The Sun.
London, England, 1831-08-16 00:00:00

are at all events diicunekl in the Supreme Court.
Whether, the as,,imilation of the practice in Ireland
to that of England will lie an improvement or not,
is more than we can say ; but we have no difficulty
in saying that the English practice is exceedingly
bad, and that it ►s susceptible of many, very many
improvements.—Morning Chronicle.

Mr. Hume brings on a motion this night in the
Ilouse of Commons on which, we are sure,—a,
well as generally, on the 'great subject of church
property with, which it is connected,—too much at-
tent:on cannot be bestowed. The purpose of the
motion is to address his Majesty " that he will be
pleased not to fill up the vacant See of Derry,
until a rre re suitable arrangement shall be made by
law for the better application of the revenue of the
said See." The Irish Committee of the corporation
of London are, we understand, to address the King
upon the same subject. A more important subject
there cannot now be named, nor is there any on
which the minds of men have, within our remem-
brance, arrived at a higher degree of unanimity, to
the extent at least of insisting that some very
serious and comprehensive change shall be speedily
effected, both in the mode of paying the clergy, and
in the proportions according to which the fund
for their maintenance shall be divided. As
for Ireland and her Established Church, no man
who has the slightest acquaintanceovith that country
supposes that her church can stand five years, with-
out considerable improvement in the relations be-
tween the clergy and the body of the people, and in
those between the several ranks of clergy among
themselves. The Irish church draws too much
wealth from the community, and the Bishops and
some other favoured individuals take away too much
of that gross fund from the mass of the clerical body.
The question of tithe—its continuance and appli-
cation,—and the various proposals of substitutes for
it, cannot be entered upon just now : but with re-
gard to the distriLution of church property, we only
ask the reader to reflect for a moment—first, on the
revenue of the Irish see of Derry, the revenue of
which we do not believe to be at all over-stated at
15,000/. per annum ; and, secondly, on the fact,
that hundreds of Irish livings do not exceed from
901. to 1201. per annum, while many a curate does
the drudgery of the profession for less than 70/.
per annum. The Irish Bishops, with about one-
twelfth of the Protestant population to superintend,
have, on the average, larger incomes than the Epis-
copal bench of England. Dr. Knox, late Bishop
of Derry—a well meaning man, but below
mediocrity as to intellect—enjoyed for nearly
thirty years a revenue greater than that of Dur-
ham, and with what advantage to the cause of
religion we certainly have never found out. In
his diocese, or that of Rephoe, which is adjacent,
stands a living, which has in almost every instance
been held by incumbents, whose sole recommenda-
tion was their political influence—the rectory of
limey, worth, we have been told, above 2,000/. per
annum, and what the number of Protestant souls
to he administered, we should like to hear stated on
authentic evidence. To the tithes of Urney, as to
those of all the other overgrown patrimonies of
great families in Ireland, the chief contributors are
members of another faith. The Bishopric and the
rectory must be remodelled by the existing autho-
rities of the State, or authorities will grow up, in
spite of the State, which will remodel them with a
vengeance. Let Parliament look to this in time.
'Wishing well to Lord Grey, and to his brother-in-
law, who is a Bishop, we trust that the Prime Merl.
ster will not think of bestowing that see, nor Lord
Ponsonby aspire to enjoy it, in its existing and un-
natural magnitude ; hut that, to render the transla-
tion palatable to the country, and the possession
safe and durable, the address to his Majesty may be
carried, and not merely carried but complied with,
for a considerable reduction of that branch of the
revenue appropriated to the maintenance of the
Bishop.—Tinress
If the people of England be true to themselves.
we repeat that they will not suffer the Reform Bill
to be corrupted in its core by this clause for the di-
vision of counties. If nothing else will do, there
must be popular meetings every where ; the great
towns ought to meet, because here is a direct at-
tempt to raise a nets interest, adverse to them and
the nation,—the interest of the " country parsons,"
far more terrible than that of borough patrons,which
the Bill has destroyed. Above all, the independent
intereit throughout the several counties of England
(night to meet, god remonstrate manfully against
this scheme for its utter demolition. The gentry
of small fortunes, and the intelligent yeomanry, bid
fair to be politically so ruined by the measure, that
we cannot contain our astonishment at their seem-
ing security erol repose. For Whig or Toro, on such
a question, we care not a single farthing. Sit
F.ancis Burdett, a gentleman on many accounts most
estimable, may, however, b.s 60 selfish as to long to
have the return for one-half of I,eicestershire in
his own halide, whileM the Duke of Rutlanmost tea d norni-
owe,: for the other. r. Littleton, a pec-
tsble pewit, may regard his seat for Staffordshire
as less liable to disturbance, aod more in the nature
of a situation for life, with but half of Staffordshire
to menage, titan with that great county undivided ;
and although it is said that these two gentlemen are 1
among the most strenuous instigators of the un-
sightly clause, tee do not blame their selfishness, if
it be selfishness, oc their shallowness, if k be down-
right shallowness,—wo only lament that Lord Al-
thorp
and his colleagues should have given ear to
their solicitatione. By the way, as asserted in the
letter of a correspondent of ours, Northamptonshire
its, If appears to be so circumstanced, that if Lord
Althorp and Lord Milton bad had their attention
somewhat more vigilantly turned to the surmises
which uncharitable observers trsiglit possibly (al-
though, we acknowledge with pica:3l4re, most
falsely) form with regard to their conduct au the
question, we are of opinion that these two just and
high-principled noblemen would have paused for a
minute before they had committed themselves to a
division of a county, where it is ktiewo that the
Spencer interest dominates over one moiety, and
that the Fitzwilliam interest overwhelms the other.
We beg to be understood as in no sense countenanc-
ing the remotest insinuation against the integrity or
self-denial of either of the above noble persons.
The matter is one for their own delicacy to deal
with, and in their hands we leave it. 'rite editor of
en Eveeing Paper is lost, poor simpleton,- in wou•
der, at the course we have felt it out duty to follow
upon this nefarious clause, and sups there is a
mystery about us which, he cannot unravel."
The Lord foifend that it should be otherwise!
What sage was it who asked a silly fellow, detected
in the act of relishing one of his renuirks—" Have
I said any thing so foolish that you ran understand
it ?" Our course on the Reform question has been
clear, and requires no clue but plain sense and public
spirit to explain it. We supported the Bill—not
because it was the Bill of Ministers, but as being a
Bill for Reform. We supported, and ehell yet sup-
port, Lord Grey and his colleagues,—not as being a
Government, but a reforming Government. Where
the Ministers forget their principles, and the Bill
departs from its original object, we oppose them
hoth.—Timer.

