The Sun.
London, England, 1831-01-21 00:00:00

APIAIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

;.ratters in Ireland seem to be on the point of
reaching that crisis to which they have tended for
some months past. Not many days ago we ventured
to prophesy that hypocritical pretences would not
be much longer respected, but that things were
'likely soon to be looked at by his Majesty's Go-
vernment in their substance rather than their sem-
blance, and measures, protective of the public peac.i,
to be adopted against its violators. The intelligence
brought by yesterday's post from Dublin, announces
the arrest on Tuesday last of Messrs. O'Connell,
Steele, Lawless, Barrett, and Reynolds, for a con-
spiracy
(as most accounts concur in stating) to evade
the effect of the Lord-Lieutenant's proclations,
and to hold meetings in spite of them, for se maditious
purposes. To express surprise at such a conse-
quence of the proceedings of certain persons in Ire-
land, would be on our part very gross affectation.
It has long been manifest that the struggle could
not remain stationary,—that the agitators or the
Executive Government must advance or give way,
and that the sooner the decision should be forced
on, provided it Was to be a decision, the better for
all classes of society. Whether the present step
taken by Lord Anglesea is a wise one, must depend
on more than a single consideration. It involves
the nature of the charge against the arrested parties,
which, if trivial, ought not to have been made. It
involves, secondly, the amount of evidence by which
the prosecution can be supported, which, if other
than overwhelming, ought not to be at all relied
upon. Thirdly, it embraces the important question,
what is the temper of that body of the community
out of which juries are likely to be empannelled
and if favourable to the impartial administration of
justice, is there much chance of their being inti-
midated ? Slender evidence, a faltering jury, a
slight offence, or trifling punishment, would, any
one of them, much more if taken altogether, be
demonstrative of great imprudence in the Irish
Government for adopting this peremptory policy.
But, doubtless, the above points have been well dis-
cussed, and the consequences as well as principle of
the arrest been looked at in all their bearings. It
now becomes a more difficult and reluctant task to
make the conduct of the anti-Union confede-
rates a subject of newspaper animadversion, at
least so far as concerns the proceedings for
which they have been visited by legal process.
Their subsequent actions are of course fair game,
and we trust will not be weakly spared by the press
or by the public authorities. We have no doubt
that, hand-in-band with every effort to uphold and
vindicate the law, the King's Ministers are already
resolved on securing to Ireland the most ample mea-
sure of redress for all real grievances ; nor is
there any reason to apprehend that much of the
present Session will pass away without affording
proof to the Irish people of the active and generous
zeal with which their interests and welfare have
been espoused by those who, if the present Ministry
endures but a short time, can best carry into execu-
tion such beneficent projects.—Tinies.
We yesterday alluded to a proclamation of the
Prince of Orange to the Belgians, published in a
Paris Journal, and expressed some doubt as to its
authenticity. We have since received an authentic
copy of the same document, by command of his
Royal Highness. It was first inserted in a Lille
Paper, called l'Argus du Nord, with the omission
of the commencing and concluding paragraphs. The
Brussels .Journals having refused to publish it, Lille,
being on the Belgic frontier, was the next place
from which it could issue. Every step taken by
his Royal Highness within the last three or four
months seems to be taken out of time, or to be at-
tended with some fatality. Had the appeal now
published been made earlier in the revolution—had
it issued from Antwerp instead of London—had it
even appeared in Brussels before the National Con-
gress had passed its vote of eternal exclusion against
the family of Nassau—it might have had its in-
tended effect. But now, after one of the national
representatives has been overpowered with frantic
cries of treason when he but hinted at the name of
his Royal Highness, without daring to pronounce it,
we are afraid that it comes too late, and that, issu-
ing from London, where the conferences of the five
Powers are held, it will only more and more em-
barrass the final settlement of the Belgic question,
by exciting the suspicion of connivance between
the Allied Plenipotentiaries and his Royal Highness.
—Times.
We foresee that there will be great difficulty hi
observing the principle of non-intervention in the
present state of Europe. We observed yesterday.
that the very intrigues which had for object to re-
unite Belgium to Holland will produce time contrary
effect of throwing Belgium into the arms of France.
A letter from " 0. P. Q.," in this day's Chronicle,
deserves attention, borne out, as his positions ap-
pear to be, by the contents of the French Journals.
Belgium and Poland present formidable obstacles
to the preservation of peace. Now we may lament
that the exertions made lay such an enormous sacri-
fice of blood and treasure, during a long war, were
made to so little purpose. That weak Statesman,
Lord Castlereagh, absolutely threw away opportu-
nities for securing the independence of nations,
which may never again occur. The sole object of
that Minister seemed to be to place Austria,
Russia, and Prussia, in a state which might
aniable them ever afterwards to give law to Europe.
To break up this dangerous confederation, Europe
roust again be convulsed ; for ,Poland can only
be reached through a Revolution of Germany.—
A work has just been published by Augustus Gran-
ville Stapleton, Esq., under the title of " The
PAitical Life of the Right Hon. George Canning,"
in three volumes, which throws a valuable light on
the! disgraceful portion of English history during
which the Holy Alliance flourished in all its glory.
This gentleman was, we believe, Mr, Canning's
Secretary, and has had access to his papers. We
cannot resist the temptation of giving from it at pre-
seat the following brief extract,in which the wretched
policy of Castlereagh at the Congress is eummed up
with equal correctness and force :—" The avowed
object which the Noble Lord who had the conduct
of the negociations at Vienna had in view was not
to see justice done to the weaker States ; not to
guard their independence, and to watch over their
interests, thus securing the attachment of those he
protected, and the respect likewise of those whom
he resisted ; but it. was, as be did not scruple to de-
clare, to effect the re-establishment and re-organiza-
tion of those two great Monarchies, Austria and
Prussia, which, to all practical purposes, had been
destroyed during the war. Everything accordingly
was made to yield to this purpose.. , • • • •
The Power which, beyond all comparison, Europe
had most to dread, from the vastness of its territory
and the amount of its population, was Russia; so sen-
sible of this, indeed, was Lord Castlereagh, that,
previously to Napoleon's return from Elba, he
actually signed a treaty with France and Austria,
binding Great Britain and these two Powers to
unite in resistance to the ambitious designs of the
Northern Potentate. Yet, notwithstanding these
very wise alarms; and although, perhaps, the future
safety of Europe depended oa the erection of a
strong barrier against Russia—although, too, the
kingdom of Poland, if re-established, would have
been that barrier, and by insisting upon its restora-
tion, England, had she succeeded, would have gained
not only a great political object for herself and the
rest of Europe, but likewise immortal honour ; while,
if she failed, she would have been in no worse si-
tuation, and would have been spared the disgrace
of consenting to its re-partition. Still no attempts
were made, or, if made, they were urged so feebly •
as to be disregarded, to apply towards Russia a
principle so rigidly adopted, when weaker States
were in question. Russia, therefore (against whom
rather than for whom, flanks and rears ought to
have been provided), was allowed to bear wabeiy time
bon's share of Poland; Austria told Prussiabeing

