The Sun.
London, England, 1838-05-10 00:00:00

ciple—(Loud assent and dissent)—having a tendency to mislead the
. farmers of England, and betray the interests of English agriculture.—
,i' (Loud cries of " Yes, yes," and " No, no.") They had the full right to
make any objections to the society—they had the full right to state
to the public that those gentlemen were doing a great deal of mischief,
but he thought those gentlemen had a right, as Englishmen, to form
any association they pleased for a legal purpose.—(Cheers.)
The Duke of RIcITMONO thought that a society that would render
'available to the general body of agriculturists, the improvements appli-
'cable to their pursuit, would be of the utmost importance to the country.
' When Lord Spencer was addressing them, a gentleman observed that
farms in Norfolk was as well cultivated as any in Scotland ; but this
showed him (the Duke of Richmond) the absolute necessity of such a
society as that which they were about to form; for though it appeared
that in parts of England there were farms thus well cultivated,
yet in the other parts of the kingdom, perhaps in the neighbouring
counties, agriculture was not improved at all—and why ? because the
great body of the farmers of England were not aware of the system that
had been practised in the north, and were, therefore, not enabled to
avail themselves of it. In the Highland Society of Scotland they never
thought of discussing political questions at their meetings; the mem.
hers met together, men of all parties, of all political opinions, and the
only object that engaged their attention was, which could do the best to
promote the welfare of the agricultural interest of the country. The
Noble Duke then moved a resolution, that the Society should be called
" The English Agricultural Society."
Mr. HANDLEY, M.P., seconded the resolution. He observed that the
application of science to practical agriculture was the object of that
meeting, and, indeed, in many parts of England they found farming in
such a state, that they might well seek for something to improve it. It
would not be denied that they were miserably deficient in the analysis
of soils, and the nature of the manures applied to them, and, above all,
that which was the food of plants. It was a proud characteristic of
the people of this country, that those admirable inventions and
discoveries which had so greatly contributed to the welfare and
happiness of the people, had been the result of individual
enterprise, individual skill, and individual exertion. But there
was a wide difference between the respective positions in which the ma.
nufacturers and the agriculturists were placed. The instant any inven.
tion or improvement was promulgated or developed amongst the former,
it was rendered useful by a thousand competitors ; whereas he feared
the farmer in Cornwall could not avail himself of an improvement which
might be suitable to the farmer in Cumberland. He held that this
society would be the means of disseminating information to the farmers
in all parts of the country ; and if any individual in a remote corner of
it, discovered that which would be of service, it would be immediately
made known to the whole body of agriculturists.—(Cheers.)
Mr. TIIURNILL, a farmer from Cambridgeshire, begged to move as an
amendment, "That the proposed society was delusive in principle, and
that every similar society must be so which did not recognise the neces.
nity of legislative protection for the farmer."
Lord SPENCER called the attention of Mr. Thurnall to the terms of
the requisition calling the meeting. He would then see, that those only
who concurred in opinion with the requisitionists were invited to at.
tend.

Some observations were here made by several speakers as to their
right to take a part in the discussion at a public meeting.
Mr. HANDLEY, M.P., said that he had seen a letter of Mr. Allnutt's
calling on gentlemen to come there and put down the society.
Mr. ALLNUTT3 (addressing Mr. Handley)—Then I am to go the
gentlemen who sent me here, and tell them that a British farmer was
refused a hearing.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. HANDLEY (addressing the Chair)—As far as I am concerned, ho
may say so; only let him tell the truth—that he was not acting fairly
—that he was intruding upon them with opinions not theirs, and which
nobody asked him to give.

The Noble CHAIRMAN—If Mr. Allnutt wishes me to take the respon
sibility on myself, I have not the slightest objection that'Mr. Allnutt
should go to Berkshire and tell them that Lord Spencer refused to hear
a British farmer. Let them believe it if they will.—(Loud cheers.)
But I do object to Mr. Allnutt coming to a meeting, called by persons
to ask such as concur with them in their views to join them in the for-
mation of the society, and endeavouring to prevent the doing of that
which they considered would be beneficial to the public.—(Cheers.)
Mr. Attxurr—And I shall say that I was confirmed in the opinions
I had previously entertained—that the society would be formed, not by
the friends, but the enemies of the farmers.—(Cheers.)
The opponents of the plan here left the room, calling upon " the in-
dependent farmers" to accompany them.
The resolution was then put, and carried unanimously.
Sir B. PEEL said—Since I came into the room I have been most un-
expectedly called upon to move the second resolution. I can say with
truth that I postponed the performance of public duties that I might be
enabled to attend here. I postponed them readily, from the deep in-
terest I take in the prosperity of agriculture—from the firm belief that
there are other than mere political considerations involved in the pros-
perity of agriculture—that it is not merely the consideration of increased
agricultural produce, but that if you can elevate the condition of the
British farmer—if you can improve the condition of the British labourer,
I believe you will be conferring moral and social benefits on this country,
al well as increasing its agricultural produce. The resolution I am
about to move declares that one of the fundamental laws of the society
shall be, that no question be discussed at any of the meetings which shall
refer to any matter to be brought forward, or pending in either of the
Houses of Parliament. Now, Gentlemen, the simple questions raised
are these—whether benefit is likely to arise from the establishment of an
institution of this nature, and supposing the institution to be formed, is
it advisable to attach to it, as an an indispensable condition. as has
been expressed, that it be of a political nature.—(Hear, hear.) I main-
tain great benefit to agriculture may be derived from the establishment
of this association ; but I am perfectly confident, on the other
hand, that not only every benefit may be forfeited, but a great
evil entailed on the agricultural interest, if you do attach the condi-
tion to it that it shall assume a political character.—(Hear.) Now
I have an intimate conviction that there is no oocupation to the pur-
pose of which capital is devoted so important as that of agriculture, and
I may add, that there is no one to which it is devoted where there is
greater opportunity for improvement; and I entertain that impression,
not from the slightest disrespect to the character or intelligence of the
British farmer, but I see from the force of circumstances, and the ne-
cessary condition of the farmer, reasons why he should be ben ind in the
application of new discoveries, and agricultural means. If it be ad.

