The Sun.
London, England, 1849-06-20 00:00:00

struck its root deep, and had extended its branches to choose them from those to whom the Legislature
in various directions, and to a considerable distance from of the colony gave its confidence, awl also to re
the centre of Government. It was found that in one tain them, whatever his own opieions may be upon
district, that of Montreal, there were secret societies the sunject. In a word, it recant this, as Lord Elgin
organized, partly under French influence, and partly, he said, that every colony there'd be taken and deem, el to
was grieved to say, under the guidance of foreegn agi- be• as the mother country with the constitution. They
tators, or, to use the technical expression of the day, all knew that in this country the Ministers were the
"sympathisers" from a neighbouring empire, and under organs of the Crown, and the depositaries, for the time
their guidance and inspiration those secret societies being, of the power of the Crown. They all knew that
numbered, in the town of Montreal and the neighbour- they were reep risible to Parliecaent, and held of
ing districts, no fewer than 3,000 conspirators, thus during the pleasure of Parliament. Parliament in this
showing no inconsiderable taint of disaffection. The country chose the Ministers, but the Cross had the
conspiracy at last broke out into acts of riot, which led power of rejection, choice, or dismissal; but in the
to the calling out of the military force, the civil force colonies the great danger was, that the majority would
being found' utterly inadequate to cope with it. The act the tyrant with the minority, which the power of
rebels, who had arms in considerable abundance, were the Crown and of their Lordships prevented in that
met by the force under Sir Allan, then Colonel Macnab, country. The Noble Lord having passed a glowing
but who had since been knighted, in reward for his ser- eulogiurn on Sir Cherie, aft: rwards Lord Metcalfe,
vices in that rebellion—one of the most economical mea- proceeded to read a dispatch written by the Noble Lord
sures of that Government which had created so many now at the head of the Government to the then Gaver-
Peers with large pensions, to whom he would not, how- nor-General, dated Oct. 14, 1539, which he characterised
ever, further allude. The rebels were met by Colonel as the ablest state riper which ever emanated from any
Macnab at the head of a force of militia and some man. Ile argues precisely vs he himself had done in
Queen's troops, who fought, beat, and destroyed them, respect to the relations vs hich a colony should bear to
and in pursuing them found signs of their disaffeciien the mother country. He argues against responsible Go
wherever they went. The rebels, it was true, had fled vernment as suite 1 to a colony. In doing no he gives
from Colonel M'icab, but they left behind them houses illustrations in support of the doctrine laid down, but
deserted and despoiled, barns burned, and the prisons he never conceived such a case as British loyalists taxed
filled with the loyal subjects of the Crown, incarcerated to compensate. French rebels.—(Hear.) Where the
by those incendiaries and rebels. The very road they honour of the Crown or the E'upire was concerned,
had marched along was strewed with the relics of their Lord John Russell lays it down that the Governor was
pillage and of the fires they had lighted to destroy the justified in opposing the wishes of the Assembly. Now,
property of the Queen's loyal subjects, who had of could anything more affect the interests of the Empire
course left the country districts and fled to Montreal for and the honour of the Crown than a Bill to compensate
security and shelter. On one occasion,—and he e ould men who had souelat to subvert the Government at the
give them but one example, for painful it was to him to expense of those loyal eubjects who had expended their
name it, it would be still more painful to adduce others blood and treasure in support of that Government? Upon
—a gallant officer, Lieut. Weir—he named him only to the principles laid down by his Lordship, the conduct of
do honour to his memory—was seized in fight by those the Government in Canada was undefensible. The two
rebel troops and carried to the rear, where he was over- Canadas were unhappily united on this subject. Upper
whelmed by numbers, who with a cowardice equal to Canada was altogether loyal and English; Lower Ca-
their cruelty, then plucked his epaulets from his shoul- nada, was in great part French. The consequence of this
ders, pierced him with wound after wotind, destroyed his union was that the English were given over to the
life, and mangled his body, before the royal troops could French. All the French Members of the Assembly,
come to his rescue. Dr. Wolfred Nelson commanded the constituting by far the largest majority under their
rebels on that occasion, and he was a claimant under priests and leaders voted together; but the English
the Indemnity Bill for 23,0001., but had kindly, gra- Members did not act harmoniously together, and the
ciously, and generously given up one-half of that consequences were obvious. There was also a Legis-
claim. He only mentioned that in passing, however, lative Council in Canada and ten Ministers. But the
as he had been compelled, though most reluctantly, to majority of the Assembly being under the control of
mention his name. Such was the rebellion which certain parties had passed a Bill which it was affirmed
had been put down by the gallant officer he had men was never intended to give compensation to rebels. He,
tioned and his coadjutors in arms. Such being the state however, denied that, and upon resorting to the Act
of the colony at the period of the rebellion, he had itself for its character and objects, ho said' that it was
to call their attention to the frame of mind in which his intended originally to compensate both the loyal and
Noble and lamented Friend, Lord Durham, found the disloyal. There was no wholesome line of dis-
inhabitants committed to his care on his arrival in Ca- tinction drawn at first ; but a Gentleman—Mr. Bolton
nada as Governor-General. The exigencies of the case he believed—introduced an exception. The resolution
compelled Parliament to suspend the Constitution of or groundwork of the Act contained so much excep-
Canada, and inflict temporarily upon it an absolute Go- tion. His amendment, however, only, regarded persons
vernment, and his Noble Friend was sent to admister the convicted of high treason and transported to Bermuda,
government of the whole provinces with dictatorial power. and in the hands of the sheriff; but what became of rebels
The state in which he found the colony he would give in not answering te the whole or apart of that description?
the Noble Lord's own words, as given in the report to Were they within the exception that did not except feorn
the Crown. Ia that report he said—" I expected to find the Act a large class of rebels and traitors who it was
in Lower Canada a contest between a Government and now said it was intended to except? No line was
a people.. I found two nations warring in the bosom of originally drawn between the loyal and disloyal. He
a single state; I found a struggle, not of principle, but did not blame Lord Elgin for this, for he was supposed
of races. It is in vain for me to expect that any de- to be acting under the influence of constitutional Go.
scription I can give will impress on your Majesty such a vernrnent, being entirely in the hands of Mr. Lafontaine
view of the animosity of those races as my personal ex- and a tyrant majority. Great stress had been laid upon
perience in Lower Canada has forced upon me. It is the manifestation of feeling in favour of the Bill, as
scarcely possible to conceive that the descendants of any shown by the majority of the Assembly. But he found
of the great European nations can be more unlike one on a close analysis of the votes given on Mr. Wilson's
another in character and feeling, more totally amendment, which was in face, against compensation to
separated from each other by language, laws, rebels, that a great majority of English representatives
and mode of thinking, or placed in circum- were in its favour. Twenty-seven English Members
stances more calculated to produce mutual mid- voted for it and only fifteen ageinstit.Feronmly
tt,h.ne,seerhae
understanding, jealousy, and hatred. Even in the schools deducted five, who were Ministers, leaving
of Quebec and Montreal the boys fight as bitterly as the majority of nearly three to one of ihe loyal English
men." He went on to say, " The intercourse of society party in the Legislature. Then, with respect to popular
is entirely out of the question. The put lications of the feeling cut of doors, he found that Lord Elgin plumed
press are of a difference and diversity, and of a mutual himself very much upon the number of addresses he had
hostility, implacable and extreme to a degree unknown received. He admitted that a great number of addresses
elsewhere;" and, as a last symptom, he said, that— had been made, and that a large number of signatures
" even on grounds which ought to be neutral to all man- was appended to them. He had counted some
kind—the sacred grounds of charity— even in matters of feurteen or fifteen thousand, but he had also
charity, they cannot agree and unite together;" and, last observed that the great majority of these ad-
of all, that—" the only public occasions on which the two dresses confined themselves to condoling with
raees meet, is in the jury-box, when they must meet, his Excellency on the late outrages, to the
being summoned, and there they meet only to the utter statement of their regret at the attacks which had been
obstruction of justice." The Noble Lord then proceeded made upon him, and the insult that had thereby been
to read Lord Durham's dispatch, in which it was stated, offered to the Crown, and to an expression of their un-
that the British Canadian population would never again abated loyalty. But of the Bill itself' they said nothing.
consent to any House of Assembly in which the French None of them expressed their approval of it. Perhaps
population had a majority. It then talked of the union one or two touched upon itObut that was all, that was all
with United States, adding, that for the purpose of yen- the result of the greatest exertions in getting up the ad-
geance, and to give a momentary triumph, an American dresses. He had been informed that there were, in fact,
army would be received with open arms if it marched into what was called in this country hole-and-corner meet-
the country; that they would never again consent to be ings—they were got up by a knot of people who were in
made stalking-horses of for the purpose of party contests one way or other interested In doing so, and they were
at home, and that Lower Canada must be English at the no proof' that the voice of the people was expressed in
expense even, if necessary, of the remainder not being these addresses. But on the other heed a vast number
British. The dispatch went to say that the British of petitions and addresses from public meetings called
population entertained a deep-rooted attachment to the upon requisitions, and presided over by mayors, sheriffs,
British, as against the French, institutions, but that some and other public officers, had been presented against the
there be parties to French domination. They would fly Bill. They were held in the face of day, and expressed
to the Anglo Saxon Government in the United States. um quivocally the feelings of the people—and therefore,
He (Lord Brougham) could not shut his eyes to what as far as addresses and petitions were concerned, there
had passed latterly; a cloud no doubt bad passed over was an immeasurable superiority on the side of the op-
the hitherto bright and brilliant loyalty of the English ponents of the Bill. The Noble Lord, to show the
Canadians in the recent outbreak at Montreal. He knew state of public opinion in Canada, proceeded to read a
well it would be said that by the present proceedings he letter he had received from a person in an official po-
would be encouraging the rebels; that factious speeches sition in Canada, dated 9th of June, in which it was
and divisions in that House go across the Atlantic, and stated that the excitement was very great among the
