The Sun.
London, England, 1849-03-23 00:00:00

EMIGRATION.

Mr. SCOTT wished to ask the Under Secretary for
the Colonies the following questions :-1. Whether any
official information has been received by the last
packet from any and which of the Australian
colonies. upon the subject of emigration.-2. What
debt has been incurred in New South Wales,
on account of emigration, since Ist January, 1847.-
3. Whether any further loan has been recommended
forestalling the annual revenue derived from the
Land Fund in New South Wales.-4. Whether
such proposal has been rejected by the colony.-5.
Whether the funds applicable to emigration to that co-
lony are not expended, and if not, how much remains.
—6. How such of the Colonial Fund available at the
meeting of Parliament has since been expended in
Dorset and Wilts alone, to pay the whole passage
money of emigrants from those counties only.-7.
Whether it is known to the Government that shoe-
makers and other mechanics have been passed by the
agents of the Government as "agricultural labourers
eligible for a free passages" and whether those agents
have received a commission of fifteen shillings a-head
for passing such emigrants, and if it is intended
to continue such a system of per-centage to agents.
Whether her Majesty's Government mean
to persist in restricting the number of emi-
grants, and limiting the benefits of emigration
to persons whose entire passage money is paid for them,
or whether it is intended toeconomise the funds, and pro-
mote a continuance of emigration upon a principle of
mutual advantage, by giving a prelerence to equally
eligible emigrants who contribute towards their pas-
sages.--9. Whether there is any intention of reducing
the numbers of clerks or others in the emigration de-
partment in Park-street, Westminster?
Mr. HAWES said, with regard to the first question
asked by the Hon. Member, none but the the ordinary
information had been received, and none of that official
character which the Hon. Gentleman desired. To the
second, third, and fourth questions, a mode had been pro-
posed for meeting the difficulty, but that mode had not
yet been called into operation. With respect to the fifth
and sixth questions he expected to have had an account sent
hits before to-day, in order to have been able to answer
the Hon. Member's question, but he bud not received
it. He hoped to have it to-morrow. With respect to
the seventh question, he was, not aware of that circum-
stance. He had made some inquiry whether any me-
chanics had been passed by the agents of the Government
as " agricultural labourers eligible for free passage,"
but he was not aware of any such parties having been
so passed. In reply to the ninth question, he had only
to say,,that- the correspondence in that department was
daily increasing, and increasing to such an extent, that
rather an augmentation than' a diminution of the clef ks
would become necessary..
CANADIAN REBELLION OF 1837 AND 1838.
Mr. GLADSTONE rose to ask her Majesty's Govern-
ment-1. Whether any instructions have been given to
the Governoi-General of Canada as to the course which
he is to pursue, in the event of its being proposed to
him by his advisers to allow them to introduce into
the House of Assembly any Bill giving compen-
sation to any persons known to have been
implicated in the rebellions of 1837 or 1838, on
account of the damage abstained by them in those
rebellions, or in the event of the passing of any such Bill
through' the two Houses of the Provincial Legislature.
2. Whether, according to the usage of Canada, if any
such Bill should have passed through both Houses of the
Legislature, and should have become an Act by the Go•
yernor-General's assent, without a suspending clause,
the money thereby authorised to be paid would be
payable forthwith, or before *her Majesty's servants,
had had an opportunity of advising her Majesay with
respect to the allowance or disallowance of such Act.
3. Whether any official intelligence had' yet been re- '
ceived in respect to that transaction from Canada?

