The Sun.
London, England, 1849-08-02 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY, AUGUST 2, 1849.

Yesterday, on the occasion of the prorogation of
Parliament, it was impossible for any reflective
observers not to be struck with two very remarkable,
and not less melancholy than remarkable, circum-
stances in regard to the character of the session and
in reference to the policy of the Government. As to
the session which has just terminated—the fact is
sufficiently apparent that, with the exception of a few
ameliorative measures for Ireland, nothing whatever
of importance has been accomplished in the way of
wholesome legislation beyond the abrogating of the
laws relating to Navigation. As to the Government
—perhaps the most lamentable as well as the most
prominent of all its evil characteristics is that
of its detestable system of temporizing in all matters
bearing upon our foreign relations. Wherever a
continental nation is given over to the cruelties of
a despotic administration—there the Russell Cabinet
begins to temporize. Whenever a city is bombarded
by the soldiers of reaction—that Cabinet begins
to temporize. It temporizes, in short, wherever
and whenever the principles of democracy
and of aristocracy are in open antagonism :
it temporizes wherever and whenever the
revolution and the counter-revolution are in open
arms opposed to each other : it temporizes wherever
and whenever the influence of the formidable
tyrants of the North are directed to the
destruction of liberty, to the violation of
immemorial rights, to the spoliation and desolation
of countries struggling to maintain their indepen-
dence. Nay, the policy of the present advisers of
the SOVEREIGN is not only so far reprehensible, but
in every instance, where such can be accomplished
without peril, (0 shame to the so-called manliness of
British statesmanship !) it interposes for the suppres-
sion of popular freedom among our neighbours, and
for the advocacy of family ties and dynastic
interests. Take as a proof of this the infamous
interposition of the English Cabinet in the
affairs of Portugal—an interposition which led to
the conquest of patriotism and to the concentration
of supreme authority in the hands of the degenerate
daughter of the BRAGANZAS. One pernicious con-
sequence of that shameless support of the reactionary
principles has latterly become more than ever con-
spicuous in the re• elevation to the Presidency of the
Council of Administrators at Lisbon of that heart-
less adventurer COSTA. Csna,m, the infamous Count
DE THOMAR. In speaking thus we are drawing no
inference directly or indirectly prejudical to the
character of Lord PALMERSTON. On the contrary,
we presume it to be sufficiently well known that we
regard the position occupied by that distinguished
nobleman, as contrasted with that of his colleagues, as
one eminently honourable to himself—that position,
namely, in which he has been acknowledged (both
within and without the walls of Parliament)
the solitary states-
to stand, namely, as
man imparting respectability by his presence
to an otherwise worthless Administration. As
such Lord PALMERSTON is recognised, both at
home and abroad. As such he has entitled himself, in
a particular manner, to our respect and admiration.
What we would especially, however, impress upon
the consciousness of the multitude, in allusion
to the pernicious foreign policy of the Russell
Government in this—that Lord
aPALMERSTON stands
so wholly is?,lated in the Cabinet to be incapaci-
tated froth followil g out his own views, from obey-
ing the dictates of his own enlightened judgment,
anal from yielding to the prompting% of hismoe i
own
generous and chivalric disposition. hence all his
most earnest wishes are thwarted, all his more noble
efforts are annulled, and when disposed to aid the
cons-Aidation of the liberties of a foreign race,
like the Italians, be is accused of sympathising
with such expeditions as that of Risquons
attempts at Pro-
Tout, in certain flagrant
pagandism. That is the position of Lord PAL-
MERSTON in regard• to the Government. The truth
is glaring, moreover, in the very recognition of his
embarrassment—Lord PALMERSTON requires the sup-
port of the people of England. When he has ac
quired a full conviction that the population of this
country is with him (as we believe it to be, most

