The Sun.
London, England, 1831-08-10 00:00:00

Never, said I
Power so tree
was called ►►fl
King of Holld
and unfair 10
what was our
ng and a nazi
usted.
uld it(
Tbs.
situation
thir
his sta

•educe

T, Will

ieg eai

9 11101

Id, wl

) inva

ranee

t a fuii

a co

rl ? 111

merges
000

God 1
breal

;ay w,
at Fral

.as oui

second
'ranee
niary I
to up&
of oui

lot look

in mai

Now
ble Er
;urned

War

their

s of
in the greatest'
irily to occupl,
under discuss°,
nference
ut would they
ould consent 0
>sed on him be
.„
that that 1V0"
on him. ir4;)
by their Le
which he al
bub tan tiate.,
ed from dock:
hoped that L'e
s to believe tR;
e declared 001°_,I

matisfactory
ing to Fri)?
ear,—(Hear, 91
ai Friend (tile j
ugh not di,rl
to enter into j
d it.—(Heart"
forbid that the
axe merely to
er tone, allu
i take a bolder
so humble. 04,
now? with itt
,olsession of 11
the Portugu#.ol
lgiutn, and 0r.1.A
iat country 9
1, the Nobleo)
al her by sot .01,
laugh
d be felt 0'140)
require sonic 0
placed ile,;;tri
lad himself tus,oo
be given bin'
a' days bee.
ng an 110010)
of all the
mum and
:ed, without

)ility of the
referred
;Halt title of "14
ad constantlf
aY
the !Ip4Y, 110 p
Lad that re.P::OO

prop' ""ti
the proP
neb. 13u
self
ke on hi° firl
te Noble (
sibl e'
rehspon
so tit
Lel he been mess
urtesy as act
yroper
49v,
4113 "

(Heat),--irritated, as he_ might _have been by. the ,(111eStipti
Put t him,
e Sr"' with a view to anticipate discussion on nego-
-olt'inn'a cif which the result could not yet be known, he
et `1" have been excused if he had exhibited some sem.
CrarY warmth in answering the Noble Lord.—(Hear,
!r.) But he was not conscious of having clone any
rsore than his duty as a Minister, in having refused to
l'a,er questions which the Noble Earl, doing his duty
rl
Ss Peers thought it right to put.—(Hear, hear.) Ti
°Ple Earl must excuse him, but he must state that lie
IP' never heard a motion brought forward for which less
arliatneritary grounds were laid, and it was a motion that
e.,
4,*,t lead to a discussion that might do infinite mischief
Elie critical circumstances of the country. lf, in the
et Earl's Earl's opinion, it was wise to plunge the country
00'* into war, he must say, that he had never beard a
ach better calculated to attain that objectear.)
ill:" Ministers would certainly defend the honour and
-h 'tests of the country ; but the Noble Earl seemed to think
Poatethe only step for us to take was at once to have re-
;'from which he should certainly shrink. He
tve-'4gly adopted the assertion of the Noble Earl, that there
sere e in this country the means of defence, and he was
that we were yet is possession of. all the means ne-
e "Y for war, and that there was in the people of this
e' -4'4Y spirit enough to use them, and to use them effi-
ateiausly if the interest and honour of the country were
i4ettaeerkeri• Yet, at the same time, it was our duty and our
Ise.t.'imts as it ought to be our policy, to secure to ourselves
'esaings of peace ; avoiding war as productive of the
4avr'ateet evils—evils which he sought by negotiation to
1151)ids while he preserved the advantages of peace.—(Hear,
to the
When the Noble Earl talked of war, lie referred
t"e -situation of our al:ies ; and what was that situation ?
is-se
(Hear,,,, hear.) He took it as the Noble Earl described,
pet,."e had told the House that they were engaged in
tee`ing down war in their own dominions.—( Hear, hear.)
‘si of the House that Russia and Prussia were quite out
1 t question; and looking at the state of Poland, at
a p er,.' and Germans', they were, he believed, then Inca-
seZted from entering into war ; and yet the Noble Earl
of have this country take upon itself the whole burden
(le War to exclude France from entering Belgium...—
PIZ' hear.) He, for his part, felt it would be more
tha ,L`n ,t to wait - to exercise some forbearance, and to take
hit::‘liherate Course which policy prescribed. It was
ta4llinus hope that the continuance of peace would be
aotr,"nit of the negociations now on foot. He should
v?l,4v°id there sponsibility of explaining these negociations
preen the time arrived ; but unless their Lordships were
11lieP,11'd • to address the Crown to dismiss the present
tee-.4lers, they would not, he was sure, add to the diffi-
ts:B of what the Noble Earl himself called an ember-
e ,ol'ag situation, when negociations were going on full of
Would and difficulty, by calling for papers, and they
41,11 Place that confidence in Ministers which was
soe„-:Y Placed in them: He hoped that they would not
tvosiat't the interests of the country by any rashness, and
tseit` net join with the Noble Lord in increasing the dif-
(lb,'" in which the country was at present placed.t--
e hear.) He did not think it necessary to follow
wiless?ble Earl through his long and desultory speech, in
La,,,4 he had touched on some topics so lightly, that he
le,d"'Y knew what opinion the Noble Earl had formed, and
stater Others come to such compendious conclusions as
Note his own views, though they could nut to other
ip tile Lords appear to be justified. The Noble Earl had,
oothFist place, inveighed against the Government for
‘vle,l7.lng adhered to that principle of non-interference
ttle It professed. He ILA never uttered one word on
k9iri4ttunent on the subject he was not prepared then to
41:14 it4iti and re-assert. Ile said still, the principle of
11,4;tteif,rence with the internal affairs of other States
4tltht'e sacred generid principle',_ on which this country
1114, .t 0 aet, but at the same time lie admitted, with the
r'?ns Duke whom he had heard make that statement,
heal..)titis Principle was subject to exceptions.—(Heala
•h4le', With respect to what was passing between
kerk".'n and Holland as to choosing a linen of Govern-
iates'r this country had not interfered, and would not
pr.ti .ere.
There were, however, cases in which the
°hould le of self-preservation—.if, for example, this country
kity he exposed to great clanger—might make it neces-
atest ir us to interpose. On this principle the Govern-
ira, ad acted, and in doing so had only folowed the
441 t!'ittrtd into by the late Administration. The pre-
Lltilie4ini'try had in fact followed in the path of the Noble
that • The NoSle Duke bad presumed, properly enough,
asel: Resler& conflagration would have been the conse-
ill ha; of hostilities between Holland and Belgium, and
,"lthi.Uuited with the other Powers to say that hostilities
eee'eaas- On that principle the present Administra-
-" Proceeded. That course by which interference
war WU one of the exceptions laid down by the
Duke,
*lt
was ,prescribed by the interest of the
and was equally sanctioned by the principle of
justice. It was impossible for him to enter
le grounds of the accusation of the Noble Earl,
'?4i. sure that their Lordships would not call upon
lo so till these things were settled, because the
he should be obliged to make, could not be
:bout great inconvenience and great danger to
its object—the preservation or peace—which it
would be the result of the negociations. He
ce his answer from the speech of the Noble Earl.
Noble Earl say that things were settled ? Would
would say they were. They were in thepm-
ing settled; but he trusted the House wet'id not
:he Ministers to expose the secrets of negocia-
ultimate object of which was what the House
mutry and the Noble Earl wished—the preser-
peace.--(Hear, hear.) From the vituperation of
Earl he looked to the justice of the public, who
the motives of the Ministers when their conduct
explained, and as it would be, in proper time,
before them. He did justice to the amiable
the Noble Earl, which made him anxious to
conduct of those who had formed the treaties
iginal settlement of Europe : but he had always
sed a different opinion. He had on the first day
session expressly declared that the separation of
from Holland was the natural and necessary con-
of the union into which they had been forced ;
'ad, on that occasion, quoted the eloquent pamphlet
ale Friend, Lord John Russell. Fur his part,
never changed his opinion on this subject. In
'at, he had merely defended his own consistency,
one of the last men who wished to revive former
'ilited'cra• The 'Noble Earl had insinuated that he had
with a party against Mr. Canning's administra-
Sept4ana he certainly had never concealed that he did not
te:
00.f.4, 11. Mr. Canning's policy. H.e was compelled
st (-sssion to differ from m any of his dearest friends,
art 'ail no animosity towards Mr. Canning. Ile did
h aPProve of his foreign policy ; and, though seeing,
atite thnuelit • • • the policyof that great
hAhei wee' nut mpany, etd'i errors
s ar of iis conduct by
attempt:lto: lead this ccupntry back to her former
tb of policy. It was not on such ground that he
he
e charged with inconsistency. He felt his withers
"wrun •
eee and from such a charge be claimed a corn-
-1,,A1e niPtloll.-(llear, hear.) Ile could assure the
1141 tC an that it was his wish to support Holland, which
141 tad ,a''eient ally of this country. That- declaration he
\ 'e before • 1 1 •was to repeat it.—(Hear,
1;4 ) , and he ready
'e -
was anxious to defend the integrity and inde-
of Holland, but there were great difficulties in
eswes
e and he did not think with the Noble Earl that
es;
;eemary to rush precipitately into war for this
s're 'l;e„e/le hoped that this object might be obtained by
vett thasetul eee„, ; and be should be ready to show,
le°l4a4 te, time came, that the interests and. honour of
se"tereerfad taut been abandoned, and that they bad been
'1641l 4161° the utmost extent that the , circumstances
re e He was bound to say that the conduct of
ett'ssio.ch Government had been. fair and open on this
`alit to , But the Noble Earl had said that the French
N"eta "ave waited to concert measures with the Allies.
tt,„t 'uch a course as this would have been better or
eee.et'uld not stop to inquire; but this he knew, that
4zentatiotas which had been made to that Govern-
tate'ee oft of a most urgent nature; and it was in conse-
h4 n4t that the troops had been advanced towards
p ; he did t as yet ktiow that the frontier had
parsed no .
.44 4'4 .' no such accoitat had been received ; but they
cuaties
I:potated in giving a positive assurance that that
ter en4a4 been made for the purpose of defending Bele
Ito''tery-, that the moment the Dutch retired from that
ti,tlght ~I'ey would renal their force.—(Cheers.). He
to iati'L'at this country could not have expected any
p tea, Bactor statementthis. But be begged
'se 01 y than
to tit t, question—whose lault was It that the
th-?,`'Ps had had to march ?t He was unwilling
sf eet 0i.5 ',latter any further; but he must say that the
tlteat 14,-.,the King of Holland had been the real cause
seicien.---(Cheers.) He felt that in what he had
ttia qtrle f ' he had said too touch, because this was not
ot, tihp.,°,l" eetering upon these subjects ; their Lord-
tte,4ntee'Vl, not, therefore, hear -any further statements
hefe' 'raja. him oh a case that could not properly
tt, See re them till it teas Whe;t condition
ea.'nki4arld lielgium were placed. This then led him to
INA:rpation of the motion which had been made by
fuYaer at I. The Noble Earl desired to have papers
e,a 'vas consistent with the public safety. His
:41p4hti°11 that under the present circumstances no in-
the tvere4lld be produced with respect to matters
d,,tl fatwere in doubt and under discussion, and the
gite --fvevehich might be prevented by a premature
k`eheers.) When the proper period should

