The Sun.
London, England, 1838-01-02 00:00:00

MR. PAPIN EA U.

Louis Joseph Papineau, who for some yenta past, has occu.
pied the most enn,pieueus position in Canadi to altirs, is
API in the prime of life, being ab tut 43 years of asre. lle
is a nota-y by profession, and posse.sses a handsome fortune,
as there is no country in the world where litigation i= so
virulent and lucrative to its ministers as in Lower C4nada.
Mr. Papineau is well-informed for a Canadian ; is a fair
water, being more a d claimer than a reasoner; pas-
simate invective conveyed in a fluent torrent of werds is
his reason and his facts; and heir.,-; inteme7y convinced
of the justice and holiness of his cause, and that Great
13,itain is determined to oppress its Corny, all the energies
of his mind have been devoted since 1825 to an indiscriminate
and uncomprising hostility to every measure of the provincial
a-lministration. He is a man of ungovernable inissioes in
everything relating to politics, and holds everything British or
American in utter abhorrence. He looks :upon commerce as
an innovation, and its extension as corrupting. the innocence
and simplicity of his countrymen ; agriculture is with him
their natural vocation ; and in the prosperity of merchants he
sees the commencement of a system by which their lands will
be are ted from the seigneurs and farmers, by the sure
but gradual progress of trade, and the necessary muta7ion of
real property, He is hostile to the diffevion of the English
language, as he considers its propagation as a latent and
dangerous atr:iliary to the disseminatioo of the modern prin-
ciples of business ; as teaching his ignorant countrymen new
wants, and a means of emancipating themselves front the
brutal tyranny of their griping feudal mastery. Such a man's
political prejudices ensure his integrity ; and his vanity will
always make him adhere to the party Where his pretensions to
suprenetcy a.,•te undisputed.
Mr. Papincau, however, has one faili.tg which inca-
pacitates him Lem being so dangerous to the Govern-
, ment as he otherwise might be—a,.d that is a want of per-
sonal courage. He is a loud-tongued and zealous as-
sector of the rights of the H,use of Assembly, and a bold and
unmeasured denouncer of the Government and its Admi-
nistrators ; he has charged Lord Dalhousie, Lord Aylmer,
and Lord Gosford with almost every political crime and
perzonal corruption that public or p:ivnte men can be guilty
of ; but when he has assailed individuals in society in like
manner, and they have called him to account and demAnded sa_
tisfaction, he his invariably explained away his charges, or re.
fused the reparation required.
In the late affiirs at St. Charles, he rerneve I to a place of
safety when that fort was menaced by the tro Ts; and with all
the zeal and energy of Catiliae, he will never jeopardise his
bodily safety like that haughty and bold-spirited Retolutionist.
—New York Herald.

PRIZE ESSAY.-The premium offered to public
comp•:•thion for the btst essay on " The ;resent emr3ition of
the people of this country, and the best means of improving it,"
by the Literary and Scientific Institution, East Road,
Poplar, has been rewarded by the arl.kratori to Mr. Thomas
Macconnell.

Saturday, at Deptford Petty S.ssions, Mr. Henry
Morley, master baker of the Victuailinz-yard, was summoaed
by Warman, one of the relieving oilicrs, for refusing to sup-
port his w:fe, whereby she became eh zrg,rable to Deptford
parish. Mr. James, clerk to the guaalian3, sup:)ort, d the
charge, and contended that Mr. Morley w::s bound to maintain
his wife ; lie had a lucrative and permanent situation under
Government, and was able to do so. A s lieitor, who attended
on the part of Morley, submitted to the bench that his client
was nut bound to suppmt his wife, who was a worthless drunken
woman, which fact was fully proved. The court was ordered
to be cleared, and the magistrate, after a loog consultation,
(LtniFscd the case.

On Sunday morning, as some workmen were en-
gaged in raising the body of a new locomotive engine from a
boat in the canal at Camden-town, a portion of the t.mklo
gave way, and the ponderous mass, weighilg about six tons,
fell on to the bridge, which was much damag,A. Fortunately
it did not force is way through to the canal, or the mischief
w,,uld, of course have beer, much i creased. An engine:,
who was engaged in directing the e'eration, bad the mi<fin_
tune to be dashed to the ground, and narrowly escaped bein;
clashed. As it was he received exteLsive injuries on the hei d,
and was immediately conveyed in a dclir:ous state to the hos-
pital. He was so violent in his excited state that it required
the aid of three men to retain him on the litter used f This re-
moval. On surgical examination it was not thought that there
was any d sager of a fatal result.

