The Sun.
London, England, 1831-11-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

A, little tract which we publish, from the pen of
Sir Gilbert Blanc, deserves to be read with atten-
tiera and in our judgment to be acted upon promptly
a,a energetically. The learned Baronet, in the
+observations which he has thus opportunely ad-
dressed to the country, and the bulk of which he
took the humane—though, we grieve to say, fruitless
—precaution to circulate last month amongst the
sea-ports on the eastern coast, is evidently actuated
by an extreme contempt for the ordinary pedantry
and affected pomp with which the authors of pro-
fessional publications are too apt to usher them into
;he world. He entitles his short pamphlet," Warn-
ing to the British public against the alarming ap-
proach of the Indian Cholera ;" and this, be it re-
collected, was before the cholera had made its !orig.
merit here—before it had reached so far north-west
as Hamburg, and while others of the faculty were
treating with derision the fear that it would ever
Visit us. We undoubtedly agree with fir Gilbert
Blanc that the only theory-en which the progress of
this malady from Calcutta to the north of England
can reasonably be accounted for is that of its being
contutunicable from man to man. The word " commu-
nicable" is employed by Sir Gilbert Thane, that he
may get rid of the eternal sophistries resorted to in
discussions about contagion, non-contagion, &c. In
a brief history of the rource which the cholera has
followed, and of the space which it has traversed,
the learned physician establishesenough to prove that
the facts are perfectly reconcilable with the hypo-
thesis of the cholera being of an infectious nature,
and utterly irreconcilable, on rational grounds at
least, with any other supposition, Indeed, he inti-
mates, and not a whit too strongly, that they have
much to answer for who would throw a whole nation
off its guard, and, from stubborn adherence to a gra-
tuitous dogma, dissuade men from raking a simple
and easy (provided they be timely) means of re-
pelliug or mitigating a pestilence to which so many
human lives have already fallen victims in every re-
gion of this eastern hemisphere. In the mean time
let us implore individuals of all classes to carry the
preventive measure of cleanliness, ventilation, anti
temperance, into as diligent and persevering prac-
tice as may be possible. Once more we
direct the watchful eye of the police to the creation
of nuisances in the public streets and highways, as
ready preparatives of infection. Whenever the
horrid custom prevails of pumping out cesspools
into the open gutters, the offending parties ought
to be instantly seized, and a further experiment tried
by the police inspectors whether a magistrate will
dismiss the culprits harmless, or enforce the law
against them. it appears that the country is in-
debted to the scandalous disregard of Custom-house
regulations by certain persons at Sunderland for the
introduction into Great Britain of the only plague by
which this island has been visited since before the
ti;e of London. An adegurite punishment for such
a crime it is beyond humeri power to inflict; but at
all events some means ought to be taken to affix to
the offenders some stigma, if not some legal and
}leery chastisement, as a lesson to public officers
elsewhere that the safety of nations is not to be sacri-
ficed with impunity. It will be seen that further
cases of cholera have appeared at Sunderland, and
have been attended with various, though on the
whole with not favourable, results.—Times.
The inquest on the Italian boy, whose body was
'lately offered for sale at the anatomical school of the
King's College, has not unreasonably excited the
alarm of the public. If it shall be proved that he
was murdered, for the purpose of deriving a hor-
rible livelihood from the disposal of his body,—it
wretches have picked up from our streets an unpro-
tected foreign child, and prepared him for the die-
secring knife by assassination,—if they have prowled
about in order to obtain subjects for a dissecting-
room,—then we may he assured that this is not
solitary, crime of its kind ; but that, by a proper
search, other revolting and monstrous examples of
it will be discovered. Already public suspicion
springs to this conclusion. The six persons who
went to ascertain whether the bey carried to King's
College belonged to them, had each of course lost a
relative answering the description of the Italian
child, without knowing whither those relatives had
gone, or how they had perished. In a city like this
great metropolis, to which so many children of
want and wretchedness find their way without any
subsequent care or inquiry among their friends or
relatives,—where so -many, wander about without a
lodging or a home,—where wretched creatures may
he as little known to those who live in the house on
whose steps they lie down for the night, er from
whose door they are repulsed,—resurrection-men of
eie Bunking school might safely and successfully ply
their horrible trade for some time, unless the
police were active, and the hospitals a little
inquisitive. In the by-lanes and allcys,—in
the dark and hidden places in .London—a den of
murder might remain undiscovered longer than that
of Burke in Edinburgh, if the police and parish-
officers were as careless, and the profession as un-
suspicious as they were in the northern capital.
