The Sun.
London, England, 1849-06-28 00:00:00

elteniixgflL

LONDON, THURSDAY, JUNE 28, 1849.

Journalism, it appears, is to be gagged in this
country by a means almost as effectual as that of the
severest censorship. Instead of being liable to the
arbitrary measures recently adopted towards the
organ of the Mountain, we are to be rendered sub-
servient to
,thwends of every great public offender
through tain3,ldium of damages for articles that may
be proatfunced libellous. The remarkable case which
was decided on Tuesday in the Court of Queen's
Bench, and by which Alderman HARMER as pro-
prietor of the Weekly Dispatch, was declared to be
mulcted of a sum of 5001. for remarks printed in that
journal nineteen years ago, commenting upon the
character of his Highness the ex-Duke of BRUNS-
:, WICK, must not be erroneously confused in the
..;
. . same category with the somewhat similar ac-
tions previously brought by the same plaintiff
against certain newspapers called the Era and the
Satirist. For, apart from the circumstance of the
striking difference of tone assumed by those publi-
cations, it must be borne iu mind that the principal
charge made by the ex-Duke of BRUNSWICK in the
present instance had reference to an article contained
in the Weekly Dispatch so far back as the September
of 100. After a lapse of no less than nineteen years
that article is produced in a court of justice, as suffi-
ciently libellous to enable the plaintiff to obtain
_compensation. As to the obstacle presented against
such a decisiOn by the Statute of Limitations, it will
be observed that that was peremptorily overcome by
the evidence given by a witness named CASIMIR
.14/KAOLD, who swore distinctly to having purchased,
in the March of 1848, a copy of the paper printed in
the September of 1830—thereby asserting the fact of
a recent republication. It will scarcely cause any
astonishment' to learn that measures will be adopted
by the defendant fur the purpose of setting aside the
verdict, when it is known that not only can the cir-
cumstance of a republication in 1848 be disproved,
but conclusive testimony can be afforded that one of
the most important witnesses on behalf of the plain-
tiff on a former occasion tendered his services to the
defendant as one ready to appear in court
against the ex-Duke of BRUNSWICK for 4
:consideration. When these things have been
exposed there cannot remain a moment's doubt as to
the ulterior decision of the judicial authorities.
k,
Long and deservedly has this country boasted of
\ its capacity for affording shelter to the " refugees "
from all the other dominions of the habitable globe.
'A
-N Long has the nation prided itself upon that social se-
curity and that constitutional freedom which have
rendered England the haven of those unfortunate
..
persons- who are expatriated either through the un-
gre ness of some continental race, or through
the v- of a whole people, rising to vindicate
their Irked nationality by punishing with
V 3,
One sudden and awrul blow a protracted reign
of enormities. Between those very opposite
classes of fugitives England draws no distinction
whatever, in so far as the circumstance of affording
them alike a place of repose is concerned. The ob-
jects of execration find themselves as freely admitted
to participate in the advantages afforded by our insti-
tutions as the men entitled to general sympathy and li
reverence. Whether it be with a view to assuage the
griefs of the latter by commiseration, or to facilitate
the expiation of the guilt of the former by affording
them an opportunity of repentance, certain it is
that Great Britain is accessible at all times,
to the political victim and the political criminal,
irrespective of all creeds, of all countries, of all
colours, of all policies, of all antipathies, and of all
prsdileotions. • Red Republicans and Consavativ•

Aristocrats, each find in England refuge from the
pursuit of difficulties. Prince METTERNICH and N.
Louis iBLANC, the Count DE NEUILLY, and lei•
3lAac CAUSSIDIERE, Signor MAZZINI and the
Prince of PRUSSIA, Dom MIGUEL and General PEPE,
the Conde DE MoiTEMOLIN and General ESPAR.

