The Sun.
London, England, 1849-04-25 00:00:00

Justice, both of whom were well versed in the law of
11.,t,,,r,5, 'and ',either off. m “ny c:, 0 • '
If the principles of national equity were not violated,
nor the principles of international law, he contended that
the Governor of Brazil had no right to insist upon or
expect our forbearance. Lord Aberdtea's account
showed that there was abundant cause for interference
and resentment. If they repealed this Bill, they would
proclaim to the world that all their efforts to prevent
slits ery were at an end, and they might then as well con-
sider how the trade could be promoted and encouraged.
Mr. WOOD said the question under consideration was
ahem the dryest and shortest that could be conceived.
The Act of the Bth and 9th Victoria did not carry out
the treaty, and that was their difficulty. Who ever
heard of a Legislature endeavouring to enforce a treaty
in the way in which the Right Hon. Baronet suggested?
They could not be surprised if it should turn out to be
contrary to the principles of international law. The
Bill pissed the Lords without a discussion, and that
House without a division. Probably that was the
cause of the slip; and there was certainly the case of a
Bill being passed through both Houses without an op-
tunity for the expression of opinion against it.
Lord PALMERSTON said he had been accused of
entertaining a humane crotchet by the Hon. Member for
Montrose, but he might, in turn, say that that Hon Mem-
ber himself entertained one. If he (Lord Palmerston)
had one, however, it was one, he was sure, in which a
majority of the House participated; and as a Committee
was sitting to consider this matter, it would be far better
to postpone the subject for their consideration. He denied
the principal assertions that were made in reference to
the repression of the slave-trade, and was prepared to
prove, if ever the oceasion should arrive in which he was
to be called upon to do so, that the steps hitherto taken
had been productive of much good, and had prevented
a vast deal of harm. The horrors of the middle passage
were now much fewer in number, and smaller in degree,
than they were formerly, and in course of time, there
could be no doubt, that they would be still further dimi-
nished.—(Hear, hear.) The idea of setting the slave-
trade free was in itself, to say the least of it, a very
impolitic one. The first result of that step would be,
that the coast of Africa would literally be swarmed with
the vessels of all countries ready to engage in it. The
argument of the Hon. Member fbr Oxford, in which he
could not agree, was, that it was wrong to deal with the
ships and property of Brazilian subjects, and not with
the subjects themselves, because, he said, they could
not in that way reach the root of the evil. It had
been said that we were assuming a power to deal with
the subjects of Brazil in a manner which was not autho-
rised by the law of Brazil. But many Hon. Members
seemed not to be aware that by the law of 1831, slave
traders were subject to punishment. It was not merely
the ship that was condemned, but every man engaged in
the trade was subject to punishment, not as pirates cer-
tainly ; but still the Government of Brazil did more
than even we did, for we confined our interference to
the ships engaged in that trade. It was said that pro-
posals had been made for an alteration of the law, to the
Earl of Aberdeen, that might have been so, but there
were no communications in the .Foreign-office to that
effect. It was true that when he came into office, a
communication was made of a treaty by the Minister of
Brazil, but it was accompanied by a statement that it
was drawn by a Governor not then in office, and he bad
no authority to propose it as a Government measure.
He (Lord Palmerston) objected to that, and sent out
the draft of a treaty by Lord Howden, which was ob•
jetted to by the Brazilian ,Government, who said that
they would send a counter proposal ; but that had
never yet been sent to him. With respect to the com-
mercial treaty, gentlemen were very much deceived if
they believed that the abolition of the present Act
would have the slightest effect in reducing the slave-
trade. The fact was, that reciprocal commercial trea-
ties were entered into with a view to commercial advan-
tages solely, and he was not aware that at present our
commerce suffered from any inconvenient restrietions in
the Brazils. He could only say that he considered that
this law was perfectly justified by international law. It
was perfectly borne out by the law of 1820. It it was
abolished, it would lead to the revival of the slave-trade;
and if they abolished it without discussion, they would
commit a great error. Even those who were in favour
of its abolition, he thought, should refrain until the
Committee had reported. On these grounds he should
resist, and he could not help hoping that the House
would not give its assent to the motion of his Hon.
Friend, and thus abandon the high ground of principle
which they had hitherto taken on this question.
Mr. ROUNDELL PALMER was much astonished
at the positions laid down by the Hon. and Learned
Member for Oxford, with respect to the position of the
slave traders. The treaty between this country and
Brazil laid down that Brazilian subjects engaged in that
trade were pirates, and should be dealt with as such.
We, therefore, between Brazil and us, had a perfect
thatthe pirate
ports
country, oneht
with as the Parliament of this country deemed proper.
broughtright to
shall be b see a de and
sianyto,
They had forfeited all claim to the protection of Bra-
zilian and British law.
Mr. COBDEN said, he would not have risen if the
Noble Lord had not placed the division on a false
principle. He accused the Honourable Member for
Montrose, and those who supported him, of a desire
to revive the slave trade, and assumed that
our present system was successful. Why the
very contrary was the case, as was shown by
the tract sent to all Members that morning
by the Anti-Slavery Society that the slave trade had in-
creased, notwithstanding Amerioa had withdrawn from
that trade, and that also showed that the deaths on the
middle passage had increased since 1807 from fourteen
to twenty-five per cent., and the horrors of the middle
passage had increased in like proportion. He thought,
therefore, it was quite clear that our efforts had failed to
repress the slave trade, and it was rather cool of the
Right Hon. Baronet and the Noble Lord to accuse those
who were opposed to the armed cruisers of the Noble
Lord of being desirous to restore the slave trade. His
opinion was, that the secret of the failure of our efforts
to put down the slave trade, arose from our having re-
course to force. Instead of continuing our appeals to
justice and humanity, the Anti-Slavery
Society had
sought the aid of politicians and force, and from the
moment they went to the Foreign-office, in Downing-
street, they began to fail in their
objects.—(Hear, hear.)
We had better, therefore, try to convert other nations by
arguments, and by those means which were used in this
country, to produce conviction. With respect to the
legal argument, b
he would merely say that nothing he
had heard had shaken in his opinion the ground taken by
his Hon. Friend.
Colonel THOMPSON said, that even if they were to
concede that the Anti-Slavery Society was right in its
assertion that there was more slave-trading now than
ever was known in history, it did not follow that all en-
deavours to diminish it were useless, but that, on the
contrary, if no effort had been made, the slave-trade
would have been greater.—(Hear, hear.) There was a
parallel case which his Hon. Friend, who had alluded to
him, might be ready to answer. Suppose it was urged
that that great change in the commercial policy of this
country, strongly
affectingdone many and certain things—which some would say it
was very desirable Should pnoowterhfualveinhtearpepsetsu,odh—adhnoowt
ready would his Hon. Friend have been to say that there
was not much in that argument that was effectual and
conclusive.—(gear, hear.) During his whole life he had
supported the object of the Anti-Slavery Society, but
he could not help suspecting that their intellect was un-
der some cloud.—(A. laugh.) He was not bound to ex-
plain the rationale of their proceedings, but when he
heard his Hon. Friend talking of a benevolent crotchet,
it led him seriously to expect that his Hon. Friend
would be executing an office at the Horse Guards, or
perhaps taking the command of the Channel fleet.—
(Laughter.) He implored the Gentlemen to suspend
their judgment until they had a perfect opportunity
of
in
judgg; and he was confident that they who ha d
passed
slave
their lives in glorying in the repression of
trade on the coast of Africa would see that this the
country
did not take part against them in the end.
Mr. GIBSON briefly replied.
divided, when the numbers were—
For the motion
The House then
After a few words from Mr. Bazaar in explanation,
Against it ... --• ••• 137
Majority ••• ••• •-• —lO3
The motion was accordingly lost.
Mr. WYLD moved for leave to bring in a Bill to ex-
plain and amend the law relating to the holding of in-
quests or courts of inquiry in cases of fire within the
United Kingdom.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL objected; and
After some conversation the motion was negatived
without a division.

