The Sun.
London, England, 1849-08-18 00:00:00

COMMISSION OF LUNACY.

Yesterday a commission de lunatico inquirendo was
opened at the King's Arms Tavern, Hoxton, before Mr.
Commissioner Winslow, and a special jury, relative to
the state of mind of Elizabeth Fisher, a maiden lady,
aged 49, formerly governess in the family of Lord Gran-
ville Somerset, which engagement she relinquished on
her mother's acquisition of a fortune of 40,0001., but was
now an inmate of Hoxton House Lunatic Asylum.
The Commission was unopposed.
The history of this lady's case is extraordinary. About
nine years since a gentleman, named Silvoster, her uncle,
bequeathed to her mother a fortune of 40,0002, upon
whom the acquisition had the effect of producing
a derangement of intellect, which communicated
itself to the subject of this inquiry, and against
whom consequently a commission issued in 1842,
when she was found by a jury to be of unsound
mind; but, she had so far recovered in 1844, as to
induce the Lord Chancellor to supersede the commis-
sion, and she was then released from Dr. Philp's Asy-
lum, Kensington House, where she had been previously
confined. Her conduct having in 1848 become violent,
it was necessary again to place her under restraint, and,
in consequence, 14th of July, 1848, she was placed in
St. Luke's Hospital, and subsequently removed to Hox-
ton House.

After hearing evidence the unfortunate lady was in-
troduced to the jury. On taking har seat by the side of
the Learned Commissioner she proceeded to recount,
with the utmost volubility, her imaginary injuries, com-
plaining, that she was unable to employ solicitor or
counsel, and that she had been improperly confined in a
madhouse.

The jury found—" That Miss Fisher is now of un-
sound mind, incapable of managing herself or her affairs,
and has been so since the 14th of July, 1848."

THE POISONINGS IN WILTSHIRE.—CONFESSION OF
EIGHT MURDERS.—CHIPPENHAM, A UGUST. 17.—The
conviction of the woman Rebecca Smith, at the recent
Wiltshire Summer Assizes, before Mr. Justice Cress-
well, for the murder of her infant child at Westbury, was
one of the most painful cases that has occurred in this
part for many years. She was tried for the murdt r of her
youngest child, exactly one month old; but she has con-
fessed to the chaplin of the county gaol that she pre-
viously murdered seven others of her children in the
same manner. Yet this woman was religious in her out-
ward deportment. She attended Divine worship at the
meeting-house every Sabbath day, and regularly said
her prayers—praying at night (by her own showing)
that she might be preserved throughout it, and return-
ing thanks, and praying fur further mercies in the
morning. The only motive the wretched criminal
assigns for such deeds of horror is that she
feared that her children might come to want. She bore
the character among her neighbours, of being an
inoffensive and industrious woman, and there is no
doubt she has suffered great privations, her husband
being given to drunkenness. Her father was a market
gardener, and she had 1001. bequeathed at his death,
but the whole of this sum was squandered by her hus-
band. Suspicions were entertained that she had also
endeavoured to poison her surviving child when in in-
, fancy, but this she firmly denies. On the contrary, she ex-
presses the greatest affection for this child, her only
tear (as she says) being that when she is gone her
daughter will be neglected by her husband. The ex-
cellent chaplain of the gaol is unwearied in his endea-
vours to bring her to a sense of her awful situation, and
his pious labours we trust will not be fruitless. Her
execution is fixed for the 23d instant. Efforts are being
made in the county to obtain a remission of her sentence,
and petitions to that effect are in the course of signature
for presentation to the Secretary of State.
DEATH OF DANIEL ASHFORD, ESQ., CORONER FOR
SOMERSET.—We regret exceedingly to have to record
the melancholy death of this lamented gentleman, which
event took place on Wednesday, the Bth inst., at his re-
sidence, Shepton Mallet, after a few hours' illness, of a
most severe attack of cholera. Mr. Ashford has filled
the high office of one of the coroners for Somersetshire
for 21 years, with the greatest satisfaction to the county.
Mr. D. H. Ashford, one of the late coroner's. eonss, "7
bt come a candidate for the appointment,
Sheervtar b orn
the office of deputy-coroner for some time.—
baying
Journal.
The vessel Angelina,
TREASURE FROM CHINA.—" . ht 21
just arrived in the docks from Canton, has b rou g
cases of specie, consigned to ordeone boxhe William Stewar
ust
t,
alao from Canton, has brought of gold d
and two boxes of treasure, addressed, and l
H 74 boxes of
treasure consigned to order; and the vesseind, from
Accra, one ease of gold dust and onecaskofbullion,ad-
dressed to a firm of commercial eminence, and the large
quantity of GI Casks of guinea grains, consigned to order.
The issue of the new florin coinage took place on
Thursday.

