The Sun.
London, England, 1849-05-09 00:00:00

power of making up their assorted cargo by various
articles of Paris taste, the trade which the American
steamers carried on was a very material advantage to
the country, He could point out to their Lordships that
in many other cases the law as it now stood was a pro-
tection, not to the British shipowner, but to foreign in-
terests. In the course of a very short time, by the Act
of Parliament now in force, the duties upon sugar from
all parts of the world to this country would be
equal. The moment that took place Jamaica would
have no more interest in importing sugar here
than other parts of the world. The moment that took
place it would be of great advantage to the Jamaica
planter, when his sugar was in London, that he should
go to any port that was the best—Hamburgh or else-
where—to receive a better price, but he would not -be
allowed to do so. He trusted he had succeeded in show-
iug their Lordships that as far as the home trade was
concerned, the restrictions on the statute-book wore no
real protection to British ships. He would now come to
what ho considered to be the strongest part of the case
in favour of the Bill before their Lordships, ho meant its
bearing upon the colonial interest; and, in the first place,
let him mention that the law as regarded the colonies
was different from the old navigation-law. Foreign ships
could not carry goods from one colony to another, or
from one of the colonies to England. In certain cases
foreign countries were nut allowed to trade in their own
ships to British colonies, and in other cases only in British
ships. These were the main provisions of the existing law.
Now he must point out the evil.; which the law entailed,
and, in so doing, however, he was so anxious to
avoid trespassing longer than was necessary, that he
should confine his attention almost exclusively to one
case, and that was the case of Canada. And he most
earnestly entreated their Lordships to consider what
that case really was. Their Lordships were aware that
the most important articles of the produce of Canada
were now exposed to free competition in the markets of
this country', they knew that the main articles which
she was capable of supplying, corn and flour, com-
peted principally with the United States. Canada
possessed one out of three great lines of internal
navigation, communicating with the interior of the
American continent. Canada had within the last year,
at very heavy expense, improsied the natural line of water
communication by the St. Lawrence to the great western
lakes. Those works were nPr completed; ships and ves-
sels of very considerable size could go from Quebec to a
point on the great western lakes without transmitting
their cargoes, and in a very short space of time. It was
a question whether the produce not only of Canada, but
of the western states of America, should be sent by this
line to Europe, or by the Erie anal. Their Lordships
would find from the papers on the table that freight from
England to Quebec was 60 cents for a barrel of flour, and
to New York it was 101 cents; that the time taken from
England to Quebec was six days, to New York sixteen
days. What was it raised the freights of the St. Law-
rence, and practically destroyed the advantages which
Canada otherwise enjoyed? What raised those freights
were the restrictions imposed by the Act of Parliament
which he now called on their Lordships to repeal.
If those restrictions were not reserved for the pur-
-1
' pose of enhancing the freights, what were they
reserved for ? He contended that the depression
of Canada was occasioned, not by the removal of
protection, but by the capriciousness of our Legisla-
ture since. They were bound now, having removed
protection, to give the Canadians compensation for
any advantages it afforded by opening to them the com-
petition of every nation for the carriage of their goods.
Noble Lords opposite would not venture to propose the
restoration of protection.—(Protectionist cheers.) No,
whatever might be said outside to delude the farmers,
the Noble Lord opposite would not make any proposi-
tion in that House for its restoration. Well, if they
were not prepared to do this, and no one attempted to
move a finger for the purpose, they were bound to give
the Canadians every relief in their power by passing the
present Bill. He thought he had shown their Lordships
that the claim of Canada was strong in justice; he be-
lieved he could also show them that they were strong in
policy and prudence.—(Cheers.) Their Lordships had
no doubt read the papers which had been kid on the
table by command of her Majesty, and could
not have failed to perceive the strong evidence
they contained of the feeling existing in Ca-
nada. The Canadians were fully aware of the claim
they had on Parliament; they knew it was net a claim
upon favour, but a claim founded on the strictest
justice. The whole province was united as one man
upon that subject.—(Hear, hear.) He had already
mentioned a letter signed by the most eminent house in
Montreal, addressed to the Board of Trade. The Council
of the Board had asked for the restoration of protection,
but these gentlemen, in this most remarkable document,
asked for entire free trade. They argued, with an
ability which did them the highest credit, against any
attempt to restore protection. But this was not all. He
begged to refer the House to what was a most authentic
expression of the feeling of Canada. At the commence-
ment of the colonial session, both Houses of Parliament
agree to address her Majesty for a repeal of the naviga-
tion laws.—(hear, hear.) It was true that an amend-
ment was moved—not an amendment to leave out any
portion of the address ; not striking out the repeal of
the navigation-laws, but asking, in addition, for the re-
storation of protection.—(Protectionist cheers.) Yes, but
that Lamendment was decided in the negative by, a
largo majority. Their assembly would not include in
the address any prayer for the restoration of protection.
—(Hear.) The amendment having been thus disposed
of, the address, as originally framed, was adopted by the
Assembly without a division.—(Hear, hear.) lie would
