The Sun.
London, England, 1849-10-31 00:00:00

I One of the most numerous meetings witnessed for
a long period was held last evening in Exeter-hall to
receive a report from the Peace Congress Committee,
and to submit for consideration the future measures
proposed for carrying on the peace movement.
Among the distinguished foreigners present were
General Klapka, the Hungarian commander of the
b?sieged forces lately in Comorn, and General Uiza,
the governor of the citadel, both of whom excited
gfneral attention ; M. Horace Say, Councillor of
State in France, M. Frederic Bastiat, Representative
of the People; M. Joseph Gamier, Secretary of the
Paris Peace Congress ; M. Guillaumin, editor of the
Journal des Economistes ; M. Leon Say, M. Palonie,
M. Hypolyte Dusard, Councillor of State, were also
present, as well as Samuel Gurney, Esq, Richard
Cobden, Esq., M.P. ; Rev. W. Brock, E. hliall, Esq.,
President Mahan, of Oberlin College; Charles Gilpin,
Esq., Rev. Mr. Richards, J. Sturge, Esq , &a. At
half-past six o'clock precisely the chair was taken by
Wm. Ewart, Esq, M.P.
The CHAIRMAN, after returning thanks for the
honour conferred on him in calling him to fill so
distinguished a position, proceeded to express an
ardent hope that before long the practice of war
would be loudly condemned and reprobated by the
voice of universal Christendom. He hoped the time
was approaching when its peace would never again
be interrupted with the sounds of war; and the very
fact of those blessings which resulted from peace will
stamp with infamy, by a verdict of posterity, those
deeds, and the men whose acts had ensanguined the
page of history. Many terrible atrocities bad been
committed during those struggles which took place
on recent occasions, and he trusted those who escaped,
and now resided in England—England which had
been at all times a safe asylum. feir ,tke untokthp.:,
te
(Cheers)—would meet- With ihlie'receplibn Whiet
their merits abd misfortunes so eminently entitled
them to receive.—(Heir,. an chaers.)- :Tterning
next to his own countrymen, and looking at the
Magnificent scene before he came to the
irresistible conclusion :that, peace doctrines
were now making most extensive progress.—(Hear.)
Another meeting would lie held to-morrow night in
the large town of Birmingham;' and on the following
night, in the vast town of MancheSter, the metropolis
of the manufacturing districts, where they were sure
to receive a hearty and 'enthusiastic welcome.-L—
-(Cheers.) Perhaps; on that occasion, he might be'
permitted to advert to the satisfaction which he, in
common with all who had seen it, felt by the
announcement lately made by his Royal Highness
Prince Albert—(Cheers)—with respect to the great
commercial congress proposed to he held in London.
—(Cheers.) They (the Peace Society) were blamed
for holding a Peace Congress in Paris during the
present year; hut, in the course of two years, all
that was beautiful in art and manufacture to be
found in every part of the world, and in every
country, would be assembled in their metropolis.—
(Cheers.) That noble project would undoubtedly do
vast good to the cause of commerce and manufactures;
and not alone to their own country, or their own
people, but to all of every nation and climate,
inasmuch as the exhibition would be thrown open
to the industry, and commerce, and skill of the
. whole world. As a friend of peace, he (the Chairman),
respected and honoured-Prince Albert—(Cheers)---
for the course be had pursued not only did honour to
his intelligence and feeling, but, in his opinion,
would immortalise his name, and cause it to be hailed
with-blessings wherever it was known. Then, as to
the feeling between England and France, find the
danger of a war between those two great nations, he
had no hesitation in saying that England wished for
the peace, and prosperity, and happiness of Prawn.—
(Cheers.) They did not, indeed, in this country wish
to see that great nation decked or clothed in thegarb
of wild revolutionary violence; but they desired that
har greatness and. majesty should' be supported with'
their ancient dignity.—(Cheers.) Could any country;,
contain !witirin itself greater resources than that:.
mighty kingdom—that mighty republic—(A burst of
applause)-4 only fairly allowed to de*elopp here
gigantic strength, which could only beAfar:le.: by the
two principles of liberty and peace.2.lle hoped Eng
land and France would enter into an alliance4lrieh
would not only be enduring, but everlasting, and ttiati.
as related by Collins, in one Of his stories, of which
they must have all a recollection, the Gaul would be
found linked with the Briton, in the holy ties of bro.?
therly love and aNction. But they would hear in
words far better than he could utter those sentiments
from their friends who came from France to honour
them by their presence that evening.— (Cheers.)