content to suffer it, because they were admitted to
be partakers of the spoil." These are truths. We
owe to France the first blow struck at the political
edifice reared by Castlereagh. The independence
of Poland Nvould destroy the edifice.—illortiing
Chronicle.

Messrs. O'Connell, Staunton, Barrett, Lawless,
&c., have been arrested, and held to bail, for an en-
deavour to evade the proclamations of the Lord
Lieutenant. For an issue of this sort we were not

unprepared, because, when the Government entered
on the course of issuing the proclamations, it must
have contemplated the probability of Mr. O'Con-
nell's endeavouring to evade them. Whether the

agitation will be put a stop to by this measure is an-
other question. Mr. O'Connell is reported to have
said, when before the Magistrates, that he had just
received intelligence of serious disturbances in Louth.
We have heard from gentlemen connected with the
North of Ireland, that the intelligence from that
quarter received yesterday is alarming. The
Orangemen, it is said, have broken out on the
subject of tithes. We have all along been of
opinion that the di•content in Ireland is much
deeper seated than is generally believed in
England, and the County Meeting of Roscom-
mon, at which resolutions for a Repeal of the
Union were agreed to, is one proof of it. The
accession of O'Conor Don to the Anti-Unionists
will not be without its effect. Whenever the middle

and lower classes have separated themselves entirely
from the higher, a defection from the ranks of the
latter is inevitable. The arrest of Mr. O'Connell

will give great satisfaction in England,where various
causes concur to produce an impatience of the agita-
tion in Ireland. We are, in the first place, dissatis-
fied that the Irish should pursue a course calcu-
lated to embarrass Ministers, at a time when their
whole attention ought to be bestowed on Reform;
and we view the conduct of the Irish as betraying
a want of consideration for the welfare of their Eng-
lish brethren. In the next place we are opposed to
the Repeal of the Union, from an apprehension that it
might lead to a separation. Were this empire a federa-
tion of Republics, the questions of local Legislatures
and a general Government might be adjusted ; but,
under a Monarchy, there can be no general Con-
gress from the separate States, and the local Legis-
latures of England and Ireland, claiming each com-
plete independence on all questions whatever, might
arrive at different decisions on fundamental mea-

