The Sun.
London, England, 1849-08-24 00:00:00

PEACE CONGRESS AT PARIS.

WEDNESDAY, AITG. 22. —Th; first meeting of this
society took place to-day, in the Salle St. Cecile, Rue
de la Chauss6a d'Antin. The salle where the meeting
took place is a large building, generally used as a music
hall, and capable of containing a very numerous
auditory. At one end was'. erected a raised
estrada, on which were to take their places
the chairman and principal member= of tne
English and French committees. At the other end was
a gallery of considerable extent, with .seats placed over
each other, in a slanting position, so as to enable those
sitting behind to see just as well as those in front. The
hall was handsomely decorated along the sides with
faisseaux of tri-colored fl 'Rs, tastefully intertwined with
those of Belgium, the Unite .l States, and England, and
along the centre with large gilt chandeliers. The gal-
lery at the extreme end was decorated with draperies of
crimson cloth.
The whole of the large ball was completely filled at a
little after twelve o'clock. A considerable number of the
Society of Friends were to be seen scattered about
amongst the auditory. Some ladies of that persuasion
were also present, and as is usual, the number of females
present was greater than might have been expected.
The proceedings commenced by the secretaries of the
French, English, and American Peace Societies reading
out the names of the members of the committees of the
three bodies. According as any name was pronounced
of any person of mark, loud applause arose amongst the,
persons in the hall below. Thus M. Victor Hugo 's
name, those of Mr. Cobden, M.P., Mr. Ewart, M.P.,
Mr. Hindley, M.P., Mr. Sturge, M. Francisque Basalt,
representative of the people, M. Horace Say, M. Mich el
Chevalier, Mr. Elihu Burritt, &a., were received with
the loudest acclamations.
The reading of the names having been concluded,
M. Victor Hugo, representative of the people, came
forward and took the chair. The Hon. Gentleman was
received with loud applause. On_ his left was M.
Coquerel, representative of the people; A.., Protestant
clergyman, and on the right M. Deguerrv, cure of the
Madeleine. After a moment's pause M. Victor Hugo
arose and delivered the following address:--
" Gentlemen,—Many of you have come from the most
remote quarters of the globe, your hearts full of religious
and holy thought. You number in your ranks public
men, philosophers, ministers of religion, eminent writers,
and many of those public men who are the lights of their
nation. You have wished to date from Paris the decla-
rations of this assembly of convinced and serious minds,
who desire not only the welfare of one people, but also
that of all nations. You have corns to add to the prin-
ciples which at the present time influence statesmen,
governors, and legislators, a superior principle. You
have come to turn over, in some sort, the last and the
most august page of the gospel—that which enjoins peace
on the children of God; and in this city, which was hi-
therto only decreed the fraternity of citizens, you have
come to proclaim the fraternity of men. Gentlemen, we
bid you a hearty welcome. Gentlemen, is this re-
ligious thought of universal peace, of all nations bound
to one another by a social bond, that of the gospel ?
Is this idea capable of realisation? Many political men
reply, no. As for myself, I reply with you, without
hesitation, yes—(Loud applause)--and I shall try to
prove the truth of my statement immediately. But Igo
further. I not only say that it is an object capable of
being realised, but that it is inevitable—all that can be
done is to hasten or retard its consummation. The law
of the world is not, and cannot be, distinct from the law
of God. But the law of God is not war, but peace. Men
begin with struggles, just as creation commenced by
chaos. Whence do they come? Evidently from war.
Whither are they going? To peace. When you affirm
these lofty truths, it is quite plain that your affirmation
meets with negation, that your faith meets with incredu-
lity, that, in this hour of our troubles and of our commo-
tions, the idea of universal peace surprises and alarms
every one as being the apparition of something impos-
sible and ideal. It is quite possible that our views will
be called Utopian; and, as far as concerns myself, a
humble and obscure labourer in the great work of the
nineteenth century, I accept this opposition without be
ing either astonished or discouraged by it. Is it possible
for you to prevent people turning
.aside their heads
and closing their dazzled eyes, when, in the midst of the
thick darkness which still, surrounds us, you suddenly
open the radiant gate of the future? If any one, gen-
tlemen, four centuries ago, during the time when com-
mune waged war against commune, town against town,
and province against province—if any one had said to
Lorraine, to Picardy, to Normandy, to Brittany, to
Auvergne, to Provence, to Dauphiny, to Burgundy, a
day will came when you will no longer make war, when
men will no longer bear arms one against the other,
when it will no longer be said, " The Normans have at-
tacked Picardy," or " Tae men of Lorraine have beaten
the Burgundians," you would still have many cliff, r.
ences to arrange, many interests to discuss, many
disputes to settle; but do you know what you will
put in the place of armed men of infantry nod cavalry,
of cannon and falconets, of lances, pikes, and swords?
You will put in the place of all these a little wooden
box, which you will call the balloting box, and
from that box will proceed •an assembly in which
you will feel that you all live, which
_will_act. as a.
'""' nil- 4.341 .oUalar counci'
which will decide, will judge. will settle all questions,
which will make the sword fall from the hands of a

