The Sun.
London, England, 1849-11-02 00:00:00

N LON-DON, FRIDAY 5 =-* 1,? - 1107
NOVEMBER 2, 1849.

°iii
E VERNON GALLER Y.
ALLEGED INJURY to ONE of the VERNON PIC LURES.
A statement (sent by a correspondent) having appeared in several
journals, to the effect that serious injury hiss been sustained By one
of the pictures in the Vernon Gallery, in consequence of the culpable
negligence of an engraver employed in copying it for tile Art-
Journal,
The public are requested to see and examine it for themselves; and,
if it be possible to tlo so, to discover where and what injury it has
sustained. The picture Is No. 29 in the catalogue—the work of Mr.
Solamon Hart, R. A.

the high prices from which peculiar circumstances
they could then command, but that the pinching hour
was inevitable, and when he called upon them as
their friend to send to Parliament only men on whom
they could depend, why Lord George Bentincli
was looked upon as a visionary. You did not attend
to him, and where are you now ?—(Hear, hear) So
it is with this question of the burdens on real pro-
perty. There is no difficulty about it, but difficulty
of detail. You have conquered the principle, and
you must leave the details to those who are respon-
sible for the settlement of such subjects. No doubt
it is very inconvenient for the Ministry of this
country, from whatever party it may be formed, to
have to encounter a question of such magnitude, but the
responsibility rests with those particular parties who,
by their rash and panic-struck changes of the law, forced
you to reconsider your position. Had the repeal of
the corn-laws not taken place it is very possible that
we might not have created in this country the feeling
that now exists against these unjust taxes.—(Hear,
bear.) But that only shows gentlemen, the rash, the
incoherent, and the amateur manner in which the set-
tlement of the corn-laws was hurried through the
House of Commons, through a House of Commons
pledged to support them—(Hear)—when this question
of just compensation to you was not at the same time
considered. Let us suppose that we may succeed in
carrying laws founded on the resolution which has
been moved by Mr. Newman and seconded by Mr.
Stone. The only tendency of the success, let me
remind you, will be this, that you will be put on a
footing with your fellow-subjects. That is all that
you ask, and all that you will obtain.—(Hear, hear.)
But when you fired yourselves in the present day on
the same footing as your fellow-citizens you will find
yourselves upon a footing of discontent. When you
have obtained an equality with your fellow-subjects
on this question of taxation, you will find it is an
equality of murmuring and dissatisfaction. Having ob-
tained thatrelief, blended with the multitude, no longer
distinguished from the great mass of the community
by the privilege of paying taxes from which they are
exempt, the agricultural interest ,will still find that
all they have obtained by this equality is, that they
are companions of a community that are suffering, as
they say, under an overwhelming burden of imperial
taxation. Now, what are you to do under those
circumstances? In my opinion, gentlemen, upon the
conduct of the agricultural constituencies in county
or in borough—upon their conduct with reference
to this great question of relief from general taxa-
tion the future of this country depends.—(Cheers.)
And, therefore, in this society, at this moment,
and under these circumstances, called upon to-day
to consider the depression of your industry, and the
measures calculated to relieve it, the most important
subject for us to consider is, what course you will
take with respect to general relief from imperial tax-
ation.—(Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, in the first
place, I would beg you to consider that there is no
man, I apprehend, in this room who can suggest the
repeal of any tax which could for a moment be looked
upon as just compensation for the protective policy
you have lost.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) It is
possible that some person might rise and with diffi-
culty fix upon one tax the repeal of which might
afford some colourable relief in a very slight degree
in some particular county or locality. That is the
most he can do. At the first glance, therefore, you
will observe that the agricultural interest are not in
a position to join in the clamour for are peal of taxes
until they have ascertained what are the taxes the
repeal of which will be a compensation to them
for the protection they have lost, what are the
taxes that will give to the farmer remunerative
prices, and maintain and increase the wages of the
tabourer.—(Cheers.) You may be hurried on in a
moment of passion, and find yourselves mortified, and
justly mortified, by the treacherous conduct you have
already experienced from men in power.—(Hear,
hear.) Take my word for it, that it is the most see
rious moment in your lives, and upon which the fate
A* that noble industry which most of you practice de-
oends, if you rashly, inconsiderately, and passionately
join in schemes for the repeal of taxes which will not
benefit you, though they may benefit others that are
opposed to you. Now, then, if at the first blush the
igricultural interest can have no fair prospect of ge-
eeral relief from the repeal of taxes, let us inquire with
what face the manufacturing interest, or even the
commercial interest, can come forward and say that in
consequence of their suffering they demand a repeal
of the imperial taxation of the country ? Remember
;hat for some years past the whole legislation of this
country has been conducted in deference to the flecal
principles and the financial policy of the inanufec-
uring and commercial interests. Ten years ago I
neard the most eminent leaders of the manufacturing
interest repeatedly assert that if we repealed the corn-
laws they could beat the world. Well, the Minister
of that day was not prepared to repeal the corn-
laws. lie made what is called "a great experiment."
