The Sun.
London, England, 1836-01-04 00:00:00

MRS. HALL'S NEW WORK.

This day was published,' in 3 vols. post Bvo.,
THOUT L A W.
11 By the Author of " The Buccaneer," &c.
" This work is very striking in some parts, and very beautiful in
others, with occasional touches of deep pathos interspersed with
sensible, pleasant, and amiable reflections, and possessing charac-
ters of nice conception and felicitous execution."—Spectator.
" We have from the first been warm admirers of Mrs. Hall's ta-
lents, and the present volumes enforce a yet warmer and higher
estimate. The Outlaw is a bold, Rembrandt sketch, admirably
relieved."—Literary Gazette.

Richard Bentley, 8, New Burlington7street.

ATONSIEUR MALLAN and SONS, Surgeon
Dentists, 3:I_,_GRE AT RUSSELL-STREET, BLOOMS-
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FILLING DECAYED. TEETH, without _Heat or Pressure, and
INCORRODIBLE ARTIFICIAL TEETH, FIXED WITH-
OUT WIRES OR OTHER LIGATURES, grateful for the
nigh and extensive patronage which has so eminently distinguished
their professional exertions since their arrival in the British Me-
tropolis, respectfully announce to their Friends and the Public in
general, that they still continue to restore DECAYED TEETH,
with their celebrated MINERAL SUCCEDANEUM, so univer-
sally recommended by the Faculty of London and Paris., The
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Charges as in Paris.
112, GREAT RUSSELL-STREET, BLOOMSBURY, and
9, HALF MOON-STREET, PICCADILLY.

OLD WELCH ANECDOTE.--Sir John Wynne in
his History of the Gwedie Family," written in Henry
the Vllth's time, says that—" Sir Howell ap Lvryall (with
the axe) behaved so liallentie at the field of Poitiers
(where John the Frenclik Kyng was taken by the Blacke
Prince), that he received of the Prince, in guift, the con-
stableship of Criketh Castell, and other great things in
North Wales ; also the rente of Dee Mines in Chester ;
and what was more, a " messe of meet" to be served " be-
fore hys battle axe," or partizan, in perpetual memorie of
hys good servys. Thys messe of meat to be afterwards car-
ried down to the poore."
CURIOUS ANCIENT PROPHECY RELATING TO
FRENCH KINGS.—In Juliana Barnes's Boke of St. Al-
bans, printed in 1486, black letter, appears the following re-
markable passage :—" The armes of the kynge of France
were ceytainlie sent by an angel from heven, that is to saye,
thre flowers in manere of swerdes in a feld of azure, the
whyche certen armes were given to the forsayd kynge of
Fraunce in sygne of everlastyng trouble, and that he and
his successours alway with battle and swordes should be
punysshed." The above occurs in the portion devoted to
" Coat Annoriv." . g vt'el

