The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-10 00:00:00

Hon. Baronet should retire from the one situation or the
other; and he should say the sooner they male their or
rangements for the introduction into that (louse of an
Irish law officer of the Crown the better, for if they laded
to make such arrangements they would heve a repetition
of that bungling which was so remarkable on Irish affairs
last session. He believed this measure, and the propo-
sition of advancing 50,000/ to Ireland, to be brought
forward to keep the present Government in power. The
people of Ireland were dissatisfied and discontented, be-
cause 3,000,000 of them was reduced to a state of posi-
tive pauperism—because no measures of real relief were
brought,, forward for their advantage, and because an
increased quantity of land was being placed under the
mismanagement of the Court of Chancery. But although
they were dissatisfied on these and other grounds, they
were yet not liable to be affected by the inflammatory
views of dangerous men, and therefore the measure be-
' fore the House was not that which that House ought
to be legislating upon, but one calculated to improve
the social condition of the country. The Honourable
Gentleman then referred to the way in which the college
and other ecclesiastical estates in Ireland were mis-
managed, and said that if the House looked at the papers
relating to the state of the poor in Ireland, they would
find that a large mass of the pauper poor in Ireland was
identified with the ecclesiastical property in that country.
They were constantly talking about Irishmen not placing
reliance on themselves. This might be true, that Irish-
men exhibited a want of self-reliance on themselves, .nit
the acts of that House were calculated to increase that
want of self-reliance. He was aware that out of the
13,000,0001. of property in Ireland, 5,000,000/. must
change hands; and this being so, it was their duty to
take the state of Ireland into their consideration, and es-
pecially the legal rights of the landlords and tenants in
that country, with a view to their improvement. It was
said that there was clamour in Ireland. Could it be
otherwise so long as the people were suffering, and in a
state of misery unknown to any other people of any na-
tion in the world? He concluded by moving that this
Bill be read a second time that day ix months.
Mr. S. CRAWFORD seconded the motion.
Mr. H. W. BARRON said there was no tendency in
Ireland to political excitement. He knew, from his own
personal knowledge that the Yonne. Ireland party re-
gretted the course which they had taken, and he therefore
cautioned the Government against exciting the public
mind by continuing the Irish Coercion Act in existence,
It was said that this Act had put down insurrection in
Ireland, and that, therefore, it should be continued in
force now that there was no insurrection there. This
might be good logic in Algeria, but it never could be
endured in this country. What was wanted in Ireland
was employment, and it was the duty of the Govern-
ment to adopt means by which this employment could
be obtained. They might talk of the idleness of the
Celts, but, from his experience, he could say that no
people in the world were more ready to work for a
fair day's wages; indeed, in his neighbourhood, they
always gave full value for the wages they re-
ceived. It was constantly stated in a leading journal,
even to that very day, that the pauperism of the Irish
was owing to the misconduct and mismanagement of the
landlords. He denied that such was the case. It was
put forward in utter ignorance of the facts. They should
not allow such statements to influence them, which were
made by " penny. a-liners," who must find something to
write about. It was not by coercion Bills, but by reme-
dial measures, that they could expect to make Ireland
tranquil and prosperous.
Mr. S. CRAWFORD said he wished to assign briefly
the reasons which would influence his vote upon this
motion. His main objection to the measure was,
that he was unwilling to entrust parties of diffe-
rent politics from those of the present Government
with such extended powers as this Bill would confer,
and which might fall into less trustworthy hands it
there was a change of Government. He objected to
it because it had not been made out that there was
a renewal of disturbances, for he heard of no dis-
turbances whatever but the miserable affair at Clon-
mel. It had also been assigned as a reason in its sup-
port, that the people had not surrendered their arms.
The reasons assigned for proposing this Bill was not
satisfactory. It was further said that this Bill was ne-
cessary to repress agitation. Now, he would ask, was
it possible for any man to carry on a systematic agita-
tion, such as had been conducted by a late Hon. Gentle-'
man. He felt assured that such an agitation could not
be renewed. The reasons brought forward in support
of the Bill were insufficient, and be felt, therefore, bound
to oppose it. They ought to have brought forward reme-
dial measures; above all they should adjust the relation
between landlord and tenant in that country, without
which they could never expect to see Ireland in a satis-
factory state. He opposed the Bill because remedial
measures were not proposed, because the Government
had not redeemed its pledges.
Colonel THOMPSON said he would vote for the
second reading of the Bill, in the hope of having an op-
portunity of voting for an abridgement of its duration.
Mr. OSBORNE said he could not agree with those
who stated that the late insurrection was a mock rebel-
lion. He, on the contrary, believed that if the rebels had
had one success, that country would have been plunged
in blood, and perhaps in revolution.—(Hear.) He thought
the praises bestowed on Lord Clarendon were greatly
exaggerated. He saw no reason for giving his confidence
to the present Lord-Lieutenant. The Government of
Ireland was not upheld by the force of public opinion,
but by the force of her Majesty's troops. The course
pursued by the Government was most unsatisfactory.
