The Sun.
London, England, 1831-08-17 00:00:00

BELGIAN NEGOCIATIONS.

Lord ORFORD rose to put some questions to the
Noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Administration,
respecting the negotiations which had lately taken place
relative to the settlement of the affairs of Holland and
Belgium. From the events which had recently oc-
curred, and the documents which had been pub •
lished, and the great anxiety which had been excited
in the public mind, it was highly expedient that Ministers
should give some explicit and distinct explanation on the
subject. The questions which he particularly wished to
put to the Noble Earl, related, Ist, to the present occupa-
tion of the Belgic territory by the French ; and 2,11 y, re-
lative to the fortresses on the French and 13elgic frontiers,
some of which at least it appeared to be proposed to destroy.
He wished to know for what purpose the French troops
had entered Belgium, and upon what conditions, and how
long they were to remain in that country ? And in the
next place, he wished to know whether the Noble Earl was
prepared to lay on the table a list of such of the fortresses
as it was intended to demolish. In adverting to these
topics, he might refer to what had been stated before, that
France had entered the Belgic, torritory because the armis-
tice between Holland and Belgium, which had been esta-
blished under the sanction and guarantee of the five Powers,
had been broken by the King of Holland. But from events
which had lately occurred, and documents which had lately
been published, it would appear, that according to the
understanding of the King of Holland, no such armis-
tice had been established or had ever had existence.—.
He might refer to documents which had recently been
published, as a proof that the King of Holland did not
recognise any armistice, except one which he himself was
entitled to put an end to without any ref, rence to the
five Powers. It appeared that the King of Holland had
addressed a letter to the conferences, in which he stated
that he intended to support the negotiations with Belgium
par moyeus militaires. A letter, making use of the same
expression, had been addressed to the conlerences by the
King of Holland, and it was surprising that there should
exist such a difference between the interpretation which he
put on this expression, and that which was put on it by
the five ,Potisers in their answer of the sth of Augast.
The Noble Duke hail, on a former occasion, interpreted
this as a meaning that the King of Holland would inter-
fere by military means. But the letter of the 2d August
contained a corollary, which took away all pretence for the
allegation, that the Kin.'of Holland had given no notice
of his intention to attack Belgium ; for in that letter he
said, in substance, that in order to induce the Belgians to
come to a settlement of the differences between them, he
meant to turn his arms into the scale, to support the exer-
tions of the conferences. With these letters and that in-
terpretation before them, it was strange that the Ministers
of the Powers engaged in the conferences shotld have
written the answer of the sth of August to the Minister of
the King of Holland, which answer contained these express
sj"ns ;—" By the letter which your Excellency did us the
honour to present to us on the tat of August, you had the
goodness to inform us that it was the intention of the King,
your august Master, to support by uiditary measures, &c.
We should h lye supposed that these irie sores would be
adopted only in the interior of the territory of Holland, if
public report did not inform us that they had been ex-
grimed against the Belgians by the King's orders; and that the
ex-
tender] beyond its frontiers ; that hostilities have been re-
armistice concluded at Antwerp has just been denounced."
Now it certainly was strange that the Ministers of the five
Powers at the conferences should have put such an inter-
pretation as this on the communications of the King of
Holland. The real state of these transactions might he
described in a few words. On the 12th of January the
Powers at the conferences agreed on a protocol, by which
it was provided that peace should be established between
Holland and Belgium on certain terms, aml that in the
tile in time an armistice should be concluded betvveen the
contending parties, and that no King of Belgium should
be recognised unless he agreed to adopt the basis of the
terms proposed by the conference. But no distinct and
hostilities
o
explicit armistice followed upon this ; on the contrary,
haleen
This was 1 threatened,waso less curious that no pm-
and even force employed.
curious—and
tocol was communicated to the Ministers of "lie King of
Holland till the 18 articles had been laid before him. A
ib
change had, however, talc, n place in the views of the
Powers engaged in the conferences, and tie IS articles
were different from the protocol. Such was the state of
affairs till Leopold was appointed King of Belgium. Here
he might have accspted the eighteen articles ; but then,
when he went to Belgium, he had to swear to preserve
the integrity of the Belgic territory, including certain
places on the Scheldt. Now he wished to ask the Noble
Earl whether, when the French entered Be!giutn to assist
King Leopold, it was done under the protocol or under
the eighteen articles, or under the Constitution sworn to
by Leopold when he went to Belgium ?—all of them dif-
fering from each other. The French had, it was true,
declared their troops would be withdrawn on the return of
the Dutch troops to Holland ; but then the French Mi-
nister had declared, in a speech in the Chambers, it was
not the intention to withdraw theme on the return of the
Dutch troops, but that they were to remain till some
other French objects should be accomplished. The King
of Holland, however, had alw Lys insisted on his right to
take the matter into his own hands, and that right had
never been distinctly denied. Then, with respect to the
i
fortresses, t was important to look
at the speeches of the
French Minister, Casimir Perier, delivered in the French
Chamber: for these speeches were not like speeches deli-
vered in this and the other House of Parliament in this
country. The speeches of the Ft ench Ministers were usu-
ally written out, and in some measure authenticated.
Now, the French Minister, in the speech to which he al-
luded, had said that Leopold was not to be recognised by
France as King of Belgium, until the honour of France
should be completely
vindicated, and all vestiges of the hu-
miliating terms imposed on France in 1815, by the erec-
tion of these fortresses, should be done away. • This lan-
guage.evidently,implied that all the fortresses were to be
demolished. Now, considering that these fortresses were
erected at the expence of Great Britain and Holland, and
that they were intended particularly for the defence of
Ilollaud, it was clear that 'no alteration should be
made in the state of these fortresses, sinless Holland was
made i! consenting party. It might be said that it might
be desirable, as a matter of economy for Belgium, t'hat
.ome of these fortresses should be demolished, but the
French Minister said that Leopold would not he recognised
until the whole of them were demolished; and it might be
implied that the French ?Ministry meant to make the de-
molition of these fortresses a condition of the withdrawing
of the French forces from Belgium. In fine, then, hi-
asked the Noble Eat 1 for what Specific purpose the French
troops hadentered Belgium, and 'in what event, and on
what conditions they were to be withdrawn from the Bel-

