The Sun.
London, England, 1838-05-19 00:00:00

would ~and or fall. That impression was decidedly

'—'mown that the Government did
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erroneous, and it should be genereo,
not view it in tlott, light themselves ; and be hoped they Mut... --
with the same determined opposition from the Government when the
question again came forward for discussion. To that, however,,they
ought not to trust too much. As there were only two days left them,
he hoped that all parties would make the most strenuous exertions
among those members with whom they were acquainted. It had been
stated in a country newspaper, that the delegates had been called toge-
ther for the last time--he hoped such was the case, and that it would not
be necessary for them to meet again ; but he thought it unnecessary to
say that they were determined to persevere in their exertions, until the
question was finally carried—(Cheers.) After making a few compli-
mentary allusions to their friend the late Zechariah Macaulay, for his
exertions in the cause of negro emancipation, Mr. Sturge concluded by
calling upon all the friend; of the cause to redouble their efforts, until
they were ultimately triumphant.
WILLIAM ALLEN, Esq., had great pleasure in moving the reomlution.
He viewed with great comfort and satisfaction so respectable an assem.
bly as this, coming together with no interested views, no party propen-
sities to gratify, but merely collected together for the cause of humanity ;
and they would pledge themselves, as long as. Providence favoured them
with health, and strength, and ability, to follow up this great cause—to
endeavour to convince the great mass of the people who were at present
ignorant of the nature of the question—to show them the enormities of
the system—to bring it out to the light. They ought to be dealers
in fassts, which spoke powerfully and to the heart. It would be recol-
lected that many years hack a great body of the people of this country,
who were religiously inclined, had never heard of the horrors of the
stave trade, of the enormities of the Middle Passage, or of the
oppressions going on in the West India Islands.—(Hear, hear.) But
when these things were brought to light, they rose up as one man
to derriaild the interference of the Government to put a stop to such
enormities. The great business of the friends of humanity was to asso-
ciate together, to accumulate facts, to le; ing them before the public ;
and he had full confidence in that generods feeling which pervaded the
breasts of the people of England—in that love of liberty and of justice
which was so natural to them, that they would respond cheerfully to the
representations that were made. But they must have facts to go upon,
and these they had in abundance. Their course was
this
plain. It
was to go on steadily and temperately, not mixing case up with
riny politidal matter that would tend to vitiate it. Let them take their
ground on Christian feeling, humanity, and justice, and he hoped their
'- seconded by the God of Justice.
efforts wOtra 0f...
• -a •• seconded the resolution.
Dr. BARRY of Edinburgh brit, must afford
The Rev. THOMAs SCALES supported the reao..._ -.•ee and m-
all who were eohhoeidd With this movement peculiar _
couragement during the period they had bderl ter find that io
whatever light their efforts might be regarded in some quarters,
throughobt the whole cothitry they had been responded to. This was a
pretty strong proof of the strength of the position which had been taken.
He trusted they would go to work cordially and lierirfily; and that no-
thing would be wanting to bring to an immediate termination those eeils
under which the colonies had so long groaned;—(Applause.)
The Rev. Mr. &curse', of Birmingham, thought the suggestion of
Mr. Allen ought to be particularly attended to—that all the gentlemen
present ihOuld be fairrtishediwith documents upon the different subjects
under contemplation, so that when g Membet expressed any doubt on a
particular subject, they might be prepared with en Answer. (Hear.)
Lord Melbourne at the last interview with the delegates gave them
credit for good intentions, and claimed the same for himself. He (Mr.
B.) could not give credit for good intentions to people who invariably
joined in refusing redrese to the oppressed, and sanctioned their op-
pressors.—(Hear, hear ) He could give fifty instances where cases of
this kind had been brought forward, but in no single instance had they
taken the side of the weak against the strong. With such conduct as
this before him, he could not give credit for good intentions.—(Hear.)
I see no security that an Administration who lend themselves to
a system of injustice and oppressiou with respect to the col o-
nial slaves, or any other class of people, would not be equally
reedy to deprive us of our liberty, our property, or even our lives,
if any idea of villaneus expediency should put it into their heads.
Mr. Wiesoet said that in the suggestion which lie had thrown out he
had not intended to put a stop to the expression of 4e.ntiments, but only.
to let it be understood that the present was not a long. speech.nlO.YinS:
meeting.—(Cheers.)
Professor EDGAR (of Belfast) wished to hear the resolutions liaised at
the last meeting of the delegates, as he could not vote for a resolution
confirmatory of them without knowing what they were.
