The Sun.
London, England, 1825-05-18 00:00:00

We have often been told that the Irish Catho-
lic Priest does not influence the minds of his

flock, that he does not use the power his proles-

skin gives in exciting theth to rebel, and preach-
ing up doctrines hostile to the established autho-

rities. It may he so, but it does appear to us

then somewhat strange,that whilst this is asserted

as a fact, any person should persist in sup-

porting the Bill on the ground of danger to the

State, it is strange he should endeavour. to inti-

midate on the one hand, and hold out the other-
wise probable detachment of Ireland from Great

Britain as one of the greatest inducements to pass
the measure on the other. The fact and the argu-

'nent are at variatice,and whichever is wrong, either

s equally conclusive against the measure. The
!ruth is, however, the tranquillity of Ireland de-

pends on no such g.rounds, and for this very ob-

riot's reason—a reason that cannot he too much
remembered, that the privileges sought for would
reach but a few, a very few, of the Catholic sub-

ects of the K P4G. And if the Bill were to pass,

we may exclaim with the great majority or the

Irish Catholics," And where will I be the better
for it." It would be well, indeed, if this nega-

ive quality was all, that could be said against

the measure ; but, Connected as it was in the

closest ties with that most objectionable and
wicked Bill for the disfranchising the Forty

Shilling Freeholders, and the anomalous measure
for the payment of the Catholic Priesthood, bear-
ing in its own provisions defiance to the autho-

rity of the Crown, by providing for the domestic

nomination, at the expence of the Veto, that
ought to be lodged in the hands of the Executive,

the measure takes a character so odious, so Utt

constitutional, and so unprecedented, a• to raise
at once a most determined feeling of dislike, cal-
culated to ensure defeat, and to remove
any doubt that existed on the propriety of
the measure, in any assembly not swayed
by interest or borne down by passion. The
arguments of the supporters of the Bill all
goon the supposition of danger attending the Em-
pire by the disturbed state of Ireland, and thus
laying ourselves open to the machinations of our
foreign enemies. But what force can they have
when, on their own shewing, the Catholics, to a
man,are loyal and devoted subjects,and the Priests I
preach up obedience and submission to the
laws ? It is plain, therefore, that so far
as danger goes, the Bill is uncalled for ; and
if, in addition to this, it shall appear that
the tranquillity of
,Ireland cannot be ensured by
the passing of the measure (and we have shewn,
that without a clear admission of the undue in-
fluence of the priest on the minds of his flock, it
could never have that effect) what is its object,
what good purpose will be gained by experimen-
tal legislation on a subject of such vital im-
portance, and the introduction of a law, which
if once passed, can never be recalled ? On the

ground of expediency the measure must be
abandoned, and the claim remains to be con-
sidered on the ground of justice only, arising out
of the mutual obligations of King and subject.
There is, however, in truth, as little justice as
expediency in the claim. We will admit, that
all the subjects of a State have an equal right to
the protection of the laws, and it therefore be-
comes a simple act of justice to place all
religions on the same footing as far as the
free exercise of them is considered. But it
is necessary that officers should be appoint-
ed to execute the laws it ; is equally neces-
sary that these officers should be chosen (for
they cannot be conferred on all) from the people,
and those selected best able to discharge their
duties with fidelity, and support the authority
under which they act. The holding then of an
office is not inherent in the subject, it is not a
natural right resulting from the relation that the
subject bears to the state to which his allegiance
is due, and thus the imposing of regulations in the
choice of officers becomes not only a legitimate
but a proper subject for legislative interference,
and, indeed, that State would be most culpably
negligent of its welfare that did not ensure
by law the due execution of their duties by its
officers. In this point of view, then, we must re-
gard the laws that impose the oaths of supremacy
and allegiance on persons taking seats in the Le-
gislature, and filling certain high official stations,
and what then becomes of the justice of the claim ?

We cannot see that the great majority of the
Roman Catholic subjects of the KING would be
the happier or the richer if this Bill passed, and
it is these two things that chiefly i►rterest the lower
classes of the public. When their lives, their
persons, and their properties are secured by law—
when daily labour produces daily bread and a
few comforts besides, the factious would preach
the doctrines of rebellion in vain. The evil that
afflicts Ireland lies deeper than Catholic disabili-
ties, but we acknowledge this circumstance gives