only trouble their Lordships with one more document as
to the state of feeling in Canada. It was a paper which
had been laid on the table during the previous session,
and dated the 15th of June, from Canada. The writer
stated that the approaching repeal of the navigation-laws
bad been hailed with acclamation in the colonies, but
subsequently a fear had arisen that the measure would
be lost in its passage through Parliament. This had
produced a most painful feeling in the colony, as the
Canadian farmer felt that he was entitled to this mea-
sure not as a matter of favour but of justice. Ho did
not hesitate to declare it to be his firm opinion that, if
their Lordships decided upon rejecting the present mea-
sure, their decision would be attended with the most
serious effects in Canada. They all knew that the con-
nexion of Great Britain with that colony could not be
maintained on other than terms of the moat perfect
commercial equality. But if that connexion was
sacrificed, it was not only Canada that would be lost
to England, but the great naval arsenal of
Halifax also; and, when some of their Lord-
ships were talking of the importance of the
naval position of the United Kingdom, he must
beg leave to remind them that the loss of Halifax was a
matter worthy of some consideration in that point of
view. The Canadas must be held by ties of friendship
and mutual interest or they must be relinquished, for it
was by obtaining a hold on the cordial affections of
those colonists that England could alone hope to pre-
serve them. Ho could not too earnestly impress upon
their Lordships' minds that the terms which he had
stated were those alone upon which the connexion of
England with the Canadas could be kept up. Ile begged
to remind their Lordships also that the Earl of Elgin
had correctly stated in his dispatches that the Canadians
notwithstanding all their disputes, had with common
accord—the French joining with the English portion of
the population—cordially expressed their desire to re-
main attached to the British Crown, If their Lord-
ships threw out the Bill, they parted with the best
security which England possessed for the maintenance
of her Canadian colonies. But whatever might be the
decision of their Lordships that night, he entertained no
doubt whatever that the restrictions imposed by the na-
vigation-laws could not long be maintained. But if
their Lordships threw away the present opportunity for
repealing with a good grace the obnoxious and injurious
restrictions which pressed upon the commerce and in-
dustry of the Canadians, they might depend upon hav-
ing to offer concessions when it would be too late. The
great author of the navigation-laws, that most sagacious
man and able ruler, Cromwell, allowed the rising colo-
nies to enjoy a practical exemption from their operation;
and they were permitted to keep this in the midst of the
wars wherein England was involved during the Protec-
torate. But Charles 11. tried to make the navigation-
laws applicable in the colonies. This odious law
of navigation and trade could not be enforced
and ho (Lord Grey) would refer their Lord-
ships to a scarce book, called " The Lives of the Re-
markable Men" of that day, for some account of Edward
Randolph, who, in the year 1679, was appointed Col-
lector of Boston, in the United States, for the express
purpose of enforcing the trade and navigation-laws, but
who signally failed in so doing. The Noble Earl here
read an extract from the work to which he drew atten-
tion, but in so inaudible a tone as to prevent his state-
ment from reaching the reporters' gallery. The power
of the Government of Charles 11. and his successors was
Inaowt
es,t raoundgt
he no
uo ug ghht
ht oe
ye nr
efomr ca et n
et
dh eos ine
t hn jeurious statute abnodo
k their odious
operation was practically suspended as far as the colonies
were concerned for a long series of years. Other sub-
sequent attempts were made to enforce them,
but those attempts were always met with the most
determined resistance.—(Hear, hoar.) Then they came
to the only period of the reign of George 111., when
a renewed attempt was made to enforce these laws.
That attempt, like the others, was at once resisted,
and the Government determining to persevere in it,
the result was the separation of the American colonies
from the mother country. He was aware that it was
generally believed that the American war of indepen-
dence originated in a mere question of taxation. But
there could be no doubt in the minds of those who exa-
mined the matter that it was not that alone, but that the
question turned principally on our navigation-laws, and
that the attempt to enforce those odious laws was the
main cause of the resistance of our American colonies
and their ultimate separation. Mr. Savage gave it as
his opinion, " that had the attempt been enforced in
1766 the separation would have then ensued as certainly
as it did in 1776. Never was there a period when the
colonies submitted quietly
ex-
cept under compulsion t" and he also added,
thatt
nothing in his judgment could be clearer than
trade
the British navigation-laws for regulating
hear.)
were most injurious to her colonies."—(Hear,
ecl Minister of
to these laws, or at all,. het
That was the opinion also of a distinguish
wthe
the United States, and a lawyer,
ib
taetrtepen pt to en force
separation (1770), stating that t
show Mini-
ster o
letters
e tt
the the Uniteds from
certainly lead to the re-
these odious restrictions would
later ensued—and again, in 1776,
suit which six years
was expressed. In
hi England,_ew.ho wa.srnnivi
previous
so t
e couldthe
short letter of Mr.
confirmation of this he would read a
thSetaFtersencinh
as he did, that Mr. Bancroft's
Beroft's—beliet leg.
would be received by their Lordships with that
opinion
entertained for it. lie said—" John
respect which ho
Adams, the second I resident of the United States,
is another letter the same opinion
in speaking of the independence of that
and the first American Minister to the Court of
stated that it originated in the struggle
had commenced in 1761 against the
leao London,wl su. whicht
' r)'They found, then, that, during a enertuigraytiali
NA whorl those lan were izz abeyquce, there lyra