Now, I will tell you what Sir R. Peel meant by " a
great experiment." It was not really the common
pretext that by diminishing the duties on imports you
night increase consumption. The " great experi-
.nenr of that party of which I was a member—the
great Conservative party—was to see whether they
could not save the corn-laws by a great reduction of
indirect taxation.—(Hear, hear.) Under those cir-
cumstances seven millions and a half of indirect taxes
were taken off. All the duties on raw materials—a
great diminution of the duties on all articles that
entered into general consumption—seven millions and
a half of the revenue were sacrificed to save the corn-
laws, and it ended by that interest which had obtained
that seven and a half millions getting the repeal of
the corn latvs besides. But, in addition to obtaining
those seven and a half millions of repeal of indirect
taxation, besides obtaining the repeal of the corn-laws,
the actual boon that the commercial interest obtained
was the total repeal of the postage of the country, an
alteration that has made a difference of hundreds, and,
in some instances, of even thousands, in the annual
expenditure of great firms.—(Hear.) Well, gentlemen,
this is the condition of the manufacturing and commer-
cial interests. Remember that, besides all this, accord-
ing to their own estimate they are obtaining countless
treasures from the expansion of old markets, and
the discovery of new ones. Remember also, and never
forget it, that according to their own estimate, the
estimate of a gentleman high in economic science, the
former secretary of the Board of Trade—remember
that according to the estimate of that gentleman, who
was said to have been returned to Parliament in
consequence of that estimate, and who was also said
to have drawn the tariff of Sir Robert Peel, the
people of England are now, by the repeal of the pro-
vision laws, gaining two millions sterling per week.
that is the estimate of Mr. Macgregor, the Member
for Glasgow, and the prime counsellor and confidant
of the Government that repealed the corn-laws.—
(Hear, hear.) Well, then, with what colourcan the
manufacturing and commercial interests come forward
and demand a repeal of the great mass of taxes under
the plea that they are suffering? How is it possible
that with the immense increase of population
which has taken place, with the vast increase of
wealth, with our commerce greatly increased, with
our manufactures doubled, and with a very large
diminution in the taxation—how is it possible that there
can be that suffering from the burden of taxation of
which we hear so much from particular quarters? Gen-
tlemen, the fact is, that those who clamour about this
burden of taxation, are those, limited in numbers
though powerful in organization, who wish to stimu-
late foreign markets which they have glutted already
with their productions, as in the case of China, or
they are a body who, under the name of financial
reform, contemplate political change ; and I will
show you that the political change they contemplate
under the name of financial reform is a change hostile
to the property and industry of the owners and occu-
piers of real property in land.---(Hear, hear.) Gen-
tlemen, financial reform means, in fact, direct taxa-
tion; and direct taxation, however plausible at first,
inasmuch as all property in this country, except real
property, is of a most evanescent and fleeting charac-
ter, inasmuch as the fundholder in London, if taxed,
will buy funds at Vienna or Brussels—it is quite clear
that the burden of direct taxation must ultimately and
speedily fall on real property.—(Cheers.) And,
gentlemen, the greater the burden of taxation on you
the more your industry will dwindle to meet that
catastrophe on which they count. Now, under
these circumstances, I think no course is
more to be deprecated than that the agricultural
constituencies should join in this clamour for the re-
duction of imperial taxation. What the agricultural
interest requires, and this country require., is not
diminution of taxation, but increase of means.—
(Cheers.) Now, I believe there is a measure which,
if supported by the agricultural interest of this coun-
try may be productive of very great advantages to
you, and, gentlemen, it is one of those measures
which—having a tendency to the same object to
which I alluded before, and which must not be lost
sight of—namely, the restoration of a judicious system
of protective policy—l think may be obtained from
the present Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) In all the
efforts made last year, in those prolonged discussions
and divisions in which the question of the new com-
mercial system at all entered, and in which your in-
terest was brought under consideration, it is a curious
thing to observe the vast number of members who ab-
sented themselves from the divisions. What was
called the free-trade party represented by the Go-
vernment always polled to the last man. What was I

BUCKS ASSOCIATION FOR THE
RELIEF OF RE AL PROPERTY.
AYLESBURY, OCT. 31.—The first general meeting
of the members and friends of this association wai
held at the George Inn to day, for the purpose of
taking into consideration " the depressed state of
agriculture, and all classes connected therewith." The
meeting was very numerously attended by the gentle-
men farmers of the county. The chair was occupied
by Wm. Lowndes, Esq., of Chesh un.
Letters of apology for non-a t 'ndince were read
from Colonel Higginson, Mr. Ha's M.P. for Herts,
and Anthony Chester, Esq.
The CHAIRMAN having briefly opened the prc-
ceedings,
Mr. J. NEWMAN, J.P., of Bran Is House, proposed
the first resolution, as follows :
" That independently of supplying their share of
the imperial revenue, the owners and occupiers of real
property are forced to rase a second revenue, to the
amount of twelve millions sterling, by a process, and
under the name of local taxation,' though the ob-
jects for which this second revenue is raised are
altogether of a general and national character, and
therefore properly chargeable on the entire income of
the country, and not on a portion only ; especially
when that portion, rated at the highest estimate,
scarcely amounts to one-third of the whole."
Mr. E. STORE, tenant farmer, seconded the resolu-
tion, which was unanimously carried.
