The Sun.
London, England, 1831-06-18 00:00:00

7,111M1' OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

No period has occurred in the history of the
French ltevolution of July last so critical or inte-
resting as the present. The approaching elections
are calling forth the force of parties for the struggle
to settle:the principles of the Constitution,—the state
of foreign affairs has arrayed the partisans of external
peace or war against each other, and such domestic
e.ombatants as cannot appear at the Electoral Col-
leges to dispute constitutional questions► ;Jr in the
Legislature to decide on international relations, are
battling in the provinces about the plantation of trees
of liberty, er the erection of. Catholic crosses. A
general agitation, ferme.:it, or uncertainty prevails
over the whole surface of the kingdom. No prin.
ciple seems settled—nothing placed beyond
the reach of contest. The sovereignty created
behind the barricades seems to think that it
should never leave that position,—that it
should never abdicate its power, but should be
vernetually at the head of riots against established
authority. The men of July have already changed
'three or four different sets of Statesmen, and are
more dissatisfied with the present Ministers than
they ►were with Prince Polignac and his colleagues.
They are equally dissatisfied with the Constittr,
tion as it was left by the Constituent Chatnber,
and call loudly for a modification of an essential
branch of the legislature. As they incessantly place
their own princ►ple of popular sovereignty in op-
position to the authority derived from tradition
or feudal legitimacy, they conceive that their anta-
gonists entertain the same feelings towards them,
and that they are only prevented from attacking I
them by the inadequacy of their force or the want
of opportunity. Hence their never-ending cry for
war against any body and any thing connected with
g. The Holy Alliance." Tnere are many other to-
pics connected with the present state of France,
which we cannot at present enumerate, bat we can-
not omit the notice which the .ifeneur has taken
of an article in the St. Peter.vbe.rg,li Gazelle, which
has not only inflamed the patriotic indignation of
the French people, but has called forth the remon-
strances of the French Cabinet. The following is
the roost striking passage of the article alluded to :

" The future is impenetrable to our eye ; but if it be
true that all evils on earth are confined to certain bounds,
and that the invisible hand which rules the world puts an
end to them sooner or later, we think we perceive through
the threatening gloom the first ray of this consolatory
truth. However great the destroying rsge of the revolu-
tionary scourge which has been chastising Europe for three
ten months may be, it is perhaps nearer being exhausted
than we imagine. At the aspect of Italy, which is
restored to legitimate order and tranquillity, Propa-
gandism sees some of those seeds of anarchy, which
bad been sown so amply over all Europe, destroyed,
upon appearance, in the bud. Let it cease, then, to ex-
haust itself in murderous efforts to keep up the remains of
error and delusion, which can only increase the number
of victims, and is not a match for a power that is founded
on justice and reason ! Let it leave the care of the happi-
ness of nations to the Princes who govern them, and
who, better than the heads of the Liberal School, know
how to render the light of the 19th century conducive to
the general good. These Sovereigns and their Govern-
ments will now have to clo,e with their utesast efforts the
terrible wounds inflicted by liberalism in the name of that
light. This mission, which the Emperor has already begun
to fulfil in the midst of the cares of the war, he will fully
accomplish when the demon of anarchy shall have been
driven from his empire by the powerful exertions of a
faithful nation, in the same manner ss, nineteen years ago,
the invasion of Napoleon was repelled. We are daily
witnesses of the gracious acts by which the Emperor di-
minishes the evils caused by a detestable rebellion. Thus
the Monarch anticipates the desired moment when, free
from the care of waging war or punishing, he will have
nothing to do but to heal the wounds which the too docile
Poles have inflicted upon themselves, by yielding to the in-
fluence of men whom they will soon learn to know better."
