The Sun.
London, England, 1831-10-19 00:00:00

SPIRIT or THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Parliament is to be prorogued to-morrow (Thurs-
day). If the people were not anxious on the sub,
ject of this prorogation, the enemies of Reform
might, with some show of justice, affirm that they
were indifferent to Reforms They have the utmost
confidence in the honour and integrity of his Ma-
jesty's Ministers, and they are willing to make every
allowance for the difficulties of their position. 'Whey
know, too, the fatigues Ministers have undergone,
and are not so unreasonable as to refuse to allow
them the repose necessary for renewed efforts.—
But they are naturally desirous that the prompt:son
When not extend beyond the period which the health
of Ministers and the maturing the new measure abso-
lutely demand. To suppose that people should de-
sire any object fervently, and yet be free from ape
prehension till they obtain what they desire, in to
know little of the nature of man. Every addition
to the delay adds, of course, to the thence of adverse
accidents. If the people remain quiet, they ere
branded by the Anti-Reformers as lukewarm s if the
excitement is continued, who can answer for the
consequences ? We are glad, therefore, that Colonel
Evans has given notice that he will this day move
a resolution to the effect that it would be ittexpesii-
cot to defer the re-introduction of the Reform Bill
for a longer period than a month. Surely in a
month a new measure may be matured, and Mi-
nisters may have obtained the vigour necessary for
another Parliamentary campaign. A month the
people will readily acquiesce in. The motion will at
all events have the effect of eliciting some more posi-
tivedeclaration from Ministers of their intentions with
regard to the duration of the prorogation than they
have yet afforded. The people are surely entitled
to some confidence on this subject, Before this
-notice was given by Colonel Evans, the manner in
which the people ought to conduct themselves with
regard to this question formed the subject of an in-
cidental discussion on the presentation of a petition
by Mr. Hunt from an individual, praying that the
Bishops might be disfranchised. Mr. John Camp-
bell objected to the petition, complained of the in-
jury done to Reform by pretended Reformers, and
protested against the attempts at dictation to Mi-
nisters. Mr. Hume observed, "as to the obser-
vation of the Hon. and Learned Member for Staf-
ford, that these expressions of opinion were like dic-
tating to the Ministers, he did not agree at all with
that statement of the Hon. and Learned Member,
and he believed that it would be only playing the game
of the Anti-Reformers if the people of this country
were to lie on their arms as if they did not care about
the success or the rejection of the Bill. Instead of
doing this, he recommended them to use every con-
stitutional means of showing the deep anxicy they
felt on tile subject." Mr. Ruthven,in like manner,
while he deprecated violence, "trusted that all other
efforts would be made to sustain the Ministers.' This
may not be the proper time for overhauling the
Church, but overhauled it must be. The conduct of
the Bishops on the second reading of the Reform
Bill, will never be forgotten. They have identified
themselves with the boroughmongers, and the people
of England will not easily allow them to part company.
With respect to the particular petition, it was after-
wards stated by the Speaker,t hat there were objections
to its reception on the score of privilege, and accor-
dingly it was rejected. Mr. Campbell, however, took
occasion to explain more particularly what he meant
by dictating to Ministers. He said he wished the
people to come forward in a constitutional manner,
but not to send delegates at midnight to the Noble
Earl at the head of the Government, nor to address
petitions to him that have been couched in such in--
proper and unconstitutional language as the petition
now presented to their notice. As much has been
said with regard to the lateness of the hour, it is
but fair to take into consideration the general
uneasiness at the time. There hail been a pro-
cession of 120,000 men of the different metropo-
litan parishes, the shops had been closed, great
excitement prevailed, and the delegates, men of
much influence in their several localities, knowing
