The Sun.
London, England, 1849-08-23 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, AUGUST 23 1849.

scarcely human—unparalleled in civilized warfare—
who are attempting to crush the liberties of the Hun-
garians. You will, no doubt, hear from them of that
patriot Louis Kossuth.—(Several rounds of cheering.)
But I will, if you please, refer to one of his proclama-
tions in which he says—
" It is an eternal lawof God that whosoever abandoneth
himself will be forsaken by the Lord. It is an eternal
law that whosoever assisteth himself, him will the Lord
assist. It is a divine law that false swearing by its re-
sults chastiseth itself. It is a law of our Lord's that
whosoever availeth himself of perjury and injustice
prepareth himself the triumph of justice. Standing firm
on these eternal laws of the Universe, I swear that my
prophesy will be fulfilled—it is, That the freedom of
Hungary will be effected by this invasion of Hungary by
Jellachich'—(Cheers)—and hear this his invocation to
the patriotism of the nation:—' Between Vezprim and
Weissenberg the women shall dig a deep grave, in which
we will bury the name, the honour, the nation of Hun-
gary, or our enemies.' And on this grave shag stand
a monument inscribed with a record of our shame, So
God punishes cowardice'—(Cheers)—or we will plant
on it the tree of freedom, eternally green, from out of
whose foliage shall be heard the voice of Gcd speaking
as from the fiery bush to Moses, The spot on which
thou standest is holy ground ; thus do I reward the
brave: to the Magyars freedom, renown, well-being, and
happiness.' "—(Load cheers.)
Now, gentlemen, though I have read this spirit-
stirring language, I do not stand here as an advocate
of war. I am not prepared to say that there might
not be extreme cases in which war would be justi-
fiable ; but it is because I think war is a desperate
remedy for great evils, that I stand here to-night to
give utterance to that moral force which is powerful
to subdue armies and mighty as the sword itself.—
(Cheers.) If war were ever necessary, the case of
the Hungarians is one in which it might be justified.
—(Loud cheers.) If there ever was an instance in
which we were justified in calling together bands of
men to destroy their fellow- men, it is in this righteous
cause, where the Hungarians are met to resist fire,
and rapine, and murder, from such barbarous invaders.
—(Loud cheers.) But I believe this expression of
public opinion in England, when its echoes reach the
Cabinets of Vienna and St. Petersburgh, will have a
powerful moral effect, and pave the way for a just
settlement. And here I cannot but express my con-
currence in the excellent observations of the Secretary
of State for the Foreign Department (Lord Palmer-
ston), for the manner in which he has shown that it is
not by force of arms so much as by the force of pub-
lic opinion that the oppressors of the Hungariaienhs
must be conquered • and Lord Palmerston,
ktlou thyis
f al
all honour,
to render
d er tr declared,assiinstae t ,hyt
proclaiming
it
. is
ah e
such opinion, and thus stopping the calamities o r
great assistance
we feel that we are supporting theg
It is only by meetings such as this that
that that object
can be effected, and in ;thus rendert
cause of
civil and religious liberty all over the world.
The Rev. C. P. SHEPHERD (Curate of St. Peter's)
was received with loud cheers. He said—Mr.
Mayor and gentlemen, I must first say in public
what I said tins morning in private, when this reso-
lution was put into my head, that I am sincerely
sorry that it has not fallen to the let of some one
better known to you, and whose words would have
greater weight wile you, to second this resolution.
As, however, my objection was overruled, I shall not
now shrink from petrorming to what I feel be a duty,
however imperfectly I may do it. As three of the
incumbents of your five parishes have affixed their
names to the requisition to the 11.Iayor to call this
meeting, there is no necessity for me, who am but a
curate of one of them, to apologise for my presence
here.—(Cheers.) There are some men, I know, who
will condemn the presence of any of the clergy at
meetings such as this.—(Cheers.) But, sir, a man,
by becoming a clergyman, does .not cease to be a
citizen, still less does he cease to be a phi-
lanthropist, still less ought he to cease to show en in-
terest in the well-being of his fellow-men all the world
over.—(Loud cheers.) He will remember the words
of St. Paul, that God "bath made of one blood all
nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the
earth." And if this oneness of blood do not give
him an instinctive love, as a man, for his fellow-men,
yet the faith which he professes will infuse into
him, as a Christian, sympathy for them as his brethren.
For Christianity teaches us that " all men are
brethren ;" and brethren they are in a far higher and
holier sense than the past history of Christendom
would lead us to suppose, in a far closer sense than
soldiers and politicians have hitherto allowed us to
believe.—(Cheers.) The great sacred truth of
" human brotherhood" should be insisted on, as it
appears to me, especially by the clergy, " in season
and out of season," and therefore, whether this be in
season or out of season, I am glad to have an op.
portunity of seconding a resolution which declares,
among other things, that we sympathise with
our brethren the ungarians in their un-
merited sufferings.—(Loud cheers.) I am free to
confess, sir, that if this had been a question
of party politics, I should have carefully kept
myself aloof, for, whatever be my political bias, I
would abstain from exciting the prejudices of any
against myself, as a politician, which might impair
my usefulness to all as a minister of Christ. But
this is no question of party politics.—(Hear, hear.)
It is a question in which are involved the interests of
humanity, of civilization, of Christianity, of all western
Europe, and though last not least, of our own country
and of ourselves.—(Cheers.) We feel an interest in
this Hungarian question, not as Conservatives or
Radicals, but as men—English, Christian men. We
now forget our differences, and find ourselves on
ground upon which Englishmen can stand together,
shoulder to shoulder. Your unanimity in this matter
is gratifying, and it is gratifying to find with what
unanimity men of all parties throughout England
have lifted up their voices in favour of justice to Hun-
gary.—(Cheers.) I shall not tread again the histo-
rical ground over which Mr. Alderman Moss has so
ably passed. I need say nothing more to prove to
you that the traditional rights of the Hungarian
people have been sacrilegiously invaded. I shall speak
on the resolution generally. With respect to the
terms in which it is expressed, we " recognise the
right of independent nations to manage their own
internal affairs"—of course we do. We recognise
our own right by daily acting upon it, and with the
same indignation with which we should reject
the interference of foreigners in our internal
affairs, do we condemn the unwarrantable meddling
of Russia with independent Hungary : therefore, we
say, " we sympathise with the allungarians," and
therefore we " protest against the armed intervention
of Russia." We protest, if we can do nothing more.
And surely it is some satisfaction even to protest
against injustice—(Cheers)—and our protest will pro-
bably be, not only a satisfaction to ourselves, but also
of considerable utility to the cause of the oppressed
people in whose behalf it is made. -(Hear, hear.) By
our struggle against the French Emperor we have so
burdened ourselves with debt, that I fear we cannot
afford, even it it were desirable, to aid them with
arms. War is an expensive luxury—for in such a
cause as this, war would even be a luxury. (The
speaker was here interrupted by several rounds of vo-
ciferous cheering.) I fear that, in the heat of the
moment, my language savoured more of enthusiasm
than discretie,n, for, from the bottom of my heart, I
quite agree with the worthy Alderman in preferring,
under almost all possible circumstances, moral to
physicali force.—And we protest (proceed the Rev.
Gentleman) not only against an act of tyrannous in-
justice, but also because, as I have said, in the
independence of Hungary are involved the interests
of humanity, of civilization, of Christianity; and on
it, perhaps, depends, humanly speaking, the future
fate of western Europe.—(Hear, hear.) If we look
back a few centuries into history we shall find Poland
and Hungary the great barriers against the progress
of Mahomedanism westwards. But for them, as in-
struments in God's hands, the crescent might have
stood above the cross in Europe, and the lies of the
Koran have supplanted the truths of the Bible. And
now Hungary is the great barrier against the influx
of Russian, Cossack, and Tartar hordes into western
Europe. If she, or any part of her, become a Rus-
sian province, hat falls next ? Where will the evil
cease? What will be the end of it? Unless the
Germanic nations of western Europe stand together,
I believe there is peril, though not imminent, that
they will be swept into the sea before hordes of Scla-
vonian invaders Thus this is a question involving
the interests of humanity, civilization, and Chris
tianity,—a question in which we are interested for
the sake of Hungary now, and for the sake of our
posterity in time to come.—(Hear.) Less than a
hundred years ago the historian Gibbon ventured to
prophecy the impossibility of another irruption into
Europe of northern barbarians. Had he lived in these
our days, I think he would have seen reason to alter
his opinion. It will occur to some minds, that if
Hungary finally succeed by any means in checking
the progress of Russia westwards, Russian ambition
and a Russian population must have a vent or outlet
somewhere; that if she cannot push westwards she
will push eastwards, and throw herself upon our In-
dian empire. Be it so ! We shall no doubt be pre-
pared to meet her.—(Cheers.) We shall be a fairer
match for the giant than little Hungary.—(Cheers
renewed.) And when the struggle comes, if we give
Hungary but our sympathy now, no douls:; her grate-
ful and gallant sons will aid us then, in time of need,
with something more substantial, seeing that her in-
terests are ours, as far at least as Russian ambition is
concerned.—(Hear.) If we are asked what is the use
of our sympathy and our protest, I answer that we
cannot tell what may be the good effect, both in
supporting
perhaps in influencing the Fig
sympathyn theoGreovenrnmS ryeenctreotafA,ustarniad.
Moreover,our
nothi a el
th aa .sstt hem
protesteonp
which
w least pargesasiend is a
st
natural feeling,
we cannot
avoid, and if we do
injus-
tice, we shall appear to
to assent to it.—(Hear, heae ‘‘r.o)rldrh object of a
by
our silence,
speaker at a public meeting is to win his audience to
assent to his views, to consent to something he pro-
poses. It seems that you do already con
sent to the

