The Sun.
London, England, 1849-09-04 00:00:00

LONDON' TUESDAY FVENINCI-3 SEPTIMBEIt 4 184

lIIJINGA It

TJESTION.

MEETING AT GREENWICIT.
Last evening a public meeting was held at the
Literary and Scientific Institution, Greenwich, for
the purpose of expressing sympathy with the brave
and patriotic Hungarians, and of raising contributions
in aid of persons belonging to that nation seeking
reluge in this country. At eight o'clock, the time
appointed for holding the meeting, the theatre of the
institution was densely crowded in. every part by a
very respectable auditory, a considerable portion of
whom belonged to the fair sex.
Mr. GRAHAM, by whose exertions the meeting was
convened, took the chair, and, after a few preliminary
observations explanatory of the objects of the meeting,
introduced
Lord DUDLEY STUART, who was most enthusias-
tically received, and said—Mr. Chairman, Ladies, and
Gentlemen, I have very great pleasure in ineeting‘this
numerous and respectable meeting upon this most
interesting question—upon a question interesting to
every Englishman—interesting to every one attached
to liberty—interesting to every one desirous of the
welfare and prosperity of Europe.—(Cheers.) We are
met this evening to consider the state of Hungary,
to pay a tribute of respect to those gallant patriots
who have risen up in defence of the rights of their
country, and who, undismayed by fearful odds—the
odds of two powerful empires arrayed against them—
have boldly drawn their sword—(Cheers)—have
dared every danger, and if they have not been suc-
cessful, at least have played a part which will be
handed down to the latest posterity—(Cheers)—the
theme of admiration and the example of all
the lovers of freedom.—(Renewed cheering.)
These circumstances alone are sufficient to claim
the sympathy of every native of Great Britnain—of
that soil peculi o
arly dedicated to freedom, which
no slave can stand, because the instant he places his
foot upon our shores the chains fall from him.—
(Cheers.) Taking, therefore, the most general view
of the Hungarian question, and not stopping to ex-
amine into its details, there is enough in it to awaken
the interest of every British heart.—(Hear.) But if
we examine further, if we examine the page of
history, and make ourselves thoroughly ac-
quainted with what the Hungarians have
done in times past, and what they have
been doing within the last two years, we find
that all our impulses in their favour are confirmed
and encouraged by that inycstigation.—(Hear.) We
find that the Hungarians are a people who, like our-
selves, have always been attached to principles of
freedom—(Cheers)—that they have not now for the
first time evinced a desire to make laws for themselves,
but that for centuries and centuries they have lived
according to their own laws, according to their own
charter, which they, by their valour and determined
courage obtained in former times, just as the bold
Barons of England extorted Magna Charta from King
John.—(Cheers.) As many years—aye, and more
years than we have enjoyed freedom, the Hungarians
have also been free; and though in the process of
time they have come under the sceptre of the despotic
Emperor of Austria, yet, although they have lived
under the sceptre of a despot, they have not permitted
him to rule them as slaves—(Hear, hear, and
cheers)—but it has only been upon condition of
his swearing to observe their constitution and
to protect their rights that he has ever been permitted
to mount the throne of Hungary.—(Renewed cheer-
ing.) As Emperor of Austria the Hungarians have
never known him—they have known no sovereign
but the King of Hungary—(Cheers)—and no sove-
reign has been King of Hungary till now without
taking a solemn oath to observe the constitution of
Hungary. It may be that successive sovereigns—
as sovereigns' history proves are too apt to
do—have forgotten the laws, and have more or less
violated the constitution.—(Hear.) That has been
an abuse which has been more or less tolerated, ne-
vertheless the constitution has never been set aside,
and the Hungarians have still held to that dear
privilege of freemen—the right to have no taxes
levied but those voted by the people or their repre-
sentatives.—(Loud cheering.) HI were to tell you
that in times past and until the present day the con-
stitution of Hungary has been a perfect model of
what a free constitution ought to be, I should be guilty
of a gross exaggeration, and say that which
certainly cannot be supported by facts. But has the
constitution of England always been a perfect consti-
tution ?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Is it a perfect
? (Hear, hear, and " No,
constitution at this day
no.") Why then it is no reason that we should think
slightingly of the Hungarians if they, like ourselves,
have lived for a long time under a constitution not
perfect, although certainly very much superior to any
other except our own which has prevailed in Europe
—(Hear)—and if they, like ourselves, have been
contented with an imperfect constitution ; still
if you examine it you will find, that it was in many
respects highly commendable, and as good as could
be expected according to the spirit of the times.—
