The Sun.
London, England, 1849-03-23 00:00:00

FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 23, 18

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and that in that situation it would be more easy and
agreeable to him to carry on business if he was on
good terms with the Czar. The Honourable
Member had pronounced the most unbounded eulo
gium on the Emperor of Russia. He had said that
he was the most peaceable, the least ambitious, and
the least likely to cause apprehension to other states;
but he thought, notwithstanding this, that the Ho-
nourable Gentleman had betrayed in the course of
his speech, considerable doubts of the accuracy of
what he hail himself stated ; for after be had pro-
fessed that it was matter of congratulation that the Em-
peror of Russia had not interfered with any other
country, he said that he was not gifted with the power
of divination, so as to divine the intentions of
the Emperor of Russia. As we judged of a tree by
its fruits, so we, seeing what Russia had done, what had
been her conduct in Poland, the Crimea, and Turkey,
how, by insidious proceedings she had extended
her frontiers, and enlarged her territory, we naturally con-
cluded that she was going to do that which she had done
before. He believed that all the Turkish empire wanted
was sure moral support from this country. With two such
countries as France and England united, he did not be-
lieve that if they spoke out and declared their opinions
forcibly, they would find any country in the world to go
agdiast them. He was gratified that the Noble Lord ap
peared to participate in his views. As to Russia being in-
vited by the authorities of Moldavia, he believed that the
Hospodar had invited the Russians, but that it was
entirely against the will of the mass of the popula-
tion. As to Wallachia, the Russians had entered it
gratuitously, without any invitation whatever, and
after all pretext had been taken away by the
Turks. The Noble Lord professed to feel great confi-
dence that the Russian troops would withdraw, and
said that it was only a question of time ; but, in this
time, the unfortunate inhabitants of the principality
were forced to pay for the maintenance of these
sixty thousand Russian troops. The Noble
Lord had been deceived before in this very
instance by the Russians, who told him last year
that they were going out of Moldavia. The
Noble Lord said that, except as regards the subject of
the present motion, their conduct was marked by
dignity and forbearance. This reminded him of
what had recently occurred to a friend of his,
who was also known to many Honourable Members—he
meant the celebrated writer, Mr. Charles Dickens. He
was walking in the street, when ho felt a man put
his hand in his pocket ; he seized him, and hid him
taken before the Marylebone Police-court, where he
himself attended. Mr. Dickens having visited the
prisons, recognised the man as one whom he had
before seen, and said, ” Have you not been
in prison before ? " " No, never," was the answer.
The policeman, who was by, and conveyed him to
prison, nudged him, and :said, " What are you talk
ing about ? " Well," said the prisoner, "I never
was—except for two months." The Russians had not
interfered in the affairs of any other country; they had
only taken possession of a territory to which they were
not entitled. In reference to the motion before the
House, considering the recommendations from all quar-
ters, he would not insist on going to a division.
The motion was then withdrawn.
THE 6TH MADRAS LIGHT CAVALRY.
Mr. ANSTEY moved for copies of the proceedings in
the Court of Inquiry and the Court-martial held at
Arcot, in the year 1844, in the case of the alleged muti-
neers of the 6th Regiment of Madras Light Cavalry,
and of all memorials and correspondence relative thereto,
or to the punishments or commutations of the punish-
ments of any such mutineers; and also of the Madras
pay regulations, and the Native Mutiny Act. The
Court-martial was held on 17 Sepoys, private soldiers in
this regiment, under the following circumstances:—The
Madras pay regulations, when produced, would show
that the Sepoys were enlisted on the terms of receiving
so much additional batta when they took the field,
the object being to enable them to remove their
wives and families with them. The Marquis of Tweed-
dale, who was Commander-in-Chief at Madras, having
suspended the issue of the field batta, these Sepoys
were unable to take the field, and they refused to
mount. This state of things continued for four days.
The Marquis discovered that be had made an error, and
issued an order acknowledging it, and declaring that
the field batta should be allowed. The men immediately
returned to their duty; and the Marquis, in a general
order, expressed his satisfaction that he had done so,
with his determination not to select them for a post of
honour for a time at least, but to detain them upon ordi-
nary service; and they did duty accordingly for nine
months, mounting guard about his own person, and no
distinction being made between them and the other sol
diers. But at the end of nine months a court of inquiry
into these bygone transactions was held at Arcot, and
the result was a court-martial on a charge of mutiny—a
capital offence by the Native Mutiny Act, and requiring
nine officers, whereas this court consisted of only
seven. Applications for copies of the charges and for
legal assistance were refused. 16 of the 17 leen were
convicted. Two were shot; one was pardoned for having
given " Queen's evidence;" the other 13 were sentenced
to banishment for life. They were brought to Madras
for the purpose of being removed to their place of exile;
an application was made to the Supreme Court for
a habeas corpus, but they were instantly removed
out of the jurisdiction of the court to their place of
exile. Soon after their arrival there the Government
pardoned all but two, whose sentence was commuted to
banishment for seven years, and that they were now suf-
