The Sun.
London, England, 1836-07-27 00:00:00

, a
- , ,
them, to be actually too scanty for the maintenance
to direction and acting for pecuniary reward, is to make
of the Protestant incumbents—an appropriation the same sort of mistake as if we took a cathedral for
system to be worked under Popish dictators, and in a , a custom-house. To do so as an act of ignorance—a
spin of avowed inveteracy against the Protestant downright unmitigated error, and one of the most
Chereli—in unvarying subservience to those who boast coarse and vulgar character. We are not surprised
of beiieg bent on its destruction—worked, as that system that some silly Radicals, who have temerity enough to
''''!q have been, after the Whigs, on the last election, speak, should fall into it, but it is rather too much that
'were overpowered by the Radicals, and the enemies of those who attempt to write should blunder into non-
the Church became the masters of the Government— sense so apparent.—Morning Herald.
against. such an " appropriation clause" it was in no wise The O'Connell press, with its usual perspicacity,
inconsistent that those who, under different circum- mistook, or, with its usual honesty, wilfully misrepre-
sta.nces, had declared themselves friends of the abstract sented, the tone and tenor of the Duke of Welling-
plus, of appropriating honestly a bona fide sure ton's reply to Lord Melbourne, respecting the appro-
plus, should feel and confess an unconquerable repug- priation clause on the second reading of the Irish
trance, such as that on which we ourselves have acted
ever since the present Melbourne Cabinet was formed ; Tithe Bill ; and upon that mistake, or misrepresenta-
tion, it built up, with its wonted industry, a sophis-
nor did Lord Lyndhurst in the slightest dearee dis-a tical structure, bearing- the outward appearance of an
colour the facts of the last two years, when he appealed argument. It happened that, in proposing the second
to the Prime Minister on the score both of right feeling
self-
and consistency, and uraed him, after witnessing the reading of this Bill, Lord Melbourne was more
grievous consequences which had arisen out of the con- possessed than he has been on some occasions during
the present session. He was not so unmindful of
apiracy of the spring of 1835 between Whigs and himself as to affirm that what he proposed must be ac-
Papists against the Irish Clergy, to efface from his po- ceded to, on pain of their Lordships incurring the elan-
licy this hateful clause for sanctioning the subversion gerous indignation of the country. He spoke much
of the Protestant Church, and the oppression of the less like Mr. O'Connell's deputy, and much more like
English Protestant race throughout Ireland. The
rejection of the clause embodying the appropriation a Minister of the King of England, than he has
thought proper to do on some occasions, of which it is
principle was attended with strong expressions of to be hoped he is by this time heartily ashamed. The
regret from Lord Lyndhurst, by reason that in the Duke of Wellington recognised this change of manner,
same clause was contained a provision for granting
,0 00/. per annum towards educating the poor of and showed his sense of it by the conciliatory, but 50
Inreland—a provision of which his Lordship, speak- still direct and business-like mode of his reply. The
rebuke of Lord Melbourne's former violence, ' g for the whole Conservative party, declared his tamed in the Noble Duke's compliment to the " cool
con-
fullest approbation, intimating that the object might and moderate tone" which marked the Minister's speech
be. accomplished through some other mode, and re-
Tim:ling the House and the country that Sir Robert in proposing the second reading, was not the less
decisive because of this inferential mode of conveying
Peel's Government had enlarged the grant of its pre-
decessors-
flera 30,0001. to 80,000/. When the Conser- it ; and we should not do justice to the delicacy of
Lord Melbourne's taste if we supposed that he did
vatives, therefore, are taunted with their unwillinaness
to educate the Romish poor of Ireland, let these facts not understand and appreciate it. It was with direct
be called to public recollection. The reply of Lord reference to the Noble Lord's apparently awakened
sense of what was due to the assembly of which he has
Melbourne—' that can be so designated which reply the honour to be a member, that the Noble Duke
Was none—was felt to be the very feeblest that had abstained from throwing any difficulty in the way of
over been uttered by any man in the garb of Prime the second reading of the Bill, or entering into any
0411 i
t .t
Irlister. The only sentence throughout the whole length of remark, which might even delay it. And,
hotirs,evliich anybody will recollect for eight-and-forty although it was not so stated, it is reasonably to be in-
fihe w was that wherein he let it be understood that ferred, and was generally understood, that for the same
ould hold his place till he should be turned out of cause his Grace refrained from all severity of comment
led_