(Cheers.) The enemies of Hungary, the friends of
despotism, are anxious upon all occasions to malign
the Hungarians, and in doing so, distort history—
(Hear)—and they would have you believe at one
time that the constitution of Hungary was one
divined only for the benefit of a small part
of the nation, and without any regard to the
welfare of the people at large—that the
Hungarians have been struggling for some wild
scheme of a constitution—some red Republic founded
upon absurd and extreme principles.—(Laughter.)
But neither of these two things is true—it is
neither true that the constitution of Hungary as it
was of old was not worth having, nor that the con-
stitution which they proclaimed in later days was
one which was not deserving of the approbation and
respect of the philosopher.—(Cheers.) The Hun-
garian constitution, it is true, instituted the power of
electing the Members of Parliament only in a particu-
lar class, which was called the class of the nobles ; but
the nobles in that country were a class so large that
they were more than equal in proportion to the whole
of the inhabitants than the class of electors in this
country were previous to the Reform Bill.—(Hear,
and cheers.) I know very well that that was not
enough to satisfy a nation, and I know too that the
Hungarians held that that was not enough, and
that last year, feeling so under the guidance of the
immortal Kossuth—(Loud and prolonged cheering)
—they introduced a reform—a great, a noble, and an
efficient reform—a reform much greater than that
which was introduced in this country some 15 or 18
years ago—(Cheers)—they did away with all distin-
tions between nobles and non-nobles.—(Cheers.)
The landlords procured the emancipation of the pea-
sants, and not only that, but going beyond what has
been done in any other country, they not only
forbore to exact from the peasants the two or three
days labour in the week, which was the tenure by
which they held their land; but with a noble and
magnanimous impulse worthy of all praise—and which
surely will carry down the names of those noble
men to the latest posterity—they at once not only
emancipated their peasants from the obligation of this
labour, but they presented them with the land itself.
—(Loud cheering.) The constitution of Hungary,
however, whether in former times, or reformed as I
have explained it to have been last year, was a
constitution always extremely similar to our
own, consisting of King, Lords, and Comsnons
—(Loud cheers)—an hereditary donarchy, an he-
reditary House of Peers, and an elective House
of Commons—(Cheers)—and, as you see, like
our own it was a constitution susceptible of being
reformed without being overthrown.—(Prolonged
cheering.) The Hungarians, therefore, being free,
rejoicing in free institutions, besides those to which
I have alluded, they had also the inestimable advan-
tage of enjoying throughout the land local rights
and local institutions.--(Cheers.) They hid muni-
cipal institutions, they had county meetings—they
had all those local institutions, or many of them,
which we have, or others similar to those which we
have, and these are the institutions which
are so valuable to a nation—(Loud Cheers)—
these are the institutions which teach men
how tofree—which accustom them to
govern
and which implant in them the
themselves, deserve t o b
ae
desire of self-government and the determination to be
governed by nobody else.—(Loud cheers.) And with
people, because it is institutions that
all these noble institutions no wonder that the people
noblegood or bad.—(Cheers.) Men that have
mw ereake amen
been ruled for centuries by despots have the vices of
slaves.—(Hear.) Men that have been accustomed
to be free have the noble virtues of free men—and
those virtues are indomitable attachment to their
country— (Cheers) a thorough determination,
against all dangers, to sacrifice themselves for their
country—(Cheers)—unflinching courage—resolute
determination to have their rights, and with that
determination the humanity which becomes Christians.
--(Loud cheers.) All these things you will
find in the noble Hungarian nation—all these
things calculated to awaken sympathy in this
nation, which has enjAped similar rights, and
which has displayed similar virtues.—(Cheers )
There never was an occasion where more heroic
courage was displayed than in the war not yet over,
or hardly yet over, in Hungary.—(Hear, hear.)
There never were more brilliant deeds of prowess—
(Loud cheers)—and I must say on the other side on
the side of the despots, there never were more hide-
ous deeds of cruelty and inhumanity.—(Hear, hear.)
The Hungarians were brave, but they were hu-
mane.—(Hear, bear.) No instance of barbarity soils
their escutcheon, though, God knows, they have
had provocation enough, in the hideous barba-
rity practised by Austria.— (Hear, hear.) General
Haynau's name will go down to posterity—(Groans
and sensation)—hat he will always be mentioned as
the butcher of the Hungarians.—(Hear.) Havn't you
eve-r(y"nYiaens'l yes,''
man did I' Every
and groans.)
read Proclaiming
o proclamation?—("
death
t itoon
say ? To every man, woman, or child who should
dare—what ? To insult one of his soldiers.—(Groans.)
And then were not empty threats. Vriaeuers have,

