The Sun.
London, England, 1849-08-18 00:00:00

THE SUN. LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING AUGUST 18 1849.

taken 68 men out to Constantinople, and guaranteed
that they should be forwarded to the frontier of their
own country, and that each should receive as much
money on their landing as would enable them to effect
that objgett. That company entered into the arrange-
ment at an immense loss to themselves; and the Chairman,
whose name-should be mentioned and remembered with

honour, when his (Lord Nugent's) Noble Friend, Lord
Dudley Stuart and another, undertook to guarantee the
company from any losses in case of a failure of the sub-
scriptions, Irr. Wilcox, the Chairman, he repeated, con-
sented cn the reception of that guarantee, only on the
condition that ho would allow him to join in the
guarantee. (Cheers.) —ln enumerating the papers
to which the cause was indebted, he had forgotten
to mention the Standard of Freedom. [A Voice—
Aye, and the Northern Star.] —(Cheers.) They had
given the Hungarians who arrived on their shores the
means of returning to their own country ; they were
now at sea, in order to effect a junction with their gal-
lant friends in arms; but that ought to arouse still more
the active communion between the people of England
and those of Hungary. Let them establish such a coin•
munication, by showing them they were ready to enter

on a tribute—
A VOICE Aye, that's the talk.
Lord NUGENT, in continuation—Let them act as be-
came a great nation, sympathising with Hungary strug-
gling for her freedom, and by assisting and counte-
nancing them, they would assist and sympathise with
liberty all over Europe.—(Cheers ) Let them testisfy
to Europe their anxiety in their cause, and they may
feel assured that, come what would, in joining to support
the cause for which they met that night together, they
bad not lived or met in vain.—(Cheers.)
Mr. J. WYLD, M. P., then came forward, and was re-
calved with loud cheers. He said—Ladies and gentlemen,
I trust, Mr. Chairmaa,thatj shall not be thought wanting
in respect to you—stating es you did in the early part of
your address that the opinions which you then gave ut-
terance to were the opinions of an individual—if I simply
look ;Tan them in that light. And Ido hope, if, sir, it
should be my painful duty to differ from you, that both
you and this large and numerous meeting will take my
sentiments to be merely the individual expressions of a
single man.—(Hear, hear.) Now, sir, with great
submission, I think the time for mere sympathetic
speaking is pat.—(Loud cheers.) This is a great ques-
tion, ❑opt simply one between Russia, Austria, and Hun-
gary, but a question of European civilization.—(Loud
cheers.) Great, nohle, an l daring as have been the
ffarts of the brave Hungarian people in this holy and
noble cause, let it be borne in mind they are not fight-
ing for themselves alone, but for the independence of
Europ s.—(Lond cheers.) Tho Emperor of Russia has
throana down the gauntlet to the greater part of Europe,
as the advocate of despotic principles; and we, the people
of Englund and of America, will take up the gauntlet
and throw it into the air hi fore him.—(Loud cheers.)

We wiil take up the glove of defiance, and throw it in hi;
t: eth, saying, "As y have dared to menace the rights
bequeathed to the Hungeriae people by their ancestors—
rights of freedom solemnly and legally obtained by them
--fl3 you have manifested to the various Courts of
En: ape by ukase, that it is your intention, by despotism
and by an ermiel force, to stifle throughout Europe the
feeling of constitusioeal liberty, we, the people of Eng-
land, as a small but not unimportant section of the
nations of Europe, throw that defiance in your teeth,
at d as our ancestors have gained for us a glorious Con-
stitution, capable perhaps of amendment—(Hear, hear)
—but the best, perhaps, at present in Europe, and as we
have learned what aro the advantages and benefits of
freedom, and how to value them, arid a 9, by all the
enerzy, intelligence, and power we posses% we should
defend our liberties were they assailed, by the same
means sue will support the noblest cause in wh!eh
brave and noble people ever engaged, not by mere
wer:l3 but by deeds."—(Pfolonged cheering.) We will
not behold similar blessings wrested from a brave people
without an effort to prevent such a monstrous act of
spoliation.—(ifear, hear, and cheers.) Sir, you have
sus ed that this country is overwhelmed with debt
in consequence of war. Yet how small a
share in that immense mountain of debt has
been add- din the cause of liberty. From the Prottc
torate to the present time it has been all spent in war;
not for the benefit of the people of this country, hut to
assist the struggles and maintain the tyranny of despots
and of tyrants—(Loud cheers) —to uphold the house of
Hanover in continuing their association and intrigues to
and with the different powers of Europe to strengthen
their continental power—to beat down the liberty which
the French people were striving to obtain—to hire
assassins to aid despotic monarchs to crush the struggles
of people eater to be free.—(Loud cheers.) That
was the way in which the money was spent. Thus
the debt was accumulated. And now the
liberties of a bravo people are menaced,
shall we complain if one small stone—
one unit be added by the people, to aid in rendering all
Europe freo.—(Loud cheers.) This is a question, let it
be borne in mind, that concerns us as a nation—as indi-
vidusls; and it is to my mind a pecuniary one. If you
view it in that new but necessary light, the way in which
I think you should view it, you cannot fail to be of my
opinion. It is, in fact, a matter of pounds, shillings,
and pence. I say, therefore, that a strong demonstration
on the part of England would be economical taken in
this point of view. Let us recollect, that if Russia
grasps Austria, and encloses her as she has Hungary, the
time is not far distant when she will menace European
Turkey, and close the Mediterranean as she has closed I
the Black Sea; and menace, if not endanger. the safety
or our vast Indian empire, by sending her armies to the
shores of the Bosphorous, and by keeping her fleets in
the JEgeau and Mediterranean Seas. And we most,
at continual annual expense, send fleets to prevent
her from menacing our gie a`• eastern possessions? Let
us say to those who are striving to destroy the independ-
ence of Hungary, " The course you are adopting is
neither fair nor manly—if you do not remove your forces
the thunder of our ships shall drive you back to the
Irirhariau waste from which you it sucd."—(Loud cheers.)
This is a question in which the manufacturers and work-
ing men of England are intimately interested (Loud
cheers;)—it is truly a question of political economy, as
well as one of liberty and of freedom. We have
had much talk about upholding Austria as a
barrier against the incursions of other powers.
What has she done to extend commercial
freedom in her own empire, or to aid that of other
countries? Why, she has inflicted upon her own people a
tariff which has caused her commerce and her cities to
languish—she has shut up an immense region which
would be fertilized and rendered most productive and
beneficial, not merely to England, but to Europe gene-
rally—a region consisting of 126 square miles, and con-
taining 14,000,000 of inhabitants—who were willing to
enter into treaties of reciprocity and free trade with us.
And, on the other hand, she has stifled every emanation
of liberty in Europe. She has menaced the Turkish
empire, suborned the north of Italy, arid assisted Prus-
sia to overawe, if not to crush, the German states in
their efforts to obtain constitutional freedom. And yet
it is sought to be instilled into the minds of the people of
this country that it is necessary to maintain Austria as
a power against the incursions of hordes of bar-
barians; from Russia. The whole tendency of
the policy of Austria was to uphold and abet
Russia. Why, it is obvious. Not a single remonstrance
was offered by the statesmen of Russia when Austria
took possession of Moldavia and Bessarabia. When
Russia seized Poland, Austria made no remonstrance,
though put to great expense, in increasing her army,
entailing thereby great expense upon her people. It
seems strange that any one should state, in the face of
an intelligent people like the people of England, that it
- is necessary to maintain such a power as this.
A Voters:—No, it is not.—(Cheers.)
Mr. WrLD.—lt is not. If the choice is to he between
Austria and Hungary, give me Hungary—(Loud
cheers)—Hungary, with nearly 600 years of constitu-
tional freedom, and since 1848 the most perfect freedom
which any nation on the face of the earth enjoys. Who
is so likely to fight against Russia, should she pass her
own trawlers as a nation of ft eemen? for every Hunga-
rian peasant has a right in the soil on which he was
born. Who so likely to fight against the barbarian
hordes of Russia, in defence of freedom—and to stand
as a barrier between Russia and the west of Europe—as
the Hungarians, standing on their own soil, and fighting
for their religion andtheir sacred rights?—(Loud cheers.)
As the Noble Lord has entered at great length into
the question before us I shall not occupy your
attention more than a few moments longer.—(Cries of 1
"Go on.") It is necessary, gentlemen, when so many
persons have to address you that each speaker should be
as brief as possible. Now we have had meeting after
meeting, and we have spoken at them as loudly as we
could. Our feelings of sympathy for the people of Hun-
gary brings to my recollection an old quotation of Hu-
dibras, which strikes me as somewhat apropos at the
present moment—