The illoniteur has told us that the French Mi-
nistry has demanded an explanation of this language;
and we have no doubt either of the fart itself, or the I
propriety of the demand. It is well known that the
Emperor of Russia was the last to acknowledge the
new state of things in France; that he refused a
formal recognition of Louis Philip till the middle of
December; that he was preparing, during the
months of October and November, an expedition to
the Rhine; and that the whole force of his empire
was to be put iu motion to combat revolution in the
south, when the Polish insurrection crossed his path
and gave him work enough to do nearer home. The
recognition of the new French dynasty was then
extorted from the fears rather than made by the will
of the Czar. Of this circumstance the French Go-
vernment was fully apprised by official documents.
found among the papers of the Grand Duke Con-
stantine at Warsaw, and it pardoned th past inter-
lions of the Russians, relying on their professions
of future friendship. The present manifesto of the
Petersburgh Gazelle seems to be a :renewal of the
same menance which the Polish insurrection had
destroyed. It is no answer to this foolish declara-
tion that it does not bear the signature of a Minis-
ter, and that it appears only as an article in a journal.
Whatever is published under a Government which
exercises a censorship of the Press, is considered as
published by the Government itself, or at least with
its sanction, and therefore the paper alluded to is as
official as if it had appeared in the Moniteur. Pro-
bably, even in these circumstances,a Government like
that of France, if it felt itself as strong as the nation
was powerful, would have despised a paragraph in a
newspaper, though it had been wrilten by the Prime
Minister of the Autocrat of " all the itussias."—
Times.

One of the great dutie3 of a Government is
to attend to every thing which can affect the
health of the community. It is bound to take all
the measures of precaution in its power to prevent
the spread of contagious diseases, or to allay those
alarms respecting them, which may themselves be
considered as a species of contagion. Iu thus acting
for the public, a prudent and wise Administration
must, in the first instance, proceed upon the best
information which it can obtain from the most com-
petent portion of the profession, and afterwards
institute those inquiries which are best calculated
to give the profession itself new means of forming a
correct opinion, or of employing better modes of
cure. Both these purposes seem to have been
aaswered by the steps which Government has pur-
sued respecting the cholera morbus. This epide-
mic has approached too near us to allow us to neg-
lect its symptoms. It possesses too many charac-
ters of contagion to warrant us in despising the
usual means of precaution, and its type and mode
of treatment in countries so remote from its origin
as the north of Europe from India, are too doubtful
and uncertain to permit us to rest satisfied with the
experience or suggestions of foreign physicians. It
is, therefore, with pleasure that we announce the
departure to-day of a medical commission for Riga,
to examine the nature of the disease, to inform Go-
vernment of its character, and to suggest the best
means of guarding this country against its intro-
duction or ravages, if they should consider it infec-
tious, It is not for us to venture any opinion upon
a medical subject on which the profession are so
much divided; but if we were to judge from the
history and progress of the Indian cholera towards
the west--by the course of rivers, in the track of
caravans,s or by the medium of sea-ports--without
o be rvmg any line of latitude, without following the
course of the trade-winds
or being
being regulated by any
degrees of temperature,
we should say that the evi-
dence lies on the side f contagion, At any rate, a
prudent Government oughtrather to employ an ex-
cess of caution, than to expose the public health to
the least hazard.—Tintes.
The Constitutionne/ is just now publishing the
Secret Menzoranda of the Ambassadors of 'Liss'la
Austria, Prussia, and the Netherlands, after the
battle of Waterloo, which have hitherto, says that
Journal, remained unpublished. The object of the
publication is to show the designs entertained by
the great Powers with regard to France, and to es-
tablish the incapacity of M. :sebastiani, in placing
France out of the European Alliance, and, as it
were, again under the old treaty of Chaumont.. One
of these Memoranda—that of M. de Metternich—is
so curious, that we shall extract it The Allied

Powers," said M. de M., " have a tight to demand
bolo France—l. An indemnity for the charges of
:he war; 2. A real and permanent guarantee, in
changing its offensive into a defensive attitude_
The offensive attitude of France is founded on the
establishment of great armed places and fortresses
placed at advanced poste, and on a system of forti-
fications which has acquired new value from two eh-
coo:stances which cannot be too much taken into
account; the one is the, institution of the National
Guard—of that great defensive ibra,,, which is
sufficient for the manning or all the places of France,
and which permits its Government to throw with
impunity, beyond the frontiers, all its regular mili-
tary force ; the other is, the destruction of all the
strong places in the Low Countries and in Germany,
by France herself. France (he adds) preserving her
triple line of fortresses, will be always, and under
any form of Government, sufficiently strong to push
beyond her frontiers more people than can be opposed
to her by any Power of the first order, and to risk
them in losing battles, which she will always fight
out of her own territories, rather than be forced to
renounce her project bt-ainquest. She will be even
strong enough to resist, in ordinary times, the at-
tack of 'ew e. or three Powers of the first order,
united in the same cause. The conviction
which the French must have—that wars cost
them only men, and at most money, but that the
properties of individuals cannot be devastated, and
that the citizens are in no risk of being exposed
to the scourges inseparable from the presence of
hostile armiesia, without contradiction, one of the
reasons which has put offensive means the most at
the disposition of the revoletion'ary Government.
