The Sun.
London, England, 1836-02-05 00:00:00

COPYHOLDS.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL gave notice that, on the
11th of February, he should bring in a Bill to amend the law
relating to copyholds, and also for the amendment of the law
of escheat.

. ILLEGAL ASSOCIATIONS—IRELAND.
Colonel VERNER gave notice of his intention to move for
a Committee to enquire into all Secret Societies in Ireland.

MALT DUTIES.

Major HANDLEY gave notice that on the 28th of April
he should call the attention of the House to the 15th Report of
the Committee on Malt Duties.
SUGAR DUTIES.
_

Mr. EWART gave notice of his intention to bring in a Bill
for facilitating the division of property among the next of kin
in cases of intestacy. Also, that he should move for the re-
duction of the duty on East India sugars to the same scale as
that charged on West India sugar.
BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.

The HON. MEMBER then gave notice, on the Sessional
Orders being read, that no business be commenced after eleven
o'clock at night.

IRISH POOR.

Mr. S. O'BRIEN gave notice, that on an early day of the
Session, he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to relieve
the destitute poor of Ireland.
SPIRIT LICENCES IN IRELAND.
Mr. FINN gave notice of a motion respecting the granting
of licences to publicans in Ireland.

AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS.
Lord CHANDOS gave notice, that on the Bth of March
he would move for the appointment of a Committee to inquire
into the causes of agricultural distress.
OBSERVANCE OF THE SABBATII.
Sir A. AGNEW gave notice that on the Ist of April he
would move for leave to bring in a Bill to secure the better
observance of the Sabbath.

PENSIONS.
Mr. D. W. HARVEY gave notice, that on the 17th of
March he would move for the appointment of a Select Com-
mittee to revise all pensions charged upon any fund under the
control of Parliament, with a view to ascertain whether the
continued payments thereof were justified.
EXTENSION OF THE RIGHT OF VOTING.
The HoN. MEMBER also gave notice that on the 2d of March
he would move for leave to introduce a Bill to extend the right
of voting to all persons who were qualified to vote for town
councillors in all towns and boroughs returning Members to
serve in Parliament.

OFFICIAL SALARIES.
Colonel SIBTHORP said that it was his intention, as
soon as he could procure the necessary documents, to renew

the motion which he made on a former session respeoting the s
reduction of civil and official salaries.
PUBLIC WALKS.
Mr. BUCKINGHAM gave notice that, on the 16th of
March, he would move for leave to bring in a Bill for the
formation of public walks. The Hon.`Member also gave no-
tice that, on the 29th, he would move.for the appointment of
a Select Committee to inquire into the causes of the increased
number of shipwrecks, and also whether better means might
not be adopted for securing the lives and properties of his Ma-
jesty's subjects, against the dangers of steam navigation.
HIS MAJESTY'S SPEECH.—THE ADDRESS.
The SPEAKER then rose and read his Majesty's Speech,
as given in The Sun of yesterday.
Sir JOHN WROTTE SLEY—In rising to move the Ad-
dress, thanking his Majesty for his most gracious Speech, I
cannot plead that inexperience usually urged as a claim on
the indulgence of the House. I must rather rest my case upon
the importance of the topics there introduced, and the favour-
able attention they will meet with, particularly when I con-
sider that they are selected from those subjects, the introduc-
tion of which has hitherto been sanctioned by the House—
upon which Bills have been introduced and discussed ; and if
they have not been sufficiently perfect and satisfactory to other
branches of the legislature, at least they cannot be deemed
measures introduced for the mere purposes of change, but
must be considered as attempts to remedy with caution and
circumspection just causes of complaint. One recommenda-
tion is indeed new, but may be considered as the necessary
result of the enquiry we have instituted ; and although I admit
the case necessary in the details, I expect the measure itself
will be characteristic of a generous nation, ever zealous in the
cause of benevolence, humanity, and Christian charity—( Hear.)
The first point I will bring under your consideration is the uni-
versally acknowledged prosperity of our commerce and manu-
factures. In that part of the country with which lam best ac-
quainted, never was there a more prosperous moment 10 all
branches of trade connected with the produce and manufacture
of iron ; and I am happy to learn, from the best sources, that
equal prosperity in all the other important manufactures of the
country prevails. Cotton, woollen, earthenware, and silk, upon
which such melancholy forebodings formerly existed, are in the
most flourishing condition ; and the satisfaction I derive is from
the knowledge that this is not produced by any temporary
cause, no over-issue of paper to create delusive prosperity for
obtaining some great political object, but with a currency
founded on a solid basis. There is no speculation ; but our
prosperity arises from a steady and increasing demand, and
orders from houses of undoubted credit, more numerous than
even our extensive manufactories can furnish.—( Cheers.) The
labourers of England are fully employed at adequate wages,
and a bountiful Providence, during three successive years, has
provided them an ample supply of food at prices which
now enable them to compete with the artisans of other
countries who have the benefit of cheaper food.—( Hear, hear.)
This circumstance, so favourable to manufactures, has created
some complaints on the part of the landed interest. For my-
self, nearly all my fortunes are connected with agriculture,
both as proprietor and occupier ; and if one class of them could
doubt my anxious desire for its prosperity, no assertion on
my part could convince the others I was indifferent to it ; but
no personal motive shall ever induce me to sacrifice one class
of my countrymen to another ; nor will I, for the sake of casual
popularity, hold forth encouragement to the farmer which I
consider delusive, and can only end in disappointment. An
interest so important has just claims to prefer its complaints,
and call upon the Legislature to consider them. It may, if it
conceive itself neglected for want of union, associate ; it may
bring forth all its strength to Anther its views, and his Majesty
recommends us to listen to them ; but I venture to hope that,
ere it brings its case before a Committee of this House, this
new union will be more united in the remedies it proposes.
I must, however, observe with regret the importance by them
attached to objects to which I am confident this House a ill
not assent ; while they pass over others which appear to nze
more efficacious and more attainable. A man who at one or
these meetings adverted to local taxation would be treated
with contempt ; and yet I speak confidently when I say that
relief would be greater from the amendment of the Poor
Laws, great diminution of the county rate, and a most econo-
mical and judicious management of the turnpike tolls__a very
considerable burthen upon the agriculturist, who contributes
first to the repair of the roads, and is then heavily charged for
the.use which he makes of them. If these appear but a
trivial relief to others, it is for them to bring under the consi-
deration of Parliament better and more efficacious measures.
The Report of the Commission appointed to inquire into the
Church of England will soon be presented. It is composed
of the Archbishops; Bishops, and principal officers, with others
of dignity and long experience in high public stations. His
Majesty recommends to us to act, without delay, upon th 'se
Reports. I have no doubt every attention will be pail to the
interests of a body of men, inferior to none in learning, piety,
and zeal ; and while we provide as largely as the funds will ad-
mit, for the maintenance of those who have spent large sums
in acquiring that knowledge essential to the due discharge of
I their sacred office, and arc expected to preserve their station in
1 society, we shall also require of them a strict attention to those
duties, for the discharge of which those funds were originally des-
-1 tined. Never will I suffer the undoubted privileges of this House
to be questioned or assailed; neither will I even dispute the just
prerogative of the Crown, and privileges of the other House of
Parliament. With this subject is connected the mode of pay-
ment of the Clergy, and here I find all parties agreed in the
necessity of adopting some mode of preventing a collision of
Interests, where to much harmony ought to prevail. Several
attempts have been made to render general a commutation of
tithe, and his Majesty's Government have devoted much of
their time and attention to that object. The result of their la-
bours will in due time be presented to the House, and sincerely
do I hope it may be so framed as to receive the approba-
tion of the Legislature.--( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")
The grievances complained of by the Dissenters have been the
subject of numerousL!petitions, and measures for their relief,
being introduced into this House. His Majesty called our
attention to these in the speech at the opening of the Session
last year. As far as regards marriage, the present recom-
mendation takes a wider view, and proposes to you to embrace
other measures, calculated not only to relieve Dissen-
ters, but to provide a better mode of rendering that
evidence upon which the succession to property often
depends, less precarious, and more accessible.—( [leer. )
Whatever difficulties may have existed in prosecuting those
reforms which have hitherto taken place, they fall infinitely
short of the obstacles opposed to any alterations affecting a re-
form of the laws.—( Hear, hear.) The expense and delay
attending suits in Chancery, often amounting to the absorption
of the whole property contended for, frequently depriving
persons of the enjoyment of it during their youth and man-
hood, and restoring it at a period when the mind is no longer
able to enjoy it, harrassed by vexation, and fast sinking to the
grave—if delay and expense injure the suitor, it enriches the
profession ; and such is the close connexion between its various
branches, such the recollection of services performed, that the
highest and most influential members of that profession have
been suspected of leaning more to those interests, than their
duty to the public would have suggested.—( Cheers.) These
abuses have continued through centuries, and I can only account
for their long continuance, by the fact, that Reform could
only have been digested by those whose interests must have
been affected. There are, however, in modern times, splendid
exceptions, and the conversion of payment by salary in lieu of
fees, gives us a facility which did not previously exist. In this
House I anticipate no successful opposition, and if there are
in this kingdom any more deeply interested in this measure
than others, they are the possessors of a largo portion
of the landed interest of the country.—( Hear, hear.) The
Report of the Commission on the Irish Poor, which his
Majesty has laid before us, cannot fail to have arrested the at-
tention of Members from all parts of the United Kingdom.
Of the state of the poor of Ireland we have often heard com-
plaints, often been called upon to relieve temporary distress ;
but of their actual condition we wanted some solution of the
contradictory reports. The mode adopted in prosecuting the
present inquiry is free from all suspicion, all classes were in-
vited to attend, and the Report adds to the facts disclosed the
witnesses and the names of those in whose presence the evi-
dence was given. Had this Report been given three years
ago, how distressing would have been the reflection; that ap-
palling as the circumstances were, the introduction of the
English Poor Law would have aggravated the distress, and
the remedy been worse than the evil itself 1 But that
great measure, so unjustly stigmatised as oppressive,
not only relieved the overburdened rate-payers, but has
afforded more comfort to the aged and impotent for whose
benefit it was intended, and released the able-bodied
from a state of thraldom and dependence, and placed them in
the situation of free labourers, capable of disposing, to whom-
soever they choose, their only commodity, the labour of their
ifpdr
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and
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erod. hear.)
work could
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ohhs
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release
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ft h seftauhcrea, pti
hill
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ndo iw.elnd_
established. The case of Ireland is,' howeverTghsterikAo'c,tegeion
poor
endeavouring
to
assimilatecountries
the mustha
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s never._ (yHebdee,
a; lostrta.anidns
taking
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settlementele
to
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perhaps
lbesafelyaws o f
notall,
never admitting that the poor have a right of claim'
industry of others for money or work. In Ireland pouril the
not the machinery of England to work the poor law): and
thatn
here it has been found necessary to deprive it of some of itsf
powers, and place it under. the vigilant control of officers
appointed by the Crown, in Ireland it would be most impolitic
to create it.—( Hear, hear.) What may be the limit of th
amount to be raised, with. a variety of details, must remain
open to the deliberations of the House. All I say is
Ireland should no longer be the only country in the civilized
world world in which a provision of some kind for the relief
of the indigent does not exist.---(Hear, and cheers.)
Until this great question is settled I will not attempt to define
all the causes of those discontents which have occupied s
much of the attentions of this House, and operated so power-
fully
upon the events of this country, from the very commence-
ment of the Union to the present time. However, I have
little difficulty in pronouncing, that whatever superstructures
may have arisen, poverty is the preventative. Whatever be
the cause, the effects are too apparent to leave a doubt on our
minds on the propriety of assuring his Majesty we will take
them into our consideration. To one measure I can see no
objection. You began by altering the Municipal laws of
Scotland. Last Session was employed in framing a measure
for placing Municipal Corporations in England and Wales
under more vigilant popular control. The success of that
Act, and the satisfaction generally evinced throughout the
country, have fully justified its enactment ;and now, when you
are called upon to reform the Corporations, Which
are, if
possible, worse than those of England, Ireland would in-
deed have just cause to complain of partiality, of which,
I trust, the Legislature will never be guilty.—( Hear, hear. )
byTheh
settlementoth
sides
of ot
the
ethe
House,lrish thattithesrecommendationhas been so fullyto admitted
consider
hat subject, in the very general terms of the Speech, can
hardly be disputed,—( Hear, hear.) A subject which has ere-

