The Sun.
London, England, 1838-01-19 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 19, 1838.

the reas ot why this country had been involved in all those
enormous difficulties that at present existed, and out of which
be confesecel he wus not sanguine enough to say that he could
clesrly see how they were to escape. But he emelt also to
add. with resecct to eqe sitrition in ,C 1 1 VII tile Go% crement
steed at this m went in Lower Canada, that it w•s nit eitla
out resourses out of which the Governor aed Judges, and
those persons when: successive Governments had believed to
be i rotes r objects of an independent provision, could be peid :
because the G nut-anent had the whole of the territorial and
casual revel-Ale, and they bed also 10,0001. a year voted per
manently by the Legislature oc Lower Canada itself by two
separate Acts since 1791 ; so th t his Noble and Le reed
Vriced eas sernew'nat mistaken if he thought that the Legis-
lature of Lower Casada Lad never had any power over the
purse before the. Bill of 1831.
Lord B ROUG 11 A M--Not a complete controul.
The Earl of RIPON—No, net completely, certainly. he-
cause there were still those two resources of which he (Lord
Ripon) had s; °ken.' But, in point of fact, subsequent"to
1791 the Legislature of Lower Canada passed two laws giving
to the Governnie nt tan sums of 5,0001. for ever, for the
purpose of mainteining the Civil Government in that colony.
'1 hose two sums, together with the revenues he bad men-
tionedewoeld amount to not less titan 24,0001. or 30,000/.
a year. Although he admitted that that sum was not sufficient
to pay all the expenses which used to be defrayed either out
of the funds at the disposal of the Government, or out of the
grant; made by Parliament, yet, as far as regarded those
par velar individuals, the mainta.nance of whose independence
in their offices was consid. red essential, the Government un-
epiesiionably hail the power even yt to pay them. With re-
spect to the., proposed address, he entirely ccneurrrd in whet
had Nike from his Noble Friend (the Duke of Wellington).
He did not feel any disposition to canvass it, or to object to
lie adoption; but he must beg to guard himself against being
supposed to express any opinion whatever as to the scheme in-
tended fur the future, or as to the attempt to be made for the
settlement of this question. Ile could not, however, give his
acquiescence to this address without expressly guarding
himself as to another point involved in this discussion,
namely. that such acquiescence on his part by no means
itrplied any approbation of the course pursued during
did last nine months. He admired the oandour of the
Noble Viscount at the head of her Majesty's Govern.
anent, becaSsse the Noble Viscount had stated in a perfectly
fair and manly nsanner the matter about the troops, and ha
admitted that there s7' a great deal to be said on both sides
and he certainly did not atienear to take any very strong ground,
to justify the course that had be,7n Pursued by the Govern-
ment
in respect to this branch of the .;
etestlon. For himself,
he (Lord Ripon) thought that that course .had been a most
to oiccasion
unfortunste one, and had very much contribute,'
that explosion which had taken place in Lower Cameo., and
which involved the necessity of those measures that were now
suggested. It was evident that it was the intention of the
Government now to send out troops to Canada. That in-
tention was communicated by his Noble Friend (Lord
Glenelg) to Lord Gosford on the 6th of March, 1837.
Well, on the 22d of March, his Noble Friend again wrote
to Lord Gosford, and said—" Since I made my communica-
tion of the 6th to you, I have ascertained that it would not
be possible to detach such a force without extreme inconve-
nience, and making a demonstration which might be produc-
tive of much greater evil than it could prevent ;" and then
his Noble Friend suggested that in New Brunswick and
Nova Scotia there were between two thousand and three
thousand men, who, in case of need, might be drawn
from those provinces. Now, as it had been stated by his
Noble Friend (the Duke of Wellington) that it might be pro-
per to give power to remove those troops, but that he could
not conceive a more obvious policy than that of filling up
the vacancy which the removal of those troops would
create. But to what was this inconvenient pressure, of
which his Noble Friend (Lord Glenelg) spoke, to be attri-
buted? He (Lord Ripon) found that Lord Gosford, when
writing on the 10th of June, not long after he had received
the second letter of Lord Glenelg, in which he stated there
were particular reasons against sending out additional
troops. stated that he had sent to Sir Colin Campbell for a
part of the troops stationed at Halifax ; adding, however,
this passage :—" I must repeat that these steps would not
be dictated by the apprehension of any serious commotion,
for I have every reason to believe that the mass of the Ca-
nadians are loyal and contented ; but from the persuasion that
the presence of a larger military force in this Province might
of itself"—do what? Increase the difficulties already ex-
isting ? Increase the chance of the disaffected succeeding ?
Make the Government of Lower Canada less able to promote
tranquillity ? Not at all ; but that it would " prevent the
occurrence of any disturbance by deterring the ill-disposed,
securing the wavering, and giving confidence to the timid."
Why, it the state of Lower Canada was such that the pre-
sence cf additional troops were wanting there, because :there
were ill-disposed persons to be deterred, wavering persons to
be secured, and timid persons to whom confidence was to be
given, ought not that to have led the Government to infer that
the state of the Province was such that it was not safe to leave
it without having a power capable of overwhelming the very
first attempt that might be made to disturb the peace, and thus
prevent those lamentable consequences of an insurrection
which, whether successful or not, was certain to occur? As
time went on the necessity of such a course appeared to have
been constantly increasing. In consequence of no additional
troops having been sent out Sir John Colborne was at length
eginpelled to draw every soldier from the Upper Province, in
order to maintrin his ground in the lower Province. It was
