The Sun.
London, England, 1831-10-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

" Eyes have they, and see not." These miserable Tories.
The bulk of them, we are of opinion, do not know that they
live and eat amongst a people now in a state of universal
movement. All the counties are up, and all the cities, and the
metropolis leads them, and the House of Commons has, by an
immense majority, concurred with the people, in opposition to
the Lords. Yet are we forced to listen to the matchless imper-
tinence of some persons, who either deny that there is any ani-
mation discoverable throughout the community at this moment;
or that, if there be any, it is excited by the public Press ! If
facti be good for any thing, the country from north to south is
under one paroxysm of astonishment or indignation at the
defeat of the Bill. So imperfectly were the inhabitants of
distant counties acquainted with the " good working" of the
present Constitution, that they were ignorant enough to believe
it altogether impossible for the Lords to reject the nation's
prayer. They were undeceived by Saturday morning's event,
and have since required all the moral restraint that could be
posed upon them by their most discreet and virtuous advisers,
to prevent them from breaking into acts demonstrative of that
resentment, which the contempt manifested for the feelings of
the whole United Kingdom had produced among nineteen.
twentieths of its active and intelligent population. If the people
be not powerfully moved, how comes it that the House of Com-
tmenontss—thweepeomepalen—thhaats mbeeignhtpyrepvoairltedionupoofnittowphaicsh,
trheaatlluynruepsuraei
(though we acknowledge most salutary) vote, which restores the
Ministers to more than their original influence, and consigns to
despair an Opposition which, had Englishmen not felt deeply
upon this question, would ere now have been reinvested with the
long-enjoyed—and, in the judgment of the majority of the people
—the long-abused—powers of the Treasuryßench. Is it the Press
that has done this? Some persons pretend that the people have
been excited by the Press, and not by the defeat of thelteformßill.
Then what has been the instrument through which the Press
has wrought out :the excitement ?—what its topic?—what the
alarum-bell of which it has so effectually availed itself ? Why,
nothing but Reform ! It has appealed to the people, by their
eagerness for Reform in Parliament, to support .the reforming
Ministry,—to declare their patriotic sentiments, limit to respect
the laws. Now suppose the Press had adjured the nation, by
its esteem for Toryism, and its affection for close boroughs, to
come forward with petitions against the Reform Bill, or denun.
ciations against Lord Grey's Ministry, and pledges of support
to Lord Mansfield, or Lord Ellenborough, what would have
happened ? Who would have been moved, except by contemp.
tuous laughter? If the Press had been writing up Lord Ellen.
borough for the last twenty years, does any man but the Noble
Baron himself conceive that it could have written him into the
public love or confidence ? or that any effects would
have followed, except an absolute distaste for the art
of printing itself, on account of the uses to which it
had been made subservient ? If Iteform be made an
engine for excitation by the Press, it must have already
a hold upon the affections of the people. There is no escape
from such a truth as this. To act upon men's minds, there
must be a pre-existing lever. The Press cannot stand upon
nothing. See what has really happened upon this very subject
of Reform. Another Press than the liberal Press has all along
been toiling, and bubbling, and appealing, and conjuring, and
denouncing, and exhorting. Its activity has been incessant,
its malice exemplary,—its argument, though absurd, most la-
borious,—its wit weighty. Never was the cause of regular
Toryism served with more zeal, or more characteristic means,
than by certain journals (we shall not trouble ourselves to point
them out), whose names, if forgotten elsewhere, must of course
be known at the. Stamp-office. And what success have these
champions met with in the service of bad government ? Have
they produced no popular excitement ? None. Are they
obeyed—or listened to—or looked at—or heard of ? No.
They are destitute of that article of first necessity—readers ;
except, perhaps, such readers of their trash as may first have
been the writers of it. The truth is,:that for the newspapers to
have had any influence whatever in animating the people upon
the Reform question, that question must already have attaohed
to itself from different sources—namely, the common sense
and natural feelings of society—an extenih'e and powerful
charm. The Lords generally, we. are sure, do not entertain the
opinions on which we have commented, but are already awake
to the consequences of their own deplorable error. They un-
dervalued the resentment of the people. They aught first to
have rechained them. As in the case of the Irish Catholics,
who by the acquisition of a limited amount of freedom had
been taught the value of more, and had been vainly resisted iu
their cqpstitutional efforts to obtain it ; so in the case of the
British nation itself, the rapidly and wide-spread intelligence
of the last fifty years has exhibited, in full glare, the vices of a
selfish, prodigal, corrupt, and wasting system of domestic and
colonial policy,—has proved to the people that thoy never can
reckon safely on an upright administration of public affairs,
until they shall have secured to themselves a real, instead of
only a nominal, contralti over the choice of those who man
them,—and has, at last, created an unconquerable 44iire fbr
Reform throughout the whole action of the Gov.zilment, such
as no set of Ministers can ever henceforth oppose with success,
until they shall first have repineged the whole British natioe
into that darkness and brute indifference to gerseralroucs,,.±ohich
had favoured the stealthy march of encroachment upon their
common liberties. The die is now cast ; the people of England
will have the Bill which their King and Ministers have .43repaiAt
to them, and nothing less.—Times.
The peaceable conduct of the people, notwithstanding the
studied efforts made to betray them into violence, is only what
we should have expected from their habitual good sense, good
feeling, and reflection. Indeed those journalists and dema.
gogues who were most vehement in their ttreats of revolution
made it appear, upon their own showing, that revolution was
impossible. They stated that the whole people were of the one
way: of thinking ; and that, supported as they were by the King
and, the existing Administration, they were only prevented from
`having that Parliamentary
WhlCh they desired by a few
Noblemen. How, filet', ()Mid there be a revolution. The
aabbtleheretp
popular
word revolution, in its political sense, means a change of cIY,
nfogreaetwt
hpeulKari
or of the whole subsisting frame of Government, cftbcted
leen t o peopleeth—e rt e 'ThereExecutive
s
ereßhuatvethobuegenh the,orn
therefore, no possibility of revolution, because there was no-
dtbGheyori
tr'
ygeo rranctnoer
epeionpslteanheae‘s' have been
r ahbolre-
violence. The. outrages at Derby and at Nottingham, and the
pcpepal attacks in 1.911,4011 tome of the Noble 0144*
revolutionize.ep But
uca en

