The Sun.
London, England, 1822-08-24 00:00:00

CITY, FRIDAY EVENING.

The mercantile letters from St. Petersburgh are dated the 2d
current. The Exchange had fallen to 91. Hemp was dull sale
at 85 rubles, arid was expected lower. In Tallow very little
had been done since the preceding post, and the price was 100 It.
During this season to the end of July, 213 ships had sailed for
the different ports of the United Kingdom. gheir cargoes
consisted of about 1,500 tons of iron, 9,000 tons of hemp,
'6OO tons of flax, 9,500 tons of tallow, and about 550,000
deals, with potashes, bristles, and other articles of minor im-
portance. Of Hemp from 14,800 to 15,000 tons remained'to
be shipped this season. Of Tallow the whole supply of the.
season was expected to amount to at least 100,000 casks, in,
addition to 20,000 casks remaining over from the last winter.
—Notwithstanding the immense exportation of home produce,
the Russian Empire was extremely depressed, and their
import commerce had, in consequence of restrictions and pro-
hibitions, dwindled away to almost no value. Every attempt
to compel a nation to consume articles of necessity, produced by
itself at double the value at which they could be obtained from

Foreign nations, must always yield similar results. No Empire
can consult its true interest, unless'the people be allowed to sup-
ply themselves with what they want, at any market where those
articles can be got at the lowest prices and of the best qualities.
The Emperor Alexander has fallen into a very mistaken road
for promoting the industry of his subjects. In order to create
a consumption for Russian manufactures, he forces the con-
sumers, who are also Russians, to pay double value for many
necessary articles, and thus prevents them from consuming
many other things which would be of great advantage to the
productive industry of his Empire. There are, however, other
nations, possessing more civilization than the Russians, who
have committed similar errors, and at present suffer similar
distress. To enable English farmers to pay high rents, exces-
sive taxation, and heavy tithes, the English people are forced
to purchase their bread made from English wheat, at a consi-
derably higher rate than equally good bread could be ob-
tained manufactured from foreign wheat. Englishmen are also
forced to purchase silk, an, article which the climate of this coun-
try does not permit to be made, unless at a very extravagant
expence, exclusively from British manufacturers. Linen and
woollen cloth, and indeed every article which is necessary for
the existence and comfort of the people, are also fettered
with impolitic and absurd restrictions and prohibitions, en-
tirely for the encouragement of particular classes of society,
without reflecting that the consumers are Englishmen, and
consequently that whatever they are forced to pay for the pro-
duction of any article, more than iaabsolutely necessary, is so
much wealth taken from the National Stock. The English
nation, however, do not confine their restrictions alone to their
transactions with foreign nations ; for in many instances
they do not ,permit certain necessary articles to be procured
unless from a particular class of society. In England there
is a class of society whose property consists in what is called
vested rights, or what ought more properly to be called certain
permissions, which a few are enabled to grant themselves,
either of living in idleness on the labour of the industrious, or
of exclusively supplying the people with certain articles at an
expense double of that which these articles would cost if compe-
tition in them were open to all. Beer cannot be purchased unless
I at a licensed house, and the value of it is much increased by
the ideal value (for it has no real value) of this licensed permis-
sion. In England, spirits only of a certain deicription can be
I manufactured under the present laws. These restrictions in the
consumption of Beer and in the manufacture of Spirits are
not only hostile to the interests of those who are compelled to
purchase them, but they are absurd in as far as that not one
solitary national benefit arises out of them ; and that, under a
different regulation, not only the consumers of them, but also the
growers of the raw material from which they are produced,
would find their property much increased. How much more
advantageous to the national wealth would that system be
which would allow the cheapest mode of producing 'every thing !