twitted that the application of science to agriculture will improve it, and
if it be contended that the farmer is too poor to institute experiments,
is not that a conclusive reason why an assembly of rich men interested
in the progress and success of agriculture, should be formed, that they
may be enabled to concentrate the new and successful experiments, and
give to the poor farmer the benefit of the new discoveries.—(Cheers.)
Every reason that I have heard to-day against the formation of the so-
ciety, strengthens my impression that great benefit will be derived from
its exertions. I think it will be a connecting link between the higher
and inferior classes of agriculturists, and so far from believing that it
will estrange the landlords from their tenantry, I believe that, by their
frequent and kindly communications with each other, the cause of truth
and justice is more likely to prevail, and that the landlords are more
likely to find it will be their pecuniary interest to aet liberally towards
their tenants. Ido not hear it denied that great benefit must accrue to

........„
agriculture from this society, or that it must be useful to secure
what improvements in chemistry, and other sciences, may be made of a
nature applicable to agriculture.—(Hear.) I did hear some argument
that supposes protection could ha had, the home market secured to the
Ili itish farmer, and foreign produce excluded. I did hear some ergo.
meet, or an attempt to show that the British farmer could be prejudiced
by improvement. If increase of produce be an injury, the position will
mh oaltdk
ewthseetchoetredyou have
to
you,
atnh
de
nh.ioamd
ee market
soar
i,
e not. If y c
e.
saryo u had the home
element o
of this
society, the argument would equally apply that the farmer should not
increase the produce, because thereby the price of corn would be di.
minished. I concur with the Noble Duke that we have had a warn-
c 0 uTsi
ill:,
er
jYr:e. country.—
Be
in g this day
politicaltlnt t no greatnieam harmonymeasures
are
permitted
likely
t 0
00 arisebe
di s
ci in s agriculturalsed.
If we
meetings if
are to establish a tort of convention, sitting in London, supported by
ramifications thro oghout the country, undertaking to discuss every
measure that may be passed by or pending in Parliament, my firm
belief is that, instead of benefiting the agriculturists, you will deter
many of the real friends of agriculture from uniting with you. Firmly,
believing that great advantages may be derived from this society,
unitedcec,icle;i ati rt:iYaedk'itriietialuhlitYnlpe:aneoapnipdp:isr'inaiae:lene: common object
and believing fatal results might follow the introduction of politics
as a necessary element in the constitution of it, I cordially propose the
resolution.— (Cheers.)
Mr. San w I. E r Eitdidatartgwl the:di:::
that
seconded csoentdt
ieridgthe s resolution.ide a n
o 1 i t i
clati waspi
opinions,
,i,nitferytulinide
ftihiv,itiel:Ric,fi,ih,agrin:hthe.H(ioii,n.thßeayronet, but on this occasion
tasth
otode,
dispositionyr.Le
fovtroo ) do
thoughthis
had found neutral ground
resolution
Gaanaai said he was an old member of the Highland So.
heart—
he meant the prosperity and improvement of the agriculture of the
lived on the confines of Scotland, and had the advantage of
(Cheers.)
The then put and carried.
clay.
seeing the good effects produced by that society in that country. The
Right Honourable Baronet dwelt upon the harmonising effect which
would be produced by the harmonious combination of the aristocracy, the
yeomanry, and the gentry, of theoretical and practical men ; and from
his experience of the Scottish Society, he would observe, that if they ex-
cluded politics from their proceedings, they would find the society would
efficiently promote that object—which he had uniformly contended was
a paramount object—the promotion of national agriculture, which was,
after all, the first business of every nation, as being the real foundation
of national prosperity.—(Cheers.) He was most happy to become a
member of the society. The Right Honourable Baronet then moved a
resolution as to the amount of subscriptions to constitute members and