nents of the Reform Bill. hav'e not been the work of the
people. They are the worst enemies of Reform who indulge
in stuh excesses—for they disgrace a just and rational cause by
the most wanton. and criminal, and tyrannical application of
brute force. Such disturbers of the peace must either be the
dupes of treacherous instigators, who hope Reform will be im-
peded by outrage, or ruffians of desperate habits, who care
nothing about the political question, but think the crisis
favourable for the more congenial operation of pillage and de-
vastation. The breaking open the gaol and letting out the
criminals, and breaking indiscriminately the windows of the
respectable. inhabitants, whether Reformers or Ant i- Re-
formers, prove what a mere rabble it was that commenced the
disturbances at Derby, which the military have quenched in
blood. The burning of Nottingham Castle, too, was a brutal
and barbarous act, only worthy of the followers of a Tyler
or a Cade. Reform has nothing in common with in-
cendiaries and men of blood. It repudiates them and their
acts. Its great object is improvement—their's destruction.
We regret to see any portion of the London Press
tending. itself at this moment to the instigation of the
worst passions of the rabble, by publications denoting the
Members of the majority in the House of Lords as objects of
popular vengeance. We do not suppose the papers that pub-
lish those things have any intention of pointing out certain
Noblemen as objects of personal violence ; but such is their
natural, if not inevitable tendency. Even the Book of peace—
the book of our religion, has been ransacked for the purpose of
profanely applying passages in the sacred writings to purposes
of malignant mischief. In an Evening Paper of last evening
appeared the common version of the 58th Psalm, applied to
Lord Mansfield, and other Anti-Reform Lords. One verse,
we need hardly tell our readers, runs as follows :
The righteous shall rejoice to see
Their crimes such vengeance meet,
And Saints in persecutors' blood
Shall dip their harmless feet.
Is it right or decorous in a respectable paper to profane even a
bad translation of any part of the inspired writings by such an
application ? Can fanatical violence serve any just cause ;or
does Reform stand in the need of the practical zeal and pious
works of a political St. Bartholomew ?—Morning Herald.
We have reason to believe, though we cannot take upon our.
selves to state positively, that Lord Palmerston has resigned
the important office of Secretary for Foreign Affairs. Any
change in the present Ministerial arrangements is perhaps, un-
der all the circumstances of the country, not much to be de-
sired; but of all the changes that could have happened, the
retirement of Lord Palmerston was the one least likely to be
attended with any injurious effect. Lord Palmerston was never
popular, either in the House or out of it : he acquired his po-
litical education in a bad school; and though it was his good
fortune to have succeeded such a Foreign Secretary as Lord
Aberdeen, he did not derive all the benefit which he might
have derived from that circumstance, by attending to the simple
process of reversing his Lordship's example. In the case of
Portugal, indeed, the policy of Lord Palmerston exhibited ars
advantageous contrast to that of his predecessor, whose speeches
in condemnation of that policy are, perhaps, the most conclu-
sive evidence in its favour. But the case of Poland was
one in the treatment of which those rival Statesmen seemed
to agree—for even political animosity could not force a
speech or a sentence in favour of Poland from Lord Aberdeen,
though night after night he, wasted hours in the defence of
Don Miguel. But if Lord Aberdeen was silent, the people of
England—the people of Europe—have spoken out : they have
shown that they regard the treatment of Poland as a blot upon
the character of the age; and their voices will yet be raised, in
a tone more decisive and indignant, when the accounts of those
transactions come to be wound up, and public opinion, en.
lightened by a full knowledge of all the circumstances, shall
pronounce its irrevocable fiat upon the actors and the act• —.
Without, however, discussing this system of our foreign policy
under the guidance of Lord Palmerston, we may safely under.
take to say that the Ministry will lose nothing by his retire-
ment. On the contrary, if his retirement from office could be
fairly interpreted into a change of system, the Ministers would
soon find that very loss is not a disadvantage, as they must
have discovered already that a few flowery speeches made in
opposition are not conclusive evidence of the possession of
talents sufficient to conduct the affairs of a great nation in
perilous times.—Morning Herald.

