The Sun.
London, England, 1831-10-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNAL 4,

In consequence of the part which they took on
the Reform Bill, the Bishops have been marked out
es objects of peculiar hostility. The propriety of
their sitting at all as Lords of Parliament has been ,
drawn into question, and the political contentions of
the Senate are asserted to be incompatible with the
pious duties and spiritual functions of the Prelates of
the Church. Some Journals broadly hint at the
zacessity of measures of retaliation not only against
the Bishops, but against the temporalities of the
Church, of which they are the guardians. Now as
to the wee which the Bishops gave against the Re-
form Bill, we have no right to say that it was not a
constientious one. Indeed, when a Bishop votes
against the Crown we are always disposed to believe
that he sacrifices his habits, his inclinations, and
even his taste, to his conscience. King and Church.
are Bet more closely associated by prescriptive maxim
than by the general conduct of the Bench of Bishops
in the House of Lords. When the Monarchy was
abolished in England Episcopacy went,down along
with it ) when the Monarchy was restored Episco-
pacy was re-established. Burke says that "religion
should raise her mitred head in palaces ;" but it
is another question whether she should exhibit
her lawn sleeves in Parliament. We maintain that
this quettiore is not likely, in stormy times like
the present, to be temperately or impartially dis-
missed. As to the effect which the votes of the
Bishop, produced on the fate of the Reform Bill,
let us see what it was. Twenty-one Bishops voted
against the Bill, and the Bill was lost by a majority
'of forty-one. Suppose thin, all those Prelates had
followed the example of the Archbishop of York
and the 131 shop of London and abstained from
voting, the loss of the Bill could not have been pre-
I vented, for it would still have been thrown out by
a majority of twenty. If, indeed, the twenty-one
Prelates had voted for the Bill instead of voting
against it, the Bill would have been carried by a ma-
jority of one. But this could not have removed the
objection of those who maintain the position that
Bishopti should not interfere in political questions.
Whether they voted for the popular side or against
it would be equally a violation of the spiritual 110IP•
intervention principle which the objectors to a poli-
tical Prelacy have laid down. If we are to have a
Reform in the Church, it cannot be a judicious and
temperate Reform unless it be one considered and
adapted on its owa merits, and without any re-
ference to the votes of the Bishops on the Reform
Bill, or on any other question. If the Church wants
Reform—and we are of opinion that, to a certain ex-
tent, it does-s-it would be the inversion of all sound
reasoning to say that, because the guardians of the
Church voted for the Reform Bill (supposing they
had done so), it would be right that the Church
itself should go unreformed; or, in other words,
because the guardians of the Church acknowledged
that the beat way to renovate the Slate was to re-
move its abuses, therefore the best acknowledgment
that could be made to them would be to allow the
abuses of the Church to be perpetual. Though we
have said that the abstract question as to the pro-
priety of the Prelates of the Established Church
having scats in the House of Lords is not a question
for times of excitement, yet we have no hesi:ation
in saying that our Bishops, in their places in Parhe-
ment, hate, somehow or other, almost invariably re-,
sisted all improvement. We do not forget the
heroic conduct of the "seven Bishops" in blowing
the trumpet of the glorious Revolution, and we ye- .
iterate their memories for the stand which they made
against a tyrant, when their own rights and pri-
vileges bad been arbitrarily assailed; yet, when
the restoration of the rights and privileges f their
fellow-subjects is the question which the Govern-
ment supports, fee find the great body of the
Bishops, for the first time in living memory, ar-
rayed in opposition to the King and his Ministers.
But, on other occasions, when harsh and cruel laws
were to be passed against the people—when an un-
constitutional stretch of power was to be sanctioned
by the Legislature—when the passing of the " Six
Acts"—the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act
—the enactment of new capital Statutes, inflicting
death under circumstances for which Christians •
ought to blush—the passing ore Spring-gun Bill to
legalise a system of cowardly assassination, more
' dangerous to the innocent than the guilty-.-when
these aril other matters equally opposed-to sound
and humane legislation were the work eta out by the
Minister for Parliament, we have always found the
Bishops on the side of power. In short, the Mi-
nister
of the day has generally calculated on their
votes with great certainty, but nitrer with a more'
justified confidence than when the corrupt or ar-
bitrary acts of the Government were to be absolved
from all responsibility, or the errors of the law,
or the " venerable" abuses of the State, were
to be protected against the reforming hand of
salutary innovation. During the successive years
that Sir Samuel Romilly nobly struggled to
purify our criminal code from inhumanity and
barbarism, by judicious and enlightened amelio-
rations, the Prelates of our Church—the teachers
of a religion of mercy, were among the most
steady opponents to any and every alteration of our
sanguinary code. This circumstance Sir S. Romilly
himself adverted to with deep regret in his place
in the House of Commons in the year 1813, when
he said, " I saw without any astonishmeut that the
punishment of death for privately stealing to the
amount of five shillings had been sanctioned by the
support of five Prelates, because, upon a former oc-
casion, I recollect that the punishment of death for
this offence was approved and supported by seven
of the Bench of Bishops, amongst whom, if I mis-
take not, there was an Archbishop." What Bishops
voted on the other side ? Alas ! the records of
merciful and enlightened legislation bear no traces
of their names ! Far be it from us to ascribe
those things to any corruption or venality
of the Bench itself : we would rather be-
lieve that cloistered habits, a narrow expe-
rience of life, an advancement to high rank and
power, oftener the result of a subservient cultivation
of patronage than of independent thinking and
laborious merit, have, in a great measure, disqua-
lified them for those duties of political life which
require comprehensive views, moral intrepidity, and
that civil wisdom which knows how to distinguish
between pernicious change and wholesome innova-
tion. We speak of the body of Bishops, knowing
that there are, and have been, individuals among
them, at all times, of the purest integrity, the most
amiable feelings, and the greatest mental endow-
ments. We have said that the Church wants Re-
form to a certain extent ; and we think so chiefly
because the wealth of the Church is great, while
that wealth is most unequally distributed. Many of
the Dignitaries of the Church are far too highly
paid, while the working Clergy are, in general,
without adequate remuneration. These and other
defects must be reformed ; but Reform in the
Church should be conducted, not as a measure of re-
taliation but as a duty of morality and justice.—.
Morning Herald.

