The Sun.
London, England, 1831-06-15 00:00:00

PARIS, JUNE 12.

RIOTS AT ASSIZES IN PARIS.—
TURBANCES AT .21IONTA ÜBAN—AD -
DRESS OF POLISH GO VERNMENT
G OD NEWS FROM GALLICIA.—RE
FUSE RUSSIA A LOAN.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE MORNING CHRONICL".
SlR,—And new we have a new fact—a recent one—one
of yesterday—a fact of Paris—one I deplore —lint it is a fa( t
which should teach us where we are, and should mate
the Minister feel that he must march with the Rev
Ihe fact is a serious one—it is no less than riots in a
Court of Justice at Paris, the capital of France. Yoe know
I have laboured to prevent this—to convince our Presi-
dent that these state prosecutions for political offences were
anti-n itional, and must lead not merely to dissatisfaction,
but also to tumult. Yet, in spite of the chins of the
French and the English Press, the prosecutions are conti-
nued, and yesterday five young men—two of them wear-
lec
of the Seine.July"—wereorationof
accused!l
antgthtehe66
Assizes
iroofueihiatvtztforintitilaii-
month of March, cried " Vive la Republique!" and for
having resisted military authority, and disarmed some of
,
the Municipal Guards. This was the charge. The wit-
nesses for the prosecution could not identify the prisoners,
and the case was a matter of laughter—when a Govern-
ment agent came forward, identified all the prisoners—
though in the case of two an alibi was unquestiou
able—and ventured to swear that all wee, etepable,
and that he saw all engage in illegal fiefs and toter
illegal cries. This man was a perjueer! There is
no other name for him, far that is his tit'e. The
Court was crowded with the youth of Paris, and the
public feeling was greatly excited. But when this man
gave his testimony, the feeling could not lie suppressed—
cries of " Down with the witness," " He is a spy," " he
is a police informer," issued from all parts, and it was
impossible to hear another word. The Foreman of the
Jury now interfered. He was a proprietor ! one of, the
" peace at all prices party," a lover of the Restoration, and
a hater of the youth, of the metropolis. Let us itntuOt-
naliee this man by recording his_ mime ; for he seas celleil
" .Ledeux !" He wanted to' have these young men con-
victed, and he was greatly discomposed by the cries of the
audience. So, rising in a passion, and Wiling up his fists
clenched in a menacing aspect towards the accused, lie
exclaimed, "Les menaces ne nous intindderont pas ;
nous ferons noire devoir ; nous ne craignons pas yes
poignards !" When these words were pronounced, cries
and yells of indignation proceeded from every part of the
building. The Counsel of the accused refused to allow his
clients to be tried by a Jury having such a foreman, the
Judges retired—and an order of Court was made postponing
the trial to another opportunity ! hall this grave. I lament the
tumult. I deeply regret that the public could not suppress its
indignation at the witness, and that it did not content it-
'elf with prosecuting him for perjury at the next Assizes,
This you would have done in England, and you would have
acted with more wisdom and equal patriotism. But then
you must remember that we tire in a ibtite of great exile-
ment—that public opinion is very strongly pronounced
against these daily state prosecutions—that the Minister
persists, though all France says no—and that as he is
obstinate, he must be convinced by facts which no subtlety
can elude, and no finesse dispose of by even an abundance
of adjectives in an article in the Monideur. And yet still
the Minister is unconvinc, d ; and be thinks that lie can
bring France to act and feel as he does. This is a great
mistake, and may lead ta immense evils.
To-day we have also intelligence of tints in various
departments, and especially at Montauban. In no place
in France are the Catholics AO bigotted and persecut-
ing as at Montauban. You cannot fail to remem-
! her the horrible sufferings and persecutions to which
the Protestants were subject in 1815 in this district.
Now the Catholics are there not only intolerant in
their religious, but anti- mitional in their political
creed—and they hoist the Draper:ft Blanc, and wear
white cockades. On the occasion of Fete Dieu thee
promenaded the streets as usual with their Catholic
processions, and even made them more splendid than they
were wont to do. In the midst of the procession was a
white flag, and a standard decorated with white cockades.
This was scandalous, and it gave rise to riots. The Ca-
tholics say that " religion is persecuted." This is false.
What had religion to do with the white flag, and the em-
blems of the fallen anti-national dynasty ? If the Cross
had been attacked, or the Sacrament had been profaned,
these very religious persecutors might have hail something
to say—though even they have no right to obtrude their
s
te
pee
arheoriruiegri
reitboossonsuanel
dnt,Gidnbooecyft
cheaaie,rruni ssirmestotretselneestathtsraatn:d oft
Protestants
annoy
