The Sun.
London, England, 1836-03-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 17, 1836.

BUNGAY CHURCH RATES.

A vestry meeting of the parish of Bungay, St. Mary, was
held yesterday (Tuesday), pursuant to the notice of the
Churchwardens, to settle what course should be taken with
reference to the amount of Church Rate then in arrear.
The Rev. R. Coss, Deputy Perpetual Curate, in the
Chair.
Mr. S. SCOTT, Churchwarden, stated that the present meet-
ing was called to consider the question proposed in the no-
tice, because there was reason 'to believe a change was
about to be made by Parliament in the laws relating to
Church Rates ; and the Churchwardens desired to know
whether the vestry would not prefer to have measures for
recovery postponed, tietil they saw what alteration the Par-
liament might make. If the Churchwardens had proposed
such delay before, it would have been premature, and they
would not have been justified in doing so, nor did they re-
quire it, while the law continued without a strong probabi-
lity of alteration. - The number of defaulters was—of those
who refused payment, 24, and of those who declined from
alleged inability, 34. The latter number was greater than
it would otherwise have been, from the circumstance that
several cottage assessments were, for the first time, included.
Mr. WEBSTER asked how it happened that a rate due
from Mr. Robert Childs, for the year 1834, had never been
collected, as there was no doubt of that Gentleman's abi-
lity to pay ? This is the same rate for which Mr. John
Childs was imprisoned.
Mr. SCOTT replied, that Mr. R. Childs having postponed
payment until the proceedings against his brother were
closed, the Churchwardens had deferred a second applica-
tion until that period, and when made (at Midsummer,
1835), he had again refused.
Mr. C. CHILDS observed, that Mr. R. Childs having
twice refused was no reason why he should be excused, or
why means for recovery should be deferred for a twelve-
month subsequently. The obligation of the " Oath of
Office," which the Churchwardens had pleaded as their
reason for proceeding against Mr. John Childs, was equally
binding in the case of his brother.
Mr. SCOTT—We deferred proceeding for the rate of
1834, because another would soon be due, and the same
proceedings would include both.
Mr. C. CHILDS reminded him that in Midsummer, 1835,
when Mr. R. Childs refused payment, no.new rate had been
laid, and of course none was due.
. Mr. SCOTT—No ; but it was intended to make one.
Mr. W. Coca—You can't complain on both sides, of
the churchwardens, for proceeding against Mr. J. Childs,
and not against Mr. R. Childs. You can't say it is hard
on both sides to enforce the rate. from one, and excuse
another.

Mr. C. CHILDS observed that he did not intend to offer
any remarks on the Churchwarden's proposal of delaying
measures for recovery, nor to take part in its adoption or
rejection ; but he would observe, that at the Easter Meet-
ing last year there was so strong a probability of immediate
legislative change, that Mr. Archdeacon Glover had ex-
pressed his unequivocal conviction that no new rate would
be required ; and when the present rate was made, the
same probability was urged to induce the Churchwardens
and vestry not to pass it ; but they disregarded it then.
Mr. SCOTT said the probability was much greater now
than then.

Mr. MORRIS said it was certain wlien the rate was made
that Parliament would soon change the law ; but they now
pleaded that fact to give a colour for discontinuing measures
which they were sick of, and as an excuse for the present
cowardly proposition.
Mr. P. WALKER thought it would justify dissatisfaction
if the defaulters were excused.
Mr. B. SAYER—The arrears ought- to be settled up—
that's the most simple plan—l would enforce them all.
The CHAIRMAN then put the former part of the propo-
sition, whether proceedings should now be taken. For the
affirmative several hands were held up, and as the Chairman
began to count the respective numbers, several Dissenters
and others, who intended to take no part in the vote,
withdrew. The Chairman was proceeding to put the
second part, whether proceedings should be delayed until
the subject had been considered in Parliament, when he
was asked whether the former Itiestion had been carried or
not, and he said he was about putting the first negatively
by putting the second. And after sonic conversation on the
propriety of disposing of one proposition at a time, the
first question was again put, when there appeared, for
taking proceedings forthwith—all present,' who voted ; and
against it—none.
The list of defaulters was then gone through, seriatim,
and after striking out the names of a few who were sup-
posed unable to pay, forty-one inhabitants remained.
Mr. SCOTT, before the Churchwardens took proceedings,
begged to ask whether there were any person present so
much a friend to the voluntary principle, as to offer to
guarantee to them the amount in arrear.
Mr. DAUBY (who had retired during the vote) said that
as a liberal churchman he would undertake to do so, if any
other person would join him. He was a young trades-
Man, but should be glad to subscribe, himself, and to en-
deavour to collect the remainder, for the sake of preventing
such disturbance of the peace.of the town.
Mr. Was. DYBALL, addressing Dawby—You'll never
raise the sum,.l can assure you—you have got the wrong

customors.
Mr. W. COCK advised the Dissenters to subscribe and
raise the sum in arrears.
Mr. WEBSTER replied, that the sum was in arrear, ex-
actly because the Dissenters refused to pay. When the
vestry made the rate, they refused- the offer of the Dis-
senters voluntarily to subscribe twice the amount, and it
was folly now to ask them to subscribe for the payment
of their own arrears.
Mr. Scort., addressing Earl the constable, desired him
to call and demand the rate from all the defaulters, and
to deliver the list of such as refused to Mr. Elswood, a
professional man, with instructions to proceed for the re-
covery of the respective sums.

COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL.

GRAND JUNCTION RAILWAY.
This Court was specially called yesterday to receive the
Report of the City Lands' Committee on the London
Grand Junction Railway.
Deputy GIBBS presented the Report, which was as fol-
lows :—" We whose names are hereunto subscribed, your
Committee for letting the City Lands, in the account of the
Chamberlain of London, to whom it was referred to watch
the proceedings in Parliament in relation to the Grand
Junction Railway, which is proposed to commence near the
Regent's Canal, in the parish of St. Pancras, and extend
through Clerkenwell and Hatton-garden to Skinner-street,
do certify that we referred the same to a Special Com-
mittee, who have been attended by Sir Samuel Whalley
and other persons on behalf of the Company for making
the said Railway, and heard them thereon, when the
Special Committee suggested that :the same should not
extend towards the City beyond Hatton-garden, or the
City boundary beyond Sharp's-alley, it appearing to them
that Hatton-garden would afford a convenient access
to the leading thoroughfares of the City, and accomplish
the main object of the Bill, and at the same time
effect a very considerable saving to the Company, by
obviating the purchase of the most valuable property
within the proposed line ; but the parties objected thereto,
and contended that nothing short of the entire line would
answer the purpose desired. The special committee having
fully considered the subject, and being desirous of giving
effect to the resolution of this Honourable Court of the Ist
day of March instant, to prevent any railway extending
into the City, were of opinion that the said Bill should be
opposed by the Corporation, and, for which purpose, a pe-
tition should be presented to the Honourable the House of
Commons against the same, and a draft of a petition having,
under the direction of the said special committee been pro-
posed, they had approved thereof, and recommended the
same to be presented accordingly. A copy thereof is hereto
annexed, and we, agreeing with the said special committee,
submit the same to the judgment of this Honourable Court."
Deputy GIBBS moved that the report should be agreed to.
Upon the motion of I\l.r. GALLOWAY, petitions in favour
of the railroads were read.
Mr. CASH (one of the petitioners) addressed the Court
in support of the claims of the petitioners, and explained
the objects'of the company.
After some discussion it was finally resolved, " that the
Court doth agree with the committee in their said retort,
but that the petition be not acted upon, provided the rail-
way company consent to confine the terminus of the road
to such a distance northward of Holborn-bridge, or of
Snow-hill, as shall be approved of by the Committee, and
also that the objectionable clauses in the Bill be altered."
The report was then referred back to the committee to
prosecute the petition as they shall be advised, subject to
the resolution agreed to, and the Court immediately after-
wards adjourned.

The property of Mr. Mathews, the late celebrated
comedian, is to be disposed of amongst his friends and the
public next week. Friday and Saturday are set apart for the
public to see them. His old friend, George Robins, presides
on the occasion.

There is at present, in Jedburgh, a French water
dog of uncommon sagacity ; but it is not remarkable for its
sagacity alone,—for instead of its skin being covered with
hair, it has a fleece of wool, considered by the best judges to
be equal to Merino. 'The proprietor, within the last two
years, has made the fleeces into a vest, a pair of trousers, and
two pair of gaiters. 'll4 wool is of a beautiful fawn colour.
—Scotsman.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer made a statement
to the House on Tuesday night, which was heard with
the most profound attention, • and will, no doubt, be
cordially received by the public at large. The Right
Honourable Gentleman announced the intention of
Government to set about the arduous task of conso-
lidating the multitudinous and incongruous collection
of the Stamp Acts into one systematic code, effecting,
at the same time, great reductions in some important
items, and substituting the equitable principle of an
ad valorem duty for the present system, which presses
unequally, and that to no small extent, upon the less
wealthy classes of the community. We refer our
readers to our report of Mr. Rice's speech for the
details of the many beneficial alterations contemplated
by the Government with respect to the stamp duties
upon conveyances, leases, probate of wills, indentures
of apprenticeship, bills of exchange, and all the various
objects liable to this, tax. The changes proposed
will in every case be found as favourable to the
public as they are just in themselves. But perhaps
the most important announcement made by the Right
Honourable Gentleman, and which will be regarded
with 'the deepest interest by the people generally, was
that respecting the reduction contemplated on the
stamp duty on newspapers. The reduction of this tax
to one penny, allowing newspapers to circulate as now,
free of postage, is the mode proposed by Government
to meet the wishes of the people upon this important
subject. It is clear that were the tax entirely re-
pealed, a postage must be substituted, which would
then press unequally upon the country districts, which
would become either isolated from the metropolis or
compelled to pay a higher price for political informa-
tion than those who can both better afford it and stand
less in need of it, thus barring up the avenues against
the progress of that very political knowledge which it
is the object of the Liberal party to extend and dif-
fuse. The discussion on the subject was postponed,
by agreement, till the financial statement of the year
shall be laid before the public, when it was intimated
that the sense of the House would be taken upon the
question of the reduction or total abolition of this duty.
—Morning Chronicle.
The spirit of faction which infuses itself more or
less noxiously into every public institution in Ireland,
is not excluded from the retreats of science and of
learning. The liberal arts are there studied under
the most illiberal auspices. The University which
gives the tone to the learned Commonwealth, is a
grand Orange Lodge, of which neither its Grand
Chancellor the Duke of Cumberland, nor its represen-
tative, Mr. Shaw, heed to be ashamed ; and the Royal
Dublin Society, which has not the name nor the pre-
tence of a theological seminary to give a colour to its
sectarian likings and aversions, is nearly as bad. This
latter
.society was founded for the promotion of agri-
culture and other useful arts ; and as long as it at-
tended singly to those praiseworthy objects, feeble and
inefficient as were its efforts, the aid and countenance
of Parliament were freely given to it. An annual
grant of 5,3001., has been customarily voted to this
Society in the Irish Estimates ; which, together with
the accumulations of former years, and the admis-
sion fees and annual subscriptions of Members,
rendered it one of the most opulent Societies of the
kind in the United Kingdom. The fine income
of the institution, and the advantages arising from its
charter, and the co-operation and countenance of the
Government, might have rendered it a channel
of great national benefit and improvement. The
good, however, which it has actually done is scarcely
worth mentioning. Two or three professorships have
been well endowed ; and occasionally a good course of
lectures has been delivered in its splendid halls.
There is also a museum and a library, neither of them
of very high repute ; and latterly an annual exhibition
of manufactures and inventions has taken place, under

