The Sun.
London, England, 1849-03-09 00:00:00

this country has been raised for a long time under two
systems—the one is the modern system of indirecteaxa-
lion, to which all are subject—the other is the old sys-
tern of direct taxation, to which only old property is
subject; which has its cell around old property, and
which gulps it at its pleasure.—(hear). Sir, it would
not be difficult to show how, in the course of time, this
anomalous state of affairs has come to pass—how it has
happened that real property in this country should
necessarily be subject to what is called the general
taxation of the country, like all other property ;
and yet at the same time, and simultaneously,
it has been obliged to bear the burden of another reve-
nue of the enormous amount of 12,000,0001. sterling.
Sir, the anomaly lam sure has been long recognised. I
am sure at least that the grievance has been long felt-.
But the difficulties of dealing with it have been consi•
derable, and I am perfectly aware of the remedy which
certain Gentlemen opposite will only be glad to ofler
me, and which they will say is the necessary iiiference of
my statement—namely, that you should have recourse to
a system of national rating. Now, Sir, I have myself
the greatest objection to that system—(llear, hear)—
end my reasons are both of an economical and a political
kind. I cannot see how you can have the necessary
check which is requisite for the administration of funds
in a district, if the rating is national; and I am nn•
willing to give up local administration, not merely be-
cause it insures an economical distribution, or is the
best means of insuring an economical distribution, but
for political reasons connected with our happy
self•government of a still graver character. But, Sir,
though I admit that our s) stem of self-government
and our scheme of lccal administration are very
precious, still, at the same time, I do .ask Honourable
Gentlemen whether they are prepared to insure eco-
nomy by practising injustice—whether, in fact, they are
going to lay down, as one of the principles of our local
system, that in order to insure a good l esl administra-
tion of affairs, it is necessary that one or two particular
classes of the country should be subject to an unjust and
oppressive taxation?—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I am well
aware than in placing these views before the House—in
laying it down as a principle that real property has no
more right to be subjected to this taxation than any other
property, I am aware that some lion. Gentlemen, con-
fining their objections to a particular section of real pro-
perty, will tell me that land, purely speaking, is favoured
otherwise by our law.—(Hear, hear.) The probate and
legacy duty will surely be brought forward. Now, Sir,
for my own part, as far as I am speaking for myself, and
I believe I may say I speak for many others on the sub-
ject, I am perfectly prepared to enter into an investiga-
tion of that subiect in the fairest spirit, and join with you
in any endeavour for the equitable apportionment of that
taxation.—(Hear.) But I protest against that question
being brought under the notice of the House to divert them
from the question which I have brought forward.. Pro-
pose a Committee to inquire into the whole subject of
the probate and h guy duty, and I will support your
motion.—(Hear.) Bring forward a measure founded
upon sound information and real research, offering a just
remedy, and I will give you my vote to carry it. But I
am bound to tell you—it would be disingenuous not to
tell you—that having given as much attention as I can
command to the inyestigatiora of this question, it is my
opinion that the result of your Committee would be very
different from that which many of you expect. There
has been so much said on the subject that I must take
this opportunity of stating, that of the legacy duty now
paid, to the amount of 1,200,0001. a year, 500,0001. per
annum is paid absolutely and directly by the land—that
all the leasehold properties and all the ecclesiastical
lands are not included in the half minim', and pay not
only legacy duty but probate duty; and, as far as the
landed interest is concerned, there is also included in your
probate and legacy duty the stock of every farmer who
dies, and the property of every cultivator of land who is
subject to these taxes. So that you will find, if you exa-
mine this subject with the attention which it deserves,
and the absence of passion which I doubt not you will
give it—you will find, I believe, that it is not the land
which pays the least portion both of the probate and the
legacy duty. Mind, I have said nothing of your present
arrangement of stamps.—(hear.) I make this observe •
Lion to the lion. Gentleman opposite in no hostile spirit.
