The Sun.
London, England, 1849-03-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MARCH 12, 1849.

Atlantic to find shelter in the prairies of Ainerica.*
LAMARTINE, on the contrary, has insisted that, na-
turally, physically, and inevitably, " the slope of
Russia is towards the East.t" An intermediate
party has wavered between the two extremes,
between the excesses of the mob and the
excesses of the tyrants, and its members
have almost hesitated upon which side
they should place the double homage of their alle-
giance and their confidence. MACAULAY has given
a voice to this indecision, where he exclaims, that
some have, with deep sorrow, owned that "it might
be necessary to sacrifice even liberty to save civiliza-
tion.% The solution of all these difficulties, and of all
this hesitation, may be found, however, in the recent
proceedings of the Emperor NlcuoLAs.
On the first evening of the present March we gave
our readers a rapid, but complete and strictly chrono-
logical, narrative of the histories of Moldavia and
Wallachia, commonly called the Danubian Provinces-
We explained that the independence of those princi-
palities was solemnly guaranteed to them by the
written laws of Europe, in compliance with the word-
ing of the capitulation concluded in 1393, between
BAJAZET I. and the Wallachians—the introductory
article of that treaty " resolving and decreeing that
this country (viz., Wallachia) shall continue to be go-
verned by its own laws," and another treaty,
signed in 1.513, extending a similar right of
autonomy also to the province of Moldavia. We
showed, moreover, that while the capitulation between
BAJAZET and the Wallachians in 1393 gave the
Sublime Porte the title of Suzerain., or Lord Para-
mount, over the Principalities, the treaty between
PETER THE GREAT and DEMETRIUS CANTEMIR, the
Prince or Hospodar, denied to the CZAR the right,
since claimed by him, of styling himself the Protector
of the Danubian Provinces. We recounted the
illegal incursions of the Russians, the beneficent
supremacy of the Ottoman Sovereign as nominal
chieftain, the peaceable efforts made by the popula-
tion in the cause of constitutional reform and
legislative improvement, the arbitrary interposition
of the soldiers and emissaries dispatched to Bu-
charest from St. Petersburgh, and the deplorable
calamities under which the Danubian Provinces are
now groaning, in consequence of the cruelties
inflicted upon them by their Muscovite oppressors.
We are now enabled to corroborate those statements,
and to furnish additional particulars, as to the
position of Moldo-Wallachia, from the accounts
which have just been published in • the form
of two authoritative and intelligent pamphlets.§
Even without any written statement of the
conduct pursued by the successive Autocrats towards
Moldo-Wallachia, it would be impossible not to per-
ceive its atrocity from a single glance at the map of
the European continent. It is there visible how
Russia on the one hand, and Austria on the other, have
violated the neutrality of those independent provinces
for the aggrandisement of their own immense terri-
tories. One town after another has been absorbed,
and the elastic frontiers of the robber-empires have
continually stretched in a southerly direction—em-
bracing in turns new plains, new hills, new valleys,
new villages, new roads, and new rivers. Nor is this
spoliation any reason for astonishment, considering
the utter want of principle which characterises the
cabinets of Vienna and St. Petersburgh, the rich allu-
vial soil of Wallachia, the fruitful and undulating
ground of Moldavia, their common helpless-
ness, and the impossibility of their liege monarch
the SULTAN defending them against two such stu-
pendous adversaries. Tuns of wine, granaries of
wheat, forests of timber, mines of copper, lead, and
silver excited the cupidity of the CZAR and the
KAlSER—nothing interposed but the qualms of con-
science— mere bubbles to be blown away by the
breath of an edict or a ukase ! The Porte might
issue his firmans to his heart's content, protesting
against the injustice. What could that effect against
the gorged exchequers of the buccaneering despots
They filched and flourished, annexed and triumphed,
without hindrance or reprisal. And it is thus that
we find Russia in 1812 taking to herself, " at one
fell swoop," nearly the half of Moldavia—namely,
the fine province lying between the Pruth and the
Dneister, called Bessarabia. From all quarters the
unfortunate Wallachians—Roumans as they call
themselves, Vlachs as they are contemptuously desig-
nated by their assailants—experienced a succession of
calamities. Austria availed herself of every oppor-
tunity to benefit by the distribution of her pilfered
fragments. Turkey—mild and generous as her be-
haviour has been in the aggregate—sometimes com-
pelled her to suffer from the incapacity of the Fana-
riots whom she had raised to the dignity of Hospodar
—and sometimes abandoned her to the infamous
assaults of a power too formidable for opposition.
Russia, the most cruel and relentless of
all, allowed no occasion to pass without
availing herself of the advantage to subdue
the nationality of Moldo-Wallachia. From the moment
that the treaty of Karnardji was signed in 1774, the
Autocrat has ground drown the wretched people of
those independent provinces. In addition to all his
preceding harshness, he has assumed to himself the
title of Protector (! ) although the rights of so-
vereignty and interference were expressly reserved to
the SULTAN and from the EMPEROR, both by the con-
vention of Achermann, and by the treaty of Adrianople.
Besides flagitiously claiming this illegal prerogative
of interposition, besides incarcerating the patriots of
the principalities in his dungeons, besides abolishing
their laws, violating their habits, suppressing their
language, pillaging their cities, and tuassacreing their
population, the Emperor NICHOLAS has, within the
last few months, with a matchless and unparalleled
audacity, marched an army of 60,000 men into the
Danubian provinces, and forced Moldo-Wallachia,
already impoverished by his influence and desolated
by his barbarities, to pay for the support of those
very mercenaries who are the instruments of their
ulterior annihilation—
., To lick the hand just raised to shed their blood !"
After allowing the officers to extort large sums from
the inhabitants of Bucharest, after, too, permitting the
privates to steal provisions from the farm-
houses, the AUTOCRAT has given his sanction to a
plan, in accordance with which the troops will be
fed and housed—the quasi-Administration of Moldo-
Wallachia opening a credit at St. Petersburgh, and
thereby saddling the provinces with a national debt
to Russia, which can only be paid by the final resig-
nation of the whole country into the bands of the
EMPEROR. So far have the aggressive and spoliative
designs of NICHOLAS prospered, that it is emphati-
cally declared, by the English pamphleteer (p. 23),
that the "Emperor of RUSSIA reigns no less absolutely
at Bucharest than he does at St. Petersburgh:' In
spite of the benignity of the Turkish Government
(cfaoprabee of
Government has shown itself not only
generous towards we
enlightenment,
ttehnem
en and
r principalities,eadyb uftolriberal, andconstitu-
tional improvement, in regard to its own political in-
stitutions, and in reference to its foreign relations),
befriendsolicitoush
t
e as
Mo theido..wallachian,s young CALIPH-SULTAN is to
anxious as the Divan
bits proved itself to obstruct the insolent passage of
the AUTOCRAT, eminently noble as were the exec
and singularly lenient as
tions of SULEYMAN PACHA,
FUAD EFFENDI has of late become, Russia is treading
down all the barriers built up against her dominating
march, and is speeding onwards with a terrible velo-
cityam awn.
to the realisation of her vast dreams of ambition.
Numerous, however, as are the inducements to the
seizure of the Danubian Principalities, Russia is
actuated by larger motives than those of despoiling
the Hospodar of his dignity, of reducing the Boyards
to the alternative of servitude or banishment, or of
making even that enormous encroachment upon the
territories obedient to the Sublime Porte. She is
labouring on through Moldavia and Wallachia to the
occupation of the whole of the European dominions
of Turkey. Her goal is the sea of Marmara. Her
prize—the possession of which can alone compensate
the AUTOCRAT for his present enterprise—is Con-