`o,Blto.

gra let titory, and whether the whole of the frontier for-
tresses were to be demolished and if not, whether the
N rile Earl Would consent to by on the table a list of each
of the fortresses as were to he demolished ?
E trl GREY protested against the practice of raising
orematiire discussions on so' fires which were not yet ripe
f r (lisoussibn, and against asking premdture questions to
which no answer OW at present he given. But be had
alss. on the presene occasirm, fo conlplain of the unpre-
cedented, and he might say the tiracanirteous, manner in
which the Noble Lord had on the present occasion brought
this subject before the House. He was there as Minister•
of the Crown, bound to aasiver any question which it
was proper to pat to him ; but it was :Leval, as a matter
of courtesy to the Minister of the Crown, to gave him pre-
vious notice when questions were to be put to him, and
to state the nature of these questions ; or, if it was in-
tended to bring forward a motion, it w.,s the roma! course,
as a matter of courtesy, to give notice of ti c motion, an'
to state the nature of it. This the Noble Lord had thoua it
proper entirely to neglect, and to put questions to him
without any previous communication whatever ; and,
under the pretence of asking questions, he had entere
into a statement of the proceedings and views of the
Powers at the conferences, which statement was com-
pletely erroneous. He did trot mean, however, to follow
the Noble Lord at present through that statement, but
would confine himself strictly to the questions which he
had asked. In the first place, the Nob'e Lord asked for
as la it purpose the French troops had entered 13,1giwn ?
nr this the answer was, that the purpose, as had been dis-
tinctly stated in these documents, to support the King of
the Belgians against the Dutch troops, which had entered
Belgium in violation of the armistice. The Noble Lord
said that no such armistice had been established ; but
he (Earl Grey) said that it was est rblished under
the guarantee of the five Powers, any of whom had a
right to enforce its obedience against either of the parties
which should violate it. 1 he Noble Lord asked whether the
French troops would he withdrawn when the Dutch troops
should retire within their own frontiers ? That was ob-
viously a question to which he could return no positive
answer, nor could he pledge himself as to whether they
would then return or not. But if the Noble-Lord had
asked what this country had a right to expect upon that
head, and what had been stipulated by solemn engagement,
then he might have answered, that this country hail a right
on every ground to expect that the French troops would he
withdrawn from Belgium when the Dutch troops should
have retired within their own frontiers. Now as to the
speeches to which the Noble Lord had alluded, how could
the Noble Lord expect any explanation from Ministers here
as to the speeches, the matter of which rested on no official
authority whatever ? Put this case. Suppose a speech
were published in a newspaper said to have been spoken by
a French Minister in a French Chamber, be would ask
the Noble Lord on what ground a Minister could ask for
explanations of a publication possessing no official autho-
rity or authenticity ? Or suppose such a speech to be
published in a newspaper here as that made by a Mi-
Meter, upon what ground could a French Minister ask
for explanations with respect to such publication ? No-
thing could more strongly show the impropriety of
the explanation called for by the Noble Lord than the bare
statement of these suppositions. The Noble Lord had
alluded to a supposed distinction between the authenticity
of the speech of a French Minister when published in a
Newspaper, and the speeches made in either House of Par-
liament here. But as to the point of official authenticity
of authority, he knew no distinction between them. Then,
i❑ the third place, the Noble Lord asked whether the whole
of the fortresses were to be demolished, or whether he
(Lord Grey) would lay on the table lists of such of them as
were to be destroyed ? The only answer he could give to
that was, that with respect to the fortresses, nothing hail
as yet been determined on. All that had been determined
on was, that in consequence of the alteration of circum-
stances which had taken place, certain of these might be,
and should he demolished, and that negociations should be
set on font in order to determine which of them should be
demolished. As to any of the other matters touched upon
in the Noble Lord's speech, he would say. nothing at pre-
sent, but would be well prepared to enter upon the dis-
cussion when the proper time and opportunity should
arrive.

Lord ORFORD still maintained that from the practice
of writing out the speeches delivered in the French Cham-
bers, and handing them out for publication in this cor-
rected state, a greater degree of authenticity did attach to
them than to the speeches delivered in Parliament here.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY was glad that the
Noble Earl had given new assurances and pledges that the
French troops should be withdrawn front B-lgium the
' moment when the Dutch troops should have withdrawn
within their own territory. The Noble Earl had pledged
himself that the French troops should remain no longer in
' Belgium than until the Dutch troops should be withdrawn,
and therefore he would not pass any judgment on the
Ministers at present with reference to the entry of the
French into Belgium. But considering the excited state
of the public mind in regard to these transactions, and
the series of extraordinary blunders which these confer-
ences had exhibited, be thought that the Noble Lord be-
hind him did right in calling their Lordships' attention,
and the attention of the country, to the curious contra-
dictions between the statements of the Ministers here anti
the statements of the French Ministers, in their speeches
in the Chambers. But the Noble Earl had given as-
surances that the French troops would withdraw when the
Dutch should have withdrawn ; and there were those in
that House who would take care that he should be respon-
sible for these assurances. He would not. at present say
anything more on the subject, but when the proper time
arrived he should take care that the subject should be fully
discussed.
The Duke of WELLINGTON was not surprised that
sonic of their Lordships had thought proper to call the
attention of their Lordships and the country to these
transactions, for some o f them were rather strange, and
were fit subjects for explanation, as far as explanation
could be given consistently with the public interests. But
at the same time he must observe that there was nothing
in what Ministers might say in the Parliament here, nor
in what the French Ministers might say in the Chainbcr
of Deputies, that had anything like official authority or
authenticity, as far an concerned foreign relations, or
which could properly be made the subject of interna-
tional expknations. Ministers were bound only by their
signatures attached to official documents, and not by loose
cases
sty:,
wg
suaiesg
ns
tti Fdltinene
onyttlisial
cneagsd:h i(cm.:‘,l) a
att
hon
icneagnri,hyh•
uaottffie:cffiei
ra, in ndgtoia,cgeues-e-ny
ny
ial
merits, regularly signed; and although the Noble Lords
near hurt and the public might feel considerable anxiety
as to these statements of the French Ministers, yet they
ought not to have considered Ministers here as in the least
responsible for any thing that might appear in such state-
ments or speeches.
Earl GREY—The Noble Duke bad anticipated the ob-
servations which he (Earl Grey) had been about to make.
He, as a Minister of the Crown, was to be judged here
by official documents, and not by any vague and unau-
thenticated statements and speeches. He was responsible,
as a Minister and a man or honour, for what he stated in
that House ; and under that responsibility he had stated
what this country had a right to expect under engage-
ments entered into with other Powers, and he was no
further pledged, as to the introduction of the French
troops into Belgium, or as to the purpose for which they
entered, or as to when, or upon what conditions, they
should be withdrawn. As to the observations of the
Noble Earl opposite (Londonderry), he should only say,
that if that Noble Earl wished to excite animosities be-
tween nations, and to interrupt the general peace, be
could adopt no better course than that which he was pur-
suing.—(Hear.)
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY denied having any
desire to interrupt the general peace. He spoke to the
aonduct of the Noble Earl from his signature to a Pro-
tocol, the terms of which had been contradicted by a
speech of the French Minister. He repeated that there
were contradictions between them ; and notwithstanding
the cheers and yells which attended the Noble Earl's speeches,
he would say that the time consumed in calling for ex-
planations had not been mis-spent. He insisted that he
had a right to ask questions of the Noble Earl ; and if he
refused to answer them, he had a right to make a motion,
and would make a motion in order to procure the proper
information. He hoped that the questiOns asked on his
side of the House demanded respect..
Here the subject was dropped.
The Marquis of SALISBURY presented a petition
from occupiers of land in the county of Hertford, respect-
ing the extension of the elective franchise.
Several petitions were presented from Edinburgh and
other places, against the permission of the use of molasses
in the distilleries.—The petitions were laid on the table.
TURTON'S DIVORCE BILL.
The. LORD CHANCELLOR stated, that on a. ta exa-
mination of the while of the evidence in this case, he
thought that lady's conduct had on the whole been so cor-
rect that she was entitled to her divorce, and he moved
• that the Bill be read a second time.
Lord TENTERDEN concurred ; and the Bill was read
a second time, and ordered to, be committed on Thursday
Adjourned till Thursday.

