The Sun.
London, England, 1831-06-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE I ÜBLEC JOURN ',LS.

The BrockeThank steers• boa from Ostend arrived
last night with the Belgi Deputation to offer the
crown to Prince Leopold. The honourable gentle-
men landed at the Tower teirs about seven o'clock.
Must, if not all, of them hi, been in London before.
The debates which took lace in the Belgic Con-
gress on Lord Pousonby's letter, and on the elec-
tion of Prince Leopold, were distinguished by a
degree of violence and irritation which reduce very
notch the hopes of an amicable adjustment of (IV-
ferenices between the Belgians and their rivals,
through the mediation of the live Powers. The
discussion was sometimes interrupted for half an
hour or an hour by the disorderly interference of the
galleries; and the Deputies themselves partook of
the fury tvhicb they inspired and pretended to con_
denm. The war party almost cried "To arms,"
arid the words " insolent, " infamous, " and other
flowers of distempered rhetoric, were abundantly ap-
plied to his Lordship's production. It should, ho,v.
ever, still be borne in mind by the friends of peace,
that the acts of the Congress are not so warlike as
the language of its orators ; and that though neither
the Congress nor the Government has as yet agreed
to the Protocols of London, the farmer has autho-
liz-d and the latter has adopted a step towards an
accommodation which they have hitherto resisted.—
They have, in short, offered to treat, and by this
means have placed themselves and their cause, to a
certain extent, in the hands of the Conference.—
The two Envoys sent to ascertain the nature and
amount of the indemnity for which thee would ob-
tain the limits to which they pretend, had arrived in
London before the deputation with the tender of
the Crown. The recall of Lord Ponsonby by
England, and of General Belliard by France, was
rendered necessary by the state at which things
have now waived, and therefore can of itself be no
indication of immedia,e hostilities. It will be seen,
by examining the speech of M. Lebeau, in Con-
gress, that the Belgic Government had begun to
insist on the production of credential letters from
those two diplomatic agents. These letters would
have been equivalent to a recognition of the Belgic
Government or Regency, and therefore could not
be communicated by their respective Courts till
Belgium complied with the conditions on which a
full and friendly recognition is made to depend.—
This short exp:anation is perhaps necessary, to re-
move several mistakes into which some of our con-
i.temporares have fallen.—Tiones.
There has been a great deal of speculation in the
English, and a great lack of information in the Ame-
rican newspapers, on the cause of the sudden disso-
lution of the late Jackson Cabinet. No consp:racy
bad been discovered to burn the Capitol or to blow
up the Union, in which the President and his official
helpers could take different sides,—no new expe-
dition had been planned or projected against the
Indian tribes, in which the conscience or humanity
of the Ministens could lead them to dissent from
their Chief,—and neither the abolition nor the in-
crease of the tariff duties on foreign manufactures
had bn en brought forward as a bone of contention.
The twenty-and-odd States of the Confederation
reposed in perfect safety tinder the Jackson sceptre,
and no adventurous Aaron Burr had risen to divide
them by attempting to usurp the honours of king.
chip. The different Ministers, in their friendly
letters of resignation to the President, beginning
" My dear Sir," never hint at any grave questions of
foreign or domestic politics which could separate
them from each other or from en indulgent leader.
What, then, could be the cause of their precipitate
dissolution ? That cause, as now explained, affords
a curious illu-tration of American manners, and
shows that our Republican brethren west of the
Atlantic are not exempted from those private in-
fluences in the management of their public affairs,
which in their severer moods they ascribe exclu-
sively to the old Courts of Europe. A woman was
the cause of the Trojan war, and the slighted pre-
tensions of a Minister's wife occasioned the over-
throw of the President Jackson's Cabinet.
" What dire offence tram trifling causes springs

" What mighty contests rise from little things !"
It would appear that for some reason or other
Cato which we fot bear to inquire), the lady was
sent—not to Troy, but—to Coventry, by her fair
co-equals in the official circle of Washington, and
that, being supported by her husband, as he was in
duty hound, she funned a faction against her rival.
The President, to show his impartiality, frequented
ber parties, as well as those of the other ministerial
dames, and thus added jealousy to dislike. At last the
,dies contrived to embroil matters so much, and to
excite so many misunderstandings between their
husbands, that no business could be done, and the
President, in his continued impartiality, was obliged
to dismiss the whole batch. We have forgotten the
mimes of his new Ministers, but we suppose that in
their selection he must have taken security against
the occurrence of a similar catastrophe by choosing
bachelma, cr that he must have written on the Prr-
s;dential palace one of the rules of the King of Na-
y:tire, in Loce'g Labour Lost—" Item, That no
woman come within a mile of my court, on pain of
losing her tongue."—Times.

