The Sun.
London, England, 1849-08-23 00:00:00

of the meeting, be presented to her Majesty, through
her Majesty's Foreign Secretary of State, expressive of
the sense of this meeting, and earnestly praying for the
immediate recognition of the Government de facto of
Hungary, as demanded not less by justice, policy, and
the commercial interests of both countries; than by a
solicitude to stop the effusion of human blood, and to
terminate the barbarous atrocities which mark the pro-
gress of the Austrian and Russian armies."
(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I have to apologise for
the imperfect manner in which I have treated so
great a theme. I rejoice to be present in this large,
unanimous, and enthusiastic assembly —this assembly
composed of men of all parties and creeds. It is a
most gratifying proof that Englishmen can forget all
their differences while freedom is in danger, and that
all are prepared to unite their efforts whenever and
wherever the rights of liberty and conscience are
menaced or assailed.—(Loud cheers.) I should at
this time have been six hundred miles away, but
were it six thousand, I would have come here this
evening to tell you that there is not one among you
—and I believe there are honest and free hearts here
—who more ardently, more sincerely sympathises
with the heroic and oppressed people of Hungary
than the unworthy individual who occupies the
honourable position in which your kindness has placed
him. (The Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat amidst
several rounds of cheering.)
The MAYOR called upon the Rev. J. Gawthorn,
who was received with loud cheers.
The Rev. J. GAWTUORN thought, as a general
13 •
rinc;ple it was well for public meetings to confine
themselves to the objects specified in the notice by
which they were convened, but as he believed the
non-insertion of the Romans in the requisition was
merely an oversight, he trusted he should be pardoned
if for a minute or two he adverted to the wrongs
which they had suffered—(Cheers)—especially as the
preceding, speakers had pretty much ,confined their
observations to the case of the Hungarians. He had
intended to dwell a little on the sufferings and claims
of the last mentioned people, but as so much had been
well said in their behalf he would merely mention one
or two circumstances which bad not been noticed. It
was quite true that Hungary was an independent
nation, and that the Hungarians were contending only
for their national independence and constitutional
rights, rights which had been guaranteed to
them not only by the coronation oaths of their
successive sovereigns, but by the solemn oath of the
Emperor so late as April 11, 1848, which Mr.
Moss has read ; but has the Emperor observed
his oath to respect the laws, and caused them to be
respected?—(No.) Is he not notoriously a perjured
man ?—(Cheers.) First, the treacherous Court of
Vienna sent emissaries among the Hungarians to sow
discord, and to provoke them to sedition ; then the
Emperor let loose hordes of Croats to devastate the
country and murder the people; and more lately he
has called in the barbarians of the north to complete
the work "of destruction.—(Shame, and cries of
" Down with the Russian bear.") We denounce not
only the perjury and injustice in which this contest
began, but also the barbarous, the inhuman disposi-
tion and manner in which it is prosecuted.—(Vehe-
ment cheering.) The brutal General Haynau has
issued a proclamation in which he says, " Doomed to
death is every person, no matter of what rank or sex
—doomed to instant death on the spot is every one
who dares to assist the cause of the rebels," Sec.—
(Cheers.) Mention has been made of Kossuth—
Kossuth, whom God preserve and prosper.—(Several
rounds of cheering.) In 1836 this brave patriot was
sentenced to ten years' imprisonment for publishing
the debates of the Diet, and now on the battle field
he nobly sustains the cause of his injured country.—
(Loud cheers.) But I must say a word on the French
invas'on of the Roman territory. It is, I believe,
pretty well known, that during the pontificate of the
last deceased Pope, under his rule so much tyranny
was practised, and so much public discontent
prevailed, that speedy melioration on the one
hand, or open resistance on the other, was inevitable.
When Pius the Ninth ascended the papal throne, a
more liberal policy was expected by the people, and
was promised by the Pope. I give the Pope some
credit for sincerity at the time, but cardinals and
others set themselves in opposition to all social re-
forms, to free institntions, and liberal policy ; so that
at Rome affairs were in a very unsettled and unsatis-
factory state for some time before the late French
Revolution, and before that event France had acted
in a most base and treacherous manner towards the
island of Otaheite, to her amiable Queen, and in-
offensive people.—(Cheers.) We ought promptly
and decidedly to have protested against that atrocious
conduct, perpetrated under the hypocritical pretence
of protection. If Lord Aberdeen had then done his
duty—had we then done our duty—perhaps what has
since occurred might not have taken place.—(Cheers.)
When the French Revolution occurred, Lamartine
declared that France would not suffer other nations
to interfere with her internal affairs, nor would she
interfere with those of other people—a declaration
that was hailed and applauded as rational, just,
and politic, and calculated to secure the peace
of Europe—a declaration applauded not only
by the British people, but also by her Majesty's
Ministers, and by Parliament. Alas ! how soon was
this promise violated. Has France kept her word ?
—(No, no.) Let Rome give the answer. No;
France now stands an uncovered, a convicted, but
an unblushing liar—(Vehement cheering)—in the
face of the world. France, that deposed her own
Sovereign, that formed a Republic and adopted
universal suffrage for herself, denies to others what
she claims for her own people.—(Shame !) France,
that told the world she would not interfere with the
internal affairs of other people, has in the most base
and cowardly manner invaded a weaker people while
struggling and endeavouring to assist their liberty
and to break the chains of priestly despotism.—
(Shame ! shame!) Yes, France has let loose her
army on a neighbour who was doing her no wrong,
but was nobly following her example and treading in
her steps.—(Cries of indignation.) The Romans
have behaved nobly—(Cheers)—they struggled long
and bravely against the treacherous but overwhelm-
ing power of France—they are not dishonoured in
their fall. —(Loud cheers ) I trust they will yet
rise and vindicate their liberty; but in the meantime
I ask your sympathy for that greatly injured and now
oppressed people.—(Much cheering.) The Rev
Gentleman concluded, amidst loud cheers, by cor
dially seconding the resolution.
The resolution was carried by acclamation.

