The Sun.
London, England, 1831-04-05 00:00:00

PICTURE OF A SPANISH GI

A young American,' in his eritertain fit siicorfk
entitled " A Year in Spain," gives atdeconi,t
of his lodgings at Madrid. He becaine'diisa-
tisfied both with the house and the landlord; ije
determ;nes that he is not, and will not, be please( I
with it, and is bowing his way out with all due
courtesy, when, at the top of the narrow. stair-
case, he is met full in the face by the daughter Of
mine host, Donna Florencia, just returning frohi
mass. " She might be nineteen or thereabmit,
a little above the middle size, and finely propor-
tioned, with features regular enough, and hair
and eyes not so black as is common in their
country,. a circumstance upon which, when -I
came to know her better, she used to .pride her-
self; for, in Spain, auburn hair, and even red,
is looked upon as a great beauty.* She had -on
a mantilla of lace pinned to her hair, and falling
gracefully about her shoulders, and a bosqui?ia
'of black silk trimmed with cords and tassels, and
loaded at the bottom with lead to make it c
Closely and show a shape which was really a fir
one. Though high in the neck, it did not.det-
cend so low as to hide a well-turned- ankle,
covered with a white stocking and a small black
shoe, bound over the instep by a riband of 'the
same colour. As said before, I was met full
'in the face by this damsel of La Rioja, to
whose cheek the ascent of three pairs of sta4s
had given a colour not common in Madrid, awl
to her,elf -not habitual. Her whole manna):
showed that satisfaction which people.who- feel
well and virtuously always experience. on .71:ad,-
ing the domestic threshold. She was,,opeohig
and shutting her fan with vivacity, anif• itoppe'd
short in the midst of a little song, a great farad-
rite in Andalusia, which begins—
" 0 no ! no quiera cat.sarrne !
Ques mejor ques mejor ser soluvra!"
" 0 no! I cite n9t to marry !
'Tis heater, 'tis b. tter live sirsgle !"
We came for a moment to a waft' in front of
each other, and then I drew back to let her pass,
partly from a sense of courtesy, partly,yeihispii,
from a reluctance to depart. With tne ready
tact which nowhere belongs to the sex so com-
pletely its in Spain, she asked, me in, and _I at
once accepted .the invitation, without caring. to
preserve my consistency," In fine, the Worthy
lieutenant, who, throughout his work, shows thV
susceptibilityof a blue jacket fOr ferrule CharnA,
bgholtlie wnole establishment with differedt
eyes now that it is graced by the presence '4f
Donna Florencia, lie finds the lodgings dna
very thing of which he was in search, and even
more convenient than any thing be had hoped
to find. Ile at once takes possession of them,
and, during the whole of his residence in Mar
drill, appears to have flourished under the single
though guardian eye of Don Valentia -and the
.oentle regards of Donna Florencia. Shea is a
perfect picture of a Spanish girl : frank,. warm.
hearted, disinterested, Uninstructed, yet intelli-
gent, with a surpassing kidness for fine stock-
ings and spangled shoes.

So it has usually been in countries where the
von:pit xions predominate. Witness the bue <I", and,
.:o!tien tres,.es of the classical poets of antiquity, and t"
pHO w pet iwlgs which the Homan I.dies of fpe itoPer.i.!l
times used to i,uport from the banks oft /roeand th.e
D.multe. See piote-sur nittiger's "4" " "I.tb,;,,i4er-1,7:
from the Toilette of a Roman Dautc,:.',„,v -;r.
valuable works of that equally framed and 54E74
/So dark

ef°lerstul:,lilictirtisgsatiltlT usft3a;
Sta-
tue
feet high, in the c.ritre ot•twe:n vie two fligi:ts of steps
which are to comtitue ne Opel lug iuto the Park at the
ea., of Waterloo-pl Ace.
