The Sun.
London, England, 1831-01-04 00:00:00

NEW YORK, DEC. 9.

A little after twelve o'clock last night we received the
President's Message by express. The person engaged to
bring it to this city would have reached here at a much
earlier hour but for a disappointment in his arrangements
in Philadelphia. He, however, by his perseverance, has
(gabled us to lay it before our readers at an early hour this
morning.
The National Intelligencer of Tuesday states, that a
large proportion of the Members of Congress were present
on Monday. In the Senate, General Smith, of Maryland,
took the chair. In the House of Representatives, Mr.
Speaker Stevenson was absent, but we learn from the
Baltimore Patriot of Tuesday evening, that the Speaker
arrived at Washington on Tuesday morning.
13oth Houses met on Tuesday, when the following Mes-
sage was delivered :
MESSAGE.
FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE,

AHD HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
The pleasure I have in congratulating you on your re-
.urn to your constitutional duties is much heightened by
:he satisfaction which the condition of our beloved country

at this period justly inspires. The beneficent Author of
;tll good has granted to us, during the present year, Lealth,
peace, and plenty, and numerous causes for joy in the won-
derful success which attends the progress of our free in-
stitutions.

With a population unparalleled in its increase, and pos-
sessing a character which combines the hardihood of en-
terprise with the considerateness of wisdom, we see in
every section of our happy country a steady improvement
in the means of social intercourse, and correspondent
effects upon the genius and laws of our extended republic.
The apparent exceptions to the harmony of the prospect
are to be referred rather to inAitable diversities in the
various interests which enter into the composition of so
extensive a whole, than to any want of attachment to the
union,—interests whose collision serve only in the end to
toster the spirit of conciliation and patriotism, so essential
to the preservation of that union which, I most devoutly
hope, is destined to prove imperishable.
In the midst of these blessings we have recently wit-
nesed changes in the condition of other nations, which
may, in their consequences, call for the utmost vigilance, '
wisdom, and unanimity in our councils, and the exercise
of all the moderation and patriotism of our people.
The important modifications of their Government,
effected with so much courage and wisdom by the people
of France, afford a happy presage cf their future course,
and has naturally elicited from the kindred feelings of this
nation that spontaneous and universal burst of applause
in which you have participated. In congratulating you,
my fellow-citizens, upon an event so auspicious to the
dearest interests of mankind, I do no more than respond
to the voice of my country, without transcending in the

. -
slightest degree that salutary maxim of the illustrious
Washington, which enjoins an abstinence from all inter-
ference with the internal affairs of other nations. From

a people exercising in the most unlimited degree the right
of self-government, and enjoying, as derived from this
proud characteristic, under the favour of }leaven, much of
the happiness with which they are blessed,—a people
who can point in triumph to their free institutions, and
challenge comparison with the fruits they bear, as well as
with the moderation, intelligence, and energy, with which
they are adtniuistered,—from such a people the deepest
sympathy was to be expected in a struggle for the sacred
principles of liberty, conducted in a spirit every way
worthy of the cause, and crowned with an heroic modera-
tion which has disarmed revolution of its terrors. Not-
withstanding the strong assurances which the man whom

we so sincerely lye and justly admire has given to the
world, of the high character of the present King of the

