The Sun.
London, England, 1831-01-31 00:00:00

the Day was the general discussion upon. the municipal
law.—(Synaptoms of disinclination and curiosity amongst
the assembly. M. Marchal got up, but all eyes were
turned tow.as.ds M. Mauguin, who seemed invited to as-
cend the tribune by a gesture from M. Sebastiani.)
M. Mauguin—l demand. leave to speak.
Several other Members claimed the same right.
The President said it had been the custom for some
time to allow Members to call for explanations from the
Mini,ters relative to the political situation of France, but
thi. right was only tacitly admitted. lie therefore took this
opportunity of recommending them to consecrate this pri-
vilege by maintaining it within proper bounds.
M. Mauguin—This is not a proposition made by any
particular Member, but this is a question of order, which
cannot be the ground of deliberation of the Chamber.
Toe object of the present motion is to require explanations
relative to the internal and external situation of France.
The regulations of the Chamber are silent upon this head.
Therefore I shall proceed to state the nature of the present
application relative to the foreign affairs of France. Se-
rious events are passing around us. A people who had
done no other wrong, than following our example—who,
by their approximation to France, merit our agent ion—
are at this moment the toy of a political system, which
reminds us of CEil-de-Beeuf and the Cabinet of Versailles.
A short time since, when I asked the Minister what be
meant by the principle of non-intervention, lie said that it
was an obligation not to interfere in the concerns of an-
other nation, and not to allow others to do so. However,
the extent of this principle has only been to allow Belgium
to appoint as Head of the State any one she liked, with
the exception of those whom she had been desirous of
choosing—(‘ That's it !" from the left.) I shall not in-
sisist upon such a line of conduct ; but I cannot speak of
it without deep regret. I am therefore anxious to obtain
from the Minister for Foreign Affairs an explanation relas
tive to the line of conduct adopted with respect to Belgium.
The Ministry has decl ed that it would oppose the re-
u-niou of Belgium with France. How could the Minister
make such a declaration ? How could he refuse to in-
crease our territory ? What, then, are those projects and
secret designs which could lead to such a rtfu,al? Up to
the present moment I have always maintiined that proper
reserve ought to he observed with regard to other Powers
—but now, thanks to the exertions of the illustrious Mar-
shal at the head of the War Department, we are in a con-
dition to defend our territory, and make our power re-
spected. That reserve is now of course unnecessary. In
a short time a mortal combat must arise between Poland
and Hu-sit. I also ask the Minister what are his opi •
n'ons with respect to Poland, and what are the treaties
which at present engage his attention?—(Prolonged marks
nt. excitement. )
More than 20 Members started up to address the Chum-