Histoire du Cqnsidat et de l'Enipire. Toni. viii,
Bvo. I'aris, 1849.

f Wo think the expression occurs in Lamartine's
pamphlet on " The Polity of Reason," but, at any rate,
it is mentioned by M. de Cormenin.
t History of England, Vol. 11., p. 669. Bvo. London,
1849.

§ The Russians in Moldavia and Wallachia. Bvo.,
PP. 36. Ridgway. London : 1849.
Documents concerning the question of the Danubian
Principalities. Dedicated to the English Parliament.
By D. Bratiano. Bvo., pp. 32. Detkins, London: 1849.
¶ Greeks resident in a quarter of Constantinople,
called the Fanar, who from their talent were selected by
the Divan first to fill the office of interpreters, and ulti-
mAtely to Act as diplomatist:,

stantinople. Constantinople affords the only
clue to the heart of that tortuous labyrinth
of chicanery, the ramifications of which commence
in the Imperial Palace at St. Petersburgh. So soon
as Byzantium shall have been declared the second
city of the Russian empire, the principal object of
Russian ambition will have been accomplished. For
when the standard of the black eagle floats over the
dome of St. Sophia, when the fleets from Kherson and
the other ports on the Black Sea are moored opposite
the mole of Constantinople, the Emperor NICHOLAS, to
employ the memorable expression of his predecessor,
will have locked the door of his house I The Darda-
nelles and the Bosphorus will be impervious to the
united naval forces of the other maritime nations of
the world.

Supposing this to be the case—supposing Turkey
to have fallen a prey to Russia—supposing Constan-
tinople to be a capital of secondary importance to St.
Petersburgh—supposing the occupation of Moldo-
Wallachia to have led (as it will inevitably lead,
unless Western Europe shall declare to the contrary)
to the advance of the Russian battalions through
Roumelia, and of the Russian men-of-war through
the Bosphorus—what would be the consequence of
all these catastrophes to England ? Why the con-
sequence would be disastrous at once to our
moral strength, to our political predomi-
nance, to our naval supremacy, and to our
mercantile speculations. Russia would have gained
the Archimedian fulcrum, and we should have lost it.
She would have violated the laws of nations without
our interposition,—that would be the mortal blow to
our political predominance ! She would have in-
sulted the divine and eternal principles of justice
without our raising our voice in behalf of her victim,
—that would be the fatal wound to the moral strength
of our Government ! She would have closed the
Dardanelles against our vessels through the medium
of its impregnable fortresses,—that would be the
thunderbolt levelled at our naval supremacy ! And
as to the injury done to our commerce by the cap-
ture of Constantinople,—that can be readily estimated
by the amount of our exports conveyed annually,
through the Dardanelles, to the bazaars of Turkey,
to the markets of Persia, and to the whole of the
central trading places of the Asiatic Continent. In
order to render this clear beyond all contradiction,
we transcribe the following statistical table (" The
Russians in Moldavia," &c., p. 33)—from which it
will be perceived that our exports to Turkey have,
within the twenty years last past, increased by about
400 per cent., while those to Russia, within the same
interval, have increased merely by about forty
per cent.:—

DECLARED VALUE OF BRITISH AND IRISH PRODUCE AND
MANUFACTURES, EXPORTED FROM THE UNITED KING-
DOM TO TURKEY AND RUSSIA, IN EACH YEAR, FROM
1827 TO 1846, BOTH INCLUSIVE.
Years.
1827
1828
1829
1830
1831
1832
1833
1834
1835
1836
1837
1838
1839 ...... 1,452,743
1840
1841 1,682,033
1842
1843
1844
1845
1846

The exports to the kingdom of Greece are included
in some of these ,returns; but they are inconsiderable,
not amounting to more than 30,0001. annually.
The real significance of this calculation is, never-
theless, overlooked, if we disregard the circumstance
that, while the population of Russia is 49,000,000, that
of Turkey is merely 1,500,000 ;" that while, moreover,
our exports to the latter country consist of "com-
pletely manufactured articles," those to the former are
entirely composed of "partially manufactured ar-
ticles"—the superior value of the first being estimated
at " nearly the proportion of five to two !" Yet it is
Turkey that we are told to abandon to the designs
of Russia, as concerning in no respect either the in •
terests or the honour of Great Britain I
While the AUTOCRAT is thus assailing the commer-
cial, naval, political, and moral powers of England, he
is bearding this great empire from the very fact of iti
insane forbearance towards himself—a British subject
having been recently seized by the Russian authorities
in Bucharest and conveyed away to a remote dungeon,
notwithstanding the interposition of the English Consul,
Mr. COLQUHOUN.

