The Sun.
London, England, 1838-03-15 00:00:00

once to put an end to.--(Cheers.) Then it was said that a
solemn compact had been entered into—that might be so, but
he could not pay much respect to the obligation of that con,-
pact.--( Cheers.) It appeared to him that such a compact
was invalid on the ground that it rested on the violation of
the rights of humanity, which no man or set of men were en-
titled to take away.--( Cheers.) Suppose that a compact
had been formed by which some individuals, more or less nu-
merous, were to surrender their lives, would such a compact,
he would ask, be obligatory?—( Cheers.) He should think
not.—(Cheers.) What, therefore, was the result ? Why,
that men who were not entitled to give away their own lives,
• were not at liberty to give away the liberty of others.—( Cheers. )
Lord BROUGHAM—The lives and liberties of others.
The Rev. DAVID KING—The lives and liberties of others.
If the consent of all parties had been obtained to this
compact, the thing would have been different. The sanction,
however, of all parties, had not been obtained ; it was true
the sanction of the planter had been procured, but at a most
dear rate. It was true that the sanction of tile British Legis-
lature had been obtained, but at a very late period ; but the
most important sanction of all had not been obtained, namely,
that of the slaves themselves.—( Cheers.) The Ministers
were now disposed to do something—they were disposed
ap-
parently to do not a little on behalf of the slaves. He would
ask on what ground was this to be done ? If the planters had
e performed their part as assigned to them by the Act of Eman-
cipation, would the Ministry have thought of interfering at
all, and of enacting new arrangements in relation to that
course ? He thought not. Then the interference rested on
the supposition that the planter had been unfaithful to their trust
—they had broken the conditions embodied in that resolution
of Parliament. If so, then he thought that, on the same policy
on which her Majesty's Ministers were prepared and disposed
to do this much—on that very same footing, they would be
esnitled to do much more--(Cheers)—to do all—to break
every bond, and let the oppressed go free. (Cheers.) Why
trifle with every great and good interest—why constantly mince
snatters—why do everything by halves, and therefore do no-
thing effectually ?—( Cheers.) Why contrive so efficiently in
every case to extinguish the national interest—to destroy even
good measures by some restriction or qualification, which
not only extinguishes ardour, but arouses general opposition?
Oh! let them at least have one measure—one great measure,
vossessing all the simplicity of truth—all the amplitude of
' • Justice—all the promptitude of mercy ; and if they were only
..to have one such measure, let it be for the emancipation of
the slaves—(Great cheering)—and he was much mistaken if
this measure would not preserve the remaining popularity of
, the Ministry, and probably recover much that had been lost
—(Cheers)—if it would not be regarded as one of the great
:acts of that charity which kid.ed a multitude of sins.—( Loud
,cheering.) The other ground on which the abolition
of apprenticeship was opposed was, that it would expire of
itself. He acknowledged that this was an important consi-
deration, and that when they were so doubtful whether it could
be accomplished otherwise, it was a cause of satisfaction that
it must come to its termination. But while this was a ground
'of satisfaction, he could not regard it as any excuse of apathy
or of neglect. Two years ! what iniquity might not be per-
petrated—what suffering might not be endured in a single
Isour l—and if they extended that through two years, and over
a large community, the amount of wrong and the amount of
misery might be wholly incalculable.—( Cheers.) He
• would ask these objectors if they were prepared to
take the personal responsibility of all this injustice
and all this suffering ?—( Hear, hear.) If they were
and yet stood apart from this proceeding, they must take
it—that to forbear is to inflict, the principle of Scripture
being, " If thou forbearest to deliver him that is given over to
death,—if thou sayest behold I knew it not, doth not he that
kreoweth the act sonsider it,—he that keepeth that act doth he
not know it, and shall he not render to every man according
to his works." Two years Was it thus that the God of all
dealt even with his offending creatures.—( Hear, hear. )
laid he, with whom a thousand years was as one day,
and one day as a thousand years—did he ever say that a
period of two years was of no consequence, and therefore let
them ren.ain thus long the slaves of sin, and condemnation,
and wretchedness? No. His address to his creatures was that
which it became them to adopt, and apply in relation to their
:fellow-subjects, " Behold, now is the accepted time—( Cheers)
—behold, now is the day of salvation."—( Continued cheers. )
• 'Two years 1 How many of them would expire before that
time, and would be in possession of that liberty for which they
would not be indebted to the people of this country—in that
house " where the wicked cease from troubling, and the
weary are at rest"—(Loud cheers)—and the slave is free
3 from his master.—( Continued cheering.) Two years
Would the Ministry take their place, and bear it so long?
.No ; and where, then, was the rule—" whatsoever you would
that men should do unto you, do even so unto them, for this
is the law of the prophets."—( Cheers.) Would the people
bear it even in relation to their fellow-countrymen—would
they hear of such cruelties perpetrated upon Englismen, or
Irishmen, or Scotchmen, and permit it to exist? No. A
:single Act of it would rouse in one day a national and irre-
ressible resistence—(Cheers)—and why then were the
West Indies exempted ? why was the wrong to be permitted
there that was not tolerated here ? Just becouse
uncon-
sciously to ourselves we were personally and actually che-
vishing still the spirit of oppression—because they had not
:yet learned to call the negro man and to give him the rights
sof humanity.—( Loud cheers.) Those who contended that
the period was short seemed to be of opinion, that when the
consummation was at an end, it would then be of no conse-
'pence whether it was reached sooner or later. He appre-
' nended this was a great mistake. Wag it not of the very
highest consequence, when the slaves were possessed of h-
' berty, that they should ever cherish in connection with
,it feelings of deep and unfeigned gratitude to this
, 'country for the boon that had been conferred upon them,
' .But would it be so if the people of this country stood by and
witnessed these sufferings, and said let the system expire of
itself? No. This would undo, in their conviction and feel-
' ing, much of what had already been done—it would cause
them to view even our past kindness with suspicion, distrust,
• and with a gratitude qualified by all these adverse elements.