;t vi et armis—an intimation to which every one of his upon the " appropriation" principle which still de-
hearersgav_e implicit credit, being morel an acknow-formed Bill, , happily, _
the but which, deforms it no
gment that the Noble Lord thought it of far more longer. He contented himself' with a good-humoured importance to retain office and salary, though without allusion to Lord Melbourne's " surplus calculation,"
dignity or power, than to carry measures of what he assuring him that when the matter came to the closer
retended to think the highest value to the empire. examination of the Committee he would find (as he
he recognition of the Noble Viscount's willing vas- has found) that there is no such thing as a surplus to
salagen to O'Connell is sealed irrevocably by this pitiful
a appropriate. Upon this foundation it was assumed by I
constitutional Englishmen.—Times.
announcement and will finish him in the eyes of all a portion of the O'Connell press that the Duke of I
Wellington's objection to the clause was little more
re
Every good Protestant subject of this realm must be than a financial objection—that the difference between rejoice y the calm, unflinching firmness with which his Grace and the Ministry was one of arithmetical
the Conservative party in both Houses of Parliament computation, or something
of very nearly that descrip-
have defended the interests of the Established Church tiori. This was the mistake, or the misrepresentation,
in England and Ireland from the formidable attacks to according as stupidity or design may have led to it, and
which these establishments have been made subject. the fallacy founded upon it was to this effect :--That
The violent Radicals appear to be in a state of irritation the Duke ought to consent to the passing of the ap-
which knows no bounds, at the success which has at- propriation clause at all events ; for if there be no sur-
tended_ this deliberate and determined policy. The plus, then the clause will be inoperative, and if there be
Conservatives adopted a wise, not lsss than a virtuous, a surplus, what so excellent object could it be devoted
should
for their political action, when they resolved it to as the general education of the Irish people ? There
10uld be a matter of principle of the highest moment. was nothing new in this, except the audacity of the
The Protestant Church Establishment in England and supposition, that an argument which excluded altoge-
.trela
nd was something worthy of a great party to rest ther any consideration of principle should, by the re-
Its fate upon- By it the Conservatives have resolved motest possibility, have the least weight with the Duke
to stand or fall, and the progress they have made, and of Wellington. The effrontery was the more con-
are making, proves how judicious was the resolution. spicuous as in another article of the same paper which
On the other hand, theßadicals appear to have consulted brought forward this stale fallacy, is set forth as a great
jrather the rancour of their sectarian feelings than sober and important advantage to be gained by the other-
ustice or sound policy, and, in turning their strength wise very objectionable " Church Establishment Bill,"
against the Established Church, have put themselves in that it admitted the principle of the right of the Legis-
a position very little likely to lead to success, while they lature to interfere in the distribution of Church pro-
do not appear to have in the leastprepared themselves for perty. After inveighing with much Radical bitterness
failure. They are now at their wits end; and because against the Bill upon other grounds, the success of it
they cannot destroy the Church Establishment of Eng- was hailed with satisfaction, because of this supposed
land in the House of Commons, and find their darling sanction of a principle which the Church, it was said,
Scheme for destroying that of Ireland, decisively and had hitherto refused to acknowledge. Thus, the very
-hopelessly overthrown in the House of Lords, they same authority which satisfactorily contemplates the
zave all manner of angry nonsense which the disap- success of an otherwise objectionable measure, because
ointment of the moment may happen to suggest. of its establishment of an abstract principle, would
r by is all this foaming at the mouth ? What good have the Duke of Wellington regard the establish-
ak3" for this angry roar at the income which the ment of an abstract principle by another measure as a
dignitaries
ne.tanterbery
On ure ell Establishment Bill allots to the Archbishops matter of no consequence at all. It would have his
and York ? Is it any more than these Grace look to the arithmetical consequences of the
matteidalies have hitherto enjoyed ? Is spoliation com- clause merely ; and if there will indeed be no surplus, as
mak upon any individual or community, in order to was pretended, pass over, as wholly unimportant, the
up these incomes ? Nothing of the kind can be principrZ. which would guarantee the wresting from the
rote'e
much ded. The objection is, that it exceeds very Church of that surplus, provided it had any existence.
