The Sun.
London, England, 1831-08-23 00:00:00

CONTRACT FOR IRISH BEEF AND PORK.
VICTUALLING OFFICE, JULY 30, 1831.
1,1,E Commissioners for Victualling his
TuEsdaiesty's Navy do hereby give notice that on
b `1• the 13th day of S2ptember next, they will
treet-eadY oreceive 'readers in writing (sealed up), and
Iltitsfi'r the supply to this depaLtment of a quantity of
13E,„," SALT MEAT, equal to 4-,000
and Navy Tierces of
10,000 Navy Tierces of POiK,- on Aeparate
v enders, all to be cured in the editing mtason, lo ,be
deli-
rered seven eight parts parts thereof in Tierces, and the
tnaining one-eighth part thereof in Barrels, into his Ma-
p3itY's Victualling Stores at Deptford, Portsmouth, and
bilYrficuti3, in such proportions as shall hereafter be agreed
otheoae half thereof by the 28th day of February, and the
par half on or before the 31st day of May, 1832, to be
hfteritanr.tets usual by bills without interest, payable 60 days
'" •
(
if'iue conditions of the Contract may be seen at this
by applying to W. Alves, E,q , Agent for the
4
c..'t,toi tualling at Cork, or to the Collectors of his Majesty's
144ns
at Limerick, Belfast, Waterford, and Newry,
r to the Secretary to the Postmaster-General at Dublin
1,:o tender for a less quantity than shall be equal to 300
Initrteeri o 1 Beef, or to 300 Tierces of Pork, will he ad-
at ' and each Tender must specify the price in words
app?gth, and be delivered before One o'clock on the day
two inted, and must be accompanied by a letter signet by
the respectable persons engaging to become bound with
ke ?arty tendering in a penal sum equal to one third of
o,t-°lount of the Contract for the due performance of the
It is
01,11- to be expressly understood that the Tenders for
Dorkeef are to be distinct and separate from those of the
Th,
Lit b.,
14' P,ef, rson who makes the tender, or some person on
must attend to answer when called for.
_ M. WALLER CLIFTON.

LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 23, 1831.

No. i 23.52.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

CHOLERA.
PAPERS relative to this DISEASE, by the
BOARD of HEALTH.
Printed by authority of the Lords of his Majesty's
Council for the information of the Public.
Winchester and Varnham, 61, Strand ; and sold by all
Booksellers, price One Shilling.