I candidly confess to you that to me his conduct appears un-
accountable in any other point of view than as an exhibition of
that species of mental imbecility which indicates, as it often pre-
cedes, and always accompanies actual insanity; I did therefore ex-
pect—shall I say hope ?—that it would not be necessary for me
to take any further notice of his lucubrations. But there is still
method in his madness, and there mixes with the manifest decay
of his mental faculties so entire a dereliction of political con-
sistency and popular: principle, that I am compelled, rebid"-
antly compelled, I say it most unaffectedly, to urge upon you,
in the strongest terms con'histent with the respectful deference
I owe to your judgment, thts,imperative necessity of dismissing
him, at the earliest pßssible opportunity, from your confidence
and represontation.
I 'do this, I repeat, reluctantly, and also with the utmost
regret—for, men of Westminster' I do not, and I am sure you
cannot, forget the services of Sir Francis Burdett for nearly 30
long years in the cause of Reform. I will say it, because I
am impressed with its truth, that if we have already obtained,
as we-certainly have, a large instalment,. of: the great natkitial
debt.g.kform,wd owe much of that success to theszealeus,
the persevering,., and the apparently honest exertions oft Sir
Francis Burdett. When Toryism was rampant and insulting—
gorged as it was, with the plunder of the people, and insolent
in the possession of all power—Burdett stood forward and
bearded the knavish monster in his highest pride of place.
When Canning gavtout the cant word of reproach, which was
echoed by the myriads of Tory minions all over Britain, and
called the Reformers " a base and degraded crew," • Burdett
rallied for the country, and by his rank and station in society,
by the accidents of his birth and fortune, gave a countenance
to the cause of Morin most important at its time of greatest
depression. Yes, men of Westminger, for
.30 long years' Bur-
dett fought in the foremost ranks in the cause of the people,
and it is not for us to forget the gratitude due to those services.
.You owe lively gratitude for his past glorious exertions—you
owe a sigh of pity and compassion over his present, alas 1 un-
principled fall—and you owe to yourselves arid your country to
remove the unfortunate but faded gentleman from the opportu-
nity of doing more-mischief; for it is but too true he is become
impotent of good, and now only capable of degrading and in-
juring the popular cause.
It is in this spirit of sincere regret, and no anger, that I feel
myself bound to impeach before you your representative. I
distinctly accuse him of having been actuated, or uncon-
sciously instigated by those who were actuated, by a desire to
break up that moral combination of Reformers, of different
shades of opinion, by which alone the popular rights can be
guarded, and the popular liberties advanced ; by which alone
haughty, insolent, bigoted, and, as the object of all, pechlat-
ing Toryism, can be checked and stayed.
In the great struggles which the people of England have
made to put an end to despotic power, and to procure gua-
rantees for popular liberty—those glorious struggles which
have, after all, exalted the people of England over all the
nations of the earthly—amidst these struggles there never arose
one of more awful importance than the present. The Tories
are most formidable. Power, bribery, corruption, intimida-
tion, trickery, and decei, complicated and extensive beyond
former precedent ;—the smiles of courtly favour, the blan-
dishments of the titled and the wealthy—energy, combination,
activity, a. talented but but most unprincipled press—every
thing under heaven put into motion to conquer England, as
Colonel Napier has it, and to regain from the British people
that portion of the political power which the Reform Bill has
conceded to the nation.
At such a moment as this, when the evil principle of Tory-
ism is struggling by the most foul but potent means, to regain
its old tyranny—at such a moment as this, when nothing but
the undiminished combination of Reformers of all classes can
save the people of Great Britain, and especially of Ireland,
from the prospect of a civil war, as the only mode of establish-
ing popular rights on an irreversible basis—at such a moment
as thia, the man who, ranking himself with Reformers, and
bearing the colours of the people, artfully avails himself of
any pretext to introduce discord and dissension into the ranks
of the Reformers, is an enemy who ought to be denounced,
and a wretched deserter, who ought to be drummed out of our
camp.
At tills moment, when the active and bitter hostility of
the Toties is arrayed in such formidable strength against
the rights and liberties of the English people, what has
been the conduct of the Radical Reformers—but especially
what has been the conduct of that portion of the Radicals
who represent the Irish people, and with whom I have the
honour to act. I firmly and fearlessly ask you, men of West-
minster, what has been our conduct ? This rights andlilser--
ties of the British people were ,aird=4are in danger. We,
Irish Reformers, sacrificed our prejudices, our passions, our
resentments. We forgot seven centuries of oppression and
misrule—nay, the more recent and atrocious Coercion Bill
was forgotten—oh, no 1 sacred Heaven, no I—you, men of
Westminster, would despise us if we ever forgot it : but we
did more,, we forgave the injury, we buried all our particu-
lar grievances in a generous oblivion. Nay, yet mores we
banished the enthusiastic vision of Irish nationality, and. we
rallied with you and with the British Reformers around the
Whig Ministry, in order to protect and secure British li-
berty, and, if possible, to terminate for ever Tory misrule,
peculation, and oppression.
We deserved and obtained your approbation and confi-
dence. I say it of myself, that on this occasion I deserved
and obtained your approbation and confidence. -
At such a moment as this Sir Francis Burdett has lent his
willing aid to that faction whose pernicious contrivances he has
himself so often denounced—has made an insidious and ma-
lignant attempt to injure the present Administration, and has
arrayed himself at the side of the Tories, the active and
bitter enemies of the rights and liberties of the British people.
Such is my accusation against him—such are my charges.
The evidence to criminate him -is before you. You have all
seen it, read it, considered it. I will not dilate upon it, or
exaggerate it in any respect. It at once and of itself speaks
trumpet-tongued his condemnation, because it demonstrates
his political treachery.
But let us listen to his defence—let us consider with atten-
tion, and even with a favourable anxiety, his defence, in
order to discover whether it affords any palliation of his of-
fence ; but no, lam bound to tell you it is an aggravation of
his crime.
His defence is this :—He rests npon the admitted fact that
I had called Raphael " a vagabond and a liar,' coarse and
harsh words undoubtedly, and that I had applied the latter
word to the Grand Master of Orangemen—the Duke of Cum-
berland. There is something thrown into his first letter about
my undervaluing the Duke of Wellington, and about my
efforts to animate the people in their exertions to procure a
reform of the House of Lords. But his second letter, that
which he addressed to you, rests his defence altogether upon
those coarse expressions.
He says it was an endeavour—here are his words :—" to make
a stand against the introduction amongst us of a tone and style
of language and manners which; if tolerated, would render so-
ciety a curse instead of a blessing."
Again, in that letter he adds—" The question is; whether,
a person disregarding all the proprieties and decencies; let alone
courtesies of civil society, ought to be countenanced and sanc-
tioned."
I have given his very words—words that show no great pro-
priety of language, or grammatical accuracy, but which I
heartily rejoice that he has used, because they serve me to de-
monstrate that I do not deserve his censure, but that he him-'
self, on his own ;
mor_to—t _o—irnoet acbv.r. renresillation, .
not unmixed, I fear, with something like contempt.
His defence is, indeed, a mere attempt at delusion—a poor
and paltry pretence. I did—it is quite true—use coarse and
harsh expressions on the occasion alluded to ; but, before I
close this letter, I will demonstrate they. were the only ex-
pressions suited to the extraordinary oemstons which gave rise
to them.
In the first place, Sir Francis must admit that there are oc-
casions which require and justify coarse.' and harsh expres-'
sions. Let him deny it ; still he, at leas% stands .condemned.
In the next place, no man ever lived who had less a right
to impeach another on this score than Sir Francis Burdett.
He was in the habit of using languav beyond
;comparison
More coarse and harsh than mine. He is still in that practice.
His virulent language, indeed, was and is used not only on
such occasions as mine, but against some of the best and most
worthy men that the British community icier produced.
He accuses nie of the introduction—.-mark, the introduc-
tion amongst us 1 of such language ! How the unhappy man's
memory must have failed I- Why, he was in the habit—the
constant habit—of employing language of the most out.
ragcous indecency which was ever used 'by any man bearing
the rank of a gentleman.
If I were in London I could multiply instances of this de-
scription until I had disgusted you and shocked myself ; but
I am glad that I must at this place confi Inc myself principally
to a few specimens afforded by his spear :hes during the con-
tested election of 1819.
At that time the late Mr. Perry was tine editor of the Morn-
ing Chronicle. What was Sir Francis Bydett's accusation
against him ? Why, of " lying"—yes, '. Ding,"—that is all
that this man of sweet words charges I aim with.
Major Cartwright, the aged and vei terable- Major Cart-
wright, does not escape so well. What; does your sensitive
baronet accuse him of ? Why, of " coi antenancing the pro-
pagation of lies ;" I see the words are- —" infamous lies,"—
" some of whic Major Cartwright Its sew to be lies"—yet
" sanctioned all as true."
Another passage—" There you have that strange anoma-
lous monster (pointing to Mr. Hunt) whose front is of brass,
whose tongue, though composed of the venom of the asp, has
yet, not like the asp, the faculty of stinging any thing hut
itself—you have there a Ministerial head. to crown this Cer-
berian monster. It has a front of terror, in 'whose eye dwells
cruelty, and in whose mouth corruption viqy hangs."

