The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-08 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 8, 1849.7

GREGOR will gainsay) to the effect that the
national establishments should not be deteriorated by
the retrenchtent. Without declaring himself, in
any particular, an advocate for the en,lowment of
the Roman Catholic clergy in Ireland, premising on
the contrary that such a measure appeared to be as
yet altogether impracticable, in consequence of the
difficulty of selecting a fund upon which to base the
appropriation—he, nevertheless, avowed that he
sympathised in the scheme of a proceeding which
had been .considered as in no degree chimerical by
such devoted Protestants as Mr. PITT and GEORGE
111., as Lord 0
QIDMOUTH and Lord CASTLEREAGH.
In refetence to the doctrines of Free Trade, he
averre,a that he retained not the shadow of the shade
of a'a affection for the antiquated sophisms of Pro-
tee,tion. On the contrary, he considered that the
tranquillity which had marked this country during
r the late continental commotions, and the resignation
which had been contemporaneous in England with
an extraordinary scarcity of provisions, and an
equally extraordinary stagnation of trade, " might
be attributed, in part at least, under DIVINE Prio-
r VIDENCE, to those measures which bad opened the
ports of this country to an unrestricted supply
of everything which might be considered as the
necessaries of the people." As to the Ballot and the
Extension of the Suffrage, the confessions of Mr.
FREDERICK PEEL were somewhat less satisfactory.
At first, from the peculiar turning of his phraseology,
it appeared as though he were about to acknowledge
himself an advocate for the former, and the good
folks of Leominster—who, by the way, seem dis-
posed to cheer anything, no matter whether black,
white, or parti-coloured—broke out into premature
acclamations. " I profess myself," said the Hon,
Gentleman, " I profess myself a decided friend to
the object contemplated by those who advocated vote
by ballot—(Cheers)—namely, the independent exer-
cise by the voter of the right of suffrage; but I am
not at all satisfied that the ballot would insure the
independent exercise of that right ; and, in attempt-
ing to exercise that right by the ballot, I see so many
impediments in the way as to deter, me from adopting
it.—(' Hear, hear,' and cheers from another part of
the Court.)" By such supplementary huzzahs did the
accommodating constituency expiate the blunder of
their first cries of delight when they erroneously
looked upon Mr. PEEL as a colleague of the Honour-
able Gentleman the representative of the city of
Bristol. Nevertheless, with these exceptional points
alone, the Member for Leominster has revealed an
ardour for that policy of gradual and enormous
improvement connected with a stern and resolute
conservation, which has tended to enhance the
reputation Of his father among his contemporaries,
and which will inevitably ensure his permanent and
grateful remembrance by posterity.
Hence it is that we cannot but regard Mr. FRE-
DERICK PEEL as an acquisition to the cause of the
Liberals and the Reformers in the House of Com-
mons. With a ripened familiarity with the responsi-
bilities of legislation, and with the innovations essen-
tial to the well-being of the community, he will, we
doubt not, in the end, find himself compelled to coin-
cide with the popular advocates as to the necessity for
obtaining vote by ballot and an extension of the
elective franchise. Upon all other points he will be
found to be battling bravely against the hereditary
opponents of improvement.

