The Sun.
London, England, 1822-03-18 00:00:00

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

HATTON-GARDEN,-31R s7DONATTY. —On Saturday
morning, at ten o'clock, a Committee of the inhabitants of the
parish was held at the workhouse, 'when the subject, of the late
atrocious murder was considered. Many of the witnesses already
examined Were brought in and questioned, but nothing new
was elicited. The deed by which the relatives of Michael Do-
natty_transferred their interest in the reversion of his property
wafs'produced, and to this it appeared that David Donatty, as
well as a man named Samuel Donatty, a butcher (not yet exa-
mined), were parties. A Gentleman on the Committee, who
has taken a very active and zealous part th►oughout the inves-
tigation, said that he had just received communications which
it would be imprudent hastily to di.-close, but which, he hoped,
would furnish a clue to the perpetrator of the murder. The
name of David Donatty (the supposed nephew) was mentioned;
but the Gentleman in question expressed his perfect conviction
of his innocence.

The sack and sheath were once more produced, and it wa
resolved to describe them more minutely titan hitherto by ad-
vertisement, and to fix a place for their full inspection by all
who might be able to throw any light upon the subject.
The sack has the appearance of having been used for seed.
It is of coarse canvass, and capable of holding about four
bushels. The mark G-7 (formerly mentioned) appears to have
been painted, and is of long standing. The B. underneath is
rather clumsily executed with ink, and is much blotted. This
had evidently been a modern and additional mark made by
some recent possessor, and having no connexion with the first
Mark. In one corner of the sack, hear the mouth, are thefigures
" ii," which a gentleman present said was the probable weight
of the tare of the sack. This was also written in ink. The
sheath, which it is believed contained the knife with which
the murder was perpetrated. consists of two pieces of wood,
surrounded with a piece of white riband, and bound together
with pack thread. It is very roughly manufactured, about
six inches long, and is belued, or cemented, in'the bottom of a
brown cotton case, which has the appearance of hating been an
old umbrella-case. This case is about two feet long, `and draws
together at the top, with a running sting: The bottom has a
greasy or tarry coat, as if it had long been in use. It was
suggested by a Gentleman present, that such a sheath
might serve to protect the very sharp knives which are used
by the Jew butchers in killing their cattle. Those knives
are often two-edged, and are kept extremely sharp by the
use of a hone, instead of a common stone or steel. The sur-
geon who examined the deceased, and who was in attendance,
was Clearly of opinion that the wound in the neck of the deceased
had been inflicted by some person acquainted with the vital ar-
teries and nerves ofthat part of the human frame—indeed, he said
he thought it bore exactly the character of such a wound as a
butcher would give to kill a lamb or a sheep. It was incident-
ally stated, that the deceased had a wound on the top of her
head, another on her hand, and that there was the mark of a
blow on her face, as if, when her murderer entered, he had
struck her down with his fist 4 her position, with respect to the
door, confirms this supposition.
A female friend of the deceased, who knew her when she
lived in Acton-street, said that she had a sister ten years ago,
who lived with her husband in Norwich-court, Castle-street,
Holborn. This woman has four children, but she has not been
heard of since the murder.

Thirty pounds was found in a drawer of the deceased's house
on Friday afternoon ; but it has- not been discovered that she
hai made any will.
His Majesty's Government have determined to offer a par-
don to any, but the actual perpetrator of the murder, who shall
come forward and assist in the detection of the criminals. •
While the committee -was sitting at the workhouse, Mr.
Laing was continuing his inquiries at • Hatton garden office.
David Donatty was again in attendance, but• upon being seen
by the women who had described the persons whom they had
seen near to the house of Mrs. Donatty on the night of the
murder, they said they did not recognise him as one of thoie
persons. He was consequently discharged upon a promise to
come up again when wanted. Thus it would seem that, up
to the present moment, no decisive trace has been discovered
of the offenders.

BOW-STREET.—DISTURBANCE AT THE OLYMPIC.—On
Saturday. evening John Hardcoll, Isaac Stewart, alias Stark,
and George Suett, alias Sweet, were brought to the Office, anti
underwent an examination before G. R. MIN mum., Esq.
charged with making a most outrageous disturbance; also
with violently assaulting several persons, breaking musical in-
struments, &c. at the Olympic Theatre. They designated
each other by the names of Tom, Jerry, and Logic, exclaim-
ing while they were making the outrage--" Go it Tom, go it
Jerry, go it Logic" &c. After much resistance; they were at
length secured. Isaac Stewart, who said he resided at Ply-
mouth, and shewed much contrition for his conduct, Mr.
