The Sun.
London, England, 1831-08-13 00:00:00

DIVIDENDS.

C. Price, Strand, umbrella-manufacturer, August 30, at twelve,
at the Court of Commissioners—W. Elliott, Goswell-road, wine-
merchant, Sept. '2, at two, at the Court of Commissioners—J.
Rev, Great Prescott-street, colourman, Sept. 2, al twelve, at the
Court of Commissioners—G. J. Newpert, Pall-mall East, tailor,
Sept. 9, at three, at the Court of Commissioners—P. Hill, Greek_
street, Soho, picture-dealer, Sept. 2, at eleven, at the Court of
Commissioners—W. Merewether, Arbortield, Berkshire, timber.
merchant, Sept. 14, at one, at the Castle Inn, Speen, Berkshire-
-3., J. H., and S. A. Butterworth, Shelf, Yorkshire, merchants,
Sept. 13, at eleven, at the Court-house, Leeds—G. and J. Thack.
rev, Leeds, merchants, Sept. 11, at eleven, at the Court-house,
Leeds—`V. Gibson, Scarborough, Yorkshire, miller, Sept. 3, at
eleven, at the Office of Messrs. Woodall and Donner, Scarbo-
rough—J. Heale, Plymouth, sail-maker, Sept. 27, at two, at the
Royal Hotel, Devonport.
CERTIFICATES, SErr. 2.
B. Hind, Nottingham, iron-merchant—J. Millard, Margaret.
street, Cavendish-square, plumber—J. Phil ips, Brook-street,
Holborn, tobacconist—W. Bartlett, Reading, canvas-manufac-
turer—A. I. Browne, Hatton-garden, money-scrivener.

PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED.
E. and E. Harris, Wib Heath, Feckenhzun, Worcestershire,
brick-makers--S. and W. P. Cowley, Bristol, stationers—J. G.
and J. A. Ames, Stourport, Worcestershire, canal-carriers--J.
Needham and It. Oliver, Leicester, surgeons—J. Cookson and J.
Saunders, Bexley, Kent, maltsters—H. S. English and J. Dobie,
Old Jewry; attornevs--J. A. Whealler and L. Nattrass, High_
street, Whitechapel, cheesemongers—R. and W. Stewart, Phil-
pot-lane, drapers—J. Underwood and H. Branch, Norwich, brick-
layers--J. Greaves, J. Haworth, and J. Bury, Church, Lanca-
shire, engravers—E. Bradford and H. Dix, Albany-street, Re-
gent's Park, linen-drapers—J. Finningley and P. Clarke, Kings-
ton-upon-Hull, coopers—P. Clarke and W. Hopwood, Kingston-
upon-Hull—warehousemen--J B. Clarke and C. F. Collins, Old
Bailey, cheesernongers—N. Price and J. Williams, Oxford-street,
silk-inercers--W. S. King and J. Tracie, York Wharf, Regent's
Park Basin, wharfingers.

SUPPLEMENT to the GAZETTE.
CORONATION OF THEIR MAJESTIES.

Earl Marshal's Office, Whitehall, August 12, 1831.
his Majesty having been pleased to dispense at the ensuing
Coronation with the usual Procession from Westminster Hall to
the Abbey, whereby certain persons who heretofore formed part
of the Ceremonial would be precluded from attem'ding the so-
lemnity, notice is hereby given, that tickets, not tranferable,
but for the personal admission only of those individuals who,
from the official appointments respectively held and enjoyed by
them, would have been admitted into the Abbey, had the Pro-
cession taken place, will be issued by the Earl-Marshal to those
who may signify their wish to be present at the approaching
solemnity.
All such -persons are, therefore, required to signify their desire
to the Earl-Marshal, at his office, on or before the 25th day of
this instant August, after which
,no application can be at-
tended to. GLO. N AILER, Garter.

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

FRENCH PAPERS.

CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES—Srrrmo or Arn. J.
The President announced the the ,rder of the day was
the comtnnuicati n of the addra,tf dra•rn up by the Com-
mittee appointed to that eitcct.
