The Sun.
London, England, 1831-03-22 00:00:00

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.

On Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S rising to move the order
of the day for the second reading of the Parliamentary
Reform Bill, . _

Sir H. HARDINGE said, that he thought it was
highly important, before proceeding with the English
Bill, to know what were the exact provisions of the Irish
Bill? He begged to ask the Right Hen. Gentleman op-
posite, therefore, whether the Irish Parliamentary Reform
Bill was ready, and when it would be brought in ?

Mr. STANLEY replied, that the Irish Parliamentary
Reform Bill was ready ; and that it could be brought in
at any moment; but that as it was understood, that in
bringing it in, he (Mr. Stanley) was expected to explain
the details of the measure at a greater length than that at
Which they bad hitherto been submitted to the House,
he was unwilling by doing so, to obstruct the proceed-
ing on the more general measure. lie repeated, how-
ever, that he was ready to bring in the measure
moment at which it might be required.
Sir 11. HARDINGE differed in opinion from
Right Hon. Gentleman. He 'thought that the HoLse
the measure fur,,
ought to be in possenen on of thrrkolip,

„

Reform, before illey were called upon to pronellnee on
any part of tt,
The order of the dty was then read.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved, " That the Bill be
now read a second time."
Sir R. VYVYAN in rising to oppose the motion,
begged, although the Bill would certainly affect the
county which he had the honour to represent, to disclaim
being at all personally interested on the subject. After so
many attacks had been made on the motives of individuals,
it became necessary to make such a disclaimer. He de-
clared then that he had no connexion, direct, indirect, ins-
mediate, or contingent. with any borough in the county
of Cornwall. On the contrary, as far as he was indivi-
dually concerned, he should gain rather than lose by the
operation of the measure ; for it was clear, that if the Bill
passed, wherever a man's property lay. his interest would
thenceforth lie also. Besides that eonsideration, there
were local circumstances which, if the Bill were to piss,
would render it an easier matter for him to be returned by
another constituency. And so far as his interest with his
present constituents was concerned, he was hound to ad-
mit that they were by no means favourable to the course
which he was pursuing.—(Hear, hear.)—The same was
no doubt the case with many other Hon. Members. The
Noble Lord's Bill had produced effects not greater than
be (Sir R. Vyvyan) had aetieepated; but still they were ,
very extensive. Notwithstanding all this—notwithstand•
ing he had no personal interest whatever in the measure—
yet he thought the Bill so full of danger to the country,
that, with all the hazard of displeasing his constituents, he
could not, before Ged and his country, consent to its adop-
tion.—(Hear.) Since the year 1793, when Mr. Grey,
now the Prime Minister of the country, introduced his
plan of Reform, there never had been a period of so many
concurrent and similar circutnstantes as the present. All
the arguments which at the former time were urged against
the proposition, might with equal propriety be nose- urged
against it. The existing difficulties, however, in the way
of withstanding such a measure, were greater than those
which existed when Mr. Grey, or even when Mr. Pitt
brought the subject under the consideration of Parliament.
The spread of knowledge, as it was called, vies much
greater than in those days ; and therefore those who op-
posed the measure laboured under greater disadvantages.
Such was the general excitation, that throwing the slight-
est impediment in the way of the people's wishes was
threatened with the most frightful consequences. Under
such circumstances, he thought that his Majesty's Mini-
sters had chosen a most unfortunate time to bring in their
Bill. The supreme authority of the country, the House
of Commons, combining in itself, as it did, so many of the
powers of the state, was, it seemed to be, entirely re-
modelled.—(Hear, hear.)—Such being the proposi-
tion, he could not content himself with giving a silent
vote against it ; although, during six years that he
had sat in that House, he had never, with the excep-
tion of last year, voted on the subject of Parliamentary
Reform. He should not, therefore, he guilty of any in-
coneistency:were be to vote in favour of the Bill ; but his
feelings and his judgment both dictated an opposition to a
measure which was not only revolutionary in its tendency,
but which he was convinced contained within it the ele-
ments of civil discord ; and, while it at once violated esta-
blished rights, was calculated in its consequences to lead to
general confiscation and proscription.—(Hear.) However
strongly therefore, the popular voice might he raised in
favour of the Bill, whatever popular indienation he might
incur by the step, he would certainly- oppose the Bill. He
was adverse not only to the details of the measure but to
its principle ; and so feeling, he had no alternative but to
move the rejection of the motion for the second reading of
the Bill.---(Hear.) He was not disposed to trouble the
House at any length on the abstract principle of Reform.
He by no means contradicted the doctrine, that in all time§
and in all countries, Reform, or, to use another term, alte-
ration, was eceasienally necessary, and might he produc-
tive of beneficial f ffects. It was not to be supposed that
eren the British Constitution could go on, century after
century, without requiring some modification, either in
the elective franchise, or in some other respects. But it
was to the policy of such a measure as that propounded by
the Noble Member for Tavistock, propounded under such
circumstances both of a domestic and a foreign character,
that he objected. A general remodelling of the Consti-
tution at such a period, could not take place without a
great increase of the democratic power, an increase
amounting to revolution. If he were asked whether he was
prepared at all times to resist Reform, whatever might be
the circumstances of the period, and however loudly the
country might call for it, whatever popularity the Mini-
sters possessed who proposed it, and whatever means
might have been taken to excite the people ;—if he were
asked whether he would resist Reform, for that if there
were no Reform there would he Revolution, ho would
reply, " if we adopt your Reform, we shall have Revolu-
tion."—(Heare) Let the Bill be passed, and who could
say how soon he might not be called to the bar of that
Bowie, or elsewhere, for defending the most valuible insti-
tutions of the country. Could a single individual on the
Treasury Bench venture to say that the present was a
period at which such a proposition could besafely agitated?
Was there a single existing circumstance at home which
rendered it safe ? Could the Noble Lord at the head of
the Foreign Department venture to predict, in the event
of the election of a new Parliament under the Bill, that
his Majesty's Government. would receive that support in
their negociations with Foreign States which the true in-
terests of the country demanded? An unfortunate con-
currence of circumstances had excited the feeling of the
people on this subject. That excitation had not been pro-
duced by the declaration of the Duke of Wellington in the
House of Lords, that be was hostile to all Reform. Nor,
or the other hand, had it been produced by ti,e French
revo ution, which hurled the King of France from the
throne. The Birmingham Union existed six tnonths before
either of those events. Petitions praying for Reform were
presented to that (louse throughout the whole of last year.
A vague and indefinite desire of change had lung been en-
gendered among thelpeople ; and that desire bad been in-
flamed by the denial on the part of the last Parliament of
the existence of distress in the country. What had occurred
since the assembling of the present Parliament to show the
absolute necessity of immediate Reform ? What was
there to justify the declaration of the Noble Member
for Tavistock, that what the country especially wanted
was a Reform of Parliament—of that Parliament
which had seated that Noble Lord and his friends in their
present places ! The effect of the declaration of the Duke'
of Wellington hail been very slight. Nor had the im-
pression of what had occurred in Paris (from their delta.
mien respecting which he was glad to see that the people of
England were recovering) been very powerful. The pre-
sent excitement was mainly attributable to the denial of
distress in the late House of Commons, and to the course
which bad been pursued by his Majesty's present Minis-
ters. When they came into power they gave three pledges,
Peace—which there was great reason to fear would he dis-
turbed; Retrenchment—which they soon found to be im-
practicable; and Reform—which they were now endea-
vouring to carry into effect. Not one word of inquiry into
the real causes by which the people of England were
affected ; not one word of an improvement of the mone-
tary system of the country. W'hat immediate advantage
would the people of England obtain from Parliamentary
Reform ? In every street, in every shop, it was talked of
as a panacea : but what would be its effects? Would it
increase the happiness of the lower orders? Would it
give them greater employment? lie had had an op •
portunity of talking to many persons out of the House
upon the subject, and of hearing what their expectations
were. In the first place he had been told that they should
get rid of tithes.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—This was the first
outwork which the reformed Parliament were expected to
attack. Nor did such an expectation appear improbable,
when it was considered what description of individuals
would be allowed to vote under the new Bill. In the town
of Liverpool alone, for instance, the number of voters qua-
lified by living in the prescribed rate of houses would be
between 15 and 16,000. When he contemplated the evils
which would arise from such a system, he was persuaded
that under it all the evils resulting from the potwalloping
system would be increased tenfold. Could any one ima-
gine that, in a House of Commons so chosen, ballot would
not be speedily carried? The abolition of tither, and the
establishment of ballot,were indeed measures which were
confidently anticipated. As to the shortening of the du-
ration of Parliaments, that was a subject which the Noble
Member for Tavisteek had himself said might be a subject
to be talked about hereafter. But there were further
considerations. If'tithea were attacked, did they suppose
seats would be safe lt seat, were attacked did they suppose
the National Debt would be safe.—(Hear, hear.)—When
When
it was recollected what had been said on these. subjects,
even in that which was characterisedby an Hon. Baronet
as a rotten House of Commons. What might not be expectedn
from a reformed House of Commons? The tithes would fall
first; but they would speedily be followed by the funds,
and by property of every description. Even the twenty
millions, accumulated by the industrious clams in the
Savings' Banks, would be as much endangered as larger
sums. If one went all would go. It appeared, also, that
certain individuals who bad not at present the honour of a
seat in the House, were to obtain it by the assistance of a
kind of aide-toi society. Various persons were already
pointed out as fitting Members of a Reformed Parliament.
Among them was Mr. Mill, who had written a book on
India, replete with erroneous motions. Curious to know'
what that gentleman's principles of political economy,—
principles which were to recommend him to the choice