The dreadful accounts of the sufferings endured
by Dur fellow-Christians in the west of Ireland are
now before the English public. What are those
sutferingii ? Nothing more than famine ! the ago-
nies of woolen and children perishing of hunger and
of pestilence—nothing more. Alas ! nothing less
than famine and pestilence combined ! It would be
impertinence to add another word upon this heart-
rending visitation : 148,000 of our brethren die
within reach of us, unaided by us ! We are unable
to dwell upon this scene of horror. The letter of
Sir Francis I3losse,—a warm-hearted and generous
clergyman of the Church of England, whose own
estate in Galway, being paternally administered by
its reverend and pious master, has enjoyed a great
exemption from the miseries which every where sur-
roue(' it,—his letter to the London Relief Commit-
tee we now communicate. It wiii tell more than
we can tell, and is language more affecting than
ours. Why are not charity unions preached in
every pariah throughout England fcr an expir.iig
people ? Public meetings we would likewise
urge : but our memory is still truarting under
the wounds inflicted on every man of common
sense and common humanity, by the brutal
fanaticism of a creature in the garb of a
clergyman, who was suffered a fsw weeks since to
disgust his charitable audience, t..et together
avowedly for the relief of the famishing potr of Ire-
land, by better and persevering attacks upon their
.religion, as if they had not bodies to be nourished,
and tens of thousands of helpless children screaming
for sustenance, because he the fiesee tyrran,, refused
salvation to their wills but after such fasi;i4n as he
should voebsafe to dictate. We say without sei-upla
that the barbarian who that day sounded the
trump of intolerance, thereby Vtaa,lting up the as-
sembly summoned for a specific and :.!irritable
ob-
ject,
s arid robbing; the hungry poor of the comtribu-
iobespoke and intended foe them, will have a
black account to renter ofany fr.° ;
sa___r_ties which may
have been agitravt ted.by his cruelly,-fperhap's even
of lives which it' may have destroyed. This is an
emergency on which nothing ought in the first iu-
li tace to be thought of but to alleviate hunger, or
so extinguish revec,andso.pre-erve the human being
nor whatever gifts or trials the Almighty may here-
af-.er in his supreme wistopmaiv.afpp,oo:inet.
of our
it is
not considered an affair o
bro-
ther journalists, dm most opposed to i;i; (;inii.,:eai
feeling, have already tonic honourable te...ritnOtly,
by the fervour of their appeals to public beneficence
on behalf of the Irish poor.--Beiges.
We have inserted a letter signed " Alpha," on
the death of Mrs. Siddons ; and let his suggestion
of a public funeral have what influence it may, we
shall venture our opinion on the subject. From the
praise of Mrs. Siddons in her private character we
have no authority for dissenting; we theiefcre
readily believe, even on an anonymous statement,
all that is said in this respect, and olfer to her
memory the tribute cf respt ct for her virtues while
living-. 'Ent we will at the same time fearlessy

sert that there is nothing in the art of a stage-'
player that should entitle the most successful pro-
fessor of it to a public funeral. 'We know the cry
with which this declaration will be received by the
• note austere party, who reject all amusement as
• profane, of approbation—by the volatile and
• thoughtless, of disappointment, and almost horror.
The fact is, that we perfectly coincide in Rousseau's
opinion, who, in reply to a celebrated article in the
Encyclopedia " on the stage," clearly proves, at
least to our satisfaction, with his own marvellous and
seductive eloquence, that in a barbarous state of
society the theatre is useless; in one moderately
corrupt it may render some service; but in a pure
one it is prejudicial. Besides, what is the art of a
stage-playel ? A contingent and dependent one.
How few actors have been tolerable writers ! And
if others did not write, they could not ace. The
merely representing, even with augmented force—
which but rarely happens (in the case of Shakspeare
and the other writers, never)—that which the author
has conceived and in words expressed, what is it ?
If the general end to be obtained were the noblest
in the world—and it is far otherwise—the part
which the actor bears in the attainment of it, besides
being, Xi we said, contingent, is comparatively but
trivial. Whatever marks of private friendship, there-
fore, may he paid to Mrs. Siddons on her sustaining
the lot of mortality, and we hope she will have many,
we should consider any public testimony of regard
as a proof of the decline of noble feeling in the nation
—as an evidence of its approach to that state in
which panis et circenses were all that was thought
necessmy for a people.—Times.
