The Sun.
London, England, 1831-01-05 00:00:00

QUEEN-SQUARE.

Yesterday two fellows, named John Hough and
William Tuffe, were brought up from the station-
house, and placed at the bar before Messrs. WHITE
and GREGORIE, charged with assaulting Miss Eliza
Barton, a young lady of respectability, in St.
James's Park, under the following circumstances :
Miss Barton, accompanied by her brother and
mcther, were returning home from a party in the
City to their residence at No. 53, Stafford-place,
Pimlico, at a late hour in the evening. In passing
through St. James's-park, the defendants, in the
most pot-valiant-like manner, came up to Mr. Barton
and offered to fight him for a sovereign. The offer
was of course declined, when the defendants in the
most impudent manner began to take liberties with
Miss Barton, by throwing their arms round her neck.
Fired with indignation at this cowardiy assault no
his sister, Mr. Barton knocked both the defendants
down. The defendants, astonished at the reception
they met with from one so young, and apparently
not near their match, quickly rose, and wereknocked
down a second time. By this time an alarm had
been given, and a police constable of the A division
came up and conveyed the defendants to the station-
house.

The defende.uts said nothing in their defence, but
merely that they were rather elated with what they
had drunk.

Mr. WHITE said, the present case was one of the
grossest that had ever come before him ; there was
not one palliating circumstance in it, and for the
sake • of the public, he was of opinion that the de-
fendants ought to be made an example of. He
should, therefore, inflict the full penalty of 5/. each,
and in default of payment, they must be both com-
mitted for two months to Coldhath-fields.
Mr. WHITE complimented Mr. Barton in the
highest terms for the courage and bravery he had
displayed in protecting his sister and mother.
Mr. Barton had no vindictive feelings against the
prisoners, and begged that part of the punishment
might be remitted.
Mr. WHITE said, that the public must be pro-
tected against such men,and refused to mitigate the
punishment.

HIGIILAND ENGLISIL—In the reign Of
CHARLES I. it was customary for the north country
merchants to barter their goods, generally fish, with their
richer neighbours of the South. Two Highland Bailies,
merchants, came to Edinburgh with a quantity of speld-
ings to exchange for stockings, cloth, &c. SANDY, one
of them, on arriving at the shop where they expected to
exchange goods, said to DONALD, the other, " You,
TONAL, can be spokit in gooder English, and mack you a
good sickar pargain." After the usual compliments were
paid, DONALD asked the merchant, Gen ye please, Sir,,
will you bought for bought ?"—" Hout, TONAL, man,'
replied SANDY, " me be thought you be spokit the gooder
English; she means will you buy for buy ?".—.Scotsman.