of the peopie—were, he (Sir IL Vryan) had looked
at Mr. Mill's book on the subject, and he would take
the liberty of reading a passage from it, to show
the House what was the nature of the doctrine, held
~y such persons as might be expected to be Members of
Reformed Parliament. That passage was as follows :
—" The Legislature may, without any straining of lan-
guage, be said to possess that power which I have now
spoken of only as a fiction." That fancied power was, by
an act of its own, all other things remaining the same, to
double that portion of the land which was strictly and
properly rent; in which case Mr. Mill asserted that there
would be no reason, in point of justice, why the Legisla-
ture should not, and great reason in point of expediency
why it should, avail itself of this its own power, in be-
half of the state ; should devote as much as might he re-
quisite of rhis new fund to defray the expences of the Go-
vernment, and except the subjects from any burden on
that account. Mr. Mill then went on to say—" By all
those measures which increase the amount of population
and the demand for food, the Legislature does as certainly
increase the net produce of the land, as if it had the
power of doing so by a miraculeue act. That it does so
by a gradual progress in au real, would do so by an
immediate oreration in the imaginary case, makes no dife
Terence With regard to the result. The original rent.
which belonged to the owner, upon which be regulated
his purchase if he did purchase, and on which alone, if
he had a family to provide for, his arrangements in their
favour were to be framed, is easily distinguishable from
any addition capable of being made to the net produce of
land, whether it be made by a slow or a sudden process.
If an addition made by a sudden process might, without
injustice to the owner, he appropriated to the purposes of
the State, no reason can be assigned why an addition by
the slow process might not be appropriated." Such were
the principles, the assertion of which was to be the recom-
mendation of Members of a reformed Parliament.—(llear,
hear.) In 178 j, great disturbances began in France be-
tween the King and the Parliament, the people refusing
to pay the taxes. Necker was then at the head
of affairs, and he having assembled the notables,
effected an alteration in the States-General, which
was equivalent to the suggested Reform in Parliament.
The double vote was given to the Tiers Etats, and to
support the measure the whole Press of France was
bribed, and even persons were bribed in the distant vil-
lages to read the newspaper articles to those who could
not read themselves. In 1789, in one great debate, the
clergy having been led to support the theorists—the
whole Constitution of the country was cliaeged. The
tithes—the manorial rights—the rights of the chase were
abolisbed—(Hear, and laughter)—and all this was effected
under the auspices of a patriot King and a Reformed Par-
liament.--(Hear, hear.)—But mark the result—in three
months after, the patriotic King—the popular King—was
taken to Paris with the heads of two gensdarmes, who
had stood forrh in his defence, raised upon poles, and
carried beside his carriage windows.—(Hear, hear.)—
There was, he contended, no case in which a change in a
State, coming from the impression created by the outcry
of the lower classes, and the intimidation founded upon it,
had not produced revolution. The fact was, that what
the people now wanted was a revolution which would con-
vert the State into a democracy. He was, by no means,
an advocate for absolute rule ; but he fancied the time
might come when they would sigh for a Dictator, and
submit to his sway with the same eagerness which, in
dangerous times, have been evinced by the ancient nations.
His intention was to move, as an amendment on the mo-
tion, " That the Bill he read a second time that day six
months." The Bill, in his opinion, was radically bad ;
and he did not think it was possible to mould it into
any form which would reader it an eligible measure.
He had no hope of its being so modified in the Com-
mittee as to induce him to approve of it; for he eon.H
ceived that the principle was erroneous ; and that it
would he, therefore, better to bring in a new one alto-
gether, than to make any attempt to patch the old. He
particularly objected to the measure, because it gave too
great an influence to towns, and because it was directly
hostile to the colonial interests. He was also strongly op-
po,ed to the 101. rate, and regarded it as little better than
universal suffrage. Besides, he considered the measure
mischievous for destroying the variety of suffrage which,
previously existed. A qualification of property was only
useful as a guarantee, and a 101. rate was no guarantee
that those possessing it were fit men to choose a states-
man. In ancient Rome, notwithstanding the occasional
rule of a Dictator—in modern Venice, notwithstanding the
searching tyranny of an oligarchy, glory had abounded, and
prosperity prevailed. The history of nations had in fact
but one page, as had been so truly and eloquently said by a
great poet of our days—Lord Byron—when he stood
" Midst the chief relics of almighty Rome,"

with the Coliseum on his left hand, and the Palaces sit
the Caesars on his right, and looking upon the wreck of
ages, the splendid temples, the arches of triumph, the
Augustan halls, now grovelling upon earth " in indistinct
decay," lie exclaimed,
" There is the moral of all human tales;
'Tis but the same rehearsal of the past,
First freedom, and then glory—when that fails,
Wealth, vice, corruption, barbarism at last
And history, with all her volumes vast,
Hath but one page."
(Hear, hear.) He was not in the slightest degree adverse
to a measure which would give representatives to the large
towns which were at present unrepresented ; but it was one
thing to disfranchise all the boroughs, and another to give
representatives to populous towns. And it was his inten-
tion, after the Bill was disposed of--after it was rejected
on the motion for its second reading, as he confidently an-
ticipated it would—(Cheers)—to propose a resolution to
the effect, that the House was determined to strengthen
the representation.—(Hear, and laughter.) He did not
pretend to give the words in which his motion would be
conceived—(laughter)—he would not attempt to explain
his plan—(Laughter)—but he pledged himself to make
the motion and to submit the plan.—(Hear, hear.) When
the Noble Lord had been unable, after six months' delibe-
' rition, to produce his plan in anything like a complete
form, be might be well excused front pretending to enter
at that moment into any details respecting the measure he
intended to propose. In conclusion, he stated he op-
posed the measure because he was anxious to vote for
the continuance of the kingly authority, and the mainte-
nance of the basis of the fabric of the State. He consi-
dered it more than possible, that, by the Noble Lord's plan
of Reform, they would be deprived of the many celebrated
naval and military and diplomatic characters who now
adorned that House—and for this and the other reasons he
had adduced, he would, notwithstanding the intimidatio❑
which had been attempted, oppose the measure, consi-
dering it erroneous in principle, and mischievous and revo-
lutionary in effect. He then moved, as an amendment—
" That the Bill should be read a second time that day six
months."

Mr. CARTWRIGHT rose to second the motion, and
said he regretted that a more moderate reform of the
defects existing in the representative system had not been
proposed by his Majesty's Ministers, for to such he would
have gladly given his support; but he could not assent to
a measure which tended to the levelling of all established
institutions, and which, nevertheless, as had been admitted
by the lion. Member for Preston, did not concede any
one of the things prayed for by the numerous petitions
presented to that House. The lion. Member had stated
that only two of the whole number of petitions prayed fur
anything that was granted; and as to what was the feel-
ing of those who advocated that measure strenuously, in
the House and without its doors, they might judge from
a printed letter of the lion. Member for Middlesex, ad-
dressed to some persons in Scotland, and advising, above
all things, to beware of mentioning the ballot.—(Hear,
hear, and laughter.) He did not go into the details of
the Bill. He thought it more manly to oppose the whole
measure.— (Cheers.) Members of that House should do
their duty, notwithstanding the excitement which might
happen to prevail without its doors.—(Hear.) And if
there should be any disturbance consequent upon the rejec-
tion of the Bill, the responsibility would rest upon the
heads of the Ministers who brought in the measure with-
out sufficient reflection. The Bill would introduce too
large a portion of democracy into the Constitution. It
would, in fact, confer universal suffrage. He was conse-
quently glad to bear from his Hon. Friend that he intended
to suggest a plan of moderate Reform, by which injuries
might be repaired and defects removed without injury to
the stability of the structure. He considered that the
existing evils did not justify the danger of the attempt
which the Government were disposed to make, and be
felt great satisfaction in seconding the amendment.
Mr. SHEIL said the Hon. Member for Cornwall had
taken a most discursive view; be had embraced Irelind,
India, Venice, and the whole empire of France, in his
comprehensive disquisition. Was it not wonderful that
he should not have said one word of Cornwall'—(Loud
laughter.)—He (Mr. Sheil) expected that he, having pe-
culiar opportunities of knowing the advantages of the close
borough system, would have illustrated them by some pe-
culiarly felicitous reference. He could only account for
his entire omission of this almost personal topic by sup-
posing that, placed on a great political elevation, from
which an immense horizon was opened upon him, he did
itT.notnhldr,
e,,,,snlelgeeiesodt,nihe petty
n.indGauelinitatlresmo:j
sorts
itahenocefthfs
alalioufd timmediatelyooeu,dy lugubrious
v:
afabn )
t niecdtibne
eama tt h.—
mitres,
otsruaeb.:(eCr
subversion
n of
horrors in the past, beheld nothing but anarehyanH iedn shtahawde
present, and ruin in the future. It was Lis (Mr. Sheil's)
opinion that this measure was justified by example—that

