The Sun.
London, England, 1831-04-25 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

We cannot too earnestly inculcate the necessity
of making the greatest exertion to return everywhere
ReFetmers in the true sense of the word. The
Entroughmongers are stirring heaven and earns to
compass their base ends, and money will be lavished
en the worthless Englishmen who, Tor a mess of
pottage, will sell the rights of themselves and their
children. The majority and minoritly on General
Gascoyne's motion, on the mitt, printed by Mr.
Ridgway, in the form of a ebeet, should be distrie
bitted throughout eve.} corner of the three King.
Aleuts, in order tc be posted up in all paces of re-
sort, that the enemies of the people may be
thoroughly known. Whoever voted for that ?rodeo
taught to be excluded from every place where the
people have any influence. Another point is of great
importance. Let there be no divteions among the
Reformers themselves. We account every man, no
matter what his professions and pledges, who offers
himself as a candidate in place of any of the men
ssho have declared themselves for the whole Bill,
and who have voted for the second reading and
against General Gascoyne's motion, an enemy of
the people. By reason of the division thus created
i
the enemy may come n. We are sorry, therefore,
to see a Reform candidate start for CVestmiester
Sit Francis Burdett and Mr. Hobhouse ought to have
rivalsamong Reformers. The Reformers havequite
enough on their hands without opposing f ach other. It
must not be forgotten, that in the election about to take
place many of the motives which stimulate candidates
to make exertions to secure their return are weak-
ened, while, on the other hand, the boroughmongers
are fighting for their all. Vanity comes in power-
fully to the aid of public spirit on ordinary OCC4I,
sions; but the Parliament about to be chosen meets
for a specific purpose, and then ceases to exist.
There are many individuals who would stand the ex-
pences of a contest for a seat in a Parliament ex-
pected to be of the ordinary duration, who on this
occasion would rather give way to others. The
people should bear all the,e things in mind. It is
peculiarly their cause which is now agitated. The
enemy are united—their movements will be skilfully
directed. Nothing but the union of the people,
and an enthusiastic determination to make every
sacrifice for this one occasion, will carry us suc-
cessfully through. If the people be not true to
themselves now, the consequences will be unspeak-
ably calamitous. Every man who votes for an Anti-
reformer votes for despotism—votes against the
liberty of the Press—against education—against all
that has made England what she is, in spite of the
abuses from which she has suffered. Sir Robert
Peel, the head of the Anti-reformers, has not
hesitated to ':teriAre himself an admirer of the system
ofCharlee X. and an energy to the liberty of the Press,
whicle he chooses to term Journalism. He talked
OR Friday of " the despotism of Journalism—that
despotism which had brought neighbouring countries,
once happy and flourishines, to the very brink of ruin
and despair." Joseph Surface has at length spoken
our. This was the overflowing of a full heart.
Happy France, if Charles had succeeded in destroy-
ing the Chimer, and annihilating Journalism ! So,
if this man and his party succeed, we may see what
happiness is in store for us. We shall have, no
doubt, gagging Bills in abundance, a re. a-ction
against every thing liberal, fresh crusades against the
Press, by Sir James Scarlett, fleshed by a spirit
of vengeance on account of his late mortifications
We understand that several of the leading borough-
mongers have had a meeting, to agree on supplies
for the contest, and that a stock purse of a hundred
thousand pounds was subscribed fur without delay.
Some of them subscribed as high as twenty thousand
pounds. To counteract these great exertions, sub-
scriptions must be liberally entered into at Man-
chester, Birmingham, Sheffield, Glasgow, and ell
other great towns about to receive the franchise.
We repeat, the greatest exertions are required.
The boroughmongers have every motive for open-
ing their purses liberally ott this occasion. On the
one hand, their power to plunder will be annihilated
by Reform ; on the other, victory would soon enable
them to repay their outlay out of the pockets
of the people. The poor wretches, who for gold
should sell themselves to this crew, would soon feel
the consequence in increased burdens. The victory
of the borotighmongers would be reaction, and the
liberal squandering of the public money, in order to
protect themselves by the dispensation of patronage.
We state matters fairly and without disguise, because
we would not have the people to allow any advantage
to he obtained over them, through ignorance of the
extent of the danger. There is no cause for despair,
if the people be only true to themselves, because an
united and determined people must triumph over
their enemies. But then every man must put his
shoulder to the wheel, and contribute in purse and
exertions according to his abilities. The man who
is not true to the cause on this occasion, may never
be able to atone afterwards for his fault. Every
elector should consider the fate of the country
to depend on himself. Public opium' should be
made to bear powerfully in every neighbourhood on
teleceeni, so that the man, who, from pusillanimity
might be led to betray his country, may tremble at
the odium he will have to encounter. It would be
an eternal reproach to Englishmen, were they to
allow the boroughmongers to triumph over them.—
Morning C7lrmacle.
We trust the illumination, which the Lord Mayor
has recommended for the city to-night, will begeneral
throughout all parts of the Metropolis. Such a ma-
nifestation of public feeling is peculiarly approptiate
at this time. His Majesty is deserving of every
homage which a grateful people can yield, and we
are sure the people of the Metropolis require no sti-
mulant to induce them to show in a becoming man-
ner their sense of the noble manner in which the
King has responded to the wishes of the people.—
Morning Chronicle.