the protection of the Society, which seems calculated
to stimulate the native energies and talents of the Irish
people, and direct public attention usefully to the in-
dependent resources of the country. But " Jeshurun
waxed fat and kicked." The gentlemen who took a
leading part in the management of the Royal Dublin
Society, seeing that they had a fine, palace, with spa-
cious apartments at their command, and that it was a
pleasant place to meet and discuss physics, mechanics,
georgics, and all kinds of knowledge, bethought
them 'of crowning their scientific investigations by add-
ing the study of politics to their other labours. Ac-
cordingly an excellent news-room—till then a deside-
ratum at that end of the town—was added to their
apartments ; and the whole learned cohort might be
seen of a morning trooping down Kildare-street, to
exercise themselves, after the manner of the fashion-
able idlers of Athens—
Inter sylvas Academi qumrere

novum.
The second edition of The Sun was a more attractive
object than all the Quarterly Journals in the universe,
and every science was forgotten in the discussion of
that branch of pneumatics which was connected with
the due arrival of the Holyhead packet. These novel
pursuits of literature came to the ears of the then Se-
cretary for Ireland, Lord Francis L. Gower (now
Egerton), who, not thinking it becoming
.to see any
part of the Parliamentary grant expended in purchas-
jAniger a1.:341(1r
the
ee
adjacent
et t gentlemen
parts whoof inhabitedole to
w n,
wrote to the Society, remonstrating against such
nw.srLerres,
to
i
a perversion of a public benefaction. His Lordship's
letter was attended to. The subscribers agreed
make a private collection among themselves for the n-
dulgence of their itching ears, and to leave the funds
of the Society wholly applicable to the national ob-
jects they were designed to serve. For one whole
year they continued to take in the news at their own
expense, and having thus charmed the eye of the Go-
vernment, they went back quietly into the old track,
and ordered their papers as before at the expense of
the country. From that time to the present, the Bri-
tish. Parliament has been in the habit of voting an an-
imal sum to furnish the newsroom of the Dublin Royal
Society. The Dublin Society soon degenerated into
a mere newspaper club ; and its affairs having fallen
into the bands of a clique, nine-tenths of the individuals
composing it being much better skilled in electioneering
inrrigues than they were either qualified or disposed
to open their minds to the liberalizing light and in-
fluence of scientific knowledge, the admission of
members ceased to be regulated by fair and honour-
able principles ; and the ballot-box became, in the
last resort, a convenient instrument for keeping, not
the council or the associates of the Society, but
the
select.A system
company whichof
exclusion,
x resortedel
u si tno,
o then
a cnceown' news-room, o
r oofmt,h quite
uite
e
po-
litical opinions of the candidates, has been for a con-
siderable
workedareso famous.witli that sleight foarvowihdeiedh
thethe
Irish tacticians
odium and public outcry which would have resulted
from frequent rejections. The introduction of new
members, unless they were ascertained to be " of the
right sort," was discouraged in every possible way. It
was soon felt and understood by gentlemen not of the
.clique, that they had no business there. Irish pride is
easily alarmed.. The bare apprehension of a repulse
was sufficient to deter several who would have liked to
gain admission from exposing themselves to the dis-
grace ; and thus the Exclusives were left a great
measure undisputed and chuckling' masters Qf the
sumptuous palace of the Fitzgeralds, and its news-
room. But in an evil hour, somebody proposed the
Roman Catholic Archbishop of Dublin as a candidate,
and the Society blackbeaned him. One of its rules is,
that a third of the members present may reject ; and there-
fore, although Dr. Murray had a majority of votes, he was
excluded. A more unwise thing in its generation the
tSoecisettaytincooulwdhni
eoiti donellileavheoids D:
r.for,
Murray
at without
is
t considering
h
universally
esteemed for his personal qualities. Benevolent,,
prudent, moderate, learned, and eloquent, he has been
many years before the public, in a most trying
and
arduous situation, and never yet forfeited the respect
even of the Protestant community. Why such a
man should be repelled from the doors of a Society
professing to be devoted to the improvement of Ire-
land, is a question which not one of its members has
yet answered. Some one, indeed, has whispered that
" Doctor Dens' Theology" was -the cause ; but it ap-
pears more like an emanation from Doctor O'Sulli-
van s Theology than any thing else. Some of our
readers may think this is a distinction without a dif-
ference. At the time, however, when that vast display

of vigour was resolved upon, the angel Mortimer was
abroad upon his mission, pouring out his vial upon
the seat of the beast ; and flourishing accounts were
daily arriving of the tottering state of the Whig Go-
vernment, under the scorching heat of his trumpet-
blast. The borough elections had not then taken
place ; and the insult offered to Dr. Murray was what
Chief Baron Joy might term " only a little antici-
pation." Whatever may have been the cause, the
effect is for the public. The attention of . the country
has been drawn to the constitution and management of
the Royal Dublin Society; and we expect that it will
not be diverted, until some efficient means are adopted,
with the sanction of Parliament, to place the Institu-
tion on a foundation more congenial to the objects and

pursuits which are proper to it, and should wholly
engage it. The Irish Government has made over-
tures to the Society to mend itself ; but the sugges-
tions of the Lord Lieutenant have been loftily and

di'sdainf'ully rejected by the Club in the News-room.
They seem to think that their charter places them
above every species of restraint, and that they can
still retain, in spite of the people, what is public pro-
perty, and manage it at the discretion of a faction.
We trust that the Parliament will undeceive them on
that point, and make them understand that a public
trust, however sustained or enriched by private contri-

butions, is still a public property, and subject to popu-
lar control. We have not left ourselves room to ad-.

vert particularly to the correspondence of the Society
with the Irish` Government. But we shall resume the

subject. In the meantime we ask John Bull (we do
not mean the Newspaper so miscalled) what he thinks
of a public vote for the purpose of supplying an ex-
clusive knot of Dublin Tories with the 'Journals of

the day ?—Morning Chronicle.
Most of those individuals belonging to the Orange
Lodges in Ireland who possess any claim to the cha-
racter of respectability, seem disposed to yield to the

unanimous deelaiation of the House of Commons and

the wish of the King for the suppression of such So-
cieties. Many Lodges have been dissolved, and others
are in a fair way to that happy repose which only the
enemies of mankind.would seek to disturb. It, is the

wisest course they could adopt ; but we are willing to
allow to a more generous motive than cold prudence its
due share in producing this determination. The Earl
of Enniskillen is using his great influence in the North
of Ireland to induce the Orangemen to submit ; and,
we understand, that a general meeting is about to be
held in Fermanagh, ,of, which-county he is the Lieute-
nant, for the purpose of recommending acquiescence to the
will of the Sovereign, and inculcating peace and orderly
conduct. Lord Cole also, the Earl of Enniskillen's

son, has exerted himself with great effect to reconcile
his friends and constituents to the necessity of laying
aside their factious emblems and observances, and con-

ducting themselves henceforth as becomes loyal men
and good citizens. He took occasion, previous to the
Assizes, to assemble the leaders of the party at Flo-
rence court, and exact from them a
_solemn promise,

which they readily gave, to obey the spirit of the
King's Message to the House of Commons. In the
county of Antrim, which is reckoned the most
Orange district after Fermanagh, the lodges have
almost unanimously agreed to disperse. "If these
shows be not outward, they promise cheerily for the
peace and well-being of Ireland. But whether they
be genuine or not, they are proofs that the Govern-
ment is strong, and its measures well taken and
effective. We trust and hope most sincerely that
they may be received as indications of growing good
sense and moderation• in that class of Irish society

upon whose conduct and example the happiness
and civilisation of their country so much depend.
There arc yet some crazy and vulgar fools who
affect to die hard, and want to make a name for

themselves by setting decency and common sense
at defiance. The Rev. Sir Harcourt Lees is at the

head of these people. Though sunk to the chin in
the Slough of Despond, he hiccups his " nil despe-
randum ' with a heroism and philosophy not exceeded
by Sir Hudibras in the stocks ; and as there is no
person so low in the social scale but that he can find
others to imitate him, Sir Harcourt has disciples who
even better his instructions. It shames us to relate
an occurrence which a sense of duty to the public will.
not permit us to suppress. On the 7th instant the
Orange Lodge of Banagher, in the King's county,
held a nightly meeting, for the purpose of deliberating
on the state of the party and the exigencies of the
times. There was much singing and carousing, which
caused the sitting to be protracted an hour beyond
midnight, when the lodge seperated, having first
declared against a dissolution. On their way
home, at that hour of the night, through
the town, which is chiefly inhabited by Ca-
tholics, a person who seemed to be the grand
master of the revels stopped on the highway, and with
a stentorian voice proclaimed that toast which has
caused so much rancour and unhappiness—" The
glorious, pious, and immortal memory of King William
the Third !" And who was this person ?—A Pro-
testant clergyman, the Rev. Mr. Hanagan! We
should like to know who is the Bishop, of Banagher ?
It is not long since Mr. Burdett, son of the Protestant
incumbent of the town, headed a similar nocturnal mob

through its streets, alarming and insulting its peacefti
inhabitants. Is it an allowed practice for the sons o:

the prophets thus to propagate the faith in that town ?
And if it be, again we ask, who is the Bishop of Ba-
nagher ? Mr. O'Connell has a favourite proverb
very derogatory to the piety of that place, which, for
its coarseness, we do not much admire ; but pranks
such as we now feel ourselves bound to notice seem to
give it a certain propriety :—" Banagher," he says
" beats the Devil." We should rejoice to hear of its
clergy beating him too ; but not as some of them now
would seem to do—with his own weapons.—Morning
Chronicle.

