The Sun.
London, England, 1831-06-17 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

We frau to invite the public attention to a decla-
ration against the Reform Bill, signed by certain
parties in the county of Stafford, which has been
advertised in the columns of some contemporary
j Of the force and effect of such declara-
tions, we have had a pretty fair example in thos,
two or three counties in which they had been got-
ten up before the recent dissolution. In all those
instances, what followed ? Why this : that in spite
of the flourishing display of titled, clerical, and other
high-sounding names, their potencysvanished. either
in the contests that ensued, or in the general accla-
mations amidst which the Members who had been
their champions were, without contests, driven
from the field, wherever they were indiscreet enough
to offer to the public a renewal of their services.. So
much for the value of such declarations in general,
when weighed against the public voice. A pro-
fessionil gentleman, thoroughly acquainted with
county of Stafford, has called our attention to one
or two circumstances connected with this declara-
tion, which we should think it unfair to withhold :
not that we mean to be hard on its subscribers, for
they have acted with becoming modesty and hu-
mility ; they merely desire to record their individual
dissent from the resolutions in favour of the Reform
B II passed at a county meeting held in Stafford in
Marb last, and do not at all contest the fact
that those resolutions spoke indisputably the gene-
ral sense of the county. We pass by the innocent
artifice of Peers swelling the pomp of the list of
" Declarators," by making their sons, who have
neither property nor residence in the county, sign
after them. We say nothing here of the lamentable
folly of the good Bishop of the diocess mixing him-
self up so perfectly gratuitously in a party exhibition.
Neither are we surprised to see the Clergy consti-
tute themselves the principal subscribers of such a
documen.. It is only another of those proofs, which
avert' day is furnishing, of the recklessness with
which they separate themselves from every sound
and good feeling which prevails among their coun-
trymen ; and of their blindness in accelerating the
reforms they deprecate, by the suspicions and aver-
sions which theil• political stirrings arouse. We will
not, however, abandon the hope that some of the
more sagacious of their body in the House of Lords,
may still rescue their order from the calamity their
folly may bring on them, by a timely and resolute
remonstrance with their brethren, and a spirited
espousal of• popular rights, which, however, have
quite strength enough, be it remembered, to assert
themselves without their aid. We pass over also
the signature of Sir Robert Peel, who, in truth,
could not well refuse it, but who, we are inclined to
think, would much rather have been quiet. But
why is it, is:e would ask him, that from Tamworth
—no unimportant parish in Staffordshire—there is
no other signature than his own ? Why is it,
that from Cheadle there is only one ? From
Leek, a very large town, only four ? Why is it
that from the Potteries, which contain 60,000
inhabitants, there are only seven, and those not the
most influential? Why is it that from the parishes
of Wolverhampton, Bilston, and Sedgley, which
:contain 70,000, there is not one ? Why is it, that
there is a total and entire absence of the names of
every one of those eminent manufacturers who
;mound throughout this opulent and important
county ? And why is it, that, from several places,
the names of which are scarcely known to the inha-
bitants of the county, the signatures are most nu-
merous ? It is because the names of the tenantry
of three of the principal subscribers have been most
unscrupulously employed to swell the list. But
tvliy not ? After all, they make as goodly a stiow
to strangers at a distance as those of the most sub-
stantial parties. But, Gentlemen Declarators, this
trickery is all in vain. With two or three re-
spectable exceptions, you know that the great land-
owners of the county are against you—the yeo-
manry are against you—the manufacturers are
against you. You know that every parish of note
has petitioned against you; that the county has pe-
titioned against you. This jog may, perhaps, in-
duce you to bestir yourselves, and try to pick up a
few more signatures from the places we have men-
tioned, where, no doubt, some few, of even to-
lerable respectability, may be procured. But these
gleanings are all lost labour. Your submission is
inevitable. Six months hence you yourselves wili
rejoice at the dissipation of your fears, and wonder
at your own delusion.—Times.
The Belgian question, which has so long agitated
Eurol;°, is, we understand, upon the eve of being
at last brought to a conclusion. The Belgians,
whose love of independence does them great credit,
by their perseverance, are likely once more to sever
the link of the Holy Alliance, and we rejoice that
the base attempts at partition and robbery which
marked the first proceedings of the Conferences are
about to be again and for ever frustrated. We shall
hear no more of division of territories, nor men of
liberty being teafficked with as slaves. Prince Leo-
pold, whom we believe to be a man of good sound
sense, and who now proves himself to be possessed
of a becoming firmness and manliness, watts only
for the decision of the National Congress as to the
price which they are willing to pay for Luxemburg
—pounds, shilling, and pence—to declare his final
intention with respect to the throne; for so far as
regards Limburg, the other disputed territory, and
the debt, lie will be King,coule qui coule, and have,
no doubt, the countenance and support of Eng-
land arid France, and probably be unopposed
by tire other parties to the Conference. That
Holland for a short time will ride the high
horse with regard to boundary is possible; but
will the Germanic Confederation assist that King
in recognising a nation that has sworn dreadful
hatred to him ? We think not. We have no fear,
shereforc, of Luxemburg being quickly settled ;
with regard to Limburg, we also think. that the
Prince will have little difficulty. Our private Brus-
sels correspondent yesterday in his communications,
darkly hinted at an exchange, and we can explain
that expression. The Conference, in settling the
territory, took as their basis the year 1790, at which
period Limburg and the left bank of the Scheldt
belonged to Holland; now, fortunately for Belgium,
at that identical period Prince Talleyrand was him-
self a party to a treaty, when it was stipulated that'
Bergen-op-Zoom and several Marquisates should
belong to Belgium ; therefore, if Limburg is Dutch,
Bergen-Op-Zoom is Belgic; the Dutch cannot give
up the latter fortress, and will readily make the ex-
change. The Dutch, as merely a matter of pounds,
shillings, and pence, and Commissioners can settle
it without the interference of the Five Powers. We
sincerely trust the Belgian Minister will continue in
the firm tone he hitherto held, and that the bravery
and nationality of the Belgians will shortly receive
the reward of their perseverance. All arrange-
ment, which thus saves Belgian honour, whilst it
contrives to adhere to the main requisitions of the
protocols, is a happy middle course, and we hope
that it will prove as stable as it for the present looks
unobjectionable.—Morning Herald.
An Evening Paper (the courier) says, "the
greatest evil inflicted on society by the oligarchy
was the influence which it possessed over the Go-
vernment, and over the upper classes, in inducing
the former to treat with indifference, and the latter
with contempt, all persons connected with the pe-
riodical Press, in order that. tiheir. power roigh,t, be
limited by their want f
hnsit.eration in society.
We do not understand"
effect this object but thr owl
the oligarchy could
Press itself; and, if any eourtg.Titn,:ohfe talige"Pelrresosf lentte
itself to its own degradation,p deserved to be de-
rided We deny that the classe g •luptejesians who
constitute the oligarchy ever bad ito
to bring the Press, or those connected withr power
contempt. They might hate and fear independence
of principle, and an honest freedom of opinion;
they could not despise those qualities, or the pus_
sessors of them. In every station of society it is in
a man's own power to make himself respectable;--
but the writer in the Courier greatly mistakes what
constitutes respectability if he supposes that its
"outward and visible sign" i 6 so acknowledgt d fit-

