The Sun.
London, England, 1836-10-17 00:00:00

FRIDAY.

His 'Majesty's Plate of 100 guineas, for all ages. Heats, two miles.
Mr. Bowes's Mouclig, 4 yrs, 9st. 41b
Gen. Yates's Sylvan, 4 yrs 9st. 41b 2 2

- .
Mr. Unwin's Goldbeater, 9st. l lib
Sylvan the favourite ; beautifully and severely contested.

NORTHALLERTON MEETlNG.—Turnsrmr,

A Handicap Sweepstakes of 15 sors. each, 10 ft., for all ages. Two
miles. 7 Subs.

Mr. Jaques's Burletta, 4 yrs, Bst. 51b Cartwright 1
Mr. Wrightson's Arcline, 3 yrs, 6st. I2lb
10 to lon Burletta. As•cline took the lead and made running
to the last turn, where Burletta went up and defeated her easy by
three lengths.
A Stake of 20 son. each for two yrs old) colts, Bst. 51b. ; fillies,

61t. 21b. T. Y. C.
Duke of Cleveland's Irenriade

J. Lie 1

Mr. Skipsey's Slashing Harry...... ....
Mr. Rhode's Conservative, by Voltaire
2 to 1 on Henriade, 5 to 2 agst Slashing Harry. and 3 to 1 asst
Coneettative. Henriade made play for about a quarter of a mile
when Consersative took the front., Henriade lying second, and
Slashing Harry last ; in this order they went to the last turn,
when Lye brought oat Ilenriade and landed him quite easy, but
making an cheap of the others as to suffer Slashing Marry to get up
within half a neck. Consecrative was only beaten by Slashing
Harry by a neck.
The Town Plate of 501. for maiden horses; three yrs, Bst. 71b. ;
four yrs, 9st. ; fire, Ost. 41b. ; sia and aged, Ost. 71b. Heats,
two miles. .
Mr. Bowes's The Zegri Maid, :3 yrs ..... ............ Lye 1 2 1
Mr. Armitage's c. by Velocipede ........................ ••• 4 1 2
Mr. Heseltine's Spread Eagle, 0 yrs ...... ...... :3 3 dr
Duke of Leeds's b. f. Ilubina, 3 yes ........................ 2 4 dr
Even on Spread Eagle, 3to 1 agst Zegri Maid. First heat won
by half a neck. After the first heato
tbto 4 n Zegri Maid. he
T
second heat won by a length. Aftr the sclond heat 2tol on
Bartolozzi. The last heat won by half a length.

STONE BLIOES.—Tur.
.snAr.
A Sweepstakes of 5 soil. each, with 20 added, was won in two
heats by Air. Wo ,s Lydia, beating two others.
od
• The Publicans' Purse of 501. was won in two heats by Captain
Ilunny's f. byPantaloon, beating Fearnhurst and two others.
'WEDNESDAY.
The flack Stakes sere won by Fearnhurst, beating two others.
The Town Plate was won by Mr. Dawson's Mountaineer.

griIvTLATCAPPOINTAIENTS.
The Swatrham Coursing Meeting will take place on the Bth of,
November and three following (lays.
Sir J. Flower's Harriers meet on Wednesday at Eccles—half-
s Saturday, Bridgeham-11.
past 10.
The CI H. on Wednesday, at Sparkeford Bridge ; Siturday, at
Arthur's Dei ' ' •
, toe.
Mr. Mum s Hounds on Thtirsday, at Eustori Park ; Saturday, at
Weston Colville.
Mr. Fretwell'a Hounds Tuesday, at Hawling Gate ; Thursday,
at Wincheomb Town ; Saturday at Beckford Inn.
The Brighton Harriers on Mondays at Patcham Wednesdays,
at the Race Course • Friday, at the Dyke.
The Btookside darriers on Mondays at 'Newmarket Hill ; Fri-
days, at Telscombe Tye—half-past 10.
- ENTHUSIASM IN RACING.—M R
r.Burns, under nineteen
years of age, a son-of Mr. Burns, bootmak er, of Piceadilly, walked
from town to Doncaster in three (lays to witness the week's racing,
and returned in the same time.
Mr. Stephenson has relnsed 1,000 guineas for the hire of Voltaire
to his Alajenty's stud for two years.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

