The Sun.
London, England, 1849-01-01 00:00:00

etre t in 4'; It
k! or Ul.lk-

LONDON, MONDAY, JANUARY 1, 1849.

Without being superstitious, we are confident that,
in every respect, the new year which has dawned
upon us this morning will realise all the expectations
of those who argue that 1649—the square of the
prime number forty-three—will prove at once re-
markable and prosperous. Once upon a time when
NOSTRADAMUS revealed to the citizens of London
the marvels of his astrological predictions, when Sir
CORNELIUS AGRIEPA probed the depths of the natural
sciences with the wand of the Rosy. Cross—men
regarded with extraordinary credulity the cabalistic
Now that philosophy has dis-
property of numbers.
siPatta these spectral shadows with the old wives'
tales °T the Unicorn and the Mermaid, we derive
Our e
Qt"LitACe as to the future, not from the
gloom of su
Pefttition but from the light of experience.
The inductive a
chemistry and system has been applied not only to
mechanics, but has extended its influ-
ence in like manner
From the events of toth morality and legislation.
littve Been we deduce the
occurrences of the To Com A. retrospect, if accu-
rately taken, leads inevitablye.
glim-
mering anticipations. It is thus that
proceedings of the past we are it thousand
ent4abtl from the actual
the faint delineations of the hereafteerd to
hopefully trace out
Grace 1848 having expired—we look lal/4year of
forward into
the dubious atmosphere of 1849,
ously, and reverentially, but still with any: courage.
ously,
the tremendous epoch quickening in the womb - womb of
the next twelve months.

Figuratively speaking, the ground was broken up
by the concussions of 1848 ; and the seeds of demo-
cratic government which were then sown in its clefts
and afterwards nourished with the blood of the martyrs
of patriotism, may now be expected to germinate with
such rapidity as to give forth before.the expiration of
1849 a harvest and a vintage. The stagnation which
had resulted from a prolonged peace of thirty-three
years under the incubus of monarchical despotism cor-
rupted society, and led at last to a terrible and uni-
versal rottenness. With the close of 1847 the system
established by the treaty of Vienna began to fall to
pieces. Throughout the whole of 1848 we have been
startled by the sound of the tumbling divisions of
this vast and unnaturally proportioned structure.
The., Work of decomposition has extended over a period
of ell3vell calendar months, dating from February to
I:oactimber. it commenced with the disappearance of

the old and cumbrous policy which had been maintained
in the state transactions of the Vatican from the days
of PEPIN and CHARLEMAGNE. It terminated with
the expulsion from Rome of the beneficent lawgiver
whose voice had been the first to rouse the world from
its lethargy, and to summon not only Jtaly but the
whole of Europe to the glorious and sublime labour of
her regeneration. The escape of the King of the Bar-
ricades from the Tuileries marked the opening of
this eventful season of disasters ; its termination has
been illustrated by the flight of the benevolent POPE
from the Quirinal. The time of decomposition has
passed—we have arrived at length at the period of
reconstruction. Having witnessed a succession of
unparralleled catastrophes, we are now, with the
blessing of GOD, about to witness a succession of un-
precedented advantages.
With the intention of assuring ourselves of the
reasonableness of these propitious expectations, we
look around us in the hope of recognizing some sub-
stantial augury of success. Of these portents there
is, fortunately at the present moment, no
dearth. For example, in the precincts of the
money-market there are brilliant evidences of an
approximation to good fortune. The banking accounts
abound with very encouraging signs of improvement.
Take, for example, the last weekly returns from the
Bank of England. Under the circumstances, nothing
could promise better. See, in token of this, the state-
ment made in regard to the notes not in circulation.
Instead of being, as under ordinary circumstances,
somewhere about the value of 4,000,0001., they
amount just now to the extraordinary sum of
11,309,3351.—a considerable portion of which
11,309,3351. must be issued before long, in
order to enable the corporation to maintain
the dividends of the stock at a rate such as
may prove satisfactory to the proprietors. Here,
then, is one reserve of strength—another is dis •
coverable in the amount of bullion in both depart-
ments, an amount which, usually ranging from
11,000,0001. to 12,000,000/., has now swollen into
an aggregate of 15,000,6761.—the increase upon the
last week being 210,8041. Other auguries of a very
encouraging character are perceivable in other
directions. The flood of emigration which has
poured from Ireland during the summer and autumn
of 1848 has mitigated in some measure the pangs of
that necessitous population ; and the political
excitement provoked by the inflammatory
harangues and treasonous proceedings of the
demagogues having been allayed, some hopes
may at length be entertained of the direction of the
national energies to the self-sustaining exertions of
agriculture. Within the boundaries of their own do-
minions the people of Great Britain have extin-
guished the flames of insurrection in the persons of
the English Physical Force Chartists, and of the
Irish Physical Force Repealers ; leisure and oppor-
tunity have consequently been afforded to the multi-
tude to struggle on in the path of social, political,
and financial reform. While beyond the waters of the
Channel our reserve has rendered us more than ever
the arbiters of the destinies of the European
nations. Well for the fortunes of the con-
tinent and of these islands has it been
that the Year of Revolutions has been contempo-
raneous with the rule of a Liberal Government in
the United Kingdom ! When the first Revolution
broke out in 1789 the Tories held undisputed posses-
sion of the different Ministerial offices in Downing-
street. Under the direction of that great but most
mistaken administrator, Mr. PITT, they plunged the
country blindly, carelessly, and ruinously into a war
which, with the brief but blessed interval caused by
the Pacification of Amiens, extended over a period of
twenty-five terrible and bloody' years. Under
the auspices of the Whigs, England and
Europe are enabled to pass over the perils
of such an epoch of revolutions as 1848
without being involved in another Quixotic
expedition in behalf of the D ulcinea of despotism.
It is because we have confidence in the indestruct-
ible vitality of the democratic principles, and be-
cause we have faith in the enlightenment of our fellow-
countrymen, that we gaze with sanguine expecta-
tions into the perspective of the new year just com-
menced.