Parliament will be prorogued as soon as the Bank-
ruptcy Courts' Bill is passed, and it is not intended
that it should assemble again till after Christmas.
We need not say that we regret this delay. We
see in it great cause for apprehension. The country
will either remain in a state of agitation, or it will
not. If agitated, who can tell what the consequence
may be ? If the agitation subsides, the hostile
Lords, who are only Reformers from necessity, who
bate Reform from the very bottom of their souls,
and who will be constantly on the look out for
meansto prevent it, will again delude themselves
into the belief that the people are indifferent to
Reform, and become persuaded that they have been
too easily led to conceive that Reform is inevinible.
The greater part of the 199, whatever Reformers
may think, have not the slightest ides that it is not
just and proper they should subsist on the pillage
of subsistence. No m
of the public. They have been brought up in the
notion that the people are only of importance as
pigs and sheep are of importance—as
ing
sensesthe have thought of con-
louna„ane;er

vincing the Algerines that it was wrong to sub-
aiston the-pillage of traders on the high seas, by any
'other arguments than ''those which were ultimately
itrged with regard to it**. All the Methodists in
E4rope and Amcrisa would fail in their attempts to
soften the, heart of one single Arab, brought up in
the notion that it is more glorious to rob Caravans
than to labour. The jobbing boroughmongers, like
all other persons convinced against their will, will
relapse the very first opportunity which appears to
(latter their inclinations. Nothing on earth but the
demonstration in a manner not to be misunderstood,
that the people are to a men bent on Reform, and
that the danger will be greater to themselves from
opposing it than agreeing to it, will command their
suffrages. The processions of 120,000 respectable
tradesmen and other householders in the metropolis
on Wednesday last were of more avail in the way
of argument than all the pamphlets that ever were
written, all the speeches that ever were delivered.
A Reform which would enable the Ministers of this
country to throw themselves on the people, and to
govern without distributing the plunder of the
people among the possessors of borough property,
must always be wormwood to the latter. The
people have had great reason to confide in the
honourable intentions of Ministers, who have
shown themselves sincerely desirous ni ren-

. _
dering the representation of thrt, people ade-
quate to its object. The people know, more-
over,,
that Ministers, evert if they would, dare
not depart from the principle of a just Reform,
with which their own safety is bound up. They
have done so much to destroy the corrupt influence
of the borough mongers, that forgiveness is altoge-
ther out of the question. Any concession by Mi-
nisters to the Anti-Reformers would be depriving
themselves pro tanto of the means of influencing the
latter—namely, the support of the people. Every
advance to the Anti-Reformers is,therefore, a dimi-
nution of their own power. Interest and honour,,
therefore, equally point out to them the necessity
of adhering to that which is not only a tower of
strength to them, but all their strength.---namely, the
scheme of Reform, which has rallied the nation as
one man round them. Bat while we have the most
thorough conviction in the good intentions or Mi-
nisters, we may not have the same favourable
opinion of the wisdom of the course which they
seem determined to adopt in order to give effect to
them. We may believe that they will neither pro-
pose nor support any measure of Reform less eflicient
than that which has been rejected by the Lords,
without believing, at the same time, that the Lords
will be induced, by the means they propose to em-
ploy, to consent to such a measure any more than
they chose to consent to the last Bill. We say a
measure of Reform not less efficient, because a less
efficient measure would produce a disunion among
Reformers, of which the Anti-Reformers would
instantly avail themselves. Lord Wharncliffe and
many other Reformers against their will, would be
the first to vote against a less efficient Reform, when
they saw that Ministers were no longer backed by
the people. We need not say that the people of
the metropolis have been in a very uneasy state with
regard to Reform, ever since they knew that no
Peers were to be made. On Wednesday last, a
meeting of delegates from the different parishes, at
the Crown and Anchor, came to the following reso-
lutions

" I. That this meeting has heard with feelings of dis-
may, that it is intended to prorogue Parliament till after
Christmas.

" 2. That this meeting, composed principally of depu-
tations from various parishes of the metropolis, is confident
that the state of feeling in their respective parishes is of
such a nat'ire as to render a prorogation for so long a
period of most imminent and instant danger to the lives
and properties of his Majesty's subjects.
"3. That this meeting beg leave to urge uponbis Majesty's
Government the necessity of immediately proroguing the
Parliament, and to assemble it again within seven days, so
as to enable them to re•introduce Lord John Russell's Bill,
and to pass it without delay.
" 4. That a memorial to Earl Grey be founded on the
foregoing resolutions.
" 5. That the memorial now read to this meeting be
adopted, and signed by all the gentlemen now present.
" 6. That the memorial be conveyed to Earl Grey to.
night by a deputation, to consist of one gentleman from
each parish.

" 7. That the thanks of the meeting be given to Mr.
Thomas Potter for his conduct in taking the Chair."
The following is the memorial alluded to :
'4 TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE EARL GREY,
The Memorial of the Undersigned

" Sbeweth—That your memorialists are resident in
various parishes in the metropolis, and have considerable
knowledge, and some influence, in their several localities.
" That they have heard, with astonishment, that it is
intended to prorogue the Parliament, and not to re•as•
semble it again till after Christmas.
" That they should neither do their duty to themselves
to their country, nor to to the Government itself, if they
did not assure your Lordship it is their firm conviction,
that unless the Parliament be prorogued for the shortest
possible period (not exceeding seven days), and that the
Bill for Reforming the Parliament, which has passed the
House of Commons, be there again introduced, and the
necessary means he adopted to secure its becoming the law
of the land, this country will inevitably be plunged into
all the horrors of a violent revolution, the result of which
no one can predict.

" And, therefore, most urgently implore your Lordship's
immediate attention to this memorial."

On Wednesday night, at about a quarter to
(eleven, a deputation of seventeen gentlemen from
the different parishes, headed by Dr. Carpue, waited
on' Earl Grey on the subject of the memorial. The
result of their interview was the ascertaining that
Parliament would be prorogued till after Christmas,
that no more Peers would be made, that a concilia-
tory Bill would in the interval be prepared of a
nature to obtain the suffrages of a majority of the
Lords. The deputies, we understand, assured his
Lordship that the people would be content with
Lord John Russell's Bill. His Lordship answered
that it would be absurd to think of again proposing
Lord John Russell's Bill—that Ministers would not
think of bringing in a Bill which they knew would
not be carried—that, however, the people might rest
assured they would support no Bill which would
not secure to the people their constitutional rights.
As to the prorogation for seven days, his Lordship
said it was quite impossible to be prepared with the
Bill in that time—that the framing of the Bill
would require much attention, and occupy much
time. This is, we understand, the substance of what
passed at the interview. We find that a contem-
porary (the Globe) has taken the same view of the
danger of delay which we entertain.

"—While the confidence," says our contemporary,
" which the people every where show in the Ministers is
not too much to be commended, the Ministers themselves
must reflect on the weight of the responsibility which this
confidence imposes on them. There are, no doubt, a
great number of inconveniences as to principle and persons
in getting on the sudden three score or a hundred new
Peers, and pouring them into the House of Lords ; but
the Ministers must know that this is not to be put in com-
parison with a second rejection of the Bill. They must
know that a second rejection of the Bill would shake the
confidence of the country—that it would be then impos-
sible to preserve the peace—impossible to preserve the
Lords themselves.

