The Sun.
London, England, 1838-02-03 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1838.

him, in conjunction with his practical experience, that he be pleased to recollect that when they returned to office, in
I
would be enabled to suggest such measures as would tend April, 1535, they found all matters connected with Canada
to the welfare, peace, and prosperity of the colony. precisely in the same situation as they were in the preceding
Such was the simple and plain statement of the case November. The House of Assembly had not met—no steps
which he had to make, and he thought it was not had been taken—no act had been done, declaring more ex-
necessary for him to trouble their Lordships further plicitly the condition in which that country stood. They
would be pleased to recollect that on the very day on which the
than to express a hope, that whatever might be their
Noble Viscount's Government retired from office, viz., on the
Lordships' opinion on other circumstances connected 15th of November—on that very day the Secretary for the Co-
with the subject, they would at least think the necessity of lonies had written to Lord Aylmer, and
instructions
Lord told him that he
was the case justified the measure he proposed. The Noble fully prepared—( Ifear)—to give him ample
Lord then moved that the Bill be read a second time. upon every point at issue, and more—that he would have done
Lord ABERDEEN said, that with the expectation so the very neat day—(Hear, hear, and laughter)—had not
which had been expressed by the Noble Lord at the corn- the Government unfortunately been renov ed. Now, the
mencement of his speech, that the Bill he had now moved Hon. Gentleman who then filled that office, although he had
the second reading of, should meet the general support of not returned to it, had not afforded him (the Earl of Aber-
the House, he cordially concurred ; and he trusted that the deen) the advantage of seeing those instructions. They, of
House would give a general, if not an unanimous, assent to course, were left in his portfolio ; but although they had not
been at his command, they would no doubt be perfectly at the
the Bill. Agreed as their Lordships all must be in the
serviceea of his Noble Friend who had succeeded that Hon Gen-
professed object of the Bill, which was to enable Government im
to provide a Government and Constitution for the province tLord nnt in the Colonial Office. —( Hear
must,
tthlerforehesupposed , hear.) That Nobleprepared
upon his entrance of Lower Canada, founded upon such a basis as might upon ,
that
at
office t o have be en fully
i i 0
t o
c
iinstructions
tructns
secure the rights and liberties, and promote the interests, upon every point at issue. But, besides that, there was also
of all classes of her Majesty's subjects, he hoped their in the Cabinet a Noble Lord who had been connected with
Lordships would not differ in the first step to be taken, in the Colonial Office—who had always paid great attention to
order to arrive at the accomplishment of that most desir- colonial matters; and especially to the affairs of Canada---he
able object. In expressing this hope, that the assent of meant the Secretary at War (Lord Howick). Thus, then,
that House to the Bill would be as general as he thought the Government had been surrounded by persons perfectly
it ought to be, it might naturally be supposed that many familiar with the whole progress and course of proceedings in
of their Lordships should come to this conclusion under Canada. He said, then, that the Commission of Inquiry
very different impressions, and entertaining very various could have arisen from no other cause but a desire for delay.
He had formerly taken the liberty of saying as much, and off
opinions upon different parts of this subject enter-
taining very different opinions upon past transactions, pointingadopting otuhtatweboautr
course.
e must H
He knew
nthesev iintevhitaadblbeeecnosnasiedquthe.nteethey
and especially of the conduct pursued by her Majesty's had in that followed, as a precedent, the conduct intended to
Ministers during the time of their having been in office.— have been pursued by those servants of his late Majesty whom
(Cheers.) He was happy to find their Lordships were they bad succeeded. But he would venture to say that any Corn_
able to approach this question without irritation, and mission that might have been issued by that Government would
under feelings calculated to enable them to stand in that not have been calculated to produce any such effect as that to
position in which they could look at the subject dis- which he had referred.—(Hear.) It might have had no better
passionately, and without feelings of prejudice.—( Hear.) success than that of Lord Gosford and his Colleagues ; but
at least it would have been intelligible, clear, explicit—
He thought there never was in the history of the world a
revolt that bad taken place which had less probable
( Hear, hear, hear)—as to the objects for which it was sent to
Canada. To
oTo show their Lordships the difference between
ground of justification than the one that had taken place
in Canada ; but he was ready to say that he thought the the
we
Lord Commissions,
,who lv a c hunedweratslernepatroedretoasitratteo, that when the
present case was one in which the largest possible display family affairs in England renderintnit extremely inconvenient
of mercy might safely be exhibited which was compatible to him to be absent—when that Noble Lord inquired what
with the safety of the country and the supremacy of the was the probable length of time during which he would be
law. He was persuaded that the great mass of the popu- engaged with the investigation, he (the Earl cf Aberdeen)
lation of Lower Canada were naturally the best disposed, had told him that he thought it very possible that within six
and would be among the happiest people on the face of the weeks or two months after he had arrived in Canada all points
earth ; but unfortunately they were among the most ig-
might be settled one way or another, and that at least in that
norant, and therefore the most easily deluded and led
time Parliament would be ready to make some provision to
meet the emergency of the case. When his Noble Friend to
antra Cheers. Their Lordships had heard of a know-
ledge qualification for the exercise of political rights, and the whom
sa
nt
Ihee i pn resent .
of
fthe Governmenti\,obl e hLordad entrusted
ia
e this
what duty
"ims
made
ee
if he recollected rightly, the Noble and Learned Lord op- answer ? Why, that that probably the inquirynPPns might ight la.:t two
posite (Lord Brougham) some time ago, in introducing his years.—( Hear, and laughter.) The next instance of culpable
Bill with respect to education, expressed himself not un- delay arose upon the Reports of the Commissioners them-
favourable to such a course. The persons who were en- selves. By the second Report, dated 12th of March, 1836,
titled to privileges in Canada, he understood many of them after the decision of the House of Assembly had been settled,
could neither read or write ; such was the state of ignorance and their concession considered hopeless, the Commissioners
there that he believed it not only consisted in the elective recommended that it should be proposed to Parliament to re-
bodypeal or suspend 1 and 2 William IV., which was an Act that
but it was not singular among the representative Mem-
gave the appropriation of the revenues to the House of
hers of the Assembly itself. Such being the case,their Lord-
boli—h a
Treasury.—(
was fairly under the controul of the
ships might easily imagine how persons of such a descrip- Lords a
Commissionerss ury.( Hear, hear,
concurredhear. )
and In that
i re c om-
t ion might be led away by wicked and designing men. He mendationt all there
sin-
would certainly be very unwilling to agree to a measure of gular that that was about the only thirst in;which 'the.; ever
that nature without the most adequate cause being pro- did agree.—( Laughter and hear.) Weir, that being the case,
clued, and he could not say that he thought the revolt what did the Noble Lord do? He thought, or he affected to
alone would be a reason for adopting a measure of such think, for it was scarcely credible that he could entertain any
severity. He could easily imagine an event of such a such opinion, that the House of Assembly had been deceived,
nature as an outbreak taking place and being suppressed, and were labouring under a misconception of the instructions
nithout by any means wet ranting such a course. But the which had been given to the Commissioners, and that if they
kn .w the whole of those directions they would be Willing to
Noble Lord had observed that the Constitution itself had
come to terms. Consequently, the Noble Lord declined to
been already suspended, and he could net Delp thinking
tile refusal of supplies, for the purpose of carrying on saicot u;
n.,r that
son
(HearunanimousrecommendationHed.r
'o
d them
Commis-
that of the ,
em
btl to anothertcaLliwhol
e of
the civil Government of the country, by the House of
Session, and to communicate to the Assembly
instructions, and then to report the result. Y the
hat was the
Assembly, under the circumstances in which it was
placed, was a gross violation of those privileges with result? After passing resolutions much more stringent in
which they had been entrusted by the mother country. terms, and laying aside almost all forma of respect and deco-
But even adenitthsg that that proceeding was strictly con- rum, the House of Assembly summed un by sating that " the
neeettatna to the letter of the Constitution, when he found same circumstance s, as well as their previous consideration of
them rissn to the very cii.nax of anarchy, refusing to obey the enlightened principle above referred to"—that was the
the commands of her Majesty, and, uniting in the principle of obtaining the redress of what they called their
House of Assembly—declaring that they taould grievances before they granted any supplies—" rendered it
never meet to transact the business of the incumbent on them to adjourn their deliberations until the
Government should by its acts, and especially by rendering
province until demands hal been satisfied—the f re-
pro% :their the second branch of their Legislature conformable to the
most of these being a new modelling of a main branch of wishes of the community, enable them adequately to fulfil the
the Constitution--of that Constitution, under which &one duties with which they
were charged." Now that
also
he
they possessed their own political existence—he must say thought was a case merely of delay--( Hear)--forit n-anot
that the precept coald not really be said to be a premature possible that any such hopes or expectations, es bed been
measure ; but on the contrary, he would be almost in- stated, could in reality have beets entertained.—( Loud cheers. )
dined to thick that it had been too long delayed. The next cause and the next point of delay was that most ex-
There were one or two facts in the condect of the House traordinary and incomprehensible delay which took place in
tivee nomegisla Councors, and e M
of Assembly which fully justified the vote their Lordships
hers
of theination of
Executithe Lve Council. The Comillmissionersth em-
had, in
were now called upon to come to.—(Hear, hear.) There
a very full report, recommended the principles upon which
had beet, a time when the Assembly of Lower Canada these a nominationsfN, should take place. That Report was dated
might truly have represented that they had grievances which theo2ere ni
principles—whichay,lst,
any
the prtidpltei then recommended
Were real, numerous, and which called badly for redress.
And a Committee of the House of Commons had been easy on which all Goverj.moennetsrmod acted, anycetrtyipsoirmi simple and
appointed especially fur the purpose of inquiring into these was extremely easy for them to act. But, notwithstanding
grievances ; after much deliberation that Committee made the simplicity of the subject, it was allowed to remain unsettled
a report recommending various measures for their —nothing was done—not a step was taken till—when, did their
redress. To prove that this report was received Lordships think ?—till the Noble Lord wrote his instructions
by the Colonists with sentiments of the utmost satis- to Lord Gosford, on the 14th July, 1837. What possibly
faction, the Noble Lord read the following ex- could be the reason of that it was beyond his imagination to
tract from an Address of the House of Assembly :
conceive; and how, after all, did the Noble Lord give these
it rh. setrici cotoi onne sa I'7 HNeoa rn,
no
esaure.l)l t
hßi
n. y
eif thef
t toMLti
orrrbde Members of
" The well-founded complaints of the Canadians were Gos-
ferredre-
to a Committee of the House of Commons, exlii- ford to do just as he pleased.—( Laughter and cheers.) Could
biting a striking combination of talent, uniting a general he not at first have given Lord Gosford that discretionary
knowledge of constitutional law to a particular acquaint- power which he had given him at last? But let them mart
ance with the state of both the Canadas. This Com- the time at which that had been done—at a time when it could
mittee,after solemn investigation and prolonged deliberation, not by possibility have been of any use. That was an instance
framed a report which will be an imperishable monument of of what he must call pitiable delay—how so much irre-
their justice, and ari authentic testimony to the reality of our solution and vacillation could be exibited on matters
grievances and the justice of our claims and full inte retinso simple and clear, was to him most surprising.
, y pg
He (the Earl of Aberdeen) must also say that, with regard to
our wishes and our wants. Through this report her Ma-
the manuer in which they had passed their resolutions, it hart
jesty's Government became better acquainted than ever been accompanied by very culpable and most mischievous
with the true situation of the Province, and bet- delay.—( Hear.) Those resolutions had been introduced to
ter than ever disposed to remedy its grievances.' the other House of Parliament early in March, but they did
He mentioned this for the purpose of stating that every re- not pass their Lordships' House until early in May. They
commendation of the Committee had been fulfilled, and had been carried in the House of Commons by overwhelming
therefore if the grievances and complaints of the Canadians majorities. Every means had been afforded to facilitate their
had been confined to the matter of that report, the an- progress. The Noble Lords knew very well that although
swer would have been complete and satisfactory. He knew they had encountered a little opposition from some of their
that it had been attempted to show that in one respect the friends—(Laughter)—from their opponents they had met
with
editing Every
In that
itn the contrary, were afforded for
erecommendation of the Committee had not been carried
into effect ; but this he totally denied, and he
incurred the the them.opposition tof House,one Noble
fu the
Learned Lord.
would be able to prove that there was no just Thus two months had been occupied
11 believed, they had_ onlyord
, of those
ground of complaint on the part of the Canadians, resolutions without any reason having assigned;beenelsi
with respect to any of the recommendations times they were delayed by no House being made; but no
contained in that Report. He would not detain their good reason had been alleged—no reason that was sufficient
Lordships, by going minutely through the various stages of for men who were determined--(Cheers)—to discharge their
these disputes between the Provincial Government and the duty with respect to a measure of urgent and pressing neces-
House of Assembly. Year after year they had refused sity. Again, when the assent of their Lordships had been
the supplies, or if they voted them, it was in such a shape obtainedd to
day—(Cheers)—with
resolutions, instead of being ready the very
lesancholy illness —anwoitthhetrhedir Bill, which was to be founded
that they could not pass. They were repeatedly re- neat
occurred.—( Hear,libs
newing addresses detailing additional grievances, and on
No these
doubt s y
resolutions,(
the
melancholy
and demise of I
rising in proportion with their demands as they proceeded, Majesty might have had some influenceesscreating delay
c in
until October, 18:36, they passed the resolution to which he but even before the demise of theplenty
had before referred. How happened it then, with this of time for framing the Bill, if the Noblerow n
Lords would
wasvold have
disposition to conciliate, that the complaints of the people availed themselves of it.-Hear, hear.) He (the Earl of
had arisen ? That in proportion as this disposition was Aberdeen) now came to e a few remarks on the military
shown and acted upon, the estrangement of that body defences of the province and the neighbouring States. He
ealar.te)
seemed to have beeen more and more complete ? And had received the same opinions on this part of the subject 55
in the case of the present Governor-General, ;.(;) conciliatory those which had been referred to on a former occasion by the
had his disposition been that when the necessity of the Noble Lord (Glenelg) opposite—the opinions, certainly,
case made a change quite imperative upon us, he was no
of persons well qualified to decide upon questions of min-
longer thought capable of carrying it into execution, and tary operations. Having seen those opinions he could not
of course take upon himself to blame her Majesty's Minis-
tersthe contrast had been too great for him to be entrusted
with the performance of his duty. Had they of late be- did notfor nota, havingre i n
that
sent
reinforcements to Canada ;
thl:eutehx.e
come sensible of the value of instalment ? He thoughtthe other
travagant reason, assigned by the
observation
Noblefor thevi 5 reason,eoont
there was some probability of that being the case, and night, viz., on the ground of the unpleasant effect which
that they had discovered that her Majesty's Government might be produced on the public mind by the arrival of fresh
were made of compressible materials; and that, with a forces in Canada. The reason upon which the conduct of
take
rhkiees i
fin gri:
t inp
pint
the pt rhoov3ien cgee
nwt
little more energy and perseverance they might hope to Ministers in this respect was justified was, as he apprehended,
obtain the utmost of even their most extravagant wishes. this, that competent military opinions had been delivered to
place there was a sufficient force to
Having a more lively sense of the difficulties under
andthe t
ithatt Government
down.
if
it
should
u that
o nwas not phraodbbabeleen,
which they laboured, he was disposed to view
more charitably than many of those around him mistaken taken in their opinion with regard to the second point
what be felt to be the blameable part of their heis 1,4
.... observe, that the; u
Would Government must at all events
conduct.—(Hear.) He had no wish to exaggerate any have been aware that
troops should be brought from the
thing—but many parts of their conduct in his opinion neighbouring provinces of
Nova Scotia and New Brunswick,
were open to grave accusation. They had been guilty of and there could be no reason why
from
should not
ro
a system of delay, which could not but have an effect the have been sent to those colonies especially as it
most injurious—he should say the practice ofdelay, for he did appeared by documents on the tablem hence,
of the tiil
.ouse that Sir
not believe the delay had been the result of consideration, Colin Campbell had actually applied for such
i
reinforcements
but that what had taken place had been the necessary resultof He remembered a highly-distinguished officer
who haft
be en.
doing nothing. He did not believe that his Noble placed in an important command where a rising of the people
was
Friend, upon reflection, had the slightest hopes that expected, and that officer had been applied to by the Governmentn
by the delay which had taken place, a better state of to know if he could spare any of the force under his command.
things would result. All had been the natural result His reply was, " Before I cano answer you that question, I
must know what yofu require of
any
me. If you require me to
of habitual wavering, irresolution, and infirmity of purpose.
He would candidly and plainly state to the Noble proeirveenmtetltieo riusitng
docwann t sparev,ren itniamdeonn;eebuttatif you only re-
Lords opposite some of the points on which he 'laps half the number will be sufficient."—(aHenearplacetioer-
thought they were justly liable to the accusations those grounds, therefore, with all possible respect to")the urn!
which he had made against them.—(Hear.) First tary opinions which had been alluded to, he h 1,
tuougnt that
the
he thought the appointment of Lord Gosford's commission emergency had not been so completely provided for as it
had caused great delay. What was that Commission of En- might and ought to have been. Having pointed out all the
points upon which he thought the
ocnonhduct of her Majesty's
quiry? He did not mean to deny that the Commissioners had
furnished them with several valuable reports, many ingeni- hNelinsAi,satser sl
pleased
uassteldv
at
deservinga
bolfecteonssufartee, a
st
hee- phaartd of that Ho use,
alreadyr men-
ous speculations and able discussions ; but the greater part tioned, that to the 13;1'r itself he intended to offer
of which just as well and just as easy might have tion.—( Hear.) But at the same time the history of the ePP°si-
he Bill
been given in London. He maintained that, in the state to was somewhat singular. Indeed, he believed it had
which the affairs of Canada had arrived at that amended that, whatever he might have thought of it inen itsso
time, there was no need of further enquiry —(Hear, original and crude state, he might now approve of it highly.
hear.) They had had inquiry enough—they had It had, beyond all question, been greatly improved. Certainly
too
.much inquiry. There had been, for the whole they might perceive by the votes of the House of Common's
previous Session of 1834, a Committee of the House cf laid on their Lordship? table that it had got a new preamble.
Commons occupied in fully investigating the whale of —( Hear.) He had heard that originally it had had a pre-
amble which had been stigmatised as abominable.—( Hear,
this subject—a Committee such as he believed had never and laughter.) That might or nsight not be so—however, as
been seen in the House of Commons before, where the they received it he was bound to say that the preamble was
Colonial Office was open absolutely and without reserve unexceptionable.—(Cheers.) But, accompanying that Bill,
to the demand of any person who choose to move for any their Lordthips had got on their table a paper which h d
no, o y
papers. They were, therefore, in a state in which they now thought of asking for : but a document which had heels
not only able, but in a state which rendered it were
incumbenth. on produced by her Majesty's Government, purporting to be an
theta, to come to a decision on the subject.) extract of a despatch addressed by the Noble Lord oppo,ite
And it was in vain for Noble Lords to say :hat tHear,
ear.
they were not to the Noble Earl who was about to undertake the Govern-
then in a condition to come to that decision ; for they must anent of the province, and was dated on the 20th of January,

