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London, England, 1838-07-13 00:00:00

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LONDON :
FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 13, 1838.

The Tory Lords, as was expected and predicted, last
night engrafted their own views on the Municipal Bill for
Ireland. Lord LYNDIIURST, as he said, by their express
desire; was their organ on the occasion, and after explaining
his and their objects, in a plain clear speech, he moved
that only the large towns of Ireland, contained in Schedule
A, should be subject to the provision of the Bill. They are
Belfast,Clonmel,Cork,Drogheda,Dublin,Galway,Kilkenny,
Limerick, Londonderry, Sligo, and Waterford ; and all
those in schedule B, thirty-six in number, and comprising
such boroughs as Armagh, Carrickfurgus, Portarlington,
Wexford, &c. Vic., are to be excluded from the operation
of the Bill. If, however, the majority of the inhabitants
of any one of those towns, who would be entitled to vote
under this Bill, if in operation, shall desire to be in-
corporated, and make an application within a limited
time, the CROWN may be at liberty to grant them
a charter. This amendment, if carried through
the Commons, will, probably, enable the old Orange
oorporators, together with the Sovereigns of these 36
towns, to retain them as at present ; for the high franchise
which was subsequently introduced, will always prevent
these towns from asking for the Bill, and for them the
Municipal Act will be .of no avail whatever. Only the
eleven large towns mentioned will be subject to its
provisions, and as several of them, such as Cork,
Limerick, and Kilkenny, have already emancipated
themselves, the Bill, as modified by the Tories,
becomes of very triffiing importance. The small towns ex-
cluded from its operation are their strongholds and the
very homes of corruption, and these the Tories will pre-
serve untouched and unaltered. This amendment their
Lordships agreed to it is understood without a division.
Their next amendment, to raise the franchise up to in-
habiting or renting a house of the bona fide value of 101.
was resisted by Lord MELBOURNE, but without success.
He was defeated by 96 to 36, and then declared, as the
sense of their Lordships was so clearly pronounced, that he
would not offer any further opposition. The Bill
accordingly went through a Committee. Lord LYND.•
litlisT's amendments and proposed amendments were
ordered to be printed, and they are all to be taken into con-
sideration on the bringing up of the report. A 101. fran-
chise, while the Bill is limited to eleven towns, renders it
of about the smallest conceivable importance. It is another
nice little bit of mockery for the hungry Aliens, and it would
be more honourable to the Tories, more consistent with
their general character, and more worthy of those prin-
ciples of coercion on which they endeavour to govern the
world, if they would follow the consistent opinion of Lord
Color, and do away with Corporations altogether, vest-
ing the government of the towns, as in Prussia and in
France. in the Executive.
It will be remembered that these Tory amendments were
both submitted to the House of Commons and were both
rejected, one without a division, and one after a division.
The Tory Lords then avow their intention to thwart and
oppose the House of Commons. They do it deliberately,
having planned their schemes beforehand, as Lord LYND-
HURT states, and only go through the form in the House
of Lords of carrying them into execution. Will the Mi-
nisters and the House of Commons accept the Tory insult
and the Tory Bill ? We believe they will. The
Ministers have already suggested an 81. franchise to
their friends. Lord MELBOURNE, it is understood, made
a similar suggestion in the House of Lords last night. If
we do not mistake, they have already intimated that they
do not object very strongly to the 101. franchise for the
large towns, and, therefore, now that Schedule B is struck
out of the Bill, they will never stop it for the difference
between an eight-pound and a ten-pound franchise.
The Municipal Corporation Bill for Ireland will
at length pass, and what its value will be after three years'
painful gestation, we have already described. The two
Houses of Parliament number somewhere chant 1,000
Members in all ; and for the labours of such a mighty
mass of the cleverest men in the country, at the
end of three years to terminate in such an abortion,
is as lamentable an instance of the weakness and folly
of human nature as has of late fallen under our
cognizance. A single wrong-headed speculatist, who
sets about squaring the circle or finding perpetual motion,
seldom labours for three years without blundering on some-
thing which either he or some other men turn to advantage,
but the labours of the Legislature seem only to end in
wasting paper, printers' labour, and printers' ink.
The Legislature, however, is quite right to get
rid of the Irish question on almost any terms.
The whole Empire is heartily sick of it, and
there; are so many other subjects, the discussion of
which it prevents, that it cannot be renewed in another
Session. Now, the two Houses of Parliament must dis-
pose of it to settle it is quite another matter. The con-
venience of parties, as well as the public weariness,
require that it should be put out of sight. One act of legis-
lation can no mere be continually performed in St. Stephens,
d draw an audience, than one drama he invariably and
Paerpetually repeated at Drury-lane. Let it then be put
aside as the Tory Lords will ; and the Liberals miy rely
in this case, as in others, on the existing spirit of the people,
whatever it may be, working the law in its own seni:lt.
It
is not the dead letter of an Act of Parliament, t
the
living spirit which works through it, that constitutes the
freedom or the slavery of mankind. We would only
venture on one remark. This Bill and the other Bills for
settling the Irish questions are obviously compromises.
They are passed for the convenience of political parties,
not because any man on either side says they are just and
true, and what ought to be the law. In argument both sides
reprobate them, and neither will be bound by what is mere
present convenience when it finds itself strong enough to
into effect. For laws to be per-
carry its own just *wit