The Sun.
London, England, 1831-03-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The unanimous enthusiasm of the people of Eng-
land in defence of the national rights and liberties
was never so manifest within our recollection, as on
this present question of the Reform Bill; nor have
we found recorded a single instance of rich and
poor, high and low, men of all conditions, profes-
sions, and fortunes, feeling an equal sympathy in any
cause, except indeed that of war against some hated
public enemy. That enemy is now the usurper of
the people's franchises—the cutpurse of the peoples
money—the robber of the public treasury under
the forms of law—of law enacted by the plunderer
himself, to favour his own extortion, his own sys-
tematic conversion of the fruits of other men's in-
dustry to selfish or criminal uses. If the thing
itself now about, we trust in God, to be expelled
for ever from our re-established commonwealth—if
that has justly incurred the execration of every ho-
nest man in the community, how utterly disgusting
is it to see the very agents of the system—those
through whom the whole weight of its oppression
has been felt and exemplified during the last twenty
years—push themselves forward to bolster up its
vice and rottenness, and to charge with " igno-
rance," " presumption," " absurdity," nay, ini-
quity," a patriotic government and united nation,
for joining in one common effort to put the nuisance
down. When, night after night, borough nominees
rise to infest the proceedings of the House of
Commons with arguments to justify their own in-
trusion into it, and their continuance there, thus
impudently maintaining what the lawyers call
an " adverse possession," in spite of judgment
against them, we really feel inclined to ask why
the rightful owners of the House should be longer
insulted by the presence of such unwelcome in-
mates ? It is beyond question a piece of the
broadest and coolest effrontery in the world, for
these hired laequeys of public delinquents to stand
up us advocates of the disgraceful service they have
embarked in. Of two conditions, these persons
must be in one or other : they -must either have
bought the close borough seat which they fill, or
they have sold themselves bodily to him who has
the disposal of it. It is impossible to get into Par-
liament for a close borough but on either of the
above conditions. Vet, is there a single indi-
vidual amongst them who has had the trnth
cr honesty to tell the House of Commons,
" I have paid 5,0001. for this seat, the conti-
nuance of which I am now defending ;" or, " I
have sold myself to the patron of the borough,"
for his permission to be one of Ms members?"
We say than common integrity requires a man to
apprise his hearers of the real character in which he
appears before them as an advocate for this or that
cause. If he does not, he attempts to impose upon
their judgment by wearing false colours. He comes
as a representative of the people, having, in fact, no
constituent 'but his own purse, or he passes himself
off as an independent volunteer, being no better
than a miserable mercenary. le, however, dares
not avow the real nature of his case, for that, lie
knows, would subject him to be indicted. When
Mr. Perceval, who seems not to be " in his perfect
mind," declares that he never could get any friend
of Reform to offer the least proof that close bo-
roughs were a substantial grievance, he might have
been told, in Johnson's words, that nobody was
"obliged to find him an understanding." If this
gentleman was to catch a thief in the act of finger-
ing his purse, or running away with the quarter's
salary of his sinecure office, we dare say lie would
not be very nice about looking for syllogisms whereon
to found a charge of robbery. Mr. Goulburn, with
much naivete, murmurs at the demolition of close
boroughs, because a Minister might not in that
case be able to ensure his own election to Parliament,
and therefore the King's prerogative might be inter-
fered with ! Well, then, there is no great harm in
it, if his Majesty should be constrained to choose
only such Ministers as his people might deem wor-
thy of choosing for their representatives, and if
all others were compelled to retire. One of
the most mortifying annoyances and injuries
which this nation has suffered, has been the
thrusting of obnoxious or imbecile creatures into
important offices under the Crown, because they
happened to have some claim upon a leading Mi-
nister, or some connexion with him. Mr. Goul-
burn's dissatisfaction is further provoked on this
point, because an "able financier when out of office 1"
might thus, by his exclusion from Parliament, be
baulked of the opportunity of exposing the plans in
his successor's budget. Did Mr. Goulbuin not per-
ceive a smile on the faces of any of those who lis-
tened to the above somewhat apropos topic of dis-
content ? We can assure him that even were the
country to be for ever precluded from all hope of
having the Right Hon. Gentleman either for Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, or for budget-biter to the
Chancellor who succeeded him, we doubt whether
there are two individuals in England who would be
induced to Fare from the general wreck of borough-
mongers a single seat for the toe of Mr. Goulburn.
Indeed, the obvious probability created by this
great measure, that no Ministers will be selected by
the Crown but such as are esteemed•among their
countrymen, and that, after their accession to office,
they will pursue a course calculated to preserve their
popularity, may be considered one among its
choicest recommendations. As for the silly pro-
phecy pronounced by some of the rotocrat speakers,
that property will lose its influence under the opera-
tion of the Bill, we have already stated the reasons
why property in general must become more powerful
than ever. The right of election, and the rule of
representation, ate now distributed and fixed with
such palpable unfairness, that a man not worth 500/.
per annum may have borough interest enough to re-
turn two or more Members to Parliament, while the
man of 20,0001. a-year may not comnsand a single
vote. Under the proposed Reform, such an ini-
quity will be at once abolished : a chance-medley
monopoly will be destroyed, whilst every particle of
property throughout the kingdom will enjoy its
equal share of power.—Times.
We can only afford to notice a few of the meet-
ings which are now taking place throughout the
country. On Thursday there was a meeting in
Leeds, at which the Ministerial plan of Reform was
approved by all parties. At Birmingham there was
a town's meeting on Friday last, attended by men of
all parties, of which an account will be found in
another column. The only dissentient was a clergy-
man, the Rev. Mr. Neville, who thought he might
venture to retail some of the pitiful trash with which
the boroughmonger nominees have endeavoured to
keep each other in countenance in the House of
Commons; but the sentiments were deemed an in-
sult to the understandings of the meeting, and not
a soul supported hie motion. There are, in fret, no
arguments against any Reform of the House of Com-
mons, now that the Ministers of the Crown have
come forward with a plan ; for the only argument
worth a moment's consideration is got rid of by the
measure being made Ministerial—namely, that how-
ever defective the state of the representation may be,
it is better to bear with the evils of which it is produc•
tive than to hazard the consequences of a struggle. But
now, when the Government tells the nation that the
time has at length arrived when we joust make our
choice betweenßeform and revolution,it is the duty of
every lover of peace and tranquillity to support Ali-
risters with all his heart arid soul to prevent the
consequences, toe
dread of which made him before
afraid to move. lb
more decided and more ex-
tensive the support afforded to Government, the
less will any of the intereeti, of the country be en-
dangered. This is so well understood everywhere,
that all classes of men have answered to the call of
Ministers, by one loud chorus
interruption
; and
tuyteir,kruepthi?, n
when it is considered that the sliglrttler:
of order might be productive, in a count
where so much depends on credit and confidence, oil
incalculable mischief, the promptitude of the people
is highly creditable to their discernment. Against a
people so firm and united, the efforts of the borough-
mongers to resist the Reform ate ludic.ous. This
union has taken from them theironly source of hope.
The Reform Bill must be carried„ "for, ate; his Ma-

