The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-21 00:00:00

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lit months of 1843, in consequence of that inquiry, ne
)educed the expenditure, chiefly on the fixed establish-
nients, nearly 20,0001. a year.—(Loud cheers.) Not one
Word of that had been stated by the Hon. Gentleman.
Lord Torrington, still pursuing the investigation, estab-
lished a Committee, determining to inquire closely into
the extravagant expenditure of the island in recent
s_Pare, and had given an earnest of that inten-
'elation by reducing the expenditure about 30,0001.,
and hoped to bring about at least an equalise-
tion of the income and expenditure. He had stated
that the Noble Lord had greatly relieved trade. He had
repealed the coffee duties to the extent of 15,000/. a
year. He had reduced the duties upon various staple
commodities of the colony, on tobacco, cinnamon, &c., to
the extent of 12,0001. or 15,000/. effecting a reduction
altogether of 30,0001. It became necessary to see whe-
ther some means could not be found to raise the requi-
site amount of revenue, which under the -depression of
trade was not likely to reach its ordinary amount, and
he accordingly proposed not four but
,six ordinances
With that view. There was a road ordinance, which had
been drawn up by a man of the greatest skill and judg-
ment, and a near relation of a Member of that House—
kr. Wodehouse, and by that ordinance it was designed
that the roads of the island should be placed under
some sort of native and local control, and thiedtbaxaletoiounl
hitherto thrown upon the public revenue be pa
rates; but as it was impossible to levy
fromrates:in 3s. a
an
island like Ceylon, the tax was commuted
the Hoe.
i
Year to three days' labour, and that waswhat
Gentleman called a poll tax; another instance of the re•
rnarkably ingenuous manner in which the Hon. Gen
tleinan had dealt with the subject. He seemed to think
that these ordinances were repealed.
Mr. BAILLIE—The dog and gun tax.
...Ur. HAWES—Was the gun tax repealed? Te„
non. Gentleman was wrong again—it was not repealed.
'leer.) The great object of that tax was registra-
non. Perhaps the rate of taxation might have been too
high and the anneal registration objectionable—but the
governor at all events deeming it too high, altered it into
one uniform registration, and that in perpetuity. So
that the object aimed at by the tax had been obtained.
Then there was the dog-tax. The Hon. Gentleman's
remarks on that subject made him (Mr. Hawes) con-
clude that he knew very little of Ceylon, for otherwise
he would have admitted that one of the great nuisances
there, as indeed was generally the case in large
towns, was the enormous quantity of dogs. In Cey-
lon there was a general desire to abate that nuisance,
and if the ordinance had been confined to towns,
be believed it would have been a popular measure—the
objection to it being that it operated on persons
residing in the country who wished to keep watch
dogs. But the tax was absolutely repealed, and all objec-
tion on that score was at ea end. The taxes on stamps
and carriages, .&c., all remained. Only about two were
repealed, and three modified. The Hen. Gentleman was
not content with stating that Lord Torrington was in-
? Table as a governor, but went so far as to say, that in
opinion the insurrection was caused by these taxes.
On that point the Hon. Gentleman's authority was op-
Posed to the highest authorities in the island, and to all
the information he (Mr. Hewes) had received on the
subject- The first authority he should quote was that
°f the major-general commanding the troops of the
tla_r!d, who said, the late ordinances passed by the late
geslative Council are given as a plea for the present
outbreak, but that is only a pretext. It has long been
ewi
br
king,
and the Kandians are anxious to have their own
i7ng. and to repoksess themselvts of their property. The
-vglt opinion he would refer to was that of tee chief jus-
who in passing sentence on some of the prisoners
tried before him in the supreme court, for the part
They had taken in the insurrection, said—" I there-
ere
Pests, conclude it has been hatched by headmen, or by
or by both. That the priests have cause to be
discontented I am aware—it is known to the country
ruerany,
and there is no necessity to recur to it here.