A public meeting of the inhabitants of Westminster
was held on Thursday evening at the Hanover-square
Rooms, for the purpose, as stated in the advertisement,
" of affording an opportunity for the expression of public
opinion on the present position of the Hungarian people
in their righteous struggle for independence."
Charles Lushington, Esq., M.P., was unanimously
elected to take the chair.
The elegant and oommodious room was crowded in
every part, and a considerable number of ladies were
piresent in the neighbourhood of the platform. The
arms of Hungary, and the phoenix rising from its ashes,
were suspended in the room. There were also small
banners, bearing the
,x
fol,loWing. in large characters:—
" Bem thel Invincible;" ossuth and Independence;"
" Batthyany and Freedom;,
" Dembinski and Victory;"
while two others were suspended from the chandelier
at either side, bearing thenames " Paskiewitch " and
" Jellachich" inverted.
The Cerarnarasi said—Gentlemen, though scarcely re-
covered from the exultation and delight that I experi-
enced at witnessing the unanimous approbation and en..
thusiastic applause which prevailednciat at the meeting of
the National Reform Ass
Monday evening, ton at Drury-lane, on
yet I amlca allni n
called upotn to attend another
meeting at which, if
taken, even
a stronger feeling than that which
subsistedos a
i rDrjury-
lane is likely to prevail.—(Cheers.) AtDrury-lane, y
our purpose was of a specific nature, but some -daringilie
spirits ventured certainly not blameablY
shout forth occasionally the name of Hungary. to
(Cheers.) And though the chairman deeply
sympathised in the object of the Hungarian
cause, yet he found it his duty to suppress the shouts and
plaudits which that call elicited. On the present occa-
sion you will be under no such restrictions; it is only
necessary that decorum—suitable and reasonable de-
corum—should be observed, and that you should
do me the favour to follow the order of proce-
dure which has been laid down by the committee.
Gentlemen, we are called upon this evening to manifest
our sympathy with the struggle of the great and noble
nation of Hungarians.—(Loud cheers.) Thanks be to
Heaven, we can do that unrestrictedly, without fear
of false law or the impotent threats and menaces
of tyrants.—(Cheers.) Englishmen can speak forth
now-a-days freely and nobly, without the' slightest
dread of being misrepresented, or of being subject to
punishment.—(Cheers.) And that alone, I think, is a
good reason why we should speak out in favour of the
Hungarians.—(Hear, hear.) I am not very well versed
in the historical portion of this subject—that I will leave
to those who have studied the question deeply, and who
will follow me; but I say that no man can read the
public prints—no man can look at the usual sources of
intelligence—without being delighted at the narratives
given of the noble struggle now going on in Hungary.—
(Cheers.) The Constitution of the Hungarians is nearly
similar to our own, and we should, therefore, sup-
port them in the assertion of their rights.—(Loud
cheers.) They have made most noble and
glorious exertions to repel their aggressors; and the
exploits in which they have been engaged are unequalled
in the annals of those ancient nations which we are ac-
customed to applaud, and perhaps no exhibition of
modern prowess will over excel them.—(Cheers.) It
was only the other day that I saw a paragraph in
the newspapers which is indicative of the devotion
of the Hungarians. It is so very short that I am sure
you will not manifest any impatience if I quote it.
(The Hon. Gentleman then read an extract, to the effect
that certain Russian regiments attacked two Hungarian
regiments, who resisted until they were utterly broken
up; that 200 prisoners were all that remained at the
close of the contest, and of these 130 were old grey-
headed men, and eight were mere boys.)—(Loud cheers.)
This, then, is no vain appeal to your sympathies, for the
tide nation has already, as one man, risen up for the
purpose of stimulating and encouraging the Hun-
garians. I remember, when I was a boy, a
song, or rather au ode, which was composed by
Hardy—a man who nearly escaped being exe-
cuted because be advocated simply those plain
and undeniable rights of the people which we now
exercise day after day. I cannot repeat it at full length,
but I remember one stirring stanza, which I think the
Hungarians might adopt, and introduce into one of their
patriotic and soul-stirring appeals to the people—
" Plant, plant the tree—!air freedom's tree—
'Midst dangers, wounds, and slaughter;
Each patriot's breast its soil shall be,
And tyrant's blood its water."—(Applause.)
My Noble Friend, Lord Dudley Stuart—(Loud and
prolonged cheering)—would like to translate that into
Polish—(Laughter)—but I shall be perfectly satisfied if he
will render it into the Hungarian language. It would
be needless for me to advert to the many years' exertions
of Lord Dudley Stuart on behalf of the distressed Poles
—his benevolence, his kindness, his generosity to them
are notorious and flagrant, for they have permeated to
every corner of the civilized world.—(Loud cheers.)
Though you aro perfectly welt acquainted
with the patriotic qualities of my Noble Friend,
Lord Nugent—(Loud cheers)—perhaps you are not
aware that when a small body of Hungarian hussars
arrived at Dover, in a state of poverty and desolation,
attention to their misery was first called by Lord Nu•
gent.—(Cheers.) He it was that stimulated the sluggish
liberality of the House of Commons, and induced several
Members, to join in a subscription, which enabled
the Hungarian hussars to leave England comfortably
equipped, in order to return to their own country.
A GENTLEMAN (on the platform)—l trust safely?
The CHAIRMAN—I trust safely ; but we have not
heard that yet. I feel that my office, gentlemen,
to-night is only introductory.—(Hear, hear. When
I see how I am supported—when I know that two
Noble Friends are behind me, and a host of gentlemen
besides, of every grade and of every rank, when I see
before me the encouraging spectacle of hundreds
of persons exulting in the object of this assembly,
I say, then, that you want no prologue from me, but
only an assurance of my devotedness to the cause.
In the hands of those gentlemen to whom I have alluded
will I leave the more detailed exposition of the question.
I do not wish to be despotic, but I hope you will respect
my authority this evening. It is not Austrian authority
remember; it a a mixtui e of British and Hun-
garian authority.—(Cheers and laughter.) Gentle-
men, there is one point which it behoves me
to touch upon, and one upon which it is very possible we
may not be quite unanimous. It is impossible, accord-
ing to my judgment, according to my conviction, and
according to my real and genuine feelings, to carry our
sympathy for Hungary too far.—(Hear hear.) But
1 have observed in one or two meetings
of this description that the people have been
carried away by enthusiasm—nay, I will almost say by
delirium—to express themselves in favour of going to
war.—(Loud and reiterated cheering.) Does that mean
that you want to go to war ?—(Cries of " Yes," laugh-
ter, and cheers.) Well, I am sure you will make
allowances for the opinions I possess on the subject
you may entertain any opinions you pleas_e,etsntolYou
want
you to allow me the same latitude.—(Cheers.)
may interfere in the affairs of Hungary thuerguetmtohset
exercise of your sympathy ; you
Ministry to remonstrate with
upon the atrocious conductotfh
which Austria
may
the-ayndareßunsosiwa
guilty; but I doubt whether we can consistently say
that we will go to war.----(Hear, hear, and cries of "Yes.")
Why, you sent eight or ten Members of
Fran; e the other day to attend what is called a Peace
Congress.—(Hear, hear.) You aro always complaining
of the burden of taxation, and do you know that Irons
1688 to 1815, we expended eleven hundred millions in
the luxury of war.—(Hear, hear.) It is perfectly
in the competence of this meeting to come to what reso-
lution it pleases, but I don't think that I can, whatever
may be that resolution, be justly accused of any want of
liberality in my present address.—(Loud cheers.) I
claim for myself the exercise of that latitude
of opinion which is granted to every individual
here, and I will only say, prophetically, that,
it you succeed in urging the Ministry or the
Government to go to war, England will rue it for cen-
turies to come.—(Cries of " No, no," and cheers.)
Lord NUGENT then came forward, and was re-
ceived with great applause. He said—l have to
propose the following resolution :—" That this meet•
ing a etches with intense interest the progress of
the present struggle of the Hungarian people
for the right of self-government, which they have long
and wisely exercised, a right to which they are entitled
by the constitution of their country, and which they
have proved themselves eminently qualified to enjoy by
the possession of moral, social, and political virtues;
unexcelled by any other country in continental Europe. '
The Noble Lord said—l contess, Mr. Chairman, that
I have a difficulty in recommending this.
this difficulty
to the acceptance of the meeting.
only—that it sufficiently recommendliesitsthere
comes abundantly recommended
. by simplethat it
pro-
positions contained within
thelt
and feelings,
thspaitritit comes abund-
antly recommended y
c b have brought us all here to-
and convictions
articulation and impulse of which
night. And bow can it be otherwise, in the very heart
of an empire,
in every
and kindled, and throbbed to an in-
this spirit has run,
b those who felt most warmly in the cause
etennuslditynewv
hericbave hoped to see? The English people I
k it has been fully shown, sympathise entirely with
thin truggle of the Hungarians in a cause of which I
the s
will only say this—that from my soul I believe it to be the
grandest and holiest cause that we find has been struggled
for throughout the whole range of modern history.
My Noble Friend (Lord Dudley Stuart) and I have had
opportunities of witnessing the extent of this enthusi-
asm—we observed it at the first great meeting in the
city of London—we saw it at another meeting where the
spirit that prevailed seemed to burst forth far beyond
the walls which were intended to confine it—(Cheers)—
we saw it, I say, in one of the largest edifices of this
empire—at Drury-lane: Theatre the night before last.—
(Cheers.) The meeting to be sure was convened for
another, but yet for a kindred, purpose—we saw it there
—we saw thousands there assembled from the area up
to the thronged galleries we saw every
human soul within it raise a simultaneous
and enthusiastic cry on the very mention of
the name of Hungary. (Loud cheers.) We

