The Sun.
London, England, 1849-01-24 00:00:00

Crown of Sicily should remain on the head of the
King of NAPLES. At that period the Sicilians be-
lieved that the good faith of the King of NAPLES might
be relied on ; he had not then violated his promises
by the massacres of the 15th May, nor had the Sici-
lian Parliament declared his claims and those of his
family to the throne of Sicily forfeited ; but
after the events of the 15th of May, and
after the bombardment of Messina, it became
abundantly evident that no trust could be placed in a
Monarch who,'. having granted through fear a con-
stitution to his Neapolitan subjects, took the first
opportunity of violating it and leagued with the
thieves and vagabonds of his capital, of slaughtering
and plundering those whom he had sworn to defend
and protect. Under these circumstances no other
course was left for Sicily but to stand upon her
rights; and it is for a restoration of her rights, and
only for a restoration of her rights, that she is in
arms. In this case it is the KING who is in rebellion

unable to maintain himself by reason of not receiving
employment—if, I say, he be on the verge of destitution,
it is the duty of his neighbours to save him from that
starvation. lam now approaching the difficulty of the
subject. We say any country must be ruined which
maintains its able-bodied population in idleness and not
in employment. That is true; but how are you to main-
tain these people in employment? I say at once, what-
ever may be said by the English Government or Legis-
lature, there are no such difficulties in this country, or
rather in those parts of Ireland with which I am ac-
quainted. There are means, and there is wealth in this
country, which would maintain in employment every
able-bodied man in it. There are two views taken, cer-
tainly—the one called a property or townland system of
taxation; the other a combined system, which would
cause a rate to be struck partly on the union and partly
on the townland. Now, I confess I do not assent to the
property area of taxation; and I will tell you why: I
cannot conceive it just that my demesne lands, or those
of any gentlemen in this country, should escape
taxation. Of course, it would be a great benefit to us,
but I am sure no gentleman here will set his own private in-
terest against the general interest of the country in a
matter of this nature. On the other hand, is it just that
the resident proprietor should not only employ his own
full proportion of the able-bodied labourers, but should
also have to employ or support the tenants of his neigh-
bour the absentee. Therefore, I say that- we must en-
deavour to steer a middle course in these matters. The
subject is rather a difficult one to deal with, and it would
be great presumption in me to attempt to save it. It
appears to me that there may be combined a system of
union rating with a system of townland rating, which
will not let off the owner of grass lands, nor yet tax the
resident employing proprietor beyond such proportion as
he ought fairly, and reasonably, and in justice to bear.
I say, then, that we have a right to demand from those
statesmen who are paid by the State, and from the Le-
gislature, to carry out the details, when we place before
them the principles which it is our desire to have em-
bodied in legislation."
These are just and humane opinions, and, still bet-
ter, they have truth for their foundations. The in-
firm, the sick, the aged, the orphan, and the widow,
must be supported by those who are blessed with the
ability to do so. They must not be abandoned to
the precarious resources of voluntary charity. They
must have a legal claim to a maintenance. It could
not for a moment be tolerated that the feeble and the
helpless should be suffered to perish by a lingering and
painful death. The man who is able and willing to
work, who is ready to comply with the Su-
preme command, and to earn his daily bread by
the sweat of his brow, possesses an equal
claim. He offers a full equivalent for his support,
he tenders his labour—his only capital—and it can-
not be rejected. The Honourable Gentleman's views
on the property area of taxation are equally correct
and equally honourable. Why should rich and fertile
lands, from which humble occupants have been ever
studiously excluded, evade the general contribution?
Why should grass lands be exempted? Is it because
the occupiers, by retaining them in pasture, avoid
giving employment to the surrounding population, and
thus cast a heavier burden on their names, that a
premium should be offered to others to act in a similar
manner ? On the contrary,': it would be desirable to
subject such lands to a higher ratio of taxation, in
proportion to their value, than the lands under tillage
in the vicinity. Is the abominable clearance system
to be encouraged—the extermination of the wretched
peasantry to be promoted ? Forbid it Heaven ! and
yet such would be the result of " individualising the
responsibility," and rendering it " conterminous with
property." That iniquitous and disgraceful sys-
tem was justly characterised by a resolu-
tion, unanimously adopted, as being " in some
measure the cause of the pauperism, the out-
rages, and the calamities of Ireland." It would
indeed be unwise and impolitic to afford encourage-
ment thereto, while it would be inequitable and un-
just to tax the inhabitants of towns for the support
of the ejected cottiers driven from the estates of the
neighbouring proprietors, who might well rejoice at
the results of" narrowing the area of taxation," when
they were enabled thereby to transfer the burdens
from their own shoulders to those of their civic
neighbours.
There was perhaps no part of the proceedings with
which we were more truly gratified than by
the fifth resolution, in which the views of Mr.
RIGBY \\Taws; were fully adopted. That resolution
declared—" That the present system of valuation
under the poor-law is unjust, and is a cause of pre-
venting improving landlords and tenants from em-
ploying the destitute, inasmuch as by any new value
tion they will have to pay in proportion as the lands
are improved, and thus it has the effect of discourag-
ing proprietors and occupiers who would otherwise
be inclined to give employment to the able-bodied,
who are now a burden on the State." We congratu-
late the inhabitants of Westmeath on the course they
have adopted. If the example they have afforded be
followed throughout the entire country, the Imperial
Parliament must bow to the general feeling, and
recognise the voice of public opinion.

