The Sun.
London, England, 1849-06-18 00:00:00

policy of the Government either up to the zenith
of the most rash extravagance, or sinking it down
to the nadir of the most 'grovelling subserviency to
family interests. Which of the two we leave the
judgment of the community to decide. On the very
face of the transaction, before analysing its motives
in the smallest degree, it is manifest—indecently
manifest—to the public eye that the Cabinet, so far
from being actuated by a broad and statesmanlike,
not to say a pure and patriotic view of the matter,
has yielded to the seductions of private friendship,
and has sacrificed the interests of the nation
at large to fill the pockets of a small
but avaricious band of monopolists. The
fact is vividly revealed on the very outside of the
engagement ; and the further scrutiny of the grant
and its origin only corroborates the impression
forced upon our minds from the commencement. The
more we look at this rash act of the Colonial Secre-
tary, the more fully we are satisfied that we might,
with the most complete justice, say of the Earl
GREY as the young lady exclaimed of Mr. JOB
CAUDLE, "0, he's such a Family Man F' Of this,
however, we are profoundly convinced, that the Noble
Earl will not find the House of Commons to-morrow
evening in a very joking humour, or disposed in any
manner to wink at a proceeding so calculated to
interfere with the development of our national
greatness.

The retention of Vancouver's Island even at the
present moment is very far indeed from being a sub-
ject of small importance. What will it not be when
the trade of the Pacific (now dawning into existence)
has advanced to the meridian of its prosperity?
When the intercourse between the old world and the
new shall be reciprocated on both oceans—when the
teas, and the indigo of China, and the rice and the
mineral riches of Hindostan, and the spices and
fabrics of the Oriental Archipelago shall flow towards
the western shores of America—when a line of traffic
has been opened (as it will in the end be inevitably

opened) across the soil of the New World, connecting
together with ribs of iron the Pacific and the
Atlantic—when England is enabled to communicate
with her most remote colonies, with India and
Australia, with Labuan and New Zealand, and to
communicate with them, not by a mixed route across,
the different countries of Europe and Asia, where the
mail might at any moment be stopped by the strug•
gles of war or by the outbreak of a revolution
when the power of Britain binds together
the whole of her vast but scattered posses-
sions by a line stretching directly across the
Atlantic, across her North American possessions, and
across the Pacific to Sidney, to Calcutta, to Hong-
Kong, to Sarawak, and to Cape North;—then, in
truth, the inestimable value of Vancouver's Island
will be signally manifested. Then, when too late, the
insanity of this grant to the Hudson's Bay Company
would be apparent to the poorest capacity. As
affording shelter for our vessels of war and our ships
of merchandise, as yielding abundance of coal
for our steamers, as presenting the very best egress
from our North American colonies, Vancouver's Island
would then, as we have intimated, be altogether
inestimable. Even as it is now, however, as an
island commanding the eastern ocean, and being so
situated geographically and so composed geologically,
being the key opening North America to Asiatic en-
terprise, and being moreover the most convenient
coaling station along the whole coast from Behring's
Straits to Terra del Fuego—the retention of Van-
couver's Island by the British Government is directly
associated with cur progress as a nation and our con-
solidation as an empire. Hence it is that we are so
earnestly solicitous that the effort to be made to-morrow
evening by the Earl of LINCOLN may receive the
cordial co-operation of the House of Commons.

Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN and his unfortunate asso-
ciates in guilt will not gain much by their latest, and
we trust, we may say, their final attempt to defeat
the ends of justice, or rather to postpone the execution
of the mitigated punishment which her MaimsTr, in
the exercise of her undoubted prerogative, had merci-
fully substituted for the extreme penalty assigned by
the law for the serious offences of which they had
been convicted on the clearest and most unquestion-
able testimony. The fullest opportunities have already
been afforded to these unhappy men of taking the
opinions of the various tribunals before which the
question of their legal guilt or innocence could be
constitutionally decided. We say, of their legal
guilt or innocence, because no doubt or difficulty
could exist on the subject of their moral
turpitude. It could not be denied that they
had aseembled a body of armed men in open and
undisguised rebellion against the Royal authority,
that they had, in legal parlance, levied war upon
the SOVEREIGN within her dominions, and that
they contemplated effecting, by illegal and unconsti-
tutional means, the overthrow of the Government,
and the subversion of the national institutions in, at
least, one portion of those dominions. Objections
were, however, raised by the counsel entrusted with
their defence, that they had been deprived of certain
privileges to which parties accused of high treason
were justly entitled. Although these points savoured
more of legal subleties than of substantial justice,
and could not in the slightest degree affect the real
merits of the caso ; although the three Learned
Judges who so ably and impartially presided at the
trials had overruled these objections, on the most
convincing reasons, an appeal was unhesitatingly
allowed to the highest criminal tribunal in the
country, the Court of Queen's Bench in Ireland.
After hearing protracted arguments from some of the
most eminent counsel of that or perhaps of any nation,
the Court unanimously affirmed the judgments of the
Court below, the Judges delivering their decisions
seriatim, in terms that elicited the most unequivocal
approbation from those best qualified to form sound
opinions on the profound learning and impartiality
displayed therein. The prisoners were not, however,
satisfied ; they were not yet prepared to respect the
majesty of the laws against which they had offended,
or to sue for that mercy which our mild and benig-
nant SOVEREIGN would never refuse to the humble
suppliant, when it could be exhibited consistently
with the national safety. No ; they still resisted to
the uttermost, and made a further appeal to the ul-
timate tribunal, the House of Peers of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. The Irish
Attorney-General might have refused his fiat to that
appeal—believing that the errors assigned in the
petition were frivolous and untenable, that no com-
petent person could for a moment entertain a second
opinion on the subject, he would have been fully
justified in refusing his assent to any further delay,
and in having the sentence of the law carried into
immediate execution. But not so. That Learned
functionary was determined to withhold no
privilege that could legally be claimed, to afford no
pretext for the assertion that full and impartial jus-
tice was not rendered to the unhappy convicts. The
right of further appeal was unhesitatingly conceded,
and the writs of error to the House of Lords were
sued out with the sanction of the law officers of the
Crown in Ireland.
The result of that appeal must be within the recol-
lection of all our readers. After the cases of the pri.
soners had been fully argued by the talented counse

selected by themselves, the House of Lords, without
calling for any reply, unanimously affirmed the vali-
dity of all the proceedings, and the Judge 3 of
England, without a single dissentient voice, approved
of that decision. No further delays could then
have been interposed to retard the execution
of the dread sentence. Every device bad been ex-
hausted, and the forfeited lives of the wretched

criminals were placed at the disposal of the Execu-
tive. Justice, however, was tempered by mercy, and
an intimation,was conveyed to the prisoners that the
Royal prerogative would be exercised in their favour,

and that the capital punishment would be remitted,

on condition that they should be transported for life

from their native land. No formal document was

signed—no legal pardon was granted that could have

been relied on. Independent to the last, and still
desirous of impeding the proceedings of the
Government, these wretched men proudly refused
the offered commutation, and declared themselves

ready to undergo the sentence originally delivered,
to suffer death upon the scaffold, in accordance

therewith. What course, then, remained for the

Executive ? Should the ridiculous vanity of these
unfortunate criminals be gratified ? Should they
be permitted practically to commit suicide, and to.

