The Sun.
London, England, 1849-06-15 00:00:00

compensation could not bo construed into a recognition
of the claims of actual rebels. Mr. Hincks, it was true,
had stated certain cases of compensation to parties who
had been rebels. But these cases did not come under
the operation of the. Act of the Canadian Legislature.
Bills were given to these parties for matters supplied to
the troops before these parties had been rebels. But the
entire of these cases amounted to five, and upon in-
quiry, it turned out that two of these were not rebels at
all, and of the other three cases, two were tried for high
treason, but were acquitted; therefore they were in the
position of persons that ought to be recognised is so-
ciety, and, consequently, they ought to reeetve any com-
pensation to which they were entitled; and in the case
of Mr. Took, it was true he was found guilty of high
treason, and, after the amnesty, he went back to the
colony, but as he never made any claim, of course he
(Mr. Gladstone) need not dwell upon that case any
farther. Now, he did not mean to teak the Noble Lord
to disallow the Act under consideration; what he
asked for was this, that persons actually proved
to have acted as rebels should not receive compensation,
and that reasonable evidence shall be given that the
parties applying for compensation had never taken a
part in the rebellion. If the Noble Lord could not give
them this assurance, then he would ask the Noble Lord
to say that the Crown will not ratify the Act of the
colonial legislature, and that proceedings under it will be
suspended until the Canadian Legislature shall have so
amended the Act as to exclude all parties from compen-
sation who have taken a part in the rebellion. It might
be asked what course he proposed to pursue in the event
of the Canadian Legislature not altering the Act. He would
only say iu reply, that he would do nothing that would
be unconstitutional, as a coercive obedience on the part
of the colony towards the mother country ought not to
be sought for. In order that the connexion between the
colonies and the mother country should be a happy one,
the ties that bound them should be those of partial sym-
pathy. But he would uphold the honour of the Crown,
and in saying this he meant that the Government should
draw a distinction between those who opposed the laws
and those who upheld them. This being so, he clung to
the hope that the Noble Lord would grant him what he
asked him to concede.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he had derived much
consolation from the commencement of the speech of the
Right Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Gladstone), as he
said he would not propose any particular course, because
he wished that the voice of Parliament on the present
question should be a united voice. He had hoped that
the speech of the Right Honourable Gentleman would
have been in accordance with that wish, but he was
sorry he had been disappointed in that expectation.—
(Hear, hear.) If anything could embitter the hostile
feelings of parties amongst each other—feelings which
he had hoped had been abated, it would be the senti-
ments which had been expressed that night.—(Hear.
hear.) The Right Honourable Gentleman had stated
solely the views of a particular party. He had supplied
the arguments which were wanting in Canada in the
case which they had made against the Ministry of
Canada—(Hear, hear)—and he had endeavoured to meet
every argument which had been urged in favour of the
course which the Governor had pursued. He entirely
-concurred with the Right Honourable Gentleman
with reference to a dispatch which was written some
time ago, that there were cases where the honour of the
Crown and the safety of the country required the ut-
most temper and firmness on the part of those entrusted
with the government of the colony, to prevent those
differences being pushed to an extent which might be
fatal to the connexion with this country.—(Hear.) The
Right Hon. Gentleman had, however, said that Lord
Elgin had received some instructions which had inter-
fered with his acting in such a manner as the honour of
the Crown and the interests of the country demanded.
Now he (Lord J. Russell) felt bound to say, in reply,
that neither, to Lord Elgin nor to any Governor-Gene-
red had Government given more than that general dis-
cretion which it was necessary should be given to every
one.filling so responsible a position.—(Hear.) It' Lord
Elgin, in the exercise of that discretion, had acted in
such a way as did not comport with the honour of the
Crown and the interests of the country, the course for
her Majesty's Government to pursue, however unplea-
sant, would have been clear. It would have been to
have disavowed such acts, however painful such dis-
avowal would have been. But believing, as they did
believe, that Lord Elgin had consulted not only the in-
terests or Canada hut the interests of this country—
that his conduct had been guided by a knowledge of the
--feelings -of -the—people --of Canada and of this country-
and of the interests of the Crown—so believing, the Mi-
nisters would have been the basest of men not to have
upheld Lord Elgio, and to have afforded him every
support and encouragement.—(bear, hear.) It was not,
therefore, to be presumed there was any intention to
put. Lord Elgin in a position in which it was not de-
sirable to place any Governor, and it was in pursuance
of their duty alone they proposed- to act in deciding
upon the conduct' of Lord Elgin. Knowing that the
finances of Canada were not flourishing that
many persons were suffering under commercial dis-
tress—he could not conceive that a Bill would have
been introduced having reference to the rebellion
losses, unless under circumstances of great neces-
sity: It was to be recollected that after the rebellion of
1837, a Bill was introduced in Upper Canada, giving
compensation to parties who had suffered by it, and a
subsequent Act was passed to carry out that same pur-
pose, and in these Acts it was provided that the losses
to be made good were losses which had been sustained
from the'rebellion, and by parties who were inhabitants
of Upper Canada. When that compensation was passed
it was obvious that having paid a considerable sum for
rebellion losses in Upper Canada, a question arose whe•
ther such compensation should not be given to Lower
Canada. The only objection he bad made after the
Acts for Upper Canada bad been passed was, that the
claim was on the imperial fund, and not on the local
fund. (Cries of " Hear, bear.") The Noble Lord
here referred to a dispatch of Lord Stanley, dated the
Bth of May, 1844, and observed, that so far as re-
garded the claim for compensation for the Lower Pro-
vince, the suggestion seemed to have been made by Lord
Stanley, and to have been given to Sir Charles Met-
calfe. After that a Committee was appointed on the
subject, and the Right Honourable Gentleman had
quoted some instructions which had been given to the
Commission of Inquiry on the 12th of December, 1845,
as to the amount of the loss and the character of the
party, and in reply to an inquiry of the Commissioners
as to the extent of the powers conferred upon them, a
dispatch was written in February, 1846, in which they
were informed that it was not desirable they should go
into any other evidence but the finding of the courts of
law. Now he did not think that the Canadian Govern-
ment had departed from the spirit of these instructions.
He did not see why in this case Lord Cathcart should
be placed in opposition to Sir Charles Metcalfe, an officer
whowho was not disposed to favour rebels, and was as
fit as any one to be entrusted with a question in which
the Crown was concerned.—(Hear, hear.) They could
depart from the instructions without doing that which
Would in fact have been a new trial, and that was what
governed the whole case. The Noble Lord having re-
ferred to the statement of Mr. Hincks, which had been
mentioned by the Right Hon. Gentleman,
Mr. GLADSTONE said that, according to the evi-
dence before him, there was no reason to believe that
any person who had been a rebel had received com-
pensation.
Lord J. RUSSELL said the question was not whe-
ther Mr. Hincka was right or wrong. Mr. Hincks had
said that persons had received compensation who had
been rebels, and he mentioned Mr. Haggerman, who had
been, he said, Commissary-General. Now, in this Mr.
Ilincks was quite mistaken, for Mr. Haggerman was not
convicted but was acquitted. But, why could they not
apply to have some test for those persons who were
• coming forward for compensation? If they would not
do that, would they have a trial for high treason in 1849,
for that which took place in 1837?—(Hear, hear.) Was
it to be borne that men
.who declared that they were
lOyal, and who from intimidation did not join the Queen's
'forces, WOuldthey have these men go to trial in 1849, to
proi"&that they had net taken part in the rebellion?
Thar was what the Right Hon. Gentleman asked. A
party who was put to the bar, and who was charged
with high treason, simply said that he was not guilty;
and: if the 'Judge, as in Ireland last year, would say
to the prisoner, you must bring prima facie evi-
dence to prove you are not guilty; would not
the .prisoner, and all who would hear it, be filled
with indignatiion that a man should be called upon to
prove that he was not guilty?—(Hear, hear.) Only let
the House considerthat men should new be called upon
at the expiration of twelve years, when parties, whose
• testimony would be essential, might be dead, or removed
frorn.Canada—.only, let the House censider that under
'• such 'circumstances men should be called upon to prove
that they were not guilty of taking part in the late re-
- bellfen.—(Rear, hear.) It was thought, he believed,
that 100,0001. would be enough to compensate all the
real losses that had been sustained, and he would remark
• that it seemed to be the intention of the Government of
the day to proceed under these circumstances—that no-
thing more was necessary than that those only should be
• considered guilty who had been proved to be so in courts
The Noble Lord then referred
of law.—(Hear, hear.)
to the dissolution of the Assembly which . Lord Elgin
conceived to be necessary, and to the circumstances
under which the present Ministers took office. They
saw. it was obvious that the question of compenaatiohne
was one which would be pressed upon them, and t
Secretary of State had suggested that there should
be compensation for losses in Lower as wellas in Upper
• Canada; and that those only should be considered guilty
of taking part in the late rebellion who had been con-
victed in due course of law. The preamble to the Bill
stated, that losses not yet proved should form the u
b
jecrof future investigation, provided that none of the
parties had been"convicted of treason. After noticing
some of the objections to that Act which had been made
by the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Noble Lord referred
to the amendments which had been proposed in Commit-
-. tee on the Bill, and said he did not feel bound to say that
.. all those amendments should have been rejected. That
was no part of his duty. He had to see that the Act
when passed did not interfere with the rights of the
. Crown, and the just interests of the country. The Mi
nistty had declared that the intention of the Bill was to
•'• deprive all who Were guilty of rebellion of compensation,
buCit musUbe seen that; if they were to apply personal
tesee, to gb:back for a period 'of 12 years, and call upon a
man to prove thet he was not a rebel in 1837, would be,
in fact, to eetablisb a Star Chamber in Canada.—(Cheers.)
. It would destroy.the peace of families, set party against
. party, make out one set of men as having been guilty or
suspected of being guilty of rebellion, and another as
being solely possessed of the feeling of loyalty.—(Hear,
hear.) If they were to have some hundreds of such
eases in the colony, he believed they would have the
effect of destroying all chance of the people living toge-
ther in harmony, and that her Majesty would be utterly
deprived of loyal subjects.—(Hear, hear.) Then, as to
the general character of the rebellion itself. It was
aused by some artful and designing men who bad in-
.
uence over a very ignorant part of the people, but
kie great mass of the people were opposed to it. The
- •
se —_,
ngiarityl of the Roman Catholic population, under the

