The Sun.
London, England, 1838-03-14 00:00:00

COURT CIRCULAR.

Viscount Melbourne had an audience of her Majesty yes-
terday,
The Royal dinner party last evening at the new Palace in-
cluded the Duke and Duchess of Richmond and Lady Caro
line Lennox, the Lord Steward, the Earl of Shelburne,
Lord John Russell, Sir George Grey, Mr. Backhouse, and
Colonel Fox.
The band of the Coldstream Regiment of Foot Guards at-
tended during dinner at the Palace.
Her Majesty the Queen Dowager took a carriage drive
yesterday in the Parks, and also visited the Princess Augusta,
at her residence in St. James's Palace.
The Princess Sophia Matilda visited the Duchess of Cam-
bridge yesterday at Cambridge House.
His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge intends honor..
ing Mori and Lindley's last classical concert to-morrow even-
ing with his presence.
The Duke and Duchess of Northumberland were to have
left Alnwiek Castle yesterday morning early, and are expected
to reach Northumberland House about four o'clock, p.m., to-

morrow.
Mr. Stevenson, the American Minister, transacted business
yesterday at the Foreign-office.
A deputation, including the Rev. Dr. Wardlaw, the Rev.
Dr. Heugh, the Rev. Dr. Beattie, the Rev. John French,
the Rev. James Harper, and the Rev. David Hine, had an in-
terview with Viscount Melbourne yesterday in Downing-
street.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT,

HOUSE OF LORDS, MARCH 13.

The Loan CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at
five o'Clock.
Lord BANDON presented a petition from the parish of
Kinean, in the county of Cork, against the national system of
education.
The Archbishop of CANTERBURY presented a petition
from Clonmel respecting the affairs of the Church of Canada.
The Right Rev. Prelate then gave notice that he should, on
Thursday next, move the second reading of the Clergy Resi-
dence Bill.

REDUCTION OF THE YEOMANRY CAVALRY.
Lord WINC HIL SE A said that in consequence of a re-
turn laid on their Lordships' table yesterday, in reference to
reduction in the Yeomanry Cavalry, and also in consequence
of a letter he had received from the Home Secretary,
stating that his services should no longer be re-
quired, he wished to ask a question of the Noble
Viscount opposite. He found that the Yeomanry Cavalry
had been reduced in some instances, that in others it
had been left almost entire, and that as in the case of
the Lincoln Regiment, commanded by a Noble Lord
in that House, no reduction had taken place at all.
In a southern part a troop had been dismissed alto-
gether—a troop which extended over thirty-five miles in
length of the country and forty-five miles in breadth, not-
withstanding that troop had been of considerable service
in quelling disturbances. He found also upon looking at the
report, one part, for instance Hampshire, would be without
any ; and in Scotland again—in the Midlothians—whole regi-
ments had been dismissed. He wished to ask the Noble
Viscount on what principle it was this reduction had
taken place. He very much deprecated the reduc-
tion, because, in his opinion, of all the forces in the
country the yeomanry force was the best calculated for
the field. When on a former occasion they had been dis-
missed in rather an extraordinary manner ; when their services
were required again he found a strong feeling on their part
against their being called into service, from the manner in
which they had been dismissed. He was one of those who con-
sidered that lie had great reason to complain of this, and he
wished to know from the Noble Viscount whether this was
not only the first step towards the reduction of this force—
whether it was not intended to have a still further reduction—
and whether it was not merely a first instalment which was
given to the Radical section as an earnest of the de-
struction of this force altogether. He could upon his
honour state, that his own political opinions had
never been mixed up with his military character; and,
though he had attended the Officers' dinners, he had never once
heard a sentence uttered, or a single speech delivered con-
nected with politics since he knew it—( Hear, hear,
hear)—although he would not conceal from their Lord-
ships that he did not believe there were any persons through-
out England of more decidedly Conservative principles.
He (the Earl of Winchilsea) would like to hear from the
Noble Viscount at the head of the Government whether it was

