The Sun.
London, England, 1836-04-11 00:00:00

ARMY ESTIMATES.

Lord HO WICK then rose to move the Army Esti-
mates. The Noble Lord moved that a sum of 57,4751.85. 6d.
should be granted to his Majesty, for the purpose of de-
fraying the charges and allowances of a Department we
could not catch.
Mr. HUME objected to the vote.
On a sum of 32,764/. 15s. Bd. being proposed for the
support of the Royal Military Asylum and Military School,
Mr. HUME wished to know whether they continued to
receive children still ?
Lord HOWICK was understood to reply in the affir-
mative.
Mr. HUME thought it would be much better if this
establishment were broken up. It had the effect of taking
individuals away from their natural protectors, as many of
the children were not orphans, and even if they were, in
many instances their relations would be happy to take and
keep them. He contended that the expense of keeping
up of this establishment was quite disproportioned to
the amount, of good alone ; and he confidently hoped
that the recommendation of the Noble Lord's predecessor
would be acted upon, viz., allowing the establishment gra-
dually to fall off. If the children could be sent into the
country towns and boarded, it- could be done at one
one half the expense, and they would moreover get rid of
the costs of the building, which could be turned to sonic
other public purposes. He hoped Government would re-
consider tne propriety of getting rid of this establishment.
The vote was then agreed to.
Lord HO WICK then moved that a sum not exceed-
ing 106,2111. 6s. Bd., be granted for the support of the
volunteer corps.
Mr. _HUME would beg to ask the Government if

they intended to keep— up the volunteer corps
in this country? In the last Session he had
presented two or three petitions from Fife, complaining that
the yeomanry volunteer corps there was kept up for party
purposes, and to insult the working population. He had
divided the House for three years upon the' ques-
tion, and would do so again in order to see how the ques-
tion stood.
Lord HO WICK (lid not believe that the volunteer
corps were used for party purpose—it was the cheapest
force, and most useful. Last session a considerable reduc-
tion took place in the Militia staff; and he thought it good
policy to support such a force.
The House then divided.
Ayes
Noes
Majority in favour of the vote, .... —44
A sum of 106,000/., for defraying the charges of general
officers not being Colonels of regiments, from the Ist of
April, 1836, to the Ist of April, 1837, was then agreed to.
(LEFT SITTING.)

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

Mr. O'Connell has made the most of the relief
from Parliamentary duty afforded by the Easter recess.
He has already visited Nottingham, Hull, and York,
and in our columns of this day will be found reports
of the proceedings at the dinners given to him at the
two last places. The proceedings at Nottingham ap-
peared on a former day. So eloquent an advocate as
Mr. O'Connell, in a cause, too, which he has so deeply
at heart, couil.eluhpalerdul);. fEainlgtloaumlakerfahe7awreerfturulliy7:heas;
them, lovers of justice ; and they will
islieonrepornestehnets
insist on fair play being allowed to Ireland. It is
well observed in the third Report :of the Irish
Law Commissioners that—
" For nearly the whole of the last century the people of
Ireland were governed by a code, the policy of which was
to keep them in poverty and ignorance, and which was
per-
fect for its purpose, It was, to use the words of 11Ir.
Burke, a machine of wise and elaborate contrivance ; and
as well fitted for the oppression, impoverishment, and de-
gradation of a people, and the debasement in them of hu-
man nature itself, as ever proceeded from the perverted in-
genuity of man.' "
heavily
No Englishman possessed of sound feelings can
have any other wish than that an atonement should be
made for the evils inflicted on his Irish brethren. But
Mr. O'Connell aims at the heads as well as the hearts
th
of his audiences. He shows that
a England is hav
taxed for the sake of Ireland—t large army
be kept in that country, and in addition seven thousand
armed police—that while its population is half that of
Britain, it pays less than five millions of taxes, while
the inhabitants are so poor, that an imposition of ad-
ditional taxes would diminish the amount of the reve-

