The Sun.
London, England, 1831-08-05 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

A letter in to-day's Tiincs, signed "J. 'Miller,"
will command the attention of all our readers who
feel an interest in the well-being of the Church. A
former correspondent of the Paper had taken up the
defence of pluralities, and what is more, he had put
their justification on a ground winch, to many people,
must have appeared not a hide curious. For
whereas other advocates of the Church of Eng'dud
as it is, are satisfied with striving to palliate the
existence of pluralities, by showing how large a por-
tion of each year is devoted by a pluralist to each,
or some, of his livings, aod how small a part of his
time and money is really abstracted from the locali-
ties on which they ought to be bestowed ; our ori-
ginal correspondent " takes the bull by the horns,"
and stands tip for the plurality system, because, and
for the sake, of that absence from his duty to which
it invites, or in a mariner compels the incum-
bent, and which most lay Christians charge
upon our whole Church establishment as a
grievous and crying evil. The argument of
our first correspondent—or opinio❑ rather—
as re-stated by himself, is this—that "if all
incumbents were resident, there would be no cu-
rates, and that therefore, when a living fell vacant,
the successor of the defunct must be taken from
people uneducated for the Church and in secular em-

ployments, or doing nothing." We recollect, some
years ago, that a friend of ours, recommending to
an English farmer the neat and economical mode of
ploughing which for the last 30 years has been uni-
versal in Scotland, and nearly so (we understand)
in Norfolk, viz., with a pair of horses, guided by a
ploughman who holds the long reins himself, was
gravely anwered by his companion, " that it was a
foolish and inconvenient fashion :" " for," says he,
" you would in that case have no ploughboys : and
without ploughboys, what would become of you
if any thing should happen to the man himself,
who alone had been accustomed to the busi-
ness? You must, in that case, take the first hedger,
ditcher, carter, or idle snob that you could meet
with, and turn him at once into a ploughman."
Now, reader, every word of this is true; and it is a
case quite pat (nor can we, as our correspondent is
well assured, mean it disrespectfully), to that of the
incumbent and the curate. However, it has never
yet happened, as we could find out, that there was
any want of ploughmen in Scotland ; whence they,
on the contrary, ere furnished in considerable num-
bers to this part of the kingdom and to Ireland ; nor
—to illustrate the subject by an allusion at once ap-
posite and unanswerable—have we ever heard that
there arc absentee pluralists in Scotland, that the
dearth of curates occasioned by each incumbent
performing his own parochial functions, and earning
his own stipend, has rendered it at all difficult to
discover well qualified candidates for the vacant
livings, or forced the parishioners, ecclesiastical au-
thorities, or other patrons, to take ignorant men, or
idlers, into the sacred Ministry ; or, in fine, that
the advantages of an established Church, which ab-
hors pluralities, and exacts from all its members a
rigorous. discharge of their respective duties, are
less highly appreciated by the Scotch people than
those conferred by the Church of England upon
this country are by orthodox Englishmen. The
truth is, that, having once enforced the preliminary
acquisition of as much divinay and other learning
as may familiarise a young graduate with the theory
of his sacred calling, there is nothing mysterious,
so fur as the eyes of plain reason and of an uncor-
rupted moral sense can perceive, in the practice of
parochial duties. In all professions the junior
members may, the great bulk of them, be suffered
to educate themselves by looking on attentively, and
taking such a portion of temporary duty as The ac-
cidents of life may obtain for thorn. Even accord-

ing to the views of our advocate for pluralities him-
self, young men may enter at once upon the duties
of a parish, without any previous introduction
through a curacy, and, as he himself insists,
" without prejudicially affecting the stability of
the Church by their admission to holy or-
ders," the case he instances being that of young
men of family, " who have livings held for
them," and who go to work at once. We need not
fear but that the requisite number of clergymen will
be furnished to the full extent to which vacancies
occur or are created, by virtue of that law which al-
ways, on the average, accommodates the supply to
the demand, or generally, indeed, produces a supply
greater than the demand, throughout every depart-
ment of society. 'Without encouraging or imitating
personalities on such a question, we agree with our
first correspondent, that in some cases eminent
abilities, though not allied to rank or wealth, are
not suffered to languish to the last in neglected and
hopeless poverty; but we beg leave to dissent from
his inference (an unprovoked one in our opinion) to
the disparagement of "J. 0.," who declares him-
self to have been twenty years a curate ; nor can
we describe as any other than astounding, the as-
sertion that there are " not many persons of real

