The Sun.
London, England, 1825-02-21 00:00:00

[BRITISH PRESS.]

It is curious to remark with what a sudden fit
of forgetfulness all the services rendered by the
Marquis Wellesley to the best interests of Ire-
land have passed out of the memory of Mr.
O'Connell and the rest of the Catholic Leaders.
The anxiety which the Noble Marquis had evinced
from the first to direct his administration of Ire-
land by the dictates of impartial justice, restored
to the Catholic mind that confidence which it had
long ceased to feel, and allayed those bitter feel-
ings which had so long embroiled the different
countries, and kept them in a state of turbulence
and insurrection.) t may appear a very easy task to
administer justice ; but a slight practical ac-
quaintance with the state of parties in Ireland
would soon convince every one that, in that ill-
fated kingdom, the discharge of this duty is not
quite so easy as it appears. The conciliatory
system of the Lord Lieutenant cost him no light
labour, while the measures by which he pursued
it exposed him to the cross-fire of the two fac-
tions, Catholic and Protestant, each of which
thought that too much was done for the other
party, and too little for his own. Lord Welles-
ley, however, went fearlessly on ward in the
middle path, indifferent to the hostile ranks,
right and left, between which he had to pass.—
The good effects of his perseverance soon became
manifest ; the Catholics felt that, after a time,
their wrongs had excited real interest—that the
Irish Government was availing itself of the op-
portunity of redressing them, whenever such op-,
portunity presented itself—that the Protestant
monopoly of official appointments were broken
in upon—that a practical attention was from time
to time paid to the just claims of the Catholics,
which showed the real interest taken in their
welfare. The Leaders of the Association looked
upward to Lord Wellesley as their Liberator ;
they ascribed the tranquil and improved state of •
Ireland to the signal success obtained over the ad-
verse spirit of the Orange faction by the unequivo-
cal determination manifested by the Lord Lieut. to
resist its oppressive and overwhelming ascen-
dancy. But no sooner did the Noble Marquis
oppose himself to the mischievous progress of
the Catholic Association, than its leaders turned
short around, and conceiving themselves strong
enough to conduct their own cause, and formid-
able enough to enforce their own claims, they
began publicly to deprecate what before they
had so ardently praised. They claimed an allow-
ance of drawback for whatever they had paid
in the way of tribute to his. Lordship's merits.
They discovered on a sudden that he deserved
nothing even of commendation at their hands, fo:
that all the benefits which Ireland had received
under his Excellency's Government issued from
themselves ; that its tranquillity was of their be-
stowing ; and that the debt of gratitude, which
they had so promptly paid was, in fact, a pay-
ment by mistake, which they were entitled either
to recover back, or to plead as a set-off against

the odium they might in future heap upo►; i►is
AdMinistration.

[NEW TIMES.] •
By private letters from South America, we are
led to believe that Bolivar will soon' have settled
every thing in that country quietly, and without
further bloodshed ; and that the last hope of re-
taining South America in a state of colonial de-
pendence has thus vanished from Spain. From
the family connection of the French and Spanish
Monarchs, it may easily be conceived that
the extinction of the Spanish Empire. of the
Indies is no very agreeable idea at the-
Court of the Tuileries ; and perhaps we
could not reasonably expect the official French
Papers to applaud our policy in recognizing..
South American independence. But we own we
did not expect so much spleen as has been shewn
on the occasion by the Etoile. That Journal has
thought fit to publish a general tirade against
England. We are persecutors, forsooth, in Ire-
land, and tyrants in Hindostan ! Can this be,
language countenanced by the French, Ministry ;
Are they so ignorant of the truth, or so prone to
calumny ? The New Times has often (though most
unjustly) been accused of subserviency to the
views of the Bourbon Government. So long
,as
their interests are identified with those of our
own country, so long, and no longer, shall they
have our support: but we have too much English
feeling not to resent unfounded attacks on the
character and conduct of the British Government,
from whatever quarter they may proceed. The
Etoile has the folly, and we may say the insolence,
to pour forth its dull wit against Mr. Canning, on
account of those bold and manly sentiments which
he has uttered in his speeches at London and
Bristol. The Editor very facetiously - questions
whether Aldermen are capable of thinking, and
describes them as. listening drowsily to the,
sonorous periods of the Orator; but perhaps
if- this French critic had heard Mr. Alderman
Thompson second an Address, his ideas of
civic talent would have been a little enlarged ;
and if he had had the good fortune to be present
at Mr. Canning's speech on Tuesday last, he
would have found that it was not so easy to listen
drowsily to eloquence, which, according to the
energetic expression of an Ancient, " have stings
in the mind of the hearer."

