The Sun.
London, England, 1836-10-29 00:00:00

3.768.

PRICE sd.

NEW WORK BY PROFESSOR HOPPUS.
THENow ready,
In
NENT 2 vols. post
I Svo,
CONTN 1835.
SKETCHES in BELGIUM, GERMANY, SWITZER-
LAND, SAVOY, and FRANCE. Including Historical Notices
and Statements relative to the existing aspect of the Protestant
Religion in these countries.
Saunders and Otley, Conduit-street, Hanover-square.

seers, 7 were substantiated ; of the Conserratives 49. those
obtained were 3.5 ; and of the 35 brougl.t forward by the
Reformers, 2 were made good.

WEST KENT.
(Before Mr. BROCKMAN.)
Mr. Henry Rankin claimed a right to vote for leasehold
premises, situate at Blackheath Park, the rental of which
is 1101. per annum. As the lease was only terminable at
the option of the lessee, the vote should be allowed.
This decided several other similar claims.
(Before Mr. CHAMBERS.)
Isaac English claimed to vote, as Trustee of the Wes-
leyan Chapel in George-street, he being one out of six who
bad so claimed. The decision of this settled all the others.
The deed was decided to be bad, and the votes accordingly
struck out. This was in opposition to the case decided
yesterday hi the other Court.

C,IPTAIN MAIIRYAT'S NEW NOVEL.
In 3 vols. nost Bvo.
R MI. DIS SNOHW IREPADY. A EASY,
A work certainly worthy of the author of Peter Simple,' and
will be even more popular than some of the same family."—Monthly
Review.

Saunders and Otley, Conduii.street, Hanover-square.

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UCKINGHAM, M.P.

iter has been sent to us for ingertion.
), upon the principle of impartiality and
]

