The Sun.
London, England, 1838-09-12 00:00:00

(erred my motion on that subject, as we all agreed to do, till
after Mr. Grote's motion on the Ballot, I took the earliest op-
portunity of putting it on the book. Owing, however, to the
accumulation of business, there are often 1 8 or 20 notices down
for the same night, and if you cannot get priority, which it is a
very difficult thing to secure, it is impossible to say what motion
will come on, or to make the necessary preparations in the way
of attendance, to give it a chance of success. On one or two
occasions I hoped to have brought it on, but was prevented by
the absence of Members who would have supported the motion.
When the form of giving notices was changed, and I had an
opportunity of obtaining priority, I did so on two separate days
towards the end of the Session. On those days my motion
stood first on the list of notices, and I made all the efforts in
my power to bring it on, but such was the disinclination of the
leading men of both parties in the House, to entertain any
franchise discussion, that on both days the House was counted
out. This was no fault of mine. I have already given notice
of the reotion.for the next Session of Parliament. As to the
Pension List, I was never very sanguine of any great irnme-
diate results from the inquiry we instituted, but I was not
prepared for the extraordinary smallness of the results, occa-
sioned by a circumstance which was entirely unforscen. The
Pension-list is divided into three classes charged upon the
English, Scotch, and Irish revenues. But • when the Corn.
mittee commenced their inquiries, they learned on reference
to the highest legal authorities,•that the whole of the Scotch
and Irish pensions were wholly excluded from the investiga-
tion. The King, informer times, had distinctly .the right to
alienate the revenues from those countries absolutely and
without reserve or qualification, to any extent and during and
term he pleased. All the worst jobs were put upon the :Scotch
and Irish revenues. Every one of these patent pensions, or
you may well calf them patent jobs, was thus excluded from
ea.—
(From the t heffield Independent of Friday.) the inquiry ; for the Committee found they had no power to
take them into consideration at all. The next subject I have
Yesterday afternoon, a crowded meeting was held in the
to refer to is the Slavery question ; or, I should say the ter-
Town Hall, to hear our excellent Member, Mr. Ward, ex-
urination of the negro apprenticeship. That is a subject of
plain his Parliamentary conduct during the past session. :dr.
great congratulation. There never was a question in which
Ward's appearance in the rocm was hailed with loud applause.
the triumph of truth over prejudice and self-interest was
On the motion of T. A. Ward, Esq., seconded by Mr. Brain-
,so signal and complete as in this. If you look back
ley. D. Knight took the chair and briefly declared the oject
to former times, and observe the difficulties with which
of the meeting. Mr. Wilberforce had to contend ; how ,he was impeded
Mr. WARD, on rising, was received with loud applause. by selfish interests, ignorance, and piejudice at cvery
IL said., Gentlemen, lam come among you to-day, in or- step ; and compare it with the progress of this last
der to fulfil a promise I. made, the first time I had- the ho- great effort, you will see that public opinion is indeed irre-•
nour of that-king you for an expression of t cur opinion that sistible, where it aims at right objects, and where wise combi-
I was . a fit terton to represent the town of Sheffief d in nations are adopted to secure success.—(Cheers.) ''v'i'e hate
Parliament._ I told you then, that corsideringt as I did,. seen the-gradual progreas of the abolition of the foreign slave
:did do, rur perent representative system defective, - be-. trade, and the kmancipstion Act of 1833, vrhich.was unforti-
ht-virg that Gee of its principal defects i 3 the long dura- nately clogged with the apprenticeship system. With regird
Lion of Pailiaments and the tendency which it -has to to that system, twas.- more mistaken than almost any body. I
create a feeling of distrust and dissatisfaction between aes participated to the full in the general mistake; and Lord
retentatives and their constituents,. by et eeleenirg tee Hayrick. (to his. honour be it said) Was the only plan in the
i., ase of responsibility in the member, and deenving the House' Who had right viewe of the question. We were all
c, nwituency of their right to express, their opitticens of their deceived as to the working of the system. We thonght it
men begs' conduct, a fixed and short intervals '; consider,
wild prepare the way for ' coiriplete• emancipation, and
tees these things, I told you I %collie' do wtat in roe lay to give rise to a kindly feeling between the nrgroesand. their
con cot the evil, until it should be corrected by law, by
cooing .empleaers. IL did not answer this purpose ; and we shou'd
t mong you every year, at the close of the s4-,Sion of Portia never have known -its_ precise operation. but for Mr.
r..etit, to render to you, as in duty hound, an account of my • Sturgc„ and other friends :of burrianity, who atsisted, him
stewardship, and to enter frankly and fairly in.ta explanatiens in a personal investigation upon tbe sport,- and through
c:n aay points respecting whieh there mighnextst a -differer co whose inquiries we arrived at the truth. . Amid the conflict-
of opinion. By thus infusing sornethieeelike life and vigeur ing statements with which we hat to deal, 1 felt a great (1'1411..
hno the system of septennial irresponsibility, I hope, hen- city in making updny mind to that conclusion, and matters
ever long Parliaments may last, to merit your eonfidtnce and
give you safsfacticn. The srssion just patiod leas left seemed so nearly balanced almost to the last, that -I can nei-
ther blame nor be surprised at. any man who formed a different
little that is gratil.ying or honourable to record ; and when I . opirdOrn I know that that was the case with some of the best
loek back at the proud anticipations with
which I parted from and most upright men of the day, who gave their votes with
yon last }ear, my breast full, as it has since - continued to be. _
great reluctance and grief. However, the Colonial Legicla •
of gratitude fer the kindness and confidence with which VOL. tures have settledthe question. I fear that the sirn::-
had honoured me ; when I reflect on the. splendid unanimity excitement avliich has prevailed upon this question nay lead
which at that time prevailed among all classes of Rererrners. to consderable injustice ;towards, men who came to a didhrent
add whet great results we anticipated, I 'ask myself how it i- conclusion to that at which I. arri'ved. • And now, that cur
that cur hopes have been chilled, and - that so tittle has re• common wishes are gratified by the result. 1 hope that alf ill
stilted from the confidence with which we then looked for- satang will be . put an, cad., to and -three-two for ever.