It is sufficient to know the selfishness (egoism) and
the want of puma. spirit which characterise the French
nation, to set to this condition a particular value."
" One may see from this," observes the einistiltt-
tionnel," that M. de Metternit‘,ll does nor think with
NI. Sebastiani, that the best war is that which is
carried on a_t home." The documents, as far as
published, are curious. One may see what import-
ance the Despots attach to the French National •
Guard. It would not do for Austria to put arms
into the hands of her own people ; but she wished
to bring down France to her own level. The para-
irraph in the St. Petersburgh .Jour-:a", assuming a
Divine Mission to the Autocrtt to put down revo-
lutionary Governments, will, we fear, afford but too
good a handle to those who may wish to put M. de
Metterteith's theory to the test. We refer our
readers to the letter in our eclutins this day front
0. P. Q., for an account of the critical state of mat-
ters in the Frets` h capital. Things assume now a
more warlike aspect than ever.—Morning Chronicle.
Mr. C. Williams, in a pamphlet on the improve-
ment of Ireland, published some days ago, which
contains some curious information respecting the de-
fective state of the internal communication of that
country, and especially' of the advantages which
might be derived fiorn the navigation of the Shan-
non, in n'aticing the astonishing ignorance of the
Sister Kingdom that prevails in England, alludes,
by way of illustration, to a declaration of the Com-
mittee for managing the subscriptions for the suffer.
ing Irish, that the money had been laid out here in
the purchase of food and shipped off' without delay.
This, observes Mr. Williams, is a needless waste of
the funds, as food could everywhere have been pur-
chased in abundance in the suffering districts cheaper
than in England, to say nothing of the heavy expence
of conveyance. There is no want of food in Ireland,
hut those who are without money cannot purchase
it. In Cohbell's Regider of this day there is a quo-
tation from a speech of Lord Grey, during a similar
conjuncture:—

1 In 1822," says Mr. Cobbett, " when there was also
a famine i❑ Ireland, but nothing like that which prevails
at present, there was a discussion upon the subject in the
House of Lords, in which Lord Grey took a part ; and he
is now Prime Minister—as it is a Whig Ministry,' in-
stead of Tory Ministry'—it is worth while for
us to hear what this very Lord Grey said upon that oc •
casion ; and we will hear it ; and here are his words,
according to the published report, spoken on the 1 lth of
May, 1821 What a picture of a Government !
Hundreds and thousands of the people of Ireland dying
in the streets for want of food ; in the midst of an al-
leged superabundance," Very true, my Lord Grey, but
not a more frightrul picture then than it is now; and it is
you wht: are now at the head of that Government, and
have been at the head of it for eeven months or more; and
nothing has either been done, or attempted to be done ;
not even a consoling promise has been put final during
these five months of suffering, and indeed, of starvation t
no measure that I have heard of, other than that of a
Special Commission, has been rolepted with regard to this
unhappy country, What a picture of a Government !'
And so exclaims tbe whole nation now."

Lord Grey might well exclaim in 1822, " What
a picture of a Government!" and yet not be now
liable to a similar accuratiett. The Ministers to
which he succeeded never attempted to remedy the
disease of the social system of Ireland. All that they
cared for was jobbingand corruption for the benefit of
the ascendancy; that it should not be in danger from re-
bellion; that the enormous sinecures of the Church
should not become the subject of consideration, for
which purpose the Catholic question was of in-
calculable service. The comfort of prosperity
of the great body of the people of a country
never, we suppose, occupied one moment's con-
sideration of a man like Lord Eldon. But it is im.