teaching of their spiritual leaders, hail an abhorrence of
any cause that could lead to civil war.—)Hear, hear.)
A considerable pett of the country fell hap the hands
of the it, bell for a few days. end he thonght• that it was
not unnatural the inhabitants should, under the circum
stances, have refrained from any active demonstration.
of opposition to them, while at the same time they had
no sympathy with them. He would not, at this distance
of time, call them forward to prove not only that they
were not. in arms, but they were not aiding and abet-
ting rebellion at that period.—(Hear, hear.) With
respect to the amendments, he was obliged to pre-
sume, from the conduct of Lord Elgin and the declara-
tion of the Ministry, either that there were valid ob-
jections to them, or that it appeared there were such ob-
jections in the minds of the majority. The Right Hon.
Gentleman favoured the amendment of Mr. Wilson,
which had the highest number in its support, but when
the Bill came to the third reading, the majority by
which it was carried was larger than any previous vote
for it. Persons who had voted for the amendments
withdrew their opposition to it in its final stage, and it
was passed by a majority of 48 to 11.—(Hear, hear.)
In that majority there was a majority included of re-
presentatives of English descent. When the Bill went
to the Legislative Council, it was introduced by a
member of the Ministry, with a distinct and specific
statement of its objects, in which the intention to grant
compensation to rebels was clearly abjured, while, at
the same time, the justice of awarding the same com-
pensation to Lower Canada that had been previously
given to Upper Canada was insisted upon. He had a
right to say that the Minister was a mau of honour,
speaking for the Administration of which ho formed a
part, and that this distinct declaration of the intention
of the Administration in proposing it, ought not to be
questioned. The Governor• General, in giving his assent
to it, among other Bills, said, in reply to an address
which had been presented to him, that he protested
against the outrageous assault which had been made on
the principle of responsible government. At the same
time, in justice to the Parliament, he said he was bound
to express his firm belief that in passing it they did not
intend to compensate persons who had been guilty of
the heinous crime of high treason, but simply to grant
compensation for those losses of property inseparable
from such occurrences, as had been done in other cases,
and under that belief alone did he give his assent on tie
part of the Crown to the Bill. In the spirit thus solemnly
avowed by the Governor-General, did he (Lord J. Russell)
accept this Bill. The Right Hon. Gentleman h..cl done
full justice to Lord Metcalfe; let them also do justice to
the living.—(Hear, hear.) For his own part, he had
full confidence in Lord Elgin, and that he would do all in
his power to carry the Act out in the manner he had de•.
clewed he would. With respect to the particular mode
in which this could be done, much must depend upon
the instructions given to the Commission appointed to
carry the Act into effect. Lord Elgin had stated that
it was his wish to send the instructions to this country
for consideration, before they were carried into
effect. At present her Majesty's Government had not
yet received the Bill in such a_shape, as to enable them

