The Sun.
London, England, 1849-04-03 00:00:00

greater confidence, because he had .tot heard Minictera
themselves maintain that their own proposition was
adapted to those which would be, prol.r.bly, the perma-
nent circumstances of the country. He had also Ten-
timed to criticise the elaborate proposition of the Right
Honourable Member for Tam worth, as delivered
, thefor
to them in the second of his series of speeches
dtul, ir:iuorbdnt 1
ttsl addressisth e3st'. subject.
It. h e
Iliteigshhtounldon
be
euragllilae d to he
Baronetar
would have many speeches, each edition
revised and corrected for public use. He need make
no apology fur thus dwelling on the fenhtimernts
of that Right Hon. Gentleman, as everythingcontsidaetrinell
from his lips must be of vast importance,
considering
sgidreeraitoegx
hpeisri
Brestonceo fe
xppuerbil:cnclei feien and more eCially
administration2'oresp
of Irish affairs. When they recollected how
the Right Hon. Gentleman had been .Chief Secretary to
the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland they might natura II
suppose that the plans which he propounded
tothye
House were the quintessence of all the projects that The
found in t he pigeon-holes of his office in the Castle atDublin.
But whatever view theft Bight lion. Baronet might tides,
of the affairs of Intl Ind his suggestions would be calcu-
!Wed to cetch public attention, thought they might not
satisfy the public necessity; nevertheless his opinions
were to be valued not only for their intrinsic worth, but
also on eccount of the position which their author (vett-
pied in the House and the ceuntry. They acre of value,
likewise, beenwe they were significant of the way in
which public opinion was being formed and the quarter
to which it w 2, directed. He be ked also at the opinions
of the Right Ho .. Gentl• man as proofs that the time
hail gone by for d tiding with Ireland upon erounds of
political economy, and it was something to have arrived
at that when they remembered the propositions they
had listened to, and what speech
es had been made
in that House session after session, and oppore
tunity aster opportunity.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
When the affairs of Ireland were most pressing he bad
frequently found great satisfaction on taking up his
newspaper in the morning when he perceived that there
had been a meeting of Irish Members in Downing-street
ret(pec'ing some Irish railway, and greater satisfaction
Ail' when he came down to the House and found that
another railway was to be support( d. The capital, then,
which his late Noble Friend had proposed to be applied
to the purposes of Irish railways was now well nigh ex-
hausted, and in that very direction which his Noble
Friend had pointed out. Let there be only another
famine and all that his Noble Friend had proposed would
be carried into full effect.—(Hear, hear.) He had spo-
ken respectfully of the plans of the Right Hon. Gentle.
man, and he entertained for them much respect, a senti-
ment to which they were fully entitled; and when the
' House had heard those views propounded to them, na
wonder that some who did not always keep present to
their minds what occurred in that House, should ask
why he and those who thought with him had not likewise
favoured them with views of Ireland—why they had
not followed the example of the Right Hon. Gentleman,
by also becomine, painters. He could tell them that
that had already been done. In adverse times,
when they were political economists, he had put forward
to them the necessities of the Irish and modes of relief.
He should now, as then, oppose any proposition which
tended to make any difference between Ireland and Eng-
land. The need of Ireland was an imperial need, and he
maintained that it was as politic as it was highly wise and
just, to treat Ireland as an integral part of the United
Kingdom, and, with fitting assistance and friendly
counsel, much might be done for Ireland that might be
far more valuable than a rate in aid. It had been sug-
gested that Ireland would readily contribute, by means
of an income-tax, to the necessities of her own poor,
and he certainly should support his Hon. Friend the
Member for Kerry if he brought forward a proposition
to that extent. He should support au income-tax com-
bined with the workhouse test if it terminated that in-
justice to the land of Ireland to which he was
strongly opposed ; and, as be considered that aid
was required from the Imperial Exchequer, he saw no
reason why it should not be contributed from an Irish
income-tax. 6,000,0001. might thus be fairly brought
into play, every species of Irish property might be taxed
fairly, and there would be nothing having a tendency to
induce mortgagees to foreclose. That class of proprietors
would then contribute as readily as any other; a fund
would thus he created for the relief of the Irish poor, and
the pride of Ireland, the justifiable pride ot the country.
might be legitimately indulged. That was his idea of an
income-tax; and now he would seek to impress this upon
the attention of the House, that if they wished to adopt
the suggestion of the Right Hon. Member for Tam-
worth, they must revert to the law of 1838; and
they must come to this, that they shall di-
minish the taxing area. But when they obtained
such an income-tax as he suggested—when they bad
stopped the great evil of the poor-law, then the State
might aid the enterprise and industry of Ireland, accord-
ing to the suggestions of his Noble Friend, under the
sanction and shadow of the Imperial Treasury. He did
not despair of Ireland; and one object at the present mo-
ment was to meet difficulties of so pressing a nature that
not a day should pass without thinking of some measure
of alleviation and Improvement. The time had arrived
when England and Ireland must learn to forget: it was
useless to go back to the past. It would be unprofitable
or worse to examine minutely the blunders of some and
the corruption of all. He hailed as a new era that period
when those recollections would vanish with the potato—
when the strife which had subsisted between the two
countries would In consigned to oblivion. Petty and tra-
ditional causes of dissension must be forgotten; both
countries must redly be united, and Ireland, like the
Patriarch in his struggle with the mystic wrestler, wou:d
find that when the strife wai over OHe had been contend-
ing, not with an oppressor, hut with a guardian angel.