Governors.
Alderman COPELAND, M.P., seconded the resolution, which, after a
ZWILLIAM said he was about to embody in a resolution the
1 • h had been thrown out by the Right Hon. Baronet
suggestion w
James Graham), as to adopting the ambulatory system of the
(sir
nd Society. The resolution was to the effect, that the annual
Highland briEefurcloFfloaquial discussion, was carried.
meetings of the society should be held in different parts of England
'and Wales. He could bear testimony to the good effects of such a
plan in the case of the British Association for the advancement of
Science.—(Hear, hear.) He had no doubt that great benefits would be
derived from the operations of the society, as much ignorance pre-
vailed as to the general resources of the soil.
Mr. PusEy, M.P., seconded the resolution, which was carried.
The Earl of CHICHESTER moved the appointment of a committee to
frame the rules and regulations of the society.
Mr. CAS LEY, RP., seconded the resolution, which was carried una-
nimously.
Lord PoeTxtsx moved the nest resolution, which was
Sir F. LowE, and carried unanimously.
The Noble CHAIRMAN read a letter which he had received from the
Duke of Wellington, regretting his inability to attend the meeting, and
enclosing a subscription of 501.—(Loud cheers.) seconded by
Lord ELIOT moved, and Mr. MILES, M.P., seconded, a vote of thanks
to the Noble Chairman, which he briefly acknowledged.

she had loved
-:
CLANDESTINE MARRIAGE.—A young lady left
Chichester about four months since, as was supposed, on a visit to Ports.
mouth,
where she was quickly joined by a valiant knight of the thimble
who is also one of the choristers of our cathedral, whom the gossips say
with One whom he considered, wont to look upon his visage with secret admiration, while his voice as
" not wisely, but too well." The fair maiden had been
it mingled with the soul-movingstrains of the organ, filled her ears with
delight and thrilled her bosom with enchanting extacies. By some
means the secret which struggled for utterance in the lady's heart was
made known to its object; and from that time the lovers continued to
hold sweet converse together, despite the irascible and resolute conduct
pleasure
of
the young lady's father who peremptorily forbade her all intercourse
secret happiness daughter'. •
h notice. However, at the period above mentioned the young
couple exchanged vows at the hymenial altar and returned to Chichester
in regard to condition in life, beneath his
intending for a time to keep their mutual bliss an inviolable secret. The
they have consented to dwell apart in semblance of the bride's former
state of "
ppiness of the youthful twain has however transpired, though
single blessedness;" the least agreeable fact is the avowed dis-
pleasure
to
Brighton Guardian. '
of the lady's sire, who refuses to see his offspring's liegelord.—
.
A requisition, signed by the united Tories and Ra-
dica!s, has beer. presented the Constable of Huddersfield, to call a
House of Commons.—Halifax Express.
express their sentiments on the Factory Bill now before the
ANTI-SLAVERY.—On Friday last at Berwick, a
public meeting was convened by the Mayor in the Townhall for the pur-
pose of considering the propriety of petitioning both Houses of Parlia-
ment for the immediate emancipation of the Slaves.
The Reformers of Newcastle-upon-Tyne have sent
to London a subscription towards defraying the expenses of the Hull
Inquiry. If this were more generally done by the Reformers of the
North, it would act as an incentive to Liberal candidates in otherplaces.

NEGRO APPRENTICESHIP.

MEETING AT THE CITY OF LONDON TAVERN.