Mr. DISRAELI, M.P., rose to propose the second re-
solution amid loud cheers. He said—Mr. Chairman
and gentlemen, this is the first meeting of a new
association recently formed in this county, an associa-
tion for the relief of real property. Real property,
gentlemen, in its most i•nportant particular, is at this
time peculiarly suffering. The land of England, and
especially the cultivators of the land, are suffering at
this moment, and, as they believe, from the acts of
the Legislature.—(Hear, hear.) Under these cir-
cumstances, you have naturally been called upon to
consider your position, and see where you are suffer-
ing, whether you probably might not be subject to
imposts and charges which the rest of your fellow-
subjects are exempt from. Now, gentlemen, this
society are of opinion that it does not become us to be
idle, but that, in the present Parliament we may
advance many questions, and, perhaps, carry many
measures, all of which have a tendency to the resto-
ration of protection, and which, so far as they move
in that direction, will prove of a remedial, and,
perhaps, of a highly remedial character to you.—
(Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, with regard
to those of our friends who lay it down
as a principle that it is useless to attempt
to obtain any relief from the present Parliament, I
would venture to observe that I think that principle
of action is not very constitutional in the first place,
and I doubt in the next place whether it is very just.
It is not the present Parliament that repealed the
corn-laws. It is not the present Government that
repealed the corn -laws.—(Hear, hear.) On the con-
trary, all who know the original tendency of
the present Government know this, that so
far from repealing the corn-laws, they would have
substituted a modification of protection; which we all
of us now would be very glad to accept.—(Hear and
cheers.) Now, 'I do not presume to form a better
opinion of your chances of obtaining relief from the
House of Commons than some of those gentlemen
who have given their opinions to the country, but I
pass a great part of my life in the House of Com-
mons. It is my business as your representative to
study the temper and tone of that assembly. I know
something, I think, of the opinions of those who form
that assembly, both collectively and individually, and
from that knowledge I have arrived at the conclusion
that it is by no means a desperate eflbrt to appeal to
this House of Commons for measures of a remedial
character for you.—(Cheers.) I would not hesitate
to express my opinion, formed on some observa-
tion, that the majority of the present House of
Commons are not by any means devoted to that
inconsistent and incoherent system which is
too much honoured by being called a system of free-
trade.—(Hear.) Well, then, that being the case,
having that impression, and remembering that the
present Government as a body of public men are
almost less violently devoted to those new-fangled
principles than any body of men in the House of
Commons that ever formed a Government, I cannot,
with the prospect of four years probably before me of
this present Parliament, sincerely counsel you to do
nothing but despair.—(Cheers) I will make one
observation generally, before I enter into any details,
with respect to the particular interest that has called
us together. When I say I look forward to the time
when a wise protective system will be established ii.
this country. I mean a system that will be generally
protective of the interests of all classes of English-
men—l wish to guard myself from being supposed
in making these observations, or any other observa-
tions I may chance to make, to advocate only the
interest with which lam connected. In the hour of
danger and difficulty it is very true that the other
great interests of this country were not faithful to
the agricultural interest. When we were attacked
in 1846, when we fought your battle as well as we
could, the shipping interest, the colonial interest, and
the timber interest were not found ranged ou our
side.—(Hear.) But when their turn came, which
we predicted to them would come, we did not for a
moment choose to remember that want of sympathy
and support on their side; on the contrary, we exerted
our utmost energies on their behalf, because, acting
for them, we vindicated a great principle.—(Hear
and cheers.) Gentlemen, Lord George Bentinck, the
best and greatest of men, sacrificed his life to the
.Wes India =interest ; and when the shipping interest
was assailed more recently, so powerful were the
efforts made by the agricultural constituencies and
their representatives, that the impolitic change in our
navigation-laws was nearly defeated.—(Hear, hear.)
I say this, gentlemen, because a most respectable in•
dividual, a man for whom I have a very great respect
and regard, an eminent shipsbuilder, has recently at a
public meeting expressed his opinion, with great com-
pliments to myself—(A laugh)—that I was going on
a little too fast in my recommendations to the agri
cultural body. Perhaps that gentlemen in 1846,
when I opposed the change in the corn-laws, thought
I was going a little too slow—(Laughter)----but,
with your permission, I will pursue that course which
I think the wisest.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I une-
quivocally support protection to agriculture.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers.) And Ido so upon this ground,
because I believe that protection is the parent of cheap
ness and abundance.—(Renewed cheers.) Gentlemen,
since the peace, making a due and even liberal
allowance for the recurrence to cash payments, the
cost of production of a quarter of wheat bas been
reduced 100 per cent. under protection. Since the
peace the British farmer has raised from the acre a
greater quantity of produce than any farmer in
Europe, and a much greater quantity of produce than
any farmer in the United States under protection.—
(Cheers.) Therefore it is unanswerable to my mind
that protection has produced cheapness and abundance.
Now, gentlemen, that is your case in an economical
point of view. It is one that has never been answered,
which no free-trader could meet, because no free-
trader could deny facts so potent. All the attacks on
the late law were attacks on details—arguments to
prove that a sliding scale would not work, that a fixed
duty was not beneficial; but no argument was brought
fornard to show that protection bad not produced ,
I abundance and cheapness; and when I say that I am
for protection to agriculture I guard myself against
all details. When I say that Ido not mean to say that I
am for any particular law that may be devised to
morrow, or that may have been abrogated yesterday.
I do not enter either on sliding scales or fixed duties.