A Correspondent (whose communication will be
found in another column) has called our attention
to a Sermon, preached on behalf of the British Re-
formation Society, at St. Clement Danes, Strand,
May 31, 1831, by the Rev. H. MiNeile, published
in the Pulpit, No. 46. It is altogether a strange
production, and appearing, as it does, clothed with
the authority of the British Reformation Society, a
very active and bustling body, it is well deserving
of attention. The Rev. Mr. M'Neile, the Rev. Mr.
Armstrong, the Rev. Mr. Beamish, the Hon. and
Rev. Gerard Noel, &c. &c., lose no opportunity for
enforcing their particular views; for, go where we
will, we hear of some of these holding forth in
churches, in assembly rooms, in taverns, where they
find numerous audiences. Mr. INPNeile concludes
his Sermon with a declaration that, " as a Minister
of a Church rightly established, and fostered by
Kings after King, I think it the duty of Ministers
of such a Church to stand forth and tell the truth
concerning Kings—concerning Nobles—concerning
the People—concerning apostucy, in the name of
God, and of our dear and blessed Savour Jesus
Cultist." The main object of the Reformation
Society is the counteraction of Popery, and Mr.
NPNeile is of course indignant at the concessions
lately made to Popery. " Is there not," he says,
" an image of jealousy that provoked' to jealousy set
up in this land, even here where the Sanctuary of
God is; even here, where there is a pro.esting
power, which proclaims the truth of God,
against the Apostacy of the Church of Rome ? Is
there not here the image that provoketh to jealousy ?
Is not Popery among us ? Is not Popery fostered
by the State? Are not the teachers of it paid front the
public money ? Are not the people taxed in order to
pay for teaching Popish Priests, who, when they are
taught themselves, proceed to teach idolatry to the
people ? There is an image of jealousy provoking the
Lord God to jealousy with England. Oh ! has he de-
livered us from the guilt of these abominations in
time past ? Has he at the expence of the blood of
Martyrs delivered us from these idols, and are we
going back now to set up an image to make him
jealous again—to commit fornication with idols by
this Christianised heathenism, this heathenised
Christianity ?" The Rev. Mr. M`Neile claims from
youathat the Church eetabli•hed be considered the
Church rightly established—that the doctrines of
that Church be considered the right doctrines; and
it follows as a matter of course that no other Mini-
ters should be allowed to teach but those who, like
himself, are the right ministers. Why should we
who believe the true doctrines be taxed to pay the
teachers of the fuse doctrines ? But see where
this doctrine leads us. All they wino do riot be-
lieve the Church of Mr. Al‘Neile to be the true
Church, and its doctrines the true doctrines, may
in like manner exclaim, why should we who believe
the true doctrines he taxed to pay the teachers of
the false doctrines ? The Papist, the Presbyterian,
the Independent, the Baptist, all conceive them-
selves to be in the right, and the Rev. Mr. M`Neile in
the rong. If all were to be staunch, the Rev. Mr.
M`Neile would be obliged to have recourse to the
arts of the flesh, or his Church would be left to the
contributions of those who are attached to its doc-
trines. The Church of Rome in particular would,
we dare to say, be quite ready to give up all that
the State pays to its teachers—that is, the vote to
Nlaynooth•—on: condition of having nothing to pay
to the Church of England. Mr. M`Neile holds the
language that persecutors in every country and every
ace have held. All that they ask is, that it be
taken for granted they ate in the right, and then it
follows that that which is right should be en.
forced. In the great Council of the nation all
are backsliders and idolators, save Mr. Perceval
and Sir R. H. Inglis, and a few more who have
opposed Catholic Emancipation and Parlia-
mentary Reform, and who will oppose of course
all attempts to reform abuses in the Church and in
the State, and who think that the nation is to be
saved by national fast and humiliations. " Oh, my
brethren (he says), we behold the nation's great
Council—now hear again.—l beseech you to bear
with the truth ; I have no desire but to tell the
truth ; I have no word that shall offend any man,
except so far as the truth of God offends him :—we
behold, I say, the nation's great Council burning in-
cense to idols, for the preservation of the nation's
weal—we behold them each having his idol—one
burning incense to Education, as a deity that
can save England—one burning. incense to Poor
Laws—one burning; incense to Parliamentary Reform,
without a word front them of Gud, who alone can
give success to any of these expedients; and when a
servant of his does stand up in a nation, and pre-
pose that Ofey shall humble themselves before God,
and ask his protection and advice, though, in the
magnanimity of their toleration, they may give the
giati a fool's reaard because of his sincerity, yet
they Live not the smallest idea of adopting his prin-
ciples. ;moo, ;I\W—they say, in fact, as did their
prototypes in Judea, The Lord bath forsaken the
earth, and the Lord seed' not.' We cannot talk
about religion, for in this House within Parliament,
it is out of place. This is not the place for religious
discussion—this is not the place fur Christie:thy.