The budgets put forward by Messrs. COBDEN,
MACGREGOR, and RIGBY WASON have respectively
excited much discussion. Many views have in con-
sequence been put forward, and numerous knights
errant have entered the lists armed cap-a-pie in de-
fence of the ancient system of indirect taxation, or,
in other words, of plundering the humbler classes, by
casting upon their shoulders the burdens that in jus-
tice and equity should be sustained by the possessors
of accumulated and realised property. Mr. Wasores,
perhaps, went further than any of the others
in transferring the liabilities to the proper par-
ties. He suggested a speedy settlement of the
Public Debt, that enormous incubus that presses
with terrific weight upon, and paralyses the industry
of the country. He placed the question upon its
proper footing, by avowing the great principle—
" that it is discreditably dishonest not to pay off the
National Debt ;" and he followed up that proposition
by showing that it would be not only possible, but
by no means difficult to accomplish that great desi-
deratum, and that it would, even in a pecuniary point ot
view, be exceedingly profitable to do so. The well-
known adage that " honesty is the best policy" re-
ceived a new illustration. Full justice would be
rendered to the public creditor, whose claim would
be satisfied even to the uttermost farthing. The
demand should be paid out of property—the only
legitimate source, and the very act of liquidation
would increase the value of that property to an ex-
tent fully commensurate with the outlay. If a por
tion of it were sold, in order to obtain funds to defray
its proportion of the charge, the residue would be of
greater value when discharged of the claim than the
entire had previously been.
The novelty and importance of those propositions—
the new and startling doctrine that the wealthier
classes should contribute their full and fair propor-
tion of the public burdens, elicited a multitude of
attacks. An error, that manifestly occurred in the
hurry of calculation, which did not in any degree
affect the principle—which we ourselves noticed in a
leading article that accompanied the publication of
the " Budget for the Million,"—and which was recti-
fied by Mr. WAsox without a moment's delay, was
seized upon by his opponents as a precious Godsend.
The sound and unanswerable arguments remained
unnoticed. The principle was triumphant, while.
a thousand eager hands seized their goose-
quills to prove, that it was a mistake to say
that five per cent. on the value of property taken
at 4,400,000,0001. would suffice to pay off the
National Debt. It seemed as if there was a chance of
raising a collateral issue on which the parties might
ride off, and, according to the true principle of special
pleading, if it could be shown that 220,000,0001.
was not sufficient to pay off 800,000,0001., it must
follow that it would not be desirable to pay off the
National Debt, that it was not practicable to do so—
in fact, that every argument adduced by Mr. Wasox
should fall to the ground simultaneously.
Mr. WASON is, however, no craven knight, he
is well able to sustain his own position, nay,
to gather fresh vigour from every supposed discomfi-
ture. He seizes on the tacit admissions made by his
opponents, and. be shows that they may be regarded
as acknowledging the justice of the propositions
which they have not ventured to deny. It is a fair
inference that where men seize upon minor parts of
an argument, and rest their whole case thereon, they
.are unable to controvert the more general statements,
the important principles laid down. Hence it, may
be considered that the proposition "that, it is
discreditably • dishonest not to- :Ay off• the
.National pcbt," may bp taken,. As
~,,ponfessed by
those who have. not a single word to say in
opposition thereto. Mr. Weems's letter on this sub-
' ject, which will be found in another colunn, is well
worthy of perusal. •
The first point, then, being conceded, "that the
debt should he liquidated," Abe next questiOn:that
arises, and one of paramount importance, is by whom,
and in what manner, the necessary funds should be
raised. In order to arrive at a correct Conclusian on
this, it is necessary to inquire, for, whose benefit these
charges were created, and whether there is anyJund
from which they can properly be defrayed.
On this, point we shall but repeat what Nye stitedon
the Bth -June, 1847. We then said—
" The whjle,Or by far the greater part, of this debt
was contracted during periods of war, for the protection
and preservation of the property of the country, and It
is, therefore, by the owners of that property that it
should be satisfied. No private individual would be
justified in charging the industry of his children. with
any debt he might think proper to contract beyond the
amount of property which they should inherit from him.
Any attempt to do so would be treated with well-merited
scora and contempt. Still more absurd would it be if
he possessed large estates and extensive domains, which
he desired to improve and leave uoineumbered to hiS
eldest and favourite son, while he directed his younger
children to pay ail ineumbrances which be may
have incurred in improving and preserving the
property for their more fortunate brother. Yet it is
something similar that we are called . n to do.
Enormous debts are contracted, which should -
have been
provided for out of the pro • •
property existing at the time
they were created; 'but that property is handed down
unencumbered- to,the present possessors while the indus-
try of the people,--of those who were then unborn' and
could not possibly have derived any benefit therefrom--is
to be burdened with the payment. We cannot under-

stand on, what principle of justice this anomaly can be
supported."
• - • - -

It is, indeed, alike difficult to conceive the patience
of those who have so long quietly submitted to such
iniquitous proteedings, and the injustice of the
dominant class, the legislators who, owing to the
property qualification, were personally interested in
supporting the vile system. According to the ♦iews
of those persons, the labour of posterity was mort-
gaged—children yet unborn were bound to toil for
the purpose of providing for the extravagance of their
ancestors. No code has ever yet asserted that chil-
dren were bound to pay the debts of their fore-
fathers, unless assets came to their hands sufficient
for the purpose. The owners of property have
received those assets, and should contribute ac-
cording to their means; but the industrious classes
who support themselves by their daily labour, who
gain their bread by the sweat of their brows, cannot
in justice or in equity be required to give that labour
to provide for another man's liabilities. If this were
so, then, indeed, they would be slaves—slaves bound
to toil that another may take a considerable portion
of the profits. By a pleasant fiction we are fond
of asserting—

" That Britons never shall be slaves."

Let us prove it practically, and compel our task-
masters to give up their claim upon the produce of
our industry by transferring the burden of the debt
to the owners of accumulated and realised property.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.