1838. What was the object of producing that document ?
It was to inform them, or had been originally intended to
bolster up and explain the preamble, in which some such doc-
trine bad appeared as was developed in the despatch to which
he had referred,—( Hear, hear.) That despatch recom.
mending the calling of a convocation, which had been ori-
ginally produced for the purpose of giving it some countenance,
and connecting it with this Bill, had been pronounced to be
eminently absurd. But if the preamble bad been removed, so
far as it was in any respect connected with that document,
and the instructions stood alone—what must then be its
character? Why, it must be pre-eminently absurd.—(Lead
laughter.) Again, if it were true, as he understood it was,
that the Bill as it now stood would render it illegal in the
Earl of Durham, or any one else, to summon such a conven-
tion, and that he would no longer be able to execute those
instructions without committing a violation of the law—then
must that document appear to their Lordships—he had al-
ready exhausted all superlative expressions—( Hear, hear, and
a laugh)—then must it be super-saturated with absurdity.—
( Cheers.) With respect to the appointment of the Noble Earl,
it was, no doubt, incumbent on her Majesty's Ministers, in
execution of a measure approved of by Parliament, to appoint
whomsoever they might please to carry it into effect ; and he
should always make it a point of never questioning the ap-
pointment of any one—or at least, it could only be on very
strong grounds that he would interfere on such a matter, or en
deavour to dispute any nomination of that nature. But, without
the slightest disrespect to the Noble Earl, he must venture to
suspect whether his nomination was entirely referable to the pur-
pose of pacifying the revolted subjects of her Majesty in that
part of her dominions. He could not but think that it also
had some reference to the pacifying of certain disaffected and
rebelliously-disposed people in this country—( Hear, hear,
and laughter)—persons disaffected to the Noble Lord's op-
posite, whose turbulence of late had become rather trouble-
some.—( Hear, hear.) He was bound to say that the appoint-
ment of the Noble Earl in that respect had been attended
with signal success, and he sincerely hoped that on the other
side of the water that measure might be productive of as
much good effect in pacifying the rebels as it had been in pa-
cifying those turbulent and disaffected spirits to whom he had
alluded.—( Cheers.) When the Noble Earl arrived there he
would find that the three great questions upon which Parlia-
ment was at issue with the House of Assembly were these :
The repeal of the Tenures Act, without any protection to the
present possessors and occupiers of the property; the abroga-
tion of the Charter Land Company ; and the, establishment of
the principle of election in the Legislative Council. With
regard to the two first questions there could be no difficulty.
He believed even the Noble and Learned Lord opposite (Lord
Brougham) had consented to that resolution which declared
that the charter of land could not, ought not, to be abrogated,
and the Tenures Act ought not to be repealed without secu-
rity being granted for the interests of present occupiers.
However great might be the political extravagance of
the Noble and Learned Lord, he (the Earl of Aberdeen) had
felt quite sure that when he had to apply his mind to a subject
of a judicial nature, and when the interests of parties were
concerned, he could arrive at a just conclusion ; and he there-
fore though that there could be no doubt of his assenting to
that resolution. But the Noble and Learned Lord had on
that same occasion taken the opportunity of volunteering his
advice on that subject, and had said tint, unless his Noble
Friend was prepared to send out a commissioner with power to
make the Legislative Council elective, he might spare his
trouble, for that all other proncsals would be in vane Now
he (the Earl of Aberdeen)would also en the present occasion
volunteer an opinion on the sullect, and he could tell the
Noble Lord, if he were prepared to make the Legislative
Council elective, he must be prepared to sever that province
from the dominion of this country.—( Cheers.) That the in-
troduction of the elective principle into the Council would lead
to the separation of Canada from this country he could enter-
tain no doubt. It was true that in the course of ages that event
would come to pass. Let the Government be what it might, he
saw no reason why they should constantly close their eyes to
that consideration ; and the very efforts which they made to in-
crease the wealth, the prosperity, and the power of the colo-
nies necessarily tended to hasten that very result.—(Hear,
hear.) He did, however, believe that by good Government,
by wise administration, that time might be far removed from
them, and he saw no reason why they should not yet enjoy
long years of youthful happiness and prosperity. All their
Lordships would recollect the beautiful apostrophe of Burke's
in a speech on the American question, in which he repre-
sented the genius of Lord Bathurst at the commencement
of the last war as pointing out to his adm'ration the future hap-
pinese and rising prosperity of the American colonies, and tell-
ing him that he should see all their wonders before he de-
scended into the grave. Now he, (the Earl of Aberdeen)
thoueht that with respect to their present provinces in North
America there was ne reason why their children should not see
dt thatitiiueetetdiNhitteuooCfloaerns would
Crown
till and more than all Lord Bathurst ever lived to see in the
progress of those colonis. These provinces had advanced in
many respects more rapidly, and he could discover no reason
why the termination of the vision should not be more happy
and gratifying.—( Loud cheers.)
Lord BROUGHAM—How comes it to pass, my Lords,
by what fate of mine is it, that as often as this great question
of our colonies comes on in this place—whether in the ill-
fated Resolutions of last May, or in the interlocutory conver-
sations raised by the expectations of this measure, or on the
address which announced its nearer approach, or now on the'
Bill itself which embodies it—l alone should be found to in-
terrupt the universal harmony of your Councils—alone t
' oppose a Bill presented by the Government without defence
but immediately taken up and zealously supported by thei
adversaries—alone to stand up the advocate of the Constitu2
tion—alone to resist the breach of all law, the violation of all
justice, in this high Court of Law, which distributes justice
litliout appeal—alone to withstand arbitrary and tyrannical
innovations in the Senate—the Conservative Senate of a free
country—alone to maintain the peace, and stay the dismem-
berment of the empire, among your Lordships, who of all men
that live have the deepest interest in peace, and the empire
being preserved entire ? The position which I occupy is sur-
rounded with difficulty and embarrassment ; the task I
perform is a thankless one, but I will not—l may not—
abandon the position in which I am in the discharge
of ray duty planted ; and here I am, at the last hour in this
hateful controversy, again attempting to discharge what I
know to be a thankless duty. I know that from
the contest I - must retire defeated, but not disgraced.
I know that if I gain nothing,' or if I fail completely, I
shall at least retain the satisfaction of my own mind.—( Hear.)
The Noble and Learned Lord proceeded by saying that when
this subject was last before their Lordships he had purposely
avoided following his Noble Friend into the controversy to
which he had invited him. He did this because he knew
that other opportunities would be afforded to him. That op- 1
portunity had now come, and he had heard what his Noble
Friend had said. He found that he had said in explanation of
the Bill—nothing ; in defence of the Bill—nothing.—( Loud
laughter.) Not a gleam of light was thrown upon the darker
phases of this measure. There was nothing to reconcile the
manifest inconsistency of the course that had been pursued ;
there was nothing said to make this measure anceptable ; there
was nothing said to show why this Bill should be introduced
now rather than at any other time ; there was nothing to
defend its provisions except the very able, and, as far as that
part of the speech was concerned, the temperate speech of
the Noble Earl opposite. That Noble Earl was not evidently
there, however, to be the advocate of her Majesty's Minis-
ters, or to pronouuce an eulogium upon them; but to take
under his special protection the Bill which appeared to
him to have been abandoned by its parent.—(Laughter.)
The Bill so abandoned was taken up and fostered by the
Noble Earl, who bestowed upon it no stepmother's care, to
hptßwhlenabai
rsiNantovhlonsayebi
dwylps
eehrhwooooEcesfvaerhneeratld:tenehabdoanetHtdfe
from
noooi
House,
nabshteteih,tctwbehthiaileSttehi
might
withheld
headi l
eg lhHwhdataedfsor
must,
aenmutogshrttoeciobgxbdßeapuerrocN ndveaheesrapsd:n,
expressing
chance
now say one word about the less temperate portion of the
a following up of the saving protest of the Noble Duke and
speechtt lio
Control (Lord Ellenborough), that in agreeing to the address
freely their opinions as to the conduct of her Majesty'sg
Ministers. That opinion had certainly been expressed
that night, and when he heard it lie could not help re-
collecting the great offence taken by his Noble Friend
(Lord Glenelg) at the free expression of his opinions
upon a former occasion ; and he could not but remember
the contrast—the elaborated contrast—made between the
treatment that his Noble Friend received from him who had
been a former colleague, and the treatment experienced from
a Noble Duke opposed to the present administration; and
that that, too, led to a panegyric, God knew I most highly
and amply merited by the Noble Duke ; and that too was fol-
lowed by a contrast between the mind of the Noble Duke and
of him of whose speech his Noble Friend was then complain-
ing—( Laughter)—but, remembering this, he was led to an.
ticipate a more favourable verdict when his Noble Friend came
to contrast himself with the Noble Earl opposite and the No-
ble Duke who sat near him.—(Laughter.) The Noble Earl
opposite had promised to speak of the Government with for-
bearance and charity. Certainly the charity of the Noble
Earl was not of that species which covereth a multitude of sins.
( Lauehter. ) His charity on the contrary, rested in a awl-
-, h
titude of attaughter.) Anything less kindly to them
could not be titan the speech had been pronounced, and he was
sure it was of that nature that was calculated to restore him to a
place in the affections of his Noble Friend.—(A laugh.) He
was sure that his Noble Friend must be most anxious to be
saved from the charity of the Noble Earl ; and as to the for-
bearance of the Noble Earl, it was more difficult to bear titan
his charity itself.—(Laughter.) What had the Noble Earl
said of thofe cvoancelilulacttioonf haiis,dNdoeblluey—Fritebnadt
it? ul.a'hsenNotobalesyEstaemrl dbeu-t
clared that he could not condescend to compliment it even as a
rate practice—a bad practice, arising from incurable
hsaynasbtiientrnave of wavering vacillation and infirmity of purpose—
( Laughter)—and this was applied to a great Minister in a
great emergency when the opposite qualities were most re-
quired; and all this, too, was the charge of the Noble Earl
in the exercise of his forbearance.—(Laughter.) Having
thus, as he considered, set himself right as to the personal
part of the question, he approached to the more important part
of the argument, and with some anxiety, too, as he was fear-
ful of wearying their Lordships by again impressing upon
them the same topics.—(Hear, hear.) Nothing, it was said,
was so unseasonable as the conduct of the House of Assembly.
His Noble friend declared that the House of Assembly had
been guilty of a breach of their duty—it was his Noble Friend's
sra firstt said
f thatt t
atreo powers
given only argument for his Bill—that the Assembly was guilty of
a breach of their duty in refusing the supplies required from
them. Then there was but one course to be taken. To
suspend the
ande
It
sehlandbleyn themselvestereainto were
an
account to
violate
olht he
proceedings
ee i t were
e.
d lin.hges
Nobleaid thc
EarlA '
therefore
ususpend the Constitution.—( Hear.) Other Noble Lords
to
gss.perd to
before the Committee of 1828, to which lie said such powers
had been given as had hardly been given before. The recom-
e
s

