The Sun.
London, England, 1831-10-03 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The county and town meetings are going on as if
the vote of the House of Lords upon Reform were
to determine the fate of every father of a family
throughout the United Kingdom. For the irra
tional exclamations of those who talk about intimi-
dating the House of Peers from " doing their duty,"
we find it difficult to deal with them, only for the
same reason that one finds it the most perplexing
task in the world to answer with a composed coun-
tenance the ravings of drunkenness or insanity.
Now, with submission to the Tory Press, it is
somewhat hard that a tremendous public grievance
should he passed over sub silentio by those whom it
most concerns, for fear of their hitting upon some
proof that the said Peers will be in a worse condi-
tion by striving to perpetuate the grievance than by
redressing it. In the order which Providence has
assigned to human affairs, there is no wrong com-
mitted which does not entail upon the perpetrator, as
its necessary consequence, some degree of retaliation,
or of other chastisement. Such peril is the natural
safeguard ofjustice, the most powerful sanction of that
law which prescribes the duty of man to his neigh-
bour, and therefore to press it upon the atten-
tion of•all concerned is a high moral obligation.
What is the language which the pretended friends
of the Peers put in their mouths ?—" I will not be
deferred from crime; that is a vile plebeian motive.
Had you told me that I might have held my Gatton,
Old Sarum, &c., as long as I pleased,—that I might
have had places, pensions, and bishoprics for all my
cousists, and for their cousins to the twentieth ge-
neration,----and game laws, and corn laws, and wars,
and colonial governments, and all, at no expense
but that of giving votes to the Minister, and with
no chance of interruption but from my own satiety,
I might then, perhaps, in the nobleness of my own
generous nature, have mercifully flung back to the
people some shilling or so in a corn tax, some re-
mission of a few hours in a poacher's penalty ;—nay,
I might have prodigally commanded one of my curs to
let drop some picked bone of small patronage, no longer
tenable, ar►d even have vouchsafed to a dozen large
towns, containing above a million of inhabitants, the
benefit of two or three representatives among them."
But, good God ! do these vile calumniators of the
Peers suppose that such is the demeanour of rational
beings ? Is there no such thing on earth as po-
litical discretion ? and is the dread of plunging a
whole nation in misery no fit consideration for a

wise and upright statesman, lest it might be im-
puted to him that he acted under the assurance of
escaping in his own person a share of the calamity
from which he saved his country ? But the im-
portant question isnot whether the friends of Reform
have or have not urged upon the Peers certain argu-
ments, by which they may be deterred from throw-
ing out the Bill when presented to them. The true
and only question is this,—whether, supposing the
Reform advocate of the Press to be as mute as fish
upon the occasion, the state of the country itself is
not such as to create the danger, the reality of which
the journals are reproached with asserting. What,
then, is the Act? Do the people call for the Re-
form Bill, or do they not ? That surely is a matter
to be resolved by other evidence than what appears
in the London papers. Is it true that county meet-
ings have taken place within these three days in
Gloucester, Henford, •Suirey, Kent, and Wiltshire,
in any of which live countieQ, which, with the excep-
tion of Lord Mahon, who sits for a rotten borough,
and Mr. Gipps, there were no hands nor voices raised
to interrupt the unanimity of the Reform resolutions ?
