The Sun.
London, England, 1831-06-23 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Paris papers for some days past contain some
important ande iiking addresses to the electorild
collegesbs4iiisidi ties for the approaching Chamber.
reef
A m,ooff the rest, alte find one from General Lafayette,
whiCh May be regarded not only as the expression
of his individual opinion, hut as the manifesto of his
poltical party. The old General has been the type
of revolutionary patriots for the last 40 years. He
has never deserted the banner which he at first
raised, though it has been exposed to numerous
tempks•s,—though it has been soiled by the best
blood of France, and often dragged in the mire by
his less consistent followers. His sentiments have re-
mained unchanged amid all the changes of his fortune,
whether at the head of the National Guards of Paris
during the first revolution, or driven into exile by
the revolutionary cannibals,—whether in the prisons
of Olmutz, or in the Capital of North America as
" the nation's guest,"—whether persecuted under
the Bourbons, or triumphant at the second revolu-
tion. He has always professed himself a republi-
can, and has declared the United States his political
Paradise. To this profession of faith he still ad-
heres, though he is willing to accept of a
monarchy for France, provided the throne be
surrounded with "republican institutions." The
old General does not inform us how that throne
is to be protected in such a neighbourhood and
placed on such a basis,—where the Monarch sees
no support around him, but is destined to stand
apart from all the world, like George Stilites on his
elevated pillar in the Egyptian desert. He and his
party, however, are quite decided that there shall be
sto privilege but that of Majesty—nothing hereditary
but the Crown. They all pronounce against the
transmissible honours of the peerage, pledge them-
selves to exert all their might to abolish such dis-
tinctions, and consider the revolution of July as
incomplete, while what they regard as a monument
of feudal barbarism or legislative absurdity is allowed
to remain. In looking at the numerous list of can-
didates who have already declared against the here-
ditary nature of the upper Chamber,—ia reading
the addresses of the most popular men in France,
intended and calculated to impress the electoral col-
leges with these ideas,—in observing the very gene-
ral demand of pledges hostile from the deputies on
that subject,—in seeing that the bar of Paris,
with M. Mouguin at its head, have, after a solemn
deliberation, pronounced by a great majority the
same opinion as the Republican electors,--and in
counting the very small number of votes which have
dared to acquit the peerage,—we are led to believe
that the doom of this institution is already sealed.
The approaching Chamber of Deputies will most
likely again resolve itself into a constituent assembly
as it did last year when it made the charter, and
will vote the abolition of the hereditary honours of
the whole Peerage by the same authority as it voted
the expulsion of all the Peers made in the late reign.
It cannot be denied that this measure (which we
are sorry, in the present state of popular feeling in
France, to consider inevitable) is of a revolutionary
character, and must lead to some important results;
but a little reflection or explanation will show that
it is of far less moment than a similar change
would be in this country, or titan a person ac-
quainted only with English institutions would
suppose. In France there is no great landed aris-
tocracy—no donani terree fastidiosi—combining
extensive possessions, ancient descent, and great
local influence, with the power and privilege
of hereditary legislation. Before the Revolution
of 1789, the Nobility, though they enjoyed here-
ditary distinctions, and sometimes possessed consi-
derable estates, exercised, as a ekes, no political
power. Those of them who could reside in the
capital became the splendid valets of the Court, or
engrossed the chief posts of the army ; and those
who remained in the provinces could carry on a
petty oppression against their tenants, or plume
themselves on secondary honours in their chateaux ;
but with the exception of the noblesse of the robe,
who occupied the place of Judges in the 12 or 13
Parliaments of France, they performed no legislative
or judicial functions. In the memorable sitting of
the National Assembly, on the 4th cf August,
1789, even their profitable privileges of frivolous
titles were sacrificed on the altar of their country,
in a fit of enthusiasm, and from that time till the
reign of Napoleon all hereditary distinction was
abolished. When the Bourbons returned, Louis
XVIII. acknoNyledged the titles of the nobility
both recently created and of ancient date, by
an article of the Charter, and erected the
pensioned senators of the empire—associated with
some of the emigrant Noblemen—into an upper
hereditary Chamber. Thus a peerage was formed
by a mere dash of the pen,—a peerage without for-