Shall these things be permitted to pass unnoticed
—from a contemptible pusillanimity or from a
mawkish subserviency to the paradoxes of the Peace
Association ? GOD forbid 1 Or, at that rate civili.
zation and liberty would be sacrificed together, and
barbarism and depotism become in the end victorious.
On the ocean our authority is irresistible, and on
the ocean alone could Russia contend with the
greatness of England. One roar of our guns at the
Eorthern mouth of the Bosphorus, or at the southern
entrance of the Enikaleh—and the nations who are
groaning in Russian fetters on the borders of the
Black Sea would rise simultaneously to effect their
emancipation—the Moldavians and the Wallachians,
the Tartars and the Georgians, the Cossacks and the
Circassians. Nay, the question has been asked
already—" Might not the insurrectionary spirit pos-
sibly extend to Poland or even to Finland?"
England has the power to command obedience to the
laws of Europe—she has the power to vindicate the
rights of humanity. Will she cause those laws and
those rights to be respected ? We ask Lord PALMERS
TON—and we ask him with a profound confidence in
his courage, his statesmanship, and his patriotism.

The debate on the Navigation Laws will be
resumed and (we trust) concluded this evening. If
we are to credit the statement of the First Lord of
the Treasury on Friday evening, every exertion will
be made by the Government to bring the matter to
a division without any further adjournment. Much
will, however, depend upon the course adopted by
the Protectionists. If they are still resolved to interpose
vexatious impediments to the progress of the measure,
if they still desire to consume the public time unne-
cessarily, they may avail themselves of the forms of
the House, and protract the discussion, although
without any rational hope of maintaining the ob-
noxious code, with all its mischievous restrictions.
We cannot, however, suppose that they will so
speedily forget the implied contract entered into at
the commencement of the session—the understanding
that was arrived at, in order to facilitate the dis-
patch of public business. The inconvenience of
having several adjourned debates standing over at
the same time has been admitted on all
sides. It was one of the chief causes that led to the
abortive legislation of last session, which was so se-
verely commented on by the eloquent leader of the
Protectionists on the eve of its termination. Should
the practice again be resorted to; should repeated
motions for adjournment compel a large and decisive
majority to succumb to the will of the minority, some
means must be adopted to abate the intolerable nui-
sance. It will be seen that no reliance can be
placed on the forbearance of Members, and
La Cloture, or some analagous rule, must be
introduced forthwith.

It is not at present necessary to enter into the
details of the proposed measure, or to consider
whether the Ministerial proposition should be modified
in any, and what particulars. Many persons would,
undoubtedly, prefer a complete measure, abolishing
every restriction, and making the shipping trade
perfectly free. The portions of the old law
that have been retained, will not propitiate
the opponents of the measure. Indeed, the
Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Stam-
ford designated them asl" trifling and insignificant
reservations, which in some respects rendered the Bill
absurd, and in others rendered its provisions onerous,
without being compensatory on those on whom the
burden would fall, but which in no respect tended to
remove his objections to the proposal." These minor
points will more properly be decided when the House
is in Committee. At present the question is whether
laanwys, or whether they shall be
alteratienwhatevershallbe made
rinetatihneedprewseintbt
all their acknowledged defects ? Whether, in
fact, the beneficial results of free trade in

** No authAntic census appears ever to have been made
in. the Ottoman empire, but the above is tho rough esti-
mate of a writer in the Encyclopccdiaßritannica; Art.,
"Turkey," did,, 9f 18420

goods are to be neutralised by the continuance of a
monopoly in the carrying trade ? This is the only
point to be decided in the present instance, and we
doubt not that an overwhelming majority will pro-
claim their adherence to the principles of free trade,
and declare that it is expedient to buy in the cheapest
and to sell in the dearest market.

It has been usual to quote ADAM SMITH as an
authority in favour of the navigation-laws. llis
assertion that these enactments " are as ss ise, however,
as if they had all been dictated by the most deliberate
wisdom," has been repeatedly cited as a conclusive
argument against any alteration. We are disposed
to attach weight to everything which fell from that
profound philosopher, and we would therefore gladly
examine the reasons upon which he founded that
opinion. It clearly was not upon economic grounds
that he justified the conclusion at which he had
arrived. The entire tenor of his arguments, the tone
of his reasoning, forbid the supposition. We have,
however, even more unequivocal testimony that he
considered them highly injurious in that respect.
lie himself says—
" The Act of navigation is not favourable to
.foreign
commerce, or to the growth of that opulence which con
arise from it. The interest of a nation in its commercial
relations to foreign nations is like that of a merchant
with regard to the different people with whom he deals,
to buy as cheap, and to sell as dear as possible. But the
Act of navigation, by diminishing the number of sellers,
must necessarily diminish that of buyers, and we are
thus likely not only to buy foreign goods dearer, but to sell
our own cheaper, than if there was a perfect freedom of
trade."

Here, then, is the direct admission that these re-
strictive laws are highly injurious to the trade and
commerce of the country—that the national wealth is
materially depreciated thereby. There can scarcely
be any controversy on that point, which is perfectly
clear. ADAM SMITE' adds--

" As defence, however, is of much more importance
than opulence, the Act of navigation is, perhaps, the
wisest of all the commercial regulations of England."
This, then, is plainly the foundation, and the
only foundation of his favourable opinion of these
laws. His authority may be relied on, and with
even greater dependence, because he is an unwilling
witness who comes from the enemy's camp, but who
is compelled by a sense of justice to make an admis-
sion prejudical to his own side.