-With the people of England now res's the cause
of Reform : their gracious Sovereign has delivered
it into their hands, and whatever use they make of
it,—whether it suffer and sink with them, or increase
in strength, and pass on to victory, the obligation to
the Sovereign is the same—he is entitled to the
eternal gratitude of his people. There is no ques-
tion but the struggle will be a fierce one; the con-
flict on the dissolution in the House of Commons,
and the tumult in that other more orderly body, the
House of Lords, are preludes of the more tempe-
tuous scenes which will take place in the kingdom
at large on the present general election. Who
would have thought that, in support of a cause
:so manifestly unjust as that of nominating mock-
Members to sit in the House of Commons, wider
the semblance of the representatives of the people
of England, any party or faction of men could be
found to array themselves publicly ? It is a proof
that the long practice of political vice, like that of
moral vice, not only depraves the . heart which at
first may have hardly been tainted by it, but per-
verts
Is, the understanding and stupifies the faculties.
'w many years have the wise and good of all
parties declared that a Reform of the House of
Commons WEIR necessary : and now that it has been
attempted,—attempted t dtoo a legal and constitu-
tional way,
--it is resisted as a wrong of the most
atrocious kind.
inflicted on whom ? On
those who never cou\rdonhgaiove a right, and who always
exercised their unjust with a secrecy and
stealth that showed the power with
their being
engaged in criminal proceedings,„et now they
come forward and call out openly,Give us our
rotten boroughs, suffer us to have something to offer
to Ministers in barter for places,—, •
PPenntinents in
fact, for a support for ourselves and our families
t
of the national purse.—or we will stop the suppliels
we will rob the navy and army of their pay,
and dissolve the civil administration of the
country." To what a state would England
have been reduced if these men could have
effected their purpose There is no slavery which
h'story, ancient and modern, could exhibit as a pa-
rallel to what might be found here, (we do not mean
slavery mingled with brutal cruelty on the part of
the oppressors, but simply the absence of safeguards
for freedom, the want of a due Aare to the people

is to r,' ariministration of their own affairs), if first a
,et of privileged men should be allowed for ever to
nominate their dependents, to mpresent the people
of England in their town }rouse "tr)f legislation, and
then should ba\re, the peiver to stop the march of
the civil gOve.rntifent, as soon as any attempt should
li ot the part of the King or his subject' to
arrest their practices. The strtiggh t';.) prevent such
a state of things (a state 'Only theoretically wrong,
but felt to have productive of the most grievous
evils) began with the introduction of Lord :join
nusell's Bill into the late lion'ie of Commons.
There it was carried en y Cite Ministry on our part,
till they were rtreliowered by the friends of corrup-
tion, w!lett, by the dissolution, they transferred the
derence of their own cause to the people at large, so
far as the people can act under that system still
in vigour, and now struggling for existence,
which it is attempted to r4-.move. Money in this
case, as in other:, is the sinew of war, and the
boroughmongers are said not to be slack in supply-
ing funds to support their cause. Thar must be
met by the same means which th,,y Vise. It particu-
lady behoves the large 4',OWns which hope to be
represented, to rome forward on this occasion, for
otherwire they may be said to stand by with their
arms folded, whilst others fight their battles. Our
journal of Saturday supplied a list of counties and
boroughs whence, with proper vigour, the advocates
of the boroughmongera might be ejected. In these,
and in more too, we hope the good cause wilt pre-
vail, We want nothing unreasonable—no revolu-
tion,--but reform to prevent ;evolution. If this de-
mand be eluded. we know not what may follow.
The people never again sit down tranquilly
under the atrocious wrong of having mock represeres
tatives sent to impose taxes on them in Parliament.
—Times.

