The Sun.
London, England, 1831-06-02 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JUNE 2, 1831.

vernment founded on revolution, whether it were
A republic or a tyranny, they struggled against
ter to the death. Thus again there was a pe-
riod when they were friendly to the Roman Ca-
tholics ; but never have they shown one spark
of favour to the Protestant Dissenters. France
has been, as we have seen at different times, then
i•riend and their enemy ; but towards America
they have ever shown one uniform spirit of
coldness and aversion. But two years ago,
when the Russians were fighting against Turkey,
ind professing to assert the liberties of Greece,
the Tories with one consent maligned then
motives, undervalued their armies, and regretted
their triumph :—now that these same Russians
are fighting against the liberties of Poland, the
Tories are magnifying their resistless power,
and eagerly anticipating their victory.
The dislike" of change which marks the Tories
as a political party is in itself one of the most
universal feelings in human nature. Some few
nations may offer an exception ; but, generally
speaking, both nations, and classes of men, and
individuals, shrink from the trouble of alteration.
Amongst the multitudes whei'erv,so loudly for
political Reform, how many are there who dis-
like all changes by which their own habits and
practices are altered ! The change of the
style—the change of the weights and measures
—improvements in farming—improvements in
machinery—nay, in many cases, improvements
in health, cleanliness, and domestic comfort, are
either rejected, or slowly and unwillingly re-
ceived by the multitude, because it requires
some trouble, some effort, some interruption to
their old habits, to adopt them, or accommodate
themselves to them. This common feeling the
Tories apply to political matters for this further
reatson also—because they belong mostly to that
class of society who are well off tinder things as
they are ; and the indolence which shrinks from
the, trouble of change has, in their case, nothing
but a liberai zeal for the good of others which
could counteract it. But if men will endure
rags, and dirt, and clumsiness, rather than make
an effort or break their old habits, how much
less will they desire any change, when their
own actual condition is not one of suffering but
of enjoyment ?
Another point which marks the Tories as a
party, and which no less marks a great propor-
tion of those who abuse them the loudest, is
their horror of general principles, and their ad-
herence to what they call practical, straight-for-
ward, common-sense notions. This indeed is
closely connected with their dislike to 'change:
but as it has formed a very striking feature of
their public policy, it is as well to consider it
apart. It is this feeling which has made them
so long resist all amendments of our law, which
has led them to detest free trade and political
economy, and to delight in a paper currency.
It is this same feeling which has made even the
religious men amongst them so ill fitted to make
our Government and our institutions agreeable
to the spirit of the Gospel. They do not find
it said in so many words in the New Testa-
ment that slavery is a wicked thing, and there-
fore they argue that Christianity does not con-
demn it. Rightly understanding that oaths are
not in all cases unlawful to be taken, they have
never made out the general principle of Christ's
words—namely, that to require oaths of men
has a tendency to make them careless about their
bare word—and that therefore it is most blame-
able in persons in authority to impose a single
oath without the strongest necessity ; and that
it is their duty to endeavour that in time none
may be necessary at all. So with wars and with
public measures in general ; because from the
situation of the first Christians the New Testa-
ment could not contain any direct rules upon
these matters, and because the Tories are slow
in catching the spirit of a system, and in apply.
ing general principles to particular cases, we
have seen re igious Tories maintaining, the Lot-
tery and the Game Laws ; and we have not
seen them alive to the wickedness of war, in
ninety-nine cases out of every hundred ; nor,
while justly inculcating the duty of obedience
on the part of the subject, have they been equally
alive to the no less binding duty of a watchful,
a self-denying, and a reforming attention to the
public welfare on the part of the Government.
In this love of the letter, rather than of the
spirit, the Tories and the multitude strongly
sympathize with each other. In fact, it is but
a common weakness of our nature, and they are
but exceptions who are free from it. The Tories
i-are but another name for the multitude amongst
the richer classes—the common run of human
characters, with their faults and weaknesses, and
also with a large portion of their virtues and re-
spectable qualities. I have spoken of their faults
—I will as fairly speak of their excellencies.
As they are slow in improving upon general
principles, so they are quick, dexterous, and de-
cided, in practising the particular thing before
them. They are good in administration and
in action ; so that if we were living in a
perfect world, or under a perfect political system,
I should wish to see none but Tories in public
stations, whether civil or military.
Again, as many of our natural feelings are
great obstacles in the way of improvement, so
there are many also which are far better and more
ennobling than the mere hard intellect that
despises them. Among these - are a respect for
noble birth, and the dignity which, even in very
ordinary minds, is often derived from the con-
sciousness of being born and bred a gentleman.
Such also is local and patriotic affection, and an
attachment to names, customs, and places, around
which time or association has thrown a charm.
Such too is the frank and cheerful love of sports
—the entire abandonment of the mind at times
to a state of childlike simplicity and enjoyment
—the shrinking from the pride and pedantry of
being eternally Wise ; these are all beautiful points
aaible piredj..uKdiicne;
men a
in the character of the Tory country gentleman,
which redeem a large mass of ignorance and
really
and allcr theseoeara s
m thingssde-
lightful
the oldblm ciereh.al
contrast to the hardintellec-
tualism
or fanaticism of their adversaries.
so preponderates,
These elements of the Tory party are mixed,
of course,
individual i ri
infinitely
memt)ers o
different.
In rent psorompeorttliloei good
and the
and the evil is so qualified by
natural ability or moral
d ofchange
goodness,is
haorrdclyircmuourie-
stances, that the a
than a mere ballast to the zeal for improvement ;
the dislike to the • ones and general principles

