The Sun.
London, England, 1831-04-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The " mock heroic" in patriotism was never car-
ried to a higher degree sif burlesque perfection than
in the meeting of Liverpool electors the other day,
to condole with their lately-ejected representative Oil
the sudden reverse of fortune which he experienced
in a Parliamentary Committee, and to assure him
that virtue so pure and stainless as that which bed
been displayed in his election should never lack the
sympathy and suffrages of the immaculate freemen
who cultivate the " glorious principles of indepee-
on the banks of the Mersey. Virtue in &-
tress has sometimes to complain not more severely
of the inconstancy of fortune than the fickleness of
friends. Mr. Ewart, on the contrary, ought rather
to rejoice at than lament his disaster, as it has given
him an opportunity of ascertaining, beyond all doubt,
the stanch fidelity of his Liverpudh-an admirers.
Though the Committee of tl:e House of Commons
have avoided the election on proof of the grossest
and most extensive bribery and corruption of which
any populous town in modern times has afforded an
example, yet the patriots who assisted to fight the
" battle of independence," which has raised Liver-
pool to the proud distinction of being more rotten
in the exercise of the elective franchise that the rot-
tenest of the close boroughs, call it a " glorious
victory." That it was a " golden" victory cannot '
be disputed, but the " glory" that attached to it
had been in some decree anticipated by the boroughs
of Grampound, Cricklade, East Retford, Evesham,
and some others, where similar victories have been
achieved, though on an inferior scale of operations,
and with less of that open manly contempt of the
paltry rules of decorum and the principles of morality
than Liverpool exhibited in a struggle which has
conferred on her such imperishable renown. But,
whatever may be the amount of " glory" which
L verpool has derived from this celebrated conflict,
it is certainly of that peculiar sort which no town
in the King's dominions will be anxious to outshine,
at least in the opinion of a Parliamentary Com-
mittee. It is, in truth, a " glory" more to be won-
dered at than coveted. One of the orators at the
meeting in question, who, under the circumstances
of the ejectment of his favourite representative, and
the suspension of the writ, was filled with admira-
tion of the fame which his native city had acquired,
and the more than ordinarily brilliant prospects that
were opening upon her, enthusiastically exclaimed,
Wherever I look, on whatever side I turn, I
witness no symptom of defeat—no appearance of
dismay. The recollections of the past open cheer-
ing prospects of the future, and, if we have met a
repulse, we must still aspire to the laurel of victory."
Now, the " recollections of the past" were that
votes sold as high as 401. and 501., and some still
higher before the election was over; and the "cheer-
ing prospect for the future" is, that, in consequence
of the most systematic and extensive corruption
having teen proved that ever came under the cogni-
zance of a Parliamentary Committee, the house of
Commons have declined to call upon them to fill the
vacated seat until some means can be devised of pre-
venting
the " worthy electors" from so scandalously
abusing their franchise for the future. There are, in our
opinion, only two ways of realizing t his "cheering pros-
pect"—l• y disfranchisement or by the Reform Bill.
The former measure would be only the just punishment
of a body of voters so generally and notoriously cor-
rupt ;—the other will have the effect of introducing
into the constituency the class of respectable house-
holders, who have been hitherto excluded from all
share in the choice of representatives. The elective
franchise in Liverpool, at present, is limited to the
Mayor, bailiffs, and freemen of the borough, not re-
ceiving alms. The freemen are the persons who
obtain that qualification by hith or apprenticeship,
and the right is chiefly confined to journeymen ship-
wrights, their sons, and those who have served an:
apprenticeship to them; while the great body of the
householders, who pay the taxes, and serve all the
public offices, have no more right to interfere in
electing the persons who are to represent the inte-
rests of the town in Parliament than the natives of
the Sandwich Islands. This gross anomaly the Re-
form Bill will cure. It will, in the first place, cut
off the non-resident vot, rs, who are always brought
up to the hustings like cattle to the market, at so
much per head ; and to whom, it was proved, about
6,000/. independently of their expenses, were paid
at the late election. It will, in the next place, pre-
vent any freeman, for the future, obtaining the elec-
tive franchise, who shall not be a householder at 101.
yearly rent, and will thus cut off two of the greatest
sources of corruption—non-residence, and that de-
pendent poverty, which is the most obvious to venal
temptation. Then, and not till then, can any can-
didate for the honour of representing Liverpool hope
to obtain the " most sweet voices" of the Liver-
pooLelectors on the ground of any other merit than
that of adopting lago's advice, " Put money in thy
purse: Morning Herald.

