The Sun.
London, England, 1849-11-27 00:00:00

THE SUN,

no time in transmitting that advice, and that it was
backed up by the significant step of sending British
men-of-war to the mouth of the Dardanelles.—(Loud
cheers.) Can the most ardent friend of peace find
fault with this conduct—will any Quaker—(Shouts
of " Yes " and slight confusion)—l don't mention
the name of Quaker in any other way than with
the utmost possible respect. I know that among
the Quakers are to be found some of the best
friends of liberty.—(Loud cheers.) I do not call
upon them to swerve from their principles, but
I ask if any man can find fault with the course
taken by our Government ?—(Shouts of " No, no.")
And what has been the consequence ? Not a shot
has been fired ; not a tax has been imposed ; it was
enough for the British Government to say, " We will
not have these men given up ;" it was enough that the
British flag sbould fly, not at Constantinople, but
somewhere in the neighbourhood.—(Laughter.) The
Emperor of Russia, whose will is law, who rules
over sixty millions of u.en, who is imperious, over-
bearing, intolerant—who told the Sultan that if a
single refugee escaped him he should consider that a
sufficient cause of war—no sooner did he learn these
things than he displayed his magnanimity and gene-
rosity—(Laughter)—and found out that although he
certainly had made the demand for their extradition,
yet if the Sultan preferred removing them from his
immediate territory, that was all he could possibly
desire.—(Laughter and cheers,) This is what has
happened with regard to the refugees claimed by
Russia ; but it is necessary to understand that among
the companions of the brave Kossuth there are Hun-
garians and Italians, the subjects of Austria, as well
as Poles, the subjects of Russia. The Emperor of
Austria desired to have the pleasure of hanging the
Hungarians and Italians. The Emperor of Russia
has formally given up his demand, so that by this
time the Polish generals and soldiers are probably
at liberty; but the Hungarians and Italians are in
a different position, and news has not yet
been received as to their fate. I know that a report is
in circulation to the effect that the Sultan has agreed

to keep these men close prisoners for life—l know
that some foreign ambassadors have been busy in
spreading this rumour, and have alleged that the
arrangement has been made with the consent and ap-
probation of our own Government—but I do not
believe it. I know that official information has
come from Vienna confirming this story, but I still
do not believe it.—(Cheers.) You know that through
the Hungarian war official information from Vienna
often proved to be false, for the system pursued by
the base Austrian Government has been to circulate
the most unfounded calumnies with regard both to
nations and individuals. You remember that in the

case of Count Louis Batthyany, not satisfied with
putting him to death, they attempted in their vile
prints to malign his character by charging him with
having planned the death of Latour. Nothing
of the kind was proved—it was not even al-
leged beforo his execution, and there was not
the slightest foundation for it in truth. I
believe the story about the incarceration of Kos-
suth and his companions will prove equally false,
and I will tell you why. In addition to Austrian
official reports not being worthy of credence, I ask
whether it is likely, when a powerful Government
like that of Russia has been refused its demand, that

Austria, weak, crippled, and humiliated—the 'mere
creature and tool of Russia—should meet with better
success ?—(Cheers.) No; Ido not believe it. When
the next news comes we shall find that the Sultan has
snapped his fingers at the demands of Austria, and
resolutely persevered in the course which he has
begun. But if we should find that he has swerved
from his purpose and listened to the demands of
Austria, backed up as they will probably be by Russia,
to prevent Kossuth from coming here and exciting
the sympathy of every free-born British bosom—if he
should prevent the Hungarian patriots from coming to
this or any other country—then words cannot be too
strong to condemn the infamy of the proceeding,—
(Cheers.) But why should the Sultan imprison them
for life ? They have been guilty of no offence against
Turkey ; they took up arms to defend their own li-
berties, and their success would have been of immense
advantage to her—then how outrageous it would ba
for the Turkish Government, in compliance with Aus-
trian demands, to immure these men in prison ? Not
only would it be monstrous injustice, but an act of
the greatest perfidy, for they were solemnly promised
hospitality and protection. The Sultan was originally
guided by a noble impulse, in spite of all difficulties
and dangers, and now that those difficulties have been
diminished and these dangers removed, it is not rea-
sonable to suppose that he will depart from his
purpose.--:(Cheers.) I trust, therefore, the Austrians
will not hare the horrible pleasure either of wreaking
their vengeance on the illustrious Kossutb, confining.
