The Sun.
London, England, 1838-02-21 00:00:00

HOUSE OF LORDS, FBA'. 20.

The Royal Assent IT as given by Commission to the Banking
Copartnership Bill.
The Commissioners were the Lon° CHANCELLOR, Earl of
SHAFTESBURY, and Lord ALBEMARLE.

A message from the House of Commons brought up
the Town of Milton Improrement Bill, which was read a
first timo.

The Earl of DURHAM presented a petition from the
inhabitants of Sudbury, praying for the abolition of Negro
Apprenticeship.
The Duke of CLEVELAND presented a petition from
the A,layor and Inhabitants of the city of Durham, to the same
effect.

Lord FOLEY presented petitions from Worcester and
Bawdley to the same effect.
Lord HUNTINGDON presented petitions from several
Dissenting places of worship in Bury ; and also one from the
inhabitants of Bury, signed by 900 persons, including several
clergymen of the Established Church, to the same effect.
Oa the motion of the Earl of SHAFTESBURY, the
Exchequer Bills Bill, and the Extent in Aids Bill, were read
a second time; and several Private Bills passed through a
stage.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE laid on the table an
Older in Council, approving of two schemes proposed by the
Ecclesiastical Itc(atom

SAVEY.
Lord BROUGHAM then adraßnced to the table, and said
—I do not think, my Lords, that ever, upon any but one
occasion, in the whole course of my Parliamentary life, I
have risen to address either House of Parliament with
so much anxiety as I do this evening; The occasion
to which alone I can liken this present, was when I
brought to the consideration of the other House of Par-
liament, the ill usage of our \Vest Indian relations, and
when my motion gave rise to that great debate upon the
condition of our brethren in the Colonies, which happily
has not been without result. But there is this difference to
sustain my spirit upon this occasion, that whereas at that time
our sky was clouded, and scarcely a ray of light shot through our
atmosphere, vr o have now a bright and luminous prospect over
the path on which we are about to enter. I attribute much of
it to that debate, and I am gratified, my Lords, that I have
the means of enabling your Lordships to recommend yourselves
to your fellow countryenen, by leading the way in this safe,
practical, and glorious work. Ido not say that your Lordships
hare need of this occasion, or of any ether, to recommend
yourselves to the good esteem of the people. But if
you have any favour to recover, I know of no more speedy
road to accomplish the attainment of that purpose than the
present question holds out to you. But I will not rest my
appeal to your Lordships upon such grounds. I claim your
aequieseenee upon the justice of my case. I claim it upon
your consciences—l claim it on your duty to God and to
man—l claim it upon your consistency with yourselves—on
your own measure of 1833. I call upon you to work
out the wise and Christian principle—l rush at once
without preface, into the midst of this argument—l come at
once to the main question—l tell you that it is the question
of the Slave Trade which I bring before you now, and which
I have already in this House and elsewhere denounced.
On that there can be no difference of opinion. We have
everything with us—everything of reason, of argument, of
fact, and of experience upon our side. I call upon your
Lordships to take the matter in your own hands. To use the
words of the late Mr. Canning, I should say to you, that I
would not trust the masters of the slaves to legislate for the
Yet I can refer you to the example of those masters for
aslarvuelee.
which may govern you in making laws for slaves.
I hold in my hand a document which, I thank Heaven, I hare
lived to see—that the Legislation of Jamaica itself, the mas-
ts:is of slaves, representing all the slave owners of the Island,
felt that they also represented the slaves too themselves;
and they approached the Throne of the Sovereign with
a unanimous request, thankful, as they expressed themselves
—tardily thankful, as they expressed themselves, that
the Slave traffic had been now put down by
the Imperial Parliament for above thirty years, and
beseeching the Sovereign, with the advice and con-
sent of her Parliament, to consummate that work—to
prohibit for ever all traffic in human beings, and to
join with all the powers of the earth interested in
that trade in the only effectual remedy, by having it declared
by the law of nations as it is, robbery, and murder, and piracy,
by the law of God. The Legislature observed, " nor can we
fuser the higher position ;" the Colonial Legislature having
stated that their interests were concerned in its suppression ;
,t Nor can we forego the higher position, as a question of
humanity ; representing all classes in the island, we consider
ourselves entitled to offer to your Majesty the respectful
remonstrance to the continuance of this condemned
traffic in human beings. As a community composed
of the descendants of Africa as well as Britain, we
are anxious to advance the character of the
country, and we, therefore, entreat your Majesty to
exert your interest with foreign powers to cause this
trade at once to be called piracy as the only effectual
means of putting it down, and thereby grace the com-
mencement of your auspicious reign."—( Hear.) My Lords,
I will not stop to remind those law-givers of Jamaica why it
is that the slave trade is a crime of so black a dye—l will not
stop to remind them that, if slavery were no more, that if the
West Indies were like England, that if the West Indies knew