The Sun.
London, England, 1831-07-28 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

Sir Robert Peel last night opened the opposition
to schedule B of the Reform Bill, by attempting to
raise upon its present structure a complaint of injury
to the agricultural interest. We think that it will
be easy to prove the Right lion. Baronet's ohjectious
to have sprung from an imperfect view of the
measure, comparing its " disfranchising" with it,
" qualification" clauses. But we have not now time
for that inquiry. In the course of the evening, i\Tr•.
S ►filer quoted Algernon Sidney as an authority fru '
the corruptions of the representative system. This
reminds one of a certain worthy's (potation of
Scripture, who by leaving our a wort or two, made
an Apostle express a wish to " hang all the pro-
phets." Eight boroughs, being a fifth part only of
the number in schedule 13, were disposed of, but no
topic of any strling interest appears in the discus-
sion. The Bill at its present rate of movement will
take a long time to reach its last stage : but M.
nisters, of course, take care to have it understood
that Parliament mu <t sit even till Christmas, in
order to pass this univertally demanded measure.—
Times.

The same questions in our foreign relations which
were asked and discussed in the House of Lords on
Tuesday, were brought before the Commons last
night. It appears to us that nothing could be more
unjust than the censure cast upon the British Gn-
vtrnment for its concurrence with the other great
Powers of Europe, in the proposition to demolish a
number of the Belgic fortresses looking towards the
French frontier. We only wished to show that the
time of announcing the demolition was badly chosen,
and that France, which professed to remain under
the treaties of 1815, had no right to interfere. We
are happy to perceive, from the speech of Lord
Palmerston last night, and from the language of
the protocol, that the French Government did
not originally suggest the measure, or press, its
execution; and, at all events, is not to be judge
of the particular fortresses selected for demolition. It
appears, indeed, from the report of what took place
in Parliament, that the protocol which stipulated for
a future negotiation with Belgium upon the expe-
diency of razing fortresses, or some of them, pro-
ceeded from Ministers of the four great Powers, of
whom the French negotiator was not one; that
France had not made her assent to the independence
of Belgium conditional upon the destruction of the
foitresses ; that in the actual state of Belgium these
fortresses cannot be adequately kept up or garrisoned,
and therefore, instead of being efficient against
France, they must be mere temptations to that
power to come and seize them at an opportunity
which may suit her, and thus to convert theta into
so many keys of the Belgic ttrritor3. To its it seems,
we allow, most absurd, to leave a number of un-
tenanted strong holds within a day's march of
the French line of garrisons, tinder the plea of
keeping up an armed frontier against France.
How the Belgians,—or how, indeed, the Dutch
and Belgians taken togethei—were to be ren-
dered capable of maintaining these great works
in a condition to stand a siege, we have not
been able to learn from his Grace the Duke
of Wellington, although there be not a man iu
Europe so well fitted to furnish the information.
The general concurrence of Europe, France included,
in the independence of Belgium, is the most dur-
able and economical defence. All that we stated,
and all that we still maintain, is, that the core.ent
of Belgium should have been obtained before
the fact eves announced, and that France, at all
events, ought not to have proclaimed the result as a
victory gained over the Allies. On the subject of
Portugal we shall merely state (what we have before
stated), as an answer to all that has been said upon
the failure of this country to protect the Portuguese
Government against the measures of France, that
no such slavish obligation could ever be imposed
upon an independent country, or would ever be en-
dured by a free people, as that of defending in the
gross the iniquitous acts of an unprincipled arid
brutal tyrant, against those whom he bad injured,
and to whom he had refused redress. France did
not interpose between Great Britain and Miguel,
when this Governtneat felt itself compelled to de-
mand satisfaction by her men of war: why should
we interfere when France seeks justice through
similar means ? The affectation of a sympathy for
Miguel is worse than absurd—it is disgusting. The
following is a correct account of the French opera.
tions against the Portuguese Government :—On the
evening of the 10th the French Admiral sent a flag
of truce to Lisbon, with the conditions on which
he offered to treat. This was rejected. He then
informed the Foreign Consuls of his intention of
forcing the passage of the Tagus. On the 12th,
about mid-day, the French squadron attempted the
passage, receiririg for ten minutes the fire of the
Portuguese forts before a shot was returned. By
half-past four the squadron was moored before
Lisbon, and the former offer was repeated, accom-
panied by a demand of indemnity for those who had
suffered. The Portuguese Government then.signe.
fled its acceptance of the terms proposed.--Tinges.
A correspondent has called our attention to a Bill
now before Parliament, under the title of the
Bankrupt Act Amendment Bill, of which some of
the provisions seem to be at variance with every re-.
cognised principle of sound legislation. The amend-
ments, he says, consist in making depositions taken
before Cemmissioners of Bankrupts, with relation to
the trading, or acts of bankruptcy of any person
against whom a Commission has issued, evidence in
any Court of Law or Equity, when entered of re-
cord, in cases where the party making the same may
thereafter have died, departed the realm, or become
legally incapable of giving evidence, and without
any proof of the signature of the deponent. Our
correspondent says, that three Bills, si▪
milar to the
present one, have been brought into Parliament,
and have met with the fate they merit▪
ed—that it
is a matter of notoriety their object was a private
one, and not the amelioration of the law—and that
it is equally notorious that the present Bill will have
an ex-post facto operation, and that it is intended to
obtain through it what has already been fruitlessly
attempted under the existing law. We regret that
our limits will not alldw us to enter at present
further into this question.—/Iforning Chronicle.
We wish we were able to say that Ministers were
only thwarted in their views at home, by Tory func-
tionaries. Tory Lord Lieutenants, Tory Magis-
trates, and Tory Parsons are not likely to give Very
efficacious support to a Whig Administration. But
it is no better abroad. In most of the courts of
Europe, the creatures of the last Ministry are still
to be found, and it would be wonderful if they were
to second with much cordiality the views of time
present, or to omit seizing every opportunity for in-
juring the cause of liberty, and for favouring the
efforts of tyranny and aristocracy, to rivet the fetters
of the nation. Among our Ministers at foreign
courts, is the brother of the all-accomplished Earl,
who conceives himself, of all living Statesmen, to ap-
proach the nearest to Metternich. We need
hardly say that this great Statesman is the late
Foreign Secretary, and that the brother is Sir
Robert Gordon, our Minister at Constantinople.
It is said, by the bye, of this Minister, that
while at the C tun of Rio Janeiro, imagining Don
Pedro did not pay sufficient deference to him as
the representative of Great Britain, he told him,
with an air of amusing self-consequence, that he was
himself descended from the Kings of Scotland ; and
it is said, that the Emperor was so much annoyed
by the airs of this consequential personage, that oil
the departure of the distinguished Minister for
Europe, who was the bearer of the Portuguese Con-
stitution, lie expressed a hope that the next Mini-
ster would not be a descendant of the Kings of
Scotland. There can be no doubt that the present
Ministry can have no wish to impede the exertions
of the gallant Poles, arid to enable their late cruel
task-masters, the Russians, to replace them under
the yoke. We learn, however, from an authentic
source —a communication from a gentleman de-
spatched by the Poles to Constantinople—that Sir
Robert Gordon has been exerting himself in favour