Other unimpeachable testimony might be adduced
on the same side to show the injurious results of the
restrictions imposed by these laws. ROGER Co E,
in his celebrated " Treatise on Trade," published in
1671, when the full effects of the law of 1651 were
perceptible, stated that this Act, by lessening the
resort of strangers to our ports,
,had a most injurious
effect upon our commerce. He also asserts, " that we
we had lost within two years of the passing of the
Act the greater part of the Baltic and Greenland
trades." Sir JOSIAH CHILD, who wrote with twenty
years additional experience of th• working of the
law, stated that English shipping employed in the
Eastland and Baltic trades had decreased at least
two-thirds since its enactment, and that the foreign
shipping had proportionately increased. With such
consequences it may well be doubted whether
the obnoxious code really augmented the ma-
ritime power of the country, and rendered
the nation better prepared for defence.
If our commerce was really injured, if we had lost
the greater portion of the Baltic and Greenland
trades, if (English shipping were reduced two-
thirds, while foreign shipping was proportionately
increased, our mercantile marine could not serve as a
better nursery for seamen than if no such deleterious in-
fluences were at work. ADAM SMITH, however, in
another part of his great work, materially modifies his
former opinion, and gives expression to very different

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of Saturday
and yesterday.
The PKESIDENT IVIS determined to dispatch M.
NAPOLEON BONAPARTE to Madrid without delay,
with directions to oppose by every means in his power
the project of the Spanish Government of an armed
intervention for the restoration of the PorE. The
conduct of the POPE in thus urging on the Catholic
Powers to make war on the Roman Republic, for his
personal advantage can scarcely be reconciled with
the pretext which his llneiNEss was pleased to
put forth in the course of last summer for
not joining in the war of liberation against
the Austrians, viz, that as a Christian priest
he felt he ought not and could not go to war. Is his
HOLINESS, then, no longer a Christian priest, or how
comes it that war, which in the summer was sacri-
legious in his eyes, when proposed to be made against
the Austrians, becomes in the winter sacred when pro-
posed to be made in their favour ? On this subject we
find the following in the National:—
"When M. Ledru Rollin txclaimcd on Thursday,
'Let the Pope meditate profoundly on the resolution
which he is about to take, thst as a priest of Christ he
cannot cause the effusion of blood for things which
Christ condemned,' M. Ledru Rollin no doubt was not
acquainted with the note dated Gaeta, Feb. 11, and
signed by Cardinal Antonelli. In this note, which the
Pope has charged the Cardinal Secretary of State to
address to all the Powers, the Sovereign Pontiff, for-
getting his spiritual character, makes an appeal to
foreign intervention to conquer his temporal throne. We
quote textually from the note Since Austria, France,
Spain, end the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, are by their
geographical position in a situation to efficiently co-
operate by arms in re-establishing in the domain of the
Poly See the order which has been destroyed by a horde
of sectarians, the Holy Father, confiding in the religious
interest of these powers, demands with full confidence
their armed intervention, to deliver principally the States
of the Holy See from that faction of wretches, who, by
all sorts of crimes, exercises there the most atrocious des-
potism.' Such are the terms which the priest of Christ,
the evangelical chief of Christianity, speaks of his fel-
low-citizens, and of those whom he formerly called his
children. The Romans, who offered to the Pope to gua•
rantee his spiritual authority—the Romans who only
exact the tree and pacific exercise of their sovereignty,
the Romans are a horde of sectaries, a faction
of wretches, covered with crimes. Alas! can the love
of terrestrial things mislead the heart of Pius IX. to such
an extent, and cause him to forget that, after all, those
whom he qualifies so severely are me❑ and Christians?
Is it worthy of the Sovereign Pontiff, we ask, to abuse
the sacred power with which he is invested to strike with
anathema and devote to eternal damnation the unfortu-
nate citizens, guilty—note this well—not towards the
Church, but towards a temporal sovereign? In the
Catholic point of view, we must blame with energy this
encroachment of the two powers one on the other—the
confusion in acts which arises therefrom—and finally
and especially, that diplomatic calculation which leads
to the employment of spiritual thunders, to punish
faults committed in the laic jurisdiction. It is a de-
plorable thing for religion to come to the aid of poli-
tics, and to endeavour to reconquer a throne by means
of papal curses and priestly excommunications. And,
as it it were not sufficient to alarm Catholic consciences
for the promotion of personal interest, the Pope does not
tsar to make an appeal to violence, to solicit the arms of
the foreigner to crush his subjects' and restore him his
tiara stained by Roman blood. There is not a dispos-
sessed prince who would not be covered by shame by
such a demand of intervention; and, on the part of the
Pope, it is an action for ever dishonourable. And let
us not be accused of exaggerating the disdain with
which such conduct inspires us; we remember that
Pius IX. himself, who demands from Austria, France,
Spain, and Naples, to cooperate by their arms in re-
establishing him on his throne, refused i❑ the month of
May last to declare war to Austria, because, ho said,
as chief of the burnish Church, he could not consent to
shed the blood of his children, the German and Austrian
Catholics. The blood of the Romans is apparently less
precious. Whatever may be the result of this hypo-
critical comedy, to which we could wish to believe the
Pope a stranger, the question of intervention is clearly
laid down. Austria, Naples, Spain, and France are
summoned by Pius IX., not to a congress, but to give
armed assistance—it is not the Pope who complains and
demands aid and protection, but the dethroned Sove-
reign who requires to be restored. This is the moment
for our Government, which is so desirous of being silent,
to act. M. Dreuyn de L'Huys pretends that he has re-
mained faithful to the policy of his predecessors; the
opportunity of proving it is excellent; if Austria and
Naples, as is not doubtful, should invade the Roman ter-
ritory, how many vessels and soldiers will the French
Republic oppose to the aggressors?"
The debate on the Electoral Law was continued
in the National Assembly on Tuesday and Saturday.
An attempt made by M. DEMASURE to modify the
ch. use excluding those who had been guilty of
adultery, by limiting
.the exclusion to those who
should be declared as fit subjects of exclusion by the
courb., was unsuccessful, his motion being rejected
by a majority of 375 to 291. On the motion of M.
GOUDCDAUX, all persons who are contractors with
the Government were declared ineligible; and on
that of M. MATIIIEU DE LA DaostF, persons
who had become bankrupt in foreign countries
were declared ineligible, as well as those
who had become bankrupt in France. In the sitting
of Saturday M. FREDERIC BASTIAT proposed a most
important amendment, viz. that no Minister of
State should be capable of being elected a repre-
sentative, nor should any representative be capable
of being appointed a Minister. This proposition was
referred to the Committee.