.le,:s for what he calls the " half-educated, fop-
,ivilized, people of high life." Dr. Franklin, wt
aspect, wanted in his day that test of respectability, ;
he was a printer by trade, a patriot by principle,
and the glorious sins of a free Press, struggling fo:
the improvement and liberties of his countrymen
against the oppressive statutes and menacing bayonets
of the oligarchy of England, lay heavy on his name;
hut his masculine virtue was strong enough to bear
the burden, and, if the "vulgar great" of his day
did not court his society, neither did he court theirs.
He worked the great engine of opinion to their discom-
fiture. Their memories have perished, or have been
preserved on the page of history only to be despised ;
while his name is, and ever will be, associated
with the imperishable recollections of the triumphs
of knowledge and virtue over ignorance and opine.-
sion. Swift, and Addison and Steele, and Johnson
and Goldsmith, and many other writers of distin-
guished name, were contributors to the periodical
Press in their day, and none of those persons eve,
thought himself peculiarly honoured by being asked
into the company of the " half-educated, fop-civi-
lized, people of high life." They certainly never
would have regarded exclusion from such society as
a grievance, or have thought themselves degraded by
not being placed upon a level with such pet sons. Jr
is true those were men of genius ; but it is not wart
of genius, but want of integrity and worth in those
who are connected with it, that can ever make the
Press contemptible. If the Press ever become
slavish to power and forgetful of principle, it tray be
warmly patronized, but it cannot be respected, by
those who make use of its services. The idolaters
of mere power, rank, or wealth, may complain of not
being held in very high consideration by the lofty
personages whose smiles they propitiate by the in-
cense of servile adulation ; but they divest them-
selves of all the dignity which the manly sense of
independence confers, and are treated accordingly.
The purest Government which it is possible to esta-
blish in the world could not make the Press more
respectable than it can make itself,—nor could the
worst sink it in the estimation of the publie without
its own co-operation. Venality—grossness of tas'e
—traffic in private scandal—scurrility of language—
a weathercock versatility of principle—may bring
the Press into contempt ; but if conducted so as to
instruct and improve mankind, and to realize the
proper objects of a " great engine of moral power,"
it may despise the efforts of any oligarchy to degrade
it. Their influence may be great, but there is no
authority connected with prejudice or ignorance that
can long resist the power of enlightened opinion.—
Morning Herald.
If our Government do really intend to do any
thing on behalf of Poland, the sooner they put their
intentions into effect the better. We do not blame