tune, dignity, or influence,—a peerage often. depend-
ing for support upon a few hundred pounds, con-
ferred by the Government,—a peerage that had no
root in the soil ; an Upper House without an aris-
tocracy,—a political distinction without any social
eminence,—an institution created like a Ministerial
Board, without any of the elements out of which a
hereditary legislature could be constructed. The t
numerous successive Ministries which have occupied
and abandoned place since the restoration, have been
added to this original mass of mediocrity, and along
with their official supporters have swelled the num-
bers of the Chamber without increasing its respec-
tability. Accordingly, its proceedings have had little
or no influence on public opinion—its support was
of no use to the Crown ; and leert year, in the im-
portant business of electing the new dynasty and
establishing guarantees for the national rights, its
concurrence was never solicited, nor its resistance
deprecated. In England the aristocratic order exists
independent of its legislative privileges, and the
English nobility wo ild still be powerful by their
immense estates, though they were never to meet
or deliberate in their House at Westminster. Poli-
tieal power is only added to a body—the growth
of ages—who would enjoy great influence and con-
sideration though Parliament were abolished to-
morrow. While in France, on the other hand, the
Peers are nothing out of the Palace of the Luzern-
bourg—there are nothing in fortune—nothing in the
saloons—nothing in public pageants—nothing even
at Court. The hereditary power of concurring in
the manufacture of laws is not of itself sufficient to
raise such a corporation in public estimation, while
it offends that republican equality of which every
French liberal boasts_ establishes a privilege to
which they all object—and smacks of that feu-
dalism
which they pretend to have outgrown.
With such sentiments as these of an ineeisotion like
that which we have described, the abolition or the
French peerage would not appear to be a very alarm-
ing event. The French never object to personal
honours or distinctions, however high, which are
the rewards of merit, or the remuneration of ser-
vices. They are ready to pay homage to the baton
of a Marsha; of France, And delight to see the cross
of the Legion of Honour on the breast of an emi-
nent member of the Institute; b4i.t: they object to
those distinctions whch come by birth--which ap-
pear an exclusive privilege—exalting the parties to
rank which they never merited, and assigning
them the performance of duties whieh they are un-
eble to discharge. A body of senators, elected for
life from among the persons most eminent for ta-
lents, eloquence, political capacity, and administra-
tive experience, would, we are persuaded' have
more influence among our nekhbottirs, than such a
h
hereditary Chamber of Peers as at against the
existence of which the French liberal party now
protest.—Tintes.

It has been usual on the discussion of publicode ques-
tions to recommmend temper, caution, moderation;
and certainly those qualities are necessary, or a
useful, in the arrangement of any great act of st
legis-
lation : yet we are not sorry to see consider
able
warmth displayed on the question of the Reform
Bill. It is a proof that the parties are in earnest;
and, moreover, the rubbish must be cleared away
before the repairs of the building are commenced,
and the owners of the rubbish, who swear it is a
good marketable material, do not like to see it bar-
rowed off unceremoniously, With Thep the

temper first showed itself. The borough-hucksters
arc like the craftsmen at Ephesus, and, like men
et ery where whose craft or trade is attacked,
they cry out with one voice, " Great is Diana
of the Ephesians !" " Great is the good of
the rotten boroughs !" The old story of the
old Lord Falmouth and the Minister of the
day is denied, though consigned to everlast-
ing remembrance in the Diary of the renowned
Bubb Doddington. Perhaps, also, it will be denied
that Cornish boroughs were ever bought and sold,
and offered as bribes to Ministers for places. If
people choose to deny these things, we say let them :
they will not benefit the cause by their own charac-
ters for veracity, if they adopt so preposterous a
course. The bringing up the report on the King's
speech last night led to an agreeable declaration in
the House of Commons, which was, that though a
slight deficit in revenue had been noticed in the
Speech from a considerable repeal of taxes, there
was no intention to impose any new one, retrench-
ment effecting the purpose of making the revenue
equal to the expenditure. Sir Robert Inglis, on dis-
cussing the Speech, expressed regret that a more
religious turn was not given to it by some allusion
to the providence of the Supreme Being in earthly
or public affairs. This is matter of some delicacy :
that sacred name may lose its due reverence by the
too frequent use of it.—Times.