But this is not the only vicw•which he took of

the subject. He shovied, that were Ireland to attain
to an equality with England, a large part of the
taxation now raised in Briiain• would be paid by the
sister kingdom, which would allow many taxes to be
repealed. The cause of Ireland is in every respect
the cause of England, and Englishmen cannot be
too often told, that in redressing the • wrongs of
Irishmen they are greatly ben ;fitting themselves.
The enemies of the inhabitants of both countries
were long but too successful in perplexing the
question ; but we believe we may now confidently
say that it is thoroughly understood. At the Hull
dinner the speech made by Mr. Hutt was excellent.
His comparison of the fifteen years which preceded
the Reform Bill with the period which has elapsed
since the passing of that measure, may, be recommended
to the Tories, who begin to have very short memories
for all that happened during .the former period.
" At length (says. Mr. Hutt) we reached the year 1830,
and who is there that witnessed the fearful signs of that pe-
riod who will not carry with him through life a most in-
structive remembrance of them? The landowners were

alarmed for the diminished security of property ; moneyed
men looked with dismay at the portentous depression of
the funds ; in the great manufacturing towns of the north
vast masses of men were combining to overthrow the
Government by physical force ; in the south the peasantry
were in insurrection against the Government ; the most
fruitful provinces were lighted up by fires caused by des-
perate incendiaries ; the King—the most popular monarch
that has sat upon the throne of England since the Revolu-
tion—the King dared not to go in company with his Mini-
sters to hold a festival in the metropolis of his empire. It
was then that the Duke of Wellington and his party fled
in dismay from office."
The Reform Bill was the commencement of a new
era in every sense. The country has ever since been
in the enjoyment of unexampled prosperity. And even
in Ireland prosperity begins to strike root. Equal jus-
tice, and such measures for the protection of the poor
as are called for by the unfortunate circumstances in
which they are placed, will soon work wonders in Ire-
land; and under the present Ministry they may calcu-
late on these blessings. The abuse of Mr. O'Connell
only adds to his power. The people of Ireland would
begin to suspect him, were he to be praised by the
Times and other Tory Journals. Should the thieves
praise the police, it would be high time for honest citi-
zens to look to their bars and bolts. The Irish know

that Mr. O'Connell is abused precisely because he has
overwhelmed their enemies• Mr. O'Connell is certainly
the best abused man in the country ; but it is for his in-
terest that he should continue to be the best abused
man in the country. But what has been the effect of
the attempts to excite a hostile feeling against the Ca-
tholics and Mr. O'Connell in England ? The meet-
_ _

ings at Nottingham, Hull, and York, afford the best
answer. The 'ultra Tories will surely soon perceive
—from these manifestations—the policy of aban-
doning all attempts to raise the No Popery cry.
If they do not, they will be taught by experience that
the only fruit of their senseless cant is an increase of
the popularity of Mr. O'Connell, and the advance-
ment of his influence in England as well as in Ireland.
The Times and the Standard may employ fierce
epithets, and call Mr. O'Connell hard names ; the
whole Tory Press may wage war against him in their
own way, and all classes of Tories may embark their
remaining energies in the work of detraction ; but all
will fail, whilst Mr. O'Connell can, with truth employ
his. eloquence on the wrongs of his country, and de-
mand for her that justice which has been so long with-
held. All the real friends of the English Constitu-
tion, and especially of the Protestant Church, must
be most anxious to have the wrongs of Ireland re-
dressed, to see its population engaged in profitable in-
dustry, and a termination put to conflicts arising out
of sectarian differences—places of honour and confi-
dence filled by those persons who can best command
favour and respect, and without reference to religious
creed, to the exclusion of all who would cherish obso-
lete prejudices to cover corrupt and dishonest purposes.
This is the proper way to counteract agitation, and the
only practicable way of diminishing the influence of
Mr. O'Connell, who frankly admits that he possesses
too much. When Ireland no longer requires the aid
of Mr. O'Connell, he will descend to the level of other
subjects.—Morning Chronicle.
'We refer to the letter of our Dublin correspondent,
and to an article we have extracted from the Evening
Mail of Friday, for the particulars of an outrage per-
petrated in the Irish capital by some of the friends and
supporters of Mr. O'Connell, some of the most active
and zealous of the party who are loud and incessant in
their cry for justice to Ireland. The justice which
will satisfy the party is thus indicated with sufficient
plainness. It is the opportunity and the liberty to
overthrow every British institution which bears the seal
or is associated with the history of that wise, and just,
and gallant Prince whose statue they have conspired
to lay prostrate in the dust. Will the people of
Great Britaiu consent that the insolent _ savages

