The Sun.
London, England, 1849-08-23 00:00:00

scarcely human—unparalleled in civilized warfare—
who are attempting to crush the liberties of the Hun-
garians. You will, no doubt, hear from them of that
patriot Louia Kossuth.—(Several rounds of cheering.)
But I will, if you please, refer to one of his proclama-
tions in which he says—
" It is an eternal lawof God that whosoever abandoneth
himself will be forsaken by the Lord. It is an eternal
law that whosoever assisteth himself, him will the Lord
a-sist. It is a divine law that false swearing by its re-
sults chastiseth itself. It is a law of our Lord's that
whosoever availeth himself of perjury and injustice
prepareth himself the triumph of justice. Standing firm
on these eternal laws of the Universe, I swear that my
prophesy will be fulfilled—it is, ' That the fredJna of
Hungary will be effected by this invasion of Hungary by
Jellachich'—(Cheers)—and hear this his invocation to
the patriotism of the nation:—' Between Vezprim and
Weissenberg the women shall dig a deep grave, in which
we will bury the name, the honour, the nation of Hun-
gary, or our enemies.' And on this grave shall stand
a monument inscribed with a record of our shame, ' So
God punishes cowardice'—(Cheers)—or we will plant
on it the tree of freedom, eternally green, from out of
whose foliage shall be heard the voice of Gcd speaking
as from the fiery bush to Moses, ' The spot on which
thou standest is holy ground ; thus do I reward the
brave: to the Magyars freedom, renown, well-being, and
happiness.' "—(Loud cheers.)
Now, gentlemen, though I have read this spirit-
stirring language, I do not stand here as an advocate
of war. lam not prepared to say that there might
not be extreme cases in which war would be justi-
fiable; but it is because I think war is a desperate
remedy for great evils, that I stand here to-night to
give utterance to that moral force which is powerful
to subdue armies and mighty as the sword itself.—
(Cheers.) If war were ever necessary, the case of
the Hungarians is one in which it might be justified.
—(Loud cheers.) If there ever was an instance in
which we were justified in calling together bands of
men to destroy their fellow-men, it is in this righteous
cause, where the Hungarians are met to resist fire,
and rapine, and murder, from such barbarous invaders.
—(Loud cheers.) But I believe this expression of
public opinion in England, when its echoes reach the
Cabinets of Vienna and St. Petersburgh, will have a
powerful moral effect, and pave the way for a just
settlement. And here I cannot but express my con-
currence in the excellent observations of the Secretary
of State for the Foreign Department (Lord Palmer-
ston), for the manner in which he has shown that it is
not by force of arms so much as by the force of pub-
lic opinion that the oppressors of the Hungarians
must be conquered • and Lord Palmerston, .s
to his honour, has declared, in effect, that theit
proclaiming
such of all to render their assistance by ..oc l
! anning
such opinion, and thus stopping the calamities of war.
It is only by meetings such as this that that object
can be effacted, and in 'thus rendering our assistance
we feel that we are supporting the great cause of
civil and religious liberty all over the world.
The Rev. C. P. SHEPHERD (Curate of St. Peter's)
was received with loud cheers. He said—Mr.
Mayor and gentlemen, I must first say in public
what I said this morning in private, when this reso-
lution was put into my hand, that I am sincerely
sorry that it has not fallen to the lot of some one
better known to you, and whose words would have
greater weight with you, to second this resolution.
As, however, my objection was overruled, I shall not
now shrink from petrorming to what I feel be a duty,
however imperfectly I may do it. As three of the
incumbents of your five parishes have affixed their
names to tha requisition to the Mayor to call this
meeting, there is no necessity for me, who am but a
curate of one of them, to apologise for my presence
here.—(Cheers.) There are some men, I know, who
will condemn the presence of any of the clergy at
meetings such as this.—(Cheers) But, sir, a man,
by becoming a clergyman, does not cease to be a
citizen, still less does he cease to be a phi-
linthropi,,t, still less ought he to cease to show an in-
. _

terest in the well-beingof his fellow-men all the world
over.—(Laud cheers) He will remember the words
uf St. Paul, that God " bath made of one blood all
nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the
earth." And if this oneness of blood do nut give
him an instinctive love, as a man, for his fellow-men,
yet the faith which he professes will infuse into
him, as a Christian, sympathy for them as his brethren.
