The Sun.
London, England, 1831-10-27 00:00:00

might he defeated, ((beers.) The difficulties that F.arl Grey
had bad, were ever to be recollected; nor were the difficulties
Ito be forgot'ten that lay in his way, before he could fulfil his
promise, and realise the wishes of the people ; therefore he was
entitled to the entire confidence, and to the utmost support
of the people in every possible way. (Loud cheers, and
cries of " lie shall have it.") The best, and the
Most gratifying results had always been experiehced when
AnieliotAtiohacts had been brought forward as Cabinet
Measures: The abolition of the iditit.` ti•alir, the repeal of
the Test and Col-potation Acts, the Catholic Emancip
when these were made Cabinet measures of, they
had been carried against the WisheAl of every individual
who had before long-, pertinaciously, and successfully op-
posed Metal ; and on this occasion the people were doubly
bouitd to support and to confide in E rl Grey ; because
not only had he made Parliamentary Reform a Cabinet
measure, but to his assistance in bringihg it for Ward, ac
such he had added to his efforts the Leal or a partizan.—
(Hear, hear., Earl Grey had pledged himself to bring
''rift*-arlci Mad to carry through a measure of Reform as
efficient as the one that had first been rejected, otherwise
to retire from office. It was painful to look forward to
an event which must inevitably draw in its train confusion 1.
and ruin.—(Hear, hear.) And it was no less humiliating,
to the feelings of an Englishman to think that the
fate of h!s Country depended on any one man, or
any set of men, remaining in or out office ;
yet such were his (Sir C. Ashby's) feelings on this point. His
firm belief was that the fate of the British nation was bound
up in the continuance of Earl Grey in office—(Hear, hear)--
and that, should he resign, (and re.ign he must unless he car-
ried the principal Ob)eCts Of the Bill that had for the moment
been lest) what must be the state of the nation ?--(Cries of
hear hear.) A Tory Administration would lead the country
thrugh a reign of coercion, terror, and despotism, which would
be, in the worst sense, a revolution—a state of anarchy—a state ,
of absolute and downright ruin.—(lmmense cheering.)
Lord VALLETORT next claimed to be heard, and it was
a tonsidek-ahle time before the High Sheriff could prevail
on the meeting to withhold their expressions of disappro-
bation, and to permit his Lordship to speak. When
something like silence was obtained, his Lordship began
by saying, that if he could recollect any act or ex-
pression of his which in his judgment ought to
have provoked such inveterate marks of disapprobation
such recollection would have given him great pain, but as
he had no such remembrance—on the contrary, as he was,
and always had been as desirous for the good of the county
and of the country as any individual in it, he could not
hut treat such disapprobation with ind fference.—( Laugh-
ter.) He stood forward at that great meeting, he believed
singly, to defend and to support his side of the question--
(From the crowd " that's no satisfaction to the injured

country.") He admitted it was not, but he entreated
permission to state the reasons which had brought him there.

He had only arrived in the county two days ago, and having
seen the requisition to call, and the appointment of a time to
hold the present meeting, he determined, interested as he was
as much as any man in the affairs of the nation—(Cries of
Lostwithiel for example, you know)—aye, that was an old
story, and they might throw it into his teeth as often as
they chose. He had determined to attend, and to prove

that there could not he a meeting of Cornish men take place
at which he should be ashamed to show himself.—

