The Sun.
London, England, 1831-03-29 00:00:00

so
aat ddrre a
sse sdpeelc: 811N)leob%s
leatly against stupping the discussion in its pi-writ staff.
He (Lord Durham) was always unwilling to engage three
tihraetutiionn;vibiiucthmothreeypair,
atiic ull)aerelny fe
\lover. But he was then Weased to have an opportunity
of making explanations, and of correcting err oerous
'lions, and explaining miscalculations which had bian
spread abroad,—(Hear.) No man could mare readily
than he acquit his Nob'e Friend of personal views in
bringing forward his motion; arid whatever imputations
might be cast upon him (Lord Wharneliffe) for his oppo-
. ,iriori to the disfranchisement of the close boroughs, he
(Lord D.) would be the last man who would attribute that
Noble Lord's conduct to personal and interested consider...a-
ions. With respect to what his Noble Friend had said
on the subject of warning, he would ask what warning
could be more serious than that of the Press ? There
could be no greater proof of the unanimous feeling of the
people in favour of the Reform, than that which was af-
orded in the unanimity of the Press, which, with few
exceptions—and they very low—supported not only
Ileform, hut that particular Reform which had been pro-
posed by his Majesty's Ministers. His Noble Friend ac-
knowledged that he was unfriendly to Reform, but that
he was new aware that it must be carried in some shape,
and he gave as one of the reasons wherefore it could now
be no longer delayed, that his (Lord Durham's) Noble rela-
tive near him had formed a Government with the express sti-
pulation that Parliament should be reformed. But surely, if
his Noble Friend thought that any one was to blame for that,
it must be the Sovereign himself, who bad given his sane-
tion to the measure, and had allowed a Government to be
formed on that condition.—(Hear.) Sorely the fact that
the Government had been formed on the express condition
of effecting that measure was quite sufficient to free the
Ministry front the charge of having made an improper
use of the King's name in its introduction. But, what--
ever use was made of that name had been ocaasioned by
the efforts en the other side to represent his Majesty to be
unfriendly to the measure. Now, as so much had ben
said of the circumstances under which the Bill had been
introduced, he would. Iwo 5a,14.-under what circumstances
had the present Administration come into office ? Under
what circumstances had the late Government retired? He
was sure they had not done so from any wish to be released
from the burthen of authority, but from a want of confi-

dence in their own power to carry on the Government.
lie believed, more especially, that the assertion of the
Noble Duke opposite, not wily that no Reform was neces-
sary, but that if he had the power to form the Constitu-
tion anew, he would make it as like the present as possible,
it was his opinion that that declaration of the Noble Duke
forced his Administration to quit office, Their doing so was
not owing to any party combination, nor either to the vote
on the Civil List.—(Hear,) For he believed that several
Members of that Government were desirous to retire, re-
gretting the declaration of the Noble Duke, and feeling
that he had lost by it the confidence of the nation. It t'me
Noble Duke would consider well the whole course of con-

