The Sun.
London, England, 1831-12-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The report of the commission of the Chamber
of Pi ers in France, on the proposed modifica-
tion of their own order, drawn up by the Duke
de Cazes, will be read with interest, even after
the numerous discussions which the .s'object has
already undergone. The commission was equally
divided on the main point of the tr'.'eoposed
change—namely, the abolition or the hereditary
succession enjoyed under the old charter,—seven
being in favour of the abolition, and serer: 'de-
claring for the maintenance of the p`isent privi-
leges. Even the former seleprted the Bill in
this respect, not as A tweasnre of legislative wis-
dom, but as a concession to public opinion,
—not as a political improvement which they
would of themselves have adopted, out as .a po-
pular prejudice to which they were comtelled
to yield. The reporter of the commisSion being
of this opinion, suggested no farther change in
the proposed Bill, then the omission of the
condition attached to the category which em-
powers the Sovereign to raise to the Peerage
persons paying 3,000 francs a year in direct
taxes. The possession or property to the
amount measured by this extent of taxation was
considered a sufficient guarantee fin the Royal
choice, without the condition of having acted
fora certain number of rears in some public ca-
pacity,—a limitation introduced in the other
Chamber to prevent the son of a Peer being
elevated, on the score of mete wealth, to his
father's seat. The language of the report, like
the character of the reporter, is extremely mode-
rate and conciliatory. It embraces mat the
same topics, and treats them in nearly the same
manner, as the speech of the Minister on the
introduction of the measure. The opinion of
the Duke de Cazes, and of the commission of
he was the organ, is, like that of M.
Casitnir Perier, in favour of a hereditary Cham-
ber ; but they all admit that the public sentiment
has been so loudly and generally pronounced
against the preservation of such a privilege, that
it would be unsafe to attempt its support at the
present moment. In fact, they have the sense
to perceive the real wishes of the people, as ex-
pressed by the majority of the educated classes;
and while they courageously and successfully re-
sist thy furious and absurd demands of the
rabble, they never, like our Anti-Reforming
Peers and Commoners, commit the mad folly
of confounding the national will with the mere
scum of mob-excitement.—Times.
A correspondent tells us that we committed
a mistake yesterday, in stating that the Five
Powers of the Conference of London had ratified
the treaty of separation between Belgium and
Bolland. We believe that there is no mistake
in the case ; and we should think it a cutting
satire on the Courts to which the Plenipoten-
tiaries belong, to suppose that they could by
possibility disavow what was done by their ablest
and most faithful Plenipotentiaries in their name
zitd by their instructions. England and France,
we know, have formally ratified the treaty. The
reports of the ratification by Prussia and Austria
have been so universally stated, and are so gene-
rally believed, that we have entertained no doubt
on the subject. The ratification of Russia, we
are aware, has not yet been received, because,
according to one party, the Emperor is in his
distant capital of Moscow, or because, accord-
ing to another, his Majesty s ill dreams of a
western expedition, to set us all politically right
in this barbarous part of the world. Such a
drawback on the late treaty does not alter our
reasonings or deductions hi a single instance.
The Five Powers have made a treaty with the
K.-rig of Belgium by their authorized Plenipo-
tenoaries. Two of them, according to official
declarations, and four of them according to ge-
neral information and belief, have ratified that
treaty. The ratification of a fifth is believed
certain, though postponed, because the treaty
was agreed to by two of its ablest Plenipoten-
tiaries ; one of them (Count Matouchewitz)
specially appointed to conduct the negotiation
for the last fourteen months. We, therefore,
thought ourselves warranted in considering the
London treaty of separation " as part of the
public law of Europe," and of deducing from
it all the inferences which we drew in our re-
marks of yesterday. On the other parts of the sub-
ject we refrain at present from entering.—Timcs.

There is but little known of the measure
contemplated by his Majesty's Government for
the settlement of the tithe question in Ireland.
It seems, however, that enough is known--at
least enough is conjectured—to enable our con-
temporaries on the other side of the water to
anticipate the failure of the attempt. The at
tempt may fail—and this early conjecture t 4) its
disadvantage is some earnest that it will ; for we
cannot disguise from ourselves that the conjec-
ture proceeds from that portion of the Press
which will necessarily exercise a great influence
over the public mind in determining the manner
of its reception ; and that, besides the inclina-
tion which we all have to carry our own predic-
tions into effect when we possess the power, there
is a spirit of religious animosity in Ireland suffi-
cient to defeat a much more comprehensive
scheme of Church Reform than any which Mr.
Stanley has given us reason to expect. We be-
lieve there is no true friend of the Church of
England who will not join with us in regretting
that a question so important as the tithe question
should be discussed, in the first instance, in re-
lation to that part of the kingdom where the pre-
judice against it is strongest, and the cause itself
is less tenable than it is here. But this is not
the work of accident. The tithe system has been
long complained of in both countries ; and if it
bad been met with a timely and a temperate Re-
form in England, we should not now have to
lament that we must begin at the wrong end, nor
to doubt whether any reasonable proposition—
whether any thing short of the extremes which
it ought to be the desire of both parties to avoid
—is likely to give satisfaction to either. We,
therefore, owe the present disadvantage of being
driven to legislate first, when we must meet all
the difficulties iu a heap together—we owe it to
that spirit of procrastination, which, in the case
of nations as of individuals, has ever been the
fruitful parent of misfortune. It would be ab-
surd to infer from Mr. Stanley's speech that the •
Government contemplates at present any exten-
sive change in the condition of the Church of
Ireland, but we hope it is intended that more
shall be done than the mere compulsory com-
mutation of tithes to their full amount. This,
we agree with the Irish Papers in thinking, will
not do, if this be all. But it is scarcely pos-
sible to suppose that the same Minister who de-
scribed the state of Ireland in a manner that
showed how justly he appreciated its difficulties
could think of meatieg that state, with a
view to improve its symptoms, by a mea-
sure so inadequate to the end. The Govern-
ment have taken up the subject, and they must
go on with it. To legislate to any useful purpose
they must legislate, calmly, yet firmly, keeping

their ',course between two violent parties unin-
fluenced by 'either. The first question for them
• to consider is) what change they ought to make
whether that change will afford tatitiThetion is
': only th© second•, even 'tho',th it should involve
the practical ',_!ti7ay of the measure itself. It
must 'cur to every one as being possible, u'i.de`!-
the present excitement in Ireland', t'',lll. the most
just and equitable .i'at_i';;inent may nut afford
satisfaction t the people of that country. But
it is &v .lent that the experiment ought to be tried,
for, if reason will not suffice, we know no sub-
stitute for reason which is likely to It
persuasive. The only tlreventtioLA kin. Which a
Legislature tan Act is 6.it men ::are rational
beings and are lb satisfied by rational means,
'Herald,
he refusal of the King of Holland) Ft h 3 NVe
think, stands a fair chance in litture his'tory to be
characterised as " Obstinate," to ratify the
treaty bet Ween him and Belgiuirr) 07OpOsed by
the Five Powers, and the ipilarent tardiness of
the Russian
,Go,efnment to ratify the compact
entered into by its Plenipotentiary, are the oribs,
unp7easant matters to which we have ni j occa-
' sion to refer as calculated n any respect to en-
danger the peare sof turope; and it is a pity,
peaceful its 'very respect as the atmosphere of
Ettro'pean politics otherwise is, that the pre=
tensions of two minor States slink] engender
differences which are cAuldted in the slightest
degree to comprotwise the lives and welfare of
enillionts, nut there is now no help for it,
awl the Ministers must make their way out
of the difficulty, which they did not create, in
the best way they can. The fact of the
King of Holland's refusal is put on record
by a diplomatic note to the Plenipotentiaries of
the Five Powers ; while that of Russia) we fear,
is by no means unlikely to follow it in the course
of a few days. The Paris Papers, in fact,
affirm, without r.ny hesitation, that the Emperor
Nicholas has refused to ratify the convention
entered into between his accredited Minister and
the other Powers ; and although we are not in-
clined to subscribe to every thing, which is re-
ported in them, we have in other respects strong
reason to believe that a reluctance to ratify the
treaty exists on the part of the Emperor Nicholas,
which is indeed most dishonourable to him,
but which cannot, nevertheless, fail greatly
to embarrass the friendly relations which exist,
at the present, moment, between this country
and the other Powers of Europe. The Paris
Papers say that he is determined to support the
King of Holland in, first, the division of the
debt ; 2. HiS repeal of the free navigation of the
rivers and canals to the Belgians ; and, 3. His
claims on Luxemburg. Well, be it so. The
barbarism of Russia has had already too many
and too favourable opportunities of proving its
strength, and the sooner it is reduced to its
proper level the better. Nicholas and his allies
—for we have no doubt that he reckons on
Prussia and Austria to join him—will find it a
more difficult matter to carry his family views
into effect with France and England opposed to
him, than Russia lately did, when English blood
and English treasure smoothed the way to Paris.
What power shall attempt to battle it with the
Fortner on land, and with the latter at sea ?
Morning Advertiser.

An evening cotemporary (the Standard) has
published the letter from Mr. Francis Philips
to Lord Althorp on the subject of Mr. Hul-
ton's resignation. Mr. Francis Philips, in the
outset, takes care to inform Lord Althorp of his
quality. " This day (he says), whilst attending
my duty as Deputy Lieutenant, attesting some
of the Chester Militia," &c. ; and then he pro-
ceeds to read his Lordship what he no doubt
deems a very spirited lecture, but which most
people would be inclined to think not a little
impertinent. He does not scruple to tell his
Lordship, that as the expressions to which he
objects in the report of his Lordship's speech
in the Morning Chronicle and Morning
Herald arc not in the report of the Times, he
'upposes that they were suppressed by the editor
of this last Paper because they were unfounded
or indiscreet ! This, from a Deputy Lieutenant
and Magistrate to a Cabinet Minister ! But
worse still. Mr. Francis Philips thus concludes
his homily : . _

" Pause, my Lord, in your rash career, ere it be too
late; in private life, enthusiastic indiscretion may be pal-
liated by gtol intention, but in the important oflice
which your Lordship has ventured to undertake, sound
judgment, grounded on deliberate and impartial investi-
gation, becomes indispensable."
_ _

Mr. Francis Philips takes it for granted that
Ministers are entirely at the mercy of the Lieu-
tenancy and Magistracy. "My Lord, if our
best Magistrates are to be thus insulted, and
their feelings to be thus trifled with, who that
are really competent, independent, and honour-
able, will be found to act ?" Oh, no, the
country will be left without Magistrates, because,
except Tories, there are no independent and ho-
nourable men in the country. It is not the least
singular part of this business, that the Tory Ma
gistrates should fasten on a gentleman of so mild
and conciliatory a character as Lord Althorp is
allowed to be. We are not surprised, however,
at these insults. Ministers have provoked them
by their want of resolution. Why should they
allow themselves to be bearded in this manner
by their subordinates ? The Tories are not con-
ciliated by the deference shown to them, but
only rendered more insolent ; while the men of
liberal principles—the men who put their
shoulders to the wheel during the late election,
and since at public meetings—are deeply dis•j
gusted at seeing the Government everywhere in 1
the hands of Tories, who use their power against
the Whigs. The following letter, which we
received from Mr. Fordham, in which he en-
deavours to show, in opposition to our corre-
spondent 0. P. Q., that the labouring people of
England are in a wove condition than the la-
bouring people of France, exhibits a frightful
picture of the peasantry in his neighbourhood:—