TERO, Prince LOUIS NAPOLEON and M. Gui zor, among
a multitude of others, have from time to time hurried
over from the Continent during those moments of peril
when the shelter of the United Kingdom presented to the
wearied and the panic-stricken an irresistible fascina-
tion. And one and all have been admitted, with
the same cordial and indiscriminate frankness, within
the guardian bulwarks of our renowned and match-
less Constitution. It was left for the ex-Duke of
BRUNSWICK to attach an additional notoriety to a name
already sufficiently notorious, by being the first to
repay this national generosity by a petty action
against a journalist—an example, which, among
kindred refugees, may prove so far contagious as to
be inaugurative of a system of continual annoyance and
extortion. A result, by the way, not at all improbable,
seeing that the verdict given on Tuesday will act es
a lure to those who, besides finding in such actions
a means of gratifying their own evil and more
ignoble passions, may perceive in them a method of
replenishing their attenuated purses, and of generally
improving their dilapidated fortunes. By such a
proceeding battening upon the very race to whom
they should have regarded themselves as bound by
the bonds of eternal gratitude ! In such a case
as that of the ex-Duke of BauNswicx, the
veracity of the old axiom—the greater the
truth the greater libel—becomes more than
ever, and most painfully perceptible. Since the first
instant of his expulsion from the dominions of his
ancestors, the public mind of England has not hesi-
tated as to the calendar upon which should be
inscribed the name of this personage whether
among the political victims, or among the political
criminals. In uttering the opinions, therefore, which
our contemporary the Weekly Dispatch did, in re- I
ference to the ex-Duke of I,lltur;swicx., that journal
was only affording a new and striking testimony of
its being an organ of the English people. For
the circumstances contained in those articles were
thought and believed long before they were printed
by a large portion of the community. Besides, in
speaking of the Duke of BauNswlcit as the Duke of
BRUNSWICK, the journalist is as much entitled
to deal honestly and candidly with his cha-
racter (as affecting the accuracy► of his de-
ductions) as he has to deal with the cha-
racter of any other man similarly situated.
We would undertake to aver with confidence that
accusations as bitter and damning to his personal
character have been written, and printed, and pub-
lished regarding Dom MIGUEL, and yet, be it said to
the honour of that Royal personage, he has never
degraded himself so far as to come into a
court of justice with actions for libel, seeking money
as a salve to a damaged and decomposing reputation.
Since the Revolution of February the press of
England, as a whole, has in no degree at-
tempted to slur over the heinous guilt of
the exile of Claremont ; we, ourselves, have again
and again criticised his conduct and his character in
the strongest language in our vocabulary, and yet
the Count DE NEUILLY has spared himself the crown-
ing odium which has been flagrantly monopolized
by the ex-Duke of BRUNSWICK. Let this per-
son rest assured of one thing namely, that
the judgment of History will in no respect
be favourably affected either by the verdict of the
jury in the Court of Queen's Bench or by the 5001.
damages. In his instance the decision of History
has been perceptibly anticipated by the loud and
unanimous opinion of his contemporaries. That opi-
nion is dark and damnatory—so dark and damnatory
as to defy the purifying influence of a favourable
verdict, accompanied by heavy damages—by damages
so large as to have created quite a sensation in
the court by their enormity. His Highness has
consequently but little reason to congratulate him-
self upon his more than questionable success en
Tuesday—especially seeing that the verdict is one
obtained through evidence so rotten and fraudulent as
to promise its ultimate reversal. Unless he may be
solicitous to proceed as upon a rather profitable spe-
culation in his attacks upon the liberty of journalism,
we would suggest to thw ex.-Duke a Bnvxew /CIL tl-10
ntn his own natural and
advisable. First, because he will finu it utue'shdri,
of an impossibility to vilify still more his already
sufficiently vilified reputation; and, secondly, be-
cause the effort would be as futile as ablutions to an
Ethiopian.

