The Sun.
London, England, 1822-06-14 00:00:00

[MORNING POST.,J

In the House of Commons last night, Mr.
Goulburn moved for leave to bring in a Bill em-
powering Ecclesiastical and other persons to
lease Tythes in Ireland. To the Sister Country
in particular, and to Great Britain also, in a more
general sense, this motion is one of much import-
ance. Laying aside whatever may be the me-
rits of the ptoposed mea;,ure itself, the in-
troduction of it by his Majesty's Ministers, to-
gether with the assurance given that the sub-
ject is still, and will remain, under consideration,
with the view, if possible, of devising some
more effe,:tual remedy for the abuses of the Irish
Tythe system, must be productive of the best
results. Mr. Goulburn, in the course of his in-
teresting statement, observed, that although
from the great perplexity of a commutation of
Tythes Government were vet unable to express
any decisive opinion on that point, they were
prosecuting the inquiry to see if a satisfactory
result could be reached. If by placing the
rights of Church property on the same footing as
the rights of private property, a commutation
might be effected,. Ministers would not be de-
terred from undertaking it. Upon this broad
ground of jukice, the Right Honourable Gentle-
man not only himself sought that object, but
invited Members on both sides of the House to
offer their suggestions, on a pledge that if an
unobjectionable measure were propounded, it
should have his support. He likewise stated
that the Bill proposed to be introduced must
facilitate a commutation, and could not in any-
wise be a bar to that object. Ile then proceeded
to explain some of its leading provisions. It in
the first place empowers incumbents to grant
leasesiof :their tythes to the occupying tenants in
their parishes, for a term of twenty-one years,
and also to contract and grant leases during the
same period to the proprietors of land, for the
tythes parable out of it. These provisions ap-
pear at once to be of great importance, and if
universally applied in Ireland cannot fail in a
great degree to remove the grievances complained
of. No argument would then hold with regard
to tythes w:.ich would not equally hold with re-
gard-to rent, while the latter *vas liable to many
objections,not applicable to the former.

[P4OI:NING_CHRONICLE.]

The. confl.uct of the Turks in Scio promises to
be of great advantage to the Greek cause. A
part of the Sciots, relying on their having taken
no.s-hare in the insurrectionary proceedings, re-
mained behind after the town of Scio had been
deserted by Lutist of its inhabitants. These per-
sons were- immediately sacrificed by the Turks,
whereas the more manly and patriotic inhabit-
ants, who had retreated to the hills, not only
escaped the fury of their barbarous enemies, but
were afterward' enabled to cut off numbers of
them; 'vvhen they began to spread themselves
over the island. The mild manner in which
war is usually carried on in the west of Eu-
rope, though'a great good in itself, is not cer-
tainly:very favourable to patriotism. Armies have
been taught to advance through an enemy's
country vv,ith,,as much regularity as if it were
their Own, 'supplying their wants by requisitions
addreSsed: Co. the kcal constituted authorities;
and the inhabitants, except'- in- a few cases., of

which entering a town by assault is one, are in
little fear for their personal safety. This huma-
nity has in its turn given birth to an apathy and
indifference unknown in ancient times, when sla-
very or death was generally the portion of the
vanquished. With this alternative staring him in
the face, the citizen was forced to become patriot.
The Turks understand the art of making patriots
as well as any people who ever existed, and by
teaching their enemies that submission is sure to
be followed by destruction, while resistance
holds out a chance of safety, they are pretty
certain to experience no want of the latter.—ln-
deed, after the lessons which the Greeks have
had, one is astonished that any part of the Sciotes
could have thrown themselves on the mercy of
the Turks ; but this island was in the enjoyment
of peculiar privileges, and knew less of Turkish
brutality than any of the others, and this may
account in some measure for the partial infatua-
tion.—The example, however; will assuredly not
be thrown away.