damage has been rc
Swabian Mercury.

tion before the Assembly that it might decide in the
plenitude of its power. These were not times when the
interests of justice could be trifled with. They had
heard some of the most eminent jurisconsults of the
country -vindicate the course that had been taken, and
he had no doubt of the vote to which the Assembly
would come.
M. J. Favre opposed the Bill. Several members of
the Assembly, whilst doing homage to the motives
which had induced the Government to bring forward the
Bill, were inclined to doubt the opportuneness of the
measure. He was, be confessed, one of that number.
He considered that the establishment of the High Court
of Justice would be the cause of considerable embarrass-
ment; and that, whatever determination the Assembly
came to, that decision would not in any way change the
opinion of France.—(Murmurs on the Right.) That
court would undoubtedly be considered a political insti-
tution, and as such would be an object of attack from
parties. He did not hesi▪ tate to say that the High Court
of Justice would be less at liberty to act than
if that discussion had not taken place; for if it
declared itself competent, it would be taxed with
political compliance.—(Loud interruption; cries on
the Right of " Order, order!") If, on the other
hand, it declared itself incompetent, its deci-
sion would be construed i▪
nto an act of opposition--he
might say, almost of rebellion.—(Agitation.) The
High Court of Justice existed by the side of another ju-
risdiction of common law, and the competence of the
new jury would certainly not be contested. The juris-
diction of common law, subsisting by the side of an ex-
ceptional jurisdiction, could only take cognisance of
crimes committed at the period when it existed. The
constitution handed over to the exceptional jurisdiction
certain attacks against order and public security, but it
had not defined the formsof procedure. That would be
determined by a future law, but, in the meantime, he
warned the Assembly not to act on dangerous hypo-
theses. He was, he syd, totally opposed to the argu-
ment of retroactive princi▪
ple. He could not conscien-
tiously support the proposition of sending the accused
before the High Court of Justice. It would be consi-
dered as an aggravation of their position. Such a de-
cision would be regarded as one of rigour and severity,
and he would rather have the Assembly indulgent than
severe.
The general discussion was then declared to be closed.
The Preiident—l have no occasion to consult the As-
sembly as to the propri▪
ety of passing to the discussion
of the articles; that course follows as a matter of course
from the declaration of urgency. I shall now read Art.
1, on which a division will take place:—
" Art. 1. The authors and accomplices of the attempt
of May 15, now ordered, on January 16, for trial, by the
Court of Appeal of Paris, are sent before the National
High Court of Justice."
The following was the result of the division:- -
Number of voters 754

PRUSSIA.

against Sicily, not the Sicilians who are in rebellion
against the KING. All that the Sicilians require is
the restoration of the Constitution of 1812,

which was not a constitution octroyee, but
a convention entered into between the then

