The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-02 00:00:00

Who said, "With how little wisdom a nation may be governed."
74 observations for the last few years have led me to
the conclusion, not exactly similar, but analogous to that
remark; and if ever I should be blessed with offspring, in-
stead of using the words of the Swedish statesman, I would
rather address my son in this way--,, My son, see with how
much ignorance you can agitate a nation."—( Great cheering
and laughter.) Yes! but the Queen's Ministers are truckling
to these men.—(lmmense cheering from the Protectionists.)
That is the position of affairs.—(Renewed cheers from the
to
Same quarter.) Her Majesty's Ministers have yielded
Public opinion. Public opinion on the Continent has turned
out to be the voice of secret societies, and public opinion in
England is the voice and clamour of organized clubs.—
(Cheers from the Protectionists.) Her Majesty.dsoes Ministerswhois
have yielded to public opinion as a tradesman
betrayed in an act of overcharge—he yields to public opinion
ashen ashen he takes a less sum. So the financial 'affairs
country are to be arranged, not upon principerasnosfehtihgehrepios an
policy .
or from any imperial considerations, but h
unholy pressure from a minority which
theyd emkanndoswitt,haantdtwh3heo,
have a confidence of success because
bays already beaten two Prime Ministers.—(Cheers.)
Opinion ; eerhsn.)t
Opinion is stronger than truth, according t
I am inclined to prefer truth, and particularly when dealing
with with her Majesty's Administration, and therefore
native an amendment.—(Loudandwecoanretineauleidedchnepeornintgo vote
.) I
honestly believe that the Address
does lot give a candid and ingenuous
unotuonunspry. I h
opinion tetehvee
drawn Throne
as to the present condition of the
up an amendment, couched in no partisanan inflammatoryor
spirit, but which Ido believe does give honest and fa
eos affairs o
ft o
his h e
proposed Throne.
re_presentation of the present aspect
the
words
(The Hon. Member here read rd
amendment, to the effect that
to
eheHr omusaejersetygretthsatthanteiittheirs
compelled humbly to represent
her Majesty's relations with foreign powers,mosatnif normanufactures
tn
inrtehs
addressinge
osr m
state of
the revenue, nor the condition of theeo
justify
com-
merce of the country, are such tas y
her Majesty in the language of congratulation; and that a
large portion of the agricultural and colonial interests of the
empire are labouring under a state of. progressive depression,
calculated to excite serious apprehension and anxiety.)
That is the amendment which I beg to propose. I have no-
ticed the crude and hostile speculations that are afloat,
especially respecting financial reform, not only because I
consider them to be very dangerous to the country, not only
because, according to rumour, they have converted the Go-
vernment, but because avowedly on the part of their pro-
mulgators, they are only tending to ultimate efforts
(Loud cheers.) This I must say of the new revolu-
tionary movement, that its proceedings are characterized by
frank audacity. They have already menaced the Church,
and they have scarcely spared the Throne.—(Renewed
cheers.) They have denounced the constitutional estates of
the realm as antiquated and cumbrous machinery, not
adapted to the present day. No doubt, for the expedition of
business, the Financial Reform Association presents greater
facilities than the House of Commons. It is true that it may
be long before there are any of those collisions of argument
and intellect among them which we have here; they have
no discussions and no doubts; but still I see no part ;of the
go-a-head system which is likely to sapersede the sagacity
and matured wisdom of English institutions ; and so long
as the English Legislature is the chosen temple of
free discussion, I have no fear, whatever party may
be in power, that the people of England will be in
favour of the new societies.--(Hear, hear.) I am pers
fectly aware of the difficulties which we have to encounter
in this struggle. If I were to listen to the traditionary
petty, and prudential reasons which regulate Parliamentary
proceedings in ordinary times, I should probably be led to
believe that in moving an amendment to the address I was
acting an unwise part. But I believe the amendment to be
justified by facts—(Cheers)—and it is to the country I ad-
dress myself in doing, in this instance, what I conceive to be
my duty. I know very well the difficulties which we have
to encounter—the dangers which illumine the distance. The
}lon. Gentleman who is the chief originator of this move-
ment made a true observation when he frankly and freely
said that the best chance for the new revolution lay in the
dislocation of parties in this House.— (Hear, hear.) I told
You that when I ventured to address some observations to
the House almost in the last hour of the last session, I saw
the difficulty which such a state of things would inevitably
produce. But let us not despair; we have a duty to per-
form, and, notwithstanding all that has occurred, we have
Still the inspiration of a great cause. We stand here to
uphold not only the throne, but the empire; to vindicate the
industrial privileges of the working classes; to reconstruct
the colonial system; to uphold the Church, no longer assailed
y appropriation clauses,,but by vizored foes, and to main-
tain the majesty of Parliament against the Jacobin man-
canvres of Lancashire.—(Continued applause.) This is a
stake not lightly to be lost. At any rate, I would sooner
111 y tongue were palsied before I counselled' the people of
-r-zlgland to lower their tone.—(Renewed cheers.) Yes, I
would sooner gat this House for ever than I would say to
he people of England that they overrated their position. I
leave, that delicate intimation to the fervent patriotism of
t tee
irgentlemen of the new school. For my part, I denounce
he
Politics, and I deny their predictions; but I do so be-
cause I have faith in the people of England ; in their genius
and in their industry.—(The Hon. Gentleman resumed his
seat amidst vehement applause from the Opposition benches.)
The amendment having been read by the SPEAKER.
Mr. H. GRATTAN rose and said, that he had an amend-
ment to propose which, as it related to a paragraph preceding
that upon which the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) had
just moved an amendment, would require to be put first. The
amendment he intended to propose referred to the paragraph
relating to Ireland which ph* regarded as an insult to the
people of that country. The insurrection in Ireland—which
Was alluded to so gravely in her Majesty's Speech—was a
mere
mock insurrection. There was not a single particle. of
evidence against the persons who had been apprehended
under the Act suspending the Habeas Corpus; and he ob-
jected to the proposed continuance of that suspension. With
respect to that passage in the Speech relating to the Irish
poor-law, it could not be acceded to by any Irish Member
who wished well to his country. There was no use in ap-
pointing a Committee to inquire into the law—it ought
to be repealed entirely. The Irish proprietors were super-
seded, in the management of their own affairs. We admitted
that they had a well-intentioned Lord-Lieutenant, but he
contended that the lives and property of the people ought
nottiia to oa
be placed at the mercy of a Lord-Lieutenant, how-
;:e!• well-intentioned. Why had they covered Ire-
"nu with an army of spies and detectives, so
gentleman could not ascend an old tower
without being watched with suspicion ? Where
Was there any proof of this pretended Irish rebellion ? Where
Was the list of the killed and wounded ? He had seen no in-
surrection, rrection. He had heard no shot fired. He would
h
frank and candid with them, and at once tell theGovern-
mente that this rebellion had been " got up" to put down the
repeal question. The clergy of Ireland had been often ca-
lumniated as disaffected and seditious, but when O'Brien fled
to the country in order to escape arrest the clergy made the
people retire to their homes. With respect to that gentle-
man, he could not prevent the people following him, but he
wished to know why he was prosecuted, when Mr. O'Connell
was allowed to assemble 506,000 men on the hill of Tara?
It was not till lately they had heard of pensioning the Roman
Catholic clergy, Why did they seek to do so? It could
not be to make them loyal, for they were loyal at Ballingary.
No, they wanted to bind the clergy fast—they wanted to at-
tach them to the Government of the day, and to give them,
/let salary for their religious, but pay for their political dut
ies.
Catholicloenyh ad bullied the Protestant, they had beggared the
, and now they were going to buy the priest. The
th . Gentleman concluded by moving, as an amendment to
e Address, that after the words, " many parts of Europe,"
the words, " the disturbance in Ireland has not been renewed,
but a feeling of discontent, augmented by the distress of the
people,
Speedily as
exists, which it shall be our duty to watch, and
as possible to remedy.",
•51r. J. O'CONNELL seconded the amendment. He must
17erve, however, that he entirely approved of the doctrine
tairl down by the Government with respect to Sicily, in
vh°;;ving that she had a fair claim to a native Legislature,
b 'lst, at the same time, else was bound to a superior power
trultshe golden link of the Crown. They should have adopted
a prZea principle with respect to Ireland, instead of making
Powerelt of the last insurrection to renew an arbitrary
in Irel whieh was meant to suppress a constitutional agitation
fer asil.d.for the same privileges as they had sought to con-
done (3,''l3'. He acknowledged that Lord Clarendon had
of the good act, in refusing to arm the Orangemen
but i north against the Roman Catholics of the south,
for 1.1 every other respect his Lordship had been an un-
laudunate selection for the Government of Ire-
itio.-; __Admitting all they said of him to be true, it was
b 4,", tMeonstitutional to ask the House to deprive a large
u. 0!..