jesty's Ministers have proclaimed the defects of the'
House of Commons, and submitted this grand re-
medial measure, they are pledged to the country to
which they have appealed. Were the borough-
mongers to attempt to baffle Ministers in Parliament,
a dissolution would give such an accession of
strength as to ensure the pa,sing of the Bill. But
were even this expectation not to be realized, who
would dare to offer themselves as their successors,
and to seize the helm of State in the teeth of the
most unequivocal expression of public opinion ever
known ? The opposition of the boroughmongers
can, therefore have no result except that of exciting
the people to still more vigorous demonstrations. In
truth, Reform of Parliament became indispensible
after the Government could not be conducted by any
Ministry without the support of public opinion.
The support of the boroughmongers could
only be purchased by means which necessarily
arrayed public opinion against Ministers. Every
motion for economy and retrenchment made it
evident to the nation that the Government was car-
ried on not with a view to the interests of the public,
but the interests of the oligarchy. No degree of
kill could conciliate the oligarchy and the public
at the same time. It cannot, surely, be said, that
in a country like England, in which public opinion
has of late years acquired so much additional force,
it would have been safe for the Government to set
that opinion at defiance. It became, therefore, ne-
cessary for the Government to strengthen itself by
the sacrifice of the abuses which placed it in colli-
sion with the public. In the Scotsman of Wednes-
day last there is a very able view of the British Go-
vernment as it now exists in practice, which will at
least repay a perusal, as well as one of the speeches
of a boroughmonger's nominee .
" The composition of the British Government," says
our Northern contemporary, "as it now stands, is easily
understood, and is very different from the descriptions
which some theoretical writers have given of it. When
the true nature and character of this Government—its
merits and defects—are the points at issue, we shall be
pardoned for speaking plainly on the subject. We shall
endeavour to do it without offence. _

" The Government of Britain resides, essentially, in
an oligarchy of 200 or 250 great families, who return a
majority of the House of Commons. The administration
is vested in a King, enjoying extensive powers and great
patronage, but who is substantially nothing more than the
Chairman or Steward of the oligarchy. He has some
means of influencing their decisions, as the Chairman of
a great company usually has, but still the necessary con-
dition of his office is, that he conform to their opinions
and wishes in his mode of conducting the government.—
George the Third, accepting Chatham for his Minister
while he detested the man and his principles, and retiring
from the audience chamber to weep, is a just and faithful
picture of the thraldom in which the King had been held
by the aristocracy.
" The King, however, is not appointed by the Oli-
garchy, and not directly responsible to them. He exists
ostensib'y as a distinct power in the State, and has prero-
gatives and influence sufficient to compel them to treat him
generally with respect. It is well for the people that
things have been so arranged. If the oligarchy had added
to their other privileges that of electing their own Doge or
Chief, our burdens would have been still more oppressive
than we find them, and our rights—such as they are—long
ago annihilated. Venice, with its Lion's mouth, its State
Inquisition, its silenced Press, its secret Tribunals and
tortures, its stern, jealous, corrupt, rapacious Nobles; and
its poor, insulted, degraded commonalty, is, or rather was,
a type of what Britain would now have been—unless,
indeed, the manly, brave, and high-spirited people of Eng-
land had risen in their might, as they most probably would,
and hurled the oppressors from their seats !
" The Crown, then, happily for us, exists as a separate
authority in the State, though uneqally matched with the
oligarchy. Now, when two distinct and independent
Powers are united in conducting any business or concern,
how do they manage to draw together? How are their
separate or diverse volitions made to concur? We an-
Iswer, by compromise, or mutual concession. We do not
think the holders of burghs worse than other men ; but
till human nature is greatly changed, those who possess
irrresponsible power will abuse it to selfish purposes. The
jarring interests, the conflicting views of the Crown and
oligarchy were adjusted by compromise. The Crown
could find means of carrying on the Government only by
appealing to the cupidity of the oligarchy ; and the oli.
garchy on such terms were ready to gratify the personal
wants of the Crown, which, indeed, were at all times
comparatively reasonable. The Minister poured money,
pensions, places, titles, honours, into the lap of the burgh-
holders ; and the burgh-holders repaid the favour by
voting millions after millions out of the pockets of the
people ; and, by empty professions of risking life and
fortune in a cause, which they mean to support only
with the lives and fortunes of others ! This is a strong
but a true representation. We challenge any man to explain
otherwise, why, under a grinding taxation, tearing the
bread from the mouths of the people, and calling so loudly
for economy, our political system should be characterised
by the reckless and scandalous profusion, unknown under
the most tyrannical despotisms of the Continent; why
William Dundas should have six, or Thomas Thurlow ten
thousand pour ds per annum for doing nothing; why we
should have four Generals for evety regiment, two Admi-
rals for every ship of the line, two military, and three naval
officers paid for one that is employed; why we should
have sinecure Bishops in Ireland with ten or twenty thou-
sand pounds per annum, and crowds of well beneficed
Rectors and Deans without flocks; why, in fine, one-third
of our free revenue (about six Millions out of eighteen !)
should be spent in pensions and military and civil annui-
ties ! We assert boldly, that neither in Russia, Prussia,
nor Austria, nor in any State under the sun that has pre-
nsions to civilization, is there an approach to such a sys-
tem of organised waste and plunder ! It is a system which
writes corruption on the brow of the oligarchy in charac•
ters of flame !

" Do we say, that every act of the Government so con-
stituted is bad ? Far from it ! The burgh-holders have
many interests in common with the people. Good laws,
good police, protection to industry, benefit them along
with others ; but their general interest as subjects and tax-
payers, is frequently small in proportion to their special
and sinister interest as tax-eaters and sharers of_ plice au!
patronage. It is this which carries a taint into every part
of the system,"
Is it possible, we ask, that this state of things
could have existed much longer? Are we to be an-
swered, when Ministers throw themselves honestly
on the nation, as Mr. Attwood answered, that the
herediitary branch of the Legislature is essentially
imbecile, and would be in danger from a House of
Commons composed of able and energetic repre-
sentatives of the people.? Are we to be answered
--that without rotten boroughs we can no longer
have a body of political adventurers, no longer have
openings fog the representatives of East and West
India interes's, and of all other interests which can
pay for an agent in the House of Commons ? Al-
lusi .n has been made to the altered opinions of Mr.
Huskisson and Mr, Canning as to the necessity for
Reform. Lord John Russell expressly mentioned that
Mr. Canning's opinion had changed. We believe his
Lordship alluded to what took place at Liverpool,
when Mr. Canning made his celebrated speech against
'Reform in 1822. On that occasion he was accompanied
by a distinguished relative, who expressed himself
dissatisfied with the speech. Mr. Canning observed,
" You seem to suppose me not sincere in the opi,
niops I have expressed against Reform. I assure
you I am perfectly sincere in my wish that it should
not take place; and if any exertions of mine could
prevent Reform, I would cheerfully make them;
but while I state this, I must also state my convic-
tion that Reform cannot possibly be delayed much
longer. I am quite satisfied that before the lapse of
ten years it will be found impossible to withhold
Reform." So much for Mr. Canning's views of
Reform. It is curioas that the period fixed by him
as the extreme limit of the life of isn unreformed
Pai/iament should now be first approaching. 4fter
all, howedeb
Mr. Canning's opposition to Reform
was not grounded ,op any supposed injury to the
nation, for he even actio4.t.2d it might lead to im-
provement; but that if the Upper iictg,e were not
to influence the Lower House, the Lower liquse
would influence the Upper. The protection of the
interests of the nation was left out ,of consideration.
—Morning Chronirle.
if ever a rational doubt could have been enter-
' tallied either that the Reform Bill would be hailed
as a national salvation from revolution, by all classes,
except the few, the comparatively very few, "'Lc'
aro interested in the perpetuation of national abuses
and national plunder, or that it would not be carried
by it, with a high band, in spite of all obstacles, we

think the time is now arrived when that doubt ought
no longer to exist. Never was a measure hailed with
more unanimous satisfaction—never did the country
exhibit such enthusiasm and determination—never
on any former occasion did all parts of the country
concur so eagerly in giving their assent to its provi-
sions, and never did a Ministry stand so high, or
deserve to stand so high, in public estimation, as
that which is now honoured with the King's con-
fidence, and so justly discharges the duties of its
sacred trust. From one end of the kingdom to the
other the cry is, and has been, for Reform—for the
Bill brought in by Lord John Russell, and for no
other. It was impudently asserted, indeed, in an
Honourable Assembly, that the people of Scotland
had no desire for Reform ; but even there the lie
has been already given to the assertion—the tocsin
has sounded—there have been meetings in all quar-
ters in favot:r of the Bill—bonfires have been
lighted,—and from the borders to the northernmost
point there is universal exultation ! Ireland is equally
unanimous; and if, therefore, we expect the pro-
prietors and nominees of rotten boroughs, and the
equally rot en corporations, which are to he levelled
by the Bill, along with the state paupers and their
dependents, it may be confidently asserted that there
is not in the three kingdoms one dissenting voice.
And can it then be supposed for a momeLt that the
Bill will not be carried ? Who is there to oppose it ?
None out of the House; and within the House the
classes only whom we have designated above. And
on what plea can they support .Ipposition to the
Bill ? That of being " revolutionary" has already
failed them ; for the country has declared the mea-
sure to be the only safeguard against revolution, and
the term, besides, is, in these days of change, only
calculated to frighten old women and children. Will
they then say that they have been traders in corrup-
tion and misrepresentation, and that they have a
vested right in the perpetuity of the base traffic?—
We are credibly informed that this is the last ditch
in which the enemies of Reform are determined,
when they have been driven from all others, to take
their stand, and make their dying speeches--that a
plea of compensation is to be set up, and a demand
made upon the country for the repayment of the
sums invested in rotten boroughs, and the estimated
value of the loss of patronage by their abolition. Goul-
burn, whose Beer Bill of last year swept away the
property of many hundreds of unoffending men,
against whom the charge of offending against the
laws of the country could not be set up, and who
were made to suffer by it, for the sins of others,
will no doubt lead the vanguard of this forlorn hope,
and urge, both by precept and example, the justice
of the plea. There may be an abler, but there can-
not be a fitter, champion to lead on the thinned co-
hort of corruption; and if he has riot already vo-
lunteered his services, we earnestly exhort his
coadjutors to lose no time in imploring his valuable
aid. With his Beer Bill in one hand, and a Rotten-
borough Compensation Bill in the other, how mer-
rily and bravely he will lead on the phalanx of mis-
representation, and supported by the former, make
a breach with the other in the entrenched camp of
Reform ! How bravely the army of Reform will
be to put to flight, and the flag of corruption be
planted on its very citadel ! We almost quake for
the friends of Reform in the perilous encounter;
for if victory declare against them, there will be
no quarter given—no surrender allowed—no
offer of submission accepted ! One and all of
them must make up their minds to fall or conquer in
the dire encounter. The Tory sword thirsts for re-
venge, and though it may perform its functions sci-
entifically, there is no hope of mercy from it, but
that which the Judge allows even to the worst of
culprits—time to make confession of past sin, and
preparation for another world ! But let us hope bet-
ter things. The King's name is a tower of strength,
and while we fight under the banners of a King, of
whom it may be justly said,

