The Sun.
London, England, 1849-01-04 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY,-ANUARY 4, 1849.

Recent events in Italy have furnished the Quer.
terly Review with a magnificent text to preach
against revolutions, and the abettors of revolutions
in general, and against the Italian movement and Lord
PALMERSTON in particular. We are triumphantly as-
sured by the Quarterly, that "the cause of revolution
is losing ground—the crimes that have attended it
have shocked the good—the ruin that has followed it
has frightened the timid." We are more especially
inclined to notice these remarks, because aware
that many, even among the friends of liberty,
share ia these sentiments. With the great majority
" success is virtue, and misfortune shame." Conse-
quently, it is by no means surprising that the events
of last February should have elicited the enthusiasm
of many long dormant Republicans, which enthu-
siasm, suddenly evoked, has been as suddenly chilled
by the misfortunes which have occasionally paralysed,
and the excesses which have, in some instances, dis-
graced the popular cause. To the true supporters of
that great cause, however—to the true believers in the
"right divine" of nations to assert their nationality—
success and failure are alike indifferent; their confi-
dence in their principles is in no wise augmented by
the one, neither can it be diminished by the other. True,
that the friends of liberty exulted over the events
of February, and wept for the massacres of June.
True, that they triumphed in the expulsion of Louis
PHILIPPE, and bewailed the exile of Pope Plus ;
nevertheless believing, as they do—believing, as we
do—that, however tardy the day, right ultimately
triumphs, and knowing, as we do, that the assertion
of the popular liberties is founded on right, we can
assure the Quarterly Reviewer, that, albeit some
"good" may be shocked, and many "timid" may
be frightened by the errors and excesses which have,
unhappily, followed in its train, the cause of the
Revolution is not losing ground. Although the
heir of an Imperial dynasty has been in-
vestsd with the supreme power in France, although
an Emperor again rules in Vienna, although even a
liberal sovereign has lean expelled from Rome, the
cause of the Revolution is not losing ground. The
soil (as we observed the other day) has been broken
Up by recent convulsions, the seeds of Democracy
have been scattered fir and wide, and those seeds will
inevitably bear fruit. Nevertheless, we are inclined to
think, there are many, even among the Liberal
readers of the Quarterly, who will not be somewhat
disposed to assent to the following very plausible re-
marks There are few," says the Quarterly, " who
can now believe that the Italians are fitted to enjoy
that constitutional freedom they profess to covet.
The character of a nation will always fix its destiny.
No men have less political sagacity than the modern.
Italians, and it is the singular mixture of indolence
and vanity of which the national character is com-
pounded that has ever kept them in ignorance of
their
absolute science, and which, on the downfalof
absolute Governments, has exposed them to the se-
duction of French democracy, and plunged them into
excesses that disgrace the name of Christendom. In
Rome, where the national character has always ap-
peared in its worst extremes, the revolution has been
stained with the darkest crimes of cruelty and in-
gratitude." The logical inference to be drawn from
the above is, that the Italians having proved them-
selves unfitted for constitutional freedom, are to be
forthwith consigned to unconstitutional thraldom.
Furthermore, England is to assist in rivetting the
chains of the Italian Peninsula, by way of doing
penance for Lord PALMERSTON'S sins. " Our deser-
tion of Austria was more than a blunder," says the
Quarterly; " our encouragement of rebellion was
i) A
" Let the British fleet be recalled
-I*n.44e Bay of Naples," proceeds this authoritative
courrsollor. " Let the attempted mediation as to
Iscnnbaid9 be abandoned. Let the Italian Republicans
earn, that they will not again be supported in a war ,