it was required by existing circumstances and the state of
the national mind—and that it was calculated, as far as it
was possible to penetrate the obscurity of the future, to be
productive of great and lasting good.—(Hear, hear.)-111
supporting this Bill by a reference to changes which had
already taken place, he should not take any distant retros-
oect. He would limit himself to a single fact. The dis-
franchisement of 200 Irish boroughs by the Act of Union had
been already mentioned by his Hon. Friend the Member for
Waterford, and he would not therefore dilate upon it, but
observe that there were also 100 Irish Members incorpo_
rated with this House. By this proceeding, not only was
the Irish Parliament abated, but the whole structure of the
British Parliament was changed. Was not this a greater
innovation than any which could result from the proposed
additions to the county Members ; and was not the incor-
poration of one hundred Irishmen, differing in habits, and
having at one time distinct interests, a change more violent
than the intended substitution for the representatives of
places of which the streets (to use the expression of Edmund
Burke) can only be traced by the colour of the corn, and
of which the only manufacture is in Members of Parlia-
ment? If it should he suggested that there is adifference—
and he would admit that there was one—the Union was
carried by expedients which, in the judgment of a rigorous
moralist, must, to employ the softest term, be considered
questionable ; but here the Minister endeavour( to accom-
plish a noble object by exalted means. Instead of appealing
to the sordid passions, he calls for their suppression.—
(Hear.) He calls on the trustees of the public interests
and the arbiters of the national destinies to dismiss every
selfish consideration, and to raise up their hearts to a level
with their lofty duties.—(Cheers.) He had been beard. A
proud mention had been made of those who had given strong
evidence of disinterestedness at a time which, beyond any
other, put professions of public virtue to the test. One
name he had heard with peculiar pleasure. Proof had been
given that there was nothing in the religion of the Premier
Peer of England to disqualify him for the love and the ser-
vice of his country.—( Hear.) He should, he trusted, he
pardoned for this momentary deviation, into which he
had been hurried by his personal feelings, from the
course which he had proposed to himself to pursue. He
had shown that there was, in the year 1600, a very ma-
terial modification of the structure of this House. In
1629 there was a still greater change in its constituency.
If he adverted to the disfranchisement of the forty-shilling
freeholders, it was not to go ever an argument which bad
been already as much relied on, but to ask what answer
had been ever attempted to this important precedent.—
(Cheers.) The Minister did not prune hut mowed down,
with a single sweep, the franchise of 200,000—Irish pea-
sants, if they pleased—but British subjects after all.—
(Hear, hear.) Defects, imperfections, vices necessarily-
incidental to their condition, these persons might have
manifested ; but call it fanaticism, call it agitation, call it
superstition, or anything else, it must be owned that these
men, in a great emergency, (lid great things, and that it
was a tine spectacle to see them throwing off in an instant
the serfship of centuries, standing up in the attitude of
freemen—withstanding with a dauntless intrepidity the
little tyrant of their fields, and, in a cause which they felt
to be a just one, looking ruin in the face.—(Hear, bear.)
And if to them the House showed no mercy—if to them
they dealt with a relentless, though he was sure that it was
a reluctant rigour, he might be pardoned if he presumed
to ask, in the name of plain consistency and of British
justice, what peculiar virtue could be detected in burgesses
and corporators which should excite a sympathy so pro-
found—which should awaken so much parliamentary ten-
derness, and stir to their depths the springs of legislative
commiseration ? But it might be urged that necessity
justified the disfranchisement of the 40s. freeholders. He
would see whether Reform did not impose an equal need.
This brought him to the consideration of actual circum-
stances. It was insisted that the country prospered—that
the machine worked well—that England, with that fiscal
prodigy, a debt of 1,000,000,000/. on her back, still stood
erect and firm—that the countless expenditure of countless
treasure and the spendthrift prodigality of her life-blood
were not too large's price for freedom ; that whatever may
have befallen, she might proudly contrast her condition
with that of the Continent, and survey the " mighty
labour" of other nations, who were tempest lost in revo-
lutionary agitation, with a pleasureable consciousness of
her own security. To all this he answered, that there
existed within herself a settled and general discontent,
which was derived from causes of permanent creation, and
which, instead of being the mere ebullition of transitory
passion, flowed out of a deep and constant source. It was
idle to say that it had not long existed, because it had only
recently appeared. The sudden force with which it had
burst forth was a proof that the materials of eruption had
been long accumulating. It was of little avail to say that
it was connected with the events on the Continent. Were
we to ennit to strengthen our own institutions because this
island had not felt the tremor of that great shock which
had levelled the Goverment. of France and Belgium to
the ground ? It was equally nugatory to say that the
Press hash done all this. Then will the Press relin-
quish its natural vocation ? And was it not much wiser
to consider, instead of inveighing against its influence,
those materials, in the shape of abuses, upon which it ex-
erted its powerful operation ? Was the discontent well
founded ? That was the main question—almost the only one.
Were all the evils of which the Press and the people com-
plain merely imaginary? Had they no existence except
in the distempered fancy of political hypochondriacs, or
was there a gangrene that could be felt and touched, and
that was visibly and palpably eating its way into the vitals
of the state? He would abstain from going through the
beaten track in which so many had gone before him, and
from expatiating upon the gross abuses of the present re.
presentative system in detail. He should not repeat what
had been already so frequently reiterated. He should not
therefore go through what would certainly be a tedious
and unprofitable repetition of what others had powerfully
and minutely pressed. This single broad fact was, in his
mind, sufficient to call forth the national repudiation of
the House of Commons. Its majority was returned, not
by the people, hut by lb° individuals. Some four or
five great proprietors of boroughs were enabled to con.
troul the Minister, and by their oligarchical coalition to
dictate to their Sovereign, and to lord it over the
people.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—That such a system
should exist was a great calamity in itself, but the
evil was heightened by many sordid accompaniments.
seats in Parliament were made the subject of bargain and
sale, and an almost open mart, a common staple, a Par-
liamentary bazaar, was established for the vendition of the
franchises of the people. A Parliamentary broker was a
customary phrase ; nay, matters had been carried to such
a pitch, that boroughs had been made the subject of mar-
riage settlements, and had been put by the ingenuity of
conveyances through all the diversities of matrimonial
limitation. (Cheers.) The House had all beard that a
Sultana on her marriage usually had one province awarded
to her for her necklace, another for her bracelets, and a
third fir her girdle. Under the system of Parliamentary
proprietorship, it would be no matter of surprise to see a
lady of feshion receive Old Sarum for pin-money and Gat-
ton for her dower.—(lleac.) The people thought it a
perfect mockery to call this a national representation ; and
instead of seeing in Members of Parliament the mirror of
the public mind, they beheld in them pocket-glasses, in
which the images of a few great nominators were faithfully
reflected. By these means the moral as well as the politi-
cal interests of the country were affected. The notorious
sale of boroughs generatedageneral habit of venality. These
spots were not only full of distemper, but they communicated
contamination. When Lords transmuted their interests in
Parliament into money, by what an easy process of imitative
alchymy the humbler voter would convert his miserable
suffrage into gold !—(Hear, bear.)—How could we con-
demn bribery in tie one, when we gave it a countenance
in the other ? Was the grossness of the prostitution pal-
liated by the largeness of its wages ; and was tine enor-
mity of the offence in the inverse ratio with the magni-
tude of its remuneration ?—(Hear, hear.)—There were
statutes, indeed, against it. So much the worse. Hypo
crisy was superadded to corruption, when the law occa-
sionally immolated some incautious offender, who corn-
, witted a larceny of the people's rights, and whose guilt,
upon the principles of Spartan mortality, was not deter-
mined by the delinquency of the theft, but the folly of
the detecticn.—(Hear, hear.) And was it to be won-
dered at that a nation, who prized virtue as well as free-
dom, should feel indignant, and even exasperated, at these
misdoings ? Was, it a matter of surprise that there should
exist through the empire but one feeling of reprobation at
this flagitious traffic, and that England should start up to
expel from the temple those who have driven in its sanc-
tuary their unholy and sacrilegious trade ?—(Cheers.)--
But gross, nay, monstrous as these abuses were, there
were men who found advantages in their existence, and
whom Ciese deformities in the Constitution inspired with
the perverse admiration of the love in the Roman poet
Veluti Bolberium polypus Agner,"

It had been urged that the close boroughs had supplied the
means of admitting men of distinguished abilities, who
cuuld not otherwise have obtained an access to this House.
They were represented as the postern gates by which ta-
lents which would have been excluded from the legislative
avenues, contrived to get in. The answer given by the
Member for Caine was a strong one. Was it not probable
that if the doors of this House had been thrown more
widely open, genius and knowledge would have found,
through the more constitutional entrance, an honourable
way ? Rot who were those that pressed round the back
doors of Parliament ? How were the crowd made up