ward ? I may well, therefore, arras before • Lou- with great ( Cheers.) I must now! advert to the 'Corn-law questine_-
relutteriee end rain. W hat is it that has t' ii turned V.,. ( Cheers )- I know of few questions more jastly interestieg
hopes I entertained in cornmen with yourselves last year? I its a grsaa commercial community like this. ThAt.ques,io.:
must say, Gentleman, that the blame is in a great measure at- was brought forwent . with singular ability by my friend; Mr.
tnbuteble to the conduct of our political leaders. I can in. Villiers, the Member for Wolverhampton:. I never heard any
no leek on the part of the stet/sorters of the Ministry,
.sut of suhject more ably haddled througaiout or more feebly op-
the House. I ice much that has filled me with vain and posed. The result of the division was, that out of 658 Member;
grief in their conduct within the 1-I(:usc, cnmaity occasions. I 9.5 only were found to support a motion in favour of which I
edmit the exttemelpeculiairity of Lord Itletbourne's situation, believe the votes of 95 men gut of avery 100 woula be freele
at :be cumrtancerucut of the Ses ion of Padidnent. llunourei given, if it acre vitt to the test of the national d•cision to yners .
te a deurce whcli I halt,* :n
is tausil, with the pertonel con row. Tiisno nay
t midid, is one of the ratots marked peculieriticg
lid. eee al Li: Seveitignelard that Scvcte‘gn the. totte,gk of the -question. Lord Mekourne ii, his s?cech on the stdo-
'llirarte, in his •polite
Queen alto ever sat tedellis B• iti '.lj, et, in the House of Lords, said a great deal about the dang;cr
elution Lecaw,e a dtry. , o have committed this Severe!; I. of uncertainty and change ia cur economical system, winch
in ..e ttrugele ni.lowoy portion of her people; for the pcipe he thought to be- the greatest of evils.- But there is au evil
:cede.: of Lis ewtt p 'tier, wauld Late been a carne. While which I' 'dread motet, and that is the tendency of the .systern as
then. I eontid• a c .utinit to tate been iti•s duty,. it is for tlit it now exists to give a factitious predortinasce to the interest
al..lati,.a of that duty, and nct for too redieh can::e-u3nev, that (.1 one class over all others, and 'the enforcing-of that prcdo..
i Mersin Lord Melhoesno in Many instances, he has no minance by the liaw of the land. We have. been told by
been I:sotto:is, iut rash—nut in.pa: tad], but piirti+—and, tri- Lord John Russell, that in Ids opinion the predominance of
fo tena:ely, tie turn tidoes lava., taken durlip; the ...bob the landed interest is essential to the stability cf. ouriesthu-
c nese a :;te S i3i:.43 Ides thnose, the weight of the tjovernment Lions. Th..t meAns, lam afatid, the Corn laws ; for cer-
and of tie Court, as n p-eseit,ed by Lord 51v11,,...ur0c, into tat taint), one of the first fruits of that predornienrce is the Cori:
seek of a parry, to Whom we b, listed the Coverer:le:A to to laws, which prodbee great dissatisfaction amongst all other
al P••-sed. The first seep tl.e Goveri.ment took in the classes of the community. I have thought a great deal oii
[louse of Commons was a fa'se step. hem that mement the subject, and )Lou well know that I have no other prospects
t+ this, that downward course bees- Len persevered in 0 in the world for myself and my children- but. what depriii
eitlrse which I was ore ef the fist in the house 0: q.- upon land. But I cannot allow any false notion of my own
;nuns to denounce), till we have teen f....talty evemp'ifi.d in the interest to misilad rric in this matter. I have arrived at the
c2cie of fie Nlinls:ry, the ea•.y and r3.ld process by nbien clearest possible conviction that the 'Corn-laws are dc.trbnet.tql
public naea may descend in public estiination, ar.d chill are to the interest of the landlord. I argue this matter as a laud-
eisc U•lie the hopes and efforts of their friends. These an lord, and I consider that these; laws appear to separate their
harsh words, Gentlemen, and I speak them with sincee gri,,f; interests from those of the rest of the community, and not ooly
hut they arc the truth, andl am here to speak the truth. Ms . to separate them, tut to raise an instirmountnble barrier be-
awn feelings now are what they were last year—favoureble to Weer. them. 'lti3 a landlord's question purely.. We hear
the steady piottre,s of democratical power its ibis country.-- a great deal about the agricultural interest, which ise a
( Ilea-, hear.) As to the mode of working that change, wine!, much abused' term. -It •comprchends not only the owners
1 I nose to be inevitable, and believe will he beneficial, I "13 of the land, .but the labourers upon it. Noma's nothing can
detire to make it gradual, because I wish it-to be safe and to be clewer thin that-whether we have a Corn-law cr not, we
- be carried with the consent of many persons who would other- shall have a Class of tenantry, and I trust a thriving class, and
seise be alarmed, and shrink from dangers which they believe that there will be the same employment for agricultural la-
to exist, but which I cannot see. Last year I thought that we bourers as hitherto. Whatever difference the - repeal of the
might accept Lord Melbourne and Lord J. Russel!, vide-Jut !be Corn-laws tliav make, it will affect the landlords alone. This
slightest sacrifice of principle on the part of the Radicals, as our risk the landlord's have to encounter on one aide, and the still
leaders. But the whole fabiie on which we bad reared so many more formidable risk of compelling all the other interests of
hopes, for which we had made so many sacrifiees, and shown the country to combine to put down our unjustifiable monopoly
so much forbearance, was destroyed by Lo-d Juhn Russell's of the other. The effects of the Corn-laws upon the other
speech oa the address on the first night of the Session, he ex- classes are seen in restricting trade and employment, in corn-
pressed an opinion which I was among the first to denounce in pelting the working classes to labour many additional hours
the House of Commons ; and to this day I have not seen cause a day, and in curtniling the enjoyments and happiness of all
either to regret or retract one syllable of what I then uttered. classes. .Every day the evils of this system are more extens
The principle then avowed has been pertinaciously adhered to sivcly fell, and all these miserable and hateful results are en.