The discussion on the proposition of M. LAMM-
RATS for the dissolution of the Assembly was ad-
journed, amidst much confusion on Tuesday evening,
after a most eloquent speech from M. DX LAMARTINZ
in favour of the motion. During the course of the
discussion, M. SARRANS, in pronouncing a warm eu-
logium on the Republic, declared that the " day on
which the wind of the counter-revolution blew on it,
M. DX LAMARTINE took it in his hand and flung it
into space, saying, Va osi to pourras.' " This ac-
cusation at once brought up M. DR LAMARTINE, who
ascended the tribune, and spoke as follows :
" The interpellation of the Hon. M. Sarrans has been
too direct for me to refrain from speaking. That gen-
tleman has at the same time praised and blamed me for
the part which I took in founding our glorious, and I
hope, eternal, Republic.—("Hear, hear," from the Left.)
I shall reply but briefly to the Hon. Gentleman. It
cannot be believed that the man who contributed to
found the Republic can wish, I will not say to sacrifice
it, but even to weaken it in the Assembly which has
proclaimed it, and which has rendered such services
to the country, No one so much as the mem-
bers of the Provisional Government have relied on
the National Assembly to strengthen the Republic ;
and yet it is wished that the man who has used such
exertions to hasten the moment when universal suffrage
should call together the representatives of the people
should now abandon that same Republic, and throw it
at hazard to the shame of new ideas and the confusion
of the country. No, such can never be the ease.---(ln-
terruption). Permit me to give an explanation on a
reproach which has often been addressed to me relative
to an expression which I made use of when I examined
the great question of the nomination of the President.
I then said, " The die is cast, Alea jaata est." I said
so, and I do not repent it. I am one of those who do
not fear, when France has to throw the die, whilst the
fate of the throw is in the hand of God. Never was
there anything, in my impartial and unbiassed
opinion, proceeded from the will of the na-
tion more energetic, more moderate,_ more pa-
triotic, or more disinteresfed, than the National As-
sembly; and yet it is me whom you will mix up with all
those petitions, with that kind of occult insurrection; it
is me whom you would suspect of wishing to lay a snare
for the National Assembly in order to make it stumble.
Oh, you do not know me. How many times have I not
said to my friends who thought of sending back to Pro-
vidence that precious gift which it had made to the Re-
public, to sound every day the mysteries of universal
suffrage, that it would be an act of rashness, and a
tempting of human wisdom. I believe, however, that it.
might be useful to make a fresh appeal to the country.
I do not say that it is absolutely necessary; but if your
vote decides to the contrary the Republic will not perish,
it will have violent phases to go through, but you will
save it as you .have done before. In constituting
order, we have proclaimed popular sovereignty. As
statesmen we ought to take account of petitions; to Con-
sider them as symptoms of public feeling, but to accept
them as injunctions—never.—(Murmurs.) In a ques-
tion of such a delicate nature, when the subject is in a
measure to deliberate on the fate of my colleagues, I
hope that the Assembly will listen to me with favour.
and spare me those murmurs which only tend to disturb
my ideas. In order that the Assembly may produce
all the good which the country has a right to expect
from it, three things are necessary. In the first place,
it is necessary that the Assembly should be in accord
with itself ; in the next place, that the country should
set the Assembly in accord with the legislative power,
aad, lastly, that the Assembly should be in accord
with the real sovereignty of the country. In the first
place, I will ask whether there is that accord in the
National Assembly itself to enable it to present to a
Ministry its assured co-operation, and without
which there can be no strong government? To this 'I
will reply, not in the negative, for the result of yester-
day has proved that in important circumstances that co-
operation .will be again found.—(Hear, hear.) That
kind of good understanding between the National As-
sembly and a Ministry ought to be as resplendent as the
sun. Europe should see that the Ministry and the Na-
tional Assembly were in accord to accomplish the work
of France. The intention of that harmony exists in the
constitution, and, nevertheless, you have seen symptoms
of hostility between the legislative and the executive
powers, but I am convinced that when the partisans of
those opposite doctrines shall have reflected on what
might be too absolute in one or the other of those opi-
nions, they will readily find a solution of the difficulty.
—(Murmurs on the Left.) If I had been allowed to
have completed my idea, I should not have been inter-
rupted by those murmurs, for no one can respect
the sovereignty of the legislative power more than
myself. The legislative power is the head which orders;
the executive power is only the arm which obeys;
such has always been my idea, and never have I had
reason to doubt its correctness. It is necessary to act
with prudence, in order not to fatigue either one or the
other of those great springs of sovereignty. It is in this
prudence that will be found the solution of the difficulty.
If the legislative power could compel the executive, in
the person of the President of the Republic, to blindly
submit to all your wills, look at the situation in which
you would place him in the eyes of the country—you
would convert him into a being who would have no other
functions than to be continually disavowing himself.—
(Murmurs from the Left.) If such were the spirit of
the constitution it would be bad; but if it contained a
contrary spirit, you would force the National Assembly
to give to itself that perpetual disavowal of which I have
just spoken, and to give itself a certificate of its
own weakness. But such is not the case neither
one nor the other of these two extremes can be
accepted. This accord between the • legislative
power and public opinion is a thing Worthy all oar
attention. Public opinion was consulted for the election
of the President of the Republic, but had it' the same
ides as we had? When I say we, citizens; I say it con-
sidered individually—there is no question of our collec-
tive opinion, for we have none. Public opinion has been
much bolder and wiser than we—it has ehosen the per-
son whom we would have set aside. I do not blame it, I
should rather blame myself. The country has shown
wore inspiration, more genius than statesmen them-
selves.—(Loud interruption.) Yes, the country and
universal suffrage has shown more sagacity and a better
inspiration than statesmen themselves. It- has given a
proof ot sovereign wisdom. For my own part, I admit
that there is a real happiness for the country to find'
this . ray of glory which universal suffrage has
pointed out.—(Renewed and loud interruption from
the Left. If those murmurs mean to' imply that
am giving way to an idea of adulation, I reject
it. I repeat that, as a sincere Republican, I find a.
subject of congratulation in the result of an election
to which a few months before I bad expressed my re-
nugnance. I have a lively and a logical faith in the
situation of the executive power, of the Republican
power which the nation has wished to, as it were incar-
nate amongst us. I have such a confidence in him that
I do not hesitate to serve him, provided that he is and
remains the founder of our democracy, of that idea of a
-free people against which defiance has been so often
hurled. I now arrive at the_ reflections, sometimes ironi-
cal, presented by _one of our most sprituel colleagues—
only I shall treat serious things seriously. I shall -only
reply to one objection contained in the speech of the
lion. M. Pyat.. .I- respect not only the talent but the
sincerity ot the opinions put forth by the Hon. Gentle-
man to whom I have alluded; it is that he and those of
his, party do not set a proper value on universal suffrage;
and I ask, if you do not couficte in the conscience of the
country, in what can you plaoe 'your reliance?—(Hear,
hear.) Where, I ask the Hon. M. Pyst, will he place
, the principle of sovereignty, if he will not admit it in
~universal suffrage?
A Voiecon the Left—No one ever said that.
• . M. de Lamartine,-Will you place that principle in
Divine right which has been so long destroyed? Will
you place it in that intermediate right which was broken
by the revolution of February?-
A Voice from the Extreme Left—No one has ever
denied universal suffrage.
. M. de Lamartine—lf you do not admit this right of
universal conscience, you will admit no other, and you
would henceforth have no other compass than anarchy.
I have another observation to make. It has been said,
a
" We every day read in certain journals that France is
not Republican enough." My reply is, if it be true
that France, in the majesty and dignity of her manners,
cisompei
not enough
her t
oor
be naoota ti(tar3
so?—(Loud
said,
außi
dde,p
autabhdlai ctiaotinge. hownti
country youap. will
rpilpisa u sfeo.r a
Re
) I h
manners of Republican men and institutions. uion s.France is
not Republican, but to render her so she
have heard
that Francei not provided with the
d is
arbitrary government;
it is necessary to bend that young
opinion which has not yet the sentiment of the truth.
tSaht r ma
hui
ps t. beTcoonthstiaralinleodudblyy arelnplOyr,alasplrehssauvree,frbeyqua dc-
enuiy
done before. It is precisely from the day when those
opinions, manifested in your journals and in your clubs

