The Sun.
London, England, 1836-07-13 00:00:00

tr,4 PI it' T v 1 Tkili PUBLIC Jain:MA L

letter td the Isiew Association in
Dub UnaVOidalily ptisipOned yesterday,
will be fodnd eat' pfeSent lit letter has
already called forth :tthiii4 a the Letid ahilse Of the
ditty Apostate, whose vapouring toWatde the close of
a long and verhlst tira:le, in which pompous phrasal.
logy supplies the place or sense, rind scurrility is sub-
stituted for argument, is as amusing as the ludicrous
bluster of the redoubtable 'Squire of Clod-hall. " If,"
says " fighting Bob," screwing tip his courgge to the
sticking place, " if the alternative is to come, and
whenever it-does conic, or our beiug the depositories
of despotic power, or its irrecoverable viethits, We tell
Mr. Daniel O'Connell thatont choice is made, and
he, not England, shall surely perish." There is a
touch of " flints and triggers for you ! JAW ttlit a
band this pugnacious penman would be at " double.
barrelled swords, and cut-and-thrust pistols !" Ob-
serve the rising of his valour. " Our (the scurvy re-
negade's) choice is made." Ay, good Bob, it is, and
that choice would urge you, were confusion to arise,
to trust to your heels or to a servile shake hands for

safety. But wherefore all this fiery fustian ? Has
Mr. O'Connell called upon his countrymen to rebel
against the British sceptre, and to sever allegiance
by the sword ? On the contrary, he counsels peace
not, however, the peace of a base subserviency, not
the peace of an infamous submission to the insults of
Baron Lyndhurst, and the tyranny of the Tory Lords,
—but the peace which becomes prudent freemen whom
the law and the constitution have invested with ample
power to crush their ruthless foes—the enemies of
civil and religious liberty—the confederated and cor-
rupt foes of human rights—without violating pub-
lic order. To meet—to associate—to agitate within
the law and by legal means—to remonstrate—to pro-
claim their unmerited wrongs—to put forth, as befits
men and British subjects, their legitimate claim to the
advantages guaranteed to their country at the period of
the Union—to declare their desire for a full participa-
tion in those salutary British institutions which in
1800 they were told they should have a title to, if
they assented to the amalgamation of the two local
legislatures in one Imperial Parliament—to demand
_ .

the fulfilment of the British portion of the contract—
to resolve that with nothing less than equal rights and
equal laws will they ever be satisfied—to point out to
their British fellow subjects the justice of this resolu-
tion, and the manifest benefits that must flow from

generous compliance in so equitable a demand ; to do
all this Mr. O'Connell counsels his countrymen, and
if he hesitated to propound such advice, his share of
English feeling would be contempt. The renegade
reviler of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman says :
" He abuses wholesale the county constituency of Eng-
land, and their landlords, for being operated upon by the
cry of No Popery.' We congratulate our Protestant
countrymen that the shoe begins to pinch. He tells the
English farmers that their best interest is the prosperity of
Ireland: Then who, in that case is their most deadly
foe but the grand disturber and obstructor of that
prosperity ?"
In this passage we have falsehood flat and false-
hood covert. Mr. O'Connell does not abuse wholesale
the county constituency of England ; but he states a
fact, discreditable to the Tory landlords of England,
when he asserts what has been demonstratively proved
in Warwickshire, in South Devon, in Northampton,
mid in other counties, that by the operation of Lord
Chandos' tenancy-at-will clause in the Reform Act,
the farmers of this country are reduced to the most
cruel vassalage, and are driven to the hard necessity of
screening their abject slavery beneath the cloak
of sectarian animosity. Driven to the poll, like
oxen to the pens of Smithfield, by their Tory
landlords and Tory agents, the farmers of Eng-
land in
a majority of instances are glad to hide
the shame of a necessary subserviency to the will
of a tyrannical Tory proprietory under the veil
of a religious rancour. Obeying, in fact, the
unconstitutional mandate of a Tory landlord, who has
it in his power to cast them forth froth their farmsteads,
and who takes care to exercise this power when politi-
cal honesty, stifling personal interest, affords him an
opportunity, the bulk of the farmers of this country
are rejoiced at the polemical appeals of the Tory par-
sons, which in some sort veil their degradation, by
giving to subserviency the semblance of religious zeal.
Mr. O'Connell is as convinced of these truths as we
or any other observer of things are, or can be ; and he
does not, therefore, abuse the farmers, who are the

