The Sun.
London, England, 1831-07-13 00:00:00

fiat to prevent its taking place eithtr in the borough or
the county of Warwick; a resolution to which they were
further urged by a strong letter from a Warwickshire Al,

gistrate in London.
On Monday night a council of the interested on both
sides was held, when it was mutually agreed, to prevent
the chances of " a nose," that the place to be determined

should not be divulged till the next morning at nine o'clock.
Among other causes to which the interruption was
aser bell was a spirit of opposition said to have been

created by the late election, and the anti-reformers were
saddled with the imputation of having busied themselves
in frustrating the interests and hopes of the town.
At nine o'clock, according to appointment, the 601.
promised to the men having been previously received with
due honour and promptness from the bank of Messrs.
Tomes and Co., the " office" was given for Clifford, on
the borders of Gloucestershire, and about twelve miles
from Warwick—close, we may add, to the classic birth-
place of Shakspeare, Stratford-upon-Avon.
The rain continual to fall in torrents till nearly twelve
o'clock, when it suddenly cleared up, and the sun came
out in all its splendour, to the great delight of the toddlers
and outside passengers, who thus had an opportunity of
drying their drenched garments. The road throughout
presented a scene of extraordinary bustle, and on reaching
the field of battle, which on second consideration was cho-

rim in the parise of Wooleycott, about four miles from
Stratford, the assemblage was immense. The ring was
admirably formed, and the waggons and carts which had
been collected soon found an abundance of customers.
Upon a moderate calculation there were not less than
20,000 persons present. The members of the ring were
all on the alert, and the greatest order prevailed.
At ten minutes past one Ward entered the ring amidst
loud shout. He was accompanied by Peter Crawley and
Harry Holt, he looked well and cheerful. His colours—

blue and bird's eye.
In five minutes afterwards Simon Byrne was visible,
ani was also heartily cheered. his colours were green
and yellow spots. Having shaken hands, the ceremony of
stripping was performed in quick time, and all anxiously
looked fur the commencement of hostilities. Byrne was
accompanied by Tom Spring an Tom Reynolds. The
odds at the mourmt were 300/. to 2001. on Ward. Three
quarters of an hour elapsed before the choice of umpires
and referee was accomplished, but this at last done, the
men were brought to the scratch. It was now seen, on
comparison, that Byrne was the heavier man, and although
evidently in good health, it was clear he was too fat. He
weighed, we understand, 13st. Mb., while Ward weighed
hut 12st. 61bs., with not an extra ounce of flesh o❑ his
bones. Ward smiled with unaffected confidence.
THE FIGHT.

All being in readiness the fight commenced at four
minutes after two. And here the curious in these matters
must be contented with a mere outline of the combat,
which, in fact, presented but one feature throughout—
that of decided superiority on the part of Jein 'Ward Loth
in science, generalship, and severity of hitting. In the
first round he drew first blood, by a lunging hit with his
left on Pat's pot itoe-trap, and in every round which fol-
lowed to the thirty-third, administered pepper in the
same style, and nearly on the same spot. In fact he con-
fined himself from the commencement to the conclusion,
almost entirely to jobbing or counter-hits with his left—
occasionally administering an upper cut with his right.—
all of which told with unerring effect, while he defended him-
self with such admirable science, that his antagonist was un-
able to plant above two or three effective hits, and those in the
lefr-banded counters. Byrne, in fact, proved himself utterly
unequal to cope with the generalship of 'Vs and
appeared a mere novice in his hands ; submitting
to punishment without the power of returning. In the
close, Byrne showed evident apprehension of Ward's in-
fighting tactics and repeatedly went down to avoid, some-
times in se questionable a manner as to excite the indig-
nation of the spectators. He became gradually weak from
the loss of blood which flowed in torrents from his mouth
and nose, and after giving ample proof of his aptitude for
receiving—in the thirty -third round his seconds determined
that be should fight no longer, and at the end of one hour
and seventeen minutes, Ward was proclaimed the victor,
amidst the cheers of his friends. Ward gave an active
bound at the conclusion of his labour, and instantly quitted
the ring, while Byrne was carried to his can iage.
The three principal events—first blood, first knock-
down blow, and winning the fight—were all decided in
favour of 'Ward. Upon these points heavy betting took
place.
Ward may be said to have won in a canter, and only
exhibited a little blood from his teeth. It is not a little
singular that neither of the men received a single blow on
their eyes, which were unchanged to the last,
The result of this battle entitles Ward to the enviable
distinction of " Champion of England," while it proves
that the qualities of Byrne as a scientific fighter have been
greatly over-rated, and are altogether unworthy the rank
to which he aspired.
Ward is to received a Champion's Belt, at the Fives'
Court, in Peter's-street, Soho, to-morrow, after a spar-
ring exhibition; but it would seem that be is not long to
enjoy this honour unmolested, for a small stake has al-
ready been put down for a match between him end Jem
Bums which we learn is to be made 251. a side, on Friday
evening, at the Red Horse, Bond-street.

