The Sun.
London, England, 1849-04-25 00:00:00

Justice, both of whom were well versed in the law of
nations, end neither of them made any ob.iection to it.
If the pi inciples of national equity were net violated,
nor the principles of intern:alone( law, he contended that
the Governor of Breen bud no right to iesist upon or
exeeet our fornearauce. Lord Aberdeen's account
showreedsetnttetnbte.relwfatsheaybumiant cause f, r interference
and
proclaim to the world theytharteraillalPtlhetihriseffßoiti•lt'steve
prweounPt
slavery were at an end, and they might then as well con-
sider how the trade could be proueotod and encouraged.
Mr. WOOD said the question under consideration was
about the driest and shortest that conld be conceived.
The Act of the Bth and 9th Victoria did not carry out
the treaty, and that was their difficulty. Who ever
heard of a Legislature endeavouring to enforce a treaty
in the way in which the Right Hon. Baronet suggested?
They could not be surprised if it should turn out to be
contrary
passedtraryto thethe pirAienredisplevysiothfeninttearnadtiisoennalasielna, and law.
House without a division. Probably that was the
cause of the slip; and there was certainly the case of a
Bill being passed through both Houses without an op-
tThhae;
tunity for the expression of opinion against, it.
Lord PALMERSTON said he had teen accused of
entertaining a humane crotchet by the Hon. Member for
Montrose, but he might, in turn, say that that lion Mem-
ber himself entertained one. If he (Lord Palmerston)
had one, Lowe%er, it was one, ho was sure, iu which a
majority of the House participated; and as a Committee ,
was sitting to consider this matter, it would be far better
to postpone the subject for their consideration. He denied
the principal assertions that were made in reference to
the repression of the slave-trade, and was prepared to
prove, if ever the occasion should arrive in which he was
to be called upou to do so, that the steps hitherto taken
had been productive of much good, and had prevented
a vast deal of harm. The horrors of the middle passage
were now much fewer in number, and smaller in degree,
than they were formerly, and in course of time, there
could be no doubt, that they would be still further dimi-
nished.—(Hear, hear.) The idea of setting the slave-
trade free was in itself, to say the least of it, a very
impolitic one. The first result of that step would be,
that the coast of Africa would literally be swarmed,with
the vessels of all countries ready to engage in it. The
argument of the Hon. Member for Oxford, in which he
could not agree, was, that it was wrong to deal with the
ships and property of Brazilian subjects, and not with
the subjects themselves, because, he said, they could
not in that way reach the root of the evil. It had
been said that we were assuming a power to deal with
the subjects of Brazil in a manner which was not autho-
rised by the law of Brazil. But many Hon. Members
seemed not to be aware that by the law of 1831, slave
traders were subject to punishment. It was not merely
the ship that was condemned, but every man engaged in
the trade was subject to punishment, not as pirates cer-
tainly ; but still the Government of Brazil did more
than even we did, for we confined our interference to
the ships engaged in that trade. It was said that pro-
posals had been made for an alteration of the law, to the
Earl of Aberdeen, that might have been so, but there
were no communications in the Foreign-office to that
effect. It was true that when he came into office, a
communication was made of a treaty by the Minister of
Prazil, but it was accompanied by a statement that it
was drawn by a Governor not then in office, and he had
no authority to propose it as a Government measure.
He (Lard Palmerston) objected to that, and sent out
the draft of a treaty by Lord Howden, which was ole
jetted to by the Brazilian ;Government, who said that
they would send a counter proposal ; but that had
never yet been sent to him. With respect to the com-
mercial treaty, gentlemen were very much deceived if
they believed that the abolition of the present Act
would have the slightest effect in reducing the slave-
trade. The fact was, that reciprocal commercial trea-
ties were entered into with a view to commercial advan-
tages solely, and he was not aware that at present our
commerce suffered from any inconvenient restrictions in
the Brazils. He could only say that he considered that
this law was perfectly justified by international law. It
was perfectly borne out by the law of 1820. It it was
abolished, it would lead to the revival of the slave-trade;
and if they abolished it without discussion, they would
commit a great error. Even those who were in favour
of its abolition, he thought, should refrain until the
Committee had reported. On these grounds he should
resist, and he could not help hoping that the House
would not give its assent to the motion of his Hon.
Friend, and thus abandon the high ground of principle
which they had hitherto taken on this question.
Mr. ROUNDELL PALMER was much astonished
at the positions laid down by the Hon. and Learned
Member for Oxford, with respect to the position of the
slave traders. The treaty between this country and
Brazil laid down that Brazilian subjects engaged in that
trade were pirates, and should be dealt with as such.
We, therefore, between Brazil and us, had a perfect
right to say, that pirate vessels captured on the sea, and
brought into the ports of this country, shall be dealt
with as the Parliament of this country deemed proper.
zTilhieeyn had
Bforirtfiesihtedlawal.l claim to the protection of Bra-
Mr. COBDEN said, he would not have risen if the
Noble Lord had not placed the division on a false
principle. He accused the Honourable Member for
ewho
h o
slavet trade, supported him, desireth at
our
present system was successful. Why the
tAelonrtervoisvee, andthe those
hi
assumed uomf ead
very contrary was the case, as was !shown by
the tract sent to all Members that morning
by the Anti-Slavery Society that the slave trade had in-
creased, notwithstanding America had withdrawn from
that trade, and that also showed that the deaths on the
middle passage had increased since 1807 from fourteen
to twenty-five per cent., and the horrors of the middle
passage had increased in like proportion. He thought,
therefore, it was quite clear that our efforts had failed to
repress the slave trade, and it was rather cool of the
Right Hon. Baronet and the Noble Lord to accuse those
who were opposed to the armed cruisers of the Noble
Lord of being desirous to restore the slave trade. His
opinion was, that the secret of the failure of our efforts
to put down the slave trade, arose from our having re-
course to force. Instead of continuing our appeals to
justice and humanity, the Anti-Slavery Society had
ae t
they
h they went
began sought the aid of politicians and force, and from the
moment t
r
to
to
fa
itih
ine Ft
their rei go
objects.—(Hear,
ec.e_,
eDa
ro:vhneianrgo-
e
We had better, therefore, try to convert other nations by
country,lhaelaggudalheardn aa rng tttiland
lead epnrto,
shakendb h
he
ec
produce conviction.
ooisune m
l dhi
semaenrselwy opinionh iisevtah
hiytehgtwerehrroaetus
ground respect
nothing
ttdtah
kii
tnnee
gut t hbhhiyees
ever was
known
nthienrehi
his Hon. Friend.
wstaorsy,it
Colonel THOMPSON said, that even if they were to
concede that the Anti-Slavery Society was right in its
deavour to diminish•
s it were useless, but that, on the
thnaot
contrary, if no effort had been made, the slave-trade
moredi
d slave
net tradingfollow wallthaann.
would have been greater.—(Hear, hear.) There was a
parallel case which his Hon. Friend, who had alluded to
him,
,might be ready to answer. Suppose it was urged
that that great change in the commercial policy of this
country, strongly affecting powerful interests, had not
done many and certain things—which some would say it
was very desirable should not have happened—how
ready would his Hon. Friend have been to say that there
was not much in that argument that was effectual and
conclusive.—(Hear, hear.) During his whole life he had
supported the object of the Anti-Slavery Society, but
he could not help suspecting that their intellect was un-
der some cloud.—(A laugh.) He was not bound to ex-
plain the rationale of their proceedings, but when he
heard his lion. Friend talking of a benevolent crotchet,
it led him seriously to expect that his Hon. Friend
would be executing an office at the Horse Guards, or
pet haps taking the command of the Channel fleet.—
(Laughter.) He implored the Gentlemen to suspend
their judgment until they had a perfect opportunity of
judging; and he was confident that they who had passed
their lives in glorying in the repression of the slave
trade on the coast of Africa would see that this country
did not take part against them in the end.
After a few words from Mr. BRIGHT in explanation,
Mr. GIBSON briefly replied.
The House then divided, when the numbers were-
-34
For the motion •••
••• ..• . 137
Against it ... •-• ' .
103
Majorit