The privileges of the Lords, and their station in
this constitutional monarchy, we hold to be of
vast importance to Great Britain. They have great
and noble functions to discharge, judicial and poli-
tical, all of which are recognized by the people of
England. They exercise others, which, if not ex-
pressed by the letter of the Constitution, are un-
derstood in practice ; and which, when not abused
by them, are scarcely of less public advantage than
the others. Their influence in the return of county
Members is in the twofold ratio of their property
and character ; and the new Bill has the most direct
tendency to strengthen both these sources of sub-
stantial and wholesome power. But whatever pri-
vileges they enjoy, or whatever the authorities with
which they are invested, they possess none but such
as have been given them for the benefit of the people,
and which, even when in their nature the most dis-
cretionary, are, like the prerogatives of the Crown
of England, to be exercised in furtherance, not in
hindrance, of that great end for which they were in-
stituted—the promotion of the public welfare. It
is undoubtedly true, that among the uses of an
Upper Chamber ought to be accounted that of
checking occasionally the too impetuous flight of
popular impulse, and subjecting that which may be
but a light or transient caprice, to the test of
calm, laborious, and reiterated deliberation. But
is the eagerness of the people of England for
the accomplishment of that measure, which the
most exalted Statesmen of Great Britain during
more than seventy years have pronounced to be
essential to the security and permanency, not of free-
dom only, hut of all the institutions of the Hahn,—
is that to be regarded as a light and gratuitous fancy,
to which the Peers, under colour of their constitu-

tional " check," might oppose a dogged and unrea-
soning obstacle? Unquestionably not. The Royal
prerogative may be perverted to evil purposes; and
what happens ? Our Constitution announces for-
mally, that trial and punishment may follow. Whose
trial—the King's? No; that would soon lead to
the overthrow of the Monarchy ; but his Minister's,
who advised him, and whose fate, if he be found
guilty, may operate as a useful precedent. If there
were to be no visitation for delinquency, or no indi-
vidual to make atonement for the perversion of the
Royal power, then there would be wrong without
redress, which no constitution of political society
can tolerate. So, the Members of the House of
Commons possess extensive powers, large dis-
cretionary prerogatives, for none can (at the
instant) controui them in the employment of
their votes. Well—does the Constitution pro-
vide no safeguard against their delinquency ? Yes,
assuredly,—a return to the presence of their consti-
tuents, and the loss of their seats in Parliament, as
the proof of popular disfavour. Here, likewise, dis-
plays itself the essential spirit of the Constitution,—
a specified penalty for a public wrong. But how
operates this principle in the contingent case of an
abuse of authority by any party among the Peers,
who may chance to constitute a majority of that
assembly ? They do not act by responsible advisers;
there can therefore be, as respects their Lordships,
no Ministerial scape-goat. They cannot be sent back
to their constituents, to be by them ejected from
their seats in the Legislature. There is, in fact, .but
one remedy. The Crown can create Peers without
limit or restraint; but might not that right be
carried to an unhappy pitch, by rendering the
Peerage of as little value or distinction as the
French Noblesse before the Revolution ? There
may be something said, then, for the King's
Ministers, in their postponement of any extensive
addition to the Peerage until after the second
reading. The gross amount of the Anti-Reformers
will then have been ascertained. In the mean time
we pray their Lordships to observe that they have
not heard the last of petitions. The meeting of
Monmouthshire takes place this day. On Wednes-
day last the Somersetshire requisition had 500 names
annexed to it. On Wednesday next the county of
Berks will meet at Newbury : the county of Devon
met on Friday; the Isle of Wight on Wednesday.
The Worcester Political Union have agreed unani-
mously to a petition. fa Wiltshire, the requisition
for a county meeting had affixed to it the names of
thirty magistrates, many of whom were formed)
Anti-Reformers, and are among the most distin-
guished families of that great county. Finally,
meeting of Yorkshire will be held on the 12th inst.
The names annexed to the requisition afford a signal
proof of the "public indifference," or of the feeling
on behalf of the Bill being confined to the rabble !
If the lay Lords love their order, it is easy to guess
how they will vote. If the Bishops love tie
Church, they will vote with those Peers who lime 4

.1 wise attachment to their order. To both we (otn.
mit the nation's peace.—Times.
The Tories give out with effrontery that the Re-
form Bill will be rejected on the second reading.
They boast that they have nearly all the Bishops
with them. On this day all business will be sus-
pended in Birmingham, by invitation, equivalent to
command, of the Political Union. We suppose the
whole population of that town and neighbourhood
,vial proceed to the field assigned for its meeting.
