The Sun.
London, England, 1838-03-13 00:00:00

COAL TRADE MONOPOLY.

The Select Committee of the House of Commons met
again on Friday, and proceeded in the examination of Wit-
nesses, but, in consequence of an. order tsswed tly the Com-
mittee, we are prohibited from NyttA detailed acccunt of its
proceedings. We regret Oil: Ole Committee has judged it t
advisable to prohibit the rahlication (which sett Only be for a
short time), as these interested would otherwise have an op-
portunity to answer the evidence given by the monaroliSts.
But so far has :the Committee gone, that it hal even refused
a copy of the evidence to Mr. Northhottse, the agent for a
hotly of petitioners against the monopoly. If we had been
allowed to have continued the publication great good would
have arisen from it. In fact, it has already called forth much
indignation, and one very large meeting has been held by the
Coffee and Eating-house keepers, who have paned resolutions
condemning in very strong terms the existing monopoly. The
tition of the Coffee-house keepers has been pr'-vented to
the House of Commons, and rrferrcd to the Cod Com-
mittee. Petitions are env.- laving for sifmatures all over
London. This it an important question which interests ell
classes, but more particularly the poor ; and we doubt not that
the Committee, when it hears the evidence that is ready to be
laid hefore it will be convinced that coals can be reduced at
knit S. per ton to the consumer. On reading over the
name,' of the Honourable. Memberi forming the Select Ccm •
mince, the public will find that the greater number of them
are coal proprietors (or near relatives to them), coal factors,
and aldermen, &c., interested in supporting the regulations
entered into between the coal shippers in the North and coal
factors in London, which regulations are the sole cause of the
high price of coals. There are only two or three independent
rilcmbers on the Committee to defend the public interest, and
we may ask whether the Honourable Members for Finsbury,
Westminster, and East Surrey are constant in their at-
tendance ? We must render justice to the Noble Lord the
Mcnaber for Monmouthshire and the Hon. Member for Kilkenny
for their constant attendance and judicious exertions.
The substance of the evidence given on Friday was, we un-
derstand, favourable to the abolition of the monopoly. Mr.
Bentley showed that, if the present mode of unloading by
lighters, and exacting duties, were abolished, a very great in-
crease would take place in the coalsiexported from London. This
evidence was confirmed by a Mr. R. Johnson and a Mr. Jackson.
All these gentlemen, as well as a Mr. Rose, stated that great
loss accrued, which of course falls on the consumers, from the
ships being detained in the River. They have to wait for ballast
as well as to unload, and about twenty-three is the average
number waiting for ballast. A great expense also is caused
by lighters carrying ballast to the vessels. All these expenses
might no doubt be saved. A Mr. Horne, a coal-merchant,
proved that there was plenty of coals in store during the frost,
though some of the dealers sold them as high as 50s. per ton.
Sonic of the monopolists have praised the regulations because
the market has been well supplied since they were established ;
but since 1834 there has not been, till this year, a severe
winter, and now the price of coal has risen more than one
third. This it, no proof of working well with plenty of coals in
store. In Mr. Horne's opinion an open competition would
lower the price of coals at least 3s. per ton, but we believe if
bargemen's monopoly and factor's monopoly were all done away,
that the price would be lowered nearly three times 3s. Everybody
admits that a wonderful saving of expense would be the conse-
quence of enabling the ships to unload quickly, and get their
ballast cheaply. Whatever else, therefore, may be the result,
we have no doubt that at least an improvement in the man-
ner of unloading colliers will ensue; that some attention will
be paid to the conservancy of the Thames in the interest of
the public, and that a moans will be found of supplying the poor
of the metropolis at a much cheaper rato with fuel than at
present, which in winter is as much a necessary of life as bread.

lit AILS.
Arrived. Due Arrived. Due.
0 America......... 1 1 France ..... 0
0 Brazil ...«....... 0 Guern. 14 Jersey 0
0 Rr.cnos Ayres.. 0 . 0 Hamburg I
0 carthagena...... 0 0 Holland ......« 0
1 0 11 Jamaica 0
Flanders 0 0 Leeward Islandq 11

Arrived. Due.
0 Lighnn.... tl
0 Malta 0
0
0 Ostend 0
0 Sweden 0
2 Waterford 0

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TOMORROW.
Morning .. 49 minutes after 3 1 Evening

