The Sun.
London, England, 1838-05-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, Y, MAY 41 1838.

plc apology which one gentlettian owes to another.—( Great
cheering.) 'thus I have disposed of one charge, and for the
simple reason that t have no evidence; and I have not
come doWn here on .the mission of another Quixote,
to beat, the air;. or fight ; or like another
Torts 'thumb, Make giants that I may kill them.—(Greatj
laeghtef. I shdll niew proceed from what iswistuhstaeineadrd by
nothing, to what is supported by
the stypreeston (s).!. evidence we a'''thing with havingrg done
! Chargedis the evidence which
so, and the proof that is given of tri.: .
nt„,ins to say
Sir George Grey has given you himself.
you have suppressed the evidence which this book contains.
We arc charged with having suppressed evidence, and I am
giving Sir George Grey the full benefit of substantiating that
charge so far as his own evidence goes, and if I support not
my case out of this book, I shall submit to leave this platform
in disgrace.—( Hear, hear.) But there is a specific case
quoted—it is said that James Williams's pamphlet, with all its
horrors, was not communicated to the Government, and for
this reason that it suited not the purposes of the party who
gave these horeors to the world—that they kept them in con-
cealment until they put them in such a shape as was likely
to subserve the purposes of popular commotion. See what a
simple story will put this down. That excellent man Joseph
Sturge, whose name is synonimous with whatever is pure in
principle, and truthful in statement, and honourable in conduct,
and humane in feeling, went out as a missionary of
humanity, as he was justly termed, to the West Indies.
While there examining as he did many negroes touch-
ing their condition, he examined James Williams. He
told him important evidence—that evidence being given,
and the fact having transpired that Willlanis gave it,
it seemed likely that James Williams would suffer sortie disad-
vantage by volunteering to give evidence to Mr. Sturge.
The latter did what cannot be too highly commended—he
bought out of the hands of his master the remaining term of
his apprenticeship, and he said to him, " Now you are free;
you cannot suffer for any thing you have said touching your
own sufferings, or those of your fellow-slaves."—( Loud
cheers.) He brought him home to educate him, and un-
known to Mr. Sturge, getting acquainted with some friends
who from day to day heard his simple narrative, it occurred
to them that it ought to be put in print. It was—and ere
a copy was published—wet from the press, with the errors
scarcely corrected—with all its typographical inaccuracies—
the first copy from the wet types was sent to Sir George
Grey.—( Much cheering.) With regard to the second part
of the charge, as supported by the evidence which Sir George
Grey has given us in this book, I shall deal presently. An-
other charge is having an " invincible repugnance"—these
are his words—" to Parliamentary Committees." " Because,"
says Sir George, and there are three becauses, and I shall
give them every one, " Because they" that is the abolitionists,
" are there subjected to cross-examination ; because their
allegations are there capable of being sifted and scrutinized;
and because there, evidence may be adduced to rebut some
of those allegations, and a full and comprehensive view of the
whole case may be presented." Here arc three becauses, and
now let us see if ever the abolitionists have shown an invin
cible aversion to Parliamentary Committees. Who, years
ago, moved and moved for Parliamentary Committees
of enquiry into the atrocious scenes perpetrated in
that dark and dreary abode of slavery—the Mauritius?
—The abolitionists—( Loud cheering)—who sought a Com-
mittee for more than six months, and which produced the large
folios of evidence which my Honourable Friend below me has
to-day scanned over and quoted from ? Who got that Com-
mittee ? The abolitionists. Who denied it -for six months ?
Sir George Grey.—(Great cheering and hisses, Mr. Towson
or some person near him, cried " No, no.") The gentleman
says No, but he will sing a softer note presently.—(A laugh.)
Hear Mr. Buxton, a gentleman whom Sir G. Grey quotes, and
therefore I may quote him :—" The apprenticeship was, how-
ever, enacted, and came into operation in August, 1834.
So soon were my fears confirmed as to the working of
it, that on the 19th June, 18.35, I moved for a Select
Committee "to inquire whether the conditions on which
the twenty millions were granted, had been complied
with," I showed that the terms of the agreement had
not been fulfilled by the planters, and I added, " I am sure I
speak the sense of the House, when I declare the twenty mil-
lions ought not to be paid." I warned the House of the feel-
ing that would arise in the country, in these terms—" Should
they find that slavery, or something very like it, continues—
th at the planters, having taken their money, disappoint their
hopes ; it will kindle a flame of indignation against all such as
withstand inquiry, while the money is yet safe in our coffers,
such as no Government will bo able to resist."—( Mr. Towson,
" Sir George Grey voted for the motion.") Oh, then, lam
to separate Sir George Grey from the Government 1 Be it
so ; but the strongest argument I ever found for Sir G. Grey
was this, that in consequence of his position in the Govern-
ment, he could not vote as he wished.—( Hear, and cheers.)
