The Sun.
London, England, 1838-11-27 00:00:00

vi,„„
: e

No. 14,421.

PUBLICATIONS.

f ~/

'l

TH WHICH THE " TRITE SUN" IS NOW Es, CORFORATED.

PUBLIC DINNER TO DAVID URQUHART, ESQ
AT NEWCASTLE.
One of the most important meetings as regards its influ.
ence on the Commercial Community of Great Britain, wa,
held in the Assembly Rooms in this town, on the evening 01
Tuesday last, on the occasion of a public dinner being give,;
by the Chamber of Commerce to Mr. Urquhart, in consi•
deration of the eloquent and luminous address on the com-
mercial relations of this country, which he delivered to the
Chamber of Commerce assembled in the Merchants' Court.
The company assembled to do honour to his eloquence and
diplomatic talents on this occasion comprised several of the
most wealthy and most enterprising merchants in Newcastle
—men of every shade of political opinioi , and every diver.
sity of commercial pursuit. About fifty gentlemen sat
down at the hour appointed. Robert Plummer, Esq.,
the absence of the President and Vice-Presidents of the
Chamber, through illness, was called upon to preside, as-
sisted by Mr. Grieveson, the Secretary to the Chamber, a,
vice-chairman. On the right of the Chairman, among,
other distinguished individuals, were David Urquhart, Esq.,
Major Hodgson Cadogan, Wm. Orde, Esq., an Thomas
Clarke, Esq. ; on the left, Henry H. Parish, Esq., Colone;
Taylor, James Graham Clarke, Esq., Charles Attwood,
Esq., and Charles Smith, Esq. And amongst the general
company were Mr. Alderman Carr, Mr. John 111cfrri:Op,
Mr. Doubleday, Mr. S. Lowrey, Mr. 'rhos. Bell, Yfe.
Wilson, Mr. John Harle, Mr. M'Leod, Mr. Grey, Mr.
Bertram, Mr. Liddell, Captain Palmer, Mr. Cargill, Mr.
Todd, Mr. Reid, Mr. Crawhall, Mr. Mountain, Mr. Jack-
son, Mr. Blakey, Mr. Wylam, Mr. Proctor, Mr. New-
march, Mr. Reaveley, Mr. Blackwell, Mr. Pinet, Mr.
Pinet, Jun., Mr. Robert Liddell, Mr. Hernaman, Mr.
John Shield, Mr. Joseph Greene, Mr. C. F. Jackson, Mr.
Woods, Mr. G. Henderson, Dr. Cargill, Mr. John Jobling,
&c. After the cloth had been withdrawn,
The CHAIRMAN gave " The Queen, with the customary
bonours."—Drank with three times three.
The Queen Dowager and the rest of the Royal Farnil3
was also given and ank with the customary honours.
" The Army and the Navy, with the healths of Colonel
Taylor and Major Cadogan."—Drank with all the honours.
Colonel TAYLOR could only say, that it had always been
the pride of the two services to merit the countenance and
support of their fellow-countrymen, and he was pleased to
find, that even after a long period of peace their claims to
the attention and regard of the community had not been
forgotten.
The CHAIRMAN, having first called for a bumper, rose
and said, he was now commencing what he might properly
term the business of the day ; and he ought, in the first
place, to throw himself upon their kindness. He would
now propose the health of their very distinguished guest,
Mr. Urquhart.—(Loud applause.) It must, he thought,
be a subject of congratulation to the Chamber of Com-
merce of Newcastle, that this gentleman had thought it of
sufficient importance to take upon himself an arduousjour-
ney, whilst he was unfortunately in a weak state of
health, in order to lay before them those views of his
which at the present moment are so deeply interesting to
them as a commercial part of the community of these king-
doms, and which he had already displayed in part in the
very eloquent address which he had given to the Chamber
in the Merchants' Hall a few days ago. He was satisfied
that those who did hear him, from the very luminous de-
tails which he laid before them, and from the consequences
which he drew, would admit that the very enlarged views
which he takes of foreign policy ought to be interesting to
all men of commerce. He would conclude by proposing,
with the usual honours, " The health of Mr. Urquhart,
and thanks to him for the trouble he had taken in com-
ing to Newcastle to lay before the Chamber of Commerce
those views in regard to the commercial interests of this
country which he entertains."—Drank with immense ap
plause.