possible in seven months to do everything. On i great
question has very properly obtained the almost exclu-
sive attention of the Ministers during nearly the whole
of the seven months—namely, the Reform of Par-
liament. We do not believe that, with an Mire'
formed Parliament, Lord Grey, or any other Mini•
ster, is able to carry such a measure as is necessary
for Ireland, The truth is, that the foundations of
the strength of England were laid before the Oli-
garchy obtained ascendancy at the Revolution, We
may see from what tak(s place in Ireland, what
England would have been under her Oligarchy, if
the influence of that body had not been counter-
acted by circumstances deriving their origin from
perieds prior to the Ascendancy. The constant
tendency, however, ever since the Revolution of
1688, in our Legislature, to consider only the rich,
and to encroach on the poor, sufficiently shows the
nature end spirit of the Government. But in Ire-
land the Oligarchy have had it all to themselveS
they had a clear stage for their operations. To re-
medy the evils in the system of that country, will
be both a work of time and of difficulty. It would '
have been imprudent in Earl Grey's Ministry to en,
cumber themselves with this difficulty, at a time
when they have to make head against a powerful
confederacy, accustomed to the plunder of the na-
tion, and stirring heaven and earth to retain it.
Mr. Cobbett is led by the prosecution against him
(a step we are sorry to see taken) to be unjust to-
wards the Ministry of Earl Grey. Mr. Cobbett
has some striking remarks on the subject noticed by
Mr. 'Williams, to which we have alluded. " It is in
Galway—observe, reader—that the actual starvation
is raging most, where the poor creatures cannot get
a handful of meal to boil up with the nettles and
sea-weed. They cannot get a handful of the meal
of oats to prevent their souls from leaving their
bodies ; and it is certified that, in one small parish,
eight persons had died within a very short period
from starvation only. Now then, reader ; now
then, Englishman, if you have a drop of compas-
sionate blood in your body, learn this fact, that, no
longer ago than Tuesday last, that is to say, yesterday,
six hundred and eight tons of oats; that is to say, about
six thousand quarters of oats; that is to say, at
35Ibs. a bushel, one million three hundred and
thirty-four thousand pounds weight of oats, ar-
rived in London only, from Galway, the very
spot where the people are dying of starvation
for want of the Meal I These oats came in five
vessels, the Union, the John Guisa, the Char-
lotte, he Lively, and the Victory. Very lively,
andtu revoef a very
victorious! Gracious God ! ' what a pic-
Government • the people dying of starva-, tion in the midst of' a superabundance of food !
What fools ! nay, what ,
tpwerLet ,rse scoundrels ! what
' priest-ridden' as
rascals ! what 1 superstitious' beastrasoLks-ehrbugged'
and Spaniards, and Sicilians and Brazilians, and B:le-
glans, must have been, and must be, to
_reject the

kind suggestion of out Govevinnent to adopt for
themselves a British Constitution 1' that envy of
surrounding nations and admiration of the world !
Oh, base dogs ! Let them be fed at the doors of
convents : it is under our free Constitution,' our
happy Constitution,' arising out of a ' glorious
Whig revolution,' and now happily administered by
a body of Whigs ; it is here, under the shade of thie
lovely tree, that men do not receive victuals at the
doors of convents, but are left to gather it from the
sea-beach and the hedges and ditches, while the food
raised in the fields by their hands is sent away to be
eaten in other lands : read this, Portuguese,
Spaniards, and the rest, and you will be in
wonderful haste to have a happy Constitution.'
If the poor souls of Galway ever read the speech
of proud Stanley, and heard him say that they were
worthy of double attention from the Parliamentavhat
must the poor souls think of the matter now, when
they cannot get a handful of meal to boil with their
nettles, though, at this very moment, a million and
a quarter of pounds of oats come from Galway to
London alone in one single day ! And is there no
Member even in this new Parliament that will have
the humanity and the courage and the justice to
open hie lips for the purpose of relieving these poor
creatures, and of removing from England this inde-
hble disgrace ? If there be not, we may well ex-
claim, ' What a picture of Parliament !' Ah, the
labourers of England, simple as conceited scribblers
imagine them, have their eye upon all this, and
know well what is the warning that they should
draw from it." It is really frightful to contemplate
a country abounding in food, while the population is
dying of famine. But Mr. Cobbett has not been
very happy in his allusions to Portuguese and Spa-.
