The Sun.
London, England, 1849-10-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LND ON, TUESDAY EVENING OCTOBER 0, IR4O

CHOLERA AND DIARRIKEA.

RETURN OF CASES, Mr. 6.
THE METROPOLIS.
SUPERINTENDING REGISTRAR'S DISTRICT.
Dvatlis.
Cholera. Diarrh.

O 1
2 0
4 0
1 0
O 1
O 0

3 0
0 0
1 0
0 1
1 0

1 1
1 0
1 0
1 1
o o
1 3
o o
O 0

••• ... -
EAST DISTRICTS.

Total

0,-.

1 0
7 , 1
1 0
9 2
8 1

4 1
14 1
0 .1
1 0
2 0

11 3
1 0
0 1
2 0
20 6
1 0
1 0
2 0
11 0
4 1
2 0

SCOTLAND,

Wicke, Caithness ... ••• ..."...
Bores ••• .. ... ...
ArUroskth (from Oct, 4) ••• --
Hawick ••• ... ...
Dunr,ar (Sept. 30 to Oct. 6) ...
Perth ... •• ... ...
Dundee
••• ...

1 , 0

2 0
9 0
1 ' 0
4 0
4 0
2 0

Total
General total:—
Metropolis
Country
Scotland

23 0

44 25
387 115
23 0

Total

NOTE —The deaths are returned according to the
superintendent registrars' districts, as it is found im•
practicable to ditinguish every place separately.

CHOLERA. DIARREICEA.
Fri. Sat. Fri. Sat.
LONDON. Oct. Oct. Oct. Oct.
sth. 6th. sth. 6th,
West Districts ... 3 7 1 2
North Districts ... 1 5 4 1
Central Districts ... 2 5 6 5
Fast Districts ... 12 15 5 8
South Districts ... 17 12 6 9

44 22 25

LITERATURE.