Just published at 35., and in Folio at 7s. 6d.
Part IV of
SAUNDERi' POLITICAL REFORMERS,
containing Portraits and Memoirs of
GEORGE BYNG, Esq., M.P.
Right Hon. C. P. THOMSON, M.P.
(From Paintings by George Hayter, Esq.)
And THOMAS WYSE, Esq., M.P.
'"„• Parts Ito 111 may be had of all Booksellers ; also thick Folio
Proof Impressions of the Portraits at ss. each.
Now ready, No. 1., at 6d., Part I. at 25., with
PORTRAIT OF PAPINEAU,
THE CIVIL WAR IN THE CANADAS,
With a general and a highly interesting Account of the Pro-
vinces and their Inhabitants ; comprising
1- Historical Sketch of the Progress of Settlement. 2. Re-
ourees and Trade of the Country. 3. Description of the Country
and Climate. 4. Social Condition of the People, Manners,
Habits, Castoms, Amusements, Songs, &c. 5. Religion, Educa-
tion, the Press, &e. 6. Population. 7. Information for Emi-
grants. 8. Memoirs of the Canadian Leaders, &c. with
'VIEWS, MAPS, PLANS, AND PORTRAITS.
London : J. Saunders, Jun. 7, Dyer's Buildings, Holborn Bars.

The publication of Tux SUN NRWSPAPER commenced this day
at 10 minutes past Three o' Clock.

WITH mum
" THE TRUE SUN" IS NOW

INCORPORATED.

LONDON :
TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 13, 1838.

Last night the Fishguard Harbour Bill was read a se-
cond time, by 181 to 20. Thus, by a ♦ast majority, the
House of Commons has undone that which it did last
Session unanimously. Being a Private Bill it passed un-
noticed, and the navigation of the whole country was
liable to be taxed and impeded, because nobody chose to
enquire into the matter. How many hundred of Private
Bills have been smuggled through the House in the same
way ! How many millions of money have been wrong-
fully paid by individuals who never knew till they were
passed, that private and local measures affecting their in-
terests were—not under the consideration but—under the
the sanction of Parliament. This is a strong illustration
of the necessity for the great attention we have paid to the
Private Business of Parliament, which shall no longer be
" smuggled" through the House.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM'S degraded position—he being, as
we have already stated, on a level with Sir JOHN OWEN'S
butler—is fully evidenced by his vote on this Bill. Ho
not only spoke, but voted in its favour. For an ex-First
Lord of the Admiralty, and an ex-member of the Cabinet,
to bind himself to such a job, and to he solicitous to levy
an enormous tax on the shipping of the country to put
pelf into the pockets of a private Company is very degrad-
ing. It would never have been done by the independent
Member for Cumberland, but must be submitted to by the
dependent Member for Pembroke. Sir JOHN OWEN'S
servant must vote as Sir JOHN bid 4 him.

It is a pity that such an important question as the abo-
lition of the duty on Firo Insurances should be taken up
by Colonel Sturnotte, whose advocacy gives dignity to
no question. Its own great importance could scarcely
confer dign;.ty on such a Member of the House of Commons,
At OA same time we must take the liberty of telling the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, whatever may be the wants
of the State, that they must not he provided for by con-
tinning a tax on prudence, and so encouraging impro-
videnoe. For the privilege of insuring our houses against
fire we must pay to the State twice as much as we must
pay for the insurance. While there is a single branch of
the public expenditure, which might by any possibility ho
reduced 800,0001. a-year, and there are; several, the com-
munity will have a right to complain of this improvident
tea. On a division, only twenty Members voted in fa-
Al Colonel SlbTlioar's motion, while ninety-five voted
against it. The number present shows how little in-
terest the Members take in the good of the public,
retripared to the interest they take in personal
iinestiong. More than 500 were present to decide
Concerning Mr. O'CoNNELL. Though we should wish this
important subject to be taken up by a more competent ad-
vocate than Colonel SIBTHORP, his labours for the public
benefit do him honour. If he would_ stick to such ques-
tions we would zealously applaud him, and can assure him
that ha would thereby obtain a much more pleasing reputa-
tion, than by those petty personal attacks on the Ministers
in which he continually indulges.

