The Sun.
London, England, 1831-10-14 00:00:00

LIVERPOOL.

The news of the loss of the Reform lill was received
it'n Liverpool and Manchester, by The Sun express, at
midnight on Saturday. It treated a universal feeling of
impulse mingled with indignation. Immediate prepara-
tions were made for telling together a general meeting of
the inhabitants to consider the best measures to be adopted
in this alarming emergency. A preliminary meeting was
held for this purpose at the Clarendon-rooms, on Monday,
and notwithstanding the shortness of the notice the at.
tendance was most numerous, and there were present gen-
tlemen of the first influence and respectability in the town.
Several strong resolutions were adopted, and it was
unanimously agreed that a public meeting should be held
on Wednesday, in the open air, in Clayton-square.
On Wednesday, accordingly, at the time appointed, the
people began to assemble its Clayton-square, a large open
area, capable of containing from 15
,000 to 20,000 per-
sons. It was about two-thirds filled, and there were, on
the most moderate computation, 10,000 individuals pre-
ent. A little after twelve o'clock the gentlemen com-
posing the Committee appeared on the balcony of the Bul
Inn, and there Viscount Molyneux was called to the
Chair, amid the most enthusiastic cheeriag.
His LORDSHIP, on taking the Chair, observed that
though he felt much gratified by the flattering reception he
had met with, yet it was with feelings of grief and sorrow
• that there should have been any occasion for his services on
each an occasion.—(Hear, hear.) When last they met in
that place to petition the House of Lords to pass the Re-
form Bill, they were cheered by hopes that the boon
which they all asked would soon be obtained, that that
act of justice would be done to the country which had
now been refused ; their hopes, their petitions, and their
advice had, however, been rejected and despised by the
wickedness and folly of a portion of the House of Peers.
—(Cheers.)—Perhaps some of these 199 Peers who had
rejected that advice, and despised and spurned these pe-
titions, had good though mistaken motives, and their con-
duct might havebeen influenced by the conscientious feel-
ing that they were doing their duty to their country ; but
he would take it for granted—for it could not be de-
nied, that the greatest part of them had done what
they had done from personal, factious, and party motives—
(Loud cheering)—from self.interest—(Cheers)—and from
the hope of seeing themselves in the place of Government.
—(Tremendous cheering.) If any one doubted this, let
him look to the concluding speech of the head of that foe-
tion—the Duke of Wellington.--(Great cheering.) That
speech was the lamest, the most contemptible, the poorest
apology for a speech that had ever been spoken.--(Loud
cheers.) It was a speech commencing in fallacy, conti-
nued in fallacy, and ending with fallacy, and every one
might see through the object of the remark with which it
concluded.—(Cheers.) His Grace the Duke of Welling-
ton bad asserted that when he made his famous declare-
tton against Reform, he made it as a Minister of the
Crown—(Laughter and cheers)—and that it was, as a
Minister of the Crown that he was determined to support
the existing institutions of the country, and what could
he mean by that, but that as a man he did not think this
was the bet course to be adopted—though as a Minister
he thought it most expedient ?—(Applause.) What dif-
ference ought there to be between a Minister of the Crown
and an honest man? What distinction could be drawn
between the duty of a Minister and that of an honest man?
Had they not now an honest man as Minister of the Crown ?
—(Yes, yes, and tremendous cheering.) Another remark
made by his Grace was, that the popular excitement on the
subject had not been created by his famous declaration
against all Reform, bat by the French Revolution.—
(Laughter). Was that the reason ?—did the people of
England look to their neighbours in France to tell them
what they ought to do—what they wanted—or what
they had a right to expect ?—(" No, no," and much
cheering.) They all desired that the Bill might pass,
and he had no doubt that it would pass before long; but
as it was refuted for the present, they were now asssem-
bled to consider the best and most oonstitutional
measures to be adopted at the present crisis—what
weapons to lay hold of for the purpose of attacking
the faction, which had for the present prevented the
attainments of their just rights. They might have re-
course to violence, and subdue their enemies by the re-
bellious force of insurrection ; but what good would that
do ?.--(" None, none," and much applause.) Every
thinking man must be convinced from the example of the
countries around him, that outrage and violence never
contributed to the happiness, peace, and true welfare of a
nation.—(Much applause.) That course they would not
adopt, though, were they to have recourse to it, they
might annihilate the borough faction—they might destroy
them as the foot of the elephant crushed the noxious
lizard, or as a sledge hammer falling on that contemptible
insect would cause its annihilation.—(Cheers.) But
they would not adopt that course—(Applause)—they had
nothing to do but to stand firmly by e,ch other; to stand
by the King, the House of Commons, and the Ministers,
and they must soon succeed, without any violence or
breach of the peace.—(Loud cheers.) It was his firm
belief that the object of the majority in the House of
Lords, and particularly of their leaders, wa., not to do
their duty by the country, but to get themselves again into
power; and he now asked them whether they would like
to have those men as Ministers ?—(Deafening cries of
" No, no," and much cheering.) If they wished to
know the difference between the present Ministers and the
wen who wished to get into office, they should refer to the
speeches on both sides during the last week, and they would
soon find the distinction between the sentiments of the one
party and the other. Let them read the speeches of the
sincere and honest party—of Earl Grey, the Marquis of
Lansdowne, Lord Radnor, and, above all, that most pow-
erful and distinguished example of eloquence and true pa-
triotism, the speech of the Lord Chancellor—(Mbeli
cbeering)—and then say whether they would be willing
that these men should retire from office—or ready to put
themselves into the hands of those men who, within a
very short period, had declared that they saw no grounds
for any change in the Constitution of the:country—(Cheer-
ing)—those men who had the effrontery to tell them that
they were delightfully rotten—delightfully diseased ; but
at the same time declared that all was for the best—that
they had no remedy to give—that they were perfect to
they were, and so they should remain.--(Much laughter
and cheering.) He was not now going into the abstract
principles of the Reform Bill, for they all, no doubt, had
schedules A and B at their finger ends ; but if they wet.,
not already fully conversant with the subject, he again
referred them to the speeches of the supporters in the
House of Lords. They ought to get those speeches by
heart : they ought to teach them to their children ; and
above all, they ought to remember this remarkable passage
in the speech. of Lord Brougham;--" The people were
for the Bill ; the people for whom the Aristocracy and the
Crown had been constituted.—for whom the laws had
been enacted and the Government contrived—by whom
the Government was stipported, whom it was bound to
serve, and without whom it could• not exist a moment."
He had only further to say that a series of resolutions
and addresses, to his Majesty and Earl Grey, would be
proposed for their consideration ; and he hoped they
would be unanimously agreed to. In conclusion he
would again earnestly intreat them to stand by them-
selves—to stand by their King, the House of Commons,
and their country, and their cause must speedily triumph.
--(Loud and long continued cheering.)
Mr. RUSHTON, on moving the first resolution, said that