t I speak from my own observation when I say that
th
° headmen have been always discontented. The re-
membrance of the former power they exercised over the
teqle has not yet been erased from their minds, and the
11111,5"111rat feeling of bitterness is not yet gone nor any-
eii-•••g like gone." The Chief Justice did not attribute
e Insurrection to the ordinances—neither did the com-
mander of the forces, and neither did Sir E. Tennent,
, uo e evidence as contained in this book (papers relat-
isi;tt e' to the affairs of Ceylon) was quite of the contrary
ertire- The Hon. Gentleman was about to read some
saying tracts from the blue book referred to, but closed it,
that he would content himself by stating generally
not only the evidence of Sir E. Tennent, but of
th'l're, as contained in these papers, went to show
~,.4tt these ordinances were not the immediate cause
ul he outbreak. lie was perfectly ready to admit
that th
eY were used by parties who were endeavour-
-them thirty or forty taxes were about to be imposed on
thenatives. He could also assert that means were taken
by individuals to excite to insurrection, and amongst
others_ the editor of a newspaper, who preached in direct
opposition to the laws of the country. He stated that
unless
not obey eateneotivn:nces were repealed, the people would
in some of our
colonies the consequences of such bad
advice. He regretted to find the Hon. Member for
.Idontrose writing a letter, with all the weight due to
they were
got t o
a renew
responsible
is
colonial reputation, and telling the colonists that
theyl4
th
Until eagitation, and never to cease
government. With a large
nti e population profoundly ignorant, and ruled by a
-,,Jrrtesthood such as existed in Cies lon, he must say that
iin _ttlng such a letter was on the part of his Hon. Friend
ct of great indiscretion. The Hon. Gentleman
nin3B4ll used some hard words, and must expect a
" knocks in return.—(Hear, hear.) Another and most
painful part of the subject was the loss of life, upon
Which it was far from his wish to look with indifference.
before the House came to any conclusion on that most
Painful part of the subject, they must look at all the
circumstances attending the insurrection. He main-
tained that that insurrection was not occasioned by the
ordinances. On the contrary, from 1817 down to 1848,
there had been successive attempts at insurrection which
W, ere fostered by the same parties in the island, which
had the same objects in view, and which were charac-
terised by the same incidents as characterised the insur-
rection of 1848. Priests, headmen, and chiefs were all
Concerned in it, more or less, at least as far as the pro-
ceedings at Kandy. Colonel Drought then commanded
4111 about 1,000 men, which force was scattered about.
'ne outbreak was simultaneous in many places, and
Ohre a very formidable aspect, much the same as that
it marked the insurrection of 1817, and which
11 took twelve months to suppress. There were then
wPewards of 12,000 troops in the field, nearly 11,000 lives
,n,re lst. There was a large destruction of property,
co" a total charge upon the revenue of the mother
nantry of upwards of 250,000/. These insurrections
4- gone on in character much the same down to the
ent time. In 1817 martial law was proclaimed, and
existed f
(low or two years after the insurrection was put
!I. Now, let him contrast with that the character of
Full Torrington. The Hon. Gentleman here read a
t!tter from the commander of the forces, Major-General
2_Moalt, stating that martial law had been immediately
tilt
claimed, that no time was to be lost, that prompt and
m us measures were absolutely necessary to be
troops,
Sec.; and after describing the revolt of the
of the he went on to say that to the vigorous measures
„ the Governor must be attributed their present sue-
ll'eole in having checked the rebellion; but that he was
the at all sanguine as to its having been put down, for
people were beginning to feel that it was widely
IPread since 1837. The House must not therefore sup-
Pose_r that this was altogether a contemptible rebellion,
o that it did not require active measures for its
.sup-
pression. Serious injury had been done to all the opera-
tions of the colony, and had it gone en, would have
caused such a loss as would have
certainly brought upon
the Governor the censureof that House for not adopting
those measures whichhe and actively re-
sorted to. Martial law W
proclaimed. maed.
all civil
Hel a spore
pwr
was
hended that when that was
thes-
!uspended, and that the civil government was not to be
Meld responsible for the trials and executions which took
Place. When they took place in this instance, the Go-
vernor was one hundred miles from the spot. They had
not received accounts of those at present, but there was
distinguished officer in chief of command, and a gene-
ral whose conduct was some guarantee for the correct-
-es' of the proceedings in these courts martial, which
Here held by the Hon. Gentleman to be so sanguinary.