victims of a ruthless oppression, but pours out his
indignation upon the Tory oppressors. He also
tells the farmers of England that they are deeply
interested in the peace and prosperity of Ireland,
and ' thus urges them to disenthral themselves
from the shackles imposed upon their consciences
and their free-will by that tyrannous party
who abuse the rights of property, and trample
the Reform Bill in the dust, in order to promote their
own selfish ends—their own corrupt aggrandisement.
The Tory party, in order to punish the Irish people
for contributing so effectually to extinguish rotten
boroughs and to reform Corporations in England, and
in order, moreover, to uphold an anomalous Church
Establishment in Ireland, for the exclusive benefit of

the Aristocracy, the younger shoots of which are there
well nourished, to the injury of merit and the ruin of
the Protestant religion—this vicious 'faction, for these
vicious purposes, refuse to Ireland Corporate and
Church Reform ; by doing so, they keep that country
in a perpetual ferment, to the manifest and grievous
injury of the farmers and manufacturers of England,
and not all the knavery of the unprincipled print in
question, can shelter them from the guilt and the
odium of being the palpable disturbers and obstructors
of the prosperity of the United Kingdom. A day of
retribution will arrive—it may be nearer than the fac-
tion, or even the friends of peace in Ireland, and
prosperity in all quarters of the empire, anticipate.—
Morning chronicle.

That portion of the Stamp-duty Bill which concerns
newspapers is, it appears, the only part of it which
the Chancellor of the Exchequer deems sufficiently im-
portant to be pushed through Parliament during the
present Session. We have often said, and now repeat,
that so far as we are ourselves concerned, the novelties
of this measure, whether decided on, or threatened
only, affect us very slightly, if at all, save in so far as
the general character of the press, and through it the
puhlic interest, may thrive cr suffer. The chief pro.-
position of Monday evening which bore any thino-° of
au unprecedented aspect was one introduced by Mr.
C. Buller, that all the proprietors of newspapers, or
shareholders in them, should be registered, and this on
the ground that at present newspapers " could cir-
culate all sorts of slander, and he 'therefore insisted
that every proprietor should be registered. It was. not
right that anonymous writers should hold up individuals
to infamy, by the lucubrations of obscure and worthless
persons, whose obscurity and worthlessness shielded
them from responsibility. He contended that every
individual having an interest in a paper should be
registered by name at the . Stamp-office. It is clear,
therefore, that the Learned Member for Liskeard,
whose experience leads him to conclude that the ano-
nymous lucubrations of newspapers must of necessity
proceed from ,obscure and worthless persons, has no
better nostrum for the responsibility of anonymous
slanderers than the registration of the names of all who
hold newspaper property. In answer to this gentle
man, who, we suppose, holds himself to be as celebrated
as we are obscure, we shall merely say, though with
perfect indifference as to the result, that the public
hare no business with the details of sleeping partner-
ships in Newspapers any more than in Magazines,
telljevor other literary speculations. The couctry,
"Inite'ed%,slias a right to adequate security against the
violation of the law, .and that in the case of
stamped Newspapers is already well enough pro-
vided for, while redress for unjust assaults upon
private character and feelino is always attainable
through the editors and acting managers of public jour-
nals, as they are carried on at present—no instance
we presume being on record, within the last twenty
years, where the non-existence of an editor, by statitm.
and character fully responsible, could be pleaded as an
argument for such changes in the law as are now re-
commended by Mr. Charles Buller. If the fair-
dealing members of the House of Commons do not
-look about them, there seems reason to fear that cer-
tain official persons may give the " go-by" to the really
important provision urged by Sir Robert Inglis, on
Monday evening, for securing a copyright to daily

