The Sun.
London, England, 1831-06-02 00:00:00

THE FUNE3.

Consols opened this morning at the same price they left
off yesterday, 844 for the Account, and at present they
may be quoted 84i, and for Money 84 sellers. The ex-
press from Paris is of little interest, with the exception of
a plot being discovered to a'sassinate the King of France,
to which not much credit is given.

In the Foreign Market little or nothing doing.
HALF-PAST ONE.
We have received the Journal des Debate of Tuesday,
from which we extract the following :
" The accounts from Warsaw are to the 20th May,
The Warsaw Gazette states it was reported that the
Poles were still pursuing the enemy, who are between the
Bug and the Narew. It is said that our advanced guard
have pursued them to Soriadow."

The Courier of Warsaw says—" On the 16th a
combat took place at Dlugieaodlo with the Russian guards
arrived from St. Petersburgh. Their advanced guard was
driven back with considerable loss, but we have no certain
accounts as yet of the number of prisoners taken."
Volhynia is again threatened, and if General Rudiger
approaches he will find an enemy to resist him.
The State Gazette publishes another proclamation in
regard to the cholera, stating that a most fortunate change
within a short time has taken place in the cholera, the
mortality has diminished in the camp, and at present not
more than ten persons have died.
Letters from Vienna, of the 21st of May, announce that
the Grand Vizier had obtained a great victory over the
insurgents', at Pirlife, and that the rebellion may be con-
sidered as put down by this decisive blow.
Console have been fluctuating during the morning from
84 to 84.1 for the account—at present they are 842 i.
The still uncertain state of the affairs of Belgium,
although there is no doubt their fate will be sealed in a
short time, causes some anxiety to the speculators, and
prevents at present a further rise in tle market; hut it
cinnot be supposed that the Belgians will be so foolish as
to resist the find determination of the Allied Powers ;
they must submit.

In the Foreign Rlarket little or nothing doing.
TWO O'CLOCK

We have a general repnrt than an express has arrived
from Berlin with an account of the defeat of the Ru,siaa
grand army, and that the Poles have got in the rear of the
Russian 2, and cut off the Imperial Guard and their provi-
sions. Owing to the above account Consols went up to
85, at present they are Sq.

THREE O'CLOCK
Consols, 84i i ; Money, 84k.

Hay-harvest has commenced in the neigh-
bourhood'of Barnstaple, with the most promising succesg.
Several fields are mowed in the vicinity of the town, the
crops on which are abundant.
The arms of the Earl of INILINsTER are said
to be, in all respects, those of the British Roy.il Family,
except that the white horse of Hanover takes the station
of the unicorn.

