The Sun.
London, England, 1836-11-29 00:00:00

years, and for adding hundreds of trillions to the national
debt ? There might be individuals who thought the
Whigs hail not done enough, but he would ask whose
fault was that? Hail they not done more in five years
than Tory Administrations had done in centuries. It was
the duty of every individual who desired to see the welfare
of his country perpetuated to support the present Adminis-
tration by every means in his power. It had been the
fashion to consider the last session, if not entirely, at least
as comparatively useless. He confessed that he was not
one who had adopted that opinion. If it had not done all
that might have been expected, still it had done much that
they could reflect upon with pleasure. Among other
things, the abolition of the Orange societies in Ireland, and of
the mischiefs which naturally attended their existence, was,he
thought, a measure of immense importance.—(Cheers.)
Another great feature of the session was the passing of the
Tithe Commutation Bill, a Incas:lre upon the passing of
which he congratulated every man present. He never
knew so important a Bill passed through Parliament with
so little acrimony and bitter feeling as the Tithe Commu-
tation Bill. Would to heaven he could say that it was
likely to proceed as much sub silentio in bringing it to bear
throughout the country. He was sorry to say that a cer-
tain Right Reverend Prelate, a well-known polemical di-
vine, had been sounding the war-trumpet to the clergy,
and telling them that they must resort to every means
whereby they could raise the amount of their demands.—
(Hear, hear.) He regretted this exceedingly. Ile knew
the great ability of the individual, and was sorry to find it
allied with so little judgment. He congratulated them,
however, that the Bill had passed.—(Cheers.) If the con-
stituency did its duty, there could be no doubt on earth that
the Lords would give way. But so long as the Lords could
entertain an opinion that they could divide Reformers by
setting the Whigs and Radicals at variance, so long would
they use their utmost endeavours to obtain a majority in
the House of Commons, and oppose every liberal measure.
If the people would not stand up for themselves, all he
could say was they did not deserve further success,
nay more, they did not deserve what had been already
obtained for them.—(Tremendous cheering.) Notwith-
standing that he agreed almost entirely in the very excel-
lent speech of Lord Segrave, and never did he hear a
speech which gave him more satisfaction, there was one
remark in which he could not entirely agree. His Lord-
ship said that there was not only a possibility but a proba-
bility of the Tories returning to office.—(Cries of " We
hope not!") He was far from thinking anything of the
kind. He should regret exceedingly if he could think so,
and he would not think so.--(Great cheering.) The Hon.
Gentleman concluded by proposing " The people—tile
source of all legitimate power."—(Great cheering.)
Lord SEGRAvi then rose—Allow me to say a few
words in explanation of the remark alluded to by my Hon.
Friend. When I said not only was there a possibility, but
even a probability, of the Tories again returning to office, I
referred precisely to that state of things which my Hon.
Friend has himself so clearly laid down ; but I meant it also
to be understood that it was in your power to prevent it.
—(Cheers.) But if you are not awake—if you suffer your-
selves to be deluded by the Tories—and some, there can be
no doubt, have already been seduced, terrified, or bribed to
join them—if we suffer them to bring division into our ranks,
then, I say, not only is there a possibility, but a strong pro-
bability, that that detestable calamity (I may call it) will
befal us.—(Cheers.) If, however, the Reformers stand
firm, and do not allow artful demagogues to divide that
which should be united, then it is in their own power to
prevent the calamity to which I referred.—(Cheers.) I
referred to such a probability as a matter of caution, not
doubting that it was in your own power to prevent it, if you
use the power you possess with unanimity, firmness, and
determination.—(Loud cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN next proposed Lord Ducie and Lo d
Sherborne, and better health to the latter Noble Lord, who
was prevented by illness from attending the dinner.
The Hon. H. MORETON returned thanks.