his intention to go farther in this reduction, and whether it
was the first instalment, to be hereafter followed up ? The
expense of the corps to the country was only (as we
understood the Noble Earl) 10,0001. a year ; and
was it worth while to abolish the corps for the sake
of that paltry reduction ? For he feared that her Ma-
jesty's Government had an ulterior object in the removal of
this force, and the establishment of a paid constabulary force,
to be appointed by the Government, and, fu.ther, the dis-
missal of the unpaid Magistracy, and the appointment of paid
Magistrates in their place. Now, he would warn the people of
England that if such a measure were adopted, there would be
an end of British liberty—( Hear, hear,)—and whether it
came from that side of the House, or the other, he would
strenuously oppose it. At the same time he would not conceal
his opinion, that the present constabulary force was on the
most useless footing, and he would rejoice to see that protection
afforded to several districts which the rural police was to-
tally inefficient to afford. And he would not oppose the
establishment of a paid constabulary force, but he would be
sorry to see it under the control of any Government,
whether Whig or Tory.—( Hear, hear.) With regard to the
two regiments he had had the honor to command, he
wished to have moved for the report ; but learning from the Noble
Viscount that it was of a confidential nature, he would not press
for it. But he bore this testimony to the force he had comman-
ded that consisting, as it did, of 700 men, there never had
been a complaint lodged, to his knowledge, against
any of the individuals composing it. In conclusion, the
Noble Earl said he hoped the Noble Viscount would state
what was the principle on which the proposed reduction was
to take place, and whether the Government had any ulterior
object in view.
Lord MELBOURNE said he agreed with the Noble Earl
as to the spirited and opportune manner in which this corps
came forward, when required, in a time of difficulty and danger.
But it was natural to expect that, in future times, in regard• to
economy in the public expenditure some reduction should take
place in the corps. The Noble Earl bad asked, whether this
was a first step on the part of the Government, and if it was

to be followed up by the total dismissal of the corps. .117;
did not know what might be done hereafter, but it wag
not With the view which the Noble Earl attributed to her
Majesty's Government that this reduction had been deter-
mined on.—( Hear, hear.) It was at present their intention
not to carry the reduction further than present cir-
cumstances appeared to render, if not necessary, ex-
pedient. It was to be recollected that the corps which
the Noble Earl commanded was formed in a county which
less required such a protection than many others, in conse-
quence of its proximity to the metropolis. With respect to
a report, which might show the efficiency of that corps, he
must beg leave to disclaim any intention of casting upon that
corps or its commanders the imputation that they did not
perform their duties well, and that they were not prepared to
perform it again. The regulation had been adopted on the
ground that the services of such corps were not required un-
der present circumstances. The Noble Earl had said that
this was a boon to the Radicals for their support to her Ma-
jesty's Government—if so it was a boon without a consi-
deration—a boon for nothing—(A laugh)—a boon less
justified at present for policy and prudence than at any
time since the formation of the present Government.-
-(A laugh.) He would not give any opinion whether
further measures might not be required ; but it was not in-
tended to carry the present measures further.
The Duke of WELLINGTON, from whom we could
scarcely catch a sentence from the low tone in which he
spoke, was understood to say that he thought a new arrange-
ment of the force in question might be made with advantage.
As Lord Lieutenant of a county he could say that they would
be more effectual in preserving the peace of the country if
each regiment were distributed in eight troops, than if they
were kept together, in one regiment, or in bodies of 300 me❑
each.

The Marquis of SALISBURY eulogised those troops for
efficiency and zeal, and expressed his opinion that if the re-
duction had no other object than economy, the conduct of the

Government was most paltry and impolitic:
The Earl of HADDINGTON had been informed that the
Yeomanry of the County of Edinburgh was now disbanded.
Their Lordships would recollect that in that county there
was a large population, and that the number of Queen's
troops was now much less than it had been on former occa-
sions. That regiment had signalized itself in the rising that
had taken place at Glasgow, and had materially tended to
put it down. Should any disturbances again take place in the
manufacturing districts of . Edinburgh, their Lordships
should bear in mind that the number of Quee"'s
troops was very few, and that the Yeomanry regiment
might be of great importance. He believed the only motive
for taking the present step was the raving of a very paltry
sum—at least he knew of no other unless it was a compact
which had been entered into with a certain party.—( Hear. )
Lord BIZECKNOCK bore testimony to the statement of
the Noble Earl relative to the efficiency of the Edinburgh
Corps of Yeomanry.
The Earl of WINCHILSEA explained. He had taken
his statement from the letter which had been read, that her
111ajesty had no further occasion for their services.
Lord BROUGHAM wished to know whether it would be
convenient to the Noble Earl opposite to postpone his motion
on the Poor-law Amendment Act, from to-morrow till some
early day next week, as it would be very inconvenient to him
'Air one to be present to-morrow.
Earl STANHOPE had no objection to postpone it till
Tuesday next.
SLAVERY AMENDMENT BILL.
_ .