It is remarkable that the male Oman, Outatig,
now exhibiting, does not notice any particu!ar'individnals
who go to see him except the dandies. When any one of
the latter eaters the room, the snitnal seems cs ell pleased,
approaches hint, and treats the exquisite With great atten-
tion, conceiving him to be one of his own species, parti-
cularly if the dandy sports large wbirkets.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Our readers have surely not forgotten the Pen-
sion List—we mean the snug, secret, confidential
Pension List—which was exhibited a few months
ago in the pages of the Times, and explained and
commented upon from day to day by our friend
" Radical," of courtier-hnted memory. That Pen-
sion list embraced the names of an almost incredible
number of persons, principally membees of Tory
families, on whose behalf advantage had been taken
of the long possession of power by the Tory
aristocracy to serve these dependents by syste-
matically applying the public money to their use. I
Besides the grandee, of that heretofore successful 1
faction who plunged ostentatiously into the pocket of
John Bull, and dragged out the contenta by hand-
fuls, there were myriads of less conspicuous and
daring plunderers—men, and women too,—entree-
pickers of offal-feeders to the chief personages at that
golden festival,—men, aye, and as we have said,
women—to whom nothing came amiss in the way
cf spoil, not having public services of any descrip-
tion to plead for them, became the proper and mul-
tip ied subjects of the most nefarious jobs. We
will say nothing of individuals so specific as to
point the finger of scorn at their persons ;
but there is no great hardihood in affirming,
that acts hardly to be named, much less acknow-
ledged, least of all rewarded,—and rewarded at
the expence of those who would have been shocked
at witnessing or hearing of them,—have been paid
for by money wrung from the people of this country,
paid in the form of sinecure places or pensions,
to parties who could no otherwise have earned them
but by some species of prostitution. Well, the place
and pension list so made up, and filled with names
which but to read in any mixed company through-
out England would have been to raise shouts of
contemptuous indignation or laughter,—these lists,
disclosing the manner in whieh tens of thousands of
pounds sterling had been purloined from the service
of the State, and perverted to that of worthless or
useless individuate,—were laid before the last House
of Commons,—and it was hoped by many upright
persons, that his Majesty's present Government
would have favoured the expectation pretty gene-
rally entertained, of a thorough overhauling of the
pensioners, with a view towards accomplishing a
serious diminution of the sums which had been mer-
cilessly squandered upon them, No such thing.
The question was quashed by a sort of loose aver-
ment, that there seemed to be a point of honour
involved in the continuance of the Pension List, foras-
much as the parties, although formally receiving the
grants of such pensions for the life of the reigning
sovereign, had understood them to be for their owe
lives, therefore that there would be positive cruelty,
and indeed a substantial breach of faith, in their
withdrawal. There was no touch of discrimination
between the classes of these pecuniary recompenses,
some of iahich (not many) had been allowed for
public and praiseworthy services ; others for such as,
being rather unseemly, shunned the public eye.
There was no intimation made from any official
quarter, that the origin of the several pensions
would be investigated, and that they would be con-
tinued or cut off, according to their respective merits.
On the contrary, the argument by which the perma-
nence of the existing Pension List was justified, con-
fined itself to the " understanding" and consequent
" expectation" of the pensioners, and therefore be-
came applicable to all pensions whatsover, which
the grantees had looked upon as vested in them for
life. Such being our conception of the case, de-
rived to us from the direct language of those high
functionaries with whom the settlement of the ma• ter
must be presumed to have rested, judge, reader,
with what sensations we have seen a statement in a
periodical publication of this month lately com-
menced (the Englishman's Magazine), assuring the
world, as an official authority, that one class of pen-
sions, the only one, save that bestowed on brilliant
military or political service, which the country ought
not to regard with suspicion or shame—a class of
pensions not given in wantonness or iniquity—not
bribes to corruption, or encouragements to idleness,
or wages of profligacy, or pamperers of insolent
meanness—the pensions, but of late years, and with
a parsimony which we hone was conscientious, doled
out to men of the most distinguished order in this
nation—pensions in acknowledgement of literary
and scientific eminence—that they are one and all
to be discontinued, while the other vile catalogue
remains in safety and untouched. We subjoin the
paper, which, if true, is dreadful. What ! take
away from such men as Coleridge, Mathias, Ouse--
ley, Roscoe, Sharon Turner, and a few others, for the
nation affords not many such,the wretched pittance of
1001. per annum, the niggard homage of a Govern-
ment calling itself enlightened to their talents, and in
the case of some among them, the only support of
their declining years. Our impression at first was,
nay is, it and without further evidence it shall be,
—that the charge is false. The King's Ministers
know nothing of it. Lord Brougham assuredly
does not. Mr. Hume, who well understands the
difference between corrupt prodigality and base in-
justice,—Mr. Hume, we say, can know nothing of
the treatment alleged to be in store for these inno-
cent, helpless, and highly distinguished ve'erans of
our national literature, or he will rise in his place to
protect them. It is not to be disputed that the
worst stigma upon this country in the minds of
foreign nations, is the neglect—whether contemptu-
otis or merely sttipid,or both—displayed by the Stale
of England towards men of genius the mast eminent
for their contribution to the cause of science and
literature ; nor can we imagine any measure, as
compared with that which we have now noticed
for the sake of deprecating, more likely to wound
the better feelings of the age, to fall with extreme
harshness on the individuals affected by it, or to
betray a revolting inconsistency with the spirit which
appears generally to actuate at this moment the
ruling powers of the empire. It must be understood,
that in alluding to the eminent persons above re-
ferred to, we express no opinion with regard to the
institution itself--the" Royal Society of Literature."
The following is the passage to which we have
alluded :
" The Royal Society of Literature' was instituted in
1824, under the patronage of the late King, assisted by
the zealous exertions of the learned Bishop of Salisbury.
It consists, at present of 24S members, each of whom,
with the except on of ten Royal Associates, contributes to
the general fund, SUMS varying from two to ten guineas per
annum, in addition to not unfrequent and liberal bene-
factions. The Royal Associates, on the other hand, have
hitherto received one hundred guineas each from the
King's annual bounty, and another hundred guineas, de-
rived from the same source, have been applied to the pur-
chase of medals, which have been presented, at the rate of
two a year, to the most distinguished British and Foreign
Literati. This, be it observed in passing, with two me-
dals placed at the disposal of the Councils of the Royal
Society, and of the Society of Antiquaries, is all that the
Crown has ever done for the advancement of science
or literature in Britain.* That in the present in-
stance these small rewards of merit have never been
indiscreetly disposed of, the list of celebrated per•
Nonage's, upon whom they have heretofore been con-
ferred, will abundantly testify. It contains the
names of Mitford, the historian of
Greece,i Angelo Mai,
librarian of the Vatican, Major Renn,ei,t,her Sgeo,gth•apher,
Wilkins, the eminent Orientaqst, Professor
lizeuser, Dugald Stewart, Scott, Southey,' RCrabbec Arch-
deacon .
ei
Coxe, W. Roscoe, and -Baron Silvestre de Sac
And justly renowned and deserving of distinction as this•
illustrious group of authors is, it is scarcely richer in
cha-
racters who have toiled their laborious way to the highest
summits of fame, than the selection of individualsseho
now form the body of ' Royal Associates.' They are,
Samuel Taylor Coleridge, the Rev. Edward Davies, Dr.
Jamieson, the indefatigable compiler of the Scottish Dic-
tionary, the Rev. T. R. Malthus, Mathias, author of the
Pursuits of Literature, James Millingen, Esq., Sir
William Ouseley, William Roscoe, the Rev. Henry J.
Todd, and Sharon Turner. It is our painful duty to add,
that four of the gentlemen whose names we have given,
and perhaps the most conspicuous of the number, are
ectually, or, in a great measure, dependent for their sub-
sistence on the paltry pittance which they receive from
the funds of the Society.
Think, benevolent
and enlightened reader; and oh !
think of it with more than pity! that some of those, under
• see Observations on Historical Literature, by Nicholas
Harris Nicolas, Esq.