prosperity and contentment in our American colonies;
on the other hand, that when they attempted to enforce
them, they were met with the most determined resist-
ance, which resulted in the separation of a large part of
the empire. With these lessons before their eyes, were
they to rush blindfold into the same short-sighted policy?
If the decision should unfortunately be the reverse of
what he hoped and expected it would be—he would,
indeed, be a bold man who would venture to make him-
self responsible for the consequences—and for the admi-
nistration of the colonial affairs of this country in the
face of the dangers and the difficulties which that deci-
sion would entail.—(Hear.) Great stress had been laid
13,
the petitions which had been presented against the Bill.
I3t-it they knew very well the m2chinery by which peti-
tt,ns were now too frequently got up—a machinery
which he regretted to say went far to de:troy the benefit
of the right of petition.—(Bear, hear.) In no case,
perhaps, had that machinery been more vigorously cxer-
cted than in the pre sent. Now, with regard to the pe-
tition from Liverpool. From a town, containing 200,000
inhabitants, they were told a petition had emanated,
signed by no le:s than 47,000 persons.—(Hear, hear.)
He believed it would not he denied that there was much
division in Liverpool on this subject, and that there were
many tree traders there. Yet here they had a petition
purporting to be signed by no less than three-fourths of
the whole adult male population, including paupers,
pollee, beggars, and all other persona from the highest
to the lowcst.—(Hear, hear.) Besides this they hal
petitions from other places—presented as against the re-
peal of the navigation laws—as petitions from the clergy
landowners, and others of Mayfield, liaLtings, and other
agricultural digriets.