French, and which, if sustained to the end, will secure to
him the proud appellation of Patriot King, it is not in
his success, but in that of the great principle which has
borne him to the throne—the paramount authority of the
public will—that the American people rejoice.
I am happy to inform you that the anticipations which
were indulged at the date of my last communication on the
subject of our foreign affairs, have been fully realized in
several important particulars.
An arrangement has been effected with Great Britain,
in relation to the trade between the United States and her
West India and North American Colonies, which has
settled a question that has for years afforded matter for
contention and almost uninterrupted discussion, and has
been the subject of no less then six negotiations, in a manner
which promises results highly favourable to the parties.
The absti act right of Great Britain to monopolize the
trade with her colonies, or to exclude us from a participa-
tion therein, has never been denied by the United States.
But we have contended, and with reason, that if, at any
time, Great Britain may desire the productions of this
country, as necessary to her colonies, they must he received
upon principles of just reciprocity ; and further, that it is
making an invidious and unfriendly distinction, to open her
colonial ports to the vessels of other nations, and close them
against those of the United States.
Antecedently to 1794, a portion of our production was
admitted into the colonial islands of Great Britain, by par-
ticular concessions, limited to the term of one year, but
renewed from year to year. In the transportation of these
productions, however, our vessels were not allowed to en-
gage : this being a privilege reserved for British shipping,
by which alone our produce could be taken to the islands,
and theirs brought to us in return. From Newfoundland
and her continental possessions, all her productions, as well
as our vessels, were excluded, with occasional relaxations,
by which, in seasons of distress, the former were admitted
in British bottoms.
By the treaty 0f179-1, she offered to concede to us, for a
limited time, the right of carrying to her West India pos-
sessions in our vessels not exceeding seventy tons butden,
and upon the same terms with British vessels, any produce
tions of the United States which British vessels might im-
port therefrom. But this privilege was coupled with con-
ditions which are supposed to have led to its rejection by
the Senate ; that is, that American vessels should land
their return cargoes in the United States ouly ; and,
moreover, that they should, during the continuance of the
privilege, be precluded from carrying molasses, sl!gar,
coffee, cocoa, or cotton, either from those islands, or from
the United States, to any other part of the world. Great
Britain readily consented to expunge this article from the
treaty ; and subsequent attempts to arrange the terms of
the treaty, either by treaty, stipulations, or concerted legis-
lation, having failed, it has been successively suspended and
allowed, according to the varying legislation of the parties.
The following are the prominent points which have, in
late years, separated the two Governments :—Besides a
restriction whereby all importations into her colonies in
American vessels are confined to our own product carried
hens;;,—a restriction to which it does not appear that we
have ever objected,—a leading object 011 the part of Great
Britain has been to prevent us from becoming the carriers of
British West Indian commodities to any other country than
our own. On the part of the United States it has been
contended,—lit, that the subject shou:d be regulated by
treaty stipulations in preference to separate legislation;-
2d, that our productions, when imported into the colonies
in question, should not be subject to higher duties than
the productions of the mother country, or of her other
colonial possessions; and 3d, that our vessels should be
allowed to participate in the circuitous trade between
the United States and the different parts of the British
dominions.
The first point, after having been for a long time etre-
nuously insisted upon by Great Britain, was' given up by
the Act of Parliament of July, 1625 ; all vessels suffered
to trade with the colonies being permitted to clear from
thence with any articles which British vessels might ex-
port, and to proceed to any part of the world, Great Bri-
tain and her dependencies alone excepted. On our part,
each of the above points had, in succession, been expli-
citly abandoned in negotiations preceding that of which
the result is now announced.
This arrangement secures to the United States every
advantage asked by them, and which the state of the ne-
gotiation allowed us to insist upon. The trade will be
placed upon a footing decidedly more favourable to this
country than any on which it ever stood ; and our com-
merce and navigation will enjoy, in the colonial ports of
Great Britain, every privilege allowed to other nations.
That the prosperity of the country, so far as it depends
on this trade, will be greatly promOted by the new ar-
rangement, there can be no doubt. Independently of the
more obvious advantages of an open and direct intercourse,
its establishment will be attended with other consequences