to lay it before the Queen in Council, but he felt it to
be his dui to state then, that when it did so come be-
fore them, her Majesty's Governmont would feel it to be
their duty to leave this Act to be brought into operation
in the spirit in which it had been framed—(Cneers)—
and therefore unless something very extraordinary and
unexpected occurred, when these instructions did arrive,
he had no doubt but that they would be such as would
enable the Government to advise the Queen to give them
her approbation—(Bear)—and he had no doubt that all
that was necessary for the honour of the Crown and the
country, and for the enforcement of strict justice, would
be done by Lord Elgin.--(Cheers.) He had no cause to
take up the defence of that Noble Lord's character.
When he came into office, he found the Noble Lord
acting as Governor of Jamaica, having been appointed
to that office by Lord Stanley.—(Dear, hear.) His con-
duct in difficulty impressed the Government with the
impression that he was a man of remarkable ability,
especially as that was his first public service. In the
transaction of business he seizsd upon the main points
which required his attention, and directed the business
under his control in a manner calculated to serve the
best interests of the colony under his will, and to main-
tain good feelings between it and the Imperial Govern-
ment. .Being thus struck with these imarks of-ability,
the Government recommended him for the more itripbr-
taut post of Governor-General uf Canada, and he must
now declare that the conduct of the Noble Lord had, in
his opinion, done ample justice to the wisdom of: that
selection.--(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had thianipL
out the late occurrences in Canada acted in a strictly
constitutional manner. The Right Hon. Gentlem In had
argued that the Asseeibly did not fairly represent the
feelings on the subject, and that he should have fotmed
another Ministry, and dissolved the Assembly... Some-
thing of the same kind, had been argued by a party in
this country on the, occasion of .the. repeal of the corn-
lawa.—(tleardiear.) .Bat,Lord Elgin .believed-thalt the
House of Assembly did represent the country, and that
if he had broken up his Ministry, and put the country to
the excitement of a contested election, the Howe would
have been of the same character, and that he would have
had to take the same Ministry baek.—(Hear, hear.)
And he must say that he saw, even in Upper Canada,
no proof that the representatives who had voted for the
Bill had done so in opp sition to trio wishes of their
constituents. There might be cases; he was not aware
of any; and, at all events, he could say that the great
majority of the Members had not been called upon to
resign their seats on account of their vote on this mea-
sure.—(Hear, hear.) On all these points Lord Elgin was
the best judge, and he had declared his intention not to
dissolve the present Assembly. At the same time, he
was prepared to encounter the full effect of this policy,
even the disapprobation of her Majesty, if the
Government should think fit to advise that disapproba-
tion, and to submit to all the penalties which would
follow.—(Loud cheers.) It had been said that the Act
might be disallowed, and at the same time continue the
Governor General in office. Lord Elgin would not re-
tain it in that case.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that
when the opponents of this Act had time to reflect, they
would look upon their opposition, and many of its con-
sequences, with regret, and especially of the outrages
committed upon the Governor-General ; and he trusted
that a body of men, who had hitherto borne the character
of loyal subjects, some of whom had been the advisers
of former Governors-General, would resume their posi-
tion and submission to the law, and act in a manner be-
coming their professions. He did not attach any value
whatever to the statement as to the separation of the
colony.—(Hear, hear.) He was happy to think that
no such occurrence would take place, because
the great body of the people were in favour
of the law, and the Governor-General was popular in
Canada. It would be far better if the dif-
ferent 'parties in Canada were to lay aside the extreme
animosities which they exhibited, and pursue that des-
tined course of prosperity untrammelled by such con •
tests. That was the lesson which his lamented friend,
Lord Sydenham, had taught the Canadians. " Whatever
your paltry differences may be, by pushing them to an
extreme, you are risking the loss of the immense pros-
perity which lies before you. If you maintain political
differences within moderate bounds, there is no country
which can achieve more happiness, or a higher degree of
prosperity, under the sway of the British sceptre. You
may enjoy as much freedom and happiness as can be the
lot of any other people in the world.—(Cheers.) Un-
happily differences of race and blood were at the bottom
of these disputes. Perhaps in the course of time this
might be remedied, by the adoption of something like
the plan of federal union, proposed by the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman (Mr. Roebuck); but however that
might be, feeling anxious that this Bill should be put in
operation in the spirit in which Lord Elgin, his Minis-
ters, and the Parliament of Canada declared it was
passed, being anxious that Lord Elgin should be allowed
the full liberty of acting in, accordance with his own
views of what was best for the welfare of the country,
he felt that he would be impairing the dignity of the
Crown, if he were not only, by any show of distrust, but
any half expressed confidence, to deprive Lord Elgin of
that support to which he was fairly entitled. He must
leave the Right Hocourable Gentleman to take what
farther steps in this question. he might think neces-
sary. He left it to him to consider whether he would
raise questions in that House by any farther motion,
which might array two parties against each other, but
his duty was to declare at once the course the Govern-
ment meant to pursue, and by which they were resolved
to abide.—(Cheers.)
Mr. HE' RTES considered 'that the elaborate and ad-
mirable speech of his Right lion. Friend the Member
for the University of Oxford had not received at the
hands of the Prime Minister anything like a close or
legal answer. The Noble Lord had dealt in generalities
and in rather captivating declamation, but he had not
brought the question to that point at which the public
would be satisfied to let it rest. He very nearly came
to the mark, but as he had not reached the point that
ought to give satisfaction, there was no course left him
but to continue the discussion. He (Lord John Russell)
had taken some pains to establish the point that it was
the intention of those who brought forward the compen-
sation measure in Canada, of the advisors of the Crown,
and of the Government of Canada, not to pay, under the
provisions of the Bill under inspection, money to rebels;
but looking to the main clauses of the Bill, he contended
that all persons having claims for losses sustained during
the rebellion, unless those brought within the excep-
tion of the preamble and those who were convicted as
rebels, should be indemnified. The Attorney-General
no doubt had carefully read the Bill, and all the papers
connected with its enactment, and he put it to bite, if
that Act should not be strictly put in force without qua-
lification or interposition, unless it were amended by a
new Act of the Canadian Assembly so as to prevent
rebels from being compensated with the money assessed
off loyal men? The Noble Lord said that he expected
further communications from Lord Elgin on this subject,
and some account of the instructions he issued to the
commissioners appointed for carrying out the provisions
of the Bill; but he (Mr. Herries) thought that under the
Act no instructions preventative of awarding compensa-
tion to those who took part in the rebellion could be is-
sued. The Act could not be modified except by subse-
quent legislation, and in itspresent form it would strike
at the foundation of all civil government, as it directly
approved of the application of a tax which was likely to
strike at the foundation of all society. The Noble Lord
said the Government did not intend that rebels should be
indemnified for the losses they sustained, but in the same
breath he asked would it not be monstrous, after the
lapse of twelve years, to test by examination who were
rebels. Now, unless they entered into an examination and
discrimination, how could those who took part in the
rebellion be found out? They could not ascertain all
who had been rebels; but was he to be told that it was
out of the reach of human reason to discover many per-
sons who had been engaged in that serious rebellion?
A man who had suffered imprisonment, but was not
convicted for rebellious practices, would, according to
his interpretation of the Act, be entitled to indemnifica-
tion; and how, he asked, was a case of that kind to be
met? He did not blame Lord Elgin, but he threw all
the responsibility on the shoulders of the Government,
who, knowing that the Bill was introduced so far back