true that Sir Francis Head, with the gallant spirit of an
English soldier, took great credit to himself for volunteering
to send away all the troops from Upper Canada, and he
seemed to think that it was a great thing in point
of policy to show that the people of that Psovince did
not require the presence of any troops for the purpose of
holding them to their allegiance, and to show also that
there was no danger in that part of the country of a re-
voit. But the Gallant Officer was in error : that danger
did exist. A Mr. Mackenzie, who had been so often spoken
of, brought men together, and there was an actual breaking
out. Now it was impossible that he could have got together
500 or SCO persons to make an attack upon the city of To-
ronto—though he was madman enough to do almost anything,
for he was certainly the most absurd man that ever existed—
if any Br t'sh soldier bad been there. It turned out that
Mr. Mackenzie was beaten, and fled to the United States,
where he was amusing himself in all poss ble ways to stir up
the people to aid the revolt, but where, as it was not likely he
could be got hold of, he would no doubt long remain. But
what did all this show ? The proper precaution had not been
taken by the Government. Lord Gosford had felt himself
called upon to dismiss a great number of the officers of the
militia, and among others the great agitator, or whatever
he was called, Mr. Papineau, who happened to be a militia
officer : and he (Lord Ripon) thought it was a very
doubtful thing whether Lord Gosford would have con-
sidered it prudent to have called out the militia on his
own authority, in order to act with the King's troops.
Lord Gosford said that he believed, by the law of the
colony, the militia could not have been called out, unless
against actual invasion. But then in exact proportion to
the difficulty of calling out the militia, whether arising from
the state of the law or from their indisposition towards the
Government, did it become the more imperative duty of the
Government at home to take the course which they had it in
their power to do, by having a larger body of troops esta-
blished in the colony. For these reasons, he could not but
conceive that the matter was by no means dealt with in the
way in which it ought to have been ; and although he did not
ascribe the breakiug out of the rebellion to the want of troops,
yet every one knew very well—every one, at least, who bad
read the history of the rebellion knew—that though the chances
of success amounted almost to nothing, yet the madness and
folly of men were sometimes so great, that the slightest ap-
parent advantage would impel them into the mcst absurd at-
tempts. It was, therefore, the duty of the Government to
have taken care that even that apparent advantage should not
have existed, but that there should have been on the spot a
military force sufficient at once to crush by one vigorous effort
whatever rebellious schemes might have been attempted.
Tho Marquis of LANSDOWNE did not mean to enter into
the argument introduced by the Noble Earl, but as the Noble
Earl had adverted to the fact of the troops being called away
from Upper Canada to serve in Lower Canada, he ought also
to have stated what was the fact, that Sir Francis Head, who
was charged with the Government of Upper Canada; and en-
trusted with its destiny at this moment—a destiny which he
bad most successfully succeeded in upholding—was in fact the
author and suggester of ths measure for sending the troops
from Upper to Lower Canada before he had been called upon
by Sir John Colborne ; and that lie himself attached the
greatest lin; ortalice to the policy of exiii'diting to the Cana-
dians and to the world that Upper Canada was able to protect
its own Government without any troops et all ; and that what-
ever might be the disposition cf the lower province, such was
the a tachmerit and such was the adhesion of the population
to that Government, that he. without thelaid of a single sol-
dier, was enabled to resist any attempt that might be made
upon tire Government of that Colony. He (the Marquis of
Lansdowne) li d ne doubt whatever that Sir John:Col-
borne was glad o have the assistance of those troops; but
he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) would with equal confidence
say, that Sir John Colborne was no less glad that Sir F. Head
was without them, for the sake of having given that proof
which was now manifest to the world from the circumstance
that Mr. Mackenzie seas at this moment a fugitive in the
United States, that without a single soldier to oppose the
iesurgents he was able to make head against them by the
spontaneous aid of the loyal inhabitants of that pert of the pro-
s ince. Oeittinss this pert of the subject, he was anxious,
after what had fallen in such very candid terms from tire
Noble Duke opposite (the Duke of • Welliegtore) who had
stated his opinions upon this question in a way which did
him infleitc honour, and in that spirit in which he was al-
ways desirous to wive efficient support in cases of this sort
to her Majes'y's Government—after such conduct on the pact
of tire Noble Duke, he (the M rrquis of Lansdowne) was
a-alio:se to remove one or two impressions which seemed
partially to influence his mind with regard to the course which
her Majesty's Government were disposed to pursue. The
Noble Duke adverted in the first instance to the course which
lie thought ought to have been adopted with respect to a com-
raunication being made by her Majesty to Parliament ; and he
stated that he could have wished to have seen, in conformity
with former precedents, a message communicated from the
Thr one. In conformity with precedent a message undoubt-
edly would have been the proper course; but he (the Marquis
of Lansdowne) was anxious to state to their Lordships that it
was not from want of a full sense of the importance of the
occasion, or of the exertions which Parliament would be
called upon to make in support of the Queen's authority.
that that mode was not, in the first instance, adopted ; bee
it was solely because of the occurrence happening on the
day immediately previous to the adjournment, and
when it was almost impossible to have obtained the at-
tention of Parliament, almost every Member being out of
totvn ; so that, even if there bad been a message, it