THE TEMPORAL BENEFITS OF CHRIS-
TIANITY, exemplified in its Influence on the
Social Intellectual, Civil, and Political Condition
of Mankind. By Robert Blakey, author of " The
History (if the Philosophy of Mind."
" There is a notion very prevalent among Christians
of all sects (observes the author of this volume) that
the Bible is entirely a spiritual instrument, that it has
little or no connexion with temporal or worldly ob-
jects; that the general benefits of civilization and im-
provement are produced solely by the unassisted
faculties of the human mind ; and that whether they
adopt or reject the Scriptures, it is all the same as to
social and political matters." To show the unsound-
ness of such opinions is the avowed object of Mr.
Blakey's work, and most succesfully is that object
achieved. The very voluminous materials necessary
for a history stretching back almost to the Creation
have been condensed into one volume, containing
somewhat less than 400 pages, nevertheless the argu•
merits enforced lose nothing by the condensation ; on
the contrary, the whole multiform system
is brought at once under the consideration
of the reader. This will be more evident
by a brief analysis of the work—a work of
at hich the interesting style and judicious mode of
treatment are only inferior in attraction to the en-
thralling matters of which it relates. It is divided
into three parts—the first treats of " the social and
religious influence of Christianity." Prefixed to this
section is a very interesting summary of the Jewish
code of laws, a necessary introduction to any consi-
deration of the influence of Christianity, for, accord-
ing to a beautiful saying of the great panegyrist of
the Jews, Mr. Disraeli—
" Judaism is incomplete without Christianity, and
Christianity is incomprehensible without Judaism."
On concluding the perusal of this interesting intro-
duction the reader fully coincides with Mr. Blakey's
judicious comments on the beneficial effects of the
government of Moses :
" In all the governments and empires of the East the
people were held but of little account. In Rome they
here fighting slaves, in Sparta Helots, in Athens idle
vagabonds, and throughout the whole ancient world the
masses of the people were degraded, brutalised, and op-
pressed by political despotism. To this general rule the
Jewish republics are an illustrious exception. No better
organization ever existed than that of the Hebrews:
ready on a moment's call to resist an attack on their
country, they may well be regarded as the noblest spe-
cimen of an independent nation the world has ever seen,
and realising the beau ideal of a truly powerful and in-
telligent commonwealth."
We now come to consider " the influence of Christi-
anity on the social, intellectual, and religious cha-
racter of mankind," which softening influence is
visible in nine different ways—" The general current
of philosophical thought gradually changed by
Christian doctrines and precepts ; the social effect of
monastic institutions, in. reference to which Mr.
Blakey observes, ' As a Protestant, I have my own
opinions on their general expediency in a religious
point of view ; but these must not be allowed to blind
me as to certain effects or influences which resulted
from the monastic., and which are visibly imprinted
on a portion of the world's history. This would be
unjust both towards them and to the cause of histori-
cal truth. The very nature of these institutions, and
the general and personal rules enjoined by ecclesias-
tical authority for their regulation, must naturally
have produced mild, sociable, and humane feelings in
the large masses of mankind by whom they were
surrounded.' In support of this view of the subject
Mr. Blakey here quotes M. Guizot, (a Protestant) ;
political duties and obligations became viewed through
the medium of Scripture truth ; the establishment of
the Christian Sabbath ; the endowment of schools and
colleges for general instruction ; the establishment of
communes, free cities, fraternities, guilds, and
corporations; the influence of Christianity in
softening the horrors and cruelties of war ;
the influence of the Christian system on the rights
and comforts of the poor ; the benefits indirectly
derived from the cultivation of the scholastic philo-
sophy." By these various channels the ennobling in-
fluences of Christianity gradually but effectually
exerted a most salutary influence over the hearts and
intellects of men brutalised by the ferocities of barba-
rism or debased by heathenish corruptions. This
pure and peaceful revolution is briefly but empha-
tically depicted by Mr. Blakey in the most interesting
and admirable manner. The same remark applies to