Mr. CREWOSON (of Kendal) understood that the resolutions of this
day were only preparatory, and that there would be a meeting held in
the great hall, at which Lord Brougham had consented to preside.
SetricoE said that the resolutions of the last meeting were not at
hand ; but they were sent for, and in the mean time the meeting would
have some observations from their friend Geo. Thompson.—(Applause.)
Mr. G. 'firosiesoN (who was greeted with vehement applause) then
came forward and said—Sir, I know that we are met here this morning
for the purpose of working instead of speaking, and I would not intrude
myself upon your attention for a moment; but for a command which
was last night laid upon me that I should occupy the meeting for a
few moments, in stating the objections which are urged against the
accomplishment of our hearts' deep desire; and that I should sugges',
as briefly as possible, satisfactory answers to those objections. The
value of such an address seemed to he this—if gentlemen would be kind
enough to listen, and to endeavour to remember whatever there might
be in it worthy of recollection, they might be prepared in their inter-
course with Members of Parliament to give pithy answers to the objec •
tions which may be alleged against that line of conduct which
ewe, as Christian men, think it our duty to press upon our
epresentatives in both Houses of the Legislature of this land.
will not now abuse the privilege I now enjoy by any lengthened ob.
nervations, least of ad, merely of a declaratory or a declamatory charac-
ter. I may be permitted to observe, however, that I rejoice to find
myself once more among the rational friends of human freedom.--
(Hear, hear.) Since we were last assembled in this Hall, I have been
permitted in myjeurneyings on behalf of this cause, to behold the sue
blime spectacle of an entire nation rallying its moral energies for that
purpose of coming up again, not only without dismay, but without distrust
to the great work of rescuing from unjust bondage and unpaid labour
800,000 of our fellow-subjects; and thousands of those our fellow.
Christians.—(Cheers.) One thing delights me much, to observe the ef-
forts made to' divest the question altogether of a party political corn.
plexion.—!Hear, hear.) I have seen men of the strongest feelings and
most determined partialities abandoning for an hour in this glorious
'cause, every predilection, however long and dearly cherished, for time
purpose of advancing the great principles of Christian morality, upon
which that cause is founded, and which, if carried into the
Legislature of the land, would work the speedy destruction, not only of
this abomination, but of those many abominations which have obtained
in the various portions of the British dominions.— (Cheers.) We have
been amply repaid fir all that we have done and suffered in this cause,
by what, has been accomplished to the present time, without considering
the achievement which we trust is within our reach.—(Cheers.) I will
now proceed to notice the objections which have been urged, particularly
in the Imperial Legislature, and especially in the House of Commons,
against immediate abolition. The first objection is one made by Lord
Melbourne at our first interview, and since frequently urged in both
Houses of Parliament—that the preseot system " works well,"
'that (in Lord Melbourne's words)—" the system works auspiciously."
(Hear, hear.) That cases of cruelty are the exceptions and not the
rule—that kindness is the rule and not the exception. To this state.
merit we snake this brief reply. First, we refer to the tables of punish-
merit that have arrived in this country, not furnished by the
friends of the negroes, but by paid functionaries who, upon their
oath furnish to the Governor of the Colonies a return petiodically of
the punishment they themselves inflicted. In the second place, Sir
Lionel Smith has declared that in the island of Jamaica the negro has
been treated in a way as to render the colony liable to the reproach of
the slave being in a worse condition than in the days of slavery.—
(Hear.) Sir George Grey says that the cases of cruelty are one in a
thousand, and that when they have been found out they have been
corrected. How comes it to pass, then, that you have deemed it neces-
sary to bring in a Bill applicable to every colony—taking no-
tice of a vast variety of abuses—the flogging of women
—the denial of food--the punishment of persons by confinement in
hospitals—the obstruction of special magistrates—and arming with a
despotism your representatives in the Colonies.—(Hear, hear.) Then
comes another objection, the strongest I believe that has been taken—
" there is a contract in the way, you cannot come at the accomplish-
ment of your object without a breach of National faith." To this we
reply, that the gentlemen in the country are not agreed as to the exis.