together, be assured, at a most important epoch i
the .history of our country, and of that struggle
which has been perpetually going on in all countries,
and in ail ages, between the governors on the one
hand, and the governed on the other, the one to re-
sist, the other to obtain ameliorated and free institu-
tions. In this struggle we have arrived at an event-
ful period. In all former times, dark as the pros-
pect has often been ; hopeless as the condition of
mankind has appeared even to the most sanguine
temperameet, the cause of good government, the
cause of the people has ultimately progressed, and
so will it, be assured, in the present instance.—
(Cheers.)—Mr. Paget then went through a rapid
survey of the history of this country, pointing out
the different shapes which this contest had as-
sumed, until the true prnciples of Liberty were
fully recognised by all parties in the State at
the Revolution of 1688. At this period, (he
said) the means of warfare, on the part of the
powerful, assumed a new shape and a new direction.
The sharpest wits were set to work—not to destroy
in appearance the House of Commons, but to usurp
the omnipotence of its power. Open boroughs
were made venal—venal were made close. These
became collected and vested in the hands of indi-
viduals. Every interest of the country was sacri-
ficed to this abominable traffic.- It was not a mat-
ter of chance, but a proceeding governed through
years by the most cold-blooded and basest of all
usurpations.—(Cheers.) The warning voice of
prophecy, as to its dreadful consequences, was not
wanting in each succeeding year, but that voice was
uniformly drowned by artful and successful adven-
turers of one kind or other, noble or plebean. The
progress of this system has advanced with different
degrees of rapidity during the different periods since
1688. Until the end of the reign of George IL
and so long as the Pretender to the Throne of these
realms existed,' some little mercy was shown to the
people, but since the accession of George 111.
rapacity seems to have known no bounds. In-
dividual wealth and general poverty have pro-
ceeded hand in hand. Such success has at-
tended this mode of warfare, that at the early
part of Earl Grey's political life, lie offered
to prove at the bar of the House of Commons,
that 1.5-h individuals nominated the majority of that
assembly, and consequently commaeded the destinies
and the immense revenues of this country. What
has been the practical result of this new system
of Government?—Wars of unexampled extent arid
duration, of incalculable expenditure both of blood
and treasure—public debt and public wretchedness.
It is true we have not had the slitting of noses and
cropping of ears of former times, yet during the
reign of terror, there was no deficiency in personal
suffering and dungeon miseries. It is true, the scaf-
fold has not been drenched with blood as during
the reign of the Stuarts,— though Ireland has beee
no mean example of that system of Government,
but if we look at the fiscal exactions upon the people
if we look at the sufferings from excessive and
grinding taxation, which sufferings perpetually prey
upon the health and happiness of every poor family
in the kingdom, we shall find they far exceed any
thing of the kind heretofore known in this country.
—(True,
true.) The amount wrung from the
single year in our time, has exceeded all
tpieieo
people
eoriitu a
ributions to the State during the twenty-
eight years the extravagant arid profligate Charles
and his cruel brother James occupied the throne of
these realms. The effects of these exactions, and of
the cruel misgovernment which has its origin in the
same source, you now see in the wide-spread misery
and destitution of the people.—These effects have
reached their utmost limit—the wretchedness can be
DO longer endured, and you are called together here
to-day to consider the propriety of petitioning both
Houses of the Legislature, to aid the King and iris
Ministers in effecting such a retrenchment in the
public expenditure, and such a reform in the repre-
sentation of the people as will ward off the most
fatal cansequences.—(Cheers.)
Mr. BRENVlN—Geiltlemen, before I propose to
you the resolution which has been put into my
hands, I think it but fair to inform you that there
are other measures of relief in contemplation by the
Higher powers' which von are not perhaps aware of,
a:d which you may possibly think will supersede
any further proceedings on our part. I see by the
Newspapers that the Archbishop of Canterbury has
ordered prayers to be put up in all the Churches
fo
for
our
deliverance from these troubled times.—
(A la"gh.) In what way his Grace expects Heaven
tointerfere I am not exactly aware. Whether it
is thought probable that the age of miracle will re-
commence, and that in compassion to this nation of
paupers we shall have a fall of fine flour, instead of
snow, this winter, as a remedy for the artificial
laughter
scarcity laws—(Loud
produced by the corn
)—or that our streams will be transformed
into unfreezing ale, to obviate the effects of the Malt
tax (Continued laughter)—l am not able to say;
but something of the kind must surely be looked for,
since in what other way Heaven is to help us I know
not. To me it appears to be the extreme riot only of
absurdity, but of impiety, to implore leaven for
deliverance from sins which we persist in commit-
ting : and to charge as it were upon Providence,
evils which every thinking man in the nation knows
to be the effect of those abuses of which the clergy
have at all times been the most strenuous sup-

