The Sun.
London, England, 1849-11-10 00:00:00

THE SUN,

rities. So frightful, he observed was the condition
of that churchyard, that while the village around it
only contained a population of 2,000 the mortality in
Grays during the time of the cholera was equal to the
terrible mortality in Lambeth ! For such revelations
as the foregoing—and they are the best incitements to
those who are anxious to effect an amelioration—we
are indebted to the energetic philanthropy of Mr. G.
A. 'WALKER, the originator and the chairman of the
National Society for the Abolition of the abominable
system of Intramural Interments.

Our accounts from Ireland lead us to the agreeable
conclusion that the anniversary of GUY FAWKES has
passed away without the effusion of blood in the now
notorious county of Down. The threatened on-
slaught of the Orangemen has been prevented by the
active and energetic precautions of the Government,
and the country has been saved from the disgrace of
a repetition, on a more extended and deadly scale, of
the July massacre of Dolly's Brae. We are not the
mercenary praise•singers of this or any other Minis-
try, nor are we the indiscriminate thick• and-thin
supporters of the Irish Government, but strict justice
demands that we should concede to Lord CLARENDON
the fullest meed of approbation for the wise and firm
course he has on the present occasion pursued—a
course which, we feel convinced, he would hare pur-
sued previous to the 12th of July, were it not for a
misplaced confidence in those who foully betrayed the
high trusts which the laws confided to them.
Lord CLARENDON is not intuitive ; he is
human, and liable to deception, and, un-
fortunately, on that occasion, he was cruelly
deceived. He knew not the BEERS and SEtews,
the M'ILWAINES and DREWS of Ulster. He
knew how great was the influence possessed by the
leaders of the Orangemen over their ignorant and
deluded followers ; he could not conceive that men
of high rank and station would not use the influence
of their position to maintain the laws ; he could not
conceive that men clothed with the QUEEN'S authority,
and sworn to preserve the peace, could be foremost in
countenancing its infringement, by hounding on one
mad faction against another; he could not conceive that
any of the local magistrates of Ulster could so violate
their duties as to muster and organize a set of armed
and infuriated ruffians to parade through the country
to the terror and alarm of her MAJESTY'S peaceful
subjects, spreading conflagration and massacre
through the fields and villages on their route. No ;
Lord CLARENDON could not conceive this ; nor,
indeed, could anybody else, judging by the ordinary
standards of reason and morality.

Let us, however, hope his Excellency now sees that
the excesses to which Orange bigotry can lead are
not to be judged by ordinary standards ; let us
hope he now sees the true quality of Orange loyalty
and justice, and that no misplaced confidence will
again restrain him from the stern exercise of authority
till these vile factions are crushed from one end of the
island to the other, and the supremacy of the law s
fully established.
The Orangemen and the factionhts who sympa-
thise with them are resorting to every meanness and
falsehood to vilify the QUEEN'S representative, and
bring odium upon the Irish Government. They
have openly charged the Lord-Lieutenant with sup-
plying the Orangemen in 1848 with those weapons
with which they slaughtered the old women and
children in 1849. This lie was set in motion by the
gentle WILLIAM BEERS, and rolled on through
the Orange press " vires acguirens eundo,"
till they would seem to have made such
" truaits of their memories as to credit their own lie,"
and were emboldened to give it a tangible shape by
asserting " that 6001. was given by the Castle autho-
rities through Captain KENNEDY to purchase arms
for the Dublin Orangemen." This lie was at once
hunted down and demolished by living authorities,
but they were not to be silenced. They then
descended to the grave, they called the dead to their
ai3, and slandered the memory of an honourable man,
Major TURNER. _