give encouragement to those who misdemean themselves English in Upper Canada, and that if her Majesty gave
in Canada. That was the risk which all statesmen must her assent to the Bill, it would cause the annexation of
be content to run, as well as the slanders which they must the province to America. He (Lord Brougham) did
also face in the discharge of a public duty honestly and not say that would be the case, but at all events, he
fearlessly performed. As Burke said, when some such gave it as the opinion of a loyal man. He condemned
charge was brought against him respecting America, or the riots and outbreaks which had teken place; but
the Catholic question, he forgot which, " the fire bell placing himself in the position of those who had not
that breaks our slumbers saves us from being burned been rebels—who had resisted rebellion, and who were
in our beds." It was therefore that he (Lord Brougham) now to be visited by this ill-starred measure—ho could
should go on fearlessly with his charge, and hoped, feel how much they were writhing under this infliction.
in so doing, he should not be charged with having It was a common remark, that an injury to the feelings
unnecessarily or wantonly raised the question, which it was more acutely felt than a more material injury, and
was the bounden duty of Parliament to entertain and when these people felt themselves oppressed by a junc-
grapple with, and that no one would accuse him of having Lion of their rulers with those against whom they had
a fellow feeling even with the most provoked of those striven when the authority of the Crown was rebelled
outrages which disgraced, on a late occasion, their Ca- against—it was their duty to prevent these people from
nadian fellow-subjects. There was much property de- this s. vere, this intolerable infliction. As to the argu-
stroyed in crushing the rebellion, and for some time ment for compensation drawn from the Act for Upper
nothing was done to find compensation for those whose Canada, he totally denied its validity. In the first
property suffered, for doing their duty as loyal subjects. place, there were very few rebels in Up, er
A Bill was passed to give compensation to those toe al Canada; and if they had been numerous, the Bill
subjects who suffered on that occasion, and it was clear, excluded them from compensation. Mr. Hineks's
from the contents of that Bill, as well as the phrases- statements as to the five persons said to have been
logy and its construction, that most false statements had rebels, and to whom compensation had been awarded,
been made about it. It was clear, not only from the turned out to have been a mass of errors. Mr. Ingersoll,
language used, but the words of the Governor himself, the commissioner, who made these awards had contra-
that compensation was given solely for property taken dieted these statements entirely. He saw a report of
during the rebellion. Horses, for example, and provi- Mr. Hinekt's speech, and thereupon he tent that gentle-
sions, for which parties received the note of the re-spec- man a letter, denying the charge. He held it in his
tive commanders of the military force, who had not at hand, and he admitted the bolt-nage in which it was
the time money to pay for them. These notes entitled couched was more strong than courteous ; but that was
the parties afterwards to receive pal. went ; it was a excusable in a person holding the situation of a judge,
matter of contract, and as such was dealt with. An im- when he found unjust and untrue imputations made on
POrtant event, however, happened. At that time the his conduct. Mr. Ingersoll sail--.'ln reply to your
British party, who, for distinction sake, he should call statements I have only to say that they are not founded
the loyal party—not that he used that term in an inva in tact ;" and he proceeded to state that this was the
dious sense, but as a matter of history—the British, or more unjustifiable, when Mr. Hincks might have so
loyal piny, were in the Councils of the Governor, and readily, at any moment, have come in possession of the
measures were passed by the Canadian Parliament which truth. With respect to the claim of the would 'be Ge-
included that to which he had already re'erred. neral Duncombe, no such claim had been made ; and if
The Duke of WELLINGTON—The Upper Canada it had, the Commissioners would not hare granted
Bill? it. There was no claim from Mr. Cooke, whom Mr.
Lord BROUGHAM—Yes. Hincks had called Tooke. Mr. Waterman was arrested
The Duke of WELLINGTON—Hear. and tried, but not convicted. That meant that he was
Lord BROUGHAM continued—These were followed acquitted. This claim was put in for supplies. and, as
by others, and another event happened; he would not well as he could recollect, he held the vouchers of
say whether it was judicious or not, the more particu- the officers for these supplies. That was not a claim
laxly when he differed with men not on principle, but on for compensation, but for goods supplied. Even in
a matter of tactics, which proved unhappy in its results. an enemy's country we paid for such supplies. It was in
A conciliatory course was adopted, which, while it the nature of a purchase, and grossly untrue to call the
aimed at reconcilement, had the effect of breaking faith sum paid on such vouchers for such supplies, a compen-
with the friends of the Government—a course which, in cation, in the sense the word was used. He could only
endeavouring to gain an enemy, deprives them of their say, after looking at these random statements, that he
friends, was sure to fail. It they could keep both, no could account for them by the inveterate he bit of asser-
doubt all would be well; but, as he had said, if they Lion which people in office have been accustomed to.—( A
gained an adversary they lost their friends; and the laugh.) He had now brought to a close the facts which
consequence was, that they turned the friend into foe, it appeared to him necessary to state on the subjsct of
and made the foe despise them.—(llear, hear.) lie this motion. He was certain there could not be a more
(Lord Brougham), for his own part, never saw that fatal course than to carry to an extreme this theory of
trick tried that it did not fail, and cover with ridicule responsible Government. If it was good for Canada, it
and contempt all those who tried it. He was for a con- was good for Trinidad, for the Cape, for other colonies;
ciliatory course, for the purpose of a coalition, when and he would ask, where we should have been if they
great parties in the state yielded a little for a public had adopted the theory of responsible government on
good. That was creditable and honourable to all par- questions affecting slavery. As Mr. Canning had well
ties, and capable of being made highly beneficial to the remarked, he would never trust slave owners with the
state; but tt was a bad and bastard policy when it was responsibility of making laws for slaves. He therefore
pursued as in Canada, and brought with it feelings of said, away with a theory which he felt convinced would
great contempt, when friends were made enemies of, bring the Government of Lord John Russell into ridi-
and enemies taught to despise them, That happened in culm He did not argue the question upon that ground,
Canada. The friends of the Government were dis- but he did say, that in exact proportion as colonial legis-
gusted, and the consequence was that the Government latures interfered with general questions, was it the
found itself in a minority in the House of Assembly, the duty of the Secretary of State to hold
te power of
majority not being of the loyal party. The Prime Mil licensing or refusing what was intended to become the
nister of the new Government was Monsieur Augustus law of the land. He did not call upon the Government
Alexis Hypolite Lafontaine; and it so happened, ace or their Lordships to exercise the power of refusal—he
cording to his own petition, presented to that House in did not ask the Government to advise her Majesty to re-
-1839, that he was obliged to fly the country before the fuse her assent to this measure—(Hear)—but he did ask
rebellion commenced at all, as he was more than sus- them to take care that the Bill was free from errors, by
peeled. He was "not out" in 1838, as they expressed it which compensation might be given for rebellion losses
in Scotland, but he was a quasi rebel—he was implicated to those who were actually engaged in and aiding and
in the proceedings then
going forward in Canada, as abetting that rebellion. We were on the eve of a great
any Noble Lord might see who read Sir J. Colborne e struggle, and if they supposed that struggle between the
dispatches giving an account of what was then going parent state and a great colony was viewed with indiffe-
forward. The Noble and Learned Lord then read a regime by our American neighbours, they were indulging
letter from M. Lafontaine to M. Gironeud, written at in a fatal mistake. If, for a moment they rocked them-
this period, enclosing him 20,000 Louis-d'ors, or selves asleep under the impression that America would
18,0001., for the purpose of providing the people with not look across the St. Lawrence, oh, let him wake them
arms, and clothing, and ammunition. That was the from their pleasant dream. It would he the first time
i
language used after the rebellion was crushed, by .M• in history that a Government and a people without the
Lafontaine, who was now Prime Minister, and before control of the Crown, and the moderating influence of
be was allowed to return by virtue of Lord Durham's an aristocracy, were to be entirely unmoved by such
amnesty. Now when he (Lord Brougham) found a struggle. If they imagined that bee-muse Ame-
that Prime Minister the leader of pr t en- rica had more land than she knew how to cultivate
gaged in a rebellion, and pursuing ruch aa
use —more produced than she could find markers for_
even after the rebellion was crushed, he would not look to an increase
he said enough which justified him 1.1:
-n the of her dominions, and of her stores, he could only say
slit that, therefore, she
use of the cord loyal as applied to `the other thath it would be infinitely greater wonder and miracle
party. Ile did not call M. Lafontaine a disloyal Minis
ter or a disloyal man. He may be perfectly loyal, but le an he knewtheh the fame
ens
most
hattl
power-
he for dominion grew s
would not call him loyal as contradistinguished from ful nations, and
the other party, who were always so except the shadeevery day an age
which passed over them lately, He would now bring fled. hear.) America counted
was
contraryw to
it grew in proportion as it was grati-
their Lordships to the year 1848, but before he did so he ;.essient, and he asked theta if they were going ruth-
musttill she heard that this Bill had received the Royal
pause for a moment to account for the circumstance
of Lafontaine and his coadjutors being Ministers of the •eyisNs,r3l,inand recklessly to plunge into the gulf that was
before them. The Northern States had a
Crown in Canada. A notion sprung up, which was yawning
igntere
much encouraged by his Noble Friend, the late Lord Southern interest
in
the annexation of Canada and the
Durham, that the colonies should be permitted to enjoy mediate an inteer,estthough they had not so direct and im-
was called responsible Government. Now if he Canada was the relPgarentlY,
for runaway slaves.—(Hear,
had yet one great reason.
were to say that he clearly and distinctly understood hear.) They had alsou-teh general love for American
what was meant by responsible Government he would rule. But the whole of thee American States hadine onest
be giving himself credit for perspicacity which he did great reason to watch with direct and earnest • t re
not possess.—(A laugh.) left as far as he understood the struggle between the parent country and the co-
it it was this. It was not, as their Lordships would see, lo -•
lorry, We had given up the principle of protection,
confined to Canada alone, but had reference to all their and adopted the principle of free trade; they were
colonies. and Consisted in this—whoever was the Gover. gradually extending that principle to one article
nor of a colony was bound to appoint his Ministers, and , after another, a fact which he observed with wore