Although we can only find an opportunity of doing
so with the utmost brevity, we cannot allow this
evening to pass over without one word of allusion to
the magnificent banquet given yesterday to Sir
ROBERT PEEL by the Chief Magistrate of
London. It came appropriately on the very
day following the exhibition of the Protectionists in
Drury-lane Theatre ; and is interesting not only as
affording the antidote after the bane, but, in a par-
ticular measure, as revealing the liberality as well as
the hospitality which form the characteristics of
the present Mayoralty—a liberality of feeling
and a hospitality of deportment such as call to our
recollection the time when the civic chair was filled
by the representative of Southwark. Throughout
the whole of the period daring which Sir JAMES
DUKE has discharged the duties of First Magistrate
over this vast capital he has showed a noble
disregard to all the allurements of partiality and to
all the repulsions of prejudice ; and a final token of
his indifference to anything like mere party feeling
was displayed in the fact of the splendid banquet of
last evening—a banquet in which he endeavoured,
as the LORD MAYOR of London, to express
the national gratitude to the great man whose
oratorical powers and statesmanlike genius directed
the councils of the last Administration. The speech
by which the Right Hon. the LORD MAYOR intro-
duced the toast of the entertainment was admir-
ably expressive of those sentiments of pro•
found admiration with which Sir ROBERT
PEEL ;s regarded by the vast bulk of the
people of England. And the masterly oration in
which the Right Hon. Baronet responded to that
toast, was not only an additional evidence of the
patriotic disinterestedness of his motives, but pre-
sented a supplementary proof of his largeness of view,
and of his dignified and glorious superiority to the
dictates of a merely personal ambition. Every detail
of our report of the proceedings will be read, we are
satisfied, with the deepest interest by all classes of the
community.

The Attachments (Ireland) Bill, introduced by
the Hon. Member for the city of Dublin, will again
be brought under the consideration of the House of
Commons during the present week. We have already
most unequivocally declared our opinions on this
iim-
portant subject ; and the general feeling of the commu-
nity ha* been as decidedly expressed. The principle
of the measnre
been sanctioned and approved of
by all parties competentto form a sound judgment on
the matter, not only within. 13„,
13
walls of Parliament,
but throughout the length and "imith of the land.
It is a question in which every merchant awl manu-
facturer, haring business transactions with any';_
oods
bitant of Dublin, is materially interested. Through
the operation of the obnoxious p
supplied may be swept away on the very rocess the g
day
of their delivery, and the total ruin of the
defendant effected. Nothing wldou remain
for the defrauded creditor. The parties who
put the law in motion, receive payment to the utter-
most farthing of what in too many instances are
fictitious and unfounded claims, while the fair and
bona fide creditor, residing at a distance from the
spot, too late learns that the entire assets of the
debtor are absorbed by the demands for which at-
tachments had been issued, and the enormous costs
incidental to the proceedings for their recoverY. The,
ordinary attachment secures the stock in trade, goods,
and chattels of the defendant, while the foreign at-
tachment, as it is termed, seizes on the book debts
and credits, if owing by parties resident within the
jurisdiction of the court. Under such circumstances
it would be strange indeed if great reserve and sus-
picion were not exhibited by English mer-
chants and manufacturers in all their
dealings with the citizens of the Irish
metropolis. The state of the law, the extraordinary
powers of the Lord Mayor's Court, open a door for
fraud and collusion piping which it is utterly impoi-

sible for the fair trader to protect himself. Any
business transactions are, therefore, probably de-
clined, unless the most unexceptionable security be
offered at the same time. Credit, the life-blood of
commerce, is thus most unduly circumscribed, dis-
trust and suspicion usurp the place of open and unre-
stricted confidence, and the trade of the Irish metro-
polis, and consequently of the entire kingdom, is
severely damaged by the unwise and impolitic law
administered in the Lord Mayor's Court of the city of
Dublin.
But, although this flagrant nuisance had long at-
tracted the public attention—although numerous
complaints were put forward day after day, and cases
of the utmost hardship and injustice were detailed,
no decided step was taken for its abatement
until the Honourable Gentleman, the representative
for the city of Dublin, took upon himself the duty of
bringing in a measure for the total abolition of the
process. No one could be more fully qualified for the
duty. Although not a professional man, or deeply
versed in legal subtleties, he possessed a clear head
and sound judgment, and unflinching energy. His
mercantile experience convinced him of the deeply
injurious results of the system. With his own eyes
he witnessed cases of fraud and collusion, or of deep
and vindictive oppression, any one of which afforded
the strongest and most satisfactory evidence against
the continuance of a practice under which such gross
abuses could be perpetrated. He did not long hesitate ;
he did not make any vain efforts to effect any trivial
alteration or petty changes, with the view of amending
a system thoroughly and radically vicious ; he struck
at the very root of the evil, and boldly and manfully
brought forward a Bill for the total and immediate
abolition of the process of attachment. All parties
hailed the introduction of a measure so beneficial in
every respEct, and so urgently required. The law
officers of the Crown (who should themselves have
long since introduced some similar enactment) ad-
mitted the magnitude of the evil and the propriety of
the change. The Corporation of Dublin, of which
Mr. REYNOLDS is :;a respected and influential member,
declared their readiness to surrender any rights and