If, then, I am to detach him from the Government—if he ut-
ters not the sentiments of the Government—if the speech I
hold in my hand is not the speech of Sir George Grey, as a
Member of the Government, but is his speech as a private in-
dividual, then he stands before you in a very different cepa-
city.—( Hear, hear.) I put it to your recollection—l put it
to your candour—if my friend beneath me did not in every pa-
ragraph of the speech identify Sir George Grey with the
Government ?—( Hear, hear.) Whether his whole apology
was not for the Government, and for Sir G. Grey as a Mem-
ber of it ?—( Cheers.) But it seems the old adage of " What
is good for the goose is good for the gander" will not apply in
this case. I assure you I mean nothing personal—(Great
laughter)—because if I did, I would make myself the gander.
Then we are to understand that Sir George Grey was not a
member of the Government. Let him have the benefit of
that, and still my case is made out that the abolitionists are
not the enemies of Parliamentary Committees, and that they
sought them frota the 24th of July, 1835, to the 22d of
March, 1836.—(Hear, hear, hear.) A gentleman behind
me says that it will be but fair to state that a vaca-
tion, or a recess, or something of that kind occurred ;
but certainly there was no vacation when the motions were
made ; and, whether there were 50 or 500, or one, or none
at all, it does not disturb the fact that the Abolitionists moved,
through Mr. Powell Buxton, fora Committee, and that, after
six months, they got it. So much for the charge that we
don't like Parliamentary Committees. But it is not Parlia-
mentary Committees alone that they moved for; losing their
Committee of Inquiry, what did they do? Were they glad
of it? Failing to obtain a Committee, what did they do?
On the 14th of August, 1835, within one month after they
had lost their motion for a Committee of Inquiry, they pre-
sented a memorial to Lord Glenelg, which I hold
in my heed. It contains twenty pages of close
type on the state of things in the West Indies, and a copious
appendix, bringing forward a variety of abuses, repugnances,
and contradictions in the law and practice of the British colo-
nies. Mark that—they moved for a Committee of Inquiry,
and on the 14th of August they took the next step. A long
memorial was drawn up by the Anti-slavery Society in Lon-
don—they presented this memorial to Lord Glenclg, and on
the 22d of March Mr. Buxton got his Committee of Inquiry.
Then, before the Committee so obtained, they put forth ano-
ther document entitled " facts, statements, and observations,
on the working of the law for the abolition of slavery, and on
the present state of negro population." This pamphlet, which
was ably drawn up, was also carefully presented to the Colo-
nial Secretary. There was no agitation, no popular excite-
ment, or any other evils, attended it. A Parliamentary
Committee, a respectful and able memorial, and then a
cautious and lawyer-like exposition of the facts of Ow case,
and I would, that with that volume in my hand, and twelve
hours of your time, and my holiest friend below me to sit and
hear it out, I could go through :the :whole of that evidence.
Has my friend read the able analysis of Mr. Jeremy, of the
law of Jamaica, proving that in many instances the condition
of the negro is far worse than in the days of slavery ? Has
he read the evidence in that document ? If ever there was a
ease made out of gross injustice in every day practice as well
as law, that case is made out in the volume before me. And
if Mr. Buxton consented to the Report made, it was simply
to secure unanimity, and not because lie did not believe that
the evidence fully warranted the immediate extirpation of the
system. I have Mr. Buxton's own words upon this point :
" From the first day on which Lord Stanley's scheme was
propounded, to the present hour, I have had but one mind on
the subject, viz., that the apprenticeship was unjust in prin-
ciple—indefensible in policy—an anomalous, unnatural,. and
unnecessary state of things ; and in practice, as the practice
has unfolded itself, worse than in theory." Do not think that
this is an old opinion, and that Mr. Buxton has changed his
mind—do not believe that it was before the existence of these
ponderous volumes, begotten in Parliamentary Committees—
this is a letter to Lord J. Russell, April 18, 1838, in which he
declares that his mind was made up against the apprenticeship
system before the evidence was taken, and that he only con-
sented to the report, on condition that he might be permitted
to record in that report his opinion that the apprenticeship
should cease altogether on the Ist of August 1840, because it
was possible that many of the negroes might be continued in
apprenticeship beyond that period, in order to pay up the
fines, in time, inflicted upon them by the Hon. Special Ma-
gistrates, who have been taken so kindly into keeping by the
lion. Gentleman below me. Then, again, we are charged
with importuning Hon. Members of the House of Commons
not to hear both sides of the question. Here are the words :
—" I know the means which have been taken to induce Hon.
