The Sun.
London, England, 1836-07-21 00:00:00

Q!,,, {§lol4

LONDON,
THURSDAY EVENING, JULY 21, 1836

Were there nothing else to make Ministers put
off till another Session, the measure which professes to
equalize the incomes of the Bishops, and to remune-
rate the working Clergy more in proportion to their
labours, the eagerness :which the Tory faction,
in and out of Parliament, show for its passing the
Commons, ought to put them on their guard against
taking a step which, when once taken, cannot be re-
called. All that the Tories want, is to get the Bill
as it is through the Lower House. The third reading
once over there, all is safe. There is nothing to fear
in the House of Lords. The more unjust the Bill is
in its principle—the more it exalts the higher orders
of the Clergy, and dept: sses the lower—the more fa-
vour will it find in their Lordships' sight. It is a Bill
for the Bishops, and the Bishops are not only Lords,
but there are many Lords who look forward to see
their sons or nephews seated on the Episcopal Bench.
It cannot, therefore, be expected that they will have
any great objection to the splendid endowment of
Bishoprics, at the expense of the only useful and
effective portion of the clergy, the working clergy, •
whose office is an object, not of competition but of
neglect and contempt among the aristocracy.
Bishoprics, deaneries, archdeaconries, prebends, &c.,
are all very fine things—quite suitable to the refined
taste of the privileged classes; but they have no relish
for the cure of souls. They will receive of our " tem-
poral things" as much as we please to give them—aye,
and more too—but as to any return of their " spiritual
things," that is quite another thing.

As the provisions of this Bill have become known
it has become more and more unpopular, and were
sufficient time allowed for the people to express their
opinions on it, we are satisfied that petitions against
it would pour in from all quarters of the kingdom.
There is no pretence for urging it on with an intempe-
rate, we had almost said, an indecent haste. A mea-
sure like this, which is confessedly founded on the
recommendation of those who have till now declared
themselves hostile to all reform or alteration in the Church
Establishment, which they and their adherents give
out is to be afinal measure, and which, as long as the
House of Lords continues on its present foundation,
will to a certainty be so—such a measure ought not
to be hurried through the Legislature—ought not to
pass the Legislature until it has been thoroughly exa-
mined and sifted by the people whose interests it so
deeply involves.

And what is the plea—where is the necessity for this
precipitation ? Will the Church of England—that
Church which, not much more than a year ago, it was
the height of sacrilege to hint at the propriety of re-
forming—crumble to pieces by continuing a few months
longer in that state which in the opinion of its friends
is all but perfect ? This surely is not to be supposed.
The Tories dare not say that any danger will accrue to
the Church from postponement ; and sure we are the
liberal part of the community will sincerely and cor-
dially thank the Government for allowing time for con-
sideration, before the state of the Church be irrevocably
fixed.

It is clear enough that the Tories are exceedingly
desirous to have another year's lease of the Trust pro-
perty belonging to Corporate towns. It will be recol-
lected that last year, when the Bill for reforming the
English Municipal Corporations was sent up to the

Lords, the Learned Fugleman of that venerable as-
sembly expunged all the clauses which regulated the
management of Charitable Trusts, and recommended that
the old Trustees—who, it was acknowledged by all par-
ties, had grossly misapplied the Charities—should be
continued until the next session of Parliament, but only
till then, when a Bill was to be passed, to do that which
the rejected clauses proposed to do, but in a more sys-
tematic and unexceptionable manner. This separate Bill
was accordingly brought in, and having passed through
all the previous stages without opposition, encountered
on Tuesday night, on the further consideration of the
Report, all the hostility which the Tories, with Sir
Plausible at their head, could bring to bear upon it.
The part of the measure to which the Tories have
the most decided objection is, as may be easily sup-
posed, the popular part of it—that which gives the
people the power of electing the Trustees. The Bill
proposes that the Burgesses shall choose the persons
who are to manage the charitable funds of the Borough ;
and in order to prevent the possibility of undue poli-
tical influence in the election, it provides that each
voter shall vote for only half the number of Trustees to
be elected—the principle which is adopted in the
Municipal Act for electing auditors, and which
secures the representation of the minority. This pro-
vision, which we should have thought would have
pleased the Tories this year, as they considered
it an advantage last year, is now viewed by
Sir ROBERT PEEL as a great aggravation of
the evils of popular election. According to the
Right Honourable Baronet's present doctrine, it is
much better that the elected should be all of the same
political creed, than that there should be any blending,
of the two parties ; and, therefore, he infinitely pre-
ferred leaving the Corporation Charities as they are
for another year, to any change which would subject
them to the control of Trustees chosen by political
bodies ! !