in cold blood, been shot and been hung ; women have
1-:een scourged— (Sensation and groans)—ministers
of religion have been put to death for no crime but for
being known to nourish sentiments favourable to the
insurgents, and for administering the consolations of
religion to the wounded and the dying.—(Hear.)
The Government of Austria has always been famous
for its enmity to religious liberty.—(Hear.) No
power ever did so much to Oestrov the Protestant re-
ligion as the Government of Austria.— (Hear, hear.)
The ancestors of him who now sits upon the throne
at Vienna established the Spanish Inquisition.--
(Hear.) They have always been the most intole-
ant of all governors.—(Hear.) But of late they have
shown impartiality when they have hung upon one and
the same gallows the other day a priest of the Catholic
religion and a Protestant clergy man.—(Sensation.)
That is the only impartiality shown by such a Go-
vernment as that of Austria.—(llear.) The Hun-
garians, on the other hand, have always been famed
for their attachment to religious as well as to civil
liberty.—(Cheers.) There has never been any dif-
ference between any sects of Christians with regard
to any privilege.—(Uheers ) Many of them are
Protestant—many are Catholic—many are of
various denoninations—(Cries of " Hear")—there
was no difference between them.—(Hear.) The
only difference between persons of any religion was
that of the Jews, and the great Kossuth— (Cheering)
—the other day proclaimed the emancipation also of
the Jews.—(Prolonged cheering.) So that under
the. free Hungarian constitution there was no dif•
ference whatsoever on account of religious faith.—
(Cheers.) And is not that another reason why we
ought to take an interest in Hungary ?—(Cheers.) Is
not that another reason why the Liberals of England
and the English nation ought to feel an interest
in the noble Hungarian nation ?—(Yes, •yes, and
cheers.) Why, it ought to hold out to it the right
hand of friend hip, and to do all that is in its power
to benefit and befriend it.—(Yes, and loud cheering.)
In doing so, we should not only satisfy the feelings
of our hearts—we should not only act in ac-
cordance with the generous impulse of every
British bosom, but we shall also be doing
that which would materially promote and ad-
vance our interests, a 3 a commercial nation.—(Hear.)
Our enemies at one time are disposed to turn us into
ridicule, as sentimentalists, and they say what have
we to do with Hungary ? why should we take an
interest in those people, however free, however noble,
however distinguished by all virtues they may be—
what business is it of ours to take any part in any
struggle of theirs ? Those who would do so act upon
sentiments—they do not act in a way which is to be
expected from those who rule a nation.—(Hear.) But
when we turn round and show, as we can show, that
nothing would conduce more to the interest of this
great commercial country than the establishment of
the independence of Hungary, then the same
persons that have ridiculed us as senti-
mentalists, turn round and say that we are
actuated only by contemptible and sordid motives.—
(Laughter.) Sordid motives ! Is it a sordid motive
to endeavour to promote free trade and the inter-
change of commercial relations between different
countries ?—(No, no, and heai, hear.) To endeavour
to obtain any advantage by violent or by
.un -
lawful means?—(No, no.) That certainly is a
sordid action, but to endeavour to promote
the welfare of our own country, and the welfare
of other countries, and to extend the civili-
zation of the world by the mutual intercourse of
commerce. I say this is so far from having any-
thing sordid in it that it is a thing most laudable—
(Cheers)—it is a thing which promotes the welfare
of different countries in every respect, and one which
ought to be lauded and supported as well by the
Christian as by the philanthropist or the statesman ;
and I could show you that if Hungary were made in-
dependent, she possessing a fertile soil, abundant in
productions of every description, and a population not
up to manufacture, would supply us with* vast amount
of products of great importance to this country to
possess. She would render to us corn and wine, hemp
and flax, and many other articles much cheaper than
we have them now ; while she would open an inexe
haustible market for our manufactures.—(Hear
and cheers.) If Hungary were independent it would
be felt in Lancashire—it would be felt amongst the
manufacturers of that great county—it would be
felt amongst the woollen trade of Yorkshire,
Manchester, and Leeds, and Bradford, and Halifax.
Halifax would rejoice, and many a family there,
without knowing it, would enjoy full wages, and be
enabled to provide for their families, which they can-
not do now, and would owe that without knowing it
to Hungary.—(Cheers.) Our cotton and woollen
would go out there, our cutlery would go from Shef-
field, our porcelain from the potteries in Staffordshire,
and from Worcester, our silk manufactures from Co-
ventry, and from Spitalfields, and from other places
where the manufacture is carried on. Trade would be
renovated and vivified in a very short time if Hun-
gary were allowed to be independent, and
allowed to carry out those principles of
free trade which she has ever maintained,
and has of late shown herself most anxious to
develop, we should soon 'have as large an amount of
trade with free Hungary as we now have with the
United States.— (Cheers.) We should have in the
East another America, another nation of freemen,
another nation bound to ourselves by similarity of
institutions and of habits ; and what an advantage
would that be to us, besides forming a most effectual
bulwark against the encroachments of the colossal
Autocrat of Russia.—(Cheers.) Every advantage
would arise from it, the promotion of freedom, the
extension of free trade, and the better security of all
the nations of Europe. Instead of that, what
shall we see now ? Instead of seeing in
Hungary another America, alas I much fear
we shall witness another Poland.—(llisses.) Another
brave nation overrun and oppressed by the barbarous
hordes of despots—another nation which has struggled
manfully, nobly, and gloriously ; but has succumbed
before overwhelming numbers—and are we, then, to
see this fair land, like Poland, a prey to misery and
oppression ?—its best inhabitants driven into exile,
seeking an asylum here amongst us; perhaps received
with kindness, but yet never able to feel one day's
happiness while forcibly torn from their beloved
country—(Cheers)—the rest groaning in hopeless
misery, some transferred to the wilds of Siberia and
others to the still more dreaded dungeons of
Speilsburg. That, alas I if the accounts which
have come of the discomfiture of the
Hungarians be true, is too likely to be
the case. But, Ladies and Gentlemen, if you agree
with me that this brave nation deserves your sym-
pathies, if it awakens your interest, let us inquire
what are we to do, and whether anything can be
done ? because I have not come here, I confess, for
the purpose of reciting an elegy over Hungary. I
have not come here merely to lament over her mis-
fortunes, and to pronounce to you a funeral oration.
No. I hope it has not come to that, I hope that al-
though a dark cloud now hangs over unfortunate
Hungary, that still better days for her are in store.—
(Cheers.) But what, then, can be done, or what can
we do ? Let us come to that point, let us inquire for
something practical, and then we shall be
acting a part worthy of Englishmen.—(Loud
cheers.) Now, I will tell you one thing which
I think we can do, and I hope with some effect.
It is not to be supposed that the Government of
this great country should be without influence upon
the Government of every other country. However
much the principles which guide those who govern
affairs at Vienna may differ from the principles of
those who govern us here, yet still such is the power
and the moral weight of this country, that it is not
to be supposed that a strong expression of opinion,
coming from the Government of this country, should
not obtain some attention, and should not produce
some effect. I think we have seen enough of some
of those who are now in the Ministry to have
good reason to think that they are well disposed
towards the cause of Hungary.—(Cheers) I believe
that what they require, in order to act,
is to be supported by the unanimous voice of the
people of England.—(Cheers.) I think that Lord
Palmerston—(Loud cheers)—disposed as I believe
him to be to assist the cause of Hungary as far as
he can, will be placed in a much better position for
doing it—will be encouraged to raise his voice, and
will raise it with much greater power and effect, if he
can point to such meetings as that now held at
Greenwich all over the country. I want him to be
able to say at Vienna, or to have it said by his
ambassador, " The Government of England are
anxious that if Hungary is to be submitted to the
sceptre of Austria, that at least the integrity of Hun-
gary should not be tampered with." I want him to
represent to that Government the monstrosity of at-
tempting to do anything like a partition of Hungary.
We have had a partition of Poland. The nations
of Europe stood by and suffered it, to
their shame.—(Cheers.) There has been no per-
manent peace in Europe since.—(Hear, hear.) The
Poles are not only scattered all over the world every-
where discontented, as why should they not be?—
(Hear, hear.) Who would be contented if he were a
Pole ? Not only that, but when there has been no
possibility of permanent tranquillity, while that
country submitted against the will of its inhabitants
to the three northern despots, are they then going to
add another element of discord and discontent tcothe
world ; and can they expect, if they do, .thi!thy
should have anything like peace; or that if they_ cry
peace where there is no peace, that it sh
I want Lord al -
thing but deceptive and hollow. Vienna, and I
ould ne
merston to represent these things at
with more effect
if he can point tone ch.
am sure that he will
mseealll over England upon this
There have been itiln.sg do so
as these.—(Cheers.)
Here is a t
.otf
stuhree
ameertiantgsm—a list of
subject. quite g e any have
fhourtllakinno.w that there have been meet-
them
Westminster, Kensing ,
somebeen omitted;of
ton Hammersmith, Birming-
ings of this sort in the city of London, Marylebone,
ham, Manchester, Leicester, Carlisle, Newcastle.

