The Sun.
London, England, 1831-10-20 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Lord Howe's first offer of resignation to-his Ma-
jesty has led to the misconstructions of the King's
conduct, which a slight reference to the facts of the
case will probably be sufficient to remove.: At the
period mentioned, viz., last May, it had not occurred
to any body,—we are sure it had not to, his Ma-
jesty,—that the Lords would vote in so lordly a
spirit towards the Government and the nation, as
they have since, in an evil hOur, proved themselves
capable of voting. The King could not then have
conceived it possible that the vote of an individual
Peer, like Lord Howe, would be of the least impor-
tance to the interests of the general measure ; and
therefore his Majesty Might not have deemed it
necessary to consult his .Ministers on the official
answer to be given to the communication of the
Queen's Lord Chamberlain. is certain that a
generous and kind-hearted Prince,. like King Wil-
liam, would bothe last man living to tell a Noble-
man, who announced his intentions with appa-
rent 'candour, that. he must retire from office,
except' under circumstances where the. public in-
•erest plainly and unquestionably required it.
Such circumstances had not yet made themselves
visible, at least to any mind which looked. upon the
House of Lords—including the Lords spiritual—

with sentiments of bahituarrespeet, as we must sup-
noie to have been the case with his present Majesty.
It might, however, have been more for our Sove-
reign's own ease, and freedom from subsequent
anxiety, had his Majesty bethought himself, in the
first instance, of referring the Anti-Reform Cham-
berlain to those official advisers who were responsible

for the general march of the Government, and speci-
fically for the success of the great measure of Re-
form. A good example might then have been set,
and a salutary, because au early, warning adminis-
• ered to other Peers, whose contempt fir the rights
of the people has not, it seems, prevented them
from receiving all along the people's money, un-
washed and coarse as are the aching hands and
sweating brows which earn it. But the truth we
take to be, that the thorough good nature which
animates our warm-hearted Sovereign in all- his

acts towards high and low, the concomitant and
ornament of a noble seaman-spirit, must, in the
instance under consideration, have led away hia

attention from every point but the one of sparing
Loid Howe a painful and mortifying disappointment.
For it is mortifying enough that an officer of the
Royal Household, who talks to the Sovereign in a
sentimental way about his " willingness" to resign,
instead of addressing himself like a man of basiness
directly to the King's Minister, or instead of doing
what we may presume tkat many independent Noble-
men would have done,—v4., resigning first, and
ac-
counting for it afterwards,—it is manifest, we say,
that such a household functionary lays himself
whether justly or not, under the suspicion of co-
quetting with his duty,—ef fishing from his indul-
gent Sovereign for an invitation to hold an office,
which, according to every law of political fairness
and honour, ought to be filled by some individual of
,he same principles us the beads of the Government;

. .
and, in short, of ob•ruding himself upon these who,
'se must be.conscious, were unanimous in liking his
" room better than his company." We are now
enabled to state, what we did not knew before, that
Lord Howe's epistle to Mr. Trevor does not by any
meanstsppeur to have placed his Lordship on a higher
footing in the esteem of those from whose service he
made it so exceedingly difficult to separate him, es
possibly the Noble Earl nattered himself it would
do, when he took the trouble of opening a corres-
pondence upon a matter which concerned himself
personally, with a gendleman whose acquaintance lie
in the same breath disclaims. It is understood that
something very like indignant surprise at his Lord-
ship's conduct in this instance has been expressed
:rt the highest quarters, and that so fur from his
Majesty showing any extraordinary eagerness to te-
tain the Noble Earl when be tendered his resigna-
tion, the King's kind disposition did not induce his
Majesty to employ terms of refusal beyond such as
were commonly courteous. Moreover, if we are
not greedy mistaken, his Majesty expected that all
Lord Howe's flourishes would end it his voting for
the 8.11. But enough of this ex-placeman; about
whom there never existed, we think, the slightest
interest, apart from the office which, we suppose,
nobody can regret that he no longer 6114.-11 mes:
We find that it is attempted to give a false co-
louring to what we said on the subject of the Ladies
of the Bedchamber whose husbands voted against
Reform. The attempt is at once stupid and malig-
nant. What have we ever said against the females
themselves? We know nothing of them; but the
bare circumstance that they are attached to the
household of the Queen, and honoured by her Ma-
jesty's regard, is a proof that they are persons of
the highest character in morals and behaviour. What
we contend for is, that they are not on that account
entitled to protect their husbands in their opposition
to the King's Government. The question is a ques-
tion of politics merely. It is asserted by the Anti-
Reformers, that the affairs of State could not " go
on," unless the Lords exercised a certain influence in
the people's House of Parliament ; ihe.proposition,
is unfounded, and untrue; yet we do not see how
those who assert it can deny another, yet snore ob-
vious, which is, that the tiffars of Sate could not
" go on," if those who have the conducting of them
are opposed by the King's household. It may be
allowed that the Reform party will not get a vote by
the dismissal of Lords Brownlow, Mayo, and Ely,
in the persons of their several wives, and of Lord
Howe in his own person; because, in all probability
Lords already pledged to the measure will take their
places ; but they will gain iss public confidence, the
march of Government will be simple and unimpeded,
and the union of his Majesty with his Minister, and
his people placed beyond the reach of suspicion.—
Tinzez.