resolution I offer you. You 'do already "recognize
the right of independent nations to manage their own
internal affairs ?" —(Yes, yes.) You do already
sympathise with the wronged Hungarian people?—
(Yes, yes.) You do already protest against the
armed interference of Russia to establish despotism

over a free people ?—(Yes, yes.) Then I have evi-
dently said enough.—(Much cheering and laughter.)
I have great pleasure in seconding the resolution pro-
posed by Mr. Alderman Moss.—(The Rev. Gentleman
resumed his seat amidst reiterated cheers ) .

The resolution was put and carried by acclamation.
The Alayoat then called upon Mr. Bass, M.P., who
was hailed with several rounds of cheering.
Mr. BASS said—Mr. Mayor and gentlemen, after
the eloquent speech you ✓have just heard from my
Rev. Friend (if he will allow me to call him so), it
would seem—particularly by his conclusion—that
little remained to be said upon this important ques-
tion. Seldom has a meeting been held on any
subject on which so unanimous and enthusiastic
a feeling has predominated as on this occasion ;
and if I trouble you with a few stray remarks,
it is not, be assured, en account of any necessity •to
produce conviction in your minds, or to excite your
feelings, but simply because I consider it a duty to
give expression befure this meeting to the deep feel-
ing of sympathy which I entertain for the gallant but
oppressed people of Hungary.—(Cheers.) Sir, I am
profoundly sensible of the vast importance of the
question we are assembled to consider, and at the
same time net a little embarrassed by the difficulties
which surround it. Not that I have a moment's
doubt as to the propriety of this meeting, or of the
solemn duty imposed upon us to meet and express
our earnest and anxious sympathy with a noble and
generous people threatened with the most fatal disas-
ters, whose freedom, whose rights and independence
`'or ages established and recognised, are now menaced
with annihilation.—(Shame !) No, it is for us who
have passed through a similar ordeal, whose fathers
have fought for and won the glorious heritage we
now enjoy—it is for us, who do and can appre-
ciate all that the Hungarians are struggling to
preserve, to speak boldly and loudly in their cause,
and if we may not at once fly to their rescue, at
least let us do all in our power to increase their
confidence, to encourage their consistency and
patriotlien, and as far as practicable assume
an attitude calculated to discourage, if not deter, the
wicked aggressions of their foreign and domestic as-
sailants.— (Lcud cheers.) It is admitted on all hands
by writers of every shade of political opinion in this
country, that the Hungarians have law, justice, and
equity on their side—that the Austrians have out-
raged their constitution, and that the young Emperor
is himself an usurper so long vs he refuses to swear
to their ancient constitution, and who, be it remem-
bered, was not the direct heir to the kingly crown
after the abdication of the last Emperor. The present
Emperor has not a shadow Of title to the throne until
he is prepared to ratify that compact which has for
ages formed the first and capital condition, viz., to
swear fealty to the constitution and independence of
Hungary, to maintain its neutrality as a confederate
kingdom, but not a dependency of the Austrian
Empire. But it is unnecessary to dwell on this part
of the subject. Writers of every political creed in
our public journals all declare the Austrian camarilla
to he the revolutionists and the Hungarian people the
true conservatives of their ancient rights. Sir,
this union of all parties from Radical to Conser-
vative shows that England has indeed a fellow feeling
xith Hungary that as in Hungary all true
patriots have merged their minor differences in a
common love of freedom, so it is proof that the
English people feel for Hungary what they would
feel for themselves if a foreign foe were to assault
their freedom and independence.—(Cheers.) Sir,
the fact that an independent nation is attacked, and
that it is sought to compel it to conform its laws and
institutions to those of neighbours whose habits,
principles, and policy it repudiates, is enough to
arouse our anger and invoke our sympathy; but if