ii'le,h an insurrection took place, it was shown to them
baj.ntnat measures mast be resorted to which they de-
iCred, but which were incidental to such a state of
bnitlgs Is at Ceylon, not produced by the Government,
vt entirely attributable to the priests and headmen,
4Qc'i) wished to recover the original power which they
el°ate When it was all over, what were the opinions
4e,°se who were on the spot? The Honourable
th4enian, with a kind of natural bitterness, seemed to
the of nothing but to criminate the Governor. But if
the Honourable Gentleman would only refer to
hoek,P4P he would
before them, as contained in the blue
would there find Sir H. Maddock,
ee,essaidhdres!ing a public meeting at Kandy, ex-
Mont ea his appreciation of the measures that had been
rope.'eu, and by which the property and lives of the Eu-
tioti-stil inhabitants had been saved from the insurr.ec-
boo, 8' who were overrunning the country spreading
elock-tai,ll! devastation in their path. Herbert Mr,ad-
Yereor-'ll went on to say that the conduct of the Leo-
did notwas entitled to their confidence and thanks. Why
adruitti the lion. Gentleman state the case fairly by
creato
arlg these testimonies, instead of endeavouring to
week' titP,T:ejudice by omitting them? But he (Mr.Hawes).
again it care that he should have an opportunity of
athz
edre::::dng
his
case.—(Hear,
elerime ere hear.) But, besides this,
public meetings of the Catholic bishops and
the inhabitants and merchants of Colombo,
this letters frem private individuals all concurring in
hole ,PPraval of the conduct of the governor. He must
been 4.Y °Tie word in behalf of the soldiery, as it had
f • - sLated • .
eetictulY to the
!lend in a leading journal not supposed to be un-
Hon. Gentleman's proposition, that their
ttee,„set had been brutal and uncontrollable. To that
deni.Tent he could give a peremptory and indignant
tioeZ) to which was shown . by the papers before the
which e°,lltiee had no foundation beyond the malignity
confer 'rLginated it. He had pointed out the benefits
ati red On
the colony by Lord Torrington, by his
tia;cleltilatiteß trade and industry, his saving of expendi-
the nd his appointment of a Committee
. to inquire on
elyereellti,3:iesett and he must say that if distant governors
lull t;ciue thus attacked, even before that House bad
perfect
gave notice
information—for the Hon. Gentleman
tudbef ce of his motion the first night of the session,
eiieed tudbefor© he asked for the papers which were since pro-
evince-4 such attacks were to be made in the spirit now
euloni Y the Hon. Gentleman against Governors of
44,3. ea where there was a great native 'population, and
IE3 danger of an extended insurrection, he (Mr.
ini4,7,°s) Yeatured to say that this would not be the last
n"-eotion they would have to deplore.—(dear, hear.)
-c"
Pr°e.eded to New Guiana, respecting which the
Ikon, -
and ifGentleman'shad statement was a complete burlesque;
he
hr
_taken the smallest pains to ascertain the
it he bit,,,3"ould have seen so. But he really seemed as
rl;tie up that statement from the merest drib-

biets of newspip, rs. He said that Lord Grey had re-
fused to consider all reductions of the civil list. Now
the civil list was commonly stated at 19,0001. a year. So
it stood in the ordinance, but the sum actually paid by
the colonists was much less. There was a charge of
7,000/. for stipendiary magistratei, 4,0001. of which was
paid by this country. The civil list was settled in 1841,
and voluntarily renewed in 1844. In 1841 Mr. Peter Rose
proposed to add 9,000/. odd for church expenses, and to
that the colony assented. That was a pure addition to it;
so that as far as the civil list was really concerned, it
amounted in Guiana to only about 24,000 L, the revenue
being about 227,000/. In .IE4B the Court of Policy put
forward as grounds for refusing the civil list, that they
were so impoverished, that they were utterly unable to
pay it. Now, when this was said, the revenue had not
' fallen off. On the whole, for the year 1848, it had in-
creased. The produce had not fallen off in that year,
for they had exported 9,000 hogsheads of sugar more
than in 1147. That was no reason why reduction or
economy should be refused; but there were serious ob-
jections to the mode by which it was attempted to
enforce it. Suppose an Honourable Member in that
House to say he would not vote the estimates unless
they first reduced the civil list of the Crown, the
obvious answer would be, that whether the country
could or could not bear those estimates, that was not
the time to introduce the question; it was connected
with an Act of Parliament, and should be dealt
with by an address to the Crown. Lord Grey did not
assent to the course proposed by the Court of Policy,
and refused to authorise the Governor to accept the vote
of the estimates if the civil list were omitted. The
colony did not take that advice. It answered, perhaps,
by refusing the supplies, to embarrass the Government
and plunge the whole colony into confusion. The Hon.