how few were the Statesmen, the orators, and political
economists, compared to those by whom they were sum- '
moned ! He admitted that a splendid catalogue, an em-
.lazoned muster-roll of genius, had been produced by the
advocates of the borough system. Mark, however, ever
what a vast space they were dispersed ! In how black a
firmament they sparkled. But was it not very remarkable
that so many of these illustrious persons, who were cradled
in close boroughs, and who preserved their political sound-
ness,
although they were nursed by corruption, were them-
selves opposed to the very system to which it was alleged
that they owed their Parliamentary existence ? What
would be said of Chatham, Duneing, Pitt, Fox, She-
ridan, and so many others ? Try this case, not by the
votes of the living, but by the votes of the dead ; enter
the sacred repository within whose echo the House deli-
berated—count the graves of the illustrious men who were
opposed to Reform, and of those who were its advocates,
and on that division it would be found that the majority
of sepulchres was in its favour ? But even if he were to ad-
mit that they were against it, and that this House would
lose the chances (for they are but contingencies) of receiv-
ing men like them through the medium which is the theme
of so much panegyric ; yet what would be the loss com-
pared with the certain deprivation of the public confidence?
Place in one scale the antique genius of the elder Pitt—the
extraordinary abilities of his illustrious son— the impas-
sioned logic and inspired humanity of Fox—Skeridan's
wit—Grattan'e integrity, the sagacity of Windham—
Tierney's eloquent common sense—and 'the multifarious
endowments of the accomplished Canning, and crown the.
splendid accumulation with the surpassing name of Ed-
mund Burke ; and after you shall hive hoarded and heaped
up virtue, patriotism, wisdom, and eloquence together,
throw in the opposite side, the confidence, the affection,
the devoted allegiance, the enthusiastic sympathy, the
entire hearts of millions of the people, and where was the
man who would for a moment hesitate in determining the
preponderance.—(Loud and continued cheering.) It was
alleged by the Hon. Member for Cornwall, that this mea-
sure destroyed the influence of the aristocracy. How ?
There were 55 new county Members. From what class
were they likely to be selected ? Would they seek to build
their fortunes out of the ruins of their country? Mem-
bers were to be given to large town*. Would their
inhabitants show no regard to opulence, to hereditary
dignity, to ancient neighbourhood ; and instead of looking
for representatives amidst noble demesnes and venerable
halls, would they accept every wandering knight-errant of
sedition, and itinerant visionary in codification.—(Cheers.)
There was a singular variance between the logic of the
non-reformers and their sarcasms. They spoke of Tavi-
stock with emphatic signification. They meant that the
influence of the house of Bedford would continue. If so,
why should not the influence of the other great families
continue elsewhere ?_( Hear.) Thus their syllogisms were
overthrown by their satire, and their argument evaporates
in their ♦ituperation. This Bill would not wrench their des-
potism from the oligarchy—it would not touch the
legiti-
mate influence of property, and birth, and station, and all
I the other circumstances which create a title to respect. It
would take power• from individuals, and give it to a class.
It would cut off the secret and subterraneous conduit
pipes, through which aristocratic influence is now con-
veyed to this House, and would make it flow in a broad,
open, constitutional, and national channel. Away with
the charge that it would weaken the monarchy. The
Throne would be built on the confidence of the people, and
find new pillars in the Nobility; and so far from the
Crown being loosened on the head of the King, the dia-
dem would be fastened by another band on the Royal brow,
---(Cheers.)—But it was said that this measure was not
final ; not final—what was there in human affairs that
was? It had in it as deep a principle of permanence as
Can be perhaps thsired. The people ought not to he con-
tented with existing abuses, but they ought to be with
their proposed remedies. All just grounds of complaint
would be taken away ; and it was reasonable to anticipate
that the characteristic good feeling and good sense of the
British nation would take upon this measure a firm stand.
The objection that this measure was not final, embraced
all change, and comprehended all Reform. It was the
favourite ritual of every idolator of every abuse. Beware,
they exclaimed, of innovation. " All this," said Lord
Bacon, " would be true, if time stood still, which, how.
ever, moved' so round, that a froward retention of custom
is as turbulent a thing as innovation." Were the dangers
all on one side? Ile had observed that the opponents of
Reform looked only at the possible dangers of concession,
without any regard to the evils of denying it.
They should not forget the principles which they
themselves applied to Catholic Emancipation. It was
with a very timid and cautious step that he ventured
to approach that great transaction, which appeared
to him to furnish the principles on which this House
ought to decide on this equally momentous question. He
begged to deprecate the most remote intention of availing
himself of it (he was not so ungrateful) in order to turn
it against a man whom he considered as a benefactor of his
ceuntry, and who, in his judgment, had earned for him-
self a lasting renown. At that instant he felt it4th a pe-
culiar force the value of his services.—(Loud cheers.) He
trusted that he should not be considered to make any un-
due or thankless use of the event to which he had referred,
when he said that every argument, which applied to the
exigency of emancipation applied with still greater force
to Parliamentary Reform. He was convinced that when
it was conceded, it was a lofty mitigation of any pain which
might have accompanied its concession, that what was
necess my was also just, but that it was granted from a
well founded apprehension of the consequences which
might have followed from the adoption of an opposite
course, was beyond all doubt. What single circumstance •
that rendered it unavoidable, did not meet the present
case ? The Irish Roman Catholics were strongly confede-
rated; millions were in league; the popular passions were
arrayed and marshalled. He passed over many incidents, to
which it might be painful to revert. This dreadful agitation
could not longer continue ; at last the Minister came down
and said, " Much as it costs me, I sacrifice my feelings to
my country ; and to the salvation of the empire I make
an immolation of myself." God forbid that I should
refer to this acknowledgment for the purpose of making
ally idle and thankless vaunt !—(Hear.) He sought
for liberty with a strenuousness proportioned to the noble-
ness of the acquisition and having won it, he flung
every factious recollection, as he would a viper, from his
heart.—(Cheers.)—lt was, then, in a fair and candid
spirit that he ventured to ask whether, if the pressure of
the Catholic question was such as to bear down all impe-
diments before it, there was not as much accumulation of
political necessities—as deep a mass of imperative urgency
—in Parliamentary Reform ? There were many obstacles
in the way of emancipation; a large proportion of the
Irish Protestants, lunch of the property and intelligence of
that country, and the deep, but honest and conscientious,
and therefore the more formidable, prejudices of the Eng-
lish people. Compare these obstructions with those that
stand against Reform. What were they ? Where were the
petitions against it? 'Who were its opponents? They
might be counted. Who are its advocates? Millions of
Britons, with their Sovereign at their head.—(Hear.)—
If they had listened to the voice of Ireland, would they be
deaf to English invocation ? If Ireland had force enough
in her arm when she struck at the door of the Cabinet to
make the mighty captain start, was the hand of England
eo feeble and so powerless that they would not awaken at
the thunder of her knocking.—(Loud cheering.)—lf Ire-
land was now in a state of evil susceptibility, the House
should recollect that it was their own doing. These were
the results of years of agitation, produced by the madness
of delay. Let them beware how they put England through
a similar process•of excitement.--(Loud cheers. )—What !
would they wait till all England should have been orga-
nised ? Would they tarry until a great confederacy should
have sprung up? Would they abide until the rostra
of agitation should have been raised in every district?—
Would they procrastinate until the popular passions should
have been maddened by ferocious eloquence, and infuriated
by revolutionary harangue ? Then, indeed, they would
have cause to speak of the influence of the democracy—
then they would find the demands of the nation swollen
into perilous enortnity—then they would behold the
power of the people dilated beyond its just, and natural,
and constitutional proportions, and ascending into a
gigantic magnitude.—(Loud cheers.) Concede,—and
that they might concede in safety, concede in time.
An HON. MEMBER, whose name we could not learn,
and who was almost inaudible in consequence of the con-
fusion in the House and the galleries, said that he should
certainly oppose the measure. He was surprised that the
subject of time disfranchisement of the Irish forty•shilliing
freeholders should have been so often referred to by the
advocates of the measure, and especially that it should
have been referred to as a case of injustice—fur, if he
remembered rightly, many of those gentlemen who were
now the supporters of the Ministry, had at that time
praised it as a liberal and necessary measure. It was said
that this measure would satisfy the people. He doubted
that assertion very much ; and if this measure should he
passed, he wished to ask the Noble Lord what was the se-
curity we had that fresh attacks would not be made on the
rights and privileges of the higher classes of society? He
feared that such would be the case, and he should, there-
, fore, agree with the proposition of the Hon. Member for
Cornwall, reserving to himself, if any moderate measure of
Reform should be proposed, to give it his support.
Mr. PENDARVES said, that as representative of that
county which would be most affected by this measure, he
could not but be anxious to express the sentiments of the

