The Sun.
London, England, 1838-05-19 00:00:00

traordinary and almost despotic powers. We say that the Bill
viol its the contratt; aid a Bill for immediate ernancipa;ion could not
be a more direct violation of t,,e compact taan the Bill that is no,
he Atlantic, and soon to be proclaimed in every colony.
wul our friends to urge again and
this specific ground,

travel 5.... sos
Then we say, and here we recto._
again upon the attention of their representatiaa.
that the contract being immoral, is essenti
deny the right of the British Parliament to commit a stupsnaous rob-
bery upon peaceful subjects, and while they professed to make them free
handed them over, not slaves merely, but uncompensated labourers for
six years, to parties whose right to their labour we thought we had
purchased by the gift of twenty millions of money.—(Hear, hear.)
Then we say that the Bill has not accomplished its object, and that
Parliament is bound to see the design of the Bill carried out; and we
come to them again, and if we can make it apparent that no palliative
measures will accomplish the design of that preamble, they are bound
before the country and in the sight of heaven to undo the contract, and
to do the work of mercy readily, promptly, and graciously, and satisfy
the full claims of 'the negro upon our justice and our honour.—(Ap-
plause.) Although fifteen millions was the market value of the negroes,
it is said that the twenty millions did not pay the planters ;
and says Mr. Gladstone, we are entitled to the six years, and
as much es we can get out of him, and then we are not paid. To this
we say that the Government has dealt falsely by us. The twenty mil-
' lions were given on the express condition that Mr. Stanley should strike
out of his resolution the feature that was so odious in the sight of the
abolitionists. Lard Stanley said on that occasion :—" Give me twenty
millions that I may hand it over to theplanters, and the Negroes shall
not be compelled to pay the roasters for their liberty." But in fact the
negroes are now giving twelve millions in addition to the twenty. We
say that is the case according to the showing of the planters themselves,
and their advocates io Parliament. And here I may quote a passage from
the speech of Sir George Grey, which proves that the case is made out
for us even on the paltry consideration of arithmetic, which ought not
to bs allowed to sway our minds on this question—st hick is one between
man and man—the one the injured, and the other the wrong-doer.—
(Hear, hear.) Sir George Grey quoted a communication from Mr.
Baines, a special Justice, who said,—" The land is daily increasing in
value; and the labour of the apprenticeship is bringing in (for the six
years) more than three times the whole of the appraised value of the
negroes' entire life, in 1834." Here then we have it on their own show.
lug, that if they give us the emancipation which we demand, thee will
have derived from the labours of the negro full twice the value of the
slave's whole life, as appra sed by the Commissioner; iu 1834—(Hear,
hear)—to say nothing of the twenty millions.—(Hear, hear.) The Bill
which the Government has passed to remedy the evils of the a prentice-
ship is merely negative. It consists only of palliatives. It admits also
that the negroes have been ill-used, imprisoaed, and lacerated, in
"en of the so_called " contract." Surely, then, they have a
--scion, and it would net be too notch to give
right to compeer
-et of their hoodag,e.—(Hear, hear hear.)
them two years' abridgmt Tt will depend entirely on the
The Bill does nothing effectual.
discretion and energy of the Governors, who ca.:.not 'act without the;„
advice of the Councils, these being composed of the -"‘"
the colonies, and identified with the g, eat body of the planters feel-
ings and interests.—(Hear.) In the next place, how can the Governor
of Jamaica, in sitting in his oaical capacity at Spanish Town, know of
what is going on in the colony ? Why the Marquis of Sligo was ignorant
that for 12 months in Spanish Town the flogging of women was going
on within 300 yards of his own house.—(Hear, hear.) How can the
Governor correct the evil? He can only act with the Council. They
must send the special magistrates. And how, under this extraordinary
Bill are these special magistrates to be transformed from pliant, obsequ-
ious men, to warriors of justice and impartiality?—(Hear, hear.)
Even admitting that they were diffe.ent,—they have no power to enforce
the usages of slavery—and the only power they have is
of a negative character—as they refuse to pueisit when they are
called upon to do so.—(Hear, hear.) We say, then, the Bill is useless—
worse than that, itis a mockery; disappointing the hopes of the negro,
and standing in the place of a better Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Then, it is sa,d,
" you must not hurry us, time is necessary." Sir G. Grey and Mr.
Gladstone, who sail in the same boat on this occasion—which is rather
suspicious—(Hear)—both say, " if two years were necessary to make ar-
rangements§ for brining the negro into a tiansition state, how much more
time must be necessary to make arrangements for introducing the negro
is;:o a state of perfect freedom." To this we reply—" Look to Antigua"
—that sett:J.: !he question.—(Hear, hear.) hut, then, it is said—" Not
as re arts Jamaica" droitted. What says Sir L. Smith on behalf
of all the planters 011 that Islam: _Give us a little more compensation,
and we'll emancipate the negroes imnierliately." Then, we say, the
demanel for farther time is proved utterly giesondless.—(Hear, hear.)
We say, that no more laws are neceesary for the slaves than exist now
for the whites if strong enough for the;']rites they will surely be for the
blacks. Then, again, we refer to Montserrat, to ,Nevis, and to Barbasloes,
in which last colony, singularly enough, they say ws], would set the Ne-
grecs free, but we don't wish to run counter to the wishes ,;! the British
Parliament." It is said again—".regard the position of the s'e'''vern-
ment." Now it is the opinion of the most intelligent men in Parliams:'-t
that the Government would riot be affected by the decision of the House
whatever it might be, now that they have carried what they might have
thought themselves in honour and duty bound to do—their own mea-
sure.—(Hear, hear,) And we will say this, it is not a question of
polities at all.--(Hear, hear.) It is not our wish to keep men in office
to abuse the negro, nor to use this question as a means of exalting an.
other party.—(Hear, hear.) We have acted independently—we allowed
ourselves no discretion, because God gives us no discretion—we can_
not sacrifice religious principle to political expediency. (Loud
cheering.) Then we are told not to agitate any more. Why ?
"Oh!"it is said, " what a state of things it will bring about in the
colonies." We will mind our responsibility in our reply—do you
mind yours.—(Cheers.) It is that sense sdre.sponsibility to God and our
suffering fellow creatures that has urges] us on to the steps we have
been and are now taking. We come to you and ask you to grant us
what justice and mercy alike demand; if you refuse us you must take
the consequences.—(Hear.) It is said farther, it is only a question of two
years; we deny it is a question of time at all it is one of principle.
We have no more right to deprive our fellow creatures of two scars
liberty than of twenty years. 'filen again, it is said " the House is
against you." But we must persevere—Houses have been against us
before—the House was against Clarkson for twenty years—the House
has been against the people of England upon many questions
which have been after all carried. We obtained the other night a mi-
nority of 217, when we were told we should not have a hundred, and
if we are denied 999 times, we will come again.—(Cheers.) Now with
reaard to Demerara. Mr. Gladstone, in the House of Commons, un.
blushingly contradicted the statements of Mr. Pease with regard to the
state of the hospital system there.—(Hear, hear.) What does
the Acting Governor say upon this point—" It is with the
greatest reprobation that I regard the hospital system, which
it astonishes ma it has hitherto escaped exposure."—(ii ear, hear.) Our
case ties in a nutshell. In 1833 we petitioned Parliament to carry out the
-wishes of the nation for an immediate and unconditional emancipation,
,s_ .