te.ou, gti they
tewhat Rectors, and Vicars, and Curates receive, Here we must digress for a moment to notice the error—
must have a similar education to that of the very gross error—of assuming that the Church Es-
zilsli°Ps, and are possibly in some cases abler and tablishment Bill recognises the right of the Legislature
ore leareed men. The fact stated we do not dis- to regulate and distribute the property of the Church.
)ilite, but we cannot see why it should constitute an objec- It does not do this. The Bill is founded upon the re-
or* It is perfectly conformable with the analogy commendation of the heads of the Church. It is for
_ nature, and the experience of society, that diffe- the purpose of legally carrying into effect the new regu-
pent advantages should attend those who to all ape lations which the heads and representatives of the
earance are of equal merit. No one will pretend Church have deemed desirable. The principle ad-
thatwh it is the best informed or most astute merchant
initted by the Bill is nothing but this—that the Church
la ° always makes the largest fortune, or the ablest has no power to make laws to alter the ownership of
:3' er who always gets soonest to the Bench, or the property even within its own body and membership.
:fame
gifted man of letters who rises first to literary Even the most ignorant of those who study those cite
Ile and its attendant advantages. The nature of culating instruments for the diffusion of ignorance called
than and of society does not admit of this. The most Radical newspapers might know that this principle is
dat Can be done is to provide the advantages as an in- no novelty. The Church does riot pretend to be able
betncernent to industry and enterprise, and leave the to alter the distribution of its own property without the
to the general operation of causes, which it would aid of Parliament. It cannot, by its fiat, make that
ridiculous to attempt to regulate. It is mere law which was not law before. It neither has, nor
_de-
blindness of understanding to take into account dis- sires to have, any such privilege. It leaves such grasp-
:yc_repancies which all the wit of man could not prevent, ing ambition for the Radical idolators of a too Radical
en if it were desirable to prevent them, and to leave House of Commons. It denies the right of the Parlia-
:
"e of consideration the advantages which flow from ment to interfere with the property of the Church
Instead
system out of which these discrepancies grow. against the will of the Church ; but it does not deny
le!stead of dwelling upon the grievance of Archbishops that the assistance of the Parliament is necessary
with lame incomes, who do not surpass in learning before the Church itself can legally alter the dispo-
and
_ intelligence some Rectors who have small incomes, sition of that property. There is, therefore, no
we should consider the great advantage of having a principle admitted by the Established Church Bill
of. Y a clergy, who, notwithstanding the smallness which gives the Parliament more power over Church
their incomes, are as much gentlemen and as well property than has been hitherto allowed to it by the ac-
educatedeo as Archbishops, who have very large in- knowledginent of the Church, as well as by the law of the
tnes arid great privileges. How does this come to land. So much, par paranthese, for the exposure of this
passeducated
? now happens it that so many gentlemen are error. It is evident that the inducement held forth by
voillyated at a very great expense for a profession the O'Connell press for allowing the appropriation
rvnieb, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, can principle to pass into law was utterly futile while used
ever repay that expense ? How happens it that in behalf of that clause, but it was by no means so
men brought up and educated as gentlemen under- when used against it. If there be no probability of a
take. clerical offices of much more labour than in surplus we might well say, why introduce this clause,
eunther professions would be rewarded with afflu- which practically will be inoperative, yet would esta-
_ ce, and yet obtain by their offices a bare main- bush a principle abhorrent to our sense of moral truth