PofrhiLavrautkieooti;
yaroe.gui,a:
ti
bit f
p•

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We ere every day told by the enemies: of Refosm,
to ten, argument agaiust passirio the present Bill,
that the people of England ought to be satisfied with
a slight, or at least a very gradual, change in the
materials of the elective body throughout the king-
dom, and consequently in the composition of Our
representatives. it is foolish to talk of contenting a
nation with anything short of what they unanimously
believe to be their right, and what they feel theM-
selves able to insist upon. This is not a difficult or
complex question. The right or wrong of suffering
a vet of men to make what laws they please foi a
whole nation, and to take from it just so much
money as they please, when the law-givers and the
money-rakers are responsible to themselves alone for
the consequences of such laws, and for the use and
application of such enormous sums of money,—that,
we say, is not a matter which calls for any profcund
wisdom, or for long consideration, to decide. Prac-
tical common sense assures us that the mart who
has nothing to fear but from himself will not, so far
as worldly interests are concerned, be very nice about
encroaching on the privileges or properties of his
neighbours. Tyranny is but another name for irre-
sponsible power. The owner of a close borough'
not being amenable to any authority in the state, or
to any portion or description of the people whom he
taxes and coerces, for .his Parliamentary conduct,
has the executive government as well as the nation
at his mercy. That he may not embarrass the public
service by voting factiously, there is no expedient
left for the King's Minister but that of bribing him
to vote cor, aptly, and there is no fend but the na-
tional revenue from which to provide those wages
of dishonesty. .Now it will be admitted that this is
a cue, the. merits' of which, as respects the public
welfare; may be discerned at once through the aim-
s pleat a priori reasoning. We have but to state the
premises, and the same conclusion must be drawn by
a practised logieian as by a child of a dozen years of
age. The chise boroughmonger is set down by
both, from•the very position which he cccupies,' as a
public robber. But it is said, Reform " gradually,"
or, to use a Parliamentary term, bit by bit. How,
then, " gradually ?" Disfranchise one or two
boroughs, perhaps ! We put it to a " gradual"
Reformer—a regular practitioner of the old Tory
school :—suppose there he known to exist in ore
• of the southern agricultural counties a gang of
daring, and irreclaimable poachers, and, for argu-
ment sake,- suppose that they are all detected
loaded With game, sixty or seventy of them in a
single nigh., and marched off next no ruing, before
a country-gentleman-justice—our friend " the gra-
dual,". example. The worthy gentleman will
no doub', listen to the charge, and ponder well the
evidence, and, being a consistent and sagacious
fenerineary, he will say to these culprits—" I re-
joice that you have been caught in the fact, you ta-
gabonds, for I always held your trade in abhorrence
—you subsist by perpetually violating the laws, and
. trespassing on other people's proper y, and carrying
off their hares arid pheasants, and selling them to as
sturant-knaves as yourselves, while you spend the
price of them in all manner of low debauchery, and
keep each other in countenance by' your formidable
numbers, to the ruin of the public morals, and the
utter sharre and infamy of the Legislature,
width permits such criminal confederaceies to
exist. To show, you, therefore, try snse of
what the public good requires, I have resolved
to cerrect such atrocious evils, by a safe, tempe-
rate, and gradual' process : and whereas, there are
no less than sixty of you, all taken in the fact,—all
equally guilt y,—all nuisances to the State, and a
terror to the countryt—but whereas, likewise, it
might be a rash and dangerous experiment to con-
demn so many offenders at once, or to put down by
too sweeping a measure that practice of poaching,
which,. however indefensible in theory, has mixed
itself up with the most ancient and venerable of our
institutions,—namely, the whole system of country
gentleman jur'sdiction throughout England,—my
sentence is, that one of your number shall be sent
to the treadmill, and for ever disqualified from join-
ing in future depredations; but the remaining fifty-
nine of you may go about your business for the pre-
sent, and if we find that this fellow's punishment
works well,' why it is possible that I may in the
course of a year or two move the quarter sessions to
take in hand one more of the gang, so as by proceed-
ing on this safe and cautious principle, to get rid of
the whole of you before the end of the 19th century :
that is to say, provided always, that we can discos,. r
a sound and constitutional eubstitete for poaching."
Such is, in sober carries', the true meaning of gra-
dual Reform. But will tire people of England be
satisfied with it ? Will their reason aperove of
such a languid, indefinite, and most pr carious
policy ; and if trot, will their patience endure it?
