The Sun.
London, England, 1831-08-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TIIF, PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We can well understand how Ministers should, at
this critical period, be apprehensive on account of
questions. 'Silence will not, in many cases, serve •
the purpose; for a question may be so shined that
silence may be construed into an atlesiesion of some
proposition involved in it. Three are two countries
respecting which the public (Ire naturally very anxious
to obtain information from Ministers—Pdand and
Belgium ; but as one unguarded expression may
operate like a spark falling inn barrel of gunpowder, '
the quantity of information obtained through answers '
to questions in Partiument is not likely to be very '
extensive. On the subject of Poland, Lord Pal--
tnerston endeavoured best night to escape ;!netver;
but the tactics to which we have elteded were re-
sorted to. Mr. Hume, a vaiing himself of the
mention of Poland in a petition from the Wiese-
minster Political Union, said, " He was sr. bus to
ask the Noble Lord (Palmerston) a roestion on the
subject to which the petition rel'erred. The whole
country was anxious to know whether his Majesty's
Government had taken any steps with regard to the
contest in which Poland was engaged. He did
riot wish for hasty or injudicious interference ;
but when they saw so much interference in regard
to other countries, it was natural to ask whether his
Majesty's Ministers had interfered at in the
struggle which the unfortunate Poles were making for
their independence. They were ignorant to the presznt
moment whether Ministers had availed themselves
of the existing treaties—treaties as sacred as those
which respected Belgium—to ihterpose their in-,
fluence for the purpose of putting an end to the
horrid scenes which were going on. Having con-
cluded his questions with the observation that " he
did not wish the Noble Lord to answer any incon-
venient or embarrassing questions," the Noble Lord
remained silent ; on which Mr. Hume observed,
" that as the Noble Lord did not elmose to say any-
thing, he must conclude that his Majesty's Govern-
ment had done nothing on behalf of the heroic
Poles." This conclusion, however, Lord Palmer-
ston did not wish should be drawn ; and he an-
swered, " that he had conceived that the concluding
observation of the Hon. Member left him at liberty
on that subject. He must now confine himself to
saying, that whatever obligations might be imposed
on his Majesty's Government with reference to the
subject in question, he trusted it would be found
that they had done their duty." This answer every
man will interpret in his own way. We fear that
the Poles will not benefit much from the duty done
on the occasion. It is tolerably clear, from what is
going on in Poland, that if they escape destruction,
they will owe this to their own bravery alone; for
the Russians, if any remonstrances have been
made to them on the subject of the treaties which
they have violated with regard to the Poles, utterly
disregard them, and are determined to take no advice,
so long as advice can be of any use to the Poles.
Mr. O'Connell said, " he regretted to see so
much sympathy in that House for certain other
countries, and not for the Poles. He had heard great
sympathy expressed in that House for Holland; yet,
in his opinion, no revolution was ever more necessary
than that of Belgium. He had also heard sympathy
expressed for Don Miguel, whose gaols were crowded
and whose scaffolds were reeking with blood. But
not one word had he heard in that House of sym-
pathy for the Poles ; while ninety-nine out of a
hundrtd of the people of England regretted that
ibis country had not spoken with a voice that weld
be listened to in Russia on behalf of the brave
Poles." Mr. O'Connell added, "If France were
to interfere in behalf of the Poles, the consequence
might be a great increase of her own Power."—
Whether France will or will not interfere is a ques-
tion, the answer to which may be materially influ-
enced by what is now going on in Belgium. The
people of France seem eager to interfere, and there
is no denying that the great cause of the popularity
of the order to enter Belgium is the hope enter-
tained that it may lead to more extended hosti-
lities. If France do not interfere in behalf of Po-
land, the Russians will treat all remonstrances from
other Governments with indifference. But the Go-
vernment of France is, no doubt, aware of the tre-
mendous struggle in which an active interference in
behalf of Poland would involve the nation. With
regard to Belgium, if the Powers are of good faith,
the French interference may not lead to war. Our
difficulty lies in discovering a motive for the deter-
mination of the King of Holland, short of an under-
standing with some of these Powers. The subject
will be agitated in the House of Commons this day,
when perhaps fresh light may be thrown on it. A
friendly question was last night put by Lord G.
