The Sun.
London, England, 1831-11-11 00:00:00

NATIONAL POLITICAL UNION.

The first general meeting of this Association was
held last night, according to the advertisement, at
the Crown and Anchor Tavern. At eight o'clock,
the hour appointed for taking the Chair, there were
from 1,200 to 1,500 persons present. fir F. Bur-
dett, accompanied by Mr. Galloway, Mr. Tooke,
Mr. Erskine Perry, Mr. Thelwall, Mr. Wakley, and
other gentlemen of the Committee, came into the
room at twenty minutes after eight, and was wel-
comed with enthusiastic cheering. Having taken
the Chair, .

S'.r F. BURDETT said lie was happy to meet so
numerous and respectable a body of his countrymen
assembled on that important occasion, to determine
upon a line of conduct which should unite all Re-
formers in support of the common cause, and pro-
mote that discussion which would prevent such
weakness as might probably disable them from at-
taining those objects for which they had long been
struggling, and which were now, for the first time,
within their reach.—(Cheers.) He trusted that
they were all fully impressed with the importance of
union amongst all.—(Cheers.) Their grand object
was to carry the Reform Bill, which had given satis-
faction to the whole country, and as it had been ho-
neatly proposed had been as honestly accepted.—
(Cheers.) He had always been opposed to the dis-
tinction of his countrymen in cla-ses. It was only
in his early days that such a distinction began to be
talked of, when a part of the people were, as he
thought, insolently called the lower orders, and the
lower classes. There was no order recognized in
England in distinction from the rest of the people
but the order of the Peerage only. " We, all the
rest," said he, " are one order."—(Cheers.) There
were, he knew, many people, made insolent by an
advantageous superiority in their circumstances, who
fancied themselves above the people, whom they
chose to call the lower orders; and he thought it
mischievous of those who were the friends of the
people to adopt the term and countenance such a
distinction.—(Hear, hear.) Was not the working
man, whose industry not only maintained himself,
but increased the wealth of his country, equal in
real worth to the wealthiest or the proudest man in
the land.—(Cheers.) Whatever difference may be
between us in bodily strength, in riches, or in mental
powers, we are all one class. All over the world
we are known as one body and called by one
name—the people of England.—(Hear, hear.) For
his part, he would not call himself the friend of
the people—he was one of the people, and the
whole end and scope of his life had been to promote
the good of the whole body of the people, and for that
object he was willing to expend all that he pos-
sessed, of health, or strength, or wealth. He wished,
therefore, that they should all unite to destroy the
vile system of boroughmongering, which was inso-
lently attempting to hold up its head against the
King and the Government, and the representatives
of the people. That system was too strong to be
put down by the united strength of the people,
whom he, therefore, called upon not to allow that
strength to be divided in the support of different
projects of Reform.—(Cheers.) Let the declara•
tion, therefore, of that Union be such, that all may
join in it. Some gentlemen from Westminster had
called on him that morning to state their objections
to some of the principles of the National Union ;
but he persuaded them not to make any declaration
which should separate them from that association.
And to all other 112formera who thought that the
Union went too far, or did not go far enough, he
would say, " Da net make any declaration that
would clash with us, and, by producing disunion, ac-
casion the triumph of the common enemy."—
(Cheers.) He did not mean to forestall anything—
sufficient for the day was the evil—but he would
say, that the people might be defeated. It required
all their strength to oppose the boroughmongering
faction.—(Hear, hear.) He, therefore, exhorted his
countrymen to unite for the support of the King and
his Ministers, in carrying the salutary measure, which,
whatever else it might effect, would at least deprive
that faction of its iniquitous power, and secure to all
Englishmen equal rights and equal justice.—
(Cheers.) He hoped that the result of their assem-
bling that night would be the universal concurrence
of Reformers in support of that great measure which
had been proposed by his Majesty's Ministers.—
(Great cheering, with some expression of disappro-
bation.)
Mr. ERSKINE PERRY (the Secretary to the Com-
mittee) said that he had been deputed by the gen-
tlemen who had conducted the business of the
Union up that moment, to give the meeting an ac-
count of the circumstances which had led to the
formation of the Union, and to the measure which
had been adopted up tothat evening. It would be
recollected that on the Monday after the Reform Bill
had been rejected by the house of Lords, a meeting
was held in the Regent's-park, and it was there
agreed upon that deputies from the different wards
and parishes of the metropolis should be invited to
meet at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, on the fol-
lowing Wednesday, to consider what course, under
the circumstittices, they should recommend to be
adopted in their fsevepl parishes. The meeting of
these delegates was accordingly held, and it was
composed of gentlemen who, by their talents and
activity, acquired the cons` dente of their fellow-
parishioners, having worked well and honestly it.
furthexcat,ce of that Bill which lately put an end to
the abominai;tic Select Vestry system. At that
time it was rumoured that his Majesty's Ministers
had resolved to prorogue yarlitment until after
Christmas, a step by which those gentlemen believed
the peace of the country would be endangered=
(Hear, hear)--and he thought that the state of the
country since the prorogation proved that opinion to
be well founded,--(Hear, bear) At the same

