The Sun.
London, England, 1849-05-09 00:00:00

ebleidina ;7:IM

Y, LONDON, WEDNESD AY, MAY 9, 1849.

The prediction which we ventured to utter yester-
day, respecting the fate of the Navigation Bill in the
House of Lords, was verified this morning, by the
second reading being carried, by " the small but
sufficient majority" of ten votes—the numbers being
for the second reading, 173 ; against it, 163. We
have not then fore been disappointed in the "wisdom
and discretion." which we had anticipated on the part
of their Lordships. The fearful consequences of
a collision between the Houses have been
averted, and the nation is preserved from the
disturbances and excitement that would necessarily
result from the acceptance of power by a reactionary
Ministry, who would:attempt to revive the obsolete
doctrines of protection, and to impose new and heavy
imposts upon the food of the people for the benefit of
a class. The principle of monopoly has been deli-
berately repudiated, and those who would attempt
again to subject the country to its baleful influence,
should be possessed of no ordinary degree of hardi-
hood. Yet, from what fell from the Protectionist
Leader, there can be no doubt that some, at least, of
the party wcs.re prepared to assume that grave re-
sponsibility. No Ministry that could be formed
on reactionary principles could hope to retain office
for three months, but it would be impossible to cal-
culate the inj ary to all the national interests and the
dangers that would follow the abortive attempt. That
danger is, however, now happily but matter of
speculation, for the result of this morning's division
has completely defeated the hopes of the " reac-
tionaries," an d confirmed the reasonable expectations
of the British people.
The speeches in support of the measure were,
indeed, worthy of the occasion. Never, per-
haps, did the Earl of CARLISLE appear to
greater advantage than in his brilliant address in
opening the adjourned debate, an address which
might bear comparison with the most successful ora-
torical displays of Lord MORPETII in the other branch
of the Legislature. The sound practical information,
the acute reasoning, and the unanswerable argu-
ments of the Noble Lord must convince every
unprejudiced p( rson, who calmly and dispassionately
considers the subject in all its varied aspects, whether
as a question bearing on the trade and com-
merce of the country, or the condition of
our colonies, or of our national defences,
every objection was fully and satisfactorily
disposed of. No point relied on by the supporters of
the present code was left unanswered. He proved
clearly and distinctly that the effect of the proposed
modifications of the law would be to strengthen and
sustain our commercial marine, and thus to increase
its efficacy as a nursery for our royal navy. He
powerfully demonstrated the fatal consequences of
the sanguinary and expensive wars that had arisen
from our restrictive enactments—enactments which
mainly led to the declaration of American
independence, and the separation of the
United States from the Mother Country, and
the establishment of our great maritime, commercial,
and manufacturing rival. He also showed that the
shipowners, for whose especial benefit the navigation-
laws had been enacted and maintained, were the chief
sufferers from their operation ; that, as in every other
instance, protection had damaged those it was
intended to serve by teaching them to rely on artifi-
cial support in place of entering into that fair and
manly competition, that generous rivalry, which
Englishmen have no reason to fear, and
which British merchants, British shipowners,
and British seamen, should ever be willing
to encounter. We could not reasonably
hope that other nations would regard with indiffer-
ence a continued exclusion of their vessels from our
trade, and if we should afford evidence of our con-
tinued determination to maintain those restrictions,

and not to afford the relaxation that might be hoped
for, our own unwise and selfish policy would be re-
ciprocated, and the intimations that have already
been conveyed to us would be speedily realised.
Political animosities would arise that might probably
disturb the peace of the world, that would perhaps
lead to a general war, and that would undoubtedly
produce new fetters and restrictions to trade and
commerce. We cannot conclude our notice of this
admirable speech without giving the concluding
reasons with which the Noble Lord summed up his
arguments.

" The reason," said his Lordship, " the reason
why he did not anticipate any risk to their
commerce—any damage to their shipping, or any
danger to their national defences, but the contrary,
from the present measure was this— because he believed
that the sure, though perhaps the gradual, effect of the
measure would be to give increase of employment, en-
larged activity, and renewed vigour to the general trade
and commerce of the country, and because be believed it
was the commerce of the country, stimulating their agri-
culture, rewarding their manufactures, and developing
every branch of industry, which was the main cause
that gave employment to their fleets, that guaranteed
permanence and security to their national defences, that
had hitherto made this country the mistress of the sea,
and that, with the blessing of the Almighty, would also
keep her so."

