The Sun.
London, England, 1831-04-02 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We observed a day or two ago, on the subject of
Reform, that the public zeal must not coo!—that
unanimity mast prevail—and, above all, that there
must be perseverance until the Bill be carried ; and
we believe that there is no sincere friend of Reform
who will not unite with us in pressing the recom-
mendation. Thanks, however, to the genuine—
" the irresistible"—spirit in favour of Reform, as
Lord Wharncliffe has termed it, the advice was even
in prog'ees of being carried into effect at the moment
that we ventured to give it ! The people are not
satisfied with having met, petitioned, and driven
their open enemies out of the field—neither ought
they—for in ten days these meetings, petitions, and
vicqtries, would be forgotten, or an attempt made
to bury them in oblivion by.the enemies of Reform
—l•4lf ! They knew that perseverance will, in the
end, conquer all things, even as the constant drop-
ping of " water wears the stones;" and they are
now busily engaged in concerting measures for oust-
ing every Member who did not vote for the second
reading of the Bill, or who shall give his vote against
it, t ever it should be discussed in Committee! This
is the right way of going to work, and of settling the
question both surely and exp-ditiously; and we
have so many proofs before us of the energetic pre-
valenee of this spirit, that we doubt not of its ex-
tending i!self over every county, city, borough, and
town in the kingdom. At the Reform meeting in
Cornwall, on Wednesday week, it was resolved by
the Reformers to return a gentleman pledged to
the support of the Bill, in the place of Sir R. Vy-
vyan. who was complimented by S;r C. Wetherell
in a late debato, as "having kept up the character
of a Member of that House by differing with his con-
stituents !"—a subscription has been entered into at
Nottingham, to return a Reformer free of expense,
in the place of Admiral Sotheron—a similar example
bad been previously set by Manchester and Bir-
mingham,—"and in a word, turn to what quarter we
may, we find the same spirit prevalent,—the same
resolutions adopted,— the same wise and patriotic
policy pursued. Mr. R. K. Douglas, who, we
learn, has just set out on a journey of conciliation
to his constituents in Dumfries, could tell a
story on this subject worth any twenty that we
could mention in England; while, if we are to
credit the news which have reached us
from Ire'and, not only does the same unanimity
pre%a.l, hut there does not exist a doubt that
a diso!ution of Parliament would greatly increase
the number of Reforming Members. The Bill has
there given the greatest satisfaction, as it deserved,
and as it has given every where else; and when we
look et the energy, the unanimity, and the deter-
mined spirit which is manifested in every county,
city, town, anti borough, in favour of it, we are
tempted, as every one must be, to inquire where is
the opposition, but in the Lords and Commons—
arnotg the pensioners and sineeurists—the rotten
borough representatives, and their nominees ? Nor
let it be forgotten that Scotland—calumniated Scot-
land—for it was said that her people desired not
Reform— has given the most unequivocal signals of
joy on account of the second reading of the Reform
Bill. From the Forth to the Clyde there have
'Pee rejo'cint.ls and illuminations, and from the
rderi to Ultima 'I hie, the joyful sounds and
sights will be re-echoed. Nay, we will venture to
add, that in the event of the ultimate defeat of the
Bill, the clay mere would once more bid farewell to
the scabbard, and find its edge as keen as when the
battle raged for national honour and national inde-
pendence!—Morning Advertiser.