.
privileges that might be interfered with by the pro-
posed law ; the Dublin constituency expressed their
unequivocal satisfaction at the conduct of
their representative, who had given so striking
a proof of the propriety of their choice ;
and the English merchants rejoiced that they would
at length be able to open commercial relations in a
quarter heretofore comparatively closed against them.
One obstacle alone intervened which has heretofore
retarded the progress of the Bill, but which we trust
will be forthwith removed. There are, as we have
already stated, persons who have held the situations
of Marshal and Sergeants-at-Mace for many years,
and who have ever discharged their painful duties in
an unexceptionable manner. They held their offices
by the same tenure as the judges of the land, during
good behaviour, and nothing was ever alleged against
any of them to justify their removal. Numerous
were the complaints against the system ; none against
the individuals by whom it was carried into exe-
cution. They had a vested interest in certain fees,
and, according to the rule invariably adopted, were
entitled to fair compensation if these fees were abo-
lished, or in any degree lessened by legislative inter-
ference; many instances could be cited where ample
compensation was given, not only for the lifetime of the
parties, but in some cases to their families after their
deaths. The public faith was never violated towards
the public servants. An almost chivalrous honour was
exhibited, and fair and just claims were never disre-
garded or set aside on any pretext,however specious, or
for any purpose, however desirable. This has, perhaps,
been carried to almost too great an extent, in cases of
sinecures, where no duty of any kind was performed.
But wherever arduous duties were discharged, where
the parties acted in obedience to, and execution of the
law, and had, probably, relinquished or refrained from
entering on other employments for that purpose,
every consideration of justice and of mercy sustained
the propriety of the rule. It would, indeed, be a
grievous, and, we are happy to say, ass unprecedented
outrage, if a man, grown grey in the service of his
country, and who, when entering on his situation, had
every reason to suppose that he had obtained a pro-
vision for his lifetime, or at least so long as he merited
protection and support, should be turned adrift in his
old age, and when no longer capable of' directing lain
itpor,"nrii,PAs tlaer qui ui ts. from _.w f_ gllege_ct
realise a handsome independence.
Mr. JOHN JUDRIN BUTLER has fulfilled the duties.
of his station for no less than 17 years. In the year
1832 he was appointed by the then Corporation to the
office of Marshal of the city of Dublin. At that
period the office was of a twofold character, with two
distinct classes of duties, of fees and of emoluments—
the one class relating to the registrarship of pawn-
brokers, and the latter to the Borough Court, whose
process it was the duty of the Marshal to execute.
On the passing of the Municipal Corporations
Act for Ireland, Mr. BUTLER was removed from
his situation, which was subsequently divided
into two distinct offices, viz., Marshal of the city of
Dublin, and Marshal of the Borough Court. Another
gentleman was appointed to the former situation, but
Mr. BUTLER was reinstated in the latter office, and
was, in consequence, debarred from obtaining the
compensation to which he would have been, unques •
tionably, entitled under the Act, if then discharged
from the office. He has since discharged the duties
of the situation faithfully and energetically, and it
would indeed be an act of the utmost cruelty and in-
justice to turn- him on the world, without even the
compensation to which he would have been entitled
nine years ago, if then deprived of his office.
Such an act would deprive a very meritorious public
officer of almost the only source of income for the
support of himself., and a numerous and amiable
family.
The cases of Sergeants-at-Mace are almost of equal
hardship. They have held their respective situations
for very considerable periods, that is to say, MICHAEL
WALSH 32 years, WILLIAM SMITH 19 years, and
Tnomas S. RINETT 14 years, and yet they are now to
be turned out without the slightest provision being
made for their future wants.
As we have already stated, Mr. REYNOLDS has
suggested a mode by which this impediment may be
removed. He proposes that certain fees should be
levied in the proceedings to be substituted for the old
attachments, out of which the compensation should be
payable. Government guaranteeing the amount
agreed upon to these parties, and taking the
balance into the National Exchequer. Under any
circumstances it is the duty of Government
not to impede a measure of such vast utility not only
to the inhabitants of Dublin, but to the entire nation. t
A'few hundreds per annum for the lives of four per-
sons considerably advanced in years is not a matter
of such importance that an act of gross injustice
should be committed, or a most injurious process con-
tinued, to avoid the payment. Such rigorous parsi-
mony would strangely contrast with the profusion
and extravagance manifested in other matters.

