The Sun.
London, England, 1838-04-12 00:00:00

ctri days a murder is committed in the county of Tipperary
(attended with circumstances of great barbarity), a
murder springing from that competition for land which in
Ireland means existence, a state of society over which the
Government can have no controul ; an outrage, however,
manifesting the vigilance of the Executive, for its perpe-
niters are already lodged in gaol. Immediately the whole
Tory pack are in full. tune. The Times, the Standard,
and the Evening Mail yelp forth in chorus the stale cry
of Ireland's demoralization, and the public attention is
Outs turned from rejoicing at the general improvement to
lamenting and shuddering- at the individual outrage. The
Times of yesterday favoured its readers with three mortal
columns on the conviction of Priest Burke, to which we
alluded some days since. It was the case of a Popish
priest indicted in the most Popish district of Ireland for a
heinous crime, prosecuted by a Popish Queen's Counsel,
convicted bye Popish Jury, and sentenced by a Judge (who
ewes his elevation to the bench to Lord Mulgrave's Popish
Government) to some years' imprisonment and a heavy fine
—a proceeding which no man will assert to be compatible
%vith the existence of that priestly influence which, accord-
ing to the Standard of last night, produces among the
Irish Papists more perjury and murder than among any
other inhabitants of the globe. Such an influence, we
:reed scarcely say, must, if it does exist, be omnipotent
to intimidate or suborn witnesses, and to influence
jurors when a priest himself is to be defended, and the
Church preserved from the reproach that the crimes of a
member always cast upon it. The crime of the priest was
his having conspired to take away the life of an innocent
man, and having induced others to conspire with him for
the same atrocious purpose. Now, this proceeding is ex-
patiated upon by the Tory press as demonstrating at once
the omnipotence and the depravity of the Rontish priest-
laood. But see how this reasoning recoils upon themselves.
The crime of the priest was committed in 1884. Of course
their power was then triumphant. The conviction of the
priest, testifying the decay of their power, takes place in
1838. What, then, has debilitated the influence of the
priest at least for evil ? What has rendered the peasant
less susceptible to the dire disease of priestly influence?
The same cause which has elevated him in the moral scale,
and weaned him from old and almost inveterate tendencies
to crime—a wise, a just, and en impartial Government.—
Morning Chronicle.
There are reproaches without end addressed to us, for
that we have failed to expose the precipitancy and inde-
cency with which Ministers are pushing on this pageant
of a coronation, at a season which of all others is the most
inconvenient, and attended by circumstances of which they
might well he ashamed. In the actual state of public
business—Parliamentary business we mean—and when
there is little prospect that, with the most exemplary dili-
gence, anything more can be effected than what the most
pressing and urgent of the national interests require, it
seems a too barefaced demand upon the patience of the
people of England that a ceremony so needless at the
present moment, and so obstructive of the course of
measures long promised at least, if not long prepared, but
which are at the same time so loudly and imperatively
called for by the public feelings and by the opinions of the
most eminent men of all parties in the state, should be thus
wantonly obtruded upon the attention of the country, as if
Parliament were not already distracted enough by those con-
dieting factions, one of which pretends to uphold the men in
office, while the other, in possession of office, effects to re-
pudiate the principles of those on whose countenance and
votes its daily existence hinges. The great measures by
which the temporal welfare of the Church in both islands,
including the established Church of Scotland, must he
Zeeteffor better or for worse, are now in so backward
and unripe a state, that it would require the uninterrupted
industry and labour of the present session, were it prolong-
ed to the Ist of August, to carry them, even v.ithout sm-
alls opposition, through both Houses of Parliament. The
inference is, therefore, that the Queen's Ministers, feeling
themselves in want of excuses for delay, have seized upon
that of the coronation for a Godsend. Between prepara-
ration and execution, this rarce-show will gain for them a
strike of work for ten clays or a fortnight, and
will abstract so much from the prOgress of public
affairs. Look back at other coronations, since the ac-
cession of the House of Brunswick, at what season of the
year, and under what circumstances in relation to the
state of public business. Has any former coronation of a
Prince of the House of Brunswick taken place at so early
a season as the month of June? Has any one of her Ma-
jesty's Royal predecessors of the Brunswick line been
-
ned whilst Parliament was sitting ? Only one !
