The Sun.
London, England, 1836-05-26 00:00:00

GREAT MEETING OF THE CITIZENS lA'
THE COBOUI?G GARDENS.
( Abridged from Aire Dublin Morning Register.)
Yesterday, pursuant to requisition, one of the most nu.
merous7 and respectable meetings which we have ever wit
ness,ed within the limits of the city of Dublin, took place it
the'Cobourg Gardens. Never was there a more unequi-
vocal and triumphant display of public sentiment regard-
ing the two great questions which were the subject of dis-
cussion than upon this occasion. One feeling- universally
pervaded the meeting, and-was stamped indelibly upon the
minds of all present, that the insulting mockery, the shadow
of legislation, substituted for the Commons' Bill by. the
Lords, should be unhesitatingly rejected, and an appeal to
the irresistible energies of the people be once more made.
Among the noblemen and gentlemen we noticed the Earl
of Milltown, Lord Killeen, Lord Dalzell, Sergeant Woulfc,
M.P., Richard Lalor Sheil, Esq., M.P., Henry Grattan,
Esq., M.P., Nicholas Ball, Esq., M.P., William Finn,
Esq., M.P., Christopher Fitzsimon, Esq., M.P., James
Power, Esq., M.P., and Lieutenant-Colonel Mlen.
The Earl of MILLTOWN in the Chair.
His Lordship, upon taking the chair, said—Men of Dub-
lin Fellow-citizens ! it is with delight that I obey the call
which requests me to preside over this meeting.—(Cheers.)
From my birth, at least, I can claim the title of a citizen of
Dublin. Yes, I was born in your city, and lam descended
from a merchant of Dublin—(Cheers)--who, by honest in-
dustry, acquired an ample fortune. Of that fortune lam
the possessor of. a large portion, and I should be more or
less than man, if I did not deeply feel and warmly resent
the insult which has been offered, not alone to you, but to
every one who bears the name of Irishman, by that assembly
from whose precincts none but the most elevating aad enno-
bling sentiments ought to emanate.—(Cheers.) Alas ! how
is nobility perverted ! how long do our rulers (no, I should
not say our rulers, but our would-be rulers), how long do
they think that the patience of Ireland will endure ? It
really appears to me that they go on the principle, and an-
swer with the same appropriateness of logic as the French
cock, who, when remonstrated with on the barbarity of skin-
ning alive eels for a certain dish, used to exclaim, " Oh !
they are so accoufente to it that they never do mind it"—
(Loud cheers and laughter.) Thus probably it is that our
would-be rulers imagine that we are se much the slaves of
degradation, that every new insult must fall unfelt and un-
perceived upon our deadened and callous senses.—(Cheers.)
Was it not enough, men of Dublin—for to you I especially
address myself—was it not enough that, even within the
memories of those who listen'around me, your nobles should
have been robbed of their birth-right ? Was it not enough
that your gentry should have been compelled, in some more
favoured and happy land, to look for that comfort, quiet,
and repose, after which our nature, when obeying the best
dictates which suggest themselves to our minds, will ear-
nestly yearn? Was it not enough, that by a deprivation
of the powers of self-government, little short of total ruin
ensued? Was all this not enough to gratify the malignity
or to qualify the hate of the enemies of our country ?
Must we, in addition to all these indignities, be denied
the poor privilege, after all, of selecting our own muni-
cipal officers ?—(Loud cheers.) Must we quietly submit
to be deprived of a single vote in the distribution or
assessment of taxes which are drawn from our own
pockets?-- (Cries of " Hear, hear.") These topics are ex-
citing. I know from the feelings which agitate my own
breast that they are.—(Hear, hear.) Cnn the Tories con-
ceive the high-wrought feelings of an Irish Representative,
or I should rather say, non-representative Peer ?—(Loud
cheering.) Can they imagine the regret with which he will
look on his son born to an empty title ? I myself, although
as I have said, I am descended from a merchant of Dublin,
belong to a family ennobled for more than a century, yet
the bitter consciousness presents itself to me that my son
can have no voice in the Councils of his country ; like his
father, his exclusion under the present system will be a
matter of certainty, even though his family was illustrious
before many of the high and mighty majority whose act has
called us together to-day.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) What
are the effects of the Bill which the House would force
down our unwilling throats ? How will it affect my Ca-
tholic fellow-countrymen, by whom I am now, I believe, for
the chief part surrounded? Why, it will work thus—
You, my Catholic fellow-countrymen, are allowed to vote
for the return of Members of Parliament, but not at the
election of a Common Councilman.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
You may have seats at the Board of Privy Coun-
cil, but not at the Board of Aldermen.—(Loud laughter.)
