The Sun.
London, England, 1831-10-08 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 8, 1831.

THE EDINBURGH REVIEW,
No. CVII., will he published on THURSDAY,
October 6.
CONTENTS s-I. Croker's Edition of Boswell's Life of
Johnson.—ll. Greek PhilosopV of Taste.--111. Sou-
they's Uneducated Poets.—lV. Jones on the Theory of
Rent.—V. Public Amusements ; Pretensions of the
Evangelical Class.—Vl. Moore's Life and Death of Lord
Edward Fitzgerald.—Vll. Dr. Crombies Natural Theo-
logy.—Vlll. Life and Writings of Fuseli.—lX. Rossi on
Criminal Jurisprudence.—X. State of Protestantism in
Germany; Rose's Discourses, Pusey's Enquiry, Lee's
Sermons.—XL House of Lords ; Reforin.
Longman and Co., London ; and Adam Black, Edin-
burgh.

This d iy was published, price 114.
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NIAIROD'S LETTERS ON CONDITION.

In the Press, and will be published on Saturday, the ]sth

of October, in a handsome Octavo'Volume, price 15s.
'REMARKS on the CHOICE of HORSES,
their MANAGEMENT, and on the CONDITION
of HUNTERS ; .in a Series of Letters, by NIMROD, as
they appeared in the " Sporting Magazine, with Notes
and a copious Index.
The Work has been carefully revised by a Gentleman
perfectly competent to the task; all the irrelevant matter
has been expunged ; and several notes added by xtay of ex-
planation or elucidation required by the lapse of time and
the change of circumstances under which it now appears.
The Volume contains a mass of important matter, of pAra-
mount interest not only to Masters of Hounds, but to every
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London : Printed and published by N. A. Pittman, IS,
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DR. TURNER'S CFIENIISTRY.—THIRD EDITION.
FLEMENTS of CHEMISTRY, including
the recent Discoveries and Doctrines of the Science.

By Professor E. TURNER, M.D.

Third Edition corrected and enlarged. One thick vol.
Bvo. 1/. Is. boards.

The present work is decidedly the best Elements of
Chemistry now existing."—Edinburgh Medical and Sur-
gical Journal, No. 98.

DR. CONOLLY ON INSANITY.

An INQUIRY concerning the INDICATIONS of
INSANITY, with Suggestions for the better Protection
and Care of the Insane.

By JOHN CONOLLY, M.D.
1 vol Svo. 12..

"We have no hesitation in declaring this to he one of
the most able and satisfactory works on tile philosophy, or
rather the physiology, of the human understanding, which
has been hitherto produced. Dr. Conolly has done for
this branch of science what Dr. Arnott has done for phy-
sics; be has produced a work which will have an honour-
able place in the annals of medicine, while it reflects great
lustre on the splendid institution to which he belongs."—
Medical and Surgical Journal, Aug. 1, 1830.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, OCTOBER 7.

At Four o'clock Lord TENTERDEN took his seat on the
Woolsack in the absence of the Lord Chancellor.
The Earl of CARLISLE presented a petition in favour
of the Reform Bill from Boston.

Lord SUFFIELD brought up the report of the Select
Committee upon the Cotton Factories' Bill, which was
read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Mon-
day next.,
Earl RADNOR presented petitions from Maidenhead
and Hungerford in favour of the Reform Bill ; from
Wenhope for a commutation of tithes; from the parish
of Rathein, in Queen's County, against distributing arms
to the Irish peasantry ; and from the journeymen cord-
wainers of Bristol, praying for the abolition of all taxes
upon knowledge.
- • - -

Lord CAMPERDOWN presented petitions from six
parishes in Wiltshire, in favour of the Reform Bill.
The Marquis of WESTMINSTER, in presenting a pe-
tition from a" very populous part of the country (Leicester)
in favour of Reform; entered' into a statement res-
pecting_ the public lives of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Canning,
and—Mr.. fruskisson, with a view of contradicting
what had so frequently been used by certain
Noble Lords who were hostile to the Reform Bill, that
those distinguished Statesmen had always been opposed to
a Reform in Parliament; and the Noble Marquis assured
the House, upon his own knowledge of the fact, that Mr.
Pitt when he first entered office was a friend to Reform,
but declared that he was unable to accomplish it, in conse-
quence of the opposition of a powerful oligarchy that sur-
rounded the Throne.
MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS.