the influence of whose pages Many of your most blessed
and instructive hours have been spent, and whose career of
worldly prosperity has been thwarted, not by evil propen•
cities or luxurious indolence, but that', by the unwearied
toil of their great genius and understandings, they might
establish themselves in the inemories and direct the virtues
Of future aget;---nnly think of such men, in the evening
of their ,days, and the steril winter of their minds, being
reduced to the necessity of prising a wretched pension
which many of your illiterate' and soulless menials would
scorn! But—shat: we be believed When we state ?—in-
timation has actually been given, on the part of the
Crown, to Mr. Coleridge and his brother associates, that
they must expect their allowances very shortly' to cease.
Such is the melancholy, and, our feelings compel us to say,
most disgraceful fact. And this, too, at a time when that
vile engine of corruption, the Pension List, has been sa-
credly presetwed in all its entireness of political infamy;
and while Lord Brougham is attempting to persuade the
House of Lords to settle a retiring pension of 2001. per
annum on '7O Commissioners of Bankrupt, who, accord-
ing to his accoent, were enormously overpaid for services
which they were generally quite incapable of performing,
hut who he amiably considers entitled to a liberal remu-
neration, because—and pray do mark the cogency of the
reason---their expectations, pool- dear sensitive darlings,
had been excited by their appointments, and in the joy of
their hearts they lead forgotten the warning voice of Mal-
thus. We sincerely wish that his Lordship, particularly
as he is the official keeper of the Royal conscience, would
teensfer a little of his superabundant sympathy to the in-
terests of literature, and prevent his patriotic master from
being unconsciously guilty of committing an action so un-
worthy of the dignity of the beloved Sovereign of Britain."
Times.
The conductors of the Press in those Colonies of
this country which are without Assemblies seem to
be placed under circumstances of the most embar-
rassing nature. The moment they utter any un-
pleasant truth, especially regarding that subject on
which all Governments are naturally sensitive—the
expenditure of the public money—they are reduced
to silence, and subjected to great loss, if not total
ruin. We are led at present to make this observa-
tion by a communication from the Guiana Chronicle
Office, George Town, Demerara, of the number of
that Journal of the 14th March last, which contains
au article that led to its suppression on the 16th of
March. For publishing that article the license has
been arbitrarily withdrawn (says the Editor),
" Without subjecting the question of our delinquency
to the decision of any Court of Justice, or affording
us any notice or explanation whatsoever. This is the
thh d time that our Paper has been stopped, in the
same abrupt and arbitrary manner, by the same indivi-
dual, Major-Gen. Sir Benjamin Dlirban, the Lieutenant •
Governor of this Colony. On the 18th of Nov., 1825,
the same thing took place, and from an equally insignifi-
cant cause, viz., having published in our Paper a most
outrageously gross expression made use of publicly on
parade by a Main- in the Militia to a very respectable in•
habitant, a private in the same corps. Our Paper was then
stopped for a considerable time ; and it was only in conse •
quenee of making a personal application to the Colonial
Secretary in London that we were allowed to resume its
publication. On the second occasion the grounds were
so trifling that the interdict was withdrawn in the course
of tiro days. The circulation of our Paper is very con-
siderable, not only in this Colony, hut also throughout all
the West Indies, and even in Great Britain. The loss,
therefore, to us, occasioned by such suspensions, must be
obvious to you, and the inconvenience and annoyance to
the public, occasioned by the suppression of the only Paper
which attempts the discussion of our local grievances, is
very considerable. As a proof that our statement of the
public distress here, and of the existence of most oppres-
sive and rapidly increasing abuses is by no means exag-
gerated, we inclose for your inspection a memorial, drawn
up, and about to be transmitted by the planters and mer-
chants of this Colony, with an appendix containing the
details of their difficulties, and a statement of many of the
abuses which now grievously oppress them."
When the license was last restored, among the
other conditions imposed under a despatch, dated
6th June, 1826, from the Colonial Secretary, were
the following:—
" 2(1. Abstinence from all abuses of the local authorities.
" 3d. Abstinence from all violent and angry expressions
on any subject (whether original or extracted from other
paper.), which are manifestly calculated to create irrita-
tion and encourage acts of violence in the Colony."
The grounds on which the licenses are withdra.vn
