The Sun.
London, England, 1822-10-29 00:00:00

[MORNING HERALD.]

The accounts yesterday from Paris represent the
King of France as seriously indisposed. Rumours
of this kind, however unfounded, will always ob-
tain belief, until they become falsified by noto-
rious fact. They have, at first sight, a certain
air of probability, from the advanced age and
physical infirmities of Louis XVIII. We sin-
cerely hope, however, that the reported illness
Will prove either not serious, or wholly un-
founded.. The demise of this Sovereign would be
an event of the greatest moment, not only to his
family .and to France, but to Europe, at this
particular crisis. Those who take a dispassion-,
ate',and impartial view of France, cannot fail to
observe,that much of the apathy and hostility,
which prevails among the French towards his fa-
mily
tis conciliated and disarmed by 'a sentiment
of respect towards his personal character. Those
who, in France, have found their way within that
circle of social and political confidence, in which
not merely .the heart, but -the passions speak,
must have observed, that even the sternest adver-
pries of the Bourbon restoration,---excepting the
more youthful and cnrages of the party,—al,
lude to Louisa in a respectful tone.—
We do not, however, enter into the consequences

of his death to France internally. It is to the
affairs of Europe, that it would prove most
inauspicious by lightening that scale which at
present preponderates on the side of peace. The
French Ministry, it is well known, is divided ;
one party, and the ruling one, deprecating armed
interference in the internal concerns of nations—
for instance, Spain ;—whilst the other would send
forth a general crusade of bayonets against the
heresies of Constitutionalism, in Spain and else-
where. There can be little doubt that the latter
party in the Cabinet would obtain the ascendant
under the successor.

[MORNING CHRONICLE.]
The people of this country chiefly bore the
expence of replacing the Bourbons on the
Throne of France. The Bourbons acknowledged
that they owed their Throne, under God, to the
first authority of this country. At the restora-
tion of that family, a Constitution was given to
the people of France, to secure by freedom and
the satisfaction which its blessings are calculated
to diffuse, the stability of the new Government,
and thereby afford to England in turn, some-
thing like a guarantee of future tranquillity.—
This, at all events, is the reasoning which the
Ministers of England have always chosen to urge
respecting this subject. Under this Government
then so erected, at the expence of the people of
England, Englishmen are entitled to expect the
enjoyment of that protection which the Laws and
Constitution afford to them. If the benefit of the
Constitution and Laws of France has been denied
to Sir It. Wilson, the fault is not his, surely, but
that of the French Goverment, which has set them
at defiance. An Englishman in a despotic coun-
try would not lay his account with liberty either
of speech or action. lie would not at St. Peters-
burgh, Berlin, or Vienna, for instance, think of
speaking cr writing with the same freedom as in
France, because unconditional submission forms
the law in these capitals. If he spoke or wrote
against the Government in Russia, he would
naturally expect as the consequence a forced
visit to Siberia, or a dungeon. By way
of illustrating the superior humanity of the
Bourbons, Sir Robert is asked, if, having rescued
Captain Wright or the Duke D'Enghein, he
would have darrd to show himself in the French
capital with the Tyrant on the Throne ? Most
assuredly he could have had no hesitation in
doing so, on the establishment of peace between
the two countries. We are no eulogists of Bona-
parte, but we really do not believe he would
have been fool enough, after a peace, to debar
any British subject from visiting France. But
that Sir Robert would not have dareil to shew
himself, is to suppose him pusillanimous with a
vengeance.