The Sun.
London, England, 1822-06-12 00:00:00

CLOCK AND WATCH-MAKERS.

Mr. Alderman BRIDGES presented a Petition from the
Master, Wardens, and Fellowship of the art and mystery of
Clockmaking. The Petitioners set forth that a very great
trade was formerly carried on 'by the manufacturers of clocks
and ivatches, but of late years, frolp the number of foreign
clocks and watches introduced into this country, their trade kad
fallen off, those connected with it reduced to great distress, and
many brought to a state of pauperism. The Petitioners now•
complained, of the provisions contained in a Bill lately intro-
duced, which authorised the -warehousing of foreign clocks,
watches, and watch glasses, as they were apprehensive that the
articles so warehoused would either find their way into the
hoine, or being altered in appearance, be exported to foreign
markets as articles of British manufacture. They therefore
prayed that that part of the Bill to which they alluded might
not pass into a law. _

After a few words from Mr. THo mPsox, the Petition was
brought up and read.
Mr, Ald. WOOD said; for the last ten years they had been
the.habit of receiving representations of the distressed state
of the numerous class of persons connected with the watch and
clock- trade. They had certainly lost much of their foreign
trade; and the provisions of that Bill against which they now
petitioned went to take from them the home market, to the
suliply of which they were now confined. He thought the Pe-
titioners were fairly entitled to have their case taken into con..
sideration.

.
Mi.. 'WALLACE said, this was not the time to enter upon
the subject of the Petition. When the Bill got to a• Committee
the proper opportunity would occur for taking it into consider,
ation.—Tlre Petition was ordered to lie on the table.-

Sir. F. BURDErf presented a Petition from certain Agri-
culturists in the parish of Branding, in the Isle of Wight, corn:
plaining of distress, which they ascribed to the alteration of the,
currency.—Ordered to be printed:
Mr. BIRCH presented a Petition from certain; Traders and
other Inhabitants of the town of Noitingham, complaining of the
injuries sustained by them from MoCk Auctiona, and travelling
Pedlars.—Ordered to be printed.
CURRENCY OF THE COUNT,RY.
Mr. WESTERN, pursuant to the notice which. he had given,
rose to perform a duty which he regarded as one of great im-
portance. He thought it right to say, that in his opinion, the
present calamitouS situation of the country ought to be ascribed
to that measure against which his motion would be directed,
and with this feeling, under no possible circumstances would
he abdicate that duty which he now took upon himself to fulfil.
' He felt that it would be necessary for him to drawleavily on
the attention of the House, and as he had neither eloquence nor
wit to require that attention, he must throw himself on their in-
dulgence, while he proceeded to lay before them the result of
a very laborious inquiry; commenced and rffosecuted with a
sincere desire to get- at-the real truth. At the outset then, he
took upon himself to arraign the wisdom, justice and policy of
that measure which had been adopted by the House some years
• ago.---the measure under which the country had returned to the
old standard of our -currency. Among the authors of that mea-
sure there were men to whose opinions he looked up with
great deference. He did not, mean to treat .it as one which had
been exclusively framed by his Majesty's-Ministers. He knew
that it had passed with the concurrence of the-most distinguished
Members of that House ; and therefore, in bringing forward
this motion, he did not mean to upbraid Ministers with it ; and
still less did he mean to censure those of their opponents who
had given it the sanction of their approbation. He considered
their authority entitled to great weight; but still, as he could
not regard any set of men as infallible, he must-hold that it
was possible for them at limes to be egregiously in error. In
the case to which he now wished to direct the- attention of the
House, he wasof opinion that at no period had a body of states-
.men in this or in .any, other country committed ,a more fatal
error than had been committed by the passing of the Act for
returning to the ancient standard of our currency. When he
spoke thus he did not mean to confine himself merely to the
Act of 1819, but he spoke of that together with the concurrent
Measures of the years immediately preceding. He had at the
outset arraigned the wisdom, policy, and justice of the mea-
sure, and he felt justified in going further, and saying, that
to that all the. present lamentable distress, and all the diffi-
culties with which the country had to contend, were to be
aicribed. He did not deny, that there were circumstances
Which, without this, would press heavily On the country. The
taxation under which it laboured—the laws respecting Bri-
tish agriculture,' and the poor's rates, -were suffieLlit to cause
•a.. considerable pressure, without the currency ; but with
these the country had thriven and prospered, • and with
these it had still continued to thrive and prosper, but for the
adoption of that injurious and fatal measure to which he now
called their attention. --He would undertake to 'prove that this
measure pressed severely on all classes, with the exception
of the fundholder and the Annuitant, and if he failed to make
out this he would, give up the subject altogether. He
would also shew that the severe distress at present experi-
enced in Ireland was to be ascribed to this. measure. He
begged to call the attention of the. House to the moral and po-
litical effects of lowering or raising the value of money. He
accordingly shelved the effect which each operation must pro-
duce on the situation of 'a person possessing 1,0001. per annum,
whom he'supposcd to owe 5001, out of the 1,0001. and shewed
that the operation of the two changes would go to strip him of
his-whole.property. , Thisf it could be shewn, was the case, or
nearly the case; in thousands of instances where Mortgages had
been made,
_ and obligations contracted under the altered cur-
rency. Though it was obviously desirable to avoid lowering