of the Russians at that capital. The following arc
the words of his communication :
" I cannot attribute to the English Ministers the un-
heard-of steps which Sir R. Gordon, the English Ambas
sailor at the Sublime Porte, has taken here lately. 11,
announced to the Porte, that Polish envoys would arrive
at Constantinople, and invited it to give no ear to the com
munications which they might wish to make, and to have
nothing to do with them. If I had not an incantestible
proof of this, I should never have believel in the possibilit)
of such a step on the part of an English Ambassador, who,
from the nature of the laws and the institutions of hi'
country, ought to be the natural protector of every un'or,
run rte and oppressed people, and (speeially of the Poles
Such a proceeding cannot be the result of the instructions
of a Govt., nment composed of men who. with a noble de
votAness and a rare per-everance, wish to secure the
freedom and to augment the felicity of the English people
and who formerly, by their famous letters, not less distin-
guished for brilliant eloquence than a knowledge of wa
authenticated f.cts, had proved to the world the injustice
committed towards Poland, and the fatal con'equcnecs to
whirls its partition has led. Surely such men can never
be suspected of being so much in contradiction to then,-
s:dves. I conceive, then, that Sir It •bert Gordon has ot
his own accord taken this step.
" Has he reflected on the immensity of the responsibi-
lity which is the natural consequence of it? Did it not
occur to him that, in taking a step so dee:dedly hostile
against so heroic a people, he was acting the part of a
Russian spy and informer—that he was covering Mssel:
with infamy? It is with the greatest pain, and a profound
indignation, that I introduce this grave circumstance to the
knowledge of the English nation, and drag him before the
tribunal of public opinion. The nation will punish the
guilty, and not permit th it so disgraceful a step should be
eargeable on the Government, anti a blot on the history
of England.
" Fortunately the Turks have a very correct knowledge
of their intere-te. In justice to them, it must be said that
they are consistent with themselves. They alone have never

consented to the infamous partition of that Poland which,
however, did so much injury to them, and so much service
to their spoilers, by defending the l fitter with all their re-
sources against the invasion of the Turks.
Now, however, they take the warmest interest in the
fate of the Poles ; and if hitherto they have not afforded
theta any assistance, it has not certainly been owing to
any fault of theirs.

