The Sun.
London, England, 1836-12-01 00:00:00

PI RIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

In. another column will be found an extract from La
Ch arte de 1830, and from the Journal des Debats,
referring to a statement made in a recent number of the
Morning Chronicle. From the lateness of the hour
at which our Express reached us, it is impossible to
enter into an examination of the statements of these
journals. But we cannot, for a single moment, per-
mit the impression to remain uncorrected, that we were
riot fully justified in every assertion we put forward.
We repeat, then, distinctly and emphatically—the
Trench fleet were sent to the Tagus avowedly to co-
operate with the English. Admiral Hugon, when in
the Tagus, expressed his readiness so to co-operate.
Admiral Hugon—in fulfilment of this declared pur-
pose--dropped one of the ships of his squadron
down the river, from her usual moorings, and an-
chored off Belem, with the intention of co-operating
with the British fleet in affording protection to the

Queen. To-morrow we may possibly return to the
special pleading of the French Ministerial writers.
Meanwhile, may we ask—With iwhat view did M.
l3ois le Comte, at a most unseasonable hour, insist on
presenting his credentials to the Queen at the Palace
of Belem ? What was the communication of the
French Ambassador, that could warrant the unusual
course he adopted ? Did he convey an intimation
that the French fleet was in the Tagus to co-operate
for the Quee:a's protection, if necessary ? Without
for the present going farther, we think we can here
again discern the influence of that spirit of duplicity
which has of late shed its powerful but dangerous in-
fluetice over the councils of France.—Morn. Chronicle.
We concur generally with the avowal of confidence
in his Majesty's Ministers, made by Lord Segrave
and Mr. Tracey, at the Tewkesbury Reform meeting
on Friday last. 'We concur no less with the reasons
they offer for that confidence, than with the recom-
mendations which they urge upon the Liberals of all
parties to unite in supporting them at the present crisis.
If (as Lord Segrave justly urged) the Tories should
succeed in spreading disunion, and exciting discord
among the ranks of the Liberals at the present time,
the most injurious consequences to the cause of Reform
in this country, and to the progress of the cause of Civil
and religious liberty throughout the world, may be
justifiably anticipated. The game " divide and go-
vern" is the game which the united phalanx of the
Tories is playing at the pre:sent time. Its success
is the only chance they Irave of re-entering the closed
gates of their regretted official paradise in Downing-
street. If they unfortunately should succeed in
weakening the army of Reform—by cutting off de-
tachments, awl bringing the whole united weight of
their force-4n the style of Nelson at Trafalgar, or of
Napoleon at Austerlitz—to bear upon the diminished
and debilitated remnant, their victory would be cer-
tain. A union among all the ranks of Reformers is the
only chance which the cause of Reform at the pre-
sent moment has of escaping so fatal a result. This
fact will be perspicuously demonstrable to any man of
reflection who throws a, momentary glance over the
present aspect of parties, or examines with an analyti-
cal eye the position which Ministers occupy in the
House of the responsible Commons and in the House
of the irresponsible Peers—in the House of the ad-
vocates of popular measures, and in the House of
" Patent Retarders" to all popular measures whatever.
In the one House the Ministers are in a permanent,
and, apparently, an impracticable minority—in the
other House they have a floating majority of some
thirty or forty. In this majority all practical men
must be compelled to set down a certain fraction as
waverers and trimmers—floating with the stream as it
rises or falls--and always ready to impart strength
to the strongest party, and vice-versa. If, therefore,
the " knaxish tricks" of Conservative politics be not
in the words of the national anthem—" frustrated and
confounded"—they might succeed in nursing such a di-
vision among the various ranks of the Reform interest
as might convert the fluctuating majority we have de-
scribed into a minority. In that case Lord Melbourne
would resign, as he has stated that he would, if unsup-
ported by a majority in the Lower House. We ale
contemplating, of course, such a disunion as would
produce its fatal effects upon the Ministerial majority,
whether without or with a dissolution of Parliament.
In that case the present Reform Ministry would go
out of power—and we might justifiably expect another
quarter or half century of Tory misrule, jobbery, cor-
ruption, and oppression. Strength begets strength,
and power creates and corroborates power. Once in
the saddle, we are persuaded that the Reformers would
find it no easy task to unseat the Conservatives, and
to prevent them from riding rough-shod over all the
opening hopes and developing resources of the harvest-
field of public liberty. In order to prevent so perilous
a consequence, the Reformers of all grades must shake
off their supineness—quench the petty bickerings of
useless party animositv—and imitate the Conservatives
in their union—their energy—and sagacious organiza-
tion. .Lord Segrave intimated his opinion that, consider-
ing the position of the Administration—obstructed
openly by the Lords—thwarted and betrayed covertly
by a back-stairs influence behind the throne—it rest
on the support of the people only to bear them trium.
phantly through their difficulties. If they do not sup-
port them, their fall is not only possible, but probable.
If they do support them, their fall is neither probable
nor possible ; but we are bound to say that the Mi-
nistry have been more in advance of the people in many
points of public policy than the people have been in
advance of the Ministry. The Reformers have too often
slept, either through too much confidence or too little
energy, perhaps through over-excitement, perhaps
through fatigue—while the labouring oar and the
buffet of wind and tide were left to the men at the
helm. This ought not to be—nor when the danger to
the whole crew becomes conspicuous, as it now does,
do we think it will be. Nothing, however, but the
greatest exertion, reciprocal confidence, and unalter-
able unanimity, will carry the vessel triumphantly into
port.—Morning Advertiser.

