The Sun.
London, England, 1831-04-16 00:00:00

under the same circemStatices, the tree blank population
has so much increased ? Sir, the real cause is the forced
labour in the sugar colonies, and nothing else. The law
of nature would be too strong for any other cause. It
too strong for climate, witness Bencoolen. It is too strong
for war, witness Africa. It is too strong for tarlp. life,
witness the Maroons of Jamaica, It is too strong for vie'e
and misery, witness qtyti. All such itnpedimtiats yield
to the Lase bf natuie; but the law of nature ye,lds to th."-,
cultivation of sugar in the sugar eolon'.es. Where the
hlcks arc free they iner'eis. Climate, soil, war, vice,
misery, are too feeble' to stem the current of es_
tur.,, But let there be a change in pnl)- ornttie
cumstance ; let the population be tl.te sa, . i ue,n every
respect, only let them to slaves instead of freemen,
:
and the tqr'ren'‘.; is immediately stopped. It is fore of
laheur in the sugar colonies, and nothing else, that has so.
destructive an influence on the population. That influence,
so fatal to human life is confined to the field
does not affect the domestic slave!. It in t remarkable fact
that the children cf tieren ad not feel this influence until
after a certain time of life. Up to ten years of age the
nninber of deaths is not larger than a just proportion; they
then enter on the cultivation of sugar, and the consequence
which I have described ensues. These, Sit., are my proofs
that forced labour is the cause of the evil. There now
comes another imPoetant consideration. Why is the cul-
tivAtton of sugar by the slaves so destructive to them ?
A West Indian of no mean authority—a merchant of 28
years' standing in the island of Trinidad, in giving his
evidence before the West India Committee, let out the
secret. It is the intensity of their labour. Ile wan asked
if free labourers could not cultivate sugar? His answer
was no, if they were ejepected to work sixteen or eighteen
hours in tlfe day, like the slaves ; but if they were ex-
pected to work only ten hours in the day, they could. Ac-
cording to Mr. Mitchell, a degree of physical exertion is
required from the slaves which the human constitution
cannot endure. Mortal diseases are the necessary conse-

quences in those countries of such intense and unrequited
toil. Sir, lam dealing fairly with this question. Ido
not say that the destruction which takes place among the
slaves is attributalle to the whip. I have heard
soma good friends to abolition out of doors talk
of the whip as the cause. 1 do not believe that
it is the whip; but I believe that it is oppres-
sive labour. Terrible accounts have been received
within the last day or two, of the mortality among the
slave population. But, Sir, although I do not say that the
cant,: of the decrease of the sl ive population is flogging,
the case is bad enough without that ; yet I umu•t observe
that punishments take place in the West ladies with a
frequency that it is painful to notice. In Trinidad, which

was an ameliorated colony, and in which a check bad
been given to severity, there were 11,131 plantation
punishments in two years. In Demerara there were in
that time 21,000 cases of punishment. Notwithstanding
all the Orders in Council, such are the facts. Ido not
mention them to excite horror at the extent of torture
which is thus inflicted ; although it might justly be a sub-
ject of consideration whether we ought to tolerate a sys-
tem under which 21,000 punishments, averaging twenty
lashes each, have been inflicted in two years in one co-
lony ; but I mention them to show what the sj stem of
slavery is under its best and most mitigated form. If such
severity be necessary, in what a degraded condition must
the unfortunate negroes be placed, if nut necessary, words
cannot express, or the heart of man conceive the wicked-
ness of those by whom it is inflicted. I must say, how-
ever, that from all the accounts which have reached me I
believe that such is the present condition and character of
the slave population of the West Indies that punish-
ment is found but too frequently necessary. 1 will not
adduce any instances of individual cruelty, although it
will be admitted there is at this moment some temp-
tation—nor will I refer to any particular murder,
because I think our cause has rather been injured
than served by bringing such things forward in too
prominent a manner. But, Sir, I take my stand upon
the fact, that there has been an immense destruction of hu-
man life in our sugar colonies. It is a melancholy fact,
that forty-five thousand innocent persons wine found to
have perished at the end of ten years. Having now briefly
and temperately, but, I fear, feebly, explained my views of
the subject, it only remains for me to say, that I have not
brought forward this motion from any feeling of hostility
to the West India interests, or from any party or personal
motives, but from the conviction that there is a destruction
of human life going on, which demands the attention of the
Government. I hope the resolutions I intend to submit
will appear temperate, although I declare myself no friend
to ameliorating measures in which I Lave no faith. Ido
not think that by such measures the mortality can be re-
pressed. Besides, I must tell Hon. Gentlemen that I look
upon the eeslavine of our fellow-men ass crime of the
deepest dye; and I therefore consider that it should be
dealt with, not by palliatives, but by destroying it alto-
gether. I accordingly felt it my duty, in spite of painful
obstacles, to bring the question broadly before the House.
That there are many obstacles I have said, and amongst
the most considerable of these is to be found the argument
so frequently and strongly urged—that property should be
held sacred, and left untouched. But have we not aim idy
acted too long in obedience to this principle ? Have
we not within the last ten years, sacrificed forty-five
thousand innocent men to the respect for property and
to vested rights? Are we to go on in this course till
the whole race of slaves is eNtsrminated? No, Sir, however
cautious we may be in dealing with property, I say it is
not to be protected at all hazards, and at the expense of
all crime. There is a greater consideration than the pro-
tection of property—that is, the preservation of the lives
of innocent men. The men exposed to perish are British
subjects, and we are bound to save them, however useful
the system that would destroy them may be to individuals.
The lion. Member then moved a resolution to the follow-
ing effect:_" That the House had, on the lath of May,
1823, recognized, to the full extent, the expediency of
abolishing colonial slavery, and passed a resolution, re-
commending measures to be taken with that view ; but
that, during the eight years which had since passed, the
Colonial Assetnlilies had not adopted adequate measures to
carry this recommendation into effect ; that the House
was impressed with a conviction of the impolicy, inhu-
manity, and injustice of colonial slavery, and would proceed
forthwith to devise means for abolishing it throughout the
British dominions."