Lord .1 RUSSELL said—The Hon. Gentlemen who
Laciest sat down, to whem I have listened with the
utmost attention during the whole of his stench, has
msdeit necessary for me to enter ir.t.) &tali in re ply to
him, extended far beyond the mere ordinary cc urse of
the present det.a,e. But before I enter upon these
larger q lestion., I think it advisable for a short limo
to detain the House with some vindication of V..e project
of the Government which is now before it. 'I hit pro-
ject is nor, as the lien G, n Leman represented it, in-
tend( d as a comprehensive view of the present Admi-
nistration to relieve the distress at pre a nt prevailing in
Ireland, or to promote at once the general prosperity of
that country.—(Hear, Lear.) It is lutende d oily us a
merely temperery measure, adopted for the cure of the
evils under which Ireland is at present suffering, but is
not a reject contemplated to afford any ultimate or
comprehensive relief.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The
Honourable Gentleman stated that the proposition of a
rate in aid, as introduced by the Government, was unfair.
Now, Sir, I cannot believe that any one would have
said that it was unjust if we had proposed, in any or-
dinary year, or under ordinary circumstances, that the
taxation of Ireland should be assimilated to that of Eng-
land.—(Hear.) When Ireland was not allowed to have
recourse to our colonies ; when she was not permitted
to trade with the West Indies or North America; when
even the trade with this country was fettered like that
with a foreign state ; then it might be right that the
superior • amount of taxation should be borne by Eng-
land.—(Hear.) But since every restriction of this kind
upon her commerce has been done away with, ;
it appears
to me that [hero would be no injustice to Ireland in
proposing* that many taxes to which this part of the
empire is subjected—such, for instance, es the
laud-tax, the assessed taxes, the duties of the
excise, and the income tax, should all be ex-
tended in principle and practice to Ireland.—(lliar,
hear.) But if this be so, it comes then to a question
of expediency whether these taxes should be extended
to Ireland. It appeared to us that we were imposing
a lighter burden upon that country, under present
circumstances, when we proposed that a rate of no more
than 6d. in the pound should be levied on all the rateable
property in Ireland. But if we hal proposed such a
system of taxation as I have alluded to, we might have
contemplated applying its proceeds to general Imperial
purposes. The tax we do propose, however, we intend
should be appropriated to the relief of the suffering part
of the kingdom only. Now, if it be just that we should
propose such a tax for imperial purposes, is it not so
when we propose it should be entirely applied to Ireland,
and for the benefit of that country exclusively ?—(Hear.)
Now, if there is any truth in this remark, so far as the
justice of the proposition is concerned, I believe that our
proposal can be maintained with psrlect justice. Ihe
Hon. Gentleman opposite who has just sat down has said
that the contemplated tax will be inadequate for its ob-
jects. He took the amount, at only about: 300,00(11.
Well, then, a sum ot 50,0004 had been already voted by
the House; and assuming the lion. Gentleman a calcula-
tion to be correct, there will be a sum of 350,0001. in the
course of the year applicable to the relief of Irish dis-
tress. In the course of last year 390,0001. had been
applied to the relief of the distress in the whole -of
Leland; but still carrying out the charitable views of
this country, the British Association had a large sum in
hand. I submit, therefore, that the sum of 350,0001.
would be an adequate sum for the purpose of relieving__
the existing and contemplated distress in Ireland. The
Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire says our proposition
,
is an unfair distribution of the burden of taxa
in
be-
cause it falls entirely on the landed those
who property—onose.
who are peculiarly burdened—on
to this part of the
more than another. With regard one elites in the country
sub-
ject, it appeared to us that as there were rates to be col-
lected for the relief of the poor,_ t would be easier and
lighter to collect i
the proposed taxin the same way. But
represent Ireland tell us that a tax upon
if those who
would be a
property and income
ell that while fairer burden than our
us
proposal—it they
they they are unwilling to
take our proposition, would accept an income and
property-tax, and that sufficient relief would be given
from their suggestion--I can assure those Hon. Gentle-
men there will be no such insuperable objection to their
proposal on the part of the Government as will prevent
me from adopting that form of impost which appears to
be most approved of by those interested.—( Hear, hear.)
l'he Hen. Member for Manchester seated in his speech,
that having now for some years contributed to the relief
of Irish distress in this country, Ireland was bound to
take part, not solely and entirely, hut in part, in the
alleviation of the pressure which now leans on that
country. Anil in that opinion I concur with the lion.
Gentleman. It is nothing to ti o present case t , say, as
has been said in former di cussions as well as the pre-
sent, that the money contributed for the relief of Irish
distress, from the Imperial Exchequer, was ill distri-
buted or lavishly bestowed. That may he brought us a
charge against the Government; but as far us the
people of Great Britain are concerned, (heir readiness
is still the same to contribute to the ,distress where it
existed.— (Hear, hear.) The application of the funds,
therefore, had nothing to do with the question ot the
large contribution made by Great Britain to the relief of
distress.—(hear.) I um not willing to enter turther
into this subject of the rate in aid, because questious so
much larger and more important than the payment of
sixpence iu the pound for two years have been raised
in the course of this discussion. We have heard from
the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, we
have heard from my lion. Friend the Member for Man-
cheater, we have heard from the Hon. Gentleman who
boa just silt durfu, speeches of aurpsortvg Witten Wm