The Sun.
London, England, 1849-04-12 00:00:00

INNER AT 'WAKEFIELD TO MR. I rests, as well as ours, that they should; and whilst they
COBDEN. do not, but, instead of that, go whining to Parliament,
NORMANTON, WEDNESDAY MIDNIGHT.—This even- and talking of transferring the taxes off their shoulders
ing a grand complimentary entertainment was given to on to ours—whilst they indulge in such child's play,
Mr. Cobden by his constituents, in celebration of his tri. they make themselves simply ridiculous in the
,eyes of
umphant return for the West Riding at the last election. men of business, and we tell them we have no sympathy
The entertainment took place at the Corn Exchange, for any of their pretended distress. They say they can-
'Wakefield, where accommodation was provided for be- not compete with foreigners in the
d muscle of the
produce of corn.
tween 600 and 700 persons. The side walls were orna-
I speak to the backbone an
mented with branches of laurel; at the upper end was clothing districts of England. You have no protec-
the Royal cipher, surmounted by an Imperial Crown; tion, and if you wanted any, I should vote against your
and at the lower end of the apartment was suspended a
having it.—(Cheers.) But there is this difference be.
flag with the inscription, " Cobden and the ledependent tween_ to sell your your caseand that of the farmers. You are
cloth so cheap that when it is gone
Electors of Wakefield;" in front of the Chairman were obliged
emblazoned the mottoes, " Protection is Robbery;"
to China or New York it must compete with the pro-
't The Twins—Agriculture and Commerce," " Free
duce,rs there even after the consumer pays the cost of
Trade," &ce
carriage and a heavy duty.—(Cheers.) Your production
so good that the. consumer.. prefers to buy yours, ply-
At the upper table, which was slightly elevated and
stretched the entire length of the room, sat the Chair- ing those charges in addition.—(Cheers,) The farmer,
man, the
.contrary-, has only to compete with the foreigner'
man, Mr. George Goodman, having on his right Mr.
Mr. William Brown, when• his corn is brought into this market after incur-
Cobden, M.P.; Mr. Bright, M.P.;
M.P ; Mr. George Wilson, late Chairman of the Anti- ring the expense of carriage. The farmer, therefore, is
Corn-law League; Mr. Harrison, Mayor of Wakefield; always sure of getting a higher price for his corn than
Mr. Alderman Carbutt, of Leeds; Mr. James Hanierton; the foreigner, and you are always certain of getting a
Mr. C. 11. Dawson; and on his left Mr. Marshall, M.P.; lower price for your cloth than the foreigner requires.
Colonel Thompson, M P.; Mr. Salt, Mayor of Bradford; The farmers may have difficulties, but they cannot be
Mr. Henry, M.P.; Mr. Kershaw, M.P.; Mr. John Bald- allowed to indemnify themselves out of your packets, if
win, Mayor of Halifax, &c. they cannot make their trade answer.—(Cheers.)
The following acted as vice-chairmen:—Messrs. W. H. I have been watching with some anxiety the course the
Nester, of Bradford; F. Crossley, of Halifax; F. farmers' friends have taken in Parliament. I thought
schwann, of Huddersfield; C. G. Maclea, of Leeds; Ed- when they found themselves deprived of protection they
ward Baines, of Leeds; R. Sully, of Sheffield; James would at once begin to join with the free-traders in re.
Micklethwaite, of Wakefield. during the expenditure of the country; they have not
The list of stewards comprised the names of the lead- done so, for this reason—they believe still, or find it their
irig free-traders of the district. The body of the hall policy to affect to believe, they can put their hands into
was covered with 15 tables, each accommodating 40 per- your pockets and indemnify themselves.—(Cheers.) I
sons. The dinner was supplied by Mr. Wigney of the want the agriculturists and landowners to be convinced
George Hotel. that to go back to protection in any shape is impossible.