the extent of the excitement, and fearful lest a long
prorogation'(of which they had received intelligence)
might in the then excitement produce michievous
effects, lost no time in meeting the evil. It strikes
us to be puerile in Mr. Campbell to attach so much
importance as he does to a breach of etiquette in se-
venteen citizens waiting on the Prime Minister at
the unseasonable hoar of a quarter to eleven. They
might have formed an erroneous estimate of the
danger, but if they thought that the diffusion of the
intelligence of a long prorogation was fraught with
danger, they only discharged their duty in endea-
vouring to meet the evil without delay. If the in-
telligence arrived in a camp at midnight, that the
enemy were within a few hours' march, no one
would hesitate to disturb the repose of the Com-
mander. Mr. Campbell may be of a more cool
temperament than the generality of people. Rous-
seau says, that when the philosopher hears the cry
of fire, he opens his window, and, seeing it at some
distance, instead of running to afford assistance,
exclaims, shuts the window, observing coolly, it
cannot possibly reach me. Mr. Campbell seems to
have studied in this school of philosophy. In the
Scotsman of Saturday, received yesterday, there is a
paragraph on the effect of the intelligence of the loss
of the Reform Bill in Scotland, which may serve to
illustrate this weighty matter of etiquette :
" The moment (says our contemporary) now begun
Las one most gratifying feature—its instantaneous and its
indispettable spordaniety. To the very last, men per-
sisted in believing that the Peers would not trffle with the
unanimous resolutions of the people; and so universal was
this impression, that up to the hour when the intelligence
arrived, we do not believe the Reformers in any part of
Scotland had formed a definite idea of what treasures they
ought to adopt in such an emergency. Now, look at
Perth. The crote of the Lords is known there at ten
o'clock on Monday night—even at that late hour, a requi-
sition for a meeting is signed ; and at two o'clock next
day, ten thousand persons including the whole adult popu-
lation of the town and vicinity, are assembled in the Inch,
to address the King ! There was no pause required for de-
liberation ; no doubt or faultering ; no need felt of the ex•
ample of the capital or other great towns ! The people
were carried, as if by an instinctive and simultaneous im-
pulse, to the proper steps for the vindication of their
rights. Dundee, Kirkaldy, and Haw ick were equally
prompt in their motions : decision, energy, unanimity,
were never more beautifully exemplified ; and the same
spirit, the same seal, reigns throughout all Scotland, as
farther accounts will soon make known, though circum-
stances cannot be everyw here so favourable for its in-
stantaneous display. Surely he is r. bastard Scotsman
who is not proud of his country at this moment ;"
Now, we do not say that Mr. Campbell is a bas-
tard Scotsman ; but if he had been Provost of
Perth, instead of applauding his fellow citizens for
their alacrity in presenting him with a requisition for
a meeting at midnight, we suppose he would have
read the requisitionists a lecture on their inattention
to decorum, in approaching him at so unseasonable
an hour. The people, no doubt, would have an-
swered, " An hour's repose, more or less, at a crisis
like this, when the safety of the Empire is at stake,
is of small'mOrnent ; and therefore we have thought
it better to disturb You at midnight than to lose an
opportunity of meeting without delay." Fortu-
netely decorum yielded to a strong sense of duty,
and out of a population of 20,000, no fewer than
10,000 met in the open air, in the manner so much
extolled by our Northern contemporary. Mr.
Campbell may suppose he is assisting Ministers by
reading lectures, to the people on the propriety of
being more measured in their enthusiasm, more mo-
derate in their dislikes, and more indifferent to the
public tranquillity. he tone assumed by him did
nor, however, seem very palateable in the House.
Colonel .Evans said he should be wanting in his
duty, after what he had heard, if he did riot ho-
nestly state his opinion, that both the spiritual and
temporal welfare of the people would be better con-
sulted if the Bishops were riot to belong to the
House of Lords.—Morning Chronicle.

