The Sun.
London, England, 1849-01-12 00:00:00

ventured to introduce another of his own.

. _
presume that Conservatives are too much occupied
with their own internal feuds to give attention to the
undisguised and daring designs of the common foe. If
they bad leisure and heart for vigorous and united ac-
tion, we might warn them of their danger, and rouse
them to a sense of duty. Nothing can be clearer, from
the language of these democrats and the whole tenor of

their proceedings, that all their aims have merged into
one, arid that minor considerations have been lost sight
of in the grand and fixed resolution to destroy the aris-
tocratic element that now exists in the country. The
warfare is not of interest against interest, or of class
against class, It is the battle of Democracy against
Aristocracy. Aristocracy is at a discount throughout
Europe. Why should it exist for another hour in
England ? The farmers need no warning from us.
We do not believe that they are to be caught.
Would that we could say as much for the party chiefly in
danger! Would that we could see some disposition to
meet the wily and uscrupulous enemy on the part of the
assailed ! As far as Cobden and his men sir?
concerned,
the sword is unsheathed, and war is proclaimed.
Will
the true guardians of the rights privilegesandandwh,are the
of the
people—will enlightened Conservatives,
of the lawful
guarantees of order, and theupholders
claims of all—of the Queen on her throne as well as of
the labourer in his cottage—suffer ignominious defeat
without a blow ? Will they leave the land to the mercy
of hired Democrats, or will they, by_ w legislation,
and steady co-
ration in the work of right andjustice,

give peace to the empire and security to its institutions?
Parliament is about to re- open ; it may be worth while
to consider these questions before the Ist of February
arrives.
ADVERTISER.—The Manchester Financial Reform
meeting was held on Wednesday evening. It will be
regarded hereafter as a great historical event. Whether
for the numbers who attended, the enthusiasm mani-
fested, or the unanimity which characterised the pro-
ceedings, we make bold to say, that never, on any for-
mer occasion, did a meeting of her Majesty's subjects
take place which could be at all compared to it. Such a
demonstration from such a quarter, in favour of rinancial
reform, was all that was wanting to give consistency
and effect to the movement which has been recently
making in favour of retrenchment in the national ex-
penditure. The success of the new agitation is now a
moral certainty. All doubts on that head have vanished.
The fears of the Ministry, and those who feed and fatten
on the,public finances, are more than verified. The face
of many a sinecurist will turn pale as he reads the report
which appears in the papers of the proceedings at Man-
chester on Wednesday evening. There will be confusion
worse confounded in those aristocratic families who have
hitherto regarded the money wrung, by means of taxation,
from the half-starving; masses, as a legitimate subject for
plunder. Mr. Cobden was present, and very appro-
priately took the lead. He was the lion of the evening.
and his speech was the speech of the evening. It was
one of the boldest, most straightforward, and most prac-
tical speeches which the Hon. Gentleman ever delivered.
It lasted an hour and a quarter, and was received
throughout with an enthusiasm never surpassed in the
annals of popular oratory. The speech of Mr. Cobden
will obtain an extensive publicity by means of the news-
paper press; but it must be printed in a separate and
cheap form, and be circulated, in hundreds of thousands,
throughout the length and breadth of the land. Mr.
Cobden adheres to all the positions he advanced in his
memorable letter. He does not retract a hair's-breadth.
Ho even goes farther than he was then prepared to do.
He now fixes on 10,000,0001., as the minimum amount of
the reduction he proposes. That sum is not to be re-
garded as the full and final saving of the public money
which he contemplates. He will accept of that amount
in the first instance, and then look about him, and see
what further reductions can be made in the national
expenditure, without impairing the efficiency of the
public service. Mr. Cobden assailed with terrible force
the wanton extravagance which prevails in our military
and naval establishments. Under these two heads ime
mense saviags may be effected. Will it be believed that
while, in 15335, we only spent 11,000,0001. in the main-
tenance of the army, navy, and ordnance, the cost is now
upwards of 18,000,0001.? The people of these realms will
scarcely know whether they ought to feel more sur-
prised or more indignant at this enormous addition to
our military and naval expenditure ; and this, too, in a
time of profound peace. If circumstances had unhap-
pily involved us in a war with France, or any other of
the leading Powers of Europe, what, we ask our readers,
must in that case have been the amount of our expendi-
ture for army, navy, and ordnance ? It oould not have
been less than from 20,000,0001. to 22,000,000/. to
begin with. And supposing such a war to have lasted
for some time, the amount must, before the close of 1850,
have swelled to at 1ea5t25,000,000/. Mr. Cobden placed this
great financial movement in a new light. He said, with
much humour, but not with more humour than truth,
that whereas, in the Anti-Corn-law movement, the League
were regarded as the farmers' foes, they must now be
considered the farmers' friends; for the object of the
present agitation was to reduce the tax on malt, hops,
butter, cheese, timber, paper, salt, and house windows.
In all of these respects the farmers would be largely
benefited. In some of them, the benefit would be almost
exclusively theirs. In the matter of malt, for instance,
they would be enormous gainers. The advantages they
would derive from the remission of that tax would al-
most reconcile them to the repeal of the corn-laws. When,
therefore, the agricultural part of our population, once
clearly comprehend the nature and objects of the pre-
sent movement, it is but reasonable to infer, that they
will rally round the standard of financial reform, and
become the most trusty and faithful of the forces with
whom to do battle with the aristocracy. The latter will
thus have to fight against unequal odds. With both the
manufacturing and the agricultural classes marshalled
against them, what can they do, or what can they ex-
pect ? Their signal and speedy discomfiture must ap-
pear certain to thmselves. Better, therefore, to give up
the unequal contest at once. Mr. Cobden, in the con-
clusion ()This speech, made a vow. He solemnly pledged
himself that he will never give up the enterprise in
which he has embarked until he has succeeded in com-
pelling Government to recur to the expenditure of 1835,
—thus reducing the cost of our various establishments
to the extent of 10,000,0001.
" He would never cease the advocacy of this question
till he saw the cost of our armies reduced to 10,000,0001.;
until he saw the expenditure of the country reduced to
what it was in 1835, at least. he did not say he would
stop there. That was the least they intended to do, and
it was something worth the struggle; and he repeated
ho would not stop there; and he sincerely believed that,
with the assistance of the people and the growing ten-
dency for peace throughout the world, they would
not long continue to witness the horrid waste of
10,000,000/. on a fighting establishment in time of peace;
but they would live to see the day when one-half of that
sum would be considered enough; nor did he think that
time would be long in arriving."
What Mr. Cobden says, he will do. What he under-
takes, he will perform. He enters into no enterprise
rashly. He proceeds with caution. He comes to no
conclusion without due previous deliberation. He
has carefully counted the cost, and weighed the
consequences, before unreservedly committing him-
self with the present movement. He is not
the man to falter, or draw back. " Onward"
will be his motto, until success crowns his efforts.
His triumph will be quite as signal, and much more
speedy, than that which he achieved in his conflict with