Victims would be had in more abundance, and a
larger market is at hand for the disposal of the
coamsedity. Let it not he supposed that the
smallness of the gain, balanced against the ;nevi-
tude of the crime, would prevent the perpetration
of the murder, if the fear of detection should be
removed by the want of vigilance. The sum of
twelve guineas which was asked, or the sum of nine
guineas wliich they ultimately received for the
Italian boy, was probably more than they could ex-
pect from a burglary or highway robbery, fur which
they would all have been hanged. For the sum of
101. cr 12/. a wretch like Burke would have assassi-
nated all his race. We would therefore press upon
the Magistrates the necessity of inquiring mi-
nutely into the case of those persons who have
lost their relatives, and to scrutinize the conduct and
recent proceedings of the resurrection-men.
would suggest to the police and parish officers to
search in suspected quarters, and particularly to ex-
amine the mode in which the hospitals have been
recently supplied with dead bodies. And lastly,
we would advise the professors at the different ;tea-
t ornicel institutions to be cautious about buying very
recent subjects—whose appearance indicates that
they hail enjoyed health to the period immediately
preceding their death, or on whom were visible any
marks of violence.—Times.

Mr. Tidd Pratt, barrister-at-law, officially ap-
pointed to certify the rules of Savings' Banks and
Friondly S'cieties (as would be seen by a late re-
port from the sessions, and by a letter in our Paper
cl Monday), has shown his industry, and proved his
fitness for his task, by drawing u? an account of all
tht sayings' Banks in England and Ireland, ar-
ranged according to counties, specifying the period
at which each institution was established, and the
increase and decrease of each class of depositors for
the last two years. This laborious compilation, ex-
tracted from official documents, and occupying 70
P °es of tables, gives us the complete statistics of
these admirable institutions down to the present
titnt.. It is not published for sale ; but its contents
should be known to all those who are interested in
the management of the funds of the poor, or are de-
s runs of promoting economy and independence
among the working. classes. By looking at the
tables, the higher orders may see how many estu..!
Nish:rents for securing and increasing the savings or
the industrious poor are to be found in their Own
county or district,—how many of their less fortu-
nate but economical neighbours and dependents
have acquired a taste for independence, and are
fcrraing those habits of self-denial, in a situation
where they might indulge a humble extravagance,
which supply a reserve for future necessities,—howmany accounts are opened with the national banker
by Persons whose little gains no other bank would
manage, how far their little treasury has been
increased or diminished, since 1829, by the
mites added by their providence, or withdrawn
by their wants ; and what is the sum total Ili
edch county, or over the whole kingdom, o
deposits which; but for such institutions, would
Fiebub:Y have been spent in dissipation, i,quanderetl

in folly, or perverted to indulgence in vice and pro-
fligacy. The general number of the contributors,
and the amount of their contributions, will probably
not a little astonish those who are perpetually ha-
ranguing us on the improvidence of the poorer
classes, and finding excuses for neglecting the means
of their improvement in an affected despair of being-
able to obtain their co-operation for leettering their
condition. The total roembee of accounts open on
the 30th of Novem'oer last year was 418,785, and
the whole capital invested was 14,365,967/. This
allows, it is true, but a small stock to each contri-
butor—each account being only at the rate of 341.;
but it ought to be recollected that these institu-
tions offer their advantages only to savings below
2001., and that many depositors, who begin with
the savings' banks, withdraw their money to oilier
establishments when their accumulations exceed that
sum. Of these depositors, 210,247 have opened
accounts under 201.; 116,910, under 50/.; 54,011,
under 100/. ; 18;537, under 150/. ; 8,009 under
200/.; and 4,405 above 200/. It is gratifying to
add, that on all these classes of accounts there has
been an increase within the year 1830 (the period
to which the returns extend), except on those above
200/., which may be managed for safety by the in-
stitutions destined for smaller savings, but which
derive no peculiar advantage from them in point of
higher interest. In this class there was in 1830 a
decrease of 534, but the withdrawal of this money
argues no falling off in the means or the prudence
of the contributors, as it was probably invested in
other securities, or has been employed in small
trade. By the accounts of the whole year it appears
that there has been an increase of 13,021 depositors.