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 5, 1836.

ated such difference of opinion, not only in Ireland, but between
the two branches of the Legislation, I will not venture to dis-

cuss in the midst of so many important topics, and at so
.incon-
venient a moment; but I cannot but lament that any circum-
stance should have arisen to prevent the termination of disputes
which have given rise to so much bloodshed.—( Hear, bear.)
It must be highly detrimental to the interests of our Established
Church to leave a question of so much importance undecided.
I never will be the advocate of a great organic change which
would alter that Constitution under which I was born, and
which has produced such happy results.—( Loud cheers.)
Great and beneficial changes have, and I trust will, continue
to be made ; but governed by King, Lords, and Commons is a
principle upon which the constitution of our country rests.—
( Loud cheers.) I do not complain that the other House of
Parliament shall take a different view of a subject from our-
selves. I am not disposed to state my opinion upon a case
which might impede the march of Government ; such a case
has not arisen. The example of last Session proves that the
good of the country being the great aim and object, mutual
forbearance, and mutual concession, may be attended with the
most beneficial results, without any compromise unworthy of
the character of either of the contending parties—(Che.ers.)
It will give satisfaction to the House to learn that the intimate
union which subsists between this country and France is a
pledge to Europe of the continuance of the general peace.
Some persons may suppose that a difference exists between
there professions, and a desire to increase our naval force ; but
no statesman will deny that the best mode of insuring a conti-
nuance of peace is to be prepared for war.—( Hear.) This
country can gain nothing by war, and in the present state of
her prosperous commerce, shared by other Powers, we are pos-
sessed of more Colonies than we want for our own sake, and re-
tain them solely for the purpose of preserving the balance of
power in Europe, and preventing those frequent contests which
for centuries had devastated parts of Asia.—( Hear.) Peace is
our great object, and I firmly believe there are no better
means for maintaining peace in Europe, than that we
should retain that maritime superiority for which so
much blood and treasure has been expended.—( Hear, hear.)
We must hail with satisfaction a continuance of our close alli-
ance with France. A stronger proof of the sincerity of that
country could not have been given, than the readiness with
which she has received our proffered mediation with the United
States. His Majesty expresses a confident hope of its accep-
tance by that other Power also, and then we shall perceive the
confidence reposed in us by these two most powerful and en-
lightened nations, so recently our foes and rivals. Proud, in-
deed, may this country be, when two such nations entrust to it
not only their interests, but that of which they are more jea-
lous, their honour. That confidence will not be misplaced.
No British Government will ever propose to these nations to
adopt a course which their own high principles would deem in-
consistent with the dignity of the Sovereign of this country.—
(The Hon. Baronet sat down amidst loud cheering.)
Mr. PARKER (Member for Sheffield)—Sir, I rise to se-
cond'the Address, in answer to his Majesty's most gracious
Speech. In doing so, if any of my predecessors in this ho-
nourable situation had ever to ask the House for as large a
portion of their indulgence as was compatible with its dignity
to grant, no one has made the request with more sincerity, or
with greater conviction of the degree in which he required it,
than the humble individual before you.—( Hear, hear.) And,
Sir, although I feel the fullest confidence in the ancient and
prescriptive kindness of this House, ever extended to those
who unostentatiously ask it at their hands, when I look round
on the many Gentlemen associated with me on these benches,
and consider how inferior I am in Parliamentary standing,
and still more how inferior in abilities, I certainly should not
have presumed to have conic forward on an occasion like the
present, did I not feel that I shall speak the senti-
ments in reference to this most gracious speech which
pervade the intelligent and industrious community which has
twice sent me here without expense, and has supported me here
with a generous confidence, of which I never can be insensi-
ble—and not only the sentiments of that single borough, but
of many others of equal character throughout the realm, the
inhabitants of which in peaceful and prosperous commerce, and
under the shade of amended social and municipal institutions,
feel grateful to the persons, and inalienably attached to the
principles of Lord Grey's and Lord Melbourne's Administra-
tion.—( Hear.) Sir, beneath the former of those Governments
the Reform Bill became a law, and many great and success-
ful measures have been accomplished. The seeds of other
measures were also sown—( Cheers)—and in his Majesty's
most gracious Speech, upon which this House is is now debat-
ing, the country will see with pleasure that the Reform
Bill is not a sealed volume, unproductive of good mea-
sures, and sterile in improvement ( Hear, hear) but,
on' the contrary, they Is ill see that it is a living letter,
and that it will be the pride and glory of the reign
under which we live, to have settled, not rashly, but to have
satisfactorily settled on safe, and sound, and constitutional
foundations, a greater number of good measures, than it was
ever before the happy portion of a Sovereign to confer upon
a people.—( Cheers.) Sir, the Ilouse will hear with pleasure
that his Majesty still continues to receive from his allies assu-
rances of their anxiety to maintain pacific relations with this
country; and when we consider the difficulties with which, at
several periods, the preservation of peace has been attended—
so grave, indeed, and considerable, as to have induced a dis-
tinguished individual, formerly of this House, but now a mem-
ber of the House of Peers (1 mean Lord Ashburton), to have
given it as his opinion, that peace could not be preserved
for six months from Nov., 1830—I think the Ilouse will give
great credit to his Majesty's Ministers, and to the Noble
Lord who presides over that department, for having so managed
the diplomacy of the country, or without any loss of national