Non sibi sed populo sere putat esse creatum
Et se communem civibus esse patron :

Who-

Vivit ut exemplar sit populo recta sequendi
Cul vultus pravis terror, amorque bonis,
—we will not despair. The ground is firm—the
camp entrenched on all sides7-the inhabitants not
only favourably disposed, but ardent supporters ; and
if, after all, the fortress of Reform be taken by storm
or by intrigue, and the army of reformers put to
flight—why then we shall only say that they will
well deserve their fate, and that a thousand deaths
would be too slight punishment for their want of vi-
gilance and cowardice.—Morning Advertiser.

BIRMINGHAM TOWN'S MEETING,
CALLED BY THE HIGH BAILIFF, TO SUPPORT

MINISTERS.

This report having appeared in only a portion of our impression

on Saturday, we republish it.)
Agreeably to a requisition, numerously and respectably
signed, a meeting was held on Friday at the Public Of-
fice, and afterwards, by adjournment, at Mr. Beards-.
worth's Repository, for the purpose of approving Of the
Reform Bill now introduced into the House of Com-
mons. About 2,000 persons assembled. The Chair was
taken at one o'clock.

•
The HIGH BAILIFF, in opening the proceedings of the
day, observed that, in his connection with the busy world,
for the last six months every one with whom he had
come in contact, from the highest Tory downward, had
expressed their conviction that some change must speedily
take place in the state of the representation.—(Hear, hear.)
All must have been agreeably surprised at the measure
introduced by his Majesty's Ministers, inasmuch as root
and branch were under the pruning-knife of the Minister.
Although a Tory, he confessed he did not look
on this great measure as some Tories had looked
upon it. On the contrary, instead of tending, as some
said, to destroy the British Constitution, and to bring
about revolution, lie felt assured that it would be the
means of averting that dreadful evil.—(Cheers.)
The Rev. RANN KENNEDY moved the first resolution,
and spoke as follows :—Mr. High Bailiff,—lt so hap-
pened, by accident, that I had not an opportunity of sign-
ing the requisition which called this meeting ; but for that
very reason I am the more prompted to be present, and speak
on this occasion. While I was absent from Birmingham
on a sick bed, a petition for Reform was sent from this town,
signed by Clergy and Laity, by Churchmen and Dissenters,
Whigs and Tories, including, under each denomination,
persons of the greatest influence and respectability. I re-
turned in time to insert my name among the signatures.
Now, Sir, on this ground, if on no other, I feel bound
to join in expressing the thanks due to his Majesty's Mi-
nisters for sincerely endeavouring, according to the best
-of their judgment, to comply with the purport of our
petition, and should feel thus, whether I wholly agreed
or not with every thing proposed to be done for the
end in view ; especially as the end is .not only transcen-
dently important, but one in the promotion of which
they must necessarily encounter a bolt of opposing ob-
stacles and prejudices, and which requires that they should
have all the aid which can be given by a respectful, but de-
termined and very general expression of public opinion—an
expression unsolicited by Ministers, but proper in itself, and
due from the people to themselves. And now, Sir, with re-
eard to the plan of Reform submitted by Lord J. Russell to
the Legislature; it is not required from one in this place to en-
ter on a course of argument on the particular merits of the
Bill, after the ample discussion which it has had in Par-
liament. I never indulged in any sweeping theories about
Reform, and I may or may not think that this Bill should
receive some modifications, which it probably will receive
in its minor points of detail, but I have no hesitation in
saying it deserves the encomium contained in the
resolution which I have had the honour to move--
namely, that in principle it is salutary and constitu-
tional, such as becomes an enlightened Administration
deliberately to recommend, and a free and loyal people
gratefully to accept. There are those who assert that it
goes too far, and some think it does not go far enough.
This is itself a presumptive ground for believing that it
has hit the happy medium, and bolds the balance of the
Constitution even between two extremes. It certainly
aims at making the House of Commons, not in name only,
I),it really and efficiently for the end required, a representa-
tion of the poople, but it does this with a due and leading
regard to the influence o; property, and the 'preservation
of the legitimate rights and interest. of all classes in the
604 politic. We can never suppose that 'my Lord Grey
would suggest or sanction a Bill which he thought likely
to interfere with the dignity or endanger the privileges of
his order, which he declared he would always stand up to
defe,T;ol. I should not speak in favour of the Bill if
thougkt it would so affect those privileges, rightly under-
stood and as estimated and viewed by the light of that
Nobleman's truly English and exeellvnt mind. But, Sirs