You may have scats in the senate of our great nation, but
not at a civic feast.—( Loud laughter.) In fact, to a Ca-
tholic senator may be entrusted safely the construction of
laws on which the lives, liberties, and happiness of his fellow-
countrymen depend, but absolute and palpable ruin would
ensue, and dire confusion overtake the land, if a Catholic
Lord Mayor were entrusted with the delicate task of carving
a haunch of venison.—(Cheers and renewed laughter.)
Such is the precious legislation which is attempted to be
forced upon us. Oh ! how different was the spirit of these
Noble Lords' legislation for the creatures whn in a far
distant clime, aliens in blood and colour, were once the
slaves of England.—(Cheers.) They live not, like my
countrymen, in constant apprehension of the annual inroads
of famine. What superiority have Irishmen over the black
population except in the power to return representatives to
Parliament, and do not Irish Tory landlords strive with all
their might to counteract whatever advantage that liberty.
gives ? Let the poor man vote against his lanlord if he dare
—let him look to the ditch for shelter if he do so.—(Hear.)
There is another point connected with this conduct of the
Lords which strikes me as very strange. During the debate
on the Constabulary Bill they fought the battle inch by
inch ; they objected to every special constable and minor
officer in it, as if the opposition was of the least importance ;
yet .now they would throw the Lord Mayor, g 0.41 chain,
cocked hat and all, into the lap of the Lord Lieutenant.—
(Laughter.) The object of these proceedings is evident
enough ; the Tories imagine that the chains which they
have been at the pain's of forging, will be entrusted for ap-
plication to themselves. But this can never be. I would
now entreat for all who may follow me an impartial hearing.
If any one should think proper to oppose the general senti-
ments entertained at the meeting, let him be heard with
courtesy and patience.—(Hear, hear.) Let us not lend
arms to our enemies.—(Cheers.) Let, on the contrary,
our common enemy confess, that while we acted with the
firmness and determined bearing becoming freemen ; we
were distinguished by the calmness and dignity which
should characterize citizens.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. JOHN POWER. proposed the first resolution, amid
loud cheering. It was to the following effect :—" That
we have this day assembled to assert the right of Ireland
to the full privileges of the British Constitution, and that
we solemnly record our determinatien never to relax our
efforts until the people of Ireland shall obtain a full and
equal participation in all the rights, franchises, and powers
enjoyed by the people of Great Britain."
Mr. HENRY GRATTAN, M.P., seconded it. He said,
my Lords and Gentlemen, what are we met here for to-
day? To assert the principle of' freedom, and to declare
that every Irishman, of whatever creed or colour, has as
good a right to civil liberty as an Englishman or a Scotch.
man.—( Loud cheering,) One part of the Bill placed all
corporate officers under the immediate influence and direc-
tion of the Lord Lieutenant, thus establishing a complete
measure of despotism over the people. This despotism he
wished them as men to resist. He called on them,
peaceably and constitutionally, to stand up in firm compact
against the foul usurpers who would deprive them of their
dearest rights. He had seen much of political life, but he
thought this to be the most mischievous piece of despotism
ever sought to be imposed on a country. He trusted that,
like their gallant countrymen in Spain, who carried the
fortress of St. Sebastian the other day, sword in hand, they
would, with one vigorous assault on the Tories, dislodge
them for ever from their strone. hold.—(Cheers.)
The resolution was'then put, carried unanimously.
Mr. FINN M.P., in proposing the second resolution said,
that he would not pollute the cars of the meeting, by de-
scribing Lord Lyndhurst, as he appeared in private and
public ife. It was well that the blow should come from
such a Source ; it was well that a man who had deserted
every principle he had ever advocated, and merely ob-
tained a bad eminence by the singularity of his tergiver-
sation, should have struck the blow.—( Hear, hear.)
He stood there as an Irishman not Yielding the supe-
riority to any one, English, Irish, or Scotch.—(Cheers.)
The people of Ireland wanted neither power, talent, genius,
worth, or inclination, to second their leaders even to death,
in any struggle in which the glory of their country was con-
cerned.—( Cheers.) Some Irishmen there were who appeared
to be altogether divested of the pure and hallowed senti-
ment of love of country. Lord WelFneton, he was ashamed
to say, was one of those who never had claimed the honour
of being an Irishman, although he belonged to the coun-
try ; but he thought this forbearance was more
a subject
of pleasure to every lover of his country than of regret.—
(Hear.) But why should he be amazed at these Tory in-
sults, when even from the Whigs their Noble Chairman
had experienced bad treatment. Lord Plunkett had de-
prived his Lordship (Milltown) of the magistracy, and neg-

POOITIVW COILNI I S::;.-101.4,17
h.
fraeZimoriliar
ted fo.rest... o it. Other friends of the people
• . ' had be It was also reported that Colonel
rth. ; e rebored to the magistracy in the
• e were in alarm, and such a course of
nonlife: •;,',!,:0 •-st baneful which could be adopted.
