The Sun.
London, England, 1836-08-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

An article in the Times of yesterday is redolent of
all the rhetorical flowers with the odour of which that
Journal seems to be well pleased. We do not recol-
lect to have ever before seen, even in the Times, an
article so stamped with blackguardism—a coarse phrase
—but the only one at our command which could at all
express the only opinion which could be formed of the
scurrilous diatribe in question. Having characterized
this article, it is hardly necessary for us to add that
the virus of the writer has been vented upon Mr.
Mr. O'Connell, whose name is enough to drive the
conductors of the apostate print, not only out of the
tract of decency, but out of their wits. Did our ar-
rangements permit it, we would transfer the whole ar-
ticle to our columns, just to enable our readers to esti-
mate the style of writing which gratifies the feelings
and suits the literary taste of the Tory party ; but we
are constrained to make selections. Mr. O'Connell
-L-having alluded to the conduct of Bazon Lyndhurst
—the present god of the Times' idolatry, in a letter
(which was published in yesterday's Chronicle) to the
secretary of the General Association of Ireland, the
Hon. and Learned Gentleman is thus taken to task by
the Noble and Learned Baron's utensil :—" Daniel
announces this do' to the General Grab Associa-
tion' in Dublin, in an epistle which we publish in
another column, and in which, among other things, he
tells the Association that it will be his duty to tiring,
in all its proper bearings, before the public, die
hideous details of the life of that unrespectable person
Lord Lyndhurst.' Now, what a falling off is here !
There was no blackguardism too foul for that blatant
beast to bellow forth against that accomplished and
eminent statesman at White Conduit-house and other
houses of call for assembled rebels of his own kidney.
How then happens it that the false and foul.-mouthed
fellow descends to mere unrespectability ?' We
strongly suspect that the scars of the fearful castiga-
tion Lord Lyndhurst bestowed upon this national
pauper, afflict him more even than the pain and dis-
grace he suffered on the occasion of the actual appli-
cation of the whip at the bar of the House of Lords.
Still Daniel cannot screw his courage to the sticking
place. Supposing, however, we
should be mistaken, it would seem that Daniel will
give a history' of Lord Lvndhurst's private as well
as of his public life. Of all public men we believe
that Lord Lyndhurst has the least reason to shrink
from a history of his private life.' But what an un-
redeemed and unrcdeemhble scoundrel is this O'Con-
nell, to make such a threat, and at such a time too I"
The author of this " blatant beastliness" must be mad;
his friends, if any he have, had better look after him.
A month or two in St. Luke's would certainly be of
use to one so manifestly bereft of reason. For insanity
only could impel any man to write anti publish such a
farrago of rampant falsehood and rabid abuse as we
have extracted. Mr. O'Connell does not even hint
an intention to cross the threshold of private life,
whenever he shall think fit to atraign .Lord Lynd-
hurst's conduct. In the entire letter there is not a
solitary phrase which could he tortured into a reason
for supposing that he has any such intention. Lord
Lyndhurst private life may be spotless or impure—
that is his concern ; and it is not the fashion with re-
formers of public abuses to violate the sanctuary of
domestic life. Such a system of waTfare they leave to
their opponents, woo do not ecroole to practice it, but
in general by the aid of soul:: suborned misercmt whose
obscurity or whose fame is a certain shield against per-
sonal consequences. Occasions may, however, pre-
sent themselves, when either a man's own actions or
the misconduct of parasites, may render it an impera-
tive duty to trench upon the general rule by which so-