How greatly would the riches of the community, and conse-
quently their] happiness, be increased, if a proper security for
the expences of the Government was the only impediment to
freedom of commerce! Statesmen of the present day take
either a very superficial or a very erroneous view of the inter-
course betwixt nation and nation and man and man. What
a beautiful state of society does the mind not contemplate,
when it imagines human nature either as individuals or com-
munities, labouring for the public consumption of all, ac-
cording to the climate, soil, situation, and abilities with
which it has been gifted. The name of that Statesman would
stand high in the list of the benefactors of humanity who could
effect such a change in the present system, as would pro-
duce a perfect freedom in the interchange of commodities
amongst the civilised nations of the earth, for all to give what
they can spare, and to receive in payment those things which
they want, without any other restrictions than what might be
necessary for the expences of the different Governments. A
new kind of property would also arise, well known, though at
present of little value, called industry. The industrious na-
tion, the industrious family, and the industrious individual,
would not, under such a state of society, want the means of
commanding all the comforts, and many of the elegancies of
life, and morality and virtue improve at the same time pro-
portionably.
At the Corn Exchange, the arrivals of grain since Monday con-
sist of 8200 quarters of Wheat, 9200 quarters of Oats, and 8000
sacks of flour. The supply of Wheat and Flour is much larger than
the demand can take off, and only the finest new samples obtain
the prices of last Monday. Old Wheat, whether of good qua-
lity or not, is unsaleable, and a further reduction in the value
of every article must take place. before sales to any extent can
be effected. The millers paid Monday's prices for a few sam-
ples of fine new. Wheat, merely to, encourage the sale of the
present large stock of Flour. Unless the farmers can obtain an
export market for a considerably increased growth, few rents
can be paid, except they be drawn from the capital employed in
the fields : for certainly there is no chanco of their being paid
out of increased prices.
a. Information was received this morning of the wreck of' the
East India ship, Matilda. This is a heavy loss to Lloyd's in
the present state of premiums, nearly 60,000/. having been
insured, The crew was saved. The Ajax, Captain Scott,
bound to London, has been compelled to return leaky to Ben-
gal, and the Columbo, from Ceylon to London, was at Point
de Galle on the 6th of April in distress, having been on the
rocks.

Consols for the next account opened this morning at 80a
and for October at 81. Scarcely any business has been done in
them, and they closed at the opening prices. All the fluctu-
ations and much of the money transactions continue to take
place in the Foreign Securities. Columbian Bonds and Danish
are dearer; and there is much bustle in every description of
them, with a visible inclination to advance in value. Their
several prices are as follow :
French Five Iper Cent. with Div. from 22d March, Exch.
25 40. 94. '

Prussian Five per Cent. of 1818 in X. sterl. with Div. from
Ist April, On.
Ditto, ditto, of 1822 in do. do. with Div. from Ist July, 87.
Neapolitan Five per Cent. with Div. from Ist July, Exch.
4 40 and 25 65. 76i.
Spanish Five per Cent. of 1820, with Div. from Nth April,
Exchange, 4 3.-65.
Do. do. of 1821, in X. sterl. with Div. from Ist May, 64.
Danish Five per Cent. in X. sterl. with Div. from Ist July, 89:3.
Do. do. in bancginarks, with Div. from Ist July, Exchange,
37 4. 86.

Russian Six per Cent. with Div. from Ist July, Exch. 11Z. 82.
Do. Five per Cent. metall. with Div. from Ist March, Exch.
3 1. 003.

Do. Five per Cent. in X. sterl. with Div. from Ist Sept. 85.
Austrian FiVe per Cent. metall. with Div. from Ist June,
Exchange, 10 4. 80.
Columbian Six per Cent. in X. sterl. with Div. from Ist May,
861.
Chilian Six per Cent. in X. sterl. with Div. from 30th March,
United States Six per Cent. of 1812-1815, with Dir. from
Ist April; Exch. 46. n'a 99.—; Morning Chronicle.)

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.

YORK MEETING, AUGUST 22.