King of SICILY and his subjects, and guaran-
teed by Great Britain, as the Protectress of Sicily.
And here it is necessary to correct another misrepre-
sentation of the reactionary party, a misrepresenta-
tion which has been so frequently repeated that it
has been received in many instances, without inquiry,
as a truism. It has been asserted over and over again
that the King of NAPLES has distinctly declared his
intention of restoring to the island all the rights and
privileges of the Constitution of 1812 ; this is abso-
lutely false, for if he were to restore to the
island all the rights and privileges of the
Constitution of 1812, not only would he
withdraw all the Neapolitan troops from the
island,' but he, would also be compelled to abdicate
the throne either of Naples or of Sicily. On re
ferring to the Constitution of 1812, we find that Art.
17 of the Chapter of the Succession runs thus—
"Should the King of Sicily reconquer the kingdom of
Naples, or acquire any other kingdom, he must send his
eldest son to reign in the new dominions, or leave his
son in Sicily, granting thy kingdom to him. Declaring
hereafter the kingdom of Sicily independent of Naples,
or any other kingdom or province." The Royal assent
was in such words—
" Agreed (Placet) for the independence, all other
matters to be settled between the King and his son, at
the general peace, to know which of them ought to reign
in Sicily."
After this distinct declaration on the part of the
KING, "agreed as to the, independence," how can it
be contended that the King of NAPLES can be at the
same time the legitimate Sovereign of Naples and
Sicily, or that he can be allowed to hold a Neapo-
litan army in Sicily, in order to put
down by military power the national rights
that he, like his ancestors, has ever detested ? But
it may be asked, admitting all this to be true, it is
no reason why Great Britain should interfere be-
tween the King of NAPLES and the Sicilians; that
it is not only the right but the duty of England to
interfere in support of the liberties of the Sicilian
people ; that Great Britain is and has a right to be
considered the "Protectress and Supporter" of those
liberties, we will now proceed to prove by quoting from
an official memorandum of Sir WILLIAM A'CouET,
Minister of Great Britain to the Court of Sicily,
addressed to the KING and the nation on the 20th of
October, 1814, when the British troops were evacuating
the island, where they had been received and enter-
tsined from the day that the King:of SICILY, expelled
from Naples by the French, had been received with
open arms at Palermo, up to the time of the conclu-
sion of the general peace, during all which period
Sicily had been one of the most useful, as during the
whole of the war she had continued to be one of the most
faithful of the allies of Great Britain. In this most
important document, with the contents of which it is
evident the members of the British Cabinet must
have been perfectly well acquainted before its pre-
sentation to the King of SICILY, Sir WILLIAM

378
Absolute majority
For the adoption .................. 468
Against it ........................ 288
Majority ..................... —lBO
The President—ln consequence, the article is adopted.
" Art. 2. The National High Court of Justice shall
meet at Bourges in the month following that in which
the present Bill is promulgated."
M. Durand proposed, as an amendment, that within a
week the committee of legislation should present a Bill
on the formalities to be adopted at the trial.
This was rejected, and the article adopted with the
substitution of the words " in forty days" for those "in
the month." M. Odilon Barrot it was who proposed
this change.
"Art. 3. The Minister of Justice is charged with the
execution of the present Bill."—Adopted.
The Bill was then adopted in its ensemble.
The Assembly rose at a quarter to seven o'clock.
The election of Colonel of the Ist Legion of the
National Guards of Paris has terminated in favour of
General GOURGAUD who accompanied the EMPEROR
to St. Helena. On the second ballot which took
place on Sunday, neither candidate obtained the ab-
solute majority, a third ballot between the two highest
on the poll accordingly took place on Monday when,
there appeared—
For General Gourgaud.. 3,494
For M. Lucien Murat ...... ... 2,459
The election for Colonel of the 2d Legion of
National Guards of the Banlieu has terminated in
favour of M. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE the son of
JEROME. The numbers were—
N. Bonaparte ........... . 3,962
Michel .................. .... 1,951
Barbes ...............
A Socialist Democratic banquet took place at the
Salle Valentino on Monday, MM. PIERRE LEROUX
and M. DAIN were present. In the course of the
evening Ch. BERNARD declared that were any aris-
tocratic movement attempted it would be the duty of
every Republican to arm himself and to forget
the generosity and clemency which they had shown
in February.
The Finance Committee of the Assembly has re-
jected the proposition of M. CHAvorx. for reimbursing
the tax of 45 centimes.
The election of two representatives in the National
Assembly for the department of the Vienne, took
place on the 14th instant. There were 33,751 voters.
M. PROA. had 20,723 suffrages M. HENNEC ART,
17,557 ; M. BOURI.ON, 8,832 ; M. DEMARCY, 7,841 ;
and M. FRADIN, 6,926. MM. PROA and HENNECART
were proclaimed representatives.
The preparations for the Toulon expedition have, it
is said, been discontinued.
An arrangement has been come to by M. VAvIN,
the Liquidator of the Civil List, and AI. DE MONTA-
LIVET, who represents the interests of the ex-KING,
that the liquidation shall be terminated by the month
of July.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, JAN. 23.
Luxembourg (10/.), 2%—Northern of Franee, 73/4 ex div.
Orleans and Bordeaux, 21% —Rouen and Havre, 93/4
Sambre and Meuse, 3%.