1& 2 VICTORI2EII. SESS. 1838.
HANSARD'S PARLIAMENTARY
DEBATES for L AST SESSION complete, with INDEX,
are new ready.
Sets of the History, Debates, and State Trials, in handsome
Binding.

LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 27, 1837

OUR FOREIGN POLICY.

in commission about thirty sail of the line; that amount or
force being considered by the British tParliament insuf-
ficient, the First Lord of the Admiralty in defending the
conduct of Government, declared that he ought to lose his
head if the armaments of this country were not a match fur
the aggregate amount of force afloat belonging to other
Powers. This fundamental principle of British policy has
left England othera ice defenceless, relying upon this faculty
of preventing aggression on our shores and our colonies,
she hasnoarmies--England
alreftusnprontegnd atheclatedsno defences one astheeoets ; andher if.Englant
has the
supremacyofofhtehre seema
pisirneotsiiine heearnpnoostsersseisoisnt,—thagegdriessmsieomns-
' erm en t
mupeonnherveryco the meanscannotastssheto En
praaeviend of
prevent. Navalarma-
ts thus become
existence—
her supremacy at sea is her established right, and neces-
sarily, arises from her peculiar position, while, on the other
hand, armaments in time of peace by other powers not
being required for the protection of themselves—not being
in the natural course of their internal defences, have never
taken place before the present times without calling for
instantaneous explanation on the part of Great Britain,
and for decided interposition, unless they were laid down.
In 1827, however, the alliance of July, for the pacifica-
tion of the East, in which England, France, and Russia
joined, led to an increase of naval means of each of those
Powers, which was no sooner established than Russia
exceeded her stipulated contingents, but Mr; -Canning
immediately required the recall to Cronstadt of the ad.
ditional vessels. Since that period the increase of tin
maritime forces of France and Russia has been going
on without ever calling forth either remonstrance or re•
sistance on the part of this country. The increase of
those forces not only without protest, and without re-
sistance, but with the connivance and support of our fo-
reign Minister, would at any former period of our history
have led to the impeachment of the Minister, and might
have brought his head to the block. It is not now because
unpunished, the less a national crime, it is not because un-
heeded, the less a calamity for England and the human
race. What is the actual naval force of Great Britain ?
Of the English line-of-battle ships nine are stationed in the
Mediterranean ; two at Lisbon ; one employed in carrying
troops without the lower deck guns ; two at America and
West Indies ; one at Mexico ; making a total of fifteen
line-of-battle ships actually afloat, but with peace establish-
ment of men, and consequently not fully ready for war.
Besides these we have one in the East Indies half manned
and armed ; one at the Cape of Good Hope, ditto ; three
guard ships in port, in their present state not fit to go to
sea without guns or men. In the mean time France has
in commission twenty-two line-of-battle ships, and thirty-six
frigates ; and can man immediately fifty-three line-of-battle
ships, and sixty-six frigates. Russia has in the Baltic, in
commission, thirty line-of-battle ships and twenty-two
frigates ; in the Black Sea, fourteen line-of-battle ships
and as many frigates—in all forty-four line-of-battle ships.
To oppose to this force, England has available for imme-
diate service not more than five sail of the line, whilst
the colonial possessions of Great Britain, scattered over
the German, Atlantic, Pacific, and Indian Oceans, the
Mediterranean, the Gulf of Mexico, are all so situated, from
external and internal causes, chat upon every point we
would be required to stand on the defensive in case of any
attempt to destroy the peace of Europe. While such is the
state of the British navy, the three powers who have se-
parately violated treaties with Great Britain have at this
moment in commission, and entirely available no less than
seventy sail of the line, standing in a moveable mass with
nothing to defend—ready for attack, to choose their own