In all times of political excitement the mode of expressing
approbation or disapprobation will vary according to the cha-
racter of individuals. The wise and the well-informed will
conduct themselves in a reasonable manner, while the ignorant
rabble will give vent to their feelings in an irrational and per-
haps mischievous manner. When Noble Lords and Hon_
Gentlemen complain of the occasional excesses of mobs, and
endeavour to hold the Ministers of the day accountable for
them, they should first show there ever has been a period of
strong popular excitement in this country in which the dregs
of the people have not indulged in excesses against the more
marked individuals of the side to which they were opposed,
and that, Ministers have encouraged in any way the present ex-
cesses. The peculiarity of the present excitement is, that a.
people, under circumstances which would have driven any
other to madness—namely, the spectacle of 199 men, most
of them actuated by base and dishonest motives, oppos-
ing themselves to a nation, all but unanimous, and avail-
' ing themselves of their power to prevent such a Reform
in the representation as would secure that nation against
the moat horrible abuses, should bear the loss of a measure, on
which their hopes were set, with a patience almost without ex-
ample. In the present day not a hand has been raised, not even
a stone-has been thrown in that town, in which, forty years ago, ,
clergymen from the altar vowed that if the virtuous Priestly
were brought to the stake, they would apply the first brand to
it, and in which Magistrates even directly stimulated the assas-
sin and the incendiary. Were we to go further back to the
Oxford riots, we could show heads of Colleges even, so far abus-
ing their trust, as to encourage the youth placed under their
care to commit the most disgraceful outrages. But on an occa.
sion when the people have been stung even to madness by their
disappointment—when in a letter from one of the best informed
men in Birmingham it is stated that " the indignation here
approaches to madness—nothing but a reliance upon the Minis..
ters prevents an universal rising of the nation from instantly
taking place," there has been hitherto less outrage than has been
displayed on almost any former occasion of even moderate general
excitement. Accounts of the mode in which the intelligence of
the rejection was received have now reached town from the most
distant of ou r great seats of industry,G ktagow ; and no disturbance
of any moment has taken place throughout all the range of the
country between the northern line and the metropolis, except at
Derby and Nottingham, The excesses at these two places are
much to be lamented ; they are condemned by all respectable
people ; but while we lament them, we consider the accusations
founded on them against Ministers and against the Press, to
display very little of either charity or justice. The conduct of
Lord John Russell and Lord Althorp was arraigned last night
by Sir Henry Herdinge, because they corresponded with Mr.
Attwood,' the head of the Birmingham Political Union, ex-
pressing their gratitude for the vote of thanks at the great
meeting of 150,000 persons, and because, in alluding to the re-
jection of the Bill, Lord John Russell expressed his hope that
the disappointment would be only for a moment, " for it is
impossible the whisper of faction can prevail against the volt e
of a nation, " " What," exclaims Sir Henry, " are we, I
say, to expect, when these individuals (the Anti-Reformers),
their persons, and property, together with those of other d'a.
tinguished persons who happen to hold similar opinions, are
exposed to the fury of the naali ?—(Loud cheering.) What are
we to expect when we find Ministers—and Ministers of the Ca-
binet too— (Hear, hear)—corresponding with political unions?"
It was alleged in answer; that the correspondence was not with
Mr. Attwood as leader of the Political Union, but as chairman
of a meeting of Englishmen. But, after all, it is certain
that the Political Unions have not contributed materially
to the peace of the country, by repressing irregular move-
ments ? We verily believe that Mr. Attwood and the other
leaders of the Political Union have:done great service to the
country, by the exercise, of their influence at this crisis. But
Lord John Bushell spoke of a faction, foraooth If his Lord-
ship had inanited the people of Birmingham, by giving the
199 crtajit for honesty of purpose, and added, " finding that a
raajority of men, actuated ,by what I am sure are the purest
motives, have rejected the Bill, I deem it my duty to bow to
their decision, and to abandon office with my colleagues, to
make way for men enjoying the confidence of this Honourable
Majority,"—would this language have contributed to the peace
of the country ? 'aVe have no hesitation in saying that it
would instantly have thrown the country into anarchy, and
roused the peoplo to make one grand effort to do justice to
thentselves, We rejoice that Lord John Russell had the good
sense to speak of the Majority as they ought to be spoken of,
t.eeause in showing that he shared the opinion of the nation
with regard to the Lords, he inspired the people with the hope
that Ministers would not desert them, and that the victory
would yet he gained by peaceable and orderly means, To speak
of tte majority as they ought to be spoken of—to describe the
,Host of them as selfish and factious men—to speak with
detestation of the conduct of the Bishops, is mercy to these ob.
jects of the popular dislike ; for it is only a belief that that deter_
tali is really felt by Ministers and their supporters, that there is
fie sympathy whatever with those who would expose the country
to the danger of anarchy for their selfish ends, that can give the
people the patience to support their disappointment. " Where
ls the faction. (exclaimed Sir Richard Vyvyan) I Is it to be
found in the Bench of Bishops—(Hear, hear),..-who have been
so much abused ? They at least have been hitherto accused of
the habit of laeing in accordance with the powers that be.—
(CheerQ This is the first time that they have been accused
af voting against the Administration—a vote by which they had
everything to lose aid nothing to gain.—(Hears
hear.)" Aye,
Sir Richard, they may have blundered, as many men do, in
Matters of gain and loss—but did they think that they would
have every thing to lose and nothing to gain ? They specu-
lated upon a
if report be true, they did more thais
speculate-01U endeavoured to ensure that fall by deceiving
Ministers unto a belief that they were with them, in order that,
b Se-posing in a false security„ the desertion might leave them
at the mercy of their enemies. While you are opposing them iii
front,
disappointed, but they thought their we will eonlC.ll,it'Y up behind there and trip up their heels-
The
ee ser-
al3tr xel7,vteimbeeewPould so endear them to those forwhom they
obtained the victory, thg there would be no longer any talk of
putting houses in rude;—that odious word to the rich Dignitaries
of a rich Chtuell., 50- R. Vyvyan is too acute a man, surety, to
have recourse to a miracle when a phenomenon can be acecoauh,natel,
Or natural way. He allows that the
Bijaarcsantt sureia
been subservient to the powers that be, a°,•o.--,
for popular rights. and to secure the
b in short, a love of
suppose that a hatred of fraud and corru:eio_ica:Mgt rettaLde
who have an interest in `
f iniquity—but then; for once,
righteousness anti ?hatred 0 a
not to be subservient t.! .
Si Richard could
only have satisfied the
Bishops that they would not sue
p -
ceed in their attempt to trip
u the heels of the Ministry,
r ' Mintsters•lf
the vote which will occupy s? prominent a place in tilc,