ATopuT says :
" The sacrifices which Great Britain has made for
the safety and prosperity of this island entitle her to
expect that her suggestions should be received with
respeet and attention.
" It is unnecessary to go back to the causes which led
to the general expression of the national desire for a
reform in the constitution of the country—causes which
may be found in the progressive advancement of civili-
zation
" But, although the wish for a change was almost
unanimous, the definition of the precise limits which
ought to be given to the proposed alterations, was at-
tended with considerable difficulty. In this emergency
it was not unnatural that the nation should turn its eyes
towards a country which, possessing an extent and po-
pulation comparatively small and unimportant, was not
only herself affording a successful opposition to the tor-
rent which bad overwhelmed the most powerful monar-
chies of Europe, but was extending the hand of succour
to those who were oppressed or menaced in every part
of the world.
"To the wise and excellent institutions of that
country it was supposed, and very properly supposed,
that its splendour and prosperity were to be attributed,
and a hope was entertained that by the adoption of a
similar form of government the same advantages might
be secured to Sicily, whose insular position and early
institutions offered a certain degree of resemblance to
those of its more powerful ally.
" England could not be insensible to the appeal which
was made to her, and whilst she charged herself with
the protection of Sicily from any foreign invader, she,
at the same time, lent herself to the invitation she had
received, and became the PROTECTRESS and SUPPORTER
of alterations, founded upon principles so just in them-
selves, and so creditable to those from whom they had
originally emanated
" The different position in which the two countries
are necessarily placed by the conclusion of a general
peace has drawn from the representative of Great Bri-
tain this general declaration of the views tied sentiments
of his Government. The interference of Great Britain
in the domestic policy of Sicily has never sprung but
from the purest motives of disinterested friendship.
She will be amply c,.mpensated for all the sacrifices she
has made if it be eventually found that her exertions
have contributed to the welfare, happiness, and prospe
iffy of the Sicilian nation.

It seems to be assumed as an axiom by all the
writers of the reactionary party, that whatsoever is
done by kings is absolutely right, that whatsoever is
done by the people is absolutely wrong, that English
intervention is everywhere a crime, but that Russian
intervention is all right and proper. Hence it is
that FERDINAND of Austria, who was born an idiot
is represented by the writers of this party
as a modern SOLOMON, and that the " bloated
Bourbon," who misrules Naples and fraternizing with
the Lazzaroni, the thieves and vagabonds of his
capital, incites and aids them to massacre and
plunder the more respectable portion of his subjects,
is held up as the model King. These writers would
have described TIBERIUS as a paternal Sovereign,
of retiring habits and peculiar tastes, and NERO as a
young gentleman of high spirit, whose love of art
occasionally led him into the commission of amusing
but harmless eccentricities. Of late these writers
seem to have been employed in endeavouring ty
every species of misrepresentation to get up a feeling
against the Sicilians as anarchists, and in favour of
the King of NAPLES as a liberal and con-
stitutional Sovereign ; more especially has it
been their object to represent English inter-
vention in the affairs of Sicily as an intru-
sive mediation, forced upon the King of NAPLES
by Lord PALMERSTON, in violation of treaties. It
is a curious fact, that one of these writers, while
condemning Lord PALMERSTON for his interference
in the affairs of Sicily and Naples in 1848, expresses
his " disapproval of the policy by which, in 1816,
the English Minister at Naples sanctioned a gross
violation of the Parliamentary rights of the Sicilians,
and allowed a royal ordinance to supersede imme-
morial constitutional rights which had very recently
been restored under a new and improved form."
If the policy of 1816 is to be condemned—and we
cordially agree with this writer in the condemnation he
passes on the acts of the then British Minister at
Naples—then surely the policy of the Cabinet of 1848
cannot but be commended, inasmuch as it endeavours
to remedy the evil produced by the diplomatic careless-
ness, or something worse, of 1816, by interfering in the
question in accord with another powerful nation, for
the purpose of preventing war and bloodshed, and
proposing a mediation for restoring to the Sicilians
their immemorial constitutional rights. It re-
mains, then, to be considered in what manner this
mediation sought for, be it remembered, by the King
of NAPLES himself, has been conducted by those
engaged in it. And here it will, perhaps,
be as well to correct a misrepresentation
which has of late been extensively circulated. It has
been stated that Lord MINTO suggested to the King
of NAPLES the expediency of reverting to the condi-
tions recommended thirty years ago, and it is added
that not only was this suggestion acceded to, but that
those conditions were solicited by the King of
NAPLES : so far, however, is this from being a correct
statement of what really occurred, that when Lord
MINTO came to Naples at the solicitation of the KING
himself, his suggestions and the terms proposed for the
settlement of the Sicilian question were not only refused
but scorned by the KING and his advisers, though
the English Minister had, through his official influ-
ence acd personal exertions, obtained from the Pro-
t visional Government of Sicily a consent that the
Crown of Sicily should rest on the same head as the
Crown of NAPLES ; thus abandoning a fundamental
rule established by the Constitution of 1812, which
forbids the kingdom of Sicily to be united with any
other kingdem or province under the samo
.Sovereign.
The charge, therefore, that has been brought
against Lord PALMERSTON, of not submitting those
terms to the King of NAPLES, falls to the ground;
they had already been submitted to the Monarch and
rejected by him; besides, the state of affairs between
Naples and Sicily has greatly altered since the time
that Lord MINT° obtained from the Provisional Go-
vernment of Sicily a conditional assent that the

