The Sun.
London, England, 1849-07-03 00:00:00

METROPOLITAN POLICE.

fen had been granted in the year 1834,
1 and the result had been to satisfy the House and the
public at large, that the management of the police-
fOrce was carried on in the best possible
manner. No difference had taken place in the manage-
merit of the force since that inquiry, and he could not see
any reason why another inquiry should be granted. With
I regard to the increase of the expenditure, and of
the number of the force, he was willing t
afford all the information in his power,
and that would be desired by the Noble Lord.
The original Act required that the expenses of
this force should be paid by a county rate of 3d in the
pound ; and by a subsequent Act ed in the pound
. was fixed, and in cases were this was not sufficient the
Treasury was authorized:to supply 2d. in the pound; and
60,0001. was now paid from the Consolidated Fund. The
counties included in the metropolitan rate were Middle-
sex, part of Sussex, Surrey, Kent, Essex, and Norfolk.
Some of the counties were below the average of the
property-tax valuation. Kent was 22 1-13th below
the average. The Right Honourable Baronet then
concluded by moving for a return of the increase of
streets and houses in the metropolitan district ; and
also of the population in the same, with a view to
acccount for the increase of the police expenditure.
(LEFT SITTING.)

MORTALITY in the METROPOLIS

NUMBER OF DEATHS FROM ALL CAUSES REGISTERED IN
THE WEEK ENDING SATURDAY, JUNE 30, 1549.
Epidemic, Endemic, and Contagious Diseases ...*349
Diseases of Uncertain Seat ... 59
Tubercular Diseases ... 190
Diseases of the Brain, Nerves, and Senses... ... 145
Diseases of the Heart and Blood-vessels ... 37
Diseases of the Lungs, and other Organs of
Respiration
... 105
Diseases of the Stomach, Liver, and other Organs
of Digestion... ...
... 70
Diseases of the Kidneys, &c.
Childbirth, Diseases of the Uterus, 8. . .. . 1
Diseases of the Joints, Bones, and Muscles ...
Diseases of the Skin, &c.
Malformations... ...
Premature Birth ... ••
Atrophy _ _
Old Age
Sudden ... ••• ... 46
Violence, Privation, Cold, or Intemperance 93
Causes not specified ... ... 3

... ... 36

DEATHS FROM ALL CAUSES

... 1,217

Population Average weekly Deaths
Enumerated, Deaths, 1844-8 in the
1841 Five Springs. Weoa.
West Districts... 300,711 . . 145 ... 190
North Di:Arias.. 375,971 .. 185 ... 205
Central Districts 373,653 ... 168 ... 246
East Districts ... 392,444 ... 207 ... 251
South Districts.. 501,190 ... 2.38 ... 325

Totals... ..... 1,948,369 ... 963 ... 1,217
Males

Females

... ... 476

*ln this number are included 124 cases of death by
Cholera, 34 by Scarlatina, and 45 by Typhus Fever.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, July 2.
SOUTH AUSTRALIA.
Lord MONTEAGLE presented a petition from certain in-
habitants of New South Wales, stating objections to the
amount required to give the franchise to the colonists under
the present constitution. In consequence of the great alter-
a ion in the value of property, it was found that it hod the
effect of greatly limiting the electoral body. That was a
prayer which of course would require to be very maturely
considered by their Lordships. Ile would, however, take
advantage of the presentation of the petition to ask his Noble
Friend the Secretary for the Colonies the question of which
he had given notice—namely, whether it was the intention
to proceed in the present session of Parliament with the Bill
for altering the constitution of the Australian colonies? It
might be said that it was irregular in him to allude to a I ill
which was not now before their Lordships; but he thought,
under the circumstances, he was justified in doing so, because
the Bill was yet in the other House of Parliament, and in the
month of August their Lordships might be called upon to
pass it.—(Hear, hear.) I hey had already had examples of
the mischievous effects of such hasty and ill-
considered legislation. It was only necessary to
refer to the case of New Zealand, in which, after their
Lordships had passed a constitutional Bill, which, when it
went over, had to be suspended, because it was altogether
impracticable. They had another pertinent example in
the case of New South Wales, to which they gave municipal
or district councils. That Bill was passed without adequate
inquiry, and, when it got into the colony, it was found so
unsuited to the case and to the times that the Legislative
Council applied to Sir George Gipps, the governor, to sanc-
tion them in suspending the law, and in acting contrary to
it.—( Hear, hear.) Sir G. Gipps saw the necessity of the
case, and was compelled to give the local legislature the
power of suspending an imperial Act. For two years this
was the case. For two years the local legislature was al-
lowed to override the Imperial Government and Legislature.
That was a state of things which he thought so dangerous,
so fraught with evil consequences, that he thought he was
justified in calling upon the Government to give them time
for mutually considering any future constitutional Bill.—
(Hear, hear.) He was still farther supported in this view by
the papers on their Lordships' table. He found that Sir
Charles Fitzroy, the present Governor of New South Wales,
had expressed his opinion that cersistance in the proposed
Bill would throw the colony into confusion and cause great
dissatisfaction. But there was one ground on which he
specially objected to the course which had been adopted with
reference to this measure. The Secretary of State, in intro-
ducing a Bill for the constitutional regulation of the colonies,
referred it in the first instance to the Board of Trade and
Plantations. He objected to this course on constitutional
grounds : he objected to it because it gave rise to a divided
responsibility. He contended that the Secretary of State
for the Colonies was bound to give his advice to her Majesty
on colonial affairs on his own responsibility, and ought not to
be allowed to shift it upon others, or refer such matters to
the Board of Trade.
Lord BROUGHAM—Board of Trade and Plantations.
Lord MONTEAGLE—True; at one time it had control
over the plantations or colonies, but we now had a Secretary
of State, specially charged with the functions of Colonial
Minister, and he must repeat his objection on constitutional
grounds, that that Minister should refer so important a
question to the Board of Trade. In the papers on the table
he found there were the strongest objections stated by the
colonists to two Chambers, but on looking carefully at the
language of these objections, it would be tound that they
objected to having two Chambers, if they were to be com-
posed as the one was, mainly of nominees of the Crown.
Looking at the important and various considerations involved
in this subject, and remembering that they were now in the
month of July, he could only say that he thought their Lord-
ships would lower their own character, arid the authority of
the Imperial Parliament, if they proceeded with so important
a measure without opportunity for more mature deliberation.
—(Hear, bear.) He might, indeed, appeal to the Noble
Lord in a twofold capacity. He was present, not only in his
capacity of Colonial Minister, but as the sole representative
of the city of Melbourne in Port Philip. They were em-
powered to send six representatives, but they had declined to
exercise the privilege, and had selected his Noble Friend as
their only representative.—(A laugh.) The question bad
been laid before the law officers of the Crown, who had de-
cided that the people of Melbourne were not restricted by
the laws of the colony as to their choice of representatives,
and might, therefore, if they so pleased, elect a Peer of the
realm, and the consequence was, that his Noble Friend sat
there holding an office, the duties of which, with all his
abilities, it was impossible he could discharge, and an example
of the evils arising from the hasty, ill-considered, and crude
legislation which he now called upon the Government to
delay. He hoped, that at all events, their Lordships would
be allowed till next year to consider so important a measure.
Earl GREY said it was certainly irregular to make a
speech in presenting a petition, upon a measure not before
their Lordships. At the same time there were reasons
which occasionally justified a departure from the usual
rules or the House, and he would avail himself of the op-
portunity of giving a short explanation of the nature of the
Bill which had been alluded to by his Noble Friend. But
before doing so he must be allowed to trouble their Lord-
ships with a few remarks as to the charge of unconstitu-
tional reference to. the Board of Trade. He must re-
mind their Lordships that from the earliest times it had
been the practice to consider all important ques-
tions referring to the colonies to a Committee of
the Privy Council. In the lapse of time it was found
that these affairs were too multitudinous to be well
managed by a Board, and for that reason a Secretary of
State was appointed, who was charged with conducting
the correspondence with the colonies, but it was still the
practice to refer all important questions to Committees.
In reality there was no shifting or division of respon-
sibilities. The whole Cabinet were responsible for its
acts as a Government.—(Hear, hear.) But practically it
was impossible to get the consideration of the Cabinet to
all questions, and therefore he availed himself of the
advice of the Board of Trade and Plantations. In point of
fact these measures came before him in the shape of a re•
port from that Board, and he, as Minister, and a member
of that Committee of the Privy Council made a minute upon
such reports. There was, therefore, nothing either irregular
or unconstitutional in the practice, and the Noble Lord,
when Secretary of State, himself had sat on such a Com-
mittee with him (Earl Grey) when he was Secretary at War
in a former Government, on the state of the currocy in
Jamaica. With respect to the Bill now before the other
House of Parliament, its intention might be briefly stated.
Its main principle was to leave the Constitution of these
colonies as we found them, and to change them as little as
possible. but at the same time to give them the power of
altering them from time to time and adopting them to their
own wants, subject to this limitation, that such alterations
should be approved of by her Majesty, after having been
laid before the Imperial Parliament. Thus, any reform in
the Constitution of the colonies was virtually to be effected
by the colonies themselves. He thought it a principle of
great importance, and one the adoption of which should be
delayed as little as possible. As to the objection to two
Chambers. In point of fact the ground of objection in the
papers was not what. the Noble Lord had stated. The great
objection was to the interference of Parliament at all. When
once a Constitution bad been granted, the colonists depre-
cated all further Parliamentary interference; so that it
would be seen that all was in accordance with the feelings
of the colonists, as expressed in these papers. The Bill
further proposed to divide the district of Victoria from the
other parts of New South Wales, and it gave to the colo-
nies with constitutions thus formed the power of forming,
if they thought fit, a Central Comeitutional Assembly, to
dispose of matters of common interest. But such a Central
Assembly could not come into operation except it was de-
manded 'by the legislations composed as he had described.
It was intended to omit the clauses creating a common
tariff among the provinces. The arrangement could not be
made without supplying a number of details which it would
be objectionable to supply here. With that alteration, it
was his anxious desire the measure should pass this year, in
compliance with the request of the colonists themselves.
The present state of things was most inconvenient and un-
just to Port Philip. If the measure were postponed now,
he would not be sanguine that they could entertain a better
period for discussing it next session, pressure of business
affecting questions of domestic interest. Such was the
course the Government intended to take ; and from commu-
nications which he had with persons connected with the co-
lony, he was sure that any postponement of the Bill would
be much. regretted. Ile might add, however, that if btriuus
opposition were offered to the measure, he feared it might
not become the law of the land.
Lprd LITTLETON, without going into the merits of the

