The Sun.
London, England, 1836-03-09 00:00:00

mentary effect, but of misleading the House as to the number of
sheriffs who would be elected by the popular voice in the dif-
ferent corporate towns of Ireland. The charge was that he
had led the House to believe that in every corporate town in
Ireland the sheriff was to be appointed by the town council.
Now, if the House had put that construction on what he had
sail, he had done the House much wrong, for he did suppose
that the House was fully aware that all corporate towns, not
being counties of cities, had no sheriffs at all. There were
but I 1 towns in Ireland in which, by possibility, a sheriff or
clerk of the peace could be elected by the town-cotincil.
His ( Sir Robert Peel's) objection applied to every elective
officer—( Hear, hear)—who might be appointed, after a
severe contest, to perform the functions connected with the
administration of justice. But when the Right Hon. Gentle-
man charged him with a watt of candour he ought to allow
him to remind him that the question of population ought also
to be taken into consideration. In those 11 towns there was
a population of 638,000, and he did think this fact alone was
a strong argument. The Bill provided that all local matters,
and all matters connected :;ith any bridge adjoining the town, ;
or the port and harbour thereof, should be entrusted to the
management of the town-council, any person refusing- to give
a true account in writing of matters connected therewith might
be committed by the mayor to prison for three months.—
( Hear. ) But he was speaking of the administration of justice.
The Noble Lord (J. Russell), and the Noble Secretary at
War, bad admitted that there ought to be some separate pro- ;
vision to secure this object ; that it was a fair subject for the
consideration of the Committee.
Lord J. RU SSELL observed that the Crown had under I
the Bill the power of rejection.
Sir R. PEEL—Yes ; but he had attempted to show how
insufficient was the control, how divided the responsibility.
It w onld be better to give the Crown the nomination. Let
them look at the reports before the House, and they would find
convincing proofs that popular election would not secure the
due administration of justice.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon.
Gentleman then emoted the opinion of Mr. Barrington, given
in 18:?.5, r.;ainst 6he efficiency of charter justices, as compared
with county magistrates, on the ground that the firmer did
not act as the latter did, under a sense of responsibility
to the Lord Chancellor. Why then should the mayor be one
of the corporate justices, when he was elected annually, arid
perhaps after a severe contest? He knew that on that point
also they must give way. They could not resist the force of
that argument, and the practical authority of their own reports.
—(Cheers.) Then as to centralization. He complained that
when Town-councils, which would probably elect persons of
the Noble Lord's political sentiments, were in ,question, the
Noble Lord said, that centralization was much to be depre-
cated; but when the magistrates were concerned, the majority
of whom were opposed in political feeling to the Government,
then the Noble Lord found centralization an excellent system,
and deprived the magistrates of the power of appointing con-
stables • but the moment Town-councils were mentioned, he
appealed to the old constitutional principle, that those who had
local knowledge and experience were the fittest to be intrusted
with these appointments.—( Loud cheers.) The Chancellor
of the Exchequer had urged in defence of this power being
vested in the Town-council, that the police were mere watch-
men, mere Dogberries, like the old superannuated metro-
' politan watch, whose only business it was to parade about
the streets, and who had no power whatever. If so, why did
the Right Hon. Gentleman insist that they should be pre-
' served ?—( Hear, hear.) He now came to the adminis-
tration of property. With the exception of the one single ar-
gument—the analogous character of the corporate system—_
every speaker who had diverged from that beaten track had
laid great stress on his (Sir R. Peel's) 'plan, and as it seemed
to Lave made some impression, he should not attempt to evade
it. He was asked, why appoint this commission, and is it to
be permanent or temporary ? That commission was expedient
on these grounds. They (the Opposition) admitted that towns
had a right to the application of their own corporate property
to their own local purposes, and that every effort ought to be
made to recover their lost property. But there were in many
towns no authorities in existence for this purpose. He ob-
jected to investing the town-councils with the right to corpo-
rate tolls as an improvident arrangement, and cited the autho-
rity of Mr. O'Connell in 1825 in proof of the corporations
. having no title whatever to these tolls, and he contended, that
if this were satisfactorily made out, he had no doubt that the
• course which he recommended would be the most agreeable to
the people of Ireland. The Noble Lord was, however, shocked
at the mention of a Commission.—( Hear, hear.) Why, if
there was any Government which had less right than another to
astonishment from that cause, it was the Government of the No-
ble Lord—( Laughter and cheers)—which had been mainly con-
ducted in its details through the intervention of Commissions.
There was the Poor Law Commission; even the Bill which
he was now carrying through the House for the consolidation
of turnpike trusts—( Hear, hear)—had a Commission, on the
ground that petty local authorities—(Laughter)—were not
fitted to be intrusted with the management of these concerns.
Why, if the Noble Lord had so easily swallowed this wind-
mill, and now was choked with this pound of fresh Irish but-,
ter—if he would consolidate turnpike trusts, and insist on giv-
ing town councils power to collect tolls, he did say the Noble
Lord was straining at a gnat, and swallowing a camel.—
(Cheers and laughter.) And what did he (Sir R. Peel) pro-
pose? That there should be two temporary Commissioners,
to control a revenue of about 17,0001.—( Hear, hear.) But
to say that it was an insult to the people of Ireland to refuse
them Corporations, was ridiculous. Would any man, after he
went home to-night, because he was living in the borough of
Marylebone, feel himself-insulted to-morrow, when he awoke