mendation: given by that Committee were sent to the colonies,
and, it had been observed, were received there with gratitude.
There was no doubt that such feelings were expfnieneed
there, and the colonies were to be guided by them ; but
until when? Not until 1831. But they were increased, and
acquired additional force, because the foundation of freedom
had been enlarged by the Noble Earl opposite ; they having
obtained the command of the supplies—the power of the purse.
What was the complaint then made against them? They
were told that whatever abuses existed they had themselves

the power of redressing them. They were given that power.
They were told they could until they obtain= d redress with-
hold the supplies. They were told they had the power and they
used it. Short-sighted men I Innocent men I they believed
you when you told them you gave them that power—they be-
lieved you when you said they had the power of the
purse—they believed you when you told them they were
clothed with the power of redressing grievances ; and all
they then did was to use the power which you bragged you
had given to them—they withheld the supplies until their
grievances were redressed ; and the instant they used that
power, for the purpose, the express purpose, for which it was
given, the instant they did that you have turned round upon
them, and the Noble Lord who actually gave them this power
says to them, " You have abused the privileges which were
given you ; you are violating the Constitution, and therefore
the Constitution shall be torn away from you."—( Hear, hear,
hear.) It was a mockery—it was the most unbearable inso-
lence and insult put upon a people—first to boast that political
privileges were given to them, and that the power of the purse
was conferred upon them ; and the instant they used their pri-
vileges to say, " Oh, you have abused those privileges; it was
never meant you should use them ; we only meant to round a
period in a dispatch, or to round a period in a vice-royal
speech at Quebec; you were never to use the power which
was given to you ; it was only conferred upon condition that
you would always be pleased never to refuse, and always to
grant."—(Loud laughter.) Now, he could understand the
the Noble Duke opposite supporting the present course, be-
cause he had disapproved of the Act of 1831. The Noble
Duke had opposed the Act of 1831, and, if he were not mis-
taken, his protest against it was recorded upon the journals of
the House. But, then, he turned to his Noble Friends, and
asked them what was their consistency in giving a power,
and yet declaring that the first time it was put in practice it
should be taken from those to whom it had been given ? Let
them, however, now remember that they were called upon not
to repeal the Act of 1831, but the 31st of George 111., the
Act of 1791. That Act was not the act of Mr. Pitt, but, to
his knowledge, it was the act of the, late Lord Grenville. It
was to be taken away, and an arbitrary and despotic Govern-
ment was to be introduced in the place of a,free Constitution.
He used the words given by his Noble Friend in propounding
this Bill—this odious Bill for suspending a free Constitution,
and substituting an arbitrary Government in its place. How
had the Canadians deserved this from them ? Upon the Ca-
nadians refusing supplies the Government had passed resolu-
tions ; these resolutions the Noble Earl opposite had admitted
were calculated to harrass and vex the Canadians.—( Hear,
hear.) They passed these resolutions, and the natural conse-
quences were produced ; and they took no pains to prevent
them. Not a man had been sent—not an order had been issued
—not a line had been written; he repeated it, not a man had
been sent, not a pound had been spent, to prevent what was the
inevitable consequence, because the natural consequence, of
their eighth resolution.—( Hear.) But now they had disclosed
to them in one of the two provinces a scene which baffled all
description, a scene which he defied the history of any civi-
lized or Christian country to produce or to match. A gover-
nor who was appointed to administer the law, to exercise the
powers of the state for the protection of the subject; one who
was nominated to administer justice in mercy ; one who was
appointed above all mankind to prevent crime, and only in the
hard necessity of the case to punish crime, ellen it was not
in the power of the Governor to prevent it. What, he asked,
was it that a government so circumstanced ought to do? For
the sake of peace, for the sake of good order, for the benefit
of the government, and before all, because above all, it was
that which he was first and foremost commanded to do, and for
which his Sovereign had planted him there above all, namely,
that he might more particularly look to and provide for the
peace, happiness, and protection of his fellow-subjects. And
yet they heard it avowed and boasted of by an individual so
situated—they heard it in his despatch—they heard it in his
speech to the people whom he misgoverned, that he did not think
it right, though he knew that preparations were making for
crime ; though he well knew and was accurately informed that a
rebellion was hatching ; that traitors were laying their plans ;
that disaffection was going on day by day ; and seduction mena-
ing by traitors more and more; and that every hour was
rapidly maturing those treasonable plans ; still that he
deemed it right to take no steps to prevent4he preparation
of crime, and to save the innocent subjects from being de-
luded from their duty into a rebellion which was thus planned
by traitors.—( Hear, hear.) Gracious God ! did he live in a
civilized country ? Was he to be told that this was to be the
conduct of the mother country ? Were they to be told in the
present state of society that this was the manner in which
they were well to govern and justly to guide those subjects
over whom they assumed a control on the other side of the
Atlantic ? Did it after all turn out that the mode in which
they governed it was this—that they found disaffection, and
they did nothing to put a stop to it? They sent away troops
—( Hear)—they took care not to have an overawing force ; for
peradventuee disaffection might have been suppressed if they
had been well provided with troops : disaffection in that case
would not have grown into rebellion. But this was not done.
The great object was to ripen disaffection into revolt, which the
presence of a regular army could have prevented. This was
not done, and blood was shed upon both sides. The blood of
the disaffected, to be sure, had been shed; but so also had
the blood of the innocent, and the blood of those whom they
allowed by the arts of traitors to become disaffected. It
was then, and not until then, that they found the Queen's
peace to be restored.—( Hear, hear.) He called upon the
venerable bench of Bishops to lay this case to their hearts ;
he called upon them to reflect upon what was the duty
and the office of a Christian man—that he was not to allow
men, when he had the means of preventing them, to pursue
that course which notoriously led to sin in another, in order
that that sin might be visited with appropriate punishment.
—( Hear, hear.) He called upon the respected judges of
the land to state how they dealt e ith those who came,
not as the vindicators of crime, but as the tempters to it;
how they felt as to those who in such cases were informers,
when the very scum of the earth was cast up before them to
meet their eye—he asked those Judges what were the feel-
ings that agitated their minds whets they saw before them
those who could have prevented crime and yet did not do so,
but preferred prosecuting their unfortunate victim to judg-
ment ?—( Hear, hear.) And yet the Governor of Upper
Canada had the confidence and the courage to boast of this
to his employers, and to boast of it to those whom he had
maltreated, and whom in the exercise of his trust he had
betrayed. Well, indeed, might that same Governor talk
with deep regret of the loss of life—well, indeed, might he
speak of the lamented and gallant Colonel Moody, who was
foully slaughtered, but still whose life might have been
saved if he had not sent away the troops, or if there had bees
more troops.—( Hear, hear.) Peradventure the boast was the
after-thought of a vain man. He could hardly think that
any man in the station of that Governor, if there had been
a sufficient supply of troops, who would not have pre-
ferred not sending them away, mad thus stopping disaffec-
tion short of a revolt, rather than that blood should be
shed in its resistance. If this had been done, instead of
bootlessly lamenting the loss of a gallant officer, he should
have rejoiced in that triumph of which any Governor at home
or abroad ought to be most proud of, namely, the triumph of
preventing crime, and of preventing the peace that had been
entrusted to him from being broken.—( Hear, hear. )
The same Governor, it was understood, had thrown
out some threat with respect to the United States
of America. It appeared that the American terri-
tory had been violated. It was difficult iirey et
volunteers from doing this ; it would have been easy,
on the other hand, to have prevented a regular force
from doing any such thing.—( Hear, hear.) If they had such
troops there, not only would not the peace with America be
disturbed, but they would not now be engaged in the hopeless
struggle in which they were involved. If it had broken out
they would easily have overpowered it. With military subor-
dination, no such rabble as they had employed could have per-
petrated the act committed with respect to the American ves-
sel on the American shore, for no such rabble could then have
at all proceeded there. —( Hear, hear.) With respect to what
had been said of the opinion of the Noble Duke opposite, vin-
dicating the Government in not sending out troops, he must say
that he was most willing to pause and to defer to such high mili-
tary authority upon military subjects. He must, however, ex-
press his own opinion upon those points with regard to which
civilians were competent to decide. He should defer to military
authority as to whether a certain number of troops would be re-
quired when a rebellion had broken out. But he thought that
civilians ought to have a concurrent voice with military autho.
ritics upon the more grave and important point—the means of
preventing a revolt from breaking out. To say that that was a
mere military question was absurd—it might as well be said
that the passing of an Act of Parliament was a military ques-
tion, or that the adoption of a measure of police was a mili-
tary question. It was a civil question. The Noble Earl
opposite had, with great good sense, referred to a high autho-
rity upon that subject. That authority, which was of inesti-
mable value, declared that " the larger force was required to
prevent rebellion—a much less force to suppress it." This
was, in his opinion a grave charge against the Government—
the omission of it had involved the colonies in rebellion, as yet
only quelled in part; while if it had been attended to it would
have prevented that effusion of blood which must lead to a rank-
ling feeling for years, and must long tend to irritation between
them other country and the colony. It had also led to that which
unarmed, unformed, unmilitary, and insubordinate volunteers,
because they were not purely military, were most likely to
lead them to—it had involved in its consequences a breach
of the peace with the United States of America. He
must deeply lament any occurrence that would tend to
increase the feeling in the United States that the last Ame-
rican war had unhappily left ; but if any one asked him did
lie expect that such conduct as he had alluded to would lead
to any hostile measure being adopted in that country, he would
reply that he did not. Ile knew the good sense that prevailed
in that Union ; he was aware that, generally speaking, a ra-
tional and liberal policy prevailed there. Long might that
policy continue—long might that union last ! The con-
tinuance of that union and the perpetuation of that policy
were important to all the world It was his earnest desire
that the American Union might long continue, because if it
were broken up, looking at the warlike nature of man, lie
could hardly see the possibility of a war being avoided.
Met, however, as the authorities of that country would no
doubt be, by precisely the same sentiments of wholesome and
virtuous and peaceful policy on this side of the Atlantic,
after a certain number of disputations and forms. and nu-
merous conferences and explanations, there would be a satis-
' factory adjustment, and an end would be put to the F. esent