It was stated i❑ The Sun on Saturday, that " as the
Liberals are more numerous, and consequently have a better
chance of being ballotted on Committees, they may safely
calculate on having the advantage before all the disputed
cases arc settled. The Standard, in animadverting on this,
bays, " here then it is avowed that a majority is tantamount
to insuring a decision in favour of a Liberal Member"—a
most notable discovery• Why, Rho for the list tiro months
bas avowed anything to the contrary ? What has made
Labe-rale and Toties:rusb to the blouse on the day of Elec-

t ion Ballots, but the hote'of getting a majority which might
dcridu in rilVour of their friends ? We have not, like
Mr. O'CONNELL, blamed only one party—tie helieVe
tlere is a big: on eath tide., and that the WIS and the
majot:!ty together in almost e've'ry instilnee deckle the ebni.
test. To aF.,ert the contrary would only excite laughter.
The )'.slanitard knows the fact, and laments in bitter terms
the loss of eleven seats by the apathy of these Tories who
prefer Clubs and Gambling houses to tlic4 House of Com-
mons. Was the otiele urging them to attend written for
a particular purpose ? The Committee on the Dublin
tlection Pet'tion is to be ballotted fer to-day, and 'A hat a
grand occasicn for a full muster of the Mailstoce party !

The finestion of forming Controverted Election Com-
mit tees again to be al;itatcd on Friday, ondconsiderablo in

terrst has been excited on it by a declaration of S'r Ronr.rur
PEEL, that he has some doubts whether the Members of
the House. of Commons can form a just tribunal to decide
such questions. The Times, we have already remarked,
fully shares Mr. O'CONNELL'S opinions of those Commit-
tees ; and the Post of this morning says, that the Mem-
bers cannot so completely divest themselves of the
withstand the influences, which interests so vast are calcu-
lated to create, as to fit themselves for conducting, to any fair
or satisfactory conclusion, investigations of Cite nature of
those which are committed to Election Committees." All
parties then now agree with Mr. O'CoNNELL, though sr;
fortnight ago the Post was bawling loudly for 1144
to be punished, for stating forcibly, and with effect,
what it now states, with mealy mouth and courteous
phrase. The polite Tories, in fact, meant to punish Mr.
O'CoxNELL for the coarseness, not the falsehood, of his
assertions. In recording our agreement with the opinions
of our Contemporaries,as to theunfitness of Members of the
House of Commons to decide Controverted Elections, we by
no means suppose with the Post that the Members of
the reformed House of Commons are worse qualified than
the Members of the unreformed House of Commons, to
decide such questions. Before we can adopt that view we
must forget of what classes the unreformed House was
composed. Where there is now is the House ten men of
business tolerably well acquainted with the laws, and able
to express their opinione—industricus, hard-working, and
intelligent gentlemen—there was not in the unreformed
House two. The improved character of the Members is
in fact one of the most remarkable effects of the Reform Act,
and that one which makes the large number of Members
now injurious. When that assembly consisted of some half a
dozen orators on each side,followcdby aherd of booby squires,
elected by their tenants, scions of Noble Houses, sent to
Parliament by their papas, rich nabobs who bought their
seats, slave-owners who were sent into the House by a
stock-purse to defend the sinister interests of the tribe,
with 'sere and there a man who, elected by independent
constituencies,; had to attend to public businesss, it was
much easier managed than at present. The multitude of
Wrongheads who continually cried Aye when, as far as
reason, justice, and the public were concerned,
they ought to have cried No, was much greater

formerly than now. Several individuals at present who are
men of talent, and as capable of judging for them-
selves as the leaders are, take their own course, and
disorder the tactics of parties, which formerly kept the Ina
and the Outs ranged into two compact and servile bodies.
But though we have a much more favourable opinion of
the reformed than of the unreformed House, we agree with
our Contemporaries, that the Members cannot form a fair
tribunal to decide Controverted Elections.