have seen that spirit also in the great borough of Mar-
fthone—we have heard of it on the outskirts o.fila y )
where 1,3,a
An niedr sf
rhoarov
‘'
ilbte'coau trvavteeld,wall the cry i\S
—(ApplaSuteitell.)theil‘leceoemines,.; haver been held at Manchester,
irmingliarn, Derby,
plat: a, at each of which deepest and warmest
sympathy has been shown for thrhgrealti• and glo-
-th(aLhotuhdat
be
glo-
rious nost h
eeralinissee.
cWI:-.hdeelsn'trirbirutilgnige.s:t 'ee,aa"lci?a timeanny.caltheitr
in
~ahhibchh the
,fLelould
spirit of liberty has never been slow or sluggish,
declare itsel ?—(Applause.) If I doubt( daegg,ul'r
on this subject I should look to my Hon. Friend in feelings
chair, who, faithful to his duties towards liberty as a
Member of Parliament, and as a citizen beyond the walls
of Parliament, is himself a guarantee and voucher of the
spirit which beats in the breasts of those whom he repre-
sents.—(Cheers.) Well, then, my duty is short and sires le
—it is to declare the joy I feel at being allowed
thus publicly to justify the faith which is within ref,
by proposing a resolution with which tout faith
most warmly coincides.—(Cheers.) The case of Hun-
gary you are sufficiently, I believe, in possession of—it, is
a case of no problematical or doubtful signification—it
is not a case of any sudden outbreak of the mounting
spirit of liberty against despotism, although, if it were
fo, it Would enlist the sympathy and the support of
England; for outbreaks of that nature were made by our
canonized ancestors to acquire liberties which we now
enjoy, and which we will not tamely stand by
and see filched from us.—(Loud cheers.) But the
case of Hungary is one to be plainly,
calmly, and drily stated ; it is the case of a
constitution, granted by five successive treaties, spread-
ing over a range of 600 years, now openly and violently
menaced by one who usurps to himself the title of King
of Hungary, to which neither by descent, by constitution,
nor by law has he the smallest or the most distant title.
—(Applause.) The title, through descent, the house of
Hapsburg- Lorraine has forfeited ; she has forfeited it
by a deliberate refusal to subscribe to conditions by
which alone any man can be the legitimate sovereign of
Hungary. She has by every other act conceivable, in
contravention of the Hungarian constitution, rendered
herself morally as well as legally disqualified to possess
the title. She began by filling Hungary, contrary to the
constitution, with functionaries not native-born.--
(Hear.) She claims the crown of Hungary with /Zee:
cisely as much reason and justice, and no more nor less,
as our Queen would abolish by edict the Salk; law in
Hanover, declare herself sovereign of Hanover, and
send her troops over there to force the people to submit
to the edict.—(Cheers.) But Austria has endeavoured
to force her annexation of the country by means of un-
paralleled treachery and inconceivable cruelty—by cast-
ing aside every law which has been respected hitherto
by civilized states, whether in time of peace or war—by
making war, as it were, like the inroads of the backwood
Indians, by sacking towns, by hanging and shooting pri-
soners of war, and by scourging women in the open
streets.—(Loud groans.) Why, do you know the real
meaning of the proclamation of that monster Haynau—
(Continued groaning)—which he issued in the towns t f
Pesth and Buda, and by which he declares that vvhosce
ever insults one of his soldiers shall be, then and there—
and upon the spot—instantly put to death?—
(Groans.) Do you know the meaning of it?
I will not generalize; I will endeavour, how-
ever faintly, to give a particular sketch of what a
rabble of Austrian soldiers is, when enjoying free
quarters in a captive city. The father of a family in
1 vain bars his door; the distant approaching tread f
I soldiers is heard, rapine, death, dishonour—dishonour
worse than death—are in that sound; the daughter,
clinging to her father's knees, shrieks to him for pre -
tection. I will not pursue the subject, but the spirit of
liberty, of manhood, of parental love, rises in the chi
wan's breast and nerves his arm; he strikes the ruffian
to the ground, and in doing this he has insulted a
soldier at free quarters, and the father and the daughter
are shot on the spot because one of Haynau's
soldiers is insulted.—(Loud shouts of execration.) And
how has this atrocious conduct been met by the
Hungarians? Not one instance of cruelty or of retalia-
tion, not one drop of blood spilt, but in fair fight, can
be attributed to them, even by the malignity of their
enemies.—(Applause.) Nay, when they captured a
town the other day, they permitted the garrison of that
town, having first laid down arms, to march home, on
giving their simple word of honour that they would not
bear arms against Hungary for six months. I hope
rather than trust that that word of honour will be kept.
No I I believe it will be kept, for Ido trust, in Go?,
,hat before six months have elapsed thsre will no be an
enemy left on the plains of Hungary.— (Cheers.) I
trust before six months have elapsed Austria will either
suingbe for peace within her own city of Vienna, or
terms o triumphant peace—triumphant on the side of
Hungary—will be imposed upon her by that glorious,
well-defended, and I trust, invincible country.—(Luud
cheers.) Well, the Hungarian warrior has gone forth
without fear and without reproach—he has gone forth
to conquer, and cui•quered he hitherto has; or if he falls
he falls without reproach, ho falls with glory, because
he can neither survive his country's liberties nor his own.
" Shall the victor exult or in death be laid low,
With his back to the field and his face to the foe,
Yet leaving in battle no blot on his name,
Will look proudly tolleaveu from the death-bed of fame.'
Such are the grounds of the cause upon which we appeal
to you to-night. We appeal to you on the clearest
grounds of national and international right; we appeal
to you on the ground of humanity; we appeal to you on
1 the ground of the comparative character of the two na-
tions; we appeal to you in the name of liberty, whose
cause has never been urged more gloriously since the
period of ancient and heroic history, than it has been by
the noble Hungarians.—(Cheers.) You must remem-
ber, as Englishmen, that there was a time when a great
British Minister, Lord Chatham, boasted, and with him
it was a true boast, that not a cannon shot should be
fired in Europe without the consent of England.—
(Hear.) Remember your Government of that peiiod.—
(Loud cheers.) Urge Lord Palmerston to adopt it,
and support Lord Palmerston—(Great cheering)--not
in the way suggested by an excellent and amiable man,
whose very humane address I have read this day—the
Archbishop of Paris—who has just told M. De Tocque-
vine, on behalf of Venice, " that, in the language of poli-
ticians, they have two courses to pursue—either to allow
Austria to abuse her victory, or to declare war against
her." He adds—" I believe there is a middle course to
pursue—that is to use lofty words."—(Laughter.) Now,
I don't think it becomes a great nation to use " lofty"
words unless she be prepared for lofty deeds.—(Great
applause.) Till very lately this question has
not been laid before the minds of the masses
of the English nation.—(Hear.) The spirit of the Eng-
lish nation upon this subject has been abused and evilly
dealt with—(Loud groaning, and cries of " The Times")
—it has been abused and evilly dealt with by a calumnious
and prostitute press.—(Continued groaning and hissing,
and repeated cries of " The limes.")
Amidst the general disorder which prevailed, a per-
son elevated himself upon the shoulders of two others
near the centre of the room, and having first displayed
a copy of that newspaper, tore it into shreds, to the
evident gratification of those around him, Ito gave vent
to their feelings by a violent shout of execration. A
cry was then raised to " Turn out the Times reporter.
The CHAIRMAN having, after some difficulty, at length
obtained a hearing, said—l beg to be understood as not
having the slightest sympathy with the opinions of the
Times; but, if I am not mistaken, I heard just now a
proposition
made to remove the reporter of the Times.—
(Partial cheering, and cries of " Oh.") Now I say I
won't do anything of the kind.—(Cheers.) Whatever
may be your opinion of a public journal you have no
I right to insult an individual.—(Loud cheers.) That in-
dividual has a right to and shall have my protection.
Lord NUGENT continued and said—l trust that every
individual who intends to do his duty in this assembly,
will receive the same indulgence which you have ex-
tended to me. --(Cheers.) Allow me to say that the
public spirit of England has not been dealt cut fairly by
tho equivocal terms used by some of the men-fibers
of a weak and timid Government—(Hear, hear)—but it
does so happen that the success of a cause is it mighty
good recruiter in its favour. Within the last few weeks
the waverers have been confirmed—a change has come
over the spirit of their dream; the slanderers have been
silenced; they have retired within the shroud, the appro-
priate shroud of vague insinuations and anonymous
letters, in answer to the challenge of two gallant
friends of mine, who put their names to the
challenge, and who dared the prostitute organs
of the press to specify their charges, and to bring forward
their proofs.—(Cheers.) Well, a change has come over
the spirit of their dream. A great pp, t has placed in
the mouth of Brutus these lines:—
" It was the noblest cause that ever man drew sword in,
And yet the gods disowned it."
But our cause has not been disowned from on high; God
has been wondrously gracious; he has defended and ad-
vanced the right by a series of most astounding victories.
—(Applause.) When we first met in
_tiei ctie_
; of
London, a fortnight ago, we hardlywh daatr we thought
1 our duty, in joining our voices with
the voices of others
hardly dared to talk of
the condition of Hungary. e did
1 on behalf of Hungary; but we
But now what was klie gave
of that country? Victorious
in the north, in thj south,
; a series of brilliant victories in the west; between hashvearnysyfoivrmani
formidably, short
with her brave heart
)rt distance of Vienna.
and her brave arm she has struck the ruffian Russian to
and Conlon) a battle terminated in bringing the tinge-
rina(acshvh (Cheers.) aTr
an ignominious retreat.—(Loud cheers.) With her left
arm she has crushed the savage Croat and cast his body
to fester beyond the frontier of her country.—(Cheers,)
Well, then, glory to Kossuth—(Great cheering)—
glory to his gallant Generals—(Cheers)—slur Co
Georgey—(Cheers)—glery to Dembinski—(Cheers)—
glory to Klupka—(Cheers)---above all, surpe.ssieg glory
to the yet unconquered and, I trust, unconquerable Bien.
—(Prolonged cheering.) I did take the liberty of
speaking strongly against the bad feeling manifested in
Enelend by a portion of the press, but am bound to say
that a portion of the press has done excellent service to
the cause.—(Cheers, and cries of " The Sun' and
"Daily IVews.") Glory and thanks to The
Sun—(Great cheering)—glory and thanks to the
Daily News (Continued cheering)
glory and
thanks to the Morning Advertiser—(Cheers)—glory and
thanks to the Observer, and also to the Examiner.—
The Noble Lord then went on to say that he could not
forget the glorious exhibition of spirit shown by several
commercial bodies in this country. While his Noble
Friend and himself were giving effect to the wishes of
those who had subscribed for the purpose of restoring
back to their country those gallant Hungarians who were
driven on their shores some time since, in the discharge
of that duty
they of course negotiated with different
steam companies, for the purpose of procuring them
a passage Constantinople,ie6; and then a guarantee
roan
that they should be forwarded safely to the frontiers
of their own country. In their several communi-
cations they were met by the moat liberal and
self-denying spirit, and their offer accepted by
the Peninsular and Oriental Steam Company, who had

