The Sun.
London, England, 1831-11-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

The King has issued his proclamation, and Par-
liament is to meet for the despatch of business on
the Gth of next month. How many throbs of
anxiety and volumes of impassioned writing would
have been saved to some of our cotemporaries if
they could only have peeped behind the curtain, and
ascertained this fact a little before it was proclaimed
to the world ! But it was not the friends of Reform
who, shuddering at the prospect of delay, gave vent
to their feelings of anger and suspicion—it was not
those who suffered most from the awful silence of
Ministers. The enemies of Reform were still more
cruelly treated, for the suspense in which they were
kept afforded a strong temptation to the prophetic
spirit of their party, which accordingly showed itself
in predictions they were almost inclined to believe.
Now this was, as Lord Liverpool would say, too bad.
It was too bad, because the Anti-Reformers had not
the same consolation under disappointment which
the Reformers had, who, when they found that they
had been knocking their heads against a post, would
find at the same time time that it was a winning-
post to them and their adherents. Verily there was
something malicious in the taciturnity of Lord Grey.
It was a temptation to men of powerful imaginations
and little intelligence to run riot in the field of spe-
culation, where he knew that there was a corner
into which he could drive them all, friends and foes
together, and laugh at them for their pains. The
thing, however, is now done, and those who seemed
to be most in the secret a day or two ago at present
look more ridiculous than the rest of their neigh-
bours. But, to be serious, the determination to
call Parliament together at so early a period as the
6th of December was, in every view of it, judi-
cious. In the first place, it gave the most prompt
contradiction to the different rumours so industri-
ously circulated of changes of opinion in high quar-
ters. Who now shall tell us that the King has been
persuaded, not by the arguments of the Lords,
but by their obstinacy, to alter his opinion, and
take up theirs ? All doubt as to the firmness
of his Majesty must now be at an end; and the same
ma) be said of his Majesty's Ministers. As for
the people, it is evident that, so far as matters have
yet gone, they have gone on favourably for them,
and for the cause which is identified with their pros-
is probable that the Mi-
nisters This one indication on the part of the Go-
vernment is worth more than all the Political Unions,
mesui en'a te It
i i possible that the Lords
—t s
with or without arms, as a prelude to the success of
nrnthis'e'eytexgrsrsteeia‘lvi be oabst
ttill still be secret—but there is every reason
to expect thatthat those who are so ready to meet the
struggle are prepared with sufficient energy to make
it victorious. There is every thing to inspire them
with ardour. The King is with them—the people
are with them—their own consciences urge them
to persevere. All Europe—the whole of the civi-
lized world—are looking on; and the session, which
they have wisely determined to commence so soon,
promises to be the most remarkable and the most

glorious in the annals of the British Parliament.—
Morning Herald.
Thank God ! all uncertainty with regard to the
meeting of Parliament is now at an end. A
Supplement to the Gazette of Friday night fixes
the meeting for the despatch of business on Tuesday,
the Gth of December. The wisdom of the course
adopted by Ministers is so obvious, that we are
only astonished how, in the present unsettled state
of the country, with bushiess suspended, and Poli-
tical Unions 'vatting up on every hand for the
avowed purpose of placing the success of the Re-
form BM beyond the power of accident, there
should have ever been a moment's hesitation as
to the adoption of it, But we will not dwell on
what is past, the futtre is quite sufficient to occupy
all our attention. Now comes the tug of war.—
Tile Bill will soon be re-pn;[luced in its altered
and, we trust, improved shape; fi!it how is the
Bill to he carried ? And here we mist advert
to a friendly endeavour to assist us by the author
of a pamphlet now appearing, in the very Oick
of time, under the title of " What will be done by
the Lords ?" .The question is now, as the vtlriter
happily observe, no longer " what will the Lord§
do ?" but, " what will be done with the Lords? '''
The writer passes over the Bishops, as" to waste
time or argument upon them or their votes would
be superfluous." * * # "By the common
consent of all men, their doom seems sealed—at least
so far as political power is concerned. How soon
they will be bowed out of the House of Lords, no
man can say; but that to this complexion they must
come at last, appears no longer dubious." We yes-
terday animadverted on the remark of S;r R. Heron,
that a good many Peers would have voted for Re-
form had it not been for the Press. The writer of

the pamphlet seems to think that it is with Peers
as with pigs—that they have an universal tendency
to go in the direction opposed to that in which it is
wished they should go. But we have his own words-1--