Lord MORPETH, after saying, that, in seconding the
motion, he would imitate the moderation of his Hon.
Friend who had brought it forward, proceeded to observe,
that being so closely connected with a Cabinet Minister,
it might be supposed he was acquainted with the course
which Government proposed to pursue upon this question
but the fact was, that he came forward without the au-
thority or knowledge of the Administration. He hail
even abstained from inquiring how they intended to deal
with his Hon -urable Friend's proposition, in order to
leave his independence and separateness still more in-
disputable. But he had another and more close con-
nection in the House than the one to which he alluded,
and which qualified him to come forward on thin occa-
sion—his connexion with the county he had the honour
to represent. The 500 petitions he had presented, the
",..neral and ardent feeling, the uplifted voice of the county
of York, urged him forward—the county which selected
and still referred to Mr. Wilberforce as its favourite repre-
sentative. That feeling he shared, and he adopted the re-
solutions of his Hon. Friend—resolutions which he con-
sidered eminently deserving the consideration of the House,
for while they did not abandon the high ground, or give
up any princip;e, they did not rush with a blind and un-
cilculating zeal to a decision which in its suddenness
might be ruinous. The principle was upheld, but the
steps by which it was to be carried into effect were con-

signed to the responsibility of Government and the legis-
lative portion of Parliament. The resolution invited de-
liberation ; but it proclaims it is the duty of the House to
do something, and pledged it in the face of mankind to
perform that duty. There was not, he considered, any
diffi!rence between the state of things at present and in
1823 ; if, therefore, they commanded then, they should
execute now. Although he admitted the question was
involved in much embarrassment and difficulty, yet the
system was founded on a principle of such intolerable wrong
that they were compelled to meet it. The difficulties and
embarrassments he had said were great, but by their faint-
heartedness they had increased them. But if they would,
on the contrary, only grapple with them boldly, they would
be assuredly reduced. In a letter addressed to the Right
Hon. Member for Tamworth (for the contents of which be
was not of course answerable), many difficulties of a strange
nature were pointed out. Mr. Gladstone, a Liverpool mer-
chant, said in this " do not emancipate the children, because
if you do, you will excite dissatisfaction in the minds of
the adult slaves." But he (Lord M.) asked how it was
possible to get rid of that as long as negroes were per-
mitted to get children ? Mr. Gladstone again said, "Do
not fix a p.eriod. for emancipating the negroes, for if you
do, they will be impatient, and you have no reason to give
for nut emancipating them immediately.," How could this
ever be got rid of until the slaves were convinced that
liberty was not more advantageous than slavery ? Again
it was argued, that their African constitution and ttopicai
climate were a great obstacle to their emancipation ; but
he never would admit that the want of qualifications which
slavery could not engender, should he urged as an argu-
ment against these -unfortunate persons. And as to climate,