The Sun.
London, England, 1836-02-05 00:00:00

benches.) Yes, their appearance would put an end to it.—
(Renewed laughter from the Opposition, and Ministerial
cheers.) Let them be placed under their able and. gallant
leader—(loud cheers)—and be disciplined by him, and they
would soon be able to destroy the tyrannical power of Don
Carlos in that country. lie knew that parties prevailed there
—that one party cried out for liberty, and another for reli-
gion; and that each party, by their acts, disgraced the cause
which they espoused. Legalized murders were perpetrated
on the one side, and massacres on the other; and he equally
deprecated the horrible cruelties of the One party, and detested
the spirit of despotism and tyranny of the other, by which
they each endeavoured to carry their purposes into effect.
Another part of the Speech he delighted to read. It related
to the Protestant Dissenters. It told them that they were about
to get real and subtantial relief; and that in their marriages,
their burials, or their baptisms, no clergyman of the Estab-
lished Church was to interfere; and it held out to them the
hope of relief from pecuniary exactions. He would not dwell
any longer upon these topics. He had said enough to show
that the principle of that Speech was the principle of civil and
religious liberty ; and he came again to the question of Ire-
land. He had met large bodies of men in that country who
were anxious to secure again to Ireland a distinct Legisla-
ture. You, in your strength here, might mock at the Irish
spirit that cherishes at its heart's core the desire for a
national Legislature. You know not the feelings of others ;
you who boast, as you ought to do, in the name of English-
men, and who would rather die than receive law from ancther
people, oh, give us, Irishmen, the privilege of loving our
native land ! The desire for a national Legislature lived
hod breathed in Ireland ; and here he was who animated it
as far as he could. And why ? Because he saw there was
no hope of justice to Ireland ; because twenty-nine years
after the Union Ireland was not a province, but a pitiful co-
lony of the empire. Hardly forty Members of ,the United
Kingdom could be kept together to pass the routine business
of Ireland. Yes, we did feel that you did not do us justice.
We looked back to the pages of history, and we found that
you never did do us justice. The English Government encou-
raged factions. When the religion was the same, there were
Englishmen by birth against Englishmen born in Ireland—
Irishmen within the pale and without the pale.
" Ipsis Hibernis Hiberniores."
Afterwards came the Reformation, and you raised the stan-
dard of God ; you raised the sword of the Lord and of Gi-
deon ; you passed your Shibboleth—you deluged Ireland in
blood, and devastated it till the land became a wilderness.
Then came the Treaty of Limerick. A more honourable con-
vention never was entered into—a more dishonourable viola-
tion of it never yet recorded. Emancipation at length came.
We stood disenthralled ; and to that extent we stood upon an
equality with you. What had been done since? You have
reformed your own boroughs ; but the Noble Lord (Stanley)
stood between us and the same measure of reform for Ireland.
Ile restricted it as much as possible, and be urged as a reason,
that it would increase the power of " individuals." Well,
did he diminish the power of these individuals ? No, he
augmented it considerably. He was the author of that
power. Things would have gone on in the constitutional
channels, and that power would have been absorbed ; but
the constitutional channels were dammed up, the natural
course was turned, and therefore the country rallied around
an ungifted and untalented individual. Why ? Because he
represented their wants, their wishes, and their sufferings,
and was the perpetual foe of their oppressors. That was the
secret of his power. You have augmented it in Ireland
take care you do net augment it elsewhere than in Ireland.
_—(Cheers.) He had hall Scotchmen shouting around him—.
he had had thousands of them cheering him within the last
forty-eight hours. In Birmingham be had also been cheered ;
and remember, the gown of Birmingham corned the Reform
Bill.--(Great cheering.) He told them in Birmingham that
he came here with a wish to see whether he could obtain jus-
tice for Ireland. He met congregated thousands in that coun-
try, and asked them would they give up repeal if he could get
justice ? He was met with a unanimous shout, " Get us jus-
tice from England, and never think of repeal more." He came
with that announcement to the British Legislature ; he an-
nounced it with ,no affectation of humility; he dill not re-
present any town, city, or bortiugh ; he represented millions, -
and had the confidence of millions. Do justice to Ireland, and
they had nothing to apprehend from the further agitation of
repeal, nothing to apprehend from Ireland, but every thing to
hope. Henceforward separation was at an end. Do them
justice, and they were ready to become a party to the empire;
refuse it at your peril.—( Hear, heat, from the Opposition.)
When he said " at your peril," he did not mean to threaten
Englishmen.—( Cheers.) He liked that cheer; he would not
threaten, but he appealed upon these grounds for justice.—
( Cheers.) Was he to be met by the holy coalition between
the Right Hon. Baronet and the Noble Lord ? Was it that.
there were no evils in Ireland ? The Right Hon. Gentleman,.
who knew it well, did not attempt to say that. The Corporse
Lion of Dublin, with 28,000/. a-year, expended3o,ooo/. They
had no means of rewarding meritorious Statesmen for services
performed. They had pictures' to be sure in their ball, 'out
they left the country to pay for it.—( Laughter.) But the
Noble Lord had said lie was willing to do justice for Ire'iand.
—( Hear, bear.) There was a frankness and rendiness
about liim.—( Loud laughter.) He let out his entire
opinion, and sometimes, perhaps, a little more. The Noble
Lord said he did not quarrel at all with the Report. He
did not point out any error or false statement in it. Nay,
he was more candid and more conceding still, for he gave
this description :—He said the corporations of Ireland had
two especial faults; the first, profliroacy with respect to
public property—in one word, peculation ; and, secondly,
exclusiveness in point of religion, or, in one word, bigotry.
