The Sun.
London, England, 1849-01-11 00:00:00

basing tyranny of the Neapolitan despot, he was at I
fault. If, through the lips of the same relative, in
an unofficial capacity, he expressed sympathy to
Plus IX. in his undeserved misfortunes, he
was 'still more grievously and irredeemably in
error. In every quarter, according to these
Smolletts of politicians, those Brnellfungemes of
diplomacy, he committed state crimes, and—worse
than state crimes—mistakes. Yet, beyond all his
other atrocities, he has been more incessantly accused
of being guilty of the most flagrant acts of leze
majeste against the various Sovereignties of the Con-
tinent. Like M. DE LAMARTINE, he has been taxed
with participation in the infamous labours of the re-
volutionary propaganda. Lord PALMERSTON has his
risquons text as well as the poet-statesman of Fe-
bruary. Like that eminent man, the Noble Lord has
found his conciliative efforts distorted into struggles for
the excitation of an universal rebellion. Both have
been attacked as the archenemies of peace—the one
a secret and the other an avowed conspirator. Both
in their several degrees have experienced the un-
caused animosity of the multitude. Both have
tasted the bitterness of a systematic misrepresenta-
tion. Both have discovered to their sorrow, that with
the fickleness proverbial among all races and in all
times, it has become the fashion to assail and reprobate
two of the most illustrious servants of the French and
English peoples. Against this mania—this mania so
degrading to France and England—we lift up our voices
unceasingly in tones of earnest regret and profound in-
dignation. For the justification of M. DE LAMARTINE
we refer again and again to every one of the gene-
rous measures which marked the three months of his
Government, and to every one of these eloquent syl-
lables which fell like oil from the lips of the great
orator upon the troubled waters of a general and
appalling insurrection. For the justification of Lord
PALMERSTON we point to the brilliant success with
which he has for upwards of thirty years participated
in, or guided, the administration of the foreign
affairs of Great Britain, and last, but not least, of all
his Ministerial achievements—the felicity with which
he has conducted the destinies of his native country
through the perils of 1848, that memorable year
which will be known for ever as the Year of Revolu-
tions. Traduced to•day—both these men will be
estimated correctly hereafter.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
In the National Assembly on Tuesday, M. GRETY
presented the report of the Committee appointed to
consider the proposition of M. RATXAII for a dis3olu-
tion of the Assembly.
The following is an abstract of M. Gnavx's re-
port :
" M. Grevy—Our Hon. Colleague, M. Rateau, pre-
sented a proposition, couched in the following terms:—
"' Art. 1. The Legislative Assembly is convoked for the
19th March, 1849. The powers of the National Con-
stituent Assembly shall expire on the same day.
" Art. 2. The election for the nomination of the 750
members, who are to compose the Legislative Assembly,
shall take place on the 4th of March, 1849. Each de-
partment shall elect the number of representatives deter-
mined by the table annexed to the present Bill.
" Art. 3. Until the period fixed for its dissolution,
th• National Assembly shall occupy itself principally
with the electoral law, and that relative to the Council
of State.'

" This proposition was referred to the committee of
legislation and of justice, where it gave rise to very
animated discussions, and opinions were divided equally
upon it. The committee of justice, charged with the
report, has confided to me the mission of making known
to you its conclusions. The duration of the Constituent
Assembly is determined by its mandate ; it can neither
withdraw before it has fulfilled it, nor can it prolong its
existence beyond that period. In the first case it would
be guilty of desertion, and in the second of usurpation ;
in both cases it would betray the confidence placed in
it by the people.—(Hear, hear.) The question as to
whether the Constituent Assembly should dissolve
itself is, therefore, reduced to this :—Has it ful-
filled its mandate The National Assembly itself
at the moment of commencing the discussion on the
constitution decided that with it should be adjoined the
organic laws, both of which were necessary for the well-
being of the Republic ; in fact, without these laws,
the Constitution itself would be but a dead letter. At a
later period the Assembly decided by an article in the
Constitution that it should itself pass these laws. It
cannot either dissolve itself without having finished its
work, or tear up one of the articles of the Constitution
which it has voted. It has been said that in presence of
the election of the President his power was incompatible
with that of the Constituent Assembly.--(Hear, hear.)
But where then is that incompatibility ? It existed
neither in a legal nor in a political sense. Apprehen-
sions had been entertained that the National Assembly
would be hostile to the President of the Republic; and
certain persons even had at last persuaded themselves of
the fact, in consequence of so earnestly desiring it; but
the attitude of the Assembly in presence of the power
of the President has given a contradiction to that
supposition, and its late votes bear testimony to its
desire to maintain concord between the great powers
of the State. This question of the dissolution is one of
life or death for the Republic. Those who entertain
any doubts on the subject may be convinced of it by the
ardour of the party spirit and by the violence of their
attacks against the Assembly. Is it necessary for it to
justify itself against the reproach addressed to it of
wishing to make its sittings permanent? Who is there
that is ignorant that its mandate, and consequently its
duration, are exactly determined; that a little time will
suffice it to complete its task, and that its existence will
be mush shorter than the Constituent Assemblies which
have preceded it. In consequence the Committee of
Justice, in accord with the Committee of Legislation,
has the honour to propose to you not to take the propo-
sition of M. Rateau into consideration.

