The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-07 00:00:00

tion of the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir G. Grey) or that of
thellon. Member (Mr. J. O'Connell). He would ad•
mit the reality of the insurrection of last year, and the
truth of nearly all the assertions contained in the letter
of the Lord-Lieutenant. But he thought that a renewal
of the Act was sought for on insufficient grounds, and
that there were powers enough in the ordinary law suf-
ficient at all times for the conduct of the 'government.
He did not hesitate to say that there were people in
this country against whom charges of disaffection might
with as much justice be levelled as against the Irish. It
was, unfortunately, but too notorious that gentlemen
went about in England, and especially in Lancashire,
exciting the masses, and stimulating them to enter into
leagues with an avowod purpose to deprive the Crown of
our mighty colonial empire. Was there any lawyer in
that House who could doubt that the language which
those persons held was seditious, if not treasonable?-
-(Hear, hear.) Was it anything less than se-
ditious to hold out the example of the American re-
public in the manner in which it had been presented to
the discontented spirits of this land ? Then why should
there be this selection, to the disadvantage of Ireland,
and why should the Manchester gentlemen come for-
ward as they now did to swell the majority in that
House against the rights and liberties of the people of
Ireland? With respect to one of the grounds taken up
by the Government for the purpose of supporting the
proposition now before them, he wished to say that he
was acquainted with Mr. M'Ghee, upon the statements
made by whom much would depend in case the writ of
error should fail. Now, what were the facts ? Mr.
M'Ghee, down to the end of February, was engaged most
earnestly in attempting to prevent even the appearance
of Liberalism amongst the Young Ireland party. His
letters at that time were full of loyalty and Conserva-
tism; and he remained in that train of mind until
the bursting forth of the French revolution excited
him to an unsafe and incautious pitch of enthusiasm.
Mr. M'Ghee's letters from America ought certainly
not to be permitted to injure the parties with
whom he had been previously associated, for
he was a poet, a good poet, but still a poet, and
it was to be hoped that, as he never could intend
to compromise the lives of his associates, so that effect
might be avoided. Considering, further, that the letter
of the Lord-Lieutenant afforded no ground for the pro-
posed measure, he should vote against the Bill; but he
should by no means support the amendment, thinking a
Committee of Inquiry in every respect inexpedient.
Mr. BOURKE said, that in thus addressing the House
for the first time upon a subject deeply painful to the
people of Ireland, he felt bound frankly to state his con-
viction that there did exist in that country a necessity
for the measure now before them. If the Bill were cal-
culated to excite a feeling of alarm on the score of fur-
ther rebellion, he should vote against it. If its tendency
were to hinder commerce or agriculture, or if the Go-
vernment intended to make it permanent, he should on
that ground also vote against it. He considered that
the state of Ireland rendered a continuance of these
powers necessary, to prevent an alarm which had
been deeply detrimental to the interests of the country
during the last year. As there was no intention on
the part of the Government to render this measure per-
manent, and as it was not likely to produce any of the
evil effects which had been anticipated from it, he
thought all who desired to see peace and order estab-
lished in Ireland ought to give it their support.—(Hear.
hear.) He, as an Irishman, would gladly support any
measure which would insure, even for the shortest period,
the continuance of peace in Ireland. What that country
needed was peace, that the people might be allowed to
turn their minds from politics and theories to the culti-
vation of domestic arts. The people of Ireland had
been accustomed for many years to think more of fight-
ing than of farming—(Hear, hear)—more of contention
than of commerce—(Hear, hear)—and hence they had
failed to take measures to avert or remedy the disasters
of the last year or two. A calamity unprecedented in
the history of nations had overtaken them, and had found
them unprepared with any means of defence to shield them
against itsouslaught. But there was one feature in that dis-
aster which rendered it terrible to contemplate. A spirit
was abroad among the people which made even famine
more hideous than it would otherwise have been—a
spirit that enabled men to tell the famine-stricken pea-
santry that the deaths of those who were near and dear
to them were caused, not by the visitation of God, but
by the effects of bad legislation—(Hear, hear)—that
Ireland was ruined by its connexion with England—and
that the Saxon sway ever had been, and ever would be,
hostile to Celtic improvement and prosperity. This was
a maniac spirit, an anarchist spirit, a traitorous spirit—
(Hear, hear) —and they had to-night to decide whether
such a spirit still existed iu Ireland. If any portion of
the fire still slumbered there was a necessity for the
stringent measures proposed by the Government. It had
been said that the powers which it was now proposed
to continue, and which had been held by the L
rd-
Lieutenant for some months, were intended to put
down the Repeal body; but had there been any proof
that such was the case?—(Hear, hear.) Not a man
had been arrested who had not been deeply involved
in the traitorous transactions of July last ; and it
was evident that this measure had not been intended
to cramp the free and proper discussion of public ques-
tions. He was not surprised, however, at the strong
opposition to it. Although not an old man—(A. laugh)
—he was old enough to remember the time when the un-
fortunce MCA now in the prison of Dublin were shining
lights and leaders in an association that had for many
years held sway over the feelings and passions of the
Irish people—when the members of the Loyal National
Repeal Association were not ashamed to avail themselves
