The Sun.
London, England, 1838-12-18 00:00:00

cotton hosiery ; for not only was Saxony manufacturing as
large a quantity as ourselves, but while we exported only
430,000 dozen pair, they exported 1,500,000 dozen pair per
annum. The Saxons supplied cs much cotton hosiery to
the United States alone as we did to all the weal. Ile
held in his hand a beautiful specimen of their manufactures of
white cotton gloves, which cost only 3s. 6d. per dozen at Ham-
burgh. He held in his hand also another specimen of gloves of
foreign manufacture, and one of similar quality of the manufacture
of this country, but while the price of the English goods was 6s.
per dozen, those of the Saxon manufacture were purchased
at Hamburgh for 3s. 2d. per dozen. He had before him an-
other specimen of beautiful silk stockings of Saxon manufac-
ture which at Hamburgh sold for 12s. 4i-d. per dozen, chile
the stockings of the same quality of English manufacture
which he held in his hand could not be had for less at Not-
tingham than 239. per dozen. It was a lamentable fact, that
Saxon hosiery and gloves were now regularly imported and
sold in this country at lower prices than they can be made here,
and will undoubtedly shortly entirely destroy this large branch
of our manufactures.—( Hear, hear.) Now he would put it to
any gentleman whether foreign competition was a farce
after the statement of facts such as these.—(Cries of " Hear,
hear.") Could there be a doubt of the pernicious effects
of laws which enabled the Saxons thus to undersell us
in the manufactured article, the raw material for which they
purchased in the same market as ourselves--(Cheers)—and
when it was recollected that the yarn was spun in England,
taken there for the purpose of being converted into goods,
which were brought back again, after a land carriage of nearly
700 miles, and sold at the low rates he had already quoted.
He could not but think that after statements like these, the
meeting would agree with him it was the duty of this Cham-
ber to speak in a more decided tone to the Legislature.—
( Hear, hear.)
We are able to confirm some of these statements.
We know that our own merchants buy Saxon hose to
export to some of our own colonies, the Cape of
Good Hope, for example, because they are cheaper
than Nottingham hose. Thus we are at all the ex-
pense of maintaining the garrisons and the government
of our colonies, which, owing to our Corn-laws, are
fast becoming markets for the produce of other nations'
industry to the exclusion of that of our own people.
Yet some sapient scribes describe the Corn-laws as the
encouragement and protecticu of native industry. The
decay of the Nottingham hosiery receives a painful
confirmation from a paragraph which we find in the
Spectator, and which distinctly connects pauperism
and distress, through this decay, with the Corn-laws:—
When the Poor-law Commissioners, last autumn, sanctioned
a recurrence to out-door relief in the Nottingham Union,
they substantially admitted, that in times of great and gene-
ral difficulty the law could not be executed with safety to the
public. The inhabitants of Nottingham raised 4,0001. in
private subscriptions to support the unemployed operatives;
but that sum was speedily exhausted, and Mr. Gulson, the
Assistant Commissioner, recommended that the rule prohibit-
ing out-door relief to the able-bodied should be relaxed.
Time destruction of the hosiery manufacture, caused
4,0001. to be raised in charity for the distressed
stocking-weavers, and broke through the new Poor-
law. When such ruin is the consequence of the
Corn-laws, can we be surprised at learning from Mr.
J. B. SMITH, that Mr. POULETT THOMSON, by
not speaking decidedly, has not given satisfaction to
the people of Manchester on this point :
Nothing was more unsatisfactory to him (Mr. Smith) than