great majority of his constituents. lie was happy to say
that the present measure had their highest approval. He
hoped to see it pass triumphantly through that House, and
he trusted that Ministers would not consent to lose any
part of the Bill in order to gain a few votes, hut that
they would insist on retaining all the details of the Bill as
they now stood. Since the provisions of this Bill had
been known in the county, he had received petitions,
stating the perfect satisfaction felt by the petitioners with
this measure, and their hope that this House would carry
it into effect. A county meeting would take place in
Cornwall in a few days, convened upon the requisition of
1,200 persons, among whom were no less than forty
Magistrates of the comaty. The Sheriff, in obedience to
such a requisition, had called the meeting for Wednesday,
and its declared and avowed object was to express the ap-
probation of the people of Cornwall of this measure of
Reform. The loss in the representation of Cornwall
would amount to more than two-thirds of its members ;
and some Hon. Gentlemen might be surprised that that
county should be such a firm supporter of the measure ;
but he could assure such Hon. Gentlemen that the system
of borough representation in Cornwall was no benefit to
the county at large.--(Hear, hear.),—The persons whose
petitions he had presented were those who had seen with
disgust and abhorrence the evils which acconip tnied the
present system of borough election in that county. He
❑eed not enumerate the evils Of that system, for its infamy
and abominations were well known. He would not now
further trespass on the patience of the House. He knew
there was a strong and almost universal feeling among the
middle ranks of society in favour of this measure; and on
behalf of his constituents, as well as himself, he declared
his sincere approbation of it, and his thanks to the Minis-
ters for having introduced it.—(Hear.)
Lord VALLETORT disagreed with those Hen. Gentle..
men who represented this measure as one cf safety and con-
s-rvation. He hardly knew where to look among the Hon.
Members who supported the measure without being able
to find some cause for recrimination. )(the mode of elec-
tion became more popular, did Hon. cel.Vernbers in'easi to
say that they would exercise no discretion in the discharge
of their duties? When men came into that House they
were bound to act according to their own judgmerit; and
if they did, the extension of the franchise would not give
the people a greater controul over them. He asked the
Hon. Baronet the Member for Westminster whether, if a
conviction arose in his mind that what lie (Lord Vallatort)
was now arguing was correct, lie would not act according to
that conviction? and whether the Hon. Baronet would
nos do this though he was sure that in consequence of it
he should lose that laudable object of ambition—the honour
of a seat in that House ? Whether he would or not, it
was clear that a person in the Hon. Baronet's situation,
had a particular motive in supporting this Bill. There
were also other supporters of the measure, who had gained
honours and emoluments by advocating the cause of Re-
form in Parliament. He could not say that they were
chargeable with inconsistency-, for he admitted that they
had supported similar opinions throughout their lives, but
still it was ecar they were not without particular reasons
for supporting this measure There were others again
who supported the measure, in order to win popular ap-
plause an l to forward their ultimate designs by its means.
He did not wish to impute motives to anybody, but lie
asked for similar fairness from the supporters of the
reeesure towards himself and those who entertained the
same opinion with himself. If the measure were re-
commended in e ground that the people ought to have
a larger share in the Constitution, the answer was quite
evident, that three-fourths of the nation were absolutely dis-
franchised by it. The Noble Lord then alluded to a resolution
adopted in the Long Parliament, and to the cry then raised
against the Bishops and what were then called " the
rotten-hearted Lords," and contended that it was impos-
sible to say where the present agitation would end, al-
though he did not believe that it would proceed to the
length of endangering the loss of the head of the Mo-
narch on a scaffold. He admitted that a permanent want
of sympathy between the Parliament and the people was
an evil, and on this ground chiefly he had at length
brought himself to vote in favour of the Roman Catholic
claims, although he had thei by severed ties much dearer
than any arising out of sordid motives. He adverted also
to what had fallen from the Attorney-General:in an earlier
part of the evening, and expressed his astonishment that
that Right Hon. Gentleman who ought to stand foremost
to punish libellers, avowed his reluctance to prosecute for
a paragraph which termed Members of the House of
Commons the " hired lacqueys" of the patrons of bo-
roughs. He also noticed the prevailing agitation in the
country on the subject of Reform, and blamed Ministers
for doing their utmost to provoke it, instead of adopting
may steps to allay it. While out of office their conduct
had been widely different ; but almost as soon as they en-
tered upon their duties, they introduced a measure which
could not fail to cause the strongest excitement. He had
a great respect for the Noble Lord at the head of the Go-
vernment, but he must observe that the history of the
country afforded no parallel instance in which such great
and permanent injury bad been done by any Ministers as
by the present—(lean )—His opinions might be errone-
ous, but they were honest ; and his convictions, he would
assert, were those of a most independent Member of Par-
liament.--(Hear, hear.)
Mr. C. GRANT began by observing, that he rose at
some disadvantage so soon after the House had been occu-
pied by the eloquence of the lion. and Learned Member
for Milborne-port, whose speech had so completely repaid
them for the attention they had bestowed on it. The Noble
Lord who preceded him had seemed to suppose that the
opponents of Reform were likely to incur the imputation
of being influenced by unworthy motives, but he could
assure the Noble Lord that be ascribed no motives except
such as were just and honourable to him, or any other
Hon. Member who happened to represent a borough which
it was intended to disfranchise. All who had seats in that
House were on a level, and every one in it had an un-
doubted right fairly and boldly to state his sentiments on
any legislative measure submitted to their consideration.
The parties who opposed the proposition of Ministers, he
repeated, were probably actuated by sincere and honourable
motives, nay, even by a generous feeling on behalf of those
who lied returned them as the representatives of their in-
terests. I❑ the course of the protracted discussion which
this subject had undergone two weeks ago, it was ohserved,
that the question of Reform had never before been intro-
duced to the notice of Parliament under more favourable
auspices, and he would venture to add, that the debate had
given the friends of the cause an opportunity for contem-
plating it under a still more favourable aspect.--(Hear,
hear.) They had been told that it was revolutionary,
that it would overthrow the Throne, and annihilate the
Peerage ; anal it was only natural to suppose that such
portentous vat'cinations would produce a powerful array
of the champions of constitutional freedom through-
out the land ; but what was the result? An appeal
had thus been made to the country, and how was it
answered ? Why, by one universal acclamation iu
favour of Reform.—(Hear, and cheers.) If Mini-
sters in proposing such a measure had required any fur-
ther justification, it would have been abundantly supplied
by the c uduct of their opponents in that House, and by
the applause and the unanimity of their countrymen out
of doors. One feature of the present debates was not a
little remarkable—the question of Reform and Anti-Re-
form had at last fairly fallen to the ground, for scarcely
one who opposed Ministers on the policy of their propo-
sition, had been induced to stand on the principle of Anti..
Reform.—(Hear.)—When the Hon. Baronet opened the
debate of the present evening, he had certainly expected
that he would intrench himself in some impregnable posi-
tion ; but that expectation was at once set at rest by the
assurance that the lion. Baronet himself entertained a plan
of Reform which he did not, hovever, think fit to divulge
to the House. In the necessity of some such policy all who
were now in opposition professed to agree. The question,
therefore, was no longer one of Reform, or no Reform :
that was absolutely decided. The only points at issue
were, what should be the nature of the Reform, and when
ssitptrupaaeirstnathsikoaioeerl urt;:latd
to the existing agitation, the fact of which was universally
acknowledged, had somewhat differed from the other
hipeotn)❑
surfacerr
aahrreyy a;esxcocriftii bt
eewtmdhaeesni t t
not
to
tb thebitteehwe am:nd
nate-oedr-e:
but the tempestuous excitation which pervaded its ex-
, tremest depths, and which, he felt assured, would he
permanent while the causes continued to exist.—(Hear,
public man who bad, with an observant eye,
regarded the state of the country for the last four or five
years, could shut his eyes to the fact, that the subject
would be soon forced upon the attention of Parliament,
and that the time would, ere long, arrive when a decision
would be inevitable, perceiving that the present senti-
ments of the public were grounded on a principle of the
truth of which they were couvinced. Public opinion,
properly so called, was never to be disdained in a free
country like this, and it should always form a main ele-
ment in the deliberations of such an assembly as the House
of Commons.—(Hear•)—Dering the last fifteen years
much had been done to open the way for Parliamentary
Reform, but that which chiefly conduced to its advance-
ment was the removal of the prejudice which taught that
' affection for the Constitution ought to resist any attempt
at the amendment of its acknowledged defects. The pro-
; grass of knowledge had removed a fatal barrier to improve-
; went, and the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite bad al-
; ready shown that a regard for existing institutions was

perfectly compatible with an enlightened
their defects. A firm but reverential hand had lately
removed even the sacred veil of British justice, and the
ecclesiastical establishments of the country had likewise
received the advantages which a liberal policy alone could
import. The Right Hon. Gentlemen thee b,rfehaYsi
alluded to the ineffectual attempts at Reform the
been made within the last few years, and enforced
to.
bere
ed
necessity of a more extensive measure than had
fore been attempted. An enlightened people eoulPfl" 0
that their rights were invaded, that the interterencit.
of the two other branches of the Legislature u'llsh:t
rectly by the orders of the House of Commons, Yet that
the Constitution was rendered a dead letter by the its 's,
teal violation of those rules—an infraction of which W:s
perception Of
nevertheless held to be a high contempt of the rile
of the Commons. What answer but one could they °,
to an unanimous and indignant nation thus expostulattl,
at their bar ? They were desired not to yield to istiegti/le
dation, end this had also been the language held ta
Duke of Wellington on a former occasion; but he °wiled
rather say, delay not concession until it shall be sorest
from the Legislature as a right, not received al a b°oo
and he was to observe, that the tone of the opponentss
a°,
Reform in the debate which had recently been held thatl'
far from conciliatory. Was not the country told /.•
those evils of which all complained and sought the elb°'d
tion, were beauties, not deformities, and had contribtlltsbe
to the splendour and prosperity of the empire?
50
people, however, were happily too enlightened to be
etiolt
easily deceived ; and it was therefore to be boiled
meet
those who could suggest no mote specious atge—i g
would abandon their opposition. So far from agree;t
with the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, who asserted
o/p,
the foreign stetee4 Europe ought to have deterred gitiot,
ters from proposing this measure till the political aeits the
of our neigltiutt:s should have subsided, he 600%d
present ntorroOtt• peculiarly opportune for the• iatetes, the
the cause of lititrin, and trusted that the decision et d
an
House would prove at once gratifying to the people
lionouraLle..-to themselves. said
Mr. W. RANKES, in allusion to what had beeo
with respect to the opponents of the measure not bavtlret
pressed a division on a former stage, expressed his PI by
approbation of the course which had been adoPte
those who intende I to vote with him on the due'tlflealFtl e
The petitions and the clamours out of the House asked
Government to make one experiment, and the G°',-beie
went was preparing to make another.—(Hear.)---I°,,i she
course on the subject, Hon. Gentlemen on his side ".,i,ey
Reuse had pursued the example set by Government; they
had allowed this Bill to pass its first stage, and they lily
going to reso:ve themselves into their individual eater! '
and to determine on its ultimate fate. It was Of', A
that the Bill was an experiment ; that it would pr,"°-,ero-
re-construction of the House, arid that it would ut4,,,` at
. mote a return to that which had been its former sts—e; t
any period of our history. There was, however, one of
in which this Bill had not one of the characteristics wiled,
experiment. In ordinary cases if an experiment Is
.00
you might at least return to the condition in which,. ,j,el
were before you made it ; but if this experiment is ;0'
and worked, as he firmly believed it would, to our r!'-n,
there would be no return for us to our present coudiu°l,-0
(Cheers from the Opposition benches.)—lf there eretebtia
Administration at the head of affairs, in which the P,u 00
could place confidence, he should be loth to make suc:rers
experiment, even under their auspices ; but if there ory
on the opposite benches an Administration, whose e
aod
project had ended in failure, and whose every march; to
counter-march had terminated in a change of fr'''"lfos
avoid the consequences of defeat, lie would boldly d,scosa
that under such an Administration, no rational
would ever consent to try it—(Cheers from the ''treele
sition ) —no, not even if they had to enlighten ,:,seed
that new and burnished article, which be bel'oe
would not turn out to be a safety lamp.—(Cheers fro° or
Opp isition.)—He bad never conversed with any soProf $
of this Bill who did not, first of all, declare OA tbee
general measure, it was most unexceptionable. and 01d I
add, that in his particular district or county it cel°/c' 0•
operate rather awkwardly.—(Hear.) Even the the
and Learned Member fur Waterford, who had lus7 bed
most able and eloquent speech in behalf of this 0)% he
fallen into this admission. He hod said, that thong tho
had no particular means of judging of the effects 0f
most
Bill in England, still he believed that it would bei",oll,
beneficial. He then thanked them for it in the beat 'Oa
and yet afterwards, when he cause to consider its oper;iog
in Ireland, where be had the best means of seq°l tle
knowledge, he said that it was an abominable Bill' lei
could say that the oeeration of this Bill in the counted,
with which he was most intimately eoet's'o- ere
would be injurious. In that county nine Members ale
to be swept away. The inhabitants, naturally ended
looked for some compensation for such a sacrifiee„
they
then, " blest be the Gods for what they take asvaitioe. of
found that no addition was to be made to their neti,3.o°
county Members. In Dorsetshire there Were I Not
acres, and a population of 119,000 souls. Netc.se' 0001;
tinghistushire had a population 4,000 less than vtioael
thine, and yet Nottinghamshire was to have two addc;
des
Members. Again, the population of Cumberlarli69o,
124,420, exceeding the populati• in of Dorsetshire bY ;here'
As it had a 16th part more of population, it Was' ti'sg
fore, to have double the number of representatives'coetY
this right ?---(Cries of " Oh, oli.")—Again,toe-
Se
of York was to return two additional Itlembeerlsiietie
stable were the present provisions of our law, tbal,",,rernt
it was not more than two or three years since the u%setss
went had given two new Members to Yorkshire, to give
now determined to alter that arrangement, and
I two Members to each of the three ridings. Th weo
,: etiYl
Riding, which contained a population of 700,0tlut ;Ire°
was not to have the same power of returning A•tees,
; which the East and North Riding possessed, as
; turned four Members, although they had n0t,,,,,": arg
• number of inhabitants of the West Riding
tal . 'l' lents which had been used in support of the 131 , --q- e,:f nosh
other side of the House reminded him of ththatttl"
King, who had said, that if he had been consulted:o/JO
creation, he could have suggested manyimprovenaelitose
the present imperfect system of the world, as flir,inb
that a man should have four legs instead two.---(' ere
A Right Hon. Gentleman, whom he did not theralighteo,
his place, hut whose eloquence had pleased and dedJat
him, had alluded to the individuals of high neva° jeoll'i
estates who supported the Bill, and had asked tht'illiogild
whether it could believe that such men would 13, goal
• bring about a revolution. He would ask that Bigaditioas
; Gentleman, whose learning and industry added
that so tea
grace to his high descent, whether he believed, t `ula IP3
time of the long Parliament, either Lord Essel,,,,-
had e
Northumberland, and Lord Broke of Warwick, tv",-,
' carried the sword of state before the Soverelba' eat.;
• dreamt that, owing to their honest, but ntisgueidtet, o°°„§e
tions, the blood of the head of the monarchy, an",,i;03;11
of the head of the church, would stain the seati'l tliestirr,
men, with a fanaticism similar to that of our dsl'ijig tai
• not directed to the same end, some of them ~be,betio *
• thous, some of them misguided, and most 01 '',,5410,,
lented individuals, lent their hands to Lite in
tboee,
• tremendous engine, which they afterwards fouP jog yes
selves incapable of stopping ; and then in povertPli,els tvel
• in mortification and contempt, rued the day in iftle.ot
• had so misdirected the energies of the countll' heA
it, se'
' a hod ,on his shoulders—(Loud laughter)--; aehe
• call his fellow-workmen together, and boil(' 94 dog
which might last for some 20 years; but, aso,e
-
' (Here the murmurs which had pervaded the 0° -„a reo
the former parts of the Hon. Member's sPeeeb'pecs°
• dered it very indistinctly heard in the galletYe'leoll'ere hie
loud, that we could not hear how the Hon• ' Ade'
i plied this metaphor, or, indeed, how he °la-
the
speech.)ol
vie
Mr. SLANEY supported the second reading
tr
esters
; Bill, and contended that those who argued tlj3,jetoell,e- she
her for Gatton was virtually the Member for .rtottll/.,ites
and that the Member for Old Sarum Was, cite tbe i,jrea
Member for Birmingham, were adding insults Oe 36:10a
ries which they had indicted on the people. aietY
the House that in the middle classes ofthis one'
never heard a single objection urged agatost, at'ileoss,
• Throughout the whole country there ,'st she deo
versal cry in its favour, and he thought t": tbe:Jaaes,
pwtirooanuy.le,d,r)toa
fkles.l,:27oommuiglilaii:othn
sun
oloi
fot
we
et.
es
people.—'(list
itself
pi fl
e.i_tC
eirs e f
ti;di
,1•;.:te
should net' two
refuse it.—(Cries of " Hear" and " Que'fiebf yo eat
Hon. Member for Gatton, and the lion. Die he, tewits
Sarum, might cry for the eaestion, but titileat'Weel
there as the representative of 20,000 eel; le shouthom
t anxious to speak out their sentiments ; ant „riCe
, himself base indeed if he did not give attel-eeselfe.- 01"
in spite of ouch interruption.—(Hear, be`tr.j "e °it:lr
• pelted that, when they came to the divisitie
I. ,
he should see the Hon. and Learned tr!Chr,/,0 o Abe
rreortiogrlii?)rixtlig,ael,k Nocuitoarhna, di n baeenun
• should not be surprised if be Sn%aa'svalt hetthe d
ghePs :"17;t,;°11°16'
Gatton following them like another tnyss.eet
or eqdeges in
question.)—He could not see upon what Jos be Plea'
oes 13 i rod,
hers as voted against the second reading
!cries 0f 11"°51
voting against Reform altogether.--(1,el ees•the
their
rnodws
ntheeaubsoer.oulighe-rheoluldienr(siedcotuhleA
Itsrer
• from the Opposition benches.)--11, saido/le. teefo_o,),..se
• was voting on the question of Reform 101,00eitl°
Cold
I No wan, WllO bad not recently been hire
• (Repeated cries of " No,• no," froul colletri
ettCat

Ive the intentse anxiety with which the people were
. Lng to the result of that evening's discussion.
fa~aNORREYS had cme into that House to support
of Reform ; but friendly as he was to Reform, he
il,hilla°t give his support to a measure, which he believed,
NIA,, conscience, would endanger the Constitution.—
tot,i'cli from the Opposition.) He thought that this Bill
kliihide'troy the balance which had so long existed, and
tc
Ought always to exist in that Howe between the
klt'!•lltural and the manufacturing interest. He thought
'1 would give a preponderating influence in that House
'tyke zianufacturing districts. He would willingly give
tillnAPort tri that part of this Bill which gave an exten-
ikref suffrage to the middle classes, as he owed his seat
eIY to those classes. He must, however, object to the
al of diminishing the number of Members in the
kkt: sixty-two. The Noble Lord mentioned other
,1, 'ions to the Bill, and then observed that he was pre -
k,i
41 the discharge of his duty to stand or fall with the
math)
V. n•
STUART bad hoped most fervently that be-
-11144tt night he should have been enabled to transfer into
ends of another that trust which was at present reposed
sit' Ora. But circumstances, over which he had no
had placed him in the painful dilemma either of
nle hi •
8 constituents, the corporation of Banbury, without
ClreNntative at the moment when their privileges were
4ees or of defending their privileges at a sacrifice of
,il'°Ja private feelings. However distressing it might
'4,e'nour demanded that he should make that sacrifice.