So abundant is silver coin in Cornwall, that
the bankers have lately been oblige(' to *end many thou-
sand pounds' worth to London.

.~5 ' .. rx

Mill

20 1-1.-,,,-..i.-apl.
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SPIRIT OF THE -
- ---1- -si-: iLI7-1;.,-
la looking over the reportssafts -actoak place
laat Saturday (the 13th) in the French Chamber of
Deputies, our attention has been of necessity arrested
by the speech of Marshal Soult, the French Minister
of War. By way of " tranquillizing" the fears of
the Chamber in relation to foreign Governments,
064 French Minister of War declared, that " the
Duch army, against which the French army ha_
marched, has just received orders from its Sovereign
to stop its march, and to retire before our troops.
'raj-, order has officially reached the King's Govern-
in, n•. HoUIeTCT, OUT troop will not return to
France on that account. Our troops will take con-
client positions, in order to afford us the certainty
that the Dutch troops will not return." We have
quoted the above words, and merely placed them
between inverted commas, in a quiet way, to mark
hat they were a quotation. We have forborne to
.innex to them any not( s of admiration or other in-
dices of astonishment. But there they s.and. The
French troops marched into Holland, because (as it
was said) the Dutch troops had previously marched
thither, and because King Leopold, who did not
4pecifically require an armed force, had solicited
generally the interposition of the French, as he did
also that of the British Government. Well : the
Dutch King, regarding the French army as repre-
sentative of the Confederate Powers, bows to their
deria;en, and withdraws his troops. It was to be ex-
pected as a matter of course, that the French Govern-
ment, on learning that the alleged causes of its mili-
tary movement upon Belgium her: ceaaed, would
have followed the example of the Kior of Holland,
and ordered an immediate retreat within its own
frontier, of the army comtnanded by Marshal
Gerard. But we are now told, oil the authority of
the French War Minister, that although the retreat
of the Dutch troops had been made known officially
to his Gavernment, the " Trench army will not re-
turn to France on that account !" Has Marshal
Soult added to this " tranquillizing" statement, that
King Leopold desired the army of Marsha/ Gerat'
to remain ?—or that its continued occupation of the
Belgic territory " had the full concurrence of the
Allied Powers," in the same way as its entrance
into Belgium ? We lament to say that he has not.
We find, indeed, that Marshal Soult introduced the
last alarming menace by the qualification, that the
order for the removal of the Dutch force must be
" executed as well as issued ;" but he needed not to
have thrown in as a farther motive for delay, that it
was necessary to be assured the troops of Holland
" would not return to Belgium." If the French
army be to remain until a certainty can be procured
that the Dutch troops will not return, then we say
that the Ministers of Louis Philip intend to occupy
Belgium for an indefinite period, and for purposes
which they have not avowed. When Lord Pal-
merston was interrogated a few days ago upon
the motives awl circumstances of the French
irruption into Belgium, his. Lordship announced
the most positive assurances, on the part of
the French Government, that its troops would be
withdrawn immediately an the retreat of the Dutch
army. Yet we find Marshal Soult promising, amidst
the acclamations of the Chamber, that Louis Philp
would not withdraw his troops. What is the mean
ing of all this ? Is the French Minister angling for
a majority, by playing into the schoolboy appetite
of his countrymen for a general war? and- after the
address shall have been adopted, may we expect a
return to better faith and to more satisfactory decla-
rations ? In the House of Lords last night, Lord
Grey expressed with great distinctness what it was
that England had " a right to expect" on the with-
drawal of the Dutch troops; his Lordship declaring
that in that case the British Government " had a
right to expect, and did expect, that Fiance
would withdraw her army, as soon as the object for
which her aid had been required should be attained."
What will Marshal Soult say to this? Has he not
had enough of war with British armies? So M. Cas;-
mir Perier,—majority-hunting, no doubt,—attempts
to bully other countries, or to tickle France,by some
bombastic nonsense about " 3,500,000 National
Guards" in arms. Such vaunts will have little effect.
Europe does not fear France. • England, Prussia,
Austria, and Holland, will prone .too many for
France, if France be weak enough and desperate
enough to fling away the noblest stake that ever was
ventured for—the revival of Poland, for the sake of
a selfish, sordid, and unattainable project relating to
the Belgic provinces.—Tbacs.

