The Sun.
London, England, 1849-07-23 00:00:00

snitLIAMENT. the institutions of Hungary, he trusted he would be per-
mitted to offer a few observations. According to the
HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 21.
present constitution of Hungary, the Emperor of Aus-
HUNGARY.
tria could never be King of Hungary without the ap-
(Continued from The Sun of Saturday). probation of the Diet. He disapproved of the
Mr. M. MILNES, in seconding the resolution, said he Russian interference, and was in favour of this
conceived the question they had to consider was whether country only interfering merely by the expression of its
the British Minister for Foreign Affairs had duly
pressed the opinions of this country with regard to the commodities which passed through it on its way to Hun-
gary 60 per cent., and prevented its own productions
entrance of Russian armies into the kingdom of Hungary.
He would certainly be unwilling to believe that the from going to any other country ; a state of things
which he was surprised the Hungarians had so long sub-
Noble Lord—who had shown that he entertained such mitted to. Hungary, situated as she was in the centre of
large and expansive views with regard to the foreign af- Europe, and possessing fine rivers and the means of
fairs of Europe—(Hear, hear)—could have seen without carrying on a great amount of commerce, had been
concern this event, which he (Mr. Milnes) considered kept behind other nations in prosperity on account of
was far more important, and replete with far more fatal the unfortunate policy of her kings.
consequences, than any event which had occurred during Lord CLAUD HAMILTON said the constitution
the last two remarkable years; for, notwithstanding the of Hungary, which would have been a palladium
great confusion and tumults which had taken place in of liberty, was merely an engine of despotism,
some states from attempts to change the territorial
dispositions of the treaty of Vienna, nothing had oc- since its aristocracy possessed enormous privileges, and
its peasantry were the most debased in Europe.—(Hear,
curved to lead to the expectation that any considerable hear.) M. Kossuth, who was highly eulogised
change would be made in those territorial arrange- by the Liberal party, had with his confederates been
"lents, except the single event to which the atten- the means of preventing those great improvements
tion of the House was now called. That event would
render the future independence of Austria absolutely which Szyceni had begun, and had been driven in
Impossible; and if the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston)
consequence into exile and a madhouse. 230,000 of the
nobles were exempt from arrest, taxes, tolls, military
were the enemy of Austria, as had been foolishly and
vainly represented, it would be to him a matter of high service, and various other advantages; and those
gratification to see the independence of the Austrian monstrous exemptions were at present in existence.He defied the Hon. Member (Mr. Osborne) to show that
empire utterly submerged in the waters of Russian ab- the constitution of Hungary was one which gave the
solutism. It was very easy to say that a province had people the liberty which he held the Russians were about
revolted from Austria; that the troops of the Emperor
were engaged elsewhere, and that it was therefore most to deprive them of.
Lord PALMERSTON said, in the few observations
which he deemed it his duty to make upon the motion
convenient for him to seek the assistance of his neigh-
bour the Emperor of Russia to put down this slight in- of his Honourable Friend and upon what had
passed in the course of this day's debate, he wished
surrection. This was the diplomatic form in which the
matter was represented, but the House would see on to guard himself, in the first place, against the possi-
consideration how delusive and superficial that represen- bility that anything he might say might expose him to tation was, and how it really evaded the whole question the imputation of entertaining unfriendly feelings to-
at issue. What was this insurrection of Hungary
hward,s the Government and empire of Austria.—(Hear,
against Austria? Was it not a civil war of the most
frightful and desperate character? Two-fifths of the ear.) He knew well that imputations had been cast
empire of Austria were ranged against the remaining
upon her Majesty's Government, and upon himself as the
organ of that Government, in regard to their foreign re-
portion of the empire. So long as the question remained lations, more particularly that with Austria—imputations
that of a civil war it bore a complete analogy to the had. been cast upon them with respect to that intercourse,
great civil war in this country; and the Parliamentary which, it had been stated, was guided by, and impelled
paradox then so famous,
" by, personal feelings of hatred.—(Hear, hear.) But It is to serve his Majesty that we against him fight," these imputations, let them come from what quarter they
was perfectly carried out in Hungary. In the old days might—let them be either written or spoken—if sin-
of peril and difficulty Hungary had frequently shown cere, they were' the result of ignorance and folly;
herself the most loyal part of the empire ; and until the if insincere, he left others to qualify and in-
Emperor of Austria called in foreign aid, not one word terpret them. It was the grossest ignorance to suppose
was uttered by the Hungarians against him—their corn- that the Government of this country, or the man who
plaint was against his Ministers. But the armies which for the time was charged with the conduct of
the Emperor of Russia had sent to subdue the kingdom their foreign relations,could be influenced in the manage-
of Hungary were so enormous that it was almost im- ment of their affairs by soy other feeling than what he,
possible that any effort of patriotism on the part of the according to his political opinions, and according to his
Hungarianpeople couldprevent the destruction of theirine views of this country, and the general interests of the
dependence, and the consequence would be, that Hungary civilized world, considered