PRICE SEVENOEXCE,

the value of money below the regular standard, yet this would
not, morally speaking, produce the same extent of injury, nor
did it physically prOduce the same degree of evil, as' raising it
would not fail to do. In the latter case it affected all classes;
down to the• meanest labourer. The difference between
raising and lowering the value of money ought never to
have, been left out of the contemplation- of those who decided
on giving up the standards by which the concerns of the
country •had been.regulated for a quarter of a century. The
measure had enormously increased all the .burdens of the
country. Though he did not wish to call the-attention of the
House to an essay on the theory of money, he felt it 'necessary
to submit to them some general propnsitions, to which he
thought no one would object, on the uses, functions, and na-
ture of money. By all modern authorities it was. agreed that
money was only important as a medium of exchange and a
measure of value. By Dr. Adam Smith it was said to be
valuable, as a necessary instrument of commerce, but it formed
no part of the revenue of a State. One essential quality in
money was this, that it should be as invaluable as possible.—
On this account the precious metals had been preferred, by
the common consent of mankind, but then were not secure
from variations. The state of the mines being more or less
productive, or the discovery of new mines might cause their
value to vary. Other causes might affect their value, such as
an increase, or.a falling off in the demand, or the adoption of
substitutes for them. As soon as a credited currency had been
established, as was the case here, and in other parts of the
world, as a part of the aggregate currency, the character of
the metals for invariability must necessarily be affected..
Other circumstances, such as the increase of wealth and popus
lation, would also change their value n and. these in modern
times, but for that credit currency which had been brought to.
such terfection, would have rendered the supply of themetaLs,
if the mines were not more productive than formerly, made=
quate to supply the demand. He then read extracts from
Locke and Dr. Adam Smith, on the character of the precious
metals, and spewed. that in some instances it had..appeared,
that rents received in corn had, in a long course of years, va.
Tied less in value than those paid in money. He proceeded to
shew what had been the effect of the depreciation of money
during the late war. lie was not one of those who thought
the country had only enjoyed a fictitious prosperity.. To him
it appeared that we had acquired all that had constituted real
wealth while that state of things continued, and at the same
time the population had increased more rapidly perhaps than
it had ever done within a like period before. Ip spite of all-
the pressure of the war the nation had advanced with rapid
strides in her agriculture, in her manufactures, and in her
'commerce; in every thing that could indicate real wealth.
This wealth remained to us at the end of the period to which
he had referred, and was available for allspurposes. In former
times, under circumstances somewhat similar, the population
had increased as wealth was accumulated. This would be seen
from an extract from a work written by Lord Bacon, then Sir
Francis Bacon, towards the close of the reign of Elizabeth._
This extract stated, " That never before had a like number of
houses been built within the same period—never had the like
quantity of plate, jewels, and sumptuous furniture, been accu-
mulated—never had a like quantity of land been brought into
. cultivation—never had all kinds of tenures been so increased—
Ttever had the markets been so plentifully supplied or so well
attended—never had so many rivers been cut or directed into
new channels ; never had so many artificers been known skilled
in all sorts of handicraft ; never were there so 'many-,new in-
ventions ; and while war was, never conducted with more vi-
gour and success, the population had never more rapidly in-
creased." That such was the effect of an increased currency,
had been stated by Mr. Hume ; and it was curious that the'
same effects should thus be produced at periods so distant from
each other in this, and as he believed in every other country,,
from the same cause. He proceeded to shew how the value of
gold might be carried down by a great credit currency ; .and on
this subject he referred to a very able speech which had been
made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer some years age, in
Which the Right Honourable Gentleman had described the
difference between paper and gold,, and explained the circum-
stances which ought to be regarded as affecting the price of
the latter. He (Mr. Western) considered the alteration of the
currency to have altered the price of wheat. To ascertain this,
he had looked back at the prices of wheat in the 150 years an..:
terror_ to the commencement of the late war. Ile had got the
average prices of each ten years through that period, sinelahese
he had turned into averages of fifty years. Not to detain the
House with the whole, he would merely state the .average
Prices of corn ill each fifty years of the period to whichhe- had
referred. In the first fifty years, ending in 1895, the average
price of the quarter of wheat was 445. 9d. In the second-fifty
years, the price was 335. Id. and in the last fifty years, 'ending'
in 1793, the price was 445. 3d. there being a difference of only
a few pence between the prices of the first and last perieds.—
In the period which had since followed, the. average priceliad
been in the first ten years ending in 1803, 795. I Id. the:
second ten years, ending in 11113, the price was 995. Dining
the period of 150 years, which he had mentioned, lie believed
the highest price of the quarter of corn was 525. In the .first
ten years which followed, the price advanced to 80s., and in
the next to 100 s. He believed war had commonly, little
effect on the price of corn. The average price of a query
'.ter of corn in the five years before 1756, was 11. 145.. The
average of the five years ending in • 1763, was 11. 17s. - In
1764 the average price was 21. Is. ; in 1764 it was 2/. Bs., and
the average of the first five years after 1763 was 2/. ss. •He
now came down to the American war. The average price of
corn in the five years immediately preceding the American war
was 21. lls. ; the average price during the whole war was 2/.
6s. This was less than the average price of.the five years pre-
ceding the war. The price in, the year after the war was 21:
145., and the average price in the first five years was 2/. Bs.•
2d., the average during the whole of die American war having
been 21. 6s. He argued from this that war did not necessarily
increase the price of corn. Ile also drew his argument from
another source, from the reports of the quantity of corn. sold in
-the London Markets, in the years 1812 and 1821. • The fact
Was very curious, and thoroughly corroborated his position.
It would be thought very naturally, that the demand for corn
had increased in that period, in the same ratio as the population
had increased. In 1812, the quantity of wheat sod was 380,921
qrs. at 1255. per quarter. In 1821, the sale was 385,500 quar-
ters' being a smaller quantity at the rate of tios. He should be
glad to hear it stated that this alteration could have occurred
from any other circumstances than the operations which had
been effected with regard to the currency. This was the cause
of the existing distress, and not an abundance of corn. He
should presently make out that this measure had not only sunk
the value of corn, but that every other species of property had
fallen in value,_ although not to the same extent. When the
measure for the restoration of the currency was first proposed,
the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite. said, that
they were only doing what had been done in the- reigns'srif
Edward the First and Elizabeth. lie could shew that this
modern measure had no analogy to the operations winch were
affected in those remote times. With regard to Edward the
First, there could be no return to an ancient standard, bec.suee
the coinage then .in. circulation consisted :of nothing but
counterfeits. Edward the Sixth had the • coinages for res
storing money to the value of . the standard of Henry the
Eighth, and such interference no doubt created considerable
embarrassments and difficulties at the time. But it was.-Set
forth in'the diary of Edward the-Sixth that these alterations
were made for the purpose .of paying his debts ; in fact the
object was to cheat his creditors; But these alterations were
never intended to be permanent.. • They did not last more
than six years, notwithstanding that , they had not the et:
feet of disturbing private contracts, much less so dreadful
an operation upon a public debt as this country now suffered
Under. They had indeed no real effect upon the stand-
ard, for they ended in six years by the Act of. the sth of
Edward the Sixth. The Statesmen of those days -knew better
than to revert to the ancient standard 'of Henry the Eighth,
which had beeti abandoned only tatunty-tive years. even *the
out that pressure which now weighed down the resources. of.
the country. In the case of -Willi: nu. 1,1 I.',there was no alteran
tion made in the curreney—a(ll.eur, from :Mr. Peel.)--11e,
knew that a quantity of debased and clipped:. coin was called
in-(Hear,_ hear, hear.)—but it was; intales, and not again
issued. He must say, therefore, that it was perfectly puerile
to say that a measure like the present 'bore any -similarity tir
those of our ancestors. The Hoisse must rattier: their steps in:a
measure which they undertook in ignorance ; and he took blame
to himself that he did'not at first remonstrate against. it
with all the power he possessed. fie would warn' Honour-
able Gentlemea, by the responsibility which attachid to
not to let any false or mistaken pride instigate them to refuse
an investigation a measure that had produced effects which,
at the time, they could not foresee; for if they did so :they
would be turning their lucks upon the country and betraiing
its real interests. The. Honourable Member then read sonic -
passages from Hume and Locke, upon the probable results
of alterations in 'the currency, which he considered to be