profoundly), he will then at length be enabled to carry
out his own liberal projects for the prevention of the
atrocities of despotism, for the vindication of the
rights and liberties of such an illustrious race as the
Hungarians, and by the vindication of those rights
and liberties for the preservation of the dignity, the
honour, and the interests of the United Kingdom.
In testimony of the systematic manner in which
Lord PALMERSTON is crippled in all his endeavours,
look at the silence preserved in the Royal Speech as
to the extraordinary events now transpiring within the
boundaries of Hungary. Not a syllable of allusion
to the attack made by an infamous coalition of despots
against the sacred prerogatives of the nationality of
the Magyars Not a word about the faithlessness of
the Austrian Government ! Not the faintest reference
to the interposition of the Russian AUTOCRAT ! Now,
does any man, not wholly bereft of his senses, assert
that the mean and contemptible evasion of the most
momentous of all questions at the present epoch is
attributable, in the smallest degree, to the dictation
of the Foreign Secretary ? Compare the bold and
noble-spirited speech delivered by Lord PALMERSTON,
not many days ago, in answer to the Member for
Middlesex, compare that memorable speech, so
befitting the lips of a British Statesman, with
this total blinking of the difficulty in the
Royal Speech, read yesterday by Commission
Compare the silence of that document, emanatieg
from the Cabinet collectively, with the declaration
made only last evening by Lord PALMERSTON imme-
diately before the prorogation of Parliament—the
declaration that he viewed with pain the horrible
proclamation recently issued to the inhabitants of
Buda-Pesth by the Austrian General HATNAU.
That acknowledgment was elicited from the Foreign
Secretary by an inquiry put to him by the Noble
Lord the Representative of Aylesbury. Indeed
it is altogether impossible not to recognise that
the proud and gallant spirit of the only
Liberal statesman in the Government is struggling
impatiently under the thraldom of his Ministerial
isolation. We wish Lord PALMERSTON could have
witnessed the enthusiasm with which his name was
greeted the other morning at the London Tavern, on
the occasion of the iiungarian Demonstration—he
niat
he is
mdiicgahtitont,htebnath, aifveisopleatteedeivaemdonag
hisveryc o lel iegang iufiecsa,
far from being isolated among the masses of his
countrymen ; and that so far from being regarded
with jealousy, his consistency, his courage, and his
patriotism are viewed with respect and confidence
throughout England.
While the interests of Hungary—and in the
interests of Hungary the interests also of England—
are overlooked by the Russell Cabinet, the heroic
Magyars have, thanks be to GOD, gained a succes-
sion of victories over their two gigantic assailants.
The news of these remarkable triumphs ar-

riving simultaneously with the intelligence from
Vienna, to the effect that the speech of Lord PAL-
MERSTON has fallen " like a thunder- clap" upon the
Austrian Government, confirms all those im-
pressions to which we have repeatedly given
utterance—namely, that the Hungarians, al-
though opposed by a double army, charac-
terised by an appalling disparity of numbers, is,
nevertheless, in anything but a perilous, or rather, we
should say, a deTerate position. Recent events have
revealed the accuracy of all this beyond denial. Not
only in the south, but also in the north, the Magyar
arms have been victorious. Not only under the glorious
BEM, but under the daring patriotism of GEORG EY and
-the military genius of DEMBINSKI, the tactics of the
:Hungarians have been everywhere successful, and
the force of Hungarian valour everywhere resist-
:less. From the latest accounts it will be
'observed that, after outwitting PASILIEWITC H
'on the 16th ultimo, near Waitzen, GEORGEY
conducted his forces northwards defeated
'the Russians again most signally in the 'vicinity of
Jaszo, entered Kaschau on the 22d, after compelling
the Cossack garrison to fly in dismay from the mere
terror of his approach, and to seek shelter at St. Mis-
kolcz—and having so far prospered in his advance, is
mow marching towards the Theiss for the purpose of
crossing that river at Tokay and Tarzal. While,
therefore, BEM is threatening to raise the siege
of Venice by crossing Blyria, GEORG EY is
opening communications with Gallicia, now
ripe for a revolt. Such is the progress of the
cause of justice in Hungary while the Cabinet of
England preserves the ignoble silence of apathy.
Lord PALMERSTON is meanwhile looking to his

countrymen for that moral encouragement on
their part which will enable him to speak out with-
out any reservation, to speak not only with
the " thunder-claps" of his own individual displeasure,
but with the lightnings of the indignation of Eng-
land. Let the people articulate their unanimous
as pirations at once, and they will find Lord PALMERS-
TON true to his reputation and faithful to the in-
te ruts and the glory of his country.