voeld have been impessible to have acted upon in the form or
an Address. The Noble Duke, professing himself satisfied
with the declaration of the Noble Viscount at the head of her
Majestyle Government upon that subject, had stated that he
had read that in sonic places expressions had been used
that there wes a desire, rot so much to support the Queen's
authority i,i Canada, es to eive assistance to a party in that
country. lie (Ow Marquis of Lansdowne) could only say, that
- rest as their duty was to give support to her Majesty's foyer
j eta in that country, who he believed would be ultimately
and to be the majority the re—confirmed to he was that such
as t,-.e first duty on the pert of the Ministers of the Crown
dof the Sovereign ; yet, on the part of Parliernent, he
',weed the first arid most imperative duty to be, to re-
stablish her Majesty's authority there. Believing that'
. vast proportion of the people of Canada was attached
this country, he certainly should not regret if there
bould appear, from the papers before their Lordships, that
fu re had been upon some occasions: a little hesitation
r delay in these matters, indicating an unwillingness on
she
part of the Queen's Government to take strong, or what
night he called violent measures. He believed that that un-
illinguess so maiiirestsd had had a fortunate effect. He be-
- ieved that by a system of concession, which had been acted
pen even to the utmost verge of reason--.-a system intended to
.eet the real wants and grievances of the colonies, a great
object had been effected by detaching, if not the masses, at
least the great moral support—the individuals of greatest con-
sequence in that county, who might otherwise have been
found at the bead of this insurrection. It was owing to that
system of concession that men of a very different character
from that of Mr. Pap'r.cau cr Mr. Mackenzie were not now
th leaders of the reaseee ; but the Canadians of influence
end intelligence were known to have seceded from the ranks
of that opposition which engaged in a desperate course of
measures, and which, under the advice and influence of Mr.
Papinenu, they were induced to adopt. His Noble Friend
had allowed that the Noble Duke had a right to claim credit
for prophesying that the House of Assembly of Lower
Canada would not fulfil their pledge, which was virtually
given for providing a civil list. It was unquestionably true
that if that body bad had a shadow of consistency, if there had
been anything to be collected from their speeches, resolutions,
and communications, and from the examination of witnesses
before the Committees of the House of Commons, it was that,
the revenues being granted to them, all their wants would be
satisfied. But they had placed their own condemnation on
record, because they lied declared that the report of the Com-
mittee of 1828 was a monument of human wisdom, and that it
most completely stated all their wishes and all their hopes.
His Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougham) had spoken
three hours upon the subject of this Address, but he did not
in one instance advert to that which constituted the very gist
of the whole question—namely, that all the demands of
the
House of Assembly of Lower Canada had been conceded,
and t::at it was under the influence of a party, who had since
raised the most unreasonable demands, that all the present
misfortunes had arisen, and this insurrection had taken
place. He (the Matquis of Lansdowne) could have wished
to have adverted to what his Noble and Learned Friend
had said in his (Lord Brougham's) presence, but al-
though his Noble and Learno4 Friend had distinguished him-
self much more than Mr. Papineaa or Mr. Mackenzie was
ever distinguished in the course of this night's debate, yet
he had certainly acted much like them in one respect—for he
had vanished.—(Loud laughter.) All he (the Marquis of
Lansdowne) could say was, that knowing the acuteness of
his Noble Friend, he (the Marquie of Lansdowne) never
was more astonished than to !mar biro maintain that which
he had heard maintained by very inferior persona out of that
House, namely, that there was anything like a resemblance
in the transactions attending this resistance of Lower Canada,
and the quarrel with, and resistance of, the United States.
Every point connected with the two instances was different.
The present resistance had in fact begun where
e the other
resistance ended. Ha could not see any othr rF-
blance between the two cases than what remit-ied lora of
the great :dramatist who represented Captain Fluellen
as seeing a great resemblance between Alexander of Ma-
cedon and Henry of Monmouth, because
.there i wMason-
a
river in Macedon and there was also a lever n
mouth, and because Alexander quarrelled with' his men
without a reason, and Henry quarrelled with his friends
with a reason. So likewise wee it true that the At-
lantic Ocean divided Canada from England, and it also di-
vided the United States from England ; there was a House of
Assembly too in the colonies, as well as a House of Assembly
in the United States. But the quarrel of the United States
was not there ; the question as between the United States and
England was a question of internal taxation ; but that right
was enjoyed by the Canadians. As to any justification of
the course taken by the Houses of Assembly of Lower Ca-
nada, it might a; well be supposed that the Crown le the dis-
charge of its duties to the people—for the Crown, it mud I
be remembered, had its duties to the people as well as
the House of Assembly—it might as well be supposed that
the Crown should order its troops to stand by and do
nothing in the event of the invasion of an enemy, and
to say, " the army belongs to me, and as men have been •
elected to the House of Assembly of whom I do not ap-
prove, or because the House of Assembly has come to
some vote which does not accord with my views, my
troops shall not protect the property of tlse people ; the
enemy, if he chooses, may enter and ravish the whole coun-
try." Seeing that the House of Assembly had only exercised
its privileges in such a way as to defeat the ends of all Go-
vernment—seeing that it had refused to discharge all those
duties which were incidental to all Governments—seeing, too,
that it had been brought into constant and daily contact with