uency. Its principle, therefore, involves a two-fo'•
)peration, both tending to the one object—keel:Jon
of election. To attain this great object it wa,
is necessary to break down as to reconstruct. A
neasure of Reform which only effected the de-
molition of the rotten boroughs would have been but
A half measure. A plan which only went to create an
Additional number of independent voters, without
cutting off the rotten boroughs, would also be
a half measure. No real and effective Reform could
result from either. Ministers by their Bill proposed
to combine both, and thereby give the country the
benefit of a full and efficient plan of Reform. It
must be owned that Ministers did not, from the be-
ginning, choose the simple and obvious means of
effecting this plan of Reform which were within
their reach. They preferred operating by a more
complicated machinery than a reference to the an-
cient Constitution of the country could have sup.
plied. The diversity of qualification with which
they doled out the elective franchise was calculated
introduce confusion into a system already toc
con..,,sed, and to encumber the exercise of that va-
luable franchise with vexatious litigation. Still the
goodness of the principle induced us to be in-
dulgent towards the defects in the details.
We wished not to stay the force of that
axe which appeared to be uplifted against the
roots of the tree of corruption, because it
did not seem to us to be wielded in the most
scientific manner. We would rather have seen the
" flourishing rottenness" that overlaid the Constitu-
tion cut down clumsily than not cut down at all.
But now that the principle of the Bill has been
broken in upon—first, by the division of counties;
and, secondly, by giving the elective franchise to
tenants at will, we can no longer look upon the mea-
sure as the same which we had front the beginning
strenuously and sincerely advocated. We have not
changed our opinion of the Bill, but the Bill itself is
changed. It is no longer the same measure, in fa-
vour of which public opinion had so powerfully de•
dared itself. It is, in fact, no longer " the Bill, the
whole Bill, arid nothing but the Bill !" Whatever I
special pleading there may be on the subject, com-
mon sense tells us that tenants at will can have no
will of their own. Why do landlords at any time
prefer tenants at will to tenants with the fixed
and determinate interest of a lease ? Simply
because they know that the former are in a
state of complete subserviency to their wishes,
and the latter are, to a greater or less extent,
independent of them. It is true that to get rid
of such a tenant, a landlord must give six months'
notice, ending with the year of tenancy ; and it is
equally true, that in some cases a litigious tenant
may baffle his landlord's efforts to dispossess him for
a year and a half; but how few will incur this
vexatious, or, perhaps, ruinous, contention with
their landlords, for the sake of giving an independent
vote ? If there should be a few independent ex-
ceptions, they will, indeed, only prove the rule of
the general subserviency. The Marquis of Chandos,
in proposing the extension of the elective franchise
to farm tenants at will, knew of course that he was
not aiding the Reform Bill, but serving the cause
of Anti-Reform. His Lordship has been, from the
beginning, a frank, determined, and manly opponent
of the Bill. He has•never disguised his sentiments
on the subject. He declared his hostility to it on
the hustings, and, in endeavouring to neutralize it,
he has acted consistently. But have they acted con-
sistently who obtained the people's suffrages at the
last election on the pretence of supporting; the Re-
form
Bill ? The Marquis of Chandos is an avowed
enemy, who makes his attack after a declaration
of war—not so those false friends of Reform .who
voted with him, and who took advantage of the
Popular excitement in favour of Reform to get into
Parliament upon false pretences. It is easy to guard
against an open enemy, but we have no protection
against the blow aimed by a treacherous friend.
The people gave an unsuspecting confidence to the
professed advocates of Reform, who deceived them,
but it will be their own fault if they are deceived
again. If property be made a basis of the elective
franchise, where is the property of tenants at will
They have none whatever. Their name implies
that they hold whatever they occupy at the will
of another. The whole of the forty-shilling free-
holders of Ireland were disfranchised because they
were not sufficiently independent. Yet their pro-
perty, such as it was, was for life. They used to
be driven to the hustings like cattle to the market by
their landlords, until the paramount influence of the
priesthood caused them to rebel—that is, to vote
independently of their landlords ; and then—what
then ? They were disfranchised; a good lesson to
the tenants at will in England, if ever they should
become refractory, like the forty-shilling freeholders
of Ireland ; but this cannot occur, as there is no
priesthood in England that has a greater influence
over them than their landlords possess. The farm-
tenants of the DOke of Buckingham are tenants at
will, and he owns a considerable part of the county
of which he is Lord Lieutenant. His Grace has,
obvious interest in obtaining the elec-
tenants at will. A Morning Paper
says ere not defeated on the notion of
therefore,itsti :seer
Ministers
. w
Lord Chandos. If they were not defeated, they
must have compromised the principle of the Bill. If
they did not compromise it, they may in a great
measure retrieve it yet, by giving to all householders
in the counties the right of voting without any
wher qualification than paynrrnt of h.res. Nothing
short of this will avail.—Morning

It is a vain delusion of the Tories and their diur-
nal minions of the Press, that the displeasure avowed

by the honest advocates of Reform at certain votes
which have recently passed the House of Commons,
viz., that for qualifying tenants at will, and that lot
breaking up the independent interest in counties,—
t we say, a vain and drivelling imagination, that
such a sentiment proceeds from, or in any manner
,!onnected with an hostile policy towards the King's
\linisters. The desperate boroughtnonger may de-

On the Ist of September will be published,
THE FAMILY LIBRARY, No. XXIV.
containing the LIFE of Sir ISAAC NEWTON.
By DAVID BREWSTER, L.L.D. F.R.S.
John Murray, Albemarle-street.