learning, talents, and piety, languishing an unrea-
sonable time on curacies." We have heard too much
on the other side of the question to be so easily per-
suaded by the mere authority (sincerely as we re-
spect it) of our correspondent. That there is in
the Church, as well as there has been in the
State, a system at once of ill-bestowed patron-
age—of pluralities profitable only to the indivi-
duals who enjoy them—of over-paid laziness, and
ill-paid labour—is, indeed, too notorious to be de-
nied with decency, or to be defended by reason. He
who undertakes to justify such a system resembles
the champion, in temporal matters, of placemen, si-
necurists, absentees, and nomination-boroughs,
united. If the Church of England is to stand, its
foundation must be bedded in the hearts of the
people of England. Let us transfer to ecclesiastical
officers the beautiful antithesis applied by Grattan
to the state—" Throw the Christian - spirit over-
board," says the pluralist, "and ballast the Church
with her corruptions." " Throw her corruptions
overboard," we say, " and balance her with purity,
beneficence, and truth." The letter of our re-
spected correspondent J. Miller exhibits calculations
tolerably decisive as to the unrersonableness of the
fear that without pluralists we should be left without
clergy. But, indeed, the allegation hardly calls for
so irresistible an answer. We republish elsewhere
a string of resolutions withering to the heart of
every man who has one,—resolutions passed some
time ago by a set of Hampshire magistrates, among
whom are distinguishable the honoured names of
Baring and of Wright----" Wright" " the reverend,"
as reported in the case of Deacle. There are the
names of five clergymen to those deadly resolutions.
Quere—" Given, u labourer, his wife, and four in-
fants. What is the minimum of sustenance to be
given so as not to subject the donors to an indict-
ment, should the domes die of insufficient food,
without subjecting the persecutors to an indictment
for murder ? " Why are clergymen ever made
Justices of the Peace ? Lord Brougham should
look to this.—Times.

There seems no doubt now, that the obstinacy of
the King of Holland will lead to a war, or at least
prevent, for a time, that amicable adjustment of
differences between the two divisions of the late
kingdom of the Netherlands which the Conferences
of London were so anxious to promote, ttod which
the accession of Leopold to the throne of Belgium
seemed so likely to attain. It is stated in letters
from Antwerp of the 2d instant, that the termina-
tion of the armistice had been Eed for the 4th (yes-
terday), and consequently that after that date both
sides were at liberty to renew hostilities at any mo-
ment they chose. The Dutch army has been
marched to the Belgic frontier : the King and his
sons have lately reviewed the troops, and the Go-
vernment having done every thing in its power for
the last six months to strengthen the fortresses and
toincrease the army, expected that the Royal visit
would invigorate its resolution and animate its eon-
rage. On the other side, the Belgians have not been
inactive, and cannot be taken unawares. Their army
has been organized with great rapidity, and carried,
for so small a state, to an amazing extent. the
course of the last nine months nearly two millions