them for not at once espousing the Polish cause—
for not at once declaring themselves advocates of
that heroic nation ; on the contrary, we think they
did right to wait, and give an opportunity to the
Poles of again shewing to the world that they were
worthy to be free—that they were indeed sincere
defenders of that great cause which had been con-
secrated by the blood of more than 200,000 of their
countrymen. But surely they have now done more
than enough to shew that they are not degenerate
sons of heroic fathers. Their patriotism and bravery
have equalled, if not excelled, those of their ances-
tors. Aheady does " Europe ring, from end to end,
with the sound of their praises," and their glory is
tepidly spreading on the wings of fame to the re-
motest corners of the world. Though almost every
post brings accounts of new victories in their favour,
yet still the odds against the Poles are fearful. Even
al!owirg that in the end they are sure to be victo-
rious, as we believe they are, still why should so
much blood be allowed to be shed ? why should so
many brave men be allowed to be sacrificed on the
sanguinary slier of despotism ? England and France,
we are quite satisfied, might put an end to the mur-
derous contest without striking a blow. Let the
RuLsians see they are prepared to strike, and the
tyrant will immediately succumb. When we re-
collect the letter of Earl Grey to Kosciusko—when
we recollect the speeches and writings of Lord
Brougham in favour of the Poles—we cannot doubt
for a moment of the sentiments of the two most
able and influential men in the Cabinet. But why
are not those sentiments allowed to have their pro-
, per weight in his Majesty's Councils ? Why do
we not see, in the policy of the Government, preo's
that the Members of the Government are friends to
the Poles ? The British Cabinet has taken a part
in the affairs of Belgium, and in our opinion a part
that reflects no credit upon the national character.
There is, therefore, no excuse for not interfering in
behalf of the Poles on the ground of general policy.
Surely the struggle between Poland and Russia is
of more consequence than any that can take place
between Belgium and Holland. " While we inter-
fere," says the Globe, " in such a dishonourable
and unprofitable field as that of Belgian elections,
it appears mean and miserable to be passive while
the question whether there shall or shall not be a
barrier against Russia is decided by arms. If any
thing is to be apprehended from the disturbance of
the balance of power in Europe, it is on the side of
Russia." This is a correct view of the question, so
far as its mere policy is concerned. But we would
look at it in a higher point of view. We would urge
our Government to do their duty on the ground of
humanity, of patriotism—in one word, of morality.
Let them recollect the sublime truth, that

" He who allows oppression shares the crime."

If ever language were peculiarly calculated to
rouse the sympathies of the human heart—calcu-
lated to subdue those miserable feelings which
make a man prefer self, and forget his fellow man—
it is that which has been put forth from time to time
in the proclamations of the Porsh Chieftains. And
truly it has had its proper effect every where but in
the Cabinets of Kings. There, alas ! it has not
penetrated, or penetrated in vain. " God," says
the Prince Czartoryski, " bath already wrought
prodigies for us. God, and not the Emperor of
Russia, will .he our Judge. lie will decide. lie
will decide who bath committed perjury—who has
been the victim of oppression—and who ought to
obtain the victory. We have already fought with
success in the name of the God of our fathers ; and
we will fight till at length we accomplish the ends
of justice. All the nations of Europe possessed of
feeings of humanity tremble for our fate, and exult
with joy at our successes. These only wait your
general rising to hail you as members of the free and
independent nations of Europe. Brethren and
fellow-citizens!—when we shall have finished this
terrible and unequal contest, we will invite the
Powers of Europe to form themselves into a tribunal
of justice ; we will appear before them covered
with our blood, lay open the book of our annals,
unrol the chart of Europe, and say—'Behold our
cause and yours ! The injustice done to Poland is
known to you.' " We envy not those who can read
language like this, and possess the power, without
the will, to aid the cause which it so eloquently ad-
vocates.—Morning Herald.
The question, what will the House of Lords do
on the subject of Reform, meets us in every
quarter; it is the leading topic of conversation and
of argument in every society and in every corner of
the land. The answer to this question cannot surely
be difficult or hazardous, at least in the estimation
of those who believe with us, that the Peerage cf
England, as u body, will do what it ought to do.
There is, we have not the least doubt, a complete
conviction in the minds of nine hundred and ninety-
nine men out of every thousand of those who are
perpetually asking the question, that a large ma-
jority of the British Peerage are, upon principle, de-
cidedly averse to any violent change in the institu-
tions of the S:ate. If this be so the question would
appear in this very large majority of instances to
amount to nothing less than a direct insult to the
House of Peers. The Howe of Lords are averse to
Tly'Areat change in the institutions .of the country.
the 1-louse of
'5,141 a change is threatened. What course then can
man who
edeotemsofrTitmupitand
Lords pursue, the judgment of any
believe their Lordships to be the
ctempt, but to proclaim
proper objects
their aversion to violent change, to avow it distincly

