The Sun.
London, England, 1838-02-21 00:00:00

83,000/. had been received by one proprietor in re-
spect of one single property; 83,000/. had been awarded to
one person crson out of the money granted by the people of this
country. Another person, as he understood had received
120,0001. ; and he (Lord Brougham) humbly ventured to sus-
pect that this was more than the proprietor would have lost, if
he had never during the two years received from his slaves
one hour's work en his estates. So far, also, had the value
of those estates increased during this time, that be could
now sell for eighteen or nineteen years' purchase what he
could not have obtained fourteen years' purchase for before
the grant. He had got the 120,0001. ; yet, as if this portion
was not enough to satisfy him, not content with having
gained so enormously by the change, he had, as he ( Lord
Brougham) believed, obtained an Order in Council—and this
led hi,n ( Lord Brougham) to give notice that he should brine
the subject under the consideration of that House—to enable
him and others in the colony of Dutch (now British) Guiana,
where the land was most fertile, where the ravages made by
disease were most fatal, and where the work and the climate
were most prejudicial to negro life, to increase the amount,
although they had already obtained leave, not to establish a
slave trade, but to establish that which would become a slave
trade between Asia and Guiana—to import blacks to any
amount, without any security against kidnspping, without any
restrictions as to the amount of water to be kept, and the
quantity of provisions to be furnished ; and not with a voyage
of two months from the coast of Africa, but after a voyage
from Africa to America of six or seven months. Well, did
the Government know the truth of what had been stated by
the Noble Duke, that it was not the slave or the system of
apprenticeship that was cared for, but that the planter was
to bo the object of their solicitude. He ( Lord Brougham)
saw but one course by which they could put down the
lawless practices which now obtained.—( Hear, hear.) It
was admitted that emancipation was pet fectly safe, and it
was their duty to accomplish it, if they could. It was
not denied that the apprentices would apply them-
selves quietly to work ; it was not affected to be believed that
there was any danger to be apprehended. The only difficulty
which they had feared from emancipation was, that there
might be some degree of disquiet produced in the sud-
den transition from a state of slavery to a state of freedom ;
and on this ground, and this ground alone, was the transitive
state supported and defended. But this ground had been re-
moved, the pretence had been withdrawn, the affectation had
cease to hold, nobody believed that the apprenticeship system
was necessary to preserve peace ; still it was defended, and on
what ground was its defence now put ? It was placed on the,
if possible still more untenable ground, that they ought to be
influenced by a regard for the interests of the planter, as if
the interests of the planter had not been sufficiently at-
tended to—as if the money which had been awarded
showed no care—as if there were no fear for the interests of
the negro, whilst his master was glutted with gold; whilst
one received 83,000/., and another 120,000/. ; and whilst, not
satisfied with this, he wished to eke out his enormous gain by
the paltry savings which he might make out of the wages
of the slave subsequent to August 1834. If ever in aey
case there was a departure from all principle—if ever
there were a crying and outrageous mockery—if ever there
were a refusal of justice to an injured party—this was that
mockery, this was that injustice. He did not intent to
take the sense of the House on the five first resolutions
which he had proposed ; but he should give an opportunity to
those who really wished to benefit the planter of recording
their votes upon the sixth resolution, and he should also
take a division on the question of head-money. Unless he
did not do this he was morally convinced that he would
neither discharge his duty, nor satisfy the just expectations of
the public.
The House then divided on the sixth resolution and head-
money, when there appeared—
For the resolution
Against it
Majority against it —2l
On our return to the gallery we found
The Earl of MINTO saying that he had received many
letters from naval officers complaining of the observations
which had been made the other night, which implied that
they were fond of blood-money. He had that day called for
A return which, when made out, would show the number of
slaves captured since the promulgation of the Spanish treaty ;
and which would show that every endeavour had been made
which could he to take the slaves before the cargo was taken
on board. The Noble Lord had said that he had, in all
the cases referred to by him, alluded to the authority of a
distinguished officer, a Commodore who was in command
on the coast ; but in his time the equipment article was not
in force.
Lord BROUGHAM—I did not refer to Commodore Hayes.
The Earl of MlNTO—There had been no Commodore in
command on the African coast since the promulgation of the
Spanish treaty.
Lord BROUGHAM—I did not refer to any other Com-
modore.
The Earl of MINTO—If the Noble Lord knew of any
cases, he ought, in justice to the naval profession, to state
them, and put the officers concerned on their defence, lie
( Lord Minto) would only state one fact : that the return
which he held in his hand showed that since the promulga-
tion of the treaty thirty slavers had been taken part of
which were loaded and part unloaded. Of the thirty vessels
so taken nineteen were taken under the equipment article,
and eleven had been captured when loaded with slaves.
He thought that there was sufficient eTidenee therefore,
that the naval officers did not wait to run after the loaded
vessels for the purpose of getting the head. money. He
could not consent to allow the Members of that body to be
under the reproach of acting only from pecuniary motives;
they acted from higher motives, from a strict sense of duty;
and they had the head-money only as a just reward for their
exertions, and he was sure that either with or without these
inducements they would discharge their duty with the same
Leal. He would appeal to the Noble Duke opposite whether,
to ensure on the part of a soldier the due performance of his
duty, he would say, " If you accomplish such an object it will
put so much money into your pocket ;" he was sure that
the Noble Duke would consider that the soldier would act
only well when he acted from the far higher motive, the sense
of public duty.
Lord BROUGHAM was surprised that, till after the re-
solution on head-money had been put, the Noble Earl had not
made his statement, for it bore so strongly in favour of his
proposition to do entirely away with the head-money. If he
agreed to the statement that the calculation was correct,
and that the proportion of slave vessels to others was as 19
to 11, and if it turned out that the officers did not care one
farthing for head-money—that they acted entirely from the
higher motive, the sense of duty—( Hear, hear, and laughter)
—the payment of head-money was then admitted to be use-
less, and he regretted it had not been abolished. The Noble
Lord had spoken much of the zeal of the naval officers for
the service; and this reminded him of a saying of Lord
Thurlow—" Far be it from me to utter anything against an
officer in the public employ, either civil or military, for it
will lay me open to hear his panegjric."—( Hear, hear.) No
sooner did he ( Lord Brougham) say that money was not
without charms, that the love of prize-money was kindred
to the heart, than forth came the Noble Lord with a spice-
did p tnegyric on the exemplary character of the officers,
and declared that they were actuated only by noble feelings,
that money had no power and no influence, and that nothing
moved them but a sense of public duty ; and the man who
thought otherwise was designated as degrading and ignorant,
and stupid, and had no knowledge of naval affairs and
naval duties. The Noble Earl had appealed to the Noble
Duke upon this point, and had subjected him to severe trial in
keeping his countenance, but this he had accomplished
by treating the Noble Earl as lie would an enemy, though
he had no doubt that the Noble Duke had more difficulty
in doing so in the face of the Noble Earl than he would
in the face of a French Marshal.—(Laughter.) 1I 'l the
Noble Duke nese:- heard of prize-money in the army, or that
the soldier was eVer actuated is any othter motive than a
sense of public duty ? The Noble Earl had :aid that
prize-nimety was no inducement to the natal officer—that be
did not care one Straw about it—then why did not the
Noble Earl give it up ? That question was easier put than
answered.—( Hear, hear, hear.) If head-money wore of no
value, if it had no influence on the sailor, why not give it
tip ?—why call upon the country to pay it ? It was paid,
however, because the country believed that it did give some
inducement, that it did work its way, and that it did have some
effect. He did not understand the metaphysical distinction
which had been made : he did not comprehend the meta-
physics of the quarter-deck, which declared that in proclaim-
ing beforehand that for such a service so much would he
given, they were merely offering a reward, and not giving
a motive. It was both a reward and a motive when they an-
nounced the reward beforehand, and it must have some ope-
ration.---( Hear.)
The Earl of 111 INTO said that the original charge against
the officers was a neglect of duty.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said that the soldier and
sailor would do his duty without the offer of a prize; but the
Government and the Crown had introduced a system of re-
wards for meritorious services or arduous duties,—(Hear,
hear.) He earnestly recommended the Noble Lord to keep
the decision in his own hands and that of the Crown, and to
decide on the matter after a careful consideration of all the cir-
cumstances of the case.