Mr. HAWES said, in rnswer the 67?!
had to stato that no instructions wimtever were
the Noble Lord at the head of ti,,?

nt

into

sse b I

Secretary of State for the aolk::1,s had (..rit;;;,
deuce in that Noble Lord, `,t‘:: rza, of in tly.: et let
tering him with instructions. With regard to the second
question, he had to state that all the colonial laws—he
believed universally, having passed through their formal
stages, and having passed through the House of Assem-
bly, come into immediate operation, unless they con
tained a suspending clause. That would apply, of
course, to all Acts, whether for the appropriation
of money or not ; and they would come into
operation immediately, unless disallowed by the Queen.
In that case it would only cease to be law on the arrival
of the Queen's disallowance in Canada. In, reply to
the third question no dispatches had been received from
Lord Elgin whatever on that subject. Lord Grey had
received a private letter—(Hear, hear)—which was,
however, only received yesterday.
Mr. HUME asked, in connexion with the subj,,ct.
whether or not the sum of 100,000/. had, .Jr itryi swot,
been voted as a compensation to those
actually rebels, in compliance with the report of a Com-
mittee of the Canadian Legislature?
Sir G. GREY said that the Hon. Member for Mon-
trose seemed to consider the Bill which was before the
House as already passed. When it had really passed
then he might give a definite answer to the question.
Mr. HUME said the question which he wished to ask
was, whether her Majesty's Government had or had not
received a communication from Lord Melcombe, to the
effect that this grant of 100,0001. had been voted on the
recommendation of the Committee of the Canadian Le-
gislature.
Sir G. GREY said something of the sort bad cer-
tainly been stated, but he was unwilling to enter into the
matter, as it might very possibly raise a discussion
which could be only mischievous without any equiv2lent
benefit to be derived from it.
Mr. GLADSTONE wished to ask whether the House
of Assembly could have justified such a proceeding?
Sir G. GREY rose to order. If the matter had been
one of which the House had a right to take any
cognizance—
Mr. GLADSTONE conceived that the matter was in
the hands of the Government, and therefore that it was
competent to deal with all that concerned it.
After a few words from Mr. Ronmsorr and Mr. lIAwEs,
the matter dropped.
INTERFERENCE WITH THE ARGENTINE
REPU BLIC.

