The Sun.
London, England, 1849-11-01 00:00:00

THE SUN,

Bill, and a fact, the truth of which was made apparent
throughout the Continent by the Revolution of IS4B.
" We are entering upon an age of popular self-
government," says our truth-telling contemporary—
an assertion not only corroborated by so many recent
struggles for popular rights on behalf of the various
nations of Europe, but moreover a fact unmistakably
confirmed by the cowardly cruelty of the terror-
stricken Absolutists. The moral power of crowned
tyranny is gone for ever, oppression seems " sacred
in its venerable wrong" no longer, and, therefore, by
the same rule that the loser in an argument has re-
course to abuse or blows, the powerless sceptre has
been exchanged for the sword, and the hangman's rope,
and the lash. Thus the very proceedings which may
appear like the triumphs of absolute power, are, in fact,
only a world-wide proclamation of its death-warrant.
" The slope of public opinion throughout the whole
civilized world is towards democracy," says the
paragraph above quoted, and, however appearances
may indicate the contrary, towards democracy
the civilized world is proceeding with steady
and irresistible progress. Perhaps the present posi-
tion of European affairs may appear little encou-
raging to those enthusiastic Utopists who hailed
with so much fervour the glorious opening of the
recent revolution. " France," say they, "has proved
traitor to the cause of national independence. Rome
has witnessed the annihilation of its infant Republic ;
Italy is subdued under the rule of BADETZKY ; Hun-
gary is crimsoned with the blood of her best children;
while the Imperial tyrants work on complacently,
sharpening their swords for fresh carnage, and pre-
paring the implements of execution for fresh victims."
Yet, at this very moment we are told, by one who,
assuredly, has no bias in its favour, that public
opinion is progressing towards democracy, and we
are entering upon an age of popular self-government.
The admission comes at the right moment. It comes
to shame the despondent ones whose confidence for-
sakes them under temporary defeats, and to stimulate
,hose true hearts who, notwithstanding the blood

and tears which obscure the view,

contemplating with unwavering faith the triumphant
progress of democracy. Never was that triumphant
progress better assured than at the present moment,
notwithstanding the deafening violence of its oppo-
nents, notwithstanding even the desertion of some of
its former adherents. We must confess that we are

inclined in all cases to hope far the best ; and there- '
fore until circumstances have decidedly proved to the
contrary, we shall venture to anticipate even from
the present rulers of France and Rome a co-operation
in the cause of democracy. An opportunity
is now offered to the restored SOVEREIGN
of Rome to fulfil the high promises held
out by the first acts of his liberal and beneficent
policy—a policy which, in those days of enthusiasm,
elicited from one of the most liberal of Italians the
application of the test—" Fuit honzo missus a Deo, cui
nomen erat Johannes." Whether or not those pro-
mises will be fulfilled time will speedily show. It
they are, we shall gladly welcome to the cause of de-
mocracy the aid of one of its early supporters ; if not,
the triumph of that cause will be equally assured. It
will be assured, for it is founded on justice.

In alluding to the causes of the late monetary
crisis and the general distress that prevailed through-
out the entire country, we declarad that " these
untoward results were altogether ascribable to the
undue appreciation in the value of mcney, occasioned
by the Act of 1819, and the still more fatal measure
of 1844." We also stated that the supporters of the
present system were greatly mistaken in attributing
the fearful evils under which the nation groaned
either to the potato blight—to over. production by our
manufacturers—over-speculation by our merchants—
or to the vast expenditure that had taken place in the
construction of railways. We then proved that these
calamitous results could not have been occasioned by
the failure of the potato crop, which, although in-
flicting serious losses upon the parties more
immediately interested, could not possibly
have led to a general depreciation of
every description of property in this country, prac-
tically involving the destruction of property to the
value of 251. for every pound contributed to the re-
lief of the Irish, and we undertook to prove that
they were not ~.cribable to " over- production, over-
speculation, or to the railway expenditure." In re-
demption of that pledge, we now return to the consi-
deration of this all-important subject.

