The Sun.
London, England, 1831-08-20 00:00:00


1 . We shall not disguise our drop regret at the result
of this division last Thursday evening, when Lord
Chandos carried agaitiut the Ministers, and to the
serious injury of the Beform Bill, his amendment,
providing that tenants at will, paying 501. per an-
tiusn rent, shall be entitled to vote for county Mem-
bers. Whatever the easy and good-Natured folks,
the optimists of the thy,—those friends of Reform
who. telt!: edifyingly, and act even honestly, but
who take all in good part, and resign themselves,
like pious Mahometans as they are, to the heaviest
visitations of destiny, congratulating themselves that
the matters "are no worse,"—whatever such people
may say or sing on the occasion, we do not belong
to them. Some of our contemporaries, who a few
days back would have screamed at the notion of
of making tenancy at will a county qualification,
have already, since the Anti-Reform majority of
Thursday evening, begun to find out that there is
"something to be said for it ;" that it is but fair
play to the " agricultural interest," and that really
the landlords are as much at the mercy of their
yearly ten tilts as the tenants are at theirs. Now
we have confessed above that we are not of that
supple nature. It is impossible for us in our
consciences to deny that a blow the most malig-
nant has been struck at the vitals of true Reform, —of
that Reform which would insure a responsible repre-
sentation of the kingdom, by providing, first, that
the constituent body shall be independent. The
question was argued by Lord Althorp, who unveiled
the gross hypocrisy of founding the pretensions of
the tenant at will to a vote on the amount of capital
which he might have laid out on his landlord's pre-
mises. Why it is clear enough that if the tenant
has a long lease, the greater the quantum of land
that he occupies, and the larger the sum which he
can supply for its improvement, the stronger may he
deemed the evidence of his personal respectability,
and of his civil qualifications as an elector. But
what is the case if the Fame and vidual have no
tenure of the premises, and consequently no power
of resisting the will and pleasure of his landlord?
Manifestly, the greater the proportion of his capital
that he has laid out upon the soil, the less is he
likely to have a will of his own; because the more
severely would lie feel the calamity of a sudden ex-
pulsion from the premises, and the more authorita-
tive, therefore, would be the mandate to vote " ac-
cording to his landlord's wishes." We were our-
selves among those who thought that even a seven
year,' farming lease was of too short duration to
become the basis of a vote for Members of Parlia-
ment. It is unfair to put the yearly lease of a
house in a county town on a level with that of an
agricultural possession. The capital vested in a
dwelling-house is for the most part no more than
the price of the necessary furniture, which
is easily transportable to another habitation,
even at the shortest notice ; whereas, in all cases
the outlay upon a farm meditates haute
gains, and the greater part of it is only sepa-
rable front the land by the scythe or sickle of per-
haps some yet distant harvest. Indeed, Lord Chan-
dos and his supporters, now that they have carried
this ins:dious clause, take no trouble to conceal the
grounds of their exuberant exultation. It is a
landlord's measure,—it is, like the county division
clause, a stab in the heart of Parliamentary Reform.
Not long since the Duke of Buckingham made
known pretty generally throughout the kingdom,
that the bulk of his estates were let out to tenants
at will, of whom many families (and we doubt not
the fact) had occupied the same farms for a century.
But that was a Idle tenants had no votes, and could
not be made the instruments of their landlords for
electioneering purposes : let its see how things are
to be in future between the Duke of Buckingham
and his tenants. How many of the latter will dare
to vote against the nominee candidates of the house
of Buckingham ? and if they do, for how many
more centuries will they remain its tenants ? It,
might, indeed, afford a satisfactory clue to the
motives from which my Lord Chandos's amend-
ment proceeded (that is to say, had his Lordship
been a less magnanimous personage), that the effect
of it has been to place as many votes as there are
tenants upon the vast estates of the Duke of Buck-
ingham at the absolute disposal of their aristocratic
master ! sWe do not scruple to affirm, that the clause
for dividing the counties, conjoined with that for
immense
a the landlord's influence over so
a body of electors, dependent exclusively oil his arbi-
trary pleasure for the continued enjoyment of their
vested capitals and habitations, has actually frus-
trated in a very large degree the advantages pro-
mised to us by the " Reform Bill." HowMinisters
came to support one of these clauses, and how they
contrived to be beaten in their opposition to the
other! is not for us to say—the facts are before the
country, which will know how to appreciate them.
Nor are further aggravations wanting to these com-
pound mischiefs. While the weaker constituency
of the counties is increased, that branch of the con-
stituency which is, in its nature, more sound and
wholesome, has been grievously weakened by the
arrangement, which, in all borough cases (and nearly
all the boroughs in schedule B, besides some towns
returning two Members, are so circumstanced) where
the strictly local constituency does not amount to
300 voters, the deficiency is to be made up by
electors from contiguous places, some of these con-
tiguities being nearly twelve miles off. Thus,
while the intrinsic strength of the counties is drawn
off to form a borough constituency, the vacuum is
filled up with a herd of dependent vassals. As a
counterpoise to this macslof feudal slaves, the above-
mentioned constituency transferred to towns and bo-
roughs ought to be restored to their respective coun-
ties, and the borough qualification lowered to Si.,
that a sufficient number of resident householders
may vote. With regard to the operation of the
county-separating clause, in one important instance,
we recommend to notice a letter from a " Leicester-
sidle Freeholder," who represents, we are satisfied,
the feelings not of Leicestershire only, but of so-
ciety at large throughout England, on hearing the
result of the division on the amendment of Mr.
Hughes Hughes. The Bill last night made very
little progress. Il marche,mais ne s'avance pas.-
7'imes.