The next toasts were—" The healths of the Liberal
Member for Cheltenham, the Hon. Craven Berkeley ;"
" Mr. Canning and the Reformers of Gloucester ;" " Tracy
Leigh, Esq. ;" " Captain Berkeley and the Reformers of
Gloucester :" " Captain Winnington and the Reformers of
the Western Division of the County of Worcester ;"
" Lord Melbourne and his Majesty's Ministers ;" " E.
Protheroe, Esq., the late Liberal Member for Evesham
" C. Hanford, Esq., the Vice-President ;" " The late Mayor
of Tewkesbury ;" &c. &c.

MEETING IN LAMBETH.

(Abridged from the tilorning Advertiser.)
PEERAGE REFORM.
Yesterday evening there was a meeting of the electors
and inhabitants of the Borough of Lambeth, on the sub-
ject of Peerage Reform, at the Horns Tavern, Kenning-
ton. The great Assembly Room was most respectably at-
tended, and was crowded to excess ; and, but for two or
three restless, though no doubt well-meaning men, the busi-
ness proceeded well.
Mr. S. PALMER was called to the Chair.
The CHAIRMAN forthwith proceeded to open the busi-
ness of the meeting. The House of Lords had declared
war against the people of this country.—(Tremendous
cheering, and some cries of " No, no.") Such was the
fact ; it was useless to mince the matter.—(Continued
cheers.) He would only refer to a few of the measures
that had been " shelved" by the House of Lords. Had
they not seen their representatives working day after day,
and night after night, in endeavours to frame and forward
good measures for the people, to benefit Ireland, and
thereby to strengthen England—but what had been the
fate of them ? Because Mr. O'Connell was supposed
to be in favour of some of them, on that ground alone
the Lords had rejected the Bills, as if Mr. O'Connell
were not entitled, like other Representatives, to have an
an opinion.—(Hear, and cheering.) Only think of the
House rejecting long-considered and important measures
on such a ground !—(Hear.) Still they had hope ; for,
notwithstanding such extraordinary conduct, Lord Mel-
bourne, in his place, after the defeat of such measures, by
throwing them out almost without any consideration, de-
clared that he would not resign his office, so long as he had
the confidence and support of the people.—(Great cheer-
ing.) That being the case, it became the people to speak
out ; therefore this was the accepted time, when the people
ought to rush forward to declare, by all practical means,
their opinions, and their readiness to support a Minister
who was prepared so manfully to stand by them.—( Loud
cheers.) One thing now was certain, that the people
would no longer put up with having the whole business of
the country stopped by an irresponsible House of Lords.
Redress must be had—the evil must be remedied.
Mr. HARDY rose to move the first resolution. He hesi-
tated not to declare that there must be a Reform of the
House of Lords. Nor did he attempt to hide from him-
self that if such Reform web e carried it would most mate-
rially change the Constitution of this country.—(Loud cries
of " Hear, hear.") He must deny that the people of the
country were fond of change—they were not ; they were
not Constitution-mongers ; but they did love fair play and
honest dealing, and that could not be had in the pre-
sent state of the House of Lards.—(Hear, hear.) The
time, therefore, must come, and soon, when the House of
Lords must be reformed or altered, so as to bring the Com-
mons and Lords more in unison with each other. Who
had the Tories put forward to do their work? Lynd-
hurst—he who had made it a boast that the present Go-
vernment could carry no measure. And who was that
Lyndhurst? A turn-coat lawyer—a man who started in
life with being " a Whig and something more"—and who,
on being bought by the Tories, became their instrument
and tool. Much had been said about creating a batch of
Peers ; but what good would that do ?—They would soon
become as bad, if not worse, than the old ones. Who
were their most malevolent opponents—their greatest
enemies ? The Copleys, the Scarletts, and the Barings.
They were the men who became turncoats and apostates,
seeming to glory in the opportunity of abandoning their
principles. He wanted no further creations ; but he did
hope that the time was fast approaching when even Copley
would repent of the course he had pursued.—(A laugh, and
hear.) He with great pleasure moved the first resolution :
—" That this meeting, fully convinced of the pernicious
tendency of all irresponsible power, and having had ample
experience of the hostility of a majority of the House of
Lords to various measures passed by the House of Com-
mons, indispensably necessary to the welfare of the nation,
is of opinion that unless some plan be speedily adopted
whereby a harmony of patriotic feeling and action be pro-
duced between the two Houses of Parliament, there is every
reason to apprehend imminent peril to the Constitution, and
much injury and unhappiness to the British nation."