We regret to hear that a severe accident has
occurred to Mr. GISBORNE, M.P. The Hon. Gentleman
left London for Derbyshire immediately after the division
on the Reform Bill on Thursday morning. He was re-
turning towards London on Monday, in order to attend
the Committee on the same Bill, when, on descending the
steep hill into Brixton, one of the horses, in a phaeton
which he was driving, began to kick violently. Mr. Gls-
BORNE was shortly thrown out, and two wheels of the
carriage passed over his face and along the whole length
of his body. He succeeded, however, in keeping hold of
the reins, and thereby turned the horses against a bank on
' the side of the road, by which they were stopped. Two
ladies, a child, and a man-servant, who were in the car-
riage, then escaped without material injury. Mr. Gls-
BORNE'S face is severely cut, but his medical attendants do
not apprehend danger from his wounds and bruises.

HOUSE OF LORDS, Jur.r 12.
LEFEVRE'S DIVORCE BILL.
The House was occupied till nearly Six o'clock with
the addre,s of Mr. Serjeant Mereweather on behalf of the
petitioner for this Bill, and the examination of witnesses,
when the further consideration was adjourned for a week.
Mr. BERN AL and others brought up the Lunatics' Bill,
and several p; ivate Bilk.
Lord MELBOURNE, according to notice, brought up the
Report of the Committee on the Irish Deputy Lord Lieu-
tenants' Bill.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY offered himself to
their Lordships' attention under feelings of much embar-
rassment. If be should unfortunately be interrupted, he
could only say that it was hard that he should be debarred
of the opportunity of reply, after three or four Noble
Lords had been beard repeatedly to attack him. If the
point of order upon this occasion were to be strictly en-
forced, he hoped it might always be so, and not merely
when it suited particular individuals. Now, certainly, he
had been attacked by three or four Noble Lords in suc-
cession ; and, if some irregularity was the neeessary result
of this, it was no fault of his. It was not his intention,
however, to confine himself to the topics of a personal na-
ture, which chiefly induced him to rise upon the present occa-
sion; he would also advert to the Bill then before the House,
which appeared to to give a greater increase of patron-
age to Government than any single measure within his re-
collection. In the first place, it was certainly•a little hard
if they on that side of the House could not animadvert
upon a measure introduced by his Majesty's Government,
by pointing out the increase of patronage it threw into the
hands of Government, and the possibility of that patronage
being abused, without being assailed by such terms as
" dishonourable charges," " perverted understanding," and
other harsh expressions ; and for his own part he should
only say that whenever such terms were directed to that
side of the House, he should, as far as lie was concerned,
return them threefold. lie had expressed his apprehen-
sion that the new Lords Lieutenants and Magistrates
would be exclusively selected from men whose politics -
were of a particular description, and that if there should avowai
happen to be a Radical Chancellor that then these
offices would probably be filled by Radicals. He did
not mean the Noble and Learned Lord when he spoke
of a Radical Chancellor. But the Noble and Learned
Lord had needlessly taken fire at the case which he had
oily put hypothetically, and had' thus exposed himself
to the application of the old French proverb, " dui s'excuse
trop s'accuse." Had he been allowed to explain at the
time he should have said that he did not allude to the
Noble and' Learned Lord, or to any former Lord Chan-
cellor of Ireland ; and he must say that there had been
former Chancellors of Ireland fully equal in learning and
in purity to what the Noble and Learned Lord either was
or ever would be. In the multitude of changes which
were to take place, who could tell that they might not have
a Lord Chancellor O'Connell in Ireland ? He hoped he
had now sail enough to satisfy the world anti the Noble
and Learned Lord that he was not the Radical Chancellor.
Then the Noble and Learned Lord had said that it was dis-
honourable in him to suppose that a selection would be
made of Whig Lord Lieutenants exclusively.
Lord PLUNKETT here interrupted the Noble Marquis,
to deny that he had ever used the word dishonourable.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY resumed. He her-
baps might have quoted the words of the Noble and Learned
Lord incorrectly. They were, he now recollected, not a
dishonourably, but " a base supposition." Now he did
not know that there was anything either very base or
very absurd in doubting the perfect purity of the present
Administration. When the Noble anti Learned Lord
claimed for himself and his colleagues the credit of being
so very pure, it became necessary to advert a little to fact.
did not mean to charge them with an abuse of patro-
nage, but it was plain enough that they were not less fond
of patronage than their predecessors. He held in his hand
a list of fourteen or sixteen appointments which the pre-
sent Premier l:•rd bestowed upon his own relations in a