meet the dreadful fate from which the Royal cle-

mencY would release them ? Every consideration of

justice and expediency forbade so melancholy a con-
summation. It would be beneath the majesty of
justice to be diverted from its course by the insane
and fatuous conduct of those parties. And, however,
the mercy of our Most Gracious QUEEN might be
despised and rejected, it could not be re-
called. Should further procrastination then
be sanctioned ? Should the public mind
still be excited and disturbed by further
arguments as to the right of the criminals to insist
upon the execution of the original sentence ? Most
decidedly not. To do so would be to bring the
majesty of the law into contempt and disrepute, and
to encourage future offenders to bring forward simi-
lar absurdities. The Government wisely and judi-
ciously determined to adopt a course which would
terminate all further discussion. A Bill was accord-
ingly brought into the House of Lords on Thursday,
and (the standing crders being suspended) passed
through its different stages the following day, not
making any new enactments, but declaratory as to
the state of the existing law, and affirming the power
of her MAJESTY to commute the capital punishment
in cases of treason into transportation for life, or for
such other term as might seem expedient.
This Act will doubtless pass through the House of
Commons with similar expedition. The opinions of
Lords BROUGHAM, CAMPBELL, and DENMAN, clearly
and deliberately expressed on the occasion of the
first reading of the Bill, prove that the power of com-
muting the sentence of death for any minor punish-
ment already exists in Ireland. But if any doubt
existed on the subject, surely no rational being could
allege that it should not be finally and for ever set at
rest, and that no obstinacy on the part of a convicted
traitor should enable him either to demand the exe-
cution of the highest penalty, or altogether to evade
the penal consequences of his crime.

