The Sun.
London, England, 1849-01-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON,

noble workhouses such an amount would hare built in
that far land across the seas—what smiling little cot-
tages, with the birds singing in the ears and the flowers
blooming around the small garden—what a joyous fire-
side where sire, and son, and mother sit around aid
fear nought without!"
Noble workhouses indeed ! Would to Goo that
our starving and our paupers were so housed ! Many,
we doubt not, will echo such an aspiration ; but how
many will need a hand to enable that aspiration to be
realised ?

The Archbishop of CANTERBURY has returned ex-
actly the sort of reply to the memorial of the Ply-
mouth requisitionists, complaining of the prevalence
of Puseyism in the diocese of Exeter, which it was to
be expected that his Grace would return. Inasmuch
as it is by no means impossible that his Grace may be
called upon hereafter to decide judicially upon the
conduct, life, and doctrine of his suffragan of Exeter,
it would have been clearly indecorous as well as im-
politic to have made any very pointed allusions to, or
to hare expressed any very decided opinion on those
subjects ; but, with regard to the conduct of the in-
ferior clergy of the diocese, his Grace was under
no such restraint, and accordingly he thus speaks
of the " practices of the younger clergy"—practices
not only tacitly sanctioned but positively commanded
in many instances by the Bishop of EXETER. " I
could certainly have wished," says the Archbishop of
CANTERBURY, " that the younger clergy, to whom
your remarks are chiefly applicable, had thought
themselves at liberty to follow the usage of their pre-
decessors and the example of the great majority of
their brethren at the present day, so as to acquiesce
in those slight deviations from the Rubric which
custom had sanctioned and which had not been re-
proved by competent authority. I could have wished
they had considered the APOSTLE'S example appli-
cable to their case, and in non-essential things had
yielded to the feelings of the people as he yielded to
those of the Jews, for the sake of avoiding offence and
gaining confidence. Especially I regret the intro-
duction into our parish churches of a mode of wor-
ship which, however proper and suitable in our
cathedrals, appears too artificial and elaborate for
simple and general devotion."
It is evident from this passage that the Archbishop
of CANTERBURY agrees with the great body of; we
will not say the members of the Church of England
only, but of the Protestants of the British empire, in
the manner in which he regards Tractarian obser-
vances, and although his Grace has declined for the
present to call the attention of the Legislature to the
subject, on the ground that the time is not yet come
for the introduction of such a measure, yet these
►words afford abundant encouragement to all who do
not repudiate the name of Protestant to persevere in
their endeavours to purge the Protestant Church from
those, who nominated as ministers or servants of the
Church, would fain make themselves masters, and
who, appointed to preach the Scriptures, endeavour
to make the Word of GOD of none effect by vain
traditions. Accordingly we are rejoiced to find that
the men of Plymouth are determined to persevere
with the agitation which they have so gloriously
commenced, and in which they will, we trust, be
joined, not merely by the lay members of the
Church of England, but by the clergy and laity both
of the Kirk and of the Free Church of Scot-
land, and of every denomination of Protestant
Dissenters throughout the three kingdoms'
Indeed the Protestant Dissenters, the old
and tried friends of civil and religious liberty, are
to the full as much interested in inflicting "a heavy
blow and a great discouragement" on Puseyism as
the Evangelical members of the Church of England
themselves. In former days, when doctrines analo-
gous to those held by the Puseyites were in the
ascendant, Dissenters were persecuted every-
where to death. LAUD, and STRAFFORD, and
CLATERHOUSE, and JEFFERIES, and KIRKE, the
persecutions of the Presbyterians, the murder
(under form of law) of Mrs. GAUNT, the
Anabaptist, are examples of what Puseyism was, and
what Puseyites would do if they could but once
obtain an ascendancy. That the same spirit still
actuates them let their fierce denunciations of a*
Dissent and of all Dissenters bear witness.

On Thursday the adjourned meeting of the in-
habitants of Plymouth and its neighbourhood took
place, on which occasion the room in which the meet-
ing was held was again crowded in every part. The
deputation which had waited on the Archbishop of
CANTERBURY with the memorial agreed to at the
former meeting, read his Grace's reply thereto, from
which we have given an extract above, and a petition
to her MAJESTY was unanimously agreed to. In ad-
dressing her MAJESTY, the petitioners say—
" We have, for some years past, observed with deep
and increasing apprehension, the adoption, by a large
body of the clergy, of a system of divinity and minis-
terial teaching, which has for its object the depreciation
of the distinctive doctrines of the Reformation, as taught
by the Articles of our Church, and the encouragement
in an equal degree of opposite doctrines of the Church
of Rome; a system which, in proportion to the extent to
which it is received or avowed, either leads its adherents
to an open conformity to that Church, or, as we believe
more frequently happens, to a virtual adoption of the
essential principles of Romaanism, under a nominal and
ill•sustained allegiance to our Protestant Church.