It is a remarkable fact, that the Bishops, who
attended the House of Lords in such numbers last
week when the question was to resist and defeat the
wishes of the people upon the subject of Reform,
were xl! absent (with the exception of Dr. 11Ia'tby,
the Whig Bishop of Chichester) from their places
in Monday night, when the Vestry Bill was dis-
cussed in Committee—a measure, be it observed,
more important to the parishes in their various
dioceses than any other, as well as peculiarly in-
teresting to the parochial clergy. It is impossible
not to thaw inferences from this circumstance,
with regard to the usefulness of the Bishops in the
' House of Lords.— Tiwet.
The Bankruptcy Bill passed last night, and will
this day receive the Royal sanction. It is curious
that one of the last weapons of attack used by Sir
Charles Wetherell against it was borrowed front the
armoury of Jeremy Bentham. The infatuated ad-
vocate of obsolete law, and the fantastical lover of
anomalous absurdity which never can be law, formed
is coalition, amusing but not unnatural, against around
practical scheme of rational amelioration. Well, it dews
not signify, there must be something in Christian
names affecting those who bear them. - Jeremy
Bentham never could have been .the misty-headed
mar-sense he. is, had he been endowed with any
other name than Jeremy, or Jeremiah. The boss
at school calling him Jerry, Jeremy, and, above all,
Jeremiah, must have engendered a certain .queerily
in him, which would have been wanting had lie
possessed the name of any other Christian man's
child—Tom, or George, or Harry. We have often
doubted whether Jeremy or Jeremiah Bentham
wrote with a common goose-quill pen ; for were it
sd, we have thought, dull as the bird is from whose
wing the quill was plucked, it would of itself sly
quicker to its master's meaning than the hand of
Jeremy could guide it. Aye, but the master's mean-
ing! Jeremy has the advantage over his pen there:
an unwill ng labourer betwixt his two fingers and
thumb, it mug remain. Were the pen to start, it
could not tell whither to tkr in quest of the mean-
, ng; for, most assuredly, a meaning--if meaning
he
obipeet of Jeremy s con-
en's flight, is buried
iof itself, so diminutive in
ciepsrtue i
oc
ri bhse ;bo as f; adurrii yt
theykind—the,
nern,i d os the