—(Cheers.) We are not now talking the language of a
The CHAIRMAN, in proposing the first toast, said—lt
is our peculiar happiness and privilege to live under a party, but of every party, and there is so party in exist-
Sovereign distinguished for many excellences, and de- ence which has a leg to stand on in West Yorkshire
voted to the best interests of her country—a monarch which is in favour of a return of protection.—(Loud
who lives in the affections of her people, and whose de- cheers.) When the constituencies of real counties
light it is to diffuse as much happiness among them as are satisfied that if they maintain a taxation they
possible. It has been my delight in all public assemblies shall pay their share out of their own pockets, and
of my fellow-countrymen to see the spirit of loyalty shall not indemnify themselves by putting their
which has animated them, and the same spirit will, I hands into your bread-baskets, they will join with us
am sure, prevail among us on the present occasion. I in reducing the taxation and expenditure of the country
am confident you will all join me most heartily in as the only means by which they can enable themselves
drinking long life and happiness to her Majesty the to meet the competition of foreigners. Up to this time
they have
.not pined us, and I have been, I confess,.Queen.
Drunk with all the honours. astonished to see the unanimity with which county Mem-
The next toast was the " Health of his Royal High- biers uphold the extravagant expenditure of the Govern-
mess Prince Albert, the Prince of Wales, and the rest of meet. I made a motion, which I put in a very modest;
the Royal Family." way—l merely proposed that in the opinion of the House
The CHAIRMAN said—lt was a matter of sincere re- of Commons we should return as speedily as possible to
joicing to all her subjects that the Queen was blest with the amount of expenditure which was found sufficient
a good husband, and they all hoped that the Prince and for us fourteen years ago, and upwards of a hundred
the royal family would with her Majesty enjoy long life county Members went into the lobby against me, and
and happiness. the county constituencies therefore sent up Members in
The usual toasts of the " Army" and "Navy" were favour of high taxes. Well, if they won't help us to
not drunk. reduce the expenditure we will take care that they only
The CHAIRMAN then, in a highly eulogistic speech, have low prices to pay high taxes—(Loud cheers)—
proposed the " Health of our distinguished and patriotic and if they continue to pay high taxes it shall be
Member, Mr. Cobden, with thanks to him for past in- their own fault. It is not considered etiquette to at-
valuable services to his country and mankind, in the tribute motives for the votes given in the House of
cause of free trade, and an assurance of the hearty sym- Commons. We must not state what we know to be the
pathy of hie constituents in his present labours on behalf fact as to what influences votes in Parliament. It is
of economy and peace." actually forbidden us to say that the counties are repre-
Mr. CoRDEN, who was received with the most enthu- sented by the aristocracy. whose families are connected
siastic cheers, said—l feel that it is from me the with the service by land and by sea, and that the mem.
apology should come that I have not long ago had bers of those aristocratic families keep up an enormous
the opportunity of meeting the electors of the West expenditure for the army and navy in order that their
Riding at home. I ought to have paid my respects younger sons may find_ bertha, It is
considered very
to you immediately on my return from the con- improper that any of these allusions should be made;
tinent, to have thanked you, and my friend in the and therefore as there is a rule that motives should not
chair especially, for the most prominent and responsible be attributed, don't let it be supposed that I have
position he filled on that occasion in nominating me and imagined anything like what I have stated. We will
returning me when I was thousands of miles away, con- suppose, then, that these farmers and small freeholders
ferring on me the most distinguished honour that could are the men who suppose they have all the interest. We
be conferred on a citizen of this country. But, gentle- must suppose, looking into our army list, that the staff
men, since my return home I have found myself occupied appointments are all held by the relatives of the farmer
in public avocations ; I believe that my pursuits have and 40s. freeholders. We have 150 admirals ; we
been your pursuits; that my aim has been your aim; and never can employ more than 14 of these at a time,
I have felt assured that, dealing as I have done with a and we must suppose that these admirals are all of
body of intelligent and practical men, you have been them near connexions of the tenant farmers. It will not
satisfied, whilst I was in pursuit of what I humbly con- be considered bad taste to have assumed that. Then, if
ceived my duty and your welfare. You would be satis- these farmers and 40s. freeholders will support high
fled that I should pursue my duties in Parliament, taxes because their brothers and sons may be admirals,
and be content to be together in spirit, though majors, and colonels,—if they choose to keep up such
we were absent in body. Your excellent chair- establishments for their interest, we are not going to let
men has been good enough to associate my name them pay fur them out of the bread- basket.—(Cheers.)