" The class of Unsound divines to whom we refer, in-
variably base the defence of their principles on their
construction of certain passages and forma of words
which occur in some of the offices of the Church—par-
ticularly in those appointed for the ordination of minis-
ters—the baptism of infants— the visitation of the sick,
and the Catechism—forms of expression which taken
alone, and unexplained by:the tenor of the Articles and
the Church's general doctrine, may perhaps be of a
doubtful meaning,land.therefore afford opportunity for
misrepresentation.

" It is, unhappily, too notorious that this system of
error has become widely prevalent throughout Great
Britain, and this diocese in particular, and we grieve to
state it to be our deliberate and painful conviction, that
its principles, as well as the ceremonial practices which
its advocates have introduced, receive encouragement
from the Lord Bishop of Exeter."

The petition concludes with the followingprayer :
" Under a deep conviction that the extensive
evils to which we have adverted will he aggravated
by any lengthened delay, and that the strength
and efficiency of the Church, and the best
interests of the, community will be largely promoted by
a removal of the occasion of a complaint so general and
well founded, we humbly but earnestly pray that your
Majesty will be graciously pleased to direct the adop
lion of such measures with a view to an authoritative
and Protestant determination of the sense of the Liturgy
in all its parts, and also for defining the ceremonial of
the:Church in conformity to established usages as to your
Majesty's wisdom may seem best calculated to obtain
those desirable objects."

The Plymouth demonstration has already begun to
produce its effects. The Bishop of EXETMa has ac-
cepted the resignation of Mr. MASKELL, his exa-
mining chaplain, which resignation he had, before
the holding of the Plymouth meeting, refused to ac-
cept. It is true that in his letter accepting such
resignation, the Bishop of Exiazu declares that to
the excitement produced by the Plymouth meeting he
pays no attention whatever, and adds,' "such excitement
and such statements as are said to have been made at
that meeting, could have no weight with me ;" but in
coming to an opinion on this part of the subject, it
is necessary to bear in mind the verdict of the jury
in the case of " The Quiz v. LATIMIIIIL," As
was well observed by Mr. SOLTAU at the meeting on

Thursday,
" Whatever sophistry might be :thrown around it;
whatever pretence might be put forward, the fact was
undoubted, that, in consequence of a meeting held at
Plymouth, some three weeks since, Mr. Maskell's resig-
nation had been given in. They might attempt to blink
the question; they might attempt to say that it proceeded
from other causes, but no man who had read the corre-
spondedence carefully, could have any difficulty what-
ever as to the true reason. Let them then make use of
the power they possessed, as laymen, and persevere as
laymen in the course which was right, and their effort
must lead to useful and beneficial results."
There cannot be a doubt but that beneficial results
must follow from this grand Protestant movement
which has commenced in Plymouth, but which will
extend over the whole kingdom. Let the example of
Plymouth be followed by every town and city in the
kingdom—let all "Protestants," of whatever denomina-
tion—let all who value the right of private judgment
en the Scriptures—let all who are for " the Bible, the
whole Bible, and nothing but the Bible," join in this
great movement. As was well observed by Mr.
BENNETT, at the Plymouth meeting on Thursday,
" this question affects all religious communities, and
the well-being of the general body of the peeple."

BARRISTERS-AT-LAW.—MIDDLE TEMPLE, JAN. 1$
—The under-mentioned gentlemen, called to the degree
of the utter bar on Friday, were published in the Middle
Temple Hall this day:—George Tennant, John Jervis,
William Tapping, George Frederick Speke, Charles
Chandos Pole, Thomas Harrison, James German, John
Brewer, and Joh❑ Oliver Surtees,
The Dumbolton Serenaders, from the St. James's
Theatre, are " starring " it with great success at
Liverpool.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of Saturday
and yesterday.
The National Assembly, in its sitting on Friday,
determined, by a majority of 3, to take into consi-
deration the proposition of M. BATEAU for its disso-
lution. This decision is tantamount to granting
leave to bring a Bill, and it is by no means to be
taken as an indication that the proposition of M.
RATEAT will be adopted in its entirety, or even that
it will be adopted in principle. All that the
Assembly has as yet decided is that it is desirable the
question should be discussed. The debate was very
animated, and the speech of M. ODILON BARROT
was remarkable for its want of temper, and its viru-
lent abuse of the Republic, of which he is a Minister.
flaying betrayed the Monarchy in 1848, he seeks, as
a set off, to betray the Republic in 1849, but it is to
be hoped that the PRESIDENT of the Republic will
remember his responsibilities, and protect the Republic,
which he has sworn to defend from the now too-evident
treachery of the President of the Council. M.
ODILON BARROT has cast away his mask somewhat
too soon. He has so effectually damaged himself,
that finding he has no chance of being elected Vice-
President of the Republic, he has ceased to be a
candidate for the office, and will, it is said, support
the candidature of M. VIVIEN.

