The Sun.
London, England, 1831-12-30 00:00:00

UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENCE,

CAMBKIDGE, Dec. 29.—The Rev. J. J. Blunt, 8.D.,
Fellow of St. John's College, is continued Hu'scan Leg,
turer for the ensuing year.

The premium for the Hulsean dissertation is this year
adjudged to George Lsngshaw, Fellow of St. John's
College.—Suiject— The Evidences of the Truth of the
Christian Revelation are not weahened by Time.
The Rev. E.W. Clarke, of Jesus College, has been pre-
sented to the rectory of Great Yeldham, Essex ; patron,
Sir W. B. Rush, of Wimbledon House, Surrey.
On Tuesday last the Lord Bishop of Peterborough in-
stituted the Rev. H. Thorpe, M.A., to the rectory of
Ashton-le-Wall, in Northamptonshire ; patrons, the Pre-
sident snd fellows of St. John's College, Oxford.
The following gentlemen of this University were or-
dained on Christmas-day, by the Lord Bishop of Bath and
Wells :

PRIEST.
J. C, Burnett, B. A., St. John's College.
DEACONS.
David M. Clark, S.C.L., St. John's ColleiTe,
Gerald Carew, 8.A., Downing College.
The following gentlemen of this University were recently
ordained by the Archbishop of York :

DEACONS.
W. Sedgwick, 8.A., Trinity College.
C. E. Rodgers, 8.A., Trinity College,
J. Cropley, 8.A., Magdalene College.
W. Barker, 8.A., Catherine Hall.
W. E. Lltmh, B. A. , Trinity College.
PRIEST.
J. Lakeland, 8.A., Catherine Hall.

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

TATTERSALL'S.
THg DICREY,
9 to 1 agst Lout Exeter's Beiram
10 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Dulcinea colt
11 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Non Compos
11 to 1 agst Mr. Dilly's Margrave
17 to 1 agst Mr. Vansittart's Darioletta colt
18 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Folly colt
20 to I agst Duke of Grafton's Pastille colt
No others mentioned.
OAKS.
No change.
RIDDLESwoity
to agst Duke of Grafton' -{.
A small field for this Stakes, wl•• Pastille r olt (offered)
betting race. -ir" is net likely to be a good
E B

_NGLISH 'OW'MEN.--Tl).e bow was put into
the hands of every ' . .
English boy 7„,t the age of seven, and
reamed not t.o .._ , ,
r.driliSti him w-,th both sport and occu-
pation till
',ats arm had lose, its strength. I\;,,r was this
done e... a matter of choice only. From the rent of the
Cr
anqueror down to the introduction of the musket, laws
were repeatedly enacted for the purpose of compelling the
yeomanry of England to keep up their skill in the use of
this truly national weduuma. Thus we find it en
joined, so late as the reign of HENRY VIII., that if any
of age, should suffer say one of them to want a bow and
tpna.roen.
arrows
roor
wsmaster,for
ol: autv
such neglect f,,,aileit 6s. Bd.; and every servant above 17
years of akox end under 60, who received wages, neglecting
to furaksh, himself as here directed, shall for every det.ult
forfeit 4s. Bd.—Cabinet Cyclopcadia,
:youth or youths under 17 years
114 together, he should for eve)),

(-T.,..4,- - - r-i'rl :,\•,,,.,
~r)!;*,- -.4>. - .01;
pkiur,

(From the Morning Chronicle.)
We are to have no disarming ! This appears now
to be very generally admitted; and even the Illu-
niteur has ceased to console its tremulous and agi-
t aced :readers (the rentiers) on this their prolific
source of miscalculated hopes and excessive expec-
rations. Russia is not the sole obstacle. Holland
is not the sole obstacle. Portugal is not the sole
obstacle. France—her internal position and danger
—is not the sole obstacle. Here are already four
obstacles : but they are not all ; Russia cannot dis-
,rm for fear of Poland—for fear of Lithuania—for
fear of the military provinces; and, mark that, for
fear of the French revolution. Prussia cannot dis-
arm, for fear of a war betwen Holland and Belgium