Without undervaluing the importance of this sum
of nearly 15,000,000/. sterling, as a fund of national
relief, or a means of increasing individual comfort,—
a fund equal to the poor-rates of all England for more
than two years,—we regard it as of far greater im-
t from the feelings which it indicates, and
the habits which it tends to generate in the deposi-
tors. It encourages forecast and calculation, with
respect to the affairs of life. It evinces an honest
desire to provide, by a present sacrifice, against
future want, or to secure a future advantage at the
expence of present gratification. It draws closer
the bonds of confidence between the poor who hoard
arid the rich who manage their savings,—and inte-
rests the former in the preservation of order, by the
same attachment to property which acts upon the
latter. It makes the depositor enter into a kind of
recognizance for his good behaviour to the amount
of his contribution, and to give pledges to society
that he wishes to live upon the fruits of his own
industry, by converting the modest excess of his
wages or gains into a little capital for future use,
chile he is acquiring or improving those habits of
industry and frugality which are never solitary vir-
tues. His decent pride of independence will teach
him, after he becomes a depositor, to despise an
existence dependent on public or private charity.—
The man who frequents the Savings' Bank every
quarter-day to deposit his small accumulation, or to
receive his modest dividend, is the least likely per-
son to become an acquaintance of the overseer,—a
supplicant at the door of the parish vestry, or an
inmate of the parish poor-house. The origin of
these institutions is too recent, and their establish.
ment in particular localities too accidental, to allow
us to draw any general inference from their success
or failure,—their flourishing or declining condition,
—as to the state of popular comfort or prudence in
different parts of the country : but when they have
been in operation for a quarter of a century, we
have no doubt that they will afford one of the best
tests or indications of the relative progress of diffe•
rent counties or districts in wealth and intelligence.
Then, tables like those now before us will present a
kind of moral map of the kingdom, coloured and
defined, representing the good or bad quality of the
lower classes, according to the number and riches of
its banks for savings. Even the present returns lay
the foundation for some important conclusions as to
the condition of the labouring poor in particular dis-
tricts. Though Savings' Banks were introduced
into Ireland at the same time as into England, their
progress in the former part of the empire has been
so smrill that we find only 34,638 depositors, and
945,991/. of deposits in the whole island; while in
Yorkshire, with a sixth part of the population, the
deposits amount to 1,053,003/. In Wales the same
comparative poverty is observable, the deposits for
the whole principally being only 340,721/. or not
so much by 40,0001. as those of the county of
Surrey, whose different economical institutions
present a capital of 380,960/. The agricultural
counties have, in general, fewer of these esta-
blishments, and these establishments fewer con-
tributors, than the manufacturing or commercial, in
proportion to their respective populations. Thus,
I3uckinghamshire has four banks, and deposits are
only to the amount of 36,647/., while deposits in
the Savings Bank of the town of Bristol alone arc
233,944/., and for the whole county of Gloucester
more than 500,0001. Berkshire, considered as an
agricultural county, has encouraged these institutions
more titan most other counties of the same class, the
number of depositors in its ten banks being 7,138,
and their capital amounting to 244,909/. We al-
luded above to the security which these institutions
gave to the preservation of civil order, by interest-
ing great masses in support of the present distribu-
tion of property; and this consideration is of no
small importance in enabling us to silence the
clamours of those who are perpetually ringing in
our ears that funded capitol and Parliamentary Re-
form are incompatible, and that the extension of the
right of suffrage must lead to the plunder of the
national creditor. We only desire such alarmists to
reflect for a moment on the mighty hosts of that
very people on whom the right of voting will be con-
ferred, whose existence or comfort depends on the
strict observance of the national faith, and then to
say whether a confiscation of funded property is
rendered more probable by their acquisition of
electoral privileges ? Why, there are as many
people interested in the public funds as in the landed
property of the country, and the convulsion which
would destroy the rights of one set of proprietors
would not spare those of another. Without men-
tioning the numerous class whose names are on the
books of the Bank for sums of 1,0001. and upwards,
—as numerous as the body of landed gentry,—we
need only observe, that in the Savings' Banks alone
we have a poorer class of fundholders amounting to
nearly 500,000. Away, then, with the idle terror,
or the disgraceful delusion, that the restoration of
our national rights will injure any class who depend
upon the national faith—and let us strengthen social
order by encouraging institutions which tend to
raise the character, while they promote the comforts,
of the labouring poor.— Times.