Bentinek, with a view to allow Ministers to state
their impression that the peace was in no danger of
being disturbed.
He said, " he took the opportunity of alluding to a re-
port which had doubtless reached the ears of most of the
Honourable Members of that House, and of asking a ques-
tion respecting it which he was glad to give his Noble
Friend (the Secretary for Foreign Affairs) an opportunity
of answering. The report was, that on the day orders
were issued for French troops to proceed towards Belgium,
the French Minister for Foreign Affairs had invited to a
conference the Ambassadors of England, Austria) Russia,
and Prussia, and informed them the sole motive of the
French troops should be to repel the Dutch invaders of
the Belgian territory ; and that, as soon as this object was
accomplished, the French Government would recall its
troops. It was also stated that the French Government
had given our Ambassador an assurance that no French
soldier should enter one of the Belgian fortresses. He now
asked if these reports were correct, in the full hope that
the answer of his Noble Friend (Lord Palmerston) would
show that the French Government had acted with the
most scrupulous honesty and honour; and that the con-
duct of the diplomacy of this country by his Majesty's Go-
vernment was such as to give a high notion of its wisdom,
prudence, and efficacy. He trusted also that his Noble
Friend's answer would tend to allay the great anxiety and
alarm which prevailed in consequence of the warlike prepara-
tions which bad been going on for the la-t two or three days."
The answer of Lord Palmerston was in accordance
with the anticipation of Lord G Bentinek.

He " stated that the reports to which his Noble Friend
alluded were substantially correct. On Wednesday, the
slay on which orders had been issued by the French Go- 1
vernment for their troops to hold themselves in readiness
to march on Belgium, it was quite true that the French
lilinister for Foreign Affairs invited the Plenipotentiaries
of England, Austria, Russia, and Prussia to a conference,
at which he communicated to them the orders of his Go-
vet nment relative to the march of the troops, and the
reasons on which these orders were founded—namely, the
advance of the Dutch, and the application upon the part of
the Belgian Government for assistance. That communi-
cation was accompanied by an assurance that the march of
the troops had no other object than that which was common
to the five Great Powers—namely, to establish the inde-
pendence and neutrality of Belgium : and that so soon as
the Dutch should be repelled within their own frontiers,
the French troops would return to the North of France.
The English Ambassador then made an inquiry touching
the fortresses, and the answer was, that the troops would
only pass through such fortresses as lay in their road."
We are still, however, where we were with re-
gard to the light in which the entrance of the French
troops into Belgium will be viewed at Berlin. Our
readers will perceive among our extracts from French
Lepers, a (potation from the Journal des Debuts, in
which the conduct that Prussia is likely to hold is
alluded to. This well-informed writer observes,
that there are two parties in the Councils of the
King of Prussia—a war and a peace party—that
the King himself is anxious; for peace, but that the
Princes are eager for war. The war party has, it is
said, much influence, and it is by no means impro-
bable that the King of Holland and the Prince of
Orange have been influenced by the advice of this
party. Without attributing perfidy to the King of
Prussia, we may thus attribute the conduct of the
King of Holland to Prussian influence. if the war
party in the Prussian Councils be already strong,
the step taken by France will tend still farther to
strengthen it. But these are mere conjectures.
At present, however, conjecture is all that the public
can have. In a little time the veil will be drawn
aside, and we shall be enabled to see something_ of
the real springs of action.—Monting Chronicle.