he never, on any former occasion, felt so deeply the im-
portance attached to proceedings of popular assemblies.
In addition to all those motives which interest the mind
on such occasions, it could not be disg'uis'ed that the he-
for.nttrs bad another important and terlotia duty imposed
-upon them—that of stistaining with fortitude and tran-
quillity the disaVipoilatMent of their hopes by the rejection
of their prlyett by the House of Lords. The Noble iLord
who had already so ably addressed then% !td anitnad-
vetted with great strength and t‘.'str.ze on the conduct of
the Duke of Wellintio'n. lie (Mr. Rushton) felt that the
conduct of ether Noble Lords also called for animadver-
sion, and particularly the conduct of the Law Lords.—
(Hear.) He felt difficulty in speaking in any language ap-
proaching to severity of the conduct of a Noble Lord whose
years and rank would under other circumstances entitle him
to forbearance if net respect. Iltit at tilt preseilt crisis he
was firmly persuaded that the dbty Which every man owed
to his conntry sh'oul'd &n 'uer all reluctance with regard
to individuals. Lord tldon had met the complaint*
of the people with an assertion that the Reform which
they t'equired was an invasion of the rights Of property.
He had recognized as a legal prorett'i a right the exercise
of which by the Peers of nngland would subject those
Peers to punishment for a penal offence.—(Loud cheers.)
This totd'ila, however, of the great enemy of Reform
edbld excite no surprise in the minds of those who had
attentively regarded the political career of the Noble
Lord. He commenced his lifs as Attorney-Gene-
ral by an attempt to enforce the doctrine of con-
structive treason at the expence of the lives of the Re-
formers', Ni that day, and the last act of his life formed
an appropriate conclusion of a career so commenced by
denying the people a just share in the representation, and
by cloaking the injustice of that denial, tinder an assertion
that it was legal to hold a property in the representation of
the people of England in the Commons House of Parlia-
ment.—(Cheersl Another law Lord had opposed the
Bill in a long and eloquent epeech ; the character
of that speech, so far as it went to support
the principles of the Noble Lord, (if indeed those
convenient habits of thinking which the Noble Lord seemed to
change with so much facility could be called principles;) but
the speech was marked by a spirit which called for reproba-
tion—a spirit which shewed that the Noble Lord was actuated as
much by personal desire as by public principle. What else
could have induced the Noble Lord to seize the opportunity
Offered by that discussion, to taunt the Ministers with the de.
fects of their measures on other subjects not then before the
House ; what, but an anxious desire to embarrass the just claims
of the people, by a reference to subjects upon which some of the
people and the Government might differ—but which were not
then to be discussed—what but a desire not to meet
the great question fairly could have induced Lord Lyndhurst
to take this course. He, however, did not despair of Lord
Lyndhurst—he did not fear in a short time to have a complete
refutation of Lord Lyndhurst's speech from the Noble Lord
himself.—(Laughter and cheers.) The meeting would remem-
ber when the Catholic question was discussed in the Commons,
shortly before the sudden conversion of his Majesty's Ministers
into emancipators ; the meeting would well remember with
what determined zeal Sir John Copley opposed the fair claims
of our countrymen to religious freedom. They would also
well remember how, in a very few short months after the
election of Sir J. Copley to the Woolsack, with what fervid
eloquence and with what irresistible reason the same man
supported for the Catholics. I (said Mr. Rushton) am not
without hopes that in a very few, very few months, Lord
Lyndhurst may in some degree atone for his late conduct, by
again becoming as he is so well able to become, the refuter of
his own sophistry and the vigorous advocate of Reform in the