I am for protection to agriculture, because that has
produced cheapness and abundance.—(Cheers.) I
say further, that what I mean by protection is this—a
system that will leave to the landed proprietor that
possession which the constitution has allotted to him,
and will permit him to remain the natural leader of
' the people—a system which will make the cultivation
of the soil the principal branch of the industry of the
kingdom, which will make agriculture flourish; and
agriculture cannot flourish unless the farmer and the
labourer receive a remunerating price, and ample and
proper wages.—(Hear, hear.) I mean by protection,
gentlemen, the maintenance of the territorial consti-
tution of the country, which cannot remain unless
agriculture is the most flourishing pursuit in England,
Just as agriculture cannot remain the most flourishing
industry of this country without the maintenance
of the territorial constitution.—(Loud applause.) I
come now to consider what is the best course for the
agricultural interest in all its branches, classes, and
ramifications to take, at this moment of almost unpa-
ralleled depression, with a still more gloomy future
before them. You have had placed before you one of
those measures which this society recommends you to
adopt. The question of the burdens on real property
has now become a public question. It has been placed
in a light so clear, and in a position so difficult to
discomfit, that you may fairly say that the public
generally, upon the subject of real property, entertains
correct and accurate ideas. Many are prepared "to
tell us of the difficulties we must encounter in set-
tling the question." No one is more sensible of those
difficulties than myself. It is difficult to reconcile
local jurisdiction and national contribution; it is dif-
ficult at all times to settle interests of such compli-
cated details. In 1847, when Lord George Bentinck
warned the farmers of England not to be deceived by

The ri4ht to engrave this collection was presented to the Editor of
the Art-Jou'•nal by the late Robert Vernon, Esq., prior to his
" Proffer" of it to the nation—a right graciously sanctioned and con-
firmed by the Trustees of the National Gallery on accepting the gilt.
For upwards of two years above twenty artists and engravers have
been continually occupied in copying and engraving these pictures
for publication in the Art-Journal ; and until this alleged injury, no
ompl ;int of any kind has arisen : a fact which sufficiently proves
the care and attention manifested by the officers in charge of the gal-
lery, who are broadly accused of neglect in the paragraph in question.

ME SSR S. BASS, RA TCLIFF, and
GRET CON have THIS DAY REDUCED the price of
their PALE ALE to PRIVATE FAMILIES, to Is. Bd. per Gallon,
or 30s. the Kilderkin Cask of Eighteen Gallons.
Orders for the New Brewings addressed to Bass, Ratcliffe, and
Gretton, No. 3 Wharf, City Basin, will receive immediate attention.
November 2, 1849.

NEW WORK, by the Author of " JANE EYRE."
Just published, in 3 vols. post Bvo., price 11. I Is. Gd. cloth,
S HIR LEY. By CURRER BELL.
Author of " Jane Eyre."
" Shirley' is the anatomy of the female heart. It is a book which,
like its predecessor, indicates exquisite feeling and very great power
of mind in the writer. The women are all divine, and ' Shirley' is,
indeed, an intellectual harem."--Daily News.
Smith, Elder, and Co., Comhill.

Now publishing, price 7s. 6d., Second Edition,
S OYER'S MODERN HOUSEWIFE, or
Menir'ere

By Simpkin, Marshall, and Co. ; and 011lvier.

ASTIIMA.—SURPRISING TESTIMONIAL of the EFFICACY of
DR. LOCOCK'S PULMONIC WAFERS.
Front Ur. H. Armstrong, Chemist, 8, Church-street, Preston.
" August 3, 1844.
"One most intimate friend, who was for years troubled with an
asthma, the oppression at his chest, wheezing, and difficulty of breath-
ing was so great, that you might have heard him breathe three or
four yards off. After he had taken two boxes be could get up and
dress without coughing, and his breathing was perfectly free. On
getting another box from me he said, 'they are, indeed, a wonderful
medicine.'—Yours, &c. H. ARMSTRONG."
Price is 1 2s. 9d., and I Is. per:Box. Agents: Da Silva and
Co., I, Bride-lane, Fleet-street, London. Sold by all medicine ven-
dors ; of whom also may be had
Dli. LOCOCK'S FEMALE WAFERS,
The only remedy recommended to be taken by Ladies. Have no
Taste of Medicine.
Beware of Imitations in the form of " Pills."

OPENING of the NEW COAL EXCHANGE
HER MAJESTY'S VISI C.
No doubt the reader would esteem it strange,
If Moses' Muse forgot the Coal Exchange ;
And, therefore, as the Queen's to come, I'll greet her,
By writing on the coals a little metre.
My burning loyalty I cannot smother,
Nor yet exchange this subject for another.
The Queen, no doubt, will find her subjects give her
A very warm reception on the river.
SUCCess, I say, to that commercial scheme
Whose memorable opening forms my theme ;
For, oh each portion of the pile is rife,
With fond ideas of home and homely life.
And now, shall I be quitting the sublime,
By introducing Moses in my rhyme ?
No : Moses, who have long enjoyed control,
Are nobs in trade—l don't mean knobs of coal.
Moses and Son's attire is so well made :
That it has long ensured a flare-up trade.
Moses and Son, whose words ne'er end in smoke,
Ilave given monopoly a timely palte
May I not add, too, that the Coal Exchange
I+ not by any means the sole Exchange ?
Moses and Son at their Depot arrange,
To exchange your goods without a word's exchange;
And hence it is that such a stir is made
By Messrs. Moses in their flaming trade.
LIST OF PRICES.
READY MADE.