was a power towards
to be his duty.—(Hear,
would become essentially and practically a Russian pro- hear.) Well, then, Austria
vince. He should remind the House that before this which the Government of this country ought on many ac-
Russian intervention no terms had been proposed to the counts to entertain feelings of great consideration..
Hungarians by the Austrian Government, and no They had been told that Austria was an ancient ally.
attempt had been made to effect a satisfactory They had had the terms " ally " and " allies," rung in
arrangement without calling in an immense alien their ears by those who must be ignorant of the ex-
force. He would be glad to hear 'that the Noble pression they were using, or who must have forgot that
Secretary for Foreign Affairs had either pressed they were using a totally unmeaning term. What was
upon the Austrian Government the policy of at- ally? An ally was one to whom they were bound by
tempting to come to terms with the Hungarians, or that treatyandengagement tocarry on some operation,political
he had, since the intervention, represented as strongly orotherwise, but to call it an ally merely because it was in
as he could the fatal consequences of that intervention a state of friendship with them was an expression pos-
to the independence of the Austrian empire. It had sensed of no meaning whatever, because it was applicable
been truly said that this was not an aristocratic or de- to every power in the world with whom they were not
mocratic question ; it was purely a national one. Many in a state of war.—(Hear, hear.) But Austria had been
most eminent individuals—and, amongst others, a valued their ally; they had been Oiled with Austria in most
friend of his own, Count Casimir Bathyany, the Foreign important European transactions, and the remem-
Minister of the Hungarian nation, a man of the highest brance of that alliance ought undoubtedly to create in
character, possessing a princely fortune, and who had the breast of every Englishman who had a remembrance
never been associated with political tumults and plots— of the history of his country, feelings of regard towards
had risked not only their fortunes but their lives in the a power with whom they had been in alliance. It was
attt wpt to secure the independence of their country. perfectly true that, in the course of those repeated alli-
If Austria had actel with anything like justice and anus, Austria—not from any fault of hers, but
fairness in her transactions with Hungary, at the time from the pressure of irresistible necessity—had been
when the whole empire was heaving with the conscious- repeatedly compelled to part from that :Wi-
nces of a new political life, if she had honestly accepted ante, and break the engagements by which
the policy forced upon her by events, and assisted the she had bound herself to this country. This country
Hungarians in the development of their own institutions had yielded to the necessity of the moment, and no
and nationality, while she checked their encroachment on generous mind weuld think that those circumstances
the national rights of other portions of the empire; had should diminish the respect which, though those former
she said, "you shall be free and independent, but Croatia transactions had not been kept up, should exist between
Oran not be less so," I firmly believe that the Austrian the Governments of the two countries; but there were
federation would have been established afresh on the higher and larger considerations which ought to
soundest basis, and Hungary would have been rendered render the maintenance of Austria important to
one of the most attached and loyal portions of the Aus- every European statesman. Austria was a most impor-
trian empire. The House would bear in mind that no tent element in the balance of European power. It stood
Republic had even now been proclaimed in Hungary— in the centre of, Europe, a barrier against en-
that no pretence for a republican form of government croachmeets on the one hand and invasion on the
had at any time been put forward. The present poli- other, and the liberties of Europe were bound
tical state of Hungary was a regency, at the head of up in the existence of Austria amongst European
which was that distinguished man Kossuth, which was powers; and, therefore, anything which tended
acknowledged by the Diet, and which was simply an in- by direct or even by a remote contingency to cripple
terregnum of a provisional character, that might be put Austria, still more to reduce her from the position of a
an end to at any moment by a constitutional election to great power to that of a secondary state, must be in-
the Crown of Hungary. And although the Russian in- jurious to Europe and one which could not be too highly
tervention had been followed by the deposition of the deprecated. However, as had been stated, Austria had
house of Hapsburg—as the revolution in England by that for a long course of time not been identified with the ad-
of the Stuarts—yet it was always competent to the Diet vancement of liberty in Europe. Indeed, in the opinion
to return in their steps and elect the present Emperor of a great part of the Continent, the policy of Austria
King of Hungary. He knew that it was the earnest de- had been inimical to the progress of liberty.—(Hear.)
sire of the Hungarian Government to take the He would warn the Austrian Government not to trust
young Emperor to Pesth and crown him too much. There were persons who saw in the relations
there, up to the last moment of fair contest. of countries nothing, and valued them for nothing but
He recognised the statesmanlike spirit of the Noble political opinions. There were men who had- spent their
Foreign Secretary in the circumstance that that Noble whole lives in attachment to the Government of Austria,
Lord, looking somewhat beyond ordinary politicians, who had deserted her in their later days. The example
had years ago anticipated the awful changes which had of such men was a pattern of aged imbecility. His
recently occurred. When others supposed that the Gallant Friend needed no apology for bringing the sub-