sire, but the people do not, that Ministers, by meanly
abdicating the Government, should betray at once, a
trust the most sacred, and a cause the most glorious
that ever was confided to a band of English states-
men. We touch upon this matter for eo other reason
but that weare aware of the manoeuvres practised with
characteristic diligence by the subaltems of the Tory
faction in all the societies to which they have ac-
cess, and seconded by the fallen spirits of the Press,
with a view entirely to misrepresent and discolour
the essential principles by which the friends of
Reform have been governed in their frank disap-
proval of the concessions made (we think needlessly,
and therefoie weekly) by Lord Grey's colleagues in
the House of Commons to the harassing demands
of the Tories. To deny that the votes on tenants
at will and on ceunty divisions were utterly incon-
sistent with the general purport of the Bill, and
pregnant with consequences the most embarrassing
and pernicious, would, in us, and those who thought
with us, have been a fraud upon the country. But to
assert, on the other hand, or to hear, without flatly
contradicting it, that such incidents in the passage
of the Bill through Parliament, could so vitiate
a reforming, though not infallible Administration,
as to open even one distant ray of hope for
the Tories,—that the people of England would for-
get the main distinction between Reform and Anti-
Reform, and listen patiently to a grave proposal for
bringing back intootlice the surviving representatives
of a faction to which the empire stands indebted for
more than half a century of systematic misrule,—
is more than befits the patience of that man who
has one spark of reasoning faculty or of upright feel-
ing with him. No, the liberal Ministers may go
partially wrong, and be assailed, yea, sorely vexed,
by the remonstrances, complaints, arid chidings of
those Reformists who anticipate gloomily the effects
of their occasional unskilfulness ; but the Tory fac-
tion had better put it out of their heads, that because
Lord Althorp might now and them employ his force
more like a practised workman, there will therefore
be any disposition among Englishmen to renew the
old experiments with Messrs. Herries, Dawson, and
Co. That day, we guess, is over. In the mean
time it must not he concealed that the blunders in-
grafted on the Bill have borne sad fruits throughout
the more intelligent parts of the country population,
as well as near home. We shall insert to-morrow
(as we have no room to-day) an able and im-
portant letter from " A Forty-shilling Freeholder,"
who describes the circumstances on which the
county division clause will have to act in many parts
of England, and the ruinous consequences of its
operation. After showing that the oligarchy have
not in the late election ventured to face the nu-
merous instructed and active constituency of the
manufacturing counties, and that all the great
counties—such as York, Lancaster, Devon, Durham,
Gloucester, Leicester, Stafford, Wilts—have fought
and achieved their independence, the "Forty-shilling
Freeholder" goes on to a-1; what have been the
general nominations of " Huntingdon, Westmore-
land, Monmouth, Rutland ? Whom have the
Welsh counties deputed, and who have been the
hungry and never-satisfied nominees of the Scorch
fens ?" Under open voting we gather from him that
the Parliamentary conduct of a Member might
be measured almost infallibly by the number of
his constituents. " Terminate the county fran-
chise of the town freeholders—divide the coun-
ties into halves—enfranchise the tenantry (at
will) of the landholders, without the ballot—
and air overwhelming power will be given to
the aristocracy, not merely in the counties
to be divided, but in all the counties of Eng-
land, Scotland, and Wales." Thus, take off
the town votes of Worcestershire, and divide the
county—what happens ? Lords Beauchamp and
Foley will between them return the four Members.
Divide Lincolnshire—Lord Yarborough nominates
two Members out of four, and Lord Monson one or
two others, as an indemnification for Gatton. Lord
Warwick does as much in Warwick county, though
the intelligent freemen of Otte town dismissed his
brother from the hustings. The Marquis of Hert-
ford and Sir George Chetwynd pick the other moiety
of Warwickshire to the bone. The Duke of De-
vonshire returns for one half of the county of Derby.
The Barings for an equal portion of the two coun-
ties of Hants and Devon. Our correspondent pro-
ceeds with u series of useful—we trust they may
yet be turned to use—useful calculations upon the
actual numbers of freeholders in other counties,
and, to our judgment, proves beyond all gee,.
flaiotanl, telitito,iiseieonotfvii‘llierninbeerr,seryofinpstaartlticaem,
ebnet
ttohittitre theirfre e
by the people. Upon the tendency of the two in-
auspcious changes thus made in the original struc-
ture of the Bill, to produce a demand for the ballot
because it, is our trust and firm persuasion that the
majority of tire House of Commons will yet revise
their vote, arid not drive the people to ways anti
means which are really unknown to the practice of
the Constitution, and perhaps inconsistent with its
spirit. When we are charged with turning round
upon the Bill which we first so strenuously sup-
ported (and do now support more strenuously
than ever ; but that by the by), it ought to be in-
quired into tvhe.ther the Bill may not have turned
round upon itself. The first intent of the Bill gave
the county franchise to none but independent electors
—copyholders of ten pounds, and leaseholders for a
term of not less than twenty-one years offifty pounds;
next came the short term of seven years, and last en
term at all. Then there was to be—what all the intel-
ligent world considered a great public good—a re-
duction in the gross number of the House of Com-
tnotis, of upwards of 70 Members. But all these
Retiorms were subsequently unreformed,—a vast
addition was made to the number of county repre-
sentatives,—and vast pains have been taken that
the nomination of these should be confined to the
will and pleasure of the Aristocracy. After such a
catalogue of metamorphoses in the Bill, shall the
unbiassed portion of the Press be blamed for marking
them out to public notice, and avowing that the
support of the measure, as now modelled, rests on
grounds in some respects very different from those
whereon it formerly depended ? We repeat it,
Bill ought to be well purged of the impurities
with which the Tories have contrived, and have
been suffered, to load it. But again—these same
Tories need not fancy that by attaching some small
discredit to the Minister, they gain any benefit for
themselves : none whatever.—Times.
There can be no doubt that a most serious blow
has been struck against the pinciple of the Reform
Bill, by the success of the motion which gives the
right of voting to faun tenants at Olt, paying air
annual rent of tifty pounds. Any man who denies
this must be ignorant of what the principle of the
Bell is, or he must have a hardihood of assertion,
which he of the bronze forehead and ivory hammer
who graces the rostrum of a mock auction might
envy. What is the principle of the Bill ? To de-
stroy' a dependent and create an independent confAi-