We cannot too strongly condemn the disposition
which exists to raise • gray grievances, when,
God knows I there tiremr3eanandones more than enough
to engage our attention ;
instance
this is the more repre-
hensible when, as in the naceblve are about to
allude to, injustice is done to
fenceless individual, and that indZeuiseaelsesra female.
and de-
fenceless
than
nWe are led to this remark by having
insinu-
ations thrown out in the columns of
4
of our contemporaries, to the effect that the Queen'sun
sister, the Duchess of Saxe-Weimar, should be
looked upon as an object of suspicion here, and as a
probable source of political intrigue, because, for-
sooth, her noble husband holds a command in the
army of the King of the Netherlands' If the
Duchess's visit to this country have for its object
political intrigue, she must be one of the worst in-
triguers in existence ; for it unfortunately so happens
that the King of Holland appears to have neither

friend nor sympathizer in any one member of the Bri-1
iish Government ; while the Duke of Saxe-Weimar's
military success has apparently given satisfaction
to no one here, unless it be to his illustrious consort.
But the truth is, the Duchess's visit here has no more
to do with politics than that of the Russian Arch-
duchess, who is at present sojourning for her health
on the coat of Devonshire; and she might, with
quite as good foundation, he looked upon as an
emissary of the Emperor Nicholas to forward his
views against the Poles, as to imagine that the
Queen of England's sister cannot be a visiter to
he English Court without a sinister purpose.—
John Bull must be a marvellously strange animal
indeed if he is capable of being gulled by such far-
fetched groundless notions as these; which, in their
turn, it may not be unreasonable to suppose are
only started by their authors to draw off the public
attention from matters of more concern. He would
he moreover a heartless and inhuman animal
(which it is, not in his nature to be), if lie should
allow himself for a moment to be the instrument of
wantonly breaking in upon the social intercourse of
life, and of imbittering the few moments of affec-
,ion which the highest rank, coupled with the seve-
rances which generally accompany it, is permitted
to enjoy. If it were worth while to break a fly
upon a wheel, by seriously refuting the absurd and
unkind insinuation we allude to, it would be suffi-
cient to remind our readers, that when the Duchess
came to this country with her family two months
ago, there was not the most remote probability of
the state of affairs in Holland and Belgium assuming
the aspect which they have recently put on. But
the truth is, the whole is one of those impertinences
which in any case would be inexcusable, but which
become wholly unpardonable in its want or gal-
lantry, and in the blow which it aims at the do-
mestic enjoyment of one who has so justly endeared
herself to the British people; and who is well known
to value domestic happiness and tranquillity far above
all that rank and station can bestow.—Morn. Her.