The entrance of the French troops into Belgium
was naturally viewed from the first with anxitty,and
although that anxiety is now in a great measure re-
moved, still it is impossible not to feel some appre-
hension for the ultimate issue. -Marshal S vit has
intimated that the French troops will remain in Bel-
gium to prevent the return of the Dutch. This of
course gave a handle to our warlike Opposition,
whose sympathy with the King of Holland is as intel-
ligible as their hatred to Reform. In the course of
a speech last tight by Lord Orford in the House of
Lords, on the subject of the Belgian negociations,
he referred to this speech of the French Marshal :
" The French," said his Lordship," had, it was true,
declared that their troops would be withdrawn on
the return of the Dutch troops to Holland—(Hear)
—but then the French Minister had declared, in a
speech in the Chamber, that it was not the intention
to withdraw them on the return of the Dutch
troops, but that they were to remain till some other
French objects should be accomplished." Many
parts of the Noble Lord's speech were such as could
not with propriety be noticed at the present mo-
ment by Ministers ; but with respect to the part
quoted by us, Lord Grey is reported to have said,
" The Noble Lord asked whether the French troops
would be withdrawn when the Dutch troops should
retire vtithin their own frontiers ? That was ob-
viously a question to which he could return no par-
ticular answer ; nor could he pledge himself as to
whether they would then return or not. But if the
Noble Lord had asked what this country had a right
to expect upon that head, and what had been
stipulated by solemn engagement, then he might
have answered, that this country had every ground
to expect that the French troops would be with-
drawn from Belgium, when the Dutch troops would
have retired within their own frontiers." It would
have been singular if an opportunity favourable for
promoting a quarrel had been neglected by the great
mare's-nest finder, the Marquis of Londonderry.
" He thought that the Noble Lord beh nd him (Or-
ford) did right in calling their Lordships' attention,
and the attention of the country, to the curious con-
tradictions between the statements of the Ministeis
here and the statements of the French Ministers in
their speeches in the Chambers. But the Noble
Earl had given assurances that the French troops
would withdraw when the Dutch should Lave with-
drawn, and there were those in that House who
would take care that he should be responsible for
these assurances. He would not at present say
anything more on the subject; and when the proper
time arrived he should take care that the subject
should be fully discussed." Earl Grey's reproof
was evidently felt by the Noble Marquis, for he
vapoured about the cheers and yells which attended
the Noble Earl's speeches, his right to ask questions,
and to make motions, and his determination to make
motions. What Earl Grey said was, that
" He, as a Minister of the Crown, was to be judged
here by official documents, and not by any vague and un-
authentic statements and speeches. lie was responsible as
a Minister and a react of honour for what he stated in that
House ; and under that responsibility he had stated what
hit country bad a right to expect under engagements entered
into with other Powers, and be was no further pledged as
to the introduction of the French troops into Belgium, or
toas the purpose for which they entered, or as to when or
upon what conditions tha.y should be withdrawn. As to
the observations of the Noble Earl opposite (Londonderry)
he shookd only say, that if that Noble Earl wished to ex-
cite animosities between nations, and to interrupt the gene-
tal peace, he could adopt no better course than that which
he was pursuing."--(Hear hear.)
i:f.sonn
rsdmla,iiitou'holateefati
pritenrobi
,st,,rhvieenie
entrance
invasion
f:aotinrhoctenje.oe Ihcnelotehigly.wli
t‘iirimste::2ticiteo;:sinsitytirti:pe(tegitst_l:ltoteltiii.cl!Jii:ln.i

the public are yet aa'.ate 01. Our correapondent
0. P. Q. conceives that the Belgian officers par-
po3ely tniscoaducted themselves—srrre of them
from a wish to favour the Hour," of Nassau, and
others that the success of the Dutch might show
the necessity of a mnre intimate connec ion with
France, which eau alone protect Belgium. However
this may be, it is prttty clear that Belginm could
not, if a Republic, maintain an army sufficient for
its defence, and can still less afford the eNpenee both
uf a monarchy and an army. A monarchy is a
luxury fit only for nations of grcatcr valth and
population. From the position of Belgium between
Prussia and France, it in clear that on the first war,
it will be occupied by one of the belligerent t:, and
the conviction of this will, we fear, render the
throne of Leopold a very inszTure one. We can
hardly help thinking that the French had some sus-
vicion of an intrigue between Holland and some of
the great Power::, and that the rapid movements of
the French were connected with information pos.

sensed by them that if Holland were once in pcbses-
sion of Belgium, these Power. would have sup-

ported the King of Holland. Tilr opportunity for.
?French intervention was all hut lost,for it is obviotti

that in a day or two his Dutch Majesty would
have been in milirary possession of ae whole

country:—.2llornwr Ciroride.