became known to the country—it is from the day when
you, appeared to think of those acts of moral violence,
when you wished to intimidate liberty as you formerly
intimidated the monarchy—it is from that day that the
people were alienated from the Republic. Shall I give
you a proof of what I assert. Address yourselves to
all the citizens of France—to those who appear the
most averse to our Republic. Ask any one of them,
" Are you the enemy of the Republic, such as we
gave it to you, such as we proclaimed it under the
peristyle of this building before proclaiming it in a
decree; of a Republic of right, of conservatism, of
popular interest, seriously understood and justly satis-
fied, without any attack on property; of a Republic
of peace abroad, of a Republic regularly and firmly go-
verned at home, and which closes the abyss of revolu-
tions? Is it to such a Republic that you are opposed, and
are opposed, and from which you alienate yourself?"
The general reply will be, " Such a Republic we accept,
such a Republic we wish for."—(Renewed cries of
" Hear, hear.") Do you, on the contrary, know what
kind of a Republic the country holds in such just horror?
(Hear, hear.) It is that Republic which some incen-
diary clubs have desired so improperly to substitute for
the dogmas and tendencies of the Republic which we
have founded. It is that Republic which invoking the
remembrance, sometimes glorious, but sinister and san-
guinary, of '93, intimidates commerce, and spreads ularm
in the country; it is the Republic of moral violence, the
Republic of arbitrary . governors, the Republic of the
pro. consulates of opinion.—(Hear, bear, on the Right.
and deep murmurs on the Left.) It is this Republic
which we unfortunately see endeavour to establish
itself in some departments at the moment when
it was most necessary to restore confidence in the coun-
try. It is the Republic of the promenades of two hun-
dred thousand men as on the 17th of March,—(Hear,
hear on the Right, and great agitation on the extreme
Left.) The country will not have the Republic of May
15, or that of June 24.—(Hear, hear.) But the Republic
of order and conservative tendencies which the National
Assembly has desired to found—the country is anxious
to have that; and on every occasion that it has inter-
vened in its own affairs—on April 27, by the elections;
on May 15, in protecting the Assembly; on June 23,
in saving society; it has always accepted and sanctioned
the Republic.—(Hear, hear.) I call on the Assembly to
bear in mind the state of things around us; and in the
name of commerce, now in a dying state, of the working
classes who suffer, and, in fine, of the safety of the
Republic, I ask it to come to a wise resolution. Trust
me, that my counsel is in conformity with good faith,
with the dignity of the Assembly, and with the safety of
the Republic; that counsel is "Let us fall?"—(Sensation.)
At the conclusion of this speech LEDRII Romax,
who was labouring under the most intense excite.
went, rose to reply. The yells from the Mountain
were terrific ; they were answered with cries of defi-
ance from the reactionnaires, and the tumult at length
became so great that M. kAREAST, the President,
declared the sitting at an end, and the debate- was
consequently adjourned.
At the sitting of the 'Assembly yeaterday the dis-
cussion was resumed.
The first clause, which set forth that the delibera-
tion of the electoral law will be immediately pro-
ceeded with by the Assembly, was at once agreed
to, without a division.
On the second clause, which declares that the
new elections shall take place immediately after the
closing of the electoral lists,
M. &NAND presented an amendment, to the
effect that the convocation of the electoral colleges
should be determined by a special decree, and that
the elections should not take place for at least twenty
days after the closing of the electoral lists.
The effect of this amendment would be, as was re-
marked by M. LANJUINAIS in answer to M. SxNARD,
to postpone the elections indefinitely, and to perpe-
tuate the duration of the present, Assembly.
M. SIMARD made a short reply; after which,
M. Dor-wan rose to support the proposition of
M. LANJUINAIS, and was left speaking:
M. H. DAMETEI, the President of the club of the
Solidarite Populaire was arrested on Tuesday. The
club of which he is president is, says the Democratic
Paeffique, purely economic, has for its object to
organize exchanges between workmen, and has abso-
lutely nothing to do with politics. "He was set at
liberty yesterday, so that it is evident that the Go-
vernment arrests the presidents of all sorts of associa-
tions (DAMETH was president of an ordinary friendly
society) on speculation, in order to have an opportu-
nity of examining their papers. The underlings of
the Government, as might have been expected, follow
the'example of illegality set them by their superiors.
In the house of' DIMITH, the police agents who ar-
rested him, robbed a poor woman named BIAZIZZ of
SO francs. _