fnxrith,enoti,ndywb town
et
thilp.wherepiece
these
istaoelt;:i
ne,
id,bpbgpttoiutldshl
na
they bait
population
hhihi
its
d to
iThlievouidbiebeletiona/ini:neemitizyini:
paraded the streets to offend the Protestants, I regret
bourhood; but it was almost
the procession was attacked-_the
who joined the procession were dispersed
—and now the priests say,. " religion is persecuted." You will see at once that the charge is false.
To-day we have received an Address from the Polish
Government. You will find it in all the Journals, It is,
as usual, temperate, manly, wise, and noble. It admits
the defeat of the Poles ; but it says there is therefore no
real ground for discouragement. It states the losses of the
enemy with moderation, and renders an account of those
suffered by themselves with truth, But I call your atten-
tion to this important document principally on one ac-
count, and that is, that it asks the question—. What do
Foreign Powers mean to do—and when will they be sa-
tisfied ?" I have almost reproached the Poles for not ask-
ing this question before, since Poland is tiebting the battle
of liberty against absolutism for the advantage of all Eu-
rope. Well, and now the question is asked, lam anxious
to learn the reply. Will France say, " Stop till I
have arranged my differences at borne, and then I will
think of Poland ?" Will England say, " Stop till the
question of Reform is settled, anti then I will examine the
affairs of Poland?" Will Prussia say, "Stop till the
question of Belgium is terminated, and then I
will see if any arrangement can be made for Poland ?"
And will Aurria say, " Let me have absolute power in
Italy, and suppress the desire fur liberty in Piedmont, and
then I will attend to Poland?" if these be the replies
which Poland shall receive, history will do her justice, and
will hand down the names of our present rulers to univer-
sal and eternal contempt. But though I thus write, I
will not anticipate such replies on the pert of Great Bri-
tain or of France. Even the landed proprietors and
Rentiers of this country, who would rather be bled to
Re-
volutionists, yet exclaim, Witrlnfut
otuiraelGpotvheernPnoileenst.
death than be supposed to encourage Revelation and
d"
The
Poles must not be crushe
shall
leave Poland to her fate,tve shall begin to think. that La-
marque was right." 1 have beard many rich Rentiers
utter thew words on Friday, yesterday, and to-day. This
it a point gained! How just must be the revolution, and
how spotless that revolt, which can even melt the iron
hearts of the French Rentiers!
The news from Ga!licia is cheering. The youth press
around the national banner, and surround the national
cause. The spark at Warsaw has now become a wide.
si read conflagration, and the " band of brigands" to lie
put down with a few Russian bayonets, has become too
poweithl for even all Russia. The Emperor threatens in
vain. He has sworn to confiscate all the property of those
who revolt, and as " rebels" are seized, they are instantly
shot or !snug without trial or inquiry. But the Galliciana
are indifferent to the threats of the Emperor, and confis-
eation has no terrors for men who have. devoted to their
country, not merely their properties but their lives. And
what will Russia do for money? She will soon want to
make loans large loans—loans to carry on a war for the
extermination of Polish patriots; and will she find capita.;
lists in France or Great Britain to, advance her the money ?
Is Russian security good in these times? Is Russian stock
worth holding, when province after province, from which
she derived her resources, is rising against • " the Mother
Government?" Merely as a question of pounds, shillings,
and pence, I would put it to the speculators and bankers of
the two metropolises, whether new Russian stock can •
Int wanted in the market ! But upon another and a much
higher ground I would place the question. Will the Mere
chants and bankers of the only two countries in Europe
which enjoy liberal Monarchical Institutions, consent to
lend money to a Russian Despot to pot dorm liberty in the
North oI Europe, and to stifle the cause of freedom and
civilization? I am not dravieg your attention to an idle
theory, or a problematical case. The Emperor must have
money. Money k the soul of Russian warfare. He can-
not levy tuore taxes, for, should he do so, he would have •
revolt. He cannot make c' forced loaus," for, in spite of
the aristocracy of wealth being opposed to the Poles, it is
a vast deal mare opposed to tnAtinglliveuniary sacrifices.
Then,' in a very-little time, the Emperor will want money
Let Etvlis'a and French capitalists refuse their aid. Let
not the loan, if matte, be allowed to appear on the marker.,i
Let it be called " The Loan of Blood ;" anti let nocoaneitly.
it at the F4chartge or on the Bourse of_t chee
tthweonels,sians
Thus drive the Emperor to terms, orthc: iindependence
of
to revolt, and in bsth cases secure
betiCllt servant.
Poland. sin, Sir, your °