A report of the proceedings at the dinner given to
Mr, Spring Rice at Limerick on Wednesday last will
be, found in another column. The satisfaction felt by
the night Hon. Gentleman at the presence, on Stich
an occasion, of so many influential gentlemen of the
city to which owed his first introduction. to public
life, wae very allowable. But Mr. Spring Rice seems
to have been in such a good humour, that in his treat-
ment of friends and foes the shade of distinction is so
very nice, that, like the poet, he leaves
His peace with these, his love to those."
Without being
grumblers, people. may I,ell doubt
whether the Right lion. Gentleman does not see
everything in the political world coulenr de rose. For
instance, the Tories themselves thought they had done
quite enough of mischief last session ; but they will
learn, to their no small surprils'e, from Mr. S. Rice,
that they were merely the flies on t:.7e wheel, and that
before they can afford a justification- to the " more
eager class of Reformers," they must exert themselves
to much more purpose than they have yet done.
There may, for aught we know, be an irony in the
information given by the Right Honourable Gentle-
man to the Tories, that they have altogether over-es-
timated their exertions to impede the progress of re-
form. There is a well-known fable of a man wino,
being hit by a crazy fellow with a stone, gave hinr
some money as an encouragement to repeat the expe-
riment against another, who as he anticipated, be-
stowed on the fool a hearty castigation. Mr. Spring
Rice may, in like manner, wish to encourage the
Lords to attempt what may exceed the measure of pa-
tience of the people. By telling them, " You must
not mind what Lords Melbourne and Lansdowne and
Holland in the Lords, and Lord John fluesell in the
Commons, said in the heat of the moment respecting
your opposition ;—the fact is, the only thing wonder-
ful is that we get so much from you ;—Gentlemen, you
are really much better than you take yourselves to be r"
—the Tories may strain a point, to obtain a certifi-
cate from Mr. Rice that they have conducted them-
selves like a vigorous and effective opposition ;—and
then it remains for the people to show that they can
relish the Right Hon. Gentleman's irony. But from
the lecture to the more eager Reformers, which Mr.
Rice couples with this correction of the error of the
Tories, we are inclined to believe that the Right Hon.
Gentleman was in good earnest :
" They were told," he said, " that the Upper House of
the Legislature would prevent it (appropriation), from
being carried. Now he would speak with every respect of
a co-ordinate, though he doubted its being a co-equal,
br,2nch of the Legislature.—(Hear, and cheers.) He would
speak with respect to the power given to that House by
the Consitution ; but if experience derived from the past
was true, it izroved that if the cause were right and just,
and was support;d by the House of Commons, sooner or
later it must be triumphant. They were aware that the
House of Lords had opposed the Emancipation Act, the
Reform Act, and the 'feat Act ; but the cause of liberty
had been triumphant, and they had fought them all suc-
cessfully, and they would fight the Irish questions in the
same way, and with the same resu:ts.—(Cheers.) But in
order to gain the battle, they must uee the same means—
they must use the same constitutional agency which they
had used before, and not play the game of the Tories—
and, by hunting after novelty, enable that party to re-
proach them as desirous to subvert the Constitution ; when
by constitutional means all the good which they desired
could be attained.—(Hear.) Sooner or later their object
would be gained."
Now, as Peerage Reform is an open question, we
may combat Mr. Rice's opinion as a superannuated
prejudice, as he combats the opinion of the Reformers
as a novelty. In the beginning of last Session. he was
quite.farouche against al who questioned the wisdom
of the Peers : and we are pleased to see that his tone
of admiration of the Peers is somewhat lowered. The
Peers are not co-equal with the Commons—i. e., when
two men ride the same horse one must ride foremost.
The Right Hon. Gentleman's argument derived from
the Emancipation Act, the Reform Act, and the Test
Act, that there is no cause to despair of their Lord-
ships, proves a little too much. These !bre° measures
were all passed by an unreformed House of Commons.
The Reform of the Commons was unnecessary, if an
unreformed House conceded those measures the pass-
ing of which is taken by Mr. Rice as a criterion of the
fitness of an unreformed House of Lords for all essential