After some c,.nrersation as to wi.ether it ,houhl not be
first c•unmuninatrd in the Standing Cotnrnittze; this tpes-
th-m was deei,led in the tfPrmative, and the Merniwra
cc-
tired to the Cortimittee-roonvi.

the address, has been already published.
The Sitting havine been resumed, 'Cie resisie.ent read
A discussion then enst.;e. as to the question whether tile
address should not be printed, and iiena, Riren to Hen. De-
ti ies to consider it before the general deinefe Came on.
Several Members were decidedly in favour of delay rer
flactior. The Chamber, upon the question 'wir; put,
d tided that the address should be printed, but that the
disee.:o;oo nevertheless should ern inistediately.
M. Casiniir Feder said—Gentlemen, at the raiment in
which the Chamlier is about to express its opinicts en the
system and acts of the Ministry, it will be permitted me
to 111:ike known the line of politics ane have followed since
Sci end of the last session, in order that the Chamber
inay 'appreciate tile nantives, and call to remendaaance
the results. It was not as s:!inster that, only a few
(lees ago, I counted on appearing-in place. Too
often, 'amine, five months, have the spirit arid ton:duet '
of our Administration been attempted to be injures!
in the eyes of France, by nteans of unjust interpreta-
tions. But recollect, gentlemen, untlet what circum-
stances potter was intrusted 'to the Minisirsi fstmed on
the 13th of Marc!,. On all sides our situation was stof-ehre
and discouraging, and perhaps it is only necessary to re-
tnetnher that we dared to brave the eirliSantsieament of that
situation, and to present to you a faithful picture of what
France was at that epoch, and what she is at the present
moment. Our acts, which have been accomplished, re-
ply to you for the p ist. Now, Gentiemens it is of the po-
litical system which dictated these acts that s;-si tee de-
*irons of speaking in your presence, easier to convince -yet
that that system alone mold ensure for the future the re-
sults obtained in the period elapsed. That system, which
we do not fi fitter ourselves, with having intainted, because
a political system is not invented, is to be found weitten
in the nature of things; and what is that system ? In
our interior affairs it is the Charter, the whole Charter,
and nothing but the Charter. In borrowing these words
from an illustrious friend whom France regreta, I find
in them our political symbol. Yrs, gentlemen, it is
to the sacred boundaries of the Charter of 1830 that
we have limited the exercise of our authority; we are
desirous of going to its utmost ihnits, hut never to go
beyond them. Did the revolution of July desire more
than the Charter ? No one dares so. It came, not to
recommence, but to terminate our first revolution ; nor
was it a signal given to France and to the world, calling
upon all to engage in hazardous experiments, and in-
terminable combats. It ought to assure not a defini-
tive Government, and the Charter is the only programme
of that Government. What then is necessary to be faith-
ful to the object of the Revolution of July ? To put the
Charter loyally and frankly into execution. Well, gentle-
men, that is what we have done. Two things are now
comprised in the political code, they are, the laws already
made and these to be made. As to the first, they have
been faithfully observed, and of that you yourselves are
witnesses, for one of these laws has called you to sit in
this Chamber, and you know how loyally its smallest in-
tentions hive been put in execution. The same thing has
taken place with regard to the other not less important
laws which have the elections for their principle. That
of the N itional Guard has already been carried into effect
throughout nearly all France, and the one relative to the
organization of the municipalities is also on the point of
being put in practice. As to the laws to be passed, they
will be immediately submitted to you, and it will not be
our fault if the present Session does not fulfil the promises
of the sixty-ninth article of the Charter. Let us not de-
ceive ourselves ; beyond the Charter, beyond the Con-
stitutional Royalty, that is to say, beyond the Government
of the three poweis which concur in the making of all the
laws and institutions, there is nothing which really belongs
to the Revolution of July. It stepped there, and all that
was sought to be given you beyond this, as the conse-
quences of that revolution, are on'y the first fruits of a new
one. Now France loudly and dailydeclerea that it entertains
a horror for all new revolutions. In proceeding thus from
consequence to consequence, where should we arrive ? At
the destruction of society. Unfortunately are we, if, °he-
dient to a blind logic, our eyes constantly fixed on a chime-
rical futurity, we neglect the fruit of our victories to run
incessantly after impracticable conquests! Let a recent
example he constantly before us. How did the restoration
lose itself? Through those who called themselves its
only friends, through their insatiable demands, and through
the consequences of Divine right. Gentlemen, it is only
in resisting while it is yet time this invasion of conse-
quences always demanded by imprudent friends, that
new Government can establish for itself a firm futurity.