substance, that it can very rarely be discerned on
the closest inspection. Much less, therefore, could
the pen eye and pounce upon it, at a distance, while
floating in the chaos of Jeremy's brain ! Mr. Bent-
ham has written something about Lord Brougham's
Bankruptcy Bill, and, as we gather, against
- it. It is most astonishing how semblably the
spirits of Sir Charles Wetherell in the House, and
Mr. Bentham out of it, do cohere, except most un-
questionably the elder born dulness does wholly over-
shadow his younger brother. To the charge of the
desire to increase patronage, the most satisfactory
answer has been given. The new Court will not be
half so expensive as the old one. A Chancellor's
office is not permanent : the first nomination of the
Judges may, indeed, rest with the existing Chan-
cellor (yet even this is not sought), and then he
takes his leave of them : and what motive can Lord
Brougham have, either from the history of his past
life or his future prospects, to add to the patronage
and influence of the Chancellorship ? Such a mo-
tive might be imputed to one who held the office for
a quarter of a century, and knew at the commence-
ment of his career, from the strength of his con-
nexions, the turn of his politics, and the bent of his
mind, that he was likely to remain so long in office.
The present Chancellor can have no view in his
Bill but, in the brief discharge of the duties of his
high station, to work great and long-enduring good
to his countrymen. Mr. Bentham next attacks the
Bill, because " public and private sittings of the
Court" are spoken of. It is not likely that we
should defend privacy in Courts of justice, but it
would very much perplex any one to know how a
bankrupt's books are to be examined in public. Are ,
there no private sittings in the present system ?
Yes ; and Mr. Bentham thus speaks of them,—for
we must quote him, in spite of our humanity and
feeling for him, though we know we cannot do him
a greater disservice with the public than by laying a
scrap of his writing before it.
" Now, of this same privacy, what is the need or use ?
To this question, in no one of the works on the subject
of bankruptcy, have I been able to find an answer. Is it
lest, were the proceedings public, from the affirmation
made of the debt, the reputation of a solvent trader should
receive injury ? Is it lest an insolvent, and about to he,
and, properly, declared bankrupt, should withdraw his
person, or more or less of his property, out of the reach of
the power of the Court ? Into the propriety of any sucli
alleged justification, the present occasion does not call upon
me to inquire. Sufficient is it to observe, that, under the
existing practice, at this stage of the proceedings, whatso-
ever be the meaning or end in view of it, the privacy is at
an end : after it come the meetings, to which is given the
denomination of public meetings ; and the one only judi-
catory in which, by law or practice, authorization is given
to privacy of procedure, is that of the Commissioners, of
whom there are either three, four, or five,—never fewer
than three ; whereas by this Bill, authorization is given
to the sittings, as well of the Four or Three Bankruptcy
Court Judges, as to those of the Commissioners, when (as
per tee. 6) formed' into their Sub-division Courts."
What follows about fee-gathering has been spoken
of above, and deserves no farther than that inci-
dental answer. But Mr. Bentham proposes amend-
ments to the Bill, and these are curious certainly ;
for in the very establishment of the Court, they
begin precisely with that which is the ultimate
bane, the re plus ullia of deterioration, in all esta-
blishments whatever, civil, moral, or political,—
namely, the appointment of deputies as well is
principals.
" 3, Six being the number regarded as sufficient for the
whole of the business, taken at its maximum—appoint, in
the first instance, some smaller number, suppose three :
with power to each to appoint a depute,* sitting (in the
same manner as his principal !) by himself; and, during a
probationary year, serving thus, as it were, as an appren-
tice; awl, as such, serving without pay.
" Reason 1. No man who in his own opinion is not fit
will accept the office.
" Between the several Deputies emulation will have
place, each of them being a candidate for a Commissioner •
ship : so many Deputies, so many rival candidates.
" The Commissioner principal would see it to be his
interest to depute whatsoever man appeared to him to be
the fittest. Why ? Because the greater the fitness of
the Depute, the greater his chance of being appointed
Commissioner.
"By appointing a Depute, so fit as to be appointed
Commissioner, he would thus, and with honour, exercise
patronage; if not so fit as another, he would have no pa-
tronage; if conspicuously unfit, instead of patronage his
lot would be—disgrace.
" Behold here the securities afforded far appropriate
aptitude. Confront with them those constituted in sec.
1, by years of standing ; and, in sec. 8, the nugatory for-
mality of a vague--generality oath."
Mr. Bentham's pamphlet, essay, or whatever it
may, concludes with a sneer at the present " Re-
form-preaching" House of Commons, because it
clearly will not adopt his idea of a Bankruptcy Court
in preference to that of the Lord Chancellor ! It
would be a Reform-loving House of Commons, in-
deed, were it to do that ! Lord Brougham is hi-
vited to retire, and then a successor to him is re-
commended to him in these words :
" And who then shall be his successor? Happily, of
his name all mention is as needless, as to him it would
be unpleasant; to him who, in nothing which on
this subject has by this pen been written, has hail arty,
the least participation ; nor perhaps, at this moment knows
of the existence or so much as of the design of it.
" Taught by Tacitus, this splendour I throw around
him. Speaking of statues, prcefulgebant (says the Ro-
man historian, if I do not inisrecollect him) prcefulgebant
Brutus et Cassius, eo quad non visebantur.'"
Who may be tine person here meant, we know
not ; but if his head be any thing like that of his
eulogist, he would make a strange Judge. No re-
porter of the Court could copy his decrees,—no
suitors know what was decided. The existing gene-
ration would be in the dark as to what was meant
when he spoke : the proceedings of his Court would
be secret indeed, and posterity could have no intel-
ligible precedent to which they could refer. To use
Mr. Bentham's own words, " accessible justice
would be impossibilized."— Times.
Ministers have no small difficulty in assigning the
proper period of the prorogation. On the one hand,
they are bound to respect the just and reasonable
desire of the people, for the earliest possible deter-
mination of the great question of Reform, by the
agitation of which the country is convulsed, and all '
its transactions, civil and commercial, deranged ;
while, on the other band, regard must be paid to
the natural demand for repose which the Members
of the House of Commons make, after the pro-
tracted and unseasonably labours of the past See-
sion. Many of the best supporters of the measure
come from remote quarters of the empire, several
from Ireland ; and if any such period (a fortnight,
or three weeks) as has been mentioned by the mole
sanguine Reformers were fixed for the recess, it
would scarcely afford time for the journey to and
fro. Then, the inclemency of the coming season
and the great festival of Christmas impose a fur-
ther prolongation of the recess for a certain period;
" and thus (say a number of Members), considering
all the circumstances of the case, it is scarcely
possible for any reasonable person to propose the
meeting of Parliament more early than January. It
may be taken, therefore, for granted, we believe,
that an earlier meeting is not to be expected. We
regret this On many accounts; for though there can
be no apprehension of any diminution of the public
feeling in favour of Reform in that interval, still the
Anti-Reformers will be but too prone to think other-
wise ; and we almost tremble to think of the con-
sequences of further provoking the people. We
know, indeed, it has been said, that the public senti-
ment in respect of this great question will acquire
a yet more respectable character and a more impos-
ing authority from its permanence and endurance
daring that period. We wish this may be the
the case. However, whatever be the period
which may be fixed upon for the prorogation, the
country must at all events expect all true friends of
Reform to exhibit the like alacrity in returning to
their posts, as will be no doubt exhibited by the 'inte-
rested minions of the boroughmongers. It is to he
hoped that the higher and nobler impulses of patriotism
and public virtue will not be found less efficacious
than the sordid motives which direct the conduct of
those whose personal and political existence is de.
• in the Scottish judiciary establishment, SherifA (Judges of
the shires) appuint Sherif% depute.