Our readers will find in anmher column a tienible
letter, with the signature A., on the conntaion be-
tween public opinion and public .lournais, and the
principle which ought to bo observed in inferring
the former from the latter. It is not so much the

fear of exposing themselves to a charge of illibtiralitv
that Journalists do not combat the opinions of each
other, as the conviction that it is upon the whole
better for each to enforce his own peculiar views
tiann to waste his erorts, and exhaust the patience
of his readers, with endlegs controversy, Our cor-
r,,spondcat charg€s a contemporaryj(the Times)
with inconsistency with rcuard to the Belgian and
Dutch question, anti the Wform Bill. The clause
dividing counties was, be says,.in the Bill from the
first, and it is inconsistent, after approving, of the
Bill, the Naole Bill, and nothing but the Bill, to

make the division of conn',:ies a reason for now eon-

damning the mcautre. We have already stated our
own views with regard to the .division of counties,
and we now repeat, that though in some eases it
may thrrAv a power into the hands of individuals
which they ought not to possess, yet as the gain to
the public from the Bill in other respects is far
greater than the loss from this pa:t of it, and as the
rejection of the division might haA trd the Bill, we
are oiliinz to wave our objects to it. This, tve be-
lieve, to he the general opinion. With respect to
cur :7outetnporary, vt-e leave him to his own opinion,
and his own mode of enforcing it It is not for us
to subscribe to Ministers the course they ought to

pursue with respect to Journals. We wish well to
'iinisters, because, ;loon the whole, we believe
them ►o be honest. We can easily understand why

they should led sore under the attacks of which our
correspondent complains. To use a homely pro-
verb, however, as they have made Iheir bed, so they
must I.le ou it.-- Morning Chronicle.
'Mr. Hume has very properly postporied his mo-
tion with nspert to the See of Derry, in order not
to interfere with the Reform Bill. The truth is,

that whatever may be the intentions of Ministers
with regard to the Irish Church, they ought at all
events to avoid filling up any vacancies in the great
sees till Refoun is dispo'ed of. It is well known
that the clergy of the Church of England changed
their rdigiou four times in the course of thirty years
for the sake of their lkiogs, end there are few con-
sciences in the three kingdoms capable of holding
out against such prizes. So long as translations from
poor to rich srrs are allowed, so long will Bishops
vote in support of the Government for the time
being. Whatever, therefore, may be intended
with regard to Deny, nothing should be said about
it at present —Morning Chronicle.
A motion was made last night by Mr. Hume,—
" That it be an instruction to the Committee upon
the Reform Bill to make a provision for the return
to that Howe of Members to represent the colonies
and foreign possessions of his Majesty." We have
no hesitation in, disapfroving of the 1,1,1” of giving
tepresennitives to our colonies. Were twenty co-
lonies from our various possessions to be introduced
into the House of Commons they would be quite a
nuisance. The business of colonies must he ma-
naged in the colonies themselves. When the in-
terests of any of the colonies are affected by pro-
ceedings in the British Legislature, there will al-
ways be found individuals in London, connected
with these colonies, possessed of sufficient interest
with some Member to obtain his advocacy of their
views. The House of Commons cannot enter, with
any advantage, on the internal affairs of the co-
lonies ; and it is proper that the colonies should lie
taught that they ought to look for their protection
from local legislatures, alone.—Morning Chronicle.

