The Sun.
London, England, 1838-03-06 00:00:00


—______------_ .
S P 110 T OF T OE P 1 JOURNALS
Evsry sound and honest Reformsr will be at his post this
day. the rush of the Tories to town from all quirts-Ts suf-
ficently indicates to Liberal Members the course which must
be taken by them. But though we thus feel it cur duty to
warn Reformers to be in their place this day. Iselin: aware of
the cegerriess of the Tory underlines to re-enter office on any
terree. we are net. we confess, under any great apprehension
that the Duke of Wellington or Sir Robert Peel will sccend
the viCW3 of these gentlemen. Of coure no cue for a moment
supposes that Sir Robert Peel will so far depart from all con-
esitutional rules as to single out one individual in a Cabinet
a‘ a political victim. Ile knows well that every act of Lord
Gle'tig is the act of Lord Melbourne, but that no Member of
the. liOnew of Commons is. entitled to eeerciee any inquisitioe
into the 01am:cc which this or that Member o the Cabinet
has in the t iuneiis of Government. As, however, where
there is a will v.:qv is a way, we can conceive that skilful tac-
ticians, anxious to enter office on any terms, might en-
graft en Sir William sMolestsoithes 'action an amendment
whieb would deprive it of I:' characterd
nneonetitutional ; an
vie can conceive that two or thre''' individuals calling them-
selves Radicals might even be so ),'E't on breakieg up the
Administration as to support the amensini."'lt as a pis-all",
still we must be strangely cut in the estimate of the Housog
of Commons if this combination of Tories and the I.,2,lreenci .!
e
Radicalism would be successful. But let us assume that Li.
Tories by the aid alluded to could obtain a vote expressive of
want of confidence in the Cabinet, or even condemnatory of
its foreign policy, the difficulties of the Tories would only then
begin. What is to come of this monstrous and unnatural
union of Tories and anarchical-Radicals? Would the Tories
to conciliate their new allies, who are dissatisfied with Lord
Melbourne because be cannot see his way in a Reform of the
House of Peers, because he will riot turn the Bishop
out of that House, propose Universal Suffrage ; be-
causes he wishes to reform, not to destroy, the Church
Establishment, and has doubts as to the propriety of
casting off all the colonies of the country ; because,
in short, the policy of his Government is to remedy
abuses, not to destroy institutions—would the Tories, we say,
to keep their new allies in good humour, at the hazard of
throwing every part of the empire into confusion, adopt all
the extreme measures which the irapracticables have pa-
tronized ? Would they propose the unconditional repeal
of the Poor-la.w Amendment Act, to gratify Mr. Ficlden,
and Mr. Murphy, of Marylebone, and his protege, Co-
lonel Thompson ? if they are not prepared to embrace
a destruetive policy, Ley will soon be deserted by their
new allies. But we will ent insult the Duke of Wellington
and Sir Robert Peel by supposing for a moment that they would
turn their backs on all the Tories al the country to conciliate
men of whom they have always affected such special abhorrence,
as to make it a reproach to the present Ministers that they were
even supported by them. The alliance, then, like a former me-
morable one, would dissolve with the dissolution of the Mel-
bourne Ministry. The question that next oecur3 is—suppos-
ing the present Ministry could be broken up by a combination
of Tories and Destructives, and a Tory Ministry installed,
could the Government be carried on ? And here in the very
outset we are met by the state of Ireland. Is it for nothing
that the great majority of Irish Members attach so much im-
portance to the principles according to which the government
of Ireland is reow conducted? Is it not because they knew
that for the first time in her history the Government has been
conducted, not for the benefit of an ascendant class, but of the
whole people ? that the law has been administered with fair-
ness and impartiality ? that men are appointed to offices, not
on account of their creed, but on account of their respectability
and their qualifications? Has this system given satisfac-
tion
to the Orangemen ? Is it not, on the contrary, as
well known as anything can be known to the Orangemen,
so far from being reconciled to this system, are inflamed
with bitter hostility against all who countenance it; and that
the condition on which alone they would give their support to
any Government would be the indulging them in the gratifica-
tion of their burning desire to take vengeance on the people of
Ireland, and all who have supported a conciliatory policy to-
wards them ? The first step, then, which Ministers must take
either delivers over the people of Ireland to the vengeance of
the infuriated Orangemen, or arrays against them these very
Orangemen. Of this the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert
Peel arc well aware. The Orangemen are dangerous friends
and equally dangerous enemies; and there is no middle course.
But is it so certain that because the people of England and
Scotland are now more indifferent to politics than we have
ever known them to be, and in a great measure absorbed with
the pursuits of commerce and industry, that a transference of
government from the hands of men whose whole course has been
one of amelioration and improvement, though they may have
at times fallen short of the wishes of some of their more
sanguine supporters—that they would view with indifference
the appointment to office of men who could only retain it by
not merely stopping short in the way of improvement, but by
undermining many of the reforms which have been effected ?