of a higher value. That which has been carried on since
the mutual interdict under all the expence and inconve-
nience unavoidably incident to it, would have been insup-
portably onerous, bad it not been, in a great degree, light-
ened by concerted evasions in the mode of making the
t Anshipments at what are called the neutral ports. These
indirection are inconsistent with the dignity of nations
that have so many motives, not only to cherish feelings of
mutual friendship, but to maintain such relations as will
Hmulate their respective citizens and subjects to efforts
on direct, open, and honourable competition only, and
preserve them from the influence of seductive and vitiating
circumstances.
When your preliminary interpo,ition was asked at the
close of the last session, a copy of the instructions under
lias Mr. M-Lane has acted, together with the commu-
nit rtions which had at that time passed batwean him and
the British G Nen-intent, was laid before you. Although
there has not been any thing in the acts of the two Go-
vernments which require secrecy, it was thought most
proper, in the then state of the negotiation, to make that
coannunication a confidential one. So soon, however, as
the evidence of execution on the part of Great Britain is
received, the whole matter shall he laid before you, when
it will be seen that the apprehension which appears to have
suggested one of the provisions of the act passed at your
last session, that the restoration of the trade in question
might be connected with other subjects, and was sought
to be obt3inedoat the sacrifice of the public interest in
ether particulars, was wholly unfounded ; and that the
change which has taken place in the views of the British
Government has been induced by considerations as ho-
nourable to both parties, as, I trust, the result will prove
beneficial.
• This desirable result was, it will be seen, greatly pro-
moted by the liberal and confiding provisions of the Act
of Congress of the last session, by which our ports were,
upon the acceptation and annunciation by the President of
the required assurance on tie part of Great Britain, forth-
with opened to her vessels, before the arrangement could
be carried into effect on her part ; pursuing, in this act of
prospective legislation, a similar course to that adopted by
Great Britain, in abolishing, by her Act of Parliament, in
1525, a restriction then existing, and permitting our Yes-
sides to clear from the colonies, en their return voyages,
for any foreign country whatever, before British vessels
had been relieved from the restrictions impeded by our
law, of returning directly from the United States to the
colonies—a restriction which she required and expected
that we should abolish. Upon each occasion, a limited
and temporary advantage has been given to the opposite
party, but an advantage of no importance in comparison
with the restoration of mutual confidence and good feel-
ings, and the ultimate establishment of the trade upon fair
principles.
It gives me unfeigned pleasure to assure you that this
negotiation has been throughout characterized by the most
frank and friendly spirit on the part of Great Britain,
and concluded in a manner strongly iniiirative of a sincere
desire to cultivate the best relations with the United
States. To reciprocate this disposition to the fullest (a-tent
of my ability, is a duty which I shall deem it a privilege
to discharge.
Although the result is itself the best commentary on
the services rendered to his country by our Minister et the
Caurt of St. James, it would he doing violence to my
feelings were. I to dismiss the subject without expressing
the very high sense I entertain of the talent and exertions
which have been displayed by him on the occasion.
The injury to the commerce of the -United States result-
ing from the exclusion of our vessels from the Black See,
and the previous footing; of mere sufferance upon which
even the limite+ trade enjoyed by us with Turkey has hi-
therto been placed, have for a long time been the source
of much solicitude to this Government, and several en-
deavours have been made to obtain a better state of things.
Sensible to the importance of the object, I felt it my duty
to leave no proper means unemployed to acquire for our
flag the same privileges that are enjoyed by the principal
powers of Europe. Commissioners were, consequently,
appointed to open a negotiation with the Sublime Porte.
Not long after the Member of the Commission who went
directly from the United States bad sailed, the account of
the treaty of Adrianople, by which one of the objects in
view was supposed to lie secured, reached this country.
The Black Sea was understood to he opened to us. Under
the supposition that this was the ease, the additional faci-
lities to be derived from the establishment of commercial
regulations with the Porte were deemed of sufficient im-
portance to require a prosecution of the negotiation as
originally contemplated. It was therefore persevered in,
and resulted in a treaty, which will forthwith be laid be-
fore the Senate.
By the provisions, a free passage is secured, without
limitation of time, to the Vt ssels of the United Stites, to
and front the Black Sea, including the navigation thereof;
anti our trade with Turkey is placed on the footing of the
most favoured nations. The latter is an arrangement
wholly independent of the treaty of Adrianople; and the
former derives much value, not only from the increased
security which, order any circumstances, it would give to
the right in question, but from the fact, ascertained in the
course of the negotiation, that, by the construction put
upon that treaty by Turkey, the article relating to the
passage of the Bosphorus is confined to nations havint
treaties with the Porte. The most filen:4 feelings appear
to be entertained by the Sultan, anti an enlightened dispo-
sition is evinced by him to foster the intercourse between
the two c, uatries by the most liberal arrangements.
This disposition it will be our duty and interest to cherish.
Our relations with Russia are of the most stable cha-
racter. Respect for that empire, and confidence in its
friendship towards the United States, have been so long
entertained on our part, and so carefully cherished by the
present Emperor and his illustrious predecessor, as to have
become incorporated with the public sentiment of the
United States. No means will be left unemployed on my
part to promote these salutary feelings, and those improve-
ments of which the commercial intercourse between the
two countries is susceptible, and which have derived in-
creased importance feom our treaty with the Sublime
Porte.
I sincerely regret to inform you that our Minister
lately comtnissioned to that Court, on whose distinguished
talents and great experience in public affairs I place great
reliance, has been compelled, by extreme indisposition,
to exercise a privilege, which, in consideration of the ex-
tent to which his constitution had been impaired in the
public servh:c, was committed to his discretion, of leaving
temporarily his post for the advantage of a more genial
climate.
If, as it is to be hoped, the improvement of his health
will be such as to justify him in doing so, lie will repair
to St. Petersburgh, cud resume the discharge of his
official duties. I have received the most satisfactory as-
surance that in the mean time the public interests in that
quarter will be preserved from prejudice, by the inter-
course which he will continue, through the Secretary of
Legation with the Russian Cabinet.
You are apprized, although the fact has not yet been
officially announced to the House of Representatives, that
a treaty.was, in the month of March last, concluded be-
tween the United States and Denmark, by which 650,000
dollars are secured to our citizens as an indemnity for
spoliations upon their commerce in the years 1508, 1809,
1810, 1811. This treaty was sanctioned by the Senate
at the close of its last session, and it now becomes the dotty
of Congress to pass the necessary laws for the organiza-
tion of the Board of Commissioners to distribute the in-
en amongst the claimants. It is an agreeable cir-
cumstanced'LYi in this adjustment, that its terms are in con-
formity with the previously ascertained views of the
claimants themselves; thus removing all pretence for a
future agitation of the subject in any form.
The negociations in regard to such points in our fo-
reign relations as remain to he adjusted, have been actively
prosecuted during the reeess. Material advances have
been made, which are of a character to promise favourable
results. Our country, by the blessing of God, is not in a
situation to invite aggression ; and it trill be our fault if
she ever becomes so. Sincerely desirous to cultivate the
most liberal and friendly relations with all—ever ready
to fulfill our engagements with scrupulous fidelity,_
limiting our demands upon others to mere justice—hold-
ing ourselves ever ready to do unto them as we would
wish to be done by—and avoiding even the appearance of
undue partiality to any nation, it appears to we impos-
sible that a simple and sincere application of our principles
to our foreign relations can fail to place them ultimately
upon the footing on which it is our wish they should rest.
Of the points referred to, the most prominent are our
claims upon France for spoliations upon our commerce ;
similar claims upon Spain, together with embarrassments
in the commercial intercourse between the two countries,
which ought to be removed; the conclusion of the treaty