throughout the Session, and has created a harrier between countered for the purpose of bolstering up rents to an unnatural
Lord John Russell and his liberal supporters, Which I now fear height. Such a system cannot be persevered in a moment after
that no time can remove. Lord John Russell has raised up e it is understood. All sorts of delusions have been propagated
new principle, and taken his stand as a Minister upon the respecting it. We have 'been told that we ought not to
finality of the Reform Bill. To that principle of finality hr run the risk of being starved by foreign Powers, and that we
is willing to sacrifice everything. He has expressed himself ought to raise our own food independently of the rest of the
upon that point in terms so strong and peremptory, that until world. . These are the moat visionary and deceptive notions.
that speech be withdrawn, Ido not see how we can again con- which self-interest ever put into any man's mouth. They
eider him as our leader. He said, that having only five year.. will not bear looking at for a moment, and nothing but vile
ago reformed the representation and placed it on a new basis, self interest could uphold such a gross national injustice. I
he could take no share in any experiment that tended in any trust that every class in the country will direct attention to it
way to alter the system ;he felt himself bound to take no part with a determination to bring it to an end.--( Cheers.) But
is any large measure of reconstruction; nor could be rive his "looking at the question in relation to foreign countries, we
consent to repeal the Reform Bill, by adopting the Ballot, or everywhere find that rivals to our manufacturers are springing
advocating any other question respecting the franchise. Now, up in consequence of the Corn-laws, rivals whose progress may
against this principle of finality I set a principle of change. be distinctly traced to the operation of those laws. Vast tracts
I acknowledge no principle of finality in Constitutional Legis- of the most fertile land in the world, in Prussia, Poland, and
lation. We must move on according to the wants of the times. Germany, lie uncultivated; at the same time England finds
All that the Reform Bill did, was to give a fair tribunal, the excellent markets of those countries closed against her
before which national questions might be tried, instead cf by the operation of the Prussian league. Nothing can be
the packed jury that we had in the old borough-mongering more natural than this. We have given a bonus to their
times. Ido not see why because Sheffield has taken the place manufacturers, and have forced them to hocome our rivals.
of Old Sarum, and Manchester of Gatton, and Birmingham All the old machinery will now be worked against u 3
of Saltash, that the people of England should be deprived of which we used to work against the world; and in conse-
their- right to legislate for themselves, and pronounce what quenco of the greater cheapness of the food of our rivals,
policy ;hey consider to be most for their own benefit. But, we shall find them most formidable competitors in our
unfortunallit;7. those Statesmen wllo originated the Reform trade. Now, I speak as a landlord, and ask what has given
Bill, have been inclined to regard it, not as the means to an its superior value to the land of England hilt the markets of
end, but as tile end itself, and have pledged themselves to our great manufacturing towns? The raising up of new Glass
abide by it. This haot influenced the conduct of Lord Grey, gown and Paisleys, and the extension of such towns as Shef.
Lord Stanley, the Duke of Richmond, Sir James Graham, field, which we see encroaching upon the neighbouring hills,
and Sir F. Burdett—(Laugliter)—and is now, I fear, exer- is a direct advantage to the landlords. The more we encou-
cising the same fatal influence upon the mind of Lord J. Rus- rage and promote the prosperity of the community, the larger
sell, who, if he do not change the principle which he has now will be our individual share, and the more solid the basis on
laid down, must soon be reckoned among those pure Whigs, which our prosperity will rest ?—( Cheers.) This is my view
those Reform Bill finality men, who in a time will find it as a landowner, and it depends upon the country,• when this
difficult to point out any principle, or the shadow of a shade of question shall come cn next session, to give it proper effect.
a principle, on which they differ from the Liberal Conserva- You have had a fair challenge. You have been told by Lord
fives under Sir R. Peel. The Ballot division was a severe les- ' Melbourne that though he dislikes change it may be forced
son to them, and I hope it will work. Lord J. Russell threw upon himhis whole strength into the debate. Ho eunneuted with la•of 'the people, and if you bring all
y the voice . e
your organs to bear • upon the Corn-laws, I do- not
the question of protection against intimidation and corruption, • think thatthe two years.—( Cheers.) I wish
can stand for
which he could not deny, the extension of the suffrage and to see the landlordsh • uidenable osi-
short Parliaments and he refused them all. What ass tile, retreat in time from t .ein -
dongradually,
,consequence? - That was one of the few divisions which have safely," make the change while it may be doneill be forced
been honourable to the House of Commons. Lord -John Rus- iby
satisfactorily. If they do not they will
into disposes,
sell found himself deserted by the bulk of his own parry ; the for y.some of those changes which Providence
great body of the Whigs coalesced with the Radieals, anti N single . bad harvest will destroy them at once.
o Government, valid it re or mixed, can
voted against their leader. So deep was his mortiiication at , a c ter be Tory, Whie,,
uphold them ino- for fOod.
the unexpected result, that for 12 hours (though the thing Ought the supplythe face
of the people clameurine_ e
was but little known at the time) he was out. He sent in his' e,lf, fo_od to a commuutty like this, to b
made -the sub.