‘• In public, or in private life, there are few animals so

little contradicted as British Peers. Hence, they naturally
cannot brook contradiction. Other men work their way
onward in the world, through crosses of various kirffkl
but this is not the case with the English Peer. Born, 101'
the most part, to an ample fortune—the hap; of his limit).
—the idol of his parents—nurtured in aristocratic pre-
judices, and trained in all the foolish vanities of high and
ancient blood—and then ushered into that polite ;)tisembly
the House of Lords, he passes through life without contra-
diction—and hence arrives, in his old age, at a degree of
obstinacy and inveteracy of prejudice, to which the meaner
sons of earth cannot aspire. Unless contradicted by his
wife, which, fortunately, sometimes happens, the British
Peer sinks into his grave uncrossed and unthwarted."
The above is a tolerably clear explanation
why the pigs and the Peers have so much in
common ; and accounts, at the same time, for
much of our legislation of late years. But let that
pass. 'What is to be done with the Peers? There
they are between us and our hopes. The writer
seems inclined to think that they who have thrown
the whole country into confusion, because they were
afraid of being thought to be afraid, may at last see
the evil of their way, now that they see there is
really cause for their being afraid.
_ .

"let them walk warily (he observes) ; another false
,tep would plunge them ' deep into the mire and chiy,
where no footing is.' It is undoubtedly our confident ex-
pectation, as well as our earnest hope, that the Peers—
that is, a majority of them, will act in the way we have
pointed out. But as it is always possible, We trust not
probable, that they may hold a contrary course, it is ne-
cessary that we should take a view of what would be
likely to occur, if they did so. For then would be asked,
but in a very different tone from the one in which we
ask it—' What will be done with tLe Lords ?' "

The pig may be brought to his journey's end, Find
so may the Peer; but it is quite clear that all reason
would be thrown away on people capable of plung-
ing a country into confusion to show that they were
not afraid. There must be a momentum. Plug

reason has been tried, and failed ; pig reason
must be tried. Considerations of justice—of hu-
manity—have been fruitlessly urged. The dis-
tress of the millions—the danger of coinmotion itt
a country in which the people are crowded together
in large cities, and liable to calamities unspeakable
if any in, erruption should be given to confidence—
these are arguments fer men who sympathize with
11 their fellow-creatures, not for boroughmongers. But
there is one argument, and only one argument, for
t hese personages, and it is well stated by this writer:—
" If the House of Lords manifest an intention of ayai ,
rejecting the Reform Bill, it is quite clear that the Minis-
ters must create a large batch of Peers. The evils of such
a proceeding are manifest; but they are as dust i❑ the ba-
lance, compared with the evils which would result front
any further delay in the passing of that great measure. If
the Peers, therefore, are obstinate, and show a continued
determination to reject it, a creation of Peers is the only
method left for the Government, to enable them to carry
to a successful conclusion, the Bill, upon which the tran-
quillity, the happiness, almost the existence of the country
depends.
" The creation of Peers, then, becomes not only a jus-
tifiable act, but an imperative duty upon the Govern-
ment; and if the House of Lords dislike being sluiced
with fifty or a hundred new ones, they must re-
inemb,..r it is their own conduct which has brought it
upon them. That such a creation would materially da-
mage the House of Lords—that it would lower it greatly
in public estimation—that it would render it so numerous
as, probably, eventually to necessitate the choosing of a
representative body out of it, for the purposes of legisla-
tion, who can doubt? Nay, such a creation might almost
occasio❑ the extinction of the House of Lords as one of
the estates of the realm. 'But, let it be ever borne in
mind, that if such a measure must be resorted to, it is the
Peers themselves who are the cause of it.
" They ca❑ no longer plead in excuse for their resistance
that the feeling of the country in favour of Reform is a
passing excitement ; they can no longer, with any pretence,
even of firmness, resist the wishes of the nation—such ty-
ranny agouti be insupportable. For it never could have
been intended that one rank of the State should be suffered
to domineer over all the rest, and to act against their united
wishes. If such a proceeding were endured, there would
be an end of the balance and equipoise of the different
powers of the realm, of which we hear so much. A small
majority of one branch of the Legislature would be enabled,
' for ever and a day,' to defeat the good intentions and the
high resolves of the other two.
" It becomes, in truth, a question, whether or not the
Constitution has not already received a must serious shock.
But that it would be utterly at an an end, were the whole
country, with their whole present representatives, to yield
up their opinions and their wishes, upon the most impor-
tant of questions, to a narrow majority of the Peers--
not, in fact, to the Aristocracy at large, bet to the Peers
made by Mr. Pitt and Lord Liverpool,* is perfectly clear."
The Peers must, then, either give in their adhe-
sion, or consent to be lowered by the creation of
Peers in sufficient abundance for the emergency, or
we come to the question of their probable annihi-
lation from the indignation of their countrymen,
which might draw along with it the ruin of our Con-
stitution, and the actual dissolution of the whole
frame of society. Between such disproportionate
inconveniences and evils, it is impossible to hesi'ate.
" This last consideration naturally leads us to the second
part of the question—namely, What will be done with the
Lords, by the country ? always supposing that they con-
tinue at issue with them upon the great questio❑ of Re-
form. 'We answer, the country will endeavour to break
their yoke from off their necks. How they will do this,
remains in the womb of time; but it may, at least, be
permitted to hazard conjectures as to the line they will
probably pursue in furtherance of this object. In the
first place, they will probably endeavour to upset them col-
lectively—and in the second, they will undoubtedly elides-
your to annoy them individually as much as possible,"
That the issue between the Peers and the
people has not hitherto been one of unmixed
enjoytnent to the former is shown, in a
very edifying manner, by the writer, in his
account of the turmoils in which they have
been involved. The picture of the Duke of New-
castle, with 400 yeomanry eating him out of house
and home, and videttes all about the park, speaks
volumes. The time presses, and we shall soon have
the solution of the problem whether the Peers will
act or be acted upon. For, as the writer pithily
observes, "If the Peers continue to resist the
changes which the rest of the nation so loudly de-
mand, it is quite clear that the people will call to
mind the apothegm of Mr. Gibson Craig, that the
people can do without the Peers.' " We have only
, to observe, in conclusion, that we trust Ministers
Of these, 113 divided is the Majority;