time they had before them the example of Bir-
mingham, where 150,000 men were united in the
determination to maintain tranquillity, unless they
be deprived of all power to do so by the Go-
vernment losing the confidence of the country.—
Those gentlemen were well acquainted with
the feeling, the wants, and habits of the people of
the metropolis, and they were sure that if the r►cher
classes held out the hand of fellowship to the poorer
classes, that hand would not be rejected.—(Cheers.)
Upon these considerations it was determined to form
the National Political Union ; and a report having
been drawn up, embodying the principles on which
it was proposed that the Union should be conducted,
and Sir F. Burdett, who was requested to become
Chairman of the Union, having cordially, honestly,
and promptly accepted the office, arrangements were
then made for the meeting, which was held on Mon-
day in Lincoln's-inn-fields. At that meeting an
opinion seemed to be entertained by some per-
sons that a cordial union between all classes of the
people was impossible. All the affairs of the Union,
up to this time, were conducted by any friends of
the Union who might choose to come to the Com-
mittee and give their suggestions. The result of
that popular arrangement, and the want of a regular
Committee, was, that many things were left un-
done which it might have been desirable to have at-
tended to; but the consequence was that they bad
now that Union.—(Cheers.) Branch Unions had
already been formed, and it would be interesting to
read the communications which the Committee had
received from them, but that it would occupy the
meeting too long to read them at that hour. In se-
veral districts of London the Unions had adopted
the rules printed by the Committee of the National
Union.—(Cries of "name them," and " go on.")
That showed the disposition of the people to come
together, however artificial circumstances might
have kept them asunder. The gentleman who
would follow him would inform the meeting of what
had been done respecting the formation of a Council.
Mr. MURPlll7—(who was received with loud
cheers)—said, that seeing the important utility of
Unions in different parts of the country, he had for
a long time regretted that the people of London had
not come forward. He knew that there was great
difference of opinion in this city, but he also knew
that when once there was a prospect of obtaining
Reform, the people would merge their differences,
and unite all their powers to obtain it. If the Na-
tional Union were formed, it would contain men of
every shade of opinion, but by means of that in-
struction which is derived from repeated discussion,
the errors of all would be corrected, and those who
were too moderate would be led on to the proper
limits.—(Cheers.) He knew that there were many
who were not disposed to go so far as he wished to
go, but he would say, let them come with me until
we get as much as they want, and leave me then to
strive for the rest by myself.—(Cheers and a laugh.)
He trusted that every man would be allowed to ex-
press his opinions, for any attempt to prevent that
expression would be as tyrannical as the conduct of
their enemies the boroughmongers. The gentle-
man who had brought the Union to its present
state had had great difficulties to contend with in
accomplishing that object. There were some diffe-
rences of opinion to be reconciled in order to form the
Council. It was necessary to make a selection—
(Hear)—and it was difficult to select from amongst
those who had been only three or four days members
of the Union the persons who might be fittest to be
members of the Council. It was accordingly thought
necessary that the Council to be appointed now
should act only for a short time, at the expiration
of which the Members of the Union would select
a Council who should act for a longer period.—
(Hear, hear.) Those Members had been chosen
who appeared to be the most zealous and active, and
to possess the most influence and information. Al-
though it had been said that the required number
of working men could not be found capable of con-
ducting the business of the Council, they bad found
the required number of men possessing information,
talents, zeal, and influence.—(Hear, hear.) If the
whole Council act in future as the Members of it