and justice rise in every heart—which will say to each
man, " Here ends thy right, there begins thy duty ; lay
down your arms, live in peace." And on that day you
will feel that you have common thoughts, common inte-
rests, a common destiny. You will embrace one another,
you will recognise one another as children of the same
blood and of the same race. On that day you will cease
to be hostile tribes—you will be a people, you will no
longer be Burgandy, Provence, Normandy, Britanny—
you will be France. Appeals will no longer be made to
war but to civilizatiou.—(Loud applause,) If, at the
period I allude to, such words had been uttered, all men
of serious character and all great politicians of that day
would have exclaimed—What a dreamer ! what igno-
rance of the human heart ! what folly ! Time, how-
ever, has gone on, and this dream, this folly, has been
realised. Well, you say at the present day, and I join
with you in saying it, all of us here present speak
to France, to England, to Prussia, to Austria,
to Spain, to Italy, to Russia, and say—" A
day will come when arms will fall from your
hands, when war will appear as absurd, and will be
as impossible between Paris and London, between
Vienna and Turin, or between St. Petersburgh and Ber-
lin, as it would now appear absurd between Rouen and
Amiens, or betwi,en Boston and Philadelphia. A day
will come when France, Russia, Italy, England, Ger-
many, all the nations of the continent, without losing
your distinguished characteristics and your glorious
identity, will be merged into a superior unity, and shall
form an European paternity, just as Normandy, Brit-
tany, Burgundy, Lorraine, Alsace have been blended
into France. The day will come when the only battle-
field shall be the market open to commerce and to the
new ideas of the mind. A day will come when bullets
and shells will be replaced by votes, by universal suf-
frage, and by the arbitration of a great sovereign senate,
which shall be to Europe what the Parliament is to Eng-
land, or the Diet to Germany, or the Legislative As-
sembly to France.—(Loud applause.) The time will
come when a cannon will be exhibited as an old instru-
ment of torture, and wonder expressed how such a
thing could have been used. A day, I say, will come
when the United States of America and the United
States of Europe will be seen extending to each other
the hand of fellowship across the ocean, and when
we shall have the happiness of seeing everywhere
arising the majestic radiation of universal concord.
Subject worthy of meditation ! It is our precautions
against war which have brought about revolution—all
has been done, all extended against an imaginary danger.
Misery, the real danger, has thus been aggravated.
Nevertheless. gentlemen, let us not despair; on the con •
trary, let us hope more than ever; let us only regard our
epoch in its proper light. After all it is a prodigious and
admirable epoch, and the nineteenth century will consti•
Lute the most important page of history. Ono kind of
progress brings on another—the fall of national animo-
sities, the obliteration of frontiers from the map and of
prejudices from the heart, a tendency to unity and the
level of education, the predominance of the most literary
languages—all move at the same time, and converge to
the same end, the creation of well-being and goodwill,
extinction of misery at home and of war abroad.—(Ap •
plause.) Yes, the era of revolutions is drawing to a close,
and that of improvements is beginning. The
improve-
ment of nations leaves its violent form, and takes a peace-
able one. The time is come when Providence will sub-
stitute for the disorderly action of agitators the religious
and calm action of peace-makers.—(Loud applause.)
Henceforward this will be the object of true politics—the
recognition of all nationalities, the restoration of the his-
torical unity of the people, the connexion of this country
with civilization by means of peace, the incessant enlarge-
ment of the civilized world, the giving of a good example
to nations that are still barbarians, the substitution of
arbitration for battles, and, to crown the whole, the
utterance by justice of the last word which this ancient
world uttered by force. Gentlemen, I say in conclusion
—and let this thought encourage us—it is not to-day that
the human race is traversing this providential road.
In our old Europe, England has taken the first step,
and has said to the people, " You are free,"France
has taken the second step, and said to the people, " You
are sovereign." Now, let U 3 take the third step; and let
France, England, Belgium, Germany, Italy, Europe,
and America all unite in saying to the people, "you
are brethren."