—for fear of a new insurrection in Poland—forfear
of Posen, which begins to excite in her some alarm ;
and for fear that, in the spring of the year, Russia
may carry into effect the original plan of attacking
the revolution of July, 1830. Austria cannot disarm
for fear of Hungary and Bohemia—for fear of Ve-
netian Lombardy—for fear of new revolutions in the
Venetian States, as well as in Parma and Modena, and
for fear of movements in Poland, in Gallicia, in Posen,
and in Cracow. Austria and Prussia are also un-
able to disarm in the present disorganised condition
of the States of the German Confederation; and
although the King of Prussia is advised to be
pacific in his policy, and give liberal institutions to
his subjects, he dares not do so at this moment, for
fear of exciting the displeasure of his Allies. Hol-
land of course cannot disarm for fear of Belgium,
nor Belgium for fear of Holland. Spain is occupied
with the affairs of Portugal, and hears, besides this,
to the revolution of July the most deadly hatred.
Thus the project of disarming is like a house of
cards. It will amuse children and gratify the idler
and the bavard; but men of sense well know that
a Zephyr, and not a hurricane, will blow to atoms
this baseless fabric. We may then take it as a fact
that we are not to have a real and a general dis-
arming ! ! ! So then France, Italy, Spain, Belgium,
and Poland have been sacrificed for the pleasure of
keeping up in the time of " peace" a military
establishment of five hundred thousand men ! This
is the Perier system !
We have a sick Ministry ! I do not mean morally
sick, though if I did I should mean no more than
the truth ; but I mean naturally sick. Our Presi-
dent of the Council is much indisposed—our Minis-
ter of Foreign Affairs has been dangerously ill, and
is very little better—our Minister of Commerce is
indisposed, and our Minister at War begins to feel
that age has its infirmities as well as office its cares.
In fine, the Ministry is sick. The health of M.
Perier has of late been seriously attacked. He is a
man of strong passions, and delicate frame. His pas-
sions are too powerful for his body, and the political
system he has adopted is fast hastening him to the
grave. He believes he is right—he sitraki that
all who oppose him are wrong—he feels convinced,
that if his system should triumph, France would
have peace and commerce, and he cannot imagine.
bow a country can fail of being great with two such.
blessings secured to her. He gets into a passion,
night and morning, with his family, with his clerks,,
with his secretaries, with his dependants—at the
Chambers, at the Council, before the King, at 'Os
Levees, with Ambassadors and Diplomatists, 'nv is
constantly talking in alto, and he is always
clrliunt-
ing heroics. His letters, his eireu; trs, his
specsshes,
and hia conversations, all breathe the name
not merely of passion, but of colere . He cannot
bear contradiction, and yet he is contradicted by
facts us well as by persons every hour of hia life.
All this is killing him by inches-1 ,nd he will bleak
down under his system, perhaps soener even titan
his system from under him. T. he Minist,sr most
seriously ill for the moment is S ebastiani t. This 4,
not to be wondered at. He tire; been a gay man_
a man of late hours, society, ar
,d the world. He used
the reverse of M Perier
to sit tip with the Emperor-
—has lived freely—and
is a bon vivant. He is just
'
bHeeendaodesopntoedt biseheavet At the aysietn which has
goodly one. He is a Nape
l°
dreams
hefrontiera,• 4nd of the titne4 of the E
peror returning. 1-7.te forgets the the. •
extlelisdt—ed
etipire was
Napoleon, and the, there would
be more of life in his
ashes, than in the beating '
son. Sebastian; loves off,neart of his Austrian
ze—power—the influence
and respect with women
situation enforces on and in the world which his
consented to be an
him ; and therefore, he has
;
simir Perier.
nstrument in the ht Inds of Cas-
. 111 knows it. cat at he is merely a
it
l
' w and he
,
serious illness, if s-
la
manently ;
-',capacitate him. This is otmlliarygpetro-
Casimir Perier. He would rather be 11 Unit' of
Foreie,n Affairs, as well as Minister of tin e Inter or
and President of the Council, than allow h is system
to run the chance of being disturbed by t he intro-
duction of a new actor, i. e. a new Minis ter. He
is resolved on seeing the drama to the close, unless
his personal health shall fail him, and rei sder him
incapable of discharging the duties of 1 its office.
Thus France is sold—thus France is ruin led—thus
France is disgraced—and for what ?
suit the-
prejudices, the tyranny, the passions, and t he system
of poor M. Casimir Perier! Can this las t ? Need
I ask the question ? No, it cannot last and M.
Perier avows it. ,

1. P. Q.

promptitude with which Lord PALMERSTON interfered to
oke of the
In our Paper of yesterday we sr,.
save the unfortunate Mr. BOYD from the vel ageance of the
Spanish Government, and added the wish ti sat the British
Consul at Malaga, the place where the t. offerers all met
their fate, might have been found to be eq• sadly energetic.
Subsequent and undoubted authority con, inces us, that
Mr. Manx, the gentleman alluded to, w 0 not deficiene
in his duty, though his success did
resr
Ja
, c;
TORRIJO S
party
wwaitshalninisouenxceerdtionusn.derTdhaete coafpttuirme of not cor
left the neighbourhood of Gibraltar . it had
been driven on shore onthe 2d on tb.e 28.6 ultimo,
to the west of Malaga, by son itrtant, five lei toes /at insta-a,• -,,
fired into the two vessels in re guards-costae, who
harked. The party, on their landit which they were em-
rounded in a farm-house two l ig, were followed arid bur-
great number of troops, to wh• segues from Malaga, by a
they surrendered, after a p it defence being hopeless,
hours' continuance, between tivate conversation, of two
CENTS GONZALES Moast A TORRIJOS and Don VlN,stant, they were marched O. On Monday, the sth in.
prison, and not allowed into Malaga, lodged in the tow a
one till orders were rec to have communication With any
fate. In the mean ,eired from Madrid respe:tin,;,
their
Mr. BOYD. Imme•
time every effort was made• tr• save
Mr. ADDINGTON.
Jive intelligence w• A
As uedpatched to
was not to be'. . The Spanish Gr,vernment, ho wever,
outstripped Alyttisid.from its c"
..al purpose. Vengeance
took ph, or pushta (side I.,utnanity. The execution
ing.
,ee on the 10th, between five and six in the even-
cer' The whole pay WO shot.
an We do not learn with
• twe
„,y that there„re y. other English but Mr.
J —ovo. Times.