have hitherto acted individually, the Union would
have a most efficient Council.—(Cheers.) In the
resolution that one-half of the Council should con-
sist of working men, he most cordially agreed. The
Chairman had told the meeting that the people
ought not to be distinguished into classes. Now he
(Mr. Murphy) admitted that they ought not to be
so distinguished. But still he felt that the borough-
mongering system had made the distinction—(Hear,
hear)—which he hoped it would be the effort of
that Union to destroy, and to unite all the people in
one class.—(Cheers ) As the Committee could
not of themselves take upon them to select the
working men who might possess the confidence
of their fellow-workmen, they asked each working
man, as he came to enter his name as a member of the
Union, to name persons whom he thought competent
to act as a member of the Council; and when they ascer.
tamed the address of persons so named, they in-
quired as to his respectability—not as t? whether
he kept a house and rode in his carriage—but
as to the place which he held in the confidence and
estimation of his fellow-workmen.—(Cheers.) In
this way the Committee had succeeded in forming
one-half of the Council of working men well fitted
for the office.—(Cheers.) He had now to propose
that the meeting would adopt for a short period the
list of the Council as prepared by the Committee;
and when the time should have expired the Union
at large would be able, from their experience of the
conduct of the Members, to select the men whom
they might think the fittest.--(Much cheering.)
Having read the list, and observed that there was
not a man named in it who had not consented to
act as a Member of the Council, he concluded by
moving, that a Council be appointed, composed of
those seventy gentlemen, to conduct the affairs of
the Union.—(Much cheering.)
Mr. Bowven (one of the 36 working men Mem-
bers of the Council), seconded the resolution. He
was gratified to meet so large an assembly so soon
after the foimation of the Union. It would furnish
an answer to those who endeavoured, by working on
joining
political fears of the people, to prevent them from
political associations. He felt confident that they
would be joined by such masses of the people, and
proceed with so much order and tranquillity, that the
boroughmongers would be overawed by their wis-
dom and strength.
A GENTLEMAN came forward to speak to the re-
solution, and made several good-humoured and grave
attempts to stand up steadily on his legs and ad-
dress the meeting incoherently, pleasantly reminding
the Chairman of an old acquaintance. A part of the
assembly seemed to be amused, and to desire that
the gentleman should repeat his essays, but the ma-
jority expressed their impatience very angrily ; and
as the gentleman persevered in spite of every re-
monstrance, a scene of indescribable disorder en-
sued. He was, however, forcibly removed from the
platform, and carried out of the room over the heads
of the people, whereby the tranquillity of the meet-
ing was at length, as might, perhaps, have been
sooner restored, had not one or two gentlemen, in
their zeal for quiet, acted towards the intruder with
more violence, and employed more force than seemed
necessary for the removal of an elderly, and at the
same time, a powerless mute
Mr. THELWALL had no doubt of the good inten-
tion of the Committee in the selection they had
made of members for the Council; and he did not,
therefore, mean to object to anything that those
gentlemen had done ; but at the same time be
thought that, before the people pledged themselves
to any Committee or any Council, they ought to be
made acquainted with what that Council was to be
called upon to do. What the Ministers had offered
was a compromise—a splendid one—he admitted,
but less then they had a right to demand, though
more than they had weesoe to expect. The object,
therefore, of the Union ought to be, to secure what
was offered ; and till he understood what was the
determined object of the Council, he for one would not
again run the risk of being tried for other men's vio-
lence. it might happen, that while they were think-
ing they were standing on the firmness of a rock,
they would suddenly find themselves plunged into a

