The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-19 00:00:00

could be found. A most injurious precedent would '
thus be established. A passive resistance thus found
to be effectual would be extensively, if not generally,
resorted to, and the most demoralising results would
follow. Even if a person could be found with suffi-
cient hardihood to enter upon the lands, a sale of
the fee-simple and inheritance for such a purpose
would create innumerable opponents to the
entire system of poor-laws. Every proprietor
would feel the most uncompromising hostility to a
code under which he might in turn become a victim.
Well might the proposition be termed " illusory," for
it could not possibly be carried into execution.
Lord DUDLEY STUART, however, suggested a
practical mode by which the desideratum could be
attained, by which repayment on an early day could
be secured. His plan was of a wider and more com-
prehensive character, and involved a principle that is
rapidly advancing in public estimation, as well in
this country as in Ireland—a principle which has
found some degree of favour with the Government
itself, and which is about to be submitted to
the Committee on Irish poor-laws for partial,
we regret to say only partial, adoption. It is that
of a rate in aid of the distressed districts, to be levied
on the entire property of the kingdom. The Minis-
terial proposition is to the effect, that when the rates
of an electoral division shall excoed ss. in the pound,
the surplus shall be collected from the unions at large ;
such rate in aid not to exceed, under any circum-
stances, 2s. in the pound. When it exceeds that
amount the balance is to be provided for by an Irish
national rate, not exceeding 61 in the pound.
All that may be required beyond that sum
is to be defrayed from the British Exchequer.
In other words, from the Imperial resources of every
description. Now this is nearly what Lord DUDLEY
STUART required. The rates in the impoverished
unions have, in almost every instance, amounted to
far more than the maximum that can be imposed, if
the recommendation of the Government should be
acceded to. The unions have already paid their full
quota, and the Irish national rate in aid should
therefore be resorted to, in order to provide
for the deficiency. This is a sound and states-
manlike view of the subject. It is the view
which will probably be adopted on the express re-
commendation of the Ministers. And yet, on Friday,
but nine Members could be found to divide i❑ its
favour. We cannot account for a circumstance so
strange. Lord DUDLEY STUART may, however, feel
gratified by the clear and unequivocal acknowledg-
ment of the propriety of his suggestion.
We would now ask what adequate reason can be as-
signed why a national rate should not be resorted to in
the first instance ? If it be just and equitable under
any circumstance, why should it not be so in all ?
Why should there not be an equalization of the poor-
rates throughout the entire kingdom ? Why should
not all contribute in proportion to their means to the
relief of their destitute and suffering fellow-crea-
tures ? Why should not every description of pro-
perty be equitably assessed for the purpose ? Under
the present system the tax is imposed exclusively on
real property, and the wealthier districts pay much
less in proportion than the poorer. The burden of
supporting poverty is in a great degree cast upon
those who are least able to bear it. The wealthy
grazier, who affords bat little employment
who keeps his rich lands exclusively under grass:
and cautiously excludes all persons who are
compelled to earn their own livelihood by their
own exertions, and who might by a possibility be-
come chargeable to the parish, is practically ex-
empted, while a double charge is imposed on others
who present stronger claims for a moderate rating.
This is unjust, and therefore it should be imme-
diately altered. All parties concur in thinking that
mortgagees, annuitants, and others having charges
on property liable to the poor-rates should contribute
their quota. But it is said that if such a course were
adopted it would lead to innumerable foreclosures,
and ultimately prove deeply injurious to the mort-
gagors. It may be so under the present
system, but if the burden were extended
to every description of realized property, as
in equity it ought to be, the objection
would be removed, inasmuch as the money when
paid off should contribute in whatever manner it
might be invested. By this means the absentee
would be effectually reached, who now expends in
other lands the income he derives :from his native
country, and who avoids many of the imposts to
which those who endeavour to discharge the duty
incidental to the possession of property are made
liable. Again, we say it is by a national rate, and a
national rate only, that the poor-law can be made
tolerable to the people of Ireland—and we will add,
to the people of Great Britain also.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of Saturday and
Sunday.
The discussion on the electoral law was continued
on Friday and Saturday, and was, on Saturday parti-
cularly, of a:very animated character. The point in
dispute was whether the polling should take place at
the capitals of the cantons or at the capitals of the
communes. It was a great point with the Reac-
tionary party, more particularly with the Legitima-
tist portion of it, to have the polling take place at the
capital of the commune rather than at the capital of the
canton, that is to say, to have a polling place at every
parish church in every rural district at which the
proprietor and the priest could attend, and coerce
and persuade the peasant voters, and if need be,
amper with the voting bulletins, rather than to have
one polling place for the whole district, at the capital
of the canton—a large town, where the re-
gular authorities would be in attendance to
ascertain that the polling was regularly con-
ducted, and that no deception was practised on
the voters, and where the conduct of all parties would
be narrowly watched by those interested in the re-
sult. The discussion ended in a species of compro-
mise. It was decided that the polling should take
place in the capital of the canton, and not in the
capital of the commune; but that where, in the
opinion of the Council General of the Department, it
would be advisable to divide the canton for election
purposes, the Council General should have power so
to divide it ; such division not to consist of more than
four parts.

The Court of Cassation rejected on Saturday the
appeal of MM. RASPAIL and QUENTIN against the
resolution of the National Assembly and the decree
of the Council Chamber that they should be tried at
Bourges by the High Court of Justice.
The printers of the journals the Rights of Man
and the Red Republican have been sentenced to pay
a tine, one of 200 the other of 100 francs, for having
published those papers without having made the de-
posit required by law.
The Committee appointed to examine the Budget of
1849 voted on Saturday a reduction of forty-six mil-
lions of francs in the department of Public Works.
The total amount of reduction that will be proposed
is about one hundred millions.

M. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE has accepted the mis-
sion to Madrid, but he will not quit Paris until after
the elections. He is now considered as the head of
the pure Bonapartist party, of which the Presse is to
be, it is said, the organ. The choice of the Presse is
probably due to Russian influence.
M. FERDINAND BARROT, the brother of the Minis-
ter, has been appointed Consul-General at Alexandria,
and M. ADOLPHE BARROT, another brother of " the
governing family," is nominated Ambassador to the
Court of Brazils.

Prince PoxrATowsm, the Tuscan Minister-Pleni-
potentiary in Paris; and M. MARTINI, the Tuscan
Minister at Turin, and nominated by the GRAND
DUKE as Envoy to the Congress at Brussels, have
declared that they will not participate in any manner
in the acts of the Provisional Government at present
installed at Florence.

The French Government on Saturday dispatched
M. MURAT, attache to the Florence Legation, with
dispatches for Count WALEWSKI, Minister of the
French Republic at Florence, directing him not to
hold any communication with the Provisional Go-
vernment of Florence, which it is not the intention of
the French Government to recognize.
The Presse has the following "communication" on
the subject of the affairs of Italy :
" With a laudable frankness, Lord Palmerston in-
structed his political agents in Italy to declare, wherever
it should be necessary, that England would consider the
Italian Constituent Assembly as an inexhaustible source
of political complications and disasters to Italy, and con-
sequently that he should contend against its realisation
with all his moral influence. Lord Palmerston added
that Great Britain will never acknowledge, in inter-
national relations, the legality of the Italian Consitituent
Assembly, not being able to admit the principle of a
league between the different people of Italy without the
spontaneous concurrence of their respective Govern-
ments. In every case, says the British Minister, a league
between the Italian Governments can never have any
other than a defensive character, to repel any eventual
foreign invasion, but can never assume an offensive
acknowledges character.
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