purposes of legislation. Seriously speaking, we con-
ceive this speech of Mt. Spring Rice of a somewhat
mischievous tendency, and we find ourselves com-
pelled, from a sense of duty, to protest against his
undervaluing the differences between Tories and Re-
formers, as calculated to damp that ardour by which
alone the exertions of the Tories can be defeated. It
was very well for Sir Robert Peel to hold himself out
to the people that he was as sincerely bent on Reform
as the Ministers whom he succeeded ; but had the peo-
ple believed him, would they have made the exertions
which restored the Melbourne Ministry to power ?
Reformers must not be told that they arc fighting for
shadows, otherwise the Melbourne Ministry will soon
be a shadow. We consider Mr. Rice a much more
dangerous enemy to the Ministry to which he belongs
than Sir Robert Peel or the Duke of Wellington. A
few such exhibitions of superficial declamations from
members of a Reform Government would be enough to
damp the ardour, if not destroy the hopes, of real Re-
formers. We tell Mr. Spring Rice that such a tone
of tenderness towards political adversaries will not pass
for an enlightened anxiety to maintain the kind-
ness of social life. Honeyed words, smooth and
hollow phrases, may suit the taste end policy of
those mild Reformers who watch the wind to
guide by it their timid course ; but they will not
and ought not, to satisfy honest Reformers when ap-
plied to a reckless faction, many of them unprincipled
renegades, who obviously arc willing to hazard the
peace and security of the realm, that by obstructing
Reform they may regain the dominion of Toryism, and
be enabled to plunder the public purse. We are very
sceptical as to the Reform principles of those men
who employ palaver to make the public content with
what is done, instead of arguing the necessity of union
and enerey to accomplish that which remains to be
achieved. Who that claims to be an honest and good
Reformer will agree with Mr. Spring Rice, who is re-
ported to have said, " England had long possessed
those blessings which just and equal laws impartially
administered, and the absence of religious factions
always presented. To the British Statesmen, there-
fire, in England little remained to do," &e. Such is
your opinion Mr. Rice, is it ? We hope for the sake
of England's peace and prosperity such is not the opi-
nion of a majority of your colleagues. We are not dis-
posed to underrate what has been done, and to bold it of
little amount, but we value:. ite' chiefly as the earnest
of much greaeer good. 'We 'AIM be amongst the pack
who will ardently be found ''-blunting aft:novelty, ' in
the shape of Peerage Reform---effective protection to
the voter in the-exercise of theelective franchise against
intimidation and persecutionrelief of the Dissenters
from the payment.of church ratesan extensive reform
of the law—and a- cheaper and,- better admim'istration
of justice, and many other mtosures of amelioration and
improvement. We heartilyetoncur with Mr. Spring
Rice in the vital ilnportancerofjustice to Ireland; and
we consider 'that if' is not leSSethe duty than the inte-
rest of every, real' Reformer in Great Britain, as
well as Ireland,- to endeavoili to attain that object.
Well and trills. was it obsel'ved by the Right Hon.
Gentleman, that -"lreland might be the strength and
the glory of 'England ; but under the influence of mis-
rule it couldlre-to it but a esOurce of weakness—its
bane, and itgeCalainity."—Mo.owing Chronicle.
In humble imitation of Atr, Daniel O'Connell, and
in zealous furtherance of the views announced two years
ago by that disturber of thee reel M, Mr. Spring Rice
(parva componere mag.nls) :digs had recourse to his
agitation dinner, and his revolutionary speech. While
adverting to thiS-characteristie exhibition, we protest
against any such uncharitable inference as that our no-
tice is directed towards the" individual Spring Rice,
Chancellor of the Exchequer; or our censure of the
proceeding Levelled 'at one, Wini, whatever his private
qualities niiiy be, he is in himself singly nothing more
than a petty fraction of a vicious faction—an impalpa-
ble atom o(a brake poison,:Which cannot separate
itself, and is not ':worth extricating, from the body to
which it beliingse; 'No ; amongst the unclean litter of
the O'Connell sty, each is but,a sample and an organ
of its fellows. When the monetary system of the em-
pire is brought into incalculable peril through a serie s
of stubborn and stupid blunders, which every clerk in
every counting-house laughs at, .while his employer,