ciety guards the domestic circle from intrusion. Lord
Lyndhurst and his utensil might do worse than take the
hint. But at present the Noble Lord's public conduct
affords ample room and verge enough for criticism ; and
to thatlegitimate subject of discussion it is evident, from
his letter, that Mr. O'Connell means to confine his pro-
mised expos. But the Times must uncork its fury
and filth, and a rough twist of Mr. O'Conncll's letter
has produced the requisite screw. The LearnekWentle-
man s letter is flagitiously falsified in order to give the
colour of a justification for the ruffianly commentary.
A forgery is committed, and then the fabrication is
made the basis of a ribald invective. In fact there are
two glaring falsehoods called into reinforcement by this
disgusting libeller of the literature of the country. One
of these lies, invented for the occasion, has been pointed
out : the other is a repetition of a lie, which we ex-
posed the day but one after it came from the anvil.
We allude to the assertion now unblushingly repeated
'by the reckless scribbler with whom it originated, that
Sir. O'Connell was below the bar of the House of
lords when Lord Lyndhurst, forgetting the near
affinity in tone, temper, and feelings between himself
and the Roman incendiary, likened the Hon. Member
for Kilkenny to Cataline. Mr. O'Connell, as was
publicly stated at the time, was attending in another
part of London. a public meeting, and pourtraying the
character of the Learned Baron, at the very moment
when the ex-Chancellor was attacking him in the
House of Lords. This fact is well known to the
Times—it is even alluded to by that journal in es y 7 •
-
terday's diatribe ; and yet the falsehood, originally de-
liberate, is again deliberately published.—Morn.Chron.
A very useful letter has been addressed by Mr. W.
Hutt to the Hull Reform Association. It is possible
that our estimate of the utility of this missive may be
very different from that of the writer, or of the persons
written to ; still, we are thoroughly convinced, that
" useful" is the most appropriate epithet that could be
employed with reference to a document so decidedly
adverse to the views of its author, and unquestionably
calculated to frustrate the very objects which he en-
deavours to advocate. Our readers will, of course, at
once perceive that the opinion of Mr. W. Hutt, or the
convictions of the Hull Reform Association, intrinsi-
cally considered, would not be entitled even to a passini,
notice ; but forasmuch as the question of the legisla-
tive proceedings of the past Session of Parliament is
at the present moment prominent in the public mind,
we think it not unsuitable to make this letter from Mr.
Hutt to the Radicals of Hull
subservient to
the
good
cause which we have strenuously and consistently advo-
cated. The leading feature of this letter, and indeed of
every exhibition, from the goose-cackling of Mr. Hume
to the croaking or scribbling of the meanest of the
mobocracy, is an attack against the House ofLords. But
the particular scribbler in question is distinguished
by the scarcely comprehensible peculiarity, that,
while attacking the Conservatives, he cannot keep
his hands off his patrons, the Wh•
Igs• He tells us
that he quotes the words of a Minister, when stating
that the Lords are co-equal and co-ordinate with the
representatives of the nation ; and he immediately fol-
lows up this statement by a deduction that the exist-
ing Ministry is agreeable to the Commons, and there-
fore rejected by the Lords. From this consistent esti-
mate of the sessional proceedings, the Radical writer
goes on to state that he knows no hope for the fu-
ture, excepting Peerage Reform.
_Now, this is ex-
pressly the point which we wish to keep ever present
to the popular mind. The persons who presume to
,
prate about practical statesmen tell us, that owing to
the passing of the Reform Bill, a permanent opposi
tion has arisen between the two Houses of Parliament

