The Sun.
London, England, 1849-03-27 00:00:00

POOR LAW (IRELAND) RATE IN AID BILL.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL proposed that this Bill be
read a second time.
Mr. HAMILTON said, that in his resolve to stop the
second reading of the Bill, ho felt perfectly assured that
he was incurring great responsibility, for he knew that
it would be imputed to him, as to those with whom he
acted, that he was uninfluenced by the miserable and
starving condition of the pauperised population of the
south and west of Ireland, because he was connected
with a more independent portion of thet country.
Such he should distinctly aver were not his.
feelings, but because be was fully persuaded that
the relief necessary for the sus+,entation of the
poor of those districts could and ought to be afforded
on better and more constitutional grounds than those
unjust principle, which must necessarily extend and in-
crease pauperism. The Hon. Member objected to the
Bill, because he considered it to be not only inadequate
to the end it purported to have in view, but because it
was absolutely unjust towards a large and important
class of her Majesty's subjects in Ireland. It was esti-
mated that the rate would produce the sum of 250,000/.
That ho doubted
_very much; but, supposing that that
sum might be received, then at least 180,000/ would bo
required to meet the emergencies of nine unions, and all
that could be collected beyond that must be applied to
the wants of the twelve unions. He believed that
there were very few instances of the principle
of the rate in aid having been applied in England,
though certainly the state of . the law and of past
legislation admitted of it. That circumstance, however,
did not form any foundation for the argument that there
was an analogy between the imposition of a rate in aid
in England and a rate in aid in Ireland; because they
must be applied under totally different circumstances,
arising out of the condition of society and the tenure of
the land. He objected to the Bill, also, on the ground
that it had a decided tendency to operate against the ad-
ministration of the poor-law system, and as, between
England and Ireland, it went to establish a separate na-
tional interest. An Hon. Member the other night asked
what he considered a very pertinent question, via.—
" Was there to be a union, or was there not?" Hon. Gen-
tlemen who were prepared and determined to support
the union in its full force and integrity, should consider
that the operation of this Bill proceeded altogether, and
undeniably, on anti-union principles; so that the two
. could not consistently be supported together. In princi-
ple, too, the Bill was wholly wrong, an the policy of it
far from wise. Could it be to their interest, for example,
to withdraw from Ulster and Leinster the capital which
was well employed in promoting agriculture and ma-
nufactures, in order to apply it to the support of
pauperism in Connaught? The Irish claimed to be
taxed in the proportion of imperial taxation falling to
their share, according to the articles of the Union. They
in England said they were not. Let the question be fairly
tried, and the sooner that was doae the better. He was
sure that the people of Ireland would be glad to submit
to a fair proportion of taxation, and if he could have
any assurance from the Government that only a fair
amount of taxation would be imposed upon Ireland, he
should not object to it, whatever its amount might be,
provided that that amount was determined according to
the principles of the Act of Union. The Hon. Member
concluded by moving, as an amendment, that the Bill
be read a second time on that day six months.
Mr. CORRY seconded the amendment. He objected
to the Bill because it was impolitic and unjust. It was
impolitic, because its operation would be to retard the
cultivation of the land in one part of Ireland without im-
proving it in another. It was unjust, because it imposed
the tax on the industrious and prosperous to relieve the
indolent and indigent in a remote country, over whose
conduct they had not the slightest control, and in whose
distress it was unreasonable to expect that they should
feel any interest or sympathy, when it was considered
that they had their own poor around them, who would
not be in any degree benefited by the produce of the
rate. The Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's
Government was of opinion that the proposed rate in aid
would not be necessary for more than two years; but be
would ask the Noble Lord, what prospect was there that
the distress would disappear in two years? With re-
spect to emigration, he considered that the Government
only threw obstacles in the way of it, and he could not
approve of it as a remedy to obviate the distress from
which the people were suffering.—(Hear, hear.) There ,
never was a time, he felt, at which it was more neces-
eery for the landed proprietary of Ireland to exert them-
selves to keep down the rates, for the Bill now under
consideration was of a nature to convert the whole of
Ireland into one great gigantic union. Ho felt it to be
his duty to give expression to his opinions on this sub-
ject, and, thanking the House for the attention with
which it had listened to him, he should conclude by
seconding the amendment of his Hon. Friend.