We answer with a decided negative to all these
questions. The people call throughout the whole
United Kingdom for a full and prompt, and, in its
principle at least, a final Reform of the House of
Commons. Their plain sense tells thorn that they
have not now a representative Government in any
thing but name, that under the present system the
Press, and the habeas corpus are their only guaran-
tees for the undisturbed enjoyment of the rights of
person and property ; and that with a borough Par-
liament, rendered desperate by an exposure of its
vices, and by a progressive abridgment of its oppor-
tunities of plunder, no man can tell how soon and
- how successfully a regular warfare may be opened
against the two great fortresses of English liberty,
or under what circumstances of impaired advantage
we may enter upon a future struggle. Since the
above observations were written, we have been gra-
tified by seeing a report of the proceedings yesterday
at the Lord Mayor's dinner. If any sentiment
so acrimonious or vindictive, and therefore 30 un-
worthy of a great occasion, as one of triumph over
a fallen foe, could find admission into the minds of
Englishmen when they have the most glorious of
-all causes to animate and inspire them, there might
have been enough in the transactions of that festive
but eminently important meeting to justify such a
spirit. All doubts, for those by whom doubts had
been entertained, thouglewe were not among them,
—all fears, though we feared nothing,—all jealousies
about the result of things among the most suscep-
tible friends of constitutional liberty—may now, and
for ever, be dismissed. The Duke of Sussex,
speaking as he did with manly dignity, the eentie
merits of his illustrious Sovereign and brother, bore
'the most emphatic testimony to the, cordial and
complete support which his Majesty affords to his
confidential Ministees, :rad the encouragement Which
he vouchsafes to his !opt people, in their joint pue-
suit of the measure of Parliamentary Reform. Lord
Grey, Lord Brougham, and Lord John Russell, all
distinctly and solemnly 'eontirmed, in their respec-
tive speeches, the satisfactory declaration already
delivi red by the Duke of Sussex, and left upon the
mind of the company an itnpression—which no ma-
lignant intrigues or manoeuvres will henceforth be
able, though ever so slightly, to disturb—that our
'gracious Monarch is, head and hand, and heart and
tool, devoted to the same grand national object with
his people.—Tintes.
The Austrians have entered Bologna; end not
only entered it, but, according to the news which
have reached us, been received with open arms by
the corporee
'on party—by the creatures who are
likely to be
l'ilueipally benefited or principally in-
jured by any chrthae.
There was, in fact, no resist-
ance on the part of the
inhabitants, so far as appeara
from the accounts Which have hitherto reached us,
.and it will he a matter of some difficulty, therefore,
for the French Government, if it be iclined to go
to war with Austria, to find it plausible pretence for
carrying its wishes into effect. The- people of
France will, no doubt, call on M. Casimir Perrier to
fu'fil tire hopes held out in this respect, in
Lie some-
what indiscreet speech which he lately .delivered ;
but Jinlesfrte is determined to make war agreeably
to their inclinations, arid without any other reason-
able excise than the sort of intervention exhibited in
the entry of the Ausy,[ans into Bologna, on the invita-
tional the Pope, ariwould appear from accounts
which have reached lig; with the consent of the an

dimities, we think he will have some diMeulty in
rendering it palatable to the common sense of Eu-
rope. The Fremsb Cabinet ought to have begun its
enterprises with Poland,Where there is real coinage
and real patriotism, and where it was bound to inter-
fere by every tie which can possibly link two inde-
pendent nations together in the bonds of amity and
mutual defence,—that great occasion it has allowed
to pass away unimproved, and the intervention in
the affairs of Italy comes upon it, in consequence,
in a disadvantageous position. At the same time
there can be no doubt that that intervention is con-
y to all the principles recognised in the law of
nations, and that every country has a tight to cont.
plain of it, as laying the basis of a policy which, at
some future period, might be fatal to its just desires.
—3l-ot ning Advertiser.
The great fall of the French Funds sufficiently in-
divates the feeling in France as to the difficulty of
avoiding war. The entrance of the Austrians into
Bologna is no longer a matter of doubt ; and when
the cautious character of the Austrian officers is
considered, we must consider the measure as com-
manded by the Austrian Government. The con-
sequences mu it have been foreseen and calculated
on. The French Government must, however re-
luctantly, have recourse to the sword. It is im-
possible not to be struck with many of the argu-
ments used by M. Guizot in the sitting of Wed-
nesday last :
" As to the war (said he), those who desire it, no doubt
wish it grand, brilliant, and generous in the interest of the
liherty of nations, of civilization. They call to their aid
the propaganda and the iugurection ! F *
Here the propagators of these principles depart from all
t!,e ways of civilization:. they prepare universal war ;
they summon the nations to a general struggle. They
tell you, two principles exist in Europe which cannot di-
vide between them peaceably the empire of the nations ;
the one must succumb to the other. The struggle be-
tween them must terminate by a mortal combat. This is
the doctrine of the day. As to the question of the right
divine, and the sovereignty of the people, there is nearly
the same understanding. This is not the difficulty. The
-true question is, to know whether society at this time
should pursue its developments by a progressive civilization,
or whether it should remain stationary ? Very well!