" That sympathy without relief
Is like to mustarrl without beef."

—(Loud cheers and laughter.) I want the people
of England to speak in intelligible language,
to the Russian and Austrian Cabinets. I want you also
to say to the Government of the day, " You have in
times past assisted nations struggling for their freedom
—some years ago you suspended the Foreign Enlist•
went Act, in order to enable Englishmen to join the
standard of the Queen of Spain, who wes fighting
against Don Carlos. Here a strong appeal is made to
you to adopt a similar course in aid of a holy and noble
cause. Suspend the Act in this case. We shall then be
able to test the opinion of the country by meetings of
this kind, whether that course would not be wise and
just,. and whether there are not hosts of men ready to assist
In ,
.nrantaming a constitutional power in the eastern part
r-alrope—a nation not affected with rebellious or ex-
treme opinions, but ready to become' the defenders and
guardian: of real t
d,p,,nd
upon y and freedom; and if they do
all
the
assistance
the country whichreciprocate we aid will
which we may render her.
And we should bo the means of teaching Asia, and all
the dominions unaereant?l
empires Ise domination of Russia,
Turkey, and other
wishes
to
be
free it
from despotism,
that if a nation
hope before long that some strongit canmbonestt-or.a.nce will be
And I do
roaee by cur Government,:and tharteth
up in
vni may not be expresse3 by word-se betlihugad of the
e
(Hear, hear)—for there are men passing but deeds—
(Hear,
indolence in England who are ready tc
to assist this cause.—(Prolonged cheering.)
Whilst
hatrms
the one hand wo say we do: not wish to embroil this
country in war with Austria and Russia—(Hear'
hear) —yet, on the other hand, let the people
espouse this holy and noble cause if they
think proper. Will you allow those ships of yours sailing
indolently in ditfereet parts et the eforld, to archer near
some of the large towns of the Russian 'empire, and say,
" England has accepted your challenge—we are the
advocates of constitutional liberty—so long as
you re-
naainefl in your own country, and did not step into
another illegally, and against the laves of God and na-
tions, and endeavoured to crush the liberties of a people,
like those of Hungary, we did not interfere with you;
but, heating acted in contravention of those laws,
wa have accepted your challenge ; and un-