A very important question was on Saturday
brought under the consideration of the House of
Commons, respecting a colony which, by judicious
and conciliatory policy, might be rendered one of the
most valuable possessions of the British empire. A
Select Committee had been appointed during the
session to inquire into the events which had
recently occurred at Ceylon, of which Mr. BAILLIE
was appointed chairman. That Committee
had proceeded zealously and energetically to
discharge the important duties confided to
their hands. Many witnesses had been ex-
amined, but, unfortunately, there was a deficiency
of authentic evidence. That deficiency was occa-
sioned by the gross and unwarrantable negligence of
the Government of Ceylon, which had omitted to
forward to the Colonial-office the minutes of the Le-
gislative Council for the last twelve months, although
thEe express instructions to the Governor were that
these minutes should be transmitted every six months
to this country. The military authorities had also
omitted to send over minutes of the proceedings of the
court-martial recently held in the colony, although
these proceedings were of the utmost importance, many
of the natives having been sentenced to the most strin-
gent punishments. No less than eighteen persons had
been actually executed, while many others were
transported or flogged, exclusive of those who were
subjected to minor penalties. These omissions were
the more inexcusable, because the conduct of the
Governor had been directly implicated, and grave
charges had been preferred against him, which it was
his duty, not only as a public officer, but as
a nobleman and a gentleman, to have met fully
and fairly, and for that purpose, to have
placed all the requisite information before the
Colonial-office and the Committee. Through his
wilful default or gross negligence, the necessary
evidence was not forthcoming, no explanations were
given of the causes that led to the suspension of the
ordinary law of the colony, and the establishment cf
martial law in its place. On this most important
point, on which, in fact, the justification of the Gover-
nor altogether depended, the Committee were left
wholly in the dark, and that ignorance was altogether
owing to the culpable negligence of the party ac-
cused, to his direct breach of the instructions de-
livered to him, when appointed to act as the repre-
sentative of his Sovereign, and entrusted with the
most extensive powers. Whatever, therefore, might
have been the personal consequences of his neglect,
he could only blame himself, and could not justly
complain of others for any censure that might be
cast upon him.
The Committee, however, exhibited the utmost
leniency towards him. Not only did they
refuse to condemnrehfuimsedontoinspuuffibcliisehnt
tghreounevdis.,
but they even
dence that had been taken,
Twhheiychdesmiraeddetoougtivea
prima facie case against him.
his Lordship an opportunity of beingeardbe given
in his
own defence ; that all the proceedings might
to the world simultaneously, lest his Lordship's cloa-
k rooter might be prejudiced, or his feelings hurt by
partial publication. While, however, this great in-
dulgence was exhibited towards the Governor, some-
thing was due to the colonists who had urgently
demanded a strict investigation into all the circum-
stances of the case, and who prayed that the inquiry
should take place at Ceylon, in order that evidence
might be brought forward which could not easily be
made available in this country. There were many
reasons why this reasonable request should be conceded.
Parliament was about to be prorogued, and nothing
could be done by the Committee during the recess!
Sufficient bad been elicited to render it most inexpe.
dient to suffer a matter of such rital consequence to