we look further and see this monstrous and unnatural
outrage of Austria successful, where can we expect
the same spirit to lead despotism ?—(Loud cheers.)
What nation can dare to hope for free progress to
liberty when menaced by the brute strength of
Russia, which hangs on its borders and longs to cross
them ?—(Cheers.) Austria allied with Russia—how
far may not success tempt them to run in a career so
congenial to the gaolers of Siberia and Spillberg ?
(Loud cheers.) Where might they not stretch
their unhallowed arms ? So that in addition to the
cause of the Hungarian nation, there are con-
siderations which require foresight and vigilance on
our part. The two Emperors have, as you are aware,
already contrived to partition Poland ; and it
will not be to their forbearance that we may owe the
division of other countries which we should be sorry
to see in their grasp.—(Hear, hear.) But not only
is the cause of liberty endangered; but humanity too.
The practice of war, which has attained something
of the generous gentleness of chivalry in civilised
nations, becomes in the armies of Austria and Russia
a copy of the savagery of the barbarian. You have
heard of the butcheries of Haynau—how that he has
sacked towns, scourged women, hung the clergy,
end butchered his prisoners !—(Vehement cries of
" Shame.") Have you not read the horrid proclama-
tions of this monster, whose name is become a bye-
word, and whose deeds one shrinks with horror from
contemplating in all their revolting features. Surely
such deeds will bring down a righteous retribution.
—(Cheers.) But where is she that was wont to be
foremost in her outcry against the oppressors of
nations ? France, which has gloried so long in the
assertion of her power and will to protect and aid the
cause of liberty endangered, or to foster its first sparks
in nations long dead to its sacred fire—France has, on
this, the first occasion in which her professions
might have become acts, been compelled to smother
within her own labouring breast her generous im-
pulses for other nations.—(" Shame.") But is it not
a proud thing for Englishmen to say that no sanction
has been given by our country to the injustice of
despots, nor a people suffered to want the help of our
opinion in favour of its efforts to attain constitutional
liberty ?—(Loud cheers.) Who could have for one
moment doubted De Tocqueville's sympathies for
Hungary had he not sanctioned the bombardment of
Rome ?—(llear, hear.) But if France and her
Ministers and President continue to slumber or to
wink at the despotism, so much the more need that
we be vigilant and energetic, prudent, but firm.—
(Loud cheers.) Sir, in ;this mixed assembly, far be
it from me to allude to party politics, but I feel we
should be doing less than justice were we not to ac-
knowledge the merits of Lord Palmerston on this
question.—(Loud cheers.) The noble lord has not
only exhibited the best feelings towards the Hun-
garians—he has shown the Austrians the excessive
folly of their wicked policy ; and I am convinced that
in every quarter of the world we may rely on his
manly and honest support of free constitutional
governments.—(Hear, hear.) Lord Palmerston has
been much maligned in this country, but justice will
ere long be rendered to his wise and enlightened
policy.—(Cheers.) To show how differently the
Noble Lord was estimated abroad, I will state to you
that some time since one of the most eminent of the
foreign correspondents of a distinguished journal, who
wrote " to order" from Paris, said to a near relative
of mine soon after the Sicilian business—" You see
how we have been hammering at Palmerston ? Well,
no matter, if the English knew how thoroughly
foreign statesmen admire and acknowledge his skill
and patriotism, they would raise a statue of gold to
his honour." Now, I do not ask you to concur in all
that; but if we do nothing else to-night we shall, by
our proceedings, strengthen Lord Palmerston's posi-
tion in favour of constitutional governments, and
advance the cause of right and truth.—(Cheers.) Sir,
in reading the public journals my attention was
attracted to an article in last Saturday's Spectator, in
which the writer says that in meeting as we do this
evening we are indulging in " prevarication." Ask
the middle classes, says the writer, to join in any real
sacrifice on behalf Hungary, and we should (he
intimates) shrink from the ordeal. The Spectator
may be a high authority, but I will not take his
word on this point.—(Hear, hear.) I believe we are
in earnest.—(Cheers.) I believe there are men
at this meeting—middle class men—may I not say
working men?—(Cheers, and cries of " Ay, with
arms !")—who are anxious to make any reasonable sa-
crifice that would afford a prospect of relief to Hun-
gary.—(Loud cheers.) There are men here ready to
give their money—nay, are there not men ready to
risk their lives in such a cause ?—(Vehement cheer-
ing.) But we are told that we must not fight.
Gentlemen, I believe the cause of the Hungarians is
one in which a good man might resolve to fight and
be content to die.—(Protracted cheering.) But may
we as a nation fight for it, 'unless it should become
more nearly involved with our interests or our
honour ? War is a terrible calamity which we have
no right to invoke while peace is possible. War
involves mourning and misery to thousands of hearts,
and heavy burdens and hardships on the millions
who labour to supply its funds. In the present
aspect of affairs it may be wrong as regards our
duty, and inexpedient as regards onr interests, to
invite war, or to do any act that may invite it ; but
there are evils harder to bear than war—(Cheers)--
and though rapine, murder, violation, are its attend-
ants, yet its end—slavery—is still less endurable—
(Cheers)—all must bo dared rather than submit to that,
and as when it threatens ourselves we should man-
fully rise up to avert it, so I feel that we should
, gladly succour our brethren in any part of the world,
I fiAting in the same sacred cause.—(Reiterated
a
have our
success entire ay
andrn •.
plaudits.) For ourselves, then, we desire to tell the
people
patty
aonfdourHungary
our assurance that we will endeavour to support them
in every lawful and honourable effort. (Loud cheers.)
fervent that
pratyheery s for
their
Iwi will
biile my v,oNpa
gentlemen,lesiire t
o opse
pireaodthe resolution which it
for your adoption. It
is as follows :
" That a memorial, signed by the chairman in behalf

of the meeting, be presented to her Majesty, through
her Majesty's Foreign Secretary of State, expressive of
the sense of this meeting, and earnestly praying for the
immediate recognition of the Government de fucto of
Hungary, as demanded not less by justice, policy, and
the commercial interests of both countries; than by a
solicitude to stop the effusion of human blood, and to
terminate the barbarous atrocities which mark the pro-
gress of the Austrian and Russian armies."
(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I have to apologise for
the imperfect manner in which I have treated so
great a theme. I rejoice to be present in this large,
unanimous, and enthusiastic assembly —this assembly
composed of men of all parties and creeds. It is a
most gratifying proof that Englishmen can forget all
their differences while freedom is in danger, and that
all are prepared to unite their efforts whenever and
wherever the rights of liberty and conscience are
menaced or assailed.—(Loud cheers.) I should at
this time have been six hundred miles away, but
were it six thousand, I would have come here this
evening to tell you that there is not one among you
—and I believe there are honest and free hearts here