Coveney, the Lessee, permitted to be held to bail on his own
recognizance. The other two were sent to a watch-house.

One morning last week, the servant of Mr. RAYNER, chair-
maker, of this town, put a bottle, containing water, in her
master's bed-room, between the window and the window-
curtain, which having attracted the rays of the sun the cur-
tain caught fire and was nearly consumed. Mr. R. intends
to preserve the remains of the curtain, conceiving it to be a
curiosity, and the circumstance worthy the attention of phi..
losophers.--(Portsmouth Paper.)
STANDING MUTE.—On Thursday last, at York
Assizes, John Hold.sworth was placed at the bar, and arraign-
ed on the charge of manslaughter, in killing his -brother by
beating him on the head with a stone. -On being asked whe-
ther he pleaded guilty or not guilty to the indictment, he re-
mained silent ; and it appeared that, though 27 'ears of age;
he had never manifested any signs of intelligence or affection,
except that maternal kindness had occasionally awakened in
him some faint gleamings of mind. The verdict of the Jury
was, that he stood mute by the visitation of 04 and that he
was not able to take his trial owing to alienation of mind.

WEST INDIA INTERCOURSE.

LORD LONDONDERRY'S SPEECH AGAINST THE
..A.HERICAN INTERCOURSE BILL. -SESSIONS

Isou.

" lord CASTLEREAGH rose and spoke as follows :—Sir, I
.cannot 'permit this Bill to be read a third time, withounitating
the strong objections I feel both to be
,principle and its pro-
NisiOns. In proportion as both have been discussed,
my re-
pugnance to both has increased. Indeed it is impossible to
compare the futility-of the professed object, with a - view to
wh-ich this Bill is introduced, with the extent and nature of
the powers it confers, without feeling an alarm, that it is really
'intended for other and more serious purposes than those which
hive Been menounced.—lt is said that nothing more is intended
by int. framers than that which has hitherto been done in
breattlof laser, and of the oaths under which his Majesty's Go,
usurers act should hereafter be done regularly, and in confor-
tnityto law. But' if nothing more was really meant than
-.that' the British West India islands, in cases of an adequate
necessity, should hereafter receive supplies of provisions and
lernber from 'America, as they have heretofore done, even in
Yesnerican bottoms why propose a law to enable the Privy
Council to permit tire importation into our Colonies, tot oily
of provisions and lumber from America, but of every des-
cription of produce, even manufactures; as the Bill was first
introduced, from every State in amity with the King ? And
further, why permit the unlimited export in return of all
aetieles of- Colonial Produce to any such . States, thereby at
once giving to the King's Ministers a power not only to sus-
pend the •Naviganon Laws, but to abrogate totally our colonial
system ?—When this measure was before under consideration,
I endeavoured to expose the false pretences; upon which it pro-
ceeded, and to point out its total inefficiency when viewed in
its more limited character, namely, that of placing this qua-
lified intercourse upon a more regular footing, to answer even
the :purposes for which it was professedly introduced. If it was
-really, intended that- the Governors abroad, in opening the
eports,-should act not upon their own immediate judgment, as
-applied upon the spot to circumstances of local necessity, but
upon instructions previously obtained fronr home, as those in-
istrectioas must be in their nature of a general and permanent
description, and not arising out of any temporary exigency,
why have not Ministers declared what their intended system in
respect to the islands is to be, and applied to Parliament for
the powers absolutely requisite for carrying the same into ef-
fect, before they call upon us thus blindly to intrust the whole
its their discretion ? But if the only instructions that can, or
-at least ought to be given, are those of his Majesty's late Mi-
nisters, viz. directing the Governors to enforce strictly the gas
-litany 'regulations of the existing laws, except in cases of real
emergency, how can it be pretended that his Majesty in Coun-
cil can ever here judge either of the circumstances or the time
'when such a pressure exists in any of our West India Islands,
as to sender a temporary relaxation necessary ? This Bill
cannot then alter either the nature of the discretion, or the
'hands in which its exercise must practically rest. Th.:. West
Jodie Governors must decide when the ports are to be opened,
en they have always done, unless the King's Ministers are pre-
• pared to-say they shall be constantly open with or without ne-
• ccssity : and if not, the question then is, whether a discretion to
open them when requisite is mostlikely to be prudently exercised
-when it is used under the impression of subsequent control and
indemnity : or under a previous authority given, enabling the
Governors lawfully to suspend the Navigation Laws at their
will and pleasure, without being subsequently amenable to
Parliament, as well as the Crown, for their conduct ? The
effect of such a Bill can only be unconstitutionally to transfer
from Parliament, hereafter, to Ministers, the power of granting
indemnity, and watching over the conservation of this funda-
mental law. But if this measure, in the limited sense I have
hitherto considered it, is not sustainable, or the motive for its
introduction intelligible, it assumes a much more serious shape,
'when viewed in its true and more enlarged sense, AS MANI-
FESTING, I FEAR, A GENERAL RELAXATION OF OPINION
ON THE POLICY OF OUR NAVIGATION SYSTEM, and mix-
ed with, perhaps, a disposition at the expence of that funda-
emental law, UNWISELY, TO COURT AND CONCILIATE THE
GOVERNMENT OF AMERICA AT THE PRESENT MOMENT.