sated, his reply was that the Bill had no such view;
and as to the intentions of parties, how could they at
the end of eleven or twelve years ascertain who aided,
and who aaisted at least in heart, the rebellion which
took place?—(gear, hear.) For his own part, he
thought that such an inquiry instituted at the end of
twelve years into the feelings of parties at that
period would create such bitterness of party spirit, and
exasperate to such a degree existing animosities, that it
would be infinitely better if no indemnity Mester er was
granted than have such inquiries instituted. The Noble
and Learned Lord said that a majority of the English
race voted against the measure ; but what was the fact?
As the Hotise of Representatives then stood, it consisted
of 46 members, 31 of whom were of English origin, and
15 returned of French extraction. The English popula-
tion of both provinces was something less than one-half
the French, and when the Noble and Learned Lord said
that the addresses presented to Lord Elgia were no test
of popular opinion, he agreed with him. de believed that
the real expression of the opinions of a people were to be
taken from their representatives, and neither in this coun-
try nor in Canada would he, for one, ever listen to or be-
lieve public opinion was ever collected from any other
source than through the votes of their representatives in
Pedigree it. They all knew how these things were got
up; but elide he did, so, he would remind the Noble and
Larded Lord that there was something more than ad-
dress( s ; for deputations from all parts of Canada had
waited on the Governor. G ere- ral to offer him their support.
—(Bear, hear ) He (Earl Grey) also perceived by the
mail which arrived that day, that the Opposition no
longer clamoured as they had done before, for the dis-
solution of the Assembly, and the recal of Lord Elgin.
When he found a party strongly deprecating a dissolution,
the conclusion he had a right to form was, that they were
not confident in anticipating a majority. It was from
Upper Canada the addresses bad come expressing con-
fidence in Lord Elgin, and he must say that the Noble
and Learned Lord had shown no ground for her Ma-
jesty interfering to prevent the operation of the Act
which had received the support of two thirds of the
Assembly. All he called on them to do, by refusing
their assent to the Noble and Learned Lord's motion,
was to affirm the opinion that that House was not
called on to interfere. The Act was one which the
Provincial Government had a right to pass, which the
Governor-General could not disallow, and which it
would be wrong for the Home Government to interfere
with. Instead of the Noble Lord's resolution casting
oil, as he said it would, on the troubled waters, he (Earl
Grey) believed that its effect would be to do the very
reverse.—(Elear, hear.) His conviction was, that to
come to such a decision as the Noble and Learned
Lord would lead them would be a grievous blow to the
peace and prosperity of Canada, and on that ground he
should feel it his duty to oppose the resolution.—(Hear.)
Lord LYNDHURST commenced by saying that he
had not been in the habit for a considerable time of ad-
dressing their Lordships, but on the present occasion he
felt that he was imperatively called on by a duty he owed
to their Lordships and to the Crown to express his dis-
approbetion of the conduct which had been exhibited
towards the Noble Lord at the head of the Government
in Canada. No one could by possibility feel more
strongly than he did upon the treatment he had received
—the insults and perils to a hich he had been subjected
---and no one could more strongly condemn those intem-
perate acts which had distinguished the conduct of a por-
tion of that population. It was not his intention to go
into the question of responsible Governments, but this
he would say, that there might be cases which would
render it necessary for this country to interfere.—(Hear,
hear.) The question was a very narrow question, and
turned on the construction of the Act of Parliament, and
his objection to it was, that it rewarded rebels.—
("Hear, hear," from Lord Brougham and the oppo•
sition Lords.) Those who perided their lives and
eho shed the:r blood to put down the rebellion were
now to be taxed to remunerate the very persons
who had been in rebellion for the losses they
may have sustained. —(° Hear, hear," from Lord
Brougham.) He approved of the amnesty when it
was promised, but he knew of no ease where persons
who had been in rebellion had not only received the be-
nefit of an amnesty, but also had been rewarded for the
part they took, and had been remunerated for the loss
they had sustained on account of their own rebellious
acts.—(llear, hear.) He could not avoid referring to Sir
Allan MtNale, who had been alluded to in the course of
the debate, and who had been sneered at by the Noble
Earl on the opposite side (Earl Grey) as if his conduct
had not entitled him to their respect and admiration.—
(Hear, beer.) Nuw he (Lord Lvndhurst) begged to in-
form their Lordships that Sir Allan M'lslab was at the
head of his troops at the battle of Toronto, but had not
been in action, as the rebels fled at their approach. He
had also hen with his troops on another occasion, when
the rebels had decamped, and on various occasions had
exhibited his activity end loyalty. For this conduct Sir
Allan had received distinct thanks from the Governor•
General of Canada, Lord Seaton, and he had afterwards
received thanks from the Crown, and the title was con-
ferred on him, which, although one not very high in
point of rank, was nevertheless valuable as a reward and
acknowledgment of his services. The question they had
to deal with resolved itself, as be had remarked, into a
very narrow compass—the consideration of the Act
of Parliament. The provisions of that Act embraced
all persons engaged in the rebellion, with the exception
of those alluded to in the proviso, and the effect of the
Act was to reward and compensate persons in the rebel-
lion.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition side.) Let him
refer to the case of Mr. Papineate Now he did:not sub-
mit; he absconded and went to the United States, and
afterwards passed to France, sand be did not return till
the Queen's pardon was proclaimed, and then he returned
to Canada.—(Hear, hear.) Was it not clear, he would
ask, that Mr. Papineau was the instigator and one of the
fathers of the rebellion? and yet he would be entitled to
compensation under the provisions of thatlAct.—(ellear,"
from Lord Brougham.) The rale that was followed in
construing all Acts of Parliament was, that whatever did
not come wiihin the exceptions of the Act came as a
matter of course within the sphere of its operation. What
then was the fact, that the prime instigator, who had
voted for the 8.11 giving compensation, was entitled to
make his claim for having sustained loss.—(Hear,
hear.) Was not that an affront to the loyal people
of Canada, who had exerted themselves in
aiding to put down the rebellion ? And from whom
was the compensation to be received? From this coun-
try ? No; but from the very persons by whose loyalty
baenidlith)uyswahtotesme bprt.a_ve(riyi,haer,
had
hear, b eefrnom thedeteated n
Opposition.)ilisre
Let their Lordships take the case of the late rebellion
in Ireland —the leaders of it had been tried—had been
i
convicted, and were to be transported. Suppose, after
a time, that her Alajesty was to grant these individuals
a pardon, and that by the revolution of events they were
to return to this country, and were to become members
of the Government, and suppose that they were then to
propose a measure to give compensation to those who
had been engaged with them in the rebellion, was there
one in that House who would not express his deep detes-
tation of such a proposition?—(Hear, hear.) And yet
that was what was now doing in Canada.—(Hear, hear.)
The principal party who brought in the Bill evidently
did so for the purpose of rewarding his asseciates in
rebellion. It had been said by the Noble Ear! that
Mr. Lafontaine had not been engaged in the rebellion.
But what was the fact? In 1837 Mr. Lafontaine saw
the danger, and he came over to this count-T. The
Executive Council, however, issued a warrant for his
apprehension, and, upon hearing of that, he went to
France, and be never returned to Canada till atter the
amnesty had been proclaimed. Yet, the Noble Earl
had told them that Mr. Lafontaine had challenged in-
quiry. He (Lord Lyndhurst) had a great respect for the
judgment and abilty of the Noble Earl, but he must say
that some of the shifts he had resorted to in the course
of his speech were really ludicrous. He conjured their
Lordships to treat the subject under consideration with
seriousness. The Noble Earl had inquired bow they I
were to find out who were the parties engaged in that
rebellion, but by the. records of the courts to which the