Gentleman said that when Mr. Barkly was appointed
was the time to reduce the civil list. But Lord Grey
never opposed a fair settlement of the question of the
civil list. But the Noble Lord was of opinion, and he
(Mr. llawes) was also of opinion, that it would be the
worst policy in the world to cut down the salaries of
Governors in colonies such as Guiana, where the climate
was dangerous and the cost of living enormous, for if
they did so, few men of adequate ability would be found
to accept the office. He had shown that the civil list
was not what it was represented, but some thousands
less—he had stated that his Noble Friend was prepared
to consider the question of reduction, and he contended
that the colonists had nothing on which to rest
their case. They endeavoured to force the question of
reduction, and it was because his Noble Friend was not
to be driven from his government, nor led to desert his
principles by a combination of men here or elsewhere.
that he was now the object of that bitter assault of which
they had had a specimen that evening. The Hon. Gentle-
man left out of his motion the Mauritius. He entreated
of him to include it. He said that the present Minis-
ters had deserted the principles they held when out
of office, and deserved to be censured for their in-
consistency. He denied there bad been any change
of principle. He supposed that the Honourable Gen
tleman would not say that in colonies like Ceylon or
the Mauritius, where there was a great disproportion
of races, and great inequality of condition, where the
white population was small, and the coloured popula-
tion large, that the same representative government
should prevail as in other colonies. Far from it
Lord Grey had always felt it his duty to watch the
colonies, in order to see when they were fitted to receive
representative governments. He might be accused of
proneness to make promises, bat these promises would
speedily be fulfilled. Notwithstanding. all the studied
obloquy that had been cast on the Colonial-office, he
would appeal to the House, after hearing the case full)
stated, to give their support to the colonial policy of
Earl Grey and himself, which was consonant with the
general opinion arid wishes of the Liberal party. Whet
had been done, first of all, in Canada? When Earl Gre)
came into office, responsible government there wa•
scarcely more than a name ; it had been promised.
but Lad not been actually carried into practice. Re.
sponsiblo government had now been formally anti
perfectly established in Canada ; and notwithstanding
all the convulsions of Europe, which, at a former
time, with the distracted state of the French popu
lation, might have led to serious consequences—
in Canada perfect tranquillity had been preserved.
A letter he had received from Canada that day
stated that general tranquillity and perfect satisfaction
with the Government prevailed, and with the upright
and enlightened Administration of the Noble Lord at its
head. In New Brunswick responsible government hat:
been established, as a dispatch laid on the table of thy
House would show. In Nova Scotia and Newfoundlene
also there was now representative government. In New•
foundland the conduct of the Governor had been beyond
all praise; he had carried that colony through two win
ters of deep distress, and asked no aid from this countr)
—(Hear, hear)—but by great personal exertion he
had managed to preserve the people in tranquillity, anti
to lead them on to future fields of useful industry, vlid,
would in all probability prevent that colony from ever
suffering again from the careless, reckless mode of life
which had formerly marked the inhabitants. He ha 4
also introduced the cultivation of grain, and laid the
foundation of a grain diet for the people instead 0'
poi atoes.—(Hear.) He would now cross the globe to
our Australian colonies. In a short time he should lay r
Bill on the table of the House to confer representative
institutions on the Australian colonies.—(Hear, hear.)