For Christianity teaches us that " all men are
brethren ;" and brethren they are in a far higher and
holier sense than the past history of Christendom
would lead us to suppose, in a far closer sense than
soldiers and politicians have hitherto allowed us to
believe.—(Cheers.) The great sacred truth of
" human brotherhood" should be insisted on, as it
appears to me, especially by the clergy, " in season
and out of season," and therefore, whether this be in
season or out of season, I am glad to have an op•
portunity of seconding a resolution which declares,
among other things, that we sympathise with
our brethren the Hungarians in their un-
merited sufferings.—(Loud cheers.) I am free to
confess, sir, that if this had been a question
of party politics, I should have carefully kept
myself aloof, for, whatever be my political bias, I
would abstain from exciting the prejudices of any
against myself, as a politician, which might impair
my usefulness to all as a minister of Christ. But
this is no question of party politics.—(Hear, hear.)
It is a question in which are involved the interests of
humanity, of civilization, of Christianity, of all western
Europe, and though last not least, of our own country
and of ourselves.—(Cheers.) We feel an interest in
this Hungarian question, not as Conservatives or
Radicals, but as men—English, Christian men. We
now forget our differences, and find ourselves on
ground upon which Englishmen can stand together,
shoulder to shoulder. Your unanimity in this matter
is gratifying, and it is gratifying to find with what
unanimity men of all parties throughout England
have lifted up their voices in favour of justice to Hun-
gary.—(Cheers.) I shall not tread again the histo-
rical ground over which Mr. Alderman Moss has so
ably passed. I need say nothing more to prove to
you that the traditional rights of the Hungarian
people have been sacrilegiously invaded. I shall speak
on the resolution generally. With respect to the
terms in which it is expressed, we " recognise the
right of independent nations to manage their (men
internal affairs"—of course we do. We recognise
our own right by daily acting upon it, and with the
same indignation with which we should reject
the interference of foreigners in our internal
affairs, do we condemn the unwarrantable meddling
of Russia with independent Hungary : therefore, we
say, "we sympathise with the Hungarians," and
therefore we "protest Against the armed intervention
of Russia." We protest, if we can do nothing more.
And surely it is some satisfaction even to protest
against injustice—(Cheers)—and our protest will pro•
bably be, not only a satisfaction to ourselves, but also
of considerable utility to the cause of the oppressed
people in whose behalf it is made.—(Hear, hear.) By
our struggle against the French Emperor we have so
burdened ourselves with debt, that I fear we cannot
afford, even it it were desirable, to aid them with
arms. War is an expensive luxury—for in such a
cause as this, war would even be a luxury. (The li

speaker was here interrupted by several rounds of vo-
ciferous cheering.) I fear that, in the heat of the
moment, my language savoured more of enthusiasm
than discretion, for, from the bottom of my heart, I
quite agree with the worthy Alderman in preferring,
under almost all possible circumstances, moral to
i•hysical, force.—And we protest (proceed the Rev.