fering. The present application to Parliament did not
originate with persons having any pique against the
Government or the Company, but with some gentlemen
of the highest respectability in India; and when the
papers should be produced, he (Mr. Anstey) should make
a very serious case against the Marquis, and should pro-
pose a most searching and rigorous examination into the
matter.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL seconded the motion.
Sir J. HOBHOUSE had not been aware that this
motion was likely to come on this evening. In the many
years that he had been in Parliament he recollected no
case, or not more than one, where the proceedings of a
court-martial had been made the subject of a discussion
in the House, or, at least, of inquiry before a Committee,
—(Hear, hear.) It was strange, if this was so mon-
strous a transaction, that it should have slept so long
without shocking public feeling. It seemed fair to ask
why it had been brought up now? This attack upon
the Marquis bi gan with the presentation to the House
of Commons of a petition from Mr. Malcolm Lewin,
which the Committee on Petitions found to be so libel-
lous that they would not recommend tie House to allow
it to be printed—(Hear, hear)—and but for an unfortu-
nate difference between the Marquis and Mr. Lewin, he
(Sir J. Hobhouse) believed the House would never have
heard of this affair. The matter originated, he would
not say from no public motives, but from a great deal of
private feeling. He had not a word to say against AIL
Lewin's private character, but, in consequence of that
gentleman's conduct, he was removed from his office of
Provisional Member of Council at Madras, and
obliged to quit India, and, if
the Honourable Mem-
ber should proceed on any future day with this case, it
would be his (Sir J. Hothouse's) painful duty to present
papers signed by Mr. Lewin himself, which would be a
full justification for the course pursued by the Mar-
quis and the Government. No doubt the men were
not tried at the time; it was thought that according
to forms they should first be marched back from
the Bengal Presidency into their own; a great portion
of the whole regiment, too, was implicated, a general ac-
tion was expected, and if there had been immediate in-
quiry, it would have been necessary to have artillery to
secure the execution of the orders ofthe Commander-in-
Chief. The mutiny was of a most serious character; it
it included a great number of the native officers; secret
oaths were taken; meetings were held; there was a po-
sitive refusal to march; the men would not even parade.
—(Hear, hear.) Surely the lion. Member must see that
the present was rather an awkward time to make this
complaint of the conduct of a Commander-in-Chief
towards native troops in India, and without the produc-
tion of papers.—(Hear, hear.) The Marquis of Tweed-
dale was too much of a gallant soldier to be chargeable
with cruelty, and he was sure he was too much of an lace
nest man to shift from himself the responsibility that
fairly belonged to him. Though 13 men were condemned
to be shot, only two were ordered for execution by the
Marquis of Tweeddale; and these were two men who
had administered illegal oaths to the mutineers, and en-
deavoured by a combination to destroy all discipline in
the regiment, and march it to a place where it would be
under the guidance of a Zemindar or some person of that
kind in India.—(Hear.) But this matter did not escape
the attention of the Government of the Right Hon.
Gentleman the Member for Tamworth; and ho found,
on making inquiry, that the whole case was submitted to
the Duke of Wellington. The Noble Duke wrote a
to which the Hon.
minute on the subject, in which he entered into the whole
of the transactions, and especially that
Gentleman had so strongly referred—viz., the men being
allowed after the mutiny to go on common duty. On
this point the minute showed most distinctly that so far
from such a line of conduct being contrary to the ordi
nary rules as laid down in the articles of war, there was,
under the circumstances, no other mode of dealing with
the matter; and that the commanding officer was per-
fectly justified in allowing the men to do common duty.
—(Hear.) In another account which he had seen, it
was stated that the men never did mount guard; but
whether this was the case or not, was of very
little importance. They were never under fire; and
he had no doubt that if they had it would have been re-
garded by all parties as an extenuating circumstance.—
(Hear, hear.) He did not see that anything would be
gained by inquiry into this matter, and certainly be
was not inclined, except for reasons much more strong
than any urged by the Honoursble Gentleman, to lay
the papers before the House. It was very seldom that
the proceedings of courts-martial were inquired into by
that House, and he saw no reason for doing so in the
present instance. He might just state, before conclud-
ing, that the parties who hact been pardoned were so
favoured in couss quence of subsequent good conduct. It
was thought better, after justice had been administered
in the case of two individuals, to extend mercy to the
others, so that no undue severity should take place. For
the reasons he had stated he could not consent to the
presentation of the papers.—(llear.)
Mr. J. O'CONNELL believed that gross illegality had
been practised in this case, because by the 7th article
of war not less then 13 members should sit on a court-
martial, unless it was held in the territory of Fort St.
George, whereas only seven had sat in the court which
tried these men.—(Hear.) He thought this a fair case
for inquiry.
Mr. lILTME thought it was of consequence to know
who ordered the batta to be discontinued, because it ap-
peared that that was the cause of the dissatisfaction
which led to the mutiny.—(llear.) The court-martial
was clea'rly an illegal court, and he did not understand
how in India nine months (lapsed, and a sufficient num-
er of officers could not be got to try the parties.—

