The Sun.
London, England, 1849-03-03 00:00:00

AUSTRIA.

The Vienna Gazette of the 21st confirms the an-
nouncement of the entry of 6,000 Russians into
Cronstadt, and 4,000 into Hermanstadt. According
to the official account of this movement, sent to the
Austrian Government by General Puchner, he bad
been induced to call in the Russians, at the earnest
prayer of the inhabitants of these towns, who were
exposed to pillage and massacre by the enemy, Ge-
neral Puchner being unable to detach from his army,
which was in pursuit of General Bem, a sufficient
force to protect them.
The Reform of Berlin has the following from
Vienna, dated the 24th ult. :—" We have just Did a
danger of military revolt. The Wacher battalion, to
which belonged the soldier who was killed by the
people on the Nth, resolved to avenge his death, and
for that purpose turned out in arms. A superior
officer arrested some of the ringleaders, but was
compelled to set them at liberty. Fortunately, how-
ever, the chiefs at length brought the soldiers to
reason, by promising that justice should be done.
The commune of Neulerchufeld has offered a reward
of 300 florins for the discovery of the murderers of
the soldier whose death the battalion desired to
avenge."
The Breslaw Gazette states that a treaty has been
concluded between the Cabinets of St. Petersburgh
and Olmutz, by which the Danubian provinces and a
part of Transylvania are to be ceded to Russia, in
exchange for some territory situated in Bosnia and
Herzegoin.
A letter from Hamburgh of the 26th ult. states
that the intelligence bad reached that city that the
Russians had evacuated Cronstadt: and Hermanstadt,
and returned to the Russian territory, in consequence
of the victories of General Puchner over Bern.

The Wiener Zeitung contains the following official
proclamation :
" The condition of Hungary, distracted as it is by
civil war, demands an immediate pacification. The
splendid achievements of a gallant and devoted army
have, indeed, triumphed over rebellion, and restored the
violated authority of the Sovereign. But, disjointed by
the revolution, the former constitution of the country
stands in need of a thorough reformation, which will
answer to the wants of the time, to the claims of the
peoples to an equality of rights, and to the condition of
the great body of the monarchy.
" Nor is it less imperative to regulate the political and
financial administration of the individual provinces. For
this purpose it is requisite to remove the forms and ele-
ment of the former administration, which have again
coagulated since the overthrow of Kossuth's tyranny,
without having within themselves the condition of exist
ence and actions suited to the altered circumstances.

" The policy of peace, the policy of organization, mus
crown the work.

" The Cabinet is sensible of the greatness and of the
difficulty of the task, to which it devotes its most assi-
duous cares.

" In the midst of conflicting interests and of countless
wishes and claims, it is above all necessary to take a
close survey of the circumstances, to know and distin-
guish that which is useful, just, and necessary, and to
listen to the arguments of the parties concerned.
" The next step of the Cabinet will therefore be to
summon a council of men representing and enjoying the
confidence of the various nationalities in Hungary, and
to act according to their advice, and with their co-ope-
ra tion.

~ This plan is in the course of execution, nor can the
beneficial result No doubtful."

HUNGARY.
(From Galignani's Messenger of Wednesday.)
The following letter has been addressed to us on
the Hungarian question :
" The struggle which still continues on the banks of
the Danube and the Theiss every day attracts more
attention to the position and affairs of Hungary, but
public opinion as to the character of this struggle is
formed from imperfect information, and from impres
sions which induce false conclusions. It is in the in-
terest of Hungary, and it is my special duty, as my name
has been mixed up with some of these events, to make
known the precise nature of the movement in Hun
gary. It is represented as an episode to the revolu
tionary drama of the year 1848 by seeking to unite it
closely with the popular insurrection at Vienna. This
is a supposition utterly unfounded, against which it is
our duty to protest. The events which have taken place
in Hungary have not the slightest relation with the re-
volution in Germany. It is trite that many important
changes have taken place in Hungary, as regards ideas
and institutions. We have abolished crosses and ninths,
and the clergy and nobility have renounced all their
ancient feudal privileges; the liberty of the press, of
education, and public worship have been estab•
lished. All that France obtained by her first revolution
we have obtained by reform, sanctioned by our Parlia-
ment. It was not in the streets, but in our Chamber of
Deputies and Magnates, that liberal principles
triumphed. Our movement did not proceed from the
effects of a revolution,—it was the result of a protracted
parliamentary conflict between the representatives of
Hungary (constitutional for eight centuries), and
the Austrian Cabinet always absolute. Theposi-
tion of Hungary with respect to the Austrian Go-
vernment was essentially changed by the revolu
tion of the 13th of March, whieh rendered
Austria a constitutional monarchy—from this
time Hungary required fresh guarantees for the defence.
of her nationality, which consists not in the unity of
language, but in the identity of interests, the similitude
of institutions, and all those relations created by eight
centuries of a common history between the different
races of which she is composed. True to her ancient
traditions, to her laws, to her history, Hungary believed
that the reconstruction of the Austrian empire, become
necessary in consequence of the revolution of Vienna,
could only take place upon the basis of a close fe-
deral alliance between Hungary and the hereditary pro-
vinces. The basis was accepted by the Sovereign. On
the 11th of April the Emperor-King, surrounded by his
family, and accompanied by his brother, the Archduke
Francis Charles, and his nephew, the Archduke Fran-
cis Joseph (now the reigning Emperor of Austria), went
from Vienna to Presburg, for the purpose of giving his
solemn sanction to the law establishing in Hungary a
Ministerial Government. But after the victory of Custozza,
and the taking of Milan, the policy
.of Austria changed.
It was no longer the federal principle, but that of
the absolute unity of the empire, and a fusion of
all the provinces divided into small departments, that
the Ministry of Vienna adopted. They openly declared
that the law of the 11th April was not in accordance
with the unity of the empire, and the sword of tho Ban
Jellachich served as a support of this declaration. War
was forced upon us ; we accepted it, ready to defend
the independence of Hungary, guaranteed for three cen-
turies by the oaths of fourteen kings, without having any
idea, either then or now, of separatpn from the house of
Austria. The reports of the revolutions of the Hungarian
Diet against the historic rights of the house of Austria
are completely unfounded in fact. The clergy and the
old Conservatives, as well as the Liberals, rallied round
the standard raised in support of the integrity of the
Crown of Hungary, threatened b.y the Austrian Minis-
try ; they forgot their former differences in their fixed
determination to sustain the independence of their
country, in conformity with its fundamental laws. At
Vienna, on the contrary, where liberty had as yet no
historic bases, it was revolutionary ideas which stirred
up the people. In reality, the Viennese being con-
vinced that, if the law of the 11th April was ques-
tioned in Hungary, the concessions of March and of
May had no longer any guarantee in Austria, this con-
viction connected in some degree the events of Vienna
and those of Hungary. But this coincidence of in-
terests, independ(nt of the will of individuals, admits
of a more easy explanation than the coalition in the
Parliament at Frankfort, between the Austrian deputies
and the extreme Republican left. The Hungarians
never took any part in the affairs of the
German democracy. The leaders of the parties at Pesth
and Vienna were perfect strangers to each other; not-