It would appear, from Ministers having adopted
the plan of lending sums of money to force employ-
ment in Ireland, without making the least allusion
to any ulterior measure of permanent relief, they
have no intention at present of proposing any sta-
tuteble Prevision for the poor of that country. As
long as the poor are left to the precut ious relief of
oceasional grants from Parliament and casual charity,
they must continue to be subject to the periodical
visitations of famine and misery, and be under the
necessity of making appeals to English bounty,
while their absentee landlords are living luxuriously
in foreign lane.s, and squandoriug atnong strangers
the revenues ilia., if judiciously expended at home,
would give employment to their starving country-
men, raise the value of their property, diffuse com-
fort and content in the neighbourhood of their es-
tates, arrest the progress of disaffection and turbu-
lence, and enrich and adorn the country by intro-
ducing the blessings of moral and social improve-
ment. The most popular and powerful argument
in Ireland in favour of a repeal of the Legislative
Union is the absenteeism of its nobility and gentry.
That absenteeism not only impoverishes the land,
but is the cause of delivering up the people
at all times to the unprincipled guider:re
of selfish agitators, who, to serve their
own objects of vulgar and sordid ambition, call up
the worst pas•ions of the too-suspeptible populace,
when danger apprJaches, desert and betray the
infatuated beings whom they have excited against
the laws, end stimulated into crime. We do not say
that Government can obviate these evils by directly
compelling absentees to reside upon their estates;
but they can male,- it less convenient to them to
reside in ether countries, by passing a law to tax
their property for the support of the poor; such a
tax would not only be a politic, but a most equitable
tax, inasmuch as, by living abroad, they at present
avoid paying their share of contributions to the sup-1
port of the State by which their property is pro-
teeted. We do not advocate the introduction of
the Engli-in system of poor laws into Ireland, be-
cause it is full of great defects, which ignorant and
complicated legislation has produced, but we do ad-
votrate the introduction of the beneficent prin-
ciple recognised and enforced by the 43d
of Elizabeth,—a Statute which, we think, we
do riot overrate when rte call it the Magna
Charla of the poor. The whole of the Acts
which establish the present absurd doctrine of
settlements seem to have been framed fur the
especial purpose of giving overseers and others an
excuse for wasting as much of the funds of charity
as possible in perpetual litigation. We would not
have those Statutes introduced into Ireland. On the
contrary, we would have them expunged from the Sta-
tute-book a, home, and the poor lawsrestored to their
original simplicity. When we Fay that the occa-
eional grants of Government will not prevent the
nee,- sity of appeals to English charity, by the pe-
riodical visitations of extreme distress, we have but
to refer to what has taken place for several years
back ; for, shift:nigh .500,0001. has been advanced,
since the year 1822, in Government loans, the dis-
tress of Ireland has increased instead of being dimi-
nished during that time, and at the present moment
is more extensively destructive than ever. We fear,
too, that these loans are liable to be turned into a
source of jobbing, and titan, like the Grand Jury
Cess, they are as likely to be made available to pri-
vate adtautage as to public benefit. They are, be-
sides, bail in principle, as all shifts anti expedients
are when national evils call for permanent and com-
prehensive remedies.—Morning Herald.
In the second number of the Quarterly Journal
of Education, published under the superintendence
of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Know-
letlee, there is tin excellent artlele under the title of
" Reasons for establishing a Public System of Ele•
mentary Instruction in England." The object of
the writer is the education of the lower classes; but
be closes it with a promise to reaume the subject in
an early number ; " and shall then show, that de-
ficient and bad as the education of the lower classes
most certainly is, it is still superior, relatively to
their condition, to that of the higher classes—to
those from among
whom our senators, Judges, and
-Magistrates are chosen." The recent outrages in
the South and East of England have evinced a
state of ignorance on the part of the labouring popu-
lation, of the circutnstances on which their welfare
depends, highly discreditable to their superiors.
When the present Reform question is settled, it is
to be hoped that no time will be lost in taking into
t oneideration the most essential of all subjects----the
enlightfentis the poor. The prejudice,

against education are fist disappearing; and as it
seems that the place of proper instructors is too
Often supplied by instructors of a very different de-
scription, little opposition will now be made to a
measure so e,.sential to the welfare of society. It is
well observed by the writer of this article, that in
no country has education been so much neglected as
in England, while in no country is education so
in-cessary.
" The state of society in England (he remarks) is, in
many respects, peculiar, or rather, we should say, with-
out a prallel, either in ancient or modern times. Owing

to the extraordinary extension of manufactures and coin-
. . . .

merce amongst us, and to the mode in which landed pro-
perty is occupied, a very large proportion of our people is
dependent for support on the wages of labour, and i•, con-
sequently, exposed to all the vicissitudes that necessarily
result from so precarious a condition. Changes of policy

or fashion, abroad or at home, may, at any time, deprive
thousands upon thousands of our labouring population of
their accustomed means of subsistence; while any serious
deficiency in the harvest is sure to inflict the severest pri-
vations on the whole class. The situation of the labourers
of all other countries is widely different ; manufactures and
commerce have made, comparatively, little progress
amongst them ; the greater number of their inhabitants
are attached to the soil, and depend upon it for support,
so that the proportion of those liable to be thrown out of
employment is comparatively small."

To give to the poor the ability to read and write,

is not to educate them ; but this truth is too often
lost sight of. Resdinz merely places knowledge
within their reach. Now, with respect to the
knocs ledge to be communicated to the poor, we
know that tlie;r daily toil will never allow it to be
extensive. One science, however, ought to he
communicated to poor as well as rich—the science
which unfolds the circumstances on which the welfare
of society depends. 'We are all interested that sound
ideas should be prevalent on this important subject.
" The poor," observers the writer of the article, " are
reither fools nor knaves ; they investigate all plain prac—
tical questions with quite as much sagacity and penetra-
tion as those that are rich ; And were they made aware of
the circumstances which really determine their condition,
they would, generally speaking, be disinclined to do any-
thing that might tend to render it worse
Without security there can be neither riches nor

