The Sun.
London, England, 1831-08-13 00:00:00

of the first letter—it said, " The King is deter-
mined to support his negociations by military means."—
Why, this was the same expression as before. He, there-
fore, the more wondered at the inarticulate hurry of the 1
Dutch Minister, and the itrivatictet haste tf his Vvobie
Friend: Whae " mitite-y fheahs '' was a catch-word
that shOnial have s:Altele the ear of his Noble Friend—for
t'.is colleagues of the Cabinet and himself had,been for
twenty-four hours debating what ",movna
meant—(A laugh)—and they had resolved that it meant
—nothing at alf.,---(LaUfdite'r.) It was a misfortune that
they did EI.Ot irt,-eerstand it better ; for at the conference
were was a person who understood the meaning of words,
and especial'y of French words; but unfortunately that
person, among his other great qualifications, was not a
proficient in the English language, and it was probably
through that circumstance that the words " moyens mi-
litaires" meant nothing at all. He was hound in justice
to his Noble Friend's character to beds ve, that he had not
spoken with this indifFeeetwb of the letter With any inteit-
tion to deeci:ve tmt that what he bad said really arose
from an iphortuece of the contents of the letter. But shrely
the words " moyenS militaires" ought to have awakened
his attention ; they SIMUId have been talismanic wends.
Ile should have felt that they haunted him ; he should
haVe Let us ask this Dutchman what those
words mean ?" Perhaps the Noble Lord might have
thought, that as the bearer of the letter was a Dutchman,
be could not mulers'titrA French better than English ;
hot he &d trot know what the meaning was, and he did
.jot care.—(Hear, hear,, hear.) Well; but if he would
not ask the Dutchman the meaning of the words, he should
at least, have listened with attention to the rest of the
letter. But he had not done so. Now the letter, about
the meaning of some words of which there was so much
doubt, appeared in good English, done by the hand of that
ingenious person to whom he had before alluded—the edi-
tor of the Times. In that letter the King of Holland said
he was sorry be was obliged to have recourse to coercive
measures, but that he had been compelled to do so, and that
this was " the more indispensable because the existing
crisis could not be prolonged without at once endangering
our public spirit, our finances, our army, end our political
exivence." Ile would not enter into the question why-
! titer the King of Holland was right in the view he thus
took of the matter. It was sufficient to show that that
MU' his view, and that he had fully explained it to the
Governments of the five Powers. The letter then went
on to show that Holland was under no obligation not to
proceed—it entered into a vindication in detail of the con-
duct of the Dutch Government in doing that which they
were now accused of doing without notice. It then stated
this conclusion—" Thence unquestionably the King's re-
solution to throw his army simultaneously—(Cheers)—
with the negociations carrying on in London ought not to
inspire disquietude,"—and was in fact indispensable to the
safety and honour of the country. And yet, notwith-
standing this letter, they were told both on Friday and
Saturday, that the attack upon Belgium was a surprise
and that no notice had been given of it ; and on the
subsequent day it was stated in another place that moyens
militaircs did net imply an immediate hostile opera-
tion, but meant merely a demonstration. He must con-
fess that his understanding was in despair before such
contradiction., and that he could not comprehend them.
His Noble Friend and the rest of his Majesty's Ministers
were too high-minded men to wish to practice a delusion ;
but he must say he could not understand such conduct.
He was well aware what diplomacy generally signified.
He admitted that a little double-dealing was justifiable in
diplomacy; and that a Minister, in the performance of

his duty, might reftve to answer ; but if he did answer in
the House of Lords—if he (lid condescend to reply in the
House of Commons, there should Ise no diplomacy in his
statements in either of those places.—(Hear, hear, bear.)
Such was the history of this extraordinary matter—such
was the history of " the three great days" of the Noble
Lord—(A laugh)—he had crucified on the gibbet of in-
famy the Dutch character ; and for his tiiumpli he had
the occupation of the fortresses in Fl 'riders, won with
English blood, and built with English money, by the
troops under the tri-coloured flag of France.—(Cheers.)
Thst tri-coloured flag had not triumphed more in the three
days of July, list year, at Paris, than in the three days
of August, this year, in Londornz-(Hear, hear, hear.)