. . . .
to their Sovereign and their country, on the very
first c'ay of their deliberations ? It is not the duty
of the House of Lords to pronounce a premature
judgment upon any measure. It is not their duty to
approve or to condemn, by anticipation, this, that,
or the other Bill, which they may expect to be sent
up to them from the other House of Parliament ;
but it is pla;nly their duty, in the circumstances of
the present day, if they are sincerely and conscien•
tiously averse to any sweeping. and radical change
of the Constitution of England, to put an end at
once to the possibility of misapprehension or mis-
take as to their sentiments, by declaring, in their
Address to the King at the commencement of the
Session, that they hold any cl.iange of this descrip-
tion to be unnecessary, dangerous, and pernieicus.
Let it, for argument's sake, be granted that a con-
siderable majority of the House of Common,
backed by a considerable numerical majority of the
country, are in favour of a kind and degree of
Reform, which the Lords, or a great majority of
their number, believe to be pregnant with danger
and calamity, what argument can any rational and
honest man expect from this state of affairs but the
strongest possible argument for a prompt and ener-
getic expression of the opinion of their Lordships
In such circumstances—and they are the very circum-
stances assumed by all those, without a single excep-
tion, who recommend the House of Peers to be silent
and passive upon the subject of Reform--is it not
plain that silence and inactivity on their part would
be a tacit confession of their consciousness that they
have, as a body, lost all hold of the confidence and
esteem of the country—that they are utterly power-
less to stem or to guide the torrent of public opinion
—that there is no longer any hope of their wisdom
or authority producing the least change in the senti-
ments of the misguided community—that already in
effect they have ceased to be an influential and inde-
pendent estate of the realm—that their coronets are
idle and worthless ornaments, which may fall any
day from their brows without detriment to any other
interest than that of their own vanity as individuals ?
We think it impossible that the House of Lords
can have formed so low an estimate of its own
weight and authority in this country, and we are
quite certain that whoever may have formed such
an estimate of it is egregiously incorrect. Ventur-
ing then to assume that the House of Lords has still
some influence upon the mind of the country, and
by necessary consequence upon the votes of the
popular branch of the Legislature, let us endeavour
to compute what would be the probable effect
of a frank and explicit declaration on the part
of their Lordships, that they are utterly and un-
changeably averse to any great and sudden altera-
tion of the institutions of the country, upon the
votes of the present House of Commons in refer-
ence to the Reform Bill of his Majesty's Ministers
—to a Bill which, whatever difference of opinion
may exist as to its necessity or its merits, is in-
tended, as every body admits—its friends quite as
readily as its foes—to produce a great and sudden
change in our national institutions. The most san-
guine of the supporters of the Ministry and the Bill
have never ventured, we believe, to calculate upon
a greater number of Members in its favour in the

new Parliament than three hundred and ninety. But
we will give them four hundred Members, a greater
number than they have ever claimed, who shall be
disposed to vote for the Bill, antecedent to any de-
claration against sudden and sweeping Reform by
the House of Peers. We venture to assert, how-
ever, that such a declaration of the Upper House
would have, and ought to have, some effect upon
the votes in the Lower; because we are quite
certain that a House of Commons upon which
such a declaration could make no impression,
would be, we do not say an imperfect, an inadequate
representation, but no representation of the people
of England, whatever. Then what proportion of
the four hundred Members we have given to the
Reform Ministry would probably correct their views,
in order to assimilate more nearly to the declared
sentiments of the House of Lords ? Is one man in
five too large a proportion ? This would turn the
majority against the Bill. May one man in six be
allowed to change his in deference to
the authority of the House of Peers, or in order to
avert the danger of a collision between the two
branches of the Legislature ? This would leave the
House of Commons nearly equally divided. We
cannot but think that the view of the subject we
have thus ventured to present is worthy of the at-
tentive consideration of such Members of the Upper
House of Parliament as are sensible of the danger
to be apprehended from the revolutionary measure
in contemplation, and have not yet fully made up
their minds to any definite course of proceeding in
order to defeat it.-11fortting Post.

We yesterday received from Warsaw letters and
papers to the 7th June. We have inserted, in atm-
tht r column, a very detailed account of the present
state of things, from an intelligent correspondent.
It will be seen from it that the Hungarians have mot
contented-themselves with mere representations in