This preference is a very natural one on the part of
Sir R. PEEL. These immaculate Trustees have
proved themselves eminently serviceable to the cause of
Toryism in times. past. They have not stuck at
trifles when a political object was to be gained. They
contributed their full share to the packing of the pre-
sent House of Commons ; and should the Right Hon.
Baronet take a fancy to steer the state vessel during
the Parliamentary recess, and to try the experiment of
a second dissolution, it would be a pleasant thing to
have the distribution of the Charity funds about the
time of a general election.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in a masterly reply, exposed
the insincerity and inconclusive reasoning of the Leader
of the Opposition. He put it to the House whether
it was fair to charge Ministers with a desire to create
political influence, by a measure which provided that
when twelve Trustees were to be chosen, six should
be elected by the one party, and six by the other, beg-
ging at the same time to be reminded by the Right
Hon. Baronet, who joined in the cheers which followed
this observation, of "all those instances in which the
Right Hon. Baronet made motions for a reform with re-
gard to these Charitable Trusts—(Hear)—in which
he showed that Sir THOMAS WHITE'S Charity had
been abused in Northampton, Coventry, and various
other places, for Tory purposes, and proposed to
substitute a fair method of election.—(Cheers.) If
(added Lord J. RUSSELL) the Right Hon. Baronet
had proposed any such plan, all I can say is, it must
have been brought in very quietly."—(Hear, hear,
and laughter.)
In describing the way in which the old Cor-
porators, who are still the Trustees of these Charities,
had discharged their trust, the Noble Lord remarked
with great point, " that we find by the report of the
Charity Commissioners, that, so far from having been
well applied, they have been applied in numerous in-
stances to the promotion of political purposes ; to
advancing political parties ;—(renewed cheers)—or for
the sake of promoting the interest of one candidate in
preference to another ;—(Cheers again)—and we have
now laid a plan before the House, the alternative of
which is to leave these funds for another year in the
same hands as those by which they have been thus mis-
managed and misapplied."—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)

A few other unimportant speeches were delivered,
,viten a division took place, and the original motion
was carried by a majority of 45.

Our readers will find in another part of The Sun,
copies of the resolutions adopted by a Select Committee
of the House of Commons, appointed to inquire into the
best mode of facilitating the communication between
London and Dublin. It will be seen by a momentary
reference to them, that they recommend the survey of
several harbours on the western coasts of England and
Wales, with a view of ascertaining and deciding upon
the one best fitted for a packet-station. No re-
commendation could possibly be wiser or better
than this. As its adoption by the House and the
Government is quite certain, it will, in the first place,
have the effect of deterring a ruinous rivalry in point of
individual speculation ; it will determine the line for
whatever Railway Company may choose to undertake
the facilitating of the inland communication ; and it
will hold out to all traders, and to the two countries
generally, an assurance that not only the harbour
chosen will be the safest and the best, but that the
Government is really sincere in its desire to see the
work completed with as little delay, and as little unne-
cessary expense, as possible.
The best mode of computing distances is by time.
Now, if we succeed in placing Dublin at a distance
of twelve hours from London, we shall have virtually
dried up the Channel, and in point of fact removed
Ireland to within a moderate day's journey of the
British capital. This will be of immense ad-
vantage to the Irish people, more espccially
as the cost of conveyance for goods will be
cheaper, and the means of such conveyance ample,
safe, and convenient. The great bulk of the people
of the two countries, who now never see each other,
will be thus brought into direct communication--the
respectable classes in each will associate freely, and
without the restraint imposed by the feelings of a dis-
tinct nationality—and bodies of men who now regard
each other with aversion, in consequence of their mu-
tual ignorance, each of the feelings, habits, and
kindly traits of character of the other, will in a
short time become as intimate and as good
friends, as if their residence were only divided
by the Thames or the Liffey. This will further lead