Lord DUDLEY STUART rose, in pursuant to no-
tice, to make a motion for a Select Committee to inquire
into the manner of making the assessment in the several
counties for the maintenance of the metropolitan police,
and into the expenditure thereof; as well as into
the general administration of the force, and espe-
cially into the recent annual increased charge of
upwards of 35,0001 on the county of Middlesex.
He trusted the House would bear with him while he
briefly stated the grounds upon which he
made the motion. A motion for a Com-
mittee of Inquiry on this subject was not
only not unusual, but not unreasonable. Some years ago
a great many such Committees had been appointed, and
he hoped, therefore, that he would receive the support of
his Hon. Friend the Secretary for the Treasury. But
there had been no Committee upon this important sub-
ject for 15 years, and he must say that the above
was a reason for his motion being acceded,;to. There
were, however, other reeasons.—(Hear.) The police
force formed a fund of anomaly to our constitution.
When first established it was resisted on the
ground that it was not altogether in harmony
with our old fashioned notions of constitutional
liberty. It was felt to be no more nor less
than an army which was paid out of the pockets
of the people, not by money annually voted, but
right and which he thought it would be admitted, ought
notby altogethera n
Act
oc
f
ons on a Parliamentnt ; a
with our notionssystem of whichwas
what was
to be watched with a jealous and vigilant eye. Another
reason for asking for this Committee was that
in a short space of time the expense of the force had
been materially increased, asid a heavy additional
burden had been placed upon the inhabitants of the
metropolis and of the surrounding districts. The Noble
Lord then entered into a statement to show how great a
burden had been thrown upon the public to support this
great force, now amounting to an immense number of men.
file increase of expense had been 25,000 L, and the police,
for whom they had so much to pay, were not so ad
wieable in their conduct as many persons seemed
to believe, since there were many cases on re
cord in which the police had greatly exceeded their
duty and oppressed the people. Doubtless, it might not
appear in this light to fine ladies and gentlemen who
were glad of the assistance of these well dressed men, to
enable them to find their way to their carriages; but
such was the fact. But let the House inquire whether the
pe people
say thatwereofthes whereverameopini there w
opinion, and if they
a policemanheyspok e the
truth
they there
ito
ffheanpepee n eh de
sthat
policemen they were most unscrupulous in their
thereh'as a pettywer e tyrant.—(Cheers.)
re)es
Wtobeann
testimony; and yet, upon the uncorroborated testimony
of a policeman men were convicted and sentenced to
the most degrading punishments. In saying this he did
not speak without the book, since he could show that a
man was sent for trial, charged by a policeman with the
most horrible offences, and that the jury, after hearing
the case for a few minutes, stopped it, and acquitted the
defendant. By the returns it appeared that from 60,000
to 64,000 were continually taken into custody and charged
with offences, but the fact that out of that number
2,000 were discharged showed how ill the police dis-
charged their duty. Now this was a state of things
that ought to be looked into, and if the House were
to inquire into the matter they would see
why the number of police was so much larger than it
should be ; why it was kept up like a large army in 1847,
when there was peace and quiet. Indeed, the Govern-
ment said, because there were apprehended dis-
turbances in 1848, they were unwilling to allow
the number of the body to be diminished,
But they should be diminished in number, because their
present extent interfered with the comfort and liberty,
and character of the people. The effect upon a people
thus constantly tyrannised over must be bad. He thought
that
inexpedient
x ppeodl police
t on force
publicwtis keptgr
a e utpd
s cheaply,
to
h
they should inquire into all these things, and if it
ave anda
diminu-
tionthat
was it
of their number, why, then, the pee le
pl
could be shown that they behaved perfectly well, or
Governmentwould be
satisfiedear t oi
npay
mind
for them.—(Hear.) hh eamt
nota But
t a ke n
let t
hh
3e,
surprise -upon this matter, since notice had been given
were they r
by his Honourable Colleague, who he regretted was
unable to attend from ill health at the close of last
session. He might occupy the House longer upon
this matter, but he fell that he should stand a greater
chance of the motion meeting with its approval, if he
were, without further preface, to move it.
Si: G. GREY said that he thought there was but one
opinion in the House with regard to the metropolitan po-
lice force, as to its real value and efficiency. He did net
think it necessary to enter very fully into the statements
of the Noble Lord who had brought forward the
present motion. With regard to the imputations to which
the Noble Lord had thrown upon the conduct of the
members of that force, he could only say that in cases
where they had been detected in the practices which
the Noble Lord charged upon them, he could only
say that in cases where the magistrates did
not punish them, the Commissioners of Police,
sanctioned by the Secretary of State had always
availed themselves of the summary power which they
possessed, and discharged the men. With refer-
ence to the motion of the Noble Lord, he did not think
that he had laid sufficient grounds before the House
to justify the granting of a Committee. He had oen-
fined himself entirely to empty allegations, and had
produced very little evidence to support them. And
in these very alterations these was nothing
new. Ott similar inquiry this which yeas sOught