—who more ardently, more sincerely sympathises
with the heroic and oppressed people of Hungary
than the unworthy individual who occupies the
honourable position in which your kindness has placed
him. (The Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat anadst
several rounds of cheering.)
The MAYOR called upon the Rev. J. Gawthorn,
who was received with loud cheers.
The Rev. J. GAIVTLIOAN thought, as a general
principle it was well for public meetings to confine
themselves to the objects specified
pebcuifit as edinhethbel
the notice h
the
nvo
e,
which
tehreton of
they were
the Romans in the requhition was
merely an oversight, he trusted he should be pardoned
iffora minute or two he adverted to the wrongs
which they had suffered—(Cheers)—especially as the
preceding; speakers had pretty much confined their
observations to the case of the Hungarians. He had
intended to dwell a little on the sufferings and claims
of the last mentioned people, but as so much had ben
well said in their behalf he would merely mention one
or two circumstances which had not been noticed. It
was quite true that Hungary was an independent
nation, and that the Hungarians were contending only
for their national independence and constitutional
rights, rights which had been guaranteed to
them not only by the coronation oaths of their
successive sovereigns, but by the solemn oath of the
Emperor so late as April 11, 1848, which Mr.
Moss hs.s read ; but has the Emperor observed
his oath to respect the laws, and caused them to be
respected?—(No.) Is he not notoriously a perjured
man ?—(Cheers.) First, the treacherous Court of
Vienna sent emissaries among the Hungarians to sow
discord, and to provoke them to sedition ; then the
Emperor let loose hordes of Croats to devastate the
country and murder the people • and more lately he
has called in the barbarians of the north to complete

the work of destruction.—(Shame, and cries of
" Down with the Russian bear.") We denounce not
only the perjury and injustice in which this contest
began, but also the barbarous, the inhuman disposi-
tion and manner in which it is prosecuted.—(Vehe-
ment cheering.) The brutal General Haynau has
issued a proclamation in which he says, " Doomed to
death is every person, no matter of what rank or sex
—doomed to instant death on the spot is every one
who dares to assist the cause of the rebals,"

(Cheers) ISlention has been made of Kossuth—
Kossuth, whom God preserve and prosper. —(Sev,;ral
rounds of cheering.) In 1836 this brave patriot was
sentenced to ten years' imprisonment for publishing
the debates of the Diet, and now on the battle field
he nobly sustains the cause of his injured coun try.—
(Loud cheers.) But I must say a word on the French
invasion of the Roman territory. It is, I believe,
pretty well known, that during the pontificate of the
last deceased Pope, under his rule so much tyranny
was practised, and so much public discontent
prevailed, that speedy melioration on the one
hand, or open resistance on the other, was inevitable.
When Pius the Ninth ascended the papal throne, a
more liberal policy was expected by the people, and
was promised by the Pope. I give the Pope some
credit for sincerity at the time, but cardinals and
others set themselves in opposition to all social re•
forms, to free institutions, and liberal policy ; so that
at Rome affairs were in a very unsettled and unsatis•
factory state for some time before the late French
Revolution, and before that event France had acted
in a most base and treacherous manner towards the