•:.ttitily :prophetic of •-the distress in which the country
wan 'Po* plunged. He contended that the effect -of the
:Aeration could not be estimated by a mere reference to
-ponnda, shillings, and pence. The relative depreciation in
AN- value of money could only be estimated by the Tice
of commodities. In order, therefore, to shew the extent of
*predation, he had converted the amount of the taxes into
commodity ; and belied taken the three. commodities of corn,
gald, and labour. In IEI3, the taxes amo-auted to 74;674,7981.,
and wheat was worth nu per quarter; so that 11,732,296
quartera would be sufficient to pay the taxes. In 1821 the taxes-
being fie` millions, and the value of a quarter of wheat 555. 4d.
.it weed then recuire 21,863,724 quarters, or nearly one half
. snore than in the. year 1813, to pay the taxes of the country,
tbcy Acing so much lower than at that period. But suppeaing
. the price of wheat to be 455. this year, it would take 27 mil-
lions of quarters to pay the taxes, a quantity that would have
• teen enough to pay double their amount at the prices of 1813.
In the value of geld the difference did not appear so. great. In
1813 the price of gold was 110 s. per ounce, and 13,577,236
'trances would have been sufficient to pay the taxes, amount-
ing to above 74 millions. At the present time the price of gold
was 775. 7d.; so that 15,600,000 ounces would be necessary
to discharge the taxes, being 60 millions. In 1813, the price
of labour-wag 16s. per week ; and the labour of five millions,
of persons for 18 weeks and 4 days would have paid the taxes
of the year, being 74 millions and upwards. The average price
of labour Ives now 9s. per week ; and it would.take the labour
cf the same number of persons for 26 weeks and six, days to
pan the taxes of 60 millions ; and supposing the price of labour
to have fallen to Bs. it would require 30 weeks, being almost
double the quantityrequired in 1813. The Hon. Member then
proceeded to chew the operation of the measure upon the other
markets of Europe. It appeared by the prices current of for-
deax, Amsterdam, and London, that tne various articles of
produce in those markets had fallen in the proportions of 15
per centum at Bordeaux ' • at Amsterdam prices had fallen 34
per cent; and at London 44 per cent. between the years 1814
and-1921. He then read from some documents a calculation
.of the fall in the prices of various articles of produce, which
reapeared to be generally from 30 to 40 and 50 per centum.—
it was impossible to ascribe" this to any other cause than
to the measure which the House had adopted. Its per-
gskisua consequentes, he felt convinced, were felt as se-
verely by the commercial and manufacturing world as
they were by the agricultural interests. Commercial men were
tarrying on commerce -Without profit, and the manufacturer
was manufacturing without profit. 'ne Hon. Member then
went into an intricate calculation to shew that the fundholder
-steed in the situation now of receiving forty-nine quarters of
corn for his 1001. stock, instead of 25A quarters in the year
1793. He untended, that the public faith would be in no way
:injured by adhering to the standard, from which they had so
recently, departed. In regard to the Poor Rates, it. was said,.
Chat they had decreased _since 1813.—(Hear:} He said ;they
Gad increased.—(Hear.)—lf calculated. by the value•of Cones
rnodity, as they ought to be, it would be found that they had
increased nearly double since that Petioda-4 Heat; hear !a—
Could any Gentleman then think of inflicting such a fallacy
upon the farmers in the country, -as to, tell thern :that their
poor rates were diminished; when, in faet,h the were pays
ang nearly double the quantity of the -stack- of their: baths.?
tie contended that the' number of criminals, which' had- so
increased within the last few years, was to 'be attributed to the
. progress of a system which threw so large a portion 'of, the
poor out of employment. This was the 'real cause of the,
distress in Ireland at. the present moment.—(Hear, heae!)--dfle
should conclude with the sincere and humble wish that the
subject had fallen into hands better able to execute the ttiskoL-
But such was his opinion of the calamities anchelistreA• Ofhthe
.country ' • such was his dread of the future ; such was Ina Opis.:
tion of the cause ofall that calamity and distresS, that nothing
could deter bind from doing that•which he conceived to, he. his.
duty, in bringing the subject under the consideration of the
• House. In doing this, he had dohe no less than his duty ; and
he intreated the House to remember that the people of this
• country always applied their sober and good sense to the inveSa
ligation of questions like the present, and he belieYed that they
were now beginning to discover the full consequences of the.
measure, which they could not see. at the time it was adopted.
St ould any Gentleman say—would the Noble Marquis oppo-
site say—that he did not begin to look with distrust and ap-
nrehension' to the future as to what might ensue from the
effects of the measure. - The- fact Vas, that any one look-
lag at the Report of the Committee, would see that they did
not "look at the probable results 'of returning to an ancient
standard of value, after departing from it for such a period
el time. All they considered was; the capability of the Bank
to meet the demand for cash. Those results were indeed
pointed. out to them in a document presented by the
."ark Directors, but with no effect. —(H'ear, hear !)—The
House must not now be deterred from pursuing any course by
alarm, or by a reluctance-to retrace their former steps. They
must look to some measures which would restore prosperity to
• the various interests in the country ; and that could be only ac-
eamplished by giving to the produce of industry the same value
I:,money which it possessed "previous to the adoption of this
.measure: He moved; " That a Committee be appointed to con-
eider the effect produced by the Act of the 59th of Geo. 3,
chap. 14. upon the Agriculture, Manufactures and Commerce
of toe United Kingdom, and upon the general condition of the
dal:ant classes therein."
Mr. HUSKISSON said the question raised by the motion of
the Hon. Gentleman was admittedly one of the greatest. im-
nor:tench. It was one which affected the'standard of value,
".tile ,security of all engagements with the' Public, and that don-
:science so necessary to be maintained in all dealings between.
man and man. Yet in his (Mr. H.'s) opinion the motion of the
Phe. Gentleman aimed at no less than the alteration of that
security, and the destruction of that confidence. " But at. all
events, whatever might be the 'differences of opinion on
,this
subject, its importance was such as to entitle it to the amplest •
eiscumion; .and'on this account he did not despair of meeting
th at atter} tion front the House which, individually, he had no tight
te expect.—(Hear.)--Ife had listened with every attention •tol
tie speech of the Hon. (lent., but he bad listened also with',
a mixture of astonishment and regret; with astonishment at
tie doctrines put forth by the Hon. Member, and with regret
at his countenancing. that which would be utterly subversive
raiblic faith. Though he acquitted the Hon Member •of
any intention to bring about such a subv:rsion, he thought.the
Hen. Member had, at least, lost sight of the principles which
guided Parliament in•the year 1319, and of every other prins
.ciple which it became the House to keep in view. lie (1%Ir:
if.) had had the honour of a Seat in that House in the year
17'7, when the suspension of Bank payments by the Bank
tack place, and he might venture to say that he.had not been
an inattentive observer of the proceedings in Parliament on
tl,ie subject since that period; and with his opinions, he really
.must nay that, upon a mere hearing of the speech of the Hon..
Gentleman, he should suppose that that Hon. Gentleman did
not understand the measure alluded 'to, or any of the legislative
. measures which had since been founded upon it. He should
',eve believed that the lion. Member supposed that since the
flint suspension in the year 1797, a known and acknowledged
difference had prevailed between the nominal and the relative
vale's of cur paper money; that the difference had been recog-
nized by the public and the Legislature ; that all subsequent
-dhc.l.ing,s, public and private„had taken place with reference
tz this difference, as if it could he exactly measured and
eletned ; that a measure had passed to adjust all contracts ac-
cerling to the nominal value of money; that at least a pro-
posed cf such a measure had been made, and had been sup-
Isteted by the landed interest"; and that aa a necessary con-
setuenre, all rents, dowers, portions, and - settlements, had
bean injured, or proposed to be injured, by such a measure.—
This was really what he should have supposed to be the state
•of the case, upon the sneech of the Hon. Gentleman. The
true and plain fact, however, was, that rents, for instance,
had at leant doubled during the time of the depreciation of the
mei. money. Upon the speech of the Hon. Gentleman he
aught be led to believe that some greedy and unprincipled
-crsiltor had come forward and claimed a nominal instead of a
relative value in payment, and that the Lion. Gentleman had
shaped forward and placed himself and his motion between
the debtor and the proposed act of injustice. But he would
ask the House, nay, he would ask even the Hon. Member him-
self, whether this had been the state of things during the time
-of the depreciation ? He-confidently asked, was not our situas
tien the very reverse cf that upon which alone the argument of
the Hon. Gentlern'an could be supported? He begged to ask
the Pon. Gentleman whether in the year 1797 debts and en-
. fragments were adjusted with referetco to the then altered
value cf money ? Whether any subsequent engagement had
been made with reference to such altered li/slue ? Whether
the Jew, on the contrary, did not interfere to prevent any
-such adiustrnent ? After the obvious answer to these questions,
11e cotill not divest himself of the first test by which he was to
deck at th a present motion. It was whether that motion was con-
siatent with justice, with honour, cr with the rule of right ?-
-Con Id dame be two rules of justice or honour—t,vo rules of right?
could there be one rule for the debtor, and another for the cre-
,•ditor? The Lion. Member had put the case of an ircumbered
estate. • He (Mr. H.) would illustrate the general principle
by putting a case for the consideration of the Hon. Member.
reappose any one—suppese, for instance, the Hon. Member
himself had in the year 1797 a landed estate, which had been'
previously mortgaged, and which mortgage still remained.'
:suppose also that during the depreciation, the verythiwest
point of it, he had given another filottgage, and which mart-
gage also still remained. He (Mr. Huskisson) asked the
siren. Member, and with confidence, whether he would ten-
deg. the 'first Mortgagee his money, upon a calculation!,
with refetence to the depreciated currency ; and say to the;
seethid Mortgagee, " Yeti lent me in a depreciated currency,
and you must be repaid upon a calculation compared with its
value in tire present currency ?" He was quite certain that, if'
the lion. 0111;11=7.11 reflected a little on tut: own proposition,'

