The Sun.
London, England, 1849-03-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.

TIMES.—The proposition brought forward by M.
Welcker in the Germanic Assembly at Frankfort, and
which has been, somewhat unexpectedly defeated by a
majority of 30 votes, renewed in the most direct form
those differences which seemed destined to provoke an
open rupture in the Confederation, and revived the hopes
of that party which is, prepared to sacrifice the peace of
the entire nation to the scheme of German unity and
Prussian ascendancy. M. Weicker has not on former
occasions acted in concert with Baron Gagern and the
extreme Prussian party; he is, on the contrary, one of
those members who formed a coalition with the Austrian
and Bavarian deputies to defeat the Imperial project in
its original shape. The immediate cause of the change
which has taken place in his opinions and in those of the
Democratic party with which he acts, is resentment at
the firm and independent policy of the Cabinet of Vienna,
joined to a design for raising the influence of the Repub-
lican faction by promoting a quarrel between the leading
German monarchies. Brought forward by Baron Ga-
gern and his friends, the scheme of German union under
the he'redit'ary supremacy of the King of Prussia was
sincerely intended by them to protect the minor States
and Principalities from the attacks of the revolutionary
party, and to consolidate in the form which appeared
most practical to those statesmen the principal throne of
Northern Germany even at the expense of the indepen-
dence of all other Crowns. Renewed by M. Welcker
and his adherents, the same proposition was not so much
an act of homage to the Prussian Monarchy as an act of
defiance towards the Austrian Empire. Baron Gagern
had contemplated a qualified federal alliance between
Germany and the Austrian dominions, whilst he endea-
Toured•to unite the other States of Germany by closer
ties. • M. Welcker belorigg to the- party which refuses to
concede to Austria either her independence, her supre-
macy, or even the unity of her own dominions; and the
proposition which has just been rejected at Frankfort was
intended to strengthen the numerical force of that party
by a coalition with the adherents of the Prussian cause.
The basis of the friends of order, as regards Austria, is
still the Federal Compact of 1815 : the basis of the re-
volutionary faction is that unlucky article of the new
Germanic Constitution which repudiates and as it were
cuts off those portions of the territories of any German
Sovereign which are not themselves German. The
policy of the Cabinet of Vienna, as displayed in the new
Constitution of Austria and the notes addressed by
Prince Schwarzenberg to the Austrian Plenipotentiary
atFrankfort, is diametrically opposed to the fundamental
rule by which the Frankfort Assembly has attempted to
legislate for the whole Germanic Confederation. The
Emperor Francis Joseph proclaims the most complete
union and equality between all the provinces subject to
his sceptre, at the very moment when Frankfort demands
the adoption of a totally different system in the German
and in the non- German portions of the Empire. The
greatest irritation was excited in Frankfort when it
was discovered that the Constitution of the Aus•
trian Empire wholly, ignored the authority of the
Central Government in its internal affairs, that no ac-
count whatever was taken of the external obligations
of the Austrian Monarchy as a member of the Germanic
body, and that the Imperial Ministers were evidently
resolved to save their country without asking the permis-
sion of the Democrats cf Baden, or the Monarchists of
rlin. The proposition for the immediate adoption of
the new Federal Constitution, an 1 for the transfer of the
hereditary German Crown to the House of Hohenzol-
lern, was the indignant answer of the slighted politicians
of Frankfort to this contemptuous indifference; and it is
more than probable that this fruitless effort of the
will
pr imperial
r,recruodwei to it
s
own and
s
own extinction. All doubt has long since been removed
foeed Frankfort
enormous Assembly
empires, to distribute
as to the intentions of the Austrian Ministers. They
recognise to their fullest extent the obligations of the
existing Federal Compact of 1815—they are willing to
give their assent to such improvements of that general
league of the German States as may strengthen their
military power and facilitate their pacific relations ;
but they positively refuse to abandon their ancient
position in the first rank of Germany—to recognise the
authority of any other Power, whether federal or sole,
in their lateral affairs; and, above all, to submit to or
acknowledge the supremacy of any other sovereign
house in Germany. However great may be the present
embarrassments of the Austrian Empire, from the dura-
tion of the war in Hungary and the renewal of the Ita-
lian campaign, sooner or later the Court of Vienna
would infallibly resist such pretensions as these by force
of arms, even though it were compelled by the extremity
of the public danger to act in concert with Russia
against the liberties of the rest of Germany. Such a
result would be most deplorable, not only for the future
welfare of that constitutional empire the establishment
of which is in itself a sufficiently arduous task, but for
the restoration of order throughout Germany, and for the
peace of Europe. From the King of Prussia, from his
Ministers, and from the new Prussian Legislature, we
confidently hope for better and more rational conclu-
sions. The Cabinet of Berlin, though unwilling to
accede to the strong reactionary propositions of that
of Vienna against the Assembly at Frankfort, has
nevertheless shown an equally prudent disinclination to
accept the revolutionary bribes and lures of Frankfort
against the Court of Vienna. The King of Prussia will
hesitate before he commits an act of injustice, for
though he is rash, his intentions are honourable: the
Government of Prussia will hesitate before it casts the
destinies of the monarchy, which ought to be its princi-
pal care, into the caldron of civil war. From this
calamity it has, however, been saved by the vote
which has defeated M. Welcker's proposition; for, dis-
guise it as they may, under pretexts of union and na-
tionality, the acceptance of that proposition by the King
of Prussia would have been neither more nor less than
an attempt to transfer the supreme dignity of the Ger-
manic Empire to himself by force of arms. The fact re-
mains the same whether it be attempted by the diplo-
matic artifices of the 18th century or by the popular agi-
tation of the present time; and if that could be the real
intention of the Court of Berlin, it would be branded in
this and all future ages
would probably bring down interminable calamities on
the German nation. with deserved reproach, and

HERALD.—We are as little advocates for war as
Lord Dudley Stuart--
vneks
ta n d
decento f t haen Rd (who—magazine writers them-
es the Peel panegyrists and puffers
in a morning newspaper_
odseae
decorous
eant isl d
tan scs
nh
eoeorl taoto —m na
ge vaezri
nt he e
al ensds
review writers)—we are as little advocates for war as
the thrifty Hume, or the " unadorned" Cobden, or the
drab-coloured and buttonless Bright—and it is because
we desire not war--b ,
ut peace, progress, and wo may
add, portection— that we think the Noble Member for
Marylebone did good service on Thursday evening in
bringing forward his motion for the copies of all
correspondence that has passed between the Eng-
lish and Russian Governments in reference to the
occupation of the Moldavian and Wallachian
provinces by the Russian troops. At the end
of August—if we remember rightly—in the past
year, when the fact of that occupation was recent—the
Noble Member for Marylebone questioned our Foreign
Minister on the subject of the Danubian principalities.
Bat the circumstances of the case being then little
known, and the attention of Parliament being wholly
exhausted, the House of Commons was glad to get
rid of the subject, and, on the promise of inquiry and
consideration, Viscount Palmerston was allowed to
pursue his own course. Seven months have passed
over our heads since the first mention of the subject, and
although during the whole of that time the Foreign
Minister has had carte blanche to proceed as seemed best
to him, yet the position of affairs is in no respect
altered, and now while we write, on the day after Lady-
day in 1849, the Russians still occupy Moldavia and
Wallachia, while, in addition, a Cossack contingent is
quartered in Transylvania. We cannot help thinking
that if the words spoken from all sides of the house on
Thursday night had been uttered in August or Septem-
ber 1848, the inhabitants of Bucharest would have been
relieved from their cumbersome visitors, and the Aus-
trians would not have undergone at Hermanstadt and
Cronstadt the hutniliation—so hateful to the people and
so derogatory to the Imperial and Royal dignity—of
Muscovite occupation or protection. At nearly the close
of the last session—i. e. on the Ist September—Viscount
Palmerston stated that the movement of Russian troops
into the Moldo-Wallackian principalities was solely for
the purposo of restoring order, and that the
occupation would not continue for any. length
of time— " that the troops would, in fact,
be withdrawn when the occasion ceased." But
though order was restored in these provinces early in
July, and has never been since troubled in the slightest
degree; the Russian troops have, nevertheless, continued
238 days 'their quarters, at the expense ot the luckless
inhabitants—and we verilybelieve they now remain at
Jassy, Brailow, Galatz, and Bucharest, or in any other
towns in which they may happen to be quartered, against
the wishes and desires of the Sultan, and certainly
against the wishes of the inhabitants of the principali-
ties. It is no answer to say that by the treaty of
Ramardjec Russia acquired the right of " speaking in
favour of the principalities''—whatever that may mean—
that by the treaty of Adrianople she guaranteed—that
which it was impossible for any human power to gua-
rantee—the ',prosperity" of the Danubian provinces
of the Porte—it is no answer to Say that she calls
and created herself the " Protector" of Moldavia and
Wallachia. None of these musty, umbered, and
artful pretences can avail her for the intro-
duction of a corps d'artnee, commanded by two of
her Generals, Duhamel and Luders. The self-
created title of " Protector" is written in no instrument
acknowledged as part of the public law of Europe; and
even though it were, Russia could in such case only in-
terfere as guaranteeing something on the part of the
Turk, as Suzerain, to the Wallachians and Moldavians,
as subjects. The best understanding, however,
now
reigns between Suzerain and subjects—between the
Sultan and the Moldo-Wallachs—so that there is not the
slightest pretence for " speaking in favour," for " gua-
ranteeing prosperity," for " protecting" either Sultan or
subject, still less for introducing and quartering a corps
d'aranje. Under these circumstances, therefore, Lord
Dudley Stuart was fully justified in bringing forward a
second time his motion—in opening out the subject fully
to the House—in inviting the expression
of independent
opinion on the whole question—and in calling on the
Minister for Foreign Affairs to explain his views as a