—...—
sures. Thu?, putting disputed successions out of
the question, the English Legislature might approve
of a war and resolve to support the Crown, while

. ,
the Irish Legislature might disapprove of it and re-
fuse supplies. Whether, as our colonies increase in
population and resources, it may not at last become
necessary, in order to hold the various parts of the
Empire together, to have something like a Congress
in England of Deputies from all of them, to decide
on affairs which concern the whole Empire, is a con-
sideration on which we are not now called to enter.

At present the English Parliament claims to share,
along with the King, not merely the Sovereignty of
England, but the supremacy over all the British
possessions in every quarter of the globe.—
In the third place, the people of England
cannot easily divest themselves of the feeling
of masters in the case of the Irish, and conceive
they have no right to be dissatisfied when they
themselves are sat►sfied. Hence, the English news-
papers, which must represent English feelings, are
somewhat dangerous Coußsellors to Ministers in the
case of Ireland ; for the Irish, being the weaker and
poorer people, are peculiarly, on that account, the
more sensitive to anything like slight, and popularity
is to be gained in England, by whatever threatens
to repress the Irish, and put an end to their impor-
tunity, from which we wish to be freed. The mis-
fortune is, that the feeling of the English only tends
to increase in the Irish the desire of reparation. We
really fear, taking all things into consideration, that
the steps pursued with regard to Ireland, however
popular in England, will only add to the difficulty
of the crisis. A conternpo►ary (the Globe) ob-
serves—

" We indulge a hope that the firmness of the Govern
ment will produce a beneficial effect in every part of Ire-
land. If the present crisis should be got over safely, the
determination of the British Government to foster every
practical plan for promoting the prosperity of Ireland, and
to amend the laws which have been so justly complained
of by the friends of order in that country, must, as it
shall manifest itself from day to day, produce an impres-
sion on the public mind favourable to the maintenance of
tranquillity, and to that spirit of union between the well-
informed of both countries, the active display of which
will do more for Ireland than any thing else could possibly
accomplish."
We have already expressed our rooted conviction
that peace and tranquillity in Ireland are hopeless,
so long as a sinecure Church is allowed to receive
so large a share of the produce of that country. To
this conclusion we must at last come—the Church
of Ireland, as an establishment, cannot subsist.
Poor Laws, coupled with some measure for the re-
lief of landlords, where the population is redundant ;
so that relief of destitution may not act as confisca-
tion—and the freeing the Catholics from what will
ever be to them the cause of heart-burning—a
Church kept up for the mere purpose of consuming
their wealth, may go far to quiet the country, and
render improvement possible. But till the Irish
have a hope of these measures, the dissatisfaction
will continue.—Morning Chronicle.
The following communication from our intelligent
correspondent, on the prospects of the Poles, and
the resources of Russia, is deserving of the most se-
rious attention. We fear the conclusion at which
he arrives, that, whatever may be the success of the
Poles in the outset, they must ultimately be over-
whelmed, if not aided by other Powers, is but too
well founded. Oar correspondent, who, we know,
is intimately acquainted with the resources of Russia,
is strongly impressed with the danger with which
the West of Europe is threatened from that Power.
He supposes, that with a man of talent and energy
at the head of affairs, Russia could easily move, at a
short notice, into the fertile and populous regions of
the West, such a number of armed men as would
reader iesistance impossible. On that subject we do
not feel competent to pronounce a decided opinion.
We are aware that it is much easier for Russia to
move on the We.st than on the East, for, in the latter
case, her forces are obliged to provide and carry
with them everything for a campaign in countries
without resources ; whereas, in the West, armies of
sufficient strength could always find means of sup-
plying themselves in eery direction. We are aware,
too, that it is one thing to move au army into the
country of an ally, and another into the country of
an enemy; and that, in the recent campaigns, the
Russians having to proceed through the territories of
allies, had to provide herself for her army. But
whether Russia could or could not move an over-
whelming force into the West, there can be no
doubt that it is extremely desirable the means of
making the experiment ehould be taken from her.
The greatest political blunder ever committed was,
the allowing the partition of Poland; and if that
country could be restored to independence, civilized
Europe would possess one strong bulwark on the
side of Russia. Such an opportunity as the present
may also never again occur. But, unfortunately, the
great heart of Europe—Germany, which borders on
Poland—possesses Governments, the interests of
which aic directly opposed to the interests of the
people. France is too distant, and the Govern-
ment tiatueally dreads an enterprise of such moment
as a war against Russia, upon the mere speculative
ground of future danger to Europe. We therefore
are at a loss to see whence the Poles are to obtain
succour. At the same time, the present French Go-
vernment wilt have much to apprehend from popular
feeling, if the Poles should be crushed by the Rus-
sians. We wish the Poles well out of the danger
which threatens to destroy them. We are glad to
see, from the proceedings in the French Chamber of
Deputies, that negotiations are on foot connected
with Poland. But will Russia, in a crisis like the
present, be arrested by remonstrances ? If she lose
• Poland, she will probably lose also her Baltic pro-
vinces, which are exceedingly disaffected. The Go-
vernment of France has much at stake in the present

