The Sun.
London, England, 1838-06-20 00:00:00

that the Quadruple Treaty had been negotiated, and that he took his
share in it with the greatest pride." In June, on the 15th of the
month, the Noble Viscount (Melbourne) avowed that the Order
in Council was issued at the application of the Spanish Ambas-
sador, and he also added that the benefit of the Eliot Conven-
tion Act wouid be extended to the British Legion. In June
(the 24th) of the same year, the Duke of Wellington's opinion
as to intervention was elicited, and the Foreign Secretary made a re-
markable speech in reply. On July the second the Noble Viscount op-
posite gave an assurance that the British Auxiliary Legion would be
included in the Eliot Convention. A decree of Don Carlos appeared,
contradicting the statement, and when another Noble Lord (Lyndhurst)
produced the decree the Noble Viscount denied it. Ultimately Colonel
Wylde was sent, and when Don Carlos declared that the auxiliary force
were out of the pale: of the Convention then it was that the order
was issued by the Admiralty not to receive Don Carlos on board. On
February 16 of the same year, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs said in
another place, " Ido not shrink from my anticipations, and I beg to
bind Hon. Gentlemen to theirs. I beg that their declarations and pro-
phecies upon this subject may be borne in mind, and that their reputa-
tion for political sagacity may depend upon the result. For my part, I
will abide the same test." In reply to this he would only ask, " Where
is the Order in Council ?"—(Opposition cheers.) What was the language
of the First Lord of the Admiralty at that period ? He said, " I speak
from information derived from better authority than the Noble Marquis
can boast," and then he went on to say that " General Evans is likely
to pursue that glorious and successful course he has hitherto done." Let
their Lordships judge from what had since occurred who it w•as that
then spoke upon the most certain authority. In April, 1837, the Noble
Lord the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, when speaking on a
subject like the present, said, " I certainly should be most unwilling to
enter upon a prediction. I have never been betrayed into a prediction
but once. Then I was wrong ; but with respect to Don Carlos I may
say thus much--that he is not now in as good a situation as formerly."
—( Hear, hear.) So much with respect to prediction and information.
For his own part he would only say may the Lord save us from the wise
men of the East.—(Laughter.) He hail now to come to a part of his
task which required the utmost delicacy in the handling. Why
were men of immeasurable gallantry—the best and bravest in the
army—men who had pre-eminently distinguished themselves, kept
in the back.ground, and others with no such qualifications brought
prominently forward ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) The only mode of
accounting for it was by the supposition that her Majesty's Government
had adopted the course for the purpose of covering their own misma.
nagement and misconduct. What was the history of this unfortunate
transaction ? The campaign began in the July of 1835, and the first
proceeding of any consequence was the march upon Vittoria. He had
the proclamation issued on that occasion by General Evans, but it so
abounded with absurdities and trash that he would not detain their
Lordships by going through its exaggerated statements.—(Hear, hear.)
The second affair took place in 1836. This was the battle of Arlaban,
which created a great sensation as being the first in which the Le-
gion was engaged. Much stress had been laid upon this battle, and
one would suppose the action had been attended with great loss.
What did their Lordships think of the amount of killed and a ounded ?
The wounded amounted to six, and the killed to one. Were the ho-
nours conferred proportionate to the loss in this glorious action ? The
crosses conferred amounted to no less than forty.—(Hear, hear, and
laughter.) For the particulars of this celebrated action of Arlaban
he would refer their Lordships to Colonel Humphrey's kook. The
third exploit, which was considered a great affair, and attenipted to
be put forth as such, was the attack on the lines on the sth of May, the
Legion having its position at Ametza. With regard to this transaction,
the opinion of the Noble Duke (Wellington), given in a speech in that
House, was on record. Did their Lordships find in them one single in.
stance which would countenance Ministers in conferring upon the
leader of that expedition the highest military distinction ? Could the
Noble Viscount tell to their Lordships why it was that the leader of that
expedition had been put over sixty others, whose claims were infinitely
stronger ? There ought surely to be something very extraordinary in
the conduct of the person selected for so marked a distinction, and it
was highly necessary that their Lordships should know why such a
course had been adopted.—(Hear.) They should know why such a dis-
tinction was conferred—how Ministers could support their conduct in
having bestowed it—and what were the actions by which the officer
upon whom it was conferred became entitled to it? Ministers, it ap.
peered, marked out their diplomatic as well as their military favourites
for distinction. The Noble Marquis who was here, as well as in several
other parts of hisspeech, scarcely audible, alluded (as we understood) to the
case of Sir G. Villiers, and intimated that the distinction conferred upon
that Gentleman was owing to a speech made at Madrid, in which he
abused the Northern Powers as despots, and talked of the alliance in
the cause of liberty which was springing in the West. The Noble Mar-
quis then proceeded to detail the number of adherents whom Don Car-
los could reckon on in the various provinces in Spain, for the purpose of
showing that he was now in a stronger position than formerly. The
number of Don Carlos's adherents were, in the first discussion, stated
at 35,000 or 40,000 ; but the estimate he made of the various provinces
showed that they were now 135,000. Such being the case, he would
beg of their Lordships, in God's name, to leave the Spanish people to
settle their own differences, and act wisely and judiciously by withdraw.
ing from the contest. He would ask, before he sat down, what had been
the result of all this liberal conduct in Spain ?—(Hear, hear.) What
they had encouraged in Spain recoiled on themselves in Canada. That
province rose up in rebellion, and Government was obliged to suspend
its Constitution, and in its difficulty to appeal to the political wisdom of
a Right Hon. Baronet in the other House to relieve them from the con.
at quences of their own unwise conduct.—(Hear, hear, hear.) These
were the fruits of the position which her Majesty's Government had as-