Having failed in fastening this dishonesty and im-
prudence upon Lord CLARENDON as a statesman, they
endeavoured to tarnish his character as a gentleman
by accusing him with the meanness of private letter-
writing and secret espionage, to gratify his pique
against Lord RODEN. But this; horrible act of state
strategy turns out to be a suggestion thrown out by
one of the most amiable gentlemen in Ireland,
Mr. C. FITZSIMON—a man totally incapable of Any
act of meanness or dishonour, and certainly one of the
last men in the country capable of any discourtesy to
a lady, and that lady in the household of his QUEEN.
Mr. FITZSIMON, in a praiseworthy anxiety that no-
thing should by possibility mar the universal rejoicing
and welcome which awaited the.QUEßN—knowing that
many persons attached great blame to Lord RODEN
for not having used his influence to prevent the con-
fl.ct and massacre at Dolly's Brae, and fearing that
public disapprobation might be expressed against any
of Lord RODEN'S family who should appear in the
QUEEN'S suite so soon after such fearful scenes—threw
out the suggestion, in a note to Mr. CONNELLAN, his
Excellency's private' secretary, and this very
judicious and laudable act of Mr. Firs-
slliON is tortured into a paltry and un-
manly exhibition of Government spleen against
the deputy Grand-Master of the Irish Orangemen.
Lord RODEN, himself, we entirely acquit of any share
in these reckless slanders. Indeed, that Nobleman
has just cause to ejaculate, " Save me from my
friends ;" their indiscretion is every day adding to the
painful difficulties of his position. Every paltry nest
of bigots, from Sandy-row to Blarney-lane, from the
obscure village of Dundrum to the dingy purlieus of
Dublin, all are exhibiting their disloyalty and insig-
nificance by raising a war. cry against the Irish
Government for having exercised an undoubted right
to dismiss from the magistracy men who had, in the
eyes of all rational and impartial persons, proved their
entire unfitness to discharge its duties—men who
openly encouraged proceedings which led to the shed-
ding of innocent blood, and afterwards violated
one of the most important principles of the
Constitution, " that no man is to be judge
in his own cause," by sitting in judgment
on themselves, and using the prerogative of their
high office to shield them from the consequences of
their own misdeeds.

The mountains of Mourne, after long travail,
brought forth and gave to the world a titled dolt,
and a few surpliced fanatics. The Marquis of Dowx-
SHIRE exhibited as primo buffo at the ultra-Protestant
demonstration in Belfast, where the actors in that
silly drama made up for the paucity of numbers, and
the absence of respectability, by the intensity of
their malevolence. The Learned Chairman showed
his peculiar fitness for the high position he occupied
by enlightening his auditors with a legal disquisition,
a task to the discharge of which he brought the ex •
perience of two branches of the Legislature. His
Lordship having condescended for a time to bestow
the benefit of his learned lore on the Lower
House of Parliament, while he now dignifies by his
genius the House commonly called the House of Peers,
certainly not his peers—he is peerless, he displayed his
thorough acquaintance with HALE and BLACKSTONE
by his exposition of the lea non scripta ! Will not his
order blush for this blockhead Lord ? How enlight-
ened must have been that select society which shouted
Hear, hear," when the Solon of Hilsborough an-
nounced to them that British subjects are bound by
no laws save those enacted by the King, Lords, and
C,,mmons of these realms. His extensive legal re-
search did not enable him to discover that it was
written down in definite terms in the statute-book,
that no County Down Orangeman should shoot a
County Down Papist—how then, argueth the Ulster
Solon, could it be contrary to law? DOOBEERY was
never more anxious to be written down an ass than
this clownish Lord appears to be. His next exhibition was
at Dundrum, an obscure village in the county of Down,
which the sympathisers have made their recruiting
quarters, and from whence they scatter circulars and
resolutions through the country, under the pretext of
requesting condolence and sympathy with Lord
i onax. The Beers appear to be bottledaltogether—
bl
intout a flame in realityamthe
to
dyingmake
emberswickedof
attemptrelireligious
ntso fan agai n
bigotry—
but we are happy to perceive their efforts have sig-
nally failed. The good and the wise among the
Protestant gentry, the pious and Christian amongst
the clergy, and nearly the whole body of the gies-
byterian3, have taken no part in those unseemly
gatherings. The High. Sheriff KEOWN, to be sure,
presided, and gave to the secret cabal of Dundrum a
sort of official importance, but it should be known

that this gentleman is an Orangeman, and the brother
in-law of WILLIAM BEERS. Several of the magis-
tracy of the County Down, to whom the reso-
lutions adopted at this hole-and-corner meeting
were sent for approval and signature, have taken the
trouble of remonstrating with those insane persons
in the language of good sense and Christian feeling,
and indignantly refused to sign the disloyal docu-
ments. Amongst many very able replies we cannot
pass over one from a nobleman of large property in
Down, and the kinsman of Lord RODEN—the Marquis
of LONDONDERRY. His Lordship says--

