The Sun.
London, England, 1849-06-06 00:00:00

would now tell the Noble Lord that the people were
more inclined to have the Right Hon. Baronet in office
than him. With these observations he would conclude,
by seconding the motion, in the assurance that, although
there might be a majority of votes against it in that
House, there was an overwhelming majority in its favour
out of doors, and which he had no doubt would soon be
made to tell within.
Sir GEORGE GREY said, the Hon. Gentleman who
bad just sat down had no reason to be surprised at the
course Government had taken on a late occasion, for he
must be aware that this motion, or one to a similar ef-
fect,,_ and which included the reform to which the Hon.
,Member had alluded, underwent an able and elaborate
discussion in that House for two nights during last ses-
sion, and that the Noble Lord at the head of the Go-
vernment did then fully argue the question, and that the
arguments he addressed to the House, and the opinions
he then expressed, were sanctioned and adhered to by a
large majority of that House on a division taking place.
--(Hear, hear.) If, therefore, the Noble Lord on this
occasion should not address the House, no one could be
mistaken as to his opinions regarding the question
before it, these having been so fully expressed on the
occasion alluded to.—(Hear, hear.) There were, how-
ever, it was true, different circumstances this Sear
connected with the question.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon.
Member for Montrose had alluded to some of these, and
bad stated that while this year there were no petitions
in favour of his motion, last year there were large
numbers, although he (Sir G. Grey) could not help ob-
serving that the greater proportion of those were in
favour of the six points of the Charter, and not of the
11°11. Gentleman's plan. They were, however, sense-
What differently circumstanced, from last year, inasmuch
as they had had twelve months' experience in other
countries of something of the system the lion. Gentle-
Man sought to introduce, and he could readily afford to
join issue with him on the internal state and condition of
this country, as contrasted with the state and condition
of those countries on the Continent, which he seemed so
anxious to adopt as his model.—(Loud cheers.) He
Yeas not going to say a word in disparagement of those
countries who were endeavouring to obtain their ancient
rights, and the establishment of that liberty which may,
Perhaps, have been too long withheld from them ; but
when the Honourable Gentleman tells this House to
look at them, and to imitate them in the system
they were carrying on, then he answered that his
first and most cherished feeling was one of
unfeigned thankfulness that he lived under a constitu•
tion, the strength of which had been tested at differs
times, and under most terrible circumstances, but which
had still stood the test of all assailants, and the value of
which was felt and appreciated by the great body of the
people.—(Loud cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman had said
• that a large military force was kept up in this country for
the maintenance of internal peace, and that they ought
to have no military establishment other than that re-
quired for the protection of their colonies and for ex-
ternal defence. God grant that the time might come
when it might be the case, when they would require no
such force as alluded to, when no military would be
required for the internal government of the country, or
for the prevention of foreign aggression, and that the
period would come when they might turn their spears
into pruning-hooks, and their swords into ploughshares,
and when they should learn the art of war no more—(A
laugh)—but when the Hon. Gentleman said that those
constitutions on the continent led to those revolutions
which had taken place there, he was ready to join issue
with him again, and to ask him whether he would be will-
- in to accept universal suffrage with the accompaniments
of armed force which was to be seen in Paris, together
with the other agencies, which during the last year had
. been at work in France.—(Cheers.) Under the existing
State of things, the Hon. Gentleman must know, that
there was an overwhelming force of troops in France,
and although •
might not be important to allude to
America, yet he found that even there it had been found
_ necessary at New York to call cut a body of armed
troops, for the purpose of clearing the streets of an as-
eernblage of riotous persons, and who had not succeeded
in
doing so until they were obliged to fire upon the
mob, and several persons had been killed.—(Loud
cheers.) Thus, even in America military were re-
required to preserve order.
Mr. HUME.—They were not armed troops.
• NOW
COBDEN,—There is not an armed soldier in
AOW York.