wit.li more at stake, shivers for the consequences—
Vaen Exchequer Bills, rarely if ever assailable by.
panic, tumble to a discount, and Three per Cents. are
tottering, and no man sees a remedy but in some total
change of the financial administration, of which the
present ostensible conductors are at once distrusted and
despised, it is not Mr. Spring Rice, but the O'Con•
nell Cabinet, that is hooted at and pelted with city
dirt, and rolled in the kennels of Lombard and
Threadneedle-streets. So when Mr. Spring Rice
deafens the groundlings at Limerick, it is the whole
O'Connell farrow that grunts and squeaks through
him. Thus much to check , any undue inspirings
of self-flattery or personal importance in this itine-
rant bagman of the Administration, who opens 11;:e
box of Brummagem wares, and by dint of puffing
would force them upon. the Limerick marled. With
regard to that effusion of the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman, which is called his " speech," it appears to
labour under one disqualification which the poet
meant when he referred to creatures that want " dis-
course of reason." It was throughout a specimen of
-volubility and tediousness, and uttered under an evi-
dent feeling of its unfitness for any rational or edu-
cated audience. It had, indeed, one other property—
viz., that of being common-place, which is its most
useful attribute in our eyes ; for though every topic
treated of by the speaker has been long since ex-
hausted, save those which bore exclusively upon him-
self and Limerick, and every thing like argument
, argument
openly refuted, the resort to siecn materials proves
that they constitute the whole political magazine of
the faction represented by the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, and that with them the entire case of Mel-
bourne, Movement, and Co. is at an end. Mr. Rice
begins by asserting, that no compromise whatever was
made by :4inisters on any occasion with the Conser-
vatives, forgetting that the complaint brought against
them by the Radicals of both countries is, that they,
the Ministers, have in fact compromised not one, but
almost every great principle of so-called—but mis-
called, Reform—viz., the ballot, universal suffrage, and
the overthrow of the House of Lords, which has been the
cause of all this late noisy tumult between the parties.
The Right Hon. Gentleman thinks proper to forget
likewise, that the same Ministers have really compro-
mised, that is, given up to the Conservatives, a large
amount of those enactments which originally formed
part of the English Municipal Bill, the English Tithe
Bill, and the Irish Police Bill, every one of which they
accepted from the House of Lords, after being purged
of many of their most democratical, corrupt, and ruin-
ous, that is to say, according to the movement estimate,
their most valuable provisions. The attempt of Mr.
S. Rice to mystify the revolutionists of Limerick on
that point will hardly go unpunished by-and-by. But
the Right Hon. Gentleman seems unwilling to throw
the whole weight of mystification eii one side, and
as he begins by a claptrap assurance to the Radicals
that he and his colleagues nearer gave up a particle
of their mischievous designs to conciliate the Conser-
vatives of either House, he ends by an opposite de-
claration, though of tie same claptrap nature, the silly
purpose of which is to delude the Conservatives, by
asserting that the Ministers made no compact with the
revolutionists, English or Irish, at Lichfield-house or
elsewhere ! He appealed to two gentlemen present
for the. truth of this announcement, but we should have
been better satisfied had Mr. Sheil been present, and
the appeal been addressed to him. However, it sig-
nifies not a great deal by what fencing with mere for-
malities the unfortunate Ministers attempt to break
loose from the charge of being leagued with the parti-
sans of revolution. What is the value of their denial ?
It amounts to a negative upon the existence of parch-
ment instruments signed, sealed, and engrossed, lodged
among the archives of the joint conspiracy, and acces-
siblee,
to the public for a stated fee. The substance of
the accusation they dare not negative, because it is
self-demonstrated. It is proved by the duration of
the Ministry to this hour, by the state in which they
would be left to-morrow, if O'Connell and his tail de-
serted them, and by the contrast between the conduct
of the very men who compose the present Cabinet
before they were dependant on the O'Connell gang_
that is, before the dissolution of Lord Melbourne's
first Ministry, and since they have become so by
his return to it in the spring of 1835. The appro-
priation clause, or any measure of hypothetical me-
mace against the Irish Church, was positively repu-
diated by Lords Melbourne, Lansdowne, and Al-
thorp, Mr. Spring Rice himself, and the rest of
them, before their dismissal from office in 1834.
Why was it subsequently insisted on ? Why was
the stone which, while builders of the Constitution,
they had rejected, made within six or eight months
afterwards the corner-stone of that Pandemonium
which they engaged to build upon its ruins ? It can-
not be said that the sense entertained by Ministers of
the fruits to be expected from an alienation of Irish
Church revenues from Protestant uses had changed
between their dismissal and their reinstatement in office.
Lord Melbourne himself avowed his consciousness
that it would prove a heavy blow to Protestantism and
a grievous loss 1 Good God ! does not all England
yet see the flood of light let in upon the character of
the Government, and on the prospects of the country,
by that tremendous avowal ? Here was the King's
Prime Minister coming forward with a formal propo-
sition to Parliament, which in the same breath he de-
clared to be one of the most calamitous nature, if
adopted. What then was his motive for recom-
mending it —what was the pressure—what the
necessity lender which he flew in the face of his own
plain an undisguised conviction ? It could not be one
which affected te nation, or the empire itself, because
it was pretty clear that the alienation clause could not
be forced through Parliament, even through the House
of Commons, unless it had the support of Lord Mel-
bourne and his colleagues, whose opinion he delivered,
and in whose name he spoke, when he thus pointedly
and solemnly condemned the measure he was com-
pelled to bring before the assembled Peers of the em-
pire. What then would happen, what public calamity,
as the result of his Lordship s abstinence from intro-
ducing that fatal measure ? Nothing, as we have be-
fore said to the country, but to the Whig Cabinet the
loss of O'Connell's protection. The broad and hate-
ful truth then is, that the necessity for destroying the
Protestant Church was nothing more than a necessity
for keeping some dozen Whig placemen in the receipt
of their salaries, in the corrupt multiplication of offices
'before unheard of, and in the base perversion of the
patronage so created, to the reward of services, and
the encouragement of practices, more iniquitous, dis-
graceful, and subversive of our coustitutional monarchy
than any of which English history offers an example.
One frightful picture of a system so compounded is that
the King's prerogative and the peculiar safeguards and
interests of the Crown have now for eighteen months
been vested in men whose own selfish interests require
that they should facilitate the gradual encroachments
of democracy upon the Regal and Aristocratical powers
of the State. The arms of the Monarchy are thus
turned against herself, and she is sacrificed by her own
sworn servants. Nor is this to be gathered only from
the indiscreet but providential frankness of the King's
Prime Minister. The daily clamorous, ostentatious
boastings of the public enemy himself prove to the
whole world to what disastrous ends each successive
demolition of the outworks of our Constitution is to be
directed. O'Connell and the priests have spoken no
other language for this twe;lvemontli than that the con-
cessions of a part of Protestant security, and of Eng-
lish power, are good 'Jnly, and no otherwise satisfactory,
but as means fur overturning them altogether !—ay,
they proclaim, it. It is their watchword with all
Papists like, themselves. It is their flag of defiance
against ',tie English name and nation. When this
foolish mountebank at Limerick talks about his love
for 4' religious liberty," and the rights of the Irish
Papists to " equal laws," as his motive for supporting
the appropriation clause, and the erection of Popish
corporations, has he the face to deny that they
are all so many words without meaning, or having
none but a wicked and dishonest one ? What " reli-
gious" liberty do the Papists want which they have
not ? Are we to be duped by the impudent artifice
of cloaking political supremacy, and the power to per-
secute and plunder Protestants, under the names of
" religious liberty" and equal " laws ?" Why, they
;lave hown the cloven foot already, and under a new
e.,' I IN. Term. Their Papist Committee of insurrection have
- '-'-'---- toeitri` .rculating written mandates in all quarters, de-
--r*ll,---iii of landlords why they do not grant leases,
c.,,i
=-_.-cs.•-: t i;•?- • i -