Sir Henry Parnell, the new Secretary at \Var,
has not, as some of our contemporaries have insi-
nuated, been indebted for his appointment to his
aristocratical connections. He owes it entirely to
h:s own merits. No man ever devoted himself with
greater earnestness and singleness of purpose to the
public service; and we congratulate our readers on
his being placed in a situation that gives him greatir
means of usefulness. Sir henry was educated at
Eron, where he distinguished himself by his attain-
ments in classical learning. On his removal to Tri-
nity College, Cambridge, his progress in mathema-
tical studies was such, that he was placed in the firs.
class on his second year's examination. But Sir
Henry did not, like too many men of his station,
confine his studies to classics and mathematics. He
Was impressed, at a very early period, with a con-
viction of the superior importance of moral and po-
litical science, and in 1804, he produced his pamph-
let on the " Principles of Currency and Exchanges."
In this tract Sir H. clearly pointed out the causes of
the depression of the Irish exchanges, and stated
most of those principles with respect to currency,
that tVere afterwards more fully developed in the
Bullion Report. It is not a conclusive, but a strong
presumptive proof of the merit of this tract,
that it speedily went through four editions. From
this time forward Sir H. has taken an active pat in
all the great political questions that have agitated the
country. In what he did as an author and a Mem-
ber of Parliament he was influenced neither by a
desire to court popularity nor to advance the views
of any party. He looked only to principle. I.Nio
inan was ever more truly independent ; and there are
few, if any, who have laboured so assiduously and
successfully to promote the public interests. His
" History of the Penal Laws against the Roman
Catholics," published 1808, is one of the treatises
that appeared on the Catholic question. It did
much to prepare the public mind for its final and sa-
tisfactory settlement. We believe also that thidre-
suit was materially forwarded by articles contributed
by Sir Henry Parnell to theEdinburqb Review. The
efficiency of the inquiries made by the Commons'
Committee of 1825, on the state of Ireland, is mainly
owing to Sir Henry's exertions; and we know that
he was the real author of one of the most beneficial
measures, with respeet to Ireland, that ever received.
the sanction of the Legislature. In 1827 Sir Henry
published an able pamphlet on Banking. In it be
bas strongly advocated the abolition of the mono-
polies of the Bank of Englund and the Bank of Ire-
land, and the general adoption of the Scotch system
of banking.
Of Sir nervy Pernell's last work on
•r Financial Reform:,
it is almost unnecessary to say
anything. It is universally allowed to contain infi-
nitely more accurate and well-digested information as
to the income and expenditure of the British empire,
than is to be found in any other
publication. Sir
Henry Parnell has shown what reforms may be made
without impairing secue
by an honest Government,
rity at home, or tarnishing otar,horiatiiidirOad:— His
book will continue: for a lengthened Period to be
the manual of .tho'se who would retrench without
robbing, and amend without pulling down, The
excluSion of Sic Henry Parnell was justly comi.
dered, in every paid;, of the country, as one of the
most serious defeCts in Lord Grey's Government.
That it•has been repaired will give very general saws

tisfaction. Sir Henry's habits di:igh:en and great
industry ftt him him peculi.triy for the place be now
holds. A situation connected with the trade or
finance of the empire would, no doubt, have suited
him better; but of his capacity to fill any situation
j there can be no question. In him the public have
a servant in whom they may confide, who has intel-
ligence to distinguish what is really for their in-
terests, and who will never support or defeild mea-
sures, of the expediency of which he is not tho-
roughly convinced. We have written these
few sentences, not that we might eulogise Sir Henry
Parnell, but that we might show the real ground
on which he is in office. We ate anxious, too, that
others should profit by s') instructive an example ;
and learn that diligence, science, and integrity are
sure, even in politics, to lead to the highest distinc-
tions.—Morning Chronicle.