opinions : secondly, not to embarrass them by de.
manding every thing at once.—(Hear, hear.) The
two points to which their attention must be princi-
pally directed are the actual distress which prevails
and the state of public opinion as to its causes. The
first they must endeavour to alleviate by retrench-
ment and reduction of taxation : the second is to be
sati,fied oily by an efficient Reform.—(Hear, hear.)
It is indeed only by means of the latter that the
former can be carried into execution to any ade-
quate extent ; and though, as I have before said, it
is by no means our interest to increase the difficul-
ties with which the Ministers have to contend, I
feel myself bound to declare that in my opinion no
plan of Reform will be found to be any thing but a
delusion which does not contain as an essential con-
stituent the mode of voting by ballot.—(Loud and
general cheers, and cries of " The ballot ; the ballot
only.") All the objections that I have heard
against it are so manifestly futile, that they have
never produced any other effect Oil me than to raise
a doubt of the sincerity of those who have urged
them. It is said to be un-English, though it is
practised in almost every one of our institutions. It
k said to have failed in America, though the fact is,
that the perfect practical freedom enjoyed in that
country renders it at present superfluous. As well
might it be said that our great coats, which we feel
so comfortable to-day, are useless, because they are
not wanted in fine weather.—(A laugh.) There
are some persons who think that this question, and
indeed all others, ought to be left in the hands of
Government—who consider all political discussion
by the people as dangerous; and who stsy that these
things would never find their way into their heads
if they were not put there by such demagogues as
myself.—(A laugh.) But these gentlemen pay the
people a higher compliment than I fear they are en-
titled to. lam of opinion that if their homes and
families were comfortable, we should not be favoured
with such crowded audiences as we now are ; and
that it is not so much what we have put into your
heads, as what they have taken out of your bellies,
that has given you such a keen appetite for political
inquiry.—(A laugh.) Lst those who think the dif-
fusion of political knowledge dangerous, ask them-
selves where the late alarming disturbances have oc-
curred ? Not among the inquisitive radical popula-
tion of the manufacturing districts; but in agricul-
tural anti-Catholic Kent, where we were told a short
time since that the last stand was made by tin un-
corrupted peasantry for the ancient religion and con-
stitution of the country. What is it that these poor
fellows are most loud in demanding ? Not Reform
—not ballot—no ; bread, higher wages, 25.,-25.6d.
per day. Here is the true cause of the discontent
and the danger. It is taxation, the constant, sure,
result of non-representative government, which in
this, and in every country, conjures, as it were by
magic, the fruits of their industry out of the hands
of the people, and makes them starve in the midst
of abundance. The conflagrations may cease—the
tumults may subside—vigorous measures may pro-
duce a temporary tranquillity ; but you can have no
permanent security but by gaining the confidence
and conciliating the affections of the people.
Mr. S. STONE said, when we remember the past
misdeeds of Whig Administrations—that it was a
Whig Administration that enacted the Septennial
Act—the Riot Act—the Excise Laws, and tripled
the Income Tax, and that the present Ministry has
acted most suspiciously by its augmentation of the
army, we cannot, 1 fear, place entire and unlimited
confidence in those who HOW hold the reins of power.
—(Hear, hear.) Unless the people press forward
wiLl: a vigour and energy which cannot be resisted
or withstood, we may again have to experience the
difference between professions when out of office,
and practice when in: If any argument be requisite
to demonstrate the necessity of some great change,
it is furnished by the poverty and wretchedness of
the labouring classes of this country. Their misery
and distress are not any of those mysterious dispen-
sations of Heaven to which good men should submit
without a murmur, as the Archbishop of Canter-
bury would wish .us to believe, but are occasioned
by the folly, wickedness, ignorance, selfishness, and
tyranny of men—(Loud cheers)—they are the re-
sult of ruinous wars, wanton expenditure, unequal
taxation, and unjust monopolies, which, while they
benefit and enrich the few, ruin our apiculture, de-
stroy our commerce, and starve our population.—
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I will with your permission
mention a few of the evils and anomalies of that
system which the Duke of Wellington considers as