An Evening Print, which worthily represents the
dulness and the flippancy of the noble dandy its mas-
ter, asks with an air of gentle naivete, what is the
boundary-line between a Whig proper and a Radical
proper? and answers the question by saying that there
is none ; that it is evanescent—imaginary as regards
instructed Reformers of all names. Now it is evident
that this servile print does not intend to exclude from
its class of instructed Reformers such supporters of its
party as Mr. Daniel O'Connell, Mr. Hume, and Mr.
Warburton : we might mention several others, but shall
content ourselves with these three. What then are the
principles, the avowed principles, of these " instructed"
gentlemen ? Decided hostility, war to the knife to the
Protestant establishment, is the motto of the first; com-
plete abolition of the ecclesiastical system as established
in England is the daily object pursued wit.til unremittino-
labour by the second, in which he is br) d (., eby
the third ; while the two last-meno.,flea
members are
,
further known to proclaim amongtheir friends--what
perhaps, they have not yet v'zry decidedly promulgated
to the world—their hope, to see the hereditary mo-
narchy converted into a democratic republic. These
gentlemen
are at least consistent ; they support every
measure the tendency of which, either directly or in-
directly, affects the stability of our clerical and consti-
tutional inF;citutions. They support the appropriation
clause, because they see in it the germ of that diver-
sion of church property from its sacred uses which
must, gradually tear up the very roots of the church it-
self. They perseveringly demand Peerage
Reform,
because they have the sagacity to see that the institu-
tion of an hereditary nobility once destroyed, the mo-
inarehy, deprived of its main support, becomes at once
the victim or the instrument of democratical caprice,
and must in either cac;e he sacrificed—the time of
its extinction beinz then the only question. From
such persons, Chen, it apperrs, by the Ministerial
print, that the present Ministers are not separated
by any sensible line of demarcation ; in other words,
the sworn servants of an hereditary Sovereign coincide
in every point with men who arc, heart and soul, dig-
posed and determined to found a republic on the ruins
of the monarchy ; the sworn defenders of the Protes-
tant Church are about to form an indissoluble union
With its deadliest enemies, and are themselves prepared
to raise the batteries and point the artillery against the
Sacred fabric. We must say that we are grateful to
our contemporary for disclosing the principles and con-
ditions of this unholy alliance. The people of England
ranitot any longer plead ignorance of the intentions