The Sun.
London, England, 1831-01-03 00:00:00

is honest must be brave ; and it is my opinion that a
coward cannot be an honest man." We are not reverting
to our part for the mere purpose of self-laudation, though
that ungracious theme might be pardoned on an occasion
of costly improvement, when Journalists are accustomed
to be trumpet-tongued on their merits; but, as Reformers
who have passed through every thorny path of discourage-
ment to success, we have some suggestions to offer which
may be as cheering to our friends and allies, as corrective
of the prejudices of our opponents. It cannot be denied,
that for the last ten years, step after step has been wen by
the liberal party, and not one inch of ground any where
lost. We have experienced no defects—we have been
stayed, indeed, but never thrust back ; and, despite of ob-
stinate opposition, object after object has been obtained.
The Liberals struggled long for Catholic Emancipation.
Catholic Emancipation was declared the destruction of reli-
gion, the deliverance of society to all the powers of evil, the
unloosing of Anti-Christ and Satan. It was carried : and
all the world perceived the Liberals had been right. Nearly
the same history applies to the Test Laws. The alteration of
the Commercial System was demanded; the economists were
forthwith declared visionaries, and their doctrines were
condemned, under the all-convincing description of " new-
fangled,"—one of the most potent phrases in the English
language. With the success of the experiments came the
late acknowledgment, that the economists were not such
fools as the ignoramuses had thought them. Reformers
complained of the abuses, defects, and vices of the laws.
The law is perfection, was the first defence ; and the ob-
jectors were denounced as false preachers of discontent, the
inveterate enemies of all the excellencies in our unrivalled
institutions; and yet Law Reform is now the great busi-
ness of the day; and Judges claim, and merit praise, for
their application to the purifying of the Augean stable.
Thus again, after all, the reformers were right. Lastly,
we come to the grand question. Who were they who
have for years past denounced the corruption of the Lower
House, called for its re-constitution, and insisted on the
people's right to representation as the only security against
the abuse of power ? Radicals, clamourers without
cause, it was said ; men void of truth and justice, who
slandered an institution as perfect as the wit of man could
make it, and which, whatever theoretical flaws might be
objected to by visionaries, worked excellently well in prac-
tice. Two years ago the Honourable House declared,
upon a division, that there was no rotten representation.
Less than two months ago a Minister fell because he of-
fered the same impudent outrage to truth. Now, the vast
majority of society, Whig, Tory, and Moderates, ac-
knowledges the necessity of Parliamentary Reform. So
again the Reformers, after all, were right. Two years
back, when Sir Robert Peel ventured a clap-trap senti-
ment against the suggestion of the ballot rby Mr. War-
burton we believe), the collective wisdom received
it with shouts of applause. Six months ago, Mr.
Brougham spouted fallacies and nonsenses of all
sorts against it at popular meetings, without provoking
signs of displeasure or retort ; now the conviction of the
country is for the Ballot. Men of all classes and deno-
minations, not interested in the foul influences, are converts
to the necessity. So here again it will soon be seen that
the Reformers were right after all. Where are they yet
said to be wrong? Only, we reply, upon the ground
where the battles are not yet fought out. They are said
to be wrong, or wicked, or mischievous, for demanding the
principle of universal suffrage; or that the franchise shall
be co-extensive with the education and property of the
country, and descending to the people as information is
spreading among them. They are said to be wrong for
objecting to an expensive Church Establishment, and for
thinking that the wealth of the priesthood is not apostolic
or conducive to religion. They are said to be wrong, or
wicked, or mischievous, because they think it hard,
unjust, and impolitic to maintain an aristocracy in luxury
or affluent idleness, out of the taxes wrung from the
toil-worn hands of the people. They are said to be
wrong, or disloyal and seditious, for supposing that the
dignity of the Crown can be maintained without extra-
vagant ostentation, and that the conduct of the Chief Ma-
gistrate is a better security for it than his cost. They
are said to be wrong, or to betray an ignorant impatience
of taxation, for contending that it is the duty of a Go-
♦ernment to raise the moral character of the people by
knowledge, and that it is barbarous impolicy to place out
of their reach, by stamp duties, the information which
would teach them prudence and conduct. They are said
to be wrong for arguing that it is cheaper and better to
direct men with books than to controul them with bay-
onets, and that letters are more explanatory missiles than
bullets. Under these, and a very few other imputations
of error, the Reformers may be cheered by reflection that
such opposition has resisted, for a season, every measure
(without any single exception) they have carried ; and in
relation to those positions we have recited, as well as to
those already won, it will be confessed, at no distant day,
that, after all, the Radicals were right. We ask of our
opponents to reflect on the many questions which the voice
of society, and the- acts of the State, have determined in
our favour ; and to consider whether it is not probable
that we are as right in the doctrines which remain un-
settled, as in those now sanctioned and established? Have
they not as much cause for self-distrust as the Reformers
have for confidence? Against what combined forces of
sinister interest, custom, and prejudice, have the Liberals
made their impressions, and achieved their victories, by a
vast power of truth alone ! To the conviction of society,
and to not hing else, do we owe our proud successes.