The Monitmtr announces officially the appointment
of M. LIINORMANT as professor of Archaiclogy at the
College de France, in the room of M. LETROPINE,
deceased.

The Patrie says—" We have stated, on the autho-
rity of another journal, that the resignation of M.
LIUMMINIZA had not been accepted. That journal
was ill•informed. The resignation of M. Lmutmi
Rim' is definitive, and the Minioter of rubliu In-
struction immediately transmitted it to the adminis-
trator of the College of France.
The opening of the conferences on the affairs of
Italy at Brussels is fixed for the sth of March.
Several battalions of Gerdes Mobiles have been
sent to Bordeaux.
The Prince DE LA MOULOWA will be sent as am-
bassador to Turin.
PARIS BOURSE, WEDNESDAY, NEL 7.

THREE O'CLOCC—Tho French Funds opened to-day
at fully I pr cent. above yesterday's closing prices, but
they afterwards gave way, and closed only ten centimes
higher than yesterday. The business done was exceed-
ingly limited in all kinds of securities, with the exception
of the Five per Cents. The result of the debate on the
Rateau motion was looked forward to with great in-
terest, but no one doubted that the division would be in
favour of the Cabinet. Exchange on London (30 days),
25 37k; ditto (90 days), 25 25.

BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, 7113. 7.

Boulogne and Amiens, 81,4—Dutch Rhenish, I%—Namur
and Liege, 814— Northern of France, B% Orleans and
Bordeaux, 3—Paris and Rouen, 1854—Rouen and Havre,
9%—Sambre and Meuse, 334—Tours and Nantes, 1%.

of the tribunals, is paralysed, the entire Ministry of the
empire, -or of any separate state, may, besides taking the
measures allowed in the 7th section, proclaim martial
law for a determined district, with the understanding
that the provisions of the 9th and 43d sections of the
Bill of fundamental rights respecting the exceptions to
the admissibility of capital punishment and of the com-
petency of military tribunals come into force. For the
proclaiming as well as the continuing of martial law, the
sanction of the imperial or local diet is necessary. If it
be not assembled, it must be convoked simultaneously
with the proclaiming of martial law. Further provisions
respecting martial law are reserved for imperial legisla-
tion. Until a law on that subject be published, the exist-
ing regulations remain in force."
A motion brought forward by Herr VON SCHMER
LING (the Austrian plenipotentiary), having in view
the conferring greater powers on the military autho-
rities with respect to martial law, was negatived by
a majority of 336 to 66.

