The Sun.
London, England, 1849-07-24 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 24, 1849,

lavish in their praises of that Noble Lord, were particu-
larly anxious to undermine the Government on which he
cast so much lustre; but he did not confine his preise to
that Lord-Lieutenant, but extended it also to the Prune
Minister, and considerately said that allowances ought to
be made fur the difficulties which Ministers had to en-
counter.—(iJear.) And wisely be did so, for where
was the man who could not make allowances for the rlitli-
culties incident to the disasters, which, in the annals of
national calamities, had never been surpassed—(Hear)—
and yet his Hon. Friend, by his motion, passed a con-
demnation on the measures which the Government had
adopted, for it was his motion, and not his ech,
which they had to vote upon, and that was a censure on
the temporary measures which they had adopted for the
relief of Ireland. He (Mr. Sheil) did not say that those
measures were faultless. He was no optimist of the
Treasury Bench. He .was not one who thought the
Government must be perfect because he might belougto it
—neither did he think it must be imbecile because he
might not pertain to it.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.)
Ministers might have committed errors, but they were
as nothing compared to the good that had been effected
—thousands had fallen by the mysterious visitation of
God, and millions had been saved by the generosity of
England.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hoar.") The misery
was beyond example, so was the generosity. When
those mere temporary measures were passed and gmaa
what was the reason a the Hon. Member calling upon
them to take this retrospective vie al—why did he call on
them to inscribe an epitaph on the juurnals of the
House? The Hon. Gentleman next proceeded to review
the measure which had been enacted for permanent re-
lief ; but surely they were not now going into that dis-
cussion. The evils of the poor- law were quite clear—
nothing could ba so bad as a poor law for Ireland, except
its non-t nactnent.—(Hear.) Government lind to choose
between poor-houses and charnel-hou.:es, and they
chose the former.—(Hear, hear.) He did not blame the
landlords for endeavuuring to preserve their interests. It
was natural they should do so. He (Mr. Shed) would
receive with caution the opinion of an English county
Member with reference to the duty on corn, or the
opinion of a Manchester manufacturer on the Ten Hours
Bill, or the opinion of an East India planter on the price
of sugar, and in like manner he had received with caution
the opinion of an Irish landlord on the narrow dread of
taxation.—(Hear, hear.) When the Hon. Member said
that the misfortune of Ireland would be productive of
her happiness, he could not but envy the fancy of that
man who could raise up such a beatific vision. Olam
Fodhla, the great Irish legislator, was but the precursor
of the Hon. Member.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The
Hon. Member talked of a comprehensive policy—what
did his policy comprehend—what was his unfathomable
legislation? .His (Mr. Sheil's) opinion was, that the pre-
sent state of Ireland was such as no human laws could
reach. The prayer with which they opened their
debates must be granted. Ireland must often again teem
with fertility. The slighless and mysterious influence
which had three times blasted that island must be inter-
mitted. It was hopeless to expect that any great good
could be accomplished by human legislation to the un-
fortunate country which had been visited with woes
without example, and which could not be healed but by
infinite mercy.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. O'GORMAN MAHON said, as so many Irish
Members would feel it their duty to address the House,
he would now move the adjournment of the debate,
which was agreed to without a division.
Upon to-morrow (this day) being named,
Lord J. RUSSELL said he would offer no objection,
but he could not allow the adjourned debate to take pre-
cedence of the business on the paper.
The other orders of the day were disposed of, and the
House adjourned at a few minutes past Twelve o'clock.

Mr. ALEXANDER then came forward, and was received
with loud cheers. He regretted that the task of moving
the first resolution had fallen upon so humble an indi-
vidual as himself, but perhaps the circumstance of his
belonging to the Peace Society might have been a
motive for placing him in his present position—(Cheers)
---,and it was as a friend of peace that he appeared upon
that platform.—(Loud cheers.) He felt, as the
friend of peace, that they were called upon to give ex-
pression to their feelings in reference to the unjust and
cruel war which was now raging between Austria and
Russia on the one hand, and the Hungarians on the
other.—(Loud cheers.) When public opinion exercised
so important an influence on passing events,
it was surely of no mean importance that a great city
like London should express its opinion upon those cir-
cumstances to which the attention of the meeting
would he called today. When he looked to the history
of the last fifty years especially to that long war which
waged during a considerable part of that period, and
which lately the Prime Minister of this country de-
clared to be wholly unnecessary —(Loud cheers)—
when he looked at that he was more than ever
convinced that it was the duty of the people of
a free country to express their opinions with re-
f-renc,-.‘ to the d,solating scourge—war, and especially
when it was waged in a most unjustifiable and iniquitous
manner.—(Hear.) Allusion had been made to the tone
of the remarks contained in the leading journal of this
city. He confessed that those remarks constituted
another reason for his taking a part in that meet-
ing.—(Hear, hear.) He had read them with disgust
and indignation .—(Loud cheers.) That paper, he was
sorry to say, appeared to him to have become the
bosom and Usworn ally of despotism.—(Loud cheers,
and waving of hats and handkerchiefs by nearly
every one in the meeting, followed by loud hisses.)
There was on the part of that journal, and of one or two
others which might be named, very great consideration
for our ancient ally Austria, but he was sorry to say
that he saw in them comparatively little sympathy for
the wrongs which were endured by the Hungarians—
(Cheers)—there was little sympathy for cities laid
waste by Imperial forces and by hordes of Cossacks.—
(Cheers.) But while he deplored, on the one hand,
the conduct of some of the leading journals, on the
other he had great satisfaction in seeing that the cause
was taken up by other important and influential metro-
politan newspapers.—(Cheers.) There was besides a
judicious defence of the rights of the Hungarians in the last
number of Blackwood's Magazine, and also an able ar-
ticle, which, though not so extended, is couched in a
similar spirit, in the Edinburgh Review.—(Cheers.) The
resolution which he proposed was to the following
effect:—

" That this meeting, without compromising individual
opinions on the subject of war, regard with sincere
admiration, respect, and sympathy, the noble determina-
tion of the Hungarian nation to maintain intact their
just rights and the constitutional independence they
have inherited from their fathers, against the tyrannical
encroachments of Austrian despotism."
—(Cheers.) He admired the earnestness with which the
Hungarians sought to maintain their just rights, although
he regretted that they had referred them to the arbitra-
tion of the sword.—(Cheers.) He hoped that this
meeting would induce the representatives of London to
do their duty with respect to the Hungarian cause.—
(Loud cheers.) He was glad already to see that
Lord John Russell did not now qualify
the Hungarian insurrection in the same language that
he previously did. He hoped that he would be induced
to use the influence of his high position to persuade Aus-
tria to make peace with Hungary upon just conditions.
Mr. Alexander concluded by moving the resolution, and

INDEPENDENCE

sat down amidst loud cheers.