it is one object of this Dill to give such privileges the
best chance for permanency, by making it seen and felt
that they may not only lie grounded on principles, and
supported by means consistent with the general welfare,
but, in a mixed Government like ours, may be valued and
upheld as of great and equal importance both to the Mo-
narch and the people. I should not like to live in such a
country as this now is, with large reservoirs of pro-
perty, and a mass of intellectual cultivation, were we
to have a mere Aristocracy of wealth and office without
that refining and blended influence which is reciprocally
produced by the gradation of ranks, of titled and untitled
classes in society, and which gives here, what is seen no
where else (at least in the same degree), a softened har-
mony of colouring, and a desirable keeping to the varied
picture of civilized life. But I only glance at
such topics. The point to which I would chiefly
call attention, as particularly suited to the existence
of this and similar meetings throughout the country, is
the undoubted fact that the present Reform Bill is
received with general acct din, and one of that
kind which was previously wished for by the
people. The Ministers knew this to be the case, and
that, doubtless, was one powerful and proper induce-
ment for bringing forward this Bill, and making it what
it is, for no Government can long disregard such signs of
the times with impunity. I do not say that rulers should
legislate to meet the wild wishes of the unthinking and
uninformed, on the one hand, nor the equally wild
wishes of some intellectual visionaries on the other;
but that they should provide, in time, for the
wishes of the reasonable, in such a way as to silence
the unreasonable, and promote the true interest of all.—
It is, then, a main and pre-eminent recommendation of
this Bill, that it appears ta produce, as I repeat that it
does, universal satisfaction and delight in the people. I
hail this as a most auspicious symptom for my country. I
hail it as such, in regard to a phenomenon recently noticed
in Parliament, as a strong argument against the necessity
of this Bill, and, in fact, against all Reform whatsoever;
it is this, that for the last fifty years the people have
only petitioned for Reform at very distant intervals, when
the aspect of affairs was gloomy, and never seemed to be
much in earnest about it. But this is easily accounted for.
They saw little chance of success. They did not think
the dealers in boroughs were likely to commit a suicidal
act, and destroy themselves. They saw that, however
eloquently argued in Parliament by a Fox, a Grey, or a
Burdett, the subject was always quashed in a sum-
mary and decisive manner. The thinking part of
the people became, therefore, on this point, dis-
gusted and desponding—and were only impelled, now
and then, under the • pressure of circumstances, to
ask for that which they did not expect to receive, but
to which, as they would have it understood, they
felt they had a right. In regard to this matter
I would say of the genius of my country, that seldom he
smiled, or smiled in such a sort as if he mocked himself,
and scorned his spirit, at the very thought of bending
down with a smile of hopeful supplication at the feet of
selfish and interested opponents. But while the people
despaired of Reform, they have been very generally looking
forward to a revolution—not as a thing wished for, or
which they would be instrumental in hastening, but which
they believed sooner or later to be inevitable, and only
hoping that the shock might be as little violent as possible.
The feeling I speak of was not the effect of recent
.events in France. It has existed more or less for the last
fourteen years. It commenced soon after the alarms and
rejoicings of war had subsided, when theybegan to cicu-
late in peace what they had gained by war, and how much
it had cost ; and when they were led to consider for what
ends, and by what political party, they had been saddled
with an enormous debt, unexampled in the annals of man-
kind. I ask every observing person here present, whether
this boding apprehension has not greatly prevailed ?
I know that parents, Peers and Commoners, have ex-
pressed this feeling to their sons, and prepared them for what
would probably happen. It has spread generally through
the middle classes, and of late the expectation, though
not the fear, has extended to the lower classes. Is it not,
then, a joyful circumstance, that the people seem now to
be thankful for this scheme of Reform ?„, Does it not aus-
piciously indicate their opinion that, by means of it, the
Constitution may he preserved, and that it may operate, in
the movement of the political machine, as a safety-valve, to
prevent a revolutionary explosion. On this account, if on
no other, I am inclined at this golden moment to be a
strenuous yet cautious reformer, because I confess
myself as anxious and timid anti-revolutionist.
But it may be said do not the people cry out for Reform,
because they think it will free them from taxes? Some
of them may think this, but they who heard the rest ex-
pect no such thing. The difference, however, will be
this, they will more readily submit to unavoidable bur-
dens, under a Parliament not constituted like the Parlia-
ments which brought the burdens upon them; and when
they see all practicable retrenchment carried into effect,
• as it is by the present Ministers, who endeavour to
render the weight of taxation as easy as it can be ren-
dered, and indeed with so much consideration for the
people, that they are accused of humouring them too
much, and shewing a want of official hardness and dexte-
rity in adjusting burdens to the backs that must bear
them. Perhaps it may be asked if the present Ministers
are allowed to art thus, why Reform the Parliament that
permits it ? The answer is, there is ao security fur what
is wanted without a Reform, and there is an ardent wish
to displace the present Ministers. If this should take
pl ice we may guess what sort of persons a different Ad-
ministration may include with an unreformed Par-
liament, from an argument lately used by a stickler
for things as they are. What he virtually said
was this, though not his exact language :—" My fellow
horoughtnongers let us put a bold face on the matter, and
stand up for our claims ; John Bull cannot hurt us, • he
has a weight on his back which will force him to walk on
with his usual steadiness. He cannot run after us, or lift
his arm against us ; and besides, he knows that we give
him a part of his food from the wallet on his back." And
now, Mr. High Bailiff, I ask again if there is any room
for wonder that the people, who formerly despaired
of Reform, should now hail its expected approach
with ardent and sanguine minds, brought forward
as it is by the Administration itself, and such an Ad-
ministration as the present, under the sanction of a patriot
King, who for his benevolence and uprightness has been
justly classed with our Alfred and the third Sovereign of
his own name. I say, Sir, such an Administration as the
present, who have abundant talent of every kind, but,
above all, have that wisdern which can only co-exist
with enlarged views, sound principles, and upright inten-
tions, are, indeed, truly enlir htened as Statesmen,
truly zealous as patriots, and truly honest as Ministers.
In one point they are more honest than any preceding
Ministers, if that be correct which Mr. Pitt said but did
not act upon, " that no honest man could be a Minister
with even a reformed Parliament," for these men have de-
clared that without such a Parlianlent they veil retire
from office. It matters not whether they are Whigs or
Tories if they act rightly, but I like them none the
worse because several of them are professed Whigs,
and having said this I will explain what I mean
by a Whig. A true Whig has the saute ends in view
as a generous, right-minded Tery : lie would preserve
King, Lords, sad Commons, unimpeded and unshackled
in their respective spheres of action—he would preserve
the established institutions of the country, but not ex-
crescences connected with tlie:n, which tend only
to bring thent to decay. He would preserve the
real land-marks of the Constitution ; but he would
not like some who are called Tories preserve
suchw
ll
asinonannuscdstae:cit
israei
cnribfuec:mmoi
norep.ms aest
pnrialeistiore,w-anne
tasi
oars. heemneively d
v ithaht
t:iise:gtinconsistentad tts
heohnacgevacumeouaabges
eeemteohnooi
anfutshssee beenn suchhi
abused
stee.
tsa(Cb)loiotem,
having
net
esairmt:iimitnenbu,seeygt
tly,
d
Butt the fact is, in my memory, the Whigs have never had
fair play as political agents. They hays it now as far as
the King is concerned, and if the people do not also secure
them fair play, the fault and shame will be their's. If
the people thus omit to do justice to themselves, at this
crisis, they will perhaps never have another opportunity,
except under circumstances and events in which they will
have much to fear and much to lament.—(The Reverend
Gentleman sat down amid loud and reiterated applause.)
HENRY SMITH, Esq. Low Bailiff, seconded the resolu-
tion moved by the Rev. Mr. Kennedy. In his opinion
the history of the last fifty years exhibited little else than
series of trampled rights, and pilfered privileges, the ill
effects of which had been felt by every man. They were
not now met to discuss their grievances or to propose
remedies, but to congratulate each other that their voices,
which had so often been raised in this great cause, had at
length prevailed. It had at length been heard by a pa-
triot King, who hail been pleased to appoint an Admini-
stration tuba ceereed determined that every mraenre which
emanated from them should have foe its end the benefit
of the people--(Hear, hear.)—To attempt, however, was
not to achieve ; the Ministers had to contend with a foe
which was strong, zealous, and ever active ; let but the
people, however, be unanimous, and their enemies would
soon be compelled to hide their diminished heads.—
(Cheers. )
Just as the CHAIRMAN was about to put the first reso-
lution to the meeting, ilt4
Rev. 34. NEVILLE stepped forward, and wished to ad
dress the meeting.—:.He was not an inhabitant of the town,
and rarely stepped out Of his sphere to attend political