dirt:rids • against the robberies of pennyless pirates,
( Ird Witt otherwise prey, trpon their capital and inclus-
tE lkie adsWer of Mr. gptitig Bice upon that point
was singirlarly dsirk and ill-omened. Let that Right
Fionsrinisbie: personage dace set Iris Stamp all passed,
and the e'd44 are; that Copyright limy go whistle for it
(hiring WS' tertchle dt office. Tim'e's.
From the debate in the fiddle' of Lord ors the New
Marriage Lziil rliNd the Registration tit births Bill, it
is very obvious that died measures will not Decome
law in their present shape. It is equally obvious that
it would be a very considerable hardship on the great
body of the people if they did. It is impossible to
read the statements of the Archbishop of Canterbury
and Lord Ellenbotough respecting the vexatious
clauses of these Bills without feeling ashamed for that
branch of the Legislature calling itself " popular,"
which should allow such measures to pass. What-
ever may be thought of these Bills by tie Dissenters,
who pre for the most part in gold circumstances, with
sufficient trioq67 to pay fees and servants, and friends
to attend to all the famalities which such measures
would render necessary, there can be no doubt that the
mass of the people, the working population, would
be grievously tormented by them. All the old habits
with regard to marriage and baptism must be broken
up, new formalities must be learned, and some penal-
ties be incurred if they are not attended to. And they
could not possibly be attended to without a sacrifice
of time dud money much greater than is demanded
from the common people under the provisions of the
present law. These measures, as sent up by the Com-
mons, are in fact measures of petty but elaborate ty-
ranny, under the name of improvements. The conve-
niences and likings—nay, even the most unreasonable
prejudices of the rich dissenting middle classes, are in-
deed consulted and provided for ; but the poor are
scornfully loaded with a heap of perplexing restric-
tions, such as hitherto they have never known. And
this is called "liberality'' and "improvement." The
real liberality, that is to say, toleration, which allows
men to follow their own consciences in :*ratters of
conscience, but forces even "impeovement" upon no
Man against his habits and convictions, has been !Ll'
displayed on the other side. What says the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury ?, Why this is his really liberal
declaration :—That he supposes the principal object
of these measures to be to relieve the Dissenters from
the necessity of conforming to the ceremonies of the
Church, and that, so far as the measures go, merely to
establish this principle, they have his entire concur-
rence, and not only his own, but that of the Church
Clergy generally. But the Dissenters, or whoever
have had the preparation of these Bills, are not con-
tent with such enactments as would have this effect,
and go no further. They must not only have their
own way in their own affairs—which is reasonable, but
they mu*, interfere with the ways of others, and pre-
vent the Members of the Established Church, both
clerical loud lay, from following their way—which
is not a all reasonable, but most intolerant ; and
yet this they call " liberality," and " improvement."
Almost erery clause of these measures goes not only
to provide new legal modes for Dissenters—to which,
if they like them better, they are welsome—but to es-
tablish equally new modes for the whole people of this
Kingdom, of whom the majority being Church of
England Protestants, are content to have the law as
it stands. We really can scarcely conceive any stretch
of assumption more monstrous and unbecoming than
this—that because a certain large body of Dissenters
from the Established Church choose to be relieved
from the legal necessity of complying with its cere-
monies, in certain important matters, they shall pro-
pose a law, not only to relieve themselves, but to com-
pel a change in the habits of the whole body of the
people, who desire no such change. We must refer
to the speech of Lord Ellenborough on Monday even-
ing, for an enumeration of the hardships and penal-
ties which, by these measures, would be imposed upon
the poor. The public may learn from thence the
mild, tolerant, and considerate disposition of those
who cannot bring themselves to conform to the usages
of the Established Church. They arc much too " phi-
losophical " to make any allowance for those who
may have the utmost objection to conform to the
usages which they prefer. They settle the matter at
once by the infliction of a penalty. We speak,' we
rejoice to say, only of the measures as they have passed
the House of Commons ; hut let our countrymen
judge, from such measures, what they might expect if
Cie House of Commons were, what so many contend
that it ought to be, the sole legislative body in this.
country. Lord Ellenborough stated in his speech,
what every man who looks to the practical affairs of
life in considering new thedries-of law must know to be
true, that, as the law stands, a poor man who generally
knows the clerk in the parish, has merely to apply to
him when he wants to have the marriage ceremony
performed—to pay the fee for putting up the
bans, if he is able to pay it, and then, after the
proper time has elapsed, to attend at the church and
be married. By the new Bill, all manner of details and
particulars must be set forth, and two people known to
the registrar Must be found to vouch for the truth of
these ; and this is but the first of a series of forma-
lities, all requiring time and attention, which the
working man cannot afford without great inconvenience.
The rules with regard to registration of births are
even more stringent. A name must be fixed upon
within eight days, and notice sent to the proper officer,
and, after another stated number of days, witnesses to
the birth must attend to give proof of the circum-
stances, and a catalogue of penalties are provided to
mulct any one who may be found practically insensible
of the great " improvement" which liberal Dissenters
have devised. Lord Melbourne says that all these
difficulties and faults may be got rid of in Committee
on the Bill. No doubt they, may ; but is that any
excuse, fcir time Ministers who have proposed, and the
majorities, who have carried such 'measures in the
House of Commons? We think not, and we are
persuaded that the country will be of the same opi-
nion.---Moruing Herald.