Part 11., " On the Legal Influence of Christianity."
The strenuous and unceasing efforts of the Church to
effect the abolition of slavery are not among the
minor benefits of Christianity. These efforts form
the topic of the first section of" The Legal Influences."
On this subject Mr. Blakey remarks :
" The important principle of the perfect equality of
man is clearly laid down in the Scriptures. We are not,
however, to consider this phrase as affirming that all
mankind are equal in point of bodily strength,
riches, intellectual sagacity, or that all are
entitled to an equal portion of civil authority
and influence; - as some speculative philosophers
have maintained. The natural equality which the
Bible establishes is just this—that all mankind were
originally deriVed from one parent; that they are all
Gbjects of equal care to their Creator, so far as their
bodily wants are concerned, and that all have an equal
right to be treated in a just and humane manner by the
laws of all nations recognising the word of God for
their guide and directory. We cannot look at the laws
of heathen legislators without perceiving that many of
them, and of great importance too, in reference to the
liberty and happiness of the subject, had been founded
upon the openly avowed principle that one part of man-
kind were better in nature than another, and that the
poor and humble of station had no right to the same
impartial justice as the opulent and distinguished in
rank- This was one of the leading defects which lay
lurking at the bottom of all the laws of Greece and
Rome.'

" There is no feature of European civilization
more strikingly developed," continues Mr. Blakey,
" through the influence of the religious principle,
than that of the abolition of slavery. We find the
Church waged an incessant war against it."
The second of these legal benefits is the
change effected in the institution of mar-
riage. The Church, notwithstanding the con-
tinual efforts of powerful opponents, proclaimed
the indissolubility of the marriage tie, thus effecting
an almost incalculable change for the better in public
manners and individual morally. The facility of
divorce under the Roman laws had produced such
lamentable consequences, that according to Seneca,
the Roman women reckoned time, not by the years
of the consuls, bat by the number of their husbands I
Again, the salutary influence of the Church is seen in
the modification of the arbitrary authority vested in
the father of a family. The Roman law gave the
father the power of life and death over his children,
and (says Mr. Blakey) "we find that when the Chris-
tian spirit had gained a little strength, and began to
make its voice heard among the rulers of the earth,
one of the first things which called far its benevolent
energies was the Roman law of parent and child.
We see this in many writings of the early fathers of
the Church." As the fourth of the legal benefits of
Christianity, Mr. Blakey mentions the salutary in.,
fluence of the canon law. " It is manifest," he says,
"that the canon law must have exercised a prodigious
influence on the general spirit of legislative and civil
jurisprudence throughout every state in Christendom,
an influence which is telt in every department of law
and equity at the present moment. In no legal depart-
mentcan we direct the eye where it is not perceptible."
The third division of this volume considers the political
or general influence of Christianity. It is hardly
necessary to say that this portion of the work is
possessed of a most enthralling interest when we
notice among its contents a brief but spirited history
of the Crusades and a glimpse of the peculiar features
of chivairy—topics, the briefest mention of which con-
jures up visions of romance and heroic enthusiasm ;
and these topics have been dealt with by Mr. I3lakey
in a gentle and right chivalrous spirit. This section,
likewise, comprises a reference to the political and
ecclesiastical revolutions of modern times—the Pro-
testant Reformation and the English Revolution; the
history of social and political literature and philosophy
—general literature and the philosophy of human
nature, and also (which we have omitted to enumerate
in its proper place) a chapter on the influence of the
Papacy. Rightly has Mr. Blakey declared in his
preface that he has avoided the spirit of sec-
tarianism. " I have," he says, " been invari-
ably desirous of doing justice to all parties."
He has been animated by a spirit of Catholic (1. e.,
universal) Christianity. As a proof of this, while he
considers the Reformation as a further development
of the blessings of Christianity, and while he speaks
of the Presbyterians and Independents as of men