France has this desire, for she has now need of repose and
stability. Alter the immense interval she has passed
through during the space of a year, what she has need of
is to take breath. Her habits, as you may often remark,
are yet in arrear of bier laws, and it is only in a distant
futurity that she will find insufficient the institutions
which she has just obtained. It is then necessary to pre-
serve her from that too precocious increase which ener-
vates and destroys the social body. In that lays the duty
try colleagues add I have impossd on ourselves, and it is
to that severe and laborious mission we have devoted our-
selves. Now, gentlemen, it is for you to complete our
work. During your absence we have been able to
undertake and maintain a difficult contest; but now,
when you are assembled, we can do nothing without
the concurrence of your efforts and confidence.
Power exists only in the harmony maintained be-
tween the depositories of authority and the repre-
sentatives of the nation, and that harmony must be
complete ; for, were it in the smallest degree doubt-
I ful, where would be the force—where the support of an
Administration constantly exposed to the mercy of carom_
seen votes? Under such conditions we should consider
ourselves culpable were we any longer to remain in pos-
session of 'stover. The confidence of the King cannot he
separated from your's. In effect, before that alliance, and
before that alone, will fall those parties who are now in ac-
tivity to trouble the repose of France. If they possess
eny strergth it does not proceed from themselves, but from
the defect of power—that is to say, from the want of
unanimity in authority. I shall stop na longer to speak
to you, gentlemen, of the designs, illusions, and attempts
of these vat ious parties. There is one which, without
attacking the laws by open force, has done nothing to the
present time to dissipate the distrust which it inspires.
Keeping itself out of the movement of society, it disturbs
the mass by a sort of mysterious inertness, which leaves
room for sincere or stimulated hopes. The partisans of a
no longer existing dynasty hare essayed to create distur-
bancesiseirste precautionsn for hei r o
nutb object,
born
adopted. in the west. These troubles, which at fire. had de-
sertion might
have
experienced tc
ti ca
e hod
(1.
v
ral has been sent to appease them, and he will employ, with
energy or kindness, as occasion may require, the extensive
but regular powers which have been confided to him. He
has under his orders more than a sufficient force to dis-
concert rebellion. Some agents have been arrested, and
proceedings are being taken against them. There are
also other enemies of the Government, of whom some
bt tog against it the recollections. of a glorious epoch, and
others address themselves to those disorganizing passions
that always ferment in the bosom of a great society. It
is to these parties especially that we owe those disturbance,
' which have troubled some cif our cities, and, principally,
the capital. Unable to prevent all, we have, at least, re-
pressed them, and order has not ceased to be maintained.
We owe it, gentlemen—the King arid France owe it—to
that noble and patriotic fraternity of young regiments, and
to that National Guard, which, with tittins, gratitude, the
people of Paris have named the Great Army of Public
Order. Every. thing announces, gentlemen, that the
Government will not be under the necessity of asking from
you additional force. There is, however, in the present
state of parties the symptoms of a serious evil of which
it belongs to a French assembly to arrest its progress, in
teaching by its example all the citizens to despise vain
temporary popularity, in seeking only the gratitude of the
future, and in presenting to all the world models of cou
rage, self-denial, and devotion, before which will at
length vanish those false prestiges of parties, who will
only excite pity when they cease to create fear.