Gentlemen to vote in favour of the resolution. I know that
they have been importuned not to listen to the arguments on
both sides of the question, not to decide calmly and dispas-
sionately after they had heard it discussed, but to pledge them-
selves beforehand to support a motion which had never before
been brought forward in Parliament, and on which no oppor-
tunity had been afforded for argument or debate." There is
no peradventure; it is not that it appears likely, or probable,
or possible, but it is almost certain. In the name of all the
abolitionists of the United Kingdom, men and women, I deny
that allegation.—(Cheers.) That they might have been re-
quested beforehand to vote for the measure I will not deny ;
and the man—l speak advisedly, I speak deliberately, and I
speak solemnly—the man who will not, in his place in the House
of Commons liberate the negroes from uncompensated labour,
and abrogate a contract that contravenes the law of God is not in
elementary education prepared to go into that sanctuary of the
British Constitution, or be the representative of the deep
emotions, and fervent prayers, and mighty energies of the
people of this great empire.—( Loud and continued cheering. )
Sir, lam glad that you cheer that sentiment. Yes, there is
a code above all other codes_a law above all other laws—
and every human code, and every earthly arrrngement which
sets at defiance that code, which has been handed down to
us from heaven to work its effect in the world, and bring the
millennium to its birth—the man that will not set aside
every contract that squares not with that holy law and code
of universal equity, is not fit to represent a Christian or a Bri-
tish people.—( Vehement cheering.) "Not hear both sides"—
it was the cuckoo cry fifty years ago, when the pioneer of Afri-
can freedom, Thomas Clarkson, was trying to make them hear
both sides—when the silver-tongued and sainted Wilberforce
tried to make them hear both sides.—( Cries of " near,
hear, hear.") They would not hear—they were " deaf

to the charmer, though lie charmed never so sweetly" and now
when weepirg mercy, and insulted justice, and a fettered race,
and a justly indignant nation cry, snap the negroes chains—
fulfil the law of God—pity and help your brother in bonds—
" hush" says a voice from the Treasury benches, " you won't
hear both sides."—(Tremendnue eheering. ) Well, where are
both sides? Where is that Jamie faced monster the abolition-
ists won't look at? Were ndt Members of Parliament in cir-
cumstances to look at both sides before ? Why, my Friend
below me has been giving uti Mit side as frig as the side of a
house to-day.—( Laughter.) Is not tide big enough (holding
one of the large blue books)? There's one side, arid my
friend
es . .„ .
gum,: it as it was a book of yeaternal,
although it is
t
the side was et:hi-T.10.e °
two years old. Yes,
his own account, two years ago; and hefe'a eisotne.
(holding up another book), an octagon has not more gidt,
And the transformations of the Kaleidescope are not more
varied. Let tile West Indians go on and fill blue book after
blue hook, and pigeon-holes, and room after room, and we
shall still have the cry, You will not hear both sides. What
then, in the name of justice and common sense, is it not yet
decided whether a man should receive wages from his master,
or not ? This was the question—" the head and front of our
offending was this"—we asked for the abolition of the term of
the apprenticeship fer two years. How monstrous—how sin-
warrantable ! " Both sides!" with Lord Glenelg's admissions
already in print, and scattered through the land in as
many forms as the heart-thrilling assertions of Lord
Brougham himself.—( Cheers.) " Both sides l" Who pre-
vented their hearing both sides ? Who was it ? They
got a full House when Ministers were to speak
and when William Ewart Gladstone got up, but they managed
somehow not to have so full a House when the abolitionists
were speaking. Who clamoured down the adjournment of
the deflate ?—veho, when Mr. Gladstone, a young man of ex-
traordinary talent; and almost unrivalled eloquence on either
side of the House ( speak from having heard him)—who was
it, although he had got 70,00(11. df compensation money in his
right hand—who was it, after that insidious speech, delivered
to throw dust in the eyes of the community, Wenn/tired down
the adjournment of the debate, and would not let Sri George
Strickland be heard ? Wily, it was the West Indians on the
one side, and the Government on the other.--(Loud cheers. )
And yet we are told that we won't hear both sides. I now
challenge Sir George Grey to tell the people of Devonport
and the abolitionists, for all arc concerned, and none less than
you, where the man is who was told in his own nouse, in the
lobbies, or under the gallery, nut to ;hear both sides? To the
simple assertion I return an unqualified denial, and I challenge
the proof. Then, lastly, we are told that we wish to bring
about a violent termination of this system, and this methinks
is the " unkindest cut of all." We are made out by the lion.