Mr. ROFFEY seconded it.
A GENTLEMAN sought to put a question, but he was an
inhabitant of Shoreditch, and would not state to the Chair-
man natureruoufmhi:vbeqtuheesrtiotnh,eythoeuliaore the Chairman
put it the
to the
to allow their
courtesy to extend so far as to admit interruption of their
proceedings from any
such quarter.
r. PUDDIFORD had
an amendmentM ,ex-
claimed " No."
which he
should read. The amendment Ttlowpwrolpwolsee
room
was to the effect that the
House of Lords being an irresponsible and fractional part
of the Legislature, and opposed to the people, that the re-
presentatives of the people should make the laws, and that
all the people should vote fer representatives without any
regard to property qualification.
Mr. Beows seconded the amendment.
The CHAIRMAN put the question on the amendment,
when six hands were held up in favour of it. He then
put the question on the resolution, when ten hands wen
held up against it, and on his declaration of its being
carried, with but ten hands against it, the applause was loud
and long.
Mr. M'LEon rose to move the next resolution, and said—
I have ever felt a lively interest in the welfare and happi.

ne.73 of the Irish people. Who declares they shall not
hive justice? Lyndhurst and the arbitrary and despotic
Tories. That party has always been opposed to the pro-
gress of civil and religious liberty. They now call them-
selves Conservatives, knowing well that the very name of
Tory is hated and despised by every honest Reformer.
Who denies justice to Ireland ?—we cannot too often

repeat the question— (Hear) —the Tory oligarchy.—
( Hear, bear, hear.) Why do they refuse justice ? Because
they are well convinced that when Ireland receives the
same rights and privileges, the same municipal government
thavEngland and Scotland have received, there is at once
a complete and total overthrow of their bad government.
When the people possess, as they ought to do, te local go-
vernment of their towns, farewell for ever to Tory trickery
and Tory misrule. Was it not the Tories who created the
eight hundred millions of national debt? Have they not
kept the people of this country for the last twenty years
in a state of unheard-of distress ? Have they not en-
slaved Ireland, and driven a fine and powerful people to
madness and despair, for the sole purpose of gorging their
bantlings with episcopal livings, pensions, and sinecures ?
(Hear, hear.) There are upwards of 2,300,000 paupers in
Ireland, without any protection whatever—no interest in,
or claim upon, the land of their birth, but left to expire
from want or famine like dogs, upon the highways—re-
duced to that wretched and miserable state by the infernal
system of government carried on by the Tories towards that
unfortunate country.—(Cries of " shame.") These Tories
will not grant even tte smallest measure of justice. There
are about seven millions of Catholics in Ireland, and not
one million of Protestants ; and yet these Tories would
have us believe that it is on behalf of religion and Chris-
tianity that they continue this disgraceful system.—
(Cheers.) Let us put an end to the system at once.—
(Cheers.) They must no longer outrage humanity under
the sacred name of religion. Are you Englishmen ? Are you
men ? Then unite with your afflicted, abused, persecuted,
and enslaved Irish brethren, and demand, in a peaceable,
constitutional, but firm manner, that this state of things
shall no longer exist.—(Hear, hear.) Lord Lyndhurst
has told us that they are aliens in blood and religion,
and that they are not fit to be entrusted with the same
rights and privileges as Englishmen. And so did he
and his party act respecting the Municipal Bill which
his Majesty's Ministers framed for the benefit of Ire-
land. The Tories are on the alert, straining every nerve,
in case of a dissolution of Parliament, to gain the triumph.