"had the address been confined to a simple expres-
sion of condolence and regret to Lord Roden on the
unfortunate events that led to his dismissal from the
magistracy, many feelings both private and public would
probably have induced me to join iu such measures. But
with all the sincere respect I entertain for his Lordship,
with all the veneration with which ho is environed in his
own country, and above all, with the high valua I attach
to our recent connexion, I find it totally impossible
either to acquiesce in the address to his Lordship, much
less to sign the extraordinary resolutions which have been
adopted at the meeting of certain magistrates and gentry
of the county of Down, for I confess, beyond the natural
influence of the estimation in which I hold my Noble
Friend, and the wishes of friends and connexion, I feel
there is a duty beyond all— I mean the duty I owe to
Lny Sovereign.
" You request of sae to be a pasty to declare, by your
first resolution, that I view with indignation and alarm
the arbitta7 y act of the Government in certain dismissals
from the commission of the peace, and such alarm tends
to exasperate and create a disgust in the minds of every
loyal subject. And then, in the third resolution, you
acknowledge it to be the undoubted right of her Majesty
to dismiss any of her servants • and that you would be
unwilling to advance anything that could be construed to
be disrespectful, or to bring into contempt her Majesty's
authority. What 1 can it be gravely argued that the
first resolution does not tend to bring her Majesty's
Government and authority into disrespect and contempt?
And is it expected that I should affirm such a declara-
tion, holding as I do, from her Majesty's gracious favour,
the high posrion of Lord-Lieutenant of cne of her
English counties?

"But the inconsistency of these resolutions appears
to me not more evident than the unhappy and inju licious
composition of them. They seem dressed up rather to
fan and keep alive new flame, to heighten rather than
allay animosity, to add fresh ingredients to the cauldron
so lung boiling over, and to continue a spirit of party
warfare for ever in our beloved but unfortunate country."

Such is the able, dignified, and right loyal spirit
which marks the entire of the rebuff returned in reply
to the Dundrum manifesto by the manly and chival-
rous LONDONDERRY. We regret our space will not
permit us to go through the entire of it, but we
cannot too strongly recommend its perusal to
the deluded Orangemen of Down. Several other
insignificant and secret gatherings of the factionists
have taken place in Dublin and elsewhere, but all
have ended in " sound and fury, signifying nothing."
They generally explode in harmless volleys of the
Kentish-fire, which burn no houses and kill no old
women.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris journals of yesterday.
They all of them contain the following account of
the arrangement of the difere❑ces which had arisen
between the editors of the journals and the Presi-
dent of the Assembly :
The following letter was yesterday addressed to
the President of the _National Assembly
" Monsieur le President,—ln consequence of what oc-
curred on Wednesday, and of the protest published in
the journals, the syndics of the principal editors,
guardians of the dignity of the press, placed their re-
signation in the hands of their colleagues. Th© prin-
cipal editors, who assembled to deliberate on this inci-
dent, have decided that they will place at the disposal of
the President the tribune which had been accorded to
them.—We have the honour, &e.

" EMILE AE GIRARDIN,
" LEOPOLLD DURAS, "
" LIIBIS, Syt dies."
" CIIATARD,
The President of the Legislative Assembly having
transmitted this letter to the questors, one of them
declared to the syndics that there was no reason to
accept the rupture of the relations established between
the Assembly and the press, and that, consequently,
the tribune of the principal editors would, as hereto-
fore, continue to be at their exclusive disp3sal. In
consequence of this satisfactory declaration, the prin-
cipal editors again took possession of the tribune, the
interior police of which is placed under the responsi-
bility of the syndics.
A meeting of the principal editors of the Paris
journals has been convened for Sunday, for the pur-
pose of adopting measures to prevent the recurrence
of such an indignity as that which was put upon them
on Wednesday by President Durex, at the instigation
of an obscure member of the parti pretre.
The defeat of the parti-pretre on Wednesday on
M. DE FALLornes Bill, followed up by their complete
route on the following day, when M. DE KEDREL,
instigated by the most fanatical of the followers of
MONTALEMBERT, attempted in vain to induce the
Assembly to reverse its previous decision,
has struck with panic the army of the faith.
The ultra- Montanists are mad with rage at the
idea that notwithstanding the anathemas of M. DE
MONTALEMBERT against the Liberals, and the
eulogies of M. DE FALLOUI on the .Etree
lien pensans, the French people are not to be either
bullied or humbugged into committing the education
of their children to Frere LEOTADE and the Christian
brethren, or to the disciples of Loyale.
In the course of the debate on the Marseilles and
Avignon Railway Company Bill on Thursday, the
views of the new Cabinet on the subject of railways
were explained by the Minister of Public Works, M.
BINEAU.