It has been for some time past a political boast in
France that in its public spirit and in its institutions
of Government and Legislation it has surpassed Great
Britain. The British -Constitution, once the model
for aspirants after political liberty even in France,
is now considered -to. be an inferior system to that
which the French themselves have the happiness to
possess. Not only is this gratifying assurance MI"
117011 'awn.. the French people, but they go so
far as to believe or to assert, that we in • E:iland
participate in the same sentiment. They say that
the darling object of our political philosophers is
to approach the excellency of their system—that
are in short as to our political institutions no longer
the imitated of all the world, but the would-be
imitators of the French—of the French " resew-
rated," enlightened, liberalised, by the Revolution of
1830, and the events which liav'e followed it. It
is Worth while, we think, at the present moment,
to consider how far this assertion is true, and, if so,
what reason we have to be proud or to be ashamed of
it. They who judge of the national sentiment of Eng-
land by what the present Administration has been per-
mitted to do, may very well suppose that wc.are in-
deed envious of the French system, and desirous of
imitating it in practice, even before we have arrived at
a similar theory of political Government.. Let us '
.compare the character of the public proceedings of the
two countries. A Paris journal, reviewing the posi-
tion of the Ftench radicals and the Ministerial party,
wires such an account as this of the actual state of
things :—The honest men of the new regime, it says,
expected that if the revolution of 1830 went no fur-
ther, it would at least reali6e the immediate hopes with
which it had flattered them. They now perceive, how-
ever, that, instead of ameliorating the institutions of
France it has violated them; but at the same time, While
among themselves they condemn everything which
is done, they do not dare to attack openly either the
acts of the men in power, or the spirit in which they
are undertaken, or the men themselves who advise and
carry them into. effect. They tremble lest they should
shake the power itself, and thus in a manner
engraft
revolution upon revolution. In the midst of this pre-
caution The national interest is lost sight of. Nothing
great or useful can be attempted.. They can find no
way in which to oppose integrity to intrigue, and the
conceptions of an enlightened patriotism to the petty
combinations of faction ; for, intrigue and egotism
being the springs of the machine of Government,
such •a 3 'the revolution has made it, these springs can
• •