unhappy differences. But there would not be an end to the
consequences, as regarded the impression that wotsid be
made on the public mind, and those consequences he must
consider wholly attributable to a want of a military force
sufficiently large to suppress the discontent at the outbreak.
Now, they were for punishing the Canadians for those offences
which were in part occasioned by themselves, by their own
rash, headlong policy, and they would punish them by sus-
pending their free Constitution. Had they deserved it ? He
would not ask the question.- He would not ask their Lord-
ships to eelve the !necktie, prre.lem of whet propertion of a
people must err before they punished the whole for the
offences of a part. He would not ask them to answer that
question, but he would beg of them to recollect the sentiments
of-the Government the last time the state of Canada was
brought before them. They were informed that teemutbreak
was a mere trifle—there were a few people, a handful in a
corner of the country, a few thousands in rebellion, and all the
rest of the provinces were perfectly sound. In Upper Canada
the Goverment did reet require a sinaie soldier. Sueli was
the loyalty and zeal clispleyed by the people in Upper Canada
that the Governor, when asked how many men he cou:d
spare from that colony, answered in his usual boastful
style " All." It was now proposed to reward their zeal and
loyalty, and the refusal to take a part in those revolu-
tionary practices, by depriving them, nut of a part only, but of
the whole of their Constitution. Because a few broke out in
revolt, a " mere handful up in a corner," it wes proclaimed
that an end should be put to the liberties of the whole people ;
and a noble friend of his and a friend of liberty—a strong
friend of liberty, and a Reformer—was to be sent out to them
in the character of dictator. This appeared to bins nut ex-
actly the sort of policy, it appeared to him not the policy
that was persevered in, through good report and through
evil report, in all parts of the empire. Suppose they had to
deal with a country which, instead of being three thousand
miles across the sea, was almost in sight—suppose that in-
stead of its having no representative in Parliament, it was
well represented by, say 105 members—and suppcse a large
proportion of that number, say not less than seventy, were
the sworn friends, the strenuous supporters, the thick-and-
thin advocates of the very ministers who had administered
this bitter portion to the Canadians—to the distant unre-
presented Canadians. How would the Government have
treated that portion of the British dominion now called
Canada, but which, in the case he had put, would of
course be called by another name ?—( A laugh.) Suppose
that the leader of these representatives was a Mr. Papineau,
who was the coadjutor of the Government—ke must here use
another European simile—( A laugh)—and that this individual
maintained that the Legislative Council should be elective,
instead of being appointed for life. his Noble Friend the
Secretary of State for the Home Department, quoting from
Mr. Fox, and applying the passage literally, had laid it down
as a principle that there was but one way of governing the
people, and that was—what did they think? He should say
by administering, as 'his Noble Friend on the cross benches
did, justice tempered with mercy ; evincing the most conde-
scending respect for the people, endearing himself to them by
his intercourse with them on friendly terms, but at the samo

time taking care that he did justice—that he did what was
right—giving to them that which was their due, and holding
the balance with a manly and firm hand. But what was his No-
ble Friend's ( Lord John Russell's), principle of govern-
ing a people ? He laid it down that it was proper to give
them exactly what they ought to have. That was not the Ca-
nadian rule of Government—it was only the Irish rule.
--(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Irish nation exhi-
bited six millions of people united by one common sentiment--
they were represented by seventy staunch supporters of the
Government at home, and when those representatives demanded
justice for them, their demands were to be heard. The rule in
that case was, " Govern them in accordance with their wish ;
if they desire an Elective Council, make it elective ; if a Life
Council, make it so." But when Canada was in question, that
country, being three thousand miles off, and only about half a
million strong, might be disregarded ; the people of Canada
had not a fraction of a representative to make their grievances
heard, or to support the Government in the Commons' House
of Parliament i the rule, therefore, was to turn a deaf ear to all
their grievances—to mock them with a remedy which they were
told they might employ when they pleased, as often as they,
pleased, and As much as they pleased, but the instant they at-
tempted to use it they were deprived of it and subjected ton
punishment. They had all seen or heard of instances of
the vast difference between the conduct of a mother and
that of a stepmother—between a kind and an unkind
parent. The one endeavoured to conciliate rather than
check by coercion—would reward rather than punish—was
desirous rather of preventing the child from offending •
than of detecting and chastising for the wrong-doing ; and •
never was the heart of such a parent more wrung than when
her tender watching eed fostering care failed, arid the crime
was committed and punishment became inevitable. He had
known the contrary. Who indeed had not heard of or wit-
nessed the contrary course of the stepmother—watching to
pick a quarrel, anxious to foster any bad temper of the infant,
till it broke out and gave her the opportunity she had watched
for of inflicting punishment? These things had he witnessed,
but never yet had he knewn an instance between a mother and:
a step-parent affording so gross, so violent, and outrageous a
contrast as that between the conduct of the mother country to-.'
wards Ireland and of the stepmother country towards Canada. -'
Hear, hear.) The instructions with which his Nubia
Friend was to go out to Canada had been laid before them,
and he must say he looked upon that production as a moat •
extraordinary proceeding. The Government had issued to
themselves the second-sight faculty of knowing now what it
would be right to desire their emissary to do in May next,
—( Hear, hear.) It was one of the great difficulties of go-
verning a distant empire that they never could give their
orders under precisely the same circumstances as those un-,
der which they would be carried into effect, because there
was always an interval of six weeks between the period o
issuing them and their being acted upon: but was that area.
son why they should aggravate the mischief? Was that &
reason why they should make the evil ten times worse than i
was necessary, by sitting down—surely mortal man never di.
such a thing before—( A laugh)—by sitting down quietly in
Downing-street in January for the purpose of drawing up the
instructions, with all the details, which it was intended to give
in the April or May following ? How could his noble friend I
know that he would continue of the same mind?—( Laughter.)
The measure out of which the instructions arose had been three
or four times changed in the course of three or four days in
one week. First her Majesty's Ministers wavered a little; then
they came, as they said, to a fixed purpose ; and then they al.:"
lowed a total change of the measure to be effected by the op.‘
posite party. Hesitation and delay marked the whole course
of the Government. His noble friend was not to repair to
the spot where this insurrection was at work till the weather..
was fine—till April, and then his noble friend was to go
armed only with the powers of these instructions. He was -e
exceedingly sorry that what had fallen from him the other
evening on this subject was mistaken by the Noble Earl
opposite. He had never said that he should be sorry if his
Noble Friend went out and did not grant an Elective Conn- •
cil ; what he did say was, that he should be sorry if his Nobl
Friend was not armed with the power of granting an Elective
Council if it were wished. Why did he say so ? Because it •
appeared to him that by sending out his Noble Friend they
would give him a great deal of trouble, that he would not ob-
tain any credit by the mission, and that all this was for no
earthly purpose, inasmuch as every one knew what answer
would be given to those questions which his Noble Friend
was authorised to get replies to. The first instruction said,
" In order to lay the ground for the permanent settlement of •
the questions which agitate Lower Canada, also of those which
create division between Upper and Lower Canada, it w ill pro-
bably be found necessary to resort to some legislative measures
of a comprehensive nature." What they were was not stated.
The Committee being formed, his Noble Friend was instructed 2
t• bring before them the subjects on which he desired to re
ceive their opinion and advice. The most important of these '•
were described to be " The questions in debate between the
two Canadian provinces." The instructions went on to say,
"It is clear that some plan must be devised to meet the •
just demands of Upper Canada. It will be for your Lord-
ship, in conjunction with the Committee, to consider if this •
should not he done by constituting some joint Legislative au- 7
thority which should preside over all questions of Common
interest to the two provinces." * + * " The Constitu-
tional Act of 1791 will supply another subject of deliberation,
with a view to determine what measures may safely be taken
to correct the defects which have hitherto interfered, at least
in the Lower Province, with its successful working." Among
the other subjects to be inquired into were the provision •
that should be made to meet the necessary expenses of the
Civil Government in Lower Canada—the state of the law
affecting the tenure of landed property in that province—the
establishment of a Court for the trial of appeals and impeach-
ments, &c. On these subjects his Noble Friend was asked
to make his report to her Majesty's Ministers. Why, had
they not had reports enough ? Had they not from the
Committee of 1828 such a report as was never made be
fore 1828 ? Had they not in 1834 such a report as
never made before 1834 ? They had those two re-
ports from those two Committees, which had the power,
and exercised it, cf examining all persons, sending for all -,
papers, and searching all records. Had they not the result •
of the inquiry into the state of the province by Lord Gosfeed
and his learned and able coadjutors, who furnished them
~tiith the greatest conceivable variety of opinions and on ex-
traordinary multiplicity of authorities. Not only did each of
those individuals differ from the other, but each differed from
himself, for they generally agreed one way and decided
another.—(Much laughter.) Could they hope that any sin-
gle man could afford them such a variety.—( A laugh.) Ho
defied any one person, whether a dictator or any other offi
cer, to equal the celebrated report of Lord Gosford and
his Commissioners. He should have thought that this would
have satisfied the greatest appetite for delay, but they were
still to pursue a lingering, halting policy. We understood
the l'aoble and Learned Lord to contend that the argument
on constitutional grounds against the establishment of an Eke-
tire Council in Canada was founded on a wrong analogy, but
he occasionally spoke in so low a tone that many of his
observations were quite inaudible. The Noble and Learned
Lord proceeded to show that the executive Government of
this country occupied a position in principle essentially
different from that of the executive Government in
Canada. An elective House of Lords was inconsistent
with with our constitution, because an hereditary House
of Lords independent of the people was necessary—for what
purpose? It was a protection to the Crown—it prevented
the Crown from coming into constant collision with the people-
-( Hear, hear.) That was the object of it. But let theta
only see how peculiar was the position of the Crown, the
Heuse of Lords, and the House of Commons with reference to
each other in the parent state. One look at the subject would
satisfy their Lordships that the constitutional argument was to-
tally inapplicable to the relations between the Executive Go-
vernment and the Upper and Lower Assembly in the colonies-
Here the Crown had the power of refusing its assent to
ants -
measure assed by Parliament, but the Commons had the -