[MORNING POST.]
We presume the overwhelming majority against
Mr. Brougham's motion of Friday last, is to be taken as an
earnest of the division this evening on the second reading of
Mr. Goulburn's Bill. The Catholic Association may thus
estimate the opinion entertained of their proceedings by the
people and Parliament of Great Britain. However sedulously
that Body and its supporters now labour to throw dust in the
eyes of the public, the declared objects for which it assembles,
and still more, the palpable end at which it has always aimed,
have firmly impressed the Legislature with a conviction that
the present coercive measures is indispensable to the safety of
the state. The Catholics have, in truth, no defence to offer
for their recent conduct; and we venture to predict, that
although their leaders are now in London, and have .publicly
offered to give all the information in their power to the Mem-
bers of the Opposition individually, which the House col-
lectively refused, it will be found that nothing favourable to
themselves, or detracting from the necessity for Mr.
burn's Bill, will be furnished. Let us judge from the ex-
amples of the evidence in possession of the Association
which Mr. Brougham brought forward on Friday. The
first " important" fact lie had to astonish the House with
was, that Hanley, the soldier, was a Catholic, and not as the
Honourable and Learned Gentleman had, it seems, himself
originally supposed, a Protestant. Now, we canrot
divine why the Association should not have as deadly a hatred
to one of their own profession whom they considered a traitor
to their cause as to a member of any other persuasion. In the
past history of Ireland there is nothing to suggest a con-
trary opinion, but volumes of instances proving, first, that in
all the rebellions which have agitated that unfortunate country,
and in those of 1798 and 1803 particularly, the vilest instiga-
tors to crime and afterwards the most atrocious informers
against the Rebels, were, almost without an exception, Ca-
tholics—and secondly, that whether reference be made to
Insurrections, or Whiteboy outrages, Papist has as feroci-
ously persecuted Papists, when inimical to his views, as he
would Protestants. What was O'Brien, the approver, whom
Curran has consigned to immortal infamy ?—a Catholic.
What was the Hostler whose evidence convicted Robert
Emmett and his accomplices ?—a Catholic. What were the
Sheas who were burnt in their house about four years ago ?
all Catholics.—No one in short has ever denied the palm for
perfidy and sanguinary revenge to the Papists. Szo much for the
value of Mr. Brougham's crack example. Now, with respect
to the " mare's nest," if we may use a familiar phrase, which '
the same Hon. and Learned Gentleman discovered on the same
occasion (perhaps below the Bar) on the subject of Mr. Ha-
milton Rowan. Did all he stated, illustrative of the lenity,
forgiving disposition, and conciliatory acts of the Govern
went towards that distinguished character for twenty years
past, alter or palliate the proceeding of the Association to
which Mr. Peel directed the attention of Parliament? Why
did the Association address Mr. Hamilton Rowan in the lan-
guage quoted, and single him out for the peculiar honour of
a public invitation to join their body ? Was it for any thing
he has done since his return from exile—since the property
lie forfeited for treason was restored to him by the Govern-
ment he had conspired to subvert—since in friendly oblivion
of the highest crimes against the State, he was again invested
with magisterial functions, and admitted to all the privileges of
the most loyal subject? No such thing. We candidly and
with pleasure avow, that since Mr. Rowan's return from a pro-
scription which saved his life, he has (except in becoming a
meniber of the Association) acted on the score of politics with
uniform prudence. He has, with sound discretion and good taste •
kept aloof from public affairs. For what reason, then, was he
dragged out of honourable privacy by the Association, and held
up for the admiration and imitation of the Catholics ? ExpreSsly
and nearly in termini:, because he was a leader of the IriSh re-
bellion of 1798. The Resolution addressed to him, and adopted
with such hearty ardour, distinctly points out his " services to
his country" as the ground of respect and 'affection, and we
repeat those " services to his country" could only mean, and
were intended only to mean, his conduct as an United Irishman.
We defy the Association to mention any thing to which the ex-
pression could refer in the history of Mr. Rowan's life, since
his return to Ireland ; and we further assert, that to suppose
lie has so entitled himself in this latter interval and under his
circumstance, even to the notice of that Body, is the foulest
libel on his character—is an accusation against him of base in-
gratitude to the Government that pardoned his guilt, restored
his lost possessions, and allowed himself to resume once more
the station in his native land which he had sacrificed by a vo-
luntary violation of its laws. We therefore wish the Associa-
tion every possible joy of Mr. Brougham's discovery, that Mr.
Hamilton Rowan has been better treated by the British Govern-
ment than any other Government ever treated any other indi-
vidual who had been convicted of treason.—Mr. Rowan is not
a Catholic !