'"

. _.v

and register tenants, and place at the disposal of the
rebel committee all the elective machinery of Pro-
testant estates. One member, a Mr. Evans, who
came in for the county of Dublin under O'Connell's
patronage at the last election, has, among many
others, been whining publicly at the manner in
which they screw him up. What a blockhead
must be every man who cannot foresee the ine-
vitable march of the tyranny to which he subjects
himself on enlisting in the service of the tail and the
priesthood, or who $
-11" t; tills eyes to that gulf of
fathomable bory.„'-a°e down which he 11', I;sr speedily be
hurled. NI7g
e pity them not, because their own vanity
(I°_.'iudes them. But to save them is impracticable,
were it worth the trouble. As for that illustrious in=
dividual, Lord Cloncurry, so tenderly alive to the wis-
dom of concord among Whig-Radibals, and so anxious
for the dignity of the Peerage, while he tamps Kith
its constitution, we willingly confess that the " dignity"
of the now existing Peerage might have been better pro-
vided for some forty-five years ago, had the experiment
of creating Peers for life been tried upon his Lordships
father; otherwise, the letter which this personage ad-
dressed a few days back to Mr. Sharman Crawford,
utterly unworthy of the slightest attention either in
Ireland or here. It is understood that Mr. SiniUg
Rice means to follow up his Limerick triumph With an
ovation which has been recently decretkt to him by the
monied interest of London. We 'wish the Right Ho-
nourable Gentleman better than that he should long
wear the description o honours which await him at
his first appearan.ce on 'Change or in front of the Bank
of England.--. Times.