quagmire. His object, therefore, was to suggest
that the Council should, in the first instance, be
solely appointed to consider the Ministerial plan of
Reform, and to report to the Union.—(Hisses and
applause.)
Mr. DETROSIER had heard with surprise the sen-
timents of the last speaker. Mr. The!wall seemed
to suppose that nothing had yet been declared as to
the objects of the Union ; and this was asserted in
the face of many thousand printed circulars, wherein
it was stated that the object of the Union was to
obtain a full and free representation of the people—
to support the King and his Ministers against a cor-
rupt faction—•and to watch over and better the con-
dition of the industrious and the working classes of
the community. These were the sentiments ex-
pressed its the circulars ; and where was the man
that laid claim to the character of a lover of his
country, who would shrink from joining an Union
with such objects as these?—(Cheers.) He did
not hail the Bill as an end, for that would be pre-
posterous, but he hailed it as a means through which
they might hope to obtain peace, justice, and pros-
perity ; and he thanked God that they had at length
a King and a Ministry honest enough to support
such a measure.—(Cheers.) It was beyond the Bill
that he looked for cheap justice for the poor man—
it was beyond the Bill that he looked for the removal
of the odious taxes on knowledge—(Continued
cheers)—it was beyond the Bill that he looked for
the education of every poor man's child : but though
he looked for these things beyond the Bill, he looked
to the Bill as the stepping-stone to them, and, as
such, he welcomed it with gratitude and delight.
Mr. THELWALL did not object to the appoint-
ment of a Council, but only wished that it should be
confined to a specific object in the first instance.—
(Cries of " No, no.")
The Hos. CHAIRMAN said there was hardly any
disagreement between the two gentlemen that had
spoken. All that the Council had taken care of
was, that too many questions should not be allowed
to creep in, so as to distract its attention from the
great object of promoting the carrying of the Re-
form Bill. He did not see that in appointing the
Council they were running any risk, as apprehended
by Mr. Thelwall ; for their first duty would be to
draw up a series of resolutions, which must receive
the sanction of the Union before they were adopted.
Mr. OSBORNE came forward to propose four
names in addition to those already nominated. The
first was Mr. Wakley—(Great uproar, hisses, and
cries of " No, no !" being predominant)—the second
name was Mr. Warden—(Cries of " No, no")—
the third was Mr. Cooper—(" No, ne")—and the
fourth Mr. Henry Hunt, M.P.—(Tremendous cries
of " No, no—off, off !—No Rotunda!—No White
Conduit !")
Mr. WAKLEY then stood forward, and was re-
ceived with cheers, and some hisses—the two toge-
ther making considerable uproar. As soon as he at-
tempted to speak, however, the hissing and cries of
" Off, off !" became tremendous, till the Chairman
petitioned for a hearing for the Editor of the Lan-
cet ; who then went on to say, that after the manner
in whivl► he had been attacked, he was astonished
any one should wish to prevent his speaking. Why
had he been hissed in that dastardly and cowardly
manner ?—(Laughter, and more hisses.) He stood
there on his trial, and must be heard.—(Question,
question.) He was• a public man of some years
standing—(Groans)—and he had thought it his
du'y to submit the motion that he had to the Lin-
coln's Inn meeting, in order that harmony might
prevail.—(Laughter, and cries of " Oh.") As to
being a Member of the Council, he could not spare
the time—(" We don't want you")—and, more
than that, he would never form a part of any so-
ciety to which Henry Hunt belonged—that heart-
less and cold-blooded traitor.—( Uproar.)
The CHANIMAN then put the four Names, as Mem-
bers of the Council. We only saw one hand held
up in favour of them.
The original resolution, as to the appointment of
the Council, was then agreed to nens. dis.
Resolutions were then passed, directing the
Council to report to the Union.
Mr. Slum., M.P., was received with very gene-
ral cheering. He began by observing that the
Council ought Not to be entrusted with absolute
power. Matters ought to be left to their delibera-
tion, but not to their decision.—(Hear, hear.) They
should report, and the Union should revise or con-
firm.—(Hear, hear.) He should, therefore, move a
resolution to that effect. He had come among them
hat evening for two motives. The first was, that

he thought that a representative of the people should
he in immediate contact with them, both for the
purpose of advising them as to the course which
they ought to pursue, and in order, by mingling

in their proceedings, the better to appreciate their
opinions, and sympathise with their feelings.—
(Cheers.) The other reason was, that he was not
destitute of experience in the working of that ma-
chinery, which it now became necessary to put
into action.—(Hear, hear.) The necessity was,

perhaps, a disastrous one, but still it was neces-
sity; and if an opponent of popular confederacies
were to enter that vast assemblage, and stand ap-
palled at beholding that huge and fiery mass of
passion, he would tell him, that whatever evils
might exist in such conventions, were referable to
the fatal policy through which Reform had been re-
jected, and the people had been thrown back on
their own energies and resources.—(Cheers.)
From whence did the Catholic Association derive
its origin ? From injustice!—(Applause.) From
whence did this new league of the English people
arise ? From the same source! He had adverted
to the Catholic Association. What a contrast
did that great meeting afford to the humble be-
ginnings of Catholic agitation ?—(Hear.) Here
he beheld an immense assembly of Englishmen, with
a man of great station and great talents at their
head.—(Applause.) The Catholics, at the outset
of their proceedings, could not muster then some
dozen individuals ; but they were not to be daunted
—they knew the might that slumbered in the mil-
lions, whom it was their dice to excite into success.
—(Applause.) By the exposition of their griev-
ances—by a continual appeal made to the hearts of
Ireland—by an unremitting invocation of the na-
tional feelings—in despite of every impediment—
the Irish people had been conducted to those victo-
ries which belong to peace.—(Cheers.) How was
all this done ? fly adopting three cardinal rules of
action—first, by making a sacrifice of all personal
and individual objects, to complete a perfect union.
We banished discord—(Cheers)—we did not allow
any petty jealousies, or any contemptible rivalries
to intervene between us and the glorious object
which we had in view.—(Cheers.) The next rule
was, to look at one thing, and one thing only. We
fixed our eyes upon a single and unrevoleing star,
and by its light we steered our uniform and unde-
viating course.—(Applause.) The last and the most
essential of all our ordinances, was to enforce an
obedience to the constituted authorities ; we foiled
them by our submission—we defeated them by
yielding to them—and we achieved the repeal
of the law by obedience to the law.—(Enthu-
siastic cheering.) And shall it be said that we
Irishmen could overthrow the whole array of faction
that was marshalled against us ; and that you will
be discomfited by the most powerless antagonists
that were ever opposed to the liberties of a people ?
—(Cheers.) How did they use their success ? By
becoming the auxiliaries of the Reformers of this
country.—(Cheers.) There was not a single Mem-
ber returned by the Roman Catholic interest who
was not devoted to the promotion of the freedom of
England ; but the Roman Catholics had not only
given them their votes, but—what was almost
equally important—the benefit of their example.—
(Cheers.) By union, by singleness of purpose, and
by the strenuous enforcement of the peace, the Ca-
tholics had attained their freedom. By similar means
should Englishmen prosecute Reform.—( Applause.)
He thought that they should look to Reform, and
to nothing else. Reform would lead to the refor-
mation of abuses, but it was preposterous to discuss
those abuses before the means of remedying them
had been attained.—(Hear, hear.) The energies of
I the people would be dispersed and weakened by in-