are the violation in the article alluded to of these
two articles. On turning to the article in the
Guiana Chronicle of the 14th March, we confess we
are unable to find in it any justification of the
ruinous measure adopted by the Governor. The
following is the article :
" The meetings of the Combined Court for this Colony,
will, we understand, terminate their sittings this day, when
the public will he made acquainted with what measures of
economy they have, in their wisdom, thought proper to
adopt, commensurate with the present unparalleled de-
pression of prices for all our staple commodities, and conse-
quent general and overwhelming distress. The example
of the mother country will not, we trust, be lost upon our
legislators. The necessity for a Reform of both legislative
and financial abuses is certainly not lees here than at home,
and we hope that among those to whom the important
task has been delegated of legislating for this Colony, some
few, at least, will be found sufficiently honest to discharge
their trust with fidelity, and who, unawed by authority,
uninfluenced by any petty vanity of time-serving servility,
will stand forth the uncompromising champions of public
rights, and declared enemies of abuses under every form,
whether of encroachments on the legislative tights of the
people, or of profligate expenditure of their means, on
sinecure appointments, or salaries disproportioned to the
present coneition of the Colony, verging on the very brink
of general bankruptcy. These are considerations which
the present awful aspect of the times calls, not only
upon all legislators, but all citizens, to entertain and
seriously to discuss. On their conduct on this occasion
may probably depend their future safety or ruin. The poli-
tics of Europe are at this moment highly interesting; but
to us, individually, the politics of our own little republic
are infinitely more so. What consolation will it afford
to na to hear of kingdoms in the old world, who, having
broken the sceptre of despotism, have nobly asserted their
just right to free and cheap governments, if we, in this
small distant settlement, continue oppressed by legislative
abuses and financial extravagance, and become, in conse-
quence, reduced to the worst of all slavery—the wretched
dependence of beggary? Time was in this Colony when
the profits on private adventures were so liberal as to ren-
der the extravagance of public expenditure a matter of
minor importance. Bat now, when those may be deemed
fortunate whose earnings suffice to meet their daily out-
lays, the burden of public expenditure presses hard upon
the very necessaries of life. Such would be the case even
were the expenditure most frugal; but what shall we say
of an expenditure which has gone on increasing with reck-
less and unfeeling indifference in inverse proportion to the
general prosperity, which has been doubled within those
few unfortunate years, which has witnessed the decay of
more than half our resources. These are the subjects to
which we shall shortly deem it our duty to draw the at-
tention of the public in detail, unless we find our labours
fortunately anticipated by others better qualified for the
undertakine. In the mean time, we shall content our-
selves with throwing out these few preliminary hints, and
await the results of the last week's secret deliberations of
our legislators."
We are tumble to discover any circumstances in
the situation of Demerara which should render free
discussion more dangerous than in our other sugar
colonies, and We see every day in the newspapers
published in the colonies where the Press is not
under the controul of a Governor, articles, compared
to which the above is mildness itself. There is
nothing in the article to justify the suppression—
nothing which properly falls within the limitation
of the despatch of the Secretary of State. The
Governor, being the Judge, naturally enough con-
ceives all that tends to limit his influence or autho-
rity culpable, and, unfortunately for the poor Editor,
the opinion of Sir B. D'Urban is law. It appears,
from a Memorial of the Planters and Merchants of
the Colony to the Privy Council, and an accompany.
ing Report of a Committee of Planters and Mer-
chants, that a construction has been put upon the
Legislature given to them in 1812, with a view to
the assimilation of the Colonial Representation to
the other institutions of the Empire, has been re-
ourgcaetdliztaotirsonmoefrethreqnetitsyla.
turAeftbeyr
Governordescribing tahre.
financial
observe--
"iniehruchel,fithaae
representativestieinitelhosen by ballot of the
proportion
in whom they re-
colonists, were clearly
the
of money to
posed their confidence to pro
the resources of the constituents ; and a:
estimates
',nought forward in the combinedwAseshemwh.lyecownauturally
were
followed that the same Assembly hi
vote away' the public money, was also the body in cl° u
which
the expenditure of the past year should be scanned, and in