.At the last weekly meeting of the 110r1;tiii-
titrai Society Lady CocuttANE Was elected a /A 110,c.
the Soriety—a' loot so say its wet dF..

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

Yesterday metahe Parliament, upon whose deci-
s7ons such important results depend'. It bag been
chosen, we should think, as much as possible, accord•
ing to the principles of the Constitution—that is,
wherever freedom of election prevails to any degree,
the efforts of the people have been crowned with sue.
ce;s, and they have returned their own men. Nomina-
tion members, and members by purchase, there
must still be, under that system of. which we hope
we shall soon have to announce the fall ; but the
honourably elected must prevail to a degree that
was never before knonn. The country, therefore,
has a right to be full of hope. We have heard va-
times calculations of the amount of the expected
majority : we shall not repeat them ; but the people
being one and all for Reform, and contests having
—with no other important exception, we believe,
but that of the University of Cambridge—turned
out favourably to the popular cause, we do not see
that the minority can consist of many besides the
tools and agents of those Peers and wealthy Com-
moners who make this last struggle for their rotten
boroughs. The Speaker was re-chosen without op-
position ; and it is remarkable that the Right Hon.
Gentleman was proposed by Mr. C. Wynn, his
competitor for the chair when he was first proposed
as Speaker, some 14 years ago ; and that the no-
mination was seconded by Sir Matthew White
Ridley, the gentleman who had seconded the nomi-
nation of Mr. Wynn on that long-past occasion.
Lord John Russell and Mr. Stanley, as we long ago
sta►ed would and ought to be the case, are made
Cabinet Ministers. While their merits deserved
such a distinction, their real power in aid of the Bill
remains unaltered : it rests in their reasoning and
talents. Lord Sefton, Lord Kinnaird, Lsrd Fingal!,
Lord Leitrim, and the Right Hon. Agar Ellis, are
to be created British Peers. Mr. Bernal, the mem-
ber for Rochester, will be proposed as Chairman of
the Committee of Ways and Means.—Tines.
Two very interesting documents have lately issued
from the National Government of Poland, and are
mow communicated by means of the Journals to the
European public ; the first an address " to the in-
habitants of Lithuania, Volhynia, Podolia, and
Ukraine," and the other a circular to all its diplo-
matic agents abroad, on the circumstances and con-
sequences of the battle of Ostrolenka. The former
exhibits another proof of the exertions making by
the National Government to incorporate all the
Russian Polish provinces with those now under its
sway, and of the perfect identity of feelings and in-
terests which exists between portions of a nation so
long separated. The latter was necessary to counter-
act the misrepresentations which the Russians were
expected to make of the retreat of the Polish troops
to Praga, and to explain the full effect and result of
the sanguinary engagement by which it was occa-
sioned. We yesterday adver'ed to the vast im-
portance of those acts of the National Government,
those decrees of the Polish Diet, and those opera-
tions of the Polish army, which are intended to bring
all ancient Poland within the circle of the present
revolution—which have overturned the partition-
wall raised by anti-national despotism between diffe-
rent portions of the same people—which have re-
established a conducting medium between the
inhaLitants of Wsrsaw and \Vilna—of the banks
ofthe Vistula anti Dnieper, and which are destined to
unite the Poles all under the same standard of indepen-