They are using every device that the ingenuity of man can
think of, to procure a majority in th House of Com-
mons. Then I advise you all to keep a close watch
upon your representatives. I am now addressing myself
to electors generally, and not particularly to you, because I
firmly believe that our representatives will do their duty.—
(Hear.) If we beat the Tories now, they are, as a party,
completely crushed. We must have no manoeuvring by the
Reform Members. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by
moving the resolution :—" That this meeting feeling a strong
conviction of the justice and policy of cementing more
strongly the harmony and good feeling which at present
exist between Great Britain and Ireland, is of opinion
that this good understanding can only be maintained by
extending to the people of Ireland the same rights and
privileges, the same political and municipal institutions,
as are enjoyed by the people of this country."
Mr. HINE seconded the resolution. Ireland was the
great battle field on which the political fight was going on,
the issue of which was to determine whether reform was to
go on, or whether they were to be thrust back.—(Hear.)
The CIIAIRMAN put the question, when the resolution
was carried unanimously, not a single hand being held up
against it.
Mr. ANDERSON, in rising to propose the next resolution,
said, if at any time the union of all Reformers was most im-
peratively demanded, it was now, when, as every one knew,
the Ministry was not only beset by an active and powerful
enemy, but by a back-stairs faction of intriguers behind the
throne, whom public opinion could not reach. He was
fully aware that there were many most excellent, well-
informed, and well-minded Reformers, who charged the
Ministers, on the one hand, with not having brought for-
ward measures of a sufficiently enlarged and compre-
hensive character to meet the wants, and wishes, and
exigencies of the times ; and, on the other, with not
having pressed with sufficient energy and vigour upon
the House of Lords the adoption of even the very ineffi-
cient measures which they charged them with having pre-
pared ; but he believed that if the difficulties of their situa-
tion were considered, it would be thought, that if they had
not effected all that could be desired, they had done as
much as could have reasonably been expected.—(Hear.)
Their two most excellent representatives, though he was
aware they did not support Ministers in every measure, yet
gave them a general support, and showed that they placed
confidence in them, and considered them the best Minis-
ters the times would allow to carry on the Government of
the country.—(Hear.) The resolution declared that they
had unabated confidence in Ministers, and their determi-
nation to support the cause of Reform and improve the
condition of the people, and this he was confident was the
feeling of the meeting.—(Hear.) Reference to the past was
only valuable as a guide for the future ; and looking to
the past he would ask any one present whether that past
did not dictate to all true and honest Reformers the pro-
priety of sinking all minor differences of opinion, in
order to enable his Majesty's Ministers to carry into
effect those great measures of Reform for the benefit
of Ireland, whieli were not only just in themselves, but
which were so necessary to support the union between
the people of that country and England.—(Hear, hear.)
The time was when the war might be simply between the
two countries ; but now the case was different. All the
friends of freedom in this country were anxions to do justice
to the people of Ireland, and would not contribute one
shilling to the spilling of the blood of their fellow-country-
men.—(Hear, hear.) Whatever might be the difference
of opinion respecting the Administration, he must say that
it had not as yet had any thing in the shape of fair play.
It could not by possibility have anticipated any thing like
the insane conduct of the House of Lords in rejecting all
useful measures, any more than the people had anticipated
it. For what had taken place the Ministry was no more
to be blamed than those whom he was now satisfied would
come forward to support it, and give their trust and confi-
dence to the existing Government for another Session of
Parliament ; and if, at the end of that time, they should
not have fulfilled the just expectations of the people, then
they should call on their representatives to use every means
to remove them—an example which, he was confident, would
be imitated by all true Reformers.—(Hear.) Mr. Anderson
concluded by moving-
3.
" That this meeting arc happy to record the expression
of their unabated confidence in his Majesty's Government,
and are determined to afford them the aid of their best
exertions in their constitutional endeavours to improve the
condition of the people."
Mr. TARBUTT seconded the resolution.