Meetings continue to be held throughout the
country. That of the county of Warwick, which
took place on Tuesday, affords a striking evidence
of the zeal and spirit of the Reformers in that part
of England. The requisition for a meeting of the
county of Norfolk is signed by a strong array of
Nobles and rich Commoners, and individuals of in-
fluence and character. These are not surely symp-
toms of re-action. The Anti-Reformers, we know,
are beginning to hold their heads as high as ever;
and though there are no symptoms of any alteration
cf opinion on the part of the people, bur, on the
contrary, everywhere evidence of a more earnest de-
ttrinination to obtain an efficient Reform ; yet,
somehow or other, a belief is gaining ground that the
pas of Ministers is beset with greater difficulties
than they calculated on. That belief has travelled
much farther than the metropolis. At the meet-
ing of the Birmingham Council, held on Monday
last, of which a report will be found in another
column, Mr. Attwood observed, " he did not hesi-
tate to say that the Bill was in danger. It had been
rejected by the house of Lords, and he feared it
would be rejected again. But there .vere other
circumstances which he could not but consider.
It was possible—he did not think it was
probable—but it was possible—that our good
and patriotic King may be induced, by the
wiles of those who surround him, to withdraw his
support from the Bill. It was possible that the ma-

chinations of our powerful enemies may defeat the
Ministers, and compel them to resign. And if (said
Mr. A.) the King, Army, and Navy are transferred
to the power of the boroughmongers, why then I
could not but feel the peculiar danger of my situa-
tion." It is obvious, from these remarks, that Mr.
Attwood is suspicious. The advice he gave the
members of the Union was important. "If the
enemy (said he) could send spies to excite the
people to rise in petty, unorganised, undirected
bodies, in order that these bodies might be cut
down in detail, the energy of the people would be
damped ; they would argue from these numerous
failures of petty bodies to the failure of all attempts,
and the cause of Reform must fall to the ground ;
the boroughmongers would triumph, and the vene-
rable Earl Grey:himself, whose life had been devoted
to Reform, might be brought to punishment for his
patriotic efforts." It is proper that we should, at
this important crisis, be prepared for the worst. We
have never doubted the honesty of Ministers, but
we have always doubted their power to perform
possibilities; we have always doubted their power
to convert Bishops into Reformers, and borough_
mongering Peers, interested in the present sys-
tem of pillage of the people, into partizans
of an economical Government. We never under-
rated the task of Ministers ; on the contrary, we
have always been inclined to suppose that some of
the Ministry over-rated their own means of ma-
nagement. It requires no great art to persuade a
man to fill his pocket at the expellee of others;
but a man must be more than a conjuror, who can
persuade another who can take what he pleases
from the pockets of others to forego that power.
If Ministers can have a majority without the Bi-
shops, the Bishops may be Reformers against their
will; but if the majority is to be made by the Bi-
shops, they will play the old trick over again. Mr.
Attwood says, " If the boroughmongers should
throw out the Bill a srcond time, they will destroy
Lord Grey, unless the people save him. Let them
adhere to the law, to the throne, and the Govern-
ment, and put their trust in them until they deceive
them. When they have deceived us—but deceive
us they scarcely can—we must have a care lest they
destroy us. The proposed organization will enable
ns to do this with effect, and therefore it was very
important that this should be done whilst the
present Ministry are in power.