Baronet to be lovers of epollation and blood. We arc told
that in 1833 we desired a violent termirietion of the then sys-
tem, and now in 1838 that we are seeking to compass the
same unholy object. If so, then I say the execration of the
community be ours.—( Hear, hear.) Either that charge is
a truthful one, or in the face of high Heaven it is a cold-
hearted and cruel calumny. Which is it? Who are the
abolitionists? Are they trading politicians? No. These are
the men who come to meetings and cry out that this is a
political question. Are the abolitionists men who fight a cri-
minal warfare—who mount the steed and charge the cannon,
and " cry havoc and let slip the dogs of war ?" Are they
preachers of sedition to the negro ? Have they tried to array
him against his tyrant? And yet there are men in this
country who don't go far from that. There have been such
things as Polish meetings—there have been such things as
meetings to celebrate the three glorious days of Paris—there
have been such things as meetings to applaud the Belgians—
there httve been such things as Greek loans and Greek meet-
ings, and conseetated banners and dinners to the exiled pa-
triots. Yes, and it is the pride and honour of this country that
the Pole under the heel of thd Autocrat of Russia, and the
exiled Greek from his sunny Isles, tied every oppressed
and down-trodden man, from the field of blood, where
despotism has unhorsed him, can stand upon the British shore
and say, " Now I am a man again."--( Vehement cheering.)
Tell me, men of Devonport, did the exiles in the mines of
Siberia—did the young Parisians in the streets of Paris—did
the Greek ever groaning under the tyranny of the Turk—did
any of these, or all of these, present to a generous and hor-
rified, and sympathetic nation, a list of grievances, longer,
blacker, more touching than those presented by the negro of
the West Indies?—( Cheers.) And yet did we, the abolitionists
of Great Britain, ever preach war to the negro ?—Never.
..Our principles have ever been pacific. When we did not send
them liberty, we sent them Missionaries. When we could not
win from the Legislature nor from the Government an Act
of Parliament to make his hands free, and relieve his neck
from the yoke of an earthly thraldom, we sent him unedultered
the waters of everlasting freedom. We said to him from out the
pages of the holy book, " Art thou called a slave, care not for
it; but if thou may'st be free choose it rather." Now are we
to be told by one who ought to know us—by one who I believe
does not know us, for I am obliged to impeach his understand-
ing to spare his heart—( Hear, hear)—are we to be told that
we desire and seek, and are determined to bring about a vio-
lent termination of this system ? Are we to be charged
with putting forth a sword of war when we hold only the
olive branch of peace ? Is he to charge us with desiring to
achieve by blood what we desire to win by the mild arms of
truth and love made mighty by the living God ? I spurn
the charge—l hurl it back—the friends of peace we
have been—we are —and the English Government
and the Ministers of England's maiden Queen shall
many years to come refuse their rights to the negro
`ere we instruct them to violate the law of God,
-or teach them the lesson of rapine and of blood.—( Great ap-
plause.) I have now got through the charges, and to do the
Hon. Baronet justice, I say we must look carefully and
minutely at the evidence brought forward, and sec wherein it
differs from our own statement. The duty, however, of con-
tradicting those facts by others lies with Sir G. Grey—the
onus probandi lies with him. I shall now state the case we
made in regard to fraudulent registration, and no one will deny
that even Sir G. Grey himself has made out a case with re-
gard to fraudulent classification—with regard to appraisement
—with regard to food—with regard to the denial of indul-
gences, and with regard to the disparity and want of re-
sponsibility of the punishments awarded to apprenticed
labourers. Such is our case—and now for the Honour-
able Baronet, whose case consists of sundry extracts
from the dispatches of Governors, and the reports of special
Magistrates. And here, I am upon strong grounds, and I
shall not quote a document to day that has not been quoted by
Sir George Grey—not one, and if I can justify our proceed-
ings on several distinct grounds, out of the under-Secretary's
own brief, I am sure you will say, we have triumphed, at least
in argument; and if I don't send you home in every convic-
tion of your minds, and every feeling of your hearts, imme-
diate abolitionists, then I say, not that I have failed, but Sir
George Grey and you have not only failed to be influenced by.