the late interview of Mr. 'ltalica Thomson with the directors
of the Chamber of Commerce. He happened to be present
at that interview, and he could not but notice the invariable
reply which Mr. Thomson gave to every question of monopoly
brought under his notice—" It is a very important, but it is
a very difficult question."—( Hear and laughter, and applause.)
True, it was difficult to reconcile monopoly with free trade, and
the same difficulty would exist to the end of time.—
(Laughter.) But had not Mr. Huskisson greater diffi-
culties to contend with when lie first broached the principle of
free trade? What a mass of ignorance, interest, and preju-
dice was arrayed against him. No wonder that at that time
people were startled at the sweeping changes about to be in-
troduced into the protective policy which had existed for ages;
but far different was the case now ; we had had thirteen years'
experience of the effects of free trade, and when we looked at
the benefits which free trade had conferred upon the country,
we ought to demand tie extension of it to every branch of our
agriculture, manufactures, and commerce.
With much to encourage him, Mr. THOMSON falls
far behind Mr. HUsKIssoN in his endeavours, which
are remarkably feeble, to put an end to monopoly. He
will not even grapple with the Devil's laws. But evi-
dence against the Corn-laws is pouring in amongst us
from every point. The Chronicle of this day contains
an account of some thieves, supposed to be about ten,
who broke into a farmer's barn near Salisbury, and
winnowed and carried off seven sacks of wheat, on the
30th ult., without being detected. On which our
Contemporary remarks :
The cool way in which the thieves took possession of the
barn, and winnowed and removed the corn of Mr. Jeffrey, is
the natural result of the inadequacy of the wages of the la.
bourers to obtain for them the means of subsistence at the
present high price of corn. The labourers have nothing to do
with making the laws, the laws are made by the landlords;
but they have something to do with obeying the laws, and.they
will consider their ability to be subsisted by their labour as the
condition on which they are to'give their obedience. It is
dangerous to drive men to extremities. The landlowners may
rest assured that they may force up their price of corn by the
monopoly, but that when the price exceeds the measure of the
ability of the people to pay, the corn will be taken without
payment. There is no reasoning with hunger. And there is
this mischief in driving people to violate the law, that the habit
remains when the necessity ceases.
We once remember hearing Lord BROUGHAM say it
was first necessary to make the law loved, and then it
would be respected. But who can either love or re-
spect a law, which starves a score of men to enrich
one—which annihilates a large and important branch
of our national industry, to nourish a few idlers in
luxury ? As the Chronicle shows, we are now drilling
the people, by maintaining a mass of unjust monopolies
and starvation laws, into an habitual disobedience to
law ; and preparing the way for a complete despotism
or a revolution, if we have not both, the latter-named
corning first as the herald of despotism. So much do
time bulk of the people, agricultural labourers and all,
feel themselves aggrieved and injured by a multitude of
noxious and starving laws, that they are losing all re-
spect for our institutions, which, wanting popular
support and being founded neither in reason nor
prescription, will some fine day, as the sailors say,
like those of France, go by the board. The stupid
landowners are obviously, by the excessive loads they
have laid on industry, breaking the back of our
national greatness, and the ruin will in the end fall
heaviest on them.

