The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-13 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING. FEBRUARY 13, 1849.

HULL ELECTION.
(From the Aru./1 Advertiser.)
We are proud and happy to say that the President
of the Poor-Law 13oard,Mr.T. Baines, Esq., has been
re-elected by the numerous and influential consti-
tuency of Hull without opposition. This is such a
compliment to individual worth as has rarely been
paid to any public man, by a constituency so large, so
heterogeneous, and so completely removed from all in-
fluence of a personal or an official character, as that
of the electors of the borough of Hull. Mr. Baines's
position is an exceedingly distinguished one. In a
town where party spirit runs as high as in most other
towns in the Kingdom, the best men of all parties
have agreed to support Mr. Bathes, not as a mere
politician, hut as a person eminently qualified to
serve his Sovereign and his country in an official
station. And, yet, the re-election of Mr. Baines has
not been conducted in a way altogether agreeable to
us. Contrary to, and in defiance of, an implied un-
derstanding that Mr. Baines should be returned
without interrogatory as to his principles, a number
of merchants have exacted from that Hon. and
Learned Gentleman a kind of declaration that he
will oppose the total repeal of the navigation-
laws. Now, it was never supposed that the question
of the repeal of the navigation-laws would have
been brought under the notice of Mr. Baines, other-
wise, gendetnen far inure conversant with the ten-
dency of those laws than the very respectable per-
sons who waited upon him, would have raised their
voices in condemnation of them. We trust that the
members of her Majesty's Government will not pay
the least attention to the supposed manifestation of
opinion in favour of the navigation-laws in Hull. Of
the eight Mayors of this town who have passed the
chair„ since the passing of the Municipal Reform Bill,
five at least are favourable to the repeal of the navi-
gation-laws. Of the other three, all are in favour of
a modification of the measure; so that, in point of
fact, the navigation-laws are not supported by any
party in the town of Hull. We would not ourselves
give the value of a rush for what some gentlemen
of easily-excited nerves would say in the course of
an election-fever in support of the navigation-
laws. Neither, we are sure, would Mr. Alderman
Thompson, whose repeated condemnation of those
laws in detail must be familiar to every member of
the Hull Chamber of Commerce. We wish Ministers
to believe that there is really no party in Hull so
stupid as to cry out for the maintenance of the pre-
sent navigation-laws. We are aware that, in an
Address to the Queen, the present House of Com-
mons has said—" We humbly assure your Majesty
that the restrictions imposed upon commerce by the
navigation-laws will engage our most earnest atten-
tion ; and that it will be our duty to consider whether
it be right to repeal or to modify their provisions if
we shall find that these laws are in whole or in part
unnecessary for the maintenace of our maritime
power, while they fetter trade and industry." There
is, therefore, an end of the navigation-laws as regards
protection to the shipping interest. A shipowner has
now, in the recorded opinion of the House of Com-
mons, no more claim to the retention of the naviga-
tion-laws, as a system of maritime protection, than
the farmer or the manufacturer. Mr. Baines has
himself told the shipowners this, inasmuch as he has
told them that his' views with respect to the naviga-
tion-laws are unchanged. Now, what were .the
views of Mr. Baines at his last election ? Did he
then contend that the shipowner required protection ?
Nothing of the kind. He then advocated the main-
tenance of the navigation-laws as an important branch
of our military defensive system. From the repbrt
of a speech delivered by him at a meeting of the
electors in the Mechanics' Institute, and published at
the Hull Packet office, we quote the following
abstract of the opinions of the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman :

" And as to this principle of free-trade, allow me to
say that there is no man who entertains a greater regard
for the principle of free-trade than I do. For this reason,
I will tell you why. Because the principle of free-trade
is no more than this. It is the principle of establishing
among the different nations of the earth that kind of in-
tercourse which makes them, as it were, members of one
family, contributing to the common good of all.—(Loud
applause.) But there is a view, Gentlemen, with respect
to these navigation-laws which I respectfully submit to
your judgment. It is not the question of free-trade, it is
the question, in a great measure, of the defences of the
country. Now, I pray you remember it has been said
long, long ago, and never said without truth that the
national defences of this country, in case of any war,
must necessarily consist in the seamen of the country-
-in your ships—your wooden walls as they have been
called by a figure of speech, very expressive, but very
true. They are the wooden walls of Old England.—
(Loud cheers.) They are your natural defences in case
of war; and suppose such a state of things, suppose now
that should happen again (and who can say it will not)
that which happened in the experience of the French
revolutionary war, that you had a combination of all the
nations of Europe against England—that you had the
armies of France, of Spain, of Holland, of Denmark, and
of Russia, all banded together against civilised England.
I should like to know what situation we should be
in if we destroyed our national defences ? And, there-
fore, that consideration, gentlemen, I must confess,
presses on my mind, with very great force, when I con-
sider the question of the navigation laws. Here, again,
I think it necessary to give a caution, which I thought
it necessary to give this morning, which was kindly re-
ceived by those whom I addressed ; namely, that no
gentleman, from what I say upon this subject, I hope
will ever, for one single moment, imagine that I should,
under any circumstances whatever, be found to advocate
war.—(Cheers.) But I am now looking at the case of
necessary and defensive war, which, in my judgment,
alone is justifiable.—(Bear.) There is no man living
who has a stronger feeling of the infinite crime and
misery which necessarily follow from war than I have.
No man living will do more as far as in him lies to drive
from this country that reproach which it has unfortu-
nately merited for two or three times past in engaging
in unnecessary war, for the mere purpose of national ag-
grandisement. I repudiate all such causes for warfare.—
(Cheers.) I say it is the interest—l will say more, the
bounden duty of all the nations of the earth, as far as
they can, to remember that great truth for which we
have divine sanction, that God has made of one blood
all nations of the earth,' and I, for one, will not be the
man ever to go counter to that precept, or to encourage
at any time, or under; any circumstances, a war which
cannot be justified upon the principle of strict defence."
Not a word here about dear or cheap wages, or
cheap tea and sugar, or any of the endless objections
one hears from the wavering advocates of the navi-
gation-laws in Hull. All real statesmen know that
the question of the mere profitableness of repealing
the navigation-laws has been decided in the affirma-
tive long ago. It is, therefore, no longer a question
with which shipowners have more to do than any
other people. In the event of a successful invasion,
the families of shipowners would fare no worse than
those of their neighbours. Bearing this exposition of
Mr. Baikes's views fully in mind, Mr. Baines cannot
be classed with the knot of old women who issue
missives to the shipowners of the United Kingdom,
from a roam in a building in London, well known to
the general postman as "VO, Cornhill." He has
not a word to say in favour of what is called the
protection of the shipping interest regarded merely
as a mercantile interest. It would be absurd, there-
fore, to class him with such specimens of a past
age as Mr. George Frederick Young and his Corn-
hill colleagues. He never pledged himself to uphold
the navigation-laws as a measure of mere protection
to the shipowner. But, fortunately, for the best in-
terests of the country, the repeal of theflnavigation-
laws will not depend upon the single vote of Air.
Baines. These laws are doomed. And, in justice to
the agriculturists, it is requisite that they should be
abolished in conjunction with the corn-laws. Let
not the Government be prevented from pushing for-
ward the measure by anything that may have taken
place in Hull. We are for the repeal of the navi-
gation laws, and yet Mr. Baines had not a more de-
voted supporter than we were, and would be again,
were he a third time a candidate.

commanded by two distinguished engineers, Mr. Duncan
Shaw and Captain Michell.
Since then, all things have smiled o❑ this important
undertaking. The vessel has made a quick and pros-
perous passage, landed its crew and machinery on the
quay of Seville, and both the men and the apparatus
have passed over; without inconvenience, the fifty-four
miles which separate that city from the place of their
destination.

The preparatory work accomplished, the dwelling
and mining habitations in a condition to receive their
new inmates and the draining implements, it only re-
mained to put the latter in order and prepare all
things necessary for commencing operations. Te❑
weeks sufficed for the engineer and his assistants to
bring this task to a satisfactory conclusion, and all was
ready on the 23d of December.
The gigantic pump might consequently have entered
on its subterranean labours from that day. But, like
a thorough Englishman, the engineer determined to
give the inauguration of the enterprise a solerni date—
that of Christmas day. He went further; he assembled
some of the nobilities of the country, and, like a true
son of Albion, collected on the spot a qtantity
of solids and liquids sufficient to have satisfied the
cravings of a thousand famished Irishmen. The re-
sults of this step were advantageous, for instead of
some fifty persons, the entire population of the neigh-
bouring country flocked to the scene of the enter-
prise. Alcade, lawyers, priests, shopkeepers, men,
women, and children, deserted the little town
of Guadalcanal, and braved, some on foot,
others on mules, the most abominable of all
things—a Spanish road. The undertaking excited in a
high degree the curiosity of these people, and interested
them in other respects. But however persuaded they
might be of the superiority of British skill and perse-
verence, they were generally doubtful of success; the
oldest among them shrugging their shoulders whilst
they related to surrounding groups the traditions be-
queathed to the country of the many unfortunate attempts
made and abandoned.

At length the signal is given, the stream growls in its
,ron-bound cage, and the huge machine begins to move
Is formidable valves.

After two centuries of darkess the water beholds the

light, and flows, stream-like, making large furrows in the
earth, after the manner of the torrents of Atlas.
The entire population run from the pump to the well,
regarding with feverish anxiety the play of the former,
and its effects on the latter.

After four hours' labour, which no obstacle could
overcome or even diminish, the order to desist is given
by the engineer. The water-mark had been lowered
five feet, and this result, which surpassed the most
sanguine expectations of the workmen themselves, was
received with uproarious acclamations by the assembled
multitude.
It then only remained for those present to do justice
to the repast; their incredulity was vanquished, and
Spanish gravity put to the test. Then might be seen the
Senor of Guadalcanal—forgetting the traditions of the
Ulla Podrida—making resolute onslaughts on the " roast
beef of old England." The Andalusians present were
not forgotten; from fifty to sixty pounds of bonbons,
and cakes without number, wero offered with civility,
and demolished with satisfaction.
On the morrow, the dawn had no sooner lightened the
Sierra-Morena than cries of joy and shouts of merriment
were yet to be distinguished, together with English and
Spanish songs commingled and confused. The noise
thereby created did not, however, prevent the occasional
impression of British lips on Andalusian cheeks being
heard. Nor did the Alcade himself cling to formalities,
such was the effect of the general enthusiasm.—Ex-
tracted from Clamor Publico (Madrid Paper).

DEADLY FEVER AT BARBADOES.

Extract of letter from Barbadoes, Jan. 7, by a private
correspondent:—
"In my last I mentioned the plague-like mortality lathe
family of my friend Ross, who, with his wife, son, and
daughter, I may say, were all buried in the same grave.
Since then the fever has continued, 14 officers have fallen
victims. Since its commencement, a great many men have
also been carried off, as well as women and children,
and it is feared the disease will not cease until it has
gone through the whole of us. The last packet
brought out a publication upon yellow fever by Sir
William Pym (Inspector-General), which seems to
have attracted the attention of Government, and has
created no inconsiderable sensation, more particularly
amongst the medical officers here, in consequence of
instructions having been given for the formation of aboard
or commission, to report upon the real nature of the dis-
ease, and upon certain pecularities said by the author to
belong to yellow fever (the disease that has prevailed
amongst us during the last six months), the most re-
markable of which is, its attacking the human
frame but once ; and this seems already established
by the escape of many of the old stagers amongst the
and a few military, amongst the last miry gene-
ral. The book has been in such demand I have not been
able to get it. I have just left a possy of persons
standing in a circle, to hear portions of it read aloud.
The peculiarities stated are new to us, and, if
founded on fact, the fever here must have been mis-
taken from the first. Our late principal medical of-
ficer was certainly a little bewildered upon the
subject, but took no precautions; his successor, however,
as soon as he took charge, recommended the encampment
of the troops, after whichl some check seemed to be put
to the fever; it still, however, progresses, but in rather a
milder form. The 88th Regt. was the first attacked, and
it has been whispered, in consequence of the communica-
tion of some of the soldiers belonging to it with the crew
of a steamer which had arrived in ayery sickly state
from Africa. After the 88th, the other corps and the
artillery were attacked in succession, and all shared the
mortality in nearly the same proportion. It is to be
hoped we shall have some satisfactory explanation upon
the subject, as the director-general has sent out nume-
rous queries to be answered by all the medical officers
upon the station."

CALIFORNIAN GOLD: A LARGE LUMP OFFERED
FOR SALE.—It is related, we know not with what truth,
that, a few days back, a certain goldsmith, of this town,
one of the same tribe as the rich Sidonia, was
favoured by a visit from a rough son of
Neptune, to whom, on the principle, probably,
that " gold levels all distinctions," he extended
sumptuous hospitality. The matter, as we have heard
it, happeced thus:—The goldsmith's salesman was
standing at his counter, surrounded with heaps of
riches, in gold, silver, and jewellery, when a man,
attired as a sailor, entered the shop, and, accosting
the assistant, said, " What would be the value of
a lump o' gold as big as that?" indicating the size
of the ponderous treasure by measuring off with his left
hand a junk from his brawny arm, including a fist nearly as
big as a boy's head. The assistant stared. He had dwelt
amongst the precious metals many years, but such a lump of
gold as the enormous fist and forearm of the sailor was sup-
posed to represent had never come within the scope of his
calculations. After a pause, the shopman declared him-
self unable to answer the question. "I want to know,"
said the sailor, "as you deals in gold and silver,
what you would be inclined to give for a piece
o' gold as big as that," and again an ingot of for-
midable dimensions was indicated on the sleeve
of the rough jacket. " Really," said the assist-
ant, " I can't take upon myself to say ; Mr. Z. is at
dinner; but stay, I'll speak to him, he can probably give
you an answer." The shopman communicated with his
principal, who, nothing doubting that the man was some
Jack tar fresh from " the diggings" with a mass of aurite-
roes gleanings, ordered that he should be shown up. The
goldsmith was enjoying himself after dinner with his wine
and wallnuts, a magnificent spread, worthy to follow the
banquet of a potentate. The sailor was ushered into
the room, requested to take a seat, and as a prelimi-
nary to business, asked if he would take a glass of wine.
lie was duly grateful for the oiler, but preferred a glass of
grog. A decanter of the best liquor that the distilleries
of France ever produced was set before him, and he was
not slow in improving his acquaintance with:the fragrant
fluid, which, with the fruit and rich sweetmeats pressed
upon him, appeared to be equally objects of his affection.
Glass after glass of the generous liquor disappeared,
till at length the goldsmith, believing his guest to
be sufficiently primed for business, said, " Now, touch-
ing the gold of which you speak, what is the size of
it?" " Oh," replied the tar, "I want to know the value
of a piece of gold as big as that ?" "It would," re-
plied the goldsmith, "be very difficult to estimate the
value without seeing it; much would depend on the fine-
ness and other matters. Where is the gold of which
you speak?" " Why," replied the sailor, " I'm going to
California, to dig for it, when I come back I'll let you
see it; but I wanted to know something of what lumps
of gold were worth, like, before:l started." The gold-
smith was seized with a sudden desire to be alone, while
the sailor, thinking his entertainer a capital fellow, bade
him " good day " with a smiling face, and promised to
give him a call on his return from the mines.—Liverpool
Albion.

We stated in our last that the late Mr. Richards
had left 5001. to the Cheltenham Hospital, 1001. to the
Female Orphan Asylum, and 100/. to the Literary
and Philosophical Institution; but we find that these
were by no means the whole of the deceased gentleman's
bequests to our local charities. In addition to the above,
legacies were left of 2001. to the Cheltenham national
schools, 1001. to the infant schools, 100/. to the parish
schools, 200/. to the Provident and Clothing Institution,
and 2001. to the Female Refuge, making a total of
1,500/. (free of duty) divinable among the Cheltenham
charities. The following legacies were also left by the
deceased; Gloucester Infirmary, 5001.; Cardiff Infirmary,
1,0001.; Cardiff School fdr the Education of the Poor,
2001.; Clo.gy Charity, in the county of Glamorgan, 1001.;
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge' 500/. ;
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
Parts, 500/.; Church Missionary Society, 500/.; National
Society for the Education -of the Poor in the Principles of
the Established Church, 500/.; National Society for the
Education of the Welsh Poor in the Principles of the
Established Church, 500/ ; Church Pastoral Aid Society,
5001.; British and Foreign Bible Society, 2501.; London
Hibernian Society, 250/.; Commissioners for Building
Additional Churches in Populous Parishes, 1,0001.; So-
ciety for Enlarging, Building, and Repairing Churches
and Chapels, 500/4 London Welsh Charity Schools,
2001. ; British and Foreign School Society, 2001.;
Religious Tract Society, 100/. ; London Female
Penitentiary, 200/. ; Society for the Prevention
of Cruelty to Animals, 1001.; Society for Promoting
Employment of Additional Curates in Populous
Parishes, 250/4 London Society for Promoting Chris-
,tianity amongst the Jews, 250/. ; Grand total, 9,6001.
'Also an annuity of 50/. per annum to King's College,
Cambridge. for the benefit of scholars there; and an an-
nuity of 501. per annum to Eton College, for the benefit
fj)
:Ist
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English
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Eza,aninnneu for
Examiner.
Tut WRECK. Of TIME Tiorus —The vessel Royal
George, from Dover, has brought to London 17 tanks of
savedcocoa
foruotm hoitl,ek of he v
consignedwrec ttoorBdheit-, the same having been
Tigris, from Ceylon.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

ROUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 12.

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool-
sack at Five o'clock.
NORTa WALES RAILWAY.

Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from a meet-
ing of the shareholders in the North Wales Railway
Company, deprecating the conduct of Lord Monteagle,
in respect to the company, in summoning the chairman
to the bar of the House, expressing their entire ap•
proval of the conduct of Mr. Chadwick, their chair-
man, in regard to the affairs of the company, and
praying their Lordships not to insist upon the publica-
tion of the accounts of the company, and not to proceed
further in this matter.
Lord MONTEAGLE complained that he should be
held up to public observation by these petitioners. The
order alluded to was an order of the House, and not of
any individual Peer.
Lord STANLEY presented a petition from some
union in Ireland complaining of the operation of the

poor-law.
Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from Man-
chester, praying for the introduction of a measure to put
down prize-fighting.
Lord LYTTELTON presented a petition from Ard-
ley, praying for the restoration of the great tithes to the
parish from the lay impropriator.
CONFERENCE.

A Message from the Commons requested a conference
with their Lordships on the subject of engros.ing Bills.
The Noble Lords appointed to manage the conference
then withdrew, and on their return reported certain
suggestions from the Commons which, on the motion of
Lord MONTEAGLE, were agreed to.
TRANSPORTATION.

Lord CAMPBELL gave notice that on Thursday
next he would move the second reading of the Bill for
abolishing the punishment of transportation for petty
larceny.

POOR-LAW (IRELAND).
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE then proposed the
names of the Peers who were to compose the Committee on
the Irish Poor-laws. It was impossible, in consequence of
the inaudible tone in which the Noble Marquis spoke,
to catch all the, names. Among them, however, we
distinguished the following :—Darl Fortescue, Earl
Fitswilliam, Lord Ashburton, the Earl of Lacan, the
Earl of Errol, the Marquis of Clanricarde, the Earl of
Carlisle, Lord Beaumont, the Earl of Mountcashel, Lord
Stanley, and the Earl of Lovelace.
The Earl of MOUNTCASHEL complained that Lord
Farnham had not been appointed on the Committee.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE was understood to
say that he had applied to Lord Farnham, and that the
Noble Lord had replied that he could not possibly at-
tend the Committee.
NORTH WALES RAILWAY.
Lord MONTEAGLE then moved that Mr.
Chadwick, Mr. Marriner, the chairman, and
secretary of the North Wales Railway, should be called
to the bar. He thought it right to explain the part
which he had taken in this transaction. A petition had
been given to him for presentation, which he trans-
mitted to those gentlemen for their reply; their answer
was, that legal prodeedings were pending, and
that they would be prejudiced by the pre-
sentation of this petition. He postponed the
presentation, and did not present it until he had ascer-
tained that the suitors in the pending suit would not be
prejudiced by its presentation. The circumstances of the
last year had induced great and honourable companies
to come forward and publish their accounts, but still they
were only in the nature of a declaration of the parties,
and did not carry so much weight as if they had been regu-
larly audited. Had the Bill he had had the honour to pass
through. their Lordships' House become law, the parties
interested in the North Wales Company never could have ,
pursued the line of conduct they have adopted. In their
case he proposed to move for the appointment of a Com.
mittee to consider how far it was expedient to provide
by law for a better audit of railway accounts. To that
Comdlittee he should propose to refer the accounts
relating to the North Wales line, which were on the
table of the House, upon which he should desire the
Committee to report, and he should suspend all
proceedings against the parties until that re-
port was before the House. He had made
out a case which showed there had been great abuses
in railway companies under the present state of the
law. He charged the parties connected with the North
Wales Railway with a fradulent concealment of the facts
connected with the company, and a contempt of their
Lordships' House. He trusted their Lordships would
agree to appoint the Committee (for which he moved)
in order that such conduct might be investigated and the
state of the law relating to the case considered.
Lord BROUGHAM entirely approved of the course
proposed to be taken by his Noble Friend, and while ex-
pressing that opinion, he trusted their Lordships would
allow him to mention a case which had come before him
that day while presiding over the Judicial Committee of
the Privy Council, inasmuch as it was somewhat con-
nected with railways. They had had under their consi-
deration the case of a patent axle for carriages on rail-
ways, which had proved to their satisfaction to be a
great improvement over the old axle now in use, and if
it were generally adopted on all railways would greatly
tend to the prevention of accidents, and the consequent
safety of human life. Mr. Stephenson had deposed
before them that the axle had been tested to the weight
of 150 tons, which it had stood without breaking—it
came out of the trial a perfect mass, whereas out
of 50 common axles, 48 were broken to pieces—only 2
stood the test to which the patented article was sub-
jected. They had been informed that the railway com
panies were very dilatory in adopting the patented
article, although it was furnished them 30 per cent.
cheaper than that now in use. He understood that they
only substituted them after those now in use had been
worn out. Now, if a death should ensue, after it was
made known that such an article was to be had, and
, from the want of it, he knew what the verdict in the
case would be, because it would clearly appear that rail-
way companies would not spend a few pounds in order
to protect the lives of their passengers.
The tMarquis of LANSDOWNE supported the ap-
pointment of the Committee.
The Earl of MINTO had no desire to oppose the
course proposed to be taken by the Noble Lord, but the
impression on his mind was, that as the contempt of the
House had been clearly made out, their Lordships
should in the first instance deal with the parties. He
thought it was incumbent upon the ',House to vindicate
their undoubted privileges.
The motion was then agreed to, and the House ad-
journed.

sols in consequence of the anticipated arrival of gold
from California, were getting down to par, that one pound
notes should be issued on the security of Consols.

PAUPER-FAR MING.

Mr. BAINES gave notice that he should to•morrow
week move for leave to introduce a Bill to provide for the
maintenance and management of poor persons, being the
inmates of poor-houses not situated in the parishes to
which they belong.
Mr. C. LEWIS presented a petition against the pre-
sent system of pauper-firming.
THE PUNJAUB.

Mr. G. THOMPSON gave notice, we understood,
that he should to-morrow ask the President of the Board
of Control a question with respect to the Punjaub.
IRELAND.

Mr. REYNOLDS gave notice that he intended to
move for returns from the Queen's Bench of Ireland.
REDUCTION OF THE EXPENDITURE OF

PUBLIC OFFICES.

Mr. HUME gave notice that he should move to-
morrow for a copy of a recent Treasury minute, under
which a reduction of offices was intended to take place.

CEYLON.
Sir WM. MOLESWORTH gave notice that he
should, on the earliest possible day, call the attention of
the House to the excessive expenditure and
financial embarrassments of Ceylon, and to
the rash conduct of the Governor with respect
to the execution of 18 men, sentenced to death by court-
martial for disturbances which might easily have been
suppressed without loss of life, and also as to the con-
duct of the Colonial-office with respect to the colony.
IRISH DISTRESS.

Mr. STAFFORD gave notice that in the Committee
on Irish Distress he would move that any application to
Parliament for any sum of money for such distress
should be accompanied by a statement of the probable
amount required for that purpose.
Mr. POULETT SCROPE asked what the Hon.
Member meant by that?—(Cries of " Order.") If it
was the Hon. Member's intention to move a resolution
which would have the effect of refusing the grant, he
(Mr. P. Scrope) should regulate his conduct accordingly.
Mr. STAFFORD said it would be obviously incon-
venient, at that moment, to give any answer to the
question.
HABEAS CORPUS SUSPENSION ACT
(IRELAND).
Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL gave notice that, in Com-
mittee on the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in
Ireland, he would move an amendment to the second
clause.
RAILWAY TRAVELLING ON SUNDAYS.

Mr. LOCH said he rose to ask the President of the
Board of Trade whether it was the intention of the Go-
vernment during the present session to introduce any
measure providing for the limited use of railways on
Sundays in ScotlAnd?
Mr. LABOUCHERE replied that her Majesty's
Government had no present intention to intro-
duce any measure to compel the railway
companies in Scotland to permit travelling on
Sundays. The Railway Commissioners had expressed
their opinion on the subject by refusing to sanction the
bye-laws passed by the several railway companies. He
(Mr. Labouchere) would state as his own individual
opinion, that it was perfectly possible to open the rail-
ways on Sundays in such a manner as to avoid any un-
necessary desecration of that day, and which should be
compatible with the convenience of the public, and with a
proper respect for that day.—(Hear.) He found about
one-halt of the railways in Scotland had already trains
running on them on Sundays; but he confessed he was
moat reluctant, on a point of conscientious scruple among
a large body of Christians, to propose.any such measure
to the House.

save intact the right of the subject to hold meeting:, to
pe.ition for the enactment, repeal, or alteration of Acts of
Parli.tmeut, or for redress of grievances, or other ,!()li.
stitutional object, without other ur further restriction of
that right that existed under the operation of the Com-
mon and Statute Law of the land, precious to toe
passing of the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act of last
July. He said the House was yes unacquainted with
the real meaning and scope of the powers to be given
by this Bill ; and he said so, because there was a diffe-
rence of opinion among the authorities to which they
looked for an explanation. In the first place, it wits
distinctly stated in the Queen's Speech that insurrection
still existed in Ireland, and he supposed that statement
was inserted for the purpose of affording some
pretext for the introduction of the Bill. The proposer
and seconder of the Address, which was an echo of the
Royal Speech, on the contrary, distinctly stated that no
such thing as disaffection existed in Ireland. The Lord-
Lieutenant, on the other hand, let out the real objects
of the Bill, and according to him it was for the purpose
of putting down political discussion end constitutional
agitation. That was the discrepancy which existed be-
tween the Illustrious Occupier of the throne and her
Ministers. The Hon. Member was interrupted by
Sir G. GREY, who announced that he had been to
the House of Lords, and that their Lorships had re-
quested a conference with the House of Commons on
the subject of resolutions.
Several Members left the House for that purpose.
Sir G. GREY reported on their return from the con-
ference that their Lordships had agreed to the resolu-
' Lions relating to the engrossing of Bills.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL resumed—lf any gentleman
would turn over the Bill he would see that the Bill con-
veyed no information. The Bill, after reciting
merely that it was a continuation of the Act
which would expire on the Ist of March, went on to
empower the Lord-Lieutenant to take into custody any
man whom he should suspect of treason ; and, there-
fore, it became necessary that it should be
known whether or not the right to hold meet-
ings, and to petition was to remain intact or to be
struck down. It had beet, said that the Lord-Lieutenant
would not presume to take any man into custody without
good and sufficient reason. It had been said of another
Noble Lord that he would not hesitate to take the com-
mand of the Channel fleet on two minutes' notice, and lie
(Mr. J. O'Connell) would not be at all surprised what the
Lord-Lieutenant's audacity would prompt him to do. If the
Lord-Lieutenant would give the Irish people the right
of public meeting, he (Mr. John O'Connell) would pro-
mise him that he should not have any cause of
complaint against the Irish people, provided he left them
that right untouched. The Repeal Association had been
spoken of as treasonable by the Lord-Lieutenant. Was
not this the fact, that, under the absolute powers of the
Lord-Lieutenant, no one single member of that asso-
ciation had been for one hour in custody.
ENGROSSING 01? BILLS.

The House was again summoned 'to a further con-
ference ou the subject of the amendments proposed by
the Mouse of Commons to the resolutions on the en-
grossing of public Bills.
Sir G. GREY, on the return of the Members from
the conference, reported that the House of Lords htd
agreed to the Commons' amendments of the reso-
lutions.

Mr. J. O'CONNELL, in resuming his observations,
said that not a single member of the Repeal Association
had so much as for a single hour or a single minute been
in prison. They had had a Government reporter down
among them who had discharged his duty, as he was
bound to say reporters generally did, with ability, im-
partiality, and honour, but not one single note (lid his
report contain that would criminate any member of the as-
sociation. The fact was that the Government had watched
them as a cat watches a mouse, but they had caught no
member in any default, for no default was made ; and
thus it was that they were obliged to come down
to the House, and ask for an unconstitu-
tional measure, in order to serve their own purposes.
What tcok place last July in Ireland was a most
wretched attempt, and ought not to have been made so
much of as it was. The parties connected with that
attempt were Repealers, to be sure, but they:were some-
thing more. Much had been said about the patronage
that had been given to his father for the service he
rendered to the Whigs in their contentions with' the
Tories. He denied that any patronage had
been ever given, and the appointment of
two members of his family to Government
situations was entirely without his knowledge.
Mr. O'Connell had had plenty of calumniators, but he
defied any one of them to say that that gentleman's
actions were guided by motives of patronage. He was
always guided by his conscience, and never did he sup-
port a Minister if he did not think him in the right.
But it was said Mr. O'Connell long ago gave up
the Church question. He denied it in tote. True, for a
time Mr. O'Connell allowed the question to re-
main in abeyance, and had his life been spared
him, it was his intention to have introduced a
measure for the settlement of the Irish Church question..
—(Hear.) That measure might not have met with much
support in that House, but in Ireland it would have been
hailed with delight. It would have met with the warm
response of the majority of the people, and the Noble
Lord at the head of the Government would have
been forced to return to his old principles.
But sooner or later such a measure as that
must be introduced, and whoever took it in
hand first would ever be acknowledged by' the Irish
people as their best friends. But to return to the question
under discussion, he must again protest against this
suspension of the constitution in Ireland. There
was no necessity for it, and it was an act
of base cruelty to put the people of Ireland at
the mercy of a despotic Lord-Lieutenant. Se-
veral English Members had stood by the opponents
of this Bill, and warmly espoused the cause,
of the Irish people. He thanked them for it, and he
was quite convinced the whole nation of Ire-
land would second him in offering them
thanks for their patriotic conduct. Why then did
Government not listen to the advice of these Honourable
English Representatives, and before they passed this
Bill wait and see if something else besides coercion
could not be done to pacify Ireland. Let the
Noble Lord consider the policy of conciliation, which
had never yet been tried, and which could not produce
worse results than the policy of coercion and party in-
difference which had hitherto prevailed. Let the Noble
Lord try conciliation, if merely for the novelty of the
thing. Let him be advised in time. Ireland was power•
less—she was struck down to the earth, and this was
a useless insult, accompanied by wanton aggravation.
He asked the House—he asked her Majesty's Ministers,
even at the eleventh hour to reconsider the matter—
he asked the statesman who sat opposite, the chief of
whom in 1846 spoke words that were engraven on Irish
hearts, and made them hope for something from him—
he asked him to look round and see whether in the storm
with which the political atmosphere was surcharged, it
would be well for England, strong and powerful as she
seemed to be, to have a grateful friend attached to her,
instead of a wretched, chained, and cursing slave? The
Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving his amendment.
Mr. MEAGHER seconded the amendment.
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said, a very few words
would be sufficient to show that the motion now sug-
gested by the Hon. Member for Limerick was incon-
sistent with the scope of the Bill ; and even it it were
not, it would fail to answer the object the Hon. Member
had in view. The object of the Bill was to empower the
Lord-Lieutenant or chief governor of Ireland to appre•
bend and detain persons whom he may suspect of con-
spiring against the government or person of the Queen.
Now there might be many acts, apparently extremely
innocent in themselves, yet which, coupled with other
acts and other information which might come to the
knowledge of the chief governor, might be proofs that
the persons committing these acts, apparently innocent
in themselves, were, in fact, conspiring against the
government, or the person of her Majesty. What pos-
sible advantage could be gained by introducing a provi-
sion to guard the right of the subject to hold public
meetings for the purpose of petitioning ? If it was
considered desirable to hold public meetings for
any legitimate or proper object, it would be as lawful to
do it under the Act now before the House as at present.
In point of fact, they might just as well be called upon to
enumerate all the acts which were perfectly legal and
innocent acts, which were not to be interfered with by
the proposed Act, as to enumerate public meetings of per-
sons for the purpose of petitioning. It might be true—
but respecting that he would express no opinion at all—
it might be true, and it might be the opinion
of :gentlemen in Ireland who had been in the
habit of frequenting public meetings, that it is im-
possible to hold a public meeting for political purposes
in Ireland without giving the opportunity, under exist-
ing circumstances, to some ill-disposed persons to carry
the proceedings further than may have been
intended, and may therefore lead to certain
practices which would make them obnoxious to the
provisions of the Bill. On that he gave no opinion.
But it the fact were so, it was clear that it was
a meeting which ought not to be held, though the fact of
whether it was to be held or not was not at all affected
by the provisions of the Bill. There was, in point of
fact, nothing that could prevent any gentlemen from
holding a public meeting, if they thought it could be
conducted in such a manner as would be really legal
and directed to proper objects. With a measure of this
kind considerable discretion must, of course, be left in
the hands of the Lord-Lieusenant. In the present state
of society, in which an intimate knowledge was easily
obtained by the public of what took place, there was a
reasonable security that no improper exercise of the
powers conferred by the Bill need be apprehended. No
complaint had hitherto been made of the mode in which
these powers bad been exercised. Indeed the lion. Member
for Limerick (Mr. J. O'Connell) had pointed out that not a
single member of the Repeal Association had been arrested
under this Bill. That was a strong proof that the pro-
visions of the Bill were not open to re •sonable objection.
It was also a proof that the Lord Lieutenant had not
considered the part which the Hon. and Learned Member
had taken as amounting to an intention of conspiring
against her Majesty, The mode in which the Bill would
in future be carried into effect might safely, therefore, be
left to the discretion of the Lord-Lieutenant. In fact, a
measure of this sort had, in his opinion, an advantage
over any other Coercion Bill. Ate ordinary Coercion
Bill was necessarily attended with considerable inconve-
nience to persons entirely innocent, while a Bill of this
sort affected only persons who were either guilty or cul-
pably indiscreet. He believed that the mode in which
Parliament passed this Bill last year had done more than
anything else to prevent the spreading of insurrection in
Ireland; and he confidently trusted that the House would
not attempt to cripple the measure by introducing provi-
sions which would make it impossible for the Government
to carry it into effect.
Mr. E. B. ROCHE thought the speech of the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman who had just sat down proved
that it would be most improper to pass the Act for
Ireland. Tne Right Hon. G ,ntleman the Secretary for
Irelar d said, the other night, that the Act was ino nded
to prevent agitation, and the Hon. and Learned Gentle-
man who had just at down gave expression to the same