which the abolition of unnecessary salaries was to be ths.
cussed, as well as where any other waiteful expenditure of
the public funds should be checked. Such was evi-
dently the intention of Governor Carmichael, and the
colonists felt that their new Legislature had been or-
ganised with a just regard for their interests. Different
constructions have since been put on the functions of
the combined Assembly : and the benefits which the
new organization at first held out to the public have
been frittered away, and the representation of the co-
lonists has no* become a mere non-entity. It will be seen,
chat at the new organization of the Court of Policy it con.
sisted of three ex-officio and four colonial representative Mem-
bers—his Excellency the Governor having a casting vote on
any occasion when the Court was equally divided, which
could only happen when some of the Members were ab-
sent. The first step taken to destroy this salutary pro
tection in favour of the colonists was by Governor Carnal.
chael's successor in the Government, who introduced the
President of the Court of Justice as another ex-officio
Member. This extraordinary measure, which was sub.
versive of the then vested rights of the Colonists, was
looked upon at the time as an act of aggression, and highly
improper; and there has been but one opinion entertained
of it ever since in the Colony, where it is deemed to be
incompatible for the head of the Judiciary to be involved
in questions of local politics, and to have a voice in regu-
lating the financial concerns of the Colony. The intro.
duction of this new ex-officio Member made the Court of
Policy consist of four ex-officio Members and four Repro
tentative Members ; and his Excellency having a cisting
vote, can at any time carry a measure, under semblance of
law, against the united votes of the Colonial Members."
This is, no doubt, in the eyes of the Governor,
the true way of constituting a Legislature. He has
ably profited by the lessons of other great men, who
admire Legislatures best only when they are packed.
An appearance of protection is a good thing; but
the reality an enormous evil. The colonists, for
instance, think that a practical plan of retrenchment
might be carried into effect without the least detri-
ment to the public business, which would lessen the
direct and indirect taxation to the amount of
15,000/. or 20,0001. sterling per annum. The Go-
vernor and the ex-officio representatives, of course,
have very different notions respecting retrenchment.
Men do not go out to Demerara, as Governors and
Functionaries, to set examples of retrenchment, and
an Assembly with power to vote the abolition of
useless salaries and sinecures would be in their eyes
a nuisance. The Colonists say :
" The extent of the Civil Establishment is felt to be
exceedingly burdensome, and the necessary provision
which has been made for the Clergy makes it more in-
tolerable. Reduction in every department is loudly called
for; and the abolition of many unnecessary offices and at.
lowances has become indispensable, in consequexce of the
distressed state of agriculture. The fees and emoluments
of the patent offices are excessive: the principals, residing
in the Mother Country, farm them out to deputies; the
Patentee of the Secretary's and King's Receiver's Offices
receiving annually 4,0001. sterling ; and a sum of about
2,000/. sterling is paid to the First Marshal. These de-
puties could not afford to pay such large amounts to the
principals were not the fees and emoluments on a scale of
extravagance which subjects the Colonists of Demerara
and Essequibo to the derision of those of every other
British Colony in the West."
No wonder that the Governor should dislike the
liberty of the Press. It is pretty clear that a free
Press and such a system of extortion cannot long
co-exist. But it would be better to allow of no
Press, than to make the Governor the Judge of it :
a Press like this is worse than none.—Morning
Chronicle.
It is high time that the public attention should
be called to the system of Government established
in several of our most important Colonies. For-
merly it was the custom of this country to give to
her Colonies a Constitution similar to her own;
under the late corrupt boroughmongering Adminis-
trations, however, this practice has fallen into dis-
use, and, instead of establishing in the Colonies a
free Government analogous to that of King, Lords,
and Commons, they have given them Kings and
Lords—that is, Governors and Councils ; but no
Houses of Assembly, or representatives of the
people. The consequence of this system may be
easily imagined. The Colonists are ill governed
arid dissatisfied. Englishmen are so much accus-
tomed to a representative system of Government,
that no removal from their country, however distant
the place, or however different the clime, to which
they emigrate, will reconcile them to arbitrary
power—and they never fail to instil this feeling into
the minds of their children, and those, of all others,
by whom they may happen to be surrounded. As'!
a proof of the assertions which we have made with
regard to the arbitrary system pursued by the late
Administrations, compared with those of former
times, we may mention, that while such old, and,
comparatively speaking, unimportant colonies as
New Brunswick, Prince Edward's Island, and se-
veral others that might be mentioned, have
Houses of Assemblies or Constitutions analogous
to our own, the Cape of Good Hope, Deme-
rara, New South Wales, the Isle of France,
and Van Diemen's Land, are subjected to arbitrary
Governments, or Governments the Members of
which are appointed by the Crown. We need
not say that this is not as it ought to be. We need
not say that the last-mentioned colonies are ill go-
verned, and that the people are dissatisfied. Thus,
for instance, we see that these arbitrarily appointed
Governors and Councils (we use the word " arbi-
trarily" not in its bad sense) are perpetually laying
restraints upon the Press, knowing full well that
despotism and free discussion cannot exist together.
The Governors and Councils of Van Diemen's Land
and New South Wales have reduced the Press of
those colonies to a miserable state of dependence,
while in Demerara, and some other colonies, it exists,
if it exist at all, only by sufferance. We have been
led into these remarks by the recent suppression of
the Demerara Gazette by an arbitrary order of the
Governor of that colony. The Editor, it appears,
had ventured to make some (in our opinion) very
just remarks upon the expenditure of the colony, for
which the Governor, Sir B. D'Urban, two days after
the publication, and, of course, without trial, with-
drew the license to print the journal. The conse-
quence of this proceeding, as regards the proprietors,
will be their ruin, and, us regards the colony, the
suppression of all free discussion. But we will lay
before our readers a specimen or two of the kind of
writing which is considered so dangerous in Deme-
rara as to justify the ruin of the writer :—" The ex-
ample of the mother country will nut, we trust, be
lost upon our legislators. The necessity for a Re-
form of both legislative and financial abuses is cer-
tainly not less here than at home, and we hope
that among those to whom the important task
has been delegated of legislating for this colony
some few, at least, will be found sufficiently honest
to discharge their trust with fidelity, and who, un
awed by authority, uninfluenced by any petty vanity
of time-serving servility, will stand forth the uncom-
promising champions of public rights, and declared
enemies of abuses under every form, whether of en-
croachment on the legislative rights of the peoples
or of profligate expenditure of their means; on sine-
cure appointments, or salaries disproportioned to the
present condition of the colony, verging on the very
brink of general bankruptcy. * * *
What shall we say of an expenditure which has gone
on increasing, with reckless and unfeeling indiffer-
ence, in an inverse proportion to the general pros-
perity, which has been doubled within these few un-
fortunate years, which has witnessed the decay of
more than half our resources." We have purposely
extracted the strongest observations in the article of
the colonial editor ; but, we would ask, is there army
thing in them which can justify the Governor in
suppressing the journal in which they appeared ?
We know not who this Sir B. D'Urban is—we
know not for what services hevbtained his appoint-
ment, but we cannot help suspecting that he must
be of the true boroughmongering breed. At army
rate, we arc quite satisfied that his reign will be of
short duration. The present King and Ministry,
who have conferred liberty on the mother country,
will not suffer the colonies to remain subjected to
lespotic rule ; or, if it were possible that they could
pursue a different course, a reformed Parliament
will not be in existence many months without
settling the business in a manner satisfactory to all