" WILLIAM A'COURT,
" Palermo, October 20, 1814."

So long as Sicily was contented to submit to
Bourbon misrule, and to permit the King of NAPLES
to violate those constitutional rights which he had
solemnly sworn to preserve, it was not, perhaps, to
be expected that England should interfere ; but
when, having thrown off the intolerable yoke of
Naples and asserted her constitutional rights, Sicily
looks to Great Britain, in her declared character of
Protectress and Supporter of those rights, for aid
and friendly interference, Sicily only asks for the
performance of that which England must recognise
as a generous duty imposed upon her by the declara-
tions of her representative, Sir WILLIAM ATOURT,
to the Sicilian nation.

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 24, 1849.
-naked with the

utmost rapidity.—

It was currently reported in Berlin, on the 19th,
that BRANDENBURGH had retired from the Ministry,
and had been succeeded by CAMPHAUSEN. The state
of siege of Dusseldorf was raised on the 20th.

MONEY and COMMERCIAL NEWS.
CITY, QUARTER TO THREE.
At Liverpool yesterday the saes of Cotton were 5,000
bales, at firm rates.—lu Railway Shares a fair business
was done.
There are numerous arrivals to-day from the colonies
and foreign parts, but some are of earlier date than was
previously to hand,: and others furnish nothing of general
interest. In Belgium the weather has again become so
mild that the navigation of the canals is entirely open.
The consideration of economical and financial ques-
tions will occupy so much attention during the ensuing
session of Parliament, that some particulars of the posi-
tion of this country in regard to its debt may not be un-
acceptable. It is stated in a little pamphlet upon the
National Debt and Public Funds simplified," by Justin
Brenan, that—
" The numbers holding stock in the Government
Funds can be only roughly guessed at, by reason of the
constant variations If one sell out 1,0001. stock it may be
bought by five persons wanting only 2001. each, thus
making four additional holders, or five if the seller still
retain some stock. On the other hand, the stock of dif-
ferent persons may be bought by a single individual,
and lessen the number of holders proportionably. Some
suppose the total to be, as well as the never-ending
changes permit a calculation, between '280,000 and
290,000, but a list is occasionally published by authority
up to a certain day, and I urdeistand that the last, which 1
have not seen, makes the number greatly above 300,000.
Those not receiving more than Si. annual interest or
" dividend," are said to be near 100,000,1 and those not
receiving more than 50/. about two-thirds of the whole;
so that the persons in middling circumstances would
appear to form the great majority of fundholdcrs.
Consols are decidedly the favourite, for they com-
monly bring 10s. or 155., and even sometimes
It. more than the Three per Cents. Reduced,
though in point of real value and security there is no
difference whatever between the two funds. Nay, Con
sols are often higher than the Three-and-a-Quarter,
which carry ss. a year more interest; but as they are
more readily disposed of than any other stock, they are
deemed the most eligible for those who do not intend
permanent investment. Should the Government be,
however, at any time unable to pay the interest, they
would not show favour to one more than another—all
the Funds would suffer alike. The Consols form nearly
half the amount of the National Debt."