NEW ELECTION /011. LONDON. -- A proposition
having been made to the Lord Mayor to put himself
forward as a candidate for the representation
of the city of London, Sir James Duke
has at once in the handsomest manner declined
refusal;
AY is the acknowledged reason for his
to do
Is.o. His solicitude to forward the progress of
Ana that refusal is the more generous,
considering that the popular Lord Mayor would
as a matter of co„,te
be elected without
opposition. As matters stoma
therefore, the Baron
Lionel de Rothschild is the only candidate
the suffrages of the citizens Lon for
London.
His return may be regarded as certain ; and with the.
experience of the famous Clare election before us,
there cannot be a moment's doubt as to the
ultimate triumph of the cause at stake in
the person of the great millionnaire. On
Monday next, the 2d of July, at twelve o'clock
at noon precisely, the nomination will take place in
Guildhall, and if necessary the poll will on the follow-
ing day be commenced. Let the electors of the
city of London be true to their principles in
spite of Lords and Commons—let them adhere
with consistency to the holy principles of civil and
religiow Liberty !

,t th,

CONDIIITE SANS PARALLELE.—It Seems tha
attack upon Rome has been carried on by means o
" parallels." We do not know much of the military me,
rite of the question, but we can safely assert that, in an
honourable point of view, the attack upon Rome has
been moat unparalleled.--ranch.

