The Sun.
London, England, 1836-11-01 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONbON, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER L 1836._

of those members of the aristocracy on whom they
have to rely as their leaders in crushing the common
enemy. Lord Orford on every subject, and they were
various, whereon his business as chairman required him
to speak, proved himself to he metal without alloy, and
that a Peerage composed of such materials, if they be
indeed doomed to fall, will at least perish like Spartans.
One observation made by his Lordship in retracing
the conduct of the House of Peers during the last
Session contained a truth so &Tear, and at the same
time so portentous, that we cannot refrain from quoting
it. " The House of Lords," remarked Lord Gsford,
" refused to pass the Irish Church Bill, and the Irish
Municipal Corporations Bill, because they felt that
the man who voted for those Bills as sent up by the
Commons, must be prepared for the alternative, either
to relinquish that country or reconquer it." That is
a practical, pithy, unanswerable truth—one which
need but be stated to enforce itself-upon every English
and Protestant understanding. It is not perhaps
enough to say that such must eventually be the effect
of the above two measures. To make plain the atro-
cious character of the policy from which they spring
—to show the vileness of that Administration which
is their ostensible but not their real author, and which
has become the instrument of their introduction and
• progress through Parliament, though conscious that
even one of them is sufficient to " itzct a heavy blow
and grievous irfjury on Protestantism in Ireland" (for
such was the memorable admission of Lord Viscount
Melbourne), it is desirable to remind our countrymen,
that Mr. Daniel O'Connell and his priestly instigators
' have declared a hundred times to their satellites of the
Popish faith, that it was their full design, their settled
and completely organized project, to work the Popish
Corporation Bill, as a machine for incessantly disturb-
ing the peace of Ireland, and to use the appropriation
clause as a stepping stone to the entire demolition of
the Established Church ! Then, let our Protestant
brethren ask themselves once more, what sort of Mi-
nisters are theee—takin_g, oaths of allegiance to the
Protestant Crown of England—witnesses to these
,„11ily frightful threats of the Papist insurgents, and
callii" themselves descendants of those very Whigs,
who, aS Ministers of William 111., made open war
upon the hoist power, and subdued it by the expul-
sion of its Tyreett King—what sort of Whig Minis-
ters are these, we aSik, who in the teeth of their oaths,
their senses, and their ief.storical obligations, actually
attempt to push the Peers of England and their Sove-
reign into an acceptance of those measures, of which
absolute Popish supremacy in Ireland is avowed by the
Popish leaders themselves to be the predestined result ?
If, then, Popery be established in Ireland, and the
priesthood predominant there, will they be satisfied with
that fragment of what once belonged to the Romish
church, which was left at the Reformation and during
the troubles of the 17th century in the hands of the
Protestant clergy ? Will any particle of church
plunder, that the priests can lay their hands on, be
left in possession of lay proprietors ? Will any Pro-
testant proprietor be left a single acre of land ? Will
there, or will there not, be an universal confiscation ?
Will any Protestant who dares lift voice or cads in
de-
fence of life or land be spared ? On grounds of so-
called " self-preservation," will not the Papist rebels,
in their fury, do as their predecessors did under James
IL—butcher all they can, and outlaw all the others ?
A nice precedent of Romish tolerance, political and
ecclesiastical, we have in the famous "letter from Bishop
Malooney to Bishop Tyrrell," dated March, 1689,
when every Englishman and Protestant was to be
stripped of every shilling he had in the world, under
the guise of restitution to the loyal Papists. " I would,"
exclaims this mild and upright Prelate, " have them
(the Papists) restored to their estates, both spiritual
and temporal, usurped by the Cromwellians, or under
the title of being Protestants." This was in contempla-
tion of the possible success of James ; and let us be-
think ourselves how much better will the descendants of
those Cromwellians and other Protestants fare, under
the certain success of Daniel, if his slaves, the Whig
Ministers, continue in office long enough to carry their
measures for the separation of Ireland from the British
Crown ? Well, then, was or was not Lord Orford