of commerce and navigation with Mexico, which has
been so long in suspense, as well as the final settlement
of limits between ourselves and the republic: and finally,
the arbitrament of the question between the United
States and Great Britain, in regard to the north-eastern
boundary.
The negotiation with France has been conducted by our
Minister with zeal and ability, and in all respects to my
entire satisfaction. Althouzli the prospect of a favourable
termination was occasionally dimmed by counter.preten-
•ions, to which the United States could not assent, he yet
had strong hopes of being able to arrive at a sati•factory
settlement with the late Government. The negotiation

has been renewed with the present authorities; and, sen-
sible of the general and lively confidence of our citizens in
the justice and magnanimity of regenerated France, I regret
the 'Bore not to have it in row power yet to announce the
result so confidently anticipated. No ground, however,
inconsistent with this expectation, has been takme ; and I
do not, allow myself to doubt that justice will soon be
done tolls. The amount of the claims, the length of
time they have remained unsatisfied, and their incontro-
vertible justice, make an earnest prosecution of them by
this Government an urgent duty. The illegality of the
seizures and confiscations out of which they have arisen is
nut disputed ; and whatever distinctions may have been
heretofore set up with regard to the liability of the exist-
' inn Government, is is quite clear that such con.iderations
cannot now be interposed.
The commercial intercourse between the two countries
is
,susceptible of highly advantageous improvements ; but
the sense of this injury has had, and must continue to
have, a very unfavourable influence upon them. From
its satisfactory adjustment, not ooiy a firm but cordial
friendship, but a progressive development of their rela-
tiuns, may be expected. It is, therefore, my earnest hope
that this old and vexatious subject of difference may be
speedily removed.
I feel that my confidence in our appeal to the motives
which should govern a just and magnanimous nation, is
alike warranted by the character of the French people,
and by the high voucher we possess for the enlarged views
and pure integrity of the Monarch who now presides over
her councils ; and nothing shall be wanting on my part

