The Sun.
London, England, 1836-02-24 00:00:00

!riiE SUN, LONboiV, WEDNESDAV, P_VMUJARIr 24, 1836.

ar hitetrngs took place, the Orangemen appeared armed, hay_
ing along with them, generally, not only the gentlemen of the 1
country, but Magistrates, Deputy-Lieutenant' tle ytilen, and
others who ought to knew hetter, tkit whO.U§ed the advantages
of their influence Mid ttAtibh to OptiresS the :people:. EVery
page of the tviciehob proved these hieetizt's hnd proCiesicins,
taid this description of atteriditnee.,,, to till )e.'t6'At Whien those
who had not read it could scarcely form any idea of. He could
only say, that strongly as he felt on the subject of Orange
lodges ih August last, and darkgi-ous as be thought them to
the Government ah,t tire peace of the country, the facts which
had been elicited by the inquiry proved to hint the impossibility
of peace being preserved in any Country where such institu-
tionl rtmained.—( Hear' hear.) ills present object was, that
the Government should thke some strong meaaures to put down
Orange lodges in every case, as they had already done by their
resolution lei the case of the Army.—( Hear, hear.) Unless
they did this, he conceived, they would neglect their first duty.
Their first duty was to protect the oppressed. How did they
discharge it, wilt.% they stood calmly by, and witnessed the
outrageota proceedings of these armed bodies ? It was diffi-
cult to imagine how such precessions, and such conduct as the
evidence described) CoUid ever have been tolerated. Judge
Fletcher,. in a charge delivered on the Mb of August, 1815,
said" tie had found; from experience, that those societies
tailed Orange societies had produced the most mischievous
effects, particularly in the North of Ireland. They poisoned
the very fountains of justice, and even some magistrates under
their influence had, in too many instances, violated their duty."
The Learned Judge.did not hesitate to say that all associations
in Ireland, whether of Oran seism or Ribbonism, whether dis-
tinguished by the colour of orange or green—all persons
bound together by oath, leagued for a common purpose,
endangering the peace of the country—were contrary to law;
and he added, "that should it ever happen to him to have to
decide the question, he would send down bills of indictment
to the grand jury against the individuals who were members
of such associations." Of this Judge Fletcher was certain,
that so long as these associations were permitted to act in the
lawless manner they then did there would be no tranquillity
iu that country, particularly in the north of Ireland, where
those disturbers of the public peace, Orange yeomen, as they
were termed, frequenter! fairs and public places, with arms in
their hands, under pretence of preserving the public peace,
but really for the purpose of excluding Ribbonmen and
putting them down. " Murders (said the Learned Judge) had
been frequently -committed, and though disastrous conse-
quences had ensued, such had been the influence of these

associations, that petty jurors had declined on some occasions
to do their duty. These were his sentiments, not merely as an
individual, but as a judge discharging his duty by expressing
his opinion of these associations, whose only proceedings were
the raking up of embittering recollections, and inflicting
wounds upon the feeling of others ; and he did emphatically
state it as his opinion that until they were put down, and their
arms taken from them, it was in vain in the north of Ireland
to expect peace." Such were Judge Fletcher's sentiments ;
and after twenty years more of the same facts, the same evils,
and the same results, with a constant repetition of the same
scenes in a greater or less degree, he (Mr. Hume) called
upon the Government, and upon that House, to adopt some
bold and definitive measure for remedying such a monstrous
grievance, and putting down such odious bodies. He asked
was justice administered now in Ireland ? The evidence
proved that it was not—that the members of these bodies
interfered and tampered with it in all its stages. There
were instances of magistrates having refused to take examina-
tions against men charged with murder, or of postponing it so
long as to deny justice to the relatives of the murdered man in
a thousand cases. There were instances of men charged
with murder upon oath, being permitted to escape, without
one effort to detain them. The case of Hamilton, and many
others of a similar description, were so well known, and so
completely proved, that he should but fatigue the House by
entering into one-twentieth part of them. When he saw the
source of justice polluted—when he saw insult upon insult,
and oppression upon oppression—when he saw magistrates
influenced by party feeling, regardless alike of justice and
of decency—he was indeed astonished that Secretary after
Secretary, and Lord Lieutenant after Lord Lieutenant, '
should have witnessed such scenes without an effort to abolish
them. What were the proofs before the House which no man
could controvert ? Orangemen had been allowed to carry
arms, where Catholics had not ; and arms intended to be used
to protect the public peace and maintain the authority of the
Government and the supremacy of the law, had been proved
in a hundred instances to have been used by Orangemen
against the Catholics of Ireland.—(Cheers.) Talk of doing
justice to Ireland ? Was not the name of justice a mockery,
and was it not a mockery to expect that the people of Ireland
could continue to suffer under daily insults and aggressions,
like those detailed in the evidence ? Let him refer the House

to Captain Duff's report dated 27th April, 1832 :—" Sir, I
have the honour to communicate, for the information of his
Excellency the Lord Lieutenant, that between the hours of
twelve and one o'clock this day, a large body of Orangemen,
in number from four to five thousand, marched into this town
in regular procession, carrying 24 stand of colours, their bands
playing g The Protestant Boys,' in front; and leading the pro-
cession, I observed the following gentlemen, decorated with
orange and purple :—First Lieutenant-Colonel William
Verner—(the Honourable Member opposite, he (Mr.
Hume) believed)—a deputy lieutenant in this county, as
also a magistrate for it, and the county of Armagh."
After mentioning Mr. Joseph Grier, also magistrate,
and a captain of yeomanry, Mr. Jackson Lloyd, a cap-
tain of yeomanry, and other gentlemen not holding any
commission under his Majesty's Government, the witness
continued—." As the procession was marching round the town
in the order before mentioned, some insulting language was
made use of towards them, by four or five Roman Catholics,
on which a riot ensued ; stones were thrown by each party ;
the Roman Catholics retreated, and when on their retreat
either two or three pistol-shots were fired on them by the
Orangemen, one of which took effect, and broke the left arm,
close to the elbow, of a man named Peter Sally, a Roman
Catholic." In another part of his evidence he said, " I ob-
served Colonel Verner leading, and in front of, the procession,
decorated with orange and purple, and I have the honour to
enclose herewith, for the Lord Lieutenant's information, the
affidavits of one sergeant and two privates of the constabulary
under my command, who not only observed Colonel Verner in
the manner I reported, but saw him distinctly take off his hat,
and cheer the procession he was leading." Further on he said,
" Colonel Verner not only headed the procession through the
streets of DUngannon, decorated with an orange scarf, but
he was pledged' himself to do so, four or five days previ-
ous to the procession of the 27th of April taking place, stat-
ing at the same time that he was regardless of the conse-
quences." This was only one of a number of similar in-
stances. He would state another : " About the Bth of July
(said Mr. Duff) I received information that the Orangemen
would assemble near Dungannon, at Mr. Lowry's, of Rock-
dale, instead of Dungannon, their usual place of meeting, and
I wrote to Sir William Gossett, apprising him of the circum-
stance, and begging to know whether I was to proceed there,
or send any force; and I received his orders to proceed there,
and make a full report of what took place. I did proceed
there, and this is my report, dated Dungannon, 13th July,
1832 :—" Sir, I have the honour to report, for the informa-
tion of his Excellency, the Lord Lieutenant, that the Orange-
men of this district yesterday assembled in the demesne of
Mr. Lowry, of Rockdale, Magistrate •in this county, and from
thence marched in procession to Mr. Grier's of Desnesith.
From the ground the procession occupied there could not
have been less, at the lowest calculation than from 8,000 to
9 000 Orangemen, decorated with scarfs, emblems, &c., &c.
having sixty stands of colours, and forty bands playing party
tunes, and 230 of them arrived with muskets, independent of
concealed arms. After remaining for some short time at Mr.
Grier's, they marched off in the most peaceable manner, by di-
visions, to the respective lodges, and up to this hour all has
been perfectly tranquil in respect of outrage having reached
me. The procession was headed by several gentlemen of
respectability and property in this part of the country. The
only persons I observed as holding commissions under the
Government were the following :—Hon. A. G. Stuart, de-
puty-lieutenant, as also a Magistrate of this county, and
and Captain of the Killyman corps of yeomanry, horse deco-
rated with Orange and purple, but none on his...person ; Mr.
Grier, a magistrate for this county, as also for Armagh—the
only emblem on this gentleman was that of his office of grand
master of the county, namely, a medal suspended from an
orange ribbon round his neck; third, Mr. Lowry, jun., cap-
tain of tho Cameroy corps of yeomanry, decorated with an
orange and purple scarf ; fourth, Mr. Lloyd, second captain
of the Killyman corps of yeomanry. The persons above
named arc all I observed in the procession, though I have
received positive information that the Earl of Castle Stuart
headed a procession in his neighbourhood. His second son,
the Honourable Charles Stuart, was decorated, and marched
in the procession from Mr. Lowrie's to Mr. Grier's ; several
clergymen of the Established Church also attended. These