. .
behalf of the Poles, but have sent large supplies of
irie, &c. to them, having themselves paid the duty.
This supply the Austrian Government has allowed
to reach its destination. The people of Prussia, too,
sympathise keenly with the Poles : and our corre-
spondent names individuals of high station who have
signalized themselves in their behalf. This is a
most impottant point in extending the prospects of
the Poles. The Russian army is now, thank God,
in a state of great destitution and great demoral,za-
tion, and the difficulties with which it has to con-
tend are of a most formidable character. The in-
surrection has now attained consistency in an im-
mense extent of country, and Diebitsch has been
compelled to detach a large portion of his already
weakened and dispirited army to make head against
the Lithuanians. To retain military possession of a
country so large as Lithuania would alone require a
large army ; and, fired as the inhabitants are by a
desire to avenge the recent atrocities of the Russians,
the latter can only hope to escape des'ruction by not
dispersing themselves. The necessity of keeping
open their communications and collecting supplies
in a hostile country, will force them to disperse,
and thus they will inevitably be cut up in detail.
Thus we find already a bulletin of Skryznecki, dated
the 2d of June, announcing an important advantage
gained by Chrapowski, in Lithuania, which, we have
no doubt, is only the forerunner of many more. The
Warsaw Papers of the 4th June contain a very im-
portant communication from the General-in-Chief
to the National Government, dated June I.—" The
Field-Marshal (he says), tranquil in his retrench-
ments between the Kortrzvn and the Lwiviec, hardly
learned our movements, when the Imperial Guards,
driven even within the limits of that territory (Li-
thuania), pretended to be part of the Russian Em-
pire, opened a way for our first columns. General
Chrapowski and Colonel Serakowski, who com-
manded them, have rejoiced our insurgent brethren
—the one in the Government of Bialystock, the
other in the Palatinate of Augustow—and, in con-
junction with them, have begun to operate on the
communications of the enemy, and to seize the
magazines which he had established in different
places. Finally, the Field Marshal having arrived
by forced marches, and with his numerous battalions
in order to paralyse our operation, the bloody affair
of Ostrolenka gave the corps commanded by General
Gielgud the necessary time to convey efficacious
aid to Lithuania ; for an officer from General Gielgud
has this instant brought me a report, which informs me
that this General advances in the direction which has
been traced for him, without experiencing the slightest
hindrance on the part of the enemy." The Poles
have thus been more successful than they could
even have anticipated in this grand object of organi-
sing Lithuania. The various armies de.ached by
the General-in-Chief and the losses in battle, neces-
sarily weakened the main army ; but it is now as
affective as ever, in consequence of the arrival of'
the detachments which the General says arrive to
him from all quarters, to fill up the void. Now that
this gallant nation, by achievements unexampled in
history, has so nobly made good its title to inde-
pendence, surely England and France will at length
bestir themselves in the cause of justice and buma-

pity. The division of Poland s the great blot in
modern history. The peaceable enjoyment of that great
kingdom by the descendants of the great criminal,
is a perpetual incentive to rapine, for it tends to
beget a belief that there is no such a thing as retr.-
bution in the order of the world, and that the greater
and more flagrant the crime, the greater the security
of the criminal. Let Europe purify herself from thi-
foul stain. Religion and morality in the mouths o'
those who retain the spoil so criminally obtained are
an insulting mockery, and no man who has any faith
in a Divine Providence can drive from him the be-
lief that the sengeance of Heaven will not yet over-
take all who profit by the calamity of the Poles.
For God's sake, then, let endeavours be made by

the Governments who have not to reproach them-
selves with participation in the guilt of Poland's di-
vision, to wrest, that country from the barbarous

spoiler. What is Belgium, that we should perplex
ourselves with it, compared to this great affair of re-
storing Poland to its rank among nations ? If our
rulers will busy themselves with Continental affairs,
Poland demands their attention a hundred times

more than the Belgic provinces. A province more
or less to Prussia or France is, even with regard to
the balance of power, a trifling matter, compared
with the erection of a barrier between Russia and