TEE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
They contain the result of the debate on the
foreign policy of France, which was that the Assembly
passes to the order of the day pure and simple ; thus ap-
proving the pacific policy pursued by M. DE TOCQUE-
VILLE and the Ministry, by a majority of 191. This
however, must net be taken as an expression of ap-
proval of the Ministerial policy as regards the affairs
of Rome, inasmuch as the subject of Rome was not
alluded to during the course of the debate. We
should be almost inclined to imagine from this
cautious abstinence on the part of members of
all parties, that it is pretty well understood
that the intention Of M. DE TOCQUEVILLE i 3 to cauti-
ously repair the blunders committed by his predecessor,
and to oppose a firm front to the intrigues of M. DE
FALLOUX. During the debate General CAVAIGNAC
made the following most important speech, which
may he considered as the resume of the principles of
that important section of the Republican party, which,
while it desires peace is prepared fur war, which,
while it supports order insists also on progress :
" General Cavaignac said—Since the question of
Denmark and Schleswig has been alluded to, I may
mention that some persons assert that by the interven-
tion of the French Government in that question it has
reconstituted the European coalition. In the numerous
of al
ac
st ss
ebdr othhgaht t
forwardargument
at
mh eo
ndgasy before,
t raets I h
of
secondarys( ml d
have
con-
sideration, but as so much importance appears to be
attached to that intervention, I consider that it re•
quires to be explained. Those of my colleagues
who belonged to the Constituent Assembly are aware
what reserve we observed in the discussion of our fo-
reign relations; but it was evident that we waited for
the time when we might be permitted to seals our
accounts. I am anxious at the present time to have
done with some points of the past, to remove from them
all obscurity, and to characterise them as they ought to
be. With regard to the question of Schleswig, I thick
that Denmark addressed itself to the Minister of
Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government; but as
it had other embarrassments to attend to it would not
enter on that secondary question. It was in consequence
of that refusal that England was in her turn applied to.
When I came into office that intervention had produced
no results. Our interference was again demanded, and
we sent a protest to the Central Government of Germany
and to Prussia. Our solicitude had been awakened by
certain pretensions of the Diet of Frankfort; Germany
claimed Schleswig merely- because the inhabitants spoke
German, and we protested against the claim made on such
trivial grounds. When the question of the armistice was
brought forward, and I was consulted on the subject, my
reply was, that it was important that England should
renounce the preponderating position in which she stood
as mediator. I, therefore, caused an intimation to be
made to the English Cabinet to that effect. The answer
was, as I expected it would be, that she could not con-
sider her mediation as insufficient, and things therefore
remained as they were. The Government of that time
had been accused of having remained inactive. I admit
that such was the fact, but the position in which we
were placed compelled us to do so. It was not in our
power to accomplish any great thing, and we were but
too happy not to do mischief by attempting to do some
good. I fully agree with Hon. Gentlemen who have said
that a great country like France should not remain in a
state of isolation. It was necessary that we should get
out of that position; it was essential that we should form
an alliance with some Government, but the question was
what Government should we select? To whom should we
address ourselves? To Prussia—to Austria? 'I hose two
powers were engaged in struggles. We then made over-
tures to a great power—to England, and in doing so I
think we acted in conformity a ith the wishes of the con-
stituent Assembly. It has been said that the English
Government only accepted our alliance in order to be
able the better to watch us. Certainly England would
not have become our ally had it not been her interest so
to do; but that interest is reciprocal, and if England
has an interest in watching France, France has ant quel
one in watching her. That reciprocal surveillance is
the basis of all alliances between Governments. In re-
ply to our application, England accepted our offers of
alliance, and she did so doubtless from a wish to pre-
serve peace. I think that the explanations I have given
will be a sufficient reply to the reproach made against
us of having given rise to a new coalition.—(Hear,
hear.) In lately presenting the order of the day which
was adopted by the National Assembly, I bad a double
motive. My attention was directed on the one hand to
the perils which appeared to be threatened by the then
existing state of things, and on the other to what
was demanded by the dignity of France. The Gal-
lant General then stated that he bad had his part in
the responsibility attached to the order t f the day
voted a month since by the Constituent Assembly, and
explained that, in his opinion, the danger was in the re
construction of the northern powers, and in the annihi-
lation of French influence. It is against that twofold
eventuality, continued the Hon. Gentleman, that I
wished to guard the Government. I did not wish for
war, and, if I am a partisan of peace, of honourable
peace, it is because I am convinced that, even if all the
states of Europe were in insurrection against their
Governments, they would rather have returned to their
former allegiance than submit to us.—(Considerable
movement.) I may be mistaken, but you have just seen
the repugnance evinced by Italy to accept our interven-
tion. You have also witnessed the diplomatic repug-
nomaocs Sardinia. I repeat that the nations w..01d
have again thrown themselves into the arms of their
e,aleeeteellezesste.as the first signal of war, and you would
t
civilisation in Lin'ope.:( efear, hear.) In 1792,
in 1830, and in 1848 various nations were in a state
of agitation. Why not leave that movement to develop