CATECHISM OF HEALTH.--We are quested to to state, that in order to prevent die appointnient
in obtaining this useful manual of health, which has been
generally recommended by the profession, upon the ap—
proach of cholera morhus, the publishers have forwarded
to their Edinburgh, Dublin, and other provincial agents,. large numbers of this work, so that the put,lic may its suture procure it at any respectable booksellei 's in the Unitraf Kingdom. " Next to the Church Catechism we earneesly
recommend this invaluable little work."— Weekly Paper..
GOLD IN THE ELECTORATE OP
An event of great importance to the
the discovery that the river Eber is rich in gold—a cir—
cuumance which has hitherto been 'overlooked. Cilonel:
territories of WaideekElse
oegtioDraater
niu.ft
aldltessi
se. and the adjacent
VON ESCHWEGE, who was chief directot• of the mines its
Brazil, affirms that, according to his own examination.,
this river is Ms rich in gold as the richest in Brazil. It is
in contemplation to carry on the washing fur gold in. flat!,
river on a great scale, by ineins of a lerge joint stocksona—
pany, and under the supe.,utendence of I. Vox F.-Witt..
WECE. It is expected that this undertaking will not enly
ire profitable to ibe shareholders, hot highly advaeragecus•
the State, by affording employ/m..ln to a great part of• ire
quitepo.onroevoeultnytriyf
ipne•Gipe elrtiruiantlyi.: ;i4eitillgehrth‘unarcluiontsiiii,;ereldcawsipllootifr
Hi gold, treasures like those ut
.and Mexico slioula all
.t mice be brought to light, as in tie Ural chain,..., Lt_ terary Gazette.

gPlßlllibir TIM PURIM JOURNALS.

The Message of the American President is a
discourse of which, although the full credit be-
longs to the Government of the United States,
the wisdom, integrity, and conciliatory spirit may
be turned to account by other nations, in their
policy, both foreign and domestic. From the
rapid but comprehensive sketch which General
Jackson takes of the relations between his Re-
public and foreign Powers, it is gratifying to
observe what expressions of respect and cordiality
he employs in speaking of the latter. There are
between England and the United States, at pre-
sent, but two unsettled questions,—the New
Brunswick boundary, to the amicable arrange-
ment of which, by a direct negotiation, as we
understand him, with Great Britain, the Presi-
dent looks forward in terms of confidence ; and
the right of search to be exercised in war, should
either this country or America become a belli-
gerent, the other remaining neutral. On the
former question we compromise neither truth
itself, nor the national interest of either country,
by stating it as the opinion of intelligent and
dispassionate men, that the letter of the treaty,
of which the construction is sub judice, appears
to be more favourable to America, but its spirit,
and the necessary meaning of the parties who
signed it, to be obviously on the side of this
country. Further, it is clear from consulting
the map, that the district sought for by the State
of Maine, has no value whatever for the people
of the Union, except as a point from which to
obstruct the internal communications between
New Brunswick and Quebec—to cut off the na-
vigation of the St. Lawrence—and to attack or
menace, not merely the capital, but the whole line
of our Lower Canadian frontier ; while the
cession of it by England to any foreign Power
‘voidd, for the reasons just recited, be equivalent
to a surrender of the key which opens the entire
of our northern colonies to the parent State.
With regard to the right of search, it ought to
have been settled in 1815, and no sagacious or
patriotic Minister would have put his hand to a
definitive treaty which did not include a final
agreement upon a cause of past,' and an,inlet to
future quarrel, of such vast importance and
anxiety to two great maritime nations. That
former theme of dispute the President has now
re-opened, not by any means for the sake of
aggravating it into a source of new differences
with Great Britain, but as considering that the
present period of confirmed amity and good
neighbourhood between the parties offers a fit
oppottunity, through negotiations entered upon
in a kindly spirit, for bringing about a friendly
and final provision against mutual misunder-
standings hereafter. As the President reviews
the conduct of the several European Powers
towards America, it is curious and instructive to