the other branches of the Legislature, as well as the Execu-
tive body, he thought, treating the subject with all the de-
liberation which belonged to so grave a question, but at the
same time with the firm determination which best befitted the
character of this country ; and, es he conceived, would most
tend to secure the future interests of the colony, that a suffi-
cient case had been made out fur reconsidering the whole of
the Constitution cf the British North American provinces,
and of reconstructing it upon an improved, an enlarged, and
more harmonious principle.
The Earl of DURHAM felt, from the peculiar situation
in which he stood, and more especially from the circumstance
of his having accepted the high office to which his Noble
Friend had alluded, that it would not be consistent with his
duty to take an: part in the debate upon the present question.
Ile wished, therefore, to address only a very few sentences to
their Lordships—a few words explanatory of the general prin-
ciples which would influence his conduct in the discharge of
the grave duties imposed upon him, and of the reasons which
had induced him to accept the trust. It is impossible (conti.
cued his Lordship) for words to express the reluctance with
which I have consented to undertake this arduous task, to in-
cur the awful responsibility which I know must attach to me in
endeavouring to accomplish the objects of ray mission ; and I
can assure your Lordships that nothing but the most devoted
attachment, nothing but the moat determined devotion to her
Majesty's service, and the service of my country, could have
induced me to place myself in the situation in which I very
much fear I shall not answer the expectations either of my
Noble Friende who place me there, or of the country gene.
rally.—(llear. ) The Noble Duke has stated, in the course
of the discussion of this evening, that he had very much re-
gretted to hear it said that one of the objects of the intended
measures with respect to Canada was merely the support of a
particular party in that province. It is not with that view that
I by any means shall undertake the mission.—( Hear, hear.)
I believe that my duty, in the first place, will be to assert the
supremacy of her Majesty's Government—( Hear)—to assert
the dignity and honour of the i3ritish Crown, and to see that
the law is carried into execution—that it is not set aside in the
remotest cabin or in the most distant 2t,ttloment.—(l-lear. )
I shall not conceive that I have done my duty as long a; there
is the slightest pretence for considering that the dignity of the
Crown or the supremacy of the law continues to be violated.—
( Hear.) Having effected that necessary and essential preli-
minary object, I shall consider, without reference to party,
casting aside all reflections that may concern either the British
perty cr the French party in that country—iieleed, I know
no French—( Hear, hear)—I can regard ail only as her Ma-
jesty's subjects—( [leer, hear)—having effected the ncces
nary and essential preliminary objects to which I have ad.
I vested, I shall consider that I ought to extend protection
to all, to give justice to all—( Hear, hear, hear)—that I
ought to endeavour to protect as much the local rights arid
privileges of those who are the possessors and proprietors of
the soil as the great commercial interests which more effect
those who are called the British settlers.—( Hear.) The
Noble and Learned Lord, at the end of his loeg and eloquent
speech, liar. been pleased to say that I shall execute but a
thankless task in carrying out with me the measure for the sus-
pension of the Canadian Constitution. Ido not agree with
Lim. Ido not think that this measure, or any of the Acts of
Parliament which are in contemplation, can be regarded in
any such light.—( Hear.) The Constitution has already been
de facto suspended, not by an Act of the British Parliament,
but by the rebellion of the Canadians themselves.—(Hear,
hear.) I consider, the: efore, that Igo there, not for the
purpose of suspending the Constitution, but for the purpose
of endeavouring to provide, as well as I can, for the extraor-
dinary state of circumstances which has been produced by the
• rebellious part of the Canadian community, and which has
render d it impossible for the Constitution to continue in ope-
ration. These are the vices with which I shall consent to
undertake what I admit to be a great and awful tsponsi-
hility_these are the views with which I shall enter upon
the exercise of powers greater, I know, than are usually en.
trusted to the discretion of an individual.—(Hear. ) Great
and dictatorial as these powers are, I shall be anxious to lay
them down at the earliest possible time. Believe me, my
Lords, I shall endeavour to execute as speedily as possible this
highly honourable, but most difficult and dangerous mission.—
( Ilear.) A; far as conct mils the principal province, it would
Inc my wish—and I implore my Noble Friends to give me the
means of accomplishing it—to effict such a kind of settlemert
a.; should produce contentment mid harmony amoegst all
classe-, enable me to establish not temporarily but lastingly
the supremacy of the laws, and finally, to leave behind law
such a system of Government as may tend to the general
prospe'ity and happiness of one of the most important por-
dens of her Majesty's dominions.—(Hear.) If I can accom-
plish such an objets: as that, I shall deem no personal sacrifice
of my own too great.—( Hear, hear.) I feel however that
I can only accomplish it by the cordial and energetic support,
a supped which lam sure I shall obtain—of my Noble
Friends the Members of her Majesty's Cabinet, by the co-
operation of the Imperial Pael:aetent, and, permit me to say,
by the generous forbearance of the 1:ohle Lords opposite,
to whom I have always been politically opposed.—( Hear,
hear, hear.) tercel the candour and generosity which have
uistinguished the Noble Duke's, rerearki this evening, as well
as upon all other occasions, I trust that lie and those that think
with ton will give me credit for the good intentions which
feel, and will only condemn tee if they find my actions such as
shall enable them cousistently with their own character to find
fault.—( Hear, hear.) i will not teoahje your Lordships
farther, I thought it right to state the feelin•is with which