very short space of time, when compared with any former
precedent. This list he would not lead, as the Noble
Earl had never offended him, but it was certainly a very
fine commentary upon the high disdain with which the
Noble and Learned Lord affected to regard the suspicion that
patronage might by passibility be abused. But he had also
another list in his band, the particulars of which lie would
detail to their Lordships. It was a list of the good things
in the Church and the law in Ireland held by gentlemen
of the name of Plunkett. In the first place there was the
Hon. and Rev. Plunkett, who enjoyed a very valuable
living near Bray. Then there was the Hon. John Plunkett,
who was Assistant Barrister of the county of Meath, and
held besides another valuable office. Next there was the
Hon. Robert Plunkett, who, with his twin brother, held
the office of Assistant Barrister of another county, and
another office each. Then followed another Plunkett, who
was Secretary to the Lord Chancellor, a place worth, be
believed, about four thousand pounds a year. There was
still another Plunkett ; but, in justice to the Noble and
Learned Lord, he must say that he did not believe he was
one of Lis relations. Here were five Plunketts, all well
provided for by the country. And he did not doubt that
they were very valuable public servants, for they had all
been highly praised by their Noble and Learned Father in
his place in the House of Lords, particularly with respect
to their merits as canvassers at the late election. The ap-
pointments were no doubt very proper appointments ; but
still the Noble and Learned Lord must excuse him if lie
had not so much confidence as he seemed to think he ought
to have, that every appointment made by a Whig Admi-
nistration was made exclusively with a view to the public
interest. The Noble and Learned Lord charged labia with
inconsistency on account of some parts of his conduct dur-
ing the existence of the live Administration. Now no-
body could suspect him of having ever been a Whig. This
suspicion be had throughout his life been peculiarly care.
ful to avoid ; he was not, however, so much a Tory but
that when a Tory Government appeared to him to be de-
parting from the principles which he approved, and in
which he had been brought up; he would give it his de-
termined opposition. Notwithstanding his unfeigned re-
spect to the Noble Duke, whom he must always regard as
the greatest man in this country, if he were again in office,
and should again pursue the same course of foreign policy,
he (the Noble Marquis) must again act as he had done
on the occasion to which the Noble Lord had alluded. This
was the only instance, however, that could be adduced in
which he had differed from his Noble Friend. 16e Noble
and Learned Lord was indeed the last man in the ceantry
who ought to indulge in: this kind of allusion, ft:e he who
was once the follower of Lord Castlereagh was now the
follower of Earl Grey. Ile did not approve that political
tergiversation which enabled men to be candidates for office
whoever might be Minister, and which rendered it a mat-
ter of indifference to them whether the age in which they
ascended to the height.; of political ambition was the
golden, the silver, the brazen, or the iron age.—(Hear,
bear.) An allusion had been made to his possession of
the office of Custos Rotulorum of the county of London-
derry. The reason of his appointment was that from
the great bulk of the landed property in that county be-
ing held by the City Companies, there were few great
resident proprietors, and the Government had consequently
found some difficulty in getting a proper man for the office,
and knowing him to be a considerable resident proprietor
in a neighbouring county had offered it to him. But with
respect to Down, of which he was also the Custos, the
case was very different. He succeeded to the office of
Castos Rotulorum of the county of Down on the death
of an indistidual whom the Noble and Learned Lord once
highly respected. His late Majesty had so highly ho-
noured him, as to think him a proper person for the office.
He considered as the highest honour he had ever received
from the Crown the gracious act of his Sovereign which
placed him in the first place in the first county of Ireland.
He knew that his being deprived of this honour would be
one of the first effects of the power and patronage which
it was intended by the present measure to place in the
bands of the Ministers of the Crown.--(Cries of " No,
❑o," from the Ministerial benches.) He knew that he
was generally resident in the county, at least as much as
his other avocations permitted. He knew that he enjoyed
the confidence and attachment of the county generally, for
this had been manifested at the recent election. But
nevertheless he believed that the effect of the Bill,
so far as he was concerned, would be such as he had
described. He felt a strong objection to the Bill,
because it would at once give Ministers the power of ap-
painting thirty-two new Lords Lieutenant. These Lords
Lieutenant would have the power of appointing their Vice.
Lieutenants, two or three each ; in the whole seventy or
eighty. So that in effect this Bill gave the Government
at once this great extent of patronage, the power directly