" It is desirable, of course, not to resort to any expedi-
ents of inconvenient example, if not necessary to carry the
Bill ; but it is well to err on the safe aide. And there is
one thing especially to be reflected upon by the Ministers,
with what silly arrogance--with what contempt of danger
till danger is at hand—have they to deal among their
opponents I When the people have been again quiet for
three months, when the Peers have been for three months
pampered and deluded by the vermin who surround them
—then we may have a fatal spirit al blindness sent among
them. An historian remarks it to have been the charac-
teristic of Princes, and it is but too true of Lords sur-
rounded by flatterers, to despise the force of their oppo-
nents up to the very moment when it is too late to be
wise. It is represented to them, he observes, by their
parasites, that it is a mark of a lordly spirit to fear nothing,
though he adds, les sages tiendront tots purolles,
grande folic ; et est grand honneur, de cruindre ce que
l'on dolt, et d'y bien pourvoir. Which may be thus
translated for the benefit of Mrs. Partington :—' It is
creditable to the bravest man not to walk into a wed, and
even a Lord, if he has a head, should not run it against a
wall.' "
How grievous to think, that the very cireum-

stances which all good men ought moat devoutly to
pray for, are likely to impel the bnrOughmongers on
a course fatal to, themselves, as to the well-being of
the country. The safety of the country depends on
the union of the Reformers among themselves,
Ministers may err in judgment; but We are satisfied
they mean well. We kno re that pains have been taken
by the organs or the Anti-Reformers to hold out the
Lord Chancellor as by no means indisposed to desert
his party; but the people may be assured,that if thee
had been the least foundation for stth en atiCusation,
there would not have beet! ch fin ankiety in the
quarter whence it triginated to induce a belief in ft.
It is an ititretrtlon of the enemy, and the ohiect of it
may be easily seen through. Mr. ".71aibett, however,
in his Register of this day, examining some passages
in his Lordships speech, has in some degree coun-
tenantea the report of his insincerity
The high flown compliments Kt`a says) bestowed on
Harrowby, and the calling bithat old and inveterate enemy
of Reform his ' Nloble Friend' was very ominous; but
there It a's something a great deal more suspicious than thlsl.
and a great deal more offensive to an ex
prop.ed readiness to make the ittr. sutrage a subject of
discussion, with a rod hint of a readiness on his part to
give up that !hest important part of the Bill. I will not
be 'Charged with misrepresentation here. I allude V! two
passages, in particular, of the speech, and 'take those two
parts without any garbling, th'd then ask the reader what
he thinks they earl r;ossibly mean, other than that the
Lord Ciratteeltor was ready, if necessary to some purpose
or bttatt that be might have in view, to give up thin part
of the Bill, or so to modify it as to make ho longer a
thing which the people would retAe. The first passage,
taken from the llfordnr eifronicle, was as follows :
" I have litrtiied with profound attention to the de-
bate of V-, Aida this, I believe, will be the last right, and
e;Thich has already occupied five days ; and having heard
a variety of objections, having tveighed the arguments on
both sides, and careless tAeillier I give offence in any
quarter, I must ray, that I am so far moved by some points
urged, ca 'to be ready to reconsider some matters upon
which I had deemed that my mind was sof ficient?y made
up. lam bound to say, on the other hated, that in the
greater proportion of objeetir.ll4 to this Bill, I not only
cannot concur, bet that, judging as dispassionately as any
man in this Rouse, they have left my mind altogether un-
influenced as far as regards the bulk of its principles.
(Cheers. )'
" This was a preparing of the Way. There then fol-
lowed an hour of very tthhieaning stuff, having neither
statement nor argument ; calculated merely to amuse and
bewilder the'people. And then, by-and•hy, some good
strong stuff about the rotten boroughs; but in the midst
of it, and as it were by accident, oat dropped the fol!owing,
which I quote word for ttiord, begging the reader to pay
particular attention to every word of it :
" Bet, my Lords, touching the boroughs, I say it is not
true that the borough representation is founded On popu-
lation. Ten-pound householders l-------now that is taken as
the test. You do not say to a man—you must be a
freeholder, or yott must possess a certain property in
money or pods ; but you take the ancient constitutional
criterion of his being an inhabitant householder. If we
were to grant the franchise to all inhabitant householders,
then it might be fairly said we proceeded upon the prin-
ciple of population. But we do not—for we restrict the
generality that htich a principle would require when we
declare that a resident householder must have no less a

qualification than that of renting a house at ten pounds
per annum. In London and the great towns—in
the Tower Hamlets—in Marylebone—l allow that the
renting of a 101. house is a low qualification.—(Hear,
hear.) But this does not affect the principle of the Bill.
—(Hear.) Ten pounds is only a low qualification in
London and the other large towns. It is by no means a
low qualification in the rest. Therefore, ray Lords, I say
the question is onefor the Committee —(Hear, hear.) In
the small town the 101. householder is generally an easy
man. Twenty pounds was originally destined for the qua-
lification, but upon inquiry into the circumstances of the
small towns throughout the kingdom, we were induced to
abandon it. We found one town of 18,000 inhabitants, in
which there were not over twenty 101. houses. And now,
my Lords, as to the class of men occupying these 10/.
houses. In some towns the 10/. householder is a small
shopkeeper—in other towns lie is a shopkeeper of a better
order—in others a mechanic—in others foreman to some
great manufactory—in others a labourer—in others an ar-
tisan ; but generally he is a man above want—a man who
has a house over his head, and a family that interests him.
—(Hear, hear.) Now, if Noble Lords, speaking upon the
question in general, choose to object to this qualification
that it is uniform, and say that it ought to be different in
divers places—lower in the smaller towns, and higher in
the larger—l will not say that I agree with them ; I will
not say what was originally my opinion—l will not tell the
reasons that now recommend the Bill, as it stands, to my
support; but I will say, that whoever holds that doctrine
will find me ready to secure for him the most ample—the
most scrutinizing—the most candid discussion of the sub-
ject in the Committee. I speak as an individual; candour
compels me to say thus much. But I, at the sante time,
say that it is emphatically a subjec; fur the Committee,—
(Cheers. )'
" Now; what does this mean ? Will any man of sin-
cerity pretend that it does not clearly mean that he is ready
to give up the ten-pound suffrage in great towns, and to
make it a twenty-pound suffrage ? At least, that he is
ready to give up the ten-pound suffrage in great towns ?
Mark him : he says that if Noble Lords think that the
suffrage ought to be lower in smaller towns, and higher
in larger towns, he will not say that he agrees with
them : he will not say what was originally his opinion ;
he will not tell them the reasons for which he now supports
the Bill ; but he will say, that whoever holds that doctrine
will find him ready to secure for him the most ample,
the most scrutinizing, the most candid discussion of the
subject in a Committee ! Then he says, that he speaks as
an individual !

" Is there a man in his senses who does not see that
this was saying that be felt himself at liberty to differ
from Lord Grey in opinion as to this part of the Bill ?
It is impossible fur a man to shut his eyes to this truth;
and, then, look at the passage quoted before, where he says
that, having weighed the arguments on both sides, and
being careless whether I give offence in any quarter, I
must say that I am so far moved by some points urged as
to be ready to reconsider some matters, upon which I had
deemed that my mind was sufficiently made up." It is
utterly impossible to look at these passages without believ-
ing that the speaker meant to signify his readiness to quit
Lord Grey. I put it to the sensible reader whether he can
come to any other conclusion. I am sure that he cannot ; and
this was the conclusion to which all sensible men in London
came instantly upon reading the speech. So general
was this conclusion, that the rumour all day on Sunday
and on Monday was, that a new Ministry was about to be
formed, of which the head was to be Lord Harrowby, and
Brougham the Lord Chancellor. When I went into
London on Monday morning, a gentleman stopped me in
Fleet•street, and asked me if I did not see clearly that
Brougham meant to abandon Lord Grey, and to make part
of a new Ministry. I had not, at that time, read attentively
the speech of Brougham ; but this question induced me
to do it. With regard to the schemes about a new Mi-
nistry, I could not tell ; but it was plain enough that he
was preparing the way far getting into the long boat, and
leaving Lord Grey amongst the breakers, which en Satur-
day and Sunday, and even on Monday, appeared to be
very close at hand. Lord Grey, I observe, had expressed
his determination to stand or fall by the Bill. The two
Lords, Melbourne and Goderich, clearly expressed- their
determination to stand by their leader. Lord Durham,
though he did not speak in the debate, might be assumed
to have done the same. From Lord Holland no declare-