Sir WILLIAM SOMERVILLE said his Hon. Friend
who had just sat down said, it it could be proved to him
that Ireland was not taxed in proportion to her means,
by inquiry before a Committee appointed for that pur-
pose, both he and those who acted with him would be
quite ready to come forward, and to say, then apply the
income-tax to Ireland. But his Hon. Friend should re-
collect that the case which called forth the measure now
before the House was one of great emergency, and that
it was absolutely necessary that something should be done
to meet it. The Hon. Gentleman objected to the tax
further, on the ground that it was a new tax; but to ob-
ject to it on that ground was. really blinking the ques-
tion. Was not the income-tax a new tax? He (Sir W.
Somerville) remembered when the income-tax was
first proposed for England by the Bight Hon. Baronet
the Member for Tamworth, that he and those who acted
with him, listened with breathless attention to the Hon.
Baronet's statement, apprehensive lest he might propose
to aeply it to Ireland too, and when the Hon. Baronet
bad stated that it was not his intention to apply it to
that country, there was a manifestation of applause
among the Irish Members. His Hon. Friend who pro-
posed the amendment objected to the measures of the
Government, on the ground that the distress was mainly
attributable to the mal-administration of the poor-law in
Ireland by the Poor-law Commissioners.
Mr. HAMILTON explained, and expressed his
.opinion that the law would i.ei more likely to be ad-
:ministered beneficially to the ratepayers, by boards of
guardians answerable to those ratepayers, than by
:Poor-law Commissioners not answerable to them.
Sir WILLIAM SOMERVILLE begged to disabuse
the mind of his Hon. Friend on those points, and to
-assure him, with respect to the dissolution of boards of
guardians, that there was not one of those dissolutions—
;Boyle, or otherwise, that he was not prepared to defend.
Great stress had been laid on the circumstance of asking
industrious Ulster to contribute towards relieving the
distress of other parts of Ireland; but he did not sec
the justice of the complaints. The distress was spread-
ing; Ulster might not escape; and he did not see how
;she could blow hot and cold on this question. It was
maid that the landlords of Connaught were pauperised
by the operation of the poor-law. He did not
believe that to be the case ; but his belief was that
otheir pauperisation was attributable to the failure
sof the potato crops. He was extremely sorry to differ
,swith his Hon. Friends the proposer and seconder of the
,:amendment, but, connected with Ireland as he was, he
rthought that the time was come when Irishmen should
tmake some effort to contribute towards alleviating the
I listress, and for himself—an Irishman—he should say
1 hat he preferred the rate in aid to the extension of the
i aconite tax to Ireland. All that the House had now to
decide upon was, as to the best manner of meeting the
distress; and it should never be forgotten that the pro-
posed rate in aid was intended to be but a temporary
Inca ure. His Honourable Friend who proposed
the amendment expressed himself in favour of
semigration as a means of remedying the distress,
A ad approved of it; while his Hon. Friend, the seconder
eef the amendm nt, disapproved of it, and said that the
Government encouragement of it .seemed to throw ob-
stacles rather in the way of it; .so that he did not know
how to deal with the arguments of his Hon. Friends.
Tate believed the measure proposed by her Majesty's Go-
-I'ernment would be found, on the whole, to be the least
oppressive; and he believed further, that if the Govern-
ment proposed the extension of the income-tax to Ire-
Lind; tend that if Hon. Members should, in a moment
4:4' hurry, give their support to it, they would repent of
it, when, perhaps, too late; for while the rate in aid
wits intended to be but temporary, the income-tax might
be permanent.
Lord JOCELYN, in rising to support the amendment
of his Hon. Friend, was anxious to state the ground on
vvbich ho had come to the conclusion to give his vote in
opposition to the measure of her Majesty's Government.
e begged distinctly to state, that he was not opposed to
tb o extension of all fair taxation to Ireland, if the Brie
tish Parliament should be of opinion that that country
did not pay its just proportion; but he was-opposed to
the present measure from a sense that it was most unjust
to call on one portion of the empire to contribute to-
wards the support of another, and that all temporary
enactments were of a nature to turn the people away
from their self-reliance. Ho contended that this desire
to feed the paupers of a particular locality out of a gene-
ral fund was calculated to increase rather than to lessen
Pauperism. This Bill did away with that local con-
trol over public funds, which was so essential to their
.proper
Management. He believed that this Bill would
press heavily upon the tenant-farmers of Ulster; and
he might here mention that the grand jury of Louth,
,in objecting to the rate in aid, consented to take upon
them, if this measure were not pressed forward, their
,share in the general taxation of the country.