less your armies be withdrawn, the broad-
sides of the British navy will fire upon you."—(lmineme
cheering, and waving of hats and handkerchiefs.) Sir,
we want no war. We shall have no war. Six mil-
lions worth of produce, from the estates of Russian
nobles, is annually imported into_thi3 country; and
the moment you: put on a warlike front, these nobles
would compel the Emperor to adopt a different line of
policy, or be would cease to exist. If you do not do
this, we shall have that cloud which has so long
hovered over Europe bursting upon us, and dis-
turbing, for years and years the peace of Europe;
but if we step forth and aid this great
and brave nation, the money it may cost will be well
spent, because it will uphold the peace of Europe, and
teach a lesson to the Russian Czar which he will never
forget; and, on the other hand, we shall by such an act
obtain a noble heritage which we shall be enabled to
hand down to posterity unsullied, as a bright example to
other nations. The Hon. Gentleman seconded the mo•
tion, and resumed his seat amidst lend cheers.
Mr. ROLAND ALSTON spoke to the resolution. From
the earliest period, he said, the Hungarians had ever
been a free, a noble, and a gallant people; loyal to their
chosen Sovereign, and ever ready to expend their Lest
blood its defence of their rights and fatherland. They
had broken no law—they were, on the contrary, the de-
fenders of the law against those who broke it. It was
said that their Constitution resembled our own; but they
possessed a Constitution even before the name of Parlia-
ment was known in England, before a vestige of consti-
tutional rights appeared in this now highly-favoured and
happy country.— (Vociferous cheering, in opposition to
that opinion.) It would have been monstrous had Han-
teary not resisted her oppressors. What would the
English people have thought and done if in 1830,
when the people had effected the passing of the Re-
form Bill, and the King had sanctioned it, the King had
refused to ratify it, had withdrawn to Hanover and
had sent 200,000 Russians into England to enforce any
tyranny he might have chosen to enact ? Why, there
would have been but one shout of defiance from one end
of the country to another, and there would have been a
war of extermination in whose result either not a single
Englishman or not a single Russian would have been
left alive in the country.—(Cheers.) He did not fear
that Russia awl Austria combined would ultimate ly
crush Hungary, but he was anxious that England should
not miss the opportunity of expressing her warm spn-
pethy in this glorious cause. He conceived that if the
feeling of the people of this country was once distinctly
expressed, it would aid the English Cabinet to develop
more emphatically that sympathy which he was satis-
fied they felt for the great cause of Hungary.—(Hear.)
The CHAIRMAN hoped the meeting would readily un-
derstand that there could be no reluctance, on the pert
of the committee, to hear au American gentleman, but
it was necessary to maintain order in their proceedings,
which he was sure the meeting would egree with him.
was highly proper. lie should now, however, be glad
to introduce ani welcome any gentleman who was a
friend of America.
The Rev. Mr. RIcuMOND, of the Episcopal church of
America, then presented himself in front of the p'atform,
and was received with loud cheers. He said he had not
the most distant intention, when he first entered, of in-
truding himself upen this public meeting of the cit!zwis
ot VitAmineter, but when America was appealed to he
did think that that was a moment—and he should
only have been a moment on his legs had he been allowed
to arcak then—when it was his duty to get up and pro-
nounce this to be not me: e'y an English or a Etitish
question, but an Anglo-Sexen question.—(Hear, beer.)
lie would not confess to Lapp- ariug there es a stranger;
he cool I not confess hims, It to be a stranger in &T-
-ian I, nor would he ever c infers himself to be a stranger;
and when the other day he was et Green and was
se-n by a friend to kiss the green fields, his friend ask! el
him what he was doing? His reply wee, " that he was
kissing his mother."—(Laughter.) Such, he could as-
sure them, was the feeling of every true-born American.
The first thing they were proud of—and the meeting
uld forgive the Americens for this—was that they were
free-born Americans; while the st cond thing they were
proud of was, that every drop of blood in the it veins was
English.— (Cheers.) There fare, the time for wars be.
tween great branches of the Anglo-Saxon nation had
passed away.—(Cheers.) Hitherto they had been far too
passive upon the question, and now the period had
a -rived for their being positive. Let them then, in a
voice of thunder, indignantly protest against this great
wrong.—(Hear, hear.) Let the twenty millions of
Anglo-Sax,ms on the other aide of the Atlantic, and the
twenty millions here, unite in one cry, and that thunder
of forty millions of An ;lo Saxon voices would roll over
the Continent, and strike terror into the mouth of the
tyrants of the north.—(Hear, hear.) Just one thousand
years ago that great Anglo-Saxon, whose anniversary
combined English and Americans were now about to
celebrate, drove back the northern hordes. Let it be for
the Anglo-Saxons of the present day to aid at least in
driving back the northern hordes once mere.—(Cheers.)
The Great Northern Bear had become so Hungary—
(Laughter)—that he will not be satisfied without a large
slice of Turkey—(Renewed laughter)—and it was time
to tell him to whet his appetite elswhere. If this
country told him so, he would listen to it; but
he must be told to confine his appetite
within a more limited range. (Hear, hear.)
With Americans this was mainly a question of bro-
therly love, of liberty and freedom throughout the world,
of hatred to oppression; but with England it was a qles:ion
of sell-preservation, for they might be sure that Hungary
would be only a step more towards Turkey, and that
Turkey, if once assailed from so near a position, must
fall; for Turkey, like one of those trees in the western
forests of America which, long since cut through, but
still remaining standing and looking like trees, yet fall