tion was necessary; but from Lord Lansdowne there
dropped no expression indicative of such determination :
while we had from the Chancellor the passages which I
have above quoted, and which were quite enough for me.
"On the Saturday and Sunday those things were
made known to the public by degrees, which had been
known to Broupbam many days before. He saw, long
before the debate was concluded, that there would be a
decided majority against the Bill. He bad heard, with-
out doubt, that which the public learnt on Saturday and
Sunday ; namely, that fears existed that the King would
be prevailed upon to refuse to make a new creation of
Peers, without which the Bill could not be carried, and
without carrying which Lord Grey could not remain in
office. The rumour was, that the Queen particularly,
and that others of the Royal Family, but particularly the
Queen, was opposed to the passing of this Bill. There
is no doubt that the greater part of the persons, if not all,
immediately surrounding the King, wished the Bill not to
pass; but the public could know nothing about the matter."
We repeat, we do not believe that there is any
intention on the part of the Ministers to produce any
other than an equally efficient Bill with the last;
but we believe at the same time that the public,
seeing no new creation of Peers, will doubt the
power of Ministers to carry such a Bill: and that
the moment the Anti-Reformers perceive there is
any want of cordiality among the Reformers, they
will availisicq themselvesuciotnecaesdsiioff concession.
of
.r
e n
Tthsoeirttobtjo.oefedtbieoufnsesiantetsthe
nrmeasure.oamn e
the
pn.
Cl•latishoi

tien were metaphysical and not teal; but Parlia-
mentary Reform means the depriving Anti-Reform-
ing Lords of solid pudding,--it means the keeping
their hands ont of the Public Treasury. There is
ho analogy between the two cases. In the case of
the Catholic question it is d;flicult for a man of
sound intellect to understand why there shoald bt
any opposition to emant'pation ; in the case of Re-
form thee is no diliiculty in understanding the
gi•oundS of opposition to it. Well stocked eellah'
and splendid parties; rich *visions ter soh; and
daughters; are arglinients palpable to the most ordi:
i'n6.-y understanding. Therefore, we repeat it, the
Anti• Reformers cannot be coaxed into an eqicieni
Reform. The people may dOend tip6n it—they
are not yet i;‘.4,hout: hope that something will turn
it ih the interval between this and the new year to
prevent the dreaded Reform.—Morning Chronicle.
After the Reform Bill had made its tva!it into Pat.:
'lament, and it had pecora.. dear that it powerful
majorlq, dr. the 'Commons was in its faVotir, the
People of England desisted from every thing like a
vehement expression of their eagerness foi- the 'sub-
cess of that great measure, in tie persuasion that it
was cotinffiit';'iti to safe and honest hands, and that
they might look on securely. This composure,
which really ought to have passed for a proof of the
sound and considerate interest with which the people
regarded the whole subject bid prospects of Reform,
%Wraid not satisfy the boroughmongering faction.
With them it attested nothing more than the utter
indifference of the people. We said to them—
" Wait until the Bill appears to be endarigefed&-
wait until the Lords throw it out, if in their in-
fhtuatinn they should commit such extravagance;
and then see if the people of England do not mani-
fest symptoms somewhat different from those
which you have so curiously misconstrued." The
Lords have thrown out the Bill, and what
days the British nation ? Is it now indif-
ferent ? Is it now confiding ? Is there no passion,
nor movement, nor threatening indication of what
the people will do for themselves; if others do no-
thing for them? Why, the rhinds of men are on
fire, The whole country is a political club. The
majority of the House of Lords, and each individual
name which swelled it, are as familiar to the ears
and memories of even the rural population of the
United Kingdom, as to the messengers and door-
keepers of that illustrious House. And what has
thrown this extraordinary glare around certain mem-
bers of the British Peerage, not hitherto possessing
any very conspicuous hold upon the attention of their
countrymen? Why their vote upon the Reform
Bill,—upon that Bill towards which we were assured

for some months past, that the people generally en-
tertained such absolute disregard or alienation I
Well, the excitement cannot be denied,. but, as
was the tranquillity of the people a few weeks
ago, it is calumniated and perverted. Some tell us
that it is a transcript of the French Jacobinism
of 1792. Jacobinism ! We marvel where Tory
observation has been sleeping. If they want to learn
how the Jacobin spirit,—how the revolution spirit
contemplates the passing of the Reform
would advise them to watch the workings of certain
Members of the House of Commons, in relation to
it. Let them inquire how Hunt, the present (and
as he will soon be, the past) Member for Preston,
speaks of it. Does he ever open his lips but to dis-
parage and revile the Bill and all its provisions ?
Does he—Hunt the demagogue--ever get up to
speak professedly on any other topic, without con-
triving to drag forward some abuse of this Bill, and
endeavour to convince the mob, that it does not suffi-
ciently consult their pretensions to despotic power ?
Why, the meaning of the thing is broad and unam-
biguous. By arming with their just privileges the
middle and independent classes of society, the Bill
reinforces that extensive interest by which dema-
gogues and their followers are most effectually kept
down. By arming the middle classes with political
authority, it makes them guardians of the public
peace, and repugnant to the arts and devices of those
who would disturb it. The trade of the Jacobin is

threatened with ruin by theßill no less completely than
that of the boroughmouger. Hence these joint strains
of never-ceasing execration, by Messrs. Wetherell,
Trevor, and Hunt. But, besides being revolutionary,
the present moral commotion is to be but short-
lived! Good God ! that men should be so stricken
with incurable blindness! Short-lived ! this sensa-
tion ! Yes, if the suspension of the Bill on its way
through Parliament be short-lived. Pass the Re-

form Bill, and the winds will cease to blow, and the

troubled waters will at once have subsided into
calmness: but interpose one further obstacle,--dis-
play but the shadow of an attempt to retard its
course,—and the late desolating hurricane in the
Western Ocean was a feeble type of that convulsion
in our political system which must inevitably follow.
If Tories flatter themselves that the existing irrita-

tion throughout the country is no more than skin-deep,
and will disappear upon the utterance of a few hypo-
critical sentences in favour of some undefined Reform
principle by Noble Lords who have lately proved
themselves its practical and bitter foes,such Tories are
miserable self-deceivers. Worse deceivers of them-
selves,—and of others, if others listen to their half-
dream, half-drivel,—are those Whigs, or moderates, or
whatever nickname they may choose to go by. who pro-
pagate the echoes of the Tory falsehoods. Men whose
faith is large, because their views are narrow, have
been whispering about within these 48 hours " that
much may be accomplished by time, and prudence,
and temperate measures," and that sooner or later
we are sure of It_ierm, if only the people remain
patient, and that " a long prorogation would be an
excellent device." Men who offer such advice are
fools, or traitors. The country will not be quiet—
the country ought not to be quiet ;—that is, it ought
to be agitated up to the vet), moment at which the
Reform Bill shall be ready for the Royal assent. If
the people do not press upon Minis, ers, the timid
ones among the latter may go on, " letting I dare
not, wait upon I would," and fearing to use the ne-
cessary means, whatever those means may be, of
securing the triumph of the Bill. It is one thing to
decline bringing in a worse Bill, and another to se-
cure the success of a good Bill after it shall have been
introduced: Times.

