The Sun.
London, England, 1838-02-10 00:00:00

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

HUNTING APPOINTMENTS.
Isier Majesty's Stag Hounds meet on Monday at Swinley : Wed-
nesday at Winkfield Church; Friday, at Langley Broom-12.
The Duke of Beaufort's Hounds on Monday at Stanton Park ;
Wednesday, at llawksbury Upton; Friday. at Hallarington ;
turday, on the Lawn, Badminton—half-past 10.
The Ludlow Hounds on Wednesday at Oaker ; Friday, at Ped-
lar's Rest; Saturday, at Onibury Bridge-10.
The Herefordshire Hounds on Monday at 13errington-10.
Mr. Meynell's Hounds on Monday at Foston ; Thursday, at
Ednaston Lodge; Saturday, at Henhurst--half-past 10.
Mr. Candler's Hounds on Monday at Westwood Park ; Wednes-
day, at Powiek ; Friday, at Croome Perry Wood—half-past 10.
Lord Petre's Hounds on Mondayat the Dog and Partridge, Stif-
ford ; Thursday, at Woodham ; Saturday, at Upminster Common—
half-past 10.
The Brighton Harriers on Monday at Pate.ham ; Wednesday, at
the Race Course ; Friday, at the Dyke—half-past 10.
The Brookside Harriers on Monday at Newmarket Hill; Friday,
at Telseombe Tye-711.
_ _

The CottesmOre Hounds on Monday at Stocken ; Tuesday, at
Owston Wood ; Thursday, at Wytchley Warren—quarter to 11.
Earl Fitzwilliam's Hounds on Monday at the Kennel ; Wednes-
day, at Old Weston Mill ; Thursday, at WTalsot Park-10.
Lord Yarborough's Hounds on Monday at Irby Dales ; We-htes-
day, at Hendale Lodge ; Friday, at Utterby-11.
Sir R. Sutton's Hounds on Monday at Carlton. le -Moorland ;
Tuesday, at Kettlethorpe ; Wednesday, at Midge Inns; Thursday,
at Foldingworth Grange ; Saturday, at Harpswell-11.
The Cheshire Hounds on Monday at High Legli ; Tuesday, at
Marbury, near Northvrich ; Thursday, at Crewe Hall ; Friday, at
Beeston Castle ; Saturday, at Da.mliall—half-past 10.
Mr. Leche's Hounds on Monday at Wynnstay—half-past 10.
The Somerset Subscription Hounds on Tuesday at Raleigh's
Cross; Friday, at Buncombe Hill—half-past 10.
Lord Portman's Hounds on Monday at Stalbridge Park.
The Tenbury Hounds on Wednesday at the Broomyard; Satur-
day, at Woodson-10.
Mr. Heanley's Hounds on Tuesday at Turnby Wood ; Friday, at
Tathwell Hall—ll.

The B. V. H. Hounds on Wednesday at Toomer Farm ; Friday,
at Burton Common.

The Gazette of the Sandwich Islands, the estab-
lishment of which by an Englishman, with consent of the
Sovereign, has recently been noticed, gives some curious par-
ticulars of the state and progress of these Islands. Honolulu,
the capital of Otabeite, contains about 6,000 souls. From
the Ist of July to the 14th of December, 1836, which ap-
pear to be the last returns of commerce for internal con-
sumption made up, there had been 154 arrivals in that port,
of which eighty were brigs and schooners belonging to the
country, fifty-six to the United States, seventeen from
England. In the month of October last it is stated that
170 British and American vessels were employed in the
whale fishery. For three years past the whalers have
been accustomed to proceed, from May to August, to the
coasts of Japan, where, it is said, whalers arc to be found
in the greatest numbers and most easily caught. An idea may
be formed from the advertisements in the Gazette of
the sort of traffic carried on, and the civilization existing
among the natives. There may bs seen announced on sale
Madeira, Sherry, Bourdeaux, and Champagne wines, Jamaica
Rum, Hollands gin, all sorts of dried fish, cheese, hams, &c.
Along side these are to be found other advertisements of
ladies' shoes from Paris, ices, eau de Colozee, pianos, sofas,
Chinese and French silks, ribands, Cashmeres, playing cards,
muskets, saddlery, harness, &e. A school was building on a
large scale for instructing and supporting the children of
the poor, in aid of which the merchants subscribed money,
and the mechanics contributed their labour gratuitously.
There was a benevolent society for the succour of poor
and sick seamen. New brick houses were in course of
construction in considerable numbers, and for the credit of
the town only one instance of theft had been known
for six months. Moreover the Government was negotiating
treaties of commerce upon a liberal footing, as would appear
from one of which a copy is given, concluded last November
between the King and Lord F. Russell, who in her Majesty's
ship Acteon visited Otabeite. The praiseworthy brevity of
this treaty is a sufficient inducement to give it here entire
" Art. 1. The subjects of Her Britannic Majesty shall have
the right to establish themselves in the Sandwich Islands,
there to build houses, and their vessels to import all kinds of
merchandise.
" Art. 2. British subjects established may quit the islands
whenever they choose, and sell their gonds or possessions
moveable or fixed.
" Art. 3. In case of death their effects shall not be touched
or examined by the authorities, but shall be delivered up to
their executors or heirs, or in case of there being none present,
to the Consul."