resignation the morning after the division, and it was only s i(ca indubling operations for. the benefit. of
peculators,-
with considerable difficulty that he was induced to resume his- )d-ewho buy corn as they 'buy stocks or
lottery tickets . insct7,
seat in the Cabinet (Clieerss) That boson I hope will -bocome a :source e 1 • of allowing oar ...de nand for food. to
work. We have tried argument and remensvance in vain civilized world? fearAsitnocrtebaes.ingcommuntcation with the whole
but nothinglas so much effect ue
pon the minds of persons once 'b that our supplies might ..b
cut' off in time of tVdr, I trust
connected with the Executive of the- country as a vote of the- • ' add knowledge is daily renderie,,at the increase of cividizattoi n
House of Cornnsons.. Nmbers: tali better than are umcnts lin a period longer than that we neewdatromkoorke
finaproht e, If 1.).
upon official-Mem • The fact that two bundredsMembers have dispute with one co..7,ntry should unfortunatelyvar' tee
.
voted, and will vote again, against
Itheie leader, with the arise, so long
as we maintain our nnrivalled skill in roanufa t I ' g • a ' -
o.or 70 who votec. with nun wereckagged •. c.unne in ustry,
sr owls-dee that the() our - capital, g -
1 - encrev, and • perseverance, we may defy compe-
• division, and compelled. to vote against a' Midi, if -'1 't; • _
T,,:lutantly to the -
heart'.we v.i! but give ourselves_ fair play.—(Cheers. )
proved—the • Itesonledrie ' • •
seasurn which they in ,
~.,.ap , , .
.t n - lima t our attention to this subject -during the autumn, for on
•erate in t
Sal • se -
no. Ind to .ut e Cli—i.:-
of thest; circurnstancea can i the manifest. stationof • ' *-
an epinion. from -communities like this, the
- (drone- angusge with iell Lent ., • o f
5i0,19. NotwithStanding fh: ~..o.r.e o. the Geyer :anent will depend. a You cannot other-
Balla, I bone that itaat Session •
John Russell denounced tb ' ,,iesie.expeLt thoexhibit,ion of energy on the part of the Governa different view of it, and to :
he will: find it nic:l2sej'Y -('
take
Ill' voice cs his onlylirn to c...3.4.,0,f51tiv,ce1a11y when; they mug oppose this wishes of a lace
recognise concession to the P
^ ''.2u.nh- the petiole. Members in, ,400re.0
_3
t.oeir seppeetors in the counties, and. }bur only re-
power: 'The matter now rests i a
vOari . 0
iu.omptd their attention-by the-decided expression
• ials, ag Mi-. Wakley said
gecera! ;re (:f ode of !.queeZable inc-,ert
the, . pecinile haile their a tion, i m .opinions. There is -• one Bill on the passing of
of the 'Goverr.rnent,. erid wrin lie•' •,t _et gricatiallate you, as I believe it Will be fOund, of
they it renicalLer that while ' .;:reat, pm:tic:U*lone
Men-di-213 in their handS• 1 hope -vil f Lii,. dey ,co extratA daily the poorer •'t to all classes of
°the community,. cane-
they haVe. the crange. it is their even divot i -
' loud latinitten.) Bill. It was moediall:-;37-1 means the lindrisnninent for Debt
lb', .i nice.—(" "Mark ihat,- lar."--Knightt' "as they call i. ,ti the Ileuse of Lords,
trq-1 with ilia •'or, •as'l 'should E 3 ' .
Tle Ballotetcrttaas lit he only questien eatinee
,o.
e..,,re,...,,
Lord 1
v,,.e.hurst! mint:tat: d, by rivsing through the hands of
views f tak,, of .politics v..hicir Li-0 wr,td; an.F g"nt I' "r•-• ,i•ti. - e te:i,i.nd,.. n6w to, thee important quettions
totteer'ed. w;th Car--
With r.:,,,,,!ct to llt !leo/whist., tTierre is the' s'lthe ulia,... d I ii.., ••,r,e,l.•;,;i'i IC :1; '' : lrcland ;on the' first of these I
arai:7lg the Lila ratite-rte. der Isas there been [it!' ';stn(: s,r:''-• - d'...,e`itta 1 .„1 .... •', -..vcrs"rn'' ''' 011 h. -g.c.c*ld I bhve dif-
I
mt Km cotton), ssast-
ctss. By c,..,, ~:in) ecm.,'Crtt all di:,ciussions on tliit ifrni-..ci.l;e - I
.le,u . early .epposad the.resoluf
ions
were. 50 • iP: iltle d till atter Hr. Grote'st motion 'en the 13;1! - , , .
0- of toe Government, be-Oat:se I tonntideredthilillintsh, im l'''
t1,3",E,t I felt cotwine-11. r. -.• tto ---pchlth,
viiii,h did tot c,rie on till the. kith - Fehrmiry. This is one 1 Reid . j-- • - that .4 fc.t...rnent could be
caw', ,ef matenfesi orC 10-T :1,0o; :, rom:s: isi,ich Ito ade. iiii I
(I founded op en theft', our art system estettlislied thet was likely
wide: 1 hediene I mnv,Lf aa US:, V 1 a n..,, ,b,,tvin-, nittilled. II to work, . I -was sware the 'Caurtdians had Just cause of cols._
~are i:otice c.i'tlie rn, 'ion. w.liiirch 7 i•a•i,pruinis,:d to' i plaint against the GOvernment and the peepin of England, for
insles, e ffeeting the. ill tet.,,,li Of :i land,' anti i-:,triligebt body I
a!,tiic4
"I Leh aevenaen perFtroted to thei:ar.-43 of 613 cnuntry,
in 'l, *t chi,":•'t-ttrn rsns henl'aStnn excluded flnna the Iran- 1 hat:ever little ".e !1' aY r.ve icl:olfn ('"I thsnh These abuse scent
eh-taw:n:7. ;flea'_n to. tiat S.;iiinfteni, , atan:oo. liaado s e • I- • -ocass of Tsui !!