Lord PLUNKETT said the Noble Marquis was charge-
able with some exaggeration of what he had said. He
had never used the terms dishonourable or base. But,
in reply to the charge of abusing the patronage of office,
he had merely observed that men, honourable themselves,
were not generally disposed to impute to others such an
offence. lie expressly declared that he did not mean to
impute to the Noble Marquis that he would, if in power,
be capable of this offence, and he expressed his wonder
that he whom lie believed incapable of it himself should be
so ready to charge it upon others. Then, with respect to
the expression a Radical Chancellor, he was happy to hear
that the Noble Marquis did not intend to apply it to him,
hut to a certain individual, of whom he would then say
nothing. At the same time he thought he had not been
very rash in taking the compliment to himself. It could
not he intended to apply to the Noble snit Learned
Lord upon the Woolsack, for the whole mat-
ter in discussion related exclusively to Ireland.
As to the other person to whom the Noble Marquis had
alluded prophetically, he would leave him to settle the
account in that gum ter as well as he could. The Noble
Lord allu led to a certain noble relative of his who was de-
ceased. For that noble person he had always entertained
the highest respect. As to his own public conduct, he could
only say that he had been in public life for thirty or forty
•ears, and he called upon any man to say that in the
whole course of that time he bad in any single instance
abandoned one public principle, or had changed one opi.
nion he had ever entertained. He did not tneau to say
that there was any disgrace in the avowal of a consci-
entious change of opinion, but it had been his good fortune
never to have been in the necessity of making such an
The Noble Marquis reproached him with in-
consistency, on the ground that he had been attached to
the Administration of Lord Castlereagh, as he had been
in fact for three months, and was now attached to the
present Administration. If this were any crime,
he had so many illustrious accomplices that he
was not very anxious to defend himself. The Noble
Marquis had made allusions to his family, upon which he
would not further detain their Lordships than to say that
he was not conscious of having ever made any appoint-
ment whateVer without a due regard to the public service.
The Noble Marquis was satisfied, as it appeared, although
he could not say he was sorry for it, that Providence had
given him twins.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) With
respect to the office of Custos Rotulorum, he must inform
the Noble Marquis that by law the persons holding it
were not removable, and as to the courteous attention
usually paid by the Chancellor to the accommodation of
the Custodei in the appointment of Magistrates, he begged
to say that so far as he was concerned he did not intend
that there should be any alteration. The recommendation
of the Governor of a County, or that of any other con-
siderable person known to possess the requisite local know-
ledge, would seldom be disregarded. At present there
existed in some counties in Ireland five Governors, in
others four, but in most two, The Noble Marquis was
therefore in error as to his calculations when he charged
the Government with creating more Governors by this
Bill than existed at the present time. Government was
voluntarily throwing away instead of increasing its
patronage. Nothing in this Bill interfered with the exist-
ing rights of the Custos Rotulorum.
Lord FARNHAM thought that it would be extremely
awkward if there were to be two administrations in a
county—one administration for• the militia laws, the other
for local Justice and the Magistracy. The principle of
the measure proposed in this Bill was not a new one. It
had been long in agitation. The late Lord Liverpool had
done him the honour to ask his opinion on the subject.
The measure then propounded was the means of obtaining
for Government the more immediate aid of the Lords-
Lieutenant of Ireland, and of governing that country on
the same principle as that acted upon with • respect to
Scotland. He had fully concurred with that statesman
in his views. The person holding so important a station
as Lord-Lieutenant should be made more directly respon-
sible to Government for what lie did ; and it should not
be left to chance whither the person appointed was
eligible or not. Those prophecies which were made at
the time this measure was in contemplation had not bee❑
fulfilled. It was a melancholy fact, however, that the
Noble and Learned Lord now wished to withdraw the
Governors of the Irish counties. He should be sorry if
their power should he vested in inferior hands. The prin-
ciple of the Bill he could not object to, as in times of great
excitement it tended to prevent too much authority and
power from falling into the hands of persons full of local
prejudices. This evil would be provided against by the
appointment of such an officer as that proposed by the
Bill, as he would be more immediately under the controul
of Government. He had not much apprehension that
the power granted by the Bill would ever be abused by
any Government to purposes of patronage. The con-
troul of public opinion would be sufficient, as it appeared
to him, to prevent this abuse. He did not object to the
powers proposed to lie given to the new Lords Lieutenant
in Ireland, but it ought to be understood that the Bill
did not give the same powers to those officers as were now
exercised by the Lords Lieutenant of English counties.
Viscount MELBOURNE would not delay the time of
their Lordships by entering upon any general discussion
of the measure, and still less by prolonging that irregular
discussion into which they had been led by the Noble
Marquis, with, he must say, a good deal of malice pre-
pense. The Noble Lord had given notice of his determi-
nation to commit this irregularity, i❑ opposition to an
order of the House, expressly intended to prevent the re-
vival of any personal topic which might have been inad-
vertently introduced in the heat of debate. The Noble
Marquis had not, however, confined his disorder to the
breach of one particular rule, for he had adverted not only
to what had occurred there on a former discussion, but to
what had occw red in another place. With respect to
the question which had been put to him, it had he
thought been satisfactorily answered by his Noble Friend.
He had only to propose a new clause for the purpose of
assimilating the office of Lord Lieutenant of an Irish
county to that of the Custos Rotulorum in England, and
another to give power to the Lord Lieutenant in Ireland,
in case of absence, to appoint Vice-Lieutenants to act until
his return.
These two clauses having been agreed to, the Bill as
amended was ordered to be printed.
FRAUDS UPON CREDITORS BILL.