LONDON :
SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 10, 1838.

An American packet, which probably sailed from
New York on the 16th ult., has been telegraphed, we
have heard, off Holyhead; and though no papers or
passengers were landed from her, it is announced that
the intelligence she brings is all good.

A new writ for Tipperary was moved this afternoon
in the room of Mr. SHELL, who has been appointed
Commissioner of Greenwich Hospital. This place is
tenable with Parliament.

The Tories showed last night, by dividing in favour
of Mr. JERVIS'S motion, that they have no objection
to changes in the Reform Act. Perhaps, however,
the absence of their great leader, who has declared
against all such changes, led them to commit them-
selves before they were aware of it. Sir E. KNATCII,
BULL is known of old to have a will of his own, and he
was, we believe, the cause of making them untrue to
the policy of the great Sir ROBERT. However,
many of them are now committed, and as the Attor-
ney-General has given notice of his intention to bring
in a Bill to amend the registration and abolish the
shilling fee, the Reformers may, no doubt, count on
the support on those points of a large squad of
Sir ROBERT'S supporters, headed by Sir EDWARD
KNATCHBULL.

Mr. O'CONNELL'S long threatened attack on the
Irish Poor-law Bill took place in the House of Com-
mons last night. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman
redeemed the pledge which he so recently gave his
constituents, by manfully opposing the Bill in toto—
by affecting no squeamishness about certain details,
or seeking to defeat the measure by pretending that
any modification of it would obtain his support. This
course is a thousand times les§ objectionable than the
one which he pursued last year upon this very Bill.
We well remember that he then affected to be per-
suaded that the time was come when some-
thing must be done for the starving poor, and that his
objections to the proposed Poor-law were con-
fined exclusively to details. According to his
own admission last night, the Honourable and
Learned Gentleman was in reality as strongly opposed
to the Bill in April last as he is now ; but he had
not the moral courage to move its utter rejection. We
are glad, under such circumstances, that the Bill of
last year was not passed into a law, as in that case
many of its provisions would have been altered and
modified in accordance with the recommendations of
an enemy to the measure under the guise of a convert
to its necessity. Henceforth Parliament is in no dan-
ger of being misled by the declamation of the Honour-
able and Learned Gentleman ; and, after his co:Assion
of last night, will receive with cautious suspicion
every statement which he may make, and amendment
which he may propose, affecting either the principle
or the details of the Poor-law for Ireland Bill.

