The Sun.
London, England, 1836-06-08 00:00:00

IRISH CORPORATION REFORM•

MEETING OF THE FREEHOLDERS OF THE
COUNTY OF MIDDLESEX THIS DAY.

A numerous and respectable meeting of the Freeholders of
the County of Middlesex was held this day at Captain Hall's
Riding-school, in Albany-street, in pursuance of a requisition
to the Sheriff of Middle,.ex, calling upon him to call a
public meeting to take into consideration the question
of Irish Municipal Reform. The Sheriffs did not arrive
till near one o'clock, and at that hour Sheriff LAINSON took
the chair and addressed the meeting as follows :—.Gen-
tlemen, in consequence of a requisition very numerously
and respectably signed, addressed to the Sheriff, we have
thought it our duty to give to the freeholders of the county an
opportunity of expressing their opinion on the subject of the
Irish Municipal Reform Bill.—(Loud cheers.) In addition
to which we have appended, to save the trouble of a fresh re-
quisition, the subject of a petition to the Legislature, with
regard to the present monopoly existing in the coal trade.—
(Great cheering.) A string of resolutions has been prepared,
and will be submitted to your consideration. Sir J. S. Lillie
will be the mover of the first resolution.—(Loud cheers.)
Allow me to observe, that I hope every gentleman
will be allowed fairly and candidly to express the opi-
nions which he entertains on this subject.—( Loud cheers.)
Sir J. S. LILLIE came forward, and was received with loud
cheering. He said, I have been requested to propose the first
resolution prepared by the Committee, and I can assure you
that I have great satisfaction in doing so, as I perceive by the
demonstration of the spirit with which this meeting has been
convened that y ou participate with your fellow-citizens all over
the county, in the feelings of indignation which so generally
prevail at the exertions making to frustrate the endeavours of
his Majesty's Ministers to do justice to Ireland.—( Loud cheer-
ing.) I do not mean to say that the House of Lords have
no right to express their opinions with regard to any Bill which
came from the Lower House for their consideration; neither
do I mean to say that they have not the power to amend and
to make alterations and improvements in any Bill • but I do
say, that when they convert a Bill, intended for the improve-
ment of the Corporations of Ireland, into a Bill for the total
abolition of these Coprorations, that it is a mockery of Legis-
lation, and an insult to the nation.—( Cheers.) I do not con-
fine myself when I say this to Ireland alone—the repre-
sentatives of the people have been insulted who approved of
this Bill, and the Ministers who enjoy the confidence of his
Majesty have been insulted. The insult has reached the
Throne itself.—(Great cheering.) Under these circum-
stances, it might be expected that the freeholders of this
great metropolitan county should express their feelings of in-
dignation at the insult that has been offered to the Majesty of
the Throne, and of the people.—(Tremendous cheering.) I
will now let you know what the King's representatives—the
organs of the Ministers feel on this subject. He would read
what was said by Lord John Russell in the House of Commons.
" That he observed in it the principle of contempt and degra-
dation of the Roman Catholics of Ireland. He founedxtahmatplie
of Fit
was a Bill not founded on the Whig principles of liberty, nor
on the Tory principles of reverence for ancient establish-
ments, but a mixture of some foreign adaptation, in which
had
rbaeneene
a combinedthat
vv
whateveras
mostd
wase s t worstructiv
ein her in the
Jaco-
binical Republic, with all that was most despotic in her
military empire. He therefore said he was obliged, in
considering this Bill and his Noble Friend's amendment, to
look at them in reference to the whole tenour of their policy.
s no longer to
If, after the House of Commons had decided the principles on
which Ireland should be governed for the future, they were
to reverse them, they would make the cup so much the
bmeoroeffebriettdert foro
their
eir havinglips told them
dthiefmthtehy watietr
ew aprepared to take
a course inflicting on the Irish people degradation and a
sense of injustice, they might depend on haying to
contend with much opposition—with many obstacles—from the
feelings of the Irish people ; and he believed, likewise, they
would have to contend against the reason of the people of
England. Their attention was now turned to Irish subjects,