[MORNING CHRONICLE.]
The Petition of the Roman Catholics of Ireland,
with a hundred thousand signatures to it, is to be presentc1 c
(to),
the House of Commons this day by Sir Francis Burdqt,takben
we understand, will give notice of a motion for having "
le e conra-
into consideration with as little delay i
they are sure
play. Let them proceed in this decided course, 7. 1
;ter any grievance
to triumph. It is not by sitting down tamely
tulate the Catholics on the vigour and P.psrgispstiibti-iid tiow (iIS.•
that it is ever likely to be removed. The Cacti
b 'English people that
diously told, that it is not by bullying lollies have been insi-
t slight mistake is corn-
they can hope to succeed. But herelte English
people
with
mitted—namely, that of confound.iangr3l.l
the party hostile to the Catholic 1 "
thoughc the Universities and
The En:4lisn people
are not hostile to the Catholics,
___Even those who differ most
Eclesiastical Corporations :
from the Catholics, and wh• n are generally favourable to the
spread of the Catholic It g ellattic:4e.they know, that while the hearts
aoreiook with no satisfaction en the
claims of the Catholics, bec:_nse of in instice and oppression suf-
of men aresmbittered by: se
nproceed boldly and manfully, and victo-
fered, thevill.
Let the Catholics, n
eon thew. The Association have a sure way of
ry is sure to smisaves
that
the
people of England are not against
turneaelde,
pf car to the still small voice of reason.—
satisfying the"'

•
them, by presenting themselves to the inhabitants of this great
Metropolis, certainly no inconsiderable or uninfluential part
of the empire. It is a maxim in war that that which makes in
favour of the one party, cannot make in favour of the other;
and. the belligerents calculate the movements of each other, on
the principle of opposite interests dictating directly oppo-
site courses. Let the Catholics always bear this in mind,—when
they hear the adversary regret that the _Aristocracy should mix
themselves up with demagogues in a popular assembly, remem-
ber this regret proceeds from the enemy. Again, when the
priests are complimented at the expence of thelawyers-:-still re-
member that this proceeds from the enemy. Let them he firm
mid united, incessant in their efforts, and they are sure to suc-
ceed. Their efforts may be very inconvenient to
th the oppoessito
te
Party ; hut for that very reason they ought to task emselv
the utmost. It is not by consulting the ease and comfort of 31 inis-
tem that they can move them. It is, unfortunately, a principle
of our nature, that. so long as the party suffering
.injustice
is
willing to bear it, the conscience of the other party is willing to
Continue it. The Catholics of Ireland have just published an
A ppeal to the people of Ireland, which we regret that our limits
will not allow us to insert to-day. In this Address they put a
very striking case, anti one exactly in point. The Unitarians
bear about the same proportion to the rest of the population
that the Protestant Establishment hears to the Cat
holics of
Iseland. " Englishmen (say they) make for a. moment
but our case your own. Suppose that some strange combina-
tion of circumstances were to give the small sect of Unita-
rians, for instance, a mastery over yen. Suppose this sect,
net forming mere than a sixteenth part of the population of
England, held all the Civil Officers of importance; that they
alone nominated Juries in cases of property and of life and
death ; sat on the Bench, administered justice in equity ; were
alone te advisers of the King ; alone were Mayors and Alder-
men, and Common Councilmen of towns and cities; kept wholly
to themselves the power of making laws ; appointed all Justices
of the Peace ; disposed of every civil office down to the very ex-
cis_eman and tide waiter, &c Suppose all
this, and though we think we see your cheeks redden at the bare
idea; suppose all this, and you are still far short of the case of
Ireland."

