The Sun.
London, England, 1838-02-05 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, FEBRUARY 5, 1838.

designation of sturdy beggars were seen going about from
house t 3 house begging for money, or, as sometimes happened,
for what is called broken victuals, these gentry would soon
!set themselves placed in the hands of that Angusst personage
known by the name of the parish beadle; who, taking them to
the whipping-post, would apply a pretty smatt portion of the
eisdem of our ancestors to their Backe,—.( Laughter.) Now,
in the various election contests hi which he had been engaged
e had often seen Tory 'squires, aye, and Tory parsons also—
Hear, hear)—gOing, about from house to house, not
exactly begging for money or
with all th7j,rmiot andto get votes, and net very c1.117
puke,- 401"..-e victuals, but begging
as to whether they obtained them with or islitr:u,
:woken promises. Now it had often struck him that a rich man
begging for a broken promise, was much more hurtful to
society than a poor one begging for broken victuals--( Hear, I
hear)—and therefore be was not sure but a little of that wis-
dom of our ancestors to which he had alluded, properly and
proaiptly applied to these aristocratical beggars, might be quite
as efficacious as the Ballot.--(Great cheers and much laugh-
ter.) In conclusion Mr. M. observed, that we might bOa4t of
our great Charter, of our Bill of Rights, of our Ret•.:irm Bill—
but all these vouchers and securities for our ':"lghts and libertiee
would be found unavailing if we sucr:ered the elective Asiktittliise
to be poisoned and polluted at
only real and solid security for
source.—(lloa4 tear.) The
curity for our lilserty would best be found
is e"suring. 'maintaining, and eeeetrming the indeereelenVe of
the gyp .c body
of the electors.—( Much cheeritig, atiq applause. )
34_;. M. then moved the following vesoletion':—
" That owing to this mode of open voting the undue in-
fluenees of wealth and pewee are employed to corrupt and
coerce the poor, and aloe the dependent voter, and that such a
practice is as uncotestitutional and dangerous to the freedom
of the country as it is contrary to law; and that as, from the
manner in which bribery and coercion are used, it is almost
impossible to indict, with success, the offending parties, the only
effectual check that can be put upon such a baneful practice is,
to give every voter, in the exercise of the elective franchise:
the protection of the Vote by Ballot."
Mr. Wieetam LAN STAFF. —ln seconding the resolution pro-
posed by Mr. Marsh, it may he almost unnecessary to trespass
upon your time, after the able remarks you have heard from
him. He (Mr. L.) never considered the present a party
question. We were all interested it the mode of exercising the
franchise—he would call to th
recollection of the meeting the
disgraceful scenes enact,,:, at Norwich, Hull, Liverte:o',, and
man l y ether places vr.atehrendered it impertalTe that the Legis-
'tatttna %11OU'id Iran some law to prevent the repetitions of such
demoralizing conduct. The poor voter by the present mode
was subject to every species of coercion and intimidation, not
only here, but in almost every borough throughout the king-
dom—the aristocracy of the country unite their efforts to crush
all independent and conscientious voters. My political senti-
ments are too well known to you all for you to suppose that I
ask for the Ballot on my own account. I could not individually
derive any pecuniary advantage from it. The Tories arc suffi-
ciently acquainted with my character. I am very seldom
visited by them, but I was greatly amused a short time since,
when a carriage stopped at my door. I very politely stepped
out, but immediately I paid my respects to the occupants; who
were ladies, one of them told the coachman to drive off, and I
heard her say, " that is the Radical;" in fact the Aristocracy
and the clergy set their faces against all who net 511161114 to
be their slaves, and we may es well exer'..-ct to tee a swallow
at this unseasonable tine as a Tory oe a ilergymanin my
indeed a regular coe-ebination exists to compel akl whom they
can intimidate t r violate their conseiteree's and their duty to
their county:Jr, when teederiet- area votes at elections.
Mr. .‘,9IORTIMORE, ritipostng the third resolution, remarked
thP.the considered that the Vote by Ballot could not be ob-
jected to lee ally honest man; even Mr. Thomas Langstaff
could then vote as he pleased, but he thought the arguments
that he bad used against the measure perfectly futile, and that
the part he now took in politics rather claimed his (Mr. M.'s)
pity than censure.