The Lord Chancellor, in the House of Lords,
Jut night, vindicated himself from the aspersions
('cast upon him with regard to his appointments in
, the Court of Chancery, and the Lord Chief Baron
of the Scotch Court of Exchequer from the impti-
-7 tation of -wishing the gbolition of his Court for the
(ACAPAIs.,"

~~e 5i p

'sa'ke of the retiring salary. the conclusion of his
speech was very spirited, and by no means calcu-
lated to put his opponents in spirits. It is amusing
to Contrast the splenetic effusions of Sir Charier:
Wetherell, in the Commons, in the eli!l'euss•ion on
the last stage on the Bankrupt eourt Rill with his
Lordship's remario. :Sir Charles said, with perfect
sincerity to doubt, that he hopedthe bankrupt
Covet bill would be the lait 'ernenda'tion of the law
he should see from the tame quarter."
" Certain persons .(said Lord Brougham) bad successors,
these perrar:a did not much like their successors, and were
net `eery scrupulous about matter of fact when they endea-
vour to vituperate and disparage these talixesSors, and to
destroy the Government 'o7itia whom they were con-
nected ; and the hostility was the more embittered when
they sac', t o leasonable prospect of succeeding tbeir sue-
tesnit. Their position was, indeed, o.;eirtress and dark and
dismal, with scarcely the #:e'eolest ray of light to comfort
them, or alleviate tte despair to which they were doomed.
But x'e (cotttlnued his Lordship) cared less for this dark
rsiti_on, for we were intent upon plans of Reform In the
saw, upon plans of Reform in Parliamet'c, and upon pro-
jects for the advantage of oet '.;;,'n country and the general
benefit of maxkind; alni the contemplation of these sub-
jects enlif;htene'a and cheered us in the long gloom !a
which We were immured. But when t".•.:2;; were im-
mersed in that dismal gloom, ttf:y had nothing to cheer
them, nothing to dispel the dark horrors of their position,
except a dim. ttVialing, glimmering light, to show them
the tray back to their old places. Under these sad and
;llamal circumstances, it was natural that they should resort
to a little railing to comfort and cheer them; and hence
we may account for then gross misapprehensions of fact,
to some of which I have had occasion to call your Lord-
ships' attentioh."
We are rejoiced to find his Lordship in such
excellent spirits, and to sanguine in his expecta-
tions of benefittling the country by judicial Reforms.
It is to bt regretted that the existence of the Scotch
Court of Exchequer was continued for another
year; and it seems unacountable that it should
have been deemed necessary to institute an inqu;ry
into what is matter of notoriety.—Morning Ciron.

The subject of Earl llowe's dismissal was last
night mooted in Parli,Arritnit by Mr. R. Trevor. Ii
had been stated by Lord J. Russell, in answer to a

question put by Mr. Trevor a few nights ago, that
larl Howe having tendered his resignation, it had
been accepted. This was a genteel way of stating
that he had been dismissed, for no one could sup-
pose that Earl nowe's delicacy was so excessive
that, without any external stimulus, it would, after
the vote he had given, suggest to him the propriety
of resignation. During the Peninsular war, our

army was at first encumbered by a number of use-
less officers, many of them high in rank from thei,
Parliamentary interest. The Duke of Wellington,
who finds boroughmongering so convenient at home,
was somewhat ruffled with the fruits it brought
forth abroad; and in order to get rid of these

officers, the story goes, that he set Sir George
Murray on them, who used to recommend to
them to apply to Lord Wellington for leave of
absence, which was cordially granted for a due
length of time. No one mistook the cause, but cour-
tesy required that it should be stated they had received
leave of absence. People supposed in like manner
that Earl Howe had only requested leave to resign,
because he had ascertained that he could not be a'-

lowed to remain in office. However, Mr. Trevor,

like an individual to whom he bears more than a
distant resemblance, was determined to find a mare's
nest, if there was one. Last night he came armed
with a letter from Earl Howe, which he was to
make whatever use of he Red, except the insertion
of it in the public papers. But it is inserted ! Aye
but it is inserted by a violation of a standing ordei
of the House. Mr. Trevor could not suppose that
it would find its way into the papers; and Ear.
Howe, that any printer would be so audacious a•

to set the ordes.of the House at defiance. his
Lordship in this communication, which he, tic
doubt, supposes will excite a strong feeling of indig-
nation throughout the country, tells the world, tha,
in the month of May last, and for the second time,
he intimated his intention of opposing the Reform
and his readiness to resign; that he received in re-
ply a most gracious command to retain his office, and a
distinct recognition of his privilege of being per-
ftetly independent of any Government, from the

circumstance of his being in her Majesty's house-
hold ; that he did not, therefore, resign ; and that
nothing but the positive request of Lord Grey anil
his colleagues to the King for his removal has bee►:
the cause of that removal. That Lord Grey should
request his removal after his vote against the Re-
form 13111, was only justice to his own Administra-
tion. The world blame him, not for going too fan
in claiming the support of those who receive the
public money, but for impolitic forbearance to-
wards them. In fact, the public money has been
liberally expended in maintaining opponents to his
Government. His Majesty never could suppose,
when be bestowed his confidence on Earl