Mr. F. FRENCH, in objecting to this measure, said
that the Members who opposed it were willing to bear
any impost that would raise the taxation of Ireland in
proportion to that of England. But it was a mistake to
Say that no income-tax was paid in Ireland, for he con-
tended that tax was paid on 8,000,000/. out of the
13,000,000/. which was the estimate of the value of
rish property. The Hon. Gentleman, after declaring
that the poor-law had failed in Ireland, said that this
,measure was intended to prop up that law, which, if con-
Wined, would bury All, classes in Ireland in One sommon ►

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making of treaties with foreign nations relative to the v ruin—a result which could not but operate injuriously
navigation-laws, and he thought it was highly desirable on England at no very distant period.
that theist) words should not bo departed from. Mr. FAGAN said his constituency had expressed
Mr. HENLEY was perfectly aware of that; but 'now their approbation of the vote which he had given in
tbey were going very much to extend this principle of favour of this measure. Ho aed they were opposed
law which sanctioned the paying of dock dues out of the to an income•tax. It was a mistake to say that he
Consolidated Fund, and he thought some care ought to was hostile to the landlords. Ile thought the landlords
be taken to see bow it would act upon private interests. of Ireland were much to be commiserated, and that
Mr. GLADSTONE said he entertained some doubts their condition was much to be deplored. A Noble
as to whether the clause, as it stood, was sufficient to Lord (Lord Jocelyn) had told them that they ought
enable her Majesty to direct payments to be made out of to look to sell-reliance; but was it reasonable to speak
the Consolidated Fund. to the people of Ireland of self-reliance placed in
After a few words from the SOLICITOR-GENERAL and the position they were at present by the failure of the
the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, potato crop?—(Llear, hear.) He (Mr. Fagan) supported
Mr. LABOUCHERE said he would agree to the the Ministers in the present measure, in the hope that
clause being withdrawn for the present. it would be the means of rescuing thousands from
The clause was accordingly withdrawn. starvation. He believed there was a doctrine passing
Clauses down to 28 were then agreed to without any through the minds of some statesmen, that there was no
discussion. remedy for the present state of things in Ireland, and
After some discussion, the remaining clauses, as alio that they should be allowed to take their course. He
the preamble, were agreed to, Mr. Sanders having with• thought, however, such a doctrine was unworthy of
drawn his amendment, the Speaker resumed the chair, statesmen, and unworthy of that House. He
and Mr. Bernal reported the Bill to the House. believed that the measure proposed by the
The report was ordered to be brought up on Monday Right Hon. Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) had met with
next. the approval of the people of Ireland, and he hoped that

the Right Hon. leitronet would have an oppotunity
afforded him of carrying out that measure, not only as re-
garded Connaught, but as regarded the whole of Ireland.
—(Hear, hears) With reference to what the Hon. Mem-
bsr for Roscommon (Mr. F. French) had said, he ad-
mi ted that it was quite consistent with that Hon. Mem-
ber's opinions, as he had always been opposed to the
poor-laws; but he (gr. Fegan) would say, being as he
was, the oldest guardian in that House, that he had
always found the Poor-law Commissioners most anxious
in the performance of their duties, and that they were
much more desirous of attending to the wants of the
poor than the poor-law guardians were themselves.
Mr. HERBERT had not heard a single word of argu-
ment in support of the mode which was proposed for
raising the money which was required for relieving the
destitute poor in Ireland.—(Bear.) What he com-
plained of was, that her Majesty's Government, with all
the information they possessed, had not come down with
any measure to meet the difficulty, but were placing
their reliance on a temporary measure like the present.
Ho would have given his support to any system of taxa-
tion that would operate fairly ; but he could not give his
support to a mode of taxation which would fall upon a
certain class of farmers, and the question was, should
they place the tax upon a class least able to bear it? He
(nr. Herbert) would say that rather than do so he would
give his consent to an income-tax, or to any tax that
would operate fairly. He was a friend to the poor-law,
but he complained of the neglect exhibited by the Poor-
law Commissioners in not attending to the suggestions
they received in Ireland. Much as he was opposed b
the present measure, he altogether condemned the lan-
guage which had been used at various meetings in Ulster
on the subject.