Earl GREY was not less successful in his very able
address than his distinguished colleague. His Lord-
ship justly characterised the doctrines on which the
navigation•laws were founded as the barbarous and
disgraceful principles of monopoly," and which if
adopted by foreign nations to the same extent as by
ourselves, -:vould put an end 'to the warehousing
system, and involve the numerous classes dependent
thereon in unqualified ruin. Those principles are
indeed " barbarous and disgraceful," a shame and
reproach to a civilized nation in the middle of the
19th century, and GOD forbid that our country
should ever again be subjected to their malign in-
fluences, bringing misery and destitution upon the
industrious classes, and without in the slightest
degree benefiting any person whatsoever. As might
have been expected from the official station of the
Noble Earl, he entered fully into the effects that
would be produced on our colonies, more espe-
cially on the Canadas, and declared, with re-
ference to cur North American possessions,
that the relaxation of the navigation-laws
was a measure dictated by policy and prudence, and
that if their Lordships refused to sanction the Bill
then under discussion, it would inflict a blow on our
mutual relations with that important colony, from
which they would not speedily recover.
Lord STANLEY'S speech was bold, showy, and
declamatory, got up with considerable oratorical skill,
but wholly failing to convince the reason, or influence
the judgment. In these respects it could not bear
a comparison with the admirable displays of the
Noble Earls to which we have already alluded.
We may now congratulate the nation on this most
important step in the right direction. Although the
majority was small, it may be regarded as conclusive
as to the fate of the measure, the principle of which
has now been sanctioned by both Houses of Parlia-
ment, and we cannot suppose that there will be any
alterations in the details to render it objectionable to
the large and decisive majority by which it was
carried in the popular branch of the Legislature.

Hungary has declared herself an independent Re-
public, and has proclaimed Louis KOSSUTH her
First President. On the 14th of April this glori-
ous vengeance was wreaked upon Austria—the
representatives issuing their solemn decree in the
presence of a vast multitude at Debreczin. By
that decree the dynasty of Hapsburg• Lorraine was
formally deprived of its sovereignty over Hungary,
Transylvania, Croatia, and all the provinces apper-
taining to the Hungarian territory, the Imperial
family having, by its crimes forfeited the sceptre
of St. STEPHEN. In the noble oration of the Pro-
visional President it was justly urged in vindication
of the course now adopted by the population, through
the medium of its representatives, that the Austrian
dynasty had wilfully invoked the wrath of Hungary,
having repaidher services with ingratitude and her al-
legiance with treachery, and that the people were conse-
quently only exercising in their own behalf the inde-
feasible rights of free men in shaking off the yoke of
Sovereigns capable of endeavouring to enforce dupli-
city by slaughter. After submitting for 300 years
to the supremacy of Austria, the Hungarians have at
length vindicated their ancient glory, by repelling
their tyrants and perfecting their emancipation, un-
der the guidance of their heroic captains and of their
patriotic statesmen.
None but dullards will fail to recognise the fact
that the Cabinet of 011mutz has drawn down upon
itself this great catastrophe. Even the most
infatuated admirers of the Viemiese Govern-
ment are compelled to acknowledge that
the late war, so far as the Hungarians were con-
cerned, was a war dictated in accordance with the
holiest principles of justice. In the organs of that
English aristocratic faction which is identical in
policy with the reactionnaires of the continent, it is
confessed that the incursion of the Germans under
WINDISCHGEATZ, beyond the frontiers of Austria,
was to say the least of it, a blunder. The Diet at