lization, and however far a country may have advanced, if
she do not, at all haz trds, maintain that security of pro-
perty, she will speedily relapse into primeval barbarism
anti ignorance. But what is, of all others, the most effec-
tual means of providing for this security ? Will it be best
promoted by multiplying Penal Statutes? by maintaining
large bodies of military and police ? or by making one-
half the population responsible for the other ? We confi-
dently answer—No : not that we mean to say, or to in-
sinuate, that punishments, troops, police, &c. are not in-
dispensable ; but they are not enough. The foundations
of real security are beyond and above the law. Outrage
and attack may.and ought to be put down by prompt and
adequate punishment ; hut no severity of punish.
ment, provided the circumstances in which the out-
rages originated be not changed, will hinder them
from breaking out anew. And hence, if we would
have perfect security, as perfect at Wet as can be ob-
tained, we must show the people that it is for their ad-
vantage that it should be preserved inviolate; we must
prove to them—and luckily the proof is very easy—that
whatever has any tendency to shake the s.curity of pro-
perty, is even snore ruinous to those who depend upon
wages for subsistence than to their employers. Make a
labourer aware that the introduction of - machinery is
highly beneficial to his order—that, in fact, it has more

than quintupled the demand for labour, and added prodi-
giously to the comforts and conveniences of every class ;
and though he were the veriest elodpole that ever existed,
machinery will cease to be the object of his attack. Men
often traduce and calumniate their benefactors, but they
invariably do so in ignorance, and because they believe
them to be their enemies. Undeceive them upon this
ix int, and their ingratitude is immediately changed into
eratitude and esteem ; so is it with attacks on property.
The Luddites and the peasantry believe that machinery is
hostile to them—that it deprives them of employment, and
drives them to the workhouse, and they therefore destroy
it; nor can anything, under such circumstances, be more
natural."

It has been more than once remarked, that the
opposition of the High Church clergy and the bo-
roughmongers (who are one and the same) to the
education of the labouring classes had its founda-
tion in a wish to keep them ignorant of the evils
which society suffers from the irresponsible power
of the oligarchy. Nov that we are about to obtain
a representation returned by electors whose interests
are the same with those of the community, one
great cat se of the opposition to a suitable establish-
tnent for education will be removed. In a clever
article in the Westminster Review, just published,
some severe strictures are passed on the conduct of
the Society under whose superintendence the "Jour-

nal of Education" is published, with reference to
.the works hitherto produced by them. We may
see from.the tone of the article on educalion, that
the Society now feel themselves sufficiently strong
to be able to grapple with the difficulties to which
the reviewer alludes, in the following passage:—

" He (i.e. the celebrated person known to be the au-
thor of the Preliminary Treatise) unfortunately had linked
himself with a parry ; he panted lifter place and power at
their hands, and for unworthy ambition Le nullified his
efforts for the education of the people. Those efforts had,
'as is usual in such cases, been met with a vile and inte-
rested clanour, by the Clergy and Aristocracy. Before
this priestly, aristoci atic cry, this man of real benevolence
quailed with fear ; wishing, nevertheless, still to pursue
his well-intended purpose, he hoped to instinct the people
on matte's wherein the self-interests of those wlio raised

the yell against instruction would be little, if at all, con-
cerned. The command was given to promulgate treatises
on the abstruse points of physical science ; and thus, as it
is ever with this trembling race of trimming politicians,
he offended all parties, and benetitted none. The saga-
cious tribe who acted according to his will, received their
cue, and were ready to give answers to all who remon-
strated. To the faction of Priests, they were ready to
point out, that the matters they propounded were of pure
science, unconnected with any interests, and involving no
liberal consequences fatal to their unhallowed extortions.
The blind was too flimsy to deceive the practical, selfish
sagacity of tlsese men. They have opposed, and still con-
tinue to oppose, every endeavour on the part of the So-
ciety to disseminate knowledge. To those who had at
heart the proper instruction of the people, and who pressed
the Committee to face the difficulties, and boldly to come
forward with the sort of knowledge really r..quired, the
answer was, wait ; the time will soon come when we
may hazard this knowledge ; we as well as you are really
desirous of imparting it ; but you know the prejudices
and interests arrayed against us ; you are too impatient—
in good time all will be forthcoming.'"
The good time has come; and we perceive in
this Journal of Education an earnest of labours of
vital importance to the country. We heartily agree
with the writer of time article on Education, that " it
is imperative upon Government to take measures
for having the public provided with redly useful in-
struction. We look upon the education of the poor
as absolutely essential to the safety of the country.
ignorance in the mass of the peop'e, and the exist-
ence of really free institutions, are altogether incom-
patible; such discordant elements has e invariably
produced ei•her anarchy or despotism—either the
tyranny of the rabble, or of some individual who has
made their ignorance the instrument of his own
e!evation. The poor have immense influence ; and
it is not more fur their owa sakes than for those of
others, that they should be made aware of the cir-
cumstances whirl!' fix their condition, and of the
tact, that their own welfare is identified with the
maintenance of security and good order. Those
who are ignorant are not the less ready to act—the
less dogmatical in their opinions, or the less violent
in their resolutions; and hence the vital importance
of sound instruction." We hope to see the day
when a knowledge of the principles of Government,
of ethics, and of the circumstances which deter-
mine the physical well-being of the people, shall be
communicated to all the people. Those who are
conscious of intending fairly towards the people can
never wish that the people should not he able to
kno..v their benefactors from their enemies. An
enemy of education must either be a very weak or a
very evil-intentioned man, who does not wish to be
known for what he is.--iforning Chronicle.