The motion was accordingly lost.
Mr. WYLD moved for leave to bring in a Bill to ex-
plain and amend the law relating to the holdirg of in-
quests or cGurts of inquiry in cases of fire within the
United Kingdom.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL objected; and

After some conversation the motion was negatived
without a division.

The other orders of the day were then disposed of, end
the House adjourned at One o'clock.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE
METROPOLITAN REFORM ASSOCIATION.
Sir,—On Monday the 23d, the Bill on the Naviga-
tion LAWS was read a third time by 275 against 214, and
passed. Little that is remarkable attended it, except the
continued evidence presented, that however professions
may run to the contrary, the object of hope is a joyful
return to the enjoyment of protection in the matter of
corn. All the stock fallacies on the sufferings of unpro-
tected industries are brought forward as if they had had
no time to grow old. And what is to be lamented is,
that the opportunity given for once more putting them
down by reply, has been to a
great extent thrown away.
The report is that the Bill is to pass the Lords.
What is of some importance is, that the great military
Peer is understood to be for the Bill. He had a narrow
escape from making him self a great civil name by re-
moving the corn-laws himself; for he must always have
had us clear a vision of their absurdity, as of a plan for
increasing the numbers of an army by taking men from
one battalion to another and losing half by the way.
Perhaps he now snuffs a war, and with the pardonable
jealousy of age, dislikes to see it in other hands.
On Tuesday the thanks of Parliament were voted to
the commanders and troops engaged in India, and the
battles were fought over again from the Gazette. It
would be curious to know what might have been said in a
Seikh Parliament, if the Seikhs had beaten.
On the same night a motion for leave to bring in a
Bill to repeal the Act connected with the Slave Trade
treaties with Brazil, was negatived by 137 to 34.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
AN OLD REFORMER.
London, April 25, 1849.

ST. MARTIN'S-IN- TUE.FIELDS. ELECTION OF
GUARDIANS OF THE POOR.--IU consequence of there
being 60 names proposed, the result of the election has
only just become known:—The 24 persons proposed
by the churchwardens have been elected, the highest
having polled 1,462 votes, and the lowest 1,159. Of the
24 names p:.op.)st•d by Mr. Charles Cochrane, that gen-
tleman himelf obtained 871, and the lowest of his nomi-
nation 193 votes. Of the 16 names proposed by others,
four were also included in thechurchwardens' list, and
i(ll.lthg le2w,
hDoilre. and the lowest
were consequently among the highest. Of the remain-
obtained 838
p"roallklle3Yo