Autumn and Winter Over Coats, in every
style .. ...... ••..••••••••••• • • • •• • • • • • • L 0 8 6
The Bulwer, handsomely and warmly trimmed 0 18 0
The Paletot, ditto.. •••• •• 0 18 0
Chesterfield, ditto ..
The Albert Wrapper, a very handsome style
of Ov, r Coat .. •• • ....... •••••••• • • • • • 1 5 0
Shootinz Coats ..... ..... ...... 0 8 6
Lounging or Morning Coats .• ••.•• • • • .. 0 4 6
Autumn and Winter Trousers, in Tweed •••• 0 4 6
Ditto ditto —Doeskin .. 0 7 6
Ditto Vests • • •••
Black Silk 'Velvet Vests.. ••••..• • • • .. 0 13 6
Dress Coats .. ....... ........ ...... ....• • • 0 17 0
Frock Ditto •• •• •• •• ••• •• ••• • • • •• 019 0
Youths and Boys' Over Coats, in every style,
from ...... . ................
Hussar and Tunic Suits ••• • .• 0 14 6
Boys' Autumn and Winter Vests . . 0 0 8
MADE TO MEASURE.
Men's Autumn and Winter Over Coats..from 1 1
The Chesterfield Wrapper, in a warm ma-
terial, lined •••• •• • ..... • • ••• • • • 1 8 0
The Paletot, handsomely and warmly trimmed 1 16 0
The Eglinton Wrapper, a very elegant style of
Over Coat •• •• • • • •• • .•• 2 0 0
The Strathmore Witney Over Coat, newest
style. lined throughout •• • • •• ••• • • • 210 0
Autumn and Winter Trowsers, in Tweed and
Doeskin ..... „ 0 10 6
Best Black Cassimere ditto .. •• •• •• ••.. • • 1 6 •
Autumn and Winter Vests •• • • .... •.•• • • • • 0 8 6
Best Black Cloth ditto • •• .• ••• • • •
Black Silk Velvet
„ Dress Coats •.. ..... .... • . from 325. to 2 15 9
„ Frock ••••••••.. • • • • • • • • from. 355. to 3 3 0
Hussar and Tunic Suits— .... ••..• • •• 1 b 0
Superfine •••••••••• • • • • • • •• ..
Ben's Shooting Coat
Elegant Dressing Robes, in great variety,
flour .. • . 16s. to 5 0 0
A Large Stock of Fur Coats, in every shape, from 60s. to 201.
Naval and Military Uniforms, Liveries, &c.
Mourning to any extent at Five Minutes' notice.
A Suit of Mourning complete for 11. 10s.
Thedirect new
directions fur bosoekli-menetasitlnredemlnhte, Minion
be hoafdthone fhll
for-
warded, post free, to any part of the kingdom.
Notice—The Fur Department is now replete with every novelty
e the season.
Observe—Any article purchased, either ready made, or made to
measure, if not approved of will be exchanged, or the money returned.
E. MOSES and SON, Tailors, Woollendrapers, Clothiers, Hatters,
Hosiers, Furriers, Boot and Shoemakers, and General Outfitters, 154,
155, 156, and 157 Minories, and 83, 84, 85, and 86 Alotgate, City,
London; all communicating with each other, and forming one vast
Establishment.
Caution.—E. Moses and Son regret having to guard the public
against imposition; but having heard that the witradesmarilike
filsehood of being connected with them, or " It is the same concern,"
has ueen resorted to in many instances, and for obvious reasons,
hey beg to state that they have no connexion with any other house
in or out of London, except their Branch Establishments, 36, Far-
.ate, Sheffield ; and 19, Thornton's-buildings, Bradford, Yorkshire;
•n 4 tem° who require cheap and genuine clothing, &c., should call
at or send to the Kinorles and Aldgato, City, London ; or either of
the Branch Establishments, as above.
Take Notice.—This Establishment is closed from sunset Friday.
YO sunset Saturday, when busMassls resumed till twelve o'clock,

this chin we place in the first rank the stimulus it
evidently applies to all and each of the parties and
factions in France, which are, for different purposes
their own, counting the hours of the present Go-
ve nment. From the ultra-Legitimist, who dreams
restoring Henry V. to the throne of his ancestors,
down to the Red Republican eager for the day which
is once more to consign France to a horde of savages,
there is not one of these political bands which does
notsregard Louis Napoleon as the transition to some-
thing else—there is not one of them which does not
Iperceive that by assuming the chief personal respon-
sibility of the admini,tration at such a moment, Louis
, called the protectionist party manfully and fairly Napoleon has placed himself between absolute success,
came forward on every occasion. In the par. crowned by absolute power, and destruction. A great
titular debate on the burdens on agriculture man, such as his uncle, might achieve the former; a
we were beaten only by 90, yet there were lesser man, such as the nephew, has at least not
on that occasion 120 men who did not vote at ' flinched from the latter. His address is imprudent,
all. You may take for granted that these 120 men but it is spirited ; and though it may not be easy to
would have voted if the pinch had been felt then which stand above the warring hosts of French politicians,
is felt now, and if their constituents had only re- Louis Napoleon has little cause to pay any of them
minded them that the time had come when they, must the homage of gratitude or fear.