Seidelmann, one of the most distingu!shed actors of
the German stage, has been suddenly dismissed from the
Stuttgart theatre, with orders to leave the city within three
days, in consequence of a disagreeable scene between him and
the Intendent.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We are favoured:by the Irish papers with additional and
-highly satisfactory proofs of the palmy state of protection
for house, home; and life, which the Protestants and
Loyalists of Iceland enjoy under that grand pacificator,
'Constantine,, cificator,
Constantine', Earl of Mulgrave. The Irish intelligence in
the Tunes of yesterday contained evidence from. the
DrtNin Gazette of three murders, three housebreak. Inge,
o'ae case of felonious levelling of houses, and one of felo-
.sious house robbery, all within the last fortnight of the
month of December. To which illustrations of Mul-
-grave tranquillity the un-official papers add, two murders
consummated, three attempted, three desperate assaults,
meaning in Ireland ferocious attacks upon helplessindi-
viduals, who are, in most instances, left for dead, and
left unkilled for no other reason than that life ap-
pears to be extinct, One example there is also quoted
of conspiracy to get a man hanged by falsely ac-
cusing him of Murder' ! We have omitted numerous other
eases of ouATageous outrage referred to in the abeve papers,
and one and all hearing witness to the blessed fruits of
that "religious instruction" for which the Popish mul-
ftucle of Ireland are indebted to their priests, no less
than to the wisdom or integrity of those philanthropists
'oho cry out for a diversion of the funds now lawfully be-
longing to the Protestant clergy into the hands of the
Romish hierarchy of Ireland, under pretence of providing
for the "education of the people I" Of the clamourers for
this species of priestly education, that is to say of educa-
tion for purposes subversive of pure morality and hostile to
the Protestant state, the loudest, as might he expected, is
Mr. Daniel O'Connell. It is in perfect keeping, like-
wise, that of all the enemies to a system of legalized re-
lief and comfort for the destitute poor of Ireland, the most
inveterate adversary should be the same Mr. Daniel
O'Connell ; and since the sort of practical (misnamed
" spiritual") guidance under which the peasant mul-
titude are placed, awl the sort of precepts which are in-
culcated upon them by their exemplary pastors, expe-
rience proves to be by no means unfavourable to the
schemes of traitors and political incendiaries, non coastal
why Mr. Daniel O'Connell should be otherwise than
a zealous and importunate promoter of the extended
establishment of such " normal schools" of iniquity,
seeing that as crime prospers, in the same ratio the
power of agitation spreads itself over the constituency of
Ireland--in the same ratio are propagated joints of
the
tail, and bondsmen of the tyrant—in the same ratio is
directly swollen the amount of patronage within his grasp.
On the contrary, if once the poor of Ireland were made
sensible that the law took cognizance of their wants and
their afflictions—if they could be made to feel that by a
lien upon property irrevocably established in their favour,
they had a direct and definite interest in the maintenance
of those laws by which property was defended, it is certain
enough that the preachers of sedition would have to ad-
dress much more unwilling audiences ; that tithes and
landlords' rents would be better paid, that the rents of agi-
tators would be paid with less punctuality, and that poten-
tates who now assume to themselves the right of directing
winds and waves, of raising storms, hurling thunderbolts,
and mosing earthquakes, would find that " the virtue had
departed out of them," that. the spell of their necro-
mancy was dissolved, and that the course of nature and
humanity could no longer be disturbed by their intrusions.
Besides this, if we want to prosper with any system
of instruction—to impress with advantage fit rules of
moral conduct on the intellect, or to excite and cultivate
any taste for useful knowledge, it is not upon the sufferers
from cold or hunger, or other forms of extreme physical
privation, that we can try such experiments with the fa'rest
prospect of success. It is impossible to divert the afflicted
front their miseries by verbal or preceptorial appeals to the
attention. The mlnd of a bodily sufferer is not free ; pain,
anxiety, despair, pre-occupies it. You must appease his
hunger, or he ‘A ill imagine, not unnaturally, that you desire
to mock, not mend him. It is, therefore, as we have said,
is strict keeping, that Mr. Daniel O'Connell should resist
most rancorously all attempts to propitiate towards the laws
and property of the realm the hearts of his poor end desti-
tute countrymen, always open to kindness, however prone to
credulity and self-deception, while he at the same time expa-
tiates on the necessity of robbing those Ministers who neither
dupe the understandings of the poor, nor inflame their angry
passions, for the sake of still further extending over them the
malignant influence of a clergy who do both. We have seen
however, with some satisfaction, that there are among the
Romish priests of Ireland men who, like Dr. Doyle, have
opinions of their own, and who are not afr lid of bearding
the Agitator upon this very question of Poor-laws. A
letter from a priest, by name O'Mailey, to O'Connell, was
published in the Times of yesterday, from which we rein-
sert the following passages, containing, as they do, an argu-
saentum ad hoininem, which, whether conclusive or other-
wise upon the general question, is an extinguisher pond
the shuffling Agitator himself :
" Your first letter is a direct appeal to us, who have been
the advocates of a Poor-law, to oppose the Ministerial measure,