[NEW TIMES.I
Want of room agai❑ prevented us yesterday
from making those remarks which the present
state of French politics forcibly suggest. A fifth
of the Chamber of Deputies has been changed,
and an oppdrtunity has been afforded, for the
first time, to the people of France, to testify that
aversion, which it was so imprudently asserted
that they entertained against a Royalist Admi-
nistration. What has been the result ? The
majority in favour of the Ministers, in the Cham-
ber of Deputies, has been greatly augmented.—
The Royalists and the Revolutionists have tried
their strength in the election of a President,
and the chief candidate of the former obtained
220 votes; of the latter 73. What say the Liberal
Journals to this ? "We have seen with great
pain," says the Editor of the Constitutionnel,
" that a great many Members of Opposition have
not even yet arrived at Paris." Probably this is
only a prelude to the information, that some of
these Gentlemen have ratted. The same croaking
tone appears in the correspondence of The
Morning Chronicle, the writer of which declares,
that he " sees an evident disposition in the mass
of the people to sink into contented servitude"—
alias, to suffer the poor Liberaux to bawl
themselves hoarse in the Tribune, without taking
a step toward rebellion ! This is sad news
for the dealers in treason ; and it is very strange
news, too, from such a quarter. What! the
People do wrong ! Impossible. Quite contrary
to first principles, this. The will of the People
is the only rule of right, according to the wisdom
of the wise Rousseau. If the People are con-
tented with the present Government, there is no
more to be said : and Messrs. Foy, Manuel,
Chauvelin, &c. &c. are bound, in conformity
with the true revolutionary philosophy, to sup-
port M. De Villele, the man of the People.

[THE TIMES.]

A match at Newmarket affords but poor sport,
where there is any striking disparity in speed,
bottom, and horsemanship. So a political ques-
tion ceases to excite much notice, when the ar,
gument is found to be all on one side ; unless,
indeed, as now and then happens in some as-
semblies, the votes should preponderate on the
other. So far, then, as regards the recent at-
tempt of Mr. Western to bring back the system
of paper money, which mainly assisted in
trebling the rents of the landlords, and in
quadrupling the debt and taxes of the coun-
try since the year 1797, we see no circum-
stance connected with it which can justly entitle
the subject to even an hour's interest or curiosity.
The reason and common sense of the- matter are
so plainly against the Hon. Gentleman the
bias of Parliament, it must be added, dis-
plays a harmony so remarkable with the merits
of the case,—and the nation itself has been so
completely sickened of high prices and a de-
predated and arbitrary currency, that the only
interest which would naturally grow out of
the discussion of Tuesday and Wednesday, on
Mr. Western's proposal, seems that of pure asto-
nishment that a man so enlightened and respect-
able could have made it. But there are Country
Gentlemen who agree with Mr. Western on this
point, and who trace all the mischiefs and suffer-
ings that have befallen us to the conversion of pa-
per
into gold. We will be frank with these Country
Gentlemen, among whom, except for his doctrines
on this single question, we should never think of
classing Mr. Western. Their grievance is the
actual or impending fall of rents, and they
know or feel ❑o other human change to be a
grievance. No taxation so grinding—no mis-
management of the public interest so gross—no
corruption so monstrous, that they were not
ready to tolerate them all—no falsehood so
daring, that they did not affirm it by their votes,
so long as high prices and high rents were attain-
able. Their whole public conduct since the
peace may be accounted for on this principle,
and it is inconsistent with every other. Hence
the enactment of the Corn Law, and next their
murmurs at its inefficiency ; and last of all, their
clamour against the restoration of the old standard
coin of the realm.

We need scarcely express our satisfaction at
the result of the which we have been
considering. Not merely was the majority such
as has set at rest a pernicious expectation, but
the amendment substituted by Mr. Huskisson
was the pledge and record of a salutary and
essential policy—a policy, by our departure
from which all confidence would be shaken—
foreign commerce obstructed—public faith out-
raged—the poor abridged of their scanty com-
forts—property exposed to fatal fluctuations, and
the disasters attendant on the desperate Order
in council of 1797 acted over again, and aggra-
vated beyond endurance for us and for. posterity.
--(lbid.)

EFFECTS OF EXCESSIVE EAT.—It is a sin-
gular and perhaps unprecedented fact, that
within the last week not less than eleven horses,
attached to the stage coaches between London
and Cheltenham, actually sank beneath the ex-
treme heat, and dropped lifeless on the road.—
(Cheltenham Chronicle.)

FOR THE SUN.

RUSSIA AND TURKEY.

M. EDITOR.—The important question of
peace or of war between Russia and the Otto-
man Porte remains still undecided. If the
sword has not hitherto been unsheathed, if the
banks of the Danube have not yet been stained
with human blood, the delay can scarcely be at-
tributed to any principle of forbearance, or to a
pacific disposition on the part of the Russian
Cabinet. The popular feeling in Russia, and
the inclination of the Government of St. Peters-
burgh, are so decidedly hostile to the Turks, and
so avowedly favourable to the Greeks, that such
an apparent indecision on the part of the Rus-
sian Ministry is naturally a matter of astonish-
ment; and we are no less naturally inclined to
investigate the causes in which the line of con-
duct it has hitherto pursued can originate. We
find much in some of the foreign Journals con-
cerning the pacific disposition of the Emperor of
Russia ; but however he may be disposed to
peace, and however inclined he may feel, indi-
vidually, not to depart from the avowed princi-
ples of the Holy Alliance, we can scarcely con-
sider this lukewarmnesss on his part as the real
cause that has hitherto delayed the commence-
ment of hostilities. Although the Russian Mo-
narchs are avowedly invested with the most ab-
solute power, instances are not wanting in histo-
ry to prove how dangerous it is for them to
adopt a line of conduct at variance either with
the interests or with the sentiments of their
Nobles. A prudent Prince will therefore seldom
venture to pursue so dangerous a line of conduct.
Admitting, consequently, that the Emperor Alex-
ander is really averse to war, as some of the fo-
reign journals represent him to be, his feelings
upon the matter can scarcely be considered as
the sole cause that delays an open rupture.

The Russian Ultimatum has been delivered to
the Divan, and the demands of Russia have been
hitherto positively refused. That such has
been the determination of the Ottoman Porte
can scarcely appear astonishing, since by adopt-
ing a different line of conduct, it must have ad-
mitted the propriety of foreign interference in
its domestic concerns, and have therefore aban-
doned its independence as a State. Judging in-
deed the matter upon the broad principle of
equity, nothing could possibly be more prepos-
terous than the demands said to have been made
by Russia. And the more extravagant their na-
ture the less was the probability that the Divan
would or could accede to them, and the more is
the hostile inclination of the Russian Cabinet
made evident. The principle advanced by Rus-
sia, of its right to interfere in the domestic con-
cerns of a foreign power, is so monstrous in its
nature, it is so contrary to every notion of na-
tional independence hitherto entertained, that she
may well pause ere she boldly avow it as one she
is determined to maintain by force of arms. But
whatever weight this consideration may have, it
cannot he considered as the principal cause that
has hitherto kept the sword unsheathed.
It can scarcely be denied that a, spirit of dis-
affection, and a strong inclination to revolt, pre-
vails througout almost every country in Europe.
If any nation feels more or less desirous of ac-
qtriring more freedom than it has hitherto pos-
sessed, can we imagine that this powerful stimu-
lus does not act upon the mind of a people once
free and independent, but now compelled to bend
beneath the yoke of a foreign power, and that
power its ancient and national enemy ? The
question is not how far the Poles might be hap-
pier under the domination of Russia, than under
their own original detestable form of govern-
ment; but how far they may feel inclined to
smother the flames of patriotism which once,
glowed with such intensity within every Polish
breast. The difficulty with which the gallant
Kosciusko was eventually subdued, cannot be
so soon forgotten. Should the Poles feel, there-
fore, any disposition to imitate the example of
the Greeks, and to make one bold and desperate
attempt for the recovery of their lost national
independence, it would scarcely be prudent to af-
ford them -a favourable opportunity of making
such an attempt by plunging into the difficulties
of a foreign war. Now that such a disposition
does exist, nay more, that it has been even ma-
nifested, may be fairly deduced from the answer
of the Minister of Russia to the address of the
Polish Diet, such as it appeared in the Warsaw
Paper of the 30th of April last, in which the
Poles are warned to turn a deaf ear to the men
who seek to disturb public tranquillity by pro-
pagating vain theories incompatible, in practice
with the preservation of public order.
If the fear of any insurrection in Poland
weighs much against the warlike disposition of
the Russian cabinet, this disposition is still more
counterbalanced by the effect which a success-
ful war on the part of Russia must produce up-
on the present political system of Europe.—
Should Turkey have ventured single-handed
against Russia, the final issue of the contest can
scarcely be considered as doubtful. In this case,
to preserve the most desirable equilibrium, there
must be not only a partition of the Turkish do-
minions, but also a general change in the exist-
ing continental arrangements,—a measure which
presents, in short, very considerable and embar-
rassing difficulties. These difficulties consist not
only in the nice and satisfactory adjustment of
the interest of each respective State, but also as
to how far the execution of any of the intended
changes might meet with the approbation of the
people themselves. Sovereigns are not, indeed,
often in the habit of regulating their conduct by
this last consideration. But in these times it
cannot, and ought not, however, to be considered
as a matter of perfect indifference; because the
notions, whether right or wrong, of the rights of
subjects, are now very generally disseminated.
Besides, there may still exist, in all countries,
a principle of patriotism, and a national feeling,
which we had hitherto been taught to appreciate
and to admire, which elevates men above the
brute creation, and will, therefore, render them
averse to the being transferred from one parish
to another like a herd of cattle. It would be
folly, or ignorance, to argue that such things may
be done now with impunity, because they have
been done before without' any opposition or im

mediate danger. I say immediate danger, be-
cause occurrences are not wanting in history to
prove that if the flame of patriotism were smothered
for awhile, it has sometimes broken out with
irresistible violence. Viewing the question in
this light, every well-wisher to the permanent
peace of Europe must dread lest any change,
arising from a new arrangement among the
Sovereigns of our part of the world, prove even-
tually the cause of discord and of bloodshed.
Many and conflicting are the interests which
the various cabinets of Europe have to regulate,
ere an actual rupture can be allowed to take
place ; hence do we perceive a considerable
activity prevailing throughout the whole of the
political world ; and negociations are carried on
with no less vigour than secrecy. The annexation
of Turkey to the Russian empire is wholly in-
compatible with the safety of Europe ; and its
tranquillity would be materially endangered even
by any partial aggrandizement of the latter power.
A country able, as is now the case, to keep on foot
an army of 800,000 men, is already too powerful,
and must be watched with a jealous eye by its
neighbours. Yet in the event of a war, Russia
and Austria can be alone benefitted, without any
great change in the existing division of the rest
of Europe. Now both France and Prussia being
interested in keeping a check upon the power of
Russia and of Austria, must feel desirous, not
only to prevent the aggrandizement of either of
those states, but should, moreover, be disposed
to oppose the total destruction of their natural
enemies, the Turks. In this respect, the
policy of England coincides with that of France
and of Prussia, since England is no less in-
terested in preventing the increase of Maritime
importance which Russia would derive from the
possession of the shores of the Archipelago and of
the sea of Marmora. It is wholly impossible
that England should view with indifference the
annexation of Roumelia to the Russian Empire.
With the many advantages possessed by Constan-
tinople, it might, in the hands of the Russians,
become a dock yard, and a naval station, which
must eventually prove prejudicial to the trade of
England in the Mediterranean, and to that which
France carries on with the Levant. In this re-
spect, therefore, the Cabinets of St. James, and
of the Tuilleries, will doubtless both oppose a
measure pregnant with such danger to their inte-
rests. In the event, by no means an improbable
one, of a removal of the seat of the Russian Go-
vernment to Constantinople, a very considerable
change would be necessarily produced in the po-
litical system of Europe, and the most extraor-
dinary events might be anticipated. Should this
prove the Case, then would the relative positions
of Austria and of Russia be materially changed,
because the interests of these two States would
be brought into more immediate contact. How-
ever this may be, the bare idea of such an occur-
rence, and a moment's reflection upon the pos-
sible influence it would have over the future des-
tinies of Europe, fills the mind with apprehension.
Surely our continent is not destined to be once
more conquered by the hardy tribes that inhabit
the wide extended plains of ancient Sart-nada and
Scythia !
It can scarcely be doubted that Austria and
Russia should willingly divide the spoils of
Turkey, for Servia and Illyria would prove ac-
quisitions no less advantageous to the former,
than Wallachia, Roumelia, &c. to the latter
power. In this respect, though both France and
Prussia must oppose such a measure, will their
policy lead them different ways ? There has
ever existed a spirit of rivalry between these two
powers and Austria, which cannot be considered
as extinct. On the part of France, the feeling of
hostility has been rather increased than diminished
by the events which preceded the restoration of
the Bourbons ; nor can Prussia forget how she
was left to be oppressed by the iron hand of
Buonaparte. Should these feelings be suffered
to operate, they would induce both those Courts
to oppose any increase of the power of Austria; and
a sound policy equally forbids the greater aggran-
dizement of Russia. England, France, and Prussia,
cannot consent to / any partitioning of Turkey.
Again, although the Courts of Vienna and Peters-
burgh have now been for some, time closely
united, and are so now by mutual interest, it
would be an anomaly in the annals of political
transactions, to anticipate a permanent continu-
ance of this good understanding. The sagacious
politician should, therefore, seriously consider
the possibility of some future rupture between
these two powers, ere he sanctions any plan pro-
posed to his acceptance ; the utility and sta-
bility of which depends upon so precarious a cir-
cumstance. Amongst the arrangements proposed,
one, it is said, relates to the erection of an
independent State, formed out of the Northern
Provinces of Turkey, and the preservation of
the Turkish power. The latter seems scarcely
compatible with any proposed emancipation of
the Greeks, but is nevertheless a necessary coun-
terpoise to the increased preponderance of Rus-
sia.. But, however plausible this measure may
at first appear, a little reflection will shew that
it will not prove an effectual remedy to the
dreaded evil. Weak in itself, surrounded by
powerful neighbours on one side, and by a mor-
tal enemy on the other—the existence of the
newly erected State must be guaranteed by all
the Powers of Europe, and especially by its im-
mediate neighbours. Now, it would be madness
to suppose that Turkey will not ever feel dis-
posed to regain what it has been forced to yield.
This disposition can be kept in check only
through fear of the guaranteeing powers,
but their guarantee will become a mere dead
letter, whenever any alteration takes place
in the politics of either of these Powers.—
Whilst a war between Russia and Austria would
afford Turkey a favourable opportunity of re-
covering its lost provinces, the Cabinet of the
proposed State, necessarily subservient to the
one or to the other of its powerful protectors,
must be eventually enslaved by one of them.
Such an arrangement, therefore, seems little likely
to give a permanent security that the peace of
Europe shall not be eventually disturbed in con-
sequence of the interference of Russia in'favour
of the Greek subjects of the Porte. She has
advanced too far to recede, consistently with its
dignity. She has ambitious views to gratify;

she has an immense force, which she wishes to I
employ ; she has incurred heavy expences,
she wishes reimbursed : such are her powerful
incentives to war. Almost secure of success) it,
is undoubtedly her interest to enter into a con'
test which must raise her still higher in the
scale of political importance. But it is the itite'
rest of all the leading Cabinets of Europe to nr
pose a strong and effectual barrier to the over-
whelming torrent of her power. They must
not suffer her to glide imperceptibly into
that towering preponderance which Bunna"
parte boldly and openly acquired, and which
i
had nearly proved fatal to the independence n,
Europe. The present moment is one very critical
and important ; if the events, therefore, 1:3°1
preparing, bear not with them the appearance
the violent hurricane that carries instantaneous
destructiou in its train, we may trace in then
that slow but deadly poison that gradually in-
sinuates itself into every vein, weakens the frame'
paralyses its action, and eventually brings it t°
ruin and destruction.
Midhurst, June 10. A. '.