The Sun.
London, England, 1849-11-01 00:00:00

THE Sri N,

Bill, and a fact, the truth of which was made apparent
throughout the Continent by the Revolution of 1848.
" We are entering upon an age of popular self-
government," says our truth-telling contemporary—
an assertion not only corroborated by so many recent
struggles for popular rights on behalf of the various
nations of Europe, but moreover a fact unmistakably
confirmed by the cowardly cruelty of the terror-
stricken Absolutists. The moral power of crowned
tyranny is gone for ever, oppression seems " sacred
in its venerable wrong" no longer, and, therefore, by
the same rule that the loser in an argument has re-
course to abuse or blows, the powerless sceptre has
been exchanged for the sword, and the hangman's rope,
and the lash. Thus the very proceedings which may
appear like the triumphs of absolute power, are, in fact,
only a world-wide proclamation of its death warrant.
" The slope of public opinion throughout the whole
civilized world is towards democracy," says the
paragraph above quoted, and, however appearances
may indicate the contrary, towards democracy
the civilized world is proceeding with steady
and irresistible progress. Perhaps the present posi-
tion of European affairs may appear little encou-
raging to those enthusiastic Utopists who hailed
with so much fervour the glorious opening of the
recent revolution. "France," say they, "has proved
traitor to the cause of national independence. Rome
has witnessed the annihilation of its infant Republic ;
Italy is subdued under the rule of RADETZKY ; Hun-
gary is crimsoned with the blood of her best children;
while the Imperial tyrants work on complacently,
sharpening their swords for fresh carnage, and pre-
paring the implements of execution for fresh victims.'
Yet, at this very moment we are told, by one who,
assuredly, has no bias in its favour, that public
opinion is progressing towards democracy, and we
are entering upon an age of popular self-government.
The admission comes at the right moment. It comes
to shame the despondent ones whose confidence for-
sakes them under temporary defeats, and to stimulate
those true hearts who, notwithstanding the blood
and tears which obscure the view, are
contemplating with unwavering faith the triumphant
progress of democracy. Never was that triumphant
progress better assured than at the present moment,
notwithstanding the deafening violence of its oppo-
nents, notwithstanding even the desertion of some of
its former adherents. We must confess that we are
inclined in all cases to hope for the best ; and there-
fore until circumstances have decidedly proved to the
contrary, we shall venture to anticipate even from
the present rulers of France and Rome a co-operation
in the cause of democracy. An opportunity
is now offered to the restored SOVEREIGN
of Rome to fulfil the high promises held
out by the first acts of his liberal and beneficent
policy—a policy which, in those days of enthusiasm,
elicited from one of the most liberal of Italians the
application of the text—" Fuit homo missus a Deo, cui
nomen erat Johannes." Whether or not those pro-
mises will be fulfilled time will speedily show. If
they are, we shall gladly welcome to the cause of de-
mocracy the aid of one of its early supporters ; if not,
the triumph of that cause will be equally assured. It
will be assured, for it is founded on justice.

In alluding to the causes of the late monetary
crisis and the general distress that prevailed through-
out the entire country, we declared that " these
untoward results were altogether ascribable to the
undue appreciation in the value of money, occasioned
by the Act of 1819, and the still more fatal measure
of 1844." We also stated that the supporters of the
present system were greatly mistaken in attributing
the fearful evils under which the nation groaned
either to the potato blight—to over-production by our
manufacturers—over-speculation by our merchants—
or to the vast expenditure that had taken place in the
construction of railways. We then proved that these
calamitous results could not have been occasioned by
the failure of the potato crop, which, although in-
flicting serious losses upon the parties more
immediately interested, could not possibly
have led to a general depreciation of
every description of property in this country, prac-
tically involving the destruction of property to the
value of 251. for every pound contributed to the re-
lief of 'the Irish, and we undertook to prove that
they were not ascribable to " over-production, over-
speculation, or to the railway expenditure." In re-
demption of that pledge, we now return to the consi-
deration of this all-important subject.
- - -