Unhappy man ! But perhaps I had given you some in-
suiting provocation. It cannot be alleged. So far from any
such excuse having any foundation, Electors of 'Westminster, I
he himself admits that his attack on me was altogether unpro-
voked. Nay, his justification, he says, is, that it was unpro-
voked by me. Sacred Heaven ! what a being is this : without
any provocation, nay, in the midst of apparent kindness and
friendship, he finds no better mode of expressing pretended
zeai.for decency and courtesy, than by hurling at me the in-
sulting name of idolater.
There are still existing vulgar prejudices
,gf,g,o34Ary and re-
ligion ; and there perhaps is in the catalopre,of ~.
depra-
vities nothing worse than the resorting to and encouraging
these bad passions. But think you 'that Sir Francis could
have introduced the " Bull" and the " Idolatry," if he did
not in end to avail himself of feelings and prejudices which he
would be ashamed openly to avow ?
I Inte thus shown you that the defence of Sir Francis
Burdett is pure delusion, and palpably nothing more than po-
litical hypocrisy. I have shown you that he habitually violated
what he now calls " the decencies, the proprieties, and the
courtesies of society." I have shown you that, so far from
repenting of his former misdeeds in this respect, his first
letter contains a perfectly unprovoked, wanton, and most
outrageous violation of all courtesy, decency, and propriety,
in calling me an idolater. I never called any man by so
odious a name ; that remained for the vindicator of the cour-
tesies of civilized society.
But there is another contrast between him and me, which
I pray you, electors of Westminster, to remark. He wantonly
assailed, in the coarsest language, men infinitely his superiors
in high-and moral worth ;I, on the contrary, was compelled,
by the nature of the base attack made on me, to employ coarse
language as the only terms suitable to the person and to the
occasion.
Who were they whom Sir Francis assailed ? Who was the
" lying editor" in his phraseology? Why, Mr. Perry, one of
the most consistent, able, and disinterested friends of rational
liberty ;—a man who, during a long life of successful inte-
grity, raised the character of the public press to a height from
which the infamous conduct of modern editors can scarcely
degrade it ; yet this was the man, to have once dined with
whom Sir Francis considered a degradation, and to whom he
applied the courteous and decent term of " lying."
Who was the next? Major Cartwright, the patriarch of
Reform—the ever consistent, the ever active, the ever honest
and sincere friend of Reform—he whose intuitive sagacity fore-
saw (as I learn with pleasure) before us all, that a reform in
the Lords must follow a reform in the Commons. He upon
whose head lengthened years had strewed the snows of age
without cooling the fire of liberty and patriotism, that ever
glowed warm and bright within his bosom—the venerable and
venerated Major Cartwright—he it was who was assailed by
Sir Francis with the epithet of " propagator 'of lies," of " in-
famous lies I"
Such are the men whom Sir Francis causelessly, or on the
most trivial provocation, assailed. I make him a present of
Hunt, and of the " low Aristocracy," and of the " low
tricks," and, above all, of the " thieves"—the oft-repeated
" thieves."