The proceedings in the House of Commons on
Tuesday, relative to the Stamp Acts and the duties
they impose, demand some notice, though they were
professedly preliminary, and' may lead to nothing.
We remarked yesterday upon the juggling between
Mr. Wakley and Mr. Rice in the manner of bringing
forward the question., which enabled Mr. Rice to take
a first benefit, though he contemplates a second in
April, the month to which the Whigs so appropriately
removed the commencement of their financial year.
We need say hardly anything about the gross incon-
sistency, and we shall certainly not take the unneces-
sary trouble of exposing the thimble-riggery, of Mr.
Rice on Tuesday. The last is, we are sorry to say, but
too evident ; and the first was admirably held up to ri-
dicule and censure, not to say contempt, by Sir It. Peel,
who exhibited our precious Chancellor of the Exchequer
in the two distinct and contradictory characters of a
Minister (I) fuming and fretting like a puddle in a
storm at Mr. Divett, for proposing a reduction in the
spirit licenses before his Excellency Dot-and-Carry/
One had brought forward his budget ; and the same
Minister only a few night afterwards whipping
the small beer of his oratory into an apolify for a
froth, out of which evaporated a penny stamp on news-
papers—a process, by the way, which we undertand
Mr. Rice's fellow-countrymen, the Irish members,
with whom " bag" is the short for " budget," de-
scribe as " letting the cat out of the bag before it
was opened." As to Mr. Rice's schedules which
regulate the amount of duties, we should wish to see
them entire before we pronounce any opinion upon
them. He appears •not to have had any very clear
notion of them himself, and Mr. Ord, who helped him
in the work, would seem to be still more at fault. We
shall be very much surprised if two gentlemen, so ex-
cellently fitted as Mr. Ord and Mr. Rice are to make
a mess of anything they undertake, have produced
aught but a hotch-potch here. As the Ord and Rice
consolidation of the 150 Stamp Acts into one Act
of 330 sections—as long and as pompous perhaps .as
one of Mr. Rice's own speeches, without being a whit
more intelligible—we pray all rational men to compare
this scheme with Mr. Goulburn's. Mr. Goalburn ex-
plained, that by his plan, propounded so long ago as 1830,
for consolidating the Stamp Acts, those statutes were to
have-been dividedinto a number of separate acts. " It was
my intention," said Mr. Goulburn, " to have brought
in one general law applicable to all descriptions
.of
stamps, and to have followed it up with 10 particular
statutes, each applying to a particular description of
stamps. The first would have related to the stamp
duties on deeds and law proceedings in England ,
the second, to the stamp duties on bills of exchange

and on promissory notes ; the third, to the stamp
duties on probates of wills and on letters of admi-'
nistration ; the fourth, to the stamp duties on news-di-
papers ; the fifth, to the stamp duties on cards and
dice ; the sixth, to the stamp duties on gold and silver
plate ; the seventh, to the stamp duties on hawkers'
and pedlars' licenses ; the eighth, to the stamp duties
on stage-coaches and post horses ; the ninth, to the
stamp duties on the proceedings in ' the courts of
law and equity in Ireland ; and the tenth, to the
stamp duties on game certificates." Now, it strikes
us that this was proceeding not only like a man
of system and of sense, but withal like a mer-
ciful man. The reference to the law under each
particular head would have been easy, and a man whose
business rendered it necessary for him to know what
should be the stamp on a promissory note of a certain
amount would not have been compelled, before he could
acquire that knowledge, to pay for a bulky and expen-
sive volume, containing the law relative to duties on
post horses, game certificates, coaches, pedlars' li-

censes, law proceedings, &c., &c. This tax, however,
will be imposed upon the public by the Dromio Jus-
tinicus of the Melbourne Cabinet, we suppose for the
purpose of assisting in the diffusion of useful know-
ledge. And this in the teeth of taking off the tax on
newspapers, which is done professedly for the same
end ! Now, suppose any one had proposed for law that
no man should buy a newspaper without purchasing
with it, and at the same time, " The Whole Duty of
Man," or any other cumbrous but orthodox book ? he
would have been laughed at, of course. Granted ;

but how came the niemberS of the House of Commons

to keep their countenances when Mr. Rice propounded
a measure which enacts, that if a poor country shop-
keeper be desirous of eking out a slender livelihood by
selling stamps for promissory notes, and being for that
purpose compelled to make himself acquainted with the
scale of duties relative thereto, he shall be taxed with