at the first touch and show themselves but dust, must be
prostrated with the first vigorous blow. The aim of the
Russian bear was to get possession of Constantinople,
and therefore it was well for this country to follow the
example of America and double her fleet in the Mediter-
ranean. When the American commodore asked for an
additional force in the Mediterranean, they sent him
double the number of ships lie demanded, because they
felt it was a contest between slavery and freedom.
Now was the time, now was the day, row
was the hour for a great effort. The struggle was
between despotism and liberty—between oppression
and slavery—between barbarism and civilisation.
He, as a clergyman, should not stand forward as advo-
cating a recourse to physical demonstration, were it not
that he considered the question one between despotism
and liberty, between barbarism and civilisation, between
the rights of man, given him by God, and the opponents
of those rights, who cling to the monstrosities of the
feudal system.—(Hear, hear.) It was not only a struggle
between despotism and liberty, between oppression,
slavery, and freedom, but it wa3 also a struggle between
barbarism and civilization.—(Cheers.) It was a struggle
between the rights of man, which God had given him,
and the proud and tyrannical oppressors of those rights,
who stood only upon the old feudal system. The last
legacy which Washington gave to his countrymen was,
" Not to entangle themselves with foreign alliances;"
but in this case it was not applicable, for with them it
was one of self-preservation. Statesmen now regretted
and felt that it was in their power to have saved Poland
before it was too late. They should interfere to save
Hungary, and not afterwards to express unavailing re
grets.—(Hear, hear.) Let the voice, then, of the forty
millions of Anglo-Saxons be raised in favour of
Hungary and the cause of liberty.—(Hear, hear.)
Do not mistake him, he was not a sham Republican—
not a make-believe lover of freedom—not such as they
had seen in France, in Louis Napoleon, who sent a
friendly army to Italy. He was not a make believe de-
fender of freedom. It was clear that the new Napoleon
—(Groans)—was not to be relied upon, nor the nation
which permitted the visit of the friendly army of inter-
vention to Rome.—(Groans.) But a Frenchman would
be a Frenchman, he could not help it.—(A laugh) A
Frenchman could not be a John Bull.—(A laugh.) And
thirty-two millions of people, who were so near to them,
could not be counted on in this struggle.—(Hear,
hear.) What, then, had they to look to? Why, to the
conservative republic of England. The true consera
waive republic was to be looked for in America and in
England. And the health which he would soonest
drink was " Long life to the Queen."—(Elea, hear.) In
America they said, the Queen of Spain, the Queen of
Portugal; but when speaking of the Queen of England,
they said simply, the Queen; proving beyond all ques
tion, that every American was anxious to secure the
stability of the throne of England.—(Hear.) And the
meeeting might depend upon it the best thing for Eng-
land was long life to the Queen, and stability to her
throne. He believed a republic was the best thing for
America, while a monarchy was the best thing for
England; and both, he was sure, would always be found
ready to unite in defending the rights of man against
the. oppression of the tyrant.—(Cheers.) There was a
time for all things; and now was the time for England
to stand up in defence ot Hungary. No nation could
stand up with the majesty that she could. She had
power to command reverence, if not from despots, at
least from their people; and, therefore, he said again, let
the great progenitor of the Anglo-Saxon race stand up,
and cry in a voice of thunder, " This mighty:wrong shall
not be done."—(Cheers.)
The resolution was then put and carried with enthu-
siasm.

Lord DUDLEY STUART, who was then introduced to
the meeting by the Chairman to move the second reso-
lution, and who was received with loud and long-conti-
nued cheering, said—Mr. Chairman, and Ladies and
Gentlemen, I assure you that I have delayed a few me
ments addressing you with a great deal of pleasure. I
was to have spoken immediately after my friend Mr.
Roland Alston had delivered his sentiments, but I am re-
joiced that the Rev. Gentleman from the United States
of America has had the opportunity of delivering his
noble sentiments upon the present occasion.—(Cheers.)
I am certain that our worthy Chairman, when he stopped
that Rev. Gentleman on his first rising, only did so, as
he expressed himself, from a desire to maintain the
order of our proceedings—(Hear, hear)—because the
committee, under the guidance of that Hon. Gentleman,
had already decided that a resolution should be given to
a citizen of the United States, who will also have the
honour of addressing you.—(Cheers.) Ladi, s and gen-
tlemen, I shall now make to you but a few observations
upon the qucAion, because it is one with which you aro
already familiar, in consequence of the great number of
meetings which I rejoice to know have been held in
different parts of this metropolis, and in all, or at least
in a great many,
country; and
of the principal towns throughout the
u
aymeanayiregad y aent!ezrne,ssi(d y
in noobuleuapnodn etlhoe-
eione nnttr speeches, aencdhes also
subject.—(Bear, and cheers.) It is
nently- calculated to excite yodur sympathy; and I will
read to you, before I further, the resoludon
which it will be my duty to move.
" That this meeting looks with unmitigated
h unmitigated abhor-
rence on tho joint efforts of te
Monarchs to extinguish the freedom of
and Russian
in the blood of its brave inhabitants. Agaallant nation,
of the invasion is only equalled by the atrt,oiou the infamy
cruel-
ties marking the progress- of -the invaders; and
taut
following address, expressive of our adcuirationatt

sympathy, be forwarded' to the brave men of Hungary,
with the least possible delay."—(Loud ch. ers.)
An address has been'preparcd to be forwarded to Hun-
gary, and I will call upon the Secretary, Mr. M'Enteer,
to read it to you, and then I will further address you.
Mr. IVENTEER then read the following address :
" ADDRESS OF THE INHABITANTS CT THE CITY OF WEST