and foundno lord mayor or town council ? Manchester and Bir-
mingham were not blessed with these institutions, from which
Belfast wished even to be released, and yet, according to the
Noble Lord, these institutions Ballingcrea and Belturbet were
dying to enjoy. It was a remarkable fact, that though by
the English Corporation Bill towns might apply for a charter
of incorporation, and the Crown was empowered to grant it, in
not one single instance, although eight months had elapsed,
bad that privilege been exercised. With respect to the ap-
pointment of municipal police, the Attorney-General for Ire-
land said, that in towns where the 9th George IV. was in ope-
ration, the election of Commissioners excited no party or reli-
gious dissensions. He took that fact as important, for, with
the exception of the appointment of municipal police and the
administration of justice, these Commissioners regulated all
municipal matters ; and if they were administered without ex-
citing party feelings, why should the Government intrust the
regulation of these concerns to a Town Council that would
have, in spite of them, a political character?—(Hear.) With
regard to the qualification, when the Noble Lord brought in
the English Corporation Bill, he stated that he had not taken
the 101. franchise as the basis for municipal qualification, be-
cause it was the Parliamentary qualification also, and he
wished a municipal election to be neutral ground. Why,
then, did he not do so in Ireland ? The municipal qualifica-
tion was also the qualification for the Parliamentary franchise,
and hence would follow the consequences which the Noble
Lord apprehended when be brought in the English Corpo-
ration Bill—that the municipal struggle would also be a poll-
' tical struggle. The Government had certainly acted strangely
in this particular.—(Hear, hear.) He should make no
reference to any other point which bad been urged in the
course of the present discussion. lle had, it was true,
been requested by many Honourable Members to ex-
plain the precise details of the measure which he proposed.
In answer to that request, be would tell Hon. Members that
the most satisfactory mode of getting •at those details will be
by voting for the motion of the Noble Lord near him, (Lord
Francis Egerton) for the only way in which he. (Sir R. Peel)
could explain the precise enactments of his plan was, by get-
ting from the house the power to make, in committee, those
provisions which he would undertake to prove to be the most
desirable for ,the object sought to be attained.—( Hear, hear. )
Proud as his Majesty's Government however were of thir
own plan, either from its similarity to his, or from other
causes, yet they would trust this side of the honk so far as
to enter into a fair competition.—(Cheers.) He admitted
that the main objection he had to the present measure was not
on account of the patronage which it would place in other
hands, but even this was a strong ground of objection, though
a secondary one ; when the effect of party differences in Ire-
land were seen to prevail to the extent which had been ad-
mitted, it, was not fit that the administration of justice, and
the management of the police of that country, should be
committed to municipal councils.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.)
The Bill provided for an annual registration of the municipal
electors in the same way as the Parliamentary electors, for
annual elections of town councillors, of mayor, and every other
corporate officers; and would it be attempted to be denied
that in each of these elections the strength of parties in a
city or borough would be tried. No man could doubt but
that politics would interfere. That corporate bodies- would
become political bodies, capable of being influenced by indi.
viduals of their own party, and of being perverted when a ne-
cessity might arise for the promotion of their own objects.—
(Loud cheers.) In short, he believed those town councils
would be soon influenced by clubs, under whose guidance no-
minations for corporate offices would be regulated. What did
he find to be now the state of things in Cork, where the num-
ber of freemen was considerable? There a club was estab-
lished which, by the unity of its members, compelled the ex-
clusion of their opponents, and enforced the selection of their
own candidates.—( Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.)
This was not all. By the post of this day be had received in-
formation of the institution of a club in the city of Dublin for
the express purpose of controlling the municipal elections.—
( Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) The proposition af-
forded a tolerable specimen of the system of govern-
ment by which Protestant wealth and intelligence was to
be protected. Oh f" " these coming events," did, indeed,
" cast their shadows before," and this was a shadow of a
system which would exclude the administration of equal jus-
tice and stop the equal flow of civil privileges. Here was esta-
blished the " Central Independent Club of the Citizens of
Dublin" at a Municipal Reform meeting, held in the Royal
Exchange on the 13th of February, 130. The document
announcing this stated that " the near approach of Corporate
Reform calls loudly for the energies of Reformers to coun-
teract the efforts of the old
the Ministerial benches.) T
Corporators of their author
ithen strip,
y. syeiti, he would
saidth say,
the
Riohtthe
Hon.old
Baronet on the other side of the House, are afraid of the in-
fluence of the old Corporators,you say, you dread the danger
of the two parties being pitted. against each other—each being
engaged in a violent contest for offices which would have the
appointment
jeroifesGhrya‘nvdheJmurieeesa,
convictions
twhomees a
rbeiltles abree
htaodbe a
efdound,
and
Petty
ob-
tained, but your own cheer against the old Corporators
Lord,i
orssa
noisy argument in favour of the proposition of the
the Member for North Lancashire.--(Cheers.) You admit
. unconsciously, by that cheer, the consequences anticipated on
this side of the House, as likely to arise in these towns, namely,
that they would become the arenas in which contending faC-
tions would contend for victory, and that victory would taint
the equal and fair administration of justice.—( Cheers.) The
Right Hon. Baronet then proceeded to read the objects for
which the Association in Dublin was framed. He mentioned
that the establishment of Club nomination, under the