Mr. PO ULETT SCROPE said that in the worst pro-
vince, that of Conmiught, the poor-rate last year did not
exceed two shillings and sixpence in the pound. Now,
it was not this amount of rate that had created such
distress, but the attempt still made to enforce the
rent or ta-enty shillings, which was fixed before
the failure of the potato crop. Had the rent been
reduced in proportion, the tenants would not have
been driven from their country, and forced, as many
had been, to seek shelter in America. The condition
of the people 'of England could not be raised without
also elevating the condition of the people of Ireland,
and, as a means to this end, he thought the English sys-
tem of poor-laws ought to be brought into operation in
Ireland. He then enumerated the measures which he
had proposed iu order to render the Irish people self
sustaining and self-improving. The main cause of the
destitution of Ireland, us testified by the universal assent
of the inspectors and guardians, was the want of em-
ployment, and nothing was done to meet that state of
things. They repudiated the idea of employment iu
Their Poor-lava Act, although for two centuries and a
half the principle of employing the able- bodie.l poor was
admitted. Would it be contended there was no field for
employment? It was absurd to think that Ireland was
over-peopled. The evidence of the inspectors went to
show that a finer or more profitable field for labour
could not be found than presented itself even in the dis-
tressed unions. The fatal point in the policy of Ministers
was omitting some means of rendering the people self-
sustaining. He objected to a rate in aid, as being con-
trary to the principle of the poor-law--local responsi-
bility for local destitution.—(Hear, hear.) According to
the authority of the Dublin Evening Mail, the warmest
advocate of the landlords in Ireland, there would not be
one farthing of the rate collected west of the Shannon
if this measure was -carried. He would provide the
money'necessary for Irish destitution on the security
of the lands in Connaught, and take power for the
sale of those estates on which large arrears of
rate accrued. This would be a just principle, and
carrying out the principle of the 'poor-law, for he
did not see why the land should not be taken from
the landlord just as they took the ass or pig from
the poor tenant. Why should not those who created
extreme pauperism in the west of Ireland be respon-
sible for its relief ? If the powers he recommended were
carried out, they would obtain repayment in full, and
effect that which was admitted in the present circum-
stances of Ireland to be most desirable, namely, the
change of proprietary.—(Hear.) An auxiliary system
for the employment of the poor should follow.
Sir JOHN WALSH complained that the Hon. Mem-
ber for Stroud had wasted the time of the House in re-
iterating his former observations, and he promised that
he should not follow his example. The out door sys •
tem of relief was the most disastrous that could have
been adopted for Ireland, as it tended to the de-
moralization of the people. Already the estates
of many landlords in the west of Ireland had
been practically ciufiscated, for they received no rents
during the last two or three years, so that in some re-
spect, at all events, the wishes of the Hon. Member for
Stroud were fulfilled. With regard to the measure under
consideration, it would not meet the evil which it was
proposed to remedy. If they referred to the evidence
taken before the Poor-law Committee now sitting, they
would find it proved, beyond a doubt, that the rate pro-
posed must become a permanent one, as the bankrupt
unions, for whose behalf it was granted, would not for
many years be able to support themselves, and he thought
it extremely hard to saddle upon portions of Ireland,
which were maintaining their own poor, the burdens of
those unions.—(Hear, hear.) When the Poor-law Com-
mittee was appointed, several measures were hinted
at as about to be brought forward as a means of
remedying the distress in Ireland, but there was, as
yet, no symptom of their being produced. The sugges-
tion thrown out by the Right Hon. Baronet the Member
for Tamworth had met with much attention, but he
viewed with suspicion all those " great and comprehen-
sive measures," as they rather indicated the existence of
great and deep-seated evils than provided remedies, and
he thought the Right Hon. Gentleman would have acted
more wisely had he observed his usual reserve on the
stilject. The Right Honourable Gentleman spoke
of appointing a Commission under his plan to nego-
.tiste .in the purchase of land, and letting such land
:out under the sanction of the Government. That
-was nearly allied to the plan of the Honourable
Member for Stroud, which, in some degree, had already
been acted on, and bad proved a complete failure.