sterling have been expended from a very limited re-
venue to purchase equipments, to prepare arms, to
repair fortresses, and to pay an increasing amount
of force. The Belgic Government has now more
than sixty thousand troops under arms, in a high
state of discipline, and inspired with an ardour cal-
culated to make up for the want of experience.
This army is likewise collected on the Dutch fron-
tier, and has with difficulty been restrained from
measuring; swords with the enemy during the pro-
gress of a negotiation which m:naced it with the
i
establishment of peace. It s divided into three
or four great corps, called the Army of Flanders,
the Army of the Scheldt, the Army of the Meuse,
and the Army of Luxemburg. In Flanders it
amounts to twenty thousand men, and along the
whole frontier it is strengthened by a moveable Ci-
vic or National Guard, capable of acting as an army
of reserve, or of performing all the duties of troops
of the line. On the side of Dutch or North Bra-
bant, the Belgians have often put Dutch courage to
the test, and generally found it deficient. On the fron-
tier of Rtst Flanders, from Bruges to Ghent, and Ant-
werp, where the two armies may be said to be within
cannon-shot of each other, the same advantage
lots been on the side of the Belgic soldiers. The
national antipathy has been invigorated by partial
skirmishes or angry broils, of which foreigners have
heard nothing, and by irritating speeches in the re-
spective Legislatures of Holland and Belgium,—by
exasperating declarations of both Governments,—
and by hostile negotiations, which have attracted
the attention of all Europe. In the case of the
Belgians, national antipathies have been increased,
and national contempt excited, by the alleged
cruelties and signal defeat of the Dutch in their
attack on Brussels last year; for though the army,
which was driven from the capital, in September,
was composed of Belgic as well as of Dutch troops,
the assailants are always considered as Dutch, and
the victory as Belgian. The subsequent bombard-
ment of Antwerp caused more abhorrence than
terror among the Belgians, and increased the hatred
of the Dutch more than a sense of their power.—
The Dutch army, which is destined to make
the first aggression, is excessive for the amount
of the population arid the resources of the country.
It is said to amount to about 80,000, and to
display a respectable state of discipline. But for
more than a century the Dutch have never been
reckoned good soldiers. Before the French revolu-
tion the Republic was wealthy enough to pay mer-
cenaries, and therefore generally fought by proxy,
except in a naval warfare ; and the public has not
forgotten what a figure they cut at Waterloo, and in
the insurrection of Brussels last year. The Dutch
have still some advantages in beginning a campaign,
should the King of Holland be so insane as to risk
his crown and the peace of Europe on the chances of
a war which his firmest allies condemn, and are an-
xious, for his sake, to prevent. They occupy with
strong garrisons Antwerp and Maest rich t, and possess
several fortresses near the frontier, such as Breda,
Bois-le-Due, and Bergen-op-Zoom, where they can
collect troops and establish magazines. But all these
are advantages of no moment (and can be of no
moment) to the infatuated sovereign of Holland
in the extraordinary and untoward circumstances in
which he chooFes to break the armistice and to
attempt aggression. The amount of his army is
a source of oppression to his country,—the war
is for no Dutch object, and therefore must he
obnoxious to the Dutch people,—and the chances
of success are so small as to render the con•
test imprudent, even though he could inspire his
subjects with greater taste for the enterprise. Be-
sides, is the approbation or the hostility of the
European Powers nothing to a Monarch who was
placed on his throne by their interference, and who
lately submitted his cause to their arbitration ? Why
have the conferences been sitting in London for the
last nine months ?—why has protocol after protocol
appeared ?—and why have England and France
exerted all their efforts to obtain the consent of the
Belgians to the eighteen preliminaries of peace, if,
after the establishment of a Belgic Government with
which he can treat, the King of Holland declares
the armistice at an end, and insists on recommencing
hostilities, as if no negotiation had happened ? The
whole conduct of " our ancient ally " for the last
twelve months seems better to accord with the un-
fortunate condition of moon-stricken madness than
with the character of a Prince whom we had been
accustomed to treat with respect and confidence for
the previous fifteen years.—Times.