It would show better taste in the King of the
French and Casimir Perier to absta'n from all men-
tion of the name of Poland, than to indulge in rhe-
torical flourishes about their sympathy for that gal-
lant and betrayed nation. The idle pomp of words
with which the French Government attempt to give
a character of grandeur to the meanness of their
policy can impose upon nobody. The Poles esti-
mate at its proper value the hypocritical compassion
which affects to lament their fate and to be indig-
nant at their wrongs, but puts not forth a hand to
arrest the one or avenge the other. France ought
never to hear the name of Poland uttered without
burning blushes. Poland, whose heroic spirit fifteen
years of Russian rapacity and oppression had not
been able to break down, tore asunder by a super-
human effort the chains which had bound her to the
military despotism of the tyrant, and threw herself
between France and the barbarian hordes that
were arming to reduce her once more to the
humiliation of receiving back a rejected dynasty
tinder the dictation of foreign bayonets. Yet
Fiance, in return, wholly abandoned Poland
to the fury of the exasperated barbarians, whose
plan of conquest and counter-revolntion on her
own territory, the insurrection at Warsaw had
so unexpectedly interrupted. It was not until
that insurrection took place that Nscholas con-
descended to recognise the new Government of
France. Before that event he did not think it ne-
cessary to dissemble his hostility to a throne erected
by the national will, and guarded not by the Praeto-
rian mercenaries of despotism, but the manly and
affectionate ranks of a free people. Thus, if the
teeognition of his royalty by the Northern Autocrat
be a matter of great importance to Louis Philippe,
he is indebted for it to the Poles. What are the
Poles indebted to him and his Government for ?
Certainly not for her recognition. Let us ask Casi-
mir Perier—his answer is that, " without France,
Poland would long ago have been crushed by the
united efforts of the three Powers by whom she is
surrounded." We ask "How did France prevent
it ?" Alt; he does not condescend to tell us how!
Moreover, Casimir Perier goes on to say that
"France has assured to Poland less inequality% the
struggle in which she is engaged." has France,
then, called off Prussia and Austria from the une-
qual conflict, whose open and flagrant violations of
neutrality, with regard to Poland, make them active
parties in the work of her subjugation ? No;
France has done no such thing. Prussia seizes
the property of French or British subjects as she
pleases, on its way to Poland, and furnishes the
Russians w•ith arms and ammunition, and all
the warlike supplies of which they stand in need;
and Casimir Feder has done no more to prevent
this oppressive partiality,, than Lord Palmerston.
Austria treated Dwernecki s corps, when they took
refuge on her soil, as prisoners
.of Ter, but didterritor not
disarm the Russians, who, by violating her y,
in the licit instance, compelled the Poles to cross
the frontiers. Has France inquired why. the brat e
men who, in their adversity, came to soLca the hos-
pitable protection of Austria, were treated as ag-
gressors, and carried into captivity ? Alas I
.th.e
Mt
high and courageous language of the French -
oisery is only heard in the French Charnbtri. It

.esounti.t. out in foreign Cowl. It disturbs not
,he repose of any tyrant, with the exception of the ,
contemptible despot of Portugal, whose weakness
tempted a dastard Ministry to earn a cheap reputa-
ion for spirit, by inflicting sotne chastisement on
him whom evt.i Lord Aberdeen acknowledged to be
.1 coward. If the measure of his punishments had
been adequate to his deserts, it world have been
15 complete as tint which Charles the Tenth inflicted
opals the more civilized pirate of Africa, and then
*Europe would have seen an equal destiny attending
the congenial virtues of Don Miguel Lind the Dey of
Algiers. Is it b cause France is mak and destitute
of 'resources and influence, that she is obliged to
erriporize with the despots who tear Po!and to
pieces, and who expect to consummate the object of
heir nefarious conspiracy, by crushing the heroism
of that noble people beneath the ruins of Watsaw ?
Far from it. Casimir Perier, who talks in as in-
_._

.ted a style as !Lulus the Second, and who, like
his gr eat archetype, is vox et preterea aihil, assures
all Europe that France never was stronger that she
is at pre,entthat she never had greater weight in
the sea!e of Europe—that she has resumed her
proper influence and re- stablished her power. Why
then, we ask, does the French Government weep
" crocodile tears" ovr the anticipated doom of
Poland, while fawning with servile courtesy
upon the destroyer, who, unrestrained by any dread
of human power, proceeds with redoubled efforts
;It the work of savage extermination. But
though utterly abandoned by the pusillanimous
Government of France, the D;et of Thdand—serene
and fearless in the midst of the most appalling dan-

tier, sustaining the last hopes of the country by their
firmness—encouraging the heroic ardour of the
people by their example, remind us of the sublime
spectacle presented by the Roman Senate, when the
Gauls, reeking from the slaughter of her legions, ap-
proached, with all the foie of desolating vengeance,
the gates of the " eternal city." It is true the capi-
tal of Poland is rot yet reduced to that extremity
which seetne.l to leave no hope for Rome, when,
with defenceless walla and open gates, she awaited
the approach of the triumphant barbarians. War-
saw has still patriot soldiers without, and a bold po-
pulation within. The Diet work on those fortifica-
tions where the last appeal to Heaven is to be made
on behalf of the most righteous cause that ever was
defended by the sword of a people devoted to their
country. May that appeal not be in vain ! May it
teach the world by its result that imperial robbers,
by raising themselves above human laws, only be-
come the more conspicuous examples of Divine re-
tribution !—Morniug Herald.
The Reform Bill came on again last night, and
we confess ourselves of the number of those who
sill rejoice in the progress of this most salutary and
popular measure. We will confess that, as a matter
of speculative opinion, we. should have been glad
that the project of dividing the counties had never
occurred to the originators of the Bill. We say as
a matter of speculative opinion, for, after all, until
the experiment be tried, it is impossible to pro-
nounce, with any degree of certainty, whether it
will or will not be attended in practice with the evils
which some of our contemporaries have predicted.