Mr. CHEESEMAN rose to move an amendment. He did
so because he was not a Whig, and he was not sure that
he was quite a Radical. He was one of those that had no
reliance or confidence in the Ministry.—(Groans, and some
confusion.) He proceeded to read the amendment, which
was in purport that the meeting expressed regret that they
could not place confidence in his Majesty's Ministers, be-.
cause of the mean pains they took to appease the Tories—
because of the harsh treatment of the poor—the expensive
commissions they had instituted, and the despotic and un-
English-like system of centralization which they had intro-
duced.—(The confusion which had been accumulating be-
came so great that the speaker could scarcely be hear by
those who were close to the platform, and we understood
Mr. Cheeseman then to intimate to the Chair that he would
withdraw his resolution.)
Mr. FALL rose to move an amendment. He proceeded
to say that although he was an out-and-out Radical he was
not for entire abolition of the House of Lords ; but he was
for reforming its abuses. Some persons would be for doing
it at a jump ; but he was for approaching the Reform of
the House of Lords discreetly, and he could see no other
way than by a further Reform in the House of Commons.
That was only to be accomplished by three integral points
of Reform—namely, the extension of the franchise—vote
by ballot—and shortening the duration of Parliament, and
of all these he thought that of first importance was vote by
ballot. With regard immediately to the House of Lords,
they ought to exclude from it all Judges and Bishops.—
( Hear, hear.) And as the House was already too numer-
ous, he did not see that any benefit could be derived by an
election of Peers ; but he would have removed the right of
voting by proxies. He proceeded so state his opinion that
the flumber of Members in the House of Commons should
be reduced, and that the number of Peers should be re-
duced in the same proportion, and these to be appointed
by election.
The CHAIRMAN then proceeded to read the amendment
of Mr. Fall, one clause of which excited so much laughter,
that it was found necessary to withdraw it.
The CHArnmAN then put the original resolution, which
was carried with only twenty hands held up against it,
amidst loud cheering.
The CHAIRMAN rose and read the petition.
Mr. BARTON moved the petition.
The resolution was then put, and carried amidst acclama-
tions. There were only twenty-two hands held up against it.
Mr. T. D'EyNcoußT then rose, amidst the most enthu-
siastic cheering, to address the meeting. He felt that his
country called- him to attend the present meeting, for the
object for which that meeting had assembled was a great
national object.—(Loud cheers.) They were there assem-
bled to deliberate on the propriety of recommending to the
House of Commons the necessity of reforming the House
of Lords. He thought that if there were any one question
on which the people had shown more forbearance than an-
other, that question was the conduct of the House of Lords.
In that respect the people had evinced great forbearance,
during the last four Sessions of Parliament.—(Hear, bear.)

Since the Reform Bill had passed, the Lords had been at
variance with the Commons and the people of England.
And though there is no legal tribunal before which they
can be arraigned, they will find that there is a still more
formidable opinion before which they can be brought—the
tribunal of the people of England.—(Renewed cheering.)
He (Mr. Tennyson D'Eyncourt) had been supposed for
some time past to have been dead on public questions—
his voice had scarcely, for some time been heard in Par-
liament. And why? Because he was afraid of going too
far, under the impulse of his feelings, in the circumstances
in which the Ministry were placed. But he had always
given his vote in the right way. He was now, however,
prepared to take his own eourse, and no longer to support
the Ministry, unless they advanced with the advancing spirit
of the people, and met the exigencies of the times.—(Loud
cheers.) He must confess that lie had no hope of con-
vincing the Peers—they were too mad in their concep-
tions to be convinced. They also think that the Com-
mons do not represent public opinion ; and therefore
they are resolved to die in their last ditch. A Noble
Lord (Lord Wharncliffe) had lately said at a meeting
at Halifax, that the people of England were much mis-
taken if they supposed that the Lords were to be inti-
midated, or that they would submit to be reformed by
the House of Commons. He (Mr. Tennyson D'Eyncourt)
was sorry to hear this, because, be the means what they
may, the Lords must be reformed.—( Loud cheers.) It may
not, perhaps, be such a hopeless task to convince them as to
what public opinion really is. That may be done by a gene-
ral election, and the return of a majority of Members in
favour of liberal principles. He (Mr. Tennyson D'Eyn-
court) did not mean to say that the House of Lords ought
not to be suffered to exist—that House, he thought, was
necessary, and might be made of great utility ; but it must
be reformed to such an extent as will bring it into harmony
with the popular will and the country's interests. Let
Ministers, on the next meeting of Parliament, try one or two
more liberal measures, and then, if these measures are re-
jected by the Lords, let an appeal to the people be made at
once.—(Loud cheers.) And let Ministers, at the same
time, tell the country that they will take the neces-
sary measures to remedy the evil, if they are cordially
and efficiently supported by the people at such elec-
tion.—(Renewed cheers.) Ministers had been blamed last
Session for not bringing forward more liberal measures.