It will be seen from our Parliamentary Report
that Ministers by no means abandon the idea that

peace may yet be preserved. It is now understood
that King Leopold, when he communicated the re-
newal of hostilities by the King of Holland to the
King of the French, sent, at the same time, the same
'notice to the King of Great Britain, and to the
other Powers. We should, however, be ,d.eaitir
tiri-
fauly with our readers if eve 'dint& 'SiEte;that, from
a consideraeion of t'he WhOle'aieenmstences that have -
y'a 'come to
the
lilloWledge, our conviction is, that
war will behe re-stilt of the entrance of the Frenth
troops into Belgium. We will admit that proximity
of situation enabled the King of the French to re-
ceive the comnienitation before it was received by
any of tl other Powers. But had it heir.: decided
et the Conference, that in caer.n.:"ilt'ner Holland or
Belgium renewing htetnies, the Power first ac-
quiring a knowledge of the circumstance should put
its trtrep's in motion to coerce the refractory Stater
‘;`, e suspect not; and, moreover, that t tt''rezng e-
ments whatever had been made for coercing the re-
fractory State. It will be round, we suspect, that
France has on this occasion acted entirely on her
own stgg-estion. It may be said, that as the
object of the Five Powers was to ye..e'r-C;it any
interruption to the peace of t_trro'r',e, the measure
of the French governenent, though not authorised
in terms, is in the titit of the proceedings of the
Conference—and that it is of little consequence how
the result be obtained, provided the Power pro"Aueing
the result derive no advantage fk.otil it. But we are
not sure that this is the light in which the subject
will be viewed by the other Powers. They Ma'y
say it is or great consequence not to el!i;',`-e to France
at opportunity of drawing th ties between her and
Belgitrin closer than. are already. We might
have chosen to allow France only to supply a con•
tingent niong with Prussia and Austria. If Belgium
be accustomed to look forward only to France, that
gives France the command of a country whieh it has
been wished to keep detached from her. Let us
suppose that the Conference had refused to modify
the Protocol which the King of Holland agreed to
abide by, while the Belgians rejected it, that the
Belgians had invaded Holland, and that the ding of
Holland communicated the renewal ofhostilities to
the different Powers, If raissia, without arrange-
ment with the tithe: Powers, had marched au army
into Holland, to coerce the Belgians, would all the
other Powers have approved of this step ? We
sktspect that some of them would not have dared to
approve of it. It is barely possible that the King
of Holland is alone chargeable with the serious re-
sponsibility of the war on which he has entered.
This, however, supposes him so destitute of common
sense, that we can hardly bring ourselves to believe
that he has not abettors. We are told, no doubt,
that the supposition is highly injurious to the cha-
racter of some of the Powers, all of whom concurred
with an apparent heartiness in the endeavour to settle
amicably the differences between Holland and Bel-
gium. We know not what to say to this, because
we feel reluctant to attribute such perfidy to any
Government as is implied in the supposition. Yet
we have no alternative between this supposition and
an infatuation approaching to insanity of the King of
Holland and the Prince of Orange, who appears to
second his designs, and the States-General at the
Hague who also second them. There is, indeed,
one other way of accounting for the conduct of the
King of Holland; but it would be attributing to him
projects too fine spun for a politician of his calibre.
He might sty to himself, the Belgians are not at
present prepared to repel such an army as I can in.
vade. them with. If Leopold makes a communica-
tion to France, that Power will instantly send an
army to his relief, and this measure will produce
jealousy among the Powers, and in the general
struggle which may be the result, France may be
worsted, and the kingdom of the Netherlands may
again be restored. But this is a round-about way of
compassing his ends, of which we acquit his Dutch
Majesty. The French, though aware of the terrible
consequenees the measure may have, teem to feel as
if relieved from a heavy load of suspense, as it will at
once force the different Powers to appear in their
true characters, If the Powers are peacefully dis-
posed, they will hardly take umbrage at the entrance
into Belgium, if the result shows that the French
have no ulterior views. If they are hostilely dis-
posed, they will find pretexts enough in the measure.
