The Sun.
London, England, 1831-01-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

A very curious pamphlet has just been sent us,
etititled Statement of the Proceedings regarding the
Election of a Delegate at Cupar, &c., which lays
stronger grounds for a Reform in the Representa-
tion of Scotland than any publication that has of
late appeared. It probably may not be known to
all our readers, that there is only one burgh or city
in &ethnic' which engrosses a whole Member of
Parliament to inself. All the rest are divided into
districts of four or five, which have each a fraction
of a Member, and share a Member between them.
As the election cannot take place by town councils
or corporations, meeting in a body, each burgh of a
district empowered to make a Legislator elects a
delegate, and sends him to one of the said bo-
roughs, which is called the returning borough for
the time. Thus the Member is at last returned by
these four or five individuals, who, however, re-
ceive their instructions from their respective coun-
cils to support a particular candidate. The district
of burghs which includes Cupar, consists of Cupar,
Forfar, St. Andrew's, Perth, and Dundee. At the
general Election the candidates for representing
these pure corperations.in Parliament were the Hon.
Smart Wortley, the son of Lord Wharneliffe, and
the lion. Col. Ogilvy, the brother of Lerd Airlie.
Mr. Wortley contrived .to make himself suddenly
known to that distant part of the empire as the best
representative -that could be found either north or
south of the Tweed, and won the hearts of three
corporations, who probably before had remained in
culpable ignorance that such a promising young
statesman was in existence. Perth, St. Andrew's,
and Dundee, were the burghs on which this light
from the south beamed, The remaining two, Cu-
par and Forfar, were equally distinguished for saga-
city in discovering the merits of Colonel Ogilvy.
Mr. Wortley, of course, ought to have been the
undisputed Member, as he had three against two;
but it so happened that the Corporation of Dundee
was in a state of i;uspended animation, and could
lend him no support. It had been disfranchised in
March by a judgment of the Court of Session, and
not having recovered its rights, could not of course
communicate any rights to Mr. Wortley. Colonel
Ogilvy had but two boroughs in his favour; but as
Forfar was the returning borough, its delegate pos-
sessed two votes—one, as a delegate, and the other
as a President. A Parliamentary Committee de-
cided against Mr. Wortley, because, without Dun-
dee, he was in a minority ; and against Colonel
Ogilvy, because he was proved to have treated or
entertained the electors with a view to their votes.
Both gentlemen, therefore, lost the kilos of their
contest—of their harangues—and of their dinners.
The pamphlet, which is written in the interest of
Colonel Ogilvy, expresses great indignation at the
grounds of this Parliamentary decision against him.
The Treating Act, being an English Statute, had
hitherto been entirely overlooked in deciding on
Scotch election cases, and, if rigidly enforced,
would probably turn out the whole of the repre-
sentation for the Scotch burghs. Even Mr. Wort-
icy himself, who carried to these benighted regions a
knowledge of the English Treating Act, is averred
not always to have adhered to the rigid virtue
which it enjoins. Without having the fear of the
statute or of private economy before his eyes, he is
said to have incurred a bill of 3481. 12s. 10(1. in one
inn at Forfar,—a sum which might have supported
the Whole corporation for a month. The follow-
ing is said to be the bill which the Hon. Gentleman
paid for his first election dinner; and, judging from
the small proportion of it allotted to viands-
-41. 10s. out of 691.—we should be led to conclude
that the Town Council of Forfar was the most
thirsty municipality in Europe : s. d.
" Ginger-beer, 6s. ; brandy, 420 s 1 6 0
" Champagne, 20/. ; claret, 211 4l 0 0
Gin, 20s. ; ale, 16s.
" Brandy toddy, 2/. ; gin ditto, 1/ 3 0 0
" Dinner, 41. 10s. ; Madeira, 171. 10s 22 0 0

" £69 2 0"
'Falstaff 's sack bills and tavern reckonings were
nothing to this.
" Prince Henry —Search his pockets. What host
thou found ?

" Poins—Nothing but papers, my Lord.
" Prince Henry—Let's see what they be : read them.
" Poins—ltem, a Capon, 20. 2d.