sumcd—these were the consequences they had entailed on the country.
—(Hear, Lear.) They were now, if he had been informed rightly,
obliged t: send orders to Canada, very little short in severity of the
much-abused Durango decree, for the purpose of restoring tranquillity
in that country. Ile hoped the Nob'e Viscount would tell the House

what service he had rendered to England by allowing France to take
possession of Algiers, and to establish a permanent settlement there,
while we were busied meddling in the affairs of Spain.—(Hear.) lie
wished to speak on this subject with delicacy, but he really thought

that when we did plunge into the anirs of Spain we should have
better prepared for collision than by the expedition which started from

he isle of Dogs under General Evans. He should now conclude by
moving for the papers of which he had given notice. The Noble Mar.
quis then moved :
,• That an humble address lie presented to her Majesty that she will
order to be l •id before that House an estimate of all sums paid, or to be
, paid, by any radish authority on account of or for the use of her Majesty
the Queen of Spain since the signature of the Quadruple Treaty. 2. An
account of all the arms, naval and military, horses, provisions, or other
supplies furnished by any public department, or supplied from his ala-
jesty's ships serving on the coast of Spain, or elsewhere, for the use of the
forces of the Queen of Spain, or of the British Auxiliary Legion, since the
signa ure of the said treaty, together with an account of the value of the
same. :3. An account and estimate of all supolie, made to vessels o' war
belonging to the 0 overnmsnt of Spain, and the amount of all the ex-
ponces for refitting or repairing Spanish vessels in our posts. 4. Account
of the number of marines, marine artillery, engineers, and seamen of
her Majesty's services that have been employed in the Basque provinces,
and the extra expenses thereby incurred to the country since the signa. 1
tare of the Quadruple Treats,. Also the commissariat stores aad prod.
Pions landed from her Ts7rjestv's ships for the supply of the above
troops, and the amount thereoll O. A return of the particulars and
amount cf the pay and claims owing and in arrear from the Spanish
Government to the ctficers, being British subjects, of the Auxiliary Le-
gion as far as is known to the Government. (i. Copies or extracts of ell
correspondence relative to their pay and demands, which have pa; nil
hi-tweets the officers of the Legion and her Majesty's Government.
7. Copies or extracts of the origins) contracts or engagements entered
into by the Government of Spain, or through their Ambassador, with
any of her Majesty's Ministers or officers in command, or n her Ma-
jssty's set vice, respecting any engagements of British subjects serving
under any Order in Council. 8. Copies or extracts of General Ala; a's
letter, praying a special order to raise in the United Kingdom a brdy of
10,C00 m n, and Lord Palmerston's letter, dated June 11, IS.Tt, stating
that it was the intention of his Majesty's Government to give
every encouragement to half--pay (Ricers to avail them elves of the
permission granted to his Majesty's subjects. 9. Conies or extracts of
any correspondence between tqe Foreign I ffice and Colonel Wylde,
relating to the re-organisation of the late British Auxiliary Legion.
10 Copies or extracts of any correspondence relating to the payment for
supplies to her Majesty's Government from that of the Queen of Spain,
with any statement of any sums or securities received. 11. Copies or ex-
tracts of all remonstrances aid applications made to the Queen of Spain's
Government regarding the war (since the last papers presented to the
House, and showing to any, and what further steps had been taken to
promote the observance of the Eliot Convention. 12.. And, lastly (and
to this part he had intended to have called attention, tut it had escaped
him)—(Hear, hear)—for conies or extracts of any late communication
between the Admiralty and Lord John Hay relative to promising the in-
terfetonce of the Government in the Basque provinces."
Viscount MELBOURNE rose and said—With respect to the motion
with which the Noble Lord has concluded, I shall begin by referring to
it, and I have certainly no objection to the production of the greater
part of the information for which he has moved. There are parts of
the address which it is so obvious ought not to be complied with that I
am sure I shall have to do nothing more than to name them in order to
prove to the Noble Lord, and to the House, that an order cannot be
made respecting them. The fourth rosolution calls for "An account of
the number of marines, marine artillery, engineers, and seamen of her
Majesty's services that have been employed in the Basque provinces,
and the extra expenses thereby incurred to the country since the signa.
ture of the Quadruple Treaty. Also the Commissariat stores and pro.