the corn monopolists. The proceedings at the Mane
chester magnificent meeting acquire an additional
value from the specific character of the resolution
which Mr. Cobden moved and carried, amidst deafening
acclamations, and without a dissentient voice, although
it was computed that 8,000 persons were present. The
resolution was this :—" That this meeting resolves to
co-operate with the Liverpool Reform Association, and
other bodies, in their efforts to reduce the public ex-
penditure to at least the standard of 1835, and to se-
cure a more equitable and economical system of taxa-
tion." This is no vague, general resolution. It is as
definite as the ?most devoted admirer to the specific
could desire. The meeting fairly and fully committed
itself, not merely to the principle of financial reform, but
to the minimum extent to which that reform shall bo
_ _

carried. Manchester, the place in which
Anti-Corn-
law League had its origin, and where it started up at
once into a giant's proportions—Manchester "goes" for
a reduction of 10,000,0001. a year, at the least, in our
public expenditure. The country will follow the exam-
ple of Alanchester. From Land's-end to John O'Groat's,
the cry will now be raised fOr national retrenchment to

the tune of 10,000,000/. per annum. That cry, so uni-
versal and so loud as we know it will be, will make itself
heard within the walls of Parliament. It will be heard,
and in part, at least, responded to before the close of the
approaching session.

CHOLERA AMONG THE PAUPER

CHILDREN AT TOOTING.

The following are the official reports of the number
of new cases which have occurred at the establishment
of Mr.. Drouet, at Tooting, during the day (yester-
day):— _ _ _

" Surrey Hall, Tooting, Jan. 11, 1849.
" Number of fresh cases presenting choleretie symp-
toms, 7; fresh cases of diarrhoea, 4; deaths, 7; under
treatment, 103. 44 have been removed to convalescent
wards.

" The greater number of cases under treatment are
proceeding rapidly towards convalescence. In a few
cases symptoms of fever of a typhoid character have
presented themselves. _ _

" No sanitary measures have been adopted to-day re-
specting the ditches or drains. Many think that by
stirring up the mud from the bottom of them, would be
the means of producing a great amount of stench, and
of stirring up an amount of noxious material that would
be very injurious, and likely to give rise to further in-
crease of disease.