On Saturday last there was a meeting in the same
town, which all accounts represent to have been
one of the most numerous and respectable ever
known; bankers, merchants, magistrates, and
clergy of all denominations, attended in great num-
bers. The language held at this and other meetings,
riot by were mob-orators, but by men whose lives
have been passed in the pursuits of commerce and
industry, and who have a deep interest in the peace
of the country, will, we trust, make a due im-
pression on their Lordships. "If thrown out"
said John Turner, Esq., " the Lcrds must not
be surprised if the people turn round, and, borrow-
ing an expression from one of their body, say,

Have we not a right to do as we please with
our own ?'--(Cheers.) The people were determined,
whatever the Lords might determine, to have the
Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill."'
These men, who have all to lose, by an interruption
of tranquillity, have for some time been casting about
them to see how all this will end, and preparing for
the worst. These men cannot shut their eyes to
what is passing around them. They know that an
Englishman is the most patient of human beings,
but they know also that patience has its limits, and
with breathless anxiety they await the result of the
discussion which opens this day. May God in his
mercy avert from us the consequences W''hich they
apprehend from this result ! Mr. Joseph Parkes,
than whom no man in England knows more of what
is passing in the minds of the people at this mo-
ment, and no man has the welfare of his country
more at heart, concluded an eloquent speech with
these strong and significant observations :

" As a friend to the Constitution, he trusted that the
Peers, as at present constituted, would pass the Bill. If
they did so, without obliging the Crown to increase their
number, it would heal all wounds, and (as an eloquent
speaker had said) would even hide the scar. If they
threw it out or smothered it, on their heads be every re-
sponsibility; the queonion of the utility of an Hereditary
Peerage would infallibly arise. No after-step—no increase
of the Peers, even if it subsequently carried the Bill—could
retrieve the blow to the Peerage. But if they should
blindly oppose it, his Majesty possessed a prerogative, not
for ornament, but for use—a wise appurtenance of the
Constitution, calculated for occasions of peril. He would
say no more ; he hoped he had proved his own modera-
tion, but now he must be allowed to say that he didinot
blind himself to the peril of the crisis. He hoped and be-
lieved the nation would be saved a possibility of anarchy ;
if anarchy occurred, its horrors in this country would far
exceed any ever recorded. We subsisted on credit, and
our monetary system exposed us to evils which no man
could exaggerate. The men of property might, in a re-
volution, slink into holes and corners, and bury their money
bags; but the numbers were ruined and undone with a
cessation of the demand for labour. The people were
really, above all, as a body, interested in order, and avert-
ing any extreme political change ; they knew it, and proved
it by their actions. But if, unhappily, an Anti-Reforin
Administration should befal them ; if a cheat were substi-
tuted fur the Bill; if scenes of civil discord did arise,
similar to these in which the blood of Hampden, the Rus-
sells, and the Howards, was the seed of English liberty—
he (Mr. Parkes) should go with his order—the people.—
(Loud cheers.) But he could not anticipate such an un-
happy state. He would award a national monument to
the incomparable services of the Duke of Wellington as a
Commander and a warrior, but he firmly, hoped and be-
lieved future monuments would record his Majesty and
Earl Grey far higher character—that to redeem a country
is above all conquest."—(Loud cheers.)

Let us not deceive ourselves. Already the appre-
hensions of what is to be expected from their Lord-
ships have begun to produce their effects. Already
public credit feels the shock. Do not let these
Lords imagine, that if once the Funds fall eight or
ten per cent., which they will assuredly do, they
can say, thus far shalt thou go and no farther. We
are all of us on the brink of a precipice. The time
is awfully ominous. Several of the gentlemen em-
ployed in manufactures, well knowing what serious
consequences will flow from any interruption of con-
fidence, have waited on the Duke of Wellington and
other Anti-Reforming Peers, and plainly told them
the consequences they apprehended. It remains to
be seen whether these warnings have produced due
effect. We confess we have our fears. The Scotsman
of Wednesday last gives an elaborate calculation of
the proportion of Reformers to Anti-Reformers in
Edinburgh, by which they are as sixty to one.—
" Yet," observes our contemporary, " Edinburgh
is justly held to be the head-quarters of Toryism ;
and we sincerely believe that the proportion of Re-
formers is even higher in the rest of Scotland. We
ask if history presents such an example of an una-
nimous people?" Observe only how the people
are congregated together in the North of England !