Mr. COBDEN, M.P., then advanced to the front of the
platform to second the resolution, and was recived with
loud and prolonged cheering. When silence was re-
stored he spoke to the following effect:—Mr. Chairman
and Gentlemen,—l think after this demonstration to-day
no paper will have the audacity to say that the inhabi-
tants of this great city are indifferent to the state of
Hungary, or to the objects of those despots who are
making daring attempts to fetter her liberties and in-
dependence.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I appear here to-
(lay anxious to add my mite of sympathy to that which
you are prepared to express for the interest of the Hun-
garians, and I think it right that I should explain
exactly what my sympathy is, and what my objects are
in coming here.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, if I have
one principle more than another firmly fixed in my
mind, and one which I think it is not only necessary for
the interest of this country, but for all countries
to recognise, it is this, that a separate and inde-
pendent country should be allowed to regulate their own
affairs in the way which to them may seem best, with-
out the interference of any other foreign power what-
ever.—(Loud cheers.) I make no exception to this
rule. I include in it the right of the Romans.—
(Cheers.) I include within the benefits of this principle
the poorest, the humblest, the most degraded commu-
nity; for it is no answer to my principle to tell me that
certain countries are not in a state to govern themselves
properly. I say, the fact that a country is not able
to govern itself properly, is no reason why you should
go and attempt to govern it according to your own
notions.—(Cheers.) I come now to the case before us—
and I am anxious that no time should be lost, and
as I shall not address you long I hope I shall meat
with little interruptions.—(Hear, hear.) The ques-
tion before us is that of Hungarian independence.—
(Cheers.) If this had been a question simply between
Hungary and Austria, I should not have appeared
here to-day, nor would it have been necessary, gentle-
men, for any of us -to appear here to-day.—(Cneers.)
So long as the Hungarians were left to settle their
affairs with the Government of Vienna, they were per-
fectly competent to do it, without the interference of the
citizens of London. Why, gentlemen, they have, I be-
lieve, driven the Austrian army from their territories,
and to all intents and purposes, therefore, they stand
now in the position of an independent nation.
—(Loud cheers.) So far, then, have they, by their
own power, been able to maintain their own indepen-
dence against Austria. But, gentlemen, my object in
coming here to-day is to protest against an armed inter-
vention as unjust, as iniquitous, and as infamous as any
that was ever perpetrated by any nation,—(Cheers.) I
come here to protest against the Russian hordes pouring
on the plains of Hungary, and I do so upon the principle
I laid down at the beginning. I would protest against an
English standing army being sent into Hungary to fight
the battle on the other side, and I now protest against
the English Government sending a standing army of
Englishmen to encroach upon the Theiss and Danube.
I come here to protest against foreigners being there at
all.—(Cheers.) And here, gentlemen, I must say that I
have seen with some astonishment, in the speech delivered
by Lord Palmerstou—for I was not in my place in the
House of Commons on Saturday, having had a three
weeks' engagement to go up the river on a pleasure party
with your excellent Lord Mayor—there is no mention
o that,fff
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regret, or rebuke—not one word of the most moderate
disapprobation disapprobation against the conduct of Russia.— (Cheers.)
Now, gentlemen, that is the whole question—
Russian interference. Well, I have told you
that I am not for interfering in allowing our
Government to send Englishmen to fight the battle of
Hungary against Russia, and I come here now upon the
same principle to protest against Russia going to the as-
sistance of Austria.—(Cheers.) Now, we may be asked,
why do we assemble here when we are not prepared to
follow up this meeting by a course of action highly cal-
culated to aid Hungary.—(Hear, hear.) Well, gen-
tlemen, we come here in the first place to express
our opinion that we despise despots, and that
opinion will have the effect of proving to
the world that we are a free community,
despite the efforts of Russia, while it will teach foreign
despots not to believe the preaching of a certain
portion of the press, when they tell them that any
Minister, or any Government in this country can,
by any possibility, lend its aid to the cause of
despotism.—(Cheers.) That, now, is something, but
then when we have done that, we can do something
more. I belong to the peace party, though I cannot
claim for myself those views which my friend who pre-
ceded me has explained. I am afraid, however,
if we test those views by the New Testa-
ment
he is right, but still we have not come here
absolutely to commit ourselves to his opinions; what we
have come here for is to raise the feeling of the peace
party of this country against this monstrous aggression,
and depend upon it we can do it in a most effective
manner. (Hear, hear,) We may be asked,
how can you bring moral force to bear upon
these armed despots? Well, I will tell you. We can
stop the supplies.—(Cheers.) Why, gentlemen, Russia
can't carry on two campaigns beyond her own frontiers
without coming to western Europe for a loan. She
never has done so; she never has moved aa
army of 30,000 men without having either been sub-
sidised by England or borrowing money at Amster-
dam. I tell you I have had many opportunities of as-
certaining and knowing the state of Russia, having paid
a visit there recently,whea I went a little behind the scenes,
and I tell you Russia cannot carry on two campaigns in
Hungarians without coming to borrow money in
Western Europe or robbing the bank at St. Peters-
burgb.—(A cry of " Question.") Why that must
be a Russian agent or spy, for that is the question.—
(Cheers.) The Russian party here and abroad would
rather that we sent them swords, cavalries, and bat-
teries of cannon, than that I should direct your atten-
tion to the facts that I am now going to refer to.—
(Hear, hear.) I say, sir, Russia cannot carry on two
campaigns without a loan. In 1829 Russia was engaged
in a war with Turkey, and after one campaign she
was obliged to apply to Hope and Co., at Amsterdam,
for 40,000 florins.—[Some interruption took place
here.]—Let him alone (continued Mr. Cobden), I dare
say we shall be able to convert him to our principles.—
(A laugh.) I have told you that in 1829 Russia was
obliged to borrow 40,000 florins from Hope and Co.
to carry on a war of two years with Turkey. In 1831,
when the Poles rose in insurrection against Russia,
she could not carry on that war of nine months without
contracting a loan, and only this morning I have seen a
paper speaking of that particular loan having been
contracted, which states that this loan is called in
London the Polish Murdering Loan.—(Cheers.)
W(11 now, gentlemen, I want to know, as a member of
the peace party, if we cannot do something to prevent
Russia or Austria from raising a loan in Western
Europe again.—(Hear.) Now the issue of the contest
alone depends upon that. I have told you that they
cannot carry on a war without robbing the bank of St.
Petersburgh, or borrowing money abroad. Tbey have
no one in their country from whom they can borrow—
none among all their citizens can lend them a
farthing.—(Cheers.) Russia alone enjoys the credit of
being wealthy, ou Naomi' of the dwelt of Mar diplo-

matists, who are clever, skilful men, and who manage to
magnify its wealth, but which no one who has investi-
gated the means of Russia would believe for a moment.
They tell us that the Emperor has wealthy gold
mines in Siberia from which we can draw any amount of
gold ; and I believe that is seriensly believed by some
of the gentlemen at the Government establishment in
Threadneedle street. Now, I have been there, and I knew
what is the value of these mines. The Russian Govern-
ment does not work the mines itself----(Here much noise
arose from the silly conduct of some person at the
end of the room, who, continuing his noisy conduct,
was ejected.) If (proceeded Mr. Cobden) the friends
of the cause which we have at heart will only be quiet,
it will be impossible for any one to make a disturbance.