Lords. Mr. Rushton then proceeded to say, that though no
man would more deeply deplore the use of any language
which could create an improper excitement, it yet became the
the duty of that meeting fearlessly to examine the cause of the
defeat of the just wishes of the King, and the ardent hopes of
the people. He had no hesitation in asserting that the defeat
of the Reform Bill was caused solely by the Bishops and the
boroughmongers.—(Loud cheers.) Yes, said Mr. Rushton, 20
Bishops have voted against the Bill, only two in its favour. Had
theßishops done their duty to God, to the country, or to the King ?
—(Cries of" No.") Had they imitated the manners of their great
master ? He who came to relieve the afflicted and succour the
opposed—he who attested by his death the truth of the sublime
lesson which he came to teach, he whose blood shed in the great
cause of freedom and justice gave to mankind the noblest
lesson on record of the triumph of truth—had the Bishops
imitated his example in refusing the fair demands of the people
to a just Government ? (Cheers.) The case stood thus—the
people had been long oppressed ; a grievous system of
taxation ground them to the dust, the plunder of the
privileged orders had reduced them to misery—from the depths
they had cried on the Bishops to practice the precepts of their
religion, and to relieve them. The Bishops had coldly and
cruelly refused, and the people of England would not fail to re-
collect at whose hands they received a disdainful rejection of
their claims.—(Much cheering.) After some further obser-
vations upon the state of the country, and after having ex-
pressed his opinions that the cause was sure to triumph if the
people continued to act with the same temper, wisdom, and
firmness, by which they had hitherto been distinguished, he
concluded by moving the first of a series of resolutions.
Mr. W. RUTSON, in seconding the first resolution, said, I do
not appear before you with the vain expectation that any thing
I can say will add fresh lustre to the gracious intentions of our
beloved Sovereign ; but I am desirous to show you, by my ex-
ample, a readiness to do all in my power to contribute to the
success of this most important measure. This readiness I
hold to be the paramount duty of every lover of his country.
A pause must necessarily ensue before this great question can
again be entertained by the Legislature ; this pause will be to
the nation a period of intense—l had almost said fearful—
anxiety ; but why should we doubt, whilst we are led on by
our patriot King ? Why should we despair, whilst we are
supported by a vast majority of the wealth, intelligence, and
population of this great country ? On the nation at large now
depends the triumph of this healing measure, and every one,
however humble, by giving his assistance to its accomplish-
ment, is a benefactor to his country. Let our communication
be in that tone of confidence, the best harbinger of success.
Let us say the Bill WILL pass The Bill MUST pass ! But
above all, let us be unanimous ! By unity of thought and action
alone can we expect to obtain the object of our wishes.
do not, I entreat you, by an attempt to approach a fancied
perfection in detail endanger the loss of the principle of
the Bill. To our unanimity let us add patience and that
forbearance under injuries, which is the true nobility of
courage. Our opponents have most industriously reported
that the people are indifferent to the cause of Reform; but
I say indifference to the boon so nobly offered by our be-
loved King would be akin to ingratitude; and let us not,
I beseech you, my fellow -townsmen, enable the wholesale
dealers in corruption, who are willing to hide their greater
deformity by exaggerating our petty delinquencies. Let us
not, I say, give them cause to charge the people of Liver-
pool with this worst of vices, ingratitude. If the Bill were
necessary before, it is doubly so now ; if we before desired
it with anxiety, let us sow seek it with enthusiasm, and
let our cry be for the King, Lord Grey, and the Bill.