which for a long time had not attracted sufficient consideration,
and he was fully convinced that Englishmen would be prepared
on this occasion to do as they had always done, and act as
they would wish themselves to be done by, treating their Irish
fellow-countrymen with that regard which would insure their
stedfast attachment, and cordial union to the British empire."
He would now show that this was the very language that was
used by the Tories when in office on the introduction of the
Roman Catholic Relief Bill into Parliament. What did Lord
Lyndhurst say in answer to Lord Eldon ? He spoke as follows :
The Lord Chancellor Lyndhurst, as one of the responsible
advisers of the Crown, said (as a reason for supporting this
measure) that in consequence of civil disabilities, exclusions,
and proscriptions, he found the condition of Ireland growing
worse year after year, and that it would become infinitely more
so if such a course of policy should be persevered in. His
Majesty's Ministers had therefore determined on conciliation
where severity had failed, in order to admit the Catholics to the
full benefit and privile:es of the Constitution, and thus to put
a stop to the grievous discontents which had so long prevailed
in that country. He accused Lord Eldon, who had been 25
yeais in office, of never having, during that period, applied any
effectual remedy to the distressed state of Ireland; but, on the
contrary, it was during that time it had descended from bad to
worse. Still he came forward with all his power to oppose the
measure of his Majesty's Ministers. Is not Lord L. now perform-
ing the part for which he blamed ? He was one of those who
would not support an ancient system merely for the purpose of
upholding the preponderance of a party—what he asked did the
Noble Lords expect to reap from the continuance of such a
system ? Let their Lordships look to the evidence of history
on this subject, and it would afford them the best information.
Let them reflect on the rebellion of 1798, which produced so
much misery in Ireland. The reason attributed for this
measure never having been acted upon, was because they had
been a divided Cabinet, a divided Parliament, and conse-