—(Hear, hear.) I was going 'to say, for I am anxious
to bring out facts, not alone for the present meet-
ing, fur they are facts that will be listened to else-
where.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I wish to show
the monstrous delusion that prevails among the people
of the western world with regard to the resources of
Russia. Now, it does nut work the gold mines
itself, but receives a per centsge upon the work-
ing of them by others; and the working of
those mines are not so profitable as other
avocations pursued in Russia, eine() it yields but
700,0001. or 800,000/. a year. Why, Russia gets
times as much as excise on the ardent spirits consumed
by its wretched, degraded, and debased
populatioie—
(Hear, hear.) Alter the gold mine delusion is dis-
pelled, they tell you that the Emperor of Russia has a
great amount of specie in the vaults of the fortress of St.
Petersburgh. Yes, there is a reserve of specie precis._ ly
in the same way as we have specie in the Bank of Eng
land, but it is a reserve of 14,000,0001. to meet a circu-
lation of paper money of 40,000,0001. or 50,000,000/.
—(Laughter.) And bear is mind that the
present paper circulation of Russia has been
used to redeem another paper money, which had depre-
ciated from 3s. 4d. to 10d., or one-fourth; and, indeed,
the Government has depreciated their own paper money,
fur they have called in their own notes, and paid them
out at 104 d., under a solemn protest on the part of the
Emperor that there should be a reserve of specie
in the fortress of St. Petersburgh, to
pay any demand
that might be made on account of the notes that bad
been issued. And yet their tools, their despicable
minions spread a report among the credulous, and say,
that because the Emperor of Russia has forsooth
14,000,0001. or 15,000,0001. in specie, the Russian
nation is a wealthy one. Now if it goes to war it comes
for a loan or robs the bank, and it takes that which no
more belongs to the Emperor of Russia, or, indeed, to
Russia, than the specie in the Bank of England, and
which he has as much right to take as the Chancellor
of the Exchequer would have to come down to the
City and take the specie in the Bank of England. There
are men who know I am speaking the truth. I know it be-
cause I was on the spot, and when I travelled there I made
it my business to understand the things I am speaking
of.—(Cheers.) Now, I should never have spoken
thus of the poverty of Russia if she had not
gone and violated that principle which every
man who admires Hungarian fortitude and honour, and
who feels an interest in the cause of liberty and patriot-
ism, is bound by every means to uphold.—(Cheers.)
Well, now, these are my moral means.—(Cheers.) These
are the means which I invite the peace party, not
only in England, but throughout Europe, where
they are gathering in force, to uphold.—(Hear,
hear.) These, I say, are the means by which I invite
them to put down the system of loaning.—(Loud cheers.)
Will anybody in the city of London dare to be a party
to a loan to Russia—(Cries of " No, no,")—either di-
rectly, or openly, or by agency, or copartnership with
any house in Amsterdam or Paris? will any citizen dare
before the citizens of this free country to lend
money for cutting the throats of an innocent people?—
(Loud cheers.) Why we have had such a project talked
of. But let such a thing " assume a shape," and I pro-
mise you that we, the peace party, will have such a
meeting as has not yet been held in London—(Loud
cheers)—for the purpose of denouncing the blood-
stained project—for the purpose of pointing the finger of '
scorn at the houses of those individuals who would lend

Russia a loan for such a purpose—(Cheers)—for the
purpose of fixing the indelible stigma of infamy to that
person who shall lend money for such an unchristian and
such a barbarous purpose. That is my moral force.—
(hear.) As for Austria, I suppose nobody would ever
think of lending her money.—(Laughter.) Why she
has been twice a bankrupt within the last thirty or forty
years—and her paper money is down to a discount of
fifteen or sixteen per cent. Surely then no one will
ever think of lending her money. But the peace party
throughout the country will do this—we, will raise
a crusade against every Government to carry on an un-
holy war.—(Hear, hear.) Well, don't let anybody talk
of Russian resources and of Russian money. Why, it is
the poorest and most beggarly Government in Europe.
It has not a farthing—in last year there was an
immense deficit, and this year the expenditure
far exceeds the income; therefore, this financial year it
will be far worse. Russia and Austria are wretchedly
poor. Why, there is not such a gigantic imposture in
all Europe.---(Loud cheers.) They talk sometimes as
though England and Englishmen were afraid of Russia.
Now, I wish to disabuse all minds as to my
views upon that subject. I don't come here
to oppose Russian advances into Hungary, because I be-
lieve that in no possible combination—no accession of
territory—no conceivable turn of events—can Russia in
the least degree be dangerous to England. If Russia
really take a step to require this country, or
another great maritime power, like the United
States of America—(Loud cheers)—to attack that
power only, we should fall like a thunderbolt upon it—
we would crumble that empire into its own dreary fast-
nesses in one six months by the aid of
our shipping.—(Hear, hear.) Russia, a powerful
country I I will tell you what it is. It has an army
which it keeps upon paper without a commissariat—
(Elear)—it has a navy without sailors, and a military
chest without a farthing.—(Hear, hear.) How long is
it since we heard that the Russians intended to invade
Hungary? We have heard of it four months,
during which time the hordes of armed men that were
threatened might, had they been in earnest, have
crushed the country had Russia the power of which it
boasts. What progress have the Russians and Austrians
made? I don't shut my eyes to the peril that awaits
them when they get there, if a country
like England, with the , forces at its command, might
have gone through the country at this time. I don't
speak of fighting the gallant Hungarians. I speak of
the difficulties of the country. Everybody knows
the difficulty they would have to encounter—
for instance, the difficulty of carrying supplies.
What stopped them was, the want of a commissariat and
the want of money to bring it ; want of honesty on the
part of those who have to administer it ; the badness of
the roads, and the chance of being attacked by a
hostile and Indignant people, together with the
poverty of the Russian Government, deters them.
All this I trace to the undoubted poverty of the Russian
Government. The Russian Government were for some
four or five years engaged in making a railroad from
9330 w to Petersburgh.—(Laughter.) The country
was as level as this table—(Laughter)—and they were
obliged to go to a banker to get the money quar-
terly to carry on the undertaking. Russia, a
strong, a powerful, and a rich country ! Don't
ee.'Therefore
any such tales as these fur the future. Refer
them to me.—(Laughter.) Now we do not come here
finances
to interfere with foreign countries, or to make a crusade
against
iti
untils th theyat
I proclaim
h av e violated
thesethe
,principles
of neutrality, and outraged the rights of in-
dependence.
nen foreignc fiane
facts, and will proclaim them, and I dare Russian
agents here to contradict them.—(Great applause.)