moment and their own spot, and capable of carrying to any
coast of the world their thunders and their power more
rapidly than the news of their design could reach the en-
dangered or the attaeked ; and in addition to this positive
force we find the whole of the remaining powers possessed
of maritime means influenced by those who have taken the
load in aggression. Denmark is completely controuled by
Russia. A Russian alliance is said to have been concluded
with Sweden, for the purpose of excluding Great Britain
from the Baltic. Holland is intimately acquainted with the
designs of Russia. The most important of the maritime
States of the south—Sardinia—has formed an alliance to re-
sist our maritime action in Spain. The Pasha of Egypt is
bound up with the projects of France and the plans of Rus-
sia ; and he has ten sail of the line. The Dardanelles are vir-
tually closed against us by a formal treaty, or rather by the
construction that England herself has chosen to put upon it,
and which she has volunteered to support, whilst the next
State in maritime importance, that of Muscat, though not
within the reach of the direct influence of Russia, is under
her influence indirectly, through the subserviency of
Great Britain, rendered hostile to us by studied insults.
Here Mr. Urquhart entered at some length into reasons
assigned by Admiral De Rigay in 1830, for keeping terms
with England until Russia was in a position to defy the
maritime power of Great Britain. Since then Russia and
France have concurrently increased their naval force,
rersing a forcepiawhile Russia by obtaining
•England's support in insulting
her flag in the EuXine, and cutting off hei connexion
with Circassia, had made fearful strides towards India,
thereby controlin,g England and paralyzing her power in
Europe. From the necessity of keeping peace with Eng-
land,e one Franceh a nd
haswhi
whilst,
deceivedo n
th
the other,
with s
she has
pacificas hpereonfes
preparingsions
on
th
o
a maritime force greater than England possesses ; and
Russia, at the same time is preparing
France, if such protection should be required, and to
t parts
e et oof
a greatn t i s
conspiracy against
ago, protectm
meiceyouarpist
owerinlNndopisa longerae. Thae
than are
eighteen
lan England--greater than any which she
has
o,
yet
Taidledrreesasrineghutthtewßo Repre-
sentatives forexperienced.Ain the world, that of England and that of Russia--we
cannot defend ourselves, and if you are not prepared to
defend us against Russia we must make peace with Russia."
the
late
thisii n Minister
country o f
How can Persia hope to be maintained when you are the
ally of the aggressor? From the moment it is supposed
that you cannot defend your colonial possessions, must not
neighbouring nations seek to take advantage of your weak-
ness—and will not every petty state rush forward to seek
for honour by daring to insult this once great and powerful
empire ? But if England is once roused to a sense of a
necessity of action,the face of affairswill be instantly changed
throughout the world. When England is prepared to main-
tain her rights, she will find an abundance of hearts strung
in her cause—ready to respond to her call, and such will be
found in Cabinets which are now her foes. If you send
Members tos Parliament to represent party interests, can
you complain if they neglect national interests_; but now
that the eonstituenbeslivi& ebnimenced.tg setdside4arty
distinction, national motives will re-appear, and new value
will'be given to our institutions. ,I look
.upon this assem-
blage, composed of *Men who have hitherto looked,upon the
opinion of each Oth&' as opposed if not hostile=of men
who have never before united 'for the furtheiance of any
national
say that tlaepesttiort
.in which I stand,- of a bond•
between the distinct and. opposing'classes of-nay country..
inst
I n erest„for4heclaaacaey of. any common opinion;
men, does afford me grounds of proud and high satisfaction,'
and does place me in a position which I would not exchange
for that of being the leader of any party, however power-
ful—for that of being the hero of a hundred fields of
triumph. Mr. Urquhart resumed his seat amidst continued
cheering.

32, Paternoster -row.

