The Sun.
London, England, 1831-09-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JouTs'AiLs.

We beg to add a fete observations to. our article
of yesterday, on the fate of that Bill, more import-
ant than an hundred money bills, which may be now
considered as baying passed the Commons : and let
it be considered most seriously what an House of
Commons it has passed,—an House of Common.,
re will venture to say without the fear of contradic-
tion, the most immediate organ of the public will of
any that has ever been chosen since the present
Royal Family ascended the British throne. It may
therefore be eiteetned the very barometer of the na-
.ional opinion : and what can be meant by the as.er-
tion of any change in the feelings of the people re-
Tecting the Bill, we cannot conceive. Will any of
•he Members who have recently voted for it, be
tft aid to meet their constituents? No; never will
there be any change in the resolution of the people
tf this country to obtain Reform. That resolt&on is
Like the Pontic sea,
Whose icy current and comt.ulsive course
:`e'er feels retiring ebb, but keeps due on
To the Propontic and the Hellespont."
Reform we must have. The most peculiar part of
he story is, that which would represent that the
House of Lords slight the House of Commons,
legally constituted as representatives d the popular
will, and say, in fact, " We appeal to the public
fresh agairt the decision of you, the Commons, on
.he Reform Bill; the public mind is changed." .The
.1,.1i-lreroloidnocu)goos_snerstuoi‘hdvsf Lords would thus step between the Lower
House and its constituency. This eonsideration
eee
considered
mightoa(s
fq pressingt
tuhreaesirtioebn rei,ofuifynr
gdpieeroeno
indeed, time
eg i
aowtuhs importance,ifocanhr once
eosnoweicdi
edraetdo..
'lll-4 the people of England. It is an important
question. There is an alternative, an *portant
:alternative, too, involved. in it. The question and
the alternative are this—,Will tbe people meet now,
before the Bill goes up to, the Ilouse of Lords, or
after it shall
is
beethaveth‘r rseo•
assemblyj'evciltiertiheybynotthinateetuniil
? What
frightful, we may be asked, in. the di,ffereriee
between popular meetings in favour, of Re-
form, held now this moment, arid three weeks
hence? Nothing more than the difference be-
tween a deliberate and temperate Reform of the
House of Commons only, and an angry. and preci-
pitate reconstruction of the rejected measure : that,
in our opinion, is the difference. So.far as.the House
of Commons are concerned, they have done their

Lity to the best interests of the realm, by voting
Heir own reformation. They have told the Peers

—" We will no longer be your slaves, under the
name of representatives of the people ; nor will we
merit any longer the reproaches of our countrymen
tor squandering their money, and betraying their
confidence, because we are irresponsible to the
public." This is what the House of Commons
have, in Plain English; told their Lordships. They
have said, " Yoe shall be a House of Lords, and
we hope you will remain so while Est4land remains
a limited monarchy ; but, under the'tttle of House
of Lords, you must not be hi reality both Lords and
Commons too ; and while the doctrine of the Con-
stitution is, that the Lords shall not so much
WS alter a single Money bill, you shall not,
through indirect means, really be masters of

the whole mime' purse of England. Now, the
Peers who vote against Reform do, in effect,
=ay,—=as their dependents in the House of Com-
tnons have laid before them,--that the Legis-
lature of England shall not consist of King, Lards,
and Commons, but only of King and Lords,—that
the Constitution of England is not, and shall not
be, a mixed monarchy, but an unmixed oligarchy;
and that the people shill have nothing to do with
the Government of which they are the main support,
or with the revenue of which ninety-nine hundredth
parts come out of their pockets, but to pay, and to
obey. The House of Commons, well understanding
the question, have done their duty in so placing it
before the eyes of the Peers, and they have per-
formed that great service for the benefit of the people
of England. Need we ask the peOple whether they
will stand by the House of Cunimons ? Need we
ask them whether they will leave a pretext in the
handa of the boroughmotiger enemy, for asserting
that the-stationalrepresenratives' elected by them,
err& so 'Severe and long-doubtful it struggle with the
boroughtnongers, have overstepped their authority
in passing the measure of Relormi—that Lord John
Russell wrong, and Mr. Hunt and Sr C. We-
therell right, when the two latter asserted so obsti-
nately, that the " people cared nothing for the Bill ?"
But the challenge has been thrown out,and it must be
answered. Had. the Tories held their tongues about
the matter, and left it to the judgment of the Lords
to determine how the country stood affected towards