ceeding of the Legislature. He fully recollected that when
the great measure of emancipation was under consideration
in the House of Lords, the Duke of Wellington was asked,
would he aeree to Roman Catholics becoming Prime Mi-
nisters and Colonial Secretaries, and holding such high posts
as Presidents of his Majestv's Council. in answer to thet
question the Duke of Wellington, then at the head of the
Government. replied, that he would make no such distinctions
that he would leave those high offices open to persons profes-
sing the Roman Catholic religion ; and after that declaration
from such a quarter, sanctioned by the decision of Parliament,
were they to be told that Roman Catholics were unwoorrthty:) to
hold such offices as mayors, aldermen, and members
councils ?—( llear, hear.) In opposition to these views, whicher
he then took the liberty to pres.s upon the consideration of the
fDr Keoei d
house, he recollected that the `p `thee o •
that
different quoted. The House, he believed, were aware
different versions of the speeches of that individual had at
various times been given, but the utmost that could really
be established against him amounted to this—that he said
the Protestant religion would eventually fall, andhe the Roman
Catholic eligion be triumphant. Upon that,
tn, was to
be founded a reason for refusing justice to the people of
Ireland! Surely lion. Members must recollect numerous
occasions during the discussions on the Emancipation Bill,
in which for similar purposes similar speeches were read in
that House, and used and contended for as though they
were valid arguments. Had they not heard during the de-
bates on the Catholic question quotations from the speeches
of Mr. O'Connell and Dr. Doyle, and he knew not whom
else, to prove all that the speech of Dr. Keogh was now used
to establish ? But be would ask with what marvellously little
effect did such quotations as those arrest the wise, enlightened,
and liberal course of such men as were the tr'e ar.d early ad-
vocates of Catholic relief—Lord Grey, Mr. Fox, and others?
He begged pardon; those speeches were all read after Mr.
Fox's time. There was no denying for a single moment that
when the peonle were aggrieved, inflammatory expressions
fc,111; but there was mere true wisdom in cutting
1.-c,Lvr‘d branch than in assailing the per,,nt stern.
they Freared to let it go forth to the people of leeleesd,
that in some respects an English legislature had deemed it
right to grant them equal privileges, hut that in others those
privileges were to be denied? Would they allow it to go
forth that the Scotch and English municipalities were to be on
terms of perfect equality, but those of Cork, Limerick, Kil-
kenny, and even Londonderry could not be trusted, for they, it
was apprehended. would prove nothing but schools of treason
and rebellion? If such were the answer that the people of Ire-
land were to receive, had they net some reason to say that they
ought not to repose any confidence in a British legislature? The
Right Hon. Baronet opposite, the Member for Tamtvorth, at
the time of the passing of the Emancipation Bill, had most
truly said that the spirit of that measure should be carried
through every one of our institutions, and enter into every one
of the operations of the executive. To that extent, he (Lord
J. Russell) would go at once ; he would say, do not introduce
that into one institution, and exclude it from another ; all such
rules should be general, if acted on at all. Protestant and Ca-
tholic should, under all circumstances, be treated alike. He
was one of those who would not, he confessed, allow it to be
asked, had such or such a Catholic barrister been appointed to
such or such a situation ? He would reply that the Bill of
1829 bad pat an end no all such distinctions. As to the policy
which we should pursue towards Ireland, lie contended that it
would be far better to conciliate the goodwill of the people of
Ireland, by just measures, than by occupying too much time or
attention as to what might be the opinion or the influence of
the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. It was nothing to
him (Lord J. Russell) that the measures he conscientiously
brought forward and advocated in that house bad the support
of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. He cared little
for the obloquy which might attach to being supported by that
gentleman. As long as the measures were in themselves good,
and calculated to cement the union between Great Britain and
Ireland, he cared not for all the abuse and vituperation which
might be poured forth upon him.--( Hear, hear.) He professed
his belief in what the Hon. and Learned Gentlemen said as to the
effect of equal laws upon Ireland : he did believe that if the laws
were alike, and that justice were fairly administered, it would
be found that there existed on the part of the people of Ireland
no desire to separate from this country, and that heart and
hand, in liberty and he hoped in prosperity, we should all be-
come one people ; but if, on the other hand, rankling jealousy
and sectarian spirit were allowed to supervene, or rather to
continue, if the Government and the Legislaturd were to say
that they must look mainly to the promotion of their own reli-
gion, he believed that, sooner or later, through many painful
struggles, it would be found that, though the arms of England
would prove victorious, as they so often had before, yet the
repeated conquest would prove but too dearly purchased, while
a wise, salutary, and conciliatory policy would for ever avert
the danger.
Sir R. PEEL, before he applied himself to any of the
topics contained in the speech of the Noble Lord who bad
just sat down, would make one or two comments upon the
speech of the Honourable and Learned Gentleman the
Member for Dublin, as the House would recollect that
gentleman had retired from the House immediately after de-
livering his speech of that evening. He ( Sir R. Peel) had
of course not the least wish to provoke a contest with the
lion. and Learned Member for Dublin, and notwithstanding
that he had at various times been the object of much coarse, be
would not say offensive, observations from the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman, he felt no inclination to return attacks of that nature.
The complaint on the part of the Hon. Member for Dublin was,
that on a former night he ( Sir R. Peel) had misrepresented a