If they had proposed extreme measures, the Lords would
have been less to blame for rejecting them. He thought
that Ministers, under all the circumstances of the case,
acted wisely in only bringing forward moderate measures,
for it was their object to place the Peers in a wrong po-
sition—the very position in which they now stand. If the
Lords did not hereafter better conform to the opinion and
wishes of the country, that meeting would tell them that
the people of England knew how to deal with them. The
Right Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst immense applause.
Mr. HAwEs would feel great pleasure in supporting in
the House of Commons the prayer of the petition. He
would support it with all his strength and might.
(Cheers.) The Lords had given them the groundwork
of complaint. They had showm that they were determined
to inflict injustice on the people of England, and still
greater injustice to Ireland, both as regarded its civil and
religious liberties.—(Cheers.) It was therefore high time
that the people should take the requisite steps to enfore their
own rights, and at the same time to extend those rights to
others. The Lords say they have got the power. They
tell the people of England and Ireland that they have the
sword, and that they will wield it. They say they have the
Catholics of Ireland under their feet, and that they will keep
them there, though the Catholics are seven-eighths of the
population. The Hon. Gentleman then went on to repu-
diate the imputation that he and his Colleague were Whig
Members. They were independent men, and supported a
Whig Government no further than they supported liberal
principles, and brought forward liberal measures.—(Loud
cheers.) With regard to a Reform of the Lords, he thought
it right to say that the great battle for thnt Reform must
be fought in the House of Commons. Let the great prin-
ciple be there declared, that no man shall legislate for this
country who is not responsible for his legislative actions.—
( Hear, and loud cheers.)
A vote of thanks was then given to the Liberal Press,
daily and weekly, for its services in the cause ; and also a
vote of thanks to the Chairman, for his excellent conduct in
he Chair ; after which the meeting separated.

THEATRES.

ADELPHL

After the usual performances, a burletta called The 1
Queer Subject was last night presented, as a finish to the
entertainments. It is a farcical affair, and more indebted
to the broad humour of Mr. John Reeve, than to any great
ingenuity in the plot. The plot is literally nothing but
this—that Bill Mattock (Mr. John Reeve) hears, while he
is breaking stones, that Doctor Bingo (Mr. Cullenford)
has ordered his servant, Sammy Spectre (Mr. Wilkin-
son), to receive a " subject," and to pay for it ten guineas,
intending to try upon it certain galvanic experiments. Bill
Mattock, by destiny hard driven, is engaged in that least
poetical cf all imaginable occupations, breaking stones for
the macadamisation of roads. Having a literary turn, and
thinking much, according to his conversation, of the Society
for the Confusion of Useful Knowledge, he determines to die
before his time, and take advantage of the march-of-intellect
doctor by appearing in the shape of a parcel, sewed up in
a sack, and expected to arrire by the van. On the suc-
cess of this trick, and on the interruptions that occur in
its prosecution, the whole fun of the piece subsists ; and
those who know the twists of countenance so delightful to
an audience which Mr. John Reeve can assume with such
facility, and the mock dolorous so peculiar to Mr. Wilkin.
son, will not be surprised at The Queer Subject having
proved a successful piece.