pendent upon the continuance of the present corrupt
system. To the constituency of the Empire we
have no hesitation in saying, that none of the ordi-
nary excuses for neglect of public duty are admis-
sible to justify the non-attendance of any delegate of
the people's interests at the re-assembling of Par-
liament. The Member who at this juncture post-
pones to his personal comfort or interest the dis-
charge of his legislatorial functions, must be regarded
either as insincere in his professed attachment to the
great object at issue, or as insensible of the transcen-
dant nature of the great trust reposed in him by his
fellow-citizens. The present is a crisis by which
the destinies of the country will be determined for
many ages to come ; and he who withholds his
hand from the good work must be regarded a
traitor or a sensualist.—Morning Chronicle.

It was generally allowed last night that the tran-
quillity of the country had been greatly promoted
by the Political Unions. We have already observed,
that if such unions had existed at Derby and Not-
tingham the peace of the country might have been
preserved; and this seemed to be the opinion of
several Members last night. In order that the
strength of the country may be made as available
as possible to the great cause of Reform, in case of
necessity, it would be well to extend the organiza-
tion as much as possible. With a community well
organized, and offering ready means of communica-
tion, the efforts of the boroughmongers may be sPt
at defiance. We trust therefore, the interval be-
tween this and the re-assembling of Parliament will
be employed in organising the country. Good and
true men should fall upon means of becoming ac-
quainted with the intentions of each other. We
have confidence in Ministers, but we have no confi•
dence in the boroughmongers ; and it must always
be borne in mind that Ministers are only strong by
having the people on their side. To intimidate the
boroughmongers is to strengthen the hands of Mi-
nisters. Nothing but the knowledge that the people
are determined that the power the boroughmongers
now possess shall be wrested from them, can ever
induce them to yield. Morning Chronicle.
It is quite impossible that any Ministry can con-
duct the affairs of this country with nearly all the
local authorities hostile to them. We have again
adverted to this important point, and an analysis of
the majority and minority on the second reading of
the Reform Bill in the House of Lords has im-
pressed us with the necessity of losing no time in
withdrawing authority from opponents of the Go-
vernment, in order to bestow it on individuals dis-
posed to support it. In the list of the majority we
find the following Lord Lieutenants of counties :
Duke of Beaufort (for three Earl of Digby.
Counties.) Earl of Harewood.
Duke of Buckingham. Earl of Hardwicke.
Duke of Leeds. Earl of Lonsdale (for two
Duke of Manchester. Counties.)
Duke of Newcastle. Earl Powis.