Immense applause followed this address : the cheers
were repeated over and over again, and at last three
hurrahs were given in the English fashion.
M. Coquerel than rose and read the conditions and
regulations of the meeting, which run thus:—
" 1. The committee shall be composed of the presi-
dent, vice-presidents, and secretaries, of the Congress,
with power to add to their number.
" 2. The secretaries to propose the business for each
day, to receive communications
relative to the business
of the Congress, to keep full minutes of its proceedings
in French and English, and to have the care of all docu-
ments properly belonging to it.
" 3. Every prposition which either one or more mem-
bers of the Congress wish to bring before it, must in
the first instance be submitted in writing to the com-
mittee, who are empowered to decide upon its relevancy,
and to fix the time when it may be brought on.
4. The members of the congress who wish to speak
"

u. The resolutions proposed for the adoption of the
Congress shall be decided by a majority of votes.
" 10. The resolutions adopted shalt be signed by the
president and the secretaries of the Congress.
" 11. The several resolutions adopted shall form the
basis of an address or addresses that may be agreed to
by the Congress; such address or addresses to be
signed, on bshalf of the Congress, by the president, vice-
presidents, and secretaries.
" Note. The members of the Congress are respectfully
and urgently requested to be in their places at the com-
mencement of the proceedings of each session; and in '
case any question on a point of order should arise dur-
ing the proceedings, to keep perfect silence, leaving it to
the president and committee to take the necessary steps
for disposing the same."
The CHAIRMAN—I proceed to put these resolutions to
the vote. Whoever is opposed to them can express his
opinion.—(No, no, we all agree to them). The regula-
tions are egfeeirto.
M. GARNIER then read the following letter from the
Archbishop of Paris:—

"Paris, August 17, 1849.
" To the Members of the Congress of Universal Peace.
" Gentlemen—l have been profoundly tow.hed by the
visits which Messrs. Da la Rochefoucauld Liancourt,
Victor Hugo, Coquerel, and Elihu Burritt were good
enough to pay me, and by the letter you have just written
to me to off•+r me the Presidency of the Congress of
Universal Peace.

"This, gentlemen, is an honour the full value of which
I feel, and for which I should never be able adequately
to express my gratitude.
" I think with you, gentlemen, that war is a remnant
of ancient barbarism; that it is accordant with Chris-
tianity to desire the disappearance of this formidable
scourge from the face of the earth, and to make strenu-
ous efforts to attain this noble and generous end.
"Perhaps, alas! the time has not yet come when it
will be completely possible for the nations to enter upon,
this path. Perhaps war will continue for many years to
be a cruel necessity.
" But it is proper, it is praiseworthy, it is excellent to
labour to make the people understand that they, like in-
dividuals, ought to endeavour, with the least possible de-
lay, to terminate their differences by pacific means, and
that humanity and civilization will have made immense
prog
frresastorincitdheel
nte
day when an end shall have been put to
these

" I beg you, therefore, gentlemen, to inscribe my name
amongst the friends of the Congress of Peace, but it is
to me a source of deep regret that I cannot, on account
of my health, accept the honour, which you have so
generously offered me, of presiding over you.
"If my physician, who urges me to a journey to avoid
a dangerous state of health, would, nevertheless, consent
to let me put it off for some days, and if my neuralgic
pains are not too violent, it will afford me real pleasure to
be present at one of your sessions.
" Receive, gentlemen, together with the expression of
these sentiments, the assurance of my most distinguished
consideration.