. -
ROBERT DOWLING, Esq., briefly seconded the third reso-
lution, which was as follows :

" That a petition to Parliament, embodying the sentiments of
this meeting, as expressed in the foregoing resolutions, and
praying for the establishment of the Vote by Ballot, be forth-
with signed and forwarded to Ralph Etwall, Esq., M. P. for
this borough, for presentation."

The petition was then read and unanimously adopted.
After a vote of thanks to the Mayor, the meeting separated.

SPIRIT of the WEEKLY JOURNALS.

(From the Examiner.)
The Times certainly take infinite pains with the Queen.
It began early; it began by instructing the Duches of Kent
in the proper method of educating her daughter, and the
counsel not having been heeded, it next advised the Princess
to turn off her mother; but strongly as the grace and pro-
priety of that step were inculcated by the lords paramount of
Puddledock, this lesson also was neglected.
Thus, first, the Queen's education was not to The Times
editor's mind next, the Queen's mother was not to The
Times editor's mind; and now the Queen's dinners are not to
The Times editor's mind. To speak the truth, The Times
Moliere's Precieuse would phrase it, furiously particular
about the Queen's company, and it has the most positive ob-
jections to Lord Melbourne. It is not ofopinion, indeed, that
" a little Melliourne is a dangerous thing," but it sees pre-
cisely the degree of frequency in his visits which must prove
fatal to the monarchy. The Times' editor, therefore, with
the patriotism which is his boast, to save the monarchy,
kindly presents himself in the character of " Duenna" to the
young Queen.
There were three things which Solomon, albeit the wisest
of men, did not understand.

There are two things which have perplexed and baffled all
modern sagacity, namely, why dogs turn round three times
before they lie down ; and why dustmen wear red breeches,
which habit is inscrutable.

There is one thing, and one only, which the Times' editor
does not comprehend. Why Lord Melbourne is such a con-
stant inmate of the Royal residence.
Now, if the Queen cannot give the Times' editor some very
satisfactory reason for the choice of her guests, fearfully will
be rung in the cars of the whole world the alarm bell of the
Great Tom of Puddledock against her Majesty's dinner-bell,
and from pole to pole the momentous question will resound,
Why does Lord Melbourne dine with the Queen?" Nay,
it cannot, it will not stop here ; and Lord Londonderry, who
is of an inquiring turn of mind, will move in the House of
Lords, and Colonel Sibthorp will move in the Commons, for
a return of the number of times Lord Melbourne has dined with
tho Queen ; and it may, indeed, be thought expedient to pro-
pose an amendment to include luncheons. Then will come un-
der debate the Great Dinner Question, and, after the pattern of
the Royal Marriage Act, a Royal Invitation Act will be
passed. Bnt meanwhile, as nothing less than the monarchy
is in danger of being eaten up by that ogre Lord Melbourne,
it may be expedient to carry a short Bill suspending the
Queen's power of sending out invitation cards, and appointing
the editor of the Times to order her Majesty's entertainments
and to select her company. The Times must be the chaperon
to the Queen, and clothed with full powers, and in token of
them, with a full turban or toque, we believe it is called by
gentle milliners. The first object of his office must be to en-
deavour to undo the baneful effects of Lord Melbourne's
dining overmuch ; and for this purpose it would be advisable
to put the Queen through an alterative course of dining with
some eminent Saints—such as Lord Lyndhurst, or the Duke
of Wellington. But why do we anticipate ? Why usurp
tlie prerogatives of Puddledock ? Better leave it all to the
greet oracle.

There are masters for every accomplishment and for every
act in life. There wax a professor who taught people to make
salad. There was another who taught people to eat soup
without swallowing the spoon. There was another who
taught ladies how to get into their carriages : and now a
master arises who teaches Queens how to choose their din-
ner company, The man who taught making salad, and the
man whc taught eating soup, and the man who taught
carAage steps, charged half a guinea a lesson ; but,
tvotaderful to say, the man who teaches Queens to make din-
ner-parties, charges only fivepence—and most literally, it is
:;heap as dirt—nay, if you sent to Puddledock for a handful of
dirt, such as can be found only in the region of the lay-stalls,
to throw at the Queen and her Prime Minister, the porterage
of the filth would cost more than when brought home to your
own doors in the Times paper. But yet the great master has
not done all his duty. He must be the Moses of monarchical
manners and morals, and must draw up a decalogue for the
Queen, beginning with the command to dishonour her
mother, and ending with a prohibition of the entertainment of
her Prime Minister, supported by the confidence of the country
in her counsels.