Religion and politics have nothing to do with one
4nother ; let every' man look after his own religion,
and isaase polities to us. Let every man go and
serve God ioa!ividually; but as for national religion,
there was such a tinely rn the folly of our forefathers,
but we are wiser now. So the/ say, so they say in
dee midst of their offerings." The- men chosen by
the Noi;le ae their representatives, instead of ore:
copying them,e;vos with Education and Poor Laws
and Parliamentary Reform. ought, we suppose, to
employ themselves in seeking the ',old, and to re-
nounce all idea of raking counsel from spelt ONVII
wisdoms. But yet we find, that though it is wrote,
in Parliament. to troobite itself with Poor Laws, anal
Parliamentary Reform, eed Eeltication, it did well
to vote supplies for carrying oft the wig' ugajnst Re-
volutionary France, and to load the nation with
debt. " Our own country," he says, " though in
tke mercy of God it was spared from being the scat
of war, d:4 tint escape tine contagion ; for the in-
direct effects of there wars, involving us in a parti-
which, politically sp,;(ll;ing, could not Lc
avoided, have left e load—an € normous load of
debt upon England, under the weight of which she
yet groans, suid from which there is no human pros.
pect of any honest deliverance." Politically speak-
ing,
we say the war might have been avoided, and
the debt might have been avoided, had the great
Council of that day been possessed of either Chris
slag fe,:linv (ur is tie vkdoro. However, a bloody anti

burdensome war, however unnecessary, is not so ob-
jectionablean incense to idols as improving Poor Laws
and reforming Parliament. But where was the
charity of the Rev. Mr. M‘Neile, where the charity
of the British Reformation Society, n hen they could
shut their eyes to all the circumstances in the situa-
tion of the Royal Family of this country, and make
and sanction this wanton, this cruel insult, to the
innocent children of his Majesty ? The King of
that day, when the Royal Marriage Act was passed,
was to blame, the Parliament was to blame, the
Nation was to blame, in not showing its disapproba-
tion more decidedly ; but the unfortunate victims,
the members of the Royal Family, who were de-
prived of a liberty enjoyed by the rest of the nation,
were to be pitied. Can this intolerant Priest, who
audaciously culls on " a righteous nation to rise in
indignation against it"—who culls upon the " Bishops
in the Church" to " bring it before the public"—
can this intolerant Priest, we repeat, see nothing its
the circumstances of the Royal Family to justify
the application of a less severe measure to them
than is applicable to others ? An unjust law sought
to debar the King from domestic comforts ; being a
man of simple habits, and of a kind and affectionate
disposition, he slimmed the dissipation of high life—
he lived as a virtuous man would do, to whom the
law is tnor. indulgent, and sought the domestic hap-
tAness from which it endeavoured to shut him out.
But this Pharisee not only sees no extenuating dr.
cumstance in the situation of the King, but he
would not even allow him the indulgence of the af-
fection which every parent must feel for his children
—nay, he would set a mark of proscription upon
the innocent children. "The putting into the
Gazette—the putting into honourable dignity of
State—children that are the fruit of fornication."
And this insolent invective was delivered in a
Christian Church, by a Minister of the Religion of
Charhy and brotherly love. Not a word of all,
however, should we have heard, if the King had
not given his confidence to a Reforming Ministry.
—Morning Chronicle.
By a recent calculation the appalling fact is ascer-
tained that there are in the county of Mayo one
hundred and sixty thousand four hundred human
beings in danger of perishing by famine! We have
seen no returns of the actual number of persons in
a state of starvation in the county of Galway but
they are represented as very numerous. It appears
that a portion of the county Donegal is suffering
the ravages of similar want and misery. This is a
frightful picture to contemplate, even at a distance;
but what must it be to those who are on the spot,
and witness the agonies in detail, of which we cant
imagine but one vast indistinct mass ? A general
description of calamity dues not so painfully touch
the sympathies of the human heart as distinct re-
lations of individual suffering. Men can hear of the
carnage of a battle without emotion who would
,budder at the recital of a solitary act of domestic
homicide. Let us for a moment endeavour to
imagine the agonies of individual affliction, in all
its varieties, which the mass of starvation, of which
we have spoken, produces only in the space of
24 hours, and we shall feel how impossible it is, in
general terms, to convey even a faint notion of the
dreadful reality. The Freeman's Journal tells us,
" no words can describe the terrible scenes that
overspread the country. Persons endeavouring
to support life on seaweed, on nettles, and
the common herbage of the field—poor mothers
wailing for their children, and hordes of men
roaming about and asking for work and food—fa-
milies stretched in sickness without one to attend
diem." A letter from Sir Francis Blosse gives the
subject a more deep and painful domestic interest.