taken 68 men out to Constantinople, and guaranteed
that they should be forwarded to the frontier of their
own country, and that each should receive as much
money on their landing as would enable them to effect
that object. That company entered into the arrange-
ment at an immense loss to themselves; and the Chairman,
whose name should be mentioned and remembered with
honour, when his (Lord Nugent's) Noble Friend, Lord
Dudley Stuart and another, undertook to guarantee the
company from any losses in case of a failure of the sub-
scriptions, Mr. Wilcox, the Chairman, he repeated, con-
sented cn the reception of that guarantee, only on the
condition that he would allow him to join in the
guvantee. (Cheers.) —ln enumerating the papers
to which the cause was indebted, he had forgotten
to mention the Standard of Freedom. [A Voice—
Aye, and the Northern Star.]—(Cheers.) They had
given the Hungarians who arrived on their shores, the
means of returning to their own country ; they were
now at sea, in order to effect a junction with their gal-
lant friends in arms; but that ought to arouse still more
the active communion between the people of England
and those of Hungary. Let them establish such a com-
munication, by showing them they were ready to enter
on a tribute—
A VOICE Aye, that's the talk.
Lord NUGENT, in continuation—Let them act as be-
came a great nation, sympathising with Hungary strug-
gling for her freedom, and by assisting and counte-
nancing them, they would assist and sympathise with
liberty all over Europe.—(Cheers.) Let them testisfy
to Europe their anxiety in their cause, and they may
feel assured that, come what would, in joining to support
the cause for which they met that night together, they
had not lived or met in vain.—(Cheers.)
Mr. J. WYLD, M. P., then came forward, and was re-
ceived with loud cheers. He said—Ladies and gentlemen,
I trust, Mr. Chairman, that:l shall not be thought wanting
in respect to you—stating as you did in the early part of
your address that the opinions which you then gave ut-
terance to were the opinions of an individual—if I simply
look upon them in that light. And Ido hope, if, sir, it
should be my painful duty to differ from you, that both
you and this large and numerous meeting will take my
sentiments to be merely the individual expressions of a
single man.—(Hear, hear.) Now, sir, with great
submission, I think the time for mere sympathetic I
speaking is past.—(Loud cheers.) This is a great ques-
tion, not simply one between Russia, Austria, and Hun-
gary, but a question of European civilization.—(Loud
cheers.) Great, noble, and daring as have been the
efforts of the brave Hungarian people in this holy and
noble cause, let it be borne in mind they are not fight-
ing for themselves alone, but for the independence of
Europ e—(Load cheers.) The Emperor of Russia has
thrown down the gauntlet to the greater part of Europe,
as the advocate of despotic principles; and we, the people
of England and of America, will take up the gauntlet
and throw it into the air before him.—(Loud cheers.)
We will take up the glove of defiance, and throw it in his
teeth, saying, " As y 31.1 have dared to menace the rights
bequeathed to the Hungarian people by their ancestors—
rights of freedom solemnly and legally obtained by them
—as you have manifested to the various Courts of
Europe by ukase, that it is your intention, by despotism
and by an armed force, to stifle throughout Europe the
• feeling of constitutional liberty, we, the people of Eng-
land, as a small but not unimportant section of the
nations of Europe, throw that defiance in your teeth,,
and as our ancestors have gained for us a glorious Con-
stitution, capable perhaps of amendment—(Hear, hear)
—but the best, perhaps, at present in Europe, and as we
have learned what are the advantages and benefits of
freedom, and how to value them, and as, by all the
energy, int: lligence, and power we possess we should
defend our liberties were they assailed, by the same
means we will support the noblest cause in which a
- brave and nehlo people ever engaged, not by mere
words but by sh eds."—(Prolonged cheering.) We will
net behold einailar blessings wrested from a brave people
ithout an effort to prevent such a monstrous act of
speliati es.—( dear, hear, and cheers.) Sir, you have
sta ed that this country is overwhelmed with debt
in consequence of war. Yet how small a
share in the, immense mountain of debt has
been ad I- din the cause of liberty. From the Protec•
torat3 to the present time it has been all spent in war;
not for the benefit of the people of this country, but to
assie, tee struggles and maintain the tyranny of despots
and of tyrants—(Loud cheers)—to uphold the house of
flenevar in eontinuing their association and intrigues to
and with the different powers of Europe to strengthen
their continental power—to beat down the liberty which
the French people were striving to obtain—to hire
assassins to aid despotic monarchs to crush the struggles
of people eager to be free.—(Loud cheers.) That
was the way in which the money was spent. Thus
the debt was accumulated. And now the
liberties of a brave people are menaced,
shall we complain if one small stone—
one unit be added by the people, to aid in rendering all
Europe free.—(Loud cheers.) This is a question, let it
be borne in mind, that concerns us as a nation—as indi-
viduals; and it is to my mired a pecuniary one. If you
view it in that new but necessary light, the way in which
I think you should view it, you cannot fail to be of my
Opinion. It is, in fact, a matter of pounds, shillings,
and pence. I say, therefore, that a strong demonstration
on the part of England would be economical taken in
this point of view. Let us recollect, that if Russia
grasps Austria, and encloses her as she has Hungary, the
time is not far distant when she will menace European
Turkey, and close the Mediterranean as she has closed
the Black Sea; and menace, if not endanger, the safety
o' our vast Indian empire, by sending her armies to the
shores of the Bosphorous, and by keeping her fleets in
the Agean and Mediterranean Seas. And we must,
at continual annual expense, send fleets to prevent
her from menacing our great eastern possessions? Let
us say to those who aro striving to destroy the independ-
ence of Hungary, " The course you are adopting is
neither fair nor manly—if you do not remove your forces
the thunder of our ships shall drive you back to the
barbarian waste from which you sued."—(Loud cheers.)
This is a question in which the manufacturers and work-
ing men of England are intimately interested (Loud
cheers)—it is truly a question of political economy, as
well as one of liberty and of freedom. We have
had much talk about upholding Austria as a
barrier against the incursions of other powers.
What has she done to extend commercial
freedom in her own empire, or to aid that of other
countries? Why, she has inflicted upon her own people a
tariff which has caused her commerce and her cities to
languish—she has shut up an immense region which
would be fertilized and rendered most productive and
bensfiaial, not merely to England, but to
.Europe gene-
rally—a region consisting of 126 square miles, and con-
taining 14,000,000 of inhabitants—who were willing to
enter into treaties of reciprocity and free trade with us.
And, on the other hand, she has stifled every emanation
of liberty in Europe. She has menaced the Turkish
empire, suborned the north of Italy, and assisted Prus-
sia, to overawe, if not to crush, the German states in
their efforts to obtain constitutional freedom. And yet
it is sought to be instilled into the minds of the people of
this country that it is necessary to maintain Austria as
a power against the incursions of hordes of bar-
bariene from Russia. The whole tendency of
tee policy of Austria was to uphold and abet
Russia. Why, it is obvious. Not a single remonstrance
was offered by the statesmen of Russia when Austria
took possessioa of Moldavia and Bessarabia. When
Rua.ia, seized Poland, Austria inc.de no remonstrance,
though put to great expense, in increasing her army,
entailing thereby great expense upon her people. It
seems strange that any one should state, in the face of
an intelligent people like the people of England, that it
is necessary to maintain such a power as this.
A VOICE—No, it is not .—(Cheers.)
Mr. W YLD.—It is not. If the choice is to be between
Austria and Hungary, give me Hungary—(Loud
cheers)—Hungary, with nearly 600 years of constitu-
tional freedom, and since 1848 the most perfect freedom
which any nation on the face of the earth enjoys. Who
is so likely to fight against Russia, should she pass her
own frontiers as a nation of freemen? for every Hungs-
nen peasant has a right in the soil on which he was
born. Who so likely to fight against the barbarian
hordes of Russia, in defence of freedom—and to stand
as a barrier between Russia and the west of Europe—as
the Hungarians, standing on their own soil, and fighting
for their religion and their sacred rights?—(Loud cheers.)
As the Noble Lord has entered at great length into
the question before us I shall not occupy your
attention more than a iew moments longer.—(Cries of
"Go on.") It is necessary, gentlemen, when so many
persons have to address you that each speaker should be
as brief as possible. Now we have had meeting after
inciting. and we have spoken at them as loudly as we
could. Our feelings of sympathy for the people of Hun-
gary brings to my recollection an old quotation of flu
&bras, which strikes tan as somewhat apropos at the
present moment—