But still, after all, what will satisfy the Tories ? In the
last reign the cry was, Lord Melbourne is never at the Pa-
lace, the Monarch haws hint ; and now the cry is, Lord Mel-
bourne is never out of the Palace, the Monarch delighteth to
honour him. So true is it, begging Lord Melbourne's pardon
for the canine parallel, that " any stick is good enough to beat
a dog."

Alosing gambler, rushing out of Crock lord's at three
o'clock of a summer morning, saw a stout man with his foot
raised on the post at the corner, engaged in the very peace-
able and proper act of tying his shoe. The gambler ran at
the stout man, kicked his anonymous quarter, and upset him.
The stout man rose in astonishment at the outrage, and more
in sorrow than in anger, exclaimed, " What's that for ? I was
only tying my shoe at that post,"—Only tying your shoe at
post," roared the other, in a frenzy of rage ; " you are always
tying your shoe at that post !"
And such is the head and front of Lord Melbourne's offend-
ing. He is " always tying his shoe at that post." The
losing player, rushing out of the Carbon cries out the Pre-
mier is " always dining with the Queen;" but Lord Melbourne
will not be so easily upset as the stout man in St. James's-
street, and he will tie his shoe wherever he thinks proper.
And this brings us to another branch of the argument of
the Times, whether Lord Melbourne, as Prime Minister, has
constitutionally any right to dine. Referring to his own pri-
vate and personal constitution, it may appear that he has the
right to dine ; but referring to the British constitution the
Times contends that he has no right to dine. Instead of dis-
cussing viands, argues the Times, he ought to be discussing
state affairs, and it should be his custom in the afternoon to
digest nothing but counsel. The Treasury board should be
his only board. See the difference between Whig and Tory
statesmen When the Duke of Wellington was at the head
of affairs he lived on canary seed, and was hardly ever what
was called pecking ; and mark what a figure he has for running
a race against time in the dispatch of business—a very paper-
cutter, instead of a trencher man. But Lord Melbourne, ox the
other hand, is a Dando, a Wu() of palaces, a man mountain,
who will eat up the Crown, not through malice aforethought,
or treason, but from forgetting what the Times teaches
him that he ought not to have time to eat at all, and least of
all to cat with the Queen, whom, the Tinics adds, he vic-
timizes most disgracefully. This, as the stage coachman said
of the Reform Bill, is a question of victuals ; but it is also as
much a question of waste of time, according to Puddledock

authority. The rule laid down goes to the extent that the ins
have no right to dine oat ; they are welcome, and, indeed, ex-
horted to go out, but not to dine out. Homer affirms that it
ill becomes a counsel-bearing man to sleep at night ; and the
Times improves upon the test by the addition that he should
not waste time in eating in the day. Is it for the Queen's
service.--ii it for the Queen's dignity—is it becoming—is it
commonly decent—that a man who has the weightiest func-
tions of the State to discharge, who
to el'orciiiie
gilant and never-sleeping
ments of the ...Lenuenee over all depart-
t.rioust‘, ought to be the most inttus-
. occupied, and most laborious man of business in the
whole kingdom, should dine? That is the question, anti dine
not at all the Puddledock responses Or if :you do dine, dine
net with the Queen;

However this great party question—the dinner partyNie§-
tion—may be disposed of, the Queen, mast .peceiV'e
foretaste of *hat her condition weitilci lk With a Tory Nli-
nistry; or mastery, as it would more poperly be called. Her
.try company wontd natVkl het own.
In the list Niel' the Tories brought matters to such
pitch thAt Lb:e sovereign could not dine out 'ineaSed,
4.l:`i now they would order 3?) that the Sovereign
should not dine of hxm`'',.l`')viath whom she pleases. Thus, ;„
an espe+l Iknner, they wage war with the Royal dirt,
tis. All the sympathetic dinner tables in the land must
feelingly resent this wrong to the liberty of hospitality) and
ten thousand knives and forks should leap from their side-
boards to vindicate the Queen's right of dining with whom
she pleases.