di,cover that the Governments which have .least
to fear have evinced throughout the most eager
desire to grant redress of injuries to their neigh-
hours. While England and France have ac-
knowledged, as became them, the rights of Ame-
rican citizens to indemnifications for losses en-
tailed upon them under cover of the flag of
France and of Great Britain, Spain, the two
Sicilies, and Portugal, have treated the United
States with flat denials of justice, or empty pro-
mises to afford it at some future day. The in-
ternal condition of the Republic is described by
the President to be one of unalloyed prosperity.
With a total of taxation not greater than that
which is levied on the people of Great Britain
in the shape of assessed taxes only, these " un-
enlightened" and " coarse" republicans con-
trive to bestow nearly one-half of their entire
revenue upon the interest and liquidation of
their public debt. There is no such swindling
spirit amongst theSe democrats as would permit
any public speaker, from New York to New Or-
leans, to recommend seriously to the considera-
tion of his fellow-citizens a scheme for defraud-
ing the national creditor,—there is no such
high-bred hypocrisy there, as would venture
to designate so notable a villainy by the names
of " equitable adjustment." No : they have
taxed themselves freely to create a solid sinking
fund—they have applied it strictly and rigo-
rously to its object for sixteen years ; and what
is the consequence ? In one year more the
whole debt of America will be extinguished !
It is no chimera ; here is a real debt really and
bona fide paid off. 16,500,000 dollars, or
3,500,0001. sterling, have been devoted to the
discharge of debt within the year 1831 ; and
this at of a revenue of little more than
5,500,0001. sterling. We remember the time
when the Tory 'Ministry of Lord Liverpool an-
tiounced that a sinking fund of 5,000,0001.
sterling, or between 1-10th and 1-11th of our
revenue, was necessary to the safety of the Bri-
tish public creditor, and to the making some
(God knows how little) impression upon the
amount of the debt. How long was that " solid
sinking fund" maintained ? How long was
even a weak attempt at common honesty per-
severed in ? The country murmured at being
overtaxed, and Ministers more than once felt
themselves in danger. What then ? Some theorist.c
in the House of Commons declared that the sink-
ing fund was better in the people's pockets than
in those of the public creditor. The Ministers
saw that they must give up something, and what
was the sacrifice they assented to ? Was it the
overgrown army,—the jobbed and be-Lorded
navy,—the sinecures,—the pensions,—the co-
lonial waste,—the civil list,—the palaces, with
all the gingerbread and gewgaws in which Royal
barbarism was formerly wont to meander? Were
all these, or any of them, given up to the miseries
of the people? Oh no ! not one. Folly, and vice,
and prodigality, and rapacity, were to be pam-
pered at all risks, for otherwise " the Monarchy"
(that is, the Court) " would have been in danger;"
but the public creditor, he it was that they sacri-
ficed ; they basely pretended to give ear to the
visionaries who talked about there being no lie.
cessity for a sinking fund ; or, in other words,
who said that we ought, with our eyes open, to
remain in debt for ever. So, like a true heart-
less spendthrift, they kept up whatever was essen.
tial to their own indulgencies, and to the bribery of
their crowds of retainers, and they surrendered
the solid sinking fund, and wasted as much
i
money as ever. Then where s America? She
has paid off her whole debt. She is " out of
debt, out of danger." She can look her own
citizens and foreigners alike in the face, and say,
" What would you ? I owe you nothing." But
whet eis England ? Alas ! she has paid off nosen-
sible portion of her scarcely measurable debt. She
has no sinking fund that is not a mockery of
term : she owes not less than 600,000,0001, sterl-
incrb. Had we been blest as America has been with
a Governmt .'.'.really responsible to the nation,
palaces and sine, .-es, land jobs and sea jobs,
and colonial iniquities, would have been devoted
on the altar of the country, and we should have
paid by this time, by a saving of about 9,000,0001.
a year, 150,000,0001. of Mot since the peace ;
and so high would have been the public: credit,
that for the principal still undischarged, wb might