A public meeting of the " Friends of the Negro" was held yesterday
at the City of London Tavern, fur the purpose of considering the mea-
sures which should be taken to procure the total abolition of the negro
'apprenticeship on the Ist of August. On the platform we observed Sir
James Duke, M.P., Sir Moses Drlontefiore, Mr. Under-Sheriff Wire,
Mr. Alderman White, Mr. Wilks, and other eminent gentlemen of the
'City, and Members of the Anti-Slavery Society.
GURNEY, Esq., upon taking the Chair, said—Fellow citizens, it is
with no small difficulty I undertake to occupy the Chair on the present
very interesting occasion. But there had been a prospect of our having
a more able champion of the cause to fill the Chair. My relation,
Thomas Fowell Buxton was willing to take the Chair, but particular
circumstances have prevented him, which I regret, as he would have
have performed the duty with more ability than I can. I am inclined
to say something of the object for which this meeting has been called
together, and which is to obtain the total abolition of the negro ap.
prenticeship system in the West Indies, by a legislative enactment.—
(Hear.) Here I have to acknowledge, that for some time, I had some
difficulty in lending my name and my small influence to this object. In
the first instance, I thought that the time for the expiration of the ap-
prenticeship was rapidly approaching; next, that it had become the law
of the land ; and further, that by waiting until weshould be able to pre-
sent ourselves in a more unanswerable position, we should better serve
the Negro in his future prospects. But I acknowledge I was mistaken
—(Cheers)--and accordingly, I approve of the measure which you have
now in contemplation.—(Hear, hear.) I had my doubts, that if I did
not come Co near to what some people call a contract, yet it ought
not to be interfered with. But on looking at the syeeches
which have been delivered on the other side, and the facts that
have been proved, I have come to the conclusion, that if it
were the firmest contract, it has been broken and should be put an end
to.—(Cheers.) I will state to you briefly a few of those eircumstances
which induce me to this belief. The Colonial Assemblies have not
done their part of the contract—(Hear, hear),—but have endeavoured
as far as in their power to permit, or even to provide, that the
change from slavery should be realised but partially, except in name.—
(Hear, hear.) I will take one or two points, which may serve as a
sample. Thus, in a state of slavery, 211bs. of farinacious food were al-
lowed to each slave weekly ; that has been reduced to 311)5.—(Shame.)
Laws of that nature having been passed, that in my opinion establishes
that the Colonial Assemblies have, if not directly, insidiously prevented
the fulfilment of the contract—(Hear, hear)—if there be such% contract
as they say, which I do not admit—they have withheld from us
what they contracted to give.—(Hear, hear.) I am in frequent com-
munication with persons in the city who hold West Indian property;
and there is hardly one of them so bold as to deny that the West
Indian Assemblies have behaved themselves most improperly.—(Hear.)
They say the West Indians are a bad set—(A laugh)—but do not punish
us for their acts. But in fact those owners of West Indian property are
legally, if not morally, responsible for the acts of their agents, as hold-
ing the property under our Government. It is beyond dispute that the
Magistrates, however carefully selected, have not administered justice to
the blacks.—(Hear, hear.) There are honourable exceptions. But
they have not been able to administer justice to the blacks. On the
contrary, the law has been administered in a cruel and horrible way, of
which you can have no idea in this country.—(Hear, hear.) It is said
that those Magistrates have been appointed by the Government at
home, and the West Indians are not responsible for their acts. There
may appear at first to be some reason in this. But I believe the fact to
be that an immoral influence is exercised by the planters in the neigh-
bourhood of the magistrates.—(Hear, hear.) The influence which the
white inhabitants have upon the character of the magistrates prevents
justice being done to the blacks. The majority of the planters are under
the influence of—what shall I say ? Ido not like to use harsh terms—
of the feeling engendered by their having been educated in the character
of oppressors; and this feeling is opposed to allowing justice to the us-
groes.—(Hear, hear.) Thus they have in some instances deprived
them of their prospective holidays for years—(Shame)—and I do not
overstate the matter when I say that has the appearance of being done,
or that I have no doubt it is done, with the intention of doing away with
all the minor features of the apprenticeship, and to render it as near as
possible to the former state of slavery. You ate all acquainted with the
statements of Williams, which have been investigated and confirmed by
the Commissioners sent out by the Government to inquire into them.
The truth of these statements have been acknowledged by Lord
Glenelg in the House of Lords. Now if the cases which we heard de-
scribed in Williams's Narrative can pass with impunity in a country
like Jamaica, and the whole population not rise up in arms against it,
there can be no doubt that the whole administration of justice is in an
incorrect and embarrassed state.—(Hear, hear, hear) lam inclined
again to state to the meeting what passed between myself and my friends
in the City, who are engaged in this property. Although I differ from
many of them, yet as men of humanity they do not yield to me; but they
are satisfied with the representations of their agents, whose interest it is
to put an appearance upon matters to please their employers ; and the
owners are ignorant of what is doing on their estates. So that, except
the responsibility of a principal for the acts of his agents, they do not
think they have ally share in what is done on their estates. I say this