That s!. mpathy without relief
Is like to mustard without beef."

—(Loud cheers and laughter.) I want the people
of England to speak in intelligible language,
to the Russian and Austrian Cabinets. I want you also
to say to the Government of the day, " You have in
times plst assisted nations struggling for their freedom
—some years ago you suspended the Foreign Enlist•
meat Act, in order to enable Englishmen to join the
standard of the Queen of Spain, who was fighting
against Don Carlos. Here a strong appeal is made to
you to adopt a similar course in aid of a holy and noble
cause. Suspend the Act in this case. We shall then be
able to teat the opinion of the country by meetings of
this kind, whether that course would not be wise and
just, and whether there are not hosts of men ready to assist
in maintaining a constitutional power in the eastern part
01' EtivoPe—a nation not affected with rebellious or ex-
treme opinions, but ready to become the defenders and
guardians of real ,I:berty and freedom; and if they do
so, depend upon itthat the country which we aid will
reciprocate all the
assistance we should be the
Asia,
render her.
and all
the dominions under domination of Russia,
Turkey, and other empires languishing,e from despotism,
canr be so. And I do
that if a nation wishes to be
emthoenfstrance will be
hop,' before Ion», that some atron
feelings of the
soa4ie by our Governtnent,land that
p,opl may not be expressed by vrords buetelib'
(Hear, hear)—for there are men passing their time deeds--
(n
Hear, hear)—for
England who are ready to take up
to assist this canEe.—(Prolonged cheering.) wj'thatrTs
the one hand we say we do: not wish to embroil thisn
country in war with Austria and Russia--(Hear,
hear)—ye t, on the other hand, let the people
espouse this holy and noble cause if they
think proper. Will you allow t hose ships of yours sailing ,
indolently in different parts of the world to anchor near
some of tae large towns of the Russian Empire, and say,
" England has accepted your challenge—we are the
advocates of constitutional liberty—so long as you re-
mained in your own country, and did not step into
another illegally, and against the laws of God and na-
tions, and endeavoured to crush the liberties of a people,
like those of Hungary, we did not interfere with you;
but, having acted in contravention of those laws,
we have accepted your challenge ; and un-