becomes only a safeguard against extravagan'
speculations, and against the fault of living in
•he clouds, instead of doing with an ardent spirit
he world's daily business. Had men like these
predominated in the Tory party, never should we
have had our present Reform Bill, and for the
best of all reasons—because we never should have
needed it. Had those pious, wise, manly, and
liberal Tories, of whom there happily still exist
many in England, been able to give the tone to
:he general character of Toryism, I could have
Nished their pity to enjoy a perpetual ascen-
dancy as heartily as I now rejoice in its defeat
But the comfort is, that the more we purify our
institutions the more safely and usefully may we
employ the Tories to administer them, as, while
their good qualities will be as valuable as ever, their
faults will be powerless to do mischief.

PRICE 7D.

OXFORDSHIRE REFORM DINNER.

ryvrOP.l), MAY 31.
A very numerous and respectable body of the sup-
porters of Mr. Harcourt and Mr. Weyland, the
‘lembers for Oxfordshire, met to-day for the pur-
pose of celebrating, by the very English and in all
respects constitutional means, a dinner, the triumph
,vhich the cause of Reform has gained in this
county, where, until very lately, an overbearing
aristocracy and an illiberal clergy have carried all be-

rove them.
This dinner excited allitional interest, from a
report which has prevailed for sonic days past in
the county, that Mr. Harcourt was about to be
raised to the Peerage. The report appears to have
gained many believers, and the Marquis of Bland-
ford actually commenced a canvass for the county
upon the strength of it; while, on the other hand,
he friends of Lord Norreys, the unsuccessful and
Anti-Reform candidate at the last election, made
their appearance also in the field, and prepared to
contend with the Noble Marquis for the honour of
representing the county, which honour they of course
imagined that Lord Norreys had greater claims to.
The report, however, turns out to be a pure fiction
The dinner was hid out in the Town-hall, which
was very tastefully decorated, and presented a most
gay and agreeable appearance. Thomas Lewis
Coker, Esq. presided, and MI supported on cue
side by Mr. Harcourt, and on the other by Mr.
Weyland.
As soon as the cloth was removed,
The CHAIRMAN, gave " The King, God bless
him."—(Drank with four times four, and the most
enthusiastic acclamations.)
" The Queen," and " The Royal Family," were
drank with the same honours as the last toast.
The Cumniirsse would next give them " The
Wooden Walls of Old England."—(Cheers.)
Drank with three times three, as also was the next
toast, " The Army."
Mr. WETLAND, in a very neat and appropriate
speech, proposed the health of Mr. Coker, their
Chairman. (Much cheering, and drank with three
times three.)
The CHAIRMAN was ready to attribute this to
nothing but to the zeal which he had shown in the
great and glorious cause of Reform—(Much cheer-
ing)—and he could only say, that he, in common
with every other freeholder, should be most happy
to do every thing in his power to promote a Bill,
which, he was convinced, would secure all the insti-
tutions of the courtly, would allay discontent, would
preserve to the King his prerogatives, and to the
Lords their privileges—and which, last, but not
leant, would give to the Commons a full, free, and
fair representation in Psrl ament.—(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN said, that in proposing to them
to drink Earl Grey and his Majesty's Ministers, he
would boldly, because he could most truly, assert,
that the present Ministry were peculiarly entitled to
the gratitude of the country for the very efficient,
plain, and intelligent measure of Reform which they
had produced. (The toast was then drank with
three times three and much cheering.)
The CHAIRMAN would call upon them to fill a
bumper, and to make roof and rafter echo with
" Harcourt and Weyland." (Drank upstanding,
with three times three, and a liter al and long-con-
tinued fulfilment of the Chairman's exhortation with
regard to " roof and rafter.")
Mr. HARCOURT (who was received in a manner
more enthusiastic than it is possible for words to