meetings. He was sorry that the task he had imposed
upon himself had not been attempted by some one
more fit for its accomplishment, and could assure the
meeting that there were many such persons, although
they did not choose to come forward and express their
opinions. The abettors of error were always on the alert,
whilst the friends of truth, relying perhaps too much on
the saying, " Truth is great and must prevail," kept in
the back ground. It was very certain that truth would
ultimately triumph; hut in the mean time much mischief
might be done. As an instance of this he would allude to the
time when in this kingdom a rebellious people suc-
ceeded in destroying two estates of the realm, the
King and the House of Lords. At length, however,
the Lords removed the padlocks from off the doors of
their House (to use the words of Clarendon) and pros-
perity returned to the nation. What, however, had in
the mean time taken place? The country was in the
greatest misery and distress. The Reform which they had
met that day to applaud was, he would venture to say,
ill-timed.—(Loud laughter, mingled with groans and
hisses, which lasted some minutes.)—The speaker con-
tinued—men cannot at this moment approach the subject
and discuss it with calmness. To use the language of
Thucydides " All men are now up."—(Loud cries of " It's
time we were up.")—l say this Reform Bill is a revolu-
tionary measure. It strikes at the foundation of the
constitutional pillar.—(Continued groans and hisses.)—
I say the popular influence in the House of Commons is,
at the present time, great enough, and if any greater in-
fluence is acquired by the people, it will become a pure
democracy.—(Cries of ~ Who told you so ?" 4, Where
did you learn that?" &c.)—l will ask, does Birmingham
want representatives ?—(One universal and tremendous
shout, " Yes." )-_I say no.—(Loud groans and yells.)
The gentleman finding that there was not a single voice
in his favour, and that he had been permitted to continse
thus long to address the meeting through the interpo-
sition of the speakers on the other side, whose influence
had now failed, concluded by moving the following
amendment.
" That this meeting regards the Ministerial plan of Reform as
ill-timed—revolutionary—uncalled for—and most unjust ; that
the good to be expecte from it is very uncertain, whilst the evil
is alm,.st morally certain."

The reading of this resolution was followed by loud
bursts of laughter. The Chairman finding that no one
was inclined to second the amendment, was about to put
the original motion, when
Mr. Wtti.r►at PARE stepped forward, and sat: :tiiat,
after the part he had taken at the great 'swing on Mon-
day, no one would accuse him having the least sympathy
with the sentiments of the speaker who last addressed
them, or with the amendment which he had thought
proper to move : he would, however, second that amend-
ment, in order to obtain an expression of the feelings of
the persons assembled.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. JosErts PARKES was glad that the Rev. Gentle-
man had come forward that day and expressed his senti-
ments, because he was the type of his party, he stood
there like the boroughmongers, one in ten thousand.—
(Hear and cheers.)—He had not been enabled to bring
forward a single argument. He had asserted that the
country was being hurried into all the horrors of a revo-
lution, and to prove this assertion he had alluded to two
specific periods. The one was the period of the Common-
wealth in this country. Now he (Mr. Parkes) would
ask what was it that caused the lock to be put on the
House of Lords, and the head to be taken from the
shoulders of the Monarch, but a vile faction who

trampled on the liberties of the people?—(Loud cheers.)
—The other period to which the speaker alluded, was the
revolution in France at the close of the last century.
Now, was it not true that M. Necker had brought for-
ward measures to relieve the French nation which had

failed ?—(Hear, hear.)—This it was well known had
brought about the revolution which so quickly followed.—
(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN now put the amendment, which was
unanimously negatived, not a voice being heard in its
favour. The original motion was afterwards unanimously
passed amid loud cheering.
The meeting was afterwards addressed by many gentle-
men in moving and seconding the various resolutions.
The late hour at which we write will not allow us,
however, to give their several speeches. After determining
on an Address to the King, and petitions to both Houses
of Parliament, the meeting broke up about four o'clock.
All the resolutions were passed unanimously.
When it is considered that this meeting was called by what
is termed the high party, and that many of the speakers
were either high Tories, or very moderate Reformers, and
that several had never spoken at a public meeting before,
and that they comprised Church of England, Catholic, and
Dissenting Clergymen, bankers, lawyers, merchants, trades-
men, and mechanics, all united for the same purpose, it
must be allowed to be one of the signs of the times—a
sign which the boroughmongers will do well to look to
and consider.