and that consequently the peerage must be reformed
in order to effect that co-operation between the two
Houses which they contend is essential to the well-
being of the Constitution. For our own parts,
we, following the opinion of some of the wisest
statesmen, are convinced that the mutual control
exercised by the two branches of the Legisla-
ture, constitutes the secret of that unexampled civil
government by which the British Constitution is dis-
tinguished. And never was this great political truth
more strikingly exemplified than
at the present mo-
ment, when, but for the controlling and guiding influ-
ence of the House of Peers, the powers of the State
would have been perverted to the meanest purposes of
party, and the welfare of the empire sacrificed to fur-
ther the designs of a despicable demagogue. The
person whose letter gave rise to these remarks has
stated to his brother Radicals, that Lord Grey fell
from a wish to conciliate the Lords. Now, whatever
may be the general opinion of Lord Grey's Adminis-
/ration, thus much, we presume, must be conceded—
that that Noble person, so far from endeavouring to
conciliate the House of Peers, distinguished himself
by a threat of enforcing his views by the extreme

exercise of the prerogative of the Crown. Then we
are told that Lord Melbourne advanced one step fur-
ther than the supposed position of Lord Grey. This
assertion, if it mean anything, must indicate that Lord
Melbourne's Administration has advanced one step
further towards the realization of Radical objects.
This of necessity brings us to a consideration of the
composition of the present Government. And, enter-
ing upon this very simple question, we are reminded,
that never was there a more needy combination of po-
litical speculators under the name of Ministers than
the Noble Lordlings and nameless Gentlemen now fill-
ing high offices under the Crown. But still it cannot
be denied that they have as distinct an interest in the
preservation of those conventional considerations for
which they affect so much indifference as the haughtiest
aristocrat can possibly possess. Nay more, we are of
opinion that, with the thorough intensity of meanness
by which a base and compromising spirit is invariably
distinguished, these persons combine the most freez-
ing assumption with the most degrading truckling—
the pretence of the petit-maitre with the crouching
of the slave. And are persons of this class to stand
forward as the opponents of the Peerage of Eng-
land ? Are they to talk to us of further " organic
changes," by which the very frame of_ our politi-
cal Constitution is to be shattered, and the strong
work of centuries to be utterly destroyed ? To this
question the combined voice of England will ever
answer "No !" Nor will any class of our fellow-
subjects join with more sincerity in this response than
those who, misled for a moment by the machinations
of the factions, have joined in an outcry unnational
and disgraceful against the most august assembly in
the empire. Be this, however, as it may, we are con-
vinced that the stern and immoveable determination of
these kingdoms will ever be to reject with scorn all
attempts at disturbing the ancient recollections of a
glorious monarchy, and to spurn the degrading ambi-
tion of a vile and venal democracy. Of this the
Radicals of Hull, and of all other parts of the empire,
may have been convinced by the results of each suc-
cessive election ; and, should a general appeal afford
the people an opportunity of constitutionally expressing
a decided opinion as to the passing events of the poli-
tical world, there can be no doubt that the august
assemblage of the Peers will be- supported, not only
by tlp? wealth, the respectability, but, furthermore, by
the nationality and patriotism of the country.—Times.
A spirited letter from Mr. Wallace, M.P., to the
electors of Greenock, will be found in another column.
This is the time of the year when it is usual for Mem-
bers of Parliament to give to their constituents in the
various districts by which they are returned, an account
of their stewardship during the preceding Session of
Parliament. It is a salutary custom, which deserves
to he honoured in the observance ; and that observance
is rendered a doubly important event by the gradual
compression of the space devoted to the recess between
Session and Session ; and by the fact that now the
voice of Parliament is dumb, it is the only means by
which the nation is able to express its sympathies
with the great political questions by which society at
large is agitated. Others members are hastening on
all sides to the various points of their destination for
this important purpose ; and we may expect a series
of provincial meetings and dinners for the next three
months, which will keep the flame of public opi-
nion alive—and open the channels cf political con-
munication throughout the kingdom, which are tem-
porarily closed within the walls of St. Stephen's.
The re-union between the electors and the elected is
nothing but a repetition of an ordinary, but salutary
custom. Not so the subject matter of the communi-
cations which must occur between them. That subject
matter, thanks to the House of Lords, exhibits an
extraordinary dissimilarity to whatever has heretofore
occurred on these periodical occasions in this great
country. What will be the almost universal character
of the interrogatory of the constituent, and the reply
of the representative ? It will be a political pheno-
menon, both in point of its universality and its mo-
notony. What have you done—will be the question
—for us and for the country during the long protracted
Session ? What punctuality of attendance have you
exhibited? `what good and enlightened measures for
the increase of public welfare have you brought for-
ward or carried into effect ? Let us pause a moment
and reflect on what must be, in almost all cases,
the response of the representative while rendering
an account of his stewardship. The reply will con-
stitute a bitter censure, and if we mistake not, a
still more practical sentence on the House of Lords.
—We have laboured—it will be said—as much as,
or more, than we have ever done during the past
Session,—we have not spared to sacrifice our time,
our health, or the energies of our mind, to the
paramount duties which we owe to our constitu-
ents. In attending our place in Parliament during the
birth, or the maturity of enlarged or enlightened mea-
sures for the benefit of the community, we have been,
like St. Paul, in season and out of season. In effect,
measures as beneficial and as numerous as have cha-
racterised any session, have been perseveringly carried
to completion in the lower House of your representa-
tives, among whom your choice has placed us. But
after stating all this, we are bound to add—that no
good, or very little good, has resulted from so much
labour, and so much sacrifice of health, energy, and
talent. The mighty promise of the harvest has been
blighted. The gigantic birth-pangs of the mountain
have produced none but the most pigmy results.
Measure after measure of the most beneficial descrip-
tion have been carried elaborately and carefully to
maturity in the House of Commons ; but all have
been either strangled in their growth, or Barked in
their full proportions, by the Upper House of ir-
responsible and privileged Legislators. Some few,
indeed, have passed that aristocratical ordeal, but
none have passed it unscathed and unmutilated.
Were we to describe the numerous measures which
their Lordships have rejected, the long catalogue
alone would occupy too wearisome a portion of
time. The enumeration would include almost all the
business that has been done in the House of Commons