the welfare and prosperity of the colony to remain in
abeyance until Parliament should re-assemble. No
disposition was manifested on the part of Government
to afford that assistance to the Committee which they
had a just right to expect; no assurance would be
given that the required information should be forth-
coming at the beginning of next session. Under these
circumstances, the Committee decided on recommend-
ing that the prayer of the colonists should be granted,
and that "her MAJESTY should be graciously pleased
to appoint a Commission, to inquire on the spot, into
the means taken for the repression of the late insur-
rection at Ceylon."
Mr. BAILLIE, as Chairman, brought forward the
motion, in accordance with the resolution of the
Committee, which was seconded by the veteran JOSEPH
HumE, who had been one of its most zealous and
active members, and supported by Mr. DISRAELI,
Lord Honiara, and others, of every shade of political
opinion, who, having heard the evidence already
given, were acquainted with the circumstances of the
case. It might have beeen reasonably expected that
the House would have supported its own Committee,
who had devoted so much time and labour to the
painful investigation, and who, if they had been mis-
taken, had erred on the side of mercy, that is, of
mercy to the accused Governor, although it might
prove the reverse to the aggrieved Ciagalese. It
was, however, otherwise. The Government opposed
the motion with all their strength, and, of course, an
obedient majority supported their decision. Lord
JOHN RUSSELL, although he did not enter into
any justification of his relative's conduct, or
even allude to the gross negligence of which
he had been guilty in omitting to send home the ne-
cessary information, spoke of the " inquisitorial'
conduct of the Committee "in calling for acts of
icondemnatio
nasking
thewith
no
ou v
ut
see itdoe nacses," en
tand
nads sl
ye r tat
a" tphaar
ticular course, the Committee refusing to produce the
evidenceuupon
twhich they recommendeunwarranteddt
itohna, t
wc oeu rse.
ven-
ture to say, was never cast upon a body of gentlemen
—a more unfair charge was never preferred. Lord
JoHN RUSSELL might desire to screen his
cousin from the consequences of his own con-
duct, but surely he should not have accused those
who, having closely investigated the transactions,
thought that a prima facie case was made out against
him. The power of the Government was exerted to
prevent the publication of that evidence, when sug-
gested by the Honourable Member for Montrose.
It was said that its appearance would be deeply in-
jurious to Lord TORRINGTON, who had no opportu-
nity afforded to him of rebutting the serious accusa-
tions and charges preferred against him, and when
that appeal was successful, and the evidence was
withheld, then, forsooth, it was declared that they
were " asking the House to assent blindly to a
particular course—they REFUSING (! 1 1) to produce
the evidence upon which they recommended it," and,
also, that they " proceeded, like the inquisitors of
Spain and Venice, calling for acts of condemnation
without evidence." These are serious charges,
gravely put forward, but we doubt not the members
of the Committee will be prepared to justify them-
selves at the fitting time and place. The termination
of the investigation will satisfy the most sceptical that
they were not acting with undue severity when they
recommended that a Commission should be sent to
Ceylon to inquire on the spot into the means taken for
the repression of the late insurrection. There are,
unfortunately, but too many prominent proofs of
misgovernment. The safety of the colony demanded
the inquiry, but it was refused because the accused
was a nobleman of high rank and aristocratic con-
nexions. A different degree of justice is clearly
meted out to rich and poor. If an humble man is
accused of some paltry offence, of little public im-
portance, he is incarcerated without . mercy ;
bail is perhaps refused, but little consideration
exhibited for his character or feelings. But
if the offender be an aristocrat—if his crimes involve
the happiness of millions, and shake the allegiance of
an entire nation—then, indeed, it is inquisito-
rial to put him on his trial on mere suspicion ; it
is unjust to bring forward a prima facie charge,
and he must be permitted to exercise the
powers he has abused without let, hindrance, or
restriction. If this, indeed, be the colonial policy of
Great Britain, the sooner a great and comprehensive
change be introduced the better.