" Over-production," whit is it ? Is it not palpably,
that a greater quantity of any given commodity has
been created than can be absorbed by the wants of
the community ? Can there be an " over-production "
of corn, while there are myriads of half-starved
wretches, unable to obtain bread sufficient to satisfy
the cravings of nature, who are dwindling away in
hopeless misery, enduring dly after day the pangs
of hunger—their strength reduced for want of proper
sustenance, their spirits broken, their energies para-
lyzed, for want of that which we are facetiously told is
" over-produced ?" Can there be an over-production
of cotton or of woollen fabrics, while thousands—
aye, millions—of ill-clad and half-naked wretches are
shivering in the cold, without the means of protecting
themselves from the inclemency of the weather, of
sheltering their trembling limbs from the piercing
blasts of winter ? We may be told that these desti-
tute sufferers, although they may be willing to con-
sume, would be utterly unable to pay for the commo-
dities they would receive; that therefore the mann.
facturer of corn or of wearing apparel would not
receive the due remuneration for his labours. Granted !
But that is the fault of the system of currency we
are impugning. Under a wise and paternal Govern-
ment the test of " over-production" would be, not Re
state of the market, but the wants of the people

The former is subject to many influences.
A circulating medium, adequate to the exigencies of
the country—a suitable measure of value will at any
time stimulate the market, and increase the demand
to almost any given amount. But the commodities
remain undisposed of simply becatve the measure is
wanting. It would be just as mischievously absurd
to enact a law that no corn should be disposed of
unless the quantity had been previously ascertained
by an imperial standard set up at the Royal Ex-
change. There would be many able and willing to
produce it to the extent that would be required to
feed the population—other measures, although not
stamped according to law, would be just as efficacious
in enabling the parties to arrange their transactions,

trious—if the anticipated success should not attend
their exertions—we must adandon our labours and
be contented to perish in want and misery. Is this
the independence of which Englishmen are so proud?
How could we dare to dispute the will of the
AUTOCRAT, or to oppose his aggression on con-
stitutional liberty in any part of the world ?
A. single ukase, prohibiting the exportation of
the precious metals, or forbidding the further
working of the Ural mines, would paralyse all our
energies, cripple our strength, and take away the
means of resistance, even of self-defence, un-
less our lawgivers, learning wisdom, in the
hour of danger, should effect a total
alteration of the system that has rendered a state of
profound peace and tranquillity more formidable than
one of international war.

The Israelites were willing to labour at the com-
mand of PHAAOAH ; they would produce any quantity
of bricks that might be required, so long as a suffi-
ciency of "straw," a necessary material in the manu-
facture, were supplied. They could not, however,
make the "straw"—and the tyrant, when resolved
upon their destruction, ordained that straw should
thenceforth be withheld. Our modern PHARAOHS
follow the example—they demand heavy taxes and
imposts from the people, which must be paid in a
medium which they cannot produce by any amount of
labour—they also withhold the "straw" from the
sufferers.

There is scarcely one of the houseless, starving,
shivering wretches, to whom we have alluded in the
beginning of this article who would not gladly give
his labour, the only capital he possesses, in exchange
for what he requires. He only asks for employment—
demands that he may be permitted to work, and by
his labour, in turn, to minister to the wants of his
fellow-men. But this reasonable and humble request
is denied ; he is kept in compulsory idleness, un-
profitably consuming the national resources, in place
of being the creator and producer of national wealth.
Distress, misery, and destitution are to be found on
every side—once happy homes are broken up, husband
and wife are separated and driven to. different com-
partments of the union workhouse—those whom
GOD bath joined together man bath put asunder—
helpless children are deprived of the fostering care
of parents. But while these indisputable grievances
and evils prevail, we are told to rejoice because " the
integrity of the standard has been preserved." And
Sir CHARLES WOOD announces, with a self-applaud-
ing smile, that " the convertibility of the bank-note has,
been secured," and that " the bank issues were never
in a sounder condition l" Alas for human nature, when
such things can be regarded as a set-off and compen-
sation for the fearful amount of human misery and
human suffering to which we have above alluded.