Sir G. GREY.—There was-an armed force called out,
they were ordered to fire upon the people, and several
individuals had died of gun-shot wounds, which was a
Sure proof that they were an armed force of some kind
or other.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) With regard to
What took place last year, there were several stations
where military were placed, in consequence of
%,"',e small number of police in the districts
• everuere the stations were situated; but no attempt had
obeen made to overawe the people by a military
eanr_ee• He should, however, like to know, were the
• Gentleman allowed to bring in his Bill, how he
I,ould act with regard to the framing of the extension
Would
01fausea of it. There was the motion, Lao. 4, on the paper
Nottthiantgitm
day, given notice of by the Hon. Member for
h
(Mr. O'Connor), and which was for the
enactment of two additional points to that proposed by
the Hon. Member. How would be do with these? It
was desirable to have a definite plan before them before
they were called upon to agree to the motion, and there-
fore the necessity for explanation on that point. It was
not at all reasonable to cause them to give up the consti-
tution they were living under, without having some
information as to what sort of one they were to get in
exchange, or having some knowledge of whither such a
Step would lead them.—(Hear, hear.) At most of the
Meetings held on the subject of the Hon. Gentleman's
motion, there was invariably a difference of opinion as
to how far they should go, but in most instances they
Went farther than the Honourable Gentleman. With
regard to Lord Ashley's having given prizes at Exeter
hall to the working classes of the community for the
best written essays, he was glad to find that no Hop.
Member had indulged in any disrespects ul remarks against
that Noble Lord; and if the Hon. Member for Montrose
(Mr. Hume) thought that the right of suff •age was due
to those who excelled in those essays which were indi-
cative of sound reason, of intelligence, and of religion,
he (Sir George Grey) begged to remind him (Mr. Hume)
that women were the best essayists on that occasion, and
that Lord Ashley particularly complimented them.—
(Laughter.) And, therefore, if a necessary inference
were to be drawn, it was that the women should obtain
the right of universal suffrage as well as the male adults.
(Laughter.) He did not mean to say that a finality
system should be established, because those principles, or
some of them, then advocated by the two Hon. Members
(Messrs. F. O'Connor and Hume) might be requisite at
Some future time, He thought that it would be well to
Make those alterations which reason and judgment sug•
gested, but he did not at all consent to give up the pri-
"ilegca and the blessings which the country at present
,en.loyed, as the Hon. Member (Mr. Hume) seemed
141.0
wish to do.—(tlear, hear.) It was difficult to
"from the two Hon. Members what was to be the
limitationMontrose
of the suffrage, for the lion. Member fur
isliontrose says he is for having as a standard the popu-
lation, taxation, and education of the country, and also
that the appointment of representatives be rendered
more equal to the population. In fact, on that point, he
no difference between the two Hon. Members (Mr.
.eleme and Mr. F. O'Connor); but in this point they
'Littered, because the Hon. Member for Montrose was
!aPosed to equal electoral divisions, while the Hon. e
mber for Nottingham acted consistently in supporting
!pal electoral divisions; for if he (Mr. Hume) stopped
short of his (Mr. F. O'Connor's) idea on that subject,
argument
(Sir George Grey) would ask him (Mr. Hume) what
el:guMent he bad or could adduce against equal electoral
glvnit.sions,
His (Sir George Grey's) opinion was that
atnilt'l a system could not be maintained, because it would
srtotally upset the whole system of representation as it at
e .
aeuL existed ; but should say that he would
leave
dethese two Honourable Gentlemen to settle the
degree of equality or inequality.—(Hear.) Arrange-
omeof these two points he feared would involve the
tare in inextricable difficulties, and would there-
forg.:si the present prefer that that subject were
waived.—(Hear.) There were two more parts of the
Honourable Member for Montrose, s motion, to which he
Meant to allude—the vote by ballot, and triennial Par-
liaments. With respect to the vote by ballot, the Hon.
Member (Mr. H. Berkeley) spoke with soreness on the
manner in which his motion on that subject had been
treated, but he (Sir George Grey) should say that after
seven years, since that measure had been introduced in
the House, he did not think it necessary or expedient to
follow him on the late occasion, for at the
former period the motion was defeated by a
very large majority of the House. lie (Mr.
Berkeley) thought that he should give an apology, be-
cause in 1842 he (Sir G. Grey) voted for this measure,
and in 1849 he voted against it, or in other words used
by him (Mr. Berkeley) he had voted white one day,
and on another day voted black. But to that he
should reply, that it was not necessary to retain one's
?pinion always on any ono point, for at the time he voted
to favour of the measure he saw that the influence of
the
great masses of the country was directed in its
•aveue, which was not the case at present, and he should
add that he had stated at that time that he was very re-
luctant in giving his vote for the motion. Since then, it
should be recollected, that a great change had taken
place with respect to intimidations as elections, caused
by the influence of public opinion. He felt it his bounden
duty,e on reflecting on the speeches of many Hon.
gtembers, and particularly the Hon. Member for Oldham
(Mr. Fox) on that subject, to alter his opinion; and that
on the prior occasion, when he voted for it, it was as a
member of the Government, and not as a member of the
House
With respect to Triennial Parliaments, the
would have an opportunity of giving their opinion
the second reading of that Bill; and he therefore
should not enter into any detail on that matter, as he
thought that the greater number of Members present
seemed
to have no anxiety on that subject. The Hon.