Mr. URQUHART rose to ask the First Lord of the
Admiralty by what adjudication the vessels of war of the
Argentine Republic, specified in the return of the 9th
March, have been transferred to the British Government
' or to that of Monte Video.
Lord PALMERSTON not having received any notice
of the question until that afternoon, could not give any
reply.
Mr. URQUHART said that the question which he
had addressed was one which more concerned the
Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Admiralty than
itey other person.
Sir F. BARING said that his Noble Friend at the
head of the Foreign Department would give a reply to-
morrow (this day).
MOLDAVIA AND WALLACHIA.
Lord D. STUART then rose, pursuant to notice, to
move for copies or extracts of any correspondence be-
tween this Government and the Governments of Turkey
and Russia, relating to the occupation by Russian troops
of the provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia. The Noble
Lord said he was quite aware how very little atten-
tion questions of foreign policy generally excited
in that House, and he regretted his own want of
ability to invest his present subject with the interest
which he conceived it deserved. He trusted, however,
the House would give him some indulgence while he en-
deavoured to the best of his power, and in as short a time
as he cauld, to lay before the House a statement on the
subject of which he had given notice, and in which he
hoped he could show that the honour and interest of
this country were both deeply concerned. His Noble
Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had some
years ago made use of the following language in reference
to our foreign relations:—" I know that there are many
persons in this House who look with great indifference,
if not with actual repugnance, at discussions w hid] turn
upon our foreign relations ; who think that they suffi-
ciently perform their duties in this House, by devoting
themselves sedulously to our domestic concerns; who are
willing to leave our foreign affairs to the unquestioned
discretion of his Majesty's Ministers; or who, at least,
believe those affairs to be matters of peculiar mystery and
craft, upon which none but the fully initiated are capable
of arriving at sound and satisfactory opinions. Why, as
weli might a man think that provided he looked care-
fully over his estate, and managed his household with
economy and order, it was unimportant to him what
might be his behaviour towards his neighbours. When
we consider how much our purely domestic interests are
concerned in our diplomatic relations with other coun-
tries—when we reflect what influence the foreign policy of
so great a power as England must necessarily have upon
the transactions of the world, and how much it must
affect the welfare and peace of nations—it is plain
that both those who look only to our own selfish inte-
rests, and those whose views take a higher flight, ought
equally to watch with jealous anxiety every step of the
Government in these matters. But then, as to the dif-
ficulty of understanding these things. It may suit the
purposes of some to endeavour, like the high priests of
Egypt, to keep knowledge to themselves, by locking it
up in mystical and unintelligible language; but the days
are gone by when diplomacy was an occult science; the
intercourse of nations must now be conducted upon the
same principles as that of individuals. I say, then, that
every English gentleman, who brings to the debates of
this House an honest mind and a manly and generous
spirit, will find it just as easy to judge of these matters,
if he will only insist upon having proper information, as
he would of anything else to which he may direct his at-
tention. I, therefore,implore this House to rouse them-
selves from that apathy as to our foreign affairs, which
has prevailed so long ; for they may be assured
that never upon a matter of high national con-
cernment was the salutary control of their interference
more urgently required." The House should, not thick
for a moment that he was about recommending this em-
pire to adopt a hostile position towards Russia. He
was not an advocate for war. He thought the best inte-
rests of this country were bound up with the cause of
peace. It was not for war, then, he was about asking in
his present motion, but for information. If his Noble
Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs said there was
no correspondence on the subject referred to, then there
was an end to the question. But his Noble Friend knew
and the whole world knew, that there had been a great
deal of corresponednce on the subject, and that it had
occupied the attention of many countries for a long time.
The Noble Lord then went into a brief history of the
condition of Moldavia and Wallachia, which he said
formed part of the Turkish empire; nearly 600 years
ago they agreed to pass under the dominion of Turkey,
and to accept the Sultan as their Suzerain, and entered
into treaties or capitulations for that purpose by which
their rights and liberties were carefully guarded. Those
capitulations had been acknowledged and confirmed not
only by Turkey, but also by Russia, even so recently as
in the treaty of Adrianople in 1829. The inhabitants,
notwithstanding that they were of the same religion as
the Russians, and notwithstanding the intrigues of the
latter, had remained firm in their allegiance to the
Porte, and were more so now than at any former tine.
It was true that for some fifteen or twenty years they
had been anxious to introduce reforms into their insti-
tutions; and that desire, though not occasioned by had
doubtless received an impulse from the electric shock
communicated to all nations by the events of February,
1848. This had led to petitions, on the part of the
Moldavians, for reforms. The Hoapodar, instead of

- -
agreeing to them, threw the petitioners into prison, and
Russian troops then entered the territory. In Wallachia
a new constitution was adopted, with the consent of
the flospodar, who, however, shortly after abdicated.
No violence was employed—no blood was shed—
no disturbance occurred; a Provisional Government was
established and governed the country to the satisfaction
of the inhabitants for three months. Meantime a depu-
tation was sent to Constantinople. The Sultan ap-
peared at first to approve of what had been done,
but required some alterations in the composi
tion of the iGovernment, which were immediately
assented to. The Emperor of Russia, however,
thought proper to interfere, and he declared to the
Porte that if she did not put down by force of arms the
new state of things in Wallachia we would. The Porte
appiled to England and France for advice, and was re-
commended to submit to the wishes of Russia. TurkiNh