MINSTER TO THE HUNGARIAN PEOPLE.
"Bravo Men of lluagary,—From the seat of Briti?h
Government, we, the inhabitants of the ancient city of

Westminster, address you. As the citizens of a free
country, the struggle of freedom against despotism must
ever command our sympathies. Such a struggle, in its
holiest phase, heroic Hungary now presents to us. In
you the world beholds the spectacle of a united people
fighting for the rights of fatherland, and exhibiting a
heroism only to he (quailed by the enduring patience
and devoted loyalty manifested by you preceding your
final resort to arms. Justice and moderation clothe with

dignity the surpassing bravery of the defenders of your
constitutional rights, and the guilt and cruelty of your
oppressors call not more loudly for the execration of the
good than your devoted patriotism commands the sym
pethy and aid of all to whom liberty and humanity are
dear, and injustice and cruelty abhorrent.
" The intense interest attaching to your position has
made the history of Hungary familiar to the Bri.ish
mind. In the pages of that history we find that the
rights you struggle to preserve are the constitutional
heritage of a thousand years. Since the accession of
the House of Lorraine-Hapsburg, fourteen kings of a
faithless race have successively sworn to respect and
guard your national privileges; and by each in turn has
the sacred oath been violated; and now, as the crowning
sin of this perjured dynasty, the present Austrian mo-
narch seeks to wade through a nation's blood to the
throne of St. Stephen, and when defeated by Ifunga

elan valour, calls to his aid the kindred assistance
Cossack hordes to desolate with fire and sword the fair
fields of a people who have repaid royal treason with
forgiving truth, and erred only in their loyalty by
loving • not wisely, but too well.'
" War should ever be the last resource of the op-
pressed, but the history of our own country teaches that
tyranny may assume a shape that makes arnatd resistance
bt come a virtue. That shape in its most hideous form
the Austrian and Russian invaders of your country have
assumed, If the revolution that won for us Englishmen
u r.ights
of H
is
for
a g lo r u'' then m i
sglorious is
other
struggle nationalityfreedom,ardost
and
sanctified is the blood of the heroes so devotedly slit d
in sacrifice at the altar of their country, Would that
an Evgiish current mingled in the Mitigation stream in
its victorious course to glory and immortality.
While with the bleeding hearts of your heroes you
build the foundation of your country's freedom, the en-
lightened of the earth must see dna, your contest is not
atone for your native land, but one fully identified with
the interests of universal humanity. As the frontier
guard of European civil action, your gallant nation offers
a natural barrier to the encroachments of Russian bar-
barism, and while fighting the battle of Hungarian
liberty, 3 on have the ps ril and the glory of ecting as the
vengatud of continental freedom. Bravo defenders of so
great a trust, right manfully have you fulfilled your high
inissioe: Your country bleeds from many wounds.
Humanity weeps at the spt ctaele, end renps the reward
of your heroic devotion,
" Accept, brave Runge-ill-is, this ex:ere-854m of sym-
pathy froze English hearts, to which we add our prayers
to the God of freedom for a speedy SUCCCS3 to your
righteous cause; of tucti ultimate success wo doubt not,
for we live in the faith of the bard of our land,who sung—
" For freedom's battle env, begun,
Bequeathed from bleeding sire to sell,
Though lesfil.d oft, is ever won.'
And never had freedom cobler armstles to work out the
poetic prophecy than Hungary now cff. rs in the illus-
trious Kossuth, the valiant Bern, Georgey, Dambhaki,
Kleplca, Vettor, Damianich, Perm!, Aulich, and
Richard Guyon. That more than British sympathy
may strengthen the heroic band, we this day petition
our beloved Sovereign to suspend the Foreign Enlist-
ment Act, which prevents us sending immediate succour
to your ranks, and to acknowledge the independence of
the Hungarian nation. In the cause of Hungary we re-
cognise the cause of jumtice, freedom, and civilization,
and they who would shrink from you in your day of
peril are unworthy of the blessings the triumph of such
a cause confers on man."
Lord !DUDLEY STUART resumed—Now, Mr. Chair-
man, ladies, and gentlemen, that is the address, and
ought we not at least to express our sympethy with this
brave and noble nation of Hungary ?—(Cheers.) The be-
ginning of this struggle was to decide a question which
is recognised as one of the most important in our own
constitution, and without which principle our cons'itu-
tiou could not go on a day. Oae question that arms
were taken up to decide was whether the Ministers were
to be responsible to the people or to the Sovereign.—
(Hear, hear.) Tho Emperor of Austria wanted the
Minister of War and the Minister of Finance not to be
responsible to Parliament, but to be responsible only to
himself. However, feeling it dangerous to insist on that
demand, in March he agreed that the Ministers should
be responsible. In April ho determined that they
should not—he determined that they should
act without Parliament; and to enforce that ty-
rannical proposition it was that Jellachich attempted to
coerce the Hungarians by arms.—(Hear, hear.) Why,
that is enough, one would think to engage the sympathy
of all free and of all constitutional people.—(Cheers.)
Sympathy for Hungary I Why, asks some one, are we to
express sympathy with Hungary? I will tell you why
the British should, because we are a free people, and the
people of Hungary are struggling for freedom—(Cheers)
—because we are. if ever a nation was, an independent
people, and would not brook for a single moment the do-
minion of a foreigner, and the Hungarians aro striving
against foreigner—(Cheers)—because we are a people
who have lived fir centuries under a constitution which
we have inherited from our fathers, and which has been
handed down from father and to son—a constitution
composed of King, Lords, and Commons—(Cheers)— a
constitution to which we are attached, but one which we
have from time to time found it necessary to amend and to
improve—(Cheers)—and one which we aro determined
still further to amend—(Cheers)—and to make as per-
fect as we can.—(Long continued cheering.) That is
just what the Hungarians have been doing. They have
enjoyed a constitution similar to our own for centuries.
It has been handed down to them from father to son; they
have struggled from time to time to make it better; they
have lately introduced a great, a sweeping, an essential
reform into it, and no doubt when they have driven out
those who attempt to prevent them they will, like us, be
determined to make their constitution perfectly satisfac-
tory.—(Loud cheers.) Why should we sympathise with
Hungary ? Because we aro a Protestant nation—
(Cheers)—and because, above all, we are a nation as
much attached to religion as to a civil liberty.—
(Cheers.) So are the Hungarians. A great portion of
that nation is Protestant, but, Protestant or not, they
are determined to have—they have perfect religious li-
berty—they have it to a degree greater than we have,
for in that country, now since the reform of Kossuth,
there is not even the vestige of such a thing as intole-
rance, or any obstacle to the completion of religious
liberty.—(Cheers.) Why should we sympathise with
Hungary ? Because we are a brave people.—(Cheers.)
If ever a nation in the world was renowned for deeds of
arms, by land and by sea, that is the British nation.—
(Cheers.) We have succumbed to none in these
respects, and we can point to as glorious achievements as
are recorded in the history of any nation. And what
cation is more brave than the Hungarians ?—(Cheers.)
What nobler deeds of arms have ever been done than by
those gallant patriots, led oa by the glorious 13em?—
(Loud cheers.) Lately a poor despised Polish refugee,
subsisting on a charitable allowance its this country, he
is now the first man in Europe.—(Prolonged cheers.)
What deeds have
ever surpassed those of another noble
Polish commander, Dembinski, or of Georgey, or of all
those other noble Hungarian (Beers who are mentioned
in the address?—(Prolonged cheers.) Why then we,
who are Englishmen, we who belong to a brave nation,
renowned for deeds in arms, must we not sympathise
with those gallant Hungarians struggling in the best of
all causes?—(" Yes, yes,' and loud cheers.) Why should
we sympathise with Hungary? Because we are a hu-
mane nation.—(Hear, hear.) However bold our soldiers
may be in the field, or our sailors on the deck, no base
unmanly, cold-blooded act has ever sullied the fame of
British soldiers and sailors.—(Cheers.) We cannot bear
to hear of the mode in which these vile Austrians
carry on the war.—(Hear, hear,) Unable to overcome
the brave Hungarians in the field, they satiate their
vengeance upon those unhappy men and women
who fall into their grasp.—(Cries of " Shame," and sen-
sation.) Not long since a noble Hungarian, filling an
office which we have not any that exactly corresponds
to, but which may be termed Inspector-General of the
Protestant Faith. lie is not a clergyman, he is not a
bishop, but he is a layman, appointed to protect and see
that the Protestant religion is maintained in its right'.
He had the misfortune to full into the hands of the Aus-
trians. He was not a soldier, he was a man of peace;
ho was interrogated by the Austrian officers, he gave en
answer somewhat too independent. What did they do
with him? Publicly flogged him. Now, that is one of the
last things that we have heard. But this is shocking; it
revolts the feelings of every man of common humanity.
—(Hear, hear.) But it is nothing, compared to things
which they have done—flogging not men but women.—
(Cries of " Shame," and hisses.) It is hardly credible,
but these things we know, not from private letters, but
from the official documents of the Austrian Govern-
ment itself. As to the prisoners being shot and put
to death, there are innumerable instances of those;
and the Austrian Government, which has always betn
famous for its persecution of religion—(Hear, hear)—
the House of Hapsburg, some of whom were those who
esolblished the infamous Spanish Inquisition, and who
have done more to put down religious liberty than any
other family that ever has been known—(Hear)--this
Austrian Government has at least shown its impartiality
with different religions during this war—for it has hung
up on one and the same gallows a clergyman of the Pro-
testant and of the Catholic Church.—(Hisses.) Why
then we, who are a humane people, cannot bear to hear
of war being carried on in this shameful and dastardly
way, and we must sympathise with the Hungarians who
have resisted enemies, who have acted in the' manner
which I have described —(Cheers.) And why should we
then sympathise with th; Hungarians? Because, al-
though we are a brave people, we are a people disposed
to peace. Some persons may think that there is a time
when war is desirable; but I look upon it that there is
ao doubt that the British nation is disposed and de-
sirous of seeing peace prevail throughout the world;
and we know that there can be no peace in`Europe
until Hungary recovers her rights.—(Loud cheers.)
The Ilurgarians are engaged in a struggle thesuccess-
ful issue of which will do more to place peace upon a
sound and durable footing than any other evepathat can,
be contemplated. Therefore all our sympathies.etre utie
to the Hungarians.—(Cheers) Why sympathise with
the Hungarians? Because they are engaged in a strug-
gle with Russia, and we know that if Russia be allowed
to proceed the consequence must be that herinfluence
will become supreme in Europe, and Europe will become,