Our attention has been called to an expression con-
tained in our leading article of yesterday, in which
we unwittingly misrepresented the remarks made
by Mr. COBDEN on the occasion of the first Hun-
garian Demonstration. We hasten with all
cordiality and earnestness to make the amende ho-
norable—being in no degree solicitous to distort the
assertions of the Member for the West Riding of '
Yorkshire. Quoting from the speech deli-
vered by the Ilonourable Gentleman in the
London Tavern, and quoting that speech entirely
" from recollection," we made him say, inadvertently,
of Russia, that it has " an army on paper without a
soldier," instead of an army on paper without a com-
missariat." In justice to Mr. COBDEN, we are anxious
that that erroneous phrase should be attributed
exclusively to a deceptive memory in a moment of
mental agitation, and not to any deliberate foolish-
ness on the Honourable Gentleman himself. It is
true, we might aver that the declaration which Mr.
ConDEN did make in regard to the maritime
force of Russia, namely, that it had " a
navy without a sailor"—is equally open to a charge
of exaggeration; but our sole object at present is to
correct an inadvertent error of phraseology, being
upon all occasions desirous to follow the recom-
mendation of Othello—" Nothing extenuate, nor set
down aught in malice !"

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
The Legislative Assembly met on Tuesday, but no
business of importance was transacted.

The PRESIDENT continues his
.tour in the eastern
departments. The National, in describing his pro-
gress, says—" The reception of the PRESIDENT at
Angers is in some sort a protest against the various
rumours of coups d'etat lately circulated. The Garde
National, the artillery, and the inhabitants appeared
to have given each other the word to salute the PRE-
SIDENT with cries of Vive la Rt,publique.' Great
annoyance was felt," continues the National, "at
this obstinacy to proclaim the Republic, particularly
as more personal cries were looked for. The Legiti-
mists have made default everywhere, and similar
demonstrations were expected at Nantes."
At Nantes he was received with cries of " Vive
NAPOLEON !" and " Vive l'Empereur!" It is said
that M. LACROSSE, the Minister of Public Works,
who accompanies the PRESIDENT, has been indefati-
gable in his endeavours to get up the cry of " Vive
NAPOLEON !" and that his colleagues, MM. ODILON
BARROT and DUFAURE, who remain in Paris, have
expressed themselves much annoyed by his conduct.
It is announced that the PRESIDENT of the Republic
will assist at the opening of the section of the Paris
and Strasburg Railroad between Meaux and Epernay,
on the 16th instant.

The Paris to Rouen Railway Company held its
half-yearly general sitting yesterday. The receipts
amounted, from January 1 to June 30, 1849, to
3,595,354 f., and the expenses to 2,541,9940, leaving
a balance of 1,053,360 f., which :gives a dividend of
12f. 50c. per share for the half-year. The accounts
were approved of, the report passed, and M. DE
KERSAINT and WILLIAM CLIArLo, the outgoing di•
rectors, re-elected unanimously. The intended mo-
difications relative to the mode of effecting the
sinking fund could not be discussed, in consequence
of 36,000 shares not being represented by the persons
present.
PARIS BOURSE.—WEDNESBAY, AUGUST 1.
THREE o'CEOCK.—The settlement of the accuunt ap-
pears to pass over with great tranquillity. The French
Funds ware firm at first, but afterwards rather gave
way; still however closing higher than the day before,
The Five per Cents. opened at 88e. 60c., and closed at
881. 40c., being an advance of 15c. Tho Threes were
less buoy ant than the Five per Cents., and closed at 53f.
53c., or sc. only higher than the preceding day. The
amount of business done continues to be limited. Ex-
change on London (30 days), 25 35, money; ditto (90
days), 25 25, money.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT TUE
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE. AUGUST 1.
Boulogne and Amiens, 6:% --:East 3N., Greet
Indian Peninsular, %--Luxembourg, 2—Namur and Liege,
6.--Sambre and Meuse, 234.

SPAIN.
Madrid journals of the 27th ult. have arrived.
They contain no intelligence.
MADRID BOLSA, JULY 27.—Three per Cents., 271
Account ; Four per Cents., llf ; Coupons, 71 ; Bank
of St. Ferdinand, 85 money. Exchange on London,
50.80.