Ile says, " those on the sea-coast are endeavouring
to preserve existence on sea-weed and shell-fish
found along the shores. A Clergyman, on whose
authority I state the fact, told me that, doubting
the accounts which were brought to him, he visited
families at unexpected times, and thus became the
witness of the melancholy meal, where a mother
surrounded by her children, picked out the fish from
the shell with a pin, apportioning the scanty mor-
sels to each in turn, but too slowly to satisfy the
cravings of their hunger. In other parts of the
country, the poor are living on nettles and weeds,
from which experience has aught them to extract
some nourishment, and they pray for a few handsfull
of oatmeal to boil up with those plants to foolish a
meal more nutritious. I can state that a miserable
mother with an infant in her arms was foutul at-
tempting to prolong the existence of her family by
sharing with each child the nourishment which her
breasts afforded." These, indeed, are heart-rending
scenes, and a few of them may enable us to conceive
a little better than we otherwise should in what va-
ried forms of domestic grouping that misery must
present itself under which those many thousands of
our fellow-creatures in Ireland are labouring, on
whom famine has laid her baneful and withering hand
On this melancholy subject the Right Rev. Dr.
Machale, a Roman Catholic Titular Bishop, has ad-
dressed a pathetic and powerful letter to Earl Grey,
calling for the interposition of Government on be-
half of the miserable beings whose wants have
nearly exhausted the partial supplies hitherto
afforded by the charitable public, and whose lives
at present seem but due protracted agonies of a
lingering death. With humane emotion, worthy
of the occasion, he says—" The people are
threatened with destruction, and the Government
is earnestly implored to save them. If its aid is
longer protracted, it is as difficult to calculate as
it will be impossible to retrieve the loss. In the
name of that Being then who has ordained all
power for the happiness of his creatures, I humbly
and earnestly, and solemnly abjure the Government
to interfere, and rescue them in time. I trust,
my Lord, that so solemn an appeal, reluctantly
wrung from one who feels strongly for the poor,
will not be made in vain." u's'e conceive it the
sacred duty of a Government, when things come
to so dreadful a crisis, to ameliorate by timely bene-
volence the calamities which it did not avert by its
wisdom. Let Ministers, when the immediate dan-
ger of starvation shell have been removed, take
such measures as are calculated to prevent its re-
currence. Their first duty is the preservation of
the lives of the people—the next, the improvement
of their condition. The name of charity was pro-
faned in support of the Pension list, which feeds
upon taxes, wrung from the industrious poor,
by the children of vanity, vice, and idleness.
What unspeakable blessings would the super-
fluities of the Pension-list diffuse at this moment
among the perishing population of the s'ster
island? But we observe that the state of Ireland
has not entirely escaped the vigilant protection of
the Executive—some relief is destined for the
miseries of the population of that country—relief
that will be equally energetic and summary in its
operation. It is thus announced in the Limeric/.•
Chronicle: Gollotuses upon a new construction have
been prepared in Ennis for the purpose of transmit-
ting, to the different places were executions may be
ordered, upon such as shall have been condemned at
the present Special Commission in Clare." The'
it is evident, that if the innocent arc to be left to
perish, the guilty are not to be allowed to live, anti
a prospect of more sweeping relief, as regards the
" superabundant population" of Ireland, could not
delight the philosophic genius of :Malthus himself.
We have heard of pemle who " asked for bsead
and received a stone ;" but to answer the despair,
ing cry of starvation, and to put down the tempuras'
ebullitions of popular distress by a mechanical
novelty of the sort described, is an instance of the
ready application of the improved principles of me-
chinery to moral government, which makes us hope
that, in course of time, the minds of Statesmen may
ha dispensed with altogether, and society be esseo-
tially governed by a certain greet functionary,
expert
in working the apparatus of extermination. We
should like to know the name of the ingenious in'ventor of those portable machines of death, thut we
might immurtaliee him, Clare would, no doubt, do
honour to his memory, if, like the lubricousr of the

brazen bull of Phalaris, he afforded in his own per-
son an experimental proof of the superiority of his
invention.—Morning Herald.
We are surprised to see it again stated, as it was
lest year, that the Lord Mayor and Aldermen po•-
gess no power of punishing or putting an end to the
dangerous mode of navigating the Thames by steam
vessels. The corporate body claim to be conserva-
tors of the Thames, the duties of which do not
consist, we apprehend, merely in swan-hopping, or
looking after white-bait, smelts, and flounders, but
imply the same authority over this watery highway,
which, as Magistrates, they possess over the King's
highway, through Cheapside, Cornhill, or Thames-
street. Now if, in either of these latter great
thoroughfares, a coach or mum were seen
driving furiously along, to the imminent dan-
ger of the lives of the passers-by, what would
"the street-keepers or marshulmen do but seize
the offender, and carry him before the Lord Mayor
or sitting Aldermen, to be dealt with accord-
ing to law, or, if he cannot be caught at the
moment, take his number, and proceed against the
owner afterwards ? And if such be the summary pro-
cess on land, in what degree, at the common law at
least, are such things less offences in the t.ver ?