'

of aggression. Let the Imperial Cabinet feel that its '
complicated difficulties shall not be increased by our
wanton hostility. Let the Ministry adopt this policy
—there is still time : if not, they will not again escape 1'
The ambiguity of this threat renders it doubly
terrible. Lord PALMERSTON is warned "in time"—
either Austria must reign paramount in
Italy or some unknown evil will befal the
British Government ! It is unnecessary to
say that we dissent from these conclusions, for we
deny the premises on which they are based. The
unworthy manner in which the Italians have availed
themselves of their newly-acquired liberties is, in our
opinion, very far froth disproving their right to those
liberties—it is only an evidence of the demoralising
effects of absolutism. Hew is it possible that a
people reared in slavery can at once assume the
demeanofir of free citizens ? How is it pos-
sible that a people undisciplined by the exercise
of freedom, whose intelligence has not been
developed by the teachings of an unfettered
Press, and whose energies have become enfeebled by
a prolonged and degrading servitude, can at once
walk pari passe with those happier kingdoms in which
custom has made the full exercise of the privileges of
freedom compatible with public order and obedience
to the law ? A child is unable to perform
the duties of a man—an ignorant clown is
unfit to exercise the rights of a citizen—
education and experience alone develop and discipline
the character. It is not to be supposed that newly-
emancipated Italians can exhibit the firmness, and
independence, and moderation, which characterise the
" Sons of sires that baffled
Crown and sceptered tyranny;
That defied the Throne and scaffold

For their birthright-."
Therefore we differ from the Quarterly. We admit
that all the liberated have not proved themselves
worthy of their liberation, but the shame of their
errors falls upon their former tyrants. The Italians
are not fitted to enjoy constitutional freedom, says
the Quarterly. Then, in GOD'S name, say we, let
them become fitted to enjoy it by experiencing its
blessings.

We yesterday pointed out what we conceived to
be the fatal mistake into which Mr. COBDEN had
fallen in the financial scheme which he has recently
submitted for public consideration. If, indeed, the
savings which he contemplates could really be effected,
if ten millions of pounds sterling could be struck off
the national expenditure without the national
honour or the national safety being thereby
imperilled, his other propositions might be
carried into execution, and it would then become
a question worthy of the most serious and attentive
consideration how, or in what manner, the large sums
made available by these reductions, and also by the
extension of the probate and legacy duties to real
estate, could be most judiciously applied, and whether
the imposts which Mr. COEDBI conceives it desirable
to mitigate, or abolish, ire those which press most
heavily upon the industry of the nation, and which are
productive of the most injurious results. But, until we
are shown the particular branches of the public
expenditure in which the reductions can take place,
until it can be proved that the national establish-
ments can be maintained in a state of efficiency for
the sums that would remain applicable thereto, the
question cannot arise. There is no plan by which
the deficiency can be provided for, no new sources of
revenue created to supply the void occasioned by the
repeal of so many taxes. Which of these imposts
should be retained, if a portion only of his plan could
be realized ? Should the boon offered to the agricul-
tural interest by the abolition of the duties on malt and
hops be withdrawn, or should the improvement and
extension of our commercial relations with China, by
a more equitable adjustment of the duty on tea, be
postponed or relinquished? Should the timber duties
be maintained at the present rates, or the several
smaller
,items of the taiiff, the excise on soap and
paper, and the advertisement duties be continued ?
The changes that would take place in his project
under such circumstances would involve many
grave considerations, and occasion much contention
among his supporters. Mr. MACGREGOR'S plan is, how-
ever, totally free from these objections ; be specifies
.iistinctly and unequivocally the various items in
which savings may be made, and the extent thereof.
If he is wrong in any of his calculations issue may
be joined forthwith, and the question may be debated.
His budget is one that might be brought forward
by the Minister himself, for every point thereof is
perfectly clear and distinct. He furnishes a table of
the Expenditure in the Naval, Military, and Ordnance
departments, and also for the interest of the
National Debt for a series of years, and he
shows where the increase has taken place, that may be
reduced. The naval expenditure he would reduce
from 8,013,8731. to 6,500,000/. ; the army from
7,540,4051. to 6,000,0001. ; the ordnance from
2,947,8691. to 1,750,0001. Thus the total expenditure
in these three departments, which last year amounted
to 18,500,0001., would only reach 14,250,0001., by
which means 4,250,0001. would be saved to the
country. In addition, he would reduce various pay-
ments out of the Consolidated Fund from 2,319,5301. to
2,200,0001.; the miscellaneous services from 3,561,0671
to 3,250,000/. ; the charges of collecting the revenue
from 3,963,5391. to 3,350,000/. The other payments
out of the taxes in their progress to the Exchequer—
(we hope he has not forgotten their Graces of GRAFTON
and MARLBOROUGH, the heirs Of SCHOMBERG and
OVERKERICER, and the assignees of CHARLES BOONE)
—from 763,9261. to 710,0001., and the Civil List from
393,8301. to 390,000/. ; a further saving of more than
1,000,0001. would thus be obtained, and Mr. MAC•
GREGOR thinks that the gross revenue might possibly
be further reduced by 500,0001. Now all these
suggestions appear perfectly practicable. We have
no doubt that the Hon. Gentleman is prepared with
the various details and all the minutim of
his plan, so that the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer may be ',spared the labour which he
appears so thoroughly to detest, and which he
would be so unwilling to undertake. But this is not
the only recommendation in favour of Mr. MAC-
GREGOR'S plan; the articles on which he retains
duty are probably the least objectionable that could
be devised. The total abolition of the Excise has
long been desired, but if the duties on spirits are
retained it may almost be considered a national
Advantage : indeed,
.there need be no limits to the
taxes on spirits or tobacco, save those which are
essential to prevent smuggling. It is not by any
means desirable that their consumption should be in-
creased ; the morals or the comfort of the people
would not be promoted thereby. The malt tax is of
a different character, and we confess that we should
hail its abolition with the utmost delight:; but, unfor-
tunately, there is only a choice of evils, and we have
to decide between the tax on malt, on the one side
and various assessed taxer, which are unequal in their
operation, and highly offensive in their collection
and also of the impolitic and disproportionate stamps
lon fire and marine assurances on the other. We must,
therefore, join with Mr. MACGREGOR in retaining the
former for a time, at least until the agriculturists in
the House of Commons consent to an increase of the
property-tax.

