The Sun.
London, England, 1831-01-17 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Though we have never, like some of the prese

denouncers of Mr. O'Connell, encouraged his
schemes of agitation, nor greatly admired his talente,
vet we would not have the principles of constitu-
tional law violated for the purpose of crushing that
or any other individual. Still less do we desire to
see those principles violated in a spirit of absurd
arid impotent proscription, which can only have the
effect of extending his popular influence, and in-
creasing his factious power. The paper war of
proclamations, which the Irish Executive is now
carrying on against the demagogue, is bad in prin-
ciple, and ridiculous in operation. Nothing can
better serve the purposes of Mr. O'Connell than
such an unstatesmanlike mode of attempting to put
him down. The Statute upon which those pro-
clamations are founded is one of the most objection-
able that ever received the sanction of the Legisla-
ture of a free state. Such a Statute dare not be
applied to England; and its frequent application in
Ireland can only increase the popular discontent, as
snaking an invidious anti dangerous distinction
between the two parts of the " United" Kreg-
dom, and justifying the exciting appeals of
those leaders of the Irish people who reprt-
sent their country as being reduced to a state
of political slavery arid degradation. The existing
laws in this country against seditious practices and
unlawful assemblies are sufficiently strong, if firmly
and judiciously executed, to repress the licentious-
ness of demagogues, and prevent or punish the vio-
lations of the public peace. To do more than those
laws empower the Government to do is to make
power odious, and to give to the acts of authority
the character of persecution. The Government of
Ireland, by departing from the wholesome principles
of constitutional law, and by acting upon a Statute
which legalizes arbitrary power, and which, when
called into operatit n by the late Government, justly
celled forth in Parliament the reprobation of the
Whigs, have shown rio wisdom—no conduct—no
consistency. Nature or education never qualified
the Marquis of Anglesea for a Statesman—and it
was a great error of the present Ministry to have
sent a mere soldier to undertake the delicate and
difficult task of governing Ireland in its present cir-
cumstances. It requires sounder views of policy,
deeper reflection, and a clearer head than he has
ever brought to the transaction of civil affairs, tit
exercise the delegated powers of sovereignty in
that part of the United Kingdom with beneficial
consequences to Ireland, and to the empire at large.
History is written in vain if we do not look to the
previous conduct of public men for instruction as to
their capacity and character. What was the con-
duct of the Marquis of Angiesea, when opposed to
the Roman Catholics, before the memorable change
in the Duke of Wellington's sentiments ? Was it
riot violent and injudicious in the extreme ? Did he
not, in language which the majority of Protestants
reprehended, throw down the gauntlet of defiance
to the " seven millions," and challenge them in true
military spirit te, tire field ? Did he not, when he
changed sides, and became the vice-regal patron of
the party, whose complaints of grievances he had
been so ready to meet by an appeal to arms, pursue
tire same intemperate anti unreflectieg principle of
action in courting popularity where he had hurled
defiance, until the Duke of Wellington found it
necessary to stop the career of his over-acted zeal
by his sudden and unceremonious recal ? If the
pageantry of power were sufficient for the govern-
ment of Ireland, the Marquis of Angiesea would ap-
pear to as much advantage as most men on the vice-
regal throne; but if the state of that country re-
quires that tire individual at the head of its Execu-
tive should possess the knowledge, the judgment,
and the accomplishment of a Statesman, he is one
of the last persons of iris order who ought to have
been selected for so important and responsible a
situation, especially with a raw and inexperienced
Chief Secretary to advise him, who has yet to give
proof of the talents and acquirements that are re-
quisite for the public service in the critical exigencies
of the empire. They who reprobated the proclama-
tion of the Duke of Northumberland were scarcely
invested with the poser from which indignant public
opinion had driven their predecessors, when they imi-
tated that foolish proceeding by similar proclaina-
tione, which have given strength and consistency to
a faction that would have died a natural death of
its own folly, or, if it had dared to engage in guilty
practices, could have been crushed by the just arid
firm exercise of the ordinary laws.—Morn. Herald.

The Chamber of Peers seem to be desirous of
siding those who are opposed to the Peerage. The
Idy,' for the revision of illegal pensions has been re-

jected by that body, to the great disappointment of
the Liberals. The motive is, we presume, obviou,
enough—the niembtrs of the Chamber are afraid of
losing their own pensions. The pensions are to
them of more consequence than the Peerage; and
they are therefore determined to avail themselves of
their power, as long as they possess any, to con-
tinue what to them is paramount to all other consi-
derations. We may thus see that human nature is
every where the same; that pensions are equally at-
tractive in France and England; and that security
against jobbing is not to be looked for in the con-
science of those exposed to temptation, but in the
int arts possessed by the people of defeating them.
" Ir is said," ob•erves the Courtier Francais," that
at the time when the upper Chamber condemned
the Treasury to pay illegal pensions which the lower
Chamber had, with a plebeian spirit, stigmatized,
the noble reporter smiled. What a noble triumph
gained over justice and tax-payers; and there was
really cause for smiling ! The two Chambers had
yesterday occasion to make known their sentiment-,
and to raeasure their strength in two scrutinies; the
Chamber of Peers rejected, by a majority of 93
against 19, a project of law adopted by the Chamber
of Deputies, and which corrected the grand scandal
of the prodigalities of the restoration. Here, then,
we have the two great powers of the State in con-
tradiction; the Chamber of Peers has placed itself

in opposition to the Chamber of Deputies and the
:Ministry. And under what circumstances ? In re-
jecting a just and popular law—one of those excep-
tions, wrung, as it were, by chance from the Cham-
ber of Deputies, which is not in the habit of march-

. _
ing in these paths. The Constitutionnel more than
insinuates that England has put forward Prince
Leopold as a candidate for the Throne of Belgium,
in Order to rirtain thereby an advantage over France,
and that the project was not objected to by Prince
Talleyrand. The English Ministry are not so stupid
as to embarrass themselves with an object which
they know they could not accomplish. What could
be gained by exciting needlessly the jealousy of
France ?-211ortring Chronicle.
Our contemporary (the G'lobc), while agreeing
with us as to the injury which the cause of Reform
is likely to suffer from the agitation in Ireland, and
as to the very formidable character of the danger
which threatens us from that quarter, has not exactly
understood our object in the account which he gives
of it. We said, "If the Irish are dissatisfied, it is
not enough to say that we are sati•fied, except we
ure prepared to go to the extreme length of having
recourse to force. The Irish must either be conci-
liated or coerced—that is the question. The latter
is an alternative which we shudder to approach."—
When we used the word conciliated, we meant, that
the circumstances which give such power to
Mr. O'Connell, and which would soon raise up a
successor to him, were he out of the way, should
be no longer allowed to exist. Our contemporary

Chronicle is tolerint to the disunionist., and
atlytt it is not enough that we, the English one party to
the contract which hinds us to Ireland—are satnfied with
the Union, if Ireland is desirous of dissolving it. Ilut
what do we mean by Ireland ? If we thought there was

anything like au unanimous feeling in Ireland, we should
no; recommend opposition to the di,union, however much
we might lament it; but it we find that the great majo-
rity of the people of intellig,nc.2 in Ireland atiil desire to
be united with us—that tile disunion project has been got
up by moving the most ignorant part of the most ignorant
peasantry in Europe—that many of the middle classes
who have joined it seem to have joined through terror,