duct of his (Lord Durham's) friends—as, for instance,
upon the Catholic question—he would perceive that they
had shown themselves willing to give him any support
in
their power. On that occasion they had allowed him
the credit of carrying that measure, through his'
opposition to which he had excluded them from
honour and preferment, and had secured to himself
place and power. He gained the consent of his Ma-
jesty on the ground of expediency, which they had vainly
urged on the grounds of good policy and justice. Again,
the support which the Noble Duke's Administration bad
received from them, en the occasion of the Irish Freehol-
ders' Disfranchisement Bid, showed further that they had
formed no factious opposition, and that they were disposed
to support the Government in all measures to which they
could give their approbation.—(Hear.) From all those
circum•tances it was plain that the Noble Duke had re-
tired, not in consequence of any combina'ion amongst his
(Lord Durham's) friends, but in consequence of the Noble
Duke's own declaration. But the present Administration
was accused of in-policy and rashness in bringing forward
the subject of Reform. Now, he would ask, in what state
did they find a great part of the country ? The manufac-
turing districts were in great disorder—Kent, Wiltshire,
Hampshire, Sussex, and other counties, were a prey to in-
ceru:iaries and nightly plunderers. The peaceable inhalti-
tants were shut up by night in trrror in their houses, and
were exposed by day to insult and violence. The magis-
trates were in many parts afraid to act, and made no at-
tempt to enforce the laws or to restore order. He doubted
that even the great powers of the Noble Duke opposite
could have succeeded in the pacification of the parts of the
country which were so disturbed—(Hear)—without the .
assistance of the middle classes. By what other means,
then, he would ask, could the assistance of the middle
classes have been obtained for the restoration of peace and
tranquillity, but by displacing the Goverment which had
declared its determination not to restore to them those rights
and privileges of which they felt they had been so long de-
prived ? But when an Administration came into office,
pledging itself to restore those rights—when that class
of people had come forward on the faith of those pledges
—when tranquillity bad been restored, as much by those
means as by the firm, but he trusted merciful, adminis-
tration of the laws ; the danger being passed, would it
not be most unjust and impolitic to disappoint the sea-
sonable expectations which bad been raised by the
pledges of the Government?—(Hear.) If any mea-
sure could have been devised, by which the Government
would have redeemed its pledges and saved its credit, with-
out fairly satisfying the just expectations of the people, he
thought it would have been as impolitic as ungenerous of
the Government to propose such a measure. When be
heard it said that the country would he dissatisfied by the
extensive disfranchisements of the Bill, he could only meet
that assertion by another. It appeared to him that by
that part of the measure they gave the greatest satisfaction
to the whole country.—(Hear.) He believed there was
no part of the measure which would give greater satisfac-
tion than the abolition of the rotten boroughs. By that
measure, and by the admission of a large and respectable
constituency, at the same time that extravagant claims had
not been yielded to, they were enabled to say that never
was any measure, originating in the Administration, re-N
dived by the country with so much and so unqualified ap-
probation. If public meetings, and the petitions to both
Houses from England and Scotland, anti the declarations
of the merchants and bankers of London could be supposed .
to speak the sense of the country, lie could not fell. that
the apprehensions of his Noble Friend would be realized in
in the event of a general election. Even those persons who
might be disposed to go further than the Government had
proposed to go, have declared that they consider every ra-
tional ground of advantage to them and to their country
would be conceded by the present measure. He could as-
sure the Noble Lord, that with the people, at least, the
disfranchisement of the rotten boroughs had occasioned no
dissatisfaction. Wben he heard the Noble Lord speak
of Grampound, he could not help asking, did he
forget the shameful proceedings in that borough,
exposed in the evidence before their Lordships'
Rouse ? Could they have been supposed to be earnest
in the wish to give an effectual representation to the people,
if they refrained from the disfranchisement of those
boroughs? If then, it was necessary to effect the extinction
of those boroughs, he did not think that a fairer, or more
complete mode could have been adopted than that stated
in the Bill, considering that it was desirable not to pass by
one of them.—(Hear.) In choosing the line of distinction.
between the places which were to continue, and those
which were to cease to have representatives, the Ministry
had not been governed by a particular predilection for any
particular Member, but they had fixed upon that amount
of population which would serve to exclude from the re-
presentation all those boroughs which decidedly belonged
to the class called rotten. He was sure that his Noble
Friend apposite would acquit the Members of the Govern-
ment of any personal and selfish motives in their choice.
They had made it solely because it would affect the object
which they had in view, and not to promote any improper
or corrupt purpose. It had been insinuated that he
(Lord Durham) had taken advantage of his plan in the
Government to promote the peculiar interests of the city
with which lie was connected by giving it two Members.
The county of Durham had been included on account of
the large population it contained, and the rule was gene-
ral, including all counties which possessed that degree of
wealth and that number of inhabitants. If Durham were
excluded, the exclusion on the same around must extend
to ten other counties—the North and East Ridings of
Yorkshire, Shropshire, Northamptonshire, Cumberland,
Hampshire, Worcestershire, Nottinghamshire, and Leices-
tershire. The population of • Sunderland and the Wear-
mouths amounted to 33,000, and Shields was also 80
populous as to be entitled to the privileges extended to
other places of similar extent. With two of these places
he had no connection on earth ; he knew nothing of them
beyond the knowledge given by his interest in the county
of Durham—with the third place he had no mote con-
nection than his Noble Friend opposite (the Marquis off
Londonderry), who was so strenuous an opponent (,)
the measure. Thetefore, were he (Lord Di
sudrhiaiene?,
capable of being influenced by such :motives ahso least
the
insinuated, facts would not bear out thosehattv
he hail no
imputation—(hear, hear.) God knewe that none.
Parliamentary influence, and had !hirtef ha
ve
Upon the existing eyetein nu& I fee
Voters who were
eeerliaeir.;;lbrinau
e:tnbsett?:
might,
raitst.:_bteh
tr:d(tivin.inaeoa,rrti: ::kja :bati
l)esisafeas
easily
n.htui
ac ti
been
oe
were
in