MONEY -wild COMMERCIAL NEWS.
CITY, QUARTER TO THREE.
The Cotton Market yesterday was buoyant, and the
sales were again considerable.—Railway Shares had been
also in good demand.
The ace, ants received from the provinces were ex-
ceedingly favourable, and have had an influence of a most
satisfactory character upon the state of feeling in the
City. At present everything is couleur de rose, and with
the prospect of the national income and expenditure
being equalised, and of trade becoming better, together
with the abundance of money here, it is not surprising
that there should be so much buoyancy of feeling.
We believe there has not yet appeared in the London
journals any notice of the unfortunate trial of Williams,
Deacon, and Co., against the shareholders of the Isle of
Man Joint-Stock Bank, and of which the following par-
ticulars have been forwarded from Liverpool:—" The
plaintiffs claim 100,0001. from the shareholders.
The latter dispute the claim on various grounds,
the principal of which is, that at the time
the bank of Wulff and Forbes was converted
into a joint-stock concern, Messrs. Wulff and
Forbes were largely indebted to the London agents,
Messrs. Williams, Deacon, and Co.; that the share-
holders, who were induced' to enter into the new con-
cern, did not know this, and consequently they were not
responsible for the debts of Wulff and Forbes, now at-
tempted to be saddled upon them. They complain
of alleged combination, connivance, &c., of the Lon-
don bankers with Wulff and Forbes, and with the
trustees and directors of the Joint. Stock Bunk, to
involve and ruin the shareholders, and state further
that Williams, Deacon, and Co. continued to make
large advances to the Directors of the Joint-Stock
Bank, at a time when the directors, in repeated
annual reports, described it as being in a most
prosperous and flourishing condition. Mr. Dem-
bell, himself a shareholder in the joint-stock concern,
its advocate, and one of its most active directors, is the
leading counsel for Messrs. Williams, Deacon, and Co.,
against his brother shareholders, many of whom, it is
said, were induced to enter into the concern by his re-
presentations, and those of his brother directors, at a
time when the bubble was on the very verge of ex-
plosion."
The favourable character of the French news, and the
general impression that matters are looking healthy at
home, has had a further decided influence upon public
securities. Consols are 92 to 924, being now 924 4;
New Three-and-a-Quarter per Cents. have realised
93 to 934, and the Three per Cents. 921
to 11. At the hour of our writing, the market
is looking exceedingly good. Bank Stock has been done
at 196. East India. Stock is 243. Exchequer-bills are
475. to 505., and India Bonds, 48s. to 50s. premium.
The Foreign Market looks apes well as our own Funds.
Spanish Three per Cents. have touched 29i, and the Five
per Cents. 16i to 17, a rise of about per cent. in the
latter compared *ith yesterday. Portuguese Four per
Cents. have been nominally 25 to 26. Brazil Small
Stock is at 80. Grenada Bonds are at 15 to 15i.
Mexican Stock is still quiet at 251 4. Dutch Two.land•
a-Half per Cents. are 494. Belgian Four-and-a-Half
per Cents. are 794.
In Railway Shares there is not a great deal doing, but
the quotations are in most cases firmer.
O • 01,0•44,1 NG
i',4 :-. YUNDa 'CLOCK. PRICES.
Bank Stock
per Cent. Reduced A”ns 92%1A% 92%
3 ger Cent. Consols Annuities 92 92%1,% 92%
New 314 per Cent. Aren5....... 93 93% IA % 9314
uong Anns. to expire J an. 1860 -16
Ditto, Oct. 10, 1859 ..... 8 13-16 8 13-16
Ditto 30 years, Jan. 5, 1860 8 11-16 8 11-16
India Stock 243 243
India Bonds, 1,0001.
Ditto under 1,000/. . ....... 50 p 50 p
Consols for Account 921 1,4 92%
Exchequer Bills. 21yd. & 2d.
1,0001. March
1,0001. June 4B 47 50 p
Small, March .. 43 45 p
Small. June
PRICES OF FOREIGN YUNDs

45 p
50 p
46 p

49 p
oIrE CLOPIAt•
O'CLcXYK. TRICES.

Brazilian Bonds
Ditto, bmall BO 80
Grenada Bowls, 1 per Cent.
Ditto ex over-due Coupons —5%
Mexican, 5 per Cent. 1846 2510i 251,E
Portuguese 5 per Cents. ....
__.