A NO LE PEER—And maritime places also.
Earl GREY—Yes, there were petitions from Tewkes-
bury and Melton Moe bray. Were these maritime
plsees P—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) But did any of
their Lordships believe that it was' merely the preven-
tion of any alteration in the navigation-laws these peti-
tioners had in view ?—(Hear, 'fear.) Lie would take
one—a petition from Ashby-de-la-touch. Ho found
that the petitioners complained that the depressed con-
dition of agriculture threatened ruin to the farmer,
landowner, and all the industrial classes dependent on
them for support, and praying :for such an amount of
protection to British agriculture, and to the colonial,
commercial, and manufacturing interests, as should shift
the burden of taxation from:the home to the foreign pre.
ducer.—(Hear, hear.) Ile asked their Lordships
to pause before they determined to oppose the
repeal of the navigation- lays s. He advised them to con-
sider well the effects which might result. He was not
afraid of their success, even should they try, as they
seemed inclined to do, to repeal the corn-laws. He had
noti the slightest apprehension that they could succeed
in re-establishing the corn-laws.—(Cheers.) They
might mistake the present apparent apathy in public
opinion; but they should recollect that a step in the
free-trade direction was never retraced; that the steady
tide of human improvements was progressing, and that
when that which was admitted to bo sound was once
established in a tree country and became embodied in
their statute-hook, there was no retreat. The corn-laws
were settled for ever. He oegg,ed of their Lordships to
consider well' whether itt was not full oft danger again to
re-open the agitation on that subject. Let them remember
all the machinery of agitation, and how, if re. cpened, it
would effect the interest of land. If they began a real
agitation for the restoration of protection—if; for in-
stance, they said that a return to protection was neces-
sary for the carrying on of their business, they would de-
press the value of landed property. That property was
suffering at the present moment, and yet there was
nothing in the present crisis to justify a panic.—(Laugh-
ter from the Protectionists.) The average price of wheat
now was 455.; the average price under the system of pro-
tection had been 355.; and therefore there was nothing
to justify the panic. But there was not a landlord now
who was not suffering from the depressed value of land;
and in the present state of Europe was there no danger to
be apprehended from setting class against class—from
again calling into existence the machinery of agitation
upon anti-corn-law and upon pro-corn-law, and upon that
most exciting subject'of the food of the people, raising a
cry fur protection?—(Cheers.) Were their Lordships so
blind as not to know that among those who were osten-
sibly prosecuting the repeal of the corn-laws, there were
many who felt regret at the success of that measure—
that there were too many who were anxious to keep up
the agitation for ulterior, and, as ho (Earl Grey)
thought, dangerous objects ?—(Hear, hear.) Were
they going to let such parties as these recommence agi-
tation for these more dangerous purposes ? He trusted
not. He warned them to beware lest the tenantry of this
country should turn upon them and say that it was not
protection but something else they wanted—that they
required not a gentry to dictate to them, but that they
would set up for themselves, and adopt a most dangerous
cry?—(l-Tear, hear.) Were their Lordships prepared
by their vote that night to produce a ,general election, in
which dangerous and most exciting topics might be
raised? Were they prepared to run incalculable risks?
—(Hear, hear.) True, a Noble Lord had told the House
the night before to anticipate no danger, but to look at
the measure before them, and to throw it out without
fear or scruple; but if that Noble Lord would bravo the
storm, he (Karl Grey) trusted their Lordships were not
prepared to follow his example, but that they would
consider the bearings of the present question upon the
general interests of the country, and if they regarded the
management of public affairs as imposing upon them
the highest and most solemn responsibility, he had no
fear of the result of that night's division.—(Cheers.)
Lord STANLEY said he had no intention of going
back to the remote times to which the Noble Marquis
had alluded in introducing the Bill, or to those of which
the Noble Earl who had just addressed their Lordships
had spoken. Neither should he enter into any of those
speculations with which the Noble Earl had concluded
his speech. The great question to which he would ven-
ture to draw their _Lordships' attention was simply this—
Was it, by all considerations of domestic, foreign, and
colonial policy, advisable, by adopting this Bill, to de-
stroy altogether a system of law, which for the last 200
years, to say the least of it, had been relied upon as the
base of their national greatness, and the foundation of
their civil strength?—(hear, hear.) In considering
this question, he did not propose to follow the Noble
Earl through the colonial part of the question. He
thought the simple question was—would they wholly
repeal their navigation-laws? In the proposition now be-