he never would think of mentioning it ; and that he would
scorn in his own persona/ case an arrangement which, in prin-
ciple, he was suggesting for the public, But suppose this rule
were applied to another class of persons—to the public credi-
tor. Did the Honourable Member propose to examine every
loan which had taken place during the war; and to abate
from the public creditor a shim aeccording to the difference in
value at the time of e: eh of these loans ? _lf he would do
this, would he, on the other hande propose to be so dishonest
as not to compensate the pereon who was a public creditor
.prior to the year 1797, for the sums he had lost by being paid
etnmany years in A- depreciated currency ? But, to shorten
stheinaatter, was sash an adjustment even possible ? would the
loan of one year be distinguished from another? It woald
be impossible, unless every transaction could be traced through
all its branches, and unless the principle were carried thsoagn
all public as well as all private dealings. It should be remem-
bered that it was net merely A or B, the contractoe for :the
loan, who was to be considered as responsible. The loan in
each case had been divided, subdivided, and probably reunited.
Then it was to be observed, that many mortgages contracted
tin an undepreciated, had been paid off in a depreciated, curren-
ei. • Were these transactions, he asked, to be, re-opened ?
Yet the principle would apply to every contract which had
been closed since the beginning of -the depreciation. Nay,
it would be necessary to go further.,. than this. It would be
necessary to examine the circuirsttances of every individual;
and if they were to go on'apon this soriaciple, it would be im-
possible not to involve. the whole country in confusion. This
'confusion would be fatal to property ;_and consequently to the
existence of the State. Yet, without this danger, the principle
of the Hon. Member could- not be adopted ; for it could not
be adopted without following ail the transactions between man
and man in individual dealings. He had not the slightest in-
tention of following the Hon.. Member through -all his elabo-
rate details ; for if he did, he should embarrass the real merits
of the question: At acme of the doctrines; however, of the
Hon. Member, he cona.ssedd, he was not very much surprised ;
for it happened very often, that the theories advanced by those
who were considered as practical men, surprised even theorists
themselves. Foe instance, the Hon. Member really argued as
if the presperity of. the country were to be inferred from the
dearness of provisions ; and he seemed to consider a high price,
bordering almoet on famine, as a sign of national strength. Ac-
cording to the Hon. Member, the people were most happy dur-
ing the dines of high prices; and the Hon. .Member had not
failed to notice that in those happy times of high price and dear
provisions, the number of criminals had diminished. This had
been mentioned as the state of the country in the year 1813.
Now he (Mr. H.) Would giVe the lion. Member a few other
instanceS, by way of illustrating his argument. In the year
1812, the country Woe in a state of confusion, amounting al-
most to rebellion, yet accordiag to the data of the Hon. Gen-
demon, that year ought to be considered as especially prosper-
ous ; for in this halcyon year the price of wheat was 1255. a
quarter; and the taxes, compared with those of the pressed
year, were 70 minions • instead of 50. He would also take the
year 1815, two years after the favouriteyear of the Hon. Mem-
ber:" The tastes were then at 79 millions, and the country was
of course (iii the opinion of the Hon. Member) almost ruined;
for the -wheat having fallen to 645., there was that sereatest of all
calamities, a diminution in the price of necessaries. In 1817
there was the greatest distress prevailing all over the kingdom,
particularly ip the manufacturing districts. The taxes were at 55
millions; but according to. the lion. Gentleman it must have
been a miatake to 'suppose that the country was suffering any
thing at'all. for the wheat had got.up to 945. If this noieldoc-
drineof the,Hotn . Gentleman were entertained, he (Mr. H.)
must say that'theyears 1812 and 1817 did. not • bear the Hon.
Gentleman:out in his inferences. He (Mr. H.) thought that
the country really flourished most when prices were moderate
add reasonable, and when the people were enabled to obtain the
'•meting of comfort and happiness.. Another of the doctrines of the
Hon. Gentleman was, that it :would be proper to raise prices
try 'diminishing the value of money. The Hon. Member -rejoin
dhink this very expedient; but he (Mr. H.) considered" it
ash:consistent with .the safety of the country, and with the
fidelity.of 11 publid engage.ments. He considered the stand-
ard,of value to beset guarantee that all engagements should
be dixed ;• 'and a proof of the sincerity of those, 'engagements ;
and he considered teo, that if the standard were left subject to
arbitrary and fanciful variationS,there would be an end of all
security'' Re 'could not but remark that the Hon. Member sat
in that Itahae during the passing of most "of the Suspension
Acts ; ai'di that he supported all the measures for promoting a
return to
.cash, payirsefitss .. The Hon. Member had perhaps re-
ceived some new lights oh the subject, though his doctrines
themselves.wefe by no means new.• They had in substan co been
recommended by. -bow and others,, and highly popular among
debtors. When they were first introduced into France they raisect
the fame of Law; and that country became intoxicated with the
false appearance of prosperity, which was created by the
adoption of those dtactrinesno[The Right Hon. Gentleman
here referred to aspamphlefpublished in France . during the
continuance of Law's well known bubble, highly extolling
that projector.l—Another.strange doctrine of the Hon. Mem-
ber appeared to be that he considered corn AS a standard of
value Was preferable to gold or silver, because it was an article
of general consumption throughout the country. But what
standard could 'possibly be so objectionable as a corn stand.
aid ? This country had in some years produced more corn
than it consumed ; and as we, were shut up by the war, the
price of corn fell consielerThly, for we could not export it.
And i£ the article of general consumption were to be. taken
as the standard of value, would not potatoes be consi-
dered that of Ireland ? And if so, what standard would
the 'Honourable Member adopt for that country durilig
the present
_.year ? He really regretted when he heard the
Hon. Member suggest this idea of a corn standard. He by no
means intended to follow the Hon. Gentleman through all his
mistatements and erroneous views ; but there was one which
he could not allow. to pass unnoticed. He had stated that in
1312, when prices were high, we flourished, and that notwith-
standing the high price,. the consumption of corn had been
greater than it was at present, without making any allowance
for increase of population. He stated also, that in 1822, with
the low price of corn, the consumption had considerably
diminished. But the fact was, that in 1312 we imported as
much corn as we possibly could from abroad; and this was ima '
ported to London, and from thence supplied different parts of
the country. The Returns of the Hon. Member referred to.
London, so .that the excess was more seeming than real, and
no inference whatever' could be drawn from the circumstance
alluded to. The practical remedy, however, proposed by the
Hon. Member, consisted of one of two courses. Either to ad-
just all contracts in existence in the year 1797, or entered into
since ; or to take at once an average scale of depreciation and
apply it to all these contracts. The first was clearly it-nitre:a-
cable, and the second was unjust as well as impracticable.—
The Hon. Member had drawn a comperison upon the situation
of the proprietor of land worth 10001. a year, with a charge
upon it of five hundred pounds a year; and the Honourable
Member went on to observe, that if the rent fell to 5001.
a year, the proprietor would be ruined. Very true, but
this was assuming the rent to be in a depreciated currency, and
the ohazge to he paid in one which was undepreciated. Not
that this was of any consequence ; for, however great might be
the depreciation, there had been a full compensation given for
it. He who now suffered an inconvenience from the restora-
tion, had first benefited by the depreciation. The mortgagee
had paid his share of taxes, and all oubiic burthens, although
he had received his interest in a depreciated currency ; and he
had now a right to the benefit of the restoration. These bene-
fits and liabilities were correspondent, and must actually take
place in the course of any public event; but, to say that the
proprietor of a landed estate suffered more than any other per-
son, was to misrepresent the true state of the case. All the
charges upon the land were defrayed before the payment of
the rent; and it made no possible difference whether the
income was derived from rent or,from any other source—
The return to cash-payments, on the whole, would have but a
temporary effect; and it would be found that rents had not
fallen, and could . not fall lower than the standard of 1797.
The landed interest had gained very considerably during the
depreciation, and on the whole would, he believed, have the
comparative advantage.—There was a class, . however, con-
nected with the landed interest, whose situation was unfairly
affected. He alluded to the tenantry. They had embarked
their capital, and had incurred debts during the depreciation ;
and the inconvenience suffered by them was, he admitted, one
of the unfortunate consequences attending our being without a
fixed standard.—(hear, hear, heat I)—But the Hon. Member
wished us again to be withoutit.—(Cheers.)--The Hon. Member
did not distinguish between the diminution of money and the
profitable employment of capital. That which the Hon. Member
considered as the recommendation was in fact the evil. it en-
couraged speculation, gambling, and hazardous pursuits. 'Was
it possible that we could avow this to be our system, and not
destroy all confidence? The Hon. Member said, that the de-
preciation was not to be measured by the difference between.
the Mint price and the market price of gold. He (Mr. If.)
always maintained that the value of money might be diminished
from various causes, but this circumstance he never considered
as giving a creditor a right to call for indemnity in conse-
quence of the depreciation. While the depreciation was going
on, did any one ever think of proposing to adjust the cur-
rency to the diminished value ? Thediscovery of the American
mines must have had this effect • and if the corn standard were
adopted, this must have occurred very frequently. To intro.:
duce such principles would lead to universal confusion. The
Houourable Member appeared to consider, indeed he had
stated, that our present situation was without any precedent.
He thus assumed that there had never before • been a derange-
ment of our currency. But a reference to the reign of 'Wil-
liam the Third would soon produce a parallel with our present
situation. This was abundantly proved by a reference to the
documents lately published, containing the correspondence of
Talbot Duke of Shrewabury. The house would do well to