were only a few of the very many instances of this description
of conduct on the part of public functionaries in Ireland which
he could submit to the House. Now he wished to know how
Was it possible for the Noble Lord opposite (Stanley) when
the lists of the magistrates of.the different counties in Ireland
were submitted to him for revision, to allow those to remain
who had so far forgotten their duties when in office as to con-
nect themselves with these institutions ?—( Hear, hear.) Dur-
ing his administration of the affairs of Ireland names of indivi-
duals on the list of magistrates who wcre also connected with
the Orange institution must have frequently come under his
attention.—( Hear, hear.) How could he have reconciled
it with his sense of duty to permit these individuals to re-
main on the list of magistrates ?—( Hear, hear.) He ( Mr.
Hume) would put it to the rankest Orangeman in that House,
or out of it either, whether it was not impossible that, under
such a system as that to which he had referred, peace could
possibly exist in Irelmd?—(Hear, hear, hear.) Culpable,
however, as were the Orangemen, they were not one-tenth
as much to blame as the Government of the period in which
such things had occurred.—( Hear, hear.) The adminis-
tration of the period, he repeated, were in the highest degree
culpable ; nor could he imegine how Lord Grey's Govern-
ment had been so far imposed upon.—( Hear, hear.) Let the
House look, for example, to the effect of their appointment
of Lord Caledon as Lieutenant of the county Tyrone. What
was his first act, as if in requital of the kindness of Lord
Grey's Government ? Why, to call and preside over a meet-
ing of Orangemen at Dungannon to address his Majesty ;
thanking him for dismissing the Whig Government.—( A
laugh, and loud cries of " Hear.") For his (Mr. Hume's)
part, he had only to observe, that the Government deserved
it, for having made the appointment at all.—( Hear, hear.)
They thought probably that they would have been enabled to
conciliate the Orangemen. Conciliate an Orangeman, in-
deed !—( Hear, hear.) No ; they might as well have thought
they would have been able to conciliate the most intractable
creature in existence ; and it was to him (Mr. Hume) utterly
incomprehensible how Lord Grey's Government could have
played, as they did, into the hands of the Orange party in
Ireland. But when the heads of the Orange party acted in
that manner, what was to be expected from the subalterns?—