Perhaps he had delayed the meeting already too long
—(Cries of "No, no")—but France, England,
America, and Belgium, tile four freest countries in
the world, were for peace ; and he believed those
principles would triumph in the end, seeing they
were in favour of order, of freedom, of peace, and
Christianity. The Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat
amid loud cueers.

The Rev. Mr. RICHARDS next said, that he was
requested by the Peace Congress committee to present
them with an account of what had been d one within
the last twelve months. He would do so, however,
in as brief a manner as he possibly could, by making
a few observations, as he preferred doing so to reading
a lengthy document in the shape of a report, which,
however, would be published in proper time. The
Peace Congress Society was established at a meeting
held in the Hall of Commerce about that time
twelve months. As Mr. Cobden was about to
bring the question of arbitration during the
ensuing session before Parliament, they used every
effort to rouse public attention to the subject;
they issued tracts and sent circulars to the clergy-
men of all religious denominations, and in the end
the sound outside of doors made an impression which
could not be misunderstood in the Commons House of
Parliament. He well recollected that on a previous
occasion, when their excellent friend, Charles Hindley,
brought forward the question in the same place, it
was received with a supreme burst of laughter; and
when Mr. Cobden had the moral courage—(Cheers)
—last year to follow the example of that Hon. Gen-
tleman, it was believed that it would have been met
in the same way. But what was done outside doors
made a great impression on the susceptible minds of
their legislators—(A. laugh)—and on a division 81
Members were found to support the motion.—(Cheers)
The second duty of the Society was to bring about a
Peace Congress in Paris; and for that purpose they
deputed their two secretaries, Elihu Burritt and him-
self, to proceed to the French capital, in order
to obtain the co-operation of some distinguished
men in that city. They saw M. de Lamartine--
(Cheers)—who would have been with them that
evening but for the state of his health. They were
assisted by M. E. de Girardin and other distinguished
gentlemen, some of whom were then present
at that meeting. A committee was composed, and
M. Garnier appointed secretary, to whose activity and
exertions were owing in a great measure the success
of the Congress. Every effort was made in Paris,
Belgium, and London to effect so desirable an object,
and to make it as imposing as possible • and at length,
on the 12th of August, they assembled in the Salle
St. Cecilia, presided over by that well known and
distinguished writer, Victor Hugo.—(Cheers.) When
the names were read over, there were found repre-
sentatives not only from England, Scotland, Ireland,
and Wales, from several departments of France, from
Germany, Belgium, Holland, &c.; and not only from
those countries, bat from the United States of
America.—(Cheers.) It was a noble sight to see
men who heretofore had been taught to regard each
other's country as hostile, now uniting heart and hand
to promote the great cause of peace throughout the
world.—(Cheers) In that Congress a resolution
was passed declaring arbitration to be the proper mode
of settling international disputes by means of a su-
preme court to be composed of all nations. It also recom
mended that all countries should proceed at once to
disarm, and condemned the practice of giving loans
and taxes for the purpose of war.—(Hear, hear.)
That was what had been done by the Congress dur-
ing its most important sitting. He could not close
his account, however, without returning his grateful
acknowledgments to the French Government and
people for their generosity and kindness.—(Loud
cheers.) in consequence of the condition of France,
it was deemed necessary by the authorities that all
persons holding meetings should obtain an authoriza-
tion empowering them to do so, and in their instance
the Minister of the Interior granted the authority in
the handsomest manner; and not only that, but al-
lowed them to enter France without passports, and
without the customary search of their baggage
when they first landed from England.—(Loud
cheers.) The Minister of Public Works paid
them also the greatest attention ; but to
the Minister of Foreign Affairs were they
principally indebted, for he invited 700 or 800 of
the deputies who attended the Congress to partake
of the hospitalities of his mansion. If be (Mr.
Richards) were asked what good they had done by the
Congress of Paris, his answer was; that they linked
together the most intelligent of all nations, so that if
hereafter the peace of Europe should be menaced by
kings or monarchs,tecouncils of princesavoiceshoulda andi
risewhchwould
be heard in h
rulers—and
not only heard, but understood.—(Cheers) They
had also shown the nations of Europe what the feeling
of the public mind in England was, and that certain
l_orgens of the press, which set themselves up as the

self-constituted expositors of that feeling, prostituting
their talents by becaming the servile advocates o.
princes, and by their sercesms endangering the good
understanding between France and England, did not
represent the opinions of the people of this country.