right in saying that the appropriation clause was an
expedient for compelling us to relinquish or reconquer
Ireland ? Rather than " relinquish," every man in
Britain will no doubt demand—" re-conquer." But,
gracious Providence, are we to endure the dominion of
these peddling slaves for the sake of entailing upon
ourselves the necessity of that re-conquest, which it
may cost the lives of half a million of deluded wretches
to complete ? It was no equivocal index of the whole-
, some spirit which animated the East Norfolk meeting,
that Mr. Postle, an honest yeoman of the county, in
returning thanks for the health of his own class of its
inhabitants, declared, " that however willing to reform
every abuse, he would never consent to abolish the
house of Lords, which the country felt to be one of
the strongest bulwarks of the Constitution." When
English yeomen, like Mr. Postle, deliver such senti-
ments, we would not give much for our House of
Lords " Reformers."—Tinzes.
We have before said, on more than one occasion, that
great injustice is done by many of the friends of Re-
form, in blaming the Melbourne Government where
no blame attaches to it. They complain that the
Noble Lord at the head of the Administration does
not pursue a sufficiently liberal course of policy, while
the fault, instead of resting with him, really and truly
rests with themselves. It is not to be denied—we
have at all times been the most forward to admit and
proclaim the fact—that the people of England are at
this moment most earnestly bent on great and manifold
Reforms ; but it is equally undeniable that Lord Mel-
bourne has not sufficient proof to refer to of the exist-
ence of this earnest and universal desire for a more
liberal system of policy. Is it not, then, unreasonable
on the part of the people, and an act of great injus-
:ice towards the Noble Lord at the head of the Go-
vereenent, to blame him for not bringing forward any
measure for a reconstruction, on a more popular basis,
of the Upper louse ? Supposing he were himself
quite satisfied, not only of the necessiie; of such a
measure, but that it was ardently desired by the
country—still it would be imprudent in the highest,
degree for him to submit to Parliament any mea-
sure for a Reform of the hereditary House, so long
as the people themselves have given no decided ex-
pression to their feelings and wishes on the subject.
Were the Noble Lord to propose, under these cir-
cumstances, any such measure, we all know how he
himself as well as his Peerage Reform plan would he
met. He would be taunted by the Tory Lords with
bringing forward a measure which nobody wished to
see carried into effect. He would be asked for his
proofs that the people desired any, even the slightest
change in the Constitution of the Upper House. He
would, indeed, be tauntingly told that the necessity
for any such change existed only in his own ima-
gination, or in the editorial columns of a few of then
journals which usually identify themselves with the
fortunes of his Government. The plain inference from
all this is, that if we expect or wish to see Lord Mel-
bourne bring forward those measures which are so im-
peratively called for by the necessities of the times, we
oust forthwith set about giving some tangible and une-
quivccal expression of our opinions in relation to the
particular measuiefs which we wish to see carried.
And this can only be done by holding public meetings
in every part of the kingoln) and giving expression
to our sentiments in strongly worded resolutions, fol-
titions to Parlia-
lowed up by respectful, but energetic
"aain passive
;ie
ment. So long as the people of England r:7
with regard to the perilous position in which the Los!
tions of the country are at present placed—so long 'MS.!'
Lord Melbourne continue bound hand and foot. Be
cannot, so long as we are inactive, move a step. There
never
was a greater mistake, than to suppose that
any Prime Minister should lead the people ; it is
enough that he
move in the same direction, even
though he
thely followeeunt
country
yt somein tthe
littleiiher a
ld distance.
To be in advanceslld of
ter of his policy—his being so privately is another
and very different matter--would be to make utter and
instant shipwreck of his Ministry, and to injure in a
very great degree those popular interests, to promote
which the people raised him to the councils of his So-
disposition on the part
of the
If : perce Noble Wlordte
oi
v
e
lod
yitaenrbehind in the popular
race ; if we saw that he was unwilling to follow
wherever the people should lead him,we would be
the first to withdraw our support from his Govern-
ment. But so far from there being any indication on