to an assimilation of tastes, and a wide diffusion of the
benefits of commercial enterprise. Capital will neces-
sarily flow into Ireland, and when the Irish peasantry
are brought to understand that the object of English
intercommunication is to enrich the country, by pro-
viding employment for the poor, not to fill it with re-
ligious bickerings and dissensions, we have no doubt
whatever as to the success of the undertaking. With an
abundance of the necessaries of life purchased by their
own labour, the people will become contented, orderly,
and industrious. Delivered out of the clutches of the
tyrants who now oppress them, and made to feel that the
Government will protect them in the enjoyment of the
fruits of their toil, they will have encouragement to
apply themselves to business, to superintend carefully
the education of their children, and to place the highest
value upon the respectability of private character.
As a spirit strongly in favour of the amelioration of
Irish distress, by the adoption of a poor law, and the
formation of railroads to intersect the whole of Ireland

is now abroad, we should be happy to see Irish capi- 1
talists and men of the greatest local influence take t‘
advantage of it, before it has time to subside. There
is a tide in the affairs of nations as well as of men,
which, if not taken at the full, rarely flows again for
at least a quarter of a century. Now is the time for
the Irish patriots to bestir themselves. Let the
champions of every party set about the formation
of a Railway Company, for carrying a line of
road from Dublin to Galway, or some other har-
bour on the western coast better fitted for an American
packet-station ; and we shall hail them as patriots in-
deed. The man who takes his stand on this ground
may safely look forward to honourable mention in the
annals of Ireland's regeneration.

The Times of this morning, in commenting upon a
dull letter, written by a second-rate twaddler, Mr.
ENEAS MACDONNELL, on the subject of the consti-
tutional rights and duties created by the Roman Ca-
tholic Relief Bill, says—" the question now is, how
far any member of the Catholic body, having taken
that significant, emphatic, and peculiar oath which was
prescribed by the Relief Bill to be sworn by Roman
Catholics on becoming Members of Parliament, and
by them alone, can be justified for now supporting in
Parliament, or out of it, any measure of which the
tendency is to deprive the Protestant clergy of the re-
venues hitherto enjoyed by them, and thereby mani-
festly to weaken and pull down the Church Establish-
ment." This is shallow sophistry—so shallow that no
reader of the slightest discernment but must detect it
at a glance. So far are the Roman Catholics from
violating their oaths in assisting to procure a reform of
the Church Establishment, that they are specially en-
joined by their oaths to do so. 'Were they to stand
coldly aloof, and refuse to lend a helping hand
to the good work, Then, indeed, they would be
legislating in opposition to their prescribed duties, for
none but the enemies of the Church wish it to
continue in its present unreformed condition ; but act-
ing as they now do, in the capacity of Church Re-
formers, the Catholics are acting in strict conformity to
the letter and spirit of their oaths. But this is not
the only sophistry contained in our Contemporary's re-
mark. He artfully insinuates, in the true high Tory
fashion, that to reduce the incomes of the Bishops—
and God knows the Ministerial Bill is inoffensive
enough in this respect !—is to " deprive the Protestant
Clergy of the revenues hitherto enjoyed by them ;" just
as if the establishment consisted only of Bishops, and
no other members of it were worthy a moment's
consideration ! Now we contend, on the contrary, that
Episcopacy is one of the superfluities, not one of the
necessaries—one of the incumbrances, not one of the
props—of the Church ; and that it is the working
clergy, the industrious, devout, ill-paid, working clergy,
that constitute the main support, the vital part of the
Establishment. They it is, and they only, who keep
religion alive in the hearts of the community. As
for the Bishops, they belong to the Aristocracy, not
to the people, whom, although the majority of
the Reverend Prelates have sprung from them,
yet they are always the first to forget. Were
the whole Episcopal Bench, with its long sub-
ordinate array of- Deans and Chapters, Sub-Deans,
and golden Prebendaries, to be swept away to-morrow,
the Church would still remain just where it is at pre-
sent ; but sweep away the working Clergy, starve
them outright, instead of semi-starving them, as is
done at present, where would be the Establishment ?
Gone—irrecoverably gone—never again to exist but
in name ! The Times, however, either cannot see
this, or will not see it, for he speaks of the " reve-
nues of the Clergy" as being synonimous with the re-
ligious and moral weight of the Clergy, whereas no
two things can possibly be more distinct. To reduce
the revenues of the Bishops—or, as he adroitly
generalizes it, "of the Protestant Clergy"—is not to
" weaken and pull down the Church Establishment,"
but, on the contrary, to strengthen, and give permanence
to, its foundation. Our Contemporary goes on to say,
" Can any man doubt the sense in which the Duke of
WELLINGTON and Sir ROBERT PEEL understood
the oaths which they themselves devised, as securities
for the unimpaired property and temporal privileges of
the Protestant Church ?" Certainly not. Both these
Statesmen required by the oaths in question, that the
Catholics should not do aught to the detriment
of the Establishment ; and assuredly they cannot be
accused of doing so, by supporting a Church Reform
of which Sir ROBERT PEEL is himself one of the
warmest supporters, unless we are to suppose that the
Right Hon. Baronet is no friend to the Church.
Granting this, then we allow that the Catholics are
violating their oaths, but otherwise, unquestionably not.
Whether, therefore, the Catholic Members in the
House of Commons vote for the application of the sur-
plus revenues of the Irish Church to national purposes,
or for the more equal distribution of those
of the Church of England, they are perfectly justi-
fied in so doing by the true tenor of their oath. In
both cases, instead of subverting, they are really
strengthening the Church.

