The Sun.
London, England, 1849-05-10 00:00:00

etrenina

LONDON, THURSDAY, MAY 10, 1849.

On Thursday, the 24th of May, the all-important
question of the Ballot will be again submitted to
the consideration of the Commons by the Hon. Gen -
tleman the representative of the city of Bristol. As
the day is fast approaching, we would bring the
matter conspicuously to the- recollection of all the
honest Radical Reformers in the House, and would
most earnestly commend them to be in readiness for
the occasion. The eminent necessity of their attend-
ance during that sitting cannot by any possibility be
exaggerated. Unless they recognise this fact they
have altogether failed to appreciate the value and
efficacy of the Ballot. It is out of the question to
suppose that any sincere promoter of the cause of our
national advancement can perceive the real advan-
tages flowing from the Ballot, and yet be in the
smallest particular guilty of remissness in its ad-
vocacy.

Is it imagined that the endeavour to push the
Billet through Parliament must inevitably prove
futile because of the strength of the opposition so
long raised against it by the aristocratic influences in
the Legislature ? Is it maintained that all exertion
is useless because of the fewness of those who are
seriously solicitous to substitute the urn for the
polling-booths ? Away with such preposterous
pusillanimity while we have on record the achieve-
ments of a handful of gallant Reformers in defiance of
an apparently overwhelming host of adversaries
Remember how CHARLES VILLIERS was derided on
the commencement of his labours for the abolition of
the Corn-laws Remember how DANIEL O'CON•
NELL was laughed to scorn at the period of the
Clare election ! And yet Protection was, after
all, abolished ! and the Catholics were ultimately
emancipated ! If the motion for the adoption of the
system of secret voting has been again and again re-
jected, the motion for the removal of the import du-
ties on foreign corn and provisions was, time after
time, negatived by appalling majorities. And yet
the taxes levied upon our importations of grain have
been dissipated into thin air, and the policy recom-
mended by ADAM SMITH has been constitutionally
rendered the policy of the Government. Even the
navigation-laws are yielding to the force of reiterated
assaults, and the impassive Lords remain deaf to the
impassioned adjurations of STANLEY. Nothing can
resist the rational demands of the people
SO

long as those demands are made
rationally through the medium of the representa-
tives. This should of itself be sufficient to impress
the minds of our Legislators with a sense of their
awful responsibilities. It should be enough to con-
vince them that they have been elected by their
respective constituencies for some nobler end than
that of dalA dling over Committees, or sauntering down
to an entertaining discussion, or devouring devilled
ones at 13ELLAmy's, or getting themselves dubbed
M.P. just as any coxcomb of letters was wont to
purchase degrees in the once venal universities in the
north of Scotland. Of all the exertions in behalf
of reform there is not one so honourable, both
to the representatives and to the represented, as
that made in behalf of the Ballot. And
why ? Simply because it is intended and calculated
to place both the one and the other in a higher and
more unimpeachable position. It is said, until the
very repetition of the objection has become nauseous,
that the system of the Ballot is un-English, that its
enforcement would inevitably lower the moral stature
of those possessed of the elective franchise. To this
we would at once briefly and bluntly respond, that
the electors of England are the best conservators of
their own dignity—that all they ask is the privilege
of employing themselves what is employed every day
by their representatives in their clubs and
other p;entlenzardg establishments. We would
inquire, moreover, in return, which of the
two proceedings is the more " honourable?" To
declare for this candidate or that candidate, according
to the bent of your political sympathies, by writing
his name on a slip of paper, and dropping that slip of
paper into the urn of election ?—or to gratify a
personal grudge by stabbing the reputation of an
acquaintance in the dark, as is done any time a new
candidate is black-balled in the fashionable club-
houses of the West end? And yet the former is all

that is required by the multitude ; and the latter is
meanwhile practised by the very men who protest
against the system of secret voting at elections of knights
and burgesses—as dishonest, furtive, and emphatically
un-English ! Surely this is the most barefaced in-
stance of what is called class-legislation ; surely it is
the most impudent mode of p•:rading the variance of
precept and example before the mass of the popula-
tion. As to imagine that the people will much longer
submit to this most transparent attempt to gull them,
it is altogether absurd. The electors of England are
not quite the dunderheaded blockheads the aristocratic
faction of Conservatives appear to mistake them for.
" They know a hawk from a handsaw," whether the
wind be in the north-north-east, or whether old 2Eolus
evinces an inclination to box the compass. What-
ever the second-hand boroughmongers—and by the
second-hand boroughmongers, we mean nothing less
than the whole of the upholders of the plan of voting
through the polling-booths—whatever these persons
may think to the contrary, the constituencies of the
United Kingdom will not much longer consent to the
domination of the aristocrats over the holders of the
elective franchise.

During last session, it will not be forgotten, that
the division upon the question of the Ballot resulted
in a majority in its favour. The majority was not
more than five, it is true,—but not to have a minority
in a House of one hundred and sixty-seven Members
was something! A letter, moreover, from the Hon.
Representative of Stroud announced on the following
morning that he was only prevented by accident
from voting among the supporters of Mr. BERKELEY.
This time we doubt not but that Mr. POULETT
SCRAPE will be punctual ; and we earnestly hope
that his brother Reformers will, in like manner, be
guilty of no remissness. Let the division on Thurs-
day, the 24th of May, 1849, be a confirmation of the
division on Thursday, the Bth of August, 1848! Any
step forward, however small, is better tha❑ retro-
gression. Obvious as the truth is, let not its force
be overlooked through indifference. Let the pro-
moters of radical reform emulate the earnestness of
the Honourable HENRY BERKELEY, who will bring
forward the motion, and of Mr. JOHN WILLIAMS,
who has arranged, we believe, to second it. To the
Honourable Member for Bristol we were indebted
last year for one of the most sensible speeches of the
session. To the Hon. Member for Macclesfield we
doubt not we shall have reason to feel under obligation
for those new arguments in favour of theßallot which
he, more immediately, perhaps, than any other man
in the Commons, is, from his position, peculiarly
qualified to advance. Let the Radical Reformers in
the Legislature bear this consideration fully in mind,
that in reference to the Ballot there is no reason what-
ever for discouragement, but that, on the contrary,
there is every cause for being sanguine as to the re-
sult of the division. That is, of course, if they be
only true to their colours !

There was an observation—a very truthful obser-
vation—made at the dinner at the Albion the other
day, which is rendered peculiarly significant when
we remember that it fell from the lips of M. GuizoT.
In referring to the principle of supporting charities
by voluntary contributions, the ex-Minister of France
took occasion to remark that in the present day,
" amid those dreadful storms by which the whole
civilized world is now shaken, and which tend every-
where to rouse the poor against the rich—the suffer-
ing part against the prospering part of mankind,"
he considered it " more than ever important to ad-
here to so excellent a practice." The sentiment is
worthy of the Astutio of former days, " before the
brain had reasoned out the heart." Perhaps in mak
ing that observation, M. GUIZOT only referred to the
subject of the moment, voluntary donations—
" liberty in charity," as he appropriately called it.
But let us take his words in a general sense, and their
truth will appear hardly so remarkable as their
strange significance, coming from one who has learned
that truth by a stern experience. "It is now more
than ever important to adhere to so excellent a
practice," says M. Gutzor—that is, the prac-
tice of giving instead of refusing—of giving
voluntarily rather than necessitating recourse
to violence. Imagine M. GUIZOT enunciating
such a principle in January or February, 1848 !
Imagine him then advising his royal Master " to ad-
here to so excellent a practice," and, by adopting the
voluntary principle, to ensure "the permanent
triumph of civilization over destruction, and of social
life over social death." Had such advice been tendered
and acted upon in Paris in 1848, it would not have
been uttered in London in 1849, and if it had been
pronounced by GUIZOT the Minister, most assuredly
it had never have fallen from GUIZOT the Exile. If
we might venture to believe the words intended in
their largest sense (but unhappily we cannot credit
such an hypothesis), then, indeed, experience would
have worked marvels, and Guzzor would be a con-
vert to the doctrine of his opponents. For this " ex-
cellent practice " is just what we have all along
been so strenuously contending for. This, in fact,
is the true means of insuring " the triumph of civili-
zation over destruction, and of social life over social
death"—this, the voluntary principle. The volun-
tary recognition by the governors of the claims of
the governed—the voluntary accordance of popular
rights—the voluntary redressing of the grievances of
the wronged—the voluntary attention to the popular
wants, and the voluntary deference to the popular
will, on the part of the high and powerful,--this
voluntary principle is indeed, especially in such
" dreadful storms" as M. GUIZOT spoke of, the only
plank by which monarchs and ministers can escape
shipwreck. Had the voluntary principle prevailed fif-
teen months ago in high places in Paris, the French
would have had their Reform banquets and their
reforms also, LOUIS PHILIPPE might still be on his
throne, and M. GUIZOT in his bureau. It has hap-
pened otherwise. The recognition of the excellence
of the voluntary principle came too late to serve the
speaker, it came from the fallen minister and the
lonely exile. This fact sufficiently " points the
moral." It is a lesson worth conning, it is an
example not to be disregarded. Let us trust it will
make many converts to the voluntary principle. In
this country that principle is occasionally, at rare
intervals, acted upon. Our Ministers and Parlia-
ments do not always wait for the irresistible
" pressure from without." They sometimes,
induced by an imperceptible necessity, or
convinced by some overwhelming influence, do adopt
the voluntary principle. Thus it was, for example,
the famous abolition of the corn-laws was so tardily,
but so triumphantly achieved. But turning from the
past to contemplate the future—and unless it makes us
wiser fur the future, of what avail is the study of the
past? of what avail are such lessons as that just
taught us by M. Gutzor ?—looking to the future,
what a long list we see before us of urgent claims
awaiting recognition, and grievous wrongs awaiting
redress ; and the thought forces itself upon us, how
speedily these might be redressed and recognised by
a generous adoption of the voluntary principle.
"Wait a little longer" is an admirable maxim on the
lips of the wronged and the suffering; it stimulates
their patience, and inspires them with hope, but
when uttered in high places it becomes a mockery
and an insult—its virtuous efficacy is gone. " Wait
a little longer " is an admirable " voice from the
crowd," but unfortunately it is too often heard in
places where the " voluntary principle " should find
advocates. " Wait a little longer " is the cold reply
so continually vouchsafed to the claimants for some
popular boon. Whether it be a cry for financial or
Parliamentary reform—whether it be a plea for
education for the ignorant—for relief for the over-
taxed—for the professional man who bears the heavy
burthen, while the man of property is comparatively
untouched—for the poor woman, who pays the same
tax for her wretched sloe-leaves as the countess for
the " finest gunpowder" whether we ask for
free ventilation for the poisonous garret and
the suffocating cellar—" social life instead of
social death ;"—whether it be for these or a hundred
other as necessary reforms that the popular voice is

raised, the answer is the same—the same from the

Minister in Downing-street or the majority in St.
Stephen's—" Wait a little longer." How infinitely
better for all parties would it be if for once—" on
this occasion only"—the Liberal Ministers and the
popular representatives of England took a lesson from

M. GuizoT, and adopted the " voluntary" principle.
Let them believe him, for he has paid dearly for the
lesson—" it is an excellent practice," and it is " now

more than ever important to adhere to it."

THE FRENCH REPUI3LIC

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
The Moniteur pubihhes the fullowifig telegraphic
dispatches from Italy:—

Tile Government has received from General OLT-
DINOT the following telegraphic dispatch, sent from
Marseilles the 7th, at half-past seven o'clock in the
evening :--

"Palo, May 4.
" The 3d brigade has disembarked. The head-
quarters are at Palo, with the 2d brigade. The Ist is at
Polidoro, within six leagues of Rome."
The Government has also received the following
telegraphic dispatches :

" Turin, May 4.
"Lyons, May 6.
"THE MINISTER OF FRANCE TO THE MINISTER FOR

FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

"Radetzky left Milan yesterday for Malghera. lie
has given orders for the entry of 27,000 men into Ro-
magna and Tuscany, who are already o❑ their march.
Three battalions have been sent from Trieste to occupy
Ancona."

" Turin, May 3.
" Lyons, May 4.
"There left Mila❑ on the Ist 6,090 men for Ferrara.
The rumour is that they are to enter Bologna. Other
troops have left for Tuscany. The garrison of Milan is
reduced to 5,000 men." _ _ _

" Leghorn, May 5.
" THE CONSUL-GENERAL OF FRANCE TO THE MINISTER

FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
" The Austrians entered Lucca this morning. They
are expected this evening at Pisa."

" Gaeta, April 30.
"THE MINISTER OF FRANCE TO THE MINISTER FOR
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

"The King of Naples entered the States of the Church
yesterday at the head of 5,000 men. The King was re-
ceived at Terracina with acclamations of the people,
crying Vivo Pius IX.' The flotilla has disembarked
at Terracina. Some sailors and soldiers have gone to-
ward; Porto-di-Anzo."
The PRESIDENT of the Republic has addressed the
following letter to General OUDINOT. It was pub-
lished in the semi-official Patrie of Tuesday evening.
" My dear General,—The telegraphic news, announc-
ing the unforeseen resistance which you have met with
under the walls of Rome, has greatly grieved me. I bad
hoped, as you know, that the inhabitants of Rome, open-
ing their eyes to evidence, would receive with eagerness
an army which had arrived there to accomplish a friendly
and disinterested mission. This has not been the case.
Our soldiers have been received as enemies. Our mili-
tary honour is engaged. I will not suffer it to be assailed.
Reinforcements shall not be wanting to you. Tell your
soldiers that I appreciate their bravery, and take part in
what they endure; and that they may always rely on my
support and my gratitude. Receive, my dear General,
the assurance of my sentiments of high esteem,
" Louis NAPOLEON BONAPARTE."
This letter, it will be perCeived, is countersigned
by no Minister, and it is moreover written in open
defiance of the decision of the National Assembly,
This letter, like the letter to NAPOLEON BONAPARTE,
has been written, it is said, not by the Prince
himself but by one of the Ministers, for the
purpose of compromising the PRESIDENT, so as
to facilitate the return of the Bourbons. As we
have before remarked, M. DE FALLOUX does credit
to his Jesuit instructors. His brother, the Abbe
DE FALLOUX, who has for some time past been in-
triguing at Rome for the restoration of the POPE
and the Inquisition, has been expelled from the city,
having been discovered in treasonable communication
with the foreign reactionaries.
In commenting on this most ill-judged letter the
National says—
" Such, then, is the reply of the President of the Re-
public to the vote of the Assembly; this is the attention
he pays to the will of the Representatives of the nation;
this is how he shows his respect for the Constitution.
" We must confess we had difficulty in believing what
we said. At this moment even, the defiance hurled by
the first functionary of the Republic against the sove-
reign power appears to us unintelligible.
The direct and personal intervention of M. Louis
Bonaparte in a question which was the subject of dis-
cussion between his Cabinet would be a fact sufficiently
grave, but when that interference is manifested after
a decisive and final vote, which has constitutionally put
an end to the discussion, what is to be thought of it ?
It is without the countersign of any one of
his Ministers that M. Louis Bonaparte has pro-
mised reinforcements to General Oudinot. But is he

ignorant that he has not the right to order a single
company to advance a step ? If he has not himself read
the Constitution to which he has sworn, has he no one
near him who could have reminded him of the bearing
of his oath ? What is to be understood by this ? Is
it in case of need he will dispense with the assent of his
Ministers, ai he would appear to wish to dispense with
the authorisation of the Assembly ? All this requires
explanations, and they cannot be given too promptly.
"It is not our wish to make use of irritating expres-
sions in a discussion which may lead to incalculable
consequences. We impose silence on the indignant feel-
ings of our heart. It is coolly and legally that we now
discuss the matter ; we shall not, therefore, express the
suspicions which have arisen in our minds at the events
which have been for some time passing before our eyes.
But we are convinced that the Assembly, carefully
watchful of its rights and of its dignity, will not permit
with impunity any attack on the Constitution, from what
I ever quarter it may be directed. It is its duty to defend
it, and this duty it will fulfil, convinced as it is of bav-
ingthe support of the nation."

'The National Assembly on Tuesday rejected the
proposition of the Committee on the budget for the
reduction of the army by 75,000 men. The Ministry
may thank Generals CAVAIGNAC,
BEDEALT, and M. DE LAMARTINE for their preserva-
tion from defeat on this occasion. They all four
spoke against the proposition for reduction. In re-
turn the Ministers, through their Electoral Com-
mittee of the Club of the Rue de Poictiers, scold and
bully the electors of Paris for Laving in the prelhni-

nary- scrutiny returned the names of these gentlemen,
together with those of MX. DUFAURE and
MARIE at the head of the list of candi-
dates for the Department of the Seine.
This conduct on the part of the Electoral
Committee proves the truth of the assertion we made
some time since, that the names of General CA-.
VAIGNAC and his friends had been proposed originally
by the Committee solely with the intention of deceiv-
ing. We trust the electors of France will in every
instance exercise their own judgment as to every can-
didate, and not suffer any club or any newspaper to
dictate to them a list to be voted as a whole.

At the sitting of the National Assembly yesterday
the subject of the PRESIDENT'S letter to General
OUDINoT was brought forward by M. GREYY, in
reply to whom M. ODILON BARROT stated that, though
the letter in question was not the act of the Cabinet,
he and his colleagues were ready to assume the whole
responsibility of it. He declared that the object of
the letter was merely to express sympathy with the
army, and that it was not intended as the inaugura-
tion of a policy contrary to that of the Assembly.
A long discussion ensued, in the course of which M.
LEDRU Rows made a violent attack on the Ministers
and the PRESIDENT. He declared the letter to be an
insolent defiance of the National Assembly and a
violation of the constitution. Ultimately the debate
on the subject was adjourned on the motion of M.
GREVY and M. FAVRE, in consequence of M. ODILON
BARROT having announced that M. LESSEPS, the late
Minister at Madrid, had been sent by the Govern-
ment as an envoy to Rome, to express to the Roman
people the wishes of the Assembly, as expressed by
the vote of Monday, which showed that the Govern-
ment did not intend to oppose the Assembly.
It was rumoured in the Assembly that the Mi-
nistry had received a telegraphic dispatch announcing
the entry of both the French and the Neapolitan

troops into itome.
BOURSE.—PArus, WEDNESDAY, MAY 9.
THREE o'CLoca.—The Funds having rise❑ yesterday,
on a report, which has since been contradicted, of the
entry of the French troops into Rome, the improvement
has vanished. To-day, the Five per Cent. Rentes opened
at fully per cent. below the closing prices of yesterday,
and continued weak all day. The other public Stocks
and Railway Shares wero also weak, and the business
done was exceedingly limited. Exchange on London
(30 days), 25 30; ditto (90 days), 25 17.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, MAY 9.
Boulogne and Amiens, 7—Northern of France,
Central of France (Orleans and Vierzon), 1414—Orlaans
and Bordeaux, 3—Paris and Rouen, 22 Paris and Stras-
bourg, 41A—Rouen and Havre, 10V,—Tours and Nantes, 3%.