with three principles free trade, economy, and Our friends in the southern counties will perfectly un-
peace. I beg it to be distinctly understood that derstand that we see through the whole case—that we
in meeting you hero to-day—in having the privilege know exactly how the land lies. If the tenant- farmers
of exchanging sentiments with you, we do not and the people of the middle class in the.south of &T-
-meet for the glorification of any individual or ourselves, land really want to reduce taxation—if they want any
but to do homage to those principles which your chair- amelioration in those laws tbat affect them with respect
man has enumerated— (Cheers)—to render if possible to game, with respect to occupancy, or in any other way
more secure the attainment of the first of thole prin- in which legislation cln be to their interest, they must
ciples, and to pave the way for carrying out effectually join us, but not to impose an Bs. or 12s. duty.—(Loud
and speedily the other two. lam not going to make a cheers.) When I see the farmers getting up a row
free-trade speech; but an attempt has been made to in South Hampshire, and carrying down a Mr. Shaw
show that free trade in corn—for that is about the limit to be more prominent than the squires themselves in.
of our triumph as yet—that free trade in corn, which clamouring for protection, I pity them; they are posi-
we have had for some time short of three months, is a Lively past all hope of salvation.—(Cheers.) The farmers
failure. Well, I don't know what we expected free are a class of the most dependent, politically, on the
trade in corn to do that it has not done for us, as far face of the earth. They every now and then burst into
as it possibly could have done for us. Did anybody a sort of saturnalia. These political bondmen—they
ever ask themselves this question—What would mean nothing—it ends in nothing. The landlord is
have been our position now if we had not carried merely asked to go to his agent, and say—Tell all the
the repeal of the corn-laws just at the time we did? farmers on such an estate they must vote for such a man
I have talked to men coversant with these matters, and —and they do it. The whole thing is effected by a wink
I have put this question to them—Supposing the old or a nod. It requires no noise. Besides, the farmers
sliding scale to have remained in operation now, what form a very small portion of the electors even in a
would have been the price of corn at this moment? And county. We have a return before Parliament of the
the general opinion I hear is that wheat would be at 70s. d ffsrent kinds of qualifications, and in the most rural
a quarter. What would then have been the condition of the proportion of occupying tenants is about one. eighth
England—what would then have been the condition of or one-seventh, and in Lancashire not more than one-
Yorkshire? Just what it was in 1839, after the failure tenth.—(Hear, hear.) To set up for themselves with-
of the harvest in 1838. Your towns would have been out the middle class is the most hopeless, helpless,
crowded with paupers, aed your capitalists would have childish thing that human beings could resort to. If
been meeting together to try and avert impending ruin, they went a reduction of taxation, we will help them
as they did in 1839. Now what is the condition of things? to obtain it.—(Loud cheers.) My friend Bright has
I don't say that trade is as good as it might be, or as I proposed to get rid of the game-laws for them. But
hope it will be; but asking the condition of the mass of they don't help him much. It is something like the
the working population now, and comparing this with malt tax over again. The few men that will support Mr.
sa hat it was in 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842, and 1843, I say Bright will be the free-traders; they are the only friends
there is now a state of great prosperity—(Cheers)—nay, the farmers have in the House of Commons.—(Cheers.)
I doubt very much whether that portion of the labouring You know what my motion about retrenchment is. It
classes of this county and Lancashire which is fully is a very simple case. I put it before Parliament, and I
employed in the mechanical arts, in manufactures, and was sorry you found your representative in so small a
in other pursuits—l speak particularly of skilled work- minority. But I beg you distinctly to understand that I
men—ever in their lives were in possession of a greater was in good company.—(Cheers.) I had Lancashire
amount of comfort in exchange for their labour, than with me—l had the metropolis with me—l had Edin-
they are at this moment ; because now you have not burgh and Glasgow with me—l had Middlesex with me.