There is one truth of which all men must now be
convinced, and of which the importance is unquei—
tionable, viz.—that the opposition to Reform has
been from the very beginning confined to a parti-
cular body of men who are by no means numerous,
—who have no natural or permanent stake in the
country, or influence over it,—men whose clamour
has been so monotonous,—whose interest in the
prolongation of existing abuses is so obvious, their
argument in defence of them so utterly void of all
claim to the attention of reasonable beings, on
grounds of national utility, of political justice, or
of common sense, and whose manifest motives,
therefore, have so little sympathy with those of the
people of England generally, that any change in the
position of such enemies to Reform, taken as a mere
knot of individuals, would pass away altogether un-
felt and unnot;ced by the public. We repeat, that
the boroughmongers form no fixed or definite in-
terest in the community, independent of that single
morbid affection of the State which has placed
uuder their clandestine, their criminal, and unrecog-
nized controul, a large portion of what ought to
be—because the-Constitution understands it to be
—the representation of the people of England.
The rotten borough interest is not the commercial
interest, for not a thousandth part of the merchants of
England have any participation in it. Nor can it be
affirmed of the rotten boroughs that the landed in-
terest is identified with them, since, of the great
landed proprietors of England, not one in one hun-
dred has any sort of influence over a borough. The
bulk of professional men throughout the United
Kingdom—the bulk, we say, of the church, of the
bar, of the army, the navy, the merchants, the
middle classes, the, yeomanry, the mechanics, the
labourers—hold the borough. system in abhorrence,
as an er.gine for raising a few favourites and depen-
dents of the 150 or 200 proprietors of boroughs—
no matter how devoid such favourites may be of any
pretension to any kind of merit—over the heads of
all the knowledge, the ability, and worth, which
are to he found dispersed throughout the several
orders of society, or combined in their most eminent
members. If we saw that any one great division of
society, or even one acknowledged authority of the
realm, had its real interests so closely incorporated
with the permanency of the borough system
as to incur the risk of the slightest injury from
its destruction, we should pause, and the people
ought to pause before they lent an eager sup-
port to the proposition of an anti-borough Reform,
let it come from what quarter it might. If the re-
presentation were to be taken out of the Commons
of England,on the hustings assembled, and placed
in the King, in the Peers (as Peer:), or in fo-
reigners,—if the operation of the Bill were to be,
that the independence of the Peers, as a legislative
or judicial body, should undergo a transfer, whether
into the hands of the Crown, or of the Commons,
—if, on the other side, the Crown itself, instead of
being relieved by this law from the suffocating
nightmare of borough patronage, were to have an
artificial embankment raised between it and the
affections of a loyal nation,—or if instead of its
real power being fortified, its splendour heightened,
and its roots in the soil of the empire stricken un-
fathomably deeper, the Royal prerogative ran the
remotest risk of being impaired, or the Royal person
otherwise than immeasureably endeared to the people
of England,—every honest and wise man would
say, let us not hesitate to reject this Bill. But, so
fur from the great standing interests of the king-
dom, under the several divisions of property,
intelli-
gence, and numbers being thteateried with injury
by the proposed Reform, they none of them appre-
hend, or seem to imagine, the possibility of any such
►njurious consequence. No property, no profession,
learned or unlearned,-1/0 collective body of English-
, men, great or small,—petitions or murmurs against
the completion of the measure; all petition in sup-
port of it. No constituted powers, authorities, or
orders, magistrates, public officers, or corporations,—
of the latter not even those who are to be reduced
to insignificance by the Bill,—have ventured to show
themselves its adversaries ; all join the people and
come forward to petition in support of it. Our
Gracious Sovereign, so far as the gravity of Royal
demeanour with regard to public questions would
permit, has steadily and strentFaisly declared his own
conviction of the necessity for this compliance with
the demands of an unanimous nation,.—this provident
safeguard against the results of a fatal estrangement,