-of this House in 1813, when Mr. Tierney made a sim'
motion, though no doubt the Member 'for Montrose t'
wen
r
voted against that motion. Doubtless it' I had framed my
motion differently I might have fished for a stray vote . here
or I might have :aught one there—(Hear, hear)—but that
was not my object; I wished to bring the state of the cot entry
fully and openly before the House, and to state frank! v....1i,,
is my duty to my constituents and to no) self— tbe r.
why I cannot give toy confidence to the present Admit iistra-
tiou. Ido not over! ok the fact that there may be round
many who will tell the House that the Gov, rnruent et this
country is carried on upon right principles, but not ea"' the
right men, but my opini nis this—that ii England is to be
governed on Whig principles, I prefer tilt it should Le so-
vented by Whigs. --(Hear, hear.) Consio,:ling, tin 33. the t
the system ot gesernment pursued by the prossOnt Mita ;str, o
theoT,elsotoottahoe theudoegceanyeorofos,
hcoot certainly an o
untry,lgive
otloorenin,p i
a,:oraolifl
sing .
oppiaition, and I take this opportunity of laying before the
House the reasons why we are in opposition. I want to
know why the condition of the people of England should
thus have been deteriorating It is quite true that the 1p re-
slat Government are not formally responsible for all t the
measures in operation during the year 1846—the ahem ion
of the tariff, for example; but I apprehend they will not
shrink from that responsibility.—(.. Hear, hear," from the
Treasury bench.) They supported sod accepted those r aea-
tircs, a°d from the statement which the Noble Lord mad e oft
the subject, we have every reason to believe that hi. c not
being then in office was merely owing to an accident, and
that but for that accident he would have been the Mit later
to open the Parliament of 1846, and himself have pro-
posed similar measures. Onecause of this distress is that, not -
withstanding the continental. ctaivulsions, the goods esr -
potted are equal to the great years of 1845 and 1.116 ,
yet the declared value of goods in those years avert ige4 1
59,500,000/., hut in 1848 it was only :53,000,0004 so that on c
working people fir that same quantity of goods receives 1
6,500,0001. less in 1848 than in 1845. The first reason, am 1
perhaps the principal reason, that will be assigned for the 3
decline and decay in the condition of the country, will b 3
the famine iu Ireland, of course, the investments in rail wit' y
undertakings naturally, the operations of commercial speed -
lotion for several years, and the continental c nvulsions ft .r
the purpose of completing the climax.—(Cheers.) -TI ie
ifnEtaosumtriotinopieLeti—intsn_loreland, no doubt, was a great calamity, but it In i 5
rlsasfcuerntootnetrr
13c'(4)1tlflooni euileresi:
destroytit tooitipv ihtni
flourishing
gh
eir
foreignp disturbresetoCrhtaedpe—opseiatnicooent .
to
(surfer d p resiss oo:ort
to agriculturehe a attributed
hourt exhaustoato tha t our
cause.fina cleseintaetlrrl
at
ntdhyea,tplia :tior
.et HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 2.
•
STATE OF THE NATION. ' test against all these being imputed to the Irish famine.
have not heard much of speculation in foreignn I
sl considerable stress has been laid on railway investin • I
Mr. DISRAELI rose to bring forward his motion—
" That this House will resolve itself into a Committee of . presume I need scarcely remind the House that railwaye''a'e in-
the whole House, to take into consideration tle dertakings have been going on for a very long time, and no
state of .the nation." He said—l rise, Sir, to make ' one expected from them any other than beneficial re sul is •
but now those who approved of them (like all e; 'lr-
a statement to the House on the motion of which 1 ties engaged in unsuccessful speculations) turn round . : and
I have given ~ notice. I do so, because in i begin to abuse each other. Those, too, who lay the as lost
my opinion great and general distress prevails I stress on the effect of such investments are the middle cl ass,
in this county Hear hear)—and because I be. that only class said to be competent to the governm en tof
y—(
this country—they turn round on the railway invest, ne nta,
,
lieve that this great and general distress has be: n and impute to them, as it cause, evils of which they cet its inly
progressive since the formation of the present have not been the moving principle. On the contrary a it is
Government. The Noble Lord and his colleagues ' toy full persuasion that we do not suffer from any s vat it of
i capital, because it is at this moment notorious that ai ty man
have possessed the government of this country for three with good security can get as much money as he wa tens. I
years, uncontrolled and unscrutinized.—(Laughter;) repeat, then, it is not want of capital that has diminish el t the
They have passed all their measures—they have not commerce of England ; but then, we shall have the . CI lan-
had to encounter an ordinary opposition.—(Hear.) i cellor of the Exchequer accounting for it all upon h is fa-
No body of men have enjoyed the government of this 1 vourite ground--the continental convulsions. Now, Is ho aid
like to see the data, the facts which justify that cool ass un tie-
country heretofore under circumstances E 0 favourable '
thin. I say that they ought to be investigated, and I ha ye
as those possessed by the Noble Lord and his col-
noiedaottebtt that,e if they were, it would be seen that the ( lig s-
leagues. That being the case, one is inclined to contrast ectup-y
inwlBe4nB,orsr
oc‘,,rnelgittioonotilnierlB.46 andhathnatthwelicich
.-I reni
tcsi
the situation of England at the present moment with
what it was at the period when the Noble Lord and his convulsions; and what I want is, that than
causes el 'hem ild
colleagues assumed the reins of power. I need not recal be laid bare before the House in lull detail. At pr. Esse; at,
to the recollection of Hon. Gentlemen the state and condi we have them not, and in this day of rapid p ra-
tion of England at the ceromencement, I would say, of the gress I cannot help expressing considerable surprise the it we
year 1846. In all its relations profound tranquillity pro- should be now, late in 1849, without sufficient inform ',ti on