The additional information which we have col-
lected in the course of the evening enables us to add
little to the foregoing observations. His Dutch
Majesty, in his obstinate adherence to his old .
pre-
indices, or his eagerness to gratify his personal
spleen, has entered upon a dishonest. course, and is
playing
ingsuachvesrtyroillig symptomsbe-
traysangerousgamofe.auplesitcyoaniliductfalse
hood, that it must forfeit the support and favour of
England, which has hitherto been his chief protec-
tion. At the very time that his Governor at Ant-
werp is declaring the armistice at an end, and
threatening a bombardment of the city, in which
some of his countrymen would be the chief suf-
ferers, he has sent an extra Ambassador (M. Zuylen
van Nyevelt) to London to re-open negotiations with
the Conference. The special Ambassador, osten-
sibly sent to negotiate in order to secure the peace
of Europe, suppresses, of course, all mention of his
master's hostile intentions and preparations. What
useless perfidy ! The Prince of Orange, in his
proclamation to the troops, mentions this double
engine of war and diplomacy, which his father had
endeavoured to set at work ; but he ought to have
knoavn, from his own experience, that an impotent
threat is one of the least likely means of a successful
negotiation. lie ought to have recollected the result of
the last bombardment of Antwerp with 24, hours
after he had left it in the end of last October, and
to shudder at the general indignation which the fir-
ing of another cannon on. that unfortunate city would
produce in Belgium and in Europe. Besides, when
have fixed en the
,typtrohtecaeGir,t
I,r:hi
,e,vennh::,,rati enoosrbojftehepet negotiate
mission
.
the great Powers sitting
. in
. conference at London
eiasce thereon
in which
theell
otlth the of an
envoym the
ar c
hp atoroft i
Leasno
nmadr
oanynl,y,
posed basis with the competent authorities
bhupueNeima.adyorneteoetar)
Pierri.neeThoifs Orange is itshesaciodmtmoehnacvee-
chroonslsee
d?
of TioeTsfthrioleintites reached London almost simulta-
rmieeoruitsly with the Ambassador of peace. But, set-
ting aside the duplicity of these proceedings, let us
Suppose that the Prince; at the head of 30,000 men,
ianpweahcaet bweitttherKpionsaitiLoenoapvooludldthhinet
was able to take Ghent, while General Chasse de-
oegab:ftreiretlfiaprr)oit:
entirely
dyisneceAanogbtmor, iii'ttipie
additionalt:,Could rns"Ppag:Loi
portion
i tinn i
ohbfroeit i makerrogf:
0,,
re Luxemburg,u"):l hdue
etei.
undertake
kedfleoegbritcati
ein?est
of these consequences are likely to follow a hostile
Belgium,incrurion'enc(li"
would could never be improved into a
perm anent eOnl
incurai'and
the i nfailingdispleasure
t o re-s o
u bj
(fjgtaht the
eSt ;
friends of peace in Europe, and very likely inspire
the Dutch with their old taste' for a quiet trade, a
cheap Government, and republican institutions I
I'imes.

The ever shifting
scenes of the political drama of
Administration hi Paris, since the revolution of last
year, airords any
of the line of policy which Louis Philippe has
thing but evidence of the wisdom
adopted. That policy seems to consist in acting
upon
popu-
larity by shows and tricks, and melo-dramic exhibi-
tions,iam indnftoerlfleigitibile principle, except to court
t again by a crouching and pitiful
subserviency to the despots whom the people of
France with reason regard as the implacable ene-
mies of their free institutions. Ever since his as-
cension to the throne, from which the delinquent
representative of the family of Bourbon was so sud-
denly hurled, Louis Philippe seems to have studied
how to please the popular taste in mummeries and
pageantry as assiduously as he has laboured to evade
k
pledges which hound him, on his accession to
Regaleegal power, to a sincere and serious attention to
the national interests. One of the first cares of a