(TT, t .ry ,n,rt Pn

mricr Government of the Right ilor -
(:sh. R. Peel), he should like to hear from nun a state
ment of the facts. As to the petition of Mr. Lewin, he
did not see that it had anything to do with the matter;
for, though he had libelled the whole House, it would
not affect the question before them. He must say he
thought this a fair subject for inquiry. He wished to
know why, after a period of nine months, the parties
were brought to trial, and that before an illegal tribu-
nal; and why, after this illegal trial, they were ex-
ecuted.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. ELLIOT said, no doubt the withdrawal of the
batta was a very natural cause of discontent; but the
cause of the mistake which led to it was explained to the
regiment only two days after it had occurred, so that
there was ample time for the removal of all feeling of
discontent on that ground. As to what had been said
h respect to the parties doing common duty after the
mutiny, it should be borne in mind that it was not
known who the persons implicated were till after inquiry.
It was only then that the ringleaders were known, and
they were immediately put under arrest and ordered to
be tried by court martial.
Mr. AGLIONBY thought it was perhaps to be re-
gretted that a matter which dated back so many years
should have been revived when its revival might do no
good. But the question having been raised, especially
with reference to the legality of the court-martial, he
thought some further explanation was duo to the House
than that accorded by the Right Hon. Gentleman.
Sir R. PEEL had not expected that the motion under
discussion would have been brought forward that even-
ing, otherwise he would have made himself master of
the facts, the case having occurred when the Govern.
ment of which he was a member held office, and he
should then have been able to respond to the appeal of
the Hon. Member for Montrose. He had no recollec
tion of the facts of the case as enabled him to enter on
the merits, but he would give his vote on grounds sug-
gested by the circumstances in which the case was pre-
sented. In all those cases great confidence must be
placed, and great allowances must be made for the cir-
cumstances under which individuals were placed with
respect to military questions. From all he had seen,
heard, or known of the Marquis of Tweeddale during a
long and distinguished career under the Duke of Wel,
lington, he felt as strong a conviction as he could with
respect to any officer, that the Noble Lord was the last
man in the world who would have been guilty of oppres-
sion, or could have been charged with an excess of mi-
litary discipline. His tendencies were tendencies of
kindness towards the soldier. But what was to -be
done when those papers were got? It had been stated
that there was no sudden instantaneous act of severity.
The proceedings might have been the result of impulse,
not of deliberation; but it was stated that there had been
an interval of nine months, that the sentence was carried
into effect against two of the parties only, and they were I
ringleaders. All those facts produced a presumption in
his mind, without an exact recollection of the circum-
stances, that there had been no unnecessary severity.—
(Hear, But, further, it was stated that the Com-
mander-in-Chief (the Duke of Wellington) had per-
sonally examined the facts of the case, and had pro-
nounced a deliberate judgment that the sentence was
perfectly justifiable. Hon. Gentlemen might disregard
the opinion of the Duke of Wellington; but the question
for the House of Commons to consider was really a
question of authority and jurisdiction. If they chose to
supersede the Commander-in Chief in the discharge of
his peculiar functions, the British army would be much
less satisfied with their decisions.—(Hear, hear.) On
the grounds he had stated he could safely deprecate the
constitution of a precedent, now for the first time pro.
posed to be introduced, by the House of Commons un-
dertaking to revise the sentence of an Indian court-
martial.
After a few words of explanation from Mr. AG-
LIONBY,
The ATTORNEY GENERAL begged to remind
the Hon. Member for Youghal of the consequences
which his legal experience ought to satisfy him would
follow on the production of these papers. Was he to
refer them to a Select Committee of unpractised Mem-
bers to determine whether there was an illegal defect in
the court-martial? The precedent would be a most dan-
gerous one and destructive of all subordination in the
army. Might not the Hon. Member for Cockermouth
have given the Government credit for having directed
attention to the legality of the proceedings; and was
the House on a bare motion for papers to commit itself
to referring the question to a Select Committee whether
murder had been committed or not? _ _ .

Mr. ANSTEY briefly replied. He maintained that
Lord Brudenell's case afforded a precedent for inquiry.
The House divided, when there appeared—
For the motion ...
Against it ...
Majority •••
SCHOOL OF DESIGN.

14
54
-40

On the motion of Mr. M. GIBSON, the following gen-
tlemen were nominated members of the Select Commit-
tee on the School of Design:—Sir R. Peel, Sir G. Clerk,
Mr. Milnes, Mr. Moffatt, Mr. Labouchere, Mr. Rich,
Mr.Wakley, Mr. M. Gibson, Mr. Hope. Mr. Scholefield,
and Mr. Kershaw.
eROTECTION OF JUSTICES (IRELAND) BILL.
The report on the Protection of Justices (Ireland) Bill
was brought up and agreed to.
_ On the question that the Bill should be read a third

time to-morrow,
Mr. J. O'CONNELL expressed his objection to the
Bill, and moved as an amendment that it be read a third

time to-morrow six months.
After some remarks in approval of the Bill from Sir
W. Somerville, Major Blackall, and Mr. M. J. O'Con-
nell, the House divided, and the numbers were—
For the amendment 2
Against it
Majority
The original motion was agreed to, and the House ad-
journed at Eleven o'clock.