Mr. W. B. FAWKES having some time since
published a letter, calling upon the friends of Reform to meet
him at Etteridge's Hotel in this city on the 22d instant, for the
purpose of considering -what steps it would be most expedient to
take in the present alarnzing state of the country, a considera-
ble number of Gentlemen assembled at that house at 12 o'clock
this day; soon after which the room was filled.
Among the persons present we observed—Mr. Fawkes, Mr.
Chelloner, Sir W. Ingilby, Mr., Sykes, Col. Cradock, Mr.
Wentworth, Sir. H. Vavasor, Sir . Cayley, Mr. Wye-ill, Gen.
Wharton, Hon. E. Petre, J. Crompton, M.P., Mr. Stapylton,
Col. Cook, Mr. C. 'Wilson, Mr. Leigh, .31r. Crompton, of
Woodend, Mr. Walker, Mr. 'Riffle,. Mr. Rawson (Sheffield),
Mr. D. Gaskell, Mr. Barlow, Mi. Witham, Mr. Maud, 7,11 r.
Dealtry, Mr. Meynell, jun., Mr. J. Hague, 0 RCM Crag, MT.
J. Hutton, Mr. Bourne, Mr. Scrpope, of Denby, Mr. Haynes,
Mr. Egremont, Sec.. &c.
There being a general cry of" Chair, Chair!"
Mr. W. B. FAWKES came forward. Before he entered upon
the important business of the day—before lie had the honour of
submitting to the Meeting the objeet Which attracted all their at..
ten tions, and all their hopes, he begged to offer some apology for
the situation in which he stood, and to explain the reasons which
induced him to call that Meeting. His conduct had, on the one
_hand been stigmatised as arrogant and presumptuous, while on
the other he had been accused of a deliberate, wanton, and ill-
timed intention of disturbing the peace of the county. He was
not, however, affected by either.orthoseirnputations. When lie
reflected on the magnitude of the-county of York, and of the
great influence whien it had always had in the affairs of the king-
dorn,he feltsurprised that the question was.not earlier introduced
to-their attention, and the more especially, as ieapikared that it
was the only means by which they could expect to be relieved
from the difficulties by which they were surrounded. They
should consider too, that all the other leading counties had de-
clared in favour of it, and that it had at present to boast of
many thousands of supporters who only a short tithe since were
hostile to it. Taking all these circumstances into considera-
tion, and when lie reflected upon the whole of his public life,
when he reflected that several years ago he had, in that very
room, advocated the same qUestion, in conjunction with many
illustrious persons who had since been . taken from among
them, among whom there was one whose name ought never
to be mentioned without feelings of honour; of reverence,
and of gratitude, and whose upright and independent character
was above all praise; he meant the lamented father of an
Honourable Gentleman (Mr. M. Wyvill, M.P. for the City)
then. near him, and' who inherited all the virtues and patriotic
feelings.which distinguished the late Rev. _Mr. Wyvill---(Ap-
plause) ;—when he reflected upon all this, he felt that he should
be guilty of a dereliction of his duty if he did not make yet
another effort in support of the great cause, and he therefore
made up his mind, notwithstanding the odium and obloquy
which it would bring ,upon him,. again to tall upon the
friends of freedom to assemble and unfold the constitutional
standard of Parliamentary Reform.—(Loud applause.)—These
were theenotives which actuated him ; he wished to infuse a
portion of popular influence into that: Constitution upon
which depended the lives, the properties, and the liberties of
the people of this country.—(Applause.)--Ile might be asked,
with an air of triumph, why disturb the County ?—Why
bring again that stale and hackneyed question of Reform?—
Why drag again that obsolete doctrine from the obscurity to
which the irrefragable argumenis of its opponents have con-
signed it? Where the record of this achievement was to be
found he was at a loss to discover. Was it in the conduct of
the various Administrations who had been in power since the
first introduction of the great question of Reform ? 'Was it in
the treatment which the numerous Petitions of the people, un-
der which the Table of the House of Commons still groaned,
had met with ?—Was it in the Resolutions adopted by the
Yorkshire Association of 1782, in which 400 country gentle-
men declared their conviction of the necessity of Reform, and,
in the trite spirit of prophecy, pointed out the evils which would
flow from its non-adoption- -(Applause) ?—a prophecp which
had been but too tally verified, in the miseries which at that
moment stared them in the face. Or was it depicted to them
in the lucrative appointments and the other good things enjoy-
ed by the sinecurists, the placemen, the pensioners and the
borough-mongers who were under the immediate controul and
management of the Minister of the day ? If such were the des-
perate condition to which the cause of Reform was reduced,
surely it became its, supporters and advocates to come forward
in a body and rescue it from the durance in which it was placed.