Lord WYNFORD moved the Order of the Day for the
commitment of this Bill.
The Earl of FIFE expressed his determination to op-
pose the Bill in a future stage.
The Bill then passed through the Committee without
amendments, the Report was received, and the third read-
ing appointed for Thursday next.
Their Lordships then adjourned until to-morrow (this
day).

HOUSE OF COMMONS, JULY 12.
The gallery doors were not opened until nearly Five
o'clock, in consequence of the House being engaged in
ballotting for Committees to decide on the Great Grimsby
and Monmouth elections.
On the motion of Lord BELcitAvE the Bill for the
establishment of a chapel of ease, to be called the Gros.
venor Chapel, in the parish of St. George, Hanover-
square, was read a third time and passed.
Mr. C. FERGUSSON presented a petition from the
inhabitants of the parish of St. Pancras, praying that that
parish might be allowed two representatives of its ow n. The
Hon. Gentleman said if property and population were to be
the lending principles of the Reform Bill, the parish of St.
Pancras was fully entitled to return two Members, for it
actually paid in assessed taxes double the amount of 131
boeoughs named in schedules A. and B.
The petition was read and ordered to be printed.
Mr. HUNT rose to present a petition most numerously
signed, which had been agreed to yesterday at a public
meeting of the working classes, held in Portman-market.
The Newspapers varied the accounts of the numbers
present from seven thousand to twelve thousand persons,
but he was assured there were at least twenty thousand pre-
sent. The petitioners complained that, being the producers of
the wealth of the country, and being a very extensive class,
they were excluded from any share in the representation ;
they prayed also for the repeal of the Corn Laws, and