" to whose united exertions, talents, and public spirit
► , the British people are under deep obligations for the
greater part of the civil and religious privileges they
now enjoy ;" yet, in the above-mentioned chapter,
" on the influence of the Papacy," he Attributes due
honour to that institution which has elicited the en-
thusiasm of Mr. Macaulay. Here again Mr. Blakey
quotes the Protestant Guizot in support of his enco-
miums on the beneficial influence of the Papacy in
the troublous times of barbarism. "I think, then,
humanly speaking," says Guizot, " that it is not too
much to aver, that in the fourth and fifth centuries it
was the Christian Church that saved Christianity;
that it was the Christian Church, with its institutions,
its magistrates, its authority—the Christian Church
which struggled so vigorously to prevent the interior
dissolution of the empire, which struggled against the
barbarian, and which in fact overcame the barbarian.
It was this Church, I say, that became the great
connecting link, the principle of civilization between
the Roman and barbarian world." Again, on this
subject, Lir. Blakey observes :
‘• Unquestionably the Papacy was a fierce and
uncompron ising power to the rulers of mankind—those
whose maxims are based on absolute right, and enforced
and support d by reckless ambition, cruelty, and rapine.
But, viewing it
,as a whole during many ages, its general
policy was evidently to tighten the reins on querulous
and unprincipied usurpers, and to weaken the ties
which bound the multitude to their iron sway. Its
maxims of authority were arrogant and despotic, but its
practical influence was salivary and remedial. To the
rulers of the earth it preached the doctrine of absolute
submission; but its practice was to strike off the fetters
of the bondsmen and the slave, and to extend the
liberties and privileges of the community at large. The
voice of the Vatican shook the firmest throne, and made
the hearts of the most redoubtable princes sink within
them, but to the merchant and the trader, the farmer
and the vassal, the parish priest and his flock, its tones
of thunder were little heeded, because their fulmination
had no especial reference to themselves and their ordinary
pursuits."

Mr. Blakey has acted both justly and judiciously
in speaking out thus boldly. Truth can never be
forwarded by the weapons of calumny or misrepre-
sentation, and those Protestant writers who denounce
in one sweeping condemnation all things connected
with Romanism, simply because so connected, are far
from forwarding the principles of the Reformation.
As another evidence of Mr. Blakey's impartiality, we
quote the following paragraph in reference to the
scholastic philosophy in the dark ages, which will
astonish many of our readers (be it observed, also,
that Mr. Blakey always writes the term " dark ages"
either in italics or with inverted commas, as if to
show that he at least does not consider them especially
dark) :
" When we consider that ninety-nine parts out of a
hundred of all the political and social legislation of mo-
dern Europe came under the direct cognizance of those
scholastic divines—were made especial topics of eager
and passionate discussion—placed side by side in all their
remote bearings and ramifications, with the declarations
and truths of the Scriptures—admitted as canons of truth
and fitness only as they squared with the direct Word
of God--when we consider., these matters we are con-
strained to acknowledge that what goes under the deno-
mination of scholastic philosophy comprehends within
itself a vast body of sound knowledge. * • There
was a more open and direct communication with the sacred
volume than at the present day, even though this volume
is PON multiplied to an almost indefinite extent, and
circulated among all classes of the people. * * *
There is less known of the nature and import of Scrip-
ture, in connexion with man's duty and interest as a
member of civil scciety, than there was in what are pro-
verbially termed the Dark ayes."