rater upon this misiion, and to explain ti your Lordships, that
/ go not for the purpose of exercising that power, that species
of discreditable power, as the Noble and Learned Lord cal
it, which is to be vested in me; but in the first place to
restore, I trust, the supremacy of the law, and nest, to be
the humble initrumnt of conferring upon tin, British North
American provinces. such a free and liberal Constitution
as shall place them on the same sea!e of independ(nce
the rest of the I,ossessious of Great Brit,?in, and As shall
nd to their own immediate honour, welfare, and pros-

hairy.—( Hear.)
Lord GLENELG, having stated that he should trespass
on their L rdshipe only for a very short time in reply, ssid—
I must be al'owed, with my Noble Friend (the Marquis of
Lansdowne) near me, to exaress my regret that the Noble and
Learned Lord (Brougham) has been pleased to remove from
this scene of action. Abiit, evasit, erupit. Having vented
his thunder with no sparing hand, and having also heaped
upon me those measures of wrath and indignation which seem
to be inexhaustible in his mighty bosom—(Laughter and
cheers)—he has at length shown me, that having discharged
his deg lay bolts, be is esnal,le, like the Thunderer, of veilinss
himself in clouds.—( Renewed laughter and cheers.) I
soultl have been glad to have returned rey thanks to him for
this, the first testimony of his friendship with which he has
favoured me.—( Laughter.) I have been much in the habit
of hewing the Noble and Learned Lord launch out in-
vectives and point his sneers at persons infinitely above me in
character and station, and much more intimately coneected
with himself than I have the honour to be ; but I am
and was surprised at the inexhaustible I oesibulery. of
language with which he had charged himself against
me to-night—( Hear, hear)—and confess, however, that
the violence of the Noble and Learned Lord's invec-
tive has much less weight upon myself from the
circumstance to which I have alluded ; t ause I have
seen it applied somewhat indiscriminately to others,not so much
from opposition to any Noble Lord whom he chooses to attack,
but once engaged in the career of assault the Noble and
Learned Lord is carried away with that fervour of indigna-
, tion which is the characteristic of his exalted mind.—( Hear,
hear.) lam sorry to make these observations in his absence,
but it is not my fault that he has removed himself from the
House.—( Hear, hear.) He said it was with pain and sorrow
that he felt himself obliged to give utterance to the remarks
which fell from him. If the Noble and Learned Lord were
here I should say to him, " Do not spare me your invective,
but, for God's sake spare me your pain and sympathy.
( Hear, hear.) I need not, lam sure, point out to the House
the contrast between the speech of the Noble and Learned
Lord and that of the Noble and Illustrious Duke who
followed him.—( Hear, bear, hear.) In the speech of the
Noble Duke I recognised a mind—in his presence I c esnot
express half of what I feel of the candour and magnanimity
of a speech which was so consistent with all his own
political views, and at the same time so generously candid
to his political opponents—yet I must be allowed to say,
that in the speech of the Noble Duke I recognised a
mind strengthened by long habit of application to the great
business of the country—a mind careful of throwing bolts
at random either upon this person or upon that, and, above
all, not hinting vituperation which it dared not express—
( Hear, hear)--a mind anxious only to do justice to the
great cause of the country—anxious only to do justice even
to his political opponents, and anxious by the same genius
which he had already exercised in rescuing the country from
danger in:another theatre, to rescue it again in a different
sphere from the possible diminution:of its colonial greatness,
—( Hear, hear.) As the Noble and Learned Lord is not pre-
sent, I will not depict in its full colours the contrast between
the speech made by him and that made by the Noble Duke.
The contrast, however, is one which I am sure must have