Why was this? Because they were a British popula
tioa accustomed to representative government, knowinv
its forms and habituated to its usages; they knew how
to wield, as well as how to moderate the power which
representative institutions would give them. Those in
stitutions would be conferred upon them, he hoped, witi
the consent of the House, in the present session of Par-
liament.—(Hear, hear.) But the lion. Gentleman
taunted them for not giving local government to Ceylon.
They had not, and would not do so. His Noble Friend
and himself would be the last to incur such a responsibi-
lity, believing as they did that it would be most injurion,
to the colony. They might next be taunted with nor
giving representative government to the Mauritiu..
But with the divided races, interests, and po
pulations there existing, the colony was not in tr
situation to receive it. A new governor had been ap-
pointed there—no acquaintance of his Noble Friend.
Lord Grey; he went out instructed to inquire into the
whole establishment there, and to revise the taxation
and the expenditure of the colony. A great deal ha 6
been done there already; the present governor had re.
duced the taxes by 37,000/. a year, exclusive of the
emigration tax of 30,000/.; as appeared from a return
which he held in his hand. And Lord Grey had sent
out the new Governor with most stringent instructions
to follow up that system, not being satisfied with the
present reduction. He had now answered the Hon.
Gentleman on most of the points which he brought be
fore the House. He would not say that the spirit and
temper with which this discussion had been introduced
were likely to benefit the colonies. He could con-
ceive a calm and judicial-minded inquiry, so conducted
as to afford aid and assistance to the colonial depart-.
ment, so as rather to give satisfaction than create dis-
content in the colonies ; but unless the inquiry was con•
duct,d in a way different from that in which the subject
had been introduced here, it would lead to no practical
good. He tendered the Hon. Gentleman his services.
and all the aid and assistance he could render. He
would again say, he feared no inquiry ; Lord Gre)
feared no inquiry—(Hear, hear)—tor his patronage hail
been honestly administered.—(Hear, hear.) A number
of men had been placed at the head of the Colonial
Governments, who did not deserve the description which
the Hon. Gentleman had given of them.—(Hear, hear.)
He had said that no Governor had been appointed whoa,.
conduct reflected honour on himself, or conferred any
benefit on the colonies.

Mr. BAILLIE—No, no. I said no Colonial Minister.
Mr. HAWES thought he could really recall the names
of some Colonial Ministers who had not deserved this
reproach. Did not Lord Stanley, when he abolished
slavery, obtain the approbation of the country?—(Hear,
hear.) Was that a matter of no importance? Was the
policy pursued by Mr. Huskisson, in his administration
of the colonies, a matter of no importance? He laid the
foundation of several valuable local Acts. With regard
to Lord Grey's patronage, he defied the Hon. Gentleman
to impeach it. He had introduced into those colonie,,
mtheenreocf distingu
ished ability andniogreater
proof
than
tal
ent. Ofsperi this
prosperity
New Zealand under great difficulties.—(Hear, hear.)
Peace had been preserved, trade increased, the re-
venue improved; the native population were becoming
gradually attached to the Europeans ; and there
was a harmony of action and unity of pur-
pose in that colony which reflected the highest
credit on the gentlemen administering the govern..
ment. In Newfoundland, never was there a Governor
who more assiduously, anxiously, and beneficially dis-
charged his duty. In Canada never was there a man
more fitted than Lord Elgin for the important post
which be filled. He might refer to Sir Edmund Head
in New Brunswick. Who would impeach his character
or ability, or condemn what he had already donejn that
colony in the discharge of his duty ? But the Hon.
Gentleman laid great stress on the appointment of Lord
Torrington, and said that be was utterly unknown and
undistinguished, and merely a Lord of the Bedchamber.
Surely, it was not to be considered altogether dis-
reputable that he had been a Lord of the Bedchamber.
—(Laughter.) There might be ability even in
a Lord of the Bedchamber. But Lord Torrington had
shown himself a man of both energy and ability. His
means were small ; he was a Peer of the Reaim; and he
had materially increased his fortune by agricultural in-
dustry and 1 skill. He Shad been selected by a body of
intelligent, sharp, and sagacious directors—the directors
of the South Eastern Railway—as an associate. He
(Mr. Hawes) had been present at a dinner given by
those gentlemen to his Lordship on leaving this country,
and had heard the highest opinion expressed of his in-
telligence and business-like habits. While the Hon.