Mr. O'CONNELL'S speech last night against a
Poor-law for Ireland was a complee failure. In one
place he contended that the object of the Bill was to
relieve the poor from the exercise of all the domestic
affections—from relieving the distress of relatives and
neighbours—and he emphatically added, " Pass an
hundred Bills, the Irish poor will continue to do their
duty towards all who are endeared to them by relation
and affection ;" and in another portion of his speech
he declares, " My opinion is, that by holding out a
prospect of relief which this Bill will not give, you
will be stopping, to a considerable extent, the natural
flow of charity, which now enables the poor to live.
Hereafter, if this Bill shall pass, when a poor creature
asks for alms, the cold answer will be Go to the
workhouse.' Thus, one part of Mr. O'CONNELL'S
speech is diametrically opposed to the other. In one
place he opposes the Bill because it will have no effect
upon the charitable feelings of the Irish peasantry ;
and in another he objects to it principally on the
ground that it will work the perversion of all
such feelings. Mr. O'CoNNELL contrasted the
wealth and productiveness of England with the
poverty and comparative sterility of Ireland, and
endeavoured, by implication, to persuade the House
that the Poor Law Bill was another instance of the
little regard paid by the Imperial Legislature to the
welfare of the Sister country. Now we admit
at once that Ireland has suffered the infliction
of centuries of misrule— that laws have been
adopted by England for regulating the civil and
ecclesiastical policy of Ireland most disgraceful to the
British Legislature ; but we contend that if Ireland
have one ground of complaint stronger than all the
rest put together, it is that she has been so long suf-
fered to remain without the protection of a Poor-
law. This is, in fact, her master griev-
ance. This is tho real source of her present
poverty, and comparative degradation. Had ELIZA-
BETH established a Poor-law in Ireland contempora-
neously with the adoption of that system in England,
the fine harbours, the noble rivers, the fertile fields of
that country, would have been rendered as productive
of national wealtWas the parks, and streams, and estua-
ries of Britain. This view of the question is very
clearly illustrated in the following extract from the
admirable speech delivered in favour of the Bill by
Lord JOHN RUSSELL :
The Honourable and Learned Gentleman held that com-
pulsory relief was altogether an error—that it dried up the
sources of private charity, and ought not to be resorted to by
any state. That was perhaps too large a question to enter
upon at that moment ; but he (Lord John Russell)must refer
again to what he stated in some detail last year—that, with
respect to this country as well as other countries, compul-
sory relief to the poor had been one of :the means by
which the prosperity of those countries had been advanced.
And now, without alluding too particularly to the circum-
stances of this country, he would ask, in the first place, in
what countries had the abuse of the Poor-laws been carried
to the greatest extent—in what countries had there been the
greatest profusion, the greatest improvidence, the most ex-
treme prodigality, in administering compulsory relief to the
poor? He should say 'that those countries in Europe in
which this prodigality bad been carried to the greatest ex-
tent were England, Holland, and the Canton of Berne.
In all of these countries abuses very nearly similar, and all
having the same origin, had been produced. But if any per-
son were to travel through England, Holland, and the Can-
ton of Berne, and were to compare the condition
of the people
in either of those countries with the condition of the people in
other countries in which Poor-laws were unknown, be (Lord
John Russell) would ask him to judge by, the result whether
general prosperity and general comfort did not exist in those
countries in which Poor-laws were established ; and whether

misery and destitution did not prevail in those countries where
they were unknown ?

The beneficial operation of Poor-laws upon countries
susceptible of vast improvements, agricultural and
commercial, may be easily traced. The moment that
landlords find that they are liable to be taxed for the
maintenance of the starving poor upon their estates,
they are inevitably led to the conclusion that it is their
interest to take measures for the prevention of destitu-
tion. To effect this every encouragement must be
given to industry, and an outlay hazarded with a view
to the establishment of local manufactures. The in-
terests of the rich become identified with the moral
improvement and social happiness of the labouring
classes ; and landlords, instead of fleecing and flaying
their tenants, in order to keep them at the starvation
point, are insensibly brought to identify the security of
their property with the enjoyment by the poor of a fair
proportion of the fruits of their industry. Thus self-
interest is made the basis of a kindly and fostering re-
lation between landlord and tenant, which never fails
to diffuse a benign influence over the general state of
society.

`We have in these observations carefully avoided any
reference to the details of the Bill now before Parlia-
ment. What we are most intent upon is to procure
for Ireland a Bill in any shape ; knowing that, once
passed, the principle can never be abrogated. One
great objection to the present Bill is, that it does not
concede a power of granting out-door relief—a mode of
relief essential to any measure intended to effect a rapid
improvement in the physical condition of Ireland.

The public will remember that by the first plan of
Church Reform submitted by the Commissioners of
Church Inquiry to his late MAJESTY, and proposed
to be carried into effect by the Ministers, the Bishopric
of &dor and Man was to be abolished, and that see
incorporated with the see of Carlisle. Such a propo-
position naturally revolted the Manxmen, who were
one and all convinced that they would suffer much,
both here and hereafter, were they to substitute a wan-
dering for a resident Bishop. They accordingly began
to petition Parliament and memorialize the Throne, in
order that they might preserve their resident Bishop ;
and such deep devotion to episcopacy was not, we may
be quite sure, th Town away on the softened hearts of
the rest of the Prelates. More than one stepped for-
ward to vindicate the right of the Manxmen to have
the crooked staff fixed in the soil ; and that nobleman
who used to be called GAFFER GODERICH un-
dertook the genial task of introducing a Bill
into Parliament, to save for the Isle of Man the
blessing of a Bishop's presence. Matters seem to
go on quite swimmingly for the Manxmen ; and last
night, when the second reading of the Bill should
have taken place, the Archbishop of CANTERBURY
announced, " That he had received a communication
from a high authority in the Isle of Man, which he
should feel it his duty to lay before the Ecclesiastical
Commissioners, in the hope that it might lead to such
an arrangement of the question as ought to be satis-
factory to all parties." So, the course of legislation—
be it for good or for evil—be it to extinguish or to
establish a Bishop's see—is determined by a commu-
nication from some unknown person to the Archbishop
of CANTERBURY ! We like to see the springs of
law-making, and the motives of law-makers, thus laid
bare ; and we like to direct the attention of the public
to some of those nice little wheels and pulleys which
give motion to that which Archbishops and Bishops
call the public welfare. Generally, those classes of
persons, with the whole body of our clerry, set their
faces against any interference of the laity with the
Church, either in form or substance, either in doc-
trine, discipline, or revenue, except to supply the lat-
er ; but here is a case of much attention paid to
the supplication of Manxmen to have a resident
bishop, and the question is to be settled contrary
to the recommendation of the Church Commissioners,
and the opinions of the Ministers, by the communication
of some unknown authority in the Isle of Man.
If the supplication had been to get rid of
a Bishop, however numerous and respectable the ap-
plicants, we doubt whether the of Earl GODERICH
would have come to their aid, or the Archbishop of
CANTERBURY would so readily have listened to their
prayer. When the laity petition to encrease the
number and emoluments of the Clergy, their inter-
ference with the Church is praiseworthy ; their aid is
only rejected as unclean when they ask for the reform
of an absurd ritual, or the reduction of the wealth and
number of the priesthood.

