The Sun.
London, England, 1849-07-28 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING- JULY 28, 1849.

that he was quite satisfied with the Govern Or's conduct.
Those who stood in the way of affording to Lord Tor-
rington a means of clearing. Lis character were his
worst friends.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM reminded the House that
they were sitting in a judicial inquiry. He knew no-
thing of the facts of the case, but from what he heard he
thought it was impossible that the inquiry could close at
the present point. He thought that the Linder-Secretary for
the Colonies had not shown his usual judgment in re-
jecting the alternative which had been proposed to him
by the Committee. He did not think that the mode
proposed in the motion was the best way to continue the
inquiry. He thought that the best way would be for
the Government to come to some arrangement with the
supporters of the motion.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL would not be unwilling that
the Committee should re-assemble at the commence-
ment of next session.
Mr. HAVES wished to state to the House that he
never had an idea that the Noble Lord's (Lord Hotham)
motion would have come on the day it did.
After a short discussion, the gallery was cleared, when
there appeared—

For the motion
Against it ...
Majority
(LEFT SITTING.)

33
90
-57

tical party, whose interests were not in unison with theirs.
—(fleer.) He thought it would be bad taste on all occa-
sions, to lavish abuse upon any Government; the fact
was, that the people made the Government.—(Cheers.)
Governments were neither better nor worse than the
people deserved to have. if they approved of the
principles of the present Government, as he did of some of
them, but certainly not of all—then by all means return
a person who would support the Government; bat if they
complained of the conduct of Government, it was their
duty to send a man to Parliament, who would oppose, or if
necessary, to depose that Government; or if they com-
plained of the conduct of the House of Commons, and
thought that the composition of that House was too aris-
tocratical and exclusive, it would be their duty to send a
man who would reform and enlarge it; they must not ex-
pect to " gather grapes from thorns, or figs from thistles."
(Hear and applause.) They must not expect to taste of
the fruits—the pleasant fruits—of en economical Govern-
ment, when they filled the hall of the Legislature with
men who had a direct interest in every species of extra-
vagance.—(Cheers.) They must not expect that the
interests of the people would be the paramount considera-
tion with a mob of courtiers, place:nen, scions of the
aristocracy, with patrons of church livings, with men of
war, and railway directors!—(Loud cheers.) Remem-
ber that the House of Commons is, or ought to be, the
people's house. Re member that each of them were
individuals or members of that great and paramount in-
terest from which Church and State, army and navy, the
stock exchanges and share markets derived their suste-
nance, and drew their life and vitality—(Hear)—and he
would wish them to take care that their voice should—
at least somesimes—be heard amidst that din of vested
interests.—(Cheers.) They would understand by this that
he was not particularly enamoured with the present
House of Commgooonds;exsatimllptlhoe,reauwdasoesrotmaientlhyiisign ienxawm-hpicllei
might all imitate to advantage—viz., that
wthheiychhattseeyt a
they had lately set their faces against long Bills,
and also against long speeches; and really he thought
that long speeches was one of the greatest abuses of the
present times.—(Hear, hear.) He did not think that the
interests of truth—or of political truth, at .all events—
were in any way served by lengthened declamation
either on the hustings or in the House of Commons, there-
fore he would drew their attention to his views on
some subjects of public interest, and the brevity
with which he should utter them he hoped would not be
attributed to any want of candour on his part, inasmuch
as he should be ready to answer any question which any
person might think proper to put to him.—(Hear.) With
respect to tree trade, he would state that he was a " free
trader" in the general acceptation of the word.—(Cheers.)
He was specially anxious that the principles of free trade
should be carried out to their fullest extent, because there
seemed to be some doubt as to the soundness of the prin-
ciples; if they were unsound, the more fully they were
carried out the more this would appear, and if they really
were sound, the greater would be the advantage gained