parties, except those who live by tyranny and cot-
ruption.—.Morning Herald.
The communications of our private correspondent
at Lisbon, which used to be but an indignant record
of some unprovoked atrocities by the tyrant on his
own subjects, unrevenged insults by his ruffian
minions on those of other states, or gloomy fore-
bodings of worse treatment for the future, have
now a second time an exhilarating aspect ; the
voice of retribution is speaking strong and loud,
and justice, tardily bestowed, is filling upon the
guilty man with a heavy hand and a cutting axe.—
The " monster," as the French call him, may in-
deed exclaim " misfortunes love a train!" for no
sooner has he humbled himself to the dust before
one injured party than another appears to require
new sacrifices, and another still is in store to drag
more largely upon his servility, or, perhaps, which
,would be most desirable, to exhaust his patience.
Upon the 16th of May the French squadron, con-
sisting of two line-of-battle ships, two frigates, and
some others of smaller size—in all eleven—appeared
off the bar of the Tagus upon the honourable mis-
sion of calling Don Miguel to account for his unjust
treatment of Messrs. Sauvinet and Bonhomme,
two subjects of France. Their presence is said
o have thrown, as upon a similar visit from
the English, the Councils of the coward into the
greatest confusion. The Endyinion French brig was
sent into the river, and her commander immediately
communicated his instructions to one of the Mini-
sters of Don Miguel, who undertook to place them
before his " Majesty." But the Don was nowhere
to be found ; in the extravagance of his alarm, he
fancied that he heard the enemy's bullets already
whistling about his ears at Lisbon, and bet jok him-
-elf for safety and comfort to hit favourite compos-
ing draughts and his country palace. Thither the
Minister followed him, and explained the very un-
pleasant conditions which the French commander
required. Forty-eight hours only were given for
deliberation. The time was pressing, but Don
Miguel was unable to make up his mind. A longer
day was asked, but refused. The exact terms of
the requisition do not seem to have been known,
but they were thought to be—the dismissal of the
Council and Judges who condemned the two French
subjects, compensation for the French ships unlaw-
fully made prises of by the Portuguese squadron that
blockaded Terceira; and a reimbursement of the ex-
penses incurred in fitting out the squadron off Lisbon.
—One of our correspondents adds, that it was made
a condition that the Don should quit for ever Por-
tugal, having his estates secured to him ; but he
gives it as a rumour not entitled to much attention.
We are told that an answer was at last given, with
which the Endynzion sailed out upon the 21st; but
the nature of it was not known. From the general
despondency, however, which pervaded the party
of the Usurper, it was expected that the answer
would not prove satisfactory, and the affair is not,
therefore, yet terminated. The good effects of these
vigorous proceedings were already beginning to be
felt in Lisbon : the arrests and imprisonments had
ceased ; the police were less insolent, and something
like confidence was beginning to be felt even by the
Portuguese. The Don has only one more party now
to deal with, which is the American ; but he may
prove the most stubborn of all. We hope " Bro-
ther Jonathan" will perfect the good work which
has been so gloriously begun, stow away this scion
of legitimacy in the hold of one of their vessels,
and instal him chief of some of his kindred tribes
of Chippawas or Cherokees. Europe would be
well rid of him.—Morning Herald.
The Brussels Papers, which arrived yesterday,
have brought us the important information, first,
that the Congress of London is willing to mediate
between Belgium and Holland for the surrender of
Lnxemburg—secondly, that they are equally de-
termined to maintain Holland in the possession
of Limburg—and, thirdly, that the protocol,
respecting the joint debt of the two countries,
is to be considered rather as a proposal than
a definitive resolution. These important resolutions
are stated to have been communicated in a note
from Lord Ponsonby to the Secretary for Fo-
reign Affairs, communicating the additional resolu-
tion on the part of Prince Leopold to accept the
throne of Belgium, in case of his being elected
Sovereign. The note itself, however, is not
given, and we arc therefore still at a loss for the con-
ditions specified by Prince Leopold, as those on
which he can consent to accept the throne. 'We
believe, however, that there is no more doubt of his
willingness to become Sovereign of Belgium, pro-
vided the points above referred to be satisfactorily
settled, than of the certainty of his being chosen
King. All parties,—with the exception of a few
republicans,—and all the leaders of parties, are in
his favour; while the Belgic people are so harrassed
and tired out by the late struggle, and subsequent
uncertainty respecting the fate of their country, as
well as by the stagnation of trade, and almost total
want of employment, that any sovereign who would
bring hack to them the blessings of peace, would
be hailed with enthusiasm. How this triumph of
the foreign policy of this country will be received
on the Continent, we are at little loss to conjecture.
We Ind, ed know, as a matter of certainty, that Aus-
tria and Prussia are unfavourable, though not de-
cidedly opposed to it ; and that Russia is straining
every nerve to prevent its accomplishment; while
in France the event is viewed with a mingled
feeling of jealousy and hope,—of jealousy that
the power of England may be unreasonably in-
creased at the expence of France,—and of hope,
that if the proposed elevation do take place, it
will tend to unite the Governments and people of
France and England in closer bonds of amity and
mutual defence against the other continental pow-
ers. With regard to the former, we confess that we
do not see much in the election of Prince Leopold
to the sovereignty of Belgium, to excite the jealousy
en e e bt
to
pltotuintrs.onEtthigelatnhdronwe,illi,n doubt,nporefer
o f e
aosnerd tnoe sgeheb
any other candidate; but she has, on the other
hand, no interest in exercising any influence over the
policy of the Belgian Government, and can derive
no advantage from the circumstance, except that
which might be contained in a commercial treaty.
With regard to the other point,—the hope that
France will be indemnified for the loss of a close
union with Belgium by a closer union with Eng-
land, the ii!essagev des Chanzbres has some
sensible observations, which, we trust, may produce a
salutary influence on our somewhat jealous neigh-
bours.—Morning Advertiser.
An attempt has been made to show that the
House of Lords, if it should, as we anticipate, ex-
press on the first day of the Session any opinion
upon the question of Reform, will not confine itself
" within the bounds of duty," but seek " an aggran-
disement of its powers at the expense of the other
House of Parliament." To prove the utter futility
of this attempt, no more is necessary than to in-
quire whether the House of Lords has ever been
without the power and the right—whether its
power and its right has ever before been even ques-
tioned to mould its reply to the King's Speech
into whatever form it may deem most expedient, or
spontaneously at any moment to address the Throne,
whenevern in its judgment the state of public affairs
may require its interference ? Nothing in the
British Constitution is more certain than that
this power and right are inherent in both
Houses of Parliament—nothing in British politics
is more certain than that either House of Parlia-
ment which permitted this power or this right
to be called into question must sink into a
eiri ti; t
andati and
puselesso,ver being disputed,
body. From
an the
degraded,very
facti
of
this
additional argument arises for their prompt and
vigorous exercise, more particularly when it is con-
sidered that the denial springs from a quarter whence
certain " great persons" in ambush are generally
supposed to dart their traitorous shafts against every
Constitutional principle, and every established in-
stitution. How, it is said, can the Lords make a
declaration against Reform generally, when almost
all the Members of the Upper House have been
brought to acknowledge the necessity of some Re-
form ? How indeed ? If a majority of their Lord-