speech of his, by reading from a report which he alleged had
been, on account of political feelings, unfairly given. The fact
was, that that report was taken from the Mirror of Parliament,
which he now held in his hand, and he thus proved that the
Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin was wrong, and that he
( Sir R. Peel) was right.—( Hear.) -The passage to which
the Right Hon. Baronet referred was to the effect that Eng-
land had received a large instalment ; he then called upon the
people of Ireland to use their reason, and they would see that
all those bodies of representatives would in the towns through-
out Great Dritain become normal schools for the science of
agitation.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Member,
he went on to say, had charged him (Sir R. Peel), in common
with other persons who filled the office of Chief Secretary in
Ireland, with having deliberately offered an intentional insult
to the people of Ireland ; from that he scarcely thought it ne-
cessary to vindicate himself, seeing that it was a charge which
proceeded from that quarter against every person who had ever
filled the office of Chief Secretary in Ireland for many years
past : it was the customary charge brought against all who
proved obnoxious to him in his political views ; he described
them all as the etemies of Ireland, and in that there was no-
thing now ; but he must be allowed to say, that it was a
novelty to have the charge echoed in chorus by the 'Mi-
nisters of the Crown.—( Long-continued cheers.) The Hon.
Member for Dublin had charged him with injuring and in-
sulting the Irish people. He would ask his Majesty's Minis-
ters how long since he had ceased to bring similar charges
against them and their political friends? How long since they
themselves had escaped from the severity of his censures?
The whole of the Government of Lord Grey, and even many
of those Ministers now in office since that Noble Earl had
ceased to be the head of the Government, had been exposed
to teproaches of that Hon. and Learned Gentleman almost
without limitation. Now, as to the question before the House
the Hon. and Learned Gentleman said that he should demand
equal justice for Ireland ; so likewise did the opponents of the
present Bill—they, too, demanded equal justice for all classes
of Irishmen. With equal laws men could or ought to be con-
tent, but he, as well as the Hon. Member for Dublin, would
say that they ought not to be content with less ; but the ques-
tion was, would identity of corporate institutions yield that
result ? And, in considering a question of that nature, we
did not scruple to admit that the fear of ulterior consequences
was not without its weight. Nevertheless, he also admitted
that th., fear of ulterior consequences was no conclusive-I-ca-
se-a against conceding a claim really. founded in justice; but
if the extreme of justice were done now, the danger lay in
the probability of its operating injustice hereafter by an un-
equal distribution of justice. The Right Hon. Baronet.
then proceeded to observe, that the ulterior measures to which
he had alluded threatened the tranquillity of Ireland and in-
tegrity of the empire—that the House of Lords was menaced
with alterations—that Ireland was told she could have no jus-
tice till that body was elective, till household suffrage was
obtained, and a variety of similar measures. He ( Sir R.
Peel) could not rest his idea of justice to Ireland upon such a
foundation ; he should rather resist now at what might be
called the first step, than incur the hazard of being forced to
do so when the forces of the enemy were further advanced.—
(Hear, hear.) the should now proceed to analyze the speech
of the Noble Lord : and the single argument upon which it
rested was this—that having given corporate reform to Eng-
land and Scotland, would they dare refuse it to Ireland ? He
seemed to say to the House, " You shall not be at liberty to con-
sider; as to Ireland the whole matter is concluded ; you must not
think of refusing the demand of Ireland for new municipal
institutions." So far, indeed, did the Noble Lord go in his
support of ancient institutions, that he really thought he was
for re-establishing and re-endowing the monastic institu-
tions of that country. The Noble Lord quoted from that
great authority, Mr. Burke, a passage directed at first, he
thought, against the monastic establishments of the Re-
formation, but he afterwards found it was in favour of the
monastic establishments in France in the time of the
Revolution, and the Noble Lord argued, that because they
(the Opposition) were willing to abolish Municipal Cor-
porations in Ireland, they were acting in direct violation to the
sentiments of Mr. Burke. He was the more surprised at this
charge as the Noble Lord the Secretary at War had in the
course of his speech last night said that the two measures pro-
posed were so nearly sake that he hardly knew how to draw
the distinction between them, and that he was the more ena-
moured of his own measure on account of the similarity of fea-
tures, which showed that they had sprung from one stock. True,
they were not exactly the same,
Facies non una duabus !
Nec diversa tamen, qualem decet esse sororum."
(Cheers and laughter.) But what the chief and distinguish-.
ing ornament of these illustrious sisters was, that both mea-
sures provided for the complete annihilation of corporate bo-
dies.—(hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had abandoned his
argument. He said he would abide by his principles. Why,
before the Noble Lord concluded his own short speech, he
showed that he was afraid to carry out this measure on the
analogous principles for which he -c;ontended. The very first
objection which he ( Sir R. Peel) had on a former night taken
with respect to the summoning of juries, and the administra-
tion of justice, shook the Noble Lord's resolution. So stror.gly
did be feel the force of that objection, that he had resolved to
allow the Lord- Lieutenant to nominate the sheriffs and ma-
gistrates. He hoped he might be allowed to refer to the
speech of the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Attor-
ney-General for Ireland made last week, as this was in effect
but a continued debate, in which the Right Holt, Gentleman
'stated that he (Sir R. Peel) had been guilty—not exactly of :a
purposed misconstruction of the Bill, for the Right non. Gun.
tleman was only using such language as would have a Parlia.

th

„ •
Sil`N 5 LONDON, IVEDN-SDAY, MARCH 9, 1836.

telusive prtl;.ext of applying an analagous Institution in
Ii eland to that of England, will subject Ireland to that exclu-
si•re posy ession of power by one party, and that undue and
rtiat administration of justice which were considered the
m. tin evils of the present s) stem —( Hear, hear.) He, in
co mmou with his Majcsty's Government, contended for equal
justice to Ireland, and for the equal administraticn of justice,
and he now admitted fairly that he did not believe that country
could be sriely governed on any principle save that, but he
thought it of infinite importance that an established rule should
there be laid down rather than a _pretence set up of following
the example of English Municipal Reforms.—( Hear, hear.)
He knew that many Hon. Friends differed from him on the
subject of the removal of Roman Catholic disabilities.—
( Hear, hear.) He however avowed, that he did not repent
of the course he had taken. Notwithstanding the experi-
enee of the intervening time, and the disappointment of
many as to the result, yet still his conviction was not dimi-
nished, that in the year 1829, the period had arrived when,
from the state of the public mind in England, and the
division of Protestant feeling upon the subject, the main-
tenance of those disabilities could no longer be enforced.—
(Cries of " Hear, hear.") To those less sanguine than him-
self, he stated then that, upon a review of the opinions of the
country, and of the equal divisions of the House of Commons
on the subject, that his counsel was at once to consent to the
complete and unqualified removal of those disabilities. It had
been said that this proposal for corporate reform was in con-
formity with that measure. Would exclusion; he would ask,
remedy grievances ? Would the Protestant of Ireland not
complain of his exclusion from a participation in that power
to which his wealth, intelligence, and weight, entitled him ?
( Cheers.) He ( Sir IL Peel) had stated that he was willing
to incur the risk of removing Catholic disabilities, though he
foresaw the period when another contest would arise ; of that
contest he had stated himself to be ready to run the hazard,
rather than continue politic2l distinctions. In that opinion he
still remained, but he said now, repeating the words he had
used at the time to which he alluded, that if ever the contest
should arrive, when the question should be, nit the settlement
of civil equality, but of predoninanee to one sect is Ireland
over another, that then, backed by •the consciousness of hay-.
ing done justice and of being right, trusting to the suppbrt
of the Protestant
.population, he would resist, to the utmost,
any speculative. measure, however plausible in appearance,
which. L-in his judgment—was likely to diminish the
security of the Protestant Establishment or to lead to Protes-
tant persecution.—( Cheers.) In redemption of that pledge—
not knowing whether the Protestant mind in this country
would be satisfied with the measure which proposed the aboli-
tion of all monopolies of civil privileges, and seeking to esta-
blish equal laws—not, knowing, he repeated, whether the
great mass of public opinion would be satisfied, he would now
say that, supported by the consciousness of hiving done justice
—believing that the proposition of the Noble Lord (Lord F.
Egerton) was conformable with justice and better calculated
to promote the cause of " good government and quiet regula-
tion of cities and towns"—to prevent the spread of religious
dissensions, and to ensure the impartial administration of jus-
tice, rather than consent to the establishment of these munici-
pal assemblies which would form the nucleii of others still
more dangerous, he was willing to incur the hazard of rejecting
this plan in preference to incurring the greater- evils which he
believed would follow its adoption. (The Right Hon. Ba-
ronet resumed his scat amidst loud and continued cheers.)
The House then divided— _
Ayes
Noes
Majority ..