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In ;I
sr, e,w (lays will be published, in Svc). price 10,s. 6d.
tt M 0 NS, preached in St. James's Chapel,
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By the Rev. C. BRADLEY,
Sold . Vicar of Glasbury, Brecknockshire.
°Y Hamilton, Adams, and Co., Paternoster-row.
PR, By the same,
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e
fs
last
the
night. Deacles
The waspe
tagainit tion wiraosuogrhdterbeforeordered
t to
was understood that further pro-
ceedings
have been severe sufferers from the
the petitioners a
alNisdthiitch we have inserted at length, that
cbeeediiigs.should take place. It would appear from
language used printed,
ed in speaking of them in Parliament.—
:eel'
phi The
petition,
asmes
We say nothing now of theconducts on
of the Baring,
because they may be considered as
but really it is not easy to find a j;,tstineation for the
conduct, of Mr, etjeaot Wilde, who, without
knowing anything of the conduct of the Deacles but
what he had picked up from depositions,and without
knowing anything of those who made Ce depositions,
and whether the depositioms were true or false, took
it upon him to pronounce them guilty, and thus, in
a manner, to outlaw them, for no landlord would let
a farm to such a person as he repasented Deacle to
be. As to the retaining the money of those whom
he thus condemned, we attach no importance to it,
because every profession has its own morality, and
the morality
moneymorali
tyof the Bar rigorously forbids the
anyre-
assQuamed thatrouans fdawelti,aftoervewriißichuthleieboaudgilliot
not to have
other evidence than what turned out to be utterly
worthless, and was in conzequencedisbelieved—aJury
finding in accordance with the views of the Judge.
Col. Evans is entitled to peat praise for his persever-
ance in this affair. For the sake of all parties, both
Magistrates and petitioners, the matter must be fur-
ther, inquired into. By the bye, Mr. Francis Ba-
ring s inference from the discrepancies in the state-
ment of circumstances between the witnesses at the
trial, and, the 4tatement in the petition, that no
credit was due to either, was not a legitimate one.
As a Magistrate, he ought to know something more
of the rules for judging of evidence. Any barrister
would toil him that nothing is more sv.picious in
evidence than the complete coincidence in minute
particulars of a number of witnesses to a transac-
tion. It affords presumption of concert and con-
spiracy. The most that we can ever have in evi-
denee is an approximation to certainty, and the sum-