The war which is proposed to us would i e fatal to civiliza-
tion, to the progress of the people ; and society, far from
advancing, would retrograde."
There can be 110 question that a war in Europe
would greatly retard the progress of civilization, if
not cause civilization to retrograde. There is not
one ceustry in Europe,. whatever its Government,
which does not make greater advances under that
Government in peace than it could do under any
other in war. Besides two or three millions of the
very worst of the population, demoralized and bru-
talized, by a series of campaigns, would, after a
peace, carry the contagion into every corner. But
this is hardly a fair statement of the question. The
period of war is an interruption of the progress of
civilization. But if the war leave a countty in
possession of a Government not hostile to the people,
a series of wise organical laws may, in a short time,
cause it to advance more than it w ould otherwise
have done for centuries. Can arty one doubt the
benefit whicli would be reaped in Italy by the an-
nihilation of the temporal power of the Pope, and
the establishment of a properly constituted Govern- •
ment in the place of it ? The policy of M. Guizot
is to consider Visa unjustifiable except in case of in-
vasion, and to !et every country defend itself.
" The period of 1792 (he says), that time of illusion
and heroism, is ()Pen invoked. But in 1792 we acted
more prudently than it is wished we should now act.—
We waited till our territory was invaded.—(Negative ex-
clamations on the left.) If the invasion was• not con-
summated, at least the declaration of Piluitz was made, ,1
and it announced an imminent war, which broke out
almost immediately. Then also France did not begin by
the war of propagandism, nor by distant war; she de-
fended her liberty, saved her territory, and at a later pe-
riod she ended by what she is now advised to Jo."
But if the principle which leads the despotic
powers to crush revolutions in Italy and elsewhere,
leave France in a state of alarm for her own security,
the country, as is well observed by a contemporary,''
is forced to be at all the expence of a war, without
having any of its excitements. There is a danger,
too, of popular discontent finding a vent in civil
war, which would aid the despotic powers. It is a
question of prudence, and cannot be resolved abso-
lutely so easily as M. Guizot pretends. It may not
always be prudent in a Government to allow itself
to become an object of contempt, and much will
depend on the character of the people governed. We
have great doubt whether the Government which
allowed Austria to put down the revolution in Italy
without opposition,. could long exist in France. M.
Jay, in an eloquent speech, treated the question of
peace, nod war more satisfactorily—
" For may past (said he) I will sat frankly to the Mi-
nistry, if you -can preserve peace with honour, preserve it,
it is the wish of France. I am not ignorant of the ma-
gical and powerful effect which the words triumph, glory,
and warlike heroism, have 'on French imaginations. I •
could, perhaps, combine them like another in warlike and
sonorous phrases ; but I am not covetous of this success.
A mandatory of-the people, I have a severe duty to die-
charge ; not to draw on my country so formidable a scourge
as that of war, a scourge which dries up all the sources
of public prosperity, if it is not demonstrated to me that
it cannot be avoided without wounding the national dignity,
without compromising our independence. I have too
much confidence in'the courage of our soldiers, in the ex-
perienced ability of their chief,, to doubt au instant, if
the war break out, as to the success of our arms. I know
that Europe would be shaken to its foundation. What
has been seen would be again seen ; but consider the con-
sequences which would result to us from it: the annihila-
tion of commerce, the want of markets for the produce
of our industry and our agriculture, the mourning of
families, the rivers of blood which would water the palms
of victory ; and if, contrary to our expectation, the conflict
should be prolonged, would you not have to dread least
the extinction of credit, the exhaustion of our resources,
the want of labour in our workshops, the necessity of de-
manding fresh taxes from the public distress, might not
furnish, by producing the disgust, the fatigue which cause
nations to be worn out, under the very burthen of glory,
till they lose the very sentiment of liberty ?"
It is stated confidently by many of the speakers,
that the great body of the French, among whom pre-
perty is much diffused, are averse to svar ; but the
question is, whether the display of a disinclination
to war may not lead to it ?—Morning Chronicle.