me, but that Grey and Thompson together could not make you
the friends of justice. Now, what was the ground of the argu-
ments of our opponents in days gone by—that the negro was not
fit for freedom. Thence came the apprenticeship system by
which we gave their time, and satisfied the claims of the
planters with gold. Our opponents said, give us the appren-
ticeship for the purposes of education and good conduct—we
will educate them through four or six years of mild appren-
ticeship, or modified coercion (a new expression of Sir George
Grey). Now if I prove out of the lips of Sir George that
the negro might safely be entrusted with liberty on the Ist
of August, 1834—that he might still more be intrusted with
his liberty now, and that in proportion as you relax the rigour
of the law—in proportion as you adopt a just, equitable,
kind mode of treatment, in preference to one of unkindness,
injustice, and denial of wages, that the negro becomes
an attached friend—a good servant—then my cause is
made out from the lips of our opponents. A large
portion of the evidence of the Honourable Baronet-
bears on that point, and you will be delighted to hear it; and
as I see my friend below me turning from page to page of
the book, we will, with his leave, begin at page 21 of the
edition.-_(Alard a laugh.) Have you got it ? [to Mr.
Towson]._( Roars of laughter.) And while speaking of the
good conduct of the negrocs, think of what Lord Glenelg
said of the workhouse system—think of the denial of custo-
mary allowances, privileges, and water-carriers—think of
nurses, and even mothers, who might not visit their dying
child, and then think of the beings to whom this conduct is
exhibited. In page 21, one of the Magistrates reports—
" With partial exceptions, the conduct of the apprentices has
continued to be favourable. They are gradually performing
their labour with more apparent willingness and good humour."
If that was not so, Sir George Grey would turn round and
say, it is all owing to my apprenticeship. "It has become
now, I think, a matter of general observation, that they do more
on a free labour day than on a compulsory;day, and yet on occa-
sions of this sort they are often far less strictly superintended.
They appear actually ashamed to skulk on a hired day."
" Oh, I thank thee, Jew, for teaching me that word." They
appeared ashamed to skulk, why would not a school-boy
skulk—would not a servant maid—would not her master, to
pore over his ledger, or perhaps to Sir George Grey's speech,
and if such things occur on the green tree, how much more
likely to skulk from tyranny and refuse to labour when another
refuses to pay—and here let me give my creed. I hold it to
be robbery, and the baser the robber, the poorer the man
and woman—l hold it to be robbery before man and God to
take the labour of a human being and not give an equiva-
lent. Without going. further, see what I have done. I have
demonstrated from Sir George Grey's lips, that the negroes
are willing to work for hire, and while they would skulk on
another day, they would be ashamed to do so then. It
hearmay bi
it,
y: asked, do
matronsty
matrons, and
lookd a
do your
ft er n theiregr
o sister children,
justice,
s t
cned,
when she basks in bliss on the bright eyes of her infant, and
dresses it with care, and hugs it with so much tenderness.
" With regard to the free children, I discover nothing within
the range of my observation that would lead me to think that
any considerable number of them were suffering from neglect.
If they have lost the care of the estate, which they have not
every where done, the father, often by marriage or other
means, has acquired new views of the parental obligation, and
for the first time, with his wife and his children around him,
has a feeling of home." And again, " I have the greatest con-
fidence in the general industry and improved condition of the
peasantry after August 1840." I shall now come to my Friend's
squatting argument presently.—( Mr. Towson " order,
order.") Does the Gentleman who calls me to order
know that these are the very words the Marquis of
Sligo employs ?—( Hear, hear, hear, and loud cheering.)
I admit it is not a subject of mirth but of sorrow—l grant it.
It is a subject of sorrow that such a system should exist, and of
deeper sorrow, if deeper sorrow could penetrate the human
heart, that we should have a Government who will not
terminate the system..—(
Immense cheering.) I was not in
mirth when I made use of the word squatting, which means
running to the bush and settling there, arid that argu-
ment is called by the Marquis of Sligo the squatting argument.