Several schemes have been propounded to improve their
jurisdiction, the latest of which is contained in a pamphlet
by SCRUTATOR, entitled " Strictures, Esc." The gentle-
man proposes that the SPEAKER shall appoint five barristers
of the English bar, two of the Scotch bar, and two of the
Irish bar, to be called the law officers of the House of

Commons ; and to a Select Committee, consisting of three
of these gentlemen, every Election petition is to be referred.
An appeal is to lie from this Select Committee on questions
of law to the whole body of law officers. It is to report to
the House like an Election Committee at present, and its
report is to he final, unless an actual majority of
the whole House of Commons, 329 Members, decides
to the contrary. The author succeeds, we think, in
demonstrating that the Report of Mr. C. BULLER'S Com-
mittee is inconclusive, and his proposed Bill -ineffective ;
but we can not admit that his cumbrous scheme is at all
called for. Like almost all other schemes of the kind, it
proceeds on the supposition that the jurisdiction of the
House of Commons- over its own Members is by no means
to be removed. Hence the final appeal to it, and hence
the appointment by the SPEAKER of those who are to try
the question. Now this appears to us a fundamental
error derived from the former position of the House of
Commons, which ought no longer to be acted on.
As the House of Commons grew into power the Judges

of the land, by their decisions, were, in fact, Legislators.
All the common law is made by them. Of course, the
Commons could not submit their privileges to be decided by
the inferior tribunal of the Judges, who were guided by
their own discretion and the discretion of their predecessors.
Neither could the House of Commons submit their privi-
leges to the decision of the antagonist power of the
Peers. Then it was right for the House of Com-
mons to decide all questions concerning Elections by
and of themselves. But now, when Elections are all
regulated by statutes settled by the Three Estates,
the House of Commons has no more right to decide ques-
tions concerning them than concerning violations of pro-
perty, or infractions of the penal laws. It is not a body for
adrdnistering but for making laws, and ought to leave all
questions of violating the law to be decided by the ordinary
Judges of the land. Questions o f fact as to the Elections
ought rather to be decided by a new appeal to the consti-
tuents if necessary, than by the House or by a Committee,
but all questions of law should be left to the ordinary
Courts of justice. A charge of bribery, and corrup-
tion, or of intimidation, might bo tried there, and, if
proved, might carry with it as a punishment the
loss of a seat, and fine and imprisonment in addi-
tion. All special tribunals we hold to he injurious, and,
till questions of law, arising out of contested Elections, be
referred to the ordinary tribunals of the country, and
questions of doubtful fact be referred back to the consti-
tuents, we shall look for no permanent settlement of this
now vexatious question.

The motion which Colonel EVANS brings on this evening
in the House of Commons will, no doubt, elicit some new
facts relative to the treatment of. the British Legion in
Spain. Many points remain to bo cleared up, and Mem-
bers on both sides of the House will be anxious to hear
what can be said for the Spanish Government. There is
but one opinion on the subject at present, and that opinion
has been well expressed in the words of General O'Com-
NELL—" the conduct cf the Spanish authorities towards
the Legion has been infamous." The bad treatment which
the men received has been repeatedly brought before the
public, and though a palliation has been offered for some of
the charges, not one of them has been refuted. Col. EVANS
will work a miracle if he can do away with the bad impres-
sion which prevails as to the co-operation of the Spanish
Generals—the want of food and clothing, and pay, and the
ungrateful conduct of Spain to the men who went out
under the protection of the British Government, fought
bravely in the cause of the QUEEN, and when reduced to a
skeleton, can hardly find means to preserve them from
starvation. According to a letter in a Morning Contemporary
yesterday, the condition of these unfortunate men is worse
than ever. From the small pay which they were to receive,
reductions are to he made for accoutrements and clothing
which they probably never had. The widows and orphans of
the men murdered at Andoain are still destitute. Several
officers have lived on bread and water for the last three
months, and sone of them arc confined to their rooms for
want of shoes. If these are facts, and the Spanish Govern-
ment still refuse redress, the House of Commons will not
listen to their appeal in vain.

We yesterday alluded to a well-timed and highly in-
teresting work from the pen of the Marquis of SLIGO,
which has lately appeared under the title of " Jamaica
under the Apprenticeship System." We now resume the
remarks, which want of space obliged us to cut short
yesterday.