"k MAINE DOMINIQUE AUGUSTE,
" Archbishop of Paris."
A number of other letters were also read from per
sons of note, declaring their adhesion to the objects of
the meeting.
A gentleman here rose in the body of the meeting,
and expressed a wish to have the letter of the Arch-
bishop of Paris read in English, as it had been given to
the meeting in the original French.
Mr. COBDEN, M.P., then rose, and was received with
immense cheering. He declared that the request just
made appeared to them a reasonable one, and he would
himself read the letter of the Archbishop of Canter-
bury—(Tremendous laughter, which lasted some time)
—he meant the Archbishop of Paris.—(Renewed
Isu;hter.) The Honourable Gentleman then read the
letter, of which the translation is given above. I have
now (continued the Honourable Gentleman) to propose
to the meeting that the Archbishop of Paris be nominated
an honorary vice-president of the society.—(Cheers.)
This proposition was carried by acclamation.
M. VIS-CHERS, who had been presidek of the Peace
Congress held some months back at Brussels, then rose
and read a report of the proceedings and results of the
sittings then held. As ;the Congress at Brussels took
place so recently, it is not necessary to go back on the
account given by the Hon. Gentleman, but the result of
the contest for certain prizes offered on that occasion by
the permanent Peace Congress is not without interest,
The Academy Royal of Brussels, being asked to decile
on the priz->s, willingly acceded to the request. Two and
twenty papers were sent in previously to June 1,
1849, the rppointed time, and two afterwards, which
could not be admitted. The committee of the Academy
g ave in their report on Aug. 6, and at great length analysed
the various papers. It stated that the members were

unanimous in according the prize of I,ooof. to the paper
which bore the following motto:—" C'est de la maniere
dent on s'g Arend pour faire une chose que derive le succes
de l'enterprise que ton a faire." The sealed note which
accompanied this essay declared it to have been written
by M. Barra, advocate, residing at Mons, in Belgium.
The second place was assigned to an essay bearing the
motto, "Armez vows les uns les autres ;" and the third to
No. 22, with the motto, " n'est que la verde d dis-
tance." The Academy found that the first of these two
had been written by M. Clochereux, law student at the
University of Lie4e, and the second by M. Monange,
attaché to the department of foreign affairs at Brussels.
These results, it had been announced, would be pro-
claimed at the Paris Congress.
When the Honourable Gentleman had concluded,

The CHAIRMAN called ou the three gentlemen named
above, and briefly informed them that their works having
been selected as the best on the subject proposed,
namely, the advantages of peace, he felt the greatest
satisfaction in being the organ of thus publicly presenting
them with the proposed prizes.
Mr. Barra then came forward, and was presented with
the prize. The others were absent.
The CHAIRMAN then announced that M. de la Roche-
foucauld Li.incourt, in the name of the Societe de la
Morale Chretienne, proposed as a prize for next year a
sum of 500 f. for the best essay on the advantages of
peace, and another of 500'. for the best collection of opi-
nions, from all authors, ancient and modern, sacred and
profane, showing that war is alike contrary to humanity
and morality. These prizes are altogether independent
of any which the Peace Society, properly so called, might
think fit to propose.
This announcement was received with loud applause.
The CHAIRMAN then said that, the preliminary busi-
ness having been disposed of, the resolutions would be
brought forward in order. Ile would now read the first

to the meeting:—" The recotirs(;t;arnisbeirigaCl;;;;
condemned by religion, morality, reason, and humanity,
it is the duty of all men, and a means of safety, to seek
out and adopt measures calculated to bring about the
abolition of war; and the friends of universal peace, as-
sembled in congress at Paris on the 22d, 23J, and 24th
of August, have issued 'the following resolutions:-
1. Peace alone being able to guarantee the moral and
physical interests of nations, it is the duty of all Go-
vernments to submit to arbitration the differences arising
amongst them, and to respect the decisions of the arbi-
trators whom they may have chosen."