HOUSE OF LORDS, March 22.
ROYAL COMMISSION.
Their Lordships assembled at Four o'clock.
The Royal Assent was given this day by Commission
to the Overseers (Cities and Boroughs) Bill. The
Royal Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, the
Marquis of Clanricarde, and Lord Campbell.
Their Lordships then adjourned during pleasure.
Their Lordships resumed at Five o'clock.
Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from the
Society for the Protection of Trade praying for an ex-
tension of the County Courts.
The Duke of RICHMOND presented several petitions
complaining of agricultural distress, and praying for re-
lief from local taxation.
The Earl of ERNE presented a petition from some
unions in the county of Donegal against the rate in aid.
The Earl of MALMESBURY presented a petition
against the Petty Sessions Bill, and gave notice of an
amendment which he intended to move in the preamble
of the Bill to-morrow.
The Earl of WICKLOW presented several petitions
against the rate in aid.
OUT-DOOR PAUPERS BILL.
Their Lordships then went into Committee on this
Bill.

The Duke of RICHMOND thought that houses in
which paupers were farmed should be placed under the
regulation of the Poor-law Commissioners in the same
manner as union houses, and he should propose a clause
to the effect; but he objected to the practice of farming
out paupers, and would wish to see it abolished.
The Earl of CARLISLE thought it would be difficult
to abolish the system, and while it existed, certainly it
ought to be under stringent regulations.
Lord BEAUMONT considered this Bill would do
away with the whole of the evils of the system of farm-
ing paupers.
The clause proposed by the Duke of RICHMOND
was negatived without a division, and the Bill passed
through Committee.
NORTH WALES RAILWAY.
On the motion of Lord MONTEAGLE, the order for
the attendance of Mr. W. Chadwick and Mr. J. Marriner
was discharged, and they were ordered to attend this
day week.

Presentations had been made to the Court of Turin, and
,ble Marquis ba(i stketi rqt,solit rg h;,(1

