The Sun.
London, England, 1849-11-15 00:00:00

IRELAND

TO TILL RIGHT HON. LORI) JOHN RUSSELL,
M.P., &c. &c. &c.
My Lord,—l purposely abstained from continuing
to address your Lordship on this important sal ject,
lest it might by possibility be said that the truthful
statements contained in these letters might put
capitalists upon their guard, and so injure the sale
of the Connemara estates ; but now that the result is
known, completely verifying my predictions, I again
resume them, in the hope (may it not be a vain one)
of inducing the Government to take some steps to
avert the calamity.
These letters are not addressed to your Lordship
solely because you are Premier, but on account of
your public declarations (among the most prominent
of which was your speech in introducing your measure
for the reclamation of waste lands), which incon-
testably prove that your Lordship looks at the danger
with the eye of a statesman, and would desire to adopt
large and fitting remedies.
_ _

My last letter, after describing some of the different
plans which had been proposed to meet the acknow-
ledged evils, concluded with that of Sir Charles Wood,
whom I termed, by the grace of the Greys Chancellor
of the Exchequer. I should, however, have said, by
the Grace of the Greys and Sir Robert Peel.
In judging of his measure of lending money to one
Irish railroad company, and refusing similar aid to
others, two points must never be forgotten. First,
that when his patron, Sir Robert Peel, was opposing
your Lordship's measure for the reclamation of waste
lands, he was indeccntly cheered by Sir Charles
Wood, a member of the Cabinet who had authorised
your Lordship to introduce the measure.
Without taking into consideration the immense
difference between his mind and that of your Lord-
ship's, I use the term "indecently cheered" advisedly,
for this was the first time that a member of a British
Cabinet ever presumed to cheer a political opponent,
when criticising a measure brought forward by his
Premier.

And the other point which should not be lost sight
of, is the fact that this same Sir Charles Wood, only
the preceding year, vehemently opposed the measure
of Lord George Bentinck to lend money to complete
all Irish railroads. That was an honest proposal, to
which it was not possible to apply the terms of jobbing
or favouritism.

In the debate upon Lord George Bentinck's motion

it was conclusively shown—in fact it hardly admitted
of doubt—that however wise it might be to assist
Irish railroads as a general measure, that the money
so employed could not possibly give so much employ-
ment to the people as the reclamation of waste lands ;
for in making railroads able-bodied men are alone
employed, and even that employment ceases when
the railroad is completed, whereas the reclamation of
waste land would give permanent employment to all
persons, men, women, and children, at different oc-
cupations suited to their respective strength and
abilities.
But Sir Charles Wood, in defiance of what he had
before said, cared not for that which should have been
the first object of a statesman, viz., to advance the
money for that purpose which would best alleviate the
distress of the Irish, destitute of employment, and
therefore perishing for want of food, but looked only