_ -
M. BONNETIER read a paper in support of the re-
solution.

The SECRETARY then read a paper pointing out the
objects of international arbitration. War, it said, was
attended with a fearful magnitude. Appeals, it said,
had been made to the sword by all nations, from the
earliest ages; the habit had originated in barbarism, and
had been continued through every stage of civilization.
The vast aggregate of the mischiefs produced by all the
earthquakes and other calamities was insignificant com-
pared with that produced by war, and the grand object
to be desired was, to find a means which might be re-
sorted to whenever differences should arise between
nations of a nature to endanger their friendly intercourse.
The principal proposed, of arbitration, is recognised in
modern jurisprudence, and recommended i❑ the Scrip-
tures. Nations have not bee❑ found wanting to adopt
this principle. War is of modes the worst there can
be used in the settlement of disputes. How can a
question of right be decided by the employment of
brute force. The only question that war can solve is,
which is the strongest. With regard to difficulties
which might arise to the selection of arbitrators no•
thing could be more easily got over, for the red interest
of such a course would point out those most proper to be
selected.

The Rev. JORN BURNETT next rose, and was received
with loud applause. lie commenced by expressing the
satisfaction he felt at seeing so large an assembly before
him; it was a practical refutation of the assertion that
France and England were natural enemies.—(Loud
applause.) He maintained that they ought rather to be
considered natural friends.—(Cheers.) Why should they
be otherwise? Why should any one have his next-door
neighbour his enemy? No one would do so unless be
was a fool.—(Laughter.) For his part, he rejoiced to
see his smoothfaced friends and his bearded friends
mixing amicably together.—(Laughter.) The more they
so mixed together the better decidedly would be their
views. But it was asked, what were the advocates of
peace to do? Were they to take away arms from others
and keep them for themselves? No; they were against
the use of arms in any case. He and his
fifrsitesnads
lmwuecrhp
altogether against war in any shape—with
as with firearms, swords, or other murderous weapons.
What, then, did the society propose to do? It proposed
to have all disputes settled by arbitration. They did
not, in making this proposition, intend asking the belli-
gerent parties to submit their disputes to persons of tin