The resolution was then put from the chair, and carried al-
most unanimously, only one single hand being held up against
it in the immense assemblage. The result was hailed with en-
thusiastic and long continued cheering.
Mr. THOS. THORNELY, (the candidate for the borough,)
then came forward to Move the next resolution and was re-
ceived with deafening cheers. He said there was not one in-
dividual in that immense assemblage, who felt more poignant
grief than he did when he found that the House of Peers, by a
majority of 41, had rejected the glorious Bill of Reform, intro-
duced by his Majesty's Ministers, and supported by the King
and the nation ; but when he looked back a few months,
for a single year, and when ha considered the prodigious
advance which had now been made towards carrying the
measure of Reform, lie felt that they now stood upon a
proud eminence indeed, and that they now had Reform
almost within their grasp.—(Loud cheers.) His most
gracious Majesty was the glorious advocate of Reform—
an immense majority of the House of Commons were
friendly to Reform—and be found that on 11Ionday even-
ing last a majority of 131 Members decided in favour of
Ministers, and agreed to a vote expressive of their confidence
in the administration, and their adherence to the Reform
Bill. But be had still stronger grounds of reliance than
on the King and his Ministers—the people, for Reform
was now fixed in the bosoms of almost every man, woman,
and child in the kingdom,—and thus based, the success of
the great cause of Reform was sure and certain.
Mr. JAMES BIIANCICEIL seconded the resolution, which
was carried in the same unanimous and enthusiastic man-
ner as the preceding one. As Chairman of the Commit-
tee, Mr. Brancker disclaimed all knowledge of a some-
what intemperate placard posted on the walls of the town,
in which the petty majority of 41 is represented as being
opposed to the wishes of twenty-two millions of the people.
Captain CorAluirr proposed the address to his Ma-
jesty. He was very happy to see so many thousands of
his fellow-townsmen, though be was most unhappy, and
that ruch an occasion should have called them together.
The petitions of, the people had been set at naught and
despised by a portion of the House of Lords, and they
therefore implored his Majesty to adopt such measures -as
might be necessary in order to secure justice to the people.
The Gallant Captain then read an address to his Majesty,
of which the following is a copy. It was received with
most enthusiastic cheering :
" TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTT.
" We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the in-
habitants of the town of Liverpool, in public meeting assem.
bled at this most important crisis, respectfully approach your
Majesty, with an expression of a sincere and ardent respect for
your Majesty's person, and with the most unqualified approba-
tion of those principles, which have influenced your Majesty's
Ministers in their recent efforts to obtain, and in your Majesty's
sanction and approval, a Reform in the representation of the
people the Commons House of Parliament.
, re
and . so have heard, with the deepest sorrow and regret, that
the Bill for securing the me
necessary
the h to
of the
tranquil_
peopalseu
has been rejected by the Lords Spiritual
anodnoTuermoportale
Cr o
lity and welfare of thein
pwa
liament assembled,
We humbly, and most earnestly implore
your Majesty, in