henever the atrocities committed by the West India
planters have been exposed, and held up to the indignant
reprobation of the British public, the constant cry of those
persons, and of their abettors on this side of the Atlantic,
has been, that the circumstances were misrepresented—
that the public were made the dupes of ignorant or de-
sign'ng demjgogues—that the conduct of the slave-owners

was viewed through the distorting medium of preju-
dice or fanaticism—that even those who described what
they sAw with theif• own eii'es, Were by reason Of
Vgnci•an`ce bf fire h'ekl6 infc,4ibVi of
jil'lging correctly concerning the facts to which they
were witnesses. All these, and many other objections
equally groundless, have been raised against the evidence
Of Rll r.lid vehtthed to laid' a Vvoi'd naffing to bring into
question the humane disposition and upright condua of
\Vest India attorne'si ovbrseeri, And hook-kafiers: it
is, thci•eibte, a fnatici• et high importance to the right
understanding of the points at issue between these gentle-
men and the people cf England; that there should be Lowe
recorder of their acts, and interpreter of their feelings,
against whom no exception can possibly be taken by either
patty. If any man can justly lay claim to this character,
it is the late Governor of Jamaica. cannot be charged
with ignorance of the negro character, and he has had ample
means of studying the white character also. He has not
been a superficial observer merely of the working of the
apprenticeship system—he has been in the very thick of

it, and has marked all its hearings with a calmness, a s iga-
city, and correctness that render him a safe and trusty
guide. He is, moreover, ono of the largest proprietors in
the island of Jamaica, and can consequently have no interest
separate from that of the class to which he belongs. What
then is the conclusion at which we arrive from a careful
perusal of Lord SLIGO'S work? It is, we lenient to say, this
—that the slave-owners and their agents, instead of faith-
fully performing their part of the contract, under which they
received twenty millions of money from the people of
Great Britain—instead of yielding a willing obedi-
ence to the Act of emancipation, and following
out its intentions and spirit by humanely relaxing the
rigours of slavery, and preparing the human chattel for
taking his place in the rank of free men, have resorted
to every expedient that ingenuity stimulated by malig-
nity could devise, in order to defeat the object of the
British Legislature. We grieve to add that they have
been but too successful, and that the negroes are at this
moment in many respects worse off than they were before
the apprenticeship commenced. The hope of being rescued
from ruin by the enormous grant of the public money, and
their fears that the black population would, as it was natural
In them to suppose, break out into acts of violence the instant
the fetters dropped from their limbs, acted at first as a check
—a salutary but, alas! transient restraint, upon the tyrannical
disposition of these cruel men ; but r.o sooner did they sack
the money—no sooner was this fear proved to be un-
founded by the pious, sober, orderly, and in every respect
exemplary, behaviour of the Negroes—than their oppressors
returned to their oppressions, as the sow to her wallowing
in the mire, and that, too, apparently with augmented
relish.