Grey, that he could perform impossibilities, tha,
he could conduct the Government without the

support of those maintained at the public ex-
pence. If, therefore, his Majesty was under
any misapprehension with regard to the nature of
the office which Earl Howe filled, it was not for
Earl Howe to drag this before the public in the in-
delicate manner to which he has had recourse. He
ought not, in the first place, to have availed him-
self of his access to the Sovereign, to place his Ma-
jesty under the necessity of deciding upon the
question. He ought to have known that his
jesty had constitutional advisers, and to have con-
sulted these constitutional advisers as to the pro-
priety of his receiving a handsome income from the
Government while he was opposing it. But having
improperly extorted an opinion from the King, he
ought not to have committed the additional impro-
priety of dragging his Majesty before the public.
In fact, his conduct is treacherous in the extreme.
No one can mistake the object of his Lordship. He
had no more intention of voting away his office than
he had of going to the moon ; but, like many other
cunning men, he has over-reached himself. He

thought he had sufficiently felt his way to be able
to vote against the Bill with safety. However,
what has befallen him will be a sufficient lesson to
others inclined to act like him, that to take im-
proper advantages of their access to Majesty, may
not always benefit them, while to promulgate it
will only obtain for them the reputation of adding
meanness to trick. Sir Liyam Martin is not the
only opponent of Ministers whose resignation, ai
well as Earl Ilowe'P, would be beneficial.—Morn-
lag Chronicle.

This is a critical moment for the Ministers, and
by necessary consequence, for the Reform Bill, and
for the peace of England. If Lord Grey and his
colleagues will exercise but ordinary skill and spirit,
they cannot lose the stake which the nation has in-

trusted to them, because the game is on their
cards;—they have only to play them in the natural
order. A revoke, indeed, may ruin every thing;
but a revoke is never possible but from gross ne-
glect or actual intention, neither of which can, in
the present case, be imagined. We observe that
there are some persons who believe that the House
of Lords may be conciliated by another Bill; but
how ate they to be reconciled ? Their objection
was the " popular" tendency of the measure—that
is, its tendency to restore to the people too much of
that which the boroughmonger.aristocraey had ex-
torted from them. Then, how, according to hu-
man possibility, can the framers of such ob-
jections be conciliated towards a new Bill of
Reform, except by making that Bill less po-
pular than the preceding one, by so construct.
ing it that under its operation the aristocracy
shall be permitted to retain in their hands a propor-
tion of the national rights and privileges, which the
old Bill would have bound them to surrender ? In
plainer phrase, how can the new Bill be made more
acceptable to the Lords, unless it be made less ac-
ceptableamreerlyala:rmanedd,wahleidn
they or more
er
ee a
that
to the British nation ? But " the Lords
people
tahraen
fullyfo r-
tothceo
bent upon Reform, they will retract their votes, and
say ' aye' to Lord Grey's new measure." This, we
fear, is mere delusion. The Tory Lords have seen
long enough ago that the people were fully bent upon

Reform. It was not in ignorance or in blindness tha
the truth was ever disputed: but the Tory Lords flat-
tered themselves, and still do so, that however bent
upon Reform the people might be, there would be no
doubt of theirpwn ability to unbend them, by showing
on their (the Tory)side, a determination inveterately
hostile to all Reform which should impair the
boroughmongering power. " The people," said
they, " are fickle—the Ministers are weak or hike,
warm—the Court is a furnace of intrigues against
them!. so stand Mit a little longer; the Bill is lost,
and we triumph !" it is utterly childish to blink the
matter. Whatever be the mode, or species, or
variety of the application, some application in the
nature of additional power must be adopted, or the
Tories will laugh at the petitions of the people of
England, or the arguments of the Press, or the most
formal and best constructed measures of the Mi=
nisters, with a view to that great national security.
We, then, would earnestly, and in a spirit of
hearty and true attachment to their professed policy,
beseech the King's Ministers to beware of
hoping too rntfeit from time or conciliation.
In Our humble opinion, to give much time is to
risk much intrigue; to conciliate the Anti-Reform
Peers, is to revolt the people; to depend on argu-
ment, is to undervalue the force of obstinacy, and
prejudice, and infatuation. There is nothing for it
but to create, or call up, or secure Peers, and thus
present a majority of pledged supporters. Eldest
sons may be called up ; Irish and Scotch Peers may
have patents for the united kingdom ; a few eminent
professional men or opulent country gentlemen may
have Peerages for life. Where, again, are the ob.
jections ? Should the Ministers (we hope and
believe otherwise) decline to adopt such a masculine
policy, why then they will be beaten, and beaten by
themselves alone ; and the people of England will
—not wisely, we fear, because doubtless not tem-
perately—require tenfold more than that reasonable
measure of just improvement which is now denied
t hem.—Tinz es.