sentation in Scotland in which we are equally inte-
rested, is, if possible, worse, for there the 43 Mem-
bers are returned by about 2,500 electors, which is
not quite half the number of those who voted at the
last contested election for this county, and little
more than polled for your talented champion. In
Wigan, in Lancashire, containing 20,000 inhabitants,
there are only about 80 electors, and in Edinburgh,
contenting 140,000 inhabitants, the Members are
elected by 33 individuals !—(Loud cries of shame.)
It is notorious, not only that seats are bought and
sold, but that the majority of the House of Com-
mons is returned through the undue influence of
about 150 Peers and Commoners, as my Lord Grey
offered to prove en his first introduction to Parlia-
ment ; and in the present House, there are more
than 260 relations and dependants of Peers, more
than 100 officers of the army and navy, and more
than 60 persons in receipt of salaries or pensions.—
(Shame, shame.) It is impossible that the country
can repose its confidence in the political wisdom of
a House thus constituted—it cannot look up to it
with that respect, reverence, and affection, which
the supreme council of the nation ought to Com-
inand.—(Loud cheers.) Let us then strive to ob-
tain a complete purification of this Augean stable,
and not be content with a partial cleansing, for they
who will be satisfied with moderate Reform of the
Parliament, ought, for the sake of consistency, to.be
satisfied with moderate chastity in a wife.—(Laugh-
ter and cheers.) No Reform will in ray opinion be
effectual, or satisfy the expectations of the country,
which does not comprehend four things. Ist. The
disfranchisement of all rotten boroughs, and ail non-
resident voters in towns and cities. 2d. The exten-
sion of the franchise to is,l inhabitant householders,
with the abolition of all corporation monopolies.
31 The shortening the duration of Parliaments.
And 4th. Greater simplicity in the mode of taking
the poll, accompanied by the vote by ballot.—(Loud
cheers.) The ballot would be a panacea for all
abuses. It is essential not only to the freedom and
purity of election, but the tranquillity and well-being
of the State. This alone can give stability to exist-
ing institutions, or contentment of the people.—
(Cheers.) With regard to retrenchment, 1. fear that
no reductions which the present Ministers, with the
most honest iutentions, will be able to effect, will
produce any sensible amelioration of your condition.
The system must undergo an entire change before
we must expect any great alteration of our burdens.
I do, however, hope and trust, that they will, by the
imposition of a property-tax, on a graduated scale,
so that the possessor of a hundred a-year shall not
pay the same per centage as the Lord of ten thou-
sand, be enabled to relieve the industrious classes
from those taxes which press most heavily on their
necessities and comforts. I also hope to see a
speedy repeal of the obnoxious and unprincipled tax
upon knowledge—(Loud applause)—for it is most
unjust to punish those for the consequences of ig-
norance who are thus debarred from the acquisition
of knowledge.—(Great applause.) Mr. Stone con-
cluded by moving the second resolution.
Mr. M. BABINGTON said, that the unanimity of
sentiment which prevailed on the subject of Reform
in Parliament, was undeniably proved by the sudden
termination of the Duke of Wellington's govern-
ment in consequence of his avowed opposition to
such a measure. With respect to the particular
nature of the Reform, he would not enter into
the subject except so far as to allude to the
question of the ballot. In the present state of
the elective franchise the ballot appeared to
him to be necessary to secure both the honesty
and the freedom of the electors.—(Cheers.) lie
felt assured that much might not only be effected by •
retrenchment, but also by a change of taxes. The
introduction of a property tax would enable the Gos
vernmcnt to take off the great duties which pressed
OH the articles of general and necessary censuniption,
and the abolition of all monopolies without diminish-
ing the revenue, would take a burthen of many mil-
lions from the body of the people. Mr. B. concluded
by moving the third resolution.
Mr. MELLOR, jun., in rising to second the reso-
lution proposed by Mr. Babington, said, I can con-
ceive of no system of representation which may
citable us to dispense with the ballot. Cherish it,
gentlemen, as the pledge of your redemption.—
(Applause.) Acts of Parliament without number
have passed for the prevention of corruption—Com-
mittee after Committee have sat for the same pur-
pose, but all has been in vain, for corruption still
rears its head; why nor, then, try the ballot ?
(Cheers.) I would say, let it once be tried, and if
it be not found efficacious, repeal it ; but let it be
tried, and its advocates will stand or fall by the re-
sult.—(Cheers.) I am disposed to think that the
scheme of Reform to be proposed by the Ministers
will be at least extensive, if not quite satisfactory,
for I am sure the noble-minded and patriotic Lord
Althorp will be a party to nothing tricky or deceitful
—(Cheers)—he will not continue a moment longer
in office than while he can do so without the sacrifice
of honour and consistency.—(Cheers.) In the indig-
nation so eloquently expressed by Mr. Babington,
as to that Nobleman who said, " May I not do
as I like with my own t" every person present
must sympathise, and I am happy to say, that such
an exclamation betrays in the speaker not only the
grossest ignorance of moral law, but also of the
common and constitutional law of his country, for
one of the fundamental maxims of our common law
is, "so use your own as not to injure the property
and rights of another."—(Cheers.) In conclusion,
Mr. Mellor thanked them for the attention with.
which he had been heard, and begged to second the
resolution so ably moved by Ma. Babington.
Mr. BERRY read the fifth resolution, and said—
Gentlemen, for a long time we have been labouring
in this cause, with little hope of success: now, we
have a patriotic King, and a Ministry pledged to sup-
port such a change in the House of Commons as shall
satisfy the just wishes of the nation.—(Cheers.)
They have declared that if not supported by the
people, their power must be transitory. Let us
encourage and strengthen them against that aristcss
cracy, and oligarchy which has so long preyed upon
the vitals of the country, and resisted every attempt
to improve our institutions, and to consider the
rights and comforts of the community at large.—
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, it requires little sagacity to
perceive, that a Reform in the House of Com-
mons lies at the root of every other improvement.
The state of our representation has been long a
disgrace to us; ft has been the cause of all the
calamities which the people suffer I under it, such a
career of war, and extravagance, and corruption, has
been persisted in, that we are in danger of falling
into utter confusion and ruin. Thank God, that we
see the dawn of better times.—(Cheers.)—Above
all, let us contend for election by ballot.—(Cheers.)
Wherever we look, we find arguments in its favour.
For myself, I say, I have no possible interest sepa-
rate from the public good ; and I do believe that
a Reform is necessary to save us from universal.
disorder:—(Loud cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN, in putting to the meeting the
eighth resolution, observed that though much as
might be said in disparagement of the late Ministry,
and much as he rejoiced in their dismissal, so far as
the Duke of Wellington was concerned, he might be
said to be far superior to many, if not to most of his
predecessors; and let us never ferget (continued
the Chairman) that the success of those two vital
measures, Catholic Emancipation and the repeal of
the Corporation and Test Acts was secured during
his administration.—(Loud Cheers.)--,-Respecting
Mr., now Sir R. Peel, a very different judgment is
career
to be formed--his has been a long one--his
name is mixed with the very worst portions of this

