The Sun.
London, England, 1849-07-30 00:00:00

bability the whole of Germany, under a sys-
tem of Cossack rule, which must inevitably lead
to revolutions and wars, in which little short of a
miracle could prevent our taking a part. Russia is
formed by nature to be a great country; it abounds
in natural wealth, and its population is adapted for a
peculiar phase of material civilisation. Furthermore,
it has in Nicholas the advantage of not a bad speci-
men of the genus despot. He has muzzled and chained
an aristocracy, who covered over the vices of civiliza-
tion and savagery with a varnish of French polish ;
he has encouraged every branch of domestic industry :
and lastly, by the emancipation of his serfs—which,
by the bye, left him at liberty to do just as he pleased
with them—he has laid the foundation of what, at some
indefinite period, will be a middle class. These things,
as far as they go, are tolerably good ; but they have
been achieved and are sustained by absolute des
potism. Nicholas is not a Nero or a Donaitian
he neither delights in roasting Christians or
skewering flies; nor does he, like Catherine, imi-
tate at the Hermitage the disgusting vices of Ti-
berius at Caprea. He has no love of crime for its own
sake, but, true to the essential nature of a despot, he
thinks it no atrocity, however grossly it outrages all
law, human or divine, that answers his purpose, or
promises to forward his ambitious schemes.human
neAcees--
scording to a very common
thatch a
can viewof
Government of bruta-
litymaintain order and
progress amongst a half-civ•
ilized people. We are no
believers it
o
• but those that are rr.ust
si's
ha e i
man
ny
supposelh y
e d oneo doctrine
wtrine ,
admit that, even when a tyranny seems useful, it is
seldom safe. Indeed, history leads u 3 to suppose
that revolution is the natural death of a despotism ;
and so inevitable is the fatal tendency of crime to
lead to crime, that we might almost add assassination
is the natural death of a despot. The Government of
Nicholas is a good despotism—as good as an essen-
tially bad and vile thing can perhaps be made ;
but it is never safe, and always demands new
crimes to protect its head from the conse-
quences of previous violations of human right.
With greater ease could the Ethiopian change
his skin, or the leopard his sputs, than Nicholas, the
despot, become Nicholas, the constitutional King.
The difficulty is to remain what he is, while ideas
opposed to his very existence as a despot are rife in
the earth. So decidedly contagious and epidemic are
the ideas of constitutional freedom, that the most
rigorous system of political quarantine is needful
to keep them out of Russia. Freedom in Hun-
gary, in Germany, or even in France or Italy,
are plague-spots in the sight of Nicholas': they
show the fatal march of—to him and to his system
—the most fearful of all diseases. Better for him to
behold his country suffering all the plagues of Egypt,
than living in close neighbourhood and communion
with a nation that is free. Hence the vast armies
he has poured into Hungary—his mixture of force and
fraud with the Porte about the governments of the
Turkish provinces of the Danube. The light of liberty is
an abomination to him, and it must be quenched in blood.
We are not seeking to vility the wan, but we are describ-
ing the despot; and if our picture is black, be it remem-
bered that truth would demand far deeper shades to
pourtray the lineaments of most others of his class.
We have no desire to draw curses upon Nicholas, but
assist to draw attention and execration upon a system
of which he is the victim as well as the head. While
the Emperor's minions are endeavouring, by brutal
cruelty, to terrify the unfortunate population of
Hungary, he himself publishes a decree that
no university in Russia is to have more than
three hundred pupils ; that no university is to take
new pupils until its numbers fall below this limit, and
then a preference to be given to those of noble birth.
Knowledge is a very dangerous thing in Russia; and
a few hundred pupils living together, and learning
that nations have been free, and that some are en-
deavouring to imitate England in being freemen,
is of so much danger to the state of Russia that
it must be put down by special enactment. Rus-
sia flogs women —hangs patriots—stabs, shoots,
and plunders, a nation with whom its only quarrel
is that it loves freedom—proscribes learning, and
checks education—all at the same time ; and yet this
coarse brutal tyranny is allowed full sway, applauded
by a large part of the English press, and, we fear,
not at all discouraged in its atrocities by the Govern-
ment of this country. Honour to the editor and pro-
prietors of The Sun, who have started a subscription
in behalf of the Hungarians at Folkstone, and seek,
by articles of great ability and truth, to vindicate the
cause of justice in Hungary, and to rouse the English
people to a perception of their duties as inheritors of a
freedom which they should endeavour to spread over
other lands, and be ever ready to help all who writhe
under despotism to achieve for themselves.