—and I

—(Hear, hear, hear.) We never bargained for the apprenticeship; it
was with great difficulty we got the term of apprenticeship reduced
from twelve to six years ; and the responsibiliy of that apprentice-
ship is upon those who forced it down cur thio:its-7(Hear, hear)
—those who have passed an Order in Council to transport the un-
suspecting Hindoo husbandmen from the peaceful plains of India
to the plantations of the sugar-making vampires of Demerara.—(Cheers.)
And when we ask for that which justice dictates, it is not for the Govern-
ment to throw a contract in our teeth—let them get over it as they
can.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")—[Mr. Thomson here di.
rected the attention of the meeting to an able pamphlet published
by the Central Abolition Committee, entitled, " Negro Apprenticeship ;"
also to another, entitled, " Our case made out," which afihrdcd
a satisfactory exposition of the whole question.]—He went on
to say, Lt the debates on this question it seems to have been
forgotten that the negroes are men —(Cries of " Hear, hear.") What
we have to urge on Members of Parliament is this, that whether there
be a contract, or whether there be none, we call on you to do the negro
justice. You all admit you have legislated away his labour for six years
—bring him beck to the condition in which you ought to have placed
him in 1833, and while you refuse to do this we brand you-as the perpe-
trators of a grievous wrong on the negro every hour he lives.—(l-lear,
hear.) I think we must not use the mild terms of " injustice," and
those terms that are exceedingly musical and popular--we must tell
our representatives they rob the negro every day they permit him to la-
bour unremunerated for the benefit of any man, or any set of men, in the
West Indies.—(Cheers.) I have only in sitting down to pray that our
efforts about to be made may, under the blessing of God, be successful.
Professor EDGAR, of Belfast, said, there was a sophism abroad in his
country which appeared to have great weight. It was said, if slavery is
wrong, why not deal with it as all other wrongs are dealt with—punish
the law-breakers?