lenauce ? The reason is plain ; it is because these and political right ? If in Radical eyes the principle
lare Are:Thishops with large incomes and large privi- be of so little importance that Conservatives should
_eges. Every clergyman has the advantage reflected leave it without notice, why was it forced by Radicals
The
his order by the position of these dignitaries. upon us, who so detested it that we would submit to
Curate and the Rector have not, indeed, the anything rather than that ? Why obstruct the
__settle-
Archbishop's wealth, nor his privileges, but, as bro- ment of the Irish Tithe Question, by insisting on the
ther-clergymen of the Church of England, they are appropriation clause, which, as a matter of principle
peal, and the rank of the heads of the Church elevates in our view of the highest importance and of the most
the whole body. We speak now with regard to the pernicious character, we must for ever oppose ; while,
Profession, leaving out of consideration those more according to your view of it, it was not worth our no-
61_
icy and serious motives and supports in the clerical tice, if it could have no immediate
practical effect ?
frval_ng, which it is not meet here to discuss ; but, as a Thus it turns out that the Radical argument, which in
oneadfession to which the ordinary motives of society the form presented by Radicals is quite fallacious, has
we see no reason to doubt that more ad- only to be turned the other way, and on our side be-
vantagemen'
is given to it by placing a few prizes at the comes a legitimate weapon of controversy. The facts
th head, to which all may aspire, than by spreading out suggested by the friends of the appropriation clause,
0 property of the Church into insignificant portions, are those which, when justly viewed, prove that the
and m •
• akm.- a dead level of the establishment. clause is, if inoperative, a gratuitous offence to the
it ie urged Again,
ti.., leen as a very heinous matter that the Arch- Church ; and, if operative, a gross injury.—Morn-
JuzduePs and Bishops have larger revenues than the ing Post. '
11_ ges. The fact is not worth while disputing, because
the co A more striking contrast of honesty and fraud could
comparison '
but the is eminently silly and unworthy of any not be exhibited than appeared in the speeches of
the most common-place, vulgar mind. What has Lords Melbourne and Lyndhurst, in the debate of
pay of the Judges to do with the matter ? They Monday night, on the appropriation clause of the Irish
are, indeed I
not , t the heads of a profession, but they are Church Bill. The speech of the one was characterised
State, g Tire Lords spiritual are an order in the by frankness, sincerity, and consistency—that of the
le. The J 1
ta ees are paid a consideration for certain other, by sophistry, equivocation, and duplicity. The
services rendered,
State. r.,. or supposed to be rendered to the one represented the feelings of the people and princi-
-Ihe Bisho s
nor do they ask p•te • a
re not employed by the state, pies of justice, in support of his position—the other,
... anytaing from the State. The in- the worst passions
of • 1
conies of tilt an intolerant faction, and the sug-
the peo )te e Judges come out of the taxes levied from gestions of a spirit of persecution, plunder, and des-
fr°rn thi • 3 the Incomes of the Bishops arc derived potism, as the motives of opposition. Lord Lynd-
en. oen lands. The
re-
cant as their fr Judges, high and impor- hurst commenced by regretting, or affecting to ist o ice must be admitted to be, are merely gret, that a measure so perfect and desirable had
, ators of the law of the land—the Bishops not long before this been passed into a law, and
are
Zarons of the
Land, and h., realm, joint makers of the law of the stated that there were no terms of reprobation suf-
tinn• Tocr;efs in the administration of our holy relie ficient to mark his sense of the conduct of those
of p • egard a Prelate of the Church and a Peer who had been instrumental to its delay. This denun-
arnarnent as ~ , merely a State functionary, subject ciation he intended, no doubt, to apply to Ministers,