There is no speech Which has been delivered
upon the Reform question, either in or out of Par-

When this passage was written, the noble person here
spoken of had not been long in office ; since then his etthrts de-
serve unmingled admiration, and fully redeem all former errors.
We hat., Allowed the paragraph. to remain, in order to mark our
former itnd 9Ur preent feelior ""viv, 11oloyi;14.

Liatoent, which goes so decidedly to the point, or
which contains in a small compass what maybe called
the pith and marrow of the subject,•than that which
was addressed by Mr. Campbell (the son-in-jaw of
Sir James Scarlett) to the populace of Monmouth.
In proof of which we extract from it the following
pertinent remarks :
" He denied that the measure was revolutionary, and
contended that it was a restoration of the old Constitution
of England. That Constitution consisted of King,'Lords,
and Commons, and the Commons were supposed to be the
representatives of the people. But the people had long
been deprived of their rights, and the House of Commons
was filled with the nominees of Peers, and persons who
gained admission to it by the grossest corruption. The
consequence was, that the House had entirely lost the pub-
lic confidence; and even if its Members so returned were
enlightened and upright, it could not advantageously legislate
f;.t. the country. By the great measure of Reform which
had been brought forward, the throne would be raeved
f. om a pressure which had often embarrassed, and would
ultimately hive end ingered it ; the Peers would be de-
prived of an unconstitutional power which was ever
liable to abuse; and the people would recover what
was their bir►hright—the choice of the representatives
who were to make the laws which they were bound to
obey. He was not afraid of any collision between the dif.
ferent orders of the State ; on the contrary, he thought
it would have a very wholesome influence upon the Nobi-
lity if, instead of engaging a mercenary force to defend
them in the House of Commons, they were thrown upon
their own resources, and were obliged to trust for their
meservation to the exercise of their constitutional privi-
leges, and the exertion of their own energy. Occasional
differences had taken place between the two Houses in the
best of times, and had been attended with very salutary
consequences. The King's patriotic support of the Bill
showed that be was not afraid of his prerogative being
impaired by it ; and it was hailed by the unaniinous and
enthusiastic applause of the people."
Yet it is a measure thus truly and eloquently de-
scribed which some persons artfully attempt to im-
pugn as ruinous and revolutionary. The opponents
of Reform may be classed under two heads—the
interested and the timid—the Generalship of the
former consisting in operating with effect upon the
fears of the hitter. Though we have no actual fears
as to the resul., we do not think it is prudent to un-
dervalue either the numbers or the strength of these
opponents, especially those of the former and much
the larger class. It should be remembere.l that
the- bornughmongers have what is termed " nine
points of the law" in their favour—they have,pos-
session—and a possession which has been to them
so dear and so valuable, that no possible effort, short
of physical force, will be left untried to retain
so fruitful a patrimony. We do not overrate
their influence when we say that they have for ages
governed the country—that the three estates of the
kingdom, its revenues and its patronage, have been
under their controul; and they have helped them-
selves, their connections, and dependents, with no
sparing hand. Do not let the country then imagine
that the opposition of these people to Reform, or
that their numbers, can be insignificant. That the'r
efforts will be unavailing, if met by the firm and
unanimous voice of the real public•, we do not at
all doubt ; but the danger consists in the people at
large relying too much on the justice of their cause,
and leaving the enemy time to sap and undermine
the measure. It is the duty of every honest man in
every grade of society to record his sentiments on
the occasion. In fact, the whole country should, if
possible, be classed and polled on the occasion, that
no shadow of doubt or pretence may remain for the
enemies of the measure to raise the slightest ques-
tion as to who or what they themselvts, or who
and what they are to whom they are opposed. It
is only by a strong, firm, and temperate display of
their stiength, and a determination to stand by the
King and his Ministrrs on this important occasion,
that the country can hope effectually to overcome
the wiles of their opponents,aand safely place the
bark of the Constitution in that harbour from which