The Council will be placed
in dangerous circumstances if the boroughtnongers
should again triumph. Therefore he called upon
the Union to take such steps as would enable them,
if efforts were made to oppose the King or persecute
his Ministers, to arrest the hand of the destroyer,
and vindicate the rights of Englishmen, the happt-
' tress of their homes, and the principles of law."
Several plans of arming were submitted to the
Council, and referred to a Committee, which is to
report on Tuesday next. Mr. Attwood urged ex-
pedition, as a week, he said, was important. We
warn Englishmen not to allow themselves to sup-
pose that they can now remain passive. A time is
coming when danger can ulone be averted by show-
ing that they are prepared to face it. Ministers
have much at stake; but we all of us have much at
stake; for should Wellington and the borough-
mongers return to power, they would endeavour to
stifle the desire for Reform by an exercise of au-
thority which would involve numbers in great dis-
iress. They would not ultimately succeed; but in
the meantime many a worthy man would be sacri-
ficed. Let us now show a bold front. Ile who is
not with us now is against us. Nothing but firm-
flees and a determination on the part of the people
not to be trodden down, will enable them to suc-
ceed. Through the first opening given by timidity
or faint-heartedness the boroughmongers will pass.
—Morning Chronicle.

The attempts which are still making in certain
quarters to get up Political Unions and armed as-
sociation, under the specious pretence of protecting
the public peace, and thereby proclaiming the pre-
sent Ministry incompetent to discharge the duties of
regular Government, induces us to advert to those
Unions once more, for the purpose of protecting the
cause of Reform from that description of friends
who are its worst enemies. Part of what we pre-
dicted would be the mischievous consequences of
forming political combinations to intrude upon the
functions of Government had already come to pass.
We said that those Unions would create disunion;
and have they not done so ? Have they not had a
most malignant efficacy in breaking down that unity
of sentiment which previously existed among Re-
formers of all grades and classes, with the exception
of a little knot of ultra-radicals, whose insignificance
of numbers, and whole political destitution, served
as a foil to the grandeur and power of that over-
whelming mass of opinion by which, throughout the
whole country, a rational and practical plan of Re-
form was so nobly supported ? But no sooner
IA as a prevalent spirit excited by the Ministerial
Press for the formation of Political Unions than the
" apple of discord" was thrown among Reformers
with fatal effect. It was said that one of the first
objects of those Political Unions was to protect the
peace,—and behold the result ! Scarcely was the
Political Union of London formed than the pro-
jected meeting of the " working classes" at White
Conduit-house became a source of terror to the
public and of alarm to the Government. Great
were the preparations made to meet the formidable
emergency, not by marching the Political Union of
the Crown and Anchor, with Sir Francis Burdett
at its head, to put down the convention of political
artisans at White Conduit-house, but by stationing
near the scene of expected disturbance such a force
of horse, foot, arid artillery, as showed that, with
the increase of Political Unions, Government felt
an increased necessity for preserving the peace by a
demonstration of its readiness to call into action the
terrible resources of war. What advantage did
Bristol—sacked and plundered by a drunken mob,
described to be as contemptible in numbers as it
was mischievous in its frenzy—derive from its Po-
litical Union It is true the members of this
Uniot► came forward when all the mischief had
been done, and the swords of the soldiers dyed
in the blood of the defeated rioters ;—it is true
the members of this Union came forward then and
made an ostentatious parade of proffering their
services to protect the peace, when death and de-
solation had spread around the tranquillity of the
grave ! An intelligent correspondent in the Courier
of Tuesday gives the following exposition of
the services of the Political Union, the mem-
bers of which, during the period of peril, seem
to have most siudiously evinced their faith in
Sir John Falstaff's opinion, that " the better
part of valour is discretion." He says, " It has
been industriously circulated that the Political Union
was the chief means by which the riot was sup-
pressed. The Political Union ! It had no force; it
was contemptible as to numbers—not amounting to
300, and still more so as to character. In this re-
' spectable body many of the rioters were afterwards
recognised by those who had the opportunity of