state of Europe would remain unchanged, the Noble ject forward. The House would not expect him to follow
Lord saw the latent power working in the hearts of na- those who had spoken to-day, and pass judgment upon
tions, and called upon the governors of the world to be the Austrian and Hungarian nations. He believed that
prepared for the changes that were coming—(Hear)— the war between Hungary and Austria had enlished the
and the Noble Lord had been accused of having brought hearts of the whole English people in favour of the Mag-
about existing evils, simply because he had anticipated yars. He believed that the question now to be fought for
them. It was an absurdity to suppose that any English on the plains of Hungary was, whether Hungary should
Minister would foment foreign discontents for the sake retain her nationality, or become a province of
of producing tumult% in the world.—(Hear, hear.) Austria.—(Hear, hear.) It was impossible to
A foreign Minister of England knew that his see without regret large armies brought together
popularity depended upon maintaining peace ; and to as they were in Hungary.—(Hear, hear.) But let
suppose that he would risk disturbing the peace of Eu- what would take place Austria must lose. If Hungary
rope without any national or commercial object was laid waste, it must be recollected that was laid waste
was a delusion that could only arise from pas. which was the great resource of Austria.—(Hear,
Ilion and prejudice. He (Mr. Milnes) believed teeet this hear.) It was most to be desired that this
was one of many questions of a similar nature with great contest might be brought to a tenni-
which they would have to deal in future years, and he nation by some arrangement with the contending par-
was convinced that to secure the peace and order of ties. The Government of this country thought that no
Europe the principles of constitutional liberty must be opportunity had as yet been afforded them to interfere,
generally established. He had never attached great inn- but it would be the duty of the Government, if such an
portance to forms of government; he thought, indeed, opportunity occurred, not to let it pass by.—(Hear,
the representative system the most expedient and prac- hear.) The people of England were desirous of main-
ticable, as showing the real consent of the people to the tattling peace.—(Hear, hear.) They, wished to be on
government and the laws ; but he was not disposed to the best footing with all nations in the world,
quarrel with any government, certainly not with that of but it must be known to all nations that
Russia, as long as it satisfied its own people and did not this country would not submit to wrong,
interfere with the independence of others. Thus the and that other countries must respect the honour
great principle of this country must be non-intervention of England.—(Hear, hear.) The proud position England
in the affairs of foreign nations. Another eminent Mi- occupied prevented her from being a passive spectator
nister, indeed, besides his Noble Friend, had foreseen of what was taking place in other countries, but she
the evils that were approaching Austria; for a Prussian must be careful how she interfered. England was
diplomatist mentioned in a recently published work strong, and would make her opinions prevail.—(Hear,
that Prince Metternich had in 1847 remarked to him, hear.) England had been accused of meddling with
"lam no prophet, but lam a state physician, and I other nations, by expressing opinions the re-
know from the symptoms of this country that the dis- sults had proved that if these opinions had been
ease is fatal!" Fatal, indeed! Fatal to a dying system adopted, the best results would have ensued. There
which deserved to perish, but not fatal, if social order is were cases in which this country ought not hastily to
combined with liberty and independence—not fatal, if interfere with countries that had embarked in hos-
Austria, acting on federal and constitutional principles, tilities.—(Hear, hear.) All that this country
accepts the political principles which alt the force and could do in the present instance was to use their
corruption of the old system could not repress—but fatal friendly endeavours to arrrange matters between the
indeed, absolutely fatal, if Hungary. is conquered and belligerent parties. A great deal had been said about
Austria becomes a satrapy of the Czar.—(Cheers.) sham mediation on the part of the Government of the
Mr. ROEBUCK said with international law we bad country. He answered that by stating that they had
not now to deal; for it was a kind of international every prospect of making the mediation between
morality, and must be regulated by international policy. Denmark and Prussia a reality. To suppose that
Unfortunately, the Emperor of Russia was not the the Government of this country wished other
only person who had bren guilty of this than peace among all countries and sovereigns
intervention.—(Heer, hear.) The Republic of France
well
betrayed a folly that he could hardly have conceived. It
was found infringing the non-intervention, and in their might do for a leading article in a newspaper, but it
attack on the people of Rome they were as greatly cul- would not do for a speech in Parliament.
pable as the despot of Russia. The deliberations in Lord DUDLEY STUART said—Sir, the Noble Lord
that House at that moment would never reach the the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs having now
ears of the people of Russia, and, perhaps, epoken, the chief interest of this debate will naturally
not even of Hungary, under the despotism to which be thought to have passed away. Nevertheless, lam
they were subject. This was, therefore, a question to anxious to offer a few observations, and they shall be
be taken up vigorously by the Government. He be- very few, to the House before the discussion closes. I
lieved our people had a sympathy with their fellows iu think that the House, the country, and Europe, are in-
the world, and had a desire to see good government debted to my Hon. and Gallant Friend the Member for
spread all over the world, and the banner of des- Middlesex for having called the attention of the House,
potisra trampled under foot, whether that ban- in the admirable and effective speech which he has de- '
nor waved over the armies either of Russia or livered, to this subject, which is one so important, that
of France.—(Cheers.) Greece had arisen up in incur- Ido not believe that any debate which has taken place
rection against our old ally, and mostly indebted are the this session will excite so much interest throughout
people of Greece to this country for establishing their Europe as the one in which we are now engaged; and in
present King on the throne. If, then) we interfered in this House, in this country, and in Europe, there is per-
that case, he asked now, in a much greater case, why haps no man who will feel more indebted to my
we were to be passive in this most despotic and tyrannical Honourable and Gallant Friend than the Noble -Lord
intervention on the part of Russia? The Emperor of (Lord John Russell), the First Minister of the
Russia once in Hungary, or once at Constantinople, how Crown; for my Hon. and Gallant Friend has given the
soon might he interfere in our Indian empire, and how Noble Lord an opportunity of explaining an expression,
soon might he be in Egypt or Syria; and how soon might somewhat unfortunate, which he used lately, when in
we be involved in wer with him; for our highway to speaking of the struggle now carried on by Hungary
India lay through the Red Sea ? (Hear, hear.) with Austria, he described it as an insurrection. My
He contended that the people of this country had a Noble Friend has given an explanation which appears to
most direct interest in this question, and he contended me perfectly satisfactory, for he has told the House—and
this was an English quesdon. Ho asked, therefore, such a sentiment can surprise no one when coming from
the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign a Russell—that in using the term insurrection ho did not
Affairs to employ the moral power of this great country
Imteiasn
itmopsoasysitbhlaetfaonr insurrection
tbisrious might not be justifiable.
in the settlement of this question.—(Hear, hear.) e to contemplate without
He entreated the Noble Lord and the House thedeepe.sttbe despoticinteres p
interest the struggleowersand now tatkhieng
braveplace
g. and
to present such a front to foreign nations as to between
show that any act of aggression exhibited towards En resolute patriots of Hungary, the results
land would never go unredressed or unpunished.— of
which, if the former prevail, will be
(Cheers.) And then, depend upon it, from the Emperor another partition of Poland, and will reduce another
of Russia down to the meanest State in Italy, every noble people, numbering fifteen millions of souls, to the
power in Europe would be taught the principle of yielding state of Russian serfs, or send thousands of them, like
obedience, not merely to Enland, but to the es
tions u ge tions the Poles, to wander as miserableeaxtielveesr
may bge said
throuhthe
which humanity makes through her to all thes nations of world. These gallant Hungarians, whatever
the earth. Let the Noble Lnrd assume that attitude and by the Noble Lord (Lord,C. Hamilton) opposite, are not
act on those suggestions, and he would endear his name in arms for any revolutionary purpose, or to defend any
to his own country, not only by being a benefactor to wild, visionary, or -ultra-democratic doctrines, but to
his country, but because ha was a wise and politic states- assert the rights belonging to them by the constitution
man.—(Loud cheers.)
which they have enjoyed for eight hundre years,
Colonel THOMPSON said he came from men who and in virtue of which alone their Sovereigns have had
looked upon the shedding of blood as an evil, and upon any title to the throne—rights which all the Kings
war as illegal; bat they did not the less sympathise with of Hungary down to the Emperor Ferdinand, in 1843,
the oppression of foreign nations. The spirit of the have bound themselves by the most solemn oaths to
English people was for freedom everywhere ! maintain. The Noble Lord (Lord Cloud Hs milton)
(Hear, hear.) Until that cloud which lowered upon the opposite, in a speech strong in violence of expression,
world—Russia—was divided and divested of some pot. but weak in argument, and not founded on facts, has
had
tion of its power, despotism would stalk abroad and. dis- the hardihood to
.call the constitution of Hungary an in-
turb the peace of the world.—(Bear.) For Russia con- famous constitution; and has dared
infamous Kossath'.
to speak of that
remembered, and the Noble REMOVAL OF PRISONERS FROM 1 ILLBANR PRISON.
sisted of two races, Northern and Southern Russia, and great man Ludwig Kossuth as the
neutralise These expressions will be rem —On Friday several steam-vessels belonging to the
Waterman', Company were engaged in removing between
what a blessing it would 13, if the one should
hear.) Lord, wherever ho oes wll be ' the barbarian despotism of the other.—(Hoar, g pointed at in the streets
400 and 500 convicts from the Millbank Prison to Wool-
Liberty couldinot fail to progress throughout the world; as the man who ventured to use them. But the name of with, where they were transferred aboard a Governmehe
et
but during the last two years, when the hopes of men Kossuth, however much maligned by the Noble Lord, steam. vessel to be conveyed to Shoreham Cliffs, on
were high, it had suffered a downfal, and political coo- will go down to posterity as one of the greatest has
coast of Sussex, to remain there until the cholera
nomy had run riot and admitted enemies into the citadel; men and of the noblest patriots of the subsided in the prison. The barracks at Shoreham Cliffs
bun like other great movements, it would again proceed country to which he belongs. If, however, this are very spacious, and capable of holding double the
as it should.—(Cheers.) constitution is so infamous, will the Noble Lord explain above number of convicts. The locality is extremely
Mr. MACGREGOR said, being much acquainted with how it is that those whom he so much reverences and healthy, and the place is well adapted for a temporary
prison.

IMPE RI

admires, the Emperors of Austria, have repeatedly, and
down to the year 1848, bound themselves by the most
solemn oaths to maintain and to defend it ? There can
be no infamy greater than this, except that of which the
list Emperor was guilty, viz , having taken such an oath,
afterwards to violate it. But we see the value which
despots attach to oaths the most solemn, for both the
Emperor of Austria and the Emperor of Russia have
perjured themselves in the most shamefully way by vio-
lationg their oaths to the people over whom they rule.
The Noble Lord tells us of the defects and vices of the
Hungarian consitution, but totally ignores the reforms
in that constitution which have voluntarily been adopted
by the Hungarians. That is a plan constantly pursued
by the school to which the Noble Lord belongs. In
speaking of free states, they always dwell on defects and
,
abuses which once prevailed; but always forget, or don't
choose to remember, that those evils have long since
been remedied. So in speaking of Poland they are con-
stantly enlarging on the defects of the old Polish system,
and wholly overlook the fact that that system was en-
tirely reformed by the voluntary act of the Polish pa-
triots when they enacted the ruinous constitution of 1791.
There were, no doubt, defects and vices in the constitu-
tion of Hungary, but these have been remedied, and a
reform introduced, just as in this country abuses have
been removed by the introduction of the Reform Act.
The constitution of Hungary, which the Noble Lord
calls infamous, is remarkable for its similarity to our
own, consisting of King, Lords, and Commons, an here-
ditary Sovereign, an hereditary Chamber of Peers, and
a Chamber of Representatives elected by the people—and
I will tell the Noble Lord in what position the Emperor
of Austria stands in reference to the Hungarian people.
Exactly in that in which William the Fourth
would have stood if, supposing such a thing to
be possible, he had, after passing the Reform Bill,
brought over troops from his kingdom of Hanover to
destroy the Constitution without the consent of Parlia-
ment. The Noble Lord in his endeavours to malign
Kossuth would have us believe that such reforms as had
been made in the constitution of Hungary were not
made by him, but are due entirely to Count Szyceni. I
agree with the Noble Lord, and probably this is the only
point in which I do agree with him, in looking on the
character of Count Szyceni with respect and admiration.
I believe him to be an enlightened patriotic man, ani-
mated with a sincere desire to render service to his
country. I believe that he has rendered good service in
the amelioration of her internal condition. I believe him
to have been the most liberal of the Court
party
the ;
liberty
bnt
of
thiet
press,
r wase ss,
it
wnaost n
oht e
he twh
ha
ot
hy
a
unani-
mous decision of the Diet procured the emancipation of
the peasants. These great reforms are duo to the en-
lightened wisdom and salutary influence of the " in-
famous Kossuth." The Noble Lord would have us be-
lieve that the sole object of the patriotic party in Hun-
gary is to establish the ascendancy of the Magyars over
all the rest of the inhabitants. I always observe that
persons like the Noble Lord, who are the enemies of
ipopular institutions, although utterly unmoved by any
amount of oppression perpetrated by despotic powers,
can set no bounds to their vituperation when they dis-
cover
anything wrong done by any constitutional autho-
rity.
I am glad, however, to find that the Noble Lord I
is the enemy of ascendancy. I hope he 1
will remember that 'principle in reference to Ireland.
The Magyars may, heretofore, have been obnoxious in
this respect to the reproaches of the Noble Lord. But
they have renounced those errors, and have conciliated
all the different races—the Sclavonians, the Croats, the
Servians, &c.—in the land, by offering to all equal rights,
and conceding to them all just demands. And wise are
they to do so; for unless they so acted, they could not
hope for, and would not deserve success. The Noble
Lord tells us that the present struggle being entirely for
the benefit of the Magyar aristocracy, the people take
no interest in it, and that they are forced into it, against
their will, by Polish and other foreign officers. He has
alleged this particularly with regard to Transylvania. I
want to know if this was the case, how it can have hap-
pened that, when the Austrian forces had overrun and
taken possession of the whole of that province,
these forces aided by the people were unable to resist
General Bem, who proceeded there with a very small
number of men, and in a short time swept the whole of
them out, so that not one Austrian remained in Tran-
sylvania. When General Bem first accepted a com-
mand he had but 8,000 men and ten pieces of cannon.
He was ordered to march to Transylvania,- and autho-
rised to apply to the Hungarian General for whatever
stores, ammunition, or money he might require. Six
weeks afterwards he wrote, "You sent me with 8,000 men
twenty-four
and
npd i e ces
ammunitiono of cannon.
on; I:7:e hmoee anrpevecl eyoon,yl
country."—(Hear.)
employment
ftooenrrnrye
et.e:wdg,o_hfn toa(fot
offef
firaveepeeai
erpgrrl.
nys)l
and ten pieces of cannon. I have now 26,000 men and
for stores
officerswantTh o
Noi is supplied
estLuhpeopruldi euddnegpatroreictiamntsee_d
in the Austrian army? Were there no English officers
serving in that army? I happen to know the facts, as I
have been applied to by English families to intercede with
General Bem in favour of their relatives, who being in
the Austrian service, have been made prisoners by that
General, and he has responded to the appeal in a manner
showing that he unites to the courage and ability of a
great commander, the qualities of a kind and generous
heart. But when the Hungarians are censured for avail-
ing themselves of the assistance of foreign officers, do you
forget that the Austrians h 0.... .0.11,e4 -in to their aid
a whole foreign army? I denounce the interference of
Russia in this contest as a violation of the law of
nations—that I boldly maintain. What are the- cir-
cumstances under which the interference of a foreign
power in the affairs of another state is by the law of
nations tolerated? It is only when the demand for
such interference, and my Noble Friend the Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs will not controvert it, it is
only when the demand for that interference is made by
the lawful or actual Sovereign or head of the state. At
the time when application was made by Austria for
the assistance of Russia, the Emperor of Austria
was not Sovereign of Hungary de jure or de facto. Not
de jure, for it is only in virtue of an oath to the constitu-
tion that the sovereignty of that country can be right-
fully claimed. That oath the Emperor of Austria had
not taken—he has never taken it—he has not even
offered to take it. He was certainly not Sovereign de
facto, for at the same time he solicited the assistance of
Russia, his armies, beaten by the gallant Bern, by Dem-
binski, and Georgey, had,been ignominiously driven out
of Hungary; no part of the country acknowledged his
authority, and there was only a small strip of territory
occupied by his forces. I rejoice that the Government
of Austria, always so arbitrary, mean, and oppressive,
has been thus humiliated by the gallantry of the Hunga-
rians. She may boast, indeed, of the successes of Radetzky,
obtained over raw and undisciplined Italians, or over an
army far inferior in numbers, which, however, would not
have been overcome but for the treachery of some of
those commanding it, but whenever she has attempted to
cope with the Hungarians she has been shamefully, dis-
gracefully beaten; her armies have been routed again
and again,! forced to seek safety by flying into the terri-
-tory of a neutral state, her fortresses captured, her
generals disgraced. My Noble Friend the Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs has spoken of the importance
of supporting Austria, with a view to the balance of
power in Europe. I used to think so too.
But Austria is effete; she is no longer capable
of being useful in that way—her power is
gone; she has become nothing but a tool in
the hands of Russia—henceforward she can be no better
than a Russian province, and will only serve for the ag-
grandisement of that Power. But this makes it of the
more importance to maintain Hungary. The real se-
curity for the balance of power is to be found in the es-
tablishment of countries like Poland and Hungary—
twenty millions of Poles and fifteen millions of Hunga-
rians living under free institutions would form a real
effective barrier against Russia, and would powerfully
conduce to the peace and welfare of Europe. In
all my advocacy of Poland "I have always main-
tained that I was advocating pre-eminently the
interests of England. I say the same with
regard to Hungary, for I firmly believe that our
interests, commercial as well as pelitical, are deeply
concerned in the success of that country. I cannot par-
ticipate in the gloomy anticipations of my Hon. Friend
as to the result of this contest. The armies of Russia
may be enormous, and their numbers may appear over-
whelmning; but examples of immense armaments melt-
ing away when brought against peopkt defending their
independence, have not been wanting, from the days of
Xerxes to those of Napoleon. The climate, the marsh
fever, the impossibility of providing adequate food
for such enormous masses, will be powerfai
auxiliaries to the arms of the Hungarians; and that
noble nation—which my Noble Friend the Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs has told the Noble Lord op-
posite, whatever he may say to the contrary, is united
as one in the defence of its liberties—will, I trust, with
the blessing of God, ultimately prevail. There were
passages in the speech of my Noble Friend, notwith-
standing his diplomatic caution, which I heard with in-
finite pleasure. They do him great honour, and will in-
crease that popularity which I am happy to see that he
enjoys. I again repeat my thanks to my Hon. and
Gallant Friend for having brought on this debate,
which will enlighten the public with regard to
the present state of things in Hungary, and
demonstrate to the world the interest felt in the Hun-
garian people by the British House of Commons.
Mr. WYLD would warn the country against the
course pursued by Russia. Year after year she had been
increasing her power in the East.—(Hear, hear.) She
had nearly closed the Black Sea against this country,
and her object now was to close the Danube against us.
Mr. OSBORNE said that the Noble Lord at the head
of the Foreign Department having intimated that no
official dispatches had been received, he would of course
withdraw his motion.
The Report on the Committee of Ways and Means was
then agreed to.
The Stamp, &c., Allowance Bill was read a third time
and passed.
The Judgments (Ireland) Bill was read a third time
and passed.
The Royal Pavilion (Brighton) Bill went through
RwEenStTioAtoNDCo_aW,
CoTNmhmEeivirutteoeFu.scle
mAiLtteTeHoAn FOREST,MthisBI,
a a
resolution was agreed to upon which to found a Bill.
ATTACHMENTS, COURTS OF RECORD
(IRELAND) BILL.
This Bill, as amended, was considered, and the third
reading was ordered for Monday next.
The other orders of the day were disposed of, and the
House adjourned at ten minutes after Four o'clock.

British •• • • •• •• .• •• ••
Ditto Provincial....
Bristol ...• •• •• •• ••

X. a. d.
40 0 0
20 0 0
20 0 0
20 0 0
100 0 0
50 0 0
50 0 0
50 0 0
40 0 0
50 0 0
50 0 0
50 0 0
100 0 0
50 0 0
50 0 0
1 50 0 0

X. 8. d.
18 0 0 14
19 0 0 ; 18

11. Bs.
101. per cent.
51. per cent.
101. i
925. pr share
455. pr share
61. per cent.
65. per cent.

Brighton ...... ..
City of London .. • • ••
Continental Consolidat.
Equitable-- .. ......
Imperial ............
inuepeneent .........

100 0 0 ! 250
i 9 5 0 30
50 0 0 26
50 0 0 I 661

40 0 ii

Ditto • • • • • • • • ••
Phcenix. ........

S 0 0 0 12
50 0 22
46 0 0 29
90 0 0 75
50 0 0 I 12

Itateliff .. .. - ........
United General ......
Westminster Chartered
Ditto, New ........

51. per cent.
Si.
4 41. pr cent.
31.
12s.

10 0 0

.y CANALS.
is
. Dividend I
y Names of / 2 'Dividend Names of ,cd
Price./
Lt Conpanies. i A per , Companies. 0 per Price.
xi Annum.
1 44
Annum.,
,r --- ---- ___
aIX X ,
t Ashtn gr. 01(111 97 71. - Macclesfield . 100 27. 10s. -
Barnsley.. • • 160: 121. 180 Neath ••• • • • 100 18/. -
Lirltnk&Abrg ;150 51. 85 Oxford.... • • 100 201. -
- Birmingham; 35 41. 82 Peak Forest. 78 3/. 185. -
1 Coventry... • I 100 251. 210 Regent's •••• 33 1/. ss. 18
3 Derby •• • • •1100 61. 63 Rochdale ... •85 41. 54
Elismre&Chs ; 131 565. 41 Somrset Coal 150 71.105. 130
° Erewash ••• 100 32/, - Do.Lk FdSt 12 61. p. c. -
I GrandJunctn 1001 5/. 83 Stffrd&Worc 140 28/. 310
. GrandSurrey;lloo 21. 30 Shrewsbury..
Grand Union;100 11. 10s. 24 Stourbridge.. 125 15/. -
t 145
Grantham .•1150 - - Severn and
20/. 300
3 Kennt 1c Awl; 39, 7s. 6d. 5% Wye Rail. j 26 21.05. -
• Leeds& Livrpl 100 301. 310 Warwick&l
Leicester.... 140; 5/. 63% Rirming. i 100 41. 57%
Leicstr &Nth 83, 4/. 45 Warwick&
Loughborogh 142 701. 650 Napton..
} 100 31. 41
Monmouthsh 100 81. - Worcstr &}
Illntgemrysla 100 - - Birming. 78 2/. 41
MeltnMwbryi 100 - - Wilts & Brks - it. , 10
LAST or SCOTTISE COMPANIES' PRIMES
. _
Dividend Amount
Name of Company per of I Paid. Price,
Annum. Share.
- -
X s. d. X s. d
Bank of Scotland
British Linen Company 81. per cent. 100 0 0 , 100 0 0 203
Caledonian Bank ...• • 8 per sent. 10 0 0 210 0 3/. 18,
City of Glasgow Bank . 61. per cent. 10 0 0 10 0 0 11 'A
Clydesdale Bank .•• • • • 6% per cent. 20 0 0
1, 10 0 0 13
Commercial Bank .. • . 71. per cent. 500 0 0 100 0 0 161%
Eastern Bank .... •• • • 6/. per cent. 25 0 0 10 0 C 9/. 7s
Edinb.fcGlasgow Bank 6/. per cent. 50 0 50 0 534
Exehange Bnk of Scot 4/. per cent. 100 0 0 50 0 0 26%
Isle of Man. Company 71. per cent. 10 0 0 7 0 0 -
National Bank 63x4 Per cent. 50 0 0 10 0 0 1414
North of Scotland B ank 4/.percent. 20 0 0 5 0 0 3/.os,
North British Bank • • - - - _
Royal Bank of Scotland W. per cent. 100 0 0 100 0 0 126
Union Bank of Scotland 8/. per cent. 100 0 0 50 0 0 81
Western Bank •••• • • • • 71. per cent. 50 0 0 50 0 0 711,4
Aberdeen Fire and Life 730. pr cent. 12 10 0 20 6 2U
B. Accord. Llie and Fire - 20 0 0 010 0 -
British Guarantee Ins. 4/. per cent. 10 0 0 1 0 0 9s 6d
Caledonian Fire Incur. 101. per cent. 100 0 0 10 0 0 21
Church of England Ins. - 50 0 0 2 0 0 1 2
City of Glasgow Life.. 61. per cent. 25 0 0 2 0 0 121. 7s
Edinburgh Life Incur. 61. per cent. 100 0 0 12 10 0 18%
East of Scotland Life - 10 0 0 015 0 93.0 d.
Eng. & Scot, Law Life 51. per cent. 50 0 0 217 6 -
Hercules Insurance Co. 7/_ per cent. 100 0 0 10 0 0 -
Incur. Co. of Seetind - 51. per cent. 100 0 0 10 0 0
Life Assoc. of Scotland 5/. per cent. 10 0 0 1 0 0 It. 6s
Mercantile Life - ... 47. per cent. 10 0 0 010 0 3s. 6a.
National Fire and Life 5/. per cent. 10 0 0 1 0 0 205.6 d
North British Incur. .• 5141. pr cent. 200 0 0 20 0 0 23
North & West of Scot. Cl. per cent. 10 0 0 1 0 0 189.3 d
Scottish Life and Guar. - 20 0 0 011 0 -
Scot. Mag. and Gen.Lifo - 1 0 0 0 15 0 -
Scottish Union Insrnce. 16541. pr cent. 20 0 0 1 0 0 11. 2s
Standard Life • ..... •. 1 51. per cent. 50 0 0 5 0 94
United Dep. Assurance I 51. per cent. 10 0 0 0
,145.6 d
MISCELLANEOUS.
Dividend Amount
Nam. of Company, per of Paid. i Price, I
Annum. Share. I
t
X. s. (I. X. s. d.
Australian Agriculturl - 100 0 0 30 0 0 17 1
Anglo-Mexican Mint.. 11. 4c. 10 0 0 10 0 0 - ji
Ditto, Half Shares.. - - 210 0 - Canada ... •••• • • • • 61. per cent. 100 0032 10 0 0
ITppr Canada 'Bonds 51. per_cent. - - 70 0
City Navigation .... - - - 9014
Comp .Cppr Mars Eng. 51. per cent. 100 0 0 7O 0 0 - .
Gen. Revers. & Invest. Sp. c.& bs, 2/ 100 0 0 100 0 0 90 ,I 4
Equitable Reversionry 5/. pr cent, 100 0 0 1100 0 0 100 0
Gen.SteamNavigation 1/. Bs. 15 00140 0 22 London Institution ... _.. - 78 15 0 ti ,
Russell Institution.... _ - 26 5 0 3 al
Peninslr& Orient.Stm. 87. per cent. 50 0 0 5O 0 0 70 a(
Reversionary Int. Soc. 4%1. pr cent. 100 0 0 ,100 0 0 92
Royal Mail Steam• •• • 6/ 18..4. p. c. 100 0 0I 60 0 0 SOU
South Australian ....• 1/. per share. 25 0 0, 25 0 0 16
Van Dieman's Land., - 100 00,23 0 0 112,