Member for Montrose said, iu the end of his speech,
that this House does not represent the interests
and feel-
ings of the country; but to that assertionheshou ld reply
that according to the present constitution of Parlia-
ment, it did represent the interests and feelings of the
for
country fairly and adequately;nethhaatdh seen
andth e
opinions of the people fully expressed i
their interests promoted by thecarr•
sures through the just influence of their honest hoonef gstrefaeetlminegas-.
He considered the people were the sole and only means
by which great popular measures were carried through
motion would tend
Parliament, and that the
. very much to embarrass, andPe(ree:ltteetnaetreoilisiderable danger
did oat
tot ose beneficial measures.—
Mr. F. O'CONNOR said thet he intend to
speak on that motion, but for the allusions
by the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir G.
Gmade to him
Grey).
And
and
when he had treated the House with tragedies
American
farces, such as the French tragedy and the
farce, he seemed to have fargotton that the
eireum-
a eel andtances that led to the French revolution veereth
vver
re-
fusal of those very rights which the people
of
, e now contending for, and were better able to enjoy,
because the people of France were so constituted that
France,re:°lution was to be expected, for if they, the people of
httd the right of suffrage and the other

measures which the Honourable Member for
Montrose advocated, they would not be led
to physical revolution. But as France had
been eluded to by the Right Honourable Gentle-
man (Sir G. Grey), he would ask him was France ever
more tranquil than at present, or was there ever less
probebility that that people would be led by demagogues
for the accomplishment of new principles, than at pre-
sent? He perfectly coincided with the arguments of the
lion. Member for Montrose, because he believed his mo-
tion was a step iu the right direction for the good of the
country, yet he would have wished that he included two
other important principle—namely, no property qualifi-
cation and the payment of Members. Reference had
been made to America, but there, as well as in France,
the members are paid, and when he saw the Right Hon.
and lion. Gentlemen on the Treasury Bunches, who re-
spectively received their stipend, and who so pertinaci-.
ously adhered to their office because they were paid, he
would ask, why should not Members be paid ? He
should next say that the arguments advanced by the
Right Honourable Gentleman (Sir G. Grey), taken
from the speech of the Honourable and Learned Mem
ber for Reading (Mr. Sergeant Talfourd) was rather for
a greater extension of the suffrage than for depreciating
it, as the Honourable and Learned Gentleman did
not stop at household suffrage, but extended to the
tent of the aipsy. He recollected that the Noble Lord
(Lord John Russell) had stated at Bristol that the non-
electors should have a public influence over the electors
in the right of their vote, and in that sentiment he per-
fectly agreed with the Noble Lord. But now that
money is exerting its influence as much as then, he
thougut the Noble Lord should take a retrograde move •
went. The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir George Grey) had
attacked the lion. Member for Montrose as not having
any petitions to support his motion, but he (Mr. F.
O'Connor) had determined that the Ministers should no
longer have that as a handle or an obstacle to so impor-
tant a measure, for he would have petitions from every
district throughout Englund for that motion, and show
them what he himself believed, that the Emancipation
Act, the Reform Bill, anti the free trade measures, were
mere juggles, and that only for the working classes
the Ministry could never carry those measures. Yes,
he would appeal to men—the Chartists, who were
never guilty of ircendiarism—men who never burned
Bristol or Nottingham Castles—men who never took
about in derision the portrait of their King, and men
who were opposed to revolution; and he believed that
they and the rest of the English people would send peti-
tions to that House from their respective localities—not
a monster petition, to be subjected to a Petition Com-
mittee, but those for which they would severally avouch.
He would, therefore, support the motion, as he believed
it to be an instalment of the people's rights.