fore them, they were forced into a particular channel of
inquiry. The question was not, whether they would
adapt those laws to the circumstances of the times in
which they lived; but it went directly to the entire re-
peal of the navigation•laws. On that account it was that
he did deprecate the hasty, precipitate, ill-considered
step which the Government were advising them to take
—a step which amounted to nothing short of destroying
utterly the navigation-law of this country. The Noble
Earl had designated these navigation-laws as the bar-
barous relic of a barbarous age, inconsistent with the
refined and enlightened policy of a civilized nation, and
unworthy of being retained in the statute-book. He
(Lord Stanley) could recollect a time when the Noble
.Earl did not hold the opinion that these were the charac-
teristics of the navigation-laws—(hear)—when, at a
meeting of shipowners, at North Shields, he said it was
wrong to expose the British shipowner to competition,
and still subject him to restriction. It was represented,
too, that Mr. Huskisson bad approved of those views of
the Noble Earl, expressed at that time, which no doubt
be did. Adam Smith, on the other hand, said that these
laws, dictated as they were in the first instance by na-
tional animosity, bad been produced by the utmost poli-
tical wisdom. He would remind the House that when
this last relic of a barbarous age existed, Mr. Huskisson
was bound to say that it was based upon the highest
ground of national necessity—that of providing for their
defences, and of affording security to their colonial pos-
sessions. Adam Smith, then, thought that these laws,
commenced in a feeling of national animosity, were the
result of the utmost wisdom of their statesmen; Mr.
Huskisson justified their policy, on the ground of high
political necessity; and Earl Grey considered them the
relic of a barbarous age. Between those conflicting
authorities their Lordships were called upon to decide.
—(Cheers and laughter.) He would now venture to re-
mind their Lordships of the extent of the interests upon
which they were required to legislate. He did not
believe that the tonnage of this country was so large as
the Noble Marquis had stated it at, viz., 4,000,000 tons,
or that the number of seamen was so large as 232,000;
but of this there was no doubt, that in that trade there
was embarked an amount of capital from 54,000,0001.
to 60,000,000/., that it employed, beyond the seamen en-
gaged in it, eighty thousand artificers, which artificers
divided amongst them at least 5,000,0001. in wages, and
the total freight earned by these vessels was 28,600,000/.
Those were merely the pecuniary considerations of
the question before their Lordships ; but there was
another far above them. It was the consideration
of their national defences and independence, and on that
question they were, he thought, nearly all agreed. That
their maritime superiority, so essential to their national
greatness, was dependent almost entirely on
their commercial marine could not be denied.—
(Hear, hear.) Their Lordships were now called upon
by the Government to put these elements of their
greatness in jeopardy. and to be satisfied with the argu-
ments of the Noble Earl and his colleagues, that they
might with advantage sweet) from the statute-book the.
last vestige of these laws. He would warn their Lord-
ships most earnestly to be careful not to act hastily upon
any such recommendations. He was astonished at the
boldness of the Ministry, who would incur such
e
great consequence upon the hazard of a die.
com-
mented Noble Earl, who respected popular opinion,
upon the petitions preseritgehd
.up.uornedthtiisleqmuseesltvieosn,
from tenant-farmers, who,
bad sympathy for others, but it' although injured
petitioners were
not exactly what the Nobled Earl might value, was that a
. the petitions
instance,
ftriomt
reason he should disregard
great commercial communities, such, for as la
presented from Liverpool? But Liverpool was not the
tohnillyglc.ommercial town that presented petitions; no such
But he would ark, had any commercial town
petitioned in favour of it? Not one.—(Hear, hear.)
The Noble Earl acted as if the commercial and ship.
owning interests knew nothing of this subject.—
(Hear, hear.) Now, he found that all the naval
men in the country declared that if they broke
down these laws, it would lead to the destruc-
tion of the naval supremacy of this country. The
Noble Earl then adverted to the machinery got up for
the presentation of petitions, and yet he could say that
never was any expression of opinion more p
e ortaneous
than that which took place with reference to' this sub-
ject. It wits, however, rather inconsistent on the part of
the Government to make this insinuation, who were ge-
nerally understood to have used such extraordinary
means to procure a majority in that House upon this
tiut,stion. It was said that the commercial classes did
not understand these navigation-laws. There was, how-
ever, one thing certain, that they did not know that thee()
laws wire injurious to them. It was certainly very
strange that these parties slaculd not find 'out in the
course of their business that these laws were inconve-
nient or injurious to their interests. With regard to
the case of Canada, with reference to the effect of these
I lstiyo, that wasp “5 6ha6 C9IOPY was now placed, 411 ez-