In The Sun, of Saturday, we gave a report of the
speech of id. DE GEZE, who commenced the dis-
cussion.

M. Pierre Bonaparte next rose, and said that he did
not intend to speak in so grave a discussion, but he
wished to refute a calumny directed against the As-
sembly. It was asserted that the latter was hostile to
the President. This was untrue. It was the Assembly
that admitted him into its ranks when he was eleeted
Representative of the people. It was the Assembly that
had recalled his family from exile, and had proclaimed
him President. That alleged hostility was a mere de-
mocratical susceptibility. The accord between the two
powers was the only safeguard of the constitution, and
what proved the necessity of that harmony was the
audacity of the re-actiouary parties. It belonged to
the Assembly alone to assign a period to its glorious
session. If the Government, invested with all the power
of the country, did not maintain the liberty of its deli.
berations, it would betray its duties, for the decrees of
the Assmbly were the law of the land.—(Bravos.) He
hoped the Assembly would solve with energy a question
thet ought not to have beets brought forward. In May
and Juno it had demonstrated that the factions could not
intimidate it, and it had sealed with its generous blood
its attachment to the cause of order and the country.
He trusted that the .assembly would impose silence on
its rebellious adversaries by manifesting its determina-
tion to frame the organic laws. In the name of the tie-
mocratical Republic and the sovereign people he pro-
tested against the pretensions of those who questioned
its tight to accomplish its mission to the end.
M. Montalembert, who followed, said that the Assem-
bly was composed of three parties—a minority desirous
to retire at any price, because, amongst other good
reasons, it believed itself certain of being re-elected ;
auether party resisted the dissolution for the contrary
motive.—(Laughter.) There was another party, com-
posed of men who had no decided opinion on the subject,
but which was waiting to hear the reasons for and
against the measure, in order to form its opinion. That
party, when enlightened, would decide the question. To
this last party he addressed himself. The demonstra-
tion of the 10th of December was not the mere triumph
of a name; it was a manifestation in favour of a mode-
rate policy and order. The country was thrown by the
Revolution of February into a state of fever, and had
tried all sorts of remedies. It now regarded the convo-
cation of a new Assembly as another remedy. The
patient was the master of its physicians, and could pre-
pare its own prescriptions. The Revolution had let
loose the giant, and armed him with the irresistible
force of universal suffrage. He now told the Assems
bly his wish in a low voice, and the latter should not
compel him to tell it aloud.—(Murmurs.) M. de
Montalembert then contended that the organic
laws were not the same thing as the Consti-
stution, and could be framed by the next Assembly.
I, it were animated with the same spirit it would frame
them to its satisfaction. If animated with a contrary
spirit nothing could prevent them from undoing its
work.—(Loud murmurs.) M. de Montalembert pro-
posed for imitation to the Assembly the noble conduct of
General Cavaignac, who, after being invested with the
most extensive powers, which he had used for the sal-
vation of society, had loyally resigned that authority
into the hands of the elect of the people.
M. Billault ascended the tribune, and said that the
opinion he was about to express would be in no way
influenced by seeing an election in perspective. Every
member in that Assembly had issued from universal
suffrage, and it was because they were the delegates of
the French people that they had a right to speak in
its name. When the Constitution was voted, when the
discussion on the organic laws was postponed, 'it had
never entered into the mind of any one to dispute the ad-
journment, for the object of the delay was to arrive at a
definitive state of things, for which the country was so
anxious.—(Hear, hear, on the Left.) The Assembly did
not by so doing renounce its work, and no one could se-
riously contest its right to complete the task which it had
commenced, and which it was its duty to terminate. The
question did not, therefore, lie in that point; it was one
of a purely political character; it was to know whether
the Assembly, invested with its electoral mandate,
should hasten or retard the period of its dissolution.
Ile admitted that after the trials through which
the country had had to pass, it stood in need of peace
and stability. It had thought that the six millions of
votes which had invested a citizen with the supreme
magistracy would have given an immense force to the
Government, and to the country great prosperity.
That strength of Government was not now called
in question, but nevertheless confidence had not been
re-established, and it was asked with a feeling of un-
easiness why, after the immense majority of votes given
to the President, business did not revive. It was not an
easy thing to constitute a Government and to give it a