The mistake of the Bishops is, that they fancy
they are playing the part they did at the revolution
in 1688; but the difference is, that they then had
the people at their back, and now they have them
opposed to them. Now, with regard to the conduct
of the Bishops at the revolution, upon which Dr.
Phillpotts laid so much stress the other night, un-
doubtedly they were of great use in forwarding that
important event ; but then they never did any
thing—they never put their shoulders to the wheel—
till their temporalities were attacked. Burnet, him-
self a Bishop, complains that Sancroft, then Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, " lay quiet at Lambeth" and
would not stir; and the other Bishops followed his
example, till King James appointed a Papist head of
Magdalen College, at Oxford. Then the Bishops
saw that their temporalities were going from them,
and then they blew the trumpet of rebellion
through the country, and the country answered
the call. They have probably now the same notion
as to their temporalities, but how erroneous are the
measures they take for preserving them ! If their
temporalities are looked at with a jealous eye, is it
by setting themselves in opposition to the public
wishes that they are likely to remove this feeling?
If their endowments are thought by the many to be
too large, is by separating themselves from the
many that they are likely to preserve them ? Surely
the blindness of such conduct is only to be equalled
by its injuriousness to the country as well as to
themselves. For what must be the consequence
of the alienation of the people from their spiritual
rulers ? Anarchy, confusion, plunder,—even
blood. But we will not dwell upon this picture.
The giving to the Bishops seats in the House of
Lords, among many other evils and inconveniences
has this one, that Ministers will and must promote to
the Bench political partisans, instead of Christian
pastors. Hence the scandal that is sometimes
offered to the Christian public by placing in impor-
tant dioceses men whose whole life is one conti-
nuation of Secular objects, secular views, and secular

intrigues. A history of tie. Phillpotts would strit-
ingly illustrate what is here asserted. His getting
the great living of Stanhope from the late Bishop
of Durham, as the price of his political and elec-
tioneering violence against Mr. Lambton in the
county of Purham,his Anti-Catholic pamphlets,
which got hirti the Deanery of Chester,—his short
crane-necked turn, which got him his Bishopric,
When the Duke of Wellington had deterrtlined to
earrY that Measure,—are matters of which none are
ignorant. Atter such a course and such catises fot
his elevation, can one be surprised at the bitter,
abusive, intoleraiti, and factious spirit which he dis-
plays " Every tree is known by its fruit !"
" Men do not expect to gather grapes from thorns,
or figs from thistles."—Tintes.
That the Rev. Sidney Smith, the consistent ad-
vocate of liherttr and ropery; should rail at the Pro-
testant Ilierarchy, and help in catering to the de-
praved appetites of Papists; Wile's, and radicals,
at.the present niometit excites in its no Stirprise.
W.e leave With pleasure to his Majesty's Govern-
' ment the support and aid of such an auxiliary; but
when the sneers of that reverend gentleman, and
the cheers of the Dissenters, and the echoed plau-
dits of Irish Papists and demagogues, shall have
pass'd away, the idle wind to WitiElt Bishop
Copleston justly likened them—when, we say, the
whispers of Whig faction within doors, and its cla-
mours without, shall have alike subsided, the ton-
duct of the Bishops *hd joined in the glorious ma-
jority of 10 will be remembered with grateful ve-
neration: The people of this country may in the
hour of delusion be unjust, but with returning wis
dom and good sense their wanted generosity
will return also. They Contintie, as they ever
were, Protestant in their feelings; and the ve
nerable men who, as pillars of the Church, ma'n-
tained the sacred edifice against Whig vio-
lence, will insure not only the applause of
friends but the respect of her veriest enemies:
Bishop Phillpotts was singularly happy in his illus-
tration of their preseht eonduct by that of their disc
tinguished predecessors at the time of the revolution.
Then, as now, the Crown and its sworn advisers
were in league with Dr. Petres, O'Connells, and
Dr. Dayles---s.then,as now, " to defend and preserve
the Church" was professed, and the credulous people
believed in the professions of Government—then,
as now, religious toleration was the cant of the day,
and " since the Church party could not be brought
to comply with the design of the Court, applications
were made to the Dissenters, and all on a sudden the
Churchmen were disgraced and the Dissenters in
high favour." As Lord John Russell toasted the
Dissenters in Devonshire, and Lord Brougham bows
down to the saints in Yorkshire, so Lord Chief Jus-
rice Herbert was sent on the western circuit ex-

pressly to please and curry favour with them. As the
downfall of the Protestant yeomanry:in Ireland is now
all but accomplished under Lord Anglesea, so the
Irish army of that day was new modelled and placed
in the hands of Papists by Lord Tyrconnell. Then,
as now, to attack the Bishops was the fashion, and
in high places not only was their disinterestedness
called in question by the Lord Chaccellor—we beg
pardon, we mean Chief Justice Jeffries—but,
because they refused to be subservient, it was
hinted that they wished to trip up the King's
Government. "It was said they had been loyal
as long as the Court was in their interests, but as
soon as this changed they changed likewise."* Lord
Suffield little thought the other night how closely
he adhered to history. Then, as now, the Uni-
versities declared against the Government, and the
Dissenters, in concert with the Papists, supported
it, whilst public liberty was the watch-word of both

. ,
parties. Still the nation was blind and infatuated, and
saw nut whither these proceedings would lead, until
the memorable declaratiou for liberty of conscience.
Then were the Bishops commanded by one estate of
the realm to act in opposition to their own judg-
ments. It was sought to make them contribute to

their own ruin, and the arguments by which they
were then influenced are so perfectly analogous to
those which the threats of the Government and its
Radical satellites now call forth, that we must quote
the historian's own words :—" As for the danger
that they might incur they saw their ruin was re•
solved on, and nothing they could do was like to
prevent it, unless they would basely sacrifice their
religion to their woddly interests. It would be
perhaps a year eooner or later by any other manage-
ment ; it was therefore fit they should prepare
themselves for suffering,and not endeavour to prevent
it, by doing that which would draw on them the
hatred of their friends and the scorn of their enemie,."
" These reasons prevailed, and they resolved not
to read the declaration." " The Archbishop of
Canterbury resolved upon this occasion to act
suitably to his post and character." "He found

that eighteen of the Bishops and the main body of
the clergy concurred in that resolution." Such
was the spirit of those Protestant Prelates who, in
defiance of a united Government and the warning
voices of Ministers, stood true to their country and
their God. Such is the spirit which now actuates
their descendants. They resolved, twenty-one in
number, not to read the Bill, which establishes
Popish influence in Ireland, and to which, as the
Government papers now boastingly tell us, every
Popish Member in both Houses of Parliament, two
only excepted, gave their support. The three Uni-
versities, and the whole of the clergy, Mr. S'dney
Smith excepted, concur in that resolution, and un-
less the spirit of Protestantism be extinct among
us, the bulk of the British nation must, ere long, be
again found at the altar of that Church which is and
ever has been the firmest guardian of our laws and
of our liberties.—Morning Post.