Mr. Tuompsox—We have shown the immorality, and conse-
quently the invalidity of the liw. By this new law you have
made him a slave, only you do not dare call him so, for six years longer.
Again, we object to the law, because of its worthlessness. The kindest
masters are on our side. It is the tyrant that wishes a continuation of
the apprenticeship till 1840, and whenever you find a man that wishes
to keep up the apprenticeship system, depend upon it he wishes
to keep it up for the most cruel purposes.—(Hear, hear, hear*)
'We say that an argument brought in favour of apprenticeship proves
that the man who brings it desires to make of that apprenticeship some
engine of oppression, either in the shape of exacting unpaid labour, or
the practice of those crimes, which are peculiar to the Colonies, and
can only be prevented by the removal of the entire system.—(Hear.)
And we say on proof demonstrative they have been amply paid, and that
on every ground of justice and morality, as well as political economy,
the negro ought to be free.—(Applause.) 1 tru,t we shall put on a bold
front, and call things by their right names. It is the better way to
make the negro stand out as a plundered man.—(hear, hear, hear.)
Let us put this on the ground of naked justice, and tell the advocates of
the system, that while one link of the chain touches the heel of the
negro, we will come again and again ; and though they may neither fear
God nor regard man, we will thy the experiment of importunity,
that they may yield to our unceasing solicitude and dauntless reso-
lution that which they have never shown themselves disposed spon-
taneously to grant to the dictates of justice or mercy in their own
bosoms.—(Loud cheers.)

The Rev. Mr. SPENCER of Hinton then addressed the meeting, and
detailed a conversation he had with a West India planter, on his mfay to
London, in which that gentleman admitted that the abolitionists had
made such a noise in the country, that. they must. ultimately prevail.
That even if they did not succeed with Parhament, the planters would be
compelled, from the spirit of passive resistance instilled into the minds
of the slaves by the agitation of the question, and from seeing a portion of
the negroes set free—the,planters would be compelled to emancipate the
entire or their apprentices.—(Loud cheering.)

The CHAIRMAN then proposed that the resolutions of "November, 1837,
should be read, for the purpose of referring to them, and reciting them
in the resolution now before the meeting.
The resolutions were then read by the Secretary.
Professor EDGAR expressed himself satisfied with the reference
that had been made to the original resolutions, which might stand as a
preamble to the one now before them.
The resolution was then put and agreed to.
Mr. STURGE then read to the meeting a simple and very affecting
petition which he had received by the last packet from certain appren-
ticed labourers in the West Indies.

Mr. Josisii CONDER regretted that Mr. Thompson had not alluded to
the statements made by the planters and others, their opponents, rela-
tive to the necessity of preliminary legislation i❑ reference to poor.
laws, police-laws, Scc.
Mr. THONIPRON explained that the laws in existence for the regula-
tion of the free subjects of these Colonies would then apply to the ne-
groe'i, and would be found amply sufficient.

- Mr. W. D. CREWDSON Supported the views of Mr. Thompson on
that point.

Wit.soN then intimated that the Delegates would re-assemble on
Monday next, at Brown's Hotel, Palace yard, at half-past two •'clock in
the after:loon.

Professor EDGAR moved, seconded by Mr. STANFIELD, that a public
meeting be held at Exeter Hall, and that Lord Brougham be requested
to take the chair.

The motion was carried unanimously, amidst great applause.
The list of persons appointed to canvass the Members of Parliament
was then read over, after— which the meeting separated.

LLOYD'S SHIPPIN-6.-(THIS DAY.)

DUAL, 3IAY 18.—Wind.1‘7.E„ fresh breeze.—Came down from the
river and sailed the Lady Fitzherbert, Ferrier, for Sydney; his, Scott,
for Corfu; Vere, Boberts, and Water Lily, Hart, for Jamaica; Susan-
nah Ann, Bucklanci, for Launceston; and Crescent, Coldie, for Canton
—the two latter remain.

PORTSMOUTH, 1%1 AY 18 —Wind N. E. to .W. N. W.. line.
PLYMOUTH, MAY 17.—Wind E.—Arrived off port the Clara, Dunn,
from St. Jago do Cuba; Sully, Lines, from New York ; West Indian,
Turner, from Jamaica; Loyeling, Castor, from St. Übes ; and Royal
George, Richardson, Calcutta. Sailed the John Lowson, fur Hamburgh.
FALMOUTH, Miy 17. Wind variable, light breezes and fine.—Sailed
the Linnet packet, Lieut. I);;wney, for Havannah, Belize, and Mexico ;
Magnet packet, Lieut. Griffiths, for the West Indies; and Columbine,
.Idrewn, for Antwerp.