Duke of Rutland. Earl Talbot.
Duke of Wellington (for two I Earl Verulam.
Counties.) Earl of Warwick.
Marquis of Bath. I Earl of Westmorl aid.
Marquis of Bute. Viscount Maynard.
Marquis of Camden. Baron Arden.
Marquis of Exeter. Baron Dynevor.
Marquis of Hertford. Baron Grantham.
Earl of Abingdon. Baron Rodney.
Earl Brownlow.

PRO:

Duke of Northumberland.
Earl of Macclesfield.
Earl Mount Edgcumbe.
In all thirty-three Lord Lieutenants against the
Bill.

Earl of Stamford.
Bishop of Durham.

In the Minority appear the following Lord Lieu-
tenants:—
Duke of Devonshire.
Duke of Grafton.
Marquis of Anglesea_
Marquis of Cleveland.
Marquis of Lansdowne,

Marquis of Westmeath.
Earl of Carlisle.
Baron Foley.
Baron Willoughby de Fze,by.

I'IIO.CIES.

Duke of Portland. I Earl Fortescue.
Earl of Derby.
In all twelve for the Bill.
There were two Lord Lieutenants absent—
The Earl of Egremont. I The Earl of Somers.
But of the thirty-three Lord Lieutenants who
voted against the second reading, one possesses three
counties, and two possess two counties; so that in
thirty-seven counties the heads of the Magistracy
are opposed to Government, while they only
' possess supporters in twelve counties. The Tory
Lord Lieutenant, for the most part, chooses Tory
Deputy Lieutenants. The latter rank as field officers.
It is well known that the Lord Lieutenant has,
de jiicto, the appointment of the Magistracy of the
several counties ; and we need hardly remark, that
the Tory Lord Lieutenants have not failed to avail
themselves of their power, to have their own crea-
tures in the Commission. For above fifty years.
gentlemen of independent principles, and qualified in
every respect for the Magistracy, have in most of
the counties been carefully passed by. This system
must have an end. It is ridiculous to talk of in.
dependence in a county in which the Lord Lieute-
nant and almost every Deputy Lieutenant and Ma-
gistrate are Tories.-117orning Chronicle.
Mr. Ponsonby has been thrown out in Dorset-
shire, by an Anti-Reformer, and when the matter is
fairly considered, there is nothing surprising in this.
All the local interests were, of course, hostile to the
Reform candidate. We have often thought it was
bad policy to appear to attach so much consequence
to the election of a Reform candidate in Dorset-
shire. It is only, perhaps, during the excitement of
a general election, when the demands upon the ene-
mies of the people are heavy, that the people in a
Tory and agricultural county can hope to overcome
their enemies. The so uggle, even then, is or-
fended with many sacrifices. These sacrifices a
freeholder will make, under peculiar circumstances,
such as the persuasion that this is a last great
effort to free him for ever from subjection to the
boroughmotwers. But miracles are not to be ex-
pected ever;day, and, therefore, we are not sur-
prised that the people of Dorsetshire, after having
made so unexpected an effort in the general elec-
tion, should have relapsed into their old state of de-
ference for the men who, from the authority with
which they are vested, have so much power to in-
jure them. Ministers must not lose sight of the
great work of strengthening themselves and friends
by changes in the Lieutenancy and Magistracy.
Other changes are called for. At all the Dock-
yards, for instance, there are men, who never be-
fore were seen in hostility in the Government,
exerting themselves in a hundred ways to injure
Ministers. in short, at present, nearly the whole
details of the Administration are carried on by men
who detest their employers, and are ready to betray
them whenever an opportunity offers.—Morninu
Chronicle.
A discussion arose in the House of Commons last
night, on the presentation of the petition from the
Birmingham Union by Mr. Hume. In his intro-
ductory remarks Mr. Hume took occasion to defend
the institution of such societies, and observed that,
if similar unions had been established at Notting-
ham and Derby, such outrages as had lately been
committed would not have taken place. Sir Richard
Vyvyan—who is a clever marl, and an honourable
man, but unfortunately a disciple of that school
which would diffuse ignorance instead of know-
ledge, if ignorance could be propagated by instruc-
tion—Sir Richard Vyvyan opposed himself to the
doctrine laid down by Mr. Hume. He did not
deny that the establishment of Political Unions
in Nottingham and Derby would in all likelihood
have prevented the outrages by which those towns
were disgraced, but he said, and it was in ex-
pianation too, and therefore not inconsiderately,
that " he would prefer even riots in some part
of the country, to the preservation of peace
through the medium of Unions, which gave oppor-
tunities to factious demagogues to inflame and alarm
the lower orders of society." Such is the opinion
of Sir Rehard Vyvyan—such is the opinion of the
party to which he belongs, though they have not the
same candour to acknowledge it. Good God ! and
is bloodshed itself more acceptable in their sight
than the existe-ce of institutions for the diffusion of
political sentiment I We should have thought that
thet
onssv,ors effect
would
t b
e the even
interruption
the abuse
oof s
of the
t he public
i t
peacens t itu
but it seems that there is something dearer than
peace which their existence may affect—something
to which peace itself would be willingly sacrificed by