history' of " this eouhtry Would assuredly have been- of a
difrerent character. We are almost tempted to suspect Sir
Richard of wishing to play on this occasion the part of a--
good-natured friend to the Bishops—to be trying his hand Ala
Mrs. Candour. Mr. Hume made an excellent speech, in which,
he treated the Opposition according to their deserts. He re-
proved some Members for most calumnious language applied to
the people, and availed himself of the opportunity to show to the
people how important it was that they should not afford the least
handle to their opponents, as an advantage would instantly be
taken of it. The following passage of his speech is excellent :
" When he looked around him in that House, he saw enough to
account for the tenacity of those persons.—(Hear, hear.) Were
those who sat round him the representatives of the people.
—(Cheers, and cries of They are.') He denied it —(Cheers.)
There had been too many proofs that they were not. They were
the delegates of a few Peers.—(Hear.) Were the people, then, to
be blamed for manifesting some indignation when they saw their
rights withheld by a handful of men—by a mere faction ? And
here he must say, that he was sorry the Noble Lord who had ap-
plied the term faction:to that small party should have attempted
to explain away his words.—(Cheers.) He much more approved
of the course adopted by the Hon. and Learned Member for
Aldborough, who did not attempt to explain away anything
which he might have said, however violent. What else was
there opposed to the voice of the nation but the whisper of a
faction ?—(Cheers.) What else were the 199 Members of the
other House, and the 240 Members of that House, who resisted
the wishes of the people, and who had disappointed their hopes,
but a very small faction, as compared to the whole nation ? He
therefore thought that the Noble Lord could not rightly
have designated them otherwise.—(Heat)" Mr. Maberly very
happily exposed the inconsistency of those who taunted the
people with indifference for the Bill, and yet loudly accused
Ministets of neglect of duty in not endeavouring to prevent
them from displaying their sentiments. "He firmly believed
that the people had assembled with the strongest intention of
keeping the peace."—Morning Chronicle.