(Signed) " W. J. KITE, Resident Surgeon."
ST. PANCRAS WORKHOUSE OFFICIAL REPORT.—IN-
CREASE OF CASES.—The following is the official report
of Mr. Bird and Mr. Wilkinson, the surgeons appointed
by the board of directors to attend the pauper children
removed from Tooting to St. Pancras Workhouse, which
shows an alarming increase, no less than 127 children
out of the 200 removed having been attacked:—
" To the Directors of the Poor of St. Pancras.
" Temporary Hospital, St. Pancras Workhouse,
Thursday, Jan. 11, 1849.
" It is with regret that we have to report an increase,
both in the number of cases of cholera and its severity,
during last night, which we are inclined to attribute to
the very great decrease of temperature, owing to the
new plan of ventilation.
" We have, therefore, felt it necessary to restore the
wards to their original temperature, by stopping up the
zinc perforations.

In closing this report we are sorry to add, that
many of the cases are of a severe character, and promise
speedily to go into a state of collapse.
" Number of new cases, 40; convalescent, 11; under
treatment, 116; deaths, 7; still in a collapsed state, 5.
(Signed) "IL BIRD, Surgeons•"
" W. WILKINSON, I
, Y 1
Mr. Bird adds, that he has ordered baked mchuiltdtoan..aa
Ind
potatoes, with porter, to be given to each. _ , , the
who is convalescent. He is perfectly convinced that
only means of checking the premonitory y_
the disease is calomel, and only
to
oadiffers from that
when there are °ramps. The diseas
of cramps, having
of 1831-2, in the general absence
t
perceived it only in two p dru isn ia t ePrt °'ns
opium of
afierne:Pect to the state of the
HOLBORN UNION.--
by Mr. Jackson, the house
children
report
was
givenbelonging
lastto
0 Hospital, Gray's Inn•road.
etvlhFVeonitilinhgolborn Union, the tono,ing
._...“ One now cats_ among the girls has
br thoseeet t e r who
health hatvliane il()%t.bheeenn ad-
mitted.
takenaucrkg at-
tacked 1
appear
peodpefo:i
ant hrge
iwn. lei;
much
but not any amongst the boys. All the old
cases are ou'aufeinhdd i a rrh ma
witted.

(Signed) " Taos. CARR JACKSON,
liott e Surg
.6 Royal Free Hospital, Jan. 11," 1849, P.M."eon.
The children at the Ogle-street establishment, taken
by the Strand Union, are reported to be in a favourable
condition, only two or three fresh cases of diarrhoea
having made their appearance.

It is said that Mr. Pierce Buler, despairing of
success in his suit against his wife, has made a proposi-
tion for a compromise. The terms are understood to be,
that the parties are to live apart; Mr. Butler to provide
his wife a suitable allowance, and allow at least one of the
children to live with her.—Boston Evening Transcript.