troops were then sent into Wallachia, they entered Bu-
charest, accompanied by the Russian General Duhamel,
overthrew the Provisional Government, and
re• established the former order of things, not-
withstanding that all pretext for further
interference was thus removed, a Russian army entered
Wallachia a short time afterwards. General Duhamel
proclaimed that he took possession of the province in
name of the Czar, his master. This occupation was ac-
companied with circumstances of insult to the
Turks and oppression to the inhabitants. A Turk-
ish subject was arrested in the house of the
Turkish Commander-in. Chief. An -English sub-
ject was dragged to prison. In spite of the
remonstrances of the British Consul, all persons obnox-
ious to Russia were thrown into prison—and, what was
worst of all, the Russian army, amounting to no less
than 60,000 men, was maintained at the expenco of the
wretched inhabitants. When it appeared that the troops
were in danger of starvation, the Emperor generously
permitted the Wallachian Government to open a credit
at St. Petersburgh, thus saddling the country with
a heavy national debt, and preparing pretexts for
future oppression.—(Hear.) Towards the close of
the last session he had asked his Noble Friend at the
head of the Foreign Office whether it was true the t
Noble
Friend troops had entered Moldavia; and his
Friend had stated in reply that they had so entered.
without the authority of the Czar, and at the request of
the Moldavian authorities; but that that movement had
taken place solely for the purpose-of restoring order la
the province, and that the occupation was not to con-
tinue for any length of time. His Noble Priced, how-
ever, must since have found out that he had been
grossly deceived on the subject, for the Russian troops
were still there. But was there anything to justify
that interference on the part of Russia? lie con-
tended that there was not. In the treaty of Kainardji
-adopted in the year 1774 it was declared by the
16th article, " The Porte consents, that according to the
circumstances of the two principalities, the Ministers of
the Imperial Court of Russia may speak in their
favour ; and promises to take into consideration such
representations comformably to the amity and
respect which it. has for the Powers." But that
stipulation, which strongly contrasted by its moderation
with the arrogant tone now assumed by Russia, could
not give her that power of interference which she
claimed. Again, he found that in the treaty of Adria-
nople there were stipulations in favour of the Molda-

1 Tltt?

VIO'