Mr. E. ELLICE, accompanied by several Members of
the House of Commens, brought up a private Bill, which
that House had agreed to.
Mr. Preston, o the East India-house, appeared at the
bar with copies of the regulations adopted by the different
Governments in India during the year 1830.
The Bishop of CHICHESTER presented a petition front
the borough of Huntingdon, in favour of the Reform Bill.
The Duke of WELLINGTON presented a petition from
Fordwich, against the Reform Bill.
On the motion of the Duke of LEINSTEIt, the Embank-
ments (Ireland) Bill, was read a first time.
On the motion of Lord KENYON, the amenthn! nts made
by the House of Commons in the Church Buildings Bill
were agreed to.

Lord GOSFORD presented a petition from Beccles, in
favour of the Reform Bill.

The Marquis of DOWNSHIRE presented a petition
from Nun's Island, in the parish of Galway, and also one
from Coleraine, in favour of the Kildare-street Society.
Lord CARBERY presented a similar petition from a
parish in Antrim.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE presented a petition from the
Clergy and Magistrates of Beverley, stating their belief that
no necessity did, or ever could exist, to justify such an im-
portant alteration in the institutions of the country as that
contemplated by the present Reform Bill. 'The petitioner'
stated their desire to see such wholesome alterations =de-
in the representation as would tend to the honour and ad-
vantage of the British dominions. They trusted, however,
that their Lordships would calmly and deliberately weigh
the merits of the Bill, and would not sacrifice the
interests of the country at the shrine of popular clamour.
The Noble Lord observed that the petition was signed by
a considerable numbei• of the inhabitants of this en
lightened borough. The majority of the Magistrates, thi
members of the different professions, the clergy, and most
of the respectable inhabitants of the town, had signed it.
The Marquis of CLEVELAND seeing the Noble Baron
in his place, who had stated that there was an abatement
of feeling in the city of Westminster, and amongst
other instances had stated Bond-street, in favour
of the Reform Bill, would take the present oppor-
tunity, therefore, of mentioning some circumstances
which bad come to his knowledge upon the subject. It
would be in their Lordships' recollection that a few clays
ago he bail presented 1 petition from St. Mary-le-Strand,
in favour of the Reform Bill, but in consequence of what
had been stated by the Noble Lord opposite, he (Lord
Cleveland) thought he had either been imposed upon, or
had certainly misunderstood the statements that had been
made to him by tl:e parties who had requested him to
take charge of and to present the petition. Their Lord-
ships would perhaps recollect that the petition was rather
strongly evaded ; and therefore, in vindication of himself,
he had made enquiries upon the subject. He went yester-
day to the persons who had entrusted him with the
thateer e of
he thiemapewti fromad bya
m ea ns
failed in understanding their wishes and intentions. They
had further stated to him that they were certain there
petition, and
bethfaetuande
were nine out of ten not only of the inhabitants of
St. Mary-le-Strand, but of the adjoining parishes, who
were of .the same opinion, and who felt the greatest
I ,
anxiety that the present Bill should meet with the appro•
bation of their Lordships. As newspapers and pamphlets
had been allowed to be read in debates not only upon the'
present measure, but upon other subjects, he trusted their
Lordships would not object to allow him the indulgence
of reading a letter which he had received that morning
from a person of as great wealth and loyalty as any
in the city of Westminster. The letter was as follows :
" My Lord,—l feel it my duty to inform your
Lordship that four parishes in Westminster, as well as my
own parish, have had meetings convened by their respec-
tive churchwardens to petition the House of Peers to
pass the present Bill of Reform. These meetings
were most numerously and respectably attended, and only
one dissentient voice appeared from all these four pa-
rishes. From my intercourse with the various classes of so-
ciety, I am enabled to state my conviction, that the
desire for Reform, as proposed by his Majesty's
Government, is daily increasing. In consequence
of an insertion in the Newspapers that certain trades-
men in Bend-street were opposed to the measure, I have
this day called on the most respectable inhabitants of
own parish to ascertain if there was any such
diminution of interest upon the subject. 1 asked each
one if they believed the people were less anxious
and desirous for the passing of the Bill than they bad
hitherto been, to which I received a reply in the nega-
tive. The public eagerness is at present greater, and those
persons !mho six months ago were not Reformers were now
advocates for the measure.'Every one expresses his conviction
100 throughout the nation the people
were favour oefrtyhe passing of the Bill. The stagnation in
ttheaadtena 9
is lamentable, and is by many persons attributed to
the fears entertained of revolution. This should, of course,
avoided. If your Lordships were to go through
of Westminster, you would find the universal
feeling in fay.mr of the Bill to be such as I have de-
scribed."—Their efitree
Licßbacoeerirdfoyo.f'f'„
Reform
anxietyFl
hio'afhde
thei
public
increased Lordshipsrfao teoi would lt seeaatne
tolffirmotri
the
4thatrleeda
great
letter
measurethat
r
Bond-street, stating
observed that two hours ago he
nstreheitt,imasttaiotningfrotmhata
persons
stabolef inha-
bitantoon
and amongst those Colonel Webster, had
bad received
gone into several of the shops in that street, asking
persons to sign the petition in favour of Reform, and
using every possNe exertion to get the petition as
numerously signed as possible. This con.luct the Noble
Earl deprecated, and notwithstanding the statements of
the Noble Lord opposite, he could not be brought
con-
sideration,
to believe that the feelings of the people were
so strong in favour of this subject as they had been._
(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.)
The Duke of RICHMOND submitted, that it was the
solemn practice of the House to receive the petition as
that of the persons who had signed it, and he could not
well conceive what blame could be attached to
Colonel Webster, even if he had acted as the Noble Lord
opposite had stated. Here was a petition presented
front the inhabitants of Bond-street, stating that they
were in favour of Reform. As to whether they were for
the present Bill was another question. The Noble Duke
himself firmly believed that they were. He was quite sure
that their Lordships would be in favour of a very exten-
sive measure of Reform if they threw out the present
Bill to-night, which he (the Noble Duke) would not be-
lieve till lie heard it.—(Laughter from the Opposition.)
Lord WHARNCLIFFE—If he had given any offence
to the respectable inhabitants of Bond-street by what
he had stated, he heartily begged their p:rdon, and
he thought it was now high time the subject should
drop. Ile must, however, say that it was his decided
persuasion, that, if the thing was fairly put to

