The Sun.
London, England, 1825-01-27 00:00:00

['PIPE puaLic LEDGEK.]

Our recognition of the Nev American States
seems to have produced, in the political circles
of the Continent a sensation not unlike to what
the fall of a thunderbolt in the midst of them
might be supposed to occasion. 'l7he strongest
surprize at so decisive a step, mixed up with
much sentimental w himpering about our dereliction
of the good legitimate cause, is expressed in a
Frankfort Paper which has reached us ; and
the intelligence, according to this authority,
has made a mighty stir in that city. As
it is the seat of the Germanic Diet, the feel-
ings of its political coteries may be taken as
a good criterion of the effect it will have on the
different German Courts. That it has taken
them unawares, in spite of the explicit language
of our Cabinet, would appear from the remarks
of The Frankfort Journal: and it would fur-
ther seem, that their dissatisfaction has been
equal to their surprise. We were prepared for
the latter feeling;. but to anticipate the ad-
miration that is expressed at the measure,
could never have entered into our imagination,
knowing how consistent our present conduct is
with the general march of our policy for nearly a
century and a half, as well as with the principles
upon which our Government is constituted. Our
communion of interests with the Holy Alliance
Wa3 an exception from that rule—the mere re-
sult of extraordinary and imperious circumstances.
in breaking that connexion off, we violate no
principle, and betray no inconsistency ; but
simply return to the point from which we had
been compelled by the force of uncontroulable
events to start in an oblique direction. The
Members of the Germanic Diet must, to use a
homely phrase, have taken leave of their memo-
ries, if they suppose that our preseut relations
with South America constitute a departure from'
the usual tenor of our diplomacy. But their

oblivion and disapprobation are alike indifferent
to the people of this country, when the latter
know, as in this case, that their cause is good,
for they probably feel, that in a good cause they
may defy the world. Had our Government
yielded this point, there would probably be no
end to the demands of the Great Powers of the
Continent. They would next require of us
a much greater concession, till at last they
would probably insist upon a revision of
lour Constitution, as well as a remodelling of our
Government, so as to assimilate it to those of the
" Great European Family ;" and, by way of
fivale, upon the restoration of some scion of the
legitimate branch to our throne. The most poli-
tic course is obviously the one which Ministers
have taken—that of resisting these arrogant pre-
tensions in limine ; and the issue, if we are not
egregiously mistaken, will bear testimony to its
wisdom. After a decent time is allowed for the
expression of surprize and regret at the danger of
our example, our good friends on the Continent
ill approach us in the same amicable way
as formerly ; and we are inclined to make
them every allowance at present, seeing the
jopardy in which we have been obliged to
place their favourite system. If the report-
ed augmentation of our standing army has
reference to the sensations occasioned on the
Continent by our relations with the new Trans-
atlantic States, we can see at least some consis-
tency in the rumour, though we must still doubt
the expediency of the reported measure. The
equipment of twenty ships of the line, and as
many frigates, would produce a much stronger
impression than a new levy of ten, or even
fifteen, thousand men ; and it would not only
inspire more terror, but it would more clearly
spew that we were serious in our demonstra-
tions. By means of her Navy, England can ex-
tend her arms to the extremity of the earn► ; and,
like the trunk of the elephant, it enables her to
contract them as much as she pleases, by which
she can strike far and near, with an effect
that in most instances is irresistible. We know
only of one circumstance that could justify the
rumoured measure ; and should it indeed appear
that we were menaced in our relations with Por-
tugal, our repugnance to the measure would, in a
great degree, subside. Our honour, at least,
would suffer, were we to allow a French army to
occupy the territory of our oldest and most faith-
ful Ally ; but, with this exception, a naval arma-
ment would, in our opinion, inspire far greater awe
than any military demonstration that we could
make. However, we trust no case will arise to
render either the one or the other necessary.

[MORNING CHRONICLE.]

The Army is to be again extensively augmented,
and the commencement of the Levy only waits
the Meeting of Parliament ; the 5,000 men, al-
ready raising for India, being as many as Ministers
can raise on their own authority. The details of
the augmentation are not ditinitively settled ;
hut we believe it is inteuded to increase the
Regiments of the Line to the establishment
which existed during the war. There must surely
be strong grounds for these measures, if Ministers
wish to be justified in the eyes of the country. If
danger exist, it should, no doubt, be boldly and
fearlessly met; but, in that case, the Speech from
the Throne must deal in very different anticipa-
tions from those which Ministers, in their festive
hours, have lately indulged in. We are only
anxious that the country be not deceived, and
that no unnecessary expenditures be incurred to
blight the hopes so strongly entertained, of a
diminution of the public burthens. flowever
that may be, the following statement of the en-
ormous addition which will have been made to
the Army, within a period of twelve months, is
rather, we should presume, calculated to throw a
damp over the expectations of the country :

New Regiments, and additions to others in the Spring
of last year - - - - - - 5,000
Levy now raising for India - - - 4,000
Additional Levy, about - - - - 12,000

2:2,000

[BRITISH PRESS.]

By our extracts from the German Papers re-
ceived yesterday, it will be seen that the recog-
nition of the independence of the new American
States has excited a great sensation in every part
of the Continent. It is singular, that after all
the pains Mr. Canning has taken, during the last
two years, to explain in the most candid manner
the policy that would be pursued by this coun-
try, we should hear the late resolution of our
Cabinet represented as an " unexpected devia-
tion" from its former course. Every one who
has read the published correspondence between
the English, French, and Spanish Courts, dur-
ing the years 1823 and 1824, knows that
Mr. Canning explicitly gave notice, that if
Spalu would not precede us in the act of
recognition, it would become necessary that
ice should, for our own sake, and without
reference to the objections of Spain, regulate our
intercourse with the new States, on the broad
basis of " equal freedom of commerce for all."
We perfectly concur with the Allgemeine Zeitung
that we need not apprehend that this act will
" risk our friendly relations with the Powers of
Europe, with whom we have acted in common to
maintain the tranquillity and peace of the world."
They 1.11 know well that they have good reason
not to" rush into a war which might shake the
Continent to its centre, and overthrow half its
political establishments.

The rage for speculation, which is every day
hatching into beim( some new scheme, has not
passed unnoticed by those whose duty it is to
• protect the unwary from being duped by means
of these bubbles. It is intended, we understand,
to bring a Bill into Parliament early next Ses-
sion, to put down the mischievous projects to
which we allude. The very names of the greater
part of them are quite ludicrous ; hut, unfortu-
nately, ludicrous as they may seem to a calm oh-
sorver, they are irresistibly attractive in the market.
The object of the purposed legislation will be to
suppress all those minor schemes, which, having
scarcely a plausible design, and no real substance,
are, nevertheless,. by the smallness of the shares,
calculated to draw into their vortex those who

can least afford to suffer by such delusions. The
interference of Parliament will be further advan-
tageous to the public, by directing the course of
public enterprise to those Companies, which,
having been formed under the sanction of emi-
nent names, and for useful purposes, hold forth
well-founded expectations of profit to the adven-
turers, and general benefit to the State. The
petty schemes have no recommendation, and
ought not to be tolerated a moment longer than
circumstances render it unavoidable to du so.—
(Ibid.)