COVE TRY POLITICAL UNION DINNER

Jai the Coventry Herald of Friday.)
On 'I aesday last the subscribers and friends of
the Union dined together at the George Inn, in
Little Park-street. At two o'clock Mr. Edmonds,
of Birmingham, entered, and was loudly cheered.
He procer- to the end of the room, where the chair
was him to preside in.
Af 't was removed, the CHAIRMAN rose
and si At great pleasure in meeting them for
the pu use of celebrating the anniv :rsary of so im-
portant a Union ae that of the Political Union. The
object of the Union was to promo':e the happiness
of mankind, and enable them to procure the neces-
saries and comforts of life ; such being the sole ob-
ject of the Union, it was the duty of every indivi-
dual who laid to the feelings of humanity, to
come forvi;ard anti support such societies. He then
gave t'le first toast, which was drank with three
three, and gr;rt applause:—
" The People,—nlay their happiness be the Alpha
and Omega of all ~r institutions,—of all our laws,
political, civil, ecclesiastical,—of all orders of men,
knightly, baronial, or regal; and when laws or ranks
fail to accomplish this great end, may they be an-
nulled and extinguished for ever."
Song, by Mr. Mead—Britons' right is Liberty.
Toast----" Death or Liberty."
Song, by Mr. T. Walker—Scots wha has wi'
Wallace bled."

The CHAIRMAN then rose to propose the next
toast, which was,
" The King,—may he yet proudly merge the
splendour of royalty in the brighter and the more
beneficial glory of the philosopher, the patriot, and
the philanthropist."
Mr. MEAD, the Vice-President, proposed that the
King's health should be drank with three times three.
The CHAIRMAN intended doing so.
The whole company then rose and drank " The
King" with three times three, accompanied with the
most deafening shouts of applause.
The CHAIRMAN again rose, and said they had
drank two great powers in the State,—the people
and the King; there was, however, a third power,
and according to the present constitution of things,
a greater power than the others, he meant the bo-
roughmongers.—(Laughter.) Yes, a greater power
they possessed and exercised than the King or the
people; comparatively speaking they were all power;
by them and their minions were the people governed,
and the country reduced to its present deplorable
condition. To forget so great a power, would indeed
be a forgetfulness; he should therefore give them,
" The boroughmongers, may they be exalted, and
speedily become immortal."
Mr. MEAD, after the merriment excited by this
toast had subsided, rose and said, that he supposed
the plain meaning of the toast last given was," May
the boroughmongers soon be hanged." Now to that
he (Mr. Mead) objected, as he considered hanging
too good for them ; he should, as a more appropriate
punishment, let them live a prey to the pangs of a
guilty conscience, which would haunt them with a
horror equal to that which hypochondriacs suffer from
the night-maro, or like that remorse suffered by the
fabled owner of the " Bottle Imp;" he would not
touch a hair of their heads; no, he would leave
them to the justice of the righteous Judge of all flesh,
who could not but do right. Men they were not;
they wore the human form, but their hearts were
those of monsters. Like the tyrant Bajazet, he would
confine them for a month or two in an iron cage, and