But now, electors of Westminster, see to whom and upon
what occasion I used the coarse language complained of.
I used that language to Alexander Raphael—a man known
to the public only by his having deluded me into a mistaken
opinion of _his_ entertaining honest opinions in Polities— -The
occasion on which I used that language was simply this—Ra-
phael 'committed three distinct crimes of the blackest dye
against me. First—he Actually accused me of something ap-
proaching to swindling, although he well knew that his accu-
sation was totally false. Secondly•—in order to give colour to
his accusation, he published private correspondence, in his na-
ture confidential. Thirdly—as proofs of this accusation, he
published in a paragraph, of not more than seven lines, no less
than six distinct, direct and wilful falsehoods.
Such is literally the case between me and Raphael. I ask
each of you, electors of Westminster, to make my case 'his
own ; or let any one of you suppose that to have occurred to
'din which 'has happened to me. Suppose he is accused of
swindling ; suppose six distinct falsehoods in a group are in-
vented to sustain the accusation; suppose that, in addition, all
the privacy of confidence is violated, and your private letters
published and misapplied—what would you do—l ask each of
you the question—what would you do? r I believe your answer
would be,,inilict personal chastisement on him; at least I am
confident that none of you would hesitate to call him a " vaga-
bond and a liar." Full certain I atm, that he merited these
names, that they were suited to the occasion. You would not
treat him with courtesy, surely, when he so acted. He put
' himself out -of the, pale of civilized society, and for my part
I regret having used those terms to him in one case, and in
one case only, that is, if there arc more harsh terms to be
found in the English language.
I laugh to scorn those who overlook the atrocity of the
crimes Raphael committed against me. Only think of the
severity of the expressions in which I poured out my natural
and uncontrollable indignation.
However, the-question,between me and Burdett is still more
clear. I only retorted in suitable terms on a creature who at-
tacked me with the vilest weapons of accusation and vitupera-
tion. Burdett, on the contrary, for zone or little cause, as-
sailed, in still more scurrilous terms, two at least of the most
excellent of human beings.. My words were justifiable—nay,
rendered absolutely necessary, from the nature of the attack
made on me ; his were wanton, unjustifiable, and poured out'
"
on men deserving every courtesy, and all possible considera-
tion, nay, even praise.
. Let me now call your attention to the mode in which Bur-
dett, in his defence, states the nature of the question between
us. • • •'The question is," he says, whether a person disre-
garding all tie proprieties and decencies, let alone 'the ceuf-

tude there never was anything so clegra4sing to the_press as
the conduct --Or the creedless, conscienceless wretaTies, who
are proprietors and editors of that newspaper. The profligacy
of openly renouncing professed principle—all the vileness
which belongs to the renBgade—all that is low, vulgar, and
revolting in scurrility, applied to the purest and honestest
men in the community—the outraging of all courtesy, de-
cency, and propriety, for the filthy lucre of gain—all this ex-
hibited in that paper to a degree that leaves little to boast of
being a Briton, when Britons can encourage such total disre-
gard of integrity, of truth, of decency. This however, is the
weapon Burdett wields against me.
Electors of Westminster, I now leave Sir Francis—poor,
faded, and fallen Sir -Francis, to your judgment. I have
shown you that his conduct is totally destitute of defence, arid
that his attachment to Toryism is the sole impulse of his let-
ters and actions.
Havinr, selected the Times as his organ, you will not be sur-
prised to find that he extends his patronage to the Duke of
Cumberland. Two years ago, when his intellect was a little
more clear, he passed by the acctisation more than insinuated
in that paper against the Duke, of a crime too horrible to be
mentioned. Neither was Sir Francis, in by-gone days, wont
to treat illustrious delinquents with any overstrained cour-

tesy. It is part of history that the Duke of York once denied,
" upon the honour of a Prince," facts which were afterwards
proved to exist. Sir Francis, it is true, palliated his offence ;
but now I have it in a speech made by bim on the Ist of
May, 1809. His defence was, that "we arc not to expect from
Princes feeling and actions equal to those of human beings in

general."
Sir Francis must recollect the assertion of the Duke of Cum-
berland, "that he was utterly ignorant that any Orange warrants
had been granted to any regiments in the army." This asser-
tion was solemnly made in writing, addressed to a committee
of the representatives of the people.
After the evidence that has since been produced, is there one
single man in the British dominions who could publicly declare
that he believed the assertion 1 Certainly not one, unless some
being more than lost to shame.
Electors of Westminster, recollect that he who made that
assertion has placed himself at the head of a society originat-
ing in a plan of massacre and extermination, and stained with
unatoned for blood and most revolting bigotry. I confegs Ido
not know what are suitable terms to be applied to the leader
of such a party ; but this I know, that I never will give any
countenance to such a charge as the Times has made against
him—a crime too odious and horrible for any human being to
co commit. I discredit the Times easily in. the case of the
Royal Prince, notwithstanding Sir Francis has assured me that
we are not to expect from him "feelings and actions equal to
human beings in general."
And now, Electors of Westminster, it becomes your duty to
determine and to act. The conduct of your representative
shows that you cannot place the least confidence in him. The
principles of Toryism, selfish, monoplizing, and tyrannical,
arc supported and encouraged, though not avowed by him.
--Yotnave nothing to expect from him, at the best, but neutra-
lity between the friends and enemies of the people—at the
worst duplicity, treachery, and direct hostility to the rights
and liberties of the people. It is time to warn him away, and
to provide a successor in whose fidelity you can place confi-
dence.