This we know at all events, that the nuisance and
the danger is intolerable ; and that, unless the City's
conservatorial powers can diminish them, the Legis-
lature must be applied to at once to prevent steam-
vessels from proceeding higher up the river than
Black wall.—Morning Herald.

Whatever may be the ultimate result of the war
of extermination which is now carrying on between
the Poles and the Russians, there are three points on
which we think no possibility of doubt can rest-
1. That the former have nobly vindicated their right
to a place among the independent nations of Europe
—2dly. That they have been most ably commanded
by their Chiefs—and idly, That the time is now
come when it behoves both France and England to
take a decided part in their favour. Of the gal-
lantry displayed by the Poles in defence of their
liberties, our columns have furnished ample evi-
dence; and of the success with which their Gene-
rals have manoeuvred weainst a force not only su-
perior in number, but furnished in a superior man-
ner with all the instruments and munitions of war,
even the latest accounts, concluding as they do
with a retreat on Praga, amply declare. A morn-
ing cotemporary, in observing upon this subject,
has remarked that " Skrzynecki's movement up
the Narew could not be defended on military
principles," because he thereby exposed Warsaw
to a direct attack from the enemy; but in this ex-
posure of the capital there was, in our opinion, more
(Farmer to the Russian force, had it proceeded to at-
tack it, than to the Polish. The inhabitants, be-
sides being protected by a considerable body of !nen,
whom the Polish Commander-in-Chief had left be-
hind him, are, it is well known, all armed, more or
less perfectly, and animated with the same zeal
which pervades the army; and had the Russian
General placed himself in a position to be attacked
at once both by the population of War-aw and the
army of the Commander-in-Chief, we are apt to
think that he would have had but a sorry account to
give of his success. Be this, however, as it
may, the Polish Generalissimo succeeded in the
main object which he had in view—that of aid-
ing the insurgents in another province ; and, tis
we have more than once mentioned, we think
the time is now come when the most effec-
tual aid ought to be given to the devoted Poles,
both by the Government and by the public. The
continuance of such a contest as that which is now
waging on the batiks of the Vistula, would be dis-
graceful not only to France and England, but to
humanity itself, which has already been more than
sufficiently shocked by acts of barbarity, of which
savages, or a people but a slight degree removed
from that savage state, could have been guilty ; and
we, therefore, trust that while on the one hand,
these two great Powers will interfere as the saviours
of Poland, the people in both countries will riot be
slow in manifesting their zeal and affection in their
behalf. Addresses to their respective Governments,
embodying their feelings on the subject, would do
much good; amid a liberal subscription to enable the
patriots to furnish themselves more amply with the
materials of war, would, we need not add, be of
great value.—Morning Advertiser.
The accaunts we daily receive from Ireland of
the conditions of the wretched inhabitants of some
extensive districts in that country are truly appalling.
Humanity sicl<ens at the contemplating', of the thou-
sands of human beings who are at this moment
suffering the agonizing pangs of hunger, and in
their despair reproaching the tardiness of that death
which alone promises to relieve them from the
fierce torments and wasting anguish of famioe.—
And are these multitudes of our fellow-creatures
and fellow-subjects to be left unregarded, to die in
their misery and despair, while a liberal Government
is maturing that plan of relief which some months
ago Lo
tobeLtrd henMienlibioeurrriite declaredsconsideration, in
Houseal
ds
to and nicely
ad-
justing
and while Mr. Spring Rice and other
calculating
Poort o Laws wfs" titth Ireland hose
II :re! aclliheSctoialreitoe Isy,
establishment
are
would deduct from the net rental of their estates ?
An indignant negative to this question (and this is
the true practic question) will, we know, burst
spontaneously front every English heart. " No!"
every reader will at once exclaim; the idea is too
ltori•
the caseibleatid brutal to be endured for an instant.