as March last, ought to have properly advised the Go-
vernor-General, and pointed out to him their determi-
nation that rebels should not participate in the indemni-
fication. The only way now to remedy the evil was by
some legislative amendment in the Canadian Assembly;
and if Lord John Russell gave an assurance that her
Majesty's Government would take measures to carry
out that which they now declared to be their opinion—
if he promised that the Act would be carried into effect
so that the rebels should not receive indemnity, all fur-
ther opposition -to the measure would cease. If the
Noble Lord could satisfy the House that he would by
some means so modify this measure as not to give corn.
pensation to those who had been in actual rebellion, then
he would be satisfied. In doing that there was only one
way of acting, and that was by withholding the consent
of the Crown from the measure until the Legislature of
Canada was able to overcome the difficulty which had
arisen. To carry out that object, then, he would pro-
pose a motion tp the effect that an humble address be
presented to her Majesty, praying her Majesty to with-
hold her assent to the Rebellion Losses (Canada) In-
demnity Bill until such time as satisfactory assurance
was given that no person who had been engaged in, or
had in any way aided or abetted the rebellion in that
country, should receive any portion of such indemnity.
Mr. BAILLIE COCHRANE said there was one
point which had not been touched open during the
debate, and which he considered important, and that
was—who were the men that formed the Government
and Council of Lord Elgin in Canada at the present
time?—(Hear, hear.) lie had no hesitation in saying
that some of those men now holding high offices under
the Crown in Canada were accused of high treason in
1837, and had to fly from the country in consequence.—
(Cheers.) Mr. Baldwin, the present Attorney-
General, and Lafontaine, the Solicitor-General of
Lower Canada, were both charged with high
treason in 1837, and fled from that country, ie order to
save themselves from the consequences of that charge?—
(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Roebuck.) It was well for the
Hon. Member opposite to cry " Hear, hear," but let him
recal to the recollection of the House those parties now
in office who were charged at that time with the crime
of high treason, and it would be seen that be was not
making any hasty assertion. There was, as he had
already said, the present Attorney and Solicitor-Generals.
There was the Chief Justice of Montreal and his brother,
the Commissioner of Crown Lands in Canada, and there
was Gironard, whom the Hon. Member will perhaps re
collect a relative of his got 5001. for giving up to justice.
—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) That relative of the
Hen. Member had now, however, changed his opinion of
Gironard, who was now in office, for when Sir Allan
M'Nab asked him if it was not a fact that he received
5001. from Government for arresting him, he did not
deny it, but he said that he had a different opinion of
Gironard now from what he had then.—(Continued
laughter.) He paused to ask the Hon. Member whether
such was not the fact?—(Hear.)
Mr. ROEBUCK—I will answer it.—(Cheers.)
Mr. COCHRANE—Yes, the Hon. Member would an-
swer it in the same manner as he defended the Canadian
rebels in 1838.—(Hear, hear.) These men were now,
however, in office, and there was another of those rebels,
who was appointed to office, hut who, in making inquiry
as to his whereabouts, it was found that he was hung.--
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Such, then, was the way
matters had got on in Canada, and he affirmed that since
1838, the history of Canada had shown that they had
been too ready to forgive their enemies and forget their
friends, and been most anxious to make friends with
.all
those men who, in 1837, had acted against the consti-
tuted authorities and the Imperial Government. He
was sorry that Lord Elgin, for whom he entertained the
highest respect, had acted as he had done. He had been
guilty of aces which he considered most objectionable.
He had caused a measure to be brought in to bring
back to Canada the arch traitor M`Kerizie, who, when
he did come back on the faith or that measure, was
soon obliged to quit the country, the popular feeling
being so powerfully excited against him.—(Hear, hear.)
There was then the present measure which had crowned
those objectionable acts, and from all he could learn the
only wey to gain preferment in Canada was to become
a rebel—(Hear, hear)—and he had not the Blightersr
doubt that, did they go on in that system of policy, in
the course of a very short period they would not leave
a royal man in Canada.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. ROEBUCK said when this question was intro.
duced he- had supposed they -were going to disciuss li
it in that calm, dispassionate,' and honourable manner
which usuelly distinguish the 'debates in -that 'House.—
(Cries of "Oh, oh," from the-Opposition.y- lre could
not for a moment suppose that• Hon. Gentlemen oppoSite
declined to classify themselves under- that system—
(Cheers.) He had supposed that they. would have dis-
cussed the question in that honourable manner which
distinguished men who were.opposed to each other in
political opinions. He had supposed that if any one wrO'
to be accused, it would4lid for their own acts, and that
if he was to be accused, it would be for his bwn acts,
and that he would not be held responsible for the acts
of those who were upwards of three thousand miles re-
moved from them.—(Hear, hear.) What had he to do
with what his friends and relations in Canada did? So
far as he himself was concerned, he defied any man in
that House or out of it to say that he had been guilty,
of a dishonourable act.—(llear, hear.) The Hon. Gen-
tleman had said that he had defended rebels. That was
not true.—(Cheers.) He came before the House under
a commission, as the authorised agent of the House of
Assembly of Lower Canada, to argue as their agent
against a measure affecting them, which was at the time
on the table of that Howe—a Bill which was to destroy
the constitution of Lower Canada, of which that As-
sembly formed a part. He represented that Assembly at
the bar of that House. But it was nut true that they
were at all, or at any time rebels. Suppose that there
were some rebels among them.—(Hear, hear, from the
Opposition.) Suppose he said there had been rebels
among them, had they not in that House, the other
night, been called on to issue a writ in the place of one
who had been convicted as a rebel, and was turned out
of that House?—(Hear.) But did that affect the cha-
racter of that House—(Hear)—or would any one be
warranted in saying that, because Mr. Smith O'Brien
was a convicted reb 1, any one who might be appointed
to advocate the cause of that House was advocating the
cause of rebels.—(Cheers.) He, therefore, appeared at
the bar of that House, at the time referred to, as the re-
presentative of that Assembly of Lower Canada, and he
felt proud to say, that all their acts were not only legal
and constitutional, but that there was not one demand
which he on their behalf made upon the Legislature, but
had been since conceded by the House of Commons.
What right, then, had the IJon. Member to say that he
was the advocate of rebels ? In the strongest lan-
guage which the rules of that House warranted him in
using, and with a still stronger feeling than the words
could convey, he -denied the truth of the assertion—
(Hear)—and had it been made by any man who was not
shielded by the forms of that House, he would have re-
pelled it in stronger terms.—(Cries of " Oh, oh," from
the Opposition.) Yes, they might endeavour to interrupt
him, but the interruption only showed that while they
could make a charge against his character, they had not
the manliness to listen to its refutation. The Hon Mem-
ber had made a statement without looking into the
evidence, and, like every one who did so, he had made
an unjust charge.—(Hear, hear.) As to the question
before the House, he did not think that, in some points,
the Bill of Indemnity went far enough. It said that
indemnity was to be given for all property wantonly or
unjustly destroyed; but, suppose an honest loyal man to
have his house destroyed by its being made a necessary
fortification; under the wording of the Act that man
could get no compensation for such loss. Then, suppose
another man, who they might call a rebel ; he came,
and he said, " My house has been wantonly and unjustly
destroyed. When I was absent an enemy of mine came
and put a torch to my house and my barn, and they
were burned to the ground." That was a wanton and
unjust destruction, and that map could 03i01.c,3mpensa-
tioit for such loss under the Bill, and it would be no use
to say that he was not entitled to such compensation
because he was a rebel.—(Hear.) Would they say that
parties who had been never tried or found guilty were
guilty of the crime of high treason? The Right Hon.
Gentleman said they were found with arms in their hands.
Why every man in that country carried arms from ne-
cessity. When he was a boy he never went out without
either a rifle or a fowling-piece. The' principle which
was contended for in Canada was, that the majority
should govern. What was the ease? A Bill.which passed
the Legislature, and virtually received the sanction of
the Crown was resisted. The danger now contemplated
was, that a man who had been disloyal in 1837, and.
whose property was wantonly destroyed by the people
of Canada, might be compensated for the loss. The Right
Honourable Gentleman required that this should not
take effect unless there was a guarantee that no such
person would receive this compensation. It was im-
possible to draw such a line. They could draw no other
line than that which the Canadian Parliament had drawn.
The Right Hun. Gentleman said it was a question
of
races; it was no such thing. He would tell them what
it really was. It was that in this colony, as in others, a
minority was enabled, with the assistance of the Colonial-
office, to govern the majority. If this gave the Ministry
that po seer, there was no doubt this would endanger
British supremacy. The people of Canada inherited
from this country the principle that they werel to be
governed by law and the sense of the majority, which
was illustrated in the separation of the colonie4 from
this country. They should take care not to alienate the
feelings of the people of Canada from the regard which
he was bold to say they felt towards British dominion.
He would leave the question in the hands of the Houses
and he hoped there would be no more imputations upon
members of the Canadian Legislature, which had been
cast upon them in the course of the debate.
Mr. B. COCHRANE explained that he certainly had
stated that certain members of the Government of
Canada were engaged in the rebellion, whom he had
named, but he had made no indeterminate imputation
upon the legality of the Legislature. .
Mr. C. BRUCE said he deprecated that the.press,
which was supposed to be the organ of the opinions of
the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Oxford, had
held up the Government of Canada to opprobrium, he
thought that the adoption of the principles of free trade
had stimulated the proceedings which had taken place
in Canada, arising from the discontent which those prin-
ciples had excited. He thought that the discountenance
of this Bill would be attended with most injurious effects
to that colony. One would think that this indemnity
for losses in Canada had now been heard of for the first
time, while it was put forward a reward for rebel-
lion. He thought if they examined the question, they
would find it to be no such thing, and that great misre-
presentation hid been used to cause this delusion. Tho
principle of this Bill was sanctioned by successive go--
vernors of Canada. Lord Elgin was not the first
governor who sanctioned the introduction of such a
Bill. The Bill now under discussion was similar to
other Bills sanctioned by previous governors and
previous administrations, and was, in fact, more pre-
cise in its provisions. The opposition to this Bill was as
disgraceful as ever characterised the conduct of a party
seekiug to recover power. Lord Cathcart had sanctioned a
Bill for compensation, and no objection was made at that