becoming acquainted with them. The Political
Union did nothing towards restoring tranquillity. The
leader of the Political Union, after the mob had been
effectually put down by the military, did certainly
offer to the officer who appeared to be in command
of the dragoons the assistance of the Political Union,
and requested his directions. The reply was, " Place
the Political Union in the ruined houses; they
will there be out of the way of being hurt, and I
shall know where to find them." If voluntary asso-
ciations were, indeed, as powerful to protect the
peace as they have as yet shown themselves to he
powerless, our objections to their existence would
not be removed. There could be no more porten-
tous symptom of the decline of a great nation than
having a Government either too imbecile or too
supine to protect the peace, or inspire confidence
and afford security to the public, while voluntary
associations took the sceptre of popular authority
out of its feeble hands, anti calmed or raised the
" stormy wave of the multitude at its plea-
sure." As we have said before, every power, un-
known to the Constitution and irresponsible, that
has such influence, in times of danger and ex-

citemeht, as to protect the peace, has also the
power to subvert it. As to the dissension caused
by political unions among Reformers, it is becoming
more apparent every day. Though we believe the
majority of the middle classes throughout the king-
dom to be still in favour of rational Reform, yet in
many places, since those unions became the fashion,
the greater portion of what some call the " working
classes," and ottiers call "operatives," have declared
for universal suffrage, annual Parliaments, and vote
by ballot. In the parish of St. Matthew, Bethnal-
green, a church was desecrated the other day, by
being made use of for the purpose of forming a
branch of the National Political Union, of which
F. Burdett is Chairman. A scene occurred on the
occasion which was an instructive commentary
upon the advantages of such associations. The
Burdettire party were opposed by the Huntite, and
after a disgraceful struggle, of which the temple of
our religion was the arena, the Huntite party were
completely victorious, by carrying an amendment to
the purport that the new branch union should attach
itself to the main stein of political wisdom and virtue
which flourishes at the Rotunda. These fooleries
are bad enough, but they might be worse, if the
actors in them had arms in their hands.—Morning
Herald.

Our Bristol correspondent has announced a most
extraordinary fact, to which, with a proper degree of
reluctance, he seems to attach some credit. He has
told its that it is intended by the sagacious Corpo-
ration of that city to do—what can our readers
guess le
—to publish an account of their own ex-
ploits-:Y—No. To call a meeting for the discussion
of their late conduct ?—No. But to bring down
Sir Charles Wetherell, in the full plenitude of his
judicial functions, after his celebrated retreat from
the Mansion-house—to bring him down, nolens vo-
lens we suppose, for the purpose of trying the pri-
soners! There is scarcely another body in the
Ueited Kingdom of whom such a report could gain
credit for a single moment. They will probably con-
sider it a compliment to their spirit that we cannot
dismiss the rumour at once as incredible after the
part which they have lately played. In fact, there
is scarcely a height of absurdity which we do
not suppose them capable of scaling when they
set in right earnest about distinguishing them-
selves. But is it possible that they can suc-
ceed in persuading Sir Charles Wetherell to
put on the cap and hells? The worthy
Knight has often obtained credit for playing
the mountebank in another place ; but though we
can easily suppose them capable of erecting a stage
for him within their own jurisdiction, we doubt whe-
, tber, with all their eloquence, they can persuade him
to make such an exhibition of himself as to sand by
them in this consummation of absurdity. It is not
the danger of provoking fresh outrage that strikes
u 3 as incredible in this hopeful project—for troops
have been known to recover the effects of panic be-
fore now, and save their fame by a gallant and suc-
cessful charge ;—it is from his sense of the ridicu-
lous we expect his rejection of the advice of the
Corporation. Surely he could not pull the wig over
his ears without feeling that he had compromised
his judicial austerity by braving recent recollt-ctions.
Perhaps, however, we are doing injustice to his ob-
stinacy. Perhaps the Worshipful Corporation have
studied their own Recorder with more accuracy than
we can pretend to ; and we may be destined to wit-
ness a struggle between him and them as to who is
cipable of going farthew in disappointing every ra-
tional speculation.—Morning Herald.