;)elerme

For myself, in this controversy, I rejoice to say, that, al-
though
my words may be arraigned by those who encourage
the most, exaggerated virulence of language towards me, yet
no one action of mine can be pointed out inconsistent with my ,
avowed principles. I Was one of the first public men who
avowed themselves Radicals : I glory in the name of Radical.
I have always urged the utmost practical extension 'of the
elective franchise, to' the extent, at the least, of household
suffrage; insisting, however that every man is, upon prin-
ciple, entitled to vote, and that complete justice will not be
done until every man is by law entitled to vote. I also insist
Panaral:aamboevnets
a, l els pi
nasbilset
ontofdhises oplruottieoent,i
on
navoef btyh
o beffluxal,
onof
tsilmmet;
lot. I insist that conscience should be free from pecuniary as
well as legal shackles, and responsible to God alone ; I insist
that law should be made simple, justice rendered expeditious
and cheap, and brought home to the door of every injured
person.
With these principles I came into Parliament, not to carry
on a cant against boroughmongers, and to give up my prir,,ci.
pies when that cry was satisfied.
But why do I trouble you with the views and actions of so
humble an individual as myself? Simply because Sir Francis
Burdett, and the other Tory writers and orators, have singled
me out as a species of ambufatory personification of the wrongs
and injuries of my unhappy native land. I represent the suf-
ferings as well as the creed of the people of Ireland. 'The un=
just and the bigoted (and Toryism is nothing else than injus-
tice and bigotry concentrated for action)—the unjust and the
bigoted assail me at every side, and, haying raised a clamour
against me and my country, and adaihst the " ancient faith my
fathers held to God," they endeavour to transfer the odium
they thus excite from me to a Ministry exerting itself to do
justice to Ireland.
The plan of operations is manifest. Avowed Tories of every
grade avail themselves of every possible falK,hood to blacken
me, and then they accuse, and revile, and taunt the Ministry
with having entered into a " coalition" with me. Prerogative
lawyers. and ungifted advocates call this "eoalition'* base and
unprincipled. These are the very words. The flicct t?

berillons or coques of riband, which entirely c'O'ver. them.
Skirts will not diminish in width; they are not quite as ample
as those introduced by Mary 11. on her return from Holland.
They have increased in length ; we have seen some that not
only touch, but even trail a little on the ground,—thus they
are at once too long and too short to be graceful. Trim-
mings, particularly those of the Spanish kind, will be adopted.
We have already seen some of black real lace, interspersed
with knots of riband, from each of which gold aiguillettes issue.
Itouleaus of curled ostrich feathers, of the colour of the dress,
are also expected to be in vogue ; they will be large for the
borders of dresses, but small for corsages. Some pretty dinner
_ _ _ _

dresses are of satin a mille raies, either black or brown, on a
light gray ground. The corsage is half high, made rather
long, a little rounded in front, and trimmed with a tulle dra-
pery, in very small flat plaits. The sleeve is tight round the
shoulder and about half way to the elbow. An excessively
full sleeve, a l'lmbecille, descends from thence to the wrist;
the fulness looped at the bend of the arm by a knot of riband,
and the shoulder ornamented by a neeud de page. We may
cite among the most generally becoming bead-dresses„ hats
with small round brims a little turned up, encircling a little the
face, and ornamented with a single drooping feather. A row
of pearls round the forehead is a favourite accessory, and adds
much to the elegance of a head-dress of this kind. Some
of these hats are ornamented with two tails of birds of paradise.
(From the New Monthly Belle Assemblee.)

Plain velvet is so much in favour for carriage hats, that four
out of five. are composed. of it. Several carriage hats are of
soot-coloured velvet, they have the interior of the brim trimmed
with small pink or blue flowers, forming half-wreaths on each
side. Sometimes instead of this ornament a rose without fo-
liage, or a pompon of rose or blue riband, is placed on each
side: • A single willow feather of the same colour is the orna-
ment generally adopted for the crown. The most elegant
half-dress bonnets are of white or' straw-coloured red velvet.

(Frani the Lady's Magazine.)

• - -
DINNER on :ornnn Danss.-ZDress Of a new material, called
sephora crape, embroidered in coloured floss silks. The cor-
sage tight to the bust, and .a pelerine, or a revers : this low
Is cut on the cross way, and. is joined by lisere on
,he shoulders; it is cut in a small point in centreof the front,
and is very deep on the shoulders ; it is edged all rciund_with
a piping of satin, and a narrow blond put on rather full. The
sleeves are plain, excessively short and. full. The front of the
skirts of the dress is embroidered en tablier, and a light Or-
lando of the same goes round' the bottom. The hair in light
ringlets, brought low at the sides, and interspersed With light
flowers ; the back hair is tightly drawn to the back of the head,
where it is braided, and the braid turned round several times
on itself ; from this braid springs a very small light bouquet.
Gauze scarf ceinture to match, long white kid gloves, white
satin shoes, silk stOckingS, and necklace of cameos.
MORNING INTERIEUR DRESS. —Surtout of triple satin, wad-
ded and lined throughout. The corsage tight to bust,
and the inner sleeves tight to the arm, fastened at the wrist by
a deep poignet, and finished by a, laceruflie. A second pair of
enormously loose sleeves over the tight ones ;, they reach a
very short way below the hi:ma of the am, and left quite loose.
A very•full pelerine, pu'. On in close full gathers at the neck,
and reaching nearly to the waist, is worn with this very season-
able morning drr.ss; it is edged with a lisere or piping.
(From the World of Fashion.) •
i prometiade dress (eri redingote) of mauve silk ; the fronts
and pelerine trimmed with a ribband ruche en ; very full
sleeves, the fulness drawn inko upright gathers, above
Ithe cuffs ;
white cambric collar reversed, and edged with Mechlin 'lace ;
black velvet bonnet, corning dery low on the cheek, edged
witha gold-colour rouleau, and ornamented with a vog of
little goldcolour flowers, and black velvet leaves ; the riband
is black-brocaded satin; primrose gloves; light cloth boots,
with kid fronts.
EVENING DRESS.-^—
white organd le, trimmed with ro'eings,
1
made in -rosr.ntes or th same, a rose inside each, and. pink
satin leaves; corsage a to Paysanne, laced with pink riband ;
girdle of the same ; very 'short sleeves, entirely covered by
separate falls of blond lace ; v
little vaac. velvet colleret, and.
gold e-.oss sespen,,,ed to it ;,gold ear-rings.; .and a vreath of
cars, placed high in :.ont, like a diadem ; the hair in
aw-ique braids.