• , • -AITE in seconding the resolution, said—
. • , 2
It dertiß •n yourselves, fellow-citizens, to enforce your
1"/
clada to your just rights : be firm, temperate, and united„.--
and nothing can obstruct the progress of those measures. 'i
which you deem essential to your welfare.—(Cheers.) Four
years have scarcely elapsed since a similar attempt was
made to crush the great question of Parliamentary Re-
form. What was the course which you then pursued ?
That which you have now adopted. You assembled upon
this very spot, and the bold and manly declarations of your
sentiments, which you then gave utterance to, found
a response in the heart of every lover of his country,
and were re-echoed by the voices of millions of' your fel-
Ina -countrymen. What was the result? The Torie 3
adopted the motto of their General, and thinking discretion
the better part of valour, vacated their position.—(Loud
cheers.) Had the Whigs then taken the course which
prudence naturally suggested—bad they infused into the
House of Lords, by the creation of liberal Peers, a better
and more generous spirit, the task which now devolves upon
us would have been an easy one. I am not a friend to what
is called an organic change in the institutions of the country,
but the only means of averting that change, is to cell upon
`the King to exercise the prerogative with which he is in-
vested, for the peace and happiness of his People.—(Great
cheering.) .•
The questi6n was tl.en put and cariiel erthusias-
tic acclamation. 4
Lord KILLEEN said—The reliance placed by tl:e people
in the present Government, and the confident expectation
which they entertained that the House of Lords would
throw no further obstruction in their way, has kept them
quiet for some time. That hope is, however, at an end. A
deep and unmerited insult. has been offered to our country,
and we would not be worthy of the name if we tamely sub-
mitted to it.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord concluded by
moving that a petition, founded on the foregoing resolu-
tions, be prepared, and that it be forwarded to Mr. O'Con-
nell, for presentation to the House of Commons.
Mr. SIMI., in seconding the resolution moved by Lord
Killeen, said there are twenty thousand men around me.—
(Cries of " There's fifty thousand.") Twenty thousand'
will do ; they would furnish some of the materials for doing
justice to Ireland ; and it is the more delightfhl to look on
them, because, if there are here twenty thousand Irish-
men, determined on the assertion of the rights of their
country, that spectacle is accompanied by the reflection that
there are seven millions beyond the precincts of this spot,
who coincide with you, and feel as keenly and resentfully
the wrongs of Ireland as you. Seven millions! I like the
words. .It sounds well ; but the Conservatives are wont to
call us a mere gregarian multitude—a brute mass of dis-
organised, and, therefore, incapable numbers—without
energy,, or combination. Let them pause a
little—let them look back, look round, and look forward,
and by considering our position they will be the better en-
abled to determine their own. In 1793, when we were
but three millions, we forced England to give that which,
when once given, led inevitably to that union we since
obtained. There passed, indeed, many years before the
great achievement was accomplished ; but the three mil-
lions grew up to seven, and having organised themselves •
in 1821, they overthrew the Tory party at election after
election ; and at length, in 1829, wrenched their liberties
from the Conqueror of Waterloo. Again, on the Reform
question, Ireland made a manifestation of her might, and
secured for England, that England could not single-handed
have obtained for herself ; the seven millions poured into
the House of Commons a body of men, who acting by one
fixed principle—the advancement of the cause of liberty—
became irresistible in their consolidated strength. Lord
Stanley undertook the hopeless task of putting the seven
millions down, and in the election which took place in 1832,
was taught a better lesson than that which he undertook to
give to Ireland ; the millions soon walked over him, and left
him mangled and broken beneath their feet ; and Si; Robert
Peel engaged in the enterprise of sustainining the abuses
of a church, which the seven million determined to reform ;
and Sir Robert Peel fell before them at the first shock :
and by whom are they backed ? By the mass of the Eng-
lish and Scotch people, and by a majority of sixty-four in
the House of Commons. But the advantages on our side
do not rest there ; the Ministry are with os. Do you
think it nothing that the whole force and power of the
crown is on our side—police, revenue, chairmanships of
counties, prosecutions on circuit, commissionorships, judge-
ships ? The House of Lords may throw out the Bills of
the Ministers, but they cannot throw out the Ministers
themselves ; and they that can keep the Government, sus-
tained by the people, arc sure, in the short run, to put
down the Lords. We have, my friends, the ball at our
feet, to use the common phrase ; and high as St. Patrick's
steeple, that towers before us, let it be cast by the
im-
pulse which your excited energies can impart to it.—
(Loud cheers.) With the Corporations let the tithe ques-
tion lit every petition be embraced, and trust one who has
!Ong observed the progress of events in ivhich he has been
an actor, as well as a witness, that your success is not only
certain, but at hand. They will, 'they must, they shall give
way. Separate then to-day in peace, in harmony, having a
care lest yen fall into disorder, and be betrayed into a vio-
lation of the law. But before we go, let us have three
cheers for theland.in which we were born, and for which
we are prepared, if there shall be need, to die—(loud and
continued acclamation)—and combine with these a malison
on the men who would enthral and debase, and a blessing
on those who, to the last moment of their lives, will remain
devoted to her.