The following resolution has been adopted at
Windsor: it reflects great honour on the Royal
borough, and the example will, we trust, be followed
by every borough in the kingdom
40 Wirid!or, Saturday Morning, April 28.
" The undtstigned, deeming that the anticipated disso-
lution of Parliament presents a proper opportunity of eX-
pressing the high sense which the inhabittnits of Windsor
entertain of the patriotic anti thliihtened conduct of
their present RepreseotatiVes, do hereby invite John
Ramsbottom, Pst. and the Right Hon. Edward G.
Stanley, 'gain to become candidates for the represen-
tation Of the borough, and do pledge themselves to parti-
tipate in any arrangement which may be made for re-
turning these gentlemen free from all expense.
[Signed by 93 of the principal inhabitants of
Windsor in two hours.]
We repeat to every borough,—" Go and do like-
wise." But more must be done : we call upon
every man in the kingdom to consider the cause as
his own, and the victory as depending on his individual
sxertions. The enemies of Reform are most active.
Meetings are held every hour for the purpose of
raising money to brot up the rights of Englishmen.
English Dukcs, and Scotch Dukes, arid Right Hon.
Baronets, are in league to crush the noble and
patriotic attempt of the King and his Ministers to
restore the ri;hts of Englishmen These worthie
have revolved that a seat in Parliament shall be sold
like mackerel at Billingsgate. They have resolved
that the people of England are so base, so degraded,
so incapable of moral feeling, so deaf to the call of
national honour, that they will, like Esau, rush for-
ward to the market and sell their birthrights for a
mess of pottage. People of England ! do these
Noble and Right lion. Conspirators judge rightly of
your character ? Arse, and trample on the calumny!
Come forward as one man, arid help those who are
exerting every nerve to help you. The Bill will
give the right of voting to .500,000 persons : let
etch of these persons subscribe his mite forthwith,
and in a few days so overwhelming a fund will be
created, that the boroughmongers must fly away in
despair. It is, as we have before stated, the last
struggle. The corruptionists, who struggle for their
dirty existence, fight the last fight of despair. The
people of Englind fight for liberty, for justice, for
the emancipation of themselves and their posterity

from the most &grading of all slaveries,---:the de-
gradation of volunta-y submission to a yoke, which
one great effort may shake off for ever. Let each
of the persons who by this Bill will be raised to the
dignity of freemen, subscribe, if only U. each on
the average, and in a few days we shall have half a
million of money to be expended in the most right-
eous of causes. In the mean time we recommend

the following as a sketch of the resolutions which
might be generally ivlopted, but more particularly
in the unrepresented towns:—
" Resolvd, 1. That the unrelenting enemies of Reform
and of the people are making every exertion to defeat thu
measures of his Majesty's Government in favour of the
good cause.

" 2. That those enemies, besides resorting to other mea-
sures, are subscribing large sums of money, to form a fund
for overwhelming the voice of the people, by tneans of
corruption, treating, and all manner of extravagant expen-
diture, at the approaching elections.
" 3. That this desperate effort of the expiring borough
faction may prove successful, unless it shall ho vigorously
resisted.

" 4. That it is the bounden duty of every friend of the
people, and of Reform—of every man who cherishes the
• .•. .• n

free institutions of our couutry—to rally round our beloved
Sovereign, and save him and the country from the fangs
of this desperate faction.

" 5. That the ►nest effectual constitutional means of
performing this duty is, for the people to form associa-
tions, in order to defray the legal expenses, and bear the
I ibours of contested elections all over the country.
" 6. That besides local exertions, a subscription of not
more than a sovereign each he immediately begun to form
a general fund for opposing by all lawful means the corrupt
and illegal efforts of the borough faction.
" 7. That bankers, do receive subscriptions
for this purpose, and that be appointed
a committee for the management of the fund so raised."
Let these resolutions be adopted, and the triumph
will be decisive, and as speedy as decisive. We
know our countrymen—on their determined spirit
and irresistible energy we rely with perfect con-
fidence.—Times.