FA al :11T;?7T/_D 'I

,12.1 7'

have been paying by this time, with the free
consent of the fundholder, a reduced interest of
not more than two per cent. per annum. Let
those foolish or shameless men, who tell us that
the boroughs have " worked well," read Jack-
son's speech, and vote, if they dare, against Re-
form I— Times• HL,T.TOII3 'TO o'l'7 Y.TT!

It is now several years since we first called the
public attention to the law of arrest for debt,
and we have, on many occasions, argued in fa-
vour of its total abolition, at least on mesne
process, though we confess that our objection
also goes against the principle of taking the
body of a debtor in execution. Since we fist
stated our objections to a law which makes no
distinction between misfortune and crime, and
which inflicts upon the insolvent and destitute
the additional sufferings and privations of a
prison, a change, as our readers are aware, has
taken place in the law, by which it is so far mo-
dified that the debt must amount to 201. to lega-
lise the caption of the person, previously to
which alteration a debt of 151. was sufficient for
that purpose, it having been fixed at that sum by
a statute which abolished arrests for debts of 101.,
except in the case of bills of exchange and pro-
missory notes. Thus two successive statutes
were passed in modern times to mitigate the seve-
rity of the law of arrest on mesne process ; but
the spirit of improvement was so niggard of its
benefits that each statute added only 51. to the
price of human liberty. Just as Sir Robert
Peel, in ameliorating the vindictive spirit
of the law with regard to the offence of pri-
vately stealing in the dwelling-house, so
nicely weighed the blood of man against a
little pelf in the balance of his improved system
of exterminating justice, that he added exactly
three pounds sterling to the price of human life.
More liberal were the views of Sir James Scar-
lett on the subject of imprisonment for debt ;
and it is curious enough that he, who, when in
office, did more than any Attorney-General in
modern times to reduce the Press to a state of
bondage, and to make the iron of persecution
enter the soul of the journalist, was at the same
time an advocate for a much greater amelioration
of the law of arrest for debt than what was
effected by the twenty pounds Bill which his
colleague, the Solicitor-General of that day, in-
troduced. In fact, Sir James expressed himself
in his place in Parliament, favourable to such a
change in the law as would limit the power of
imprisoning the person, or holding to bail, to
sums of one hundred pounds and upwards. It
is clear that, when the Attorney-General was
prepared to go so far in the alteration of
the law, he must have been tolerably well
convinced of the hardship, cruelty, and in-
justice of the existing system. But as men
in office, even in this enlightened country, are
sometimes ready enough to carry their erro-
neous views or mischievous intentions into effect,
while they are sure to see insurmountable ob-
stacles in the way if they happen to entertain a
purpose or a principle that is good, as Sir James
Scarlett carried into rapid execution his odious
plan to destroy the liberty of the Press, but de-
sisted from even an attempt to realise his view of
the requisite reform of a barbarous law—a work
in which it would have been honourable to en-
gage, but in which there was no victim to offer
up to Ministerial vengeance, and no political
passion to gratify. Our objection, as we said
before, is not to the extent, but to the principle
of the law. We consider it inhuman, un-
christian, absurd, and impolitic—the prolific
source of misery to individuals, and of mischief
to society. Viewing it with regard to indivi-
duals, it commits the gross injustice of deciding
Wore trial, inasmuch as it allows any man,
who swears truly or falsely to a debt of 201., to
deprive another of his freedom, without any
proof adduced of the validity of the claim.—
The person arrested can, indeed, regain his
liberty upon giving good and sufficient bail,
and so a man may who stands charged even with
a serious crime ; but if he cannot find such bail,
he must suffer imprisonment until a Jury decide
on the claim, and, if they should decide that
nothing was due at the time of his arrest, all his
prospects in life may have been blasted, and his
affairs utterly ruined in the mean time. Nor
does the law of arrest make any distinction be-
tween the case of the debtor who is the honest
victim of misfortune, and that of him who has
concocted his debt in fraud. If both pass
through the Insolvent Court, there may be a
subsequent distinction made as to the terms of
their discharge ; but the very imprisonment may,
and in a multitude of instances does, deprive the
honest debtor of the opportunity and means of
retrieving his aflltirs ; and thus the absurd cruelty
of the law frequently counteracts the purpose of
those who put it into practice. This law is
more frequently used as a means of gratifying a
vindictive feeling than as an instrument of re-
dress ; but the law should afford protection to
all men, and minister to the revenge of none.
And let it not be supposed that this law is part
of our ancient Constitution. Imprisonment,
except for crime, was not known in England be-
fore the 52d year of Henry 111. The innova-
tion was introduced by the feudal Lords in the
tyrannical spirit of the feudal system. The statute
of Maribridge was the first statute which made
imprisonment for debt part of the law of Eng-
land. It was enacted by the feudal chiefs against
their bailiffs an,. receivers, to make them account
for rents and moneys received, and they were
liable to be put in irons until they did account; but
it was not until the 19th year of Henry VII,
that the principle was extended so as to include
all actions on the case. There was, however,
formerly, some sort of reciprocity in the system,
for if the debtor was obliged to find bail or go
to prison, the creditor was under the necessity
of giving bona fide pledges to prosecute, or, if
he did not, he could not proceed with his action.
Those pledges to prosecute are, at the present
day, become merely nominal ; they are paper
sureties, which form part of the nonsensical ver-
biage of the law, under the names of " John
Doe and Richard Roe ;" while the debtor is
bound to find real and substantial bail, or give
the four walls of a prison for his sureties. In
a public point of view this law of arrest for debt
does incalculable mischief, by creating a false
species of credit, which induces people to live
beyond their means—the creditor relying upon
the law, which pledges, as it were, the body of
the debtor for his debt, and the debtor putting
off the day of reckoning, and indulging in ex-
cesses beyond his income, until ruin stares him
and his family in the face, and want comes upon
him " as an armed man." The Legislators
however, have taken care to exempt their own
bodies from being pledged for their debts ; as
neither a Member nor Peer of Parliament can be
arrested on civil process. Who is benefitted
then by this odious and oppressive law ? . Prin-
cipally those harpies that are employed as bai-
liffs to arrest men—the keepers of sponging
houses and prisons, and the low and disrepu-
, table practitioners in the law. These persons