unfriendly character—to persons naturally opposed to
them. No; but to well-instructed arbitrators—to persons
whose knowledge of the subjects under dispute would
only be surpassed by their desire to settle matters ami-
cably-(Bear, hear.) But look at wars in general; did
they alwaya terminate according to the justice of the
cause involved? Did not the skill of the captains, and the
strength of the troops, and even the force, and speed of
the force, do morn in deciding warlike affairs than the
justice of the cause for which the contest was entered
on ? How often did not it come to pass that the con-
querors were in the wrong ? How' often bad not
England been beaten when she was in the right, and
have the best of it when she was certainly wrong? It
was, consequently, logical to suppose that arbitration
would be a fairer mode of deciding differences than any
recourse to arms. But let it not be supposed that
arbitration was a novel mode of deciding matters in
dispute. All nations hail made use of it in their tinae,
and, even the most barbarous thought of war only when
amicable means had failed. What were the decisions of
the courts of law but methods of arbitration ? He
maintained that by such a plan as arbitration men's in-
terests, their treasures, and their blood could most surely
be saved: There were certainly in this matter of sub-
jecting differences to arbitration some delicate questions.
Many persons were of opinion that peace ought to be
followed in every possible case, yet they did not like to
place themselves forward as the opponents of war in
every imaginable case. For his part, he went the full
length of the doctrines of the Peace Society. lie con-
sidered that no one ought to fight, even if sure of con-
quest; ought not to support war, however just might be
their cause.' Many persons did not go that length, but
conceived that by allowing public opinion to work, in the
end ideas of peace would gain ground, and they would
be spared the necessity of setting themselves forward as
the ultra-supporters of peace in every case. lie believed
that if men of information in Belgium, France, the United
States, and England joined together firmly, to carry put
the principles of the Peace Society, the result would not
long be doubtful. The Rev. Gentleman dwelt on
this point for some time, and went on to say that Eng-
land had shown the greatest readiness to participate in
this great work, and he entertained the most fervent hopes
that other nations would join with equal readiness in the
pleasing task. He rejoiced to see the numerous assem-
blage of Frenchmen now present, and he much re-
gretted his inability to address, them in their native lan-
guage. The ornaments of the salle also gave him great
pleasure, for he there saw the flags of England together,
not arrayed in hostile array against each other, but en-
twined together in token of peace, and as ornaments to
a room in which the inhabitants of the respective coun-
tries were assembled to devise and propagate the means
of promoting universal peace amongst them. The time
would come when nations would only be regarded as
great in proportion to their advancement in the arts of
peace and in civilization.—(Loud applause.)
The sitting was then suspended for about ten minutes,
.to eliow the air in the hall .4o be,:chaugPd. M. DE GuEitini• next addressed the meeting. ire
alluded at some length to the miseries which hod fol-
lowed the appeals to war among nations for the settle-
ment of their differences, and then proceeded to point out
the advantages which would result from the adoption of
the principles put forth by the present Congress. War
was, he said, now being carried out, but it was no longer
for the purposes of conquest; it was for the restoration
of nationality. No Government could now have an
idea of encroaching on the rights and liberties of the
people. But here a question, he said, arose. Out of the
five great powers of Europe, there were three who pro•
fessed the doctrine that the people belonged to the Go-
vernments—a doctrine contrary to that which was now
professed by France. There were thus, ho said, two
principles placed in presence, and it was necessary that
one must overpower the other. The Honouroble Gen-
tleman then made the following proposition—" That the
Congress of Peace would lay down as a principle the na-
tionality of people, and proposed that Governments
should maintain it by force, :for it is impossible to re-
main in a state of vain neutrality and sterile counsels."
M. FnEux observed that he was apprehensive that
the proceedings of the society were not sufficiently prac-
tical. On that account he had proposed a series of reso-
lutions to amend that defect. The Hon. Gentleman then
read the resolutions, declaring that a Universal Peace
Congress should be formed, to meet every year, the
central committee for the ensuing year being appointed
at the end of the sittings; that every country should be
included in the Congress, and that the members should
bind themselves to forward the objects of the Peace So-
ciety ash
emuchee
d be
decided
a sthey possibly
on,a
could;
san
tee
n t m
universaleene
language
of forwarding the principles of peace; and that a sub-
scription of five cents. per week should be paid to defray
expenses.

The CHAIRMAN said that the propositions should be
taken into consideration by the committee, who would
decide if they were of a nature to be discussed. Notice
should be given to the Honourable Gentlemen of the de-
eiLion come to.

The Hey. Mr. ArAHAN, of the state of Ohio, next ad-
dressed the meeting, dwelling on the necessity of choos
ins as artitrators men actuated by ideas of justice and
benevolence. He should therefore propose that all
pints in di,pute sbuuld bo recurred to ono treat peace
committee or congress, chosen by universal suffrage,
which should, independently of the executive power,
decide all questions in a manner most in accordance with
justice and benevolence.

M. JEAN JOURNET, in a wild strain, addrcgsed the
meeting in favour of a vast system of arbitration, of
which God should be the bead, and democratic princi-
ples the foundation.—(This speaker was frequently re-
called to the question by the chairman.)
M. VINCENT wished to call the attention of the
Congress to the necessity of avoiding at present all dis-
cussion on matters of detail: such matters could be
better entered on in a smaller meeting. lie de-
sired, however, to answer the doubt which had
been expressed of arbitration not being a practical
matter, Ho would ask if it was not arbitra-

tion which eventually decided all questions in dispute ?
Battles might bo fought and enemies conquered, but in
the end the articles of peace were of necessity settled by
diplomatic means. What he desired to see was arbitra-
tion before hostilities, in place of after. The Hon.
Gentlema❑ then went on to declare that there was no
question which was gaining ground so rapidly in the
public mind as that of the necessity and advantages of
peace. How could it be otherwise when such me❑ as
Richard Cub(len—(Cheers)—and so many eminent
members of the Legislative Assembly were engaged in
advocating such principles? He then spoke strongly
against the evils of war, and concluded by recommend-
ing the Congress to avoid all subjects of detail, and to
refuse to discuss any resolutions which could in any way
offend the public feeling of the people of Paris.
[Cries here arose fur Mr. Cobden, which being per-
sisted in] _ _

The CHAIRMAN declared that after the next speaker
the meeting would come to a vote on the first resolu-
tion. Tho ni‘xt day Mr. Cobden, M. Emile do Girardin,
M. Bastiat, and others, would speak.
M. GUYARD then read a speech in favour of the re-
solution.

