The Sun.
London, England, 1831-04-16 00:00:00

he asked, did it affect the energies of Toussaint or Bolivar
He would say with the Poet—
" Unmanl!, thought! what seasons can controul,
What fancied zone can circumscribe the soul,
Which, conscious of the source from whence she springs,
ity,Reasen Resolution's *in*,
Spite of her frail companum, .dauntless go s
O'er Libya's deserts and through :lembla's snows P
Mr. Gliditone farthei• said, in respect to slavery, that it
iyaa net for him to attempt to determine the system of
Almighty God, but that it appeared he permitted slavery
in certain climates since the origin of society. Yes, and
Almighty God permitted the inquisition, and permitted
Pagan deentess, and Mahommedan fanaticism, and
Christian bigotry, and the scourge of tyrants, and the
rage of multitudes, and the horrors of wars ; but far be
from him the philosophy which inferred from the fact of
the permission the possibility of the sanction.—( Hear.)
Touching the question of Froperty and vested rights, he
stated that he had sin objection to a rational compensation.
But he wished to see the present system abolished as speedily
as possible, for he considered it alike injurious to both par-
ties interestedto the slave in his unrewarded toil and un-
requited wrongs, and to the planter, because it con-
fers upon him a power, of the merciful and discreet
administration of which human nature is not capable.
This made him despair of ameliorating measures
flowing from the spontaneous bounty of the local
Legislatures. Their modes of thinking on these subjects
were different from ours—they partook of the same niture,
and shared the sonic passions and sympathies with ourselves;
but he knew that if even we, ourselves, were free from
the operation of law, and custom and opinion, with the
spirit of society, running in one direction, could not fail
to be affected by it. The planters, in fact, had their eyes
not averted, but blinded ; and their hearts not hardened,
but deadened to the system which they saw pursued around
them. For his part, he considered the system laboured
under the displeasure of the Omnipotent. He therefore
exhorted them to undertake, in a sober spirit, the great
work of national reparation, and in the words of Holy
Writ, given under both dispensations, he would say, "Let
us bind up the broken heart. Lst us give liberty to the
captive, and open the doors of the prison fur him who is
confined. Let us strive that from those who live under
our rule no sigh should reach us. Let us give them that
liberty which is their birth-right here, and endeavour to
bestow upon them that religion which may be a blessing
to them hereafter. Let us make to rise around us the
anthems of the free in the confident hope that we shall be
conferring a blessing on both portions of the empire—
the colonies and the mother country—and that we
shall receive an abiding and abounding reward. And that,
at last, happen what may, we shall enjoy the proud con-
solation of having done that which seemed to be our duty,
and we may trust the event elsewhere."
Mr. K. DOUGLAS, after expressing his satisfaction
at the temper and moderation displayed by the mover and
seconder, and observing that it was thus only an embaras-
sing and difficult question could be advantageously dis-
cussed, proceeded to remark that the lion. Member for
Weymouth had taken new ground in dismissing all cases 1
of individual cruelty, which had formerly been prominently
held forth, and in entirely casting away the resolution of
1823 (to which he had before acceded), and pressing for
the immediate emancipation of the slaves. The Hon.
Member now rested his case upon the simple fact, that the
system, pursued in the sugar islands, was destructive to
human life; and, founded upon this, he moved a resolu-
tion, which being interpreted, with reference to his speech,
declared that there should be an immediate abolition of
negro slavery. Now, in: his opinion, the Hon. Member
should have moved for a Committee to establish the grounds
from which hie inferences were drawn. He admitted,
that in the three sugar colonies, Demerara, Trinidad, and
Tobago there had been a greater decrease in the number
of slaves. In Tobago, there were at one period more
males than females; but the contrary ryas now the fact.
He had taken much trouble in investigating the subject,
and if the lion. Member would move for an inquiry, he
would be most happy to second him. But to proceed—in
Demerara there had been, four years ago, 37,000 males,
which were since reduced to 32,000 males. The reduc-
tion had been in the same proportion in Trinidad ; but
go to Mauritius, a newly-settled colony, and they would
find that there were 47,000 males to 29,000 females. At
the Cape of Good Hope there were 21,000 males to 14,000
females; and, in fact, it was entirely impossible the Hon.