To-morrow the King will go in State to the
[louse of Peers to prorogue Parliament. The pro-
rogation will in the first instance be merely a matter
of formality, probably to the end of Nov. but the ac-
tual time for re-assembling Parliament will be the
middle of Jan. The prorogation of Parliament till after
Christmas is an arrangement reasonable, necessary,
and we should have thought unobjectionable. Inde-
pendently of various other considerations, the fatigue
which all parties have undergone during a year,
unprecedented in this respect in Parliamentary
annals, appears of itself to constitute a sufficient
reason why the usual respite, at least, from labour
should be allowed. The Reforming Journals, how-
ever, rage and protect, and demand that Parliament
ihould be summoned again early in November !
Rendered insolent and haughty by the court
that has been so injudiciously paid to them, they
doubtlessly reckon on compelling Lord Grey to
abandon his present purpose; but violence, threats,
and blustering we cannot but hope will in this in-
-tance prove unavailing. The anxiety of the ra-
heal Journalists is natural enough. They chiefly
hrive by the excitement and agitation of the popular
nind; and of course view with considerable appre-
oension the threatened return of tranquillity and se-
briety. They know it is only with the utmost difli-
r!ul'y that the embers of the flame which lately
!dazed throughout the country are preserved from
utter extinction. Till the beginning of next month
agitation might be kept alive, and great hopes might
tie entertained of renewed excitation, by the intro-
duction of another Reform Bill at that period. But
the middle or end of January What is to become
of agitation during all that time ? Obviously, we
answer, it cannot be sustained; the public mind
will by that time have become thoroughly cooled,
and will be ready to investigate the important ques-
don of a change in the constitution of Parliament
deliberately, calmly, and dispassionately. This will,
of course, be a state of things not at all suitable to
the purposes or interests of the advocates of the
brickbat and bludgeon system.—Morning Post.

The extract from the Supplement to last night's
Gazette, which we give in another part of the Paper,
will show that preparations are making for the pro-
rogation of Parliament by his 3lajesty in person.
This circumstance proves that the King is firm—a
fact which we never doubted, and which those that
did doubt will now, we should think, believe with-
out any hesita6on. Nothing could be more judi-
cious, under all the circumstances, than the deter-
mination to which we allude. It will encourage the
hopes and ensure the patience and tranquillity of
the people ; and it will strike a blow against the
plans and projects of those who may flatter theta-
selves that the cause of Reform is still to be ma-
naged by the same practices which in one instance
led to its defeat.—Morning Herald.
Strange as it must appear, notwithstanding all
that has passed and is passing in every part of this
conntiy, there are persons still to be found who
maintain that the excitement, or, more properly
speaking, the anxiety of the people for an effective
measure of Reform, is dying away—that it is al-
ready giving place to indifference, if not to aversion.
Colonel Trench told the House of Commons so
last night ; Sir Charles Wetherell tells them so
every night. But Sir Charles is a privileged man.
Nobody expects political reasoning, or even an awi-
tude to the reception of political facts, from the
jester of the Duke of Newcastle; and though Co-
lonel Trench, as the architect of his own reputa-
tion, has a right to choose what model he pleases,
we would suggest, as a matter of taste, that he
should study something less extravagant than the
broad outline of Sir Charles Wetherell's asser-
tions, if he would build a character of sagacity
for his own particular use and enjoyment. At
present, however, the two legislators stand com-
mitted to the same startling proposition, that the
people of England are too sensible to wish for
such a thing as Reform. So say the individuals we
have named : but let any man who has a character
for discretion--let the Duke of Wellington or Sir
Robert Peel, the greatest Captain or the greatest
constable of the age—let either of them stake his
character upon such a declaration at this moment,
and see what sort of character he will acquire by
the experiment ;—see whether the public will adopt
his opinion of itself, or whether it will proceed to
form a new opinion of him, compounded out of the
gross elements of such a mis-statement. We could
excuse the Lords as a body, barricaded as they are
against common sense and daily experience by the
forms which cut them off from the rest of the
world—we could excuse the Lords for mistaking
and reversing the actual state of things ; but that
men who mix in society should say their fellow-citi-
zens are content when they are burning with
indignation betrays a degree of weakness, or
prejudice, or wrong-headedness, amounting almost
to insanity;—and yet there are such men ! It is
possible to conceive by what master passion such
men are misled; but it would not be easy to
suggest by what remedy they may be restored to
reason, for they have already withstood the strongest
appeal by resisting the evidence of their own senses.
It may appear useless to refer them again to facts
which have passed over without making any im-
pression on their minds; but we would defy them
to reconcile existing symptoms with the imputed in-
difference of the public. People may talk of indif-
ference—they may impute indifference—but let them
prove it. Take the two Houses of Parliament—
take the Newspapers—take the daily conversations
in all circles—and what do they prove ? Why, that
long as is the period which has elapsed since the
Reform Bill was first introduced, it is still the sub-
ject uppermost in every mind. Go where we will we
hear of nothing else. Directly or incidentally it
forces itself into all companies, and almost into every
conversation. The Newspapers, even the Anti-Re-
form Newspapers, dare not omit it, on pain of being
rejected and unread. Reform is to the political world
what the air we breathe is to the world of nature
and animation; it mixes with every act, and be-
comes, as it were, a condition, and even a part, of
our existence. The common tendency of repetition
to weary and exhaust the mind is suspended by the