it has been, by the base arts of the bcroughmongers,
so long cut adrift.—Morning Herald.
The Duke of Wellington, in his speech against
Reform, had the merit of scattering no small per-
plexity amongst his party, by a rather strange re-
ference to the principles of the revolution. His
Grace asked, in his usual manly straightforward way,
how, if this measure of Reform should pass, the
Government could be conducted " on the principles
established by the revolution ?" It is curious,
and indeed lamentable, that the revolution should
present itself to Englishmen living in the 19th cen-
tury, under colours so very different from those
which distinguished and adorned it in the eyes of
their ancestors of the year 1688. The constitu-
tional statesmen, through whom that great event
was planned and accomplished, were unanimous in
considering it as a necessary defence for the people
of England against the machinations of a dishonest
Court and its partisan., on behalf of religious into-
lerance, and for the support and extension of a sys-
tem of arbitrary power. The revolution of the 17th
century was, to the end of that century and durieg
three-fourths of the 18th, held to be a compact be-
tween King and people, whereby, on one side, that
which has since obtained the name of the " monarchical
principle" was abjured, so far as concerned the British
monarchy, and, on the other, the rights of civil and
religious liberty, then were consecrated. Looking,
to tire substance arid real meaning of the revolu-
tiare—that it contemplated in all their bearings the
best attainable securities for freedom of conscience,
and for the guardianship of property and person in
favour of the entire people,—does it not seem a more
than common stretch of perverseness in modern po-
liticians, so to construe, or pretend to construe, that
noble monument of public spirit and wisdom, as to
make it, on two of the most important occasions
which have occurred in English history since the
crowning William, a screen for intolerance and for
political usurpation ; and all this in the name of the
Constitution itself, as established at the revolution ?
Could the statesmen of 1688 have listened with pa-
tience to the Ex-Chancellor Lord Eldon, invoking
their sacred names, and appealing to the " revolu-
tion," for the sake of treading down liberty of CJII•
science in the year 1830 ? Vet was there no other
argument attempted by that learned Lord, or others
his confederates, in their repeated, stubborn, unmi-
tigated denunciations of each succe-eive measure
brought in for the relief of the Catholics. In the
same way we have heard the Duke of Welling-
ton deprecate this present plan for the overthrow
of a corrupt monopoly of temporal power, by an
apostrophe to the revolution of 1688. He who
rests upon matters of detail which were but inci-
dents of that mighty work,—the all-but nnnecessa y
compromises in a pressing crisis,—and seeks to
array them against the spirit of liberty, which was
its vital principle and essence, knoWs as much about
the political history of England as would his High-
ness tire Ex-Dey of Algiers. if close boroughs
were left untouched by those to whom we owe the
revolution of 1688, it was because they legislated
only against the master grievance of that epoch.
The grand evil of the times before the revolution
was the direct power of the Crown, which, if
wielded by a King of arbitrary dispositions, would
be intolerable. The exercise of such powrrs, and
his pertinacity in maintaining them, cost Charles I.
his kingdom. Charles 11. was tolerated through a
rememberance of the calamities of civil war and of

legal Reform. Faction grew up in the absence of
that domineering power, the mainspring of which
was broken with the downfall of the Stuarts. A
borough representation, not responsible to the people,
constituted at once the most efficient force of faction,
and the readiest market for Ministerial bribery.
Corruption then succeeded to force, and formed a
machinery of misgovernment which was too strong
for any effort of the public will to destroy it; until
latterly that the people have become, even the
poorest among them, as keen-sighted to detect and
appreciate political abuses, as were the higher orders
half a century ago. This general intelligence of
20,000,000 of men, modified and directed by the
Press of the United Kingdom into an engine of
universal and altogether irresistible co-operation—
althorigh, we repeat, it has cost above a hundred
years to produce it,—is the real extinguisher of the
system of rotten boroughs. But it is quite ludicrous
to talk of the borough system as if it had escaped
the indignation of the educated classes of society
until within the fewlast ream Fielding winds up the
Itistoty- of his villain kW, by representing him as
having saved money enough to bargain with an
honest attorney for the representation of a
neighbouring borough. The satire of Fielding
was never launched in vain : no man knew better
what chord to touch, when he canvassed for public
sympathy, with either his ridicule or his resentments.
If we cast our eye to another quarter, and search
for the recorded sentiments of the most celebrated
statesmen of the 18th century on this question of
con upt votes, we shall find perhaps that they esti-
mated somewhat differently from the Duke el Wel-
brigton, the effect and value of his Grace's avowed
t•ystetn of governing a Parliament of vassals•
" Shall we be told" (the writer is only Lord Bo -
lingbroke)—" shall we be told," says that profound
and most experienced statesman, " that Parliament.
will 'tot pursue the national interest, unless the Mem-
bers are.bought into it by the Crown ? Something
like this, I have heard, has been advanced"—(it is
the precise doctrine of the Tories; but what is Lord

