The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-07 00:00:00

abundance of food have been disappointed, and, being
disappointed, remain helpless and almost hopeless in a
land naturally fertile.—(Rear, hear.) It is cause of la-
mentation that they should have placed their reliance so
entirely on the hope of a successful production of the
food of the potato. It is cause for lamentation that it
pleased Providence to defeat and disappoint those hopes.
These circumstances are matters for reflection, or per-
haps for precaution against reliance for the future on
that kind of food, but they are not reasons for coming
down to the House and assailing the British Parliament
and the Act of Union as being the causes of the calamity.
—(Cheers.) (Sir H.W. Barron here expressed dissent.) I
so understood the Hon. Gentleman; but if he did not
mean to produce that effect his language ought to have
been male much clearer, and I hope that another time
when he introduces the subject he will take care to make
the distinction more evident than he has done on the
present occasion.—(A. laugh.) Let its be reproached, if
you will, for our ignorance of Ireland ; reproach us if
you will fur passing so many Acts of restriction on the
I liberties of the people, but let us not be reproachd for
that for which we are not accountable.—(Rear, hear.)
The British Parliament found, at the time of the union,
the people of Ireland living upon this staple food, and
they have continued to live upon it up to this time, and
with increased numbers. It was not the Act of the
British Parliament that they should be dependent on
this food; and therefore let us not be reproached with
this calamity.—(Hear, hear.) If we can assuage that
calamity, if any English or Irish Member will point
out to the Parliament the mode by which the cala-
mity can be assuaged and the distress relieved, there
will be every disposition, if that remedy or alleviation is
thought effectual, to adopt it, and to act, not in the
spirit in which we are accused of acting, of doing that
which is hostile to the Irish people, but with the unani-
mous wish, although not the original cause of the ca-
lamity, to do all in our power to alleviate its pressure.—
(Cheers.) Having said thus much with respect to the
Bill now before the House, and with respect to charges
sometimes made, I shall not enter upon the subject of
other measures with respect to which some Gentlemen
have questioned me. When those measures are
before the House I shall be ready to take part
in the discussion regarding them. I will only say
at present that we think it our duty to Ire-
land itself', and to this country also, that we
should arm the Lord-Lieutenant with powers to pre-
vent the renewal of an agitation directly leading to rebel-
lion and insurrection—(Cheers)—that we believe that if
on the Ist of March this .Act were allowed to expire,
many of the same persons who have endeavoured to turn
the distress of Ireland to their own purposes, would again
be active—(Hear, hear)—and I should have some fear
that they would again have a partial success, no doubt
to be again defeated.—(Hear, hear.) But if this House
wishes to preserve peace and tranquillity in Ireland—if
this House wishes that there should be time for any
measures of legislation to operate beneficially—if this
House wishes to act in the manner the most useful to
the,,people of Ireland, who have been misled by this
species of agitation, then they ,will consent to the intro-
duction of this Bill, and consent to the renewal of those
powers which it is intended to confer.—(Cheers.)
Mr. G. THOMPSON said that he must repudiate the
imputation cast upon certain Gentlemen for their votes
on a former occasion. He believed they were influenced
by the same feelings that influenced him on that occa-
sion, viz., that it was neither expedient nor necessary on
that occasion to divide against the Government, inas-
much as they had information they should almost im ne-
diately afterwards be called upon to discuss the merits
of the particular measure then referred to. He had paid
the utmost attention to the Noble Lord, in the hope
that he would justify Members of the House in voting
for the measure; but he confessed that if the defence of
this measure which was set up by the Secretary of State
for the Home Department. was weak, the defence set up
by the Noble Lord was still weaker. When the Noble
introduced the measure six months ago, he assigned
distinct and intelligible reasons for so doing ; he in-
formed the House that he considered it his bounden
duty to make out a case of urgent and in•
atant necessity ; he called on the House to re-
pudiate the measure then introduced, if he should 'ail to
make out such a case, and produce reasons convincing
to the understanding and judgment of the House ;
and as the measure was precisely the same, the reasons
for it should be equally strong now as those which were
considered necessary and justifiable then. The Noble
Lord on that occasion did not tell us, as he told us to-
night, that Ireland, throughout its length and breadth,
was in a state of tranquillity, that the insurrection had
no existence, that it was found easy to administer the
government of the country; but he believed the Lord••
Lieutenant's letter, and all the admissions of Hon. Gen-
tlemen on both sides of the House, were concurrent
with the fact that tranquillity did reign in Ireland, and
the Noble Lord warned tliem'to assent to this for the
purpose of continuing that tranquillity; but such was
not the Noble Lord's argument when he introduced
this measure six months ago. What was his own lan-
guage ? That when he called on the House hastily to
sanction this measure, he conceived it was absolutely ne-
cessary he should prove three things as the ground of his
justification for introducing the measure to the House.
