The Sun.
London, England, 1849-01-04 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 4, 1849

Recent events in Italy have furnished the Quar-
terly Review with a magnificent text to preach
against revolutions, and the abettors of revolutions
in general, and against the Italian movement and Lord
PALMERSTON in particular. We are triumphantly as •
sured by the Quarterly, that "the cause of revolution
is losing ground—the crimes that have attended it
have shocked the good—the ruin that has followed it
has frightened the timid." We are more especially
inclined to notice these remarks, because aware
that many, even among the friends of liberty,
share in these sentiments. With the great majority
" success is virtue, and misfortune shame." Conse-
quently, it is by no means surprising that the events
of last February should have elicited the enthusiasm
of many long dormant Republicans, which enthu-
siasm, suddenly evoked, has been as suddenly chilled
by the misfortunes which have occasionally paralysed,
and the excesses which have, in some instances, dis-
graced the popular cause. To the true supporters of
that great eause, however—to the true believers in the
"right divine" of nations to assert their nationality—
success and failure are alike indifferent ; their confi-
dence in their principles is in no wise augmented by
the one, neither can it be diminished by the other. True,
that the friends of liberty exulted over the events
of February, and wept for the massacres of June.
True, that they triumphed in the expulsion of Louis
PHILIPPE, and bewailed the exile of Pope Pius ;
nevertheless believing, as they do—believing, as we
do—that, however tardy the day, right ultimately
triumphs, and knowing, as we do, that the assertion
of the popular liberties is founded on right, we can
assure the Quarterly Reviewer, that, albeit some
" good " may be shocked, and many " timid " may
be frightened by the errors and excesses which have,
unhappily, followed in its train, the cause of the
Revolution is not losing ground. Although the
heir of an Imperial dynasty has been in-
vested with the supreme power in France, although
an Emperor again rules in Vienna, although even a
a liberal Sovereign has been expelled from Rome, the
eticause of the Revolution is not losing ground. The
m'soil (as we observed the other day) has been broken
astrup by recent convulsions, the seeds of Democracy
whaave been scattered far and wide, and those seeds will
=inevitably bear fruit. Nevertheless, we are inclined to
in gaink, there are many, even among the Liberal
ewer
*waders of the Quarterly, who will not be somewhat
_Sirposed to assent to the following very plausible re-
a mosire :—" There are few," says the Quarterly, " who
daughtn ow believe that the Italians are fitted to enjoy
gradual
then res constitutional freedom they profess to covet.
all who character of a nation will always fix its destiny.
myself. gia have less political sagacity than the modern
on medical
Pills, and I and it is the singular mixture of indolence
that I andty of which the national character is corn-
taking one that has ever kept them in ignorance of con_
gaever taken
te, Lineohnce, and which, on the downfal of their
gaand a fac-si3rovernments, has exposed them to the se-
for use, wraif French democracy, and plunged them into
ands. 6dedi ,r m . that disgrace the name of Christendom. In
EART, where the national character has always ap•
on Saha' in its worst extremes, the revolution has been
equally d with the darkest crimes of cruelty and in•
rondo
w:iiticie." The logical inference to be drawn from
shock wal)ve is, that the Italians having proved them-
neys, ac 'unfitted for constitutional freedom, are to be
mnarklaith consigned to unconstitutional thraldom.
poafideu
ea*. Taermore, England to assist in rivetting the
ti of the Italian Peninsula, by way of doing
is s.of oce for Lord PALMERSTON'S sins. " Our deser-
- Taistf Austria was more than a blunder," says the

donds dteriy ; " our encouragement of rebellion was
to the. pd...„ „
Let the British fleet be recalled
9th instar'
13th andfie of Naples," proceeds this authoritative
" Let the attempted mediation as to
rdy bi abandoned. Let the Italian Republicans
hat they will not again be supported in a war

of aggression. Let the Imperial Cabinet feel that its
complicated difficulties shall not be increased by our
wanton hostility. Let the Ministry adopt this policy
—there is still time : if not, they will not again escape ."'
The ambiguity of this threat renders it doubly
terrible. Lord PALMERSTON is warned "in time"—
either Austria must reign paramount in
Italy or some unknown evil will befal the
British Government ! It is unnecessary to
say that we dissent from these conclusions, for we
deny the premises on which they are based. The
unworthy manner in which the Italians have availed
themselves of their newly-acquired liberties is, in our
opinion, very far from disproving their right to those
liberties—it is only an evidence of the demoralising
effects of absolutism. How is it possible that a
people reared in slavery can at once assume the
demeanour of free citizens ? How is it pos-
sible that a people undisciplined by the exercise
of freedom, whose intelligence has not been
developed by the teachings of an unfettered
Press, and whose energies have become enfeebled by
a prolonged and degrading servitude, can at once
walk pari passe with those happier kingdoms in which
custom has made the full exercise of the privileges of
freedom compatible with public order and obedience
to the law ? A child is unable to perform
the duties of a man—an ignorant clown is
unfit to exercise the rights of a citizen—
education and experience alone develop and discipline
the character. It is not to be supposed that newly-
emancipated Italians can exhibit the firmness, and
independence, and moderation, which characterise the
" Sons of sires that baffled
Crown and sceptered tyranny;
That defied the Throne and scaffold

For their birthright-."
Therefore we differ from the Quarterly. We admit
that all the liberated have not proved themselves
worthy of their liberation, but the shame of their
errors falls upon their former tyrants. The Italians
are not fitted to enjoy constitutional freedom, says
the Quarterly. Then, hi GOD'S name, say we, let
them become fitted to enjoy it by experiencing its
blessings.