consideration, and that consideration alone, induced
lit° vote against the second reading of the Bill.
4car and laughter.) Having thus pledg T 1 himself of
18charge of the point of honour to his constituents, he
etCht it due to his own character, at variance as
a1v,14 with his constituents, to declare that he only
'ai:ts seat until they elected a successor to fill it. He
ii afford no stronger proof of his disinterestedness
'44 4'6 conduct. His vote lie should give to his con-
tents, but his opinions were his own.
llitThe SOLICITOR-GENERAL was inaudible in the
t
for some time after he commenced his speech. He
hi that he was as great an enemy to anything of a
!toed
tendency as any Member in that House ;
Ineasure had no such tendency. If we looked
the
our early history, previous to 1688, we should
t" Constitution perpetually changing. There was a
',4t tiffs! struggle for change ; and no one period of re-
tal'a% not followed by fresh and violent exertion. When
)Ista,'l:'' to the year 1688, to the change which then took
14th' lie applied the term revolution, for it was a change
a3/4 e succession to the Throne. The present measure
itli:at a revtionary but a healing measure, beneficial
countryolu and was in perfect accordance with the
la..tiPles of revolution of 1688. That revolution laid
t'a a proper foundation the rights of the throne, of
aOstocracy, and of the people. The Constitution then
4a,l3lied declared that Members of the Commons House
Vr'imalent should not be nominated by Peers and Corn-
Qes, but should be elected by their constituents. The
iatis therefore, was not devising a new constitution,
"vatig upon the principles of the old, but was
gin the steps of its predecessors. Six years
tac revolution of 1686, an Act of Parliament de-
Vithd that " in all tinse" the duration of Parliaments should
,rce years, and no longer. Either this Act was to be
.t'c
la d as a mere declaration or interpretation of a former
aocir it was of itself an acknowledgment that the Consti-
ktti established in 1688 was liable to be altered by Parlia-
a,', Then came the Septennial Act of 1715, passed in
-"iarnent where sat Lord Somers, one of the oracles of
11taintion, and one of the framers of the Bill of Rights.
tltherf, was a Parliament chosen under the revolution
i.. tB, and under a statute which declargd that electors
e'l°osfe representatives for three years, and no longer,
ea ibrelf a Parliament for seven years. He would
?. Gentlemen, who imputed to the present measure
itionary character, whether the Septennial Act was
kl,. -utionary measure? It had never been treated as
the contrary, it was always considered to be
flail'a the constitutional power of Parliament to make
11,h, 'lteration. He would ask the Hon. and Learned
kso-4". for Boroughbridge, wha so stoutly defended all
lad,?8.118, what he would say to the Septennial Act ? Ac-
St 41t to the argument of that Hon. and Learned Mem.
tNtcat Act must have been completely a revolutionary
sy,litc, far it affected all Corporations wHon.hi it pro tanto
alehied. But seeing neither his `Hon. and Learned
Ctir nor the Lion. Gentleman on the other side, could
to impute to the 6th of William and Mary and to
akeptennial Act a revolutionary character, then it was
af,ttld argument to say that the present change was re-
-I."ary. It was a Parliamentary following up of the
tptieiPles of the revolution of 1688, and treading in the
tees of those who then adjusted the Constitution. It
Otorions not only to the House but to the public ge-
OIY
that there were many boroughs so corrupt that
114 anent itself had endeavoured to disfranchise some
SI:11', when, from time to time, the peccant be-
Leer Were detected. Now nothing could be more
‘Stti''as than to mix the judicial and the legislative
Ysid:alta; such a necessity ought, if possible, to be
L a'—(Hear.)—As an illustration, he would refer to
‘rit-4 Cricklade, in 17E31. Parliament then passed
Stitt" hieh destroyed, or, at all events, which created a
Nil, or an alteration in the constitution of that bo-
la, And how did Parliament proceed in that case ?
IN't certain electors were proceeded against criminally ;
44 ere convicted, and others were not convicte I. There
class who were not proceeded against at all,
all :attics' were innocent. Now, if this case were dealt
'''tll,;•nWhere than in that House, it would, according
,Itluil4clinary principles of law, be considered that those
'414111 been tried and convicted had suffered the full
:I,44a,itnf their crime; and that those who had been tried
third convicted were to be considered as innocent. The
,e,,414, who were not put upon their trial, were not
tasei"'Peeterl. But how did the House deal with that
Pr
0i
W lIY, after these trials, the House made these
a
'tam 'flgs the foundation of a legislative measure, which
kfr,,eta.-21Y altered the elective franchise of that borough,

4,061
Nvoi;

.4555;; equally the innocent and not suspected, as well as
4'llty :led and convicted, and who had paid the full pe-
Limt 4f their crime. This was done on the ground that
Isil;`3 having come to the knowledge of Parliament, it
INettieurnhent upon it to secure the public against the con-
e"
thie abuse of the elective franchise in the bo-
le, Cricklade. It was, therefore, not with a view
Lllt 4'
°
trea g the guilty, by an ex post facto law, but by
,1 to teat
principle, that Parliament, look-
ilaiee'-uat might in future take place in that borough,
p,,,_terl that the people of England had no security, that
titti'is returned for Cricklade wculd be returned
-tottitutional constituency. Other attempts of a like
:tyr}.ll)7l been made • but with one or two exceptions
1144' failed and the' delinquents had escaped ; but the
hnew, it had been stated in that House by the high.
4llat,—°ritY that it was as clear as the sun at noon day
her--4 in the House were bought. In all the cases of
fight
mentioned in the present Bill, although
the aur not be the same evidence of corruption, there
AI; 'lame moral certainty.—(Cries of hear, and no.)
~al- was the conviction out of doors, founded upon a
414:tail:Ay of the fact. The present Bill was founded
Oltledßatine conclusion that Parliament came into the
e case, that the people had not adequate security
Nl' roper exercise of the elective franchise—(Hear)
ael 'e contended that it was as much in the power of
kft,ret to disfranchise all these boroughs at once, as
cloreo. another. Would Members say that it was in
by ,I,'Y to the Constitution that seats should he filled
th'ection but by nomination? Either the mode
e, of
"e seats by nomination was not known to the
t end
yhe eowast therefore, a mystery, or if known, had
1 dietp tkPle a right to complain ? When gentlemen
tiscitnett tere Why a temporary excitement out of doors,
iegi,:t• Look at the petitions; look at the public
po' and what would be said of that more still, but
areArerful voice, of which no Member could be un-
-1,1t11,e 1,:to gentleman could have mixed in any company,
ltit.tteed six or seven years, where politics were not
~(4111 from, without knowing that Parliamentary
V. eat Was
a predominant topic. Was there not
ViltneeioPrePonderating body which declared that
1i ht th re should be carried, if not now, at some time?
Otw ae e House was dealing with Reformers, it was dealing
114144 eltiVe body of men, who were not to be put down
Vetere The House knew that on this subject it had
tt%llstl4 upon it to the utmost extent consistent with law.
oee e "Ilembers wish for stioneer pressure? If the
ktlt4ttlitiet,hoQU'd not be put down by resistance to it, the tie-
Et~would become much stronger, and would en-
e Public peace. The present measure would se-
Yeeetbriedsonable portion of the Reformers from those
ug would satisfy • whereas, if it be withheld,
with them. Could those gentlenien,..wh
Were in a condition to resist the claims of the
ktor;hl,l7 believe that we should fail in resisting that
4iludwould not be satisfied, when we had all well-
ved t reasonable men with us ?—(Hear.) The
'lNZeteereearned Gentleman concluded by saying, that
iNigtie„ , Was safe and constitutional,—that it was no
Ithtte ad but a reiteration of the Constitution, and calcu-
A,eoe4t the security of the throne and the happiness
tails
tHear.)
,"DEN rose amid loud cries of " Adjourn
"kp >'
Akfter l'")tihl be sorry if the House adjourned Mime" -
the
No sptech of the Hon. and Learned Gentle-
'et.} ti"e unconstitutional speech he bad never heard.
e bad been desirous of establishing what no one