If the Rev. EBENEZER Mounts, or those who,
taking up the cause of intolerance and oppression,
attempt to justify his unchristian conduct, imagine
that they shall be able to screen him from the public
odium which he has so justly incurred, they will find
themselves grievously mistaken. EBENEZER Mc)Ritts
has obtained a niche in the temple of persecution from
which it will be impossible to dislodge him.
A letter signed " VERIVERBIEJM," intended to
palliate the cruel proceedings of this pious ecclesiastic
in the case of JOHN JAMES, appeared in The Sun of
Thursday. The writer professes to supply some facts
connected with that case, which he alleges had been
omitted by our Correspondent at Carmarthen. And
what are those mighty facts that are to alter the com-
plexion of this atrocious business, and convert a cruel
persecutor into a meek and holy minister of CIIRIST ?
Let us see if, instead of improving the position in
which this double-beneficed successor of the Apostles,
who earned their living by the labour of their hands,

has placed himself, they do not rather make had worse,
by turning him out of the frying-pan into the fire.
The apologist of MORRIS lays great stress upon the
circumstance that he, the said Mounts, sent several
Inessages to Join.; JAMES, desiring him to attend
Church, before he comme,nced spiritual proceedings
against him. Now, MORRIS well knew before he sent
those messages that JotiN JAMES was a Dissenter,
that it was contrary to his principles to attend the
worship of the Church, and that he would not attend
that igQrship. lle knew, moreover, that it had never
been the pracii.c,t of the Dissenting Churchwarden of
Llaneliy, since the custom of selecting one of the
Churehwordeus from among the p4:E;epting parishion-
ers—who, by the bpi, are nine-tenths ,of the whole
jaPpber—first originated, t,-...7.v.rtid the Church service.
It wag,
,therefore, a piece of hypo.44ical mockery in
this pious pluraiis;.“: sand such messages to Mr. JAl‘ll.
Then, again, it
alleged that the usual grace could

no longer be extended to the Dissenting Churchwarden,
because the presence of that officer was necessary every
Sunday to keep order in the Church, frequented as it
is by colliers, miners, copper-men, and other la-
bourers, whose large wages (!) have rendered them
rather unruly We do not know what Mr. JAMES'S
personal strength may be, or whether it is the business
of a Churchwarden to act the part of a policeman, but
we think he must be a very extraordinary man if his
presence was indispensable to keep the Vicar's numerous
and turbulent congregation to their good behaviour,
especially as there was another Churchwarden, ap-
pointed by MORRIS himself, always present.
But how comes it that this " necessity" was not
sooner perceived ? Why were not former Churchwar-
dens summoned to the discharge of this part of their
duty ? Why was the Vicarial wrath bottled up for
an out-pouring on the devoted head of JOHN JAMES ?
Were there no miners, colliers, and copper-men in
Llanelly till now ? We want an answer to these
questions.
The defender of MORRIS then asserts that there is
no foundation for the statement made by us that the
Ecclesiastical Court had fined Mr. JAMES 201. And
how does he support this assertion ? He states the
expenses saddled on Mr. JAMES, in the different
stages of the proceedings against him in the Ecclesi-
astical Court, as if it mattered whether the fine con-
sisted of one large sum or several small ones. Tht.
citation, says he, cost so much; the monition punished
his " obduracy" by an additional expense ; then came
a sign/ cavil for his " contumacy ;" and the short of
the matter is, that the total amount of expense heaped
upon the poor Dissenter by the Ecclesiastical Court, for
not attending Church, was 201. 1 ls. 6d. This was
the amount which he was called upon to pay by that
Court, and for not paying which he was cast into pri-
son, where, among other enjoyments, he might com•
fort himself with the reflection that he had left his
wife on a sick-bed, and his family utterly helpless. In
what manner, therefore, it sets these tender mercies o

EBENEZER IVloulus in a more favourable I;ght that
he dribbled them out piecemeal, we do not exactly
sec. If JOHN JAMES was unable to pay the original
sum demanded by the Spiritual Court, it could not be

expected that he would pay it when trebled or qua-
drupled by successive processes. This was only .adding
one oppression to another, heaping torture upon tor-
ture, in the true spirit of the Inquisition, which, we
must do EBENEZER the justice to say, he seems to
have imbibed in a plentiful measure.
How, then, can our Correspondent say that there is
no foundation for our statement about the fine ? Is it

not the real and substantial truth, whatever disguise
VERIVERBIUM may attempt to throw over the

case, that the 201. Ils. 6d. demanded of JAMES is a

fine—aye, and a most inquitous one too ?

The statement, which —appeared exclusively in
The Sun of yesterday, of the arrival in England
of a number of prisoners implicated in the re-
bellion in the Canadas, is confirmed. By an express
from Liverpool, we learn that at half-past three o'clock
yesterday the packet-ship Captain Ross landed thirty-
four prisoners at Egremont, in Cheshire, of whom eleven
were in irons. They were guarded by Canadian
officers of Justice, who as soon as they had landed
committed them to the custody of the proper autho-
rities by whom they were lodged in the borough prison,
Liverpool. 'We understand that several batches
of these unfortunate men may be expected shortly
to arrive in this country for trial ; as there ale
many implicated in the late rebellion which

the Canadian authorities desire not to subject to the
sentence of a Court-martial. The following is a list
of those brought here by the Captain Ross, and now
in gaol in Liverpool :