" Over-production," what is it ? Is it not palpably.
that a greater quantity of any given commodity has
been created than can be absorbed by the wants o►
the community ? Can there be an " over-production "
of corn, while there are myriads of half-starved
wretches, unable to obtain bread sufficient to satisfy
the cravings of nature, who are dwindling away in
hopeless misery, enduring day after day the pangs
of hunger—their strength reduced for want of proper
sustenance, their spirits broken, their energies para-
lyzed, for want of that which we are facetiously told is
" over-produced ?" Can there be an over-production
of cotton or of woollen fabrics, while thousands—
aye, millions—of ill-clad and half-naked wretches are
shivering in the cold, without the means of protecting
themselves from the inclemency of the weather, of
sheltering their trembling limbs from the piercing
blasts of winter ? We may be told that these desti-
tute sufferers, although they may be willing to con-
sume, would be utterly unable to pay for the commo-
dities they would receive; that therefore the manu-
facturer of corn or of wearing apparel would not
receive the due remuneration for his labours. Granted !
But that is the fault of the system of currency we
are impugning. Under a wise and paternal Govern-
ment the test of " over-production" would be, not the
state of the market, but the wants of the people
The former is subject to many influences.
A circulating medium, adequate to the exigencies of
the country—a suitable measure of value will at any
time stimulate the market, and increase the demand
to almost any given amount. But the commodities
remain undisposed of simply because the measure is
wanting. It would be just as mischievously absurd
to enact a law that no corn should be disposed of
unless the quantity bad been previously ascertained
by an imperial standard set up at the Royal Ex-
change. There would be many able and willing to
produce it to the extent that would be required to
feed the population—other measures, although not
stamped according to law, would be just as efficacious
in enabling the parties to arrange their transactions,
and there would be an ample supply for all demands,
but, in consequence of the arbitrary rule above alluded
to, the vendois and purchasers could not be brought
together, so that the former would sustain serious
damage from the absence of a suitable demand, and
many of the latter would
-perish for want of the
chief necessary of existence. So it is under the
present system of currency. Everything must be
measured by the gold standard, and when that is
insufficient, the vendors are unable to dispose of their
goods, the purchasers to obtain supplies for their
pressing emergencies.
The issues of bank notes that have been made to
assist our metallic currency so long as the condition
of " convertibility on demand" is maintained can no
more provide an adequate remedy for the foregoing
evils, than the addition of another standard at York
or Liverpool would counteract the mischief of the
limitation of corn measures referred to. It might,
under certain circumstances, in some degree
alleviate its disastrous consequences. The de-
mand might be doubled ; a greater number of
persons might be enabled to procure supplies, but
many must still be suffering who could not obtain
corn measured by the only standard recognised by
law. The parallel would be complete if it were
enacted, that whenever the original standard erected
at the Royal Exchange was out of repair, so that it
could not measure as large a quantity as at other times,
the amount measured by its provincial duplicate should
also be limited in a similar proportion ; so that the
calamity occasioned by the failure of the one should
be increased in intensity by a deliberate injury to the
other, which, if suffered to work freely, might, by
additional activity, in some degree compensate for the
cessation of work by the original.
What adds materially to the evil, and to the glaring
hardship of the case is, that gold, the only recognised
standard, is not a natural production of Great Britain,
that no amount of labour applied at home can create

.. _
that which is rendered the necessary foundation and

basis of all our transactions. We are, in fact, de-
pendent on the labours of others; of speculative dig.
gets in the wilds of California, or of Russian serfs in
the Ural Mountains. If they should not be indus-

LONDON,

trious—if the anticipated success should not attend
their exertions—we must adandon our labours and
be contented to peri,h in want and misery. Is thi
the independence of which Englishmen are so proud?
How could we dare to dispute the will of the
AUTOCRAT, or to oppose his aggression on con-
stitutional liberty in any part of the world?
A single ukasa, prohibiting the exportation of
the precious metals, or forbidding the furthEr
working of the Ural mines, would paralyse all otr
energies, cripple our strength, and take away the
means of resistance, even of self-defence, un-
less our lawgivers, lenrning wisdom, in the
hour of danger, should effect a total
alteration of the system that has rendered a state of
profound peace and tranquillity more formidable than
one of international war.
The Israelites were willing to labour at the com-
mand of PHAROAII ; they would produce any quantity
of bricks that might be required, so long as a suffi-
ciency of " straw," a necessary material in the manu-
facture, were supplied. They could not, however,
make the "straw"—and the tyrant, when resolved
upon their destruction, ordained that straw should
thenceforth be withheld. Our modern PHARAOHS
follow the example—they demand heavy taxes and
imposts from the people, which must be paid in a
medium which they cannot produce by any amount of
labour—they also withhold the "straw" from the

sufferers.
There is scarcely one of the houseless, starving,
shivering wretches, to whom we have alluded in the
beginning of this article who would not gladly give
his labour, the only capital he possesses, in exchange
for what he requires. lle only asks for employment—
demands that he may be permitted to work, and by
his labour, in turn, to minister to the wants of his
fellow-men. But this reasonable and humble request
is denied ; he is kept in compulsory idleness, un-
profitably consuming the national resources, in place
of being the creator and producer of national wealth.
Distress, misery, and destitution are to be found on
every side—once happy homes are broken up, husband
and wife are separated and driven to different com-
partments of the union workhouse—those whom
GOD bath joined together man bath put asunder—
helpless children are deprived of the fostering care
of parents. But while these indisputable grievances
and evils prevail, we are told to rejoice because " the
integrity of the standard has been preserved." And
Sir CHARLES WOOD announces, with a self-applaud-
ing smile, that " the convertibility of the bank-note has
been secured," and that " the bank issues were never
in a sounder condition 1" Alas for human nature, when
such things can be regarded as a set-off and compen-
sation for the fearful amount of human misery and
human suffering to which we have above alluded.