veiled throughout Europe, and it any of those criti- as to our condition in a commercial point of view dui int ; a
period which elapsed between this and 1846. lem pers sad ed
cal conjunctions that will always be occasionally occur-
therawould
.bano difficulty whatever in giving us t4f se :tie-
ring in the complicated transactions of great states
tails at a much 'earlier period ; and I hope the Fresh lent of
/ the Board of Trade, who, lam bound to is always dy
dtd ever arise, so great was the influence of England, anti
so justly great, that the kindly mediation of to attend to any suggestions of advantageatyo, public be reiness,
our country uniformly resulted in the amicable will give his attennen to the subject. I have, how ever, a
battlement of those questions at issue. at that return of the total exports of cotton goods in 1818. ill 'n hear
moment also our colonies, atter suffering great viciesi- of continental convulsions which have caused a dimi matelot%
tudes—l will nut stop here to say vicissitudes which were of our exports ; but it appears that in 1848, notwithsti citing
the cones quinces of our inconsistent legislation,--but the continental convulsions, there was an immerse in grease
in the export of cotton scuds.—(Hear. hear.) Reim. tattler
after enduring great vicissitudes, our colonies had re-
conciled themselves to the new position in which thatincotitB.4nB gcoJsthee floyains
aoune - half she entire i f our exp or ts;ii
increasee inex
poourrt eospitoh,et
porfecceottiti clog
they were placed ; and great, as some thought, t
3g:teiods of 88,000,000 yards o
insuperable as were the difficulties with which they hats
e'ear. There is another reason why I doubt wheel of
to contend, there had existed in our colonies a quality there has been a diminution of our exports. I
which I fear no one can pretend exists at tee present am indebted to the courtesy of the President .of
moment—hope.—(Hear, hear.) At that period. the Board of Trade for a return which has only just been can le
the commencement of 1846, our export trade had reached I pleted of the entire imports and exports during the yeas 1
an amount which never before had been achieved 1847 and 1818. I find from this return that on contrast i
by the people of this country. At that period those the much maligned year of 1848—the year of continents a
various classes that form what is popularly called the convulsions—with the great years 1845 and 18-16, there ha 5
agricultural interest were prospering, not so much by the - been no diminution in the quantities of goods exported.,-;
,-;
enjoyment of what is called high prices, but by being en- ( hear, he a 1.)
The
average The
of f gtohoedesxdoerntosteosf tilsees4
,5
abled to produce from theeoil a greater quantity of produce
andci 1816. was 133,000/. The total value of the expo! -0 than they had for many years, and being sure of a in the year 1848, in consequence of continental convulsi of fs,
market where that produce would be disposed of. was 132,904,00 U. ;nearly the same amount. But lass et
the significant fact—the average of 1845 and 1846, in ( le",
At that period the state of Ireland, if not en
tirely satisfactory to those who were its reel Glared value, was 59,500,0001., but the declared value of
friends—it still it were the victim of political empiricism, 1848 was only 53,000,0001. (Hear, hear.) That is a ntt et
and the only cure for its evils was still to be importaut consequence, full of instruction, and I recommee ,d
considered —if still it were to be sent mes. lion. Gentlemen—and especially the advocates of free trai le
sages of peace was, nevertheless, compared enrefully to consider that result, and if they can, satisfy
with its present state, one only of comparative torily to explain it. We have it here upon the records of 11 to
happiness.—(Hear, hear.) And, finally, in her Government that the working classes of this country receive 4in 1848, 6,500,0001. less than they obtained in 1845 and 181 16
Majesty's Exchequer there existed a surplus
fur the same quantity of goods exported.—(Hear, hest -.)
revenue between 3,000,0001. and 4,000,0001. sterling. Now, Sir, it mays perhaps be said that in fixing upon tl ta.
The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to draw a still fur- commercial year concluding at the beginning of 1646, it ia,
'they-
comparison between the state of the country and contrasting it with the commercial year ending in 1849,
J• its state when Lord John Russell came last into power. am taking an advantage of the Government, because ei 1 Notwithstanding all the sacrifices that have been made have the tables of the Hoard of Trade, which give us retort I
tothleose
by the colonies—sacrifices which no body of men ever tsiefnttheyceoamr,maenrdce
lovfhtichlei
scioiouwntrayeofziefoeurrabmieonitnhcsrelsethienprari !.
yet before. endured and met with equal spirit—the)
efaxrpforrotms.
wishing c an assurehin
were told that they had to make stilttheFight
sHdovna.nGt
segnot loefmathnee thatts
table
!Es:
3,12;
but I am bound to say that in this evidence that has be M
greater exertions. Not satisfied with possess-
offered us of the revival of trade,o aenodosteheuemncoerse
esaatiestfrtg
ing an ample surplus revenue, and discreetly
administering it, we were told that the tea duty must be condition of our workmen, taken off immediately.—(Hear.) Notwithstanding we revel-se, and reasons to make me view the future cxondid.on of
possessed the greatest influence in our external relationr, the working classes of this country with increased gli enm•
and mainly secured the tranquillity of Europe, that There are, I think, 65 articles of export enumerated in the
did not satisfy us. What we wanted to pos tables of the Board-of Trade; and of these I find that 41. ex-
sees was nettling else but perpetual peace and hibit a great depreciation in value. I find that a I anger
cosmopolitan tranquillity.--(Laughter and cheers.) Welt, quantity of goods was exported from this country ins the
four months of 1842 than in the first four months of 1848;
Sir, what has been the consecpsences of these aspirations?
but that those goods have been exported at a mac 11, di-
this table the most elaborate and most authentic evideThree years and a half have elapsed and we have upon
furnished price. In nine of these articles it appears
eci