It appears the Gentleman alluded to my facetious manner, but
when he has spoken as long
of health as crippled, he and as often, and in circumstances
will find out, tbet on the gravest

subjects, it is wise to relax a title. Ile may have power
of peerless elo lucnce, th High I never heard them, 11l
very difficult to ke-p up t'ie attention of an audience with°
some little relaxation, and I hope we will be better friends'
" the ap:
when we meet again. Another Magistrate writes
pi-entices in my district are well disposed, and that their co"
duct for the last quarter has been both quiet and orderly ; tlic.Y
" Voluntat,Yf
perform their work cheerfully." And again,
task-work is becoming more general, and in the digging l'i
cane-holes and cleaning the cane pieces, answers well." 11!
in page 27, " the attendance at church, in this quarter parti-
cularly, itunie
culiirly, being more than equal to the existing accominocia:
tion." In page 28, we find, " the apparent increase
said'
crime, about which so much has . been so unjustly sal
for the sole purpose of prejudicing and throwing d'sj'er,
tri,„: on the general character of the negro popillat,i,on..n
1,1 page
.29 Mr. Lyon, another magistrate, writes—
this
superintending Lie administration of the Abolition Law half, 1
district, during a per,,:td of more than two J'cars and a
a...
each quarter to re
have had the gratification I::
of the conduct of the appreritiCes." I dont avtint. ,
ttne ne-
kindness where kindness exists. I want to prove the.
.._ll is
gro is fit for freedom, and if he is why then the ques. t!-'.,130
settled. Sir George Grey says that he is, and if so why I° (
not free ? How dare a Christian Government speak of morato
responsibility ? How dare a Christian Government denY .
d scai"ng
beings panting for liberty, emerging into civil life, an
with
to be free and grateful servants for hire----how can they' lia,
port favoourdewnyy
a drop of warm and generous blond in their hearts, deny
1i...
freedom, the right to which and the fitness for which is demo,
strated ? ( Cheers.) In page 31, we have the taternet,';
of Mr. Gal.-, that the apprentices generally in this c%te.n. Iv,
district Inve c rvitiee 1 themselves with very great propf!te,)
paying strict attention to their duty, and respectful and v t,„
dinit to persons in authority over them in almost ever)' "
_,
stance where persons, by conciliatory and kind acts, su .
themselves deserving of, and entitled to, respect and obedienteea.
In page 32, where a bad feeling does exist, I have no be si rs.
tion in attributing its cause to the irritability of the maneg,f„he
in whose minds no thought of conciliation ever enters. ' il.
apprentices generally perform their work willingly, and wefer
In page 37, Mr. Lyon writes :—" An increasing desire it
knowledge and improvement is apparent among thernl -Tuf
manifests Itself now in the general acceptance of the truthbiie
Christianity—in the enlarged attendance on places of Inland
worship—in the increasing attention to personal deccncy tea,
comfort in their apparel and houses, and in the signally Inect„
ligent questions which they often put, on a variety Of slibiwith
to those who have inclination or leisure to converse eviii
them." After reading a great number of other extracts nos,
Sir G. Grey's speech, which bore out Mr. Thomson's stater' 1. ,
but for which we regret we have not space, Mr. Thonig°l%l)fid
ceeded. Now, then, the question is, will you be sati.o.
with this measure brought forw-:rd by her Majesty's Gc)v- d
tide
ment, or will you go and ask for another ? You are en_ lot
to do this—it is a Constitutional course, because the ro,
Clause, and the best Clause, too, in the Bill, enacts, or Po
vides that this Act may be repealed or amended bY Woo,
passed during the present Session.—( Hear, hear.) d I
again, there is another Bill before the House of Lords, 8000
call upon you to support that Bill. Lord Broughanirsco
brought talents angel bright and energies unrivalled, tae kind
the holy work, and free the negro from the fetters th yap,
him. Support his Bill. It is a short, comprehensive,vcdreot,
i
easy, practicable, measure. Then, again, Sir E• ‘
eshiP
upon the Bth of this month, will move that the apprentestire,
be immediately and totally abolished. Support that Inca ors
—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) England expects that everYrds...