—I lament the absence of a Right Honourable Secretary of
State on this occasion, not only from the cause which has un-
fortunately occasioned it, but from the desire I feel to hear him
• redeem the pledge lie gave on a former night, namely, that he
-should he prepared to prove, not only that the measure was
pregnant with none of the d consequences imputed to it, but
that the powers proposed to be granted to the Privy Council
-were borne out by a variety of precedents, and particularly by
the acts- which were passed between the years 1783 and 1791,
authorising the King in Council to regulate the commerce with
America, A further sanction was quoted for the Bill before
us, by a learned Member (Dr. Laurence) from the Dutch Pro-
perty Acts, in the last war, and the Bills enabling the Privy
--Council to regulate the trade with the Cape of Good Hope.—
And first, as to the two Acts of 1795, the object and the pro-
visions of which were confined to protecting the property of the
. royal subjects of the United Provinces, viz. allowing it to be
linported into this country on certain conditions. The prin-
ciple of those acts was extended, in 1796, to vessels belonging
: to any person in amity with his Majesty of which, however,
the benefit was taken -(as was foreseen) chiefly by ships from
the States of America and the foreign West Indies. A slight
• examination of the grotinds on which these acts were passed,
whether wisely or unwisely is not now the nuestion, will
_slew that no considerable sacrifice was made thereby Of our
-.navigation system; and that the colonial system was not af-
feetcd thereby. They were founded altogether on considers-
..tions of temporary commercial policy. The preamble of the
Act of 1796 declared, " that under the special circumstances, of
the commerce of Europe, and particularly for that of the
'United .Frovinces, it will be for the benefit of the commerce of
.this kingdom to continue to allow for a further Aimee() be li-
mited, such ships and vessels described in the former Act as
may not choose to return to the ports of the United Provinces ;
.and also any other ships and vessels belonging to persons of
.any country in amity with his Majesty, which are.in search of
place of deposit, to land their goods under certain restric-
tions." This law was principally intended to permit a qua-
lified intercourse, during war, with the enemy's colonies, which
.could only take place in neutral vessels. Assuming then the
propriety, in the then state of Europe, of making this country an
sontropot for the colonial produce of our enemies, it could be
_effected in no other manner. It was necessary to relax the
-letter of the Navigation Act to favour this intercourse, so far
as it, prohibits import, except in British vessels, or in those of
the State from whence the goods came ; but there was, in truth,
~:then no substantial sacrifice of our shipping interests ; it was
rather a temporary sacrifice of our belligerent rights from mo-
.tiver: of commercial convenience, and our colonial interests
were at the same time protected by the foreign produce thus
admitted being only permitted to be warehoused for exports-
. Dion.—The case of the Cape of Good Hope is as little in point.
It stands on a principle frequently acted upon, where there has
keen reason to presume that a possession newly acquired might
:materially-suffer, if our commercial system was at once applied
to it in its utmost strictness ; that of giving to the King in
Council a- ower for a time to regulate its trade. But the pre-
heat case is not a discretion to adapt our system for a time to a
new colony, but a power to subvert at once the whole system
wide respect to all our old and established colonies. It is said,
hut why uo you suspect that such mill be the effect of it,? Is
it possible to.suppose that Ministers will so use these powers ?