The Warwickshire meeting, of which we give as
full a report as possible, from different Evening Pa-
pers, furnishes another splendid specimen of that
" re-active" spirit which is so common to English-
men, when once they have seriously taken their re-
solution on any given matter. Indeed, a more re-
active spirit was manifested among the Warwick-
shire meeting, than we have known in almost any
other county ; and for the proof of it we refer to
the report of the speeches, all of which were, indeed,
free from intemperance, but which, as is justly ob-
served in The Sun, were also pervaded by " a stern
and resolute character. Each speaker seemed per-
fectly aware that the crisis at which the country had
arrived was most awful, and that the question, as it
now stood, was, not whether we should have a
greater or a less degree of Reform, but whether we
should have Reform to the extent proposed by the
rejected Bill, or revolution. The Warwick meeting,
by its spirit—its energy—and its plain speaking, will
no doubt produce a happy effect on the reflecting
faculties—provided at least they possess them—of
the boroughmongers. It will serve to convince
them that the people will no longer be cajoled or
trifled with, and that they have already suffered to
the extreme point of human endurance, and are now
resolved, come weal come woe, to have their griev-
ances effectually redressed." But this spirit, it
ought to be remarked, is not the spirit of the War-
wickshire gentry only, but also of the people of
England. Tue bugbear of Reform—and Reform
was once not only a bugbear, but a scandal to those
professing it—is now no longer feared—on the con•
trary, the passing of the measure is ardently desired,
and the enemy that is feared is not a Reform in the
representation of the people, or rather a restoration
of that Constitution which, when acted upon " in
spirit and in truth," is the safeguard of every man's
liberties—but revolution and anarchy ! —a revolution
which would sweep away every vestige of our
glorious Constitution, and a revolution accom-
panied by such an uprooting of the foundations of
society, and such a breach of the peace of the
community, as would set father against son, and son
against father in the first instance; and after having
rendered the country a disgrace, not only to itself,
but to human kind, would deliver it over, bound
hand and foot, into the possession of a military
us—fardes-
theybeariet
evenevenfms)'m Far
u s to be
h
impending ; but in truth there are many who dread
such results, and the truth also is that the storm is
from suchilr for scenes
a
from
that
brewing, and that were the Bill for reforming the
representation of the people of England to be rejected
a second time, there is no one who would riot con-
sider such fears to be well grounded. But it will
not, we both hope and thitik,be rejected—the peace
of the country will be secured by the adhesion of the
Peers—and the fears, which are now entertained,
pass away, we anxiously trust, " as a dream which
has been dreamed," and of which nothing will re-
main but an indistinct remembrance—a shadow of
a recollection I—Morning Advertiser.
We flatter ourselves that we shall not be sus-
pected of any great tenderness for the Radical
Mayor of Bristol, or of any great desire to excuse
the culpable remissness of himself and his timid
coadjutors upon occasion of the recent outbreak of
the revolutionary plunderers of that city. On the
contrary, we are decidedly of opinion that they
merit all the contempt and obloquy with which they
are now so unsparingly visited. But we are also
full) aware, and we think the public should be aware
also, that the guilt of that remissness and gross de-
reliction of their civic duty is by no means to be
imputed to themselves alone, but has in a great
measure been produced by causes which, however
they might have been, and indeed are, ineffective
with men of sound principles and manly moral
energies, were precisely those likely to operate
upon radical imaginations and shallow under-
standings, and for Which other and far more
culpable parties have to answer. There are
a set of persons in this country who, ever
consistent and clear-sighted in the best mode
of producing confusion, have always carefully vilified
and abused the honest endeavours of the Executive,
and of all constituted local authorities, to protect the
persons and property of sober citizens, and to con-
troul the drunken excesses of a stimulated mob.