Again, I repeat it, atop the supplies, and do it not only
for the interest of Hungary but for the interest of the
Russians themselves. Keep them at home,they have plenty
to do in their own country. There was abundant scope for
them to deepen their own rivers, to drain their own mo-
rasses, and elevate the condition of their own people. This
is what I want them to do, and not to enter upon a crusade
with an unoffending people. It is, therefore, from mo-
tives of humanity, and the interest we take in the struggle
of a noble people for its liberties, that we appear here
to-day.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. OSBORNE, M.P., said that they had heard the
resolution which had been read previous to the one that
had been put into his hands ; and in much of the speech
which had been so humanely and well delivered by the
member of the Society of Friends (Mr. Alexander)
he most cordially and fully concurred. There could be
no doubt that, abstractedly speaking, peace was the
natural state of mankind—(Hear, hear)—but he would
pat it to them living in a constitutional state of society,
which they did at the present day, if 'here might not
be worse evils accruing to humanity and civilization
than the calamities of war—(Cries of " Hear, hear")
and if the destruction of all liberty, and of all civilization,
was not a thing more to be reprobated than the ap-
pearance of a nation in arms struggling for its just rights?
—(Cheers.) He at once, although voting and supporting
jointly the principle of arbitration, would draw a dis-
tinction between wars undertaken for conquest, and
defensive wars, undertaken for the preservation of the
rights and liberties of mankind. If in former times this
great English people had quietly sat down before the
inroads made on their liberties, where would they have
been at this moment? Should he or his Hon. Friend be
standing before them this day advocating the sacred
rights of a people fighting for its liberties against despo-
tism?—(Cheers.) Therefore he took the liberty to
say he did in his conscience believe that a defensive
war was a righteous and holy principle—(Cheers)—
and he could fancy no sight more agreeable to the spirit
of justice than a great nation struggling for its liber-
ties against an overwhelming and despotic power.—
(Cheers.) He was not'much in the habit of defending
her Majesty's Ministers—(A laugh)—but be could
not agree with his Honourable Friend the
Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire,
in the reflection he threw on the Minister
for Foreign Affairs on the late occasion; and he must
do the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London
the justice to say that he did not use the term " insur-
rection" in a bad sense.—(Hisses and cheers.) The
Noble Lord was the friend of the Hungarian struggle;
and strange indeed would it have been for one bearing the
name of Russell—(lnterruption)—and whose blood had
flowed on the scaffold in defence of the liberties of his
country, if he had been otherwise.—(Loud cheers.)
Now, in much that had been said by the Member for
the West Riding he coincided, but he must take the
liberty to say that in exposing the weakness of Russia
he had gone rather too far, tor to be forewarned was
to be forearmed. Although Russia might not be feared
she was not to be despised. Russia purchased five
millions of stock the other day in this country.
Mr. COBDEN rose to explain. The Russian Govern-
ment did not invest a farthing in the Stocks of this coun-
try or of France. It was a transaction performed by the
Bank of St. Petersburgh, in consequence of the ex-
changes having turned greatly in flavour of Russia, owing
to such a large demand for grain in Western Europe.
Mr. OSBORNE resumed. He accepted the explana-
tion of his Hon. Friend ; but he (Mr. Osborne) asked
the meeting if they thought a power which felt no

, scruple in overwhelming a country would have any be immortal as long as England lasted.—(Cries of " No,
scruple in keeping faith with the public fundholder? It no.") Yes, the name of Russell—(Cries of " Ile is an
was his firm belief that Russia, to prosecute her im- imposter," and groans and hisses, and partial cheer-
pious and despotic purposes, would make no scruple ing)—if not him, then the name of Lord Russell
of robbing that bank.—(Cheers.) Let the meeting re- ! —(A voice: "He has not a drop of blood in his
member that the whole theory of Russian warfare was to veins")—who was a martyr in the cause of righteous in-
make the war support itself, as was said by Napoleon. surrection•' he would live in the memories of his coun-
Therefore, though he acknowledged that there was a trymen. But Lord Palmerston justified his dissent
nucleus of truth in what had been said by his Hon.! from the great Sir William Temple in treating the cause
Friend (`lr. Cobden), he would be sorry if any man in of Hungary.—(Cheers.) He was the most efficient mem-
the meeting should feel that the Russian empire was to her of the Government, which he rendered respectable—
be thoroughly despised.—(Loud cheers.) Their (Hear)—he wished he had been permitted to follow the
Chairman, a mercantile man of great wealth and fame, impulse of his genius.—(Cheers.) Troops had been
would not have taken the chair unless he thought the con- sent, without a declaration of war, to carry " tire and
stitutional struggle in Hungary was one against despotic sword" into an independent state, which he believed he
power. It was in 1526 that one Ferdinand succeeded styled appropriately when he called it a gigantic act of
to the Crown of Ilitingary; it was in 1848 that another piracy—(Loud cheers)—since they were sent without
Ferdinand took the necessary oath; and it was in 1849 any of those forms which rendered war legal among
that another Ferdinand broke the oath which he states. The Russian troops had been poured
had sworn to the Hungarian people; and that was into Hungary, who were liable and deserving to be
the cause of their meeting there to-day.—(Cheers.) It treated as if they had served under the black flag of
had been said that that country had a despotic and axis- piracy on the seas.—(Loud cheers.) Hungary, when
tocretic constitution ; it was so once, but the reel leaders thus menaced, might have said to Russia—" With
of the people were the m agnates, who were always an x- Austria we are at ear, according to all those
ions to extend the franchise, and to recognise equality inoeificatione by which in civilized times states
of religious rights, and they had on all occasioes resisted endeavoured to mitigate the dreadful scourge of war.
the guerilla which sat at Vienna, and which never at any Though Austria disregards all those forms and modi-
time gave its consent to the honest reforms made by fieations, and shouts our brethren who fill as prisoners
the Dist of Hungary.—(Laud cheers.) And what of war into their hands; though Austria scourges out
was it that opened the eyes of the Hungarian women in the streets—(Shame)—for the crime of not
Ministers? Why the rising up of those great spirits separating from their husbands and not betraying their
which always made their appearance in all countries when country—what if Austria carry sword and fire into the
the °cession arose—he alluded particularly to a man upon bosom of a free state—we have not, and we vvillnut retaliate
whom he hardly knew, in his humble vocabulary, how to outrage for outrage. We will wage war against Austria
bestow sufficient praise. He meant the great Louis as men of honour—as men of velour—as men of humanity
Kossuth—(Cheers, and waving of hats and handkerchiefs) —as men of generosity. " 'Chec When
,n
Russia
—a man who embodied in his own person the noble feel- poured into Hungary a horde of 1.)