quently an unwillingness on the part of the Crown to exer
its power for the purpose of effectually tranquilizing Ireland
But now there was a united Cabinet—let them do what justice
required. He called upon the Government, the Legislature,
and all the men of influence in the country to join in one happy
union to accomplish that great object, the tranquillity of Ire-
land, which concession alone could produce. He quoted a de-
claration made by Lord Redysdale in 1791, when certain con-
cessions were made to the Catholics —" That the Penal Laws
were a disgrace to the Law Books ;" and he further stated,
that the Roman Catholics were men of tried honour and
and loyalty, and most excellent subjects, though unfortunately
divided from us by their religious tenets, in which sentiments
he ( Lord Lyndhurst) most cordially concurred. As to the
objection made to Catholics not respecting their oaths, he should
think he was adding insult to injury, and outrage to oppression.
What was it but their respect for their oaths that precluded
them from Parliament and civil offices in the State ? It
was therefore a shameless assertion. These were his sen-
timents, they were not the offspring of any crude and visionary
theories, but of his most mature deliberation and reflection, and
concluded by saying it was his greatest consolation to be asso-
ciated with their Lordships in thus securing upon a permanent
basis the happiness and tranquillity of the United Kingdom.
Was not Lord Lyndhurst now doing the very thing he accused
Lord Eldon of?—( Loud cheers, and a cry of " don't quote
any more"—" the coals are coming.") I have no doubt in the
world these sentiments are very displeasing to Tory ears.-
-( Loud cheering)--and for that very reason, Gentlemen,
I will not confine myself to Lord Lyndhurst, but I
will give you what Sir Robert Peel said on that occasion, for
if we have a dissolution of Parliament, and the sense of the
people is taken, the best thing the Ministers could do would
be to print these sentiments, and circulate them throughout
the country, in order to shew what inconsistent politicians
their opponents are. Sir Robert Peel then contended " that
the Protestant population (the majority he meant in point of
property and influence), seeing a prospect of finally settling
the question, would be as much if not more irritated than the
Catholics at the rejection of the measure. He therefore
consented to give them a full and fair participation in
the advantages of the constitution, by a final settlement
of the question and perfect equality of civil rights."—( Loud
cheers.) I should be glad to know what it is that our
Government requires more than what Sir Robert Peel on that
occasion expressed his wish to give them ? I will say no more
about Sir Robert Peel—but I will give you an individual
whom I am sure the Tories will respect more than either of
those two, and that is, the Duke of Wellington.—( Laughter,
and cheers.) The Duke of Wellington said, "If he had
been certain of possessing the means of putting down the
people of Ireland in the manner some Noble Lords recom-
mended, he would not resort to those means, as, from his
knowledge and experience of civil war, he would make any
sacrifice, even that of his life, sooner than resort to it."
Why, they want to drive us to civil war; but the
people of England are too much enlightened to allow
themselves to be roused to reconquer Ireland. Ireland stood
by you in times of need in fighting the foreign foes of your
country—lreland was never backward ; and the question was
never raised what country you were from, or what religion
you werc—( Loud cheering)—and if we assisted you in oppo-
sing your foreign foes, why should you not assist us in oppo-
sing our domestic foes ?--( Continued cheering.) The Tories
have been driven out of the boroughs of England and Scot-
land, and they now take up their last position in Ireland; and
they expect the people of England will assist them.—( Cries
of " Never, never.") Now, for the satisfaction of the
Tories, I will read a little more of what the Duke of
Wellington says-nn the spbject :—" There is nothing which
destroys property and prosperity, and demoralizes character
in the degree that civil war does : by it the hand of man is
raised against lois• neighbour, against his brother, and against
his father ; the servant betrays his master, and the whole
scene ends in confusiOn and devastation. Yet this was the
re-source they must have looked to if they had not made the
option of bringing forward those measures for which he held
himself responsible. He referred to the opinions and decisions
expressed by the other House of Parliament upon the ques-
tion as a reason for a concurrence by the Lords. Well, we
want the very some thing now, and if the Lords do not have
mercy upon us, may the Lord have mercy upon them—
and for making such a concession as would put an end to
the question, for he had always observed that any restrictions
upon concessions had only the effect of increasin,-, the demands
of the Roman Catholics, and at the same time of giving them
fresh power to increase those demands." The Duke spoke
there more like a prophet than a statesman.—( Laughter.) He
therefore considered it his duty to make the concession as large
as possible, seeing clearly that anything that remained behind
would only, gain offround fresh demands ;be was moreover
convinced that the final settlement of the question would tend
to the security of the state and the peace and prosperity of
the empire." The Noble Duke then referred to the state
of 'Europi, and said that in no part of it was there a
distinction made between Protestants and Catholics. The
Hon. Gentleman then went on to say that lie wished to make
one observation upon the degraded state of Ireland, which was,
that the white slaves in Ireland, who were British born
subjects, had not the same protection from the British Legis-
lature which the black slaves in the West Indieshad. He had
given them the opinion of the Duke of Wellington himself.
If he had offered Radical opinions perhaps they would not
have respected them, and perhaps if he had brought forward
Whig evidence they would have found it was interested ; but
he had brought forward the evidence of the Tories themselves,
and he would say that upon their evidence they ought to con-
vict them. He would now read the resolution which had been
placed in his hands :
" Resolved—That the Bill recently introduced by his Majesty's
Ministers for the Reform of the Municipal Corporations in Ire-
land, and which passed the Commons' House of Parliament, having
been converted by the House of Lords into a Bill for abolishing the
old Corporations, without substituting others, is, in the opinion of
this Meeting, insulting to the people of Ireland, and tending to
augment, rather than diminish, the prospects of establishing the
peace and tranquillity of the United Kingdom."
In proposing that resolution we are not Destructives, but those
who would resist the progress of improvement, they are the
Destructives ; and if they still persevered in that course, they
will bring upon themselves that destruction which I for one
would be the last to see.—(Cheers.)
Mr. HOVENDEN willingly stood forward to second the firm
and temperate resolution which had been proposed to them,
because it contained no one sentiment or proposition to which
any honest man could disagree.—(Hear.) By most corrupt
means, which it would be needless to detail, Ireland had been
induced to enter on a union with that part of the empire. If
that union had been honestly and sincerely followed up it
would have been a blessing to both parts of the kingdom ; but
after having induced Ireland to surrender her own local legis-
lature, the pride of her local Parliament, and to become em-
bodied with that country, was it right to swindle her out of
her fair share of her rights ?—( Loud cheers.) He knew he
was speaking to a meeting of Englishmen, and he was sure
none of those present would condescend to so dishonest an
act. The measure proposed by the present Government went
to give Ireland barely a fair share of local representation in
the administration of their affairs—the Lords had sent back
that measure as one of insult to the Irish people. He (Mr.
H.) was so far a supporter of the principles of the Union, so
long as it was maintained on a principle of justice ; but he did
say, that after having obtained their share of the benefits the
Union was calculated to confer, and which was de-
nied to Irishmen, they could only desire as a matter of
prudence, and not conscience, the maintenance of that Union.
A greater evil than the dismemberment of that Union, could
not befal them ; and he (Mr. H.) would deprecate it most
earnestly and sincerely. Let them but give fair play to that
country, and no man would resist it more strenuously than
himself ; for it was by union only that they could maintain the
proud position they bad hitherto held among nations. He
(Mr. Hovenden), had on a former occasion, when that unfor-
tunate blot in Earl Grey's administration, the Coercion Bill,
had been introduced—(Hisses)—stood forward to advocate
the cause of that humble and depressed people. He had then
said that they should be ruled by law, rather than by the
sword. The present Administration was disposed to do that,
but they could not, unless they were supported by the voice of
the people at large.—( Cheers.) The Reform of the House
of Commons broke down the Tories, but did not annihilate
them—they were still a powerful phalanx, with all the strength
which wealth and position, and long associations, could give
them ; they were ably led, and nothing but union, determined
union, on- the part of the Reformers, could put them downr
A convulsion mould put them down—he hoped they would
not be driven to it. He (Mr. H.) had something to lose,
and should not like it to ensue, but if the people of Eng-
land were driven to that unfortunate alternative, they would
meet it, rather than go back to the old principles of Tory
misgovernment. —( Tremendous and long-continued cheering. )
He (Mr. H.) had never received any favour from any Admi-
nistration, but he looked upon the present as the honestest
Administration within his recollection.—(Cheers.) If the
people did not come forward and support them, they would
not be able to keep their places. Even without appealing to
their justice, which was quite sufficient for Englishmen, he
would appeal to the meaner motive of their protests, and he
would ask, how was their taxation to be reduced unless they