upon the ground of its not being precisely what we coull
ay.sh. But, Sir, we put in as our plea to your appeal the
example of your whole life. If we cannot procure the very
measure we would ask, we see no reason why we should nut
take the beat measure we can get; for we differ with you, tutu
ergo, in thinking that the measure before us contains nought
but evil. It is curious that those supposed imperfections of
that measure, for NI hio'i you call upon us to join you in reject-
ing it, are imperfections of `our own choosing, inasmuch as
you y urself both spoke aria voted for them. You complain
of the Bill, that it contains no clause of settlement, yet you
you.rielf spoke and voted against settlement:
; you corn-
plat of it that it has no provision for setting paupers to work
(m:abing, of course, out door work, for the Bill does provide
for ii-door). yet you yourself spoke and voted against such a
provision ; you even now maintain the expediency of exclud-
ing any provision of the kind, but you offer no reason what-
ever, other than the oft-repeated but still unproved assertion,
' that pauper labour can never be made orofitablo.' I assert,
on the contr try, and I have proved ray' assertion by unques-
tionable facts, the pauper labour could be made profitable in
this sense, and it will be well to understand our terms dis-
tinctly—namely, that paupers could be made to contribute
largely by their labour to their own support, and thus save to
the public a considerable share of the cost of their mainte-
nance. But, S'r, whichever of us is right oa this head, is it
not clear that you c.innot fairly assail the Bill upon the score
of faults with which you yourself contributed to spoil it ? If
you still deem these to be faults, fist endeavour to correct
them before you call upon arty one to reject the Bill on ,c-
-coent of them. Wc, who arc in favour of the principle of that
Bill, have surely more reason on our side in asking You to help
us in improving its details, than you have oa yours in asking
our aid to defeat that principle on account of those details ; and
the more especially when that principle is one so strong in its
justice and its policy, that even you, with all your powers,
shrink from assailing it in front, and when these details are
such as you yourself have sanctioned."— Times.
The doctrine which has lately been propounded by the
Radical supporters of the Ministry in the House of Com-
mons, that any portion of the British empire which chooses
to throw off its allegiance to the British Crown, should be
permitted to do so unquestioned, throws quite a new light
on the principle of Government. Heretofore we had sup-
posed that the word " Government" included the notions
of authority and obedience. That the first of these was
necessarily armed with compulsory powers, and even with
penal process to enforce the latter, and that a thing, called
a Government, which has no means of making itself
obeyed, is no Government at all. On this subject the
radical philosophers of the House of Commons seem des-
tined to enlighten the world. If tbey revolutionise nothing
else, they will assuredly revolutionise our ideas of sove-
reignty and subjection, by reducing all Government, in
theory at least, to the simplicity of the voluntary prin-
ciple. Some persons, wedded to antiquated notions on
this important subject, such as are to be found in those
obsolete authors, the great unread of modern Re-
formers, Bacon, Locke, Montesquieu, Blackstone, De
Lolme, and others, may still contend that a Government
which is obliged to beg obedience of its subjects is no bet-
ter than a law without a sanction, only made to be laughed
at But radical philosophy shows, in the gravest manner
possible, that a Government has no right to any obedience
which is not voluntary, and that it is the height of injustice
to enforce its power whenever a factious majority in any
parcel of the empire declares that it would rather not obey!
We have placed this doctrine on the broad ground upon
which the Leaders, Molesworths, Humes, and Warburtons
of the House of' Commons rested it—they disdained to
consider the justice or injustice—the reasonableness or
folly of rebel-demands in a revolted portion of the empire,
as a matter of the slightest consequence ; their doctrine,
as applied to rebellious Canada, is simply this :—.When-
ever a majority of a colony, or of any integral portion of the
united kingdom, expresses a wish to throw off the alle-
giance to the British Crown, their demand ought to be con-
ceded, whether they have reason to be discontented with
British authority, or not. Thus we have lived to learn, from the
Radical luminaries of the 19th century, that the real prin-
ciple of Government is that which makes the will of Me
subject everything and the will of the governing power no-
thing.
.After this, statesmen may proceed to build political
communities which, if they have no other advantage, will
possess at least one great excellence in the eyes of the ad-
tnirers of eternal change, and that is that they can be taken
to pieces as easily as children's houses of cards. What is
more, it will not require the talents of a Solon or Lyeurgus,
a Romulus, a Nurna, or an Alfred, to construct such a state.
The capacity of a Ilume, a Leader, a Warburton, a
Iklolesworth, will be equal to it, and, when constructed, we
should have no objection to the affairs of such a state
being administered by a Royal dangler like Melbourne—a
dismal dramatist like Lord John Russell, a venerable
dandy like Lord Palmerston, or even a sleeping secretary
like Lord Glenelg. If Mr. Grote's balloting-box be as
easily taken to pieces, never again to be united, as a poli-
tical society, constructed on the principle of the radical
philosophers, it must be indeed a miserable specimen of
mechanical workmanship ! If the union bastiles, which the