We hear from families now visiting Brighton, that
houz.e rent is universally. reduced one-third there this saa-
son ; and in many. instances the proprietors have thought
best to make a still further reduction, rather than have

their housesunoeciiiietl.

LONDON,
MONDAY EVENING, JANUARY 4, 1836.

Mr. O'CONNELL has addressed a Letter to the
Electors of Westminster, which we this day lay before
our readers. It will be seen that though the Learned
Gentleman resents strongly the treatment he has re-
ceived from Sir FRANCIS BURDETT, he is by no
means niggardly in his estimate of the obligations
which the cause of Reform owes to the Hon. Baronet.
The extraordinary course which the once zealous ad-
vocate of Reform has lately pursued, is imputed to the
only cause which, in our opinion, can adequately ac-
count for it—namely, mental decay. The Tories, tak-
ing advantage of this imbecility, have plied him with
flattery on the one hand, while they have, on the other,
inflamed into hostility the latent grudge which he has
entertained towards the Whigs since they took Reform
out of his hands, and made it a Government question
without his permission. Sir FRANCIS has thus, in
his old age, and in the decline of his faculties, fallen a
victim to the artifices of those very persons whom, as
Boroughmongers, he has opposed, during the whole
of his political career, with a fearlessness, a disinteres-
tedness, a heartiness, and, we must add, a scurrility, to
which it would not be easy to find a parallel. We
say the whole of his political career, for we consider
him politically dead ever since the accession to power
of the Whig party, under Lord GREY, in 1830.
The Hon. Baronet has thus been wheedled out of
principles which he can probably no longer either de-
fend or understand, and has, perhaps unconsciously,
been made a tool for counteracting their influence.
We cannot help thinking that Mr. O'CONNELL has
taken too much pains to show that Sir FRANCIS is
the last man on earth who should have attacked him
for using unguarded language. He has applied the
argumentum ad hominem with great severity—with al-
most cruel particularity—as if any body can have the
least doubt upon the subject who knows the " sayings
and doings" of the Hon. Baronet.
Mr. O'CONNELL is well aware that this manoeuvre,
like many others, was resorted to for the purpose of
creating enmity between the Irish Members and the
Ministry. The support which these Members gave
the 'MELBOURNE Administration completely discon-
certed the plans of the Tories last session, and will no
doubt do the same the next. It is on this account that
their organs have been exerting all their energies in
abusing Lord MELBOURNE and his colleagues for the
unprincipled coalition," as they call it, between them
and Mr. O'CONNELL.
This absurd charge of a coalition is very satis- ,

factorily disposed of by Mr. O'CONNELL in his pre-
sent letter. We quote with great pleasure the following
psssage, as a complete answer to all the factious
gabble about Ministerial subserviency on the one side,
and O'CONNELL domination on the other
" This is what is called a COALITION justice dispensed
on the one side—support zealously and gratefully returned.
But have the Ministry sacrificed any one principle of their
own, or gone beyond any one principle of their own to pro-
cure this support ? Clearly and certainly not. It is quite
true that it would be a sacrifice of principle, and a contra-
diction of practice on the part of the Tories, to act with
impartiality or justice in Ireland. If they had bid for our
support, by acting fairly and justly—support thus obtained
might indeed be called an unprincipled coalition, but even
. then it could not be called a base coalition. In the Whigs,
it is not unprincipled—it is, on the contrary, consistent with
their professed principles. It is not base—oh, no !—it is
to them the highest honour—to us the first step to the
greatest possible utility."

The triumphant results of the late Municipal elec-
tions seems, strange to tell, to have taken the Tories
quite by surprise. They cannot understand upon what
principle it is that they have been everywhere so fla-
grantly vanquished. Hence they are all in a state of
alarming confusion and perplexity ; and while some
among them are endeavouring to prove that their de-
feat—for they are candid enough to admit that they
are defeated--is of little material consequence to their
interests ; the more arrogant and shameless of the
party seek indirectly to attribute it to the negligence
and timidity of some of their own Parliamentary subor-
dinates. Of such a sort is the language held by the
Tory Times of this morning, which would fain have.
us believe, that if it had not been for the supercilious
indifference of many of his supporters towards Sir R.
PEEL last Session, -which compelled him to re-
frain from divisions where he might have divided
with a most imposing show of strength, Toryism
would have been in far better odor than it now
is, with the people, and consequently would have ex-
' ercised a far more commanding influence over the mu-
nicipal elections. This is ingenious reasoning enough,
but there is not the shadow of a foundation for it. It
is no truer than our inventive contemporary's insinua-
tion, that Lord MELBOURNE in his despair of being
1 able to face Parliament, had.applied for assistance to
the STANLEY party. The strict truth is, that the
Conservatives put forth their utmost strength last
Session. They shrank from no difficulty—they omit-
ted no opportunity of annoying Ministers. Wherever
mischief was brewing, there were they in the thick of
it. They were as indefatigable in the Commons, as
they were in the Lords ; and if with all their influence,
directly and indirectly applied ; if with all their ener-
gies, physical and intellectual, they were unable to
do any serious injury to the cause of Reform,
and to Ministers as impersonating Reform, it
was because a giant power was opposed to them,
against which no means such as they could command,
could make head for an instant. It is well known that
we are no friends to the Tories, but we feel ourselves
bound, in common justice, to defend them from the
attacks of the Times. So far from being inert, as our
cnotemporary asserts they were, last Session, they sig-
nalized themselves by their earnestness and activity.
All that could be done, was done by them ; and their
impugner, who knows this quite as well as we can tell
him, has thought fit to attack them, for no other reason
than because by so doing, he thinks he may lead
shallow and wavering people to believe, that there still
exists a vast mass of dormant Toryism, both within
and without the walls of Parliament, which requires
only to be roused; to be successful in all its
essays. 'But ibis "ruse, however ingenious,
ceive none but the most credulous and tint