struck every Noble Lord who hears me.—(Hear.) The Noble
and Learned Lord observed, with respect to one particular
point—with respect to the composition of the Legislative
Council—that having declared at a somewhat distant period
that that Council should be reconstructed prior to the meet-
hug of the House of Assembly, it nevertheless appaareel by
the paper, which had been laid before Parliament that the
Commission for effecting that reconstruction was not sent
out until the 22d of August. Now, if the Noble and Learned
Lord had examined the papers thoroughly he would have
foetid in them the explanation of that delay. It was impossi-
ble for me to send out that Commission until I had been fur-
nished with the names by Lord Gosford. Early in March,
Lord Gosford assured me that the names should be sent, and
in two or three subsequent dispatches I alluded to the want of
them, Lord Gosford, however, could not send them, because
be fobn4 it extremely difficult, in the state of parties in the
the Province, to select proper persons. The names did not
reach me until the beginning of August. There was certainly
no loss of time after the names arrived, for in less than ten
days the Commission was made out, a Council held, and the
dispatch forwarded to Canada. Do not let it be supposed,
as the Noble and Learned Lord was pleased in his generosity
to insinuate, that I mean by this explanation to throw any
blame upon Lord Gosford. lam stating only what lam sure
Lord Gosford would himself state if he were here.—( Hear,
hear, hear.) Then the Noble and Learned Lord said that he
did not perceivo why this measure, which, in truth, ought to
be applied only to a particular district, should be made ge-
neral ; and he was further pleased to observe, that when-
ever it Suited my argument I represented the whole country
as in a state of rebellion, and at other times spoke of it only
as partially disturbed. I nevtrr on any occasion represented
the whole country as being in a state of rebellion.—(Hear.)
I alway; aaid, and the papers on the table prove the fact, that
the rebellion was confined to the district of Montreal. If I
apply the measures about to be proposed to the whole coun-
try, the reason is this—that although the resis'ence to the
laws and to the authority of the Crown has been limited to one
district, yet that the conduct of the House of Assembly, as
the representatives of the whole country, has been such as to
render it impossible for the Constitution to proceed ; and I
know not how it would be possible to maintain good go-
vernment, or any government at all, in that country, y
if
confinsd your measures simply to the district which 13 now
in a state of rebellion. The Nubia Lord entered into
isonie
further explanations, but this)! were not distinctly heard n the
gallery.
The Earl of FIT ZWILLIA M rose to addresa the House,
but spoke in a tone of voice so extremely low as to be scarcely
audible in the gallery. We understood him to state the the
inference he drew from the observations made by the Noble
Duke was, that no government could succeed in Canada un-
less it were of an arbitrary character.
The Duke of WELLINGTON—No, no.
The Earl of FITZW I LLIAM knew that the Noble Duke
did not make use of those words ; but such was the inference
he drew from the remarks and the line of argument entered
Keen by the Noble Duke. Their Lordships need not look
to the present r.or to the last Administration for the seeds of
this rebellioti; they must be sought for in a much more distant
period. He begged, however, not to be included among
these who doubted the success of the intended mission to the
Canadas. When he considered the character of the Noble Earl
who was to be entrusted with that mission, he was quite per-
suaded that his measures would be conducted in that consti-
tutional spirit from the observance of which alone could an
advantageous result be expected.
After a few words in explanation from the Duke of WE L-
LINGTON and Earl FITZWILLIAM, the motion for the
Address was agreed to nem. con., and at a quarter past eleven
o'clock their Lordships adjourned.

