The Sun.
London, England, 1836-07-02 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 2, 1536.

of showing what are their real and habitual senti-
ments, whether by county elections or at incidental op-
portunities, they prove their unfeigned attachment to
the principles supported by the Peerage. If any 20
counties of England and Wales were now thrown open
to the chances of a new election, we have no doubt

that 15 out of the 20 (take them by lot, or how you
will) would return anti-Whigs to Parliament, and by
majorities in no degree short of that which has stripped
Sir Gray Skipwith of his plumage. But Mr. Daniel
O'Connell, it seems, is to carry the House of Lords
by storm, as an outwork to the citadel of the Esta-
blished Church. We wish him no worse fate than to
embark seriously in such a contest ; but this topic we
reserve for another day.—Times.

The Ministerial Journals continue to threaten the

House of Lords with the vengeance in store for them, '
in consequence of their refusal to " register the decree"
for the establishment of " normal schools of agitation"
in Ireland. One of those Papers—an evening organ
of the Treasury—commenced an article last night,
containing a good deal of silly vapouring and rhodo-
montade on this subject, with the following grave and
significant warning, which, no doubt, will cause the
Lords- to tremble for their coronets, the forfeiture of
which is the least punishment they can suffer for
the crime of maintaining their Legislative indepen-
dence :—" The Lords, doubtless, have well weighed

the consequences of the step which they have taken,
and are prepared to encounter them. They have pro-
voked a collision, the whole results of which few are
able to foresee, and we suppose they would not have
entered upon the contest without a full assurance of
victory. Patriotic they doubtless are, and some of them
at least ought to be, for they are well paid for it ; but
we confess we can hardly imagine any of them dying
in the breach in defence of the privileges of their Order,
or even of the abuses by which they most profit."
There is something fearfully solemn in the whole of
this passage. The words "the Lords doubtless have
well weighed the consequences of the step which they
have taken, and are prepared to encounter them," have
a terrible significancy. But supposing the Lords
have not weighed the consequences of the step which
they have taken, their case must be still worse. For
the ordinary sins of their Lordships the speeches of a
Melbourne in the House and of an O'Connell out of
it might be considered punishment enough, but it is
clear the noble and hereditary legislators have com-
mitted a crime for which neither the dull declamation
of the one or the licentious abuse of the other is con-
sidered a sufficient infliction. The Treasury writer ex-
' presses himself very gravely sceptical as to whether the
delinquent Peers are prepared to " die in defence of
their privileges." Now the solution of the problem,
whether they are prepared to die or not, would
be of very little consequence if it were not in-
tended to bring the question to an issue which
would put their courage on that point to the test.
If so, we trust the descendants and successors of
the ancient Barons of England—the restorers of those
Saxon liberties, which had been swept away by the
Norman conquest, will not prove themselves degene-
rate from their predecessors. We have not heard that
they have " a vow registered in Heaven" as an ex-
cuse for " hanging the calf's skin on their recreant
limbs" when the day of the threatened struggle ar-
rives ; but we do not think the truculent allusion of the
Treasury writer means any thing more than has been
meant by all the other harmless gasconade which has
been so often, of late, played off against the House of
Lords, but played off in vain. The concluding pas-
sage of the article to which we have referred, and
which we only notice because it may be considered a
Ministerial manifesto, is in the following words :
" Whatever, then, may be the immediate result of the
struggle which has commenced—however the opera-
tions of Government may be embarrassed, and the busi-
ness of the nation impeded, its end is certain. The
Lords must yield--and they must yield at last in such a
manner as to compensate the people for the delay which
they have occasioned, and the inconvenience which
that delay has produced—they will find, when it is
too late, how dearly they have paid for their whistle."
In our humble opinion, and we are glad to find the
House of Lords impressed with the same sentiment, it
is better that Ministers should be embarrassed than
the Government of Ireland should be delivered up,
beyond redemption, to the misrule of the priestly and
political agitators, to whom Ministers are desirous of
turning it over. These very agitators pledged them-
selves ill the face of the world that the concession
of the Roman Catholic claims would tranquilize Ire-
land, and be the panacea of all its evils ; but never,
except ifi time of actual rebellion, was agitation so rife
and fierce as it has been ever since the concession of
those claims. Let it not be forgotten that the measure
of unqualified.- emancipation was carried, against the
sense of the decided majority of the people of England,
by a boroughmongering Parliament, which thus fur-
nished one of the strongest practical arguments possi-
ble in favour of Reform. We believe, and all recent
elections show it, that the decided majority of the
people of England at present approve of the con-
duct of the House of Lords in manfully resisting the
attempts of Mr. O'Connell and the Whig Ministry
to follow up a measure which conferred reli-
gious and political equality by other measures
for the establishment of a Papal ascendancy in
Ireland. The agitators have done their utmost to
excite the feelings of the people of this country
against the Lords,, now the guardians of the Consti-
tution, and of the rights of the poorer classes, which
the democratic party are willing enough to trample in
the dust. The people have remained provokingly
quiet, notwithstanding the stimulating appeals of re-
creant Whigs and licentious demagogues. They have
only bestirred themselves of late, when called upon to
exercise the elective franchise, and surely the result of
those appeals to the people ought to satisfy Ministers
that, in crouching to the insolent dominion of the man
whom Lord Grey's Government denounced, even in
the Speech from the Throne, they have lost that po-
pular support which Lord Grey's Government re-
ceived. Let them not flatter themselves with the idle
notion that the Lords will yield. They will not enter
into a' degrading treaty like that which was ratified at
Lichfield House. They will not betray their high
national trust ; they will not capitulate to the enemies
of the Constitution.—Morning Herald.
We had yesterday the satisfaction (a satisfaction
exclusively our own) of laying before our readers the
well-digested and unanswerable reasons of the House
of Lords for refusing to concur in the Bill as recon-
structed by the House of Commons for establishing a
new system of local administration in Ireland. This
Bill has been improperly and fraudulently called a
Bill for reforming the corporations of Ireland. The
misnomer is calculated to excite disgust in the mind of
every man who knows what the purport of the Bill,
as sent back from the Commons to the Lords, really
was, and what its practical effect must have been.
The Bill was not a Bill for reforming the Corpo-
rations of Ireland. It was a Bill to establish
in twelve of the cities and towns of Ireland a
system of local Government perfectly new in that
country, having no other recommendation in its
favour than that it would have served in those
towns—the most popular and excitable towns in that
division of the Empire—as a convenient instrument of
agitation. With respect to all the other corporate
towns of Ireland the Bill left them in respect to local
government just as they are, with the exception of
twenty, in which it made a system compulsory that the
rate-payers, having had the option for some years of
adopting or rejecting, have very generally rejected.
This was a promising subject for collision be-
tween the two Houses of Parliament I The col-
lision, truly ! Where is now the collision ? Where
has it been, except in the unread or disregarded
columns of the Whig and Radical journals ? Or,
perhaps, the intemperate and senseless speeches de-
livered on Thursday night by Mr. Hume and
Mr. O'Connell constitute the collision ? Collision
in this case is, no doubt, a very bad thing—odious
in the extreme to all persons of decent feeling and
correct taste. But, fortunately, the evil of it may
be escaped in a mode much less dangerous and costly
than that of establishing throughout Ireland " nor-
mal schools of agitation." Members of the House
of Commons can find refuge from tiresome folly at
Bellamy s, and the readers of newspapers can indulge
themselves in the luxury of skipping. We shall set
a salutary example here, by treating the apostles of
collision, Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Hume, and their fol-

lowers, with the contempt they deserve. What they
say goes for nothing, inasmuch as they have chosen to
occupy a position which divides them from the intel-
ligent and reflecting portion of the people of Eng-
land, and which cannot be maintained without the
continual exhibition of extravagance, absurdity, and
vice. Our taste and judgment would lead us to the
same course with respect to Lord John Russell's and
Mr. Spring Rice's orations on this subject. But these
gentlemen are unhappily something more than mob
orators and tyrannical collectors of unwilling alms.
They are Ministers of the Crown, and what they say
in that capacity, however inferior they may be in
individual importance even to Mr. O'Connell and
Mr. Hume, cannot with propriety be disregarded. We
can only characterise the speeches of these Ministers
as the speeches of very shallow persons, utterly re-
gardless of what they said, provided they could con-
trive to escape out of an immediate difficulty. They
pretend to be supporting the principle of popular
Government in the local administration of the towns
of Ireland, in opposition to the House of Lords,
when the fact notoriously is, that their Bill was not
calculated to establish in those towns any other go-
vernment than the tyranny of the Roman Catholic
priests and demagogues, and that, such as it was, it
applied to no more than twelve of the towns in Ireland,
in which municipal elections and discussions would most
surely contribute their mischievous aid to the cause of
political agitation. These Ministers pretend to find in the
reasons of the Lords for the rejection of the pernicious
and fraudulent clauses of the Bill before the House, an
indication that the objections of the House of Lords
will speedily be overcome by the perseverance of the
House of Commons, supported by the people. It
suited the purpose of Lord John Russell and Mr.
Hume to overlook the question whether the Minis-
' terial project of Irish Corporation Reform is supported
now, or has the least chance to be supported hereafter,

by the people of England. This question, which
lays at the very basis of all their easy and confident
assumptions, they did not find it convenient to exa-
mine. It is a question the answer to which we
prefer to collect from the results of recent elections

in Great Britain, rather than from the convenient as.
sumptions of Lord John Russell and Mr. Spring.
Rice. Let them, we say, refer to the results of re-
cent elections, and let them then, if they can, find
confidence to say, that the people of Great Britain
coincide with them on the leading questions of
national policy ? The omission of all allusion to
the sense of the people as manifested by their mode
of exercising the elective franchise is instructive and
amusing. It is easier and more convenient to take for
granted that the people of England vote at elections
in opposition to their real sentiments than to say in
the presence of Mr. O'Connell and his formidable tail
that their sentiments and those of the people of Eng-
land do not agree. And Lord John Russell and Mr.
S. Rice are not the men to prefer truth and reason to
convenience and ease. From the subdued tone and
the shallow artifices to which Ministers have been
reduced, after the silly vapouring in which they and
their partizans indulged on the subject of collision, the
people of Great Britain must derive the useful lesson
that by performing their duty at elections as they have
done on some recent occasions, with diligence and
vigour, they may contribute to restrain, within the
limits of reason, sense, and honesty, even such States-
men as Lord John Russell and Mr. S. Rice.—
Morning Post.
We most earnestly call the attention of the Parlia-
mentary supporters of a liberal Administration, to the
exertions which their opponents are at this moment
making to break down their majority in the impend-
ing division on the appropriation clause of the Irish
Church Bill. We have often found it necessary to
notice the perfect organization and indefatigable dili-
gence by which the Conservatives endeavour to com-
pensate for their numerical inferiority, and in no one
instance has that organization and diligence been more
strenuously put in requisition than on the present
occasion. In addition to the circulars which issued
from the Carlton Club upon all important occasions,
the most urgent letters are addressed to individuals
from influential members of that establishment, call-
ing on them, in the most impassioned language, to
exert themselves. From one of these documents, with
a sight of which we have been favoured, we give an
extract, and we are assured that its language is mu=
Berate, compared with that of other similar epistles :
" I do entreat you to postpone all considerations of per-
sonal inconvenience on this great occasion—the last
rampart of Conservatism is to be again assailed by
this nefarious appropriation clause. I solemnly de-
clare to you, that did I even believe my life would be
endangered by the exertion, I should not suffer that
consideration to weigh a feather in the scale." We
have already said that this specimen of Tory dragoon-
ing is to be considered moderate in comparison with
innumerable others that have been despatched in every
direction. The hired Swiss of the Conservative Press,
too, are stimulated to exertion by all those dirty in-
ducements which experience has taught their cor-
rupters to be irresistible, and their columns will be
found to bear daily testimony to their eagerness to
earn their disgraceful wages. The veteran abettors
of corruption, the enzerite of Toryism, are in full
activity labouring in their vocations—Holmes scolds
and Bonham sputters, Praed writes lampoons and
Charles Ross distributes them—that canny Scot
Sir George Clerk wheedles, and the Peel and
Chandos proteg6, the dapper Sir Thomas Freemantle,
is as busy as if the Treasury was again about to open
to receive him. We entreat the genuine assertors of
liberal principles not to permit themselves to be taken
by surprise by the manoeuvres of these spurious apostles
of an apostate faction. The Reformers possess an
undisputed superiority in the House of the Represen-
tatives of the People, and supported as they are and
will be by the immense preponderance of moral weight
which the devotion of their countrymen affords, they
can have nothing to apprehend from a struggle, the
parties to which are on one side the mercenary adhe-
rents of a sinecure Church, and on the other the un-
bought suffrage of " the universal British nation."
We have no doubt,—none whatever,—that the divi-
sion on Monday will show an increasing majority.—
Morning Advertiser.

Mademoiselle Rapp, the daughter of the old Gen.
Rapp, who played so distinguished a part during the career of
Napoleon, is about to be led to the hymeneal altar by Mr.
Adrian Hope, the brother of Mr. Henry Thomas Hope. The
late grand fete in Mansfield-street was given for the purpose of
introducing this highly-accomplished lady into the circles of
fashion. •

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FATAL ACCIDENT.—On Friday last a poor boy,
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and clothes entangled with a horizontal spindle belonging to
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years of age, was dead when discovered, and bad his legs,
his arms, and his thighs broken, and three holes in his head.
No person was by when the accident occurred.—Wolver-
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IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, JULY 1.
The House was occupied till near six o'clock in hearing
evidence on the Stafford Disfranchisement Bill.
The LORD CHANCELLOR. at that hour took his scat on
the Woolsack.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE presented a petition from
the Protestant Dissenters worshipping in Dollier-street,
Dublin, praying for an enquiry into the number and ma-
nagement of religious houses in Ireland, and against any
further grant to Maynooth College.
Mr. BERNAL and others brought up a number of private
Bills from the Commons.
Earl WICKLOW presented a petition from the Vicar
and Protestants of Rathmolin, praying that the House
would not sanction any grant of money for the purpose of
increasing the funds of the Board of Education in Ireland,
before a minute inquiry had been instituted into the manner
of its working. He was surprised at the opposition given
to the motion of the Rev. Prelate (Exeter) in a former pe-
riod of the session. Government ought to have been the first
to support such a motion, if the statements then made could
be contradicted. If such things as were then stated were
true, it surely was not possible that such a system should
be sanctioned by a British House of Parliament. The Re-
port of the Commissioners said the system was working
well, because a portion of Protestant clergymen were
applicants for grants—that mode of reasoning was
absurd. They should have taken the proportion of Pro-
testant and Catholic scholars. That would not have been
correct, but it would have had a show of reason. This
system having been established, he was most anxious to
have it continued, for he felt that the Kildare-place
Society would not again do the good which they
were doing when they were suppressed. He was most
anxious that the Government would attempt to get the
sanction and assistance of the Protestant clergy. He was
most anxious to have inquiry, in order to ascertain
what the abuses of the system were, and have the system
purified. The prejudices of the clergy might be over-
come, and then the system might be the means of much
good. With these observations, he would move that the
petition be laid on the table.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE denied the truth of
many of the statements in the petition, particularly those
which alleged that copies bad been used for the boys in one
of the schools of a seditious character.
The Bishop of EXETER explained. He had not
stated that the school was a pet school of the Noble Mar-
quis, or under his patronage. What he had said was, that he
believed it would be found that in a school on the Noble
Marquis's estate that an incident had occurred under the pa-
tronage of the agent of the Noble Marquis. The Right Rev.
Prelate seeing a Noble Duke in his place (Leinster) wished
• to know when the House might expect to have laid on
the table a copy of the report of the Commissioners of
Education in Ireland ?
The Duke of LEINSTER had written for it, but had
not yet received it.
' The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said, if he had been
I aware that this discussion would have arisen, he would
have brought down a letter from the agent to whom the
Right Rev. Prelate had alluded, in which he stated the
facts which he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) had repeated,
and, furthermore, expressed his willingness to affirm them
upon oath.
) The petition was then ordered to lie upon the table.
THE FACTORY SYSTEM.