the West. Austria has even an interest in it; and

we are sure that Prussia would gain by the interpo-
sition of a State from which she could be under no
apprehension between her and Russia. But more-
over it is hardly a matter of choice with the French
Government. The high spirited people of France
are burning with indignation that the Poles should
be abandoned. The manner in which the people
throughout the Eastern provinces (the best and
bravest of the French) have spoken to the King
on this subject, must satisfy him that it will be dan-
gerous to leave the Poles much longer without some
exertion in their behalf. The people of Germany
are liberal and enlightened, and feel warmly for the
Poles. It is impossible that a people who displayed
so much sensibility'for the Greeks, should be indif-
ferent to what is passing in Poland. We take it
then for granted, that the French and English Go-
vernments would experience no opposition in their
generous endeavours to save Poland. Prussia
is not independent of public opinion, and the de-
monstrations noticed in the letter of our correspon-
dent, sufficiently indicate the state of that opinion.
The means of offence possessed by Russia against
France or England, without the aid and instrumen-
tality of other Powers, amount to nothing. But
with the sympathy of the people of Europe so
strongly in their favour, no Government dare at pre-
sent to aid Russia in so unholy an object. - For the
sake, then, of the Pules—for the sake of the future
security of Europe, endangered by the impunity in
the case of Poland, for the sake of the great cause of
good government, which would be in no small ha-
zard in France, should arty calamity to the Poles
stir up the people against their Government—let
some exertion be made. This is not an ordinary
case, and a departure from ordinary courses is called
foe. In letters just published in the shape of a
pamphlet, addressed to Lord Palmerston by Mon-
tague Gore, Esq., on the affairs of Poland, the
writer, after alluding to the exertions of Lord Castle-
reagh at the Congress of Vienna, who declared it to
be " the wish of England to see some independent
Power established in Poland as a separation between
the three great Empires of Europe ;" and to the decla-
ration of Prince Talleyrand, that " of all the ques-
tions to be discussed at the Congress, he considered
the affairs of Poland as incomparably the most im-
portant to the interests of Europe ; if there be any
chance that that nation, so worthy of regard for its
antiquity, its valour, its misfortunes, and the services
which it has formerly rendered to Europe, might be
restored to complete independence." While the
Courts of Austria and Prussia expressed themselves
in similar terms; and the Prince Metternich de-
clared, that Austria would sacrifice some of her own
territory, if by so doing the freedom of Poland
could be ensure d—proceeds with. eloquence to ask,
" Shall this contest be allowed to continue ? Shall
this brave nation be allowed to be immolated at the
shrine of Russian ambition—for we must not forget
how unequal is the contest—and that, however
brilliant are the present successes of Poland, she can
hardly hope to succeed single-handed ? Shall future
history say, that France, that England, admired in-
deed the valour, sympathized with the sufferings, but
held out no succouring hand to Poland ? Shall it be
said, that at the Congress of Vienna, the English Mi-
nister insisted on the maintenance of the national insti-
tutions of Poland; that he declared his master, the
Prince Regent, insisted on their fulfilment; and yet,
that when those ins. itu tions had been in every instance
violated and disregarded, the British Government
with folded arms witnessed the desolation of Poland ?
No ! The high character of the Noble Earl at the
head of the Government, his known attachment to
liberty, and his recorded opinions in favour of
Poland, forbid the idea! Nor can any doubt be en-
tertained that the English Ministers will give all the
assistance to Poland which they can offer, consis-
tently with the regard they owe to the special inte-
rests of England." We are almost certain that the
Governments of France and England will not on
this occasion fail in what they owe to the world at
large,and to their respective nations.—Morn.Chron.
We have before us at this moment a pamphlet,
the contents of which we are anxious to recommend,
not only to those who take an interest in the present
distressed condition of a portion of the people of
Ireland, but also to those who have a more direct
interest in the general and continued prosperity of
the country. It is somewhat quaintly entitled,
" Lish Residence, with suggestions for its partial
adoption," and proceeds from the pen of Mr. Wal-
dron Hill. Of the plan which he proposes for a
permanent amelioration of the condition of the
country we can only partially approve; for the plan
embraces a voluntary contribution (for cultivating
the bogs of Ireland) from England of 300,0001,—
from Scotland of 75,000/...—and from Ireland of
150,000/. Now, supposing that this money were
contributed, without fee or hope of reward, what
would be the result ? Famine would be at an end
while the cultivation of the bogs lasted; but in the
meantime a new population would spring up of the
same cast and kind as that which now exists, and
the famine would recur as soon as the morasses had
been drained and cultivated, or the supply of la-
bour had exceeded the demand. Capital is greatly
wanted in Ireland, and a gradual supply and pru-
dent employment of one-half of the sum proposed
to be contributed, for the permanent relief of the
country, would effect more in the hands of an honest
squirearchy than the whole if left to the discretion
and caprice of persons who either were not ac-
quainted with the state of Ireland, or who, being
acquainted with it, had not sense and honesty ;o
apply it as it ought to be applied. Before, in con-
sequence, any scheme of this kind can become po-
pular, and be adopted, we must have a gentry—a
general Aristocracy—in Ireland—alive to the wants
of the people—resident on their estates—anxious
for their improvement, and as anxious that those en-
gaged in their improvement should be as moral as
industrious in their conduct. This is a sine qua non
first requisite towards the improvement of Ire-
land, and without which we shall never recommend
our countrymen to expend a single shilling, except ill
the shape of charity, towards the improvement of
the country. The author of the pamphlet seems
indeed to be as sensible as we are that no effectual
or permanent progress can be made towards the
amelioration of the condition of Ireland, until the
Aristocracy of the country has become resident •
Ireland
nd t eitt.oyffhei,otataart,
ntwnsdnaiaolnotl
tfii
homb:
ieEae:stnuegan:sival,,tiaetrtinyi
directs,
iletrritaieec,
circulation
fur in one part of the pamphlet he observes--
in
as
fo:tThah.tatut.nhheacpopnlybeionue
are struggling within their walls to promote every goo
where. is the natural and proper influence of the lords ol
where is that sort of influence
great,l that is
mtwt
huee sii
trst. ohbe
property,
operates
ipo
dnea;cat akth.theind r persons,
excellent?hepdrrogo throughout,
g,
i,.
pro-
motes the good of a highly flourishing country' --and it
er lung
prosperous without it,—the personal influence of the land
proprietors and other gentry of the realm? With every