x‘ • i
au, ss tech was ci so extraordinary a nature, that it
must excite the greatest surprise, as it certainly had not
been claimed. He referred to the stipulation by
which - Russia guaranteed the prosperity of the peo-
ple of Moldavia and Wallachia. That was cer-
tainly a strange guarantee for any earthly power to give.
He wished such a guarantee could be given in favour
of Ireland, and the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for
Temworth might then giVe up his benevolent scheme
for the regeneration of that country. There were,
it was true, some words introduced in an or-
ganic regulation or statute in which Russia was termed
" the protector" of those provinces, and Russia had en-
deavoured to procure the insertion of a stipulation that
the C, nstitution should not bealtered without her consent
—but the National Assembly refused to admit it; al-
though it was introduced into the official copy of the
Act, the Assembly having iintre liately and formally
i fetus :t (and the protest may be
oad in Martin's collection of treaties), it cannot
be considered as having any validity. It is upon such
pretexts that Russia has violated ate territory of a neigh-
bouring state with an army of 60,000 men, and forced
the inhabitants to maintain them for more than
six months at their own expense, and Russia has
been eulogised for its moderation, dignity, and forbear-
ance, and which has received this eulogy from those who
can set no bounds to their vituperation of Charles
Albert and of the King of Prussia, for their inter-
ference in Schleswig-Holstein and in Lombardy.
Let those who are so loud in their denunciation of Go-
vernments whom they accuse ofdisregarding the obliga-
tions of treaties, in order to assist and defend popular
and national rights, display equal indignation at similar
conduct when the object is to oppress and to trample
down such rights; or let them stand forth in their true
colours, not as the scrupulous defenders of good faith,
but as the friends of despotism, and let it be seen that
their pretended attachment to the faith of treaties is but
• &meek to dieguise their hatred of liberty, and of the de-
sire which lurks in the bottom of their hearts to put down
all popular rights, and to see mankind subjected to the
degrading yoke of arbitrary power. But such a circum-
stance could afford no justification of the conduct of
Russia in violating the territory of a neighbouring
power. The preservation of the integrity of the Turkish
empire had always been considered an object of the ut-
most importance by our statesmen; and that was the
opinion which had been expressed by his Noble Friend
at the hew! of the Foreign-office, in the course of a de-
bate which had taken place on the 4th of February,
1834. His Noble Friend had said on that occasion--
" The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) appears to
think very lightly of the importance of maintaining
Turkey in the state of independence which is yet left to
her. I must confess that I differ from him on that point,
for I consider it of the greatest importance to this
country, and to the balance of power in Europe, that
the Turkish empire, such as it subsists, should be main-
tained in all its independence and integrity; and it was
not without due consideration that this was pointed out
in the Speech from the Throne as a matter deserving of
the serious attention of Parliament." Now it appeareet
to him (Lord Dudley Stuart) that the military occupa-
tion of these provinces should be looked upon as the
first step towards the dismemberment of the Ottoman
empire. The House should not forget that Turkey had
acted more liberally in her commercial policy than any
other country in the world.—(Hear.) It appears, "from
official returns, that only three countries are better cus-
tomers than Turkey—viz., Germany, best of all, Hol-
land, Italy, and the Italian Islands. France, though.
our nearest neighbour, is on a par with Russia. No
ether country comes near. Russia is more than half
million below Turkey. Prussia, Belgium, Denmark+
Sweden, Norway, all together, do not equal
her.—(Hear, hear.) Portugal, with the Azores,
and with Madeira and Spain, with the Balearic
lelands do not reach her ; and even if our own
po.s ssion, Gibraltar, which annually takes more than
halt a million, be added, barely surpass her. His Lord-
ship then called the attention of the House to the follow-
ing extracts from the Manchester Guardian, of the 24th
orAugust, 1848:—" Few Englishmen, few English ma-
nufacturers even, are aware that the narrow passage of
the Dardanelles is continually traversed by fleets
freighted with the produce of English looms, of English.
mines, of English workshops, and of English colo-
nies; that this great stream of commerce, having sr'
rived at Constantinople, and having suffered there
such diminution as serves to supply the wants of that
capital and its surrounding provinces, passes on to
the Black Sea, where, dividing into two branches,
the smaller seeks the principalities of Moldavia
and Wallachia, through the mouth of the Danube,
' whilst the larger, reaching Trebizond, is again sub-
divided, diffusing itself over Persia on the one hand,
and on the other stretching, by means of the great cara-
van lines, into the boundless east, as far as Caubul, Itho*
kand, Bukhara, and Chive." " The ignorance which
prevails respecting its resources can only be explained
by the circumstance that it is carried on almost exclu-
sively by the agency of foreigners." "Yet this trade is
important on account of its present magnitude, and still
more important by the promise which its rapid increase
affords of an almost indefinite future development.°
" The question is sometimes asked, what interest can
England, a Christian ration, have in the preservation of
the Ottoman empire ?. When the facts which we have
just slated are known the question admits of
an easy answer." " Whilst countries, which
boast of a higher degree of civilization, have vied with
each other in inventing complicated contrivances,
having for their object the protection of native manu-
factures, to the certain injury and sometimes to the utter
destruction of their foreign commerce, the Turkish. Go-
vernment _has_ _adhered to its ancient maxims, and on
this point as well as on some others has set an estample
of liberality which has been little applauded, and still
less imitated, by western Governments. Now, suppose
for a moment that any European • power—Austria,
France, or Russia, obtained possession of Constantinople,
would the manufactured goods of England be permitted
in that case to pass into the Black Sea, as they are per;
mitted at present, on paying a small advalortm duty 0:
between 3 and 5 per cent.? Is it not. more rational
to conclude that any European power, on gaining the
command of the Dardanelles, would extend its present
tariff to its new dominions ?—(Hear.) Now, the tariU
of France, Germany, and Russia are prohibitive 01
British manufactures, with the exception of the half;
manufactured article of cotton twist, which is admitted
into the two latter countries as a great favour, at an 616
valorem duty of 30 per cent We must, therefore, ex-
pect, if the rapidly approaching frontier of the Russian
empire should ever reach the banks of the Hellespontv
not merely to see the increase of our Eastern, or Greek
trade, as it is termed in Manchester, receive a sudden
check, but we must be prepared for the almost total
annihilation of that valuable branch of our commerce;
Nor does this opinion rest merely on a calculation of
probabilities; it has received the confirmation of actual
experience.—(Hear, hear.) Up to the time when the
Russians took possession of Georgia, merchants from
that country visited Constantinople in considerable
numbers for the purpose of purchasing English Ins'
nutactured articles; but a few years after its annexe-
ion to the Russian empire this commerce ceased, and
the Georgian traders have entirely disappeared fro/
Constantinople. The late Lord Grey is reported to
have said that the meanest anizan in the kingdom is in-
terested in preserving the balance of power. The obsere
vatiou is no doubt correct; but the interest must ill
!espy instances be somewhat remote. The interest, how-'
ever, of the Manchester operatives in preserving the in-
dependence of Turkey is direct and obvious." It appears
from the revenue and population returns for the Yeat
1846—a year not the most favourable for his purP°.__Ase"
but it is the nearest to the present time to which he ow'
access—that the trade with Turkey was not only large,
but steadily and rapidly increasing. In a speech made
by him (Lord D. Stuart) in the year 1836, he showed
)
that the declared value of our ixports to Turkey was
the year 1827, 500,0001.; in ,1834,1,20u,0001.—i. e., t"
exports to Turkey had increased by 700,0001. Since
the last-mentioned period they had further ill;
creased by 1,200,0001.—i. e., from 1834 to 18:,
they have doubled; whilst from 1827 to 18,11
in twenty years, they have increased fivele.h,,h
Now, compare the progress of the trade of Turkey with
that of Russia. In twenty years, while our annual ex-
ports to Turkey have increased by 2,000,000/.. our ef
ports to Russia have increased only by 500,000/ Twenty
years ago the declared value of our exports to Turk!,
was less than half that of our exports to Russia. kle"..;
our exports to Turkey exceed those to Russia by more
than one third. But this is but an imperfect picture of
the relative value of the trades; we must inquire of. what
the the exports consist ; a large portion of those getnr'n
to
Russia, nearly one-half, is composed of the half m
being
factured article of cotton twist, for the purpose of being
worked up into goods, and afterwards brought into "m. a
petition with our own. The value of cotton manufacture
goods exported to Russia is perfectly insignificant ; it
does not amount to 50,0001. The trade to Turkey pre,,
sents an aspect precisely the reverse. The
aThelmvoasituethoel
cotton twist exported is small, and
whole of our exports to that country consists
of cotton manufactured goods. It is well knows
how much more valuable the trade in cotters