By the late census, Lancashire alone contains
1,335,600 inhabitants. The two hundreds of
West Derby and Salford contain a million of inha-
bitants. These peaceable and industrious men may,
by one fatal vote, be thrown out of employment.
But will the Lords gain by all this misery ? We
have been favoured with an early copy of the Edin-
burgh Review for September, in which there is an
article on the Huse of Lords and Reform, well de-
serving of the attention of their Lordships. " The
position of their Lordships (says the Reviewer) may
be summed up in a few words. There is no man
11 of common understanding who now doubts the Bill
' must pass. Even its most violent opponents have
openly admitted, long ago, that schedules A and B
are their inevitable fate, and that the reign of the
rotten boroughs is at an end. Then can human
folly go further than to postpone the period for a
few months, and prolong the agitation into which
the bare announcement of this delay would fling the
community ? Or can any thing be more certain,
than that when the people shall regain the mastery,
it will no longer be the Bill, and nothing but the
Bill, that will suffice. Half a year hence it may be
anything
but the Bill." The Reviewer, on the
supposition that the Bill is lost in the Lords, argues
that this will lead to a prorogation and a new at-
tempt, or it will produce the resignation of Minis-
ters. This last course he considers too absurd to
be adopted; but, for the sake of argument, he sup-
poses a resignation :
" Let it then be considered (says the Reviewer) what
must be the result of such a measure as the present Mi-
nistry being driven from the helm, or rather quitting it
in disgust, there being, in truth, no one to drive them.
We verily think that such a sensation would be produced
all over the country as no time had ever witnessed. The
dismissal of Neckar in France would be a jest to it : his
return, in spite of the Court, on the people's shoulders,
pregnant as it was with fatal consequences to the Mo-
narchy, as somewhatsht
te:bidfeseagpirsopepea‘sur.
of
:lorl
favourel l lyiapb,ai
eissys
iaiddgeuea,
personally
tlihrynes;
huseeesyr
enjoyedtvimeo ab )yn ;.
I;raythozelflapsn:;:eiotrsrennibnite:'d.3pyloip:l7:toillar collectively as a .Ministry. With
otthir'aenlytaje have nothing to do. They are judged by corn.
this
iietne vieetiotr
pfb
ae
cotßicp:
eeeil
fpe ,r,trathtia,iad,:vvneet
nii:isoelawnyr
;i:eur sr‘kvee; t
iltheydefeoinrnt
iptfiatoer,
eewdi
rerevered;t,ehxaeapsi
plan
d int;
to all the inevitable objections that must needs lie against
every actual Ministry, front unavoidable inadvertences,
errors inseparably connected with all human management,
above all, disappointment of friends—how infinitely would
such favourable feelings be increased by their quitting
'Ace, and quitting it on account of the people's favourite
plan, to which they should have sacrificed their own power?
If they have made mistakes, these will all he forgotten ; if
they have incurred any odium, that will all be changed
into love. The very men of their own adherents that
have cavilled at them, will be the first and warmest
tliifythweirastdeevtoitieed
lasnu,pipowrtiethrs ;r a
gaendat btuhteirone
spirittii removal,thought-
less will
iiue o
in a t idofisin theira ntoyed t
restore
i,ey them to supreme power.
ovlluehnderafitedlc, will
astonished,l determination etbe
ercon carping
andtheir
antagonists
fe w
less flatterers—the little men of office—will be fain to hide
themselves front the wrath of three kingdoms, and to leave
the Ministers of the people to resume the King's service,
aid carry through at once the Reform.
" But they will return to that service, they will carry

'that Reform, under4ther and less fortunate auspices. At
present trey governionstitutionally, with a due subordi-
nation to the established authorities of the realm, and
posse sing no more power than Ministers ought to wield.