(Hear.) When ,the LiOdten,`'itit of ,the ho'dritY And. Fts -77—body Of
f4P,lqi.ac• wS. wag found thus handed together in the cause of
action; was it to he supposed that the mass, of theie slio con-
titutpek juries , And the police and constabulary of the C6tinty
tvould be,bettel. dlsed 6ilie 4:OveCti-
iKtit and impartial justice ?—( Hear, hear.) With respect
to the juries, he should merely remark, that for thirty years not
a Roman Catholic had been appointed on the grand jury of
Fermanagh. How could it be expected that justice would be
administered under such a system ?—( Hear, hear.) The evi.
denee of Lord Gosford was conclusive upon the subject of
Orange juries. In reply to a question put to him by the
Committee, he said he had known one or two juries which
were not Orange. Some other witnesses, too, had deposed,
that they knew " of one or two cases in which the juries (in
the county of Fermanagh, as we understood the Hon. Member)
were not Orange." When such was the manner of adminis-
tvring justice, was it to be wondered at that the people of Ire.
land should hold the law in contempt, and look for justice at
their own hands? When he (Mr. Hume) had heard a Noble
Lord opposite ( Lord Stanley) detail to the House a series 'of
outrages which had taken place in Ireland, and to which
he referred for a justification of the Coercion Bill, he
( Mr. Hume) was at a loss to account for the cause of
their existence, of which lie was, in matter of fact, ex-
ceedingly sceptical. But when he came to read, or
rather to hear the evidence given before the Orange In-
stitution Committee, he was no longer at, a loss to account
for the insubordination, the existence of which had been re-
ferred to by the Noble Lord.—( Cheers.) He could easily
imagine how men might be driven by such a state of things as
was described to crime, either as a measure of self defence or
of wild revenge.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Here were the very
sources of justices polluted, even before the people's eyes-_.
lords-lieutenant, magistrates, juries, constables, and police, the
entire legislative and executive of what was called Irish justice,
bound together in the bonds of this peace-destroying association.
—( Cheers.) Ay, and it was too much to be feared that the
very judges of the land were strongly biassed by the influence, at
least, in favour of the objects of this association.—( Oh, oh, and
hear.) He did not mean to say that such was positively the fact,
but most certainly such an opinion generally existed among the
people of Ireland, and was calculated to destroy all confidence
in the administration of justice. Having so far trespassed on the
House in tracing the effect of this institution, he declared his con-
viction that his Majesty's Government, if they acted consistently
with their professional determination, to do equal justice to all
parties in Ireland; should dismiss from all civil, as well as mili-
tary offices, those who were connected with the Orange insti-
tution.—(Hear.) It was deemed essential, in order to the
maintenance of military discipline, to issue an order from the
Horse Guards, forbidding any soldiers to belong to the institu-
tion. Now, he wanted to know, why should not the same prin-
ciple be applied to civil officers ?—( Hear.) If his Majesty's
Government refused to do so, he ( Mr. Hume) for one could
not believe that they were discharging their duty to the
people of Ireland, or the empire at large. They would, in
fact, stand condemned in his opinion. He was gratified,
however, to be able to say, that the principle for which he
contended was at present being acted upon in Ireland.--
(Hear.) If there was any thing for which Lord Mulgrave
deserved more particular credit in his government of Ireland,
it was for his determined exclusion of all Orangemen from
civil employments.—(Hear.) In this Lord Mulgrave was
doing his duty to the Government who appointed him, and
to the people over whom he ruled.—( Cheers.) He (Mr.
Hume) trusted that Lord Mulgrave would persevere in this
mode of administering the affairs of Ireland, and that during
his government no Orangeman would find his way into a
situation or appointment of any description in Ireland.—
( Hear.) If he (Mr. Hume) were right in his estimate
of Lord Mulgrave's conduct, what must be the opinion of the
House in reference to his predecessors? ( Hear, hear.)
How infamous must have been their conduct, who unblush-
ingly made Orangeism the very passport to power ?—( Cheers.)
He should not detain the House, by going through any por-
tion of the immense mass of evidence which had been accu-
mulated to show the state of the constabulary and police force
in Ireland. No one, he supposed, would be found hardy
enough to deny that instead of preserving the peace, their
principal occupation was in directly violating it.—( Oh, oh !
and hear.) He believed most sincerely, that very much of
the outrages existing in Ireland originated in 'the conduct of
those bodies. He, therefore, trusted that his Majesty's Go-
vernment would take means to turn out of the police and con-
stabulary force in Ireland, every individual connected with the
Orange institution.—( Hear, hear.) There were then that
large armed body the yeomanry, many of whom were fre-
quently transferred from the dock to the ranks of their diffe-
rent corps.—(Oh, oh I) " Oh, oh!" Hon. Members cried.
But how many a time had it been proved that Roman Ca-
tholics had been shot by members of the yeomanry, and yet
no punishment had been inflicted for the crime? It was fully
proved before the Committee, that this body was in the con-
stant habit of attending Orange processions, and in one
case it was sworn that no less than one thousand had, with
arms in their hands, attended one meeting.—(Hear, hear.)
With these facts before his eyes, could any Hon. Member in
that House wonder why disturbances were in the constant
habit of taking place in Ireland ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) To
show the feeling that pervaded this society, he should only
mention, that upon the recent dismissal of some Orangemen,
by Lord Mulgrave, at Roscrea, the brotherhood had met in
very considerable numbers, and addresses without number
were poured in upon them on the occasion. In fact, this
spirit of opposition to his Majesty's Government, and to the
impartial administration of justice, seemed to pervade all
classes into which Orangeism had ibsinuated itself ; nor
could he (Mr. Hume) imagine how the country was to get
rid of the enormous burden of supporting such an army as
was stationed in Ireland, unless the House concurred with
him in the necessity of adopting some measure for sup-
pressing the Orange institution, and of thus removing the
principal use of the disturbances which existed in that
country.—(Hear, hear.) Indeed it was at present a com-
plete garrison; and yet what was their force of 40,000. or
50,000 soldiers, in opposition to seven millions, united by
the strong bond of common oppression ?—(Hear, hear.)
If the people were misgoverned they would combine in
opposition to the law, and before that combination the
army would be powerless. On the other hand, if well
governed tlev would unite in support of the law, and
the army would be useless.—( Hear, hear.) If then it were
only from the interested motive of reducing their expenditure
by reducing the army in Ireland, he called upon the House to
agree with him in declaring the necessity of putting an end to
the Orange institution.—( Cheers.) To show the effect of
this institution on the peace of the country, and what was the
result of the connection of certain individuals with it, he should
refer to the evidence of Mr. Cosmo Innes, who was examined
before the committee on Orange lodges. In that evidence he
found the following questions and answers ;--." As the result
of our official examination—what is the state of feeling and
of peace in those towns in which Orange lodges have been es-
tablished ?"—" Wherever Orange lodges have been established
and active, they have been the occasion of continual breaches
of the peace, either by their processions, which have been op-
posed, or by the bad feeling they have produced amongst indi-
viduals."—( Cheers from the Ministerial side of the House.)
" Have you discovered any other lodges of Ribbonmen or any
heexisting in that part of the country ?"—" I
ot
cannotr secret
say thatso
society
Ihyave discovered them ; I cannot speak to their
constitution. They were secret—but lam aware of their ex-
istence."--( Cheers from the Opposition.) He (Mr. Hume)
did not mean to deny their existence ; but ho contended they
were produced by a re-action.—( Hear, hear.) Further, in
the evidence he found the following :—" Does that informa-
tion lead you to conclude whether the Ribbonmen were asso-
ciated for their own defence, or as assailants against Orange..
men ?"—" All my authority is a sort of police information. I
know nothing of this matter, except as it tends to disturb the
public peace, and the breaches of the peace in Scotland on
these matters have originated certainly in processions of Orange
Lodges. lam not aware of any demonstration of Ribbon-
men which has called for any opposition." " Does the private
information which you have received lead you to believe that
this riot and these proceedings on the part of the Catholics,
had been a re-action against the associations of the Orange-
men?"—" Certainly." "So that the Orange organization
has produced, or if not produced, greatly augmented, the Rib-
loon organization ?"—" I think it is highly probable, though I
cannot speak with certainty of that fact, that there would be no
Ribbon organization."—(Cheers.) So that, not content with

keeping Ireland in turmoil, the members of this institution
were spreading the confusion of their association through Scot-
land. In other parts of his evidence, Mr. Innes said that
" the.e were four Orange Lodges in :Maybole"—that " there
was at present existing a considerable animosity, in all the
towns and places where there 'ere any Orange Lodges, between
the Catholics and Orangemen." One Lodge, it appeared, in
Scotland, was called the Gordon Lodge. He was asked by a
Member of the Committee, " Are the Committee to under-
stand that it is your: opinion, after the inquiry you have made
officially, that the existence of those Orange lodges has tended
generally to excite breaches of the peace, and re-action on the
part of the Catholics ?" To that question he replied, " To a
very great degree."—( Cheers.) Again, he was asked, " Did
you learn that any deputation had come from London to assist
in the formation of those lodges ?" He replied, " In examin-
ing, with regard to processions, I found that the last proces-
sion, previous to this year, was in consequence of a visit from
Colonel Fairman, who had travelled over the country as the
emissary from the Orange lodge of England, as I understood,
and who was received wherever he went, or in many places, by
the Orangemen in procession." " Was any reference made
by these people to the Duke of Cumberland?"—" I have here
a copy, afae simile of a warrant constituting a lodge, signed
by the Duke of Cumberland, and they all looked to the Duke
of Cumberland as their bead, and with the greatest respect."
" They regard the Duke, in fact, as their political head ?"
" Ycs ; certainly." " Was any reference made by them to
him in conversation Yes, frequently." " What do they
say of him ?"—" They only talk of him as the head of their
society and as their Grand Master; they certainly seem to
dwell upon his being the head, as proving the legality and
loyalty of their proceedings."—( Loud cheers.) It was very
obvious that the Duke of Cumberland, while he was consi-
dered as Grand Master of the Orange lodge, was proposed by
the members of the institution to be considered as the succes-
sor to the Crown.—(Oh,, oh ! and hear.) In another part of
his evidence Mr. Jones gave it as his opinion that the Orange
and Ribbon institutions were most injurious to the peace of
the country, and both ought unquestionably to be put an end
to. The effect, he said, of Colonel Fairman's visit to Scot-
land was to increase very much the numbers of the institution,
which was neither so widely extended nor so active in its ope-
rations before he appeared there. If there were no other
grounds for calling on the House promptly and effectively to
interfere, sufficient ground, he thought, was exhibited in the
extracts he bad just read.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The Duke
of Cumberland, he thought, was a dangerous man, whose
connection with such a society required to be carefully
and closely watched. It had been mentioned by Mr. Innes
in the course of his evidence, that Colonel Fairman had
made a tour of Scotland. He (Mr. Hume) held in his