Perhaps in this sense it is as well that the sentiments
of the Powers should at once be ascertained.—
Morning Chronicle.

We gave in our Paper of yesterday nearly all the
intelligence that we have received respecting the
state of warfare in the Netherlands,—the views and
hopes of the contending parties,—the probability of
their secret alliances,—the ostensible object and
understood motive of the prompt declaration of
France,—and the chance of effectually preventing
hostilities by the decided preparations of the allies
of Belgium to resist Dutch aggression. The papers
which have since arrived from Paris and Brussels
add little to the information which we then commu-
nicated. The Paris papers of Saturday represent
the French Government, for obvious reasons,
making the most of the new state of war which one
party had been so long invoking, and which another
had been so strenuously opposing. Louis Philippe,
by the accidents of fortune, has thus become all at
once a warrior, as Sganarelle became a physician
nralgre lui, and having required nearly as severe
means to drive him into his new trade, will, we
hope, come out of it with the perpetration of as
little mischief. It was difficult for his Councillors
to resist the desire of exhibiting extraordinary
energy and activity, when so captivating an oppor-
tunity offered; and it is to be hoped that the
concurrence of England and the other three Powers
in their exertions to induce the Dutch Monarch to
listen to the dictates of good sense and moderation,
will render his display of force as cheap as it was
prompt and ostentatious. The French Ministry of
War is proceeding, no doubt properly, as there was
to be an important campaign; and very likely our
own expedition to the Scheldt, unless immediately
prevented by the retreat of the Dutch troops, will
wear the appearance Of a similar energy; but we
take it for granted that the arrangement of the
Dutch and Belgic affairs will be so expeditious, that
neither the operations of the French troops, nor of
the English squadron, will be required. It can
never, we presume, be supposed for a moment, that
France intends any thing more that what her
Ministry declares. It cannot enter into our
conceptions that Leopold could be so duped
as to ask his French allies to assist in ex-
pelling his Dutch enemy, that he himself might
be turned adrift, when these allies had got pos-
session of his fortresses, or that going from Great
Britain he should repeat the misfortunes of this
island when in ancient times it called auxiliaries to
become its masters. If therefore the Dutch with-
draw their troops and consent to negociate amicably
about their differences with Belgium, the French
troops will not, of course, enter the territory of the
latter. The perfidy which would be evinced by any
other course would be too gross to escape even a
French Jacobin, and we are convinced that the
French people would treat any Government which
was so base as to use a subterfuge to make conquest,
with that contempt which they lately showed to the
Grand Rejerendaire, M. de Semonville, when he
endeavoured to surprise their admiration by a fraudu-
lent display of the stolen Austrian standards. Some
people think that the French were called in by
King Leopold in too great a state of alarm. Of
his Majesty's personal feelings we cannot judge, but
we hope that the prompt interference of the Allies,
however much it may have been made use of to
satisfy the clamours of the war-party in France, may
lead to peace sooner than a less decided mode of
proceeding. The following is an account of the
useful results of French interference at Antwerp:—
" ANTWERP, Ace. 5, 3 P. Me

" General Belliard, on his arrival here, opened a cor-
respondence with General Chasse, which ended ultimately
in a satisfactory assurance that no immediate danger to
the town was to be feared. In the mean time the King
arrived from Brussels. This noble act of self•devotion, at
a moment so pregnant with danger, not only produced the
best effects on the minds of the inhabitants, but, if pos-
bible, has increased his popularity. Admiral Gobilis
16inded working partiev to cut the dikeo, by which a con-

iderable tact of land round Lielkenshock, Callon, &c.
has been laid under water, and ruined for many years.
Considerable skirmishing took place this morning on 411,a
left bank, and upon this omtviion the ',;ystem of burning
the farms arid totttge-s bas been 'Pursued with unrelent'inij
The Dutch 'armyis'divided into folw
Lientenant-denet'al Areper, with l-4000 or 8,000 men,
threatens Verik..o and Limburg. The Prince of Orange,
with tlea bulie of Saxe Weimar's corps, was thisporning
at Herenthales, his outposts towastis Pert and `Waterloo.