to nicet any manifestation of the sphit we anticipate in
one of corresponding frankness and liberality.
The subjects of difference with Spain have been brought
to the view of that Government, by our Minister there,
with much force and propriety : and the strongest assur-
ances have been received of their early and favourable
consideration.
The steps which remained to place the matter in con-
troversy between Great Britain and the United States
fairly before the arbitrator, have all been taken in the
saute liberal and friendly spirit which characterised those
before announced. Recent events have doubtless served to
delay the decision, but our Minister at the Court of the
distinguished arbitrator has been assured that it will be
made within the time contemplated by the Treaty.
I am particularly gratified in being able to state, that a
decidedly favourable, and, as I In,pe, lasting change, has
been effected in our relations with the neighbouring re-
public of Mexico. The unfortunate and unfounded sus-
picions in regard to our disposition, which it became my
psinful duty to advert to on a former occasion, have been,
I believe, entirely removed; and the Government of
Mexico has been made to understand tie real character of
the wishes and views of this in regard to that country.
The consequence is, the establishment of friendship and
mutual confidence. Such arc the assurances which I have
received, and I see no cause to doubt their sincerity.
I had reason to expect the conclusion: of a commercial
treaty with Mexico in season for communication on the
present occasion. Circumstances which are not explained,
but which, I am persuaded, are not the result of an in-
disposition en her part to enter into it, have produced the
delay.
There was reason to fear, in the course of the last sum-
mer, that the harmony of our relations might be disturbed
by the acts of certain claimants, under Mexican grants,
of territory which has hitherto been under our jurisdic-
tion. The co-operation of the representative of Mexico
near this Government was askesl on the occasion, and was
readily afforded. Instructions and advice have been given
to the Governor of Arkansas, anti the officers in command
in the adjoining Mexican State, by which it is hoped the
quiet of that frontier will be preserved, until a final settle-
ment of the dividing line shall have removed all ground of
controversy.
The exchange of ratification of the treaty concluded last
year with Austria has not yet taken place. The delay
has been occasioned by the non-arrival of the ratification
of that Government within the time prescribed by the
treaty. Renewed authority has been asked for by the re-
present alive of Austria ; and, in the mean time, the ra-
pidly increasing trade and navigation between the two
countries have been placed upon the most liberal footing of
our navigation acts.
Several alleged depredations have been recently commit-
ted on our commerce by the national vessels of Portugal.
They have been made the subject of immediate remon-
strance and reclamation. lam not yet possessed of suffi-
cient information to express a definitive opinion of their
character, but expect soon to receive it. No proper means
shall be omitted to obtain for our citizens all the redress to
which they may appear to he entitled.
Almost at the moment of the adjournment of your last
Session, two Bills, the one entitled " An Act for soak-
ing Appropriation for building Light-houses, Liaht-
boats, Beacons, and Monuments, placing Buoys, and for
improving Harbours and directing Surveys ;" and the
other, " An Act to authorise a Subscription for Stock in
the Louisville and Portland Canal Company," were sub-
mitted for my approval. It was not possible, within the
time allowed sue, before the close of the session, to give
these Bills the consideration which was due to their cha-
racter and importance ; and I was compelled to retain
them for that purpose. I now avail myself of this early
opportunity to return them to the Houses in which they,
respectively originated, with the reasons which, after ma-
ture deliberation, compel me to withhold my approval.
The practice of defraying out of the Treasury of the
United States the expenses incurred by the establishment
and support of light-houses, beacons, buoys, and public
piers, within the bays, inlets, harbours, and ports of the
United States, to render the navigation thereof safe and
easy, is coeval with the adoption of the Constitution, and
has been continued without interruption or dispute.
As our foreign commerce increased, and was extended
into the interior of the country by the establishment of
ports of entry and delivery upon our navigable rivers, the
sphere of those expenditures received a cot responding en-
largement. Light-houses, beacons, buoys, public piers,
and the removal of sand bars, sawyers, and other partial or
temporary impediments in the navigable rivers and har-
bours which were embraced in the revenue districts, from
time to time established by law, were authorized upon the
same principle, and the expense defrayed in the same
manner. That these expenses have at times been extrava-
gant and disproportionate, is very probable. The circum•
stance under which they are incurred are well calculated
.to lead to such a result, unless their application is sub-
jected to the closest scrutiny. The local advantages
arising front the disbursements of public money too fre-
quently, it is to be feared, invite appropriations for objects
of this character that are neither necessary nor useful. The
number of light-house keepers is already very large, and
the bill before me proposes to add to it 51 more, of
various descriptions. From representations upon the
subject which are understood to be entitled to respect, I
am induced to believe that there has not only been great
improvidence in the past expenditures of the Government
upon these objects, but that the security of navigation has,
in some instances, been diminished by the multiplication
of light-houses, and consequent change of lights, upon the
coast. It is in this, as in other respects, our duty to
avoid ail unnecessary expenses, as well as every increase
of patronage not called for by the public service. But,
in the discharge of that duty in this particular, it must
not be forgotten that, in relation to our foreign commerce,
the burden and benefit of protecting and accommodating
it, necessarily go together, and must do so as long as the
public revenue is drawn from the people through the
custotn-house. It is indisputable that whatever gives
facility and security to navigation, cheapens imports, and
all who consume them are alike interested in whatever
produces this effect. If they consume, they ought, as they
now do, to pay; otherwise they do not pay. The con-
sumer in the most inland state derives the same advantage
from every necessary and prudent expenditure for the
facility and security of our foreign commerce and navi-
gation, that he does who resides in a maritime state. Local
expenditures have not, of themselves, a correspondent
operation.
Front a Bill snaking direct appropriations for such ob.