chips have becu or call be bought to this acknow
•edgment, our contemporary surely need not be rnuel,
►larmed by the apprehension that they will make a de-
:•luration against Reform generally. But why thei,

question their right ? Why talk in a manner se
childish or so revolutionaiy, of an aggrandisement of
•heir powers ? Is the Times or the Ministry afraid
chat the House of Lords will address the King in
Ipposition to the sentiments of almost all its Mem-
'iers ? But the Lords, notwithstanding they all ad-
alt the necessity of some Reform, may address thr
King against the specific measure of his Majesty's
Ministers; and in this case also they will it seems
transgress " the bounds of duty," for " what right
can the Upper House have to declare its opinion tomn
Bill only just introduced into Parliament, and as
yet before the Lower House ?" The plunge
desperate but feeble, and reminds us of nothing se
much as of the final floundering and dashing of the
whale long after the harpoon has been driven to
the quick. Why, it is notorious to all the world,
that the late Parliament was dissolved, and the
present called together, in order that the Reborn
question might be settled. This the House of Lords
knew from the highest authority—from the mouth
of the King himself, even although the Ministers
should practise the pitiful and cowardly evasion
id abstaining from all mention of it in the
Royal Speech on the opening of the approaching
session. Nevertheless, say the Revolutionists, it is
the duty of the House of Lords to be silent upon the
subject, or at the utmost to re-echo the words of the
King's Speech, until a Bill shall be presented to
them by the Commons. Thus we proceed step b)'
step. It will also of course be the duty of the House
of Lords to rem sin silent whenever Bills shall be On
progress through ten-pound householder House of
Commons, to reduce the three per cent. to one and
a half, to withdraw the garrisons from all our dis-
tant colonies and possessions, to establish a Popish
hierarchy in Ireland, to repeal the Union, to rho.
lish the Peerage, and to dethrone the Sovereign!
The Peers will however effectually crush the Re•
form Bill of his Majesty's Ministers, without taking
the trouble of specifically alluding to it, if they
give utterance to the least syllable of common sense
on the subject of Reform in their address to the
Throne. Let them but mention as a condition of
their favourable reception of any measure of Reform
which may be presented to them, that it shall pro•
vide for the fair and equitable representation in the
House of Commons of all the great classes and in-
terests of the empire—or that it shall not leave any
of the great masses of property, which are liable to
attack in the House of Commons, without adequate
protection in that Assembly—or that it shall not
tend to supersede the wholesome conflict of patties
in the House of Commons, and introduce in its
place a fierce and dangerous conflict of classes and
interests—or that in the event of such a conflict the
property and the rights, which have the least
alliance with physical force, and are therefore most
exposed to democratic assault, shall have prepared
for them the largest share of Legislative protection
—or that the measure shall ensure the introduction
into Parliament of a due proportion of men of the
first-rate talent connected with all the various inte-
rests of the country, landed, funded, mercantile,
manufacturing, and colonial—or that it shall not
prepare the way for the entrance of an ex essive
proportion of men distinguished chiefly by the talent
of mob-oratory,—let the House of Lords, we say,
distinctly insist upon any one of these conditions as
indispensable to its acceptance of any measure of
Reform, and the Bill to create a 101. householder
House of Commons is at once dead—dead as the
Protectorship of Cromwell or the India Bill of Fox.
.Morning Post.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HOUSE.
A cad, named Death, was brought before Sir C.
S. HUNTER, charged with having assaulted a police
offieer.,
Dewh, whose robust appearance indicated that he
bore no affinity to his meagre namesake, had shown
a strong inclination to see a gentleman who happened
to be drunk to his home. To this, however, the
officer and other people objected, inasmuch as a gen-
tleman who had raised his elbow a little too much,‘
had been seen home by the said benevolent ctid somu
nights before, and found himself minus a few sove-
reigns in the morning. Death did not relish the re-
fusal, and began to blow up; but finding that his
language was not likely to be persuasive, he thought
proper to apply a whip to the shoulders of the offi-
cer, and made him fling his limbs about as if he had
been made of pasteboard and pulled by a string.
Sir C. S. HUNTER—Why what an awful name
you have got, defendant—why don't you change it
Other people change their names for different rea-
sons, why don't you get rid of your's ? There are
plenty of names in the world, and I am sure you'll
be allowed to give uo your's, Mr. Death, without
genting an Act of Parliament for it.—(Laughter.)
Death—Please you, my Lord, I a'nt ashamed of
my name. Your Lordship never heard of any riar
of my name yet that has been hanged.—(Laughter.)
Sir C. S. HUNTER—No. It is after the people
are hanged they take your name, and I'm sure that's
quite time enough.—(Loud laughter.)
The officer said he believed the cad's name was
not Death, and that there was some strong reason
for changing the name in the first instance.
Sir C. S. HUNTER—Aye, aye, perhaps he has
taken his pre-ent name as a sort of penance to re-
mind him constantly of what he well deserves.—
(Loud laughter.) But, upon my life, it's an ugly
name ; I would get rid of it. You can easily take
the name of Smith, or Jenkins, or any other re-
spectable name.
Death—No, please you, my Lord, I don't choose
to change it. I never had cause to be ashamed of it
Sir C. S. HUNTER—Upon my word, then, I be-
lieve that is more than you can say of your life,
Mr. Death.—(Laughter.)
The officer said that the defendant was a very
violent fellow.
Sir C. S. HUNTER—Aye ; why then if he
doesn't take very good care he'll meet with as vio-
lent a namesake.—(Laughter.) I say, Mr. Death,
if you don't take care of your life it will be too late
for you to call yourself any thing else.—(Laughter.)
The defendant was then, upon his promise to
reform his life, and begging the officers pardon, per-
mitted to depart on his own. recognizance.