the party ; and that something is knowledge. Sir R.
Vyvyan would prefer riots to Political Unions, but
he is bound to show that the road to peace is igno-
rance, before he can establish the reasonableness, or
even the meaning, of the preference he adopts.—
Morning Herald.
We are sure ao real Reformers will disgrace
themselves and their just cause by being tempted or
betrayed into any acts which may give colour to its
enemies to confound the desire for Reform with
that wild and turbulent spirit which is sudden and
quick to violate the law, and is reckless of the de-
struction of property and life. Eager advantage has
been taken by the enemies of the people's rights of
the outrages at Nottingham and Derby, and the
shameful conduct of a rabble in London, to charge
such proceedings upon the Reformers, and it is
hoped that the mind of the highest Personage in
the realm may be alienated from a cause which has
hitherto had his firm support by being induced to
believe that those who demand Reform, or, at least,
a large portion of them, have the most guilty de-
signs against the peace and Constitution of the
country, and that no concessions can satisfy those
who, hating order, and law, and tranquillity, raise
the banner of Reform only to produce an excitement
favourable to their views, and are ever ready to
avail themselves of such excitement to engage in
acts of violence and blood. Most assuredly, if
they were Reformers who perpetrated the out-
rages to which we have alluded—if they were
Reformers who took advantage of a moment of
popular excitement to commit a senseless destruction
of property, and to cause a wanton effusion of blood
—we admit that the cause of Reform, however
reasonable in itself, would have been grossly tar-
nished and disgraced by the acts of its partisans;
but we think it is easy to show that the rabble who
committed those outrages neither were Reformers
nor took any interest in the cause—and that, in
fact, they had no more to do with it than the rioters,
incendiaries, and machine-breakers of last winter.
To be convinced of this it is only necessary to look
at the details of the outrages at the several places,
and it will be found that the disturbances were only
the acts of the very lowest of the populace, and
that they were conducted more in the spirit of a war
of the poor against the rich, than of Reformers
against Anti-Reformers. We see, for instance, that
in Nottingham the mob that burnt down the Castle
immediately afterwards burnt down a silk-mill, and
made an attack on the House of Correction with a
view of liberating the criminals. We are ex-
pressly told that a number of persons had
come in from the country for the sake of
plunder, and, accordingly, property was feloni-
ously carried off to a considerable amount. In
returning through Derby, in the evening, the
mob broke the windows of both Reformers and
Anti-Reformers promiscuously, and also demolished
the windows of the post-office in the wantonness of
mischief, and let the prisoners out of the gaol. What
was more remarkable, it having been determined on
by the respectab!e inhabitants to sign an Address to
the King, praying his Majesty to retain his Minis-
ters, with a view to carrying the Reform Bill—and
several stalls having been erected in the market-
place, with the consent of the Mayor and Magis-
trates, for the purpose of receiving signatures to the
Address—the rioters instantly destroyed them. So
much for the attachment of the Derby and Notting-
ham rioters to the cause of Reform! And, in Lon-
don, the principal disturbance arose from an attempt
of a gang of ruffians to rescue a pickpocket from the
hands of the police ! The wretched condition of the
labourers in many parts of England has given them
a feeling of enmity towards the classes above them,
and has made them the ready tools of any dangerous
advisers, who prompt them to wreak their vengeance
on the rich, and their property; but they understand
nothing about the question of Rerorm, and care
nothing for it. Those misguided men are to be
pitied for their wretchedness and ignorance; but we
fear that, until we shall have a thoroughly-reformed
Parliament, nothing will be done, or even at-
tempted, with a view to improve their condition.—
Morning Herald.
A Ministerial Morning Paper, which, for some
days previously to the Dorsetshire election, put
forth such boasting assertions of the hopelessness of
the Tory cause in that quarter, now carefully ab-
stains from uttering a word upon the subject.
His giantship is somewhat crbst-fallen,
Stalking with less unconscionable strides."
He can no longer assert what is contradicted by
the event, and he has not the candour to acknow-
ledge the deceitful view which he gave the public of
the political feeling of Dorsetshire freeholders. lie
will now adventure upon some other fabrication,
which will pass current for a while with those whom
no experience will teach. Again the event will
prove the fraud ; but what then ? His purpose is
answered, his boast lives for a season ; he feels no
shame in the result, but unblushingly sets to work
once more in the same course.