by the country from the experiment —(lean) Free-trade
seemed to him to imply, as a necessary adjunct to it, a
cheap and economical government, because as free-trade
signified nothing more than a severe competition between
the labours of individuals, whether native or foreign, it
was absolutely necessary that the burdens of the country
should be reduced to the smallest;possiblecompass, in order
that the native might not be exposed to disadvantage
with the foreigner. The principle of free-trade ought
to be carried out in every possible way, and not con-
finedwe l that tn
any
inny tphaertipcurelaserottlaisntga.te Hoef
skonceiewtypeirtfeextulys
difficult to deal with great corporate bodies and
interests, such as those of the aristocracy, and Church
and State, which for many centuries had been inter-
woven with our social fabric. He admitted they required
delicate handling lest those who advocated reform
should, by adherence to their individual crotchets,sacrifice
the cause of gradual progress, which was in harmony
with our excellent institutions. It seemed to him that
a person like himself, who professed Liberal opinions,
and was addressing himself to a constituency which
was Liberal, could not do less than pledge himself
to resist any farther encroachment of the aristocrati-
cal principles ; he could not do less than op-
pose the stream of pensions and places which
gave the aristocracy so much of their interest and
vitality ; he could not do less than resist any further
endowment of the State for religious purposes—(Ap-
plause)—and he could not do less than resist church-
rates, and all other compulsory payments for religion.
—(General cheering.) If he could not go so far as
this, in what respect, he would ask, did he differ from
the most violent Tory ? and how could a constituency
that demanded less than this, venture to enroll itself
among reform constituencies ?—(Loud cries of "Hear,
hear," and cheering.) With respect to the ballot and
the extension of the franchise, could anything be more
clear than the course which a man should take professing
Liberal opinions? Could anything be more clear—
without attaching an undue importance to it—than that
the ballot was desirable and useful as far as it went, to
prevent intimidation on the part of masters and land-
lords? As to the franchise, could any man dare to
deny that the extension of it hitherto had not been of
advantage to the country? Were they prepared to retrace
their steps, or did they mean to go further? Would any
one tell him that any extension of the suffrage, be it
small or be it great, which was the result of a thoughtful,
rational, and constitutional education of the people, was
disastrous?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Would any
one tell him that the broader they made their political
edifice the less secure it was lilsdly to be?—(Cheers.)
Would any one tell him that it was possible to deny an
extension of the suffrage, as people became more instruoted
and more enlightened? He would till them that, what-
ever Me mbers of Parliament, or demagegues, or Acts of
Parliament, or parchment, or any other document might
say to the contrary, that there was but ore power in this
world, and that was knowledge; thesefore, it was impos-
sible that an extension of suffrage could be denied to an
intelligent people.—(Applause.) The remedy was now
in their own hands, and, if he wefe returned to Parlia-
ment, be would be prepared to advance in this step of
enlarging the political basis. lie was not a political
adventurer; he was a person who had some stake in
this country, and he did most firmly and conscientiously
believe that the safety and prosperity of this country
was mainly dependent upon principles of a popular
description, being held by men of independence; and
waiting, as he should do, to hear anything they
might have to say, he would submit himself to any
catechization they might think necessary. Ile
would conclude by saying, that if he should
be returned as their Member, he should endea-
vour to give his support to those commonly called the
" movement party ' Messrs. Cobden, Hume, and
Bright.—(Enthusiastic cheering.) Those men were
known for their projects and plans for the improvement
of the social and financial condition of this country, and
especially for a retrenchment of those great superfluities
in every branch of the public expenditures which pressed
so heavily upon the working bees of the social hive.—
(Hear.) He should endeavour to know no other interest
than those of the people from whom he sprung, and
which, he believed to be, inseparably connected with his
own.—(Mr. Gardner resumed his seat amidst universal
acclamation.)