him within the walls of a Turkish fortress, or of pre-
venting him from stepping on the free shores of this
country. God knows they ought to be satisfied with
the vengeance they have had already; the cruelties
which they have perpetrated are enough to make
one's blood run cold, and to stamp their perpetrators
with an everlasting mark of infamy.—(Cheers.)
Austria has for long ages possessed an unenviable
notoriety ; she has always been foremost in suppress-
ing liberty, persecuting religion, and supporting
ijatolerance—always cruel, treacherous, and mean.
Twenty-five years ago Lord Holland, a statesman of
the old school, said if ever anything mean or trea-
cherous was to be done in Europe, Austria was sure
to do it. He was called to task,by Lord Liverpool, who
entreated his noble friend to consider what he had
said ; he would not retract, but repeated the expres-
sion.—(Cheers.) Aye, and that was before the
bloody massacre of Gallicia, when the Emperor of
Austria oeTered re wards to the peasants for the heads
of their landlords, and when blood money was paid
for the heads of unfortunate Polish noblemen; it was
before the late horrible assassinations, the murders in
cold blood of prisoners taken on the field of battle,
the putting to death, after mock trials, such men as
Batthyany, Perenyi, Csanyi, ;and-other men of high
character who had not done anythingiworthy of death,
the execution of Catholic priests and Protestant
clergymen, and the public scourging of women.
[A person here interrupted the proceedings, which
occasioned some confusion.]
Lord D. STUART proceeded—lf any gentleman
differs with me in opinion, I dare say he will be
afforded an opportunity of answering me before the
meeting separates. I shall be very glad of an answer
if it can be given, for I sometimes have asked a
question and not been able to obtain an answer. I
was going on to say that Austria has all the
cruelty without the savage nobleness of Russia; it
appears to combine meanness with ferocity, more
like a hyena than anything else.—(Cheers.) Is
this too strong an expression for those who shoot
men in cold blood and
,scourge women ?—(Shouts of
" No, no.") You have heard of two young actresses
who were beaten with whips at Milan, and I will
tell you of a Protestant Bishop who was put in prison
by the Austrian. Government for no other reason
than his supposed attachment to Liberal principles.
He was an old man, fell blind in prison, and died
there. Ile had a daughter eighteen years ago. The
Emperor came to Raab, the town where the young
lady lived. She was at the window when the pro-
cession went by, and on seeing the man who was the
cause of her father's death, very naturally turned her
back and withdrew. What girl would not have
done the same ? Some Austrian officers observed the
act, rushed into the house, and dragged her to the
Town Hall, and there she was publicly logged.—
(Loud shouts of " Shame.") That's ;how the
Austrians treat those whom they have subdued,
not by their own arms!—(Cheers.) General
Klapka., who defended Comorn, is in London now,
and I have seen and conversed with him. He is a
fine gallant fellow, and a simple and unaffected sol-
dier. He told me that he could have held out at
Comorn, which is one of the strongest fortresses in
Europe, for a number of months ; he had plenty of
provisions, and the best possible spirit reigned among
his troops, both officers and men. Why, then, did
he capitulate? " I did so," he said, " because I
thought the measure might in some degree conciliate
the Austrians, and induce them to stay their bloody
hands. I saw General Haynau, and entreated him
to be less cruel to my unfortunate countrymen ; he
promised me there should be no more executions, and
1 then surrendered on the stipulation that every man
In the garrison should receive a full and complete
amnesty. Now here," said he, " is. an announce-
ment, that one of my officers has been hanged."—
(Shame.) That's the way the Austrians keep their
word and observe terms of capitulation !—(Cheers.)
