The Sun.
London, England, 1836-04-02 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Journal des Deb.as of Wednesday notices
with -becoming spirit an extremely rude attack upon
France, which appeared a few days ago in the Augs-
burgh Gazette, couched i❑ the following terms :

:With regard to French intervention in Spain, if it were
not kn-,wa that such an intervention would have the same
character as all that has b_Tn done in France for the last
six years, there !right be cause for uneasiness ; but, it may
be asserted that whatever is above the juggling sci-

zure of Ancona (rescadvitage d'Ancone) is without the
ciree of French policy. Against Arabs and undisc.i-
plined Bedouins petty victories may be obtained by the
help of great nrlitary means, but the enthusiastic troops
of Charles V. would repel victoriously any attack from
France."
It is justly observed by our Contemporary that these
insolent remarks derive importance from the fact of
their being found in the columns of a Journal revised by
a state censor, and by him, aml, of course, by his royal
and imperial masters, therefore authorised to be circu-
lated throughout Europe. Had they been printed in a
Journal published in any country where the press is free,
the Government of that country would, of course, be
in no manner responsible for them. But the iluffsburgh
Gazette is conducted immediately under the con-
trol of the Bavarian Government ; it is the accredited
organ of the Northern Powers. The letter from which
the quotation just given is extracted is dated " Ber-
lin, 22 March ;" and consequently no substantial dif-
ference exists between language used in a letter so
dated and published, and the phraseology of an official
despatch addressed by M. Ancillon to the Prussian
Minister at Paris. Had such an authorised attack
been made upon a French journal, which had spoken
disrespectfully of the Court of Berlin, or upon a Mem-
ber of the Chamber of Deputies, who had inveighed
from the Tribune against the political conduct of the
Prussian Government, the Journal or the Deputy
would have no just right to complain. But neither
of these cases occurs in the present instance. Here is
an official sneer against the whole French nation, as
well as against the King whom they have called to
the Throne. The occupation of Ancona is stated
to have been effected by act of escamotage. The
valour displayed Eri the French trco)s, with the
Duke of Orleans at their head, in the Algerine
territory, is treated with ridicule, and a compari-
son is drawn between the bravery of the army of
observation and that of the insurgents of Navarre and
Biscay, which results in a most offensive conclusion
that " the enthusiastic troops of Charles V. would
victoriously repel any attack from France." There
can be no question about it—the French Government
is not merely entitled, but bound, if it have any regard to
the honour of France, to demand and obtain the disa-
vowal, at least by the Bavarian Government, of these
insulting expressions. If the letter can be traced to
any of the State Offices at Berlin, a similar disavowal
must be insisted upon from that Court, otherwise the
Moniteur will be obliged to repel the calumnies in
language as offensive to Prussia and Bavaria as that in
which the French people are here assailed—and that,
too, upon the very point of their national character, of
which they are, and have most reason to be proud.
This is a matter, however, which peculiarly appertains
to the Cabinet of the Tuileries, and we have no
right to go farther into it than our sympathies—as an
ally of that Government—would properly justify.
But there is one phrase in this passage which
calls for serious attention from all the Powers
who are parties to the Quadruple Treaty. The Pre-
tender is no longer described in the Augsburg Gazette
by the equivocal name of Don Carlos, which has
hitherto been generally given to him in that journal.
He is openly honoured with the title of " Charles V."
of Spain ; his claims to the sovereignty of that coun-
try are thus clearly recognised ; and the next step on
the part of the Northern Sovereigns will naturally be,
to accredit Ministers to the " King," to congratulate
him upon his victories over the illegitimate Queen, and
on his accession to the throne of his ancestors. This
proceeding may not, improbably, be followed by sup-
plies of money, arms, and munitions of war, and per-
haps also by a solemn public declaration in favour of
the nominal leader of the Navarrese rebels. If these
measures be adopted—and this public recognition of
his assumed title warrants us in assuming that they
will be, especially should Don Carlos, by the fortune
of war, obtain possession of Vittoria—it is obvious
that the contest in the Peninsula would then be
cloathed with a new character, pregnant with mat-
ter of the greatest importance for the conside-
ration of the Quadruple Alliance. All the de-
licacies about intervention must then at once
give way to questions of national honour ; the
succession to the Spanish Throne must be settled by
the united arms of the Four Powers ; the assurances
that the French troops would fly before those of " the
King," would be put to the proof, and very possibly
the valour of France might be called upon to defend
her northern frontier from another invasion. The pro-
blem which the Duke of Wellington's evidence sug-
gests, whether a Prussian army, unassisted by an
English one, could march to Paris, would, if we do
not greatly overrate the gallantry of the young armies
of France, be, under such circumstances, speedily
placed in a train of solution not very agreeable to
the censors of the Augsburg Gazette.—Morning
Chronicle.