less your armies be withdrawn, the broad-
sides of the British navy will fire upon you."—(lminenEe
cheering, and waving of hats and handkerchiefs.) Sir,
we want no war. We shall have no war. Six mil-
lions worth of produce, from the estates of Russian
nobles, is annually imported into, this country; and
the moment you; put on a warlike front, these nobles
would compel the Emperor to adopt a different line of
policy, or he would cease to exist. If you do not do
this, we shall have that cloud which has so long
hovered over Europe bursting upon us, and dis-
turbing for years and years the peace of Europe;
but if we step forth and aid this great
and brave nation, the money it may cost will be well
spent, because it will uphold the peace of Europe, and
teach a lesson to the Russian Czar which he will never
forget; and, on the other hand, we shall by such an act
obtain a noble heritage which we shall be enabled to
hand down to posterity unsullied, as a bright example to
other nations. The Hon. Gentleman seconded the mo•
tion, and resumed his seat amidst loud cheers.
Mr. ROLAND ALSTON spoke to the resolution. From
the earliest period, he said, the Hungarians had ever
been a free, a noble, and a gallant people; loyal to their
chosen Sovereign, and ever ready to expend their best
blood is defence of their rights and fatherland. They
had broken no law—they were, on the contrary, the de-
fenders of the law against those who broke it. It was
said that their Constitution resembled our own; but they
possessed a Constitution even before the name of Parlia-
ment was known in England, before a vestige of consti-
tutional rights appeared in this now highly-favoured and
happy country.—(Vociferous cheering, in opposition to
that opinion.) It would have been monstrous had Hun-
gary not resisted her oppressors. What would the
English people have thought and done if in 1830,
when the people had effected the passing of the Re-
form Bill, and the King had sanctioned it, the King had
refused to ratify it, had withdrawn to Hanover and
had sent 200,000 Russians into England to enforce any
tyranny he might have chosen to enact ? Why, there
would have been but one shout of defiance from one end
of the country to another, and there would have been a
war of extermination in whose result either not a single
Englishman or not a single Russian would have been
left alive in the country.—(Cheers.) He did not fear
that Russia and Austria combined would ultimately
crush Hungary, but he was anxious that England should
not miss the opportunity of expressing her warm sym-
pathy in this glorious cause. He conceived that if the
feeling of the people of this country was once distinctly
expressed, it would aid the English Cabinet to develop
more emphatically that sympathy which he was satis-
fied they felt for the great cause of Hungary.—(Hear.)
The CHAIRMAN hoped the meeting would readily un-
derstand that there could be no reluctance, on the part
of the committee, to hear au American gentleman, but
it was necessary to maintain order in their proceedings,
which he was sure the meeting would agree with him,
however,
was highly proper. Ho should now, be glad
to introduce and welcome any gentleman who was a
friend of America.
The Rev. Mr. RICHMOND, of the Episcopal church of
America, then presented himself iu front of the platform,
and was received with loud cheers. He said he had not
the most distant intention, when he first entered, of in-
truding himself upon this public meeting of the citizens
of Westminster, but when America was appealed to he
did think that that was a moment—and he should
only have been a moment on his legs had he been allowed
to speak then—when it was his duty to get up and:pro-
nounce this to be not merely an English or a British
question, but an Anglo-Saxon question.—(Hear, hear.)
He would not confess to appearing there as a stranger;
he could not confess himself to be a stranger in Eng-
land, nor would he ever confess himself to be a stranger;
and when the other day he was at Greenwich, and was
seen by a friend to kiss the green fields, his friend asked
him what he was doing? His reply was, " that he was
kissing his mother."—(Laughter.) Such, he could as-
sure them, was the feeling of every true-born American.
The first thing they were proud of—and the meeting
would forgive the Americans for this—was that they were
free-born Americans; while the second thing they were
proud of was, that every drop of blood in their veins was
English.— (Cheers.) Therefore, the time for wars be-
tween great branches of the Anglo-Saxon nation had
passed away.—(Cheers.) Hitherto they had been far too
passive upon the question, and now the period had
arrived for their being positive. Let them then, in a
voice of thunder, indignantly protest against this great
wrong.—(Hear, hear.) Let the twenty millions of
Anglo-Saxons on the other side of the Atlantic, and the
twenty millions here, unite in one cry, and that thunder
of forty millions of Anglo-Saxon voices would roll over
the Continent, and strike terror into the mouth of the
tyrants of the north.—(Hear, hear.) Just one thousand
years ago that great Anglo-Saxon, whose anniversary
combined English and Americans were now about to
celebrate, drove back the northern hordes. Let it be for
the Anglo-Saxons of the present day to aid at least in
driving back the northern hordes once more.—(Cheers.)
The Great Northern Bear had become so Hungary—
(Laughter)—that he will not be satisfied without a large
slice of Turkey—(Renewed laughter)—and it was time
to tell him to whet his appetite elswhere. If this
country told him so, he would listen to it; but
he must be told to confine his appetite
within a more limited range. (Hear, hear.)
With Americana this was mainly a question of bro-
therly love, of liberty and freedom throughout the world,
of hatred to oppression ; but with England it was a question
of self-preservation, for they might be sure that Hungary
would be only a step more towards Turkey, and that
Turkey, if once assailed from so near a position, must
tall; for Turkey, like one of those trees in the western

forests of America which, long since cut through, but
still remaining standing and looking like trees, yet fall
at the first touch and show themselves but dust, must be
prostrated with the first vigorous blow. The aim of the
Russian bear was to get possession of Constantinople,
and therefore it was well for this country to follow the
example of America and double her fleet in the Mediter-
ranean. When the American commodore asked for as
additional force in the Mediterranean, they sent him
double the number of ships he demanded, because they
felt it was a contest between slavery and freedom.
Now was the time, now was the day, now
was the hour for a great effort. The struggle was
between despotism and liberty—between oppression
and slavery—between barbarism and civilisation.
He, as a clergyman, should not stand forward as advo-
cating a recourse to physical demonstration, were it not
that he considered the question one between despotism
and liberty, between barbarism and civilisation, between
the rights of man, given him by God, and the opponents
of those rights, who cling to the monstrosities of the
feudal system.—(Hear,,hear.) It was not only a struggle
between despotism and liberty, between oppression,
slavery, and freedom, but it was also a struggle between
barbarism and civilization.—(Cheers.) It was a struggle
between the rights of man, which God had given him,
and the proud and tyrannical oppressors of those rights,
who stood only upon the old feudal system. The last
legacy which Washington gave to his countrymen was,
" Not to entangle themselves with foreign alliances;"
but in this case it was not applicable, for with them it
was one of self-preservation. Statesmen now regretted
and felt that it was in their power to have saved Poland
before it was too late. They should interfere to save
Hungary, and not afterwards to express unavailing re-
grets.—(Hear, hear.) Let the voice, then, of the forty
millions of Anglo-Saxons be raised in favour of
Hungary and the cause of liberty.—(Hear, hear.)
Do not mistake him, he was not a sham Republican—
not a make-believe lover of freedom—not such as they
had seen in France, in Louis Napoleon, who sent a
friendly army to Italy. He was not a make believe de-
fender of freedom. It was clear that the new Napoleon
—(Groans)—was not to be relied upon, nor the nation
which permitted the visit of the friendly army of inter-
vention to Rome. —(Groans.) But a Frenchman would
be a Frenchman, he could not help it.—(A. laugh.) A
Frenchman could not be a John Bull.—(A laugh.) And
thirty-two millions of people, who were so near to them,
could not be counted on in this struggle.—(hear,
hear.) What, then, had they to look to? Why, to the
conservative republic of England. The true consen.
vative republic was to he looked for in America and in
England. And the health which he would soonest
drink we.; "Long life to the Queen."—(Hear, hear.) In
America they said, the Queen of Spain, the Queen of
Portugal; but when speaking of the Queen of England,
they said simply, the Queen; proving beyond all ques-