But to be serious as one can be upon a subject so prepS-
terously forced into discussion, if what we hear of her Majesty's
strength of character be true, as we believe it to be, from all
corroborative public evidence, the Tories have gone to work
in a manner the most certain to defeat their object. The
Its Tat'a wart
Constitution;
llunderieg bullies might learn a lesson from the fable ee
ofree
6ertih rtrwn s t)
Boreas and the Traveller's Mantle."
( From the Weekly True Snzz4
reformed
THING
Ta
House
erCo
mtno n e
lidsin some respects faulty, and ho! 'reared a deeptitleiti, sofne
—O ar fortnight
respects fair, and that fur ear- little k"'wit
England. Jr,52.0 • 'c.!to theof
people
eeiar am' position, we are as fearful of
houe/ss
t as of troops, readily assail any one who dares to
entertain there. Whatever progress we may be making in
the externals of Reform, we are going back with rapid
strides, at least in the Senate, in whatever is dignified in
conduct or inspiring in the voice and claims of freedom.
When Pitt proposed the Canadian Constitution, Charles
Fox stood forth, and, throwing aside the bandages of
party, fearlessly advocated the union of the Provinces
and an Elective Council. This, be it remembered, was
the seed time of Reform, when few men cared to sow the
soil which in their own day could yield no golden
harvest, oven though it survived the cold night of neglect, or
the desolating step of tyranny. What a wretched spectacle
has been exhibited throughout the discussion of this vast ques-
tion by men of all partite) and how truly humiliating is the ap-
pearance of the Queen's Government, * "
Not content With chalking out i.hett Own policy, they under-
to denounce all othere *ht dissent from it. Accuse them of
indecision, and they impute rash designs, to their opponents ;
tell them ttey are tardy and falser and they boldly reply their
accusers are fools or traitore. Of late they have assumed a I
more daring toms t and Its their tenure of office is becoming
precarioesb thq do not hesitate to insinuate that no govern- I
milt Lan succeed them, which is not countenanced by
the Court. Lord John Russell was more than usually
intelligible on this head, when Peel proclaimed his
readiness once more to take the reins of government.
A blessed finale to all our labours in the great cause of
Reform, to be told that this nation is at length to
be the sport of a petticoat Government. And unless
the public bestir themselves, and assume a becoming position,
there will be no glaring discrepancy in this, and an apology
for a weak Government will be found in the degenerating
crime of popular servility. At all events, the present House
of Commons presents no barrier to the experiment. That
august Assembly is nearly equally divided into two great
factions, under the direction of leaders who have a tolerable
understanding of their respective objects. They present the
appearance of a fashionable party, which is too large to be
accommodated at the same table at the same time, so that
when one set is served, another succeeds. At the same
time there is an ill-concealed anxiety to belong to the
first division, partly because it is considered more se-
lect, but chiefly, as offering the fairest chance of being
well served. In this fashionable scramble it ought never
to be forgotten, that John Bull supplies the table, which
he can ill afford. But to revert to the factions. We
own ourselves perplexed, when endeavouing to account for the
unreasoning obsequiousness which induces large bodies of men
possessing an enormous aggregate of wealth—some of them of
highly cultivated midds, and of the noblest and proudest
alliances, to enlist themselves in such an unbecoming and
worthless strife. In the great scramble for place, whether to
get or to keep it, not more than thirty out of 655 can succeed ;
all the rest loiter about the anti-chambers, or crowd the stair-
case, honoured by a squeeze, and proud of a distant nod. It is
true the same whispering is going on touching the impudence of
the persons who have usurped the Councils of the State, as are,
heard at a fashionable rout upon the arrogance of the upstart
host, with a comfort however, which is common to both, that
such doings cannot last long. Still it does and will last, if
some bold effort be not made to break the thing up ; and this
great nation, with its mighty interests, will become the prey of
a system, in which wickedness is checked by weakness, and
which weakness becomes in its turn, as the natural ally of
cowardice, the sole safeguard against rash and ruinous enter-
prize. This melancholy position of public affairs is seen and
felt by all considerate men, and yet no remedy is suggested.
During the debate on the Canada Bill, the Tories were elated
at the spirit of their leader, and the keener scented of the pack
were in marching order for office. In spite of frost and flood
the Conservative benches were thronged, Sir Robert Peel
mustered his staff, and the plan of battle was laid down.
There was no wincing nor mistake. The Commander-
in-chief was unusually valorous, and his troop in high
spirits, equally prepared for sacking or speaking,
for silence or shouting ; place and plunder were the
excitements, and had each fellow been plied with an
extra quartern, he could not have been riper or fitter for mis-
chief. And it must be admitted that a fine opportunity opened
upon this daring band, e hieh the acutest of them were not