island of Otaheite, to her amiable Queen, and in-
offensive people.—(Cheers.) We ought promptly
and decidedly to have protested against that atrocious
conduct, perpetrated under the hypocritical pretence
of protection. If Lord Aberdeen had then done his
duty—had we then done our duty—perhaps what has
since occurred might not have taken place.—(Cheers.)
When the French Revolution occurred, Lamartine
declared that France would not suffer other nations
to interfere with her internal affairs, nor would she
interfere with those of other people—a declaration
that was hailed and applauded as rational, just,
and politic, and calculated to secure the peace
of Europe—a declaration applauded not only
by the British people, but also by her Majesty's
Ministers, and by Parliament. Alas ! how soon was
this promise violated. Has France kept her word ?
—(No, no.) Let Rome give the answer. No;
France now stands an uncovered, a convicted, but
an unblushing liar—(Vehement cheering)—in the
face of the world. France, that deposed her own
Sovereign, that formed a Republic and adopted
universal suffrage for herself, denies to others what
she claims for her own people.—(Shame !) France,
that told the world she would not interfere with the
internal affairs of other people, has in the most base
and cowardly manner invaded a weaker people while
struggling and endeavouring to assist their liberty
and to break the chains of priestly despotism.—
(Shame ! shame!) Yes, France has let loose her
army on a neighbour who was doing her no-wrong,
but was nobly following her example and treading in
her steps.—(Cries of indignation.) The Romans
have behaved nobly—(Cheers)—they struggled long
and bravely against the treacherous but overwhelm-
ing power of France—they are not dishonoured in
their fall.—(Loud cheers.) I trust they will yet
rise and vindicate their liberty; but in the meantime
I ask your sympathy for that greatly injured and now
oppressed people.—(Much cheering.) The Rev.
Gentleman concluded, amidst loud cheers, by cor-
dially seconding the resolution.
The resolution was carried by acclamation.
The Rev. W. R. STEVENSON was next called upon,
and received a cordial welcome. He said—ln sub-
mitting to the meeting this memorial, the speaker
observed that he apprehended there would be no divi-
sion of feeling in reference to the sentiments it con-
tained. As Itanglishmen, as human beings, as indivi-
duals possessed of a sense of right and wrong, the
audience could not but sympathise with the Hun-
garians. Injustice, gross injustice had been wrought,
and they could not but sympathise with the injured
party.—(Che?rs ) The memorial just read asked for
the recognition of the independence of Hungary, and
on various grounds, both Radical and Conservative,
might that rightfully be claimed. He believed that
many persons in that hall would feel that when any
nation, whatever its past history, chose for itself a
particular form of government, no power on earth
had a right to say that it should not have that go-
vernment.—(Cheers.) If the Hungarians, as a
people, chose to be independent, what right had
Austria, or any other power to forbid them ? But,
on historical and constitutional grounds also might
that independence be claimed. The Hungarian
nation became fixed in their present location in
Europe about the ninth century. Until the sixteenth
century they were perfectly independent, and were
governed by a series of elected kings. Having,
however, experienced a severe defeat in a war in which
they were engaged with the Turks, and their monarch
being slain, they were led to choose as his successor,
Ferdinand, an Austrian prince, brother of the cele-
brated Charles V. By this act they by no means re-
nounced their independence ; yet it is stated by high
authorities that this is the only ground of claim Aus-
tria has upon Hungary. From the days of Ferdi-
nand until now the Emperors of Austria have been
Rings of Hungary, at first according to the system of
election—more recently by hereditary transmission ;
yet, as was stated by Mr. Alderman Moss, repeatedly,
as for instance, both in 1722 and 1790, has Austria in
the most solemn manner declared the independence
of her neighbour. Oa these grounds, then, as well as
on that of the natural rights of man, may the recogni-
titn of Hungarian independence be asked for.—
(Cheers.) The memorial doss not call for armed
intervention. As a general principle it condemns it.
Such intervention is to be deprecated ; for it is to be
considered that, after all, war is a kind of game of
hazard. When once begun, there is no knowing
how or when it may terminate. Were England
to interfere with other than moral force, a
general European war might be the result ; and
it is possible that by arming in defence of
liberty, we might in the end injure rather than be-
nefit that sacred cause. The triumph of Hungary will,
there is reason to believe, be the triumph of rational
freedom. Before the breaking out of the war Kos-
suth and his friends succeeded in establishing perfect
religious toleration, and in carrying many other most
in the
struggle
important reforms. Should they be victorions
we may see ere long established ,
'in the east
-
of Europe a flourishing independe`
and setting to the
barbarian hordes on he ~,, state, making
daily progress in arts and 1::,,
a glorious and st ' ". eastern and southern
borders
-
imulating example.—(Loud cheers.)
We, the cl
-Acendants of the men who, two centuries
B#°-, ..auggled for freedom in this land, cannot be in-
"oifferent now. Nut only in Hungary, but in every
other land, shall we hail the progress of liberty. We
shall feel ourselves hound, not only now, but at any
future time, to do what with righteousness we can
to assist her in her progress.— (Cheers.) Let the
sentiment of the poet be ours—
Spirit of freedom, on,
And pause not in thy flight,
Till every clime be won,
To worship in thy light.

Then, where the mountains sink,
And where the valleys rise,
The beacon lights of liberty
Shall kindle to the skies:

—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. MADELEY, in rising to second the motion,
was received with cheers. He said that owing to
indisposition he should confine his observations to
one point, namely, the question of moral force, upon
which much had been said at these meetings ; but he
would ask any reasonable man, whether, in having to
deal with the savage hordes of Russia, the moral
force of this country would have any weight but for
the knowledge that it is backed by a gallant fleet and
a brave army ?—(Cheers.) Simply to " protest"
against the aggressions of hordes of barbarians would
be of slight avail, if Russia and Austria did not know
that there was that love of liberty in the English
nation which could not look on with indifference at
the outrages committed by despotic powers.—(Cheers.)
As an independent nation,—a nation enjoying the
greatest amount of national freedom of any country
in the world—we Englishmen should not only ex-
press onr sympathy with the gallant and oppressed
Hungarians, but also demonstrate to them that we
can if we wish, unsheath the sword in the cause of
liberty, and are prepared to defend the oppressed not
only with our purses but with our arms.—(Several
rounds of cheering.) By so acting, we should not
only secure the liberties of the Hungarians, but pro-
tect our own.—(Cheers.)
The memorial was carried by acclamation.
Mr. Alderman HEssnir MOZLEY moved the next
resolution, and availed himself of the opportunity of
paying a compliment to several of the speakers who
had preceded him. After paying a deserved tribute
to the speech of the Rev. Mr. Shepherd, who had on
this occasion made his first appearance before a Derby
audience, but' he trusted it would not be his last—
(Cheers)—the Hon. Gentleman, after passing a com-
pliment to Mr. Moss, congratulated the meeting on
having had the presence of their worthy and esteemed
Member, Mr. Bass, amongst them.—(Loud cheers.)
He could assure them thaeMr. Bass had made great
sacrifices to be present on the occasion ; but he con-
sidered it not only a duty to his constituents but to
his own feelings to participate 'in this expression of
feeling on a subject so dear to the heart of every
sincere lover of liberty.—(Cheers.) After some
facetious observations upon some of his friends, which
caused considerable merriment, the Hon. Gentlenian
addressed himself for a few minutes to the question
before the meeting. It had been said thst these meet-
ings were a mere unavailing protest against an
aggressive power, but sure he was that no power,
however aggressive, could hear the voice of the people
of England thus expressed, without shrinking ; and in
his opinion this universal expression of the public
mind of this country would, in its effects, be little
short of armed interference.—(Cheers.) He begged
to move that Mr. Bass be requested to present the
memorial to her Majesty, through her Majesty's Fo-
reign Secretary of State, at his earliest convenience.
Mr. PEGG said that Mr. Bass, by his presence there
that evening, and especially by his own most excel-
lent speech, had given them proof how cordially he
might be expected to perform the trust.—(Cheers.)
The resolution was carried by acclamation.
Mr. Bass said that he should have great pleasure
in complying with the wishes of the meeting. They
must all feel that they had been discharging an im-
perative duty, and be had no doubt it would have its
fair influence upon the Government. He was de-
lighted with the meeting, which, for order, intelli-
gence, and enthusiasm, could not be surpassed in any
town of equal population ; and the opinion he had
entertained of his constituents was, if poisible, en-
hanced by their conduct that evening.—(Cheers.)
Mr. H. MOZLEY, on behalf of Sig. Marioni, who
could not attend the meeting, expressed on his behalf
how deeply the Roman people would feel the expres-
sions of sympathy elicited in that evening's proceed-
ings.
Mr. BASS then moved, and Mr. Moss seconded, a
vote of thanks to the Mayor for the able manner in
which he had presided over their proceedings.
Carried by acclamation.
The MAYOR said—l feel most sensibly your kind-
ness ; but at the same time I must take leave to say
that I have only discharged a duty, and am amply
rewarded by the excellent speeches delivered.—(Loud
cheers.) He then stated that at a recent public
meeting in the borough of Marylebone, a subscrip-
tion was opened in aid of the great cause of Hun-
garian Independence, the proceeds of which, after
defra3 ing the expenses of sending back to their
country the Hungarian Hussars lately staying at
Folkestone, will be placed at the disposal of the
Hungarian Government; that Lord Dudley Coutts
Stuart and Mr. Richard Taylor are appointed to act
as trustees of this fund ; and that Mr. Adams, the
Editor of the Reporter, or Mr. Pike, will receive con-
tributions at the office, and publish the list in the
Reporter, and transmit the money to the London
Committee, who would acknowledge the receipt in
The Sun newspaper.—(Cheers.)
Three hearty cheers were then given for Louis
Kosstith, three for Bern, three for Dembinski, three
for Georgey, three for Mr. Bass, and three for Lord
Palmerston. The meeting then separated.