Klapka advised him to leave the country,r but he
stayed to arrange his property, and within a fort-
night was siezed and hung. Prince Lichtenstein
is an officer in the Austrian army, held up as
a pattern of what a soldier ought to be ; they
call him " the soul of chivalry." He had a
friend who had espoused the cause of the patriots ;
they had been boys 'together and comrades in the
army, and the prince sent to his friend to
say that if he would try to march where he was
quartered so that he might surrender to him rather
than any other Austrian officer, he would undertake
to protect him and save his life. He accordingly
made a long march for the purpose, and was at first
received with kindness, because Comorn had not then
surrendered ; but after a time General llaynau
ordered that he should be hanged, and all that the
chivalrous prince did was to obtain that the sentence
of hanging should be changed to that of being shot,
and he was shot.—(Shouts of " Shame 1") The
Noble Lord then adverted to the Austrian loan, and
the proceedings at a meeting in London on this sub-
ject, and showed that the truth of the prophecies then
made had been proved, for the loan was now at 2
dis. He had stated at that meeting that the loan was
illegal, because it had not been sanctioned by the
Diet ; this was contradicted by the Vienna cor-
respondent of the Times, but to his reply to the
effect that the money authorised by the Diet to be
raised had been previously obtained and expended,
no answer had been given, although twenty-five

days have elapsed since its publication. His Lord-
ship
continued :—Although I have expressed my
opinion pretty freely of the Government of Austria,
and it is not a flattering one, I doubt not that Russia
is at the bottom of it all, because if you scan closely,
its acts, you will find that she is constantly endea-
vouring to aggrandize herself ; to extend her territory,
and acquire more power, chiefly by exciting disturb-
ances in neighbouring states; and, above all, always
ready to interfere whenever she sees that the people
of any country are about to establish sound and
wholesome liberal institutions. That was the reason
for the original partition of Poland—the great crime
of modern history. The Poles were determined to
reform their old system of Government, in the same
way as the Liberal party iu Hungary, under the
illustrious Kossuth, had laboured to establish,
and succeeded in establishing, such a Constitu-
tion as any nation might be proud of; and it
was for this reason that Russia interfered to put
them down. In 1829 she interfered in Turkey,
because she saw the Turks were introducing reforms ;
and last year a similar interference took place on her
part in the Danubian provinces of Moldavia and
Wallachia. The Noble Lord stated that he directed
the attention of Lord Palmerston, at the time, to the
fact of Russia having marched 60,000 men into those
provinces, and said that in his conscience he believed
if the Government had then protested energetically
against this daring violation of the laws of nations,
the Emperor of Russia would not have been able to
assist Austria against Hungary as he had done, and
instead of now mourning over the fate of Hungary,
we should have rejoiced in seeing her established a
free and independent country, like Great Britain.—
(Cheers.) He urged that interest, no less than duty
and generosity, should induce us to support Turkey
in protecting the Hungarian refugees, for whilst the
exports to Turkey were larger than to any other
country in Europe, and had gone on increasing from
half a million in 1836, to above three millions as at
present, those to Russia had scarcely, if at all in-
creased during that period, and did not exceed one
and a half million—the exports to Turkey being
articles of merchandise, which employ the greatest
amount of labour, and the exports to Russia those
which employ the least. " I think, therefore,"
observed his Lordship, " there is every
reason why we should call upon our Government to
be up and doing, actively alive to what is passing in
Turkey, and to exhort the Sultan not to yield to the
base and infamous demands of Russia, at the same
time being ready, in case of need, to support and