[MORNING lIEItALD.J
Were it not for the serious and important in-
terests involved in the result, we should be half inclined to for-
give the Catholic Association, for having produced, both in
their defence and condemnation, the most striking display of
eloquence which modern times have witnessed. Nothing so
brilliant as the speeches of Messrs. Canning, Brougham, Bur-
dett, Macintosh, and Plunkett has been heard within the walls
of Parliament since the best days of Pitt, Fox, Burke and She-
ridan. As specimens of taste, they cannot be better contrasted
than with the Philippics of the Society towards which they were
directed. While the Members of the Association themselves
furnish us with little else than specimens of inflammatory ver-
biage, their advocates and opponents in Parliament have i
given utterance. to sentiments excelled only by the language in •
which they have been clothed. It is to be lamented, perhaps,
that all this splendid imagery should have been bestowed on a
Society which we have always thought it would have been well
for the Catholics had it never seen existence, but which being
in existence, might, we think, have been allowed to work its
own cure, which, we are firmly persuaded, it would soon
have done. 'Whether it will have the effect, as we fear it
will, of postponing concessions to the Catholics, time
will show. But it is never too late to learn wisdom ; and
wisdom acquired from defeat is often more valuable than that
which results from success. We have all along foreseen, and
pretty plainly denounced, the injury which' the tone and pro-
ceedings of the Association were doing to the Catholic cause.
As friends to that cause to a certain extent, we would advise the
leading members of the Association, now that the opinion of
Parliament has been So unequivocally expressed, to anticipate
the object of the Legislature by. immediately abandoning such
of their proceedings as the proposed Act will, when passed,
render illegal. Such a spontaneous submission to the sense
of Parliament and of the country would yo far to redeem
their past indiscretions—indiscretions which, we are free to
acknowledge, admit of much palliation first, as arising
from " hope deferred," and a stone sense of injury and injus-
tice ; and, secondly, from the warmth peculiar to the Irish elm-
Teeter, which in all discussions .upon the subject ought-to have
more allowance than has ever been shewn it. It is quite clear
to us, that the dissolution of the Association cannot injure the
Catholic cause in Parliament. It is quite clear that they have
Much abler friends in the Senate than among themselves. We
repeat our wish that the proposed course had not been taken ;
but having been taken, we are quite sure that the cause of
the Catholics will be best promoted by timely submission.