Item, Sauce, 4d.

Item, Sack, two gallons, ss. Bd.
Item Anelmvief4, and Sack after supper, 2s. 6d.
2

Item, Bread, a halfpenny."

By the small sum charged for dinner, the party must
have consisted of only ten or twelve members of the
corporation, who drink 11/. worth of champagne and
claret, and 171. 10s. Gel. worth of Maderia ; besides
brandy, gin, and other liquors. If such treating was
considered as nothing by Mr. \Vu thy, how enor-
mous must have been the consumption of claret and
chi:mpagne which lost Colonel Oeilvy his seat ?
Since these two gentlemen have been driven froet
the field, two other candidates have entered it, one
~t 51 lemt deserves to represent a purer body of
constitueres. The gentleman to whom we allude is
Mr..lt !Trey, now Lord Advocate of Scotland. The
Lew tied Lord succeeded to tie votes of Mr. Wortley,
in Perth and St. Andrew's, but Colonel Ogilvy's
brother had intrenehed himself itt Cupar and Forfar.
The great aim, therefore, of the Lord Advocate's
ftiends, was to dislodge Captain Ogilvy from one
ref those burghs, as, by having the casting vote,
they secured a mejority. We are not bound to
believe every word of the statement contained in
this pamphlet as to the means employed by the
candidates to obtain their objects, hut as it is evi-
dently written by a law-agent of one of the parties,
it may be considered at least like what happens
in similar cases of excitement. Promises, solemnly
given, and broken—pledges made and withdrawn—
intrigues and influence of A kinds—threats and
elfers of advantage—distinguish a contest for the
vote of a rotten borough in a remote part of Scot-
land, having only a fifth part of a parliamentary de-
kgation at its •disposal, as much as any conclave
which ever elected a sovereign to the Catholic
world. One of the deacons to the trades is said to
have been kidnapped in returning home from dinner,
to he kept in prison till the election was over.
The body of this deacon was enly forthcoming on
the threat of procuring a legal, warrant to search
for it in the nts. Another deacon bad to resist
the ducat of being turned out of his house in the
Duke of Newcastle style. Other members of the
Council were seized for fictitious debts, by messen-
gers at arms, that they might be in prison when the
elcctiou came on. We quote the following passage,
as a curious instance of the manner in which elec-
toral independence is assailed or believed to be as-
sailed, nort h of the Tweed :
‘• The Right Ilon. Lody Mary Lindsay Cranford was
)(Attested to ende,:vour to prevail with Deacon Robertson
to thr,,w overboard his Ogilvy pledge.' Lady Mary's
it,:ent carried out Deaccsu Robertson to the Priory, the re-
sidr nce of her Ladyship, on a request to speak with her
Ladyship on some business. The Deacon's friends advised
him to beware of going thither, lest he should be shut up
Ca re by the serrants, and detained. The Deacon tie-
d wed that he would wait on her Ladyship as requested,
and that his friends need have no apprehensions about him.
This Deacon has Highland blood in his veins, and has not
degenerated from the proud spirit of his country, nor for-
gotten the attachments of his forefathers. When the Lord
Ogilvy of the day, the eldest son of the Earl of Airlie, led
out his clan in support of the unfortunate House of Stuart,
the ancester of Deacon Robertson went forth and shared
the perils of his chief. On the present occasion he let it
be known to the agent of Lady Mary Lindsay Cranford,
that he had arms on his person which he ?could use
against any attempt upon his freedom. He waited on
her Ladyship, who personally pcssessed too much of the
honour ab'e spirit of the noble House of Lindsay and Cran-
ford, to attempt to break down the honour or iktegrity or
a tradesman in her neighbourhood. Lady Mary requ,sted
Mr. Robertson to vote for the Lord Advocate. But upon
an explanation by the Deacon, that he could not do so
having previously promised to
consistently with honesty,
vote for Captain Ogilvy, Lady Mary Lindsay Cranford
Ares:-ed him no farther, and courteously dismissed him."
he consequence of these maliceuvres on the, part
of Mt.. ,Jeffrey's friends, was a majority of the Town
Council of Cupar in his favour an the day of eke.
tion, till the sudden irruption of a member who