deuce, or the same doom of slavery. If the nobility,
citizens, and peasantry of Lithuania, Volhynia, and
the other less celebrated districts of the ancient king-
dom which Russia seized upon within the last GO years,
were again united under the Polish eagle, the struggle
might still be long, but it could scarcely fail to be
successful. If, on the other hand, they are deaf to
the voice of their heroic countrymen, or lukewarm in
the national cause, the hordes of the Czar may
prove too powerful for the small body of noble-
minded patiiots, whose exploits have added new
glory to the Polish name. Poland, constituted on
its late narrow basis, could neither secure its own
independence, nor answer any good purpose in the
balance of European states. It would be too weak
for self-protection, and too dissatisfied with the con-
traction of its limits to allow the repose to its neigh-
bours. On the other hand, the Emperor, if be suc-
ceeded in separating its cause from that of the other
provinces which it had invited to revolt, would be
disposed to curtail its rights, in order to punish its
hostility, if not to make it a dependent province of
his vast empire. The game at which the parties
are now playing is, therefore, one which involves art
extension of the Polish kingdom or an annihilation
of the Polish name. The address of the National
Government to their brethren is an extremely noble,
dignified, and spirited production. It describes the
victoria; already gained, by the almost miraculous
bravery of their troops, with a becoming pride ;---it
recounts their oppressions like men who felt the in.
dignity more titan the suffering of their wrongq—
eind it does not disguise the fellowship of toil and
danger to which it invites their brethren. The cir-
eider of the National Government about the battle
of Ostrolenka does not disguise the extent of the
Polish loss, but gives a lower estimate of it than the
accounts which we had previously received. It states
that the retreat which followed the battle entered
into the original plan of the Generalissimo in mak-
ing the advanced movement--that it was effected
in the best order, and that the enemy obtained no
real advantage hy his continued occupation of the
field which the Poles had abandoned. The loss of
the Polish army did not exceed 2,000; and it occu-
pies its old quarters at Praga, not because it is dis-
abled from action, but because it has need of re-
pose, and because the principal theatre of war is not
now on the banks of the Vistuls, but on the plains
of Lithuania. The extension of the war into than
and the other Russo-Polish provinces is equivalent
to a victory. If the Commander-in-Chief had
thought that the winning a battle would have been as
fruitful in results as the sending of succours to the
insurgent provinces, he would have concentrated
his forces instead of dispersing them—he would
Have attacked the Russian army with all his troops,
and would certainly have been victorious. Then
follows the great object of the circular. " Explain,
this state of things," says the Polish Government,
and add, " that if we had won a victory over the
army of Diebitsch while the Lithuanian insurrection
gained force, and spread into Podolia and Volhynia,
the triumph of our c•iuse would have been secured
without foreign aid; but if foreign Powers take any
interest in our fate—if they aspire to the glory of
euccouring the most righteous and noble of causes—
they ought no longer to delay in pronouncing in Our
favour. A conclusion so just, and an appeal so
moving, cannot be heard in vain by the free and
enlightened Governments and people of Europe.•—
Timer.