Mr. Hume proposed, last night, his motion rs-
specting the Bishopr:c of Derry, to Tuesday week,
not wishing to interfere with the progress of the
Reform Bill. An anecdote is told of a distinguished
Bishop of Derry, that at his table sixteen hogsheads
of claret were drunk in a single year. A writer,
commenting on this anecdote, observes, " This
shows hew much matters have been improved since
the days of the Apostles." We are not aware, cer-
tainly, that any of the Apostles had well-sfocked
wine cellars. The Bishop of London, we suppose,
thinks it very proper that the descendants of the
Apostles should be able to carouse on claret and
tokay. It is only poor men playing at skittles, or
taking a glass of beer on Good Friday or Christmas,
that excites the Christian indignation of the Right
Reverend Father in God. Bishops know, of course,
that rich men cannot enter the kingdom of Heaven;
and considering their own exclusion, it is most
charitable in them to strive to keep their flocks in a
condition to enjoy a blessing of which they must
themselves be deprived. We trust Mr. Hume will
do justice to the good disposition of the Church.—
Aforning Chronicle.
A most absurd attempt has been made to repre-
sent the majority on the Marquis of Chandos's
amendment as a Ministerial defeat. It has been long
understood that many of the Reformers were fa-
vourable to such an extension of the suffrage as the
amendment would give; and Ministers would,
under Euch circumstances, have been insane, had
they exhibited a determination to reject the altera-
tion coule qui collie. In fact, all that they could
wish, was, to ascertain the feeling of the House or
the subject. It could be no disappointment to them
that their most strenuous supporters favoured the
extension. The alteration, however, renders other
alterations necessary. Last night, Lord Althorp
observed that it became necessary to introduce
some provisions which the vote of Thursday night

had rendered necessary. " It had now (he said)
been determined to admit tenants at will of land to
vote in counties. Re supposed that it was not the
intention of the House to exclude tenants at will of
houses without land, but paying the same amount
of rent, from the enjoyment of the same franchise."
As the motion of the Noble Marquis had given to
all tenants of 50/. a year the right of voting, if they
paid that rent on land, he proposed that tenants who
paid that amount on houses without lands attached
to them. Following the analogy in the clause re-
specting houses in towns, he proposed pro-
visions for cases where houses were let to sub-
tenants at a profit rent. We are of the number
of those who approve of the extension of suf-
frage to all occupiers of land, whether at will
or by lease. In England there are whole counties
where all the land is held by lease; but for the most
part land is held at will. We are not sure that, in
these times of fluctuation, the tenantry at will is not
considered as advantageous a holding as tenantry by
lease. At all events, the custom of the country in
the mode of valuing the improvements of way-going
tenants, which custom is law, gives an advantage to
them, which, in general, will secure them against
the caprice of landlords. In this, however, we may
be mistaken. But should it be found that this is
not the case, an admitted evil will demand a suit-
able remedy. The extension of the suffrage to all
occupiers of land of 50/. renders a farther extension
necessary. The communication of the franchise to
all payers of 50/. rent, is in accordance with the
principle of Lord Chandos's amendment. It is
not intended, it will appear, to confine the vote to
one house and piece of land. In answer to a ques-
tion from Mr. Denison, Lord Althorp said, that se-
parate holdings, of which the rents together
amounted to 50/. were intended to give the qualifi-
cation ; and that if a man occupied in the town
(that town not being a borough) a hou-e at the
rent of 20/ , and held a piece of land in the county,
at the rent of 301., or paid, in any other proportion,
two separate rents for such house and field, amount-
ing together to 501. a-year, that should be a qualifi-
cation to vote for the county.—Morning (hronicle.
In Cobbett's Register of this day, there are some
excellent observations on the Beer Bill, and that
system of everlasting interference with the poor,
which we yesterday reprobated in stronger ,terms
than we are in the habit of using:—
" It is a strange thing (he says) that the people cannot
be hit to follow their own taste, even with regard to what
they can pay for, to go down their throats. They must
be ever lastingly watched and super intended as if they were
babies. It is an itch for interference with thorn : this
Bill is, it seems, to shorten the hours during which they
might drink : and, to ease the Magistrates of the trouble
of superintendence, it is intended to authorize the con-
stables to enter the houses of drink, and interfere at their
discretion, without any warrant from a Magistrate.
Thus the system creeps on, dispensing with the old forms
which were intended to secure men's personal liberty, and
thus it will creep on until it tear itself to pieces, unless it
be saved by justice and wisdom corning in time, and put-
ting a stop to the destruction. I shall insert an account
of what took place in the House of Lords. The reader
will require no commentary ; but I will just add this re-
mark, namely, that there never will be any prevention to
men's assembling in great numbers to drink, and that,
too, very frequently, and sometimes noisily, until the tax
he taken from the malt and the hops. Then every man
will have beer in his own house, as he had formerly, and
as he always ought to have bad."

In another part of the Register, in commenting on
the opposition of the Aristocracy to the Reform Bill,
and the singular contrast between their language in
speaking of it and the language of the rest of the
community, he says, " When ce:•taiu expressions—
certain haughty, and scornful, and contemptuous ex-
pressions—escape the former, when speaking of this
Bill, and of the Reform of the Parliament, men in
general look upon the speakers as being absolutely
mad. They do not reflect that these speakers really
know nothing at all of the thoughts, the words, and
the intentions of the people; they do not reflect
that these seemingly haughty speakers never con-
verse with, never correspond with, never hear or see
a word from any soul living, except from one another,
from their several dependants, or from their vermin."

" The greater part of them (he adds) divide their time
between their mansions in the country and the west-end of
the Wen. At the former they see nobody- but their steward,
their various menials, who stand with their hats off beton:
them in the rain, half-pay officers and parsons, in whom
they find servility equal to the former, though a little
varied in form ; and, with their ears filled with ma-
ledictions against Reform, from this servile tribe, back
they gallop again to the Wen, where they again
see and hear one another, and have another crowd
of servile creatures to flatter them, and to urge them
on to deeds of desperation against the people. If they
would only stop at the inns as they come along, snd ask
the innkeepers, though they are in general apt to bow pretty
low ; but, if they would but ask them what they thought
would be the consequence of the Lords rejecting the Re-
form Bill, they would learn something at any rate. I
have indeed heard of one haughty upstart in the North of
England, who sends forward orders to the posting-houses
to have the entrance of the:inn clear, that no other person
may be in the door-way or passage whi!e he enters, and
that nobody may stand round the inn-door to look at him.
It is said, and even in the country where he resides, that
he has had recesses constructed in the passages of his house,
in order that the servants who happen to be in a situation
to meet him in the passage, may pop into a recess, and that
he may thus avoid coming in contact with their persons.
All this is said of him, and all this I believe. Speaking of
them generally, they do not carry pride to this beastly ex-
tent ; and some of them, and, I hope, many, are sensible,
gentle, kind and affable men ; but there has risen up,
within the last forty years, a new set of manners, a totally
new demeanour in the nobility towards the commonpeople,
and particularly towards the working part of them, the
rural part of whom they have got to call peasantry, and
have obtained a plentiful supply of their hatred in ex-
change.
" The long war, the barracks, the inland fortresses, the
immense standing army in time of peace, the great navy,
kept up, apparently, for no useful purpose ; the military
and naval academies; the enormous establishments of every
description, have given them an ample and everlasting
supply of eating and drinking and talking companions.—
aTnhde sce
ocl oo
nmpel as
ai
ns adn tc Ka
pnt
ai
nh:s;
tahneds e Gg ee nn et
er
ea s l
f,e
eadnedr Audptonni rtahl
the
public
wealth, have come to supply the place of those
independent country gentlemen who were the companions
of their fathers anti grandfathers ; so that all the notions.
they imbibe are military and naval ; every thing is to be
done by word of command, and every remedy is to consist
of coercion of some sort or other : the Government is
totally changed in every thing but name and form, and
the connection and communication between the Nobility
and the industrious classes of the people are completely
destroyed : and, along with them, all the good feelings and
all that cement of society to which they gave rise. The
Nobility have not been able wholly to disconnect them-
selves from the immediate renters of their estates ; hut
they have studiously, by throwing four or five farms
into one, made this circle as small as possible, and
have created a dew race of men, who are not farmers, but
a sort of gamblers in grain and cattle, and have as little
connexion with the working people as the nobility them-
selves, except that they are so many oppressors of that most
valuable of all the classes of the nation ; and these great
monopolists of farming are the very last men in the world
from whom Noblemen are to expect to get a word of truth
as to the real situation of the country.
" So that, here are these Lords, living in England, know-
ing no more about their opinions or their designs than they
know of the opinions and designs of the people in Persia.
They never see or hear an independent man ; that is to say,
a
a man who does not know or who does not believe that a
Reform of the Parliament would take from him a part, if
not the whole, of what lie has to live on.
,r sit down
i.siese t tranquilly,he
musket
watchman
; hearm y
the Lords,,,,ii}tuiin he aiascnhdd ofdark
nuati lr,inonn,g ehis
in
in
i e youlla alone
his country-house; see the night approach ; look out of
borne to your ear by the winds; and then go
4ybploaiisecutkol o l
yourrvidmtloa:gDred: solitary seat, and ask yourselves if this be
' old England.'
" Your feelings, your reflections, will tell you that it is
not ; will tell you that you have not a thousandth part of
the real enjoyment which your grandfathers had ; and rea-
son will convince you ; taken front your flatterers, reason
will convince you that it is not power and influence that
you have gained, but feebleness and contempt. An old
farmer that I knew, and who died about fifteen years age,
used to say, that if his father, who had been dead about
forty years, were to come to life again, a_wonliht't be
able to bide here;' and then lie used to go off, itbout the
new game laws, the assessed taxes, the monstrous taxes on
letters, the stamped receipts, the legacy duty, . ibe malt

tax, and divers other oppressions, all which he bad at his
finger's ends; but if his father would not have been able
to ' bide here,' how would your fathers be able to bide
here if they were to come to life now ? How would they
be able to bide with their mansions surrounded with watch-
men to protect them from being burnt in their beds by
the people—those very people who, from the nature of
things, ought to deem then► their benefactors, and their
rock of safety in all cases of oppression ? How would they
have been ab!e to abide here ?

" TLis system has gone on making the burdens of the
people heavier and heavier; making all the laws that
affect them harder and harder ; making their toil still
greater and greater, and making the fruit of those toils
less and less; till at last the numberless oppressions form
a mass that is become absolutely intolerable."
There is much truth as well as force in the seob-
servations. The Aristocracy may depend on it that
there are no other means of insuring the obettence
of the people than the persuasion of the people
themselves that they have an interest in enforcing
the laws. Opposition must have an end ; we hope
it will die a natural death by the Reform B II. Do
not let them imagine that the opinion of the people
of England can be safely set at defiance.—illorning
Chronicle.

The Beer Bill was passed with the professed in-
tention of putting down a nuisance, and it has, as we
foretold, became a nuisance of no small magnitude
itself. This Bill was the great and liberal measure
of relief which, during a whole Session of Parlia-
ment, the Duke of Wellington's Administration
afforded to the distressed population of this country.
The greater part of that Session was consumed in
the discussion of this Bill in both Houses of Parlia-
ment. Now the House of Lords is, night after
night, obliged to afford a large portion of its valuable
time to complaints of the mischief which it every
where produces, and to projects for its amendment.
Thus our legislators expend one year in making laws
which are to work wonders, and find it necessary to
waste the following year in vain attempts to mend
them. This sort of legislative cobbling has made
our statute book the mass of confusion and absur-
dity that it is. It is as foolish a labour to patch up
a bad law as to mutilate a good one—neither unity,
conciseness, simplicity, nor clearness, are the dis-
tinguished qualities of patch-work legislation. The
Beer Bill was first introduced for the avowed pur-
pose of abolishing a licensing'::system which had
been grossly abused in practice, and of opening
the trade in beer so as to enable the poor man
to procure a cheap and wholesome, instead of
a dear and deleterious, beverage. Both objects
were good, but the means of affecting them
betrayed an ignorance and incapacity of the con-
s 'quences of which we, at least, did not fail to
forewarn the country. The Courier said the other
day that it was the first to complain of the abuses
of the Beer Bill. We recollect that we had the
Courier as an opponent during the discussions on
the Bill, when we pointed out, as the inevitable re-
sult of the measure, the mischiefs and abuses of
which that journal now complains. Great, indeed,
were the encomiums which the London Press in gi-
neral lavished upon this measure before it o as tried.
It was no better than heresy to express a doubt of
its perfect wisdom. To suggest that a better Bill
might be framed for the accomplishment of the
same objects was to run the ri-k of being set down
among those who are incapable of marching with
the " intellect of the age." In short, the legislative
capacity of the Duke and Mr. Goulburn was consi-
dered infallible, and their joint production could not
fail to be a prodigy of legislations Never was" free-
dom of trade" advocated with more intolerance of
freedom of opinion. The Beer Bill has not had the
effect of making beer either cheap or wholesome.
The trash which the beer-shops in general dispense
to their customers would be dear at any price.
But if the Government that once gloried in the pa-
rentage of this Bill wished to debauch the morals
of the working classes beyond all former example,
they have no reason to feel disappointed. It has
done, and is doing, its work in that way. It has
covered the country with dens of riotous vice and
ruinous dissipation. The Grand Juries of several
counties have presented it as a nuisance. The beer-
shops were the places of rendezvous of the rioters
last winter. They are in many parts of die country
places of vulgar assignation, where the servants of
the neighbourhood are initiated in the practices of
bad company and tempted into crime. They are the
haunts of poachers, where they assemble for their
nocturnal adventures; and they afford admirable fa-
cilities to all sorts of depredators to meet, without
much danger of detection, to arrange their plots,
and stimulate themelves for the execution of their
guilty enterprises. The Bishop of London has done
himself credit by exposing some of the evils of this
Bill; but be has not gone far enough. I' is his
duty not to pare down the mischiefs of the Bill, but
to extirpate them. Rightly did Lord Carnarvon
say, the other night, " It was one of the worst
modes of legislation in the world to multiply temp-
tations to the poor man, and then accumulate pe-
nalties on him for having yielded to them." Yet
such is the principle of Lord Melbourne's amend-
ments which sanction the continuance of the demo-
ralizing temptation to the working classes, and
then attempt to prevent its effects by new and
severe penalties. The Doke of Wellington, though
he still, in tine teeth of experience, insists that
the Beer Bill has improved the quality of the
beer—an improvement, which at least in the
metropolis, a certain class of low chemists under-
stand better than his Grace does—yet admits,
that, " as a matter of police, tine experiment has al-
together failed." We confess we do not under-
stand how the Bill could ever have been regarded as
a " matter of police." If he mean, by a " matter
of police," 'something that was to cut out additional
work for the police, the Duke may make his mind
easy on that head ; so far is the Bill from having
failed in that respect, that it has been signally suc-
cessful. It has not only furnished additional. work
for the police, as Lord Melbourne's amendments
prove, but it has furnished additional work for Ju-
ries, Judges, and event for executioners, upon the
circuits. Indeed, its efficacy in generating crime
was proved as early as last winter, in the course of
the judicial proceedings which took place under the
Special Commissions. But we have repeatedly
shown that the restrictions introduced into the old
law relative to ale-houses, and first enacted in the
reign of EdwardVI.,were " matter of police." They
were intended to cheeskethe dangerous and demoral-
izing consequences which experience proved were the
result of an unlimited number of houses for the
sale of an intoxicating beverage, kept by persons
without substance or character. To obviate the
evils of such a state of things the Legislature made
it necessary that all persons applying for licenses
should produce competent testimonials of character,
and should show that the house required to be li-
censed was necessary for the public accommodation.
The fatal error of the authors of the Beer Bill was
in not preserving those qualifications when they al-
tered the licensing system. They did not distin-
guish between the good principle and the bad prac-
tice, and so, in breaking down the one, destroyed the
other. But the evil effects of this proceeding would
have been obviated, in a great measure, if tine Bill
had provided that the beer purchased at the new
shops should not be consumed on the premises. The
Duke of Wellington has already admitted that his
aocwttendpri upnocnilp,l e
byo f free-trade"
p:0‘
posi
ngt ilat ti nil
ebbe e should
should
obe
i d
be closed when the poor man's hour of recreation be-
gins! Thus one error begets another.—Morn. Her.
We observe, whenever any Peer thinks proper to
ask a question, or to offer a remark in the House of
Lords, upon the present state of the foreign relations
of the country, that Earl Grey has a certain formula,
a fixed and predetermined set of words, which he
employs invariably, and which he seems indeed to
consider as a kind of cabalistic charm, capable of
warding off the effects of all such inconvenient and
impertinent interference. The spell consists simply
in the assertion that the question which tine Noble
Earl finds it difficult to answer, or the aigutnent
which it is not in his power to refute, is a question
of an argument calculated to excite animosity in
the minds of foreign Uovernments, and to in-

volve the country in war. The Minister
sorts habitually to an incantation so imporr,
this, in order to silence the curiosity or aib?
hostility of the Opposition, may very afe,re'
set down as no wizard, for, if prorerly conslue'
it is in truth a confession of the importance,
the Opposition, and of the comparative insige.,'
cance of the Minister in the estimation of Fcrel!,
Power,. Did Mr. Pitt or Lord Liverpool, ot4,
Duke of Wellington, when they were Mini°,
ever imagine that the scurrilous invectives aged,
foreign sovereigns, in which the present Prefli,
the present Lord Chancellor, and others of
party, were in the habit of indulging, were lib
to embroil the country with its neighbours ?
deprecated such invectives indeed as indeceneie°,
point of manners, and as derogatory to the digl
of the assemblies in which they were utteredil,
never for a single moment was any one of thnseii,
nisters in such a position, its the eyes either of
friends or the foes of the country, that any statelliel,
or inferences or declamations proceeding from,
i
Opposition in Parliament could have been ratiolk
described as matters of international importance.;
But there is am ther reason why this necrotei°
when employed by Earl Grey, is as injudicinu'
it must necessarily be abortive. The Noble t.
cannot forget, with whatever pain he may notet
member, the loud praises he bestowed at the out,
of his Ministerial career upon the French reilj
Iron, and the emphasis with which he proclaims
as his peculiar policy to cultivate the friendship,
the regenerated Government of Fiance. Hasit
occurred to the Noble Earl that if there were
efficacy in the ,pell by which he proposes to gd:
the course of Parliamentary discussion into
channels which lie deems most conducive to hisc,
pacific policy, that he ought to have spared 6°
portion of its power for the benefit of his chl
friends, the King and the Ministers of regene0
France ? In their case the charm ought 110
have been wholly ineffectual. What is Pubil
said by Kings and Ministers is of some
national importance. When they make spec,
diem ifically opposed to their written and for
acts some suspicion of their sincerity will hii
rally be excited. When they make boasts
imply the degradation of a country whose prI
Minister has declared that the chief object,
his policy is to cultivate their friendship, die,' s
little respect to that Minister, to his policy, t(c,
country whose character and fortunes are corn1111:1
to his care. And it is rather too much fora
e0
ulster so uncomfortably situated to attempt tosilbe-
t.,ose who are more jealous than he happens t°
the honour of their country, and less partial
ci
confiding towards a foreign Government which eib,
ducts itself as we have described, by the threat it
if war should arise he will charge them with of
its authors. We think war is upon the whole17
likely to he averted than occasioned by the °Fv1
sition in both Houses of Parliament speaking,'"
minds as °erasion may arise, with frankness ant'rti
dour, upon the aspect of foreign politics so le fr,
it is visible, and upon the conduct of foreign GO/:,
meats so far as it may seem to involve the interegt?
honour of Great Britain. It would perhaps notbeft
to leave the people of the continent in the lit
supposing that the British nation is unanininn
Earl Grey's opinion with respect to the cultivseit
of friendship with France, as a special and,rd
mount object of national policy. Peace with eV
is desirable—peace with all the world is desirlit
But it is not the time we think far a Thitishig#,
sister to manifest a feverish apprehension of
when the Kiog of France, whether to grail))
own disposition, or to gratify at once and excite(
diseased appetie of a predominant portion °,401
subjects for military glory, is heard from the t"
tl
to indulge in ridiculousfary4rronnades, belying
ai
letter and the spirit of his express compacts i.t?
other Powers; and when the Foreign Iii
of France in his despatches promises the vi!
of that country that a military enterprise 1,01,;
progress shall terminate with the acorn?
merit of a certain definite purpose, While j,
moment that purpose is accomplished the s
Minister of France declares publicly to the 1.64
sentatives of the nation that the same military),
terpleze—inferimg the intermediate possession 0,
neutral territory—shall not terminate until on°

and an indefinite purpose is accomplished als°'hi
these circumstances a British Minister mar
guarded and stately and reserved as he pleasel
far as regards his own personal conduct and tin
his colic tgues, hut to depreca e the natty's',
madversions of the Parliamentary Opposition,
the threat of holding them responsible in the et
of war, is to be rather more obsequious tharl' (
appears to us, t he occasion requires towards the
vernment which acts as we have des(
motto of Earl Grey would seem to b.

license to the King and the Minister;

in the British Parliament the silence

fear." The maxim is neither wise, mi
triutie, and we venture to assure the Mer

House of Parliament that they will b,

applause and confidence of the cou
temptuously disregarding it.—Morning

SUDDEN DEATH.-TWO young
names of BLOOMFIELD and ALDERSON, res:
parents at Stamford• hill, died suddenly h
consequence of drinking water when heated

FISHING EXTRAORDINARY.—.
of this town, who is in the habit of viaitin1
ally on a fishing excursion, was last week ei
customed sport, when, after a few glorious
disappeared, and, in a jiffy, every inch of
hundred fathoms, spun out with the velocL
from his reel. Wholly engaged with the subji
thought nothing about his footing, which
lost, and before he c‘mld say Jack Robi:
himself fairly afloat. Expert at swimming,
securing his prey, he seized the rod in his rn,
out vigorously. Then came the tug of
gonist, on one tack, was standing out to
the other, using all his energies to make th
seemed to declare in favour of Neptune,
receding from the shore, was just psnderii
whether he would slip the tow line, or be
At this critical juncture, a brother sportsm,
a distance, witnessed the struggle, hove
him his rod, and thus turned the scale of
aid of this new ally proved most efficient,
minutes, a huge porpoise lay grasping on tht Jo,
to one against the poor porpoise, and out of hi' ill
too, what could be expected ? A few blows ,ro
bludgeon, and he was rendered hors du combat•
rofi
engage the hooks, an opening into the captive'" Pmure
store became necessary, when the cause of his car toi
came apparent. A trout bad first caught the fillbei/
porpoise afterwards caught the trout, and hence t
tell into the fisher's toils. The contents of the star
00
into which the captors had cut a passage, present if/
curious nhdley of commodities. Amongst the'ewitli
pieoe of a velvet vest, the remnant of a shoe
iron heel, a silver watch in ruins, a ladY'6
fll
tippet, or collar, and the fragment of a flute' not/
the charge of epicurism they very justly exen,'05ge
watery rover, but found it difficult to
opinion that cannibalism, es well as trout
been among the number of his crimes.—Scots
BIRTHS. law
On the 12th inst. at Archer Lodge, Hampshire, the
J. Vaughan, Esq., of a daugter. °loom.
On the 20th inst. in the Thower, Mrs. Macleod
daughter. of f
On the 17th inst. at the Countess Morel's, the la •
Vory
Watson, Esq., of a daughter. ti‘"
On the 10th hist, at Judd-place East, the lady 0-, oil
Esq. of White-hall, Garstang, Lancashire, of a son a
MARRIED.
On the 18th inst. at All Souls' Church, °lib/
Right lion. Lord C. Paulet, second son of the A1,4!"-jolin ,
chaster, to Caroline Margaret, third daughter of o'r
so?‘
den, Bart.
On the 13th inst. at Milton, next Gravesend, Sir her
isir
Bart. to to Mrs. Isabella Evans Raymond. f COad
Of; the 17th inst. at Edmonton, M. Culley, °,$t
Castle, Northumberland, to Margaret Ann, young
01
of E. Tewart, St.uthgate Palk, Middlesex.
DIED. we Vt.
On the 13th inst. Emma, the relict of the oor
Clinton. e
On the 19th inst. in York-street, Portman-squar ,
•
year, J. Hughes, Esq. of -
On the 19th inst. in Weymouth-street, the son at,
ward Thornton, Esq. Sesqtre),
On the 15th inst. of decline, at North Fair Bee:: jlao
of Wight, aged 20, Edward, son of the Rev. '
Under-graduate of Trinity College, Cambridge.
en the 17th inst. s. smith, Ecci., of Homerton•
„iv SOt •
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