The Sun.
London, England, 1849-01-15 00:00:00

MONDA Y EVENING, J ANUARY l5, 1849..

whatever might be the influence his opinion might
have in another election, he should support the con-
clusions of the committee.
The President—The tribune is to M. 0. Barrot.—
(Movement of interest.)
The President of the Council—l am perfectly aware
of the reserve which a discussion like the present im-
poses on the Government. I know that no influence
from without ought to weigh on the Assembly, and
therefore I not only set myself against every kind of
threat, but, as the depository of the Government, I will
put them down as much as is in my power.—(llear,
hear.) But I must be permitted to say that the Assem-
bly ought not to occupy itself so much about its elec-
toral prospects as about the interest of the country.—
(Hear, hear.) I conic here to tell you what are the
views of the Government on this question. If the mat-
ter were a personal one, as the last speaker seems to
imply, I should not come forward to speak; but the
question is of the very highest interest, and may involve
a public peril; ccnsequently it is my duty to speak—no
matter what Ministry might be in power—even if M.
Billault himself were a member of it.—(Laughter.) If
I speak of M. Billault, it is because his talents
and personal consideration entitle him to hold a place
in a Ministry.—(Renewed laughter.) I say that what-
ever persons might compose the Ministry in power,
with an Assembly like the present, whose days are num-
bered, with an Assembly fated to cease on the comple-
tion of the Constitution, with the electoral incident
which has crossed your existence—that Government
would be reduced to mere impotent efforts.—(Violent
murmurs on the Left.) I maintain that there i 5 no Go-
vernment whatever that could look forward to any
length of existence or carry out a sound and useful
policy in such conditions.—(Agitation.) I have re-
received so many marks of confidence from the Assembly
that I consider myself bound to tell it the exact truth.
But that truth has been already told by the Constitution
itself. It proceeded from the particular situation in which
we are now placed—it comprehended this respective
situation of the two powers—it foresaw the present
false position.—(Agitation.) The Constitution so
well foresaw what would come to pass that it de-
clared that the Assembly of revision had only to pay at-
tention to one great question—the Constitution itself, and
the measures of inquiry connected with it. Well, does
not the situation so foreseen now exist? Have you not
in your hands at present a part of the executive power?
Have you not made and unmade the executive power?
And does not the remembrance of what you have done
as a constituent body weigh on you and impede your
movement? I know that with cleverness the present
difficulties might be in a measure masked; but will that
prevent the difficulties from existing? We have been
reproached with not having, since we have been in
power, decided on any of those great measures which
engage the future course of a Government. How could
it be otherwise? Do you forget that since we have ex-
isted as a Ministry we have been each day the object of
incessant and most violent attacks?—(lnterruption.) I
will not seen! to your attention the incidents which have
arisen at each sitting—l will not remind you of the fact
that your time has been wasted in sterile discussions,
when it could have been better employed in voting the
organic laws.—(Loud interruption, which prevented the
Hon. Gentleman from going on. Cries of " Order.")
The President—l think it right to say, that after the
vote of the Constitution, the Assembly occupied itself
with the election of the President of the Republic, voted
the rectified budget for 1848, and prepared several or-
ganic laws.—(Yes, yes; agitation.)
The President of the Council—l say that both the
reminiscences of what you have done, and your own
personal views, render you but little calculated to live
in face of an executive power perfectly independent of
you. I say that for the last two months you have been
occupied more with the Government than with passing
laws.—(Renewed agitation.)
A Voice—That is not true.
The President—Such an interruption is contrary to all
parliamentary usage and to order.
The President of the Council—lf such a manifestation
of feeling continues—
M. Portalis—Order, order!

The President—M. Portalis, if you go on disturbing
the discussion in this way, I shall be obliged to call
you to order!
The President of the Council—When I speak of your
personal views, and of the continual interruptioEs which
have broken in on our labours, I point out the very
gravest symptom of all—the matter which most attracts
the attention of the country.—(lnterruption.)
A Voice—Why, that is an invitation to civil war!—
(Agitation.)

The President of the Council—l do not doubt your
patriotism, but I believe that in this case it is mistaken.
—(Noise.) Here are men who have always praised up
universal suffrage, and yet they now seem afraid to meet
it! The Assembly ought to dissolve, and again present
itself to the suffrages of the country. That act I declare
to be absolutely necessary to restore public confidence;
for it is uncertainty which causes passions to ferment.--
(Loud applause on the Right.)
M. Portalis entered into some explanations to show
that he had not been justly called to order. The dis-
cussion was then declared to be closed, and a division
was proceeded to, amidst the greatest agitation. The
following was the result:—
Number of voters ... 805
Absolute majority ... ... 403
For the conclusion of the (Movement)
Committee ... ... 401
Against it ... 404
Majority ... —3
In consequence, it was declared that the proposition
was to be taken into consideration.—(Agitation.)
The President—l have been just informed that some
Members have voted both ways. The votes shall there-
fore be carefully examined, and the result made known
to-morrow.