the Bill, the people might have rested on their own
conscious enthusiasm, displayed when Reform waa
first propounded by the Ministers and have let
things take their course. Now, they cannot do so;
they have been charged with disaffection to Re-
form; kis not alleged that they never were Re-
formers, bid that they have ceased to be so,—that
ignorance and levity had made them lovers of Re-

form, but that reflection and wisdom have revived
in them their foriner patriotic attachment to rotten
boroughs: To refer, therefore, to i.etitions of three
or four months' date is no sufficient answer to the
especial accusation of the Tories, that. we, the people,
have now of late become "too wise for Reform."
If this grave charge be left unrefuted, what follows ?
Not merely will the Anti-Reformers, one and all, be
filled with exultation—not only will the Anti4te-
form Peers defend their votes by claiming the people
for their allies, but many liberal and charitable
observers, judging merely by outward signs, will
acknowledge with grief that they were d, ceived in
the people of England, who have proved themselves,
like so many reptile Portuguese, deaf to the voice
of freedom. Above all, if this dreadful accusation
be not disproved,—and well are we convinced of its
gloss and glaring falsehood,—the people will them-
selves have justified the rejection of the Bill, by
showing, to both friendly and hostile Peers, that
they no longer hold it worth defending, even at the
eheap price of a public declaration of their senti-
ments.

Fur from ihe imbecile conduct of the friends

of Reform out of doors, we are satisfied that the
country is at this moment on the eve of another ma-
nifesiation of glowing zeal and energy in the cause,
which will serve at once to baffle the Tory tactics;
and by convincing the Lords of what the nation
really expects from them, will enable the upright and
well-disposed majority of that respectable, but not al-
ways w.ll-taught, assembly, to secure and perpe-
tuatel their own just influence in the Constitution.—
Times.

We have received from a correspondent, upon
whose authority we can depend, the following state-
ment of the causes which led to the absence of
their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Kent and
the Princess Victoria from the ceremony of the
Coronation. The Princess was in delicate health
when she 'left town; indeed. the Duchess of Kent's
journey to the Isle of Wight was delayed for some
days on that account. Under these circumstances,
the Duchess's maternal tenderness naturally enough
became alarmed at the prospect of the fatigues the
Princess would have to undergo. She communicated
her fears on this head to his Majesty through Lord
Grey, and his Majesty fully concurred with her in
thinking that the Princess's health should not be
risked by attendance on the Coronation. It was in
consequence determined she should not attend, and
as the Duchess never quits her child, she of course
was absent also.—Timer.
Colonel Sibthorpe last night deemed it expedient
to make a formal complaint of a report of a speech
which had appeared in this Paper. We are quite
aware that the mere publication of the debates..isna
breach of privilege ; .and wish that_ some
Member would manfully Wring the
butl isolated
That would be an. gible
the House that no reports
'-ndied vanity or ov.rts
weaning Conceit
complaints occasioned bby
*vow` nat.' useful nor definite
am
convinced that our reporter
object. If we were
the
had wilfully misrepresented speech of any Mem-
ber,—And
point we refer to Mr. Lawlel'a
ber,--and on this p ought
issue
question before

speech, which completely answers the statement of
Lord Althorp—,we should be as ready to notice
the fault as the offended Member could be : but it
is our duty as it is our inclination to defend our
agents against unfounded charges. For our own
convenience, however, it may be necessary to adopt
that shield of privilege, which some Members are
so eager to display, and in all cases where we find
it impossible to please a Member by any report of
his speech, to abstain altogether from violating the
rule of Parliament as far as regards that Member.-
7imes.