niards and Sicilians, for though they hare no
British Constitution, they have abundance of
wretchedness and starvation. The Monks are the
ascendanevmen of Spain and Portugal. They are
fat ; but the people are not. We have now before
us two volumes of " Travels in Spain in 1830,"
by Mr. Inglis, the writer who has acquired so much
popularity under the assumed name of " Derwent
Conway, and we find the following passage, vol. i.
page 56, with reference to a village in the Sierra,
forming the boundary between Old and New Castile :
" It is quite impossible (he says) for one who has
never seen the very lowest of the Spanish poor to
form the smallest conception of the general appear-
ance of the inhabitants of this village. I saw be-
tween two or three hundred persons; and among
these there was not one whose rags half covered his
nakedness. Men and women were like bundles of
ill-assorted shreds and patches of a hundred hues
and sizes; and, as for the children, I saw several
entirely naked, and many that might as well have
been without those tattered coverings. I threw a
few biscuits among the children ; and the eagerness
with which they fought .for, and devoured them, re-
minded me rather of young wolves than of harnan
beings. The badeess of the pavement, and the
steepness of the street, made it necessary for the
dil'gence to go slowly, and I pre fited by the
delay, to look into one or two of the mise-
rable abodes of these unfortunate beings. I
found a perfect unison between the dweller and
his dwelling ; I could riot see one article of
furniture ; no table, no chair; a few large stories
supplied the place of the latter; for the former
there was no occasion ; and something resembling a
mattress, upon the mud-floor, was the bed of the
family." But the priests are the boroughmongers
of that country, and it is hardly necessary to say
that they who have the upper hand in any country
take good care of themselves. " The first thing,"
says Mr. Inglis, " that attracted my attention, as
being characteristic of Spain, was the great num-
ber of priests and members of different religious
orders; anti at the same time it was impossible to
avoid remarking the difference in the appearance of
the Spanish clergy and the clergy of most of the
other Catholic countries, especially of France. I
saw no poor-looking half-starved priests, in thread-
bare garments and looks of humility ; all were
well clothed, and seemingly well fed; they were
not ashamed to hold up their heads, and ap-
peared, as the French say, d lour aise." Place
irresponsible power in any hands, no matter
whether boroughmongers or priests, we will an-
' swer for it the effects will be the same—abun-
dance in one quarter, and starvation in another.—
Morning Chronicle.
Lord Thomas Cecil has !Tee so ill-advised as to
bring the subject matter of the correspondence be-
tween him and Mr. Tennyson before a public meet.
ing at Stamford, an account of which will be found
in another column. " In all quarters," says his
Lordship, " in which I have mentioned the nature
of Mr. Tennyson's conduct, surprise equal to what I
myself experienced has been manifested." Asinus
asinum peat, says the adage. It is to be regretted
that he has not the benefit of associating with those
who have n little more common sense than himself.
" When Mr. Teeny-on," he adds, " can assure his
constituents that my family have invaded the rights
of the people,' he cannot feel surprised if I take the
insult as offered to myself ; and I need scarcely add,
until he has afforded me some recornpence for the
insults he has offered, all intercourse between me
and Mr. Tennyson is at end," What importance
Mr. Tennyson may attach to this eeeommunication,
it is not for us to say ; but if a charge of invading
the rights of the people is to be a valid ground of
challeege, there is no use in discussing the Reform
Bill. Every boroughmonger is accused of invading
the rights of the people; and the tplestioh may be
at once settled by each boroughmonger nominee call-
ing out an advocate of the Reform Bill. We by no
means question the bravery of the boroughmongers;
but we greatly question their honesty. They had
better, however, carry matters more moderately.
The English are a patient, good-natured people' ; but
Lord Thomas Cecil, arid the crew to which he be-
longs, must not presume too much on this.--illorti-
ing Chronicle.
There are some writers who so advocate the
cause of the Poles as if it were necessary to npoloa
gise for the revolution which snapt the chains of
their tyrant, and which they are now so gallantly
endeavouring to consummate by their valour in the
i field. If the Poles had retenioed in meek and sub-
missive degradation beneath the lash of the op-
pressor, like a Portuguese, a Spanish, or an Italian
population, they would have needed an apologist.