The Assembly then rose in the greatest agitation at a
quarter to eight o'clock.
The Assembly met on Saturday, when the error
alluded to in the voting was corrected, without how-
ever, affecting the result. The real numbers were
announced to be as follows:

For considering the question of dissolution ... 400
Against it ... 396
Majority .. 4
The proposition will now be referred to the bureaux,
who will draw up a report, which will embrace all
the propositions that have been presented for fixing
a time for the dissolution of the Assembly.
The reactionaries) are of course in ecstacies at the
result of this division. The Democratic Pacifiques
says that a Royalist, on leaving the Chamber after the
vote, said, " We must be sad bunglers if before the
end of the year we do not bring back FIENar V."
That there is an intention on the part of the Ministry
to betray M. Louis NAFOLEON BONAPARTE into the
hands of the Orleanists and Legitimatists, is evident
from the appointments they have recently made to
the various departmental prefectures. On this subject,
The National says :

" Who will, therefore, pretend that we are under a
Republic? Are not the ten months which have just
passed merely a dream? Let us awake and return
quickly to reality. It is now the 24th of February,
1848, the happy day from which dates the Ministry of
M. 0. Barrot.

" His Majesty Louis Philippe, yielding to the obser-
vations of the Chamber, and to the pressure of general
opinion, has confided to M. Thiers the task of forming a
new Cabinet. It is to him, in fact, the devoted servant
of the Monarchy of July, that it belongs to point out the
men capable of estimating the wants of electoral reform,
and the necessity of preserving those great principles of
order and of authority which the Orleans dynasty now
represents. M. Thiers, in accepting this mission, has
refused to enter into the Cabinet, in order not to alarm
Europe, which is still uneasy at the tapage of 1840.
" M. Thiers, united to M. Mole in this work of dis-
interestedness and self-denial, is content with placing
one of his most faithful servants as Minister of the Inte-
rior—M. Leon Faucher, so well known by his note of the
Bth October, and by the Free-trade Association. M.
Odilon Barrot, in default of M. Thiers, has naturally
taken the place of President of the Council. The rest of
the Cabinet is composed of members of the moderate
left, MM. Tracy, Lacrosse, &c. We only make an ex-
ception in favour of M. de Rulhiere, whose presence in
the Ministry was demanded by the King, in order to
hold a high hand over the army; for the Viscount de
Falloux, who secures the support of the right for M.
Passy, specially recommended by the tiers-path, and M.
Buffvb, who represmuus nothing. The new Cabinet is
therefore remarkable for the spirit of unity which has
ruled over its creation. .

" Scarcely bad it been installed than the Council con-
sidered it necessary to turn its attention to the prefec-
tures. The instruments of the 29th of October, the limes
damnees of M. Duchatel—those men, in a word, to whom
we owe the Pritchardist majority, and, more recently
still, les satisfaits—cannot think of retaining their func-
tions under a Ministry formed to the cry of Vive la
Reforme,' A bas la corruption.'
" The Monitsur publishes in fact this morning 17 no-
minations, and 18 changes in the personnel of the sub-
prefectures. But can we believe our eyes? Can it be
true that M. Guizot is again Minister? No. Let us
not calumniate any one. M. Guizot is in London. Louis
Philippe has been driven from the Tuileries! France
has proclaimed a Republic. (After some further criti••
cisms on the appointments of the sub-prefects above al-
luded to, the ./V ational continues), M. Barrot talked a
few days since of conciliation. He now shows us how
he understands carrying that principle into practice.
What M. Guizot would not have dared under Louis
Philippe, M. Barrot has done under a Republic. By the
side of prefets, Orleanists, grand memo, figure irrecon-
cilable Legitimists, the avowed partisans of Henri V.,
even those who have all their lives exclaimed loudly
against the revolution. This is what is called con-
ciliation.

"If these deplorable and shameful
i appointments,.
which have raised a cry of indignation n the ranks of
the majority, are not a veritable act of treason against
incapacity
of Republic, they at least testify the great
of the members of the old Left.' Let any one now
accuse the Republican party with the weakness, and
poverty of its personnel. We shall reply by the names
inscribed in the Illoniteur. You are now the masters,
and you can find to place in the prefectures only the old
and sad supporters of the 29th October. Is it, there-
fore, men or principles that are wanting? For eight
years you opposed the policy of M. Duchatel, and yet
you inaugurate your accession to power by installing in
office the very men in which the fallen system was per-
sonified. We consider you either as traitors or as defi-
cient in power—you can choose which appellation best
suits you."
Those who in 1841 betrayed Prince Louis NAPO-
LEON BONAPARTE to King Louis PHILIPPE, are
endeavouring in 1849 to betray the PRESIDENT of the
Republic to the Bourbon Pretender,
The PRESIDENT of the Republic, it is said, refuses
to nominate M. VIVIEN as one of the candidates for
the Vice-Presidency. He is exceedingly desirous