have an interest in the continuance of a law
which is not less serviceable to their rapacity
than ruinous to the interests of both creditors
and debtors, and disgraceful to, a Christian land.
—Morning Herald. (4' L• -
-
The Message of the American President must
appear a strange document to European States-
ment. He actually says that he has nothing to
conceal from the people. " I have great satis-
faction in making this statement of our affairs,
because the cause of our national policy enables
me to do it without any indiscreet exposure of
what in other Governments is usually concealed
from the people." What would Statesmen in
Europe be without concealment and trick ? We
know that there is no country in Europe in which
the Statesmen are not in possession of a multi-
iude of most important secrets, which if disclosed
would be deemed by them a heavy calamity. So
that wisdom in Europe is not wisdom in Ame-
rica. " Having (adds the President) none but
a straight-forward course to pursue—guided by
a single principle, that will bear the strongest
light—we have happily no political combinations
to form, no alliances to entangle us, no compli-
cated interests to consult ; and in subjecting Wall
we have done to the consideration of our citi-
zens, and to the inspection of the world, we give
no advantage to other nations, and lay ourselves
open to no injury." Can a State really be
governed upon this plain principle ? May all
the weighty affairs of State really be safely revealed
to the whole body of citizens, and can the people
really form a sound judgment with respect to the
conduct of those who conduct their affairs ?
In Europe, Statesmen with one voice will say,
No. In America, the result speaks the reverse. In
Europe, we find all the mysteries of state policy
end in the imposition of fresh taxes, and the con-
traction of fresh loans. In America, the Go-
vernment, notwithstanding the absence of mys-
tery, secures peace and order at home; opens
up connections in every quarter of the world,
watches over the interests of citizens in every
region, however remote. If American citizens
suffer from a civilized Government, American
diplomacy never intermits its exertions till redress
is obtained. If the injury is sustained in quar-
ters in which the usages of civilized life are un-
known, American ships of war are instantly de-
spatched to punish the offenders and inspire an
awe of Americans. "It may not be improper
to add, that to preserve this state of things, and
to give confidence to the world in the integrity
of our designs, all our consular and diplomatic
agents are strictly enjoined to examine well every
cause of complaint pieferred by our citizens ;
and while they urge with proper earnestness those
that are well-founded, to countenance none that
are unreasonable or unjust; and to enjoin on
our merchants and navigators the strictest obedi-
ence to the laws of the countries to which they
resort, and a course of conduct in their dealings
that may support the character of our nation and
render us respected abroad." Nothing so simple
as the American plan of government ; and under
it, too, the nation flourishes more and more.
This year the revenue will not fall short
of 27,700,000 dollars, and the expenditure
for all objects, other than the public debt, will
not exceed 14,700,000 dollars. In the
course of a year the debt will be extinguished,
and as this will lead to a great reduction of taxa-
tion, some anxiety is felt by those branches of
industry protected by the present taxes on im-
portation. European Statesmen will not only
find this document full of information usually
withheld from the profane vulgar in Europe, but
deficient in the information which usually forms
the substance of European State papers. The
President tells us nothing of his Dowager
Mother, his wife, or any of the little Jack,4ons,
who, judging from European analogy, ought to
be of intense interest to all good Americans.
We hear nothing in it of the manner in which
he means to dispose of his progeny, and of his
expectations that the nation will enable him to
make a suitable provision for them. Not a word
does he say of his own establishments, of the
palaces which are in progress, and the repairs
which are required to make the old edifices
worthy of the head of so great a nation. This
comes of trusting the affairs of thirteen millions
of men to one who does not probably know the
name of his grandfather, though, of course, he
had a grandfather as well as other folks. In
another respect American State papers are de-
fective in information. A correspondent points
our attention to a display of liberality of the
Marquis of Wellesley, in the Irish Pension List
towards his Apothecary and his Private Secretary.
Whether Andrew Jackson, has an Apothecary
or not, is a fact unknown in Europe ; but if he
have recourse to an Apothecary he does not pay
him by a pension out of the taxes of the United
States. To pay off the national debt seems in
America to be thought preferable to pensioning
the mothers of Dukes, and the apothecaries of
servants of the State receiving 30,0001. a year.
But, indeed, every thing in America seems a
perfect contrast to what is seen in Europe. The
whole expenditure of thirteen millions of men,
having relations in every corner of the habitable
world, and possessing a navy respected in every
sea, is about three millions and a half sterling.
This is, indeed, somewhat more than the revenue
of the clergy of one-sixteenth of the people of
Ireland, but it does not exceed one-third part of
the revenues of the united churches of England
and Ireland. In Europe, it is well known that
the people are suffered to exist, because Kings
and Nobles cannot do without people. In
America, the people are not for the sake of the
Government, but the Government for the sake
of the people. The President boasts that the
nation is entangled by no alliances. In Europe,
the Russians are removed many a hundred miles
from the Dutch ; and a Russian, who has not

travelled, never probably heard of a Dutchman.
But though the Dutch and Russians are not re-
lated, the Emperor of Russia and the Prince of
Orange are closely related, and that is an ex-
cellent reason why the Russian people should
interfere in the affairs of Holland, and, by sup-
porting the King, kindle a great war. The
Prussians have anything but an interest in the
advance of the Russians towards Germany ; but
then the King of Prussia and the Czar are
nearly related ; and what is the welfare of a na-
tion compared to the welfare of a son-in-law ?
But we will not pursue the comparisons further.
Our readers can make them without our assist-
ance.— Morning Chronicle.
The Message of the American President to
the Congress, which is given in another part of
our Paper, is a very interesting document, as de-
veloping the present condition and future pros-
pects of the United States. Both are spoken of
in glowing terms ; and, even allowing for some
partial exaggeration, it must be universally felt
that the American nation has attained, and is
promised a continuance of, a degree of prospe-
rity which may well . excite the envy of every
European Power, England herself not excepted.
A moder❑ State, America has happily preserved

herself untainted from those modern theories
which have proved so deadly a bane to this
country. In America manufactures of every de-
scription, protected and fostered by a truly pa-
triot Government, are in the most thriving con-
dition ; the manufacturer is enriched, and the
mechanic enjoys high wages. Agriculture also
flourishes ; and extensive local improvements,
especially as regards increasing► facilities for in-
land communication, are proceeding with energy
throughout the country. American commerce,
under the same system of encouragement and
protection, has extended itself over the whole
world ; and mercantile industry and enterprise
meet their just reward. The President observes:—
" Let us be grateful for these blessings to the benificent
Being who has conferred them, and who suffers us to in-
dulge a reasonable hope of their continuance and exten-
sion, while we neglect not the means by which they may
be preserved."
General Jackson, it is well known, is him-
self one of those who would have endangered the
means by which, under Providence, the bles-
sings he speaks of were secured to the American
people. 'rule practical refutation of his views,
embodied in the happy facts in which he justly
triumphs, will probably induce him to renounce
political economy for the future. Would that
instruction could be imparted to our philosophers
on this side the Atlantic—