We insert, under the brad of Ireland, in the re-
port of the Roscommon commission, in the account
of the Newtownbarry affray, and in the excellent
letter of our Clare correspondent, " A Military
Officer," facts which demand the most prompt and
and anxious attention. We speak of Portugal, and
Spain, and Naples, and Russia, as miserable and ill-
governed countries, where the mass of the people
are oppres,ed by the privileged orders,—where no
regard is paid to the interests of the people by their
immediate superiors,—where distress provokes to
acts of lawless violence, and, in its turn, the turbu-
lence which misery occasions is punished by military
execution ; but does any of these benighted and ill-
governed States present scenes of distress so ap-
palling, or examples of social disorder so frightful,
as those which occur almost every month in some
parts of Ireland ? In what other country do we
hear of periodical returns of absolute famine in the
midst of an empite abounding in wealth ? In what
other country are we told of the wretched peasantry
picking up the almost decomposed seed committed
to the earth, to appease the intolerable agonies of
hunger, at the hazard of disease from its unwhole-
some nature, and with the certainty of destroy-
ing their future means of subsistence ? In what
other country do we find whole provinc, s sup-
ported, or proposed to be supported, by the
begging-box sent round among their fellow-
subjects at the distance of several hundred miles ?
In what other country do we find rent and tithes
levied by troops of cavalry, and blood profusely shed
by the poor peasantry fighting in defence of their
little property, while resisting the awards of that
law which they reckon their enemy, as well as its
armed executors ? The details of the sanguinary
affray near Ferns are not yet sufficiently known ;
but, according to accounts, it would appear to de-
serve the name of a massacre, nearly twenty being
killed, and double that number wounded. We pro-
nounce 110 opinion on the conduct of the yeomanry
on our present information. Probably they were
under the lamentable necessity of killing their fellow-
citizens in self-defence; but we repeat that Europe
does not present an example of a state of society so
completely wretched and disorganized as that where
the scenes to which we have alluded are of such
frequent occurrence. We, who have done so much
to stimulate the benevolence of the English nation
towards the poor starving peasantry of Ireland,
cannot be suspected of any desire now to check the
current ; but we beg to ask, with one of our cor-
respondents, why the remains of the subscription of
1822 are not made available for the relief of the
distress of 1831 2—Times.

The discussion in both Houses on Tuesday night
was chiefly remarkable for the want of judgment
displayed by the Opposition, and the singular dis-
proportion between the disposition to find fault with
Ministers and the ability to do so effectively. No-
thing could well be more ridiculous than the perti-
nacity with which Lords Ellenborough, Londonderry,
&c., endeavoured to create a debate out of a petty
matter of form, which ought to have been arranged
in a whisper across the table. Lord Wharncliffe was
ashamed of the waspishness of his friends, and read
them a lesson on temper, from which we fear they
are not likely to benefit. It was allowed on all
hands that the Address was unobjectionable. Lord
Mansfield, who, we suppose, is to lead the Opposi-
tion in the House of Lords, said—" There was
nothing in the Speech on which it appeared to him
that Parliament was called on to express decided
dissent." Lord Wharncliffe, in like manner, ad-
mitted that there was nothing in the Address which
called for amendment, Sir Robert Peel, in the
Commons said as much. But still a variety of to-
pics were dragged into the del:ate—the illumina-
tions of the Metropolis, the abandonment of the
Prosecution of Mr. O'Connell, and the thrice-told
tale of the affair of stopping the Supplies. This
last was the gubject on which the Opposition bad
determined to display all their strength. The im-
portance attached to it was ridiculous in the highest
degree. There could be no mystery as to the cause
of the dissolution. The House of Commons were
sent about their business, as every one knows, not
because they refused Supplies, but because the
Reform Bill could not be carried ; and the
success of the motion to delay the Supplies; was
riot, of course, the cause of the dissolution, but a
very good justification of it. The discussion on the
Writ for Liverpool was purposely staved off in
order to have a pretext foe an adjournment at one
o'clock, that the business of the Supplies might be
postponed. In short, the House was unmanageable;
and Ministers having to consult the safety of the
Empire, appealed from the House to the nation.