at the security offered, as if the principal duty of -a
Chancellor of the Exchequer in this great empire was
similar to that of the head clerk of a pawn brcker's
establishment.
Then came the proposal of Sir George Grey, a
far abler man, who introduced the measure for fixing
the present valuation of land for seven years, con-
trary to my proposal, which was, that the present
valuation of land should be permanent, and that the
rate only should fluctuate according to the wants of
the poor.
Sir George Grey, in opposing my proposal, said
"it would be an act of injustice to others.' Now I
entertain the most sincere respect for the personal and
political character of the Right Hon. Baronet, and
believe him to be perfectly incapable of saying that
which he did not believe to be true.
Yet it is as clear as the sun at noon day, that the
sentence I have quoted is totally destitute of any-
thing approaching to truth, and as this question is of
paramount importance in relation to the chief want
in Ireland—the employment of the people—l will
closely analyze it.
To say that a proposed measure would be an act of
' injustice, necessarily implies that some party will be
injured, and I do think such a man as Sir George
Grey should not have reposed such implicit reliance
upon his Irish adviser ; but desired to know whom it
could injure, and how it could injure them—for an
honest answer to those two questions would have
shown the utter worthlessness of the assertion.
On the contrary, the adoption of my proposal
could not possibly have injured man, woman, or
child, landlord or tenant, but must have benefited
every one, both those who took advantage of it and
those who did not.
One case will, " mutatis mutandis," serve for all,
and place beyond a doubt the fallacy of Sir George
Grey's assertion. Suppose a locality where the poor-
rates are ss. in the pound, on the present valuation
—that a landlord and tenant owing and occupying
500 acres of waste land, the present valuation of
which is 3s. per acre, or 751. per annum, resolve to
spend 101. an acre, or 5,0001. in reclaiming it—his
present poor-rate, at ss. in the pound, or 751., is
181. 15s.
Suppose that, after the expenditure of 5,0001.,
the land is worth 20s. per acre, or 5001. per annum.
My proposal was that, supposing the wants of the
poor to be the same as at present, the rate should be
that which he now pays, or 181. 15s. No, says Sir
George Grey, that would be unjust; his rate at ss.
in the pound must, after the first seven years, be
125/. per annum. Splendid encouragement, forsooth,
to a man who should wish to spend 5,0001. in em-
ploying the people !
Now, take the case of a neighbouring landlord and
tenant owning and occupying land of precisely
similar quality and value, he now pays 181. 155., and
if my proposal had been carried, when his neighbour's
land had been improved, he would still pay the
same. What injustice has been inflicted upon him I
But let me exhaust the subject, which I should
indeed be ashamed of doing were it not the law of
the land of the most pernicious tendency. Suppose
that, notwithstanding such Legislative discouragement,
so many properties have been improved that a rate of
4s. in the pound was sufficient to maintain the same
number of poor.
Then, according to Sir George Grey's plan and
the law of the land, the enterprising and industrious
landlord and tenant who had employed the people,
would, after the next seven years, pay a rate of 1001.
per annum, or 811. ss. more than they would have
paid had they done nothing, while his idle neighbour,
who had done nothing, would pay only 151. per
annum, or 31. 15s. less than the present rate. What
a sample of the manner in which Irish affairs are
managed!
The great want of Ireland, that without which she
must continue to remain a heavy burden upon the
resources of this country, is employment. Behold
how Sir George Grey and the Imperial Parliament
think it right to reward those who will not employ
the people, at the expense of those who are desirous
of doing so ; and yet surprise is either felt or affected
when Irishmen tell you that your Irish laws are a
happy compound of ignorance and prejudice.
And in this instance you had no excuse, for many
months previous to the passing of the law I had
stated my proposal in writing, which in truth con-
tained all the advantage of the maximum rate which
the Government: proposed, without its absurdities ;
hut of this maximum rate and its twin brother, the
rate-in-aid, in my next.
I have the honour to be,
Your Lordship's very faithful servant,
ItIGBY WASON.
Corwar, Nov. 13, 1849.

LET THEM GO !
Let them go!—the meanly humble—
Go to look for better friends—
Those who discontented grumble
At the fate that fortune sends.
Know you better than to heed them,
They are seekers after woe !
A❑d be nobly self-reliant,
Virtue•conscious, sin defiant;
Let them go!
Let them go!—all those who're preaching
That the principles are wrong,
Which are striving for the teaching
Of the meanest in the throng.
Tell them that the brightest flowers
From the poorest clod may grow,
And in noble self•reliance
Bid their stony hearts defiance;
Let them gol
Let them go!—the proud and lordly—
Those despising lowly worth;
Tell them that the greatest riches
Have been dug from out the earth;
And never heed their puny scorning,
But with evil for a foe,
Battle onward, self-reliant,
A noble, mighty-thoughted giant;
Let them go!
Let them go!—with all the splendour
That their pride and pomp reveal,
Show them you've as proud a spirit
Tho' you're shouldering the wheel;
And contented in your working
Live to learn a❑d learn to knew
That with noble self-reliance
You may bid the world defiance;
Let them go!
JOHNSON BARKER

Hull.

SIGHT-SEEING.—A very respectable old man, who
hod spent all his life (sixty-four years) in Morpeth, had
lately occasion to visit a neighbouring town. In detail-
ing on his return the wonders he had seen, he men-
tioned, as a remarkable tact,
.that he had actually seen
several men employed in sweeping the streets! This was
something perfectly novel,—Newcastle Journal.