THE ARMY AND NAVY.
(From the United Service Gazette.)
PRINCE ALBERT AND THE SIEGE OPERATIONS.—As
it was announced that Prince Albert was to have been
at the Chatham Siege Operations, had they come of as
originally appointed, some surprise has been expressed
that his Royal Highness absented himself to-
day. The rumour runs that the Prince had
accepted an invitation to dine with one of the Corps
engaged in the ceremony; , that subsequently Sir Frede-
rick Smith solicited the honour of his presence, and was
not unreasonably hurt that he had been anticipated in
the courtesy. To avoid giving an occasion for jealou-
sies, or sanctioning the appearance of invidious distinc-
tions, the Prince determined not to go at all.
PRIZE MONEY FOR THE DESTRUCTION OF THE
SARAWAK PIRATES.—It will be remembered that some
time since the Admiralty Court awarded 12.0004 to
Captain Sir Edward Belcher, and the officers and
crew of her Majesty's ship Samarang, for the capture
and destruction of certain pirates up the river Sarawak.
Although faintly opposed at the time the award was made
out, objections were subsequently taken to thedistri-
bution of the money, and an appeal, on the part of the
Admiralty, was made to the Privy Council, before whom
the case was argued a few days since. Their Lordships,
however, not only confirmed the award of the Admiralty
Court's Judge, but cast the Admiralty in costs, which
amount to above .5001., and the prize money will be
distributed forthwith. It is said the appeal was made
at the instigation of Sir C. Trevelyan, of the Treasury.
ANNUAL ADMIRALTY INSPECTION OF THE PORTS
AND DOCKYARDS.—It is generally understood that the
Admiralty will proceed on the tour of inspection of the
ports and dockyards on the Ist of August next, and that
their Lordships' first visit will be to the Channel Islands.
THE ROYAL SQUADRON.—To our list of vessels enu-
merated as ordered to compose the Royal Squadron of
the Queen during her marine excursion, we must add the