;
gh the artr ttl'itY of sta,
and wa' itii fluuld be
fill,
'ing ande 1)4 there
;hter.) od of any i
a the 21°t) tief_e of the
led upon 11,41441 dturruer wt
ad the Ci?kily valtatin
•neglectio6 ktecleieurred i
stringent 0 °r of th
French 1"414 tri)tind.—(
erell's) col" '4444" Once
ies—that ,i!le ,1), a nevi
v whether, qt 4: 'flich, in
es, or th"
,rt,,). hear,)
t
knew th} 10,1 ••lutot
t dlO,l is moi
fore the Pi'n7tirt:' be
He need It G-t toeen
L,pt pac %is Prumpti
no lest. 1'1414 °( Pr
a more tbr, tit, Up the I
01`) nil what
nor nor wo
have VOL. the ~,"ed eve
tin4a:retarivatol
tr)—he ei,`" Ole 't,c)in, tuis
gar)—he''' Reel. "au sen
of the fe•
I);
.thi;t si
ht of oP ,
iuse, and l'' rt,P,dtency.
of his of ts ' ' Was
I
) surrender Jest in in w
•th -A and
wersy 0. it ,07 in
slander' °' rid " a si
it wont(' th, 4,,,,_nd he I
tor in Erg 'al- '°rnruh
mi,infor: hitsl,:e.o: nnstt'lltue pi
....4 A is trhl te4
ake, but ear.)
he ant ear.
,hat Holt°
himself, s'i tAdel?uld not
.11
indict man 4•(tie'ang the (
iwledge t°ll4,tr') He
Again, it sit,t error
sto. that wa
Blagistrsliver
i dissuade , theY,• FO
pureoer !ett w_l-Injoi
se.
,i li!th array to ,
explainif:tta inu
•h had had 10,t,inklIchi the 1
•ho waiter,eir 50 of th
tin ntt, rent I If
nmunica r d 'a •
03 h a
had been Ive t wit,.ga lust
in. It Oro b:te,l" the I
ly, that tb,rr;lite 43
it 1
at tbe 61,)4N ecnunu
ed Pt Lett" a rest
but 00 r•,4 sl)."(C1
_ft , k, Ow-
t, if it n'',o 11PotIde," t
been geliAtlt 4 " Wi
1, 'a 'I ,ia. 'count
reuensio :41 inters
uired. Plitt tilt 11„ ° ''' h
',it be tr order
hich that
go into a rjt,it klecurdile,,r) ha
't been 05',144 , and
e disoP6',llo,lto lily
until al'i ;1(1), ouw i
put in the 6, t,114151164114,d„?
Then PAt to't ,t 61,4 e
e Judge 7.,tt ,444 e. yee, Pt
aol Jelive"," L tli, (~,tte i
lg of the 760 r itnisr '>eci
which oer, t! 8 e BI
~;„1; `4,„ ittlizir
thout o•- 0,, ,rtes-.re had
_Hear, enougl3l , r had
--(Hear' gel' is:l44;44nd mi
the fiber/ i ' his Y, xt,
" 4(4 hold
estil
the co 11, 4, nit'
11 be :nig ~p: t1"1 lacy a
ip in his ,t'tiejYer.
what c°)''oi a in
I) h Pil ::1011ei.!4 the
:,, ,bout( 'l°,
I! peaceTal fc
at no man Of ,iked e in t
010 4' `ta • nut •
.g him lit, ill nite iv ,
t terrnr it), tilt Nth."
in and a 'V. iron of I,llg
not haee or k°e•' Would
1, maurfite tri it lild
IJ or he 5 affair
and a ioi i ki, ia„
d falsely °r t 'gilt h' tr
appreheaor, tetlted
pravie.
,rut of ? Arf' ti %in have'
thti-Iteor7oi ''tlii,.,g else
• oo,A' noth."ll furl
not!, njor,, k in.
~.
,nt conlioitio 44.1iois',"t
he danger f NI "I''
,) 4 Co 4 ter na
.(Cheer- qv. IL pros
en eSi' et• '4, 'Per
ten ye. tp tzi tight
th
brow °i) tstr/i,. iptinity c
; the disasro.i 4t4
rktp 0
, and the tried' ttl'ear toe I)
the Con' pt t t tl' h
lad nor s" rj, 1 tly, pigb.tes
.„,,, .. tbel.ii
.tkpr,.°4lhil