We may add to the above, that the Governmen,
should attend more to these matters, revise the ter-
minable annuity tables, make the advantages they offer
more known to the public and better appreciated, fur
not one fundholder in a thousand understands, that for
every 51. of permanent annual annuity, ho could, by
sinking his capital, obtain, on Government security,
a good deal more. The general impression is
that there is no resource but an insurance
office, and most frequently the resolve is, that a paltry
38 per cent. shall be received from stock. l'irere the
terminable annuity system pushed a little we might have
a greater present burden, but every year or two
would lighten the amount of the national indebtedness,
which, being not far short of 800 millions, could bear no
increase in the event of war, without exposing us to the
risk of being crushed altogether.
The Funds are very firm this morning. Consols, 90
to 908 for Transfer, and 90f-i to 901 fur Account. The
New Three-and-a-Quarter per Cents. have be en
908 to 918, and the Reduced Three per Cents. 90 to 90i
Bank Stock is firm at 191, and India Stock at 245.
Exchequer-bills have been at 465. to 48s. premium fur
those of June.
In the Foreign Market the transactions have been
very restricted. Spanish Five per Cents. are 14, Por-
tuguese Four per Cents. nominally 26i- to 272, and Bra-
zilian 77 to 79. Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents. are
at 45. Mexican have been 261 to 11. The West India
mail is not expected until the 26th or 27th instant, and
has a good deal of specie on board, but whether any-
thing for the dividends is not known.
In Railway Shares a moderate business is doing, and
generally at full prices. Caledonian are firm, and also
Aberdeen. South-Eastern' the York, the Midland, and
North-Western are rather higher. Brighton and North
Stafford scarcely so good.
BRITISH FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK.
(From the Official List.)
Bank Stock l9l
3 per Cent. Reduced Annuities...... 9O 90%14
3 per Cent. Consols Anns 9O 9G
New 3,4, per Ceut. Anns. 91 91% 90% 91%
Long Annuities, Exp. Jan. sth, 1860 ... 8%
India Stock 245
India Bonds under 1,0001
South Sea Stock
Ditto New Annuities
Consols for Account
fi:xchequer Bills. 2%d. 2d.
March. June.
1,0001.
Small — 48 46 p
i'RICL OF FOREIGN FUNDS AT ONE O'CLOCii.
Equador Bonds 3
Mexican Bonds, 1846, 5 per Cent Cent
Ditto for the Account .... .
Russian Bonds, 1822, 5 per Cent lO5
Spanish Bonds, 5 per Cent,lB4o
Ditto for the Account 15%
Ditto Passive Bonds 3%
Dividends on the above payable in London.
Belgian 2% per Cent.
Dutch 2% per Cent.,l2 Guild 49 % 49
ott,triLs.-• Do.rfr; IN RAILWAY SHARES AT ON E O'CLOCK
ILAILWATO. PAID. Pea SHARE.
Aberdeen
Amber., Notting., Boston, &c 4l/4 ......
Ayrshire and Galloway
Qlfast and County Down .. 20% .. ..
Berks and Hants Extension
(Gt. West. Yerpet.s per ct.) 5
i.?4rininglaara & OxtordJ unct.,
calls duly pd, or with guar. 20
Do., without a guarantee... 20 ... .. -
Birmingham,Wol.,& Dudley,
calls duly pd, or with guar. 10 ... . 15%. to
Do., without a guarantee... 10
blueing., \Vol., & Stour Val. 13/.145....
birkenhead, Lancashire, and
Cheshire Junction lO
Boston, Stmt., & Birming... 5
lkistol and Exeter . 9O
Do., Thirds ...... ... ..... ... 27% ...... to
Buckinghamshire..
Caledonian
Ditto, Quarter Shares 111,4..... 51/8 to
Ditte,New 101. Preference 7% B5/8 to
Ditto, Clydesdale Junction 50
Chester and Holyhead... SO
Ditto, Preference
Clarence.
Do., let Class, 6 per Cent... 10
Do., 2d Class, 5 per Cent... 10
Do., Gov. Loan, 4 per Cent. 10
Direct London & Portsmouth 51,4 —
Dublin and Belfast Junction.. 35
Dundalk and Enniskillen ... 22% — to -
East Anglia, 251. L. & E.,
sad L. & D
Ditto, 18/., E. & H lB ......
Ditto, 31. 10s., E. & H... 3% — to
Eastern Counties ....
Do. New Guarant. 6 per Ct. 10
Do.Perpet.,s per ct. No. 1,6/. 13s. 4d l4 p to
Do., do—. ......... N 0.2,6/. 13s. 4d...
Do., Northern & Eastern... 50
Do., 5 per cent.
Do., Quarter .... . ......... ... 12%... ..
Do~ New
Eastern Union, Claes A (late
E. U. Shares) ...... ... .. 25
Ditto, ditto, Class A, ditto 3% — to
Ditto, do, Class B (I. & B) 22% —
Ditto, do, Class C, ditto... 20
Ditto Scrip (gua. 6 per ct.) 20 . — .. to
Ditto (C. & E.), 5 per ct. 2% — to
East Lancashire
Ditto, New ...
Do., New Quarters
Do., 6 per Cent. Preference
Quarter Share. 614 —
East Lincolnshire ... 25
Edinburgh and Glasgow
Ditto, Half Shares
Edinburgh and Northern ... 25 ......
Ditto, New port
Exeter, Yeovil, & Dorchester 2% — .... to
Exeter and Exmouth 2ls.
Glasg., Dumfries, & Carlisle-8/. 6s.Bd — .. ... to
Glasgow, Kilmarnock, & Ayr 50
Do. Preference Consolidated —..-.. ..
Great Northern.... .......... ... 19
Do. % A Deferred ..... ... 12% 43/4A, x.i. to
Do. %B 6 per Cent. Guar. 6%
Do. Extension ...
Gt. South. & West. (Ireland) 45
Great North of England 100
Ditto, New 40/. 4O
Ditto, ditto ....
Ditto, New 30/.
Ditto,New 151. ..... ... ...... 14 ...... .
Great Western 100
Ditto, Half Shares
Ditto, Quarter Shares 23
Ditto, Fifths
Do. New 171.
Huddersfield and Manchester 30 .. to
Ditto, Thirds lO — to
Hull and Selby 50
Ditto, Half Shares .. ...... 25
Ditto, Quarter Shares 12% — to
Lancaster and Carlisle.... ... 50
Do.,Thirds. ...
Lancashire and Yorkshire ... 93 .....
Ditto, ditto
Ditto Half Shares .... 43
Ditto Quarters 17%••••••
Ditto Fifths
Ditto Sixteenths ........... 61 - .... to
Ditto Thirds (Reg.)