of the condition of the people. I apprehend that Hon,
there has been a slight appreciation. There are fifteen
Gentlemen will agree with me that the best test articles where the gross value alone is given, and not the
of national prosperity is the employment of
the great quantity and theretbre it is not calculable what may bet the
appreciation or the depreciation. Upon the 41 articles- (.10-
mass of the working classes.--(Loud cries of "Hear, fireciated, which were sold to foreigners in the first four
hear")—of the working population at a fair rate of pro- months of this year, for (in round numbers) 13,000,0 01.11•,
fiteble wages.—(Hear, hear.) I mean, by profitably ' here would have been received, at the prices obtained last
wages, wages that will leave a profit to the em- , ear, 14,685,000 . .On the nine articles appreciated I here
reretrolatnisinteitraetasine ottepsreicefirtsottlfieouarromoouontthosf
04f4,10804091;
whichßtit ttal
ployer; otherwise the wages enjoyed by th
prtehciiastdioenp
were told exhibited such satisfactory evidence of the revival
employed would have very little prospect of lasting
(hear, hear.) The rise and fall of pauperism, especial!, 4 trade, there is positively a net
roefciaptriioc,ei to
or
se
when there are great fluctuations, are the best test of th,
vi, h„, , :mount of ot _ ,7
h greatis'a ?tle.—ms
depreciation
whichde
(Hear, hear.) I will mention two. .or
• state of the body politic, and especially
we consider the condition of the able- bodi. o Place. Theree on cotton goods export ea,
noon (Hear, hear.) Now, when the Howe eempared with the price of 1848,0 f 6 -
46 000/ • irpon
, r
is employed in considering political systems, all sup- woollen goods exported in 1849, as ' . '
compared with 1848, of
ported by great ability, aud when there is such rivalry 295,000 .; upon.linen goods, of upwards of 100, 001.; 'end
of economic theories, we are very apt to pans, upon metals, of upwards of 400,000/. How are you to -,ex-
and take general views of affairs, we are vets slain this? How do you account for this depreciation? You
apt to forget, or rather not to be consciou inay tell me the raw materiel is cheaper this year than it
of the changes which are occurring hour! was last. - (Hear, hear.) But the fact is, that the raw en a-
t renal is dearer than it was last: year. I will take the article up in
beneath us, and about us, and the alteration is not drawn
which the greatest depreciation takes place -that of cottea 1.
to theist, results until they are reelfseo. It we look to th l'he average
_price of the fair quality of cotton for the fin;t
state of the able. b“died poor in England at the corn- !our months of 1848 was 4514 d. and one- third, and in 1849 it
meeceinent of 1846, and the condition of the able-bodise was ',early 414 d. Now, a farthing in the pound upon cotton
poor in England, up to the last perioe eno light appreciation of value ; yet the English workminn
when we have authentic information on th, has been obliged to receive for his labour 646,0001. less thee'.
subject, we find a startling result—Bear, hear)— he di,l last year. I think, S:r, this proves that which I haw
lam not bringing before the House any factitious state- taken occasion frequently to impress upon the consideraticat
ments, nor any an .nymous letters—no correspondence, how. of the House—namely, that you have made a mistake as to
ever credible, excepting that which is officially authenticatee rite principles of profitable interchange between nations.--
to the House. 1 avail myself of no illegitimate mode of (Hear, hear.) Ido not believe it is continental convulsitiaa
bringing forward or supporting the statement which I have or railway investment, or commercial speculation, or the
to make, and I trust I shall not be met by any data or in- Irish famine, that ha, caused this decline in the exchange..
formation resting on slighter grounds than those on which able value of the English workman's labour. It is the hos.
my own propositions and conclusions are founded. The tile tariffs of foreign nations.—(Hear, hear)— bi fi w-.c.. you bans House at present has before it the report of the Epglish to encounter, which no policy of yours has yet modified, and Poor-law Commissioners, which very plainly shows the state which the system you are pursuing aggravates in their coat-
and condition of this country at this time and in the year sequences.—(Fleur, hear.) I have oaten taken occasion to
1846. Within that time the increase of the able-bodied state-the principles upon which I think the theory of red.
paupers has been 71 per cent., and the increase of paupers procity in commerce depends; but hitherto I have done so
generally, taking all classes, was not less than 41 per cent. with all the disadvantages which, in an assembly like this,
The report of the Commissioners shows within that time an any one must endure who appeals only to abstract reason,.
increase in the expenses of the poor amounting to not less Now, however, we have practical results befo,e us—in the
than 25 per cent., and the report further shows that the the sufferings, unfortunately, of the people of this country;
number of able-bodied poor relieved in the quarter ending and in the decline of our wealth—which illustrate t
Lady-day, 1846, was 382,417,whi1e the number of able-bodied theory. It has been said, indeed, that the principles upon
poor relieved in the quarter ending Lady-day, 1848, was which the reciprocity system of commerce is based are
666,338, while the number of all classes relieved in the quarter incontrovertible as far as they go, but that they
ending Lady-day, 1846, was 1,332,0-,'9, and that in the quartet only apply to direct trade between nations; and inasmuch
ending Lady-day, 1848, was 1,867,541. From the same authen- as the transactions of the world are carried on very little
tic statements it appears that the expenditure for the relief of by direct trade, they are in fact of no influence in the con-
the poor for the year ending Lady-day, 1846, was 4,954,2041., duct of affairs. But I think the critics who are so prompt
and that for the year ending Lady-day, 1848, appears to be to make these observations are little acquainted with the
6,180,764/. I venture to think that, with such facts as these theory of commercial reciprocity. In my opinion we can