,-T-g run,

time frena .the Colonial-office.—(Hear, hear,
sidered the picture with which the House had been in.
vourcd that night by his Right. Hon. Friend was 'not
only highly coloured, but was drawn and, shadowed out
with a very microscopic
power. His Right Hon. Friend
seemed to think that he had got hold of some mighty
monster. He (Mr. Cumming Bruce) repudiated the
distinction which had been endeavoured to be drawn,
by Hon. Gentlemen in opposition on this subject, be-
tween the acts of the Governor• General and the Govern-
ment of Canada. What the Government had done the
Governor General adopted. He believed that the Cana-
dian subjects were as loyal now as they were in 1775,
and as they were in 1812, when they turned out to a
man to vindicate the honour of the colony and the in-
tegrity of the empire. He could not agree in the state-
ment that the people of Upper Canada were opposed to
the address which had been presented to the Governor-
General, and, in his person, to her Majesty; but he be-
lieved that the Governor-General had taken that course
which he believed to be most just, and which,
.being most
just, would be attended with the most popularity.—(The
Hon. Member was here frequently interrupted by cries.
" Time, time," amidst which he resumed his seat.)
Mr. GLADSTONE rase, and said that this debate
was of so important a character that he thought it ad-
visable that the House should not be precipitate in deal-
ing with the question. He should then propose either
that the debate be adjourned to that day se'nnight, or
that his Right Hon. Friend should withdraw his motion.
Mr. HERRIES said he made his motion on the con-
dition that it the Noble Lord would give his assurance
that the Government would adopt some mode of inquiry
by which a distinction was to be drawn between the par-
ties claiming' compensation, he would not press it.
Mr. BROTHEHTON was here understood to move