ceptional case. It was not likely that a colony would
petition the Queen for the restoration of protection,
when that petition was to go through the hands of the
Noble Earl, and he was to advise the answer. The
case, however, of Canada, was peculiar. The differ.
once upon the receipts from Quebec or Montreal was
never great, and between which there were very heavy
charges before a vessel could enter the ocean. These
amounted, upon a vessel of 350 tons, to 175/. In truth,
American vessels would not go to Montreal, closed
up for five months in the year with ice, when they could
export their produce from New York.—(Hear, hear.)
The American ships would not, and did not, compete
with English ships on the river St. Lawrence. The
Noble Earl referred to the firm of Holme, Young, and
Knapp, stated to carry on a very profitable trade in pig
iron, hut stated that they were seriously injured by those
obnoxious aavigation-laws. He could not, however,
agree in that view. This House was said to have de-
clared that the people of Canada were most loyal, but
recommended that their feelings should not be exaspe-
rated by a refusal to repeal those laws. Now these gen-
tlemen, on a former occasion, stated that the Canadas
acre anxious for annexation with the United States,
and further stated it was impossible to retain a
colony upon the principles of free trade.—
(Hear, heer.) This was the authority upon
which the Noble Earl acted to conciliate their own sub-
jects in Canada, addressed by this American friendly
authority. Besides, Canada was not the whole of the
Northern colonies. New Brunswick end Nova Scotia
called upon them to repeal those laws, because they
were shipbuilding colonies. Those cheap ships, upon
which they so much relied, were of no consideration, if
the peculiar situation of Canada was taken into account,
and they desired to relax the laws with regard to
Canada. That might be done without opposition from
the merchants of this country, by placing Montreal
in the position or having goods exported con-
sidered as the produce of that port. Reference
had been made to the petition from Jamaica. But
the curious thing of it was, that the memorial from
Jamaica did not ask for a repeal of the navigation-laws.
They wished to have the order of the Queen in Council
altered—and it was not fair, in the face of such a com-
plaint, to say that those people complained of the navi-
gation-laws, against which they did not complain at all.
It was quite certain that while they were acting on prin-
ciples of reciprocity, they gained great advantages for
this country in their commerce with foreign nations.
Now, with respect to British tonnage, it was quite cer-
tain while it had fallen off to an immense amount that
of Prussia had increased to a great extent. They en-
joyed 1,700,000 of shipping, and in that no power could
reach them, if they took care not so to alter their navi-
gation-laws as to hold out to them an inducement to do
to. They should also take care that they did not so inter-
fere with the interests of their artisans in their
dockyards as to discourage them, and drive them to
seek a field wherein to exercise their skill and industry
in other nations. It had been said that the British ship-
builders in this country had nothing to fear from the
fact of British ships being built in foreign countries; but
let him remind their Lordships that there could not be
a British ship built in a foreign country without dis-
placing a large amount of British labour, and diverting
trom this country a considerable amount of British ca-
pital.—(Hear.) lie warned them to take care not by
any act of theirs to trench upon and injure the inte-
rests of the labouring poor connected with this great
question; he warned them not to set one class against
another; he warned them to take care of their artisans;
he warned them not to drive their British shipowners
to register their ships in foreign countries; and he
warned many Honourable Members of another House,
who, he must say, were not on this question representing
their constituents, that they would have much cause, in
the event of a dissolution, to apprehend the consequences
which the Noble Lord said he felt so much alarm about.
He, therefore, held that question to be entirely one of
giving employment to the people—to be totally separate
from tree trade, and their Lordships would be much mis-
taken if they thought that British shipowners or seamen
would be satisfied with an Act passed, if it should pass,
with menaces—(Cheers)—which the Nchle Marquis
opposite thought proper to use.—(Hear, hear.) The
Noble Lord then concluded a speech of great eloquence
and power, by invoking the blessings of Providence on
this country to maintain that navy which was not the
strength alone, but the greatness of that empire, and on
which its very existence mainly depended.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE then rose and ob-
served that he was not, at that hour of the night, going
to obtrude on their Lordships at any length, in answer
to the eloquent speech of the Noble Lord who had just
sat down. The Noble Lord said, that menaces had been
used, but he defied him to state when or where they
were so uttered.—(Hear, hear.) When the Noble Lord
made the statement, there was a general curiosity to
know what those menaces were, and whether they were
given in public or private. But he would take on him-
self to say that the words, if menace they were, would
never have been used, were it not that the Noble Lord
himself said, manfully certainly, but ostentatiously, that
he was prepared tor the consequences of a victory on
that question.—(Loud cheers.) All he (the Marquis of
Lansdowne) said was, that it he were prepared for a
victory, he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) was
equally prepared for a defeat, and that was the menace
which was used, and which was so much exaggerated.
The attention of the Government had been for some
time drawn to the subject, and after two or three years'
deliberation, after successive votes of the House of
Commons in its favour, the measure had come before
their Lordships. How then could the Noble Lord ac-
cuse Ministers of being guilty of precipitation with re-
ference to the present question?—(lletsr.) The Noble
Marquis having concluded,
Strangers were ordered to withdraw, when there ap-
peared—