Such a plan would not get rid of the difficulties which
at present existed in Ireland, for no purchaser would in-
vest money in land so burdened as the land in Ireland
was; and although it was said that the present Irish
proprietors were bankrupt, which he denied, and, con-
sequently, unable to improve their properties, yet, were
new proprietors placed on these properties, their efforts
must be as ineffectual, let them have ever so it uch money,
so long as the burdens on land in that country remained
as at present. He could not see how the Noble Lord at
the bead of Government could ask for an advance of
100,0001. on the credit of this rate, for the measure sanc-
tioning it might never become law. Such a course ought
to be reprobated and resisted by all those who were
affected by this measure, and he trusted that it would be
so successfully--(Hear)
Sir G. GREY considered that during previous discus.
sions two principles had been established, namely, that
the amount of distress in the western unions of Ireland
was not overstated, and that extraneous aid was required
to relieve it. The Hon. Gentleman had admitted the
extent of distress, and on a former occasion it was ad-
mitted that without extraneous aid the poor in those
districts would have died from starvation. That, then,
relieved him of the necessity of referring to the official
returns on the subject. These two principles, then,
being admitted, the question turned upon whether
this extraneous aid was to be afforded by means of a
rate in aid or the income-tax.—(Hear, hear.) To-
night, however, matters had taken a turn. He had
heard nothing to-night of the income-tax, but they were
told either to leave the people to their fate or supply
their wants from the Imperial Treasury—(Hear, hear)
—by drawing upon it to an indefinite amount. The
Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Hamilton) had argued that it was
unjust to tax districts for the support of the poor of
other districts with which they had nothing to do, but
that argument seemed to him to run as much counter to
anlmperial grant as to one raised by a rate in aid; for the
former, was to a far greater extent making parties liable
for the support of that with which they had nothing to
do than was the latter. The Hon. Gentleman admitted
that the western districts being unable to maintain the
poor, the tax-payers of the United Kingdom ought to
b made to support thcm ; but why should
Ulster, which was able to - support them, be
allowed to escape, and the tax-payers of the United
Kingdom have any such additional burden imposed
upon them? Already-those tax payers severely felt the
burden ; for not only had they fur long been contribut-
ing to the support of those distressed unions, but in
consequence of the increase of Irish poor both in Eng-
land and in Scotland, the burdens had been greatly in-
creased. In Liverpool, and some of the metropolitan
parishes, no less than 77,000/. had been applied last year
for the support of Irish poor ; and it was a fact that
there was scarcely a parish in England in which the
poor-rates had' not been considerably raised to supply
the wants of those Irish poor. In Scotland it was the
same. And he would venture to say that both England
and Scotland were at the present time paying a rate in
aid for the support of Irish paupers, to a much higher
extent than the present measure authorised.—(Hear,
hear.) The Honourable Gentleman had also said that
were the present measure carried it would aggravate
the evils of Ireland, as it would do away with the prin-
ciple of self-reliance among the people. If, as the Hon.
Gentlemen said, they should leave the people to their
fate— to provide for themselves, then certainly the prin-
ciple of self-reliance would be given full effect to; but
if they were to give them extraneous assistance, he could
not see how the giving it by a sixpenny rate in aid, or
by a grant from the Treasury, would make much dif-
ference to that principle. It there was any difference,
there was not so much injury done to the principle of
self-reliance by the former as the latter system.—(Hear,
hear.) The rate in aid was not an indefinite rate, and
were it put into operation to-morrow it would only ren-
der the poor- rate in Ulster identical with that in Ing-

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land. The lion. Gentleman had also complained as to
the inadequacy of the rate, but it did not follow that, be-
cause it was inadequate, he should reject it, without
suggesting how the deficiency should be supplied. It
was said there was no rate in aid in England, and why
have one in Ireland? But the principle of the rate in
aid was in existence in England, and he could assure the
Hon. Gentleman that the people of England would rather
have the rate in aid in fall operation than be running to
the Imperial Treasury at every emergency for a grant.
It was true there had been few cases in which the prin-
ciple was carried out in England, but the cir-
cumstances of the country did not require it. As to
the objection against the principle of the rate in aid,
certainly, if Hon. Gentlemen preferred the income-tax,
Government might be prevailed upon to extend it to
Ireland—(Laughter)—but still its machinery could not
be set a-going in time to meet the exigencies of the pre-
sent case. Besides, on the present occasion the entire
arguments used had been against charging Ireland with
any portion of this rate in stal whatever. Give us a
Committee, said the Hon. Gentleman, and we would
show you that Ireland is paying her full proportion of
taxation; but did he take into account the extraneous
aid which had been given to her by this country ?