TEE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of Saturday and
yesterday.
It was rumoured in Paris that an insurrection had
broken out at Lyons, and that the insurgents were in
possession of more than half of the city. It appears
that on Wednesday large crowds were assembled at
Lyons, and there were various processions through
the streets, but the people were quiet, and no colli-
sion took place. On the following day, however, the
authorities caused upwards of 100 persons to be
arrested, and in consequence a collision took place
and many lives were lost. The insurgents have, it
is said, gained possession of the telegraph, and thus
cut off the communication with Paris. The Moniteur
of Saturday publishes a decree declaring Lyons, and
the military district in which it is situated, in a state
of siege.
Disturbances are also said] to have broken out at
Toulouse and at Lille.
The .Moniteur also publishes a decree by which the
publication of the Reforme, the Potpie, the Demo-
cratie Pacifi' que the Revolution Democratic et Sociale,
the Vraie Republique, and the Tribunes des Peuples
are suspended.
The Moniteur contains a report from the Minister
of Justice on the necessity of rendering justice in
France gratuitous for the poor. The law, as at
present administered, is attended, the report says,
with so many formalities, that the poor are very fre-
quently prevented from having recourse to its juris-
diction. To remedy the evil, either special courts
could be established, such as are seen in Piedmont
under the designation of courts for the poor ; or all
fees could be done away with, as is practised in Bel-
gium, Holland, and several states of Germany. To
examine the question, the report proposes to have
' a committee named, consisting of M. Renouard,
Councillor of the Court of Cassation ; M. Aylies,
President of the Court of Appeal at Paris ; M. Berville,
advocate• general at the same Court ; M. de Bel-
leyme, President of the Tribunal of Premiere In-
stance° at Paris ; M. Paul Fabre, advocate at the Court
of Cassation ; Duvergier, advocate of the Court
of Appeal; M. Boinvilliers, Batonnier of 3 the
Order of Advocates at the Court of Appeal at Paris ;
and M. Aubenas, chef de bureau at the Ministry of
Justice. The President of the Republic has approved
of the committee.
There is a report in the Alonitertr from the Minis-
ter of Justice recommending the appointment of a
special committee to consider the difficult, question
of the mortgage system. The committee consists of
MM. Pougeaud and Wolowski, representatives of the
people ; M. Giraud, member of the Institute ; M.
Renouard, councillor of the Court of Cessation ; M.
Persil senior, advocate at the Court of Appeal of
Paris ; M. Paul Fabre, advocate at the Court of
Cessation ; M. Calmon, ex-director-general of the
registration office ; M. de Dalmas, director of civil
affairs at the ministry of Justice; M. Royer, author
of a work on mortgages ; M. A. Fould, the banker,
and M. Armand, chef de bureau at the ministry of
justice. This committee the President of the Republic
has approved of.
The .JlunUeur publishes a decree signed by the
PRESIDENT of the Republic, and countersigned by
the Minister of the Interior, convoking for the Bth of
July the Electoral Colleges for the election of depu-
ties for the places that have become vacant by the
choice of members, by decease, resignation, or other-
wise. The number of places so vacant is 3S.
The following is a report of the proceedings in the
National Assembly, on Friday evening :
The President read the order of the day for the next
sitting. The Assembly will meet in its bureaux, to exa-
mine several propositions ; among others, those relative
to the banks depending on landed property, and the re-
form in the mortgage system.
M. Beaumont (de la Somme) demanded that two com-
mittees should be named to examine these propositions.
M. Vegin proposed to the Assembly to name one com-
mittee of thirty members, two from each bureau, to
examine them both,
The proposition of M. Vezin was put to the vote and
adopted.
M. V. Hugo demanded permission of the Assembly to
put a question to the members of the Cabinet.--(Speak,
speak.) The Assembly, he doubted not, would wish that
every guilty act should be repressed, and if the journals
were to- be believed, certain acts of violence had been
committed in different printing-offices of the capital,
which were an attack on legality, liberty, and property.
He, therefore, demanded of the Government if an inves-
tigation into the affair had been ordered with a view to
ulterior proceedings?
The Minister of the Interior said that the Govern-
ment regretted, as much as the lion. Gentleman could
do, what had occurred. The act complained of had
taken place spontaneously, and the authorities were
neither able to foresee nor to prevent it. It had been
said, that an aide-de-camp of General Changarnier had
taken a leading part iu the outrage, but that he must
formally deny. lie went to the spot to repress it, but it
was too late; all the mischief had been done, and
no attention moreover was paid to him. As soon as
the Government had been informed of what had
taken place, orders had been given to ascertain the
amount of damage done, and to discover the authors
of it; and he could assure the Assembly that
justice would be done in the affair.—(Hear, hear.)
He would, he said, take that opportunity of giving
some information relative to the state of the interior of
France.—(Marks of attention.) All the information re-
ceived by the Government proved that the movement
which took place in Paris was generally expected in the
provinces. The accounts received from all parts were
most satisfactory, with one sole exception. At Lyons
disturbance was imminent, and the prefect had written
to demand that that city should be placed in a state of
siege. He had received that account at half-past four,
and bad immediately sent orders by the telegraph for it
to be done. All the troops of 6th division of the army
of the Alps had been placed at the disposal of the brave
general who commanded at Lyons. Every precautionhad
been taken, and no anxiety was felt as to the result of
the struggle. At Dijon an assemblage of 400 persona
had been formed, but they had been dispersed without
difficulty. He was happy to say that the accounts pub-
lished of disturbances at Rheims were not correct. Some
fears had at first been felt, and reinforcements of troops
had been demanded, but their services had not been re-
gal' iAgir eorldmld.ste,h_
he
nioe.
The President said, that before consulting the as-
sheemwb loyu
lodn
submittb e q u
teos t
ito n
theof
followingit3
remainingreso enut
resolution:—"
r;
Theence
uNational
y c
ee ss,Assemblyon yea;t
h voteset oGeneral
itsf t
aemrmbyer,sanofdtthoeGme na
ie. roar: t Cy hraons
eg aar
and
di e r . ''
loudly
ex-
- A b
Changarnier", ah I
hth, a t is. o o much.
claimed,V"
The President, continuing—" For ardour
theour and pa-
triotism which they displayed in defencee
Consti-
tution and the Republic in the late events."
A Voice on the Right—Bravo, bravo 1 Divide.
The President then put the proposition to the vote,
when an immense majority rose in its favour. Thirty ce
forty members of the Mountain who were present re-
mained motionless in their seats.
A Voice—Shame on those who remain seated.
On those who were against the resolution being called
on, one member Mountain only rose, amidst the
louT dhmurmursresolution
o f
the of
majority.
wasconsequently declared to be
adopted.
no; con'inue it.
'A Voice on the Right—No,
to the The
pPe rrme sai dneent—
nee_l shall now consult the Assembly as
have a pub_lie sitting to-
e Another Voice on the Right—No, no ;
th
morrow, T heP raefst dr
etnhte—bOu sr i sl
perma-
nence.
continues
you
uthe bureaux ?
ceeSdhine
gNsaot
npeThremPanreeneesid.ent—The Assembly consequently
ion#l
printing-offices of MM. Proux and Boule :
hf
the farsietnhdesfoollfoworindger oni
in the h e riotouswrecking pro
the
Every one has remarked the incredible silence of the
Constitutionnet respecting the devastations committed in
the printing-offices of MM. Proux and Rollie, and at
the offices of several journals. Does not the Constitu-
tionnel dare to stigmatise these savage attacks on order
and property? What consideration can Restrain it? Is