her, tnt
The 3linister for Foreign kffairs, having the right of
speaking first, addressed the Chamber as follows:—" Pub-
licity was the soul of representative Governments. A free
nati n has a right to know what is doing, and what is to
be dime, with respect to its important interests. This prin-
ciple is absolute and indispensable; with respect to inter-
nal administration, the nation only acts upon itself : it is
different with respect to external administration, and
some temporary restrictions, even for the good of society,
may take place. My Inc .ning is this :—the past is the
property of publicity. When war is determined upon—
when peace has put an end to the scourge of warfare—
when a coaimercial treaty has opened a new field for our
national industry, all the preparatory incidents relative
to such cveies may be freely laid open for the informa-
tion of the public. This is called for by the general in-
terests of society, and in this way alone can the salutary
principle cf Ministerial responsibility be exercised. The
fume requir. s more delicacy, and for this simple reason.
In a prospective policy a nation does not stand alone : her
interests, although just, may meet with difficulties, and
clash with those of other nations ; and, unless a vow of
eternal warfare has been recorded, those difficulties and
obstacles tught to be considered with wisdom and pru-
dence. Even were a nation convinced of the inutility of
her pacific efforts, she ought, however, to continue them,
if it were only to gain the general good-will of other people.
Oar Revolution, however short in its duration and pacific
iu i!s character, has shaken Europe to its centre. Bel juin
1 as broken ;he yoke imposed upon it by the Congress of
Vicuna. Poland, although mutilated and almost reduced
to a skeleton, ha. risen to regain her rights. Some accusa-
tions have been directed against the former and the present
Administration forForeignAfficirs.—(Murmurs.)The policy
ef Louis. Philippe has always been one. The King only
wishes for what lie has always wished. The Belgian ques-
tion being most intimately connected with France, and the
most difficult, I shall preserve it for the conclusion of these
explanations, which can in no way embarrass a sincere and
loyal Government. The Polish people leave a claim upon
the good feeling and friendship of France. The annihila-
tion of this brave and generous nation was a calamity
upon all Europe, but it was not in our day that this poli-
tical crime was committed. The sufferings of Poland
harrow up our inmost feelings, but what can we do for
her?—(The orator pronounced these last words in a weak
voice. It was asked from all sides what it was he said,
and be repeated three times, "hut what can we do for
her?'') Four hundred leagues separate us from that un-
fortunate people. Supposing that the interest c f France
allowed her to risk every thing in favour of Poland—to
violate the principle of non-intervention so loudly [re-
claimed by her—how would she be able to carry her as-
sistance? Prussia would refuse its acquiescence in a pa-
cific manner. We should, therefore, take up arms, and
commence the conquest of the whole north of Europe;
and they ate Napoleon'acampaigns which we should fight
over agate.—(From the centre, " Yes, that's just the
case.") We there fire repeat with sorrow that we can do
nothing fur Po:and by force of arms. With respect to Bel-
giant, it is not pl.ced beyond the sphere of our power,
As soon as the late grand separation hal taken plate,
without looking at the condition of our strength, tie
hastened to proclaim the tutelary principle of non-inter-
teention. We need not he afraid of saying that France
ilelgiont from lot eign invasion ;—the object now is
to stave Beigium from het self, but for that purpose what
should he done?--(Silence, silence.) You have-heard it
said by Ilan. I\hmbers at this tribune that Belgium ought
to be re-united to France ; Belgium has offered herself,
why refuse her ? I shall in the first instance declare that
Belgium was never offered. No wish of the kind was ever
legitimately addressed to the King on the part of the Bel-
giaitt nation. lam far from wishing to use dissimulation
open a question of form. I have, therefore, no hesitatii n
in admitting that this union is anxiously desired by a great
majority of the Belgians. I shall add that, besides being
useful far Belgium, it is more necessary for the repose of
Europe than for the grandeur of France. People and King.
tale alarm at the idea of. this re-union; and if, from this
terror, one took up arms, and went to war, the peace of all
Europe would be at an end, and the world would once moie
eon the brick ofchaes.,--(" Very well,") from the centres. )
fit such a state of things what was to be said to the
Representatives of the Belgian nation ? You are anxious
to have a hereditary Prince, and you are in the right,
but take care of what you owe to France, who has
protected, and defended you, as you cannot belong to her.
Do not give yourself to her rivals, Do not call to the
throne a Prince whose very name would be enough to re-
new unfortunate intrigues and difficulties. We are op-
petted with a constant objection ; and it is said, fg Oh,
you boast of the principle of non-intervention, and still
what are your acts?" Is it not interfering to force an
armistice upon the Dutch and Belgians, and to restrict
Them in the most important matter—the choice of
Jlunarch? Upon the first head I should say that the
olr;ertion was not unfounded if it were made on the part
of the Dutch—an anei, nt and independent people ; but,
if made on behalf of the Belgians, I cannot understand it.
Belgium has always firmed a part of some powerful nation.
It demanded to be recognised as a free nation, and France
supported this generous resolution. Was that a proof of
its plan of intervention, to say that it would not recognise
a people, and that it would not hold any political com-
munication with it if that nation acted so as to.trouble
the peace of Europe ? That could not be termed iaer-
vention, it was merely counselling—(Laughter from the
deft)—and I should like to know when it was that Go-
vernments were forbidden from giving advice. The accu-
sation as to restricting Belgium in the choice of a Save-
re.gn cannot be seriously supported. France required
of Belgium that it should take care to prevent the ter-
ritory of the former from being made the aougant
some of intrigues. Was that aline- too much, after
what France had done for her?—(" Oh, no 13n
the lefr.)—According to the march
ofeve, vnts, te
shall
ce
However,
live information from time to time. ever, before I
conclude, it will give me satisfaction to cute, that
Bel-
gium is on the eve of receiving another benetifie:at , has
been admitted like Switzerland (by the five g
t enjoy the advantages of European neutrality. Ta[swpe7)
ciple of neutrality will become fruitful, and
-,soon extend to other countries. Even our enemies

.......
,r-irknowledge that it is not the policy of the ceil tceuf, or'
.7!., .
.' k - 481 Sr,,liiith-is now followed, and that France now hold.
',,,, ~ '
Vr,,, .'it d;ff rent place -in the political situation of Europe.
t,t:,-,4„ is accessary for
,c—ce
_., all;
rdy thing- to pryserve it—(Bravo ! from the Left
...2. Ca )--at the ~salMe time that it neglected no necessary
`:.--"•;i;,1-iciution,i. Whatever should occur France could not
taltin.una.li'ar'es. The wisdom of the King and the
`-