The Anti-Reform Press seem to be in raptures
with the King of Holland and his victories.' As
the campaign has now drawn to its close, we. may
bestow a parting word upon the subject, which is
certainly a most singular one in all its bearings. And,
first, we must say that we can discover no great
cause for triumph on the part of the Dutch King,
If we connect his military exploits with the very equi-
vocal manner, to say the least of it, in which it is
now evident that he stole a march upon all the diplo-
matists. The despatch we published yesterday put
us in possession of the vindication of the Dutch
King by his own Minister, who contends that the
phrase " moyens mililaires" was a distinct and suffi-
cient notice of the termination of the armistice ; or
in other words, that it was tantamount to saying
that at such an hour, on such a day, his Dutch Ma-
Jesty would put an end to the armistice by carrying
fire and sword into the territory of Belgium. Now,
can these words,bear such an interpretation, or, if
they can, will any one contend that it ought to be
left to interpretation, to mere inference, to collect
whether blood was intended to he shed or not ?
Surely the calamities of war are important enough
to call for due announcement and plain speaking
before the butchery begins. But the language in
this instance was vague, nay, coupled with the
fact of existing negociation,- and the fact of a
newly-arrived Minister to assist in that negociation
for peace, it was unintelligible in the sense in which
it now appears that the Dutch King and his
ulster would have it understood. Not one of the
Ministers of the conference so understood it. They
supposed it to have applied to means or " measures
adopted only in the interior of Holland ;" in short,
to any thing rather • than the resumption of 'hos-
tilities. And well might they suppose so. when
the spirit of the negociation was peace, and•
when the very purpose for which' they -Were as-
sembled was to Communicat e with a newly-appointed
Minister, for the furtheratice of that object,' We
are aware that there is a class of politicians to whom,
such a proceeding will appear to be a master-piece
of diplomatic ambiguity, and who, without any bad
feeling but the love of finesse, which is bad enough,
will be delighted to see bloodshed steal, as it were,
into a parenthesis in the midst of a pacifiC docu-
ment. But this school is going out fast, as manly
knowledge advances; and it is scarcely worth while
to purchase the contempt of the whole world-for
the applause of an insignificant and expiring faction.
Our attention was drawn to this subject chiefly by,
finding that the military success of the Dutch King
was hailed with a shout of triumph by the Anti-
Reform Press; and we think it of importance that
they should take the triumph subject to its fair
abatements, and, above all, to the stolen march of
diplomacy by which its commencement was distin-
guished.—Morning Herald.
The day following the memorable" exploit" which
may be said to bare begun and terminated General
DaMe's Belgic campain, the Government of Liege
i-sued a proclamation, gravely stating that " the
army of the ileuse had not been beaten." This
announcement, to which no doubt the future histo
rian will be greatly indebted, was echoed by the
Courtier dc la ;diem:, which, with something of a-
triumphant air at the discovery, exclaimed, " No t
the army of the Meuse has not been beaten." It
appeared it .only run away, and its running in prefe-
rence to,fight;oLf was explained by showing that the
gallant army did trot gy from the field through cow-
ardice, but through /cur, inasmuch as there " was
no apparent cause" for their flight, and their " spirits
were unditnioished." We suppose we must, in this`
passage, underhand the word " spirits" in the least
spiritual sense, for the heroes cf the Meuse had cer-
tainly no time to empty their canteens. The Courtier
also informed its readers,with exceeding great naivete,
that it had l.eeo " assured by several officers and sol-
diers their retreat swap in no way caused by Me enemy,
and that they had Gallica the ni,,,sht-drum for one
hour and a half."—Gallant souls ! But Corporal
Trim would have told them it would have been
more to tl:e purpose if they bad beaten the Dutch
even for half that time. Some may think that the
distinction taken by the Belgic editor between cow-
ardice and causeless fear is a distinction without a
difference ; certain it is, however, that the Belgians,
on that o;.;crecion, were not beaten—for why ? They
did not stay to Le Lenten, 'We wonder the authors
of the proclamation, and she learti;!d editor of the
Courrier, did riot tell ue that, although the army of
the Meuse had actually run away, they had still
beaten the. :enemy. This could have been easily
proved on the pri:4;ipi,e of strategics laid down by
that renowned warrior Itudibrai, whose style of
military heroism seems to have served as a cipdel
for most of the Belgian Generals. That great au.
thority has it-,
For, when the shrift becomes a chase,
He wins the fight who yips the race;
and upon the strength of this indisputs.4'la maxim
the " army of the Meuse" may claim the palm of
victory. The celebrity, however, which they ob-
tained by this rapid mode or beating an enemy has
since been sivalle,d, if not surpassed, by the army of
the " Scheldt," and thus Kling Leopold has had his
elevation to a kingdom celebrated by better raping
than one sometimes witnesses at NeWmaritet. Now
we may ask how it happens that the Belgians have
become all at once so distinguished for the Nadi-
brastie art of winning .victories? It is not long
since the inhabitants of Brussels, chiefly the work-
ing classes, without a King and without any re-
gular leaders, drove the flower of the Dutch troops
out of their city after four days' fighting, although
the town had bean surprised, and a great portion
of the higher classes and the (rvic Guard acted in
a manner that betrayed their cowardice or trea-
chery. In every part of Belgium, too, where, subs
sequently to that event the Dutch troops and the
Belgian popultr ion came to actual conflict, the former
giumwer with e worsted,
tie
t nor could they retain any post in Be!.
exception of the strongly-fortified
citadel of Antwerp. We may, therefore, ask how
it happens that, with a King at theirheaS
who laya
claim himself to the character of a warrior, with
plenty of officers, and some who boast of hard service
in the " tented field," the Belgians should run away
atthevery sight of the Dirteb troops who had eo lately