TO MR. WHEELIM,
E liter of the Hampshire Independent.
DEVIZES, Om 24, 1836.
Sin,—A friend at Southampton has forwarded to me a
copy of your paper of the 14th inst., and pointed my atten-
tioe to the following paragraph, which is given in your
Notices to Correspondents :
" We decline to give assistance in any way or sliepe to
the subscription for Mister and Mrs. Buckingham—why
lug his wife in ? When Mister Buckingham, known in
London as humbug Buckingham,' offers reparation to Re-
I formers for the breach he has attempted to make amongst
them, retracting_ his abuse of the Whigs, and re-gulping his
slaver of the Tories—we might perhaps say something in
his favour. But the man who stabs a public cause because
ef a private wrong, real or supposed, is by nn means
fashioned to our liking. No ; let him go over to the Tories.
iYwy will not buy him, because he is not worth purchase
they may, however, give him something in charity. That
will do for him."
I will not stop to comment on the taste or feeling of
such a mode as this of disparaging, as far as any language
of yours can do, the character
o one who at least is uncon-
scious of ever having done you any injure/. Such a style of
language, and such an expression of feeling, must do more
injury to the reputation of hiv.n from whom they proceed,
than to him towards wl-eorn they are directed : and there-
fore I feel more regret for your sake, than I do anger for
my own : as the arrow aimed at me will recoil upon your
own head, and pass by mine unhurt.
But, when you ask, in your feeling and elegant phraseo-
logy " Why lug his wife in ?" von may be answered—Be-
cause the injury done to her and'to her children, by the wan-
ton destruction of property that was as much theirs as it
was mine, makes her a just participator in the sympathies
of those who can feel for unmerited misfortune : and who
think the innocent and the unoffending at least ought not
to be crushed as though they were guilty. It would be
in vain to hope that a heart so evidently bard and callous
as your own could be made to feel the slightest influence
of such a sentiment as this : but if you are not utterly de-
graded and brutalized beyond all sense of shame, you
liltish at the reflection of your having gone out of
your way
will
to offer a gratuitous and wanton insult to an innocent, an
honourable, and an injured woman—who has the claim of
courtesy at least from all who have any manliness of cha-
racter, and are not merely brutes in human form.
If you desire to know by what name I nen known in
London—l refer you to those who have had the best op-
portunities of studying, and investigatins •my character, as
well as my claims :—namely, Lord
•T,o'an Russell, Lord
Denman, the Hon. Douglas Kinn died. Mr. Hume, Sir
Charles Forbes, Col, Stanhope, fir. Tulke Mr.- Poulter,
Lnrd Dudley Stu art, Mr. Wilks, Mr. Baines, Mr. Curteis,
Mr. Otway Cave, -Mr. Hindl.ey, Major Beauclerk, Mr.
Attwood. teolonel Thompson, Mr. O'Connell, Lord Wil-
liam P,entinck, and others of equal rank, worth, and im-
lw..tance, as authorities on such a subject. You know that
all these, and many more, but especially the first and the
last, the one the leader of the House of Commons, the
other the late Governor-General of India, have expressed
themselves in the strongest terms that language can con-
vey, of the justice of my claims, of their general estimation
of my character, and of their perfect conviction of the un-
deserved extent of my sufferings and wrongs. And it is
this that constitutes the injustice of your -conduct--that
knowing all this, you wilfully and freudulently endeavour
to impress your readers with a belief that the'vulgar epithet
which you prefix to my name, is expressive of the general
estimation in which that nr:ne is held in London. You
know it to be very opposite to truth ; and knowing this,
you are inexcusable for its utterance.
You then accese the of having " attempted to make a
breach between Reformers"—and you ask me, in your own
polished phraseology, to " retract my abuse'of the Whigs
and re-g*h my slaver of the Tories," as the oily means
of making due reparation for this injury. In this you of
course allude to the publication of the Correspondence be-
tween Lord John Russell and myself, and the Supplemen-
tary Statement necessary to its completion. It is to his
Lordship, and not to myself, that the public are indebted
for the publication of this Correspondence at all, as I had
preserved no copies of my letters ; and it was by Lord
John that they were first sent to the London Newspapers
for publication, from which they were repeated in almost
every provincial journal in the kiredom.
The only questions that then remain are these. Were
the assertions contained in that Correspondence true or
false ? Has any attempt k,cen made by any person to dis-
pute the accuracy of tile statements? You know there
has been none : and that my assertions remain uneontra-
dieted to the presrat hour—And they were these : That
'llerdelnhn Rufs',;.ll and Sir John Hobhouse had, when they
were in oPPos'.tion, expressed one set of opinions, strongly
in favour of my claims : that even since they had become
Members of the Government they had in private main- •
twined, the same opinions : but that in their capacity as
Mall'stera, without showing any ground whatever for any
.ilvange of opinion, they had done their utmost to defeat,
what but a short time before, they adinitted to be just :
and after having denounced their predecessors of a Tory
Government, as most tyrannous and unjust for upholding
and defending the acts of cruelty of which I lead been the
victim—they did, in effect, the self-same thing, when they
became the occupants of the Treasury beaches.
I ask you, as an Englishman, as the editor of a public
journal, professing to be both liberal and independent,
whether you thin this sort of tonduct fitting and be-
coming the Ministers of a f:ec country? If you do
think that honour, morality, nod justice may be violated
and set at nought, and the, parties guilty of such con-
duct be yet free from blame —then there is an end of the
matter, and all argument, 'with you must be useless. But
if you think such cond'-tet wrong, is it not a public duty to
expose it ? This, 0-4 e-re is what I have done : this is
what the liberal wed. independent Press of England pro-
fess to do ; but trey expose only the abuses of the Tories,
and film over tleose of the Whigs, as if an injury done to
public liberty Was not just as great an evil, and just as fit
to be exposed, whether done by the one party or the other.
I have no, such one-sided notions of fairness as this. I
have r.alther lavished " abuse " upon the Whigs, nor
" gum.phed" any " slaver" upon the Tories, as vou express
it. I have contented myself with stating what certain
eiersons of each party have done in my own case, and I
have given their names and the circumstonces of each par-
ticular occasion. The truth of these statements has
never been called in question; and if the inference
is'in favour of one party and against another, as far as
those specimens of their conduct may lead to a just con-
clusion, it is not I who am to blame for the consequences,
but the actors in these transactions themselves.
But you say, " a man who stabs a public cause because
of a private wrong, real or supposed, is not fashioned to
our liking." lam sincerely happy in the belief that I am
not fashioned to your liking : for to be a favourite with
one who. has exhibited such a heart as you have done in
this matter, would make me indeed suspect that I had some
qualities in common with yourself, which I should lament
to be the case. I have, however, stabbed no public cause,
unless the unmasking of evil doors be so called ; and if
this be meant, I am not ashamed of rendering this service
to the only " public cause" worth supporting—the cause of
truth and justice. Neither is my wrong a private wrong,
but a public one, in every sense of the term. My offence
was—daring to stand up in India for the liberty of the
Press. My punishment was—banishment without trial,
destruction of all my present property, and utter ruin of all
my future prospects. Was my advocacy of the freedom of
the Press a virtue or a crime? You dare not deny that it
was the former. The Government itself admit it to be so :
since the very liberty for which I suffered in India is now
granted by law to my successors. Ought then any Eng-
lishmen to be exiled and ruined for an act of public virtue ?
And if trampled upon by tyrants for daring to do his duty
as a public Journalist, in defence of the liberties of millions
as well as of his own, can any man of common sense pre-
tend to say that this is a private wrong? If it be, I am at
a loss to know what is a public one. When our seamen
are impressed, our soldiers flogged, our labourers transe
ported, our tithe-resisters shot, and our rate-refusers im-
prisoned, do we treat them with contempt and scorn, and
tell them that• they have no claim upon our sympathy,
because they are merely suffering a private wrong,
" real or supposed" as you have it ? 'When the ex-
iled Poles approach our shores, and the Representatives
of the people are appealed to for their protection and
relief, do we scoff aed mock their sufferings, by telliseg
them that theirs are private wrongs, and that the
people of England have nothing to do with them 2 You
'
know that this is not the case ; you know fdt well that
"de. erers must
though in every instance of oppression the
be individual men like myself, yet their wron'e
cised towardss are deemed
public ones, because no injustice can he bxer
body, which is
any individual by a governm.ent or
not to a certain extent, an injury
-e[.ie to the community at
large. this alone, did we demand
freedom On this tolo)irs
West
riensetiplte:waizi or
'Slaves, redress for our perse-
u and compensation for their demolished,
cChapels,
iwsiitohna.ers,
yiempatliy
and relief for all the exiled Pa-
triots of S.pain, Portugal, and Poland, who were driven by
tyreany to our shores.
What these exiled patriots did in their own country :
namely, advocate public liberty beyond the limit that
was agreeable to their tyrants, I did in India for my
countrymen and fellow-beings there. These Spanish
and Polish patriotf were exiled and ruined, as I have
been, for their demanding their just rights. Their
principles, though just and sound, have not yet been
adopted as the national policy ; mine have and the-
difference in our condition is this : that
,while we have