Colonel THOMPSON said that he was ready to ad-
mit that this proposal bad not been brought forward in
altogether the most happy and fortunate manner. It
did not appear to him that the course of proceeding
adopted was calculated to bring over to their side any
great amount of Ministerial support, and he should be
highly gratified if, upon further consideration, some
sign could be given that those men who were in truth
the representatives of the authors of one of the brightest,
because the most successful, revolution that ever took
place in the history of the world, were prepared to make
some concession to what was manifestly the spirit of the
age, and to take that lead which they should take in
advancing the interests of this country along with those
of Europe in general. Thera was not one-fourth part
of the population of this country who did not believe
that England was seriously interested in the general
success of liberal principles throughout Europe.—(He r.)
It was said it was sorrowful to see that those whom
Heaven and nature had marked out as the leaders of this
great movement, should not be found endeavouring to
secure placing themselves at the head of the adoption of
those liberal principles which were called for throughout
the country, and he earnestly hoped that they would not
be much longer found standing still in the great onward
movement.—(Hear' hear.)
Mr. CAMPBELL said that he availed himself of the
present opportunity to make a few remarks. He thought
it must present itself to any mind of ordinary sagacity,
that this subject was intimately connected with that
which usually presented itself under the form of Char•
tism. Was the object of this reform to precipitate the
adoption of the Charter? The first task incumbent upon
them was to identify this proposition with that of the
Hon. Member for Nottingham, which was not the less
in view, because of late much had not been heard of it.
In fact he might say of its supporters, that dam tacent
clament. There was no shutting their eyes against the
fact, that the government of the majority would be the
government of the British empire; but he was willing
to make an argumentative concession of the ques-
tion. All that he wished the supporters of the
motion to concede was this, that if even this proposi-
tion was calculated to Lenefit the country, at least, it
was a proveition which could not be translated into
law, which could not be adopted by the Legislature with-
out a long period of agitation and discussion. It amounted,
in short, to nothing else than the transfer of power from
one class to another, and such achangesho
to the Houseuldbecautious
and slow. Whatever energy now belonged
of Commons, and whatever wisdom belonged to its lead-
ing Statesmen, should be devoted undividedly to the
state of Ireland, which was demanded imperatively at
their hands. It was only necessary to refer to the vast
amount of literature, which embraced this subject, in
order at once to b 3 convinced of this; the opinion alone
of the late Mr. O'Connell were sufficient to establish
the ground he had taken up. lie would submit to Irish
Members that it behoved them all most seriously to
beware how they became parties to any motion by which
the energy of Parliament might be shaken, or its virtue
jeopardised. The Right Hon. Baronet had proposed
a scheme for the regeneration of Ir6laud replete with
wisdom and prudence, and in that vast question there
was a field for their labours which might far more
profitably be directed to it, than employed in can-
vassing a subji ct, and in endeavouring to accomplish
it, the very tendency of which was to shake the existing
order of things, and to leave questions of great moment
in a state of greater uncertainty than attached to them
at present. In saying that much he was confident of
having the feeling of a large majority of the people of
the country with him, and persuaded, as he was, of its
truth, he was most anxious that a more able debater
than himself should take it up, and lay them before Par-
liament in the proper light. _He had not even heard the
shadow of an anticipation of the nature of the objec-
tions that could bo urged against it. In another con-
jecture than that which at present obtained, he con-
ceived that it might be proper, and even advantageous,
to inquire into the practicability of great constitutional
changes. But whilst they had:great questions to settle—
whilst they had great practical evils to redress—whilst
they had great wants to supply—he would contend, and
that, indeed, was the full extent of his argument, that an
examination of the operation of the Reform Bill was too
wide a question to he prosecuted with any prospect
either of success or utility. The Honourable Member
for Montrose, however, and his political partisans upon
this question, not only challenged this question, but he
came forward the avowed champion of democracy, con-
tending broadly that all men were alike entitled to the pri-
vilege of exercising the Parliamenrary franchise. For his
own part, be thought it would not be difficult to esta-
blish a complete defence of the Reform Bill in its prin-
ciple, details, and results; and an inquiry for that pur-
pose ought, in his opinion, to be a complete answer to
the motion of the Hon. Member for Montrose. The
principle of the Reform Bill was, that the best form of
Government was the representative assembly elected by
the middling classes of the community. That principle
was propounded 2,000 years ago by the greatest master
of political philosophy. It had on many occasions re-
ceived the sanction of men of learning and ability, but
had never, as he believed, been applied to the case of
actual practice, until the Reform Bill was introduced. It
was unreasonable to suppose that the lower classes could
ever be sufficiently informed upon public affairs, to act
with general wisdom as a body in returning Members of
Parliament; and he need only refer to the events of the
memorable 10th of April, for an example of the animus
which must be taken to inspire the lower classes in a
great political movement. But if the Reform Bill had
not occasioned a complete representation of the middle
classes, he would put it to the House whether that signal
defect in it would not have formed a widely-spread topic
of discussion at the general election of 1847, and at the
large public meetings held all over the country, by which
it was preceded. Oa a question of this sort, however
desirable it might be on other occasions, rigid demon-
stration u as not, perhaps, the best mode of attaining
the obj-ct in view, neither was it, perhaps, altogether
attainable. Still he was quite prepared, were he called
ehtoouthidety
upon to do so, to investigate the principles of the two
Charters, with as much scrutinising penetration as could
be wished for by its warmest advocate. The Charter
proposed by the Hon. Member for Montrose was of a
nature that would prove dangerous to the best interests
of society; it was of too extensive a character, and
ought to be listened to with great caution by the House.