The following is the text of the Bill as proposed
by the Committee:—
"Art. 1. The Minister of Public Works is authorised
to guarantee, in the name of the state, to tha Marseilles
and Avignon Railway Company, during the duration of
the concession, such as it is fixed by the law of July 24,
1843, the interest of 5 per cent., and the sinking fund
calculated according to the length of the concession on
the capital which that company shall borrow for the
payment of its debts and the completion of the works,
the capital in no case to exceed 30,000,000 f.
" Art. 2. The amount, the mode of negotiation, and
the conditions of the loan to be contracted by the com-
pany must be.previonsly approved of by the Government.
" Art. 8. When the state shall have, as guarantee, paid
the whole or part of an annuity of interest and sinking
fund, it shall reimburse itself from the net profits of the
undertaking, and before any amount of interest or divi
dead shall be reserved bytthe company.
" Art. 4. If at the expiration of the concession the
state is creditor of the company, the amount of its credit
shall be paid as far as the amount due to the company
fur the material taken back according to the terms of
Art. 4 of the cahier des charges annexed to the law of
July 24, 1843."
M. Mouchy proposed as an amendment that the
lease should be extended from 33 to 99 years.
M. Lherbette opposed the amendment, as tending
to encourage stock-jobbing and wild speculation.
M. Bineau, the Minister of Public Works, said that
the Government could not accept the amendment of
M. de Mouchy, but its motives for refusing it were
not those of the last speaker. Like M. de Mouchy,
the Government was anxious to alleviate the em-
barrassed position of the railway companies. The
Government was convinced that it was necessary to
leave to private enterprise the execution and working
of the railway lines.—(Loud approbation on the
Right, murmurs on the Left.) Such undertakings
ought not to be a cause of ruin to the shareholders,
and it was impossible to deny that the discredit which
had fallen on such undertakings was an obstacle to
the execution of new works. The Government
was well disposed to seek means of ameliorating
that situation, and, like M. Mouchy, was in favour
of increasing the length of the concessions. But
whilst so disposed, the Government was not in•
dined to do so, unless the State gained something
in return in the shape of profit to the Treasury
or to the public, as far as the companies could
accord it. On several unfinished lines, the ex-
pense had been shared between the State and the
company. The result was that after February the
heaviest share of the charge fell on the State.
Hitherto much money and short leases were accorded
to the companies ; he firmly believed that the oppo-
site system was the preferable one.—(Hear, hear.) If
the companies, which had treated on the conditions
of the law of 1842, desired to take on themselves a
part of the expenses failing on the State, the State
in return would not refuse to prolong their conces-
sions. As to the companies which had branch lines
and extensions to make, if they undertook to execute
them promptly, the State,- would, on its side, prolong
the l e ngth o
terminated
th e concessions.
which
aThere i t
hwereer to
a lsoli
executenes
altogether
extensions nor branch lines; from them also a com-
pensation could be demanded. Thus, they might
be asked to grant more favourable conditions.
to the public, and modifications in the ca-
hiers des charges, and in return the State
would extend the length of the concessions given
to them. Thus, gentlemen, you perceive, pursued
the Hon. Minister, in this manner the State, whilst
according to the companies the more extended time
which they desire, may obtain from them in return
real advantages either in a diminution of tariffs or in
an exonerotion to the Treasury of a portion of the
expenses, or, in fine, in modifications in the clauses of
the cahiers des chws. By such an arrangement
the extensions and branch lines would be immediately
executed ; and, in place of a state of suffering, acti-
vity and amelioration would be imparted to a vast net-
work of important undertakings.—(Hear.) It is in
this point of view that it appears to me that we ought
to examine the present question. We cannot consent
to the amendment which proposes to extend the con-