At their restoration,—always, with Princes, the worst of
revolutions, always, with parties, the worst of changes—
they will stand, whether they like it or not, upon the
ground of the highest popular excitement, which will have
forced them back to power. They will be no longer
masters of the course they are to take ; they will be driven
onwards from behind—pressed from all quarters, except
in face ; thus, every shadow of resistance being annihilated,
they will have a space free from even the right and natural
obstacles to such advance ; and over that space, travel
they must, will they or not, and at the pace which may
please other men, not at their own. ' The Bill,' which
now satisfies and pleases all the people, will no longer con-
tent them. Other provisions and larger concessions must
be aided, to signal.ze the triumph which the mnst short-
sighted and the most self-interested of human kind will have
compelled the people to win ; and the enemies of the mea-
sure will cast many a wistful look back upon its principle
and its details, and curse the day that saw them regret so
safe, so moderate, and so constitutional a plan.
" Let not the Lords shut their eyes to these things.
Let them rather tax their powers of reasoning to dis-
cover any other alternative,—to fix any point short of
this at which the contemplated change can stop. Who
can for an instant doubt that the certainty of the measure
being lost, would rouse the people altogether ; and still
more, who can doubt that the loss of the Bill for the pre-
sent, coupled with the retreat of the Ministers, would at
once open the eyes of the community to the utter ruin of
their whole hopes, as long as the Anti-Reformers held
power ? Everything else of the picture above drawn fol-
lows quite of course. For let no man be so stone-blind to all
the signs of these times, and all experience of the past, as
to flatter himself with the hope of measures of Reform
being accepted from the Anti-Reformers. We verily be-
lieve that the factious and place hunting part of the Op-
position, who have been resisting the Bill upon the highest
grounds of Anti-Reform principles, would not be a week
in office before they abandoned every one of their positions,
and brought in a Reform Bill of their own. Nay, they
would probably, after their first attempts had failed, adopt
their adversaries' measure, and bring in this very Bill. At
least they did this, and more than this, by the Catholic ques-
tion. But that same Reform would never satisfy the
people; and if it for the moment did, swift destruction would
follow, dealt out by the first reformed Parliament upon the
heads of its base arid unprincipled authors. Such persons
cannot expect to be endured long by any community of
honest men, whose principles upon the most important sub-
jects hang se loose about theirs that they can, within four-
and-twenty hours, shift their ground, and take to the
tenets they have all their lives opposed, as the most absurd
and the most pernicious; thus dealing with opinions, not
as sacred matters of conscientious conviction, but as com-
mon instruments of a craft, stock in trade, tools to work
withal, for their individual nrofit and advancement. It
will not do thus to insult the common feelings of mankind.
The people generally look to the end, and are regirdless of
the hands that minister to their advantage or gratification.
But some appearance of decorum must be maintained ; and
assuredly they would be revolted by so abominable a spec-
tacle as the present Opposition ejecting the honest Mini-
sters who have redeemed the pledges of a consistent life by
propounding the Bill, and then adopting that very Bill as
the means of maintaining a power thus obtained. It
would be too outrageous au experiment, and too hazardous
upon the patient endurance and virtuous feelings of the
world. There is a point beyond which the community
may not safely be insulted.
" Our fixed opinion is that the leaders of theAnti-Reform
party in both Houses are wholly incapable of such vile
projects as we have been contemplating ; but our remarks
are addressed to a considerable portion of their followers—
men whose support is little credit to any party; such men,
we mean, as those who, on the Catholic question, only re-
quired half air hour to turn right about, and vent their
feelings in acclamations for the proposal of a measure
which they had flocked to the chambers of Parliament for
the purpose of hailing with curses and abjuration."
--.-
Morning Chronic/oz.

The Ides of March are come, and though we are
not alarmists, there is surely enough in the present
aspects of the country to induce the most serious
reflection. Faithful and zealous advocates for Re-
form, from the first moment the question was
mooted, we have felt it to be equally our duty to
take our stand for Constitutional Reform, in oppo-
sition to that unknown and indefinable change which
must spring from the movement of physical force.