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esef F -' tleeredis ho eeuel 'lll, the pipers uesvc
his Noble Friend that great. remissness had been shown
in doing anything, and that that little could not have
produced any possible effect. The first in•
timation made to the Sardinian Government was
in March, 1848, 'expressing the alttisfaction of th
Government at the assurances of the Court
Turin, that they would not interfere either- in
the affairs of France or in those of Italy, and on the 27th
March the King of Sardinia and the Sardinian army
crossed the frontier, and the Marquis of Pereto
declared to the British Minister that Sardinia entered
into the war to drive Martini from Italy, and to assist
tho Provisional Government of Lombardy, where-
upon the British Minister was instructed to remind
the Sardinian Government that the war in which they bad
entered was one of doubtful issue. It was true advice
was given to the King of Sardinia not to go to war e
ith
Austria. The advice might have been given had the wer.
been just, but he found no remonstrance against the in
justice of the war, no protest against the violation of
treaties on the part of the King of Sardinia. The
King of Sardinia was not only an acceding party to the
treaty of Vienna, but ,he was under an engagement to
this country, as well as to all Europe, to maintain the
provisions of that treaty, and therefore its violation by
him called for a protest in strong language. Therefore,
in addition to that violation of the public law, and that
act of scandalous violation of the peace of which the
King of Sardinia had been guilty without any assignable
cause or pretext, it was a breach of an engagement en
tered into specifically with this country; and the least
that the British Government could have done would
have been to have entered a formal protest against it.
There was a recent example of the same kind. Not
long before, Austria, Russia, and Prussia had taken
measures to deprive Cracow of its independence. That
was an act of comparatively trifling importance as com-
pared with the war. in Italy; but the Governments of
France and England thought the three powers alluded
to had violated the treaty of Vienna. That there had
been great provocation on the part of that state could not
be denied, and the three powers declared that they had not
violated the treaty, but England and France considered
that they had, and they lost not a moment in entering a
strong official protest against it. Here, then, was an
example which ought, for every reason, to have been
followed.—(Hear, hear.) Much had been said as to the
treaty of Vienna, and there appeared to be a good deal
of uncertainty about the application of that treaty. He
would, however, express what his notions were on the
subject. In the first place, all parties either contracting
or acceding to that treaty were, bound by precisely the
same obligation. He thought there was a moral gua-
rantee given by every Power, whether signing or acced-
ing, to preserve and cause to be preserved the terms of
that ti eaty. He considered that any violation of that
treaty, strictly speaking, might be a cause of war, but
of course it would depend on the view the party injured
might take of his own interests. But that some notice
ought to be taken of an infraction of the treaty there
Gould be no doubt—whether it should be by recalling
the Minister of the offended Power, or by what other
means, must depend on the feeling entertained.—
(Hear.) He fully admitted that neither England
nor any other state was bound to make com-
mon cause with any other party who might be
injured. There were special guarantees which were on
a different footing—there were special guarantees con•
tained in that very treaty, the conditions of which, if
violated, must be redressed by war. Fortunately, this
country had always felt great reluctance to enter into
special guarantees. They had avoided all guarantees of
that description, and be hoped they would continue to
do so.—(Hear, hear.) To proceed with a narrative of the
war:—The remonstrances being of such a nature, had