wise King, obtaining the sceptre under the circum-
stances that the present King of the French did,
would have been to make the representation of
France worthy of the greatness and advanced civi-
lization of the country. Instead of undertaking
such a ta'k spontaneously, he clung to the old
system with the tenacious fidelity of a Bourbon of
the ancient school. It was only when the feeble and
effete Chamber of Deputies could no longer be re-
tained without compromising the peace of the country
that he reluc'antly consigned it to that extinction
into which it should have been allowed to fall im-
mediately upon his acceptance of the crown, on
condition of being the guardian of the recovered
liberties of the nation, and the consolidator of her
free institutions. What improvement, in fact, has
the representation of France undergone ? None
that is at all commensurate with the capabilities of
the nation and its wants. A country upwards
of thirty millions of people, distinguished for
her attainments in arts and arms, in literature,
in science, and in all that gives splendour to
civilization, has at present a body of electors not so
numerous has England was allowed to posse's under
the supremacy of the boroughmongers. Can France
he content with such a limited state of the represen-
tation ? ft is impossible. No fantastic pageantry
—no gew-gaw glory of military triumphs, unadorned
by the spoils of a vanquished enemy—can afford any
real satisfaction to a people who have derived so
little substantial advantage from a revolution as the
French have, and who have learnt to understand
their political condition. No, if Louis Philippe
would secure peace for himself, and consult for the
political quiet and prosperity of the people, who
placed a R'yal sceptre in his hand when they might
have founded a republic, he will cultivate other
accomplishments of Royalty than those which pro-
perly belong to a dramatic Sovereign, who rules
his mimic empire by the variety of his tinselled
pageants and the novelty of his clap-traps. What
could be more unworthy of a King of a great people
than the tricks resorted to by the Court of France
during the commemoration of the " three days" in
Paris ? The exciting 4ifie drooping enthusiasm of a
gallant people by practising on their generous cre-
dulity in favour of the Poles, only to imbitter them,
when the momentary object was gained, by the
deeper disappointment ;—the calling up, for a simi-
lar purpose, the dangerous recollections of former
glory by the display of the trophies of Napoleon.
We are much mistaken if, by practising this piece of
state necromancy, the French court have not evoked
a spirit which the genius of the Tuileries will not be
able to lay again. Already the King, we perceive,
disclaims all participation in that act of elaborate
folly ; but is it probable that any of his courtiers
would have dared to introduce such a novelty into
the pageant without the knowledge and consent of
the chief director of the show ? The Poles are fight-
ing the battles of France, while the French have
been indulging in frivolities, from which they will •
soon be called away to more serious avocations if
the Poles should be conquered. If the King of the
French, instead of evincing the most trembling
anxiety to avert the displeasure of the tyrant of the
North, had taken a manly and direct part in support
of the Poles, he would now, with the exception of
our own most gracious sovereign, be the most popu-
lar King in Europe.—Morning Herald.
A most absurd ou'cry has been raked against the
Lord Chancellor for introducing a Bill to allow affi-
davits of service to be read after the last seal. It
appeared last night, from the speech of Lord Eldon,
that the Court of Chancery possesses full power to
enforce the intended object without the intervention
of an Act of Parliament ; and yet an application to
be enabled to exercise this power without such dis-
pute and resistance as had been partially threatened
by certain practitioners, was denounced in one of the
Tory prints yesterday as subversive of the constitu-
tion of the Court, and even of the country. The
real secret of this absurd conduct is the wish of per-
sons whose sense of right is merged in party feel-
ing, to throw obstacles in the way of that despatch
which the Lord Chancellor, in compliance with the
repeatedly expressed wish of all classes of the
people, is anxious to practise. The clamour that
was formerly raised against delay is hardly equal
to that which is now raised against despatch,
and very mean acts have been adopted to
defeat the Chancellor's resolution to clear his
Court. We •do not mean to say that a
Chancellor's diligence is to be measured alone
by the speedy decision of appeals : we arc aware of
the importance of hearing " cause petitions,"
" lunacy petitions," and " bankruptcy petitions ;"
but who has complained or hinted that this import-
ant branch of routine has been neglected ? And
surely it cannot be denied that by completely clear-
ing the appeal paper, the Chancellor will have more
leasure to attend to the ordinary business of the
Court. To hear the reasonings of some persons, it
might be supposed that the hearing of an appeal
which is to sr the a long-contested dispute, is a mere
nothing,—that, in fact, a cause ought to be for ever in
suspense, and that the constitution of the Court of
Chancery, and the very sanctity of justice itself, is
violated by a process so monstr us as putting a final
end to litigation. Whatever may be the opinion of
practitioners on this point we apprehend that suitors
and the public take a very different view of the subject.
The conduct. of some individuals, on whose support
the Lord Chancellor might reasonably have reckoned,
has been extraordinary—that of Sir Edward Sugden
pre-eminently so : that Learned Gentleman was, in
the first instance, one of the most violent opponents
of Reform in Chancery ; but perceiving the measure
was temporarily suspended (owing to the discus-
sions on the great national question before the House
of Commons), he blustered and asked when it was
to be brought form r.!. I n the same manner, much
as he complains now of the irregularity of bearing
causes after the last Seal, he would dwell, we sus-
pect, with still more bitterness on the promise of
their being heard not being kept. As to the Bill
introduced by the Lord Chancellor. it is for the pre-
sent withdrawn,on the grounds stated in the Learned
Lord's speech last night :
" The Noble and Learned Earl (Earl Eldon) had said
that a statute in this case was unnecessary ; and lie (Lord
Brougham) was morally certain that that declaration of
the Noble and Learned Earl would set the question on
this point at rest for ever. If that declaration was law
already, it would be bad policy to pass an Act of Parlia-
ment to declare it so ; he should therefore proceed no fur-
ther with this Bill at present. He would allow it, how-
ever, to remain over, in order that if any further difficulty
might mist-, it might be persevered in without loss of
time."— Times.