Or is there any reason to believe they will in fact authorise
. any greater infraction of the system than has latterly taken
,place ?- The answer to all this .is, if so, why pass the Bill ?
.1s it not an insult to their understandings to suppose that they
„take all this trouble to accomplish what experience has shewn
-.the necessity of the case in itself effects, without such inter-
ference ? And why, if Ministers really mean to do no more
sithau what has hitherto been done, do they come to Parliament
to ask for powers to do that which never has .been- done, and
wh;ch they declare they do not mean to attempt? And why
is Parliament to be called on to adopt this new and 'most .un-
.constitutional system of legislation, of granting excessive
,powers to Ministers, who either cannot or will not satisfactorily
explain for what purposes they are wanted,or to what purposes
.-.they mean to apply them ? Such was the case in the Chelsea
Bill, such is to he the case in the Training and other Bills to
which we are called upon to give our assent. To such a course
.of proceeding I must, on every principle, object ; and I cer-
tainly have seen nothing in the mode in which his Majesty's
,present Ministers conduct public bueiness, which, either in
point of efficiency or discretion, is calculated to command any
very peculiar confidence. The Bills which passed immediate-
ly after the peace of 1783, and which were alluded to by the
-Right Honourable Secretary of State (Mr. Fox), afford' as little
countenance to the present measure. They took place imme-
diately on the separation of the American colonies. It is not
-to be wondered at that in the moment of such a convulsion,
:and when the supreme power of regulating all commercial
-concerns reeled on the separate legislatures of the respective
American States, that parliainent should, for a time, entrust
the Privy Council, under circumstances so new and anoma-
elous, with the tegulktion of our intercourse with America, and
.accordingly a Bill was passed to this effect but it was only an
.annual Act, not for an indefinite period ,like the present, and
it was discontinued. with the necessity on which .it was founded.
.—But even whilst these acts uere force,and whilst the power
to regulate the trade was in the ,Privy Connell, by proclama-
tion, the intercourse between America and the West Indies
,was, as early as December, 1703,- confined to .British, ships,
,and so it continued till 1788, when an Act passed for the
,regulation of that intercourse.—lt is material to compare
sbe provisions of , this. Act, Itiz. the_2Bth . of . (Jorge JII.

Cap. 6, with the Bill now proposed; the latter enables
the Privy Council to open the colonial ports to importa-
tion-of every description of produce without reserve, from
all States in amity,. to the prejudice of the supply from
•the Mother Country. The former permitted import from Ame-
rica alone, and that was confined to certain enumerateda--
tides, the ,principal of which were lumber, live stock, and
grain. The
_present Bill permits an unrestrained export of
colonial produce to neutral ewes; the former confined it to
goods not then prohibited by law to be exported to America,
and to certain specified articles in addition ; but the intercourse
was in all cases to be cairied on by British subjects and in Bri-
tish ships.' So jealous was the, Legislature at that time of any
infraction of, our navigation system, that in making provision
for admitting. the like articles from the foreign islanas in the
West Indies, in cases of peculiar emergency and distress, the
-ermission to import was strictly confined in like manner to
British subjects and British ships, and the discretion to judge.
of the degree of emergency was specially vested in, the Gover-
nors, with the advice of their respective Councils, and not in
the Privy Council- at home ; and so also with. respect to sup-
plies from the United States to Nova Scotia. This system was
not established without full deliberation. In 1784 it was com-
plained of by the Colonies, and their petitions; containing pre-
cisely the same allegations which are now brought forward by
those who contend that our islands cannot otherwise be sup-
plied, underwent a full examination before the Committee of
Trade, as they did a second time in 1791; when they were dis.
missed upon reasons stated in two elaboratelleporte, as wholly
unfounded. But the fallacy of these reitonstrances did not
rest solely upon the reasoning, however' conclusive, stated in,
I those Reports ; it Was satisfactorily established by an experience
' of not less than ten years viz. between 1783 and 1793 ; during
all which time the islands were never -more abundantly and
cheaply supplied; under which prudent system our navigation
singularly flourished. ' The British vessels belonging to the
islands alone had increased in 1791 to 935 ships, 110,900 tons,
and 6,567. seamen ; the number has since materially declined,
being reduced in 1804 to 167 ships, 19,535 tons, and 1860 men.
