The Sun.
London, England, 1849-06-06 00:00:00

thing bat an improvement upon the class of ancient
burgesses,—the men of property and intelligence who
formerly composed this class,—we thought that this kind
of franchise required to be modified in order to enable
us to obtain the object we had in view, And let me
here observe, that much of the corruption which pre-
vailed in the constituent body in the time of the unre-
formed Parliament arose from the want of the intelli-
gence which is necessary, in a constituent body. For
instance, take the question of the corn laws. If a man
were eager for the maintenance of the corn laws, or if
he were eagsr for their abolition, he would, of tours
vote for the candidate who was most favourable to his
particular views, whatever they w, re ; but, if a man
had never even heard the question stated, and was
entirely ignorant of its merits, and if one of the
candidates before him was ready to bribe him, that
man, being totally indifferent to higher political con-
siderations, would necessarily be easily affected by
the bribe, and would give his vote, not because he
was convinced of the merits of the candidate, but
simply because he had been bribed by him.—(Hear,
hear.) I say, therefore, that I think intelligence is es •
sentially necessary in a body of electors. Then next
with respect to the arrangement of the representation.
We found that in this respect there were very great de-
fects—those defects being chiefly of two kinds. A large
number of the boroughs of the country were in the poi
session of individual proprietors, and the persons sent
here were directly nominated by those proprietors, and
represented only those individuals. This was of course
inconsistent with any n stions of popular representation.
We found also that some of the great seats of manufac-
ture and commerce had no representatives at all; that
Manchester, Leeds, Birmingham, and other large towns,
were entirely without representatives ie this House. We
proposed to correct those defects by cutting off more than
teo members from the smaller boroughs, and supplying
their places by conferring the representation upon the
larger counties, the seats of manufacture and the po-
pulous towns of the country. But while we consi-
dered that those defects required to be amended,
there was another part of the constitution which
did not seem to us to be so defective as the
Hon. Member for Montrose stated it to be at the time—
I mean that part of which comprised the sending of re-
presentatives to this House by constituent bodies of
various kinds—by large counties and populous cities,
And at the same time by smaller boroughs which are
not affected by the passions and excitement which
usually take place in large boroughs.—(Hear, hear.)
vow, for my part, considering the varied character of
the people of this country—considering their varied oc-
cupations—considering how many men there are of
great intelligence who take little part ordinarily in poli-
tical conflicts—considering how many men there are
who give their labours to the world in the shape of
works on political science, it may be, or who are conver-
sant with commerce, but do not enter into the agitations
relating to the immediate political questions of the day,
I certainly am of opinion that the country, taken as a
whole, is far better represented by the varied kind of
representation I have just mentioned than it would be
if we had nothing but two large divisions—the counties
sending agricultural Members and the large cities
commercial Members, or representatives of the
manufacturing interest. (Hear, hear.) My be-
lief was, and I still retain that belief, that, if instead of
the present scheme of representation you were to divide
the whole country into equal electoral districts, and to
give fifty Members to the metropolis, and twenty-five
Members to Manchester; and if in order to balance
these you were to give a similar number of representa-
tives to the counties of Devon, and Sussex, and Norfolk,
so far from your having a more complete representation
of the country, you would have a much less complete
and less perfect representation.—(Hear, hear.) You
would, indeed, have a greater number of persons repre-
senting the interests of Manchester, but you would have,
on the other hand, a greater number of persons repre-
senting the agricultural interest; and you would have
few men not closely connected either with the one or the
other, but who, from their great attainments, are well
qualified to sit in this House, whose opinions would
wave great weight in it, whose talents would add a
lustre to the representation, and at the same time be
most useful to the country.—(Hear.) The Hon. Gen-
lemma who spoke last alluded to the representatives for
Stamford, and the influence which Lord Exeter is sup-
posed to have in that borough. I confess myself that,
seeing the borough of Stamford has sent here a Right
Ron. Gentleman whose long experience of public life
and whose knowledge of financial and commercial sub-
jects are generally acknowledged, I do not think such
a man out of place in this House.—(Cries of " Oh, oh,"
and Hear, hear.") It does not follow that I agree with
that Right Hon. Gentleman.—(An interruption.) I was
not saying that the Members for Stamford were the
the representatives of Lord Exeter. My belief is, that
.1 the Hon. Member for Manchester wishes to destroy
di aristocratic influence he must go further than he has
yet proposed.—(Hear, hear.) It may be quite true that
the Marquis of Exeter possess influence in Stamford,
but show me a county where there is a man of great
landed property, and tell me if that man does not possess
influence in that county also? Do Hon. Gentlemen mean
o destroy all such influence in counties?—(hear)—for
until I hear some such declaration, I shall maintain that it
Is far better that we should have a varied representation
hat small boroughs as well as large cities should be
presented—than that we should have only two sets
if men representing two antagonistic classes of opinions.