on the part of my friends, who own this property, and who are liberal in
coming forward in all philanthropic measures in this country. When
I speak to one, he says, Things are not so bad in British Guiana—but
what you say is very true of Jamaica." Going into the next trial, lam
told that it is to Guiana my complaint applies, and not to Jamaica."—
(A laugh.) Now, as to Guiana, I find in the papers, that when the Le-
gislative Assembly was applied to by the Governor, in the name of the
Queen, to make the distinction between prwdial and non-prcedial ap-
prentices, that the latter might be freed by the Act, they peremp.
torily refused—(Shame)—so that the non_pra•dial might not enjoy their
freedom as the law provides on the Ist of August next.—(Shame )
Does not this show that we are entitled to say that the contract has no I
been fulfilled, and that we should take the law into our own hands.—
(Hear.) For those reasons I have come to the conclusion that it is
perfectly reasonable to touch the contract—perfectly just and honour.
able to carry the measure which you contemplate.—(Hear.) You have
the admission of the Secretary of State in the House of Lords, that the
case has been made out, from the conduct of the Legislative Assembly
and the magistrates —and I may add, the ccnduct of the blacks them.
selves—that the immediate abolition cf the apprenticeship ought to take
place.—(Applause.) I am surprised that, having that opinion, Lord
Glenelg's action on that conclusion should have been so opposite.—
(Hear, hear.) Ido not wish wrong to be done that right may come
thereof. I wish to do justice to all. But is there no justice due to
those who have paid the 20,000,000/. Is there no justice due
to the blacks who were to have their freedom, and be paid for
their work, instead of being whipped for it ?—(Cheers ) As to the po.
licy of immediate abolition, although that is a minor consideration, yet
it may at least be stated. If we are to have labour done well and cheer_
hilly, it must be rewarded.—(Hear, hear.) What is not rewarded, will
come slowly, badly, and unprofitably.—(Hear, hear.) On the details,
which are a tissue of horrors, unfit to be stated in a public assembly,
I have come to the conclusion that—contract, or no contract—the ap-
prenticeship should be immediately and effectually terminated.
WM. ALLEN, Esq., moved the following resolution :—That this meet-
ing regards, with feelings of deep disappointment and sorrow the loss of
Sir George Strickland's motion in the House of Commons, for the aboli-
tion of the system of negro apprenticeship. They, at the same time,
regard the inconsiderable majority by which that motion was defeated,
as one among many circumstances calculated to encourage them in those
exertions which they believe it to be their indispensable duty to continue,
until slavery shall no longer exist under any name in the British dominions,
This (said the venerable gentleman) is the nature of the resolution that
I was requested to submit to your notice. With regard to the agree-
ments upon the spirit-stirring subject, they have been lavished abun-
dantly in meetings in the great metropolis, in the presence of thousands of
our fellow-citizens. The facts of the case have been very clearly and
very satisfactorily stated, and I believe the majority, if not the whole, of
those whom I have DOA' the honour of addressing, have made up their
minds to rejoice, if I may so speak, with joy unspeakable, if our great
object is in the way of being speedily attained.—(Cheers.) I am per-
fectly aware that there are many among the planters of our West India
islands who are men of humanity. I only regret that the minority is so
small as it is—(Hear)—but I am very glad to be able to announce that
this minority of West India proprietors are beginning to see the policy
as well as the humanity of granting the object that we have in view.
They cannot conceal from themselves, that after the noble example set
by the Marquis of Sligo, followed by William Ayler Hankey, and other
proprietors, they a very striking effect will be produced on the minds of
the black population in Jamaica and other islands, on the first of the
month called August next.—(Cheers.) A very strong effect will be
produced on the minds of the prxdials when they see the object as far
as reg ads the non.praedials, is in the way of being Immediately at-
tained. Now we cannot conceal from ourselves that the proceedings
going on in this country, from one end of it to the other, are known by
the black population in the West India islands. They know that they
have in this oountry a very strong body of friends, and they cannot
but see that the efforts of these friends will be increased—that they are
a set of men who will not be trifled with—that they are a set of men
who will pursue their object until its attainment.—(Cheers.) Now all
this is matter of calculation for the persons concerned. If by any chance

any number of prxdials should say, we really are told that our complete
freedom is registered by Act of Parliament, that a very large sum of
money has been given for it, and we are told that we are to be put in
immediate possession of it—now if this should occasion any want of la-
bour upon the estate of any planter there, so far as that want of labour
should go, there would be a prospect of a diminished crop ; while the
estates of the Marquis of Sligo, and of other proprietors who see the
policy as well as the justice of giving adequate wages for the labour be-
stowed upon their estates, they will have their estates well cultivated.
Should the price of Sugar rise in the market in consequence of the defi-
ciency of labour on other estates, it will be a boon to the wise and to
the liberal planters.—(Applause.) I shall not dwell farther on this part
of the subject, but leave it to the contemplation of those who are im-
mediately concerned in it. With regard to the other question, I have
now arrived nearly at the age of three score and ten ; I have observed
what is going on in that part of the world called the West India islands
—I have observed what has been the:effect,tthe deplorable effect of per-
mitting slavery in any of the dependencies of this great and enlightened
and otherwisefree nation. I have watched the effects from time to time,
but the consequences, if they were written out, would be like the scroll
of Ezekiel, written within and without with lamentation and woe.
Oh, that I could get ray fellow.citizens to be deeply convinced of this—
that wherever slavery in any country is at all countenanced or permitted
it has a blighting and a withering effect upon the morals of the people
_(Cheers) —it has a pestilential influence worse than the misama of the
Pontine marches—(Cheers)— and our object is to.pursue the subject un-
til we have wiped this foul blot from our beloved country.—( Applause.)
We call upon all to assist in, who feel the sanction of religion—who be-
lieve in that Saviour, who said, " Whatsoever ye would that men should
do to you, do ye so unto them."—(Cheers.) We shall never be safe, the
property in the West India Islands will not be safety until we have re-
moved slavery from it.—(Cheers.) I was glad the other day in receiving
a message from a West India proprietor, whose name I cannot mention,
requesting a conference with use, He said, " I am come to the deter-
midation of giving wages to my black people on the lit of August next,
and have sent out directions for that purpose—(Cheers)—but you must
not mention Toy name." And I know there are others who are about
to do the same thing, so that the example of the Marquis of Sligo, W.
Ayler Mulkey, and other respectable and humane proprietor, I have
no doubt, will be very extensively followed. Something has been said
with regard to Ministers not coming forward to support this measure.
Now the fact is, they stand in a very difficult position, and those who
know the most of public affairs will feel the most deeply for them; and
far be it from me to charge upon them want of humanity, because they
cannot go the lengths which we think they ought to go. I am satisfied
of this, that when the voiceof the public shall have attained the height,
energy, and force, which it will do, the members of Government will
then be with us. We have all, every individual of us, a very strong interest
in this question, whether we are planters or not. No one can doubt
that the most dreadful cruelty and oppression is going on. We have
sent witnesses who have gone through estate after estate, and who
have published the results of their investigation. Vie have upon the
table of the House of Commons proofs, horrid, shocking proofs, of
the nature of a system which has committed atrocities like these.
Then, whoever is a believer in what is recorded in the Holy Scrip-
tures, the book of truth—must believe that the Judge of the whole
earth will eventually do right—(Cheers)—that a day of retribution
will arrive—that a judgment will be held when the oppressed and
the, oppressor will stand side by side, and equal justice will be ad-
ministered.—(Clieers.) Every one who turns over the pages of his.
tory will see that whereas individual sins are punished in an indi-
vidual capacity, so national sins arc punished in a national capacity.
Our poet Cowper beautifully alludes to this even in the state of Spain :
" Oh could their ancient Incas rise again,
How would they take up Israel's taunting strain ?
Art thou too fall'n Iberia ? Do we see
The robber and the murderer weak as we ?
We come with joy from our eternal rest,
To see th' oppressor in his turn oppress'd."—(Loud cheers.)
Sir JAMES DUKE, M.P., in seconding the resolution, said, I do not
know anything more gratifying to a public man than to find that the
course pursued by bins in his public duty is not only in unison with