honour, to have preserved the inestimable blessings of peace.
(Cheers.) I think, also, there will be but one opinion in re-
spect to the mediatorial character offered by his Majesty, with a
view to arrange the unfortunate difference which threatened
a rupture between two nations so enlightened and so dear to us
l
bggcoaha
irsnrraoracevtssatacheity.
tlfbesceyba.tyhdieUtnieaatagtnnhlnhglioticaat
aioreinni
ndthbtpc3siSri
himself,
pant
eds;aosfaestus
nso,:i and France. Certainly, Sir, it would
odsorai
otherch
nngnea.
hdt_ori sight
Monarch
.00niofroaaneejntt
eivhtosei
oenntrsryysuei
beneficialgecs
rEdi
ooen could
connectedcgl
dhn al
nss
to
cheers.)
dtl i
romsitn.
civilization,t Englishman
an he a
manner
vlovoea.
htnhhl
eneui aresuvHersbe d_orny seenuotthshhrei
thaneee
toaoshflfisartsol:,piblsuay•ismintlarluouessngtyti
struggle,
sympathize with his Majesty that the civil disturb-
ances
have
riot
yet unfortunatelyecebupnaopensertdtomiexistingottubihtttrhteio og ht it no tah ec
nßasqueclosconclusion
n provinces obvui nt c et s
willof Spainhop o
eoednQa constitutional
Quadripartite
withoutdpaa establishmentit
foundation
ifstgivingni
tTreaty,oottfharro
dltheties toaatfneptrtai termination
yQnTauhteei
Queen
cha-
racter, to express my hope and full assurance that the gallant
band of Englishmen, now led on by a Member of this House,
will reap new laurels on that soil, where the British arms, un-
der the command of the Duke of Wellington, have gained
such deathless renown ; and that Vittoria will again ring with
the fame of deeds, which, though on a smaller scale, and
on an issue infinitely less momentous, will add to the
reputation of the country.—( Hear, hear, and great cheering.)
His Majesty too has been pleased to assure the House that the
estimates will be framed with a view to the closest economy,
and in so doing he may no doubt assure himself of the grateful
support of the representatives of the people, to whom of all
services to be performed by them to their constituents, there
can be nothing more satisfactory than an alleviation of the
public burdens, and a removal of such imposts as the state of
the finances will permit. Upon one branch however of the
estimates, his Majesty has informed us that he shall have to
call upon this House for some increase in his establishment,
and when we consider that the naval branch is that which he
tachnieproposesrt i toof strengthen,
peopleiriegthe n, and
Eunngdloaunbdtetdo thlyfart bomratnhch o
epecfutlhiaer ates-
tablishment, it is one which will meet with the most ready
acquiescence. No doubt, at the proper time, explanations will
be given as to what has called for this addition. But in the
mean time, reposing as 1 do, full confidence in the advisers of
the Crown, I anticipate the concurrence of this House in the
requirement of his Majesty, under the persuasion that such an
increase is called for by a corresponding increase on the part of
other maritime powers, and with a view only to enforce
his negociations for a safe and durable settlement of such points
of difference, if such there be, as may require adjustment.
When the Report of the Commissioners on Ecclesiastical af-
fairs is on the table of the House, his Majesty will most pro-
bably propose measures for such reforms in the state of our
establishment as the abuses therein existing require. And
this House will have heard with pleasure that his Majesty has
the cordial desire to relieve all classes of his subjects from all
and every disability arising from the right of conscience, being
fully persuaded that such restrictions are an usurpation of
functions with which Government has no concern. The ad-
justment, Sir, of these difficult questions I trust is now at hand,
and undoubtedly that adjustment will come with some grace,
and be received with some thankfulness on the part of the
Dissscnters from that party in the State, which, acting always
on the wide and comprehensive principle of the right of con-
science, and following out the maxims of the greatest of
their leaders, the late illustrious Mr. Fox, has already obtained
for the Dissenters of Great Britain the repeal of the Test
arid Corporation Acts ; and for our Irish fellow-countrymen,
Catholic Emancipation. There will also, Sir, be shortly, as
the House will have learned by the Speech from the Throne,
a new Bill to amend Municipal Corporations in Ireland.—
(Cheers.) On the loss of the Bill introduced last session, I
will make no remarks ; because I am unwilling to revive dif- I
ferences, which I trust reason and intermediate reflection may
have removed. But I will observe only that as Scotland three
years ago obtained the blessings of self-government, and has
used those blessings in a manner worthy of that great and in-
telligent people, and as England attained the same last year,
having used it also with equal moderation, I should be sorry
to suppose that either here or in another assembly, any wish
will exist to deny or circumscribe an equal exten-
sion of the invaluable privileges of self-government
to Ireland—( Hear, hear)—believing, as I do, that to
have a real union, we must have an equal principle of Go-
vernment ; and that we have no right to expect the acqui-
escence of Ireland in deprivations which have been extended
to the other kingdoms of the Union. So also on the tithe
question, on which I shall exercise equal moderation, hoping
intermediate
reflection trusting that the same reason and the same
reflection will have produced similar results. I will however
say this, and nothing more, that the more I have considered
that subject, considering that Parliament has to deal with a
country where the minority is in possession of the ecclesiastical
temporalities, and the majority absolutely excluded therefrom
whether we view the subject statistically, as between num-
bers—or morally, as between conflicting passions and interests
or politically, as involving questions of ascendancy,__l can
come only to one conclusion, viz., that if either party, Catholic
or Protestant have reason to complain of the Bill of last year,
most assuredly it is not the Protestant who has the soundest
cause of disapproval. I entertain, Sir, however, sincere hopes
that by the measures contemplated by his Majesty, and, fur-
ther, by the introduction of a prudent and well constructed
Poor Law into Ireland, that we shall soon see the noble re-
sources of that island attain a developement of which I think I
already see the symptoms ; and if it pleases his Majesty to