LENT ASSIZES.

LANCASTER, MARCH 11.

Moses Fernely was indicted for the wilful murder
of John Helton Horrobin.

Jane Glasgow stated that the deceased was a
step-child of the prisoner.
Mary Ann Sparks—Deceased was four years and
ten months old. I remember the Wednesday even-
big before the child's death. Prisoner told me to
come early the next morning, as he m anted to go
early to work. I went at a quarter or half-past six.
When I first entered the house, prisoner was coming
out of the room where the children. slept. Soon
after he had breakfast, and then again went into the
children's room. After he had been absent about a
minute lie returned, and said, " Mary Ann, little
Johnny is very ill." I heard the child moan, and
say, " Father, my throat is sore." He went in a
second time about half an hour after, and then
brought out the child, and laid it on a table. I saw
some black stuff come out of the child's mouth. It
was sick, and I wanted to give it some water, but
prisoner objected. I went to a druggist, but he
would not come. 'When I got back, the child was
dying. After it was dead be sent for the mother.
Jane Barrett—l live with my mother, next door
to the prisoner. On the day the child died, I went
to prisoner's house about nine o'clock. The de-
ceased was on a table, with a blanket thrown over
him, and prisoner was sitting on a stool by. It
seemed in the agonies of death. Some stuff was
frothing out of its mouth, and its tongue hanging
out. The child was sick, and prisoner held its head
and said, " Throw up, you nasty ditty thing." I
suggested that he should ser' for the mother, and
he refused, saying that if she came she would lose
her place. The child often asked for water, and
prisoner always objected to give it. . A little after
twelve the prisoner came to my house. He seemed
quite cheerful, and said, " Jane, come in and look
at it now." I went in. The child's tongue was
hanging out of its mouth.; the mouth was drawn
on one side, and so was one of the eyes. I per-
ceived the child die. I told him it was dead. He
went very pale, and said, "If I had known thou
wouldst die, I would not have used thee so cruelly."
He told me to wash the child, and I did so. I then
sent for the mother. After she came, she took a
cup off the shelf to get some coffee in. The pri-
soner said, " If you will have coffee, you must wash
that cup out—it has had Johnny's stuff in it." Af-
ter the child's death, I found a bottle in the privy,
used by the prisoner.
Richard Johnson, a constable, apprehended the
prisoner on the 7th of November. Witness, when
he saw the child, said somebody has been giving it
vitriol. Prisoner seemed agitated, turned pale, and
trembled.

John Drink water—l am a bricklayer. On the
Bth of November, I was confined in the New Bailey,
at Manchester, for an assault. On Tuesday, the
9th of November, the prisoner was brought from the
Lock-up to the New Bailey. I said to him,
" Well, my man, what's your crime ?" He said
" A -- sight worse than yours." I asked him
" What is it ?" He said, " Wilful murder, if they
can prove it; but they cannot prove it, as they did
not see me do it." He said, " The doctors say he
was poisoned, but it was not poison, it was oil of
vitriol." He said they could not prove it against
him, for they could not find the remainder of the
stuff. He added, I took care to finish the
throttled him, and kicked him with my shoes."
M. Sinclair, a surgeon, had examined the de?
ceased. There was abundant evidence to show that
the child had swallowed oil of vitriol. To that he
attributed its death.
The Jury returned a verdict of Guilty.
Mr. Justice LITTLEDALE immediately passed the
sentence of the law, which he directed to be. carried
into execution on Monday next.
Thomas Fulvey was indicted for the wilful mur-
der of Charles Burn, and John Fulvey way charged

with being a principal, in the second degree, in be'
ing present aiding and abetting Thomas Fulvey W
commit the said murder.
The deceased was a merchant at Liverpool,-
wplace of residence was two or three miles out 014 e
town, and he was in the habit of returning there,
every evening. On the night of the 9th of Clewed:
last, about a quarter before eight, the dece.° is
knocked at the door of a Mr. Turton, who 6014
Everton, about six yards from the West Derby 00;
along which the deceased would pass on his
rtih -
his own house. . Deceased appeared to be He,
alarmed, alarmed, and blood was flowing from his bodY.,
said he had been attacked and wounded, and.
On
sired his wife to be sent for. He wished Mrs. Tarld
to put her hand to his side and she did so, and lg.
distinctly perceive a ball. Deceased said',
any thing happens to me before Mrs. Burn arrrr.
tell her I thought of her and of the children.' "-
Blackburn, a surgeon of Liverpool, arrived -!110
short time, and accompanied deceased to his ler..
house, where he died in twenty-four hours atti.ie;
The wound made by the bullet was the cause.af.mie
death. Nothing transpired to point a susPL!,O
against any one until a few days ago, when a 7vo
of the name of Michael Fulvey, who, with the to
prisoners was confined in Lancaster Castle under
charge of committing several highway robbelg
gave information which led to an indictment be
preferred for the murder against the two prisa"e-f
Michael was admitted King's evidence, and v°
came forward as a witness against his brothers. ,tp
On cross-examination many facts were elicito'he
show that the character of the witness was of elicited'
worst description. He admitted that he was
indictment for a number of offences, and that /0,:n:
pected to save himself by the conviction of his 1"-i
titers. This was not the first time he had beeli
witness. He had given evidence in Ireland arrp
a man who had sold him some stolen goodS•
had also, on .another occasion, turned aPrt4,
against nine men, with whom he had been concell'e
He admitted being engaged in attacking the 110
of a priest of the name of Hacketts, where he

got wounded.
The Jury returned a verdict of Not Guilty.
The prisoners still remain in custody, elnor-or
together with the witness, with the commissioo, A,
several highway robberies in the neighbourhood
Liverpool.