The most glor'ous exertions are making at Lin-
coln in favour of Reform. The moment that the
dissolution was known, a public meeting was held
at the Guildhall," to protect the rights of the people
against the enemies of the Reform Bill." The hall
was overflowing. A string of patriotic resolutions
was passed with acclamation. The two present
Members were declared to be unfit to represent that
loyal and public-spirited city, and a Committee was
formed, under the presidency of Alderman Cartledge,
who have sent requisitions to candidates of Reform
principles. We understand that Mr. Corbett and
another gentleman are already in the to‘vn. The
City of London and the Borough of Southwark are
acting with the most patriotic zeal. The county of
Gloucester is strenuously exerting itself in the good
cause. Sir T. Acland has, we see, retreated from
the impending storm in Devonshire. Sir E,
Knatchbull, in Kent, would act wisely in imitating
the example of his brother Baronet.—Thnes.
We hear with pain that a most excellent Judge is
canvassing actively for Messrs. Goulburn and Yates
Peel, who oppose Lord Palmerston arid Mr. Caven-
dish at Cambridge. We respect the zeal of private
friendship, and we honour the virtues and talents of
the Magistrate to whom we now allude ; but surely,
on reflection, his own admirable sense must tell him,
that Judges should confine themselves to their judi-
cial functions, and not descend to canvass in club
houses in favour of political partisans.—Times.
The boroughmongers have been, and still are, la-
bouring to alarm the country into a persuasion that
the Reform Bill is a revolutionary measure. If
such were really the case,it could not be too warmly
resisted. That it is not such, is unanswerably
the readyof thousands
proved by this one fact, that it has received the
unequivocal
hne s al
ocal support of the Monarch, of a great ma-
jority ofm
independent
u
pn thousands
portiono of the
House
of Commons,
of
those very ranks of the
lution would be ruin. But
tommunity to whom revo-
let us try these virtuous
alarmists by their own test
who deprecate revolution in woLredtsusbsosee how they
it by their acts. Let us ask them
whethertel court
closing scene of the late Parliament, in _y
the
both Houses,

lon Pridal' posie';4 More of a really revolti.
tioniry 'character than arty thing Which hits trans--
1 pired in the annals of this 'country since the period
which preceded the Comf,'tonwealth. What is a
revolution but the subversion of one state of go-
verraTet:nz and the substitution of another or none; in
its stead ? Let any man read calm}--le; tie actors
in the scenes look. back t.l.izt'aSeives upon what took
place in th'-!: 4,;W0 'Houses on Friday and ask what
c6';'-ald more resemble a prelude to revolution. 'We
will not pollute our columns by repeating the dis-
gusting recitals, still less will we be the means of
propagating the infamous aspersions upon our pa,.
triotic King, which these pretended friend' of .10-
narchy-and of ths'! Constitution t,re giving utterance
to whettver their slanders
.can be intruded; but
we feel no hesitation in stating that the eor,n
duct exhibited on that day amounted td very
little short of treason, and that some at
least of thC offenders may think it fortunate that
they are not now ruminating in the Tower over
conduct v, hich, in times even of far less excitement,
would have led to such a termination. 'We respect
freedom in all its rational bearings-----me respect
freedom of debate—we respect the privileges of
Parliament as among the surest safeguards of public
liberty; but, making ever allowance oh these
heads, we feel quite confident that, had the actors
in these scene changed places, and had the violence
exhibited by some of them emanated from the party
who now hold the reins of Government, that the
strong arm of the law would have been called in to
vindicate the Monarch, the Parliament, and the
people, against something very like a levying of war
upon their all. Yet these are the people who prate
of revolution ! who, insidiously, dastardly, and un-
truly, impute to the king and his Ministers a de-
sign to subvert the Constitution by a measure the
train effect of which will be to take from these men

