The Sun.
London, England, 1849-11-12 00:00:00

Obieniza 'lttt;•

LekiDON. MONDAY. NOVEMBER 12, 1849.

Very recently we had occasion to comment in tne
strongest terms of imEgnation on the tyrannical pro-
ce_diogs of a superior officer in the naval proression.
It is now our disagreeable duty to make allusions to
similar misconduct on the part of a superior officer in
the military profession. In consequence of the
arbitrary hearing of the then Commander PITMAN,
st veral individuals were driven to the commission of
such serious offences as suicide and desertion on
board her 11I.IJEsTv's ship Childers. In consequence
of th? equdl desk otic regulations of Colonel ARTHUR,
a nu rnkJer of soldiers have lately been goaded
en to acts of the most culpable insubordination
in the 31 Dragoon regiment. The result of both
series of occurrences has been the convocation of
courts martial, from whose authority the different
offenders have received punishment. Meanwhile,
hots ever, a PITMAN has been ignominiously dis-
missed the service of his QUEEN and country,
whereas it remains yet to be seen whether an
ARTHUR is deemed worthy to hold his present high
position under the colours of his SOVEREIGN.
Doubtle:s the unfortunate Lieutenant GRAHAM
was culpable to a very considerable extent, insomuch
as he permitted his feelings so far to master his
better judgment, as to induce him to fly from
his post whila holding a commission in the Royal
Navy. Doubtless, also, the various privates who
have been convicted of the grievous fault of " break-
ing from barracks" are guilty of offences deserving
the most serious reprehension. For neither the sea-
service nor the land-service could be preserved in any
reasonable condition were proceedings such as these
to be connived at, or to be allowed to pass by alto-
geter unpunished. Martial law is compelled to take
cognizinee of acts amounting to the great crimes of
desertion or insubordination. To dream for one
moment of permitting such criminality as that of
parties setting at defiance the ordinances of either
service, no matter upon what plea, would be wholly
idle and preposterous. Obedience to orders is the
vitality of both the naval and military professions.
To that supreme martial dogma everything must be
rendered subordinate, otherwise the navy becomes no
longer a navy, hut a body of salt water mutineers ;
the army remains no longer an army, but a rabble of
lawless fighting men. During times of war, in-
deed, the submission to authority is observed with
such necessary strictness that the slightest act
of self- will on the part of a subordinate
is punished with the most rigorous severity, the
drum head court-martial sentences the prisoner, in 99
cases out of every 100, to death, and the execution'
is so summary that it is absolutely iMmediate. We
are very far indeed from being disposed in the smallest
particular to quarrel with this stern and inexorable
system. It would be a sheer absurdity to question its
advisability. We recognise, of course, the impera-
tive necessity of maintaining discipline in an armed
multitude,
.at any cost short of simple justice. We
see the wisdom of the decree as clearly as
we perceive the judicious nature of those
very admirable remarks made by Mr. Macau-
LAY somewhere in his historical criticisms, where
he says—" If there be any truth established by
the universal experience of nations, it is this, that
to carry the spirit of peace into war is a weak and
cruel policy. The time of negotiation is the time for
deliberation and delay ; but when an extreme case calls
for that remedy which is, in its own nature, most
violent, and which, in such cases, is a remedy only
because it is violent, it is idle to think of mitigating
and diluting. Languid war can do nothing which
negotiation or submission will not do better; and to
act on any other principle is not to save

blood and money, but to squander them?'
Now, the principles which the historian has here
applied to the conduct of war may with equal telicity
be applied to the materials and appliances of war. If
a severe and decisive policy be the only reasonable
and effectual one for the prosecution of warfare, then
most certainly upon the same ground a severe and
decisive policy is the only rational and effective
course to be adopted in the management of an army
in all its several proportions, divisions, regiments)

and companies.
Nevertheless, while it is altogether undeniable that
discipline is essential to the existence of an armed
force, that armed force naval or military, it is equally
indi,putable that obedience to authority must be ac-
companied by the administration—we will not say