_I I.)it

..- yf_

=1.7,1r
retreated before them ? It seetiitiitr!Tftd; difficulti
to'l
explain why an enemy so lepenoi- -chased out of
Belgium should now, by their very•looks, strike a
terror into the hearts of their Belgic: 'conquerors
which extinguishes all manhood—all sense of shaine
—all feeling of disgrace—and makes qbe4acied
cause of national independence in their hands dege-
nerate into a contemptible burlesque ! We have been
told much of the enraptured enthusiasm with which
they received their new King. Did their courage eva-
porate in that fervent homage to Royalty ? The
King, whom we were told they absolutely " adored,"
while they cried in the same breath " Death to tile
Dutch," they permitted to be within an ace of fall-
lag into the hands of these very Dutch, from
whoni he only escaped by the swiftness of his steed.
This is a rapid shifting of the political scenes from
the enthusiastic loyalty of one • week to ' the gro-
tesque panic of the next. In reminds one of a melo-
dramatic exhibition, followed by a farce. There ap-
pears but one way of solving the mystery :of the
Dutch campaign in Belgium—Me treachery of the
Belgian leaders. Sure we are that the people,
who have never before been stained with the taint
'of cowardice, have been made the victims of the
black treachery of some parties, whose treason may
yet be made as manifest as its results at present are.
S•milar treachery almost ruined the Dutch them-
selves on the invasion of their territory by the
armies of Louis XIV., when their leaders and Ma-
gistrates delivered up post after post, and town
after town, without firing a shot. Did the Prince
of. Orange know that similar preparations had been
made for his conquest of Belgium ? Time will tell.
—Morning Herald.
Among the amendments of the Reform B II to be
proposed in Committee we think that of Colonel
Davie) worthy of particular attention, as obviating
one very obnoxious feature of the measure. It is as
follows :

" That in cities and boroughs where there are not three
hundred electors within seven miles of the place where the
elections of Members have been usually holden, the oc-
cupiers of houses of a yearly value of less tha' ten
pounds, and not less than five pounds, shall he entitled to
vote at the elections of Members to serve in Parliament for
such city or borough :—That in cities or boroughs, the
population of which exceeds 30,000, the occupier of no
house of a yearly value of less than twenty pounds Shall be
entitled to vote at the election of Members to serve in Par-
liament for such city or borough."

Nothing can be more reasonable than the first part
of this proposition, whether on the score of conve-
nience or justice. The five-pound householder in
a small borough is a person much the superior in re-
spectability and station to the tenor twenty pound
householder -of 'London. The objection to the pro-
vision of the Bill as it at present stands is, that in
being applied without variation to large and'small
towns it deals very unfairly between them ; for,
while in the metropolis and its -suburbs it will have
tie effect of bringing up whole mobs of the lowest
rabble to the poll, in many parts-of' the country it
will so confine the franchise that it will be exceed-
ingly difficult, if not impracticable, to find the re-
quired number of voters. It is supposed for in-
stance, and we believe the fact to be so, that the
county of Wilts does not contain within -its boun-
daries a silffic'ent number of.. JO/. householders
to supply 300 to each of the boroughs to be re-
presented. In nearly every'case the voters must be
drawn from a very inconvenient distance; arid it is
from this circumstance combined with the fact that
the five-pound renter in a small borough is- to the
full as respeCtable a person as he who pays 201. in
London, that we think the first proposition of Co-
lonel Davies a decided improvement in the Bill.
But the second, viz., that in places where the popu-
lation exceeds 30,000 the franchise shall not descend
lower than to the occupiers 'of 201; houses, is a yet
more valuable amendment. Unless it is desired that
two O'Connells, two Hunts, nr two Caddeg should
be presented to-the House of Commons from every
large town in the kingdom, this amendment will
be adopted; for in all these cases the election will
be exclusively in the hands of the ten-pounders, or,
in other words, of a set of men for the most part
little if at all above the condition of paupers, arid
of the worst description of anarchiats,infidels, and
levellers.—Morning Post.