ing. All must see that it is merely got up
to encourage those Tory trimmers whom the result of
the Municipal elections may have filled with despair,
and tempted to desert from their colors. Doubtless,
our contemporary thinks it a clever notion—no matter
at what expense of truth—to keep up the confidence
of these poor creatures, by impressing on their minds,
that if they will but stick to their " Parliamentary
leaders," they will be strong enough to carry all before
them next session ; but though the few may put faith
in his statements, the millions will treat them with con-
tempt and ridicule, well knowing that it is not the
Tories, but the Liberals, whose full energies are yet to
be put forth. The latter party is as yet but the Her-
cules in the cradle, while the former is in the last
stage of hopeless decrepitude.

Prince LIEVEN is one of the first political portrait-
painters of the present age. His sketch of the Duke
of WELLINGTON, taken in 1829, for the private in-
spection of Count CHARLES DE NESSELRODE and
the Czar NICHOLAS, is one of the most faithful like-
nesses of the Illustrious Duke, in his then character
of Statesman, that the world has yet wondered at—for
all the Duke's political portraitures belong to the cate-
gory of world's wonders. This sketch, which assumed
the form of a diplomatic despatch addressed by the
Russian Ambassador to the Russian Minister for
Foreign Affairs, is copied from Number V. of the
Portfolio, and will be found, with another important
document, in the columns of The Sun of this day. Need
we state that our feelings on perusing these documents
were those of sorrow and self-humiliation ? Need we
assure our readers that in the prostration of the Duke
of WELLINGTON before the intriguing genius of
Russia, we forgot the crimes of the Tories in our re-
gret for the stain cast upon the honour of the British
Empire ? Certain Conservative prints are pleased
to represent us as gloating over the discovery—
an old one by the way—that the Duke of
WELLINGTON was the tool of NESSELRODE in
1829, as he was of the same NESSELRODE in 1832,
when the hollow plaudits of a Russian Envoy sufficed
to make him peril the chances of a popular revolution
in England. We tell these writers that they wilfully
misrepresent our opinions, ..We ineut. the ,hlindn esS
of the Duke of WELLINGTON as a Staiesman---we
know besides, that his overweening vanity renders this
fault in him quite incurable ; but our recollection of
his brilliant achievements in the field of battle is too
vivid—partakes too strongly of the nature of a feeling
of private and personal gratitude—to allow us ever to
exult over any of his errrors. At the same time we
must be permitted to say, that the Noble DUKE'S in-
capacity for office is rendered so notorious by the des-
patches of the Russian Ambassador, that his MA-
JESTY would neither consult what is due to his Regal
dignity nor to the safety of State, were he to recal the
late Secretary for Foreign Affairs to his Councils as a
Minister of the Crown.

Upon the despatches themselves we shall treat at
some length to-morrow. We are prevented to-day in
consequence of a press of such matter as will not bear
postponement.

The whole of the Paris papers of Friday have been
received, together with the Monileur of Saturday.
As New-year's-day is celebrated as a Sabbath festival
in all Catholic countries, the other journals were not
published on that day. At a late hour on Thursday
evening, the Government received a copy of President
JACKSoN's Speech to Congress, which it communi-
cated to the Journal de Paris, to be published in a
second edition of that paper. Although we have not
yet learned the opinions of the French Press on
the subject, we have received private assurances that
the Cabinet regards the Speech as quite satisfactory,
and that all differences will terminate as soon as Eng-
land shall have gone through the forms of a regular

mediatnrship. So generally was this known in Paris,
on Saturday, that the funds rose in consequence. To
accelerate matters it is probable that Ministers will
lose no time in submitting the part of the Message
which relates to France to the Chambers, and
that a vote expressive of the entire satisfaction
of the French Government W ik the language of the
President will be asked, and obtained without difficulty.
France will then notify to Congress her readiness to
pay the first instalment of the debt; the dishonoured
bills will be again presente and accepted : and thus
will end a quarrel ridiculous in i6"elfo4,but which was
on the eve of leading to the most direful consequences.