visions landed from her Majesty's ships for the supply of the above troops,
and the amount thereof." It is evidently improper to call for the numbers
and distribution of a force the operations of which are still in progress.
The Noble Lord next asks for " A return of the particulars and amount
of the pay and claims owing and in arrear from the Spanish Govern-
ment to the officers, being British subjects, of the Auxiliary Legion, as
far as is known to the Government." Now, that is an account between
the officer:, in the employment of a foreign power, and that foreign
power, relating to the demands which they have on that Government,
and her Majesty's Ministers lint being in possession of it, of course it
cannot be given. " And, lastly (and to this part he had intended to
have called attention, but it escaped him)—(Hear, hear)—fur copies or
extracts of any late communication between the Admiralty and Lord
John I-lay relative to promising the interference of the Government in
the Basque Provinces." I don't say that any paper of that sort has been
issued ; but if it has, it relates to a matter at present pending, and cer-
tainly could not be produced without proving prejudicial and injurious
to the public service. But in acceding to the production of these
papers I beg leave to say that I do not mean to express the slightest
accordance with any part of the speech with which the Noble Lord
has prefaced his motion. In fact the motion did not at all require so
long a speech to support it, and the information which it asked
Ita
ight be very properly given to the House or the public without
ierence to any of the general arguments which the Noble Lord has
duced ; and as the speech forms a very unnecessary preliminary to
e motion for these papers, so the motion for papers is a very lame
d impotent conclusion to the speech of the Noble Lord, because, if
his observations on the conduct of her Majesty's Government be
rrect—if that conduct has been so base and perfidious—if it has
esented such a tissue and compound of fraud and treachery—if it has
teeited all claim to the approbation of the country, hazarded so many
it consequences, and produced so much injury to the public character
d general relations of England, unquestionably the Noble Lord ought
have followed up his speech by a motion of a stronger character,
namely, for the removal of an Administration on account of incapa-
city and weakness, which, according' to the Noble Lord's statement,
had so betrayed the honour, the welfare, and the safety of the country.
But, my Lords, I really feel myself relieved from going into a great deal
of the general reasoning of the Noble Lord with regard to the pro-
ceedings taken towards Spain, and the policy in which the war origi.
nated. The Noble Lord began by making a strong and bold statement of
the motives by which he was actuated in bringing forward this motion.
He said, " I wish to give the Government an opportunity of supplying
us with an account of the conduct which they have pursued, which they
are pursuing, and which they mean hereafter to pursue : in fact, the
origin and ground of my motion is that Ministers should give us an ac-
count of their stewardship;" but in the course of his speech the real
motive of the Noble Lord sprung out, for he declared that the only rea-
son of his speaking, not at such length, but at all, was to enforce the
claims which the officers of the Legion had put into his hands, and that
that was the principal object of his motion. It is evident, if that is the ob-
ject which he has now in view, that the quadruple treaty, the suspen.
sion of the order in council, the enlistment, all the evils, all the misfor-
tunes, all the disgraces, and all the defeats arising out of the Spanish
war, are in his mind of subordinate importance to the great object of
compelling the Spanish Government to discharge the arrears of
pay and allowance due to the officers of the Legion. That
subject the Noble Lord has told he will never leave till he
accomplishes, and that he will do so as certainly as he effected
the liberation of the twenty-seven Carlist prisoners sent off to
Porto Rico. lam justified, then, in assuming that it is to the ac-
complishment of that purpose his resolutions are directed. With
respect to the general principles on which we acted in the Spanish
war, the policy which was adopted was conceived to be best calculated
to secure the independence of Spain, the continuance of peace, and the
safety of Great Britain. I will not go back to the circumstances in
which the war originated, tothe death of Ferdinand, the will of Ferdi-
nand, and the recognition of the Queen, up to which we are all agreed ;
at least in all the discussions on the subject I never heard that anybody
condemned the recognition of the Queen. That event was followed
by the quadruple treaty—by Don Carlos leaving Portugal, coming to
England, and going to Spain when the war broke out in the Basque
provinces. I must say that when the war broke out the obvious policy