philosophical radicals so much admire, are not built on a
stronger foundation than a government erected upon the
voluntary principle, we may expect that the imprisoned
poor will soon be liberated without an emancipation Act.
But how was it that this doctrine of the radical philoso-
phers, which the evening organ of the Ministry sub-
sequently adopted, was allowed to pass without obser-
vation or reproof by the leaders of the Conservative
cause in the House of Commons? How was it that the
comparatively paltry question of the Pension List called
forth all their energies—all their studied and elaborate
eloquence while the open and unblushing promulgation,
in the House of Commons, of a doctrine subversive of all
Government, was heard in unreproving silence? During
five days had the accounts of the bloody beginning of a
civil war in Canada been circulating through the nation,
and Sir Robert Peel never once opened his lips upon
the subject ; nor did Lord Stanley, or indeed any
other Conservative, allude to it in the great council of the
nation. At length, when the Ministers broke silence upon
the subject, the Radicals spoke out with the tone and
temper of men exulting in the anticipated success of treason
and the horrors of civil war! But, with the exception of
Sir R. H. Inglis and Mr. Maclean, no Conservative voice
was heard to cheek the ravings of the democratic frenzy,
and bestow the merited chastisement upon the teachers of
the execrable doctrine in which none but the enemies of
England—of constitutional liberty, and of civilisation it-
self, could rejoice ! We candidly tell the Conservatives in
Parliament that the enlightened and determined supporters
of the monarchical and free constitution of Great Britain
did not send them into the House of Commons to waste
their energies in assisting the tricky and incapable Whigs
out of awkward scrapes and self-created embarrassments.
They have higher and holier duties to perform,andifthey should
neglect those duties during the remainder of the session, as
they have done since its commencement, they will lose the
confidence of the public, without conciliating the hostility
of the Whigs, and, at a future day, we shall not fail to re-
mind them that we forewarned them of the consequences.
—Morning Herald.
Further accounts have been received from Canada, as
will be seen by a reference to another part of our paper.
From these arrivals from the seat of war it would appear
that there is little probability of a cessation of hostilities
before the beginning of May—as the river St. Lawrence
will not be navigable until then. Lord Gosford has offered
an amnesty to all those who lay down their arms, and re-
turn to their occupations and their home?. Of course it
will be understood that Papineau, General Brown, and
those other individuals who have taken an active part in
the insurrection, are excluded from the benefit of the am-
nesty. Indeed the Noble Lord has issued a proclamation,
offering a reward of 1,000/. for the apprehension of Papi-
neau, and 500/. for the apprehension of Brown, Dr. Wol-
fred Nelson, and others. The opinion of the Government
papers in Montreal is that Papineau is still in the province ;
but the New York journals say he is in that city, furnish-
ing volunteers with the munitions of war. The New York
Morning Herald, of the Ilth ultestatesthat throughout New
England and New York, the popular feeling is rapidly ris-
ing in favour of the insurgents. They are said not to be in
any measure daunted by tue result of the St. Charles af-
fair, though it is admitted that Col. Weatherall's success
at that place was-complete. Gentlemen are passing through
Montreal with their families, to deposit them in a place of
safety beyond the lines. The statements of these gentle-
men are to the effect that. there will be a long and obstinate
contest between the Queen's troops and the Canadians, as
the latter not only exhibit an indomitable spirit themselves,
but are cheered on in their resistance to Government by
an equal enthusiasm on the part of their wives and
deughters.—Morning Advertiser.
The intelligence which reached London yesterday from
Canada and the United States, the most important parti-
culars of which we hastened to lay before the public in a
second edition, is of a mingled character—partaking in
pretty equal proportions of the gloomy and the cheering in
relation to the actual position ef affeirs, and presenting us al-
ternately with sieister and with auspicious omens of the future.
It is gratifying to find that the rebels in Lower Canada
have not ventured to remain in occupation of ether of the
two ba' tie fields in which they leszarded their first encoun-
ter with her Majesty's troops. It is another most satisfac-
tory and cheering circumstance, that the British inhabitants
of the colony hare universally exhibited all the zeal and ale-
er.ty, all the courage and devotion. in the cause of lawful
Government, which was to be expected from their known
loyalty and public spirit, stimulated and reinforced as these
honourable feelings must he on the present occasion by the
thorough conviction that the overthrow of the lawful au-
thority of Great Britain means no less than the subver-
sion of every right, the confiscation of every particle of pro-
perty, and the utter blasting and withering of every
prospect of future peace and prosperity which they have
hitherto been permitted to cherish and enjoy. We have
now seen the bright side of the picture, and are called to
co :template a gloomy and hideous reverse. The rehe's
have changed their ground from the banks of the Riche-
lieu to a district more remote from the head-quarters of
the Queen's ferces, supposed to be in the neighbourhoo 1 of
the lakes ; bat there is no evidence that the change has
been attended by any abatement of their malignity and
abandonment of their treasonable purposes—any important
decrease of their number, or decay of their resources.
What is usually one of the first symptoms of contrition or
of fear on the part of defeated and dejected rebels, namely,
the surrender of their leaders, has not yet been exhibited,
the ample rewards offered by Government for the appre-
hension of M. Papineau and the principal treitore having
thus far been ineffectual. Another deplorable circumstance
is, that Lord Gosford has been guilty of the unutterable
folly or wickedness, or both, of disgusting and alienating
the loyal, faithful, and brave, among her 'Majesty's subjects
in Lower Canada, by issuing a mawkish proclamation, ex-
pressive of nothing but Isis Lordship's sympathy with, and
tenderness towards, the rebel faction. If they will but
pretend to return to their allegience they are to be fully and
indiscriminately pardoned—that is, they are to be reinstated
in the political right and power of returning a decided ma-
jority of rebels and traitors to the House of Assembly,
again to beard the Queen's Government ; again to urge
the establishment of an independent republic upon the
ruins of British autlio.ity ; again to obstruct every local
improvement ; again to claim a monopoly of the lands
which are the undoubted property of the British Crown ;
again to harass, impede, and annoy British settlers in
their beneficial and honourable career of enterprise and in-
dustry ; again to stop the supplies, and suspend the vital
functions of the State ; and again, at the first convenient
opportunity, to hoist the standard of desperate and bloody
rebellion. This is Lord Gosford's scheme for settling the
affairs of Canada, or the scheme, more probably, sent out
to him from his superiors at home. But, whosesoever the
scheme, we do not hesitate to say that it is one which can
only have been engendered in the mind of an idiot or a traitor.
Better by far that Canada should be at once surrendered to
the rebels, and that we should give such compensation as
we can afford to our loyal countrymen who, ha% ing been be-
trayed to embark their fortunes in that country, will I e
compelled to leave it in poverty and destitution, than that
a single French Canadian who is known to have been
mixed up, in a degree however slight, with this most
wanton, unprovoked, and unprincipled rebellion, should
again throughout the whole course of his life be permitted
to exercise any political function, or to wield any political
power whatever in the colony. It would not be unjust to
extend the disfranchisement to the sons now ;living of the
Canadian traitors and rebels ; but, perhaps, considering how
rapidly the British population is gaining ground upon the Ca-
nadian, and must continue to gain ground—if they have any-
thing like fair play—the more limited disfranchisement might
suffice to secure for the future the ascendancy of loyal men in
the Colonial Legislature. A third, and perhaps the most
formidable, source of danger brought into view by the ad-
vices of yesterday is the disposition manifested by a part
of the people, if not also by the Governmeut, of the United
States to make common cause with the Canadian insur-
gents. Should this disposition prevail to any considerable
extent in the American Union, it is clear that the struggle
in which Great Britain is involved by the imbecility or the
treachery of her rulers is a struggle from which there is no
possibility of honourable retreat, and which can only be
successfully maintained by the prompt, unsparing, and ener-
getic employment of the utmost powers and resources of
the State.—sllorning Post.
A correspondent under the signature of " Libertas"—
(whose communication will be found in another column)—
asks us " if we mean to argue that the representative prin
ciple should be annihilated in Canada ; or if we merely
mean to say that it should be confined to the English po-
pulation ?" We might ask our correspondent in turn, if
he means to say that the English who have settled in Lower
Canada, on the faith of the Crown and the British Parlia-
ment, should be stript of their property, and if he wishes
a sanguinary war between the men of British blood in both
Canadas, and the French settlers ? Have not the off.
scourings of the United States been invited to assist the
French Canadians in establishing their independence, by
holding out to them the temptation of plunder and confis-
cation ? Has not Mr. Roebuck stated, in his letter pub-
lished in the True Sun, that adventurers from the United
States would flock to Canada, lured by the grant of lands ?
And did not Sir William Molesworth in the House of
Commons point to the fat meadows of Beauharnair, the
estate of Mr. Edward Ellice, as part of the consideration
t r be paid by the French Canadians for the aid of Americi.a
adventurers ? Can our correspondent suppose that an in-
surrection beginning in confiscation and plunder, can
have any other than a most calamitous termina-
tion ? We are prepared to admit a great deal more,
in the abstract, than our correspondent demands :
We admit that we are far from partial to Colonia
Government—that , even when the Colonists are all
prung from the inhabitants of the mother country,
the means hitherto devised for maintaining the authority of