describe) had lately seen in one of those newspapers
which did not fail with as much diligence as dis-
ingenuousness to attack the private scharacters of
those individuals who proclaimed themselves
supporters of the Reform Bill, while at the same
time they displayed equal diligence and equal dis-
ingenuousness in depreciating and in misrepresenting
the Bill itself,—he had lately seen, he said, in one
of those newspapers a paragraph to this effect,
namely—that the freeholders of Oxfordshire had
done well to elect him now, because they knew little
of him; and with this assertion was coupled a pre-
diction of the writer, that as the freeholders of
Oxfordshire came to know more of him (Mr. Har-
court), they would not be so satisfied as they were
at present with the choice they had made.—(Cries
of " No, no.") He did, however, trust that this
prediction, as applied personally and individually to
himself, would be found as wanting in accom-
plishment as he had no doubt the predictions
of the same prophets with regard to the more
important subject of the measure of Reform
itself would turn out to be.—(Cheers.) The
Reform Bill would pass,—the country had
decided that question.—(Much cheering.) Yes,
the Reform Bill would pass in spite of the loud and
angry clamours of those who were opposed to it;
and by the salutary operation of that measure, the
anxieties of the timid, and the terrors of the bigoted,
would be dissipated as the morning dew disappeared
before the rising sun, while the Constitution would
not only not be destroyed, but would survive wi; h
infused vigour and with new and increased energy.
(Cheers.) Nothing would perish by the operation
of this great measure, except those parts of our
system which were corrupt, and which, for the
safety and security of the whole, ought to be re-
duced; nothing, in a word, would perish by the
Reform Bill except that which every true lover of
his country desired to see altered, if capable of
alteration,—or destroyed, if too bad to be capable
cf amelioration.—(Cheers.) It had been commonly
said in former discussions upon the subject of
Reform, and it was known that the argument had
had great influence upon the House of Commons,—
that the Reformers were not numerous, and that so
far from being unanimous, scarcely any half-dozen
of them could be found to agree upon a system of
Reform. Now he asked them whether the Re-
formers of the county of Oxford had not contributed
their part towards the proof that the Reformers of
Eng4trid were not only numerous; but very nume-
rous in proportion to the general body of free-
holders and other electors ?—(Cheers.) He be-
lieved that in the Parliament now about to meet
them, there would be foun l only six county Mem-
bers who would oppose the Reform Bill. Then, as
to unity of feeling with regard to a system of Re-
form, he did not mean to pretend that every mat,
who declared himself in favour of the Ministerial
measure of Reform said or thought that the mea.
sure was the best possible measure that could have
been framed; yet all the Reformers that he ha,
spoken to, all the Reformers in every part of the
county which he had canvassed, had declared
themselves contented and satisfied with this mea-
sure such as it was.— (Cries of " We are.") lie Ilan
met with no man who desired a further concession
than the Bill made; he had met with no man who
required more than the Bill gave, except in some
of the details, which were matters of no importance
at all. This was much for the representative of a
county to be able to say.—(Hear, hear.) H.
thought, however, that he, as the representative of
that county, might say more. He thought he might
also say, that with regard to any fears of bad feel-
ing towards the Monarch, or towards the Govern-
ment of the country, such apprehensions, if the)
were entertained of the freeholders of Oxfordshire,
were utterly vain, visionary, and groundless.—
(Cheers.) With these observations he should have
ceased to trespass further upon their time, had it not
been that aince he had entered the room, it had
been suggested to him there was a point upon which
he ought to say a few words to them.- He had been
absent in the southern part of the country, and