the purchase of the whole duty of horses, pedlars,
lawyers, &c. 2 Oh ! this Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, now that he has got a Jack Rugby in Mr. Ord,
promises precious fun. We anticipate a great treat
from the budget. A word or two respecting the farce
that was played apropos to the stamps on newspapers.
It commented with the presentation. of petitions pray-
ing for the repeal of those duties, and for which peti-
tions Mr. Rice was so innocent as to express vast "re- ,
spect. Can it be possible that Mr. Rice is ignorant
of the not only not concealed, but notorious, because
a thousand times published, fact, that these petitions
are got up by a society in London, of which ex-tailor _
Place and ex-Chancellor Brougham are the main-
springs ? Does he not know that this society
have a common form of petition on this sub-
ject—that they send a copy into every hole and cor-
ner, and humbug the people by telling them that if
they sign it, they will get a relief from taxation?
Respect such petitions ! Why, we shall next have
Mr. Rice taking off his hat to Punch in innocence
that the puppet is made of wood, and believing that
it is really Punch that talks, not the showman. Let
us observe, in passing, that we can no more under-
stand why Mr. ex-tailor Place should be so anxious
upon this subject, than we can comprehend why ex-
Chancellor Brougham should take such a colleague to
his arms. Supposing the tax to be, as the senseless
simpletons who cry out against it, stupidly say it-is--
" a tax on knowledge"—still it is not a tax on that
sort of knowledge which Mr. Place is most famous for
diffusing—namely, knowledge of that disgraceful and
demoralizing philosophy of which he is the emeritus
professor, and which, as we dare not describe it in
English, we must be allowed to designate as concubi-
tus sine Lucina.—Times.

It is the present disgrace of Ministers—and if their
names reach posterity it will be their future reproach
and shame—that they have prostituted to party or
factious purposes many of the noblest opportunities
which have been within their reach of b
establishina sub-

stantial improvements. In England or in Ireland, at
home or abroad, we find the hopes which might justly
have been entertained from the policy of a really liberal
Ministry grievousYy disappointed. We will not say
that the disappointment is uniform. We admit that
some acts of the Administration deserve our praise ;
but they have been " few, and far between," and bear
but a small proportion to those measures which, seeming
to be for the public good, have proved .eventually to be
but for the promotion of party views. This is the de-
lusion of which we complain—that instead of abuses
being removed, as the public had a right to expect from
an Administration professing liberality, we find that
the alterations which take place have only the effect of
tranferring the party advantages of such abuses froth
one set of men to another. Whoever succeeds, justice
and the public weal is still the loser.

Quicquid delirant reges, plectuntur Achivi.

But of all the various means which the interests of

party or the violence of faction could fasten upon, to
turn from a just and laudable purpose to an unjust and
pernicious end, surely that of the education of youth
ought to have been the last ; and yet of that the public
have to complain. The exposure which has been made
by the Bishop of Exeter of the working of the public
education system in Ireland, proves that it is very
much, if not altogether, a party business ; and that
whatever the original intention may have been, the
ultimate result is that of pampering one party while
another is provoked. The Report, upon the good faith
of which the nation is called upon to vote away a very
large sum of money, has been shown to be extremely
fallacious, if not intentionally delusive ; and the whole
system to which it refers has evidently become a
system rather of party than of education—rather of
sectarian triumph than general improvement. It
has been objected to the Bishop of Exeter's
.speech,
that it was long ; but this objection suggests its own
reply ; and if none better than this could be urged,
silence on the part of Ministerial advocates would have
been more becoming. It was irideed long, but so WAS
the train of abuses which it was necessary to expose.
Abuses are not to be overlooked because the institu-
tions into which they have found their way are modern.
If it be right to inquire into and to reform the abuses
of institutions founded by our ancestors, it is no less
right and no less necessary to inquire into and reform
those which have perverted the means that we have
ourselves devised for the people's good. This appears
to have been most signally the case with respect to the
plan devised for the public education .of the rising
generation in Ireland, a plan which has already been of
great pecuniary expense, and upon which it is proposed
to expend no less a sum than 200,0001. a year, as the
regular and permanent charge of the establishment.
What if this 200,0001. a year be for the promotion of
religious and political opinions hostile to the religion
and the laws of Great Britain ? What if it be for the
promotion of bad education instead of good ? Is that
not a matter to be inquired into ? Yet Lord Melbourne
says it is not. After the statement of the case by the
Bishop of Exeter, we think it cannot be doubted that
there was a printii facie case of great abuse. ,Grant
that it was cx parte ; it was not judgment that
was called for, but inquiry ; and it is difficult to be=
heve that if such a case could have been brought for-
ward of abuse in favour of the Protestant party, such
an inquiry would not have been granted. We think
that Ministers would have been afraid to have refused
Mr. O'Connell a Committee of Inquiry, if he had
shown similar circumstances against a system of which
the Protestant party were the patrons.
It had been
objected on former occasion of discussion of the Irish
but Roman
education system, that scarcely any
Ca-
tholics obtained the benefit of it ; but upon the
strength of the present Report of the
oCominmilsin Commissioners,
it it was affirmed that the clergy of all deoma
applied for grants for schools under the new system.
The Report went into detail to support these general
statements, but the details are shown to be altogether
illusory. Of 140 clergymen of the Established Church,
who were stated,e n. i
loehacovef,h9erest e t
is o 0
ap p applied,ee
applications
only 40
Ist
stated
t were t o
ate, or
ed
fictitious,
found to o
ber gnu
forged.
have been received
from Presbyterian Ministers, 20
were found fictitious. The attempt to showthat
Protestants to any considerable extent share in the
benefits which it was intended originally they should
equally participate, totally failed. They have compa-
ratively no part in a s stem of which aenerally the
heads of the Church diysapProve. But if it were a
good system of moral education even for Roman Ca-
tholics, we might, on their account, bear the expense
without murmur. There is, however, reason to believe
that it is not so. The virulent prejudices which the

lower order of the Irish have long cherished against
"Protestantism and British law, are fostered in these

schools. This is the object of the political party
which is in the ascendant in Ireland ; and the inon-

strous abuse is, that under the pretext of education,
we pay, and are expected to continue to pay, for the
support of people who hold these, prejudices and in-
culcate them upon others. There is evidence of both
the teachers and the scholars being mixed up in party
demonstrations of a sectarian and political character.
There is evidence also of the school rooms being
used for political meetings, although built at the public
expense for furthering good education ; and all this
Lord Melbourne says does not demand inquiry. He
proclaims that in all this there is no abuse to which
the principle of reform should be applied. He says
that the Commissioners themselves may be applied to,
just as if the persons through whose bad or careless
management abuses had taken place, would be ready
and willing to admit, and reform their own errors.
This is not the usual course. This is not the course
which Ministers take when any abuse in which their
adversaries have an interest is to be attacked. Such a
suggestion as this has too much the character of an
.evasion. It will deceive none but those whose party
feeling is too strong to enable them to see anything
which tells against themselves. The Ministers may
depend upon it that, after such an exposure as that
made by the Bishop of Exeter, the English people
will never be satisfied that money should be granted
for the continuance of the Irish education system
without means being taken to ensure its fair applica-
tion to the purposes for which it is granted.—Morning
Herald.

It will be seen from the proceedings of the House of
Commons on Tuesday night that the stamp duty on news-
papers is to be reduced, in the course of this year, from
its present amount of fourpence, with twenty per cent.
discount, to one penny, without any discount, and that
under this reduced tax, newspapers may be transmitted
as usual free of all charge, through the Post-office, to
every part of the United Kingdom. This reduction,
though it may not be satisfactory to some persons, is
highly creditable to the good sense of the Chancellor
of the Exchequer. He had, in dealing with the ex-
isting newspapers, and with the feelings and opinions
afloat upon the subject, an arduous and difficult duty
discharge—not to despoil, on the one hand, those
o had embarked a large amount of money—not less

an three millions sterling—in newspaper property—
and, on the other, to give that satisfaction' to a large
lion of the community which its demands, as well
round policy dictated ; and, in our humble opinion
has very admirably met the exigencies of the occa-
cn. We should be glad to have it in our power to
r nnounce a total abolition of the tax, with compensation
to those who would be injured by it ; but, failing
all compensation, the smallest tax that will suffice
to defray the expense of conveying newspapers by
post is the best, and our only quarrel with the penny
tax is that it will not allow the proprietors of newspa-
pers to vend their papers to the public at a less price
than 4id. A penny tax, with 25 per cent. discount,
would enable them to sell at 4d., and thereby to bene-
fit the public to a very consideroble extent without the
slightest injury to the revenue : and we doubt not that
after proof has been furnished to this, effect by those
who are most competent to judge of the matter, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer will at once see the pro-
priety of acceding to the suggestionin other, though
perhaps not very well understood words—of not " eat-
ing a cow and worrying upon the tail."-T-Morn. Adv.

The Bishop of Exeter, on presenting on Tuesday night
in the House of Lords a petition, praying for a system of
national education in Ireland, and complaining of the
grievances arising frrOm the grant to the Colleac of May-
nooth, took occiSiciir to'eensUre the conduct of the Com-
missioners at present acting under the Crown, and the
authority of the Lord Lieutenant, and to move forthe p -
polntment of a Committee to inquire into the practical
working of the presentsystem. The chief objection urged
by the Rev. Prelate against the existing establishment,
was in reference- to the absence of any religious in-
struction, and the fact that a greater number of Ro-
man Catholics had received a grant for the purposes
bf education than persons of the Established Reli-
gior. Now, in respect to the first objection, it is
obvious that, if any particular mode of religious in-
struction were adop:cd, it must inevitably excite dis-
satisfaction, and to prevent persons of a different
creed from availing theurselves of the advantaccs
off:red by the Government ; and as tr 'be second,
fixt of the large majority of tiros?, cpplying for
schools being Roman Catholics, is rather a re-
commendation than an objection, for it is a testi-
mony that the mass of the Irish population are
favourable to the present plan of instruction. The
inference of the High Churchman, that this ma-
jority proved the system to be more approved of
.by one party than another, is arnost too absurd
to be replied to ; for how could a national system
of education be introduced into Ireland, where nine-
tenths of the population are Roman Catholics,
without having \the majority of those receiving in-
struction composed of the members of that persua=
sion ? It was attempted to impeach the veracity of
the Report of the Commissioners, in alleging that
the system had been generally approved of by all
sects and parties ; but the number of applications
which have been made for aid, and of those clergy-
men, Protestant, Roman Catholic, and Dissenting,
who have avowed themselves favourable to the plan
at present in operation, is the best confirmation of its
receiving the general approval. It appears by the
Report, that one hundred and forty clergymen of
the Established Church, and 1,379 Roman Catholic
clergymen, have applied for the establishment of
schools on the new system. The calculations made
by the Right Reverend Prelate, with respect to the
amount of funds granted for different educational
purposes to the two religions, and thus attempting to
show that it was more approved of by one party than
by the other, are totally unworthy of refutation ; for,
as we have before observed, any system that will
affect the Irish population must necessarily embrace a
majority of Roman Catholics. The reply of Lord
Melbourne silenced the intolerant ecclesiastic, and
though no additional grant is to be made till further
inquiry, we have no apprehension that any attempt
will be made to introduce sectarian principles into a
system of education which, in Ireland above all coun-
tries, would effectually militate against its success.—
Morning Advertiser.

The speech delivered by the Bishop of Exeter on
Tuesday evening, upon the new system of what is
called " Combined Education" in Ireland, has pro-
duced, as it ought to have produced, a considerable
sensation. It was, in the highest sense of the words,
a noble oration. It stated the most remarkable facts,
upon the most important theme, with the most perspi-
cuous arrangement, in the most beautiful language.
Those who enjoyed the delight of hearing the Right
Rev. Prelate witnessed an exhibition they will not easily
forget—that of the clearest intellect exerted in defence
of the purest religion. It is impossible but that the
measure to which the Right Rev. Prelate invited the
attention of the House of Lords should hereafter oc-
cupy much of the attention of the country. Hitherto,
in answer to whatever attacks ha've been made upon the
Commissioners, or their conduct, it has been replied,
s, The scheme is experimental ; let us see how it will
work ; give the new plan a fair trial." The experi-
ment has been adopted ; we have seen how it works ;
the plan has had its fair trial. We are entitled now
to reason upon the facts before us ; and upon the evi-
dence of these facts we pronounce the plan a failure,
and call its pectfully, but firmly, for its abandonment.
We suppose, after the detailed examination instituted
by the Bishop into the applications for assistance to
schools made by Protestant Clergymen, and the re-
duction of the number of such applicants from 140 to
40, for all Ireland—we suppose, we say, that we shall
hear no more of the conciliatory tendency of the new
system—of the healing influence of scriptural extracts
--of the forzetfulness of religious differences in the
community of intellectual improvement. We be-
lieve—however difficult it may be for our opponents
to admit anything which militates against their theo-
ries—we believe it will be admitted, that from
the schools conducted upon the " combined
principle" Protestant children are, for the most
part, excluded. We care not, for the sake of our
argument, whether the exclusion be reasonable
or unreasonable. We assume simply, from the

facts before us, that Protestant children do
not benefit by the money devoted by Parliament
to the support of the Irish schools. What answer is
made to this assertion ? " Protestants are illiberal
and intolerant; they will not send their children to
schools where the Bible is not read." Now, let it
be remembered by what arguments the propriety of
the grant for the schools of the Kildare-street Society
was assailed. It was assumed that Catholics did not
benefit by the money devoted by Parliament to the
support of the Irish schools. What answer was made
to this assertion ? " Catholics are illiberal and into-
lerant ; they will- not send their children to schools
where the Bible is read." Thus far the question is
mooted without advantage to either party. The Catho-
lic refused to have his children taught in schools wherein
the Bible was admitted : the Protestant refuses to have
his children taught in schools whence the Bible is
excluded. Each accuses the other of bigotry and
of superstition, for his rigid adherence to his own opi-
nion. But the Legislature has to pronounce a judg-
ment between the two—a fallible judgment ; but a
judgment which it must form with sincerity, and.en-
force with firmness. The Parliament of the United
Kingdom, finding a system, supported by public grants,
which educated Protestants only, have substituted a
system, supported by public grants, which educates
Catholics only. The change made was not made for
this purpose. It was made that both might share-in
the advantages of the national beneficence. The at-
tempt has failed. Parliament must now decide whe-
ther it will remedy or perpetuate the evil of its own
creation. Will it henceforth, having failed to devise a
system for the union of the education of both—will it
henceforth educate the Catholic or the Protestant ?
will it educate by the Bible or without the Bible ?—will
t devote national funds to the propagation or the sup-
Jression of vital truth ?—Morning Post.

CHANCERY COURT-WEDNESDAY

MILWARD V. LYSONS.

The arguments on the appeal in this case being con-
cluded, the LORD CHANCELLOR had at this moment a very
strong impression that the order of the Court below could
not stand, but, being an appeal from the decision of the
ViCe-Chancellor, he felt it right to look over the pleadings
with more attention, before he made up his mind on the
question. Judgment is therefore postponed.

THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL V. SHORE.-LADY HEWLEY'S

CHARITY.

These were two petitions, filed by the representatives of
ninety-five churches of Scotland, all styling themselves ortho-
dox Presbyterians, but one part only Presbyterian Dis-
senters, and the other part Presbyterians belonging to the
Established Kirk of Scotland, each praying to be admitted
into the Master's office, and to take their share in the elec-
tion of trustees, and the transaction of other important
business, for the future regulation of this charity.
The LORD CHANCELLOR, at the hearing, ordered that
one of the parties only should go before the Master, and
the petitioners themselves should decide which party should
go before the Master.
Mr. WIGRAM, this morning, stated that the petitioners
could not agree who should go before the Master.
After some consultation between the parties, it was
agreed that both parties should go before the Master and
propose trustees, and that the question of costs should be
reserved, with a full understanding that no more than one
set of costs was to be claimed, under any circumstances.

ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE.

MIDLAND CIRCUIT.-DERBY MARCH 15.

The business of these Assizes commenced this day, be-
fore Lord ABINGER on the Nisi Prius side, Mr. Justice
BOSANQUET presiding in the Criminal Court. There are
ten causes for trial, two are special juries, and among the
cases specified in the callendar, two are for murder, one
for arson, three for rape, several for burglary, horse
stealing, &c.