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Greek Bonds — ' French, 5 per cent. —. —c.
Ditto Bonds, 15:25 .......
Ditto Account —.---- 3 per cent. .......... --f. —c.
Mexican Bonds, 5 per cent —'— Exchange........... —f. —c. •
Ditto Account — Dutch, 25:i per cent. '6!c, 6
Duto 6 per cent ... St ; Ditto Account —
Ditto Account —l Ditto, 5 per cent.......... 10:1,4 6-.4
Neapolitan — Ditto Account

PRICES OF SHARES 'n
-us DAY Al' ONE O'CLOCK. ,
Paid. Per Shan.
Copiapa 12% 17 ii
Birmingham and Derby Railway Company 5 - WV.
Birmingham and Gloucester Railway Company 5 14'
Birmingham. Bristol, and Thames Junction 1 214
Bristol and Exeter Railway Company 214 9} B'4
Calcu'ta and Suagur Railway Company
Cheltenham and Great Western Railway
Commercial Blackwall Railway Company 2 3',4
Eastern Counties 6
1
Great North of England Rnilivay Copany .....
Great Western Railway Company lO 44 2 3 2
_
Hull ana Selby Railway Company 5 -12 ii Y.
Leetl's and Manchester Railway Company ......
Brighton Railway Company 5 17 1614 17
Brighton (Rennie's)
London and Dover Railway Company I 014
London and Birminghath Railway Company 5O 123
London and Greenwich Railway Company 2O 32 1,4 2
London and Southampton Railway Company..., 15 ' i 2 % %
Northern and Eastern Railway
North Midland Railway Company 5 1319 12
South Miriam 2!4 4,04 34
. .
. ... _ -. , ,

-... _ .. _
South Eastern Railway Company 2 ' 514 5 714.7
York and North Midland Railway Col pang 1 54
Danube and Mayne Company lO 6
London and Westminster Bank 2O 25

COURSE OF EXCH
Amsterdam C.F 12 6!4

Ditto, at sight l2 4%
Etotradain 2U. 12 7
Antwerp l2 6
Hamburg M. 13. 13 14%
Altona l3 14%

.. 243
~ 307
.. -64

The announcement of the majority was received with loud
and reiterated cheering.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that he was sure the House,
after the protracted debate of two nights, would agree in the
propriety of adjourning until Thursday. He proposed this,
although he knew that there was very important business be-
fore the House.
Sir R. PEEL wished to ask the Noble Lord when he
intended to proceed with the Civil Registration Bill ?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL replied that he intended to do
so on Monday next.
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and
the House adjourned at Four o'clock.

Paris, 3 days' sight 25 70
Ditto .:.......... ......... 2 Us 25 95
Bordeaux

Franklin t on Maine, Ex. M. 15316
Peterslotugh, ruble 3 Us. 10 0
Berlin

FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE.

DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY.
SAMUEL MAJOR, cabinet-maker, Poole.
BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED.
JOHN KEEP and JOSEPH KEEP, grocers, Nottingham.
BANKRUPTS.