slow to discern ; but there were latent causes which prevented
their leaders from taking the right ground, or nothing could
have prevented a signal victory. As it was, the whole affair
ended in a grand field day, to the great annoyance of the pri-
vates, who are gone again into winter quarters, and to the
great grumbling of the subordinates, many of whom threaten
to throw up their commissions and set up for themselves. As
close observers of the combatants, we must think the Conser-
vative party has thrown away a great occasion, and that the
better part of them have just reason to complain of the small
and scurvy tactics of their chiefs. It is mighty well for Sir
Robert Peel, with his thousands of acres, manufactured by the
bones and marrow of millions of hand loom weavers, to assume
a tone of listless indifference to office—and equally well it
may be, for such red-tapists as Herries and Goulburn,
to ape the same feeling, wisely doubting, whether it is not
better for them, to pocket their pensions of 2.,000/. a year,
doing nothing, than encounter the turmoils of office, for about
2,0001. more, and at the same time hazarding an inquiry
whence it is, that a brace of idle fellows, one of whom, front
being a small clerk, is marvellously rich, are allowed to fatten
upon the ill-requited labour of an over-taxed community.
There are many sly rogues who stand loitering in the Conser-
vative ranks similarly circumstanced, and who reason after the
same fashion. But the best and purest men of the party, the
Marquis of Chandos, Mr. Gladstone, Sir Francis Burdett, Mr.
Ackland, Sir Gerge Sinclair, and many others of high and
disinterested feelings and objects, do not think so. On the
contrary, they must be ashamed and disgusted at the narrow
policy of Sir Robert Peel, in his resistance of the Canadian
Bill. As we have before observed, the occasion was splen-
did, and such as the most consummate statesman might
covet. /t was for the Commons of England to have addressed
c
the Crown to institute an iaquirg into the circumstances which l
had thrown a British colony, crowded with our own kindred
into a state of sanguinary revolt, and to visit the wrong-doers
with the punishment due to their high crimes. Such a pro-
ceeding as this would have put her Majesty's Government
upon its trial, and the inquiry would have enlisted the public
mind, which is always prepared to assume the lofty attitude
of justice. But the reason, the real reason, for a far different
course, is to be found in the fact, that the inquiry could not
have been restricted to the present men in office. The wily
leader of the Tories well knew, and so do the pensioned
hangers-on, that the articles of impeachment must extend
over a wider space of time. than from the year I 534,
and that Glenclg's guilt would be the condemnation
of Lords Aberdeen, Ripon, and Stanley. All this the
two factions were alive to, and they snugly nestled
in criminal repose, winking at each other, like rogues at
a prize fight, who well know that a " cross" has been
arranged, but that the appearance of being in earnest must be
kept up to amuse and gull the poor ignorant fools, who form
the ring, in full reliance upon the integrity as well as strength
of the combatants. The victory, such as it 'is, which has
been (-rained by the Tories over the Government, is attributable
entirety either to the disgusting selfishness of the Whigs or the
inconsiderateness of their law advisers. If the former, a great
principle has been sacrificed to a love of office, at he same
time the most biting insults have been heaped upon their steady
adherents; if the latter, we are less surprised at the awkward-
ness of the Crown lawyers, than at the defective tact by which
the Government was restrained from correctiug au error,
which devolved no peculiar blame upon them. As the rabid
Tories throughout the country, who are toasting " the Church
and a jolly full bottle," are chuckling over this mighty achieve-
ment, it is well that their coneeit should be somewhat lessened.
The original Bill, as introduced by Lord J. Russell, contained a
preamble which proclaimed the necessity for, and the nature of,
the government policy. Though clumsily drawn, the design of
the Government was to soften the features of despotism, and to
make the House of Commons the responsible limners. The Mi-
nisters, agitated by a sense of their fate, and afraid to propose
any measure which may entail upon them popular odium, if
not higher penalties, sought shelter from punishment in the
preamble of an Act of Parliament ; and further, to save the
consciences of some adherents, who stipulate for one clean
end to a dirty stick, they inserted a clause, empowering the
Queen in Council to repeal their iron measure of despotism.
Now, if the provisions of the Bill had clearly carried out the
covert design of the preamble—the strictly constitutional de-
sign of pledging the British Legislature to a measure of high
state policy, called for by events which admitted of no pallia-
tion—we should have seen retie to admire in the Bill, But
no such object animated the Government; on the con-
trary, they were exclusively bent upon their individual
security under the shelter of a preamble, framed in a
spirit of sinister dexterity. Then again, while they
lacked the courage of braving the possible results of their own
policy, they meanly sought to obtain for themselves the ex-
clusive grace of repealing a measure, so justly repulsive to