take historical experience for its guide, and refer to the clocu-
runts to which he had alluded. The difficulties mentioned in
those documents arose out of the re-coinage in the year 1695,
of the clipped silver money. [The Right Hon. Gentleman
here referred to the lately published work of Archdeacon Coxe,
containing the Duke of Shrewsbury's Correepontlence.) It ap-
peared that this re-coinage at first aggravated the evil it was
intended to remove. The guinea was raised to thirty shillings,
paper currency was reduced in value twenty per cent. the army
went unpaid, and the Duke, •writing to the King, who was
then abroad with his army, gave a dismal account of the
'roantry. He told the King that the. only remedy would be
to let the Parliament sit in June—tA laugh.)--and to let
the clipped money go out again i • " and yet," the Duke added,
a° to do trus, will be to undo all. that has been done." Now
'he (Mr. H.) :hiked the House whether this was not exactly
whet was proreosed by the Hon. Member ?—[The Right Hon.
Gentleman lire again. referred to the correspondence between
William the Third and the Duke of Shrewsbury.)—The King
seemed alehoet overcome by the Duke's statement; expressed
his fears of a mutiny hi his army, and yet he did not hesitate to
_meet the Parliament upon his return, and impress upon them
the necessity of maintaining the coinage, although he was
besieged by Petitions from all parts of the country calling
for a restoration of the clipped money. In the year 1696
a motion was made in that House that no alteration should
be made in the standard of gold and silver. At the pe-
riod he alluded to, the deficiency in the silver currency was
equal to any depreciation of late date. There was a deficiency
of nearly one half, which was equal to a depreciation of 50 per
cent. ; yet King William did not hesitate at all hazards to sup-
port the standard of value. The Hon. Gentleman supposed that
alteration in the currency in the reign of William made no
di Terence with respect to commodities, but that was an errone-
ous view. Wool fell in price with other commodities. King
William, notwithstanding the difficulties which continued up
to the peace of Ryswick, never gave up the interest of
the country, with respect to the coinage. The succession
war had, however, plunged the country into a state of
debased currency, but the Government at last returned to the
standard. If the Honourable Gentleman wished for an altera-
tion of the standard, he warned the House against such a
project. It would lead to a convulsion, which every friend
to the.country must deprecate. it was perhaps the intention
of the Honourable Member to go into a Committee to inquire
into the subject ; but what would be the effect of such in-
quiry on the prosperity of the country ? Did not the Honour-
able Gentleman see- that the value of gold coin would-be
raised. There would be a demand for all the gold and silver
currency, and the result would be, that this Metropolis and the
country would be thrown into a state of confusion. There
would be a general destruction of all contracts, and a demand
for, gold coin to save it until the period should arrive when the
value of gold would be enhanced. By adopting the lion.
Membet's suggestion, distress would reach all classes. That
House would not to its duty to the country if it confined itself
to giving a common negative to the motion of the Hon. Mem-
ber. It become the House, after it. had laid down the standard
of value, to leave no doubt on the course it should pursue.
Looking to precedent and the feelings of the public—looking
to the mischief which must ensue from the adoption of the Hon.
Member's motion, he should conclude by recommending the
House to adopt the precedent of 1696. It became the duty of
the House to re-affirm those Resolutions of 1696, and there-
fore the Right lion. Member proposed as an amendment to
insert these words:—" That this House will not alter the
standard of gold or silver in fineness, weight. or denomination."
The original motion and the amendment having been put by
the SPEAKER,—
Lord A. HAMILTON rose and observed, that when he
seconded the motion of his Hon. Friend, his object was that
the House should go into an inquiry. He denied the impu-
tations thrown out by the Right Hon. Gentleman on the views
of his Honourable Friend. If the motion had for its object to
repeal the Bill, which was generally known by the name of
Mir. Peel's Bill, without examination or inquiry, he should
not be the person to second it. But the object of his Hon.
Friend was. to institute an inquiry into the state of the cur-
rency, by which so large a portion of the community was re-
duced 'to such great distress. That distress was 'acknow-
ledged by the Right Honourable Gentleman himself. He
would refer to the Report on Agriculture, in which the
Right Honourable Gentlemen said, that the tenants of the
country were obliged to pay the demands on them out of a
reduced capital. They had done--they were still doing—
and they shonld continue to do, a great injury to a great por-
tion of the community. It was then but fair and reasonable
to inquire how that evil might be 'averted, or if not, haw it
could be made to sit as light as possible on those whom it
affected. If he were certain the Bill could not be maintained
without changing the property of the,.country, was ft not in-
cumbent on him to inquire into the effects it was producing?
He had heard a Member, whom he did not then see in his place;
state, that all the landed property in-the Country was mortgaga
ed to the Triadic creditor, and when the landowner failed to
perform the terms of the mortgage, it was then competent to
the creditor to foreclose the mortgage, and to seize on the lands
in lieu of his debt.--(No, no !)—lie was glad to see the Right
Honourable Gentlemen opposite signify their dissent from a
proposition so' unjust. No proposition could be made from
his side with a view to relieve the distresses of the country,
but it was immediately repudiated by the Right Honoura-
ble Gentlemen opposite, as tending to break faith with the
public creditor. With respect to the charge made on his Hon.
Friendgfor the incorrectness of his theories as to high and low
.prices' he would 'confess that for his part 'he would be an ad-
vocate for low prices of all the necessaries of life. The country
had not yet had the advantage of the proposition of his Hon.
Priend. In 1816, the subject of cash payments was under the
consideration of the Houle. The Bank of England then gave
notice that they were ready to. pay off their one and two pound
notes. There were several Members, however, among whom
he was one, who did net afterwards observe that any progress
was made by the Bank. -:The subect was brought under
the notice of the House in the two following Sessions. The
Bank was relieved from the payment of those notes by the
Right Honourable Gentleman opposite, who brought in .a
Bill for that purpose, and, so far from giving the measure
due consideration, it was carried through all its stages in one
night. He limited his support of the present motion to in-
quiry. By the conduct of the Bank they were reduced to
that state, that they should do evil to a large portion of
the community. He confessed he had no confidence in the
Gentlemen opposite on that subject. It was by their conduct,
in opposition to the principles of the Honourable Gentle-
men who sat on his side of the House, that the country
was plunged into its present difficulties. The Right Hon.
Gentleman had asked why the Bill was not opposed when it
was before the Mouse ? JNo man who recollected the speech
of the Right Honourable Member for. Liverpool could be sure
prised at that. With regard to the Bill itself, he would admit
that it was a correction of an evil. But there were cases in
which the cure was worse than the disease. He did not mean
to say that it was a had cure under other circumstances, but
they applied it to circumstances to which it was not applicable.
—The country was still growing worse—and if the time should
come when the manufacturers would feel the same degree of
suffering that the Agricultural body did now—the House
would not evade the application of a remedy so easily. Be was
anxious for inquiry.—There were ample grounds for investiga-
tion.—[At the conclusion of the Hon. Member's Speech, seve-
ral Members exclaimed—Adjourn ! Adjourn !
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said, if It was the feel-
ing of the House that the 'question ought to be adjourned, it
would be advisable to adjourn forthwith. At the same time
he felt that considerable inconvenience would arise if the coun-
try was kept in suspense upon the subject. The Noble Mar-
quis did not feel that any consideration ought to induce the
House to adopt the inquiry recommended, and he should there-
fore wish to come to a decision though the debate should iast
to a late hour.
Mr. BROUGFIADI felt the great expediency of coming to a
decision that night : at the same time he could not but depre-
cate the difficulty the Right Honourable Gentlemee had raised.
Many who might oppose the motion of his Honourable Friend,
would not vote for the proposition cf the Right Honourable
Gentleman.
Mr. -BENNET then moved, that further' debate on this
question be adjourned till to-morrow.
Mr. BROUGHAM said, his Hon. Friend did not perhaps
recollect that the Honourable Member for Somerset had a
Motion for to-morrow, which would be • prevented by the ad-
journed debate.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY had sorne hope that
the Hon. Member, whom he saw in his place, would not ob-
ject to a further postponement of his motions
Sir T. LETHBRIDGE said, he was ready to give way in
compliance with the wishes of the House, but he was not pre-
pared to name any other day for his motion.
The debate on Mr. WEsT.EnN's Resolutions was then ad-
journed till to-morrow—(this day.).
On the Order of the Day for bringing up the Report of the
Insolvent Debtors' Bill,
Mr. CREEVEY opposed any proceeding-upon the Bill after
an adjourned. debate; and after a few observations from the
ATTORNEY-GENERAL, declared his intention to divide the
House. The gallery,wae accordingly cleared, and the House
being counted, forty Members were not present, in copse-
queece cf which they adiourzied at ONE O'CLOCE.