deference to those gentlemen, I say that the prominent
evils of Ireland originate and continue in the absence of
their persons, and the abstraction of their property from
their native country; for I must repeat that no country
can be long prosperous and support its national characn r
of importance, independence, and happiness, without them
and their protecting security for the general interests of
every class of its population." •
And in another he says—
" What, as an instance of the Utah of these observa-
tions, can be more truly lamentable, than that the Irish
peasantry, born vita the same natural right to expect not
only the necessaries but the comparative comforts of life as
those of other countries, are now in almost a state of star-
vation and destitution, driven to the very last resources of
nature for subsistence, with every appearance of
continuance, and most probably frequent occurrence ; and
that there are, in different parts of Ireland, four millions
and a half of acres of uncultivated morass and other land,
a part of which, if duly prepared and in a state of proper
cultivation, under the combined influence of the principals
of the country, and animated by their presence; together
with useful occupation amongst the peasantry, would nit
only obviate such extreme cases of misery, so frequent
amongst them, but most amply provide a sustenance, in
addition to their present supplies, for their whole popula-
tion, including those now spread over the different parts of
Europe, of whose number in England and other countries
some idea may he formed, when it is computed that there
are not less than from eighty to a hundred thousand in and
about the metropolis of London, most of them seeking
that avocation and employment for which they have no
encouragement at home, whereby to obtain a support for
themselves and families, and at the same time so prejudi-
cial to the interests of our own peasantry and artificers?"
These observations by the author of the pamphlet
furnish, we think, a complete justification of those
which we have made; but, at the same time, we
cannot quit the subject without, in the first place,
paying a just tribute of approbation to the talent and
good feeling displayed throughout the pamphlet,
and, in the second, expressing our hope that the
reckless impunity and shameless conduct of. Irish
landlords will have no effect in slackening the. hand
of charity, and retarding subscriptions in behalf of a
famishing people. Let hunger be supplied, and let
us next think of what into be done with those who
have caused it.—Morning Advertiser.

GRAND ENTERTAINMENT TO THEIR
MAJESTIES AT POPE'S VILLA, TWICKENHAM.

(From a Correspondent.)

Their Majesties, and the rest of the Royal Family,
having graciously condescended to honour the Baro-
ness Howe and Sir Wathen Waller with their corn-
pany on Tuesday last, at their magnificent residence,
Pope's Villa, Twickenham, so called, from the cir-
cumstance of the celebrated poet of that name having.
occupied the site formerly, the most splendid prepa-
rations were made for the reception of the Royal
Guest, and about 200 cards of invitation were issued
among the Nobility and Gently to meet their Ma-
jesties, and witness a rowing match, with other
aquatic amusements, on the Thames, and partake of
an ambigu. At an early hour of the morning the
preparations commenced. On the extensive lawn on

' the banks of the Thames a Splendid marquee was
erected for their Majesties and the Royal Family.—
The interior was beautifully decorated with festoons
of artificial flowers on white drapery, the letters
W. A., with a wreath in the centre, composed of
the same sort of flowers, being placed in the rear
of the chairs appropriated for the King and Queen,
which were of an ancient description, with the
Crown of England carved at the top of the backs
of each. There were above a dozen ocher chairs on
either side and in the rear of those of their Majesties,
all of which were decorated with costly velvet. A
new and vet), rich Tuikey carpet was laid down in
the Royal Tent for the first time, and at each end
of the tent were placed two Gothic couches, hand-
somely lined with crimson velvet and rich Tour-
nay. It was ascended by three steps. The exte•
riot was surrounded with Union Jacks and
standards of England, the whole having a good
effect. On the left of the Royal tent a marquee
was erected, under which Mr. %V. Etherington, of
Petersham, with a band of 17 musicians, took their
stations. In a summer-house on the right, and
level with the tent erected for their Majesties, a
valuable silver cup was exposed to view, being the
prise given by the Baroness Howe annually, to be
rowed for by the apprentices of Twickenham, in com-
memoration of her late husband's (Earl Howe's)
victory on the Ist of June, 1794, which was inscribed
on it. On the reverse side was the following :
" His Majesty William IV. entered the Navy, 1791."
Numerous seats were placed in different parts of
the lawn, and the refreshment rooms, under the
superintendence of Mr. Plinkie, of Richmond, were
laid out with the choicest delicacies and liqueurs.
About three o'clock Bishop, Ruthven, Salmon,
Ellis, Ledbetter, and Stevens, of the Bow-street Pu-

