The Sun.
London, England, 1831-05-19 00:00:00

" TO GENERAL COUNT DE LOBAU.

" You know, my dear General, that I wished to cele-
brate my fete, in the manner the most agreeable to me, by
once more seeing the National Guard of Paris and the
Banlieue, such as it was formed by the spontaneous organi-
z ttion of July and August. I wished, before this organi-
zation had undergone the changes prescribed by the law
which regulates its constitution, to testify to the National
Guard, that by its patriotic and wholly voluntary zeal it
has surpassed in instruction, in discipline, and devotedness,
all that I could expect from it, and all that France could
hope. Ido not fear to say, my dear General, that the his-
tory of nations affords no example of a movement so ge-
nerous, and of a result so brilliant; and my national pride
induces me to believe that none but Frenchmen would be
capable of it.
" But I have other debts to discharge towards the Na-
tional Guard. I must first express to it the gratitude of the
nation, and my own, for that activity, that patience, and
that coolness, often more difficult than courage, with which,
amidst the painful circumstances that we have had to pass
through in the last nine months, it has so powerfully
contributed to repress attempts to excite agitation, and
to the restoration of public order, without which France
can have neither liberty nor prosperity. I have
next to discharge my personal debt, and to testify to the
National Guard-how deeply my heart is penetrated by the
reception which it has given me, by the sentiments which
it has manifested towards me, and by the affection which
it chews me upon every occasion. I feel that I owe them
to the knowledge which it has of my patriotism, and to
the guarantee which my long career affords to my fidelity
to my country and to my devotedness to the sacred cause
of its constitutional liberties. But let the National Guard
be acquainted also with all the sentiments which I enter-
tain towards it; let it know how fully I identify myself
with it in all the services which it renders to the country,
and how entirely it may always depend on my warm and
sincere affection. I cannot find, my dear General, a better
medium to convey my sentiments to the National Guard,
than ho who so worthily fills the important post in which
my confidence places you. Acquainted, then, with all
that I have just expressed to you, I add very sincerely the
assurances of all my sentiments for you.
" LOUIS PHILIPPE.
" St. Cloud, Sunday evening, 15th May, 1831."
(From the Constitutionnel.)
SITUATION OF EUROPE.

There is at this moment in Europe a tendency to peace ;
all the negociations have been entered upon with this single
object : the Cabinets are aware, that at the first convulsion
the people will get free from them—they consent, there-
fore, to submit to the revolution of July.
This change, which has displayed itself in the political
course of Cabinets, is not spontaneous—it is not a homage
rendered to power and to national indeperidence, but a
consequence of imperious necessity : above all, we owe
perm to that great but unfortunate nation which is suf-
fering foe us upon the banks of the Vistula;
The revolution of July owed its origin to a declared and
ardent enemy of the Emperor Nicholas. The Cabinet of

1;t. Petersburgh, hicb, ever since 1815, bore with all its
iveiglit upon our policy, did not behold without anger its
influence fall from it ; it would easily have pushed Prussia
into a war—then it would have carried T%letternich in its
,rain, and a long space of time would not have elapse"
)iafore it bail attempted a mew coalition-against the French
independence. Belgium would have served as a pretext
'or this aggression, directed with the spirit of the Holy

The change in the English Cabinet, the formation of a
Whig Administration, was the first obstacle that presented
tself to the formation of this coalition—great armed
masses could only move by the aid of subsidies. It was
impos,i-le for Europe to arm against France without the
aid of England ; an 1 a Cabinet, where Lord Grey pre-
ided. mold not enter info a liherticide crusade directed
against France.
tiotwith,tduding this, a war might, p-rhape, have been

. . _
attempted against our Revolution: Russia scnt General
l)iebitsch to Berlin, endeavouring to urge Prussia into a
military movement, of which the Grand Duchy of Lux-
embourg would have been the object. Russia would have
talked of her relationship with the House of Orange, and
Austria of the rights of the Germanic Confederation ;

loans would have been contracted upon the strength of
burdensome takes, and war would have been begun, in
the h tpe that by impnsing new contributions upon France
these sacrifices would have bean largely indemnified.
The revolution of Poland overthrew all this plan, but
not destroy it entirely. General Diebitsch had col-
d a numerous army, and thought to gain Warsaw by
a mere military march. Poland once overcome and re-
united to the Russian Empire, it would have been easy to
urge Austria and Prussia into war, an I they would have
appeared on the Rhine with a force of 300,000 men.—
These were the pl ins that the glorious resistance ,of the