A junction has been effected between the Bona-
partists Electoral Committee of M. NAroLaos
BONAPARTE and the Republican Electoral Committee
of the Club of the Institute. M. N APOLEON BONA-
PARTE, who sets off at ()Lee for will return
to Paris before the elections.

The trials at I3ourges still continue, but do not ap-
pear to excite any interest.
The .11oniteur announces that tranquillity is becom-
ing re-established in the provinces.
The Constitutionnel says—
" The rise in the French funds evinces a great ad.
vance i❑ public confidence. It is not, we are informed,
the effect of speculation, but arises from bond fide pur-
chases. Capital, which after the Revolution of February,
had emigrated to England, is now returning to France,
and being invested in the flids. Wu know of instances
of persons, who had sold at 75f., purchasing back at
86r. A number of orders are also arriving from the
provinces. The Government besides appears as confi-
dent in its own credit as the public. It was said that
the Minister of Finances had refused to enter on a con-
terez:ce relative to a loon. He has taken measures to in-
sure the service of the Treasury without augmenting for
the present the consolidated debt. He is prepared to
pay the approaching interest on the Fives, without
having recourse to the 100 millions which the Bank has
still to pay out of the 150 millions loan. It is added that
money is flowing into the Treasury in exchange for the
Bons of the Republic to such an extent that the Govern-
ment is thinking of reducing the interest on them to 5
per cent.
Fifty of the most distinguished officers of the old
Polish Army of Independence left Paris on Friday
for Turin, to take commands in the army of CHARLES
ALBERT.

The Commission appointed on Friday to prepare
a list of candidates for the functions of Councillors of
State elected on Saturday M. FRANCOIS ARAGO as
President, and M. SENARD as Secretary.
The appeal of the five persons condemned to death
for the murder of General DE BREA and his aid-de-
camp, Captain MANGIN, was yesterday rejected by
the Court of Cmsation. The application for mercy is
now before the Minister of Justice, and will be laid
by him before the PRESIDENT of the Republic.
Courts AUTIIENTIQUE, MARCH 10.-French Five per
Cents., 88'. 75c. 891. 88f 75c. 80c. 89f. 89f. 25c. 88f. 75c.
50c. 25c. 50c. 75c. 60c. 89f. 88f. 90c. 75a. 891. 88f. 60c.
75e. 50c. New Loan, 881. 88f. 75c.; Three per Cents.,
581. 571. 75c. 50c. 58f. 57f. 561. 75c. 571. 571.25 c. 10c. 25c..
47f. 56f. 50c.; Bank of France, 2,4001.2,420'1. 2,4251.
2,4301. 2,4501. 2,4601. 2,4701. 2,464 f. 2,4501. 2,425 f.
2,4501. 2,4401. 2,4301. 2,4251. 2,240 f.; Obligations of
the City, 1,1901.; Roman, 69i1.; Belgian Five per
Cents., 1840, 921.,; Ditto, Four-and- a-Half per Cents.,
821 f.; Ilaytian, 2951. 3001. 2951.; Spanish Three per
Cents., 304. Exchange on London, one month, money,
251. 17ie.; three months, money, 25f. 10c.

BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE

LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, MAncn 10:

Boulogne and Amiens, 9%1-Central of France (Orleans
and Vierzon), 13—Namur and Liege, 81/4—Northern of
France, 11►/2--Orleans and Bordeaux, 384—Paris and Rouen,
21%—Paris and Strasbourg, 4% ex in.—Rouen and flarre,
12t—Tours and Nantes, 21,E