merely food, but raiment and all those human luxuries Of all the large towns only Liverpool—" a strange ano-
which are happily within the reach of the working maly," seeing that financial reform commenced there,
classes, cheaper than, as a whole, at any time when the and Sheffield, rather peculiarly situated—(A laugh),-
trade of this district was peculiarly prosperous. When plumped against me.—(Cheers.) Sheffield voted against
we go back to 1835 and 1836. for instance, though me under peculiar circumstances, which you will under-
there was great prosperity, the price of many articles stand, but that won't occur again. lam very anxious
of clothing was then much higher than now ; cotton that you in the West Riding should understand this,
goods were about double what they now are. The and if you will take the trouble to analyse the places
working daises are doing better than the masters whence my supporters came, you will find that en-
at present ; but, however, I hope to see their em- lightened and free public opinion was with me on
ployers deriving a full and adequate reward for their that motion, as certainly as it ever was with Mr. Vil-
skill and capital; but we did not profess that free trade hers before Sir R. Peel took up free:trade in corn; and I
in corn was a sort of alchemy that was to discover the may boldly say that I never ever expect to be in a ma-
philosopher's stone or cure all diseases; we never said so. jority in reducing our expenditure to the standard of
Our opponents have said that of us, to try and make us Mee Government will take care of that, as they did
ridiculous. We never said that free trade in corn would on the corn laws; they will do the work themselves.—
prevent the evils that follow excessive speculation in rail- (Cheers.) It we were in the majority, the Queen wool]
ways.—(Cheers.) There is a sore place in almost every have to send for us—(Cheers)—and that would not suit
family and counting-house, arising from these railway them.—(Cheers.) Some Government must do it for us.
speculation:.—(Cheers.) We never said free trade in To be sure our Right Hon. Friend and neighbour, Sir
corn would heal those sores.—(Cheers.) We never said Charles Wood, has only made a beginning—that is his
it would prevent civil wars on the continent; or, if civil policy. It is intended only as an encouragement for us
wars arose on the continent, we never said that free trade to go on. Perhaps he could not do more this time, but
in corn would prevent them from operating injuriously it is quite plain what he means if you persevere, rape-
on our foreign trade. We never said that there would be cially in the West Riding. A great deal:more will be
no potato rot if we had a free trade in corn. None of those done next year, and it will be all done as soon as pos-
evils that have fallen on us did we ever profess to avert Bible.—(Loud cheers.) What I proposed was to go
or care; but what we did say and do say is this, that back as speedily as possible to the expenditure of 1833.
whether foreign or civil war happens, or railway No answer was given to the facts I stated, viz., that the
speculations turn out disastrous, or potato rot successive increases of our expenditure for armaments
comes, you will be a great deal better able had all been occasioned by special circumstances, which
to bear all those evils with free trade in corn have all passed away. I statd other changes, which I
than you would have been under the old sliding scale. hope will engage the attention of the West Riding. I
—(Cheers.) We never said more than that, and, if so want to enlist you in two or three practical questions,
much as we professed has been done, who has a right to but which our opponents will call Utopias. Utopias?
say that free-trade has been a failure?—(Cheers.) But The West Riding has a knack of making Utopias reali-
then we are told there is great difficulty and embarrass- ties.—(Cheers.) The West Riding made Clarkson's
went in certain portions of the agricultural districts. I Utopias for the abolition of the slave trade a reality.—
think there has been a great deal too much of outcry (Cheers.) The West Riding made Wilberforce's Utopias
about distress in the agricultural districts.—(Cheers.) for abolition of slavery a reality. You made what was
I think it is a disgrace to certain portions of those dis- called madness in 1839 reality in 1849.—(Cheers.) I
tricts that they have made any outcry at all during the want you to take up my other Utopias.—(Cheers.) One
great part of 1847 and 1848. The farmers of England of them is to reduce the expenditure by means which
were placed under more fortunate circumstances than seem to follow naturally out of our free-trade struggle.
ever they had been in this country within the memory I want you to raise the cry for colonial reform.—(Cheers.)
of man. They had capital crops and unprecedentedly high Depend on it you are as much interested in carrying out
pßear
rsin
; at least prices without a precedent since the war. reform in our colonial system as the colonies themselves,
mind that when in former times they had or as you are in your own municipal affairs, because it
a high price for their eorn it was from a deficient crop, is only by the reform of your colonial system, that you
but during 1847 and 1848 they were in the glorious posi- can everhope largely to reduce your present expenditure,
tion that the scarcity and high price of corn arose fromf or be in a position to be safe against an overwhelming ex--
the failure of the potato, while they had capital crops pmean titiauvree from any accitleneafl cause that may arise. You
e
wheat, They never had such an opportunity of actuallyse another war in Ka. rum or New Zealand.