eventful history; he can be regarded only as a pure
trading politician. Principle with him appears to
be of no account; he granted the repeal of the Test
and Corporation Acts, purely because he was
beaten by the Commons, and for the sake of re-
taining his place. He joined in carrying into effect
Catholic Emancipation, protesting that he had not
altered one iota of his opinions, and heaping all ob-
loquy upon that measure. One day he joined with
Lord Bexley in asserting in the face of the nation
that there was no depreciation in our paper cur-
rency, and stultified himself with the House by de-
claring that a pound note and a shili:tig were of
equal value to a guinea, when the latter was selling
currently for thirty shillings. The next day he
comes down to the House, proclaiming that depre-
ciation did exist, and that it must be corrected forth-
with, and at all hazards. At the same moment that
he brought in his celebrated Bill to effect this pur-
pose, he joined in laying on three additional mil-
lions of taxes on the people.—(Shame, shame.)—
He was cautioned again and eg.ain of the conse-
quences of his measures. Whether ignorance or
design directed his conduct it is impossible to say;
but if he has one spark of feeling in his breast, if lie
possess one one particle of humanity in his composi-
tion, the most humble individual in this assembly
may truly pity the feelings of his mind. As a
Statesman I trust his power may never return.
Mr. BRIGGS said, I trust that meeting..., like the
present will be held everywhere—wilt show to the
Minister that in the prosecution of his purpose he
may confidently rely on the support of twenty mil-
lions of men—will convince the Government that
the people are not indifferent to a measure which is
the only mode of salvation for themselves and for
posterity ; and demonstrate to the people of Eng-
land that, united and unanimous, they have hut to
will it and their independence is achieved. In the
reformation of our representative system our ob-
ject is to correct those glaring abuses, arid that mo-
nied, corporate, and aristocratic influence, which has
completely paralyzed the democratic part of our Con-
stitution, and made our representation as useless,
anomalous, and farcical, as human wickedness, de-
pravity, or cupidity could possibly desire ; has made
it,instead of being the property of the people, as it
originally was intended it should be, end as by right
it ought to be, merely the property of a few wealthy,
vicious, ignorant, and aristocratic families. The ob-
ject of a Reform is to return the power into the
hands of those men with whom all power rests and
originates—to return it into the hands of the people
—to furnish to those people by the general and al-
most universal extension of the franchise, an absolute
controul over the votes and public conduct of their
delegated representatives, and to secure, by the
adoption of the ballot, the manufacturing and labour-
ing population, the tenantry and peasantry, from suf-
feting any inconvenience either in person or in pro-
perty, in loss of farms, or houses, or business, or
employment, for voting according to the dictates of
their consciences.—(Applause.) This is the Re-
form for which we must petition—this is the Re-
form without which no improvement can be ef-
fected, or any good done. I have the honour of
submitting to your consideration and attention a re-
solution, the principle of which is the necessity, in
any Reform, of establishing and associating with it
the vote by ballot.—(Here Mr. B. read the resolu-
tion, and then continued.) The high importance of
the vote by ballot (said he) is, I am happy to see,
properly perceived and properly appreciated in every
corner of the empire ; all rent,oners, all lovers of li-
berty, all advocates of Reform, must upon this point
be strenuous and persevering; minor differences and
secondary considerations must be given up or sus-
pended for a time, and the whole force of public
opinion brought to hear upon this all-important ,
measure, the public Press must lend itself to the
accomplishment of the same purpose, and every
mode of petition and remonstrance within the limit
of the law must be employed and persevered in till
it is ultimately obtained. The votes of this commu-
nity are considered as the fee-simple of our corpc-
rate body, and the representation of the county as
the hereditary property of the Duke of Rutland.—