Lord BROUGHAM said that in that case as he had about
150 petitions to present in favour of the total abolition of
negro slavery, he thought it would be inure convenient to post-
pone the presentation of them until the commitment of his
Noble Friend's Bill, as he did not apprehend there would be a
very great deal of discussion upon the second reading of that
Bill to-night.
The Marquis of LANSD 0 WNE said that as he had only
one petition to present on that subject, he would present it
just now--it was from Chippifigham, against Negio Slavery.
The Marquis of CLEVELAND presented petitions from
Cleveland, and another place, to the same effect.
Another NOBLE LORD rose to present a petition on the
a-ne subject, but

Lord nROUGH AM ro3e and said, that if further petitions
were presented on this subject, he must withdraw his state-
ment and present his petitions, because he had only intended to

postpone the presentation of his petitions on the ground of
convenience to the House ; and if be did not present
them, while others presented theirs, those who bad
entrusted him with the presentation of them would complain.
The Order of the Day was then read for the second read-
ing of the Slavery Act Amendment Bill.
Lord GLE NEL G rose to move the second reading of
of this Bill. He should have entered into the subject more at
length than it was his intention upon this occasion to do, had
it not been that the subject had been so forcibly and so
eloquently pressed upon the attention of the House
so recently, and that it was clear that it was now
considered to be absolutely necessary that some Parliamen-
tary proceeding should be adopted in reference to the West
India Colonies. After the pacing of the Emancipation Act in
1833, a Committee of the House of Commons was ap-
pointed in. 1836 to examine into the working of
the system. That Committee made a very valuable report
in which certain improvements were suggested. In 1837 the
same Committee was renewed, but no report had been made
by it. Their attention had been particularly directed to the
colony of Jamaica, which was one of our most important West
Indian colonies, both in respect to its population and otherwise.
The first defect which the Committee pointed out in the
existing law, was the want of reciprocity in the pe-
nalties inflicted by the authority of the special Magistrates.
The next defect pointed out was the defective constitu-
tion of the tribunals for the protection of the appren-
tices, by reason of which the intentions of the Act were not
carried into effect. This defect had been the subject of cor-
respondence between the Secretary for the Colonies, and the
Colonial authorities.— C Hear, hear, hear.) But as yet, the
remedy which was so much required, had not been given.
The Committee of the House of Commons of 1836, entered at
length into a statement of the facts upon which that complaint
was grounded. It was quite manifest that there was an ex-
cessive valuation put upon the apprentices, which prevented
their manumission. Every effort had. be made to correct this
evil, but no favourable result had as yet flowed from it.
He would now very shortly recall to their Lordships' at-
tention the constitution of that tribunal as it existed in
Jamaica. That tribunal consisted of one special Magi-
strate and two Magistrates of the country. He did not
mean to imply that the Magistrates of the country had not
done their duty ; but it was human nature to have a bias where
there interests were concerned, as such had been the case in
many instances here. No doubt a vast number of appprentices
had been deprived of the advantages of the Act—had been
prevented from obtaining their manumission on account of the
very high terms which had been imposed by those tribunals.
Efforts were made to remedy this defect by his Noble Friend the
Marquis of Sligo, who appealed to the local Legislature; but
the Legislature did not coincide with him in opinion, as the
Legislature thought that the terms were rather below than
above the value. Great difficulty had been experienced by
many of the magistrates in the performance of their duties
to carry into effect the operation of the Act of 1833, and they
had been subjected to heavy costs for actions of trespass. The
Governor had, however, interposed to protect them from loss ;
but still that left the magistrates in a position from which they
ought to be relieved. The special magistrate had often, in
the execution of his duty, to go a circuitous route from one
estate to another, even when they were lying nearly conti-
guous. Every disposition existed to harass and perplex him.
Sir Lionel Smith had attempted to remedy the evil, but
had not succeeded. It now, therefore, became necessary to
apply to the Imperial Parliament to remedy these defects,
and the present Bill was offered with that view. The
next defect which the Committee observed upon was, re-
specting the law in Jamaica as to the hours of labour. The
slave, their Lordships knew, had to perform a certain number
of hours' labour in the week. The master desired to have him
occupied eight hours a day, but the slave desired to work nine
hours, because in that case he had a larger portion of the
Saturday which he might term his own, and if he chose to
work over hours he was paid for that. The slave proprietor
obstinately adhered to the . eight hour system; in Jamaica.
The next subject of defect arose from the master withholding
the usual indulgences which the slaves had been accustomed
to enjoy. This formed one of the greatest of grievances.
With the several subjects of complaint the Governor had been
acquainted by means of dispatches from the Colonial-office at
home. One of the greatest evils experienced by the appren-
tices was, that they were located at great distances often from
the place where they were appointed to pass their nine hours
per diemgof labour, and had thus to walk during the day seve-
ral miles backward and forward from labour, without any al-
lowance being made for the time thus spent out of their hours
of rest or recreation. This had been gravely pressed by the go-
vernor, Sir Lionel Smith, upon the Legislative Assembly, as
well as the illegal infliction of corporal punishment upon
female slaves in the Houses of Correction and Gaols, which,
he reminded that Assembly, had been provided against, and
peremptorily forbidden by the Slavery Abolition Act. When
the offences were general offences, not apprenticeship offences,
the slaves were withdrawn from under the protection of the
special visiting magistrate, and his protection and authority
ceased, according to the present system. Now, it was known
that in this way the practice of flogging females had pre-
vailed to a great and frightful extent. Still hopes were en-
tertained that the means of attaining the object contemplated
might be devised by the local Legislatures, and with that view
Sir Lionel Smith, upon the 2d November, had made a propo-
sition to the local Legislature, for the repeal of the several
grievances complained of by the slave population; in conse-
quence of which a law was originated, having for its object
the prevention of flogging females in the workhouses. In
the April following the Government, with the hope of se-
conding the benevolent intentions of the Noble Marquis
( Sligo) in this respect, proposed to the Legislature a plan of
a law for authorising the special magistrates to visit arid in-
spect the hospitals, and providing for the better accommodation
and treatment of the sick therein. Upon the 14th of June,
1836, this was followed up by a proposal to restrain the cor-
poral punishment of slaves, except under the special order
and authority of the special magistrates. On the 4th of June,
1837, another was forwarded by the Government, for abolish-
Mg altogether the punishment of females by means of flogging,
and for providing more regularly for the slave's subsistence and
his hours of labour. At the opening of the last Session the
Governor repeated his recommendations, adding another
suggestion—namely, that the mothers of infants should be ex-
empted from extra labour in the fields, and that they would
take into their consideration a more humane restriction of the
hours of slave labour, and the question of appraisement of the
value of slaves about to be manumitted. In his (Lord Gle-
nelg's) despatch he had stated his determination to await the
result of the Governor's communication upon the subject to
the Colonial Legislature. It was not until .January last that
the Colonial-effice received a despatch from Sir Lionel
Smith, stating that he made such a communication
to the House of Assembly of Jamaica in the early part of
January last; that the House, thereon, came to the resolution
to refer the subject for inquiry to a Committee ; but that it de-
clined to present any report upon the subject ; upon which he
remarked that it was clear the House and its Committee had
determined to let the matter drop, and from its adjourning
over until the 27th of February ensuing, it was clearly their
- object to do nothing in it within a period that would enable
the British Parliament to revise their Acts. To meet the
call of humanity and the call of the British public, he had
brought forward the Bill which he to-night moved should be
read a second time. Its provisions would be found to at-
tempt to enforce the provisions of the Abolition Act
which had been evaded, and to adopt the recommenda-
tion and meet the suggestions of the Committee on
the several subjects of the hours for labour by the slaves,
the establishment of a reciprocity between the slaves and the
master, protection for the special magistrates, the inadequacy
of food, and the corporal punishment of females. The pro-
tection intended to be given to the Special Magistrates was
twofold, direct and indirect, rendering those who attempted to
create any obstruction to the Magistrate in the performance
of his duty liable to proportionate penalties, empowering them
at proper times to visit the slaves at work both in the field and
the house, as well as in the hospital, to receive the complaints
and representations of all slaves that were dissatisfied, and pro-
viding for the safety and freedom from obstruction of these
Special Magistrates in passing through the island from one
estate to another. In case of actions brought against them, if
je consequence of the performance of their duty, it was pro-
ided that the Governor should be empowered to arrest the
progress of the action, providing also an appeal by these
persons to a Court of Error, and finally to the Lords of the
Privy Council. The Bill had a clause of a peculiar
nature, rendering these Courts of Error not only judges of
error in law, but of error in respect of the verdict and of
the facts proved—in fact, the clause made the evidence
given matter of record, and even the evidence which might
be rejected by the Judge, would be required to be taken
down by him though so rejected. So that on a reference of the
action to the Court of Error, it would become the judge of the
fact, as well as of the finding of the jury. In the same way
the facts proved, being matter of record, would be necessarily
ieferred to the Privy Council in cases of appeal from the local
' jurisdiction to the Privy Council. It was intended to remove
all restriction and limitation, as to the amount of damages re-
covered, so as to leave the appeal open in all cases, which, by
the present practice, was often artfully cut off and evaded by
juries finding for a small amount. He was aware that this Bill
was open to exceptions, and in a case of so much difficulty he
was anxious to receive the advice and suggcstioas of every
Noble Lord who felt an inferest in the settlement of matters
of such vital importance to the comfort and tranquillity of our
slave poputation. The punishment of females by corporal in-
fliction, it was intended by one clause entirely to sbrogate for
any offence.—( Hear.) In the case of a planter using his
slaves with positive cruelty, it was provided that the Governor
should be empowered at once to liberate the slave.—( Hear,
hear.) The classification as to predial and non-predial
labourers was to be at an end after the Ist of August, 1838,
by the Act of Abolition ; but the law was obscure on that
point, and it was now intended to extend the time for a
revision of the classification at the discretion of the Governor
in Council.

Lord BROUGHAM perfectly concurred in the suggestion
made by his Noble Friend, that the time was now arrived when
it became the duty of Parliament, in consequence of what they
had just heard read of the conduct of the Colonial legislatures,
to take into the hands of the Imperial Parliament, the redress
of the wrongs of the slave. The circumstance of the adjourn-
ment of the Colonial House of Assembly over to the 27th of
February, without making any report upon the subject referred
to, was a plain indication of their intention to delude the Bri-
tish Parliament, so as to render it unlikely, if not impossible,
that any measure should pass the session to reach the evils and
the grievances complained of. He felt it difficult, nay, he
would say impossible, to apply practically any effectual re-
medy to the evils of the slave system. Whilst this coun-
try had slaves, complaints, and just complaints, would be
round to exist. The whole code of regulations, devise them as
they might, would be found absolutely and wholly unavailable.
At all attempts at palliation he looked with positive despair,
as certain to be wholly inadequate, and the only light he could
see through the gloom of these poor creatures' condition,

was their final emancipation after the expiration of a few
months. He agreed in opinion with Burke and Canning, both
men of profound kuowledge of the nature of man, that n-i laws
could ever be framed to remove the grounds of complaint on
the part of our slaves in the colonies, because none could be dp_
vised that would carry with them an executory principle. The
contest was ever between the black man and the white; and
even the Judges in the Colonial Tribunals participated in the
prejudices of the whites, and their warmest feelings were of
course interested for one party, and in hostility to the other.
For this explicit and plain reason, then, he thought this law
could not be expected to go any part of the way to attain the
object he and their Lordships had in view. It would be asked,
what then was the remedy he would propose to meet these well-
founded complaints of oppression, injustice, and cruelties,
shocking to the ear, and afflicting to the heart ? He would
reply, nothing short of giving the law for their redress an exe-
cutory principle. Free the black population, and abolish the
apprenticeship—nothing short of this would do. The law would
then possess an executory principle., Nothing could be said in
reprobation of the events in these colonies that might be called
exaggeration. They were as bed as they could be; and, as
far as the regulations went for their improvement, he hid no
objection to their being tried : but he confessed he looked with
more than suspicion at the attempt made in the 10th section
of the Act to introduce into courts of error a principle al-
together new. It was this—that in these courts of error
everything which might be taken down upon the judge's
notes of evidence, even if rejected evidence, must- be taken
as matter of record ; against which, however inaccurately they
might be taken, no averment could possibly be made. Whilst
the Judges in these colonies were often planters, and some-
times attorneys, he confessed he must pause before he gave
to the notes of such judicial person, whether learned or un-
leared in the law, such high attributes.