One night they came down to the House, asking for a
grant of fifty thousand pounds for twenty-one unions in
the west of Ireland, and the next night ask for a
renewal of the suspension of the Habeas Corpus
Act. Much had been expected from the Devon
Commission, and yet the only measure founded
on the recommendations of that Commission adopted
by the Government, was that of fixing the Irish
constabulary on the Consolidated Fund. What had
become of the Church question, which heretofore had
been declared to be the root of the evils of the
country ? What, in fine, had become of all the mea-
sures which were contemplated for the benefit of Ireland
on the present Ministry coming into power ? He would
ask the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, why
he had turned out the last Administration which were
composed of honest men who were fairly carrying out
their principles ? Were Members on that side of the
House called upon to vote upon that occasion, for no
other purpose than to put the. Mintos, the Elliotts, and
the Russells in office. He wished to know what the
Government meant to do at the end of six months,
when the Bill was to expire. He was not satisfied with
measures of coercion and votes of money as a system of
governing Ireland, and should therefore vote against
the Bill.
Mr. REYNOLDS said not having been present when
the Bill was first brought forward he was now anxious to
offer a few observations upon the motion. When the Bill
was introduced last session he had some difficulty in
voting against it, but he had none now, for he heard no
reasons assigned in its support which satisfied him of its
necessity. Reference had been made to the letter of the
Lord-Lieutenant and harsh expressions used towards it
to which he could not agree. There was nothing very
wrong in Lord Clarendon writing a letter to the Prime
Minister, and recommending a certain course to be pur-
sued, but it would be wrong in that House to take his
advice. Much had been said in censure of the Lord
Lieutenant, but, for his own part, he admired his private
and public life, and could not help recollecting, with
feelings of gratitude, his refusal to turn the Orangemen
of Ireland against the Catholics. He (Mr. Reynolds)
deeply regretted, however, that ho had written the
letter alluded to, because, in his mind, it was totally
unnecessary, and would raise a feeling of deep
indignation against the Irish Government which it would
be impossible to suppress. If it was intended to put
down the repeal agitation it would fail—and as to other
grievances, did the House believe 7,000,000 of Catholics
would permit the existence of an Established Church
which draws from them an income of 1,000,000/. a year
to provide for the necessities of 700,000 members of that
Church? For his (Mr. Reynold's) part, he should never
be content while it exists, nor did he look upon himselt
as an emancipated Irishman or Roman Catholic, while
that monster grievance was permitted to continue. In his
opinion, a man's clergyman ought to be paid by him, as
he would his doctor or tailor. He believed, in addition,
that all the evils of Ireland were mainly owing to the
base conduct of Irish landlords, and but for whom, the
calamities under which she now laboured would not be
in existence. He denounced the present measure as an
insult, inasmuch as when the country was quiet, a mea-
sure was brought forward for the suspension of the
Habeas Corpus Act.
Mr. THE LAWNY gave every credit to the Govern-
ment for preserving the peace of Ireland, but under all
the circumstances, he certainly should vote against the
grant about to be proposed, and support the passing of
the measure then before the House. For his own part
he attributed almost the whole of the evils of Ireland to
a continuous increase of the population—(A laugh)—
without making any provision fur them. He denounced
the conduct of the Irish Members in coming down to
that House night after night threatening the Government
and the House, anti preventing the transaction of public
business, and clam uring for grants of money for the
Irish people.
Viscount BERNARD could not refrain from paying
the highest tribute of his admiration to the conduct of
the Lurd Lieutenant of Ireland, for his zeal and promp-
titude in putting down the insurrection last July. He,
as foreman of the grand jury of the county Cork, and
cognizant of the state of the country at that
period, should say, the rebellion then intended was
not a " mock insurrection," as it had been termed.
It it were put down, and if peace were restored, why
were not the arms given up ? Why was not public
confidence restored? It was not such mad attempts as
that made at Ballingary, in August last, they had to fear
—but cowardly attempts at assassination; and tor his
own part :,e entirely coincided with the Lord-Lieutenant
of Ireland in his letter when he said that agitation was
the bane of the country. He thanked the Government
for their prompt measures in putting down disaffection,
and they might rest assured of his support in carrying
out such measures on every occasion.
Mr. E. B. ROCHE deprecated the reasons given by
the Members who supported the measure for the suspen-
sion of the Habeas Corpus Act. One Honourable Mem-
ber said it ought to be passed because the population
was too much increased in Ireland; and the Noble Lord
the Member for Bandon, gave as a reason why he sup-
ported it—that the Grand Jury of the county of Cork, of
which he was foreman, were in a state of nervous excite-
ment last aummer. He (Mr. E. B. Roche) deeply regretted
the course pursued in that House by the free-trade Mena-
hers. When those measures, of which they were the
advocates and promoters, were discussed in that House,
the Irish Members supported them on every occasion ;
but when the liberties of Ireland were endangered, they
took up their hats and walked out of the House. If
Ireland was to be governed by military force, the people
of England should pay for it ; but what he wished for
was, that the peace of Ireland should be kept, cot by
force, but on the eternal principles of justice. As long
as they neglected to meet the difficulties of Ireland face