---
Among the modes by which considerable and
easy additions might be made to the fund for the
relief of the starving poor of Ireland, it is reccr-
rn.
ended that every Irish Bishop should be called
"Pon, each individually and separately, and formally
hfsy
itthetnCleomth matitttehe, for some distinct contribution.
251. ?
about
3s.
for
Bishop of Derry gave the sum of
come f. 2. Thatatrhevery hundred pounds of his in-
come sum subscribed for a piece of
plive to poor Caroline—after the termina-
tion of the proceedingssin b
which nothing has against her—and about
c.emeiintseht,ieunto•elt,
appropriated to this other cause, should now be
less interesting
to British humanity.
re-
commended, that the fund whicr been warmly
seriptiots after the passing of the ixe.aasotiltised by sub-
called a fund for completing " The NV eollli gc niii'
and
Tes-
timonial near Dublin, about which fund no Tes-
has since been heard (although we believe
amounted to 2,0001. or 3,0001.) than of the " egueeei,t,
Caroline Fund," should now be demanded by th,'
subscribers, and applied to this sacred purpose of
feeding the hungry poor. If there be good sense
or usefulness in any of the above suggestions, there
is not a moment to be lost.—Times.
The feeling in favour of the Poles is becoming
every day stronger and stronger throughout Europe
and it hardly requires the gift of prophecy to foietell
that the French Government w:11 be compellod to

take a more decided part in their behalf than it has
hitherto done. Even the journals the most devoted
to the Ministry are no longer able to remain indif-
ferent when Poland is spoken of. We confess, we
wish most devoutly that it were possible to inter-
pose some respectable Power between Russia and
the west of Europe, and we are almost inclined to
think, that at this moment Great Britain and France
have it their power to effect this grand object with-
out much risk. Austria can have no wish to see
Russia mistress of all Poland; and, besides, she has
too much at stake in Italy to hazard war for the
Czar. Prussia cannot afford in these days to set
public opinion at defiance. The moment is, there-
fore, peculiarly favouratile for wresting Poland from
the barbarians of the North. If Poland were restored
to independence, a common interest would probably
lead to such an understanding between that country
and Tut key as would secure both against the future
attacks of Russia. But the main advantage to Europe
would be the exclusion of Russia from interference
with the affairs of the nations of the West, with
which she can have no sympathy. Her power, as
has been proved both in the case of Turkey and
Poland, has been greatly over-rated; but her posi-
tion secures her from attack, and enables her to
choose her time for mischief. She may thus be said
to he a permanent nuisance, which all civilised na-
tions have an interest in abating. The gallantry of
the Poles has rendered interference now, not only
less hazardous, but also more beneficial than it would
have been some months ago. At the beginning of
the contest the independence of the kingdom of Po-
land is the most that England and France could have
demanded ; at present nothing less will satisfy the
Poles than the restoration of ancient Poland. With
respect to one point of great importance, a fresh
Russian loan, we know the difficulty of combating
successfully the love of gain ; but yet we question
whether a strong manifestation of public opinion in
England and France might not deter capitalists.
Stock Exchange morality is not very nice we are
aware; but, after all, the idea of lending money to
aid in the extermination of a gallant and much in-
jured nation is so infamous, that capitalists might be
frightened from encountering the odium of it. We
shall see.—. Morning Chronicle.
The committal of a poor Turk by a Queen-square
Magistrate for inability to find security to prosecute
the person who robbed him, would almost lead one
to believe that the Essex Squire was not so far
wrong when lie said that the best Magistrates were
they who knew least of the law. There can be no
doubt that the committal is according to law; but
there can be as little doubt that such a law is unjust
towards the sufferer, and injurious towards the com-
munity. But, like many other absurd laws, it sub-
sists because the poor alone suffer from it. To de-
tain a poor man who derives his subsistence by tra-
velling about the country, in order to prosecute for
a trifle, may Le to him of the most serious conse-
quence. In the case of a rich man the hardship
would be trifling; lie could easily obtain securities,
whom he would indemnify, if more than his personal
recognizance should be demanded. The moral is
obvious to all who read any account of the proceed-
ings. It is bad to be robbed, but still worse to be
sent to prison to secure the punishment of the
robber. The thief, of course, calculates on this un-
willingness to prosecute, and he is not far out in his
calculation. Such is the dread of being obliged to
prosecute entertained by the people engaged in bu-
siness in London, except the loss be serious, or the
thief has particularly provoked them, that they are
exceedingly anxious to keep the matter quiet. A
man who has once been so unfortunate as to be
dragged into a prosecution, takes especial care to
escape that calamity a second time. The whole of
the hardship is unnecessary in nineteen cases out of
twenty. What is wanted is evidence of the crime,
and it often happens that the evidence of the pro-
secutor is of no importance. What is wanted is a
public prosecutor to take charge of the proceedings,
and give no more trouble to individuals than the in-
terests of justice demanded. We need hardly re-
peat that there can be no more infallible way to en-
courage crime than to deter sufferers from complain-
ing, by subjecting them to great and unnecessary
hardships.—Morning Chronicle.
We are glad to see that the conduct of Lord
Thomas Cecil is generally viewed as a most un-
warrantable assumption of a right to interfere with
freedom of opinion in matters of public interest.
The practice of duelling is, at best, of questionable
propriety, but its most extravagant admirers must
admit, that it would become a most insufferable
nuisance were any man to consider an opinion ex-
pressed of his public conduct a justifiable ground of
challenge. If this objection applies to the right of
challenge of the party himself, it applies with ten-
fold force to the right of his relations and friends. A
noble boroughmonger might become a truly formid-
able personage, if the Lord Thomases and Lord
Charleses, and the rest of the fry of the younger
brothers and dependents, who look up to him for
support and advancement, were to be allowed to
compete for his favour and patronage by seeking the
lives of his political opponents. The pretensions of
Lord Thomas Cecil are so outrageously absurd, that
it is only astonishing he should have found any one
to countenance him in them. The English are too
much alive to propriety to tolerate conduct like that
of Lord Thomas Cecil ; and we are sure that the
admonitions of his friends must have, by this time,
brought him to a due sense of his folly.—Morning
Chronicle.