It probably will' be said all this reasoning applies to a period of
peace,, and proves nettling 'as to the presenequestien, viz. the
practicability of securing an abundant:ooply for our islands
under similar regulations in time of war. War certainly, if
adequate conveys cannot be supplied: may afford to neutrals a
greatet comparative facility in carrying on this intercourse;
but I am sure, in the present state of our naval superiority, it
cannot be alleged that any difficulty can arise in giving com-
plete protection to British ships passing between the islands
and the
,continent. Whatever might have formerly been ap-
prehended from the naval power of our enemies, it cannot now
be beyond the reach of our navy to cover THIS IMPORTANT
BRANCH OF BRITISH COMMERCE against the depredations
of .privateer .+ there being rarely an instance of any of the
enemy's regular ships of war venturing to shew themselves in
those seas. It is only on an assumption that ' due protection
cannot be afforded, or that if afforded, merchants cannot be
found to carry on the intercourse in British ships,'that any dis-
thictionin the argument -can-be maintained on the fact of war.
That the former cannot now be an impediment the Noble Lord
of the head of the Navy will, I am sure, be the first to admit;
and that there are persons of the utmost resPectability.ready to
engage in this trade, if they are only assured of the protection
of the existing laws, my Right Hon. Friend(Mr: Rose), has
from their own authority been enabled to assert, and was pre-
pared to prove if all inquiry had not been refused.' I am the
more anxious to impress on the minds of -the House, that in
truth the question stands at thisyresent moment, for the rea-
sons above stated, on the same -grounds practically as if we
were at peace, and that unless they are prepared to go the
monstrous length which the Right Hon. Secretary (Mr. Fox),
has done, namely to doubt whether the British Colonies can be
supplied even in time of peace, not only without a relaxation of
the colonial but of the navigation systems : they would do well
to take their stand here, and require his Majesty's Ministers
and the planters, who may, from a confined view of their own
separate interests, be disposed to press forward this measure, to
make out, which they 'bait' on former occasions completely
failed to do'' an adequate case of necessity for, such a breach eif
system, before the House will consent thus to lay the founda
lion of rendering our West India Islands dependent in peace
as well as in war, on America for their supplies, and before
they will proceed thus 'permanently to divest the owners of
British shipping of the rights long assured to them tinder the
existing laws. But it is said, can any one doubt of the neces-
sity of continuing this intercourse, at least in time of war, after
the experience we have had of its being practised with little in-
terruption, both throughout the last and present wars ? With
respect to the commercial and maritime principles acted upon
in the, course of .the last war, however highly I respect the au-
thority of those'who then directed our Councils, and hoWever
generally wise I believe them to have been, I certainly should
deprecate their being considered of universal application, or
such es ought to be acted upon in all cases. Our commercial
as. well as our political relations at that time underwent a great
convulsion ; the degree to Which all the social relations of Eu-
rope were "then shaken; the attempts that were made to pro-
tect the interests of those Who'were attached to the ancient
Governments both- of France and Holland, notwithstanding the
hostilities we were then carrying on against those states : the
efforts made to introduce our manufactures both into the coun-
tries with which we were at war, and also into their colonies,
and the object we had in such a contest to conciliate neutrals
by every possible forbearance, and every sacrifice on our part,,
certainly at that period occasioned, and perhaps justified, great
relaxation of system. It is not to be wondered at, if, upon.
perhaps a hasty and superficial view of the case, new indul-
gences should at that time, at the instance of the planters, be
also granted to the Colonies, namely, that of receiving for the
first timeSsupplies in American bottoms ; but we have abun-
dant grounds to warrant us in not considering the practices
which prevailed in that war, as what even those who then ads-
wised them deemed such as ought to be rendered permanent.
With respect to our Colonies, the correspondence since Mr.
