The Sun.
London, England, 1836-08-15 00:00:00

A public meeting took place this day, at the Crown and
Anchor Tavern, Strand, for the purpose of congratulating
the Spanish people upon the restoration of their popular
Constitution.
At.half-past one o'clock, the Chair was taken by
THOMPSON, M.P., who was loudly cheered.
The CHAIRMAN, as soon as the cheering had subsided,
said that they were assembled there for the purpoSe of com-
municating information to each other, and to those whom
they should see when they went forth from that place, upon
one of the most important events, and the most interesting
to Englishmen, that bad occurred since the celebrated
three days of July in France.—(Loud cheers.) He need
not tell them that while the French people made that
great movement in favour of freedom, of which
they had been deprived by that family whom Englishmen
were unfortunate enough to assist to restore—(Loud
cheers)—at that time Englishmen did did not wait till
the struggle was decided to express their opinions.—( Loud
cheers.) They did not wait till the business was decided
and their interference was of no value, but they boldly,
openly, and effectually declared their sentiments. (Loud
cheers.) If he were asked who and what classes had so
declared themselves, he was afraid he must say that there
were not many of the high or rich concerned in it—it was
the industrious classes of Englishmen who on that
occasion gave decided marks and tokens of their opinions
which the Government of that day, less liberal than the
one they had at present, was wise enough to adopt.
They were all well acquainted with the affairs of Spain ;
but, for the benefit of the young, he would recal to their
notice the year 1812, when foreign armies had invaded
Spain, and carried off the Sovereign of that country. The
Liberals of Spain then brought forward that glorious Con-
stitution which was then adopted by, as the phrase then
was, the universal Spanish nation.—(Cheers.) That Con-
stitution was avowed and acknowledged by the people of
Spain, except a minute remnant which had joined the hos-
tile forces ; and the British Government, by actin.- with the
liberal supporters of that Constitution, had decidedly. ac-
knowledged it. They bad fought for it—they had left
the bones -of their brethren in a foreign land, in sup-
porting the Constitution of 1812.—(CheerS.) What had
become of it afterwards ? When by the blood and carnage
of the Constitutionalists, the rightful Sovereign was restored
to his throne, what slid he do? Why, as Sovereigns were
apt enough to do, he forgot.(Loud.cheers.) The first
thing he did was to refuse the Constitution which had
placed him on the throne. He cast into prison the prin-
cipal supporters of that Constitution, and by that gross act
of treachery made himself absolute. That most unfor-
tunate state of things went on till 1822, when, by the
power of Spanish freedom the Constitution was again re-
stored. And restored it would have been effectually had
it not been for the irruption of 100,000 French soldiers,
who trampled the Constitution under foot, and restored
an absolute Government. And would any man say that
the fact of the Constitution having been put down
by an army of 100,000 men, was a proof that the Spaniards
were not attached to that constitution. There were times
which he might easily recall, when, if it had been possible
that a foreign army of 100,000 men, well appointed, could
have made a landing in England, to assist in establishing
an absolute Government, they might not at this moment
have been able to meet in that room, to boast of their own
glorious Constitution. Would that have been a proof that
the Constitution did not live in the hearts of the great ma.
jority of the people ?—(Loud cheers.) He would then
call their attention to the Constitution of Spain, which was
a Liberal one—one founded on the basis of the most free
and extensive representation. In feet, it stood on the prin-
ciple of universal suffrage, and therefore it was they would be
told that it could not stand ; but why should it not stand.?—it
was a different basis from the Universal Suffrage of Eng-
land ; for the electors who named the deputies were them-
selves elected. Another remarkable point in the Consti-
tution of Spain—it made no provisibn for a House of Lords.
(Cheering for sonic minutes.) He did not know whether
at that moment Englishmen were so much in love with
their own lorldly house—(Great laughter, and cries of "No,
no")—as much to regret that the Spanish Constitution
did not provide such a nuisance ; they would not consider
that an irretrivable error.—(Cheers.) It was very unlikely
that England would go to war with Spain to impose upon
her a House of Lords. If she could do without it, in
Heaven's name let it her continue so. From all the evi-
dences which he could see around him, there was no
strong or marked interest on the part of England to hinder
her from having her own way.—(Cheers.) But it was tUr-
ther remarkable that Spain was not without those advan-
tages that were declared to be inherent in a House of
Lords. He meant the advantages of prudential delay its
the passing of national measures of utility, for the King had
the power of denying his consent to any measures pasSed
by the representatives of the people for one, two, or to a
thousand sessions. There was therefore due deliberation
upon all doubtful questions afforded by the Constitution of
1812. Having thus tried to explain those principles of the
Constitution of 1812 that might be novel to some
of those present, he would recommend them on
their return home to study, and make themselves
acquainted with its details. The present meeting bad
been called to express in a manly way the joy which Eng-
lishmen felt at seeing that Constitution which had been so
long depressed again on foot.—(Cheers.) It had been said
that the meeting was premature. He denied it.—(Cheers.)