nr a repeal of those acts which had ahackled
die Public Press—condemning the late prosecutions -
against the Press. A very Learned Gentleman had stated
once years ago that every person who expended only 181.
year, paid SI. out of it for taxes. These working classes
earl the erestest portion of the taxes, and yet they were
excluding them from voting for representatives.
The petition was read and ordered to be printed.
Mr. HUNT then gave notice, that in the Committee on
the Reform Bill, he would move to substitute for the clause
relative to the 10/. franchise, that a clause be inserted
that all householders paying taxes" should be entitled to
vote ; and that if that motion were lost, he should
move that all persons excluded from voting should
bo exempted from paying taxes, and from serving in the
militia and the navy. Also lie would move, that after
the 31st of December, 1831, all Peers who should
be proved guilty of interfering in any elections, should
for the first offence pay a fine of 10,0001., and be im-
prisoned in the Tower for the space of one year; for
the second offence a fine of 20,0001. and two years' impri-
sonment in Ne,wgate ; and for the third offence be de-
traded from the Peerage, the title declared extinct, arid
be transported for life.—(()rent laughter.) Ile hail
before given notice to the same eff et, hut withdrew it.
Ile would now, however, put the House to the test.
Sir J. BLAKE presented a petition from that part of
the county of Durham called North Durham, praying
that it !nicht have one. Member of its own to represent it.
Mr. PERRIN presented a petition front the wine-
merchants of Dublin, praying that there !night be no
further addition to the duties on foreign wines'.
Mr. O'CONNELL supported the prayer of the petj-
donors, and said that the petition contained a curicer
fact, viz., that in 1789, when the duty was very hots, the
c insurnption was such that it produced a revenue of sixty
thousand pounds; since then the duty had been consi-
derably raised, and the consitenreion had become so reduced
that the revenue front wine had decreased four-fifths.
Thus showing that an increase of duty by no means pro-
duced an increase of the revenue.
Several other Members supported the prayer of the pe-
tition, which was then read and ordered to be printed.
Mr. PERRIN then moved for the returns of the quart--
tilt sof soap exported from England to foreign countries.
—Ordered.
Mr. WEYLAND having been elected for the county
of Oxford, and also for We) mouth, made h a election
to sit for Oxford ; he therefore moved for a new writ for
Weymouth.—Ordered.
Mr. LITTLETON presented a petition from the Staf-
fordshire Potteries, expressing the gratitude of the inha-
bitants for the Reform Bill, and prilying that they might
have two Members instead of one. The lion. Member
concurred in the prayer of the petition, and said he would
bring the subject before the Committee.
Mr. BUCK presented a petition from the corporation
of Exeter, praying that the qualification for voters
in the Reform Bill might be raised. The Honour
able Member also presented petitions from the Cetholies of
the county of Westmeath, against the grant to the Kildare-
street Society. Also a petition from the working coach.
makers of Dublin, complaining of the Legislative Union.
Mr. BODKIN presented petitions from the Magis-
trates, Clergy, and Landholders of Galway, complaining of
the famine and distress prevalent in that district. Also
a petition from certain merchants and ship-owners against
the tax on marine insurance; and from the merchants of
the city of Tuam, praying that under the Reform Bill
they might have a share in the Constitution.
Mr. WILKS presented a petition from the freehol-
ders and inhabitants of a place near Lincoln, and front Li-
berton, in favour of the Reform Bill ; also a petition
from the Protestant Society for the Protection of Religious
Liberty against the imposition of unnecessary oaths. The
Hon. Member gave notice that he should in Committee on
the Reform Bill, move for a proviso to prevent the con-
tinuance of any Parliament for a longer term than three
years.
Lord INGESTRIE presented a petition from certain
Protestant clergy in Ireland, complaining of illegal com•
binations in resisting the payment of tithes. He
would not enter into the subject of tithes generally ;
the subject was undoubtedly difficult and delicate, but
of this he was certain, tl.at if tithes were due, being esta-
blished by law, the petitioners had a right to them, as in-
disputably as any person in the country had a tight to their
property. He begged to ask the Hon. Secretary for It eland,
whether his Majesty's Government had in contemplation
any measure to facilitate the recovery of tithes.
An Hose. MEMBER. whose name we could not learn,
assured the House, on his own personal knowledge,
that there was nothing like illegal combination to