It is really a matter of unconquerable d;fficulty to
us to know in what terms we ought to speak of the
pitiful, paltry, and factious opposition, principally on
the part of one Member, which has been shown in
the House of Commons to the Bill originally intro-
duced in the House of Lords, for the amendment of
the Bankruptcy Laws arid practice. Any change
in this respect could not by possibility be for
the worse ; for as eve!), one who has had any
thing to do with bankruptcy cases knows, an
estate which, duly administered, would pay the
creditors ten shillings in the pound, never yields
more than ten farthings after it has gone through
the routine of the present system. To remedy
this defect, as well as to enable the Lord Chan-
cellor to attend more minutely to business com-
ing strictly within his own department, the Bank-
ruptcy Courts' Bill was introduced ; and what has
been the result ? Why, in the first place it was
opposed in the Lords by all who could speak on, or
thought that they would have any future interest in
the matter; and, in the second, when it got into
the Commons, it met with one of the most un-
worthy oppositions that ever was set up against any
measure ever proposed in the House. Night after
night have Sir Charles Wetherell and his friends
got up in their places, net for the purpose of expos-
ing the errors of the Bill, if errors there be in it,
but for that of delaying its
passing—the same
speeches—the same arguments—the same dull and
wearying tautology has, night after night, been
repeated ; arid not satisfied with this pitiful and
unmanly clamour, they have lately taken it upon
them to say, that the Bill was concocted by
the Lard Chancellor for the purpose of in-
creasing his patronage, and not for that of
benefiting the public I The pitiful creatures ! To
think for a moment that a man of Brougham's
stamp of mind thought about gaining or losing pa-
tronage by the Bill ! How rank the accusation
smells of the pitiful propensities of the low, job-
hunting, and place-seeking creatures, who make it !
What is the fact ? The Bill abolishes about seventy
places—all sinecures, or very
like sinecures—and
gives to the Lord Chancellor the power of appoint-
ing to ten or eleven! What an increase of pa-
tronage I What a desire on the part of the Lord
Chancellor does not the proceeding manifest to in-
crease his power of patronizing I Lord Althorp, in
the Course of the debate on Thursday night, told
Sir Charles that " it was impossible for any one to
* Bishop Burnet.,

be who with him." It was a severe lecture ; but
there are some people so kindly dealt with by na-
ture, that they do not even frel what would kill
others.—Morning Advertiser:

It is by no means astonishing to us, who have been for
11-tenths post Carefully watching the signs of the times, that the
populace, in many parts of the country, should, on learning the
fatal decision of the Lords on the Reform Bill, have broken
Out into acts of insubordination and lawless violence towards
the persons, tis Well as the property, of those who have proved
themselves the declared enemies of the King, the Govern_
Mat, and the liberties of Englishmen ; fdr their affections had
l)een :is intently fixed ofi the measure which the Lords would
not even cOndescend td consider ill Cbmmittee, Nnd their
ekpeetations of its speedily becoming the law Of the land as

strongly wound up to the highest pitch, as they were also most
unceremoniously dashed to the ground by 21 Bishops and a
handful of boroughmongers ;—but it is, nevertheless, painful to
learn that any breach of the public peace should have occurred
thereon—painful on account of the destruction of life and pro-
perty, Anil nti lth 1 dillful dti itadthit Of the fsmiliftrity with
Public disttirbanCes, which every one bresieti Of the petite is
calculated to create. But whci is to blame for these proCeed.
legs ? The actiial perpetrators of them, who will hate to suffer
the pdini and penalties of their triinsgregsion Hi' the law, or
illosc Nrho urged them on to their commission The flirmer,
reply the Anti-Reformers—the latter, say we. The people are,
no doubt, greatly to be blamed for giving way to violent pas-
sion and indulgence in acts of retaliation, which he would be a
bad man who would attempt to justify ; but those who, in their
legislative capacity, dashed the cup of hope from the lips of an
eager people; are infinitely morC desrfing of reprobation. To
deny that the public voice teas in fat Our of the 131% tit to plead
ignorance ih the Way of extenuation of the crime, is no valid
excuse ter the misehievaui vote so recklessly giten ; for not
to know that the public voice Was in favour of Reform; is a
proof that those with whom such ignorance dwelt 'Were unfit to
legislate upon the subject, and ought, consequently, not to hatt
nieddied with the matter. This; however; is the extenuating plea
set up by the friends of the Antl:RefOrth Peers, and more espe-
cially by the friends of the Bishops. The latter, good easy and pions
men as they are, are said to be unacquainted with the ways of
the world—to have passed their lives in the retirement of clois-
ters, in the profound study of the Scriptures, and to have, all
their lives, had their minds so "intently fixed on things above,"
its not to have known what was passing around them. Were
this statement founded in fact, it would be a sufficient apology
for the Bishops having refrained entirely from meddling in the
debate between the lay Peers; but it neither is, or can, be any
apology for their taking an active and fatal part in it. But is
it really true that the 21 Bishops are so very studious, and so
much addicted to divine contemplation ? We will not hazard
either the answer or the proof of it ; but if the Bishops were
really ignorant of the state of public feeling, it says but little
for their conscientious discharge of that part of their duties
which requires them to mingle with their flocks, to watch over
their welfare, and minister to their wants, both temporal and
spiritual. Had they been as " instant in season and out of
scastlll," in the perfdrmance of this sacred portion of their
duties," as in watching the changes of Administrations, and the
chances of mortality in the better benefided sees of the church,
could they, by possibility, have remained ignorant of the public
determination in favour of Reform ? Could they have been
guilty of giving a tote: Oh a grestt constitutional question,which
has excited the hatred of the whole of the Community, and ren-
dered the Church anything but the " beloved of the earth ?"
Morning Advertiser.
The excellent temper of Lord Althorp on Thursday night put
to a severe trial by Sir C, Wetherell, who, in the course of a
rambling speech, happily characterized by Mr; O'Connell as a
rollicking rhodomontade, threw out all manner of insinuations,