Prince Frederick is on Breda and Bergen-op-
Zoom, by Ce!',.'..tz: and Eckeren. The Dutch reserve or-
t_vt"?s "furnbout ; in all, the army is composed of
48,000. The wanton acts of plunder and inceadiaristo
committed by the Dutch troops are quite tlisgraer,fulN
" The King (Leopold) hats retrinveti,lis
to Malines, from whtmee he 'et-n readily vi-sit tie divi-
sions,.".;--

We find ourselves dragged, nolentes volenles, into
a controversy respecting the affairs of the thUrch,
and compelled also to aecided part against a
corresperi?:::Z. `Of our own, whom we know to be a
of superior ability and of exempl'iry character,
but who on this question seems to us to be as
wrong-headed, and his doctrines as mischievos, as
if he had neither an apKoVing 'conscience nor an
acute uttderna`ding to direct him. It is not enough
a our correspondent to say that his opinion about
the Church must be right, hacau.se we push to a
greater extent than I:1r. Miller has done the objec-
tion' to 'ehich we deem it liable. We say that in
the Scotch Church there are no pluralities, yet that
it is a well-served Church, and that in Scotland
there is a full supply of able and efficient ministers ;
what, then, does our correspondent get by adducing
the opinion of Mr, Miller,. who merely proves that
roithout resorting to pluralities there would, from
various other causes, be an ample fund of effective
clergymen on which to draw for incumbents to the
vacant livings ? As for the advantage to be,derived
by ill-endowed livings from the occasional resi-
dence of clergymen who enjoy large incomes from
prebendal stalls and so forth, we really think that
it would be better, both for society and clergy,
if the revenues of the prebendal stalls, which are
too often but nests of idle aristocracy or nepo-
tism, could be transferred altogether to the ill-en.
dowed livings, and occasional residence changed into
continual. It is true that we have expressed—and
we repeat it—a wish that every Clergyman should
reside upon his own parish, amongst those from •
whom he draws his revenue, and upon whom, as it
would appear to be the only rational use of a Church
establishment, his religious instruction and pastoral
otlices ought to be bestowed. That would, in our
mind, be the perfection of an ecclesiastical establish-
merit. We do not see, blind as we are, the vast be-
nefit of Deans and Chapters, and Prebendaries, and
all the clerical staff employed about our cathedrals,
considered in reference to the dispensation of the
comforts and kind offices of religion. The cathe-
drals throughout this country are but thinly attended
in comparison with the most ordinary of our pa-
rish churches; yet the functionaries employed
therein, and enjoying revenues from them, generally
speaking, in every %validly point of view, the best
provided of all our English Clergy. It is therefore
our earnest desire to see labour and remuneration
more equitably apportioned by the Church. It
must, moreover, be conceded by our correspon-
dent, that however he may qualify and modify his
sentiments regarding pluralities in his present com-
munication, his original and distinct proposition
was, that without non-residence the Church
could not go on, inasmuch as otherivise we should
not have a sufficient number of clergymen to fill up
the successive vacancies. He defended them as
positive goods : he did not merely palliate them as
evils partially compensated. Now we should not
complain very loudly if sinecures (although, as
above, we hold them to be evils) were bona fide
conferred on those clergymen whose duty requiring
parishes were not large enough to yield them a
comfortable subsistence. But the mischief of the
thing is, that where pluralities are suffered at all,
those who have the patronage will and must abuse
it. We are not satisfied with leaving so much in
the power of the Bishops, amongst whose kindred
are to be found examples of the most frightful and
shameless plurality. " A begging clergy" is no
desire of ours,—quite the contrary. We wish for an
independent and respected clergy ; but we do not
tolerate a state of things in which it is left to an
irresponsible officer to select, as his own caprice or
selfishness may induce him, one m;nistcr of the
church for a Dives and another for a Lazarus. It is
the ill chosen pluralists who make the " beggars."
A letter on the same subject, signed "G. W.,"
appears to us to deserve attention.—Times.
Mr. Hume, alluding to a petition from the West-
minster Union, which deprecated the war against
the Poles, observed, that " it related to a subject or
very great importance and interest to every one in the
country. There was not an individual who was not
anxious to know if his Majesty's Government had
taken any measures with regard to the suffering Poles.
He was not an advocate for interference in the con-
cerns of other countries; on the contrary, he thought
we had interfered too much, and paid too dearly for
that interference. But when he saw a great deal of
interference in behalf of one country carried on for
many months, he thought it became a question fit to
be put to his Majesty's Government how far they
had interfered, by remonstrance, recommendation, or
otherwise, in favour of the Poles struggling for their
rights and independence." The answer of Lord
Palmerston was, that he " could not, consistently
with his duty, give the explanation which was re-
quired." If we were to interpret this answer,
as Mr. O'Connell did, into a tacit admission
that no effort has been made by the British Go-
vernment in behalf of that gallant people, we
should feel a deep sense of humiliation at the con-
duct of England. But we cannot think that we
should be justified in making any such assumption.
On the contrary, we know that France invited
other countries to remonstrate, and we believe
that no country, so invited, could refuse its good
offices, unless it might be one of those concerned in
that robbery which goes by the mild name of the
partition of Poland. Indeed, candour seems to re-
quire that we should give credit to his Majesty's
Government for the motives which they avow. The
time will come when they must render a fair account
of the whole transaction. It will then he seen how
the character of England was affected by the course
adopted in her name. But Russia was not without
, a guardian to watch over her repute upon this occa-
sion. Sir Robert Inglis objected to the assumption
that the war against Poland was " unjust and
iniquitous." Unfortunately for the Hon. Baronet's
cause, however, the whole world had been guilty of
that rashness before he spoke, and we do not think
, that the influence of his authority will be sufficient
, to alter their determination. There is one hope
, for Poland in the midst of all this coldness and
caution. After the step which France has taken
with respect to Belgium, it seems impossible that
she can think of leaving the Poles to their fate. It
is not, surely, a comparison of the risks in both
cases that will induce a gallant nation to make a
difference in her policy towards either.—lllorning
Herald.

We asked yesterday why it was tbat King Leo-
pold thought it necessaty to call in the aid of the
French troops to repel the Dutch invaders, whom
the Belgians had so recently driven from their ter-
ritory without foreign assistance, and whom they
still declared themselves able to beat, unless the
latter were backed by Prussia, or some other great
Power ? That question seems to have been anti-
cipated in Belgium, and a correspondent who writes
from -Antwerp,•furnishes what appears to be in-
tendedas an answer. He says--" The request for
the assistance of the French army, as I have been
informed, is the consequence of its being incon-
testably proved that the prisoners taken among the
Dutch are Germans and PrussianS." We should
think that, if any prisoners have been taken by the
Belgians, it would not be a very difficult matter to
ascertain whether they were Dutchmen or Prussian?.
But, indeed, the spirit with which the Dutch army
fights on the present occasion, compared with its

displays of soldiesahip upon the Belgian territory a
few months ago, is sufficient to make us believe that
the phlegthatieheroiiii. of the modern liutehmen has
'been"invigorated by an infusion of new blood." It is
certain that the Princes of the House of Nassau have
never been deficient in martial bravery. Neither the
King of Holland nor the Prince of, Orange have a
reputation to make in that way. But, though the
tsettcol'es: valour of both is undisputed, they were
never before so vehemently possessed of the warlike
passion as to indulge in it at the risk of being con-
sidered under the influence of moonstruck madness :
and surely the attack of Quixote on the windmills
would have ben sanity it elf. compared with the
daance boiled by the King of Holland awl
his son; in the teeth of the quintuple Alliance, and
their diplomatic windr'nills of protocols and prelimi-
naries, if he hod not, from some one or more of the
r;_ei.l.hers of that Alliance, something Ile a bond of
indemnity against the consequences in his pocket.