G E A NY
AND

THE NORTHERN STATES

NEW AUSTRIAN CONSTITUTION.
The following draft of the Austrian Constitution
was promulgated on the 7th inst. at Vienna :
" We, Francis Joseph, by the Grace of God Emperor
of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, King of Lom-
bardy and Venice, of Dalmatia, Croatia, and Sclavenis,
Lodomeria, and Ills ria; King of Jerusalem,
Archukc of Austria, Grand Duke of Tuscany and Cra-
cow, Duke of Lorraine, of Salzburg, Styria, Karinthia,
Krain, and the Bukowina; Grand Prince of Transyl-
vania, Margrave of Moravia, Duke of Upper and Lower
Sileria, of Modena, Parma, Piacenza, and Guastalla, of
Auschwitz and Zator, of Teschen, Foioul, Ragusa, and
Zara; Princely Count of Hapsburg, Tyrol, Kyhurg,
GOrz, and Gradiska; Prince of Trent and Briden; Mar-
grave of the Upper and Lower Lausitz; Count of llohe-
nembs, Feldkireh, Bregenz, Sonnenberg, &c., Lord of
Trieste, Cattaro, and of the Windish Mark:
" It is now almost a year since our most august pre-
decessor in the empire, the Emperor Ferdinand 1., met
the general desire for political progress by the promise
of free institutions. A feeling of gratitude and of joy-
ful expectation pervaded then the empire. But later
events were ill calculated to answer such just hopes.
The condition of our country on this day fills our heart
with sorrow. Domestic peace has left us. Pauperism
threatens those countries which once were blessed with
plenty. The intrigues of a few disaffected persons force
us still, to our great grief, to maintain an exceptional
state in our capital of Vienna, in spite of the loyal sen-
timents of the great majority of its inhabitants. A civil
war devastates part of our kingdom of Hungary. In
another Crown land the state of war prevents the intro-
duction of organisation—yes, and even in places where
tranquillity is seemingly undisturbed, a spirit of distrust
end hate stalks about in the darkness, gathering crowds
under its standard.
" Such is the melancholy action, not of liberty, but of
the abuse of liberty. To oppose these abuses, to finish
the revolution, is no less our duty than our will.
" In the manifesto of the 2d of December ult. we pro-
nounced a hope that, with God's assistance, and in har-
mony with our peoples, we might succeed in uniting all
countries and tribes of the monarchy into one grand
State. These words of ours were joyfully accepted in all
parts of our empire; they were the expression of a want,
of which, though it was long felt, people had but lately
become conscious; for in the regeneration of the whole
monarchy, in a closer union of its component parts, did
the people's sound sense find the first condition to a re-
turn of order and wealth, and the surest guarantee for
a blessed and glorious future.
" The Diet, convoked by the Emperor Ferdinand 1.,
has meanwhile framed at -Kremsier a Constitution for
one part of the monarchy. We resolved, though (in
consideration of the position of that Diet, during the
events of October—a position which could hardly be re-
conciled to their duty of loyalty to our house) hesitat-
ingly, to allow the Diet time for the completion of its
great task, hoping that assembly would not lose sight of
the unalterable condition of the empire, and that they
would soon and satisfactorily complete their task.
" We regret that we were disappointed in that expec-
tation. After the debates of many months the Consti-
tution remains unfinished. Theoretical discussions,
containing not only great contradictions to the practical
condition of the State, but also opposing all right and le-
gality within the State, have contributed to remove from
us the return of tranquillity, of legality, and of public
confidence; they have filled the minds of the well-dis-
posed with gloomy apprehensions, and they have im-
parted courage and activity to the revolutionary party,
which, though conquered by force of arms, has still ma-
naged to survive its defeat. This has shaken us in our
hopes of that Assembly, in spite of the very respectable
elements which it contains.
" The victorious progress of our armies in Hungary
has, meanwhile, furthered the great work of the regene-
ration of a united Austria, the accomplishment of which
is the aim and end of our life, and the necessity of giving
a durable protection to the foundation of :that work has-
become apparent. A Constitution uniting not only the
countries represented at Kremsier, but also the other
parts of the country, is what the people of the monarchy
expect from us with a just and generous impatience, and
this expectation removes the task of framing the Consti-
tution beyond the limits of the vocation of the Diet.
" We have, therefore, resolved for the whole of our
empire to make to our people a spontaneous gift from
our own imperial power of those rights, liberties, and
political institutions which were promised them by our
august uncle and predecessor and by ourselves, and
which we, to the best of our knowledge and belief,
consider most salutary for the welfare of Austria. We
proclaim, therefore, under the present date, the Charter
of the Constitution for the one and indivisible Empire of
Austria, and we dissolve the Diet now assembled at
Kremsier, ordering its members to disperse after the
publication of this resolution.
" The unity of the whole, with the independence and
free development of its parts, a strong power, protect-
in.- justice and order all over the empire, joined to the
liberty of the individuals, of the parishes, of the coun-
tries of our crown, and of the various nationalities—the
foundation of an energetic administration, equally re-
moved from pinching centralization and weakening dis-
solution, and which gives room for motion to the nobler
faculties, while it protects the peace at home and abroad
—the creation of a system of State economy, which is
frugal, inoppressive, and public—the completion of the
disburdening of landed property for a fair indemnity
by the mediation of the State—the assurance of true
liberty by law—such are the principles by which we
were guided in granting this charter of a Constitution.
" Peoples of Austria ! almost everywhtre in Europe is
human society shaken to its foundations ; the criminal
endeavours of a wicked party threaten it on all sides
with dissolution. But however great the dangers for
Austria and for Europe, we do not doubt of a great and
blessed future for our country.
" In this we rely upon the assistance of Almighty God,
who at no time has abandoned our empire. We rely
upon the good will and the loyalty of our peoples, for
the well-disposed form the great majority among them.
We rely upon the gallantry and honour of our glorious
army.
" Peoples of Austria! crowd round your Emperor,
surround him with your affection and active co-operation,
and the constitution of the empire will not then remain
a dead letter. It would grow to be a bulwark of your
liberty, a guarantee for the power, the splendour, the
unity of the monarchy. Great is the work, but it will
be accomplished by the united forces.'
" Given in our royal capital of 011muta this day, the
4th day of March, in the year of grace, 1849, and
in the first year of our reign.
" FRANCIS JOSEPH.
" SCHWAB ZENBERG. " CORDON.
" STADI " BRUCK.
" KRAUSS. " THINNFILLD.
" BACH. " KULMER.

" We, Francis Joseph 1., by the Grace of God Em-
peror of Austria, King of Hungary, &c.,
"Proclaim, for certain dependencies and Crown lands
of the Austrian empire, viz.—For the Archduchy of
Austria on either bank of the Enns ; for the Duchies of
Salzburg and Styria ; for the Kingdom of Illyria, that
is to say, for the Duchies of Karinthia and Krain, the
princely Counties of Gorz and Gradislta, the Margravate
of litria and the city of Trieste, with the territories ap-
pertaining thereunto ; for the Counties of Tyrol and
Voralberg ; for the Kingdom of Bohemia; for the Mar-
gravate of Moravia ; for the Duchies of Upper and
Lower Silesia ; for the Kingdoms of Gallicia and Lodo-
meria, with the Duchies of Auschwitz and Zator, and
the Grand Duchy of Cracow ; for the Duchy of Buko-
wina ; and, lastly. for the Kingdom of Dalmatia—in
recognition and for the protection of the political rights,
guaranteed to the inhabitants of these countries by the
constitutional form of state which we have accepted, we
decree as follows :

" Sec. 1. The full enjoyment of political liberty and
the right of domestic exercise of the religious confession
are guaranteed to every one. The enjoyment of civil
and political rights is independent of the religious con-
fession, but that religious confession shall not be allowed
to interfere with the political duties of the citizens.
" Sec. 2. Every church and religious society, if recog-
nized by law, has the right of a common public exercise
of its religion ; it has the independent care for, and ar-
rangement of its own affairs; it remains in the possession
and enjoyment of its institutions, legacies, and funds, de-
•oted to objects of worship, instruction, and charity,
but, as every other company and association, it remains
subject to the general laws of the state.