Ditto, 4 per Cent
Russian Bonds .... ..... ..
Spanish 5 per Cent. 1840
Ditto. Account l7
De., Coupons
Ditto, Passive
Ditto, 3 per Cent ..... ........
Dividends on the above payable in London.
Belgian 4% per Cent ...... 79%
Dutch 2% per Cent., 12 Guild.... . •
Ditto. Account ..... ... — .... 49544 50
Ditto. 4 per Cent. Certificates 78% 79
PRICES OF PAID. BUSINESS DONE CLOSING
itAILWAY SHARES. AT ONE O'CLOCK. PRICES.
Aberdeen
Boston, Stamfd & Birm. 5
Caledonian
Ditto, Quarter Shares 1114 4% 4 %
Do. New 10i. Pref..... 7%..... 83/4% ....
Chester and Holyhead... 50 ...... 22%xi 22% xi
Dublin and Belfast June. 35 ...... 614 614
Eastern Counties........ 20 ...... 11% ll %
Do. New Guaranteed
6 per Cent. .... ...... 10 ...... 11% ll3/4
Eastern Union, Class A
_. (late E. Shares) 25

251hxd
108
16%
1716

4%
29%

79%

Do. Scrip (6 per cent.) 20 ..... ...... .. ..... 19
East Lancashire
Ditto, New Quarters 614 4%..
Do., 6 per Cent. Pre-
ference Quarters ... 614 714 7..
East Lincolnshire ...... 25
Great Northern
Do., A Deferred ... 12% 5 ... ..
Do., % B 6 per Cent.
guaranteed ... -... 6% 5 ....• ••• .....
Great South. and West.
(Ireland) ..-... . . ...... 45
Great Western 100 -
Ditto, New 171........ 15 ... .. 15
Lancaster and Carlis1e... 50
Lancashire & Yorkshire 93 —
Ditto, ditto
Do. Fifths
Do. Thirds (Reg.)..... 13 ..... 7% i ,
London, Brighton, and
South Coast
Ditto, New Si., guar.
6 per cent. .. 5
London and Greenwich 12/158 4d... ... .........
nitto, Preference .. . 20 ......
London and N. Western 100 l3B 137% 139
Ditto. Fifths ..... .. .. 2 ...... 9% .. ...
Do. 101. (M. & B.) A. 10 ......
Do. 10/. (M. & B.) B. 10 ...... .....

Do. 10/. (M. & B.) C. 1 ...,.. 41,E
Do., New Scrip, 1848,
Pref. 7 per Cent. on
Deposit, and 5 per
Cent. on Calls

2734
9%
5

1434
551/2

5

Midland lOO ...... 944 95%
Do., do., 60/. Shares... 25 ..... 21%14 ...... ....
Do.Consol.Bristol and
Birming.,6 per ct.... 100 ......123 122% x.d 122%x.d
Norfolk .......... .. 100 - 49
De. Guaranteed 5 p ct. 20
Do. Lowestott(4 per ct) 20
‘ orth British ... .... ... 25 ...... 1634... .. ....
Ditto, Halves ..
Ditto, Quarters
North Staffordshire
Scottish Central .... ..... 25 ...... 24 23%
Scottish Midland 25 . I4IA, ..• .......... 141/2
Shrewsbury and Birm lO ...... 5 ..... ......... 51iii
Shropshire Union
. outh :_itatfordature 7% •-•
So at). Eastern

121%
22

. _
Do., N 0.2.
Do— No. 3 .„.. ...... 30 ......
Do., Scrip No 4
Soutb Wales 33
Windsor, Staines, and
South Western ..... ... 12
Wilts, Somerset,& Wey-
mouth
York, Newcastle, and
Berwick.
Do. Original New and
Berwick .. 25 ..... 2934% 29%
Do. .Zittensiox No. 1. 20 ...... 22
Do. do. No. 2......... 20
Do. G.N.E.Preference 8 ..... 91,i...
York and North Midland 50 ..... 5734',4 ..... ...... 5714
Ditto, Preference

73/4
18

301/i

281,L4

Do. East mid West Rid-
ing Extension
FOREIGN RAILWAYS.
Boulogne and Amiens... 20
Central of France (Or-
leans and Vierzou) ... 18
Luxembourg..... 7
Ditto .. 10
Namur and Liege
Northern of France l2
Orleans and Bordeaux... 7
Paris and Lyons
Do. Do. .
Paris and Rouen
Rouen and Havre
Sambre and Meuse 2O ... .. 334%
Tours and Nantes .. 9 1% 2
JOINT STOCK BANKS.
London & Westminster. 20 ...... 24 ex.div. 24 x.d
Provincial of Ireland ... 25

4%
19

Erratum in yesterday's List—read, Caledonian Quarter
Shares 4A3, instead of 53,;.