THE ANTI-REFORMERS AND THEIR
VEXATIOUS OPPOSITION TO THE BILL.

(From the Bristol Liberal.)
The vexatious opposition of the Anti-Re-
formers to the passing of the Bill, arises merely
from a desire to annoy Ministers. Colonel
Evans observed, on Wednesday evening, that
" the . Birmingham, Manchester, Glasgow, and
other Political Unions, were holding conferences
for the purpose of deciding what should appear to
them to be the best course to be adopted, should
those who were opposed to the Bill continue
their opposition, for the purpose of delay." The
gallant Colonel alluded, with pointed and just
sarcasm, to the atrocious Six Acts. Any mea-
sure calculated to abridge the liberties of the
people nas hurried through the House with in-
decent haste; while, on the other hand, any mea-
sure of a popular character was retarded in its
progress to law, by impertinent witticisms, and
frivolous anecdote, by the self-eulogies of Sir
Robert Peel, the sneers of Croker, " one half of
whose political life strangles the other," and the
irrelevant buffoonery of that prosing Fabius, Sir
Charles Wetherell. Divorce Bills, Pension or
Dundas Bills, Corn Laws, and all other Aristo-
cratic measures, were passed without the shadow
of opposition—and yet, a great public measure,
a measure designed for the benefit of the people,
though viewed in all its bearings, discussed and
re-discussed usque ad nauseam, is unnecessarily
delayed, in compliment to those who are alike
the enemies of Ministers and of Englishmen.
Earl Grey and Lord John Russell, (we must
be honest) want a little ofthe energy and decision
of character that belong to Wellington. The
Sun adverts with justice to the passing of the
Catholic Bill, and remarks

" lithe Duke of Wellington, by a mere shoW of energy,
could carry the Catholic question against the sense of the
ceuntry, or at least with no very overwhelming ihclaratien
in its favour, we do not see why the present Ministers,
now that the people are unanimously with them, should
not carry the Reform Bill with equal, or even superior,
energy."
_ _

The people and Ministers are in striking con-
trast—the former, on the recent occasion of the
elections, acted with a promptitude and energy
in the outset that forbade opposition ; and in
most places, where the franchise was unre-
zi4icte4, scared their enemies from the contest—
look at Bristol, the favoured seat of Toryism.—
The Ministers have not followed up the glo-
rious example, but, on the contrary, procras-
tinate the accomplishment of their own measure
by replying to irrelevant declamation and to
sophisms, fully exposed on the first few nights of,
debate. Earl Grey and his colleagues should
remember that the heart sickens at " hope de-
ferred," and that accordingly the Bill must lose
in popularity by unreasonable delay. If vexa-
tious opposition continue, the Reformers of
Bristol should again be in the field, and prove
by the unequivocal expression of their senti-
ments, that their wish for Reform does not arise
from temporary excitement, but from a deep
settled conviction that the measure in question
is the only means through which England can
recover her energies, or preserve her rank among
the great nations of Europe. The people are
even now in a state of political servitude, taxed
and tithed, and withal abused. Will they be
base enough to hug their clia;ns, and silently
acquiesce in the wish of their oppressors ? No,
never!

trfi!o fin t..,t

10 HACKNEY- COACT! BILL.

tAY)S OF A BILL
TO-CONSOVDATE AND AMEND THE LA WS RELAT-
ING TOIiACKNEY-COACHES, AND THE REGISTER-
ING AND NUMBERING OF WAGGONS, CARTS,
AND DRAYS, USED ,IN THE METROPOLIS; AND
ALSO TO PLACE THE COLLECTION OF THE DUTY
ON SUCH HACKNEY-COACHES UNDER THE MA-
NAGEMENT OF THE COMMISSIONERS OF STAMPS,
ANI) TO TRANSFER THE COLLECTION AND MA.
NAGEMENT OF THE DUTIES ON HAWKERS AND
PEDLARS IN ENGLAND FROM THE COMM ISSIONERS
OF HACKNEY-COACHES TO THE COMMISSIONERS
OF STAMPS.