Laughter, and cries " Of much good you'll do here.")—
He came not there to oppose the proceedings—single
handed as he was, it would be needless in him to attempt
such a thing, but thinking that proceedings might take
place, and had such as had taken place in other parts.—
(Cries of " Name them.") He meant not in Cornwall,
but at Birmingham, for example, and other such places,
where attempts had been made to sp.read abroad fallacies
and delusions ; he came to enter his vote against such
vile attempts.—(Great disapprobation.) He had not heard
well what had been said, but what he heard since he ar-
rived at the meeting he could not characterize as uncon-
stitutional, or say was unobjectionable, with the exception
of some few expressions—(Laughter)--but he came prepared,
if he had found that violent language had been resorted to, or
any attempt made to separate the lower from the higher orders
of society, to have taken an immovable stand against such a line
of proceeding. When he had used the word delusive, he had
been met by a laugh, but he was desirous of stating what he
meant by it. No doubt many present had seen what had been
called the " Black List"—(Hear, hear, and laughter)—and of
but he would say, never had there appeared before the
public such a tissue of utter falsehood and scand A. The
authors of this list wished to make the people believe that
the higher classes of society were not the lower order of
society's friends--were not the frieuds, but the foes of the
people.—(Laughter.) Let those who chose to publish
tell the truth. He wished the truth to be known ; and
if it were known, that body of men who had been stig-
matised by the epithet of a most odious oligarchy,
would appear in any form but that of odious in the eyes
of the nation.—(Cries of " Nonsense, nonsense.") With
regard to the present state of affairs, there had been a
most violent measure of Reform introduced into Parlia-
ment.—(Laugbter, bootings, and cries of " Off, off." It
was all matter of opinion, and his opinion was that it was
a most violent measure,—(Renewed cries of " Off, off.)
It had been industriously circulated that that measure had
been rejected by the votes of Peers interested in the
return of Members to Parliament from rotten boroughs
and the Bishops. This was an unfair and an untrue state.
ment, because if every such Member of the Upper House
had abstained from voting altogether, the Bill would have
met with the same fate that befel it.—(Cries of " No.")
The Noble Lord attempted to substantiate this allegationt
by an analysis of the votes that had been given, but
unfortunately for him, at the end of every sentence,
and, indeed, long before he got the length of concluding
his sentences, he was interrupted by being told and strewn
that he was inaccurate in his reckoning. He apologised
for his inaccuracies and his breaking down in his attempted
substantiation, by saying he had not got his notes with
hirn.•—(Much laughter, and cries of "Off.") should an-
other Bill, similar to the one that had .been re.
jected, be again introduced into Parliament, and
should the House of Lords also reject that Bill,
he acknowledged that he for one should certainly fear the
consequences.—(Hear, hear.) And if he were one of
their Lordships, and felt as he did of the rejected Bill, that
it was a measure which, if passed into a law, would de-
stroy the Constitution of the country, nothing would pre-
vent him from again voting against it. The House of
Lords he knew were now anxious to settle the question of
Reform, and if an alteration which they could suppose
would be beneficial to the Constitution, and to
the country, were proposed, he was sure that to such an
alteration there would be no objection ; but if the people
thought to intimidate the Lords, and to force them to act
conformably to their wishes, they only deceived themselves.
With respect to those who thought that it there was a con-
vulsion in the country the rich would be driven from their
seats, lie begged to say that he believed that in all great
countries like this, where convulsions had taken place,
it had been invariably found that it was the poorer class of
society that had suffered.—(Cries of " No, no—where's
Polignac—where are the French Noblesse now ?") The
rich would always have the means of support, but the
poor would be utterly deprived of the means of supporting
either themselves or their families. Ask the farmers, if
a large portion of the community could not purchase
bread, how they would sell their corn?—(Great manifes-
tations of disapprobation.) There bad been, he well
knew of late a great struggle between the two great por.
tions of society The agriculturalists and the manufac-
turers.—(Cries of " No, no, off, off.") And he bad no
doubt that the moat mischievous consequences would he
the result. With regard to the rotten borough system,
that was always a subject that he approached with grert
delicacy—(lmmense laughter, and cries of " Hear,
hear)—and he should say nothing upon it at that moment.
The present struggle was undoubtedly a combat for rights
—the people's rights were to have a good Go.
vernment, and such a measure of Reform as would be
beneficial to Government he would he the first to support,
but to frame a measure of that description required much
time to bring forward, and great deliberation.—(Hisses
and uproar.)
Sir CHARLES LEMON came forward amidst much cheer-
ing, and made some observaions in the outset for the, pur-
pose of more satisfactorily showing, that the Noble Lord
who had just retired from addressing the meeting, was al-
together wrong in fancying the Bill would have been lost if
the Bishops and Peers interested in nomination borough'
had not voted against it. He contended also that the
Noble Lord was wrong in insinuating that a jealousy had
been excited between the agricultural and manufacturing
classes of society. The voice of the manufacturers bad
been long disregarded, but the time was near at hand when
the cry would be found to be no longer raised in vain.--
(Loud cheers.) With regard to the tithes that were pay-
able in this country, at the last meeting a question was
put to him (Sir• C. Lemon) on that subject, and he said
then what he could only say now, on fur ther consideration,
that he had no doubt something would very speedily be hit
upon as an adjustment of the tithes, which would most likely be
satisfactory to all parties. (Hear, hear.) Then as to the delu-
sion which the Noble Lord had talked so much about, had the
people never been attempted to be imposed upon and deluded,
by having it said that if there was a Reform the farmer would
lose his rents, the poor man would lose his accumulations in the
Savings' Banks ?

Lord VALLETORT denied that he had ever said any such
thing.—(Some gentleman called out that it was the language
of Sir R. Vyvyan.)

Sir CHAS. LEMON knew that such delusive statements
kid been made and frequently made by the other side, and
if there was any thing calculate.' more than another to
excite liar and the worst of feelings respecting what
bad pasted in the House of Lards, it certainly must be