Bolingbroke's comment ?)—" and nothing more im-
pudent nor more silly could be advanced." The
passage is one out of an extract of some length
which we subjoin from " Lord Bolingbroke's Dis-
sertation upon the State of Parties," every word of
which deserves to be read and meditated, as like-
wise some other tentences of the same illustrious
author, from his " Remarks on the History of Eng-
land arid his Patriot King." Now Lord Boling-
broke was a Tory ! ! but not such a Tory as some
of those who now maintain the inviolability of
boroughs.
" The design of the revolution being not only to save
us from the immediate attempts on our religion and
liberty, made by King James, but to save us from all
other attempts which had been made, or might be made,
of the same tendenCy ; to renew and strengthen our Con-
stitution ; to establish the peace, honour, and happiness
of these nations upon lasting foundations, and to procure a
settlement of the religion, and of the liberties and proper-
ties of the subjects upon so sure a foundation, that there
might he no danger of the nation's relapsing into the like
miseries at any time hereafter.' (See the Prince of Orange's
declaration.) This being, I say, the avowed design of the
revolution, and the nation having engaged in it on a con-
fidence that all this would be effectually performed, the de-
sign of the revolution was not accomplished, the benefit of
it was not s•cured to us, the just expectations of the na-
tion cou!cl not be answered, unless the freedom of elections,
and the frequency, integrity, and independence of Parlia-
ments were sufficiently provided for. These are the essen-
tials of British liberty. Defects in other parts of the Con-
st.tution can never be fatal if these are preserved entire.
But defects in these will destroy the Constitution, though
every other part of it should be so preserved. However it
happened, the truth and notoriety of the fact oblige us to
say that these important conditions, without which liberty
cm never be secure, were almost wholly neglected at the
revolution. * * ar Shall we be told
that Parliaments will not pursue the national interest, un-
less the Members are bought into it by the Crown
Something like this, I have heard, has been advanced ;
and nothing more impudent nor more silly could be ad-
vanced. A Court that is truly in the interest of the nation
will have, nay, must have, a concurrence of Parliament,
as it would be easy if it was needful to show. Time
and trouble, indeed, may be sometimes n attired to lead
independent men to judge for themselves, and comply, be-
cause they are convinced ; whereas neither the one nor
the other are wanting to determine such as hold to a
court by a corrupt dependency on it ; for they are soon
disciplined and ready to perform the whole exercise of
Parliamentary mercenaries at the beat of drum. Some
inconveniences may likewise arise, for that which I have
just mentioned does not deserve the name, from the inde-
pendence of Parliaments. Ministers, for instance, may be
called to account by the passion, by the prejudice, if you
will, of such assemblies, oftener than perhaps they deserve
to be; or their errors may be censured, or their faults
punished, in a greater degree, and with more rigour, not
only than true political justice requires, which should
always be tempered with mercy, but even than strict jus-
tice exacts. But as one of these is a fault, if it be a fault,
on the best side, and as the other will certainly happen
very seldom, it does not seem reasonable that a door shuu!d
be opened to corruption and dependency in order to pre-
vent them. Nay, farther, this vigilance, and this severity
of Parliament', which we here suppose, will not fail to
have some very good effects, that are more than sufficient
to counterbalance the supposed ill effects. Among the
rest, they may render the rash, who are in power, more
cautious, and the bold more modest. They may render
fools less fond of power, and awe even knaves into honesty.
It were better surely that able and good men should now
and then Adler, nay, the good Mall who suffered would be
himself of this opinion, than that the adulation and servi-
lity of Parliaments, which are the necessary consequences
of corruption and dependency, should ever contribute to
make the Court become, in any future age, a sanctuary for
pickpockets, and a hospital for changelings."-.-Boling-
broke's Dissertation on the State of Parties.
" The time-serving sycophants of a Court have no
point amongst all the nauseous drudgery imposed on them,
which they are obliged more to labour than that of repre-
senting all the effects of a spirit of liberty as so many
effects of a spirit of faction. Examples might be found,
even without searching long or looking far after them,
when this has been done against the public sense of a whole
nation, and sometimes in favour of a cabal neither nume-
rous nor considerable enough to be called a party. But
still it will remain eternally true that the spirit of liberty
and the spirit of faction are not only different, but re-
pugnant and incompatible; so that the life of either is
the death of the other. * * We have seen and
heard, in a nation hitherto free, such maxims avowed and

pleaded for, as are inconsistent with all notions of liberty.
Corruption bath btea defended, nay, recommended, as a
proper, a necessary, and therefore a rea►onable expedient of
Government, than which there is not perhaps any one pro-
position more repugnant to the common sense of mankind
and to universal experience. Both of these demonstrate
corruption to be the last deadly symptom of agoniting
liberty. Both of them declare that a people abandoned to
it are abandoned to a reprobate sense, and are lost to all
hopes of political salvation. The dependence of the legis-
lative on the executive power bath been contended for by
the same persons under the same direction, and yet nothing
surely can be more evident than this—that in a Constitu-
tion like ours, the safety of the whole depends on the
balance of the party, and the balance of the parts on their
Mutual independency on one another."—Bolingbroke's
Remarhs on the History of England.
It will remain stern illy true, that groundless opposi-
tion in a well-grounded Monarchy, can never be strong or
durable. Every King of Britain has means enough in his
power to defeat and to calm opposition ; but e patriot
King, above all others, may safely rest his cause on the in-
nocency of his administration, on the constitutional strength,
of the Crown, and on the concurrence of his people, to
whom he dares appeal, and by whom he will be supported.
•` e " What, in truth, can be so lovely,
what so venerable, as to contemplate a King on whom the
eyes of a whole people are fixed, filled with admiration,
and glowing with affection ? A King, in the temper of
whose Government, like that of Nerva, things so seldom
allied as empire and liberty are intimately mixed, co-exist
together inseparably, and constitute one real essence ?
Whit spectacle so rare, so nearly divine, as a King pos-
sessed of absolute power, neither usurped by fraud nor
maintained by force, but the genuine effect of esteem, of
confidence, and affection ? Of such a Prince, and of such
a Prince alone, it may he said, with strict propriety and
truth—