But
unhappily is one in which the mere
expression of feeling, however prompt and encr-
ut
ave
will
avail
bviewttl e
of erealci beenatd i impend-
ingp
reseit
mg 110 exaggerated
yuasrewteoll bea feel
with promptitude
and then eennerignyusitf
maiciet
remedies for the evil which is now ravaging
mi-
tigatedsi o
onof averted.renriote
causes, lt
oirs
onfoptr
eirLfioernitthe
syste-
matic
nnddiscus
inhuman,re n Irelandso such
oig i
the wouldears o
bef ediinuallyi
debatersdle and
assailed by the groans and shrieks of dying and
starving men, women, and children. English
ae
bounty must flow until it has appeased the cravings
tte b
of famine, and then will be the time for the mind
of England to consider what ought to be done
in order to prevent the return of this dreadful cilia-
, miry ; and what ought to be thought of those per-
sons in power, who, when the indications of its
approach became visible, promised to do something
and have done nothing, thus at once mocking Irish
distress and repressing British charity ? We deny
the right of any man to (yeti his lips upon the sub-
ject of Irish distress—to pretend to any commise-
ration for the thousands of the Irish people who
are now perishing for want—to utter a syllable of
censure against those who have considered a Inca-
sure of relief until the objects who required it are
nearly of them relieved from their sufferings by the
hand of death, so lung us he has not himself to
the utmost extent of his means, contributed to stay
the career of famine and its coesernt attendant,
pestilence. Succour to the famishing myriads of the
Irish people—instant undeliherating succour from
every individual who has the means, or can create
them by any possible retrenchment of his wonted
comforts or indulgences—is at the present moment
one cf the most imperative of moral obligations.
When this shall have been afforded in a degree com-
mensurate with the occasion, then will come time
time for discussion and inquiry as to the causes, im-
fuieu----c such
s
ipgcrlleit;e,teiliiiiceteedrweicflouicir.iriettiliciolevfeuot
to horrors
the
mediate and remote, of the fatal calamity—as to the
withheld relief
until the evil has attained its present gigantic and
me
ap
appalling magnitude ; nor can it be doubted that
ia;rtrillsybebaymbi
de best
these topics will then be entered upon with an
earnestness proportioned to the intensity of feeling;
which the actual situation of Ireland has excited iii
every humane and patriotic rnind.—Morning Post

IVhat is a Protocol? It is a species of
noxious diplouivy, with which all are poi.oned who may
be bold enough to declare fur liberty.—Fivaro.

TRIUMPH OF REFORM is SOUTHWARK.

Yesterday a dinner, ut which C. Calvert, Esq.
M.P., and W. Brougham, Esq. M.P., attended as
guests, was given at the Horns Tavern, Ken-
nington, by the independent electors of Southwark,
to celebrate the triumph of the cause of Reform.
Upwards of 200 persons sat down to dinner.
SOLO►tON DAVIES, Esq. in the Chair. After the
cloth had been removed, and " Non nobis, Domine"
sung,

The CHAIRMAN rose, and having made some
suitable prefatory observations, proposed the first
toast----" Our patriotic King—Long may he live to
support the rights and liberties of his people."
The toast was drank with three times three,
amidst the most enthusiastic cheers.
The }widths of " The Queen and the rest of the
Royal Family" were then toasted amidst much ap-
plause.
The CHAIRMAN, in proposing the next toast, said
he would not call upon them to rise, as it implied a
compliment to themselves, but would give them as a
silent toast,—" The People—the only source of
legitimate power."—(Great applause.)
" The Army and Navy" were then toasted to-
gether.

The CHAIRMAN next gave—" Our best hopes—a
full, fair, and free representation in the House of
Commons."—(Three times three.)
The next toast was—" Our tried and faithful
Member, Charles Calvert, Esq."—(Drank with
three times three, loud cheers.)
Mr. CALVERT returned thanks. He remembered
having beard Mr. King, the celebrated comedian,
say, that he began his career as a strolling actor,
' and that the first recompense which he received
consisted of 4d. and a piece of tallow candle. He
(Mr. Culvert) was acquainted with that admirable
actor up to the latest period of his life, and he bud
often heard him acknowledge that he never made a
first appearance upon any night without feelings
which he could not overcome. He (Mr. Calvert),
though a veteran in addressing public assemblies,
found himself precisely in that situation at the
present moment. He would only say that words
could not describe the gratitude which he felt to-
wards them. He proceeded to congratulate them
on the great triumph which had been achieved for
the cause of Reform. That great question, he might
sty, was already carried. It would he taken into
consideration o►► the 21st of this month. So much
for the report so industriously spread abroad that
Minis'ers intended to defer it till next year.—
(Cheers.) Such a►► intention had never been en-
tertained by them, and it had only been attributed
to them by the Anti-Reformers, and the old Tories,
who had lost ►to opportunity to diffuse reports to the
prejudice of his Majesty's Ministers. But the pub-
lic had too much knowledge, and too:much good sense,
to be deceived by such a report. Not only would the
great question of Reform soon be decided, but they
would be soon again called upon to exercise their choice
of new representatives, for it would be impossible,
as soon as that measure should be carried, that any
question of importance could be submitted to the
consideration of the House of Commons, until an
appeal should be made anew to the people, and
until they had elected a proper House of Commons
to decide upo❑ all such matters. He would repeat
that there was as little doubt of the question of Re-
form being carried, and that immediately, as that he
(Mr. Calvert) was now addressing them. He for
one was glad to hear that the House of Peers were
now disposed to adopt a vet), different view of that
measure from that which they were first inclined to
take of it. ile certainly would not find fault with
any persons for changing their opinions, provided
that chance was for the benefit of the people.—
(Cheers and laughter.) He felt obliged to them
for having given him such a colleague as Mr.