anon-Tyne, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Paisley, Arbroath,
Cardiff, Southampton, Halifax, Wrexham, Bradford,
Wakefield, 1 V inches:ter, and Greenwich.—(Cheers.)
At all these sympathy for Hungary has been ex-
pressed, and a great desire for the independence of
Least country. That we cannot have now, it seems, but
we may have the integrity of Hungary. Hungary may
be allowed to remain whole and and not partitioned,
although still under the sceptre of Austria.—(Hear,
hear.) She may be allowed to enjoy her institutions
and local rights, although unfortunately still under
the sceptre of Austria ; and it would be very much
better to have Hungary in her integrity, and Hun-
gary in the enjoyment of her local rights, than if
she he split up into small divisions and altogether
fused into the empire of Austria, so that no nationality
shall remain to her; and let us hope that the young
Emperor that now sits upon the throne of Austria,
and now extends—though I must say, and always
shall say, unlawfully—his sceptre over the Hung i•
rians—let us hope that when he comes to refisct,
and to be better acquainted with the real state of
things, than I dare say he is now—for probably,
surrounded by interested ministers, he is kept in a
great degree in ignorance of what is passing—let us
hope that when he has a little more experience—for
you know he is now extremely young, he is only
emerging from boyhood, and the brilliant morning of
eighteen now dawns upon him ; that is the age when
most men are accessible to generous impulses and
❑oble aspirations, but it is an age without experience,
when a man, perhaps, even of a noble nature, may
easily be misled, and think that he is doing right
when he follows the advice of persons he has been
taught to respect, and men of much more experience
than himself. Let us hope that this has been the case
with the youthful Emperor. At any rate,
I must say that of all the persons in his
Government, much as I detest that Government,
and deeply as I consider it to be stained with illegality
and barbarity, it must bo owned that of all the men
in that Government, the young Emperor himself is the
least culpable. Let us hope,:then, that he, with a little
more experience, and becoming better acquainted with
the real state of things, will not only shudder, as he
must do, when he hears of the barbarities of his General
Haynau—when he hears that women have been scourged,
that prisoners have been put to death in cold blood, that
ministers of religion have bean hung up, towns set fire
to and ravaged, and whole countries laid waste in his
name—let us hope that ho will not only shudder at this,
but that learning, as no doubt he will, sooner or later,
what passes in other countries, he may bo filled with
a noble ambition not only of ruling over a large extent
of country, and of many millions of men, but of ruling
with beneficent sway. I always must contend that he
has no right to rule over Hungary, because the Hunga-
rians have decided that he should not.—(Cheers.) I
contend that every people has an indefeasible right of
deciding by whom they shall be governed—(Cheers)—
and what form of government they will please to lice
under.—(Cheers.) Therefore the Emperor of Austria,
having established his rule over Hungary by force, I
never can hold that rule to be anything but unlawful. I
must consider it a usurpation, and I must consider that
he has entered upon an estate without a valid title; but
let him make up for the faultiness of the title by
the excellence of the manner in which he exercises the
right, that is what lam feign to hope of him. He
may strive to efface the chief impression produced by his
mode of entering upon his reign by the moderation and
the kindness with which he may afterwards rule. I
trust that this may be the case. And oh, what a noble
thing it would be; what imperishable renown that young
monarch would acquire if he were to act upon any mcde
of that kind! if he were to show not only moderation in
his victory—which I must say is the most inglorious
victory that ever was achieved, because as long as the
Hungarians had to deal with the Austrians alone they
beat them in every field—(Cheers)—they drove their
best armies before them like chaff, the Austrian generals
were covered with disgrace, and nowhere could they ven-
ture to meet the Hungarians; and it was only when they
got the assistance of the Muscovite hordes, when the
Emperor of Russia, against the law of nations, poured
in his vast armies to the assistance of the beaten Aus-
trians—it was only then that the; arms of Austria
became succesful. But let us hope that the Emperor
will endeavour—knowing as he must, if he re fleets at
ell, that he is looked upon with dislike and abhorrence
by the Hungarians—let us hope that he may endeavour
to convert this hatred into respect; that he may strive by
all mesas to redeem what has gone before, by acting
with kindness, forbearance, and moderation.—(Hear,
hear.) I do not know whether these hopes are such
as can be reasonably entertained. I am afraid there is
very much reason to fear the contrary, but at
the same time, I must say that the representations of
the Government of this country would be more likely
to bring about such a state of things, and such a blessed
change, than any thing else. I think, therefore, that
meetings such as this which I have the honour to address,
expressing their sympathy for Hungary, expressing
their anxious desire that the integrity at least of Hun-
gary should not be violated, expressing their earnest
hope that those who now rule will rule with moderation