In the House of Commons, last night, Lord John Russell
was very properly called to severe account by Sir R. Vyvyan
and other Hon. Members for certain unwarrantable expressions
used by him in a letter to the Chairman of the Birmingham
Political Union, at whose last seditious if not treasonable meet-
ing thanks were voted to his Lordship and Lord Althorp. It
will be seen that Lord J. Russell, in his epistle, had the teme-
rity to talk of faction in allusion to the recent noble, just, and
glorious conduct of, the House of Lords, by which they, have
secured to themselves the eternal gratitude of every true friend
of the Constitution; while he displayed a want of candour,
and of truth, of which with all his faults we had before con-
sidered him incapable, in talking about the united voice of
the people of Britain. Upon this latter point his Lordship
must excuse us if we assert that he well knows the fact
to be the reverse of his statement. So far from the sense
of the people being unanimous in favour of the Revolutionary
Bill, he must, if he have taken the trouble to consider the sub-
ject at all, have satisfied himself that there not only exists a
wide difference of opinion in every district of the kingdom re-
specting it, but that in very many the majority are adverse to
the Ministerial measure, and that in all the truly loyal and
the better clues of the people are decidedly hostile to it.—
With what justice or propriety, 'therefore, can Lord John
Russell presume to talk of the sense of an united people ?
Look to the election now proceeding in Dorsetshire—look
to the late elections for Weymouth,. Dublin, Grimsby,
Monmouthshire, Forfarshire, in all of which the Bill can_
didates have been signally defeated. Look again to the
elections, even during the Reform mania, for the three
Universities ; for the counties of Buckingham and Sa-
lop, Huntingdon, Northampton, and Cambridge ; the Anti_
Bill petitions from London, Leicester, Belfast, &c. ; the
declarations from Staffordshire, Berkshire, Bristol, and
other places. What then becomes of the disgusting cant about
unanimity repeated so audaciously from day to day by the
revolutionary journals, and now echoed by a Member of the
House of Government ? Is this the " unanimity" of Lord
John Russell? How should we rightly designate the man who,
in his situation, can make such an assertion ? With regard to
his outrageous libel upon the House of Lords, in terming fac-
tious the due exercise of their rights and duties, we cannot do
better than make his Lordship answer himself, which in better
days he did with powerful effect. Without referring to Lord
Johri Russell's frequent speeches in Parliament, amply con-
demnatory of his present conduct, we shall content ourselves
with giving the following extract from his Essay on
Political Economy, upon the subject of the high im-
p)rtance of the House of Lords in the regulation
of the affairs of the State. On this great question his Lord-
ship thus forcibly and justly speaks :—" The House of Peers
collectively form a Council for weighing with greater caution
and deliberation the resolutions of the House of Commons. If
the more popular assembly is sometimes led away, as it is na-
tural it should, by sudden impressions or temporary clamour,
this hereditary Senate may interpose its grave and thoughtful
opinions to suspend the effect of an intemperate vote." And what
were the sentiments of Lord Grey himself upon the same sub-
ject in his Lordship's calmer moments ? These our readers
may now be particularly desirous to know. Well, then,
we think we can afford them some satisfaction upon this
point. In the year 1827—(only four years ago)—Earl
Grey thus most sensibly and powerfully delivered
himself in the House of Peers :—" I stand here one of a body
who, while protecting the interest of the public, are, if neces-
sary, to controul the people themselves whose duty it is, not
to give way to clamour, but to oppose themselves without fear
p' hesitation to every measure of which they disapprove. If we
are told that by altering the Bill we run the risk of having one
still worse forced upon us, toe are not to suffer ourselves to be
intimidated by that threat. If a worse Bill come, let us take
it into our deliberate consideration; let us amend it if possible,
and, if we cannot make it a good Bill, let us with Me same reso-
lution and firmness oppose it, and ensure its final rejection If
there is to come a contest between this House and a great body
of the people, my part is taken. lam one of an order which
is bound to maintain the privileges and Independence of Par-
liament, and I will stand or fall with the order to which I
belong." Upon these principles have the Lords acted, and in
the manly exercise of their functions have saved the Constitu-
tion and the State. The discussion in the House of Commons
was very animated, Mr. Hume, we regret to say, appears in
no very favourable light.-Morning Post.

METROPOLITAN PAROCHIAL AD-
DRESSES AND PROCESSIONS.