The subject of this work is one of universal inte-
rest, and the manner of its treatment fits it for
universal perusal. The young and unlearned
will comprehend and derive information from
it, for its style is remarkable for simplicity,
and its explanations for explicitness; and, at
the same time, even those who are not ignorant of
the various matters to which it relates will find, in
the admirable summary which it gives of so many
complicated topics, at once a refreshment of their

. .
memory and a source of interesting meditation. Let
no one suppose from the name that this work is serious

as a homily or dry as an abstract history ; on the
contrary, if one epithet describes its character more
particularly than any other, it is the epithet of inte-
resting. Some of the chapters are as enthralling as
the pages of a novel. Cordially we commend the
work to general perusal ; it is calculated to make its
readers wiser, and happier, and better—and few are
the volumes of which we can say so much.

AUSTRIAN LOAN.

MEETING AT THE'LONDON TAVERN.

A public meeting was held at the Lond_n Tavern
yesterday, at one o'clock, to consider the advertisement
recently issued by the Austrian Government for a I,,en
of 7,000,000/. sterling, and to agree to an address to the
friends of peace and disarmament throughout the world,
on the general question of loans for war purposes.
The large room in which the meeting was held was
crowded to excess. Among those present on the plat-
form we observed—Rich. Cobden, Esq., M.P.; Mr. G. W.
Alexander; Lord Dudley Stuart, M.P.; J. Williams, Esq.,
M.P.; Rev. John Burnet; Charles Gilpin, Esq.; John
Marland, Esq.; John Jones, Esq.; John Scoble, Esq.;
Thomas Beggs' Eoq ; Richard
.Burritt, Esq.; Alfred
Rosling, Esq.; J. C. Williams, Esq.; Frederic Tuckett,
Esq.; and Edward Perry, E.g.
Mr. Cobden's appearance on the platform was the
signal for a loud burst of applause.
Mr. ALEXANDER, member of the Seciety of Friends,
was unanimously elected to take the chair. After
making a few preliminary obset vations, he said the time
had nearly, if not wholly, passed by, when Governments
would be able to obtain loans for the purpose of carry
ing on war, not only in cons( quence ot the impolicy o
the thing, but because prudent capitalists woeid not
venture their money in speculations so uncertain. L
was an cecouraging fact that only a very small pore
tion, indeed, of the Austrian lour, as lately adver-
tised iu the newspapers, had been Lken up.—(Llear,
hear, and cheers.) They were called upon on that
occasion not merely to object to loan, because any in-
vestment in it was attended with risk, but chiefly be-
cause they had reason to believe that it was contractt.d
for the purpose of carrying on a devastating was in these
countries to which Austria stood in the relation of head.
They objected not only to the cruel system of maintaining
standing armies, but also to a system of loans, which led
to acts of continual aggression by Governments against
their subjects cr the subjects of other countries.
Mr. Conner; then rose to propose the first resolution,
and was received with a loud burst of applause. He
said:—Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I have to propose
the following resolution:—
" That the Government of Austria having proposed
to raise a loan in foreign countries, capitalists and men
of business are thereby invited to investigate the finan-
cial position of the said Government, and the probability
of its repaying the loan thus proposed to be contracted;
and that it is the opinion of this meeting that no valid
security is tendered, or can be offered, in the present
state of the Austrian Government, which would, justify
prudent men in taking any part of the said loan. '
It has, gentlemen, been my privilege to address my
fellow-country men as often, and probably at as great a
variety of places, as many men now living ; but I will
say, with unfeigned confidence, that there never was an
occasion when I came before my fellow-countrymen
where I stood as firmly on theground ofjustice, humanity,
and sound political economy, as do at the present
moment.—(Cheers.) Now some have objected to the
course I have taken in this matter on the ground that
I am not adhering to the sound principles of political
economy. I suppose they thought that a very vulner-
able point with respect to one who has said so much on
the subject of free trade. Now I will begin with
that which the enemy consider the strong
ground, and while I say that I have gone
through the length and breadth of tke land
with " Adam Smith" in my hand, to advocate the prin-
ciples of free trade—l say I stand hero, with " Adam
Smith," also, in my hand, to denounce not only this
inherent waste of national wealth—not only because it
anticipates income, consumescapital,but also on the ground
of injustice to posterity by saddling on our heirs that
which they have no right to be called upon to pay,—l
say on all these grounds, with " Adam Smith" in my
hand, and on his authority, I come here to
denounce this loan.—(Loud cheers.) But, gen-
tlemen, while I come here to denounce as unjust,
to expose as wasteful, and to demonstrate to be impolitic
the system of lending money for the purposes fur which
Austria wants to borrow, I do not confine myself to that.
I do not propose hero to advccate going to Par-
liament to get a law to prohibit men lending
money. I say I come here to try to do
in a humble way that which I have done on the ques-
tion of free trade—populariza to the people of this
country and the people of the continent the principles
which Adam Smith, David Hume, M`Culloch,
Montesquieu, and Ricardo and every man who
has written on the subject have demonstrated
are injurious to mankind and unjust in operation
so long as they are continued.---(Cheers.) I come here
to try to show my fellow•counrymen, in the first place,
that they will do wrong in principle, and do wrong to
society, by lending the produce of their industry
or hard labour to the Austrian Government to be
expended in the bottomless gulf of waste armaments
and useless standing armies. I will show the impolicy
on general principles of such a course, but I am not
going in the present instance to confine myself to the
general principle. I appeal to every individual who
thinks of lending money to the Austrian Govern-
ment to pause before he entrusts his money to
a power which has thrice committed an act
of bankruptcy.—(Loud cheers, and some interruption
caused by a person at the end of the room endeavouring
to speak, and to whom a general cry of " Turn bins
out," was directed) Turn nobody out; if he has sub-
scribed to this loan, he could only have paid 101.
per cent. as a deposit, and if you keep him here,
before I have done I will show him it is not his
interest to pay the remainder.—(Laughter.) I will
satisfy him that it is to his interest to forfeit the 101. per
cent., and pay no more.—(Loud laughter—considerable
interruption owing to the crowded state of the room.)
I say the Austrian Government has three times
committed an act of bankruptcy, and done it under cir-
cumstances of great and scandalous injustice, the im
perial interests being taken care of. but the general
public who subscribed to the loan being nearly sacri-
d . Well, Sir, what has been the progress of the
Austrian finances since the last war? When the Go-
vernment come before us to borrow money—at least they
do it through their agents, Messrs. Hope and Co., of
Amsterdam—they give us no bona fide detailed
kind of debtor and creditor statement of ac-
cc unts.—(Loud laughter.) We have no such
statement from the Austrian Government; but
in the absence of such a detailed and official statement
I am bound to have recourse to the best private autho-
rity I conld find. Well, I take the work of standard
reputation published in 1840, under the title of
" Austria and its Future." It is a work well
known, from the pen of Baron Andrian, who
last year filled the high and responsible post in
England of Ambassador to the central power of the
German States. In 1840 he says, after a detailed
statement of the various borrowings, loanings, lot-
teries, and every possible device by which the
Austrian Government had managed their finances,
for 25 years, from 1815 down to 1840, he sums up by
stating, that from 1815 down to ;1840, a period of 25
years of profound peace, the Austrian Government has
doubled the national debt tenfold. The book was
reprinted in 1846 by the same author, with
the addition of another volume, which says not
ono word to disprove any statement of the Austrian
finances, but ho tells us in it that since the period
alluded to eight millions more has been added to the
national debt; and therefore we come to
the conclusion that the Austrian Government,
from 1815 down to 1847, in a time of
profound peace, have spent every year more than their
income, and have consequently added to their national
debt. In 1848, while they had 200,000 men under arms,
the produce of all this waste expenditure, came the re-
volutionary epidemic: which passed over the continent,
and, Austria fell, like a pack of cards, with all its
royalty to support it—(Cheers)—fell like a house of
cards, and from that time the Austrian empire has been
in a state of perfect anarchy and disorder. Vienna,
Venice, Pestb, Milan, Prague, and every capi-
tal, I believe, except Inspruck, has been
bombarded by their own Governments, the
importation of precious metals prohibited, and the
foreign creditor prevented being paid his just
debts, and these prohibitions exist at the present moment,
and during all the anarchy and confusion, both political
and financial, by which the Austrian Government was
surrounded, they have increased their floating debt con-
siderably. I thick I shall be within the mark if I say that
the debt has been increased twenty millions sterling—
the result of the last eighteen months of social, political,
and financial anarchy—to enable Austria to re-
deem part of that enormous floating debt, and how
can they have the audacity for I cennot
call it by any other name to come before
the people of Western Europe for another loan? I ask
the honest Dutchman, the honest Englishman, the pains-
taking and saving Swiss or Frenchman—l don't care
who he is—l ask him if he will come with his hard
earnings and throw it into the bottomless pit of waste
and extravagance ?—(Cheers.) Now I ask you, if an
individual has committed an act of bankruptcy three
times, is it not likely that he will commit it again if it
answer his purpose?—(Laughter and cheers.) Well,
the Austrian Government had every motive in
committing an act of bankruptcy again, for
it is utterly impossible in any. other way
to get the finances straight. But I warn every man
in this country and abroad that this is but the begin-
ning of borrowing by the Austrian Government.—
(Hear, and cheers.) This loan is but a mere drop
in the ocean compared to what will be borrowed
afterwards • and you must bear in mind that
those who fend money first will be swamped and sacri-
ficed by those who come afterwards. When I state
these facts it is not for the information of Messrs. Hope
and Co., or any other large benking company, but they
will be known alike in London, Amsterdam, and Vienna
I wish the public to understand that the Austrian Go-
vernment will not redeem one farthing of the loan ; still
it will be profitable to those agents and banks who find
money for it through their connexion and customers.
Now I bold in my hand the advertisement put
forward by the Austrian Government, in our journals,
and th at is my justification for coming here. It was put
in our papers no doubt at the expense, I suppose, of the
Austrian Government, and it invitee everybody to sub-
scribe or the loan, and is so accommodating, that in
order that nobody should be excluded, says that
people -.may subscribe for as low a sum as 100 florins,
that is, 10/ (Laughter.) But it is said that the
pith ot a le.dy's letter Is in the postscript. The
end of it sass, "any person, who collects subscrip •
duns to more than 2,500/., shall receive a cotmh;
missioa of a quarter per cent.
amc.unt of the payment made."—(Cheers.) The Hon.
Gentleman then went on to say it was as despicable as
a hucktser publishing in his window that every person
who br'iught him a customer that purchased five shil-
lings' worth of goods should receive twopence for his
pains.- -(Laughter.) He had asked the opinion of
the be st authority in the City, and who was consulted
always by the Government with respect to the
rumou r about the loan being taken up already,
and h e said he did not believe that a shilling had yet
been .subscribed. The press had not made any straight-
forwat d statement that the loan was a good investment,
but hq d confined themselves to traducing by iuuendoes