The result of the election has provel that there
was no sympathy between the House and the
nation; for wherever the people had a voice, they
gave it in favour of candidates pledged to support
the Reform Bill. e were astonished that se sen-
sible a man as Lord Wharncliffe should fall into such
gross inconsistency in describing the effect of the
statement of the Lord Chancellor oa the elections.
" With good sense and much moderation (he said),
the Ministers had said nothing in praise of the disso-
lution; if they had, no power on earth should
have kept him from moving an Amendment.
* # *. When that event opeuTred, he had heard
with astonishment the Noble and Learned Lord on the
Woolsack say, that he had never yet heard that the
Crown cu ht not to dissolve Parliament, particularly
when the Housii of Commons had thought fit to
take the unprecedented and extreme step of re-
fusing the Supplies. He must say, that an assertion
more contrary to fact he had never heard in either
House of Payliament, He said the House of Com-
mons had not refused the supplies—they made no
attempt to refuse the supplies ; but a motion for ad-
journment was carried on a very different motion.
He knew that the Ordnance Estimates stood for the
evening; but no motion concerning them was before
the House. H:3 must say, that the offence with
which the House of Commons was then charged—
for offence it was—had a great influence on the elec-
tions.—(A laugh.)" It is paying .s high compli-
ment truly to the people of England, to suppose
that the circumstance had a great influence on the
elections The people of England being anxious
for Parliamentary Reform, saw that in the late
House of Commons the Bill could not be carried ;
and all they considered in The elections was to re-
turn Members who would ,effectually support the
13..0111.. They have fixed their eyes attentively on the
ti se of Commons, and, having set their hearts on
the Reform Bill, the conduct of Members was ap-
proved of or condemned by them, as it tended to
aid Ministers in carrying it.
not
t.The delaying the sup-
plies for one night W 4 r the
condemned
per .se, as because the object o
e manoeuvre was
to further the views of thg opponents of the Reform
pivot on which all
Bill. The Reform Bill was the

hinged. It led to the strength of the factious opposition
in the last House, and it has led to the strength of
Ministers in this. lied there been no Reform Bill,
no attempt would have been made to delay the sup•
plies. It was as a means that the step was
viewed by the people of England. They condemned
it because it tended to frustrate the object they had
in view, Reform. Any other step by which the
Opposition might have sought to frustrate Reform
would have equally told against them in the elec-
tion. But, indeed, it is useless to waste time on
such quibbling. In the course of the night Earl
Grey made a memorable declaration respecting the
minion of Church and State :—" The Noble Earl
( Winchilsea) had," he said, "asserted that there
were among the supporters of Reform in that House
men who uniformly held opinions hostile to the
Church of England. Now he (Lord Grey) was a
Protestant and a member of the Church of England,
which he believed to be the best church in the
world ; but when the Noble Lord talked of the neces-
sity of an intimate unian between that Church and
the State, he (Lord Grey) was compelled to say
lie recognised the necessity of no higher union
than the protection which was due to that Church
to support its Ministers in the proper discharge of
their duties. If the Noble Earl meant, by the union
of Church and State, that reciprocity which gave
the Church protection and support in return for the
zeal and attention with which its Ministers dis-
charged their duties, and the superior merit of the
religious instruction which it afforded the people, he
was prepared to agree with him ; but if the Noble
Lord meant a political union—if he meant to make
the Members of the Church of England parties to the
support of political power—he would tell him that
the Church had very seldom exercised that power
with advantage to themselves, and often with great
detriment to the public—(Hear.) In the number
of the Edinburgh Review for June, just published,
there is an article on Political and Vested Rights, in
which the writer adverts to the part which the
Clergy have acted during the last election, and on
former occasions when the Government was honestly
inclined. " A collected opposition (says the writer)
by the Leaders of the Church against a measure
of pure political reformation, must tend to gene-
rate most suspicious inferences and unavoidable bit-
terness of feeling. Such an occurrence would
therefore seriously endanger the present prospect
of confining within its proper limits, and of peace-
ably accomplishing that species of Reform which
the end and the popularity of the Ecclesiastical In-
stitutions of England absolutely require. #
There are strange rumours in circulation of the
course in meditation by the Bishops. In what hopes
are they indulging ? * * Coke and
Seldon establish, by sufficient precedents, the vail-
dity of a Bill, although every Spiritual Lord should
have voted against it. In case the venerable Bishop
of Norwich cannot get a Proxy, his presence, never-
theless, we trust, will save us from the nece•sity of
solving the debated problem, by what style an Act
of Parliament should be entered which has been
pissed (as was the Act of Uniformity, Ist Eliz. c.