P.l s has disconcert«l. When that resistance was known
4t Berlin, that resistance fell by little and little; the war-
like Nollibty no longer talked of drinking their champagne
upon our Boulevards. M. de Humboldt was sent to
Paris with the express mission of protesting to the Go-
vernment of Philip its desire to renew the bonds of the
most sincere peace
Nevertheless, the armaments of Austria continued ; they
had for their pretext the situation of Italy—their real ob-
. .

ject was a more general war; 200,000 men, beyond the
ordinary contingent, are not usually armed to repress the
revolution of two or three provinces. The Austrian
Observer commenced at first its warlike remarks against
France, and the despatch of General Maison showed war
to be imminent.

How has M. 51etternich passed into senti►nents so much

less hostile? The mathr can easily be explained. At
first France was not opposed to the designs of Austria
upon Italy—the patriots were oppressed without the least
in'ervention having been opposed to the progress of the
Cabinet of Vienna. .A ustria had, therefore, no further
motive for war. As to the question of the Grand Duchy
of Luxembourg, which it had to treat concurrently with
Prussia, England being a party interested, war could only
be made with her or against her ; negotiations were there-
fore opened upon that point.
M. de Metternich proposes at this moment a Congress
at Aix la-Chapelle, to treat of the following points :-
1. The disarming of the Great Powers. 2. An arrange-
ment for Belgium. 3. The Constitution of Poland. 4.
As much as possible to consider the state of Greece, and
the means to be taken to bring it to order.
The question of the disarming will meet with more than
one difficulty. It is not France which has put forth armed
menaces ; it cannot, therefore, be France which will give
the example of disarming, until the other Powers have
cerpe.l to maintain their armies upon a war establishment.
France, by the necessity of things, and by the simple
motive of economy, will then readily reduce her army, for
it is not as a matter of pleasure that she supports a Budget
of 15,000,000.
Such are the Projects that will be submitted to the new
Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle. If it should succeed, site
need not show in how many points they are absurd. How
can the question of Luxembourg, or that of Belgic inde-
pendence, be settled as a mere matter of money ? How
can France submit to pay an indemnity for the demolition
of fortresses on her frontier ? How can Poland be con-
stituted an independent State without assigning and as-
suring to her frontiers and places capable of defence ? Can
a people who have so proudly arisen be again placed under
the yoke of the Czar P—Add to this the choice of M. de
Talleyrand to represent us at Congress, and then you will
give to Europe a high idea of the power and the grandeur
of France.

FRENCH FUNDS,-I'mus, MAY 16.-Five per Cents. 931. 92f.
80c. 70c. 75c. 50c. 40c. 50c. 40c. 35c. 92f. 9.5 c. 15c. 92f. 91f. 90c.
92f. 92f. 10e. 92f. 91f. SOc. 90c. 80c. 90c. 92f. 91f. 90c. SOc. 69c.
40c. 50c. 60c. 50c. 70c. 50c. 40c. ; Loan of 1831, 91f. 80c.
The. 45c. 50c. 25c. ; Four per Cents. '761 ; Three per Cents. 661.
50c. 40c. 80c. 15c. GM: 65f. SOc. 661. 651. hOc. 60c. 90c. 60c. 50c„
40c. 20c. 15e. Glif 651. SOc. 66f. 65f. 90c. SOc. 90c. 60c. 50c. 40c.
50c. (Ste. B'c. 65f 70e: 65c. 50c. 40c. ; Bank Stock, 1,610 f. ;
Rente de Naples, 73f. 75c. 50c. 73f. 73f. 10c. 73f. 25c. 30c. 40c.
• 35c. 41;c. 73f. 50c. 40c. 25c. 40c. ; Rente d'Espagne, 14!4 13 •%,
; Royal Spanish Loan 67N 4 ; Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagne,
5W2 1 56 55':35 55 55 56 55'S % ;
Haytian Loan, 2801. 2851.-Exchange on London, one month,
paper, 25f. 15e. ; money, 251. 10c. ; three months, paper, 251. ;
money, 241. 95c.-fours Authentique.: