The Sun.
London, England, 1825-01-10 00:00:00

ties immediately concerned. We are, however, somewhat sur-
prised to find that this circumstance, so easily accounted for,
should induce any of our cotemporaries to institute a compa-
rison between a Message of the President of the United States
and a Speech of the Sovereign of Great Britain on the opening
of Parliament. The two Governments are so dissimilar as to
render the attempt ridiculous. Mr. Monroe, by the Constitu-
tion of America, is a responsible agent; the King of England, by
.our Constitution, is responsible for nothing, and governs solely
by his Ministers, who are responsible for every thing. Even the
Royal Speech itself is taken to be the Act not of the Crown, but of
its official advisers; although, that it may occasion no angry de-
bating on particular topics, and consequently afford no scope for
apparent disrespect to the throne, or to avoid the latter, impose
no restraint upon the liberty of spgech belonging to the Repre-
sentative Councils of a free nation, his Majesty is usually brief
and general in his addresses to the Legislature : but whatever
details he omits to make known are subsequently applied by
the Members of the Cabinet, as the organs of their respective
Departments. Thus every information upon every subject,
which the President of the United States can impart in his
Message, the Ministers of this conntry furnish through the
medium of Parliament to the public. In doing so, the latter
are certainly liable to one disadvantage, which the American
Executive escapes. Their statements are instantly canvassed,
and the impression they might make, if communicated alone,
weakened by the concomitant comments, or disingenuous con.
tructions which go forth at the same time to the world. Now
we think we may most safely affirm, that if on the commence-
ment of each Session the British Constitution provided that the
Head of every Public Department should compose and deli-
ver to the Legislature an elaborate account of the particular
portion of the National Affairs entrusted to his care, the
whole would form a State Document in all respects more
interesting, important, and satisfactory, than a " Message to
to Congress." Mr. Secretary Canning, we imagine, would
be able to represent our foreign relations, at present, with
a more powerful and glowing pencil than Mr. Monroe has
those of the United States. So could Mr. Secretary Peel,
with regard to the Home Department; and the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, all things considered, with regard to our Fi-
nances and the prosperity of the Revenue. The other Mem-
bers of the Cabinet could discharge their part of the duty with
equal success, and then a comparison would be as fair in prin-
ciple as it would be gratifying and glorious to us in the re-
sult. We have indulged in these reflections, not to disparage
or depreciate the last Message which has reached England
from America, but to refute the conclusions respecting the
enlightened Government under which we have the peculiar
good fortune to live, that others would establish. The system
by which the people of the United States are governed may
suit them sufficiently well, but to the British Empire it would
neither be applicable nor desirable. Why then endeavour, on
false grounds, to make us discontented with institutions which
have grown with the growth of the country—which are adapted
to all our wants, feelings, and habits, and which we may as
proudly as truly assert, have been the origin and the model,
partially or wholly, of all the civil and religious liberty, and
of all the free forms of government now existing on the
face of the earth ? It is, however, a great consolation to know,
that such efforts are as futile as they are foolish. Nay, Mr.
Monroe has himself, at all times,* on disputations points of '
policy,. almost closely adhered to the example of. England. The
ground upon which we declared war against revolutionary
France is still a stumbling block to some of the Whigs, and
yet upon the very principle of the safety of the United States
being endangered by the events which might occur in South
America from the interference of the European Powers, does
the President's .Message declare a determination to resist such
interference. "It is impossible," says Mr. Monroe, " for the
European Governments to interfere in the cone:rns of our
neighbours, especially in those alluded to, which are vital, with-
out affecting us ;" and he then proceeds to argue in favour of
repelling the attempt. Is it not manifest that equal danger
may arise to neighbouring Powers from intestine as from foreign
causes; and of course the ground of war is as valid in the one
case as the other, for it is the danger, not the source of the
danger. Upon one score on which a Cotemporary has
sought to raise the United States, by sinking England in the
comparison, we cannot conclude without offering an observa-
tion. Marvellous to tell, our brother Journaliet has discovered
that the Public Debt of the two nations is not equal ; at which
he pours out several doleful wailings. All this.in a paper that
opposed the last war with France, by which our present debt
was, we may say, created, or at least so vastly augmented,
'would be consistent, if not conscientious. It so happened, how-
ever, that this cotemporary was among the loudest and foremost
in applauding and justifying that contest to the very close ; and
yet lie now vociferates against the unnecessary consequences of
his own measues. Happily, the, people of England possess
either better memories, or more honourable principles. Ame-
rica, we admit, is prosperoust.but Britain, notwithstanding her
debt, is infinitely more prosperoust