Power of refusing the supplies. If a Bill came from the Com-
mons to which it was thought expedient by the Crown that the
Royal assent should be refused, the Crown by that act of re-
fusal would come into direct collision with the Commons. The
result would be a refusal of the supplies, and the Crown, hav-
ing no other resources, of course must yield. The Govern-
ment would thus come to be purely democratic. What pre-
vented it becoming so at present? The Crown sheltered itself
behind the Peers ; and did that through the Peers which it might
do itself ; but in point of fact, though it had the power it
never exercised it. Was this the case in the colonies ?
Nothing of the kind. The Governor there refused his
assent to measures as easily as did the House of Lords in
this country. The Govornor had, in fact, no occasion for the
Protection of an Upper House. How different was the situa-
tion of the colonies from that of the mother-country. How
far more dependent on the mother-country, that was to say
,)11 the Crown, must be the people of the colonies than would
be the people of this country with an Elective Council. If
the Crown was refused its supplies, it had no other resources.
Were the Crown able to raise its ten or twelve millions
asyear without the consent of the Commons its position
would be altogether different. Do what they would, as long
as Parliament chose to provide the supplies which the Colo-
nial Assembly withheld, so long would they be able to exers
else a controul over the State. If the Colonial Assembly
refused money, let the Crown refuse its assent to their
Bills, and this it would bring them to a certain degree
under itz authority. The result would be, not that either
party would accomplish its purpose, but the business would
would end as it ought to end, by each sacrificing a little.
Thus harmony would prevail, and future discords be avoided.
He therefore held that it was unwise to send out his Noble
Friend without those full powers, which, if he was to be
deprived of, he had better not go at all.—( Hear, hear.)
They had been advised of a case of infinitely grave im-
portance, of a revolt—as compared with which, what had
lately broken out in Canada, even if that was tenfold what it
was, would still be a mere nothing—he alluded to the record
which was to be found in that rich field of experience which
the history of the Spanish colonies in the New World, written
by his dear kinsman, Wm. Robertson, presented—the record
of that remarkable rebellion of Pizarro in Peru. When the
whole country had risen in arms, when Blasco Nugnez Vela,
the viceroy of the Emperor, had been met by the rebel Pizarro
at the head of his forces; had been overthrown in several
pitched battles ; had been dethroned and imprisoned, and, in
the last battle which he fought had been put to death—when
the whole of the large populatiorf of that rich province were
banded together in a well-organised military system of revolt,
the Emperor, a man of vast experience, of great ability,
and consummate wisdom, Charles V., saw but one course
to take to prevent the final loss of his rich domi-
nions, and that was the appointment of Gasca to
repair to Peru as President. The history thus described
the individual who was selected for that high trust :
t‘ The success, however, of this negotiation, no less delicate
than it was important, depended entirely on the abilities and
address of the person to whom it should be committed.
After weighing, with much attention, the comparative merits
of various persons, the Spanish ministers fixed with unanimity
of choice upon Pedro de la Gasca, a priest in no higher sta-
tion than that of Counsellor to the Inquisition. Though in no
public office, he had been occasionally employed by Govern.
merit in affairs cf trust and consequence, and had conducted
them with no less skill than success, displaying a gentle and
insinuating temper, accompanied with much firmness; probity
superior to any feeling of private interest, and a cautious cir-
cumspection in concerting measures, followed by such vigour
in executing them, as is rarely found in alliance with the other.
These qualities marked him out for the function to which he
was destined. The Emperor, to whom Gasca was not un-
known, warmly approved of the choice, and communicated it to
bins in a letter containing expressions of good-will and con-
fidence, no less honourable to the prince who wrote than to
the subject who received it. Gasca, notwithstanding his
advanced age and feeble constitution, and though from the
apprehensions natural to a men who, during the course of his
life, had never been out of his own country, he dreaded the
effects of a long voyage and of an unhealthy climate, did not
hesitate a moment about complying with the will of his sove-
reign. But, as a proof that it was from this principle alone
he acted, he refused a bishopric that was offered to him, in
order that he might appear in Peru with a more dignified cha-
racter ; he would accept of no higher title than that of Presi-
dent of the Court of Audience in Lisa, and declared that he
would receive no salary on account of his discharging the
duties of that office. All he required was, that the expense
' of supporting his family should be defrayed by the public ;
and as he was to go like a minister of peace witth his goon
and breviary, and without any retinue but a few domestics,
this would not load the tevenue with any enormous burden.
But while he discovered such disinterested moderation with
respect to whatever related personally to himself, he demanded
his official powers in a very different tone. He insisted, as he
was to be employed in a country so remote from the seat of
go'-ernment, where he could not have recourse to his sove-
reign for new instructions on every emergency, and as the
whole success of his negotiations must depend on the confi-
dence which the people with whom he had to treat could place in
the extent of his powere, that he ought to be invested with un-
limited authority ; that his jurisdiction must reach to all per-
sons and to all causes ; that he must be empowered to pardon,
to punish, or to reward, as circumstances and the behaviour of
different men might require; that in case of resistance from
the malcontents, he might be authorised to reduce them to
obedience by force of arms, to levy troops for that pur-
pose, and to call for assistance from the governors of all
the Spanish settlements in America. These powers, though
manifestly conducive to the great objects of his mission, ap-
Peared to the Spanish Ministers to be inalienable prero-
gatives of royalty, which ought not to be delegated to a
subject; and they refused to grant them. But the Em-
peror's views were more enlarged. As, from the nature of
his employment, Gasca must be entrusted with discretionary
Power in several points, and all his efforts might prove in-
effectual if he was circumscribed in any one particular,
Charles scrupled not to invest him with authority to the full
extent that he demanded. Highly satisfied with this fresh
Proof of his master's confidence, Gasca hastened his
departure, and, without either money or troops, set
out to quell a formidable rebellion." In all the ne-
Fotiatons which followed he invariably triumphed over
nis antagonists, and Pizarro, foiled in the war of the pen,
got together a powerful army, and advanced against
had
at the head of his forces. What did Gasca? As he.
his
not disappointed the expectations of Charles hitherto by
,15 conduct in the Cabinet, to he did greatly disappoint the
Z°Pes of Pizarro by his conduct in the field. He equipped a
fleet ; he captured all Pizarro's cruisers ; he fitted out an
rrnY, he met Pizarro in the field, he destroyed him and his
rnY, and brought his associates to the gallows ; and then
egan the only part of his history which was wanting to the
Rolsummation of his glory. Having prevailed over valorous
o!ers in the field, and triumphed over the mature cunning
his adversaries by his diplomatic skill—having gained the
admiration of all by his courage and abilities, all that remained
a to show that that his virtues were, if possible, still greater
than these. " And when," said the historian, "men cane to
411e,that in his distribution of rewards, where his power was tin-
aaslted, absolute, and arbitrary, he had given away millions
s ‘, Millions in territory, in money, and in plate, and had
ilet_se.rved neither for himself nor his followers, nor his
adm'lY, nor his connections one single farthing, the universal
miration which his genius had commanded was lost in the
which his virtues had gained for him. He returned to the
larnPeror more than successful, triumphant over all his adver-
t'es, and over all the weaknesses of human nature ; he re-
turn,,life
u to Europe, and passed in the privacy of ecclesiastical
y,es the residue of his days, in the tranquillity of retirement,
10,,,Peected by the country, honoured by his Sovereign, and be-
ie ,i(11 by all." This most remarkable and instructive passage
a history of Charles V. afforded a striking lesson to Mi-
t, 'l's what course to pursue as to the powers to be given
btuthe Noble Lord about to proceed to Canada. He (Lord
itt euetl:atn) should now retire from the contemplation of this
° y respect most painful and lamentable, in some re-
-I,l"ets_most disgraceful, subject ; and the last advice he should
out
oft.iovernment. would be to go every length, all lengths,
their way, in order to restore a feeling of kindness be-
eifTt us and our fellow-subjects in Canada. Let them be mer-
,4.l as well as just, and listen not, above all things, to the
ouments of those who told them the time for concession
an gone by, and that though it would have been right to give
Rh gone
the Canadiansy'
e asked now, and what they had asked be-
foret4 the rebellion broke out, it would be wrong to give it now
their demands
rebellion, had broken out. If it was right to grant
1, demands at any time it was right still. If it had hitherto
ee„,
er
ong to grant them it was wrong sti I; and let them
L their minds steadily to refuse them. If they were
etl'o",u ,l.n doing so, the character of this country was quite high
lustre to prevent anything from staining or tarnishing its
0t.,, let Government do what was right, and they need fear
them 'lllB4twitting them with vacillation or weakness. Let
actions e justice their rule, their guide, the basis of all their
their
„1 and slander could not touch them. Let them do
get utmost endeavour to bring about that peace without which
did tued empire seas but extended weakness—which, if they
field c't restore, they would find vain all their victories in the
eoncilirin the Council, or in the Legislature ; if they did not
might ate the real affections of our Canadian brethren, they
kainta• ePcnd on it that they would find Canada, even if they
vislontied,i!„....hu.t accumulated weakness.
LOrdf n‘ MELBOURNE thanked the Noble and Learned
"nelaore V exhortation and admonition with which he had
aslf,pto hiss speech. Ile could only say that he entirely._
!erseci'. the tone, he nerfectly concurred in the spirit, he
in the • .
ew,aB quit justice and the wisdom of that admonition, and
e a e Prepared to shadh by the principles which the
!i.oq,eritn,d Learned Lord so ably, and powerfully, and
tisters, .1Y impressed on their Lordships her Majesty's Ali-
7suld bi2l the difficult course in which they were engaged,
e'llrlsst.teti entirely guided. For the part. of the Noble and
ej• 'llon Lord's speech recommending harmony and con-
414aynd attention to the dictates of justice tempered
chant m ; the only pure and enlarged policy, he (Vis-
eob,e,hourne) was extiemely obliged. Those parts of
nature,ttllffils,yerit'eaeid Leaned Lord's speech which were of a
ttit`, their T which were so severe and sarcastic in their
wit, Lordships n ould readily excuse him from. troubling
itc'r,tnee)
,ant, lengthened reply to. He (Viscount Mel-
leiN it mad long expected the outburst. He all along
y of tt,St come—that the spirit of bitterness, the ascer-
',rd's „,'lng which took its birth in the Noble and Learned
trpor,:tg strength and bitterness from long and forcible
al? tier st break out at last.—( A laugh.) This was
'ur sao:° 0 than he had long expected—than was natural
Iv4s t People were blind in respect to themselves, and
4ta:,d.ast'l,t:ssible to perceive in their own case that which was
tt, :ntsd the rest of mankind, and which was approved and
sad 'tilsjtc° by the general opinion of all those who considered
leart He ( Viscount Melbourne) thanked the Noble
from
Lord for his active suport in 1835, for his ab-
rn the House in 1836—(A laugh)--for his less ac-