On Tuesday Mr. WAKLEY brings on his motion
for a Committee of Inquiry into the Glasgow Cotton
Spinners' Union. To this Mr. O'CONNELL has
given notice of an amendment for the appointment of
a Committee to inquire into the nature of Trades'
Unions throughout the United Kingdom—their ten-
dency to affect the free distribution of labour and
wages, or to induce outrage and murder—and to sug-
gest such improvements iR the laws against illegal
combinations, as the Committee may see fit. This
plan is infinite!y preferable to that proposed by Mr
WAKLEY ; and if we may judge from petitions pre-
sented from Trades' Unions, and the feelings dis
played at some recent meetings, it will meet with the
concurrence of those whose characters are most impli-
cated. The Cotton Spinners of Glasgow have already
forwarded to the House of Commons a petition, pray-
ing for the fullest inquiry ; and no Unions but those
based on illegal principles, can object to its applica-
tion to them all. What use wculd a partial investi-
gation effect ? If abuses exist at Glasgow, Parlia-
ment, on these being proved, will not pass an Act for
that place alone, when charges of an equally serious
nature have been made against Unions in Dublin, and
when many suspect that crimes of great enormity have
been committed also in England by some unprincipled
members of similar associations. Whatever might be
the result of an inquiry into the practices of Trades'
Unions at Glasgow, the public mind, now so much
excited on the subject, would not be satisfied—the
Unions founded on fair and honest principles, would
be liable to unmerited suspicions—and those who be-
lieve that there is a system at work to undermine the
very foundations of society, would still be incredulous.
There is in fact no other remedy, and we have no
doubt that the amendment will be carried, and that
there will be an investigation involving more impor-
tant considerations, and exciting more general interest,
than any that for many years has occupied the atten-
tion of the House of Commons.

Mr. PLUMPTRE informed the House of Commons
last night, and the Newspapers conveyed the informa-
tion to the public, that there are " 3,000 Protestants
of the kingdom, of high respectability and large pro-
perty, who regard the admission of Roman Catholics
to legislative power as at variance with Christian
duty. He himself is one of these Protestants of
high respectability, and entirely concurred in the
prayer of the petition. If these Protestants had as
much understanding as they claim respectability,
they would see that their notion of Christian duty in-
volves an impossibility, and that they must give up
their crotchet against the Catholics, or acknowledge
they are not Christians. Their assertion is sweeping,
and embraces all countries, and applies to the
Papal See, and to Austria, as well as to England and
Ireland. But even here it involves an impossibility.
The Roman Catholics constitute fully one-third of our
whole population ; their minds, their customs, their
actions, their intelligence, their knowledge, must
exercise a living influence over the Legislature.
whether they sit in Parliament or not. Who-
ever may wife expression to their feelings or their
wants in the Legislature, to exclude them from power

over it is impossible. It does not make laws for
chalk-hills, like those near which Mr. PLUMPTRE
dwells, or oak trees, like those which yet adorn so
large a part of the county, of the inhabitants of which
he misrepresents, we hope, the knowledge and the
feelings ; but it does make laws for living men, and to
say that they are to have no influence over the making
the laws because they are Catholics, is to take no
more account of them than if they were lumps of chalk
or logs of wood. No, no ! Mr. PLUMPTRE—to pre-
vent a Catholic population from having power and in-
fluence over the Legislature of the country in which
they live, is hopelessly impossible ; and those who be-
lieve that the impossibility is prescribed by Christian
duty run a great risk of being involved in perplexity,
doubt, and irreligion.