" Sec. 3. Science and scientific: instruction are free.
Every citizen of the state is entitled to found or conduct
institutions for instruction and education, after having
given satisfactory proofs of his competency. Domestic
instruction is not subject to this limitation.
"Sec. 4. The general education of the people is to be
provided for by public institutions, and in parts of the
country which are inhabited by a mixed population it
will be provided for in such a manner, that the tribes
which form the minority shall likewise enjoy the neces-
sary means for the culture of their language, and for
their education in the same. The instruction in religion
in the national schools is to be taken care of by the
respective churches or religious associations. The state
has the supreme control over the affairs of instruction
and education.

" Sec. 5. Everybody has the right of a free expression
of his opinion, by words, by writing, by print, and by
drawings or paintings (bildliche darstellung). The press
is not allowed to be put under a censorship. Repressive
laws shall be published against the abuses of the press.
" Sec. 6. The right of petitioning belongs to every-
body. Petitions under a joint name shall not be made
unless it be by authorities or legally recognised asso-
ciations.

" Sec. 7. Austrian citizens have the right to assemble
and to form associations if the end, or the means and
the manner of the meeting or association, are not opposed
to the law or dangerous to the state. The law will limit
the execution of this right as well as the conditions unser
which the rights of associations or corporations may be
acquired, exercised, and lost,
" Sec. 8. Individual liberty is guaranteed. The ar-
rest of a person, with the exception of a seizure in
fiagrante, shall not take place unless it be on the
strength of a judicial warrant, in which the motives and
reasons of the arrest are stated. This warrant is to be
shown to the arrested person either at the time of the
arrest or within twenty -four hours after it has taken
place.
" Sec. 9. The police are bound to liberate persons
whom they have taken into custody within forty-eight
hours, or to deliver them into the hands of the judge of
the district. . . .

Sec. 10. A man's domicile is inviolable. Domici-
liary visits or the examination or seizure of papers is
admissible only in the cases and under the forms pro-
vided by law.
" Sec. 11. The secrecy of correspondence shall not be

violated, and letters shall not be seized unless in time of
w3r, or on the strength of n judical warrant.
"Sec. 12. In the els, of a war, or of disturbance% in
the interior of tlio country, the provisions of tno pars.
graphs 5 to 11 inclusive admit of a tempur:.ry and local
suspension. Further particulars in this respect shall be
provided by law.
" Sec. 15. Our Council of Ministers is instructed to
make draughts of provisional decrees for the execution
of these paragraphs, and to submit the same to our
sanction.

" FRANCIS JOSEPH.
" SCHWAR Z ENDERG. " CORDON.
" STADION. " BRUCK.
" KRAUSS. " THINNFELD.
" BACH. KUL➢IER.
" Olhnutz, March 4."

HI.
" CONSTITUTION FOR THE EMPIRE OF
AUSTRIA.
CHAPTER I.—TREATING OF THE EMPIRE.
" Section I.—The Empire of Austria consists of the
following Crown lands, viz :
" The archduchy of Austria on either bank of the
Enns; the duchies of Salzburg and Styria; the king-
dcre f Elyria (consisting of the duchies of Karinthia
and Brain, the princely counties of z and Gradiska,
the margravate of Istria, and the city of Trieste, with
the territorit a 'hereunto appertaining); the princely
county of Tyrol and Voralberg; the kingdom of Bohe-
mia; the margravate of Moravia; the duchies of Upper
and Lower Silesia, the kingdoms of Gallicia and Lodo-
merits; with the duchies of Auschwitz and 'Gator and the
grand duchy of Cracow; the duchy of Bukowina; the
kingdoms of Dalmatia, Croatia, and Slavonia, with the
territories of the Croatian coast; the city of Fiume, with
the territories thereunto appertaining; the kingdom of
Hungary; the grand duchy of Transylvania, inclusive
of the Saxish country and the counties of Kritlzas,
Middle Szolnok, and Zarand; the districts of Kovar and
the city of Zilah; the territories of the military border
and the kingdoms of Lombardy and Venice.
" Sec. 2.—These Crown lands form the free, indepen-
dent, indivisible, and indissoluble constitutional Austrian
hereditary monarchy.
" Sec. 3.—Vienna is the capital of the:empire, and the
seat of the Imperial power.
" Sec. 4.—The independence of the individual Crown
lands is guaranteed within the limits fixed by the con-
stitution of the empire. _

" Scc. 5.—A1l tribes have an equality of rights, and
each tribe has an inviolable right to preserve and foster
its nationality and language.

" Sec. 6.—The limits of the empire and of the indiri
dual Crown lands cannot be changed, unless by special
law.

"Sec. 7.—The whole of the empire forms one single
area for customs and commerce. Customs in the country
shall not be introduced, under whatever ;name or title it
may be, and such customs, wherever they exist, shall be
abolished. The separation of single places and parts of
districts from the area of import duties, and the annexa-
tion of foreign districts to the same, fall within the pro-
vince of the Imperial power. _

"Sec. arms and colours of the Imperial dig-
nity and of the several Crown lands shall be retained.
" CHAPTER IL—TREATING OF THE EMPEROR.
" Sec. 9.—The Crown of the empire and of each
single Crown land is hereditary in the house of Haps-
burg-Lorraine, according to the Pragmatic Sanction,and
the Austrian family laws.

" Sec. 10.—The provisions of the Austrian family
laws respecting the coming of age of the successor to the
Crown and the appointment of a Regency remain such
as they are.
" Sec. 11.—The Emperor takes the titles of a Grand
Duke of Cracow and a Duke of the Bukowina, in addi-
tion to histormer titles, dignities, and honours.

" Sec. 12.—The Emperor is crowned as Emperor of
Austria. Further regulations shall be provided by a
special statute. _

" Sec. 13.—At his coronation the Emperor takes his
oath on the constitution. That oath shall be taken by
his successors, and by the Regent at the commencement
of his office.

" Sec. 14.—The Emperor is august, inviolable, and
irresponsible.
" Sec. 15.—The Emperor has the supreme command
of the armed poe er, either personally or by his generals.
Sec. 16.—The Emperor decides in matters of peace
and war.