JAMES BOURCHIER, oilman, Lamb's Conduit-street, to
surrender, March 21, at one, and April 19, at eleven, at the Court
of Bankruptcy. Tribe, Great Russell-street, Bloomsbury-square;
Clark, official assignee, Copthall-buildings.
HENRY BELLINGHAM, surgeon, Assembly-row, Mile End-
road, Middlesex, March 15, at two, and April 19, at twelve, at the
Court of Bankruptcy. Abbott, official assignee ; Jervis, Queen-
street, Cheapside.
JULETTA BUSHNELL, livery-stable keeper, North-row,
Park-place, Middlesex, March 18, at twelve, and April 19, at
eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, official assignee,
Pancras-lane ; Lane, Argyll-street, Regent-street.
SAMUEL MUNDY and JOSEPH MUNDY, clothiers, Brad-
ford, Wilts, March 22, at two, and April 19;" at eleven, at the
Court of Bankruptcy. Crowder and Maynard, Mansion-house-
place, London ' • Johnson official assignee, Basinghall•street.
CHARLES WILLIAM KELK, seed-merchant, Glamford
Briggs, Lincolnshire, March 30, and April 19, at eleven, at the
Lion Hotel, Glamford Briggs. Dyneley, Coverdale, and Lee,
Field-court, Gray's Inn, London ' Marris and Smith, Caistor.
JOSHUA SHAW, plumber, Heanor, Derbyshire, March 22,
and April 19, at twelve, at the George the Fourth Inn, Not-
tingham. Valiance, Essex-street, Strand, London ; Gregg, Not-
tingham.
JOHN FAULDER, sack.dealer, Birmingham, March 29, and
April 19, at one, at the New Royal Hotel, Birmingham. Arm-
strong, Red Lion-street, Clerkenwell, London.
WILLIAM HILDROW, grocer, Darlington, Durham, March
29, and April 19, at twelve, at the King's Head Inn, Darlington.
Stevenson, Darlington; Burn, Great Carter-lane, Doctors' Com-
mons, London.
JOHN IRELAND, builder, Manchester, March 19, and April
19, at ten, at the Commissioners' Rooms, Manchester. Lever,
King's-road, Bedford-row, Loudon; Ackers, Manchester.
HENRY LOCK, mill-Wright, Bracondale, Norwich, March
14, and April 19, at eleven, at the office of Mr. West, Norwich.
Lythgoe, Essex-street, Strand, London ; West, Norwich.
WILLIAM FERRY and JOHN BOOTH, glass-manufac-
turers, Carr's-hill, Durham, March 30, at eleven, and April 19, at
ono, at the Bankrupts' Commission Room, Newcastle-upon-Tyne.
Briggs, Gateshead ; Bell, Brodrick, and Bell, Bow Church-yard,
Cheapside, London.
JOSEPH HADLEY, bone and horn button-manufacturer, Bir-
mingham, March 19, and April 19, at twelve, at the Anchor Inn,
Tewkesbury, Gloucestershire. Gatty, Red Lion-square, London;
Cresswell, Birmingham ; Sproule, Tewkesbury.
WILLIAM THORN, ironmonger, Shaftesbury, Dorsetshire,
March 21, and April 19, at eleven, at the Grosvenor Arms Inn,
Shaftesbury. Yenning and Naylor, Tokenhouse-yard, Lothbury,
London ; Chitty, Shaftesbury.
- CHARLES NEEDHAM, the younger, and EDWARD
PEARCE, power-loom cloth-manufacturers, Salford, Lancashire,
March 23, and April 19, at eleven, at the Commissioners' Rooms,
Manchester. Scott, Lincoln's-Inn-fields, London ; Greenhaigh,
Manchester.

DIVIDENDS.
At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street.
J. Buckley, Manchester, and C. Nunn, gingham manufacturers,
Old 'Change, Cheapside, March 29, at twelve—J. Gallier, car-
penter, Park-street, Regent's Park, March 28, at two—H. Geode,
seedsman, Harpur-street, Red Liou-square, March 28, at ten—J.
S. Feaks, cordwaincr, Cambridge, March 23, at eleven—F. C.
Westley, bookseller, Strand, March 29, at twelve—T. Emmett,
pininaker, Holborn-hill, March 29, at twelve—T. Burne and Co.,
warehousemen Watling-street, March 29, at two—J. Eads, linen
draper, Stonehouse, Devonshire, March 29, at one—H. Molyneux,
linen draper, Penzance, Cornwall, March 29, at two.
In the Country.
R. Lubbock, ship builder, Great Yarmouth, Norfolk, Airil 4,
at six, at the Angel Inn, Great Yarmouth—T. Tempest, grocer,
Leeds, March 30, at eleven, at the Court House, Leeds—J. Duffel,
grocer, Bridge, Kent, April 4, at seven, at the York Hotel, Mar-
gate—A. Surtees and Co., bankers, Berwick-upon-Tweed, March
31, at twelve, at the Bankrupt Commission Boom, NeWcastle-upon-
Tyne—ll. Coates, cattle dealer, Colchester, Essex, April 5,
at eleven, at the Three Cups Hotel, Colchester—Al. E. Burnard,
dealer, Bideford, Devonshire, April 6, at six, at the Fortescue
Arms Hotel, Barnstaple—E. Bevan and M. Yates, merchants,
Bristol, April 12, at two, at the Commercial Rooms, Bristol.