Certain Acts declared in force until the sth day of
January; 1832, and after that time repealed. Acts passed
in the Parliament of Great Britain, from the 9th of Queen
Anne to the 57th George 111., quoted, for licensing and
regulating hackney-coaches, and to be repealed after the
sth January, 1932.
Former licences to cease, and the plates relating thereto
to be delivered up to the Commissioners of Stamps, and,
jo default thereof, a penalty to be inflicted of 40s. for every
plate on the persons neglecting to deliver up the same.
Grant of stamp duties specified in the schedule annexed.
Definition of a hackney-coach :—Every carriage, with
two or more wheels, which shall stand or ply in any road,
&c. within five miles of the General Post-office.

Hackney-coaches not to be kept without licences from
the Commissioners of Scamps, nor without plates, not
without having certain particulars painted thereon.
Licences to be granted by the Commissioners of Stamps
or their authorised Officers.

oininissioners in granting licences to give preference to
the former holders of hackney-coach licences. Not to grant
less than three licences to one applicant, until the expiration
of three years after the commencement of the Act. Pro-
viso, in case the number of licences granted and in force be
less than 1,200.
Persons possessed of licences at the commencement of
this Act, to be entitled to new licences without payment
of the duty thereon.
Persons applying for hackney-coach licences to sign a re-
quisition for the same.
What shall be r, pecifi efi in licences.

Notice to be given to the Commissioners of Stamps by
proprietors of hackney-coaches, of any change of their
places of abode. Penalty for neglect to give notice, 40a.
Names and places of abode of the proprietors of hack-
ney-coaches, and the numbers of the plates granted to them,
to be registered at the Guildhall of the city of London.--
Penalty for refusal or neglect, 40s.

Duties,.in what manner and to whom to be paid.
Mode of discontinuing licences.
Plates to be delivered up on the di4continuance or re-
vocation of such licences.

Carriages, horses, harness, &c., liable to duties and
penalties.
Duties recoverable by distress.
In what manner plates are to be placed npon hackney-
coaches. Penalty for concealing plates, or opposing or en-
deavouring to prevent persons inspecting and taking the
❑umber thereof.

Commissioners may change plates. Where plates have
been wilfully obliterated, a new licence shall be required.
Penalty for keeping, using, &c., a hackney-coach without
licence, 101. Or without plates. Or for not delivering
up recalled plates.

Penalty (nt drivers of carriages plying for hire as hack-
ney-coaches without plates, 10/., and if not paid the
offender to be committed for three calendar months.

Carriages having thereon plates provided under this Act
to be deemed hackney-coaches.
Forgery, &c. of hackney-coach plates, a mi,demeanour,
to be punished by fine or imprisonment.
Names of Keprietors to be painted on hackney-coaches
in legible characters of black and white. Penalty for
default, lit
Drivers of hackney-coaches to be licensed.
Penalty on proprietors and drivers, if the latter be em-
ployed without licence, &c.

Proprietors of hackney-coaches to be summoned to pro-
duce the drivers. Penalty en the proprietor for neglect
or refusal, 40s. On neglect to appear and prodnce the
driver, the proprietor may be convicted.
Penalties to be" paid by the proprietors of hackney-
coaches unless the drivers be produced.
Justices to determine dispwes between hackney-coach
proprietors and their drivers.
Watermen to he licensed.

Penalty on acting as a waterman without a licence, 40,.
Penalty on the publican employing an unlicensed water.
man, 40s.
Numbered badges to be worn by drivera and watermen.
Penalty, 40..
Particulars of licences to he entered in books to be kept
at the Stamp office, and such entries to be evidence.
Procuring any licence in a fictitious name a misde-
meanour, fine, or imprisonment.
What distance hackney-coachmen shall be compellable
to drive.

Hackney-coaches standing in any street to be deemed to
be plying for hire, and the driver thereof refusing to go
with any person liable to a penalty of 404.
Compensation to be made to hackney-coachmen im-
properly summotlid for refusing to drive when under a
previous hiring.--- -
Eackney-coachtnen'inay ply for hire and shall be com-
pellable to drive on Sundays.
Rates and fares to be taken by hackney-coachmen.
Back fare payable by night. By day.
Limits of the metropolis defined for the purposes of
this Act.

Persons refusing to pay the driver his fare, or for da-
mages, may be committted to prison.
Penalty on hackney-coachmen refusing to go for or ex-
acting snore than the legal fare, 40s.
No agreement with the driver of any hackney-coach to
pay more than the legal fare to be binding. Sum paid
beyond the proper fire may be recovered back, and the
driver punished.
Driver not to charge more than the sum agreed for, al-
though the distance be exceeded, 40s.
Penalty for demanding more than the sum agreed for,
though less than the legal fare, 40s.
Number of persons to be carried in a hackney-coach to
be painted thereon. Penalty for neglect to paint, or for
refusal of the driver to carry the number so painted, 40s.