' __(Hear, hear.) Whereas if having interfered once, they
interfered again—if the national voice that cried "No
slavery," and slavery expired should lift itself again,
aad cry "No apprenticeship," and that apprenticeship
like it should cease—then these negroes would ever
cherish a gratitude as decided as our friendship had been
distinguished.—( Cheers.) But he looked not merely to the
; gratitude of the negroes ; he looked to the moral effect on
Europe and on the world. He acknowledged indeed, that
apprenticeship was distinguishable from slavery—that a period
of two years was not to be compared with undefinably pro-
longed bondage. • But he contended, that if they put down
what was not so very gross in its national character, then the
triumph of enlightened benevolence would be more signal
and effective, and all the world would see and acknowledge
that the British public were not to be deceived by names ;
that they were not to be satisfied with palliations ; and that
nothing would content them but the unqualified triumph of
truth and righteousness. He would observe in a word, and
.finally that it became them, irrespective alike of circumstances
sand seasons, to promote as they were doing this day,
the great cause of liberty—liberty, often hated, never
hateful—charge it not with profligacy—true liberty was
not licentious—charge it not with purposes of aggran-
dizement—true liberty was not ambitious—charge it
not with a design to overthrow well constituted authority—
, liberty was not reckless or revolutionary.—(Great cheer.
ing.) True liberty was pure, disinterested, and peaceful—
it comprehended in its benevolence, not the negroes only,
ttt their masters ; it inflicted injuries on none—benefits upon
eati.. Promote the cause of liberty, and they were promoting
the cause of humanity ; for every nation that was enslaved
was cursed.—(Cheers.) Promote the interests of liberty,
and they promoted the interests of religion ; for a summary
,of its blessings was—" The glorious liberty of the children of
t,God." Promote the interests of liberty and they were co-
operating with the Lord of Glory, for He came to " Break
the yoke and to set the prisoner free." Promote the interests
of liberty and they would anticipate the beatitudes of a better
world, where there are no slaves—but all are kings and priests
unto God, and where there is nothing that hurteth or de-
. etroyeth in all God's holy mountain. The Reverend Gentle-,
man resumed his scat amidst loud cheering.
Mr. J. STURGE rose to support the resolution, but before doing
.• so, said it might be interesting to the meeting to be informed that'
in consequence of the lamented illness of that steady friend to:,
the cause of abolition, Sir E. Wilmot, they were apprehensive;
that he would not be able to bring forward his motion for the
extinction of negro apprenticeship on the 27th instant, the day
for which it was fixed.—( Hear, hear.) Under these
circumstances, Sir G. Strickland, the Member for that
County illustrious for once having been
brepresented by
the illustrious Chairman—(Loud cheering)—e was sure he
need not say that the country did honour to the roan, and the
man to the country. Sir G. Strickland would give notice
this evening for a motion on the 29th to that effect in his own
Mame, if Sir E. Wilmot should be unable to bring it forward
on the 27th ; but if he should be able to do so, Sir G. Strick_
and would then second him. He ( Mr. S.) was desirous that
all the friends of the negroes in the House should have an op-
' Ptertunity of recording before the world, that they sincerely and
honestly are the real friends of the negroes.—( Cheers.) It
had been suggested to him to allude to the question of appren-
' ticesh;e, as involving all the essential evils of slavery, as man
• opprerty in his fello-man•
It not only did so, but the
Chairmau4
would bear him tout in. saying that it was the first
lime slavery was legalized by law.—( An individual near the
speaker intimated to him that be should have said Nob.
e
eehairnian.)
Lord BRotsoitA.m.—No. I wish you could say the contrary.
1 had rather been in the House of Commons.—( Laughter and
cheers.)
Mr. STURGE then proceeded to state that he had been pre-
sent when several negroes had been valued. One negro was
Naked at 1221 10s., another at 2091., and another at 352/ ,
:and was remaining in bondage when lie (Mr. S.) saw him.—
(Hear, hear.) He was speaking of the currency, which was
12 sterling. He mentioned these facts to remove any doubt
• :as to the fact of the apprentices being held as property ; and
, "le revolting, feature connected with it was, that not only
the physical strength, but the moral qualities of this man, were
/alucd under this system : and he was obliged to give a
' Piece in proportion to his excellent qualities.—( Hear, hear.)
,He wished to refer to a circumstance which Dr. Beaumont
alluded to. He was confident that the Doctor was as
einceeely desirous for the immediate and total abolition of the
. !tppresiticeship system as he (Mr. S.) was—( Hear, bear)—
, , this: subject was taker, up upon principles of eternal jus-
: and could admit of no compromise.—( Much cheering.)
he
Doctor had said that they would take part by the present
Bill,or they could not take the se hole.—( Cries of " No, no.")
FII. I'l3 ( Mr. S.) own part, he could not believe that this
Bill could be patched up to be in any way satisfactory, and
- thatthe object of any patching up of the subject
was merely to lull the kindly sympathies of the
People, whereas the only hope of the friends of this cause was
•
111 the sousing of the voice o f the public ; and happy he was to