was supposed to have been imprisoned, defeated the
scheme. The Provost, on seeing this unwelcome
euest,—at the sight of whom he expressed as much
horror as Macbeth at Banquo' ghost,--ret ired with
all his paktisans, in order to defeat the election, and
it is doubtful whether the vote of the party who
kept possession of the Hall can have any validity.
The Lord Advocate's name is used on this occasion
because he was a candidate, but there appears no
proof that he either arranged or advised any of the
manoeuvres ascribed to his party. That they were
practised, however, there can be no doubt ; and if
the perfect mcekcry of the Scotch representation
was not already universally acknowledged, we
would recommend this pamphlet to general perusal
as an evidence of the fact. A whole session of do-
quent harangues could not be so persuasive in favour
of Reform.—Dimes.

If we may believe the Constitutionnel the object
of the Special mission of the Duke de Montemart
to St. Petersburg!), is intervention in behalf of Po-
land. The tight of intervention in this case, rests
on the erection of Poland into a governmtn►, apart
from that of Russia, in 1814—
" The same Sovereign," says the Coustitutionnel, " is
at the head of the two States; but the two States, go-
verned by distinct laws and institutions, are, or ought to
have been, independent of ea,th other. Should the King
of Poland present himself at the head of a fraction of the
Polish Nation, to re-establish the plenitude of his au-
thority, this is a right which Treaties imposed by force
have given him ; but should the Emperor of All the Rus-
sia* arrive at the head of his thousand cohorts, to subject
once more to his iron sceptre the countrymen of Kosci-
ucko and Poniatowski, what is this but Russian interven-
tion in Po►and ? Here then, we should have the principle
of non-intervention, adopted by France and England, vio-
lated in its essence."

Assuming the accountof the Constitutionnel to be
correct, how much it is to be regretted that the
Emperor Alexander was thwarted by Lord Castle-
reagh in his views regarding Poland. We well re-
member the sensation produced by the publication
of Lord Castlereagh's letter from Vienna, in which
he spoke of the dangerous pretensions of Russia.
It was perhaps too readily assumed that Alexander
was playing the hypocrite respecting Poland. It is
now generally believed that Alexander was then
sincere in wishing to restore Poland to indepen-
deuce. Alexander, like many other weak men,
was a very different man at different times. Ile
was besides a religious enthusiast, and the strange
vicissitudes he had witnessed, strengthened in him
the belief that Heaven never allowed nations or in-
dividuals to profit long, even in this world, by the
fruits of crime. He might conceive, therefore, that
a judgment would overtake Russia and his own
House for the partition of Poland. Whatever may
have been the views of the mystical associate of
Madame Krudener, if Poland had been united in a
separate Sovereignty under the Russian Emperor,
the struggle of the Poles at the present time would
have been attended with much less difficulty. The
following is the account given by the Marquis of
Londonderry, in his Narrative of the War in Ger-
many and France, of the views of Alexander, to
which Lord Castlereagh opposed himself :
" Many of the sincerest friends of his Imperial Ma-
jesty regarded with deep anxiety and sorrow the false sys-
tem which he bad unfortunately adopted. He now de-
clared his determination of possessing himself irrevocably, in
defiance of his Allies and the universal voice of Europe,
of almost the whole Duchy of Warsaw ; while he meant
to gratify, if possible, his friend the King of Prussia with
the kingdom of Saxony. His design was to create all
the Polish provinces attached to the Russian empire into
a new kingdom, to be called the Kingdom of Poland, and
to be governed by the Russian Emperor under a free Con-
stitution. This measure was viewed in two lights—first,
as a mere projsct of Russian aggrandizement, giving her
an accession of four millions of subjects, and in fact the
keys of Berlin and Vienna; and secondly, as obtaining a
complete command over Prussia, and a most dangerous in-
fluence in Germany, rendering also the former subservient
to Russian views as a vassal Power. The King of Prussia,
by the above measures, would be driven to compensate the
less of his frontiers by a measure extremely unpopular
throughout Germany; and under this view the idea of a free
Constitution for Poland was considered as a false pretext. It
added weight to alleged projects of Russian ambition, by
exposing the policy of the Emperor Alexander to the
charge of duplicity as regarded his Polish subjects, and of
injustice to the King of Saxony. It was, moreover,
taking unjust advantage of the King of Prussia, assuming
a threatening attitude towards Austria, and undue in-
fluence over Germany—usurping, in short, a preponderance
which might he fatal to Europe. This arrangement was
viewed also on the principle that the Emperor of Russia's
design, as to giving his new Polish Kingdom a free Con-
stitution, was sincere ; that he really intended, on the
principles he proposed, to erect twelve millions of Poles
into a distinct kingdom, and to separate all the Russian-
Polish Provinces from the Russian Empire for that pur-
pose ; to govern that kingdom by a separate Constitution
exclusively Polish, viz , a Polish Senate, Polish Chambers
of Police nd Finance, and a Polish Army ; all his Rus-
sian governors, employes, and troops, to be removed
within the ancient ►imits of Russia.