The revolutionist Press continues its ineffectual
labours to keep up that furious excitement of the
lower orders of the people by which the result of
the election of Members to the present Parliament
was in so many instances determined. They work
against nature, and their failure, therefore, cannot
excite any surprise. Even the rabble in time get
sick of clamour, and the moment that they do so,
which usually arrives with a rapidity proportioned
to the violence of their previous frenzy, the object
in pursuit of which they have been running mad
loses a great part of its value in their estimation.
We doubt whether, at the present moment, a tole-
rably formidable mob could be collected any where
in England in favour of Reform. The notion which
his Majesty's Ministers and their tools have exerted
themselves so indu,triously to propagate among the
rabble, that they are not only justly entitled, but
fully carnpetent to decide upon the most difficult and
complicated queraipns of policy and legislation,
is no doubt prdducing its natural effects; the
supremacy of mob law has not been pro-
claimed ip vain; but the persuasion that they
are especiaiiy w 4,1 peculiarly fitted to decide
upon the merit of poected constitutions is
somewhat too extravagant to be long maintained
even among the lowest and most ignorant of the
vulgar. Let aD one, however, conclude rashly from
this, that mob supremacy, once acknowledged, will
ever be willingly surrendered, for inctead of this it
will roe,'fiiy, by the hydra potentate, be directed to
other objects—to objects more within the compre-
hension of mobs. Thus thp. rioters in Wales care
nothing about Reform, but are bent upon exercising
their new-born authority in the suppression of eel's
rain local courts of justice, which happen to have
offended them ; white the mobs, in the county of
Monmouth are quite indifferent to the inequali-
ties of tbta rational represeotwien, but absolute,
intractable, pet feet ii spots indeed, in their aver-
sion to new inelo4iures, When we hear it pre-1
tended that the temper manifested by certain
portions of the people during the late ,p,,netal
election ought to govern the votes of Members
of Parliament upon the question of Reform, we
are tempted to ask whether all local courts ought
to be abolished because of- the tumults in Gla-
mrgrrsahett ofthee
Legislature
re, and every enclosure
asa
public
by
anuisance,
Forest of Dean ?
noef
these
to gratify the humou, •
the rioters at the
that we are at a lo'srshLfocins3rmoneefsgriare so nearly parallel,
said thaCesmeaonpinmtons and
reasoner can adopt the any accurate.
reject the latter. If it be
of the House of Commons have pledgedytherrseblveress
their conttitnents to suppeit the Reform 'OM of