The Marquis of SLIGO considered the remedy which this
Bill supplied was a good one. His Noble and Learned
Friend had accused the West Indians of receiving money un-
der false pretences, under the name of compensation, and
that the country had been humbugged in the whole matter ;
but to these charges he did not think the West India in-
terests were open. It was owing to the invincible
obstinacy of the planters, who, instead of going along
with the Bill, had done every thing against it, that the
Bill had failed to effect the good contemplated. He
should support the Bill ; but there were some points on
which he did not think it went far enough, and which, if his
Noble Friend had bad the advantage of his experience he
would not have omitted. The amendments, however, which
he (the Marquis of Sligo) had to submit to he would not
enter into then, but would lay them on the table of the House
with a view to their being printed, and it would then be for
their Lordships to consider whether these amendments were
worthy of insertion in the Bill or not. He would merely
observe that the arguments on which these amendments were
founded were to be found in a work, not bearing his name,
but of which he was the author. One of the amendments
which he should propose to make had reference to the
practice of confining offenders in the House of Correction
for an unlimited period of time. Against this practice he
had uniformly protested ; and he had known cases of women
having been left in confinement for nine months because
they bad been runaways. Thon, as to the special justices,
he did not think that they were adequately protected by this
Bill. Other amendments which he had to submit related to
sanitary rectrictions and regulations ; and he further contem-
plated giving to those who were in a state of apprenticeship
the power to visit their reputed wives on other estates.
The Duke of WELLINGTON addressed their Lordships
in nearly the following termss :—My Lords, I conceive that
the only chance of practical success which the Bill of 1833
had, was, that after it had passed these Houses of Parliament,
the assemblies or legislatures of the several colonies should
carry it into execution strictly, and that they should endeavour
to do so in good faith.—( Hear, hear.) That measure was
proposed and passed by Parliament, for which the West India
proprietors received a compensation ; which, as I conclude,
they considered sufficient to meet their claims, or they never
would have conceded, as they did at that time, the principle
of the measure which the Parliament bad adopted in respect to
their property. It appears to be a matter established beyond
doubt, my Lords, that the Colonial Legislatures have not car-
ried the system into execution as they ought to have done. It ap-
pears to me, my Lords, that if the Colonial Legislatures had
acted as sensible men ought, in the circumstances in which they
were placed four years ago, we should now have had before us,
and they would have had before them, a very different prospect
from that which I fear they have before them at this moment.
My Lords, Ido not say that I thoroughly approve of some
of the enactments of this Bill ; but I do approve of a measure of
this description being brought under the consideration of
your Lordships, and that you should give it a second reading,
and go into Committee upon it. I do think that the Co-
lonial Legislatures have behaved exceeedingly ill in obliging
the Parliament to take such matters into consideration—
( Hear, hear, hear) ; because I declare that there are some
enactments iu this Bill which, under other circumstance,
it would be shameful for any one Legislature to carry
into effect against another. And why ? Because the Colo-
nial Legislatures have evinced a total neglect in taking
proper means on a subject which imposes upon the Imperial
Parliament the necessity of interfering, and of taking steps
which I trust they will carry forward to the extent which may
be necessary. The Noble and Learned Lord opposite (Lord
Brougham), whom I do not now see in his place, stated his in-
tention to move, as an amendment to this Bill, that the ap-
prenticeship in the West Indies shall end on the Ist of August,
1838. Ido not mean to give an opinion on that question at
this moment, but I think it would be very desirable that the
Noble and Learned Lord should take some opportunity, be-
tween this day and the day when the Secretary of State for
the Colonies goes into Committee, to state in what form he
means to bring the question under the consideration of the
House.

The Earl of RIPON had received reports from the islands
of Jamaica and Barbadoes of the most favourable description,
and the Bishops of those islands respectvely bore testimony to
the improved stare of the negroes since the passing of the Act.
The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be
committed on Thursday week.
The House adjourned at a Quarter before Eight, until
Thursday.