Mr. LAWLESS stated that it was his intention to have
proposed a resolution calling on the people of England and
Scotland to co-operate with them in the struggle in which
they were about to engage, and send forward petitions to
par!iatnent in favour of the extension of equal rights and
Ind% ilcges to the people of Ireland (cheers). To the Irish
people they owed a deep debt of gratitude, and it was but -
fair to expect that they should give them some return for
it. Mr. Sheil had told them that the moral force of seven
millions of men would reluctantly extract from their ene-
mies a tardy measure of justice. Would not the combined
force of fifteen millions of men, he asked, carry everything
before it ? .(hear, hear, and eheers). It was most impor-
tant, therefore, that there should be a perfect union and
co-operation between the Reformers of the three countries
upon this question, and•he had not the slightest doubt that
the. House of Lords would at once surrender to it. He
hoped that Mr.. O'Connell would persevere in his motion
respecting the House of Lords. He was probably at that
moment considering whether he should turn the House of
Lords into the Thames, or the Thames into the House of
Lords (cheers and laughter); and unless they very speedily
changed their tone, either the one or the other would be
necessary.

Mr. Sergeant WouLrE, 111. P. said, I have been in-
structed by the Committee to propose to you the ninth re-
solution. It calls on the country at large, and upon every
county, parish, and district, to assemble and petition Par-
liament for a popular measure of Municipal Reform, and
to rescue us from the friLditful evils of the tithe system,
from the'continuance of which the most fatal results are
anticipated to the peace and happiness of the country. 1
do not come here for the purpose of rousing your feelings,
for you are worse than brute beasts, and less than men, if
you do not resent the insult that has been put upon you,
with becoming spirit and indignation.—(Hear, hear, and
cheers.) Those feelings, Gentlemen, arc general through-
out the country, and I have no doubt that the powerful
manifestation of public opinion that has taken place upon
this occasion, will have the salutary effect of stopping the
Lords on the brink of the precipice into which they were
about to plunge, and of making them shudder with horror
at the frightful danger from which they have escaped.—
(Continued cheering.) Let them reflect upon the conse-
quences of committing themselves in a struggle with the
people—the people cannot be vanquished ; the Lords are
but an artificial institution, and perhaps may, and they
should remember, that in every such struggle they have
been always worsted. It is remarkable with what intense
hatred the Tories regard Ireland. If they disliked us for-
merly they hate us now with a savage malignity, which I
am convinced nothing but the total suppression of liberty
in Ireland would satisfy.—(Hear, hear.) We have given
them good cause for it. We (the people of Ireland) have
been their most deadly and most successful enemies—we
have put down Toryism in England—we have put down
Toryism in Scotland—we have effected Parliamentary
Reform—we have effected a thorough Reform in those
strong holds of corruption, the corporate institutions of
England and Scotland : but I verily believe that they
would have forgiven us all this, if we had not kicked
them Out of Place.—(Continued laughter and cheers.)
We are come here to day for the purpose of putting in mo-
tion that powerful engine, in comparison to which all the
inventions of modern science fall into comparative insignifi-
which all the great changes that have
takence ;plaalcieeinnginthe by which
of Ireland have been effected,
and that is peaceful and constitutional agitation.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers.) There was a topic in the speech of my
respected friend and brother member, Mr. Finn, which
can, for observation. He indulged in severe animadversion
upon Lord Plunkett, for his conduct in respect to withhold-
;,,
a• the conwnission of the peace from some gentlemen, and
of giving it, or restoring it to others. Now, I cannot but
express my regret that. Mr. Finn should have thought it
discreet or proper to introduce such charges into. a meeting
like the present.—(llear, hear.) I protest against going
into the subject here, and I again•express my regret that
Mr. Finn should not repress his censure until he found him-
self in a situation to express it in sonic way that might be
useful to the public, and consistent With common justice to
the accused.Chcers.)
Mr. LYSAGHT PENNEFATHER said, he ha I great plea-