41A-IT.
not be changed without stopping the
men who one day hope to guide it
the hare idea of paralysing its aetio vtsri
" fllama Bill" for " R evolution," w
exact description than :lie foregoing of the poSitivei mokilfrf
relative condition of oar Government and the Rcdicall
patty which supports it? Of the real sentiments of et
pd ay We have abundant indication, though not a direct:
aYowal, in the political occurrences of every day. Even.:
the newspapers which a.e called Ministerial—the:
Examiner and the Chronicle—can ill conceal the dis-.
gust ttith which they regard the " half-faced fellow-•
ship" of theli• Government which they so virtuously-
praise. But the cleverest man of the party—and, a
far as character goes, no worse than the rest—we mealy.
Mr. Whittle Harvey—has thrown off all reserve, and
let out the bitter truth concerning the contemptible.
Government which he can no longer bring himself to
support. His description of that Government is sin-
gularly like the character of the French Govemment
which we have quoted. It cannot, then, he denied
the the present Government, and especially that mero-
her of who is at the head of the Foreign Depart-
ment, give Ksason to the French to believe and to as-
sert that the Brit. sh are humble imitators of the French.
But the mistake is in confounding the British nation
with the present Government, and with the miserable
crew of coxcombs in the House pf Commons who
mistake their want of principle for philosophy,
and their admiration of French frivoDY for sym-
pathy with a more enlightened system of politics,
literature, and manners. We have left out religion
in our catalogue, because there is none in France with
which that of England may be contrasted : and, if
there were, these coxcombs, in the sublimity of their
silliness, would hold themselves above such conside-
rations. The English nation is., however, not so de-
praved—not so lost to all sense of virtue and dignity—
not so deadened to all patriotic feeling—not so stu-
pidly forgetful of history—not so intcmicated with va-
nity, or enamoured of the bewildering combination
of voluptuousness with extravagance and crime, As to
have lost that healthy detestation of French
ples which has in times past been a national char.
racteristic. We decide, then, that the assertion or
French, concerning our admiration of their poli-
tical siate, is altogether an error, and proceeds from
mistaking the impertinence of
fops and fools for
the declaration of the Englis.li
people. Upon
the question whether, suppo'sing this assertion
to be a truth, we ought or °tie't not to be
ashamed of it, little need he said. Look a:. the trial of
Alibeaud. This wretch who, when takeiZ,
coldly
accounted for his crime by stating, in that ch:trullng
style which Mr. Buller so much admires, that
an
age of egotism he too had his convictions," was m0v,"41
in the course of his trial to a more distinct declaration'
of the political morality under which he, and no doubt
thousands like him, are abandoned to the commission
of horrid crimes. " How long"—said the President
of the Court of Peers, addressing the prisoner—" how
long have you entertained the idea of arriving at a.
Republic by an attempt on the person of the King ?"
The prisoner answered with a loud voice, and with much
energy," Ever since Louis Philippe put:Paris in a state
of siege. Ever since the miseries of Lyons. Ever
since the citizens have been massacred in the streets..
Ever since I have seen that his reign was intlamous, I
have desired to kill the King." To kill the King—le
frapper a mort ; this is the mode which a politiciom of
the new school, who acts, forsooth, " upon his con Yic-
tions,"‘takes to remedy political grievances. This ay-
. pared to the wretched man, perhaps, to be a convic-
tion ; but they who look beyond a man's own avowal
(perhaps sincere) for the sources of such an act, will
trace it to that desperate vanity, uncontrolled by any
sense of reverence for things divine or human, which
" endeavours to arrive at celebrity by crime." We will
not wetiken the impression which such a declaration as
that of .Alibeaud is calculated to inspire by further
commentary upon it. Let it speak for itself as to the
political sentioent of France, and the probable end of
literal oppressio3 on the one hand, and godless, law-
less vengeance on ON other !—Morning Post.