Rs was piophncied by Napoleon, altogether Cossack.—
(llear, hear.) A very bad habit has prevailed in the
world for many years, that of suffering Russia to proceed
with her encro•achmen's.—(llnar, hear.) You looked
upon and saw Poland destroyed and put down. Now
what is the consequence? Now Russia is going on to
destroy rho liberties of Hungary, and she will destroy
those of all the world if she is not arrested.—(Hear.)

Therefore the Hungarians being engaged in the siruggle
against her demand all our sympathies—(Cheers)—
another reason why we ought to sympathise with Hun-
gary. This nation is distinguished by one characteris-
tic above nll others. I believe it has always been ac-
knowledged that Englishmen love fair play.—
(Laughter.) The Hungariana have not had • fair
play.—Cheers.) They rose to maintain their rights—r
they fought with their enemy—they fought a good fi,:-41;
—they cot vered him—they put him to flight—they,
discomfited his armies—they turned his best general to
shame—they drove him out of their country, and he
could only take refuge upon the confines.—(Loud
cheers.) What did he do? Ho applied to another
great overgrown and powerful monarch, with hundreds
of men to interfere, and Russia interferes with lawless
interference, against the law of nations, in order to nut
down these brave men.—(" Shame," and groans.) Now
that is another reason why we ought to syeapsthize with
them.—(Loud cheers.) And do you want one more
reason? I will tell you one more, and I think it is a good
reason--it is a reason which will bear consideration—
it will bear pondering over and examining. The Hun-
garians have always been distinguished by their love of
free-trade.—(Cheers.) This netion is an industrious
and a commercial nation. We are a people who love
to live by our industry—we like to interchange our
commodities with other nations-, so that a mutual benefit
may „tee,(Chcers.) We have seen the advaetege of
this with regard to that country, one of whose sons
has addressed us this evening so well and so nobly—
(Loud cheers.) We know that the commercial advan-
tages arising to this country from the trade
with the United States is ten times greater than it would
be if that country bad net achieved her independence—
(Cheers)—greater even than it would be it she had re-
mained subject to the rule of Great Britain.—(Hear,
hear.) If the advantages to this country of Hunger)
being free, in a commercial point of view, are so great
that those well versed in this subject are confidently of
opinion, that in a few years we shall have as great a
trade with Hungary as we now have with tho United
States—(Cheers)—consider what would be the benefit
of having another United States allied with us, bound
to us by feelings of friendship, thus() feelings cementer:
by mutual interests, placid at the carat of Europe.—
(Cheers) To the west. we,should scud forth our corn
°scree, and interchange our commodities with our bre-
thren in the United States.—(hear, hear.) And charmed
I was to hear that nob!o AmeriLan say that he would
not be a stranger in an assembly of Britons— (Vehement
cheering)—and I am glad to have the opportunity of
telling him, and I know that I speak the feelings of my
nation, that whenever an American from the United
States comes into an assembly of Englishmen he evil,
be a brother.—(Loud cheers) Now, gentlemen, i•
there arc twenty millions of freemen on the other site
of the Atlantic, there are fif een millions of free-
men in Hurgary. Thee are a nation where then
are few manufactures, but where the soil is rieh and ex-
ceedingly productive.—(`clear, hear.) The inhabitants
would h, exceedingly glad to seed to us their produce in
corn, in maise, in wine, in oil, in hemp, in tobacco, ane
to Wee in return the products of our industry.—(Cheers.)
They would be glad to take from us linen and cottot
goods, and woollen goods, and articles of cutlery ano
china, and silk manufactures, and stationery and saddler),
and almost every article that at itish industry produces.
--(Hear, hear.) They woul I take them with pleasure.
with profit to us, with advantage to themselves, and great
indeed would be the advantages which would result Iron
this commerce—(Cheers) —aud let me say that the)
aoulel take them free, without duty, or with the smallest
possible duty, unlike the Austrian Government, which i,
roost inimical to cur commerce.—(Renewed cheering.;
These things aro beginning to be understood by the
great merchants and manufacturers of this country.
have in my hand a letter which I received some time age
from a merchant at Glasgow. I have a good mind e
read it to you. (Cries of " Read it.") It is not a nee
letter ; it came to me in the month of May, when thi:
noble struggle began first to be very much talked of ii
this country. It is from a stranger to me—a gentleman
with whom I had no acquaintance, but I have sine
found, upon inquiry, that he is at the head of one of the
mast respectable mercantile houses in Glasgow. I have
been called a sentimentalist in politics—(Laughter)—but
now I am speaking -to you not of sentiment,
but of that which must be of permanent advantage
and benefit to our country. The Noble Lord then pro-
ceeded to read as follows:
" Individually I read with pleasure the Hungarian
General Bem's letter to your Lordship, and feel deepl)
in the issue of Hungarian independence on the ground
of its bearing on true freedom-in religious, political, and
commercial interests, all of which are at stake in 6(
issue of the struggle. Austrian dominion in Hungar)
imposes very high restrictive duties on articles of m
nufacture as imported into the latter country. Instance
those on the item of pig or coat iron, rolled iron, ant,
sheet iron, as an index to those imposed on other articles
and contrast such prices as, paid by the Hungarian Go-
vernment with what they can be furnished from
Scotland as an inducement to open a connexion in
commerce."
First he gives the prices paid in Hungary under the Hun-
garian system. The price at which he could delivea
iron in Hungary according to the Hungarian tariff,
first, cast iron pr ton delivered in the river Saso a-
-41. los.; according to the present Austrian one, of 71
Rolled iron delivered in the river Sase, according to the
Hungarian system, at 10/. per ton; according to the
Austrian system, at 221. par ton. Then sheet iron, ac-
cording to the Hungarian system, 121. 10s. per ton;
according to the Austrian system, at 441 per ton. Then
he says with truth:—" These figures are vet.)
striking, and show clearly what an advanta-
geous opening for British commerce that hitherto-closed
kingdom presents to us." He is a practical man; heis not
theorizing. He says, My immediate business lays in these
very articles named, and in order to facilitate the forma-
tion of connexions in Hungary, your knowledge of per-
sons of influence there would be invaluable as a medium
of access for future operations."—(Hear, hear.) I wrote
to this gentleman and gave him all the information that
I possibly could supply, and in a short time afterwards
he replied to me, saying bow much he was obliged, but
that lie found it was impossible to enter into any trans-
action, much as he wished it, because the independence
of Hungary was not recognised by our Government.—
(Hear, and cheers.) Now that stops all these proceed-
ings. Then this war which is being carried on is a
positive detriment and evil to the merchants and menu
facturers, and everybody else in this country.—(Hear,
hear.) That ought to be known, for not only could iron
be sent out with advantage, but alrnostevery other article.
Let the merchants of Manchester remember that, who
have cotton goods to send out. Let the manu-
facturers of Lancashire remember that. Let Hud-
dersfield, Leeds, Halifax, Bradford, all those places
in Yorkshire where the woollen trade and cotton
trade flourish, remember that—let the inhabitants of
She ffield with their cutlery know that—let the inhabit-
ants of Macclesfield and of Spitalfields with their silk
manufactures know that—let all those who live by in-
dustry, and comma rte, and manufacture, tend who want
a market for British industry, know that it is to be found
in Hungary. Aye, and let them remember that those
who prevent their having these advantages, those who
keep th:s money out of their pockets, and who prevent
theta from getting rich and being enabled to afford in
consequence advantages to their children and families, and
diffuse wealth through the land—those are the Emperors
of Austria and of Russia.—(Hisses.) But chiefly it is
that Northern Bear, to whom reference has been made
so often, because the Emperor of Austria could not do it
—it has been proved he could not do it. And why do we
not recognise the independence of Hungary? The in
dependence of Hungary de jure is not denied; the inde-
pendence of Hungury de facto has been established—l
say it is proved by the very fact of Russian interven
tion. If Hungary were not independent Austria would
not appeal to Russia to come to her assistance.—
(Cheers.) Let us then, by the expression of our
opinion and of our determination upon this subject,
give strength to those in our Government who,
as I believe, feel and sympathise with us.—(Cheers.)
At the beginning of this session of Parliament I called
the attention of our Government to the encroachments
of Russia in Wallachia and Moldavia.—(Hear, hear.)
I told them that Russia, without any right or reason,
whatever had marched an immense army into those
provinces of the Turkish empire, and that they were
keeping that immense force there at free quarters upon
the inhabitants. I called upon the Government to re-
monstrate against this course. I believe that some kind
of representation was made •, but if a remonstrance of
a sort to be attended to had been addressed to Russia, it
is my belief that all this attack upon Hungary would net
have taken place.—(Loud cheers.) And I will tell you
another thing, that I believe more energetic and effectual
remonstrances would have been made, if the attention of
the public bad been called to the circumstance, so that
those at the head of cur Foreign Affairs would have
found that support from the people which, perhaps, they
in vain looked for elsewhere.—(Loud cheers.) I there-
fore rejoice in my heart at such meetings as these, where
there are so many persons of intelligence end so many
determined spirits assembled together to testify their
interest in the contest which is going on—(Cheers)—
und I rejoice to think that this is not a solitary meeting.
There have been meetings
all over this metropolisotonly
upon
throughout the country, and I cannot but think that the
voice of such meetings will have an effect, not
our Cabinet, but will also have an effect in the foreign
cabinets of those despots who are waging this un-
righteous war.—(Cheers.) Yes, your voice will go forth
over Europe, teed it will reach even the Czar himself, who
will hear it even amidst the roar of the cannon of Bem.
(Loud cheers.) But I want you to give every proof
that you can of your real, sincere, and honest interest in
this cause. There have been different opinions about
peace and about war. It is my opinion that war is not
necessary; for, as has been well said by my Hon. Friend
the Member for Bodmin (Mr. Wyld), it is only requisite
that this country should take a determined attitude for
respected.—(Cheers.)her will to be respected.i(Cheers.) But there are other
.
very
the
things which you can do besides petitioning her Ma-
jesty, besides addressing the Hungarian nation, which
are very right, and which have my entire approbation—
there are other means of testing people's sincerity, and
one which
much
h wilte b
patriots there is such a thing as a subscrip-
tion of merlefaeYiohifothis day testimonials are
very(Lgar use to the Hungarian
fashion:—(Laughter)—and
d-•es any thing which ghter)—and whenever a
man
In
deserves the approbation of
his fellow-citizens, it is common to make a large sub-
scription by way
of a testimonial to his rnerit.—(Re-
nowei laughter.). Well, then, why not a testimonial to
the merit of the Hungarian people ?—(Hear, hear, and
loud cheers.) I think that committees for this purpose
ought to be formed in every part of the country; and I
have no doubt that a sum will be collected, which,
being placed in the hands of the Hungarian Governmerit,

will ba foun,l to be of the utmost use to them.—(Loud

ch,crs ) I must say that I think the working classes in
this country have already set a most noble example.—
(Loud cheers ) I know that everywhere they have
been ready to part with some of their hard earnings. I