Bet we cannot ihnagina ho* ;lily person who knows
any thing of the modern history of Europe, of
which the wrongs and fate of Poland constitute so
melancholy a part, can, for an instant, suppose it ne-
cessary to assure the people, of Englend, or of any
other free country, that the Poles have not ih a mere
wantonness of temper, or upon slight provocation,
become revolutionists. If it was a righteous cause
of resistance which induced the people of England
to rise against James IL, or the people of France to
overthrow the dynasty of Charles X., still more
righteous was the sense of wrong which excited the
Poles to dash from their necks the yoke of the
northern barbarian, which was fastened upon them
by the foulest combitiatiett of force and fraud of
which history presents any example. A pamphlet
on the " Affairs of Poland," by a Mr. Gore has
lately issued from the press. It gives many ?acts in
evidence of the violation of the treaty of Vienna by
the Russian Government; but while vindicating the
cause of Poland in her struggle, not merely for her
national rights, but for her very existence, the writer
undertakes the more difficult task of relieving
the memory of Lord Castlereagh from the charge of
having sacrificed Poland to the ascendancy of Mus-
covite influence in the councils of that Congress
where the treaty in question was agreed to, and
guaranteed by the Great Powers, who have never
raised their voice against its violation. He trays
Lord Castlereagh maintained the cause of Polish
independence with a zeal worthy the representative
of a free people, and enforced his views with no
common energy and power. He declared it to be
the wish of England to see some independent power
established in Poland, as a separation between the
three great empires of Europe. He says that Prince
Talleyrand also expressed his desire " that a nation
so worthy of regard for its antiquity, its valour, and

its misfortune:, and the services which it had for.
merly rendered to Europe, might be restored to
complete independence." He adds," that the Courts
of Austria and Prussia expressed themselves in si-
milar terms ; and Prince Metternich declared that
Austria would sacrifice some of her own territory, if
by so doing the freedom of Poland could be en-
sured." We ere then informed that these arguments
had no weight with the Russian Emperor, who in-
sisted on the annexation of the Duchy of Warsaw
to his empire: and to this the Allies reluctantly
assented, but upon the express terms, to which
Alexander agreed, that the new kingdom of Po-
land should have a Constitution and separate national
institutions independent of Russia. Lord Castle-
reagh declared that, on those conditions only, his
Royal Highness the Prince Regent would no longer
have to fear that any danger to the liberty of Eu-
rope would result from the union of Poland to the
Russian empire ; and in a letter which at this time
the Emperor Alexander addressed to Count Os-
trowski, President of the Polish Senate, he used
the following words :—" The kingdom of Poland
shall be united to the empire of Russia by the bond
of its own Constitution, on which 1 am desirous of
founding the happiness of the country." Then
comes the article of the treaty annexing the Duchy
of Warsaw to Russia, in these terms :—" The
Duchy of Warsaw, with the exception of those pro-
vinces and districts which are otherwise disposed
of by the following articles, is united to Russia.
It shall be irrevocsbly bound to the Russian em-
pire, by its Constitution, to be enjoyed by his Ma-
jesty the Emperor of All the Russias, his heirs and
successors, for ever. " Here we have," says the
author of the pamphlet, " the recorded opinions of
three Statesmen who have not been accounted too
fond of liberty, but whose talents, discernment, and
acuteness none can question, that the affairs of Po-
land were matters of the highest importance, and
that its independence would be highly conducive to
the maintenance of general tranquillity." Here
we have, we may add, the recorded fact of those
three Statesmen, who contended that the com-
plete independence of Poland was required by
Europe as a necessary check upon Russian
ambition. Here we have the recorded fact
of those very Statesmen becoming parties to a
compact which united Poland to Russia, whose am-
bition they so much dreaded! If they did not foresee
that Russia would only make Poland subservient to
her own aggrandizement, and to her further designs
upon the independence of European nations, what
becomes of their acuteness and discernment? And
if they did foresee it, what treacherous betrayers of
the cause of Poland and of Europe they must have
been ! What ! if Lord Castlereagh had been sin-
cere in wishing to raise a barrier against the am-
bitious views of the Autocrat, and that barrier was
to be Poland, would he have placed Poland within
his grasp, and made it part of his dominions, by the
way of being a check upon him ? That would he
like checking the depredations of a notorious thief,
by placing a police-station close to his den, and
giving the thief himself the command of it ! But
there was a treaty—a treaty, indeed ! Was
Russia liable to any penalty for the infraction
of it ? If so, why is it not exacted ? The
English Government--the Governments of
France—of Austria—of Prussia, were parties
to it and these Governments are still
in existence; but the Constitution of Poland is not.