DISMISSAL

OF THE

FRENCH MINISTRY.

A letter dated Paris, yesterday evening, says:—
The Ministers have resigned en masse, and the 1'431

lowing appointments are spoken of:—
M. Ferdinand Barrot, Minister of the Interior.
M. Rouher, Minister of Justice.
M. Parrieu, Minister of Public Works.
M. Casimir Perier, Minister of Foreign Affairs.
M. Fould, Minister of Finance.
Admiral Romain Desfosses, Minister of Marine.
General Hautpoul, Minister of War.
The only appointments considered serious are those
of MM. Casimir Perier, Parrieu, and Rouher.
We have since received the following message from
the President of the French Republic to the President
of the National Assembly, from which it appears that
the late Ministry, instead of resigning, had been dis-
misssed

"At half-past five o'clock M. Dupin communicated
to the Assembly the following message from the Pre-
ti lent of the Republic :
" Monsieur le President,—Under the grave cir-
erarrint........ 1.t.,
ought to reign amongst the different bodies of the
state cannot be maintained unless by the existence
of a mutual confidence, and unless they explain them-
selves sincerely to each other.
" In order to give an example of that sincerity I
come forward now to state the reasons which have
determined me to change the Ministry, and to sepa-
rate myself from men whose eminent services I am
well pleased to proclaim, and to whom I owe fritnd-
ship and gratitude.
"' In order to strengthen the Republic, menaced
by anarchy from so many sides ; to ensure order more
efficiently than has been done up to the present time ;
to maintain abroad the name of France at the
elevation of her renown, men are needed, who,
animated by a patriotic devotedness, comprehend
the necessity of the single direction of a firm cha-
racter, and of a clearly defined policy, which does
not compromise power by any irresolution; of men,
in short, whose minds are as much filled with the
conviction of my peculiar responsibility as of their
own, and of the necessity of action as well as of
words.—(Great agitation.)
" For nearly a year I have given many proofs of
self-denial in order that there might be no misunder-
standing with regard to my real sentiments.
Without rancour against any individual or against
any party, I have allowed men of the most
contrary opinions to arrive at power, but without
obtaining the happy result which I expected from
that arrangement. In place of effecting a fusion of
different shades of opinion, I only arrived at a
neutralization of force.
"' The unity of views and intentions was interfered
with, and the spirit of conciliation taken for weak-
ness. Scarcely had the dangers of the street been got
over when the ancient parties were seen again to
elevate their colours, revive their rivalries,
and alarm the country by arousing disquietude.
" In the midst of this confusion France, uneasy
because she cannot see any guiding band, seeks the
hand and will of the elected of December the 10th.
But that will cannot be felt unless there be entire
unanimity of ideas, of views, and of convictions
between the President and his Ministry ; and
unless the Assembly itself joins in the thought of the
nation as expressed in the election of the Executive

Power.
" A whole system triumphed on the 10th of
December, for the name of Napoleon is a complete
programme in itself. It means at home, order,
authority, religion, and the welfare of the people ;
abroad, national dignity. It is this system that I
wish to cause to triumph by the aid of the Assembly
and the people. I wish to be worthy of the confidence
of the people by maintaining the constitution which
I have sworn to observe. I wish to inspire the
country by my fair, straightforward dealing, perseve•
ranee, and firmness, with a confidence that business
will revive.
" ' The letter of the Constitution has certainly a
great influence on the destiny of the country, but
the manner in which it is exercised has perhaps
even more. The longer or shorter duration of power
contributes powerfully to the stability of things ;
but it is only by displaying ideas and principles that
a Government can succeed in persuading society to
reassure itself.
" Let us, therefore, again raise up authority
without interfering with real liberty. Let us calm
the apprehensions that are felt by vanquishing bad
passions, and by giving to all noble instincts a
proper direction. Let us strengthen religious feel-
ing, without abandoning the conquests of the re-
volution ; and we shall save the country in spite of
the parties, the ambitions, and even the infatuations,
which our institutions may contain.
(Signed) " Louis NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.
i" A supplement of the Moniteur will give, this
evening, the names of the new Ministry.—(Loud
laughter.)
" The Assembly then rose at six o'clock."
" SEVEN O'CLOCK, P.M.
"It is reported that M. de Flavigny has refused
the Foreign Department, and that M. de Rayneval
is appointed to that office.
"Messrs. Mole, Thiers, and General Changarnier,
have promised to support the new Cabinet."