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CONTAINS:-

Letter to the Queen, on the State of the Monarchy. By a
Friend of the People.—Song; Old Ireland for Ever.—Christmas.
—On the Opening of the Sheffield and Rotherham Railway. By
Ebenezer Elliott.—Home Thoughts. By the late Robert Nicoll.
—Features of Country Society in the Vicinity of London ; with
Some Explanation of their Causes. By William Howitt.—A
Brief Appraisal of the Greek Literature, in its Foremost Preten-
sions. By Thomas De Quincey.—The New Colony of South
Australia, and the Penal Colonies.—The Annuals for 1839.
Literary Register.—Captain Hodgson's Truths from the West
Indies, &c. &c.—Political Register—Ci-nada, War with Russia,
&c. &c.

Mr. URQUHART, in rising to return thanks was re•
ceived with an outburst of applause which continued for
several minutes. When silence had been obtained he spoke
nearly as follows :—Mr. President, Vice-President, and
Gentlemen, I feel it would be unjust to you and to myself
to receive this honourable mark of your approbation as a
tribute to any services I may have rendered or any merit I
possess ; I ani not, however, the less indebted or grateful
for so distinguished a mark of yner entaom, a gratits In-
creased by the consideration that that approbation is given
to those opinions of which I appear amongst you as the
advocate.--(Applause.) When I had the honour of ad-
dressing on 'Thursday last the members of the Chamber of
Commerce, I enumerated fourteen different subjects con-
nected with our foreign relations,' maritime law, and
commercial rights, extending geographically to almost every
quarter of the globe, and to most of these nations of which
it is composed—in which our rights had been infringed. I
referred to two special points, and thus endeavoured to show
the fact of aggression directed successfully against the rights
and interests of Great Britain. I have proved that the
trade of Great Britain has not increased. I have shown
the diminution of oar trade with our old customers ; the
vast extension of the trade of other countries ; the in-
creased dependence of the trade of Great Britain upon her
own colonies, and on the East. I have proved the exist-
ence of designs in foreign Governments against the pros.
perity and commerce of this country ; that collision is the
point to which such progress must tend. It is a strange
thing to see the position in which Great Britain now stands.
We all recollect the energy she displayed during the war
for political strength ; England alone made sacrifices—
she was shorn of the! conquests which she had achie‘ied:—
she who stood to ad,ninister to the wants and to sup-
port the rights of every continental power was, after the
first year of the peace, the object of general assault. By
encroachments upon commercial rights, which the British
Government submits to, a foreign State secures the means
of further encroachment, by placing the individual Minister
in a position of dependence upon itself, having been over-
reached, and the Government in a position of hostility with
its own subjects, whose interests it has betrayed ; it thus
becomes the ally of a foreign State against its own people,
whilst the nation, divided in opinion, remains doubtful and
inert, and finds itself compromised in acts which are dis-
graceful, before it is aware that any event has occurred.
The having neglected all inquiry into your national posi-
tion—being divided in political judgment on every event by
the parties and factions into which this land is :,eparated,
success in deceiving you, and in misleading you, has not
been of difficult attainment, and thus, during as almost
uninterrupted course of years, has this great people been
rendered at once the_dupes of. foreign, diplomacy and
the -tools of„ foreign arhbition. The, Subjects now de-
manding your earnest attention relate to the position of
England within the last few years. Your commercial posi-
tion of itself- is •sufficiently alarming-to forth all your
energies. Your colonial' empire is ''evidetiOy shaken, and
not merely ibreatening you with further daniey of bringing
upon you more expenditiire; :but 'involving yen, by disturb-
ances in the 'East and the West,, int') collisions with great
and powerful nation; ;Conamotioes in Canada _must end
in collision With the United. States, and in. India with-
Russia and France. The maritime powers of the world.
have combined in hostility against you,' while at the same
time they threaten conquests on a colossal scale in the four
quarters of the globe. While deploring the rapid decay of
the power of Great Britain—a decay which centuries
rather than months would be more adequate to measure,
there has been one advantage gained ; and that is the
awakening of the public mind from a state of lethargy.
The first steps to a better state consist in the general
aril universal recognition that we have as a nation been
supine, as a people ignorant—that our leading men of
allparties have been indifferent to the national interests,
and that our national affairs have been mismanaged
and that our restoration to the position which we formerly
held can only be effected by a deliberate investigation on
the one hand, and that energy upon the other, which, an
object in view and the necessity for action may conspire to
give. The first point which we have to consider is the cha-
racter, the strength, and the opinions of those nations which
have conspired against us ; but for the proper understand-
ing of the character and policy of these Governments,
knowledge and correct opinions upon another subject is ne-
cessary—a subject least of all understood in this country,
that is, the character and value of British power. There is
not a village in the wilds of Bohemia—nor a tent on the
wastes of Turkistan, where the character and power of
England are not subjects of anxious inquiry. Search the
world from north to south and from east to west, for
that country where the power of Britain is least felt, that
country would be this. Possessed, as England is of
an extensive Colonial Empire in the four quarters
of the globe, the sea is to her the connecting link be-
tween the various portions of her dominion, and conse-
quently the supremacy of the sea is necessary to the main-
tenance of her dominion. These principles have been acted
upon by England since the time of Queen Elizabeth, and
have been fully recorded in the official and political habits
of Europe. During every period of peace the various
sPowers
Oenntetrheed stipulationsiinnctoreaseduri
ng in
hwhsiiciohathe number and
equipment of their vessels were fixed at an exceedingly low
commencement of this century, of the
armamepnetascoef Fart thean
and Spain, England to counterbalance that increase placed