Contents
Proxies 6B

- 173
Non-Contents
Proxies 44

- 163

Majority for Ministers -- 10
The result was a majority in favour cf the Govern-
ment, and was hailed with loud cheers.
Their Lordships then adjourned at a Quarter to Five
o'clock.

PARLIAMEN TARY BUSINESS.
(From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.)
TUESDAY, MAY 8.
STANDING ORDERS COMMITTEE.
The following Resolution was reported from the above
Committee :

That in the case of the Edinburgh and Northern Railway
(Formation of Slip Quay and other Works at Granton, Ex-
tension of Station at Edinburgh, Regulation of "Perth
Stations, and Amendment of Acts) petition for additional
Provision, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with:—
That the parties be permitted to introduce their additional
Provision if the Committee on the Bill shall think fit.--
Resolution agreed to.

THE " COUNT OUT" LAST NIGHT.
The following Members were present when the House was
counted out last night :
Sir Charles Wood Colonel Rawdon
Sir W. Somerville Mr. Lawless
Mr. Baines Mr. Cowan
Mr. James Clay Mr. W awn
Sir H. Williamson Mr. Pilkington
Mr. Poulett Scrope Colonel Salwey
Colonel Thompson Sir A.tßrooke
Mr. Aglionby Mr. Duncuft
Mr. Macgregor Mr. Lacy
Mr. French Mr. Taylor
Mr. W. J. Fox Mr. Stafford
Mr. John Williams Mr. Henry Herbert
Mr. Meagher Lord M. Bill
Mr. William Fagan Mr. Moore
Mr. John O'Connell Mr. C. W. Martin
Mr. Sullivan Mr. Feargue O'Connor
Mr. George Thompson

PARLIAMENTARY OATHS BILL.
PAIRS.

TOT..
Alderman llumphery
Hon. E. 8.. Littleton
Mr. Peto
Mr. l'attison
Sir J. ➢l'Taggart

AGAINST.
Mr. Muir
Mr. William Cubitt
Mr. Henry Drummond
Mr. littnry Currie
Mr. Ba teson

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE
METROPOLITAN REFORM ASSOCIATION.
Sir,—On Monday the 7th, the Parliamentary
Oaths Bill was brought forward for a second reading.
The most remarkable occurrence connected with the
debate, was the appearance in it of two Members
new to the present Parliament. The first was the
Member fur Leominster, son of Sir itobert Peel, who
with a full share of hereditary talent, advanced a
strong array of the arguments, historical and others,,
in favour of the liberal view of the question.
other was the new Member for Sheffield, who droppedhoad ever
into his place as if no malignantrosafter the debate
Jupiter
e
kept him from his seat. lie
by customary rules should have been closed ; and
was listened to with an attention which scarcely any
other Member in such circumstances
would have
commanded. Either the informant's ear is waxing
heavy, or lie did not speak quite loud enough for the
general comfort of his hearers. Nothing is so (in-
couraging to a speaker, as the covetous silence which
increases in intensity as his voice falls. But the
end of all, is to be heard. It was the fortune
of the writer of this, ten years ago to de-
scribe the Member, then for Bath, as coming
with an accession of power after an interval of re-
tircment. And the same judgment might be
ventured again. The manner is improved in smooth-
ness and conciliatory effect; and the matter presents
less of the partisan, and more of the statesman. In
his speech at Sheffield, the lion. Member seems to
have felt as well as indicated, that processes of this
nature were going on.
The second reading was finally carried by 278
against 185 ; being 20 mere majority than last ses-
sion, and in a smaller House.

On Tuesday there were speeches of considerable
length on a motion to bring in a Bill fur the formation
of joint-stock banks, with a limited liability of the
shareholders ; but it was finally withdrawn,
_and at
eight o'clock the House was counted out.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
AN OLD REFORMER.
London, May 0, 1849.

LONDON HOSFITAL MEDICAL SCHOOL.--The
prizes awarded for the past sessi
on were distributed on
Tuesday by Mr. Charles B. Stuttield in the presence of
a large body of spectators; the gold medals presented by
the governors were presented to the pupils distinguished
for zeal end intelligence. At the conclusion of the dis-
tribution Mr. Stutfield klalivered an able and eloquent
Address to the §tlCCenfUl CMPtiritcrS.