We have seldom seen a more able financial docu-
ment than that which Mr. MACGREGOR, the intelli-
gent and respected Member for Glasgow, has just
addressed to his constituents, in compliance (as he
states himself) with the requests of many personal
:riends, and, as we may add, with the general ex
pectation.. The sound judgment and great practical
experience of Mr. MAcoaeooa lend peculiar weight
to his opinions on all matters relating to trade or
finance. He is thoroughly acquainted with all the
varied details of these important subjects, and he has
already suggested large and comprehensive measures
of reform, from which, if fully carried out, the
most valuable results might reasonably be antici-
pated. Mr. MACGREGOR is no fair-weather reformer,
no professing free-trader when free trade doctrines
are fashionable. Notwithstanding the high official
position he formerly occupied, and the connexion
thereby established with the Ministry of the day,
he hesitated not to put forward doctrines that
must necessarily have proved highly distasteful to
those who maintained the now obsolete principles
of protection. He enunciated the great truth,
"that if an article should be taxed, the duty
should be levied without any reference to its
origin"—or, in:any other:words, that taxes could only
be justifiable when imposed for the sake of revenue.
He says himself, "In 1840 I submitted a pro forma
tariff, reduced to twenty rates, or beads of Customs
duties, to the Committee of the House of Commons
I there stated that it was far from being the best
commercial tariff I would propose, for that I consi-
dered all articles the essential food of man, and all
raw materials for manufactures, should pay no duty
whatsoever. But, under all the circumstances,it was
the most approximate scale I then thought practicable."
In the following year the Whig Government adopted
a portion of his plans, and brought forward propo-
sitions for moderate fixed duties on corn and sugar.
The agricultural and West India interests, however,
refused to accept the moderate protection that was
offered. A new Ministry was formed for the express
purpose of sustaining the existing monopolies, and
voila la sequence, as explained by Mr. MACGREGOR,
" instead of Bs. per quarter, the agriculturists will, in
a month, have no protecting duty whatever,
and the West Indians, who have now only a
few !shillings, will in three or four years
not have a farthing." An instructive lesson may
be derived from these great facts, which should sink
deep into the minds of those who are resisting the
changes demanded by the spirit of the age. An early
and graceful concession to a just and equitable sys-
tem will probably preserve those by whom it is made
from a signal and ignominious defeat, after which
they will not be permitted to retain any of those ad-
vantages that were freely offered in the earlier stages
of the conflict. Let those who now exclaim against any
additional direct taxation maturely reflect thereon, and
consider, whether it will be a judicious or prudent
course to exasperate the people by resisting any mo
difications in the present iniquitous system of indi-
rect taxation. For the present the people may be
satisfied with the alterations suggested by Mr. MAC-
GREGOR, by which a direct tax of 5 per cent. should
be levied upon all realised property of every descrip-
tion ; but if that boon be denied—if the entire coun-
try should be agitated in all its parts, it may follow,
that indirect taxation would be abolished in tote, and
that the whole expenditure of the country should be
provided for out of its property.
In 1843 Mr. MACGREGOR put forward a further
project, to which ,we alluded at considerable length
lastt week, and, therefore, need only now briefly refer
-cl
e. His present project differs but slightly there-
from,
Is A. larger sum is now to be collected, inas•
A.L.ACGREG •
much as, after making all practicable reductions, Mr.
eluding the expenses
°it estimates the national expenditure (in-
now made, befere the of
he formerly considered that 50 00000101 all
of collection,
the country are
would
denbtes
revenues
deposited in the Eeebe
") at 52,000,000/. ; whereas,
sufficient for all purposes ; 2 fo' •
there-
fore, be provided, in addition
This large sum, according to Mr. le-
t,ootoh,Oopi. must,
former estimates.
be collected in the following manintconr.EGon, might
In the
Customs, after abolishing; all duties,
save
principal articles, namely, tobacco, sugar (at ( on
nmeSit
duties), distilled spirits, wines (at duties adjusted for
revenue), spices of all kinds, fruits of all kinds,
and other
(at Is. per lb), and silk manufactures and