An official return to on order of the House of
Commons,. states the .e.mocnt of balance in the hands of the
Treasurer of the County cf. Mcldleaex on the I fith April, 1822,
at 16,9741..165. 61

KENT COUNTY MEETING.

AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS AND PARLIAMENT•

ARV REFORM

Yesterday a Meeting was held in the market-
place, Maidstone, to consider of a Petition to Parliament on
the distressed state of the country, and the defective Represent-
ation of the People, which as attended by Lord Darnley, the
Earl of Thanet, Lord Clifton, the Hon. C. Noel, Sir Edward
Knatehbull, Bart. M. P., W. P. Honywood, Eaq. M. P. and
a numerous body of tientlemen Freeholders, Clergytnen, and
Yeomen of the County.
At half-past twelve o'clock, JOHN PowELL, Esq. the High
Sheriff', with his friends, ascended a temporary platform that
had been erected in the market-place, and read the requisition
to him to call the Meeting, which was signed by upwards of
400 noblemen and distinguished individuals of the County.
He then read a letter from Lori Sondes, apologizing for his
absence, but assuring the Meeting that he was warmly attached
to the cause they were met to diScuss, and that he was convinced
there must be a change in the system that was now pursued.
Jorrie CHARLES Foo'rE Esq. of Charlton, said he would
trespass a few moments on tie attention of the company. He
was incauab/e Of describing the distressing state of the country,
but he thought it was a time when every person should come
forward and lend their aid to some measure that-would, at
least, attempt to render assistance to the ruined agriculturists;
tradesmen, and peasantry of the country, who were reduced to
the lowest state of degradation, by the heavy pressure of the
burdens that they endured. It was true that some few taxes
had been remitted, but nothing had been done for them which
would remove the weight which bore them down. The agricul-
turist and merchant were ruined by the low price of material*,
the consequence was, that the labourer could not find employ,
and he was unable to sustain that character in the nation which
he and his forefathers had enjoyed for centuries, and without
which he could not live. There were persons. who objected
to favour the cause of the agriculturist, because it could not,
they said, be done but at the expense of the commercial in-
terest. For his -own part, he conceived all were entitled to
relief, for the taxes were so enormous, and the price.of tna-
terials so low, that distress pervaded every Class of the.cornum-
I nity, and made them all equally entitled to commiseration...—.
It was necessary that we should be protected against the in-
troduction eaf foreign corn into our markets. lie believed that
.a large quantity of foreign corn found its way into our mar-
kets, under the name of Irish corn, much, very much; to
the injury of our trade He was rejoiced to find the question
of our ,distresses was identified with Reform. We required
o experimental projects,—we wished to see the influence
of the Crown circumscribed—to have short Parliaments, and
the right of voting extended to those who have interest
in the State,—or at least, to copyholders as well as free-
holders. If something shortly was not done, nothing could
save the nation from a bankruptcy. He admired the patri-
otic principles of Lord Russell, and that noble band , which
had so ably contended with the peoples' oppressors. By
their joint aid it was, that the diminution in the taxation
that had taken place was effected ; and he trusted that they
would persevere in the sense laudable way, within the walls
of the Commons House, while the enemies of oppression
and profligate expenditure were exerting themselves in various
parts of the country. Here he read the Petition which was in-
tended to be presented to Parliament. In very strong terms,
it complained of the distresses the country was labouring under,
which it attributed mainly do the immense taxation. It
charged that there was the most wanton expenditure in almost
every branch of the finances, and strongly insisted upon the ne-
cessity of a Reform in Parliament, as the only means of rescu-
ing the country from ruin. After having submitted the Peti-
tion to the assembled multitude, he observed that the capital of
the agriculturists was nearly exhausted, and that if they were
suffered to perish, inevitable ruin must fall upon the country.
He trusted that the hirelings of Government would be disap-
pointed, and that the sturdy Freeholders of Kent would finally
conquer their enemies.
THOMAS RIDER, Esq. of Broughton-place, seconded the
reading of the Petition. He considered the cause of the dis-
tresses of the country, to arise, in a great measure, from the
change in the currency, and the frightful load of taxes ; and he
could not conceive a stronger argument in favour of Reform, than
that a few years before the late war, the total expenditure of the
nation amounted to only nineteen millions, and that now, in a
time when We land was blessed with a profound peace, the
taxes annually collected amounted to upwards of seventy mil-
lions. The distresses of the country and Parliamentary Re-
form, he considered were subjects that were bound to each other,
as the same remedies must be applied to both. The Placemen
and Pensioners were now become so numerous, and they
were so notoriously corrupt, that they did not hesitate in going
down to the House to support Ministers in every enormity that
might be reqUired of them. It had been said that Reform was
not supported by any persons of respectability ; but the present
requisition, signed by upwards of 400 wealthy persons, gave
the most positive contradiction to such an assertion. He would
conclude by recommending them to persevere in the cause
which was making such rapid strides, and if petitioning would
not do, why then souse stronger course must be adopted.
Lord DARNLEY said he had been requested, in the early
part of the twat, to add his name to a requisition, to con-
sider of the -distresses of the agricultural interest, which he
had declined to do, being satisfied that, if they expected to
reap any ads-enrage from Parliament, they would. be dis-
appointed. His Lordship wig not of opinion that a small
diminution of taxes would effect much good, nor that the
evils complained of originated with the present Parliament,
but a late one, which had brought down all the evils on the
nation which it had now to complain of, and therefore he re-
fused to interfere with the proposed Meeting; but he now saw
that the distresses arose from excessive taxation, whack' the
country was unable to bear, anti for that reason he had felt
it his duty to attend this Meeting. it was not so much by
direct taxation, as by indirect taxation, that the agricultu-
rists and traders were injured. By it they were compelled to
buy every thing dear, and to sell cheap. He did not conceive,
that by raising the price of produce, theY would obtain any re-
lief; and much less did he believe that they could be benefited
by distressing the fundholders. When the great debt was con-
tracted, the stockholders did not know the mischief they were
doing by lending their money ; but they were led to do so, and
he thought that the debt must be honestly paid; but when it
became impossible to discharge it, a meeting of creditors must
be called, and as much must then be paid as could; but he
thought it was the duty of the country to pay as long as it was
able. The only substantial benefit that could take place MS a
reform in Parliament; and he did not knew how that could be
effected but' in the House of Commons. He advised the de:-
tors to be cautious, at the next general election, of the persons
whom they returned for the several places in the county to re-
present them in Parliament • and, if they wished for a reform,
they were to electFewo Gentlemen who were in its favour, and
then the greater part of their Members would be friendly to re-
form.