the sentiments of the constituents whom he has the honour to represen
but also in unison with the feelings and sentiments of the country a.
large.—(Applause.) And I am sure there is no question which has eel.
tated the public mind, and in which the people of England have ea.
pressed a deeper interest, than the subject upon which we are now as
sembled.—(Cheers ) It has afforded me very great pleasure in my place
in the House of Commons to record my vote in favour of the Emancipation
of the oppressed negro; and I came here wills the greatest pleasure on
the summons of the worthy Chairman to show, by my presence, that I
was anxious to continue my best exertions in his behalf. Although we
have been disappointed by the late division of the House of Commons, I
trust by continued perseverance we shall still be able to throw off the
shackles that bind the poor oppressed negro.—(Cheers.) My feelin gs in
behallof tins oppressed race have not sprung from the circumstances
that have lately agitated the public mind. I remember in 1810, when
I was present at the capture of the Mauritius, my feelings were shocked
at witnessing the dreadful treatment which the negroes experienced in
that island.—(Hear, hear.) lam happy to say that it was not under
European planters ; but I remember the poor oppressed negroes dragging
dreadful loads which would make the citizens of London cry " Shame"
if they were placed on the beasts of burden in our streets.—(Shame.)
I remember seeing them manacled round their bodies with chains
thicker than my arm, merely for some trivial offence—(Hear, hear,
hear) and I also remember when the ship which I belonged to
was taking her departure from the island, that a poor fellow of the age of
five-and-twenty, who bad escaped from his master under the terror of
punishment, clung to our boat, and was actually rowed off nearly half a
mile, risking his life, to escape the punishinent he was afraid of —(Loud
cheers ) I trust that these and many other circumstances will stimu-
late us in our endeavonrs to shorten the days of the oppressor of the ne.
groes ; and though I am not acquainted with the treatment of the ne.
gross in the West Indies, yet from what I have heard from various
men, who have had an opportunity of ascertaining the fact, I am sure
that we are justified in the course we are now pursuing to endeavour to
1 iberate them from the sufferings which they are enduring. I will not
go into the question of contract or no contract—l go into the question—
are the negroes prepared to obtain their emancipition ? and, I must say,
that I think the conduct they have shown entitles us to believe that they
are now qualified to receive that boon.—(Loud cheers.) I will not tree.
pass longer on the time of the meeting, but again urge you to persevee.
anse, and to remember that—

" A day, an lif.ur of virtuous liberty
Is worth a whole eternity of bondage."—(Cheers.)
The CLIAIRNIAN then put the resolution, which was carried unanl.
mousiy.