defend him with something else than words.—
(Cheers.) In saying this, I must repeat that lam a
friend of peace. Ido not wish to see war prevail
throughout Europe, but whilst desiring to see peace
preserved, I also wish to see justice done, treaties
observed, and faith kept ; and when I see a power
determined to trampled on justice, to violate treaties,
and break faith, then, however painful may be the
alternative, I say it is our duty to take a firm reso-
lution, and to be ready, if need be, to repel force by
force.—(Cheers.) But I do not expect any such
necessity to ensue; I have little doubt of the magna-
nimity of the Sultan and of the power of England,
when once the will is expressed ; and I therefore
anticipate that the illustrious Kossuth and his brave
companions will very speedily be at liberty. Perhaps
even now they are ploughing the seas on their way
to our shores, and I trust we shall soon see them
among us. I know you will give the brave Kossuth
the reception which be deserves.—(Cheers.) If we
cannot restore to him his country, at least we
will console him whilst he treads the thorny path
of exile. He shall have a home here—shan't
he.—(Repeated bursts of cheering and cries
of " Yes. ") Aye, Britons shall provide
a home for that illustrious man, and will not forget
even the meanest of his followers ; for among those
of low degree or least gifted, by fortune, there may
be as noble and patriotic hearts as that which beats
even in the bosom of Kossuth, and those poor men
doubtless feltlas great a pang and made as great a
sacrifice when they perilled their home, their families,
and all that was dear to them for the sake of what
they deemed to be their duty, as the most exalted
leader in the Hungarian camp.—(Cheers.) There-
fore, I say our sympathy is for them all—for him
first who led them, but also for those who followed his
standard. We know that they fought for the liber-
ties for which our forefathers bled, and in conse-
quence of which they have handed down to us our
country such as it is, and our hearts such as those
which beat within us—the hearts of men determined
to be free, and who love their Constitution with no
blind or unreasoning attachment, but who, whilst
preserving all that is good in it, would reform and
remove its abuses. Yes, and the history of the Hun-
garian struggle is.like that of ours, their Constitution
like ours, and their determination to amend it so far
as it has faults, exactly similar to ours. They are only
ualike us in this, that whilst we were fortuate they
have been the reverse. But here, after being pre.
servedfrom the fangs of the base and bloody-minded
Austrians by the magnanimity of our noble ally the
Sultan, they shall find a home—here they shall be
comforted, cared for, and cherished ; and here, please
God, they shall rest until the time comes (and' trust
it will not be long) when the sun of liberty shall arise
on their own native land.—(The Noble Lord resumed
his seat amidst the most deafening and oft-repeated
cheers.)
A native Hungarian (whose name we did not
ascertain) was called upon and loudly applauded. He
spoke in broken English, but quite intelligibly to
those who were near him. As a Magyar he thanked
them for their sympathy towards his unfortunate and
oppressed country—the more especially valuable for
those national characteristics which distinguish us
above all other nations of the earth. Little did he
think when they last assembled that they would then
have had to mourn over the fate of Hungary; but the
designs of Providence are hid from mortal men, and,
as the great Kossuth had said, it was not the iron of
the stranger that had dug its grave, but treachery.—
(Shouts of " Hear, hear.") He did not say by
whom, for his name was already execrated by them
all. ailer quoting other passages from Kossuth's
letter, he observed that he would have said more on
this sad subject if he had possessed a greater com-
mand of the language ; but he trusted they would
accept the feeling of his heart if his language
failed to express his most grateful and sincere
thanks.—(Cheers.)
The motion was then put from the chair, and
carrid (with one dissentient) amidst the loudest
acclamations.