the irregular despotism of a usurper. James 11.
added religious to civil encroachment on the most
cherished rights of his subjects. They got rid of
him, and left almost untouched the composition of
a Parliament which I,wl stood up more than once
for the people, and which it is certain had not yet
systematically sold itself to the Crown, or laid
heavy burdens on the nation, to create a fund for
the reward of its own vile and mercenary baseness.
Again, it has cost a whole century or more to ripen
and complete the system of corruption through close
boroughs, to such extent and with such notoriety,
" Volentes
as to draw the attention of the whole people of Dig- " Per populos dat jura, viamque atrectat Olympo."
land to its extravagance. Governing the Podia- Civil fury will have no place in this draught; or, if the
ment by influence instead of by bare and unblush- monster is seen, he must be seen as Virgil describes him—
ing power, Las grown up, we- acknowledge, since "Post ter Centum vinous ahenis
gum nodis fremit horridus ore cruento."
the revolution ; not, however, as the Duke of Wel- He must he seen subdued,' hound, chained, and deprived
lington alleges, " according" to the principles of the entirely of power to do hurt. In this place concord will
revolution, but in spire of its provisions, and in utter
jao7esaitrt,inhgroiiidienvgeriymilees,nd prosperity on the happy land ;
violation of tlit• true spirit and character of thhi content in every hearty... 4 people

unoppressed, undisturbed, unalarmeti,—busy to improve
their private property and the public stock ; fleets coffer-
ing the ocean, bringing home Wealth by the returns of in-
dustry, carrying- assistance or terror abroad by the direc-
tion of wisdom, and asserting triumphantly the right and
the honour of Great, Britain, as far as waters can roll, and
as winds can waft them.

" Those who live to see such happy days, and to act in
so glorious a scene, will perhaps call to mind with souse
tenderness of sentiment, when he is no more, a man, who
contributed his mite to carry on so good a work, and who
desired life for nothing so much, as to see a King of Great
Britain the most popular man in his country, and a pa-
triot King at the head of a united people."— Treatise on
a Patriot Xing.—Times.

The Constitutional party ought to take a lesson
at this juncture from the enemies of the Constitu-
tion. On the part .of the latter we see subscrip-
tions set on foot, and societies instituted, for the
purpose of securing the return of revolutionists to a
new Parliament. Why should not the pa,riotic
three hundred and one, who formed the glorious
minority on the second reading of the revolutionary
Bill, at once constitute themselves the nucleus of
such an association as would spread terror and dis-
may among the ranks which are traitorously arrayed
in hostility to these principles and that form of Go-
vernment under which England has been so pre-emi-
nently distinguished for true happiness and glory
among the nations of the earth ? Can they doubt that
they would instantly be joined by thousands and tens
of thousands of sober-minded, intelligent, and virtuous
Britons, who, like themselves, hate and fear revolu-
tion ? And if subscriptions ate to be the test of de-
votedness and zeal in the cause, which is that of the
Crown—of the Aristocracy—of the Church—of
the laws—of rank, station, and property of every
description and class—can there be a doubt that in
less than a week adequate means would be at their
disposal ? The time, we believe, has now arrived
for the conservative party to make a decided demon-
stration. The people already begin to view with
feelings of disgust the iniquitous, selfish, ambitious
motives, which the slight examination yet bestowed
upon the details of the revolutionary Bill has laid
bare. As the exposure proceeds of the mean and
base trickeiy which pervades every part of the Bill,
the sentiment of contempt and abhorrence towards
th's revolutionary meaiure and its authors will rise
still higher in every bosom in which there exists a
spark of manly integrity or virtue. The right of
representation is taken away altogether by this nefa-
rious Bill from boroughs having a population below
2,000, arid diminished by one half in those where
the population is between two and four thousand.
This is one of the pretended principles of the
Bill. Now, in applying this principle, had it
been intended to apply it honestly, it is obvious
that the population of the parish in which the
borough is situated, or the number of the people
in the immediate neighbourhood, would have uni-
formly been taken into account, or uniformly ex-
cluded. This, however, did riot suit the Whigs.
They have, therefore, now adopted one of these
systems, and now the other, with constant reference
to the predominance of Whig influence in all future
elections. This unprincipled juggle has been prac-
tised not crdy iu respect to the places to be disfran-
chised, but to the same extent, that is in every case
in which it was possible, in respect also to the
places upon which the right of representation was
to have been conferred. The counties and districts
in which tab situated the estates of the great Whig
landowners have invariably assigned to them a
larger propoition of the representation than that to
which their population or property, the two pre-
tended bases of the Bill, would fairly have entitled
them. The counties and districts in which the
great Tory landowners preponderate are inva-
riably deprived of their just share of the le-
presentation. The whole affair presents, in
short, one grand scheme of trickeiy, and de-
lusion, the most contemptible and revolting.
The motives to this revolutionary measure are
now, we trust, sufficiently transparent. After this
statement, much of which has been proved, and
every particle of which will, before the Bill proceeds
much further, be proved in detail, there cannot re-
main much doubt as to the motives of the revolu-
tionary llinistty. But like all former 'Whig Admi-
nistrations, they have egregiously blundered in the
concoction of their scheme, and have contrived fairly
to outwit themselves. They intended, we believe,
to revolutionize no further than was just nectssat y
to place in all future time the Throne and the Legi-
slature under the feet of a Whig cabal. But in
order to have a chance of success in this their true
project, it was necesary to delude and excite the
Democracy by such a boon as might seem for the
moment worth the acceptance of those leaders of the
mob whose real and final' tim is the subversion of
every lexisting institution. The Whigs knew the
case to be one which did not whit of chaffering.
They felt that they must at once offer terms to the
mob leaders which the latter would be sure not to
reject. They have done so, and have thus very
considerably overshot their murk. The effect of
their Bill, if it were possible that it could pass, would
not be what they intended. They design to render
their Sovereign, the whole Aristocracy, the House,
of Commons, every class and order of the State,
the perpetual slaves of a Whig cabal. The effect of
their meastoe would inevitably be to prlduce a suc-
cession of struggles and convulsions, in which the
Sovereign, the Aristocracy, the House of Commons,
every class acid order of the State, arid first of all
the Whig cabal itself, would fall under the abso-
lute dominion of the mob demagogues of the day.
—.illurning Post.