Gentleman) not only against an act of tyrannous in-
justice, but also because, as I have said, in the
independencA of Hungary are involved the interests
of humanity, of civilization, of Christianity; and on
ir, perhaps, depends, humanly speaking, the future
fate of western Europe.—(Hear, hear.) If we look
back a few centuries into history we shall find Poland
and Hungary the great barriers against the progress
of Mahomedanlsm westwards. But for them, as in
struments in-. God's. hands, the crescent might have
-trod above the cross in Europe, and the lies of the
Koran have supplanted the truths of the Bible. And
now Hungary is the great barrier against the influx
of Russian, Cossack, and Tartar hordes into western
I __ .... _

Europe. If she, or any part of h.r, become a Rus-
sian province, what falls next ? Where will the evil
c?ase? What will be the end of it ? Unless the
Germaeic nations of western Europe stand together,
I believe there is peril, though not imminent, that
they will be swept into the sea before hordes of Scla-
vonian invaders Thus this is a question involving
the interests of humanity, civilization, and Chris
tianity,—a question in which we are interested for
the sake of Hungary now, and for the sake of our
posterity in time to come.—(Hear.) Less than a
hundred years ago the historian Gibbon ventured to
prophecy the impossibility of another irruption into
Europe of northern barbarians. Had he lived in these
our days, I think he would have seen reason to alter
his opinion. It will occur to some minds, that if
Hungary finally succeed by any means in checking
the progress of Russia westwards, Russian ambition
and a Russian population must have a vent or outlet
somewhere; that if she cannot push westwards she
will push eastwards, and throw herself upon
be our
In-
dian empire. Be it so! We shall no doubt
pre-
pared to meet her.—(Cheers.) We shall be a fairer
match for the giant than little Hungary.—(Cheers
renewed.) And when the struggle c anes, if we give
nungary but our sympathy now, nu doubt her grate-
ful and gallant sons will aid us then, in time of need,
with something more substantial, seeing that her in-
terests
are ours, as far at least as Russian ambition is
coofnocuer sympathyrned—(l-lear.) If we are asked what is the use
and our protest, I answer that we
csuanpnpoorttitnegll wohuart mayown be the good effect, both in
Foreign Secretary, and
perhaps in influencing the Government of Austria.
with
as the
men,oppressed
u ~e
Moreover, sympathy
anvaotuidr,alandfeiefli,4n,ge feeling,
downhoitnatii least protesbtyagoaumrstcianinsjnuosa-t
injus-
tice, we shall appear to the world,silence,
to assent to it.—(Hear, hear.) The object of a
speaker at a public meeting is to win his audience to
assent to his views, to consent to something he pro-
poses. It seems that you do already consent to the

resolution I offer you. You do already "recognize
the right of independent nations to manage their own
internal affairs ?"—(Yes, yes.) You do already
sympathise with the wronged Hungarian people ?
(Yes, yes.) You do already protest against the
armed interference of Russia to establish despotism
over a free people ?—(Yes, yes.) Then I have evi-
dently said enough.—(Much cheering and laughter.)
I have great pleasure in seconding the resolution pro-
posed by Mr. Alderman Moss.—(The Rev. Gentleman
resumed his seat amidst reiterated cheers )
The resolution was put and carried by acclamation.
The MAYOR then called upon Mr. Bass, M.P., who
was hailed with several rounds of cheering.