300,000 i pirates,i Hun
ings and aspirations of the great Hungarian people. hary would be justified (thank God
He had suffered for the cause, and was worthy of their 50 j—Hungary would have been ustjustifiede iad ‘
ed inthenot faceuo of
deepest sympathies. In 1836 he was connected with the the nations, and of posterity, if she had said, ‘We shall
press of Hungary, which was not then free, and he yen deal out to you the measure to be dealt out to pirates;
tured to publish the debates of the Hungarian Diet. for you have not declared war ; we ask no quarter from
For this crime he, at the instance of Austria, you, and quarter we will not give you., No had
was convicted by a summary process, and was sentenced adopted a higher and a nobler course. The k they
obleLord
to imprisonment for three years.—(Cries of then denounced the conduct of the Times in n
" Oh, oh !") He need not tell the meeting the cause of Hungary, and more especially in publishingppl a
sing
the public spirit of the Hungarians, which was letter from an anonymous person, a self-styled Hungarian,
similar to the public spirit in all countries wherein men who impeached the character of Louis Kossuth, and who
were oppressed, took him from that dungeon to place had perverted facts and truth. Kossuth, who had been
him in the proud position of being at the head of the aboved the. greatest temptations, and who had, in the
Hungarian people. (Loud cheers.) Now, what midst
St of war, the arts of peace, of education,
were the reforms proposed by Kossuth in IS4S ? andl
of financial credit, kept up internal peace in the
The Lower Chamber, of which he was a mem- rage and
fury of foreign war. But two honoured names
ber, and which was similar to the House of Com- —Count Teleki and M. Pulszky—had defended
mons, abolished all class privileges, abolished the right that great patriot ; and since the anony
m
of the people to give a certain number of days' la•
boor to the state and to the magnates, reduced branded°u i
slanderer had slunk into the silence a
slanderer,_ where he would leave him.
the amount of taxation, extended the suffrage, and lie confessed he had a prejudice against absolute des.
equalized all creeds.—(Cheers.) And what was the Autism, but that prejudice was very much increased
consequence of all this ? He united all the numerous when he saw that absolute despotism administered with
races which constituted the inhabitants of Hun- cruelty. He confessed he had a prejudice against per-
gary, so that even the Jews, who formed jury, against shooting and hanging prisoners of war, and
a large portion of the population, had shed their blood in against the flogging of women.—(Cheers.) He did
the cause.—(Cheers.) Only the last month an Aus- confess—nay, he boasted—that he entertained the
trian tyrant hung a gentleman of that persuasion strongest prejudice against Austria, which was now
Kossuth
Raab. (Hear, hear.) Now this Louis under the government of a man, of whom, to use the
was denounced as an infamous man.— phrase of Abraham Cowley, and which was applied to a
(Laughter.) He might, perhaps, be so if it were very different person—he said " There were two sorts
'infamous to struggle against despotism, to enfranchise of tyranny, a tyranny ex maletituta, and a tyranny
he people, and to concede equal rights to persons of ex male exercitio, a tyranny which arose out of hav-
all creeds; but they took a different view of the matter, ing no title to the throne, and a tyranny which
and hoped that, like another Hercules, Louis Kossuth arose out of wielding the sceptre of Babylon. To your
would strangle on the one side the serpent of Austria, Highness most justly belongs that title of tyrant in both
and would give on the other a deadly blow to tke Russian respects."—(Laughter.) Let the meeting then apply
bear.—(Cheers.) That highly imaginative man Jella- that observation to Francis Joseph, the Emperor of
chich had endeavoured to put down this holy and sacred Austria.—(Cheers.) Now, then, he appealed to their pre-
cause by driving back the peasantry, but some of them, judice against Austria, and to their prejudice against Rus-
armed with scythes, brickbats, and stones had resisted the sia, and to their prejudice in favour of Hungary, carrying
attack, and had spilt even their heart's blood in the on, as she was now doing, a holy and just, and he
cause.—(Cheers.) Only the other day a minister of trusted in Divine Providence a successful struggle.
religion was taken by the Russian invaders and Mr. REYNOLDS here attempted to disturb the arrange-
whipped and hung, for advocating the rights of the ments of the meeting, and against the remonstrances of
Hungarians. The Reverend Mr. Vimer, who was the Chairman, insisted for some few minutes in inflicting
well known in the City from his connexion with an inflammatory speech on the meeting.
the Religious Tract Society, was now expelled from Tne two resolutions were then put to the meeting,
the country of his birth, and a price was set upon and carried with loud applause.
his head by the Austrian Goverment. The monster, Mr. RICHARD TAYLOR then came forward to
Haynau, had perpetrated deeds which outstripped all propose the next resolution, and was warmly received.
the horrors which had been committed by the Huns and lie observed the spirit which had prevailed through-
all the other barbarians that had spread over Europe. out the meeting with the greatest pride and setts-
Why, this Russian tyrant had laid his hands upon the faction, inasmuch as for a long time past he had seen
female sex—even ladies at his instance had been tried, great apathy in this country, which he believed was pro-
condemned, and scourged. While Russia might extend duced by the deceitful arts of the public press, with
its despotism to Constantinople, and tyrannize in the regard not only to the question of Hungary, but also the
south, they should not be too sure that war would not question of liberty throughout Europe, if not throughout
be brought to their own fire-sides.—(Cheers.) Instead the world.—(Loud cheers.) There was one point
of reading the bulletins of war at their own fire-sides which bore upon the subject before the meeting, and to
it might have reached their very shores.—(Hear, hear.) which no allusion had been made—he meant the
He hoped that something tangible would result from question of religious liberty, for they had already heard
this meeting—not a mere protest by words, but that that, among other excellent institutions which had been
they would show, by putting their hands into their established in Hungary, was that of perfect religious
pockets, that their hearts were engaged in the cause.— liberty and equality.—(Hear, hear, and loud cheers.)
(Cheers.) They had already shown their liberality by Hungary was the only country in Southern Europe where
contributing money for the support of people who were reformation had been able to hold its ground.—(Cheers.)
dying of famine. lie knew of no distinctions of colour Some persons who were formerly their friends had
ur of people, and he thought they might with equally expressed an opinion favourable to Austria; but he
good reason assist a great people who were struggling (Mr. Taylor) spoke the truth when he said that that
with despotism, for he believed that famine which killed nation was nothing but an engine for priestly despotism.
men with hunger was scarcely more disastrous than that The power of Austria, it was said, was maintained for
despotism which ruined the spirit of men, and debased the defence of' religious liberty; but so far from her
them to the condition of serfs. He would rather be the being a friend to religious toleration, she had exerted
starving wretch in the west of Ireland than the well-fed her influence during the last one hundred years in
slave under the paternal Government of Austria and extermivating the Protestants from the Tyrol and other
Russia.—(Cheers.) He appealed, then, to the citizens states.—(Hear, hear.) He did not think the Govern-
of London, by the bombardment of Vienna and Pesth, ment was so much to blame as some gentlemen imagined.