notthe crime flagrant? Is not the damage evident?
But it is true that it is not the men of the people who
rendered themselves culpable of these deplorable ex-
cesses. The responsibility falls exclusively on men of
the opinion which the Constitutionnel represents and de-
fends. Because an attack on order has been committed by
persons in the uniform of order, it is on that account trans-
formed all at once into a perfectly lawful act? On the con-
trary, is it not on that account of greater gravity? In pre-
sence of such acts involuntarily the admirable conduct of
the people in February comes to mind. The parallel
between what the people, for whom there is now no•
thing but abuse, then did, and what the men belonging
is, we admit, some-
utionnel, and it has
wtohtahteepniabratyrroafssoirndgerfohravethjeusct,odnosntei;
preferred being silent to dwelling on acts which could not
fail to suggest this avenging comparison. But, at least,
there arc other acts which took place in the neighbour-
hood of the Constitutionnel, at its very door, on which
we may take the liberty of demanding from it same in-
formation. The Etat-Major of the artillery of the Na-
tional Guard has its offices in the Rue du 24 Fevrier,
nearly opposite the Constitutionnel. On the 13th, about
six in the evening, just as the brave colonel of the legion,
M. Guinard, had gone out, an armed body broke into
the bureaux, and thcugh no resistarce was made,
gave way to shameful excesses. The flag was seized,
and we are informed, though we can scarcely
believe it, that their flag, on which shone the
colours of France, and which the majesty of the
Republic ought to have protected, was trampled under
foot and dragged in the dust. But this flag belonged
to the artillery of Paris, that noble armed advance guard
of democracy, to all those men of firm republicanim, of
whom M. Guinard is the worthy leader. It appears
that that was a crime. But we wish to ask these intre-
pid heroes of order, who make such noble campaigns in
empty bureaux, ii the flag in question was not that
which the artillery of Paris had received after the days
of June, and on which were inscribed the names of the
artillerymen who had courageously fallen in that
lamentable struggle. It was kept at the Cat-major's as a
melancholy monument of that fatal period, as a pious
souvenir of the victims of a cruel duty. Was it of that
flag that the victors made a trophy to their furious pas-
sions? This is what it would be useful to declare or to
deny. In presence of these new excesses, will the
ConstitutiGnnel continue to be silent? In that case we
reserve to ourselves to interpret its silence."