to do so ?—{No, no, and cheers.) He said, then, that the
experience of the case of Limerick contradicted all the as-
sertions to the contrary : but it was stated by his opponents
Oh, the people of Limerick are well-conducted men—
men of intelligence and sense ; and that the very air of Gar-
ryowen was sufficient protection from violence.' But were
not Cork, Waterford, Dublin, and lielfast, equally capable
of managing their municipal affairs ? He hoped, therefore,
that Irishmen would assert their rivht. • c- '
• • ur-Era eaold not
help thinking that the av•-i ,
had been PA- _.,,yiteritian of the §allie Wimple that
—.pod towatdt *bold be atibiided with
one same results: Ike WOOkA Say
,thiS tO tike Objectors to his
theory, and tronld Attc thenk to giVe hid% the means of af-
fording themu another 'example:
.liould say to them,
pass the Municipal mill, and he *mild give them twenty
more examples of the benefit tit. Actol.llr,'
Then, a,..atA) With tegaa to the Irish Church Bill,
we filtd ib the speech of the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer the following manly and
.judicious remarks;—
It was provided," said he, " rtt the ehoeoh till, that
the established clergy he well Paicl; ieforence
to the doty, tlitypet•fdrine(l., tbit Lbrplus which re-
mained, after all jnit eletnainit had been satisfied, should
not he appROCI tti itbproper purposes; wlih h tbight be sug-
gested by tt Government teekin* Po& arity and applause
fitrn ill-judging mein i b\A applied, as trusts were by the
Court 'Of t'litknai•y, if not to the original purposes for
WWI they were intended, to the next best uses in which the
whole community had an interest.—(Hear, and cheers.)
And then, as Protestants, were they to be told that edu-
cation was adverse to Protestantism, for it was to that
purpose that any surplus was proposed to be appropriated.—
( Hear, hear.) That was the doctrine of the present Govern-
ment, and to it they were determined to adhere ; that was
the principle upon Atoll the present tiditrtiment was
founded, and under One nini:Oentibil, ht another, he trusted
he should live to gee into effect—(Cheers)—but
the're could h'd doubt of success.—(Cheers.) They
were told that the Upper House of the Legislature would
prevent it. Now he would speak with every respect of a
coordinate, though he doubted its being a co-equal, branch
of the Legislature.—(Hear, and cheers.) He would speak
with respect to the power given to that House by the Con-
stitution ; but if experience derived from the past was true,
it proved that if the cause was right end just, and was sup-
ported by the House of Commons, sooner or later it
must be triumphant, They were aware that the House
of Leds tiAa opposed the Emancipation Act, the Re-
forth Act, and the Test Act : but the cause of liberty
had been triumphant, and they had fought them all suc-
cessfully, and they would fight the Irish questions in the
same way and with the same results. But in order to gain
the battle, they must use the same means—they must
use the same constitutional agency which they had used
before, and not play the game of the Tories, and by hunting
after novelty enable that party to reproach them as desirous
to subvert the Constitution, when by constitutional means
all the good which they desired could be attained.—(Hear.)
Sooner or later their object would be gained ; but there
was a wide distinction between these words : for that
which was wrung tardily and reluctantly from any body of
men, however good the end achieved, at last they gave—
he would use the words of a Noble Friend—' the lamp,
but the talisman was lost.'—(Loud cheers.) But, on the
contrary, where blessings were conceded because it was
thought right they should, they were not extorted as a boon
by violence, but as a claim by justice, and those two systems
acted as differently upon both parties as the charity be-
stowed for purely Christian purposes, and that which was
given by the proud and ostentatious man for the purpose of
making friends, by prostituting even charity to the uses of
the mammon of unrighteousness."
But we must have done. We have not devoted
more space to the speech than it deserved, for it is not
only the first Ministerial speech since the close of the
Session, but a most important speech on two vital
questions—but we may have devoted more than was
necessary, in consequence of its ample promulgation,
not only through our own columns, but that of other
journals of high respectability and extensive circulation.
Its marrow must have been thoroughly sifted ere now,
and the prominent points which we have marked for
special consideration, have been duly weighed and
thoroughly appreciated.—Morning Advertiser.