by the apostles of commercial freedom—for the tariff It was the people who were to blame for not ying
of Hungary was free, whilst the tariff of Aus- urged the matter upon the Ministry; but he had yet
trig was exclusive —he appealed to them confidence in good old English pluck ; he yet
as the lovers of constitutional government—for Hungary believed that the English people were the friends of
had a free Parliament, and the Hungarians were all liberty, and were quite ready to ge to war in
enfranchised—he appealed to them as the haters of its defence if it were necessary.—(Cheers.) They
war, and of the cruelty which fhgged ladies at Presburg. gloried in the success of Bern, and took delight in his
(Cheers.) He appealed to them for all of these reasons, strategems.—(Cheers.) The policy of the Times he
to express their fullest sympathy with the Hungarian could not understand; it was despicably jesuitical.
cause, and to render assistance to those unfortunate It pretended to support the Ministry, and yet Lord
refugees who hal been compelled to come to this country. Palmerston was constantly made the objects of its
He appealed to his hearers as Christian men to give not base attacks, not that his policy was bad,
only their sympathy but their assistance, according to but because they wanted to detach him from the Govern-
the best of their means, to Hungary, and show their de- went. He was, in a word, disgusted with its perfidious
testation of the proceedings of Austria and Russia, and conduct. It had become the advocate of despotism and
concluded with moving the following resolution : the supporter of the house of Hapsburg, whose history
" That this meeting view with detestation and horror was one continued series of tyrannical incidents.
the barbarous modes in which the war now raging in Austria was spoken of as our friendly ally,
Hungary is prosecuted by the Austrian authorities and but Austria itself was not a country—it was
generals, and consider their conduct to merit the indig- a house who had maintained power by troops and
nant reprobation of all civilized nations." armies collected from barbarian races, and who had
Lord NUGENT, in rising to second the resolution, said always been engaged in a conspiracy against the liber-
he did so in obedience to the call from the chair with ties of Europe.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") It had
pride and pleasure, and he should on no occasion, in no subdued and debased the finest Italian states, while
place, and at no time be speaking the truth, if he denied one of its representatives prostituted his own
that it was with pride and plasure that he testified daughter to Napoleon, to obtain possession of
his hearty concurrence, not only in the resolution, Venice.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped, therefore, the
but in every word of the speech of his country would pay no attention to the nonsense of one
Honourable Friend who had preceded him. He re- portion of the press about our friendly ally, Austria. Let
peated, at any time and in any place, he should be proud them judge for themselves, rather than allow themselves
to bear testimony to the holiness of this cause; but be • to be press-ridden.—(Hear, hear.) He concluded by
fore this meeting, in the centre of the city of London moving the following resolution :—" That this meeting
—of that great metropolis of the famous city which was regard the military intervention of Russia in the affairs
the cradle of English liberty which had formed the im- of Hungary as wholly unjustifiable in reason and in fact,
pregnable fortresses of the country in the days of her inasmuch as besides re-opening and prolonging a san-
warfare and her faithful refuge in distress—it would be guivary contest which had been already virtually de-
affectation to say it was with reluctance he came forward tided--it is a gross violation of the law of nations—the
as an energetic though humble supporter of the cause indefeasible rights of Hungary—and perilous to the
which had brought them there.—(Cheers.) They did peace, the freedom, and the general welfare of Europe."
not come there to declaim, for declamation would be an Mr. M. MILNES seconded the motion. He said he
insult both to the object of the meeting and the spirit would not have presented himself to that inconveniently
which animated every man in it, but to sympathise crowded meeting after the eloquent speeches
with the cause of freedom, and to denounce a despotic they had heard, had not his name been announced in
tyranny that was struggling to destroy the kingdom of connexion with the resolution. Whatever difference of
Hungary, and driving brave men in a state of hopeless opinion might exist among them, they all agreed and had
destitution to the shores of our coast. They came there met there that day to sympathise with freedom, and
not only to appeal to the pity and charity of the the struggles of mankind.—(Hear, hear.) He fully
meeting on behalf of Hungary, but to appeal to agreed with the philosophic speech of Mr. Cobden, more '
the Government, and if the Government were particularly that portion of it in which he contended that
slow to respond to the appeal, to appeal to all states had a right to manage their own affairs—even
the people, who were their masters and teachers, ill if they thought proper ; for it was a leading element
to tell them that they must no longer discourage or dis- in the law of nations, which had been violated in the
countenance the cause of liberty in Hungary by refusing case of Hungary, that the intermeddling of other
to recognise the nationality.—(Cheers.) Now the case nations was fraught with danger. Austria was marked
of Hungary could be told in a few words. It might be out by the Congress of Vienna, in order that she might
a large word, but he maintained that this cause was the constitute a great military power in the centre of
most sacred in which liberty had ever raised her Europe, and present a bar against the
sagegresswioarsi
armies against despotism. It had no parallel of Russia on the other naetrions.
and Austria,
in the modern history of the world. This created an
bsiidnid
repetnndrinutas
biro
hwad no business there.—
was a large word, but he would justify it. A more which se aussgerlel aatndpotoiornd
sacred cause had not occurred since the time when the
what(fHear,hhaensadrs.u)heeinVbasailYsidt
hhyeLangrrdeeddohwnithn
ancient Greeks, against odds more formidable. than in o
the present instant©, overthrew their barbarian invaders. Palmerston on Saturday, he could not conceal from him-
the the clearest which self that they should have held that the relations entered
Thy
happened in iialuElr3orim; idouor'inwga the course of modern into at Vienna were being disturbed, and that neither
history.- If the case of English liberty against the England nor France would permit it, whatever might
Stuarts was clear, he was prepared to show that that of be said by the Times and other papers who wrote
Hungary was a thousand times more clear. If we resisted as it did, because it believed its policy would be pleasing
James the Second, because resistance became a neces- to a certain class of the community.—(Cries of " No; it
sity and a duty, the resistance of Hungary to Francis is bought: it has sold itself.") But let them have a few
Joseph was still more inevitable. The claims of James the such meetings as this, and depend upon it the press,
11., being King of the country, was to attack the ancient which was but their shadow, would follow them.—(llear.)
constitution of England by the assumption of a power to eceuld not conceive, in the late debate in the House
dispense with the law; but the attack made by the Em- of Commons, why there had been an unwillingness to
peror of Austria upon Hungary was that of an Emperor allude to subjects which Mr. Canning would have stood
who professed to be what he was not, namely, King of up to defend.—(Cheers.) He knew that they would
Hungary.—(Hear.) That was an unjust attack upon an stand by Lord Palmerston, and would admire that states-
independent state by a foreign invader, who was pouring manship that enabled him to say, years ago, that the then
in upon it hundreds of thousands, not only of his own " political state of Europe was an unsafe and a crumbling
people, but of his hireling allies, who had not even de- state. He asked them to give force to that propo-
Oared war, and were therefore not within the pale sition. This was a question above all persons ;
of civilized relations so far as Hungary was con- and he asked them to hold that language that had
corned. The case of Hungary could be told been held by the Liberal party in the House of Com-
in few words. Hungary was a free monarchy, mons, who had said that, as far as England was con-
created by five treaties spreading over a space of 300 cerned, though they adopted the principle of non-
years, which bad been confirmed by that great inter- interference, it should be known that it was her ardent
national party called the great Pragmatic Sanction, desire that other nations should enjoy that freedom
confirmed, too, by England in 1720, and confirmed by the which she herself enjoyed.—(Cheers.) The Honour-
oath taken by the late King of Hungary. The kingdom able Gentleman concluded by seconding the. resoalnu:
of Hungary was vested in the house of Hapsburg, tion by an eloquent appeal to the charity
the
in the same force of circumstances that vested Hanover sympathy of the meeting on behalf °ttFolk-
in the Crown of England ; and Hungary was as in- Hungarian officers and soldiers
to their country to
dependent of the Imperial Crown as the Electorate stone, to enable them to r
words to offer to yonufgeaw3t,owthuoirrsdslsuatpien.