British feelings.. To this end a clause Was inserted, that it
should be competent for her Majesty iii Council; at any
,tiinh;
to repeal the said Act, and thtis Ministers Stripped their de=
luded adherents Of the only palliation Whildi offered fur their
Support of a itidaattre Which nothing but the sternest nos esSiiy
could justify. As the Legislature had inflicted the blow, soto
the Legislature ought to have been left the grace of healing the
---- ' c'- P-ts..-t Peel saw, and with merellai 3e-t-0,4
Aenouneeri tv, .....:.: i 1 .
tut cheat, and but for the timely intervention
of Lord Durham's uncte,; (anti -ilyr,;:,7itly's brrttheti
Mr. Edward Ellice, the defeat and Ala ca of the Ministers
'-'-law,
Would have been signal and complete. - Nr; time Was ‘9 in
lost, no squeamish delicacy to be observed. It signified
nothing that Mr. Ward, Mr. . Clay; Mr. Hawes, and
others Of .the sickly tribii of politicians; law in ithe preambite
of the Bill, And the Oilati fepOalink Cliiiiie; t. 14, sole jiistifi-
tatiOn for their support of a measure so diabolically desptrtic
—it signified nothing to the plain-speaking man of Coventry,
that Lord John Russell htid made . these two provisions the
Alpha and Ornegaiif hls *ill And Arid diieohi'sc i it qtnifi#4l nii.
t 0.4 to Min that honest John Campbell, whose hatred of the
Lords was soothed by the sop of an hereditary title for his
wife and little one. No, neio the rnpn . Wc4l ttiiiiwri in tie
1 City well hoe* triad hi,: i,VO abiint, And Oh iii4fa'elloit meg,
nt-S% iiptoSe iii the Very thick of the
,gaping Whiglings, and
avowed his atter asto.nishttlent at reading theprOrrible and the
final Clailsc.',-:-iiiltt at ilea incy ii,:ere mere tOrilial terbhigp, alfd
so he doubted not his Noble Friend; and his Learned Friend,
and all his Honourable Friends around him, would see; after
a little rellection. Nu peh; hut that of did
.Cobbeit, could
do justice to the scene that edgi46d, Sir tiobk!it ,Ad
his hungry staff looked like dead lien with untied jaAs,
while the 399 Con'Aervative trodps; who had crime ficim the
re.mt):est parts to support their, leader; bowled and roiled
lafter the manner of a pack Of tOzhOtincis tbrOWn oft their
scent: hdd John still affected devotion to his 13i11, as it
I tta(A, and uninitiated people really fancied he would reSign
l rather than abandon the head and tail of the rtlashre i but
I not so thought those who well knew the stuff of which the
' little fellow and his comrades are made, In less than two
hours enough was said to indicate the direction of the wind ;
and next day, after the farce of a Cabinet meeting, end a
little clumsy coxcombry in the House, Edward Ellice received
1 the congratulations of his friends, for being the most cunning
; schemer in her Majesty's dominions. Poor Ward and the
purists looked unutterably, but there was no help for them.
The Bill was read a third time amidst the ill-concealed dis-
appointment of the Tories, the chuckling of the Cabinet, and
! the derision of all honest men.

ASSURANCE SOCIETIES.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

- -
W. C., a working man, aged twenty-six, together with his
wife aged thirty, are very desirous of becoming members of
some Assurance Society which combines, as much as possible,
the advantages of a Benefit Society (namely, relief in sickness)
with a provision for the remaining branches of the family on
the death of a member. The parties would willingly join a
Benefit Society could they feel assured of its safety : they have
also other objections, such as meeting in a public-house, and
the great amount of fines, &e.
Can the Editor of The Sun oblige W. C. by informing
him where or how he should apply to become a member of a❑
Assurance Society such as he has mentioned ?
January 27, 1838.

[We recommend W. C. to apply at the National Loan Fund
Association, 69, Cornhill, as the most likely place to afford
the requisite information—indeed, the only place we know of.
Sty.]