this great elhergency, to rely with unshaken confidence on the
Councils df Earl Grey and his colleagues, and we implore your
Majesty td OierciSe at once and eflbctually the high powers with
Which the Constitutibn haS invested your Majesty, and by your
immediate creation of patriotic PeCrs or the idOPiiiiti of slrelt
other Constitutional meaAirei, as the AlgenCy requires, to
make secure prVVisiOn fOr the Passing of this all-important Bill;
irieasidre Which will, if possible, augment the love of your
Majesty's faithful and devoted subjects, and send down the
memory of your Majesty's wisdom, firmness, and justice, to
the gratitude and respect of the latest posterity."
• (To be signed by the Chairman on behalf of the meeting.)

Capt. COLQUITT then continued his observations. From
the debates in the House of Lords, he tbillid that most of the
members of the late AdifilnistrtitiOn Were ready to grant to the
people seme species df Reform ; that was a great step to be sure,
blit they dirt nbt want some Reform,—what they Wanted was
" the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill."--,(Enthusi-
a.stic cheering.) Why did they want it ? Because it would give
them the Constitution, the whole Constitution, and nothing but
the Constitution—a full, fair, and free representation of the
people..=-(tiodd cheers.) What confidence could be placed in
men, who, when in office had refused to transfer the elective
franchise of East Retford to Birmingham, and who had unce-
remoniously turned out the late lamented Huskisson, for daring
to vote for that measure against their will.—(" None, none," and
much cheering.) In his youth, he (Capt. Colquitt) had not
given much consideration to the subject, and he had not been a
Reformer, but lie did not hesitate to say, that the fa-
n-lOUS declaration of his Grace the Duke of Wellington against
all Reform had made him a Reformer.—(Cheers.) When
the Noble Duke had declared that there should be no Re-
form, and that none was necessary—great as had been
his victories, he (Captain Colquitt) did not think his
Grace worthy of the name of Englishman.—(Loud cheers )
The gallant Captain then avowed himself a member of the
Church of England, but spoke in strong terms of indigna-
tion of the conduct of the Bishops, and said that by voting
against the Reform Bill, they had acted in direct opposi-
tion to the wishes and sentiments of his most gra-
cious Majesty, who was at the head of the Church.--
The Bill had been opposed as it extinguished chartered
rights ; but he contended that it extinguished chartered
wrongs.—(Applause.) It was calculated to destroy that kind
of back-stairs influence which stood behind the throne
and was greater than the throne itself—and they peti-
tioned his Majesty to adopt the measures best calculated
to put 'that influence hors de combat altogether.

Here some individual in the crowd occasioned some
disturbance, and the Noble Chairman caused much laugh-
ter, by saying "Just allow me to ask one question—ls
that a pickpocket or a boroughmonger that you have
amongst you there?"
Capt. COLQUITT, in concluding his speech, observed
that he had on a late occasion expressed as opinion that
the ship " Corruption" was dismasted, and a hope that
the Lords would fire broadsides into her, and that his
Majesty would fire the last shot and sink ber.—(Laughter
and cheers). Their Lordships were however endeavouring
to repair the old ship, but he hoped that as fast as they
got up the masts the House of Commons would get them
down again, and that his Majesty would not throw away
the last shot in the locker until he used it to send the
ship to the bottom.—(Much laughter and cheering).

Mr. CHARLES Caomrrow said that he bad been called
upon unexpectedly to move this resolution, but that he
rejoiced in the opportunity of adding his voice, however
humble, to that of the millions who were now execrating
the unjust and monstrous decision of which the meeting
was met to complain.—(Cheers.) There never was any
instance in the history of England where one branch of
the Legislature had dared to oppose itself so directly to the
other two—backed as they were by the decided wishes of
the whole people of England.—(Hear, hear.) The ques-
tion for the meeting, however, was what was the course
for the people to take to remedy the decision of the Peers.
—There was only one course which was legal, constitu-
tional, and peaceable—that course was the one recom-
mended in the resolution—to address our beloved Sove-
reign, and request him to create Peers.—(Loud cheers.)
This was legal, for who could gainsay that it was the un-
doubted prerogative of the Crown, constitutional—for it
was to preserve the Constitution, and at the instance of
the whole nation—for it seemed the only way of preserving
peace and preventing the occurrence of disturbances.
The course recommended by the resolution was also bene-
ficial to the real aristocracy of the country, who were sup-
porters of the Bill. The majority consisted, in a great
measure, of Peers created by Mr. Pitt, for Par-
liamentary services, of Bishops, and of the Law
Lords, who had so properly been commented upon.
Could they compare those Lords with the real Peerage of
the country, with such names as the Stanleys, Russells,
and Casendishes, who were found supporting the Bill ?
(Cheers.) The King and his Ministers were sincere in
wishing to pass this great measure ; it could only be
passed by the creation of Peers, and the object of the pre-
sent resolution was to show them that the people desired
it, and would support their King and his Ministers in the
measure.—(Much applause.)