do something for their relief.—(Hear, hear.) I want CHRONICLE.—The Dufaure Cabinet has foun-
to absorb this floating body in the party that will vote dered in a calm. Neither the heavy artillery of a
for measures of agricultural relief, and I do not . Parliamentary Opposition, nor the storms and whirl-
despair of doing that, particularly if you do not mix ' winds of popular excitement, have been the instru-
up the agricultural question in any way with party i ments of its destruction. The Ministers are turned
politics. Let all join you who are interested in the ; out, not because they have failed to command the
land directly or indirectly, but do not make the land ' support of the Assembly, but because they have not
question a machine to subvert the Government. If satisfied the President ; their places are supplied by
you can obtain from this Government measures of I men, the majority of whom are mere cyphers in the
advantage and of justice, be thankful. Remember ( political world, all selected from the little circle of
that the Prime Minister of England is the child of i personal friends and adherents who enjoy the entree
a great territorial house.—(Hear.) Remember that ; of the Elysee; and the message by which the fact is
the Whigs, though they are the unfortunate treat i announced to the Legislature is couched in language
tures of circumstances (Laughter)—which is not such as has very seldom flowed from the pen of A
their own fault, because they were forced to take the ! constitutional sovereign. Louis Napoleon pure
government of this country without the country ; poses to assume the Government of France.
wishing them to take it—(Hear, hear)—remember i " For nearly a twelvemonth" he has allowed
that the Whigs have sympathies with the land ; : the free play of the constitutional machine
and, gentlemen, if you find an inclination on their i to elevate to power the men who had sufficient talents
part to support measures which have a tendency ! and popularity to be uppermost. He has left party-
to your relief, do not refuse that support, and ! organization to do its work, and exercised his power
do not, under any circumstances, mix those iof selection only by choosing the individuals whom
measures with party politics.—(Cheers.) Now, the i circumstances pointed out as representing most truly
measure which I think may be obtained, and which I the predominant shades of public opinion. In short,
believe would be productive of vast importance is one I he has played the part of a constitutional monarch.
upon which I will touch foie at few moments. I have • But this way of reigning has not satisfied him, not
only once cursorily alluded tra'it. I believe that at this 1 has it, as he believes, satisfied the nation. He is de-
moment, inasmuch as it is not the interest of the land i termined to take a different course hereafter. He is
to reduce the general taxation, and as it is the interest i the elect of six million Frenchmen. The six millions
lof the land to resist the plans of those who would f in choosing the heir of Napoleon, meant to choose a
diminish the general taxation, it is of the greatest I Napoleon policy, and a Napoleon Government. Hence.
importance that you should call on the Legislature to ! forth they shall have both the one and the other. He
establish a sinking fund ; and now I will explain to will impress the bent of his own will on the policy of
you what will be the effect of that upon the industry the country ; the ministers whom he will choose shall
and property of the owners and occupiers of land. i be the men best fitted to realize, not the views of others,
On this point, I will take, as I always do, the data I but his own. His Cabinet shall be the exponent and
and the estimate of our opponents. We have upon ) instrument of a Napoleon policy—the reflex of
the subject of the sinking fund the estimate of a gen- himself. In a word, he will be his own Prime
.Mi-
tleman who is a political economist and a free-trader, . nister. "Gentlemen," says the missive, in language
but who is the most sagacious writer and the most which has at least the merit of being tolerably plain,
sensible investigator of all subjects of finance in the "I have sat by long enough ; you have had it all your
ranks of our opponents. I mean Mr. M'Culloch. own way—and a pretty mess you have made of it. I
Mr. M'Culloch, though opposed to a sinking fund intend now to take my share in the game." Having
because he thinks it could not be maintained, says, in said thus much, we need scarcely go on to observe,
his work on taxation, that no doubt the consequences that a communication more injudicious, both in form
of a sinking fund of 5,000,0001. would be of vast im- and substance, has seldom been laid before the Legis-
portance, and that it is highly probable the rate of Go- lature of a free country. Louis Napoleon has suffered
vernment securities in such a case would in a very short himself to be misled by the false position in which he
time not exceed even two per cent. Now I want you to is placed as the elected President of a great Republic.
consider the effect upon your property and industry Like General Taylor, indeed, he owes his elevation to
in such a state of affairs. If that were the case the the suffrages of the people ; but he forgets that in
surplus capital of this country, the accumulations one very material respect his position is far more
which have been devoted heretofore by the English nearly akin to that of the hereditary Monarchs of the
people to foreign mines and foreign loans, and old world—viz., that those suffrages have placed him
British railways, all those accumulations would find at the head of a single highly centralized common-
their way to the enrichment and cultivation of the wealth, not at the summit of the loose fabric of a
soil. Now, I will take a case to show you what must federal state. He confounds the legal responsibility,
be the immediate and practical effect on the land of wherein his position differs from that of Leopold of
England if you had this fund established. We had Belgium, with the moral responsibility of a Minister,
some allusion made to mortgages by a gentleman who who is the servant of a Parliament, and holds office
spoke. It is difficult to estimate the mortgages of this during the good pleasure of a Parliamentary majo-
country, but I have arrived at the conclusion that ri y. Louis Philippe, himself virtually an elected
they probably amount to 400,000,0001 The monarch, made the same mistake, although he never
interest on that is 16,000,0001. Under the new plan went so far as to tell the Chambers so. He was his
that interest would be reduced, and by that means own Prime Minister, and the consequence is, that he
every acre in the country would be drained, and J bears amongst his former subjects the blame of every
tenants would be assisted in every application they false step made by each of the Cabinets in which he
made for improved cultivation. It is impossible to successively presided. The popularity of Louis Na-
contemplate anything that would have a more direct poison is still considerable; for the ten months which
tendency to benefit agriculture, to make farmers have passed since his election have witnessed a great
prosperous, and to place the landed proprietors in and progressive improvement in the condition of the
a safe position. We may raise that sinking-fund country. But let him once commit the imprudence
by a duty on foreign imports, and, in my opinion, of thoroughly identifying himself with an adminis-
-1
a duty on foreign imports is a law that not only i tration, be it good, bad, or indifferent, and he will
possibly may be•passed, but that probably will be, final, to his cost, that it is the Presidency of which the
passed in the Parliament that now exists.—(Cheers.) i nation is enamoured, rather than the President him-
It it be passed, let it be combined with a measure I self. Let him try to govern, instead of simply reign-
which shall renovate and increase the fortunes of the I ing, and he will be " used up" before his second year
great agricultural interest; but, at all events, whet' er 1 has well begun. It is not, we fear, too much to say
passed or not, we hope to obtain for these measures a that the Conservative majority is broken up—that the
favourable, if not a successful, hearing in Parliament,' President and the Assembly are ;gain at war—and
because they are founded on justice and principles of I that France has made a long stride towards her next
high policy. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by I Revolution.