Do the Tory leaders believe the people would not soon be
roused out of their indifference ? But all the Destructives do
not share this belief ; for they have not hesitated to declare
once and again that their reason for wishing the return of the
Tories to power is that it would lead to revolution. There is
just now one little speck rising on the political horizon of Scot-
land,
the import of which must be perfectly well understood
by the Tory members of that country. We allude to a case,
by this time decided in the Court of Session, which at one
blow annihilates all the advantages of which the people of Scot-
land were put in possession by the General Assembly of the
Church regarding the exercise of the right of patronage. It
will be seen by an extract from the Scotsman in another
column, that on this day week the judges began delivering
their opinions in the Anchterarder case ; that during that and
the three succeeding days eight judges have spoken ; that five
have yet to deliver their opinions ; that of the eight who have
spoken, seven have pronounced against the assumed power of
the General Assembly; and that of the five others, two only
are expected to coincide with the views of the Assembly. But,
as the Scotsman observes, " the case is in effect decided, a
majority of the whole judges having already spoken, or rather
read long judicial pamphlets against the assumed power of the
Church. By these opinions the Church has been completely
divested of every shadow of independent power, and held
up to the world as the mere creature and abject slave
of the State." Among the results foretold by the Scots-
man, one is, " that the decision will be a source of
great annoyance to the Tory Members of Parliament for Scot-
land, who, witti a very few exceptions, will be found deter-
mined opponents of the abolition of patronage, while many of
their supporters among the lower classes of the constituency
will be as strongly in favour of its abolition." Such being
the prospects of the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert
Peel, we entertain no great apprehension of the display of any
excessive ardour on their part on this occasion. As for tho
Reformers, we know that the motion of Sir William Moles-
worth will meet with no countenance from them. Sir Wil-
liam Molesworth and Mr. Leader will derive this benefit from
the attempt, that it will afford them a splendid opportunity of
ascertaining their own insignificance, which has long been a
secret only to themselves.—Moraing Chronicle.
The Whig Government having appointed to the office of
Cashier and Receiver-General of the Post-office of Scotian.
the Hon. Mr. Primrose, a gentleman who is eon to a Whi•
Earl, brother to a Whig Lord" of the Admiralty, and about t'
be allied with the Whig Postmaster-General, a notice has, fo ,
some weeks past, exhibited itself in the Order-book of th
House of Commons on each day whereupon supply could h-
discussed, of a resolution to be moved by Mr. flume, that thi
appointment of Mr. Primrose is contrary to regulation, inju
rious to the public service, and prejudicial (so the Hon. Mein
ber, with his wonted copiu verborum. has expressed it) to tin,
established officers of the establishment. Sometimes tit
Government have shut out the subject by making Iris:-
Poor Law supersede supply ; sometimes the Member f.
Kilkenny has himself postponed his motion. But la '.
night, when supply was not only announced, but actual!'
brought on, there were some respectable inexperienced Me. -
biers of Parliament who really believed the motion woul
be made, and were vigilant in their places to help
defeating the Scotch job. They might have saved thernselv
the trouble. For our own part we were quite sure, when w -
found Sir William Molesworth's motives keep i;s place for t
night—a motion shaking the O'Connell Ministry to its base e= .
that the O'Connell nominee for Kilkenny would not, and
could not, and must not, embarrass the Government by a pre-'
vious division on an awkward subject like die Primrose ques. 1
tien. To have been beaten on Monday would li:;ve been '
very uncomfortable preparation for Tuesday. So Mr. Hunt
discovered last night that he had not yet all the necessary do
currents for the due development of his motion ; and his m e
tion was again postponed. But the Speaker did not leave the
chair to snake room for the Committee of Supply without a li
tle admonition to the House ft orn Lord John Russell, whit
every friend of the Constitution must have admired especial '
with reference to the quince from which it came. He seiverte
to the vote of Tuesday lest, in which the economy of Government'
was defeated by a liberal demonstration of the House in fa-
vour of the Marines; and he warned Hon. Nlembere, that
those who thus interfered with the Crown in the patronage of
the army were leading to a material change in etts Constitu.
tien of the country. Nor was this, in his opinion, without a
eousiderahle practical illCOlllil nience to the Government for
the time being, since the kindly disposition which sometimes
induced the House, on the statement of a case of hardship,
to recommend it for the liberality of the Crown, was too
often found to fail when the taxes were to lie voted for
making the recommendation effective. Mr. Goulburn did
justice to the constitutional principle, on the strength of which
he himself had supported' the Government in the division
respecting the Marines ; but he wished to know, and a
very natural wish, 'no doubt, it was, how the Government
could expect that such a principle was to he maintained
when they suffered a gentleman actually holding office
under, them to oppose their policy by his vote. We un-
derstood this in reference to the Right lion. Captain Byng,
the Controller of the Household, who, beim: Member for
Chatlinm, found it dou'alsss convenient to support the cause
of the ,Marines. To this Lord John, admitticer shot the Go-
vernmeet ought regularly to enforce allegerece from their own
officials, attempted to s..t up the special excuse that Captain
Bvng had some sort of engagement to his constituents ; and
that be himself, the leader of the. Administration, had had no
previous communication with the Right lion. Gentleman, or
should certainly have not have sanctioned his vote against the
Goverement. And there the conversation ended. But what
do we learn from it ? Teat Ministers act is a Government,
bringing down their forces bona fide to bear upon their os-
tensible oh ne s? or that every man is his own captain, acting
ctely on his'own of ders ? But Captain Byng had had no previous
communication with the leader. What! is the leader, in addi-
tion to all liis other duties, to canvass all the young
gentlemen of the party each morning on ,every vote in the
estimates, in order to know which of his partisans he may
venture to rely upon. Apply Lord J. Russell's admissions
and Lord .1. Russell's excuses to the Ballot question. There
was no lack of communication on that matter between the
...Minister); and their usual adherents ; the question was given

out as a signally important one—nay, it was the main qum-
! Mini;-block between the Whigs and their brethren, the R,dl-
- Yet, of the official retainers of the Whig Government
not w.ly were there some, and those nut a few, who absented
themseives from the Whig division in that hour of need,
there also were some who openly and contumaciously arrayed
themselves in the ranks against their masters. Is Lord John,
then, prepared to act up to his rule, even qualified and frit-
I treed as it was in his speech of last right ? We wait to learn
whether Sir Ihrsey Vivian has vacated the Ordnance', or Mr.
I IL Steuart been released from the Treasury.—Times.