He could not but refer the House to the disorders and
disturbances that had recently taken
tEuropeanhose countries
a countries,sou middle
eicolga s
st,hat
the theyrea
thsaadf
safeguard
d
Place in severalnoin
edasmsihddo
The House
againstthere-
fore t
akseuccahr
edis thattu ribt adnicde sn.
ot
propo-
sition of the Hon. Member for Montrose.
meant that the system of government which they now
enjoyed ought, under no circumstances, to be changed for
the Charter of the people, then he should say that he
was for the finality of the Reform Bill, which implied a
Government of the meldle classes—the safest and only
secure mode of government they could have. He trusted
the House would bear with him for trespassing so long
upon its indulgence.—(Hear, hear.) He would not
much longer trespass on its patience, but before he re-
sumed his seat he would implore the House, in the name
of their institutions, in the name of the middle classes,
in the name of order, and of everything which they
valued, not to give its assent to the proposition of the
Honourable Member for Montrose. The House of
Commons would, he trusted, consult its own dignity, and
not be led away from its interests and those of the
country by any such propositions. Since the proposition
mpeachment of the present
was nothing short of an
House of
Commons, since it invited them to subvert their
institutions; and since the character and objects of the
People's Charter were not of a nature to promote the
- institutions, he must oppose
welfare or stability of thase
the proposition of
the lion. Member, and in the name
of freedom, in the name of rational liberty, in the name
of all that was dear to the country, implored
he the
House to oppose it.
Mr. L. KING doubted very much that the Hon.
Gentleman who had just sat down represented
the
opinions of the inhabitants of the borough of• Cam-
bridge, for if he did, they must have become very much
changed indeed.—(Hear, hear.) The motion of the
Hon. Member for Montrose was now regularly, and he
regretted to say, necessarily, an annual one—one which
the satety of the country required, and he believed that
there was no one more calculated to carry out its princi-
ples than the Noble Lord at the head of the Government
(Lord John Russell), by whom the Reform Bill was in-
troduced.—(Hear, herr.) If in the great revolutionary
year which they had recently gone through their country

was not shaken, it was, he believed, because they were
in advance, in the freedom of their institutions, of the
pc: Tie of these countries over which the revolutionary
movement swept. But if they wished to secure their in-
stitutions, and to render them of the value which they
ought to be to the country, they would adopt the
proposition of the Honourable Member for Montrose,
and not suffer themselves to fall into the rear of other
countries, now struggling for increased fr. edom. He
warned them, if they neglected their opportunity, that
they might regret it. He warned the House that ano-
ther Reform Bill was necessary—(Hear, hear)—that
there would be danger in delay, and that it would not be
wise in them not to listen to the voice of the people. He
could state to the House, in proof of the necessity of
reform, that while Reigate, with a population of little
more than 5,000, returned one Member to Parliament,
and while Guildford, with a population of little more
than 6,000 returned two, making; between them three
Members, Croydon, with a population more than double
that of both those places, did not send a Member, and
was not at all represented in that House. Now, with all
respect for the 101. householders of Reigate, and with all
respect for the 101. householders of' Guildford, he thought
that the people of Croydon, forming a much larger po-
pulation, and not less intellectual, were quite as worthy
of being represented, and that a system which did not
admit of their being represented, and which gas so
glaringly defective, required reconstruction. The people
were dissatisfied, and they felt that injustice had
been done to them in being denied the right of free
citizens.—(Heir, hear.)