the people of London, they would be found to be in favour
of Reform, but not for the, present Rill.
The LORD CHANCELLOR presented five petitions in
favour of the Reform Bill.

The Earl of ELDON presented a petition from South-
ampton relative to the Beer Bill.

REFORM BILL.

The order of the day for the discussion of the motion
for the second reading of the Reform of Parliament Eng-
land Bill was then read, and

Lord WYNFORD rose to address their Lordships,—l
rise, my Lords, folly impressed with the difficulties of the
situation I now occupy, fully sensible of the profound ability
and unequalled attainments in political debate of some
Noble Lords by whom I am surrounded, and particu-
larly and forcibly impressed with that display of abi-
lity which your Lordships have beard from my
Noble and Learned Friend sitting on the cross-bench,
(Plunkett), wheoe speech I have undertaken to answer.
Under other circumstances it might have been thought
presumptuous in me to undertake so serious a task.
But convinced as
.I am, my Lords, that this country
is now on the verge of a great, a dreadful crisis, I
deem" it the duty of every man, be his a'.ilities as
slender as they .may, to employ those abilitiea in en-
deavouring to extricate his country from the political
difficulties which now impend over it. My Lords, I shall
oppose this Bill 'with tbatifirmness and independence of
prinaliple which become a Member of the British Peerage,
though from the great respect which I bear to Noble
Lords opposite, in that temper, tone, and loaner, which
will, I trust, be deemed consistent with that feeling
You, my Lords, will well understand that the diffienhiee
of my present situation are not a little increased by the
eloquent and imposing harangue of my Noble and Learmd
Friend which I have undertaken to answer. Last night,
my Lords, I all but trembled for the situation which I
now occupy. But when I again thought of the principle
of the Bill, when I was challenged upon this point, I felt
that I occupied vantage ground even against his talents. M
Ni ble and Learned Friend has followed the example of hi-
colleagues. After declaring that it was his intention
to speak about the principle of the BM, he totally de-
serted it.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Not one of the Noble
Lords, I will repeat it, have touched on, explained, or de-
fended that principle.—( Hear. ) They have attacked, ad li-
bitum, the present system, but not one has ventured to offer
the slightest defence of the measure proposed to be sub-
stituted. The Noble Lord has gone into a great variety of
topics; I am not disposed to take a voyage with him as
ar as St. Helen's ; but so long as I have e leg to stand
en—(A laugh)—l will defend the just prerogative of
the Crown, the rights and independence of both Houses of
Parliament, and the true rights and liberties of the people
of England...(liter, hear.) My Lords, lam quite sure
'hat the feeling in reference to this Rill is fast dying
away, and that a delusion in favour of the Bill will 80011
evaporate. There is, I grant, a feeling throughout the coun-
try favourable to Reform, but that feeling is n in favour
—snd, if it were, woe to England !—ef a measure like the
present, which, if not revolutionary, neeessarily, inevitably
will produce it. A feeling it is throughout the country
in favour of Reform, of the most temperate character,
hut not of a measure which goes, not only to destroy the
Constitution, but to destroy all those laws and prin-
ciples which regulate and secure property, First
of all, I will endeavour to answer the arguments
which my Noble and Learned Friend has brought forward,
assertions net arguments, as to what is the character of the
WI I shall, therefore, apply myself to the 13i11, the
whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill, and trust I shall
e able to prove, to your Lordships' satisfaction, that it is
lestructive of the best interests of the country. The
Noble and Learned Lord then went on to state that
le (Lord Plunkett) had left untouched the prin-
ciple of the Bill, and the House, it ,sae argued, had
;]edged itself to support the measure, from the address
.hat bad been moved to his Majesty's speech. The House, be
admitted, pleged itself to the consideration of Reform,and he
Could not held thinking that if a measure, in any
,vay safe to the liberties of the country had been
proposed, it would have met with no opposition from
~hat side of the House. It was then stated that the
King had dissolved Parliament to ascertain the sense of the
aeople Tel ative to that measure. He, for one, could not
aelp thinking that it was a most unfortunate time to
lissolve Parliament, to ascertain the sense of the