(Concluded from our Paper of yesterday.)
By the time the whole of the processions had arrived, we
should suppose that, taking the crowds whichextended through
St. James's-street, St. James's-square, the western end of Pall..
mall, and those which had got into the Park in the rear of the
Palace, the assembled multitude consisted of at least 60,000 per-
sons. One thing which struck us in this immense number was
the comparatively small number of females present. With the
exception of a few in the Park, there was scarcely a woman to be
seen in the crowd.
Soon after the arrival of the processions, the deputations from
Marylebone, &c., waited on Lord Melbourne with the ad.
dresses, requesting hun to present them to the Sovereign. His
Lordship received them with his accustomed kindness, and ad-
vised them to give the addresses to the county Members, Mr.
Byng and Mr, Hume, who would present them. The deputation
then waited on Mr. Byng, who, with Mr, Hume, promised to pre-
sent them, along with the addresses from St. Luke, fit. Pancras,
Paddington, &c. For this purpose, the two Hon, Members pro-
ceeded from Mr. Byng's house in St. James's-square to the Palace,
and were escorted, amidst immense cheering, by a large body of
the procession. In about an hour they returned to the house,
and soon after appeared at the balcony, from which Mr. Hume
addressed the assembled multitude. We were not near enough
to hear what fell from the Hon. Member, but a respectable cor-
respondent (who has given his name and address) has sent us the
following account of it :
‘: Gentlemen,—l am happy to say that I have presented your
address to his Majesty, telling him it was passed at a meeting of
near 40,000 persons, and that it prayed he would retain his Mi-
nisters—use all constitutional means to pass the Reform Bill—
and to dismiss those persons from his Court and household who
were opposed to this measure; and I have the happiness to say,
Gentlemen, that his Majesty has disaketly promised the prayer
of it shall be complied with, and he emphatically observed he had
the highest confidence in his present Ministry, and every means
in his power should be used to insure the success of a measure
so essentially necessary to the interest, happiness, and welfare of
his people; and further, all persons about his Court or person op,
posed to the Bill, should be removed."
This announcement was received -by the meeting with tremen-
dous cheering. The Hon. Member then earnestly exhorted the
people to preserve peace and good oriliar. Let them be firm and
united, but peaceable, and they must succeed.—Ch,e,ers.)
The Hon. Member then retired.
We regret to say that the advice of the Hon. Member was lost
on souse of the crowd, who soon after the Hon. Member had re-
tired began to pelt the window's of the Marquis of Bristol's house
with stones, and in a few minues destroyed most of the panes in
the lower windows, Soon after this most of the processions re-
turned, and the square was cleared of its crowd.
The processions on their return, as well as on their arrival,
were loudly cheered by the immense crowds who litimlbeth sides
of the way.
Many members of the Government, as well as some of the
other distinguished supporters of the Sill, were recognized by
the people in their way to and from the Les,ee, and were re-
ceived with loud and continued cheers. Others who were, or
were supposed to be, hostile to it, were as loudly hooted As they
lassed.
After the great body of the people had departed from the neigh-
bourhood of St. James's-street and PalLanall, we understoodthat
several instances of disorder occurred in places adjoining; but
we are informed that the greater portion of the persons engaged
in these proceedings were of thevery lowest class,—chiefiy young
thieves and pickpockets.
We give the following accounts as they have reached us from
various sources :
At about four o'clock three policemen were observed coming
through St. James's-square, with a prisoner in their custody.—
Without waiting to ascertain his otience, they were groaned at,
and followed by thousands of persons through Charles.street,—
The crowd surrounded the policemen and rescued the prisoner,
who made off. In St. James's Park great crowds assembled.—
One man fought desperately with four of five policemen, and it
was generally reported that their violence had caused his death.
Ahout three o'clock a large assemblage of persons took place
in Hyde Park. A few stones were thrown at Apsley-house, and
a few squares of glass were broken, when some of the Duke of
Wellington's servants presented themselves at the windows.—
Great hissing and hooting followed, and immediately afterwards
a shower of stones was thrown at the house, and almost every
square of glass in it was demolished. Some policemen, who were
upon the spot at the time, endeavoured to drivethe crowd, which
consisted chiefly of juvenile pickpockets, out of the Park, but
violent resistance was made, and t.he costables were ultimately
compelled to make a precipitate retreat, and take shelter in his
Grace's house.
Notice of these proceedings having been given at the St.
James's Police-station, a large party of the C and T divisions,
headed by a superintendent and four inspector.,
proceeded with
all possible haste to Hyde Park, where they fo pd •
under the statue. They had not been there manyrm—raniirmateß:dliC
fore they were saluted with several showers. of stones-.
attacks were for a time borne with exemplary- Patiente. but at
length a large crowd having collected in ron of
ttwhoe
hundre,i,Duke
of
Wellington's house, the police, in number • about
sallied forth, and in an instant the rabble might be seen running
in all directions. Several of the ringleaders were taken i ito
custody, and conveyed to the Knightsbridge.barracks, where the
pharges were made against them before a Magistrate
Alter the mob had been driven out of Hyde Park, they.pro.
meted immediately to the mansion of the Earl of Dudley, and
commenced throwing stones at the windows, but they wee sur-
PTSfSI WIT lawless acts by 4 strong body of police, h had
PT
- ' •