Our author tells us that " scarcely was the wax cold
with which the treaty had been sealed when it was
broken in the most unscrupulous manner, and the
plighted faith of the Emperor—the sanctity of sacred
promises— and the guarantee of the Great Powers
of Europe prove but weak and feeble barriers against
the encroachments of ambition." This was the treaty
by which the acute arid discerning, Castlereagh, as-
sisted by Talleyrand, Metternich, and the Prussian
Minister, delivered up Poland to the sceptre of the
Russian Autocrat—that Chief whose ambition they
considered already dangerous to the repose of Europe ;
as if he were; to become less dangerous by being
rendered more powerful ; for, undoubtedly, the ac-
quisition of the new kingdom of Poland, even if he
strictly observed the terms of the trea.y, would
have put him in possession of greater resources
than he had before. He thereby obtained the
command of a nation of warriors far superior to
any in his vast empire, a new source of revenue,
and an advanced position in Europe, increasing his
present influence, and favourable to future plans of
aggression ; and all those advantages were to con-
stitute a check upon his ambition .11' Russia would
not have any objection to receive many such checks
from tire Castlereaghs, the Metternichs, and Talley-
rands, of modern diplomacy, who may study to re-
press her power by giving her an accession of popu-
lation, revenue, and territory. If Alexander and
Nicholas, instead of oppressing the Poles, and goad-
ing them into rebellion, had conciliated that brave
people, they would have found them as faithful to
their standard as they were to that of Napoleon; and
then the Russian power would have become more
formidable than ever. But we are gravely told that
Castlereagh, and the representatives of the other
Powers, reluctantly assented to the union of Poland
with itussia, because the Autocrat insisted upon it.
Where then was the " energy" and " zeal" with
with which the representative of England maintained
the interests of his country', then, confessedly, ;the
first power in the world Was the Autocrat the
Dictator of the Congress of Vienna as completely
as if it were his own Cabinet? Upon this very
statement we denounce the conduct of Lord Cas-
tlereagh as inSicerC towards Poland, or meanly sub-
servient with regard to Russia; and we are not sur-
prised that his pupil, Lord Palmerston, should, in
Belgic liffairs, be equally solicitous to propitiate the
genius of Russian policy.—Morning Herald.

Having been among the firct to call the attention
of the public and of the Go vernmt!nt to the ne
cessity of providing against the introduction of the
Indian cholera into this country, we feel that we
shall sf
we ctoi bfese ss
oetri; vi
persuasion
g the b
er
snos
onestt interests
at
o s
yet
no
a dehumanityle
means have been resorted to for that purpose. As
for meetings of the College of Physicians upon this
occasion, greatly as we value the skill and talents of
that erudite body in all matters in which they have
had experience, cholera happily being one 'in which
they have none, their opinion can be of no great
we'ght, and we do not, therefore, wonder to find
it stated that they have contented themselves with
announcing it us their opinion, that the disease can
be communic.ited from person to person, but not by
means of merchandise; an opinion which, if true,
is of little dr tici practical value, and, if erroneous
on the latter point (which there is but too much
reason to believe to be the case), may be productive
of infinite mischief. The truth is, prevention
and cure, though both equally valuable, are
duties which must be assigned to a very dif-
ferent description of persons. 'The one belongs
to the Government, the other to the doctors. The
first of these is the main point, and the one to
which, we think, nothing like sufficient attention
has yet been paid. This may perhaps arise from the
little experience we have happily had in such dan-
gers, as well as from the freedom of our institutions,
which seem inconsistent with the arbitrary exercise
of authority which it called for in such cases. When
we hear, for instance, of vessels coming from in-
fected ports being enabled to pass the quarantine
station in the night, and boldly sail up into the heart
of the metropolis unexamined, surely something
more must be wanted for our security than what has
been yet resorted to; and however inconvenient the
restraints upon commercial and social intercourse '
may be, not a day, not an hour, should be lost in
establishing an ample coast-guard at the mouths of
all rivers and harbours where the most remote possi-
bility exists of the plague entering. And as for the
College of Physicians, or medical men in general,
the best thing probably they can do for the country
is, that a sufficient number of them should be de-
spatched to acquire on the spot a knowledge of the
nature and cure of the disease, with an ample re-
muneration secured to them in proportion to the

hazard to which they will be exposed.—Morning
Herald.