The case of the five Glasgow cotton-spinners un-
der sentence of transportation for seven years was
brought under the consideration of the House of
Lords last night, by Lord BROUGHAM. The Noble
and Learned Lord, in presenting a petition from the
delegates of the Cotton-spinners' Union in Glasgow,
praying that the House would address the Crown for a
mitigation of the punishment awarded to the criminals,
entered into the legal merits of the case, and, in our
opinion, presented such a view of it as would amply
justify the exercise of the Royal prerogative of mercy
towards these misguided and unfortunate men. Lord
BROUGHAM directed the attention of their Lordships
and of the country to certain important particulars in
the late Trial which are not of common occurrence in
criminal proceedings.

The original indictment, it appears, contained ten
counts, charging the accused with murder, arson, and
other crimes of the most atrocious character. Upon
these charges they were committed to prison, where
they remained five months, when that indictment was
departed from, and another substituted, containing the
former charges, with three new ones superadded.
Now, it is of material consequence, in estimating the
quantum of punishment due to the offenders, to bear
in mind that on every one of the ten original counts
the prisoners were acquitted, although they had suf-
fered five months' imprisonment on the charges therein
specified. On the three additional or supplemental counts
they were found guilty, but the offences charged in these
counts were of a minor—we may say of a venial—cha-
racter, when compared with the others ; and of these
minor offences they were convicted only by the barest
majority possible—that is to say, when the jury
divided (as the Scottish law allows) on the question of
guilty or not guilty, there was a majority of one for
the former verdict. This too was after eight days
investigation in a court of justice, and three hours
deliberation of a jury, who on leaving the
box were ready to acquit the prisoners on all
the charges. Lord BROUGHAM then contrasted with
his usual power the severity of the punishment in this
case, with that which would have fallen to the lot of
the prisoners, had they been tried in England instead of
Scotland. By the English law, the penalty for com-
mitting the offences for which the Glasgow Cotton-
spinners have been condemned to seven years' separation
from their wives and families, their friends, their coun-
try, and every thing else that is dear to them on earth,
is just two months' imprisonment !
We sincerely hope that her MAJESTY'S advisers
will think the case of these unhappy men a proper
one to be submitted to the merciful consideration of
the Crown. We are quite sure that a rigorous execu-
tion of the sentence will produce few, if any, of the
effects for which all punishment is intended.

We have not the least doubt that the Watchman of
Puddle-clock, who has of late taken the army under
his guardianship, will look after Lord HOWICK with
all the alarming vigilance which characterises him,
and that he will see, like the .ancient and be-
mused Charlies of our streets, many an alarming
vision. We shall be prepared to hear the Times cry
fire, murder, robbery, ghosts, and goblins ! When the
frightened public rouse our Contemporaxy, and demand
where? he will reply, "in the War Office—at the
Horse Guards." The nation would be undone if it
were not for the sleepless " anxiety" of the Times. It
is true that the " development" of Lord HowlcK's
scheme of wholesale jobbery and corruption," is to be,
according to the Times, public and 'undisguised, and
not likely to do much mischief in open day. That
circumstance will, we trust, re-assure the terrified
public, particularly as we believe the project of placing
the army under a responsible Minister, which is
strictly in accordance with the spirit: of the Constitu-
tion, is approved of by the highest military authority.
Certainly it will not even be propened, unless it be
sanctioned by those Commissioners who have been
appointed to inquire into the subject.

We learn from the Foreign Papers that King OTtro
has published .a Royal decree for the reorganization of
the Grecian army, to take effect from the Ist of
January, of which the following is an abstract :—" The
whole effective military force of Greeceis not to exceed on
ordinary occasions 8,000 men. The annual conscription
is fixed at 2,000 ; and the period of service four years.
None but Greeks, or naturalized citizens, to serve in
future in the national army.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT,

(THIS DAY.)

HOUSE OF LORDS.

The House met to-day at Three o'clock.
The Loan CHANCELLOR, the Earl of SUAFTESDURV, and Lord
GLENELG took their scats as Her 31ajesty's Commisinonars" The Com_
mons were summoned, and having appeared at the bar, the Royal Assent
was given to Lower Canada Government Bill.
The House then adjourned.

. HOUSE OF COMMONS.
The gallery was opened this day at three o'clock, and the Speaker
took the Chair zt a quarter past three.