'Arrive he should not be inclined to withhold any informa-
tion on the subject. The present, however, was not a
time when such a discussion could either properly or
safely take place. If.the House should he of a different
opinion—if it should think that the policy pursued by
his Majesty's Ministers was so palpably dangerous to the
interests of the country and the crown—let it not call
for information of this nature, but let it, by its vote, dis-
place from their situation a Ministry so unworthy of di-
recting the affairs of this great country.
The Duke of WELLINGTON could not bear reflec-
tions cast on the King of the Netherlands, as had been the
case in the course of tbis discussion, in which that King's
interests and the interests of this country were so deeply
involved, without troubling their Lordships with a few
words on the subject. What be principally felt was, that
this country bad lost all that influence which in all good
tunes it had possessed over the Netherlands—it had lost
that confidence and intimacy with Holland which had
formerly been so beneficial to it. It was true that it was
evident that the treaties of 1814 and 1815 no longer
existed, and that there was a necessity for the two countries
being separated ; but the late Government; to which the
Noble Earl in the course of his speech had alluded, went
no further than to settle the terms of the armistice between
the two countries, and to fix those boundaries, by which
in particular the possession of Luxemburg was awarded to
the King of the Netherlands. This being the case, it was
clear that the armistice arranged by the late Government
had not even yet been carried into effect—(Hear, hear).—
and he thought that it would not be fair to look
at the conduct of the King of the Netherlands without
taking into consideration the whole of the transactions
which had taken place since that time. The efforts
of the conference in London were directed to enforce
the strict observance of the armistice; and in February
the representatives of the Allied Powers in London
agreed on the basis of separation. To this basis Holland
was called upon to agree; and she 'did agree. Directions
were then also given that Belgium should be called on to
signify the same agreement. He believed that Belgium was
not officially called upon to do so. 'But ,wby was this?
Because the Noble Lord on whim this duty devolved de-.
clined making the call, and came over here for further
orders. The Noble Lord was sent back with directions to
fulfil the meaning of the former order ; instead of doing
which, lie wrote a letter, in which he gave up some of the
moat important points of the original armistice ; and of
course the King of Holland, as soon as he saw this letter,
wrote to this country to complain of the transaction.—
(Cheers.) What was the consequence ? Why, that the
King of the Netherlands was assured that it was the in-
tention of the Five Powers to adhere to the original basis,
and that though a negotiation for the possession of Luxem-
burg would be allowed, even that could only be on the
ground that compensation satisfactory to the King of the
Netherlands should be rendered.—(Cheers.) This, be it
observed, was the arrangement of the whole of the Five
Powers, for France was present at that arrangement ; and
he, therefore, thought that the King of Holland had a
right to complain that the person appointed to carry the
original arrangement into execution was the very person
to propose another arrangement.—(Cheers.) This, how-
ever, was only the first alteration that had been so in-
jurious to the King of Holland ; but when the Five Powers
had made their appearance with the eighteen articles, how
much more reason for objection did there appear ?s, For
the last two hundred years Holland had bee i accuseamed
to look to England for support and other acts of friendship;
and yet here was an Englishman going to Brussels apparently
for the very purpose of sacrificing Holland to the demands
of Belgium.—(Cheers.) These were the grounds oil
which he could not consent to sit silent and hear the
King of the Netherlands' conduct found fault with ; but
there were other points which lie thought might tend to
show the general feeling that was observed upon this sub-
ject, and which might have served to bring Holland to the
conclusion that her interests were sacrificed by England.
The election of Leopold to the Throne of Belgium had
been generally attributed to the abandonment by England
of the interests of the King of Holland. This was a
point that deserved their Lordships' most seriousattention.
The interest of this country had required that it should
see Holland in the possession of un independent Power,
not connected with any other Power besides this country;
the old interest of England had required that Belgium
should not be connected with France.—(Cheers from the
Opposition, answered by cheers fi out the Ministerial side.)
But though this was tru e what interest had we in naming
who the Prince of Belgium should be? That was no in-
terest of ours—(Cheers renewed from both sides)—our
only interest with Belgium was the security of Holland.--:
(Cheers.) Now, no one could read the IS articles witlos
out seeing that the interests of Holland were entirely aban-
doned—(Cheers)—and yet Holland was to be called on to
adhere to that basis, because Belgium was willing to ad-
here to it. Now, what did the King of Holland say upon
this point? He said King Leopold had sworn to preserve
the Constitution—but the Constitution means the whole
Constitution, and the whole Constitution means the
possession of LuxemburgS—(dear, hear, and cheers.)
.But another remarkable fact was, that Leopold up to this
time was not recognised by any of the five Powers except
England and France; and it, therefore, was not surpris-
ing that the King of Holland should see in this another
token of his abandonment, and that we should have lost
all his good will. As to the prudence of breaking off the
armistice, or what followed, be (the Duke) would say no-
thing, as that might be discussed hereafter; but this much
he would again repeat, that it appeared to him the King
of Holland had a just right to complain. With respect to
the question as to whether any notice of the breaking of
the armistice had been given by the King of Reiland, it
appeared he had sent a letter to this country, in which he
stated he was willing to negotiate the preliminaries of
peace, but that he should support his negotiations " par
moyens nailitaires"—by military means—or military mea-
sures.—(Cries of " No, no ;" " Means, means.") This
letter, as he understood, was delivered into the bands of
the Secretary of State on Wednesday ; and lie therefore
should be glad to know why such measures could not have
been taken on that day as to prevent the movement of the
French troops towards the frontiers.—(Cheers.) Instead
of this, however, it appeared the letter was allowed to lie
unopened till the Thursday; by which means all this op-
portunity for explanation was lost.—(Cheers.) Theie
were points on which he called on their Lordships to re-
flect; and he thought that when they had given them
their full consideration, they would come to his conclusion
that they ought not to throw all the blame on the King of
Holland.—( Hear, Lear.)
Earl GREY wished to explain a fact which the Noble
Duke had alluded to with' some eflect, but which he
thought the Noble Duke would himself admit, when he
heard the explanation, was an additional reason against
having gone into this premature discussion.--.( Hear, hear.)
The Noble Duke had told the House that the letter which
was delivered on the Wednesday from the King of Holland
contained a passage, "military means," or as the Noble
Duke would fain have altered it—" about military nieas
snres"—(Cheers)—there being no small difference between
the words " means" and"" measures.'—(Hear, hear.)
But the Noble Duke, he was sure, would be surprised
when he was given to understand that this passage, which
to him was so clearly the announcer of hostilities, was not
so understood by any other person who read it.—(Cheers.)
Now, with respect to the communication itself, it was true
that it was delivered into the hands of his Noble Friend
(Lord Palmerston) on the Wednesday, at twelve o'clock;
but the letter was not directed to bun, but to the con-
ference.—(hear, hear.) His Noble Friend, therefore,
was not able to open the letter till the next day.—(Hear,.
hear, and cries of oh, oh.) At all events, the letter was
not opened till the next day. It was also right to state
that the Government had at the same time dispatches
from the English Minister, giving an account of the corn-
imitation of this paper ; and it was POrtaioly an extrae
ordinary fact, that this paper, which the Noble Duke
thought so clear, was not utiderstood by any one as indica-
tory of the determination of the King of the Netherlands
to pass the Belgian frontier. The letter was opened at the
conference die next day, and in order to show that the same
feeling still existed, he might state, that M. Feick and M.
Zuylen were desired to attend on the conference, and ex-
plain the meaning of that phrase, to which tlteir answer
was, that they were not instructed to give any explana-
tion of it.—(Cheers.) These were the plain facts of
the case ; and at the proper time he trusted that he should
be able to vindicate his colleagues and himself most
entirely from the charges that might be brought against
them.
The Duke of WELLINGTON, after saying a few words
about the French word " moyens," which were inaudible
below the Bar, remarked, that he believed that it was the
common practice for the Secretary of State presiding at. such
conferences to open all papers that were directed to them.
Earl GREY said a few words in explanation.
The LORD CHANCELLOR, after commenting on the
absolute necessity there was for secresy in !such a negotia-
tion as that which was now pending with respect to Bel-
gittm and Holltiods said, th 4 although be felt the incon-
,
venience and danger that might arise from any disclosure,
yet be thanked God that he and his colleagues had not one
atom of that responsibility on their beads.—(Cheers.) If
a premature disclosure of the.pending negociatioes in men's
self-defence should take place, and if that premature dis-
cussion should obstruct the course of those treaties, on
which, perhaps, hung war all the world over, be washed
his hands of the consequencts.—(Cheers.) Be the conse
pence, pn the Noble Earl, who eared nut fur the couse-

qteetices-r(Cheere and laughter)—he they on his supporters,
who, if he (the Lord Chancellor) was not greatly mistaken,
were not quite so careless of those consequences. In order
to show what those consequences might be, he would call
hack the attention of their Lordships to the discussions that
had previously taken place in Belgium on this very subject.
What advantage was it that the conferences of the Five
Poweri had taken place in a secret room, when the re-
sults were from day to day promulgated through the
Belgian Congress ? And who were the first to cry out
against this injudicious publicity? Who were they that
had drawn the moral from the tale—to beware of . a too.
popular Governmentand, above all, of a common.
wealth, where the executive might, by being debarred of
that secresy which was so essentially necessary, be de-
prived of all useful vigour and activity.—(Cheers.) He
believed he might answer that they were those very per-
sons who had brought forward this notable debate through
the mouth-piece of the Noble Earl.—(A laugh.) He
need not pause here to dwell on the absurdity—the ridi-
culousness—the worse than uselessness of such premature
snatch discussions ; it was sufficiently proved, in the facts
1,14 the case turning out to be as wide of ..the statements
that had been made, as ever he had heard even at the bar
' of a Court of law, where the hired advocate felt bound to
stretch his utmost ingenuity to torture the truth into the
semblance of a case for his client.—(Hear, hear.) In all
his judicial, forensic, and Parliamentary career, he had
never before met with such a display—never.—(Cheers.)
What did the charge of the Noble Duke amount to ? If
the Secretary of State had been more alive to his duty,
awl not kept this sealed note in his pocket for twenty-four
hours, all mistake would have been at an end about
the termination of the armistice—if the letter hid but
been opened in time, there was no saying what benefit
might not have been derived in stopping the march of the
French army. He, however, begged leave to state some
slight doubt as to the correctness of this view ; and this on
the simple ground, that of all those who had read the
letter, not one had interpreted it as the Noble Duke had
interpreted it.—(A laugh.) Nor was this obtuseness
peculiar to this country alone ; for all the Ambassadors
in Holland had read it, and not even there—not even in
that &soden air was there one Minister able to under-
stand it in the way in which the Noble Duke would have
had them understand it. So much, then, for the distinct-
ness of this letter.—(Cheers.) But even supposing that
it had been so interpreted, how it was to prevent the march
of the French surpassed his knowledge; for if it was in-
deed a notice, orders were given to the Dutch army to
pass the positions before this letter left the Hague ; so
that long before any step could be taken here the mischief
was done. And, after all, so little had the interest of
this country mitered by the non-opening of the letter,
that within half an , hour of the communication of our
Ambassador, the proper steps were taken---( Hear hear,
from Lord Londonderry)—the proper steps were taken ;
but if the Noble Earl thought that he was going to tell
him what those steps were, the Noble Earl—as was
often the case with him—was reckoning without his
host. --(Loud laughter.) That the Noble Earl should feel
somewhat sore at the changes that had taken place was
not to him (the Lord Chancellor) any matter of surprise,
when he remembered the part that he had taken in the
arrangements of 1815—arrangements, which, no doubt,
the Noble Lord had thought would be final ; but which
had been gradually dying away, till at length the only
way in which they would be final, would be, that not a
letter of them all would remain.—(A laugh.) Men in
modern times had mole wisdom and discretion than to
risk the preservation of peace every time a gun was fired
across this river or that bay. He did not take credit in
the present generation for our possessing juster views of
the policy which in the days ought to have been pur-
sued than they did themselves, but of this he felt perfectly
assured, that if Godolphin or Marlborough had lived, not
even to the present day, but to the year 1823, they would
have turned up their hands and eyes in amazement at any
proposition for a war for the purpose of preventing France
from marching an army across the Pyrenees, and over-
running Spain—yes, we saw France over-run Spein, not
only without our firing a gun, or without using any of
the stronger language of diplomacy—nay, confining our-
selves to the very slightest terms that were ever bottled up
for carriage or for use.—(A laugh.) The Noble Earl had
made it a matter of charge against his Majesty's Ministers,
that they bad deserted the interest of the King of the
Netherlands for the• purpose of promoting that of King
Leopold—that was a charge which he met with the most
distinct and positive denial, neitherdirectly nor indirectly did
they promote it, far less interfere, if they could be sup-
posed to have the power of interfering for such a pur-
pose; and least of all, did they make arty attempt at dic-
tation. It was now well known that Prince Leopold was
not the first personage proposed to fill the throne of Bel-
gium. Members of the, two branches of the House of
Bourbon were spoken of, and measures taken to procure
their election; it was thought then that it would neither
be favourable to the interests of England that an indie
' vidual belonging either to the present or the late Royal
Family of France should sit upon the throne of Belgium.
All who did not wish to see that country a province of
France must have - been averse from any such arrange-
ment; but neither directly nor indirectly, in the remotest
degree, did the Government of this country interfere—the
people of Belgium were left to the freest choice that any
country could enjoy of a sovereign. He fully agreed with
the Noble Earl that this country had nothing to do with
Belgium. Holland, no doubt of it, was our ancient ally,
but the independence of Belgium was, in the present
posture of affairs, essential to the peace of Europe, and
therefore no attempt was roads to prevent the establish-
ment of that independence. The Noble and Learned
Lord, after expressing the highest respect for the
character and feelings, of the King of the Bel-
gians, , ventured to say, that there was one draw-
back from the gratification justly and naturally felt
on his election to his present elevated situation,--
namely, that he was too closely connected with
England. We had, naturally, nothing to do with
Belgium, and taught not voluntarily to seek any thing
bringing us nearer together in the manner which the re-
cent election brought about. How could it be said that
this country had deserted Holland ? Was it in the power
of this or arty Government to procure for the King of Hol-
land a restoration of his authority over Belgium ? When
Noble Lords talked of our not having made out a strong
cause for Luxemburg as a desertion of Holland, how could
it be so considered—he of course spoke of Holland,.aa
Holland and of Luxemburg, as the private patrimony of
the House of Nassau. • Had the question been about Am-
sterdam,differe ;but
n Rotterdam,
he sawor n
o Flushing,reaso nwthhiecii casebo
uwould s htaov embaei been
different
tain all the claims, or all the rights of the rulers of that
country. He believed that there was no man in the present
age deserving the named a British Statesman, who would
venture upon any step by which be might incur the hazard
—the criminal hazard—of plunging Europe in a general
war. If there were any Sovereign so lost to a sense of the
duty he owed his people, the duty be owed his kind—if
there were any so smitten with the monstrous, unholy,
cruel, blood-thirsty setsbness of. making war for the pur-
pose of conquering a province, or any war not called for by
extreme necessity, and sanctioned by perfect justice, that
Sovereign would neither deserve the respect and veneration
which lie for one would be willing to offer a Monarch ready
to sacrifice his personal feelings for the preservation of the
order, liberty, and peace of society. Before he concluded,
he could not refrain from saying a few words as to what fell
from the Noble Earl, who had a lead ju the present
discussion. That Noble Earl had done him the honour
to anticipate from his mouth what he was pleased to term
sarcasm and vituperation, although he, was very fond of
indulging therein ; but he must be allowed to say that the
Noble Earl was himself in no small degree addicted to at-
t .mpts of that nature; it by no, means followed, however,
that because a gran was fond of a thing, that he was there-
fore good at it—(Great laughter)—though the Noble Earl
laboured hard at vituperation and eercesro; he still per-
haps, meant no harm. He was perfectly innoxious. Sar-
t:rim, in its original meaning, meant stripping the skin,
and the Noble Earl, in his laborious attempts at that spe-
cies of rhetoric, might still show the same spirit as if he
made the most successful speech that 'ever had been deli-
vered in that or the other House of Parliament.—(Cheers.)
He certainly never heard there, or anywhere else, more
personal allusions, hardly ever more frequent refer-
'trees to partictr'ar individuals or families; certainly never
more direct censure attempted to be Gast on Ministers at
home and abroad, and especially upon the representatives of
Foreign Powers in this country. Amongst other corn-
pieints of the Noble Lord, he urged that his (Lord 11.'s)
Noble Friend at the head of the Government had appointed
to a high diplomatic situation a relative, certainly not un-
worthy of that trust, and that he made matter of grave ie.-
cusation, as if no head of any Government had ever, under
the influence of paternal affxtiore, reppUinted. to a high di-
plomatic situationn R;le the ft;Aliet4 in .the world fit
fgt. swell e "In'the course of the Noble Earl's speech
he frequently adverted to the information which he derived
from newspapers, and ia the same breath denounced those
vehicles of information, though almost all the knowledge he
appeared to possess arose from what they supplied him
with. He would address him in the language of the woman
in the play, " fond, ungrateful man !" He would ask the
Noble Lord how he could have gone on without the assist-
ance of the newspapers? He did that, notwithstanding a'.
his censure of the daily Press, which perhaps had twee
belOre la-en done in a House of Parliament—he not merely
, read ma newspaper, fur the purpos.a of laying before the

Honsea document or a narrative, but he laboured to eke
out his argument with the speculations of a Parisian Jaco-
bin journal. He (the Marquis of L.) quoted largely from
the Times of this country, a newspaper which he (Lord
B.) was not in the habit of reading, but to which, consi-
dering how much he was indebted to its columns, the Noble
Lord was certainly iiigrateftil: On the subject, how-
ever, which that newspaper supplied him with, as well as
with respect to the feeling Which he entertained relative to
the nepotism of which he accused his Noble Friend at
the head of his Majesty's Government, it would be in
vain that any attempt would 'ne made to disabuse his
mind. ..Ifthat mind were brayed in a mortar, preju-
dices could not be beaten out of it. He complained that
two Ambassadors and an Irish Bishop had been ap-
pointed from amongst the relatives of the Noble Earl at
the head of his Majesty's. Government. Now, thpugh
that statement was not true, he recommended his
Noble Friend at the head of his Majesty's Government
to realise it---(A loud laugh)---and at least some good
would then arise from the speech of the Noble Earl.—
( Renewed laughter.) He should have thought that the
Noble Earl would have been the last to allude to nepotism
in appointments to foreign missions; he could scarcely
have forgotten thatpaternal affection had appointed to such
missions persons unfit--notoriously unfit—unfit to a de-
gree the world never witnessed before.—(Cheers.) He
should never come to another subject equally distasteful to
him. It had been heretofore, and justly, the boast of
this country, that amidst all the contentions of party
strife, her Statesmen had never forgotten what was due
to the feelings of foreigners ; it had heretofore been to the
credit of British Statesmen, that they acted as if they
knew that the Foreign Ministers in this country were de-
fenceless, and therefore ought not to be attacked—that
they were strangers, and therefore entitled to hospitality_'
that they were the Ministers of Sovereign Princes, and
that therefore to them was due courtesy of a higher or-
der ; that though they had the feelings of men, they had
the duties of Ministers to perform—the duties were cast
upon them, the feelings were born with them, and it
might net., always bosppen that. it was in their power to
controul those feelings ; it, therefore, had ever been the
practice of British Statesmen to avoid attacking persons
so circumstanced; because, apart from the feelings of
generosity which he trusted would animate the mind of
every Briton raised to high station, it could not but be
felt that 'peace or war might depend upon the feelings
of. persons holding such situations. He did allude, for
obvious reasons, to what had been said of Prince Tal-
leyrand, but he alluded generally to what bad been
said of the representatives of Kings, Potentates, and
Powers maintaining intercourse with this country.
There could be no doubt that the language held would
by them be regarded in the light of a marked and de-
cided insult, if it were not at once put down by a unani-
mous expression of feeling on the part of the assembly in
which it was pronounced.—(Loud cheering.) In thus
applying a salve to the scratch or irritation—he could not
call it wound—so inflicted, he would add, there were none
to whom censure of any kind could be less applicable than
to the representatives of foreign Powers in this country ;
they were men of qualifications of the highest order—of
singular endowments—of great acuteness—of- larger in-
formation, of sound and acute judgment—a judgment,
the gift of nature, not the requisite of study ; and, what
was more, . they were all men of conciliating manners.
The Noble and Learned Lord, after apologising for the
praise thus drawn from him towards personages so inde-
pendent of it, went on to say that those were not really the
most averse from war who took every opportunity of ex-
pressing superfluous horror of it ; but he felt with the
Noble Duke, that if in a just cause it became necessary for
this country to draw the sword, the resources of this
country were fully adequate to any struggle in which ne-
cessity might engage her. Did he, therefore, desire to
seek cause for any public quarrel ? - Quite the contrary ;
but he would not be driven to advise the drawing of the
sword by senseless ribaldry, or by any consideration less
than absolute necessity ; for when once drawn, no man
could tell what tides of blood might be shed—what
months and years might pass before the sword could be
returned to its scabbard. Therefore, unless- in a case of
the clearest necessity, regarding the honour and the in-
terest of Great Britain, he should esteem it a crime of the
deepest dye to draw that sword, which no man could tell
the time and. circumstances under which it might' be
sheathed.

The Earl of ABERDEEN regretted that the .motion
was not sufficiently definite and substantial on the subject
of foreign affairs ; for, in his opinion, nothing could be
more inconsistent—more destitute of firmness—snore un•
English—than was the conductof the British Mini-try in
reference to foreign policy. There were some who
thought that our insular situation ought to determine this
country tO avoid meddling in continental, disputea, while
the same tact led others to an opposite conclusion ; but
there was one point on which all were agreed—namely,
that we should maintain a strict alliance with Portugal
and with Holland. ' He would contend, that in - the pre-
sent positioti of ptiblic affairs, nothing could have been
more cruel and unjust than our departure from all the
fixed principles of our foreign policy. He, of course,
could have but little sympathy with the Government of
Portugal ;' but respecting that of Holland, there could ,
not be a second opinion as to the extent of its beneficence.
He would not stop to inquire whether the disputes between
Holland and Belgium arose from the fifteen years' prospe-
tity which the latter enjoyed during its connection with
the former, or the benefits which she had derived from
the free institutions which the King of the Netherlands
conferred upon her during that period. - No doubt the
Belgian revolution was the first-born of the late French
revolution, with all the charms of its parent, Moire pul-
chra, flia pulchrior. - Immediately after that event Hol-
land
called upon the five Powers to meet by their Plenipo-
ten fiat ies, -which they did, and a great portion of the re•
sults of that conference was already known to their Lord-
ships. The Noble Lord then adverted to the various
protocols issued by the conference ; and having detailed
the progress of the negotiations up to the time when
the Prince of Coburg accepted the Sovereignty, he
proceeded to comment on the language used by M.
Lebeati, now the Foreign Minister of Belgium, at the time
he announced that acceptance to the people. Their Lord-
ships did not require to he informed, that the question of
editlyifioart2
the Duchy of Luxemburg had been postponed, and that
it was agreed it should form the subject of future negoci-
ations. But what was the language of M. Lebeau ?
Luxemburg; that the Belgians
Why, that the Prince bad made it a point, that Belgium
should keep Luxemburg—f Hear)—that lie was determined
might rely on it lie would preserve to them both Lux-
to go to war to keep
emburg and Limburg.-;-(1-lear.) This was the language
of a person who spoke, he (Lord Aberdeen) presumed,
from authority, at . the very moment when it had been
be allowed to take either Luxemberg oe Limburg, and
was to be
agreed with the Icing of Holland that Belgi
that the right to thein matter of future ni go-
nrn was Oat to
ciatian. j4ut the Noble and Learned Lord talked of Lux-
emburg as not being any part of the possessions of Hot:
land. True ; it was the property of Holland, as a mem-
ber of the Germanic Confederation. Ilia was Limburg
and were they to leave Hull Ind in a worse condition with
no part of Ilollaed ? was 14.Ltestricht no part of Holland ?
of Munster?—(Hear.) On looking calmly at the whole
regard to territory there, than she Vac left at the Treaty
of the negOCiationa, and at the course adopted towards
saw nothing in the conduct of that Sovereign which did
the Ku• tg of Holland, he (Aberdeen) must say, that he
ot completely exempt him from the cheqgc:,a brought
againsthimby the Noble Ear!. l'heiing of Holland hail been
roe,* wirer., h@ ought io have' been upheld—censured
for his rashness when he might have received credit for
firmness and patriotism—it was not to him a matter oi
.
surprise that under a sense of cSntipuo itkirtries he had
felt it necessary to have recourse to at ma, It had been
said that the leing of Rolland gave no notice of his inten-
tion to do so. . Why, from the 24th June, When he pre-
sented a note of remonstrance through his envoy to the
powers of the conference, and declared that any ~Pii,nce
gave no not
who accepted the throne of Belgium; Wit,',..put first acced-
ing
cf.:
i.i,eta'notice of his determination to assert his eights,
oifl°oom b u thatrg ,lit ci time
rdl orepne atto-
It !lad been said, however, thAt the King of
really
yat notice of big intention to break the
armistice, and tli4t he even sent IA Minister to negociate
at the time he meditated the attack on Belgium. Now,
iinnistewrhwicahs
btlaiedebcelaerreerd
osien?therrKheingl,
that he sent a new representative to ;bar conference at their
request, but lie at the ;awe sime declared he was deter-
mined to eylppoik-t his': rights by all the military means
‘titio., bits power, becauie the new 'ctere:gia of Belgium
bad accepted ththrotie Witl:out agreeing to the whole of
owfhaatcowmarns tu•
the Vrofocols, and sworn to maintain a Constitution
which derogated from the territorial rights of Beleiem.
Now he (Lord Aberdeen) maintained that when they
took this it? connection with the other motives on the
part of the;
Kr-"g Of Holland, there was ni:i a:shadow of
foundation for a breach of faith on his part in the whala
of the transaction. In point of fact, 1..00, there was 'no
general armistice between the parties. From the imprac-
ticable ee.TOlout of the :Belgian Deputies, it was found im-
p' ssible to conclude any; but there was a suspension of
arms and a local armistice at Antwerp.. He repeated,
tnerefore, be was not surprised that the King of Holland
had again recourse to arms when lie found himself insulted
'and
bettayed by those who pretended to have interfered
t,

for Mu protection, and when he found every engagement
entered into-with him openly violated. He confessed it
did the heart good, in the midst of so much injustice, to
see how justly the rectitude of that Sovereign's conduct
was appreciated by his subjects—to observe with how
much ardour they were disposed to support him—because
they felt he had proved himself dese, ving of their loyalty
and love. It was, therefore, with the highest satisfaction
that he heard from the Noble Lord there were some hopes
that the misunderstanding would be adjusted, and the mis-
chief, which had already unfortunately been the consequence
of past events, prevented from spreading into a more dan-
gerous circle. He might here take leave to say, that he
regretted much the Prince of Coburg had been persuaded
from any quarter to accept the throne of Belgium. When
the Prince drew back from the fulfilment of another en-
eagementof the same description, he (Earl Aberdeen) recol-
lected well that the Noble and Learned Lord (Brougham)
held an opinion different from some of his friends, and ex-
' pressed his satisfaction that the Prince had, in his peculiar
situation, avoided such a cause of foreign entanglement.
Even then, although fully sensible of the difficulties in
which that course adopted by the Prince involved Govern-
inent, he (Lord Aberdeen) was disposed to agree with him;
hut how much more must he be of that opinion now,
when the Prince had been persuaded to place himself in a
situation which was likely to prove the most injurious to
the interest of this country that could possibly have been
devised by any of its enemies. The sine qua non of all
arrangements with respect to the future sovereign of that
country should have been, that they were to choose a per.
son whose elevation would not be likely to embroil Eng-
land with its ancient ally of Holland. And yet -the first
step taken by the new King had produced that effect.—
The nomination had, in truth, every disadvantage that
could be imagined. His Royal Highness must naturally
look up to France as his ally and protector ; and although
the Noble and Learned Lord had expressed a fear that the
Prince would nut sufficiently separate himself from Eng-
land, he (Lord Aberdeen) apprehended that the Prince
had already removed all alarms on that ground, and proved
how closely lie found it necessary to connect himself with
France. In his humble opinion the new- King should
have applied to all the Powers of the conference, and left
to them, rather than to France, the decision of the question
at issue with the King of Holland ; for if there was any
Point of more importance than another, it was the preser-
vation of perfect unanimity among all the parties.—
Near, however, as the political connection of France and
Belgium had become, according to I%J. Lebeau, who
doubtless was in the secret, that connection was, through
the means of a family tie, to become much closer. With
this, however, he had nothing to do, except to observe,
that it must still further affect this country and its
connection with Holland; for Holland was with him
the object of true national. importance—Belgium he
left wholly out of the account. Hi feared much how-
ever, that the confidence and affection of the people of
Holland—the firmest and the most faithful friends of this
country—was gone, never to return. At no one period
since the times of Charles the Second, had there been
the same feelings of disgust and hatred engendered in the
minds of the Dutch against England ; and to such a height
had it risen, that our Ambassador at the Hague, one of
the most amiable and respected men he ever met with,
bad been actually shunned by every man in consequence
of the opinions entertained of the conduct of England by
the people. The impression in Holland had indeed be-
come general, that England did not desire to separate Hol-
land from Belgium, but to annex Holland as a province
to Belgium. He was one of the last men in that House
who should attempt to throw any obstacles in the way
of the negociations, or anything which could impede their
successful progress ; but if that House did not expresa an
opinion with respect to them before the present proceed-
ings were consummated, lie would ask the Noble Earl at
what time they were to .express such opinions? When
lie saw all sympathy withdrawn from one of the most
ancient allies of this country, and every means taken to
promote the success of the unconstitutional encroachments
of a Revolutionary State, he could not however avoid ex-
pr easing his opinion that the Government were pursuing
a course unjust, impolitic, unstatestnanlike, and un-I:lng-
li,b.—(Hear, hear.)

The Earl of CARNARVON said he wished to say one
or two words ou the subject of the debate; but he did
not profess to follow the Noble and Learned Lord
(Brougham) through that splendid Will-o'-the-wisp kind
of oration—(A laugh)—with which, through the channels
by which it afterwards got before the public, he doubtless,
hoped to draw away the attention of the country from the
vitally important interests involved in the question before
it.—(Hear, hear.) He thought the people of this country
could not, nor would not, look tamely on while the Texel
and Helvoetsluys were pa-sing into the hands of the Fr
and they were making themselves the rnatstara of places
as dangerous to the interests of England as if they held
Plymouth or Pot tsmouth.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble and
Leaned Lord hail asked were they to go to war about
eve?), petty squabble on the Continent? But was it a
petty squabble which carried 50,000 French troops into
Belgium, at the request of the Sovereign, who had already
fully redeemed himself from the imputation of being in-
clined to zany dangerous connection with England. The
Noble and Learned Lord bad warned them to avoid ex-
citing any feeling which could impede the progress
of the negotiations; but he (Lord Catnarvon) con-
tended that it was the language of the Clovernment
which was best calculated to produce such an effect ;
and when they were told that Russia, from her posi-
tion with respect to Poland, and Austria, from the
disturbed state of part of her Italian provinces, and
Prussia,
.from other causes, were not in a condition to i
interfere with sufficient influence—when they beard all
this, although they knew that the armed forte of the two
latter powers was never in a higher condition, or more fit
for active service, he would say that it was the Govern-
ment held the language of despondeocy, and led to the
concequenoes with which they now saw themselves threat-
tened. After observing that the manner in which the
King of Holland had been assallo and assaulted was no
proof of good taste on thO part of the Noble and Learned
Lord, the Noble Lord proceeded to observe that what-
ever resources England might possess, there was no
good reason that we should be brought into a situation
which would, ultimately, compel them to go to war with
all the world ; and, least of all, was there reason that
they should go to war, among the first, avith our most an-
cient ally. From the language
edduocnuhsaols used
lpdrt reasonhi ssapyt,zcttoohouuest:
•Nosaenonchdol lufedheLa
policypotpirld
°turl7,):-lihitaelhta4lileletr:rhrawitllasirieercibtoutt'orenb'dole7im
and that leaving their Allies to their enemies, and
the nations of Europe to the horrors of revolution, they
intended tq oocopy themselves solely with an att;tnpt
to zevolationize their own country.—(tr,ear, hear.)
They threw themselves on the revolutionary and dis-
contented spirits for support, and fancied that by con-
ceding to their wishea, they would disarm all opposition.'
After ol,..lserving that it had been declared by a Name:
Baron ono former evening, that Portugal must no longerl
look to the support of tbia country, and.he supposed that!
Holland watt now to meet with the same fate, the Noble
Rail said much as he condemned the course pursued by the
Government, yet, as the negociations were not concluded,
he, could not vote for the motion. The Noble Lords oppo-
site had condemned his frieutis for founding motions on
reports in the dfousuaks, but recent circumstances proved
that if /,`;soble. Lords were not influenced by these echoes
of public opinion, as he believed the Noble Baron called
them, they were at least happy tq tase thorn to vindicate
their measures. They would now see, however, how little
ground they had b-oinri by these changes, and he hoped
they wOuld not repeat them.---(Hear, hear.) He would
cot; however, vote for the motion at that moment, although
he considered the policy pursued by tha present Govern-
ment as most mis.chievous—na tanning to destroy those
barriers in one part of Lurope, which,
_at the expense of
blood and treaaore, former Governments had built
leaving Pot.tugal despoiled and helpless, and forbid to look
• with confidence to its ancient alla, and es tending to com-
promise the peace and safety of this country, and of all the
countries in I..',urosse,
Lord HOLLAND remarked, that Government were
placed in an extremely awkward situation by this motion,
as it related to points upon which they were precluded
from touching. He accordingly could not folow the
Noble Earls through the various topics advanced In their
speechoss He admitted the classical knowledge of the
one, and the great power of sarcasm and invective poi-
sassed by the other ; Le would not, however, engage in
any warfare. with the Noble Lords, as he considered it
. would be attended neither with advantage no came. The
Noble Lord (Carnaiwon) said they threw themselves on
the discontented. They did not throw themselves on the
Noble Lortl.—(yesy loud cheering from the Mitaiatesia)
Be nehea. ) The Noble Lord said, they were o.o.,daavouring
to maintain themselves in power by rcnooving the cause of-
discontent, whenever or by whonisoever it might he ex-
pressed ; the Noble Lord would find that they Would Out
remove it as far as it related to him.—.(Continued ;leering
from the, Ministerial benches.) In allusion to some ob-
servations which be had delivered on a former occasion
respecting Portugal, he stated that he never could have
intended to say that Portugal could nut rely on the sup-
port of this country. What he did say was, that Por-
tugal could not rely exclu-ively upon the support of this
country. And if they were in some degree estranged
from Portugal, by whose conduct was it that this hail
taken place? Was it not by the conduct of those who

• l aqan sta.? #haf party wl,le', mss natutal'y aft leted to
Enzlan•l ? . He Lad '' said that Po;augal :Was necessarily
obliged, from her situation and circuatitaueea, to lean
u •
ton one of the :two Powers, France or England—
...l rather, perhaps, . he , should s.y both ; and con..
sidering'the course puritans!, it was n .t likely she would
continue to lean exclusively upon us. Alluding to the
sareclieti of the two :Noble Lords, he observed, that he had
n.ver heard statements more at variance than those upon
which they severally relied. But he had only to observe,
that to move for the production of those papers piecemeal
seas either'very foolish, or else mischief was intended. • If
the Noble Lords carried their object, it meant war, war,
wart • and nothing but war ; ntdi- nutrev o slinwt'ipnya
was. there an honest man—was there an Englishman who
considered the consequences of such a war, who did not
eel that everything ought to be done to prevent a cannon
anti-revolutionary wr ar. between
Ad
Belgium and Holland, but an
t it'atintgthfie
e war which
re-
volutionary, and destroying in its progress all who now
conducted it ; and on the other side, anti-revolutionary,
rd in E rope?
ensued, for,
would doltht
be thereon the could
one I
steide net ie
compromising all the Governments of Europe, and com-
mencing a struggle, the end of which no eye could possibly
attain ? In moving for those miserable papers, it was
quite clear the ohjeci of the Noble Lords was, to create ex-
' citement in Courts, in individuals, and throughout the
country. The fact was, the Noble Lords were thirsting for
war.—(No, nit.) - If they denied this, it must be said at
the expence of their understanding, If the motion of the
Noble Lords succeeded in occasioning a change of Govern-
ment, the inevitable consequences would be war. And if the
Noble Lords had not a change of Government in their can-
temptation, he could onlysay that their Motion waiexCeed-
ingly ill-imagined. Alluding to the affairs of the Low
Countries,he remarked that Military Authorities inferior only
to the Noble Duke (Wellington), and all Statesmen, had
agreed that the Low Countries were not capable of maintain-
ing a large army, and yet could not be supported without
one. It was therefore clear they should always lean upon some
greater power, and a strong antipathy had always existed
between the Dutch and Belgian provinces. He, therefore
much doubted the polity of uniting them originally, and
he maintained they could not be reconciled. In conclusion
he said the motion of the Noble Lords had no Parliamentary
or practicatobject. The Noble Earls had talked of their
having used strung and dangerous language at that side of
the House ! hut he asked whose was the fault ? The oh-
jact ofthe Noble Lord's motion was three-fold—first, to
provoke those on the Ministerial side of the House to in-
dulge in language which might be used as a handle against
them; secondly, to urge Ministers into a premature dis-
cussion upon points with which it. was inconvenient, and
difficult, and dangerous for Ministers to expatiated and
thirdly, to get rid of the Reform Bill.
The Duke of WELLINGTON, in explanation, declared
that he had not entertained Abe idea, that after what hash .
taken place, -Holland and Belgium could be reconnected.
There were, however, several ways of settling the separa—
tion, and one wan, that of placing Belgium under the Go-
vernment
of a Prince of Orange. He would not now
enter upon the subjects to which the Noble Lotd had
alluded ; many opportunities would occur, and he would
be at all times happy to discuss these points with the
Noble Lord. The only observation he would make was,
that ha was thoroughly convinced the Noble Lord had not
read all the treaties._( Hear.)
The Earl of CARNARVON said, that after the long
friendship and intimacy which had subsisted between him
and the Noble-Lord, he certainly had not expected to he
attacked by him with the extraordinary degree of acerbity
the Nobly Lord displayed that night. He would not, how-
ever, suffer himself to he led away by that. He would
not forget the old, kindly feelings which had subsisted be-
tween theta—he would not forget the esteem and frien f_
ship with which for so many years he had regarded him,
but that if any discontent actuated his conduct on the pre-
sent occasion, or had evor done so during the thirty-seven
years he ball been a Member of Parliament, be, in as
strong terms as he might possibly employ, did positively
deny.--fliear, hear,) And if any person present could
asgert it, let him stand forward and prove it of him.
A ' to the cheering yells which accompanied z:Je unkind
ire ark of the Noble Lord, he considered them tangent,-
ro s, or, he might almost say, ungentleman-like.—(gear,
frdm the Opposition Benches.) When he said the Minis-
ters had thrown themselves upon the revolutionary
and disconten:ed of this country—and when, the
retaliation upon him, that he was one of the•ditilOntented,
was cheered after a manner so unparliamentary, he re-
ceivedhthheiarni Iteyv_l fievhtelanad
yearsttratceekiev.hl:ii in a very unfair manner.
it with the contempt and scorn it merited. The
fp,:iiitinvagmase,tnhltet:
ahadny anything afrotikearanbrNi-.of
niater for himself or any relative, nor any pledge or pro_
wise. The Noble Lords with whom he had long acted in
suppctt of the cause of religious liberty, would do him the
justice to bear witness that be had always been opposed to
extensive Reform, considering, that it was merely another
word for Revolution. He had acted conscientiously when
in support of the great principle of religious freedom ; and
be acted conscientionaly in the course he was then pur-
suing. What Le felt
.strongly he would always strongly
express—.(Year)—and notwithstanding the unkind taunts
of the Noble Lord, and the ungenerous and unparlia-
mentary cheers of the Noble Lords opposite, he would
not be driven from what he esteemed to be the path of
duty.—(Cheers.)
The Duke of RICHMOND, in a low tone of voice,
alluded, if we undetstood hint rightly, to something which
had occurred upon the day of the prorogation oh Parlia-
ment, anti observed, the Noble Lord had no tight, when
1 he remembered this, to complain of vituperative language,
or object to cheering.-
The Earl, of CARNARVON said, that if the Noble
Duke ta,%shed for an answer to his observations, he regretted
that, according to Parliamentary usage, :aild. consistently
with the forms and dignity of their Lordship' House, he
was prevented from giving him the answer it would pro'.
perly deserve.

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY replied. He de-
fNided his motives in bringing forward this motion, and
expressed his dissatisfaction at the tone and observations
of the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack. That
Noble and Learned Lord, however, should be made to
know that, to use a homely phrase, there were very many
Noble Lords in that House who would always he ready to
give him as good as he brought. In conclusion he stated,
thi,t, with the permission el their Lordships, he would
withdraw his motion.

The motion i.rs----aeeordingly withdrawn.
The othiw orders of the day were disposed of, and the
adjourned at a Quarter past Eleven o'clock.

COURT CIRCULAR.

Earl GREY came to town yesterday morning from his
residence at East Sheen. Monsieur BeitatnnEz, the Spa-
nish Minister, had a long conference with the Noble Eirl
at the Treasury after his arrival ; his Excellency after-
wands transacted business at the office of the Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs.
,Monsieur VAN DE Wiirrx, the Minister from Belgium,
viiiited Viscount RaLarritsrow yesterday at the Foreign
Office. •
Sir JAates GEATIASI had interviews yesterday with
Eirl GREY and Viscount Avrnoar at the Treasury.

.•
While iMr..JAmgs MACPHERSON, or Cal-
derbrackliob, was opening.a drain on his farm, a few days
14i, he discovered a bronze axe, on the centre of which
w'Fis the likeness of a heart. • This relic of antiquity was
handed to Capt. &HAW, in whose halals it now k An
ancient spear o 1 the same metal was found some time ago
on tie estate of Gollaufields.—lnverness Journal.

•
IWINCHESTER, AUGUST 6.—This morning
Gronor GARNETT, aged 19, convicted at our assizes of
cutting and maiming JOHN WILLIAMS, of Portsea, suffered
the extreme penalty of the law at the hack of the county
gaol. A respite for a week was received on Thursday the
27th ult., and exertions were made to procure a further
respite, but without effect. GARNETT'S conduct, since
his condemnation, has been that of a sincere penitent; and
he passed through the awful preparations for his untimely
end with much fortitude.—Hampshire Telegraph.

BOGLE CORBET.--The subject of this work,
bi the author of " Lawrie Todd," is taken from life, and
handled in the stvla of one skilled in the knowledge of the
world. fir. GALT's power is truth—but can there be a
greater le It works ou homely themes, and ordinary inci-
dents ; and it is thence she more readily recognised, and
apt for the excitement of the common sympathies. The
first and sceossd volumes of " Bogle Corbet" contain the
hAtory of a mercantile man's ups and ►lawns in the world;
_tie last volume treats of his settlement in Upper Canada,
and, in 'addit-ion to its singular attraction as a novel, may
also be regarded as a hook full of valuable information.

SLACKNESS IN TIDE IRON TR4DE.—We
understand that at Dudley, and its nehilbStAtiOod, about
fifty furnaces have beet stopped, beeimie iron sells for
only about half the price that would fairly remunerate al/
pet sons employed in producifll; it. Each furnace gives
einp!oyment to about EMI men; conseiph ntly,
12,b00 will, by the stoppage, be thrown ent of employ,—,
Birutinyhaot Parer.

MI 14 .114(1
▪ The c": h.7.entee,
tot leave . • I'Ns pule
at Misty ',a Poliev
lintty
anti
ar
don and
ings with ''t: ,t
asi all the
tare of 14 he
e Hollaou 0 wall 'k do
file to air 1 Iternenta
ar._(llelPo 141144 e with
Dre to saY *: ultimat
,hen he
00 Ped
ade Be-
immed7l *4A take
the
kir prnee',
...`40(1 be
)mtunnics' `" of bei
and could
ill Upon tI
ency "vs, tl', the t
people,c° )1,4 the (.0,
why thttion of p
athless ' * • Noble
That the '" *tkld see
-auce bad fully e:
Iv present 4Y Lid
d returns &tills of
e in order isito oti the
motive* %I' the orig
der the in d
e
,ur Sta 141,txt
seas
oked upskie!jutri fr
aintainieg khluepee 01
nv the F hhe bad
?Airl get de Nub'
d out to.' 114,714 ne,
AfinistrY, kr"rt tha
• 'winds ? 4k he Wa
London' 47tetie.,'
th. ‘ll.