Gentleman (Mr. Baillie) had kept all other appoint.
ments ought of sight, he (Mr. Haves) had not shrunk
from meeting him and dealing with this one. And now,
having assured the House that this Committee would
be granted, supposing the amendment were carried, he
did not know whether the Hon. Gentleman would con-
sent to it.

Mr. BAILLIE—Oh, no.
Mr. HAWES thought not.—(Laughter.) He would
assume that the amendment would be carried, and that
the Hon. Gentleman would have the glory of dividing
against it. He could only say that the Committee, if
appointed, should have all the assistance he could render.
He wag perfectly convinced that the more Lord Grey's
two-and-a-half years' administration was inquired into
the more would impartial men declare that that admi-
nistration had been wise, honest, and sagacious. At this
moment, when obloquy was surrounding him, he (Mr.
Hawes) wished not to flinch from his share of it; he
Wad perfectly ready to share in that obloquy; ho wished
only he could share the honour of having done half the
duty, or discharged half the useful functions of his
Lordship. Believing, as he (Mr. HaweN) did, that his
Lordship's administration and patronage bad been
honest, and his measures good and wise, and esteeming
it an honour to stand there, not to defend him, but aim-

ply to state his case, he confidently loft that case in the
hands of the House.—(Hear, hear.)
Sit W. MOLESWORTH said that if in the course of
his observations he animadverted upon individuals, it
would not be with a personal animus, but because they
were the representatives of a bad, expensive, and mis-
chievous system of colonial government. With the view
of showing that an enormous and extravagant expendi-
ture in Ceylon had led to a great financial embarrass.
meet, and that that embarrassment produced the enact-
ment of bad laws, the Hon. Baronet went into an elabo-
rate statement connected with the fiscal affairs of the
island, and argued that the mismanagement connected
with them had seriously oppressed the Ceylonese. For
the support of an ecclesiastical establishment they were
obliged to pay annually a sum of 9,0001. The salaries
of officers attached to the revenue department were also
enormous, and the heads of the legal department, in-
cluding fourteen appointments, cost 26,0001, in the year
13ti, or an average annual sum of 6501. Some ot the
natives have deceived themselves with regard to the in-
tentions of the Government, rebelled against the execu-
tive authority, engaged in riotous movements, and broke
open the gaols. The Government was unprepared for
such an exhibiton of discontented feeling—it was com-
pletely token by surprise, and the consequence was, that
altose natives were hung or shot without mercy. There
appeared just ground of complaint oa the part of the
Ceylonese respecting the class of persons placed at the
head of their legal departments. Persons who had
never studied or practised the law were taken from their
positions and appointed to high judicial situations, a
fact which he found had been confirmed by no less an
authority than Lord Torrington himself. The Colonial-
otike nominated to important posts in the island brief-
less barristers, unacquainted with the habits, manners,
dispositions, and language of the people. The law and
the practice were completely at variance in the colony,
and to such an extent was it carried on, that Sir Arthur
Buller had declared his conviction that he could plunge
the population into a state of anarchy.—(Hear, hear.)
le the year 1845, the civil establishments entailed on
the island an expenditure of 34,0001., which bad since
that period gone on increasing, and was likely still fur-
ther to increase. One of the reasons for this increase
arose from the fact that some years ago, when a mania
for the speculating in coffee sprung up, the Governor,
Archdecon, and other authorities in the island, one and
all, became involved to a large ex tent in this speculation.