If he wereasked the motives which induced him now to come
forward, would state, that his answer was written in legible
characters--in the dangerous state in which the country was-
placed—in the acts and language of the last Session of Parlia-
ment—(Applause).—ln the distress to which one part of the
people of the kingdom were reduced, and in the anticipated
misery which threatened the other—in the starvation by which
the people of Ireland had been visited in the midst of plenty,aud
the general ruin which threatened a great portion of the empire—
(Applause).—lt was to be found in a profusion of expenditure not
to be equalled in the annals ofhistory—a billion and a half ofpub-
lie money having been expended in the course of 2i yeers,making
near 3,000000/. per week, or about 500,000/. for every work-
ing day.—(Applause.)—lt was to be found in an overwhelm-
ing taxation and an overwhelming debt--a debt, the interest of
which could not continue to he paid without the risk of bringing
about e great national convulsion, unless some arrangement
was made with the public creditorewhith would be at once sa-
tisfactory to him and to the people at large. But this was an
event which he hoped never would take place, unless accom-
panied by a Reform in Parliament. It would further be found
in the influence possessed-not so much by the Crown as by the
Oligarchy, by the. Borough influence in the House of Commons.
That influence it was that caused all the miseries which they
had endured, all the miseries which they still endured, and which
they were likely to endure as long as the present corrupt system
was allowed to exist. It must further be found in a curious Re-
port of a Committee of the House of Commons, by which it ap-
peared that one hundred and nine of their Members received no
less a sum than 209,8431. exclusively of the fees of office, the
whole of which was taken out of their pockets, out of that public
purse of which they (the House of Commons) had been ap-
pointed the constitutional guardians. By a careful perusal of
that list, they would find, that a majority of the House of Com-
mons were returned by Peers, by the, Aristocracy, and those
immediately connected with theM. Gracious God ! could any
man in that room, or in the country, lay his hand to his heart,
and without any feeling of prejudice, say that a House of Corn.
mons so constituted was one to which the lives, the, properties,
and the liberties of the people of England cought to be corn.
mitted ?—(Loud Applause.)—lt would be read in the proceed-
ings of that alliance, falsely and impiously called holy; an-alli-
ance which had rnadeEngland the ally of despotism, and the ene-
my of freedom all over the world. It would be found in the unde-
viating system of Government, . of coercion of Ministers towards
the people, and their studious inattention to their petitions and
complaints; and in theintolerable course of vacillating corruption
and extravagance of which the people had been so long the
unhappy victims. He had perhaps sufficiently explained the
motives by which he was actuated in calling that Meeting ;
but as he had been accused of wishing wantonly to disturb the
peace of the county, he felt it necessary to add yet another rea-
son, and that was the perfect tranquillity which at this moment
existed in every part of it. It was at a period like the present,
when a country was in perfect tranquillity at home, and when
there existed not .the slightest danger from abroad, that the
wise statesmen of all times would avail themselves of the in-
troductionof any great and necessary reformation and change—
(Applause).—When a nation was surrounded by clangers and
difficulties, it naturally looked to the collective wisdom of its
Representatives for relief. The people have had their eyes
steadily fixed upon Parliament, and what was the result ?