(bilging in any multifarious and indefinite pursuits.
The Bill would, beyond all doubt, streliAtheii the
power of the people. London would send twenty-
one representatives to Parliament.--(Cheering.)
Look to the Bill, and sustain its advocates. The
present Ministry were entitled to the public confi-
dence. Lord Grey had an especial claim on the
national reliance. What rule would men adopt in
private life ? They would confide in these
whose lives gave an earnest of their integrity—in
whose dealings no deviation from honour and honesty
can be found ; and above all, in those whose inte-
rests and whose duties ran together. Apply that
principle to public life. Lord Grey had been uni-
formly faithful to the popular cause—(Cheers)—he
had been the champion of the national rights from
the outset of his career; his political life was with-
out a blemish ; and now his fame was interwoven
with his fidelity to his country.—(Cheers.) But
while they ought to place confidence even in the
Minister, they should also tell the Minister that they
expected boldness and decision on his part. They
should tell him that he must create Peers ; for since
the Lords would not reform the Commons, the
Commons must reform the Lords.—(Vehement
rounds of cheering.) How—By turbulence ? No !
By tumult ?—No ! By mad excesses—by midnight
conflagration—by base atrocity ?—No; but by the
same means that the Lords threw out the Bill.
How did they throw it out ?—By the constitu-
tional power vested in their hands. How was it
to be carried ?—By the constitutional power vested
in the King.—(Loud cheering.) if ever an exer-
cise of that prerogative was justifiable, it was surely
now.—(Cheers.) How was Lord Grey expected to
carry on the Government with such a majority in
the Lords against him ? Look to the ingredients of
that majority. What were they ?—(Cries of " the
Bishops.") Aye, the Bishops—(Cries of "Down
with the Bishops !" i—the proud and lofty Prelates—
who would be taught by Reform to practice the
precepts of that Gospel for whose inculcation
they were encompassed with the pomp and
splendours of this world.—(Loud cheering.) But
how was the residue of the 199 made up ? Of the
old Nobility of England ?—No !—(Cheers.) The
majority of the English Peers had been in favour of
Reform.—(Applause.) The Bill was thrown out
by the Scotch and Irish Peers, those representatives
of provincial Nobility, who were a burlesque upon
the genuine aristocracy of the country—(Laughter
and applause)—so that the people of England were
to be deprived of the object, which above all others
they had at heart, by a combination► between the
sacerdotal oligarchy and that portion of the temporal
Peerage, which was actually created or nominated
by the Tory Government during their half century
of legislative omnipotence in England.—(Applause.)
And could this be brooked ? If the blood of their
forefathers beat in their hearts, as Englishmen they
could not endure it.—(Cuntinued cheers.) The
Bill would pass. (Cries of "It will pass.") Did
he say " will ?" The word was too small—too in-
commensurate to the greatness and dignity of the
anticipation.—(Cheers.) "You cannot but"—con-
eluded the Hon. Gentlemen, " you cannot but—you
must—you shall succeed."—(Continued rounds of
cheering from all parts of the room.)
The resolution being seconded, was carried un-
animously.
Thanks were then voted to the Chairman, who
having briefly acknowledged the honour, the meet-
ing separated at a quarter past eleven.