coining money as in the spring of 1848 and during the musty have our colonies put in a totally different position;
whole of 1847. In Hampsire corn was selling at 5/. the we must raise the cry of " self-government for the colo-
cleaner; 100 shillings the quarter was refused in Chi- nies." Don't give a feeble response to that under the
'Mester market; and now those people are meeting and idea, industriously spread abroad, that something tending
declaring they are all ruined because they have had: to a'dismemberment of the empire is involved in giving
-three or four months' bad trade. It is disgraceful your colonial fent-it's-subjects self-government. As Eng-
- both to f
von hail
35 and landowners to make that outcry.— lishmen they are entitled to it. If you don't separate
you had more; ae Youtt had eighteen months of bad trade, yourselves from the dominant class—if there be a domis
. price for their wheat
Le
very time they were getting this. nant class, for it is hardly fashionable to say there is-
- tress- at a loss. Lancashireilolwere carrying on your busi- (Cheers)—if you don't separate yourselves from them in
eeighteen months must e losses during those. their attempt to keep the colonies as a field of patronage
ettle menufactory. it'wainsured by the extent of for their younger sons, and that the aristocracy may
and, if smaller losaree, the loss was about nominate the Government, you will have wars without
:rd-:a-th-of that sum permontle was about
about one-half or end with your colonial fellow-subjects. English people,
-ditl not come whining to ParlianTgt;h) Yet, you whether in North America, at the Cape of Good Elope,
=fully during the storm, and were read yot stood man- in New Zealand, in Australia, or in the West Riding of
ytogo
•liith-the first gleam.—(Cheers.) Wedo to work not y
Yorkshire, will govern themselves.—(Cheers.) You
s trey that the farmers. will not have a difficultyp!etend to cannot take up a newspaper from any point of the corn-
.threviash the transition state—monopoly to free tradgoe.tl-g pass without meeting complaints in every direction. I
is-in the very nature of things, that if you have been do not wish to be thought attacking the Noble Lord at
''trying on evil courses for 30 years, the ordeal of getting the head of the Colonial-office. ido not attack Earl
into a right course must cause one pain. A man doesa high respect for his personal honour,
.not recover-from a fever without going through a very roe the
moral courage and independence. He was
first that boldly advocated our principles of
-painful state of languor. We expected there would be
queesrithan lend himself to compromise on
this difficulty in the transition; so did our opposers, or doped oiric4Cathzer.,.) Some of you recollect be aban-
(Cheers.) Such a man is en-
why did they give us the work of a seven years' battle? the slavery
and hououralZin "'on
They have no right, though, to turn round upon us, and titled to our respeeit).n.T
fills an office under Go-
say, " Look at tho difficulties we have in our arrangements Hewes, a man of businessalfake no ehgasrtgoeurastiaeienss,t wMhro.
.e to do impossi-
oitsi,,that men should
with our tenants arid landowners to meet this new state industriou,ly
4fenrecleYft.otrausls. have
of things." We told them they would have difficul- vernment. What Ido find fault
ties precisely such as the manufacturers in 1817 ; allow themselves to be pet intowaitnh
they had to look about them; they had to adopt a new hilities ;it would require omnipotence and °ran.i
system of business, make larger returns in quicker time; aimost to be able, from a street in London,
toPrgeostircne
they had to produce more from a given quantity of ma- more than 40 dependencies in every latitude.
e Suppose,
chinery and in a given space of time; and we tell the we had to send up to Sir George Grey to have his u
farmers and landowners too, they must go through pre- thority for everything we do in municipal affairs, w% auld
-
cisely the same process, they must have their energies we tolerate such a thing ? And yet we have railway:'
quickened, they must make their land mote productive, transit that performs the distance between this and,
they must come to terms with each other by which they London in six hours, and by the telegraph that will corn.
may have the utmost possible production out of the soil. municate with the metropolis in a minute you can talk
All these we intend they should do—il is fur their Lite. with the ,Home-uffice, aud yet yott would nt3 tvlerate

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