They made extensive purchases of coffee plantations,
and so neglected their official business, that Lord
Stanley, then Secretary for the Colonies, was compelled
to issue an order, directing them to divest themselves of
their mike estates, and, that the mandate might not be
construed into an act of :harshness, the salaries and al-
lowances of most of those persons were increased. From
official documents he found that the fixed expenditure
of Ceylon might be calculated at 223,0001. Such colo-
nies as Ceylon, under the present system of manage-
ment, instead of being honourable appendages of this
great empire, merely proved useful as receptacles for po-
aticel adventurers and their poor relations, or connec-
tions of men connected with office, generally speaking
nopeless incapables, yet the ignorant constituencies at
home were taught to believe that such costly possessions
were among the brightest appendages of the State. The
expenditure of Ceylon had increased 50 per cent., while
the income had increased only 15 per cent. within the
last few years; in a little time they would be obliged to
oorrow, and unless the expenditurecould be reduced, they
would ultimately become bankrupt. Between the years
1827 and 1831 the Ceylonese had paid 500,0001., making
about one million and a half in the course of twenty
years. He found, by a report of Commissioners ap-
pointed to inquire into the affairs of Ceylon, and other
colonial possessions, a report which bore the signature
of the honourable Gentleman the Under-Secretary for
,he Colonies, that the expenditure ot the island had
been considerably under-estimated. The balance for
.he year 1845 was set down at 204,0001., and for 184 h
at 206,000/., while they never amounted to more than
one-halt of either sum, and the liabilities of the colony
?lad actually been included in its assets—(Hear.) From
this report, the Committee arrived at the conclusion,
'hat in dealing with the financial affairs of Ceylon, they
could reckon on an accumulating fund, and a constantly
increasing revenue, whilst in reality this accumulating
fund was a mass of liabilities, and the increasing revenue
a deficit—(Laughter.) That report was submitted to
various members of the Government and the Commis-
sioners of the Treasury, and it was quite evident that if
the five Commissieners,after *laborious and zealous inves-
tigation, proved themselves so utterly ignorant of the finan-
cial state of the colony, no one man could understand
oid master the complicated affairs of so many colonies as
,he Secretary for the Colonies had submitted to his con-
trol. He considered Lord Torrington was deeply to be
pitied on his arrival at Ceylon. He expected to have
,ound the island wealthy, and the treasury coffers well
replenished, but instead of that he discovered bank-
ruptcy, and that his instructions were quite erroneous.
lie was placed in an exceedingly awkward dilemma, not
knowing whether to remove or impose taxes. He re-
duced, however, the export duties on cinnamon, and abo-
lished those on coffees; and he recommended the
strictest economy in every part of the State. The Le-
eislative Council then imposed certain tax ordinances.
Now some of those tax ordinances were not only urine-
cessary, but unjust. Perhaps Lord Torrington was not to
`lame for the imposition of those taxes, because he had in
a great measure to trust to the Executive and Legislative
Council. The shop-tax was repealed. The dog-tax had
proved absurd, for it was a tax ou dogs the owners of which
could never be feund, or rather who had no owner, and it
was obliged to be given up. The Under-Secretary for
the Colonies told the House that the gun-tax was im-
posed for the purposes of registration, and not for the
aurposes of revenue, but in a dispatch which he held in
his hand, Sir Emerson Tennent .aid he proposed that
he tax should amount to Is. 6d. annually, and that it
would prove a source of abundant revenue. Now a gun-
rex for the purpose of registration was not objection-
:Able, but he felt decidedly opposed to an annual gun-
,ax, which had the effect of bringing the natives a dis-
tance of forty or fifty miles. The Compulsory Labour-
ax, another of the Council ordinances, was nothing more
,ior less than a poll-tax of 3s. per head on every man
who could pay 3e. Such a tax was contrary to all prin.
ciples of taxation, for it was a graduated property-tax
In the wrong direction. The conduct of the Governs
inent of Ceylon with reference to these taxes, had
peen most inexplicable. In his dispatch of the date
of the 9th of July, Lord Torrington asserts that the
taxes were misunderstood and partly misrepresented.