2.) with the dissent of all the Bishops." " God
forbid," adds the Reviewer, " that the English na-
tion should be driven back to retrospect, to those
fatal periods of clerical disaffection to the Constitu-
tion ! It is painful to remember the temper with
which George the First was welcomed by the Church
of England, when his Parliamentary title to the
Throne was the only objection to his person, and
the formation of a Whig Ministry the only grievance
of which the Clergy could complain.—Morn.Chron

If the Peers of Great Britain believed the Re-
form Bill to be that dangerous and dreadful thing
which some of the professed organs of aristocratic
sentiments in the Press describe it to be—if their
Lordships thought that this Bill, if once admitted
among the Statutes of the realm, would have the
effect intended to be produced by the revolutionary
gunpowder which Guy Fawkes deposited in the
vaults of the Parliament-house, and would blow up
the Monarchy, and scatter the House of Lords to
the winds, whenever the hand of Democracy applied
the match—it is not possible they could have ex-
hausted their energies and wasted the greater part
of their time, on the night of the opening of the
new Parliament, in a discussion upon a point of
order. There are persons who might infer from
this proceeding, indeed, that some of their Lord-
ships were more anxious to find a Parliamentary
method of " killing time" than of saving what
some writers call the " expiring Constitution."
We were indeed glad to find, after hearing the
" din of battle bray," as we did, in those Jour-
nals which had long preluded, with brazen trumpets,
the approaching conflict between the Lords and
the country upon the Reform Bill, that soinno-
cent a subject of discussion as a point of technical
form had been the principal cause of disagreement
between the anti-reformers and their antagonists in
the House of Peers. This most strongly proves
that the sentiments of the majority of the House,
touching the Reform Bill, have been most grossly
misrepresented. Surely, if they believed that all
the glorious institutions of our ancestors were to he
levelled with the dust—if they thought that the
Throne was on the edge of a precipice, and the Con.
stitution in danger—we think too highly of their
patriotism to suppose they would have acted like
those theologians of Antioch, whose minds were as
minute as their dispositions were pugnacious, and
who doomed themselves to a ludicrous celebrity
by fiercely discussing shadowy distinctions while
the battering rams of the enemy shook their
walls. That " points of order" are most
proper subjects for discussion in the House of
Lords we do not for an instant mean to deny ;
but we do deny that they would be proper subjects
for discussion if there were a plague raging in the
land, or a civil war, or if a foreign enemy
had landed on our shores. It would then be right
to say, as Ages:laus did of the laws of Sparta, after
the field battle of Mantinea, " Let points of order
be suspended for a day." Yet have not the writers
against the Reform measure predicted that it would
bring more evils on the land than plague, pesti-
lence, or famine, civil tumult, or invasion ? Have
they not described it as a thing subversive of all
good governnient-,-of ad national prosperity—of all
social order; a calamity under which the Crown is
to lose its dignity—the State its grandeur—the
Church its sacredness; while King, Lords, and
Commons, are to bow down beneath the sceptre of
a wild democracy ? Did they not impute such
sentiments as these to the Lords ? Did they not
state that their first proceeding in the new Parlia-
ment would be to pass a vote of censure on those
who advised the King to dissolve the late Parlia-
ment ? And what was their first proceeding? A
discussion whether the Address of thanks to the
King for his Majesty';; " most gracious Speech"
should be voted at once by the House, or he adopted
upon the previous sanction of the Committee ! It is
well the Lords have more good sense than their
fiatterers.—Morning Herald.

The German Papers announce officially the death
of the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian forces
in Poland—the General Diebitsch Sabalkansky.