For his own part, he had no hesitation in saying be-
fore that meeting—and he would, if necessary, repeat
it boldly in every corner of this realm—that those
papers did not represent the public mind or feeling o'
this country.—(Loud cheers) But that, on the con-
trary, they had on every occasion most,foully misre
presented and belied it.—(Cheers.) He was rejoiced
at the display of enthusiasm thus exhibited, be
cause the illustrious foreigners then present would
see that the English people sympathised with and felt
for all that was distinguished for liberty and
patriotism.—(Cheers.) Not that they were advocates
of violence or anarchy, for those foreigners present,
he might say, were convinced that the cause of free
dom gained nothing by the sword, but that it was by
the interchange of ideas and the creation of a public
opinion and public feeling that the liberties of a
country were gained and permanently preserved.—
(Cheers.) The Rev. Gentleman then read letters of
apology from M. Beschieres' President of the Peact,
Congress of France ; the AbL4 de Gerout, M. F.
Beauvois, M. Coquerel, a French Protestant clergy-
man ; M. Victor lingo, M. de Lamartine, the Arch-
bishop of Paris, M. Cormenin, M. E. de Girardin,
editor of La Presse, all expressing their deep and
sincere regret that circumstances prevented them
being present at the meeting. The letter of M. de
Lamartine, in particular, was received with great
applause. The secretary also read letters of apology
from Charles Hindley, Esq , M.P., dated Vienna ; Pro-
fessor Carvoy, from Germany, &c.
The Rev. W. BitocK proposed st resolution to the
effect " That-this „meeting desire to express its grad-
taide to-the Great Ruler af.4atie:ss.for the signal suc-
cess that had 'attended the laboitteof :the committee
during the year, especially in connexion 'With the
Peace Congress at Paris, in the month of August
last."
Mr. J. B. SMITH, M P., seconded the resolution.
Mr. SAMUEL GURNEY having addressed the meet-
ing in support of the motion,
Mr. COBDEN presented himself as the next speaker,
and was received with the most tumultuous cheering,
which lasted for -several minutes. He commenced
by reading the resolution which he was about to pro-
pose. It was in effect " that this meeting refers with
the highest satisfaction to those assurances of sym-
pathy in this movement which were conveyed in the
letters just read from Paris and other places, and
it hails' with delight the presence of the gentlemen
who have honoured this assembly on the present
occasion, which they trust will tend powerfully
to advance peace and good-will throughout
the world." He said it was exactly two
years since this island had been frightened
from its propriety by the cry of a threatened invasion
from France. They all remembered how great was
the alarm on that occasion. He had heard a great
deal of talk then of the probability of the French
army marching into London at one end, and the
Horse-guards marching out of it at the other end:—
(Laughter.) They might recollect that the highest
military authority in the country had swelled the cry
of alarm, and that orders had been given to prepare
additional coast defences, and to increase the general
armaments of the country, for the purpose of repelling
the attacks of hostile France. What, however, did
the men of peace do on that occasion ? He could
only say for himself it walothe wicked cry that was
then raised that had brought him into the ranks of the
peace party. The peace party stated thht they believed
the French- had no intention of making ,a wanton
attack upon this country. They 'did more—they
proposed to' go and seek this fierce and warlike
people. They now came to tell them that they
had paid that visit, and that the Wand which
~they had tendered to the French people had been
most cordially grasped by them.----(Cheers). He
now had the pleasure of seeing a deputation there
frotn France; and, in the name of the association, he
.begged to tender them his hearty welcome.—(Cheers.)