He wanted a Committee to ascertain the fiscal duties
paid by that country, but such Committee
could form no estimate of the proportion Ireland
bore of taxes, unless they at the same time took into
consideration the aid he had referred to which she ob-
tained from this country. The Honourable Baronet who
had last sat down had complained that the House was
about to be called upon to vote away 100,0001. on the
security of this measure, which had not as yet received
the consent of the House, and which might not receive
such consent. But the Honourable Baronet must have
misunderstood what the Noble Lord at the head of
the Government said when he made his statement to
the House in regard to the matter. What his Noble
Friend did state was, that as soon as the Bill passed
through a second reading he would move in a Com
roittee of the whole House that the sum of 100,0001. be
advanced to meet the prevailing distress, on the security
of the Bill, and that a clause be inserted in the Bill, au-
thorising such advance, but that the advance should not
be made until the measure passed through that and the
other House of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped
that explanation would satisfy the Honourable Baronet
that there was no wish on the part of the Government to
take any advantage, but that, so soon as the measure
should pass, that the sum he had alluded to should be
given to meet the present demands. The Honourable
Baronet had also complained that no measures had ac-
companied the present one, as promised by the Go-
vernment. Now, at the Limo when the Committee
on the Irish poor law was appointed, it was
stated on the part of the Government, that those
measures would not bo propounded, at least none but
what were absolutely necessary to meet present circum-
stances —until the Committee had given the fullest con-
sideration to the subject, and indicated what measures
would be most expedient. He needed not again inform
the House that the Committees appointed by that and
the other House, were taking evidence on the subject,
and giving the fullest considerations to the propositions
submitted to them, and he would venture to affirm, that
had these measures been brought forward, they would
have been met ly the objection, " Why so much haste;
wait, at all events, until the Committees you have ap-
pointed to consider the subject report upon it." But the
Hon. Member for Kerry (Mr. Herbert) had said that
the Government were sheltering themselves behind
the want of unanimity among themselves, from bringing
forward these measures. So far, from that, however,
he could assure the Hon. Gentleman that there was no
such want of.unanimity in t!'e Government as to what
ought to be the system for the management of the poor
of Ireland. Thv Hon. Member for Stroud (Mr. P.
Scrope) had also complained that Government relied on
the poor-law for giving relief, and neglected the means,
of affording employment for the relief of that distress.
But while it was true that Government had relied on the
poor-law for relieving the distress of Ireland, they had
at the same time not been backward in stimulating em-
ployment for the purpose of aiding in doing so. They
had given upwards of two millions and a half of money
to be distributed among proprietors of land for the im-
provement of their estates, and for the formation of rail-
ways and other improvements, in order that employment
might be given to the poor. That had been expended
within the last two years, and had been attended with
much benefit.
Mr. STAFFORD said he could not think the Govern-
ment would take advantage of the speech of the Member
for Cork, for it was anything but a defence of the plan
of the Ministry. He would as the Government whether
they would carry out the plan suggested by tho Right
Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamwortb. The Right
Hon. Secretary for the Home Department might laugh
at such an interrogatory—but considering the sensation
which that plan had'exaited in Ireland, they should not
allow the session to pass on, the Government remaining
silent upon that suggestion. He had not yet ascertained
why the precise sum estimated to arise from a 6d. rate
should have been fixed upon. It was, however, one thing to
fix a rate, and another to collect it. In September last there
was 800,0001. poor-rate uncollected in Irelund. He
knew by their present course of legislation they could
ruin the province of Munster, and reduce it to the same
state as that of Connaught, which be believed would
soon be the case. They talked of this rate being limited
to that amount, but he had heard no Member of the Go-
vernment state any, reason wby it should be limited to
that amount.
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said he feared the Govern-
ment had overlooked the objections made to this tax.
The first was the injustice of imposing this tax npon
parties already too heavily burdened. The other,
which was made out of doors, that ono part of Ireland
should be called upon to contribute to the distress of
another, when the Imperial Treasury had not been
called upon to contribute its aid. He preferred
voting for this stage of the Bill, rather than have
the people of Connaught suffer as they were at present,
and he would add to those the condition of the people of
Munster. He thought that the best plan for the Govern-
ment to carry out this rate in aid, would be to allow the
tenant who was obliged to pay this extra rate, to deduct
from his landlord in the rent, and to allow the landlord
again to deduct from the incumbrances on his property.