We have advices from Madrid to the 13th instant•

Senor IsTußiz has at last succeeded in making ar-
rangements with Senor GAVIRIA, the QUEEN'S
Treasurer, Senor GORGOLLO, a banker, and Senor
Don GASPAR REMISA, for raising a loan of one
hundred millions of reals, or one million sterling, pay-
able in six instalments, the whole to be paid within
six months from the date of the contract. The Con-

tractor may issue bills payable by the Treasury for the
whole amount, which bills the Government undertakes
to receive in full payment of all taxes in arrear, and in
half payment of taxes to become due after they are
issued. The conditions made by the Contractors are
fifteen per cent. discount, four per cent. commission,
and one per cent. stamp duty. Monied men generally
wish to see their way pretty clearly before parting with
their cash, and therefore the Contractors have stipulated
that it shall be lawful for them, should they feel so
disposed, to throw up the contract after- paying the
first instalment.

There are many intelligent persons in Madrid who
look upon this contract as no better than a mere
juggle. GAVIRIA, who is a leader of the Camarilla
and as one of the Royal Household well acquainted
with the state of Spain, is not the most likely person
to risk a single real on the credit of an Administra-
tion of which he was himself the principal creator.
The QUEEN has money enough ; but she has already
given her Ministers to understand that she never in-
tended it for the maintenance of an army, and assur-
edly we do not much blame her, considering the merits
of the Champion whom she has placed at the head of
the forces.

On the Bth, the QUEEN REGENT removed to La
Granja, with a view, as was supposed, of keeping out
of the way of any disturbances which might take
place during the elections, which commenced on the
13th all over Spain.
The Carlists are gaining ground very fast. On the
12th dispatches were received in Madrid, announcing
the disastrous intelligence that the City of Oviedo, the
capital of the Asturias, had been seized by the Car-
lists. According to the best accounts, the garrison
left the town on the first appearance of the enemy,
so that GOMEZ had only to march into it,
and take possession of the place in the name of the
USURPER. No acts of cruelty were perpetrated, in