overwhelming interest of this one great question ; '
and yet we are told that the people are indifferent
to its fate. But those who have eyes and ears, and
will allow them the fair exercise of their functions,
will not confound the silence of anxiety with that of
indifference or repose. The people are tranquil,
for they are full of hope and expectation—they are
tranquil, for they are full of confidence, Fools may
mistake or knasec may misrepresent it for indif-
fetenct t but it is that feeling, and that alone, which
grows out of a calm determination to establish the
liberties of the country above the reach of borough-
mongers and their adherents.—Norning Herald.
Though both Houses of Parliament were up at
an early hour last night, the discussions were not
without interest, The report of the House of Lords,
in particular, will be read with satisfaction, the Lord
Chancellor having again found it necessary to defend
hirtiself against the charges of a disappointed faction.
After complaining of the impediments which had
been thrown in the way of the Bill for reforming the
Court of Exchequer in Scotland, and alluding to
the insinuations thrown out against him respecting
' the appoietment of Masters in Chancery under his
own Bill, his Lordship indulged in the following
' happy vein of irony :
"1 find there is nothing so disagreeable as to succeed an-
other in place, except that of being succeeded by him.—
(Hear, and laughing.) It is, my Lords, most painful to
us to see our successors take our places, and it must be ad-
mitted that there is a great deal to make a man angry
with himself, with the world, and, most of all, with the
person who succeeds him, when he beholds another settled
in his seat, and no prospect in view of displacing him and
of succeeding his successor.—(Hear, and laughing.) For
my own part, I cannot help feeling much compassion,
• and of making every allowance for those who are left in
that comfortless situation, without any consolation from
present enjoyment or from future hope to cheer their bleak
and mournful seclusion.—(Hear, and laughing.) My
Noble Friend near me, and I, who have spent long years
removed from office, had so many projects of Reform, so
many plans of benefit, not only for all classes of his Ma-
jesty's subjects, but for all the world, to console us in our
retreat, that our spirits never flagged, and Hope still
warmed us with her rays_( Hear)—but those are indeed
to be pitied who have no other warmth than the agitation
of their own angry feelings, who have no other light than
the narrow gleam which cheats them from afar, and gives
them a glimmer of a doubtful futurity.—(Hear, bear.)
This was a bitter pill for some of their Lordships ;
and the worst of it was that, in a House convulsed
with laughter, the wounded party were obliged to
look as good-humouredly as those who could enjoy
the sport. Curiously enough, while the Is' rd Chan-
cellor was thus engaged in laughing at his political
enemies, Sir Charles Wetherell was tittering ano-
ther of his violent tirades against the Chancery Bill.
It is pretty evident, from the temper of his late
speeches, that Sir Charles is beginning to despair of
the return of the Tories to power ; but he ought,
for his own sake, to subdue time tone of his feelings
a little more, if he would not have people think
that his judgment has been impaired by disappoint-
ment.—Morning Herald.
We cannot too often or too strongly impress
upon our countrymen the weight and extent of
obligation which we are all under to our excellent
Monarch for his patriotic firmness at the present
crisis. The cares :of Government devolved upcn
his Majesty at a period of life when a love of case
generally takes the place of all activity, either of
mind or body, and which, as had been seen in the
case of his immediate predecessor, time allurements
of State are but too much calculated to encourage.
But of these allurements our excellent Monarch has
resisted every one; and not only so, but he has em-
barked in what must be to himself a troubled sea,
solely under the firm and honest conviction that the
wishes and the interests of his people require
this sacrifice at his hands. True to his purpose,
the King has never once swerved in the righteous
cause which he has so nobly taken up. Assailed by
calumny, pressed by affection, cajoled, flattered, aid
even threatened, by turns, nothing has for a moment
moved the King from an honest resolution once taken,
nor will move him, we fully trust, till he sees, under
the blessings of Providence, his own and his people's
object fully attained. The King having, then, thus
nobly done his part, it more behoves the people not