)eop!e. The proper time would have been when the
aeople were in a tranquil state. The Noble and Learned
Lord then referred to a speech of Lord Holland on
a previous occasion, to illustrate the truth of this remark,
in favour of the Reform Bill. The Noble and Learned Lord
would not have referred to the dissolution of Parlia-
ment, had it not been referred to in his Noble
and Learned Friend's speech, which speech it was his
intention to reply to, and which speech throughout was
applicable to the present dissolution of Parliament. The
Noble and Learned Lord had referred likewise to the
manner in which the elections took place, particularly in
Ireland. He (Lord W.) was not so well acqu tinted
with Ireland as he was with England, never
having had the good fortune to have visited that country,
oat trom what he could collect, he was far from thinking
'hat the late election in Dublin could be taken as
a proof of good order prevailing at such elections. If
an election carried on under the influence of people in
office, and where the grossest bribery and corruption had
taken place that ever disgraced an election, was to be taken
as a pattern of good order, no doubt the election
to which he had alluded was the one to be
fixed upon. If their Lordships carried their recollection
to what took place at the elections at Carlisle,
Dorset, Carmarthen, and many other places :titer
the last dissolution of the last Parliament, they
must remember that under the excitement produced by the
paragraphs that appeared in the public Press (upon which
he should make some observations by and bye) the greatest
disorders that ever disgraced elections not only took place,
but many lives had been lost. Indeed, wherever there
bad been popular elections, the disorder consequent on the
excitement occasioned by the Press, had certainly been
most disgraceful. And had their Lordships not seen enough
from petitions presented to show that there was the
most gross and abominable frauds in the getting up of
those petitions ? Had it not been :shown to demon-
stration that the same men who had signed the
petitions had attended at various places to &gn them—
had signed them over and over again, and also affixed fic-
titious names to them ? From almost every town from which
Reform petitions had co:ne, counter-petitions had also
been sent up to their Lordships' House—(Cheers from:the
Ministerial side of the House ) If the Noble and Learned
Lord had understood the meaning of the cheer, be
would have been very happy to have answered it, but
as he did not understand it he could not apply himself
to it. Something had also been said about a petition
from Band-street.—(Laughter.) Noble Friend of his
had stated that the people in Bond-street were favourable
to Reform. Nov the very next day somebody, some-
how or other, thought fit to go through every hotese,
canvassing every one of the inhabitants to sign a
petition in favour of the Reform Bill ; aired a petition in that
way was indeed got up. But there was something' extra-
ordinary about that petition, inasmuch as it was signed by
212 persons, there being only 210 persons in the Street.
—(Laughter.) This the Noble Lord thought was a suffi-
cient answer to the consideration to be given to such a peti-
tion as that ; but further, some who had signed the petition
had eubsequently declared that they bad signed it under an
entire mistake. The Noble and Learned Lord oppo-
site had next observed, that their Lordships were
at present sitting in judgment on the people of
England. For his (Lord Wyndford's) own part, he could not
assure himself that he understood this expression. He could
only suppose the Noble Lord meant that their Lordships
were sitting in judgment on the rights of some of the
people England. With respect to the people of England,
lie believed of
there was not a more respect able people collected
together on any spot in the known world, but still he would
only trust the people of England with what they
were
capable of understanding—he would not trust them
with the exercise of rights which he believed they did not
understand. If his Noble and Learned Friend meant that
universal suffrage should be extended (for that cer-
tainly was, in point of fact, the amount of his
argument on this point) to the people of England, be
was prepared to resist such a thing to the utmost of
his power. The people of England were not capable of
exercising universal suffrage. He (Lord W.) was not an
enemy to all Reform, but he certainly was an enemy
to this species of Reform—a Reform which would
give the power of election to persons who,
from their situation in life, could not exercise it,
as he would show in the course of discussing this Bill,