It may be presumed, at least, that the extent and
population of some of the counties will prevent that
appropriation from taking place in the larger ones,
the fear of which has given rise to so much jealousy
and animadversion amongst the friends of Reform.
The view that we take of the subject is simply
this—here is a measure by which we shall get rid,
at one sweep, of the whole mass of corrupt bo-
roughs ; an object so great and so unhoped-for,
that the bare statement of it on the introduction
of the Bill took away the breath of one of
the oldest and most consistent Reformers that ever
sat in Parliament. But this is not all. There
is a measure, we say again, which, by the adop-
tion of an enlarged basis of representation, recog-
nises a principle which will always serve as a standard
• for the correction of any counteracting or debasing
influence that may possibly creep into the enact-
ments ; such a principle as we conceive establishes
a guarantee for the safe, and easy, and immediate
correction of abuses, and especially of such abuses
as may tend to convert the representation of coun-
ties into any thing like the close berangh system
which the Bill professes and is intended to put down
for ever. It is by this simple process of reasoning
that we have sati-fied ourselves as to the propriety
of supporting the Bill in its present form, or in any
form that shall preserve to us the principle of an en-
larged basis of representation, coupled with the in-
calculable blessing of a general rout of the old bo-
roughmongers. If new boroughmongers should arise
in any shape whatever under the Bill, we shall know
how to deal with them when they make their ap-
pearance, for it will be much easier to deal with new
abuses and new alen than with the venerable
old set, who have acquired by long usage a sort
of vested right to pick the pockets of the commu-
nity. One word to those friends of Reform who
dwell with so much anger on the division of counties
as to leave it doubtful whether they are still advo-
cates of the general measure or not. Do they think
that nothing will be gained by the success of the
measure in its present form ? If they do they are of
course justified to their own consciences in the cour.e
they are pursuing. But if they think that something
will be gained, and that something much more than
the country expected, until the Ministers had deve-
loped their plan, why will they as honest Re-
I formers run the risk of injuring the good cause by
weakening the attachment and destroying the unani-
mity of the people, without which it is absurd to ex-
pect, even at this period of the discussion, that the
Reform Bill can ever be carried into a law ? Does
not this argument hold as good now as it did at any
previous stage of the proceeding which recommended
the postponement of all minor differences in favour
of the general object which every man has an in-
terest in supporting ? Once for all, we say to the
people what we are persuaded the people. stall say to
each other :—" Let us get the boroughmongers under
our feet in the first instance, we ellen then be in an
attitude to deal with the particulars, and to criticise and
improve the specific regulations of the Bill." But
dismissing this part of the subject, at least for the
present, yee now turn to a new feature introduced
into the debate last night by Mr. Hurne's amend—
ment. The proposition of the Hon. Gentleman was
that the colonies of Great Britain, including British
India, the Crown Colonies, British America, the
West India islands, and the islands of Jersey,
Guernsey, Alderney, and Sark, should return repre-
sentatives to Parliament. The number of repre-
nnratives to be in all nineteen. After the small da-
tails with which this House had been dealing in
Committee for some time past, there was something
exhilirating in a broad question of the kind. The
plan, however, was liable to the objection which the
Chancellor of the Exchequer made to its adoption.
It was so extensive in ittenature, and involved so
many details, that it would consideralq delay and
perplex the measure already before Parliament.
Indeed, it would appear from the speech of Mr.
Hume himself that he did not expect it to succeed
until it should be well considered, and then, pro-
bably, introduced as a separate measure, following
up the spirit and completing the arrangements of
that with which the House bad been so long oc-
cupied. Deprecating, as we do, all delay at the
present moment, it is with satisfaction that we con-
template every decision which promises to advance
the progress of tire Bill.—Morning Herald.

DREADFUL SUICIDE.—This morning, at
about eight o'clock, a dreadful suicide was committed at
the " Shades," at Charing-cross, by a young man named
JAMES BENTLEY, lately of the establishment of Messrs.
Cox and GREENWOOD, of Craig's-court. The unfortu-
na,e young man had about a fortnight ago left his situation,
since which time he had been completely distracted, and
always appeared entirely lost. Last night he retired to
bed at about twelve o'clock in good spirits; and this
morning-, about half-past eight o'clock, upon the lad at the
" Shades" going up to call him to breakfast, be found the
unfortunate man hanging by the neck by a piece of small
cord to the rail of the bedstead, and quite dead.