Such is our system of ihterior policy, gentlemen, to take
the Charter for the invariable rule of our conduct ; to re-
constitute power, and to give to it the force and unit)
which is necessary; to re-establish all intereats, by creating
guarantees of order and stability ; to respect the laces; to
draw upon order and moral force, from whence flaw all
our means of action and influence ; and, in shot t, neve:
to consent to form a party Government,and while watch-
ing with a vigilant eye over plots hatched in darkness,
never to yield to the pleasure of crushing the vanquished,
for it is thus that victory is dishonoured. I now proceen,
to our foreign policy. Tae system that we have pursue.,
abroad is reproached with. having been to time neglect
the consequences of the Revolution of July. This systen
we found already established by negotiations set on foot,
and which we neeeasarily followed up. We- entered inn
the paths traced out for us, hint we believe that on
entered upon them with a firmer step, and more decide,.

;mentions We adopted tiic aytetn of peace, because we
Thought that a destiny snore glorious and durable awaited
our cruntry by placing itself at the head of civiliza-
ti •ri in Europe, by the ascendancy of moral force rather
than by the alarm of bayonets. The state of Europe, the
interests of the Powers. their dispositions, and their eon-
•Ilott ; the events that have occurred within six months-,
,vithin eight days ; the soars in which we are actors or
witnenses, all attest that the peace of the world may be
.osintained, and that it principally depends upon Fromm.
This is nut to sae that we ought to seek peace cost whit it
y. No, Gentlemen ; to avoid war, we ask no sacrifice
of the honour of the nation, but merely that of passions
theories.—{Cheers.) What do these theories say
fiaag the peinciples of our Government being opposed to
those of the Great States of the Continent, war is the
.lonmner4ul7enbcee
se!vetdii:i
je,y etohnetzestedniqcutiieosttoof Tthheutst, Fni, reernsee.h
El
cenrtty
are before na to contradict thia assertion. For abets to
Feance has reroo treating with the dtveis States of
Europe, whatever miy be their internal regime; the con-
ventions that she forms with theirs are faithfully executed ;
:ind accord has not ceased to prevail among the Great Powers..
they hate laboured in concert to raise up throces and create
nations 1 As to the passions inflamed, whether by glorious
rerollections or patriotic regrets, they demand war,
yorottimes as a pleeteure, and at others as ti revenge. It
seeing Cr' aline courageous youths that the rernem-a
nrances of 'ffironnaing and reverses can only he effaceef
lsOid. Thus, gentlemen, war worth/ be the etesnal des-
tiny of the nations : and from vengeance to vengeance, front
reprisals to reprisals, the extermination of all the nations
under the blots of a single nation would be the sole
denouement of the sanguinary drama of history. Gentle.-
mem I attest the immortal lustre of our Revolutim ;—I
attest ftos romps respect of all the thrones for our re-
covered independence :—France bas now resumed in
Fairopo that position so worthy of herself_of which a
aoreeeninent enslaved to ittreioners too long deprived her.
MoreoOet, the results of our diplomacy and of our arms,
in the short flame cf a year, suffleiently prove that the
policy of peace is no roosts a sacrifice than an illusion. I
leave facts to speak. Ports:eel bed outraged the laws of
humanity with regard to Frenehmen. 'Dse Government
announced to Ft,trft,e satisfaction yr justice. Juatiee has
been done and eatlefaction obtained. In Italy you have
fteen, as we announced at !hie Tribune, the troops of the
goipotar of Austria evacuate the: Roman States. Romassna
is pacified. That feeble insurrection, which was unable to
emancipate it, fora not led to its nppretesion. Owing to our
' negotiations useful reform, have been in part roitained.
What more was there to be done? The events of Italy were
commented before our Cabinet was formed; we form! the
Duchy of 310,1ena invaded ; the Austrians were matching
towards Roinagna ; the Government then promised teat if
they entered it they would not occupy it ; this promise has
been fulfilled. Italy breathes again, and without us she
would now probably be the theatre of bloody teactior,s.
Poland, more etrong and more threatened than Italy, oc-
cupied the world very differently. Witnesses of her heroic
courage, and alarmed at her perils, we participate in that
profound sympathy which France experiences for a nation
whose glory earl misfortunes have so often united the des.
tinier of the two nations—a sympathy, the expression of
which has been openly proclaimed in a solemn act !