during his absence he had found that art address
had been made and published to the freeholders of
Oxfordshire, intimating that a vacancy was likely
to occur in the representation of the county at an
early day. The report to which he alluded, -and
which he found had prevailed in that county, al-
though it had not yet penetrated to that part of the
'stand in a hich he had been residing, M as, that he
was shortly to be elevated to the honours of the
Peerage. Now he was one of those who believed
that honours of that description did ;,0t befaii men
but with their own knowledge at least, . if not a
their own solicitation.--4 Hear, end laughter.) He
did not believe that it had ever happened in the an-
nals even of the most extraordinary dispensations:
of royal favours, that a man went to bed a eommoner,
and without the suspicion of waking arty thing else
but a commoner, whereas upon getting up m the
morning he found himself a Peer.—(Hear, and
laughter.) He had never heard of such things hap-
pening to other teen, and he had no reason, there-
fore, to expect that they would happen to him.
could only confidently assure them that the idea of
asking for such an honour had never even occurred
to him ; and farther, he could assure them with equal
confidence, that no such idea was ever likely to occur
to him as long as that confidence and that support
which he had received from them was -letei-
nued to him, and to deserve the continuance of that:
confidence, and of that support, ehould be the endea-
vour of him Cheers.) He did not know
whether it was necessary for him to add, that no
mistake on this subject could have resulted from there
being any ground for supposing that such an honour
was intended for his father. If it had been reported
that his father was likely to receive such an honour,
that report was equally as untrue as the report which
had been circulated with regard to himself. lie
trusted, that after this explanation, no future misun-
derstanding could arise upon this subject.—( Hear.)
Mr. WEVLAND ( who met with the same enthu-
siastic reception as his Hon. Colleague) said the
time was now close at hand when the pledgee he had
given them would be put to the proof ; he was ready
to stand the trial. He had promised them that he
would vote for the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing
hut the Bill---.-(Cheers)—and he would mike good
that promise.—(Cheers.) He did not pretend that;
a measure of such vast importance as this was in all-
respects perfect. That there would be modifica-
tions and alterations in the details of it was very
likely ; but he pledged himselfeo support. no %Itera-
tion in the measure which had not the sanction of
the Noble Lord who introduced the Bill, all,l of
that Noble Lord's colleagnes.—(Cheers.) This
was the great and engrossing question ; but there
were other questions also upon which he should
have to vote, and upon which, as far as he wa- able
to do so, he had made known his sentiments to them.
He was a friend to economy and retrenchment, and
in enemy to all useless places and unmerited pen-
sions.—(Cheers.) It was consistent, as well with
the interests as with the character of a great nation,
that the public servants should be generously re-
warded ; but he did say that it was a shame that
inefficient men should be put in places which re-
quired abilities, and that men who rendered no set-
v ce to the public should he supported by the pub-
lic money.—(Cheer=.) He would not deta'n them
longer than to thank them once more for the many,
and repeated, and distinguished marks of kindness,
which he had received at their hands, and which he
assured them he should remember with pride and
gratitude to the latest hour of his existence.
" The Lord Lieutenant of the County,"—" The
High Sheriti,"—" The Members of the City of
Oxford,"—" The Mayor,"—and "The Prosperity of
the City of Oxford,"—were severally drank with due
honours.
The CHAIRMAN then proposed " The Oxford and
local Committees throughout the county,"—a body
of men to whom, as well individually us collectively,
the cause of Reform was deeply indebted.
Mr. EATON returned thanks, and concluded by
proposing the following toast :—" The ladi,s of our
most excellent County Members, Ladv Elizabeth
Harcourt and Lady Johnstone."—(Dran.k with three
times three, and, many times repeated, " One cheer
more.")
Mr. HARCOURT returned thanks for Lady Eliza-
beth Harcourt, as also did Mr. Wayland for Lady
Johnstone.
Mr. HARCOURT proposed the health of Mrs.
Coker, the lady of their Chairman, and the ladies of
Oxfordshire.—(Drank with acclamation.)
Mr. COKER returned thanks on the part of his
lady. With regard to the ladies of Oxfordshire,
whom they had done themselves the honour of toast-
ing, it could hardly be expected that he should return
thanks for them, for to do so would require the gift
of many tongues indeed. If they were riot tired of
the ladies, he would give them The ladies of the
city of Oxford."—(Drank with appropriate honours.)
Mr. HARCOURT then proposed the healths of" Nlr.
Pe rs and Mr. Stonor," who had proposed and se-
conded him on the day of nomination.
Mr. PEERS returned thanks.
Several other toasts were then drank, after which
he meeting separated.