Mr. C. LAURIN, on presenting himself, was wel-
comed with enthusiastic cheers. He addressed the
meeting in an elaborate and eloquent speech. of which
our limits, unfortunately, prevent us from giving more
than a mere abstract. At the outset he said it was
unnecessary for him to state how perfectly he sympa-
thised with the able, eloquent, and spirited address,
which he had heard delivered to them on the subject
of Hungary. He deplored its subjugation, denounced
the intervention of Russian oppression, beard with
indignation of the atrocities of the working slaughter-
man Haynau, the imperial butcher of Austria, and,
with more of anger than pity, of the indignities offered
to women. He rejoiced to hear of the safety of
Kossuth, and he trusted the Sultan would not, by
pusillanimity, do anything to tarnish the glory of his
first refusal of the demand of Russia for his extradi-
tion, but that in the course of a short period he would
enable us to give that great man a hearty welcome to
our shores.—(Cheers.) So much for Hungary ; let
them now turn to Italy. Hungary might be regarded
as one of the outposts and ramparts of European civi-
lization, but Italy was its very centre, and they
could not safely regard the individual who
rules more or less over the destinies of
the Roman people with any degree of con-
tempt. As a political potentate he might be of
small consequence, but as a spiritual ruler he is of
enormous consequence, and placed by his side other
rulers of the world sink into entire insignificance.—
(Shouts of " No, no," and faint hisses, followed by
tremendous cheering.) He is the spiritual ruler—
(His3es, with shouts of Turn him out," on which
Mr. Larkin said " Don't interfere with the person
hissing, he has as much right to hiss as you have to
applaud")—of twenty millions of men.—(Cheers.) His
authority is not confined to the ecclesiastical states ;
it goes over the Alps, it is not stopped by any river,
the ocean stream does not stand in its way, in the
north and south, the east and west, in every portion of
the world there are people who submit to his authority,
and in a thousand instances render him a humiliating
submission. However accustomed, therefore, they
might be to listen to No-Popery addresses, it did not
become them to treat such enormous power with con-
tempt. Napoleon knew a great deal better, for he
said the amity of the Pope was worth an army of
two hundred thousand men, and it was their duty
to see whether this power could not be brought
from an alliance with kings and emperors,
to an alliance with the people.—(Applause.) They
had lately seen a coalition of despots, and Hungary
had been its first victim. The ambition and gigantic
projects of Russia filled with more or less alarm the
minds of all politicians ; and it must be remembered
that the Emperor of Russia is not only a great politi-
cal, but a religious ruler; he is, in his person, the pro-
tectorate of the Greek Church, with its multitudinous
hosts of believers, and he would be glad to increase the
power and authority of the ancient Greek patriarch-
ate, so as to fairly eclipse the waning magnificence of
poweri f ur t
h e h ;
pa
the Roman pontiff. He should not regret this, for he
did not believe that external magnificence and splen-
dour d anything to do with intelectual and spiritual
Pope,
instead
swt
eo
audio d
of b
be e n well
the for
allythe causeof
monarchs,of
religion
ns
infinitely the servant of the people—he would then Vise into
greater than
ofhetheisdneoswpo,tsthoef
something
dnflavine
thee wNovrads
tEhuarnopneb.—isoCphoefertah.e)
Church, merelynothing more
signify-
ing papa or father. It was originally the designationof every bishop, and we have now the "Right Rev.
Fathers in God" in the House of Lords. They were

all fathers, but a sad fleecing set they had been to the
Church.—(Laughter.) There were now in the Pope two
offices—a bishop of the Church, and kingor ruler of the
Roman people; and whatever reverence might be
owing to him in the former character, he did not
think much would be shown to him in the latter. He
regarded the two as inconsistent—as a sacerdotal at-
tempt to cover with a species of sanctity and holiness
the most worldly and secular ambition which ever
existed, an attempt to make a compact between Belie'
and Satan, and to reconcile the service of God and
Mammon. So extraordinarily successful had this
attempt been that it had not only corrupted the whole
Catholic, but the whole Protestant church. A bishop
now was a man with a mitre and silk apron, who
lives in a palace, has large domains, has political power
united with his other authority, and outvies in Parlia-
ment the temporal nobility of the land. The bishops
were fund of saying the Pope is anti-Christ; he
thought it was not very difficult to find in this
description a number of horned and tailed anti-
Christs too.—(Laughter.) The Pope undoubtedly
aspired a little higher ; instead of a mitre he wore a
tiara ; he was the most haughty of all ecclesiastics ;
his court surpasses in pride and arrogance anything
ever heard of in Eastern despotism, and the creatures
of which bend in adulation and adoration of which an
Eastern slave himself would be ashamed.—(Applause )
Having ascertained what a Catholic Pope and Pro-
testant Bishop are, it would be well to
know something of the character of an apostle.
i(
rTo hmi s
the I r .