The proceedings in the House of Lords last night,
on the question of the Chancery Affidavits' Bill,
are of more importance than might, on a cursory
perusal of the report, be supposed. To understand
the full import of them, a reference ought to be had
to what has been going on lately in the Court of
Chancery. It seldom happens that men who are
the architects of their own fortunes are chargeable
with excessive modesty. In truth, whatever may be
the case with the amiable gentlemen who figure as
heroes in novels, who are so excessively modest
that they hardly seem aware of their brilliant qua-
lities, in the world it will too often be found that the
energy and elasticity of character which enables
man to rise above the station to which he was de-
stined, are accompanied by no small portion of self-
sufficiency and arrogance. A reasonable allowance
will generally be made for the presumption engen-
dered by the triumph over formidable obstacles. A
prudent man would, no doubt, endeavour to
struggle with the tendency io this presumption,
in order that by reining it in a little he might not be-
come the object of universal dislike. No such struggle,
however, does Sir Edward Sugden maintain with
himself. There is no indisposition to acknowledge
his merit; but while all sensible men who are ac-
quainted with his history allow that his merit is en-
hanced by the obstacles he had to overcome before
he could obtain an entrance among gentlemen, they
are but too often compelled to regret that the insuf-
ferable arrogance of ha conduct, his petulance, and
overweening self-sufficiency, prove but too satisfac-
torily, that if lie has acquired the rank of a gentle-
man, he is yet a stranger to the character. We

' hardly ever braid of a man who contrived to mac
himself so offensively disagreeable as Sir Edward
Sugden. Mortifications he often receives, but he
derives no benefit from them. Last night, what fell
from Lord Eldon would have been felt by any other
man. In the report of proceedings in Chancery, on
Wednesday, " Kinsman v. Kinsman," in the chro-
nicle of yesterday, Sir Edward Sugden is stated
to have " intimated, that it would cot be safe for
the decree of the Court to be pronounced in
this cause, as some of the parties had not ap-
peared on the hearing. It had been the practice of
the Court not to hear appeals after the last Seal,
and according to that practice, an affidavit of the
service of the subpcena to hear judgment could not
now be put in. The subpoena had in this case been
served in due time, but, as the day on which the
appeal was heard was after that usually employed
by the Court for such business, the fact of the ser-
vice could not be proved with such certainty as
would justify the parties in taking a decree, which
might afterwards be subject to be set aside on ac-
count of this irregularity." Another appeal having
been called on, and the opening being concluded,
Sir Edward Sugden " expressed his fear that there
would he the same difficulty in other cases. He
had heard that in the case of Killick v. Killick,
which stood in his paper for to-day, some of the
panes had notified their intention to withdraw
from the hearing." We understand that he actually
carried his arrogance so far as to tell the Lord
Chancellor " that the Court could not go on with-
out him; and that he (Sir .Elward Sugden)
could, by absenting himself, stop the Cow t."—
The Chancellor said, " The case which Sir
Edward Sugden had mentioned had been put
into the paper for the express accommoda-
tion of the parties; and it was not to
be endured that the progress of the Court
should be obstructed by parties who withdraw from
the hearing under pretence of some rule of practice
hardly to be understood, and the existence of which
was by no means clear. If any attempt was made
to baffle the Court, the parties who made the at-
tempt would find that his arm was strong enough to
defeat them. He was resolved not to be beaten or

diverted from the duty which was imposed upon
hirn. It was indifferent to him, whether he sat
during this month, and September and October;
and if the public service required it, he was quite
prepared to do so." The Lord Chancellor added
upon that occasion, that " he should try whet
he had not power enough to carry the orders of the
Court into effect; and if he had not—which he did
not believe—he would apply to the Legislature for
further powers." The Bill, of which the second
reading was yesterday mored in the house of Lords,
was the result. The subprna to hear judgment,
alluded to by Sir Edward Sugden, is wheresoever
the Court shall be." We understand that former
Chancellors and Masters of the Rolls have fre-
quently sat at their country seats upon the general
business of the Court—for example, at Gorhambory,
Knightsbridge, &e. The present Chancellor has
the power to st at Brougham Hall if he chooses to
do so. But then, says Sir Edward, it has been the
practice cf the Court not to hear appeals after the
last Seal, and as the day on which the appeal was
heard was after that usually employed by the Court
for such busines., the service cannot be proved, &c.
flow could Sir Edward Sugdcn allow himself to
talk of the necessity of adhering to the Seal Papej,
and of the Seal Paper being the order of the Com'?
It is submitted to the Lord Chancellor, but never