The Presse has permanently separated itself from
the party with which it has hitherto acted. In
speaking of their acts it says—
" Let the intimidation come from the right or from the
left, be it red or white, be it exercised by the Republi-
cans of the Icndemain or of the veille, whether taking
place or not under the Administration of M. llehillot,
by graver and more culpable excesses than those com-
mitted under the Administration of M. Caussidiere, in-
timidation, we say, will not find us in its ranks in June,
1849, any more than in March, 1848. We therefore
separate publicly from the party which, without neci-
sity, voted on Wednesday, by acclamation, the state
of siege for eleven departments; which, on Thurs-
day, voted with the same readiness the urgency of a
Bill suppressing temporarily one of the liberties gua-
ranteed by the Constitution, the liberty of meeting
peaceably; which to-morrow, without doubt, will pro-
pose to suspend anotherliberty—that of manifesting one's
opinions by means of the phos ; which, to all appear-
ance, will not stop short in th'is course until it has com-
pletely run through it. With liberty we desire order,
but with order we desire liberty. We do not disjoin
them, as whatever does so prepares a new revolution.
What matters it on which side an overturn into the abyss
takes place? Only one thing is import snt—not to be
overturned. In our soul and conscience, particularly
after the vote of May 7, the order to enter Rome by force
is in manifesticontradiction with the articles of the Con-
stitution, which declares that the French 11.,-public is
never to employ its force against the liberty of any peo-.
ple. The day of June 13 has not caused us to change
our opinion—what we thought before we think after;
and we say this, even were this declaration to expose
our printing establishment to the devastation exercised
egainst those of M. Bottle and M. Proux on June 13,
1849, and which rendered illustrious a battalion of the
Ist legion of the National Guard, commanded by Capt.
Vicyra.t."

The preliminary examinations into the events of
the 13th were commenced on Friday morning, and
I continued without relaxation the whole of the day, by
tour examnining magistrates, Mi\f. E. BERTRAND,
LEGONIDEC, BRAULT, and FILHON. Arrests also
continued to be made throughout the day, and in the
evening amounted to 300, including most of the
members of the German Democratic Committee, and
other Socialist propagandists. The papers and docu-
ments seized, and the domiciliary visits made, led to
the issue of fresh warrants against other persons.
The Opinion Publigue says that, after escaping
from the Conservatoire des Arts et Matiers, M.
LEDRTJ ROLLIN went to Versailles, where he passed
the night. At an early hour the next morning he
went to St. Germains, and from that place proceeded
on foot through the forest to Poissy. I3e there took
the railway to Havre, from whence he immediately
embarked for England.
The Gazette des Tribunaux announces the arrest
of M. CONSIDERANT, but the Droll says that the state-
ment which was current on Saturday to that effect is
untrue.

The National publishes the following letter from
M. GUINARD :

" Conciergerie, 9 o'clock at night, June 15.
"My dear Dures,—l have been just informed of a
shamelul article in this day's Courrier Fraricais. The
whole is inexact; I remained with my brave comrades
up to the last moment. Our attitude before the soldiers
was that of men who respect themselves. The Courrier
can, on that point, interrogate the Colonel, Lieutenant-
! Colonel, and a chef de bataillon of the •2d. I ought
to affirm besides that the representatives Boichot and
Rattier were not exposed a single moment to the un-
worthy treatment mentioned in the Courrier. Our ene-
mies ought not to forget whatis due to adversaries in
our present position. It is sad to think that men who
ought to respect each other should so completely forget
the most simple duties of honourable men. All bulletins,
when no combat has taken place, are ridiculous. Make
use, I pray you, of this note to rectify the article of the
Courrier.