lied they pot been disappointed ? Had any thing been done
for their. relief,? No, nothing—nothing was heard in Parlia-
ment but doctrines contravening those principles which our
ancestors had established and cemented with their blood, and
handed down to us as their last and most invaluable bless-
ing. In. order to prove this, it was not necessary that he
should bewilder them by entering into any antiquarian re-
search ; it was only necessary to go hack to the Revolution--a
period, which they had been taught from their cradles to consi-
der as one of the most glorious in our listory—a period, the
anniversary of which had often been celebrated in that city with
all the pride, pomp, and circumstance of public rejoicing._
What would the great men who brought about . that happy
event say, had they heard the doctrines to which he alluded ?
Would. they not, to use the words of the late Speaker of the
Honse of Colnmons start from their seats with indignation and
astonishment ?—(Applause !)—ln former times the ,principles
0; liberty had received mouth honours at least.. It was reserved
for the people of the present day to hear the following senti-
;tents broadly stated in Parliament :--" That it is essential to

the perfection of a Representative Body that it should not be
identified with, but for the people ; and that it is a signal merit
in the British House of Commons, that it does not amount to a•
direct delegation from the people." If such were the case, he
Could not see bow the Honourable Member could reconcile it
with the fact of his being a Representative of the People ; for as
such only could he pretend to a seat in Parliament, There cer-
tainly was no accounting for tastes, but had he been, as that
Hon. Member was, returned by the opulent Burgesses of the
second town in the kingdom, he would have left Corfe Castle
and Old Sarum to shift for themselves —(A laugh).—Unless
they were prepared not to render the House of Commons
a reflection of the public mind, unless they wished to treat the
Bill of Rights as waste paper, and throw it into the fire, then
they ought to come readily forward and prove the danger and
insecurity of such doctrines, and to exert themselVes in saving
the country from the evils which must flow from them. There
was a time when by the Act of Settlement, Placemen were pre-
vented from sitting in Parliament, . but now their presence was
stated to be necessary to preserve the King upon his Throne,
and to support the Constitution. Were the men who held
such doctrines aware of the results which followed fre:n them ?
Could there be a better argument urged in favour, of. Reform, .
than that the King Could not hold his Throne, Without. the
aid of bribery and corruption ; or tbat, on the other hand,
the Members of Parliament were so sunk, so lost to shame
and decency, that they would endeavour to obstruct the ph-
lie bdsiness unless kept to their duty by bribery and corrapt
influence?--(Applause).—There was a time too when there
existed a dread of taxation, for there was on old adage, which
said, " that no things were certain but taxation and death."—
Now, indeed, the case was different. Ministers told us first,
that a reduction of taxation would add to the distresses of the
country ; secondly, that it would be an interference with the
G reat Author of nature • thirdly, that taxation was a dispensation
of Providence (a laugh); and fourthly, that our distresses from
taxation were but temporary, and would be cured on the princi-
ples of resurrection (a laugh). Let the people say or do what they
might, they could obtain no relief. If they grumbled, it was
said that they were impatient; if they sat down silently under
their suffering, it was said they were satisfied. There was a
time when there existed a strong jealousy of, and when objec-
tions were made against the continuance 'of a standing army,
when knowledge was considered as power, the source of wealth
and.happiness, and the best security for the preservation of vir-
tue and public order. But now a standing army was cherished,
and knowledge 'was a nuisance to Ministers, in the counter-
scale to which they found it necessary to throw the whole in-
fluence and corruption of office. It was reserved for the people
of the present times to hear a Minister declare, that if the
people offended the dignity of the House of Commons by their
Petitions the Executive possessed the power of punishing them
as they deserved. Would such doctrines he tolerated in a po-
pular House of Commons ? Would any Minister dare to use
such language, if MeMbers were freely chosen by the people ?