before me, I was excusable—nay, fully justified—in bringing only encounter the hostile commercial tariffs of foreign
such a motion as this before the House.—(Cheers.) When countries by countervailing duties, and I think such a sys-
we find that within the short period of three years the in- tem occasions not scarcity and dearness, but cheapness and
crease of the able-bodied poor has arisen to the height of 74 abundance. I say that one of the principal causes of the
distress of the people of England is, that you have estab-
per cent., I say that the state of the country does demand an
fished a new commercialsystem, which mistakes the prin-
knowinquiry y this House of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) I
ciples upon which. exchange can take place be-
that very many ready reasons may be given for these
thata profitablehe consequence deplorable results, and I have not forgotten that the Commis- tweet nations
~ . of your adopting this
is to render British labour of a
sinners have given some reasons on this subject; but all system less exchangeable
these evils may be accounted for without
altering the result that its result must be dimin •
value;
if diminution of profits and 'on of wages; and that you •
de-
-the
stern facts remain unchanged. I am aware that the pressi persist in your system,
instead of finding means for ameliorating the condition of
great extent of manufacturing depression is said to account
and increasing
for what has taken place, that the immigration, from Ireland the people, the resources of the country by
the foreign commerce upon which you rely,. you will only
into England has greatly contributed to it; but I take upon
further depression and
myself to say that the House will fall into a very great ..securereuce the labourer, not further diminution, till you.
mistake if it supposes that manufacturing depression is suffi-
called the continental' level, to what is popularly
but below the continental
cient to account for such extraordinary results. I have level— (Hear, hear)—for
the whole scope and spirit of
now before me papers supplied by the Poor-law Con'" y
our system is too render the.labour of this country tributary
missioners setting forth the condition of twelve agric.ut-
to the labour of
tural counties and twelve manufacturing counties
ncluroiang
contending aintshteLcsottiilnetrles„ This is the great result of
the period from 1846 to 1848; yet, thoughave,
been unnecessary against tariffs by free imports. It is
for me to say that, holding these opinions—
county the manufacturing depression must
this country ..
opinions, as I think, justified by the stern facts ,with which
much felt, and the immigration from Ireland to
we
chiefly endured, yet those results are not sufficient to accounto
for all, nor anything like all, that has beenimir ttlelde lt9 foreignfated
Oncoammertce; and
which
Icandnooets look to our exports, stimu-
sys em not increase, but wheals
manufacturing causes. The average increase of the ratesr
Per cent , while diminishes the profits of the labouring classes and the
manufacturing counties appears to be
89bIlute16*, .and the capitalists,. as a source of the renovationof • this country.
that of the agricultural districts was a
all classeso of the poor Hitherto, in England,when our
increase of the expense of maintaining
25cent. (241).
under
per sufferingfromdepression, the industry in our manufacturing
throughout England was somethinlgcounty,
the increase was districts has been sustained by what 'is popularly called the
In Hereford, a purely agriculture
Buckinghamshire,l regret to say it home market. Now Sir, I
with
, have observed that great con-
is2l per cent., while in ' • the state'of fusion subsists
22 per cent. Considering, then, drat this is.
tto be the first duty of this House common use, and I have heard Hon. Gentlemen in this
the country, I conceive i
to cuter upon an examination
of the subject, and lam of opi- House use it, on the same night, and in the same
de-
neon that this is the right form
in which to bring it under bate, and attribute to it, very different mean-
the noticeal-the House.—(Cheers.) I perceive that my Hon. ings. The Hon. Member for the West Riding, in
Friend the' Member for Moutrose has given notice of an dilating upon the value of the home market, has always
amendment to my motion ; that Honourable Gentlemen formed his estimate of it by the quantity of articles of
is fond of giving notice of amendments, which is somewhat foreign imports which are consumed by the various classes
surprising, for he does not generally succeed in carrying his that constitute what is called the agricultural interest ; and
amendments. Mr. Fox has been heard to say, that there he has said that the consumption of a million of peasants,
was at play not only the pleasure of winning but the plea• and 200,000 or 300,000 farmers, and a few proprietors, how-
eure of losing also. Now, the latter source of satisfaction is , ever gra.t might ha their consumption of articles of foreign
one that my Hon. Friend has very often enjoyed; and, on I import, could not be compared with the demands of all the
the present occasion, he was so intent upon securing it that 1 nations of the world. Now, that is not my idea of what is
he gave notice of his amendment before he -even heard the , meant by the home market. I do not undervalue the
terms of my motion.—(Hear, hear.) }trope some chance ob- I power of consumption of the various classes forming the
servations, I imagine that he objects to it on the ground of ; agricultural interest, but this is not my idea of the home
its not being sufficiently detinite—•on the ground that I have market. I think it is of great import lice that we should
not laid before the House a set of resolutions; but I think have correct ideas on this subject, aud I wall put before the
almost every Ben Member mita agree with me, that the Ilou,e e '.et i coaceiva to la. lac oat 1110 01 the home inara
coor6e which I am taking is the regular and c.otstitutictial; 1-, 1., and 0;‘, j;,iiuencc, ~, inch it exorcises tny,n tbie, count rv,
course, that it is intelligible, and cannot be mistaken. Be- 1, will put it before the House eii a gr,at authority—one
aides, if I recollect right,' the Hen. Gentleman was a Member • with which Hen. Gentlemen opposite will not quarrel—the