~ . .
hand a titt4t eutidLN doctinien.t.=:a. Popp o'f an itinerant
warrant--4titlioriiiug ilie adthitsidn tit iitemlidts Upon taking
certain oaths: .He..,begged the partiCular attdntion of
tie House to the fact that this warrant was issued by
tthe 119ke ,oA ccrlijid; 18.4 in accordance with
the rules o .hetr:Y , Now if these
rules, as it was said and sworn before the blimtnitiee; were

canee'llcd and no longer acted upon—why, he would ask,
was this warrant. issued in accordance with them.—(Hear.)

Yet so it was—this special warrant to admit and inttlat.r ;Tx-
' sons into the Orange institution, concluded thus:—" Given
under my hand and seal at St. James's—( Loud cheering)—
this 13th day of August, 1832, Ernest, Grand Master."
That itinerant warrant commenced—" Whereas the Orange
Association was founded in grateful remembrance of one of
the most glorious achievements recorded on our historical
annals—that is to say, our deliverdnce from Popery, and ar-
bitrary power."—(Cheers from the Opposition.) Then, after
a recital of considerable length, it proceeded—" Be it known,
therefore, that from a knowledge of his experience, and
a confidence in his integrity, our trusty, well-beloved, and
right worshipful brother, Lieutenant-Colonel Fairman—( Loud
laughter)—master of the metropolitan warrant, member of the
grand committee, deputy grand master of London, acting
deputy grand treasurer, and deputy grand secretary of the
institution is hereby nominated, constituted, delegated, and
appointed to undertake the said visitation or tour of in-
spection, &c. ;" and it further proceeds, " For these
objects and general purposes, by virtue of the autho-
rity vested in me as Grand Master of the empire, by
the code of- laws and ordinances of the 30th of March;
1826, &c." Still further was the influence of the institution
extended by the " permission" granted by the Grand Master
" under his hand and seal, given at St. James's," to form lodges
in the lonian Islands and Malta. The Hon. Member then re-
ferred to the letter of the late Mr. Haywood, to show the ob-
ject with which the " mission" of Colonel Fairman was under-
taken. In corroboration he begged to read the following
letter from Colonel Fairman, addressed to "John Sydney
Taylor, Esq., Morning Herald office :"
" DEAR Sitt-LFrom those who may be supposed to have
opportunities of knowing the secrets of the Castle,' the King is
stated to be by no manner in so alarming a state as many folks
would havo it imagined. His Majesty is likewise said to
dictate the bulletins of lbs own state of health. Some whis-
perings have also gone abroad, that in the event of a demise
of the Crown, a Regency would probably be established, for
reasons which occasioned the removal of the next in suc-
cession from the office of High Admiral. That a maritime
goverment might not prove consonant to the views of a
military chieftain of the most unbounded ambition, may admit
of easy belief ; and as the second heir presumptive is not
alone a female but a minor, in addition to the argument
which might be applied to the present, than in the ordinary
course of nature, it was not to be expected that his reign could be
of long duration, in these disjointed times, it is
,by no means un-
likely a vicarious form of Government may be attempted. The
effort would be a bold one, but after- the measures we have seen,
what new violations should surprise us ? Besides, the popular plea
of economy and expedience might be urged as the pretext, while
aggrandisement and usurpation might be the latent sole motive.
It would only be necessary to make out a plausible case, which,
from the facts on record, there could be no difficulty in doing, to
the satisfaction of a pliable and obsequious set of Ministers, ae. also
to the success of such an experiment.--Most truly yours,
" Wednesday, April 6, 1830. " W. B. F.
I have scribbled this at Peel's, and; if you wish it, will write a
paragraph on the subject. From all that I hear, there can be little
doubt the King will soon resume his rides in the Great Park, now
that-the drawing-room is gone by.
" (Private. )"
The above letter was returned, as there is a post-mark dated
seven at night, April 6, 1830, and addressed thus :—" To Co-
lonel Fairman, British Coffee-house, Cockspur-street."
(The reading of the above letter was followed by loud cheers
and cries of " Oh, oh I") Such language many Members of
that House might suppose could only originate with a maniac,
but he (Mr. Hume) held the original of that letter in his hand.
—( Hear, hear.) Could the House doubt the object for which
the mission of Colonel Fairman was undertaken ?—( Hear,
hear.) It should be borne in mind, too, that it was in the year
1829 that his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland first
attended the Grand Lodge. He should now read to the House
some few letters to show the nature and the extent of the pe-
culiar connection subsisting between certain Noblemen and the
the 2
institution.OranftehApri,d was from Lord Kenyon
lan shouldThefirstletterhetoC
read. was
Fairman.wasdated
It was as follows :

" Portman-square, April 27.
" DEAR Ste--I heartily wish I could hope to be of any use in
applying at Chelsea in behalf of the writer of the inclosed. I think
we had better communicate it to his Royal Highness, as he is the
only person, except yourself, who can judiciously interfere in mili-
tary matters connected with the Orange Institutions. I hope your
attack is going pff, and that we shall have a thoroughly amicable
meeting next Friday. Brother Mair seems very frank and well
meaning. If you could get Mr. Knipe, who is a favorite, I think,
with his Royal Highness, to attend, it would be well.
" Ever, my dear Sir, faithfully yours,
" KENYON."
The next letter he should read was from the same Noble
Lord to the same gentleman :
" Portman-square, June 13, 1833.
" My dear Sir—l am grieved that our valued brother Cumber-
land should suppose for one moment he could have given me the
slightest offence. It may happen sometimes to me, as applied by
Shakespear to Brutus—
. Poor Brutus with himself at war,
Forgets to show his love to other men ;'
but I never can forget to feel it for so zealous a friend to every
cause most dear to me, as our brother Cumberland has always
proved himself to be. The statement you made to me before, and
respecting which I have now before me particulars from Ports-
mouth, arc out of my sphere, and should be referred, toties quoties,
to his Royal Highness, as military matters of great delicacy. At
the same time, private intimations, I submit, should be made to the
military correspondents, letting them know how highly we esteem
them as brethren. I hope the circular will soon be out.
Your faithful friend and brother,
" To Colonel Fairman. " KENYON."
Here were two letters, in the first of which it is said, " as
his Royal Highness, except yourself, is the only person who
can interfere in military matters connected with the institu-
tion"—and in the second, " private intimations, I submit,
should be made to the military correspondents—letting them
know"—he begged the attention of the House to this "letting
them know how highly we esteem them as brothers."—
( Cheers.) And this was written by one who 'had declared,
before a Committee, that he knew not, " until very lately,
of the existence of Orange lodges in the army."—(Renewed
cheers.) The next letter he should read referred to the
connection of his Royal Highness with military districts :
" Portman-square, July 10, 1833.
" My dear Sir,—l send you some anti-Roman Catholic books,
which you may distribute among the following Peers :—Manvers,
Stradbroke, Liverpool, Harrewby, Northampton, Carnarvon, the
Bishops of Llandaff, Lincoln (Warren's hotel), &c. &c. I can say
nothing as to Mr. Staveley's publication, but if done, it should be
forthwith, and I would take a few copies. You know much better
how to manage our brethren than I do, and they must be kept to-
gether as well as they can be. If you hear any thing further from
the military districts, let his Royal Highness know all particulars
fit to be communicated. The times, I realty trust, are improving,
quietly and gradually. Let us act firmly, and maintain all that is
sacred, and provoke no one more than can be avoided.
" Believe me, my dear Sir, yours faithfully,
• " KENYON."
Then, as to the appointment or election of the Grand Com-
mittee, he should read an extract from a letter to show that in
this case the rule of the Grand Master was supreme :
" Portman-square, May 30, 1833.
" My dear Sir—With respect to the composition of the Grand
Committee the pleasure of his Royal Highness the Grand Master is
the only rule by which its formation can properly be regulated.
Its being so framed as to produce harmony in the institution will
no doubt be the principle by which his Royal Highness will be
guided, and I am confident that, feeling, as he must do, the essen-
tial importance (especially with reference to your undertaking a
new tour to consummate the zeal and harmony of which you have
laid the foundation in North Britain and the northern and trading
districts of England), that von and the Grand Committee should be
in entire harmony and mutual confidence; therefore that neither
Brother South nor Brother Morris should continue a member of it.
The will of the Grand Master is conclusive, and no names ought to
be submitted to his Royal Highness in Grand Lodge but such as
will be satisfactory to him. The suggestion at the meeting of the
Grand Lodge is not for the purpose of election, otherwise than as in
accordance with the pleasure of the head of the institution, whose
authority is justly declared to be supreme. You may communicate
this to the Grand Committee, for we must not let our high and
zealous friends who meet at the Grand Lodge be disgusted any
more by discussions at those meetings.. Should any such be ap-
prehended, his Royal Highness should be informed, that he may,
previous to the anniversary of June, int&-diet the attendance of any
brethren who would so forget themselves. s .
" Believe me, my dear Sir, your faithful brother and friend,
" To Col. Fairmati, &c. &c." " KENYON."
( Cheers.) He should now read another letter from the same
Nobleman to the same party, upon which he should not trouble
the House with any commentary :
"
" L'astwell-park, Aug. 13, 1833.
My Dear Sir—Be so good as to sena the Earl of Winchilsea,
in a day or two (but not overweight, as yours of this morning is to
me), the circular of June 4th, and any other circular which will
contain good names and matter in it. You can say you did is by
my desire, and in hopes that he, as one of the stanchest of Pro-
testants, would join us. I am glad to hear that several persons of
judgment think we might have a Government with which the
House of Commons would act. If so, it is sad pity the Hero of
Waterloo and others would not act so as to have obtained such a
Ministry during the existing session. When Parliament is pro-
rogued, it
death of importance occurs. I hope to be in town on Thursday
is well known that nothing can be done, unless some
morning, for two nights.
" Ever your faithful friend and brothel,
KENYON."
[The reading of this letter was followed by loud laughter
and ironical cheers, with cries of " Earl Spencer." 1 This
letter let him into a secret. No doubt it alluded to the anti-
cipated death of that venerable Peer, Earl Spencer.—( Hear,
hear, and laughter)—and this language was written by a party
in intimate connection with the Duke of Cumberland.
An HON. MEMBER observed that the death of Lord Spencer
occurred in the following year.—(Hear, hear! from the Op-
position benches.)
Mr. HUME observed that the expression in the letter was,
" that as Parliament was prorogued, nothing could be done
unless a death of importance occurs. This, at any rate, alluded
to some important death, and in his opinion it anticipated the
death of Lord Spencer.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) There
were two or three letters published in the evidence on the
table, which he considered of considerable importance. Two
of these were directed to the Marquis of Londonderry, and
were copies of letters purporting to be sent to that nobleman.
These copies were found in a Cook which was laid before the
Committee. Some doubt, however, might arise as to whether
they had been received or written to his Lordship, although
they were entered on the book. There certainly appeared to
be no answers to them ; but he was now happy to say that he
had the answers of the Noble Lord to those letters now in his
possession. . The answer was dated NVynyard Park, and was
directed to Lieutenant. Colonel Fairman. It commenced, " Sir
—I was honoured with your tivo communications of the 29th and
30th ult." The object of the letters of Col. Fairman was evi-
dently to prepare the way to resort to physical force. Th&
o first

'of theist was dated the 20th of July 183. After apologising
for troubling the Noble Marquis for writing to him on the
subject of the affairs of the Orange institution, and urging
the impdridnoci df extending it in the north of England, he
proceeds
" With Mr. Wright of -,ktiiidetiand, Ad Was recently in Lon-
don I had some conversation on the god adiantages that might
reetilt from An extension of such a society at this conjuncture.
Conceiving its P7iffeiple.s to be strictly in unison with those enter-
tained by your Lordship, ;2 reurse of cur communications
);;;;Ir name was introduced, when that gatlster said ii, the mat-
ter were taken up with spirit by you, the ttithifel district wou;.!.
follow the example, and cheerfully join such an associatida, To
urge it might be political for your Lordship to do so, in a personal
sense, would be to offer you a very ill compliment ; but to contem-
plate it, as shall presently be roada to appear, in a patriotic view,
the security of that part of the kingdoni !night be consolidated by
such means. The pitmen Would perhaps feel inclined to establish
lodges among themselves, which might operate as an additional
stimulus to their loyalty, and would likevfise prove a partial check
against their entering into cabals hereafter, no legs to the preserva-
tion of
_private property, than to that of the public pet too. Know-
ing that your Lordship has firmness to espouse the cause you ap-
prove, on this occasion I address you with the less reserve. When
the altar and the throne are alike assailed—when infidelity and
treason are boldly avowed—when a republic and a lord protector
are confidently spoken of—when, indeed, re have a Popish
Cabinet, and a democratical Ministry who, having given birth
to a monster they can no longer controul, are now alarmed at
their own popularity, and are the abject slaves of a ferocious,
sanguinary, and subversive Press, little short of a miracle can
work the salvation of our once happy country ! It behoves us, ne-
vertheless, to exercise our energies, and by measures at once prompt
and vigorous, to stem the torrent that threatens to overwhelm us.
By a rapid augmentation of our physical force, we might be able to
assume a boldness of attitude which should command the respect of
our Jacobinical rulers. What the Catholics and the Unionists
have achieved by agitation and clamour in a factious cause, we
might then be enabled to effect in a righteous one. If we prove
not too strong for such a Government as the present i;, such a Go-
vernment will soon prove too strong for us ; some arbitrary step
would be taken in this case for the suspension of our meetings.
Hence the necessity of our laying aside that non-resistance, that
passive obedience, which has hitherto been religiously enforced to
our own discomfiture. The brave Orangemen of Ireland rescued
their country from rebellion, and their gallant brethren in Eng-
land would as heroically redeem their own from such perils. On the
one hand, we have had minor difficulties to contend with, and
less danger to surmount, though, on the other hand, we
have not had the same encouragement, and an equal
share of support from the higher orders. We have lodges at
Newcastle, Shields, Darlington, and round about, but they
are merely trunks without heads. Unless men of stanch in-
fluence and consideration would immediately step forward as county
grand masters (I speak advisedly), it is of no manner of use for
the classes in humble life to assemble for such purposes. The field
is now open to your Lordship —the post of honour is exclusively
your own. If then your Lordship would but profit of it, you would
deserve well of this country, while at such a crisis you would con-
fer fresh confidence on your own. In a long conversation I had
yesterday with Lord Longford, he intimated that the brethren of
Ireland were determined to resist all attempts the Liberals might
make to put them down ; at the same time reproaching us for our
tameness, in not affording an aid commensurate with the evils by
which we were menaced. In proportion to an increase in the num-
bers of our institution, the defeat of the seditious Whigs will be
rendered more certain. Should your Lordship feel disposed to
entertain views similar to my own, the Deputy Grand Master of
England is now in your neighbourhood to give them efficiency."
—(Cheers.)

Two or three days afterwards he more boldly avowed him-
self in a letter he wrote

" Cannon-row, Westminster, July 30, 1832.
" My Lord Marquis,—ln my letter of Saturday, I omitted to
mention that we have the military with us as far as they are at li-
berty to avow their principles and sentiments ; but since the la-
mented death of the Duke of York, every impediment has been
thrown in the way of their holding a lodge. The same observa-
tion that was applied to the colliers might be attached to the sol-
diery. As Orangemen, there would be an additional security for
their allegiance and unalterable fidelity in times like the present,
when revolutionary writers are striving to stir them up to open
sedition and mutiny. In trespassing thus upon the attention of
your Lordship, I am not so presumptuous as to suppose that any-
thing urged by me could influence your conduct; but understand-
ing the Duke of Cumberland has communicated with your Lord-
ship on this subject, I felt it my duty to put you in possession of
certain facts with which you might not be acquainted.
"i have the honour to be, my Lord Marquis,
" Your Lordship's very respectful and obedient servant,
" W. B. FAIRMAN.

" To the Marquis of Londonderry."
(Loud cheers.) He would now, in justice to Lord London-
derry, read the answer which he made to these communica-
tions, as they showed that he was not prepared to aid Fairman.
The answer was dated—

" Wynyard-park, August 8, 1832.
" Slit,-I am honoured with your two communications of the
29th and 30th ult.

" You do me only justice in believing that I would most willingly
embrace every opportunity, and do all in my power to espouse the
cause and establish the institutions you allude to in this part of the
kingdom ; but the present state of liberal Whig feeling in this very
Whig county, and the very refractory and insubordinate state of the
pitmen, entirely preclude the possibility of successful efforts at this
juncture. I have had a full conversation and communication with
Lord Kenyon on all this matter, who has been in my house these
last two days, and I have no doubt he will convince his Royal High-
ness, as well as yourself, that the present moment is not the time
when the object can be forwarded.

" I will lose no opportunity of embracing any opening that may
arise • and

" I have the honour to be, Sir, your very obedient servant,
(Signed) " VANE LONDONDERRY."
Directed)
" Colonel Fairman, Cannon-row, Westminster,
(Post-mark, Stockton). London."
_

He thought that it was but justice to say that he was not in
possession of this letter until a few hours ago, and he felt
bound to add, that whatever might be the views or intentions
of the individual to whom he alluded, that the Noble Lord
was not a party to them.
Lord CASTLEREAGH rose to order. He wished to
know if the last expression of the Honourable Member was
applied to Lord Londonderry or to Colonel Fairman.—
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.)
Mr. HUME said that the last expression in the letter was,
" I shall not lose any opportunity that may arise of giving
my opinion."

Loi-d CASTLEREAGH was quite sure that the Hon.
Member would, on reflection, feel that he (Lo'rd Castlereagh)
was justified in pressing his question. He wished to know
whether the Hon. Member alluded to his (Lord Castlereagh's)
father as the individual having certain intentions ?—( Loud
cries of " No, no," from the Ministerial benches.)

Mr. HUME replied, certainly not. He alluded to Colonel
Fairman, and not to the Noble Lord in question.—( Hear,
hear.) He repeated, he did not know what might be the pro-
jects of that individual.—( Hear, hear.) He would proceed
step by step with other documents. The next letter he had
was dated the 28th of November, 1832, and was from Lord
Kenyon to Col. Fairman, it was directed from Peel Hall.
( Cheers and laughter. ) . _ _

" Peel Hall, aith December.
"My Dear Colonel and Brother—l am here again with my
venerable aunt, 89 years of age, on a Christmas visit, but return
to Gretlington next Thursday. Anxiously do I wish the Cock of
the North may think it right to come to Glasgow. The warm
feeling of Lord J. Campbell, who was a little my junior at Christ
Church, Oxford, is very gratifying, and promises, please God we
may be blessed with better times, much good in the north here-
after. His old relation, John Campbell, Accountant-General, was
always proud of him as a Campbell, and I hereby wish he may live
and in due time long enjoy the family honours. I will send our
Grand Treasurer your circular. His Royal Highness promises
being in England a fortnight before Parliament re-assembles, and I
hope will come well. To him privately you had better address
yourself about your military proposition, which to me appears very
judicious, I wish such as his Royal Highness would, without ne-
glecting the prime consideration, viz., the fitness /of anything pro-
posed, attend, in addition to that, to what is popular. Our enemies
attend to that alone, which is base : we seem to disregard it too
much, which is foolish.

" Ever yours, faithfully,

~ KENYON."

(Cheers and laughter.) Here again there was allusion to a
military proposition connected with the Orange institution, in
a letter of Lord Kenyon's.--(Cheers.) That Noble Lord in
another letter said, " It is a great pity, too, that the amiable
Duke of Buccleuch does not see the immr.nse importance of his
sanctioning such a cause as the Orange cause, identified as it is
with high Conservative principles." This letter was addressed
from Ellesmere, and of the date of October 20, 1833, and was
directed to Lieutenant-Colonel Fairman, Gordon-castle. The

next Noble Lord to whose conduct with reference to these
societies, he had to call the attention of the House, was Lord
Wynford. That Nobleman, as was well known to the House,
as an ex-chief justice, and hall, since his retirement, been
made an Orangeman, and he held in his hand a letter written
of that Noble Lord, the contents of which he could hardly
bring himself to believe till he saw them. It was from Lord
Kenyon to Colonel Fairman, it was dated Portman-square,
June Ist. It was as follows:—" Lord Wynford has fixed
Monday, at half-past 12, at the House of Lords to be initiated
an Orangeman.—( Loud cheers.) He has a private room of his
own there as Deputy Speaker."—( Loud continued cheering. y
He ( Mr. Hume) did not think that they had an Orange Lodge,
within their walls—( Renewed cheers)—bad as Ocangeism was
he thought that at any rate it would keep at a distance, in-
stead of exhibiting such reckless boldness as to form. one of
the Houses of the Legislature into a place to hold Orange
Lodges.—( Loud cheers.) He mentioned this in order to show
what followed, and the feelings and language which were held
by the'Noble Lord with reference to the Duke of Cumberland,
who, be it recollected, alone had the management of the mili-
tary affairs Of the institution. The letter was dated Chisel-
hurst, and was directed to Colonel Fairman at Birmingham.
It began, My dear Sir, I am much obliged to yon;" and,
after some unimportant observations, proceeded in the following
terms :—" He (the Duke of -Cumberland) is one of the best
and most ill-used men I know ; but the Whigs will never for-
g'vc his using the influence which his exoeent unierstamrni,
and his steady adherence to his Principles, gave him with his
hrother,:to unseat them when last in office.—( Cheers from the
Opposition.) The Tories have not been sufficiently grateful
to him.—( Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) The coun-
try, as it becomes better acquainted with Whig misrule, will
learn to appreciate his merits.—( Cheers from the Opposition.)
As you are so obliging in your last letter as to ask my advice
as to whether you could pursue the course that you have so
ably begun, I can only say that you must exercise your discre-
tion as to the Company in which you make such appeals as
that which I have seen reported. —( Hear.) When you meet
only sure Tories—( Loud cheers from the Ministerial side of
the House)—you may well make them fear what they own to
one who is the constant, unflinching advocate of the party, and
who, by his steady course, has brought on himself all the ob-
loquy that a base, malignant faction can invent."—( Renewed
cheers.) The next letter to which he should direct the atten-
tion of the House was from Doncaster, and was dated the 12th
of Feb., 1833, and was from Col. Fairman to Lord Kenyon,
He would trouble the House with the following extract from
it : —Lord Wynford, the soundness of whose judgment few per-
sons would be so hardy as to call in question, was so kind as to
write me word he had read with much pleasure the report of
my proceedings in Bietningham. I believe I mentioned that

9 I had .cc;rsulted his Lordship on the propriety of my continuing
to introduce ii?e Duke's name in the prominent shape I had
previously done, and with the policy of which he seemed
to agree. Thore is one strong point which induces me
to cherish a hope that I love been able to work a change in
the sentiments of the press, which is, that the foulest part of
it, I fancy, has not attacked me, nor attempted to gainsay my
comments in refutation of the calumnies so lavishly put forth
against our Illustrious Grant! Master. If he would but make
a tour into these parts, for w
I have prepared the way, h
isions as to what Co_
would be idolized."—(Loud che,:rs:). Hon. Gentlemen
w;,,01d perceive in those letters some al.!
long lia;:nian was charged by Haywood wit;; having done at
Sheffield, name:i; as to what he and other Oran: omen would
do in certain cases.—( near, hear.) Haywood had ci..llleyed
coltitradiction as to what he alleged respecting the doh)), s of
Fairman in this town. Did not this letter of Lord Wynfor
in some degree support those charges ; for in it he told Fair-
man that he might speak more openly when he met only sure
Tories.—( Cries of " Hear, hear," and " No, no.") Certainly
all that was alluded to in the letter was the propriety of making-
a more prominent use of the name of the Duke of Cumber-
land. He did not suppose that Fairman would, without great
caution, propose to Lord Londonderry, Lord Wynford, and
Lord Kenyon, what he would propose to persons id an infe-
rior cation and they had evidence that this person, act-
ing under tGe itinerant warrant of the Duke of Cumber-
land, did use isriguage of the most danger Gus charac-
ter.—(Hear, hear, hear.) There was another commu-
nication from Fairman to Sir James Cockburn, dated the
14th of July, 1831. It commenced—" By a late return
it appears our strength in this country exceeds 135,00 D, and
it is fast augmenting as regards numbers; we are infinitely
less on this side the water in this respect. We are by no
means so assiduous as we might be, in .ttending to the in-
crease of the• numbers of the society, and onlarging its in-
fluence. My fine fellows who compose the , lodges in the
capital, none of whom are Reformers, are stanch to the back-
bone; and should it be necessary for the lives and p.roperties
of those great men who risk both to prevent revolutionary
changes, I could muster them at my summons."—(Loud
cheers.) This, he thought, was quite sufficient to satisfy Lilo
House ; but there were a number of other documents of si-
milar importance, to which he also feat bound shortly to re-
fer the attention of the House. The first paper was the
draft of a letter, as he believed, to the Duke of Cumber-
land. There was no address to it. but fram the tenor of it
there could be no doubt, he (Mr. Hume) thought, as to its
being addressed to the Duke of Cumberland :

" Should an indisposition which has agitated the whole country
for a fortnight, take a favourable turn—should the Almighty, Us
his mercy, give ear unto the supplications to his heavenly throne,.
that are offered up daily to prolong the existence of one deservedly
dear to the kingdom at large—the divulgement I have expressed a
willingness to furnish, would be deprived of no small portion of its
value. Even in this case, an event for the consummation of which
in common with all good subjects I obtesta the duty, it might be as
well your Royal Highness should be put in possession of the rash
design in embryo, the better to devise measures for its frustration.
At any rate, you could not then be taken by surprise, as the nation
was last year, but might have an opportunity of rallying your forces,
and of organising your plans for the defeat of such machinations as
m;ght be 11.3,.ti1e to your pa ar o drams. Hence shcuM the expe-
riment be made, and its expedience be established, your Royal Highness would be in a situation to contend for the exercise in
your own person of that office at which the wild ambition of
another may prompt him to aspire."—(Cheers and laughter.)
He confessed that he did not exactly understand it, but possi-
bly the public might. At any rate it was in Fairrnan's hand-
writing. Here, then, they had his Royal Highness at the
head of the Orange Lodges, having in his confidence an individual
who was sending inflammatory documents throughout the cortnlrY,
and spreading most dangerous doctrines in all directions, and
endeavouring to keep up a constant agitation against the Govern-
ment.—( Hear, hear.) They found, also, that the exposure of the
proceedings of this person did not prevent Isis Royal Highness from
continuing him in his confidence.—(Cheers.) He therefore
thought that he was justified in assuming that there was something
more in the transaction than he saw.—( Hear, hear.) All the pa-
pers and documents that had hitherto been produced, had been
written to or by this person in his official capacity as secrztary to the
Orange institution, and he had positively refused to furnish the
House with other papers and communications respecting this sub-
ject, which he admitted were in his posseision.—( Hear, hear.) The
House was placed in a very strange situation ; but he trusted that
they. would act with firmness, and put a stop to a state of things
that had been fraught with so much mischief. He need hardly read
any more extracts from the returns of evidence, because he was sure
that all the Members had seen it. He would however refer for a
moment to the evidence of Mr. Crawford, with respect to the
feelings with which the lower class of Orangemen regarded the
Duke of Cumberland.—(Hear, hear.) That Gentleman said
that some rioters who were arrested statod that they were Orange-
men, and that they acted under the warrant of the Duke of Cum-
berland, which was higher than that of the Duke of Northumber-
land.—(Cheers.) The evidence of Mr. Crawford also clearly
showed the danger which was likely to arise from allowing such
men to remain longer in the army.—(Hear, hear.) It was fonnd
almost impossible to undeceive the lower class of Orangemen, who,
when they heard that the King's brother was at the head of their
society, and that he was a field-marshal, believed that they could
break the law with impunity. The time was arrived when the
House should come to a firm and determined opinion one way or
the other. If any man in that House was of opinion that Orange
lodges were beneficial and should be continued, he would, of
course, vote against his motion; but all who believed that they
had proved dangerous to the peace of society wherever they existed
—that they had proved so in Ireland, and also in those places where
they had been established in Scstland, would' Vote with him. Lives
had been lost in all parts of the country where they had been
established, and in places whore peace had previously con-
stantly prevailed. The conduct of the Orangemen had led to
the commission of murder at Airdrie, which, before an Orange
lodge was established there, was one of the most quiet places
in Scotland, and for this crime he believed one man had suffered
the punishment of death, and another had been banished for
life. It was the countenance given to these societies by the Dike
of Cumberland, and the use that was constantly made of his name,
that rendered their existence so dangerous—( Hear, hear.) Olt
these grounds he put it to the House whether it would not agree to
the resolutions which he held in his hand. Before, however, pro-
posing his resolutions, he would refer to a few more documents.
He ld in his hand a copy of a letter from Lord Cole to Colonel
Fairman, dated 1833, Florence-court. It begins—" Dear
Colonel—Some of the signs and passports have been changed."
He read this to show the footing Colonel Fairman was on with the
heads of the party. Again, there was a letter to Lord Longford—
(Cries of " No, no ! Lord Langford.") Well, there might be a
mistake in the name, but there was alss a letter from that Noble
Lord. He would now read some observations of Captain Fairznan