The first was that the present state of things in Ireland
was fraught with evil. He asked, was such the aspect
of things at the present moment? That we were on the
eve of an outbreak, if not timely prevented. The se-
cond was, that there wore means sufficient to produce
great injury and danger unless some measures were
adopted to Avoid them; and the third was, that this was
the remedy which appeared most appropriate in the
present state of Ireland. He event on to establish these
several propositions by a varite ty of extracts from
recently speeches recently delivered, news pa
pub-
lished, and he did produce on that ose casion an almost
unanimous feeling in favour of the nes'essity of the
measure which he then called on the Hous'e to adopt,
and of the powers which he said ought to be placed
in the hands of her Majesty's representative in Ire-
land.—(Hear.) But had the Noble Lord done so Gee
the present occasion? Nothing of the kind; and there
was this remarkable difference between the period when
the measure was now brought forward and before, that
whereas in the latter case the House was on the eve of
an adjournment after a long vacation, they were now
just assembled, and had six months before them, and if
there was a necessity in the state of things in Ireland
that these extraordinary powers should be placed in the
hands of the Lord-Lieutenant, there could be no neces-
sity now, seeing that a totally different state of things
prevailed, and that Parliament was in possession of
means of receiving rapidly information, and instantly,
applying a remedy. Not only did the Noble Lord de-
clare it to be his opinion that it was necessary he should
make out a convincing and irresistible case, but the
lion. Gentlemen opposite were of the same opinion,
and the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire, fol-
lowing close on the Noble Lord, said that they were
called upon to vote upon grounds that were mado
; erfectly intelligible to the House. Were they called on
to vote on such grounds as this tonight. They were
called ou to vote in utter ignorance of what might have
induced her Majesty's representative in Ireland to a k
for thk se extraordinary powers. On a former occasion
he had abstained from voting altogether; to-night he
should vote with those who had offered their opposition
to the measure. He could only regret that her Ma-
jesty's Government had not taken advantage of the pre•
sent state of things in Ireland to inform the House that
it was their wish that this Act should expire on the Ist
of March; that they should come down, and, absolutely
in the face of their own admission that the people of Ire-
land bad been penetrated by what the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman the Secretary of State for the Home Department
had been pleased to call the clemency and forbearance of
the Lord Lieutenant, should ask the House to act on
grounds that seemed to be totally convincing against the
passing of any such measure,
Mr. SCULLY moved that the debate be adjournei.—
(Loud cries of " No!" " Divider)
Mr. J. O'CONNELL hoped the House would give
those who were desirous of speaking against the mea-
sure an opportunity of expressing their sentiments
upon it, which it was impossible they could do at that
late hour.
The gallery was then cleared, but no division took
place; and
Mr. SCULLY addressed the House. Ho said that he
feared the Government, in endeavouring to suppress
agitation in Ireland, would be adding to the evils at
present existing in that country. The present mea-
sure would have the effect of preventing discussion
altogether, and there were many subjects besides the
repeal of the union which the people of Ireland were
anxious to deliberate upon. He could bear testimony
to the fact that the county of Tipperary, to which
so many allusions had been made, was never in a more
quiescent state than at the present moment. Had but
the tenant occupiers a secure mode of giving employ-
ment to the people, there would be no discontent in that
country, and, as this measure would not afford them that
security, he should most strenuously oppose it.
Mr. S. CRAWFORD could have wished to state the
reasons why he should vote against the proposition of
her Majesty's Government, but he thought he should
better c,nsult the convenience of the House if be re-
served his observations till a future stage of the Bill.
The House then divided, when there appeared—
For the motion 221
For the amendment lB
Majority for Ministers —2o3
Mr. GRATTAN gave notice that on the second
reading of the Bill he should move a call of the House.
On the motion of Sir R. H. INGLIS, a standing
Committee o' 16 Members was appointed to assist the
Speaker in the direction of the Library, viz., Sir R. H.
Inglis, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord J. Rus-
sell, Sir R. Peel, Mr. Goulburn, Mr. W. Wynn, the
Lord Advocate, Viscount Mahon, the Solicitor-General,
Mr. Pendarves, Sir W. Somerville, Mr. Milnes, Mr.
Gladstone, Sir D. Dundas, Sir J. Young, and Mr.
Clive.

ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL.
Mr. ANSTEY then moved for leave to bring in a
Bill for the furthvr repeal of enactments imposing pains
and penalties on Roman Catholics on account of their
religious observances. When he stated to the House
and to the Hon. Bironet the Member for University of
Oxford that the psesent Bill was substantially the same
as the one he introduced last session, and that the only
alterations which had been made in it had been mado
with a view of removing the objections of its opponents,
he trusted that the courtesy which had not bcendenied
to the promoters of any previous Bill on this subject,
would not be refused on the present occasion, viz , to give
him leave to introduce the Bill, to have it read a first
time without opposition, and to take the discussion on
the second reading.
Sir H. INGLIS was sure the Hon. ;Member would
acquit him of wishing to show any intentional dis-
courtesy, but he could not help thinking that when the
Hon. Member produced a Bill which he told them was
substantiAly the same as the one he had introduced last
year, and which ho might hlve turt* told them
was the same as the Bills of 1846 and 1847, he (Sir H.
Inglis) was not asking too much of the House in wishing
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