" In the event of this latter plan succeeding, the dan-
ger to Europe was considered the same, if not greater, at
the moment; but it was compensated by the prospects it
held out, that at no distant period, Poland, having ac-
quired at once freedom and consistency, might, when
Alexander was no more, become impatient of sabser-
viency to a Russian Monarch. In its consequent struggle
it might be supported by the neighbouring States in esta-
blishing its independence, by choosing a Sovereign from
among its own hereditary race of Princes. This latter
view of the subject caused, I believe, sonic alarm among
his Imperial Majesty's Russian subjects, who were sensible
of its more than possible danger, and who thought them-
selves bound in duty to resist in their Monarch a project
at once deemed dangerous and eltimerical. It was, how-
ever, to promote this great event (as a measure of duty
early imposed on his conscience, and according to his own
creed), that the Emperor was determined to act. For
this he was ready to resign all the reputation, character,
and glory be had acquired ; to lie no longer considered as
the saviour, the pacificator of Europe, but to be looked
on as a Monarch, who disregarded treaties and engage.
Inuits for an object of atnbition and caprice ; and to incur,
finally, the odium of many of his own subjects, and defy
the sentiments of Europe."

Lord Castlereagh might be justified in putting the
worst construction on the motives of the Emperor
Alexander ; for his Lordship had never probably
seen religion put forward with any other view than
to over-reach. If, however, twelve millions of Poles
had then been formed into a separate nation, under
the Russian Emperor, the independence of Poland
would long ere now have been secured. We need
not say, that, compared with this, all the patch-work
of the Congress of Vienna sinks into insignificance.
That Alexander would have succeeded in his object
but for England, is beyond a doubt. If the Poles
should therefore fail in their glorious endeavours,
arid the plains of Warsaw be once more covered
by the victims of Russian tyranny and cruelty, it
may be said that England, which has incurred
her enormous debt in wars for the preservation of
an unintelligible balance of power, did nothing to
prevent the partition of Poland, but exerted herself
to prevent the execution of a design which would
infallibly have led to its independence. The Journal
des Debats contains an extract of ts private letter from
Warsaw, dated 28th December. We have reason
to believe, that the views of the writer of this letter
are tolerably correct. Well-informed military men
laugh at the accounts of large Russian armies ad-
vancing against the Poles. The most mistaken no-
tions are entertained in this country of the force
which Russia can bring into the field at one time.
In the first place, a Russian army is always twice as
numerous on paper as in reality, for the Russian
()dicers indemnify themselves for the smallness of
their pay by false musters. The Russians are a
very good people in many respects; but they are
somewhat like the Southsea Islanders of fifty
years ago (before the Missionaries had made
Methodists of them), who could never see the use
of honesty. A Colonel pockets without scruple the
pay of five hundred out of a thousand. " The
only forces (says the writer) of which Russia can
promptly dispose against Poland, are composed of
three corps, commanded by Generals Pahlen,
Sachet), and Rosen. These three corps united
form only one hundred and twenty thousand men.
Supposing them in a condition to operate their
junction, which is impossible at present, they would
not be able to Meastu e their strength with our army