b again referring to the speech of the Chancellor of
the Exchequer at Limerick on Wednesday last We
have, before entering upon it, an imperatiVe duty to
perform, not only to our evening, but also to some of
our Sunday Contemporaries, and that is to return to
all of the foimer, with Une solitary exception, not
worth mentioning, our best thanks for the very hand-
some manner in which they have been pleased to no-
tice the exertions of this journal to furnish the public
with the earliest report of the first Ministerial speech ,
since the close of the Session of Parliamentand to
the Sunday Times, (a greatly enlarged and highly
popular Journal) the Spectator and the At/44, among
the latter, for exhibiting to ivards it the same kindness.
One or two of the latter (Sunday journals) borrowed
the report without acknowledgment of the source from
which they derived it ; and one of them, " our highly
esteemed contemporary " (to borrow the language of
the paper to which we allude in its usual mention of
the Times,) the Observer, which pretends to be a Mi•
nisterial paper, and. to possess the first Mitkiatttial
news, 'did better than all of the pilferers referred to—
it had not a line upon the subject, and in consequence
left its readers to look for a report of the meeting,
some eight days after its late, in an abridged form.
However, all this is nothing. We are greatly obliged
to our contemporaries ; and having such honest-minded
journals as The Sun, Globe, Courier, and Standard,
to notice in a manner, more handsome than our exer-
tions deserved, the slight efforts which we made, we
care not for the contemptuous indifference of the one,
or the sordid dishonesty of the others, who have thus
maltreated ns. With regard to the speech itself, it has
created apparently as much disappointment in some
quarters as it has afforded gratification- mothers. The
Spectator and Globe seem dissatisfied because the
Chancellor of the Exchequer has, in their opinion,
shirked the most important question now under consi-
deration--that of Peerage Reform ; but on reference
to it, it will be found, that although he did not dis-
tinctly speak out upon the subject, he not only did
not shirk it, but declared in the most distinct and
positive terms, that whatever opposition popular
measures might meet with in a certain quarter,
nothing could withstand the determination of an
united majority of the House of Commons to carry
whatever measure it willed. To this extent, and
to this extent only, do most of the speeches of all
the Liberal Members of the Commons House of Par-
liament who have hitherto met their constituents go—
and is a Minister of the Crown to be blamed be-
cause, instead of perilling the loss of a great ques-
tion, he discreetly determines to be guided by that
which, after all, forms the undeniable fulcrum of
extensive and certain reform—we mean that public
opinion which has not yet been thoroughly collected
upon the subject in question, and which can make
and unmake Cabinets at its will, just as it can carry or
kill any innovation upon established usages and prac-
tices which any party, however honest, respectable, or
praiseworthy, may think proper to propose ? Upon
this point there is, therefore, no blame to be attached
to the Chancellor of the Exchequer—no indication
to be derived from his speech that the Cabinet means
to truckle to the House of Peers, or to retreat from the
policy which it has hitherto pursued—but the re-
verse ; for the manner in which the Chancellor of
the Exchequer addresses his late constituents assures
us that corporate reform and church reform will not
only form the first and most prominent measures of the
next Session, but that Ministry will urge them for-
ward with the utmost determination, and that upon
their adoption or rejection they are determined to stand
or fall. Alluding to the events of the last Session,
which he characterized as not wholly lost to the pub-
lic, he observed that—
" He could not, however, vindicate the events of the last
session without acknowledging that reasons existed for the
disappointment which the people at large, but the people of
Ireland in particular, had sustained, and he felt deeply the
cause of that disappointment to the people of Ireland and
the empire. He said the empire, because he knew of no
distinction which should exist between any portions of it ' •
and if any loss occurred to Ireland it was a damage which
the whole empire sustained.—( Hear, hear.) Ireland might
be the strength and the glory of England, but under
the influence of misrule it could be to it but a source of
weakness—its bane and its calamity.—(Hear, and loud
cheers.) He would say, then, to England, that in one
respect the welfare from the good government of Ireland
was of more value to it than even that of its own ter-
ritory ; for England had long possessed those blessings
which just and equal laws partially administered, an
the absence of religious factions always presented. To
the British statesman, therefore, in England little re-
mained to do ; but to the British legislator and states-
man who desired the welfare of all Britain, and who pos-
sessed a heart of sensibility, the field of Ireland was open ;
there he could serve, and could win the affections of the
people, and if he was wise he would make Ireland prosperous.
—(Loud cheers.) If he looked to the chance of foreign ag-
gression, she would be to him his strength ; and if he looked
to the resources of the country, Ireland would be to him not
a mine of lead, but one of gold and diamonds--and in the
imperial Crown of Britain, would be the brightest of its or-
naments.—( Loud cheers.) Much, however, still remained to
be done for Ireland, and here were two great measures con-
nected with it, upon carrying which not only the honour
and credit, but the existence of the present Government
depended—(Continued cheers) ;—and could not the Go-
vernment say proudly, that whilst it maintained its existence
in reference to two Irish questions, it nevertheless did not
undervalue the duty which it owed to Great Britain, for
the interests of Great Britain demanded the tranquilliza-
tion of Ireland, because on the tranquillity of that country
the strength and independence of the empire depended."
With regard to the Corporation Bill of last Session,
the Chancellor of the Exchequer furnished, in his
speech a most unanswerable answer in its defence :
" The experience of Limerick," said he, " bore generally
upon that question. Why, the people of Limerick had
achieved a municipal reform of their own, and it was on record,
as given in evidence before the House of Lords, that magis-
trates, men of high character, and military men of rank—
and he was sure that every one of them stated what he be-
lieved to be the truth—at that time stated in evidence, that
if the Limerick Corporate Bill were carried, not one of the
quarterly meetings which it provided could be held without
the attendance of horse, foot, and artillery, and that their
homes, their commercial establishments, would be absolutely
invaded.—(Loud laughter and cheers.) Now there was not
a single argument which had been brought against the gene-
ral question last year that had not been before adduced is
athlle
tchaos see of
threatened m eri
ck
e, aal
anmd i tbi ees whonudl do
eheenr
re r
ea sd h i sHfraide ntdhse
iirf
interrupted ?—(No, no.) Had their industry
edandfettered ?--(N0,
) He had often before
beentrade c r beenainp
met them in that chamber of commerce—.there Ae had re-
ceived his earliest instructions in the science of commercial
transactions, and when he said that their trade had been
of douLbierlmedwioikthhinadtheiolcarsetatseedn yioearas,
raantdiothoef sproipto sping interest
iOOOL
to
100,0001. value, he considered that it gave the best pos-
sible answer to the statements made last year.—(Loud
cheers.) Then regarding religious animosities, he would
ask, bad they been augmented in their town ?—(No, no.)
Had, he would again ask, those rights which were conceded
by legislation,' and by the Constitution, been productive of ,
an increase of religious animosity, or would they be likely