~ CONSTANTINE WOLICKY."

The above document speaks for itself. Sir Ro-
bert Gordon does what he thinks would be accep-
table to the Duke of Wellington and his brethren.
The descendant of the Kings of Scotland is above
concerning himself for the people of any country,
except in so far as their existence is necessary to the
support of Kings and Nobles.—Morning Chronicle.
Sir Robert Peel took occasion to go at large into

the-question of Reform last night, in moving, as an
amendment, that two Members instead of one be
given to all the boroughs enumerated in schedule
B. He drew a line from the Severn to the Wash,
which would separate, pretty accurately, the manu-
facturing from the agricultural counties. The effect
of the changes introduced into the burgh represen.
tation, by the present Bill would, he said, be as fo!- _ .

_
lows :—" The loss of the division south of the line
was a hundred and thirty-four Members; that of the
division north of the line eighteen; the gain of the
division south of the line was seven Members, that
of the division north of the line thirty-three." He
then affected to entertain great apprehensions that
the landed interest would be endangered by the pre-
ponderance given to the manufacturing interest.
Not only, too, would the Squires be in danger from
the number, but the quality of the new representa-
tives. " Let the Committee," he said, " look at
the new classes that would be represented under the
new Bill. Let them look at the new description of
representatives which these classes would send to
the House. He was far from saying that those re-
presentatives would not be men of talent : his ap-
prehension was, that they might be men of tremend-
ously active talent ; that they would stimulate to
too precipitate proceedings." All this affectation
of distinguishing between agricultural and manufac-
turing interests is supremely absurd. The interests
of all the industrious classes are the same. It may
happen, indeed, that those engaged in one b.anch
of industry may seek to tax their fellow-citizens
through a monopoly; that the manufacturers of cloth,
of food, of iron, &c., may, through mistaken views
of interest, endeavour to protect themselves iespec-.
'tively at the expence of the community. But the
real interests of all branches of industry are essen-
tially the same. The landowners, as a class, may
seek to tax the rest of the community ; but this is
the interest of landowners,and not of agriculturists;
ba
yn d,wahftitetr i all,nj
u landownersres indu s
industry
cannot
n general. gain
I
permanently
another
sense the distinction of the Right Honourable Ba-
ronet is most absurd. The counties north of the
line have an anicultural as well as a manufacturing
population. The question is, whether the seven-
teen counties north of the line have upon the whole,
under the new Bill, a share in the representation
greater than the counties of the south, taking po-
pulation and wealth of all sorts as the standard.—
Assuredly they have not. The seventeen counties
otyet f a
trheep rreestel
tnatla toi of cor-
respondinglands, north of th e
to line
theirhave share "mines, houses, and numbers of people. Liverpool
pays one-third of the Customs of all England. The
three counties of York, Lincoln, and Lancaster,
part of the seventeen, according to the Property Tax
returns, have one-fourth of the land-rent of Eng-
land, and the whole of the seventeen counties
had, by these Property Tax returns, upwards
of fourteen millions eight hundred thousand
pounds land rent ; that is as much as the land rent
of the twenty-three southern counties, the whole
land rent of England having been twenty-nine mil-
millions four hundred and seventy-six thousand
pounds. The seventeen counties, taking county and
town representation, are yet represented much below
their proportion of wealth and numbers. Because
the North of England was once poor and thinly
peopled, while the Smith was comparatively rich
and thinly peopled, it does not follow that the bo-
roughmongers of the South ought to have for ever
the power of plundering the people of the North.
The amendment was lost by a majority of 182 to
115, or 67. After this division eight boroughs in
schedule 13 were disposed of. On one of them there
was a division, which gave 251 to 181, or a majo-
rity of 70. We refer. to some remarks appended to
the list of the majority and minority of the preced-
ing night. We concur in opmion that Saltash
ought riot to have been made a subject for division.
Sir Robert Peel observed, on introducing his amend-
ment last night, that, " from tile honourable conduct
pursued by the Government in the case of Saltash
last night, he had strong hopes that he might com-
mand the support of Ministers." This drew a loud
laugh from the Opposition.—Morning Chronicle.
Such is " the glorious uncertainty," for the most
part, of British law, that its interpreters have ample
scope, without disparagement to their professional
knowledge, for the indulgence of all personal anti-
pathies and predilections. It is rare that the rule is
so clear as to exclude all cavil, chicanery, and so-
phistry. Now and then, however, this happy case
does arise; and regarding, as we have done, with
infinite disgust, the perverse ingenuity and paltry
jealousies evinced by many who have fastened on
the Chancellor's recent vindication of the outraged
laws in the case of Mr. Wellesley, with the base
hope of proving against his Lordship an excess of
authority, it is with no little satisfaction we announce
that the investigation for some days past continued,
,1.1:al
_ray:cuLtiei
oireori
isd.completezolinarst
or
oouacgnvdheehmrraosi
Brougham
admission oilster
inh.oeotv
hefart:h
most:c aejlsallmeur syadabibri
and
allowed
which,
oloirordi
itele.iharensidasntetteoriost:evci
eel
characterise
examples of judicial dignity and decision afforded by
In the Morning Chronicle of the 22d instant we
made some animadversions on what may be termed
the " spiking our own guns," by the Adminis-
tration quietly allowing the Lord Lieutenants of
Counties to add to the Tory Magistracy, and care-
fully to exclude those country gentlemen and opu-
lent inhabitants of the large towns whose political
opinions are liberal. We repeat, that our general
strictures are true, and notoriously the subject of
loud complaint. On a future occasion we may intro-

duce our readers behind the scene:, and unveil th,
(opteries of these municipal creations of honour and
power. We verily believe that for one appointment for
local convenience and judicial qualities, there are two
in payment of political sub:ervi,ticy and sycophancy.
We are well infcrin,d that th, Lord Lieutenant-
have little personal knowledge of the proprie-y of
their nominations; aud we question whether the
ippointments to the important office of asks Ro-
/idorinii have much reference to capacity for the
ration. In our remarks la,t week, above alluded
we hive unintentionally ()Glided the E Ta 1607,
Lord Lieutenant of the county of Staff ,rd.
.vill,ngly give insertion to the following lever from
Lordship :
TO THE EDITOR OF TUE MORNING CHRONICLE.

SIR.,-1 have seen in an Evening Paper an article pur•
porting to be. an extract from your Paper of the 20th inst.
In which it is stated, " That it is but recently that Lord
Talbot, Custos Rotulorum of Staffordshire, nominated a
'catch of new Magistrates, all of whom had signed the
oounty declaration against the Ministerial measures Of
Mom."

This statement being utterly untrue, and the fact being
,hat no one p-rson has been recommended to me by the
Lord Chancellor for the office of Magistrate since the sig-
nature of the declaration to which you have alluded, I
have to desire that you will not fail to insert in your
Paper this contradiction of an allegation so derogatory to
my character as a gent'eman and a servant of the Crown.
I remain, Sir, your humble servant,
Ingestre, Lichfield, July 21, 1831. TALBOT.

We belieVe we must plead guilty to the clerical
error or having stated that this new " batch"
had signed the declaration alluded to; and in this
error, we believe, consists the essence, or rather the
shadow, of the Noble Earl's defence. We believe
that the nominations in question (which Lord Tel-
hot with official delicacy terms recommendations to
the Lord Chancellor), including a batch of Deputy
Lieutenants, shortly preceded the Staffordshire de-
claration against the Ministerial measure of Reform.
We have not the Stafford Paper at hand to none
the precise date of the several additions•to tire Ma.
aistracy of that county since the change of Ministry.
We can only judge of the pi riod from several qua-
lifications at, and subsequent to, the Epiphany es-
sions : and comparing the names of those gentlemen
with the signatures to the declaration, our remarks
were substantially, though not literally correct.—
The Noble Earl, in his chivalry and gallantry,
appears to consider our literal allegation against
him " derogatory to his character as a gen-
tleman and a servant of the Crown." We
presume by this that he holds it uneentleman-like and
disloyal to increase the number of Tory Magistrates
so long as his political adversaries, the Whigs, re-
main in office. We fear that his Lordship would
stand alone in this disinterested resolution. But
what is the fact of his Lordship's personal conduct
subsequent to the change of administration ?—we
allude, of course, solely to his public character. The
Earl of Talbot, with the majority of the Magistracy
at his tail, after a county meeting in favour of Re-
form (where they did not show their faces, or their
reasons), signed and published, in June, the follow-
ing; hole-and-corner address as a counterpoise to the
public proceedings of the great body of the free-
holders :

We are of opinion that no case has been made out to
est iblA the necessity for so sudden and extensive a change
in the constituency of the country as has been proposed,
nor do we believe that such change would be found to ope-
rate beneficially as regards the varied interests of all classes
of his Majesty's subjects ; we cannot, therefore, consider
the measure in question as entitled to our approbation and
support."'

in this declaration his Lordship was joined by
five Lord. Spiritual and Temporal, with the usual
proportion of the Squirearchy and Parsons ac-
customed to " follow the leader." We will make
no comment beyond this simple record of the fact on
the conduct of Lord Talbot as an Officer of the
Crown ; we may, however, be allowed to repeat,
that so long as the Lord Lieutenants are thus per-
mitted to run counter to his Majesty's Government,
so long will there be formed a growing and powerful
country party against Ministers, and o long will
the best friends' of the Ministry be prevented
from upholding its power and popularity.
While Ministers are boldly and honestly attack-
ing the strong holds of usurped power, it= is strange
to see them thus admit intro the places they are be-
sieging successive reinforcements of the ranks of their
enemies. In the county of Warwick, the Lord
Lieutenant, Earl Warwick, headed a similar de-
claration; and we could give a startling evidence, if
necessary, of the petty exercise of personal and po-
litical feeling, which excludes from the Magistracy
gentlemen of extensive landed property and high
public character and intelligence, while persons are
put into the Commission of the Peace, who, it is
well known, are necessitated to borrow their quali-
fications ! But better times are fast approaching.
The dispensation of justice cannot long be confined
to such agency, nor can the municipal institutions
of this country stand on their present rotten and
feudal foundations. It has been reported that Lord
Harewood intended to convene a meeting of his
brethren, to remonstrate with the Lord Chancellor
against being subjected to the stocks. If the Lord
Lieutenants in gross should tender their resignations,
we hope Lord Brougham will accept their Commis-
sions, and oblige them by appointing Noblemen'
anxious and willing to support the Crown, the
People, and the Ministers.—Morning Chronicle.
In the House of Commons, last night, Sir J.
Newport presented a petition from Waterford, rela-
tive to the necessity of extending to 'lreland some
permanent provision for the poor; and the subject
again led to an extended and interesting discussion :
but though many Members spoke on it, all agreed
in the absolute urgency of the question, arid the in-
disputable policy and justice of adopting some med-
. sure to that effect. Sir J. Newport and Mr. Geo.
Dawson declared that they had no longer doubts on
the subject; Sir R. Bateson considered that the
connection between the two countries depended on
the establishment of some such provision. Mr.
Leader deemed it to be a vital question, the severe
sufferings of the people having brought them to the
verge of anarchy—opinions in which Mr. Sheil
concurred ; and Mr. Rice and the Chancellor of
the Exchequer thought (Members having pressed
the Government to bring it forward)- that the
matter could not be satisfactorily discussed, except
there were a distinct proposition before the
House, adding that Mr. Sadler would have the
opportunity, before the close of the Session,
of bringing forward his motion. Several questions
arising out of the speech of the Kimg* of the French
—similar to those proposed in the House of Lords
on Tuesday—were renewed, Lord Palmerston
being in his place. Mr. Hume inquired whether
there would be any objection to lay before the
House the documents respecting the present state
of Belgium ? Lord Palmerston replied that nego-
tiations were still pending; but that as soon as they
were concluded, and he could with safety and pro-
priety pursue such a course, he would submit to the
House all possible information. Sir Robert Peel
then asked whether the Government would produce
the convention for dismantling the fortresses, and
whether France was a party to the proceeding ?
He did not wish, however, to press any question
that it might not be convenient or advisable to
answer. He regretted the language of the French
Speech, and denied that the fortresses were raised
to menace France. He also inquired whether there
:were any communications respecting the forcing
of the Tagus from Portugal—a country which,
he cootended, we were bound by treaty to de-
fend against foreign aggression. Lord Palmerston
replied that a Protocol of the four Great Powers
agreed that, on the settfement'of Belgium, the de-
molition of fortresses should be settled by negocia-
lion. France was not any party to this transaction.
His Lordship added that all must admit that Be}4
gium could not support so many fortresses as when
Belgium and Holland were united. As to Portu-
gal, his Lordship admitted that, under certain ch-
comstances, this country would have been com.
pelled to aid in resisting foreign aggression; but the
Government considered that the recent forcing
the Tagus proceeded on a principle that would not

warrant the interference of this country. \Vhcn
the proper time arrived he should be prepared to lay
before the House the amplest information. Sir It
established, 11, °
a lin
an ,
Peel observed that he had heard, with the greatest
t
satisfaction, that France was no p try to these pro-
eeedings, and hoped that the demolition would
withoutt i
ie rce a
o ne ss ttil t!'
%pence to England of 2,000,0001. In return,
Holland had ceded many places to this county.
tr.i
iort
whose
ep place o t
eeotthey were
Lord Palmerston replied that this Government
vas not in,ensible to the necessity of se-
airing the independence of Holland ; and that
lot only had 2,000,0001. been expended for
he fortresses—but that, • in return 'for the
cessions of colonic-, &c., 1,000,0001. had been paid
,o Sweden, besides charging this country with the
I quidation of a portion of Russian debt. Mr. Bar.
i.ig considered that the separation of Belgium from
Reiland °tight to settle this debt, and that no new
ettgaeements should be entered into on the subject.
Lord Palmerston, in conclusion, said that the only
diflicrulty veus to carry into effect former agreements.
tlis Lordship laid on the table the protocol of
April 14, and the note of July 17, with which it
was forwarded to the French Government. The
House having again resolved into Committee On
the English Reform Bill, on the motion that the
boroughs enumerated in schedule B should in future
:eturn " one" Member, Sir R. Peel moved as an
amendment that the word " two" be introducedhne
stead of one. He neut.() at great length that atter
having, by schedule A, cut off fawn the representa-
tion 56 boroughs and 111 repro-entatives, and
seeing how great a preponderance was given to the
representation of the mercantile interests of the
north, over the agricultural interests of the south,
th s preservation was necessary, as a safe counter-
poise in the arrangement of the representation.
The south of England, he said, would lose 131,
while the north would be deprived of only 18
Membeis ; and that the south was to gain by
this Bill seven, arid the north 32 Members.
This he declared to be the " profit and loss"
of the measure, and to counteract the copse-
quenees of such change was the object of his
amendment. Lord J. Russell resisted the motion,
submitting that the principle of the Bill had been
settled, and maintaining that the extension, of the
franchise to the manufacturing interests was called for
by their increased importance, and to give to the re-
presentation a safe equilibrium. The Committee
eventually divided on it, and the numbers were, for
the clause in its original form, 182; for Sir R. Peel's
amendment, 115 ; majority against the amendment,
67. The Committee then proceeded with the enu-
merations in schedule B, and determined, after some
desultory conversations, that there were properly
inserted in such schedule the following places t
Aldborough (Yorkshire), Amersharn, Arundel,
Ashlu tort, Bridport, Bodmin, and Buckingham.
Chippeuham called forth a good deal of discussion,
delay being required to enable the borough to poee
that the census of 1821 made mistakes, and but for
which the fact would hare appeared of it then
having upwards of 4,000 inhabitants. The 11otie
then divided on the question, when there appeared
for the amendment, 181 ; against it, 251; majority
in favour of Ministers, 70.—Illorning Herald.
The Reform 8.11 is still in progress ; when shall
we have to announce that its progress has drawn to
a close ? The only symptom we can see of such a
consummation is in the spirit now awakening
throughout the country, and already d:sp!aving it-
self
.amongst the citizens of London in an effective
shape of a requisition to their Chief Magistrate to
summon a .Common Hell, for the purpose of peti-
tioning against delay. What a comment is this
upon the weakness of the present Opposition The
time has been when the party designated by that
name in Parliament, however weak within the walls,
used to derive some strength from appeals to the
people without. But now the case is reversed.
The people are on the other side; they are with the
Government hand and heart; while the wretched party
at war with both, have no other voice to appeal to,
but that of their masters, the boroughmongers.
Their only strength is in the House, and that is
the strength of artifice and trick, arid double dealing.
this motley group, with Sir Robert Ptel at their
head, renewed their practices last night against the
people's Bill. We will not fatigue our reaches by
entering into particulars, but refer them to our re-
port for a specimen of the tactics in which the fac•
tion still persist. Their hope was to fatigue the
attention, but they have irritated the mind of the
country. A storm is brewing over their heads. The
people are about to come forward again. They will
address the Parliament, and support the Government
with a power that cannot be resisted. Who are the
Opposition—by what common principle are they
bound together ? by that of corruption a Yes, cor-
ruption is the life and soul of their political exist-
ence. It is that, and that alone, which has tied them
into the knot, which they call an Opposition ; but it
will fail them before long. Let the people but speak
out as they are about to do, and the stoutest of their
opponents, who are generally the most stupid, will
find it prudent to hold their tongues.—Morn. Herald.

It will be seen in our Parliamentary report that
Sir Robert Peel renewed the questions, last night,
about the dismantling of the fortresses in Belgium,
and the chastisement inflicted on Don Miguel by the
French. We care not for Ministers nor for Opposi-
tion, except so far as the measures introduced or
combatted by either party are right or wrong. Mea-
sures, not men, should be the motto of all impartial
politicians. But the anxiety of the unbackcd, the
broken-backed Opposition, with respect to these
topics, can easily be accounted for, independently of
any peculiar importance in the topics themselves.
Anv thing that may by possibility decay the progress
of the Reform Bill is welcome. Now who--we put
the question candidly—who Can sympathise either
with Sir Robert Peel, or with his superior officer,
the Duke of Wellington, in lamenting the de-
struction of the Belgic fortresses, or the, flagella-
tion of that most paltry of all despots, Dan
Miguel ? With respect to the first, it is admitted
upon all hands that Belgium is incapable of main-
taining those fortresses herself. But England, as
the Duke of Wellington informs us, ought to give
her the power of doing so. How is England to
give her that power? Is it by supplying her with
money, or with men, who are money's worth ; or is
it by enlarging her territory, upon the model of that
ill-arranged piece of patchwork, called the settlement
of Europe ? In e ther case we think we may affirm
that the process of giving her the strength that
would be required to make her military works
available to herself in time of need is not within the
means, or, if within the means, is not within the
scope of any rational policy which should govern
the conduct of this country in relation to the general
system of Europe. Of what earthly moment can
the state of those fortresses be to :us, except as
members of the great European, family of Govern.
ments— a very quarrelsome family we must allow,
but still sufficiently remote from us, their brethren,
to be far more interested themselves than we can
be in any such arrangement. And yet they,
our continental relations, our country cousins, have
all agreed to it, and are to be parties in the selection
of the fortresses which are doomed to fall. We do
not mean to say that England should have no regard
to what is called the balance of power; but Eng.-
land has been too fond of meddling with that ba-
lance, and the disposition to do so has often led her
into a captious interference with continental matters
through the mere pride and folly of dictation, which
has cost her oceans of blood and millions of money.
The settlement of Belgium, in the present state of
Europe, was an affair of such importance as to justify
much larger sacrifices than even the military imagi-
nation of the Duke of Wellington or the diplomatic
sagacity of Sir Robert Peel can ascribe to the bricks
and mortar upon which they would have Belgium
to depend'for-her Security. As for the question of
e a(t)._
Portugal,ern pt to
give
nothing could
a j_tillit
this country. The case'. Itself,j,too
the
our own hostile massifettapuns • 14‘‘m,
f. 'similar ill treatment,
ith
he
sarne Power, in consequence o.
cei.
ems
to rtev flimsy-than - h Jtni
peoplenth
s and

t,,-, palpable, to admit our remonstrances against the
pit:weeding of France. The Duke of Wellington,
dexterously enough, attempted an eppeal to the
feelings of. Englishmen, by reminding them that
Portugal had been the scene of great exploits, which
will exalt the fame of England in future history.— ,
1
This is all very well for a soldier—but will auy
politician think of advancing it as a reason for e tont-
tenaticing the Government or the despotietta of Por-
tugal in an act of injustice towOds other Govern-
ments? Even that bilious tritic, Lord Aberdeen,
will hesitate to adopt such a sentimental ground of
attack, though it should afford him another opportu-
-tiny of venting his spleen against Earl Grey and his
Administration. As we have said before, we care
nothing for the Administration as a party—but we
owe it to any party, whose measures are attacked,
to consider fairly whether the attack has any founda-
tion in principle, or whether, as we think is obvious
in the present case, it proceeds from a wish to erre • !
barrass those who are entitled upon other grounds
to the support and gratitude of the country.—
.Iforning Herald.
The business in the Muse of Commons last night
was opened by a discussion on the policy or impoiley
of extending a code of poor laws to Ireland, the ge-
neral result of which was decidedly in favour of some
new arrangement being made, whereby the Ii ish la-
bourer might be maintained at home, and the tog-
lisle labourer protected from the irrurti-en of those
who can, from their extreme peveety, afford to un-
dersell him in the mat ket Cot labour. Sir R. Peel
next called the attention of the House to the affairs
of Belgium and Portugal, and asked pretty weitily
the same questions which had been nut mid answered
in the House of Lords on Tuesday evening, lie took
nothing by his questions, and the putting of them
was as pure a superfluity in the way of speaking, as
we have known in the course of the long and tedious
debates on the clauses and principles of the Reform
Bill. The House then resolved itself into a Com-
mittee on the Reform Bill, and on the motion being
made that the boroughs contained in schedule B shall
henceforth return only one Member, Sir R. Peel
moved, as an amendment, that the word " two" be
inserted in the Bill instead of " one"—that is to
say, that all the boroughs mentioned in the schedule
should continue upon the old footing, and by means
of their two representatives help to crush the general
sense of the country, on all questions OR 10116 it
might be important that it should be expressed!
Very curiously, also, he supported his amendment
by one of the most barefaced aristocratic arguments
that ever was addressed to the representatives of a
free people—namely, that if the boroughs intended
to be shorn of the privilege of sending two Members
to Parliament, were restricted to that of sending
only one, there would be contests, and great expen-
diture of money in the said boroughs at general
'elections. But what have the boroughs, or the
public, or the people, to do with this natter ?
What is it to them what money is expended by can-
didates for seats? What the people want, and what
they will have, is a due representation of their in-
terests; but it is difficult to drive this fact into some
obtusely and impenetrably formed heads, and Sir R.
Peel, as a proof of the fact, only spoke of the in-
terest of the Aristocracy in saving their money in
general elections, instead of addressing himself to
the main question before the House—namely, what
would be the best arrangement for the representation
of the people ? The motion met with the fate
which it deserved—there being for it only 115 out
of a House consisting of 297 Members! leaving a
clear majority for the disfranchisement of 67 ! The
work of Reform then went on, and a uurni roux herd
of half-rotten boroughs were shorn of the privilege
of returning two Members. A still greater slaughter
will, we trust, be the result of the next discussion.—
Morning Advertiser.
The division of Tuesday night, on the question
of transferring the borough of Saltash from schedule
A to schedule 11, presents a very edifying instance
of the deliberation with which the details of the
great measure of Reform are adopted, the unanimity
of mind with which his Mejesty s servants in the
Government resolve upon them, and the respect in
which the sentiments of the Radical party are held
by those who occasionally use them as their tools,
while in their hearts they despise them. First, as
to the deliberation with which the new position of
Saltash was determined upon by the principal con-
ductors of the 13ill :—lt is clear that the exami-
nation which led to the other voluntary' altera-
tions of schedule A did not lead to this ; for
if it did, the Ministers themselves would have
originated the alterat'on, arid would not have left it
to the suggestion of an Opposition Member, not
have given the Opposition the triumph of carrying
that suggestion. Mr. Croker's observations it must
have been which laid open to the influential part of
Government the propriety of permitting Saltash to
retain one Member ; and in contradiction to all their
previous determinations, resulting, as we are bound
to believe, from some examination of the subject,
they suddenly, and most complimentarily to
Mr. Croker, give up their previously fixed re-
solution ; and on the wise afar-thought of ti
few minutes, grounded upon his suggestion,
and not at all, be it observed, from any con
sideration of the Whig patronage of the borough,
transfer Saltash to schedule B. Next, as to the
unanimity which it displayed. Why what would
people have ? Do they expect that all the officia!
men are to vote one way ? How unreasonable this
Nvould be; and why should not men of independener
so sacred, and intellect so undoubted, as Sir Thomas
Denman, Attorney-General ; Mr. G. Lamb, Under
Secretary of State ; Sir H. Parnell, Secretary at
War ; Lord Nugent, Lord of the Treasury, and
Lieutenant-Colonel Maberly, Surveyor-General
of the Ordnance, vote against the Government
when it pleases their fancy so to do ? We know
there are those who say that unanimity, particu-
larly in measures of very great importance, is
essential to the respectability and permanence of
a Government ; but these are antiquated notions,
unsuited to the improvement of the present day, and
to the liberality of Whiggism. As to the treatment
of the Radicals, it was contemptuous beyond de-
scription. These worthy persons were no doubt ex-
tremely astounded by the strange desertion of the
absolute disfranchisement principle on the part of
Ministers; but this is only the beginning of the
lesson which they will yet learn, and which will teach
them how evanescent and hollow are the flatteries
of Whigs, and how deep their scorn of the vulgar
Radicals, though they may condescend to use them
for their temporary purposes. We rejoice extremely
that these two parties are mutually finding each
other out, that the Whigs are becoming a good deal
ashamed and a little afraid of their allies the Radi-
cals, while the Radicals are discovering the
treachery and selfish despotism of the Whigs.—
livening Post.

NEWTOWNBARRY.—SeVen i\lagistrates of
the county of Wexford affixed their signatures to the re-
quisition for the public meeting in that county, relative tr
the proceedings necessary to be taken on the Newtown-
berry affair.—Dublin Morning Register.
At the Limerick Assizes, on Thursday last,
JOHN WHEELER, JOHN MADDEN, WILLIAM FARRELL,
PATRICI: HENNESSY, WILLIAM CONNELL, and JAsuts
FARRELL, were indicted for the murder of JOHN CON-
NORS) at the fair of Bilima, on the 12th May last. Baron
FOSTER, before whom the prisoners were tried, in his
charge to the Jury, gave the following not overcharged
description of the habits of the peasantry in several dis-
tricts in the south of Ireland :—" This, gentlemen, is
another specimen of those rustic wars that distinguish a
part of the county of Limerick. Those savage habits of
the peasantry, slaughtering each other merely because one
man or family bears a particular name or designation dif-
ferent from another, is, to say the least of it, exceedingly
disgraceful to the general character of the country, and
leads us to the conclusion that this part of Ireland espe-
cially, where they are so frequent, is little more advanced
in civilization than it was a century ago. It is shocking
to find those acts of lawless barbarismso are
i,ie common,
turning the markets and fairs appointed for profitable com-
merce into scenes of confusion, outrage, and bloodshed,
the repression of honest industry, the discouragement of
business, the destruction of property, and the loss of the
lives of his Majesty's subjects.."