[THE PUBLIC LEDGER.]
Last night we received Augsburg,li Papers to
the 13th instant. They contain advices from the Austrian
capital, which, at this particular juncture, are rather important.
After giving an indirect contradiction to the report that Prince
Metternich was to proceed to Paris, they state that frequent
meetings have been held at his house of the Ambassadors of
the Great Powers, from which, however,- the Ambassador of
England was excluded. At the termination of one of these
meetings, it is said, that dispatches were sent off' from the
Austrian Chancery to Paris, Berlin, and St. Petersburgh.
It is supposed, reasonably we think, that the conferences had
relation to the policy, adopted by this country towards the New
American States ; and, from the absence of the English Minis-
ter, we should infer that our recognition has not found fa-
vour at the Austrian Court, and is likely to become the.
subject of a conjoint remonstrance from the Powers, whose
representatives attended these meetings. That it would not
Meet the approbation of the Holy Alliance, we were pre-
pared to expect ; but, as to the remonstrance, it never
presented itself, even in our dreams. We never could in
fact suppose, that this confederacy would compriz.; us
within their juriStliction, and say that we were amenable to their
decisions. if they were to attempt to controul this country
upon one point, they would not stop there of course; and
having required that the whole of our foreign policy should be
subject to their revision, they would next insist that we should
submit our domestic concerns to their superintendence. As
it is always the wiser to stop such pretensions at the onset,
we trust, should the Holy Alliance venture to prescribe to
us certain limits in the course of our diplomatic relations,
That they will receive such a reply as will not-tempt them to
make the experiment a second time. We want to live in peace
with them, if they will let us, but that peace must imply perfect
freedom from controul on either side ; and, as we do not say
to them, " you must recognise the New States of America,"
so they are not to employ compulsory language to us.—
If their objection to enter into Treaties with those States
be founded on the freedom of their institutions, as contra-
distinguished from the' monarchical principle, this is an in-
ducement to us, seeing that our own institutions are based
upon liberty. We act in conformity with our interests
and principles in the course we pursue ; and it would be
exacting too much of a free and commercial people, to I
say to them 44 you shall not enter into political relations with I
other nations, notwithstanding the commercial advantages they
hold out to you, because they have followed your example in
setting aside legitimacy." We apprehend that the recognition
of the New American States does not constitute the only offence
which his Majesty's Government has given of late to the Great
Continental Powers. The recent change which has taken place
in the Councilsof his ..11ast Faithful Majesty, has,we suspect, oc-
casioned more ill blood than even the former. In both cases our
course would be perfectly plain ; and we could not mark
with too much contempt the arrogance, which is implied in this.
displeasure. The best way of expressing our contempt would
he to appoint at once Ministers Plenipotentiary to the Cabinets
of Mexico, Buenos Ayres, and Bogota; and, with respect to the
new Portuguese 'Ministry, we should ostentationely uphold them.
If the Holy Alliance were dissatisfied with the former ap-
pointments, they might send out a fleet, if they pleased, to
intercept our Ministers, or they might declare our masts, and
those of South America, M,a state of blockade. If they can do
neither, they render themselves: superlatively ridiculous in pre-
suming to interfere ; for it is not-by State Papers, but by can-
non balls, that such questions are decided. When the Conti-
nental Powers have the dominion of the seasohey may cut us
off, if they they think proper, from all intercourse with the new
world ; but, as things now stand, we would advise them not to
attempt to interrupt us on that grand thoroughfare. If they are
dissatisfied with the ascendancy Which we have acquired in Por-
tugal, they know the way to that country ; let them Put doWn
our infinence if they can. The roads are open to their armies,
and the passes of the Pyrennees are in their posaession.—
Let them avow their intention that they mean to use force,
and we shall know how to act in this emergency. They
way rest assured, however, that force would be repelled by
force, and let them take care that in threatening " to drive us
into the sea," they may. not have the same fate as Wel another
blusterer. Before their armies reached Lisbon, we flatter
ourselves that an Anglo - Portuguese army would enter
Madrid, amidst the deafening ViVaa of its inhabitants.—
What would become of Spanish legitunacy in tli. case
We advise the Holy Alliance, and particularly the french
Government, net to provoke the storm, which this
country could raise on the. Continent, and which she must let
itoose, if she were unjustly attacked. In the mean time, a Paris
alinisterial Paper of Friday tries to tranquilize the public
mind of France with respect to the change of policy which has
taken place in Portugal. In this endeavour. it has acted
most wisely ; and by adhering to it, it inay render an inese
tit-risible service to its Government. However, we do not place
much confidence in such assurances, as we cannot forget how
lavitly they were employed before the French entered Spain
to re-establish arbitrary Government. Whilst they were pre-

•
13111TIIS.
At Maize HA Greenwich, on the 18th inst., the Lady of
John A. Lethbridge, Esq., of a daughter.
On Friday, the 18th inst., the wife of S. SAndars, Esq., of
Boston, of a son.

MARRIED.
On Thursday, the 17th inst., at Vann, William Garbutt,
Esq., solicitor, to Christiana, youngest daughter of Thomas
Pawell, of the same place, Esq.

- IE
Yesterday, Harriett, the D
infant D.
daughter of Sir Frederick
Baker, Bart. of Grafton-street..
On the 17th inst., at Falmouth, Michael Wm. Troy, Esq.
On Thursday morning last, Mrs. Pike, of Edgeware, in her
76:h year.
On the 19th inst., Mr. Robert Wilkinson, Fenchurch-street.
On Wednesday, the 16th inst., Mary, wife a Jr. Thomas
Glover, Green Dragon, Bishopsgt•-street. •
Mwnitas, OCT. 2, 1824. Deaths. at the Presidency.—Latly
Franklin ; Captain Putallo, commanding the Hon. the Goya-
nor's Body Guard; Mrs. Bowser, wiCo of beiutenant-General
Bowser, commanding in Alysore ; thc infant son of Licute-
nant-COlonel Cadell—all of cholera.