The steady patriots of the world alone,
The friends of every country but their own.
The soundness of the commercial policy of
the American Government is equalled by its ac-
tivity in securing advantages from the injudicious
liberality of other nations. The admission of
American vessels to the ports of the West
Indies, while it has injuriously affected the in-
terests of our Canadian colonies, has propor-
tionably advanced those of the favoured country,
as is apparent from the following paragraph on
the subject:—
" The trade thereby authoried has employed, to the
30th of September last, upwards of 30,000 tons of Ame-
rican and 15,000 tons of foreign shipping in the outward
voyages; and in the inward, nearly an equal amount of
American and 20,000 only of foreign tonnage."
The relations of the United States with Great
Britain are stated to be on the most amicable
footing, and confident hopes are held forth that
the question of the boundary will be brought to
a speedy and satisfactory adjustment. The
claims upon France, which have been so long
and so urgently pressed, are nearly settled.
Other claims, which, without further explanations,
must be considered extremely unjust, are made
upon Portugal for the seizure of American ves-
sels in attempting to violate the blockade of Ter-
ceira. Capture in such cases is strictly confoa-
triable to the laws of nations. Demands
of a somewhat similar description, though
advanced with a greater appearance of fair-
ness, are made upon Spain. In both these
cases the differences remain unsettled. The
President calculates that what remains of
the national debt will be wholly cleared off in
the ensuing year. The debt of America was
never formidable : but in liquidating it, such as
it was, the Government have pursued an honest
course, and have been cheerfully assisted in their
views by the people at large. In this country,
unfortunately, a short-sighted impatience of taxa-
tion on the part of the people, and the time-
serving theories of political economists, have
annihilated the Sinking Fund established by Mr.
Pitt, and have postponed even a partial reduction
of the debt to an indefinite period ; for the
liquidation of a million and a half or two millions
a year is little better than a mockery. The im-
mense sums accruing from the Sinking Fund
have been from time to time entirely diverted
from the grand purpose contemplated by Mr.
Pitt, and the doctrine has been boldly laid down
by Lord Goderich that the debt ought to be re-
garded as permanent at its present amount, and
that all surplus of income ought to be devoted
solely to the reduction of imposts.—Morn. Post.
Whatever may be the beauty of our national
Church, as an establishment holding an inter-
mediate station between the governors and the
governed—or whatever the piety and learning by
which many of its elder divines—for we cannot
say much in favour of those of the present day
—were characterized—it is daily becoming more
and more apparent that its main pillars are tot-
tering to their foundation, and that, in order to
regain that influence with the people which can
alone render it useful as an establishment, it
must, along with other institutions, undergo that
Reform, of which it is seen so manifestly to stand
in need, both in consequence of its original im-
perfections, and of the corruptions introduced
into it through the lapse of time. The public
is loud in its demands for a Reform in its tem-
poralities—for the reduction of the enormous
incomes of the Bishops, and a better apportion-
ment and division of them among the inferior
clergy—it sees no propriety in the sons of the
Church receiving their salaries and emoluments
from sources over which it has no controul, and
in a manner which is calculated to sow divisions,
jealousies, and strifes, between the pastors and
their flocks ; while those whose education en-
titles them to judge of matters more strictly
" within the sanctuary," are not slow in averring
that the practice of the Church is characterized
by many grievous errors, detrimental to her in-
terests, and at variance with the pure spirit of
Christianity, which no time ought to be lost in
removing. Of these alleged errors and corrup-
tions the pamphlet, which we noticed the other
day, and which is entitled " Church Reform,"
presents a very numerous and startling collec-
tion ; but as it is less our object in making
these observations, to discuss the truth or false-
hood of such charges, than to impress upon the
minds of the clergy the safety, as well as the
urgent necessity, of setting about a complete and
thorough Reform with all due diligence, we shall
not compromise ourselves, either by joining in
the charges of the writer, or by dissenting from
them. It is sufficient that we state the fact that
Reform is demanded in the internals, as well as
the externals, of the Church—that we urge this
Reform upon those who hare the power of making
it—and that we prove it to be as safe and expedient
as it is now alleged to be absolutely necessary.
What then is the objection to the introduction of
those Reforms into the Church which are now
so loudly demanded ? Why precisely the same
objection that is brought by the Anti-Reformers
against any change in the institutions of the
State—that is to say that they are not required ;
that the system works well, and that it would not
be safe to make any change lest that change
should occasion others, by unsettling the public
mind, and lead it to the adoption of dangerous
innovations. Nothing can be more truly ridi-
culous or futile than such reasons. Of the ne-
cessity of the change the public is unquestionably
the best judge—that the system "works well"
might also, we presume, be matter for their
judgment; but " that it is not safe, lest any change
should lead to other and greater changes," is of
all the reasons adduced the most contemptible
amid inconsistent. What was the Church of
Rome but a great and important change—a dan-
gerous innovation—upon the primitive Church,

and knew nothing at all of a Pope, and as little of
Bishops, except as special overseers of the wel-
fare of the Church, and nothing in the world of
Cardinals and other dignitaries who came in
time to form its principal ornaments ? And
what, let us ask, is the Church of England—we
speak of its origin—but a great innovation on
the doctrines, and practice, and institutions of
the Church of Rome ? A great and good inno-
vation it is—a safe one, it also was, as is now
proved by the state of the Church and the state
of the Reformed religion : and why then, let us
ask, might not another innovation equally bene-
ficial and equally safe be made ? We take it
that there is no effectual answer to this question,
and that if there were any, there are but very few,
even of the sons of the Church, who would be
inclined to put it forward. A national establish-
ment may die a natural and proper death—
Bishops and Archbishops, Deacons and Arch-
deacons, may cease to exist in name ; but the
religion of which they were the Ministers need
not also die. Religion is one thing—its ser-
vants and expounders another. The latter may
bring the former into discredit ; but if the former
be, like our holy religion, founded in truth, it
will survive them—nay, it will shine the more
brightly, and reign the more surely that they are
no more.—Morning Advertiser.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HO USE.