an unconstitutional, usurped, and illegal power,
which they themselves would risk a revolution
to maintain. Whether the actors in the scenes
we have alluded to look back with shame and
sorrow to the parts which they have taken
in them, we cannot tell. We do—the better
part of the people of England de—all who respect
authority do—and if there are, as we fear there may
he, too many to whom a subversion of the present
constituted authorities would not be disagreeable,
how delighted must they be to see examples of
anarchy and sedition thus set them by those who
as long as they could revel in the nation's wealth,
were patterns of loyalty; but who, as soon as their
darling but unrighteous influence is assailed, assume
the very tones and gestures, and all the maddening
excitements which in persons of inferior grades
would have consigned them over to the Attorney-
General and the gaoler.—Morning Herald.
The closing scene of Parliament displayed more
animation than dignity. It may be said with truth,
that when at the point of death, Parliament became
more lively than it ever had been before; the prospect
of immediate dissolution seemed to give it an ex-
uberance of vigour, as if the solemnities that pre-
ceded the last hour of its existence had brought it
the accession of a new vitality. It is true that it
died young, which may account for its disinclination
to (lie at all; but young as it was it had brought one
Administration to a violent end, and was about to
sacrifice another, when it was summoned to its ac-
count at the judgment seat of public opinion, where
its privileges are no longer respected, arid its
misdeeds are not forgotten. It seems as if it
were for the last scene of this short-lived, but
eventful Parliament, that Sir Robert Peel reserved
his energies ; for it was only then that he threw
off the mask of a wily, but placid, opposition
to the measure of Reform, arid became its fierce
and menacing opponent. He had hitherto, as it
were, fenced with the question in that dextrous
style of petty tactics, or sham encounter, in which
he is so practised a hand. It was only when he
almost heard the footsteps of that awful personage,
who, armed with the Black Rod, comes like the
grisly herald of mortality to knock at the door of
the collective wisdom, and announce its approaching
fate, that he threw away the foil of mimic combat,
and brandished the weapon of earnest and furious
warfare. He then cut at the Ministers with a bold-
ness and vehemence for which they could not have
been prepared by any previous display of his politi-
cal strategies, and what would have been the con-
sequence it is impossible to say if he had not been
cut short himself by that " knock," in which even
the omnipotence of Parliament hears the presage of
extinction. Who could have imagined, a few months,
or a few weeks ago, that Sir Robert Peel would
openly, in his place in the House of Commons,
have declared that " it really ceased to be an object
almost to any man to enter into the service of the
Crown, so unthankful was the obligation ?"—We
did not know that the Crown had ever been un-
grateful to Sir Robert for such services as he at any
time rendered it. If we take into account the pa-
tronage which he so liberally exercised for many
years, and by which his family and friends, including,
of course, his numerous cousins, profited so largely,
we should think his abilities and merits were rather
overpaid than underrated. It is only, however, since
he has been out of office that he has discovered
what a thankless indifference the Crown has for
obligations conferred; and we presume, after making
this avowal, he does not intend to put himself again
in the way of experiencing its ingratitude. If the
Crown has been ungrateful to his merits, he is re-
solved to serve an early notice upon all the world
that the present Ministers never can have any claims
upon the Royal gratitude, for he says that, during
their short possession of power, they have e-tablished
a character for more incapacity, for more unfitness
for business, than ever was displayed by any set of
men who ever attemp•ed to rule the destinies of this
country ! He also charges them with having advised
the Sovereign to dissolve Parliament merely for the
purpose of protecting themselves from expulsion
from office—and this, too, after he had previously
declared that it had ceased to be an object to any
man to enter into the service of the Crown. Hear
this, electors of England ! and so act that, if the
Administration be weak, the real representatives of

the people in the next Parliament may be strong.—
Morning Herald.
The Proclamation for dissolving Parliament was
on Saturday published in an Extraordinary Gazette,
and the mails were detained an hour for the purpose
of conveying it, together with the writs, to every
part of the empire. The writs, it will be seen, are
returnable on the 14th of June, but Parliament is
not expected to be sammoned to meet for the
dispatch of business before the 21st, or 28th of that
month. The elections will not commence before
the end of the present week. Beaten at all points,
and disgraced in the eyes of all rational men, Mi-
nisters have thus ventured to appeal from the sense
of Parliament to the decision of the nation. Instead
of pursuing the course which more upright and dis-
interested men would have adopted, they prefer en-
dangering the peace of the country, by dissolving
the Parliament ; and for this act of sheer selfishness,
desperation, and folly, they stand fearfully respon-
sible to an abused Monarch and an injured people.
The expedient, however, there is every reason to
expect, will not only fail of success, but sink its
authors still further in disgrace. The country can
never have confidence in men who do not hesitate
to sacrifice its interests in furtherance of their own
unworthy purposes. As was justly said of them by
a contemporary (who is now their fiercest advocate,
on the occasion of the General Election so late us
autumn last), " the experience of nearly fifty years
has proved the real character of his party. At once
haughty and pusillanimous, rash.iand short-,ighted--
noisy Democrats when out of place—insolent Aris-
tocrats when in—ignorant of the noble qualities of
their own countrymen and timid depreciators of
their glory, while they are ever vehement and ready
to applaud and magnify the successes of foreigners."
The men whose character is thus justly drawn by
one who appears to have had a correct knowledge
of the arts of \Vhiggery, are the very same who, on
the present occasion, have the hardihood to crave
the support of the people in their atrocious endea-
vours to destroy their best interests and the prime