(Strong sensation.) But wishes would be only a fruitless
homage. On the 13th of March, no mediation had yet
been off-red for Poland. We counselled the King to offer
his the first. His dine, hastened to unite with him to
arrest the combat, and secure to Poland conditions of na-
tionality with surer guarantees. These negociations con-
tinue : we follow them up with anxiety, for blood is flaw-
ing, the peril is urgent, and victory is not always faithful,
Thus, whilst we are ac nerd of indifference, every day be-
holds us employing the means of intercession. To what
other means could we have had recourse ? Ought we, as it
has been said, to have recognised Poland ? But supposing
even that the faith of treaties and the respect of our
foreign relations had given irs the right to make .this
acknowledgement, it world have been illusory, unless it
had been followed by effortr, and then war would have
ensued. I appeal to the reason of the Chamber.
Ought France to recommence that gigantic campaign in
which the fortunes of Napoleon became a wreck ? Has
this war which we are called upon to wage been well
reflected upon? It is a war which will lead us across
the whole breadth of the Continent—it is a universal
war, the object of so much delirious ambition, of so many
chimerical passions! Can it be proved that this heroic
crusade would save Poland? No, gentlemen ; for if once
France deviates from her lantrality, that neutrality, which
has hitherto been observed by other Powers, will be Aran-
' dented, and their armies are only four days' march from
the capital we wish to defend, while it is 400 leagues from
us.—( Hear, hear.) In face of those facts, who will ven-
ture to call for a war which cannot save Poland, but must
be the cause of her downfall.—(Hear, hear, from almost
every part of the Assembly.) Our explanations with re-
gard to Belgium, shall be no less distinct. How many
times have we not had to apprehend, from the question of
royalty to Belgium, a cause for a general rupture through-
out Europe? We came into Administration at the time
when the refusal of the Crown fur the Duke de Nemours
and the exclusion of the Duke de Lcuchtenhourg, limited
so narrowly the choice of a Sovereign destined to give
existence and unity to this nascent kingdom. The cite-
ti^n made by the Belgians was judieious--the personal
el sracter of the Prince they chose rendered it doeirabic.
France received it with satisfaction, for aloe never feels mis-
trust without evident cause. Besides, previous to her ac-
knowledgment of King Leopold, France stipulated for
all the conditions required for her safety and ho-
nour. The demolition of tile fortresses will efface
the last vestiges of the events of 1515. The inde-
pendence and neutrality of the new kingdom were
equally guaranteed ; and both, in case of need shall ba
defended. Of this the late measures of the . French
Cabinet are proofs. A French army has received orders
to enter Belgium, to repel the unexpected aggression of
Holland. This expedition, which was decided upon im-
mediately on the arrival of the first despatch from the
King of the Belgians, and was the result of the full under-
standing between all the Great Powers of Europe, proves
that France is powerful, that her armies are ready for
action, and that her young soldiers, as well as her veteran
Generals, are worthy of inheriting that glory which is de-
posited in their hands. It proves that France is the faith-
ful ally, the natural support of Belgium, and that she
knows how to protect what she has reared, that treaties
are more than vain words, and that the Powers of Europe
who have been painted as plotting war against her, are
faithful to their engagements, and respect our independ-
ence and power. Thus, gentlemen, in opposition to all
the predictions which have so long proclaimed that in a
short time the absolutism of Europe would reduce France
to the necessity of defending her own independence, mid
that Paris would again be visited by the f reigner, it is
with the consent of Europe that France is at this moment
actually defending against an unsupported Monarch the
independence of a neighbour and a triend, sprung from our
revolution, and Brussels finds allies in the French uniform !