satisfaction than some of his -Noble Friends near
him.—(Hear, hear.) The Americans rejoiced at this
policy on our part. Not b cause they sympathised
with us by any means—they sympathised much more
with the Canadian rebel:.—(dear.) He had seen letters
addressed to merchants in the City, in which the ut-
most joy was expressed at the passing of the navigation-
laws, but they said, " Don't imagine we are ping to
follow you; on the contrary, we shall draw restrictions
tighter than ever." The Americans had a strong desire
for protection, and what prevented them from making
it complete? Upper Canada.—(dear, hear.) It was
impoeeible for them by any Custom house regulations,
by any number of officers, or by any American militia.
to completely guard a coast of some 14,000 or 15,000
miles in extent. A friend of his, a Member of the other
House of Parliament, when in Illinois lately saw some
hatchets. He said, " These are very curious hatchets."
" Yes," said the party addressed, " and yon can't make
such hatchets; they cost only 1 defier and 25 cents."
That mistake was soon corrected. In a short time
5,000 hatchets of a very superior kind, English make,
were imported into the district, and sold at halt a dollar a
piece. The moment that this was heard of down came a
parry of militia to seize the hatchets; but they failed in
doing so, because they were sill sole and conveeed oat of
the way by the people. Now, while there was such a
difference in the price of hatceete as that between 1 dull.
25 cents. and halt a dollar, it was clear that it was hope
less to attempt the enforcement of any Custom-house
regulations. All they want is a frontier, and Canada
would be that frontier.—(Hear.) Therefore it was that
he implored their Lordships to knit more closely to
them the affections of their fellow-subjects. It is was
by any unworthy concession, by any sacrifice of power,
or even of wealth, that end was to be attained, he would
not counsel it; but there were no such sacrifices required
in order to retain their love and uffection, tend to render
the severance of the colony impossible.—(Hear, hear.)
He had the strongest sympathy for his feltow-sutjects,
and he could not but fed that it was a cruel desertion to
take any step e hich would throw them into the hands
of America. He had seen many of these men, men
who had fought on the field of battle, and these men
to whom Canada bad been a home for half a century,
who bad all their possessions, as well as their families,
who had risked life in delenee of the power of the
British Crown, would be driven against their will
into the great republic of the west, and if so, he
could only say, that like their forefathers, they would
leave England from their loyalty to the Crown. He
called upon their Lordships to save Canada from being
made the sacrifice to this whim of responsible Govern-
ment. He implored them to adopt the resolutions he
would now move, teeliog perfectly certain that they
would pour oil on the troubled watere, and restore peace
and concord to Canada. The Noble Lord concluded by
moving the resolutions.
Earl GREY could net, although he had listened most
attentively to the arguments of the Noble a Learned
Lord, under rind what object he sought teffiltetain by
submitting the motion which he lead brought under the
consideration of their L erdships. He had not heard one
syllable advanced in sustainment of the necessity of the
proposition, nor was it attempted to be shown that its
adoption would tend to promote or facilitate the har-
monious government of Canada by the authority of
the British Crown. OF the two hours and a quarter
which the Noble Lord had occupied the attention of
their Lordships, fully one hour and three quarters were
taken up with prefatory matter. It was not expedient
that he should follow the Noble and Learned Lord
through those discursive observations; but though he
should not follow the Noble cued Learned Lord through
the whole of his lengthy statements, there were never-
theless some points on which he had fallen into error,
that he felt it to be his duty to notice them. His his-
torical review of the connexions between England said
Canada was altogether incorrect. In substance and
spirit the Noble arid Learned Lord said that the Cana-
dians were French in heart and spirit, that they were
alienated from the British Crown, and that they were
kept down only by force. This was a statement which
he denied in tote. For many years Lower Canada had
been much attached to England, and in the revolutions
which had taken place the militia of Lower as well as of
Upper Canada had distinguished itself by no ordinary
display of valour. No doubt a portion of the population
had been betrayed by designing men into the guilt of
rebellion in the year 1838, and it was furthest from his
intention to say one word pelliatory of that guilt. He
could not avoid remarking that the whole cause of dis•
content would have been remedied much sooner and more
effectually if neither force nor treason had been used.
Though disaffection existed at that period it did not
follow that they should always regard the Canadians as
a disaffected and disloyal race of men When they
spoke about Canada they should recollect that that coun-
try was added to the dominion of the British Crown by
one of the most successful wars in which the country
ever achieved a victory, and that the painful policy of the
Ministry who brought about that glorious consumma-
tion, was to bury in oblivion past rebellions and disaffec.
bons. This was the policy pursued at Culloden and by
Henry IV. The entire spirit of the Noble and Learned
Lord's speech was that they should adopt qtlite an op-
posite policy, but having shown how absurd such a course
would certainly prove, he thought it unnecessary to pro-
ceed further with a relutation of his historical statement.
The Noble and Learned Lord then complained of M.
Lafontaine'e promotion to emolument and office, after, as it
was allegsd,he had been engaged in treasonable practices.
Now he (Earl Grey-) thought it would have been most
unwise to have excluded a gentleman of M. Lafoutaine's
talents and influence from being raised to distinction in
the administration of the public anirs of the province.
It was quite untrue that M. Lafontaine had been im-
plicated in the rebellion; or that he had fl'-d from
Canada in consequence of treasonable acts. He sug-
gest:d certain constitutional changes, not being satis-
fied with the form of governmennund he did his best
to obtain that change in a peaceable manner; but it
was quite a misteke to suppose that his views were
not strongly opposed to disaffection or outbreak of any
kind. When he returned to Canada he challenged an
investigation of his conduct, but unsuccessfully. The
Nobles Lord then proceeded to consider that portion of
the Noble and Learned Lord's speech in which he ad-
verted to the Rebellion Losses all, and stated his ob-
jection to its sanction by the British Legislature and
Crown. It appeared to him (L and Grey) that the inter-
ference of that House in matters of colonial government
should be confined to extreme cases, and if they inter-
,ered at all, it ought to be in a regular and constitu-
tional way.—(Hear.) It' the Noble and Learned Lord
thought that Parliament ought to sweetest the refusal of
the sanction of the Crown to this Bill, the proper and
respectful course would be to make known their wishee
by an address to her Majesty. He contended that to
come to a resolution on a question of colonial govern-
ment was a mode as unusual as it was irregular and in-
convenient. In 1831 another Act wes passed autho-
rising the several claims and demands for violence done
by her Majesty's forces in the suppression of the rebel-
lion to be taken into consideration with a view to their
being raid. Their Lordships would observe that by
the :cords of that Act compensation was extended to
all losses incurred by the inhabitants of Upper and
Lower Canada, and inflicted by her Majesty's troops
—whether regular or irregular, imperial or
provincial. The Noble and Learned Lord was very se-
vere en him for appearing ignorant that the objects and
intentions of an Act of Parliament must not be taken or
judged from the acts or policy of a Governor-General.
but from the words of the statute itself. He (Earl
Grey) thanked him for that reproof, and if their Lord-
ships would turn to the words of the statute, to be found
in page 31 of the papers presented to their Lordships'
House, they would sea that it contained nothing what-
ever confining compensation to one party or the other.
But, in point of fact, compensation was granted to par
ties eho had taken an active part in the rebellion. If
the Noble and Learned Lord would refer to the speech
made in the Canadian Assembly by Mr. Hincles, the
Inspector-General of Accounts—an offiee tantamount
to Chancellor of the Exchequer in this country —he
would see that some of the persons most active ia the
rebellion, and absolutely convicted of high treason,
had their claims put in and allowed. Messrs. Harris,
Ingerson, and Hunter were paid, though notorious
rebels, and the Lieutenant-General of the rebel army,
the Commissary-General, and Dr. Cooke, of Norwich,
who was convicted and sentenced to be hanged. re-
ceived compensation. The Noble and Learned Lord
says that the payment to Dr. Cooke was contradicted,
but what was the tact? The reporters in the House of
Assembly called him Tooke instead of Cooke, and that
was the amount of the contradiction. Mr. Hincks states
positively, that he knew his handwriting, and that he saw
the receipt signed by him for compensation, paid under
the Canada Compensation Act. Dr. Hatterman was
also convicted of high treason, and, he believed, was paid
compensation; there was, however, some doubt about
his case, but a remarkable circumstance occurred, to
which he should call the attention of their Lordships.
When an action was brought against him for the sup-
plies furnished him for the rebel army, he pleaded that
he did not act as a private individual, but as commis-
sary-general of tho rebel army.—(A. laugh.) That,
however, he need hardly add, did not avail him, for the
plea was not received. The Noble and Learned Lord
was exceedingly romantic in his observations in praise
of Sir Allan M•Nab. No doubt that gentleman did
good service, but the Noble Lord was dreaming
when he talked of his great actions, for he was never
actually engaged in the rebellion of Upper Ca-
nada. The Noble and Learned Lord gave so eloquent a
description of his gallant actions and achievements, that
one should have thought he fought such battles as that
of Salamanca or Vittoria. Under the Act of Parliament
to which he referred payments were made in Upper
Canada to persons convicted of treason, and yet no fault
was found or clamour raised against it, and immediately
consequent upon it was an address of the Parliament of
the United Provinces, praying that an inquiry should be
set on foot respecting the losses incurred in Lower Ca-
nada. He should also mention that when this Bill was
under discussion it was objected to, inasmuch as it was
alleged that if an inquiry were to be instituted in Upper
Canada with a view to give compensation, Lower Can ida
ought also to be included. The inquiry respecting Lower
Canada was conducted by Commissioners appointed for
that purpose, who were appointed by the advice of those
gentlemen who now objected to the Act which gave
that compensation. They were directed by Lord
Cathcart to make the inquiry by the rules of evidence
which governed courts of law, and accordingly, when it
was concluded, a Bill was brought in during the pre-
sent Tear in every respect like that previously passed
for Upper Canada, submitted to the Assembly of the
United Provinces, and, after considerable opposition,
passed by a large majority. Some discussion occurred
as to the propriety of excluding those either convicted
by a court-martial, or having submitted to her Majesty's
mercy, were afterwards sent to Bermuda, but the pre-
amble of the Bill was of great importance, for it stated
that the losses for which compensation should be made
were strictly confined to those who had suffered from
wanton and unnecessary damage. All losses brought on
themselves by parties engaged in the rebellion, or en-
couraging its promotion, were excluded. If they ob-
jected to it ou the ground that rebels were to be compeu-