I remember my promise. I will redeem it if he ever
gives me the opportunity. But Ido protest against the
Hon. Gentleman, or any one else, particularly after what
you have said, introducing these extraneous subjects into
the simple question which lam putting before you. Is
it just, or is it unjust, that the real property, one-fourth
of the income of the country, should bear these burdens
in which all property is equally interested?—(Hear.)
That is the question.—(Hear.) The lion. Gentleman does
not for a moment say that all property is not equally
interested. The lion. Gentleman it he takes a fine house
in Berkshire to-morrow, I dare say will look over the
roads in his neighbourhood—perhaps, he will bo a pre-
server of game; perhaps, his keeper may be shot by the
poacher; perhaps, he may proceed against the poacher
at the assizes; and I dare say he will do all this without
paying the highway or county rates. Well, now the
question is, which under these circumstances is the best
method of settling this long vexed questien.—(Hear.) I
am afraid that I shall disappoint Hon. Gentlemen who
have sedulously announced that all I was going to do
was to move for a Committee. But instead of doing
that, I shall express my readiness, it the House will
go into Committee of the whole House, to offer a plan
for their adoption.—(Hear, hear.) And as that plan is
founded upon justice, as that plan is conceived in a spirit
of conciliation, I hope it will have a chance of success.—
(Hear, hear.) I am perfectly aware that in attempting
to settle the question nothing could be more
unwise than for the possessors of real proper ty to
stickle too severely on their right. I admit that in a
country like England, where a system has existed for
a considerable •period, however cpprt ssivo and unjust
that system, that the period of duration does not alter
the objectionable character of the arrangement, or miti •
gate the nature of the oppression. You will, there-
fore, be still aware where a system has existed for a
considerable time, clear as may be our case, it is neces-
sary and wise to come forward in the spirit of compro-
mise.—(llear,bear.) Ido not say I have a right to say
thte, these taxes are imposed for national purposes—no
one can say they are not-national purposes for which
they are levied. The local taxation is levied on one-
fourth of the income of the country. We say we are
ready to pay our quota, or fourth, but you have no
right to ask us to pay more.—(Hear, hear.) We are
ready to pay our portion of the 10,000,0001. or
12,000,0004—f0r it is a varying amount—but you can-
not fairly require us to subscribe to a principle which
calls upon us to undertake a greater amount of responsi •
bility.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I feel it is of the greatest
importance to maintain the system of local edministra-
tration which obtains in this country; therefore I shall
not propose to change the principle of self•government
that exists.—(Hear, hear.) I anticipate it will remain,
and that the rates will be levied as they have hitherto
been levied. But considering all the circumstances of
the case—considering that the land has some slight ex-
emptions of little importance, but which may be re-
membered at this moment—the amount is about 144,0001.
which it would be inconvenient to rid the land of by a
change in the existing law; considering it to be of the
greatest importance, the maintenance of the law of
local administration—considering that this is a period
in which all portions of the empire, and all the great
bodies, should be prepared to make great sacrifices—
I say, in the spirit of compromise and conciliation, I
should propose the present system of local administra-
tion remaining ; the present system of levying rates
continuing ; that the local districts should be respon-
sible for one moiety of this amount of taxation,
and that the other moiety be contributed by
.the
Consolidated Fund—(hear, hear)—the Government
having no difficulty by the machinery which they at pre-
sent possess, with some slight modification, to obtain
from the privileged properties their quota.—(Hear,
hear.) I take that to be a just proposaL—(hear, hear.)
I think terms might have been demanded founded on
justice, extravagant and violent. But I think that the
proposition I have made is one which all men, after due
reflection, will consider a fair and reasonable proposition
—a proposition founded on justice and recommended by
policy—and which, if put into practice, will give relief
to the suffering portion of real property in a legitimate
manner, not by demanding from the community, but by
merely granting in recognition of their rights. Now I am
at a loss to conceive where the great opposition to the
proposition will arise. I shall be surprised if any per-
son of' authority rises in this House and maintains that
this taxation of ten or twelve millions is not a burden
on real property which no other property shares. As far
as that section of real property is concerned, whose case
is not a whit more advantageous than the other—their
distressed condition being undoubted—for we have the
opinion of the Right lion. Baronet the Member for
Tamwoith recognising, almost in his last speech on the
subject in 1846—fully recognising those burdens. The
Right Hon. Gentleman placed his vindication of the corn-
laws, I believe, so late back as 1844-s—he placed his
vindication of the eerie-laws, when he was Minister, on
the acknowledged burdens of the land, and hence the
necessity for that system of taxation to which the reso-
lution laid on the table refers. But from the Ministers
of the present day—l am not goins, to read old speeches
of the Noble Lord, or anybody else—but I am going to
refer to a document much more worthy of attention. I
will not say one word respecting the past; but on the
memorable occasion, which most men thought a grave
occasion a letter was written by the Noble Lord,
evidently under a feeling of deep responsibily, when the
Noble Lord failed in forming a Government in 1846,
and lamenting a circumstance in language befitting
the occasion to his Sovereign. The Honourable
Member hero read an extract from the Noble Lord's
letter, which concluded by stating "that the Noble
Lord would come forward without delay with measures
to relieve the occupiers of land from the burdens to
which they were subjected." Well, then, that is a great
authority in favour of these resolutions. The Right
lion. Baronet and the Noble Lord arc my witnesses, and
will be the the answer to the lion. Gentleman who, I
doubt not, will get up and maintain the argument that
real property is not subjected to impositions which other
property is liable to, and from which it is in justice ex-
empted.—(Hear.) Well, then, is it that her Majesty's
Ministers—they being the most powerful party must be
considered before all others—is it that they shrink back
from the idea of performing a great act of justice by
levying anything like an impost on the privileged pro-
perties? This is not so, for only last year they made a
proposition to increase the income-tax, not to do a great
act of justice and to conciliate rival classes, or to support
an injured and aggrieved interest of importance, but to
do what I never could make out, that
laughter.)
But
.)
the purpose of paying the militia.—(fleas an
there
gterfui
would
But if the militia had been called out, hl
have been a militia rate, and real property would have
been liable.—(Hear, hear.) Well, considering the
Noble Lord and the Right Hon. Baronet have recognised
the burdens I have referred to in the amplest and full-
est spirit—considering the process I have indicated for
a just apportionment of the burdens to take place—with
machinery also in existence—l want to know what op-
position I am to expect from those who are the profess
sees of liberal principles—who are the vindicators of
Ulm of all classes—whose hearts are always touched

with deeds of injustice, and who are prompt to come
forward and succour the oppressed?—(Hoar, hear.) Are
they going to complete the fulness ~f their liberal posi-
tion, and to maintain that this portion of property slia:l
bs overburdened? They can have no abstract hostility
to the process of relief I have indicated. They all admire
direct taxation.—(Laughter.) We have suffered from
indirect taxation this many a year—we wish you should
now taste its fruits,—(Laughter.) Well, under these
circumstances, coesidering the sanction we have in the
expressed opinion of leading men—the facility afforded
by the machinery of the income-fax—the abstract
approbation in favour of direct taxation avowed by Hon.
Gentlemen opposite, I hope this oppressed real property
will stand some chance of obtaining redress.—(Hear.)
But do not let the House imagine that the sufferings of
that class are not considerable. Do not let them con-
sider that the portion of real property connected with
the cultivation of land is not in a state of depression.
This is acknowledged without hesitation. You see how
eager they are for relief by the petitions fur the repeal
of the malt-tax. You see how a portion of the country,
indirectly interested in the growth of barley, wish for a
repeal of this tax. You also find many, not item, -
diately interested in the growth of barley, who complain
that they are labouring under the oppression and weight
of this unjust tax ; and that they are ready to adopt the
first remedy that is offered. I expressed in the two reso-
lutions on the table of the House my sincere opinion
on the'subject of the malt-tax. I think, when we recol-
lect that the landed interest of the country—a con-
siderable portion of real property is subject to that
amount of taxation to which I have referred in the
first resolution. It is a great aggravation of
the grievance when we remember that two-
thirds of the revenue of the excise is con-
tributed by restrictions on the articles of their growth.—
(Hear.) I think the circumstances connected with this
tax have been so fully and recently before the House
that I need not trouble myself with going very much
into details with which Hoe. Members are undoubtedly
furnished. But there is one circumstance conch cted with
the proposition for relief from this tax which must be
well understood by the House before they can fully com-
prehend the feelings of the farmers on the subject. This
suffering class cannot but remember that 20 years ego
they made application to the House of Commons for the
repeal of the malt-tax, and what was the answer? Why
that the minister could not spare the sum from the re-
venue, he could not spare the 3,500,000/, from the malt-
tax. The farmers yielded to the representation of Go-
vernment, and next year the same Government took off
3,500,0001 for other articles.—(Hear, hear.) I will not
say whether the policy was wise or unwise on the part
of the Government of that day; but was it ingenuous to
treat the agricultural class that way? Or are you sur-
prised they should remember this with mortification and
shame, and now have no confidence in the leading men
of the country?—(Hear, hear.) What happened ie
1834? The Right Honourable Baronet the Member
fur Tamworth was then Minister, and that period was,
perhaps, the most difficult, and not the least distin-
guished portion of his eminent career. In that year
there was great agricultural distress, and the great body
of the agriculturists of England were of opinion that the
repeal of the malt-tax might give relief. At that time
there was what was called a considerable commotion, in
modern days it is called agitation, and a Noble Lord who
then represented Buckinghamshire, who is still remem-
bered by the farmers of the country for his firm and
consistent conduct—(Hear, hear)—and pledged himself
to bring forward a motion for the repeal of that tax, and
embarrassing as was his proposition in consequence o.
the Right Hon. Baronet being in office, still he redeemed
kis pledge.—(Hear, hear.) How was he met by tlae
Right lion. Baronet? The Right Hon. Baronet exerted
all his powers to combat the motion, and he took occa-
sion to administer a solemn admonition to the country
gentlemen. The Right Hon. Gentleman told them.
"'rake care what you are about. You may get rid of
the malt-tax, but I tell you what you will get instead—
you will get a good comfortable property-tax."
—(Hear, hear.) Now such was the effect
produced on the agricultural interest, they fled
like frightened sheep. Some came down to
the House and rescinded all they had promised to their
constituents—they dreamed dreams—they saw visions.
—(Hear, hear.) Well, what have you got now ? You
have got the malt-tax, and with a good comfortable pro-
perty- tax you have all those burdens of land which you
found so oppressive, and which the Right Hon. Baronet
admitted were so oppressive. Are you, then, surprised
that the farmers of England, after such incidents as these.
should be a little ill-tempered? Are you surprised that
they should fly to the first offer of refuge and succour—
(Hear; hear)—when they recollect how often the ques-
tion has been matured out of doors—how often it has
been debated in the House ; that it was once carried
and rescinded immediately afterwards—are you surprised
that the farmers should feel some distrust in the conduct
of public men?—(l4ear, hear.) That this tax is an
injury to the farmer no one can doubt ; that it is
a tax upon the consumer is no answer to his com-
plaint. All taxes are taxes on the consumer.
No one can deny that the tax is an injury
to the producer. Mr. M'Culloch, a political economist.
and, though a political economist, a sensible man—
(Laughter)—one of the most rational of the school, in
one of his works on apportioning the amount of duties,
considers that land, on account of its being taxed more
than any other property, has a malt. tax claim to the ex-
tent of 2s. Therefore, the demand on the part of the
farmers is not so unreasonable. I do not deal with the
domestic arrangements of the tax; they are known to
all, felt by most, and aro the hourly conversation of these
men. Baying now frankly expressed my opinion on the
subject, as far as the amount of loss and annoyance to
the farmer are concerned—at the risk of losing that fa-
vour which they have accorded to me, I counsel the
farmers not to press for the repeal of the malt-tax. And I
will give you my reason. I advise the farmers not to press
for a repeal of the malt-tax, for I consider the portion of
benefit they would receive from the repeal of that taa
would be slight, compared with the inconvenience which
would be occasi ned; and, further, the particular reason
why I recommend them not to press for the repeal of
the malt-tax is—if they attain the repeal of that tax,
they will obtain that which may prove a fatal obstacle to
those measures of relief I now propose, and to other mea-
sures which I hope to be able to propose.—(Hear, hear.)
The measure I have proposed to-night will allow my to
take off 5,000,000/. or 6,000,000/. from the real property
of the country—from property which will be felt in every
village and in every farmhouse in the country.—(Hear.)
The benefits that will be produced will be felt in every
town—not in sectional departments—not by sectarian
arguments—but they will be benefits felt by every far-
mer in the kingdom, far beyond what would be produced
by the repeal of the malt-tax. It will also be felt by
great bodies of our countrymen not connected with
agriculture—felt as a measure founded on justice and on
truths which no one can impugu.—(Hear, hear.) If we
deny these men justice—if we deny redress to real pro-
perty—if this property is to be still encumbered with
ten or twelve millions of taxation, from which pri-
vileged property is exempted, we most not conceal
from ourselves the probabidty, if we do not meet
them in a spirit of justice, that you will have not
only an appeal for relief from the malt-tax, but an ap-
peal for relief from other taxes. You will make an op•
pressed populatiou run a muck against all taxation. I
have been asked by Gentlemen from Ireland whether I
intend the resolutions which I have laid on the table to
apply to their country. It is my intention they should
apply.—(llear.) I can conceive no reason and know no
principle why the application should not be made. If I
have not specifically introduced the case of Ireland into
the debate, it has been because the analogous rates and
taxes levied in that country are levied by a different
machinery, that would have introduced different figures
into this discussion, and would have ccmplicated a pro-
position which I wished to Iv ep perfect in the simpli-
city of its justice, and unclouded with details which
might have distracted the attention of the House from its
due consideration. But it is my intention, if lam per-
mitted to introduce the measure I have mentioned in a
Committee of the whole House, to follow it up by a mea-
sure which shall apply in the same spirit to Ireland.
I cannot comprehend what arguments can be urged
against Ireland being relieved in the same spirit of
justice. Ido not offer such a measure to Ireland as a
boon which is entirely to reanimate her in her present
depressed position, but it is an arrangement which she is
entitled to claim from the landed interest of this coun-
try, if they themselves receive it. There are other mea-
sures which I think might do snore for Ireland than even
the present; and if I do not briag them forward now, it
is because I feel this is not the occasion to introduce
them. I was taunted the other night by a gentleman
representing an Irish constituency, because I opposed the
proposition of Government, and proposed nothing. The
criticism is not just, and rather stale. It is neither new
nor true.—(A laugh.) It is not our duty, because we do
not approve of a proposition, instantly to bring forward
a counter one. We are in opposition, and our duty is to
oppose.—(Laughter.) I can easily understand why
Hon. Gentlemen opposite cannot approve of an opposi-
tion being in existence. But we are sensible of our
duties, and shall endeavour to fulfil them. I will, how-
ever, tell Hon. Gentlemen from Ireland that there is
one means of assisting them which I am most anxious
to introduce into this House. It is a great and cone-
preheasiee measure. I would wish Hon. Gentlemen on
either side to forget their fatal feuds, and join with
us to restore their depressed and prostrate country.—
(Hear, hear.) Had my lamented friend been spared to
us he would have introduced a measure which I believe
would have done more for Ireland than all the measures
ever introduced by Ministers for the last half century—
more great
comprehensive, more beneficial than
n
re
(mheleaasru.7 which unfortunately
iusnfuosretulensastetolysthieempeteut e.
party feel-
ings, assistdene not Ireland
n—d
unless Irish Members will throw asldet_ theire
land,
othwinigtheoau can
ings, and remember their interests in hN
which they cannot stand long.—(bear.)be more fatal to them—nothing more injurious to the
t
cf uo tmu rbei
nfionrgt unrestcsooufnEtrnygtlhaannd tthoemiranino!
tain their interests in their
mutually-oppressed proper-
withe andth el welfarean,i d ionft interests
Ishfaavire,einadmeaysuourerednottoipnlaacneibe
netelomr!
perate spirit—the views and suggestions of those who
grievances involved in the resolutions I
have placed on the table of the House. These complainants
complain a(i House—ni l oe af
r tihhee trustarin
are the various classes which, combined and united, form
what in popular language is called the landed interest—
a portion of the nation, which, whether we look to their
property, to their numbers, or to the weight and in-
fluence which necessarily result from their social posi-
tion or from their interesting occupation, still form the
most considerable order of our suciety.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir, it would be disingenuous if in this discussion I at-
tempted to conceal that the landed interest do not
merely complain of the grievances alleged in these reso-
lutiens, but of the great injury which they deem they
have received from the hands of this House.—(Hear,
hear.) It is not my intention now to enter into the
policy or impolicy of those great measures which you
passed three years ago—which you passed and which
they deplore—(Cheers from the Protection benches)—
but it is my duty to represent to you that dull or in-
different as you may sometimes hay© chosen to picture

them, they have not h
p r ed in this country.to:iiftielianntetcri,luiyssece.oarulsn,btro7f:
Pen unnaindwhat has hap-
itenrir:eonaendenddevstailiolvitun
of) haveun much
witnessedhw that
proper-
ties h
a s
and new sources of influence, and they have wit-
nessed them without jealousy, for it is a part of their
creed that national prosperity depends upon the union of
all classes.—(Cheers.) They have not witnessed with
any hostile feeling the rightful representation of those
interests and properties in this House; but although they
have observed these great incidents, and with no other
feeling but such as becomes a manly mind, it is but right
that you should understand that it is not without emotion
they have witnessed that the whole course of your legis-
lation for }ears has been to invest those new properties
with pririleg,s, and simultaneously to deprive them of
theirs.—(Loud cheers.) They have not forgotten that
they have been spoken of in terms of contempt by Mi-
nisters of State—(Renewed cheers)—aye, even by the
son of a great house—a house that always loved the
land, and why m the land still loves.—(Continued ap-
plause.) They have not forgotten that they have been
g.,leld up
lieuintteengotghtauottpet.uhTe.il(ricpn; odium and:oblilieuginel ueshirtr,etypr,rstu.h)baattTii(n n)heoyi,bdy triumphant
he
any ed
anyost
wf oar s-
considered the invention of gods and the occupation of
heroes, has been stigmatised and denounced as an incubus
upon English enterprise. They have not forgotten that
even the very empire that was created by the valour and
with the blood and the devotion of their fathers had been
held up to public hatred as a cumbrous and ensanguined
machinery devised to pamper the luxury and to feed the
rapacity of territorial nouses. The fact is, Sir, that these
things are very f and to digest. They. are not plea-
sant to the humble, and they are intolerable to
the justly proud.—(Renewed cheers.) These are things
which you may depend change the heart and the blood
of nations ; and whether you think their feeling is
founded on justice, or whether you deem it baseless, I
tell you—and every Member of this House, every good
and wise man must feel, that nothing is more to be de-
precated, that nothing is more dangerous, than that con-
siderable classes of the country should deem that they
are treated unfairly by the Legislature.—(Hear, hear.)
It is a fact, Sir, that the spirit of the landed interest is
deeply wounded, and whether they have foundation for
their feeling or not, it is one which I would recommend
any Minister not to treat with contempt.—(Loud cheers.)
I fancy that it has been somewhat too long the habit to
believe that you might conduct yourselves towards that
interest with impunity. It was a proverb, even in the
•ime of Walpole, that they might be fleeced with all
security, and I have observed that at no time is the
landed interest more unjustly treated than when demi-
gegues are denouncing :them as oligarchical usurpers.
But this may be dangerous play if you are outraging
justice. You think you may trust their proverbial
loyalty. Trust their loyalty, but do not abuse it.—
(Cheere.) I dare say it may ba said as it was said
3,000 years ago, in the most precious legacy of political
science that has descended to us—l dare say it may be
said of them that the agricultural class is the least
given to sedition.—(Bear, hear.) I doubt not that it is
as true of the Englishman of the plain and the dale as
it was of the Greeks of the isle and the continent ;
out it would be just as well if you also recollected
that the fathers of these men were the founders of your
iberties, and that, before this time, their ancestors
nave bled for justice.--(Hear, hear.) You may rely
upon it that the blood of those men who refused to pay
ship-money is not to be trifled with.—(Loud cheers.)
Their conduct to you has exhibited no hostile
feeling, notwithstanding the political changes that
have abounded of late years, and all, appa-
rently, to a diminution of their power. They have
inscribed a very humble sentence upon their rural ban-
ners, but it is one which, it I mistake not, is calculated
.o touch the heart and convince the reason of England—
.' Live and let live."—(Great applause.) You have
adopted a different motto—you, the leading spirits on the
benches which I see before me, have openly declared
y our opinion that if there was not an acre et land culti-
vated in England it would not be the worse for this
country.—(Hear, hear.) You have all of you in open
chorus been always ready to announce your object to be
to obtain a monopoly of the commerce of the universe,
and to make this country the workshop of the world.
Your system and theirs are exactly contrary. They in-
vite union. They believe that national prosperity can
only be produced by the prosperity of all classes. Yon
prefer to remain in isolated splendour and solitary mag-
nificence, but believe me I speak not as your enemy
when I say that it will be an exception
io the principles which seem hitherto to have
ruled society, if you can succeed in main-
taining the prosperity which you desire without
the possession of that permanence and stability which
the territorial principle alone can afford.—(Hear, hear.)
Although you may for a moment flourish atter their de-
struction—although your ports may be tilled with ship-
ping—although your factories may smoke on every
plain, and your forges flame in every city—l see no
reason why you should form an exception to that which
the page of history has recorded; that you, too, should
nut lade like the Tyrian dye, and moulder like the Ve-
netian palaces.—(Loud cheers.) But, united with land,
you will obtain the best and surest foundation upon
which you can build an enduring prosperity; and you
will find in that interest a consoler in all your troubles;
in dangers your undoubted champion; and in adversities
your ready customer.—(Renewed applause.) It is to
assist in producing this result, Sir, that lam about to
place these resolutions in your hands. I wish to see the
agriculture, the commerce, and the manufactures of
England, not adversaries, but co-mates and partners—
rivals only in the ardour of their patriotism and the acti-
vity of their public spirit.—(The lion. Gentleman re-
sumed his seat amid prolonged applause.)
Mr. HUME said he could not help expressing his
utter astonishment at the remedy a hich the Hon. Gen-
tleman had proposed for the alleged distress of the agri-
cultural interest. His speech had not been at all in ac-
cordance with his resolutions, for his resolutions stated
,hat the burden of local taxation " bore with undue
severity upon the occupiers of land;" whereas in his
.peech the " occupiers of land" had never been men-
tioned from first to last.—(Hear, hear.) It had been all
about the landed interest, and the plan which the Hon.
Gentleman had proposed would benefit the landed in-
terest alone. What benefit it would confer upon the
tenant-farmer he (Mr. Hume) could not possibly ima-
gine. The lion. Gentleman had asked with what justice
they could call upon the landed proprietors to pay the
local taxes he had enumerated. He (Mr. Hume) would
say that they were bound to pay them upon every prin-
ciple of justice. The lands were obtained originally
upon condition of rendering military service. That, for
the convenience of all parties, had been commuted into
the payment of certain taxes; the lands that had since
changed hands had been bought with the burden of these
taxes upon them, and under proportionate deduc-
tions for the same, and, therefore, the landowners
had no right now to ark to be relieved of them. The
statement of the Hon. Gentleman, then, was all moon-
shine. It was an appeal to the charity and commisera-
tion of the House, not to its justice. The Hon. Gentle-
man had spoken of the roads as imposing a burden on
the agricultural interest; but wherever good roads had
been established at the expense of a county, they had
proved more than reproductive as regarded the value of
the landed property. Then, with respect to police es-
tablishments and the administration of justice, were the
same parties not interested in preventing robbery; and
had not the property of a county always been bound to
uphold those establishments and that administration? It
was the ancient lords of the soil who, in the absence of
the Sovereign, were the administrators of justice. Bridges
were built in early times for the convenience of the lo-
cality; indeed, there were none of the taxes mentioned
by the Hon. Gentleman which did not come within the
category of taxes raised within the district for the advan-
tage of the the district. The tenant-farmers had been
hoodwinked and led to suppose that the motion would lead
to their relief; but, if the whole 12,000,0004 taxes were
removed, what would bo the consequence? The very
next time the landowner came to let his land he would
charge the full rent, including the amount theretofore
paid for those taxes. Nothing could be more wild than
the supposition of the Hon. Gentleman that the tenant•
farmers could be so stolid and stupid as not to see
through the present attempt. If the Hon. Gentleman
succeeded in adding 6,000,000!, to the taxation of the
country another income-tax would be necessary. The
Hon. Gentleman addressed merchants and manufac-
turers as if they were the only parties who ought to pay
for the packet service and other objects of national con-
cern. But what was it that made the land of England
five times more valuable than the land of Poland, though
it was in itself no better and produced no better crops?.
The difference consisted in the enhanced value which
a wticnif
arose from the operations of the Birmingham arce nd
Man-
cheater manufacturers, and from that_
Liverpool But for
had been stigmatized as carried on in L
would he as little worth as that t?
the last two days.
delivered within
e
speeches had been deli
their enterprise, capital, and success, the
now
to
ot broughtthe 4,0001.
A Reverend Gentleman ,
had spoken o
ol af
ad farm land
Somef
whichEnglund
strangegla
n in
influence of
a year.
manufactures? The day was coming
ce and commer("H
would be done.— ear, hear," from the
) Up to this
benches.) hour the landed interest
Prpoeition ben
of the expenditure
1792 wasTroenwtehdatawt
a7osot/h.attohwouinggh.
and taxation.
bad had
t their families been provided for by means of
!lad no
raised from the industry of the country? It was
taxes
too much to hear other classes taunted, as if no class
when justice
th
were of any avail except the landed proprietors. The
control
Hon. Gentleman did not propose the repeal of the mat-
ter. He (Mr. Hume), however, would do so, having
consistently maintained that the malt and hop duties
were two of the worst taxes, and having voted some
years ago with the majority of the House for the repeal
of the malt-tax, though Honourable Gentlemen op-
posite a few days after reversed their votes and
the decision. In 1821 he moved for the repeal
of taxes to the amount of 4,000?., which were
imposed upon salt, leather, candles, and soap.
The taxes on the first articles had been repealed.
and the soap tax would also have been repealed, if Lord
Muntesgle had not made a fool of himself.—(Much
laughter.) He now wished to repeal taxation to the
amount of 10,000,0001, imposed upon malt, hops, win-
dows, soap, bricks, paper, and other articles; and, when
those imposts were removed, he would abolish the Excise
department altogether. It was not to be supposed that
he could succeed in repealing 10,000,0001. of taxation all
ai once, but he would abolish the malt-tax as soon as he
could get the farmers on his side.—(A laugh.) Agri-
cultural Members who might vote against
his reso-
lutions must be prepared to encounter strong opposition
at the next general election. The farmers were
eree
becoming men of sense, and all that he (Mr.liu
wanted was that the county Members should behave
better. To show the pernicious effect of the malt.
tax, it was only necessary to state that the con-
sumption of the article had.
increased only thirty
within the same period.
he would
high duty in
To show the eft ct of Ireland,
per cent. since 1780, although the population had in.
creased from 79 to 80 'per cont.
following
oYieamrasitYlCohelin.
owned was 4,410,000
the duty was S. 4d.,
state that in 1795antdhe
bushel.. The duty Was intiessid
thaeverfiavgee