NewL Larkin k ne s dtae
ms c
er inbd t
a, quoting
copy
of severaleh
he
e h e passagesl ‘l
in his hand, and contrasting, as he proceeded, the
poverty of the Apostles with the riches of the bishops,
the simplicity, severity, and abstinence of the one
with the splendour and luxuries of the other. During
this comparison he was assailed with cries of
" Question," but the Chairman deciding that he was
in order, he proceeded.) He wished to know if the
Church at the present moment, Catholic or Protes-
tant, was apostolic. Look at its state and condition.
This country is partitioned out into vast dioceses,
presided over by arrogant and pompous bishops, and
subdivided into parishes with rich livings, the whole
aspect being one revolting scene of simony and extor-
tion. Nothing could have been devised by the
greatest enemy to Christianity to put the Church in
more direct opposition and contradiction to the
Gospel. If they went from this country and fixed
their mind on the arrogant priest and prelate who
did reign at Rome, instead of a Peter with a
single garment, bare-footed, without scrip, gold,
silver, or even brass, they would behold
" his successor" seated on the seven hills, living
in a palace, faring sumptuously, with a crown on
his head and a sceptre in his hand.—(Cheers.)
If they asked an Oxford casuist, in the guise of a
Jesuit, to account for this, he would tell them that it
was all on the theory of development—that apostolic
humility had developed into episcopal pride, apostolic
poverty into episcopal riches, the simplicity of the
apostles into the clothing of purple and fine linen of
modern bishops, apostolic poverty into bishops with
50,000/. a year, a barefooted apostle into a pope with
a tiara on his head, the humble minister of the
gospel into the sovereign pontiff of the Christian
world. This was the theory of development with a
vengeance.—(Cheers.) What did it mean but that
they should read apostolic precepts as the witches in
their incantations read the Lord's prayer—back-
wards; or that they should pronounce the Bible ob-
solete, and of no more use in the Christian world
than an old almanack.—(Cheers.) It was because he
believed that heaven and earth should pass away be-
fore the words of Christ, that he had held forth the
words of truth to condemn the bishops in their mag-
nificence and to rebuke them in their pride. He then
proceeded to show that for the first throe hundred
years the bishops of Rome lived in comparative ob-
scurity, and that after the days of Constantine cor-
ruption crept into the Church—
Here he was interrupted by a person in the body of
the meeting, who submitted that Mr. Larkin was
departing from the question. They had met fo
sympathise with the Hungarians and Romans.—
(Cheers and hisses.)
The CHAIRMAN said that in a few sentences Mr.
Larkin would probably make it bear on the question.
Mr. LARKIN continued—lt was eight centuries
from the foundation of Christianity before the bishops
of Rome became owners of farms and possessors of
treasure. Then for the first time had they crowns
placed on their
_heads, and as the Jews, when they
looked on Christ in his ordinary and plebeian
character, were shocked at his simplicity, so the
Romans looked with astonishment at seeing the vicar
of Christ converted in a monarch and prince. Thus,
in the eleventh and twelfth centuries they rose
from episcopal opulence to regal dignity and im-
perial splendour, and yet, whilst lords of lords and
kings of kings, they used to style themselves servants
of the servants of God, and issued their imperious
mandates under the ring of the fisherman.—(Loud
cheers.) It was curious to observe the artifice
with which they preserved their power, represent-
ing the Papal states as more holy than others,
and as the patrimony of St. Peter, although all
the possessions which the apostle had was a small
fishing smack—(Laughter)—all this was done to give
an appearance of truth to the greatest fraud and fic-
tion ever perpetrated, for if St. Peter ever had a
crown it was that of martyrdom given to him by his
murderers, and if there ever was any purple in his
vestments they were empurpled by his own blood.—
(Cheers.) But they were told that the world had
derived a great deal of good from the possession of
power on the part of the clergy. He asked them to
read history, and see the intrigues, conspiracies,
murders and vices which had invaded the chair of St.