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There is not the slightest truth in the statement
that Sir George Grey is appointed Governor of Bombay.
No idea of the kind has ever bean entertained in any quar-
ter.—Evening Paper.

The following are extracts from Mr. Urquhart's Ad-
dress to the Chamber of Commerce alluded to at the open-
ing of his speech :
Mr. URQUHART commenced by stating that in speaking
to them on the subject of their commercial and their na-
tional interests, he had in no way to touch upon, and had
nothing to do with measures connected with party politics,
or doctrines connected with peculiar systems, that 116
wished to direct their attention wholly and exclusively to
the management of British interests in foreign countries,
which, though the chief end for which any Government
is established, have been singularly, almost entirely ne-
glected by the people of this country. Mr. Urquhart di-
vided the subject into two parts, Ist. Rights infringed, 2d.
Realizable advantages neglected. Under the former head
he enumerated-1. Infractions of right on the subject of
loans.--2. Violation of treaty respecting the commerce of
Java.-3. Violation of stipulations in the treaty of Vienna,
in our commerce with Poland, Cracow, &c.-4. Vio-
lation of previous commercial rights in Greece under
the new system, and transfer of a mortgage from
British capitalists to Russia, and France.-5. Ger-
man Customs Union, submission to foreign influence over
independent States directed to the exclusion of British
commerce.--6. Circassia. The surrender of natural and
treaty rights ; abrogation and perversion of maritime law.
7. Algeria. Abrogation of treaty rights in the establish-
ment of the French Tariff-8. Senegal. Violent interfer-
ence by France to ruin a branch of British trade (the gum
trade`.-9. New Albion. Theft by Russia of a British
Colony.-10. Mexico. Interference with the course of
British vessels on the high seas. Attempt, hitherto suc-
cessful, of interfering with neutral commerce, when there
is no war, of blockading ports where there are no hostili-
ties.-11. Buenos Ayres. Ditto, ditto, more aggravated.
U. Fisheries. Exclusion of Great Britain and her colo-
nies from the fisheries of her own coasts by the violent inter-
ference of the subjects of France and the citizens of the

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PRICE sd.