tence of a contract.—(Cheers.) Some regard it as a law. Lord Brougham,
Lord Denham, Lord Seaforth, ant Mr. O'Connell, three of them lawyers,
and the other a distinguished West Indian planter, say there is no con-
tract.—(Cheers.) The Duke of Wellington, Lord Glenelg, Sir Edward
Sugden, and Sir George Grey, declare that the Act of Parliament
though not technically a contract, is virtually a contract, and is to
be regarded as such. To this, we reply, it ought to be set aside
on the ground that the parties most interested in the provision of this
contract were never consulted.—(Cheers.) That tens of thousands, and
hundreds of thousand;, are adults, and were adults in 183*; yet they
were never consulted—they were not even treated as a child of 14 years
old is treated in this country. They were never asked whether they
liked their masters after trial—whether they were willing to quit the
roofs of their parents, and become the servants and apprentices of cer-
tain parties. That whereas 800,000 human beings for whom the con-
tract was entered into, were never consulted, and therefore ought
not to be made to abide by a contract in which their liberty
and their comforts was involved.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.)
In the next place we say that the contract has been grossly, systemati-
cally, and universally violated by the planters, either as individuals or
iu their legislative capacity. And here I stand on the highest ground
for taking one of these greatest colonies, the Mauritius or the Indian
Ocean, British Guiana, or the South coast of America and Jamaica, con-
taining three-fourths of our whole negro population, this contract has
been violated ; and even irthe nation contracted—which I deny—the
nation and the Parliament is at once released, and may proceed to do
whatever they please to do, as though the contract had never been
entered into at all. Then we say, in the next place, that in your own
Bill you furnish us with proof; of the violation of your contract; for
if that Bill was necessary—if it was not a waste of parchment, time, and
talent—if they have not called upon both Houses of Parliament to legis-
late in vain—nay, more, if you have not placed yourselves in the position
of foul traducers of the planter; and assemblies of the colonies, then thatßill,
if there had been no other document in the world, is a proof to every
candid mind that the colonies have violated the former Bill, for it makes ar-
rangents made by the former Bill ; and if they had not been violated,
and the existing arrangements found insufficient, why should it be neces-
sary now to confer despotic power upon the Governor and the Special
Magistrates. Then, 1 say, that Lord Glenelg's Bill itself violates the
contract. It rescinds certain clauses of the former Bill, and some of
the most reasonable and important too. I refer to the 13th clause of
the former Bill, which gave the planter a right to the uncompensated
services of these children whom he had maintained in tneir infancy,
until they were 21 years old. This seemed to be reasonable as between
the planter and the child, but not between the country and the child.
Now time 3f4th clause of the new Bill annihilates the 13th clause of the
old Act, and takes all these children out of the hands of the planters in
1840, without giving him one penny of compensation.—( Hear, hear.)
Now, if the Bill violates the contract with reference to children, as-
iurelly we may set it aside with respect to hundreds of thousencis of
adults who for four years gave everything and received nothing.
Then I say that even granting there is a contract, still we say that inas.
much as it is essentially immoral, it is essentially invalid.—(Much
cheering.) That inasmuch as it goes to take the labour of unoffending
human beings from them, and transfer that labour, without wages, to
men who have no righteous title to it, we cannot be parties to sushi a con-
tract—we never asked for it and never assented to it; and whatever
difficulties are to be overcome—whatever legislation may be necessary—
whatever disgrace may be attached to parties, at any expense, at all
hazards, the contract must be set aside before the paramount claims of
justice.—(Cheers.) We deny time competency of the Imperial Isey,isla.
lure to take the liberty of 800,000 fellow-citizens without giving them
any righteous recompense, as we deny the right to ourselves to seize our
brother by the throat in the streets, and constrain him to perform ser-
vices without hire. We deny the right or the power to ourselves
of delegating to our Representatives any competency to do
this in regerd to any portion of our fellow subjects, if only possessing
a inrigle yard of territory in this Globe. Then, we say, finally the Bill
has not accomplished its object The preamble of the Act states, that
it is to promote the industry and good conduct of the negro. The speech
of Sir George Grey has demonstrated to the world that just as the yoke
has been lifted from the neck of the sieve, he has worked cheerfully,
energetically, arid redeemed in his own time estates that had become a
wilderness, and made them to bud and blossom as the rose. I recapi-
tulate. We say, first, there is a difference of of inion as to the existence
of a contract ; secondly, we say, that the party most interested, the ne-
groes, were never consulted ; thirdly, that the contract, admitting its
existence, has been violated by the parties who were bound to observe
its conditions, and that if they have violated it on the one hand, we are
released on the other. We say further, that the Bill violates it by taking
the children out of the hands of their parents as apprentices by solemn
indenture wider the Act—by taking from the Assemblies the powers
which they were permitted to exercise under that Act, and by giving
to the Governors, with the advice of their Councils, ex-