on the state of thepublie•press; they were addresscd'to Lord Ken-

yon, and were as follows

"My Lord—ln forwarding to your Lordship the enclosure of
yesterday, which for itself speaks so distinctly as to leave me but
little to add on the same subject, I am persuaded you will not con-
sider me to have been importunate or obtrusive. Should those with
whom your Lordship is in the habit of acting, see the necessity, at
& crisis of .danger like the present, for such an engine, the sooner it
shall be set in motion the better. The daily press has long been
monopolised by, and is now in the sole possession ef, the enemy.
Hence the multitude who seldom takes much trouble to reflect, who
possess not the faculty of judging for themselves, are led astray by
the sophistries so sedulously put forth for their misguidance. That
filthy concern—the Times."

(Cheers, and great laughter.) It was necessary to inform Hon.
Gentlemen that he (Mr. Hume) held in his hand three or fourpro-
positions to establish newspapers, which were to advocate the prin-
ciples of the Orange Society, and be in the interest of the lodges.
—( Hear, hear.) 'The lion. Member proceeded to read—" That.
filthy concern, the Times— ( Larighter)—which spares neither age
nor sex—( Cheers, and renewed laughter)—public bodies nor pri-
vate individuals—(Cheers and laughter)—which, at a less degene-
rate era, would have been burnt by the common hangman—ought to
be forthwith checked in its flagitious course of unparalleled infamy.
—( Great laughter, and cries of " Hear, hear.") Such a sacri-
legious print is well worthy of its new friends—(Great cheering
and laughter)—who are inexoroblc in their resentments and politi-
cal animosities, as the vehicle of their rancour, has ever been vin-
dictive and diabolically mischievous in all its aims."—(Laughter.)
Therc'appears to have been some peculiarly strong link which
bound the active author of these epistles to his Illustrious Friend.—
( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member concluded with observing, that
though some of the latter part of his statememts had excited
laughter, the subject was one of the most grave importance.—
( Hear, hear.) There was 'clear proof of the existence of a Society
composed of (as was allowed by themselves) 300,000 men, united
together, and so organised as to be in a situation to be called forth
in a body on whatever occasion, whether for good or evil, when re-
quired to do so by their Illustrious Grand Master.—(Hear, hear. )
How wild and visionary the ideas this Society were was evi-
of

dcnced in the speculatiOns put forth by Fairmati, of how, in the
event of the demise of the Crown, the heir apparent, the Princess
Victoria, should be set aside, and in favour of whom?—(Hear,

hear.) The whole system ought at once to be put an end to—
(Hear, hear)—and he trusted his Majesty's Ministers would do it.
—(Hear, hear.) The lion. Member then read his proposed reso-

I tions foII~R'

" 1. That this Hons.:, taking into consideration the evidence
given before the select committee appointed to inquire into the na-
ture, extent, character, and .tendency of Orange lodges, associa-
tions, or societies in Ireland; and of Orange institutions hi Great
Britain and the Colonies : and seeing that the existence of Orange

societies is highly detrimental to the peace of the community, by
exciting discord amongst the several classes of his Majesty's sub-
. _ . . .

jects ; and, seeing that it is highly injurious to the due administra-
tion of justice, that any judge, sheriff, magistrate, juryman, or any
other person employed in maintaining the peace of the country,
should be bound by any secret obligation to, or be in any combina-
tion with, any association, unknown to the laws, and founded upon
principles of religious exclusion, that even if justice were impar-
tially administered under such circumstances, which is in itself im-
possible, yet any connection with such societies would create sus-
picions and jealousies detrimental to the peace•and good govern-

•
tnent of this country.
" 2. That Orange societies, and all other political societies which
have secret forms of initiation, and secret signs, and are bound to-
gether by any religious ceremony, are especially deserving of the
severest reprobation of the House, and should no longer be per-
.

witted to continue.
`O3. Tha, a humble address be presented to his 11faj, ey, that his
Majesty
will be graciou ly pleased to direct measures to be taken to
remove from the public service, at home and abroad, every judge,
privy councillor, lord lieutenant, deputy lord lieutenant, eustos ro-
tolorurn, magistrate, militia officer, inspector, chief constable of the
who shall I
I i b 2 .amn nd lodge,bein g
bound or of
constabulary and peace preservation en force, every officer of police
in Ireland, and every functionary employed in the admgeinvneissrtaronardtiopnasos-f
justice, and in maiPtatning the peace of the country,
at-
tend the meeting of any Orange lodge, of any
any other political ebb, institution or
ainsds o
with
i iattbi r.
secret
whenever esni
yof such bodies, and who shall not
wher-
ever assembled, having secret forms of initiation
associations on or' before the togetherexpira-
tion jod, str
af
o; b.
rfyreocaioungynmiii-tcri
iloii
recognition
societiesoo fu smeeemrebnn
ear
ro
sn
publication of any proclamation which
the
t i direct to be issued hereupon, foi7bia-
tion of one month after
ding their continuing to be members
his M,jesty may be pie:ored
of such Orange lodges, societies,
and asso;:iations."

Sir WILLIAM AIOLESNITORTII—I rise to second the notion
of my Hon. Friend. I would call the attention of the House to
the concluding paragraphs of the Report. of the Committee en the
Orange Institutions of Great Britain. After having cited a:por-
tion of the statutes of 39 Geo. 111., c. 79, the Report says,--" IG
will be for the House to consider whether the present organiza-
tion of Orange Lodges, in connection with the Imperial Grand::
Lodge, comes within the words of the statute, and, if so, whethok
the law officers of the Crown should not be directed to institute
legal proceedings, without delay, against the grand officers of all
Orange Lodges."--(Hear, hear.) I know that the Orangemen
consider this institution not to be an illegal one, because, in 184,