, - mp. . . .
ova. nv pub] ici ,y al.d tiw rol•resonta:iyelajltec,f
• . . . . ''''- • .
•

chapel fcr tl e ;ron crown, which was brought into the hall
upon a velva cushion of the Lombardo-Venetian colours,
which was held up on the, right side by a ear,on,and.on the
left by a Churchwarden, who deposited it cn a table already
prepared to receive it. The Archpriest then opened the
casket, showed the crown to the Imperial and Royal Com-
missioners, and after shutting the casket again, and taking
possession of the key, he consigned the crown to them,
which was received into the bands of the First Commis-
sioner, he promising to restore it immediately after the co-
ronation.

The Commissioners then carried the crown to the state
carriage, drawn by six horses, in which it was placed upon a
velvet cushion and secured with silken cords, both of which
were of the national colours. The noble guards, on quitting
the church, put on their helmets, mounted their horses, and,
drawing their swords, placed themselves on,both sides of the
carriage to escort it.
On reaching the staircase oF the Pala-e, guarded by a de-
tachment of grenadiers, the Rol al Commissioners took the
crown out of its casket, and, a's'ter a short interval, it and
the other Imperial insignia, coronation mantle, &c., were car-
ried into the chapel of St. Gothard, in the Imperial Palace,
there to be kept under the guard of the noble Lombardo- Ve-
netian Body Guard until required for the coronation.
Two days after the coronation the iron crown, together with
the Royal sword and the coronation mantle,, will be earrid
back to Monza in the custody of the same guardians, and with
precisely similar ceremonies as those observed on its being
brought from Monza.—Times.

MEETING OF H. G. WARD ESQ
M.P., WITH HIS CONSTITUENTS.

/~ T

the House of Commons, or in any portion of the Liberal party,
and the opposition of the Lords, may serve as an excuse for
the abandonment of a principle, we can never know what to
reckon upon for the future, and might as well put the legisla-
tive power of the country into the hands of Wellington and
Peel, a measure for which I certainly am not prepared. When
I look at the conduct of our leaders, I do not wonder at the
general dissatisfaction and apathy with which public matters
are regarded by men who took an eager interest in them
twelve months ago. A Liberal Ministry must advance or be
destroyed. They have to deal with a strong party of resis-
tance; but the party of the movement, if it be ever discour-
aged, crumbles to pieces. I, hope, before the next Session
that events may introduce a greater co-operation and con-
cert amongst the Liberal Members of the House of Com-
mons than we have hitherto seen. I do not mean that
we should concur in a Tory vote of want of confidence, and
at once throw out the Government; for though I would not
sacrifice one iota of principle to preserve them in office.
I should be sorry to have their fate on my head, since I
know that we could only have a worse Government in their
place. To Ireland they have been a great blessing, through
the Administration ofthe Earl of Normanby and Lord Mor-
peth ; and I wish I could point out any advantages to Eng-
land, equally palpable, resulting from their administration. I
cannot do so ; but I believe that both here and there we
should have a worse' Government if we were to join in the
clap-trap vote of want of confidence, which the Tories have
been so long talking of, for the effect would only be to place
a more Conservative man at the head of the Government. I
trust that, next Session, there will be greater concert between
Liberal Members, and that, on all questions of principle, they
will take their course without reference to the effect it may
produce on the policy, convenience, or fate of the Ministry.
hope that the popular principle will be enabled to move
onwards, and that we shall urge the great question of
the franchise, and the other- seepe which we think .ought to
be pursued, appealing distincsly and unequivocally to'
the people. In your hands, thy fate of the country rests.
I shall now close with the expression of a hope that my
general line of conduct—though- many will necessarily differ
from me on some points--will be!deemed to be such as ought
to be taken under trying circumstances by an honest man.. I
heard last night, at the Cutlers'-Feast, of a Nobleman whose
conduct had given satisfaction to 1,200,000 persons. Those
days are now gone by, and happy indeed should I he if one-
twelfth of Lord Wharncliffe's good fortune
.should fall to my
lot. But I cannot expect even'thet. I know that there must
be a great. diversity of opinions among yoa, and that manly
questions are regarded with greet earnestness by all classes,
some of whom nefortunately do not consider their interests to
be so closely connected as I believe them to be. I cannot
hope to give satisfaction to all of you. Ido hope, however,
note of you will be of opinion that I have betrayed the trust
you reposed in me, but that I have endeavoured to do my
duty as a Member of Parliament and an honest man.--
(- ;r. Ward sat down amid very loud applause.)
Mr. BEALE said ho had Witted upon Mr. Werafrom the
Working Men's Association, to inquire if he would attend the
meeting to be held on the 25th of September, for the adoption
of the Working Mee'. Chas ter,demanding Universal Suffrage,
aad Mr. Ward had declined, s ling, that if he atteeded the
meeting, he must oipose Thiversal Suffrage. He moved that
this meeting has not confidence in the futute conduct of Mr.
Ward, owing to the explanations given this day of his political
opinions.—(The speaker was frequently cheered in the course
of his remarks.)
Mr. GILL seconded the motion. From the repeal of the
Corn-laws he anticipated little direct benefit, but it might do
goad by producing dissension between the landed and the
monied Aristocracy, and between the lan'dlords and the Church,
and while they quarrelled, possibly honest men might get their
own. Every moment of their lives injustice would be perpe-
trated upon the working classes, unless they obtained their
birth-right, to their perauns were their title.s.—( Loud
cheers.) .