the parent state have hitherto very imperfectly answered
their end. With the growth of a colony, the desire for
self-government naturally keeps pace, and the Legislative
Councils and other expedients, placed as a check on the
popular Assembly, are too apt to pay themselves for their
imagined services by jobbing for their own benefit, and thus
the foundation is laid for all sorts of heart-burnings. We
have never attempted to disguise the fact that at one time
serious and mischievous blunders were committed both in
Upper and Lower Canada, and that jobbing flourished
there, as in every part of our dominions, under Tory rule.
This misgovernment might often be unintentional, but it
was not on that account the less mischievous. The attempt,
for instance, to establish a Church of England in colonies
of which the settlers of the persuasion of the Church of
England formed a small minority, and the setting apart
reserves of waste land as a fund for this future
Church, greatly impeded cultivation by interposing large
uncultivated spaces between the settlements, rendering it
almost impossible to effect communications between them.
But it is only justice to the Government to say, that of late
years there has been evinced a praiseworthy disposition to
redress the above and other grievances. The difficulties of
Colonial Government are immensely increased where, as in
Canada, there are differences of race, of language, of laws,
and of religion. In this respect the case of Canada is
guise anomalous. The French Canadians have hardly any
thing in Common with the English and Americans. They
are an inoffensive and naturally well-disposed race of men,
but ignorant and prejudiced beyond conception, and
their ignorance and national prejudices have been
taken advantage of by a dozen Gascon advocates
and notaries, who, for the gratification of their am-
bition and feelings of revenge, have driven these poor
Frenchmen into rebellion. The claims advanced on
behalf of these poor people indicate the very lowest state
of political knowledge, and, if conceded, they would prove
ruinous to the two provinces. Those men who here argue
the question on the abstract principle of allowing the nu-
merical superiority to control the rest of the population,
may rest assured that the men of British blood in the colo-
nies will submit to no such control. The result may force
the two Canadas into an union with the great American
federation, but it will never make an ignorant peasantry,
the instruments of a dozen attorneys, to become the mas-
ters of the country. If the Americans were to obtain the
Canadas, the habitans would become, as a matter of course,
their " hewers of wood and drawers of water." It is ob-
served by the Scotsman, that—
" If Canada had been well governed—if the Legislative
Councils had not been crammed with Tories and placernen of
the worst description, and converted into tools for maintaining
abuses, and resisting rational improvements, the cry for Elec-
tive Upper Chambers would never have been heard. The dis-
content in which that cry originated is not of recent growth.
It existed in both provinces since 1820 at least; and, like
most of the evils which annoy the Whig Ministers, is a legacy
from the Tory predecessors. In framing a new Constitution
for the whole country, Ministers might have the means of al-
laying the discontent, first, by the general liberality of their ar-
rangements ; and next, by nominating popular men as
Councillors."