the adjournment of the debate.
Lord J. RUSSELL. could not accede to the proposi-
tion of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Herries), that
he should provide some mode by which the persons who
aided in the rebellion might be distinguished, and if there
should be any mode by which the Canada Bill was to be
altered the Right Hon. Gentleman should himself find
out that mode. With respect to the motion of the Right
Hon. Gentleman the Member for Oxford, be certainly
was taken by surprise by it. But if the Right Hon.
Member would withdraw his motion, and bring forwatd
another—(Conservative cries of " No, no")—or if, on
the other hand, the Right Hon. Gentlemahwould go on,
he (Lord John Russell) thought it right that the House
should at once come to a decision upon the question; It
the House thought proper to divide he had no objection,
but if not let the debate be adjourned till to-morrow,
(this day).
Mr. DISRAELI said that proceedings of a very ex-
traordinary character had occurred in a very important
colony, and it was not to be surprised at that the House,
of Commons should take those extraordinary proceedings
into consideration. A Right Hon. Gentleman, who had ,
been Secretary for the Colonies, bad brought forward a"
motion on this sabjeet, and were they now, after having
heard the statement of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and
the reply to it of the First Minister of the Crown, to
abandon their motion? They would do nothing of the
kind, and he assured the Noble Lord that they would
neither withdraw their motion nor shrink from a
division.
Mr. V. SMITH thought that the most straightforward
course for the Right lion. Gentleman the Member for
Harwich to pursue would be to have given a formal no •
tine of his motion.
BAKES understood Mr.Brothertoh to threaten
the' adjournment of this debate, but he told that, Hon.
Gentleman, who was now, it appeared, about to appear
in a eervile character in support of the Government, that
they would not be defeated by any such attempt,
and th at if they were to divide on any question he
hoped i: would be on the question submitted by his
Right Ho.". Friend, from which, he assured the House,
they woult: not shrink.
Mr. BROTHERTON assured the Hon. Gentleman
that he did not appear in any servile character on this or
any other question; but when he was charged with giv-
ing his support to any party in that House, he thought
he was right in giving it to his own friends.—(Hear, and
much laughter.)
Mr. F. MAC KENZIE inquired when the budget
would he brought on, supposing the debate was ad-
journed ?
RUSSE'LL--On
.yriday (this day) week

1/4Cries of " Divide, divide," and much contusion.)
Lord.MAUON, tkonsidered that the Hon. Member
,or Salford would do 'well, looking at .the temper Of the
House; to renew his isiotidn.—(Cheers, arid " Oh, ob.").
The gallery was thou- cleared for a division. On our
admission we found,
Mr. DISRAELI addressing the House, and stating
that it was evidently tlie intention of the majority of th 9
House to come to a divieion-, and he ,trusted such division
vvOuld'take place.--(Cries of "'Oh, oh!" and confusionZ)
The Right Hon. Gectlerrian the Member for. StainfOrd
spoke on it ; the Hon. IStember for Sheffield, who had a
locus standi in such a debate, also spoke; and, consider-
ing that the packet was about to sail on the following
day, the question ought to be decided.
Mr. GLADSTONE solemnly and earnestly adjured
the House not to come to a decision on so vital a ques
Lion without consulting the feelings of thousands of their
fellow-subjects, who were far from them. He had sub-
mitt ed his motion because the honour of the Crown de-
manded it; but every other step taken ought not to be
taken without great deliberation, and a division
come to persons who did not hear the debate.—
(Hear, hear.) The Honourable Member for Buck-
inghamshire alluded to him • and to his state-
ment; but two-thirds of those now present did not
hear what. he said, or what fell from the 'Ncble Lord;
and if the. Hon. Member wore really anxious for the pro-
gress of public business, lie ought tolake care to do
nothing wlAich would hereafter embarrass the business of
the country..
Mr. ROEBUCK believed that a great deal of the re-
sponsibility rested with the Right Hon. Gentleman him-
self, for he must have foreseen that the necessary conse-
quence of his m otion was a division. It was not the first
time that the R.",ght Hon. Gentleman brought forward
motions of a sinailar kind and then withdrew them.
For his own pa,''t he believed many Hon. Members
went away under thm impression that no division would
take place.
The House then divided on the question of adjourn-
ment, when there appeared—
For the adjournment of the debate... 172
Against it .......................... 107
Blajority .......................... —65
The debate was then adjourned until to-morrow.
The Sunday Trading (Metropolis) Bill was read a
second time.
The Ecclesiastical Commission Bill went through
Committee and the report was ordered to be received
on Monday, the 18th inst.
The Turnpike Roads (Ireland) Bill was read a se-
cond time and ordered to committed.
The Assaults (Ireland) Bill, the General and Quar-
ter Sessions Bill, the Sewers Acts Amendment (No. 2)
Bill, the Small Debt Courts (Scotland) Bill, and the
Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Bill were severally read a
second time.
On the motion of Lord JOHN RUSSELL, the Qua-
lification and Registration of Voters (Ireland) Bill.
and - the Elections and Polling Places (Ireland) Bill,
were ordered to be read a second time that day three
months.
The amendments to the County Cess (Ireland) Bill
Were considered and agreed to.
The Loan Societies Bill went through Committee.
The Tenants at Rack Rent Relief Bill, and the At-
torneys and Solicitors (Ireland) Bill, were read a third
time and passed.
11/fr. J. O'Connell Was called upon by the SPEAKER,'
to propose the .motion of which he had given notice, re-
lative to the publicity of the proceedings of the House,
but the Hon. Member did not answer.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL then moved for the appoint-
ment of a Select Committee to consider the present prac-
tice of the House in respect to the exclusion of strirgers.
Agree,' to.
Mr. HAYTER obtained leave to bring in a Bill to
contiuue certain of. the allowances of the duty of 'Excise
on soap used in manu,netures.
Mr. NAPIER obtained leave to bring in a Bill to
amend, the law of process in the superior courts of com-
mon law in Ireland.
The House adjourned at Twenty Minutes to Two