tion, that ever}, American was anxious to secure the
stability of the throne of England.—(Hear.) Aud the
meeeting might depend upon it the best thing for Eng-
land was long life to the Queen, and stability to her
throne. He believed a republic was the best thing for
America, while a monarchy was the best thing for
England; and both, he was sure, would always be found
ready to unite in defending the rights of man against
the oppression of the tyrant.—(Cheers.) There was a
time for all things; and now was the time for England
to stand up in defence of Hungary. No nation could
stand up with the majesty that she could. She had
power to command reverence, if not from despots, at
least from their people; and, therefore, he said again, let
the great progenitor of the Anglo-Saxon race stand up,
and cry in a voice of thunder, " This mighty:wrong shall.
not be done."—(Cheers.)
The resolution was then put and carried with enthu-
siasm.

Lord DUDLEY STUART, who was then introduced to
the meeting by the Chairman to move the second reso-
lution, and who was received with loud and long.conti-
nued cheering, said—Mr. Chairman, and Ladies and
Gentlemen, I assure you that I have delayed a few mo•
ments addressing you with a great deal of pleasure. I
was to have spoken immediately after my friend Mr.
Roland Alston had delivered his sentiments, but I am re-
joiced that the Rev. Gentleman from the United States
of America has had the opportunity of delivering his
noble sentiments upon the present occasion.—(Cheers.)
I am certain that our worthy Chairman, when he stopped
that Rev. Gentleman on his first rising, only did so, as
he expressed himself, from a desire to maintain the
order of our proceedings—(Hear, hear)—because the
committee, under the guidance of that Hon. Gentleman,
had already decided that a resolution should be given to
a citizen of the United States, who will also have the
honour of addressing you.—(Cheers.) Ladies and gen-
tleman. I shall now make to you but a few observations
upon the question, because it is one with which you are
already familiar, in consequence of the great number of
meetings which I rejoice to know have been held in
different parts of this metropolis, and in all, or at least
in a great many, of the principal towns throughout the
country; and also many
already addressed
nyoobuleuapnoda etlhoe-
quent speeches, have asubject.—(Llear, and cheers.) It It is one, indeed, emi-
nently calculated to excite your sympathy; and I will
read to you, before I proceed further, the resolution
which it will be my tintyletoehn:ove. lt is,
"'r henat
the
eis j
Austrian
omineteteinflgorts of withthe unmitigatedande Russianinfa abhor-
rencemyof4thrllant nation,
oactnl'iodus
Monarchs to extinguish the freed()
iu the blood of its brave inhabitanalts.
of the invasion is only equalled by the atrocious
cruel-
ties marking the progress of the invaders;
following address, expressive of our amiration, that
atull

sympathy, be forwarded to the brave men of Hungary,
with the least possible delay."—(Loud cheers.)
An address has been prepared to be forwarded to Hun-
gary, and I will call upon the Secretary, Mr. M'Enteer,
to read it to you, and then I will further address you.
Mr. M'ENTEER then read the following address :
" ADDRESS OF THE INHABITANTS OF THE CITY OP WEST
MINSTER TO THE HUNGARIAN PEOPLE.
_ _