COURT CIRCULAR.

The Queen gave audiences yesterday, at the new Palace, to the
rquis Conyngham, the Earl of Albemarle, and Viscount Melbourne.
Her Majesty had a small dinner party last evening, including her
Royal Highnuss the Duchess of Kent, the Lord Chamberlain, the Mar-
quis of Headfurt, Lady Portman, Lady Mary Stopford, Hon. Miss Mur-
ray, Miss Litter, Baroness Lehrm, Lady Theresa Digby,
Viscount Torrington, Hon. Colonel Cavendish, Sir Frederick Stavin,
and the Hon. Colonel Grey.
The band of the Coldstream Regiment of Foot Guards attended e the
Pa:a:e on Wednesday evening.
The Earl of Durham, and Mr. Co'quhoun (agent for St. Vincent's)
transacted business yesterday at the Colonial-office. Miss Davys,

NOTICE TO CORRESPONDENTS.
A cori-espoLdent who signs himself V. R. has addressed us a
long letter in which be comments with considerable anger
on, what he is pleased to call, the "style" and" ribaldry"
of our remarks on the speech made lately by Sir James
Graham, at Carlisle. Now we made no remark on that
speech that we are nut vrepat ed to substantiate ; and as
for our expression " flippant impertinence," we hod that
when a man of Sir James Graham's very peculiar 1 olities,
indulties in a lengthy tirade against Lord Brougham's
" inconsistencies," and then compares him to " Lucifer,"
he is guilty of "flippant impertinence," to use the mildest
term. The severest part of our correspondent's letter,
however, and that which we feel the most acutely, does
not lie in his comments, but in his non-payment of the
postage, which is a species of practical sarcasm, that we
hope he will refrain from, should he think fit to honour us
with another communication.

HIGH WATRR AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW.
13 minutes after 8 I Evening
_ _

The publication of TuE SUN NRWSPXPER commenced this day,
at 30 atinutss past Three o' Clock.

LONDON:
FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 19, MS.

The HousE of LORDS met yesterday afternoon at 3 o'clock,
and adjourned at 11. The subject of the nights' discussion
,XB3 the Address to be presented to her MAJESTY relative to
Canada. This Address, as described by Lord GLENELG, who
moved its adoption by the House, generally expresses the re-
gret of their Lordship at the state of affairs in Canada, and
pledges the House to support the Crown in whatever mea-
uris may be necessary to maintain the integrity of the Empire.
The Address was agreed to nem dis.

The debate in the House of Lords last night on the

Canada question is in the highest degree interesting—
mere particularly Lord BROUGHAM'S speech—of
which we hare taken some pains to give a fuller and
more correct report than will be found in the columns
of any of our Morning Contemporaries. Regarded
as an oratorical effort, that speech is one of the most
masterly ever delivered by the Noble and Learned
Lord in the House of Peers. He overwhelmed Lord
GLENELG with a flood of the bitterest sarcasm, and
assailed with a torrent of invective, irony, and scorn,
the temporizing, vacillating, half-and-half, Colonial

policy of the Cabinet. His not inapt quotation of
the encouraging monition of the Swedish Chancellor

OXENSTIERN, when about to send his son, the❑ a

youth, on an Embassy—" you know not, my son, with
how little wisdom the world is governed,"—seems to
have fired the Noble Colonial Secretary, who, in his
reply, thought proper to borrow the language of CICERO
on the absence of CATALINE—Lord BROUGHAM

having previously left the House. Notwithstanding
the oecasional intemperance of his language, Lord
_ _