lice, arrived at Sir W. Waller's, and shortly after
took different stations in and outside the premises.
Their Majesties were expected at four o'clock, but
some time previous to that hour the river at the
end of the lawn was crowded with boats of various
descriptions, many containing very fashionable com-
pany, and on the towing path on the other side of
the Thames a number of carriages and other vehicles
were drawn up in a line. The spectators continued
to increase every minute, and before the arrival of the
King and Queen several thousand persons had assem-
bled, the day being a delightfully serene one, the
sun shining over the heads of the motley assemblage
with refulgent splendour. The company began to
arrive about four o'clock, and were successively
escorted on to the lawn by Sir W. Waller, where
they promenaded, the band playing several fa-
vourite airs. The Duke and Duchess of Cumber-
land were the first of the Royal Family that arrived.
The young Prince George of Cumberland, ac-
companied by Sir George Quentin, shortly fol-
lowed, and at a quarter to five an avant courier an-
nounced the approach of the Royal party. In the fiat
carriage, drawn by four fine greys, were their Ma-
jesties, the Duke of Brunswick, and the Duchess of
Saxe Weimar. Lady Ely, Madame d'Este, Ladv
Sidney, and Mrs. Wilson, were in the second car.
riage ; and Sir Andrew Barnard and Mr. Davis in
the third. The Duke of Sussex, the Landgravine
off Hesse Homberg, Prince Coburg, Earl Howe (her
ajesty's Chamberlain), and the Countess Howe,
arrived about the same time. His Majesty, who
was attired in a suit of black, first appeared on the
lawn, followed byi his Royal Consort, loaning on
the arm of Sir Wathen Waller. The band instantly
' struck up the National Anthem, and their Majesties
took their seats under the royal tent amid the obei-
sances of the company, and the deafening cheers of
the multitude assembled. At this period the
Endeavour steamer, crowded with fashionable com-
pany, came in front of the lawn among the nume-
rous flotilla of boats, the steam-boat band playing
" God save the King !" and the scene which pre-
sented itself at this period was truly gratifying as it
was splendid and interesting. After the first ebul-
litions of feeling which their Majesties had excited
in the hearts of their subjects had subsided, the
company promenaded the grounds and the magni-
ficent suite of rooms. Among these present we
notice, in addition to those above-named—Earl
Mount-Edgetunbe, Lord Viscount Sidmouth and the
Misses Addington, Sir W. and Lady Wheatley and
the Misses Wheatley, Sir George and Lady Sey
moor, Countess Dowager Poulett, Sir Henry Taun-
ton, Mrs. and Miss Bishop, Mr. and Miss Caroline
Dawkins, Mr. and Mrs. Grenville Penn, Mr. and
Mrs Kirkland, the Misses Byng, Colonel, Mrs., and
Miss Badne, Mr. and Lady E. ttupton, Mrs. Boehm,
Captain Woolmer, Master of the Trinity-house, and
a long list of the nobility and gentry. Preparations
were shortly made for the completion of a boat-race,
which had been commenced on the Ist of June ; but
the last heat,betweeit the two youths who had proved
the best of their opponents,was reserved to be decided
in the presence of their Majesties. The King's
Waterman acted as umpire, and the signal being given
they started. There being only two boats, and the
leading one being so much in advance of the other,
rendered the contest rather uninteresting. A young
man, named Gillett, was declared the victor, who,
with the test of the young men who had competed
for the prize, were ordered to stand at the steps of

the Royal tent. Sir Wathen 'Waller, after presets,
ing the prize to their Majesties for inspection, fine
it with twine, awl gave " The King," with thrl
times three. The toast was rapturously receive+
and the cheering lasted some minutes. The Cu
was then given to the winner, and the youths 0
tired—Sir W. Waller presenting Francis, the secori,
man, with three sovereigns, and rewardin the rel,
for their exertions. Her Majesty then walked root
the lawn, accompanied by her Royal sister and mist
with the company in the most affable rnanno.
During the Queen's promenade she plucked soo,
laurel and flowers, and appeared greatly delights
with the place. On her Majesty resuming her or
she expressed a wish to go on the water, and 1,
Majesty immediately signified the same to Capts
Woolmer, who had the Trinity yacht with his mi
at the end of the lawn, and ✓
preparations for 15
Majesty's reception on board were instantly mad
Her Majesty, the Duke of Cumberland, the Dacha
of Saxe Weimar, the Duke of Brunswick, Print
George of Cumberland, and Lord Howe (her Af!
jesty's Chamberlain), then went on board, Cara
Woolmer acting as steersman; but, owing to t)
vast number of boats, it was some time beta(
the Royal party could get under weigh. They prc
ceeded down the river as far as the Duchess i
Buccleugh's, and returned again without goil!
ashore. His Majesty remained under the tent a
the return of the Royal party, occasionally enteriol
into conversation with those around him. The Kill
shortly afterwards, walked through several of tie
magnificent apartments in the interior. At a quarts
to seven, the Royal party returned to the banquO
ting-hall, where a sumptuous entertainment wel,
given, on services of massive gold and silver. kl°
Majesty entered with the Baroness Howe leanial
on his arm, whom he condescendingly seated on 10
right, and the Landgravine of Hesse Homberg '0
his left. Her Majesty was escorted to her statioo
opposite the King, by Sir W. Waller, and was suf'
ported by the Duke of Sussex on the right, and the
Duke of Cumberland on the left. Covers well
laid at his Majesty's table for about 24, and the side
tables for 22 each. In the library, covers were laid,
for the rest of the company. At their Majesties
table every thing was served up hot, and the enter
tainment altogether was of a sumptuous and princel/,
description. After the Royal party had partaken#
coffee, they entered the grand saloon and the suite
of apartments adjoining, where they continued pr!
menading till near ten o'clock, when their Majesttel
and the rest of the Royal Family departed for St'
James's Palace. The majority of the compel
remained for some time after the departure of theft
Majesties; and the magnificence of the apartment
combined with the costly articles of vertu contained
therein, frequently called forth expressions of de'
light and astonishment. The whole went off with
the greatest eclat, and the company separated highly
delighted with the entertainment and the polite at'
tendons of Sir \Vathen Waller and his amiable lady'
tae Baroness Howe.