Gentleman could expect population to proseed as he sup-
posed. But let them nosy pass to a colony in which the
state of society might be considered settled—Barbedoes;
here there were 37,000 males to 40,000 females. And
here they came to one of our oldest colonies, in which a
regular state of society appeared to exist, and he found
that within the period of three years which had elapsed
since the last return, the population generally hid increased
from 75,000 to 81,000. In Saint Christopher's too, the
population had increased from 180,000 to 195,000, and if
they went to Saint Lucia, They would find the same pro-
portion. The Hon. Member spoke of the great decrease
in the field negroes, while he declared there was none in
the domestic slavery. But on what did the Hon. Member
rest his statement—on returns ? No—but simply on his
Own assertion. Now the fact was, that any apparent dif-
ference must arise from the circumstance of any vacancy
occurring aincieg the domestic slaves, it was filled up by
One of those previously engaged in field labour. In con-
clusion, he repeated his willingness to support a motion
for a Committee, which might, by its labours, disembarrass
the question of some of its embarrassments and intricacies.
Lord ALTHORP then rose, and after glancing at the
extreme weakness of the arguments adduced by the propo-
sition of the Hon. Member for Weymouth, proceeded in
a more audible voice to say—l feel it will be convenient at
this early period of the discussion third I should state the
line which his Majesty's Government propose to adopt
upon the present occasion. I need not say for myself, that
I have always been a friend to the abolition of slavery—
that I have always voted for the abolition of shivery, and
have always felt the greatest anxiety that the period should
arrive w hen the emancipation of the slave might be safely
undertaken.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Hon. Member
for Weymouth says he will have nothing to do with ame-
liorating measures—measures for the improvement of the
slave population ; and if they were indeed intended to ef-
fect nothing but that, I would be inclined to agree with
him. But the object in view is to place the slaves in an
improved condition—and the ultimate object is to set them
in that state of freedom to which we always desired to
raise them. It is superfluous to say that the question is
of a most delicate and important nature. The Hon. Mem-
ber foe Weymouth has done right in the mode in which he
brought it forward. He had done so with great modera-
tion, and in the roost temperate manner. This is the
mode in which it should he discussed. It is not enough
that the question should be brought forward in a temperate
mintier, and that the resolution proposed should be tempe-
rate ; but we should afterwards take care not to do any-
thing which might cause the danger we are anxious to
avoid, and which intemperance in discussion might pro•
duce. I confess I have an objection to the Hon. Gentle-
man's motion. The last resolution expresses the in-
tention of the House forthwith to adopt measures for the
emancipation of the slaves. Certainly, lam not prepared
to go this length. From all that I know of the slave po-
pulation, they are not in a fit, state for emancipation. And,
Sir, another objection sif mine to the Hon. Member's mo-
tion is, that I consider it too vague. It is not sufficiently
specific, and is therefore liable to misconstruction. If we
were now to say forthwith, it would be impossible to
avoid raising expectations which would be injurious to the
West India interests. On the other side, I admit that
yearsve
gr Great delay
populationda ge loaya
should
oheasospsuloi:lt,:nuaii
spirit
etoil:nenaLpoleu%l,gaal
etc eisff:
nil.e,alac—tastutse;(reledlysil,) eueaimhra,arin ehpc
declaringei
patrthao,
tee
dththrhe.
estro.l,);:hi
mtencEeeosn:il Eight
(pence of this resolution, Orders in Council were issuer;
in
la-
intistio)tnii'eoanrorsyf tsheietnst out been adopted. It is impossible in my
mind, consequently, theaintve.tFthhereienHzdiuesoteeurainchatinnen(soitttaontodtaakssketilulm.seatlo.
sgtluoilrnefaskr,ttohheaornwtieehvlaieonr;altBne2ayt3hie condition of tire slaves with a view
to their ultimate emancipation. We are nearly in the same
situation now that we were in then, because the recom-
mendations contained in the resolution have not been tried.
Some new regulations, it is true, have been made
by the local Legislatures, but the vital recom-
mendations have not been adopted, except in those
colonies which are under the immediate controul of the
Crown. Sir, we cannot stand still—we must adopt some
measures, not, however, without notice. Often have I heard
unlessis
bbe nee"clsi:at trlalyetayt forvf aoilrtuhnneot atGircioleyv
ehadar nd ombp
eet
nee
dnt
rneCstioollllullt
givee
fi:rvotosmu,
that
the
and this House to take some strong measures to enforce
their determination. The time, Sir, I think is come to
give notice to the colonists by other measures than those of
mere recommendation. We must adopt some means to
convince them we are .in earnest, and will perseevre in the
steps we have recommended, and sat'sfy the country tkat
the resolutions we passed were not intended to be a dead
letter on our table. On the other hand, I do not think
the West Indian interests should be surprised, after so long
an interval, if Parliament at length took steps to cam
its will into affect. There are two modes by which this
may he done : it may he done by direct legislative inter-
ference in colonial affairs—we may pass laws in the Im
perial l'arliament to impose regulations on the colonies.
But, I admit, this is a step which I would wish very muel,
to delay, although, ultimately, if the colonies persevere, it