Brougham. He would answer for him that he
would steer a straightforward course, and that even
if he were inclined to act otherwise, he would not
dare to do so, for his name was Brougham.
The Chairman next gave, " The man of our
choice, William Brougham, Esq., and may he realize
all our hopes."—(Cheers.)
Mr. NI ILLIAM liaot:Goaef could not sit dow❑
without congratulating them on the success of the
great cause, the triumph of which they had met that
day to celebrate. They might, indeed, have de-
layed this dinner for a few weeks longer, when the
victory would be completely achieved ; but such a
delay was unnecessary. The victory was already
theirs the voice of the people had gone forth from
one end of the country to the other ; the King was
with them, the Ministers were with them, and the
House of Lords dare not be against them.—
(Immense cheering.) They' would, therefore carry
the question ; they had catried it ; and in a very
short space of time they would have a full, fair,
and free representation of the people in the Com-
mons House of Parliament.—(Great applause.)
Under the existing corrupt'system, the abuses of
which the Reform Bill would remove, 7,500 con-
stituents sent 280 legislators to Parliament, while
there were upwards of 12,1)00,000 of people with-
out representatives. After dwelling upon the
great benefits which would be derived from Reform,
he proceeded to congratulate them on having got
a Ministry, who, as he firmly believed, were
anxious to promote, in every respect, the real in-
terests of the country. The mere mention of the
name of Lord Grey was a sufficient eulogium
upon that distinguished and consistent states-
, man, and with such a Minister at the head of '
the Government the people had nothing to fear. They
might be sure that such a Minister would never
truckle to any King, or pander his virtue to any ag-
grandizement of himself.—(Cheers.) Though he
(Mr. Brougham) was closely connected with an-
other Member of his Majesty's Government, he
could not refrain from alluding to him—but he
spoke of him on this occasion as a public man. The
present Lord Chancellor had always been the friend
of the people, and he was now too old to change.—
(Applause.) There was no species of Reform
which would do more good than that which tile
present Chancellor intended to bring forward, by
having it introduced next month, in the first in-
stance, in the House of Commons—he alluded to
the Bankruptcy Amendment Bill. Looking at the
b.,rougl► of Southwark, and the city of London,
merely as commercial communities, the Bill would
effect ►nore good for them than they would derive
even from the great measure of Reform itself. He
was sure that the present House of Commons
would pass that Bill by such a majority, that the
House of Lords would not think of setting their
faces against it. When passed, it would form only
the first of a series of measures which it was the in-
tention of the Loud Chancellor to introduce for the
Reform of the Court of Chancery.—(Applause)
The lion. Ge►ltleman concluded by proposing the
health of the Ladies of Southwark," w Inch, it is
needless to sty, was toasted with enthusiasm.
Mr. CALVERT proposed the health of " The in-
dependent electors of Southwark."
Mr. BLACKETT returned thanks.

Mr. CtaxERT, after pronouncing u just eulogium
On the uniform consistency of their Chairman, whom
he designated as the father of Reform in South-
wark, proposed his health, ,which was drank amidst
very great applause.
The CHAIRMAN having► returned thanks, ga,e_
" The honest Members for the county of Surrey."
Mr. BittscoE returned thanks.
The next toast was, " E- n 1 Grey and his Ma_
King."—(Che,.?rs.)
jesty's Ministers, the honest adviser;sinodf
Immediately after this toast had been drank, a
Mini-
stets, concluded by proxoiing
o.lru.niNciliaigh oral titod,t,l,l,esesuei log the
ila coot:: pil:iisy,M
6,sty,,
"The hca!th of Lord
Chancellor Brougham.
Mr. Biro :Gil:of returned thanks, and proposed
" The health of Lord John Russell," which was
drank with rapturous applause.
Several other toasts were proposed, and the fesi
vity of the evening was kept up till a late hour.
alter ePr pt: