The Sun.
London, England, 1849-08-06 00:00:00

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

was much surprised on being informed that
Saturday's edition of The Sun contained such an in-
correct account of the man Johnson, in an article
headed Thursday's Storm.
I have made every inquiry that is possible—the
father was more than a mile away from the place at
the time of the accident, and some benevolent neigh-
bour (knowing the poverty of the deceased, and his
widow being near her accouchement, and seeing that
many were anxious to see the deceased, to which there
was no objection ever made), of his own accord took
a bread tray, and placing his mite in it, was followed
by hundreds, not with pence merely, but more
substantial proofs of benevolence, which the father,
on his arrival at the sad scene, immediately
devoted to the service of the widow, pro•
wising to be a father to her and coming child, and
though but a working-man himself, with a large
family, agreed to bury the deceased at his own ex-
pense.
Now, Sir, there was nothing like an exhi-
bition at a penny per head, seeing it was entirely
a freewill offering, and I am further informed, the
father said to several when he arrived, they were not
desired to give, as they appeared poor themselves.
I hope your sense of justice will lead you to con-
tradict such an unfounded report in your next paper,
as I have known the father more than twenty years,
and do not believe him heartless, nor think it
indecent to suffer those of our neighbours whom it
has pleased God to spare to witness a solemn instance
of his-Divine providence.
I•rOw, Sir, surely it is affliction enough to
have a son cut off in the flower of his age without
being calumniated, without being called an exhibitor
of the hideous and horrible.

I remain, Sir, &e.,
W. KEMP.

Commercial-street, Aug. 2, 1849.

HOUSEHOLD BRIGADE OF GUARDS.

The half-yearly exchange of Quarters of the Infantry
of the Household Brigade will take place on the Ist of
September as follows:
GRENADIER GUARDS—Iet Battalion, from Portman •
street to St. George's Barracks; 2d Battalion, from
Windsor to Wellington Barracks ; 3d Battalion, from
Wellington Barracks to Windsor.
COLDSTREAM GUARDS. Ist Battalion, from St.
George's Barracks to St. John's Wood ; 2d Battalion,
from the Tower to Chichester.

SCOTS FUSILIER GUARDS.-ISt Battalion, from St.
John's-wood to Portman-street ' • 2d Battalion, from
Chichester to the Tower.— United Service Gazette.

COMMENCEMENT OF THE OYSTER SEASON.
Saturday morning, at six o'clock, the sale of oysters was
opened at Billingsgate and Hungerford markets; at the
former there was a fleet of 23 vessels from Rochester,
Queenborough, &c., freighted with the different descrip-
tions of barleys, royals, china rocks, natives, Miltons,
Welsh, and commons, the price ranging from Bs. to 12s.
per bushel; there was also a large quantity of oysters in
bags per Brighton Railway, taken from the large oyster-
bed, four and a half miles in length, recently discovered
off the town of Shoreham; these sold at 6s. the bag, con-
taining a bushel and a quarter. There was a tremendous
rush at the opening of the boats, but from the admirable
arrangements of Mr. Goldham, clerk of the market, in
the construction of barriers, the employment of extra
officers, and numerous cautions to " take care of your
pockets," t," neither robberies nor accidents occurred, At
Hungerford market there were five vessels, and a large
quantity of the Brighton oysters, pricei and description
the same as at Billingsgate. The trade was altogether
dull;
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United Service Gazette.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS
TIMES.—The most successful legal reform of our
time has been the establishment of the County Courts.
Until quite recently all attempts at change had been di-
rected to the provisions of statutes and the modification
of time-honoured rules of law—in civil procedure little
or nothing had been done. This is but to say, in other
words, that whatever reform might be imported into the
legal system of the country was but of trifling benefit to
the great bulk of suitors. With the establishment of
County Courts a new era commenced. No doubt it was
a great experiment, and many who are now loudest in
their praise of these new tribunals prophesied evil of
them on their first introduction. We are now speaking
after the fact, and we know that the change has
answered. Thousands of persons who, under the old
system, would have waved a right, or submitted to an
extortion, rather than meddle with lawyers, are now
enabled to come forward and obtain justice, with-
out the fear that any advantage they may
expect from the decision of the Courts must
be more than counterbalanced by the costs
of the proceedings. Now, at least, we have cheap law,
and, despite of the old dictum, which certainly emanated
from the front benches of Westminster-hall—cheap law
and good law have been identical in the case of the
County Courts. Let us take care that we keep up the
character of tribunals so essential to the correct admi-
nistration of justice in this country. The working of
each of these Courts depends upon the capacity and integ-
rity of two officers—a judge and a clerk. Now, it is a
commonplace, even amongst the most economical Re-
formers, that to secure the services of proper men you
must give an adequate remuneration. The worst saving
is that which is effected by the deterioration of a tribu-
nal. The salary of the judge had been fixed by the
statute under which the County Courts were created at
1,2001. a year, and that of the clerks at 6001. a year.
Considering the vast amount of business success-
fully transacted before these tribunals, no one can
maintain that the stipend is an unreasonable one.
A barrister or an attorney who accepts either one or
other of these employments virtually disqualifies himself
from all chance of professional advancement. Whatever
liberty be left him by the Act, his time is so fully occu-
pied by the business of the Court that he is in effect in-
capacitated from seeking any business on his own pri-
vate account. Under such circumstances the salaries
we have named cannot be deemed excessive. They are
rather below than above the mark, if it be our wish to
secure the services of competent persons. Under the
faith of the statute, the barristers who accepted the
appointments withdrew from private
,pra?tice—f?r
the acceptance of a County Court judgeship
their
minds
service.t
y
o
thepublic
when they were usefully and profitably employed,
athmeoirun timed to
atnhdat—enaen energy
yma to de up
and discharging their duties with signal success, these
officers were cut down from 1,2004 to 1,0004 a year.
This was a very hard, and a very arbitrary Act.
But even thus we have not stated the case quite
fairly, for. a large amount of business has devolved on
thejudge in addition to what was contemplated on their
first establishment—as, for example, the insolvent busi-
ness. There are moreover all the cases which would
have gone before the Palace Court, which will now be
disseminated amongst certain of the judges of the metro-
politan districts. Not satisfied, however, with reducing
the salary of the judges, we now find that Sir George
Grey and Sir John Jervis, between them, have, by an
Order in Council three or four days old, mulcted the
clerks in 1001. per annum, without assigning any valid
reason for so extraordinary a step. Such economy as
this is to be regretted. If the purpose of the Attorney-
General be to injure the character of these new tribu•
nals, by driving from them competent officers, he is pur-
suing a politic system;—but, as such a course is highly
injurious to the public service, we are sorry to see that
so far he has been successful in his attempt.
EXAM IN E' R. —FOREIGN POLlCY.—Divide et lmpera
is a maxim as ancient as history. The strength of an-
solutism consists in the want of union of its opponents.
To prevent or to impair such union is therefore the
policy of the school of politicians of which Metternich
may be considered the head. The speech of Lord Pal-
merston on Hungary and Austria, which appeared likely
to rally around him all sections of the Liberals, and
many honest and moderate Conservatives, boded no good
to this party. It was dangerous to let it pass unat-
tacked ; and yet it seemed unassailable. The more
cautious of their organs lit ld warily aloof ; and we find
the forlorn hope led by a journal of liberal opinions. The
line of attack taken is, not that Lord Palmerston is too
liberal in his views, but that he is not liberal enough;
that he is not prepared to make good his words by deeds
and to follow up the thunder of his eloquence by the thun-
der of cannon. From all which, the very necessary and
satisfactory conclusion is to be derived, that it would be
better to have some one at the head of the Foreign-office
who would have neither words nor deeds for the cause of
progress and humanity, but would use both against it. The
correctness of Lord Palmerston's statements with regard
to Hungary and Austria is not impugned. It is most
undeniable " that Austria, by the course of policy. she
has pursued, has identified herself with obstruction to
progress." It is equally undeniable " that Hungary has
for centuries been a state which, though united with
Austria by the link of the Crown, has nevertheless been
separate and distinct from Austria by its own complete
constitution." It is no less true that " the question
(i. e., the immediate question irrespective of results)
now to be fought for on the plains of Hungary is this—
whether Hungary shall continue to maintain its sepa-
rate nationality as a distinct kingdom, and with a Con-
stitution of its own, or whether it is to be incorporated
more or less in the aggregate Constitution that is to be
given to the Austrian empire?" It is no less true " that if
Hungary should by superior forces be utterly crushed,
Austria in that battle will have crushed her right arm"
(and consequently must hopelessly and helplessly resign
herself henceforth to be a vassal of the Czar); and
" that if the Hungarians should be successful, and their
success should end in the entire separation of Hungary
from Austria, this will be such a dismemberment of the
Austrian Empire as will prevent Austria from continu-
ing to occupy the great position she has hitherto held
among European Powers" (a result by no means to be
deprecated, if, in place of a decrepit State, which has
identified itself with obstruction to progress, there should
arise a vigorous and progressive State; a State, too, that
would be the shield of Austria herself against Cossack
aggression, and give her one more opportunity of deve-
loping her natural resources). What, then, is the
charge brought against Lord Palmerston? It is this,—
that he contented himself with expressing his matured
and deliberate opinion upon a subject of the utmost mo-
ment to Great Britain, to Europe, to civilization itself,
without at the same time " being ready to redeem his
word with a host:" that is, without going at once to war.
Now, we are afraid it would be a dangerous doctrine to
lay down, that a nation ought to, or may, go to war in
support of what she " counts good and just in politics."
This was the doctrine of the first French Republic;
and we know its results. To justify a war there must
be a casus belli. It is quite true that Austrian forces
have invaded Hungary without beiag invited
by any legally constituted authority in that
country. Russian forces have done the same.
But Hungary is not an ally of Great Britain. The
Sovereigns of Great Britain have been in alliance with
the Emperors of Germany and Kings of Hungary, then
with the Emperors of Austria and Kings of Hungary, so
long as the crown of Hungary was worn by the same in-
dividual who wore the Imperial Crown of Germany or
of Austria. But at present there is no legitimate King
of Hungary (if any regard whatever is to be paid to the
letter and the spirit of so many compacts between King
and people of that nation); and the de facto Hungarian
Government has not yet been recognised. Diplomatic
relations subsist between the Cabinet of St. James' and
the Austrian Cabinet; they do not subsist between the
ceonrtidtlyngwtiothinrteegrnaardtiotnn aGI lrae wa
t,
BHrui
tnagi
na r. y a
If anpyotlhitiincgal
mnonnre-
Cabiae tof St. James' and the Hungarian Cabinet. Ac-
than an attack upon Lord Palmerston is meant by those
who employ the arguments adverted to, if they really
feel any sympathy with the Hungarians, let them concur i
with us n urging the immediate recognition of the pre-
sent defacto Hungarian Government; a step which would
be of incalculable benefit to the Hungarians, while neither
Austria and Russia could have the slightest ground to
take umbrage at it. We, who have always been the ad-
vocates of the Hungarian cause, demand this. We might
also advise the conclusion of a commercial treaty with
Hungary, a treaty which is offered by duly accredited
envoys on the most liberal terms. But it does not follow
that we should feel ourselves justified in recommending
a war in support of the Hungarians, all-important as
we think their success to the preservation of the balance
of power, and to the best interests of order, progress,
civilization, and commerce. As for the possibility of
" defining and limiting the occasions of intervention,"
and of " embodying in a formal declaration the principles
by which this country is prepared to stand," we think
that, it it were done by some clever essayist, it might
probably look as well as Count Stadion's Charter, and be
equally effective—on paper. Under such a system we should
indeed be " likely to go to war by accident, to enforce some
purpose which we do not see,"—being tied down to the
letter of a declaration that would doubtless be susceptible of
as many interpretations as there were interested parties.
But if this difficulty could be got over, it seems to us
not sufficient that a cause be " politically just." Take,
for instance, the Hungarian cause, in which not a flaw
can be detected. Would the latter circumstance alone
have been a sufficient claim to our sympathy, if the
" politically just" cause had been only maintained by a
party in the state; and if, as happens to be the case, the
vast majority of the inhabitants of the country of all
classes were not ready to shed their last drop of blood
in its defence? But further, if we " have not yet out-
lived the practice of war," we would suggest that be-
sides the intrinsic justice of the cause, some regard is
usually paid to other circumstances ; to the internal
resources, and to the state of public feeling, both in the
country that meditates war and in its opponent. "To
everything there is a season," saith the Preacher,
" and a time to every purpose under the heavens :
a time to keep silence, and a time to speak ;
a time to love, and a time to hate ; a time
for war, and a time for peace:"—but, according
to the precious scheme of a definition of occasions for
intervention, we should not take advantage of times and
seasons, but should slide into wars, unprepared and un-
armed, according to such and such a paragraph, or sec.
tion so and so, of the " Declaration." We sincerely
hope that England, at least, has " outlived the practice
of war; but if, in the course of years, circumstances
should arise to endanger peace, we would rather confide
in the tried skill and sagacity of a veteran diplomatist,
when united with Liberal principles, than in all the
paper formuke that have ever been issued. The doctrine
we have commented upon amounts to this, that no
power ought to express an opinion on the merits of a
foreign contest without being prepared to back that
opinion by " a host." Carry this doctrine into
private life, and no individual ought to express
an opinion concerning his neighbour s quarrel without
being prepared to interfere more or less actively.
The " warning reproof" addressed by Lord Palmerston,,
to Austria—the " contingent of words, sym-