We yesterday pointed out what we conceived to
be the fatal mistake into which Mr. COBDEN had
fallen in the financial scheme which he has recently
submitted for public consideration. If, indeed, the
savings which he contemplates could really be effected•
y ten millions of pounds sterling could be struck off
the national expenditure without the national
honour or the national safety being thereby
imperilled, his other propositions might be
carried into execution, and it would then become.
a question worthy of the most serious and attentive
consideration how, or in what manner, the large sums
made available by these reductions, and also by the
extension of the probate and legacy duties to real
estate, could be most judiciously applied, and whether
the imposts which Mr. COBDEN conceives it desirable
to mitigate, or abolish, are those which press most
heavily upon the industry of the nation, and which are
productive of the most injurious results. But, until we
are shown the particular branches of the public
expenditure in which the reductions can take place,
until it can be proved that the national establish-
ments can be maintained in a state of efficiency for
the sums that would remain applicable thereto, the
question cannot arise. There is no plan by which
the deficiency can be provided for, no new sources of
revenue created to supply the void occasioned by the
repeal of so many taxes. Which of these imposts
should be retained, if a portion only of his plan could
be realized ? Should the boon offered to the agricul-
tural interest by the abolition of the duties on malt and
hops be withdrawn, or should the improvement and
extension of our commercial relations with China, by
a more equitable adjustment of the duty on tea, be
postponed or relinquished? Should the timber duties
be maintained at the present rates, or the several
smaller items of the tariff, the excise on soap and
paper, and the advertisement duties be continued ?
The changes that would take place in his project
under such circumstances would involve many
grave considerations, and occasion much contention
among his supporters. Mr. MACGREGOR'S plan is, how-
ever, totally free from these objections ; he specifies
distinctly and unequivocally the various items in
which savings may be made, and the extent thereof.
If he is wrong in any of his calculations issue may
be joined forthwith, and the question may be debated.
His budget is one that might be brought forward
by the Minister himself, for every point thereof is
perfectly clear and distinct. He furnishes a table of
the Expenditure in the Naval, Military, and Ordnance
departments, and also for the interest of the
National Debt for a series of years, and he
shows where the increase has taken place, that may be
reduced. The naval expenditure he would reduce
from 8,013,8731. to 6,500,000/. ; the army from
7,540,4051. to 6,000,0001. ; the ordnance from
2,947,8691. to 1,750,0001. Thus the total expenditure
in these three departments, which last year amounted
to 18,500,0001., would only reach 14,250,0001., by
which means 4,250,0001. would be saved to the
country. In addition, he would reduce various pay-
ments out of the Consolidated Fund from 2,319,5301. to
2,200,0001.; the miscellaneous services from 3,561,0671

to 3,250,000/. ; the charges of collecting the revenue
from 3,963,539 Z. to 3,350,0001. The other payments
out of the taxes in their progress to the Exchequer—
(we hope,he has not forgotten their Graces of GEerror(
and MARLBOROUGH, the heirs of ►SCHOMEERG And
OVERKERKER; and the assignees of CHARLES Boows)
—from 763,9261. to 710,0001., and the Civil List from
393,8301. to 390,000/. ; a further saving of more than
1,000,0001. would thus be obtained, and Mr. Mac-
GREGOR thinks that the gross revenue might possibly
be further reduced by 500,0001. Now all these
suggestions appear perfectly practicable. We have
no doubt that the Hon. Gentleman is prepared with
the various details and all the tninutie of
his plan, so that the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer may be ;spared the labour which he
appears so thoroughly to detest, and which he
would be so unwilling to undertake. But this is not
the only recommendation in favour of Mr. Mac-
GREGOR'S plan; the articles on which he retains
duty are probably the least objectionable that could
be devised. The total abolition of the Excise has
long been desired, but if the duties on spirits are
retained it may almost be considered a national
advantage : indeed,
.there need be no limits to the
taxes on spirits or tobacco, save those which are
essential to prevent smuggling. It is not by any
means desirable that their consumption should be in-
creased ; the morals or the comfort of the people
would not be promoted thereby. The malt tax is o
a different character, and we confess that we should
hail its abolition with the utmost delight.; but, unfor-
tunately, there is only a choice of evils, and we have
to decide between the tax on malt, on the one side
and various assessed taxes, which are unequal in their
operation, and highly offensive in their collection
and also of the impolitic and disproportionate stamps
on fire and marine assurances on the other. We must,
therefore, join with Mr. MACGREGOR in retaining the
former for a time, at least until the agriculturists in
the House of Commons consent to an increase of the
property-tax.

The most valuable portion of the project, however,
still remains to be noticed. Mr. MACGREGOR would
place the iniquitous and unequal income-tax upon an
equitable footing. He would divest it of its inqui-
sitorial character, . and exempt from its operation
those who are gaming their daily bread by their
honest industry—who are endeavouring to lay by a pro-
vision for a period of sickness or want of employment,
or for their helpless families, when the parent and
protector would be removed by death. He would
not place the hard-working, the professional man
the laborious clerk, or the struggling tradesman on
the same footing with the landed proprietor or the
fandholder--he would not require incomes not worth
two years' purchase to contribute as largely in pro-
portion as those worth thirty. In place, then
of the present unfair and oppresive tax, he
would impose a duty of five per cent.
on all realised property of every description.
This is what the country desires. The objections
that were entertained to the Ministerial proposition
last year were not occasioned by the increase to 5
per cent. so much as by the perverse and obstinate
adherence to the inequitable system. We believe
that no resistance would be offered to even a higher
duty than 5 per cent., if other burdens were mitigated
in proportion, save by the class of persons im-
mediately interested the moneyocracy of the
country.
Under all the circumstances of the case, we ,