OUR GREAT FINANCIAL RE
FORMERS.
(From the Weekly Dispatch.)
Mr. Editor,—lt is with the greatest pleasure that I
have seen Mr. Macgregor, the Member for Glasgow, en-
tering upon the task of financial reform. It is true that
his budget differs from Mr. Cobden's, and I am as
anxious as any one can be that the public attention
shall be fixed upon one plan, and that all the energies
of the people shall be bent to carry it. Our enemies'
motto will be " Divide and conquer." But Ido not
fear but that upon a clear consideration of the two
propositions they may be made perfectly to harmonise,
and I therefore devote this letter to the task of show-
ing where they absolutely agree, and how, with a very
little conciliation, the agreement may be made per-
fect. One thing is quite clear from the careful perusal of
both, that each of our most able friends would do all the
other suggests, if it were, in his own opinion, feasible ;
that there would, therefore, be no compromise of prin-
ciple whatever in either, should he contend for all that
his coadjutor proposes, that each sees the same good,
and finally the same amount of good, he prospect, and
that the differeuc© is simply in the means to attain it—
in the amount which can be attained now, and in the por-
tion that is to be worked for first. Every earnest effort
ought to be made to ensure the full benefit of Mr. Mac-
gregor's services to the public cause. Let it be remem-
bered that he has been a Radical free-trade suggestor
to the Conservative Peel Government, that every step
which Sir Robert has taken in the right road has been
prepared by the labour of love expended upon it by
our faithful, old, bnt almost unrecognized ally, that his
convincing digest, intended only for perusal by a few
officials, which found its way into the public press,
heralded, as I predicted it would before the reform took
place, the greatest changes which Sir Robert Peel
made in the tariff, with the ono exception of the corn-
law repeal. That paper contained the soundest and
most uncompromising doctrines, the ablest and boldest
propositions, such as have not yet been fully carried out.
Let us congratulate ourselves that, haying done so much
to convert our then opponents, and to make them our fast
and useful friends, Mr. Macgregor has now, at the very
effectual period, thrown off all trammels of office, put
himself into the ranks of the popular party, and given
the vast benefit of his official experience, trained judg-
ment, clear observation, and unequalled classification of
statistics to the avowed service of the people.
Mr. Cobden proposes to go baok to the expenditure of
1835. I think he does so wisely. But the very wisest
scheme must be founded on the supposition that it will
be wisely carried out. Mr. Cobden's proposal sup-
poses peace, non-interference, real honest economy, the
conscientious saving a prudent man would make in his
own concerns. I am not at all disposed to trust the
Whigs with the working of this budget. Aristocrats
of any party cannot work economical reform; they
divide mankind into two classes—gentry who cannot
exist upon less than genteel stipends, and workers
who ought to be happy on 9s. a week. The idea
runs throughout their system Bishops with their
thousands, Curates with their tens Colonels with
their pay and tailors' cabbage, privates with-
out the decencies of life. One of each of the
inferior classes is, now and then, moved into the superior
one, for the name of the thing; but there are essentially
two peoples, nobles and serfs, and the savings which
might be made from the superfluously paid will be kept
up to keep them abreast of their class. The poverty of
Great Britain is caused by having to maintain the finery
of gentility in its servants. The Dorsetahire peasant and
the Spitalfields weaver must pay for their protection,
justice, and police, on the scale of lords, because the pro-
fessors of these Government trades are of the lordly
class themselves. Therefore, Sir, cut the Whigs down by
ten millions, and if they see that they can get no better
bargain, they will take it, because above all they will keep
office: they would do that if their own salaries were the
only things voted; but they will take care that the econo-
my shall fail. They will strip dockyards, sell stores, reduce
necessary force, run up debt and increased expense for
the future, but not take a bit of gold lace from a tawdry
uniform, or subtract a supernumerary Lord-in-Waiting
from a !court pageant. They will not go to their work
with a will. Like the Prince President of the French
Republic, who holds his levees in the gardens of the Pa-
lais Bourbon, to show how much he requires the use of
the Tuileries,
b and chooses to forget that a Ripublican
President needs no such farces at all, they will make a
parade of insufficiency, instead of an effort at good pro•
vidiug. Democratic economy will be found to require
a democratic Ministry. Else our plan will be disgraced
and betrayed, by being confided to those who eate it,
and who are only anxious to supersede it, and get back
to the plunder of the old extravagance.
Else, if we can depose the many-headed dynasty of
the Whigs—that self-marrying family which rules us
with the curses of many hungry monarchs—l do not
see that Mr. Macgregor might not easily approach Mr.
Cobden's measure of expenditure. Mr. Cobden's naval
estimate exceeds Mr. Macgregor's by 200,0001; the main
difference is in the army and the ordnance. Mr. Cob-
den, on the estimate of 1835, gives us 4,039,4291. for the
army, 1,151,914/. for the ordnance. Mr. Macgregor takes
6,000,000/. for the army, 1,750,000/. for the ordnance.
Here, indeed, is a difference of two and a-half
millions. But, besides the question how far the
colonies may be made to pay for their own defence, one
great point in politics is perfectly clear, which fact
ought to set the matter at rest. France is disarming. If
any trickery or treachery of the Thiers and Molt school
should baffle the reductions in the army, which Cavaignac
and Lamoricilie will frankly work for, it is beyond all
dispute that the French navy cannot be hostilely in-
creased. The revenue will not do it. I put out of con-
sideration the intelligence and friendship for England of
the right-minded French people, their perception of the
necessity and humanity of peace. I will suppose the
intriguers to be able to overbear such sense with any
insane war-cry which a mere mob could echo. With
our fleet reasonably, naturally superior, according to the
extent of our colonies and seaboard, we have no need to
fear war. What old woman dreads it from any other quar-
ter? What panic-monger manufactures thefear elsewhere?
Which of the Free States would not look to England
with love and hope, if our conduct permitted such asser-
tion? Which of the despots will dare to utter a breath
against us when we could reply with a blast that should
annihilate him? But to bo thus strong we must be De-
mocratic. A Democracy is always powerful, and always
feared. We must have a Democratic Ministry to com-
bine and wield this irresistible power. We should then
be as safe from any dream of aggression as the United
States of America. Even under a limb of our many-
jointed Oligarchy, a navy, honestly worth the 6,200,0001.
proposed, would keep us quite secure, though neither
perhaps feared nor respected.
Settle this question of expenditure as the nation has a
right to expect it to bo settled, in the most rigorous spirit
of saving, and Mr. Cobden and Mr. Macgregor's plans
may soon be made one. Both would reduce the duty
on tea to Is. per pound ; both would abolish the duty
on hops, paper, soap. Both would relieve us from the
tax on health and light—on our cheerfulness, on our ca-
pacity for work—from the accursed window duty. Both
would make the Crown lands available for something
better than dishonest jobbery. Both would adjust the
legacy and probate duties to real as well as personal pro-
perty. Both would repeal the timber duties altogether.
All duties on butter, cheese, and other provisions, and on
all raw material, are eschewed by both reformers. Mr.
Cobden would get rid of 100 articles subject to Customs;
Mr. Macgregor of all but eight—viz., tobacco, sugar,
spirits,
pin), and manufacturedk. Mr.
wines,a spices,fruits,teaatsills.per lb
Macgregor
would, Cobden's
would, besides, repeal the taxes on bricks, hackney and
stage carriages, post-horses, post-horse licenses; he
would get rid of those hindrances to provident foresight,
the burthens on marine and fire insurances; he would
abolish the assessed taxes on dogs, servants, horses, car-
riages, horse-dealers, hair powder, armorial bearings,
and he would get rid of the famous Whig blunder, the
10 per cent. additional. Mr. Cobden, on the other
hand, would abolish the advertisement duty, and
(which is the main difference in this part of the
budget) the malt duty. Indeed in this and one other
feature are all the remaining essential differences. While
Mr. Cobden would hereafter justly apportion the scale of
income-tax to fixed and uncertain incomes, Mr. Mac-
gregor, aware of the difficulties of detail, but determined
to do something effectual and at once, would cut the
Gordian knot ; he would immediately turn the income-
taxe of three per cent. into a property-tax of five, Pol
instead
cent., and raise thereby 11,000,000/.
5,600,0001. This he would impose on all realised
n,
pro-
perty, much or little, not maiming the growing plant,
but upon ne thatfair
this bold and simple it
ll
approach.
sln
looks a like Mr.
Agreed upon this, and the two deviceenfr'slu eco-
nomymustl
his
own.Cobd en's sympathy
l:anitslySissiob;aseeriX
and th© advertisement duty
roof.
needThissoufbstetintumtiiolnlions,
an
dnot preventen h
arei
s
will sum uP the perfectly secure. A
few plain figures
propos removal of the malt-
taxs
per cent. for
Mrs.jolnascogfretgaxora,tiwenit,h..gajavi:
at
putting probate and
income-tax at 32 ;cal as well as personal
legacy duties eu
• .•• £52,000,000
property, of °shill a revenue, sub-
stituting property -tai