them, but upon the express understanding that he
should not incur any liability for costs. The suit
went on, and at length proceedings were taken to
change the attorney, and a gentleman named Kirk
Was employed instead of the defendant, to conduct
the suit, and on the commencement of the present year
the defendant brought an action against Mr. Soden
for 3551., the amount of the costs that had been in-
curred. The action was defended, and upon the
defendant's bill going before the Master to be taxed,
the retainer in question was produced. The body of
the document was in the handwriting of the defendant,
but the signature, although it bore a close resem-
blance to Mr. Soden's hand-writing, he should be able
most distinctly to show them was a forgery. The
action proceeded, but in the evening before it was to
come to trial the defendant withdrew the record and
declined to go on, although, as he alleged, he had a
distinct retainer from Mr. Soden in his possession.
Mr. James, upon becoming acqueinted with what had
taken place, addressed a communication to the defen-
dant, which he should put in evidence, and
likewise some other letters which passed be-
tween them, and by which it would appear that the
defendant did not deny that he had committed the act
imputed to him, but endeavoured to give some expla-
nation of it. The defendant subsequently obtained
possession of the document in question, and took it,
with all the other papers in the action, to his office at
Aylesbury; but Mr. James, feeling that the matter
was of such a nature as to demand inquiry, went down
there ; and in the absence of the defendant, he felt
himself justified in breaking open the drawers in the
office, and thus obtained possession of the instrument
upon which the present indictment was founded.
Mr. 13u11, the clerk to Mr. Meeking, the London
agent to the defendant in the chancery suit, produced
all the papers connected with it. lie also proved the
production by the defendant of the alleged consent of
Mr. Soden to act as next friend in the suit, and the
subsequent proceedings in reference to the action
brought by the defendant to recover his costs from
Mr. Soden. The cause, it appeared, stood for trial in
the Exchequer on the 26th April, but the record was
withdrawn by the defendant.
Cross. examined—Mr. James had been clerk to Mr.
Duncan, the solicitor to the Eastern Counties Railway
Company, and he was engaged in that capacity until
Mr. Duncan ceased to be connected with the company.
The whole of the business at Aylesbury was carried
on by the defendant, and Mr. James did not interfere
with it, but resided in London. He did not recollect
hearing the defendant say anything about having lost
an original consent paper, but he certainly did say
something to him about having lost a retainer, but he
did not remember having searched for it, or being
requested to do so by Mr. Smithies.. When the de-
fendant first produced the retainer before the Master,
it appeared to him that it was for the purpose of
fixing the date. The Chancery suit had been going
on for nearly two years, and it was now being carried
on by Mr. Kirk. The business at Aylesbury in-
creased after the defendant became a partner. The
-Nhole of the papers in "Miles v. Miles" and " Smithies
v. Soden" were tied up together, and he handed the
whole of them together to the defendant. The wit-
ness then identified a letter which was produced as
the handwriting of Mr. Soden.
The letter was put in. It was to the effect that
Mr. Soden was willing to do all he could for the
benefit of the family of the Mileses, but stated that
he would not find security for more than 2001.
By Mr. BODKIN—When the retainer was produced
_ _ _

the defendant did not say a word about its being a
copy, and his impression was that he stated it was
the original consent.
The document was then put in and read. It was
as follows :

" In Chancery—Miles v. Miles—l hereby consent
o act as next friend to the infants for the purposes of
;his suit. " RICHARD SODEN."

Richard Soden deposed that he was an innkeeper,
and resided at Castlethorpe, Buckinghamshire. He
was uncle by marriage to the plaintiff in the suit of
" Miles v. Miles." The signature to the " consent"

that had been produced was; not his writing, and he
never signed such an instrument, or authorised any
person to sign it for him. The signature was very
like his handwriting, and was a good imitation of it.
Mr. Smithies was the solicitor in the Chancery suit,
and the first time he saw him was on the 29th of

May, 1847, at his office in Aylesbury. He went to
him upon that occasion in consequence of a note he
received from one of his nieces, and a person named
Frederick Monk accompanied him. They discussed
at this meeting the question of his becoming next
friend, and he told the defendant that he had no ob-