SUPPLY.
Mr. BERNAL brought up the Report of the Committee of Supply,
with two resolutions for issues of Exchequer Bills, to meet votes of tho
year 1837.
Shortly after a quarter past three, Sir A. CLIFFORD, the Usher of the
Black Rod, summoned the House to hear the Royal Commission
given to the Canada Government Bill, and other Bills in the House of
Lords.

The SPEAKER attended by the members present among whom was the
the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER,
accordingly proceeded to the
House of Peers.

ROYAL ASSENT.
On his return, the SPEAKER announced that he had been to the House
of Peers, where the Royal assent had been given by Commission to the
Lower Canada Bill.

NEW WRIT FOR THE COUNTY OF TIPPERARY.
Mr. E. J. STANLEY moved fora new writ for the county of Tippe-
rary, in the room of It. L. Sheil, Esq., appointed to the office of one of
the Commissioners of Greenwich Hospital.
Mr. BROTIIERTON presented a petition from Birkenhead relative
to a private Bill.

Sir W. SOMERVILLE presented a petition from Drogheda, against
the Bank of Ireland monopoly.
Adjourned till Monday.

ROXBURGH ELECTION COMMIT-
TEE.-(THIS DAY.)

The Committee met at eleven o'clock, when the examination of wit-
nesses wag proceeded with.

Robert Pott, a voter in the interest of Mr. Scott, deposed to his
having been assaulted by the mob on going to the poll.
Mr. James Smaill, a writer in the Supreme Court, and a landowner
and elector of the county of Roxburgh, stated that on Wednesday the
3d of August he went into the town of Hawick about four o'clock in
the morning to escape observation. The voting commenced before nine.
Saw several of Mr. Scott's voters assaulted by the mob, but none of Mr.
Elliott's supporters were molested. Witness voted for Mr. Scott, and
when leaving the booth was attacked by the mob, who tore his clothes
off him and inflicted several severe bruises on different parts of his
body. Lost property in the scuffle to the amount of twelve or fourteen
pounds. Took refuge in the house of a friend named Davidson, but was
obliged to leave it in consequence of the threatening aspect of the mob,
his friend being afraid that if he remained his windows would be broken.
Escaped out of the house the back way, and left the town immediately
after.
Francis Valentine stated that Mr. Scott, of Whitehall, came to his
house on the first day of polling. He slept at his house on Wednesday
night, and went to poll on Thursday morning. On his return he ap-
peared very much agitated, his clothes were torn, and he had lost his
hat. He had not polled, and did not attempt to go to the poll again that
day, or the day following. He was very much hurt, and left witness's
house about six o'clock on Friday, in company with Lord Minto, who
came there to protect him. Witness determined to remain neuter In
consequence of what he had seen. During the first day of the polling
the state of the town was ♦ery dangerous. Witness polled for Mr.
Elliott, notwithstanding his original determination to the contrary.
Mr. SIIITH--What was the reason of your changing your mind?

Mr. Sergeant MEREWETHER objected to this question. The effect of
it would be to strike the vote of witness off the poll, which could not
be done unless an objection had been previously taken to it on the
ground of want of indifferency,

Mr. SMITH said that his object was not to strike the rote of witness
off the poll, but to show the effect on the witneis's mind of the disturb-
ances which he witnessed.

The room was then ordered to be cleared, and on our re-admission the

Chairman announced that the Committee had decided that the question
put to witness, by Counsel for petitioners, should be answered.
On the question being repeated, the witness stated that he had been
compelled to vote for Mr. Elliott through intimidation. His windows
were broken on Thursday night, and he voted on Friday. Saw Baillie
Goodfellow wearing Mr. Elliott's colours. On giving his vote, Mr.
Elliott thanked him; but he said that he had no reason to do so, as he
had not intended to vote for him.

Cross-examined.—Never belonged to any particular party. The
breaking of his windows was not the intimidation of which he spoke.
The reason he voted for Mr. Elliot was, that before the election two or
three friends came to him and entreated him to vote for that gentle-
man, as otherwise he would suffer both in person and property. Parted
with a qualification in Roxburgshire two or three years ago, in ex-
change for one in Selkirkshire.

Lord WILLIAM BENTINCK—Were you threatened by any of Mr. El-
liott's party in particular ?
Witness—No. The intimation which I received was through my
own friends.