tiboeiti.ween
proposed expenditure, accord-le of 1835, amounts to
40,171,096
gross and
net income, including charges of collee.
Retpie°anl of advertisement duty
this for differaednde:
to Mr. Mac-
•••
Regpreeagloro,fsmliastlto-tfarxepeals
•••
Mrto. eth°ebdse Is':
..•
••• ••• ••• 5,000,000
••• 4,500,000
Mr. Cobden, in proposed by
Add to

160,000

And thus y Total outlay ... ....C49,831,096
ou have less than fifty millions of expendi-
ture, with an income of fifty two, allowing a margin of
two millions, besides such reductions as might have bee ,
made in 1535, and were not made, for all that may
really necessary in expense above the scale of 1835, an .
with every amelioration of burthens suggested by our
two most eminent Reformers. Let my readers just turn
back to the list and see what they would gain.
The people of England cannot afford that two such
men should differ even in appearance. We must not
give our enemies that comfort. The enthusiastic, single-
minded, eloquent, acute leader of corn-law repeal, and
the silent, learned, practical, experienced prompter of
many reforms, must present one plan to the House of
Commons, either as a complete whole, or in inexpedient
parts, with the implicit faith of the whole people to
back it. Two such champions need fear no opposition.
The Times may affect fright, and deprecate the enormous
change. It is an immense one; nothing less would
suffice, or even be felt. It is the revolution we need, and
should exact. Let me conjure these two great states-
men to agree, as, they so readily may, and confer 8,
double benefit on their country. Nothing is too much
to expect from their patriotism in the way of effort, or
from their wisdom in point of success. CAUSTIC.

Salisbury bas subscribed 2,000/. for the purpose of
having the next agricultural show held in that city.