proposed scheme, supported the proposition of his Noble
Friend on the cross benches. The Bill, however, fell short
of what it ought to be, by not giving statutahle security to
the colony Lf having their local affairs administered by local
legislation. He saw no indication of such a principle in,tho
Birl.

Lord STANLEY ridiculed the idea of discussing at so late
a period of the session a measure containing principles of
such magnitude, and detcils of so great imp,rtance. If the
Noble Lord attempted to carry through any portion of this
important Bill during the present session he would unques-
tionably fail, for >trenuous opposition would be offered tv it
both in that and the other !louse of Parliament.

Earl GIZEY saw great difficulty in separating what the
Noble Lord opposite had termed the "comprehensive" from
the "simple" portions of the Bill.
The petition was laid upon the table, and the conversation
ended.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented the fourth re-
port of the. Commissioners of Chat itable Donations, and in
presenting some returns connected with the amount of bu-
siness before the Court of Chancery, be expressed a hope that
his Noble Friend (the Lord Chancellor) would almost imme-
diately be able to resume his duties.
AUDIT OF RAILWAY ACCOUNTS BILL.
Lord MONTEAGLE moved the second reading of the
Audit of Railway Accounts Bill.
Lord LONSDALE disapproved of the measure, which he
regarded as an unjust interference with private speculation,
without any prospect of benefit accruing. When those
searching inquiries were not made by Government into other
companies, lie did not see why such interference should be
caused in the case of railway companies. He then moved that
it be read a second time that day three months.
Lord MONTEAGLE said that as the Bill had been so
fully discussed and approved of last session, he did not see
why there should be any necessity for dividing on it now.
The Earl of YARBOROUGH said that he did not think
that the railway companies were dealt fairly with, because
they had no opportunity of knowing this Bill, as it had bear
printed on Saturday, and proposed to be read a second time
on this day (Monday). He should therefore support the
motion of his Noble Friend (Lord Lonsdale).
Their Lordships then divided, when there appeared—

Contents •
••• ••• ••• ••• 10
Non-contents ... 5
Majority ... —5
The Bill was then read a second time, and their Lordshirs
adjourned.