The Rev. ALIXANDER. THOMPSON stated that he was Minister of the
Scots Church of North Shields. Was at Hawick during the elections,
and stopped at the house of Francis Ballantyne. Saw two gentlemen,
who, he was told, were Captain Scott and Mr. Graham, attacked by the
mob, and their clothes torn. There was great rioting before the polling
commenced. Saw an elderly gentleman maltreated by the mob on the
first day of the polling—they appeared to be beating him, and saw dis-
tinctly a person striking him upon the head with a long rein,
which he had in his hand. He saw several other persons
ill treated by the mob. Was himself struck by a stone under the left
ear. Did not see the persons who wore the Elliott colours do anything
to restrain the mob. They appeared to be laughing and chatting with
them. Witnessed distinctly four cases of ill-treatment that day.
Robert Ballantyne, an elector, deposed that on going to the poll he
was assaulted with stones by the mob, and on returning from the booth
was again attacked, his clothes torn off', and his person much abused.
Was suffering for some months from the effects of the injuries which he
received.

Robert Pattison, a farmer, of Hawick, and an elector in the interest
of Mr. Scott, was the next witness produced, but his accent was so ex.
ceedingly broad that it was with difficulty his answers could be under.
stood. He stated that after polling for Mr. Scott, he was beaten and
stripped by the mob, and an oath was tendered to him which he was
obliged to take, that he would not vote again ; could not tell what the
words of the oath were, as the life was barely left him.

Cross examined—Thought that the administering of the oath was
merely a joke.
The Hon. Major Napier stated he was a passenger in the mail which
passed through Hawick on the first day of polling. Was an inside passenger,
and John Scott travelled outside. About a mile before they came to the
town they met some persons, with whom Lord John Scott had a conver-
sation, in consequence of which witness induced Lord John to change
places with him. On entering the town the passage of the coach was
obstructed by the mob, who walked round it and looked into it. From
what they said it appeared that they were looking for Lord J. Scott. The
greater part of the mob had blue ribbons. One of the crowd said, "If
you value your life, don't attempt to get down." Witness replied that
he had nothing to do with it, that he was not an elector, and merely on
his way to the south. The person who had at first addressed him,
then took his ribband out of his coat and gave it to him, desir-
ing him to wear it, and his life would be safe, which he did.
On Lord John Scott getting out of the coach, the mob pressed
closely on him, but he succeeded in getting into a baker's shop.
They used very violent expressions towards him. Never expected that
Lord John would have reached the baker's shop in safety. Fresh horses
were then put to the coach, and witness left the town with it.
Mr. Robert Kew Elliott, a Justice of the Peace and elector of the
county of Roxburgh, stated that on the second day of polling he saw
several of Mr. Scott's supporters attacked by the mob, and their clothes
torn. In consequence of this witness took a representation from Mr.
Scott's Committee to the Sheriff. Ile was directed to get evidence of
the fact, hut cannot positively say whether or not by the Sheriff: Wit-
ness then polled, and, on leaving the booth, was attacked by the mob, his
clothes torn, and his person abused. Mr. Selby, the factor of the Minto
estates happened to be present, and called out to the mob to desist
saying that "he was not one of the bad ones." Witness then tendered
himself as evidence to the Sheriff, and received protection on his way
from the booth, but he sent no offer of protection to Mr. Scott's Com-
mittee. Saw Baillie Goodfellow addressing the mob.
Cross-examined—Has no doubt that Baillie Goodfellow was endea-
vouring to pacify the mob. Witness took an active part on behalf of
Mr. Scott. The protection which witness received was not necessary,
as he could have returned inside the railings.
It was here announced that the Speaker was at prayers, and the
Committee adjourned to II o'clock on Monday.

LONGFORD ELECTION COMMIT
TEE.-(THIS DAY.)

The Committee met this morning at eleven o'clock.
Mr. AUSTIN said he thought his Learned Friend the counsel for the
petitioners, had committed an error which was fatal. The petition in
this case (which was the longe+t that had been presented during the
Session) contained a prodigious number of allegations, relating to the
conduct of the Catholic Clergy, intimidation, bribery, tee. This was the
common form of proceeding. The general charge, if established, would be
to invalidate the election, and not to seat the petitioners. The petition
however, contained a double prayer. It stated that the votes given for
the sitting Members were bad to such an extent that the real majority
was in favour of the losing candidates, and it then prayed that these
votes might be struck off the poll, and that the losing candidates might
be declared to be duly elected. The 42d Geo. 111. c. 106, together
with the 47th Geo. 111. c. 14, constituted the code of law under which
Committees were bound to try such petitions. They were analogous to
the 9th Geo. IV., c. '22, in the case of English and Scotch petitions. Be-
fore a scrutiny could be entered upon, it was necessary that lists should
be exchanged. That had been done yesterday by his Learned
Friend, and therefore the scrutiny was perfectly open to him. But
the Act also required that the parties should deliver " a statement in
writing of all particulars respecting any right of voting or of choosing
or nominating a returning officer, and respecting all such other matters
and things whatever as either of the said parties meant to insist on, or
contend for, cp.* object to," before any witnesses could be called. The
reason of this was very apparent, because an Irish petition was the most
hideous thing that ever made its appearance. His Leained Friend had
affected to deliver in such a statement; hut it contained no statement
whatever, except as to the scrutiny, he therefore had not the slightest
case with respect to the general allegations of the petition.
Mr. Sergeant SeaNass objected to this mode of proceeding in point of
form. When the point arose, his Learned Friend might stop him.
\ Mr. AUSTIN, with this understanding, would refrain at present from
urging the point further.