On New Year's-day the King of the FRENdeCrgc
ceived the usual congratulatory addresses of the diploz
matic body, and the Chambers of Peers and Deputies.
There is nothing either in these addresses, or in the
KING'S answers to them, to call for particular obser-
♦ation. The subject of congratulation, with the ex-
ception of a few phrases, is one and the same through-
out :—The health of the KING, and his miraculous
escape, on the 28th of July ; the general peace of
Europe; and the feats of arms performed by the
Duke of ORLEANS in Africa. The KING'S answers
may be given in words equally brief :—thankfulness
for the sympathy excited by the dangers which assailed
himself and family ; thankfulness for a participation in
those sentiments which the courage of a son inspired
in the bosom of his royal father ; and promises to the
effect that the future policy of France would be of as
pacific a character as the past. We must take all
these things at their pioper value—a mere ceremo-
nial. All parties had a part to perform enjoined
them by the etiquette of the French Court—and they
performed it. That is all that requires to be said on
the subject. Some heads, pretending to be wiser than
those of their neighbours, may discover in these ad-
dresses, and the answers to them, something more sub-
stantial than mere words. We have no taste for
examining complimentary addresses so closely. The
fruit concealed under such leaves is not worth gather-
ing—neither is it agreeable to our palate.
Advices from various parts of the North of Spain
are given in the French Journals of Friday ; but they
are, after all, of no importance. Deep snows, and the
badness of the roads, prevented the marching of the
armies. The British and French auxiliaries were
preparing to cross the Ebro, with a view to traverse
Navarre, and so attack the Pretender in the strong•
hold of his power in Spain.
There are still rumours respecting the suspicion:
movements of a Sardinian squadron, off the coast o
Spain.

FRENCH FUNDS.—PAnts, JANUARY 2.
Five per Cents., 108 f. 75c. 80c. 60c. 55c.
Three per Cents. 81 f. We. 15c. sc.
Bank Actions, 2,135 E 2,13'7f. 50c.
Bente de ::Japles, ,VBc. 95c.
Roman Five per Cents., 102.
SpAnish Actives, 50f. 51 50q.
Passives, !Sri
Rente d'Espatme, Three ner
.BentePerpetAl'Espagne, het per Cent., 39.
Belgian Loan, rive per Cents., 1013,4.
Portuguese Loan, Three per Cents, 5454.
Haytian Loan, 42st.

EXCLIANGE ON LONDON. •
One month, paper, —f.—e. ; money, 23f 52 co
.Three months, paper, :13f. ; money, —f.
—emirs Authentique. ,

BOURSE, THREE o'CLocx.—The Three per Cents. have
not been as high as yesterday at Tortoni's ; the contrary was
expected, on account of the rise of Consols.
The opening price was 80f. 10c., it rallied to 81f. 20c.,
but has since fallen to 81f. fox this account (which is this day),
and 81f. 25c. to 30c. for the end of January. The general
opinion is that the message of the President will satisfy this
Government. The Spanish securities have improved, but
they opened at higher prices than the present ones. Active
has been at 501; Passive at 17. One defaulter has been de-
clared, and more are expected on the day of payment, which
will be the 6th inst.

QUARTER TO FOUR.—Five per Cents., 108 f. 40c. ; Three
L-
er Cents., If. 10e. ; Five per Cents. Spanish, —; Three
—; Corte,, Coupons, —; Cleb-
bards, —; Differes, 181; New 1.e.., --tt.,Actives, 50i;
Passives, 161; Ducats, 98 15 ; Romans, 102 ; Pedros, ;
Belgians, 1013; Dutch, —f. —c. ; Haytians, 420 f. ..—c, ;
Miguels, —; Brabant Bank, —; Belgian Bank, 14 ; Con-
tinuation, —c. ; New Differes, —; Five per Cent. Peipe-
tuelles, 39.

We have received South American papers to the
23d of September. The several States were then in
a state of ferment, owing to struggles for the Presi-
dencies, and divisions in the army. In Peru the Go-
vernment was in a complete state of disorganization.
General ORBEGOSO, who had been driven from the
Presidency to which he was duly elected by General
SALAVERY, raised a body of troops in Arequipo, at
the head of which he attacked and defeated the army
of the Usurper, under the command of General GO-
MARRA. The Usurper himself remained in Lima to
prevent a rising of the inhabitants against him, where
he daily committed the most scandalous excesses. We
regret to say that the South American States present
a faint prospect of the establishment of social order
among them. They hate slavery, and yet they know
not in what liberty consists.

We have extracted from the German papers received
this morning, the copy of a letter addressed to the edi-
tor of the Allgenziene Zietung, purporting to be an
answer to some strictures made by that Journal on
articles condemnatory of the policy of Russia which
appeared in the Liberal Journals of London and Paris.
It may be remembered that the Editor's defence of Rus-
sia amounted to this :—She was great, powerful, magna-
nimous, and ambitious; the other European Powers were
weak, jealous of each other,- and filled with internal
dissensions ; consequently the triumphs of Russia
over them were as much the result of political ne-
cessity as of will ; and that such triumphs would only
terminate with the establishment of her sway over
all Europe and Asia. Now this was imprudent, and
the emissaries of NESSELRODE saw the conse-
quences to which it was likely to lead. Accordingly
we are now favoured with a letter ostensibly writ-
ten to correct an editorial miscalculation, but in
reality to throw dust in the eyes of Western Europe.
It is now the interest of Russia to conceal her power
as well as her designs for its subsequent employment.
Her fleet is not yet ready ; and as the first blow is half
the battle, she will strike before she unmuffles a
singe' drumy to apprize Europe of her new atti-
tude. " More tubs for .the nionster---no noise
till your harpoons are poised, and your lines ready,"
is the cry of the political navigators who guide the
Russian State-vessel. But we, too, are on our guard.
The errors of the past have not been examined by us
without extracting from them an useful lesson for our
future direction. We begin to know Russia, and are
preparing to vindicate our own honour. That there
will be a war is now certain ; all that remains is, to fix
the period of its commencement.

We have received Jamaica Papers to the 29th of
November, from which we extract the following :
THE MARQUIS OF SLIGO'S OPENING SPEECH