When a few years ago preparations had been made
for enacting the tragic scenes of Bristol at Manches-
ter, when an armed and trained band of levellers ap-
peared in that manufacturing metropolis, equally in-
flamed by a hatred of order and law, and allured by
the lust of plunder, and menaced that community
with the same spoliation and murder of which Bris-
tol has been recently the theatre, an honest and

energetic Magistracy, directing the effort: of a loyal
yeomanry, 'were able at a very smal I comparative
expense of life, to arrest the progress of the revolt'.
tioeary robber, and save their merchants and fami-
lies from the tragedy of fire and blood. It is true
that a prompt and conservative Government then
seconded their efforts, incited their energies, and
bestowed the rapid tribute of applause and reward
upon the preservers of property and order. But
how were their manly and patriotic exertions viewed
and visited by the crew to which we allude ? Did
they swell the chorus of the grateful citizens who were
enabled by those exertions to sleep unburnt in their
beds ? Did they applaud their courage, revere their
patriotism, and raise the altar to them as the conser-
vators of the city ? Were they followed, extolled,
and caressed by those even who were indebted to
them for their homes and their lives ? No; a base
and insidious cry was raised against them, for the
purpose of undermining such objectionable obstacles
to the march of rebellion as civic patriotism arid
courage presented; an attempt was made to stig-
matise their successful exertions against a horde of
ruffians, as sanguinary cruelties and a wanton de-
struction of the citizens; all the accustomed cant of
that inhuman liberalism, which would sacrifice the
sheep from an affected sentiment for the wolf, was
put in force for the purpose of depreciating their
conduct and blackening their reputations; and their
prompt and effective acts of preservation and resto-
ration were, by a strange obliquity of the moral
perceptions, adorned with the titles of tyranny, pro-
scription, and massacre I We repeat that Ito de-
ductions drawn from such' a fact as this will ever
have any power over the thoughts or any influence
over the conduct of a really generous and upright
citizen. We should as soon expect to see Lord
kVbarncliffe lay down his arms at the bidding of his
Reforming di4iguist as to find the great majority of
the English Magistracy, whether in towns or
counties, swayed by the vile breath of ingratitude
or injustice from the plain and honest and rill-
flinching performance of their duties in the station
to which they are called. But 'we ask what kind
of effect is likely to be produced upon the ignoran,,
the timorous, or the half honest, by such a line of
conduct as was pursued on the former memorable
occasion, and upon every other in which such
a collision has taken place, by the pseudo-patriots ?
Is it not calculated to make them imagine that it is
the performance and not the neglect of their duty
which exposes them to insult arid opprobrium ?
it not enough to infuse into the breast of any boor or
blockhead who may lie seated in the Civic Chair a
notion that the tranquillity and safety of the com-
munity o'er which he presides are a secondary con-
sideration, and subordinate to pol;tical and party
ambition ? Even an honest Magistrate might hesi-
tate, if he were also a weak one, before he per-
formed a service which appeared so perilous, and
served a master so thankless as a saved community.
But toall such who thus calculate and waver we would
observe that from the recent transactions at Bristol,
and the remarks to which they have given rise,
there is an important arid sure moral to be drawn.
All the tongues and pens which were employed in
vituperating and calumniating the 'Magistracy and
Yeomanry of Manchester, Merthyr Tydvil, &c.,
are precisely those which are loudest and readiest
in heaping abuse and ridicule upon those of Bristol.
The same vii ulence which pursued the action and
promptitude of the one is trumpet-tongued against
the apathy and neglect of the others ; the same Press
which called the energetic ones tyrants and mur-
derers terms Mr. Pinney and his puppets fools arid
cowards. Provided the mob can be excssed arid
authority degraded, it is all one to them whether
energy or supineness be the game to be hunted
town. An hour of the Manchester Magistrates
would have saved Bristol ; but we should then
hive been told of murder and military despotism,
a id the tale of brutal intoxication and destruction,
burnt buildings, and ruined families would have
ben unknown arid unallowed for. The cowardice
of the Bristol Corporation and its consequences, tell
a valuable story to those who will be ins•ructed.
The vile slaver of the mischievous arid the bad will
probably bespatter those who risk any thing, in the
hour of commotion, in behalf of their fellow-citizens,
but they will at least be more than consoled by the
suggestions of their consciences and the thoughts of
all they have rescued from ruin ; while all universal
contempt, including that of their previous pretended
admirers, is pretty sure to overtake those who sacri-
fice or neglect the performance of an obVious duty
to please a faction or conciliate a spurious and anti-
social philanthropy.—Morning Post.