Mr. Sergeant SP/NKIE then proceeded to open his case. He said
he appeared on behalf of the petitioners, who came here, for the third
time, asking for the justice which had been awarded to them by two pre-
ceding Committees. He did not object to the return of the sitting Mem-
bers upon speculative grounds—he came hero, for the third time, to
object to a scandalous and fraudulent course of registry in Ireland,
whica tended to defeat the purity of election, and to set up a principle
ten thousand times worse than Universal Suffl-age. In Longiird many
voters had been rejected without any vestige of right, and who, on two
different occasions, had been struck off the poll by Committees as hav-
ing no right to vote. In the first case 67 were struck off, and in the last
96. The moment that fraudulent and scandalous registry was defeated by
the integrity and firmness of the Committee, from that momen', as if by
enchantment conjured up by the foul and mischievous fiends in Ariosto,
or the Arabian Nights' Entertainments, the whole fabric vanished at once
The moment a majority of *tie was obtained for the petiticners, the
sitting Members had not the courage to assail a single voter on the
other side. It would be found that the same false and f audulent
majority had infected the poll on the present occasion, and he had
no doubt that Mr. Fox and Mr. Lefroy were entitled to be seated as
soon as that mode of investigation should be adopted which he was con-
fident the integrity, firmness, and justice of the Committee would grant
to the present petitioners. Before concluding, he would advert to one
point of a rather novel nature. After the business of the election
had been gone through, the bag of the assessor (Mr. Arabin),
containing the poll and election books, was stolen, and had not since
been heard of. The Sheriff applied to the candidates, and their poll
books were compared for the two first days. After that time the
proceedings were interrupted by the other side, and no further examina-
tion took place. He admitted the gentlemen on the other side to be
innocent of the charge of stealing the hooks, but he thought to save
the expense of bringing witnesses that they ought to havo admitted the
poll.

Mr. TUESSIGER said he should not object to the admissibility of the
poll.

The Counsel for the petitioners then proposed to strike from the poll
of the sitting Members the name of Michael Gllleesy, 195 in class No. 3,
on the ground of insufficient value at the time of registration.
Mr. Crawford, Clerk of the Peace for Longford, produced the
books which he had received from tho Sheriff, and also the original re-
gistry and the affidavit of the voter.
Mr. A uslim said he would admit that Michael Gilleesy voted for the
two sitting Members, and this would at once raise the question of open-
ing the registration. His affidavit stated his qualification by virtue of
a lease dated 1826, and he was registered by Mr. French on the 2d of
January, 1837. The objection to him was that at the time of regis-
tration the freehold was of insufficient value, according to the pro.
visions of the Irish Act, to entitle the voter to be registered. Now
he (Mr. Austin) contended that the Committe had no jurisdiction
to enquire into that question--that they had no power as to any
thing which took place before the time of registration. This was a
question of very great importance, because if it should be determined
that the Committee had power to entertain the objection, and if such
decision should regulate the conduct of future Committees, sitting on
such election petitions, it would have the effect of entirely abrogating
the Reform Act. Ihe Learned Gentleman argued the point at very
great length, citing the previous contrary decision on the point, and
commenting on them with much ability and force.
Mr. Sergeant SPANKIE, it being now nearly three o'clock, requested
the Committee to adjourn, as the House was about to slt.
Mr. AUSTIN objected to any delay, submitting that the Committee
might continue to hear arguments, although they were not able to divide.
Mr. Sergeant Sl'l24lEll then pleaded " a cold," although in his opening
he had not shown the least symptom of indisposition.
There being a difference of opinion in the Committee as to the ad-
journment, the room was cleared. On our readmission, the Chairman
stated that the Committee had decided to adjourn until Monday ; and
after some discussion ten o'clock was fixed upon as the hour.
The total number of votes objeeted to is 1,169, viz., by the pe-
titioners 559, by the sitting members 610.