and secret 'influences the men who came forward to speak
the truth on the subject.—(Loud cheers.) But when
he found that instead of answering his arguments
they attacked him personally, he considered they
were near the period of triumph.—(Loud cheers.)
Having had means of ascertaining the state of Russian
finances superior to those of most men he was justified in
saying that the statements put forth on the subject were
nothing but a piece of gigantic imposture. The Hon.
Gentleman concluded amidst tho loudest applause by
dissuading all capitalists from subscribing their money
to a loan, which, as he had already shown, was not
only unsafe, but would lead to rapine and bloodshed.
Lord DUDLEY STUART, M.P., (who was well received)
then roso to second the resolution. He said he did so
with great pleasure, which was enhanced by having to
raise his voice in support of the arguments of such a
man as the one who had moved the resolution.—
(Hear, hear.) And the more so, becsuse they
had not always agreed as they now did on
foreign politics. Such was sure to be case when ques-
tions were sifted by men whose principles were placed
u;,•on the same basis.—(hear, hear.) Mr. Cobden had
so well illustrted the subject in its commercial and reli-
gious gmuude, tht.t it would not be requisite that he
•houid address many observations to them upon
it. Commercially site aking, and on the ground of
self-interest upon that low ground it behoved
them to consider the subject. They should be sere that
the lean woul I not he " a mockery, a delusion, and a
snare"—to be sure that the Emperor of Austria was
coming here to put his hand into the pockets of British
merchants, who slight ultimately be reduced with their
rtmilies to ruin. No de uht Mr. Cobden had told them
that the loan was illegal.
Mr. COBDEN—No, I did not. That is a good point.
Lord D. STUART—WeII, then, ho would tell them that
it was illegal and an imposture. It was not sanctioned
by the Diet and was only signed by a Minister; and
the time might come when Austria, finding it
inconvenient to pay even the interest upon the loan,
might turn round and say it was not authorised by the
constituted authorities of the State.—(Hear.) And such
extraordinary things were dune by Sovereigns of the
present day, that worse things had been done and would
be done ; indeed it almost seemed that some of the
nations of Europe bad retrograded to the dark
ages.—(Hear, hear.) Much had been said of the
lawlessness of the people ; but what was the lawless-
ness of those placed at the head of States? The people
in Vienna, Rome, and Paris had not committed out-
rages upon property—(Hear)— they had respected
its rights.—(Hear, hear.) Talk of red republics. Are
there no red monarchies?—(Loud cheers.) What should
be said of Governments that employed monsters like
Haynau, who hanged his prisoners, shot men, women,
and children—who insulted his soldiers, flogged
women, and in order to show his impartiality,
hung the Ministers of the Catholic and Protestant faiths
on the same gibbet? And would they lend money to Go-
vernments to help them to do the same again ?—(Cries
of " Never.") As Mr. Cobden bad said, this was merely
a loan to Russia, the monster of Russia, for Austria had
sunk so low that she could not raise a loan without the
Czar.—(Hear, hear.) The brutal conduct of the' Czar
with respect to the vanquished Hungarians and Polish
exiles who had sought the protection of Turkey, showed
that no nation that respected liberty could conscien-
tiously lend money to such a Power. Turkey had been
driven to givo these exiles, in pursuance of an
old treaty, one of but two alternatives—spostacy
to their religion—to become Mussalmans, or to be
given up for slaughter.—(Hear.) To such an extremity
had Turkey been reduced by this great Power. The offer
was one which would digust every religious mind, and
raise up a voice of denunciation throughout the whole
country. These noble patriots had spurned this offer.
Some men, not however the great body of them, had
embraced Islamism and entered the army of Turkey in
the hope of saving their lives, and to meet their
enemy in the field. Should any Government
like Great Britain support such a power as
that possessed by Russia of demanding these
unfortunate persons in order to put them to death ?
Surely not. Rather support the Porte,— (Hear, hear.)
And surely the Government, whose foreign affairs were
in the hands of such a man as Lord Palmerston—(Loud
cheers)—would protest against such a course.—
(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Would the capitalists
lend their money to promote the nefarious
practices of such:powers as Austria and Russia ?—(Hear.)
The Jews had been oppressed by Austria in Hungary,
and would any of the race lend money for such a pur-
pose ?—(No, no.) One of their representatives was a Jew—
(A voice—" Where is he?")—and on the last occasion he
was in that hall, which was a meeting to sympathise with
Hungary, a Jew (Mr. Alderman Salomons) was in the
chair, and he believed :that such was the feeling of the
Jews that they would not lend their money on the
low ground of business for subverting liberty.
Whoever did so would be loaded with ignominy. In con-
clusion, he said this was but the beginning of a new
movement of great importance, to which they would be
as much indebted to Mr. Cobden as for the Anti-Corn-
law League. Even the Tory press, who had supported
tho conduct of Austria in her invasion of Hungary,
now, to their credit, stigmatized the inhumanity of
Russia and Austria with respect to the exiles. They
might depend upon it when the Czar knew that the
Government of this country were determined to support
Turkey, and were supported by the people, as he be-
lieved it would, he would think twice of his demand for
the bodies of the exiles, and fear to meet a small squa-
dron of the British.—(Cheers.) The lives of the uutor-
tunate exiles would be saved, and the independence of
Turkey maintained.—(Loud cheers.)
The resolution was carried unanimously, and with much
applause.
Mr. C. GILPIN moved the next resolution:—
" That in the opinion of this meeting loans for war
purposes and for the maintenance of standing armaments
are unsound in principle and injurious to the interests o
nations."