1
moving that "in the opinion of the meeting Balla- I 11ERALD.—If the airrot Cabinet survived the
tnentary measures were required which Would ensure i dangerous support of the Mol6i and the Tillers, the
that /Tel property should bear only its fair and just I Thrryers and the Montalemberts, it vves sure to fell
proportion of the revenue of the country that is lo- `either from inherent weakness—dotnestie dissension
catty raised, and as cli mld effect, at the same time, a l --'r the disrelish of the President or of the nation
gradual and certain diminution of the imperial and lat large. In the discussion on Rom3n atfinrs a fort-
general burdens by the establishment of a sinking ; night ago, it exhibited a base subserviency, unre-
fund to 132 raised by a duty on foreign imports." Id. erred by one spaik of grade or ge. e
Mr. GinnoNs seconded the motion, which was I Minister for Foreign A, tilirsitti completelycoura totrew the
adopted.
letter of the President overboard, and sacrifici-d hint
Mr. L. STONE, of Brightwell Park, moved the Ito the wishes of the exigent majority. Thougk the
adoption of a petition to the Legislature, founded on conduct of Odi!on Barrot was a degree less cowa"rdly,
the two foregoing resolutions. yet the tone of his speech tame, sp and
The motion was seconded by Mr. E. W. Cox, t deprecatory in the extreme.was Exhibitingiritl theess, famous
tenant-farmer, and carried. 1 letter to Edgar Ney in his hand, and professing to
'the proceedings terminated with the usual vote of I act on the principle of that letter, he yet had not the
thanks to the chairman. i courage to read it, and is said to have replaced it in his
portfolio at the suggestion of little M. Thiers. Conduct
I
1 such as this was neither likely to conciliate opponents
I nor to please friends, and accordingly, ever since that
memorable debate of this day fortnight, M. Barrot
Ihas been sinking, not merely in public estimation, but
possibly in the political estimation of the ten snt of
i the Elysee, for we find in the message of the Presi-
dent, delivered as late as half-past three o'clock on
Wednesday, that M. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte an-
I nounces to the President of the Chamber that men
lare now needed—" who, animated by a patriotic de-
, votedness, comprehend the necessity of the single
direction of a firm character, and of a clearly-defined
! policy, which dues not compromise p iwer by any
irresolution—of men, in short, whose minds are as
I much filled with the conviction of the President's
peculiar responsibility tie of their own, and of the
necessity of action as well as of worth," One might
fancy that these words were personally levelled at the
I late President of the French Council, so epigrammati-
cally do they portray his irresolute character, if one
did not know that, individually, M. Odilon Barrot
stands high in the esteem of the Chief Magistrate of
France, and that his brother, M. Ferdinand Barrot,
the private secretary of the President, is actually
named Minister of the Interior in the new Cabinet.
Though, however, the personnel of a generally weak
Cabinet has been just changed, and the support of
men more ardently devoted to the President obtained,
yet it may be more than doubted w hether this new
Cabinet just formed contains within itself the seeds
of stability. Of Parliamentary or administrative
ability in the highest sense it contains no portion;
for though the new Minister of Justice is known
to be an advocate of great celebrity at Riom, and
not wanting fluency or force, it remains to be
proved whether he is equal to the exigencies of public
life—whether he possesses that knowledge, readiness,
tact, and high courage so indespensably necessary
in the present condition of France. M. Parieu, the
new Minister of Public Works, now in the flower
of his age, is perhaps a still better and readier speaker
than M. Rouher ; but though a person of esprit,
quickness, and a graceful fluency, something more
than these gifts is necessary in Parliamentary and
official life. Are either M. Rouher or Al. Parieu
able to enter the lists with Berryer, Falloux, or
Montalembert? Are they able even to tear to tatters
the specious sophistries of M. Thiers—or to answer
those sharp, clear sentences, half-bitter, half-banter-
ing, in which the sarcastic ex-Minister is so prone to
indulge ? The vigorous dialectics—the plain, sound
sense—the stubborn self-reliance and a plumb, as well
as the great official and administrative talent, and the
sterling honesty and straightforwardness of .111.
