The Sun.
London, England, 1825-09-15 00:00:00

l'ilE LONDON JOURNALS.

DAILY
xtract slrom the Morning Papers,Sept.ls,lB2s

•
• [BRITISH PRESS.]
Thc Journal dcs Debuts -declares confidently
that a negociation has been concluded, by which
the. whole of Greece is placed under the protec-
tion of Great Britain. The Editor affirms, as we
stated yesterday, that he has seen the documents.
If so, we suspect he has had a sight of what will
never be visible to any other eyes than his own.
There are more political obstacles to the accept-
ance of .such a Protectorate, even if it were of-
fered, than appear to be dreamt of in his philo-
sophy. Mr. Canning, we apprehend, would,
without much hesitation, decline the malnificent
proposal were it made, which it never will be.—
His sagacity would readily foresee the jealousies
that would ensue, were Great Britain to take
those desirable dominions into her " holy keep-
ing." Austria has, it is well known, strong
anti-republican heresies, and her consent would
not easily be gained to such a guardianship. The
Northern Eagle, too, would feel inclined to take
them under the shadow of his wing, and Mr.
Canning would soon have enough upon his hands,
were he obliged to contest all the claims of ap-
propriation that would_ be made to his protegees.
The Greeks, unless they are to spill their blood
and spend their strength in vain, must expect to
secure what they have been so long and so obsti-
nately fighting for—they, of course, will require
a Constitutional Government to be guaranteed to
them ; they will require to live under free in-
stitutions—if they are to be deprived of these
their swords will, of course, not rest peaceably in
their scabbards. But are the feelings of the holy
Alliance quite in harmony with this spirit of
patriotism ? Are i competent Sovereigns pre-
pared to admit a constitutional kingdom into the
household of the Faith ? Are they likely to oh-
serve with calmness the growth of an independent
Greek empire—occupied with the rights and
welfare of mankind—spreading forth notions of
moral freedom, and diffusing liberal opinions in
every direction ? Is it likely that they will con-
tentedly look on, and ohserve Great Britain, in
her protective capncity, watching over the pre-
servation and integrity of this Democratic State,
and forming a cordon san itaire, that the Greeks
may erect the great edifice of their freedom
without disturbance ? -Will they not dread the
progressive emancipation of the whole Continent
under such auspices ? Would a sufficient pretext
long be wanting for making such a combined at-
tack upon Greece, as would be found essen-
tial for the preservation of peace, and " the
establishment of social order," and to em-
broil our Government in the fray? It would be a
libel on the Greek. Government to suppose it capa-
ble of making the offer we advert to; nothing but
the positive language in which the French jour-
nalists deliver themselves on the subject, could
have induced us to waste a word upon it. The

Greek Government, we feel assured, would ()ever

be imbecile enough to make such an offer, nor
would our Ministers pause a moment over its re-
jection. Of the courage and activity of the
G reeks there is no question ; and, as for their
resources, the spirit of freedom, when once
thoroughly in action, will always find resources
or make them. Their naval superiority is a tower
of strength; their mountainous strong holds are
so many rocks or defence. Combined with all
the enthusiasm of their national character, these
are advantages incalculable; but, incalculable as,
they are, a spirit of dissension among their leaders
may turn them all to nought. They may display,
is' they have done, an intrepid patriotismthey
may revive their ancient glory by their brilliant
achievements in the field ; but so long- as they
are disunited, their revolution can bring them no
repose. Unanimity is everything to the final
triumph of their cause : compared with this every
thing elSe is•of minor consideration. The chiefs
must'bring their collective energies to bear upon
that one point—whatever it be—which it may be
essential to carry. They must do this, ❑ot_in
one instance only, or on one occasion, but in.
every instance, and on all occasions. They must.
act upon it as. upon a system, to which they must
count every thing as subordinate. Conflicting
plans, divided councils, the contentions of selfish-
liess; the intrigues of ambition—What can these
bring in their train but disaster and ruin 1- Thus
acting, the Greeks may indeed succeed in throw-
ing off the Ottoman yoke, but they Will have.
other masters and will wear other chains. But
let them only be united, and they ha.'e resources
-within themselves fully adequate to their own
rescue, and to their own protection.