Sir 114. KNATCFIBULL, Bart. M.P. regretted that he could
not coincide with the opinions of the Gentlemen who had pre-
ceded him. The two objects of the petition were great and
important, and he was sorry to see them connected in one
paper. In any measure that was calculated to relieve the dis-
tresses cf the country, he would gladly concur; but he could
not give his consent that that subject and Parliamentary
Reform should be discussed at the same time. He consider-
ed that if the second branch of the petition was net then dis-
cussed, that all parties would be united on the other heed ;
but if they were to be mixed up together, he should tel
it• his . duty to oppose the question of JR.eferni, when it
came before the House. The Gentleman who moved the read-
ing of the petition, had stated, that he knew it for a fact,
that a great quantity of foreign corn had been brought into
our market under the name or Trish corn ; hut he was sorry
that in the various opportunities that Gentleman had had of
disclosing such a circumstance beneficially to the nation, he had
never before communicated his knowledge on t::e subject.
Within the last twelve months the amount of taxes had been
reduced upwards of four millions, which showed that Mini.
stets were not composed of such worthless inatesials as read
been represented; on the contrary, he ccnsidc:ed they were
entitled to the gratitude of the country, for the exertions they
had made to reuce the expences of the nation.
(Here a-general murmur ran through the Meeting, and seve- 1
ral times " gratitude" was repeated with much contempt and
indignation). He concluded by stating that he should be sorry
to ieterfere with the petition ; but If it continued in its present
shape, he should feel himself bound to oppose it in the lecuse.
Mr. RmEn, of Broughton Place, could not make as his
mind to be grateful for tt:c exertions of Ministers for the good
they had done to the country. He thought that the four mil-
lions that were expended in Collecting the taxes, went into the
pockets of men who were mere creatures of Government, and
who were ready to go down to the House to do whatever was
required of them.
Mr. LAIIKIN said he should give the petition his roost un-
qualified support. The profuseness of Ministers, he said, was
unparalleled. They squandered away millions of the public
money with the utmost indifference las to the distress of the
country. The House of Commons, he said, represented three
different ceders of beings. The first was the great laud-
holder, who was anxious only to receive his rents--
but, he believed, he now saw the folly cf his avarice. The I
second was the great Pundholder, who was endeavouring
to preserve his dividends,. and the third was the de-
fenders of Ministers, whose principal business it was
to attend the desires and inclinations of the Ministers, with a
view to keep firmly in their pieces. This Gentleman, in a
speech of ceerecierable length and ability, reviewed the progress ,
of increasing expences since the year 1792, and the extensive

