The Sun.
London, England, 1825-02-15 00:00:00

t taken much pains to conquer his double hatred against himsel,
either as a Whig or as a Scotchman ; for surely the Doct. i
would have thought him a notorious fool if he had for a moment
given in to the thought that his hatred of those two characters
would have at all applied to him in the Doctor's estimation.
It was not true that by hatred of a party, the individuals of
that party were meant He (Sir J. Mackintosh) might say,
and it would be a very natural way of expressing his opinion,
that he hated Tories. Nevertheless he entertained a high re-
spect and friendship for many of that persuasion,•although it
was one of the novelties of this age, that individuals began to
take to themselves that appellation which ever since the ac-
cession of the House of Hanover, had been applied as a term_
of reproach. Indeed, according to the' comfnon rules for un=
derstanding plain English, the authors of the address to which
he was alluding, meant by thii phrase that they hated that -
system which was upheld by the Hon. Member for Armagh
(Mr. Brownlow), and this was their only meaning: No man
could be blamed for attributing, in an historical memoir, the
evils of Ireland, to the hatred and animosity of the two parties
by which she was divided. It was the natural course of an
immoral state of things to raise one vice against another
and virtue always became the gainer by a civil war amongst
the vices. " Enlisting passion on the side of peace," the Ca,
tholic Association said, 4by this principle, vicious in itself, we
propose to make you virtuous," anti it was most trite anti
undeniable that a pacific and conciliatory spirit eminently
distinguished this production.—( Hear, hear, hear !)—The Ho=
nourable Gentleman who had spoken last had very candidly let
them into the secret, that this measure was directed solely
against the Catholic Association—that it had the art of pre=
tending to be levelled against all Associations ; but that the
Orange body were not meant to be touched by it. In this
avowed object was evinced a false and narrow policy, ,by
which it was attempted to humbug them into the idea that this _
was an equal law, whereas it was most unfair and partial in its
operation. The Hon. Member for Armagh (Mr. Brownlow)
had told than that this Bill was directed against them in the
spirit of a severe father who would physic one child to induce
the other to take the bitter cup more kindly. Now he (Sit
James Mackintosh) was a father, and he was sorry to say a
grandfather—(A laugh);—and the mode he should adopt in
case of sickness would be a very different one from that spoken
of by the Hon. Member. To those that were not sick he
would give a little agreeable lemonade, and tell the patient that
the physic cup contained the same mixture. Thus would he
pat the Orangeman on the shoulder anti tell him " you must
take this, but your poor sister must take physic in earnest, and
in the meantime you will make wry faces as though your portiori
were the same as hers —(Laughter.)—Thus it was with the'
Hon. Member for Armagh—he said " the lemonade is all for
us, the wormwood of our sister"--(Hear, hear !)—This was
another instance of the inequality and injustice of this proposed
measure. The Orangemen engrossed all power in Ireland,
they occupied the high places, and represented all the legal •
dignity of the land. Their union in Orange Societies was only
to enable them the more easily to enlist and collect their de-
pendents. Inaction was no evil to a body in possession of mo-
nopoly, but to those who had their right to gain the penalty •
of inaction was a death blow. Here again, therefore, appeared i
the flagrant inequality of this law.—(Hear, hear !)—The
Orangeman who held the strings of power and had nothing
more to gain, might very well assent to repose in contented
inactivity, provided his opponent were forced to observe the
same abstinence. In order to attain this end, his Learned ,
Friend the Attorney-General for Ireland was obliged to have
recourse to a case of imaginary, speculative, and contingent '
danger. He rested his case entirely upon what might happen- '.
The Catholic Association might become a powerful body, anti i
they might be hurried into acts of violence, and so on. This,
however, was the first time time the proposition had ever been
made to coerce six millions of men, because the powers held
by some of them might be dangerously abused. In the first
head of his argument, his Learned Friend told them that this
measure was no encroachment upon the popular principles of
that House. This was really a most chivalrous attempt of
~
his in a hopeless cause. To make such an assertion with re
spect to a new limitation of the ancient sight of meeting, .
which was the drift of this measure, was as distinct a contra-
diction in terms, as it would be to say that the whole is not
equal to its parts. Whether the measures were expedient, Or •
wise, or not, the House must set out with the indisputable fee-
that this was an innovation of the nature he had described-
Then, as to its not infringing the popular rights of the
House, his (Sir James Mackintosh's) side of the House,
which he esteemed to be the popular side, was never found
introducing Bills for the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, •
for restrictions on the Press, or the rights of meeting ; and now
they were found opposed to this measure. The Right Hon-
Secretary for Foreign Affairs was perfectly welcome to claint
the measure as his thunder. But should he not claim to
disavow it in the name of that people from whom, and by
whom, all Kings and Parliaments hold their power ?---
still less should he be prevented from making known its inva-
sion of those rights which Englishmen knew in practice, bat
which the unhappy people of Ireland knaw only in theory. Ile
scarcely knew to whom he was to address his arguments Lippe
this occasion, the measure being supported by an unnatural co-
alition of the friends and enemies of the Catholics. He would,
however, decide upon making the friends of the Catholics his
audience, and to them he should address whatever observation 9
he had to make upon the measure. It was one of the hardest
lessons of human wisdom to profit by the reproaches of menj
but it was one of the greatest acts of folly implicitly to yie''''
to their advice. He should not, therefore, be expected to telte
the. advice of the Hon. Member for Armagh. It had been sant,.