Lord Melbourne's part to shrink fret the duties
which the crisis demands, we see every proof that we
could wish, that he is reately and willing to do what-
ever the people shall desire him. All he asks, and
surely nothing could be mooas unreasonable and unjust
than to refuse that to him—all he asks is that the
country shall express its wants and desires in such
erns as will enable him to justify the measures he
nay bring forward in the Upper House. of Parliament.
—Morning Advertiser.
We hare at length not merely a tacit acknowledg-
ment, hut an open avowal, on the part of the Radicals,
made through one of the most consistent and influential
of their journals, not merely that Lord Melbourne's
Ministry has completely disappointed their expecta-
tions, and failed in all its promises, but that much more
valuable reforms, even in their eyes, would have been
derived from Sir Robert Peel's Government, had it
been permitted to remain in office. Though we were
not prepared for so candid and explicit an avowal as
this, we are not at all surprised at it, as it is obviously
founded in truths which those who run may recognize.
Such might he expected to be the natural and inevitable
result of the false position in which Lord Melbourne's
Administration placed itself when it found itself unable
to carry on the Government, but by means of the un-
holy alliance entered into at Lichfield House. From
the moment that the Government became Mr. O'Con-
nell's Government, and its measures of Reform were
either to emanate from him, or be subjected to his as-
sent or negative—from that moment it must have
been obvious to every man, not blinded by the most
slavish political bigotry, that no such measures
could be palatable to the country, and that the Con-
stitution had provided a check which would effectually
counteract them. That check has been found in the
House of Lords—in that branch of the Constitution
which was wisely designed by our ancestors to accom-
plish, among other duties, that which it has now so
nobly and effectually performed. The enemy, though
treacherously admitted into the outworks, has happily
not been permitted to take possession of the citadel, or
to dictate his terms of surrender to the garrison. Even
the very short period that Sir Robert Peel's Adminis-
tration was allowed to last, was yet sufficient to give
the country a foretaste of what its results would have
been : and, comparing what the country would have
received at his hands, with the absolute nothings of
the two Sessions of the O'Connell-Melbourne rule,
no wonder that even ultrasßeformers at length discover
and acknowledge that, even in their view of the matter,
something would have been better than nothing, espe-
eielly when, instead of any of those reforms which they
were promised by the Whigs, they witness in one
measure alone their boasted Poor Law—the most
grinding instance of oppression which ever the country
experienced at any hands. But while opposed by friends
and foes, with the experience of two Sessions of perfect
non-entity before his face, an increasing spirit of Con-
servatism throughout the country, and his foreign policy
the laughing-stock of Europe, Lord Melbourne him-
self talks of having nailed his colours to the mast, and
is determined on " no surrender," as long as his Lich-
field House majority in the Commons remain true to
him. While we admire courage, both in the abstract
and when judiciously brought into action, we cannot
consent to see it confounded with obstinacy or fool-
hardiness. The sailor, for instance, who literally nails
his colours to the mast, determining to sink with the
vessel rather than see her strike, is widely different, in
point of real courage, from the man who, with his
house on fire, is seen shouting from the window rather
than effecting his escape. The one is bravery, the
other bravado. What the country wants to see, is a
Government from which such measures of reform will
emanate as are consistent with the maintenance and
improvement of its established institutions in Church
and State. That such measures are not likely to ori-
ginate, indeed cannot originate, with a Government
bound hand and foot to an unnational dictation, two
lost years of inert legislation have amply proved.
Can it be that the country is doomed to witness a
third ? We hope not. We hope not—both for the
welfare of the community and for the credit of the Go-
vernment. If Lord Melbourne and his colleagues
had not the foresight to anticipate what must be the
result of the course they were pursuing, surely expe-
rience must by this time have told them, trumpet-
tongued, that persistance in it must be vain.—
Morning Herald.
When Sir Robert Peel undertook the Government,
in December, 1834, it is admitted that he did not con-
template the probability of having to contend in every
vital question against the united force of the late Mi-
nisterial party, and the ultra-Popish Radicals. No
two parties could be more violently opposed to each
other than these had been, especially in questions of
Irish policy ; and, on one side at least, the personal
abuse had been so gross and rancorous that a sudden
sacrifice not only of political principles but personal
antipathies, and a close union even upon those points
wherein the difference had been most marked, could
not be considered probable by an honest and high-
minded statesman. So cautious, so far-seeing, and so
experienced a politician as Sir Robert Peel, however,
did, we have no doubt, contemplate the possibility of
such a combination taking place, and beheld in
it the origin of a less immediate but no less
certain triumph of that sound, rational, and constitu-
tional cause of which he is, among the Commons of
Great Britain and Ireland, the leading supporter. He
saw that if such a strange and disgusting adhesion of pre-
viously contending parties took place at all it could only
be the corruption on the surface of each that would
form the blending material ; and he saw, moreover, that
this foul material, being thus placed in the centre,
would soon infect the mass, and render it an object of
unwieldy weakness as respected itself—of loathing
and abhorrence as respected the intelligent public.
That of which Sir Robert Peel did not contemplate
the probability took place at the opening of the Parlia-
mentary Session of 1835—that of which lie did eon-
template the possibility is taking place now, and its
completion is likely to mark the opening of the Session
of 1837. The perfidy and tergiversation—the mean-
ness and malice, which he could not believe probable
—were instantly displayed when they were found ne-
cessary to accomplish the immediate ends of a reckless
and irritated faction ; but there are consequences which
follow these things as certainly as seeds thrown
into the ground will produce fruit after their
kind, whether it be poisonous or nutritious. The
combination which defeated the Administration of
Sir Robert Peel in the House of Commons is
falling to pieces. The centre part is shockingly
and offensively corrupt, and the extremes on either side
which are still sound begin to perceive that they have
no business to he joined together, for their objects are
different. The Whigs desire to retain the present Con-.
stitution, popularized, as they consider it to have been,
by the Reform Act—they want no more " organic
changes." The Radicals desire it to be not only po-
pularized, but given into the hands of the populace—
they say there is no good in anything else but organic
changes. The Whig-Radicals, the miserably corrupt
centre, have no other view but that of holding the Go-
vernment ; and upon that condition would, if possible,
yield to the views of both extremes. But that is not
possible, and hence " the present state of affairs"—
hence the anger and the threatening on right and left
—hence the expostulating, and imploring, and wring-
ing of the hands on the part of the placed and paid
official centre. The right extreme, as we will take leave
to call the Whigs, being composed of gentlefolks,
their anxiety and resentment are not clamourous—the
canfee feel that
public are not entertained with their exhibition ; but
w
li'afthaenxetpiubyl.ie that the Ministers do not the
less
they
ilo l'drertment, nor the less cer-
tainly know that if t the banner of " organic
change" their right wine- would preStntly march into
the neutral ground, and leave them to the horrors of a
minority on the first important division. The clamours
of the left are, however, undisguised enough, and no
less palpable are the mean shifts of the niuisterialists
to keep them quiet. 44 'Where are the measures we
were promised e" bellow forth the angry Radicals.
You do nothing—absolutely nothing. Your own
places indeed you keep, and you make many profes-
sions ; but neither our principles nor ourselves seem
to be a whit nearer the mastery than when we joined
you. You tell us you cannot manage the House of
Lords, and that it is not your fault ; but we tell you
that it is your fault, for if you cannot manage the
House of Lords, nor overthrow the House of Lords,

you can manifestly do nothing, and you ought not
to have deceived us by pretending that you could
do a great deal. We must tell you that we prefer
the. Tories to you, for they can manage the house
of Lords, though they will not put it down." So
shout, with angry voice, the Ultra-Radicals. If
any one thinks we exaggerate, let him read the
Spectator. The Ministerialists, in a tone between
wheedling and whining, reply, that they are exceed-
ingly anxious to do everything that their excellent
friends the Radicals require, but they do hope that
their excellent friends will have a little patience—that
the people are not yet " ripe" for these things—that
there is none of that cheering popular excitement, and
consolatary " agitation," which an enlightened Go-
vernment requires as a support to its grearmeasures of
improvement ; that, in short, this is not the time, and
they hope their excellent friends will be so kind as to
wait, and not, by precipitation, to embarrass a Govern-
ment which is so anxious to serve them, if it could
If any one asks our authority for this manly mode of
replying to the remonstrances of the ultra-Radicals, we
take leave to refer him to the columns of the Globe
passim. Is it likely that the Radicals, who boast them-
selves to be a sturdy, straight-forward, English-hearted
set of men—is it likely, we say, that they, having
once spoken out, will be lulled into submissive acqui-
escence by such place-begotten trash as this ? We
think better of them than to indulge in the supposi-
tion that they will. We beg leave to assure them that
all the world has perceived for some time how very
scurvily they have been used, and how they have made
it public that they are themselves sensible of this
usage ; what will the world think of them, if, seeing
that they are sensible of it, it also sees that they tamely
submit to it ? We detest the principles of the Radi-
cals, but there can be no question that they have
among them very respectable talents. As for the
Whig-Radicals, who so very civilly desire to keep
them back, and to make use of their votes, they are
equally destitute of talents and of principles. vlere
meanness, that will do anything to get into place, en-
dure anything to retain it, and ask for anything that
they think will keep them in it, we do not consider ta-
lent. The Radicals owe it to themselves—to their cha-
racter as men with a definite object in public affairs—
and to their cause, which, though unsuccessful, need
not appear contemptible, to strike out for themselves,
and for ever abandon the corrupt contamination of
the present Ministerialists. It may be objected that
this observation of ours is not disinterested—that if
the Radicals separated from the Ministerialists the
Conservatives would, in the order of direct consequence,
become the strongest party in the State—arid that
what we urge is suggested merely by desire for our
own party advantage. That we deny. We admit,
indeed, that advantage to the Conservatives as a party
would arise from a breaking-up of the coalition which,
during two Sessions of Parliament, has enabled the
present Ministry to drag on a feeble and disgraceful
existence ; but that would be only an incident apper-
taining to the great national triumph of honesty and
fairness over duplicity and fraud. The Conservative
party, and the Conservative cause, would indeed be
advanced ; but the advancement would be, as it ought
to be, a political corollary, arising out of the great ar-
gument which had established principles of sincerity
and justice in the conduct of public affairs, or had, at
all events, overthrown their opposites.—Morning Post.

AGRICULTURAL REPORT FOR

OCTOBER.

The harvest scarcely ever yet concluded in the most
northern parts of the kingdom, has been protracted by the
unusual falls of rain. It has, however, on the whole, been
got up better than had been at one time hoped. The effect
upon the market has been to rally, or rather confirm, prices
which had slightly receded at the close of the last and the
commencement of the present month. They may, how-
ever, almost be called weather markets, for the factor's re-
ports all begin by allusions to the weather. This year
will try the question of domestic supply and domestic de-
mand, and, so far as so variable a matter can be reduced
to certainty, will set it at rest. Farmers are in better
heart, and therefore will not fly to the market as they did
under the panic of last year. From this, rather than any
natural cause, we conceive the prices will be higher gene-
rally, though not high, unless the supply turn out to be in-
adequate—a result we cannot bring ourselves to anticipate.
Nothing can have been more favourable for the wheat sow-
ing, upon the lighter lands than the alternate rain and sun-
shine. We have even seen some wheat showing its long lines
of beautifully green spires above the dark ridges, in the
most promising ;manner. The heavy clays must, however,
have had too much of a good thing in the continual falls,
but all is activity. The turni:ls have in many instances
suffered under a new visitation from the black canker. We
have seen many fields where the leaves of the finest plants
have been perforated by thousands of holes ; and we think
the crop will, from this cause, be shortened a full third in dis-
tricts where the canker has prevailed. The prices of stock
(of lean especially,) have been somewhat checked and reduced
by this calamity, but upon the whole, perhaps, the sales were
nearly equal to the usual average. In truth, nothing but
some very striking and universally operating cause can
greatly affect either the quantity of stock necessary to the
agriculture of the country or the prices. This year certainly
looks better, in every respect, than the last, when people
talked themselves into more than common irritation by the
perpetual iteration of the cry of distress.

SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE.

VESSELS ENTERED INWARDS AT THE CUS

TOM-HOUSE, OCT. 31.
The Kent, Tune, from Boulogne; Harlequin, Middleton,
Boulogne; Giraffe, Major, Rotterdam; Columbine, Stran-
nack, Hamburgh; Active, Dart, Oporto ; Violet, Murray,
Dantzic ; Useful, Kay, St. Petersburgh ; Charlotte, Daniels,
Calais; Julius, Michaels, Stettin ; Concord, Rukinson, St.
Petersburgh ; Green End, Gales, Guernsey; Brothers, Ma-
thieson, St. Petersburgh ; Ann Gales, Clappison, St. Peters.
burgh ; Rio, Richards, Honduras; Jane Sheriff, Manson,
Honduras; Matilda, Catley, Oporto ; Ellen, Usher, Quebec ;
Hurling, Annaud, Rio; Emma, Maine, Palermo; Dart,
Sacken, Guernsey; Briton, Fremage, Malaga; Eliza, Donne,
Guernsey ; John, Symonds, Jersey.
ENTERED OUTWARDS FOR LOADING, OCT 31.
The Dawson, Dawson, for Hobart Town; Manchester,
Nl`Leod, Cadiz; Charlotte, Demault, Calais; Olympus,
Cowlo, Calcutta; Giraffe, Burns, New South Wales; Anno,
Scales, Caxli; Calpe, King, Cadiz.
CLEARED OUTWARDS WITH CARGO, OCT. 31.
The Charlotte, Wills, for Calais ; Affleck, Ford, Trinidad ;
Calypso, Wilkinson. Jamaica.
CLEARED OUTWARDS IN BALLAST, OCT. 31.
The illiam Miles, Hindley, for Fernando Po ; Ilamburgh,
Blow, Gottenburgh ; Medemblick, Gray, Medemblick ; Dier
Julie, Gaymer, Dunkirk; Wortzennan, Norman, Baltic.

ARRIVALS AT LIVERPOOL, OCT. 30.
The Columbus, from New York, sailed Oct. 1; Lady Nor
man, Teasdall, Anega.

SAILED.
The Dampier, Newland, for Antigua ; San Pablo, Ha-
vannah ; Killogrew, Naye, Seville ; Cornubia, Bell, Charles-
ton ; Perseverance, Adams, Cadiz ; Nearco, Ferraro, Genoa ;
Fairy Queen, Welch, Syria ; Ventura, Antonia, Vienna; the
Glorat, Thorns, Brazils; Aberfoil, Dowling, Demerara;
Dale, Burton, Maranham ; Frederica, Ostend ; Cestrians,
Kelloek, Bombay; Superb, Cook, Jamaica; Henry, Allen,
Leghorn ; Swift, St. Übe's ; Hutchinson, Robinson, Trini-
dad ; Hannah, Clayton, La Guayra ; Hormosa, Mitchell, New
Orleans ; Mary, Johnson, Sierra Leone ; Briton, Neale, Rio
Janeiro ; Puella, Hardy, Gibraltar ; Minerva, Bombay ; Oro-
zembo, Bartlett, Baltimore ; Camoens, Barns, Oporto ; Celia,
Black, Charleston ; Devonia, Long, Havre ; Helen, Naples ;
Gesina, Postman, Rotterdam ; Margaret, Still, Sierra Leone ;
Unicorn, Redman, New York ; Fergus, Cornforth, Apala-
chicola.

To-morrow, being the first day of Michaelmas Term,
the Gentlemen of the Bar, who will breakfast with the
Lord Chancellor, will go in procession with his Lordship to
estminster Hall, where the Courts of Law will be opened
with the usual ceremonies. _

A young lady of Bath who sent the beautiful little
picture, " The Gipsies of Valencia," to the Manchester
Exhibition, to which she attached forty guineas as the price,
had that sum remitted to her on Saturday. The lady is
scarcely 20 years of age, and has but lately devoted herself
to the study of oil-painting.
POWER OF PREHENSILE TAILS.—About three
months since an opossum' (of about the size of a small
rabbit) escaped from its confinement at the Zoological
Gardens, and the poor creature was supposed to have crept
into some hole, and there to have died ; but within these
fe,,Y (14y$ it 1)45 been brought to the institution in Park-
street,.having only 4 fpw lipqr% previously paid the debt of
nature. In search of food, ip appears, he disoeyored 4 tub
containing a small quantity of pig's wash ; cunning enough
to know the Pld *verb, ,‘ nothing venture nothing have;"
and moreover desirous of tasting the savoury medley, he
secured himself by means of his prehensile tad at the top,
and lowered his head and body into the tub. Having
freely partaken of the good things there, he attempted to
ascend, but so slippery were the sides of the tub that he
could not effect his purpose, and in this position, secured by
his tail, and with his head downwards, was lie found dead,
literally hanged by his own tail.--Felix Fa:. ley's Bristol
Journal,