Ar.d, after some other suggestions, our Northern Con-
temporary observes, that should they fad,
" True wisdom prescribes an amicable separation as in-
finitely preferable to a union maintained by force. We were
well pleased to see the impolicy of retaining colonial depen-
dencies so strenuously maintained. The public mind is not
yet sufficiently familiarized with this new doctrine to permit a
Minister to act upon it; but the period is approaching when
its soundness will be understood, and nations will be as caber
to get rid of their colonies as they were in past times to ac-
quire them."

With these philosophical views we will not now occupy
ourselves. We wish merely to impress on all Reformers
who are disposed to contend for the abstract right of resis-
tance, that encouragement to the French Canadians in
their present unfoltunato attempt cannot possibly do good
to them. Whether we ought to keep possession of the
two colonies or not is a question which may be settled
here ; but whether the French habitans and the agitators
who have taken advantage of their ignorance, or the men
British blood, shall have the mastery, is a question which
must be setted in Canada.—elforning Chronicle'.
We have been asked by a correspondent " What course
ought to be pursued with respect to the election petitions,
the consideration of the first of which has been fixed for
the 6th of February ; and farther, whether the earlier
meeting of Parliament (on the 16th of January) than was
expected when the days for election petitions was named,
will not give an opportunity kr affording some remedy of
the admitted evils of the tribunals at present established
by law ?" We are afraid not. Lord John Russell short-
ened the recess and accelerated the re-assembly of
the House of Commons by a fortnight in order that it
might take under its cognizance the affairs of Canada ;
and although it is very possible that prior to the 16th
January intelligence may he received of the suppresiion
of the rebellion there, still enough will remain in the
settlement of the distracted state of the ccony
fully to occupy the attention of the Legislature.
Supposing, however, that no business of that press
ing kind, requiring immediate measures, remained, and
supposing the whole fortnight thus gained from the re-
cess could be applied to deliberation upon and dis-
cussion of a new leer for the erection of a tribunal for the
trial of controverte'l elections, still we say that the time
would be wholly inadequate to the purpose. Look at
Mr. C. Buller's Bill : that propesea a co:nparatively slight
change in the law, since it leaves the House of Commons in
possession of the privilege of being party, judge, and jury
in its own cause ; but our readers will not forget flea it was
'ail before the repres,mtatives of the people early last
Session, and that it was re-introduced early in the present,
and yet even those most favourable to an alteration of the
law are not yet preparad to say that such is the alteration
that ought to be adopted. Many are of opinion that Mr.
C. Buller's Bill will not remove just grounds of complaint :
we believe that lie himself thinks so, but that it is as much
as Parliament will grent, and he is therefore willing
to take what he can get. We own that we are in-
clined to consider the gain by the intended change so
small as hardly to be worth contending for, but we feel
nevertheless pretty well assured that as the measure will
hive to receive the assent of the higher branch of the Le-
gislature, even the degree of imprortment contemplated
ui l not be allowed, unless the Comnsors were to pass the
Bill by a very large majority. At present we do not per-
ceive any symptoms that Mr. C. Buller's Bill will obtain a
majority at all ; one pasty in the Commons friendly to an
extensive reform of the system does not think it goes far
enough ; another, admitting the propriety of some change,
contends that it goes toofar; and a third, though a small body
of Members, not denying the existence of evils, are yet anxious
stare super tins antiquas, rather than try the experiment of
even a moderate remedy. Until the passing of the Grenville
Act, the House of Commons might at least have removed
some of the objections by its own resolutions, to be inserted
on the Journals in the shape of Standing Orders ; but in
1770, for the sake principally of enabling Committees to
take evidence on oath, the House may be said to have re-
linquished this power, and now, if anything is to be done,
it must be accomplished by Statute, receiving the sanction
of Queen, Lords, and Commons. Nearly two centuries
and a half sae (January 27, 1603), the Lower House
passed a declaratory resolution, " that it was universally
known and admitted to be the sole right of the House of
Commons to examine and determine all matters relating
to the election of its own members ;" and it does, in fact,
examine and determine them through the medium of depu-
tations of its own body, but under the authority of an Act
of Parliament, and upon a plan regulated by that Act.
Had the House of Commons not parted with its power of
disposing of these matters by resolutions, it might at
this day have pursued this comparatively simple and
summary course, and the reform and purification of
Election Committees might have been thus rendered com-
paratively short and easy. The case is now very different :
the 10th Geo. 111., c. 16, and 9 Gco. IV., c. 02, if not
some previous statutes, have made it necessary that such
changes as are deemed expedient should be sanctioned by
the whole body of the Legislature ; and we must wait,
therefore, for the tedious process of an Act of Parliament
through four stages (with divers and frequent postpone-
ments) in each House of Parliament before any remedy,
however slight and trivial, can be applied, and in the mean
time the grossest injustice will be done to the electors of
the United Kingdom, to say nothing of the wrong inflicted
upon petitioners and sitting members. This statement will
show sufficiently why in the fortnight or three weeks before
the first election petition is to be taken into consideration,
nothing can be done with a view to the fair and impar-
tial decision of any of the numerous cases now pend-
ing before the House of Commons. We are to recollect
also that if a complete and sufficient remedy could be
pointed out and adopted to-morrow, the Tories through
Sir Robert Peel have declared that it ought not to be ap-
plied to claims to seats now made and yet undetermined--
a monstrous doctrine to be sure, but such as the majority
of the House of Lords would willingly lend its aid to en-
force. It amounts to this—that if a tribunal could be
formed to which no possible objectian could apply, which
would do the fullest and most impartial justice, still it
would be improper to have the merits of the petitions now
on the table honestly and justly decided, but they must be
left to the determination of a court notoriously open to every
species of abuse and corruption, private and political. Such,
be it observed, is the Tory doctrine,
and very pretty Tory
doctrine it is. It excites no surprise in us, because we
know not only that the Tories cling to old abuses, like
fungus to what is decayed and rotten, but that in the par-
ticular instance they rely upon the evils of the system of
Election Committees, in order to accomplish their own
party purposes. They think that they can secure their
own judges to decide upon the merits of Whig claims and
Tory resistance, or of Tory claims and Whig resistance,
and therefore they are opposed to any amendment of a
mode of trial which gives them such obvious and certain