on the part of those who are called upon to obey the
laws, from those who assume the right of making
them. The King sees, that without a complete and
searching Reform in the whole elective body, the
people of England will exclaim universally that the
Constitution is as much a farce as county meetings
were once said to be, and that they (the people) have
no more share in the choice of those whom the law
supposes to be the guardians of their persons and
properties, than have the natives of California, or
New Guinea. Under such a state of things, the
clear and manly judgment of his Majesty ran little
risk of going wrong. Ile felt that a general dis-
content with the law, as an instrument of tyranny,
while it professed to be one of protection, would not
among such a people as the English, remain a dor-
mant or unfruitful feeling. The obedience of Eng-
lishmen to the laws of their country is not produced
by a trembling fear of the executioner, but by a
sound and well-reasoned persuasion that the laws are
framed with a view to the general well-being; and
when they are not so framed, the high value set by
our countrymen upon an unrestrained right of peti-
tion would be utterly inconsistent with any other
consciousness than that the petitions of the people,
when loud and unanimous, niust be complied with by
the powers to which they are addressed. His Ma-
jesty, in making up his mind upon the irresistible
necessity of Reform, has no doubt been swayed by a
statesmanlike conviction that England is a countly
which cannot be governed by a policy odious to the
nation ; arid that, with regard to the crown itself,
the King saw in a moment that whereas he and the
body of his subjects could have but one common
interest in the stability and splendour of the throne,
and in the comfort and prosperity of the people, it
was very obvious that a borough faction must have
an interest apart from both, inimical to both,—an
interest in making the Crown dspendent, on them-
selves in despoiling the people for their own profit,
and, above all things, in filling the Royal mind with
habitual distrust of the affectionate sentiments of the
people of England towards their Sovereign. We
have been well aware, from the lieginning, of the
degree to which an illustrious Personage had been
tormented by the intrigues of certain old courtiers,
who have, by an excess of adroit servility, established
for themselves a sort of subaltern footing in the
Royal Family, crawling up on more than one occa-
sion to ears not sufficiently on their guard against
such reptiles, and there pouring in their" poisonous
distilment." We would warn these creatures to be-
ware, or we will name them ; and if we do, they
will fly within four-and-twenty hours. They must
abstain from giving on paper, or in conversation, a
false colour to sentiments which it is their duty to
convey without alteration or comment. They must
.not grossly and wickedly misrepresent the dispo-
sitions of the people of England to any member of
the House of Brunswick. The English nation, 63
far from entertaining any unkind, and least of all
any niggard, feelings towards their Sovereign and

his race, are of a temper more jealous for the Royal
dignity and magnificence than anxious for their own
comforts. The people—the trading and middle classes
more especially—enjoy the notion of regal, and of a
large and liberal expenditure in the Court, and take
pride in hearing of, though they are precluded from
witnessing it. Every one at all acquainted with
English character knows this, and nothing was ever
more base or disgraceful than the attempts which
have been reported to us from various quarters, us
having been practised daily and 'hourly, although,
thank Heaven, unsuccessfully, with a design to turn
a systematic slander of the people of England to
account, in favour of the advocates for rotten bo-
roughs. However, we have probably seen the end
of such tricks. A great personage, we learn with
pleasure, has for some time detected them, and has
not withheld from their authors the meed of his just
and upright indignation. So, with respect to Ire-
land, the cry has been renewed that the turbulence
in Clare and other counties must render a dissolu-
tion an experiment of too much peril. This fraud
also has been exposed where it might have proved
mischievous. It is right to state, which we do on
the best author ty, that the disorders among the
peasantry of Clare have no more connexion with
politics than with astrology, and that the result of a
dissolution in Ireland would be to Ministers an acce'-
sion of twenty-eight or thirty votes. It won't do,
we tell you, Messrs. the machinators : the King,
the nation, and the principle of Reform, are too
strong for you.—Titnes.
Will France interfere in favour of Poland and Italy?
is the question which every one puts to his neighbour,
but to which not only no satisfactory answer, but no
answer of any kind, has yet been given. In order
to judge correctly of the matter we must take a
long retrospect of the occurrences in France during
the last eight months. In July the people found
themselves not under the banner of the Charter, but
under that of Charles X. and his monkish and des-
potic Ministry—the independence of the Chambers
violated—the freedom of the Press suppressed—
constitutional liberty gone, and despotism esta-
blished in its stead. The sans culottes—the work-
ing and starving population—for no one would risk
a centime in any business under such a state of
things, to furnish employment—rose like one man
—for the wants of the belly are more powerful per-
suaders than Dr. Kitchener's peristaltics—and in
three days not a vestige was to be found of the
Ministry, the throne, cr the despot ! The battle
was in favour of the people, and the people were
determined that it should be in their favour;
and they were accordingly joined by those
who, professing similar sentiments, were more de-
sirous that things should again settle down to a
constitutional level, titan that the revolution which
had taken place should work greater changes. The
Duke of Orleans was a fit man for the purpose of
this party. He possessed large property,—had passed
a life chequered by so many changes, es to induce a
strong belief that he would not side with the re-
publicans,—he was the nearest relative to the exiled
royal and legimate stock,—and he had besides, in
his ear:y years, fought at Jemappes and Valmy.
He was chosen Lieutenant-General by the party,—
the oligarchic party,—and after the brief space of a
few days, raised to the rank of " King of the
French.." All these matters are well know n, but it is
necessary to recapitulate them, in order that the ques-
tion and course of policy may be fairly understood.
Louis Philippe ascended the throne, and he had
many and numerous difficulties to contend with,—
subjects determined on political change, and legiti-
mate brothers, who looked upon him as an intruder
on their society, and who would only pardon the in-
trusion on condition that he should use his utmost
exertions to maintain things as they were, and not
aid in the promotion of further changes. Louis
Philippe, we take it for granted, consented. He
had a great stake at hazard, both in personal pro-
perty and newly acquired honour : and it is not to
be wondered at, if he sa'd privately to himself,
" let us retain as much of the old system as we can,
and give way as little as possible to the spirit of
change that is abroad." All his ministries, have ac-
cordingly been formed, more or less, on this model,
and of those which have not, it may be truly said,
that alley have been brought to mould themselves
after the same fashion. Hine itlx lachryme.—The
motto of the Cabinet has been resistance to popular
movements, and more popular institutions,—and
the motto of the people, and of the friends of
the people, has been " succour our enslaved
brethren, give us institutions conformable to the
spirit, the wants, and the acquirements of the
times." There have, in consequence, since the
month of July last, been two principles in
perpetual opposition,—the one that of repulsion,—
the other, that of motion. Accordingly, when the
Belgian revolution broke out, there was a decided
movement on the part of the people in favour of
their oppressed brethren, or rather of national fra-
re nization,—and on the part of the Government—
for legitimatizing was now a main object—of non-
intervention. The Belgians achieved their hole-
pendet c',—they resolved on a monarchical Govern-
ment, and they selected. the Duke of Nemoms as a
fit and proper person to reign over them; but the
legitimates were both in the back and foreground,
nay, in the very core of Louis Philippe's heart—and
dear and pleasant, and agreeable, as was the offer,
the King was obliged to decline, it. The revolution
in Poland next broke out, and never was greater
sympathy manifested in behalf of an oppressed
people, anxious to break asunder their chains,
than was manifested by the people of France
in behalf of the Poles; but the same motives
which dictated the policy of the Government
in the case of Belgium, operated also in that
of Poland : the Government did nothing, anti to
this moment the brave Poles, who had fought and
conquered, and suffered, in many a well-fought field
under the banners of France, and side by side with
her children, are permitted to fight out the battle of
their own independence, without a Government arm
to aid them, or a voice to cheer them onward ix
their noble enterprise, but the distant shout of the
people of France and England. Will a contrary
policy be pursued in the case of Italy ? M. Casimir
Perrier says that it will, in case that the Austrians
infringe neutral territory ; and we have sufficient
respect for him to believe that he would not wil-
-1 nsly permit the honour of the country to be tar-
nished; but there are other considerations besides
the mere question of war, which have to be maturely
we ghed before a step, calculated to produce the
most sweeping effects, can be decided upon or
adopted. In the first place a declaration of war
against Austria world be not only a declaration
against her, but against all the legitimates of
the continent. Holland would invade Bel-
gium,—the Prussian forces would be pushed
Forward to the borders of France,—and the
Russians, after having sebdued the insurrection
it' Poland would again wend their way to the ca-
pital of France. It is true, that the armies of the
toter would find friends in every part of the con-
tinent, tired of despotism, and longing for constitu-
tional freedom, who might operate a powerful diver-
sion in their favour; but making ample allowance
for this aid, it appears to us impossible that the
allied despots should not ultimately succeed in mas-
tering the tai-colour; and where then would Louis
Philippe and Iris kingship of the French be? Is it
to be supposed that those who fifteen years ago
brought back the Bourbons to Paris, at the point
of the bayoner, would not again have recourse to
the same policy, and seat Henry V. on the throne
of Louis Philippe ? and in whose favour, more es-
pecially in a moment of victory, they, would find a
large portion of the population ? It is here that
the shoe pinches the toe—it is here that the real
difficulties of the question of war lie—it is on this
point that Louis Philippe, and all who have gained
by the revolution, find themselves unable to come
to a decision. In making war they would render
themselves popular in France; and a successful
waging of it would secure the throne to the Or-

earls family, as well as consolidate the new institu- I
tintis, and check the restless spirit of change which
is abroad in France; but in making it, the King and
his Ministers feel that they expose themselves, both
to the open hostility of all the crowned heads on tine
Continent, and to the smothered, but equally dan-
gerous, vengeance of the abettors of the exiled fa-
mily at home; and it is, therefore, their policy to
do, on the one hand, as little that can offend the
said crowned heads as possible, and as much only,
on the other, as shall satisfy the people of France
that they are not ruled by a petticoat government.
Hence the vacillating conduct in the case of Bel-
gium—hence the disgraceful silence in the case of
Poland—hence the bullying► of M. Casimir Perrier,
and the neutralizing speech of his colleague, Baron
Louis, on the question of the invasion of Bologna
by the Austrians. The Government has two
parties to please—the legitimates and the people
of France—and two dangers to face; and it can
find no escape from either, even for a moment,
but in pursuing a middle course, which diminishes
the esteem and lessens the confidence of both. To
revert, then, to the question with which we com-
menced this lengthy and, we-fear, tiresome article,
it appears to us to be, beyond all doubt, that a war,
either in favour of the Poles or the Italians, is wholly
dependent on the preponderance in France of one or
other of the two great parties of which it is com-
posed—the party of the mouvement, which we have
designated above, and the party of the resistance.
In the long run we have no doubt that the former
will overpower the latter and then there will be war
and revolution after revolution; but in the meantime
the latter will make every effort to resist it, and miry
he successful. The moment, however, is critical,
and may decide the point even while we are writing.
Both parties are worked up to the extreme of rage
by domestic and foreign events; and he would be a
bold prophet indeed who would undertake to say
what the next twenty-four hours would produce.—
Morning► Advertiser.

The declaration of the resident Members of the
University of Cambridge, which appeared in our
Paper of Saturday, is highly honourable to the dis-
tinguished body from which it has proceeded ; and
must, we should imagine, give rise to some mis-
gis inge in the minds of those mistaken supporters of
the revolutionary measure (if there are any such)
who are not hostile to our venerable Ecclesiastic .1
Establishment ; and damp the hopes of the much
greater number who are determined to promote that
measure, principally because they view it with
greater accuracy of perception as the certain har-
binger of destruction to the National Church. It is
fit that our Universities should lead the way, and
that they should be zealously followed by the general
body of the Clergy of England and Ireland, in re-
sisting, by all constitutional means, the progress of
a measure which ranks among the most ardent of
its friends the determined and proclaimed enemies
of the Church, the habitual scoffers at religion in
every form. This conduct will be purely defensive
in the part of the Clergy, and is prescribed by con-
siderations much higher indeed than that of self-
defence, to every clergyman who would not incur
the guilt and the ignominy of treason to the sacred
and solemn trust confided to him. The establish-
ment of a House of Commons, from which the in-
fluence of the Crown, that of the Aristocracy, and
that of the Church, are alike to be entirely ex-
cluded —of a House of Commons purely demo-
cratic—of a House of Commons in which no man
will have the least chance to obtain a seat but by
first inflaming and then attempting to gratify the
passions of the mob—of a House of Commons filled
with furious and unprincipled demagogues—the
establishment of such a House of Commons as the
Revolutionary Bill could not fail to produce, would
lead isevaribly and rapidly to the subversion of the
Throne, of the Peerage, and of the Church ; arid, as
no douSt can be entertained that the Church would
be the first object of attack, it peculiarly behoves
her faithful Ministers to distinguish themselves by
the zeal, energy, and promptitude of their resistance.
Whoever has observed the signs of the times, and
reflected upon the principles and the manifest and
avowed designs with regard to the Church of Eng-
land of those who have put themselves forward as
the popular leaders in support of the Revolutionary
Bill, must be satisfied that this measure is of a ten.
dency the most pernicious and destructive to that
Estanlishmrnt, which, under Divine Providence, has
been the means of preserving to the nation the light '
of pure Chrstianity. The evidence that hostility to
the national religion is one of the characteristics of
the projectel Revolution, would be conclusive, if it
consisted num:), of what we know respecting the
men who mot anxiously advocate the measure. The
destruction of the Church of England is an object
which, consistently with their professions, their lives,
their writinge, and their speeches, it would he im-
possible for thin), in promoting any great and im-
portant Consttutional change, to have for a single
moment overlooked. The Benthams and the Humes,
the Taylors am. the Carlile4, comprehend all the
claims which tlie Revolutionary Bill of his Ma-
jesty's Ministershas to their peculiar and unqualifieel
favour. But wi are not left to infer the character
of the Bill, as itrelates to the religion of the land,
merely frotn the character and professions of its
leading advocates The measure gives by express
enactment an itusease of representation to Roman
Catholic Ireland and to Presbyterian Scotland,
while it diminishe; in a much greater proportion the
representation of Protestant Episcopal England. It
so regulates, moreover, the elective franchise in
Ireland as to secure to the Popish Hierarchy
of that country the absolute nomination of at
least three out of four of its representatives;
and in what position will the' Church of
England estallished in Ireland be placed,
when the Rom) Catholic Priestoood have their
eighty or millet) delegates in the House of Com-
mons? It will ie under the doom of certain and
speedy destruction. The delegates of the Popish
Priesthood will brm a party in the Legislwure with
which demagogies of liberalism will certainly
unite, and tas porer will remain capable of resist-
ing the efforts of hese confederated factions to over-
throw the Protetant Church in Ireland, and to
build upon its runs an idolatrous establishment,
upon the liberal einciple that idolatry ought to be
inculcated and encouraged by Government when-
ever the numerical najority of a nation is composed
of idolators. If, caitrary to all reasonable expecta-
tion, however, the relegates of the Popish Priest-
hood should be outeotesi in the United Parliament,
the only effect of this after the Reform Bill shall
have been adopted, will be to enable the dema-
gogues, the instruments and agents of the Popish
Hierarchy, to condean Ireland to continued and
exasperated convulsiois, by stimulating the pas-
sions of her inflammable population upon the
subject of the Unica, by making them mad
for the ruinous separtion of the two countries.
efuvptehor
upon
rntehi laic:), I
mindstlivt
ioo ai
sr yoafmtehae-
cslul'ehrreegsyceaonv
fineoi snfgaoillfa ohd:i eseanfrpe(riati
is°
sin-
cere friend to the church the duty of resisting this
destructive innovation iy every means in their
power. That these views tare correct the friends of
the affect !to conceal. Earl Grey,
whose !lite, whose power—a power he
political measure scarcely
e xis
so dearly cherishes, of providing for his family and
relations et the public, expense—depend upon the
success of the measiire,is driven in its defence, to
palliate the evil of the iestruction of the Protestant
church in Ireland and ee establishment of Popish
idolatry upon its ruins. ',et this single fact be taken
as a s liking illustration if the character of the mea-
sure. The Prime Miniter of the King of Eng-
land, of the Supreme lead upon Earth of the
Protestant churches of Eigland and Scotland, has
been compelki, in its &fence, to assimilate the
idolatry of Roman Catholii Ireland to the pure and
genuine religion of the cheer of Scotland, and to
prepare the minds of the lritish people for the es-
tablishment of Popery in he former country, by
referring to the establishmeit of Presbytery in the
latter.—ilforning Post.