and forbearance—(Hear)—expressing their opinion that
the Government of this country ought to use all the in-
fluence which it may command in order to inculcate the
propriety of such a course of action atVenice—l;think that
meetings of this kind are calculated to do a vast deal of
good.—(Hear, hear.) I have the greatest pleasure in
meeting you, and I rejoice and congratulate myself, and
congratulate the Hungarians upon this meeting.—(Loud
cheering.) I shall now, ladies and gentlemen, proceed
to read to you the first resolution, which has
been put into my hands, and which is—
" That the destruction of Hungarian independence
by the combined armies of a Sovereign not legally enti-
tled to the throne, and of a foreign foe, only readers it
more imperative on Englishmen to express their sympa-
thy with oppressed patriots, who have, in common with
all mankind, an' indefeasible right to a government of
their own choice, and whose liberties are, moreover, con-
firmed by positive compact, and are consecrated
by time, and historical records."—(Loud cheering )
And having read that resolution, I will only say that
while it s2eaks of the present state of Hungary, only
rendering it more imperative upon Englishmen to ex-
press their sympathy, I think it is imperative upon Eng-
land to do more.—(Cheers .) I believe a resolution
will be proposed, suggesting a memorial to Lord Pal-
merston upon the subject. I will move another soon after,
for which I trust I shall be forgiven that there is
still another way in which we may hope to promote the
interests of the. Hungarians. It is one not very agree-
able always to suggest, but at the same time you know
that we can do no good without making some
sacrifice.—(Cheers.) It; therefore. there tare ;any
generous spirits amongst you who have anything
to spare for the Hungarians, I assure you
that a contribution of that kind would be well
employed, because there are now here men who are pre-
paring to join their countrymen in arms in Hungary—
(Cheers)—but who are now kept here and have nowhere
else to go to—(Cheers)---who can have no communica-
tion with their friends—(Hear)—and those friends
likely to be now consigned to dungeons, if they have not
paid the penalty of their patriotism with their lives,
and are at any rate very likely to be obliged to join
their friends in exile.—(Hear, hear.) Therefore any
contributions towards the Hungarians will be most
acceptable, and certainly would powerfully tend to
relieve those brave patriots now in this country,
and I grieve to say now in a state of destitution.
It grieves me to make any such appeal—noi
that I am unaccustomed to it, because for the last fifteen
years I have passed a considerable portion of my life in
making appeals of this kind—(Prolonged cheering)—in
behalf of the Poles—(Continued cheering)—and I must
say that those appeals have not been made in ♦ain—
(Hear, hear)—let them have been addressed to
whatever class they might.—(Hear, ,and cheers.)
But certainly the working classes have never bee❑ be-
hind hand in the glorious rivalry—(Cheers)—they have
not been so with regard to Hungary ; they have come
forward most nobly, because they feel, as every Eng-
lishman feels, that the Poles deserve their succour and
assistance. They received it—they have received
it for a number of years.—(Cheers.) You feel that the
Hungarians, no less true sons of feemen, deserve it also,
and lam sure that it will not be withheld. His Lord-
ship resumed his seat amidst long continued cheering.
G. THOMPSON, Esq., M.P., in a brief but eloquent
speech, seconded the resolution, which was unanimously
adopted.
Lord NUGENT then moved:—" That an address be
presented to Lord Palmerston, in the hope that English
diplomacy may successfully interfere to secure for the
Hungarian nation its own liberties, instead of a mere
fusion with the remainde r of the Austrian territories."
Mr. TlloalAB M'ENTHER seconded the motion, and it
was agreed to.
The prayer of the address to Lord Palmerston, was
to entreat his Lordship, " in conformity, as they trust
and believe, with the sympathies and sentiments
which your Lordship personally entertains to use
such prompt means as shall seem the moat effec-
tual to cause the entire weight and influence
of the British Government—supported as it will be by
the strong and generous sympathies of the entire Bri-
tish nation—to be exercised for the purpose of obtaining
the full security of the inhabitants of Hungary, both
generally and specially from danger to their lives,
properties, and personal liberty; and, further, for the
purpose of ensuring that (under whatever arrang.?-
tnents may be made in consequence of the termi-
nation of the recent struggle) the integrity .of
Hungary shall be respected and preserv,_(elibytnat
the
rhye
her ancient constitution, and her lawthsealsirianargaenonfddsupntg,caiti.
Diet, and solemnly assented to by
in April, 1848, shall be left untouched;nca lent institutions of
cally and emphatically,
local self-government, thtehab.
unimpaired, and in no re-
ntasisearnd only sure protection
of her liberties, shall remain
spect supersededby t arterlia:htingsystemboafs c
be
enet
nr a
ti
hi sea tri
oo no
t,
the attempt to impose upot the land,
of all the evils which Ilupgary had suffered for three
centuries, and the immediate cause of the late disastrous
struggle.
Mr. BENNOCH and several other gentlemen addressed
the meeting, and a liberal collection having been made
on behalf of the Hungarians, a vote of thanks was
given to the Chairman, after which the proceedings ter-
minated.