were tried? But, dici&:-Isfobie Earl mean to say, that
all who had been engaged in the rebellion, had been
tried? Why, Lord Colborne had taken 800 prisoners,
soul, of them with arms in their hands, and the names of
352 only had appeared. What, then, was to hinder
some of these parties claiming compensation, and for the
loss of their time while they were detained prisoners?—
(llcer and laughter.) Upon these grounds he was
opposed '0 the measure. He was surprised, knowing
the ability of the Noble E4rl, at the careless manner in
which he had gone through the Act. The Noble Earl
then cited soma of the clauses, and said that under one
of them the 800 persons he had alluded to might claim
compensation for the very arms they a ere found to be
in possession of when they were taken prisoners.—
(Hear.) Compensation could also be claimed for any
loss sustained in the suppression of the rebellion, from
force used by her Majesty's troops, and compensation
could also be claimed by owners of premises which had
been used for purposes of defence by her Majesty's troops.
There was another class he had been reminded of by his
Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougham), namely,
104 persons who had been outlawed for treason.—
These persons could also claim compensation under the
hear.) Were their Lordships then pre-
pared to sanction such a measure? Unless they treated
Canada as an independent state, he thought they were
bound to interfere to prevent the carrying out of the
measure ha had described as one injurious to the empire
at large, and to that respect which they owed to the
British Crown.—(tlear, hear.) With respect to the

appointment of the commission under the Act, he
would remark that when the Crown issued a commis-

sion the Crown had the power of giving instructions,
but when a commission was issued under an Act of
Parliament, they were bound by it, and the Act could
not be qualified by any
instructions given by the
Governor-General. It had been said that there was no
intention to give compensation to the rebels. Mr.
Baldwin had said so in a part of his speech, but he
(Lord Lyndhurst) believed, nevertheless, that the Act
was passed with that intention. The Noble Lord then
went on to rem.irk upon the species of evidence which
might be recived before the commission, and next call, d
attention to the preamble to the Act, and to that proviso
which had been introduced, and according to which
compensation was not to be given to those parties who
had been actually engaged in that rebellion. It was no.
torious that Upper Canada, to a man, was loyal, and they
sustained no loss; but the loyalists in Toronto did. Why
should all these suffer for losses sustained by rebels?
The Noble Earl said what were they to do? The alter-
natives were open to them. Pass the Bill and with it
keep up all the agitation in Upper Canada, which would
be followed by the most serious cons luences. But an.
other cJurse was open to them. Withhold the assent of
the Crown—that was no unusual course. Tho Attor-
ney-General said that there was no intention of com-
pensating rebels. Why, then,
.persetteuupassing this
measure—bring in a Bill according to the intention which
had been expressed, and pass that instead. That would
be the course he would recommend, and it would enable
them to avoid the difficulties which he contemplated
would follow on this Bill becoming law.—(Hear.) He
Legged to apologise to their Lordships for entering more
at length upon this topic than he Intended, but he had