of clemency but—of the simplest justice. Relax the
bonds of authority in a regiment or on board a man•
of-war, and you will soon see the character of the
crew or of the soldiery become degenerated. Evince a
perverse tyranny, a habitual unfairness, or a total
indifference to the merits of the men under command,
and you create all kinds of inducements to insubor-
dination, you foster the evil spirit of mutiny, you
goad many on even to flagrant acts of violence or
desertion. This was not long since most lamentably
shown by the result of the cruelties of the Commander of
her Majesty's shipChilders. The same effect has yet more
recently been witnessed in certain deplorable occur-
rences at Nottingham. On the 9th of October, while
inspecting the troops for a field-day, Lieut.-Colonel
ARTHUR issued a peremptory order that the whole
regiment should be confined to barracks for imperfect
grooming of the horses, there to remain in durance
until such time as he, the commanding officer, should
feel satisfied with their appearance. By this harsh,
abrupt, and most arbitrary proceeding, innocent and
guilty were alike subjected to a very irksome punish-
ment. The whole regiment, without any discrimina
tion whatever, between right or wrong,were treated by
the colonel as offenders. As an instance of the shame-
ful and monstrous injustice of the proceeding, it is
only necessary to refer to a single individual out of the
many who were with peculiar hardship rendered ame-
nable for the slovenly grooming of the really culpable.
Private THOMAS HOLMES (who himself conducted his
own defence before the court-martial, and who did
so, moreover, with the most admirable temper and
the most intelligent circumspection) proved from the
cross-examination of no less a personage than
Lieutenant-Colonel ARTHUR, and of his own com-
manding officer Captain DYSON, that he (H.owiss)
was, on the 9th of October, employed in looking after
the young horses, none of which were on that day's
parade, and that consequently he was punished
for the imperfect grooming of his horses when
his horses were not even inspected—much less
found to be imperfectly groomed. After remaining
four days patiently under this disgraceful ill• treat-
ment, in a moment (as he himself acknowledges) of
extreme impatience and irritation he "broke from
barracks," as the phrase is, and for that offence is
sentenced by court-martial to 84 days' incarceration !
Now we put it to any rational person if, with all
possible consideration for the necessity of maintaining
discipline, such proceedings as these are not calculated
to breed a spirit of open mutiny and insubordination ?
We are anxious, moreover, to learn from the subse-
quent acts of the authorities at the Horse Guards,
whether, if a PITMAN was deemed unfitted to continue
in the service of his country, an ARTHUR is regarded
as a proper person to continue in his present rank as
colonel of a distinguished regiment.

The Wiener Zeitung, an organ of the Austrian
Government, has in a, laboured article attempted to
justify the atrocious murder of the Hungarian
patriot Count LOUIS BATTRYANY. That sanguinary
and infamous butchery has, indeed, elicited the marked
condemnaticn of men of all classes and parties
throughout the civilized world. Even those who were
opposed to the gallant Magyars who so gloriously
struggled in defence of their violated nationality,
who justified the invasion on the liberties of that
oppressed and long-suffering nation by the
myrmidons of the lied Emrauort, and even the
unwarranted intervention of the Russian AUTOCRAT,
had not a word to utter in favour of that most
tyrannical and illegal massacre. No second opinion
was entertained by any save those who participated in
the woman-floggings and the wholesale cold-blooded
slaughters of the hangman HAYNAU. Even the modern
NERo, callous and hardened as he has proved himself
to be to the sufferings of the heroic people who dared
to dispute the despotic authority of his house and
Government, and to insist upon the maintenance of their
constitutional liberties, could not remain indifferent to
the reproaches and curses which his blood-thirsty
conduct provoked. Hence the elaborate effort to
vindicate this most cruel and infamous act of a cruel
and infamous administration. For among the nume-
rous cases of shooting and hanging that have disgusted
Europe, there was not one in which the semblance
and pretence of justice was so wholly wanting as in
that of the martyred BITTLIYAN Y.
That. mn%t completely and
signally failed. It exhibits, even in a stronger
light, the unmitigated atrocity of the execu-
tioners of that high- minded but unfortunate
nobleman, whose memory will long be enshrined in
he hearts of his countrymen, and of the lovers of

freedom and haters of oppression throughout the
world. The weakness of their cause becomes most
apparent when viewed through the flimsy veil of
sophistry, by which the hireling scribe has en-
deavoured to conceal the worst and the most
distorted features of the heart-sickening trans-
action. 'The document will speak for itself.
No language that we could utter would
render the failure more conspicuous than a
simple perusal of the futile attempt to justify a crime
of so deep a dye. We should not now refer to it in
any manner were it not that the motive is revealed
that led to the premature and dishonoured—hut not
dishonourable—death of the patriot statesman. We
say not dishonourable, for the shame and ignominy
rest upon his accusers and judges, and no death can
be disgraceful that is sustained in the cause of a
bleeding and oppressed nation. It had previously been
a matter of astonishment how Count BATTRYANY
had excited so deadly a feeling of animosity
in the mind—we cannot say in the heart, for heart
there is none—of the Austrian. What were the
extraordinary services he rendered in the gallant
but ineffectual struggle for Hungarian independence ?
His whole soul was undoubtedly with his compatriots,
and, if permitted, his life and fortune would have
been freely devoted to the cause. But he was made
a captive when, trusting to the faith of the Austrian,
he went as the envoy and messenger of peace and re-
conciliation. In his person the universally recognised
principle of the sacred character of an ambassador
was violated, a principle which even barbarians and
savages have respected. Ike was immured in their
dungeons during the most stirring and eventful scenes
of the campaign, and was unable to act on behalf of
his unfortunate country. By no code of laws could
wishes or feelings be rendered punishable ; there

should be some overt acts in support of those desires
before they could be considered criminal. What,
then, was his offence ? It is now stated
in the columns of the Wiener Zeitung.

By his counsels, it is said, the sinews
of war were provided for the contest. "He was
found guilty," says the writer, "of having, by a
treasonable issue of Hungarian bank-notes, created the
most efficient lever of the rebellion." And he adds,
"this measure bears the stamp of illegality, for it
wanted the consent of the Sovereign, and its

purpose is generally allowed to have been the
giving Hungary the means of seceding from Austria."
Here, then, it is shown hew potent an instrument in
the regeneration of a nation the much despised rags,
against which the bullionists sneer, might be
rendered. The issue of inconvertible notes, not
based on large deposits of gold or silver—but
resting on the honour and integrity of a people
struggling for their birthright, created the most
efficient lever of the movement. It gave Hungary
the " means of seceding from Austria." " Why,
then," as a correspondent of a morning contemporary
has pertinently asked, "when so much can be done
by the issue of an inconvertible paper money, why
should we English be so simple as to adhere to crude
monetary Acts, which every five years create
commercial panics, without affording the least possible
security in another direction ? The inquiry is worthy
of mature and attentive consideration. if all the
expenses of a war can be borne by means of
a paper currency, if the people can make the most
extraordinary exertions by its assistance, why
should we not resort thereto in time of peace ? We
could reclaim our wastes, improve the fertility of
lands already under cultivation, afford full and
remunerative employment to every man able and
Willing to work : the real capital of the country
would be brought into active operation. As we have
already explained, there is no want of that capital.
A measure of value alone is required; and
the bank note that would be received in
payment of taxes and rendered a legal tender,
would answer every beneficial purpose. It may be
asked, what security there would be for the redemp-
tion of these notes ? 'We answer, the same security
that is
now afforded for theinthteerreesstouorfetehseofpeuvbelriyc
debt—the national faith, and on

description of this mighty empire. Bank of England
notes were received with implicit confidence during
the entire war. The credit of the Bank for all do-
mestic purposes was perfect, simply because it held a
certain quantity of Governrcent securities. How
much superior would be the notional notes, issued
from the Exchequer of Great Britain, for which every
Englishman was responsible with his entire property
and labour. Lord ASHBURTON has told us that "we
could not have carried on the war against France
without the Bank Restriction Act." Let us have a
new Restriction Act, that will enable us to gain a
glorious victory over distress, destitution, and misery
throughout the British dominions, in all parts of the
globe.

In another part of the paper will be seen a Letter
containing extracts from the Confession of Augsburg
in the original Latin and the contemporary
translation, bearing on the question of Sabbath ob-
servance. Having been made with care, they may
usefully be preserved by any desirous of collecting
documentary evidence on the opinions of the fathers
of Protestantism and the Church of England.

:11E FRENCH REPUBLIC,

We have received the Paris journals of Saturday
and yesterday.
The Moniteur contains the following :—" The
PRESIDENT said in his last Message—' I am resolved
to be worthy of the confidence of the nation in main-
taining the Constitution which I have sworn to.'
These words are clear and precise, and ought to be
safe from any misinterpretation or doubt. Notwith-
standing this, in certain journals, in drawing-rooms,
at the Assembly, everywhere in fact, rumours are
circulated of a pretended coup trete. This menace
is kept suspended, as if intentionally, over the heads
of the persons most easily alarmed, and in this way
public security is wickedly and maliciously troubled.
. .

We are authorised to declare that in all this there is

perfidious intention, odious calumny, and insult to
the loyalty of him who never broke his word."
The Moniteur contains a long report, dated Nov.
9, from M. A. FOULD Minister of Finance, addressed
to the PRESIDENT of le Republic, relative the mode
of paying the interest of the rentes into which the
money of savings' banks, the bons du tresor, and the
Lyons railway shares have been converted. The re-
port states that this vast operation is now rapidly
approaching its term, and that not less than 600,000
new inscriptions have been created throughout every
part of the country :
" The Government, however," says the report," would
but imperfectly perform its task if it did not devise
means of having the dividends paid exactly. Already a
first experiment was made in the last payment on the 5
per cents., into which the above values were almost all
converted. By means of temporary measures, and by
organizing at Paris a sort of auxiliary commercial
service, the payment was effected without any com-
plaint being made, and without any change of import-
ance in what had previously taken place in paving
the dividends and their arrears. But it having been
evident that in order to provide for such a mass of pay•
ments the ordinary means of execution were insufficient,
M. Passy appointed a Committee of experienced men—
selected from the court of accounts and from the oen-

tral administration of finance, to examine the question
and to see what course it would be necessary to adopt.
That committee was finishing its labours when I (M.
Fould) took possession of the post of the Minister of
Finance, and I now, after having attentively investigated
its deliberations, come forward to propose to you a series
of provisions calculated to meet the case. One of the
Inncipal inconveniences of the present system is to oblige
the administration to assign every year nominative
warrants tor each portion of rente—a labour of immense
extent, and which has to be repeated with the payers
and receivers general, with other documents in such
numbers, that the administration considered it
necessary to dispense with a part of them for
1849. The Bill which I adjourn to the present re-
port will remedy this state of things by substituting
from 1850, in the place of nominative statements of
arrears, transferable nominative bulletins which will
remain in the hands of the payers and which will be
available for ten years. On their side, the receivers-
general, who in the departments will continue to be
charged with the payment of the dividends to the par-
ties interested, will receive, in place of a copy of the
nominative statements, a list of these same papers by
numbers in series and by the sums due, which in like
manner will serve for several years, being modified only
in what regards rentes newly inscribed or annulled.
This modification, and some others which have been
decided on, will produce a notable simplification of
labour, and the additional work can thus be effected
without any augmentation of expense. It is also in-
tended to introduce mehsures to enable the holder& of
the rentes in the departments *to obtain at the chef-lieu,
by means of third parties, with facility and without ex-
pense, the sums coming due to them. A simplification
of this extensive nature will, it is believed, constitute a
..w element of public credit, by inducing persons having
money to invest to purchuae more readily into the
public funds."
[he report is followed by a Bill, in six articles, car-
rying out the plans set forth in it, and bearing the
approval of the PRESIDENT of the Republic.
The following proclamation by the new Prefect of
Police, M. CARLIER, has been posted on the walls of
Paris this morning :
" Inhabitants of Paris,—The high confidence of the

President of the Republic has just called me to the post
of Prefect of Police. It will be for me an eternal honour
to have been considered worthy of seconding in those
delicate functions the great and straightforward policy
inaugurated by the acts and declarations of the head of
the State. I am about to demand from my fellow citizens

their co-operation and support, in proMising them my
zeal and energy. Peaceable men of all classes can only
see in me a friend ; I am, mad always shall be, I do
not say the enemy, but the courageous and inde-
fatigable adversary of perturbators, both chiefs and in-
struments. Pro ection to religion, to labour, and to
tamily ties, to property, to good institutions, to repent-
ance even; vigilance and rigour towards Socialism, im-
morality, disorder, improper publications, and the ob-
stinacy of the factious—such will be the rule of my
conduct.
"National Guards, heads of manufacturing and in-
dustrial establishments, fathers of families, tradesmen,
workmen, assist me in the accomplishment of my mis-
sion; it belongs to the initiative of good citizens to faci-
litate the action of the laws and of authority; the internal
discipline of families and workshops is the most power-
ful auxiliary of the police of the State; our cause is the
same; you wish for a protective Government; we wish
for enlightened liberty; moderation founded on force
will, doubtless, daunt bad passions. The most trying
days are passed; but we must nut slumber on a first
success; nothing has been done while there yet remains
anything to do for order and security. Inhabitants of
Paris, the question now is to form a league against
Socialism; that is the cause of every interest. Let us
revive private confidence by restoring public security;
let us secure the future welfare of all by the stability of
institutions faithfully respected, but firmly applied; it is
between us all a mutual assurance; we have therefore a
right to rely on each other. You may rely on me.
(Signed) " CARLIER.
"Seen and approved by the Minister of the Interior,
(Signed) "F. BARROT."
The proclamation of M. CARLIER is severely
criticised by the Republican journals.
The Constitutionnel of Saturday publishes an
elaborate defence of the PRESIDENT of the Republic
against the attacks of those who impute to him im-
proper motives for the dismissal of his late Ministry.
It mentions two imputations in particular which it
regards as calumnious. The first is that he aimed at
the empire, and had therefore resolved to appoint
Ministers who would support this project. This im-
putation, says the Constitutionnel, is refuted by his
Message. The second imputation assigns to him a
wish to obtain a Cabinet which would support a
demand for an increase of salary as chief magis-
trate. To this the Constitutionnel gives a very
conclusive answer by stating that M. DUFAURE
and his colleagues had unanimously agreed to
demand a salary of three millions of francs per
annum for the PRESIDENT of the Republic, rand were
certain of obtaining it from the majority. If, there-
fore, Louis NAPOLEON had been actuated by merely
pecuniary considerations, he would not have changed
his Ministry and incurred the risk of failure. It must
be evident, therefore, adds the Constitutionnel, that if,
as some persons say, the majority may hesitate to do
for M. FERDINAND BARROT what they would have
done for M. DUFAURE, Louis NAPOLEON had patriot-
ism enough to attempt the formation of a Government
which would strengthen the executive for the public
welfare, even although by doing so he should sacri-
fice his own personal interests. The Constitutionnel,
however, does not believe that the majority will act
so unworthily as to resist now what they would have
acceded to the late Ministry.
It would seem, from the above article, that M. TIIIERS
regards the new Ministry as likely to last, and the
experiment of the personal government of the PRE-
SIDENT as at all events feasable.
The following scene took place at the High Court
of Versailles, duringithe sitting of Friday :
The Judges took their seats at eleven o'clock.
M. Suin, Avocat-General, resumed his requisitory,
and proceeded to recapitulate the charges proved
against the accused who belonged to the Artillery of
the National Guard. Having had occasion to mention
that it had been proved that some National Guards,
who took part in the demonstration of 13th June, had
changed the plate of their shakos for others bearing
the number of the sth Legion—
The accused Schmitz interrupted him with the
exclamation—That was never said I
The President—Accused, you have not the right
to interrupt.
Schmitz—Nor has he the right to lie.—(Agitation.)
The President—Accused, I shall be obliged to cause
you to be removed from the court.
Schmitz—l shall be glad if you do.
M. de Royer, Avocat-General, said that the
outrage the prisoner had made to a magistrate was
unpardonable. Besides, he was wrong, in point of
fast, Duteuil bad
,deposed to the circumstance