The Sun.
London, England, 1836-03-29 00:00:00

CRACOW.

MARCH 12.—1 leave it to more able hands to paint the
atrocities of the barbarians who have usurped the Govern-
ment of this Republic. My purpose is to inform you of
the facts, and to show how the rights of nations have been
abused. No sooner had the occupation taken place, than
it was intimated that it would be desirable that the " Pre-
sident" should resign, to make room for a stranger ! The
request was, of course, tantamount to an order. We were
next requested to disband our National Guard ! and we
have now received orders to re-organise our whole system !
We must of course willingly obey—and the free and inde-
pendent territory of Cracow is now an enslaved province of
Russia. Here I must in justice remark, that had it not
been for Austria, we should very probably have become en-
tirely Russian subjects. She did all that was possible, and
took all the Poles under her protection, saving some 23 or
25, who have been marched into Russia. lam perfectly
aware that neither France nor England could have inter-
fered without involving themselves in difficulties which our
importance could not claim. Negotiation would have been
fruitless ; further neither would willingly go.
Much allusion.has been made to Poland, and the simila-
rity of our positions • but this I deny ; they are widely dif-
ferent. Poland acknowledged the Emperor of Russia as
her King ; they rebelled against him (if I may so term it),
and no Power had any right to interfere with him in putting
down an insurrection, at least so far as the rights of nations
go. Cracow stood differently ; we were a free and inde-
pendent State, acknowledged as such by all the Powers of
Europe, and by them our rights and privileges were gua-
ranteed in the treaty of Vienna. England and France were
parties to that treaty, and we have a right to call upon
them to see it performed to the very letter. If our in-
dependence is of no value or importance to them, they
will be compelled to do so for their own honour. Bu
it appears treaties in our days are only binding as long as
it suits the convenience of a nation, and no longer. Months,
years are expended in bringing treaties to a conclusion,
millions are extracted from the pockets of the industrious
to pay a set of men called Diplomatists, who concoct some
voluminous matter, unintelligible even to themselves,
which, when actually ratified, is broken by any one party
whose interest requires it ; knowing perfectly well, to ana-
lyse it—is but to prove their right. Such is the treaty of
Vienna, as regards Cracow, a very ingenious unintelligible
document, and which almost gives a right to any of the bel-
ligerents to act as they may deem proper. Had France and
England been represented here by intelligent men, probably
nothing of the kind would have occurred. Now we are
enslaved, France sends a Consul, and England orders Mr.
Barnett to see that we are not ill-treated! I simply in-
quire what they can do for us now ?—to remonstrate—to
protest :—the idea is preposterous. Russia has shown what
she can and will do, and if she withdraws this day her
troops, they can enter again within 24 hours. She has gained
her point by showing her power, whenever she feels inclined
to act. England and France have of late years protested
against her proceedings, after she did what she thought
proper—never before, and such protests are now laughed
at by the Autocrat. Without meaning the slightest dis-
respect towards the representatives of France and England.
I cannot help feeling surprised at seeing men sent here
perfectly unacquainted with our country or our language,
and unknown to every one ! These are the men to scruti-
nise into our affairs, and to see us righted. From whom
are they to obtain correct and satisfactory information ?
From the representatives of Russia, Austria, or Prussia ?
Their visit will be of no other utility than acquainting
their respective Governments of the determination of the
Holy Alliance. When too late England and France will
repent of having abandoned us and Poland, and when too
late they will plunge themselves into a war, when we have
not the power—not the shadow of power—of even render-
ing the slightest assistance. Europe will then see the folly
of the present century—how treaties have been made—how
they have been broken. Poland will then no longer exist,
Cracow will be recollected and pitied, and the supineness of
France and England will be wondered at.