The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-03 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 3, 1849.7

territorial complexity, to compass both a vigorous constitu-
tion of her territory, and one also that shall respond to
its internal necessities, nor to oppose obstacles to the
endeavours of Germany, which aim "at the delineation of a
united political body in counter relation to other countries, as
also at the co-absorption of commercial and material interests
and the greatest p, ssible equalization of internal legislation.
It may be expected of the Austrian Government that she
will here also lend her utmost aid, and pay the greatest pos-
sible regard to the relations of Germany in the modelment
of her own internal affairs. But if in the meanwhile she
should think herself unable to take a full share in the deve-
lopment of Germany, as above alluded to—if she were un-
able to allow of the necessary limitations of her sovereign
rights in favour of a vigorous Central Government of the
Confederation, and if she were unable to apply to her
German lands the principle of the material association of
interests, then we might certainly conclude that Austria
on the one hand would not be desirous of exercising rights to
which corresponding duties were not opposed, and that on the
other hand, the rest of the German States could not well be
recommended to give rights bearing upon foreign policy,
general and commercial, upon internal legislation and finan-
cial economy, in the exercise of which rights the Austrian
federal territory would not be correspondingly subjected to
the decrees of the Central Power—they could not be re-
commended to give these rights to a representation ema-
nating from the collective population of the Confederation,
and a Federal Government presiding over the affairs of the
collective body politic, in which representation and govern-
ment Austria maintained a place. But it would not thence
be to be concluded that Germany would have to return ex-
clusively to the
.essential principles of a confederation of
s:ates, and that the plan of the federative political unity
so enthusiastically cherished, would have to be entirely
abandoned ; more properly speaking, the maintenance and
development of the German Confederation, including.
Austria, together with the German territory of the Nether-
lands and of Denmark, as also the preservation of that
position which is due to the imperial house of Austria in
Germany, would be perfectly reconcilable with the coalition
of the rest of the German States in a closer union—a federa-
tive State within the Confederation. As within the Confe •
deration, the Customs Union, not only evidencing a close
bond of trade, industry, and traffic, but including within it-
self the basis of one common commercio-political representa-
tion for Germany in respect of foreign countries, as this union
could originate and exist within the Confederation, without
being detrimental either to the Confederation itself, or to the
mutual relations of those members of the Confederation who
belonged to it, and those who did not belong to it ; so may a
union, inclusive of far greater interests, be formed among the
majority of the members of the Confederation, and exist
within the Confederation,

" The Prussian Government recognizes, as it always did,
the duty of persevering in the path that was entered upon
by the act of convoking the German National Assembly.
" To this end this proposal is submitted for courteous con-
sideration, viz, that previously to the second reading of
those parts of the constitutional scheme, entitled "The Em-
pire and the Imperial Power '—‘The Imperial Parliament'
—‘ The Supreme Head of the Empire '—and The Council
of the Empire,' the German Governments, by means of the
Imperial.i\linisry, shall deliver to the National Assembly in
Franklort declaratiors with regard to the contents of these
chapters, as they have been determined on a first reading,
with a view to further consideration on the part of the
Assembly.
" We think that this proposal will recommend itself both
to the German Governments and to the National Assembly,
as we pre-suppose the existence, on either side, of an earnest
wish to arrive at a straightforward understanding. The po-
sition occupied by the latter, as regards the work of Consti-
tution, has already been hinted at in )ur exordium. On
the other hand, the greater number of the German Govern-
ments have never renounced the right of giving their assent,
and Prussia, more especially, has never done so. Were this
antithesis carried out to its full extent, no one would surely
doubt that not only the work of Constitution would never
come to anything, but that our German fatherland also
would be exposed to the most dangerous crisis, and be
entirely choked in its development. The more resolved
a German state may be to hold fast by the right