contest between Russia and the Poles. Should the
Poles be crushed, Louis Philip would have some
difficulty in making head against the torrent of public
opinion. We fear more would be laid to his charge
than he would find it easy to answer :

RUSSIA AND EUROPE.
The heroical attempt of the Poles to restore their nation
has been applauded by all good men throughout Europe.
But that is not enough for unfortunate Poland. She is
strong enough to check the first attacks of the Russian
Autocrat ; but, compelled to develop all her resources for
the critical moment, she will not be able, in the loog run,
to resist the formidable force which the Russian Govern.
ment is able to bring successively to bear against her. I
repeat what I stated when the first news of the events at
Warsaw reached us. " Poland will fall, if she be not sup-
ported by the free States in the West of Europe." Let us
now look at the probable results for the whole of Europe,
if the Russian Government succeeds in exterminating the
Polish nation, and we shall see that it is not merely the
cause of the Poles which is in question, but that of all the

civilized States of Europe. -
The hiatory of the late wars, in which the Russian
armies have figured, has introduced into the general opinion
of our times, the same error relative to the strength of the
Russian Government, which prevailed in the Cabinets of
Europe, under the reigns of Peter and Catherine. They
have ceased to fear Russia, as she was not feared before the
battle of Pultowa. But what an illusion of security.—
The Cabinets asked, " What have we to fear from Russia?"
Russia is only a monstrous Colossus, which will tumble to
pieces from the heterogeneous manner in which it is com-
posed. The power of Russia is only illusory. She has
never been able to bring 150,000 men into the field. It
wanted, as the fact then proved, all the necessary means for
bringing into the field an army so strong, that civilised
Europe had anything to fear from it ; Russia wanted even
money to carry on a long war against States which have
more resources in men and money than she has? Let us
look at the errors which these assertions contain.

Let us, first of all, consider the geographical and mili-
tary position of Russia in relstioa to the rest of Europe.
Ancient Muscovy bad neither the left wing supported, nor
the right wing guarded, and in front of her was placed
powerful Poland, the resistance of which might well check
every attempt of the Czars to interfere with the destinies,
and with the civilization of enlightened Europe. This
was well known to Peter, the great genius of the North.
His conquests on the Black Sea and on the Baltic secured
the two w ings. Catherine 11., following the route of her
illustrious predecessor, joined these two wings, by making
Poland her prey ; and, at present, the western frontier of
Russia extends in front of the rest of Europe by an un-
interrupted line, the two wings of which threaten to em-
brace the whole of Europe.
Going back to the origin of things, and considering the
sources of the greatness of a State, we arrive at a know-
ledge of the means of sustaining it, or of successfully beat-
ing it down. If Napoleon had consulted its truth, lie
would have directed the half of his forces towards Cher-
son and Odessa, and the other towards Riga and St. Pe-
tersburgh, and looking at Warsaw as the eccentric centre
of his operations, he world not have proceeded on the high
road to Moscow. Moscow would have fallen of itself, and
the supremacy of Russia would have been for ever anni-
hilated.

Let us now follow the course of our considerations,
setting out from the population of Russia. The number
of its inhabitants is generally estimated at nearlyso,ooo,ooo,
but they may be stated at 60,000,000 ; for it is the inte-
rest of the great Lords, of the peasants, of the officers of
the Government, and of the Priests, to conceal the true

number of the people. The first have to pay a poll tax,
and the latter, who keep the register of births, live with
the Lords and the peasants, and readily lend themselves to
the abuses of concealing from the Government the actual
amount of the population.
But, let us suppose that this number includes the whole
population, and that women, children, the aged, and all
only amount to fifty millions, we shall have the following
results : —We will suppose that the half are females; there
will then be twenty-five millions of males. Adopting the
principle, that the Government cannot arm more than the
fifth part, it will have five millions of combatants at its
disposal. But let us suppose that it only arms a fifth part
of these five millions, there will be one million of troops
ready to support its views.
I shall now be asked, whence comes it, then, that the

armies of Russia are always on paper, and that it has never
been able to bring more than 150,000 men into the field?
The answer is obvious and easy. It is the general cor-
ruption of the Administration, all the servants of which
think only of their pockets ; and Russia, since Peter,
celled the Great very justly, but in the ineanimg of that age,
has never had a Chief capable of estimating its forces, and
endowed with the talents necessary to bring them together
to abuse them.

But who will guarantee Europe that there never will be
at the bead of affairs in Russia a man who comprehends
all the power which chance has placed in his hands, and
who knows how to direct it to attain the object of his
ambition, of his superstition, or that absolutism which un-
happily finds too many partizans in all that class which
prefers, even to our times, and will yet prefer for a long
period, arbitrary power, absolutism, and divine right, to
good sense, to just and humane laws, and to the emancipa-
tion of human nature from the frightful servitude of the
middle ages ?
Let us now reply to those who pretend that Russia has
not the means to carry on a long war. What are necessary
to carry on war ? Men, arms, ammunition, clothes, and
provisions. Russia, we:have seen, has men enough—let
us then look at the rest. To make arms and ammunition,
Russia has mines and forests. To provide equipments,
Russia has wool, linen, leather, and manufactories to pre-
pare these materials, and hands to complete them. To
subsist an army, both in the interior and at the frontiers,
Russia has corn and cattle in abundance. What more,
then, is wanted? Nothing, I repeat, but a head like that
of Peter, which knows how to unite, by a strong hand,
these enormous resources ; and I also again repeat, who
will guarantee Europe that there never will he in Russia
such a powerful mind ?
But Russia, it is said, has not money to carry on a long
war. What is money ? Russia does not need it, to col-
lect a million of warriors on her frontiers. And when
she has once passed her frontiers, will she not find, will
she not take, money enough in the country which she will
overwhelm with her hordes ?
In all which I have said, it will be found that we can
only find the pretended feebleness of Russia in her cor-
rupted Administration ; and nothing in the world is
clearer than the fact, that the power of Russia threatens
the whole of Europe, if ever a skilful conqueror shall be
found at the head of its Government.
Since the time of Napoleon, there has not been a more
favourable moment to repel the absolution and ambition of
Russia, than is now off,red by the insurrection of Poland.
The interest of Europe, then, is united to the just cause
of Poland. England ! the cradle of European liberty, can
you remain insensible to the great contest which the Poles
have begun ? Petersburgh, Revel, Narwa, Pernau, Riga,
Windaw, Liebau, and Miami will open their ports to
your trade, and ages to come will bless your exertions.
And you, France! generous and glorious, regeneratress of
the fundamental principles of the emancipation of human
nature, will you remain deaf to the cries of a nation which
invokes you, not for her cause alone, but for the common
cause of the whole human race?
(Morning Chronicle.] PABEL.
The Government, whose patience has been ex-
traordinary, has at length taken the strong, but
wise, and necessary step, of arresting the gang of
agitators, who have lately been so busily engaged
in endeavouring to disturb the tranquillity of Ire-
land, and to produce a separation between it and
Great Britain. That their conduct in this matter
will form a subject of vituperation to that small
party which delights in popular tumult and ministe-
rial crimination—and to that other party, whose
wounds in the glorious defeat of the 15th of Novem-
ber have not yet had time to heal, we have no doubt;
but what other could have been pursued under
the peculiar circumstances of the case—exposed to
the greatest danger as were, not only the interests
of a great nation, but the lives and properties of
millions—it would be difficult to point out. Special
Commissions have been issued, and very properly to
try and punish common machine-breakers and incen-
diaries—many individuals have,lin consequence been
sentenced to transportation, and some to the punish-
ment of death; and what comparison, let us ask, is
there between the crime of the common,but ignorant
incendiary, detestable in every respect as it is, and that
of him who, knowing the inevitable and fatal conse-
quences of his proceedings, acts the part of a poli-
tical incendiary, and stirs up the subjects of:one part
of the kingdom to make war upon those of another ?
The O'Connell resolution, we are aware, to effect
a repeal of the Union between the two countries,
has hitherto been only publicly backed by the pitiful
gang which follows in his wake—the Dublin shop-
keeper., the Dublin rabble, and the priestocracy of
the country, which sees in a repeal of the Union
the destruction of the established church, and a re-

turn to the enjoyment of the fat things which were
once the heritage of those under the dominion of
Rome ; but who is so blind as not to see, that, aided, on
the one hand, by a reckless disposition, which seems
not to care by what means ►t may attain its end
—and, on the other, by an ignorant people under
the sure guidance of the priesthood—not many
months would have elapsed, had not strong mea-
sures been taken against the leader of the faction,
before Ireland would have become the scene of re-
bellion, and torrents of blood have flowed before it
had been quelled ? Extraordinary times, and ex-
traordinary occurrences, as we have often said, re-
quire extraordinary measures; extraordinary and
reckless demagogues must be dealt with by the
application of extraordinary means of coercion—the
madness of one man, that the sources of his agita-
tion have been dried up, and the means of his
po-
pularity at an end, must not be allowed to cause
misery and devastation, and loss of life, and all the
horrors of civil war, to a great country : and we,
therefore, say again, that whatever may be urged, on
the one hand, by his confederates against the ille-
gality of his arrest, or by the enemies of the Go-
vernment, on the other hand, it has acted wisely
and judiciously. Is not O'Connell a Member of the
Legislature, and ought he not, as such, to endeavour
to make the laws respected and obeyed, rather than
not only break them himself, but incite others to
follow his example ? Does he not profess the ob-
ject and the aim of all his labours to be the welfare
of Ireland and the happiness of her people, and have
not the whole of his proceedings since the adjourn-
ment of the House of Commons tended to destroy
both ? Nay, was there ever known, in modern times,
the projection of such an infamous plan as that
of endeavouring to cause a run upon the banks,
and thus not only ruin the trade and commerce
of the country for a time, but, in consequence of
the deficiencies of the harvest, expose the lives of
thousands to imminent—nay, almost certain, danger
from starvation? Is not this threatening—is not this
terrorism, inferior in its mode, but not in degree, to
that of Robespierre ? And ought such a man to be
at large? We said at the outset of this article that
the Government had acted strongly. We were
wrong. It has acted with too much moderation,
and the only charge to which in reason it could be
amenable is, that of having allowed the Agitator to
prosecute, for such a length of time, plans and ob-
jects which could only be productive of national mi-
sery, rebellion, and bloodshed.—Morn. Advertiser.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

G UILDHALL.

Mr. Chalmers, of Thames-street, the promoter o
the petition of the mechanics of London, for the
extension of mercy to the men convicted under the
Special Commission, again waited on Sir PETER
LAURIE yesterday. He said he had just been to the
Mansion-house for the purpose of seeing the Lord
Mayor on the subject of the low, or rather amall
wit, which, according to the Times of that morning,
had fallen from his Lordship on Wednesday, in re-
ference to the interview between himself (Mr.
Chalmers) and Sir Peter. His view of Sir Peter's
conduct on that occasion was, that it was gentle-
manly, manly, and intelligent. Being told that the
Lord Mayor had come to Guildleill he had followed
him, but not having met with him, he hoped Sir
Peter would allow him to observe, that it appeared
from the report of his Lordship's speech that all the
Aldermen except Sir Peter Laurie had concurred in
his views. This, then, included Mr. Alderman
Thompson, with whom he had an account to settle
for an affront put upon him in public, of which the
Alderman would hear at another time. He had
that morning presented to Lord Melbourne the peti-
tion agreed to at the Rotunda meeting; and he ad-
verted to the interference of the Lord Mayor. What
Lord Melbourne said upon his Lordship's conduct
it would be improper to repeat. One of the Man-
sion-house reports had contained the infamous
slander that he (Mr. Chalmers) was a follower of
Carlile. Now he had never seen that man in his
life, nor read a page of any of his publications.
Sir PETER said the City Solicitor had told him
that morning that Mr. Chalmers was one of Carlile's
bail.
" Good God ! how false !" exclaimed Mr.
Chalmers with emotion; " I never saw Carlile in
my life, nor have I read a portion of any infidel work
whatever."
Sir PETER LAURIE, with regard to what the Lord
Mayor had stated, would repeat that he was not
aware that the Magistrates of the city had been con-
sulted on prohibiting the meeting before the procla-
mation was issued. The only circular he had re-
ceived was to meet his Lordship at half-past eleven
o'clock on Tuesday morning. 'When a man came
into the witness-box at that justice-room, to give a
character to another, he attached far less to the cha-
racter given than to ascertaining and weighing the
character of the giver himself. He would not run
the gauntlet with the Lord Mayor. He had never
injured any loan in his pecuniary affairs, or in his re-
putation : he had never been disgraced by any court
or institution, nor deprived of any privilege, and
therefore the attack fell quite harmless on him. He
had sent his nephew, a young barrister, to his Lord-
ship, to inquire whether the report in the newspa-
pers was accurate.
A young gentleman then stepped forward, and
said he had just had an interview with the Lord
Mayor, i❑ his private room. He showed his Lord-
ship the Times, and asked him if that contained an
authentic account of what he said in the Justice-
room the day before. His Lordship, instead of an-
swering the question directly, asked him who he
was ? He replied that he came from Sir Pete(
Laurie ; and his Lordship then said, that if Sir
Peter Laurie would in person ask him the question,
he would answer it. Ile (Sir Peter's nephew) re-
joined, that it was extraordinary his Lordship should
' feel any hesitation in stating, in private, whether
he had used certain expressions in public, but the
Lord Mayor persisted in refusing to answer the
question.
Sir PETER LAURIE had never experienced any
difficulty in denying or acknowledging expressions
attributed to him by the newspapers, and as the
Lord Mayor had not avowed those in question, he
must in charity conclude they were not his. He
avoided speaking of his Lordship's public character,
and he had never spoken of his private one, nor
should he then.
Mr. Chalmers said the meeting at the Rotunda
had also agreed to a petition to the King upon the
t officious conduct of the Lord Mayor respecting the
I. meetings of the people, which petition would lie in
the city for signature.
BOW-STREET.