About ten days previously to Lord itietcalfe's resigna-
tion ho instituted a strics inquiry into the losses sus-
tained by the loyal subjects of Canada durieg the rebel-
lion, and thus discovered who were the persons worthy
of being indemnified, and who were not; but such was
not the course adopted by Lord Elgin, for on the 12th
of December last, when he issued orders to inquire into
the losses of the Lower Canadians, he made no distinc-
tion between the loyal subjects, and those who had been
armed in the field against her Msjtsty's forces. The
Noble Earl (Earl Grey) had already stated that the
limitations of this Bill were sufficient, and that no in•
vidious distinction was to be made by the Commissioners
of Inquiry, except between those who were, and those
who were not convicted of treason. Ile was at a loss to
know how those Commissioners could try the matter
properly, when they were instructed not to interfere
with any who were not convicted as rebels, and particu-
larly when they had not the power of a lrninistering an
oath. He believed that there was no intention on the
part of Lord Elgin to limit this Bill to parties who
were not convicted ; for, from what had take place
in discussing the measure, he considered that
there was enough to show that the Noble Duke
n-as in error all trough; and he was well aware that
in the course of that discussion numerous q Jestioes on
that point, as to their being rebels, which the Ministry
on all occasions avoil d, by every possibly ingenuity to
answer. One of the members of the Canadian House of
Representatives (Mr. Cameron) said that he hoped that
there would be no 6tar C:iamher transactions, but that
everything woulti be done openly, and that all who suf-
fered would be compensated. Mr. Htticki said that all
who had been convicted of high treason shenll be ex-
cluded from the benefit of the B 11, but that it was irn
possible to say who were or who were not. Mr. Drum•
mond stated the Act of Amnesty did away with all
charge against those who advocated rebellion, and that
the time was not far distant when ail wou d receive com-
pensation for their losses; and also the President of the
Council spoke in favour of compensating those aho had
been guilty of high treasom From all those circum-
stances be thought that he had given sufficient proof that
the Ministry of Lord Elgin were for compensating those
rebels. The only exception that he knew of was Mr.
Jones, who resisted that project by stating the converse.
tion he had with Mr. Lafontaine, which he would read to
their Lordships, to the effect that the latter replied to his
question, that all engaged in arms against the Qieen would
be entitled to compensation by this Bill, and by this
means Lord Elgin listens with too much credulity to the
advice of his Ministers, who, as he (Lord Stanley) had
proved, are prepared to compensate even rebels who had
been in arms during the rebellion of 1837 and 1838; and
the question now was, will the House of Lords acquiesce
in the principle :of the Secretary of State, who has
already stated that this was not a question that would
affect the interests and honour of the Crown anti the
safety of the Canadian people, and that this Bill would
be the means of throwing oil on the troubled wa ers.
He hoped that their Lordships would support the
motion of his Noble Friend (Lord Brougham), as it
was not to address her Majesty, but to delay the Bill
until a better one should be substituted, as there was a
very great anomaly in many of the clauses of this
measure. He looked upon the measure as one of very
great importance, and as one which required of their
Lordships to call for the interposition of the Crown, so
as to prevent such mischievous legislation. He thought
that the time for suppressing animosity of war races had
arrived, and that the system of packing the Legislature of
that country should be put an end to, for every circumstance
belonging to that Bill, showed that such a step had been
taken, the haste with which it was carried, the import-
ance of the large minority arid the self-interest of the
majority. Thus he thought that was the time for effect-
ing peace and happiness for those colonies, when the
present Ministry came into office, but so favourable an
opportunity was slighted and overlooked, to the disap-
pointment of all persons.
Lord CAMPBELL briefly explained.
The Earl of ST. GERMANS said that he did not
wish to give his vote in silence on this occasion, because
this question originated with the Government with
which he had the honour to' be connected, and he, there-
fore, felt that he would not act a meetly and straight-
forward part if he did not give his reasons for his oppo-
sition to the motion of the Noble Lord (Lord
Brougham). The Noble Lord then entered into the
history of the Governors-General before and since the
Canadian Parliament was established, how Lord Dur-
ham had investigated into the condition of the Canadas
and had reported the benefit that would accrue from a
union in the Parliaments of the two colonies, which had
been acted upon by the Imperial Legislature. He then
eulogised Lord Elgin, and deprecated any interference on
the part of their Lordships with respect to any measure
passed by that local Government for their own interests,
particularly 'as the House of Commons had, by a great
majority, agreed to leave the management of their local
affairs to themselves.
Lord LANSDOWNE said that he thought the ground
on which his hopes rested had been already stated by
his Noble Friend (Earl Grey); but he should confess
that he never stood in the same situation as at present
on so important an occasion, because this was the first
time since the Canadian Parliament was constituted that
any opposition had been offered to the transactions of
that Parliament by the Imperial Legislature.—(Hear,
hear.) Since the full benefit of Coastitutional Govern-
ment had been given to Canada, it had worked well, and
this was the first time that their Lordships hail been
called upon to decide whether it was a substance or a
shadow. The question they were called upon to decide
was one of tho most difficult nature, arising from ex-
tended empire. There was great difference in the cir-
cumstances of each colony, and according to these they
must judge as to the best form of Government in a small
colony, where intelligence was confined to a small sec-
tion of the community. That Government might be
best carried on by a large power on the part of the
parent country, but, where the large t roportion of the
people were in possession of these qualities, they had a
right to a hat might be called Constitutional Govern-
ment—(Hear, hear)—and, he trusted, that not only
Canada, but many other large provinces, might enjoy
that form of Government. But there was a third form,
when they had given a colony a constitutional form
of Government, and remain jealous of its exercise.
They must not give a government to be held in leading
strings, because they differed from the action of the pro-
vincial legislature, or call in the whole power of the
parent state to override its decisions. lie would remind
their Lordships that this was no qaestion of principle
but one of detail, and that in order to make it appear a
question of principle, the Noble and Learned Lord had
assumed the very question of principle, by speaking of'
the Bill as one for rewarding criminals. He utterly
denied it. If the Bill was of the character described, it
should have in the first place enacted that rebels should
be rewarded. But it did nothing of the kind. If its
principle had been that, he would say that it was carried
out very imperfectly. No one 'could be said to be cri-
minals except those who had been convicted.—(Cheers.)
But what did the Noble and Learned Lord ask them to
do? Simply this, that having given the people of
Canada a constitutional Government, they were to
disallow its conchniens, and, without any knowledge of
the facts, equal to that possessed by those mho passed
the measure without considering the Bill, clause by
clause, to reject the Bill thus passed.—(Cheers.) But
they were told this was not the expression of the opinioe
of the people of Canada. Who were they to take as the
people of Canada ? Were they to take those who had
burned the Parliament-house.—(Hear, hear.) He be-
lieved that Noble Lords on the other silo of the House
would, on any other question, argue in the same way.—
(Hear, hear.) He would call to their sec 'llecdon that
in Canada there was a council composed of men of here-
ditary families, in which respect it resembled that House.
He aeleed if that House was of recent creation, but it was
said that numbers had been added by Lord Elgin; that
was true; but large additions had been made to the
Council by previous Governors, and he asked their Lord-
ships if, in the progress of a country, such additions were
not absolutely necessary. But he asked at the same time
if, after the lapse of twelve years, without disturbance,
it was just to keep hanging over the heads of the French
Canadians the imputation of disloyalty, and to exclude
from the Council all who belonged to that race.—(Hear,
hear.) Nothing could be more calculated to
des:roy the character of this country for
justice and impartiality, and thus to weaken
its influence. The Noble and Learned Lord
had himself received M. Lafontaine when he came to
to this country with that hospitality which distin-
guished his treatment of illustrious exiles. He was
certain he would nct have done so if he had considered
onovfileteddemrnebiteyl.waMs
p.aLssaefdb,ntbauintewdeindt
nboatckwatoitCtial-1
nhthaimedae,alcat
trusting in his character and conduct, and was
received in a generous spirit by Lord Durham.—(Hear,hear.) But there were now asp. ersions thrown upon M.
Laf o nttha
ei n
Governmente because
as a
he was o
French esct ractiwona,s andupon
e
Frencht
one
fact ? that out of ten or twelve there. What
were only three
French members. He said that if we meant to keep
Canada, we must not exclude the representatives of one
half of the population from a share of the French Go-
vernment. He believed that a growing feeling existed
among the French population, that of all the people in
the world they were those who would gain the least by
annexation to the United States.—(Hear.) further,Anadvernmen
that the increasing liberality of the British Government
which
was producing an impression on theiru
tahtetaochneedbestth calculatedemstrongi toy prtoomottheatthei interests,arnea, and
that of th ec oolrodny saidge this Bill w
n C heaes the work
r s.) The Noofb I
ae
and Learned Lord

