The Sun.
London, England, 1849-04-03 00:00:00

grant of public money which, even upon their own
showing, could only meet the exigencies of the occasion
for a very brief period.—(llea*, hear.) When there fell
from the lips of a Right !lon. Gentleman eminent in the
country and justly influential in that House, that such
a proposition should be accompanied by a comprehensive
measure, such was the reception which the intimation
received from Government that even the Right Hon.
Gentleman himself—the Member for Ripon (Sir James
Graham)—eeemed afterwards to recoil from the too
hazardous use of the felicitous epithet. When catching
from the lips of that great master, he (sir. Disraeli)
said he could not assent tei the proposition of Govern-
ment for a grant of 50,0001. unless it were aecseepanied
by a comprehensive measure with respect to those causes
of disturbance and misgovernment which were evi-
dent to all and recognised by many, the Right
Honourable Gentleman the Member for Tam-
worth (Sir Robert Peel) rose in the House,
and threw out a sneer against comprehensive measures.
That Right Hon. Gentleman brought to the discussion
all the influence of his great ability and grog expe
rience, and he warned the House that it was easy t) talk
of comprehensive measures, but he knew how little was
to be expected from such colossal suggestions. The Go-
vernment were not only firm, they were obstinate. They
were prepared to carry their proposition and to renew it,
if necessary, every fortnight. But what had been the result
of those expressions of opinion? The Government had
come forward with a proposition which affected to be
compreheraive, and the fate of which they were call, d
upon to decide that night—when, as if to dwarf their
and proposal,how ineffectualandtoshoz,ohulodwbemietasnrt was
su7n the ready
the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth, came forward
conception,critie
and capped their climax , with a suggestion of his
own, so vast and multitudin, us that it had in-
troduced a new element into the debate of a most
i
interesting and important character, and which at
least, by its introduction, had justified the right
Hon. Gentleman the Member for Ripon in the use, std
he (Mr. Disraeli) and his friends in the adoption, of the
epithet to which he had referred.—(Hear, hear.) With
reference to the proposition of a rate in aid, the point for
the House to consider was whether that was an adequate
proposition. It would appear, if he recollected right,
from the papers on the table, that the expenditure -of
what was popularly called the distressed unions, for the
maintenance of the poor during one year, was not less
than 540,0001., leaving a debt of upwards of 120,0001. in
addition. It was proposed in the present Bill to raise,
by means of a rate in aid, throughout all Ireland a sum
which, he understood, was calculated to amount to
320,0004 Now to him it appeared that that proposition
was essentially inadequate.—(Hear, hear.) If it pro-
duced any effect the proposition must be more than it
expressed.—(Hear, hear.) Here were the distressed
unions—he took, of course, only the twenty-one unions
which had been referred to—he did not refer to
the unions over which was impending a doom
as terrible ; but here were twenty-one distressed
unions which had expended in one year at least
240,000/. more than they had obtained from the rates
which had been struck, and which had besides increased
their debt considerably above 100,000/. Well, generally
speaking, the fruit of a rate in aid would hardly be able
to supply the deficiency incurred in those distressed
unions when the state of Ireland was probably not so
severe as at the present moment. It appeared, then, on
a general glance, that this proposition of Government,
if it meant nothing more than a 6d. rate in aid over the
whole of Ireland, was an inadequate proposition.—
(Hear, hear.) But there might be other objections to
the proposition besides being inadequate. It might be
an impolitic proposition, and he thought it was so.—
(Hear, hear.) He thought that a measure which had
been introduced to renovate the land of a country which
suffered from a deficiency of capital, and which com-
menced by forcibly reducing that capital—(Hear, hear)
—could scarcely be called a wise measure—that a
measure which in a country where all acknowledged
there ought to be a stimulus given to self-exertion,
reduced the excitement to self exertion, could scarcely
be called a discreet measure (Hear, hear)—that
a measure which without encountering the difficulties
which they themselves felt, or dealing with the remedies
which others suggested, sought, or if it did not seek,
tended to aggravate the burdens on property, could
scarcely be described as a measure conceived in a states-
manlike spirit—that a measure which declared that Ire-
land was to be considered in a different spirit from any
other part of the United Kingdom—he said that a mea-
sure of that kind could hardly be described in the
present day as being characterised by profound saga-
city.—(Hear, hear.) Ho agreed with this Honourable
Gentleman who had just addressed the House with so
much ability, that there was a difference between Eng-
land and Ireland. But they must never recognise it as
an imperial difficulty. A county in Ireland might differ
in condition from a county in England ; who doubted
it ? All they could do was, by constitutional laws, to
lay down great general principles, which all must recog-
nise, to which all must adhere, and by which all must la
influenced. But in different portions of an an
cient empire great diversity of circumstance must occur.