We make no account of the statements and opinions
of those simple-minded writers upon public affairs
who judge of the intentiotr of pelititians and sW,tess
men ley their Word.% and not te'y their actions—who
6riow no light from e.:::perience to guide them in
foisming correct Opinions of matters which time has
not Yet fully developed. Whoever expects to find
the candour of frank and honest dealing in the crafty,
ambitious, and circumventing Cabinets of Berlin,
St. Petersburgh, and Vienna, must have a mind ex-
ceedingly innocent of all knowledge of the history
of those Cabinets, and their diplomatic frauds and
deceptions, for even the last fifty years. Why need
we multiply instances when we have Poland be-
fore our eyes? Was not each partition of that noble
natiore—which has been torn to pieces in the midst
of civilized Europe, like the prey of wolves—was
not etch partition, we ask, of Poland, preceded by
professions of moderation, kindness, and amity, on
the part of those Powers that confederated in the
crime and shared in the plunder ? It was 'in sar-
castic allusion to the characteristic quality of the " so-
lemn assurances" of a certain description of politi-
cians that the Frenchman used the memorable ex-
pression that " language was given to man to con-
ceal his thoughts." Whatever may induce Prussia
to temporise for the present moment, it would re-
quire much stronger arguments than any which the
believers in the sincerity of her professions have ad-
duced to convince us that she is now going to coun-
teract the whole tenor of her former policy, and to
assist a " revolutionary" Government against a " le-
gitimate" one. Surely the fast fiend of the Northern
Autocrat—the oppressor of the Poles, who, under
"solemn assurances" of neutrality, has been, most
effectively' cooperating in the subjugation of that gal-
lant people—surely the deceiver of his own people,
with regard to a promised Constitution, will not set
so " bud an example" to his subjects as to take the
tide of " successful rebellion," and give it the
protection of his despotic bayonets. One account
from Belgium states that " the Dutch army invading
the province of Antwerp is said to be 30,000 strong,
one-third being Prussian troops." Another account
says, " six Prussians, wearing the Dutch uniform,
have deserted, and entered Antwerp. They declare
that a great number of their countrymen enlisted in
the Dutch regiment." Another veccunt states a
report of there being 20,000 Prussians in the Dutch
arm. If any of these statements should turn out
to be true, we are prepared to hear it said that
those thousands of Prussians have entered the Dutch
arms without the knowledge or permission of the
Court of Prussia. We well know what reliance
to place upon such a denial. Prussia takes care, at
all events, that none of her subjects shall enlist in
the Polish armies. With regard to the co-opera-
tion of the French with the Belgian forces, there is
a paragraph in an article from Manes, which
informs us that the " fact of 10 or 50,000
Frenchmen coming to assist Leopold against
the Dutch does not afford much satisfaction to
many of his subjects, for the soldiers and the Civic
Guards are not afraid to meet the Dutch single-
handed. If the Prussians come openly to aid the
King of Holland their presence may be necessary;
but the Belgians now fear them as friends as well as
enemies. The French, as they say, came easily, but
it will not be so easy to get rid of them." It is
very probable, however, that the request of Leo-
pold for French troops would not have been answered
so promptly if it were not for the embarrassments
and disgrace of the Casimir-Perier Administration.
The King felt that he must be driven to receive a
Ministry from the extreme left, unless sonic popular
act was done to cover Perier and his adherents from
the public indignation in creeping into office again.
Hence the army got the word to march forward,
that the routed Ministry might be allowed to match
back.—Morning Herald.