his Majesty's Ministers, and that whatever change
may have taken place in the public mind or in their
own, they are bound to the literal fulfilment of their
engagement, we answer that the man who, in un-
dertaking the duty of a Legislator, promised to act
the part of a slave, contracted one of those unfor-
tunate obligations which it would be a greater crime
to fulfil than to violate ; and that the electors
who extorted such a pledge have little right to
expect that faith should be kept with them,
since by that very act they violated the trust
reposed in them by the Constitution, and in-
vaded the rights of all the non-voting por-
tion of their fellow-subjects, by electing, not
legislators for an empire, but delegates of
a coterie. And we further answer, that no
principle can be more pernicious or absurd than that
which permits a nation, in a fit of temporary deli-
rium, to consign itself to certain and irretrievable
ruin. Were we even to admit the Reform Bill to
be the perfection of human wisdom—were we con-
vinced that the electors of Great Britain and Ire-
land have been within the last two months in the
soberest and most deliberative mood, still we should
deem the doctrine of pledges, as it is advanced by
the bigots of Reform, a mischievous absurdity, since
nations are not always wise, and it leaves to the na-
tion. no locus penitentice—no refuge from the effects
of its own occasional and tihnsitory folly. But at
least the members of the Upper House of Parliament
are not fettered by pledges. This august assembly
is not self-condemned to the humiliating mockery of
discussing a question which it is at liberty to decide
in only one way. The country has still the advant-
age, and at no former period of its history has this
advantage been so conspicuous as at the present mo-
ment, of possessing one legislative body which can-
not divest itself of its deliberative character.—Morn-
ing Advertiser.

The " Holy Alliance," thanks to the assistance
and co-operation of the Governments of England
and France, thinks itself, no doubt, in a fair way to
realise its dangerous and degrading ascendancy over
the affairs of the Continent. When Mr. Canning
found it his interest to court the support of public
opinion, he shook its power by separating the
councils of England from an unnatural coalition
with the Cabinets of despots, who have a common
and deadly hatred against the liberties cf all man-
kind, which is proclaimed in their protocols, and en-
forced by their bayonets. But the policy of the
Holy Alliance received the shock of a greater power
than tl.at which Mr. Canning wielded against it-
It was the French revolution of last July—that

reaction of public feeling against oppression made
the fabric of continental despotism tremble to it.:
foundation. Its consequences threatened it with

ruin. The despots made a common cause to avert
those consequences by military force. France,
threatened by the armies of Russia, Austria, and

Prussia, was saved for the present by the revo-
lution of Poland and the insurrections in Italy—
the latter have been put down by Austrian
bayonets, in the face of the delusive declarations
of the French Government to prevent all despotic
interference with the internal affairs of independent
States. Under the protection of Austrian legions,
who have trampled liberty and the declaration of
France into the dust, the executioner has shed the
blood of the high-minded Menotti, the distinguished
Borelli, and hundreds of other patriots, whom the
secret promises of France lured into resistance, and
whom her shameless treachery left to their fate.