(Applause.)—He had " nothing exaggerated, nor aught set
down in malice." He might say with the Poet—r
44 Who's in or out, who guides the State machine,
" Nor moves my envy, nor excites my spleen."
He cared not what party was in, provided the country was' free,
contented and happy. Who did not feel insulted when he
heard the Constitution of this country pointed out as the envy
and admiration of surrounding nations ? Who could hear that
language used without entertaining a fear that under such a
flattering disguise there lurked a latent design of governing
the country in future without responsibility or controul
The domination under which we were sinking had nothing to
.do with the Constitution. It was, the offspring of fraud, cun-
ning and corruption. It commenced with the Septennial Act—
it was nursed by the Walpoles—it grew up with giant strength
under the Pelhams—it had increased, was incuasing, and,
less diminished, it would overpower and destroy the rights and
liberties of the people of England (applause). How the evils
under which we laboured were to be averted unless by a Reform
in Parliament, he was at a loss to discover, although Mr. Van-
sittart told them that every thing would go on well without a
Reform. If asked what description .of Representatives he
wished to return to Parliament, lie should answer, men who
acknowledged and acted on the great principles of tile Consti--
tuition. He wished for a Government of three estates.
Sir M. STAVYLTON moved an adjournment to the open air,
as numbers who could not get in,wished to hear the Hon. Gen-
tleman's eloquent speech—(Cries of " Go on, go on.")
- - - -

.Mr. FAWKES proceeded—lie wished to have a King clothed
in all the splendour and dignity. necessary to his station, armed
with full power to carry the business of the State into execution
with energy and promptitude, but at the same time a King,
strictly limited by law; —a King, with whom, when he mounted
the throne and received the sceptre, a most scleina reciprocal
compact had been entered into for the performance of certain
defined duties ;—a King, who pledged himself to his subjects as
they pledged themselves to bins. He wished a House of Lords,
which should be a balance between the King and the Commons ,
preventing encroachments of the Crown. on the one hand,
and venality and scurrility on the other. He would have an
Aristocracy contented with their privileges, without infring-
ing the rights and liberties of the people, or seeking that
. which they could not obtain without crime. Lastly, he wohldit
have a House of Commons fairly and honestly chosen—a set of
men who would prefer the interests of the country to their own,
or that of their patrons—and who would sympathise with the
people in the enactment of every law, the imposition of every
tax, and the removal of every grievance—a set of men who would
not obey the call of a Minister or yield to his menace. He would
repeat an Extract from a ReSolution of Parliament, which stated
" that the King of England cannot have so perfect, so honourable
a security for every thing. that can make a King truly great and
truly happy, as the genuine, free, and natural support of an un-
influenced and independent House of Commons.' In leaving
this part of the subject, he wished to.. remind the Meeting of
a passage in Bolingbroke's Patriot King, where he says----" If
Liberty be the delicious fruit on which you are anxious to
live, the British Constitution will afford to you that aliment,
on condition that you observe to trench and, fence it well
round against the beasts of the field and the insects of the
earth." The former were they who made open and undis-
guised attacks on them by the prerogatives of the Crown, and
the other, the noxious and nibbling vermin that belonged to the
earth, were the noxious and poisonous agents of corruption and
despondency. The Honourable Gentleman, after a few other
observations; said, it was not necessary for him now to enter
into a defence of the doctrines supported by Reformers ; when
a proper opportunity arrived: he would fearlessly throw down
his gauntlet and challenge ,his opponents. He expressed his
satisfaction in having called the, Meeting, as, by doing so,
he gave every mabin the County an opportunity of express-
ing his opinions upon the subject for' which they were assem-
bled, and had also redeemed his pledge not to relax in that zeal
'which he had through life shewn for the
.liberty and welfare of
his country. lie hoped that, the friends of Reform would not
hang back`until the moment of calamity arrived, for, if they
did, then all virtue, all wisdom, and all exertion, would be in
vain.—The Hon. Gentleman concluded amidst the loudest ap-
plause of the Meeting.