United States.-13. Denmark. Discriminating duties on
transit through Holstein in favour of Russia against Great
Britain.-14. Hanover. Stade duties. Violation of trea-
ties of Vienna.—l.s. Basque Provinces. Support given to
Government of Spain in extinguishing the commercial im-
munities of those provinces, and thereby violating the
rights which those institutions gave to British commerce.
—l6. Wallachia and Moldavia. Regulations jointly esta-
blished by Russia and Turkey interfering with previous sti-
pulations, whereby the rights of British commerce and
of British merchants are secured throughout the Ottoman
dominions.
In addition to those points where there is positive in-
fraction of treaty stipulation, and of international right,
there are others most deeply interesting to the present wel
fare, and future existence of this country; in which a dis-
placement is in progress of actual territorial possession, po-
litical influence, or commercial exchange—interesting Eng-
land, not merely by the positive amount of injury inflicted,
but by the position of hostility which powerful nations are
gradually assuming towards her. Such as the occupation
by France of the Amazon River—the extension of France
in Africa—her pretension to fisheries in the British Chan-
nel—her pecuniary demands and hostility against States
whose revenues are mortgaged to England for loans—the
general aggressive character of Russian policy in Europe,
Asia, and America—the encroaching spirit of the United
States in the North, and in the South, and in the West—
the precarious position of Turkey and Persia, Affghauis-
tan, Lahore, and Burmah, and the consequent insecurity
of our commercial relations in all points directly or indi-
rectly affected by the independence of these States and
their amity to Great Britain. But the object of most se-
rious alarm, perhaps, impending over this country at the
present moment, is the violation in the dark of the Con-
vention of Sept. 1827, between the United States of Ame-
rica and Great Britain, whereby the long pending differ-
ences respecting the North-east boundary of the United
States, were referred to the final decision of the Sovereign
Arbitrator.

The second branch of the subject Mr. Urquhart stated
to be the neglect of realizable advantages, either through
the neeigence of the Government, or the ignorance of the
nation.
Ist. Fields of enterprise that have been left unoccupied
where no restriction impeded the circulation of our com-
merce. These fields extended more particularly over
Southern America, Northern Africa, South-eastern Europe,
and the whole of Asia.
2d. Neglect of adopting our Tariff to realize objects
equally desired by all, and to which there is no opposition,
but which are left uninquired into, and unknown,
in consequence of the absence of union amongst the com-
mercial communities, and of that energy which convictions
and a purpose alone can give.
3d. The non-direction of our diplomacy to procuring ad-
vantages for the commerce of Great Britain, and in conse-
quence of the absence of such direction, the inertness and
uselessness of that branch of the public service which, from
the moment that it is incapable of giving a useful and bene-
ficial impulse to the public interests, becomes necessarily
the tool of the superior intelligence of other Powers, and
through the sacrifice of commercial rights entails positive
loss, has raised up extensive hostility, has deprived Great
Britain alike of the alliance of Governments, and of the
friendship of nations, and has almost placed her in the alter-
native with the great States of the world of collision, with
means unprepared, or of submission to aggressions already
perpetrated.

An opinion is very generally spread throughout England
respecting the progress of our manufactures, and the in-
crease of our Foreign trade, and this idea perhaps more
than any other leads to security and lulls to indifference.
It is, therefore, by no means irrelevant in pressing upon
you the absolute necessity of awakening to attention, and
of rousing to exertion, on behalf of the compromised rights
and interests of this lard, to show that that opinion is un-
founded, and consequently that that security is misplaced.
EXPORTS OF GREAT BRITAIN.

1801 £39,730,659 I 1821 X36,659,630
1811 32,890,712 1831 37,164,372

During the present century, in which such stupendous
powers have been called into being, while England has ex-
ercised such controuling influence over the destinies of
mankind, wonderfully little or no progress has been made.
If we except the years 1835-6, the amount of our trade has
not equalled that which we carried on when at war with all
Europe, and when every port of the north and west of
Europe was closed against us. The average exports from
1801 to 1810 was 40,737,970, from :811 to 20 the ave-
rage was 41,484,461, from 1821 to 1830 the average fell
to 36,597,623. Since then our exports have been progres-
sively advancing, and in 1836 they were 53,368;571, ex-
ceeding by 1,765,623 the exports of 1815 the previously
most active year. In 1837 they fell twelve millions official
value