A Morning Cotemporary, the organ of the Anti-
Reform faction, in an article of equal heat and fury,
after having solved to its own satisfaction the ques-
tion " which," it says, meets it in every quarter,
and which forms the leading topic of conversation
and argument in every society and in every corner
of the land,"—namely, that the Peers will reject
the Reform Bill, " because averse to any great
change in the institutions of the country, the pre-
sentation of the Bill would amount to nothing less
than a direct insult to the House of Peers"—after
having settled these points, we say, the Anti-
Reform Journal in question proceeds to advise
their Lordships "to put an end at once to the pos-
sibility of misapprehension or mistake as to their
sentiments, by declaring, in their address to the
King, at the commencement of the Session,
that they hold any change of this description
(a Reform in Parliament) to be unnecessary;
dangerous, and pernicious." Whether their Lord-
ships will adopt the advice of our cotemporary
or not, we do not know, though we are aware
that they are making every effort to make
up a party for the purpose ; but we think no one,
who is in the slightest degree acquainted with the
temper of the times in which we live—with the
state, and political feeling, of the middle and work-
ing classes of the population—and especially with
the immense majority of representatives returned
to the present Parliament by the people, not only
pledged to Reform, but determined on carrying
Reform—can consider the above advice in any
other light than" dangerous and pernicious"—calcu-
lated to embroil the two Houses of Parliament—to
endanger the future existence of the one, and to
shake to its foundations the very throne, respecting
the stability of which the Anti-Reform party pre-
tend to have so many fears. The advice, in fact,
could not be acted upon—supposing it to be good
—in the present temper and state of the country,
without giving rise to the agitation of questions
which we have no wish either to discuss or to see
discussed; for were the House of Lords either to
move such an amendment to the Address as that
proposed, or to reject the Bill as it came fro:n the
Commons, people the least inclined to violent
changes, would, we suspect, be apt to question the
right of the Peers to meddle in the matter at all,
and to conclude that a Bill which directly concerns
the King and the people only might be safely
enough settled by them, without the intervention
of third parties, who, by the law of tlite land, are
declared to be guilty of a misdemeanour in anv
attempt or endeavour to influence the election of
Members of the House of Commons. A slight
cogitation, we think, on the possibility of such con-
sequences, would do no harm either to those who
advise such proceedings as those recommended by
our cotemporary, or to those who think of adopt-
ing and acting on the recommeudat►on.—illortiing
Advertiser.

The Paris Papers of the 16th instant inform us
of the renewal of disturbances in that city and other
parts of France, obviously preparatory to the grand
effort, at another revolution (far better than the last)
on the occasion of the celebration of the "glorious"
events of July, 1830—events which have plunged
that devoted country into a state of almost general
anarchy, frightful misery, and universal distress.
From such a deplorable state of things the wise
men now at the head of affairs feel their utter inca-
pability of relieving the nation; and as they cannot
restore the lost comforts, they seem disposed to gra-
tify the furious passions of the people, by seek-
ing a pretence for war. In pursuance of this
object, they affect to have discovered something
in a St. Petersburgh Paper reflecting on the con-
duct of the Government of France, and have there-
fore peretnptolily demanded an explanation, which
appears for the present to have in some degree pro-
pitiated the evil spirits of France, while it has added
to the commercial embarrassments of the country
and depreciated the value of all public securities. Of
the precise nature of the complained of article in the
St. Petersburgh Paper we are not informed, but as
far as we are able to judge of it from the mention
already made, it amounts to nothing more than an
assertion of an obvious truth, that there are at this
time numerous French emissaries in Russia, encou-
raging the spirit of insurrection in the several pro-
vinces bordering upon Poland, without the most
distant insinuation of the incendiaries alluded to
being employed by the Government of France.—
Morning Post.