GOOD PILOTAGE.--Nothing is more amusing
than the alacrity of Irishmen in getting into scrapes, and
the happy naivete and blunders by means of which they
endeavour to extricate themselves. A captain of a man-
of-war, newly appointed to a ship on the Irish station,
took the precaution, in " beating out" of harbour, to ap-
prise the pilot that he was totally unacquainted with the
coast, and therefore he must rely entirely on the pilot's
local knowledge for the safety of the ship. " You are
perfectly sure, pilot," said the captain, "you are well ac-
quainted with the coast ?" "Do I know my own name,
Sir ?" " Well, mind I warn you not to approach too near
to the shore." " Now make yourself asy, Sir ; in troth
you may go to bed, if you plase." " Then, shall we
stand on?" " Why,--what else would we do?" " Yes,
but there may he hidden dangers, which you know
nothing about." " Dangers like to see the dangers
dar hide themselves from Mica. Sure, don't I tell you I
know every rock on the coast?" (here the ship strikes)
" and that's one of 'em !"—Metropolitan.
There is now living in Advocates'-close,
High-street, Edinburgh, a woman of the name of MACKIN-
TOSH, aged 95, who says she has herself used a quarter of
a pound of tea every week since she was 20 years of age ;
975
so that she has consumed the enormous quantity of
pounds weight, amounting on an average of 6s. per pound,
to 292/. 10s. The duty on tea is 100 per cent. ; she has
paid to Government the sum of 1461. ss. for that article.—
Scotsman.
A melancholy and fatal accident occurred on
Friday morning, a' Gatcornbe ['Ark, Gloucestershire. As
the only son of DAVID RICARDO, Esq. a youth between
five and six years of age, was taking his usual exercise in
the park, with a servant attending him, the pony on
which he was riding suddenly turned round in the direc-
tion of the stable, and threw the unfortunate young gentle-
man with such violence on his head, as to occasion his
• death in two hours afterwards.— Glouceeter Jovrnal.