The ultimo ratio Regan: is sufficient affliction to
mankind; but the ultinza ratio populorunz is infinitely
more fearful; and deep is the responsibility of those
who are endeavouring to conjure up that appalling
curse. It is, indeed one of the worst signs of the
times that the public mind has been poisoned into a
familiarity with the ideas of revolution, and civil
war, in the event of the Reform Bill not imme-
diately receiving the concurrence of the House of
Lords. How dreadful an alternative to so inade-
quate a cause ! Will the instigators of this fatal
doctrine suffer the multitude to pause but for a few
days upon the prospect before them ? Will it
tell them to look the horrors of civil war in the
face—the prostration of the industry of the country
—the destruction of its commercial prosperity—
the desolation of its fair fields—and the mas-
sacre of tens of thousands of its people ? These
are the results so madly and impiously invoked—
every peaceful and happy home violated by brute
contention—rivers of blood made to flow, and a
great nation ruined. These are contemplated with
desire by some, and with indifference by others, as
not merely the possible, but the probable, conse-
quences of a measure—we mean the rejection of
the second reading of the Reform Bill—which is
likely to ensue within eight-and-forty hours of our
publishing these remarks. To us it seems almost a
dream that, standing upon so awful a precipice,
both Peers and people should be swept onward by
an insensate impulse, and no calm and rational voice
interposed to allay the fury of debate, and obtain a
truce from the stormy passions that have been so
dangerously inflamed, till common sense, and the
first of all instincts—that of self-preservation, shall
have exercised their influence upon the crisis at
hand. Frequently have we addressed ourselves to
the property and consideration of our fellow-citi-
zens; and again we call upon them to abjure the
rage of either faction in the State, and, with the
energy of true strength and power, to effect
a full and ample Reform of the Constitution
by the Constitution, and not by destroying it.
We repeat that no man who knows its powers can
doubt its eflicieocy to accomplish this; and that the
attempt to stir up tumult and rebellion is an insult to
the cause, as well as a provocation to unbounded
calamity. To avert even the most distant chance
of bringing such evils, we could wish, by mere
homely illustration, to recall the minds of English-
men to a perception of some of the first principles
of that species of Government which has justly been
styled our matchless Constitution. We will not
trouble them with the vain disputes as to the origin
of authority, whether partly derived from Heaven,
or entirely from the will of the people; but we will
remind them that it is always a difficult thing to
gather what the precise will of the people is when
their masses have been enlarged into societies con-
sisting of millions upon millions. To avoid the
confusion and conflict inseparable from the effort to
ascertain the opinion of ten or twenty millions of
men, these ten or twenty millions of men have
wisely agreed to depute their powers to smaller
numbers, who shall represent them in their various
classes, interests, and objects. And this is the end
of all Government :—the many, for their own sake,
surrender the controul and management of their affairs
to the responsible few ; and it is not too much to de-
clare that of all the schemes ever devised by human
sagacity, and improved by the practical operations of
time, there never existed one so splendidly calcu-
lated to ensure the happiness and promote the wel-
fare of a mighty people as the mixed, free, and mo-
narchical Constitution under which we have lived
and flourished. The more we study, the more we
must admire it; and this our admiration bids us ap-
peal, in the most forcible language we can use, to a
reasonable public, to restore what is decayed, and
to correct what is amiss, but, of all things on earth,
to refrain from injuring or overthrowing the wonder-
ful fabric itself. At present we see no necessity
for calling on the ten or twenty millions to resume
their delegated power—a majority in the Lords
against the Bill requires no such counteraction ; the
remedy is worse than the disease, and the disease
can be remedied safely and effectively without it.