The tenure of land was different, as between Mid-
dlesex and Kent. Did the existence of gavelkind afford
any reason why a different general policy should be ap-
plied to Middlesex than was applied to Kent? And so
with respect to Ireland. Thole might be difference be-
tween the two countries; there might to geographical
differences; there might be difference from geographical
association. But if they mulcted the man of Kent in a
tax to which the man of Middlesex was not liable, what
sort of answer would it lee to his remonstrance were
they to remind him that his tenure was different—that
he bore on his banner the white horse of Hengist, that
the associations of their history were different, and that
the system of their taxa•ien could not be the same?—
(Hear, hear.) The proposition before the House was a
prop esition which, historically, was inadequate; which,
politically, was in liscreet. And if it were inadequate
and impolitic, w hat he most objected to was, that it was
illusory.—(Hear, hear.) It was essentially a deceptive
proposition; it was a national rate to which the %%hole
nation could not contribute--(Hear, hear.) How cauld
they go to that desolate Connaught which could
not raise its rates—(blear, hear)—which could not raise
these local contributions, and call on it to pay a
national one? It was net a national rate, because a great
portion of the nation would not contribute to it, and es-
pecially that portion which was to be benefited.—(Hear,
hear.) He knew there were gentlemen, and gentlemen
representing English constituencies, who were little in-
cline] to take the view he had been led on reflection to
take. They thought there was a local interest at stake;
that, after all, this was an Irish squabble with respect to
the measure and amount which Ireland should be forced
to contribute to the general necessities of the empire.
They make a mistake.—(Hear, hear.) He was totally
against considering the question in so limited a light.
If, as he thought, there was a shortsighted, and not a
magnificent feeling, on the part of the mere English mem-
bers, that Ireland should be made to contribute what
after all could not be a very considerable amount with
reference to the exigency that existed, in what position
did they, by adopting a Government measure, place
themselves with the country and their constituencies,
regarding it merely from an English point of view?
It was called a vote of 100,000/., on the security of
a law which might never be put in execution.—
(Hear, hear.) 100,0004 were to come from the English
Exchequer; what compensation they were to receive
for it was a problem yet to be solved. But he would not
dwell on the points. He wanted to show the Members
representing English constituencies that the proposition
of the Government was not only inadequate, impolitic,
and illusory, but also unjust,—(llear, hear)—and that if
they assisted in the accomplishment of the injustice it
would perpetrate, they would in fact be warring against
their own interests and taking a course which hereafter
they might have cause bitterly to repent.—(Hear, hear.)
Some short time back he had called the attention of the
House to the burdens on land in England. Whatever
merit any proposition he made might have, the accuracy
of the facts could not be disputed. None could deny that
from the coarse and uncivilised system of taxation which
had always seized on landed property taxes to a remark-
able degree bad been laid on the real property of Eng-
land. What were they going to do now? At a moment
of unprecedented difficulty and unparalleled trial, when
every man felt himself called on to make remarkable
sacrifices, what what was the gist of this statesmanlike
proposition? That the property which had already
borne the brunt should incur fresh sacrifices. Was it
to gratify some petty piq'se that English Members sup-
ported suoli a proposition? Was it for their interest or
for the interest of the country that they should sanction
by their votes to-night so dangerous a system, and so
perilous a precedent?--(Hear, hear.) Ought they not
rather to declare in language which could not be mis-
taken that the system of peculiar burdens on the agri-
cultural interest, either in England or Ireland, was no
longer to be tolerated?—(Elear, hear.) Those were
briefly the reasons why he opposed the Bill on the
table. The Hon. Member for Manchester (Mr. Bright)
had reminded the House that the Right Hon. Member
for Tam worth (Sir R. Peel) had taken that opportunity,
not merely of expressing his opinion of the proposition
of Government, but of expressing opinions of his own
on the general policy which ought to be pursued with
respect to Ireland. Considering only the great reputa-
tion and position of that Right Honorable Gentleman, he
(Mr. Disraeli) would receive with the greatest deference
any communication the Right Hon. Gentleman might
make to the House on so interesting a subject. But
considering the position of the United Kingdom, and
the perilous state of Ireland, considering that the Mouse
of Commons, after sitting two months, was about to ad-
journ for no inconsiderable period, without having de-
cided a single point, or carried a single measure except
the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act—(Cheers)—he
thought it would be a mockery to argue the proposi•
tion before the House without reference to the opinions
expressed by so considerable an authority in so ample
and frank a manner. Whatever might be the general
opinion with respect to that exposition of a distinguished
statesman, it must be conceded that after that expres-
sion of opinion, it was impossible that anything
more should bo heard in that Reuse of the
laisserfaire system. —Clear, hear.) He (Mr. Disraeli)
remembered some two years fago, when one whose loss
he al Nays lamented, but never more than when the con-
dition
of Ireland was brought under the consideration of
the House—(Elear)—that having risen hastily to support
that measure, which the fu'ure proved to be so saga-
cious and statesmanlike on the part of Lord G. 13entincle
—he had said that in dealing with Ireland commercial
principles were not sufficient—(llcar, hear)—that there
were circumstances in Ireland of a political nature with
hich political principles could alone cope; and that, in
stimulating private enterprise, they might• in that country
call, and rightly call, on the State to interfere. Com-
mercial principles were insufficient, since the circum-
stances to be dealt with were not merely commercial.—
(Hear, hear.) He had received a reply that night from
one who, with a very weak case, was a very powerful op-
ponent, and who exercised great influence in that House.
The principle he had laid down to vindicate his advocacy
of State assistance to commercial enterprise in Ireland
was opposed by tho Right Hon. Member for Tamworth,
who repudiAted the doctrine with respect to the political