LIST OF CONVICTS LODGED IN THE BOROUGH GAOL,
LIVERPOOL, THIS AFTERNOON, HAVING BEEN BROUGHT

FROM QUEBEC BY THE CAPTAIN ROSS, MORTON, SAILED
NOV. 22 :
POLITICAL OFFENCES.-John G. Parker (one of the ring.
leaders), Alex. M'Leod, J. Malcolm, John Grano, F. J.
Mc:quay, Benjamin Platt, John Vernon, N. Melroy, Paul
Bedford, James Magone, Samuel Chandler, Leonard Watson,
William Reynolds, Jimcs M. Mills, William Almes, Robert
Wa:ker, James Gamble, George Wooley, Jacob Berns, Gar..
rett Van Camp, James Brown, and several others.
REBELS, &e.—Fr. Farrell, James Lynn, B. O'Hari,
Joseph Langley, Joseph Hamel, Joseph Thompson, A. Pro-
vost, J. Pari, Charles M‘Leod, J. Alm, Baptiste Cadien.

In The Sun of to-day will be found the whole of a
valuable pamphlet, lately published by the Church_
rate Abolition Society, under the title of " Plain
Hints to Rate-payers, respecting the Imposition of
Church-rates." The cause of abolition has, we are
afraid, suffered in many instances from the want of
skill on the part of its advocates to take due advan-
tage of their position. In the paper to which we
have alluded they will find detailed, in a plain and
perspicuous manner, the various steps necessary
to be taken in resisting the imposition of a
Church-rate. We recommend it as a hand-book
to the abolitionist. The Society who have drawn it
up and published it are entitled to' the thanks of the
friends of religious liberty ; and it is in order to aid
their praiseworthy exertions as much as in us lies
that we have, at some inconvenience to ourselves,
(riven it circulation, unabridged, in our columns.

The Paris Journals of Sunday are more occupied
with the final settlement of the Belgian Question than
with any other likely to form a prominent paragraph
in the KING'S Speech. Those supposed to speak the
language of Ministers most correctly accuse England
of having deserted the interests of Belgium, by ap-
proving of the conditions upon which Russia,
Prussia, and Austria were ready to effect a final set-

tletnent of the question, with a view to put an end
-to disputes equally injurious to the commercial inte-
rests of the subjects Of WILLIAM and LEOPOLD.
No reason is alleged for the pretended indifference of
Great Britain to the interests of Belgium, by the
French Journalists. They are content to propagate
as a fact a surmise which is without the shadow of a
foundation. The representative of France was among
the first of the members of the London Conference to
specify certain conditions, which, if agreed to, would put
an end to every difficulty in the way of a final adjustment.
After considerable trouble they were accepted by his
colleagues, when suddenly he discovered that his
powers were not so ample as to justify him in signing
the preliminaries suggested by himself. In this in-
stance no blame could be attributed to the individual
negociator. His personal honour is unimpeachable ;
but he was made the dupe of Count MOLE, or rather of
the KING. What Louis PHILIPPE'S views were, or
are, in postponing the settlement of a question, which
a very few months ago he was so desirous of seeing ad-
justed previous to the .opening of the Chambers, can
only be conjectured from the present state of political
of the Oppo-
sition in France. His MAJESTY may wish to ascer-
tain both the opinions and the strength
on the tender point of the conditions already
agreed to by the Pour Powers ; as otherwise the
Cabinet might not be able to withstand the shock of a
division upon the address itself. This is the more
probable as it was well known, at the opening
of the
Belgian Chambers, that the Kingof the FiIFNPII
iu-
tentel to reserve for a paragraph in his own speech
the announcement of a final settlement of all disputes
between Holland and n 1
—e-giurn—,a fact of which we
took especial notice at the time.
But from whatever
c e, Louis PHILIPPE, has changed his for-
mer determination, we w4h
a conviction that the peace of Europe is' in no danger
of being disturbed by either of the Princes principally