The Bishop of EXETER rose to present three peti-
tions on this very important subject. The first was from 1
the master-spinners and manufacturers of Bradford, in
the West Riding of Yorkshire, the result of the deli-
berations of a meeting called by public advertisement,
and expressing the opinions of a great majority of the
persons who attended it. The second was from the dele-
gates of tiie workmen in districts in Yorkshire and
part of Lancashire. The third must be received as the
petition of a single individual, inasmuch as it was merely
signed by the chairman of a meeting of operatives from
Huddersfield, Halifax, and a variety of other places. All
the petitions prayed their Lordships to pass a Bill provid-
ing that the hours of actual labour in factories for all per-
sons under twenty-one years of age should not exceed ten
hours a-day for five days in the week, and eight on Satur-
day, with a restriction also on the moving power. When
no less a proportion than two-thirds of the whole popula-
tion were employed in this manner, he was quite sure their
Lordships would feel that the interest and rights of so large
a number of persons required the most serious considera-
tion. It was, however, an unfortunate and a melancholy
fact, not merely that the condition of the factory children,
but that the moral interests of the whole manufacturing
population, had never been dealt with as their most incal-
culable importance demanded.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He
would not enter into any of the details of misery and
vice which had been given in evidence before commit-
tees of Parliament, and he willingly spared their Lord-
ships the pain of listening to them. He would merely say'
that it appeared from a return recently made, that in one
town alone, the town of Manchester, no fewer than 8,000
children had been, in the short space of four months (so
we understood), deserted by their parents, and found help-
less in the streets. Within the last few weeks masters had
been convicted in penalties before the magistrates for em-
ploying five young persons for thirty-four hours consecu-
tively without allowing them any time for sleep, with the
exception of four hours, during which they were allowed
to rest their bodies. Their Lordships would bear in mind
that all the petitioners prayed for was, that some restraint
should be imposed upon the hours of labour. He knew
it would be said that this was a very extensive prayer, in-
asmuch as it went to the abandonment of a principle—the
principle of freedom of labour. It was said that if a man
did not like the labour lie was called upon to perform, he
was free to go away. What freedom was this when the
alternative was starvation, there being such a superabund-
ance of labour that the manufacturers were enabled to in-
sist upon their own terms? This protection was only
prayed for minors. He might remind their Lordships that
rich minors could find guardians and protectors in the
State. There was a vast amount of medical evidence
taken from the metropolis and the provinces, which
went to the full extent of declaring, that even ten
hours a day was too great an amount of labour
to be imposed upon young children. From a list
he held in his hand he found that the greatest cotton-
spinner in Scotland, Mr. Dunn, of Duntocher, and Mr.
Wood, of Bradford, the greatest worsted-spinner in Eng-
land, had voluntarily adopted the ten-hour restriction in
their own mills, from a sense of duty. There was another
name to be included in this list—the name of Mr. Fielden,
a Member of the House, one of the representatives of Old-
ham. From this gentleman he greatly differed ;he avowed
himself a Radical Reformer, but he was not on that account
the less deserving of his (the Bishop of Exeter's) respect
and veneration. He was the only Radical Reformer he
had ever heard of who had begun by carrying reform into
his own business and employment. He had a vast pro-
perty embarked in a very large concern—property so vast,
that if its amount were stated it would appear incredible.
Mr. Fielden had not only been Willing to hazard all in the
cause of humanity, but when the subject was under discus-
sion in another' place he had had the magnanimity to ex-
claim, " If the question be between the stability of manu-
factures and justice to these poor children, I throw manu-
factures to the wind." Before this magnanimous declara-
tion, the celebrated one of a Right Hon. Gentleman, now
no more, Mr. Wyndham, " Perish commerce, but live the
Constitution," faded into insignificance.—(Hear, hear.)
Viscount MELBOURNE, without entering into the.
general subject, merely begged to say that on hearing the
Right Rev. Prelate's statement about the 8,000 deserted
children in Manchester he had made immediate inquiry
touching its accuracy, of an individual nearly connected
with that part of the country, who assured him that it was
grossly inaccurate when quoted for such a purpose, inas-
much as it comprised all the children who were found lost
or strayed in the streets, and were then taken to the police-
office,
from whence they were restored to their parents.—
(Hear, and a laugh
The Bishop of EXETER could only say that in the district
of Salford alone no fewer than 470 children had been deserted
by their parents within four months. He might take that
opportunity of saying that he held in his hand a paper, dated
on the 2.3 d of last month—just the period when a collision
between the two Houses was apprehended—rin which,
by way of throwing the odium of this system upon their
Lordships, were the following remarks :—" The clauses in
the Act providing for the education of the factory children
were mutilated very much, if we remember right, in the
House of Lords ; and neither the Commons nor the Govern-
ment can be responsible for the alterations which pro tanto
marred its efficiency." The fact was, that the Noble
Lord (whose name could never be mentioned with too
much respect), who had introduced the Bill elsewhere, had
endeavoured in vain to get it through the House—that he
was at last compelled to give it up to the Government—
that they altered the whole of its provisions—that when it
came up to their Lordships one Committee reported in fa-
vour of the. principle, and another (composed by a majo-
rity of two to one of Noble Lords on the Ministerial side
of the House) in favour of the details—and that it was
ultimately passed with only such amendments as rendered
a provision clear and efficient which would otherwise have
been useless and ridiculous. It was, in fact, the measure
of the Government of 1833.
The petitions were ordered to lie upon 'the table.,
The Earl of HADDINGTON presented a petition
from the parish of St. Peter, Dublin, against the construc-
tive clauses of the Irish Municipal Bill.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE gave notice that he
should move the second reading of the English Tithe Bill
on Thursday next, and that if their Lordships agreed to
the motion, he should propose an interval of a few days
before going into Committee.
The Petty Sessions (Ireland) Bill went through a Com-
,