continue the administration of affairs in the hands of my Lord
Mulgrave, who, to his West India fame, is adding that of being
a benefactor nearer home—(Hear, hear)—associated with
my Noble Friend of whom I cannot in his presence say
what I think, there is substantial ground to hope that religious
differences may be assuaged—that the social habits of the
people will improve—and that Ireland, under equal laws, and
an impartial administration, will become the stoutest bulwark
and the fairest flower in the vast empire of Great Britain. I
must now, Sir, advert to the state of the law to which his
Majesty's Speech calls our attention ; and undoubtedly, there
has been for so great a length of time so continuous a series of
complaints at the evils and delays of the Court of Chancery,
that it is high time that something should be attempted on a
more comprehensive scale than that which hitherto has been
done. It is with no ♦iew to blame any of the distinguished
persons who have presided in that Court that I make these
remarks. It is the system, not the men, who are in fault.
Angels could not do what human beings are expected to per-
form ; and the fault hitherto has been, that attempts at reform
have only touched at isolated portions of the subject : indeed,
of looking at the system as a whole. There was the Vice-
Chancellor's Reform in 1813—the orders of Lord Lyndhurst
since—the Court of Review in Bankruptcy, and the Judicial
Committee, which in some degree, as a relief to the Lord
Chancellor, is connectod with it. But these were only local
reforms. There are three portions of a Chancery suit—mat-
ters before the reading—at the hearing—and after the hear-
ing. The clog was removed in the first process by the Orders
of Lord Lyndhurst ; but it exists still at the hearing, and
with increased proportions ; for at the appointment of a Vice
Chancellor the arrears were 250 ; at the resignation of
the Lords' Commissioners, 850. The appointment, therefore,
of a Vice-Chancellor has not removed the clog at the hearing,
neither has it in the appeal. The truth is that the judicial
strength must be increased, and there must be an effective
Court of Appeal. How this can be done, Ido not presume to
say. It will, however, be well and wisely considered ; and it
will have the benefit of the deliberations of the present Lord
Chancellor and the Master of the Rolls, who are now emi-
nently practical, and who are also men who have had far too
much experience in courts of justice, to lend themselves to any
shemes which are attractive merely, and illusive, and which in
operation will be attended with antagonist disadvantages.—
( Hear, hear.) I trust also that in another place his
Majesty's Ministers will have the independent aid of
an illustrious man, who deeply versed in jurisprudence, and
having brought in a manner more vivid than any one before
the public eye the several defects of our national jurispru-
dence—l mean Lord Brougham—has pursued the course
with increased power, which the comprehensive and saga-
cious Romilly has often developed in this House, and
who has had the place in public which Bentham in
the closet has held amongst jurists and great publicists.
Sir, I regret that the state of agriculture continues depressed
to a degree painful to those connected with it. Not being
myself a representative of that interest, I leave to others the
discussion of that important subject : But I trust that, if this
House can, with justice to other interests, do anything in the
behalf of so large a class of our fellow-countrymen, that it will
do so.—( Hear, hear.) In the settlement of the Tithe Ques-
tion, I think much may be done also, by new assessments,
taking in at their increased value the town and borough popu-
lation. This has been done in Yorkshire, and no one corn-
plains.—( Hear, hear.) On the contrary, my Learned
Friend, Mr. Elsly, the Recorder of York, and the
Clerk of the Peace for the West Riding have informed me that
in his late journey over the West Riding of Yorkshire, he met
with nothing but the utmost readiness on the part of the
trading interest to bear their due proportion. Thus Leeds
was doubled, so was Sheffield, so also were Bradford and many
other towns. But it is from the new Poor Bill that the agri-
culturists will derive their fullest remedy ; and that too w ith
corresponding, and indeed more than equal advantages to the
labouring classes, who from unhappy serfs, adscripti glebcc, have
assumed the real position of manly and independent labourers.
It will be seen, from the following instances which I have col-
lected, that these views are not visionary ; on the contrary,
that they exceeded, so far as they go, the earnest expectations
of the framers of the measure ; and that too without any
pressure on the poorer classes ; but, on the contrary, with
uniform and progressive improvement of their condition :
Poor—Pauperized Parishes—Battle Parish—Average an-
nual expenditure for the three last years, 13,0001. ; joint pa-
rochial and union expenditure for last quarter, 870/. ; being
at the rate of about 3,500/. per annum. Therefore saving at
the rate of 9,5001. per annum, or about 75 per cent.—greatest
saving of all.