articles of luxury at an ad valorem duty, ex-
cluding all raw materials, and articles of food,
he would hope to realise 18,500,0001. From British
spirits, malt, and licenses, the only portion of the
present Excise duties which should be retained, the
Excise being consolidated under one office with the
Stamps and Taxes, he would expect to obtain
11,200,000/. From stamps, legacy duty, and :pro-
bates (the duty on marine and fire assurances being
abolished), 7,500,0001. From Post-office, gross re-
venue 2,300,0001., and from Crown lands, 500,0001.
These various sources of revenue, together with
the unredeemed land-tax 1,154,7451., would
produce in round numbers 41,000,0001., and the re-
sidue, 11,000,000/. sterling, should be provided for by
a duty of 5 per cent. on all realised property of every
description, without any exception whatever. Mr.
MACGREGOR estimates the amount of property at
220,000,000/. per annum, 5 per cent. on which would
consequently produce 11,000,0001. sterling per
annum, thus equalising the national income with the
national expenditure.

The various reductions that can be made are clearly
and satisfactorily explained. With the national debt
Mr. MACGREGOR most properly declines any inter-
ference. He points out clearly and forcibly the
ruinous consequences that must inevitably result from
any breach of faith with the public creditor. He,
therefore, considers that the 28,250,0001. must be set
aside for interest. The naval expenditure he would
reduce to 6,500,000/. ; the military to 6,000,0001.;
and the ordnance to 1,750,0001. Thus those three
departments, which at present cost 18,500,0001.,
would be provided for at 14,250,0001., or,
in other words, savings to the extent of
4,250,0001. would be effected, and that, as we
believe, without any material diminution of their
real strength and efficiency. Additional savings are
pointed out to the extent of 1,054,6141., so that alto-
gether,
_be has indicated practical reductions to; the
amount of 5,304,614/., and he thinks that an addi-
tional half million might be obtained, so as to reduce
the amount to be collected to 52,000,0001., including
all charges of every description.

We have already expressed our opinions respecting
this magnificent financial project. It will, we trust,
unite the suffrages of all true Reformers, and ultimately
lead to those fiscal alterations which are so urgently
demanded by the state of this empire.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the French papers of Saturday
and of yesterday.
Already has the Ministry of the new President
been broken up, and that not in consequence of any
Parliamentary check, but in consequence of quarrels
between the retiring members and the PRESIDENT SS
to who, in fact, should have the privilege of exploitering
the Republic. It appears that M. LEON DE MALLE-
VILLE, as Minister of the Interior, claimed the right
of having all telegraphic communications addressed
to himself, and of nominating to all the vacant places
in his Ministry. The PRESIDENT demurred to this ;
he claimed to have the telegraphic communi-
cations forwarded to himself; and claimed more-
over all the patronage of the State. He
sent M. LEON DB MALLEVILLE a list of persons to be
nominated to vacancies in his department, and he
also sent a list of nominations to M. Bum. More-
over he wrote a letter to M. LEON DE MALLEYILLE,
in which he quoted the words of his uncle to the
Abbe SIBYES, and said that he would not be content
to be a " pig put up to fat;" in short, it appears that
the PRESIDENT is determined not only to reign but
govern, and not only to govern but to monopolise all
the patronage of the Government. M., Liter( DB
MALLEVILLE, having consulted M. THIERS, tendered
his resignation, and his example was followed by M.
Bum. Accordingly the Afoniteur of Saturday pub-
lishes three decrees signed by the PRESIDENT, and
countersigned by M., ODILLON BARROT, appoint-
ing M. LEON FAUCHER, Minister of the Interior, in
place of M. LEON DE MALLEVILLE; M. LACROSSE,
Minister of Public Works, in place of M. LEON FA,u-
CHER ; and M. BUFFET, one of the representatives of
the people, Minister of Agriculture and Commerce in
place of M. Bum.
The French journals of Saturday almost all allude
to this change in the Ministry.
The National says—
" It is not to the vote on the salt duty that the resig-
nation of the two Ministers is to be attributed. The
conduct of M. Passy proves it. The occasion of the
Ministerial change, which causes universal surprise,
must be sought fur elsewhere. Nothing is more probable
than that it will be found in a personal difference be-
tween M. de Malleville and the President, but the nature
of the difference remains to be determined. We should
have no great trouble in stating it, but not being
able to say everything we shall be secret. Thus we
leave to others the pleasure of speaking of a certain letter
couched in language such as no man of a certain
pride could, it is said, put up with; we shall not even
mention a certain choice which a woman's will wanted
to impose. All these mysterious acts are covered with
a veil which we do not think fit to raise at present. It
is sufficient for us to declare that in less than ten days
the new President has constrained two of his Ministers
to withdraw, and that politics are unconnected with the
event. M. Louis Bonaparte wishes to govern. Be it so;
but let him beware of those around him; ho has friends
who are clumsy and likely to compromise him. The
counsels which are dropped into his ear may carry him
far; let him beware, however, on his way, of clashing
with the Constitution. His six millions of votes would
not guarantee him against the consequences of that acci-
dent. A man cannot recommence history, even if called
Napoleon !"
The Credit has the following very improbable
version of the cause of the retirement of M. DB
MALLEYILLE