been stationed in hiS Lordship's-stableS, suddenly rushing upon
them with their staves ; and in this instance the mob had the
worst of the contest, for they were fairly beaten off the field.
Mier the Levee was over, a vast number of the lower orders
assembled in the Park, evidently awaiting the arrival of some of
the Anti-Reform Peers. At about five o'clock the Marquis of
Londonderry, accompanied by a friend, made his appearance on
horseback, and was proceeding towards the House of Lords.
Before the Noble Marquis was aware of the company he was in,
he found himself in the midst of between 4,000 and 5,000 persons.
At first the Noble Marquis was not recognized, and he was pro-
ceeding with apparent security, when, on a sudden, a voice ex-
claimed " There goes the Marquis of Londonderry." In an
instant the air resounded with groans and hisses ; and, in ad-
dition, the gallant Marquis was assailed with pebbles. His Lord-
ship,. finding the missiles flying about his person, suddenly drew
up his horse, and put his hand into his coat pocket. The mob,
thinking he intended to take out his handkerchief to clean
his face from some dirt, shouted, but what was their astonish-
ment when they beheld a pistol in the gallant Marquis's
hand; and, in performance of his promise in the House of
Lords, he declared that he would fire at the first man who
dared to throw another stone .at him. The menace pro-
duced the desired effect, and the mob, for a few seconds,
drew back. The gentleman who was along with the Marquis
here begged of him not to carry his threat into effect, and pointed
out the fatal consequence which would result from the collision;
upon which the Marquis gave way, and clapping spurs to his
horse, proceeded to the Horse Guards. The mob, finding the
Gallant Marquis only kept his pistol in his. hand, again pelted
him with stones, and continued so to do until the Marquis ar-
rived at the Horse Guards. The military here presented a most
formidable and impenetrable barrier, and the mob could proceed
no farther.

The Duke of Cumberland in proceeding to the House of Lords
was also attacked in the Park, and we are informed that his
Royal Highness was dragged from his horse, and very roughly
used by the multitude. At this juncture several of the police,
who had been informed of the danger of the Duke, forced their
way through the mob, and extricating his Royal Highness from
the perilous situation into which he had fallen, succeeded in get-
ting his Royal Highness through the mob, and escorted him, on
foot, to the Horse Guards, it being advisable that his Royal
Highness should not mount his horse again.

PRESENTATION OF THE CITY
ADDRESS TO THE KING.

The intimation that his Majesty would this day receive the ad-
dress of the Corporation was not received at the Guildhall till too
late an hour last night to allow of notices being sent to the mem.
bers before ten o'clock this morning, but such was their anxiety
to manifest their feeling, that several of the most influential
of that body were at an early hour assembled in the reading room
and by half-past twelve o'clock upwards of 130 gathered together
in their robes, and proceeded with the Lord Mayor and city of-
ficers to St. James's. Aldermen Wood, Waithman, Thorp, and
Kelly were, as usual, at their post. The shortness of the notice
must apologize for the absence of some of their brethren, while
the'non-attendance of others of them can be accounted for by ano-
tber apothesis—the known hostility which they bear to Reform,
political as well as municipal. The Lord Mayor was enthusi-
astically cheered during his progress to St. James's, as were se-
veral liberal members of the Court upon their being recognized
by the public. Along the whole line of procession the shops were
closed.
His Majesty, surrounded by his Ministers and the principal
Officers of State, received the Corporation on the throne. He
was dressed in a Field-Marshal's uniform, and looked extremely
well.

The following is the address, and his Majesty's answer :
"TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY.
" THE DUTIFUL AND LOYAL ADDRESS OF THE
LORD MAYOR, ALDERMEN, AND COMMONS OF
THE CITY OF LONDON IN COMMON COUNCIL
ASSEMBLED.

MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,—We, your Majesty's
most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and
Commons of the City of London, in Common Council assembled,
most humbly approach your Majesty with the warmest senti-
ments of loyalty and attachment to your Majesty's sacred person
and Government.