Pride, jealousy, the love of argument, the disdain
of guidance, rivet on a panoply against truth mere
eagerly assumed by the strong than by the feeble.—
Eliza Cook's Journal.
BLACK GAME IN TIIE LAKE DISTRICT.—Five Or
six years ago some of these birds appeared rather mys•
teriuusly in this district, and now they have spread fur
miles on every side. Some have been shot, and fine
game they are, equal to any ever brought from Scotland.
With a little care they may become numorous.—
morekind Gazette.

IRELAND.
DUBLIN, SEPT. 3.—Since Friday the weather has
been very unfavourable for harvest operations. It is
gratifying-, however, to know that in the south and
south west the greater part of the cornlicrop is cut
and saved. Some new wheat and oats have already
been brought to market, but the condition of both,
owing to the rain, was rather soft. The former only
brought 12d. per stone, the latter 7.0., prices any-
thing but remunerative at the present prices of land
and high rate of taxes. In Clonmel market on Friday,
wheat of good quality was sold at 9d. and 10d. per
stone. The Limerick Chronicle states, on the autho-
rity of a correspondent who has just finished a tour
of seven counties, that such an abundance of corn
and potatoes have not grown to maturity for many
years past, and that several farmers are obliged to
enlarge their barns and granaries, such is the fruitful
supply of the earth.
TREMENDOUS THUNDER STORM.--For the last few
days previous to Saturday the weather bad been dark,
dull, and sultry. On Saturday evening, about four
o'clock, some slight rain fell, and it continued at in-
tervals up to about seven o'clock, when a regular
deluge (as it were) set in and continued with in-
creased violence up to nearly half past eleven o'clock.
For some years back there has not been so heavy a
fall of rain for the time, and we fear that considerable
damage must have taken place up the country, as the
Liffey, yesterday, bore marks cf an inland flood of a
serious character. During the rain a thunder-storm
set in, and in the memory of any man at present
alive there was not such a continuous and brilliant
sheet of lightning observed. In fact, it might be
said to have illuminated the city. The peals of
thunder were awful, and almost shook the houses.
The rain ceased before twelve o'clock, and yester-
day was particularly fine, but it rained very
heavily in the course of the night. A
large elm tree at the first lock of the Grand Canal
was struck by lightning about eight o'clock in the
evening. It has been riven about thirty feet from
the base, occasioned, it is evident, by two large iron
staples being placed for some purpose at the point
stricken. The chasm is about twelve inches broad
and two inches deep and continues the entire dis-
tance of thirty feet to the ground. The collector's
house adjoining had several panes of glass broken
with the shock. We have also heard that ft man
residing in Essex-street was deprived of his sight by
the electric fluid ; but we have not ascertained the
particulars.