An interesting letter from Earl Grey to General •
Kosciu-zko, dated July, 1814, will be found in
another column. His Lordship was then a private
individual ; be is now at the head of the Councils of
a great Empire. That he entertains, however, the
same sentitnents in 1831 which he entertained in
1814, when he condemned so loudly the grand vio-
lation of the -sacred- principles of liberty in the boc-
ci ssive partitions of Poland, we firmly believe. His
Lordship then not only attributed the dangers from
which Europe had escaped to the example set in the
case of Poland, but he declared, that " there. rail
exist no real security against the retutn of these
dangers if Poland remain excluded from the benefit
of the general deliverance which, in order to be per-
fect, ought to be gincanteed by the solemn recog-
nition of the rights and the independence of nations."
Three opinions ate a guarantee, that as far as his
Lordship's influence extends, and as far as he can
act without compromising the interests of the
country which are entrusted to him, he will use that
influence in behalf of the unhappy Poles. Difficulties,
however, of no common magnitude oppose them-
selves to the restoration of Poland. The great
Powers did not take the same view of their inte-
rests which his Lordship doe`, when be recommends
to them fcr their security and a better preserva•ion
ef their mutual tranquillity,
tore-establish Poland as an
Independent State. They conceived they could sit
down and enjoy in peace the fruits of their robbery,
and their reading of the principles of Christianity,
as exemplified in the far-famed Holy Alliance, which
professed to be founded on Christianity, was the
same which we find among banditti in a forest : we
will give up nothing, and assist each other in resist-
ing the attempts of the rightful owners to have their
own. Prussia is a country wade up of recent spolia-
tion% and inwt be peculiarly hostile to the principle
of restitution. Austria, though dragged into the
iniquity, in the first instance, by Russia and Prussia,
will not easily be brought to give up Galicia. On

the other hand, the independence of the kingdom of
Poland ensures the independence of the greater part
of the country, as it existed before the partition ; fur
the tics of race, language, relig:on, historical eecol-
lectioas, and traditions must always be far more
powerful than the arbitrary arrangements of the parti-
tioning Powers. It is in this difficult to see how
Europe can be tranquil till the Poles effect their in-
dependence ; and yet the interests opposed to them
ate so powerful as almost to exclude all hope of suc-
cess. For we must bear constantly in mind, that the
robber-powers will yield woo argument but force. The
independence of a country so extensive as Poland,
besides the moral effect, would be an effectual limit
to the encroachments of Russia towiosis the wtst.
Segur supposes the Russian territ cry capable of sup-
porting a hundred and fifty millions of human beings.
As the population becomes more thence, it will, of
course, become more civilized, and we must sup.
pose that the Government will improve with the
civilizetion of tie country. What renders Russia
at present so mischievous to the rest of Europe, is
the despotism of the Got.ernmstioand the necessity
of furnishing employment to the army to prevent
revolts and conspiracies. Civilization supposes the
diffusion of property and knowledge, and thus, when
the power of Russia shall render her more formi-
dable than she is at preseno we may suppose that
the Government will be forced to act on principles
more in harmony with those of neighbouring Go-
' vernments. Still it would be of great consequence
to have a country nearly twice as large as France, of
great fertility, and capable of maintaining a great
population, lute posed between Russia and the we,t
of Europe. Every well-wisher to the cause of na-
tional independence and good government must,
therefore, wish well to the Poles in their resent
struggle.—Morning Chronicle.
The organs of the Revolutionist Ministry appear
to think that they cannot too deeply insult the
Throne which their patrons' machinations would
subvert. One of these organs—the loudest, the
most audacious, and the most fevoured of the num-
ber —has the insolence to say that there are persons
honoured by the personal favour of, and accordingly
enjoying facilities of access to their Majesties, whose
names need only be publicly mentioned to compel
them to betake themselves to flight, so degraded, so
infamous are the habitual associates of Royalty, as
they flourish in the calumnious descriptions of the
revolutionary party. From this the Members of
the House of Brunswick may anticipate what they
have to expect should the revolution be accom-
plished. The party which threatened to ride rough-
shod through Carlton House were disappointed by
the wisdom, the firmness, and the patriotism of
George the Fourth. In revenge they now seem
fully determined to throw the torch of conflagration
into St. James's. We suspect they are once more
rash and premature in the exhibition of their purpose.
There is yet time for William the Fourth to spew
himself the worthy successor of his Royal Brother.