Debreczin was consequently only repeating the
thought which had already forced itself upon the
consciousness of Europe, when it charged the
dynasty of Hapsburg-Lorraine with perjury and
treachery in dismembering the territorial in-
tegrity of the land by separating Croatia
and Transylvania from the rest of the
Hungarian dominions, and in consummating that:cri-
minal and execrable policy by bringing the calamities
of fire and sword upon the loyal and unoffending
Hungarians. For, be it remembered, that the de-
thronement of the Emperor is an after thought con-
sequent upon the miseries, and cruelties, and
massacres inflicted upon that country in his name,
and by the hands of his soldiers. Previous to the
invasion of Hungary the Hungarians had preserved
their allegiance unsullied. If their Sovereign had
not kept his word, they had kept theirs sacredly.
It is the Austrian EMPEROR and not the llungarian
people—to quote the solemn words of the " Declaration
of Independence"—who has torn up the pragmatic
sanction, and sundered the bond of their mutual con-
nexion ! Whatever the partizans of the Viennese
Ministry may maintain at the present moment—
that is what history will proclaim in recounting the
liberation of Hungary by the sword of BEM and the
genius of KOSSUTH.
Together with the First President, Louis Kos.
suns, there were elected to share with him the re-
sponsibilities of the government of the new Hun-
garian Republic, EMERICH Cz.sczvaßz and STEPHEN
GoßovE. Under their direction a democratic
Administration has by this time been organized,
and plans have doubtless been deliberated
for the conduct of the new campaign which must
be commenced very shortly against the combined
forces of Austria and Russia. Simply contrasting
the strength of Hungary with that of the Russo-
Austrian Coalition, we grant that there would be
most serious cause to tremble for the result of this
momentous struggle. But, happily for the Hunga-
rians, they have on their side the sacred inspi-
ration of justice, the supreme excitement of
liberty, the glowing recollection of their
recent successes, the memory of their ancient
renown—to the north Poland, to the south
Turkey with the Danubian Provinces, and to the east
all those races who are slumbering in chains on the
shores of the Black Sea, and who only await the
summons of opportunity to carry dismay and em-
harassment into the very stronghold of the AUTOCRAT.
If the Poles and the Turks do not rise in aid of the
Hungarians pouring down upon the opposite flanks
of the united armies of despotism, then will
Warsaw deserve to be garrisoned for ever by
foreign soldiery, and Constantinople merit that
downfal which is reserved for her by the fleets
of NICHOLAS. We cannot anticipate, however,
any such suicidal inertness on the part of Gallicia, or
of Moldo-Wallachia. Self-defence incites them to
take part with those heroic bands of the Magyars
who have conquered successively the veteran troops
of WELDEN, of JELLACHICH, and ofWINDISCLIGRATZ;
who have crossed successively in triumph the waters
of the Theiss, the Waag, and of the Danube; who
have captured, one after another, the cities of Her •
manstadt, of Pesth, of Waitzen, and of Comorn. For the
salvation of Lemberg and Bucharest it is im.

cumbent upon the Galiicians and the Moldo-Wal-
lachians to co-operate with the Hungarian Republi-
cans in repulsing the legions of Austria and of the
AUTOCRAT. Then will Louts KOSETTH, the Hun

garian President, have obtained his noblest reward,
the consciousness of having worked out the salvation
of his country.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