" M. Louis Bonaparte demanded that the Minister of
the Interior should give up to him the documents con-
nected with the affairs of Strasburg and Boulogne. M.
Mallevillo refused; the President of the Republic insisted
in a somewhat too imperial manner. The Minister of
the Interior then thought it his duty to send in his resig•
nation to M. 0. Barrot. M. Bixio, on learning the mo-
tives of this act of his colleague, sent in his own."
The Dthats says
_ _

" It appears certain that the cause of the resigna-
tion of M. de Malleville is altogether unconnected with
the vote on the salt duty. Last evening it was said
that a difference had arisen between the President
of the Republic and the Minister of the Interior about
their attributions, and that a very sharp letter had been
addressed to the latter by M. Louis Bonaparte. It is
this letter which, it is said, determined M. de Maleville
to send in his resignation, notwithstanding the efforts of
the President of the Council and the other Ministers to
retain him. M. Bixio alone is said to have joined in
the opinion of M. de, Malleville, and in consequence ho
considered it his duty to follow his example."
The Siecle, alluding to the resignation of M. Limit
DX MALLEVILLE, says :
" According to some persons, M. 1.4. m. Maleville re-
signed because the President of the Republic wished to
impose upon him appointments, the responsibility of
which ho would not take upon himself ; but,
according to others, it is because the Minister
had the idea of re-establishing sixty of the Pre-
fects who were in office under the last reign, to which
an invincible opposition was raised. This last motive,
which is alleged by the most fervent Bonspartists, is
scarcely probable in our opinion.. M. de Malleville is not
a man to belie thus in one day all his antecedents, and
to restore without distinction, under the Republic, men
whose conduct he was formerly the first to accuse. Be-
sides, supposing that it be true that this strange fancy
had come over him, it is not credible that all his col-
leagues should have been seized with it at the same mo-
ment and in the same degree. Whatever maybe the
true reason, and it may be neither of the two supposi-
tions mentioned above, but may be found, perhaps, in a
correspondence between the President and his Minister,
a correspondence upon which we shall be hereafter en-
lightened, whatever we say may be the cause, the fact
itself is too certain."

The PEESIDENT, it is said, addressed on Saturday a
second letter to the Council of Ministers, and to
M. LEON DE MALLEVILLE explanatory of the first,
with a view of inducing M. DE MALLBVILLE to
withdraw his resignation, but that gentleman was in-
exorable.

The Debats of Sunday states, that the PRINCE de-
manded that all the official papers connected with the
Strasbourg and Boulogne affairs should be placed in
his hands.

All the Constitutionnel says is, that the retirement
of M. DR MALLEVILLE was occasioned by a regret-
able difference between the PRESIDENT of the Republic
and himself, on a point in which the latter remained
steadfast to the dignity of his character and to the
principles of Constitutional Government; and it con-
firms the fact of the PRESIDENT having made honour-
able efforts to smooth away difficulties. This paper
undertakes to say that this circumstance will not
cause any division in the Moderate party, and that it
continues for its own part to support the Government.
The National of Sunday asserts that the whole
Cabinet had in the first instance offered their resigna-
tion en masse to the PRESIDENT of the Republic, and
that while the terms of the paper laid before the
PRESIDENT were most respectful, yet that the grounds
on which the resolution of the Cabinet was founded
were very severely stated.
In the National Assembly on Saturday, M. THEO-
DORE BAc proposed a decree of amnesty. He was
replied to by M. ODILON BARROT, and the Assembly
passed to the order of the day by a large majority.
It is said that M. TRIERS will oppose the preten-
sions of the PRESIDENT of the Republic to " govern"
independently of his Ministry.
The Opinion Public gives the following reports :7
‘e‘ Se
et rpaenagt ethreummoiourrswwheartethyeeystaerrdeaywocruthrr,enbut
tinwiPthaoriust.
W
taking the responsibility:-1. It is said that the Regent