The Sun.
London, England, 1822-04-11 00:00:00

that these expectations had no better or surer
basis than the evasive line' of policy pursued
by the REIS EFFENDI and the Divan,—that
they did not rest on any positive evidences
of a pacific disposition on the part of Tur-
key, but merely on the caution with which
the Porte avoided the open declaration of
hostile intentions. But the Porte even
now, when all the European Cabinets con-
sider hostilities as inevitable, warily refrains
from making the first declaration of war,—a cir-
cumstance which has strangely enough induced
some of our Cotemporaries to indulge the w eak
hope, that even the rejection of the demands of
Russia will not necessarily incite that power to
take the field !—f t would be a waste of time to
controvert this ridiculous and puerile assumption.
The terms in which it is said the rejection of the
Russian demands was couched,—the refusal of
the Porte to nominate Greek Ifospodars of Wal-
lachia and Moldavia, in flagrant violation of
treaties,—the numerous other causes of just
dissatisfaction on the part of Russia,—the vast
military and naval preparations of both parties,—
the reciprocal hatred of the Russians and Turks,
and the enthusiasm with which their feelings
have been engaged in the question between their
respective Governments,—the favourable oppor-
tunity still presented by the Greek Insurrection,
to the Russians, on the one hand,—ami the uncon-
trollable arrogance of the Turks, inflamed by the
destruction of ALI PACIIA, on the other,—ap-
pear to, us to present an aspect so decidedly war-
like, that we should consider the preservation of
peace as almost miraculous.

When disputants advance a multiplicity of ar-
guments in support of any point, they ought to
be extremely careful that their reasons do not
embarrass instead of strengthening one another.
This caution, we think, was not sufficiently at-
tended to by the Hon. President of the Board of
Trade, when he dwelt upon the discouragement
of slave dealing as one of the advantages to be
expected from his proposed scheme of West
Indian intercourse.

To those whose negligent temper, or slight in-
clination for the subject, makes them willingly
accept any excuse for coming to an immediate
conclusion, the assurance that this measure has a
tendency to suppress the Slave Trade, will in all
likelihood be quite satisfactory • and the general
and just detestation of that odious traffic may
perhaps serve to gain from the public a favour-
able hearing of any proposal which can, by what-
ever means, be connected in their minds with the
desired Abolition. So far, we confess, the in-
troduction of this subject was politic and well
conceived ; but its real bearing upon the argu.

ment respecting American intercourse will be

found, if strictly examined, so insignificant,
that the question would stood nearly upon
the same footing if this topic had been wholly
omitted.

We are told that the Slave Trade is irresistibly
promoted by the prosperity and commercial
activity, under present circumstances, of the
foreign colonies which continue this traffic. It

is therefore argued that we should do well to
check their slave dealing, by diminishing their
commerce, that is, by adopting the proposed
plan for the extension of our own. But it is evi-
dent that a very material abatement of their mer-
cantile prosperity must take place before any
serious impression can be made i❑ this way upon
the Slave Trade. The active competition of new
rivals will at first rather stimulate than repress
the efforts of the foreign planter, and it can only
he a plain and irresistible necessity that will in-
duce him to cultivate on a more contracted scale,
and consequently to dispense with a large portion of
that human machinery which the slave-dealer at
present supplies. But considering that our neigh-
bours have so much the start of us on the field
of competition, and must, for a considerable time
at least, retain all the advantages they have
hitherto derived from the Slave Trade, it must
be a very constant and overwhelming flow of
success on our side that will reduce them to the

necessity required for the accomplishment of our
design.

Now, does the Honourable President, or any
Gentleman who supports him, assure us of this
triumphant success as a consequence of our
throwing open the colonial trade ? By no means.
Mr. ROBINSON admits, that when our West In-
dia merchandize is exported' to the desired ex-
tent, it may probably have to force its way into
markets already glutted ; but he derives hope
from abstract reasonings, (which may be just, but
still can only be received as matter of speculation)
on the nature and tendencies of commerce. Ile
does not allege that our traders will enter the field
under any circumstances of decisive advantage ; he
does not say that our merchants have only to ap-
pear, require merely permission to shew them-
selves, and that foreign competition will at once
give way before them ; then indeed it would have
been well to speculate upon the extent to which
our change of policy would affect the Slave
Trade. But when the best reasoners on this
subject express themselves so modestly, and in
a tone of mere conjecture, on the degree of re-
lief to ourselves which we may expect from the
proposed measures, it is surely a great deal too
soon to talk of the deliverance they will ulti-
mately accomplish for the oppressed Africans.
We appeal to the common sense of cur Readers
whether, if Mr. ROBINSON had felt that his in-
tended measures really promised a success of
such magnitude as would effectually repress the
Slave Trade,he would not have expatiated in far
,more coAfident terms upon the glorious improve-
ment which must necessarily take place at the