Mr. BASS said—Mr. Mayor and gentlemen, after
the eloquent speech you have just heard from my
Rev. Friend (if he will allow me to call him so), it
would seem—particularly by his conclusion—that
little remained to be said upon this important ques-
tion. Seldom has a meeting been held on any
subject on which so unanimous and enthusiastic
a feeling has predominated as on this occasion ;
and if I trouble you with a few stray remarks,
it is not, be assured, on account of any necessity to
produce conviction in your minds, or to excite your
feelings, but simply because I consider it a duty to
give expression before this meeting to the deep feel-
ing of sympathy which I entertain for the gallant but
oppressed people of Hungary.—(Cheers.) Sir, I am
profoundly sensible of the vast importance of the
question we are assembled to consider, and at the
same time not a little embarrassed by the difficulties
which surround it. Not that I have a moment's
doubt as to the propriety of this meeting, or of the
solemn duty imposed upon us to meet and express
our earnest and anxious sympathy with a noble and
generous people threatened with the most fatal disas•
ters, whose freedom, whose rights and independence
for ages established and recognised, are now menaced
with annihilation.—(Shame 0 No, it is for us who
have passed through a similar ordeal, whose fathers
have fought for and won the glorious heritage we
now enjoy—it is for us, who do and can appre-
ciate all that the Hungarians are struggling to
i
preserve, to speak baldly and loudly n their cause,
and if we may not at once fly to their rescue, at
least let us do all in our power to increase their
confidence, to encourage their consistency and
patriotism, and as far as practicable assume
an
wickedattitude
aggressions calculated
of t o
their . co u
foreignr ig e ,
and
dnot
domesticdeter ,
th
as-
sailants.—(Loud cheers.) It is admitted on all hands
by writers of every shade of political opinion in
.this
country, that the Hungarians have law, justice, and
equity on their side—that the Austrians have out-
raged their constitution, and that the young Emperor
is himself an usurper so long as he refuses to swear
to their ancient constitution, and who, be it remem-
bered, was not the direct heir to the kingly crown
after the abdication of the last Emperor. The present
Emperor has not a shadow of title to the throne until
he is prepared to ratify that compact which has for
ages formed the first and capital condition, viz., to
swear fealty to the constitution and independence of
Hungary, to maintain its neutrality as a confederate
kingdom, but not a dependency of the Austrian
Empire. But it is unnecessary to dwell on this part
of the subject. Writers of every political creed in
our public journals all declare the Austrian camarilla
to be the revolutionists and the Hungarian people the
true conservatives of their ancient rights. Sir,
this union of all parties from Radical to Conser-
vative shows that England has indeed a fellow feeling
with Hungary that as in Hungary all true
patriots have merged their minor differences in a
common love of freedom, so it is proof that the
English people feel for Hungary what they would
teel for themselves if a foreign foe were to assault
their freedom and independence.—(Cheers.) Sir,
the fact that an independent nation is attacked, and
that it is sought to compel it to conform its laws and
institutions to those of neighbours whose habits,
principles, and policy it repudiates, is enough to
arouse our anger and invoke our sympathy; but if
wr e look further and see this monstrous and unnatural
outrage of Austria successful, where can we expect
the same spirit to lead despotism ?—(Loud cheers.)
What nation can dare to hope for free progress to
liberty when menaced by the brute strength of
Russia, which hangs on its borders and longs to cross
them ?—(Cheers.) Austria allied with Russia—how
far may not success tempt them to run in a career so
congenial to the gaolers of Siberia and Spillberg ?
(Loud cheers.) Where might they not stretch
their unhallowed arms ? So that in addition to the
cause of the Hungarian nation, there are con-
siderations which require foresight and vigilance on
our part. The two Emperors hare, as you are aware,
already contrived to partition Poland ; and it
will not be to their forbearance that we may owe the
division of other countries which we should be sorry
to see in their grasp.—(Hear, hear.) But not only
is the cause of liberty endangered; but humanity too.
The practice of war, which has attained something
of the generous gentleness of chivalry in civilised
nations, becomes in the armies of Austria and Russia
a copy of the savagery of the barbarian. You have
heard of the butcheries of Haynau—how that he has
sacked towns, scourged women, hung the clergy,
and butchered his prisoners !—(Vehement cries of
Shame.") Have you not read the horrid proclama-
tions of this monster, whose name is become a bye-
word, and whose deeds one shrinks with horror from
contemplating in all their revolting features. Surely
such deeds will bring down a righteous retribution.