Mr. WALLACE CURRIE, in coming forward to move the
fourth resolution, said that although ho felt alarmed at a mo-
ment of such immense consequence as the present, to occupy
the meeting with anything relating to an individual; yet, as
what he was going to say arose out of the subject which then
assembled them, he trusted he might say a few words relating
to himself. A very short time ago he (Mr. C.) had in address-
ing them from the place where he stood, expressed himself in
strong and unmeasured terms of the few individuals who had
in quarters where their statements were intended to produce
effect,--declared that the people of this country had changed
as to the Bill—that the country was absolutely now adverse to
it. Of these persons professing to know peculiarly the senti-
ments of the people, and of these alone, he (Mr. Currie) spoke.
This he begged most distinctly and solemnly to declare. He
could hardly have thought it possible that even party feeling
could have misrepresented his meaning—but he found that he
was immediately charged with having applied his strong ex-
pressions to the whole of the anti-reformers in a body—to have
differed from him on the great political question of Reform.
To have done so would, however, have been the act of a mad-
man. He (Mr. Currie) numbered amongst the nearest of his
connections, and some of his most intimate friends—
amongst those with whom he was in habits of daily social in-
tercourse,—men who were opposed to the Reform Bill—and to
have loaded them with abuse, would have shown a want of
feeling, as well as of sense, of which he hoped he was incapable.
No, he respected the right of private judgment, while he
always thought and acted for himself he willingly conceded
that right to others, and never abused any one for difference of
opinion.
Mr. CURRIE hoped that if there were any present who
felt themselves offended, they would accept this explanation,
which he was the more anxious to give, as he learned at this
Particular moment, for reasons he need not mention, the most
unwarrantable representations had been made of what he said.
Mr. CURRIE then said, that after the admirable speech of
the Noble Chairman, which they would not soon forget, which
Lord Molyneux had never equalled before, and which gave
ample hopes for the future, he had no intention of detaining the
meeting, but he had a few words to say as to the Peers, and
first he begged to express his heartfelt gratitude to the Duke of
Wellington for his memorable declaration against Reform—
that declaration he considered really as a " God-send," with-
out which they might have waited many a long day, as they
had waited many a year for the great object of their hopes.
Some Noble l'eers had asserted that, because for two years pre-
vious to the Duke of Wellington's " God-send," there had been
few petitions for Reform, the country was really indifferent as
to Reform—that the excitement was artificial—temporary got
up, and would soon subside. What was the reason of this ap-
parent indifference deduced from the absence of petitions ? Be-
cause, after so many attempts, the people saw that it was useless
to petition until the measure was introduced by the Government
under the sanction of the King. They felt that till so
introduced, it would be but a waste of time to apply
again to the House of Commons. Mr. Currie too had a
word to say as to Dr. Lyndhurst. That Learned Lord
was reported to have said, that with all that had been
urged against the " Boroughmongering Lords, there were
only six Peers who directly nominated the House of Com-
mons !" Where was Lord Lyndhurst's acuteness or
knowledge of facts? By a statement in yesterday's
Times there appeared to be 27 Peers who directly re-
turn 75 or 76 Members to that House. Another Noble
Lord is reported to have expressed his indignation at the
unjustifiable exercise of the Royal Prerogative which the
Ministers advised in the creation of Peers, some of whom
(they were not more than seven sr eight Mr. Currie be-
lieved) had voted in the House of Commons for the Bill, and
came to vote in its favour in the House of Lords. But had
these noble: objectors forgotten that the 27 Peers had
had their own 75 Members voting against the Bill, in the
Commons, and were themselves, 27 in number, going to vote
against the Bill ? The objection came with a bad grace from
such a quarter. Mr. Currie then concluded by entirely agree-
ing with the Noble Chairman as to the absolute necessity of the
people abstaining from every indication of outrage or insubor-
dination. It was the only thing that could injure the cause of
Reform. They were so strong and united that they could well
afford to be quiet.