firm root in the country; it was a difficult task. The
present Government could not boast of having acquired
that feeling of unanimity. The Republican Go-
vernment which had been founded had also had ob-
stacles to contend with, obstacles of which advantage
had been taken, and which were still endeavoured to
be turned to account.—(Murmurs.) Much had been
said of a want of agreement, of a governmental incom-
patibility between the National Assembly and the Pre-
sidency of the Republic, but these insinuations
had been clearly proved to be unfoundsd. It had been
sought to organize the public mind against the Assem-
bly, to bring about not a material, but a moral 15th of
May.—(Hear, hear, on the Left) It had been wished
to ascertain whether the Assembly, which had by its
attitude resisted an anarchical emeute, would be able to
resist anti-revolutionary passions.—(Renewed approba-
tion from the Left.) The Assembly would know how
to stand firm between these two extreme opinions which
struggled against it; it would prove itself equal to the
question of order which interested both the power of
authority and the Constitution. lie was aware that it
had been said to those who were impatient, that the work
they wished for could not be accomplished; that the Na-
tional Assembly was a permanent obstacle, that it had
been condemned on the 10th of December, and mast re-
tire.—(Hear, bear.) But he would simply ask, what
had taken place on the 10th of December ? What were
the principles professed by the President of the Re-
public in his programme, when he solicited the suffrages
of the French people? Did he'not promise to found an
honest Republic, to protect religion, family ties, and
property; to diminish the taxes which bore heavily on
the working classes; were not those the principles which
they all professed, and which the National Assembly
had energetically practised? On their first assembling
they had proclaimed respect for the great social Iprin-
cip les; and when, at a later period, the sovereignty of the
Assembly had been attacked, it had with stoical courage
caused riot to recoil. Again, in June, the Assembly
had presided over the defence of social order. Let any
one state a single day when the Assembly had been
wanting in its duty, a single measure which had been
rejected that was considered beneficial to the country.—
(Hear, hear, on the left.) Tho programme of tho Prooi-
dent of the Republic was, therefore, he would repeat,
merely a simple repetition of the principles of the As-
sembly; how then could it be said that the election of
the 10th December had condemned the Assembly, unless
the programme of the President contained some hidden
intentions? The Assembly had in no way changed its
principles—they remained the same as they had always
been. That pretended obstacle, therefore, did not exist.
It had also been said that the action of the Executive
Government would not be complete in the presence of
the National Assembly. That he could not conceive,
as the Constitution had clearly defined the rights of the
Executive Power, There was only one point, the
promulgation of the laws, and the right to make ob-
servations whioh the President of the Republic could
not exercise towards a Constituent as he could towards
a purely Legislative Assembly. The great reason why
the country was uneasy and confidence not restored was
that none of the great questions which really and 'inti-
mately conserved it had been settled. It had been said
that the National Assembly impeded the progress of the
Government, but that could not be the case, for although
the Ministry had been formed for a month, it had not
brought forward a single Ministerial question. The
country wished for a strong Government; what, then
would it: think when it saw men whose previous conduct
had given hopes of better things hold aloof and leave to
others the care of overcoming the first difficulties?—
(Approbation on the Left.) That fact was calculated to
give uneasiness to the country; in fact, when they should
have given for some months a spectacle of inertness, it
would be said that the Republican Government had
been definitely condemned, that it produced only hesi-
tation, and then the current which now impelled
them would carry away both the Republic and
its President. He should prefer to defend what
now existed to incurring fresh dangers, and having per-
haps to recommend a fresh revolution. If he had in cer-
tain cases considered it his duty to recommend concilia-
tion, it was to prevent the misfortunes which inevitably
resulted from division and party spirit It was only ne-
cessary to read the petitions which were put forth
against the Assembly to be convinced of the truth of
what he said. A kind of terrorism had been got up
in the journals against the National Assembly, and
those who pretended to be Conservatives, and applauded
such manoeuvres, were, in his opinion, highly culpable.
here were in that Assembly contrary currents; those
wf,o wished fur the maintenance of the ~;public end
of the Constitution, and those who believed that its
existence was not possible. He should, in conclusion,
repeat what he he had said at the commencement, that