lie knew with what a shout of derision the resolution
would be receiv. d in Printinghouse-square, for the
writers in the Times, judging by their own standard of
morality, saw no distinction or connexion between mo-
rality and capital and its use.—(hear, hear.) The
people of this country, who had 101. to spare, were
asked, in effect, to reward such a miscreant as llaynau.
Let them (protest, in the name of all that was
just and merciful, against redeeming the blood-
stained bonds of that Emperor of Austria. If Empe-
rors were obliged to pay their wars out of their own
resources, what a salutary effect it would havo upon the
Cabinets of Europe. 'there would then be more real
constitutions, less falsified promises, and less trampling
upon the liberties of the people. Such loans were
injurious to the interests of nations, and they
bad abundant proof of it in their own case, for they had a
debt of 800,000,0001, the taxes levied:to pay the interest
upon which pressed heavily upon the people, but ground
the poor man into the dust.—(llear, hear.) They wad
their children's children would have to pay it.
Then two of the wars in which so much of
money had been spent were stated to have been useless.
It was time for the people of this country to say they
would have no mere of this. Tho Hon. ta'entleman con-
cluded a very eloquent speech, which was much cheered,
by proposing the resolution.
The Rev. J. 13URNET seconded the resolution. Timo
was when the people were the mere playthings of the
great men of the earth; but now the people would be
to blame if they let the great men do as they liked with
them. Let them shut their pockets, and there would be
no war. The great men would find something else to do.
The Times said, Mr. Cobden's letter to Mr. Fry caused
much laughter upon 'Change. That was turning the laugh
back again.—(Much laughter.) He would rather see
them engage in a hearty laugh than in a hearty war,
even if he were the cause of it.—(Laughter.) The
Times went on to say, that in matters of business
politics were not minded, of which it said Mr. Cobden
appeared to be ignorant. This was equivalent to saying
that Mr. Cobden was not aware of what great rogues
these men on the Exchange were.—(Loud cheers.)
He was opposed to lending money for war altogether.
There was poor glory in war. When the sun went
down and the moon rose on the field of Waterloo, on the
18th of June, there was little glory in the sight of the
mangled bodies of the soldiers. Let the great men go
into the field alone, and let them have DO pay, and they
would soon cease to war. If industry was capital,
war was the destroyer of capital and industry. Soldiers
were the only persons in the community who did not
produce anything. He and they were looked upon as
little men by the great men. Let the little men now
prevent the great men from doing what they liked with
the resources which they created.—(hear, hear.)
A GENTLEMAN on the platform reminded the meeting
that this loan w hen looked upon in its true light was
blood money, and that it would be applied to promote
oppression and slaughter.—(Hear, hear.)
The resolution was carried unanimously.
Mr. LEAF, of the Stock Exchange, moved, and Mr.
SCOBELL seconded, a vote of thanks to the Chairman.
Mr. COBDEN supported the motion. He could find a
game-cock or a bull-dog who possessed more physical
courage than any two-legged creature they could
name. Now it was strange that men in Lombard-
street wanted moral courage—that men rich in the
world's goods were not themselves independent.—(Hear,
hear, and laughter.) Now, the Chairman, was a Lom-
bard-street man, and they were much indebted to him.
He (Mr. Cobden) hoped, that though he was a political
economist, he was not devoid of the common principles
of enthusiasm and humanity. It was said by the Tinter,
that he had brought Russia and Turkey by the
ears. (Laughter.) It was absurd. It was said
that the Emperor of Russia danced in his shirt when he
heard that the Hungarians had been subdued.—(Roars
of laughter.) Why, he ought, to havo been ashamed of
himself, not for dancing in his shirt—(Laughter)—but
for, in conjunction with Austria, their united population
being 100,000,000, attacking Hungary with 6,000,000.
Of that he ought to have been heartily ashamed. It was
not more than two years ago, that Bern and Dembinski
were in this country. Would the Emperor of Russia
have dared to demand them of us ?—(Loud cheers.)
But it showed that the Emperor of Russia was
eccentric ?—(Laughter)—so indeed were, all despots.
Nebuchadnezzar was eccentric, but not half so tyrannical
as the Czar.—(Hear, hear.) And though ho was an
advocate of peace, should he not be permitted, it
he saw a bull pursuing his headlong course,
take the liberty of reminding him that he might run
his bead against something harder than his own skull?
—(Laughter.) Therefore, he said if Russia attacked them
they would hermetically seal up her ports. Put a
jury of Dutchmen or Greeks who belonged to maritime
nations into a jury-box, and they would declare Russia
could not meet us by land one six months of the
bear, and in the next the frost would blockade
up her ports during the other.—(hear, hear.)
Though the Emperor, in his eccentricity, might not
understand these things, his Ministers did so perfectly
well. Blockade the ports of Russia for six weeks,
and the Ress'an nobles, finding no sale for
their wool, and hemp, and flax, which was
all mortgaged before sent out, for they were all living
in anticipations of their means, as landlords did else-
where ; before they had hermetically sealed their ports