" We beg to represent to your Majesty that we have received,
with feelings of the deepest sorrow and dismay, the intelligence
of the House of Lords having turned a deaf ear to the nation's
voice, by refusing their sanction to the Bill for amending the
representation of the people in Parliament,—a measure pre-emi-
nently calculated to consolidate the peace, prosperity, and liber.
ties of the people.
" We beg further to assure your Majesty, that we entertain
unabated confidence in the firmness and patriotism of your Ma-
jesty's Government, and we look with intense anxiety for the
fulfilment of the noble declaration of your Majesty's Prime Mi-
nister, that he will be true to the duties imposed upon him by
the confidence of the King and the people„by instantly employing
every constitutional means to carry this all-important measure.
" We beg likewise to assure your Majesty, that we are satis-
fied the people of England will devote every energy of mind and
body to uphold the stability of your Majesty's throne, and pre-
serve the Constitutional institutions of the country ; but we are
equally convinced that nothing but the most prompt and ener-
getic measures on the part of your Majesty's Government, to
revive the hopes of your people, and give them a certain prospect
of the immediate passing of a Bill similar to that which has been
rejected, will prevent the most fearful national commotions.
" At the same time we beg to assure your Majesty of our con.
tinned attachment to your Majesty's Royal person and Govern-
ment, and of our cordial co-operation in those measures which
are so essentially calculated to promote the peace and happiness
of your Majesty's people.

" Signed, by order of the Court,
" HENRY WOODTHORPE."
To which address his Majesty was pleased to return the fol-
lowing most gracious answer, which he pronounced with great
emphasis and firmness :--

‘: I receive with satisfaction the expression of your loyalty and
attachment to my person and Government, and of your confi-
dence in my constitutional advisers.
" You may be assured of my sincere desire to uphold and im-
prove the securities afforded by the constitution for the main-
tenance of the just rights of my people, and you may rely on my
continued disposition to further the adoption of such measures as
may seem best calculated for that purpose. For the safe and suc-
cessful accomplishment of such measures, it is above all things
necessary that they should be discussed with calmnesss and deli-
beration ; and I earnestly recommend to you to use all the influ-
ence you justly possess with your fellow-citizens for the purpose
of preserving the public peace from any interruption by acts of
violence and commotion."

At the Levee which was afterwards held, the Lord Mayor,
with a deputation from the Livery, presented the following ad-
dress, as agreed at the Common Hall on Monday last :

THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY.
THE DUTIFUL AND LOYAL ADDRESS OF THE
LORD MAYOR, ALDERMEN, AND LIVERYMEN
OF THE CITY OF LONDON, IN COMMON-TALL
ASSEMBLED.

"mosr GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,—We, your Majesty's
dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Livery-
men of the city of London, beg leave to assure your Majesty of
our continued attachment and loyalty to your person and Go-
vernment, and of our perfect reliance upon and confidence
in the wisdom, integrity, and firmness of your Majesty's
Ministers; and we venture humbly to represent to your
Majesty our belief, that under the present trying and difficult
circumstances, the security of the public credit, and the preserva-
tion of the public peace depend, upon their continuance in office ;
that no other Ministers would like them possess the esteem and
the confidence of the country, and that they only would be
enabled to carry into effect your Majesty's paternal and benevo-
lent intentions towards your people ; and we beg to assure your
Majesty of our loyal and zealous approval and support of every
constitutional means which may be adopted in order to secure
the speedy passing into a law the great measure of Reform in
the representation of the people, which has been proposed by
your Majesty's Ministers. '

ANNAN, OCT. 11.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

- -
Sna,—The news of the rejection of the Reform Bill by the
House of Lords reached this town on the morning of yesterday,
by the mail, and produced a very strong sensation. A requisi-
tion for a public meeting was immediately presented to our Pro-
vost, who promptly complied with it; and the meeting, which
was held in the afternoon (the Provost in the Chair), was at-
tended by nearly the whole male population of the town. Reso.
lutions were passed unanimously for an Address to his Majesty,
praying him to continue his confidence in his present Ministers,
and an Address to the Ministers, entreating them, for the sake
of the peace of the country, to stand firm, and not to abandon
their King and the people at this most momentous crisis. These
Addresses, which will be despatched to-day, are already more nu-
merously signed than any one of the many petitions or addresses
which we have heretofore presented on the subject of Reform,
and will, I have no doubt, before the mail goes off, be signed by
nearly every adult male residing within the borough.
Our Addresses will, perhaps, be the first that reach London
from Scotland, but I am certain that our example will be fol-
lowed by every town and village in this part of the United King-
dom. The desire for Reform is ten times stronger than ever ; and
as the people seem to be every where determined to conduct them-
selves quietly, as well as firmly, it is impassible that their united
will, supported by that of the King, can be much longer resisted.
You will particularly oblige me by inserting this letter in your
very useful paper.--I am, Sir, your most obedient and very
humble servant,