tire support in 1837 ; and he felt no irritation at the very dif-
ferent tone which the Noble and Learned Lord's regard for
the public service, his zeal for the public welfare, his great
prtriotism, and his anxious desire for the people's well-being„
had reluctantly compelled the Noble and Learned Lord to
adopt in the pi esent session.—( Laughter. ) The topics in-
troduced in the present debate wore much the same as those
made use of on a former occasion. The charges brought
against Government were much of the same character as
those urged before. The principal of these charges were
great delay, vacillation, and fluctuation of opinion, a defi-
ciency of 'firmness, and the not acting on a well-considered
and well-determined line of policy. But what was the gist
of the accusation and condemnation of Government—what
was the specific error—what was the step which ought to
have been taken and which had not been taken—what
was the evil proved to have arisen from the delay—
what was the measure which ought to have been
adopted. and which had been omitted ? The. Noble and
Learned Lord said the object of the Commission which was
appointed was delay—that no further information was required
—that the information attained in 18:28 was sufficient. He
( Viscount Melbourne) did not concur in this view of the sub-
ject; on the contrary, the most plausible argument against
the present measure seemed to be that even now we had not
sufficient infotmation on the subject of the colony. Suppose
that Lord Amhest had gone out with his instructions gene-
rally of a conciliatory nature, and directed to stand firm by
the Legislative Council, what would have been the result ?
The Canadians would still have insisted on an Elective Coun-
cil. Every one knew that they would have insisted on this,
and the effect would only have been to bring on at an earlier
period the same state of things which had occurred now.
There was no reasonable supposition that the House of As-
sembly would ever have voted the supplies without not merely
an Elective Council, the responsibility which they demanded
of the Governor to themselves. He ( Viscount Melbourne)
would not now enter into any discussion on the question of
an Elective Council. He did not know whether or not some
mode of election might not be devised, compatible with the
Monarchy of this country ; but of this he was sure,
that the responsibility of the Governor to the Assembly
amounted to independence at onee—( Hear, hear)—and this
demand was unquestionably made by the House of Assembly
to be refused them only on peril of their putting into direct
use the means which Parliament had placed in their hands.
These things must be judged by the manner in which they
were employed. The Noble and Learned Lord had described
Parliament as having given the Canadians the poweit of re-
fusing the supplies only in the intention that they should not
exercise it, for that the moment they did exercise it, it was
taken away, and their Constitution suspended. But this
was a question of manner and degree. If the House of As-
sembly made use of this power for the purpose of stopping
the whole course of Government, of shutting up the courts
of law, it became evident that steps must be taken to restore
Government to a situation in which it could work. When
there were three powers in the Constitution, and one of these
pushed its power to an extremity, either the other two
must yield to the third, or some change and alteration
must take place in the distribution of these powers. The
demand of the House of Assemby involved a decided change
in the whole form of the Constitution, and because it had not
been acceded to they had stopped the whole course of Go-
vernment. What then remained for the Supreme Govern-
ment to do except to make a great change in the state of
things, or at least to suspend the Constitution, in order to
see what changes might advantageously be made ? The Con .
stitution had practically been suspended by the Canadians
themselves. The Legislative Council refused tiee bills sent
up by the House of Assembly, the House of Assembly
refused supplies ; the heart and brain had ceased to act
together; it was impossible that things could go on in
such a state, and the best step to be taken appeared to be that
of suspending for a short time the Constitution of 1791, and
giving the proposed powers to the nobleman who had been
selected by Ministers to proceed to Canada ; a nobleman of
great ability, though, as it might seem, hardly equal
to the eminent ecclesiastic of whom the Noble and
Learned Lord had read them so eulogistic an account—an
account, indeed, which the lively historian made appear
somewhat like a romance. [Lord Brougham observed that
Dr. Robertson was a most accurate historian.] The Noble
Viscount went on to say that the next matter to which the
Noble and Learned Lord bad adverted was the delay which
had taken place in the nomination of the new Legislative
and Executive Councils. He (Viscount Melbourne) certainly
must confess that he wished the nomination had taken
place before the last week in Decernber—( Hear, hear)—but
there had been great difficulty experienced in reference to
the selection of Members ; and there were other circum-
stances. which, in the present state of affairs in the colony,
it might be improper to particularize, which, to a certain
degree, accounted for the delay ; but there was nothing in
these circumstances to justify the Assembly in the violent,
obstinate conduct they had pursued. With respect to the
resolutions, he (Viscount Melbourne) believed they had
passed their Lordships' House with as much rapidity as pos-
sible. There were many matters of great importance, and
very exciting in their nature, in agitation at the time. As to
the other House, it was well known that in the present times
Hon. Members were not very willing to hate an inch of their
right of precedence, to give way with any motion, every one
appearing as anxious to deliver himself of his speech as if it
were a matter of life and death to his constituents—( A laugh)
—and consequently the march of public businefs was not quite
so regular or smooth for the Government there as in former
times, when there was not so much emulation or strong feel-
ing among the Members of that House as at present. The
idea which the Noble and Learned Lord had seemed to ex-
press. that it would be more constitutional to pay the money
in this country than to take it out of the chest of the Canadians,
was in no degree adopted by the Canadians, or those who were
best informed on Canadian affairs, who all considered such a
course as much superseding the House of Assembly as the
ether course, as equally inconsistent with the form and spirit
and right working of a free Constitution. As to the forces
in Canada, the real fact was, the military farces there had
not been reinforced because Government believed from the re-
presentations made, both from the civil and military autho-
rities there, and from other quarters, that there was no danger
of an outbreak during the winter. This had turned out to be
not the case—to be an error in judgment; and certainly, after
what had taken place, he ( Viscount Melbourne) greatly wished
that additional troops had been early sent out—( Hear, hear)
—though he did not believe that even this would have pre-
vented the outbreak, for the outbreak Was an unpremeditated
one. He ( Viscount Melbourne) apprehended the state of the
case to be this s—As far as could be collected from what was
known on the subject, the information on which was by means
even yet complete. Mr. Papineau, finding himself playing a dif-
ficult and dangerous game, said to the people, " Do not resist
now, but be prepared for resistance; arm yourselves, and be
ready to assemble together at one point when I call upon you,
but do not rise till you are desired." Now, this would not do;
it would not do to tell people to arm themselves, to prepare
for resistance, to inflame their minds with representations of
their wrongs and injuries, and at the same time suppose that
they were to be held in like greyhounds in a leash, to be let
out only at pleasure.—( Hear, hear.) The real fact was, that
when the organization of the disaffected was discovered, and
persons were apprehended in consequence, this produced re-
sistance, the outbreak ; and whatever had been the number
of troops in the province at the time, he ( Viscount Mel-
bourne) fully believed that the outbreak would still have
taken place. It was, however, impossible to deny that if
there had been more troops there Sir J. Colborne could
not have been justified in sending for more troops, or in
draughting off those in the Upper Province. But Govern-
ment proceeded on the calculation that there would be no
hi-
surrection in the winter. Some observations had been made
in reference to the change which had elsewhere been made in
the preamble of the Bill. He ( Viscount Melbourne) was well
aware that the course which had been pursued in framing that
preamble was novel, without precedent; but the circumstance
of its being without precedent by no means necessarily proved
it to have been erroneous; to show this it must be proved to
have been absurd and unwise. In framing that preamble, and
the instructions which had been adverted to, they had been
guided by that spirit which bad breathed throughout the speech
of the Noble and Learned Lord. They were anxious that there
should stand as the basis of the measure a distinct statement
that though they were establishing an arbitrary power in Ca-
nada— an arbitrary power, let it be observed, not a despotism,
for what he ( Viscount Melbourne) understood by despotism
was irrespensible power, a description which could not be
applied to that with which Lord Durham was entrusted—
they were anxious, he would repeat, to state in the front and
face of the measure, to the people of Canada, of England, to
the whole world, that what they were doing was only for a
temporary purpose; to exhibit their anxiety to return to con-
stitutional forms of government at the earliest possible period;
and though he believed it to be unusual to refer to instructions
given by the Crown in preambles to Acts of Parliament,
yet it
bad been considered how great was the magnitude of the occa-
sion, and the necessity there was of giving this public notice,
to show the full concurrence between the Legislative and Ex-
cutive powers on the subject, and to prove the manner for
which the one was disposed to combine and co-operate with the
other. The Noble and Learned Lord had made some very se-
vere observations on the dispatches from Upper Canada of Sir
Francis Head, and unquestionably these might be considered
as not altogether free from a certain over-chivalrous tone, not
altogether unmixed with imprudence—( Hear)—and as exhi-
biting a mode of proceeding somewhat hazardous in its cha-
racter; for it appeared from Sir Francis Head's own state-
ment thatit was only owing to accident, and to a little
hesitation and want of resolution on the part of those by
whom he was assailed, that he had not sufferred very severely
from his over confidence.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He (Vis-
count Melbourne) quite agreed with the Noble and Learned
Lord that if they ,sere to judge entirely from the expres-
sions used by Sir F. Head, himself, it could hardly be de-
nied that that officer would appear to have given enc' enrage-
ment to those crimes which it was stated might by a differ-
ent line of proceeding have been prevented. But it must
be be considered that theseexpressions were cast in the epi-
grammatic pointed style, which Sir F. Head was known to
admire, and which might lead persons to see in them a wider
statement of what had been done, and what dangers bad
been incurred, than was meant to be conveyed. In con-
sideringquestion of the propriety of delay in interfei g
going on,it must be remembered that in the
in
what
s the
,a s
present times a preventive cr precautionary policy was not
very popular; that a man ran great risks in pursuing it ; that
until an insurrection actually broke out, there were very tew
persons who would admit that there was an intention that it
should break out. Had such strong measures been taken
as to prevent the outbreak, and the parties in question had
not actually joined themselves to the insurgents, it would
have been asserted on all sides tnat there never had been
the slightest intention of insurrection; that nothing had ever
been proposed to be done but by the most constitutional
means ; and, therefore, though undoubtedly he could not praise
the prudence of Sir F. Head's conduct, on his own showing,