What an overwhelming contradiction to the prophets of
the propaganda and re-action ! France, with the concur-
rence of all Europe, is protecting a revolution, the off-
spring of that of July, and will see torn essee raised against
her by: the Holy Alliance demolished ! These Leta, ten-
tlemen, prove that without France, aild what she has ac-
complished, the States of the Pope would be still covered
with foreign soldiers, and harraesed with proscriptions
and confiscations—that without France, Poland would
have been long ago crushed by the united efforts of the
Three Powers by whom she is surrounded; and that
without France, Belgium would have been a prey to
anarchy, or suns into a restoration ! Far, then, from France
having abandoned the people whom she set in movement,
though without any instigation from her, she has rendered
them all as many benefits as an imprudent propaganda
would have created evils. She has assured to Belgium
independence and nationality; to Poland less inequality in
e
e
e
le
to
y
r
d
n
e
f
:JhttiiutiFfiltia::,,ohraahoor,tivaear''
h,oieutptnseinkyhsi
exneoenaels:ierdsiaec,:rre,:3l,Ycaerii
g'sthssuacocqtnopaesdehilguaudnsneitioaligetheibdlemtsrmisbittanrule
itnclattaineiseisi.:te,
hnenlaati
eyi,nvnedtar
n‘utrra, sra:r
obeipa
01 t
,nt becauseabnonl
rmoioui
telnmeaatnel.!
regardd:al
tnshgigt tdtt atwitoi
ael.testtitnuobia.i).l
iNlrineetlaohci.
,Inctlvfcjc eßsrrehyteleoun. nhe:tscer
ibgnete
yec(arsaalrs:oogiuo:
ne,nunfiel tdleprridfnvaiout consequences
e."::n.toirt.,g)hehi.(fr.igs
necessary
position
r fSya generaliiau " saved
od Ste'eatael Italy
war. In short, she has resumed her due influence, proved
n
s
and
s
b
eue:
in Europe,
:vet,
this—that
irri:ouejapti
fntaohinbi
trtiis-itf
reputation it
Our revolution
eti'ycahhhsa
.as
he. just
every
ee
ypa:n(pit rod':
e'eervscsah-yray: right
and regarded every interest. From this has arisen
itself bound to show in return to France. From hence
appeal to forcess--we have only liadeitconhoctul'abeitenhnarie.gelimtb,;j:ulniset:iiiebetio,e
and good order- from. Europe, and if we have obtained the
confidence of all, it is because we have spoken as France
acted.liad
war,
Rarely; perhaps iiever, had Fraoce, without
going t
2746;ifte:oe. abic,erarellt,,,o,nf
Sheno has:nfi
ieitelanicmeetrshloantnoiltsuhci,ini:gr,:trveii:rglrihatto
hit,thtn.
m, clay ti ere'
t.ta
is
it is obtained. Our respeio for the nniiOnlidify all dice.
~thia;t,litahsisnointtlisruzeas,seitornteir,l,lu,,
net
be
3.6irie,,t1,11.1
at
what
nation', and the rights of all the thrones, is the Erg can.

eii%ion ei the respect that the nations and icings have for we
Europe believes in the authority •of our word : she believes
in -our reason, and cermet take umbrage at our pride. But
I>f ever France abandons herself to the spirit of faction
and the torrent of popular passions. she would itnreaa
(hotel), lose her influence, and would be forced 'te vaaake
up for it by violence. it is then feete that the
peace of the world is dependent ',tan the internal
Government of our country. Analsi do you, Gentlemen,
who have so great a share in't9As Government, consider the
importance of the determinations that you are abeeat th
form. The discussion with which you are tactopled will ,
probably decide the fate of Europe. To speak the 'ft-Yen,
war or peace are the questions before you. Let this thought
be present to your minds, and let the Chaanber, in exer-
cising its power, be aware, at least, of its respon-iiiiiit'y.