advantages. What then (to revert to the first inquiry of 1
our correspondent) is the course to be pursued in order to
counteract, and, if possible, to defeat this plan for destroy-
ing or nullifying the rights of the Liberal electors in so
many parts of the empire ? A declaratory resolution, in
faVour of a due observance, by Members, of their oaths
of impartiality, would, at best, be mere waste paper.
If adopted, it would only be laughed at—but, when
brought forward, it would most probably be scouted,
if not unceremoniously kicked into the lobby. Where,
then, is the remedy ? We frankly own that we know of
none but the faithful, zealous, punctual, and early attendance
of Liberal representatives in their places upon every day
for which a ballot is fixed, so that the Tories shall gain
no advantage from the absence of even the least influential
of the opponents of their practices. On a ballot all mem-
bers have an equal chance, and every one of the real re-
presentatives of the people should consider it as much his
responsible business to attend the appointment of an elec-
tion Committee as to be present at a division upon the most
vital question. Let them show the Tories, that though
not their match in low artifices and party manoeuvres, they
are their match, and more than their match, in strict and
constant attention to ono of the most urgent and important
Parliamentary duties.—slforning Chronicle.

In the small town of Alston-le-Moor resides a
surgeon, who, in the space of 35 years' practice, has brought
6,000 children into the world without losing one patient.—
Cumberland Pacquet.
RECEIPT FOR MAKING A TORY.—The Pro-
cess is short, and the ingredients very simple :—First, look
out in one of the shires for a thick chuckle-head (the Western
counties are the best for this purpose); put it in a pan ; then
throw in equal quantities of brass and lead, say a pound of each.
Next take of common sense the smallest possible grain, and
of conscience no scruple at all; mix these well up with a strong
decoction of abuse of the Dissenters, and fulsome praise of
the Church, particularly its sinecures and pluralities; throw
in one or two pensions (a bit of red or blue ribbon is some-
times not a bad thing), a tide-waiter's salary or a custom-
house chair; stir it all up with a little of the concentrated es-
sence of pride, obstinacy, and dulness (this new sauce can be
had cheap at the Carlton). Next add of sour grapes two
handsful, and bitters ad libitum. Soften it all with a little
milk and water ; let it simmer over a slow fire till the scum
rises, when you may turn out your Tory complete, and fit for
immediate use, the dirtier the better.—New York Advertiser.

During the last year the mortality among the peer-
age has been great, the following noblemen havin,*' expired
during that period : —The Dukes of Montrose and Gordon ;
the Marquis of Drogheda; Thomas, Marquis of Bath ; Henry
Frederick, Marquis of Bath, his successor ; Marquis of
Queensberry : the Earls of Listowel, Egremont, Granard,
Cavan, Cowper, and Clancarty ; Lords Templemore, Nairne,
Dufferin, Glenlyon, Massey, Littleton, De Saumarez. Of
these the dukedom of Gordon has become extinct.

The front of the Royal Institution in Albemarle.
street, is now adorned with no less than fourteen se.-ni-Co-
rinthian pillars—not one of which supports the slightesi
weight, being affixed to the original building merely as orna.
ments.

The cordwainers (vulgo shoemakers) of Bristol
lately received the Royal command for a pair of dress slip-
pers, and great was the commotion of the craft thereupon.
Thoy knew that the Queen was wise, and good, and beauti-
ful ; but to "know the length of her Majesty's foot" was the
only "useful knowledge," and was prized accordingly. The
result has been a pair of slippers, which rival the famous
glass sir per of Cinderella, and seem more like the manu-
facture of Puck, Robin Goodfellow, or Quern Mab, and her
band of farivs, than the work of mere mortal hands. They
are of purple velvet, the Royal Arms and the initials, V. R. ,
being embroidered in gold upon the front—the figures admi-
rably delir.eated, well relieved, and executed with exquisite
delicacy. Around the sides arc entwined wreaths of oak
leaves, interspersed with acorns and roses of gold thread and
silk. The inside is of white satin, and exhibits, also in gold,
the rose, the thistle, and the shamrock, twined around the
words, " All hail to Victoria ;" The slippers are to be en-
closed in a box of sandal wood, with a golden lock and key,
the cover being ornamented with the Royal Arms, superbly
carved irr ivory.
When the Duke of York (the brother of George
III.) was sent to sea, Captain Howe equipped his young eleve
in the true Portsmouth fashion ; the captains of the navy then
present attended him in their boats on board, where they were
severally introduced to the young midshipman. An anecdote
is told, which, being highly characteristic of the true simpli-
city of seamen, is not unlikely to have occurred. A sailor
standing with some others on the forecastle, and observing
what teas going on, whispered his messmate, " The young
gentleman an't over civil, as I thinks ; look, if he don't keep
his hat on before all the captains !" " Why, you stupid lub-
ber," replied the other, " where should he tarn manners, see-
ing as how he never was at sea before ?"—Life of Admiral
Earl Howe.