It is a curious fact, in illustration of the evils re-
sulting from monopolies, that, while the piety and
good feeling of the nation have for years past been
ransacked to raise money from individuals for the
laudable purpose of distributing and making known
the Scriptures in all nations and languages, the per-
sons holding the patent office of King's Printer, to-
gether with the two Universities, have actually been
enjoying, and charging to the members of these
charitable societies,in common with the other buyers
of Bibles, a profit of from 501. to 1001. per cent.
above what the same article could have been obtained
for had the trade in printing Bibles been open, and
as it ought to be, to every one. Though the subject
is one so intimately connected with Christian charity,
it is scarcely possible to advert to such an absurdity
and abuse in terms quite within the compass of
what that feeling enjoins. The only ground upon
which any monopoly could be defended is that of
its being a general advantage ; but how very rarely
indeed such is the ease the history of all monopolies
is a standing evidence. . But, of all monopolies, a
monopoly of the Word of Life seems the most dis-
gusting, the most indefensible, and the most incon-
sistent. Our Monarch is styled " Defender of the
Faith ;" and his subjects lay claim, and justly, to
being the people who, above all others, have dif-
fused a knowledge of that faith, not only through-
out his Majesty's dominions, but in regions where
the light of Christianity never had, and, but for them,
perhaps, for ages never would have penetrated. Yet,
to enrich a few individuals, this very fountain of
light is obstructed, and, as far as in them lies,
blocked up and shut out from the eyes of hundreds
of thousands, whom it would otherwise reach and
illumine. Surely it is high time that such a system
as this should be put an end to. The death of the
late King's printer affords a fair opportunity of do-
ing so ; and we trust that a Reforming Administra•
tion will not let the opportunity pass without vin-
dicating its own consistency, and thereby doing more
towards an enlarged distribution of the Scriptures,
both at home and abroad, than the utmost efforts of
private charity, great as they are, can ever hope to
effect.—Morning Herald.
The impotent rage of the Ministerial Newspapers
at the present condition and future prospects of the
Reform Bill is provocative at once of indignation
and of ridicule. The insulting language in which
the House of Peers is threatened and attempted to
be bullied is mingled with so much ranting extrava-
gance, that, except upon the mere mob, it must fail
of any serious effect, and its wickedness must be
rendered almoit harmless by the folly which sur-
rounds it. Such a mass of vulgar error, absurd
argument, and high-sounding abuse as the Times
poured forth yesterday morning—though it presents
a distressing picture of the audacious violence tip
which the liberty of the Press, under the patronage
of a Whig Government. may be carried—cannot b•
felt by the Peers of England as worthy of more
than a contemptuous smile, and perhaps such an
enforcement of the privileges of their House as may
quell such insolence for the future. Though the
Times should rage with ten times its present impo-
tent fury and malevolence, it cannot change the fac',
that the people are sick of the Bill, and vexed and
disgusted with all its absurdities, which the Oppo-
sition held up to view, while Ministers sat still with
stupid and dogged pertinacity in error. The Lords
will doubtless reject the Bill, because it isan unjust,
absurd, and impracticable Bill, upon which they are
at liberty to exercise their unpledged judgment, just
as the Commons would have done ere this had not
a majority of its Metnln rs sold the free exercise of
their judgment to the mob for the poor price of a seat
in Parliament, without that independence which alone
makes a seat in either House of the least value to a
man of principle. In the height of its extravagan'
raving the Times talks of the Tories as " conspirators
against the Constitution," and supposes that they
would attempt to govern the country by means of the
House of Lords and the army. We should like to know
when the Tories gave any indications of a wish to dis-
pense with any of the Legislative powers of the
Constitution, or attempted to teach such a doctrine
through their organs of the Press. But we need
not go far to find when and where such a doctrine
has been inculcated. The Constitution recognizes
the Lords as a power of as much weight as any
other in the estates of the realm, and the real con-
spirator against the Constitution is he who dares to
teach that the Commons' House of Parliament and
the rabble are to have the power of making laws, or
forcing the Upper House of Legislature to forego
its right of judgment, and agree to whatever they
may dictate. The Times may easily guess where
such a conspirator is to be found. Our con-
temporary, in its inflammatory langu sge, says that
in the event of .the Bill being rejected by the
House of Lords, " that House would be at open
war with the King, the Commons, and the whole
people of England." In reply to this mischievous
observation we assert that the country would be
placed in no such situation as that here so insi-
diously stated. The Lords, in acting fearlessly
on the occasion, would have the support and ap-
plause of all the good, the loyal, and constitutional
portions, who form a great proportion of the popula-
lation. In rejecting the revolutionary Bill, so far from
placing themselves in a state of warfare with the
King, they would be adopting the only moans of pre-
serving to him his crown, and rescuing him from
the degrading domination of a faction who have
abused his confidence. Their Lordships would not
" be at war with the Commons," the good sense of
which House never fails to bow with due com-
placency to the decision of the Peers, in the exer-
cise of their undoubted constitutional rights. They
will not be " at war with the whole of the people,"
for the great majority of the nation is decidedly
averse to the evil designs of the Reformere. Even
at the late general election the voice of the majority
of the people would have been against the revolu-
tionary Ministry were it not suppressed by sheer
brutal and ruffianly force. And now that the ex-
citement so artfully created has happily, subsided,
and the true merits of the atrocious measure are pro-
perly understood, demonstrations of dissatisfaction
are every where visible and undisguised ; and we
really believe, from all that we heard and ob-erved,
that the utter rejection of the Revolutionary Bill
would diffuse general joy throughout the land.—
r ming Post.