A young foreigner, who stated himself to be the
Count de Rivoli, applied to the Lord Mayor for as-
sistance in his deep distress.
Tile Count stated that he was the youngest
brother of the Duke de Rivoli, a nobleman of con-
siderable possessions. He had seen a dreadful re-
verse of fortune, and had, in his adversity, felt the
cold hand of the world, and particularly among the
people of rank with whom he had associated but a
very few years ago. At the time of the applications
on behalf of the Spanish and Italian refugees, the
Count was one of those who exerted themselves in
aid of the subscription, and he little thought then
that ever he should become equally destitute. He
was then caressed by the opulent and powerful.
Unfortunately, he went over to join in the struggle
for freedom, and lost all prospect of obtaining any
part of his property in consequence of the part he
had taken. The Duke, his brother, being of the
Royalist party, was secure in every respect, but the
Count had received no assistance from any one of
his brothers. He had called upon several of those
who had formerly cotiked his acquaintance, but
when they saw the plight he was in they knew him
not. He was the master of five languages, and was
anxious to get employment as a teacher, but in all
his attempts he had failed to obtain pupils. Under
these overwhelming circumstances, and actually
famishing with hunger, be waited upon the Lord
Mayor for advice and assistance.

The LORD MAYOR regretted that there was no
funds from which the unfortunate refugees derived
subsistence, but thought that 'the circumstance of
such an application by a man of rank being made
public, would have the effect of rallying round him
those upon whom his claims were undeniable.
His Lordship declared his readiness to receive
any intelligence which would be likely to prove ad-
vantageous to the unfortunate Count, who, it wi.s
stated, at one time actually contemplated suicide.
The Count went away grateful for the reception
he had met with, and for the bounty of the Lord
Mayor.
William Earle, who was some time ago charged
before the LORD MAYOR with having defrauded a
Mr. Price of a bill of exchange for MY., and who
represented himself as the principal Director of the
Pickled Fish Company, was again apprehended and
examined on the same charge, and also upon a charge
made by Mr. Woodhill, jeweller, of St. Paul's
Churchyard. The moment the officer announced
to the people who crowded the hall that Earle was
at the bur, a great rush was made into the justice-
roo.l.
Mr. Price, it will be recollected, had been en-

gaged by Earle as a traveller for the Pickled Fish
Company, and had given to Earle a bill of exchange
for 50/., to be held as a security for the due dis-
charge of the duties of the situation. The Pickled
Fish Company had no business for Mr. Price to
transact; and Earle paid away the bill to a trades-
man for his own advantage. At the time Earle was
first apprehended on the charge of converting the
acceptance to his own use, the bill had not been
taken up, and the case of course was imperfect.
Since that period, Inzm ever, ;he bill had been paid,
and the document was produced in evidence, the
prosecutor Navin„ followed up the business with
great zeal in consequence of the cruel nature of the
imposition.
Earle declared that he derived no advantage
whatever from the bill. The whole transaction was
his partner's. lie (Earle) was a respectable man,
and could prove that he had been most honourable
in all his dealings. _ . _

The next charge against him was attended with
some remarkable circumstances. At the titre of the
late Mayoralty election Earle, who is a man of ad-
dress, waited upon the Lord Mayor, said that he
admired the political conduct of his Lordshi?, was
possessed of considerable influence in the city, and
would, although a stranger, have no objection to
make one of his Lordship's Committee, in order
to secure the return of su popular and praise-
worthy an individual. The Lord Mayor im-
mediately referred the gentleman to his Committee,
but Mr. Charles Pearson, after having questioned
him a little, dispensed with his services without any
ceremony. Earle, however, contrived on the occa-
sion to scrape an acquaintance, which he did not
fail to turn to account. He saw one of the Lord
Mayor's Commit tee just about to enter the shop of
Mr. Woodhill, the jeweller, in St. Paul's Church-
yard, and not only addressed him, but entered the
shop and conversed with him on the most interest-
ing topic. The jeweller supposed, from the cir-
cumstance, that Earle was a friend of his customer's,
and on the following day Earle called, spoke of his
intimacy with the Lord Mayor and the gentleman
whom he had accompanied the day before, asked to
look at a handsome gold chain which he had cast his
eye upon, and said he was desirous to show it to his
wife, as he thought it would just answer: he was
allowed to take it home, and never afterwards re-
turned. Mr. Woodhill subsequently gave 71. for
the chain to a perstur who had purchased it at the
shop of a pawnbroker, where it had been pledged
soon after Earle had obtained it by these ingenious

means.
The LORD MAYOR said he believed Mr. Earle's
cleverness had led him at length into a hobble, out
of which it would be difficult fur him to escape.
It was stated that Earle had made a very adroit
attempt to convert the offence into a debt; for, upon
hearing that inquiries were made after the chain, he
sent word to Mr. Woodhill that, if the bill were
sent, the money was ready, and there was no occa-
sion to make any noise about such a trifle.
Mt. Woodhill, while Earle was out of the way,
by Mr. Hobler's advice, laid aside the chain, in order
to be able to produce it against Earle in evidence,
if he should be apprehended.
It was also stated that Earle had been projecting
engines which were to work without steam, and with
greater velocity, anti that he had lately been lectur-
ing the people of the north 011 the cholera morbus.
He was remanded for further examination on both
charges. Upo❑ the second charge the prisoner was
silent ; but while the first was going forward he was
very vociferous about his integrity.