On Friday night, irr moving for leave to bring in
a Bill for the Reform of the Church establishment,
Lord John Russell stated to the House the chief pro-
visions of' the prOposed measure, which is founded on
the fourth Report of the Ecclesiastical Commission.
It is proposed that nine sees be redueed from 102,8601.
to 70,7001., which will give an excess of 32,1601.,
which is to be applied to the augmentation of twelve,
and the creation of two new sees. The following table
shows the items of the proposed arrangement :
From. To. Excess. Deficiency.
X,
1. 9 secs to be reduced 102,860 70,700 32,160
2. 1 see to be raised 4,220 5,000
3. 12 sees tobe raised t 33,560 54,000
to 4,5001. each.
4. 2 new sees at the same ... 9.000
5. 2 unaltered 9,700 9,700

20,440

9,000

£150,340 148,400 32,160 30,220
148,400 30,220

£1,940

£1,940

, •
Thus dividing the proposed income of 150,3401.
between the Archbishops and Bishops, it will give to
each the following revenue :
To the ArchbiAcr of Canterbury X 15,000
,To the Archbishop 4,f York lO,OOO
To the Bishop of Loni:oo lO,OOO
To the Bishop of Durlia..ll •
To the Bishop of Winches):er 7,000
And to other bishops various sums, the highest
amount being
And the lowest amount being. .
. __ _

The Bill provides that every Clergyman must re-
side on his living for nine months
pf:rson to hold two livines except they ::.e•within ten
in the year. No
mile,' of each other, andriunless under spec:3l circum-
stances. No person holding one living of 5004 a year
to be allowed to hold another. In future, in eases
where the Canons do not take the preferment
themselves, the Bishops are to exercise the patroo-
age hitherto enjoyed by the Dean and Chapters.
The measure being one recummended, or rather
acceded by the high dignitaries of the Church.
it a
be expected that opposition would
,v n,, tot
he given by the Tory party, and aceoidingiv—unless
proposed by Mr. C. Lush-
e majority, rescting the
ia,oeveo except
nto ad n
lostamendment
by a iarg r
abolitioa of the right of translating Bishops from one
see to another, and a declaration by Mr. Hume and Mr.
F. Buxton, against the Bill being ht all considered as a
setaotnent of the Church question, as it left many gross
abuses still un ceeressed—leave was obtained without
much discussion, for the introduction of the Bill,
The measure can be considered merely as itself in-
tro:luctory to a more efficient reform of the Church
Establishment ; for it is not to be endured that au
Archbishnp or Bishop be left in possession of 16..000i.
or 10,0001. a-;'ear, while many of the working- cler-
gymen have not t n,cre than 501. The safety of •the
Church itself requires more equitable distribution
of its revenues, and the loiNer a just reformation is
delayed the more will the afreLni:.
on and respect of the
people he estranged from an esta;ishment which, in
Its present condition, is not alone a L:::'.7raCe to the
country, but to Christianity. There arc fcv persons
now so besotted as to suppose that the zeal mann-!sted
by a certain party in favour of the Church arises from
a respect for religion. This is but the pretext—the.
real motive being either the desire of maintaining po-
litical ascendancy, or of retaining possession of public
plunder. It is an old trick to make religion the pre-
text for the commission of crime. What persecutions,
tortures,
and massacres have been perpe-
is
tried in the name of religion I Eut now the nia.k
'n(= removed, and like the worshippers of the veile-d
,
prophet, men stand aghast at the hideousness of the
the picture concealed behind it.—Morn. Advertiser.

-
CHAT EA ÜBRIAND.—This celebrated writer, it is
already ,known, has been for a long time engaged in a transla,,
tion of Milton. This undertaking led him to a multitude at
re.icArchcs respecting English Literature in general, and the
result has been the production of a new work entitled ". An
Historical View of English Literature." Independently of its
in,iirt object, this work will possess a high degree of interest, at
e understand the noble author has introduced into the con.
eluding portion pretty copious extracts from his Memoirs,
which were announced only to appear after his death.
ATMOSPHERIC CHANCES.—.OO the morning of
Tuesday last, the Thermometer stood, in the shade, in cha.
old:am, at eighty-five degrees. The wind was then at
Oa Wednesday—the terrific thunder storm having,
in-
terval, taken place in and near London—the The in the
rmometer
--.tcod at 691 degrees. On Thursday the wind was at N.E.

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