Do., New Guar. Cper cent. 7% to
Do. Liverpool and Bury... 43
Do. (Radders. and SUIT.) 43
Do., Waketleld,Pontefract,
and G001e....... .. ....... 50
Do., West Riding Union... 7 .... .
Do., Preston and Wyre ... 25
Do., do., Half Shares (A) 9% 14% to
Leeds and Bradtord 5O ..... ... .. to
Leeds,Dewshury,& Blanches. 50
Do., Half Shares
Ditto, Blue (scrip) ... 2% — to
Leeds and TinrA ...—.. ...... 50
Ditto, New
Do.,do.,Preter., tl per Cent. 3%. .... ...... to
Liverpool. Cros by, and South-
port.

.... 3%

Liverpool, Manchester, and -
Newcastle Junction 2% ...... to
London ft Blackwall ...•..131.65. 8d 5 to 5%
Do. Extension •..... 22%
Lond., Bright., & South Coast 50
Do. Guaranteed 5 per Cent. 9
1)e. Pref. Cony. 5 per Cent. 50 .....• ...... to
Ditto, ditto 1852 50 .....
Do., New, guar. 6 per cent. 5
London and Greenwich... 12/. 15s. 4d... 9 11/8 ... to
Ditto Preference
London & North Western 100 ......132 ...... to 133
Do. Quarters (L. and B.) 22
Dl. New
Do. Fifths
2 ••••• 8 ii..... to
Do. 40t. Shares..... L. & M 25 _..... •
Do. 10/.... M. and B. (A.) 10 .... . .. : to to
Do. 104 .. M. and 13. (B.) 10 ..