Mr. Alderman Wunre said he should claim the indulgence of the
meeting but for a short period, in proposing the resolution he had just
bad put into his hand. After the admirable manner they had been ad-
dressed by the Chairman, who in addition to sterling philanthrophy,
added mercantile experience in this great cause, it would hardly be ne-
cessary for him to say a word. He need not point out again the diffe-
rent cruelties that had been adverted to by the venerable patriot for
freedom, Mr. Allen.--(Great cheering) He would, therefore, merely
say, that the resolution be had to propose for the adoption of the meeting
was in commendation of the admirable and praiseworthy conduct of
some of the Members of both the Upper and Lower Houses of
of Parliament with respect to the great cause. Among them was fore-
most the name of the Marquis of Sligo—(Loud cheers)—who, although
be was a planter, had declared his determination on the Ist of August
next to abolish slavery of every description on his plantation. He
(Alderman White) had ever been the determined enemy of slavery in
the West Indies, believing it to be productive of every species of crime.
The resolution he had to propose was that, the meeting was desirous to
express the admiration of the conduct of Lord Sligo, and to tender to him
their thanks for his righteous determination to emancipate his slaves.
The meeting was also desirous to return their sincere thanks to those
Members of the House of Commons who had voted with Sir George
Strickland's motion for the entire abolition of slavery.
The Rev. Mr. HINTON seconded the resolution. There was some.
thing in this great cause at the present moment almost unprecedented,
as in his recollection of the period of slavery he did not remember what
be might call double meetings on one and the same subject ; yet for
evidence of that he had only to advert to the great meeting at Exeter..
Hall on the subject of slavery,—(Cheers) That was a double,
he might almost say a treble meeting.—(Hear, hear, and loud
cheers.) Still it was necessary to persevere and call meeting after meeting
in every town in the empire, in order to show the hydra head of slavery,
which had such stubbornness and tenacity for life, that they were deter.
mined to conquer it.—(Cheers.) The Government ofthe country had
thought if they allowed the first sensation to subside, that the people
who were foremost with the cry of " away with slavery for ever,"
would bequiet.—(Cheers.) He could assure them that in that suppo.
sition they were most miserably mistaken; there would be no quiet,
there would be no lack of exertions, both against Ministers and the
slave-owners, until the entire and unconditional freedom of the negroes
was accomplished.—(Cheers.) And if there were any desires in
high quarters, upon this matter, their basis must be identified
with their surrender.—(Cheers.) The case with respect to the negro
population was deplorable in the extreme; the enemies to their happiness
were bent upon their wrongs and oppression to an interminable extent.
The attempr of Mr. Gladstone to introduce on his estates what he
called free labour for five years was cruel in the extreme, as its design
was to lower the market for negro labour in British Guiana, and to ren.
der the negro unable to take the produce of his free labour to a proper
market. Mr. Gladstone seemed to think that robbing the negro of his
liberty was not enough ; but he must deprive him of the produce of the
sweat of his brow for ages to come.—(Cheers.) What does the meeting
suppose the family of the Gladstone's alone had taken from the fund
which the country had ,;ranted for the emancipation of the negroes?
No less than the sum of 120,000/.—(Shame.) He felt shocked
to see the manse of Charles Grant sanctioning such proposition.
It might easily be judged what the state of things would in future be,
from what had hitherto taken place—the planters had shown themselves
a most inhuman and tyrannical set of men.—(Cheers.) And these
were the men into whose hands the Indian labourers were to commit
themselves. If such were the state into which they were to be taken,
the mischief would net end here ; for the example would spread to
India, and contrivances would be set in motion to get the Indians on
board ship. English agents go into the country to revive the old sys-
tem of pilgrimage, telling the people that they are to go to the Cons.
patty's liabouoti, or village, and that everything would be very good
and pleasant. A lie every atom—every syllable.—(Shame, shame.)
By such fraud and misrepresentation the people were induced; and he
believed that in no one instance were they told the truth.—(Shame.)
There was one case of a fellow getting six months wages in advance to
go to the Mauritius, and then snaking another man drunk or stupid with
drugs, and, getting him on board, left him in his plaac, where he was de-
tained and carried away.—(Shame.) This was a fact stated in the Par.
liarnentary papers. Three men also got a woman on board, and carried
her away to the Mauritius, where they kept her by force, as their joint.
property, in the most horrible of human slavery.—(Vehement cries of
indignation.) The authorities said that they would take measures to
prevent such things : but it was impossible. The Court was too ex.
tensive ; and besides, the system would go on at Pondicherry, which
was a French settlement, to which the British regulations would not
apply. The voyage was attended with all the horrors of the middle
passage in the old slave trade, as regarded the waist of accommodation
and the privations of the CoJlies, and in some instances the
mortality had been greater than in the African slave ships.
Yet to all this Charles Grant, Lord Glenelg, had set his
once noble and honoured name.—(Hisses.) Lord Brougham was
the first to bring this atrocity before the public ; but the facts con..
tlnued to multiply, and the last Calcutta papers state that one vessel had
just sailed, and that another would be ready in the course of the month—
(Shame)—and that one man was authorized to take out 10,000 Coolies,
to take the place of the negroes.—(Great indignation.) It was said that
the Coolies were very happy in the blessings of the apprenticeship; but
he had there an account of their revolt.—(Hear.) Thus the slave trade
was transferred from Africa to the heart of Bengal, there to perpetuate
its incredible horrors.--(Shame.) It was their duty to do everything
possible to put an immediate end to it. In this they had some admired