of the prestige and traditionary influence of one who
bore the ancient name ofO'Brien, and to welcome to their
counsels Mr. Meagher, and enlist his talents in their
cause. The fact was, that many of the members of the
late confederation once obeyed the mandates of the
leaders of the late Repeal Association; but where were
hey now? The leaders were still legisletere in that
House, while their followers were convicted felons.—
(" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) The masters were Members
of Parliament, but their pupils were immured in the
dreary eels of Dublin gaol. He (Mr. Bourke)
might prove the connexion that still existed between
those Hon. Members and the unfortunate men im-
prisoned in Dublin.—(" Nu," from Mr. J. O'Connell,
and loud cries of " Hear.") But he would not now pur-
sue the subject further. He would only remind the
House of this simple fact, with which they were all
acquainted—that Conciliation-hall begot confederation,
and that confederation begot the miserable scenes of last
year.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir H. W. BARRON observed, that he resided in a
district of Ireland where a strung insurrectionary feel-
ing had existed during the last summer ; but, having
just returned from that district, he could assure the
House, on the honour of a gentleman, that he never
knew it in so tranquil a state.—(Hear, hear.) During
the sixteen years he had been in Parliament he ha
never known political agitation in Ireland so completely
at a discount, or the leaders of the violent party so com-
pletely prostrate, as they were at this moment. Those
among the peasantry who were active supporters of the
late insurrection were now convinced of the folly and
wickedeess of
wtvheie::msewsnlerwehpwoorrfoleenedgo,ythem into the move-
ment ; and the few junior clergy of the Roman Ca-
thelic Church who last summer were imbued with
something approaching to au insurrectionary disposition
thacturheed,wassosasifstdy
c—thoenTeianwucgeadhstntehore)trorne among the ministers of that church,
from the bishop to the humblest curate, who would
sanction any attempt of an insurrectionary nature. He
considered, then, that he should be a traitor to those who
sent him to that House if he consented to abridge their
liberties by supporting the proposal of the Govern-
ment. He believed that Lord Clarendon had adminis-
tered the law with judgment, with mercy, and with pru-
dence—cifear, hear)—but that circumstance would not
induce him (Sir H. Barren) to abandon the liberties of
his countrymen. He wanted to know what the British
wanted so much as the
power Parliament intended to do for the Irish people ? It was
not
poloifticoabltariiogihog rights
ftohoadt
and the means of subsisten6e,—
theyt
something to stimulate the industry of the country and
to support the starving thousands., who were now dying
in cabins and ditches. Would a coercion Bill or the sus-
pension of the Habeas Corpus Act effect that object? Such
measures would only drive thousands of sober-minded
men in Ireland, who had been really anxious for the
British connexion, into the arms of repeal. The conti-
nued suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act would in-
crease instead of mitigating discontent. He believed
that in the hands of Lord Clarendon the power proposed
to be given to him would not be abused, and therefore
would not produce enormous mischief; but still he ab-
horred this constant recurrence to measures for the sus-
pension of the liberties of the subject; and until a clear
case for the present proposition was shown, he must vote
as determinedly against it as he had supported a similar
one last year.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. MOORE, who was very indistinctly heard in the
gallery, referred, as we understood, to some observa-
tions made on a former occasion by the Noble Lord at
the head of the Government, to the effect that the House
should inform itself of the circumstances under which
extraordinary powers were demanded from it, and
should not proceed to pass judgment without due know-
ledge. He thought that statement just and reason•
able, and in it was involved the whole question now
under consideration, The Noble Lord consequently
admitted that a Minister was bound to make out an ex-
traordinary case for the demand of extraordinary powers,
and he (Mr. Moore), after the statement made on the
part of the Government that night, asked whether an ex-
traordinary case, or even an ordinary case, according to
the usage and practice of Parliament, had been esta-
blished for the suspension of the constitutional rights
and privileges of a portion of her Majesty's subjects.--
(Hear, hear.) The tact was, that no rebellion had broken
out in Ireland, simply because the people of that coun.
try never had any
intention of rebelling—(Hear, hear)—
anal those patriots of the United Irishman, who talked
of throwing vitriol on the troops, had in reality scarcely
any more influence with the Irish people, or with any
distahffiescoteodunptryor,tiaoondof
wereth opposed from first to last bye Irish people, than any Saxon
in
those in whom the Irish people had belief and trust.—
dc reent
he
and wbi
et ho
nw heixc
it was impossible to speak in
(Hear, hear.) With respect to the temper and dis-
ohrothiseedp,owers intrusted to Lord Claren-
don
of too high praise; and he believed that in
respect to that matter all classes and parties in the coun-
try would give great commendation to that Noble Lord.
But he had no notion of entrusting the lives and liberties
of his countrymen to the mercy of any individual, merely
because he had confidence in that individual's discretion.
—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Mete ber then referred to
that paragraph in Lord Clarendon's letter which al-
luded to the disaffection and disloyalty of a portion of
the Irish population, and was understood to observe that
Lord Clarendon, so far from exaggerating the amount of
this disaffection, had rather underrated the extent of the
surface over which it was spread; but though there
might he a portion of the people disloyal, nine-tenths
of the population were well affected to the Govern-
ment of this country from a natural and proper
, regard for peace, circler, and the security of life