The Sun.
London, England, 1849-10-10 00:00:00

THE

it was the threatened advance of Marshal Wittgen-
stein's army that enabled Prince Metternich to inter-
vene with effect in favour of the Ottoman Empire in
1828. How long could Turkey hold out single-
handed against her old enemy leagued with her old
ally ? Her troops may be brave and her coffers well
filled; but a nation in the transition state between bar-
barism and refinement, has lost the force of fanaticism
without acquiring that of civilization ; and fearfully
outnumbered, as she infallibly must be, she might be
crushed, unless France and England were to hurry
to the rescue in good earnest, and back her with both
an army and a fleet. Could they, or either of them,
do this, without virtually making common cause with
the insurgents in Hungary and Poland, as well as
with the dissatisfied population of Germany and Italy?
And then (ask the French movement party) would
England—orderly, insular, self-seeking England—
co-operate in such a course ? Nay, would Lord Pal-
merston himself, fond as he is of exciting an occasional
disturbance in an allied State, consent to kindle what
Canning wisely deprecated as " a war of opinions"
throughout the world?

" -- Beware
Of entering in a quarrel, but once in
Bear it that the opposer may beware of thee."
If (which we earnestly deprecate) a hostile interven-
tion should be forced upon us, we must abide all
consequences; and Great Britain has more than once
succeeded (as in the cases of Spain and Portugal) in
upholding or restoring the independence of an op-
pressed nation, against far greater odds than she
would have to enconnter as the unflinching ally of
Turkey. As to the dispositions of the French people
we believe that the best of them, including most of
the higher and nearly all the middle class,, are ad-
mirably disposed towards this country. Ihe Presi-
siden t, so far as his personal feelings are concerned,
would certainly prefer the English alliance. But an
influential section of the Moderates, headed by Count
Mold, are favourable to the Russian alliance ; M. de
Lamartine, whose voice still finds a ready echo in
the breast of Young France, terms it " the cry of
nature," because it would exile England to
Asia and the Ocean ; and no one can deny
that the volatile character of our neigh-
bours across the Channel renders it impos-
sible to calculate on their steady adherence to any
set of opinions, or any line of policy to which their
Government for the time being might stand pledged.
It is understood that the French Government have
ratified the proceedings of their representative at the
Porte, and have promised to second the remonstrances
addressed by the English Government to the Czar.
But they decline joining in the note dispatched by
Lord Palmerston. The tone of this note appears to
be earnest, dignified, and conciliatory. Ample justice
is done to the intentions of the Emperor in seeking
to make himself the bulwark of social order and the
champion of stability. There is no approach to me-
nace, and the possible consequences of obduracy on his
part are shadowed out with a degree of vagueness
which does the highest credit to. Lord Palmerston's
diplomatic penmanship. This is surely the wisest
and most effective mode of addressing a Sovereign who
possesses an army of 700,000 men, and is revered
and obeyed by more than 60,000,000 of human
beings as a god. The only check or limitation on
his authority is one mentioned in the Memoirs of
Lord Cloncurry, who relates* that one evening at
Rome, in a private circle, "the comparative merits
of democracy and despotism being under debate, the
risk of mischief at the hands of a senseless ill-condi-
tioned tyrant was urged as more than a counterpoise
for the good that could be done by a bene-
volent and wise autocrat. Against that risk,' ex-
claimed Count Pahlen, we have a safeguard. Here
is the Constitution of Russia!' and starting up he
closed the argument by drawing a dagger from his
pocket and flinging it upon the table. The dagger
and the cord have certainly played a prominent part
in Russian history ; but the present Czar is idolized
by the hulk of his subjects, and perseverance in his
late demand would certainly cause noim-
mediate diminution of his popularity. Fully
admitting, however, the giant strength of des-
potism, and perfectly conscious of the habits of
occasionally uncontrollable self-will engendered by
it, we are as far as ever from believing that reason,
justice, and hnmani will be deliberately disre-
garded or defied. We say, with Mr. Webster, the
American orator :—" This reasoning mistakes the
age. Moral causes come into play as the progress of
knowledge is advanced ; and the public opinion of
the civilized world is rapidly gaining an ascendancy
over the mere brute force. No matter what fields
are desolated, what fortresses surrendered, or what
provinces overrun. There is an enemy that still
exists to check the glory of these triumphs. It fol-
lows the conqueror back to the very scene of his
ovations : it calls upon him to take notice that Eu-
rope, though silent, is still indignant: it shows him
that the sceptre of his victory is a barren sceptre :
that it shall confer neither joy nor honour, but moul-
der to dry ashes in his grasp. In the midst of his
exultation, it pierces his ear with the cry of injured
justice : it turns to bitterness the cup of his rejoicing,
and wounds him with the sting which belongs to the
consciousness of having outraged the opinion of
mankind." Will the enlightened and cultivated
Emperor of Russia recklessly confront such an
enemy ? We deliberately repeat our conviction that
he will not.
HERALD.—In another part of our journal of to-
day will be found a most interesting letter of Louis
Kossutb, the late Dictator of Hungary, dated Wid-
din, Sept. 20, and addressed to Viscount Palmerston,
herltjajesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs. When it is remembered that this man, lately
the Dictator of his country, and within the last six
weeks all-powerful from Presburg and Pesth to the
frontiers of the Turkish Empire, is now a wanderer
and a fugitive—a suppliant for a resting-place to men
of a race and a faith different in all respects from his
own—one is tempted to reflect on the mutability of
fortune—to remember how fleeting is political fame
—to consider what a mere echo is political renown
even in countries not labouring under the throes of
revolution or great and sudden political changes. At
any time, however, the eloquent words of Kossuth
would find a ready acceptance and echo in England.
Though forced into extreme opinions by the nature of
his position and unfortunate conjuncture of cir-
cumstances—yet men of all shades of political
opinion in this country have felt that the original
cause for which Kossuth combatted was founded in