He would tell the meeting as nearly. as he could
the present state of Spain, and for . that purpose
he would read from the Morning Herald their ac-
count of it.—(For which see another part of' our paper.)
In a postscript in another letter it was said that Madrid
alone held out. The last accounts from Spain was, that
the two parties were looking at each other.—(Cheers,)
What was to be inferred from that, but that the thing was
up with the Government.—(Cheers.) All but one lone
place were in favour of the Constitution of 1812. The
present was a case of their own—a case in which Great
Britain was engaged, and made a party. They did not
come there to register the success of the Constitution of
1812, but to do something that might tend to as-
sist it.—(Loud and continued cheering.) He had no
doubt when the day of the Constitution of 1812 arrived,
there would be found quite enough of summer flies that
would come forward and buz their approbation. Let them
share the perils, if any, in supporting the cause of the Con-
stitution by their sympathy—they would be enabled to
hold their heads high over those who ought, and might,
have been there—they would, at all events, have the appro-
bation of their own hearts for having, so far as they were
able, done something in support of the public freedom of
Spain. The Worthy Chairman sat down amidst loud cheers.
Mr. CARPENTER said he had .been most unexpectedly
called upon to move the first resolution ; he, however, did
so with pleasure, for he was certain that it was not ne-
cessary for him to urge the sentiments contained in the re-
solution by any arguments, because they were not only just
but expedient at that moment. It was really surprising
that after these statements read by the worthy Chairman
relative to the universality of the resolution -to embrace
the Constitution of 1812, any government other than that
of Spain should think of interfering with the people under
any plea. It was surprising that France and England
should have laid by so long, and allowed the arms of Carlos
to gain such advantage, bound as they ware to support
the cause, of the Queen. It now became the duty of
Englishmen of all classes, to determine that England shall
not interfere, under any pretence, to put down the move-
ment now made to set up the Constitution of 1812. He
was gratified and amused to see the trimming that charac-
terised the rfmarks of some. of the Morning Papers, which
a few days ago were strongly opposed to the popular cause.
They now called upon the English and French Govern-
ments to interfere, to put a stop to the progress of the
popular cause, although the suggestion was under the guise.
of putting an end to the success of the Carlist forces. He
congratulated the meeting upon this the first assembling of
the British metropolis,. to tender their best support and sym-
pathy to the Spanish people on this accession of her lilies-
ties. The present was only the beginning of a series of
such meetings, 'for undoubtedly, if the feeling of sympathy
which Englishmen are always ready to tender to those who
so nobly assert their own rights, they. could not but feel
that the establishment of the Constitution of 1812 in
Spain would do more to advance the cause of good govern-
ment, and confer those rights so generally and justly de-
manded in England than almost any other circumstance.—
(Cheers.) He regretted he could not do more justice to the
noble sentiments contained in the resolutions which he
begged leave to mote.—(Cheers.)
Mr. PitENTscE (of Manchester) in seconding the
resolution, observed that he was rather surprised that both
the mover and seconder of the first resolution had been
called in accidentally ; but he supposed the Chairman
meant to pay a compliment to men who had suffered in the
cause of the liberty of the Press. He (Mr. Prentice) was
one of a deputation who had gone from England to Paris,
to congratulate the French people upon their newly-
acquired liberties ; and lie felt much pleasure in
now coming forward to congratulate the Spanish
people on the great change that was taking place. The
first popular movement in Spain would be accompanied by
a popular movement in England, for a reform of the House
of Lords.—(Great cheering.) He recollected a saying of
their Hon. Chairman, that the cause of liberty in any part
of the world was the cause of liberty everywhere.—(Loud
cheers.) Any movement in Scotland; England, or Ireland
would produce an effect in France and Spain, and any
popular movement in France or Spain would effect a
similar movement in England. They were all linked to-
gether in the great cause of liberty, mid a movement in
any one place would produce a-movement everywhere. He
lid not know what the people here in London thought of
the House of Lords.--(Great laughter.) He did not