to relax in their's; and this we imagine mainly con-
sists in their firmly, unceasingly, but peaceably, mak-
ing known their sentiments upon the one great ob-
ject of their solicitude. They are opposed in that ob-
ject by a body which, if united, is of no small strength.
The Anti-Reformers may be classed under three
heads—the interested, the timid, and the violent.
To the first belong the boroughmongers, and those
who follow in their train ; to the second those who
are weak enough to look at all change as dangerous,
if not revolutionary; and to the third two classes
—those who are willing to merge rational Reform
in their own wild theories, and those who look to
tumult and disorder as the crisis alone compatible
with their own selfishness. From all these classes
it is the duty of every honest Reformer to keep
himself aloof. The first are wholly irreclaimable ;
the second may be won over by reason and mode-
ration ; and the third are only made effectually in-
nocuous by true Reformers showing them how
small a party they really are, however noisy and pre-
sumptuous they may be. Now that the King's Mi-
nisters have renewed their solemn pledge that " the
Bill," or at least the spirit and meaning of the Bill,
is that alone which they will propose and abide by,
it more than ever behoves the great mass of the
people—which still happily forms the sound and
healthy part of our community—to stand by the
King and his Ministers. Let no impatience or dis-
trust betray itself. Want of confidence often pro-
duces the evil which it anticipates. At any rate
nothing would please the enemies of Reform more,
because nothing would so effectually serve their
purpose as to succeed in persuading any part of the
people that the Ministers are insincere, and are not,
as they evidently are by the mere fact of being con-
tinued in office, strenuously and sincerely backed by
the King.--/Iforning Herald.
A report which has been often mentioned is
again revived, of an intention on the part of Go-
vernment to take the different turnpike-roads into
their bands; and we are now told that the experi-
ment is to be first tried in the county of Sussex,
and that station-houses are to be erected at the end
of every mile, where the road-menders and gate-
keepers are to become a sort of road police. This
may be all very well in countries labouring under
the scourge of despotic Governments; but such a
project as this, which, besides a system of espionage,
would carry the influence of the Treasury into every
corner of the kingdom, is more than the free insti-
tutions of this country are capable of being ingrafted
with. In short, he must be a bold Minister—a sort
of Colossus of Roads—who would venture to pro-
pose such a measure. But that which would startle
mankind, if attempted in the mass, creeps on some-
times unsuspectedly tinder the specious garb of ex-
periment ; and as, in morals, we are told to resist
the first approaches to evil, so, in politics, the first
encroachments upon liberty, in however plausible a
form proposed, are those which ought to be re-
sisted. Besides, if we mistake not, both the science
and practice of road-making have improved within
the last twenty years as much, if not more than any
one other topic connected with public convenience.
Hills have been lowered, bridges erected, and such
firm carriage-ways constructed, under the direction
arid skill of Mr. Macadam and his followers, as
render travelling a matter of such ease arid expe-
dition to all as even our immediate ancestors would
have deemed impossible. There is such a thing
then as " letting well alone." At any rate it would
be the most doubtful and useless kind of med-
dling to run the hazard of upsetting that which
is evidently proceeding so much to the benefit of
all. What is really wanting is not any improvement
in the great public thoroughfares of the kingdom,
but that the benefit of the present system should be
extended to the cross and by-roads of the kingdom,
many of which are in a state altogether as disgraceful
as that of the main public roads are creditable to
those who have the charge of them. This is mainly
owing to the negligence and supinenes of Magistrates
and parish officers, the latter of whom, under the
connivance of the former, actually pay out of the

poor-rates to able-bodied labourers, for remaining in
idleness, sums five times more than sufficient, if
judiciously applied, to render every cross-road in the
kingdom equal to the splendid causeway from London
to Holyhead. This is the point to which Parliament
and the Government should look, and not to a system
which is to give us a Treasury myrmidon at every
mile-stone.—Morning Herald.