DEFEAT OF THE FRENCH
MINISTRY,

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
A most important discussion and division took
place in the National Assembly on Monday evening,
on the subject of the Roman expedition, and of the
false pretences under which the Ministers had ob-
tained the consent of the Assembly to the sailing of
that expedition for Italy, which ended in a signal de-
feat of the Reactionary Ministers, who, in this
affair of Rome are, under pretence,of protecting the
interests of France, sacrificing those interests to
Austria.
In the course of the afternoon sitting of the Na-
tional Assembly on Monday,
M. J. Fevre expressed his surprise that the Govern-
ment had not come forward and stated what it knew of
the affairs of the French troops in Italy. That not
having been done, he had considered it his duty to bring
forward the matter himself. He had, however, pre-
viously spoken to the Minister of Foreign Affairs on
the subject, and had learned from. him that the intelli-
gence which the Government had received was not suffi-
ciently precise to allow him to come forward and speak
to the Assembly on the subject. But the question ap-
peared to him (M. J. Fevre) too important to admit of
delay; he, therefore, now had to address the Assembly
ou the point. The Honourable Gentlemanithen referred
to the circumstances connected with the passing of the
Bill of April 17, authorising the expedition to Civita
Vecchia, sad referred to the declaration of the Minister
of Foreign Affairs and of the President of the Council,
that that expedition proceeded to Italy for the purpose
of securing the liberty of Italy, and that its great object
was to prevent Austria from interfering alcne in the
affairs of the Pope. The Hon. Gentleman then gave a
sketch of the proceedings attendant on the landing of
the French troops at Civita Vecchia, and argued that
the conductor the General-in-Chief was anything but that
of the leader of a friendly force. The Prefect of Civita
Vecchia had been suspended, and in a proclamation
which was issued the next day it was stated that had
not the French troops been amicably received
an entrance would have teen made good by force.—
(Marks of dissent from various parts of the Cham-
ber.) The Honourable Gentleman then alluded
to the resistarce manifested at Rome, and declared
that the responsibility of the blcod of the unfortunate
soldiers of France who had fallen, must fallen the Minis-
ters who bad directed the French troops to march to
Rome.—(Tremendous cheering on the Left here burst
forth.) The Minister of Foreign Affairs, when interro-
gated two days back by the Committee of Foreign
Affairs, had declared that the French troops had been
called on to advance to Rome by the population. Far
from that, however, it appeared now beyond any
doubt that the French corps, far from being
received with a friendly feeling, had found
barricades drawn up in their way, and had been
obliged to retreat, and remain at some distance from
the point at which they had at first arrived. Yet,
notwithstanding, this sad catastrophe, the Government,
the evening before in the Patrie, which was the organ of
its communications—(Laughter)—anel in the Moniteur
of that morning, had spleen of the matter as to a certain
extent unimportant. He, however, thought it exceed-
ingly grave, as here was 6 body of French troops looked
on in Italy as intruders, as foreigners—for certainly
the French were co to the Italians—nay, as robbers who
entered the country without leave, and contrary to the
wish of the people. The Honourable Gentleman then
proceeded to read from the Moniteur passages from the
speeches of M. Drouyn de Lhuys and M. 0. Barrot,
with a view to show that the present conduct of the
French troops in Italy was altogether at variance
with the language then used. If the Ministry had
then entertained any concealed, though he for his
part, must denounce such conduct as shameful, and
highly disrespectful to the Assembly.— (Hear, hear.)
At all events this was certain, that the position of the
expeditionary corps was most critical, and whether it
had arisen from neglect or treason was to him altogether
iudifferent.—(Cheers on the Left.) The character of
the French army had been debased, and its colours
sullied by the check thus given to the corps under
General Oudinot. New reinforcements were, it ap-
peared, to be sent out; but he should certainly refuse, in
the most positive manner, to extend his confidence to the
Ministry in any such act as that now contemplated.—
(Hear, hear.) He trusted that the Assembly would
insist on having a Committee appointed séance tenante to
examine the instructions sent to the General-in-Chiet
of the French troops at Rome, and to scud in a report
at once.—(Loud cheers on the Left.) He repeated it,
the position of the French troops was most cri-
tical. He had before him a private letter, and an article
which would be published next day in a public journal,
declaring that five assaults had been given by the
French troops at the barricades though without success;
that 150 men had been killed, and 600 wounded.—
(Movement.) Such was the bulletin of the last act as
the expeditionary column to Borne. If the Assembly,
under such circumstances, did not protest, by a solemn
vote, against the conduct of the Government, the influ-
ence of France would be lost in Europe, and the expe-
ditions of the Monarchy to support the cause of liberty
would be round infinitely more worthy of praise than
those of the Republic. The Hon. Gentleman then al-
luded to the fact cf France having formerly sent troops
to America to free that country from, he said, English
tyranny, and concluded by calling on the Ministry to
come forward and declare what course it now intended
to pursue, under the sad circumstances which he had
spoken of.—(Loud cheers on the Left.)
After a short discussion M. Odilon Barrot agreed
to the appointment of a committee to examine the in-
structions given by the Government to General Oudinot,
commander of the expeditionary force to Rome.
The following were the Members elected.—MM.
Freslon, Gravy, Gouin, General Lamoricike, Dupont de
Bassac. Languinais, Roger du Loiret, Subervie, Che-
voix, Coquerel, Dubodan, Scholoner, Goudchaux, A.
Rosseau, and Senard.
At nine o'clock the sitting was resumed, but it was
half-past ten before the members of the Committee
entered the Chamber. Even then M. :Marrast said
that some time must still elapse before the report could
be ready. A little before eleven M. Senard, the reporter,
ascended the tribune, and announced the examination
by the Committee of the instructions given to the chief
of the expeditionary column. It stated that as the idea
of the Assembly had been that the expedition sent to
Civita Vecchia ought to remain there unless Austria
moved on Rome, or a counter-revolution in that city
rendered an advance necessary, the Committee consi-
dered that more had been done than had been intended,
and it, therefore, proposed the following resolution:—
" The National Assembly invites the Government to
take without delay such measures as may be necessary,
in order that the Italian expedition may be no longer
diverted from the object for which it was intended."—
(Prolonged sensation.)
A Voice from the Left—But that does not signify
much.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs—The report which
has just been read points out a discrepancy between the
instructions sent to the commandant of the expedition
and those pointed out by the Assembly, and the object
announced by the Government. In order that the As-
sembly may be able to judge of this discrepancy, I will
read the instructions given to General Oudinot.—
(Cries of " Hear, hear.") They are as follow :
" General, I have already made known to you that
by an order of the President of the Republic you are
called on to interfere with the Roman government, which
we have never recognised. Nor, in this crisis, which
has become inevitable, the duty of the government is to
take the measures necessary to maintain the influence
of France in the Italian peninsula, and to establish an
order of things on bases conformably to the interests of
the people. Although you have not to interfere in de-
finitive negotiations, you will have to receive from the,:
established authoritiea all the propositions, and to accom:
plish with them all the arrangements which circum-
stances may demand, taking care in the forms observed
not to do anything that may appear.like a recognition of
the principle established at Rome."
A Voice on the Left—That is shameful. It is treisaon.
—(Violent tumult.)
„The Minister of Foreign Affairs—l do not understand
that interruption. Has it not been many times repeated
from this tribune that we do not recognise the Govern-
ment at Rome. " You will find annexed," continues the
instructions, " a copy for your correspondence• with the
authorities. We have reason to expect that ybu will be
well received, by some as a liberator, by others a medi-
ator, useful against the dangers of reaction_
A Voice on the Left—He was received with musket
shots.
The President of the Council—When tm explanation
is demanded from the Ministry, they shotild be listened
to without interruption.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs continued to read
the instructions, in which the general was recommended
to confine himself to the wishes of the great majority of
the people.
A Voice on the Left—That wish has been clearly
manifested