the 'exile organs of Che press that had tried 'to. per-
en-ade the English people that the French were ready
to. make war upon this country, now told. them thiat
they only feared that the French people had become
so pacific that they 'would not take an interest in
foreign politics. Did' they „think that they would
ever learn modesty after this exposure ? He would,
howeVer, 'wait until to.niorfolv morning before he
would venture art opinion upon this subject.—
(Laughter.) Now, he always liked to take up his
position upon what their enemies called their weakest
plank. He wanted to show, as a practical man and
politician, that he could not only repel an attack
made upon his flank, but also that he could demolish
these statesmen upon their own ground. The most
important kind of state craft was diplomacy. Now
he would prove that the advocates of the peace prin-
ciples were the best diplomatists. They had lately
peace and war in the balance in the East. Great
apprehensions had been entertained in respect to the
Northern powers. The peace of this country, however,
was preserved in that quarter by the understanding
white existed between France and England.—
(Cheers.) But who was it that had occasioned this
good understanding ? Was it the men who, two
years ago, called out for more steam-docks and more
military armaments ? No, it was the men who went
ver with confidence and amity to France who
placed faith in the French people, and who believed
they possessed justice and magnanimity. These were
the men that had caused this good understanding.—
(Cheers.) It was this also that rendered war between

Ilussia and Turkey impossible. What was the other
essential of state craft ? Why, finance. Now, whet
was their financial position just now ? There was a
great movement in the country now for financial
reform.—(Great cheering.) There could be no
financial reform but by diminishing the armaments,
and taking other precautions against war. What
was the amount of their gross expenditure for all
purposes, besides the purposes of war, and war
preparations ? Last year the expenditure of the
country was 54,000,000/. Out of that more than
47,000,000/. were expended upon the interest of
the debt for past wars, and for the expenses of the
standing army. 7,000,000/. out of the 54,000,000/
was sufficient to pay the whole expenses of the civil
government, the civil list, the Queen's establishment,
the administration of justice, of the poor-law offices,
the,Home and Foreign Secretaries'
,offices—in fact,
this sum was sufficient to defray the expenditure for
conducting the whole machinery of the Government
He would show them, then, who were the real prac-
tical financial reformers. He proposed to adopt the
same principle between nations as was adopted be-
tween private individuals—namely, arbitration.—
(Cheers.) They were told that this principle might
be very good in theory, but it was impracticable.
Now he wanted them to make the experiment, for he
had not sufficient confidence in their judgments to
take their word for anything.—(Laughter.) In the
next session he intended to propose that they should
see whether they could not induce foreign Govern-
ments to join with them in diminishing the amount
of their standing forces.—(Hear.) He had put this
point privately before statesmen of both countries,
and he had never heard them say anything else but
that that was the very thing that would suit them.
When, however, he proposed that one of them should
hegiu by making a rational proposal to the other,
they seemed to be perfectly at a loss to know how
they were to set about the matter. Now, until they
had made. the trial, he for one would not believe that
the thing was impracticable. The fleets and the navy
of this country had been kept up solely in reference
to the navy of France. Now, if the Governments
of both countries continued much longer to pursue
this same system, financial ruin would meet them—
they would get themselves into the Gazette, and then
they would not deserve their certificates from the
hands of their country. They were now told that
these armaments were not kept up foe fear of wars
between nations, but the wars of rebellion were the
great evil of the day. If this be the reason as-
signed for keeping up so large a force, then he would
say that this system had been tried long enough to
prove that it does not answer.—(Cheers.) When he
had been invited two years ago to attend the Brussels
conference, he mentioned that there were 2,000,000
of men in the pay of the different Governments of
Europe. They found that in the midst of these
2,000,000 of men there was scarcely one throne in
Europe that was not tottering to its base. Where
three soldiers were then employed there were four
now placed under pay. In order to account for such
proceedings he was induced to think that the Govern-
ments were anxious to reduce their respective coun-
tries to such a state of inextricable confusion that no
other men could undertake their offices. In the same
way as school boys act when they do not want to
part with their apples—they rub them in the dirt,
and thus prevent other boys from asking for them.
—(Laughter.) He had often been surprised that
they did not advertise for somebody with a little
common sense to conduct their affairs. If, however,
the people are satisfied to pay for the support of an
idle soldiery for the purpose of oppressing them, why
let them do so; he should not interfere to prevent
them.—(Hear, hear.) He would do everything that
he could to prevent persons lending money for the
purpose of keeping up such armaments. He would
not go so far as to say that their demonstration here
had prevented Austria getting one shilling of the

There is no species of property in which so many
persons, in ways more or less direct, are so largely
arid at present so painfully interested, ,as railways.
_lts amount is enormous, its present value immensely
depreciated, and its future strangely uncertain.