The despots, in their triumphs, show no disposition
to profit by the example of mercy in punishing po-
litical offences which the French people gave them
in sparing the lives of the blood-guilty Ex-Ministers
of their late Bourbon tyrant. Ferocious, vindic-
tive, arid sanguinary, they consider the power of ex-
termination as the chief privilege of conquest. From
the scaffold they proclaim their merciless doctrines
by the voice of the headsman, and show that all
generous examples, all lessons of humanity, are lost
upon the regal conspirators against the freedom and
civilization of the human race. Poland still sustains,
by its own unaided bravery, the shock of the armies
of the vast empire, under whose sufferance the
successor of the Amuraths and the Solymans now
occupies a tributary throne. She is prodigal of her
blood in the cause of independence. She fights her
own battles, the battles of France, and of the civilized
world, upon the soil, and amid the scenes, where
Kosciusko and his warriors left the inspiring ex-
amples of their heroic virtue. In this—to use a
phrase of Burke, the " agony of her glory"—no
friendly hand among the civilized and enlightened
Governments of Europe, is extended to save her
from the malignant fury of the barbarians that pour
upon her plains the lava-flood of desolation. To
save her, do we say ? There is riot a single hand
put forth to clear the lists, within which she fights,
of the busy partisans of her colossal enemy. On
one side the malicious Government of Prussia,
deeply sympathising with the ferocious Autocrat of
the North, supplies his troops with every thing of
which they stand in need, while it offers every vexa-
tion arid annoyance short of the open hostility of
arms to the Poles ; on the other side the crafty and
perfidious Austria grossly violates the law of nations
to reduce the strength of Poland, and to gain by
treachery and violence those advantages for Russia
which the valour of her armies could not ob-
tain. If Poland fell, the barbarities that would
be perpetrated would be viewed with as much
indifference as the dungeon massacres of the
patrirres cf Italy. But we hope the Almighty
Power that humbled Belshazzar in his glory,
and smote Herod in his pride, will wither the
strength of other oppressors while they raven for
slaughter and vengeance, and afford the world the
instructive spectacle of a day of awful retribu-
tion for the wrongs of Poland ! The Belgic ques-
tion is an experiment of the " Holy Alliance," to
ascertain how far they can, in the present state of
Europe, restore the principle of the tyranny which
would dispose of the rights and territories of inde-
pendent nations, as if they were the chattel-pro-
perty of a confederacy of Sovereigns. They assert,
upon a small scale, what they put, in practice exten-
sively in the Congresses of Vienna and Verona.
There they curtailed, Lillgmented, and portioned king-
doms as they pleased. There they transferred whole
tuitions, or parts of nations, from one ruler to another,
without asking the consent or regarding the opinion
of the people, and insolently called this spoliation of
national rights the " settlement of Europe." Bel-
gium arid Poland formed part of diet settlement
which followed what the same regulators of the des-
tinies of mankind designated, in bitter irony, the" de-
liverance of Europe." The nations want neither " de-
liverauce" nor settlement" at the hands of the Holy
Alliance. This arrogant power, that impiously SW"
slimes a divine appellation, will never, by its offi-
cious interference with the internal affairs of other
people, produce any thing but confusion, discontent,
revolution, and war. The " Holy Alliance," with
the assistance of Lord Castlereagh, the political tutor
of Lord Palmerston, " settled" Belgium and Poland
sixteen years ago, and therefore they are at the pre-
sent day more unsettled than ever. It is a melan-
choly subject of reflection that the Governments of
England and France, which left Poland to its fate,
on pretence of avoiding the most remote chance of
foreign wili', should have eagerly plunged into the
vortex of the angry politics of Belgium, and that too
not on the side of freedom, but of tyranny—not on the
side of an oppressed people, but of a combination of
despots. Is our Government prepared to support
the iniquitous rescript of Lord Ponsonby by arms ?
If so, what becomes of its professions of peace and
non-irate.vention ? If it is not, and the Belgian'
should resist that rescript, what becomes of the
dignity of its decrees and the thunder of its Proto-
cols? Whatever some of our Ministers may thin);
of the honour of being associated in Council with
Metternich, and Billow, and Leven, the people of
England loathe the connection as much as they detest
the doctrines of the Holy Alliance.—Morn. Herald.

LONG SERVITUDE.---Died, at Cirey House,
on the 21st May, after a short illness, Mr. Jon GRAY,
overseer there, aged 82. He had been a servant to the
Noble family of ClittY for upwarde of 00 years. —Perth
Cos rier.