Pt TT's last return to power will prove, THAT HIS UNRE MIT-
TINO ENDEAVOURS WERE DIRECTED TO RESTRICT THE
INTERCOURSE BETWEEN AMERICA AND THE WEST IN-
DIA ISLANDS 'WITHIN THE NARROWEST POSSIBLE LI-
MITS: he had succeeded in confining the supply to lumber,
and corn provisions ; and these only were permitted to be
brought in under the authority of special proclamations to be
issued from time to time, and to be in force only for a limited
period ; BUT HE HAD DETERMINED STEADILY TO RESIST
IN FUTURE ANY COMPETITION WITH THE MOTHER
COUNTRY, OR lIER NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES, in
either fish or salted provisions. lie had also latterly turned
his attention, after the decisive successes of our fleets had
opened to us the prospect of being able fully to protect our
commerce in all parts of the world, TO AN EARLY RECUR-
RENCE TO THE PRINCIPLES OF THE 28TH OF THE KING,
and would, I have no doubt, if his life had been spared, soon
have confined whatever intercourse was permitted to take place,
TO BRITISH SUBJECTS AND BRITISH SHIPS AS FOR-
MERLY ; a regulation not more called, for in deference to the
Shipping Interest of Great Britain, than required to put an
end to that system of smuggling into our Colonies which now
prevails to - art enormous extent, particularly of East India
goods, and which must continue to prevail so long 'as American
slang are permitted to frequent our Islands. That the practice
of the last war is not to be considered as conclusive in 'all cases
may be further proved from the mortifications which the Or-
ders in. Council of that period underwent at ,the commence.
ment of the present war, relative to neutrals trading to the
enemy's colonies. I am the more inclined to advert to this
point from the conviction I feel that the orders in. question yet
require to be very considerably further modified and restricted.
The extent to which our belligerent rights are now systemati-
cally invaded, the facility afforded to the enemy by abusing our
liberality towards neutral powers, to cover his own commerce,_
and to turn his whole, maritime strength against us in war, and
the cruel situation in which those employed in the naval service
of the country are placed, when, •by the artful and unprincipled
practices of neutralizing merchants, they are not 'only deprived
of almost all prospect of prize, hut exposed to be ruined by
litigation if they venture to detain the ships engaged in this
illicit traffic, makes me peculiarly anxious to protest against
: any conclusive inference being drawn in favour of this or
any other system, merely from its having geneeally prevailed
throughout the period of tae last war ; and I urge this conside-
ration,with the more anxiety on the present occasion, front the
extent to which it is understood America is dispoged at4his
moment to push her claims on this score, in opposition to the
undoubted maritirne.rights of this country. I, tom the harsh
and unconciliating manner in which she apparently has endea-
voured to support those claims, and from the knowledge we
have that this vital.question is on the . point of being discussed
by his Majesty's Ministers with the Government of the United
States, than which certainly a more important discussion never
devolved upon any Government, we are to hopeehey will con-
duct it with all the temper and friendship, which is due , to a
state with whose prosperity our true interests are so inseparably
united ; but with that resolution and inflexible firmness, with
which it is their duty ,to defend rights, the maintenance of
which is indispensable to our preservation as a maritime state,
whilst America, in pressing their abandonment, can only plead
a commercial interest of a very subordinate kind, unsupported
by any colour of justice whatever.—lf the necessity of expedi-
ency of this Bill cannot then be made out when its application
is reasoned on in its more limited sense, and if its enactment in
the more enlarged meaning which the wording of the Bill jits-
tities us in applying to it cannot be reconciled with any sound
view which can be taken either of former regulations or our ge-•
neral interests, I wish to warn the House OF THE VALUE AND
IMPORTANCE OF THOSE PRINCIPLES, which this measure
in its most comprehensive character goes to shake. I am led
the rather to do so, as I have understood that language has
been held with respect to our navigation laws, by persons of
. great authority in another place, which fills me with consider-
sable alarm.. 1 have heeled they have been spoken stf as laws

rather suited to the former situation; than to the presentcircum-
stances of ,this country, and I cannot but forebode from such
sentiments, ptplained suck Bills, anti illustrated by such
practical :opinions as have been stated by a Secretary of State
in this House, that-it' there exists net in the present Government
A DELIBERATE PURPOSE TO VIOLATE, there are atleast exists
a great indifference to uphold, the fundamental principles upon
whiCli those ancient laws were founded.—l know it has been the
fashion in modern times to deny its restrictions opon,commerce.