a vile eNperlment to swill to the lait reldn
the first instance; to inflame and arm the CO
orders in their prodigious and portentous tee
against the legal adminis.ration of affairs. 71.„'
look about us for analogies r—No as 01114 °,S4
individuals can govern itself, and it is the g',sr
as well as most mischievous of absurdities toct:
pose that the population of a country can ets:,
self. If this were so, a school might as well Per:.
own discipline and education ; the urchins 4,
lowest forms having their squeak and chino
potential as the say of the biggest and be,
formed of the elder scholars. All the cresol
ship, all the privates in a regiment, all the °lob,'
at a public dinner, all the members of aLeiog
the persons in a church congregation, wcnnud ird
wise be entitled to state their opinions n OEI
their orders individually upon every occasielZ
'
lo ! we should have the school a school of fe'4l
ship a prey to mutiny, the regiment ine
through insubordination, the dinner a seee°
mult, the club disorganized, and the church atel",d
of anarchy ! These are common and tri s
foi
amples; but we trust they tray strike matill°l
readers, and the public in general, as fairly i"s11:(1;
ing our argument in favour of moderation• I_,
excitement--the Constitution versus revolutiery
has been asked, what will the Lords do? WellS
reason to believe the Lords will throw out thisee
and then comes the question what will th`'ll,:4
do ? Be it ours to exhort them to a firm clls,PtirS
their numerical superiority upon this vital aiteSi
an abstinence from every thing like riot agues^
gNildNir,irleioCeeditk.myaitedi Odianinilaa.dbt
and
dpeeloniteoi
htvtt
political
ci eea,
desperate
oneeasnpt
pid:
e:
rlye:eatv:esee they will achieve or
good purpose, and a bloodless Reform will bde
willro tt of
overthrow the Ismg.teh eottfhaeereneev:ll:oll:lt.uusttiisoo;l':`',
surely, surely, the intelligent, the prudent, an° car
who have ought to lose, will rally round theosli
servative principle,and save their threatened coo
—Morning, Herald.
t
The
off old England's
debate, tli e
, happymomentous
c o
ndsetbi
tauttei,catra ::
°° 0ll:ea;
Ihl/1
2
fate
realm itself, commences this day in the 11
it
Lords. It will last two, if not three, daks'dosbt
look to the result with anxiety, but not win'
erspe'
or fear—firmly persuaded as we are that the rr,
rate deliberation and wise decision of the reeesiert
reverse the award of the delegates sent in a 10 3
of excitement to the House of Commons. eral
word, our glorious Constitution, at once tbeot the
and the admiration of the universe, we tin's
slightest doubt, is perfectly safe in the pro nits
hands of the House of Lords. It is at leailVaiii
certain that the atrocious revolutionary 11.1,pte;
not be suffered by their Lordships to pass illl,lO
sent form.
importantormvi.ofthepar occasionticula w
particular course to be Injose
on this
e
cutely speak ; but it is not improbabletT'liat°lhoeefide
d:
structive measure will be got rid of by an,;:, the
ment, to substitute, instead of the ationta,;pte'
innovations, and the outrageous injustice of no?
visions, the plain, intelligible, and rational P.roor
tion, simply that the populous towns of Mir; 100
hatn, Manchester, Leeds, and Sheffield, sha''v lie
each two representatives, which plait
effected without any alteration in the presells-e
stituted state of the House of Commons bY t-st
franchisement of four of the most insignitiee,..",beil
roughs. The debates will naturally be of the the se'
importance, and we have of course formed these
eessary arrangements to give the whole with storsie
most fidelity and impartiality, and with an n'us or'
copiousness suitable to the great and moment° f sot
casion. We have only to add the expression
snd
perfect confidence that the Lords will 0110E11
manfully do their duty, therefore that the e°
and Constitution are safe.—Morning post.
je°t.•
The moment—the important and awful the
is at length all but arrived which is to deeinissiti
question whether a handful of Peers are t° 13101,'
c(titoel pryroi
gsisinietsassl ilooftnh,
efodr
Englishra e ashort,toai men
cdeu
therebyrlroenigi
ceer oitinfnvtuhloei
copsestol the,
l
t rhaeenv opl
immediateue toipo
people
e
t
renderf
danger
autei
gnce to oo
rights, and thereby save itra:t'elthoiarecntkgiolevvraanntndhoderyduenarJruersrtet.l"sivititt?:
restoreh itt
ohtc.