"sources o. national app mess. nut their motives
are so well known, and their conduct so perfectly
understood, as to remove all ground of apprehen-
sion in, regard to the result of the appeal ; and with
the exception 'of a fetv Treasury boroughs, the re-
preseetntion of which they can of course command,
there is every reason to hope that the returns will
be triumphantly on the side of the Constitution.—
Morning Port.
The result of the contest for the Univere'ty of Cam-
bridge will be the fist important manifestation of
opinion that the reckless arid desperate conduct of
Ministers will elicit. The issue of this struggle will
be known before the, county elections commence,
and thue is it left with the tJniversitti to set an ex-
ample by whith, ere it is too late, the gentry of the
country may be roused into action, and the tottering
fabric of our Constitution upheld, Ministers, we
have reason to know, look with intense anxiety to
the result of this struggle, and their minions are
leaving unessayed no effort by which they can hope
to corrupt, cajole, oe intimidate, the electors of the
University into a decision destructive alike of its
safety and character. Lord Palmerston presents
himself to the University for re-election as a promi-
nent Member of an Administration that has thought
it proper, becoming, and honest, to purchase a tem-
porary continuance of its own power by an appeal to
the voice of an excited nation ; arid must not there-
fore complain if he finds personally that the weapon
be has employed has a double edge. Moreover, it
can scarcely be unknown to his Lordship that there
have long been members amongst his constituency,
with whom it has been a subdued reproach, that his
Lordship's dexterity in his generation has gained
him admittance into more Cabinets than are usually
accessible to the same honest man. But now surely,
to every man's apprehension, the wheel has come
round full circle; and the pliant colleague of Perce-
val, Castlereagh, Liverpool, Canning, Godeiich,
Wellington, and Earl Grey, may without ill-nature
he twittered with having completely boxed the
compass of politics, arid be called upon to ex-
plain to plain and simple men, by what recognised
route of morals or politics the High Tory opponent
of Lord Henry Petty became the Radical coadjutor
of the Marquis of Lansdowne. Leaving his Lord-
ship to the reminiscences which Lord Henry Petty's
name ought to awake, we proceed to address one
line of solemn warning to the tribunal before whom
he is about to be arraigned. Three hundred Mem-
bers of the House of Commons, for merely defend-
ing those institutions under which the Universities of
the land had their being, and on whose destinies
their very existence hangs, have been wantonly and
contumeliously dismissed from the councils of the
nation, and in a moment of great public excitement
and irritation have been sent back to their consti-
tuents, to have their characters assailed, their for-
tunes crippled, and their persons exposed, by the reck-
lessness of a Cabinet of which Lord Palmerston forms
a part. Hefter this act of cruel aggression against its
real defenders, the University makes not with them
common cause—if it treats not their enemy as its
own foe, and metes not unto him out of his own
bushel—if it puts not its hand to the plough and
looks not back—if it leans on the hand of power,
and bows itself down in the house of Rimmon—as-
suredly it will not be pardoned in this thing. shrink
from its duty how it may, elude it by whatever
subtlety, justify it by whatever necessity, neverthe-
less will its name stink in the nostrils of all the true
friends of our institutions. Whereas, if it comes
forward at this momentous crisis, in a manner be-
fitting its rank amid the ancient institutions of the
land, if it intimates its disapprobation of the Go-
vernment by a firm and disinterested demonstration
of constitutional reproof—the country, be it assured,
will pause in its headlong career, and wise and tem-
perate councils may yet prevail. But if, without
check from the virtuous and enlightened, the
thoughtless multitude are to make selection of those
by whom that Constitution is to be settled, under