The economists laugh at the notion of compelling your com-
merce to be carried in native shipping, if it can be carried by
the shipping of other states on better terms. But those who
have attentively studied the rise of this nation into greatness
and security will not hesitate to attribute it, under Providence,
to- its .early and 'provident determination to carry forward its
means of strength and power; with all 'those circumstances of
wealth and splendour which must ever have the effect of exci-
:nog jealousy and creating enemies.. It has been the policy of
those laws to require our commerce and our marine to grow up
together. This principle of wholesome restraint has caused
them. to rise and flourish together ; anti they have alternately,
as .ciuse and effect, perhaps accelerated each other's progress.—
.Ti say than no circumstances can ever justify a partial and
temporary relaxation of those laws, would be absurd ; but, in
proportion as the growth of any marked disproportion between
the trade and the shipping of the country must render an ad-
herence to them difficult, and perhaps a recurrence to them im-
possible, if once fallen into disuse, 1 do consider it of the first
importance to watch, with the utmost jealousy, and to mark
"with the • strongest • disapprobation, any thing which seems to
bear so much the appearance of an unnecessary, precipitate,
wanton, and apparently systematic infringement of those laws
as the present measure does.—The"House will recollect the efforts
made by the French Government at several periods of its history
during the monarchy, to incorporate the principle of our navi-
gation-laws into their system. The Ministers of France per-
' ceived to what cause the naval-greatness of Britain -was in fact
assignable ; • they wished, to imitate it, but happily they had
I postponed the attempt too long. Their commerce had long ta-
ken the start of then shipping : they could no longer make their
trade the instrument of- forcing forward their commercial ma-
rine without nearly extinguishing the trade itself : and they
were obliged, after several fruitless efforts, . wholly to abandon
the attempt. This ought to make us cautious how we trifle
with this important system, for purposes of small and specula-
tive commerce. lf, as there is but too much reason to appre-
hend, there is some tendency at present in the shipping of the
country to advance less rapidly than our trade, let us avoid
aggravating this evil_ The necessity for relaxation of the laws
on the score of commercial 'convenience must, if this defect in
our system continues, be increased, whilst the danger of wield-
ing them will be augmented also. Our trade under a moderate
restraint may, and will speedily, relieve itself by forcing capital
into the means of its own accommodation ; but if the want of
shipping is once suffered to prevail beyond a certain extent, the
demand can no longer, without.great national loss, await the
supply. The barrierwill then bethrown down which now pro-
tects our commercial marine, and from that moment America
and other countries that can build and equip cheaper than we
do, will p.Ossess themselves largely of our carrying trade ; ship-
building in this country will cease to be a profitable application
of capital ; our seamen will decline in number ; and many even
of those we have will-pass, particularly in war, into the service
of America.—l know doubts have been entertained whether .our
shipping can be equal in time of war, when so large a propor-
tion of our seamen are withdrawn from the Merchants and em-
ployed in the King's service, to accommodate us in peace the
trade of the country, I am inclined to think, considering the
proportion of landsmen in the Navy, and the powers of re-pro-
duction we possess, whilst the demand for seamen is kept up,
that little difficulty will occur in this respect ; but lam per-
suaded our means must always be abundant, for at least supply-
ing our own colonial trade in all its branches, into which no
foreign ships ought to be admitted, no more than into our coast-
ing trade, or transport service. Whatever teinuorary deficiency
there may exist of British shipping, it will adjust itself in the
increased share of the carrying trade other nations will for the
time enjoy in our intercourse with them respectively, as autho-
rized by the Navigation Act itself. But so far from encourag-
ing imaginary cases of exigency, we ought to recollect that
some degree of pressure is the first and most active principle of
encouragement to the augmentation of our ships and seamen,
upon whose concurrent growth with our general trade must
ultimately depend the station we are to occupy in time scale of
nations.—l cannot omit also observing, that the continuance of
this system of taking our supplies from America *IT nour
AFFORDING TO THE PRODUCE of Our North American Co-
lonies THE PROTECTION even of duties, must not only ope-
rate to repress their growth and improvement, but must rapidly
tend to make our West India islands PERMANENTLY DE-
PENDANT for these important articles on the Government of
the United States. In the absence of all discriminating duties,
such as our commercial policy has always led to the adoption
of at home, between.Brinsh and Foreign produce, the local si-
tuation of the. United States must give the Americans great ad-
Vantages in the market of the West Indies over our more nor-
thern fellow-subjects, and we accordingly find, whilst the
British American Provinces were rapidly advancing to a state
that would have enabled them to supply our Islands with most
of the articles,of which they stand in need, yet, from want of
due encouragement, the quantity actually. imported from thence
since 1792 has latterly diminished not less than two-thirds..