" Sec. 17.—The Emperor receives • Ambassadors and
sends them, and he concludes treaties with foreign
Powers.

" Sec. 18.—The Emperor proclaims the laws and pub-
lishes the decrees respecting the same. Each decree
must have the counter-signature of a responsible Minister.
" Sec. 19.—The Emperor appoints the Ministers, and
he dismisses them; he appoints to all offices in all
branches of the Administration; he confers titles, orders,
and distinctions. '

" Sec. 20.—The administration of justice throughout
the empire is carried on in the name of the Emperor.
" Sec. 21.—The Emperor has the right of granting
free pardons and of the commutation of punishments,
excepting always certain further provisions with respect
to the Ministers.

" Sec. 22.—Coin is struck in the name'of the Emperor.
" CHApTEn lII.—..TREATING OF THE CITIZENSHIP ON

THE EMPIRE.

" Sec: 23.—For all peoples of the empire there is but
one getteral Austrian citizenship. A special law shall
deterniine the conditions under which it may be acquired
or lost.

" Sec'. 24 .—ln no Crown land shall there be any dif-
ference between its native and those of another Crown
land, neither in the administration of civil or criminal
justice, nor in the ways and manners of justice, nor in
the distribution of the public burdens.
" The verdicts of the courts of justice of all Austrian
Crown lands are equally binding on all.
" Sec. 25.—N0 limit shall be put to the right of each
citizen to settle wherever he pleases within the confines
of the empire. Emigration is restrained only by the
fulfilment of military service.
" Sec. 26.—Serfdom, no matter of what kind or de-
nomination, is abolished. A slave becomes free by
touching Austrian ground, or going on board an Aus-
trian ship.

" Sec. Austrian citizens are equal before the
law and before the courts of justice.
"Sec. 28.—Public offices are open to all persons pull.
fied for the same.

" Sec 29.—Property is under the protection of the em-
pire; it can only be limited or withdrawn for purposes
of public benefit, and in consideration of a legal indem-
nification.

Sec. 30.—Every Austrian citizen has the right to ac-
quire landed property of all kinds in all parts of the em-
pire, and he is likewise entitled to the practice of any
trade or profession which the law permits.
" S(c. 31.--The removal of property within the con-
fines of the empire is not subject to any restrictions.
Duties, upon property removing into foreign countries
shall only be taken on the principle of reciprocity.
" Sec. 32.—A1l dues, works, or payments attached to
or weighing upon landed property, he they caused by
servitude or by former division of property, shall be paid
off at the plt.asure of the landowner, nor shall it in future
be legal to divide property so as to load one part of it
with a permanent burden.

"CHAPrER IV.—TREATING OF THE IMPERIAL DIET.
" Sec. 33.—The General Austrian Imperial Diet shall
consist of two houses, viz., of an Upper House and of a
Lower House, to be convoked every year by the Em-
peror.
" Sec. 34.—The Imperial Diet assembles at Vienna,
but the Emperor has power to convoke it to any other
place.
" Sec. 35.—The Upper House is formed by deputies,
to be chosen by the Crown lands from the members of
their respective provincial diets.

" See:36.—Their number is one-half of the constitu-
tional number of the Lower House.
"Sec. 37.—The two members which each Crown land
sends to the Imperial Diet are required to be in the en-
joyment of all their civil and political rights; they must
have been citizens of the Austrian empire for at least
five years, and they must be 40 years of age.
" The other members of the Upper House shall be
elected by the Diet among citizens possessing the above-
named qualifications, and paying at least 500 florins
(441.) direct taxes.
"In those Crown lands in which the number of citi-
zens so taxed does not amount to the proportion of 1 to
6,000 souls, that number shall be completed by such
citizons whose taxes come nearest to the above-named
census.

" Sec. 38.—The Lower House proceeds from general
and direct elections.

" The franchise belongs to every Austrian citizen who
is of age, who is in the full enjoyment of civil and poli-
tical rights, and who either pays the annual amount of
direct taxes fixed by the electoral law, or who, on account
of his personal qualities, possesses the active franchise of
a parish of an Austrian Crown land.

"Sec. 39.—The elections for the Lower House are to
be held in the districts and the places fixed in the elec-
toral law, which likewise determines the number of the
deputies, in proportion to the population. These num-
bers are to be at the rate of one deputy to 100,000 souls.
" The electoral law is to determine the aforesaid an-
nual contribution to the directitaxes in each Crown land,
with reference to the peculiar condition of each, on the
principle that, in the country and in towns of less than
10,000 souls, the amount of taxes required shall be not
less than five florins (nine shillings), and in towns with
more than 10,000 inhabitants, not less than ten florins
(18 shillings), but that the sum of 20 florins shall not
be exceeded on any account.

" Sec. 40.—A candidate for the Lower House must
have the franchise; he must be an Austrian citizen, and
not under 30 years of age.
" Sec. 41.—The votes to the elections fur either house
are given by word of mouth and publicly.
" Sec. 42.—A member elect, if a Government officer,
cannot be denied leave of absence.
" Sec. 43.—1 f a member of the Diet accept a publie
salaried office his election is void, unless he be re-elected.
"Sec. 44.—The members of the Upper House are
elected for ten years; those of the Lower House fur five.
They may be re-elected.
" S, c. 45.—The members of the Lower House receive
an indemnification, but not those of the Upper House.
" Sec. 46.—Nobody can be a member of both houses at
one and the same time.

" Sec. 47.—Each member of the Imperial Diet has to
take his oath of fealty to the Emperor and the constitu-
tion of the empire.
" Sec. 48.—The members are not allowed to receive in-
structions, or to vote by proxy.
"Sec. 49.—Either house has the right to inquire into
and decide on the election or its members.
`Sec. 50 —Each house elects its President and its
Vice-Presidents for the session.

" Sec. 51.—N0 resolution is legal without the pre•
sence of the msjority of the constitutional number of
members. _ _ . _

"Sec. 52.—Secret voting, with the exception of votes
at elections, shall not take place.
1‘ Sec. 53.-4 re59113t1911 ON Quly b 9 mob by a lib'