ae
en speaking of direct appropriations, I mean not to in-
.ude a practice which has obtained to some extent, awl
:o which I have, in one instance, in a different capacity,
given my assent—that of subscribing to the stock of pri-
vate associationa. Positive experience, and a more tlio-
ough consideration of the subject, have convinced me of
the impropriety as well as inexpediency of suchinvest-
mente. All improvements effected by the funds of the na-
tion fur the general use should be open to the enjoyment of
11 our fellow-citizens, exempt from the payment of toile,
or any imposition of that character. The practice of thus
mineling the concerns of the Government with those of
the Stales or individuals, is inconsistent with the object of
its institutione, and highly impolitic. The successful
operation of the federal system can only Ite preierved by
confining it to the few and simple, but yet important ob-
jects for which it was designed.
A different practice, if allowed to progress, would ulti-
mately change the character of this Government, by con-
solidating into one the general and State Governwents,
which were intended to be kept for ever di,tinct. I cannot
perceive how Bills authorising such subscriptions can Ile
otherwise regarded than as bills for revenue, and conse-
quently subject to the rule in that respect prescribed by the
Constitution. If the interest of the Government in pri-
vate companies is subordinate to that of individuals, the ma-
tiaeement and controul of a portion of the public funds is
delegated to an authority unknown to the Constitution,
and beyond the supervision of our constituents. If superior,
its officers and agents will be constantly exposed to impu-
tations of favosritism and oppression. Direct prejudice to
the public interest, or an alienation of the affections and
respect of portions of the people, may, therefore, in addi-
tion to the general discredit resulting to the Government
from embarking with its constituents in pecuniary specula-
tions, be looked for as the:profitable fruit ofsuch associations,
It is no answer to this objection to say that the extent of
eontrquences like these cannot be great from a limited and
small number of investments, because experience in other
matters teaches us, and we are not at liberty to disregard
its admonitions, that unless an entire stop be put to them,
it will soon be impossible to prevent their accumulation,
until they are spread over the whole country, and made
to embrace many of the private and appropriate concerns of
individuals.
The power which the general Government would ac-
quire within the several states by becoming the principal
stockholder in corporations, controlling every canal, and
each sixty or a hundred miles of every important road,
and giving a proportionate vote in all their elections, is
almost inconceivable, and, in my view, dangerous to the