[TILE TIMES.]
The French Journals are still disturbing them-
selves about this mare's nest of the Greek pro-
tectorate alleged to hul'e been offered to Great.
Britain. There is no prima facie necessity for
supposing that such a proposition made to Eng-
land on the part of individuals or bodies of
Greeks, under the severe pressure of impending
ruin, would be altogether impossible ;-,but-that it.
could be acceded to at once by this country,..we
may safely affirm. to be so. England is honest
enough and enlightened enough to observe in her
own case the laws by which she would be justi.,
fled in insisting that other States should be rep];
lated in transactions of universal concern. This
Government, in appreciating whatever fragments
remain of what used to he called the balance of
power in Europe, must he aware of the reciprocal
obligations imposed on the several parties to the
peace, by which the status quo, ante bellum was
so materially altered in the years 1814- and
1815. The general " settlement" as it was
then somewhat prematurely termed, was one.
which placed the great powers of this hemisphere'
in certain'deftnite relations towards each other,
with respect to position,' territory, &c: which
no one among them, as we conceive, had if right-
to change, for Us own benefit, and to the detri-
ment, of its neighbours. The consent of other
States to the aggrandizement of British power in-
the Mediterranean, was measured by Malta and-
the lonian islands, and limited to these acquisi-
tions. It is for the satisfaction of those other
States, which the French Papers seem inclined

to alarm and agitate, that the English feeling on '
subjects of such an important nature should be
distinctly understood. Englishmen are therefore
ready to renounce the right of adding one inch to
the territorial dominions of their country from
north to south, and from east to west of Europe,
except in so far as the other contracting parties to
the peace of 1815 shall be satisfied that no injury
is, meditated, or can, in the common course of
things, result to their interests from the enlarge-
ment of this empire. The concurrence of the
great Powers of Europe was made by England
herself, as it appears to us, at the peace, an essen-
tial preliminary to her extending her European
limits. If, indeed, Russia were to prosecute any
measures of aggression or conquest against the
Porte, the King of England would be authorized
to attempt a countervailing policy with regard
to the islands of the Greek Archipelago, much
more to accept from them a voluntary offer of
submission. This would be pure self-defence.
So in respect to France, likewise, if it could be
proved that the French Government had done any
thing to affect, in a serious degree, the relations
established between it and the neighbouring Go-
vernments, by the express provisions of the
" Settlement of Europe," the King of England,
among the rest, would be completely authorized
to secure himself by new means of defence
against the approach of novel dangers. France
is not, and cannot pretend to be, in the same
position as to the sovereignty she exercises that
the "Settlement of Europe" assigned to her.
She is in full military occupation of the Spanish
territory ; an event which never was contem-
plated by the contracting parties to the peace of
1815. France, moreover, with regard to her
specific and immediate influence over the Medi-
terranean, is not where the treaty left her. She
has Cadiz, Barcelona, and the whole intermediate
coast. It is plain, therefore, that as relates to
England personally, an extraordinary change has
been wrought in the condition of France, and
on that very point where such pains had been
taken and acquiesced in by the whole of Eu-
rope, for the protection of British interests,
and of our marime ascendancy. As a Medi-
terranean question, therefore, if England were
disposed to be restive or litigious, these late en-
croachments of France at the western extremity
of the Mediterranean would justify some pre-
cautions and prudential arrangements on the part
of Great Britain towards the east. We are told,
indeed, that it is not as a Sovereign, but as an
Ally, that Charles X. keeps what his brother had
seized—the fortress and sea-ports of the Penin-
sula. We are assured that he will give them up'
again, when Ferdinand shall be able to take them
into his own protection ; and this while under
the tuition, we might say the regency of France,
the Spanish monarchy is governed upon princi-
ples which must protract beyond all calculation
the period of Ferdivand's impotency and of
French dominion. There might, therefore,
be alleged, if England were litigious, some
ground for suspecting the motives of the
French Court in that great movement by which
it undermined so glaringly the prima' facie provi-
sions of the settlement of Europe. Besides, King
Louis XVIII. woo quite indignant in ids lan-
guage against .those who called his cordon sani-
taire an invading army ; and yet which was it—
who told the truth, and who a downright false-
hood ? Was it a cordon sanilaire or an invading
army, when it marched against the Spanish
Cortes, within a month after Louis disavowed all
such intentions to his Parliament ? Mr. Can-
ning believes, or finds it convenient to pro-
fess that he believes, the French Cabinet
(long since unable to evacuate Spain) sin-
cere in its professions of unwillingness to
turn to French account the opportunities af-
forded by the utter subjugation of the country.
Perhaps King Charles may be more trustworthy
than King Louis—perhaps he has more religion
—and that his conquest o-f Spain is really meant
to be nothing more than a convdte sun/take. He
may, we apprehend,—his Majesty, and the Jour-
nal des Debuts (a paper which we respect, and
therefore wish to gratify)—be at ease about a
Greek protectorate being a thing desired by
England. This country may be forced into such
a deviation from her chosen policy, but she will
not easily be tempted to adopt it.