" Destroy his web of sophistry ; in vain—
The creature's at his dirty work again."
Be ours the consolation, however, that truth is with
us; and truth is great, and in the end prevailed].
The triumph in Dorsetshire is the most decisive
reply that can be given to all the nonsense- about
" increased enthusiasm," and " no re-action," and
the " unanimity" of the people in favour of the
Reform Bill. Where's the unanimity in Dorset-
shire ? Can the people who talk about it erase
Lord Ashley's name from the Gazelle as the
elected Member for that county, though the de-
clared and determined opponent of the Reform
Bill ? There is the fact, twist it as you will, and
make " unanimity in favour of the Reform Bill" out
of it if you can. But now there are those who talk
of partiality of the assessor, and a petition against the
return. This is all of the same quality as the boasting
before the election began. The number of votes be-
fore the assessor was caused by the perseverance of
Mr. Pensonby's friends in bringing up votes, which
they knew must be bad, for the purposes of delay. A
great contest never took place affording less grounds
for a petition against the successful candidate than
the late election for Dorsetshire. On the last day
an attempt was made to interrupt the election by
means of rioting ; between two and three hundred
strangers were brought to the scene of action, pre•
ceded by a band of music. Who brought them or
where they came from (for they were neither free-
holders nor residents in the neighbourhood) is yet
to be ascertained; but their object was to make a
riot, and to attack Lord Ashley. The ," farmer's
friend" was not, however, deserted; three hundred
men, mounted on their own horses, carne to his as-
sistance, and the foreign rioters were driven away
without any serious danger being done. We do
not find that any of the Evening Papers who sup-
port the Ministry make the slightest comment _upon
the result of an election to which they referred so
repeatedly while it served the purpose of their
party, and to which all England has been looking
for the last fortnight with the utmost anxiety.
This circumstance is pregnant with' proof of the
kind of fairness that belongs to that Press which
boasts itself to be the true organ of public opinion.
—Morning Post.

A PARSON MISSING.—On Sunday morn-
ing last the congregation of All Saints' Church in this
borough were kept in great suspense, which arose at last
to painful apprehension. The vicar, for reasons best
known to himself, has been absent f-r a length of time,
and now the curate took it into his head to follow the
example of hi 9 principal, and there was no clergyman to
officiate in this well-paid incumbency. The congregation
waited long and anxiously, more thoughts than those of
devotion occupied their minds, and more enquiries than
the road to Heaven their tongues. " Where can Mr.
WALTERS be ?" said one. " Aye, where indeed ?" re-
sponded another, " his be gone to look after the vicar ?"
" It is hard," said a third, " that we should all be turned
off without benefit of clergy." At last a stranger was pro-
cured to read over the prayers, after which, not having a
half-crown printed " manuscript," in his pocket, he dis-
missed the congregation by informing them that there
would be no sermon. We hope this absence is not omi-
nous, and that the clergy generally do not mean to desert
their ehi.rches before the people refuse to pay tithes. The
circumeonce has created no little talk in Stamford.--
Stamfird Champion.