Such is the extent and nature of the measure which we are now
called upon to pass without inquiry, in this most exceptionable
shape. It goes materially to affect the interests of the Ship-
owners throughout the empire, of the British Continental Colo-
nists, of the fisheries of the empire—of Ireland, as largely de--
pendant on the Provision trade—of varioas classes of British
Manufacturers, and of the -East India Company, all of whom
begin seriously to feel the destructive effects of the smuggling
competition which grows out of this intercourse, as against
them in the West India Islands. Vet although the utmost
alarth has been expressed by the parties interested, and they
have come forward to the house with petitions desiring to be
heard, and prepared to disprove the main facts upon which the
expediency of the Bill has been maintained, they have been re-
fused, contrary to all precedent, even a Committee above stairs
though my Right Hon. Friend (Mr, Rose) pledged himself
that four days would suffice for bringing forward all the
material information, and that the
.progress of the Bill need
not be thereby delayed. The. Petitioners under these'circum-
stances thought it in vain to appear by Counsel at the bar, if
they were denied the opportunity of previciusly establishing
their case by evidence ; and they have now to complain, in
additiop to the injurious effects of 'the measure itself upon
their fortunes, of a very different reception from that which
persons of their weight and respectability have ever been for-
merly accustomed to receive froni this House. 1 have little
further to add to what I have already stated. I cannot, how-
ever, conclude without saying, that my objections to time mea-
sure now under consideration are much increased, and indeed
my apprehensions augmented, when I advert not only to the
time, 'but to the circumstances under which it has .been
brought forward : the proposing to Parliament so idle and so
nugatory a• measure as this indisputably is, if its proposers
truly describe it, AT A MOMENT WHEN WE HAVE A POINT
OF SUCH GREAT IMPORTANCE • TO SETTLE WITH
AMERICA, does appear to me, to say the least of it, a great
oversight. But I cannot forget that this Bill, or one of similar
import,. first made its appearance in another House of Parlia-
ment, immediately after the publication of an " Inquiry into
into the State of the Nation," a pamphlet which it is understood
was circulated under the particular countenance and protection
of the Noble Lord (Lord Holland) who first brought in this
Bill. Mulch of the pamphlet in -question is occupied in con-
sidering the pending question with America, and in coun-
selling the unqualified surrender to that country of every thing
she is supposed to have laid'claini to. This, together with a
most desponding estimate of the power and resources of the
country, concluding with a pretty distinct intimation that our
only chance of holding even a secondary place in -the scale of
-Europe is our concluding an immediate peace with France on
the best terms we can, are the only two. practical conclusions
to be found in a work of some talent, which is principally en-
grossed in a general roiS-statement of the measures, and con-
sequently of the conduct, of the former Government. If such
is to be taken as in any degree the standard of the Noble Lord's
own Opinions, arid if it is in the spirit of such doctrine that
he' was induced to offer this Bill to Parliament, those who
differ with him in sentiment haVe ample grounds for apprehen-
sion at the present moinent. The Noble Lord does not cer-
tainly hold a seat in his Majesty's Councils, but that is .not
sufficient to relieve my mind from the anxiety of observing .a
Bill of this nature proceed from a person so high in coofidence,
entitled to great personal weight -and respect, and whom we
have reason to peesume entertains sentiments of the description
'above stated. I wish, if Ministers do not mean to use. this
Bill for the unwise and-mischievous purposes to which :its
powers may be applied; that they would, at least for the pre-
sent, calm the public-apprehensions, by relinquishing it? and
suffer matters to proceed as they have done for years, without
any inconvenience or danger.: It cannot be requisite to .enable
them to administer a Emitted and temporary aid to the Islands:
If it is meant to be pushed further, which the extent of its pro-
visions justifies us in-apprehending, is a fraud on Parliament_
thus covertlY to effect it. Without a more visible necessity, so
Much power ought not to be surrendered to hislliajesty'sMioisters,
nor so many great interests be alarmed with respect to their
nearest concerns. I certainly cannot justify to myself (VENE-
RATING AS I HAVE BEEN TAUGHT TO DO THE. NAVI-
GATION LAWS OF THE COUNTRY) unnecessarily placing
such vital interests at time mercy of any Government whatever ;
and I least of all am disposed so to plaee.them, at the present
moment, after the sentiments that have been expressed, and
the opinions it is to be presumed are entertained.. I trust the
House wiill retain those laws under its own immediate protec-
tion, as the source of our greatness, the surest preservation of
our power, and the best bulwark of the British empire.