of Hanover was independent of this country. The late assist in fighting the battluesotfeattideriarriigebdetepueunsdeeeacue;e, The
Emperor Ferdinand, according to the Constitution, Hungarian caul© wdaws
aas njot only justified but bound to
took the oath as King of Hungary, but before the iris. ono which England
pression of the Imperial lips was cold upon the bold suort. C
seri.,
us
At ern_p3uitr
.a ncd
bcaiatilrrkrmi eiatdnw will be
unanimously,
eG
enetel
evangelist, he abdicated in favour of a successor who
mernot think had refused to take the oath.—(Hear, hear.) It was rte d resolution
have
E r
than a very
not till the liberties of Hungary were thus menaced,
employand more odr
oe
Ivnot many
that she took up arms with fortitude, and she rolled. periodf rofrateheteday,
13 aging your attention, and in obtaining
to move,
back the forces of Austria.—(Hear, hear.) sary
(inagnieldnFately recog.ately after Hungary established a constitution, abolisnhd-
pe ogrt to the resolution which I am
ing serfage, guaranteeing personal and civil liberty,._aom
which is, that this Government do
a manou"lohgise nize the independence of Hungary.— Loud and long con-
Yes, gentlemen, I knew how it would
placed at the head of the Executive
he should think it presumption to
d upon bins tinned cheering.)
Kossuth.—(Pro-ace be. You do not want a lung speech—you do not want
alter the eloquent panegyric pronounced
of
”ustioas. orator—butafinem. _. you only want an honest and an ear-
by Mr. Osborne—namely,
longed cheers.)
case of 1 ussia? nest Ind ((sheers)—to come to •
So much thenLfoornitshelcase.
What should ho say as to the point you the way
" whose troops,' to use the un- that is right—you d
and groans)—Russia,
Primo Minister, the to sympathise with 0 not want many words to ask you
of the Hungary—you do not want oratory
fortunate phrasesuppress an insurrec- to induce
either night, " were lent to you to declare that Englishmen will ever be
believed that •
but he trusted and with
tion"—(lllsees)
people who are fighting for their liberties,—(Pro-
those were not used in a sense de- longed el
those unhaPPY, leering.) I have always seen it; I have never
the Hun •
tory of disapprobation o Hungarian cause. failed to meet with
claret a response, and a noble response
bound to believe that a man, whose name woHe was uld from the people, whenever the subject of nations strug-

gling for their independence was laid before you.—
(Cheers.) I have of ten spoken to you of Poland
(Cheers.) I come now to speak to you of Hungary,
whose cause is like that of Poland.—(Continued cheer-
ing.) I speak to you of Hungarians, who, like the
Poles, are struggling for all that is dear to man,
and have sworn to lay down their lives on the altar of
their country, and to resist to the death the foul machi-
nations of despotism.—(Prolonged cheering.) You do
not want much to be said to you to rouse you in favour
of such people, but it may be right to say a few words
explanatory of the real position of Hungary—(llear,
hear)—because, although it is enough,for us to know that
the Hungarians are struggling for independence, it is
still interesting also to become acquainted with some of
the details of their excellent and most righteous case;
and it is the more necessary,to explain this, because the
enemies of Hungary, the hired agents of Austria
and of Russia, are never tired with going about
the world and disseminating all sorts of ca-
lumnies against the frici.ds of liberty, and their
agents are to be found in every part, amen et the high
as well as among,t the low—(hear, hear)—au the press,
in public places, in secret places, in Cabinets—(llear,
hear)—and, therefore, it is the more necessary that the
truth shoted ba tol3, and that the base machinations of
the servants of despotism ehould be expos,d.—(Cheers.)
I quite agree with my lion. Friend, .Ir. Cobden, in the
noble sentiments which he laid down, that every people
has a right to choose and to e,:tablish its own Govern-
ment, and that they have a perfect right to have a bad
Go‘ernuient if so they think fit.—(Hear, hear, and
cheers. Therefore, if the Hungarians were struggling for
a Government which we coul4 not approve, still we ehould
say that they had a right to theirindependence—(Cheers)
—still we should sympathise with them when they draw
their swords to defend themselves against foreign eg-

gressori.—(Loud and long continued cheers.) But their
enemies would have you believe that the Huogarians de-
serve no sympathy because they are struggling to estab-
lish a red republic! That is one of the things which the
enemies say. Another thing, quite the contrary, they
say there—they try it both ways—if it won't do one,
they betake themselves to another—the truth is that to
which they have no regard—(Hear, hear)—the other is
that the Government of Hungary is a Government car-
ried on only for the benefit of the aristocracy.—
(Laughter and cheers.) lam here to deny, having
studied the subject carefully, the truth of both those
allegations.—(Cheers.) The Hungarians are not engaged
in a struggle to establish a red republic, or anything of
the sort.—Cheers.) They are not engaged even in en-
deavouring to establish a republic at all, although if
they were it would be no reason—(The conclusion of
the sentence was lost from the loud cheering.) What
they are striving to obtain and to defend is, their old
constitution, which they have had for the last SCO years
—(Cheers)—and which is a constitution more like our
own than any other that has ever been established—a
constitution consisting of King, Lords, and Commons.
That they have always had; they do not at present
demand more, and they will not be satisfied with any-
thing less.—(Cheers.) As to the Government being one
that is carried on for the benefit of the aristocracy, no-
thing can be more untrue.—(Hear.) It is true, as I
have said, that there is in that country an hereditary
aristocracy, a Chamber of Peers, and it is also true
that formerly the right of suffrage was restored to those
who are called nobles in that country.—(Hear, hear.)
But the nobles in that country are wholly unlike what
we understand by that word. Here that class was so
large that it should rather be compared to the class of
electors, and formerly in Hungary the number of
electors was larger in proportion to the population of
the country than the number in this country—in Eng-
land—previous to passing the Reform Bill.—(Cheers.)