produced no effect, and the war thus iniquitously begun
continued at first with success to the Sardinian arms. In
the distracted state of Austria—with a revolution in her
capital, without resources, without instructions, without
order, the Austrian army was, for a time, cempletely
paralysed. In this emergency, the government at
Vienna, still relying on the alliance which had so long
existed between that country and this, sent a mes
senger to England in order to induce us to mediate,
and restore peace. He did not know accurately how
that mission had been received, but he had seen re-
ferences made to Austrian dispatches, which he presumed
were authentic. The proposals, however, made by the
Austrian Government were not sufficient to satisfy the
exigencies of her Majesty's Government. Still further
concessions were required; and although Austria offered
to surrender the whole of Lombardy, and recognise her
independence, that was not thought sufficient to satisfy
our friend, if ho must call him so, the King of Sardinia.
Happily for Austria, the conditions were refused, because
shortly after the Austrian army having been reinforced
in Italy, and a better spirit prevailing in the Austrian
councils, the offensive was resumed, and the Austrian
general, Radetzky, drove his enemies before him until
the Austrians had crossed their own territory, showing
ae much energy and vigour as when he (the Earl of
Aberdeen) had before seen him himself at the head of
his victorious hussars.--(near, hear.) On arriving at
the Pie imontese territory, he with rare prudence and
generosity abstained from following his beaten enemy
into his own territory.—(Hear, hear.) He granted
en armistice to the King of Sardinia, with a
view to the settlement of the terms of peace; which,
indeed, would have been an ,easy matter, and have
required but little time to accomplish if England and
France had not in a few days offered their mediation.
This was eagerly accepted by the King of Sardinia. and,
after some hesitation, by Austria. This mediation, how-
ever, offered no prospect of any satisfactory result. But
when two powers agreed to offer mediation it was very
essential that their interests should be identical.—(Hear,
hear.) It was quite clear that England and France both
sincerely desired the restoration of peace; but it was
not at all clear that their interests in the north of Italy
were identical. On the contrary, the interest of England
had always been to see the north of Italy forming as
strong a barrier as possible; and this was effected by the
treaty of Vienna, bringing the great military power of
Austria into contact with the keeper of the passes of the
Alps, and thus a formidable barrier was opposed to any
foreign aggressor. Now, it had always been the interest
of France to weaken that barrier, and that could never
have been done so effectually as by weakening the power
of Austria in Italy.—(Hear.) He thought, therefore.
that there was no prospect of a satisfactory issue, even
if it had been undertaken on the most practical grounds.
But when one considered what was the subject, and what
they were to confer about, it was difficult to understand
how any conclusion could have been arrived at. As
Austria from the first declared that she was not dis-
posed to cede a single inch of that territory which she
had obtained by such sacrifices, he did not see what
there was to stipulate. It reminded him of the inter-
ference in the case of Switzerland, where, with more
ingenuity than good faith, we contrived to put the war
at an end before the mediation commenced. And so
here as to Austria it might well have been said that the
war was at an end. Austria did not wish to follow the
King of Sardinia, and he might think himself fortunate
to be allowed to retain his own territory. This war being
at an end, he had no doubt her Majesty's Government
had made more strenuous efforts to prevent its renewal
than they made when it first broke out; but it appeared
that such efforts had been ineffectual. Now, what was
it that her Majesty's Government proposed to do ?
Such was their position that it was impossible anyone