Among the different kinds of business which are to
occupy the attention of the Magistrates this week, at
the Middlesex Sessions, is that of considering no less
than 80 applications for musical licenses to various
public and other houses of entertainment, one-half of
them being new applications. We are curious to see
how this matter will be dealt with. It is one of con-
siderable moment to the whole community, and appears
to require more discretion—not to say disinterestedness
—than has been at all times found to reside in the body
to whom it has been entrusted. We would set out
with saying that we are strongly in favour of affording
to the middle and lower classes of the community every
rational species of amusement which their means and
occupation will enable them to reach, and that under
no other restraint than is necessary to preserve deco-
rum, and to prevent a pleasure being converted into
an abuse. This point, as far as the Magistrates are
concerned, has apparently been hitherto but little
attended to. Witness the gin palace and the drun-
kenness. Witness the facility with which mere drink-
ing houses (some of them named after Magistrates
themselves) are licensed, compared with the extreme
sensibility which is exhibited when a concert or a dance
is asked for. We are not among the number of those
who think that the manners of a people can be formed
by Act of Parliament ; though we believe that bad laws,
and a bad mode of administering even good ones, have
much to do with misdirecting both habits and opinions.
The two prominent vices which the present mode of
licensing public-houses lead to, are drunkenness and
gaming ; nor do we think that fine and imprisonment,
or all the other terrors which law might invent, would
be half so effectual in checking these, as would be
effected by turning people's habits, tastes, and pur-
suits, into other channels. But this is held to be
impossible. Habits of drunkenness are said to be
inveterate—and that even in the face of the exten-
sive changes which the actual self-denial of Tem-
perance Societies is daily bringing about both here,
and still more in America. Indeed, such sworn foes
to harmony are some of our modern Magistrates, that
even street music is an abomination in their ears ; and
could they but make the laws as well as execute them,
we doubt whether a penny-trumpet would be allowed
to be sold at Bartholomew Fair. Yet, in spite of
these learned sages, whose dictum happily is yet
neither law nor Gospel, there are many who think
with ourselves, that were something besides drinking
and gaming permitted in public-houses, there would be
ultimately a great improvement in the habits and morals
of those who frequent them. We are not desirous of
seeing public-houses converted into theatres, nor is it
necessary that " tipsy dance and revelry" should ac-
company the relaxations we would 4sk for. But look-
ing at the present evils to which we have alluded as
those which might be lessened, if not eradicated, by a
system of less restriction than that which we see now
prevails, we are inclined to think that the Magistrates
at the Sessions would be performing a wholesome ser-
vice were they to open the door rather more widely
than they have hitherto done to amusements and gra-
tifications more rational and harmless than drunkenness
and gambling ; and that the rational and thinking part
of the public would not be much horrified were they
to see the splendid gin palace stript of some of its
gewgaw attractions, to decorate the orchestra and the
concert-room. At any rate the experiment seems
worth trying, especially as we have not heard that, as
far as it has yet gone, it has produced any prejudicial
result. If man were a mere stationary animal, then,
like a sheep or an ox, he might be turned year after
year into the same pasture, but as he is in his nature
progressive, that fact should ever be borne in mind.—
Morning Herald.

It were a matter of curious inquiry for the moral
anatomist whether in the representations which the
Alinisterialists give to the public through the news-
papers stupidity or effrontery does the more prevail—
whether we should attribute their perversity to the
dullness which cannot perceive error, however appa-
rent, or that audacity which will not shrink from false-
hood, however gross. Deceived by this dullness, or
impelled by this audacity, they have ventured once
more, with reference to the appropriation clause in the
Irish Tithe Bill, to laud their patrons, and to rail upon
the advocates of the Protestant cause. They tell us
that the clause was politic, and the opposition to it
bigotted, factious, and foolish, because, had it passed,
it would have given satisfaction to the Irish people ;
because it would have given them a kind of rever-
sionary interest in the property of the Irish Church ;
because it would have made the new law be received
by them with thankfulness, and obeyed with cheerful-
ness. These reasons are either most stupid or most
false. Upon what authority—with what degree of
probability—can it be pretended that a Bill which
recognized the right of the Protestant clergy of

VIE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1 36.