Peter.—(Hisses and cheers.) He adduced instances,
as he alleged, proving the truth of this description,
and adverting to the condition of things lately, they
had witnessed a Pope, the vicar of Jesus Christ, the
high priest of the great gospel of Christ, appealing to
the kings of Europe for an armed intervention to
carry him back to the throne of Rome by force.—
(Cheers.) An army of 30,000 men had come to his
succour, and if ever he returned to Rome he would
have to march over the dead bodies of his countrymen,
his pontifical vestments stained with blood and having
t.ke guilt of parricide upon his head—the guilt of
being the murderer of his own children.—
(Cheers.) And for what ? For a throne and a
crown—he, the successor of the apostles and the
vicar of Jesus Christ, of Christ who when Peter,
seeing his Master insulted, drew his sword and smote
off the high priest's ear, said " Put up thy sword into
its sheath; he that uses the sword shall perish by the
sword." What had Christianity to do with the
sword ? The sword is the emblem of material and
physical force ; Christianity is the embodiment of
spiritual and intellectual strength, and needs no sword
for its protection.—(Cheers.) In going back to
Rome the Pope seemed determined to refuse to give
his subjects liberty ; he would return as a despot, and
in this course he was supported by M. Montalembert,
the great defender of the Pope on the continent and
in the National Assembly of France, who urged the
Pope not to grant any liberty, contending that Rome
must be sacrificed for the benefit of other nations of
the world, and that liberty and the popedom are in-
consistent with each other. Mr. Larkin cited the
arguments of Montalembert on this point, and pro-
ceeded to answer them at some length, the conclusion
at which he arrived being this, that if the Pope con-
tinues to act in an absolute and despotic manner,
his temporal power is at an end. He believed
that Red Republicanism prevented many on
the continent from taking that part in this
question which they otherwise would do. This was
one of the evils of Chartism in our our own country ;
their menaces and violence, their appeals to the torch
and the sword, had scared many good-minded men
from all liberal opinions. But although the advance
of civilization and liberal ideas had not been so great
as it ought to have been, yet he felt that they were
entrenched in a tower of strength which was impreg-
nable to a coalition of all the despots of the world.—
(Cheers.) And thus, in spite of the cruelties of
yes,
,AAhan,eoudnshltaeerianar—d the gallows of I'esth, the shrieks of
malefactor,thathat
flogged,h theww with
hdes
the actoh ofn
spirit
pecondemned
I3a
nt
eo
dt t hf
at yno andyi e , who,
as
ancientß a
owhenm
dogan
tore his neck to pieces, and thus compelled his mur-
derers to lead him forth to die the nobler death of a
soldier—the blood then shed, like that of Abel, would
call for vengeance from heaven.—(Applause.) Pur-
suing the policy of the Pope, Mr. Larkin
alluded to the excuse that despotism was ne-
cessary to the Pope's independence. The Popes
were independent when they were subjects, and not
since they have become princes. The present
Pope is the guest of the King of Naples, depends on
the alms and bounty of Christian nations, instead of
on the arm of God ; and if he ever returns to Rome,
must be supported by French or Swiss bayonets, or
perhaps by a colony of Irishmen.—(Roars of laughter
and applause). A precious spectacle would then be
presented of red-hot Repealers defending an eccle-
siastical despot.—(Hear, hear.) But then it was said,
the Pope must have a crown on his head to enable
him to rebuke princes. A pretty fellow to do this in-
deed, whilst in a state of such servitude and depend-
ence, that he could scarcely dare to call his paltry soul
his own. After some strong remarks on this subject,
Mr. Larkin concluded by urging that religion re-
quired no protection from any person—least of all
from Louis Napoleon, and contending that he, for
objects of dynastic policy and from jealousy of Aus-
tria, had sought to give Papal despotism an appear-
ance of holiness and sanctity which it neither deserves
nor possesses. (The speaker resumed his seat amidst
great cheering.)
Lord DUDLEY STUART again rose, and said that
whilst he felt the greatest possible interest in every-
thing that concerns the liberty of the people in every
part of the globe, he considered the struggle which
had been carried on in the classic land of Italy was
invested with that interest in a peculiar degree. It
had long been a dream of those who loved that inte-
resting country, that one day the iron rule of the