It is the duty of every man to whom any Member
of the House of Brunswick will lend an attentive
ear to point out the fatal nature of the trap, baited
only by the allurement of a worthless and momen-
tary popularity, by which it is sought to ensnare
that Illustrious House to its destruction. This duty
has been and will be fulfilled; for the constitution
of English society is fortunately such as to put it
out of the powt r of auy Administration to surround
the throne and the Royal Family exclusively by
traitors. That this duty has been performed, not
only faithfully but effectually, there is the greatest
reason to believe from the acrimony and venom with
which the promoters of the revolution begin to
speak of those whom they suppose to have dis-
charged it—an acrimony and venom which extends
front the friends of the throne even to the
throne itself. Nor can the task have been
diflicult of those faithful servants of the Crown,
whom loyalty and affection may have com-
pelled to point out to their Sovereign the
chasm which has been dug under his feet. To
recall to his recollection the past history of the most
indefatigable and dexterous of the sappers and
miners, busy in their destructive operations upon the
foundations ..of the throne, might alone probably
have sufficed for thirptirpose. Who at every season
of popular excitement have laboured to direct the in-
dignation and fumy of the populace against the indi-
vidual members of the Royal Family—who but the
same sappers and miners ? Who, wheo the noble-
minded predecessor of the present King rejected
their services, because he knew them well—made it
their constant effort, and directed all the efforts of
their myrmidons and their Press, to alienate from him
the affections of his people ? The same sappers arid
miners? ‘1,1120 strove to create an insurrection in the
country, and to endanger the person of the Sovereign,
when that high-minded Prince would not consent to
associate with his name, his rank, and his fate,
and to place at the head of the tnatroes of Eng.
land, a misguided and degraded woman ? The same
sappers and miners. Could- it be difficult to con-
vince the King that any cause advocated by these
parties exclusively, is a cause inimical to the British
Throne? To suppose this is to insult the under-
standing of the Sovereign ; and when we find any
advocate of the revolution asserting; it, we know of
no language in which to address him so appropriate
as that which the present Attorney-General once
applied to a very different person, and on a
widely different occasion, " Come forth, thou slam.
derer 1.” It is quite consistent that those who,
whenever the emoluipents amid advantages of office
I were withheld from them, have been the sys-
tematic calumniators of the Royal Family of
England, should, now that they are in office,
strive to perpetuate their own power by over-
throwing the Constitution of England. This is
a consideration which, independently of auy sug-
gestion from others, could not escape the sound
practical good sense of the King, who, like all other
men of sound practical good sense, reveres, for its
practical effects, the real working Constitution of
time country, so contradistinguished from time ideal
Constitution to which the revolutionists perpetually
re-er us. Of the real working Constitution of Eng-
land something is known by experience, but of the
ideal Constitution of the revolutionists nothing. Are
time wealth, power, happiness, and glory of Great
Britain ideal themselves, or are they to be traced
to the efficacy of a Constitution which all mankind
acknowledge never to have existed but in idea? Were
the exhibition of national strength and time splendid
glories of the last war ideal ? Was time rescue of
Europe from time iron sway of a military despOt
ideal ? Were the domestic triumphs by which the
powers of the Constitution resisted, subdued, and
humble:l time faction that laboured incessantly to
prevent the rescue of Europe, to tarnish time honour
mf England, to uphold the European despot, ideal
triumphs? Or, to go back to points of national
history, still, if possible, more interesting to the
House of Hanover, was the whole series of measures
whiCli prepared the way for the accession of that
illustrious House to the British Throne ideal ? Was
time Act of Settlement itself ideal ? No, surely,
these are all substantial advantages to which the
nation and its Monarchs have been indebted to the
legislature of England as it is, to time real bona fide
working Constitution of England, and not to any
fanciful scheme of constitutional perfection which
theorists may have brooded over in their closets, or
political dreamers have imagined in their intone
reveries.— Morning Post.

The East India Company's ship Edinburgh
arrived off Scilly the 31st ult. She left China the 30th
November, and St. Helena the Bth February, in compalq
with the Macqueen, and parted is ith her on the 24th of
the same month in lat. 6. 00. N. long. 23. 30. W.

Notwithstanding the confirmation of the entry
of the Austriansiinto Bologna, and the fu, titer decline of
full 2 per cent. irPthe French funds, prices are maintained
with a degree of firmness in the Consol market, which
has appeared to many persons to be quite unaccountable.
This may be in part owing to the great scarcity of money
stock ; but the principal cause is the growing confidence
in the success of the Reform Bill, and the protection it
will afford, as it is conceived, against war and every de-
s•criptioa of extravagant expenditures—Tinges.