Our responsibility would not alarm us with aPet aupport of
your confidence, which alone can give tea Courage to devote
ourselves to public affairs. Boa, tientlemen, we can only
serve our country by remainint; faithful to our principles,
and, consequently, after that you shall have associated your-
selves thereto. You are acquainted with them, for they
have been explained to you, as they have been to the country
and Euterpe, by these two words which answer our
friends and our enemies, at home and abroad; these two
words, which characterise our two systems of internal ad-
ministration and foreign policy ; these two words, which
sum up the opinions and interests of France— The Charter
-and Peace!—(This eloquent ereech was constantly lis-
tened to with close attention, and the principal passages
called forth decided signs of approbation. The President
of the Council, in descending from the Tribune, wet ton-
gratulated by a great number of Hon. Deputies.)
M. Thouvenel reed .t speech which was Scarcely audible
owing to the conversation which ensued after the speech
of the President of the Councils He hoped that, having
a national King, the address would not be a let-fat para-
phrase of the speech of the Crown. It tregiit to he firm,
respectful, and bold, representing reetea(a Trot as she is re-
presented, but such as she really'*, suffering, diseniettel,
impoverished by imposts, and 'tormented by erits which
he fotesaw from the hurtful system fulls-:'l since 1830.
It was not sufficient to place the piettre of our evils under
the eyes of a on6anthropic (Laughter.) Tie Hon,
Deputy corrected himself-se-he meant to say philanthropic.
The Hon. Deputy frequently claimed the atteration of the
Chamber, which did not seem disposed to listen to him,
hot which nevertheless laughed heartily on hearing him
say that capitals were as happy as capitalists, and that the
Ministry might be compared to a steam-boat ! He con-
eluded his address in the midst of private conversations,
notwithstanding the calls to maker of several Deputies,
supported by the Presiden'
M. Thiers said, we have long desired a representative
Government as a pledge of happiness and repose for France.
We have long had an appearance of it, and We have now
the reality. The Crown to-day asks for your support, and
inquires what is your system of Government. It is suf-
ficient to say that this deliberation is of the highest im-
portance. During the long contest of fifteen years that'
we maintained against the restoration, the principal reproach
our enemies cast upon us was that we were in a revolu-
tion, in language, in efforts, and in excess; and that re-
proach drove from us numerous classes of peaceable citizens
and workmen, blinded by pompous accusations. No, Gen-
tlemen, we were not of the revolution of 1789, any more
than that of 1792: we had nothing to destroy we had
only to consolidate, to ameliorate, to demand guarantees
for the franchises obtained ; that was what we asked,
and it is all that we have demanded from the glo-
rious revolution of July. instead of destroying every
thing, and constituting ail into a republic, our efforts
have tended to complete the representative Govern-
ment, acrd to ensure us its benefits. In this view it
is that the judgment ought to be meditated that you are
about to pronounce. The question is not of this or
that Ministry. I formed pert of two of the Adminis-
trations ; to the third I remained a stranger; hut it is the
entire cause of the revolution of July—it is its spirit; the
question concerns all its results and all its consequences.
The lion. Deputy then went into a defence of the Govern-
ment, under three heads—viz, in the constitutional orga-
nisation, the Administration, and Foreign Affairs. He
entered into long and eloquent details to prove that, under
these three views, the Administration had been loyal, sin-
cere, and attached to the good of the country. After a
brilliant dissertation, he exclaimed :—lf this is not a per-
feet enjoyment of our liberty, there never was liberty in
this world.—(Assent.) As to the constitutional organisa-
tion, all the laws promised by the Charter have been made.