resist the levying of tithes, as had been represented by
the petitioners.
• Mr. STANLEY was sure the House would agree with
hint that a subject of such magnitude as that introduced
by the petition was not one, which, however, worthy of
consideration, could well be discussed on the presentation
of a petition. It was asked whether the Government bad
this subject under their consideration. and were prepared to
bring forward any specific measure for the remedy of those
grievances of which the petitioners complained. He could
assure the House no subject was more anxiously
under the consideration of Government than the
existing system of tithes. But that was a question
which, looking at it in any point of view, presented mnch
difficulty and great delicacy. He rejoiced that this mat-
ter had been brought forward in this manner by the
Irish Protestant Clergy. He certainly only lamented
that while the petitioners acknowledged the assistance they
had received from Ministers, in the enforcement of their
due rights—an assistance 'which be hoped would
never he withheld from them—no specific remedy
had been proposed for the adoption of Government.
While en the one hand no man was more strictly at-
tached to the Established Church, or was more
anxious that it should continue in the possession of its
legitimate property, yet on the other hand no Mem-
ber of that House was more anxious titan him-
self to see existing abuses corrected, and that that which
was the undoubted right of the Church might be levied
with as little inconvenience as possible to those persons from
whom it should be raised. He would much deceive the
House, however, if he pretended to say that the Govern-
ment had under its consideration any specific plan, which
it was proposed to lay before this House for the
remedy of those grievances. Its anxious attention was
turned to the question, and he hoped it would be satisfac-
torily adjusted.
Mr. LEFROY expressed his satisfaction at the state-
ments of the Right lion. Secretary for Ireland, as he
considered it would be the means of allaying a good deal
of irritation.
Mr. J. GRATTAN deprecated the collection of tithes"
by force ; if they were to be so collected, it was highs time
for the Government to interfere. He trusted Government
would make this tax tributary to the relief of the Irish
poor.
Sir C. WETHERELL concurred with what hal been
stated by the Right Hon. Secretary for Ireland, but
was not aware that that dissatisfaction existed in Ire-
land on this subject which had been alluded to.
Captain GORDON considered the resistance to the
payment of tithes in the south of Ireland did not origi- "
nate with the unfortunate affair at Newtownbarry.
Mr. O'CONNELL strongly denied that any resistance
had been made to the payment of tithes in any of the
southern counties of Ireland, not excering Clare.
The only thing that was done when the cattle were dis-
trained upon, was to brand them as " tithes," and then no
person would be found to buy them.—(Laughter.) The
clergy had the law all on their side, they had the law of
distress, the Exchequer law, and they had the military.
In the case of the clergyman at Newtownbarry, he had de-
manded tithes three half years in one year, which wes
rather too much even in Ireland.—(Loud and con-
tinued laughter.) He strongly deprecated the introduction of
the military, for whom there was no occasion whatever.
The Roman Catholics in Ireland, so far from wishing to
withhold remuneration from Protestant Clergymen, would
wish to see them abundantly paid where they bad duties
to perform, but there were some parishes in which not a
Roman Catholic was to be found.
Captain GORDON was perhaps mistaken in placing
Kilkenny in the South of Ireland, but he was certain that
there, and in other places, the payment of tithes was re-
sisted before the Newtownbarry affair.
Colonel O'GRADY beard of no difficulty in the South
of Ireland in obtaining the payment of tithes. In the
county of Limerick the best understanding prevailed be-
tween the Clergy and the people.
Sir R. H. INGLIS said, whatever number of acres
aright belong to the See of Derry, they were let in such a
manner that the Bishop derived but a small portion of in-
come from them. In the county of Carlow there wee
33 livings which were not worth 1,0001. a•year, and the
greater number did not average 2601. a-year. if that in-
come were considered too large, he did not know what
next could be expected.
Mr. MAXWELL denied that any unjust demand for
tithe was made at Newtownbarry, and he could further
add that the yeomanry and police never fired a shot until
they had first been fired upon.—( Hear.)
Mr. I). W. HARVEY complained of the enormous
quantity of laud whielt belonged to the See of Derry. The
pastoral cure bad quite enough of duties au:wiled to it,
withouttnand c
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