Mr. JORDAN, in seconding the resolution, said that be
hoped the Duke of Wellington and the bit-by-bit Re-
formers would be overcast and laid on their backs.--
(Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Jordan concluded a few ob-
servations by recommending the freemen of Liverpool to
elect Mr. Wallace Currie as their Mayor.
Mr. H. BOOTH hoped that such meetings as the pre•
sent would produce a salutary influence on those for whose
eflification it was intended.---(Loud and continued cheers.)
The efforts of the people, during the last twenty-five
years, might have convinced any reasonable set of men that they
set a high value on a full and free representation; but the
Lords were dull of apprehension, and meetings must still be
held till they were convinced that the people were determined
to have that Reform to which they were justly entitled. Mr.
Booth concluded by moving that Lord 3folyneux, James
Brancker, Esq., and William Ruston, Esq. should be appointed
a deputation to present the address.

Colonel WILLIAMS—It is a singular feature of the pre.

sent conflict of opinions regardine:the Constitution, that
Learned Lords should so differ—Wynford, and Lyndhurst,
and Eldbn asserting thit. the Reform Bill will overthrow
iE, ?chile BroUgham, under whose wig lurks, I believe, know-
ledge to outweigh them all, says it will restore it. " Who
shall decide when doctors disagree." This arbitration, I think,
belongs to the people—to the existing generation—and I think
also that the Bill, when it was sent to the Lords, should have
been accompanied by such a declaration—" That every genera-
tion is competent to regulate its own affairs, without referring
to indefinite, or obsolete, or disputed rules. And that which a
nation wills ought to prevail—and must prevail" If this
maxim had been propounded to the Lords, it might have
awakened an inquiry as to whether those privileges on which they
make their stand, and which they can only possess—which could
have no other origin or intention than the good of the community,
should be permitted to remain when they were brought to bear
against that community. It might also have roused the
" frocked Barons" to a sense of the jeopardy in which they
stand as to the usefulness to the present generation of
their worldly privileges. Let them, and let us reflect
upon their origin and pretensions ; they presume to be
the successors of the Apostles—but they seem to prefer the Bi-
shop of Rome to Peter the fisher of men, as their prototype.
In their commissions they are forbidden, when they are
" sent upon the march, to take a scrip, or money in their purse,
or shoes, or a second coat"—and yet these apostles of ours have
contrived to pick up on that march various worldly goods, and
finally to have got into thrones, and palaces, and princely re-
venues. We are called upon to acknowledge Baron Canter-
bury, and Baron Ebor, and Baron London, what would that
rock on which their Church was founded have said-
if he had been called Baron Peter. Gentlemen the great fea-
ture of the Constitution is the representation, or manage-
ment of our affairs by deputy ; they knew nothing of politics,
and this we have, not from the wisdom of our ancestors, for
it is too remote for any such connexion. When those hordes
of savages who came from God knows where, and overran like
a cloud of locusts the nations of Europe, they brought with them
this right, and practised this right. Every nation that had been
over-run by those barbarians experienced it. But was it the
result of wisdom? No, it was instinct, it was founded on
self.preservation—it was the impulse of personal safety which
pervades all animal life, that led them to adopt this precaution
against power; we derived it at second-hand from the Saxons,
and have struggled hard for the little we have of it remaining ;
and shall we suffer two hundred men to intercept what is now
fairly held out to us ? And under what circumstances ? The
frocked Barons colleagued with the " Proxies" to defeat us.
And what are the proxies ? The votes of men, perhaps in
foreign countries, clearly absent men, who presume, amongst
other privileges, to have the faculty of deciding, without hear-
ing, the reasoning to which all other men, on every other occa.
sion, willingly submit. But this is one of the privileges of
hereditary wisdom. Let us not, however, forego the great oc-
casion now offered to assert the rights of the generation to
which we belong. Earl Grey has manfully come forward as
our leader, and I shall propose an address to encourage him to
persevere.