consequence of the ready acquiescence of the inha-
bitants to the new order of things.
iYith CORDOVA the Carlists have managed to turn '
the tables most completely. He now confines himself
to acting wholly on the defensive at Vittoria, leaving
the other garrisons of Spain to do the best they can
against the enemy. In Madrid, his treachery has at
last become the general topic of conversation, and it
is even whispered that IsTuraz is leagued with him
in a scheme, which, if successful, will give a death-
blow to liberty. We do not credit this rumour, as far
as it goes to implicate ISTURtZ in a conspiracy to
overthrow the constitutional government. We believe
that he is well acquainted with the real character of
CORDOVA—that he would get rid of him if lie could
—.and that he supports him from a conviction, that in
the present crisis the one cannot stand if the other
fall. CORDOVA, in tumbling, would have influence
enough to force down IsTurtlz along with him.
We have copied from the correspondence of a
Morning Contemporary a summary of the recent attack
upon Fontarabia by the British Legion. It confirms
the statements already made, with the exception of the
exaggerated report of the loss sustained by the
QUEEN'S troops, which, after all, was very inconsi-
derable. It does not appear that General EVANS re-
ceived any injury in the engagement. We regret,
however, to state that he is suffering severely from ill
health.

The Paris Papers of Tuesday received this morn-
ing contain no news of importance. The ilioniteur
makes light of the affair of Fontarabia, which it calls
"simple reconnoisance." A report prevailed that
twenty-four Portuguese officers on the way to join
Don CARLOS were seized by the QUEEN'S troops
and instantly shot.

PARIS, JULY 18.—The arrival at Bordeaux of the fine vessel
the Balquerie, from Canton, has confirmed the information
previously received:from China of the scarcity and high price
of tea. The letters from that country say, that no hope can
be entertained of having tea in future at the old prices. The
free trade from the United States brings annually 30 or 40
ships, and as many purchasers to Canton, instead of eight or
ten ships, and a single purchaser, usually employed by the
English Company.
The consumption of Great Britain has greatly increased
since the reduction of the duty;' if we add to these causes of a
rise in the price that the last year's crop was deficient by onc-
third, we shall find enough reason to account for the excessive
prices which it was necessary to pay for the tea for the
Balquerie, and the impossibility of completing the cargo ; in
fact, the ship has only brought 7 or 800 cwt. of tea, though it
was capable of bringing 3,000 cwt. —Messager, July 19.
FRENCH FUNDS.—PARIS, JULY 19.
Five per Cents., lt SE 85e. 90c. 85e.
Four per Cents., 102 f.
Three per Cents., 80f. 40c.
Bank Actions, 2,475 f.
Itente de Naples, 100 t. 45c. 50c. 60c. 65c.
Roman Five per Cents., 10'2%.
Spanish Actives, 40 39%%.
Spanish Passives, 12%1A%.
Belgian Loan, Five per Cents, 102%.
Portuguese Three per Cents. 50%.
EXCHANGE ON LONDON.
One month, paper, 25c. 20c.; money, 251. 30c.
Tkree months, paper, 25f. 15c. ; money, —f. —c
--(burs Authent:gue.

BoussE, QUARTER TO FOUR.-There has been a complete
stagnation of business again to-day. The Three per Cents.
are quoted at 801. 45c. and 801. 50e., and Spanish Active
Stock at 398 to 40.
LAST PRICES.-Five per Cents., 1081. 90c. ; Three
per Cents., 80f. 50c. ; Five per Cents. Spanish, —; Three
per Cents. Spanish, —; Cortes, —; Coupons, —, Gueb-
hards, —; Differes, 138; New Loan, --; Actives, 39i; Pas-
sives, 128; Ducats, 100 70 ; Romans, 1028 ; Pedros, —;
Belgians, 1028 ; Dutch, —f. —c. ; Haytians, —l. —c. ;
Miguels, 15k; Brabant Bank, —; Belgian Bank, 21i ; Con-
tinuation, —c. ; New Differes, —; Five per Cent. Perpe-
tuelles, —; Royal Loan,