Lord BROUGHAM remarked that the reward was not in
the hands of the Noble Earl or of the Crown. By the 4th
sect. of the Act of Parliament sf. was awarded as head-money,
and they must repeal that Act before the system could be changed.
The Duke of WELLINGTON had then only to observe
that their Lordship's House had nothing to say about it.—
( Dear. )

Lord BR OUG HA M said that though their Lordships
could not originate the repeal, they might record their opinions.
After a few words from Lord HOLLAND,

Lord ELLF,NBOROUGH said that as it appeared from
the returns that eleven vessels were seized with slaves and
nineteen without, it would be better, even for the offiers, that
the arrangement proposed by the Noble and Learned Lord
should be adopted, and that in a part of the service where the
danger was the greatest, a system of allowance, by way of
tonnage, should be adopted.
The Earl of MINTO said that the subject was under the
consideration of the Government, and it was in contemplation
to introduce in such cases a tonnage reward. A Bill to that
effect was then before the Treasury.
Lords ELLENBOROUGH and BROUGHAM mutually
explained.
The five remaining resolutions of the Noble Lord were then
11""allY put from the woolsack end negatived.
WATERFORD HOUSE OF INDUSTRY BILL.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE moved the second read-
ing of the Waterford House of Industry Bill.
No opposition being offered the Bill was read a second time,
and its commitment was fixed for Thursday next.
TRADE AND NAVIGATION OF THE UNITED
KINGDOM.
"The Marquis of LANSDOWNE laid some statements on

the table relative to the trade and navigzJion of the United
Kingdom in the years 1836 and 1837, and moved that they
should be printed for the use of the House.
The motion having been agreed to, the House adjourned at
half-past cleYen o'clock until Thursday.