James Smith, a man about forty years of age, was
brought in custody before Sir R. 131uNIE and Mr.
MINSIIULL, ow a bastardy warrant obtained against
him at the instance of the parish officers of St. Mar-
tin-in-the-fields. to compel him to contribute to the
maintenance of an illegitimate child, which a young
and rather well-looking woman, named Rachel Tay-

lor, carried in her arms.
The complainant was a widow, her husband
having been dead about two years prior to her ac-
quaintance with the prisoner, who was the father of
the child which she then carried. _ .

The defendant, who heard this statement with
seeming astonishment, raising his eyes and hands as
if he wondered how the complainant could utter
such a charge against him, said, " And so, Rachel
you have the conscience to swear before God and
man that I am the father of your child."
" I do," said Rachel, staring hi
J full in the
thface
to
;
" and have. you the conscience, James Smi,
deny it ?"
This appeal appeared to poze
.the
ficant shudefendant,
who merely observed, with a signir.g of
his shoulders, ~ Why, I know, my dear, that if you
swear to the fact, then it would Le quite useless for
me to deny it."
~ You can't deny it," exclaimed Rachel, elevating
her voice, and placing the child close to the face of
the defendant,
Sirß.n i
itNaisE ihf
etro eshame
int erp
ohsi
es
ds,c roubpsl
observ
ing
that s

person of the complainant's age had only herself to
blame for the mishap, as she had passed the heyday

of youth, and was a widow, and therefore supposed
to be possessed of some experience.
The defendant, as he supposed he must pay some-

thing towards the support of the child, hoped their
Worships would be as lenient as they could, as he
had a wife and four children to support.
Sir R. BIRNIE observed, that the latter circum-
stance tended rather to aggravate the case, as it
furnished as many as five reasons why he should
not have been guilty of such immorality.
It was finally settled that the defendant should
pay the sum of 2s. 6d. weekly to the parish.

MARLROROUGH-STREET.
A young man was brought in custody to this.
office a few days ago, charged with stealing and
disposing of, on his own account, and for his own
use, the casts of several figures in plaster of Paris,
and other compositions, the property of Mr. Papera,
the celebrated Italian modeller, in whose service
the prisoner lived as a journeyman, and the offence
charged being clearly supported by evidence, the
young man was fully committed to Newgate, to take
his trial for the felony.
MADAME FESTRIS'S LEGS.
Yesterday Mr. Papera applied again to the sitting
Magistrate, for advice how to act ►n a case in which
he had to charge the young man in prison with an
offence of a much more enormous nature than that
for which he had been committed to take his trial.