The Other orders of the day ere then disposed of, and
ie House adjourned at One o'clock.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE

METROPOLITAN REFORM ASSOCIATION.
Sir,-0a Monday the 23d. , the Bill on the Naviga-
tion Laws was read a third time by 275 against 214, and
passed. Little that is remarkable attended it, except the
continued evidence presented, that however professions
may run to the contrary, the object of hope is a joyful
return to the enjoyment of protection in the matter of
corn. All the stock fallacies on the sufferings of unpro-
tected industries are brought forward as if they had had
no time to grow old. And what is to be lamented is,
that the opportunity given for once more putting them
down by reply, has been to a great extent thrown away.
. The report is that the is to pass the Lords.
What is of some importance is, that the great military
Peer is understood to be for the Bill. He had a narrow
escape from making himself a great civil name by re-
moving the corn-laws himself; for he must always have
had as clear a vision of their absurdity, as of a plan for
increasing the nambers of an army by taking men from
one battalion to another and losing half by the way.
Perhaps he now snuffs a war, and with the pardonable
jealousy of age, dislikes to see it in other hands.
On Tuesday the thanks of Parliament wero voted to
the commanders and troops engaged in India, and the
battles were fought over again from the Gazette. It
would be curious to know what might have been said in a
Seikh Parliament, if the Seikhs had beaten.
On the same night a motion for leave to bring in a
Bill to repeal the Act connected with the Slave Trade
treaties with Brazil, was negatived by 137 to 34.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
AN OLD REFORMER

London, April 25, 1849.

ST. MARTIN'S-IN. - FIELDS. -- ELECTION OF
G UARDIANS or THE POOR.—In consequence of there
being 60 names proposed, the result of the election has
only just become known:—The 24 persons proposed
by the churchwardens have been elected, the highest
having polled 1,462 rotet,, and the lowest 1,158. Of the
24 names proposed by Mr. Charles Cochran; that gen-
tleman himself obtained 871, and the lowest of his nomi-
nation 193 votes. Of the 16 names proposed by others,
four were also included in the churchwardens' list, and
were consequently among the highest. Of the remain-
ing 12, Mr..Wakley, M.P., obtained 838, and the lowest
oa the whole poll 130 votes.