signed by him ; and although more adhered to now

than formerly, yet, in every branch of the Court, it
is necessarily departed from. In Lord Eldon':, time,
it is a matter of notoriety that nobody knew what

would be the business of the day, notwithstanding
the Seal Papers. But we undertake to say, that it
is not the order of the Court, and is not signed by
the Lord Chancellor. But even if, as Sir Edward
Sugden says, it were so signed, the order might of
course be revoked by a subsequent one. We were
aware that the Bill was ❑nnecessary, but we are glad,
nevertheless, that the Lord Chancellor introduced ir,
as it drew from Lord Eldon so satisfactory an exposure
of the absurdity of the grounds on which Sir E. Sug-
den threatened to obstruct the progress of the Court of
Chancery, and as it draws the attention of the public
to the paltry motives of this individual. Lord Eldon
said the Bill " was totally unnecessary, because the
Lord Chancellor had the power, of his own autho-
rity, to have affidavits read either before or after
seals, or at any time that he may choose, from the
fir,t day of January to the last day of December.
He had power, even in the time usually called the
long vacation, to proceed with causes in every stage,
and to hear affidavits read, or carry on any pro-
ceeding' touching the suit, and to call counsel and
solicitors before him to proceed with the business
of the Court. He had sat a long time in the Court
of Chancery, and never had the least doubt as to
the Lord Chancellor's powers in this respect. There
was, therefore, in his opinion, no occasion whatever
for passing this Bill ; and as there was no occasion
whatever for it, that was a sufficient objection to
its passing. He had sometimes sat from six o'clock
in the morning till eleven at night, and at all times
of the day, and at all times of the year, he had per-
mitted applications to be made on important matters
requiring dispatch, and heard affidavits read,
without any doubt of his power to do so in case
he had thought it proper. The Court of Chancery
was open during the whole year, and there business
might at any time be transacted, without regard to
its being before or after Seals, which were appointed
merely as matters of convenience." The Lord
Chancellor, after gratefully acknowledging the assist-
ance which he had received from his Noble and

I Learned Friend—the highest living authority, and
than whom there could be no higher authority,
living or dead—declined proceeding further with the
Bill. The objection of Sir Edward Sugden to the
Lord Chancellor's proceeding with appeals is paltry
and factious in the extreme. It cannot ever be at-
tended with inconvenience to him that the Chan-
cellor should proceed with appeals now, because
his Parliamentary duty compels him to be in
town. We said his motives are paltry and mean.
Sir Edward Sugden can have no other conceivable
motive for his conduct than that he knows, if
the Lord Chancellor continues to hear appeals, he
will soon have disposed of all the arrears, and he is
spiteful enough to wish to deprive him of that ho-
nour. Strange as it must seem, he complains that
the Court is now proceeding tou fast. A little
more prudence would have prevented him from so
open an exposure of motives so little creditable to
him; and if he possessed a tithe of the gentlemanly
feeling a Sir Charles Wetherell, the idea of such
an objection would never have occurred to him.
Sir Edward is quite mistaken if he think that his
legal arguments will enab!e him to lord it over the

country. If he be not altogether incorrigible, he
will profit by the rebuke of Lord Eldon. There is
4 play with the title of Pride will have a I'o.
That title would serve very well for a motto for
him. One or two ugly exposures before this have
served very much to impair hia means of making
head against public indignation. If he be naturally
envious, and what in familiar language is expressly
called ill-conditioned, let him be on his guard till
Weymouth is not so fresh in general recollection.
lie will be trampled on if he do not take heed.—
Morning Chronicle.
The letter of our correspondent 0. P. Q. will be

found to throw a valuable light on the causes of the
retreat of M. C. Perier from the Ministry. After
the significant manner in which the Chamber of
Deputies expressed themselves, he had no alterna-
tive, for a better proof could not have been afforded
of his unfitness fur his situation. The event has
provcd that he has been under a complete delusion
,vith respect to the state of opinion in France, and
in the Chamber of Deputies. Our correspondent
infers, not merely from the number of votes
in
favour of M. Lafitte, but from the majoiiiy
iu
favour of M. Dupont de l'Eure
as first Viec-Presi-
hmt, that no Ministry who do not t the
principle of the extreme gauche can stand.
Dupont de
l'Eure belongs to the extrema gauche of
the extreme gauche, to the party of Odil-