at her Majesty's subjects of their rights because
The
Warne alluded to a redaction of their military forces. He
tewa d the House that if they pursued their_present policy
!.erds Ireland a reduction of the estimates must be impos-
_")_l , and that they must still continue to keep an army of
',l°•tpeation in that unfortunate country. To any continuance
th'e
()suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act he would offer
hot
m et determined and unabated opposition, and he cared
waiwaasti etaoehoteinttiger he was accused of being factious or not when he
athhbe: thein d
u ef
defence of his country. That Act was the most
v__ec. act of tyranny ever inflicted on a people. The
athactor
Tithteeye
woneoltdhemPeoeotrm-loaswts.r What
first,with
asend end their labours with the last weepkoobfabthl y e
session, and the result would be a blue book to
be added to
thedthe
on condition
°r
•wr lawto hr than'w o uhundreds of similar documents
exbt reera etsot
if a poor-law viehr
would
of Ireland. The effect of ;that
Bible, while the absentee ought did his duty ondoctrines pr pagaot
of Louis
a Blanc,communism
But,
ra
estate,main tabled, the resident proprietor, who
frdeehis,ridthnel
there
receive beto ebpeadreodubelsymtauxchedas. pßoes-.
England in Ireland was was another source from which the poor of
Wreal Church of
slefiakTenhefrormevetnhuee
Catholic
fatthhoelicchurch.
The Catholics •
did not wish to see that revenue restored, but
the revenues of the • time had
devoted to the Church at the earliest been
purpose th. suPPert and relief of the poor, and to that
exist* might again be applied after the termination of
ing interests. Something like this would finally have
i_.°
extreme
adopted, though it might now be designated as an
exetneme and wild scheme. Another measure the Govern-
ment would be Obliged to pass, and that was a measure for
buoisnal, the only real stimulant for the exercise of
.`"L'ustrY---.8 • in the possession
ecurity to a man of the fruit •
landlord and
s of his own industry. The relations between
they
tenant ought to be properly settled, and
02"Ka they had shown by the introduction of measures
u the subject, that
He yet tatc had neglected to regulate those relations.
measures of relief for Ireland. 'Since the union that country
been gradually sinkin t •
there g—ye justice were only done,
would be peace in Ireland T tablish-
ments might be reduced. , and the mi itary es
Address for his kind e He thanked the seconder of the
upon him and other English expressions towards Ireland, and called
to suffer the degradatio gentlemen not to allow Ireland
of measures of coercion. and insult involved in the adoption
Mr. W. FAGAN said, that t g Irish representatives who wouldhpaa-h he was one of those
struggle through their difficult'refer to see his countrymen
resources rather than that they Shouldes suPported mendtheir own
to Parliament, still he knew thatcome likeicants
in Ireland:was such that the property stateo. of several district s
in-
capable of supporting the poor at the the district was that 20s. in the pound on the g.'esent moment, and
be sufficient for the purpose. witicl.Perty would not
Irish Poor-law, he differed from the respect
t° the
for Limerick, for he thought that inquiry sm., Member
into that system; and it would be inconsistent requiredon
part of those Irish Members who called for that inquiry ltheas
year, to come down in the present and declare that
they didnot want it. He was for continuing the system of poor-laws,
but he was also in favour of making it more effective for the
protection of the poor and the prevention of destitution. They
had been always told that agitation was the bane of Ireland,
and that the moment agitation ceased the British Parliament
would consider the social evils of Ireland with a view to their
amelioration. Well, he asserted that agitation in Ireland was
at present dead, and the Government, instead of applying for
fresh measures of coercion, ought to have proposed measures
of amelioration. He admitted that Lord Clarendon had used
• the powers committed to him with great moderation, but he
(Mr. Fagan) was not inclined to give his confidence to Lord
Clarendon.. as long as that nobleman persisted in upholding
the jury system in Ireland, which was a jury-packing system.
Lord J. RUSSELL—The lion. Gentleman the Member
for B
uckiugbanuliiro (Air. Disraeli), vflio apolie first in