quiet and tranquillity to the country of ";bidciatil
trade, its commerce, it; manufactures—its sir; 141°
of every description—and may we riot f this
the highly excited and weary minds %toot
people—stand so much in need. The 0..,"
is an awful one in every sense of the word' future
the crisis in the nation's present as well as
look
welfare—and there is no one who does n°t, sod
forward to it with feelings of mingled alti,ellevefil
alarm, to which no previously anticipate Lord.'
in the nation's annals gave birth. Will the °°
the?, pass the Bill ? We know not ; but
~;%/1));
conjure them by all that they hold dear on ea;,-
all that they possess, and all that they hopes—s.sfn
—riot:to place themselves in a scale in Whi CP' 5 Sc
the united force of the King, the Convil°l: 'lac;
the people,—they would assuredly be made ha'
vo
the beam. The reverence for their order -3'eitthi
been excessive of late years, and more c5Pe 00'
during the last t welvemonths, and were tbefii4
'o add to the declension of their inflaence,lV: Fe
themselves in opposition to the united “He,-,esl'ile;
loyal, desperate, resolved, and persevering,'
what might not be the consequence's', of °Pi
tremble even to think of them. The night ohe
pression and spoliation has long continued tetli,e,
ti dhoimckinnieosrsi oosieirtstdhaerkpneoepssleriis;oatThnedordiyr,ertA,eprirrnionipinsoatrrtytiioncirtielontohosotb:;
cpaols.riyng,
ofroir
tail moment,e
GoNr,
ur
shall reign no longer
formed were the Bill to he rejected—or, e' uttea
ll
nmwehraitt. not °here 01:
impossibility, that it could be formed, °ivy a
the parishes of the metropolis, in which t"
select vestries, refused to pay the taxes lineecist'lr,
these self-elected bodies; arid is it nat tied
well known that unions have been fef;:t pr'lr
many parts of the kingdom, the very Prilth re,;
ciple of which is a similar resolution loyabh'e
spect to the payment of the direct toltes,sil oft,7
to Government, in the event of the reject"' A"`;;;
Bill by the Lords, and the formation of old
Reform Cabinet ? And to what a pSSS W°nial°ll,le
country be reduced by such a resolution Old beti'ie
adopted by the people ? What then ‘Otisithat,tor
value of bank-notes and bank property ? otn'
value of a share in the national debt, or tinctii eone;
public security ? Looking at the dreal"tien Of 0
quences which must result from the rejec learebr
measure on which the affections of t
appears Have to us aoinid
he rioltiPinber o•
resolutely bent—looking at the small direct ini
Peers out of the whole House who have
rights' the
terest in the spoliation of the peonle's ror.liob
also to the gigantic weight of talent bY chi be are
passing of the Reform Bill in the Lords wilt
Ao
vocated—we are frank to own that our treasury
stronger in favour of the adoption of the But is
than our alarm; for a contrary result•e
oyes, to
the event of the latter oecurrence—and wtioo to r
be provided for it—there is another tine; ,ersda:
asked, and that is—" What will the Man" ; yew
, t,,,;( m
Resign
No—that would be little se--
, stood
them to the last, and
,
cuery to the cause of a people who was' .1, re-
" of their
and c
signation? Prorcasue Parliament,
ed not et! ,shat
Peers v
• That ought to be done rune, a.
the Anti• Reform Peers have triumph° ;
Are re'e'
course then remains for them? he ob
mat to t e.llO
readers for information on that p
communication of our correspondent.
en sp
has not only vindicated the position s'oheite,
by himself and Mr. Crampton, th e ions ol
General for Ireland, against the silly,sobs.
who will not Lam.
reate „ea
Lord Eldon and a writer in Fraser king'
but laid down the constitutional law ott.ietl !_resen
dom on every point connected with le ,el)_.„_ or
in coon° sire
establi,hed authorities--,much less
.nsa.,.
in prec I"fiesose
and common right—can
commend its perusal to Lord Eldon ana.a,
notice 0
and we commend it also to the speFl fps
Who WIII ._
Lord Grey and his colleagues, there
J 4
crisis, in a manner which nothing in
ga,
hi:friends
it, if they do not already know it, that

lately yid
emergent;
order to ii
Which, it
the enunt
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