The CELAIRMAN wished to know the opinion of Mr.
Gardner on the subject of capital punishment.
Mr. GARDNER replied that this was a question too
important for a person who came forward as a candidate
not to have considered; but he should be wanting in
candour if he were to say that be fully agreed with the
extreme views which some held. He had not yet been
able to se his way clear to vote for the abolition of the
punishment of death in case of murder.--(Hear, hear.)
For other cases it did not appear to him to be necessary.
As to the question of national education, and of Go-
vernment making grants to one sect of religionists in
preference to another,
Mr. GARDNER said, that he considered the question of
the education of the people ought to be taken up, not by
the Government, but by the nation at large. He did not
think that the present system, which was a kind of com •
promise, was good; the principle of Government grants
was unsound, inasmuch as it endorsed the principle of
Church and State, thus giving them an influence and
control over Diesenting schools. Besides, the grants
being proportioned to the amount of local subscriptions,
gave to the wealthy party, and which least needed it, the
greatest amount of support. He also expressed himself
in favour of arbitration in cases of national disputes.
Mr. CIIIVERS inquired if Mr. Gardner would be dis-
posed to vote for an alteration in the present system of
tithes, remarking that a great depression overhung the
agricultural interest, and he was anxious to see the hard
working farmer relieved from the burdens which now
crippled his energies.
Mr. GARDNER said he was opposed to all compulsory
payments for religious purposes.
When he was asked by an elector if he was prepared
to vote for the repeal of the window-tax, malt-tax, and
income-tax, Mr. Gardner remarked that he was in
favour of a reduction of the expenditure, but he could
not pledge himself to vote for the repeal of these it other,
and perhaps more objectionable taxes were tobe imposed
to meet the necessary expenses of the State.
A great many questions were put by persons from the
body of the hall, and Mr. Gardner, in reply, stated that
he would support Mr. Hume's proposition for household
suffrage; oppose church-rates; and that in the abstract
he was opposed to the principle of the connexion be-
tween Church and State, believing that no civil magis-
trate or power had any right to interfere in matters of
religion. All the answers of Mr. Gardner to the various
interrogations appeared to give unqualified satisfaction
to the large meeting.
Mr. MORLEY said that he rose with much pleasure, to
submit a resolution to their consideration, fully
believing that it would be unanimously carried. He
was quite sure the statement they had heard from
Mr. Gardner had given general satisfaction, if
he might judge from the repeated cheering which
followed the declaration of his sentiments. He
(Mr. Morley) thought that that gentleman had touched
upon every important subject that was before the
public in the present day, and from all he heard he be-
lieved that if Mr. Gardner was returned he would go as
an independent man to the House of Commons, and
represent this borough in an honest and upright manner,
unflinchingly advocating civil and religious liberty, the
rights of conscience, and every other good and useful
measure in which they all would feel the deepest in-
terest.—(Applause). Mr. Morley concluded by moving
" Thai this meeting, having heard with much satisfac-
tion the political opinions of Richard Gardner, Esanvdrsete
spectfully request that gentleman to become e..
pledgesat the
itself ensuing
to
giveelect foras
earnestthi s bo
sr borough,
trim -i which, on
Mr. P. Dives seconded hcarried b
universal ac-
to the meeting, was y
being put
chimation. .aajid hereby
pthuitshtestimony
n
approbation, and that
thew
of their the regisation committee, in ae-
communication with He assured them h
.at e
with their desire..
gratifiedubldy
cordance
Mr. GARDNER said he was
would
thing on the platform, and another in the House
be true to his profession, and that he would not
say one
of Commons.
A vote of thanks to the Chairman was proposed by Mr.

Gardner, and seconded by Mr. Exall,
unanimously.
The CHAIRMAN returned thanks, and urged upon the
Liberal electors an early atteedance at the poll on the
day, when appointed, to secure the return of their friend
Mr. Gardner.
The meeting broke up shortly after nine o'clock, giv-
ing three hearty cheers for the Liberal candidate.

It was carried

COWES, ISLE OF WIGHT.
JULY 27, 1849.
(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)
ROYAL YACHT SQUADRON INTELLIGENCE.