(Cheers.) It is to guard against the existence of
such a monstrous injustice—it is to protect persons
against property—to keep the peerage within its
own limits—to confine wealth to its legitimate pur-
poses—to secure men from ruin and inconvenience
for acting conscientiously, that we are anxious for
the es ablishment of the vote by ballot, All the
evils we feel, and which we complain of, and which
weigh down our population to the dust, are all to
be traced, in conjunction with our Aristocracy, to
our wretched representative system. The rights of
man, as propounded by Locke and Sydney, are that
all men are born equal. That all men are born free.
That all government originate from the people.
That all government is a compact between the
people and their rulers—and that all government
ceases to be obligatory or binding, whenever that
compact is infringed or violated. These are the
principles which are eternal and immortal ; these
are principles which shall endure when aristocracy
shall have perished, and when the self-elected ma-
gistrate, arid the self-elected peer, shall be only
talked and read of as relics of antiquity, or shall stalk
like " gigantic spectres in the dim twilight of tradi-
tion."—(Applause.) Of all things, it is of the first
and most paramount importance that men should be
thoroughly and firmly grounded in their political
rights. With an intelligent and public spirited po-
pulation, the imposition or the continuance of a bad
government is impossible. Property and liberty
must ever be safe in the hands of the mass of the
community. There is always a sufficient love of
justice, a sufficient patriotism, information, public
spirit, and moral feeling, in the mass of the popula-
tion, to secure the continuance of public liberty. If
all places were open to honourable ambition, and
every institution liable to revision, the community
would always be sure of being served by the best,
the ablest, and most virtuous of its citizens, and the
institutions themselves best preserved from decay.
There is a natural tendency in all human institu-
tions to become corrupt. There is a natural ten-
dency in laws framed in past times to become irk-
some, obsolete, and worse than useless. Hence
the necessity of annual Legislation—hence the ne-
cessity of continual revision—hence the necessity of
framing laws by men who annually represent the
wants, the wishes, and the sentiments of the
people ; and who, from the frequent dependence on
the people for their re-election, would be more at-
tentive to public wants, public necessities, and
public liberty.—(Applause.) That system is the
best which is based upon the broad principle of po-
pular rights—which banishes exclusiveness—which
dispenses with castes, orders, and grades—which
allows of no distinction but what merit may
originate--which makes the happiness of the
people its only aim, and the preservation of the
people's rights its only supreme care. Such a go-
vernment is that of the United States of America.
It is the only free Government in the world; the
only one which is elective from the President to the
constable; the only one without an aristocracy—
without orders and castes—the only one which is
founded upon the eternal principles of natural jus-
tice.—(Cheers.) The preservation of the liberties
of America is certain.. They are an universal pro-
perty; every one enjoys, every one participates in
them. I have been in their country, and this qua-
lifies me to speak of it ; and I can bear this testi-
mony, from personal observation, to the character of
the people, and the character of their Government.
No Englishman can leave the shores of his island
home without a feeling of despondency and sorrow
—of despondency when he thinks of the withering
system, which preys upon her vitals, and which seems
to bear the stamp of perpetuity—and of sorrow, that
a warm-hearted, generous, and noble people should
be debased and degraded by its withering influence.
It is to the aristocracy that we are indebted for all
the evils and all the taxation with which we are at
present loaded. It is to the aristocracy that we owe
that enormous amount of debt and taxes, accumulated
to carry on a war against the rising liberties of France,
and it is to theexistence at this tiose of that same debt,
rather than to any want of inclination,that we were not
planged into a war to reduce nations struggling for

