The Sun.
London, England, 1831-05-27 00:00:00

(From the Journal des D.ebals of Monday.)
PARIS, MAY 23.—People may not agree
as to the degree of confidence to be given to the
professions of foreign Governments ; they may
repch
pc
rreoda tyo 1;1 ebtai tn,oatifiteerr wiwith
nz cando
treatedt o tr
eachn political
here
as dupes, after having kept the question in a
vicious circle without any issue, it is not the
less necessary to revert to the logic of facts, and
facts have decided.
France entered free and independent into the
alliance of Europe ; she entered into it in spite
of the borne by all the Governments of
Europe to the principle of her revolution; she
entered into it without concessions. She did
not go to Europe—Europe came to her—and
behold her now in the great family, at the head
of civilization as well as liberty.
Thus of the two wars possible for France in
1830, in the month of August—that of principle
and that of interest—the former is avoided.
Let us have, if we will, little or no gratitude
for Europe; let it be so. Let us believe that
in her conduct she only ceded to the terror of a
signal of liberty, which we could give to the
world ; let it be so. But we must not the less
acknowledge that ten months' peace have al-
ready liberated us from the necessity of pound-
ing social order altogether into dust to save our
country; and whatever may be said, our inde-
pendence would have been dearly purchased at
this price.
Because our admission into the European
family has been effected without disturbance, do
not let us regard it as one of those simple and
natural events for which we fancy ourselves be-
forehand freed from all gratitude to the men who
have brought it about. Everybody did not be-
live it so easy in the month of August, 1830 ;
and we ourselves, we avow, required that time
should pronounce on the resignation of Europe ;
but we are now compelled to believe tit Europe
is resigned to it.
The war of principle being avoided, there re-
mained, and there yet remains, the war of inte-
rest : on that we admit that time has not cleared
up the horizon ; variable in its nature, exposed
to all the modifications of times and circum-
stances, this is a question which is not decided in
a day : it requires to be more seriously examined.
From the moment that France, in 1830, en-
tered into the general policy of Europe, she
entered with her honour, her interest, and even
her susceptibilities. Nobody will deny her, un-
doubtedly, the right of controuling those events
which were begotten by her example—if so
must be said, but that is of no consequence—
but which touches almost immediately the natural
and legitimate sphere of her European action.
Hitherto three questions have threatened the
peace of Europe—no one of which is yet com-
pletely solved. But that repose which France
desires to maintain—that repose to which she
has not even thought her own was foreign—that
repose she never desired as her last resource. In
abstaining from compromising the interests of
others, she was satisfied that her own were pro-
tected ; and it was not only to defend her fron-
tiers, which nobody dared to pass, that she
summoned around her standards 500,000 men,
armed 1,500,000 National Guards, and borrowed
200,000,000 of francs. Europe would fall into
a strange error if it believed that France was as
much disposed to avoid a war of interest as she
was to avoid provoking a war of principle.
As long as Belgium shall not be constituted
in a manner innoxious to France—while Po-
land, either by force or by treaty, shall not have
recovered its nationality—while several States of
ItaAlynsdhaolnl rtehmeaseintieixrepeosqeduetsotiotnhes, ill-ehumourbotyr
andth the
veryca prolificprieeof Austria,
ortthaenrte
lcannotseiue
consequences,
ce
e,
si:
we
true, any durable peace for Europe.
are
engagements.gladto We would
know that France is free—clearg give
herup,
in all
in spite of herself, to the chances of war on the
riguour of certain abstract principles, out of
which there could be made beforehand so many
casus belli ; but it is good that Europe should
know that we are masters of our choice, and of
the hour of our entering on the same, as long
as she delays the settlement of the questions
that are agitated beyond our frontiers, but not
out of the sphere of our honour and our in-

terests.
The Belgian Revolution has withdrawn from
the hands of our adversaries a line of fortresses
constructed against us. The Veto of France
has saved Belgium. It is necessary that the
Belgian fortresses shall not be restored to that
destination which they have now lost.
The nationality of Poland, at the time that
she was effaced from Europe, was regarded by
the Congress of Vienna as a necessary balance
against the power of Russia. Poland—the ad-
mirable Poland of 1830—ought to remain in-
dependent, for the honour as well as the security
of Europe.
Finally, France, which has always thought it
necessary to watch with uneasiness the develop-
ment of the Austrian power in Italy, cannot
permit Austria to obtain any increase of territory
or influence in the Italian provinces.
On these three capital points the French Ge-
vernment has never failed, we have a perfect
conviction, in any one of its duties. It de-
pends on Europe to labour in concert with us
in giving the most promptly possible aid to the
repose of the world, the only bases on which it
can be founded.
Then, and not till then, will cease fur all the
nations the sacrifices out of all proportion to
their resources ; then will close the wounds of
public credit ; then there will be no longer a
doubt of peace, for peace is the disarming.

It is very generally reported that the Earl of
MUNSTER is destined to succeed Lord W. BENTINCK as
Governor-General of India. We have heard, though not
in a way which we deem official, that Friday night's
Gazette will announce the Noble Earl's elevation to the
dignity of " Duke of CLARENCE and ROT/15AV," and that
the said elevation is preparatory to his appointment to the
Governor-Generalship.
SIR THOMAS LAWRENCE'S OPINION ok
LORD BYRON'S COUNTENANCE.—" His vivid (and though
(lack) grand energy of thought awakens the imagination,
and makes us Lend to the genius, before we scrutinize the
man; but when he forces us to do the latter, the former
becomes an object of apprehension and disgust ; and ac-
cordingly LAVATER'S system never asserted its truth more
forcibly than in Lord BYRON'S countenance, in which you
ice all the character : its keen and rapid genius, its pale
intelligence, its profligacy and its bitterness—its original
symmetry distorted by the passions, his laugh of mingled
merriment and scorn—the forehead clear and open, the
brow boldly prominent, the eyes bright and dissimilar, the
nose finely cut, and the nostril acutely formed—the mouth
well formed, but wide and contemptuous even in its smile,
falling singularly at the cornets, and its vindictive and
' disdainful expression, heightened by the massive firmness
of the chin, which springs at once from the centre of the
a
full under-lip—the hair dark and curling, but irregular in
!ts growth. All this presents to you th.e poetra.nd theori n,
m
n
ind the general arect is aided by a
as you may have heard,
` Sir Thdoenf7:: „icc wrence.
and Correspondence td-