Dufaure, rendered him peculiarly valuable in any
Cabinet as a weapon to be used against self-seekers
and intriguers, yet to our great regret and sur-
prise M. Dufaure is not numbered among the
new Ministers, no more than his able and solid-
headed friend M. Passy. M. Ferdinand Barrot, a tenth
or twentieth-rate advocate, and a fifth-rate journal-
ist, but ill supplies the place of so seasoned and able
a man as Dufaure; and as to Passy, can his place be
said to be supplied by the Jew Foul(' ? The name of
Casimir Perier is a considerable name, indicating
energy of will, firmness of purpose, and boundless
self-devotion. But qualities such as these are not
always inherited, and we have yet to learn that the
mere fact of a man having served in a diplomatic ca-
pacity at Pt tersburgh, London, and the Vague,
qualities him for a French Minister for Foreign
Affairs. Against the Minister of Marine we have no
word to utter. Ile may be an able and estimable mats
in his own profession, but is wholly unkoo 0 n as poli-
tician or administrator. As to the , ea, 'Minister of
War, he is not we believe wholly without-merit eitht r
as an officer or administrator, and tae is unquestionably
the nephew of a very distinguished soldier, and is a
soldier of some note himself. But tio man supposes
that he possesses the administrative and pro-
fessional ability of 'l3edeau, the probity,
moral honesty, and resolute coolness of Cavaignac,
or the dash and showy qualities of Lamoriciere. His
name weighs more with the Fauboutg St: Germain
and the Cii.Ause • cl'Antin than with the army, an
though he Las seen service, 3et it has hen hi the
olden time, and under a different system, and it may
be well doubted whether he possesses that low par-
tisan talent which renders Cbangarnier, the Mina of

[PRICE OD.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM TILE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
TIMES.—If any clear and definite signification
can be attached to the sweeping measure by which the
President of the French Republic has changed his
whole Administration, and to the resolute message in
which he announced this species of coup d'etat to the
• National Assembly, we must suppose that Louis Na-
poleon intends to convey to France and to the world
his peremptory intention to assume in his own person
the supreme direction of the affairs of the Republic.
It is the repetition or the parody of Louis XlV.'s
declaration—" l'Etat, c'est moi I" If Louis Napoleon
has been crossed and thwarted by the presence of
statesmen in his Cabinet, whose duty and whose de-
sire it was to give to his authority as much stability
and success as it could acquire, how has he relieved
himself from their criticism and their opposition by
thrusting them back into the ranks of an Assembly,
already disposed to regard his pretensions with
jealousy ani his acts with derision ? It was the
general opinion of France, that for the present the
public interest of the nation required the mainte-
nanc e of the authority of Louis Napoleon, and a
gradual return to the habits of regular government.
As the case stands at this moment, the late passage in
Spanish history or comedy, which we dressed up
yesterday for a fancied stage, is hardly more extrava-
gant than the change which. Louis Napoleon has
undertaken to effect. Something else must be yet in
store for us. The mere wind of an irritated popular
Assembly would sweep away such a Cabinet as this.
The languid popularity of Louis Napoleon, without
the dignity of regality, the lustre of martial glory,
or the protection of Constitutional irresposibility,
would sink under the obscurity of those he calls upon
to govern France. He can no more make them
statesmen than they can make him an emperor; and
whilst he talks of national dignity he exhibits the
Administration of France at the lowest pitch of de-
gradation and incompetency. As far, then, as we
can venture to form any opinion on a transaction at
once so sudden in its execution and so vast
in its consequences, it would seem that Louis
Napoleon has made a false and dangerous move,
and has entered on a course which will prove
fatal to him if he pursues it. The composition of
the new Ministry, as far as it is at present known,
would seem to denote the entire absence of an under-
standing with any important section of the National
Assembly, for the nature of the support it may receive
from the Conservative chiefs is at least problematical.
" The hand and the will of the elected of the 10th
December," are very different things from the hand
and the will of M. Mole and M. Thiers. In a word,
the Constitution itself which called into existence two '
supreme and independent powers, legislated for their
mutual destruction, and whenever their natural
opposition breaks out into open hostility no issue
can be found to such a contest but in some change
—perhaps a violent change—in the fundamental
conditions of the State. The questicn would then
eventually rent on the disposition of the army ;
and the conduct of the military chiefs, Changarnieri
or Cavaignac, might be decisive as to the result.
But whilst we can look forward with no confidence '
to the future, and the present seems every hour to
become more untenable, we cannot look back on
the d ssolution of the late Administration with the
justly
slightest regret. As the President observes, in
seeking to effect "a fusion of parties" he had only
obtained " neutralization of force." M. Odilon
Barrot's Ministerial career was one continued recan-
tation of all he had said and done in the course of his
political existence; and he has expiated a life of
reckless opposition, which ended in the overthrow of
a Monarchy and the destruction of Governmant, by
a tenure of office, short indeed in comparison with his
previous performances, but replete with every contra-
diction which can humiliate a statesman. M. '
Dufaure and M. de Tocqueville, being less compro-
mised in the Roman expedition, have not suffered in
their reputations, and will, we trust, hereafter render
further services to their country ; but curiously
enough it seems that M. de Falloux's resignation
from ill health was one of the circumstances which
most powerfully contributed to the dissolution of
the Cabinet, for the man most trusted by the Pre-
tender was the most energetic Minister of the Pre-
sident. Amongst the more immediate consequences of