The Rev. W. R. STEVENSON-Was next called upon,
and received a cordial welcome. He said—ln sub
rnitting to the meeting this memorial, the speaker
observed that he apprehended there would be no divi-
sion of feeling in reference to the sentiments it con-
tained. As Englishmen, as human beings, as indivi-
duals possessed of a sense of right and wrong, the
audience could not but sympathise with the Hun-
garians. Injustice, gross injustice had been wrought,
and they could not but sympathise with the injured
party.—(Cheers) The memorial just read asked for
the recognition of the independence of Hungary, and
on various grounds, both Radical and Conservative,
might that rightfully be claimed. He believed that
many persons in that ball would feel that when any
nation, whatever its past history, chose for itself a
particular form of government, no power on earth
had a right to say that it should not have that go-
vernment.—(Cheers.) If the Hungarians, as a
people, chose to be independent, what right had
Austria, or any other power to forbid them ? But,
on historical and constitutional grounds also might
that independence be claimed. The Hungarian
natiuu became fixed in their present location in
Europe about the ninth century. Until the sixteenth
century they were perfectly independent, and were
governed by a series of elected kings. Having,
however, experienced a severe defeat in a war in which
they were engaged with the Turks, and their monarch

h ink Slain, they were led to choose as his successor,
Ferdinand, an Austrian prince, brother of the cele-
brated Charles V. By this act they by no means re-
nounced their indepenaence ; yet it is stated by high
authorities that this is the only ground of claim Aus-
tria has upon Hungary. From thQ days of Ferdi-
nand until now the Emperors of Austria have been
Kings of Hungary, at first according to the system of
election—mon. recently by hereditary transmission ;
yet, as was stated by Mr. Alderman Moss, rQpeatedly,
as for instance, both in 1722 and 1790, has Austria in

on that of the natural rights of man,
the most solemn manner declared the independence
may the of her neighbour. On these grounds, then, as well as
recogni-
tion of Hungarian independence be asked for.—
(Cheers.) The memorial does not call for armed
intervention. As a general principle it condemns it.
Such intervention is to be deprecated ; for it is to be
considered that, after all, war is a kind of game of
hazard. When once begun, there is no knowing
how or when it may terminate. Were England
to interfere with other than moral force, a
general European war might be the result ; and
it is possible that by arming in defence of
liberty,
we might in the end injure rather than be-
nefit that sacred cause. The triumph of Hungary will,
there is reason to believe, be the triumph of rational
freedom. Before the breaking out of the war Kos-
suth and his friends succeeded in establishing perfect
religious toleration, and in carrying
many other most
important reforms. Should they be victorious in the
struggle we may see ere long established in the east
of Europa a flourishing independent state, making
daily progress in arts and laws, and setting to the
barbarian hordes on her eastern and southern borders
a glorious and stimulating example.—(Loud cheers.)
We, the descendants of the men who, two centuries

,
ago, struggled for freedom in this land, cannot be in-
different now. Not only in Hungary, but in every
other land shall we hail the
progress of liberty. We
shall feel ourselves bound, not only now, but at any
future time, to do what with righteousness we can
to assist her in her progress.— (Cheers.) Let the
sentiment of the pOet be ours—
Spirit of freedom, on,
And pause not in thy flight,
Till every clime be won, -
To worship in thy