Deposit to be made on coaches waiting. Penalty (au the
driver refusing to wait or to account for the deposit, 40s.
Proprietors of hackney-coaches to provide check-strings;
drivers to hold the same in their hands; penalty 20s.
Property left in hackney-coaches to he deposited at the
Stamp-office.
Penalty for permitting persons to ride on any hackney-
coach without consent of the hirer, 20s.

Penalty for stauJing with a hackney-coach across any
street, or with two coaches in a breadth, ur within right
feet of the houses. Feeding hackney-coach horses in the
street. Refusing to give way. Obstructing any other
driver, or depriving him of his fare, 20s. penalty.

hackney-coaches may stand two in a breadth in certain
places.
Punishment of hackney-coachmen leaving their coaches
unattended at places of public resort.
Punishment of hackney-coachmen or watermen misbe-
having. Licence may be revoked after conviction.
Commisrtioners to give notice of the revocation of licences.

The owners of waggons, carts, &c. driven within five
miles of Temple-bar, to enter their names and places of
abode at the Stamp-office ; and to paint the same and
number thereof upon such waggons, carts, &c.
Register books to he cipen.for inspection.
Penalty for driving any waggon, &c. within five miles
of Temple-bar, without having the name, &c. of the
owner, and the autnber of the registry painted thereon.
Such waggon, &c. may be seized and detained until such
penalty be paid. And on non•payment of such penalty
on conviction, such waggon, &c., may be sold to raise
the same.

Duties and penalties how recoverable.
Where and before whom offeuces shall be heard and de-
termined.

Mode of proceeding for penalties before a Justice of the
Pe ice.

Convictions and warrants to be drawn up according to
the forms in the schedule (I)).
Justices may issue warrants or summonses to compel the
appearance of hackney-coachmen and watermen to answer
complaints.

Penalty on witnesses neglecting to attend, or refusing
to give evidence, 51.

Service of Justice's summons.
Penalty on constable refusing to serve a summons or
execute a warrant.

Justices may mitigate penalties.
Distribution of penalties.
Informants or complainants not disqualified from being
witnesses.

Limitations of actions in proceedings against person•
acting under this Act. Venue. Notice of Action. Ge-
neral issue. Tender of amends.

Construction of the terms used in this Act.
Duties granted by 50 Geo. 3, c. 41, on hawkers and
palms, to be paid to Commissioners of Stamps, and to
be deemed Stamp Duties.

Powers, &c., of Act 60 Geo. 3, c. 51, and of any other
Act or Acts relating to duties on hawkers and pedlars, to
be of as full force and effect as if repeated and enacted in
this Act. Commencement of the Act.
Ast may be altered this Session,

DONEGAL ASSIZES, Aug. 5.

MURDER OF MR. AND MRS. L YTLE.

Patrick Stewart was charged with the wilful
murder of John and Martha Lytle, near Doregal, on
sth September, 1830. Prisoner is a stout young man,
with very heavy eyebrows, and appears about 20
years of age. He seemed quite unconcerned. The
Court was thronged to excess.