during the past Session, and the frustration of its re
sults by the House of Lords. It is a tale of frustratioi

and of abortion which we have to tell our con

stituents, in giving an account of our stewardship.
Neither can we flatter them with hopes of better
things for the future. The prospect of the future is as
hopeless, as the record of the past is mortifying. The
old machine of the Legislative Government of the
country has through the pertinacious opposition of the
. Lords, come to A dead st.e,nd. Such, we apprehend,
must be in all cases the substance of the report of
every honest constituent to the representative body which
has elected him. It will be for the contituency through-
out the country to consider next what is to be done.
If the crisis do not rouse the clear heads and the sound
and unyielding hearts of our countrymen throughout
the country to some prompt and effectual means of re-
medy, we very much mistake their character. What
that remedy is must be obvious to the slightest com-
mon sense. There can be no remedy without reform
of the House of Lords. The collision predicted by
al,allstsaegoamcieous statesmen between a reformed House of
Commons and an unreformed House of Lords is at
Jayed. ...:. .and the settlement cannot longer be de-
rdther the House of Lords must be reformed
or the House of Commons unreformed, and Sarum
and Garton
mnriedsdtleored. There is no going back, and
there is no
course.another more there will h
pf ol
ir
emd of
with, t e
h soon l Throughout the country
0.1,1, y one party watchword. " Re-
form l If that demand be not com-
-re,syDonoswivne more formidable war-cry will be
for
everthe withrecen tHwoaurs-ocsr y
of of
Lords Spanish
l_
liberty—" b heard,e
r t
Morning Advertiser.

We have reason to congratulater3i ourselves and the
foreign diplomacy of the c
occiu theded treatyTbiet,v
between
nr
tt
hh
ee
free circulation of newspapers announced in the follow-
ing paragraph as having been
Copenhagen ie prospect
English and the Danish Post Office.
Excheier's,
of an increased sale at reduced prices at
simultaneously with the Chancellor of the
scale for diminishing the stamp revenue here, must
be
highly gratifying to all the proprietors of the London
press. We are only checked in the pleasing antici-
pation Of a great advantage arising to our own publica-
tion by the apprehension that the Danes are not so tho-
roughly acquainted with the English language as they
should be ; though, by the united efforts of the Post
Offices, Lord Palmerston's political sagacity, and Mr.

Spring Rice's superficial inches, we have no doubt
but that they will soon be amended in that respect.
It is rumoured that Dr. Bowring is to be employed in
getting up a treasury journal in the unknown tongue,
and that he is then to have a roving commission
through the South Sea Islands to negotiate treaties for
its admission among them on the principle of recipro-
city. Of this we cannot be certain. The adoption of
the free trade principle in Denmark is a sufficient con-
solation for one day :
" COPENHAGEN, AUG. 20.—According to a treaty con-
cluded by our Government with the English Post-office,
the English and Danish newspapers (as far as they are
authorised to be sent by post) shall be forwarded by both
Post-offices without payment of postage, charge for delivery,
or any other expense. The price of the English journals
will, therefore, be immediately reduced.—Morning Post.