For a connected view of those oppressions which .are so
dove-tailed into one another that we can hardly separate
them, we must refer our readers to the Noble Marquis's
work, where they are detailed with great clearness, and the
proper remedies pointed out. It is but justice to Lord SLIGO
to state, that it is no fault of his that these remedies have
not been applied long ago. He never ceased during the
period of his Government to represent to the Colonial
Secretary the state of things in Jamaica, and to impor-
tune his interference, and that of the Legislature to cast
the powerful shield of their protection over the much-
wronged apprentices ; but it was in vain. Nothiug has
to this moment been done to compel the performance of
the stipulations entered into by the Jamaica people. The
country is now led to expect that something effec-
tual will at last be attempted. The proceedings in the
House of Lords to-night will show how far these
eager expectations are to be realized. For our own part,
we have no faith in the efficacy of any measures which the
British Parliament may adopt except one, and that is the
immediate termination of the apprenticeship.
We shall now give an extract or two. It has again and
again been denied that females are ever flogged in Jamaica.
Hear what Lord SLIGO says on this point :
" H. Sloly, the supervisor of the House of Correction of
Trelawny, was also tried for flogging a woman on the tread-
and, though convicted, was never called up for judg-
ment, in consequence of an intimation, delivered in open
Court by the Chief Justice, that there was no intention on
the part of the Crown to punish the man ; and that the only
object sought, was to ascertain the state of the law.
" Phillips, the driver of St. Andrew's workhouse, was
likewise tried and found guilty of flogging a woman, Jane
Henry, because she would not submit to his desires ; it was
then proved that this species of debauchery and punishment
of females was of frequent occurrence. Yet the supervisor,
who ought to have known the fact—who must have known of
it—was kept in his office, as before, and the Custos even per.
suadcd the parish to pay the expenses of his defence. It
might naturally have been supposed that the man would have
been dismissed at once; and be would have been so, had not
the Custos and magistrate approved of his conduct.
" In the cases of the tremendous cruelties which took place
in the workhouse of the parish of St. John's, which were
discovered by Mr. E. D. Baynes, the special justice, it was
proved, that the prisoners were half starved by the supervisor;
that he remained absent from the workhouse, contrary to
the Magistrates' regulations ; that excessive cruelties took
place in chaining sick people ; but, above all, it was sworn
that a poor apprentice was flogged on an open ulceratedsor,
in order to make his sufferings the greater. The bills, ls,
these cases, were thrown out by the Grand Jury, as has been
before mentioned."
How the heart sickens at the bare mention of such atro-
cities as these. Is it wonderful that the women of Eng-
land are crying out against these abominations ?
The following testimony of Lord SLIGO, in favour of the
missionaries, that much calumniated class of men, will be
read with deep interest :
" They looked upon the dissenting Missionaries also as the
fomenters of rebellion, and promoters of discontent and
disobedience on the part of the negroes ; an opinion often
maintained in England by persons connected with the co-
lony. Lord Sligo, after a very short period, expressed
his conviction of their great value; acknowledged the obliga-
tions which were due to them for their exertions to pro-
mote the spiritual instruction of the blacks ; and stated
that, in his opinion, almost all the religious fccling which
existed among the slaves was derived from their efforts.
That such is the truth cannot be denied ; and it is equally
true that their unpopularity arose from their having con-
fronted all dangers, and nearly encountered martyrdom,
by their noble attempts to protect the slave from severities,
which though then permissible by law, could never be con-
sidered justifiable in the sight of God. They were too loyal
subjects, and tco good Christians, to be guilty of what they
were so generally reproached with ; namely, trying to make
the negroes discontented with their lot, or, as the usual
prase runs there, disturbing the minds of the negroes,'
or exciting them to revolutionary projects. The disturb-
ance of the mind of the negroes consisted in their boldly
opposing every danger to protect them from the abuses of
the law as it then stood ; and, inducing them to bear
patiently the grievances of which they complained, by point-
ing out to them the certainty of approaching relief through
the medium of the British Parliament. These men were
truly objects to be cherished ; and the support they received
from Lord Sligo was one cause of his unpopularity in the
colony, and of the resolute opposition which his measures
encountered."
The Noble Lord concludes his work with the following
reflections, which we would recommend to the serious con-
sideration of the West India proprietors :
In truth, there is no justice in the general local in-
stitutions of Jamaica ; because there is no public opinion
to which an appeal can be made. Slavery has divided so-
ciety into two classes; to one it has given power, but to
the other it has not extended protection. One of these
classes is above public opinion, and the other is below it;
neither are, therefore, under its influence ; and it is much
to be feared, that owing to the want of sympathy between
them, to the want of dependence and mutual confidence, to
the poorer class being able to provide for the necessities of
life, without any application to the higher, there never will
he in Jamaica, or any other slave colony, a community of
feeling on which public opinion can operate beneficially.
'There now exists, indeed, something so termed ; but it
does not deserve the name ; it makes the timid man afraid
to act rightly, and confii ms the designing intriguer in his
schemes. It is to be hoped that this complete separation may
melt away, and that some kind of approximation of the two
classes may arise. The prospects otherwise may be awful—
great indeed is the blindness which does not see this, great
indeed is the fatuity which does not provide against it. What
must be the feelings of the negro towards those who show such
an utter want of confidence in him, that all their public acts
arc of a stringent nature? That they deprive him of the only
trade which he is able with his limited means to engage in—
namely, with the next island, St. Domingo, lest ho should there
learn too much of the common right of all people in a repre-
sentative state—namely, a share in the representation. If that
scheme has not succeeded, it is not to the white inhabitants of
Jamaica that the negroes owe its failure, but to the British
Government. Can the negro endure to have himself cursed,
and called " a damned black rascal" on all occasions ? Can
he like to hate all sense of morality and decency out-
raged in the persons of his wife and daughters ? Let the
inhabitants of Jamaica look to these things in time, and
remedy the evil before it is too late. Let them recollect,
that unless they regain the confidence of those from whom
alone free labour can be obtained, the year 1840 will be
the unprofitable commencement of a series of still more
unprofitable years ; that if the negroes do not labour freely
in 1840, it will be difficult, with their small necessities, to
induce them to do so at any future period. Let them
support, and not on every occasion vilify, their religious
teachers, to whom they already owe more of the good
conduct of the negroes than they are willing to acknow-

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