William Wray—Proved his having lived a servant
with Mr, Lytle, the deceased; the oid man's hair
was grey; there were only the three in the house,
his master, mistress, and himself; before he went
to bed observed two men coming up towards the
house; they stood at about ten yards from the
door; went in and told his mistress there were two
men about the house; his master was then in
bed ; there was a room at each end of the
kitchen; witness slept in one, his master and
mistress in the other; went to bed, arid was
awoke by a noise as if breaking the door ; heard
afterwards the noise of persons in the house ; heard
them going to his master's room, and one of them
ask where was his master's money ; knew the
Stewarts before, and thinks it was James, the
younger, who asked for the money ; understood his
master to say he had no money ; his master then
called out, " William, rise, we will ull be murdered ;"
was afraid, arid did not rise ; after his master called
out, one of them came into witness's room ; iden-
tifies Patrick Stewart, the prisoner as the person ;
he came forward and inquired of witness where his
master kept his money ; nude no answer; prisoner
then struck witness on the skull with an iron weapon ;
before he did so prisoner said it would be better for
him to tell than be murdered ; after they left the room
they asked his master to give out his money ; he said
he would if they would save his life ; witness then
heard blows given as if with a hatchet; heard his
mastergroan; heard his mistress crying; after the
blows of the hatchet were given, they came back to
witness's room; his master, before the blows of the
hatchet, said, " Jemmy Stewart, aie you going to
murder me after being with me to-day ?" James
and Alexander Stewart, who have been tried, were
the persons who came into witness's room the second
time ; they struck witness as if with an iron bar;
they then beat witness until he was insensible; can't
say how he (witness) was preserved ; heard them
disputing about money in the kitchen before they
went away; was not then able to rise; is perfectly
sure that the prisoner was one of those in the house;
when he recovered from being insensible perceived
that the house was on fire; all was burned but his
room, and lumps of fire were falling from the roof of
it before witness was taken out; knew Francis
Elliott that night, when he came to the house, by
his voice; had lived in the same townland with the
Stewarts, and knew them perfectly.
John Lytle—Was called upon the morning after
the murder. Ran out, and towards his father's
house. The room in which his father slept, and
kitchen, were then burned ; the roof had fallen in.
The other room had not then been burned, broke
open the window of that room, and saw 'William
Wray lying in his bed, and the room blitzing. Saw
his father lying on the floor of the other room. No
person could venture into the house from the fire.—
When the fire had subsided he went in. His father's
flesh had been hurried off the bones, and he was dead.
Saw his mother's body also; she was also burned.
The persons who assembled got a ladder and took
off the thatch from where William Wray lay, and
Francis Elliott went in and lifted him out. He was
shockingly cut, and all bleeding.
Other witnesses were called, and the Jury re-
turned a verdict of Guilty.
On the Clerk of the Crown inquiring what he
had to say for himself, why sentence of death and
execution should not be passed upon him, the un-
fortunate man came forward and exclaimed, " Thank
God, when I die I will die as innocent as the child
unborn."
The JUDGE then put on the black cap, and said,.
the melancholy duty remained for him to pronounce-
the sentence of the law—" That you, Patrick Stew-
art, be now taken from the place where you stand
to that from which you came, and from thence, on
Monday next, to the common place of execution,
and there be hanged by the neck until you are dead
—that your body be then given to he dissected and
anatomised, and may God have mercy upon your
soul!"

Prisoner—" It can't be helped, thank God I'll die
innocent." He was immediately conveyed to his cell.

THE DEBATES.

Then he would talk—ye god; how he would talk!"
LEE' a ALEX♦NDRR.

If Alexander talked as often as the nominee
Members on the Reform Bill, well might Statira
invoke the gods in commemorating his conver-
sation. Sir Robert Peel and the rest of " the
crew," as the Standard calls them, have ex-
pressed a strong desire that the Bill should be
" fully argued ;" and the following summary will
surely satisfy the most sceptical that their wishes
have been accomplished. We have not entered
into any calculation of what was said previous
to the motion for going into Committee on Tues-
day the 12th instant. Since that day, up to the
conclusion of last night's debate, no fewer than
180 Members have spoken on the Bill. Of these
one-half were Anti-Reformers ; and of that
number 66 were close borough Members. Out
of the whole number of speakers, which, from
the nature of the debate, has been very great, 85
have not spoken above once, 80 not above six
times. These may be called the very moderate.
Of those who have not exceeded 10 or 15
speeches, and who may be called the moderate,
there are 15. Of the moderate, only three are
Reformers. Taking out from the remainder,
whom we may designate the frequent speakers,
Lord Althorp, who, as leader of the House, and
Lord John Russell, who, as introducer of the
Bill, are necessarily obliged to answer every ques-
tion, frivolous or important, there remain but two
Reformers, namely O'Connell and Stanley ; these
have spoken, the former 21 times, the latter 21
times. The others—all of them Anti-Reformers
stand as follow :—Sugden, 18 times ; Hunt,
20 times; Praed, 22 times ; Pelham, 28
times ; Peel, 48 times ; Croker, 57 times ;
Wetherell, 58 times ! Now we would just
put it to any man of common sense, in the
House or out of it, whether such an infinity of
gabble from half a dozen of men be meant
and intended for the conviction of the
doubting, or the instruction of the ignorant, or
the persuasion of the perverse ; or for any pur-
pose except the waste of the time and the pa-
tience of the people of England. Sir Robert
Peel raised a debate on clause first, by a motion
to leave out a word. On every word of clause
first, he afterwards assisted in raising a debate.
The same gentleman raised a debate on clause
second, by proposing to change a word ; and on
every word of the same clause he has assisted
to raise a debate. Clauses first and second are,
if any clauses can be so denominated, of the
very essence of the Bill. Its principle, had his
motion on either been carried, would have been
eow' does
whole annihilated. Yet its principle had already
been debated and carried by no less a majority
than 103b6e,r
Peel,th secondo r es raenayd nAgiem.
bNr of the
House of Commons, imagine that the people of
England will patiently allow them to go on de-
bating every clause of the Bill as they have done
these ? Do they imagine that the people of
England will patiently allow them to dispute the
principle of the Reform Bill on every clause,
and the details, not clause by clause, but word
by word?—that they will allow the only Bill for
their universal benefit introduced into Parliament