jection to lend his name to serve his nephews, but he
would not be responsible for any costs; and Mr.
Smithies replied that he would not be called upon for
any. He did not sign any paper on that ccasion,
and he distinctly understood that he was not to be
responsible for costs. He saw Mr. Smithies several
times afterwards, but nothing was ever said about
costs, and he never signed any paper consenting to
be responsible. An action was afterwards brought
against him for the costs, which he defended.
By Mr. CooKE--The Mileses were the childrenof
his sister. Their father had an estate which he
farmed. There were eight children altogether. One
of the objects of the suit was to keep the farm going
for the benefit of the family, instead of turning it into
money, and generally to protect the interests of the
children against certain trustees who had become
bankrupt. Some of the family objected to the mode
in which the suit was carried on. Mr. Smithies at
one period advised a sale, and three of the family
would not consent, and they employed Mr. Kirk. His
nephews told him that he was to go and see Mr.
Smithies, to act as their next friend. He did not
recollect ever being told by Mr. Smithies that the
costs would come out of the estate, but he always
understood that it was to be so. He went several
times to Mr. Smithies's office, and wrote several let-
ters, and rendered all the assistance be could to his
relations in their prosecution of the suit. Did not
know anything of Mr. James until he went to Bow-
street upon this matter, and he was then asked to be
the prosecutor in this indictment. Did not think he
should have instituted the prosecution of his own
accord. He was very glad to get out of it. He
pledged his oath most solemnly that he never signed
any paper at Mr. Smithies's office. Did not recollect
that he had ever expressed any doubt upon the sub-
ject. He had always said that he never recollected
signing such a paper, and it was a very extraordi•
nary thing if he had done so without knowing it.
What he said was, that he had never signed any
paper to make himself liable for costs. He was
still the next friend in the suit. The action between
the defendant and himself was settled by Mr. Kirk
on behalf of the family, and he bad received a re-
lease. The family employed Mr. Kirk to defend the
action, not on the ground that he had never consented
to become next friend, but thAt he had not made him-
self liable for the costs, but it was, of course, always
understood that Mr. Smithies was to have his casts,
but that they were to come out of the estate.
By Mr. HUDDLESTONE—It was when he was told
' that a consent had been produced before the taxing
master, which purported to be signed by him, that he
made the remark that he had no recollection of having
ever signed such an instrument.
Several letters were here put in, which had passed
between Mr. Soden and Mr. Smithies, relative to
the Chancery suit.
Mr. James was then called as a witness. He de-
posed he was an attorney of the Court of Queen's
Bench, but not of the Court of Chancery, and he now
carried on his business at Aylesbury. His father
and grandfather had carried on business in the same
town. The defendant became his partner in 184 G,
and he had the entire management of the Chancery
suit, " Miles v. Miles." He remembered the action
being brought by Mr. Smithies against Mr. Soden,
and he heard of the record being withdrawn on the
25th of May, and he inquired of the defendant how
he came to withdraw the record after the positive
assurances he had given him of Mr. Soden's liability.
The defendant replied that upon a consultation he
had told his counsel that a witness was to be called
for him who was known to be so great a blackguard
that he would not he allowed to go into the box by his
counsel. Witness then said he had better settle, and
not a word was said about the retainer on that occa-
sion. Witness, on a subsequent occasion,
again inquired why he had withdrawn the
record, and the defendant replied that he
had lost the retainer. Witness remarked that a
retainer had been produced before the master, and he
replied that it was a copy, and he said he had drawn
it up from memory. He then asked him if he had
signed Mr. James's name to it, and he said he did,
and also that he had imitated the signature. Witness,
with an oath, said it was a forgery, and the defendant
answered, that he might call it so if he pleased. Wit-
ness then said it was the first time such a thing had
happened in his office, and he would take care it was
the last. They then parted, and the next day he
wrote a letter to the defendant, in which he expressed
his intention to have no further intercourse with him,
and upbraiding him with his conduct relating to the
alleged retainer by Mr. Soden.
A letter written by ,the defendant to Mr. James
about the same time was then put in, in which he
admitted the propriety of his remarks with regard to
the transaction respecting the retainer, and expressed
his regret that it should have occurred, and said it was
certainly wrong, and he ought not to have done it,
and he would be more careful in future. On the 12th
of May the defendant wrote another letter, in which
it appeared he stated that he had, in point of fact, re-
ceived a retainer from Mr. Soden, but had mislaid it,
and when he was called upon to produce it before the
master he said that he had merely handed in the do-
cument now in question as a copy.
,Examination continued—Before these letters had
passscl between them, witness bad expressed his dis-
, o'lt'''' *"+ ti:;" I:rt's't li'as, rel. to to the Cilmletry-
suit, 1. Ll,-i 6Uslit, 541,11c1 110.11E1 S. lie had no premium
with the defendant when he entered into partnership
with him. Until the 15th of Maybe had no suspicion

that there had not been an original retainer, but in
consequence of what he learned on that day he went
down to Aylesbury and broke open the defendant's
desk, and took out all his papers, and among them
was the document which formed the subject of the pre-
sent inquiry. He also took possession of some other
letters written by Mr. Soden, and the signature to the
alleged consent paper appeared to him to have been
copied from these letters. After he had broken open
the desk, as he had stated, a warrant was obtained
ageinst him, and the matter was inquired into by the
magistrates at Aylesbury, but they refused to in-
terfere.

By Mr. CooKE—Witness was in Mr. Duncan's
office, in 1846. Mr. Duncan was the solicitor to the
Eastern Counties Railway. Mr. Smithies Managed
all the Aylesbury business, but he was sometimes
there. two or three days in the week. The de-
f(ndant had been practising as an attorney at
Newport before he entered into partnership
with him, and he was aware that his father was
a clergyman in Essex, and a magistrate for that
county. The defendant first gave him notice of
dissolution of partnership, but he was preparing a
notice' himself, at the time he received it. The de-
fendant was engaged in London upon business for the
office at the time he went down to Aylesbury to
'seize his papers. He not only seized all the papers re-
lating to this affair, but also all the defendant's private
papers, but the latter had since been returned to him.
Witness left Mr. Duncan's office in September last,
and he continued with him so long as he was con-
nected with the Eastern Counties Railway. He
offered to take the defendant as managing clerk if he
would consent to retire from the partnership. The
proposition was made to his brother, but at this time
he was not aware of the forgery. He also made
proposition that the defendant should continue his
partnere but that there should be an agreement that
he should at any time, without notice, have the power
of saying that he was no longer his partner. Wit-
ness did not appear as prosecutor at Bow-street.
The charge was dismissed by the _magistrate upon
that occasion. The defendant refused to accede to the
proposition he had mentioned, and it was after this that
he had a communication with his brother, and said
that he would have the defendant struck off the rolls,
and that he would also prefer a charge of forgery
against him.
By Sergeant BYLEs—Witness made no offer to
continue the connexion with the defendant after he
became aware that the alleged consent was a forgery.
Mr. Frederick Miles deposed that he accompanied
Mr. Soden to Mr. Smithies's office in May, 1847, but
he did not see his uncle sign any paper. He con-
sented to act for the benefit of the family in the
Chancery suit, but expressly said that he would not
render himself liable to the payment of any costs.
Cross-examined—His uncle had always denied
having signed any such paper as the one in question.
He had said that he thought his uncle might have
signed a paper, but had no recollection of his having
actually done so.
This was the case for the prosecution.
Mr. COOTE took some technical objections to the
indictment, contending that at common law the offence,,
of uttering a forged instrument could not be supported
unless there was clearly shown to be an intention to
defraud. He likewise submitted to his Lordship that as
there was no proof of a forgery having been commit-
ted within the Central Criminal Court district, that
the Court had no jurisdiction. •
Mr. Justice EaLE, after some argument, said he
thought there was sufficient evidence to go to the
j ury.
Mr. COOKE accordingly. addressed them for the
defendant, and after having called their attention to
the curious nature of the charge, he called upon them
to remember that this was not a prosecution by all
person who had been injured, but it was a prosecution
by one attorney against his partner for the object, 115
he should contend, not of vindicating the law, but of
effecting his own private object of destroying the
partnership and obtaining all the profits of the busit
ness himself. He could not conceive what was the
object of the forgery, if forgery had been committed,
for Mr. Soden had never denied that he had con-
sented to act as the next friend, and therefore the
defendant was sure to obtain his costs out of the
estate, and there was not the least necessity for
bringing forward the instrument in question. ire,
urged. that it was very possible that during all the,
tedious proceedings of this Chancery suit that Air'
Soden might have signed such a paper and have
forgotten the fact, and that the-defendant's represen-
tation that he had made a copy of it from tnemory
was correct. The Learned Counsel then proceeded'at considerable length to remark upon the con-
duct of Mr. James, and expressed his opinion that be
had acted most unjustifiably and improperly in break'
ing open the drawers of the defendant, and laying
hold of all his private papers, and he concluded tsl
able address, by calling upon the jury to give ~
defendant the benefit of that doubt, which he con'
tended all the circumstances of the case must neces-
sarily occasion in their minds, and say that he W
not guilty of the charge made against him.
' Mr. Justice ELME then summed up the whole case,
and the jury, after a short deliberation, returned 3
verdict of Guilty of uttering a forged instrument with
intent to defraud.
A discussion then took place upon the point re-
lating to the jurisdiction, and eventually the Learned-
Judge requested the jury to give a special verdict,
expressing their opinion whether there was cer
evidence of a forgery having been committed within
the jurisdiction of that court, and on their finding
that there was not, he said the points should be
reserved for the consideration of the Judges, and 10
the meantime he should postpone judgment.
The defendant was liberated upon entering lot°
sureties to appear and receive the Judgment of the
Court, when he should be called upon to do so.