Since the investigation of the former case, Mr.
Papers said, he had discovered that several of
" Madame Vestris's legs" were exhibited for sale in
the shop-windows of various artists about town, and
on an inspection of these legs, he immediately re-
cognized them as his property, and that they must
have been stolen from his premises by the prisoner,
and sold by him.
The Magistrate inquired what sort of legs they
were ?—Mr. Papera said, that they were casts of
Madame Vestris's leg to a little above the knee, and
including the foot.
The Magistrate asked if such casts could not have
been made by other artists, so as to render it diffi•
cult for Mr. Papera to identify them as belonging
to him ?—Mr. Papers said, that it was impossible
these casts could have been made by any other
artist, because he was the only person to whom
Madame Vestris had ever '6 stood" to have a cast
taken of her leg, and from that cast he had made
one mould or model, and only one, and that was
always kept with the greatest care under lock and
key, except when required to be used in his model-
room, so that no person could possibly obtain access
to it except some one in his employ; and as for any
attempt at imitation, that was impossible to do with
success, far so beautiful and perfect was the sym-
metry of the original, that it was from it alone the
various natural niceties of the complete whole could
be acquired, and to perfection formed.
The Magistrate asked Mr. Papera if he kept
these legs ready made in his establishment, and if in
that state they were stolen by the prisoner ?—Mr.
Papera said no, they were too rare and valuable an
article to be kept ready made in the ordinary way
of common shop-legs, and were only made " to
order"—that is, when especially ordered by artists
or amateurs; and the only way in which the pri-
soner could have got hold of them was in private—
that is, by taking an opportunity in secret of making
a pair for himself from the mould, and earring them
off clandestinely. There could be no doubt, Mr.
Papers said, that the prisoner was the person who
had caused the distinguished actress's legs to be ex-
posed in this shameful manner; because the per-
sons who had purchased them described the young
man who had sold them the legs, and that descrip-
tion exactly answered the prisoner.
The Magistrate asked it the legs had been sold
much under their value ?—Mr. Papers said no,

they had not, for this reason, that such a leg was
always certain to fetch a high price in the market ;
and besides, the legs of this lady were in very great
demand, and a •ast number of gentlemen (and these
were chiefly the purchasers) not wishing to sepa-
rate the right one from the left, generally purchased
the pair, so that both legs usually went together to
the same customer,

The Magistrate said that as the prisoner was al-
ready committed to take his trial for the first offence,
the present charge, however heinous, could not now
be proceeded in, but Ivlr.Papera might, if lie pleased,
put " Madame Vestris's legs" in the indictment
under a fresh count, and then probably the prisoner
would not be suffered to walk off without some
punishment on this charge as well as the other.
Mr. Papers thanked the Magistrate for his advice,
and said that he should adopt the suggestion, by in-
troducing the lege at the foot of the indictment ; but
he requested to know if
.it would be necessary to
produce the legs before the gentlemen of the Grand
Jury ?
The Magistrate said that it certainly would, and
before the Judge at the trial also, as he, Mr. Papera,
would be required to identify them.
Mr. Papera could very easily identify them, and
so could several other witnesses; but how was he
to get the legs into Court ?
The Magistrate said that it would only be neces-
sary to subpcemt the present possessor of the legs to
produce them at the trial, and then any one who
knew them might identify them.
Mr. Papera said he should pursue this course
with the legs, and then stopped out of the office.
A well-dressed fiend, in the shape of a woman
named ilfary Willianzs, was charged with robbing
a femule child in the streets of almost the whole of
its wearing-apparel.
It appeared that the prisoner met the child in
Regent-street, and accosting her under the pretence
of sending her to a particular house that she pointed
out on a message, took the poor infant with her into
a dark court, and there stripped her of her little
bonnet, cloak, frock, shoes, arid stockings, and then
deserted the little creature, leaving it almost in a
state of nudity at a late hour, on a very inclement
evening.
Fortunately, in a very few minutes after the rob-
bery, the child's cries attracted some persons to the
spot, and a pursuit being instantly raised, persons
ran in all directions, and from the description given
by the child, of the woman's dress, the prisoner was
stopped on suspicion, and on being brought back to
a shop where the child was taken charge of, the
infant identified her, although the prisoner in her
flight had contrived to get rid of the clothes by
some means.
The little girl, who was only about six years old,
when found in the court had in her hand two small
cakes, which she said the woman had given her not
to cry, and these cakes a shop-girl at a neighbouring
pastry-cook's proved that she had sold to the pri-
soner a few minutes before the robbery.
The prisoner was fully committed for trial on
this charge, but as several children have lately been
stripped in a similar manner, it is supposed, by the
prisoner, she was remanded for another examination,