done so because he felt it his imperative duty.—(Cheers.)
It was his intention in future to trespass but seldom on
their Lordships' attention.
Lor. CAMPBELL said that his Noble and Learned
Priced had forgotten that the Bill was now law, and law
in operation, and if they advised to withhold the Royal
sanction, it could only be by interfering with the law in
Canada, and annulling the acts of the Governor-General.
That would, indeed, he throwing oil upon the troubled
waters, and fanning the flames of discontent. He must
confess that he had heard with pain the speech of the
Noble and Learned Lord. He was in hopes that he had
returned to the cause of liberality—that he would have
remained attached to that cause, as he had begun, and
would have died in it.—("Oh," from the Opposition.) He
was old enough to remember his Noble and Learned
Friend a staunch Liberal, and when he would have sup-
ported this Bill, and treated the arguments against it as
they deserved, but he took a sudden turn, and associated
himself with those of whom he was accustomed to speak
by no means with respect.--(Cries of " Qu2stion.") He
then took another turn, and he was in hopes that he
would have persevered in his new course.—(Loud cries
of " Question.") He not only supported Vie emancipa-
tion of the Cetholics—(Order)—but actuary assisted to
emancipate them.—(Cries of '• (Seder.") He had been
a steady supporter of free trade.—(Q es lie
was speaking to the question.—(Here loud cries of
" Question," arose from their Lordships, amidst much
laughter.) He was expleining that by whatever mo-
tives the Noble and Learned Lord was actuated—(re-
newed cries of " Order," which drowned the conclusion
of the sentence.) Ills Noble and Learned Friend, he
was afraid, was influenced with regard to the French
Canadians, by considerations that they were aliens in
race, in language, and in religion.—(Question.) It ap-
peared to him, that his Noble and Learned Friend had
taken a most perverted view of this Act of Parliament.
The question was upon the construction of the Act of
the Canadian Parliament. That Act followed the pre-
cedent of the Act with respect to Upper Canada, which
was unrestricted in its language. It was proposed to do
the same justice to the Lower Province that was done to
the Upper Province. It would be most injurious to in-
troduce clauses in the last Act which were not to be
found in the Act for the Upper Province. Many there
suffered serious loss, and every objection made against
this Bill would apply with greater force to the first
Act. Now, be came to the construction of the
Act. Every lawyer knew what his Noble and
Learned Friend had labourer' so much, that the con-
struction was to be taken from the words of the Act, and
not from the comments of the Governor. Upon the
words of the Act he denied that compensation could be
claimed by rebels. The claimant must show that ho had
suffered a just loss. Unless it can be shown that his
claim is just, it is to be instantly dismissed. Could M.
Papinesu claim compensation? He apprehended not;
nor any person who had suffered in the act of rebellion,
because the claim of such a person would not be just, he
not being a loyal subject. If every claimant before he
could receive compensation was to prove that he was a
loyal subject, it would lead to great injustice and oppres-
sion. It Mr. Wilson's amendment had been carried,
great inconvenience would have followed. In every
case there might be an objection taken, and then, in ef-
fect, a trial for high treason would follow. It would
have led to interminable inquiry, and often to great in-
justice. And in every case where a party was convicted
of rebellion the most serious results would follow.
Under those circumstances, it was expedient to reject
that amendment. This Bill being now the law of the
land, the question is, should it be disallowed. It was
said that the United States had an eye to this province.
He believed that nothing would more delight the United
States than the passing of the motion of the Noble and
Learned Lord. It would give rise to a war of classes,
with all its disastrous consequences. For these reasons
he trusted that their Lordships would be of opinion that
her Majesty's representative had acted wisely in giving
his assent to this measure.
Lord STANLEY said he had listened to the able,
lucid, and powerful speech of his Noble and Learned
Friend behind him (Lord Lyndhurst) with anything but
pain, and rather with admiration.—(Loud cries of
"Hear, hear," from the Opposition )—The conciseness
and force with which he grappled with the argument
showed the undiminished vigour of his intellect, and he
should have thought that if there was any one feeling
which it was possible to have after that speech, it was
ie no way akin to that which could have induced the
Noble and Learned Lord (Lord Campbell) to meet it by
unworthy taunts.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) His
high position, his great experience, his high character,
his distinguished and eminent ability, might have
secured him in the honoured decline of his years from
that insult.—(Loud and general cheers from the Oppo-
sition.) If it was the case that the Noble and Learned
Lord had listened with pain to the speech of his Noble
and Learned Friend (Lord Lyndhurst), he was sure that
few of their Lordships sympathised with him in that
opinion; for he was much mistaken if the great majority
of them did not listen to it with a great deal of pleasure,
—(Hear.) In addressing himself to the question be!ore
the House, he did not mean to repudiate what was said
by the Noble Earl the Secretary for the Colonies, in
respect to responsible Government, so far as the
Colonies were concerned; but while he made that ad-
mission, he wished to qualify it by saying, that he did
not think the Government of a party was good for their
colonies. At' the same time, he was bound to say
that he had so far given countenance to that system by
not having objected to the admission of Lafontaine into
the Government of Canada. But while he admitted the
principle on which he was admitted, he having been the
minister of the people's choice, he could not go farther;
for were he to do so, and say that the man so admitted
was to exercise a control over the representative of the
Sovereign in that particular colony—that he was to in-
stigate measures, in conformity with the wishes of his
party, and from them through the Legislature, then be
said that such a sys ern was subversive of the law and
practice of this country. Were such to be the case it
would be a perfect farce to say that the Government of
this country was responsible for the actions of the Go-
vernor-Gent ral of Canada.—(Hear, hear.) It had been
said that this measure had received the consent of the
Canadian Parliament, and that therefore it would
be wrong in that House to reject it, or to find
fault will it. But if such doctrine were admitted, if it
was said now that a certain Bill having received the as-
sent of the local legislature in Canada, and that conse-
quently it must be recognised and adopted by that House
and the Government of this country, then he said that
the constitution of Canada was much more democratic
than was that of the United States.—(Hear.) If the
Prime Minister of Canada was to have the power of ad-
vising the Governor-General in all such cases, what was
the use of the Legislative Council of Canada? And he
had no hesitation in saying that were such a system at-
tempted to be carrried out, a legislative body, elected by
some other party than the Legislative Assembly was at
present, would be found necessary. The Legislative
Assembly of Canada had been increased by twelve mem-
bers since last year, and it was no answer to him to say
that the m tjority of them were of British origin, for it
was the fact that they were elected to carry this par.
ticular Bill.—(Hear, hear.) What would be the effec
if on any particular measure one hundred and fi'ly ad-
ditional peers were introduced into that House for the
purpose of carrying such measures as the Government of
the day might deem necessary? Would not that be
thought a measure of the greatest injustice?—(Hear.)
But that was what had been done in Canada, and, by
having recourse to it, they had introduced a system more
democratic than was the system of Government of the
United States. The question then came to be, in
what respect was the Government of this country to
interfere ? The Noble Earl had said, what was
the use of calling up old recollections ? No
such thing, said the Noble Earl, was done after
the rebellion of 1745. But was there ever any mea-
sure for giving compensation to those who had been
engaged in the rebellion of 1745 attempted to he
pressed upon the country?—(Hear, hear.) It was be-
cause the present measure rewarded rebellion, and
calved on innocent parties to compensate unconvicted
rebels that it was considered unjust.—(Hear, hear.) So
far as Upper Canada was concerned, he did not believe
that it was ti e intention of the Acts passed by the Par-
liament of that provir ce to compensate rebellion. The
first measure passed by that Parliament was for the
purpose of giving compensation to those who had
sustained losses in consequence of their property having
been destroyed by the rebels. An Act was subsequently
passed, extending the provisions of the Act to losses
sustained not only by the ravages of the rebels, but
from the acts of her Majesty's forces in crushing that
rebellion. When that Act came to be discussed, he
had the honour to hold the seals of the Colonial-
office, and the nature of the claims submitted for
compensation was in strict accordance with the
terms of that Act. To show the necessity for its
being enacted, be stated the case of a person who
had allowed his property to be destroyed, in order
to forward the operations of her Majesty's troops
against the rebels, who was not considered entitled
to compensation under any of the existing Acts,
and it was to meet that case that the Act of 1834 was
lte.
passed. In no case, however, did he believe that a
single
i
sixpence was given in compensation to a rebel under g
—(Hear, hear.) The Noble and Learned Lord(Lord Campbell) had said that there was no difference. between
the cases of Upper and Lower Canada;but was it not
the fact, that while in Upper Canada the rebellion was
almost put down by the loyalty of the inhabitants, in
Lower Canada it required a large number of her Ma-
jesty's troops to suppress it? And while the Noble and
Learned Lord had said, why not pass the Act for
Lower Canada, as a similar one had been passed for
Upper Canada? he (Lord Stanley) said that while the
Act pas,ed for Upper Canada might not strictly have
excluded rebels from compensation, yet the present one
had a far less chance of doing so in Lower Canada,
where they were much more numerous, and therefore he
obj cted to it. It was said that all rebels would be ex-
eluded under the Act, as only those were to be heard who
had just claims of compensation. But would the Noble
and Learned Lord say that those outlawed would
i be in-
cluded, or that those parties taken with arms n their
hands would be excluded ? It was said, why go into
such inquiry as to who were rebels, or who were not ?
But under this Act the Commissioners are bound toin-
vestigate under what circumstances the losses for which
compensation was claimed were sustained. The Noble
injustice
of Learned Lord had talked much about the
of putting the claimants for compensation in this case
under, as it were, a trial for high treason. Why compel
them to admit, the Noble Lord said, that they had been
rebels. But where was the hardship of compelling those
parties who claimed compensation to tell in what manner
they had sustained their losses. He had not the slightest
doubt but that when the present measure was proposed,
it was the intention of Lord Elgin's advisers to have com-
pensated rebels. That was far from the policy pursued
by the late Governor-Geneetil of Canada, Lord Metcalfe.
—(Hear.) Having been officially connected with that
Noble Lord, he could state, to the credit of his memory,
that while beset with difficulties, while labouring under a
most painful disease, he never for a monent shrunk from
the performance of his duty, and be never would have con-
seated to the passing of such a measure as the present.

tyrant mjority, because it proposed to reward those
who have suffered, without any specific exclusion of
those who had taken part in this rebellion, and that in
opposition to the loyal feeling of the people in the co-
lony. He found that principle first laid down in a
resolution affirming the necessity of giving compensation
to the inhabitants of Lower Canada for losses during
the rebellion. That resolution was passed not by the
French majority, but by the exclusively loyal section
of the population, who now protested against it.
The _Canadian Assembly had only adopted that
resolution with exclusions which were not men-
tioned in it, and at that time Noble Lords had their
correspondents in Canada, as they had now, and they
they then said nothing about danger, and he said it was
DOW too late for them to come forward and object to it.
—(Hear, hear.) Ile admitted that the Bill might have
been more carefully worded; but he asked, having
given the colony a constitution, would they enter upon
a contest with it upon the mere wording of a Bill ?
( Heer.) The Noble and Learned Lord had called upon
them to consider the con ,equences of their vote. He
equally did so. It was an important vote. He had seen
occasions on which this House had been called upon to
disagree with the decisions of the other House of Par-
liament with local Legislatures, and to censure the con•
duct of governors, but never before had he heard of
that House being called upon, without full deliberation,
to disagree with the other House of Parliament, with
the local Legislature, and with the Governor of the
Colony ivested with the Queen's authority. It was un-
necessary for him to say that the occasions were
and rare when slut a power should he ^

-~.,,

.
But be did say, that IsLen a man Wee 14-:en,--
after full consideration of the rehj,et, tit:iniit that.
such a measure was required, Le deserved (o'l'e:respect
and snpport of their Lordships, and notetheir cm-
detnnation.—(Cheers.)
Lord BROUGHAM replica. The Noble Marquis -
had said that, having given representative institutions
to a colony, the occasions were rare when they should
interfere with it. He admitted it, and the onus lay upon
him. He accepted it. Unless they were rare and ex-
traordinary occasions, they had no right to interrere.
If they were to vote money to a foreign enemy, they
would clearly be acting wrong ; and, for his own part,
he saw no difference between voting money to a foreign
enemy and to rebels against the Government.—(Hear.)
The Commissioners had no discretion. Lord Elgin had
no discretion. The Government WAS responsible, and
in the hands of M. Lafontaine and M. Geraud, the
brother of the rebel; and even according to the Bill it-
self and their own words, the compn nsetion was only to
be given fer just claim-; s) that, -recording to their own
showing, there must be an inquiry before compensation
could be aw! riled. Ile would only add. that if this was
not a case or the interference of the Crown such a. case
could never arise, for, cxc pt in the iLstinice of voting
money ti a. fereiem enemy, he coull conceive of no
strorig,r ground for its interposition; and with that
remark he would leave the resolution in the hands of
their Lordships.
Ea 1 GREY did not believe that any warrant was ever
sent to this country against M. Laf,eitaine. Certainly
he had never heard of it, and he was perfectly per-
suadtAl no such warrant was ever issued against him.
'Feist he kiiew—that covered by on Act of indemnity, M.
Lifornaine went back toCa.neda cud cnal:enged irquiry.
Luis impression was that when he was here and had his
petition presented he had the advantage of finding from
the Noble and Learned Lord the greatest possiLle sym-
paty for his wrongs and the wrongs of his country.—
(Laughter.)
After a few words from Lord BROUGHAM,
Their L3rdships divided. The numbers were—
Content—Present ..• 54
Proxies 42-96
Not content—Present 46
Proxies ...

... 53-99

Majority against the resolutions 3
The House adjourned at a Quarter past Two o'clock.