DONNYBROOK FAIR.—The fair terminated on
Saturday, when, at six o'clock, the tents were struck,
and shortly after the green was like the baseless
fabric of a vision, not having left a wreck behind.
We may observe that the greatest regularity prevailed
throughout, and that there was not a single riot
during the week. The police behaved very well.
THE SHANNON IMPROVEMENT WORKS.—These
works have been at length brought to a close ; on
Monday a great portion of the river was turned into
its natural channel, land in a few days we expect to
find the navigation opened for traffic.

TESTIMONIAL
TO THE HUNGARIAN REFUGEES.

"THE HUNGARIAN NATION COUNTS ON THE SYMPATHY
OF EVERY NATION "WHICH LOVES RIGHT AND Ll-
BERTY."—KoBsuth's Protest against Russian Inter ven-

Subscriptions may be sent to the following bankers:—
Messrs. Coutts and Co.
Messrs. Drummond.
Messrs. Smith, Payne, and Smith ;
or to any one of the members of the committee formed
to carry out the Testimonial.
a.•AII further Post-office orders to be made payable to Murdo
Young, Esq., at the Money Order Office, strand.

Subscriptions already received ...
Per the Editor of Exathiner

... ...963 10 4}

Friends at Kelvedon 1 0 0
The Compositors at Messrs. Reynell & Weight's 1 10 6
Mr. Wm. A. Long, jun., Wotton-under-Edge 1 0 0
Second Subscription of Working Jewellers' Work-

men ..• ••• .. 315 9
A Few Chartists, per Samuel Boonham ... 0 3 6
Per K. L. J., Limerick, second remittance 0 18
11. B. P., per Mr. Dunford, Notting-hill ... 0 2
Penny Subscriptions by the Frequenters of the
Sun Coffee-house, 118, Long-acre ... ... 9
A Liberal Englishwoman, Warwickshire ... 0 5
Subscriptions in behalf of the Hungarians, col-
lected by L. I. :
C. M. and T.
B. and C.
11. and IL
K. and L.
J. A. and S.
C. and Co.
G. S. and B. ...
A Liberal
F G. and S.
K. M. and Co.
Contributions from Newcastle-upon-Tyne, per
Mr. George Crawshay
" For Freedom's Cause." A Subscription raised by
Commercial Gentlemen and others, at the
Royal Hotel, Aberdeen, Aug. 23, 1849, for the
Hungarians and Poles :
Mr. Atkinson, Huddersfield ... ••• ... 010 0
Mr. Tomlinson, Bradford 0 10 0
Mr. B. Conway, London... ... ... 0 5 0
Mr. Riddel, Manchester... 0 5 0
Mr. Evans, Glasgow ... ... 010 0
Mr. Robertson, Royal Hotel, Aberdeen ... 0 5 0
Mr. Macdonald, Isle of Skye ... 0 5 0
Mr. Adamson, Stannochy 0 5 0
Mr. Feast, Beverley ... 0 5 0
Mr. Hernulewicz, Edinburgh ... 0 5 0
Mr. Anderson, Glasgow ... 0 5 0
Mr. Banks, Camperdown 0 5 0
Second Remittance from Edinburgh, per Lord
Dudley Stuart ..............25 1 10
Subscription on behalf of the Hungarian Re-
fugees, emanating from the Carlisle Temper-
ance Reading Room, per Lord Dudley Stuart... 15 8
A. Mosely, Park-street, Bristol 0 10 0