- ST. DOAKINGO..w—THO HAGUE, JUNE 12.--LYester
day a -viosei arrived here.-from St. Domingo, bringing
the infelligence'of 'the Complete defeat of the Vaytian
military power on the frontiers of St. Domingo. The.
letters bringing this intelligence were dated April 3Q,
and state that General Santana, with an army of 800,
attacked the Hayden army on the 22d of April, at Sa-
vanna Numero, where, after a fearful slaughter, they
were completely routed. The Domingians gave no
quarter, consequently they took no prisoners of war;
but the number of the enemy's dead who remained on
the field were not less than 600. Three generals and se-
veral superior Haytian officers were killed. The Do-
mingians fought most valiantly; finding their muskets
quite useless, they' threw them down, and made an attack
sword in hand.. This unexpected attack threw the Hay-
dans into confusion. After the engagement the Hay-
tians fell back to Azera, and after reducing the' city to
teJles,- they recrossed the Haytian boundary. ! -
REPORTED APPEARANCE OS CHOLERA IN MAN-
CHESTER.--A case of cholera was reported by the police
to have occurred in Manchester on Sunday, which proved
fatal. The deceased waste man of colour, of puglistic
fame, and was known by name of Jemmy Robinson,
or Norley's Pet,"
and he was under training at the
• "
time at a beerhouSe in Redfern-street. A case is also
reported to •have occurred in Eccles, five miles from
Manchester; last wetek; but in both these instances (if
they:were real cases of Asiatic cholera) the parries ap-
pear to have predisposed themselves to such attacks by
great irregularity and imprudence in their manner of
living.
THE HoziG•KONO FEVER.—The scourge most
dreaded in China is the fever termed the Hong-
'Kong fever which has proved more fatal than
cholera morbus. 'The temperate and intemperate
become alike the victim of this dreadful fever, which ge-
nerally commences with slight head-ache, gradually
increasing until the whole head is so tender that I
no part can bear its own weight or pressure on the pillow
without agony. During the recovery from fever, the great
danger to be apprehended arises from the extreme debility,
and dysentery which invariably follow in the few cases
which have not terminated fatally; and the inroads and
ravages upon the constitution,which are made by this fever,
are terrible, the general system is shattered, and febrile
attacks frequently recur, the limbs and joints feel .debi-
litated and unable to support the weight of the body; in
fact, we conscientiously affirm, and believe, speakihg
from experience, that the constitution never regains ite
pristine vigour after an attack ,of Hong!liong
China and the Chinese. •
We regret to announce the severe indisposition of
Lord Godolphin, who, we are. -given to .understandj'i!
suffering severely from rupture of u blood-iesiolt

-THE

CA LEDO-M/1.

• We owo our readers an apology fer haVing so long
re; -4. eyed the publication of any notice .of. the above:brill.
ii'afa „festival. ,We are. happy float to.hare i'l.,in onr
power to .
e'ecerd a result far more successful to the goed
cause in whi.,h its promoters are engaged than has fallen
to our lot for sosm° years past. The receipts for, tickets
exceeded by neari,v 2501. the amount, realised at the last
anniversary, and, par' consequence, the excellent charities
in behalf of which the reunion is got up 'are propor-
tionately benefited. The ladies patroneses worked most
strenuously and successfully, and, aided by the inde-
fatigable treasurer, Captain Forbes, there was nothing left ,
undone in the entire arrangements which could by pos--
,
sibility add to the enjoyment of all those who patroniSed'
the ball.
The far-famed Willis's Rooms .vote
. - never seen :to
greater advantage. All the appliances that good to to
and profuse expenditure could- bestbw were lavis ed
iii
with an unsparing hand, and the ball-room, when it u-•
tninated and graced with the presence of the ladies int-
tronesses, presented a scene of the most gorgeous mag-
nificence. .
The ladies patronesses, true to their advertised pro-
gramme, assembled at ten o'clock. Among those preskit
we observed—
The Duchess of Norfork, the Duchess of Richmond,
the Duchess of l3uccleuch, the Duchess of Montrose, the
Duchess of Roxburghe, the Duchess of Sutherland, the
Marchioness of Ailesbury, the Marchioness of Breadal-
bane, the Lady Elizabeth Drummond, the Countess of
Morton, the Countess of Eglinton, the Countess of gin;
noull, the Countess of &afield, the Countess of Rose-
bery, the Countess of Minto, the Countess of Verulam,
the Countess of Camperdown, the Lady Blanch Balfour,
the Lady Agnes Duff, the Lady Mary Christopher, the
Lady Elcho, the Lady Dalmeny, the Lady Anne • Mac-
kenzie, the Lady Anno charteris, the Lady A. G. Hally- 1
burton; 'the Lady Willoughby de Eresby; the Lady
Ruthven, the Countess de Flahault, the Lady Cariogton,
the Baroness Stratheden, the Hon. Lady Duff, the Hon.
Mrs. Ferguson of Pitiour; Mrs. Macleod of Maeleod,,Bo.'
. The boys and girls educated in the Caledonian Asybim
arrived at the rooms at nine o'clock, and took up their.
station in 'the lower room, through which the company
passed. Their appearance, as usual, excited great inte-
rest, and we are bound to add that a more healthy set of
z' lads and lassies" we never looked upon. The stair-_ease, as usual, was lined with stalwart Highlanders, each
bearing claymores and battle. axes of Most colossal di-
meniions. The pipers of the late Duke of Sussex, the
Duke of Sutherland, the Duke of Argyll, and Captain
Forbes were also in attendance. . .
At half- past ten o'clock .the ladies patronesses' en-
tered the ball-room and took their seats on a dais at the
upper ends 4 the apartment. Their, entry, was greeted
by the band, under the direction of Herr Strauss, playing
A popular air. ..
Immediately afterwards,' '
~ ' '-
.."
THE Duenkss OF RoXEDNCHE's QUADRILLE :
was formed by the following ladies and gentlemen
Lady C. Gordon Lennox Marquis of Abercorn .
Lady A.:Gordon Lennox ; Sir James Mackenzie ! '
Lady Rachel Russell ... Marquis of Douglas
Lady Alice Douglas Marquis of Stafford:
Lady Frances Hay
Lady Elizabeth Melville Cluny Macpherson
Lady Louisa Primrose Mr. Campbell, jun. (of Iblay.)
Lady Louisa Murray ' Hon. Mr. Scarlett
Lady Charlotte Elliot Mr. Pringle . '
Lady Elizabeth Duncan
Hon. Miss De Flahault
Hon. Miss Campbell ~ Hon. Mr. Grant:•
H
on. Miss Charteris ' Sir Robert Menzies •
Miss Kennedy Erskine -
Miss -- Kennedy Erskine
Miss Whyte Melville ..
Miss Fletcher,
Miss Elphinstone Mr. Menzies
Miss Drummond Mr. Riddell
Miss Riddell...
The ladies in this quadrille were principally attired
in white, and each wore a plaid scarf over the shoulder.
Among the costumes we observed none, more elegant
than that of Lady Francis Hayi who were a wreath of
heather blossoms, and looked a perfect Highland beauty.
The gentlemen wore either the kilt or full military uni-
form; the latter perhaps predominating. The Marquis
of Abercorn, the Marquis of Douglas, Lord James Mur-
ray, -and ,11r4 Campbell (of Islay) were each_ magnifi-
cently attired in their respective plaida. • '
After this quadrille had been danced the children edu.
, cated In the Caledonian Asylum" entered",the room,
headed by the Duke ,of Roxburghe, the Marquis of
Huntley, the Marquii of Douglas, the Marquis of Aber-
corn, and Captain FoAes. , The. dense crowd which at
this time thronged every portion of tho bill-room ren-
dered it a matter of some difficulty for the little urchins
to make the circuit of the apartment. This, however,
having been at length accomplished, , ; t
The Ladies 'Patronesses' Quadrille...(Under the direcr,
sjoe.9, the Lady, ,Marian Alf`ord)-Was formed by, the
followingladies and gentlemeh:' ' ' '
Hon. Miss Macdonald
Lady Lucy Herbert
Lady Harriet Anson .... Mr. Macdonald
Lady AdelizaFitzalan Howard Earl of Fowls
Miss Sutton.
Miss Fox. Mr. Knightley
Miss Haslear . . Mr. Egerton
Lady Margaret Compton ...... Prince Richard Metternich
Princess Metternich
,Miss Ellis. . Viscount Malden , ,
Miss Wallis Lord Bateman
Lady Dorothy Fitzwilliam Viscount Eastnor
Lady Albreda Fitzwilliam Mr. Liddell
The ladies in this quadrille wore pink dresses trimmed
with white roses, a costume which had a remarkably
chaste and pretty effect.
LADY ANNE MA.CHENZIE'S REELS
were danced as follows:

Reel, No. 1.
Lady Rachel Russell...
Lady Alice Douglas

Reel, No. 2.
Lady Charlotte Elliott
Lady Elizabeth Duncan_
_Lord James Murray

Reel, No. 3.

Lady Harriet Elliot
Hon. Miss Charteris Sir Robert Menzies
Reel, No. 4.

Hon. Miss Louisa Charteris Mr. Fletcher.
Miss Elphinstene
Reel, No. 5.
Miss Ferguson (of Pitfour)
Miss Fletcher
Reel, No. 6.

Miss E. Ferguson (of Pitfour) lion. Lewis Grant
Miss Galloway ........ .... Mr. C. R. Mackenzie
Reel, No. 7.
Miss Riddell
Miss Grant (of Glenmoriston) Mr. J. S. Forbes.
The costumes of the ladies who took part in these
reels were not particularised by any especial feature,
many of the ladies having danced in the previous qua-
drille. All, however, wore the distinguishing plaid of
their respective clans. The bagpipes were led by John
Macbeth, piper to the Duke of Sutherland.
The excellent regulation of the Ladies Patronesses, to
admit no gentleman unless attired in fancy costume,
was rigidly enforced; but it is right to state that the
" Penny Post," or Windsor uniform—in other words,
a piece of red cloth sewn over the collar of the coat—
was very generally adopted by the majority of the
rougher sex.
Atter the above set dances had been gone through,
the ball was commenced by the general company, and
the festivities were kept up with so much spirit that it
was nearly five o'clock before the orchestra was allowed
to depart.
The company included a very large number of the
leading members of the aristocracy; and altogether we
do not remember a more successful reunion for some
time past.

METROPOLIS IMPROVEMENTS
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
SIR,—SO many thousands of our countrymen are ou
of employment, especially in the building trade, in this
overgrown city, and there is such a general stagnation
in the commerce and trade of the interior of our country,
that alMost any scheme for the revival of active employ-
ment for the labouring classes should be patronized by
the wealthy and respectable portion of the public. I
would beg permission, through the medium of your
journal, to advocate the resumption of a few useful and
admirable undertakings in the way of improvement and
embellishment of this metropolis, which were suspended
so impoliticly in consequence of the thoughtless, foolish,
and unnecessary panic that pervaded all classes three
years back, when the best and most legitimate specula-
tions were stopped in the vortex of the most ruthless and
shamefully fraudulent schemes ; when ruin fell upon
thousands, and a certain few made princely fortunes.
Of ornamental and highly useful projects, I would
strongly advocate the revival of the Holborn-bridge
Company, the Bank of England Approaches Company,
and the Regent's Canal Railway Company.
With respect to the first of these projects, u, spacious
viaduct from the summit of Skinner-street, to cross
the valley to Holborn-hill, on a level with New-gate-
street, might be a very great ornament to the City,
an immense saving of thousands of valuable horses, and
so great a convenience to the public as to be almost in-
appreciable. Ask the tired male and female pedes-
trians when they are dragging their weary limbs on a
hot sunny day up these hills what they think Of the
scheme ? Ask the heavy-laden porter whether he would
prefer the half measure of Ilfr. Jeffrey's plan for raising
the ground sixteen feet, or the level viaduct of twenty-
five feet ? Who can doubt his answer. It would be,
" Give me the viaduct."
With respect to the Bank Approaches Company, if it
were now revived and a compromise come to between
the City and their opponents on this subject, the enter-
prise could not fail of meeting with public favour and
support, and turning out a very successful improvement.
The plan was to form a couple of spacious arcades be-
tween Lothbury and London Wall, having a glazed roof,
shops on the ground floor, and counting-houses and
sleeping apartments above ; it would bo a general and
cheerful rendezvous and attraction to thousands obliged
to visit the City for business in wet weather, or for
pleasure when dry.
Nothing appears more incongruous to a foreigner, or to
a visitor from the provinces, than those narrow, crooked,
dark, inconvenient, ill-ventilated, and miserable:lo? king
lanes (Little Bell-alley, Sic. &c.), in close proximity to
the handsome national builhdileings
thee
prank
ed passag es
of England
and Royal Exchange ; wos
would form a splendid communication with Finsbury-
square and Circus.
With respect to the Regent's Canal Railway, the Bill
was opposed in Parliament through the di-like to the
line entering the private grounds and gardens in the
Regent's Park. Now it would answer every purpose if
y_ went no further than to the vicinity of
tchuomrbaeirl
whit:id-market. A railway along the Regent's
Canal is much wanted for the thousands of daily pas-
sengers who would go to the Park, the Polytechnic,
and other attractions thereabouts, which would pay well
for its construction, but who never will be tempted to
go so far out of their way as to travel by the Birming-
ham and East India. Junction Railway.
• • COMOS.