The Sun.
London, England, 1822-03-18 00:00:00

[MORNING HERALD.

We yesterday received Paris Papers, which
contain a long and remarkable debate upon the
French Budget. The language, occasionally,
was not only violent, but of that sanguinary com-
plexion which marked the debates in the Con-
vention. The fact is that the French Chamber
is divided, not by party opinion, but by animosi-
ties. The Royalists indulge their passions with
a licence that would excite alarm, if French fury
had not so frequently and so harmlessly evapo-
rated ; and the Revolutionists, relying solely
upon their strength out of doors, to which their
speeches are exclusively addressed, use language
the most studiously obnoxious to the House of
Bourbon, in order to show that the revolution is
not afraid to speak out. The discussion was
opened by AI. Benjamin Constant, in a speech of
great length, frequently interrupted by furious
exclamations on both sides.—Among the topics to
which he alluded was the policy of the Ministry
towards Spain, which, he said, proved ill-will, i f not
war, against that nation.—" We can have no union
with rebels," interrupted one of the leaders of
the Ministerial party, M. Marcellus. " No,"
rejoins M. Constant, " but you establish on their
frontier a new Coblentz, as odious and deplo-
rable as that of 1793." Cries resounded from
the right, " this is horrible !—this is a personal
insult to the King, for he was at Coblentz !"—ln
answer to this, the counter cry from the left was,
" France knew not Louis, XVIII then ; the
King, Louis XVI., who accepted the Constitu-
tion, was at his post in Paris." Ile next attack-
ed the sum proposed for the maintenance of the
Police, and complained, that instead of punish-
ing, or dragging.p light the secret instigators of
crime, the heads of those only who had been se-
duced and led astray fell under the axe of the
executioner. No sooner had this expression been
uttered, than the cry was heard, " Take care of
your head !" This sanguinary exclamation created
a violent ferment. The orator next noticed the
estimate for trials of military offences, and
denounced some Councils of War (Courts Mar-
tial), which he did not specify, as having been
mere party instruments—depriving the accused
of the necessary time for defence—and, after
condemnation, withholding the documents neces-
sary for the proceeding in appeals. " A terrible
light," he said, " would soon be thrown upon
certain trials and certain meld." In-alluding to
the Colonies, we regret to find it stated by him,
that so far from any check to the traffic in slaves
by the operation of the laws, or any effort of the
Government, it still went on as brisk as ever,
the Colonial Governments being themselves par-
ties, and branding the King's name with red hot
iron upon the Government slaves !! A motion
was made to have this speech printed, but it was
violently resisted and negatived.

[THE TIMES.
Saturday was the termination of the twelve
days allowed to persons resident in Great Bri-
tain, to express their dissent to the plan of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer for the reduction
of the interest on Five per Cent. Stock. We
undertand that, at three o'clock, the hour at which
it was generally believed that the Cashier's office
would close, the amount on which money was
claimed exceeded 2,600,0001., and the number
of persons so claiming was fifteen hundred. The
office of the chief Cashier, and that in which
transfers in Five per Cent. Stock are effected,
did, however, remain open till midnight on
Saturday. No intimation of this was given to
the public, but the arrangement was, on the con-
trary, studiously concealed from their knowledge.
The order requiring the attendance of a few of the
Clerks in each of the above-named offices was
not issued till near two o'clock, and no notice of
it in writing was, as far as we could ascertain,
fixed in any part of the Bank. None of the
principal brokers or merchants were, we believe,
aware of the fact. All the entrances to the Bank
were closed at the usual hour, except the most
public one, at which two porters were stationed,
to question any persons whom curiosity at that
unusual appearance had drawn together, and
whose instructions were to admit only those
who declared their intention of dissenting. Mr.
Hase, the chief cashier, was in attendance till 12
o'clock, but no dissentient, we understand, made
his appearance. The sum above mentioned may
be assumed as the amount, according to the best
information, of money claimed by holders of 5 per
Cent. Stock. We understand that some of the
leading capitalists of the city, who have usually
participated in the contracts for loans, have in
this instance made tenders to Government, offer-
ing to advance the sum required for the dissen-
tients, but that the offers have been declined by
the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

[NEw TIMES.]
The Opposition have unfortunately been a
long while out of office---elifortunately, we say;
for their ineffectual attempts to get in have from
time to time driven them to more desperate ex-
pedients, until at last they appear to have
almost lost sight of the constitutional principles,
on which alone this great Monarchy can safely
be administered. Hence we may say of them, as
was said of their lata illustrious leader, " the
spirit of their proceedings is wholly alien to our
national policy, and to the peace, to the prospe-
rity, and to the legal liberties of this nation,
according to our ancient, domestic, and appro-
priate. mode of holding them." The British
Constitution cannot stand, unless the rights
of the People be supported in Parliament ;
neither can it stand unless the just and necessary
influence of the Crown be supported in Parlia-
ment. If we saw the slightest disposition any
where to violate the rights of the people, we
should lift up that voice against domestic ty-
ranny, which was not in vain lifted up against
the tyrant of Continental Europe. We see no
such thing : we see the popular branch of our
Constitution inconceivably augmented in power
by the republican spirit of the age, by the grow-
ing wealth and numbers of the middle and

ldwer classes, by the spread of education, by
the daily relaxation of legal restraints, by the
willing submission of the highest dignities to pub-
lic opinion, and lastly, and above all, by the
paramount influence of the Press. In this state
of things, unless we are prepared to sacrifice
the Constitution itself upon the altar of modern
liberalism, it becomes the duty of every English-
man to stand up for the constitutional influence,
and authority, and splendour of 'the Crown. We
must support the Throne as the palladium of Li-
berty—of that high and ennobling Liberty, by
which our ancestors were enabled to unite loyalty
with patriotism, and to temper the stern virtues
of an ancient republican with the honour of a gen-
tleman, and the piety of a Christian. It would be
idle to talk of supporting the Throne, if we were
to cripple and render inefficient the means of
administering the King's Government. And
these means, to be judged of fairly, must be
looked at in their aggregate effect. It would per-
haps be difficult for the most skilful anatomist
satisfactorily to explain the necessity of every
particular muscle and ligament in the human
body ; and so in the body politic there may be
particular establishments or offices, which, re-
garded in an isolated point of view, may not ap-
pear of much obvious utility. But if we suffer
the fabric to be undermined on all sides in detail,
if we summon every holder of every office to the
bar of public opinion as a criminal, and put him
on his defence, with a pre-conceived bias to find
him guilty of inutility and wasteful expence, we
may be assured that none of our Institutions will
long hold out against the fanaticism of Reform :
one set of pilots after anotheriwill be driven from
the helm, and each succeeding band will be less
able than their predecessors to bear up against
the tempest.