Mr. WARD—My orieions upon the Suffrage I never dis-
gui,ed. I told you that I wished fee the extension of the
Suff.-age, as far as was consistent with national security ; and
that I only required to be satisfied, that that security was at-
tainable to support as wide an extension of the Suffrage as the
circumstances would' permit. Prove to me, that Universal
Suffrage- is compatible with the security of the property of all
classes. (Disapprobation.) If working classes suppose
that every men who has property is in arms against them,
they are sacrificing the prospects of the Liberal cause to a
mosefatal delusion.—( Cheers.) I believe that the interests
of property, large and small, are indissolubly connected with
thorn of 'the working classes. There are delusions practised
upon you, and in eeperating yourselves from the other classes
Of society, you are destroying . the Liberal cause under the
influence of prejudice and ignorance. You have a powerful
aristocracy to contend with, which the whole force of the
Liberal party is only sufficient to meet. And if you al-
low the party to be divided by a great schism, it will be to deliver
over the Liberal 'cause bound hand and foot, to its opponents.
People must be satisfied, before they take any step, to what it
' as ill carry them ; and if you arouse the fears of other classes
of society, and show them that all they deem valuable is to be
confided say it with no disrespect—to. the crude and in-
formed ideas of such men as your leadef, par excellence, Mr.
Attenod—they cannot concur in it. I have no disrespect for
Nr. Attwocd ; I believe him to be sincere ; but he is not the
man to whom 1 could entrust the destinies of the nation.—
( Cheers.) I have no faith in Mr. Feargus O'Connor. I
believe his views to be crude, wild, visionary, and theoretic.
I stand on my own principles, and I think the working classes
have made a great mistake in raising such a standard. I admit
that their organization is formidable and respectable. I admit
that they are intelligent and well-intentioned ; but I think
they have made a great mistake in inscribing on their standard
a motto in which -no other class can join.
Mr. W. FISHER moved as an amendment, that the thanks
of the meeting were due to Mr. Ward for his manly and inde-
pendent. conduct in Parliament, and for his attendance on that
occasion, and the satisfactory explanations he had given.—
( Loud and continued cheering. ).
kr. PALFREYBIAI4 ably seconded the amendment, which was
carried amid immense cheering, by a very large majority.
After a vote of thanks to the Chairman, the meeting broke
up about half-past three. •

But before the next Parliament; you know the Canadians had
attempted to cut the knot with the sword of civil war. Men
cannot appeal to two things at once. They cannot at the
sametime appeal to public opinion and to arms. If men choose
to trust to moral power, they must refrain from appealing to
physical force.—(Cheers.) The Canadians chose the latter;
and, therefore, when Parliament met, a new state of things
had arisen. The sword had been drawn, and we had to make
our choice between asserting the authority of England, and
doing justice afterwards ; or permitting the troops of the
Queen to be driven into the sea, and an end to be put to Eng.
lish influence and interests in Canada. This being the alter-
native, I had enough of English feeling about me at once to
set aside the mere question of abstract justice, and to rejoice
in the victory of my countrymen, which 1 hope will be so
wisely used, as to give us cause to rejoice in it for many years
yet to come. Under these circumstances the Government
plan was proposed, and I must say as I said at the time, that
perhaps it was the best plan that could have been devised to
meet the difficulties of the case. I believe the Government
bad no end in view but to do justice to Canada, and I believe
the means were necessary. The only rational way was to
create a dictatorship for six months, and when I look at
the man who was chosen by Government and the country,
I feel confident that Any expectations as to a happy re-
sult will be realized. I was honoured to have some per-
sonal communication with Lord Durham, before he left
the country, and I can state that no man could possibly
entertain more enlightened, humane, and intelligent views
on the question. He considers that the Canadians are enti•
tied to a good seunal system of local government independent
of the Colonial-office here ; and he has staked his reputation
AO his future fame as a Statesman upon the success of his
mission, which he considers to be a mission of justice and of
peace. Lord Durham might have complied with every form
of the law ; he might have set. Lord. Brougham's criticisms at
defiance; he might have inflicted Upon these people a painful
trial, causing great excitement in Canada, fruitlessly reviving
the whole question of English supreMacy, and the justice of
the insurrection ; but he has adopted the mildest possible
course in banishing them (I hope it will prove but for a short
time) from their country to an island at no great distance from
their native shores, where they will be at liberty on their pa-
role of honour, and enjoy the use of their property and all the
comforts it can pioeure. Lord Durham's legal right to send
them to the Bermudas has been :disputed, yet he might have
sent them to the penal colony of New South Wales, and his
right to do so would not have been disputed. Yet he has be 'n
reeressneed as having violatsd his duty, and greatly .stretched
,his power. Where humanity is the principle of action, Ido
reed. regard, the form ; and: 1- feel certain that wben :the result
sha!i be. seen, Lord •Darham's conduct will be justified.
Wait the results, and I think it will justify our expectations
from the man ; but if he do not adhere to his principle 4, I
shall be among the first to blame him, and condemn his con.
decto--(Ceeers. ) I next come to the: Irish: questions, on
which I most disagree with the Governinent. Tnere were
three great questions this S.ssion—the Poor-Law, the Mu-
nicipal Bill, and the Tithe Bill. The Peor-law was never
made a ;party question ; though it received some opposition
on the part of the interested- owners of land in Ire:and, who
looked; with dissatistaction upon, the idea that they should be
taxed fur the benelit,of the pooree classes. But this ht 4
never been made a party. question.. Tne two great . party
questions hare been the Municipal Bill and the Tithe. Bill.