Since the peace the population of France has increased
seven millions, of Russia twelve millions, of Germany five
millions, of Austria five millions. Our consumers have
increased nearly 30,000,000. The great reduction in the
cost of manufacture, the facilities of transport, originally
developed, and in many respects exclusively preserved, by
England, ought to have expanded the sale of her products
in a still greater degree. We may therefore assume on
exportation of 30 millions, instead of the 20i of 1815, as
the representation of an equal degree of prosperity.; but in-
stead of this sum in 1836, the year of such unwonted pro-
sperity, our exports to Europe amounted but to 17,500,000 ;
that is, to the excess of our trade in 1836 over 1832.
Let us now turn to the trade of other countries—
IMPORTS. EXPORTS.
French Trade in 1801... 16,609,167 ... 12,177,240
1815... 7,938,648 ... 15,908,174
1836.. 36,223,014 ... 38,451,390
Total Trade in 1801
1836
From 1824 to 1836 it has increased 108 per cent.
Expenditure of France from 1827 to 1836, 14 millions more
than the expenditure during the years of war up to 1810.
Increase of expenditure commencing with a more determined

action in the affairs of East.
1815. 1836.
In 1815 American trade was... 28 mill. 1
French trade 23 mill. ...... 74
American trade has thus increased 270 per cent. in 20 years.
The excess of the trade of America and France in 1836,
over that of 1815, is equal to the total amount of the trade
in Great Britain in 1815, while in 1815 the total amount
of the trade of France and the United States was only
equal to the exports of England in 1833.
Mr. URQUHART then examined the causes of our ne-
gliunce, which he attributed to the want *f-union amongst
the fyommercial communities, so that 'becoming carless of
each other's interests, they became ignoranf'of, and indif
ferent, to, the general 4, interests of- the country. But.' now
in corning to a more; dispassionate inquiry into the circum-
stances in which they stood, they were not to escape tky,
throwing the blame upon' this or that puhlie man? upon this,
or' that administration.' Each Each individual present would find
in his own breast the 'causes of our decline, in the apathy
with which he regarded the common weal in his prefe-
rence of party objects to national interests, and in his
submission, as a member of the most powerful nation in
the world, to insults in that capacity which, if submitted to
his individual person, would render him an outcast from
society.

Mr. URQUHART then entered into the detail of the
cession of the Island of Java to the Dutch, and the process
by which the rights of that island and of British commerce
secured by treaty, had been extinguished. Mr. Urquhart
selected Java as an illustration of the views he had stated,
and as an exemplificatio❑ of the invasion of British rights
by Foreign Governments, and of the consequences of the
dismemberment of portions of the British empire. The
population of Java is six millions. It is the fourth eastern
mart for British produce after Calcutta, Bombay, and
Canton. Products—Coffee, Sugar ; rapidly increasing,
rich in all tropical productions. It was captured from the
Dutch by Sir Samuel Auchmuty in 1811, restored and re-
occupied by the Dutch in 1816. Duties—import, 6 per
cent. ad valorem. Ist Jan., 1818—Discriminating duty of
2 per cent. against foreign commerce. Ist November,
1818—British goods in British ships charged double duty ;
that is, 12 instead of 6 per cent. ; the former rate now
charged for Dutch goods. 1824—Proclamation of Gover-
nor Vander Capellser ; 25 per cent. on all foreign cottons
and woollens, whether in Foreign or in Dutch bottoms ; 35
if from any foreign settlement eastward of the Cape ; Dutch
manufactures to be duty free, that is, reduced 6 per cent.,
while the others were raised 25 per cent. 1824
Treaty signed between England and Holland by which
double duty was to be paid by English ships (no notice of
manufactures), and 6 per cent. on such goods as paid no
duty by Dutch ships. 1828—Before this time a Dutch
and a foreign merchant assessed the goods : in this year
the Custom-house assumed the right of assessment ;35
and 40 instead of 25 per cent. was then charged on certain
articles.

Mr. URQUHART then proceeded to the consideration of
another most important subject, affecting the commercial
interests of these lands, and that was the subject of
The property of a State was clearly the property of the in-
dividuals coinpriskg that State, and it was the duty of the
Government to exact the fulfilment of every stipulation