But the Hungarians have not remained satisfied with
that Government; they have, like ourselves, required
and demanded some reform, and they have substituted
for the privilege of birth, which formerly entitled these
hundreds of thousands of men to the vote—(Cheers)—
they have established a property qualification like our-
selves—they have got their ten-pound householders and
freeholders as we have—(Cheers)—they found that this
Government, which, perhaps, in former times, although
much better than many other Governments, was too
aristocratical—they found, like ourselves, that they were
not content to be governed by an oligarchy—(Cheers)--
and they reformed their Constitution, and they made it
liberal as it is now—(Cheers)—they established freedom
of the press under the noble Kossuth—(Bursts of ap•
plause and cheering, which lasted several minutes)—
they established the emancipation of the peasants, and
they gave to every man throughout the land equal rights.
—(Prolonged cheering) Why should there tie so much
interest in this country, as I know there is in favour of
Hungary? I will tell you. I will give you a
reason why; I will give you two reasons. Hungary, of
all countries in the world, has been always the most re-
markable for its attachment to religious liberty—
(Cheers)—for one thing, and to free trade for the other.
—(Continued cheering.) I come to you to ask for
your sympathy for Hungary, with the words liberty of
conscience and liberty of commerce.—(Loud cheers.) I
will not enlarge upon the latter; I will not tell you, as I
might, of the immense advantages—and perhaps, if the
hour was not so late, it would not be improper in the
midst of this great city, surrounded by prince-mer-
chants, who carry on the most extensive dealings in the
world—l say it would not be improper to
point out to you the enormous commercial ad-
vantages which would result to this country from
the establishment of the independence of Hungary.—
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) To establish Hungary as an
independent free kingdom, in a short time England
v ould carry on as large a trade with that country us it
does now with the United States.—(Cheers.) But
only think of the advantage of havirg such a country
as that encouraging and maintaining every thing that is
right and good, demanding and carrying on civil and
religious liberty to a greater extent than it is in this
country; because in this country we have not yet, lam
sorry to say, complete religions liberty. —(Cheers.) We
have toleration, but we have not the lull religious
liberty which we ought to have—(Loud cheers)—that
no man, no matter what be his creed, should be excluded
from any office or any privilege. But the Hungarians
have that ; they know no difference between
Protestant, or Catholic, or Jew, or any other form of
religion, so far as privileges and rights are concerned ;
and they are opposed to a Government which, of all go-
vernments that have been in the world, the Austrian
Government, and particularly the house of Hapsburg,
have always shown themselves the most ruthless, the
most tyrannical, the most cruel enemies that ever ruled
on the earth.—(Hear, hear.) Remember the bigot
Charles V.; remember Philip the Second of Spain, with
his Inquisition. These names are enough to band us all
in au alliance with the Hungarians against that house,
and against that detestable Government.—etsheers.) A
Noble Friend of mine has very happily!spoken of a pre-
judice existing in this country against Austria, and very
felicitously took up what fell in the House of Lords
upon that subject. I will share in that prejudice,
I know that that Government is detestable, and since
opinions have been referred to in the House of Lords in
favour of Austria, I cannot help referring to an opinion
declared in former days in that House when there was
more spirit of liberty—(Cheers) —when there was more
attachment than there is now—and when the Whigs,
'whatever we may think of them at the present day—
(Groans and hisses)—were defenders of all that was
good and great.—(Cheers.) I cannot help referring to
an opinion which I sin fond of quoting, and which I
have mentioned in the House of Commons, of the late
Lord Holland, who said, in his place in the House of
Lords, " All history proves that if ever anything mean,
oppressive, and unjust was done in Europe, Austria was
the party to do it."—(Hear, hear.) It was then taken
up by Lord Liverpool, who endeavoured to controvert
the position by civil remonstrance to induce him to re-
tract the expression. That nobleman, Lord Holland
said, " I won't retract the expression; I repeat that
Austria is of all Governments, and always was, the most
mean, the most oppressive, and the moss cruel in the
world."—(Hear, hear.) Aye, and Lord Holland said
that some ten years ago.—(Cbeers,) That was before
what has passed at Cracow—bFfore the bloody scene of
Gullicia—(Cheers)—when a
price was paid to miscreants
to bring to the Government the heads of the leaders
before the butcheries that have been perpetrated by
Austrian commanders in Italy, and before the flogging
of a woman at Presburg and at Vienna. Amply] is
Lord Holland justified in his allegation e. this detestable
Government.—(Hear.) Sir, I rejoice to see such a meet-
ing as this here assembled in the cause of these noble
Hungarians— (Cheers) and against those constant
enemies of mankind, the Austrian and the Russian Go-

vcrnments.—(Groans.) I well know that I have, in ad-
vocating the cause of the Hungarians, the sympathy of
the whole country.—(Cheers.) I do not say that there
may not be in high places—l do not say that in the
House of Lords )ou may not find old Tories who have
always been Tories, and who have grown old and grey
in their enmity to the liberty of the people, who speak
in favour of Austria.—(Cheers.) I do not tell you that
there;-.is no apostate Liberal—(Laughter and cheers)—
who, abandoning his own principle now, can do nothing
but flatter the great and egg on despots in all their en-
deavours—who can admire nothing but what is despotic
—I do not tell you that in those places and amongst
that party, and even in the House of Commons,
where we had yesterday a Noble Lord, whocame d
no doubt, to defend his uncle, Lord
Aberdeen, and to,
malign the Hungarians, and to describe the illustrious
head of the Hungarian nation as " !
and signs of
he infamous Kos-
!"—(Loud cries of " Shame,
do not tell you that there are
indignation.) I
not such people to be found, but that feeling—
fortunately for the Hungarians—is universal amongst
what are called the fashionable circles ! (Loud
cheering and laughter.) But this
fo
leril Y:11
naunn.
and
this I know, that there is sympathytlithe garian people wherever there is sympathy for
Eng-
lish people.—(Pcheering.)
rolonged How- much I re-
joiced at the manner in which you responded to my
friend Charles Taylor, when he pronounced the glorious
name of General 13em.—(Vehement cheers.) But a
short time ago that gallant hero was in this country, a
poor and despised Polish refugee—one of that body
whom a certain person in the House of Lords, who would
be distinguished as a chivalrous man—(Laughter)—fond
of in
touruaent—(ltcnewed ter)—delighted in stig-
matising,—General Bern was 'here, a poor destitute re-
fugee ; he was in a state of the most extreme bad health
consequent upon an old wound ; he had no means of
supporting himself ; he was indebted solely for his sub-
sistence at that time to the Polish Association, which
furnished him with a pittance, which now I am almost
ashamed to remember, it was so small, but it was all that
we were able to afford him in a hospital of this city, for
he was un.,ble to pay for medical assistance. At the
University Hospital ho received his medical treatment.
A bullet which he had had in his body for a prodi-
gious number of years was extracted by the able care
of the late Mr. Liston. That man was restored to
health, and furnished with a very small sum by our
Polish Association; he a.es enabled to return to his own
country,
to Gallicia, and thence to proc?ed to Hungary,
to lead on those gsllant Hungarians to victory and to
raise his name to t summit of distinction and of fame.
--(Loud ch heeers.) The friends of Austria are fund