will do his duty.—( Applause) Let our duty be nnwaiLoeci
irrespective of party, and fearless of consequences•-Thadact
cheering.) I regret to find that I cannot canvass the °Oc-stioo
of public men (sometimes at least), or speak of this clit-hoUt
with reference to the principles of justice and mercy, Went,,being told that I am corning in the way of the Governmq
,„id that
(1f or, hear.) It is no praise to a Government to be .--,thotit
I cannot zdvocate the principles of justice and mercy, w` t to
coming in its 1.7,ay. It is a very left-handed cornplimein,ball
a Government to te me that if I stand up for justice,
that is
prove the downfall of tilo. Adi:_'inistration. However, ica of
not the question. The abobtien;, .
is arc not the elle
more
the Government ; and, if any one thin;
than another, it is to find that at this lee.
n/
could gratify me artier
crisis, when rn, and
are so nicely balanced, and when the world is .hoe rkinigt°he abe-
when they know not at what moment they may :ai yerboacul'
litionists are found at their posts, resolved to throW 0• ti poll'
for a while, all private or personal considerations and athether
tical partialities, whether the Government stand or fall---w. ti4.°
they sink or swim—whether they shall be exalted Ma ad
opinion of a grateful people, or retire before the frown this,
indignant constituency.—(Cheers.) I shall leave hly of
question with you in con.nection with the great asseTie'r vie
which this meeting may be for a moment the tYPe--t cur 0
shall meet again and the negro will be there ; ir, that hand ce...
will stand forward the type of Him " who was despised rief;
jetted of men, a man of sorrow, and acquainted with v not
The individual selected to test our Christian more
t
stract by
be tine lovely whom we must love, and the rich who avrho, so
their riche;, and the great and the intellectual,
"'
h individual
must give tine homage of our understanding--t-e will be they
selected in that hour to test our love of the F,aviour
1-, were thirsty
wino were hungry and wanted bread—they ,v' • ried, ami
and wanted drink—they who were sick and impriso..
ut
such
nigh unto death. In that hour no argument will d 1)„. divine
as can be drawn straight and pure from the fountain ot
~ the
truth—it will not do in that hour to say the interests 01
.1a..._,
planters would not allow me to succour and deliver that n'' I
go
it will not do on that day to say the Government was in
wanoudld
by the agitation of the question of negro slavery. " - ~.,
have given him liberty—l would have agitated for freedoin,,
I would have clothed him with the rights, and crowned l"";
with the dignity of a man, and brought him under the sbelit;c,
of tine British Constitution—but my representative in Ptah;
ment did not think as 1 thought, and I should have put ,t'',
Government in jeopardy, and subverted the power °h ad
ins
Member of the Administration ; but a violated contract 1.0
been entered into between the Parliament and the led
man. I would have snapped his chains, but I le will
the consequences.—(Hear, hear.) This argument,. rbid
riot do ; and, as it will not do, then Heaven °him
that we should use it to-day. As you expect to meet ,out
then, and live with him for ever—as you hope to have ci, a.
cars saluted with the commending sentence " for as 011, so
ye did it to the least one of these, ye did it unto roe'_eets,
let us to day cease our animosities, bury our rcsentMd as'
forget our politics, and for once cease to be politicians,
o°`; occl
sume the philanthropist, the Christian, and the servant .i_ ad.
ac
—let us again unite to memorialize the Legislature--fieed
dress the Sovereign herself; nor cease until we have !: col-
our holy object—(Enthusiastic cheering)—and ere th'otion
serrated oil be poured upon the Queen; and ere the c°r°AbneY,P
anthem reverberates along the aisles of Westminster slid
soa
and ere her right hand grasps the sceptre of domM,l° ;end!
cre the shout of an attached And loyal peels° First,
the isles of " Long live Queen Victoria the 1 the
the negro may receive with her sign man.iloacs an'
boon of earthly freedom, and the shout of the At dco 06'
swcr to the acclaim of Westminster Abbey.—(Loud an
need cheering.) -Sr. gefl‘
The Resolution, which was seconded by the Rev. '',OY•
RIS, was then put from the Chair, and carried unaniol°,o Oe
The next resolution was moved by F. REES, ESCP a-
conded by Mr, SLATER. theri
A resolution of thanks to the Marquis of Sligo slisptisill
moved by the Rev. G. HORTON, and seconded by
OLDREY, R. N. lir•
On the motions of D. DERRY, Esq., seconded bla
CLARKE, Esq., a vote of thanks was unanimously P9s:iieso °
George Thomson, Esq., for his able advocacy of the e'
emancipation. (Het
A vote of thanks to the Chairman for his dignified - c 050 a°d
that day was then moved by the Rev. Mr. Wit.coci"
seconded by Mr. J. Symms. ,pt 6
The motion was unanimously carried, and the meetiv6'
late hour separated.