and even accusations, against the Noble Lord and his col-
leagues, of participation In the late outrages. Mr. Trevor had
made an advertisement in the netrspapers from the parish of
St. James's, recommending tothe inhabitants, as th. success of
the Select Vestry Bill was no longer doubtful, no longer to
withhold the payment of such rates as had become due, the
subject of an abstird tnOtiOn. It having been the general feel-
ing that the subject ought to be dropt, Sit` Charles Wetherell
moved, as an amendment, " That an humble Address be pre-
sented to his Majesty, praying that a Special Commission should
be issued with all convenient dispatch, to try the offenders en-
gaged in the burning and destruction of Nottingham Castle,
and in other outrages and acts of violence in that neighbour-
hood." In his speech he asserted, " That for the last six
weeks the main object of the Press, of speeches in Parliament,
and speeches out of Parliament, had been to direct the popular
vengeance against those who resisted Reform. This he laid
down as an undeniable prOpOsition. Perhaps the Noble Mem-
ber for Nottinghamshire (Lord Althorp) had reed the speech of
his Noble Colleague, delivered at Sheffield, wherein it was said
that the Peers created by George the Third, George the Fourth,
and later, were those by whom the Reform Bill had been thrown
out. . , He did not charge Ministers with promoting
the attacks already made, but he did charge them with con-
niving at them. The burning and deatruction of property was
recommended by the Ministerial Press; and Misting and trea-
son among the Army was urged in the speeches of the co.
adjutors of Ministers at Birmingham, whatever might be said
to the contrary by a metaphysical Paymaster of the Forces. If
vigorous measures were not taken, the Duke of Newcastle's
would not be the last property destroyed; and he said so, be-
cause the Noble Lord at Sheffield had especially pointed out
Lord Wharncliflb, who was called a Peer of the other day, and
in no respect equal to the Wentworths and the Russells. A
more mischievous speech than that of the Noble Lord's was,
perhaps, never uttered." Lord Althorp, with considerable emo-
tion, observed, "that the present Members of his Majesty's Go-
vernment are as determined as any set of men can be, to main-
tain the laws and to protect property from outrage ; and I should
think it hardly necessary to defend myself from such a charge,
or to deny that lam capable of making such a distinction. The
Hon. and Learned Gentleman accuses us of conniving at the
disturbances. Docs he feel any thing in his own breast
which makes him believe that any gentleman—l will not say
employed in his Majesty's service—but mixing in the society of
gentlemen, would connive at confusion, bloodshed, and arson ?
(Vehement cheering.) However, his Lordship soon felt that he
had attached too much importance to the rhodomontade of Sir
Charles. He concluded his speech by noticing a sort of offer of
compromise which had been thrown out by Lord Valletort on
the subject of Reform. " A Noble Lord opposite," he ob-
served, "says, that if he would produce a measure so modified
as to meet his wishes, he would no longer oppose us. But, Sir,
I think that if we were to modify the Reform Bill in any degree
that would render it less efficient, so far from that being a means
of promoting the peace of the country, it would have the very
contrary effect.—(Hear.) I at least never will be a party to any
such measure."—(Cheers.) This declaration, and that of Earl
Grey, will produce the best effects throughout the country.
Ministers are then pledged not to sacrifice the efficiency of the
Bill on the altar of oligarchy. Were they indeed to be so weak
as to meet the boroughmongers half way, the people would feel
indignant, and the Anti-Reformers, having thus dragged Mi-
nisters through the mire, would have little difficulty in sup-
planting them. Ministers are strong in the support of his
Majesty, and in the support of the nation. The Anti-Reformers
have already tired the patience of that nation much further than
prudence justifies. Their efforts against the nation have been
happily compared by the Rev. Sydney Smith, at the Taunton
meeting, to the efforts of Dame Partington to drive back the
ocean with a mop. With regard to the speech of Lord Milton
at Sheffield, of which the tendency, according to Sir Charles, is
so mischievous, we have examined it in vain, without disco-
vering any such tendency. What his Lordship said of the
majority is nothing more than what he was entitled to say :
" If you will take the trouble (he says) to examine the votes on
the Bill, you will find that a great majority of the ancient
hereditary Peers of England voted in favour of the measure.—
You may examine this case within your own neighourhood.
Tile Duke of Norfolk is for the Bill—the Duke of Devonshire
is for the Bill—my own family is for the Bill.—(Cheers.) My
Lord Scarborough is for the Bill. These are, gentlemen, the
ancient hereditary Peers of your own neighbourhood. Now,
without saying any thing disrespectful of another neighbour—
one who has recently obtained the title of a Peer, is my Lord
Wharncliffe. He is against the Bill.—(Loud disapprobation.)
I say this not with any feeling of disrespect to him, but men-
tion him to prove an assertion which I have stated to he a fact.
I give Lord Wharncliffe credit for his voting conscientiously on
this occasion, for lam most willing and ready to concede to
others what I demand myself. I give him credit for form-
ing a pure and conscientious opinion on this question.—
The Government of this country has been far between sixty
and seventy years in the hands of one party—and that party
has not been favourable to the liberties of the people.—
That party, of course, raised to the Peerage those who acted
with them. And if you will look to the great number of Peers
created in the reign of George 111. and George IV., you will
find that they constituted the great majority of the Lords who
have voted against the present measure." His Lordship not
only states a result, but assigns the cause of it. The old Peers
may be said to be, in a question of this kind, impartial judges ;
but the Peers made during the last sixty or seventy years,
having been made by a party not favourable to the liberties of
the people, in a question regarding these liberties, are naturally
against the people. And here we cannot help observing the
difficulty which such a state of things opposes to any Sove-
reign disposed to emancipate himself from the thraldom of a
particular party, so long as boroughmongering continues to
exist. The Peers are created on account of their servility and
possession of borough influence. They command one house in
their own right, and the other through their nominees, and
thus the King is merely a tool in their hands. But Reform re-
stores to the people their rights and to the King his prerogative.
If the representation be once what it ought to be, the King and
his Ministers may always set faction at defiance, and boldly
throw themselves on their country. We cannot help alluding
to another difficulty with which a Ministry succeeding one acting
on different principles, long in the possession of power, has to en-
counter. The Magisterial and Lieutenancy system of England is,
though not in the letter, substantially not very different from the
Heritable Jurisdiction abolished in Scotland, the disadvantages
of which were so admirably demonstrated by Lord Chan-
cellor Hardwicke. " I think (said his Lordship) the parcelling
out the power of jurisdiction, originally lodged in the Crown, in
this manner, was a Wrong and a dangerous model of Govern.
ment ; I say of Government in general, because I look upon the
administration of justice as the principal and essential part of
all Government. The people know and judge of it by little else.
The effects of this are felt every day by the meanest in the busi-
ness and affairs of common life. Statesmen, indeed, have their
attention called off to more extensive political views ; they look
abroad into foreign countries, and consider your remote interests
and connections with other nations. But of what utility are
these views, great as they are, unless they be referred back to
your domestic good order ? The chief office of Go-
vernment peacesecu anretod
us the regular course of law and justice.
isto
o
When the King, therefore, grants away jurisdiction, he parts

away with so much of his Government; it is"gi'lng,„;o„,
many jewels of his Crown. It is certainly putting ' idol
the protection of his people into other hands; and °Ili; f I
dissolve the bond of union and affection
Ring,
people; whilst the subjects do not see the King, eire
benefits they receive or the punishments they
fee 14
arises a dangerous and unconstitutioint:a,,flhadietcehpkitehniasdewres7n:c'ilio :
can it be otherwise ? The people will follow th° r
the power to protect or hurt them, and the d I
operate most strongly on the uncivilized Part °f ta:cbtli
Now, although in England jurisdictions are not
.A•
cably to certain estates, yet jurisdiction is consider',4
junct of landed property. The power of naraing;ofir
holders to be vested with magisterial authorit)4o:/
!nia,, vestedgainstt
sei
rnai
atth:e
authorityLordwith
fie,t,i Lieutenants
xtteici.neea;t itoosunonsf Count i 0 S, Oath°
ne being When they were respeeiht,errlyryeamtialdre:. 61;t1;:t4
In orderthaltVteh willx answering of
sixty or seventy years he °thee, the WhoMl.Jtei. jh
who succeeded them. We see the results of th:004,4
elections. twelve
irifl:ei
pros itrine:rlisnsa,:nyitl:naleltaiolgo3:Enatebergeaitsitceeodisinwtfeeoisstrisimilo:ol,l:tetenl
dleilteseirfirofaiecoplt
eg:i3o,'il:athigo:scrishtidcosro:eua_dbeerdweiii:inimotveliPitt:oo".i
noes should change, sis a matter
Lientena e 'of co
jtbuliedeialabi:edthitijej;:iu:. of l'i'
the' Crown,* Y
fthfiosi.
beard the Sovereign, and set did natieli Nidefigo,,,.. fro
will P' '
country should
are
as a pretext for
for 1" ~
without the dread of being called W account
Chronicle.
____.........