Mr. GEORGE ROBINSON seconded the address proposed
by Col. Williams. It was then put and carried unanimously.
Mr. JAMES AIKIN in proposing the next resolution, said,
that he felt it as a degradation to bend the kisee at the footstool
of the Lords, for those rights which the people were so fully en-
titled ; but what were the feelings of himself and of the people
at large when that just claim was rejected ? He felt
stunned, not by the strength of the blow, but by the
unprecedented insult which had been offered to the
people, coining as it did from the hand of ingratitude ;
for the British House of Lords owed more to the people
than any body of Aristocrats in all Europe. He would
not give utterance to his feelings of indignation, as he
might run the risk of -- (Mr. Aikin's voice was
here drowned amid the most deafening cries of " Go on,"
" Speak out," from all parts of the meeting.) Mr.
Aikin did not obey this call, but concluded by moving the
resolution for the appointment of a Permanent Committee.
Mr. JOHN EwAaT (brother of the Member for Liver-
pool) seconded the motion, which was then put and
carried.

Mr. W. RATHBONE add he must call in question the
the discretion of the Chairman, when he asked whether
the people had caught a pickpocket or a boroughmonger—
for it would puzzle even his Lordship's ingenuity to find
out the difference !—(Great laughter.) The resolu-
tion he had to move was an important one; it was
for providing the sinews of war for a Committee
which must be a permanent one, for it must continue to
act till the Bill be carried.—(Cheers.) Mr. Rathhene
then alluded in terms of strong satire to the sneers of Lord
Dudley and Ward at the population of the manufacturing
districts, a great part of whom knew more of the rights of
man and common sense, although they might not be able
to read the ideas of Horace with so much fluency. He also
alluded in a happy manner to the mistake of Lord Wharn •
cliffe respecting the state of political feeling in Bond-street ;
and asked whether the meeting would have the present
Ministry, or one which was so ignorant of the wants and
wishes of the people, and of the state of public feeling, as
Lord Wharncliffe and his party?

. .
Mr. T. BLACKBUILNE seconded the resolution in a very
good speech.

Mr: EDWARD ROSCOE (son of the late WILLIAM
Roscoe, Esq.) moved the publication of the resolu-
tions. A person in the crowd had made the inquiry,
if the Bill would give them cheap bread and plenty of
employment. He could not say that it would all at once
produce these effects ; but it would prevent this country
from interfering any more for the support of foreign tyrant.,
in their endeavours to crush the liberties of the world.—
(Tremendous cheering.) It would also lessen taxation,
and thus, in time, render bread cheaper. He cautioned
the meeting against the adoption of any other than con-
stitutional proceedings, and expressed a hope that other
means might be found for carrying the Bill than the creation
of new Peers, for in God's name there were enough of them al-
ready.—(Laughter and cheers.) He again begged the people
to be firm, but moderate at the present crisis, as no other means
could promote the object they all had in view. If it were only
to prosper by violence and bloodshed, he for one would have
nothing to do with it, as such remedies would produce recollec-
tions so bitter that they would never be forgotten.
Mr. HODGSON' seconded the resolution.

Mr. JOHN TAYLOR, in reference to Mr. Roscoe's obser-
vations, contended that the Bill would give cheap bread and
plenty of employment. He expressed his hope that the King
would exercise his prerogative by creating new Peers, as with-
out this there would be a convulsion which he would be sorry
to name.

Lieutenant MORRISON then moved the resolution, which
reflected on the conduct of the Bishops. This resolution was
not among those which had previously been agreed on by
the gentlemen who had convened the meeting; but it
was received so warmly by the whole crowd, that
after being seconded by Dr. Collins, the Noble Chairman
felt himself under the necessity of putting it, and it was
carried with the loudest acclamations.
The Rev. W. SnErmatto, after some forcible observa-
tions, delivered with all that humour for which the Rev.
Gentleman is so remarkable, moved a vote of thanks to
Lord Molyneux for his conduct in the Chair, which was
carried by acclamation. His Lordship then proposed
that before separating, the meeting should evince their
loyalty by giving three cheers such as the town of Liver-
pool had never heard before.

His Lordship's suggestion was immediately complied
with, and three times three were given with a degree of
energy and enthusiasm which it is impossible should ever
be surpassed.
The meeting then quietly separated. It was about ►hree
o'clock when the proceedings were concluded. In the
course of the meeting some little interruption was caused
by a Huntite or two. One of these bad got upon the box
of a backney•coach, but the coachman being a right loyal
subject, silenced his oratory by driving off with him.
During the whole of the meeting some little inconve-
nience was caused to the speakers as well as the bearers,
by the incessant ringing of the bells of St. Peter's church,
to welcome the arrival of the Bishop of Chester, who had
come to confirm and to consecrate.