The fact appeared to be that the natives fancied that
all their worldly possessions would likewise be taxed,
because they had been required to send in certain re-
turns which included the number of their wives and
children, and likewise their cattle, and the natives not
apprehending the nature of statistical information,
which was the object of these returns, naturally thought
that new taxes were in contemplation. It appeared,
tiowever, that Mr. Wodehouse and Sir Emerson Ten
nent had been subsequently sent upon a mission among
the natives to give lectures throughout the country for
the purpose of dispelling those mistaken notions which
they entertained with reference to the return which had
been required. These gentlemen succeeded in their
mission to a certain extent, but it was to be regretted
that proper means had not been earlier adopted. The
overnment of Ceylon had endeavoured to free itself from
blame with reference to the late outbreak in that
country. He would observe, however, that when a Go-
vernment was too lazy, or too careless, to ascertain
the causes of discontent, the practice usually was to at-
tribute it to designing individuals. But it was well
known that there was no discontent without a cause, and
if' individuals took advantage of the discontent to pro-
mote objects they had in view, that discontent was not,
therefore, to be attributed to them. They found that,
upon looking at the taxation of Ceylon, that Lord Stan-
iey had increased the taxes, in order that he might be
' enabled to increase the retiring salaries of parties in
office, and the Government of the island had increased
the taxes for the making of roads, and for other pur-
poses, which entitled him to say that the taxes were in-
judicious. The Candians were only subject to the rule of
this country since 1515; and it was to be remarked that
they were totally distinct in their character from the in-
habitants of the frontier districts. The Hon. Member
then referred to the history of a relic, to which the natives
attached peculiar importance, believing, among other
things, that the party in whose keeping the relic was
should possess the ;government of the island. Instead of
preserving the relic in secure keeping, or of treating it
with contempt, Lord Torrington, he said, had handed it
ever to the keeping of the native priests, and yet seemed
recognise its power in the eyes of the natives, by
making inquiry, when the war broke out, whether it was
safely preserved. Instead of tracing the recent out-
breaks to the machinations of any individual, they should
rather perceive that injudicious laws had sown the seeds
of discontent, which had ultimately led the people into
rebellion.—(Hear, hear.) The Government of Ceylon
was obviously ignorant of the feelings of the people. The
rebellion, as it was called, he believed to hare been no-
thing more than mere riotous proceedings, and he spoke
so upon the testimony of parties in whom he placed re-
liance. The Hunaurable Member then referred to
the executions which had taken place between the
sth of August and the middle of September. One
of the parties executed was a native priest, who
suffered the punishment of death dressed in his priestly
robes; and, in reference to that execution, he must
say that it had surprised and pained him to hear the
Under-Secretary for the Colonies (Mr. B. Hawes) at-
tempt to excuse the act of hanging up a priest in his
robes.—(Hear, hear.) What, he would ask, would have
been said if, during the late outbreak in Ireland, a priest
of the Roman Catholic Church had been taken out to
suffer execution dressed in his robes? But they found
that Lord Torrington had not been satisfied with the ex-
tent of the executions, for it appeared that he had ex-
pressed his dissatisfaction that four priests had not been
condemned. It also appeared that seventeen persons had
been condemned to death by the Supreme Court, but the
Chief Justice, upon considering the matter, had recom-
mended them to mercy. Lord Torrington, however,
dissented from that opinion. Now, he (Sir Wm. Moles-
worth) wished that the gentlemen on the Treasury
bench would say who was right in the matter, the Chief
Justice who desired that no more blood should be shed,
or Lord Torrington, who thought that enough blood had
net been shed?—(Hear.) The severity of the Govern-
ment had been carried so far that the property of per-
sons had been confiscated in consequence of their being
connexions of parties who had been implicated in the
rebellion. It appeared that Lord Torrington had pro-
posed the passing of two Bills—one a Bill of Attainder,
and the other a Bill of Indemnity—and the precedent
chosen was that set by the Cape of Good Hope in De-
cember, 1834. But there was no similarity in the two
cases. At the Cape of Good Hope thousands of fierce
barbarians forced their way into the colony, destroying
and burning houses and carrying off cattle, and creating
the greatest consternation among the settlers. Sir Ben-
jamin D'Urban, aided by Sir Harry Smith, succeeded,
however, in checking their career, and it having been
found necessary to proclaim martial law, in consequence
of the frightful character of the .inroad upon the
colony, a Bill of Indemnity was subsequently obtained.
It was to be observed, however, that the Ceylou Bill of '