The most valuable portion of the project, however,
still remains to be noticed. Mr. MA.coansoou would
place the iniquitous and unequal income-tax upon an
equitable footing. He would divest it of its inquis
sitorial character, and exempt from its operation
those who are gaining their daily bread by their
honest industry—who are endeavouring to lay by a pro.
vision for a period of sickness or want of employment,
or for their helpless families, when the parent and
protector would be removed by death. He would
not place the hard-working, the professional man
the laborious clerk, or the struggling tradesman on
the same footing with the landed proprietor or the
fundholder—he would not require incomes not worth
two years' purchase to contribute as largely in pro-
portion as those worth thirty. In place, then
of the present unfair and oppresive tax, he
would impose a duty of five per cent.
on all realised property of every description.
This is what the country desires. The objections
that were entertained to the Ministerial proposition
last year were not occasioned by the increase to 5
per cent. so much as by the perverse and obstinate
adherence to the inequitable system. We believe
that no resistance would be offered to even a higher
duty than 5 per cent., if other burdens were mitigated
in proportion, save by the class of persons
mediately interested the moneyocracy of the
country.
Under all the circumstances of the case, we

heartily commend the plan of the Honourablel
Member for Glasgow to the consideration of al
financial reformers. We believe that it is practicable.
We are convinced that it would be highly acceptable
to the nation as an instalment of justice; and, above
all, it would be a step in the right direction, tending
to the ultimate extinction of indirect taxation, ren•
dering our trade and commerce perfectly free and
unfettered, and placing the entire burden of taxation
upon those by whom it should be supported—the
possessors of accumulated and realised property.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
The elections of Presidents, Vice-Presidents, and
Secretaries for the respective bureaux of the National
Assembly, took place on Tuesday. They have been
chosen principally from among the supporters of
General CAVAIGNAC. Among the Presidents are:MM.
DE LAMORICIERE, DUPONT (de l'Eure), BILLAULT,
CAVAIGNAC, VALAUDELLE, MARIE, and FRANCOIS
ARAGO. MM. BIXIO, PASCAL DU?RAT, LA.NDRIN,
DE PARRIEU, and GERMAIN SARRUT, have been elected
Secretaries.

The PRESIDENT of the Republic complains bitterly
of the conduct of MM. TRIERS and MOLE, in refusing
to join the Ministry, which is composed almost ex-
clusively of their followers ; and has, it Is said,
determined, if they continue to refuse the responsi-
bilities of office, -to apply to MM. BILLAULT and
GARNIER PAGES to form a Ministry, on the first
appearance of difficulty.
It would appear as if some understanding existed
between the republicans of the Vielle and the PRE-
SIDENT, from the fact that M. GREVY has renounced
his intention of putting questions to the Ministry on
the subject of the recent secession of M. Lam( DE
MALLRYILLE. In the morning M. GREVT had a
long interview with some personal friends of the
PRESIDENT.

The existing Ministry is considered merely as a
ministry of transition, and the formation of a minis-
terial combination which would include M. BILLAULT
and M. JULES FAVRE (the author of the celebrated
L edru-Rollin circulars) was considered probable.
Such a Ministry would probably introduce a measure
recognising the Droit au travail, to which both M.
BILLAULT and M. JULES FAvEs are pledged, and
which right is distinctly acknowledged by the ht a-
SIDENT himself, in his work on pauperism.
The Assembly met yesterday, but the proceedings
were of little public interest.
The Committee of Justice was yesterday occupied
with the proposition of M. RATBAU, relative to the
dissolution of the Assembly. M. RALTEAU declared
that he founded his proposition on considerations
connected alike with the dignity of the Assembly, and
the interests of the country. The Assembly, he said,
was elected to make the Constitution, and that
having been done the Assembly ought to withdraw.
M. E. LEROUX denied positively the force of the
conclusions come to by the Honourable Gentleman.
The powers of the Assembly, he maintained, were
unlimited, and it had a right to make whatever
organic laws it pleased. Still, looking at the
opinion which had been so generally expressed
throughout the country, the Assembly was, he
thought, called on to modify its position. Re should,
therefore, support the proposition, with the exception
of that part which limited to two the number of the
organic laws to be voted. M. POINT declared him-
self to be precisely of the same opinion. M. Da-
TOURE opposed the proposition absolutely. M.
GREVT opposed it on the ground that from this period
to March 4, the Assembly would not have time to
vote the principal organic laws and the budget. The
cry raised by a few journals ought not, besides, to be
looked on as the opinion of the country. No decision
has yet been come to by the committee.
M. MARRAST has addressed the following letter,
dated the lit, to the Evenement :
" Monsieur le Relacteur,—Your journal stated today
that I have officially announced my intention not to
again stand for the place of the President of the National
Assembly. I cannot conceive to whom I could make
such an official declaration, nor who could be qualified
to receive it, unless the Assembly itself ; in that case I
should make it publicly. Nothing of the sort has taken
place. I put myself forward as candidate only on the
day of my first election, six months back. Since then,
I should have thought that I failed in respect to my
colleagues, if I did not remain passively at their orders,
Such has been my attitude in my five last elections. Were
I to assume any other at present, it would be either pre-
sumption or ingratitude; and I shall on every occasion
endeavour to keep myself free from both of these evil
sentiments. I trust that your impartiality will induce
you to publish this letter. Accept in advance my thanks
for doing so."
BOURSE—PARIS, WZDNESDAY, JAN. 8.

THREE O'CLucK.—There was little animation at the
Bourse to-day. The opening prices of the French
Rentes promised higher rates being sustained, but they
closed rather lower than yesterday. Railway shares
wiat little variation. Bons du Tresor not quoted. Ex-
change on London (thirty days), 25 30 ; ditto (ninety
days), 25 20.

BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, JAN. 3.

Boulogne and Amiens, BN—Namur and Liege, 5
Northern of France, s%—Orleans and Bordeaux, 254,—Paris
and Rouen, 18%4—Rouen and Hans, 10%—Sambre and
Meuse, 3%.