"A. GUINARD."
The National declares that there is no truth in the
report that M. GOUDCHAUX had been arrested.
The PRESIDENT of the Republic, attended by the
Ministers of Instruction and of Public Works, visited
the Cholera Hospital on Saturday.
The Government has received the following dis-
patch from General OUDINOT, dated Villa Santucci,
June 7:—
GENERAL OUDINOT TO THEnaMyINISTE
dispatch il "o
theAR 4th,
I had‘Msi‘ tohneheounroluerMo ngi si
tvri g—ylonu an account of the taking
of the Villa Parnfili, the church of St. Pancras, and the
Corsini and Valentini residences. The possession of
these important points was indispensable for the strong
support of the works of siege on the left ; our posses.
sion of them was vigorously contested, and required,
during the sth and 6tb, the most active vigilance, and
gave rise to several engagements, in which the advan-
tage remained constantly with our troops. I have now
to acquaint you with the progressive and regu-
lar cobrse of the operations of the siege, and
the successive incidents as we approach the place. On
the 4th, at half-past eight in the evening the trenches
were opened at a distance of about 300 metres from the
wall ; 1,200 workmen were taken to the line forming
a development of from 1,000 to 1,400 metres. At this
part the ground is very uneven and covered with vines
and hedges. The tracing the parallel and the distribu-
tion of the workmen were very difficult—on some points
the work could not be undertaken before midnight.
At this moment, and to divert the attention of the
enemy, I ordered General Regnault de Saint Jean
d'Angcly, commanding the troops at the Villa Pamfili
and at St. Pancras, to make a feigned attack on that
side, and to open a fire after ten o'clock. The result of
this diversion surpassed my hopes. All the efforts of
the Romans were turned towards the gate of St. Pan.
eras, which they might suppose to be seriously menaced.
The works of the parallel were not for an instant dis-
turbed, and there was not a man wounded on this point
during the night. At daybreak some points of the
parallel were still incomplete; it was, however, covered
throughout. The artillery was engaged during the
whole of the night of the 4th in constructing two bat-
teries; that on the left was to reply to the fire of the
bastion No. 6; that on the right to silence the fire of
Mount Testacio, where the enemy had made prepara-
tions of defence; it had also to silence the battery of
St. Alexis, on Mount Aventino. The work of the sth
regularised the dimensions of the parallel. The battery
on the left opened its fire at six in the morning, :and
silenced bastion No. 6. The battery on the right
did not commence its fire till towards noon. Its ac-
tion was shown by the interruption of the fire of Mount
Testacio. The night of the sth was employed in per-
fecting the trench, and the construction of a battery in
the centre of the parallel. The Villas Corsini and Va-
lentini, occupied by our troops, were the constant objects
of the fire of musketry, and even artillery of the city.
I thought it would be possible, by means of some works,
to secure this occupation, and render the communication
moreby th e e
ea
ns
be continued without interruption. The operations of
yg.ineTerhse,
wchosnsittnrunicteidoinateolfyteheemsemwenorekeds:
adnirdecwteildi
the siege had also a regular progress on the 6th. Our
batteries have only replied to the enemy. They have
suffered no injury, and are free in action. The correct-
ness of our aim must have caused considerable loss to
the enemy. Our loss is incomparably small con-
sidering the results obtained. On the 4th, sth, and 6th
it amounted to only fifty wounded, and six killed. At
Ponte Molle the situation is considerably ameliorated.
Our establishment there is consolidated without serious
opposition, the broken arch has been repaired so as to
permit with ease the passage of columns. Daily recon-
naissances are made on the left bank of the Tiber. The
health of the troops is excellent.
thrios nlzaisk publishes the following
(Signed) " OUDINOT DE REGGIO."
theco
tr Theers P
nnojin4clhl ,dlSea.enrMD: bEeyi, :Le
awEn Nationale
aEc and
dsathide
Romanto have
Triumviratetaken place
" In reply to the communication addressed by you to
me this morning, containing a letter of the General of
your reply, I have the honour to
declare to you that I maintain the arrangement signed
yesterday, and that I leave for Paris, in order to have it
ratified. This arrangement was concluded by virtue of
my instructions, which authorise me to devote myself
exclusively to negotiations and to the relations to be
established with the Roman authorities and population.
" June L"

The following paper was addressed to the besieging
army : _

"French Soldiers,--you know now your position and
ours. M. Lesseps, sent to us to execute the orders of
the Aloembly, of the 7tll May, h 65 concluded with tie the