I referred to the Municipal Bill, when I was last among
you : and I found no man who did not admit the right of
lrelatni, as part of the empire, toenjoy the same privileges
in their own affairs as we possess ; but the Tories chose
to combine this question :with that. of the Church. On the
Irish Church, I did suppose that the Government had
givea such distinct .pledges to:the country, as to the policy
they would Uursue_, that any deparoire from tiiem way in.o,-
possible. They have departed trom them ;and I ht
hesitation in saying, that • I consider the conduct of the
Government, on this question, one of the grossest instances
of political terghasse.Con that ever occurred. • When we re-
memher the fect, that in 1835, this question was the Ministry's
stespit g stone oe office ; that Lord John Russell then said,
the principle of appropriation was one uf so much importance
that if, Sir Robert Peel's Government could only exist by
succeeding against theeprieciple, it were' better that the
principle should succeed and the Goveinment- should fall
that Mr. Serieg Rice said that the attempt to settle the
question without this principle, was one of those impotzii-
hi:hies which no man in his senses could contemplate;
that Lord Melbourne said lie considered himself pledged
as a -gentleman to adhere to the principle ; and rentem-
.bering all a I confess it is pith grief and pain I have
'seen the coutse which ties. Government have .pursued
on
this question. There was no change in the circumstances'
of Ireland ; there is no change in the public feeling of Ire-
land ; the people's sense of their grievance is. equally
strong ; and, I must say, that while the enormity. el the
injustice continues--while the , funds collected from seven
millions of Catholics arc applied to the exclusive use of
700,000 Pi otestanis, I see but one way of remedying the
and that is to chatge entirely the appropriation of the
funds. That is what I understand by the appropriation pi in-
ciple ; it is no abstraction, but the great principle of real and
practical j•e-tice. 'lhat principle was attempted to be worked
slowly aid mildly in the farmer Bills ; but still the principle
was there, nee the lri h were wilting to take the concessiones
a proof that the evil would in time be removed: Yet now
they have attempted to settle the question as it has-been done
here, by a mrre conversion of the tithe into a rent-charge.
without making any reduction in the Establishment, and ups
• holdng every abuse which they have been denouncing for five
• years ; and, as if that were not enough, they have thrown a
niillion of the meney of the people of Englapd into the scale.
I f.-el that lam not betraying any trust, when I tell you that
early in the Session, I was apprised of the intention of Go..
remanent. I have alluded to the conversation I had with
Lord John Russell in the House, on this subject, and there..
fore it can be no breach of 'confidence to mention it here.
Lord John Russell informed me of the views of Government,
or rather, he asked me my opinion respecting them.' I told
him at once that I considered the attempt would involve the
utter degradation of the Government, and be useless in itself.
I expressed in the Strongest terms my conviction that thou-
sands in this country, whose opinions of the Government had
been shaken by previous events, would be decided in theirl
judgment by the course taken on this question. Ito
was convinced that, in any ncgociation with the Tories, for
the concession of the Municipal Bill on the one side, and
the surrender of the Appropriation on the other, they
would be overreached. The result I told him would' be,
that the Government would be saddled with a bad Tithe
Bill, and get no Municipal Bill at all. It turns out that
I have been a true prophet. I told Lord Johnht de Russe
end
11,
that ,as gar as my bumble efforts went, he migp
upon my uncompromising opposition. This conversation was
before the motion of Sir Thomas Acland for rescinding the
resolutions of 1835; and in my speech on that motion, I gave
not the slightest intimation that I was acquainted with the
real views of the Government, for I hoped that motion would
serve them for a warning, and prove to them the danger of
the course they contemplated. When I heard Lord John
Russell talking about Tory snares of which I warned him, I
did hope he would not have fallen into them again. The
next week, on the discussion of the Municipal Bill, I had the
pain to hear him acceding to the soft words of conciliation
uttered by Sir Robert Peel, forgetting the snares be bad just
escaped from, and running his head into the meshes again.
The negotiation, I was sure, could lead to no good result. On
that, :I gave notice of my motion for confirming the appro-
priation resolutioni. That motion was couched in the simplest
terms possible ; it merely cited those resolutions, and recapi-
tulated what the House of Commons had done in asserting
the Principle on five occasions, and expressed a desire that that
principle should be abided by. I told them, that on the 3d of
April, 1835, the House had agreed to two resolutions which
formed the basis of the Cabinet, one of which asserted the appro.
priation principle, and the other declared that no other settlement
could be satisfactory, unless it involved the gradual reduction
of the Irish Church. On the 21st July, 1835, the House re-
fused its assent to Sir Robert Peel's motion to expunge° the
appropriation clause; and on the 4th of June, 1836, it adopted
the same course. The House had rejected Sir Thomas Ac-
land's motion only six weeks before which was a virtual re-
assertion of the same principle, and I thought that if there was
any consistency in men, no one who had voted for the appro-
priation principle on those five occasions, could refuse to vote
for it again on the sixth. But I was undeceived. Only 45
Members voted with me. We wore overwhelmed by the mass
of those who were misled by the idea of a conciliation which
bcoleaoarsnitatuidlg:d::hatontoelbendsyve.ier be lasting, and never worth anything, it being
naigssltt"'terriitenedueunefcnooearftniu:trer;aril chipisepr loonet
other
et
raTandt btooeppErteues
tdtaai,rtbe
yul butopshuo
nmtet
willnwl
et two modes
egll
trihes English
Irish Church charged as a regular item in the budget, as
much as the Army or the Navy. This was provedh the
next day by Mr. O'Connell, Who, after talking
givet
hes such at :om-aerea a
tboaegmateerlilt bagatelle
o as
thea millionqu question:
t ando- no f
roSity of England, declared that his conviction ile; theepgenpele-
wtoi 1 isimn goll3o; h
mwoaunledy
This practical illustration of the principle was adopted,
those who voted against me on the appropriations voted leo a
million of your money to pay arrears of Irish tithes. Mr•
Hume opposed this grant, and I divided with him
occasion, as well as against the third reading of this n
discredit-
able
every
Bill ; but nothing we could do was of any use The
money was given, but as to any prospect of peace, we • ht
as well have thrown the money into the sea Thefi might
as step
Mr. O'Connell has taken has been to originate a fiercer agita-
tion against tithes, than ever before prevailed. The question
has now become additionally complicated. You will find the
agitation extending to the rer;ts of the landlords, as well as to
the tithes s a general bitterness and 'acrimony of feeling trill
pervade the country on this subject and for this Ministers have
surrendered their character for consistency and honour, and sou
have .given a million of money. I deeply deplore the discredit
which has been brought upon the Liberal party generally, by their
Inistaken views on this subject. I know these views have beee
rot cod upon the Government (and this is their onlyexcuse) by the
' Irish Members. :So long as the peasantry bore the brunt of
the tithe sw r, they cared little about it, but they succumbed
immediately when the - Exchequer processes were directed
ageinst themselves.- lam happy to find that the course Mr.