FLOATING OF THE BRITANNIA
BRIDGE OVER THE MENAI STRAITS.
MENAI STRAITS, TUESDAY EVENING.—This great
engineering achievement was accomplished to-day with
extraordinary eclat. Unfortunately the morning opened
unpropitiously, with a high south-west wind; but as the
sun moved towards the meridian the wind dropped, the
rain discontinued, and the weather, as well as every-
thing else, worked well for the coming off of the ex-
periment. The scene, as early as six o'clock, presented
a very busy appearance, multitudes of men depositing
the buoys and shipping the enormous cables from the
London and Manchester platforms of the works. Ap-
prehensions were entertained in the early part of the
day whether the wind and tide would be sufficiently calm
to allow of the operation. The tide, at this time, was 17
feet, and the force of the wind raised it another foot.
The signals, consisting of different coloured flags, under
the direction of Mr. Steph-nson, were placed on the dif-
ferent capstans, for the guidance of the precess employed
in navigating the great tube, on the Anglesey shore, and
at other points. Early in the morning the tube was
lowered three feet upon its piers, so as to enable it to
start earlier, and take advantage of the tide at high
water.
Steamers up the straits—the Prince of Wales, Cam-
bria, and Ayrshire Lassie, from Liverpool; with trains
from Manchester, Chester, Holyhead, Liverpool, and
other parts, came trooping in throughout the day. The
arrivals, in addition to those already given, include
Lord Nee/borough, Lord Mostyn, Mr. Duff, M.P., Mr.
Chapman, Chairman of the Sheffield and Lincolnshire
Railway ; Sir C. Smith, Sir J. Williams, Archdeacon
Jonas, Mr. Samuda, civil engineer; Mr. Parsons, direc-
tor of the Brighton Railway; Mr. Borthwick, civil en-
gineer; Mr. Guppy, Mr. Berkley, civil engineer; Mr.
Vignolles, and many others, with the resident gentry.
A brief description of the works of one of the largest
engineering structures of the day will fully illustrate the
arduousness of the task involved in the vast operation.
The masonry work, by reason of its gigantic charac-
ter, attracted great attention. The abutments on either
side of the straits are huge piles of masonry. That on
the Anglesey side is 143 feet high and 173 feet long.
The abutment on the Carnarvonshire side is nearly as
large, but owing to the elevation of the ground, the
masonry is less in altitude. The wing walls of both
terminate in splendid pedestals, and on each are two
colossal lions couchant, of Egyptian design, liftieg their
limestone foreheads in the face of every train. These
lions, like the tube they adorn, are on a gigantic scale,
each being 25 feet long, 12 feet high, though crouched,
9 feet abaft the body, and each paw 2 feet 4 inches.
Each weighs 30 tons. They contain, in tote, 8,000 cubic
meat of stone, and weigh, one and ell, 120 tons. There
is some intention of surmounting the central tower with
a colossal figure of Britannia, in stone, 60 feet high.
The town rs for supporting the tube are of a like mag-
nitude with the entire work. The Great Britannia
Tower in the centre of the straits is 62 by 52 feet at its
base upon the rock; its total height from the bottom 230
feet; it contains 148,625 cubic feet of limestone, and
144625 of sandstone; it weighs 20,000 tons, and there
are 387 tons of caat iron built into it in the shape of
beams and girders. Its province is to sustain the four
ends of the four long iron tuba s which will span the
straits from shore to shore. The total quantity of stone
contained in the bridge is 1,500,000 cubic t. The side
towers stand at a clear distance of 460 feet from the great
central tewer, and again the abutments stand at a dis-
tance from the side towers of 230 fret, giving the entire
bridge a total length of 1,849 feet, the date of this pre-
sent year of grace. The side or land towers ale each 62
feet by 52 feet at the base, and 190 feet high. They
contain 210 tons of cast iron.
Another point of attraction durirg the morning was
the huge stages and scaffolding, probably the most ex-
tensive ever constructed. They are of the same charac-
ter as that employed at the New Houses of Parliament,
The scaffolding of the tower is very lofty, and the weight
it has to support is 1,300 tons. The framing round the
Britannia Tower rises to the vast height of nearly 250
feet. The entire) scaffolding is capable of sustaining
2,000 tons. There are in it 570,000 cubic feet of timber
and 20 tons of iron bolts. The chief centre of attraction,
however, was the interior and exterior of the novel and
gigantic tubes—the one floated on the pontoons, and the
others us they lay upon their platforms, presenting the
appearance of stupendous iron tunnels. As these were
the lions of the day, and as one of the largest was safely
floated to its final resting place, interest will attach to
its description, and a description of the one in question
will be a description of them all. The length of the
great tube transported yesterday is exactly 470 feet,
being 12 feet longer than the clear span between the
towers, and the greatest span as yet attempted. This ad-
ditional length is intended to afford a temporary bearing
of 6 feet at each end after they are raised
into their places, until there is time to form
the connexion between them across the towers. Their
greatest height is in the centre 30 feet, and
diminishing towards the end to 22 feet. Each tube cone
sista of sides, top and bottom, all formed of long narrow,
wrought-iron plates, varying in length from 12 feet
downward. The direction in which these plates are laid
and rivetted together is governed by the direction of
the strains in the different parts of the tube. They are
of the same manufacture as those for making boilers,
varying in thickness from three-eighths to three-fourths
of an inch. Some of them weigh nearly 7 cwt., and are
among the largest it is possible to roll with any existing
machinery.
and
half ln the sides h
an
inehthick;
btute thepla
longest
a ns
gerse 6 and
t
plater.
8 are
ee long,nten
bottom,: being 12 feet long by 2 feet 4 inches wide,
arranged in,double layers. At the top they are 6 feet
in length and 1 foot 9 inches in breadth. The con.
nexion between top, bottom, and sides is made much
more substantial by triangular pieces of thick plate,
rivetted in across the corners to enable the tube ,to
resist the cross or twisting strain to which it will be ex-
posed from the heavy and long-continued gales of wind
that, sweeping up the channel, will assail it in its
lofty and unprotected position. The rivets, of which
there are 2,000,000, each tube containing 327,000, are
more than an inch in diameter. They are placed in
rows, and were put in the holes read hot, and beaten
with heavy hammers. In cooling they contracted
sthtraetnigt lryeqauni rde ddarefwo rcteh eo
f pflraotme s
rivet to cause the plates to slide over eacflhoaottehder.
total weight of wrought iron in the
fotongrettohesrixsotopnoswteorfeuTalholy,he
Garforth, of Dukinfield, Manchester, and. others
ackwall. The trains will pass
yester-
day is 1,600 tons. Ir has been constructedtube
by Messrs.
by Mr. C. Mare, of BI f b
water.
through
Tthheem,noarmeersthofe sthtreattgse,
nattlenil oeon
weeht ti
boavveo high
water. The names of the gentlemen who havo been
continuously engaged on this great work since 1847 are,
Captain Moorsom, the resident director; Mr. Frank'
Forster, resident engineer; Messrs. E. and L. Clark and
Wild, assistant engineers; Messrs. Nowell, Hemming-
way, and Pearson, contractors for the masonry; Messrs.
Mare, the celebrated shipbuilders of Blackwell; and
Messrs. Gatorth, of Dukinfield, contractors for the iron
tubes; Mr. J. Greaves, general manager of the nla•
sonry ; Messrs. J. and A. Greaves, contractors for the
scaffolding and stages; Mr. J. Campbell, engineer of the
tube work; and Messrs. J. Morris and H. Hodgkinson,
managers of it, all of whom were present yesterday.
At three o'clock the spectators, by tens of thousands,
had taken their place upon the piers. The tubes and
shores on either side of the straits for a mile in length
presented a vast amphitheatre of human beings. ahe
pilots, to the extent of 200 or 300, took their stand on
the pontoons, to ply the gigantic tackle. As many more
stood ready for action at the capstans; the cables, six
inches in thickness and of league-long lengths, were
attached to the steamers that were to have the towing
of the tremendous freight. All eyes were fixed, with
mingled feelings of confidence and fear, on the gigantic
fabric, upon which Mr. Stephenson and Captain
Claxton, who formed, if it
may be so said, the
ntens anirnat indent, amid the ominous silence of the
msuernrotueundsiunedon h
surrounding thousands. Soon after the utmost excite-
springing on thethefirs
first
sadden
signal
l
flog, and a shrill strain from the trumpet of Cap-
tain Claxton, from the top of the tube, to the pilots to
te
Afirnsgtlse signal,a si thatof of
the
take the tide and pipe all hands for the exploit. This
was responded to by a loud burst of enthusiasm from the
seamen, whose immense efforts, united to those of the
steam. tugs, told upon the screws and tackles, arid upon
the hitherto motionless monster, who then glided very
slowly, and amid intervals of increasing cheers and sa-
lutation, without injury or jar, and with a majesty that
could only be compared to that of a mountain moving on
the waters, to the site of its final resting place.

We have since received, by Electric Telegraph, a dis-
patch which states, that during the operation one of the
capstans broke ^nd that the floating of the tube was put
this morning.