•.• ea ••• •••

... 3 3 0
... 2 2 0
... 2 2 0
... 2 2 0
... 2 2 0
... 2 2 0
... 2 2 0
... 2 2 0
... 2 2 0

Total

2 2 2

£1,044 12 1

SCENE AT A Buntar..—On Sunday afternoon a
scene of somewhat singular and novel character took
place at the burial-ground of the district church of St.
Peter's, off the Walworth-road. It appears that in the
early part of last week a man named Gothard, who had
for many years carried on the business of a green-grocer,
in East-lane, Vt'alworth, was seized with cholera, and,
after a short but severe illness, was carried off by that
frightful epidemic. The deceased had been remarkable
for the attention and care bestowed upon a favourite
donkey purchased by him twenty•six years ago. Such
was his affection for his " Moak, as he called him, that
it was his practice on every Christmas-day to give him
the first cut of the plum-pudding, a treat which the
animal seemed to enjoy, as he ate the plummy delicacy
with the greatest avidity, and washed it down with a
pint of strong ale. Even on his death-bed Gothard did
not forget his favourite, for in his will he directed that
the donkey should follow him to his grave as chief
mourner. This extraordinary request soon got wind in
the neighbourhood, and at the time appointed for the
funeral some thousands of persons assembled in the
churchyard. The authorities connected with the church
determined that such an unseemly exhibition should not
be allowed. The friends, in consequence, determined

only to lead the donkey as far as the end of East-lane.
During this portion of the mournful proeession the
animal walked at the head of fourteen couple of mourners,
with crape tied round its ears. So great was the crowd
about the church that the aid of the police was obliged
to be called in to prevent some thousands from forcing
their way into the church and church-yard after the
corps. Order was with some difficulty preserved, and
the burial service was performed by the Rev. Mr. O'Riley,
one of the curates.
PRINCE ALBERT LEARNING GAELic.—We trust it
will not be considered as infringing on the privacy of
Balmoral to state that it is understood Prince Albertß ;5
taking occasional instructions in Gaelic from the. Rev.
Mr. Anderson, of Crathie, with a view to
the
gures
knowledge of a language connected withliterature
of and of the country, and which forms the dialecth of a class in
whom his Royal highness glees much
among whom a considerable portionemotu
season of the year is likely to bl 4? I
.chairsk,l,eisspeernet. a t thih ire.
Lowlander .—Perth Courienernarkably
fine for harvest
Anderson is himself a good Gaelicr sgcholar, although a
The weather herdeer!staur
d that a considerable breadth
purposes;
twheeue;stefrn counties of Scotland, and on
a number of new ricks are
now be considered general
issotEcuotgdooowdnuFnine
harvest
may
and well advanced in the
covered in.
of
ondocfatrhs
country,harvest
districts. The crops are all spoken
favoura •
ety The demand for weavers in the Forfar-
shire linen trade is good, and, as the harvest offers out-
emretrsn
door labour, the supply is limited. The herring fishery
southeastern
on the eastern coast has also done well for the fishermen,
although not so well for the curers, who find prices ex-
tremely low; but, in the meantime, all classes of the
labouring population aro in good circumstances.—Glas-
yaw Daily Mail.
INCENDIARY FIRM AT HENDON.--A correspondent
writes as follows :—" Allow me to correct this error, as
I can positively declare, from personal observation, that
the fire was not the act of an incendiary, but occurred
from the stack igniting from its own heat. The fire was
at Coventry Farm, in the district of Mill-hill, and broke
out on Saturday, August 25, a little before ten o'clock at
night. I was one of the first on the spot with a police-
man'
and my own gardener. The rick was then blazing
fromwhere no
from the centre, and the fire was all internal,
rick was
incendiary could have got at it.
The
ee
adjoiningoter. I have no
partially fired by the sparks fromthat the fire arose from.
hesitation in declaring positivelyh
as the
general opinion of all
the hay heating, and suocbs
wervers. The neighbours
practic.ll, disinterested
smell issuing from the rick days
anti-
cipated fire from the.s
.ed
farmer actually advised the
before, and one experienced .
proprietor to have the rick cut through, feeling certain
that it would fire from over-heating.
More than 90,0001. has recently passed through
the uflice of Messrs. Sale and Worthington, for the pur-
chase of freeholds in Yorkshire and Cheshire for the
Freehold Building Rud Lull Associelies.