" After a few remarks the report was ordered to be
printed and distributed, and the discussion fixed for
Friday."
In the course of the sitting the Works in Prisons
Bill was passed, and the election of M. LUCIEN NA-
POLEON BONAPARTE for Corsica declared void for ir-
regularity.
The efforts of the re-actionaries to get up a sham
display of popular feeling against the Assembly are
likely to prove abortive. The old system of " enor-
mous lying" is, as usual, with the re- actionary party
unscrupulously resorted to, a sort of free trade in ca-
lumny being established among the re- actionary organs
on both sides the Channel. The falsehood, too bare-
faced for immediate production in the French market,
makes its first appearance in the English re-actionary
journals, and is immediately copied into the French
organs of the conspiracy. This, however, has been
tried too often. The French people are becoming
aware of the existence of the reactionary conspiracy ;
they know the conspirators and their motives, and they
will not suffer themselves to be duped so easily as here-
tofore. It is true a great splutter is kept up by the
Phillipists, Legitimists, and Parti Pretre about the
unpopularity of the Assembly, and petitions got up
after the fashion of the Chartist monster petition,
and bearing fictitious signatures, are every day pre-
sented from places of which no one ever heard, pray-
ing for its immediate dissolution ; but when any at-
tempt is made to get up a bona fide petition, or a bona
fide demonstration against the Assembly it signally
fails. Several lithographic petitions, praying for a
dissolution of the Assembly, have been hawked about
the Bourse but without success. The touters were
indefatigable, but they did not get ten persons to
attach their names to them. It would be well that
the Assembly should adopt some method for testing
the genuineness of the signatures attached to petitions
presented to them. The associates of the Curazons,
the TRSTES, and the PRASLINS, and the defenders of
the Freres LEOTADES would not scruple to forge a
signature to a petition.
M. OmLori. BARROT is- Still desirous of being
appointed Vice-President. Should he be no-
minated to that office, the PRESIDENT of the Republic
will, it is said, confide the task of constructing a new
Ministry to M. DUFAURE.
In the course of the sitting of Assembly on Tues-
day M. Bum gave the following explanation of
the causes which led to his secession from the
Ministry. He said,
" The Assembly will do me the justice, I think, to
allow that I seldom abuse its patience. In the late dis-
cussion, relative to the ministerial modification not hav-
ing been personally referred to, I did not think myself
called on to make any statement. Yet I had a serious
interest to give some explanation, for I was perfectly
aware that the cause of my resignation had been vari-
ously interpreted, and that calumny had even seized on
that act of mine, to attribute it to I know not what
embarrassment in my private affairs.—(Movement.)
As long as this calumny remained in the state
of a rumour which oould not be laid hold of, it was my
duty to despise it; but at present, when it has assumed a
palpable form is an article of a provincial journal, the
organ of the most flagrant defamation, I am obliged to
notice it. It is, no doubt, an artful system of tactics to
depreciate certain men, in order thereby to undervalue
the work in which they are concerned—in which they
have taken part. I have considered myself called on to
lay before the Procureur of the Republic the number
of the Courrier de la Gironde of January 5. In
doing so, I obeyed not only a sentiment of personal
dignity, but, at the same time, a feeling of respect
for the National Assembly, which frequently honoured
me with its suffrages, and with the Cabinet, which
I had the affliction to leave. Since I am in the tri-
bune, I will just say a word relative to other rumours
which have been in circulation. It is altogether false
that during the time that I was a member of the Cabi-
net, any difference arose amongst the persons composing
it; we were always perfectly in accord, both in men and
things. The same accord did not cease to exist amongst
us when, in consequence of the conflict, much to be re-
gretted, between the President of the Republic and the
Minister of the Interior, the whole Cabinet thought itself