of approval, the more~ it may fear its being obliged
to deny this acquiescence, the more lively should be its
apprehension of the duty that thus devolves upon it—
a duty which bids it not confine itself to posterior negation,
but bring its scruples and proposals of modification to the
knowledge of the National Assembly, and thus give the
latter an opportunity of mature deliberation, previously to a
second reading. And when we see, on the other hand, how
those fractions of the Assembly which combat most deci.tedly
the right of accord in respect of principles, nevertheless re-
gard it desirable to bring about an understanding with the
Governments, we may indulge a hope that the Assembly
itself, mindful of its dignity and of its duty towards our
fatherland in general, will come forward in an equally friendly
spirit, and thus take the sting from the antithe,is above
mentioned. The Prussian Government is induced to believe
that its proposal responds to the wishes of the German Go-
vernment ; the more so because it is convinced that the true
interests of the Governments go hand in hand with the wants
and wishes of the German people. It therefore is en-
couraged to hope that however opinions may differ on indi-
vidual points, yet, in consideration of the truly German sen-
timent which it imputes to all the different Governments, and
in consideration of the common nature of their interests, they
will be of accord in the most essential matters. All the
greater will be the gain, the more the different states corre-
spond in their declarations; and whilst the Government of
Prussia offers a helping hand in this business, it expects an
equally confiding reciprocation of feeling from the other
German Governments. . _

" It has furnished its plenipotentiary in Frankfort-on-the
➢taine with most ample instructions to this end; and as it
is of opinion that that place would be the most suitable
central point of conference for all the Governments, it re-
quests them to forward their remarks and eventual propo-
sitions thither in a suitable way, and with all possible
speed, as it looksupon an early conference and understanding,
with a view to the interests of Germany in general as most
desirable.

" Your Excellency will be pleased to lay the considerations
and proposals herein contained before the Government, and
recommend such regard being paid to them as the import-
ance of the snbject demands. At the tinie your Excel-
lency will not omit to apprise the Government of the real
sentiments of his Majesty's Government, which has lately
been subject to such manifold attacks. Prussia aims at no
increase of power or dignity for itself. However the ',,ernian
Constitution may model itself, it craves no sh,re in the
supreme conduct of the Federative Government but that hich
its positiun in Germany, and the importance of the moral
and physical resources which it can place at the disposal of
our common fatherland in the nature of things assign to it.

It will accept of no post offered to it, except with the free
acquiescence of the united Governments; but it considers
itself bound to do Germany those services which the interest
of the common fatherland would seem to demand of it, even
it this cannot happen without sacrifices on its own part.
In the same way it will as gladly meet any proposal,.
which, without endanger.ng the common end in view, may
be calculated to preserve the freedom and independence
of the individual States. In consequence of these sen-
timents, I am already enabled to ,acquaint your
Excellency that his Majesty and his Government
are not of opinion that the establishment of a new German
imperial dignity is necessary to a real and comprehensive
German unity; that we, on the contrary, apprehend that
the exclusive endeavour to concentrate unity under this
form (necessary as a point of unity is of itself) would op-
pose essential, nay, almost insuperable obstacles to the
realisation of the end in view. There may surely be some
other form under which, without sacrificing any essential
quirement, the urgent and highly justifiable desire of the
German people after true unity and vigorous development of
the body politic may be fully satisfied.
" The interests of the case in hand lead us to hope for a
speedy reply from the Government to this communication.
(Signed) " BuLow."
" Berlin, Jan. 23."
Great excitement has been produced in Prussia, by
the publication of an article in the French 1, evue des
Deux Mondes, which asserts that PRINCE METTERNICH,
then Prime Minister of Austria, on hearing of the
French revolution of February, proposed that France
should take possession of the Rhenish Provinces on
the left Bunk of the Rhine (his own estate of Johanuis-
-

bergl isright Bank), on condition that
the possession
the Lombardy and Venice should be
guaranteed
Austria. The Prussian newspapers say
situated
to
o onf .
that, for the honour of the German Lame, they must
consider this an error; but when we remember that the
1. evue des deux Mondes is the organ of M. GulzuT, and
that the alliance between PRINCE METTERNICH and M.
lio oTg , as managers of the reactionary intrigue now
g
on throughout Europe, is more intimate than
uiniz
ever, we cannot but believe that the assertions of the
writer in the Revue des Deux Mondes are to the letter
true, with regard to every thing that concerns PRINCE
METTERNICH.