which we, our children, and our children's children
are to live—if that form of Government under
which our institutions have grown up, and under
which, in spite of apparent defeats, liberty and
property enjoy a security unknown elsewht-re—
if that form of Government is to be recast
by such hands at such an hour, we can only
thus early record our dismal forebodings, that the
ancient Comneous House of this land will be sup-
planted by an assembly that will force, one by one,
the strong holds of the rich and privileged, until,
amid the desperation of the attacked and excitement
of the assailants, a gem ral prostration of rank and
property will ensue, and the far-famed fabric of our
Constitution afford one other melancholy memento
of the frailty and instability of all human institutions.
—Morning Post.
Men of the United Kingdom ! the decree has
gone forth—the Agitation Parliament is dissolved,
—an appeal is made to you by your Sovereign,—
and a high, an important, and sublime duty devolves
upon you, on the discharge of which depends not
only the restoration of your own rights as freemen,
but the salvation of the country from anarchy and
revolution ! That you should fail in the accomplish-
ment of the wishes of your Sovereign—that you
should not display the heroism and devotion in the
exercise of the political rights which still remain
to you, and for the regaining of those which
have been wrested from you, by a lotig series
of base usurpations on the part of the oli-
garchy, and which usurpations have been employed
for purposes of legal plunder, that you have
so often manifested in combating the foreign
enemies of your country—and that you will not
roll back the tide of oppression upon your oppres-
sors, by choosing as your representatives such men
only as will rote for the Bill, the whole Bill, and
nothing, but the Bill, which has received the sanc-
tion of your Sovereign, and which you have already
sanctioned by one unanimous shout of approbation,
rid the Legislative Council of the people of men
who have disgraced you, and disgraced the country
in the eyes of all Europe—we say that you should
fail in executing this—the first, the last, the only—
duty which you owe to yourselves, to your country,
and your King, at this awful crisis, is an idea which
we will not harbour for a moment—an anticipation
which we would scout, come from whatever quarter
it might ! Up then, and be active, vigilant, and
persevering l—unite prudence with patriotism, and
join interity with union ! Let no local contests—no
Partial grievances —no personal quarrels—disunite
you. Unite as brethren in preparing the means for
carrying the Reform Bill; turn not to the left or to
the right in the prosecution of this important pur-
pose, and your efforts will be crowned with
success. In the adoption of these principles lie
the safety, the salvation of the country. Reject
them, and all is lost ! The battle of freedom will
have to be fought over again, and though the result
could not be doubtful, who would undertake to
aver that it would not be wained by the hor-
rors of national convulsion ? We address you
thus strongly, because, in the first place,
although we tremble not for the result, we are
anxious that this era of our political history may
be distinguished by an achievement as noble in man-
ner, as noble in result ; and in the second, because
your enemies are already in the field in all quarters,
and are not only using every stratagem to retain
their unjust supremacy over you, but also because
t edme degrading,—no
tog' —punt° i nf rfagouar:Cinei
there is no stratagem so base arid mean,—no guile
so
so
ing yin onorfm(atilerroptuol su,
en
tdaysti,
er
eadv noto
rights
gor
hbres
leveaciclpnrtivYi°letgi privileges
srl Asre a specimen, among many, of
the recklessness and desperation of the anti-re-
formers, and the sort of coalition which, if not
formed, is on the eve of formation, or attempted to
be formed, the following recommendation from the
columns of an Evening Print—pledged against Re-
form, and pledged, we should have thought, against
all connection with those whom it has so long held
up to the execration and contempt of all good To-
ries, since their apostocy on the Catholic Bill, may
suffice :