supported by the whole nation." We are not,
therefore, without hopes. The Poles have a small
but an excellent army, well commanded, and they
may oppose a larger force to the Russians than the
latter can move on any point. Napoleon had a
small force compared with that of the Allies, in
1814, but he often gained great advantages over
their separate armies, and it was long congidered
doubtful whether they would ever reach Pari•.;--
Morning Chronicle.
The short time which has now to elapse before
the six rioters at Winchester, who lie under sen-
tence of death, shall perish on the scaffold, unless
the mercy of the prerogative interpose between the
stern law and its victims, induces us to make one
more effort to call fcrth the saving energy of that
mercy which is the most beautiful attribute of the
Kingly power, and which _ . _

" becomes
" The sceptre] Monarch better than his crown."
In making this appeal we but express the feelings
and wishes of thousands and thousands of intelligent
and considerate people, who have quite as much ab-
horrence of acts of popular violence and outrage as
the few who thirst for sanguinary examples. But
they object to the taking the lives of these rioters
because, in the first place, the law is too severe, and
ought not, at a time when the public are looking
forward to its amendment, be carried into unrelent-
ing execution. Because, secondly, the crimes in the
present instance have had their origin in deep and
extensive distress, and were committed under the
influence of ignorance, delusion, and excitement,
subsequently to repeated and rain calls upon the
Legislature for its interference in the way of inquiry
and relief. Because, thirdly, the disturbances,
criminal as they were, did not cause the loss of a
single life ; and, if those executions take place, all
the bloodshed caused by the riots will he on the side
of the law. Because, fourthly, public opinion is
decidedly against the intended sacrifice of life, and, if
the offenders die, they will suffer amid general com-
miseration, which will extenuate their guilt in
consequence of the severity of the atonement.
—For these reasons, we say, thousands and
thousands of intelligent and considerate people
wish the sword of the law, ere its exterminating
edge descends, to be averted by the arm of mercy
When people are driven to desperation by distress,
and that, too, distress against which no foresight
could guard them, and from which no industry could
protect, their actions may be criminal and dangerous,
but they have not the taint of systematic depravity
and hardened guilt. When the labouring popula-
tion rose formerly under the guidance of sueh leaders
as a Tyler, a Cade, or a Kett, they avenged their
grievances in the blood of their real or supposed
oppressors, and, when vanquished, they could but
suffer death, like the modem rioters, who had it fre-
quently in their power to take away life,under feelings
of great exasperation, yet refrained, and have not in
their last moments to accuse themselves with blood-
guiltiness towards any one of those whom they re-
garded as their worst enemies. The suffering and
infuriated people have, indeed, in a wonderful man-
ner, respected the sacredness of life. Let not the laws
be so executed as to make them at any future time
think lightly of shedding the blood of those who, in
the real or fancied character of oppressors, may fall
within their power. The lives of the Ex-Minsters
of France have been spared ;—the rioters and ma-
chine-breakers of England are innocence itself com-
pared with them. Is France to teach us lessons in
Christianity and civilization? and is England to re-
buke the mild spirit of criminal justice in France by
giving unjust and unnecessary examples of extermi-
nation ? We say unjust, because the mitigating
circumstances under which the offences have been
committed, if taken into the account, would, of
themselves, constitute a recommendation to mercy;
and we say unnecessary, because the disturbances
and machine-breaking (which are quite distinct from
the crimes of the incendiaries) are now put down,
and the destruction of life will have a greater ten-
dency to irritate than to pacify. Can there be a
more decisive proof of the impolicy of sacrificing
life, under such circumstances, than the fact that
every place of any importance in the county, where
the offences of the Winchester convicts have been
perpetrated, have presented petitions for mitigation of
punishment—namely, Portsmouth, Ramsey, South-
ampton, Gosport, Basingstoke, Whitchurch, and
other towns; while in London a petition to the
same effect was in twenty hours signed by upwards
of 6,000 householders ? Can mercy, so advocated,
be denied 2—Morning Herald.

SPECIAL COMMISSION.

AYLESBURY, Jar. 12.

Thomas Blizzard, John Moody, Joseph Briant,
John Crutch, William Hancock, Samuel mner-
fteld, William Arthur Wright, Edmund
Barton, William Butler, John Sarney, Jas. Barton,
Robert Carey, John Dandridge, John East, Thos.
Fisher, IVilli~ana Knibhs, Joseph Priest, John Rey-
nolds, Arthur Salter, William Shi•impton, James
Stone, Henry Walker, and Richard Ilicedon, were
placed at the bar, indicted for having, on the 29th
of November last, unlawfully, riotously, and tumul-
tuously assembled together, to the disturbance of the
public peace, at the mill of Mr. William Robert
Davis, at Chipping Wycombe, and with feloniously
destroying certain machinery used in the manufac-
ture of paper in the said mills.
All the prisoners are young men or boys, with
the exception of Shrimpton, who appears upwards
of GO, arid Sarney, who is also advanced in life.
The latter has been the keeper of a beer-shop.
Mr. GURNEY, in stating the case, observed that
the indictment charged the prisoners with having
riotously assembled, in company with a great number
of other individuals (amounting to several hundreds),
and with destroying the machinery of a paper-mill,
belonging to the prosecutor. The history of these
transactions clearly showed bow such illegal matters
proceeded from bad to worse, till checked by the
promptitude and resolution of the honest and well-
disposed part of the community. Yesterday the
Jury had heard a narrative of the events that
occurred in the neighbourhood of Wycombe, in
the beginning of the day on the 29th November;
it would now become their duty to listen to an
account of some of the concluding transactions of
that day,when the civil power, having assembled in
greater strength than previously, was enabled to
disperse the mob, and take many of the individuals
composing it into custody, although unfortunately
they did not succeed in preserving Mr. Davis's ma-
chinery. The Learned Gentleman here recapitu-
lated the !proceedings of the mob, from the period
of its assembling at Wycombe marsh, on the morn-
in;; of the 29th of November, till its dispersion at
Mr. Davis's manufactory on the evening of that day.
After mentioning the places visited, and the several
outrages committed by it, Mr. Gurney observed,
that the mob had not preceeded so far as the mill of
Mr. Davis, without encountering some interruption.
The High Sheriff attempted to put down the riot
in concert with some Magistrates, but without suc-
cess. The Riot Act was twice read, and every
effort made to disperse this dangerous assemblage,
but for some time the attempt was unavailing.
When the mob reached the pro.ecutor's mill, every
possible resistance was offered to its progress by
some gentlemen and special constables, who were
present, and attempted to protect the mill and ma-
chinery. These individuals were attacked by the
mob in a most brutal and desperate manner; one part
of the rioters succeeding in breaking into and destroy-
ing the mill, while another was employed in
opposing the civil power, and preventing their com-
panions from experiencing any interruption in the
performance of their illegal task. In whichever of
these parties individual prisoners might have been,
their crime was the same. It was not necessary
that a man should be proved to have committed acts
of violence with hi!, own hands upon such an occa-
sion ; whoever was present with the mob, swelling
its force and terror, and lending it the assistance uf
his countenance and support, was equally guilty as
if he had destroyed the machinery, or personally
resisted the civil power. Several of the prisoners