will be equal to the emergency. Sure we are, that
in the present temper of the nation there is no
other safe course than giving vigorous effect to the
principles of the Bill. As to the remark ascribed to
the Great Captain, that " we must come to a fight,
and therefore the sooner we do so the better," we
trust that his head (we say nothing of his heart)
has sintn satisfied him of the expediency of fighting
with a whole nation.-316rniNg Clu•waick.

It is now abundantly ascertained that the late dis-
turbances at Bristol had no further connection with
Reform than in so much as Sr Charles Wetherell's
unpopularity, arising out of his violent, though
grotesque opposition to the Bill, afforded a pretext
to the disorderly persons who infest such a town as
Bristol for givinc a loose to their love of mischief
and plunder. We entirely, therefore, disclaim all
idea of regarding the outrageous proceedings at
Bristol as an indication of the strength of the po.
pular sentiment on the subject of Reform. Although
utterly valueless it this point of view, these trans-
netions will not, however, be without signal ad-
vantage, if they should lead to a revision of the
municipal police throughout the country. And that
they are likely to be attended with such an effect
we are fully persuaded, from the tenour of Lord
Melbourne's answer to the application made through
Colonel Baillie on the part of the people of Bristol,
which we published a few days ago. Whatever
may have been the demerits of the military officer
commanding in chief, it is quite clear that the civic
authorities are chargeable with a timidity and
temerity severally displayed at different stages of
the transaction, owing to which, in the event
the peace of the town was compromised.
Lord Melbourne's letter leads us to conclude
that the extremely defective consitution of the
Corporation of Bristol will receive those im-
provements of which it stands in need, either
through the exercise of the legal or legislative autho-
rity. But the matter cannot rest here, and we have no
doubt that it will lead to a general review of other
corporations. These institutions have had their day
and their use. But we would ask, 11hat one of the
advantages which Adam Smith has, in his vary
judicious exposition of the origin rind nature of
these municipalities, attributed to them is now con-
nected with their continuation ? The power of the
Barons, against which these confederacies were set
op, has, long since, yielded to the authority of the
State ; and the species of " hoped= in imperio"
created by these mimic constitutions only survives
to disturb and defeat the general order of the realm.
Nor, if we look to the details, shall we find the
corporations throughout the country at all more
useful in their operation than promising in theory.
The richer and wealthier inhabitants for the most
part, as in Bristol, hold themselves aloof from the
corporation, and, whether front disgust at their petty
cabals, or contempt for their paltry duties, decline
the places of local dignity and authority. The gr.
h vernieg body, terefore, is almost universally corn-
posed of traders of the steond grade, who (with-
ow any disparagement to a valuable order of the com-
munity) cannot beexpected to bring to the duties of
the Magistracy those qualities of mind which are es-
sential to a proper discharge of its functions. Blame
has been thrown upon the Mayor of Bristol;
but with what reason can we require of a trades-
man, grown rich by a sedulous devotion to the
business of his calling, that, is hen suddenly sum-
moned to the Magistracy of so great a town, be
should be found to possess that promptitude, vigour,
sagacity, and resolution which are among the rarest
endowments, or the late acquisitions of long-con-
tinued exercise in affairs'? Ignorant of law, unused
to command, oppressed by a sense of his heavy re-
sponsibility, what but hesitation and blundering can
be looked for front the honest grocer or haberdasher
invested with a charge so disproportioned to his
capacity ? In the case of Bristol, and in that of
many other towns, all the mischiefs arising out of
this misplacing of the powers of the Magistracy are
aggravated by the character of the law officer of the
corporation. lie is usually a violent political par-
tizan, like Sir C. Wetherell, the Coryphecus of one
party, and cordially hated by another. lie generally