MARKET INTELLIODN

LONDON 111AIMET5' cotetaril
. i Y
(From the London New Price Curley of 11, the its
SUGAR.—The Sugar Market has beeou ,aka nseun PO'
)
early this week were considerable; the total;nrotioil.i
lilids. and trs. ; and the prices are Witht.! weet, lA/
fined Market has been rather heavy telower. 7•-
fined
little reduction in the prices—Molasses ""' this cbil plod
for large and small Lumps has been steady ,i.tatrilk.
635., and the former being scarce, have broarreeh to
in some instances ; there are now very few 11,00 W o°,
under 625. Of the fine descriptions also, ek-r toore'S.A
on double refined, the sales have been CS" novl lw702:0
last week's quotations, and the refineis ate_ to pc, r
firmly ; the transactions in crashed eontinr therelp
those qualitie'. for the fine Grocery °°„:„01 Or AI
rather brisker demand, and full prices 1107 7,,‘ broti
EAST INDIA SUGARS.--By Private Cod lAr
ring of the week several i?areels of lUauritiustatio Brio,
Is. a Is fid. advance; but in the British Inanniaitioateol/;
is now little inclination for business, bille 1'be.5.0,.,7e° i
lie sale of 5,706 hags advertises! for to-day 700' i
13,036 bags, chiefly Manilla. This day'll 0101,54#
Mauritius Sugars, a good proportion was ~ 0.," gi
posed of at Is. advance on the last public sa.St. atsft;o
which ate the market prices by private corlboots10;01
FOREIGN SlJOARS.—Excepting MY6d.s3ltwO:ol
Havannah Sugar, bought in from ON' tract Vl' 0'
been offered at public sale. By private COonon ottsizot
very limited. }or export strong white and. thereto OA si
me.at a ready sale at the quotations, bother prarostittl
sale at present, and for these rather 14", A for ili
I,COO chests white HaVannah are adverto7orit Ole
18th instant. Since last week there are Irrto goo' 01
public sale 231 boxes Havannah Sugar, n'' ..k 0 iki
30s . fni., 14,12ich is 2s. lower. ; be Ind?
COFFEE.—TiIe Coffee Market early .o_,.tket - %now,
brisk, St. Domingo 565., Brazil 545.; the nil:mot/ Tr,
lower, St. Domingo Ms. a 535. and abouL:',Thritlisti
yesterday by private contract Lout 535. "2.1.60, fit
CofFee this week is about 2s. a 4s. lotrer, F—sboVeh, a. fr
qualities. It is calculated that within a vietatiSelis,oll'i
of Foreign and East India Coffee have than„ f, $ oy.t:
chiefly 525. a 545. • the St. Domingo chiefly ~---,,„iii,
good ord. Cheribon yellow 535. a 535. 6d_;; ootloo4
Batavia 535. a Ms. ; triage Jamaica 71s, a "ms'l3
fine card: 'lls, a 79s This day public sales 1,5..„1,01 .
' all taken in O. a 70s. ;62 casks 2'2 barrels Ord' 7
fine mid. Jamaica We: a 905,, fine fine ord. 82sXt s* r -
.4
demand
aanris.f,;,rthFeolraetitgenr is
oatteinwraaethaegralionwreerv.
i 5,,,,, ;s* d,.4
Brazil and St. Domingo 525. a 555. The lUll° 44)1
RUM, BR ANDY, and HOLLANDS.---.-1, iTototogotyl rf
become rather more firm this week; there 3 , 6
Market, but at present they will not purclia.orn $0
rates; proofs and two over are Is. sd. The•veri °lot ,i
tract for 100,000 gallons of Rum has also on 00 ji
more firm appearance. Brandies are heavYr fate, KO,
arrivals. fieneva scarce; sales at 2s. fid. for 5000 is P i
HEMP, FLAX, and TALLOW.—The , her, AO.
been more firm this week at prices a shade tug Ahost,
Flax there is little alteration. f outterd'illoo,`
IRISH PROVISIONS.—The arrival 0
very short, and our last quotations are fully !WO; or oil/
scriptions. In Bacon, Bladder Lard, HanAingot.,A 01
cannot note the least alteration in price or de
_,., ge.'
SPlCES.—Pimento of good quality hash y' I
tio "
Pepper still maintains the late advance. oil pot`Ao
SA LTPETRE.—I it Saltpetre there is little 4 (67
Ito
ASHES.—This day's public sale 81 barrels /,, 01,70.,1
firsts 325, 3d., seconds 295. a 295. fid. ; 312. area if
6d. a 345. 9d. seconds 325. 6d. a 3.35.; New Y°rlte
cone
TEA.—The declaration for next sale makes
the price of them is now 3s. 9d. duty I,Biu;t.
steady, and low Twankays are in some demand'

----,'------ ; c0°451
PRICE OF SUGAR. sub' 1010
........„7/
The average price of Brown or Muscovaagt.)),
from the Returns made in the week ending 9° or
per cwt., exclusive of the duties of customs paid
on the importation thereof into Great Britain. t
14 • 0
PRICES OF HOPS.—Oct. ,041 y, t
Kent Pocket: 3l 163. 5A.L165.,,,1. 0"
Sussex Ditto
Essex Ditto -- 4'. 43. 0.7 tl5 St',
Farnham Ditto, Fine.........—.............. 0/. 05. a,'" ()f•n tip
Seconds .—....—...... 01. Os. l';' Otis. nP !
' ......., 31. 10s. 1; John 0.
41. OF. ;7 ps'"
--....... 41. Os. ..•
165,000!.

Kent Iba;

Sussex J)itto
Essex Ditto.,

Duty laid M

PRICE OF OIL. „ 401
Rape Oil, brown Mt. Gs. ite"
Linseed Oil
Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill
Rape Cake,

per ton

:r tliou

_/$1

LEATHEIL ii;
1 Per llliideie 0
Tanned Horse
........)
Spanish Ditto _.,.
rer donor 0
Calf-Siting., 4,), ~,t° OD' 0
Ditto ~......,," ':2010,, „
Ditto ...........I,r "eal,
Small Seals, ut. i
bri

per S°ne.
Ordinary
Market

SKINS. ALOA.
Short j
Oti. to

4 0' 1
M ARK 6,,11:c. v'
Clover.. pd.
Od. to
0„
PRICE OF POTATOES.—Oct•

D' tj
SOAP
O
3544:,r,„:04#0?&1
GGWMorla:tvidttlee d50::e.5,.:.«....0"5.3"ee 51
f
OF CANDLES... „