We are glad to see that public meetings have begun
to testify their sympathy with Iluogary, and we hope
that such will be held all over the land. A nobler
cause never demanded a more generous and extensive
expression of sympathy and regard. The retreating
movements of the Hungarian army have occasioned us no
surprise. Attacked on all sides by forces much larger
than their own, a diminution of the sphere of their
operations was palpably necessary. It cannot be
doubted that the condition of Hungary is one of great
danger; but pretty nearly the same course would
be adopted from policy as from defeat—namely,
an avoidance of pitched battles, and a gradual retreat
from what were their outposts before the commencement
of the Russian invasion. So little reliable intelligence
reaches us, that we cannot estimate either the precise
amount of danger or the chances of success. In some in-
stances the Imperialists have doubtless gained advan-
tages ; but in the vicinity of Comorn they were clearly
beaten, although the injudicious vehemence of the
Hungarian artillery in pursuing too far led to the
loss of some pieces of cannon. The Russians have
been allowed to penetrate the passes of the Carpa-
thians, and march towards Debrecain , with certainly
much less resistance than might have been opposed
to them ; and the whole behaviour of the Hun-
garian troops seems to indicate some strategic
plan, which is not yet fully seen, but which,
and where
disadvantage.e
ha
we apprehend, consists in forcing the Imperialists to
of
lutvhn eepdifficultrgcoravoni
udnnedd
cannot
to
t
occupyobwbeiltal
believe
vnpeladctiehstar
provisions,
chteDs
m at dre
ewhr
b a
with handsome means of defence,
and shall be
much surprised if the Russians do not meet
with serious obstacles in their march towards
that important plade. In the absence of
sufficient information, we can only speculate on the
beent
intention of the few movements with which we are
acquainted ; and the retreat of Wellington to the
heights of Torres Vedras may be cited as a well-
known instance by which the appearance of defeat
was, after a sufficient delay, changed to a course of
brilliant victory.
If we survey France, we see the people governed in
a Russian fashion, having neither liberty of the press
nor free discussion, which result is the plain conse-
quenceyswill the
naturefi nd
left i
of their own folly. In Germany, the King of
Prussia is succeeding in the fighting department, and
exhibiting many Russian notions of liberty, placing all
expression of opinion under the control of soldiers and
police. It is quite plain this cannot go on for ever, but
the way out of it is not yet visible. Italy still opposes
grave difficulties. If a Russian policy is adopted with
Rome, it must tend to weaken the position of Louis
Napoleon ; and if his Ministers endeavour to be liberal,
they will be committed to a quarrel of more or less
importance with Austria and Russia. The proba-
bility is, that they will endeavour to steer a middle
course, and by so doing offend everybody. There is
some satisfaction in observing the reasonable course
taken by Narvaez in Spain, where a little progress offers
an agreeable contrast to the Russianising process go-
ing on in most parts of Europe; and it is remark-
able that this should take place while we have no
ambassador at that Court. Notions of free trade and
concessions to the liberal party have wonderfully pro-
gressed since the ignominious dismissal of Mr. Bul-
wer ; and in these economising times it might be
worth considering whether we had not better let well
alone, and make up the quarrel with Spsin without
putting the nation to the expense of another embassy
at all.

In concluding our weekly notice of foreign affairs,
we cannot help remarking on the late " foreign affair"
transacted at the Old Bailey—we allude to the trial of
Prince Granatelli and others for equipping a vessel
against the Neapolitan Government. As the vessel
was stopped, and the unhappy Sicilians obliged to
submit to a renewal of misrule, this trial might have
been spared. It was obviously intended to annoy
Lord Palmerston, as well as to exercise a little royal
vindictiveness against Prince Granatelli; but thanks
to the verdict, it has proved a failure. " The glorious
uncertainty of English law" has, in one instance at
least, been of some use, tnd enabled men to escape
punishment who had incurred no moral guilt, which
is more than we can say for their opponents and the
precious witness upon whom they relied.
Let us add, that we hope that many names from
our own district will be added to those who have al-
ready contributed towards the subscription in aid of
the Hungarian soldiers, so honourably and judiciously
set on foot by The Sun.—North Devon Journal,
July 12.
•