Uafield Union.—(From Mr. Hawley's Report.)—Old
average expenditure of all the parishes united 16,6001. per
annum; new half-yearly expenditure, first half-year, 2,9001.,
being at the rate of 5,800/. per annum ; saving at the rate of
10,8001. per annum, or about 65 per cent.
Midhurst Union, in Sussex.—Reduction from 17,5001. to
5,4001., saving 12,1001., near 70 per cent.
West Hampnall Union, Sussex.—From 16,437/. to 8,2801.,
saving 8,157/., 50 per cent.
" In short, there is reason to anticipate that the saving, in
Suffolk alone, from one clear year's full operation of the new
system, will repay threefold the expense of the machinery of
the new Commission, with all the Assistant Commissioners."

Migration.—From 1,000 to 2,000 persons have already
migrated from the southern counties to the north, where they
have been supplied with places at double the rate of wages
they had obtained in their own counties.—( Hear, hear.)
The controul of the Commissioners now extends over near
5,000 parishes, and the barriers to the free circulation
of labour have in them been broken down—( Hear, hear)_
neither do people go to workhouses. From the 23d Septem-
ber last, there was in the 335 poorhouses, workhouses, and
tenements, belonging to the 204 unions already formed, ac-
commodation for 26,443; whereas the actual number of in-
mates in them at that time, was only 11,137. In the parishes
comprised in the Bishop's Stortford, the Dunmow, Saffron
Walden, and Ware Unions, there were, during last year,
not less than one thousand able-bodied labourers on the
rates.—( Hear.) A few weeks ago, there were only fifty.
At Buntingford, not a single able-bodied man on the rates
for the last seven weeks. _ _

Whigs and Tories-have acted in perfect harmony. The
clergy everywhere have lent a most valuable assistance in dis-
sipating prejudices.
Clergymen, farmers, and every person give testimonials of
beneficial operation on morals.
Little resistance, except from petty interested shopkeepers.
Contentment succeeds disorder.

ii;;;;, with far different feelings to the state of trade, and
certainly never were there such cheering prospects announced
by any Sovereign from any people. Th King of the French
and the American President have both congratulated their
several Assemblies on the same cause, and the King of Eng-
land has ample reason for the same. The business, too, is
sound, and not on speculation. Consignments follow and do
not precede orders. Payments are mae in cash beyond all
former precedent ; and activity, different from the inflated
state of 1835, is regulated by prudence. Improvements too of
a most rapid kind are making everywhere, not only in England,
but in all parts of our dominions. In Lancashire, it is calcu-
lated by Dr. Page, that power to the amount of 7,000 horses
will be wanted in two years, and 70,000 or 80,000 people to
supply that power. What a prospect does not this open to
the Southern labourer? Then, Sir, there are rail-
roads, opening prospects which I do not attempt to
go into-300 miles have already been sanctioned by Parlia-
ment ; 500 or 600 more will be asked for this Session. The
iron trade, of course, will participate largely by these pros-
pects. An iron steam-boat is now working on the Ganges
iron rail-road is projected from Calcutta, to cut off the dan-
gerous navigation of the Hoogly. I shall take the liberty of
reading a few figures to the illustration of its improvement, up
to the latest time I have been able to obtain them ; but, first,
I must say, that the labouring classes have participated fully in
these advantages, and that their wages and employment were
much better. The consumption, too, of sugar, in spite of its
rise in price, has increased ; whilst that of British spirits has
fallen. • The condition, too, of the Savings Banks is most
satisfactory.
Excess of deposits in Savings Banks on 20th of November,
1835, as compared with 20th November, 1834,1,150,0001., in-
cluding Ireland.

Total Deposits, 1830 £13,507,565 including Ireland.
Do. 1831 13,719,495 do.
Do. 1832 13,597,883 do.
• Do. 1833 14,337,521 do.
Do. 1834 15,369,844 do.
Do. 1835 16,500,000 do.
Cotton.—Consumption of Cotton Wool.
In 1833, 293,682,9761b5. ; 1834, 302,935,6571b5. ; 1835,
330,000,0001b5. ; being an increased consumption of more
than 36,000,0001b5. with the last two years, or 131 per cent.
on the whole quantity. To show the vast increase of the cot-
ton manufacture within the last ten years, I have obtained
from returns to this House the following averages of the ex-
ports taken for periods of five years each.

Annual average Exportation of Cotton Manufactured Goods
• (exclusive of Hosiery and Small Wares).
Yards. Yarn.
5 years from 1821 to 1825-310,885,781...28,349,5871b5.
5 ...... 1826 to 1830...368,597,024...52,732,156
4 ....... .... 1831 to 1834...483,622,178...71,648,305
The returns for 1835 are not yet made out, but the House
will see little reason to doubt, from the statement I have before
made of the increased consumption of cotton wool during that
year, that the increased exports have been in a similar pro-
portion.
Woollen Manufactures.—Declared value of Exports in 1834,
5,975,4151., and in 1835, 7,050,0001, being an increase in the
value of woollen goods exported of upwards of a million pounds
sterling, or 18 per cent.
Silk—Quantity of silk consumed : in 1833, 3,663,6791b5. ;
1834, 4,522,3521b5. ; 1835, 5,500,0001b5., being an increase
of near two million pounds within the two last years.
Linen—Of linen I have been unable to procure a return for
the year 1835 ; but I have averages (as in the case of the
cotton trade) of the quantity of linen manufactured goods ex-
ported during periods of five years each. Annual average
from 1820 to 1824, 50,298,210 yards ; from 1825 to 1829,
53,037,255 yards; from 1830 to 1834, 62,350,345 yards.
Iron—Cast and wrought iron and steel exported—De-
clared value in 1834, 1,406,872/. ; in 1835,1,680,000/. ; being
an increase of 194 per cent. in one year.
Annual Average—( Five years) 1820 to 1824, 90,283 tons ;
1825 to 1829, 87,237 tons; 1830 to 1834, 142,071 tons ;—in-
crease 623 per cent.

Prices of bar iron at the works in Wales—lB3s, April 1,
71. per ton ; September 7, 71. los. per ton ; October 7, 81.
per ton ; December 7, W. per ton. 1836, January 7, 101. per
ton ; January 18, lit per ton.
Hardwares exported. Annual average-5 years.
1820 1824 ... 9,772 tons. ... £1,248,082
1825 1829 ... 11,635 ... 1,345,645
1830 1836 .. 15,649 ••• 1,483 318
Being an increase in the last 10 years of 60 per cent. on
quantity-19 per cent. on value.
Principle articles of British manufacture imported, not in.