TIIE LATE SIR MANASSEH MASSEIt Lo-
ras.—This Baronet, whore decease has just taken place,
was of Jewish extraction, and a native of Jamaica, where
he was born in 1755. He assumed the name of Lorirs,
and was created a Baronet during Mr. PITT'S premiership,
in 1805, with remainder to his nephew, RALPH FRANCE,
Esq., who succeeds Sir MAssait in his title and vast es-
tates in,the western counties.

According to letters from Munich, the Bava-
rian army was to be put immediately on the war footing.
All soldiers On furlough were recalled, and recruits were
forthwith to be drawn for. It is said that the whole
amount of force to be put in readiness is 100,000 men,
including cavalry. No small curiosity has been excited as
to the object of these preparations. In some letters it is
said they are merely the consequence of the warlike atti-
tude which all the great Powers of the continent have
assumed, as Bavaria is determined to observe an inde-
pendent neutrality, which she might not be able to main-
tain without the aid of a powerful army. In other letters
it is affirmed that an alliance between her and Poland is
likely to take place, and that the Bavarian Government is
desirous of watching for an opportunity in order to de:lare
in favour of the Pole.. This belief, however, is more
likely to be derived from the notoriety of the liberal prin-
ciples professed by the present King of BAVARIA, than
from any knowledge of his real intentions.— Times.
'I'JIE SPECULATION IN TALLOW.—The in-
jurious effects of the extensive speculative transactions
which have for some time past been going on in Russian
tallow are beginning to be felt by tho,e who entered into
such business in favour of a fall in prices. Two failures
have occurred in consequence of the late advance in prices,
occasionA by the monopoly, by one or two great houses,
of a large portion of the steek of tallow in the part of
London—the parties who have failed not being able to ob-
tain tallow, which they had contracted to deliver, and not
having sufficient means to pay the difference in point of
the value of the article when the contract was made,
and the present high quotation tallow hears, viz. from
475. 6d. to 475. 9d. per cwt. The stock of tallow in
this country is large compared to that in the port of Lon-
don at the corresponding period of last year. The stock
now is about 43,500 casks ; last year, at this period, it
was only 24,500 casks. By the mercantile accounts re.
ceived from St. Petersburg)), to the 16th of last month, it
appears that great activity prevailed there in the tallow
trade. Since last pest there hod been purchased 15,000
tP7d this4'
ancdoutlnieu)t:tal quantity already bought for shipment
as soon as the navigation opens, was
30,000 casks. The price of tallow at St. Petersburgh,
on the 15th ult., was 101 rubles per pond. It was ex-
pected that the supply of tallow during the present year
would he about 150,000 casks. The exchange upon Lon-
don was 10id. At the close of the last shipping season
about 4,500 casks of tallow remained over.