" Bravo Men of Hungary,—From the seat of British
Government, we, the inhabitants of the ancient city of
Westminster, address you. As the citizens of a free
country, the struggle of freedom against despotism must
ever command our sympathies. Such a struggle, in its
holiest phase, heroic Hungary now presents to us. In
you the world beholds the spectacle of a united people
fighting for the rights of fatherland, and exhibiting a
heroism only to be squalled by the enduring patience
and devoted loyalty manifested by you preceding your
final resort to arms. Justice and moderation clothe with
dignity the surpassing bravery of the defenders of your
constitutional rights, and the guilt and cruelty of your
oppressors call not more loudly for the execration of the
good than your devoted patriotism commands the sym •
pathy and aid of all to whom liberty and humanity are
dear, and injustice and cruelty abhorrent.
" The intense interest attaching to your position has
made the history of Hungary familiar to the British
mind. In the pages of that history we find that the
rights you struggle to preserve are the constitutional
heritage of a thousand years. Since the accession of
the House of Lorraine-Hapsburg, fourteen kings of a
faithless race have successively sworn to respect and
guard your national privileges; and by each in turn has
the sacred oath been violated; and now, as the crowning
sin of this perjured dynasty, the
-present Austrian mo-
narch seeks to wade through a nation's blood to the
throne of St. Stephen, and when defeated by Hungas
rian valour, calls to his aid the kindred assistance of
Cossack hordes to desolate with fire and sword the fair
fields of a people who have repaid royal treason with
forgiving truth, and erred only in their loyalty by
loving • not wisely, but too well.
" War should ever be the last resource of the op-
pressed, but the history of our own country teaches that
tyranny may assume a shape that makes armed resistance
become a virtue. That shape in its moat hideous form
the Austrian and Russian invaders of your country have
assumed. If the revolution that won for us Englishmen
our rights is truly termed glorious,' then most glorious is
the struggle of Hungary for nationality and freedom, and
in sacrifice at the alt.= of their country. Would that
sanctified is the blood of the heroes so devotedly shed
an English current mingled in the Hungarian stream in
its victorious course to glory and immortality.
" While with the bleeding hearts of your heroes you
build the foundation of your country's freedom, the en-
lightened of the earth must see that your contest is not
alone for your native land, but one fully identified with
the interests of universal humanity. As the frontier
guard of European civilization, your gallant nation offers
a natural barrier to the encroachments of Russian bar-
barism, and while fighting the battle of Hungarian
liberty, 3 on have the peril and the glory of acting as the
vangaurd of continenatal freedom. Brave defenders of so
great a trust, right ?manfully have
you fulfilled your high
mission. Your country bleeds from many wounds.
Humanity weeps alt the spectacle, and reaps the reward
of your heroic devotion,
" Accept, brave .Efungarians, this expression of sym-
pathy from English. hearts, to which we add our prayers
to the God of freedom for a speedy success to your
righteous cause; of such ultimate success we doubt not,
for we live in the faifth of the bard of our land,who sung—
" For freedom's battle once begun,
Bequeathed from bleeding sire to son,
Though baffled oft, is ever won.'
And never had fr 'edom nobler apostles to work out the
poetic prophecy than Hungary now offers in the illus-
trious Kossuth, the valiant Bern, Georgey, Dembinski,
Klapka, Vottor, Damianich, Perczal, Aulich, ' and
Richard Guyon. That more than British sympathy
may strengthen tk e heroic band, we this day petition
our beloved Sovsreign to suspend the Foreign Enlist-
ment Act, which pr events us sending immediate succour
to your ranks, and to acknowledge the independenCe of
the Hungarian natican In the cause of Hungary we re-
cognise the cause of justice, freedom, and civilization,
and they who would shrink from you in your day of
peril aro unworthy' of the blessings the triumph of such
a cause confers on man."
Lord (DUDLEY STUART resumed—Now, Mr. Chair-
man, ladies, and 'gentlemen, that is the address, and
ought we not at Yeast to express our sympathy with this
brave and noble nation of Hungary ?—(Cheers.) The be-
ginning of this sti niggle was to decide a question which
is recognised as c sae of the moat important in our bwn
constitution, and without which principle our constitu-
tion could not go on a day. One question that arms
were taken up to deride was whether the Ministers were
to be responsible for the people or to the Sovereign.--
(Hear, hear.) The Emperor of Austria wanted the
Minister of War a nel the Minister of Finance not to be
responsible to Perlis ment, but to be responsible only to
himself. However„ -feeling it dangerous to insist on that
demand, in March he agreed that the Ministers should
be responsible. In. April he determined that they
should not—he determined that they should
act without Parliament; and to enforce that ty-
rannical proposition it was that Jellachich attempted to
coerce the Hungari:ans by arms.—(Hear, hear.) Why,
that is enough, one would think to engage the sympathy
of all free and of all constitutional people.—(Cheers.)
Sympathy for Hunt ;limy 1 Why, asks some one, are we to
express sympathy ve,th Hungary? I will tell you why
the British should, I›acause we are a free people, and the
people of Hungary you struggling for freedom—(Cheers;
—because we are, if: ever a nation was, an independent
people, and would D.O t brook for a single moment the do-
minion of a foreign ;r, and the Hungarians are striving
against foreigners—<Cheers)—because we are a people
who have lived fur t;t3 nturies under a constitution which
we have inherited from our fathers, and which has been
handed down from father and to son—a constitution
composed of King, Lords, and Commons—(Cheers)—a
constitution to whic.h we are attached, but one which we
have from time to ti? n ) found it necessary to amend and to
improve—(Cheers)-- and one which we are determined
still further to amend—(Cheers)—and to make as per-
fect as we can.—(L oug continued cheering.) That is
just what the Hungarians have been doing. They have
enjoyed a constitu tit as similar to our own for centuries.
It has been handed clown to them from father to son; they
have struggled from time to time to make it better; they
have lately introduce d a great, a sweeping, an essential
reform into it, and nies doubt when they have driven out
those who attempt to prevent them they will, like us, be
determined to make. their constitution perfectly satisfac-
tory.—(Loud cheersa.,l Why should we sympathise with
Hungary ? Because we are a Protestant nation—
(Cbeers)—and because, above all, we are a nation as
much attached to religion as to a civil liberty.—
(Cheers.) So are the Hungarians. A great portion of
that nation is Pro'.eHtant, but, Protestant or not, they
are determined to have—they have perfect religious li-
berty—they have it. -to a degree greater than we have,
for in that country,. now since the reform of Kossuth,
there is nut even the vestige of such a thing as intole-
rance, or any obstacle to the completion of religious
liberty.—(Cheers.) Why should we sympathise with
Hungary ? Because we are a brave people.—(Cheers.)
If ever a nation in the world was renowned for deeds of
arms, by land and by sea, that is the British nation.—
(Cheers.) We have succumbed to none in these
respects, and we can point to as glorious achievements as
are recorded in the history of any nation. And what
nation is more brave than the Hungarians ?—(Cheers.)
What nobler deeds of arms have ever been done than by
those gallant patriots, led on by the glorious Bern?—
(Loud cheers.) Lately a poor despised Polish refugee,
subsisting on a charitable allowance in this country, he
is now the first Irian in Europe.—(Prolonged cheers.)
What deeds have over surpassed those of another noble
Polish commander, Dembinski, or of Georgey, or of all
those other noble littugariam officers who are mentioned
in the address?—(Prolonged cheers.) Why then we,
who are Englishmen, we who belong to a brave nation,
renowned for deeds in arms, must we not sympathise
with those gallant Hungarians struggling in the best of
all causes?—(" Yes, yes," and loud cheers.) Why should
we sympathise with Hungary? Because we are a hu-
mane nation.—(Heat, hear.) However bold our soldiers
may bo in the field, or our sailors on the deck, no base
unmanly, cold-blooded act has ever sullied the fame of
British soldiers and sailors.—(Cheers.) We cannot bear

....
to hear of the mode in which these vile Austrians
carry on the war.--(llear, hear,) Unable to overcome
the brave Hungarians in the field, they satiate their
vengeance upon those unhappy men and women
who fall into their grasp.—(Cries of " Shame," and seri-

. .
sation.) Not long since a noble Hungarian, filling an
office which we have not any that exactly corresponds
to, but which may be termed Inspector-General of the
Protestant Faith. Be is not a clergyman, he is not a
bishop, but he is a layman, appointed to protect and see
that the Protestant religion is maintained in its rights.
de had the misfortune to fall into the hands of the Aus-
trians. He was not a soldier, he was a man of peace;
he was interrogated by the Austrian officers, he gave en
answer somewhat too independent. What did they do
with him? Publicly flogged him. Now, that is one of the
last things that we have heard. But this is shocking; it
revolts the feelings of every man of common humanity.
—(Hear, hear.) But it is nothing, compared to things
which they have done—flogging not men but women.—
(Cries of " Shame," and hisses.) It is hardly credible,
but these things we know, not from private letters, but
from the official documents of the Austrian Govern-
ment itself. As to the prisoners being shot and put
to death, there are innumerable instances of those;
and the Austrian Government, which has always been
famous for its persecution of religion—(Hear, hear)—
the House of Hapsburg, some of whom were those who
established the infamous Spanish Inquisition, and who
have done more to put down religious liberty than any
other family that ever has been known—(Hear)—this
Austrian Government has at least shown its impartiality
with different religions during this war—for it has hung
up on one and the same gallows a clergyman of the Pro-
testant and of the Catholic Church.—(Hisses.) Why
then we, who aro a humane people, cannot bear to hear
of war being carried on in this shameful and dastardly
way, and we must sympathise with the Hungarians who
have resisted enemies, who have acted in the Manner

which I have described.—(Cheers.) And why should we
then sympathise with the Hungarians? Because, al-
though we are a brave people, vse are a people disposed
to peace. Some persons may think that there is a time
when war is desirable; but I look upon it that there is

no doubt that the British nation is disposed and de-
sirous of seeing peace prevail throughout the world;
and we know that there can be no peace in Europe
until Hungary recovers her rights.—(Loud cheers.)
The Hungarians are engaged in a struggle the success-
ful issue of which will do more to place peace upon a
sound and durable footing than any other event that can
be contemplated. Therefore all our sympathies are due
to the Hungarians.—(Cheers) Why sympathise with
the Hungarians? Because they are engaged in a strug-
gle with Russia, and we know that if Russia be allowed
to proceed the consequence must be that her influence
will become supreme in Europe, and Europe will become,