The First and Second Lieutenants of a man-of-war,
both great anglers, once disputed concerning the fly season
for a particular month, one arguing that the horse-fly was then
in season, the other replying that there was no such fly. At
the
.moment an able sailor, who was also a skilful angler,
passed, and the di,putants agreed to leave the question to
Jack. '' raid the First Lieutenant, did you ever see a
horse
.fig?" " No, your honour," replied the tar ; " but I
have seen as curious a thing__l have seen a oow jump down a
pr:cipice."
One circumstance which contributes to deter young
men from marrying in Smyrua is, that when a girl enters the
hymeneal state she expects to have one at least, perhaps more,
of her sisters to live Is ith her; so that poor Benedict must
count upon having as good as two wires to support ; and, if
the family should become reduced or distressed, he is expected
to take chirge of them : and as the families are very large, a
man entails upon himself no trifle of expense. —Herve's Resi-
dence in Turkey and Greece.
ST. isA AC's CHURCH, PETERSBURG.—The

workmen continued, according to the last accounts, to be
busily engaged in the construction of thin colossal monument.
This building is probably the largest which modern Europe
has seen a-isc, and will probably continue an object of wonder
to strangers. Imagine a mass of architecture 340 English
feet in height, entirely of marble and metal, decorated outside
with 112 columns of red granite, each consisting only of one
piece. The marble dome, surrounded by a colonnade, is 109
feet in diameter, and around rise four steeples intended for the
reception of bells. The whole forms a monument to be com-
pared only with the collossal works of India and Egypt. The
church is to be finished in 1841. The twenty-four columns
which support the dome are each 42 feet high, of a single
piece, and from the same quarries in Finland which furnished
the Alexander Column—each weighs 209,000 pounds. The
machinery by which they were raised to a height of 200 feet,
and fixed in their respective places, is in itself deserving of
wonder and admiration.

A. letter from a Dr. Kunzcl on the history of the
machine which was intended to be used by Hubert, is given in
the Cunstitutioneel of Saturday. According to this, it was
invented ten years ago by a Swiss, named Steuble, who took
his plan to St. Petersburg'', where he borrowed money of a
man to whom he pledged it, but who attempted to secure to
himself the whole benefit of the discovery, which was to be
exhibited to the Emperor Nicholas. Steuble having disco-
vered this, sold his machine to the British Charge d'AiTaires
for 12,0001„ and in the morning of the day in which its powers
were to be displayed to the Czar, contrived to explode and
destroy it. The British Government, having refused to per-
form the contract, M. Steuble came to France, and offered
his machine to the Government, but, meeting with no success,
went to Vienna, leaving it in England in the hands of his son,
with the nature of whose transactions Hubert the Doctor
is unacquainted. The following is the description he gives
of the machine : —lt is a single cannon, placed on an ordinary
gun carriage, having several mouths, which throw 172 balls in
a minute, or 10,320 in an hour, carrying them to a distance of
2,500 feet. This gun, which requires six men to serve it, and
may be drawn by four horses, is intended for besieging for-
tresses; but Steuble has formed field pieces upon the same
model, throwing 8,160 balls in an hour, and mounting guns
throwing 6,000 balls in the same time.
LONGEVlTY.—Appollonius of Tyana, attained the
age of 130, Llewarch Hen 150, Thomas Parr 112, Henry
Jenkins 169, the Countess of Desmond 145, Thomas Damma
143, Peter Porton 185, Margaret Patten 137, John Rovin and
his wife 172 and 164. H. Nlongae 185, Solomon Nibel 143,
Judith Crawford 150, Robert Lynch 160, Catherine Lopez
134, Margaret Darley 130, Rebecca Pury 140, Frances Peat
130, Juan Moroygota 138, Joseph Barn 146, and Catherine
Hiatt 150.
THE BALLOT.----On Tuesday, a numerous meet

ing of the electors and inhabitants of the county of Peebles,
was held in the Town Hall of Peebles, to consider the pro-
priety of petitioning the Legislature to pass a law authorizing
the votes of electors for members of Parliament, to be taken
by ballot. Mr. Steuart of Glenormiston was called to the
chair ; and besides him on the platform were the Hon. J.
Erskine Murray, the provost of Peebles, Adam Stewart, Esq.
of Hawkshaw; Baillies Patterson and M'Nab, Dean of Guild
Smeal, and other members of the Town Council of Peebles,
and a number of farmers. The room was crowded to excess ;
and a resolution, and a petition.founded thereon, in favour of
the Ballot, were unanimously agreed to. The speakers were
the Hon. J. E. Murray, Baillie M'Nab, and Mr. Stewart of
Hawkshaw. At the request of the Chairman, Mr. Murray
gratified the meeting by explaining the proposed mode of
voting by Mr. Grote's ballot-box, which called forth repeated
cheers.

--------
One of the highest compliments ever paid a poet
was, that Wordsworth, when he first got possession of a copy of
the Sonnets of the Rev. Lisle Bowles, ono morning when he
was setting out on' a pedestrian tour from London was
so captivated with their beauty that ho retreated into one
of the recesses of Westminster-bridge, and could not be in-
duced to rejoin his companions till he finished them.
A servant girl living at a respectable farm-house, a
few miles from Oswestry, having cause-I her name to be en-
tered as a tee-totaller, it so enraged some of the neighbour-
ing men-servants, that they treated her in an outrageous
manner, blacking her person with the grease from waggon-
wheels. The offenders were taken before the Magistrates at
Oswestry, and fined los. each and costs.—Shrewsbury Chron.
In Nottingham and Leicestershire, Associations are
forming for the purpose of protection against the frequent im-
positions in charges, &c. of the Sheriffs' officers' men, gene-
rally called bailiffs' followers. There is no doubt but a great
many and scandalous impositions, plunders, indeed, are prac-
tised by numbers of these men, who are, generally speaking,
wanting of civility, feeling, or principle. Amongst this class
a great change is certainly wanting.