Mr. NE WDEG ATE said the Hon. Member for
East Surrey (Mr. King) went far enough for the Mem-
her for the West Riding, though much too far for the
Hon. Member for Cambridge (Mr. Campbell) who had
justly complained that the time of the House was lost in
discussing the motion, an opinion in which he (Mr. New-
degate) agreed, for the motion had somewhat the appear-
ance of a useless formality, for the Hon. Member for
Montrose could hardly conceal from himself that, though
he proposed to the House to undertake the re-construc-
tion of the constituency of the country, the Hon. Mem-
ber had already undertaken it in the association which
met at St. James's-square, of which the Hon. Member
for Bolton was president. They had, in fact, a Reform
Bill going on out of the House, As tar as the mere en-
franchisement of the freeholders went, he (Mr. Newde.
gate) had very little to say; but those who worked
that point were the members of the late Anti Corn law
League—namely, the Honourable Member for the
West Riding, the Honourable Member for Manchester,
the Honourable Member for Bolton, and Mr. George
Wilson. By calling the attention of the House
to the difference of tactics in respect of the
two systems, an understanding might be arrived at of
the motives of this body. In the year 1845 these gen-
tlemen objected to the constituency of Warwickshire in
the registration courts; 17,000 objections were made to
his (Mr. N.'s) portion of the constituency in those days;
23,000 objections were made in all These objections
were supported by legal astuteness, and by an unscrupu-
leus use of the means at the command of those who
made them. Their failure in North Warwickshire, he
believed, disheartened them; out of 700 objections made
to one parish, 12 alone were sustained, and the re•
mainder were withdrawn. This induced the adoption of
another system, which originated in Manchester; and
from 90,000/. to 98,0001. passed through one office, that
of Messrs. Sale and Worthington, for the purchase of
freeholds in the west riding of Yorkshire and
Cheshire. Twenty-seven persons were thus intruded on
the representation of the west riding alone, who had
nothing whatever to do with the county. The
result of this system was stated by Mr. George
Wilson, who said that the total of the county con-
stituencies of England was 445,630, of which 143,731
had been attacked—namely, one-third of the whole.
Mr. Wilson said then the labours of the past year were,
he was persuaded, only the beginning of another order
of things. It was, therefore, a serious matter to fled
that these operations, commenced by the Anti-Corn-law
League, were renewedly avowed by the same gentleman.
The Hon. Member for Manchester bad stated that not
only the counties, but the boroughs were to be dealt with
in a similar manner. The system of corrupting the
constituencies now practised was tar worse than the old
rotten-borough system. There was a danger in import-
ing strangers into the constituencies, because the Rouse
might interfere; so the system now was to facilitate the
purchase of freeholds for the purpose of qualifying to
vote. The purchaser, who was in debt to the society
for the instalments of his purchase, passed a bond—a
personal security, not a mortgage, as that would dis-
quelify his vote. Until he paid up these instalments he
was at the mercy of his securities, who might recal the
money lent at any time in case of a contrary vote. It
was true the purchaser might mortgage the freehold to
repay the advances; but that would deprive him of his
vote. Therefore his vote was for them, or it was no
vote at all.—(Hear, hear.) The Honourable Member
for Montrose desired a change in the electoral
divisions. This would include certain classes, and
create a constituency perfectly corruptible. With
respect to the vote by ballot, he (Mr. Newdegate)
did not consider it any protection, while, on the
contrary, he looked upon it as completely open to fraud.
He was in America when the election of President took
place, and for all the check placed on surreptitious voting
by the ballot, he might have polled for that high func-
tionary if he had chosen. He (Mr. Newdegate) did not
think that the country had any confidence in the motion
of the Hon. Member for Montrose, and he certainly
should give it his decided opposition,
Mr. BRIGHT corrected the Hon. Member's mistake,
when he attributed the new mode of enfranchising the
people to Manchester. It was devised in Birmingham
by Mr. James Taylor, and the Anti-Corn law League
had nothing to do with it. It was,'however, in his opinion,
a most fortunate discovery for the country at large, as
by its means numbers of persons would be brought
within the pale of the constitution. Of this he (Mr.
Bright) was quite satisfied, as a result of that discovery,
that the Hon. Member and his colleague would not re-
present the constituency of Warwick in another Parlia•
meat unless there was a great change in their opinions.