—(Cheers.) But where is she that was wont to be
foremost in her outcry against the oppressors of
nations ? France, which has gloried so long in the
assertion of her power and will to protect and aid the
cause of liberty endangered, or to foster its first sparks
in nations long dead to its sacred fire—France has, on
this, the first occasion in which her professions
might have become acts, been compelled to smother
within her own labouring breast her generous im-
pulses for other nations.—(" Shame.") But is it not
proud thing for Englishmen to say that no sanction
has been given by our country to the injustice of
despots, nor a people suffered to want the help of our
opinion in favour of its efforts to attain constitutional
,iberty ?—(Loud cheers.) Who could have for one
moment doubted De Tocqueville's sympathies for
Hungary had he not sanctioned the bombardment of
Rome ?—(Hear, hear.) But if France and her
Ministers and President continue to slumber or to
wink at the despotism, so much the more need that
we be vigilant and energetic, prudent, but firm.—
(Loud cheers.) Sir, in ;this mixed assembly, far be
it from me to allude to party politics, but I feel we
,hould be doing less than justice were we not to ac-
knowledge the merits of Lord Palmerston on this
question.—(Loud cheers.) The noble lord has not
only exhibited the best feelings towards the Hun-
garians—he has shown the Austrians the excessive
folly of their wicked policy ; and I am convinced that
,0 every quarter of the world we may rely on his
manly and honest support of free constitutional
governments.—(Hear, hear.) Lord Palmerston has
been much maligned in this country, but justice will
ere long be rendered to his wise and enlightened
policy.—(Cheers,) To show how differently the
oble Lord was estimated abroad, I will state to you
that some time since one of the most eminent of the
tureign correspondents of a distinguished journal, who
wrote " to order" from Paris, said to a near relative
of mine soon after the Sicilian business—" You see
how we have been hammering at Palmerston ? Well,
no matter, if the English knew how thoroughly
foreign statesmen admire and acknowledge his skill
and patriotism, they would raise a statue of gold to
kliS honour." Now, Ido not 110 s you to concur in all
;hat; but we do nothing else to-night we shall, by
our proceedings, strengthen Lord Palmerston's posi•
tion in favour of constitutional governments, and
advance the cause of right and truth.—(Cheers.) Sir,
in reading the public journals my attention was
attracted to an article in last Saturday's Spectator, in
which the writer says that in meeting as we do this
evening we are indulging in " prevarication." Ask
the middle classes, says the writer, to join in any real
sacrifice on behalf of Hungary, and we should (he
intimates) shrink from the ordeal. The Spectator
may be a high authority, but I will not take his
word on this point.—(Hear, hear.) I believe we are
in earnest.—(Cheers.) I believe there are men
at this meeting—middle class men—mas I not say
working men ?—(Cheers, and cries of " Ay, with
urine !")—who are anxious to make any reasonable sa-
crifice that would afford a prospect of relief to Hun •
gary.—(Loud cheers.) There are men here ready to
give their money—nay, are there not men ready to
risk their lives in such a cause ?—(Vehement cheer-
ing.) But we are told that we must not fight.
Gentlemen, I believe the cause of the Hungarians is
one in which a good man might resolve to fight and
be content to die.—(Protracted cheering.) But may
we as a nation fight for it, unless it should become
more nearly involved with our interests or our
honour ? War is a terrible calamity which we have
no right to invoke while peace is possible. War
involves mourning and misery to thousands of hearts,
and heavy burdens and hardships on the millions
who labour to supply its funds. In the present
aspect of affairs it may be wrong as regards our
duty, and inexpedient as regards onr interests, to
invite war, or to do any act that may invite it ; but
there are evils harder to bear than war--(Cheers)—
and though rapine, murder, violation, are its attend-
ants, yet its end—slavery--is still less endurable—
(Cheers)—all must be dared rather than submit to that,
and as when it threatens ourselves we should man-

fully rise up to avert it, so I feel that we should
gladly succour our brethren in any part of the world,
figh:ing in the same sacred cause.—(Reiterated
plaudits.) For ourselves, then, we desire to tell the
people of Hungary that they have our entire sym-
pathy and our fervent prayers for their success, and
our assurance that we will endeavour to support them
in every lawful and honourable effort.—(Loud cheers.)
I will now, gentlemen, read the resolution which it
will be my pleasure to propose for your adoption. It
is as followc_.

" That a memorial, signed by the chairman in behalf