The Sun.
London, England, 1836-05-13 00:00:00

_,.
2,4001, per annum. The total yearly saving thus ef-
fected has been 23,1501., calculated, of course, upon
the supposition that under Whig-Radical patronage
and economy the highest -salary allowed by law would,
in each case, have been given ; and it is to the Oppo-
sition Peers that this good work must be chiefly attri-
buted. The inspectors were reduced on a motion by
the Opposition Lords. The Duke of Wellington, a keen
and searching economist, thought that 10 paymasters
might have sufficed, but 18 have been permitted.
The Peers have left the Lord-Ututcnant the same
powers respecting the numbers of the police which ex-
isted under the old law, but there was an unconstitu-
tional and insufferable power prepared for him by the
new constabulary measure—namely, that of augment-
ing at his own will and pleasure the police force to an
indefinite amount, and paying them out of the conso-
lidated fund, and from grand jury assessments. In
other words, the Lord-Lieutenant would have had a
power of which the Crown has been stripped for about
two centuries—viz., that of raising an army of unli-
mited numbers, under the name of a police, and pro-
viding for their subsistence in a manner not subject to
tine restraints of the Mutiny Bill, or of an annual vote
by Parliament. This step towards autocracy the
House of Lords—the slandered House of Lords—
has rebuked and stopped in limine. The Lords have
been further guilty of an offence which will never be
pardoned by those practical despots who torment our
ears with declamations upon the virtues of democracy.
Their Lordships have detected and expunged those
insidious and ominous words of the new Act, which
had not existed in any former Act of Parliament,
whereby the Lord-Lieutenant would have been enabled
to trample upon the common law of the land, and to
wrench out of the hands of the King's courts of jus-
tice the power of requiring the police constalilcs to as-
sist the local magistrates in executing writs . issued by
the Judges. The direct tyranny flowing out of this
clause was the most dangerous part of the transaction
—the treachery of it was the most odious—and the
King's patriotic Ministers, when taxed with both, had
not a word to say for themselves, either of explanation
or denial. The libelled House of Lords have provided
,that no person, being a salaried magistrate under the
Act, shall be capable, under the same Act, of holding
a second office—a pledge against civil pluralities which
had not been thought of by the conscientious Whigs.
The Lords have provided such forms of account as
' shall bring the economy of the service under the su--
pervision of the grand juries, and thus protect the
counties from the imposition of unnecessary charges—
a further precaution altogether superfluous in the
judgment of Whigs, where other people's money was
in question. Yet, with all these corrections and de-
cided alterations, the Peers, among whom are more
solid statesmen and fewer shallow revolutionists than
may be met with in other assemblies, have in no de-
degree impaired, but much enhanced, the efficacy and
value of this important measure. Such are a small
proportion of the services—constitutional and popular
services—which the House of Lords, the object of so
much ruffianly and brutal, but, please God, impotent
and unsuccessful clamour, has rendered to the empire
in its legislative character within the last few weeks.
What have the maligners of that great class of British
subjects been doing in the mean time, and how
have they employed themselves ? In nothing, or
much worse than nothing. In postponing good laws
or concocting bad ones—in postponing ,sine die
a poor law for the miserable Irish peasantry, or
in striving to sharpen an inhuman law for the
destruction of the Reformed Church in Ireland—a
law which they will never carry—a law, their succes-
sive defeats on which they will never be able to tor-
ture into provocativeS of any serious sedition—a law
without which they cannot much longer hold their
seats as Ministers of the British empire, but which,
thanks to the common law and its administrators,
they can no longer cram down the throats of the Irish
clergy, offering them .no alternative but starvation.
The Ministers, it is indisputable, have been more
gravelled by the tried efficiency of the Irish Exchequer
process in the recovery of tithe (which tithe none can
be more anxious to commute on equitable terms than
we are), than by any difficulty arising from the come.
bination of parties, or the lofty unshaken determina-
tion of the House of Lords. But the crisis approaches,
and we shall soon have ample food for observation and
reflection.—. Times.

A short time since we endeavoured to impress upon
the public attention the great necessity of extreme cau-
tion, in regard to the numerous Joint-stock Companies
now in course of formation. In the discussion which
took place on the Budget, our opinions were reiterated
by Mr. P. Thomson and Sir Robert Peel, each of
whom insisted strongly on the danger of rashly em-
barking in speculations of a character so absurd and
visionary as .are many of those at present before the
public. There can be no question of the country hav-
ing in many instances derived great advantage from
Joint-stock Companies ; but many of those at present
springing up, ,from their nature and object, can have
no other effect than to enable designing individuals to
enrich themselves at the expense of the unsuspecting
and unwary shareholder. In proportion as Joint-
stock Companies, for judicious purposes, are advan-
tageous, so should be the • desire of putting down
bubble speculations, which are to be deprecated
—not only from the actual mischief which they
effect—but also from the hindrance which they
cause to undertakings of a beneficial and bona fide
character. Fran a registry kept by direction of the
Board of Trade, of the proposals for Joint-stock Com-
panies, published in the London and country newspa-
pers, it appears that the nominal capital proposed to be
raised by subscription amounts to no less a sum than
two hundred millions sterling. ' True it is, that it is to
be borne in mind, however, that there is an important,
difference between the present *speculations and those
of 1825, in the former being for the most part directed
to domestic objects, while the latter were principally
foreign undertakings. This will at least have the effect
of securing to the public the advantage of the works
which may be accomplished, even if they should prove
detrimental to the individual speculators. The spirit
of enterprise now abroad also differs essentially from
that of 1825, in its emanating from the unusually pros-
perous state of our commerce. National industry is now
impelled onward by a flowing tide and favourable winds,
and it only needs the exercise of moderate discrimina-
tion to secure permanent prosperity. But still, although
the speculations which arc now. afloat are confined to
objects of a domestic character, the public must ex-
ceedingly lack the discretion and foresight which it
ought to possess, if it dream for a moment that great
public disasters would not result from their uncon-
trouled indulgence. As was judiciously and properly
remarked on Friday last by the Right Honourable
the President of the Board of Trade, the system of
discounting beyond their means adopted by the Joint-
Stock Country Banks, and the universal rise of prices
during the last eight or twelve months, have generated
the speculating mania which now pervades the coun-
try ; and so long as the first givers of bills are able to
meet their engagements, and prices continue to rise,
no distress will be felt; but let prices fall, and then
not only the parties engaged in the transactions, qut
the country, through them, pay the penalty of the
present state of things. Now it is morally impossible
that the high prices which at present exist can con-
tinue for any length of time. Their origin is, in a
great measure, attributable to a variety of temporary
causes ; and it must not also be forgotten that the ac-
complishment of the undertakings to which we refer, is
directly calculated to lower as well as to equalize them.
Let the public, therefore, be cautious in what schemes
they embark their capital. There are many of those
now before the public which are deserving of every
support ; but there are many also of a most eminently
bubble character, which a century of prosperity would
not render profitable. Bali 7. Two hundred millions
of superfluous capital in the country, and all to be em-
barked in Joint Stock Companies, and to pay a remu-
nerating profit ! Why, the mere mention of it suggeets
the idea of a retreat for the insane.---Morning Ad-
vertiser.

Several of our fishing boats left Hastings for sea on
Sunday se'nnight. The storm which came on i., the night
dispersed them, some reaching home, others Brighton, and
some Dover. Of one there is no tidings, but from the infor-
mation received, little doubt remains that she was upset in the
gale, and we fear all on board have perished. Her crew con-
sisted of four men and one boy ; and two cf the fishermen have
left large families.—Brighton Gazette.