The Sun.
London, England, 1831-03-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

It will be seen by our Parliamentary report of last night

that this Journal formed the subject of a considerable die-.
mission in the House of Commons. To that discussion
itself, we are content to refer our readers and the country
for our justification—that is, for our public justification.
Our own heart and conscience inform us, that, however
feebly or inadequately, we have never written one word—
we have never given circulation to one sentiment—but in
the sincere hope and design of serving our country, and
defending its liberties against all enemies, foreign or do.
mestic ; and no man has a right to assume to himself ex-
clusively ouch a monopoly of patriotism as shall qualify
him to say that he only has his country's good at heart,
and that those who differ from him, and support their
difference by such means as the free institutions of the
country put within their reach, are traitors or rebel,.
What ! are we not English as well as the Member for
Oxford ? Aye, and perhaps have taken as much pains to
study the British Constitution as he, and should be as
painfully affected if any serious ill were to happen to it
in this attempt to purge off its foul impurities. It is an
error in Sir Robert Inglis to say that " we arrogated to
ourselves the title of the leading Journal.' " We never
arrogated to ourselves any such title, though we see no
great reason why we should bestow much pains in reject-
ing it now. Upon the whole, it would have been much
better to refute our reasoning, or invalidate our facts, if
it were possible, than to endeavour to institute penal
proceedings against us for asserting what every ►oan
knows to be true, and building upon that basis of
truth those arguments, in which it is but too sensibly felt
by some that the whole world, British and foreign,
coincides. We have been given to understand, that the
first notion was to "take up" that letter signed " Anti-
' Sclavonicus," and our reasonings upon it, wherein it
was asserted that the nominees of the Treasury boroughs
ought to retire, as is the case wherever the nominees of
borough-patrons find themselves in opposition to their pa
trons. Can it be denied either that this is the universal
practice among men of honour, or that the representatives
of the Treasury boroughs are now violating that practice ?
If neither of these things can be denied, would a proceed-
ing of terror, that should impose silence, or should be
meant to impose silence, be anything else but an additional
grievance ? Would it not be heaping wrong upon wrong ?
It will be seen that Sir Robert Inglis's motion was with-
drawn, after a discussion of some length, in which Sir
Francis Burdett's eloquent and manly vindication of the
right of free discussion is worthy of particular attention.
Times.

We devote a considerable space in this day's journal
to a report of the proceedings of the French Chamber
of Deputies on Friday last, when the President of the
Council, and the chief Members of the new Adinini-
stration, made their expose of the system on which
they have resolved, conjointly and severally, to act.
The declaration of the Prime Minister will be reckoned
both among the friends of order in France and in this
country, as firm, dignified, manly, and tranquillizing.
It speaks in a tone and language which have not
been beard in France since the Revolution of July,
and contains almost in every word a bitter satire
on the conduct of his predecessors. It expresses
at last the determination of the King's Government to
act upon a vigorous system,—to show that the Ministers
are united in one aim and object,—that they can exercise
the power given by the laws for the protection of the laws
themselves,—that they are not to be the mere puppets of
contending factions, or the slaves of temporary popularity,
—that they are sensible of the evils of vacillation and per-
petual change, and are resolved to restore confidence by
consistency and strength,—that they consider internal
order necessary to liberty, if not a part of liberty, and
external peace the greatest of blessings, when it can be
maintained with national honour. In developing the sys-
tem of his administration, M. Casimir Perier announced
that the principles on which it was to proceed were com-
mon to him and to his colleagues,—that every measure or
proposition which the Cabinet adopted should be the result
of general deliberation and concert,—and that the first day
of its discord on any important point should be that of a
dissolution. The consequence of this united responsi-
bility and general concert, which forms such a contrast to
the conflicting views and contradictory conduct of the
members of the previous Ministry, cannot fail to be bene-
ficially felt in the behaviour of the secondary authorities or

lower branches of the Administration. We shall not
again see a Prefet of the Seine supported by one Minister
or one party in the Cabinet against another; and contend-
ing in the Chamber of Deputies for principles subversive
of the authority which he was hound to uphold. The
President of the Council, in stating the principles of this
united Cabinet, gave a version of them as different front
that given by his predecessors, as the different interpreta-
tions of a united responsibility. The principle of the re-
volution of July, which he professes to maintain,
is not one of insurrection, but one of legitimate
resistance to the oppressions of power. France
resisted illegal aggression, and the triumph which
she gained over despotism was the triumph, not of
violence, but of law. On the other hand, the party
of the late Ministry maintain that a new principle of Go-
vernment was established by the events of July, and that
the illegal ordinances of Charles X. were not the justi-
fication of resistance, but its pretext; that the declaration
of popular sovereignty which then took place was the re-
sult of fifteen years' conspiracy against the legal authority
of the Bourbons ; and that insurrection may be a duty
even where power makes no violent encroachment on po-
pular rights. Hence its favour for clubs and associations
—and hence the successive concessions made to mob-so-
vereignty personified in street riots. The new Ministry
will make the preservation of order and tranquillity the chief
object of their internal policy. The principle of their foreign
policy is equally remote from that of the movement party to
which a considerable portion of the late cabinet belonged.
This party, distrusting the intentions of the absolute Go-
vernments of Europe, endeavour to provoke a war of opi-
nion, in which they expect that those Governments would
be overthrown. Its object is to excite insurrections every
where, and then to spend the blood and treasures of
Frenchmen in aid of the insurgents. Their doctrines of
non-intervention, applied to the proceedings of foreign
Governments, would be a perpetual intervention, and lead
to eternal war. Without reference to the relations of
vicinity, or the calls of danger, it would keep the Minis-
ters perpetually on the alert to observe distant infractions
of their darling principle, and would disturb the peace of
a whole continent to plant their protecting banners over
some remote knot of insurgents. M. Casimir Perier,
while he adheres to the principle of non-intervention,
where any French interest or duty requires any applica-
tion, very properly declares that France is not called upon
to interfere wherever this principle is violated. Both he
and M. Sebastiani refer to the duty of France respecting
Austrian interference in the north of Italy, in nearly the
same terms as we have repeatedly done in this journal.—
Such is M. Cassimir Perier's explanation of the
principles of his Government. But on Friday he
did not confine himself to his principles alone ; he
referred to the new means of their execution, and was
succeeded at the tribune by his colleagues, who each
confirmed his statement of their unanimity, and produced
each his separate contribution to the joint stock of confi-
dence which they expect to establish. Marshal Soult, the
Minister of War, expressed his acquiescence in the views
of the Premier, declared not only his wish for 'peace, but
his hope in its continuance, and presented a report on
what had been done and what was still required in his de-
partment, to enable him to maintain the honour of the
country in the contingencies of either peace or war. The
Minister of Finance made a demand on the Chamber, iu
execution of the principles just explained, which shows
that popularity is not the chief object of the new Cabinet.
In order to support public credit, and meet increased de-
mands on the Treasury, he proposes to double the land-tax
and the tax on patents. M. Barthe, the Minister of Justice,
agreeing in the necessity of internal order,and the inadequacy
of the existing laws to secure it, has laid on the table of the

President a new Bill against tumultuous assemblages.
Had such a law existed six months ago, Paris wou d
have avoided the disgrace of three separate series of to -
mults, and the three dangers of a new revolution. The
observations on the foreign policy of France, made by Ge-
neral Lafayette, called up M. Sebastiani, who again ex-
plained the principles of non-intervention embraced by
the Government, and separated them from the Quixotism
which the old General is desirous of introducing into their
application. The documents read by the venerable De-
puty respecting the intentions of the Russian Cabinet
are extremely curious. They prove, beyond the pos-,
sibility of doubt, that the Russia❑ armies were to be
put in motion, and would have arrived on the Rhine
in the spring, had nothing occurred near home to
impede their movements ; but it ought to be rem' •
lected that all these papers and projects are dated before
the recognition of Louis Philip by the Emperor Nicholas.
The present Cabinet have thus taken up strong ground.
They have shown a bold front to the revolutionary party.
They came into office on the express condition of protect-
ing society against periodical tumults, of maintaining in-
ternal tranquillity with firmness, and of securing external
peace by every means but the sacrifice of national honour,
or the surrender of important interests. By the me ,sun s
which they propose, both of additional fiscal burdens and
of new police regulations, they have ricked their m aster's
popularity and their own. They are sure to have the
Press against them. They are sure to be branded with
the title of the Polignacs of the revolution, and the sedi-
tion which they banish from the streets will find refuge
in the journals : but they are contending for a great stake;
and whether they succeed or not, their firmnes', perhaps,
offers the cnly chance of saving the monarchy from con -
vul,ion.— Tien es.

The debate on the second reading of the Reform Bill is
adjourned to this day. As so many Members had deli.:
vered their sentiments during the former discussion, it
was generally expected that a division would take place
last ❑ight. In the House of Lords, the Lord Chancellor
on presenting a number of petitions in favour of Reform,
many of them from corporate bodies, who gladly sacri-
ficed their own interests for the good of the community,
" Could not," he said; " help remarking the generosity.
and disinterestedness which had been displayed on this
momentous occasion by person' in comparatively humble
situations of life. When they awarded due honour and
praise to the Noble Lords in that House, and to the Hon.
Members in the other, mho readily sacrificed their own
interests and political influence to the public good, it was
impossible to refrain from awarding a similar meed of
praise to those of an humbler—he would not say a lower
—class, who bad evinced equal disinterestedness." Allud-
ing to the attempts to sow divisions between the middle
and lower classes by the enemies of Reform—attempts
which the good sense of the people has indignantly re-
pelled—he observed they were told, " you will have no
votes by this plan, for it is founded on property from
beginning to end. The people showed that they were
not to be so deluded, and replied, ' this is the fart time
that men of your kidney thought of the people.' " flMs
Lordship with great felicity observed, that Sir Rohere
Peel (he named no one) had borrowed his tactics from a
well-known personage, Judas Iscariot—" And Judas,
whose name was Iscariot, answered and said, ' why are
not these things sold for so much money, to be given to
the poor ?' " Upon which the sacred historian remarks
with indignation in his simple but powerful language--
' Not that Judas Iscariot cared any thing for the poor,
but that he was a thief.' " Simple and powerful lan-
guage, however, does not seem to be much to the taste of
their Lordships, for the word thief was no sooner pro-
nounced, than the Duke of Wellington rose to order.
Their Lordships have a prodigious dislike of time pure
Saxon. The whole race of public plunderers—the men
who throw the maintenance of their mothers, their chil-
dren, and their mistresses on the public—would at oncc
call the direct Saxon terms for their conduct coarse. How-
ever, nothing could be more apposite than the instance of
Judas Iscariot, for it is a never-failing trick of thieves to
endeavour to criminate all who seek to bring them to
justice. Men who, like Lord Ellenborough and Mr.
Thurlow, have their hands deep in the pockets of the
people, are usually the most indignant at all attempts
which may diminish the respect for property. The debate
in the House of Commons was preceded by a motion made
by Sir Robert Inglis (as afterwards amended by bins),
" That certain passages in the Times Newspaper of the

ht, 2d, ith, Bth, and 14th of March, are false and
scandalous libels, and that they be handed over to the
Attorney- General, with instructions to prosecute the
writer." This sort of aid which Sir Robert Inglis and

the Honourable House would have received from the
Attorney-General before a Jury, may be inferred from the
declaration made by the latter—that he could not call the
passages false. It is not easy to describe the Honourable
House in such a way as shall please the public, and at
the same time please Members themselves. Sir Robert

Inglis's best friends seemed to regret that his zeal should,
so far have gotten the better of his discretion, as to seek
to make the House punish the Press for stating in plain—
coarse if they will—language, at the very time when the
whole people are in arms against that House, and loudly
approving of the conduct of Ministers in pronouncing sen'ence
of condemnation against it. " I am informed (said Sir
Robert gravely) that the articles tend to degrade this
House in the opinions of the people, and to hold up a large
body of those who take part in its deliberations as un-
worthy of the confidence of the country. Degrade the
House in the opinion of the people ! No, that no paper can
do. If the House he not degraded already, the observations
in question will only provoke the indignat.on of the people.
Mr. Sheil made his maiden speech last night. There was
not much novelty in the debate. Sir R. Vyvyan, who
moved as an amendment, that the Bill be read that day six
months, professed not to be altogether hostile to Reform.
" He was not in the slightest degree adverse to a measure
which would give representatives to the large towns winch
were at present unrepresented ; but it was one thing to
disfranchise all the boroughs, and another to give repre-
sentatives to populous towns. Perhaps the Duke of
Wellington, upon its being demonstrated to him that such
a Reform would be as goad as na Reform at all, as the
power of the horoughmongers over the property of the
nation would not be at all affected by the giving represen-
tatives to a few large towns, might come over to Reform,
and as all the rest of the late Administration have professed
themselves reformers of some sort, we shall at last have no
great anti-reformers—his Graee's admiration of the Con-
stitution as it is, might allow him to admit of a change so
perfectly harmless. We observe in the debate of last
night, that the speakers against the Bill seemed to have
taken their cue to speak at the King. Do thee think they
can frighten him ? Lord Valletort, however, did not think
the agitation would " proceed the length of endangering
the loss of the heal of the Monarch on a scaffold." Sir
R. Vyvyan, however, proceeded to the result of the Reform
in France. " In three months after, the patriot King—
the popular King—was taken to Paris, with the heads of
two gens d'artnes, who had stood forth in his defence, raised
upon poles, and carried beside his carriage windows !"
What a lesson to our Patriot King ! This will not do,—
Morning Chronicle.

Mr. ALEXANDER, the late editor of a defunct
Morning Paper, was discharged from Newgate yesterday
evening. His fine was remitted by Government.— Observer

The following melancholy affair took place at
Stratford-upon-Avon, a few days since :—lt appears that
a young woman, named Marty Larwoant, a mantua-
maker, residing at Warwick, attended by a young woman,
named ELIZABETH JARRETT, on their arrival at Stratford
obtained some arsenic, and proceeded about half a mile
along the Warwick road, where they mixed the poison
with water and drank it off. Mr. l'auctraitn applied
the stomach pump, which, in a great meisure, dispossessed
the stomach of one of the women of its contents; but,
notwithstanding this and every other assistance were given,
one died at nine the same evening, and the other at three
the following morning. An inquest was held on Satur-
day, when a verdict of Feb de se was returned in the cave
Of SARAH JARRETT, and " Lunacy" on that of MARY
Larworrn. Disappointment in a love affair has been
stated as the cause for the act.

FORGERY.—.TAMES KIRKWOOD, and the
four other prisoners who were convicted with him last
week, at Lancaster Assizes, for forging a 5/. note, pur-
porting to be a genuine note of the Ashbourn Bank, in
Derbyshire, were, at the close of the Assizes, en Thurs•
day evening last, put to the bar, awl having been asked
what they had to say why judgment of death should not
be pronounced, Mr. Justice LITTLEDALE told them, that
as DADE, the actual forger (according to the evidence) of
the signature to the note, had made his escape out of the
Castle, and had not been since apprehended, and as an
objection had been taken by the Counsel for the prisoners
—athat there had been no evidence to show that the note
which formed the, subject of the indictment upon which
the conviction had taken place, had been one of the notes
given by KIRKWOOD to the witness JAMES AVIDsox,
although there could be no doubt it was an impression
from the same plate with those notes, and that without
such evidence of identity no conviction ought to be ob-
tained, and as be (Mr. Justice LiarDEDADE) was anxious
to ascertain the opinion of all the Judges o otnt
g, tioobjneerc.
ticn, he should respite the judgment upon e p birsl
until next Astixes.

tA'OREI4N INTELLIGENCE.

FRENCH PAPERS.
CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, MARCH 18.

The galleries were completely filled, and even the pee-
'ages leading to the Chamber were crowded. The Deputies
were very numerous long before the hour of business, and
the expected communications from the Ministers was the
universal topic of conversation. At a quarter past two
o'clock the President of the Council entered, the rest of the
Ministers having previously taken their seats.
The President announced that the first subject on the
order of the day was the continuance of the debate on the
grant of 4-12ths; but
The President of the Council being called upon by a
great many members, rose and said—" Gentlemen, every
Bill for granting a supply is a question of policy. In de-
manding at your hands a grant of the 4-12ths, in the ab-
sence of the regular supplies legally voted, we required
from you a vote of confidence. It is therefore necessary
that the newly constituted Cabinet should lay before you
the principles upon which it is founded. You ought to be
made fully acquainted with this basis, in order that you
may be aware of the political system to which you lend
your support.

cc When the King did me the honour of calling me to
form and preside over his Council, I conetiVed that the
principles upon which it was to he constituted should he
understood and agreed upon by sty several members. The
present Ministry is formed Upon constitutional pOiodiples,
and receives its stretvgth from its own responsibility. All
its propositions, ell its measuree, will be the result of
general deliberation and of one common accord. The very
day on which this harmony shall cease will be the day of
its dissolution. The entirety that will thus subsist among
ourselves will warrant our imposing upon the various se-
condary authorities the same unity, for a perfect concord
ought to reign in all the branches of the Administration.
The Government must be followed in all its designs, and
will expert the 'concurrence of all its agents without eX-
ception; without which, responsibility would be a Mere
barren term, and authority would be deptired of all its
force and dignity.
" The principles we profess are those of our revolution
Wish them to be established without exaggeration
and without being weakened. The principle of the revo-
lution of July, and consequently the principle of the pre-
sent Government which is derived from it, is not one of
insurrection, though a principle of legitimate resistance to
the oppressions of power. France was provoked and defied
—she defended herself, and her victory was the conquest
of right over despotism. This was the principle of the
revolution of July, and this is the principle of the Go-
vernment it has founded. This revolution has net de-
stroyed social order, but has only changed the political
system—it has founded a Government, not inaugurated
an anarchy—it has had nothing in view but the establish-
ment of the just and regular order of things. Thus, vio-
lence neither is, nor ought to be, the characteristic of the
Government, either in its internal affairs or foreign rela-
tions. In the interior, our duty is plain and simple ; we
have no great experiments to try, the nature of our in-
stitutions has been axed by the charter of 1830. Sere-
rat great legislative questions have been derided by
you in the present session ; the Chamber that will
succeed you will have to determine others. Until
the new Chamber shall assemble, what will France
require from her Government? Activity; that or-
der be maintained, that the laws be executed,
mad that authority be respected. Order is the chief of all
our wants. We entreat all well•di•posed citizens not to
abandon the Government, for the Government will not
abandon them. The maintenance of tranquillity is the
maintenance of liberty, Oar ambition is to re-establish
public confidence, and we adjure all good citizens to co-
oper rte with us for that purpose. The Government re-
peats, that Mr from abandoning them, it will be always
ready to place itself at their head.—(Cries of ' tray° !'
Very.good !' from the central left, and second section of
the left.) Above all, let them trust in our firm resolution
not to suffer any attack upon the public tranquillity, any
encroach:tient upon the authority of the law. France has
conquered her rights. She is free; but she would in
reality cease to be so, were disorder permitted. There is
no disorder without oppression, and the power which main-
tains the public peace, assures, in effect, liberty. The dis-
turbers are known to us; the party of the fallen Govern-
ment is menacing us in secret, and attempts, but obscurely,
*Rs sully our cause, by irritating its defenders ; closely
watched, and severely punished, it will be reduced
to a sense of its own powerlessness, and from thence
atone will it derive its own safety. As it is our
intention not to leave any violence unpunished, so
we shall leave no pretext for violence. We must
prevent in their cause these odious reprisals, which seem
to accuse the insufficiency of the latvs, and the feeble-
ness of power. All sedition is a crime, under whatever
flag it is arrayed ; every act of violence is the beginning
e( anarchy.—(Central left, Good, very good.') We
shall propose to you laws to repress sedition and violence.
These guilty disturbances, if renewed with impunity,
would one day make enemies to the Government of all
these whom they disturb, in the liberty of their industry,
in the liberty of worship, which we are bound to protect,
as the most precious right which conscience invokes.—
' (M. Royard Collard—' Very good.') Security and tran-
qui lily are indispensable; they are required by all those
interests whose sufferings have severely afflicted us; they
are necessary for the re-establishment of public credit,
without which the State is destitute of power ; they are
requisite for those elections which are about to take place,
for they cannot be free in the midst of disturbance. They
are, moreover, gentlemen, important to the honour and
dignity of France, which cannot but be tarnished when in
the eyes of the universe it seems to present a state of society
where violence and passion predominate.
" Our foreign policy is closely allied with that of the in-
terior ; in both, the evils and the remedies are the same.
It has been attempted to excite in France a mistrust of the
rest of Europe, and to spread an idea that Europe had
b.en taught to mistrust our revolution.
" Were it thus, gentlemen, Europe would have deceived
herself, and it would rem tiff for France and her Govern.
ment to remove the delusion. Once again, I say, the re-
volution has not instituted the reign of force. Armed to
defend her own rights, France has respected those of other
nations. Her policy has been guided by other motives than
those arising from the passions. We are desirous of that
peace which is so necessary for the welfare of society ;
hut we will go to war if the honour and independence of
France are placed in danger, and shall then appeal with the
fullest confidence to the patrioti-m and courage of the
nation. The peaple would rise at the first signal ; and
the King has not forgotten that it was in the camp he for
the first. time learnt to save his country.—(Hear, hear.)
" Gentlemen, the principle of non-intervention has been
laid down by the Ministers who have preceded us, and we
have adopted it : we maintain that no foreign power has
the right to interfere by force of arms in the internal affairs
of other nations ; but is this, at the same time, to declare

that we will interpose with our arms for this or for that

form of government, wherever this principle is not re-
spected. This would be an interference, though of a
different nature ; it would be falling into the system of
the Holy Alliance; it would be to raise the chimerical
ambition of those who would submit Europe to the yoke
of one single idea—that of realizing a universal monarchy.
This interpretation of the principle of non-interven-
tion would serve as a cloak to the spirit of conquest. We
will sustain the principle by negotiations—(Murmurs
from the left)—but the interest or the dignity of France
cnght alone to call upon us to take arms.—(Central left,
Very good.')—We do not concede to any people the
right to force us to combat in their cause, and the blood

of Frenchmen belongs alone to France.—(Applause from
the centre, murmurs on the left.)—The Cabinets which

have preceded us have repelled any armed intervention
in Belgium. This policy shall be ours; this example
we adept. In similar questions do not doubt that
France will always hold the language which becomes her
name. Never eh.ll we forbid a lively sympathy for the
progress of European societies ; but their destiny is in
their own hands, and liberty ought always to be national.
Every foreign provocation impairs and compromises it.
rend thee part
of
private individuals, it is a bad service to
r
to people ; on the part of Governments, it is a
crime. France does not export the world to liberty, but
by the pacific example of the regular development of her
institutions, and 1;
her respect for the rights of all other
States.—(Different movements,
and long agitation.)—
But if Europe, who
peace, and of this we have
the most positive assurance
inthe name of all the other
Powers, should ever impugn the loyalty of our policy,—if
our frontiers should he triened
0 ae
,f Fr
—if the least attack
should be made upon the dignityannde
France,._ be assured,
d
gentlemen, that she will be instantly defended
formidabled signally
Marshal,
foot-
ing,
avenged. Our army is placed upon
ing, under the care of an illustrious
every measure necessary for the defence of the
pr y
country
presently
give in progress. The Minister of War will
give you explanations calculated to ensure
your nticon-
fidence, and a proposition about to be submitted to
you, will testify our anxiety for the safety of our country.
To arrive at the desired end our resources must be adequate.
Those we find on coming into office are manifestly ineffi-
cient.—(Hear.) But although ready to make use of credit
granted, we do not wish to remain at its mercy; we would
rather at once apply to the nation and you for authority to
recur again to those indirect taxes which the Government

had given np.--(ilear, hear, in opposite senses.) We wish
security for the future, and it is in the name of necessity
alone that we call upon the country to make these sacrifices.
We require the means of completing our system of defence;
we wish for peace Ind guarantees for eUr ind.pendence;
we at present limit ourselves to preparatory measures; war
has not yet arrived, and neither the cries of passion nor the
exigencies of rioters shall drive us to it any more than to a
change in our policy. This policy will be understood by
all Europe, because it is firm and open. It je the bond of the
Cabinet, the condition of its existence. urope anxiously
wishes for peace, it is lit nialiifest interest. Why should
she desire r. In this situation of affairs, we venture
to hope that Europe will shortly come to an understanding
which may lead to a general diminution of forces, the sup-
port of which weighs heavily on the several states. Let us
by our policy hnten this disarmament.
" In fine, let a respect for the laws succeed menaces of
violence, which Violate them all. Within, violence is sedi-
tion; withotit) it is invasion and .conquest. Within, we
wish to have order without sacrifices for liberty; without,
we Wish for peace when it infringes not our honour. In
re-establishiug 'power upon her just rights, we believe we
are labot,.ing for the maintenance of peace; hat at the
set'oe time we think it right to ito_•ottAa to I'rancc the
ie-
sources for war, for when ',core calm, more united, more
rich, she will be mol:e formidable ; and it is only to strong
Governmtnts, that history tells us is given the power to
actltplish victories.--(Applause in the centre.) It is
with this assurance, gentlemen, that I explain these prin-
ciples ; they are your own; they arb those of that persever-
ing opposition, in the botnill of which has combatted for
fifteen years the Man who, now called to power, has neither
abandoned his friends nor his opinions. This is the cause
of that opposition, entirely national, which triumphed last
July. Will it be permitted to me to say that this cause is
also mine ; and that it it to serve it, to assure for the revo-
lution of July its legitimate consequences, that I have ac-
cepted the weight of power—a power that I have never
coveted,_ as is well known to my political friends, (Prom
the centre left, ' Yes, yes, we' knoW it.') But it is not
in my own name alone I speaks it is in that also of the
Government of the king. Our principles of internal
Administration,--,otir views for peace or wary—are the
unanimous expression of our conviction ; each of us ac-
cepts a common respontibility. Strong in our inten-
tions, we frankly elk your assistance for some days longer...,
( Movement) We promise you loyalty—devotion—firmness.—
Will 3du refuse us your aid ? For peace, as well as for war ;
fee order, as for liberty ; for credo, as for commerce ; for the
revolution of July, as for t?'- aiarter of August ; what we ask
of the Chamber pp of the country, is concord—is confidence;
without wide:: ssothing is possible, but with it every thing easy.
ConfidetrCe is communicative,—it should reign amongst us—it
shottffil reappear among the defenders of the same came. us
seek to honour each other, even in our divitions of sentiments,
and resist this tendency to puspicibil and hatred, which enve-
noms every thing, and which often degrades even the noblest
characters, even those of the purest renown. Let us not forget
that their discoid strengthened their enemies. Shall we for so
ntanf faii have fought under the Constitutional banner, only
tel bring revolt into our ranks, and to disperse ourselytt at the
moment when we have assured a final tritinlith ?--(Applause
from the central left and section) Let us suspend, Gentlemen,
irritating debates. The Ministry does not aspire to rule opinions,
but it demands assistance from all good citizens, to take France
out of this Uncertainty which desolates her, to gain in peace the
day 'all& public reason, by the voice of the electors, shall judge
of its conduct and decide upon its fate. Until then it reckons
upon all those who wish peace and liberty for their Country : it
calls upon them for it in the name of that country, which is
still strong, armed, and gloriotig, though unquiet. It above
all, addresses it.elt to you, Gentlemen, for your aid ; it
is under the inspiration of the counsels of your 'Fri-
bune that it hopes to consolidate and maintain, against
the wishes and efforts of all enemies, the great revolution
which France has achieved, and the' Government which the
Charter of 1830 has constituted —(Bravos from the central left.)
You know now, Gentlemen, the principles of the Cabinet. But
it is necessary that Frante and the Chamber should be fully en.
lightened as to the actual state of affairs. We therefore require
that the discussion upon the Bill granting provisionally the
4.l2ths be postponed; we require the appointment of a Special
Committee to make strict inquiry Into the state of the Treasury,
its wants, and its resources; every requisite information shall
he laid before its Members, who will examine into all the demands
of the Minister of the Finances, and duly appreciate the exact
situation of the country, whereby all present alarm will be dissi.
pated, an the want of the future provided for." [Here the
President Orthe Council explained to the Chamber how far the
' 4-12th we're insufficient], and concluded by saying—. We hope
that no Member of the Chamber will absent himself before he
has lent us the support we so indispensably need."—(Hear, hear,
from the centres. Silence on the gauche.)
The Minister of War said—" The President of the Council
has laid before you a statement of the situation of the country,
and made known to you the principles of the Government and
the intentions of Ministers. He has given you the assurance of
the unanimity of the views of the Administration, and the con-
viction of the duties imposedimen it. These assurances, gentle-
men, I have pleasure in confirming in my turn : animated with
the same sentiments, our determination was complete as it can
be to settle the execution of the laws—maintain the security of
all—repress disorders, if, contrary to our expectation, any should
be committed—restore confidence—cause the principles of our
glorious revolution of July to fructify—persevere, with the dig-
nity that becomes France, In the principles of our foreign policy
—and, lastly, render ourselves so respectable as to our forces that
peace may be the necessary consequence of it ; and if, notwith-
standing our efffirts, and, I say, even notwithstanding our hopes,
war should be indispensable to us, we have the certainty of
waging it with success.

"' I now come to that part of our task which is more particu-
larly intrusted to myself. The President of the Council has
given you to understand that I should have something to say
upon this subject; but the terms he made use of embarrass me
exceedingly. Since I have had the honour to sit in the King's
Council, as before in the field of battle, I have considered myself
as only fulfilling my duty. To serve my country has ever been
the sole impulse of my actions, and if I have succeeded, it was
because I have almost always had the good fortune to be seconded.
I devofe myself with confidence to the obligations that are laid
upon me, and with the hope that to fulfil them you will grant us
the necessary means. On this subject, you desire, without
doubt, to know our situation. Such a desire is naturaL To
grant the supplies that are asked of you, you must have it in
your power to appreciate our wants. It would be superfluous to
dwell upon motives, for they have been long too well known for
you not to be impressed with their importance. They have for
their object the confirmation of our liberty, the consolation of
the Constitutional Throne of Philip 1., rendering ourselves re.
spected by all the nations, and securing with them the mainte.
nance of peace.
" I have the honour therefore to lay upon your table, to be
communicated to your Committee, a copy of a report upon my
administration which I presented to the King on the 20th of
February. It comprises the period of three months. Since
that time, a month has elapsed, and I have continued to con-
duct my administration upon the same principles. Notwith-
standing the immense details of the war department, I shall
always be ready to justify all my acts. You will judge whether
the statement deserves your approbation. An extraordinary
grant has been asked for, which will adequately provide for every
thing, except, perhaps, some trifling augmentation; which it
was difficult to estimate at the first moment,—you have granted
nothing for the case of war. You must therefore have it put in
your power to appreciate the necessities which the Minister of
the Finances will lay before you."
The Minister of the Finances rose and said—" Upon entering
the Administration we considered it our duty to examine the
situation of the Treasury. The result of this examination pre-
sents nothing that is alarming, as it regards the public fortune ;
but we find ourselves under the necessity of covering the trea-
sury for the excess of expenditure for which it has made ad-
vances. The Treasury has made advances of 240,000,000 for the
ordinary service of the country. Of this sum 128,000,000 are an-
terior to 1814, and the remaining 112,000,00 u proceed from the
expenditure of the years from 18..7 to 1830, and the succour af-
forded to commerce The Treasury might have covered itself
for the 128,000,000 anterior to 1814; but the mass of the loans
mace by the Treasury will shortly be carried to 300,000,000. This
sum would certainly be nothing in a time of confidence, but it is
too great under existing circumstances. Means must be found
to pay it, and these means are not to be found in the 200,000,000
you recently voted, which are assigned to other expenses."
" The Bill, therefore, that we are about to present to you has
for its object to levy 55 centimes upon the principle of the land-
tax and fifty centimes upon the license tax.—(Murmurs and long
interruption.) The appeal that we now make to you ought to
have been made in the years when the revenue was insufficient
but a longer postponement cannot be reconciled with the inten-
tion of the Government to prepare for war and to repel it, if it
should become necessary. The 85 centimes upon the land tax
will produce 85,000,000, and the 50 centimes upon the licenses
will yield 12,000,000 ; thus the total increase will be 917,000,000;
and by adding thereto the expenses of collecting and other charges
this sum may amount to 100,000,000. You will, however, remark
that since 1819 the land tax has been reduced 50,000,000, and the
licenses also have experienced considerable reductions. It will be
necessary for this new levy to make new special schedules for
this tax, which will be only temporary, and which will be fixed
after the basis of the schedules of 1831.

"This is a new sacrifice that we ask of the country ; but in
entering into the Ministry, it was our duty to ascertairs and make
known the wants of the 'treasury, convinced that your patriot-
ism would not hesitate to afford to the Government the means of
fulfilling its engagements."
The Minister then read the Bill, which was ordered to be
printed.
M. Barthe, Minister of Justice—lnternal peace is the principal
want of France ; it is the most efficacious means of preserving
external peace, the benefits of which we cannot fail to desire.
Crowds and commotions are the sources of troubles that Go-
vernment ought to repress, and against which the present laws
are insufficient. For the purpose, therefore, of remedying this
defect we now present to the Chamber the following Bill :
" All persons forming part of an assemblage in public places,
shall be bound to disperse on the first summons made to them to
that effect by the Prefect, Mayor, or other authorized agent. If
the assembly shall not disperse after three summonses, it shall
be lawful to employ force for that purpose.
" All persons arrested for having taken part in such assem_
blage, shall be tried before the tribunal of simple police.
" If the assembly shall have disturbed the public tranquillity,
those who may have taken part in it shall be tried before the
Court of Assizes, and may be condemned to three months' im-
prisonment at most.
" If these persons carry arms, whether concealed or not, the
imprisonment shall be from three months to two years.
If the individuals arrested have not their real domicile in the
vicinity of the place in which the disturbance has taken place,
the sentence passed shall at the same time ordain them to with-
draw for a year from the spot where they have been arrested to
the distance of ten miriametres. Should they return to that
spot before the expiration of the period fixed, they shall be taken
before the Correctional Police, and condemned to imprisonment
for the remainder of that period."
Ordered to be printed.
General Lafayette said,—" I perfectly understand, gentlemen,
why the question as to the grant of the provisional 4-hlths should
be postponed to the other measure of finance; but the political
inquiry into which we have entered ought not to be adjourned,
since a full examination of Our internal and external situation
will prepare us for the discussion on the propriety of granting
the new supplies demanded. One of my lion. Friends has stated
that I am in possession of documents confirming opinions I have
before expressed with regard to the Polish insurrection, that the
vanguard had turned in our favour against the main body of the
army. I derive this information from papers found among many
others which the Grand Duke Constantine leftbehind him on his
precipitate flight.—(Laughter.) Is it the pleasure of the Chamber
that I should read then, ?—(Read,
read.) Here the Hon. Deputy
read two letters, one addressed by M. Turkul, Councillor of
State at St. Petersburgh, to Prince Lubecki,Minister of Finances
of Poland, and the other, the answer of the latter.—These letters
Petersburgh,uhaaeartghit Aug.ames I
utSon,
d l
informeB r
.
te
appeared in the Measager of the Bth instant, but we re-insert the
former on account of its importance. It is as follows
yo‘t‘trPrin Excellencye e —The
ih Emperore rn os t andriS:Ka.
n s charged
ex-
isting circumstances, cases might arise in which the Polish army
would have to be set in motion, it is his Majesty's wish that you
should immediately occupy vouizelf in ascertaining the resources •
upon which the Imperial VreasLry might reckon; if necessary,'

to meet the expense of setting the army in motion. as well as
that of a campaign. I have the honour, &c.
" IGNATIUS TURKUL."

The General then continued—" This, I conceive, gentlemen,
is sufficient to enlighten us as to the genuine intentions of Rus-
sia." (Tokens of dissent from the centres.) " Is it the wish of the
Chamber that I should continue, ?"—(Hear, hear.)—The General
then read the following extract of a letter addressed to Prince
Lubecki by Count Graboivikt, Minister bf the Emperor Ni.
cholas :
" The offiCial correspondence which, by order of his Majesty,
I have had the honour to communicate to you, and which directs
that the Polish army should be put Upon the war footing, has
affected you, no doubt, more even than it has me. I really suffer
severely in seeing all our plans thus stopped. We should have
had a most superb budget if it had nit been ruined, by these ex-
traordinary expences, because, on this occasion,' our geogra_
phical position placed us in the first line.—St. Petersburgh, Oct.
27, 1830."

FROM TIIE SAME TO VIZ BASLE.
. October 18.

" Being just informed by the Aide-de-Camp, General Tscher-
niche', that an order has been sent to the Grand Duke to put
upon the War :Wiling all the troops under his otders, without
excepting those of Poland, and that this is to be completed by
December '22, I have the honour, in obedience to the command
of his Majesty, to require that the necessary funds be furnished
without delay to the Mlhister of War. I shall cOnfine myself,
therefore,.to requesting that you will place in the hands of his
Imperial Highness the Czarowitsch all the sums necessary for
placing the Polish army on the war establishment.
(Signed) ~ GRABOWSKI."

FROM THE SAME TO TIIE SAME.
" St. Petersburgh, Nov. 20.
" The return of Marshal Diebitsch will decide upon the mea-
sures to be taken. He has orders to return from Berlin by War.
saw in order to confer With the Grand Duke Constantine upon
all that is necessary for the movements and subsistence of the
army. The Emperor desires that you will see the Marshal as
soon as he arrives at Warsaw, and confer with him on all these
subjects, and that yOu will proceed to carry into, execution all
that may be agreed tipon, without waiting for further orders
from his Majesty. You will also conform to the wishes of the
Grand Duke, The Etnperor further directs me to desire that you
will come to St. Petersburgh as soon as the army is set in motion
and a general war shall be declared, in orderto receive his further
orders in person."—(Hear, hear.)—(ln another part.;—" We are
now in the month of November ; the distances are great—the
armies cannot be prepared to move before the spring—and events
follow each other so rapidly that God knows what may happen
in the interval.—.(Fresh sensation.)—No courier can equal the
rapidity of occurrences up to the present, and this has placed the
affairs. of Belgium in a disastrous state.—(The General smiled
when he read this paragraph.)—Buttthis is a useless reflection;
for the next courier may bring us different news, which succeed
each other in a manner which surpasses all idea."

" Would you (continued the Hon. Deputy) be acquaintedwith
the conversation between Marshals Diebitsch and Benzendorf,
after the short interview which Colonel Wylezynski, the Envoy
from the Dictator of Poland, had with the Emperor, and at
which, as being both initiated into the state affairs of the
empire they had assisted ? Well, gentlemen of Poland, your
revolution has not even the merit of being apropos. Your in-
surrection took place at the very moment when all the forces of
the empire were on their march towards your frontiers, in order
to bring the revolutionists of France and Belgium to reason..—
(General agitation.) And as the Colonel observed, Poland be-
lieved itself sufficiently powerful to stop the torrent for a time,
so as to warn Europe. and to allow her to prepare herself for the
contest. But,' replied Marshal Diebitsch, what will you gain
by this 7 We reckon upon a c.anpaign on the Rhine, we will
make it on the Elbe or the Oder, atter having crushed you. Re-
flect upon all this.'
" I refrain from occupying the time of the Chamber with
reading the statement made by the Minister of Foreign Affairs
to the Diet of Warsaw. It displays the moat noble sentiments
of patriotism and courage, with the confidence with which Po-
land relied upon France, and her determination to expire in the
cause of the liberties of Europe."
' •

(For some time the Chamber was very much agitated by oppo-
site feelings, and some desultory conversation passed between
M. Corcelles and his neighbours, particularly the Marquis de
Marmier and M. Adam de la Pommeraye, which, however, we
could not distinctly hear.)
General Lafayette continued—" I will not read another docu-
ment which might throw some light on the conduct of the
French Consul at Warsaw, being but a private letter and conse-
quently not worthy the notice of the Chamber.—(Hear, hear,
trom the centres.) Nevertheless, I am sure that the Grand
Duke Constantine had advised the French Consul to take the
oath to the New Government, lest he might be replaced by a
person of the liberal opinions then prevalent in France, and
which might, through him, become contagious in Poland. I
could also read another letter written to the Grand Duke Con-
stantine by Count Nesselrode, which was found in the Chancery
at Warsaw." Of this, however, the General read only a few
extracts. The diplomatist concludes by communicating to the
Grand Duke a secret despatch of Count 3tole, which, he says, he
had copied at the post.office.—(Laughter, and hear, hear.)
" Now, Gentlemen," continued General Lafayette, " permit me
to ask whether or not Russia had hostile intentions against
France. You are fully able to judge.--(Murmurs from the centres.)
I cannot help adding a few words respecting the conduct of Prussia
towards Poland. She arbitrarily arrests all travellers wishing
to enter that country, and has seized the money not only
of the State, but of individuals. ,cannot reconcile vexatious
proceedings like these either with the rights of nations or the
principle of non-intervention.—(Laughter.) It is not many years
ago that the Minister for Foreign Affairs defended with warmth
the patriotism of a Piedmontese, who came to seek an asylum in
France, and maintained that he ought to be free, and I am well
assured that it is not by his orders that persecutions and annoy-
ances are exercised towards foreigners who have a right to live
and move freely in a free country. Nevertheless M. Visconti
was arrested at Lyons, on his way back into his own country ; also
General Pepe and several others, who were ordered to return to
Macon. I think the Government should explain themselves
upon these points. When I voted in favour of a grant
2 0,000,000 f. I had no ideal that it was intended to continue
the system of Pilnitz and Vienna, which had been ridiculously
termed the Holy Alliance. I voted that grant because 1 con.
ceived that it was to be used for protecting the principle of
non-intervention to its fullest extent. In fact, the Minister
declared, and I think he will not contradict me, that if an
Austrian soldier set his foot in Italy, France would not con-
sent, and I thought the Minister was fully impressed with
the force of what he said ; and then, when the French nation
was made to say I will not consent,' it easasif it had declared,
I will not permit.—(Murmurs from the centres.)—l conceive,
besides, that on whatever occasion the sovereignty of the people
is attacked, it is our duty to defend it.—(Fresh murmurs from
the centres—cheers from the left.)—Nor do I hold that the re-
volution of July was limited to repressing the pretensions of
Charles X. to despotism, but went further, and changed the
principle of Government from that of the Divine Right,' im_
posed upon the country, to National Sovereignty.' I consi-
dered the law granting the 4.l2ths the advantage of substituting
for the present Chamber, many members of which have my sin-
cerest regard, a Chamber elected subsequent to the events of
July, because, gentlemen, permit me to say, in our patriotic
acts,—in that celebrated and eventful address voted by the 221,
for example,—we felt ourselves bound to follow principles totally
at variance with the fundamental basis of our present consti-
tution.—(Hear, hear.)—l expect some explanations also from
the Government on the subject of Poland; glorious Poland!
who had placed all her hopes upon that flag which she had
raised in her ranks—on that flag placed at the head of the Tiber.
ties of Europe, and which ought to be their protector.— (Cheers
from the left, silence at the centres.) I expect that these expla_
nations will prove that we are at least upon a level with the age
of Louis XV. I shall not sit down till 1 have made mention of an
English General, formerly Governor of Guadeloupe.—(Hear,
hear.) Gentlemen, lam about to make an appeal. to your hu-
manity. This officer, while Governor of Guadeloupe, saved the
lives of many Frenchmen, and has been twice recommended to
the consideration of the Minister of Marine, by rrts lam
the Committee of Petitions, as the two reporters, M.epo
aGilloovtearn:
M. Daunant, can testify, and yet he is now lying in the prise,
of Saint Pelagie, undergoing severer sufferings than those from.
which he relieved our fellow-countrymen. I hope theß
ment will not suffer his petition to remain any longer unheeded.,
The Minister for Foreign Affairs—" Gentlemen, the Hon. De-
puty who has just sat down has brought numerous reproaches
against Ministers, but at least he ought to have been consistent
with himself. On the one hand, he makes it our crime not to
have supported Poland, and on the other complains of our not
having prevented the Austrians entering Italy. Let him tell us
whether he wishes for intervention or non-intervention.—(lroni.
cal laughter on the left.) Another Hon. Deputy (M. Satverte)
has mentioned Sweden, and referred to alliances that preceded
the 30 years' war. Why did he not also say that that country
had a Charles X. ?—(A member, Say Charles XII.')--that that
country had a Charles XII., and that this warlike King, atter
having begged succour in Turkey, placed the nation in question
in a state of inferiority from which it has never since recovered.
We have been charged with having laid down a principle that
we have scarcely respected once. But this time, at least, its
application was efficacious. If Belgium has been separated
from Holland, and forms an independent nation, it is to
France she is indebted for it. What seems to have most at-
tracted the attention of the Chamber was the reading of the
documents found among the archives. When first these papers I
were mentioned, I had no knowledge whatever of them. after-
wards was able to procure them, and am bound to tell the Chain.
ber that if all of them had been communicated, it would have
seen a proof that war against France never entered into the
views of Russia. Documents, in fact, establish that the Emperor
of Russia answered the King of Holland, who applied to him
for succour against Belgium, that he would afford him succour,
on condition that his allies consented to it : and who were these
allies 7 France, Austria, and Prusoia. In the offices of the
Chancery of Warsaw, plans and projects, of war have been found.
If the offices of all the Powers of Lurope were searched, there
is not one where some plan of an earlier or a later date, for a
war, made or to be made, might not be found. What shall I say
of the intercepted letters that have been mentioned ? What
Hon. Member can assure us that that they are not intercepted
letters of the Hon. Deputy who has spoken ?"
General Lafayette—. I will deposit these letters."
M. Sebastiani--. I do not allude to any of the Members who
have spoken.—(Murmurs.) The Chamber will do me the honour
to believe me. I come now to the question of peace and war, for
the Hon. Deputies who have demanded the strict observance of
the principle of non-intervention have not dissembled that the
violation of this principle, wherever it might take place, in Italy
as in Belgium, was a question of war. Gentlemen, in laying
down a generous principle, France never pretended that this
principle was a cases belli—(General laughter)—it never could
have entered into the thoughts of rational men that France
would thereby deprive herself of the power of considering, before
she made war, whether it was for her honour, dignity, and inte-
rest to declare it, The entrance of the Austrians into Modena
is, we are told, a case for war. Gentlemen, we know when war
commences, but we know not when it will finish. When we
speak of the assurances of peace that are given to us, it is re-
plied, The Powers deceive you ; you will have war in all its
fury. No, Gentlemen, if such was their calculation, they
would deceive themselves, for they would be forced to assume
the offensive, and all the coalitions would come but to expire,
for the soil Of the country would not be long polluted by their
presence. The only war that you would have it in your power
to make would be a war of invasion; and have you calculated,
gentlemen, what it would cost were it necessary for us to cross
Piedmont or the Rhine? As to the affairs of Italy, I will merely
say, that the Bolognese themselves violated the principle of non-
intervention, by forcing Modena, which still defended itself, to
capitulate. It is not without regret that I bring this reproach
against them.—(Sensation.)—l cannot enter into more ample
details on this subject, for negociations have been set on foot,
from which the veil cannot be drawn aside without danger. ",
will make war, gentlemen, when the honour and dignity 0'
France shall require it ; but when we are told that we are called
to defend all the nations who shake off the yoke of oppression,--
that we are condemned to shed for them the blood of our chil-
dren, and to waste our treasures,—it is seeking to involve us in
an eternal war ; and I hope that this does not enter into the in-
tentions either of the Chamber or of the country."—(Cheers
from the centres.)
General Lafayette—" I thought it was the dignity and inte-
rest of France to support the principles she had ;aid down. I
would ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs whether he has not
written that France would never consent to see the Austrian
forces enter into Italy."
M. Sebastiani made a sign in the affirmative.—(Strong sensa-
tion.) _ .

General Lafayette—" I would then inquire what he under-
stands by the words, ' France will never consent.' "
General Sebastiani—" Not to consent, and to make war, are
very different things.—(Laughter on the left.)—Generat La-
marque shrugged up his shoulders. A Member exclaimed,
4, 'Tis pitiful."
M. de Schonen—" 'Tis a word without meaning."
General Lafayette—" The words ' I will not cement' sig-
nified in the eyes of the French people, ' I will prevent your
doing it.' For some time a strange abuse has been made of
words. After having confounded the partisans of the popular
Throne with Republicans, we are now divided into the partisans
of war arid the partisans of peace. This manner of thus accusing
one another must be renounced. I would again ask the Minister

whether he endeavoured to throne any hindrance into the way of
the Austrians entering into Italy ?"
M. Sebastiani replied that the negotiations being on foot, the
secrets of them could not be revealed.
M. Mauguin and General Lamarque rose to speak ; but, on the
proposition of M. Dupin, the Chamber decided that the further
debate should be postponed, to the discUssioa of the Finance Bill
presented to the Chamber.
The Chamber the!' resolved itself into a Secret Committee.
SATURDAY, MARCH 19.
In consequence of the determination taken by the Chamber
yesterday, of deferring the continuation of the diplomatic dis-
cussions, provoked by the new bill for 4-12tha of the taxes, until
the deliberations should come on relative to he new financial
bill, the deputies were to-day in a very small number at the sit-
ting, which did not commence till half after two o'clock. M.
de Lessen (Vice-president) was in the chair; and the Chamber
immediately adopted the order of the day, which was the report
of the commission charged with the examination of petitions
presented to this House. The few members present were com-
pletely callous to the reading of these reports, and presented
somewhat the appearance of men exhausted by the excitement
of a preceding day's extraordinary exertions, and it may be
easily conceived that none of the parties composing this house
could have retired in composure, or enjoyed much indifferent
repose, after the interesting, and indeed important, truths laid
before them, relating equally, to the interior and exterior policy
of the country. None of the petitions that were read are of
sufficient interest to be noticed by us, and we will confine our
report to the above remarks upon the outward appearance of the
house.

PRICES OF STOCKS THIS
Bank Stock
3 per Cent. lied
3 per Cent. Cons. 7644
34 per Cent. shut
Ditto Red
New 31,4 per Cent ... 85% N%
3 per Cent Ann. 1726 -
4 per Cent. 1926
Bank Long Ann to expire
Jan 5, 1860 shut
Oct. 10, 1859 shut
Jan. 5, 1860... 1614
Jan. 5, 1880 -
April 5, 1880 -
Jan. 5, 1870 -,

DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK.

New 5 per Cent ..... —
India Stock
I Ditto Bonds 3 pm.
South Sea Stock 85%
Old Annuities shut
New Ditto 7614
S per Cent. Ann. 1751
Ex BilLs, Xl,OOO l7 16 pm.
Ditt0......
Ditto Small
Ditto C0mmercia1.......... pm.
Ditto Advertised . . pm.
Bank for Account
India for Account
Cons. for April 12 ... 76 6

PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK.
Austrian Bonds — Neapolitan —
Brazilian Bonds — Peruvian Bonds
Buenos Ayres Bonds — Portuguese Bonds
Chilian Bonds — .Prussian, Old
Colombian Bonds — Ditto, New —
Ditto, 1824 , — Russian —
Vanish
Greek Bonds — '-- :823 l4O 15
Ditto, 1825 — French Rentes, sp. c. —i. —C.
0 uatimala — '— Exchange ...... —f. —c.
Mexican Bonds .... .........
Ditto, 1825 — '— Exchange —l. —c.