The CHAIRMAN—Mr. Cobden wishes to make a simple
observation.—(Great marks of curiosity.)
Mr. COBDEN, M.P., then came forward, and was re-
ceived with immense cheering. He said, in French,
that he wished to make a single remark on the objection
of Mr. Mahan, the American gentleman, who had ad-
dressed the assembly. He should, however, reply in
English, as he was most anxious that th© Americans
present should hear what he had to say. The lion,
Gentleman then wont on to say, in English, that the
objection made by Mr. Mahan to arbitration was on ac-
count of the difficulty of the details, but that he was of
opinion that a great arbitration society, as it were,
should be formed beforehand, to decide whatever ques-
tionsof dispute night arise—the lion. Gentleman did

not object Co arbitration itself, he fully admitted that it
was preferable to war. No objection to arbitration in the
abstract was therefore made by the ion. Gentleman.
Now he (Mr. Cobden) was of opinion that it would be
better not to have an arbitration congress or society
formed beforehand. It would be better, he thought, that
the occasion should be waited for, so that if a dispute
arose on a point of military etiquette it might be a ge-
neral or admiral selected, and if a commercial matter a
merchant. For his part, he saw no difficulty whatever
in arbitration, and he was anxious to give this short re-
ply to his American friend, that when the report of the
proceedings were published it might not be thought that
any want of respect was offered to the objection which
had been brought forward.—(Hear, hear.)
Some disappointment seemed to prevail amongst the
French at the unimpassioned delivery of Ali. Cobden.

The first resolution was then voted unanimously, and
the meeting separated.

THE BANK FORGERIES AT MANCHESTER.—On
Tuesday last we stated that two men named Robinson
and Macaulay had been charged at the Mmtichester
Borough Court with a series of forgeries on the Man-
chester and Liverpool District Bank. Yesterday the
prisoners were again examined; but the only additional
evidence adduced was that of a Mr. Hunt, cashier to the
bank, who spoke confidently to Macaulay as being the '
person who tendered, on the 27th of July, a cheque for
3751. 10s., purporting to be drawn by Messrs. Codinsen
and Simpson, and which Mr. Simpson, when the cheque
was sh non to him, pronounced to be a forgery. Several
papers have also been discovered in the houses of both
Robinson and Macaulay. in Liverpool, which will after•
wards be brought in evidence against them. At present
a further remand has been ordered until next Thursday.
THEFT /ST A PRIZE FIGHTER.--At the Middlesex
Sessions
yesterday David Hayes, a person of
tswoompeoctZs-
brity as a pugilist, was indicted for stealingof cigers, the property of Isaac Solomon. The prose
tutor deposed that he kept a coffee and cigar shop in
Bing garden. Covent garden. About one o'c c on Mon-
day morning last the prisoner and another man entered
his shop, and whilst his back was turned they made off
with two bundles of cigars. Would swear to the pri-
soner. The prisoner said they had got the wrong man.
He was in bed at the time stated, and his mother could
prove it; but having been committed on the previous
evening, he had not had an opportunity to send for her.
The jury found the prisoner guilty, and Mr. Witham
sentenced him to three months hard labour.
CHESTER AND HOLYHEAD RAILWAY.--T raffic for
the week
ending August 19 1849:—Coaching
traffic,
2,324/. 10s. 101; parcels, &c. 561, lls. 4d.; goods,
cattle, &c., 2401. 7s. 3d • stem:boats, 258/. I la. 6(1. .
T 09,1, 2,8694 118. "