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1838

yet in all probability, if that officer had interfered too early, he
would have run the risk of a charge of having interfered with-
out any reason whatever. Undoubtedly the events which had
taken place in Upper Canada, on the frontier, were full of
that evil and misfortune which had been so eloquently and
ably stated by the Noble and Learned Lord. There was, how-
ever, not an insurrection of the Upper Canadians, but in fact
an invasion on the part of certain wild and lawless inhabitants
of the United States of North America. The persons who
had occupied Navy Island were mostly North Americans, and
the person who described himself as their general was a
native-born American. It was, under such circumstances,
highly satisfactory to him ( Viscount Melbourne) to have it in
his power to state that all these proceedings were entirely
disapproved of and discountenanced by the Government of the
United States—( Hear, hear)—that our Minister at Washing-
ton had received the most complete disclaimer of these pro-
ceedings on the part of the Government there, and the most
satisfactory assurances that all the powers of the Central
Government would be exerted for the purpose of putting an
end to the insurrection, and preserving the neutrality of the
United States in a contest which they deeply lamented.—
( Hear, hear.) Further, a message had been sent to Congress
for additional
h
tionaly thepow Presidentersforthis exhortingpuriiose the iz
,audaproclamationof had
been made the
United States to abstain from interfering in the contest.—
( Hear, hear.) Though he (Viscount Melbourne) looked with
as much anxiety as the Noble and Learned Lord to this sub-
ject, yet that anxious solicitude was much diminished by these
I assurances of good faith, prudence, and wisdom on the part of
' the North American Government. Notwithstanding the se-
verity of the Noble Earl opposite, and the bitterness, the
acerbity, of the Learned Lord on his right hand, yet to him
( Viscount Melbourne) it was a great matter of consolation that on
the Bill before their Lordships there was no difference of opinion.
He could assure their Lordship; that so far as the Govern-
mant of this country was concerned, and as far as the Noble
Earl entrusted with the execution of the measure was con-
, cerned:there was the utmost anxiety to heal the wounds now
open, to produce a return of good feeling and affection be-
tween this country and Canada, and to do everything to pro-
mote the happiness and prosperity of that province.—( Hear.)
Lord BROUG HAM—I purposely abstain on this occasion
from going further into the personal remarks of the Noble
Viscount, because I will not thus interrupt the discussion of a
great public question. But when he compares and contrasts
my conduct towards the Government this Session with that
which I formerly held, he utterly and notoriously forgets the
whole of the facts. Has he forgotten, can he have forgotten,
that last May I both urged the same charges and recorded
them on your Journals? I even pursued the self-same course
of argument which ha., I observe, to-night given him so great
offence. He speaks of " acerbity"—a person supposed to
have used bitter remarks is perhaps not a judge of the compa-
rative " acerbity" of his different observations—nor is one,
possibly, against whom they have been employed. But I
venture to say, that of all I said this night, the portion which
he felt the most bitter, and to which, be it observed in passing,
he made not the least ;Illusion, was my comparison of his con-
duct towards unrep-esented Canada sad well-represented
Ireland. Well—last May I drew the very same comparison,
and nearly in the same terms—made the same quotations from
the Ministerial speeches in the Commons—and recorded the
substance of the comparison in my protest. My Lords—l in-
dignantly and peremptorily deny that the motive or principle
of my conduct is changed. But I know
minnd,is in
arakstedt
orderlerseiercetoohnutacdoteulmc
mtnooarowyef
others has compelled me teoiroDsluierprotphsoeertti,Nieal
notwh a changßille
emstoyrerrninieeiroletsb.
fight zealously in their ranks, as I fought with them against
the majority of your Lordships ? I will tell them at
once I Let them retract their declaration against Reform, de-
livered the first night of this Session, and their second decla-
ration—by which (to use the Noble Viscount's phrase) they
exacerbated the first; or let them, without any retractation,
only bring forward liberal and constitutional measures—they
will have no more zealous supporter than myself. But, in the
meantime, I now hurl my defiance at his head—l repeat it—l
hurl at his head this defiance—l defy him to point out any, the,
slightest, indication of any one part of my public conduct
having, even for one instant, been affected, in any manner of I
way, by considerations of a private and personal nature, of been
regulated by any one consideration except the sense of what I
owe to my own principles, and to the interests of the country I
The Duke of WELLINGTON was understood to say—
" My Lords, it is my wish to avoid as much as possible all
reference to what has passed hitherto, and to confine my ob-
servations, as nearly as I can, to that part of the speech of the
Noble Viscount at the head of the Administration which re-
lated to the mission of Lord Amherst to Canada. My Lords,
I concur with my Noble Friend (Lord Aberdeen) in the
opinion which he has formed, that if the mission of Lord
Amherst had been allowed to go on, or if a similar mission
had been sent out—no matter whether the person appointed
to execute it was in the capacity of a Governor or not—in
order to carry into execution the measures proposed in 1833,
which were inquired into in 18.35 and 1836, and were not
ready to be carried into execution in 1837, I du think there
would have been some chance that if those measures had
been adopted they would have been successful, and have pre-
vented what has happened.--( Hear, hear.) My Lords,
I must express my concurrence in what fell from the Noble
and Learned Lord opposite and my Noble Friend at the
commencement of this debate, that the inquiry of the Com-
missioners was, to say the least of it, an entirely useless
proceeding.—( Hear, hear.) This measure is applicable
solely to Lower Canada; and, my Lords, I do not agree
with the Noble and Learned Lord opposite in what he stated
as to the necessity of defining the degree to which a province
such as either Upper or Lower Canada shall offend before a
measure like the present is adopted. My Lords, I think
there is a clear and obvious distinction to be drawn between
the two cases. I think there is a manifest difference be-
tween the circumstances of Upper and Lower Canada.
It is no doubt perfectly true that rebellion has broken out
in each province, but then the Noble and Learned Lord has
failed to remark that Upper Canada has not refused to pro-
vide the means necessary for administering the Civil Govern-
ment of that province—has not refused the means of pro-
viding for the proper administration of justice—has not in-
sisted upon revolutionising the Government, and rendering
the Legislative Council and the Executive Council elective—
has not refused the supplies on the score of those measures
not being conceded.---( Hear, hear.) Observe, my Lords, that
these measures never were thought of by the Assembly of
Lower Canada until after the Act of 1831 had placed the
public money at their disposal. Then it was that they for the
first time came, and made those demands—demands which
they well knew could not be granted by this country unless
we consented to destroy the Constitution by which we claim
to hold the colony—the Constitution established by the Act. of
1791. Now, my Lords, what did they require us to do? Why,
they called upon us to repeal the greater part of that Act, be-
cause they said, " Unless you will give us full controul and
exclusive power over the public money and the Government
of the Province, we will not afford you the means of carry-
ing on the Government, or of doing that which was incum-
bent on every Government—administering justice to all
classes of its subjects."—(Hear.) My Lords, this consti-
tutes the great distinction between the conduct of Lower
Canada and that of the pi-evince of Upper Canada. But,
my Lords, this is not all. My Lords, it is a notorious fact,
that a great number of the members of the House of Assem-
ble, and I believe also of the Legislative Council of Lower
Canada, have been not merely concerned in the rebellion,
but leaders in the revolt ; that some of them have been
killed, some taken prisoners, and others have effected their
escape into the United States—that those men now stand pro.
claimed as rebels and traitors to their country, and that they
had fled from justice. My Lords, the Noble and Learned
Lord opposite adverted in strong terms to the complaints
made against the conduct of the House of Assembly of Lower
Canada, for making use of what he seemed to consider their
undoubted rights and privilege in refusing the Supplies. The
Noble and Learned Lord said, you told them that by the Act
of 1831, they were to have the public money at their disposal ;
they were to have the privilege of refusing the means neces-
sary for carrying on the Government or the administration of
justice, and when they exercised this sight and theac privileges
you declared that by doing so they had forfeited the Consti-
tution which you had given to them. My Lords, I am one of
the last persons to defend such an argument as this. —( Hear. )
My Lords, it seems to mo to be impossible that the Legisla-
tive Assembly of Lower Canada can ever be called together
again with any hope that they would carry those measures
which it may be necessary hereafter to adopt for the proper
government of that Province, and therefore it behoves us to
inquire what shall be the foundation of the future government
of Lower Canada. My Lords, her Majesty's Ministers, it
would appear, have taken this subject into their consideration,
and have actually issued a paper containing the instructions
intended to be given by the Government to the Nobleman
whom they propos3 to send out to this colony. These instruc-
tions,, I confess, have surprised me; but es I do not wish to
comment on them in detail, I will confine my observations to
tint part of them which I think material to the present
discussion. Now, my Lords, what is the Governor- Ge-
neral about to be sent out to do with respect to the Govern-
ment of Lower Canada? Why, he is directed to call into his
councils, for the purpose of preparing measures for the Go-
vernment of Lower Canada, a given number of persons front
the Upper Province, some of them to be selected by the
House of Assembly and others by himself. But, my Lords,
this is not all ; there is to be called into the Council, for the
purpose of fixing and regulating the Government of Lower
Canada, and taking measures for the formation of a Constitu-
tion for that province, not only a detachment from the Legis-
lative Council and House of Assembly of Upper Canada, but
likewise a certain body of persons to be elected by five districts
of the Lower Province. Now, my Lords, what were these
parties required to do? Why, not only to act with the Go-
vernor in the character of legislators, but, in point of fact, to
constitute with him an Elective Council.—( Hear, hear.)
So, then, it seems that although we are bore disputing
with the people of Lower Canada on the justice and right of
their claim to have an Elective Legislature, as well as an
Elective Executive Council, it is the intention of the Govern-
ment to form a Council on the elective principle—a Council
to be composed of councillors, one portion of whom are to be
elected from five districts of the Lower, and another from five
districts of the Upper Province.—( Hear.) This, too, is to
be done, my Lords, but for what purpose? Why, for enabling
the Governor-General to form a Constitution for Lower
Canada. The Bill now before your Lordships applies only
to Lower Canada. Upper Canada is not included in it, and
I should therefore like to know from the Noble at the head
1 of her Majesty's Government what the province of Upper
Canada has done to induce that Noble Lord to deprive the
Legislature of Upper Canada of those powers over subjects
referred to in these instructions, and which properly fall
within their controul ? It seems to me, my Lords, that the
better course would be to allow the matter to be taken into
consideration by the Legislature when they assemble again,
or that the Noble Lord who is. f.soing out should not go
into the consideration of the subject until the House of Assent-

bly of Upper Canada can be re-assembled. This deseription
of convention was of importance to the rights of the House
of Assembly of Upper Canada. My Lords, it appears to
me that this measure has been adopted with the view which
the Noble Viscount has candidly stated—that of making
people believe that it was simply a convention, for the pur-
of forming a Constitution for the province of Lower Canada.
The words in the preamble of the Bill struck out in the other
House do not show that this was the arrangement originally
intended. On the contrary, it would seem from those words
that the convention was one which is inconsistent with the Con-
stitution of this country and the principle on which the Legis-
lature of Lower Canada was established in 1791. The Noble
Viscount disputed the calculations formed of the mission of
Lord Amherst in 1835; but I believe it would have been
beneficial in many respects. My Lords, I must say that it
would be a gross usurpation to attempt to carry these instruc-
tions into execution.—( Hear.) The Noble and Learned Lord
opposite has said a good deal relative to the election of what
he calls the Legislative Council, but in my opinion he has not
stated with his usual accaracy the relation between the
Governor of a colony and the Executive Government in
this country.—(Hear.) The Noble and Learned Lord seems
to think, my Lords, that the Governor of a colony can
without either difficulty or inconvenience refuse his assent to '
the acts of the Legislative Council; but in this I conceive the
Noble and Learned Lord is not quite accurate. With re-
spect to acts relating to foreign States--having reference to
the relations between Upper and Lower Canada, or the com-
munication by the St. Lawrence, those were matters upon
which the Governor might refuse his sanction ; but then there
were other acts, of nature upon which he could not. My
Lords, there isa large English population in Lower Canada,
which require protection. By whom is that population pro-
tected? Not by the House of Assembly, because it is elected
by the French; but by the Legislative Council, which is no-
minated by the Crown.—( Hear, hear.) Now it should not be
forgotten that all the questions respecting the communication
between Upper and Lower Canada had direct relation to that
very subject of an elective Legislative Council, and that, if
either party should feel aggrieved by such a change this
country would find great difficulty in placing those pro-
vinces on a new and a different footing with regard to each
other. With respect to the outbreak, my Lords, that was a
matter which, according to the opinion of a general officer, had
been anticipated in October. He had taken measures to pro-
vide horses, and adopted other steps, which proved that he
expected a rebellion, and it was even asked by an lion. Mem-
ber in the other House of Parliament, at the close of the last
Session, how the winter was to be got over in Canada ? It
was clear from this that at that time communications had been
going on between parties in Canada and in this country on
the subject.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, I sincerely hope
that the rebellion has been got under ; but I trust her Ma-
jesty's Ministers will not suppose for a moment that it has been
got rid of altogether. On the contrary I entreat them
to continue their preparations, and to assemble at the
earliest possible period as large a force as the resources
of this country can afford in Canada. They should not
think that this was a little war, and of no importance to
this country. Observe, my Lords, what has occurred since
the 2d of December, the day we first heard of the
misfortunes of Canada. No less than four important events
have taken place since that period in that part of the world,
every one of which is strongly calculated to draw towards it
the whole attention of the Government.—(Hear.) For my
own part, I had not the slightest suspicion that a revolt would
take place until the news was received; but I now know that
the President of the United States has issued strict orders to
prevent all hostile proceedings between the United States and
the two provinces of Canada, and appointed parties to super-
intend and enforce the due execution of these orders.—( Hear.)
But, my Lords, we should not forget that there are many im-
portant questions unsettled. The questions relating not only
to our own boundary line, but the boundary line of Columbia
and Mexico remain open. These are all important questions
to the country, and I hope her Majesty's Government will pay
to them the attention which they deserve, and not be led away
by the notion that they were only engaged in a small affair.—
( Hear, hear.) In proportion to their firmness on the present
occasion, they would find friends and allies not olds, in Canada
but in the United States, and therefore it was he implored the
Government not to be deceived for a moment, by supposing
that the matter had ceased.---( Hear.)
Lord BROUGHAM did not see how the Hon. Member
of the other Douse to whom the Noble Duke had alluded
could be in communication with improper parties in Canada,
because he mentioned a fact that was also within the know-
ledge of the Noble Duke. The Noble Duke had received a
similar communication, although it could not be thought that
he was in correspondence with the disaffected of Canada; and
that being the case, was not the Noble Duke wanting in cha-
rity to impute to another that which he would not allow to be
imputed to him A laugh.)
Lord WHARNCLIFFE must declare it was his opinion
that the Government had placed themselves in a situation of
great and serious responsibility. The Noble Viscount defied
any one to put his hands on any facts inculpating the Govern-
ment ; but he should have thought that not only might
he have inferred that the charge against him was serious
and heavy, but that it deserved more consideration than
he had given to it. When the present Goverment came
into office, what did they do ? They found that steps
had been taken by the Government that preceded them to
settle the grievances complained of by the Canadian people ;
but instead of following that course up, they contented them.
selves with a mere inquiry. Prior to this what was the state
of Canada? The supplies were not refused, it was true, but
in February, 1834, 92 resolutions were passed by the House of
Assembly of Lower Canada, which showed clearly that what
they wanted was not the concession of their minor demands,
but a Republican' Government and a connection with the
United States. All the rest was mere pretence, and there
could be no doubt that the object of the leaders of the party
was; to throw off the connection with this country. The fault
ooff tihneciopirreys.e nltvGinotv
badernmtehnatt wasoom Itohiessi sendingoo
done? tTahcommissihadonpur-
sued
timt althoughtheir inquiryai andoe
d mwhatu owhasthe information,resu 1 t ?
iNtVv,h.
as
perfectly useless, owing to the difficulty of drawing apy conclu-
sioncameten resolutions
from- Next the of which they
had heard so much. The Noble Viscount said that the Go-
t h ei then for two
reports ecaorns
Go-
vernment were not to be blamed for the delay which had oc-
curred on that subject; but it was not the want of firmness
which the Ministers had displayed in the House of Commons
to which the remaining in abeyance of their resolutions from
March 6 to April 4 in that House was to be attributed? On
the 10th of May the resolutions introduced in the other House
of Parliament passed their Lordships' House without one dis-
sentient voice, with the exception of that of his Noble and
Learned Friend (Lord Brougham). Why, then, lie would
ask was not the Government ready with a Bill in unison with
the principle of those resolutions ?—( Hear.) But the fact
policy, was at the time to be a candidate for
was that one of the leading men of the party which, in the
other House, was opposed to the Government with regard to
Westminster—( Hear, hear)—to secure whose
election most improper practices were resorted to, and
the Queen's name moot improperly made use of.—(Hear,
hear, hear.) Now, if the Bill which they professed
tsovastroeonptsit;lefdorton
tthhoeiroiCtyanoafdian
themselves to be inclined to bring in had chanced to have
been unpopular to that party it would not have been easy for
them to have supported the candidate for Westminster.—
(Loud cheers.) This, then, he considered was one of the
charge was the state in which the Government had left the
aysna as
n e"vviedre. n t rhoem next
the
colony with respect
charges
Lord Gosford had
dispatches that
as to the disturbance of the tranquillity of Lower Canada very
soon after the resolutions arrived there. There was sufficient
• of what was likely to take place given to the Go-
wariiing
rnor, and he ought to have had troops in the neighbourhood,
whichhe
vaend to have had support enough at hand not only to have
quelled
but to have prevented the disasters which had taken
p aeo.( Hear,
hear.) But it appeared that there had been
;
so few .n troops
Lower Canada that the Governor was in-
duced to ask the Upper Province for a supply, and the Go-
vernor of that Province had,h® (Lord Wharncliffe) consi-
dered with unbecoming rashness, granted that supply ; and
could any reasonable man doubt fora moment that to the
taking away of those very troops all the mischief which had
followed in that Province was to be attributed ?—( Hear.) He
had no doubt whatever that the inhabitants of Upper Canada
had been, and would continue, loyal and well affected to this
country ; but the Government had no right to depend upon
tnat loyalty alone, or to leave every man in the province in a
state which made him liable to he called out to serve, when a
few well-disciplined troops would have far better answered
the purpose.—( This unfortunate dependence on men
not under discipline had led to the position in which they were
now placed with regard to the United States of America.
( Hear.) One thing they had done was to consent to their
Bill being altered in its preamble. The next thing was to
throw out a sop to their supporters by the appointment of
Lord Durham.—( Hear.) He ( Lord Wharncliffe) had the
greatest possible respect for the Noble Lord, but he must can-
didly say that he knew cf only one reason why he was likely
to be approved of, and that was, that he was known to possess
Liberal, or, as they ought more properly to be called, Ultra-
Liberal opinions—( Hear)—and that he had gone farther than
any other person who could be selected in the expression of
opinions consonant with those of the Radical party.—( Hear.)
That Noble Lord had as much right to have his political opi-
nions as he ( Lord Wharncliffe) had ; but he must say that the
fact of the Noble Lord entertaining opinions such as he had
described did not render him the most proper person to place
;it the head of a country so situated as Canada was. He
must confess that if he (Lord Wharncliffe) were in Canada
and were one of those who were well affected to this coun-
try, he should look upon the appointment of the Noble Lord
with considerable suspicion; whilst if lie were Mr. Papineau,
or one of the republican party there, he should look upon the
Noble Lord as one of those of whom, more than many
others, he might make what in this country was termed
squeezable" materials.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to
the suspension of the Canadian Constitution, he was not
quite satisfied that it would not have been possible to have done
without it, if, when they had passed the Bill of 1831, they had
at once declared that the Legislative Council should not be
made elective.—( Hear, hear.)
Lord GLENE LG said the only thing lie regretted during
she progress of all these debates upon Canada in their Lord-
ships' House, and which had been conducted in a manner be-
yond all praise, and particularly on the part of the Noble
Duke opposite, was that the Noble Baron who had just sat
down had mixed up so much of party spirit in the observa-
tions be had addressed to their Lordships.—( Hear, hear.)
But what were the charges the Noble Baron now brought
against the Government? lie said it was impossible to read
the resolutions which the Canadians passed in 1834 without
seeing that they wished to form a connection with the United
States of America. He ( Lord Glenelg), too, firmly be-
lieved that their object was then to torm a republic.—
( Hear, hear.) But he wanted to know what the Noble Baron
said ought to have been the conduct of the Government at