Nearly two hundred and a quarter millions
sterling—little short of one-third of the
amount of that national debt 'which arose
out of many years of war and profusion—have
already been expended on the railways of Great
Britain, and the future expenditure, of another
one hundred and fifty millions has been authc-
rised by Parliament. Already the annual revenue
of these companies reaches twelve millions—a sum
which, insufficient though it be to give profit
'to - the investers, greatly exceeds the national
revenue of any European state but four, and is much
exceeded only by the revenues of France and
England. Even the rulers of the colossal empires of
Russia and Austria, with all the means and appliances
of despotism, are able to extort but little more from
their subjects than a few English commercial com-
panies raise by speculations in one species of inland
travelling. When it is remembered that it is but
twenty years since the opening of the first passenger
line, that more than two-thirds of the total expendi-
ture have been raised within the last five years, and
that in a few years the capital will be largely and
the revenue immensely increased, it is impossible, in
spite of the folly and fraud that have stained the
history of
.these undertakings, to repress a thrill of
pride in contemplating the audacious enterprise and
gigantic energy which conceived and accomplished
them.

In Scotland alone the amount expended, or in
course of expenditure (not reckoning the lines whose
construction is not actually commenced) is, as nearly
as we have the means of ascertaining, about thirty
millions. Laying Ireland aside, and deducting the
Irish lines from the total for the United Kingdom, the
amount expended in Scotland is considerably greater
than in England, in proportion to the population and
property of the two countries. There is no present
means of kn)wing what proportion of Scotch stock is
hell by Englishmen, and . how far that is counter-
balanced by the amount of English stock held by
Scotchmen. It can only be said, judging from the
pressure that affects all classes among us, that we have
been quite as incautious as our English neighbours in
burdening ourselves beyond our own strength.
It is more than doubtful if, either in the internal
disputes or the exterior rivalries of railway companies,
the press has interfered always with good purpose or
often with good effect. Most of those interferences
have been made on instigation, and carried on for
partisan ends. Others of them have been made with
very imperfect knowledge of the details on which the
the writers founded their deductions—an imperfection
not in itself discreditable where anything like exact
knowledge is so difficult to be procured, but which
should have caused the writers to speak less con-
fidently or not to speak at all in cases where so
much of the value of enormous masses of property
could be affected by a breath. We have before
us a large collection of pamphlets and articles issued
at various periods, but most of them within the
last few months, some showing the advantages of
one line over another, and others giving what was
intended to be an impartial account of all the lines
for the guidance of invosters ; and, judging, of the
trustworthiness of the whole from the portions which
local position enables us to test, the result is not such
as to encourage to similar attempts. Our present
object, however, is much less extensive, the means
of information considerably increased, and the risk of
doing mischief by mistake greatly reduced. What
we propose is simply to state, to the best of our
means, the position of the principal Scotch lines, and
make an estimate of their prospects deduced mainly
from the history of the older of their number—for
which purpases the recent half yearly meetings and
reports of committees of inquiry furnish large facili-
ties, while the depressed con lition of the stocks in the
market seems to defy any sifting or plain statement
to make matters worse.

The traffic per mile, per we2k or per annum, is of
course the main point to be looked at; but there are
several other things to be taken into
account, variously but largely affecting that
test— such as the cost of construction, the cost of
working, the stage of development, and the amount
of engagements in the shape of guarantees, prefer-
able shares, &c. All these we shall lay aside in a
first rough statement, except the first. We shall state
the cost per mile of each line ; the revenue per week
required to pay five per cent. on that cost ; and the
actual revenue per week, as exhibited by the returns
of the last six months. In these calculations, we shall
assume the working expenses at fifty per cent. on a
traffic that would pay ten per cent. on the cost of
construction—in other words, we assume that to pay
five per cent. a line must dra% ten. This estimate
is high enough, we admit, but not too high, consider-
ing the heavy average cost of the Scotch lines, and

that most of them are so short and broken as toren-
der their working more than ordinarily expensive.
There are not, so far as we can find, means of at-
taining fractional accuracy ; but we think we have
reached a pretty close approximation.
Edinburgh and Glasgow.—The cost of construction
is 46,0001. per mile—to pay 5 par cent. on which,
after deduction of half-traffic for working expenses,
requires a revenue per mile of 4,6001. per annum, or
881/. per week. The last half•year's returns give a
revenue per mile, on the 58 miles of rail in operation,
at the rate of 3,3781. per annum, or 571. per week.
North British—Cost of construction about
.33,6001.
per mile—to pay 5 per cent. on which, after deducting
half of traffic tor working expenses, would require an
income per mile of about 3,3601. per annum, or
641 3.sths per week. The returns for last half-year