If there be any one word which more than ano-
ther irritates the Radicals and his Majesty's Mi-
nisters, it is the word Revolution. Now the whole
sting of it lies in its truth ; and these unnatural
though loving confederates must not be offended if
we attribute their indignation rather to the mortifi-
cation of having been discovered, than to the honest
resentment of having been calumniated. If the
name of " Revolution" be applicable only to the
manner of an act and not to the results, Mr. Stan-
ley may enjoy his grammatical nicety; but if the
results be considered independently of the means,
isitbiroelliytiontheof overthrow
primogeniture, o
nd e
general
oLo e
rardl s th
e
abolition li
abase-
irent of the Monarchy, is as much a revolution,
though voted by the three estates, as if it were
effected in grammatical purity, by the arms of Oliver
Cromwell or h
is would-be antitype. We affirm
that the Bill before the Howse has this direct ten-
d e tic
know The s Re a (I i cal s
Democratskno w t it,hr throughout
Frenchout
Jacobins the
universe know it, his Majesty's Ministers know
it, and are divided between the horror of their know-
ledge and the love of their popularity. It may,
perhaps, be asserted that the spontaneous decrees of
the entire Legislature would not wilfully enact laws
detrimental to arty one estate of the three, and that
the likelihood of a revolution voted, by a majority
against its Own interest, is founded neither in expe-
rience nor human nature. But his Majesty's Mi-
nisters have, in part, taken precautions to meet so
delicate a contingency; they have procured a House
of Commons of Radical delegates; they have mis-
led the King, and have endeavoured to place the
Lords in the trying dilemma between the horns
of abdication or external violence ; and should
this last fail (which undoubtedly it will), they
are preparing to model the independent Peers
upon the fashion of their pledged majority. Hav-
ing hunted the Bill through the Commons of
England, they will ennoble a trusty band of their
most servile thorough-paced followers, and regardless
of principle, privilege, and decency, defeat the Con-
stitutional cause in the Upper House by the votes
of the very same men who defeated it in the Lower.
Is not this revolution ? Now, if they quarrel with
our word " Revolution," we much more justly
quarrel with their term " final settlement." We
i
deny it tr both its senses, though we admit one of
its intentions ; we deny that it is a final settlement
of the question of Reform : we deny that it is a final
settlement of themselves in office, though we fully
admit that they intend it to be so. His Majesty's
Ministers must not suppose that the moderate
Ulnas and the Ultra Moderates desire Reform with-
nAelsosndsoug.zgr.dfsorttphyliarte;
conceive
nit
tedellvsyies ghoartteh
the
aeftriousrifyyt s
ooff it; nor
res mustari
di that
npartyiei”
ious-
rosrsiiwas:rio,
droapc\
,eeiaat
rrssi
piifes
of,
ied elaoi
rgtoil appetite of the
Whig
d
wer.
hgekaretual administration perform the office,
asinion
istr:rdttighaagrethniegarded in the light of pioneers of Republi-
canism ; flattered by the revolutionary Press to ex-
eessive measures, and then chastened if they for an
instant stop short (does the Radical Press love those
whom it chastens ?) they appear agitated by site -
nate fits of intoxication arid repentance, but r, pent-
ance without fruit. If such a career be long pur-
sued, conviction of danger will he as useless as ig-
norance of it ; popular passions and popular violence
will be reduced under method, and acquire perma-
nency. The Journal of Dr. Moore, a witness of

French atrocities in 1'792,, fuinishc, us with an ill-
ntante exactly hi point ; the Gironde, having en-
couraged the mob to the tumultous petitioning
of the. 20th of 'hoe,: became alarmed at the enor-
mous congregation, of blood-thirsty though organised
ruffians. The Magistrates, bedecked with their
municipal scarfs, harangued the assembled populace,
and exhorted them to separate and return home.
" You have acted your part," replied one of the
leaders ; " move out of the may, and let us act ou,s."
—Aforning Post.