would be identified as having been employed in
breaking the machinery or resisting the magistrates.
There was one, James Stone, who he understood
was not a-native of this county ; however, he be-
lieved the prisoner did not leave his home for the
purposes of outrage, but with a different object. It
would seem, nevertheless, that he had lent himself
to the advice or persuasion of others, and that he
took part in those unlawful transactions. Evidence
was then adduced, after which the Jury returned a
verdict acquitting William Butler, Barton, R.
Carey, J. East, T. Fiber, A. Salter, J. Stone, and
H. Walker, and finding the others Guilty. The
jury recommended the prisoners to mercy.
Charles Clement, James Chapman, William Seals,
James Stapps, Charles Barnett, Henry Wetherell,
Richard Water; field, John Coleshill, and Willianz
Evans, were indicted for having riotously assembled,
on the Ist of December, to disturb the King's
peace ; and being so assembled, did beat and ill-
treat John Godliman, in the parish of Iver. The
three last prisoners were also charged with having
feloniously stolen 2s. from the person of Mary Lake,
on the King's high road.
John Godliman examined.—ls a labourer in the
employment of Mr. Allen, at Iver. Remembers
ten people coming to his master's farrn•house on
the Ist of December last, about eleven o'clock in
the morning. Some of them were armed with
sticks. They said they were going to raise their
wages, and wanted prisoner to go with them. Wit-
ness refused, and then William Seals and Charles
Barnett collared him. The other prisoners were in
the yard at the time witness was collared. Witness
siru2gled, and his shirt and waistcoat were torn off
his back. John Coleshill pushed witness behind,
and said he must go with them. The prisoner after-
wards went away.
Cross-examined by Mr. BLIGII —Knew the pri-
soners a long time. They were all very drunk; and
they tried to persuade witness in a friendly way to
go with them. When his shirt was torn, one of the
prisoners went off to get him a fresh one.
- Miss Lake examined—Lives near Iver. Was
returning on the Ist of December last from the
town of Iver, when she, met a dozen or fourteen
persons together. They had sticks in their hands.
When they came near, she left the footpath, but
they crossed over the road after her, and said they
wanted money, and money they would have. She
told them that if they behaved with civility she
would give them some. She was alarmed, and gave
them 2s. The man who received the money was
called Coleshill. The occurrence took place about
noon. The spot where witness met these people
was about 200 yards distant from Mr. Allen's house.
Knows a person named Church. He was close to
witness when these persons came up to her.
William Church—Lives at lver. Identified Coles-
hill, Evans, and Wakefield, as the persons who
stopped Miss Lake. They also asked for money
from him. Evans was standing by the side of Miss
Lake with his hat off.

Mr. Baron BOLLAND charged the Jury, who found
all the prisoners guilty of riot, and acquitted them
of the charge of assault.
Wakefield, Coleshill, and Evans were acquitted
on an indictment for robbing Miss Lake, no evidence
being offered in support of the charge.
Adjourned at half-past seven till nine o'clock to-
morrow morning.

DORCHESTER, JAx. 11.

The Grand Jury had not been long out of Court,
when they returned with a true bill against James
ll'iMing, who was immediately Fut on his trial.
The business of this Commission will, it is pro-
bable, not occupy the time of their Lordships be-
yond Thursday. There are not moro than 50 per-
sons to lie tried. Of these, several have two or
three indictments against them. These, if pressed,
will swell the calendar to the same extent as if 18
prisoners were added. The number of indictments
to be sent before the Grand Jury, does not, we are
informed, exceed 26. The crimes are chiefly rob-
bery, breaking machines, and riot. There is one
charge of rescuing prisoners who were in custody
for felony at Shaftesbury. The dates of the offences
range from the 23d of November to the Ist of De-
cember, both inclusive. The dates of the offences
in the three counties are worthy of remark, as they
tend to negative any notion of previous concert
amongst the rioters of the three counties which was
at first believed. In Hampshire the dates of the
disturbances ranged from the lath to the 26th of
November, both included ; but the greater number
and the most serious riots and acts of outrage were
on the 22d and 23d. In Wiltshire they ranged
from the 20th to the 27th, the greatest num-
ber being on the 24th and 25th ; but in that
county there were several on the 23d. In this county,
as we have stated, the dates are from the 23d of
November to the Isr of December. There were
a few acts of machine-breaking and robbery on the
2:3d ; but the greatest number of riots took place on
Saturday, the 27th, and Monday-, the 29th of No-
vember. It would appear from these dates that the
riots in Wilts and Dorset were rather the conse-
quence of the accounts which reached those places
of the disturbances in Hants than of any previous
concert.