know that in some places they have determined to give

each some pence a week.—(hear, hear.) I think that
is a most noble example.—(Cheers.) I know that those
noble spirits have :FDA, " We cannot afford much —we
can give but a mite, but every week wo will put aside
something that we can spare from the wants of our
families, and send it to the brave Ifungatinn patriots."
—(Cheers.) I know that that has been done in this
metropolis, and I believe elsewhere also. L :at
night I received . a letter from a number of
liberal working men in the small town of Horsham, tel•
Ong me that they had assemble] in behalf of Hungary,
,god had resolved each to give so much of his weekly
earnings, and desiring to know to whom they were to
send it. These are most noble examples.—(Cheers.)
This is a noble example which the working classes have
set, as they often do, to those who are superior to them
in the gift, of fortune.—(Cheers.) I cannot say that I
am so well setisfied in this respect with people much bet
ter able to subscribe than those brave men whom I have
mentioned to you; but I hope they are not deaf to public
epinion.--(Cheers.) People, in however high circles
they move, are keenly sensitive upon this point. We
have a press—these things are circulated through the
country, and I trust that such noble examples will he
worthily followed, and that we shall soon have some
not to present to the Government of Kossuth which
will be worthy of his acceptance, and which may really
render some essential service.—(Loud cheers.) Now,
gentlemen, I do not think that I have anything further
is trouble you with. I need not set out the claims of
llungsry to you any more, because I see and know that
you are all with me upon this subject. I. will not read
the resolution again; but I shall propose it to you with
zho perfect conneence that you will unanimously adopt
i t.—M(mre. oinligo-mc oans t
ruoetda crlot es eer it
nog.s)econd the resolution, but
tie was interrupted with calls for Mr. Julian Harney.
Mr. JULIAN HALNEY accordingly presented himself
in front of the platform, but he declined to speak at that
moment, as the committee had appointed Mr. Preut to
second the resolution, and it would be out of order to
interpose himeelf then, especially as he would afterwards
have an opportunity of addressing them—Meal-0
Mr. Paour said he seconded the resolution with
great pleasure, but in doing so he should be very
brief, as the subject had bean dealt with so
fully by the several gentlemen who had pre-
ceded him. He had been a reformer for a great
number of years, and had seen public opinion expressed
on:a multitude of subjects, but never had he found it
xpressed so strongly as it was in the case of Hun-
gary.—(Hear, hear) Ile saw it rising up in all its
strength from Cornwall to Norfolk, and Irons Sussex to
the Oi kneye, and del end upon it a voice so unanimously
and universally raised would find its way to the ears of
the oppressor.—(Hoar, hear.) He was a practical man,
and had not assisted in convening this meetiog with-
out having some practical object in view. —(Cries
if " Heer, hear.") Well, then, the first thing
that had struck him was this—they had heard
that the Governments of France and England
united could control the other countries of Europe, toed
what he had to lament in this ca -e was, that France and
England were not exactly united. Now, it appeared to
him quite clear that one practical use of this meeting
would be to aid and assist our Foreign Minister in per-
suading the Government of France to take the same view
,f this subject with themselves.—(Hear, hear.) He had
aed to lament the position which France had taken up
fir many months pas'.—(Hear, hear.) Witness their
expedition to Rome—(llear)—witness what was under-
stood to be the current of events there, and the attempts
..hat avers being made for reactionary purposes. If
Fame had been true to herself, if she had been true
to her revolution, when it was proposed that the Cos
sacks and serfs of Russia should be called in to crush
Hungary, France would have told Russia that she
would place 100,000 mon on the Rhine.—(Hear, hear.)
He would warrant them this would not have proddeed
war. It would have been the true conservative policy,
if France had said that Frenchmen would have been
in possession of Vienna before Russia could have crossed
the frontier to assist the Emperor of Austria. Therefore,
one object of the meeting was to make an impression on
the British Government, so that it might procure the
as,istance of France in making a stand against the ad •
ranee of Russia.—(Hear, hear.) Hither, however, than
Hungary should be wiped away from the map of the
world, although he was averse to war, England ought to
run the risk of a war to prevent it; but had France placed
100,000 men at the Rhine, and 50,000 men on the top of
the Alps, for the purpose of procuring Italian liberty,
the liberties of Europe would have been secure against
the present reactionary state of things.—(Hear, hear.)
What was now taking place ? He believed a foundation
was being laid for an insurrection that
might swamp every crowned head in Europe,
and this meeting would have the effect of assisting the
Foreign Minister in coming to some understanding
with France to put a stop to the incursions of Russia.—
(Hear, hear.) Let them remember the opinion pro-
nounced by his Hon. Friend tho Member for Bodmin,
Rho had said that the true policy of this country was
to take its stand now against Russia, and prevent the
occurrence of a ferocious war hereafter.—(Hear, hear.)
Unless she were checked in her daring career, she would
take possession of the Danubian Provinces, and they
would witness another division of a great and important
country, which England might have prevented had she
interfered in time.—(Elear, hear.)
. Mr. WICKENS, in speaking to the resolution, pointed
to Madame Yulski, who was in the gallery, observing,
that she escaped the knout and the bayonets of the Huse
sian soldiery in her efforts to join her husband. This
statement caused a great movement amongst the meeting,
who loudly cheered the lady. He then proceeded to
read an extract from a work to show that Hungary bad
always sympathised with Poland; and he added that the
reform in Hungary had emanated from the nobles of
the country, who had given 20,000,000 of acres of land
to make electors of 500,000 of the people. Ail he
would say was, let our nobles "go and do likewise."
Mr. JULIAN HARNEY' then came forward, and was
well received. He commenced by explaining what had
taken place between himself and Lord Dudley Stuart
at the meeting held in Marylebone on the subject of
Hungary, and he said that he was now going
to pursue the same course on that occasion,
because they had that evening showed that
they • desired that an armed intervention in
the affairs of Hungary ought to take place.—(Hear,
hear.) The meeting at Marylebone was not, as it was
imputed it was, a Chartist meeting; nor was that. They
met as Englishmen, to express their sympathy with the
acts of the bravo men of Hungary. One of the most prac-
tical modes by which they could serve the Hungarians
would be by means of subscriptions. He then com-
mented on the "friendly relations with foreign coun-
tries" which appeared in the Queen's Speech, and said
it was a shame, if they had friendly relations with
some of those countries who did all in their power to
crush the spirit of liberty on the continent. He also
contended that the Foreign Enlistment Act might be
repealed.—(Hear, hear.)
The resolution was then agreed to.
The Hon. Mr. WHARTON moved the third resolution
as follows:
" That justice and policy alike justify the British Go-
vernment in at ones acknowledging the independence of
Hungary; and that a petition be presented on behalf of
the inhabitants of the city of Westminster to our Graci-
ous Sovereign, praying her for an order in Council to re-
cognise the de facto Government of Hungary, and to
suspend the Foreign Enlistment Act of 1819, in favour of
the Hungarian nation."
Government he said could not control public opinion in
this country, though public opinion could control the
Government; and he did really believe that the expres-
sion of public opinion upon this subject would have a
great effect upon Austria and Russia.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. WRIGHT seconded the resolution, which, he said,
quite accorded with his notions. The independence of
Hungary ought at once to be recognised; and if the ex-
pression of Englishmen availed them not, then it must
be followed up by something more substantial.
The resolution was then put and carried unanimously.
Sir FRANCIS KNOWLES moved the next resolution :
" That the efforts of the London absolutist press to
damage the cause of Hungary has been in a great de-
gree neutralised by the honesty and talent of the Daily
News; and that the thanks of the meeting be given to
that journal, together with The Sun and Morning A Iver•
aver, for their advocacy of truth and freedom on the
question of the Hungarian struggle."
After what had fallen from his Noble Friend
the Member for Aylesbury, it would be a
waste of time to detain the meeting with any
remark on the subject of the resolution itself ;
but, however united they might bo upon this great cause,
the sentiments of each gentleman in speaking to a reso-
lution must be taken as his own individual opinions, for
which the other members of the meeting were not ac-
countable.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, it appeared to
him that the principle of non-intervention was receiving
a most extraordinary construction. He remembered
some years ago, when that principle was first promul-
gated, the impression on his mind was that when a na-
tion took upon itself to regulate its own affairs, or to give
a new form to its constitution, no other nation whatever
would be permitted to- interfere.—(Loud cheers.) But
he found the modern construction of the principle was
that every other nation under heaven was to be per-
mitted to ;:enjoy all the mischief of intervention but
Great Britain—(Hear, hear)—but it did occur to him
that we had arrived at that state of things when it be-
came us to take a proper and imposing stand on this
Hungarian question.—(Cheers.) Canning predicted
some years ago that the next war in Europe would be
a war
.of opinion—(Hear,hear)---that was to say that
the opinions of nations would be divided in favour of
despotism on the one side, and liberty and freedom on
the other,—(Hear, hear.) Such a war had now
been commenced, and it behoved every man,
whatever be his degree in station in life, now
to make up his mind whether he will join one
side or the other.—(Cheers.) With respect to the
struggle which we are now met to support, let him resat
to their recollection, that the great and sagacious mind
of the Emperor Napoleon had predicted that this
struggle in Hungary would come. Let them remember
the words of the Emperor, that England would run the
day she did not assist him to crush the tyrant of the
north.—(Cheers.) Some day or other, said the Em-
peror, Europe would have to choose between a republican
government or the Cossscks, and he now called'upon
England to decide which they would have?—(Hear.)
He was sure she would decide in favour of the republic,
and her assistance to Hungary should establish a code of
liberty to be the admiration of surrounding nations,
and a blessing to all mankind.—(Cheers.)
Mr. NICHOLAS briefly seconded the resolution, reserv-
ing his speech for another occasion, and, like the others,
it was put, and carried unanimously.
Mr. UEESIN moved the following resolution:—
" That this nu eting looks with warm approbation on
those generous men who have given practical proof of