vergesting
11. on the 11th of the same month ;15corge 711. on-i.fie
22d of September ; George IV. on the 19th of July, it is
acknowledged, because it was deemed ads isable to divert
the feeling of the metropolis from topics and occurrences
by which it had been exasperated and inflamed. But the
session of Parliament had for some time been closed, and
although a profuse expense was incurred, the business of
the nation was not sacrificed, nor the time of the Le-
gislature at a precious hour wasted. His late Majesty,
William, the just. and true, held the ceremony of his
coronation on the Bth of September. Thus we find
that the case of George IV. was the solitary one of
a coronation taking place before the autumn of the
year ; but to the rule of not interfering with the time and
action of the two Houses of Parliament (the most impor-
tant rule of all), even that of George IV. was no excep-
tion whatever. And why is this violation of all conve-
nience, propriety, and public decency with which we are now
threatened to be forced thus unwarrantably forward ? Have
the two Houses of Parliament so much time to spare? Are
their hands so empty? Are our legislators jitncli officiis?
Have the Ministers so much to show, in the way of su-
pererogation from former years, that they can new afford
to rest from work, and wear in dignified repose their
prodigality of laurels ? The truth is, that they dare
not defer this melo-dramatic festival. They are sore
beset—they are deafened by millions of importunities.
Their suitors for patronage and promotion are craving
with hunger, or splitting with windy vanity, and will not
any longer be put off. Places for the unprovided with
dinners—peerages for the expelled from popular seats—
vague hopes and dreams of golden or even tinsel droppings
from the gorgeous mass of a young Queen's coronation—,xll
such things are floating before the eyes of selfishness and
folly, and are turned into goods upon a mean and worthless
Minister, with whom—
" A day—an hour—of rampant patronage,
Is worth a whole eternity without it."
But was it seemly to insult the ashes of a deceased So-
vereign, even though he was one whom the Whigs had
taught to despise them ? George IV. was Queen Vic-
toria's uncle. He died within these eight years : he died on
that day of which the anniversary has been fixed by Lord
Melbourne, who held office under him, to be the day of
his niece's Coronation. Did her Majesty know this when
she first gave her assent to be crowned on the 26th of
June ? Could she be aware of the fact ? At least her
Majesty is now cognizant of the fact. We have reminded
her ; she is now aware of the outrage upon her uncle's
memory. We have pointed it out. Will her Majesty
not give orders to change the day of her Coronation ? We
shall see. The world will watch for the announcement.
Her Majesty ought not to be dragged by coarse-minded
Ministers into acts derogatory to Royal decorum. They
ought to know, and would inform her Majesty if they
were real loyal friends of the Crown, that though she is not
responsible to the law of the land, she is to the opinions of
her subjects,— ivies.
The adjournment of the House, of Commons, for a
fortnight, took place last night ; the " do-nothing Adminis-
tration" therefore, is free, for a time, from the necessity of
observing even the forms of business ! The Whigs, evi-
dently, intend to hurry over the Session, without attempt-
ing any thing for the purpose of securing popular sup-
port ! As to their promised Irish measures, it is by no
means clear (when we look to Lord J. Russell's statement
last night) that these will be introduced at all ; and if in-
troduced, the Whigs will adopt any emendations that may
be suggested by Sir Robert Peel—as sneakingly as they
adopted all Sir Robert's suggestions in regard to their
famous Canadian-dictatorship Bill, rather than surrender
office! The " appropriation clause, if resisted,, will no
longer be found to involve " a vital principle "No
one," exclaims Lord Brougham, in the newly-pub-
lished Number of the Edinburgh Review : "no one
but one bereft of his senses ever makes hi',,self a voluntary
sacrifice for his principles or his country." Had the Noble
and Learned Lord simply stated that no Whiq ever makes
such a sacrifice ; his qualified proposition would have com-
manded universal assent! But why, after all, should the
Whigs be expected to move, when they find themselves
permitted to remain in luxurious inaction ? As for " the
masses"—the Whigs can afford to dispense with their un-
wieldy and troublesome support. Court favour, they find
I a much more agreeable source of strength. They no
longer stand in need of the bawling Birmingham union.
Mr. O'Connell is quiescent. The patronage of Ireland
is sufficient even for his rapacity. Joseph Hume—that
most paltry of political pedlars—is anxious to re-instate
himself in the good graces of the Whig dispensers of com-
-1 missionershiPs. Joseph committed himself sadly iu the
Canada business ; and the opportunity of providing