So that with all the faults in the Corporation Report un-
denied, the Noble Lord resisted this motion, while adenit-
ting that the chief faults were peculation and bribery.—
( Loud cheers.) These were the corporations of Ire :land,
over which the Noble Lord threw his shield to-night ; ffor we
were not to be deluded by words.—( Loud cheers.) The
Right Hon. Baronet had spoken of plausible analogi es, but
like every thing plausible they went to the subsea ince, as
Ined 130 ;r a w
ivoicet b it
did his amendment, though introduced with less cal en!-,, than
he usually displayed. It seemed to him (Mr. Ole-neenell)
that the Right Hon. Baronet was waiting fan. Inspiration
raoinme
—then
froma b
came above.—(Cheers t—h
e ( a
n Cphoeatevt rteasr
attack
k andaboo
nv
el a
i_u rgteihh act laughter.)
hurraht,S
-.1%.-.Alnister'ial cheersudur;n
and cries of " No, no.") Why did not the -Right Hon.
Baronet candidly say he would not apply the same prin-
ciple to Ireland as to England and Scotlated -› No ; he
would not say it, but he is doing it.—(Cher.:rs) Did the
Right Hon. Baronet think he could deludes the
people of
Ireland ? You might accuse them of crimp., of superstition,
but could not say that they were not shrewd people.
What is it this question narrowed itself into ? The peeeh
proposed that the evils of the Corporations in Ireland should
be removed by the same principle as that applied in England.
Whv not give us the hope ? The Right Hon. Gentlemant
said he did not understand the question. Why not? It was
expressed by the majority of the House last year, and ems
partly the means of removing the then Ministry from prover.
The principle was, that there should be popular control over
the administration of the funds, and of
justice in corporate
towns. But the principle was understood, because it had not
been attempted to be impugned, 'Neither the Right Hon.
Baronet nor the Noble Lord, lead pointed at anything objec-
tionable to that principle taing applied to Ireland; that would
•not be equally objectionable to its application in England.
Let the House divide upon this question.—(Cheers from the
Opposition.) That was a hearty cheer. Would any men
who did not imagine themselves in a majority, make such a
cheer ? But perhaps they would find themselves mistaken.
—(Ministerial cheers.) Let the House divide upon this
question, whether they exulted in the hope of legislating for
Ireland upon the same principle as for England and Scot-
land.—( Loud cheers.) Reject the motion, and he would go
back upon repeal.—( Hear, hear.) They might put an end
to one agitator; they might crush one, but they would at
the same time create thousands in fa'-our of repeal.—( Hear,
hear.) Did they . wish to make him a repealer again?
He saw by their countenances, and by their cheers he knew
their hearts, and was deluded by the hypocrisy of what fell
from their lips. He would judge them by their votes, and
cared no more for their pretences than did the idle wind for
the faded leaf that fell before it.—( Cheers.) No ' - that was
the question—would they declare to the people of Ireland—
( Hear, hear)—that they refused to legislate fur them upon
the same principle as for England ? Let them not put it off
with a skulking pretence.—(Cheers.) He called upon them
to come forward like Englishmen and say at once that they
would not give Ireland any hope of legislating for her upon
the same principles as they legislated for Scotland and for
England. That was really the question upon which they ha&
to decide—( Hear, hear)—and from that question they sbouldi
not shrink on any poor pretence ; nor should they evade it. by
any paltry phraseology that would do discredit to an attorney's
clerk. Would not Irishmen know that they had given corpo-
rate reform to Scotland ? NN, ould they• not know that the
principle of control was introduced into the municipal govern-
ment of that country ?—( Hear.) Would they not know that
England had, in spite of another place, received a consider-
able instalment of corporate reform ?—( Hear, and " Oh I ")
Ay--and right well had they used it.—( Cheers.) Those who
were oreposed to the grenting of corporate reform to Ireland
hae, no doubt reason to dread its operation, from the effect it
'lead produced in England. They already felt the sword—the
festering of the wound that had been inflicted upon the old._
corporate system of England. He could tell Hon. Members.
that there was not one of those corporate towns that wou'esl
not be converted into a Normal school for teaching 'she
science of peaceful political agitation.--( Hear.) He did
not wonder, then, that there should be an unwillingness areongst
a certain party to extend this principle to Ireland. Suit the
people of that country would know, and would reflect up ton he
fact, that co. porate reform, upon a liberal principle fad been
they
granted to England and, Scotland ; and would
sure of justice
not—
ought they not to ereect that a similar
meabe told, " Oh,
would be dealt oun to them ? Were they to
Wh what
no ! we cannot r cant it now—we must consider. y,.
such a subject ? Ought not
consideration was necessary upon .
Hon. Meni!oer's minds to be madeupon so simple a question
as that cei doing justice to Ireland up (
Hear, hear.) Had not
'to read the Corporation Re-
port ? And did he not
the sight Hon. Baronet op p that the Irish Corporation Bill
know
must have been one of thefirst ,
measures of the sessions--
(No, no.) No 1 Impossible.
lie must have known it. He
(Mr. O'Connell) would defy
him
y
f to contradict it. Of those
who sat about him
there was not one who did not know it.
And were they then to come down to that House and refuse
even to hold out a hope to Ireland that they would legislate
for her on the same principle as for England and Scotland ?
( Hear, bear.) He put it to every honest man in that House—
to every independent man, he meant—who cared not for the
triumph of party, h
w-ose oleieet, was not to render Toryism as
rampant as in former days, but who, at the same time, did not
object to see the democratic principle of liberty replace the
mockery of representation—whether it was not but simple
justice, as well as sound policy, to extend to Ireland the bene-
fit of those ameliorations which had been introduced iota