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PRICE 7D.

ming up, as it is called, is an endeavour to ascertain
.he points as to which the witnesses are agreed,
Ind in the points on which they disagree, to esti-
mate the relative force of the testimonies, and to
weigh them against each other. There are few per-
sons who will not subscribe to the opinion of Sir
F. Burdett, " that the power exercised by Ma2is-
crates generally requires great vigilance." The
peace of the country must be preserved—criminals
must be punished—but it is necessary at the same
•ime to guard against any wanton encroachments on
the rights of subjects, any undue hardship in en-
forcing the laws.—Morning Chronicle.
The discussions respecting the yeomanry of Ire-
land must impress on all who are capable of any
degree of reflection the precariousness of the tenure
by which Ireland is held. The declarations that the
safety of Ireland is bound up with the maintenance
of a yeomanry, composed exclusively of Protestants,
amounts to this—that the Catholics are not to be
trusted ; and when men are told that they are not
to be trusted, they seldom fail to prove that the
character is not undeserved. The worst of the
[natter is that we can see no end to the evil, which
perpetuates itself in a more and more aggravated
form. The existence of a Protestant yeomanry
must continually add to the irritation and disaffection
of the Catholics, and the irritation and disaffection
of the Catholics must render the Government more
dependent on the Protestants. Better far than
continue this policy, would it have been to make
perpetual Helots of the Catholics, to allow no man
professing that belief to acquire property, or acquire
knowledge ; because then the task of coercion would
have been more easy. Why were they suffered to
obtain property, to obtain the elective franchise, to
obtain an entrance into the Legislature and high
places, if a system is to be persevered in with regard
to them, which must provoke their indignation,
while they have additional power tomake it be felt?
Last night Earl 'Wicklow, alluding to the reports of
conferences of the Irish Members with Earl Grey,
observed that—

" The Ministry had brought into the other House a
most unconstitutional Bill (the Irish Arms' Bill), which
was another proof that they felt alarmed for the peace of
t!.e country. But that Bill had now lain dormant for a
month, and he concluded that the country was now consi-
dered to be in a peaceable state ; and if it was, they owed
that to the yeomanry alone.—(Hear, hear.) He looked
with the most serious apprehensions to the effects which
these reports were calculated to produce on the minds of
the Irish yeomanry, and in Ireland generally. On the part
of the yeomanry of the north of Ireland, these rumoured
projects would be met with contempt, and a determination
not to oppose but to counteract them, and to organize them-
selves into an irresponsible body. In other parts of Ire-
land, where Protestants were few, a still greater alarm
would be created. In these counties some of the yeomanry
were Catholics, but most of them were Protestants, and
when deprived of their security, they might be driven by
despair to abandon their country."