—(hear, hear.) In saying this, I have stated the
;rounds upon which I think the general alterations of
the Reform Bill was founded; and it I have stated
-hem correctly, it will be seen that they differ so en-
tirely from the proposition of to-night, that it is quite
mpossible for me, or for any of those who took a
Cart in framing the Reform Bill, and who still retain
heir opinions, to adopt any such measure as that
which the Hon. Member for Montrose has to-night
proposed for our consideration. There is another very
fifficult question with which we are not called upon to
h•al to-night, but in which I may in passing allude.
mean the question whether, in conformity uith the
;eneral principle of the Reform Act, which I believe
o be a just principle, there might not be a greats r
[lumber of persons possessing the suffrage than at pre.
sent; whether, in fret, the working classes should not
be admitted more generally to hold the suffrage; and
whether, in the great towns, in the counties, and in the
boroughs, there should not be another kind of franchise
ntroduced, to enable them to vote for the representatives
of such places.—(Hear, hear.) I stated last year my
,pinion in favour of such an extension. I stated various
nodes in which it might be done; but the Hon. Gentle•
.nan who makes the present proposition and his friends
)ave always protested against any extension of that
kind. Ever since I starated the proposition I have seen
it treated with ridicule by those who hold the opinions
of the Hon. Gentleman as a change which would not be
at all satisfactory—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Bright)—
and which ought to be derided, and not adopted. But
he lion. Member for Manchester, who says that the
working classes are entirely excluded from the elective
-ranchise showed, in answer to the Hon. Member for
Warwickshire, that this is not precisely the case, because,
seeing that the possession of a forty-shilling freehold
4ives persons a right to vote, he stated that many of that
class were now accumulating their industrial savings to
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strict conformity with the policy of the Parliament of
this country. If that is the case, then no class is ex-
eluded. When a working man has saved a sufficient sum
to enable him to buy a freehold in his native county,
there is no person in this House who will not say he is
glad to see him enjoying the benefits of his industry and
frugality.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman, indeed, in
arguing on this subject said, that ho thought this a per-
body fair means of acquiring the suffrage; but he did
not answer the Hon. Member for Warwickshire, who
complained not of the practice of working men buying
Freeholds, but of other parties lending them the money;
and thus, while putting them nominally in possession of
a vote, depriving them of all free will to exercise it.—
(Cheers.) Therefore, I can only say again upon this
subject, not considering this as the topic of to-night,
and therefore not wishing to dwell further upon it, that
there is nothing in the Reform Act, and nothing in any
)pinion I have ever held, or in any opinion I hold now,
which would debar me from seeing with satisfaction any
plan by which the admission of the working classes could
be still further extended, and the basis widened upon
which the representation rests.—(Hear, hear.) The
Honourable Member for Montrose, in replying
to my speech of last year, said that there had
carried except aatm the risk
of the
people. Now, whatever truth there may be in this state-
meat with respect to Parliament as it stood before the
Reform Act, I do not think the Hon. Gentleman quoted
a single instance since the Reform Act, in which there
was any such danger before a reform was carried.—
(Hear.) He referred to the danger of a rising among
the blacks of Jamaica, but that is a question entirely un-
connected with the representation in this House—this
House having never represented, or was supposed to
represent, the negroes of the West India islands.—
(Hear, bear.) Therefore the only instance he quoted
since the Reform Act was singularly inapplicable to the
purpose.—(Hear.) But I cannot concur with him in the
opinion that he gave, that this House had been slow to
adopt reforms and changes which have been sanctioned
by public opinion. Whether the changes we adopted
were salutary or injurious, no one can deny that during
the'seventeen years we have acted under the Reform
Act there have been great changes made in a variety of
subjects.—(Hear, hear.) Take the questions with re-
spect to the Church. There has been a settlement of
the tithe question—a great restriction and limitation
placed upon pluralities—the translation of bishops
almost put an end to, and the holding of livings by
bishops in commenda »s entirely abolished.—(Hear.)
Next, with regard to the Dissenters. They complained
they could not marry except in accordance with the
rites of the Established Church—that they could not
procure registration for their children except by going
to a clergyman of the same establishment. That grie-
vance had been remedied. Then take the question of
trade. flow many changes have been made with re-
spect to it? In the first instance, the China trade, which
was a monopoly of the East India Company, has been
thrown open to merchants in general. 'Then take the
the Customs when the Right lion.
Gentle-
man (Sir R. Peel) was in office.
The corn-laws, which
had subsisted for so long a times entirely abolished; the
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changes were wise or not,
I say, then, that whether__
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But then the Honourable Gen-
tlemanpublic opinion.
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says, pa
with respect to those measures. Now, I wish
the House
d look to the election of 1841, and to those in
they do show that the House has not been slow to adopt
he would
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