At times like this it was most necessary that national cha-
racter should stand high, and charges ought not hastily or
carelessly, or without the strongest reasons, to be made
against a nation, at a moment when public principle was
so much esteemed, and when the Government of France
was said to be entirely founded upon it. At such a time,
he repea•ed, the Dutch ought not gratuitously to be re-
probated unjustly. That the Dutch Government had been
reprobated unjustly he would now prove. He would
appeal to one of the organs of public opinion; he thought
he might do so without offence : for, however, he might
differ from it as to the extent to which it was an organ of
public opinion, or as to right to take upon itself the ex-
pression of public opinion, he might venture to appeal to
Hon. Gentlemen, that at least he did not select an organ
of public opinion with any undue partiality. He would
read the successive opinions of the able and influential
newspapers to which he had already referred, in order to
show what was the state of public opinion on this subject.
The Right Hon. Gentleman smiled, and he might smile if
he (Mr. Croker) had adopted the Times as his authority,
merely because it answered his purpose, when the fact was,
it possessed no authority at all. But the fact was, that it
did not seem to want authority, for it was that paper
which first informed them of that document of which the
Noble Lord at first thought he had not heard. Although,
therefore, he was not inclined to consider it the best guide
in morals or politics, be thought he could hardly select a
better guide for the news and public feeling of the day.
Well, then, let them hear what the Times Said, when this
atrocity of Holland first burst out with such a sombre and
suspicious appearance. " The whole conduct of ` our an-
cient Ally' for the last twelve months seems better to ac-
cord with the unfortunate condition of moon-stricken mad-
ness then with the ci aracter of a Prince whom we had
been accustomed to treat with respect and confidence for
die previous fifteen years." Madness was pitiable and
excusable ; hut the same could be slid for " falsehood,"
with which the same newspaper, on the same day,
went on to charge the King of Holland :—" His Dutch
Majesty, in his obstinate adherence to his old preju.
dices, or his eagerness to gratify his personal spleen, had
entered upon a dishonest course, and is playing a very dan-
gerous game. His conduct displays such strong symptoms
of duplicity and falsehood that it must forfeit the support
and favour of England, which has hitherto been his chief
protection." As to the "duplicity and falsehood" there
was no ground for such a charge, beyond the mis-reading
of the letter of the Ist of August, and the non-reading
the letter of the 2d August. The rest of what be had
read was held out to Holland in terrorem that her King,
by his conduct, must forfeit the favour and protection of
England. Louis XIV. at the gates of Nemignen
Bunnaparte in possession of the city of Amsterdam, was
not so dreadful a denunciation against the Dutch as this
threat, that the falsehood and duplicity of the King mast
forfeit for them the favour and protection of England,
whi , he might almost take the liberty of saying, had been
the mother and the nurse of Holland. So exactly did
those sentiments seem to accord with the opinions of Mi-
nisters, that it might almost be supposed that they had
condescended to pen the paragraph—and no great conde-
scension neither.—(Cheers.) The paper proceeded to
speak of a " Special Ambassador ostensibly sent to Dego-
ciate." What special Ambassador? The House bad
heard nothing of a special Ambassador, for, although Mi-
nisters had been catechised, nothing had been extracted—
perhaps from want of ski!! in those who interro-
gated ; however, the Times knew that a special
Ambassador had been seat, and for what purpose.
" This special Ambassador, ostensibly sent to neve
elite, in order to secure the peace of Europe, suppresses,
of course, all mention of his master's hostile inten-
tions and preparations :" almost the identical words re-
peated by the Noble Lord twice, thrice, and even four
times over on different evenings; and it terminated the
tirade with the exclamation, " What useless perfidy !"
All the collected venom was reserved for this one shaft—
the confident and slanderous assertion that the King of
Holland had been guilty of " useless perfidy." The same
respectable and well-written passer went en on Monday
(and no wonder it should, considering what had passed in
Parliament on Saturday) in the following straim—(Sasme
symptoms of impatience were here expressed, and not a
few Members quitted the House.) He was not surprised
at this interruption, for about this hour Hon. Gentlemen
were wont to indulge in a different and more palatable
species of entertainment ; nevertheless he would read to
these who would please to give bins their attention :
•, While (said the Times) the King of Hull dad was pre-
tending to revive, or continue with the five great Powers
the negociations for a pacific settlement of his disputes
with Belgium, he was at the same moment, and without
any announcement to those Powers, actually marching his
troops into the Belgic territory for the purpose of taking
by force into his own hands the very questions which he
professed to submit to their friendly arbitration." Not-
withstanding this assertion, the fact was, that Ministers
were in possession of a double announcement of the inten-
tions of the King of Holland.—(Cheers.) From thence
the paper went on to censure the foul, audaqous, and
offensive course of the King of Holland, and to speak also
of his frenzy, depravity, and falsehood. Such was the
state of public opinion—such the state of inflamma-
tion ; "and he quoted what he had read as au indication Of