The event occurred on the 10th instant, at the head-
quarters at Kleczewo, near Pultusk, and about 30
miles north of Warzaw. The Field-Marshal is
stated to have fallen a victim to the cholera morbus;
but from the manner in which his demise is an-
nounced, it is not impossible that his fate has been
hastened by disappointed ambition and a broken
spirit, if not actually precipitated by his own hand,
as it was first reported. He had eaten heartily and
drunk deeply the day before, as he was used Co do ;
and " full of bread and hot with wine," retired to
rest—but before morning, was found in a situation
which denoted the immediate approach of dissolu-
tion; and, it is said, that the dreadful malady, which
certainly works out its mission by the most sum-
mary process, had seized upon him for its prey. It
is singular, however, that he was the only individual
at head-quarters who was thus visited by the
plague. As to the influence which this event may
have upon the fortunes of the campaign it is yet too
early to form a decided opinion, and may be now
unimportant, or it may be worse, for the removal of

Count Diebitseh may only give place to a 1111 C,
cessor of greater energy, and unfortunately, greater
talent. The late Generalissimo was a man unfitted
by bodily infirmity and sluggish habits for discharg-
ing the duties of an efficient head of an army op-
posing so active and indefatigable an enemy as the
Poles. He was never capable we are told, of ap-
pearing on horseback through the campaign, and
was obliged to be carried, even to the field of battle,
in an easy carriage, and in this unmilitary position
was seen at the first attack upon Praga. There are
instances of some of the most renowned Generals
directing the shock of armies from a litter upon the
ground; but the Russian General did not possess
the commanding talent which could indemnify for
the want of personal activity. Count Diebitsch had
already lost every thing but his life in the campaign.
His reputation as a General was quite gone ; for from
the commencement, he had never once succeeded in
any military point which he made, and his credit with
his master was alreadyundermined by the intrigues of
some who were jealous of his influence, and the machi-
nations of others, whose nefarious practices belaboured
to expose. The leader of a Russian army, it is said,
has more difficulties to encounter from the dishonesty
of commissaries than of any other in Europe ; but,
in the present case, the obstructions, we are sure,
were multiplied. Even with the troops by whom
his name was regarded at first as a " tower of
strength," the spell was broken, and the title of
" Passer of the Balkan," instead of being an honour,
had become a burden and byword for the jeers of his
associates. Little seems to be known of Diebitsch
before the Turkish campaign. He was by birth a Ger-
man, and after trying his fortune in several services, en-
tered that of Russia. He was employed by Alexander,
but was never a favourite with him. He served against
Napoleon in his invasion of Russia, and in the subse-
quent campaign of the Allies in France; and is said
to have made some suggestions as to the plan of
operations which determined the armies to march
directly upon Paris. His successes on the coast of
the Black Sea can never be seriously mentioned by
any military judge as a test of merit, for against the
Poles he has shown the greatest incapacity. The
brief notice which we have received of his death,
ventures to praise him for his humanity— a volunteer
offering to his memory, perhaps of private friend-
ship, but a hazardous experiment upon the credulity
of the civilized world. Diebitsch was the unreason-
ing tool of a tyrant in the most unholy of causes,
and his associates a pack of savages but one degree
removed from cannibals. History, perhaps, will de-
duce his character more from the evidences which
the wasted fields and slaughtered population of Po-
land furnish, than from the matter-of-course eulogy
of an official document, or the warmer panegyric of
a professional partisan. The late Commander-in-
Chief
is succeeded by Gen. Toll, another German,
and who is said to be a man of enterprise and skill.
But we trust the triumph of the Poles is already
secure.—illorning Herald.

The Ministers have contrived to elude the blow
which would probably have deprived them at once
of the power they are incapable of wielding, by
cautiously divesting the King's Speech of every
feature that might by possibility have furnished oc-
casion or opportunity for moving in either House an
Amendment to the usual Address, in the verbal
echo of the sentiments contained in the Royal
Speech. The language in which the forthcoming
project of Reform is described, or in which, to
speak more accurately, the subject of Reform is re-
commended to the attention of the Legislature by
his Majesty, is precisely such as the most moderate
Reformer would have wished to re-echo—precisely
such as the least rash even of the conservative
party, who admits the expediency of entertaining
the subject at all, would have desired to employ.