that the Catholic Association interrupted the administration 0'
justice. This certainly was calculated to make a strong impres.
sion upon the Parliament and people of England, with 10100
there was so much jealousy upon that topic. But the first wit-
ness he should call upon that point was the Learned AttorneY-
General for Ireland. In the'year 1323, there had been an en'
quiry in that House into the conduct of the Sheriff's of Dublin,
an enquiry which no man would forget on account of its tedious
anti fruitless character. Having reminded the Right Hon.
Gentleman of this enquiry, a case of gross interference in the
administration of the laws, lie would wish to ask him whetb,e_',
he thought a little interference in the return of Juries by 0.,`
adverse party just to restore the balance would be of Or
harm. Although this would be an evil in itself, it would be
one evil corrected by another. There was an illegal authority
_
triumphing over the Parliament and the laws, which ought to
be suppressed. This was the natural effect of the laws beirlii:.
administered by the conquerors to a conquered, hated, &taut
ed, and despised people.—(Hear, hear !)—The evils which fiat
flowed from such a state of things naturally resulted from 0e
constitution of human society, and were foretold by till history ,
and the experience of all ages. It would be a vain attempt
idle panegyric to exempt any body of men from the com Me.
'
i;
infirmities of our nature ; and it would be a miracle nine _
more miraculous than any of the pretended miracles of Prince
Ilolienlohe, if so much contempt and detestation as was evince(' '
by the Protestants of Ireland towards their Catholic fellow'
subject, did not beget similar feelings. Notwithstanding thil. •
language, he might make an honourable exception of one in"i;
vidual, Chief Justice Bush, a name known to many in this
House. He had withstood the shocks of party and the disturb
antes created in a country torn by hostile factions. There
was no man who combined the brighter ornaments of' intellect ;
with those graver qualities which fitted him for the high duties
of his station, and he had preserved the amenity of his manneri;
and the integrity of his heart, amidst all the storms by whir_
his country had been visited in his 'time. If lie were obliged
to name any other like him he should have to travel the vtorlul •
and the only person he could promote to so great an honour
would be the Chancellor of the Propaganda. It had already
been stated, and the Hon. Member for Armagh had confesse4
that this Bill was a victory against the Catholics. This . •
must take to be so, coming from such authority, for he 1-11134
contend that each party knew their own interests. The Rig'_:,
Honourable Secretary opposite (Mr. Secretary Peel) told tli,w
that the wisdom of Parliament ought to keep pace with tZ
ingenuity of invention. But the question was, how this CO'
be accomplished. The Convention Act was a measure 0,1, ,
similar nature to this ; but it was insufficient ; and if the Car
tholics should still continue to maintain their confidence in the 4
leaders, some other Bill would become necessary. Thus
nl''
would go on until a Bill were introduced to prevent them 1.0.,
speaking upon their own affairs, le.ast it lead to a new conslle Vracy. 'The Boston Port Bill was introduced into that 002 ch
u
by motives ten thousand times stronger than those wolto.
brought this Bill forward ; but it was opposed, because it ig„g
said it would rouse animosity, Mr. Burke, in a speech ~ ,
Bristol, observed that it was the tendency of that Bill to yrv-
yoke discussion, that caused his greatest objection to it.
~0
He was ready to admit, that when religion entered into bit,
discussions or proceedings of a body, the danger became Oleo
manifest. Religion in its ordinary operation was powerful a
preserve and bless—when perverted, it was all powerful 310
shook the frame of society. In this respect he was readY,,,,a
acknowledge that the Catholic Association was surroully;i,
with difficulties. But in proportion as the introduction of re`,
gion was dangerous, the tampering with it was doubly des, -
gerous. In such a case coercive measures were more perilou
The Popery Laws had been admirably described by his 11°11
Friend, the Member for Bramber (Mr. W. ‘Vilberforee2;
whose absence from die House no one deplored more than 'l4
did. He characterized these laws as affecting the Catholics
Ireland the same way as the prison dress of felons who were i ti"
it
burl
and yet condemned to carry about them the badges of
and of condemnation.—(Hear!)—This was the case with ire,
to
land. To insult a man in that which he most revered, not only]
insult but to punish, by depriving him of his only consolati'l
and chief hope ; the excluding him from honours anlonsos,l
men, on account of his religion, was moat cruel, uselesstftei '
tyrannical. The Catholic was insulted, and civilly disqualw„4
from every thing he held most dear and venerated by him; s-
it was this that gave permanency to their complaints. Inc