The question before the House was one of the greatest
importance. The whole of Europe was abandoning the
old system of despotic government for a new one of re-
sponsibility. The proposition of the Hon. Member for
Montrose was one recognised by the theory of the con-
stitution. It was, that the common people o England
had as sole a right is that House as the other branches
of the constitution. By Act of Parliament, however,
five out of the six of the full grown men of this kingdom
were excluded from all direct exercise of political
power, and, as far as the middle classes were concerned,
other arrangements rendered the representation, to a
large extent, a sham. He (Mr. B.) denif d that the Re-
form Bill was a middle-class Bill; it it was, would the
votes of the Members for Manchester be neutralised by
those of the Members for Stamford, who were returned
by the Marquis of Exeter. When he asked that they
should be admitted, the answer would be that they were
too ignorant to exercise the franchise judiciously, or
that they were so vicious, many of them, as to be likely
to turn their political power to purposes that would be
destructive to the interests of the country. Now he (Mr.
Bright) was not one of those who believed that it re-
quired much school learning to choose a Member of Par-
liament, but if he were, the posi ion certainly acquired
'no confirmation from what they had seen in the repre-
sentatives of the Universities who sat in that House.
The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) was himself
obliged to leave one of those Universities because he de.
tcradned to adopt the course which he deemed to be ne-
cessary, and which every day of his life since he had
found reason to know was absolutely neces-
sary; and the Right Honourable Gentleman who now
represented the University of Cambridge (Mr. Goal-
burn) was supposed to sit in a most precarious posi-
tion—(A laugh)—not because he had neglected his duty
here, but because he had endeavouree to banish from his
mind those prejudices and antiquitated notions which
lingered longest in our scholastic institutions, and had
opened his mind to the consideration of those questions
which the pressing necessities of the country demanded
should be listened to in this House.—(Hear, hear.) The
working classes had made great progress of late years,
and there was abundant proof of it on every hand, in the
circulation of newspapers ably written and most moral
in their tone amongst them, and in the efforts they were
making, especially in the north of England, to educate
their children, and as adults to educate themselves.—
(Cheers.) There could be no doubt whatever but the
artizan of this country in the year 1849 was even a
different being from the artizan of the year 1832—(Hear)
—and even at that time his help was not disdained by
the Noble Lord and Right Hon. Gentlemen, who called
upon him to assemble and petition Parliament for the
passing of the Reform Bill. He was quite satisfied that
every class of the population was growing in intelligence
and in the knowledge of those things which were most
useful to enable a men to perform his social and political
duties aright. But would it be said that the working
classes were so vicious that they ought not to be ad-
mitted? No, there was not a man in that House who
would venture to libel his countrytnen by iterating such
a statement.—(Cheers.) They had no designs against
the monarchy or the constitution ; their only designs
were against the system which placed a ban upon them,
and in spite of their intelligence, their progress in the
arts, their industry, and ingenuity, they still shut them
out from a participation in those rights and privileges
htwoehi ebclehaiiietmh;eedcitiaens of a free country might be expected
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same time least within the operation of any undue
or improper infiuence.—(clear, hear.) The Noble
Lord at the head of the Government said last year
that the present system worked well, and enumerated
the various excellent measures which had bean
passed since the enactment of the Reform Bill. He (Mr.
Bright) did not deny that the Reform Bill was a great
advance. Under these circumstances it was a good and
valuable measure; but such an argument as that was as
good against the Reform Bill of the Noble Lord as it
was against the present motion ; for the boroughmon-
goring Parliament had carried the repeal of the Test and
Corporation Acts, the Catholic Relief Bill ; and, lastly,
the Reform Bill itself—and he did not know whether,
according to the Noble Lord's argument, this was not a
conclusive fact that even the Reform Bill was unneces-
eery. Did not the Noble Lord know that all the pro-
gress which had been made was a progress in accordance
with the democratic element in the constitution, and not
at all a progress in the contrary direction ? Sir Robert
Peel passed the Catholic Emancipation Act; afterwards
the Noble Lord passed the Parliamentary Reform Bill,
the Municipal Ref ormßill, and the Bill for the abolition
of slavery; and then Sir R. Peel passed great changes in
the tariff and the repeal of the corn-laws. But how were
these measures carried? Twice civil war was threatened.
An illustrious, member of the Right Hon. Baronet's Go-
vernment declared, in 1829, that the alternative was Catho-
lic emdueiptivu or civil war. Well, it was not a very wise