their interest in Hungary, by contributing according to
their means to the relief of Hungarian refugees, and in
particular it desires to thaok B. M. Wilcox, li]sq., M.P.,
the chairman, and the other directors of the Peninsular
C mpeny, for their kininess in forwarding, at a price
whieh c uld not be remune:ating, a number of these
brave tarn to the Levant, on their way to their own
country; and this meeting further approves and desires
to promote the subscription set on foet for the purpose
of raising a sum of money to be
.presented as a testi-
monial from the British to The Hungary nation."
He hid heard that Baron Rothschild had granted a loan
to the Emperor of Russia to carry on the war in Hun-
gary. If this were so, than he was unworthy to sit in
the House of Commons as the representative of a liberal
constituency. He hoped, however, that when this an-
nouncement went forth to the world through the public
prints, it would be the means of eliciting a denial from
the Baron.—(Hear.)
Captain REID, an American officer, then addressed the
meeting as follows: Gentlemen,—ln rising to second
this motion, I am placed in a proud and privileged posi-
tion—proud that the eyes of a thousand freemen are
turned upon me with approval, privileged that I am
offered this glorious opportunity of again recording my
sympathy on behalf of the brave Hungarians.—(Cheers.)
Gentlemen, it is the third time in my life that I have
stood upon the platform of a public assembly, and pre-
ceded as I have been by orators of eminence and elo-
quence, it would perhaps be becoming in me to apologise
for my inexperience, and resume my seat. But no; a
cause like this would change bashfulness into boldness,
would make even the voicelese eloquent.—(Hear, hear.)
I will not sit down until I have raised my voice in its
loudest denunciation of the oppressor, in its fullest '
sympathy with the oppressed.—(Cheers.) What men is
there among you who could read the barbarous bulletins
of a Haynau and a Jellachich eithout feeling his bosom
swelling with a holy indignatioa?—(Elear)— without
being tempted to exclaim, " Are there no stones in
heaven but what serve for the thunder?"—(Hear, hear.)
Gentlemen, it is only a few days since I landed upon
our shores; and I cannot express to you the joy that
filled my heart to find that that sentiment that was run-
ning over my own land like an electric fire, was meeting
with a full response in the hearts of the English nation.
—(Hear, hear.) I found it expressed in the circles of
private conversation, through the columns of the public
press, and on the platform of many a crowded assembly.
I expected as much from the ancestors of the American
race, from the scions of the Anglo.Saxon.—(Cheers.)
Gentlemen, it has been said that our sympathy thus ex-
pressed can effect but little good. I do not take this
view of the matter.—(Hear, hear.) The voice of a great 1
people must ever be listened to with respect, and the
threats of a great people will ever be beard with fear.—
(Hear, hear.) Even now is the cry of your indignation
ringing in the cars of the Russian despot ; it will para-
lyze the hearts and palsy the arms of his hireling mil-
lions. Justly fear the Austrian and Russian that Eng-
lish words may soon be followed by English deeds;
justly fear they that this sentiment may yet express it-
self in louder tones, that it may speak in the thunder
of the cannon, under a canopy of suiphier!—(Cheers.)
Gentlemen, although I am a sillier, I eta no lover of
war—(Hear, hear)—and gladly would I turn my sword
into the peaceful ploughshare, if I believed that that
time had come upon the earth when men had ceased to
tyrannise over each other.—(iLar, hear.) The sword
drawn in the cause of wrong is as vile a weapon as the
steel of the assassin; but so long as there is a living
tyrant upon the earth, I will hold war to be no evil, but
a great and holy good. " Give us a noble cause," says
the immortal Cempbell—((heers)—
" Give that, and welcome war to brace
Her drums, and rend Heaven's reeking space:
Tee colours planted face to face—
The charging cheer!
Though death's pale horse leaeon, the chase
Still, still be dear."
And what is the cause of the gallant Magyar--!'or what
is he contending? For his liberty and his lire—for his
country—for his altar—for his God!—(Cheese.) Gen-
tlemen, should these glorious spirits survive the fierce
struggle they will repay you for your generous sym-
pathy.—(Cheers.) A brave man is seldom an ungrateful
one; and a brave people will not be ungrateful. On
the other hand, should they fall, ah! who will there be
to thank you? Then, indeed, may it be truly said—
" Few, few shall part where many meet !"
for who will stay the sword of the double avenger?—
(Hear, hear.) Then, indeed, may it be truly said, that
every turf beneath their feet will be the sepulchre of a
soldier!—(Cheers.) lint, gentlemen, let us hope that
this result may never be—let us pray that it may never
be; and before I resume my seat I will offer a prayer to
the God of Omoipotence, couched in a paraphrase upon
the language of the eloquent Curran :—May the Austrian
and the Russian sink together in the dust; may the
brave Magyar walk abroad in his own majesty; may his
body swell beyond the measure of his chains, now
bursting from around him; and may he stand redeemed,
regenerated, and disenthralled by the irresistible genius
of universal emancipation.—(Cheers.)
The resolution being carried, a vote of thanks was
passed to the Chairman, and the meeting separated at a
late hour.