owes his appointment to popular election, and has
ulterior vie vs connected with the politics of the
place. The fountains of local justice are thus cor-
rupted or suspected—and we believe seldom with-
out some reason, for more men adopt than care to
avow, Caesar's plan of distinguishing, in the exercise
of judicial authority, ['heir friends from their foes.
It must necessarily, therefore, sometimes happen,
that these gentlemen should carry their politics to
extreme lengths, though we believe Sir Charles
Wetherell may fairly bid defiance to all com-
petitors in his career of ludicrous . licentious-
stese. Again, the character of the Judge may bestili
farther compromised by the heat and extravagance
of the Parliamentary partisan; for the Constitution
allows these inferior Judges to sit in the House of
Commons; though for what reason they should en-
joy a privilege denied to flee Judges of the King's
principal Courts, it might be necessary to inquire,
if we did not know that matters of this sort arc or-
dered in our glorious Constitution, not upon any
solid or lucid principle, but according to the absurd
distinctions of our heterogeneous laws. The Mas-
ter of the Kills, then, together with all these Re-
corders, may sit in Parliament ; and this is in itself
a mischievous anomaly; not that it is often carried
to the excess which the vehement temperament of
the unbreced Knight has occasioned; but that the
evil is yet frequently so considerable as to impose
upon an impartial Government the duty of inquiring
evnethir, by summarily removitig the individual, the
powers of the prerogative may not be properly em-
ployed to make the letter of the law ce-extensive
with the spirit of the Constitution. We trust that,
M the case of Bristol, Ministers will not shrink from
this duty. Sir Charles Wetherell is obviously an im-
proper person to act as a Judge in Bristol, whatever
be his innate probity or peivate virtue, of which we
know nothieg,—precisely as, though in inferior de-
farce, Mr. Frederick Shaw is disqualified by his
electioneerieg to act as the principal civic Magistrate
of Dublin. Many more instances might be adduced
to prove the vices of the present Corporation sys-
tem, which, if not remedied by the present Ministry
as they ought, and as we hope, will assuredly be
amongst the fist objects of attention inn a reformed'
Parliament. For this, thanks to the riots at Bristol
and the Quixotism of Sir Charles Wetherell.—
el Tooling hronicle.
At length the die is cast I Parliament is to meet
bt fore Christmas ! In this we will not say that the
hopes of the nation are crowned, for finir owonal
opus, and the work is to be again begun ; but the
country is at least secured from being miserably
worn out by delay : it must know ere long its fate.
An Acrd it will not be thought, we trust, that we our-
selves have striven inn vain inn this mighty question,
if, amidst Midi disappointment, we have obtained
only this object—" that the Parliament is to meet,"
and the question of Reform to be resumed " before
Christmas." The Supplement to the London Gazelle
of Friday last, published after yesterday's Council,
will spread general satisfaction throughout the coun-
try. There has seldom been administered to the
i
un-
easiness of Englishmen at an important crisis, a
more seasonable or wholesome relief. The country
was beginning to yield tont variety of apprehensions,
one of which usually begets another, and to Imagine
either that difficulties before unheard of had sprung
up about the feet of Ministers, or that some new
motives for hesitation had presented thernselve4, the
exposure of which would run, et no credit upon the
courage or in'eg.rtty of those who entertained them.
But as distrusts multiply cinch other, so. do feelings
of confidence. When men feared that Ministers
were about to delete the meeting of Parliament until
the month of January, their minds were the more
accessible on that account to suspicions affecting the
straightforward bearing of the Cabinet, with regard
to the very principles of the Bill itself. The country
was excited—commerce faltered—dishonest dema-
gogues conspired with incurable boroughmongers to
undermiae the Government by distracting the va-
rious classes of Reformers; and under such circum-
stances to delay the discussion of the Bill was ma-
nifestly to give its opponents the prospect of victory

which (lid not belong to their numbers, their merits,
or their cause. Now we are at ease upon a point of
immense value, both direct and indirect. The Par-
liament meets on Tuesday, the Gth of December—
this day fortnight. Ministers, we should hope, thus
announce themselves to be ready for the work, and
show at least a bold countenance to the common
enemy. The public will no doubt take this as a
favourable omen of the little alarm which need be
felt respecting a second great source of anxiety
which has keen opened during the last two or three
days—to wit, the result of the negoc•iation between
Lords Harrowhy and Wharncliffe on the one side,
and Lod Grey cn the other. The fact may be
taken as resting on undoubted evidence; but never
will we suffer ourselves to b•Jlieve for a moment that
the Ministers, in their alacrity to discuss the second
Bill, will not act up to the expectations of the
country, and their own repeated declarations that it
shall be as efficient is the first. A proclamation, it
is expected, will be issued immediately, to prohibit
armed associations.—Times.

We have received a number of the Tasmanian (a
Van Diemen's Land journal), dated May 28, giving
an account of a great meeting held by the colonists
to address his Majesty on his accession to the throne,
and to pray for the establishment of a representative
legislature in the colony. A great deal of oratory
was expended on the occasion, and some of it, par-
ticularly several harangues against usury, might be
considered as thrown away. A little reflection
might have convinced the speakers that colonists,
in circumstances like those of Van Diemen'a Land,
cannot obtain the loan of money on any terms which
a Governor or a local regulation may fix; and that
if they will not pay interest in proportion to the
risks of the capitalist, they cannot procure the de-
sired accommodation. With regard to the chief ap-
plication of the colonists respecting a representative
assembly, we are of opinion that sooner or later it
must be granted. Win rever a society of freemen is
enlightened enough to manage its own concerns, and
is called upon by the State to support the burden
of taxation, it has a right to offer its advice to its
Government, and to controul the expenditure of its
own money. Van Diemen's Land is a thriving colony,
with a considerable body of inhabitants in rather
better circumstances, and of enterprising disposi•
tions; and though it cannot be pretended that the
late meeting gave many indications either of talent
or good taste, yet the members who spoke were
probably as capable of enlightening the Governor
on the means of promoting the interests of the co-
lony, as a batch of untried councillors or subordinate
agents sent fresh from the mother country to the
southern hemisphere.—Tirres.
The French papers of Saturday and Sunday,
which reached us last night, contain intelligence of
some interest, though not of much novelty. The
project of law for the perpetual banishment of the
Bourbons was carried on Friday afternoon by a ma-
jority of 251 to 69, after its most objectional clause
.—namely, its sanctien of a capital penalty in case of
a return—had been set aside by an amendment.
The same exclusion, with the omission of the same
penalty, is applied to the family of Napoleon,
though, by An alteration of the words and the form,
the legal ignominy implied in the term banishment
does not extend to the latter. For the wording of
this part of the Act, the liberal Members of the
Chamber take great credit to their own dexterity.
M. Comte, the Editor of the Couscer, and the con-
stant antagonist of Napoleon's despotism, suggested
this amendment, which was received with great ap-
plause by the movement party. It might naturally
excite surprise (without a short explanation) that the
minority against the amended Bill should be so great.
" What," it may be said, " are there sixty-nine
Deputies who can openly vote against a law for
banishing a family already in exile—a family so
detested for its attacks on the national liberties,
and whose return would be the signal for a civil
war ?" No ; there was not one Deputy who
would allow such an interpretation to be put
on his nvgative vote : bat the mnority declared
against tic 811, because they thought it su-
perfluous if not absurd, and that minoriiy consisted
not of those whose opinions have a royalist ten-
dency, but chiefly of those who are extreme libe-
rals. Their segannent was, that a special proscrip-
tion against the Bourbons, under capital penalties,
was in fact an anticipated acquittal, for nobody would
betray a returning member of the family, if an in-
stant and ignominious death was to be the conse-
quence of his arrest. This party likewise argued,
that the existing law in the criminal code against
persons who engaged in treasonable plots, who raised
the standard of rebellion, or who troubled the public
peace, gave sufficient security against the return of
the exiled family and their partisans, so long as the
Government was able to make itself respected ; and
when it ceased to have power to repress their efforts,
it must then cease to exist. The recent history of
France supplied abundant examples of this truth.
The Bourbons have been already several times ba-
nished and restored, notwithstanding their exclusion
under a c tpital penalty. Napoleon himself had
returned from Elba, and advanced to tire Tui-
leries, while a price was set on his head; and if
he did not return from St. Ilelena, it was nl t
because he had been banished by a law, but be-
cause he was guarded with se»tinele. The Mi-
nistry seemed to take no part in the discussion ;
and we have not learnt how they conducted
themselves on the vote. The Peerage Bill was to
be presented to the Upper Chamber yestertlry, and
might be carried into the hall of Assembly, or laid
on the bureau of the President, by a host of sturdy
ehampioes, prepared to support it with their voice
and votes. In the Monitenr of Sunday appeared
the names of 35 of those champions, and it must be
admitted that individuals more respectable in point
of rank and consideration in society were not be-
fore to be found within the walls of the Luxem-
burg. When M. de Villele—the Conservative Mi•
nister—the guardian of the privileges of Parliament,
entered unexpectedly (for himself) with his batch
of 73 (more than double the present accession),
he could not look around and point to his own
creation with half the confidence of national ap-
proval which the present Minister may anticipate.
We have repeatedly explained the situation of
the French Cabinet with respect to the Peerage
question, and have reduced within its proper
limits the importance of its ultimate decision.
That decision has already taken place, in fact,
when the Chamber of Deputies, in accordance
with the voice of the country, pronounced the
abolition of hereditary legislation; and all that
the Government had subsequently to do was, to
stamp it with the due formalities and sanctions as
promptly and quietly as possible. To accomplish
this object, they had only two courses to pursue,—
first to ascertain the opinions of the existing Peers
with respect to the modification of their own order,
and to create as many as would balance their oppo-
nents; or, secondly, to declare the Chamber of
Dsputies pro hdc vice, as last year, a constituent
body, anti to dispense with the vote of the Peers.
The latter was an alternative to which many seri-
ous objections existed; but none could be stated
against the former. The Minister being assured of
the numbers requisite to give him a majority, kept
not only within the limits of the Constitution, but
within the bounds of the most scrupulous propriety
and discretion in suppl; ing the deficiency. To
create Peers for life is permitted by the charter, and
was practised at first by the Bourbons. The new
creations will answer the condition of their existing
colleagues when the Bill shall have passed, and will
be, moreover, necessary to the completeness and
efficiency of the Chamber.. It
.can easily be
conceived that the Peerage would have re-
quired to be recruited, though this Bill had
riot been suggested, and that nothing but the
change hanging over its destinies could have pre-
vented new accessions to its numbers since the re-
volution of 1830. At that time M. de Villele, like
Mother Festa, with all his " mighty brood," had to
walk out, and the noble friends of the fallen dynasty
refused to walk in. At that time the ecclesiastical
Peers took their leave of Legislation, and the old
royalists refused to take the oath to Louis Philip,

GO that during the late sittings many important (Inci-
sions haVe been carried in a Chamber consisting of
less than a hundred members. M. Casimir Peltier,
therefore, has only done that before the passing of
the Peerage Bill, and for the accomplishment of
that important object, which he would have been
led to do after the Bill had established the perma-
nent constitution of this branch of the Legislature.
We have thought it necessary to make these remarks
in consequence of some silly observations about
" another revolution," contained in an Evening Pa-
per, which makes a great parade of having obtained
the Moniietir containing the nomination of the Peers
by an express the second (lay from Paris—a despatch
with us of very general occurrence. The following
ire the names of the new Peers :

'AIM. le Comte d'Aubusson de Lafvuinode.
le Due de Bassano.
le Prince de Beauveau.
le Marquis de Bizemont.
le Comte de Bondy.
le Lieutenant-General Comte Bonet.
le Lieutenant-General Comte Cann,lli.
le Vicomte de Cassini.
le Lieutenant-General Comte de Ccssac.
le Baron Cuvier.
Ic Lieutenant-General Comte Danthcuard.
le Baron Jean-Charles Davifler.
lc Lieutenant-General Comte Drouot.
le Lieutenant-General Count Mathieu Duura'•
le Vice-Amiral Comte Emeriau.
le Lieutenant-General Comte d'Erlon.
le Lieutenant-General Comte Exce
le Lieutenant-General Comte de Flahaut.
le Comte Francais (de Nantes).
le Comte Fernand Foy.
le Lieutenant .General Comte Gazan.
le Comte Gilbert de Voisins.
le Duc de Gramont-Caderousse.
le Vice-Amiral Jacob.
le Lieutenant-General Comte Joseph Lagrange.
le Comte Alexandre de Larochetbucauld.
to Marechal-de-Camp de Lzocours.
le President Lepoitevin.
le Prince de la Moscowa.
le Lieutenant-General Comte Pajol.
le Comte Perregaux.
le Lieutenant-General Vicomte Rogniat.
le Lieutenant-General Comte Bognet.
le Lieutenant_General Comte Philippe de Segur.
le Lieutenant_General Comte de St. Sulpice.
le Comte du Turenne.—Times.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.—Thank Heaven the
King is firm—the Ministers are firm—tool the Par-
liament is to meet on the Gth of fltcember, notwith-
standing all the prophesyings to the contrary by the
Tories and their crgans. We need not say how
much we are rejoiced at this intelligence, which was
promulgated at an early hour yesterday afternoon,
through the medium of the Gazette. What anxie-
ties will it not put an end to ! What doubts will
it not dispel—what agitation will it not calm ! The
country, in consequence of the silence of Ministers,
had begun to entertain serious doubt both of the
consistency of his Majesty's Ministers, and of the
firmness of the King—and it was also preparing
to act for itself in a manner, which, however neces-
sary to its ultimate welfare, must have greatly
embarrassed its present position ; but these
doubts will now be dispelled—these preparations
will now be discontinued, and the friends of Reform
will once more place themselves under the banner
of the Constitution, in the well-founded hope that
that Constitution will be speedily restored to its
pristine purity. There are two points, still, re-
specting which doubts may be entertained by some,
but of which we entertain none, we mean the con-
tents of the new Bill, and the creation of the
necessary number of Peers to carry it into effect.
With regard to the Bill itself there can be no ques-
tion that it will prove to be the identical B:11 which
was passed by the House of Commons, and re-
jected, on the second reading, by 199 Members of
the House of Lords—identical in the destruction of
rotten boroughs—identical in the enfranchisement of
cities and towns—almost identical in the distribu-
tion of the right of return—and identical in every
respect except its more generally democratic and
flicient character. Its provisions will be simplified,
but not changed—a wider range be given to its
principles, but its principle still a real representation
of the people. And why do we believe that such will
be the case ? Because we have been informed, upon
respectable authority, that such is the fact ; and be-
cause his Majesty's Ministers—and why should we
disbelieve them ?—have declared that they would
not be parties to any measure less efficient than the
B•ll originally brought in by them. This was the
language held by Lords Grey and Brougham pre-
vious to the prorogation of Parliament, and it is the
language which within a few days past has been held
by Lords Lansdowne, Altherp, and others, on whose
word we have equal reason to bestow confidence.
And next as to the creation of Peers—who can
doubt that it will not take placer Has not the
Parliament been summoned for the purpose of pass-
ing the Reform Bill, and is it to be supposed for a
moment that every other measure will not be taken
which may be deemed necessary to carry the wishes
of the countty into effect? His Majesty's Minis-
ters have hitherto acted most fairly and honout ably
by us, and as we observed a day or two ago, ;the
country ought not to withdraw its confidence from
them, until it has received the most positive evi-
dence of their back-sliding. Then will be the time,
not for accusation, but for judgment—not for re-
crimination, but for condemnation—and then also
will be the time for thinking of the formation of a
new Ministry—but not, as the Tories may imagine,
of a Whig Ministry or a Tory Ministry—bot of a
Ministry which shall carry the wishes of the people
into effect, of whomsoever it may be made up.—
Morning Advertiser.

It will be seen by the Royal Proclamation issued
yesterday that his Majesty's Ministers have been
compelled to call Parliament together at a mostin-
convenient season, and much earlier than, if we may
form any judgment from certain not ambiguous in-
dications, they would have desired, had they beep at
liberty to follow their own very natural inclinations
upon the subject. We beg to congratulate the
country on the approaching meeting of the Legisla-
ture—of a Legislature, we will trust, until its future
conduct shall have disappointed our hopes,
awakenedfrom the fatal delusion which predominated during the
last Session in one of its most important branches,
and enlightened by the actual state of the country
as to the consequences which are sure to follow when
Government recognizes innovation as the first of
its duties, and the agitation of tho public mind as
the highest of its interests and the most efficacious
of its means. That the utmost wisdom of Parlia-
ment and the utmost vigour of the Executive are
urgently required, if the authority of Government is
to be maintained (should we not rather say re-
stored ?) in England, is beyond all doubt ; and ill as
we must continue to think of the Ministers who have
reduced the country to its present awful situation,
we cannot judge so harshly of them as to suppose
that they have in view any object whatever in calling
Parliament together at so unusual a period which
they can think of placing for a single moment in
competition with that of superseding by legitimate
authority the existing dominion of treasonable Clubs
and incendiary Journals. Our hope that Mini-
sters are about to range themselves on the side of
law, religion, aid public order is considerably
strengthened by the visible fact that they have
within the last day or two withdrawn themselves
from the close and confidential communication
which previously subsisted between them and
those Journals which are most distinguished for
audacious and determined hostility to public order,
law, and religion. Ministers determined on Satur-
day that Parliament should reassemble on the
6th of December, and they nevertheless permitted
the Times to fall into the blunder on Monday of re-
primanding them on account of their supposed in-
tention to defer the commencement of the Session
until after Christmas. There is a bravery in the con-
temptuous neglect of their former popular organ, for
which, unless we had seen it, we certainly should
not have given them credit, and which we cannot
but regard as a symptom of their having at length
discovered that mob popularity alone is not sufficient
for the. character or purposes of Government. Let
the King's Government act steadily and boldly
upon t'us conviction, and although we cannot flatter
ourselves that the present Ministers, should they re-
main in power, will avoid manifold and grievous
blunders, yet even they, supported as they ,would be
in such an ittempt, may succeed in rescuing the
country from the Ignominious and dangerous ascen-
dency of inflammatory demagogues and seditious as-
sociations. The progress which has been made in or-

ganizing rebellion throughout the land, the premature
explosion of rebellion in several instances, must have
convinced the Government that some strong and
immediate measures of repression are indispensable,
if it be intended to prevent a sanguinary revolution ;
and although the present Ministers ate justly charge-
able with the crime of encouraging agitation, it is
probable that rebellion never entered into their
contemplation, that they have been merely playing
with comlnisfbles of which they did not underst old
the nature or effects, and that they may sincerely be
desirous of extinguishitie the flame, which they must
be painfully conscious that they have themselves ex-
cited. Soould our hopes prove well-founded, we
are convinced that the party which has hitherto
opposed Ministers, only because they were engaged
in pulling down the Constitution, will be found most
ready to cheer and support them in the more arduous
task of supporting and restoring it. It will be said,
we have no doubt, by the Journals who arc pledged
to the cause of Revolution, that Parliament is as-
sembled a fortnight before Christmas merely for the
purpose of affording Ministers an opportunity of
pi:esenting a 13:11 of Reform, not loss efficient than
the last. And this assertion may turn out to be true,
although certainly the probabilities are not in its
favour. Why assemble gentlemen from every part
of England, at an immense expense of persond con-
venience, merely for the sake of ordering a 13:11
to be printed ? And surely no one supposes that
more than this can be done with any Bill of Reform
in a fortnight. A Bill fur the effectual suppression
of dangerous Unions and Associations may, how-
ever, very easily be passed and receive the Royal
Assent in the course of the period which will inter-
vene between the meeting of Parliament and the
adjournment for the Christmas rece,s. Should it
unfortunately appear that Ministers are determined
to pursue their old game of agitating the country,
notwithstanding the manifest danger of that course
—a danger which becomes day after (lay more and
more manifest—it will still remain to be seen whe-
ther the House of Commons will consent to go for-
ward in the same pernicious and destructive career.
It is difficult to suppose that the whole of the Mem-
bers who supported Ministers during the last Ses-
sion are stubborn and reckless evolutionists.—
Meriting l'ost.