V't
BASTENNE AND GAUJAC BIT--1

COMPANY.
,bolac,l
The Directors are happy in being able to inform the Sha: -fire Od
that the arrangements between the Proprietors of the Basee,g
Gaujac Mines, by which the exclusive privilege of export' Gois'
vending the mineral tar and asphalte of the Bastennc heee
Mines was to be ceded and secured to this CompanY,
talihoeof
h
finally completed under the personal superintendence of
1)(
Directors at present in Paris.
tiot
The Company is therefore now in a position to conni.,l;":co!_,
delivery of the Mineral Tar; and their Agent in Paris (the, v,voitfo
de Beurct) has already undertaken, on their behalf, and 013tait"). of
geous terms, a contract for the supply of a considerable clearl, isted
Mineral Tar, in continuation of a contract which has 5,1°5 if
several years for the Railroad from Berlin to Potsdam• of tber,
The Board of Directors will be prepared, on the retull'obolci,c.ii
Brother Directors from Paris, with a report to their Tar of
on the subject of the prospects of the Company, which ca
re-
to be highly satisfactory. the Sha •
In the meantime they beg to direct the attention Of 041°„
holders to the works constructed with the bitumen io,4„iac %ctlie
Mr. Dcbray, the Manager of the French Bastenne and ula'eloo"' ear
pally, on the railroads from Paris to St. Germain and St ras, Oorg
pavement in the Rue Richelieu, on the Bouleva F alit°
Frescati's, the Pouts Neuf and Carousel, the „vorl'sig
St. Denis, the fortifications, roofs, floorings and othcrcolOot
Bayonne and Bourdeaux, the large reservoirs of theA the 111
Batignolles, Charenlon, and elsewhere, which affhri,“tuinell'
ample and satisfactory proofs of the excellence of their P!cretarY•
R. FOULERTON,
Office, 28, Moorgate-street, May 2, 1838. .

os:tre:roelf:tolzi:Yrs
. ---- -
The Marquis and Marchioness of Salisbury fioioe
issued cards for a grand assembly on the :11st instant, at Sali'burl
Arlington street. . a for
The Grand ball at Devonshire House, apP°lll,t„eviace'
thens 17th inst., is we hear postponed ; that on the 11 th will tat' ' .
Grace yesterday issued cards for a grand party on the 19thtijlt,(106
Prince
is just
nerienfs ohnoE'ns
ntChorinsky, and other distinguished Hungarian and '''..- t
0 uSrttrialusis;asrbtatoidf is
tc};negagneedwfor
atliiedoceasic,n.
cheaper
e.ditioi n ft!,
Noblemen.a%rvriiivialgiiivretlaiistoraniiiit(rlyboaf Ill'riantceC6::,eaftrlical'Oi
Bellasys, renowned for her beauty, wit, and s
Lady just published. The portraits it embraces are those of the rox.ls;t, fsif
of the Beauties of the Court of Charlant
atid sentimeutal—and the Countess of Southesk, whose faults, foil' d'
i,lll
miseries, constitute a tale well fitted to " point a moral." We corted ill
• .
recommend this delightful publication. The portraits area Jameon 0
the first style of art, and the " Memoirs," written in , the
very happiest manner, form a series of admirable illustrations 0,
Court and Reign of the " Merry Monarch." it Ilit I.'
OUTWARD-BOUND, BY THE AUTHOR OF God-
LIN THE REEFER."—This interesting work has been compared E wire,
poratrauage,
win's Caleb Williams, and truly, as far as the vividness of
the striking nature of the incidents, the power of the author's' "goon
and the graphic manner in whicb his scenes are drawn, the co P
If nivt:ch i,
is not altogether improper; but the locale of the story itse—, . n not
chiefly at st a, makes it a very different work. It is a descripti°_tr'angs
pirit—Mrs. 1,0.0 oci
of the workings of the mind, but of the extraordinary effects of 3
ractero,
and high.wrought chances upon the fortunes and lives of the ella
We have seldom read as more exciting nautical romance.