O'Connell pursued (for he and. Mr. Shiel were mainly instru-
Men' al in, determining the course of the Government) has been
neleVieted by tee penide of Ireland, who regret that their
Memters have taken the million bribe, u a
compromised their
prig.:tetes They are detsrrained net to abide by the bargain,
• • ,
1" •• f reed 'Mr- O'Connell
sn•l Lave • - into a new agitation
agaiast the measeee. Isiirthere are werse consequences in-
vah-e-dist vomerereiSe: It has been announced to the
eheld; that if the (tense of Lords resist sufficiently lone any
measure den tiedett by the Liberal patty, the leaders of that
I arty will give way. It is a bad precedent, and there is
3.tyipg to what extent it may carry us. On no qucs
tion' .e.t .strnnger pledges be given than w: re on this ;
alai if the ' inetnetto 'temp rum, as Lord John Rus-
eel! termed it, •if the mere cheap ill 1,1•0 disposition, of

STATE OF IRELAND.

(FROM OZ'a OWN PONIZSPONDENT.)
DUBLIN, SIFT. 8.

The condition of the country, at present, is not easily de-
scribable ; or, at least, it cannot be truly depicted according
to precedents. For, at no former period has its moral state
borne any resemblance to that which is now exhibited. There
is peace and plenty, and comparative content; notwithstand.
standing that, disappointment and expectation which will, un-
doubtedly, continue for some time as the basis of further agita-
tion. And our prospects, moral, social, and physical, are far from
being as depressive as at the end of so many Sessions of Parlis.
ment as have terminated since our Union with England—not
to speak of more remote epochs. The Tithe Bill, it is true,
does net meet the full approbation of any of the parties inte-
rested therein ; but it is still a greater boon than the most
sober part of the community expected from the Tory oppo-
sition in Queen Victoria's first Parliament ; and while it en-
courages one portion of Irishmen to persevere in that system
of peaceable agitation which has contributed so much to the
acquisition of " the instalment," and increases the despondency
of that other party who have been so strenuously hostile to any
Reform of the Church Establishment—it convinces every man
capable of duly regarding the progress of events, that Ireland
is being now subjected to the seritons attention of a Go-
vernment determined to probe her wounds and long-festering
sores, and apply the best remedies they can procure to, her
improvement. This, I say, is the prevailing impression on
the minds of the most reflecting portion of the people, of all
classes and shades of political feeling and opinion. But, while
asserting thus much in general of my countrymen, I am free
to admit that Government does not experience a full measure
of approbation from all its supporters, more than from its
opponents. The former think it too Conservative and defe-
rential to the prejudices of its political enemies, while the latter
imagine that their rights and privileges are endangered in the
enactments of the last Sessions. Time only can determine
how far either party has just cause of complaint—or whether
or not the policy of a juste milieu system of Reform, will in
the end be most advantageous to the interests of all.
In the meantime Mr. Nicholls, one of the Poor-law Com-
missioners, has arrived here, for the purpose of carrying the
Act of last Session into effect. Never, certainly, since the
advent of Henry the Second, has any Englishman come to this
country armed with powers which are likely to have such in.
fluence on the future destinies of the nation. It is admitted,
on all sides, that the working of the " Poor-law system" must
be productive either of much good or much evil to the social
condition of
_lreland. And if there be many persons sanguine,
as to its favourable results, there are also many persons appre.
pensive of the contrary: As far, however, as I can collect the
opinions of the better
this—that Lord Normanby's Government and the Commission-
ersinformed on the subject, they amount to
are both determined that the introduction of the measure
shall only be proportionate to the actual wants of the
poor, and to the extent in which it will be found beneficial ;
-and that it shall not be prejudiced by the appointment
of an ignorant or incompetent agency and administration. It
is understood that the Commissioners have been left com-
pletely to their own selection of Officers, both by the English
and Irish Governments, and that there is, at this moment, the
most strict and rigid inquiry into the character and compe-
tency of the numerous candidates for employment under the
Act. A perseverance in this course alone will have a good
moral effect upon the country, and tend very mueh to elevate
the social condition of the people. But the Reform effected
in the system in England is not sufficiently known in this
country, and therefore much prejudice on the subject remains
to he removed. It is not known, for example, that the old
system that prevailed in England and Wales for the year
1835, and which cost the nation eight millions of money an_
without relieving the. poor, or preventing those riot
and conflagrations then so numerous and appalling, has been
almost completely superseded; and that the "destitute poor"
and others requi:ing relief arc now supported for half that
sum ; and that prejudices of all kinds against the change are
O intotp corruption of the system in
Ireland have beer'
slowly vanishing. The arguments of all those who have cp.
Frio.
asienrifyf
ticf;u introductionndedottthe
aebfm Pe
lo earn crrt
- '
Engl.:ncl, not relscting that " rx abusu non arquitur ad
usum," and that the most elite advocates of the former have
horn anost.strcneuus vud active in -* d • (-ter) ing rind removing the
evils of the latte-. •

Lou! Suffield eommeuted
mcitnn [hint is expected to have a Euccesiion of members this
vt ar, and to be conducted with much spirit.'
CIGAR SMOKING.---Ts'Yo pet sous of very moderate
.nge lia7c dird within a short period of each ether, at.Chelten-
ham, of i:lteinal ulcers, brought:on, in th,.:.(.01i00f an cm• 7
rent n.edicsl practitioaev, b:r the excessive use of cigars.