existence. It is to the aristocracy and their de-
pendents that we owe that determined opposition
to Reform in Parliament, without which, sooner or
later, revolution is inevitable. It is to them that
we owe the misgovernment of Ireland, the pauperism
of England, the enormous amount of 'church re-
venues, and state sinecures. It to them that we
owe the abuses of otu '•iirporation, the existence of
our Gamo Lt%Vs, the closing of our own ports
against the importation of foreign grains and the
consequent retaliation, as far a., it is practicable, of
other nations against the itltroduction of our manu-
factures. To tliem, and almost them alone, are we
to traze the evils of our half its vice, and
rll its misery; and, until their undue power is im-
mensely curtsied, or altogether annihilated, there is
no hope for English liberty, or English happiness.
—(Loud cheers.)-111r, Briggs concluded by moving
the sixth resolotiot.

The res'ol'utions having been cAr:ied, the CHAIR-
MAN proposed the adoption of a petition founded
upon them, to both Horses of Parliament, which
being read, was, like all the preceding resolutions,
unanimously adopted. He then suggested that Earl
Radnor should present the petition to the House of
Lords, which v,Yas agreed to. On proposing that
the petition be presented to the House of Commons
by Mr. Evans,

Mr. SEAL said he should propose that the peti-
tion be put into the hands of Lord Althorp.
The CHAIRMAN thought that it would be im-
proper to put tht petition into the hands of Lord
Althorp, as he was a Minister.

Mr.SEAL said, that being the case he would
suggest that the Chairman should write to Mr.
Evans, and inform him of the enthusiastic manner
in which the mention of the vote by ballot had been
received by the meeting, and to say, that if he
could give the measure his support when the House
met, they would wish him to present it. If not,
that it would be placed in the hands of Mr. Hume.
The question having been carried in the affirma-
tive,—a relolution passed respecting advertising
the resolutions, and thanks voted to the Chairman,
followed by loud cheers) the meeting separated—
the business of the day having occupied from half-
past ten to half-past three o'clock.