Mr. CHALLONER (M.P. for the city) moved that Mr.
Fawkes should take the Chair.
Sir W. INGLEBY seconded the motion.
Mr. FAWKES having taken the Chair, the following Resolu-
tions were read. They were subsequently put seriatim, and
carried unanimously. They were proposed by Mr. DEALTRY,
and seconded by Sir W. INGLEBY, Bart.
• "Resolved 1. That it is the opinion of the Meeting that a
Reform in the Comnions House of*Parliament—such a reform
as would render it the real, rather than the virtual, represen-
tation of the people—is become a measure of urgent necessity.
" 2.. That this Meeting collects the truth of this fact from
the recorded history of' the House itself, where it is found that
every successive Administration, of whatever party, 'can, with
a few solitary exceptions, of which the interested spirit has
been too manifest, at all times command a majority.
" 3. And this-meeting is willing to believe that the nume-
rous body of placemen and pensioners which a Committee of
the House of Commons has reported to exist in its own body;
has greatly tended to produce this spirit of dependence on the
one hand, and of unbounded power on the other.
" 4. Further, that the.return of Members to the Corn-mons
House of Parliament, as appears from numerous statements
made in tbe House-itself, being.eflected through the influence
of Peers. of the Realm as well as of the Lords of the Treasury,
is another cause why the votes of the House so implicity follow
the dictateS of successive administrations and frequently with
the sacrifice of the best interests of the,country.
" 5. Convinced of this great truth, this Meeting thinks it
right to watch the opportunity, for adopting, the steps necessary
to raise this great country to those exertions. which may be
wanted to effect Such a. reform as shall restore our representa-
tion to a-state of constitutional purity, Calculated at once to pro-
tect the rights of the people and of the Crown.
" 6. Further, that to bring about this gieat object, it is the
opinion of this Meeting, that a Committee be immediately ip-

h ••
pointed; with powers to ad to num_ers, wino shall meet
do tho firist MondaY•in.NOVerither, tO•originate a ebunt y nieet-
.ingl;Pr to adopt sped measures as, they. may conceive requisite
to promote a reform in the Commons ponseiof Parliaignent,
Mr. entered into explanation of toe calis=.l
Which prevented • his. Noble Friend (fiord Milton one 'of the
Representatives of the County, from being present. It waS Ifnown
to many present, that, Lord Fitzwilliam had not for.sorue time
enjoyed good'health ; be had besides suffered recently.tY a 'severe
domestic calamity. His Lordship, attended by. Lord MiltOn,
Went to•have em operation performed upon his e.l'cs;',but even
werehis Noble Friend (Lord Milton) pot in town, ltexotild
answenhat he would have attended 'that h eting.. Lorq.;)lilton
was in principle a reformer, but as he, diffored -fikini his father
on that question, ?final affection wpgisl probably have:prevented
sill attending, as by doing, .16; he might'cause an irritation .of
feeling in his Noble 'perhapS would be-produc-
tive. of the most fatal consequehces. The Hon. Gentleman
concluded by expressing himself a decided supporter of Reform.
Mr. Wyvit.r., 141-. P. for the City, expressed -his satisfaction
at the part takeli by his Honourable Friend (Mr. Fawkes),
whqin the Thanks of the County were due, for his,thanly- ex-
ertion in this great cause. Ile (Mr. \V.) had ever been a Zea-
lous friend of Reform, .and he should ever continue to be its
zealtnis advocate—(Applause!)
Thanks were voted to Mr. FawfrEs, who, in reply, assured
the Meeting of his zealous adherence to that glorious cause
which he had uniformly supported through life.
The Met-Aing then separated. Besides the names we have
given, there were present several of the first Gentlemen of the
County.
A Committee, consisting of some of the, first Gentlemen of the
County in point of property anti respectability, were then ap-
pointed.