What the new project of his Majesty's Ministers
for remodelling the Constitution of the House of
Commons may be we cannot pretend to conjecture;
all we can at present venture to say is that the lan-
guage they have put into the mouth of the Sove-
reign upon the subject accords but ill with the
scheme of sweeping alteration which they thought
fit to present to the lust Parliament, and
in favour of which clamour and riot were
excited in every part of the country during
the progress of the late general election.
The truth is, that in order to avoid certain defeat
in at least one House of Parliament on the very first
day of the Session, his Majesty's Ministers have
thought it expedient to knock under to their oppo-
nents. The same views of expediency will, we
have no doubt, repea'edly recur to them in the
course of the Session, unless the measures they
may have to propose for the future should (which,
as the age of m'racles has gone by, we deem
scarcely possible) be framed with a degree of wis-
dom arid prudence of which, whether in opposition
or in power, they have hitherto afforded us no
glimpses. The aspect of the House of Lords on
Tuesday was such as must have convinced every
spectator that the Opposition constituted a very
decided majority, and that Ministers were already
condemned to a very signal discomfiture, had they
not averted it in the only possible way; to wit,
by the adoption of the language and sentiments
of a large division of their adversaries. 'Whe-
ther the language and conduct of his Majesty's
Ministers are henceforth to be in unison re-
mains to be seen. What is certain is, that any
measure for the adjustment of the question of
Reform, which adheres " to the acknowledged
principles of the Constitution, by which the prero-
gatives of the Crown, the authority of both Houses
of Parliament, and the rights and liberties of the
people, are equally secured," must be something
very different indeed from " the Bill, the whole
Bill, arid nothing but the Bill." The impossibility
of an amendment to the Address divested the de-
bates of Tuesday night of much of the interest
which would otherwise have appertained to them.
To characterise them in a few words it is only ne-
tcieressaarcyc tou sesrasy
oft I that they
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in
statements of the most notorious facts, and on the
part of those Ministers and their supporters of little
besides evasion, subterfuge, and trick. One or two
. things occurred, however, in the progress of the dis-
cussion in the House of Lords, to which we feel it
to be our duty to advert more specifically. The
complete reunion of the Tory party was proclaimed
by the Earl of Winchilsea, who in his usual manly
and straightforward manner explained those particulars
in the character and conduct of the present Ministers
and their friends which render it impossible for him or
any ether adherent of the British Constitution to
support them in the possession of political power.
One of those particulars was their uniform advocacy
of every opinion and every measure tending to dis.
sever the connection between Church arid State.
These expressions, proceeding as they did from one
of the most honourable and conscientious men that
the British Peerage can boast within its ranks—
from a Nobleman who was disposed to support, if
he conscientiously could, and who in fact did sup-
port during the last Session the present Ministers of
the Crown ;—from one of whom, more truly per-
haps than any other Member of either House of
Parliament, it may be truly said that his party is his
country, and that he knows no other—these expres-
sions, proceeding from such a source, are calcu-
lated to make a deep impression upon the public
rnindt.heyßusitnkyeintt,o iimnspiegrntirfincitanacsethineycoumnpqiuueisstoinon:vbitliyl
are,
tire attestation of their truth furnished by the reply of
the first Minister °fare Crown. Earl Grey, in his place
de
s
in the House of Lords, thought%petsereee,ol
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scribe it. But if he meant a political connection
between the Church and the State, then he could
not agree with him ; for he thought that when the
Church interfered with politics it was seldom with
advantage to themselves, and often attended with
great detriment to the public. Could the Earl of
Winchilsea have desired a stronger confirmation of ,
his words than is afforded by this declaration of the

Premier ? We hops that after thin, Lord Winchil-
ea, or some other Peer, thought it necessary care-
fully to examine the Address about to be presented
to his Majesty, in order to ascertain that the Roman
Catholic Mover and Whig Premier, who cor co ted
it between them, had not, among their other 2 cad-
vertencies, omitted all mention of the `• Lords
Spiritual," as a component part of the addressing
body.—Morning Post.