the time ; because—and it should not be forgotten—those very
ninety-two resolutions were referred to a Committee of the
House, which, after deeply considering the questions to which
they referred, and after having examined a great number of
witnesses, made a report upon them, and the decision therein
come to was, that the grievances had in a great measure been
I redressed, but that there were other topics connected with
them which they thought would be better left to the manage-
] meat and discretion of the Executive Government than brought
before the Imperial Parliament.--( Hear. hear.) The Noble
Lord opposite had complained that the Government had used
delay ; but he (Lord Glenelg) could see no ground for any
such complaint. When Lord Gosford went to take charge of
the Government of these provinces the Canadians of Quebec
and its neighbourhood were strongly connected with the Papi-
neau party. They had complete dominion over both banks of
the St. Lawrence below Quebec, and, let him ask, if they
had, instead of remaining tranquil as they had done, taken a
part in the present contest, what would have been the con-
sequence ?—( Hear, hear.) These very parties, however, had
separated from Mr. Papineau and his adherents, and had now,
for two years past, remained faithful and loyal.—( Hear, bear.)
With respect also to the adjoining provinces of Now Bruns-
wick and Nova Scotia great changes had taken place. They
certainly complained of some few grievances ; but he was as-
sured that in those provinces there was at the present time a
more deep-rooted affection towards England—a stronger de-
sire to maintain a connection with the mother country—than
there ever had previously been.—( Hear, hear.) These were
very great advantages, and he could not but think that it was
rather hard to make so many charges against Lord Gosford.
The question of the military defence of the provinces had been
much discussed, both by their Lordships and elsewhere, but
he did not think it necessary to enlarge upon that point en the
present occasion. He might, however, take that opportunity
of obserfiing that none of the autl:orities, either civil or mili-
tary, in the colony, considered that there was the slightest
ap-
prehension of danger. With respect to the Upper Province,
is was apparent that Sir F. Head had very willingly divested
himself of the troops there ; and he (Lord Glenelg) could not
but offer his thanks to the Noble Duke opposite, for his very
statesmanlike views upon these points ; and he could assure
the Noble Duke that, in conformity with his advice, he trusted
he should not fail to continue to give his best attention to the
topics on which he had enlarged.—(Hear.) In the preseut
situation of these colonies it could not but be satisfactory to
hear that the American Government was prepared to do its
duty towards this country—( Hear)—and that amity and good
feeling were in no danger of being interrupted. With regard
to the instructions given to his Noble Friend (Lord Durham),
he begged to say that, in spite of the arguments used to the.
contrary, it was not proposed that the Committee of Advice
should have a legislative power.—( Hear.) That Committee
would not in the least infringe upon the powers of the Legis-
lature ; it was entirely a separate transaction ; and it had been
considered only proper a measure of such vast importance
should have the particular sanction and authority of the Queen.
—( Hear.) The Noble Earl (Durham) would go out with his
discretion wholly unfettered; and he must confess that, whilst
he agreed with the Noble Duke that in any steps that might
to be taken in Canada the wishes and feelings of the people
themselves ought to be consulted, he could not see how this
Committee, possessing as it did no legislative power, could be
considered an encroachment on the Legislature of Upper or
Lower Canada.—( Hear.) He would not, on the present oc-
casion, enlarge upon the alteration made in the words of the
preamble of the Bill. In his opinion, the purport and sub-
stance was the same as before.—( Hear.) With regard to
the province of Upper Canada, it was impossible they could
leave it in its present state. He trusted that at some future
day the Canadas would become a great nation ; it was a noble
spectacle for contemplation, and far be it from him to shrink
from the contemplation, or to regard it otherwise than with
transport. But he did not think their becoming a nation would
prevent a continuance of the connection with the mother
country. Lot them have justice—(Cheers)—that which corn-
mon sense approved, and he would assert boldly that the feeling
of natural attachment would make the Canadians glory in our
greatness and triumph in our triumphs, even when they had
become a mighty nation, spreading over a vrst Continent.
That they had no wish for separation had been proved by the
glorious conduct of Upper Canada. The purpose of these
instructions was to secure a Constitution agreeable to both
provinces. He believed that there were many persons in
Upper and Lower Canada, and also in this country, who went a
great deal further than he was disposed to go at present, and
who would wish to see a federal union between the two pro-
vinces. That was a question which required great considera-
tion, bnt it was one for his Noble Friend (Lord Durham)—
one on which he (Lord Glenelg) would not now enter—but
one which had been so well received in Canada, that he
thought much blame could not be attached to the Government
if they turned their attention seriously to it.
The Duke of WELLINGTON here made some remarks,
which were but indistinctly audible in the Gallery. As well
as we could hear, we understood his Grace to say that his ob-
jection was to have a Council selected from Upper Canada to
legislate for the Lower Province ; that he was willing to al-
low the greatest latitude for consultation, but did not wish such
consultation to be limited by these instructions.
Lord ASHBURTON said the grievances at first com-
plained of by the Assembly were fair and honest, but means
had been placed in their own hands to provide a remedy. But
they soon got beyond their real grievances, and were encou-
raged, by the feebleness and vacillation of Government, to
think separation practicable—a thing which never would have
occurred to them were it not for that cause.—(Hear, hear.)
He was quite confident that it was impossible to look at the case
fairly without thinking so. The misfortunes attending on
such a separation would be twofold--not only would the
French population want to be independent, but they would
put their feet upon the necks of our own people.—( Hear,
hear.) If the question was merely whether they should be al-
lowed to set up for themselves, he would say let them please
themselves—but then the English minority, there was the
difficulty.—( Hear, hear.) The moment the French obtained
their independence they would persecute the British, if not
with overt acts of rigour, at least by snaking them so uncom-
fortable as to render longer residence impossible.
After one or two observations from Lord GL ENE LG the
Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on
Monday.
Lord BBOUGH AM moved, without styling him agent to
the House of Assembly, that John Arthur Roebuck, Esq., be
heard at the bar of their Lordships' House on Monday next
against the passing of the Canada Bill— Agreed to.
The Third Report of the Commissioners of Education
( Scotland) was laid on the table, after which the llouse ad-
journed until Monday next.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, FEB. 2.
The SPEAKER took the chair at the usual hour, when
Mr. BINGHAM BARING took the oaths and his scat for
Marlborough.
Messengers from the Navy Office and the East India
House presented Papers.
Mr. PARROTT presented a petition from an individual
of Totness, in Devonshire, complaining of the Standing
Orders of the House. He wished to have the opinion of
the Speaker as to the petition. In consequence of the
House suddenly adjourning from Monday to this day, the
petitioner would be shut out from being heard, as the rule of
the House was that three clear days must elapse before a
petitioner could be heard, and the Committee was sum-
moned for Monday. The petition was in town on Thursday.
The SPEAKER thought that the House could have
no difficulty in placing the petitioner in as advantageous
a position as he would have stood in if the House ha sat
on Thursday.
The petition was then referred to the Committee on
Private Bills.

Mr. JENKINS presented a petition from a place in
Salop against the Ellesmere Roads Bill.
FINSBURY SMALL DEBTS BILL.
Mr. EARLE presented a petition from the Counsel of
the Palace Court, stating that a Bill was pending in that
House for the Recovery of Small Debts in Finsbury ;
that there were certain Clauses in that Bill tending to in-
jure them in their office; and praying they might be heard
by their Counsel or agents against such Clauses.
Referred to the'Committee.
Mr. HINDLEY presented a petition against the Glas-
gow Water Works Bill.
EDINBURGH ESTATES BILL.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL presented a petition
from the Lord Provost, Magistrates, Town Council, the
Trustees for the Creditors of the City of Edinburgh, aid a
number of the Creditors, praying for a Bill to alter the
Edinburgh City E :Wes Act.
MARINE INSURANCES.

Mr.WALL ACE presented a petition from the Chamber
of Commerce in Greenock, praying for the repeal of the duty
on Marine Insurances.
RATES OF POSTAGES.
Mr. WALLACE also presented a petition from the
Chamber of Commerce in Greenock, and from another
town in Scotland, praying for a reduction in the rates of
Postages.

NEW POOR LAW.
Mr. GRIMSDITCH presented a petition from a parish
in the county of Durham, praying for the immediate and
total repeal of the New Poor Law Act. The petitioners
stated that they viewed with alarm the powers which are
given to the Commissioners—they considered the bastardy
clauses too severe—and they complained that whereas the
affairs of their parish were satisfactorily- managed by their
own select vestry, they were about to be joined to a Union
of fifteen other parishes.
NEGRO APPRENTICES.

Mr. ERLE presented a petition from Oxford against
the Negro Apprenticeship System in the Colonies.
Mr. DUCKWORTH presented a similar petition from
Lincoln.
LAW OF PATENTS.
Mr. MACKINNON presented a petition from St.
ißotolph's, Bishopsgate, in favour of the Bill which he has
introduced to amend the Law of Patents.
_ .