" Now, putting on the temper of zealous and deter-
mined men," says it, " how are the Tot les to act ? The
first step towards a great effort is, to wend out of our own

;reacts all selfish considerations, In this, as in all other
cases of man's duty, conscience and policy speak in the
same voice. If we are to embark conscientiously in a
public cause, we must fling far from us all private regards.
If a party is to act with effect, we must do the same.
'There are, besides, however mixed feelings, in part public,
in part, though the least obvious part, private ; as when
we resent what we think public wrongs,—and resent then,
the more if committed by those in whom we confided.
But why waste words in describing indirectly what we
mean, when we can at once shew it in the very example.
There are feelings of resentment existing in some honest
men's breasts against Sir Robert Peel, and those who
acted like him upon the Roman Catholic question ; such
feelings now rannet be otherwise than selfish. Let
them be offered up at once, upon the altar of our country;
let the conduct of the anti-revolutionists, who opposed us
upon that occasion, be forgotten at once, and Jr ever,
though ever be remembered the services of those, now the
hope and head of the conservative party, who stood by
the Constitution.

" A new Popish question has arisen ; let us recruit
our ranks even from those who have groun wiser by the
experience of the past, and prepare us for the contest,
under the guidance of those honoured leaders, of whose
wisdom and power the past has given us proof; as well
as of their fidelity."
What Popery has to do with Reform would
puzzle a wiser than Solomon to discover, and we
shall not, therefore, attempt to discover it ; but we
deem it proper to put the country on its guard
against the attempted coalition, and the attempted
cry—in proof of the recklessness of the party and of
the necessity of meeting their desperate efforts by
others of equal vigour and greater honesty. But,
seriously, will the party really have the impudence
to attempt a coalition on the ground stated ? What
faith can be reposed by those who honestly and
consistently oppose Reform, in those who, after op-
posing, with equal obstinacy, numerous Catholic
B lls, came down to the two Houses and had a Ca-
tholic Bill passed.
" To those," observes a Sunday paper, likewise in the
anti-Reform interest, "who have the true interest of Eng-
land at heart, the honest and honourable conservative
p arty of the State, a party with which we flatter our-
selves, we have some influence, we should recommend the
choosing of persons wholly without the taint of political
tergiversation and treason. Let them not trust a single
man, no matter what may he his professions now-a-days,
who ratted upon the Popish question—not one ! Who
ca❑ depend upon such people? on men who, as the Edin•
burgh Review truly says, went down at two o'clock on
the sth of February, 1829, ready to make the walls of
St. Stephen's ring with cries of 'No Popery,' and at five
o'clock in the same afternoon, wheel d round to vote for
more than the most clamorous of the O'Connell gang had
dared to beg for ? No—they cannot be more noisy anti-
Reformers now than they were anti-Cw.holics then
—their zeal against Lord John Russell more excited at
present, tha❑ it was then against the Irish agitators—
their vows are not more ardent, their voices more lofty,
their bearing more indignant, against the Revolutionary
Bill of 1831, than they were once against measures far
weaker than the treasonable Bill of 1829. No, no—trust
them not. If, by your means, they get into Parliament,
and thereby into power, what guarantee have you that, to
secure a quarter's pay, they would not bring in a Bill car-
rying all that Lord John demands, and throwing in uni-
versal suffrage and vote by ballot, as an additional con-
cession to the brawling of the mob ? Trust them not—
for place and pay they would repeat, on proper occasion,
the conduct of Judas Iscariot. There are some of them
who would perform the part of that red-bearded rat for
as many pence as he required shillings."
This is sound advice, and we hope will be acted
upon ;—but should it be otherwise, and should a
coalition be formed, the country will have one proof
more of the want of principle on the part of its ene-
mies, and have an additional reason for treating them
with the scorn and contempt which they so richly
merit. In the mean time we say to all friends of
Reform, be active, be zealousbe prudent, be united:
—and elect no one who does not pledge himself to
support the Bill—the whole Bill, and nothing but
the Bill. In it is the salvation of the country.—
Morning Advertiser.

APPROACHING GENERAL ELECTIONS.

CITY OF LONDON.

On Saturday the Committee appointed to watch
the proceedings on the Reform Bill in Parliament,
with the view to give Ministers all the support in
the power of the Corporation of London, assembled
in the Guildhall. Their labours for the present are
of course suspended ; but they expressed the firmest
determination to aid his Majesty's Government in
every possible way agarist the vile opposition mar-
shalled against them. Although, as a Committee
of the Cow t of Common Council, they would not
at all attempt to interfere with the Livery, they ex-
pressed their individual opinion as Liverymen as to
the course most advisable to pursue in conducting
the election. They came to an unanimous determi-
nation to give their most decided and unequivocal
support to Aldermen Waithman, Wood, and
Thompson, who have so zealously devoted them-
selves to the support of the Reform Bill, arid to use
all possible means to return such oth(r candidate as
shall appear to them calculated to add to the
strength of Ministers, and to reflect credit on the
choice of the great body of the Livery. The plan
by which the Livery can effect the object of oust-
ing Mr. Ward, who makes the experiment upon the
supposition that the outvoters will back him on ac-
count of the operation of the Bill upon non-residents,
is by unanimity, by resolving to vote for four Re-
formers, casting aside all personal grounds of pique
or anger, and by making common cause against the
common enemy. Various societies of the Livery
all through the town are on the alert. They are
recommended to keep but one thing in view—that
of keeping out their tried and convicted enemy.
A meeting of the Livery to fix upon four can-
didates, the advocates of Reform, is to be held
forthwith.