NEW COURT.
(Before the COMMON-SERGEANT.)
George Cook, 33, a sweep, was indicted for stealing
a sweeping-machine, brush, and other articles,
valued at 21., the property of John Francis.
The case was most satisfactorily proved by tve°
witnesses, the prosecutor, who identified the propertsr, with
and a man who saw the prisoner coming away
the property.
The COMMON-SERGEANT (looking over the deposi•
tions)—Here are five more witnesses to prove the
case, which is now fully proved; five more witnesses,
and I shan't call one. What all of them have been
sent for I can't tell. I know we shall have to pay Of
them. The magistrates who commit ought to pay for
them; and, if I had the power to make them, they
should.
The prisoner had been sent for trial by one of the
Bench of Magistrates for Brentford, where the offence
was committed.

The jury found the prisoner Guilty, and bet
having been before convicted, and sentenced to trans-
portation, was now ordered to be transported for tell
years.
George Latour, aged 20, a sailor, was convicted of
stealing some articles of linen from the garden of t‘
gentleman, living at Eltham, in Kent.
The prisoner, when called on to plead, said he
should wish to be tried by a jury of half foreigners'
but finding that he could not make the Court belie°
that he was a foreigner, he abandoned the wish.
The COMMON- SERGE ANT—Where did you last ball.
your hair cut ? (The prisoner's hair was very short'
Prisoner—Had a fever—had my head shaved. t
COMMON-SERGEANT—NO, Sir ; you have had it
rather close. Where did you come from ?
Prisoner (in perfectly good English)—Paris, Sir.
COMMON-SERGEANT—HOW do you get a living ? ,
The prisoner could not tell—only knew that he had
just come from Paris.
COMMON- SERGEANT—A very long time since you
were in Paris ?
Prisoner—Very recently come from there, Sir.
COMMON-SERGEANT—Then, the sooner you get
back to Paris, the sooner you may adorn and suit
society there, for you will not here.—(Laughter.)
The prisoner was then sentenced to three months
imprisonment, and hard labour.

BIRTHS.
At Wentworth, on the 14th inst., Viscountess Milton, of A
daughter.
On the 18th inst., at Liverpool, the lady of Major IV'

Matthias, of a son. 4.6
On the 20th inst., at Chester-terrace, Chester-squares '—
wife of J. Streatfiel, Esq., of a daughter.
On the 20th inst., at Bolton-place. Queen's Elm, Bromptolit
the wife of Captain F. Schreiber, of a son.
On the 20th inst., in Dorset-square, the lady of R. J. ll'
Broughton, Esq , of a son.
4if'
On the 21st inst., at Sutherland-street, Walworth, .ar.rN
Shadbolt, of a daughter.

ARRIED
On the 15th inst.. at AI
Whalley. Church, LancasbireigtAlie
Rev. S W. King, eldest son of the Rev. W. H. King,•
to _Emma, daughter of the late John Fort, Esq., M.P., -
Read-hall, in the same county.
On the 21st inst., at Woodmansterne Church, the Rev. t
B. Berens, rector of Downham and Wickford, Essex,
Sophia Frances, youngest daughter of the late T. Wale'
Esq., and the Lady Margaret Walpole, of Stagburiel.,

DIED
On the 20th inst., in Regent-street, London, the R.; ght
Hon. David, Earl of Airlie and Lintrathen, aged 63. the
On the 17th inst., Mr. J. Martin, 42 years clerk to
Society of Antiquaries. her
On the 17th inst., Sir Cuthbert Sharpe, Collector of -
Majesty's Customs at Newcastle, aged 68. the
On the 13th inst., at the Sanctuary Probus, Cornwall, -
Rev, Robert Lampen, BRA., vicar of Probus, and PreheTl'
dary of the Cathedral Church at Exeter. Edward
On the 18:h inst., at Albert-square, Clapham,
Murrell, Esq., late of Northfleet, Kent, aged 81.
On the 19th inst., at Ramsgate, Suean Schweitzer, th°
wife of Professor W. J. Schweitzer, aged 47.
On the 20111 inst., at llerne-hill, Dulwich, Robert Collie'
Esq., aged C 4. St.
This morning. at 57, Judd-street, Brunswick-sqvieret
Pancras, Henry Hetherington, bookseller, aged 59.
--7-
______.-

LorC,on: Prlnted and Poblkhed 1,3% 1411;111,D0
Na, 112, Strand, Printer, at Tips Sun Office, No. h"",,f
Strand, in the Precinct of the Si*VOV. in the eettati
Bliddlosex,Thursclay, August 28, 1849.