geode is than than that in cotton twist. This has been
well expounded in a pamphlet which has lately been
published, from which the following were extracta;—,..
" Of course the greater the amount of labour and capital
required to produce any manufactured article, the greater
is ita_value,in proportion to the value of the raw ma;
terial of which it is composed." " Out of the price 01
plain and printed calicoes must be paid, not merely the
expense of the labour and the interest of the capital C
ployed . . producing the yarn, but also the labour of
weaving and printing, end the interest of
best
employed. in those processes; and according to the
estimates which have been formed on this subject, whilst
the value of cotton twist is about double the value of the-
raw material which has been worked up in making it, the
average value of the plain and printed calicoes, of wine"
than that
our exports consist, is about five times greater
of the raw material." "Deducting, then, on this accounth
one-half from our exports of cotton twist, and one-filth
from. our exports of plain and printed calicoes, we shall
find a residue of 1,424,5481, which must have been re-
ceived in the I.
shape of profits and wages, by our. cap
the capital
talists and workmen engaged directly or indirectly in tb&
cotton manufacture, on account of our exports to Turkey"
in the year 1847; and the sum of 413,1771 only as the
amount which they received in profits nad wages, during
the same year, from cur exports to Russia." "As '81;
as the cotton manufacture is concerned, the Turkish
trade is therefore more valuable to England than the
Russian, nearly in the proportion of five to two, and seL,
this remarkable difference arises from the liberality 01
the Turkish tariff, which is uniformly low for all ntee
lectured goods (from three to five per cent. on thl.acter,
value), whilst the Russian tariff is almost as uniformly
prohibitive, it is probable that an examination of the
re-
lative value of the Turkish and Russian trades with re