The Minister of Foreign Affairs—Does the Assembly
wish to hear me read the instructions? If not, I will
leave the tribune.—(Cries of " Go on, go on.")
M. Breves—lt is a disgrace for France—we cannot
contain our indignation.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs—The instructions
add, " Your march on Rome will doubtless facilitate the
denouement by inspiring the honest part of the people with
courage."—(Violt nt burst of murmurs.)
On the Left—Whom do you mean by honest people?
The reactionists, the Jesuits, and the priesthood?
The Minister of Foreign Affairs continued—" Such
are the instructions I now give you—your judgment will
supply the rest." You, therefore, see, that the object
of the instructions was to prevent internal reaction and
the interference of any foreign influence except that of
France.
On the Left—A bad pretext.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs—What do you mean
by a pretext? Are you then ignorant that reaction was
preparing in the interior, and that Naples and Austria
were both marching troops towards the Roman States?
We wished to arrest the excesses which might take
placr.
M. Dupont (de Bussac)—The Neapolitan and Aus-
trian intervention had not commenced when the French
expedition sailed.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs—l be, the Hon.
Gentleman to choose one of two systems, either to speak
from the tribune or to open a dialogue. lam prepared
to m( et him on either ground. We had no sympathy
for the Roman Republic.
On the Left—No; nor any other.
The Minister el Foreign Affuirs—lt wt,s 00 Pur
business to defend it.