CERTIFICATES.—AIARciI 29.

W. Williams, victualler, White Hart-street, Drury-lane—J.
Bishton and CO., iron masters, Wolverhampton—R. Claxton,
tailor, Norwich—J. Brooke, chemist, Lincoln—J. Heygate, cotton
spinner, Mansfield.

SCOTCH SEQUESTRATION.
BUCHANAN, YOUNG, and MORGAN, merchants, Glas-
gow, March 11 and 26, at two, at the Eagle Inn, Glasgow.
JAMES ARCHIBALD, flax spinner, Kirkaldy, March 11 and
26, at twelve, at M'Glashan's Inn, Glasgow.

SHIPPING.-(THIS DAY.)

(FROM LLOYD'S.)

DEAL, MARCII B.—Wind N. N. E. —Arrived from the River
last night and to-day, and proceeded, the Hashemy, Rood,
for Bombay ; Stratheden, Cheape, for Calcutta ; Reliance,
Cockle, for the South Seas; Orwell, Lancaster, for Madras;
and the Planet, Straughton, for Gibraltar.
PORTSMOUTH, MARCII B.—Wind N. E. to W. N. W.
PLYMOUTH, MARCH 7. —Wind S. S. E. to S. W.
FALMOUTH, MARCH 7. —Wind S. S. W. to S. W.—Arrived
the Ellen, Yeoman, from London, with sails split and loss of
head rails, knees, do., bound to Singapore.
STA NGATE CREEK, MARCH 7.—Arrived the Countess of
Durham, Todd, from Trieste.
DARTMOUTH, MARCH 7.—Arrived off—the City of Roches-
ter, —. from Odessa.
LIVERPOOL, MARCII s.—Arrived off—the Mary,,, from
Berbice ; Dalhousie Castle, —, from Mobile; Columbus,
—, from New York ; and the Gertrude, —, from Lisbon.
DUBLIN, MARCII 6.—Arrived the Olive Branch, Gordon,
from Terceira.

BELFAST, MARCH 6.—Arrived he Courier, Smith, and
Alert, White, from London.

YARMOUTH, MARCH 7.—The Red Rover was brought in
here yesterday from Lowestoffe Bzach.
ARBROATH, MARCH 5. —The Britannia, Dunkie, which was
stranded on Culne rocks, has been carried into Alloa.
RAMSGATE, MARCH B.—A ship's long boat, marked "Arab,"
picked up off the Galloper, has been brought in here.

The Pluto, steam packet, bound to the Mediterranean, which
put back yesterday, having sprung a leak, will 'not proceed.
The Samuel, Wesbury, from Whitehaven to Belfast, struck
on one of the Capelands, off Drogheda, on the 4th instant,
and filled.
The London Packet, from Aberdeen to Leith, was on shore
near Peterhead on the sth instant, awl it was feared would
be wrecked—crew saved.
The Ariel, Hepburn, bound to Oporto, has put back to
Sheepness with considerable damage.

Vienna, effective II 2M.10 11
Trieste ditto lO 14
Madrid 37

Cadiz ....
Bilboa

'3634,

BircOona

Seville 561./i
Gibraltar 4B

LNGE YESTERDAY.
Leghorn l7!.i
Genoa 26
Milan..,. . 'll
Venice 47
Vaples =10,4
Palermo per oz. 1272.
Lisbon 5.r,
' Oporto 56%
'Rio Janeiro 1 31!4
Bahia •... 26
Buenos Ayres
Dublin, 21 days' sight i jg
Cork 1 y,

PRICE OF BULLION, PER OZ,
Portugal Gold, coin £9 0 0
Foreign Gold, in bars 3 17 9
New Doubloons

New Dollars 0 4 10v

Silver. bars, standard 0 5 0

HIGII 'WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW.
Morning 9 minutes after 7. f minutes after 7

HAMBURG, FEBRUARY 24, 1836.
PHIS DAY, being the FOURTH DAY of
DRAWING of the SIXTY-SEVENTH HAMBURG
GREAT LOTTERY, No. 1,126, say One Thousand One
Hundred and Twenty-six, obtained the First drawn Prize of
Baneomarks One Thousand, and the Premium of Bancomarks
100,000 net.

The publication of THE SUN NEWSPAPER commenced this day
at 5 minutes past Three o' Clock.

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