itselt ? Believe me, there is in the future a more honest
and solid guarantee than in ,all the efforts that could
be made.—(Agitation.) I dosaot think that war would
have been declared against us, but I think that when
the northern powers have attained the object which they
have in view, the difficulties not of war but of peace
will commence for us, which will be shown not by in-
sult or provocation, but by coldness and isolation. That is
in my opinion from whence danger is to be apprehended,
and it is against that danger that I thought it proper to
warn the country. By saying this I do not mean to
assert that I believe in war. Are there no means belt
for treating between state and state on those questions
which divide them? If there are, let them be adopted;
demand guarantees, seek alliances—and when you have
them bring them here. Have you alliances? If you
have, say so. I do not ask you to give me a reply to-
day, for it is not for me to show myself so pressing to-
wards the Government; but what I wish is that the
Ministry should be warned, and that it should seek for
serious guarantees and for alliances. If these cannot be
found, then will commence another order of ideas, and
it will be time to take counsel thereon. This is the
seiutary advice which I am desirous to give to the Go-
vernment."
The Moniteur announces that the Government of
the Republic has been informed that the port of An-
cona has been effectually blockaded by ships of war of
the Austrian navy. The Austrian Minister on noti-
fying officially that measure to the French Chargé
d'Affaires at Vienna added, " that the sole object of
the Austrian Government is to co-operate in the re-
establishment of the Pontifical authority (Ancona
being occupied by Austrian troops in the name of
his Holiness), and that the blockade shall be raised
when that object shall have been effected."
The Moniteur du Soir contains the following :
"A storyjehas been put into circulation at the
Bourse, to the effect that the credit of 1,200,000 f ,
accorded by the Constituent Assembly for the expe-
dition to Italy, was exhausted ; that the con-
tractors for the army had refused to accept bills on
the Treasury for the supplies they might have to
make to the army ; that it was consequently necessary
to demand a further credit of from 20,000,000 f. to
25,000,000 f., and to have recourse to the credit of the
Bank. It is pitiable to employ such means of attack on
the Government, and to display such profound ignorance
of affairs. Every one ought to knew that the budget of
war opens to the Government the credits necessary for
the ordinary expenses of the army, and that, conse-
quently, if the extraordinary expenses of the army
ebould become insufficient, it would not be a new credit
of from 20,000,000 f. to 2.5,000,000 E which would have
to be demanded for an effective force scarcely amounting
to 30,000 men. It ought to be known, also, that bills on
the public Treasury of France, which are paid with the
most scrupulous exactitude, are everywhere received as
the very best investment."
Letters from Toulon of the 231 instant announce
the arrival there of the steam-vessel Ariel on the
preceding evening, after a short passage from Civita
Vechia of 24 hours. At her departure it was an-
nounced that the besieging army before Rome had
effected three practicable breaches, and that prepara-
tions were being made for the assault. In addition
to the two regiments of infantry and four batteries
of artillery lately shipped at Toulon for Italy, a con-
siderable body of troops was expected to be embarked
for the same destination.
Count MAMIANI, formerly Minister of Foreign
Affairs to the POPE, has arrived in Paris. The object
of his visit is said to be " a mission having reference
to the foreign relations of Rome."
The National says—" Several journals announce
that the English Ambassador has presented a note to
the PRESIDENT of the Republic, in which the English
Government demands explanations as to what the
French Government intends to do at Rome, when
they shall have entered the city. We are certain,
bf
and
e o r
teh haatn df,o thatr a
mostt hi s ni
no
ct eo wt r iol m
in
no
rrpteiabrlaiesi n
that
h eunanswered,aatsotnh.errh
e aall French
latbwona Gts
rumouredo
the ell ma t et
enrt
eosetse
rndoaty itself know anything at
Go-
vernment had received information that the Romans
had assumed the offensive, and had driven Outemois
troops from the bastions. Certain it is that OUDINOT
was
i‘i.nopt in
Escise
a;oNsTnission of Romer,anew
agent
on the 23d
from the
Roman
Government, has arrived in IfuNacrEnissen.ely:f
jtubseEabos7e.nee
of
ndeeTxsae
hwcyl
co: s
ne:,gfßrlri
French
lgms
cUtl
,hyoßril Seti
that
mieEgbi—ntt
Recites
IsdP:uit
innßaddi
consequence
Railway
Ee
TYREE O'CLC,CY.—The business done to-day was
Rome;s
cius
sstpt
oe
ncul
remainsator speculators not
nchoosing
presentto run
position.rdiistktos
little w aoyr noSh ares
businessw er
were
waswe weals
done.a l 1
An attempt was made to bolster up the market by dis-
-32.000E, but they did not prevent a tall in the
market. Exchange on London (30 days), 25 37i;
counting
(90 days), 25 27k.
BUSINEbS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK-RxCHANGE, JUNE 27.
noulogue and Amiens, 7%—Central of
_Franco (OrleaLis

and Vierzon)' 121/1 —East Indian, 3—Namur and Liege, 71/.
—Northern of France. 10 OrMas and Bordeavix.
Tours and Nantes,

SPAIN.

Madrid papers of the 22d haw,' .neen received. .
Queen CHRISTINA iS still at Aranjuez, recovering
from a slight indisposition according to some ac-
counts ; most dangerously ill according to others ;
indeed, it was reported in Madrid on the 221 that
she was dead.

The first article of the tariff law has been adopted
by the Chamber of Deputies.
MADRID BOLSA, JUNE 22.—Our Funds are firm.
Three per Cents., 251; Five pi-r Cents., 10ii paper.

GERMANY

AND

THE NORTHERN STATES.

BAD EN.

A dispatch from Stra,burgh of the 26th sap—
" Carlsruhe was occupied yesterday by the Prussians.
Two Baden regiments passed over to their side.
The insurgents are concentrating themselves at; itas-
tacit. The Provisional Government withdrew last
night from Offenburg to Frihurg."
MIEROSLAWSKI has retired to the Black forest.