They have been passed by the Chamber, of which they were
the work of the majority. With respect to the internal
administration, political places have been given to the true
friends of liberty, but without reaction. Practical men
have not been displaced. It was not thought neces-
sary, as in the fallen Government, that a man of good
sentiments was competent to do every thing well.—
(Smiles of assent ) This was the only means of saving
us from disorder in the finances, for disorder is bank-
ruptcy.---(Marks of assent and dissent.) The Admi-
nistration (continued the Hon. Deputy) has been
exposed to a reproach which I am unwilling to pass over
in silence—that is to say, its affection for the Carlists, and
its persecution of the patriots, the exclusive liberals. This
reproach should not astonish us ; it was even brought
areinst the convention, and for my part I think it quite
Natural. The Government is in the presence of two parties;
the one who, during 40 years, has been in the habit of
secretly conspiring, and of concealing itself within the
shadtsw of legality ; this party, Gentlemen, escapee but
too often the regular action of justice. The other is noisy ;
it rushes through the streets, making them resound with
its lofty pretensions. Is it not natural that the laws
should reach more frequently those who show themselves
in brand daylight, than those who conceal themselves, and,
inecructed by their defeat, conspire in the dal k ; while the
others, employing badly their victory, make their excesses
known.—(Cheers, marks of general assent ) The Govern-
ment is accused of being too lenient with La Vendee ; but
the proceedings in that country occasion too much em-
barrassment to admit of this. La Vendee was enabled to con-
tend for many years against the convention, the directory,
and the empire. In 1793, it was easily conquered, because
it took a decisive part. But it was absolutely neces-
sary to endure the petty Chonannerie, because it was in-
accessible. It is said that the Government treat the Car-
lists leniently, and is severe against the patriots. History
teaches us to beware of the excesses of one's own friends,
for from thence comes the greatest danger. The Conven-
tion, the Empire, the Restoration, all fell from their own
excesses, and not from the conspiracies of their enemies.
lf, like them, we abuse France, we shall render Carlism
formidable. With regard to foreign affairs, it is unques-
tionably the interest of all the Powers of Europe to re •
main at peace, and for this reason we may place the
greater confidence in their assurances. The Hon. Deputy
then went into an examination of the state of Europe, in
order to prove the truth of his assertion, that peace was
the interest of all the Powers, and therefore would, most
probably, be preserved, and that France, under such cir-
cumstances, could not go to war. He had, he believed,
more confidence than any one in the heroism of France, of
which she had given au example in 1793—but at a severe
cost. Assuredly, it was not cold-hearted cruelty that gave
rise to the excesses of that period, but the necessity of de-
fence.—(Signs of dissent from many Members.) Would
Hon. Deputies have war, or victory, even at such a price.
.--(Cheers.)—Adjourned.

CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, Aun. 10.
Ai half-past twelve M. Girod de L'Ain, the Presidet.t,
took the chair.
The order of the day being the discussion of the Address
to the throne, M. Larabit rose to oppose the project of the
Committee. Ile first directed his attacks against the Ali.
nistry fcr consenting to the demolition of the fortresses of
Belgium. That country, be said, was the natural ally of
France, as France was the natural ally of Belgium. The
line of strong places was a bulwark for France; and the
Ministry who could sanction such a measure would be
guilty of a dereliction of the interests of Fiance, and even
of high treason, for making such a concession to au English
King, and to the other enemies of the country. M. Lara-
bit then examined which were the strong places raised to
menace France, and those built for the protection of Bel-
, glum ; and concluded that there was not one that might
not be some day of use to France. The Ministry, in ac-
cepting the direction of affairs, continued he, promised that
they would be able to preserve peace; and in order to keep
the power in their hands, they have discredited France with
the foreign Powers, with the hope of thus pre.erving peace.
Yet, at a moment when a majority in the Chamber was
about to fail them, withrut calculating the consequences of
their intervention, they, who had shamefully abandoned
Poland, have determined al, irato on attacking the weak
King of Holland. M. Larabit considered war to be in-
evitable;
and to be prepared to wage it he suggested the 1,
. propriety in the Government to present to the Chamber a
project of law having for its object to double the army is
case of need, by calling into active service part of til
moveable National Guards. The orator then censured the
',Ministry for their dereliction of Poland, the most faithful
ally of France, whose heroical efforts have
once
fimr ioirs hed by e
saved
ler:from the :barbarian hordes of Russia, and
,---..iiAiting the'ditternment to take some efficient measure to
/1 A.. 0- save. that noble b..
'''. . iterahal Clause!
I.2:7r„.offrance, and ascrii
71 11f,':;- dunce of the people ‘
k,ipal offices of the gat
~
, ..
ItAt ill! .

in.
ik a review of the internal situation
4 the state of uneasiness and (lA-
the Ministry having Icft the Pi in-
in the hands of the pardons of