who have perpetrated, or who applaud, this out-
rage upon. every political feeling and principle that
Englishmen cherish, shall be placed in undivided
and uncontrolled possession of all municipal and
all political power ? To imagine this for a moment
would be to off€.r the deepest affront to the calm
good sense and manly spirit of our countrymen.
We do not wish to anticipate the result of the
investigation which has been instituted by the police
and municipal authorities of Dublin into the cir-
cumstali'ces of this flagrant outrage upon the British.
Government and nation, as well as upon the Protestant
portion of the Irish people. This much, however, ap-
pears certain, anterior to any inquiry; that the offence
must have required the active and persevering co-
operation of a considerable number of persons, and
that its completion has been hailed by the exulting ap-
plause of the whole of those classes of the people of
Dublin whom the Roman Catholic Priests inspire, and
in whose name and by whose authority Mr. O'Connell
declaims. The act is indeed as clearly identified with
the Priest and O'Connell faction as if it were traced
by evidence the most conclusive to its prominent
leaders.—Morning Post.
The Radicals of Hull treated Mr. O'Connell to
a dinner last week, and Mr. O'Connell treated them
in return to a repetition (the hundredth, we believe)
of his stock travelling speech about justice to
Ireland. There is nothing very remarkable in the
affair, as reported in the Radical papers, unless
it be the Anvitation with which the demagogue
concluded his harangue, urging his auditors to pro-
mote the cause of " justice to Ireland," by menacing
and insultin,, the House of Lords. The Radicals of
Hull, who live cast light and dignity upon the House
of Commons by- the introduction to that Assembly
of two such distinguished philosophers and statesmen
as Mr. Hutt and Colonel Peyronnet Thompson, are,
it seems, to tell the British Peerage " in a tone re-
spectful but firm, that they shall do justice to Ireland,
or else —." It is a pity that this Radical carousal
was not held a few days later, for in this case the sen-
tence need not have been left unfinished, but would
aptly and seasonably have concluded, " or else their
Lordships shall speedily undergo the fate which my
friends in Dublin, the Irish friends of justice, have
just inflicted upon the statue of King William, of glo-
rious memory."—Morning Post.
Parliamentary business is to be resumed this even-
ing in the House of Commons—we trust with some-
thing more of sfect than can justly be attributed to
the labours of the early part of the Session. It is in
vain, however, to hope that the mass of business now
before the House in one shape or another can be sa-
tisfactorily gone through, or eyen briefly examined, in
the remaining months that Parliament will sit. If the
Ministers were vigorous and decisive statesmen, which
they certainly are not, and if the House of Commons
were of the most dignified and business-like habits,
which certainly it is not, there would still be great
difficulty in•adjusting so many doubtful and weighty
questions as are now entered upon the papers of the
House for discussion. As it is, we must look for-
ward to much talk and little work, until the dog-day
heats and impatience for a prorogation shall cause
some measures to be hurried through, without due
examination, and others to be postponed to a more
which probably may never come.
convenient season,
Before proceeding to offer a few observations upon the
general aspect of the business to which the House
of Commons will have to apply itself, a word or two
may be afforded respecting the cope measure of great
publicinterest which has been go; khroutll, and is

now to he -discussed in the House of Lord 3. We
trust their Lordships will do their duty with respect
to the Irish Corporations Bill, without fear of the
machinations of any demagogue, or farour to the in-
terests of any party. No man who is not a. Revo
t
lutionist at heart can behold, without indignation, the •
attempts which are made to wrest by violence from the
Constitution the advantages of a free decision by the
,7)
Upper House of Parliament, upon the measures agreed
to by the Lower. There are certain demagogues alien
to British feeling, and hostile to British principles in
religion, and in constitutional Government, who seem
to think it becoming, under the new order of things,
to parody the public maxims, of which heretofore
Englishmen have been proud. Instead of carrying
justice to every man's door, they would carry agita-
tion ; and they would appeal to the Legislature, not
by argument, but. by threatS. We confess we have
no taste for such highwayman practice in politics.
We see no reason that desperate men, without any-
thing to lose—not even character, should be suf-
fered to bully'a branch of the British Legislature into
compliance with their views. If we have a Legisla-
ture which is incapable of acting rightly, the first bu-
siness to be attended to is to change it ; but while we
have Legislative authorities which we acknowledge, let
us treat thetn`with respect. Let us not reverse the

natural order of thing's, and attempt to rule those
whom we allow to remain' in the situation of rulers.
To do so is at once paltry and flagitious. We show
that we have not the courage to get rid of a consti-
tuted authority, nor the fortitude to bear with its re-
solves. We allow the form of a power, but seek by
underhand threats to make it nugatory. Such con-
duct may be suitable to those who act under the
direction of Irish priests, but it is altogether
unworthy of Englishmen ; and we hope to see
it treated with calm indifference by the Peers,
and vlith calm contempt by the country. The list
of matters, (independently of petitions and inciden-
tal business) already provided for the occupation
of the House of Commons, occupies no less than
fifteen folio pages, closely printed, and comprises an
immense extent and variety of subjects, from the re-
gulation of oyster beds, under the auspices of Mr.
Baring, to the regulation of the House of Peers,
under the auspices of Mr: Cuthbert Rippon. The
latter modest gentleman has two distinct propositions
on the notice-book for different days ; one for declar-
ing cathedral establishments to be " useless," the other
for relieving Archbishops 'and Bishops, from their du-
ties as' members of the Legislature. These are spe-
cimens of the way in which the notice-book gets filled
up. Surely some other place might be found for re-
cording the insults and sneers which gentlemen of Mr.
Rippon's calibre and quality are pleased to fling out
against the Church Establishment. It is neither useful
nor becoming that the impertinence of faction should be
mixed up with the serious business of the nation. The
principal matters which probably will come under dis-
cussion by the House, are the Commutation of Tithes
in England—the Irish Church question, upon Lord
Morpeth's notice for the 25th, April—the State of the
Agricultural Interest—the State of the Irish Poor,
with reference to the Bills of Sir R. Musgrave and
Mr. Poulett Scrope, and to the Third Report of the
Irish Poor Inquiry Commissioners—the Consolidation
of the Stamp Laws, and the Reduction of the Stamp
Duty on Newspapers—Foreign Policy, with reference
to the designs of Russia Military Punishments, the
Factory Act Alteration Bill, and, perhaps, the Bill for
abolishing or amending the law regarding Imprison-
ment for debt. We have not in the foregoing in-
cluded what are called the Dissenters' Bills, relating
to marriages and registrations, which have no precise
time fixed for their discussion, and may probably (not-
withstanding the Ministerial flourishes regarding them
at the commencement of the Session) not to be
brought on at all. There is, indeed, quite enough
without them, and more than can possibly be care-
fully sifted in the House of Commons. The
Bill for the Commutation of Tithes in England is
the first in order,. and stands upon the book for this
evening. Notices have been given of no less than
eleven amendments to be proposed by different Mem.
hers. This measure is most ingeniously contrived for
the suggestion of objections. We have already shown
those which landlords reasonably bring forward against
it, which may be comprised in this, that it fixes a per-
manent charge, not in proportion to the average and
natural value of the land to an owner or occupier, but
according to the actual cultivation, or neglect, for the
last seven years. The titheowners, on the other hand,
exclaim against the principle of the Bill. The clergy,
generally, admit that the Bill would give them as good,
or perhaps a better, income than they have ; but they
object that the law shauld take from them that 30 or
40 per cent. which they now voluntarily forego ; and
whatever they may think as to their own inttmsts, they
do not feel that for their successors, 11 modern rent
charge, imposed by a modern Aot of Parliament, is so
good title as the claim to tithe, of which the memory
of man runneth not to the contrary. There were
symptoms, when the subject was last before the House,
of Lord John Russell being staggered by the public
feeling of the unreasonableness of the Bill, and we
should not be surprised if it never reaclieti the House
of Lords. Should any " untoward event" arrest its
progress, Sir Robert Peel will, we take it for granted,
proceed with his Bill for eourimutation on the voluntary
principle, or make it a present to his Majesty's Minis-
ters to console them for the failure of their own

sure. With respect to the Irish Church question, the
great point of anxious expectation 4, of course, cen-
tred in the "appropriation) clause." Should this be
omitted or No modified as to take from it the offensive
character of a spoliation of the Church for the fur-
therance of secular objects, it will at once make a great
and salutary change in the arrangement of Parliamen-
tary influence and political parties. It would unite the
strength of the Conservative party with the Gown-
ment, and throw the extreme radicals and the Irish
Papist party into the position and character, which
are naturally and properly theirs under a Protestant
monarchy. We fear, however, that the disgraceful
O'Connell alliance is likely to be preferred to this
really patriotic policy, and party resentments will still
he indulged to the detriment of the country's best in-
terests.—Morning Herald.

PRIVILEGES OF THE PEERs.—the Lords have
various powers and privileges peculiar to themselves. They
are the sole judges in the arraignment of any Peer of the
realm—in the impeachment of any Minister of the Crown—
of Writs of Error relative to illegal proceedings in the Courts
of Law—and in Appeals from the Courts of Chancery. In
all matters of importance, such as those which pertain to the
corruption of Judges or Magistrates, or other persons filling
judicial or civil situations of responsibility, they can, wheneler
the please, put persons on their oaths. All bills in any way
affecting the rights of the Peers must originate in their own
House, and cannot be altered in the slightest degree by the
House of Commons. Every Peer has a right to enter his
protest on the journals of the House against any measure of
which he disapproves, and to state the reasons on which he
grounds his dissent at any length be pleases. When sitting
in judgment, the Peers do not give their decisions on oath as
do the Members of the House of Commons, but simply on
their honour. They are regarded by the Constitution as the
hereditary counsellors of the King, and may, at any time, de-
n.and admittance to his presence to give him their advice on
any question they consider important. Their persons are for
ever sacred in' the eye of the law ; they cannot be imprisoned
or arrested for debt, nor can they be outlawed in any civil ac-
tion. Any person circulating scandalous reports respecting
a Peer, no matter whether true or false, subjects himself to
fine and imprisonment. Their houses cannot be entered
under any circumstances, by the officers of justice, without a
warrant under the King's own hand, and under the hands of
six Privy Councillors, four of whom must be Peers of the
Realm. They have the right of qualifying a certain number
of chaplains to perform divine service. The number, howeveit,
varies with the rank of the Peers. A Duke can qualify six ;
a Marquis or Earl, five ; a Viscount, four ; and a Baron three.
These are the leading powers and privileges of the Peers.
They have various others of minor importance.—Random Re-
collections of the House of Lords.
Mr. T. Rhodes, of Greasbro', whose remarkable
flock of sheep only consists of 21 ewes, 18 of whom alone have
lambed, have produced the extraordinary number of 42 healthy
lambs. Six of the ewes have yielded three lambs each, and
one as many as four. --Doncaster Gazette.
There has been no little 'chit-chat for this fortnight
last past, in the eastern part of Cornwall, respecting a certain
Rev. DiVine'i foPlillan4 net twenty miles from Launceston, and
a lady, a near relative of the divine, who resides not twenty
miles from Honiton. The lady has been sent to her mamma,
near Honiton.— Western Times.
THE MARY FRANCES.--TWO of the mariners be-
longing to the late crew of the above unfortunate vessel, by
name John Horner and William Robinson, have recently ar-
rived at this port. They were brought to Stromness by the
Lady Jane. They seem to hare suffered very considerably
in their health, by the priyations And hardships to which they
hEtvqbee .
suete a IluilPacmbp