could believe their sincerity in objecting to the war,
which had been undertaken by the King of Sardinia.
Seeing the violation of the general treaty of
Vienna, which was equally binding at this mo-
ment seeing, especially, the engagement which
the King of Sardinia had made with this country—in
addition to which, seeing his contempt for the mediating
powers—and which mediation was his very salvation.—
(Hear, hear.) Seeing all this, no one would believe the
sincerity of her Majesty's Government unless they re-
called her Majesty's Minister from Turin.—(Hear,
hear.) He held in his hand a manifesto from the Sar-
dinian Government, which for its inconsistency and
audacity was unparalleled.— (Hear, hear.) It was full
of fine words of honour and good faith ; and he should
have thought such words would almost have paralysed the
hand which indicted them.—(Hear, hear.) It rejected
at once all treaties, ancient and modern, considering
them all us good for nothing, and quite forgetting that
it was only by treaties that the King of Sardinia held
possession of Genoa—(llear, hear)—that it was only by
the treaty of Vienna that he was not now in his island of
Sardinia.—(Hear, hear.) This mode of treating all
engagements showed the desperation, madness, and
utter want of good faith of the King of Sardinia.—
(Hear.) Ho accused Austria of a violation of the armis-
tice, when it was notorious that, from the first, the vio-
lation had been or: the part of Sardinia. For instance,
the continuance of the fleet in the Adriatic contrary to
the express stipulations.—(Hear, hear.) But he had no
doubt they should soon see a satisfactory reply to this
extraordinary document by Austria. There was just
one passage which he would read. It said—" And hay-
ing weighed all the chances, examined the remote and
immediate causes of the last events, it has come to the
conviction that it is not less necessary for Upper Italy
than for the whole of the Peninsula, to be delivered from
the present state, in which otherwise the most important
conditions of political and social existence would be
placed in jeopardy. After all these considerations, the
Sardinian Government saw that there was but cue
h e
course open to it; it had no choice but war, and
decided accordingly." Now, this was, to use a homely
_
but expressive English saying, neither more ir, °En
eleasr,
than " Needs must when the d—l drires. (
hear," and great laughter.) That
unhappy
Sovereign
himself—he, was
was impelled by a force greater than
a tool and an instrument iu the hands of others,
a
who were hostile to him; and if he wore to succeed
in driving the Austrian army out of Italy to-morrow,
his difficulties would be only then begun.—(Hear, hear.)
Notv.ithstanding all the manifesto contained, their Lord-
ships had heard nothing of the slavery of the Italian
subjects. The llou,e used to hear a good deal of the
leaden and iron sceptre of Austria, and such like figures;
hut he beli,v,ed that the Austrian provinces had long
been the best adininiA?red of any part of Italy. Con •
stitutiou they had nut, but property was secure, justice
was administered between man and man with as much
purity and impartiality as in any country in Europe.
They bed now, or would shortly have, a constitution as
free as heart could desire. He only:hoped.and trusted they
might be as happy and as prosperous with a constitution
as they had been without one; but, however, that con-
stitution they would have, and he could not help taking
that opportunity of expressing the joy he felt that the
Austrian empire possessed statesmen having the
boldness and the ability to frame such a Constitution at
the present time. He rejoiced to say that this noble
work—for noble it was—would probably be promulgated
through Italy as well as other parts of Europe; and he
hoped, for the sake of the Continent, and especially for
that of England, that Austria might, under the Consti-
tion, enter upon a long career of happiness and glory.—
(Cheers.) If the Noble Marquis should tell him that the
correspondence to which ho allhded couldeibt be pro::
duced at the present moment with convenience, he (the