liberties of the people.
This mode of aiding such works is also in its nature
deceptive, and in many cases conducive to improvidence
in the administration of the national funds. Approprias
tions will be obtained with much greater facility, and
granted with less security to the public interest, when the
measure is thus disguised, and when definite and direct
expenditures of money are asked for. The interests of the
n,,tion will doubtless be better served by avoiding all such
indirect modes of aiding particular object. In a Go-
vernment like ours, more especially, should all public acts
be, so far as practicable, simple, undisguised, and intslli-
th that they may become fit subjects for the approba-
tion or animadversion of the people. The bill authorizing
a subscription to the Louisville and Portland canal affords
a striking illustration of the difficulty of withholding ad-
ditional appropriations for the same object, when the first
erroneous step has been taken by instituting a partnership
between the Government and private companies. It pre-
poses a third subscription on the part of the United States,
when each preceding one was at the time regarded as the
extent of the aid which Government was to render to
that work; and the accompanying bill for light-houses,
&c. contains an appropriation for a survey of the bed of
the river, with a view to its improvement, by removing
the obstruction which the canal is designed to avoid. This
improvement, if successful, would afford a free passage to
the river, and render the canal entirely useless. To such
improvidence is the course of legislation subject, in rela-
tion to internahmprovement and local matters, even with
the best intentions on the part of the Congress !
Although the motives which have influenced me in this
matter may be already sufficiently stated. I am, never-
theless, induced by its importance, to add a few observa-
tions of a general character.
In my objections to the bill authorizing subscriptions to
the Maysville and Rockville Road Companies, I expressed
my views fully in regard to the power of Congress to con-
struct roads and canals within a state, ur to appropriate
money for improvements of a local character. I, at the
ime time, intimated my belief, that the right to make ap-
propriations for such as were of a national character had
been so generally acted upon, and so lung acquiesced its by
the Federal and State Governments, and the constituents
of each, as to justify its exercise on the ground of continued
and uninterrupted usage; but that it was, nevertheless,
highly expedient that appropriations, even of that character,
should, with the exception made at the time, be deferred
until the national debt is paid, and that in the meanwhile
sonic general rule for the action of the Government in that
respect ought to be established.
These suggestions were not necessary to the decision of
the question then before me, and were, I readily admit,
intended to awaken the attention, and draw forth the opi-
nions and observations of our constituents upon a subject
of the highest importance to their interests, and one des-
tined to exert a powerful influence upon the future opera-
tions of our political system. I knew of no tribunal to
which a public man in this country in case of doubt and
difficulty can appeal with greater advantage or more pro-
priety than the judgment of the people; and although I
must necessarily in the discharge of my official duties be
governed by the dictates of my own judgment, I have no
desire to conceal my anxious wish to conform, as far as I
can, to the views of those for whom I act.
All irregular expressions of public opinion are of ne,-
cessity attended with some doubt as to their accuracy, but,
making full allowances on that account, I cannot, I think,
deceive myself in believing that the acts referred to, as well
as the suegestiens which I allowed myself to make in re.
lation to their bearing upon the future operations of the
Government, have been approved by the great body of the
people. That those whose immediate pecuniary interests
are to be affected by proposed expenditures should shrink
from the application of a rule which prefers their more
general and remote interests to those which are personal
and immediate, is to be expected_ But even such objec-
tions must, from the nature of our population, be but
temporary in their duration, and if it were otherwise, our
course should be the same; for the time is yet, I hope,-far
distant when those intrusted with power to be exercised
for the good of the whole, will consider it either honest or
wise to purchase local favour at the sacrifice of principle
and the general good.
So understanding public sentiment, and thoroughly
satisfied that the hest interests of our common country
imperiously require that the course which I have recom-
mended in this regard should be adopted, I have, upon the
most mature consideration, determined to pursue it.
It is due to candour, as well as to my own feelings, that
I should express the reluctance and anxiety which I must
at all times experience in exercising the undoubted right
of the Executive to withhold his assent from bills on other
grounds than their unconstitutionality. That this right
should not be exercised on slight occasions, all will admit.
It is only in matters of deep interest, when the principle
involved may be justly regarded as next in importance to
infractiens of the constitution itself, that such a step cats
be expected to meet with the approbation of the people.
Such an occasion do I conscientiously believe the present
to be. In the discharge of this delicate and highly re-
sponsible duty, I am sustained by the reflection that the
exercise of this power has been deemed consistent with the
obligation of official duty by several of my predecessors ; and
by the persuasion, too, that whatever liberal institutions may
have to fear from the encroachments of executive power,
which has been every where the cause of so much strife and
bloody contention, but little danger is to be apprehended
from a precedent by which that authority denies itself. Abe
exercise of powers that bring in their train influence and
patronage of great extent, and thus excludes the operation
of personal interests, every where the bane of official
trust. I derive, too, no small degree of satisfaction from
the reflection, that, if I have mistaken the interests and
wishes of the people, the constitution affords the means of
soon redressing the error by selecting, fur the place their
favour has bestowed upon me, a citizen whose 'opinions
may accord with their own. I trust, in the mean tints,
the interests of the nation will be saved from prejudice, by
a rigid application of that portion of the public foods
which might otherwise be applied to different objects to
that highest of all our obligations—the peytnent of tl'e
public debt, and an opportunity be afforded for the adyptiou
of some better rule for the operations of the Goversanynt
in this matter than any which has hitherto been acted upon.
Profoundly impressed with the importance of the sub-
ject, not merely as it relates to the general prosperity of the
Icountry, but to the safety of the federal syatem, I cantle)!
avoid repeating my earnest hope that all goad citizens who