The Sun.
London, England, 1836-12-23 00:00:00

sary that the Ministry and the people should truly and
distinctly understand their relative position, power, and
duties,-=that Ministers shoUld know wha't eipeeted
from them by the 'conti'rv, wn 't a what extent the
people will suiliort tbcni in carrying out their proposed
improve7cit's in our institutions, and that the people
slA:Vrid know the obstacles which Ministers have to
overcome, and ever bear in mind, that without an ac-
tive and energetic support out of Parliament, Minis-
ters will be utterly powerless to effect any good or
efficient measures within it. The main strength of
the present Ministry lies out of doors, and not in
the. House of Commons,—in the people, and not
in an Assembly wherein, notwithstanding the Re-
form Act, many Members, foisted on the represen-
tation, oppose rather than assist the genuine ex-
pression of public opinion. To secure this sup-
port out of doors, Ministers must bring forward in
the next Session measures more liberal than any they
have hitherto proposed. These measures, whether
carried by a great or small majority in the House of
Commons, arc sure to he "sterznipcd in the Lords,
and then comes the " tug of war," the appeal, to the
people, whose support of the Ministry will be in the
direct ratio of the liberality and extensiveness of the
measures on which they will be called upon to pro-
nounce their verdict. Any doubts or hesitation, or
concession to Toryism, on the part of the Ministry,
would be destructive of public confidence—the life-
blood of their existence—and equivalent to a political
suicide. Any doubt or hesitation, or premature with-
drawal of support from the Government on the part of
the people would be to hazard the restoration of ta fac-
tious Administration—to delay and defeat Reform—
and expose the country once more to the ravages of the
corruptionists, or to the necessity of a violent demon-
stration in effecting their expulsion or subjugation.
Thus it is evident that it is only in a mutually perfect
understanding, and perfect confidence, and perfect cob
operation on the part of the Ministry and the people,
can the stability of the one, and the safety and prospe-
rity of the other, be secured. Equally evident is it that
to endeavour to excite dissension or disunion in such a
perilous crisis as that to which we are approaching, is
an act of the most flagitious treason to the common-
wealth. Reform has an active and wily foe to contend
against—a foe ready to put in practice treachery,,in-
trigue, corruption, and every possible agency, however
depraved, to gain an advantage—a foe that, while per-
petrating the most deadly injuries on public rights, will
audaciously invoke the name of liberty, and while vio-
lating every social and moral obligation, will profanely
appeal to religion, and pretend that the iniquities of a
sect are essential to the support of Christianity.
Against such a foe, ‘4 ready to soothe and sue, and
watch all time, and pry into all places," the Reformers
cannot be too much on their guard, nor too closely
united amongst themselves. Let the common enemy
be first overcome, am) it will be then time enough for
honest Reformers to settle their mutual differences.
The souse of Commons is not in a state to support
P. more liberal Ministry than the present, and it is
against those calling themselves Representatives of the
People, and betraying their trust, and not against Mi-
nisters, that public indignation should be directed. It
is on these that the people should endeavour to pro-
duce an impression previously to the assembling of
Parliament, and be prepared•to inflict the proof of their
displeasure when a general election will afford the op-
portunity. But the people themselves have been
shamelessly remiss in many instances, and their ne-
glect in the Registration Courts have, in some cases,
enabled the Tories to snatch a victory, or at least leave
it a doubtful contest, where a little exertion would
have been sufficient to give them a decisive defeat.
Witness East Cornwall,—Saint Alban's,—Lincoln,—
wherein the re-election of their present liberal Mem-
bers has been rendered doubtful by Tory machinations
being suffered to consummate their purpose, almost un-
opposed by the people. The Radicals may be as-
sured that they have work enough before them, with-
out seeking to pick a quarrel with their friends. No
good can be effected until there be first made a great
national demonstration of public feeling, and all we
seek is to prevent the effect of that demonstration
being impaired by any misdirection or mistake of its
object.—Morning Advertiser.

Of all the delusions which sensible men ever took
up, and attempted to palm upon others, is that of as-
suming the possibility of the monetary concerns of this
vast empire being carried on in the precious metals.
As long as silver and gold are (as they ever must) as
much subjects of barter and merchandise as corn and
sugar, so long must their existence be as fluctuating
and transitory as any other commodity, even could they
at any one period be got together in sufficient amount
to meet the demand. If there could exist any doubt
about this in the mind of any rational man, the monthly
returns, published by the Bank of England, must set
such doubts at rest. Let us take the last return only,
which is as follows
:
LIABILITIES. ASSETS.
Circulation £17,361,000 Securities £28,971,000
Deposits 13,330,000 Bullion 4,545,000

£30,691,0001

£33,516,000

Now here is an account showing the solvency of
the Bank beyond all question, and that, as a bank of
issue alone, it possesses a surplus capital of nearly
three millions. But what is its solvency, or rather,
ability, as to paying its liabilities in specie ? Why,
that to meet 30,691,0001., all demandable in gold, it
possesses in its coffers, and those of its branch esta-
blishments, but 4,545,0001. in gold and silver. When
to the liabilities of the Bank of England we add those
of all the other Banks in the United Kingdom, as well
as the bill of exchange liabilities of merchants and
others, and assume, for the sake of argument, that
the gold and silver in circulation may bear about the
same proportion to these, which we may be pretty well
assured is not the case, the mind wavers between fixing
itself upon the utter absurdity of assuming the possibi-
lity of cash payments, and the fearful hazard to which
all the concerns of the country arc exposed, whenever
a moment of panic or want of confidence, however
groundless, arises. It may be said that the whole
thirty millions and a half of the present liabilities of
the Bank of England are not demandable in gold, and
that it applies only to its seventeen millions of circula-
tion. This may or may not be so. The inability to
meet one or the other is alike apparent, and the mis-
chief of attempting to keep up such a delusion, equally
undeniable.—Morning Herald.
For some time past we have said, what we believed
to be strictly true, that a remarkable re-action, as it is
the fashion to call it, had taken place in public opi-
nion, as far as Scotland in particular was concerned.
In addition to the political causes that have been in
operation, other circumstances, peculiar to that part of
the country, have contributed to this result. The
people who attacked the civil institutions of Scotland
were not satisfied with simple mischief. They com-
plicated the thing by endeavouring to undermine the
Church. It is true that in England the same course
has been attempted ; and it is equally true that the
same consequences have followed—but there is some
difference in the circumstances of the two coun-
tries. In England, great disgust has been created
by the assaults on the Church—but not so
great as in Scotland, where the feeling is not
checked—in the same proportion—by the bad in-
fluence of political Dissenters. The facts that
have gradually come to light, in reference to the state
of public opinion in the north, have fully confirmed
our previous assertions on the subject. They not only
prove the re-action, but they prove that the Govern-
ment is at length aware of it. To what else can we
attribute the appearance of the following significant
hint in the thorough-going Ministerial Scotsman
newspaper ?
.‘ We doubt if the country (we mean the electoral body)
is ripe for the adoption of vote by ballot ; and we are sure
it will not be ripe for the separation of Church and State
for many years to come. No Government could stand three
months which should commit itself to the support of the
latter."

thing—one of two
This means—if it mean any
things, either the Ministers do not intend any further
interference with the Church of Scotland, or they be-
lieve that they will not remain in office three months
longer. We do not profess to be in the secret ; but
either event, we will answer for it, would give great
satisfaction to the good men and true of the " North
Couutrie."—Morning Post.