SEAMEN'S HOSPITAL SOClETT.—Yesterday the
twenty-eighth annual meeting of this society, establishd'
for sick and diseased seamen in the port of London, was
held in the society's rooms, King William street, City,
John Labouchere, Esq., in the chair. Mr. Harley, the
secretary, read the report:—The committee adopted
precautions for the cholera, by obtaining from the Admi-
ralty the Iphigenia for the accommodation of cholera
patients, of whom only 30 were found in need of the ac-
commodation. During the year, 2,581 patients were
admitted on board the Dreadnought, and medical relief
was given to 2,153, making a total of 88,972 seamen of
all nations relieved by the society since its formation in
1821. The receipts amounted to 6,957/. 12s. Bd., and
the expenditure left a balance of 1524 7s. 4d. The so-
ciety continued to enjoy the patronage of her Most Gra.
cious Majesty; but had to lament the deaths of two vice-
presidents, Lord Ashburton, one of the original promo-
ters of the charity, and the Earl of Auckland, First
Lord of the Admiralty. Amongst the liberal donors to'
the society were Captain Hamilton Fitzgerald, R.N.,
who presented to the charity 1051., and the members of
the late Royal Victoria Yacht Club, who appropriated
the balance 93/. 16s. 2d., remaining in their hands, to
the same benevolent object. The report was adopted,
the officers for the ensuing year were elected, and
thanks were votedito the chairman, which concluded the
society's proceedings.

RESIGNATION OF ME. BALLANTINH, THE MAGIS-
TRATE.—This gentleman, one of the oldest slipendiary
magistrates of the metropolis, having officiated at the
Thames Pulice•court for more than 27 years, and who for
some time past has been suffering from ill health, has
tendered his resignation, which was yesterday accept(d
is a complimentary letter from Sir Q 9940 Vag,

LLOYD'S 8131 PPING.--(THIS DA Y•)
LONDON, FEB. at noon. S.S.W., light bi 'eeza
rind tine clear dry, weather.
MARGATE, FEB. 7.--Arrd. Heroine, Algoa Bay.
YA AMOUTH, ISLE OF WIGHT, FEB. 7.—Wind
fith, Item.ttitnee. New Orleans.
PLYMoOTH, FEB. s.—Wind S.W.—Sld. 7th, Susanna%
Sydney, Ne%v South Wales; British Empire, ditto; Age-
noria, ditto.
BRISTOL, FEJT, 7.—Wind S.W.—Sld. Egypt, Per-
nambuco. Arrd. Clyde; Victory, Potter, Calcutta.
SCILLY, FEB. 5.- -A boat marked " Sharon, Dart-
mouth, Edward Fox," was picked up. 3d inst., in the
Island of Sampson, gripes apparently cut.
SHIELDS.—The New Concord, of end trom Sunderland
to London, which got on the rocks, 30th ult., has been
got off and towed in.
LIVERPOOL, FEB. 7.—Wind Arrd. Remac,.
Mounsey, Arica; Ann Bridaon, Bragg, Islay; Em-
peror, Brown, New Orleans; Emblem, Gannett, Mobile;
Broosa, Soule, Wilmington, United States. Std. Rhon-
da, Pernambuco; Manchester, Bahia; Aarifa, Vera
Cruz; Dean. Vera Cruz; Clinton, Mobile; Sea King,
Savannah; Ivanhoe, New York; Liverpool, New York;
Atlas, New York; Mary Ann, Boston. Off port, Regu-
lus, Maranham.
FALMOUTH, FEE. 6.—Wind W.S.W.-6th, Arrd.
Indian, English, Auckland, New Zealand; Onderneming,
Rickmers, Rio Janeiro. 7th, Sld. Express Packet,
Madeira, &c.
POOLE, FEB. 6.—Put back, George Kiffen, for New-
foundland from Lisbon—out 73 days.
DEAL, FEB. 7.—Wind W.N.W. to N.W. and W.-
7th, Arrd. from the River, Ellerslie Graves, Adelaide,
South Australia; John Willis, Gibson, Demerara; In-
vestigator, Dunlop, Madras and Calcutta. Arrd. from
the River and sld. Penelope, Ledger, St. Thomas; Ann
Cook, St. Thomas; Ha v•frouw, Charleston. Sld,
Chunky Castle, Sydney, New South Wales; Ellerslie,
Adelaide, South Australia; Amel'ia, Mulholland, Brazils.;
Galatea, Rio Janeiro; John Demerara; Mar-
garita, Antigua.
DUBLIN, FEB. 6.—The Huma, Pratt, ,for New York,
when being towed out by the Adeline tug, sth instant,
got foul of her, and did considerable damage.
BELFAST, FEB. 6.—The Bartrand, of and for Boston,
United States, from Liverpool, which put in here 4th
instant, was run on shore yesterday, near Carrickfergus,
on suspicion of the cargo being on fire, but nothing is
known up to this time.
SUNDERLAND, FEB. 6.„bt Pelham, Barbados's;
Gratitude, New York.
SHIELDS, FEB. 6.—Cumberland, Varthagena and
Quebec; Jane Boyd, Valparaiso.