here we have a threat that the Government dare
not interfere with the Irish yeomanry—that the yeo-
manry are too powerful for the Government, and will
only obey such laws as are agreeable to them. We
do not wonder that Earl Grey should observe, that
" with respect to his opinion as to which was the
most constitutional mode of pr; serving the public
peace, whether by a yeomanry force, or by an in-
crease of the standing army, he would say, that if
the peace of Ireland were to be lamentably dis-
turbed—and lamentable the effect must be, if it
should be disturbed—he should prefer an increase
of the military police, or of the standing army, to the
existence of these corps.—(Hear, hear.)" Then
why not trust to a military police and a standing
army ? A military police and a standing army are,
no doubt, a heavy expence; but the expence
would be temporary, for the causes of the irri-
tation being removed, it is to be hoped that the
effects would cease, and that the prosperity and

. . .
improvement of the country would gradually blend
Catholics and Protestants into one nation. the Ca-

tholics could see no humiliation in the employ-
ment of a military force. English and Scotch soldiers
would not share the party spirit that divides Ireland.
They would be impartial. But the wounds of the
Catholic must continually rankle so long as he sees
the Protestant alone armed, and armed professedly
fur his coercion. The Catholics must be less than
men if this treatment do not fill them with discon-

tent. If it be of importance to retain Ireland con-
nected with us, it must be of importance to
guish a spirit which renders the tenure of Ireland
precarious in the extreme. There must be two na-
tions in Ireland so long as the Protestant only has
arms, and the Catholic sees himself viewed as irre.
coverably disaffected, and kept down only by the
presence of the Protestant. Time, therefore, in-
stead of healing the divisions, can only inflame
them. Earl Grey's answer pleased Lord Wicklow,
and it pleased the Marquis of Londonderry i but we
know wham it will not please, anti we regret that
his Lordship should conceive liitoself driven to the
necessity of relying for the possession of Ireland on
Protestants along,

" At that meeting (the second alluded to by Lord
Wickl.)w) nothing more was stated than that some new
rei,ulations might be applied to the yeomanry, into the
details of which he would not at present enter. But this
he would say, that nothing was in contemplation which
could properly be considered Cs in the least degree an insult
on the yeomanry, or as calculated to hurt that sense of
honour which they justly entertained, or to detract from
the merit and value of their services,"

These observations will sink deep—his Lordship
may depend on it they will not soon be forgotten.
It may be true, as the Marquis of Londonderry ob-
served, " that the declaration would do a great deal
of good (in another quarter) and quiet the minds of
many gentlemen o_f property." But large landowners
and tithe-receivers do alone furnish that security on
which a Government ought to rest. As to the
yeomanry, they ate 01/. .3 mere tools of the Protestant
Church.— 3I Chronicle.

The 21st clause, by far the most important of the
constructive clauses of the Mil, comes on for dis-
cussion this evening, together with the extraordinary
proviso therein contained, that the elective franchise
shall not be exercised by householders whose rents
are made payable more frequently than once in
every half-year. The deceit and prevarication prac-
tised with regard to this clause has been already sui-
t liciently exposed and can never be forgotten : it has
been undeniably sliewir by the testimony of Mr.
Gregson, who drew up the Bill, that the pleas of
inadvertance or ignorance were both false ; the
country knows the insertion of the famous proviso
to have been the deliberate act of the Ministry—
that it is a provision against which Mr. Gregson
earnestly protested, and upon which the framers of
the Bill insisted, after its etleet had been cleady
pointed out to them. ,`they in their calm and deli-
beratejudpeen t considered this provision an improve-
ment, as tending to give to property that due influ-
ence of which it wauid otherwise be deprived—
a policy obviously distasteful to their radical sup-
, porters, and in fact treacherous towards that party,
but which they hoped neve“heless to infuse into the
Bill, and thus cheat the no-property men out of
their promised and expected prey. We concur
with the Ministry in consitlering the proviso, on the
principle above voted, a decided iteerovement on
the Bill; so think also the Tory party in Parliament.
If then that party be true to themselves they will
strenuously oppose its erasure from the clause,
arid, whenever it may come under consideration,
we earnestly hope they will do so. The position of
the Whig (riovernment has been awkward enough
on many leading questions, but any ground the)
may attempt to take on this particular point will bi