He thought that the amendment of the Hon. Member for
Dublin (Mr. Reynolds) to place part of this tax on the
Imperial funds and another part on those public officials
who had over 3001. per annum, was worthy of con-
sideration.
Mr. ,NAPIER moved the adjournment to the debate
to Wednesday next.
After mutual explanations between Mr. Stafford and
Sir George Grey, the motion for the "adjournment of
the debate was agreed to.
The consideration of the postponed resolution on the
Supply was then agreed to.
The House then resolved itself into a Committee for
Supply.
Colonel ANSON said that in asking the House to
vote the excess for the Ordnance, he trusted that he
would give general satisfaction, so as to remove any
doubts or objections from the minds of every Hon. Gen-
tleman; for before the year 1836, the Ordnance accounts
were not made up, and, consequently, no balance-sheet
was laid before Parliament, but the account was con-
stantly running on. He hoped that :the present plan
would be beneficial to the public service, as the accounts
were now made up. He proposed, as a vote of excess of
the Ordnance, 97,9541. 15s.
Mr. HUME said that he knew that the Government
were most anxious to pass that vote, and he should say
that he had given notice of one instance of excess in con-
sequence of the tax and loose manner in which the
accounts were formerly made up. He did not wish that any
of these votes should be taken, because it was generally
understood that twelve o'clock was to be the latest hour
at which the votes on supply were to be taken. He hopcd
that Government would fix a time for the navy esti-
mates, and then he would be prepared to develop his
opinions on those accounts and on other matters relevant
to that subject to the House.
The vote was then agreed to.
The Prisoners' Removal (Ireland) Bill was read a
second time.
The lelemnity Bill was committed.
The Passengers Bill was read a second time.
Lord PALMERSTON proposed that the order for
the correspondence between the Two Sicilies and her
Majesty's Government be discharged, and that an ad
dress to her Majesty to the same effect be substituted.
Agreed to.
The House then adjourned at Half-past Twelve o'clock

THE WEATHER.—Dr. Forster's statement to the
Royal Astronomical Society will, we suspect, go
for nothing. Dr. Forster says that, according to
observations extending over the time since 1767,
whenever the new moon fell on a Saturday, the
following twenty days were wet and windy. What
is there in a Saturday to influence the weather? It
is simply a day so named, causing in the minds of men,
in consequence of the peculiarities which custom has al-
lotted to it, certain associations, as the last business day
of the week, the day preceding Sunday, the market-
day, &c.; but it is neither a solstice, nor an equinox,
nor a division of any particular season, so that it
can have no influence over the moon, neither can the
have any over it, or in conjunction with it. Well,
was a new moon on Saturday, and, lel ever since
the weather has been dry and calm, and, if we
judge by the barometer, is likely to continue
. Throughout the past week the wind has been
very inconstant. It has visited in succession every
point of the compass, and the atmosphere has
been correspondingly unsettled, the northerly and
easterly winds bringing cold airs, the west fresh and
pleasant breezes, and the south fog and rain. On several
of the nights and mornings last week dense fogs hung
over the town and river, and in some cases there was not
a little danger to the vessels plying to and fro, as will bo
seen by a paragraph in another column. Yesterday the
wind was from due north, and the air cold and bracing)
The day was, however, somewhat gloomy.—Liverpool
Albion of yesterday.
The purchase-money paid by the Central German
Government for the American steam-ship United States,
now a member of their navy, was 265,000 dollars, or,
in sterling, 53,0001. The ship cost originally 270,000
dollars; and ran her proprietor considerably into debt
during her short career. The United States is now be-

ing fitted out as a war steamer by one of the first ship•
builders of the Hudson River. '

Amongst the acts of the late United States Congress
s ono authorising a coinago of 20 and of 1 dollar gold

PROPOSED INTRODUCTION OF HOBITOUSE'S ACT
INTO PADDINGTON PARISH.—The poll closed on Satur-
turday. The number of votes polled is 3,203, by which
there appeared—For Mr. Hobhouse's Act,1,999; for Mr.
Bourne's Act, 1,204; majority for the former, 795.
The season has commenced earlier than usual in the
Isle of Man. The markets have been glutted with cod
fish, quantities having been sent to England by the
steamers, and there having been large eatehings of
other fish,