CAMBRIDGE, MARCH 12.
William Wright, aged 24, was indicted for Of:,
bing Anne Chalice, of 4s. 6d., on the highvisP
Verdict, Guilty.
READ v. WADDELOW.
This was an action of trespass for breaking
...of
close of the plaintiff, and beating it with greyho'
in quest of game.
The Jury found for the plaintiff—Damages, one
farthing.
His LORDSHIP would consider whether he sh°
certify to give the plaintiff his costs.

LIN C OLN, MARCH 10. 111$
Michael Lundy, aged 25, was indicted for et,
wilful murder of Thomas Sewards. The priae°lo
it appeared, and the deceased, to whose daughtefs
was married, were both Irish labourers, and riatl;hs
of the county of Sligo. On the morning 01;ot
26th of July last, they hired themselves to a fin"-
named Wilson, living in the hamlet of Grimstille:
in this county. After their day's work was
..dy°
Wilson proposed to them to sleep in his gra;j:;
To this the prisoner objected, as he had, he 53,1'0
pain in his stomach. Wilson then took thePid
his barn, furnished them with straw and sacks,:,;
putting the key in the inside of the door, told the/
they might lock themselves in or not, just to tot
pleased. About eight o'clock, Mrs. Wilson 0101
to the yard to look after her poultry, and Bel .t
ee
every thing was right. The barn-door was tos,
open, and she observed the prisoner sitting ebee's
form beside a bench on which a carpenter hat!, left,
working there that day. The carpenter hau,sli.'
his tools in the barn, and amongst them was an • 14
v
which lay on the ground. The barn was neit
half a mile distant from W;lson's dwelling-ht)4
At about nine o'clock, Mrs. Wilson was alatl 4
a cry of " murder." Her husband having go et)
to the Castle, she opened the door, and sat
04
prisoner in his small clothes and shirt, but witfii
shoes or stockings. He was screaming" Mu! Oh, tV,
and seemed dreadfully frightened. He /
Englishman would murder him. In replyto opi
tions put to him by Mrs. Wilson and' her son'
also Mrs. Wood and her son, whom his crie6A
drawn to the spot, he stated, that as he wastftift
his prayers in the barn, a tall black man,
high, with a broad-brimmed glazed hat, MI: pflif
appearance at the door, and waited until toe gi;es
soner had finished his prayers, when he site
him if he wanted company ? to which prison puts
plied, he should be very glad of company. Illented
who was an Englishman, then went in, and e'„d t°
into conversation with prisoner, and peopos-coie
sleep with him. On this the pi-issuer be,,the
alarmed, bol.ed out of the barn, arid ran toware'd
dwelling•house; but on his way was Pelthew afi
somebody with stones, one of which struck 'it the
the forehead. He was therefore sure tiltiliiisol;
Englishman meant to murder him. Mr.
asked him where his comrade was, and be friel
that he was as!eep in the corner of the ba:..'"
which she reprimanded him for deserting in,'" 17
thought he e; as in danger of being murdered'tp Pe
young men Wood and Wilson then proposer' 0015'
company him back to the barn, to which he insto
assented. Wilson went in, and going tIP 0,1)1"'
corner he found the deceased lying dead, Tin tro
he exclaimed " He Is here, and quite dean' ,s
examining, Wilson perceived the carpenter 01
buried in the face, near the mouth; and tbtroftb ,
also a wound on the head, as if from the bae'oso,:.
axe. He then said they should go fur a
to Elthorpe, whither they all proceeded (
the prisoner), who was taken into custody
sprinkles of blood, not larger than pin-hea dad
ohs reed on his corduroy small-clothes, and (1, tilr,6
on his bare leg. His hands, which had beetolo4
when he was eating his supper, appeared,
been recently washed, and on the constahlebs,ell
him if he had washed his hands, he said be corefiri
Mr. Baron VAUGHAN having very ep -
summed up the evidence, the Jury return
diet of Guilty. 0101
Hir LORDSHIP then pronounced senteneectits-Ae
upon the prisoner, ordering hint to be exe the
r
Saturday next, and his body to be given t°
geons for disivction. 14b19fie
The prisoner, on leaving the dock, stale Anse
against the bar, and said, this was all Deco P,Ol
was a Catholic: had he been a Protestad.
Methodist, he would not have been' harp
was, he said, " a guilty innocent."
.
STAFFORD, MARCH 12. ing
The Judges arrived here yesterday eve ge
es
opened the commission. lob t
On the names of the Grand Jury be toe v
over, Sir Charles Wolseley (the senior tone
the lis) declined to act as foreman, and hd.ll
S!:epherd was sworn into that office. his pir

---f
Ise A
The Learned JUDGE, in the cours3 13 da v 0,-...
observed with regret the s ate of the csielloiltor
contains the natnrs of 107 pr;smiers)! , 0,01
happy to find that the crimes of burniti.tirt to'lle
breaking, t.r.c., which had called for sped l 41001 P
-
sions to suppress in other parts o.c .-- the kill
not been committed in this county. .f A
of ". ,
BIRTHS. c jodi g
On the 11th inst. in Lincoln's-inn-fields, th C.'
~ %lb
rit
Brodie, Esq., of a son.
On the Bth inst. at Brompton, Midd:esee 111... 0401
ley, of a daughter. one' J'•O
9.W.
MARRIED. oriel, orif, 1. i
On the 10th inst. at Trinity Church, :NM: T. 0 to 01
Esq., M.D., of Lower Seymour-street, son ni, the jlehor
'O,
Ford Bank, Cheshire, to Anne, daughter 0'
, "Atr':lfl, A
Fulton, Esq., of Upper Harley-street.
On the kth inst. at St. Clements, Eastchea,:llllr. IP
f '
Camberwell, to Louisa, youngest 'daughter i;10'
Martin's-lane.
DIED. iticil,q'th
On the 9th inst. Mrs. Elizabeth Florentine 1 N'ti j
A. Richter, of the firm of Messrs. Treutte, 0
Ai.
so, Soho-square. at
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