BROUGHAM i 3 110 more a CATALINZ than Lord
GLENELG is a CICERO—and few who have ever
had the pleasure of hearing the Noble Colonial
Secretary will trouble themselves about instituting a
comparison between his most studied orations and
those of the Roman Consul, when denouncing the
flight and traitorous designs of the Patrician rebel.
The defence made by the Government for not accom-

panying the coerc v.: resolutions with a military force
strong enough to prevent rebellion, was weak
and inconclusive. In the first place, Ministers
maintained that no increase of the army in Canada
was necessary : whereas in reality they evidently
dreaded the imputation of intending to do what they
had resolved to do—coerce the Canadians. They
wished to “ roar as gently as sucking doves," lest they
might disturb the equanimity of the people of Eng-
land, or bring upon themselves, as a Government, the
imputation of entertaining a thought hostile to the
liberties of any portion of our fellow-subjects. The
Earl of RIPON justly reprobated the temerity of Sir
FRANCIS B. HEAD, who, to make a foolish and
uncalled for display of the loyalty of the Upper
Province, exposed the seat of Government to an
attack from a body of rebels, who all but succeeded
in making him a prisoner in Toronto. The Noble
Earl observed with much force, that had there been
lihe ordinary quota of troops in the Upper Province,
here .would have been no disturbance, and, conse-
' uently, no occasion for punishing criminals, who, but
for the rashness of the Government, would never have
IJeen induced to incur the guilt of rebellion.
In one point of view, the debate in the Lords
ast night, was very important—it served to de-
velope more clearly than the debates in the
Commons had done, the future designs of Mi-
nisters with respect to Canada. Thus, the Con-
stitution is to be suspended for three years ; so that
there will be ample timeto debate the provisions of the
new Constitution. This very important fact was not
so much as intimated in any of Lord JOHN Rus-
SELL'S three speeches on the question. Again the
election of the ten persons who, in the character of
Members of the Legislative Assembly, are to assist
Lord DURHAM with their advice, is to be by the pre-
sent body of electors. This also is a fact of some im-
portance, to which we may advert at some length at a

more fitting occasion.
It is a real gratification to us to be able to turn from
the speeches of her MAJESTY'S Ministers on the Ca-
nada question, to the brief but admirable speech on
the same subject delivered by the Earl of DURHAM.
We are not among the number of those who pretend
to see the perfection of human wisdom in every word
that drops from his Lordship's lips ; neither have we
ever subscribed to the sound policy of the acts which
have obtained for him a name in the diplomatic circles of
Europe. We are therefore not liable to be carried away
by an excessive enthusiasm, in characterising the Noble
Earl's speech of last night, as one of the most states-
man-like delivered for many years in the Parliament
of Great Britain. The Noble Earl's allusion to a
passage in the Duke of WELLINGTON'S speech, in
order to correct the impression which it was calculated
to conve, embodies the sentiments of a true states-

•
swan s
The Noble Duke has stated, in the ccaarse of the discus-
,- of this exciting, that be had very much regretted to hear
it said that one of the objects of the intended measures
with respect to Canada was merely the support of a parti-
cul::r party in that province. It is not with that view that I
by any means shall undertake the mission.—( Hear, hoar.)
I believe that my duty, in the first place, will be to assert the
supremacy of her Majesty's Government—(Hear)—to assert
the dignity and honour of the British Crown, and to see that
the law is carried into execution—that it is not set aside in the
remotest cabin or in the most distant settlement.—(Hear.)
I shall not conceive that I have done my duty as long as there
is the slightest pretence for consideriog that the dignity of the
Crown or the supremacy of the law continues to be violated.—
( Hear.) Having effected that necessrry and essential pr,•li-
rninary object, I shall consider, without reference to party,
~,ting as de all reflections that may concern either the British
party or the French party in that country—indeed, I knew
no French—(Hear, hear)—l can regard all only as her Ma-
j,:sty's subjects—( sir, hear)—having i ffected the necessary
and essential preliminary objects to which I have adverted,
I shall consider that I ought to extend protection to all, to
give justice to all—( Hear, hear hear)—that I ought to en-
deavour to protect as touch the local rights and piisileges of
those who are the possessors and proprietors of the soil as the
ureat commercial interests which more effect those who are
called the British settlers,"
Such solitiments as these from the mouth of the re-
presentative of her MAJESTY, armed with the fullest
powers of the Crown, to put down the insurrection in
our North American colonies, will not fail to make a
deep impression on the minds of the disaffected. The
conclusion of the Noble Earl's speech, which elicitcd
loud cheep from all parts of the House, was worthy
of the cornmeocement
ff go not for the purpose of exercising that powor, that