One portion of the evidence taken before the Agri-
cultural Committee has been printed and distributed.
The perusal of it will not make any one much wiser
with respect to agricultural distress than he was before.
Several gratifying facts, however, are stated by all the
witnesses. The agricultural labourers never were so
w ell off as they now are ; and both their moral and
physical condition has been greatly improved by the
new Poor Law. Farmers are like travellers in a fo-
'est, they see only what is immediately around them ;
and as they arc altogether strangers to abstraction, and
view things always in the concrete—(as for in-
stance, because they pay rent, they suppose it a
necessary item of expenditure, instead of being
what can be afforded after expenditure)—they are alto-
gether sadly bewildered. It is
,quite clear that, with
an increasing population, demanding an increased sup-
ply of food, that increased supply would not be pro-
duced without the cultivator were remunerated ; but
then it does not follow that every cultivator is remune-
rated, any more than that every shop-keeper or artisan
is remunerated. One description of land may be bet-
ter adapted fur pasture than for tillage ; and if land
lie tilled that ought to be in pasture, there way, no
doubt be a loss ; but in one way or other, land will
always be of some value. To cultivate with a loss,
therefore, merely means that a farmer does not occupy
his land in the most suitable manner. Mr. John
Brickwell, at Leckhampstead, Bucks, for instance, oc-
cupies 700 acres of land, of which 150 are under the
plough ; and he gives in an account of the profit and
loss of cultivating. an acre on the four-course system,
including the rent and tithe. On the two years' wheat
he loses 2/. 2r. ; on the year's beans he gains
11. ss. 10.1. ; on the year's barley he gains Is. ; on the
year's oats he gains 9d. When asked, " Speaking of
the present time, is it your opinion that the rent of the
arable soil depends upon the profit to be made
by the grass ? he answers, " I think the occupy-
ing of grass land is an assistance if a man rents
the other ; when you occupy the arable without the
grass there is a deficiency ; if they were separate, per-
haps neither would do so well." How absurd, then,
to judge of the farmer's condition by the expense on a
single acre, or the loss or profit on any particular
crop, without reference to the whole farm? If the
arable be necessary to the pasture, and the pasture to
the arable, they must be taken altogether. The fol-
lowing qu,:stions and answers farther illustrate this:—
" Then the loss you describe, with some detail, extends
only to the 150 ?—I have represented the expense of
growing an acre of wheat ; I do not mean to say I am
subject to that loss upon the whole of my farm ; but for
this, if I did not cultivate a considerable portion of grass
land I could not pay the rent at all.
"Do you conceive the agricultural produce of the rest
bear; a fair profit ? No, not a fair profit, but it enables
me to pay a fair rent, or I must have quitted the farm
before now ; but I occupy a larger portion of grass lam]
than other farmers."
The public have nothing to do with these details, or
with the arrangements between landlord and tenant.
The grass and the corn lands must bear a due propor-
tion to each other, because the rise or price of animal
food would soon add to the pasture land, as a high
price of corn would add to the tillage. Whether or