patronege which was nominally held by the Crown, but Wrig
in reality, was under the controul Of Ministers.
,ting
At this time CORBETT presented himself to the ga'aa,
a waggon, about twenty yards distant from the High ad
His appearance created a general bustle, some anPa a
others hissing, and the more liheral part of the crow
queutly desiring that all might be heard. Among thee
was Lord Thanet, who said " bet every man be jeer:
Who is he?, inquired one. Is he a freeholder ? asked elaa,
and at last the question became so general, that the aa'="
riff rose and asked Mr. Cobbett if he was a freeholder
Mr. COBBETT answered-I am.
This answer did not satisfy many of the Gentlemen'f
seemed to imagine that Cobbett was not a freeholder °b,
county ; and again the High Sheriff asked if he was a
of Kent ?
Mr. COBBETT.-i am a freeholder of Kent.
Nir
There was evidently some doubt on the subject, anty
bett did not say in what part of the county his PM.
situated ; but he was suffered to proceed.
Mr. COBBETT.-A slight omission in what the
Lord and the other gentlemen have said, induces a b
trouble you with a few remarks on this occasion. It batted)
observed that there had net before been so many names at o,e),
to a requisition for a Reform Meeting as on the paeseLoa'
shot, and they rejoiced because the cause was making bc;i, ito7
but the Gentlemen had forgotten to say, as in comtn e
tice they should have said, that it was the Radicals ems.
that were doomed to prison for attempting to effect tiha
purpose as this body
ple. They first begun .the work. When they, he ineated,
was now canine; so serviceable to La,
party, were crammed into a prison, they, were then des,. aelapa
no one had any feeling for them ; but they had a "7'l" 'af4;
others, notwithstanding. • A great deal had been ss'n sarel;
Reform, and the corruption ,of the House of Parliament'
a awe,
the House was not corrupt, it had itself told a great fr"-ael
because it had, through Lord Londonderry, acknowledge ape'
it was corrupt. He did- not wish to see our Acts 0.40,,e,
paper, he wished something praCticable to be done.
had not been said about eteforma: but they moataan eat
Act of Parliament to set about it, if they knew how t° vr;;o:,'
This Petition very Civilly asked the House of Commons t°aja
itself ? But, was any one foolish enough to suppose It vi-elf
attended to ? The Noble Lord had said, that the electorleatS
to return honest men at the next general election. leee°
place, he objected to the time; in the next place, he W:u.g
like to wait ; and if they did wait, is it not probable the Oa
will have the same Members returned ? Those who tit
power to retuin Members now Will have it then; aas° to be
we wait till the next general election, we are liNo ;ear
just as well off as we were then, and no better.
would have it enforced, but in a legal way. The grcet:-.e.
jority of the electors of the county were Peers an a ate°,
men, and he thoureht that this meeting should netia,"°;-get':
to reform themselves. They had the power to do '"'''oo"
and if they did not do it, the scenes that would e% tv
in this country would be chargeable to them. in °
bring about a Reform, the Noble Lord should bring } the
his musty title deeds, which deprived the people °ores'
county of being represented in Parliament, and bur°,,nee...,t9
If he would do this, he would be rendering an assiraoala.
his ccuntry, and the freeholders and yeomen would aawa hit°
better if instead .of this petition, they were to p3ti,h-roftiag,
to lead the way -to ,Reform, by. coming in and the
down the emblems of his authority. The other Pane,:e
petition is expressed very well, and they knew it s'iart
that taxation was the cause of their distresses!, vale"'
mode had been pointed out how we were to be relic fees
The Noble Lord had said, let them be honest; hones to the
to Castlereagh; so he would, but. he would be honestSt
;es
nation also,. anti...relieve them from the load of °le s'n,
surehad theren m as dishonestly
eiestleyde of
put
obviating e thethire
josutalessders•ei
inbrote
absc,o
reduction of the National Debt ; there were 71 nt ba;
taxes to be reduced. If they were to discharg.l Data
the army, half the navy, and the whole of the Ciboftd ! ,
there would be still forty millions of taxes to raise 'l4'"
nineteen, as in the year 1792 ; and it was foolish t° " Was
and tell the nation that it could ever - sink to the sue°, The
in that year, except by a reduction of the national debt' loft
Noble Lord had said that taxes were to be paid a, "d
an
as they could, that is to say, till we dropped now° re '°,
stiffin our ditches, or until we were reduced to the fire
reet''
the transparency at the Opera House, which his Msalaailstarn
to see the other night, representing Ireland in 3 us,' DOW'
in condition. He thought, according to the Noble ds°
opinion of draining, that he himself was likely t° 81° to 4°
parish in one of his own waggons. He advised thel o',
as he did, and never eat or drink any thing which,Pala tag%
and then they would sport and laugh as he could,
far thing was taken from the fundholder. The 'an, t
would be, glad to hear of the reduction of the deb'
expence of the fundholders ; but still they said, taaaghar
part from our boroughs : no ; ' we must keep our Wallet°,
and send our friends to Parliament, and get places f°r, wea'
and he should like to know for what the Devil the7a
to line their money, any more than the boroughtneler
borough. lie sahould like to add to the prayer.cradthaltet'toe:;
should be reduced, so that the child in the
not be mortgaged to the Jew in Change-alleravi jay/we ita4
opinion that the Lord and peasant were pillar u- ang tb°
Jobbers, and by those persons who were constantly hasvataed,
cry of national faith in their mouths. In conclusion "?--..ated te
by way of amendment, that a petition should be prefiessej to
the Louse of Commons, praying that it wouldbe /4.,e the
make a just reduction in the interest of the debt, as s°?'
House should have completed a Reform in Pad/amen" ,
Mr. MARTIN seconded the amendment.
ot
Lord DARNLEY said he never had the pleastare_aaaa sin
faction of seeing or hearing the Gentleman who "car:Oi
amendment before, and whose abilities every one mtlatalere
ledge; and he defended the principle, that the fundhcno Os
13
contracted the debt honestly, and that therefore the '.-
0401
bound to pay them.
Mr. CORBETT answered the Noble Lord. Ne alg'vibt°ll
that every man had a right to a voice in the measure cat
were to etspose of his property. If this was to befaa ore
there would not be different opinions on points why'', sale;
the common interest of all; it would not then be like et one
man and his wife, when the husband was looking °n: a talai
window, and the wife at the other. The Noble Lord atria ,°
ed of paying honestly, but he could not consider tbe4iee 2°
corn at what it is now, as being fairiecompared to its
1814.
Mr. BICKNELL, of Greenwich, was hostile to *lt-f----„eaPetra:4.
and amendment, and proposed several resolutions of a-oos,,
nature, but which, however, were not-put to the vote' for wt
them was, that a subscription should be entered intoa
relief of such persons as should apply for assistance ;
the Gentlemen who signed the Requisition should be'
mittee to judge of the merits of their case.
The petition was then put to the vote, with 1,11 r• e°11111:.
motion attached as a rider, which was carried almost,
mously, and among the Contents was Lord Dandle cern'
Sir E. KNATCTIBULL suggested that the pain° ad a°l
was irreconcileable to the principles of Lord DarnleY, !;art es
caved it must have been misunderstood that the Oat"- „
amendment were not together. titn°-
Lord DARNLEY declar .d that lie agreed with the se 3est.,,
of Mr. Cobbett, if he meant by being fast was to be Of P,.-
Mr. COBBETT said he considered that the Intern
National Debt ought to be reduced. d n;l
Lord DARNLEY could not accede to this poor-eiad, '-
thought every man ought to pay the debts he coati
the same reasoning would apply to a nation.
h's Mend, V
Mr. CORBETT declared his willingness to submit-Ai gle
meat to the Meeting again. It was not just, he sain,aata
three bushels of wheat now for the same price as svasaar tootr,';
one in 1812. The change of the currency had real.'„7l,oo64•ta
buted to make this difference, and it was not fair tobav,l" to v°-
on the lips and roguery in the heart. He wished then-
for the rider, or to reject the whole. c•vt
The petition and amendment were then again Plt• °was 90
ried unanimously ; but Lord Darnley on thisoccaate°
among those who voted for it. oyal-
At the breaking up of theaafeeting, Mr. BlrrSiPlitio"'
that the thanks of the meeting should be given CO, '„%tiou<
Esq. for the zealous attention to the interests of the =-°' go.'
the re ,t
This motion was objected to, as not forming part of t woe
sition ; but after a few words from Lord CLIFTON Lti
Of the motion, it was carried with much acclamation should
-
A motion was also made, that the County Mewl:7ol.a Was
be requested to present the Petition to the house Wes'''
also agreed to. After which, the thanks of the 3eet'b
given to the High Sheriff, and the Assembly disPer'

One of the Judges of the Court of o”par to
Terminer, in Philadelphia, on the Bth of May, comini,t,t- lot 0
of the Counsel to prison until the lit of June, for c'4lt°-
Court. hin&
Sulcine.—Monday evening-, two lads hat los
in the Regent's Canal, near Battle Bridge, observed a'ort.
walking '.p and down the banks of the Canal in a stray:get-00f
nor on their retiring from the Canal, they saw hi,ll; soon
himself into it. The lads gave an instant alarm, ar=l.` t 1 t 7
was Nave/ - r.
possible, assistance came, and the body
the Maitienhes.d public-house, kept by Mr, Yourg' a 011
Cramer the surgeon was instantly called in, who use bat
the means prescribed by the Royal Humane Socilr'esed
t© no cffeet, as life was extinct. The deceasi'd was 03
in a blue coat and dark trowsers. On his left srfrily one,
tatooed a Mermaid; upon his person was found of
b.r-Lsling, and no cioclunerit to prove his name or p riot
abode... The present is the third dead body taken out
hg
part of the Canal within forty hours, and carried t.O tile
enhead. The corpse now lies at Islington Church to si./0'
Terdict of the Coroner's Jury.