denied—the power of Parliament to alter the Constitution ;
and he bad gone through the history of the Constitution
from youth to manhood, to the change in 1688 ; but did
he not then find it in a state of perfection 7—(" Hear, "
"Oh ) Then the Hon. and Learned Gentleman asked
if the Triennial and the Septennial Acts were revolutionary
measures. No ; but the last was a highly unjust and im-
politic measure, introduced by persons of the same princi•
pies as those with which the Hon. and Learned Gentle-
man had connected himself, by which they extended the
Parliament to seven years, in order that they might not
lose their places ; and the present Administration were
willing to grant the privileges which the people asked, in
order that they might keep their places.—(Hear, hear, and
a laugh.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had told
the House that it was improper to mix the legislative
and judicial capacities, and that though there was in.
justice in the case of Cricklade, where there was evi-
dence of corruption, therefore it was prop,r to dis-
franchise all the boroughs without ar.y evidence at all.
The Hon. and Learned Gentleman talked of moral evi-
dence when he should talk of legal evidence. They talked of
the agitation which prevailed, and of the univeral cry
which was made for Reform, but the agitation bad been
the work of the Ministers themselves. The petitions
which were now presented from the people were very dif-
ferent from those which had been presented previous to
the introduction of the Bill by the Noble Lord. Again,
he repeated, that the Ministers had agitated the courtry
for the purpose of carrying this measure.—(Hear, hear.)
—They acted upon the advice of the Hon. Member
for Waterford. His language was " agitate England for
Reform, agitate Ireland for the repeal of the Union." His
Majesty's Migisters had done so,—they had agitated the
country, nikiftdfify now came forward and called upon
them to pitalielarspeasure which went to destroy the Con-
stitution of liaeq:puntry. The Ministers were forcing this
Reform on the country,—the people of England did not
want it.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.")—Ile maintained that
such bad not been the object of the petitions which had
been presented to tha,t House pre% ions to the introduction
of this Bill, and Ulrich, while nominally calling for Re-
form, had very different objects in view. He would defy
any Hon. Member to point out any of those petitions in
which the people asked for such a measure as this. All
their petitions, before this Bill was brought forward, called
for the vote by ballot and universal suffrage.—(Cries of
" No, no.")—They all asked far the destruction of tithes.
—(Reiterated cries of " No, no.")—He would maintain
it, notwithstanding those cries from the benches opposite,
that at least a great proportion of those petitions did make
such a demand. All the petitions to which he alluded
only asked for Reform in vague and general terms, but
they distinctly demanded the redress of what they seemed
to consider more pressing grievances.—(Cries of " name,
name.") He could not at this moment name the particular
petitions which made such demands, but lie would contend
for it, for he had read all those petitions over carefully,
that the petitioners only asked for Reform, coupling it
with the reduction of tithes, and rents, and taxes, and the
redress of other grievances which they supposed existed.—
(" No, no.") It was very easy to say No" to that as-
sertion ; but he would maintain, that the petitions which
were then presented had totally different objects in view
from those which were now presented to the House.—
(Cries of " Hear, hear," from the Opposition, and of
" No, no," from the Ministerial Benches.) The peti-
tions which were now presented did not contain a word
about universal suffrage or the vote by ballot. The
people, who, but a few months ago, called out so lustily
for universal suffrage, and the vote by ballot, received any
one who came forward —with such propositions now at
any public meeting, with execration. They put down
discussion upon all such points—they would not listen to
any such propositions—their cry was, " do not damage
the measure by the introduction of such matters." They
acted, no doubt, upon the impression, that having once
succeeded in getting such a measure as this carried, the
other measures which they had in view, the ulterior objects
which they contemplated, would of necessity speedily
follow.—(Hear.) He must say that he was greatly sur-
prised that none of the Hon. Members who had spoken in
support of this measure had expressed an opinion as to the
meaning of the Bill which they had now upon the table
of the House. Having read the Bill over most at-
tentively and carefully, he professed that he found
it utterly impossible to understand a great portion
of it.—(Hear, hear.) It might be, therefore, after
all, not such matter for astonishment that no Mem-
ber of bis Majesty's Government had ventured to
favour them with an explanation of the meaning of
its provisions. One part of the proposition of the Noble
Lord was to disfranchise 62 boroughs at present sending
Members to that House. Now he (Sir E. Sugden) de-
nied that the House possessed the moral power to make
such a change, and to effect such a sweeping measure of
disfranchisement. At what time too were they called
upon to cut off such a number of the representatives of
the people? At a period when the population of the
country was increasing at the rate of a quarter of a million
in the year?—(Hear, hear.) At such a period were they
called upon to adopt such an unconstitutional measure, for
which no reasons whatever had been offered. Why not
cut off 152 Members as well as 62 ? Where was the
measure for their guidance, if they sanctioned such a pro-
ceeding as that ? The whole Bill was one of pains and
penalties, of wide-spread confiscation and desolation,
introduced through the mere love, and for the mere pur-
pose of change, without a single substantial reason
being offered for its adoption. The Constitution,
by bending and accommodating itself to the circum-
stances of the times, bad become a Constitution which
we could never at once create—a Constitution under
which all classes and interests were fairly and fully repre-
sented. He would tell the Hon. Member for Preston
that the whole of his constituents would be disfranchised
by this Bill, and that in voting for such a measure, he
would vote for the disfranchisement of those who had
sent him to that House. The ground of population was
the wildest and most absurd ground on which to rest

the proposed disfranchisement-of the boroughs in ques-
tion ; and, indeed, it would seem that even upon that
point Ministers had not acted upon sufficient information.
He could not conceive any terms too strong to condemn
the precipitancy with which this measure had been brought
forward.—lllear.)—Before such a measure had been in-
troduced, it was the duty of the King's Government to in-
quire into the population, the circumstances, and the state
of every such borough, and to let the people of England know
the result of such inquiries. They were told that the people
were knocking at their door for this measure, and upon
such grounds they were called upon with indecent haste,
to sacrifice the Constitution of the country. He felt as
warmly as any man in that House for the interests of the
lower orders, and the middle classes, in this country. He
had sprung himself from the middle classes, and he should
always remain in the middle classes, and there was not an
individual in that House who felt snore affectionately to-
wards them than he did. But he never would consent to
sacrifice the people of England to their prejudices and pas-
sions ; he never would consent to abandon their real inte-
rests; and, he trusted, that when the period of feverish
excitement should have passed over, the people of this,
country would see who had been their real friends.—(Hear
hear.) This Bill had been expressly framed with a view to
bribe a large portion of the people to support it. It was
described by its advocates in different terms to different
classes in society. To the people of England it was
said that this measure would give to them the exercise
of their natural tights, while, on the other hand, the
aristocracy were told that here was a measure which would
make their power and influence more secure than ever,—
that here was a measure by which the people of England
would be laid entirely at their mercy—(Cries of " Oh")—
and that they might depend upon its working better than
the existing system. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman,
whose very eloquent address he (Sir E. Sugden) had beard
with so much pleasure that evening, but whom be could
with difficulty bring himself to suppose was the represen-
tative for Milburne Port, and whom he could scarcely
imagine it possible to have come from such a place in a
crusade against boroughs,—that lion. and Learned Gentle-
man told the aristocracy that this measure would give them
additional strength. That Hon. Member talked of the
fifty-five additional county Members which this Bill would
give to the aristocracy, but he could not have read the Bill,
or if he had read it, he must have misunderstood it. The
effect of such a measure as this would be, that the
county Members who would be returned would be very
different from the Members at present returned there.—
(Hear, hear.)--The effect of this Bill would be to cut up
England into paltry and petty districts, and to give to
them the power of returning the Members to that House.
The counties to which two additional Members would be
given would be thus cut up into two, and the polling dis-
tricts into which they would be divided would virtually
constitute so many small boroughs, which would actually
return the Members. The county Members at present
derived their weight from being the representatives of
the whole county. But this measure would destroy
that, and thus tend to destroy the weight and influ-
ence of the Aristocracy.—(Hear, hear.)—The Govern-
ment, by this Bill, was asking a British House of Commons
to vacate its functions, and to leave to the Privy Council
a riding commission to shift and change the consti
tuency. The House of Commons that should give such a
power to any Administration would vacate its functions
and disgrace itself. He could never consent to allow his
Majesty's Ministers to parcel out the constituency ofEttg-
land in the manner which this Bill proposed. The whole

I Bill was full of inconsistencies. It was provided that the
same property should not have a double right of voting,
and yet leaseholders were to vote, though their landlords
were to have their votes likewise. The powers given to
the King by the Bill were not compulsory, and he tnight
execute them or not as he pleased, and thus the Bill
might be only partially operative. The Bill sunk all the
rights of all corporations, although the preamble said
not one word about bribery or corruption, nor did it
point out how the scheme was to work. Ile defied any
constituency to be able to understand the Bill, and
thus the whole Constitution of England wan to be
changed by a Ministry that were unable to state
their own meaning upon paper. He would now point
out one part of the Bill which was artfully contrived
to give a rich boon to the landlords. People were re-
quired to register their votes even six years before any elee-
and, to entitle them to this act of
tion might take place ;
registration, each man must pay up all his rates, rent, and
taxes. What a boon was this for landlords, tithe-owners,
and tax-receivers. Judges of assize were to appoint bar-
risters to ascertain the registration, and these appointments
were to be approved of by the Lord Chancellor, an officer
of the Crown ; and the only appeal against the decision
of the barrister was to that House. What an immense
power did this throw into the hands of an Administration !
The lion. and Learned Member, after observing that the
Bill gave three additional Members to Ireland, while it
took away sixty-two from England, went on, amidst
loud cries of " Question," to speak of the repeal of
the Union, and to contend that their had been a com-
promise between the Government and the Hon. and
Learned Member for Waterford (Mr. O'Connell). The
Government could not bring the Hon. and Learned Member
for Waterford up for judgment, after having applauded
and cheered so loudly the speech which the Hon. and
Learned Member had made upon this Bill.—(Cries of
" Oh, oh," and laughter.)—He contended that they could
not, and that they could nut have any intention of doing
so, or they, and particularly the Attorney-General, would
not have cheered the Hon. and Learned Member so loudly.
(Cries of " Question.")—lt was evident to him from this
conduct that there had been a compromise between the
Government and the Hon. and Learned Member for Wa-
terford.—(Cries of " No, no," from Mr. Stanley and
Mr. O'Connell.)—He said " Yes," and he should shortly
bring the question regularly before the House.—(Herr,
hear.)—The lion. and Learned Member, in the letter
which he bad on a late occasion read to the House, had
said that he wished, as a part of his terms, that the Lord
Lieutenant should withdraw his proclamations,—and for
a subject to be allowed to mate thus to the Government
was, he (Sir E. Sugden) contended, most improper.

Mr. STANLEY said that he could not allow the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman to go on misrepresenting so im-
portant a matter. That letter was not written to the
Government.—(Hear.)

Sir E. SUGDEN said that if it was not written to the
Government, it was written to be shown to the Govern-
ment, and that it was evidence of a compromise.—
(Laughter, and cries of " question.")—He contended that
i❑ the present state of Ireland the representation of that
country ought not to be increased, especially while that
of England was diminished. Was he to be curtailed of
his own just proportions—(A laugh)—for the benefit of
others ? He would not detain the House any longer upon
the present occasion ; but he must say in conclusion that
he should never give a vote upon which he should reflect
with more satisfaction than up.m the vote he should give
in favour of the amendment of the Hon. Member fur
Cornwall.

An HON. MEMBER. moved that the debate beraadjourned

till this day at five o'clock.—Agreed to.
A vast number of petitions, to the amount of some
hundreds, were presented in favour of the Reform Bill,
and eight petitions were presented against it.
Adjourned shortly before Four o'clock.