law—in charter—and in prescription—that he at first
sought to obtain for Hungary that to which Hungary
was clearly entitled—her ancient laws—her ancient
constitution—her separate administration. Though
the Dictator may have since gone beyond his original
intent in pronouncing the deposition of the House of
Hapsburg, yet there are not wanting those who would
justify so extreme a step, and the majority of even
moderate men are not slow to allow, that, if not jus-
tifiable, there are many palliations and excuses to be
offered for a proceeding which, at the first blush,
seems to have been rash as well as unwise, and politi-
cally inexpedient. Without, however, entering into
these debateable questions—every generous, candid,
and noble mind will be inclined to pause on the
words of a remarkable, though a fallen
man—on the words of one who, if he
have erred, has suffered, and is now suffering,
for his error—on the words of one who, it is
certain, has not enriched himself by the ruin of his
country. Kossuth states, and we believe be states
truly, that the Hungarian insurrection was not
prompted by the spirit of disorder, or the ambitious
views of a faction. Hungary has ever been loyal to
her Sovereigns in the worst of times, but Hungary
has ever felt that if subjects had duties, so had
Sovereigns, and it was not until she was threatened
with utter annihilation as a nation that the kingdom
of Hungary remembered that she owed a faithful
adherence to her own charter and to the House
of Hapsburg only so long as that charter and that
constitution were preserved inviolate. In the
struggle so long and so gloriously maintained
Hungary has fallen; but she has fallen by a success
which must in the end be more untoward to Austria
than defeat and disaster now are to Hungary. Be
this, however, as it may, all the most prominent of
the actors in the Hungarian quarrel, and many of
the troops, have taken refuge in the Turkish terri-
tory. They received the assurance that they were
welcome guests, and that they would receive the pro-
tection of the Padisha of Widdin. For four weeks

this protection was accordingly accorded to them.
But at the end of that period a fresh demand having
been made for their delivery by the cruel Czar of
Russia, it was intimated to Kossuth, to Casimir
Bathyani, to Messaros, to Perczel, and to the other
civilians as well as military men, that they would be
surrendered unless they abjured the faith of their fore-
fathers in the religion of Christ, and at once be.
came Mussulmen. .T.hus, as Kossuth says, five
thousand Christians are placed in the terrible
alternative, either of facing the scaffold or of
purchasing their lives by abandoning their faith.
How much less civilized—how much more hard-
hearted are hlelarted are men in Austria in 1849 than in 1739, just
helplessyearesh antecedently.children—far
The true-hearted wife of
him, are, like Madame poor old mother—his innocent and
far from being permitted to join
prisonersM sdana e
in zetkhoerhieasn,
Ketzriz and herchildren—liketheein Austrians. Co u npt eesrsh
Perhaps
rs e
wz ye,
dasnodf Guyon—like Countess
Madame Rufhay, kept close
shot or
perhaps of
may next hear of their b
their being more mercifully
or
attentive decapitated.
return to the letter of Kossuth. Thdtee d. To
document will,
mournful as it is, well repay an
The subject touched on in so melancholy utlave straiperusal.
the Hungarian Dictator is not exhausted, and we
by
shall have occasion to recur to it again and again.
we

IRISH PRODUCE.—The vessel Geraldine, arrived
in the river from Tralee, has brought 127 tons weight
of slate slabs, forming the cargo ; and the ship Adam,
arrived on the same day from Londonderry, has brought
72 tons weight of muriate of potash, forming her entire
cargo.