and noble helpers--the Marquis of Sligo was one.—(Cheers.) They had
also three of the City Members—he could wish they would have the
fourth, Mr. Crawford, on Sir E. Wilmot's motion. The Committee in
Tolsenhouse-yard had resolved to call together the delegates from all parts
of the country, previous to that motion.—(Applause) Mr. Gladstone, in
Isis speech, had accused the abolitionists or being insincere, because they
used American cotton, which was the produce of slave labour, when they
could get Indian cotton, the produce of free labour. Now it was well to
learn from an enemy; and suppose they were to carry out the principle, and
prove their sincerity,'",,by ab,taining from the consumption of the slave_
produced sugar of the West Indies.—( Hear, hear.) If the self.sacrifice
were acted upon, only to the extent of diminishing the consumption of
West India sugar one-half, the planters might find it to their interest to
abolish slavery themselves, and supply the abolitionists with sugar the
produce of free labour.—(Hear, hear.) He concluded by moving a re.
solution of thanks to the Marquis of Sligo for his noble conduct, and to
the Members for the City who voted with Sir. G. Strickland.
Mr. WICKS said he would net at this late hour detain the meeting
by many observations. They were assembled on this occasion because
they would not allow a single opportunity in which they might demon.
strate the intensity 9f their feelings and ardour of their souls to escape.
(Cheers.) It was not because they wanted their passions to be stimu-
lated, but because they required their judgments to be convinced. They
assembled no doubt partaking of the general regret, of the mournful dis-
appointment which had attended the determination of Parliament--
(le tr.) They assembled under these peculiar circumstances, inquiring
and reflecting, whether, after this eer.e.uct on the pant of Government—
whether, after the votes given in both licenses of Parliament—whother, ,
after the enactment of a Bill, which was a rn're apology for that resto-
ration and conference of the rights upon the negroes for which the people
had no long contended—whether, under such circumstances, their exer-
tions were to be paralised, and an injurious acquiescence displayed, or
whether they should feel that all the great principles by which they had
been impelled, and to which they had dedicated themselves, should nerve
them to renewed and endless exertions, until the great obje7t which'
they had determined to accomplish should be happily
(Cheers.) Under these circumstances, the question was, whether they
owed it to the Government—whether they owed it to the owners of pro-
perty In tho West Indies —whether they owed it to the negroes and to
themselves, to acquiesce in the measures which had been proposed, or
to renew their exertions, and wills unhesitating energy to perse-
vere.—(Cheers.) Ile felt it his duty to attend on the present occasion,
and to avail himself of every opportunity to urge to renewed, universal,
and augmented exertions, all, those who regarded the honour of their
country—all who felt interested by a philanthropic solicitude for the
welfare of mankind—all who thought that even sound policy required
the object should be conceded; but, above all, those whose motives
arose from Christian principles, and from that eternal and sacred truth
on which their exertions might be best founded,—(Cheers.) Whether
they were patriots, philanthropists, or enlightened politicians, or Chris..
tians'inspired by sympathy for their suffering fellow-creatures—under all
these circumstances, and under all these characters, it was their duty
to renew their exertions.—(Cheers.) There was one circumstance
which had not been sufficiently brought before the attention of the public,
which showed the indispensable necessity of enlarged as well as persevering
attentions to this great cause. Not content wills the evils already in-
flicted—not content with the cruel oppression beneath which the popu-
lation quailed, a measure had been devised, by which they were to be
cajoled and trepanned from their native habitations, in order that they
might become slaves under the name of apprentices, in the Mauritius
and British! Guiana. He would only add to the facts already commu-
nicated to the meeting, that Lord Brougham stated, from returns
made to Parliament, that in the vessels in which the Coolies (of
whom 100,000 more had been ordered to be immediately transmitted
from Ilindoostan to the Mauritius) were shipped, a greater portion
died from neglect and cruel treatment, than ever disgraced evens the
most cruel and nefarious of other proceedings, when cruelty seemed to
riot and revel in all its power in the mid-passage from Africa to the
West; Indies. or 240 persons, 81 died during the voyage, and out
of 7d not less than of,
died—showing the mortality to be at least one.
fourth of the persons taken. These persons became the cruel victims
oft hose, who talk as they would about humanity, were introducing into
our possessions the commencement of a tyranny which would be at-
tended with the most fearful desolation.—(Hear, hear.) Under these
circumstances he repeated they were bound to persevere, and he was
glad to find that Sir Eardley Wilmot had given notice that he did not
mean to abandon this great subject ; but that, undaunted by ministerial
opinions—undaunted by the small majority which had been obtained by
combination, he was again determined to renew his measure, (Turing
t' e present month.— (Hear.) The resolution which he had to move was-.
" That this meeting entertains the deliberate opinion that, if, as has been
alleged, any contract with the plenum was involved ins the biassing of
the Bill far the abolition of slavery, the official evidence that it has been
grossly and very generally violated by themselves is ample and conclu-
sive evidence against the validity of any such contract, of which violation
they regard Lord Glenelg's act as decisive proof." :agreed in
tee opinion given by Lord Denman, the Chief Justice of the Court of
Quesn's Bench, that such a contract never could be made.
(Cheers.) No individual could enter into such a' contract, and it was
beyond, the power of any owners of property to enter into a contract
which holed affect his personal freedom or his natural rights, because
they might suppose he wauld be thereby beneAtted. Much as he re-
spected Lord John Russell, and attached as he was to the Government,
he was pleased that on a recent ocelsion, when the Noble Lord