The Right Hon. John Calcraft, M.P.—lt is with
infinite regret we announce the death of this gentle-
man; alas I. by his own hand, lie committed sui-
cide, by cutting his throat with a razor, on Sunday
afternoon, at his house in Whitehall-place.—From
all that has transpired upon the subject, we are led
to conclude that remorse of conscience alone pro-
duced this melancholy catastrophe. From the mo-
ment of the sudden ;tad extraordinary abandonment
of the cause of the Constitution, which he had so

ably &fended, and enlisting in the revolutionary ranks
in favour of the atrocious Bill, ire could not help con-
sidering that he had committed the fatal act of suicide

on his political life andm-2- ....-
did we pity him,
from the conviction' we felt that tththeatlns conscience could
not possibly be at ease ine contemplationlf of exist-
ing occurrences as they regarded himself. Our pre-
sages, alas! have been too fully andse m.
verified. The Right Hon. Gentleman noesvterfnataftlly
enjoyed a single moment of mental repose; and even
r
his triumph in the Dorsetshire election, effected as
it was under the delusion of the moment and the
corruption of faction, served as no relief to his mind.
lie continued to exhibit the most evident symptoms
- of remorse, never gave more than one attendance in
the new Parliament, and ultimately sinking under

Ida poignantly repentant feelings, his miserable ex-
istence was closed by the dreadful act of suicide.
We have no wish to enlarge or particularly animad-
vert upon this painful subject ; and shall therefore
conclude with the humane exhortation :—" De mor-
tuis nil nisi bonuni."—Morning Post.
The cause of the distress of our West India colo-
nies came under discussion last night, on the ques-

tion for going into a Committee on the Sugar Re-
fining Act. The causes of the distress of the West
Indians are, the inability of the home market to
consume the whole of their produce, and the neces-
sity for exportation to the continent, where it came
into competition with the produce of foreign colo-
nies, raised at a smaller expence. The price of the
continent determines the price of the British market,
whenever exportation is necessary. It was admitted
on all hands, that the sugar raised in our colonies is
greatly beyond the consumption of the home mar-
ket. The object of the Sugar Refinery Act is to
allow the sugar of foreign colonies to be refined in
this country for exportation, the cheapness of the
manufacture giving us a great advantage in refining
over the continental refiners. This question is quite
distinct from that of a remedy for the \Vest India
distresses, and we confess we are at a loss to under-
stand how a eensib'e man like Colonel Torrents
should suppose the encouragement of this manufac-
ture could be injurious to the colonies. We think
it is almost susceptible of demor.stration that
the Act can neither do good nor harm to the
colonies. It being granted that the price of sugar
in the home market is determined by the
price in the foreign market, and that the
quantity of the sugar of our colonies re-exported to
the continent is out of all proportion greater than
that of the foreign sugar refined here for exportation,
not one hundred weight, more or less, of our sugar
will be consumed on the continent, with or without
the Refinery Act. If the people of the continent
should not be allowed to have the sugar of foreign
colonies refined here, and, in consequence of the
cheapness of the manufacture, should purchase in
England the refined sugar of our own colonies, they
would purchase so much less of the raw sugar of
our colonies in the continental market ; and the price
of the raw sugar in the home market being deter-
mined by the price of the continent, would remain
precisely the same as if foreign sugars were refined
here. Till the consumption of the home market
shall equal the supply, while the foreign refined sugar
for exportation does not equal the excess of the
supply over the consumption, it is as clear as any
proposition possibly can be that the Refinery Act
can have no earthly influence on the question. The
opposition to Ministers was, therefore, wanton and
uncalled for. Mr. Hume stated some curious facts
explanatory of the causes of the difference in the cost
of production in the British and foreign colonies
At present (he said) the foreigner purchased a slave
for 401., who cost our planters 30/. In the foreign co-
lonies fifty slaves out of the hundred were workers, while
in our colonies there were not above thiity-five out of the
hundred. It was impossible that our planters could cons-
pete against such disadvantages. The Hon. Member for
Worcester said, that the Intercourse Act had done no
good; but he had received a letter from Trinidad that day,
which gave him a different account. The barrel of flour
which had cost twenty dollars now cost sixteen dollars ;
dn d at the same time the barrel of flour bonded at Liver-
pool cost only I/. 17s. ; and what prevented that from
being sent, for the voyage was only, as it were, a few days
to where it was worth 31. 4s. ? The Government ought
to allow a perfectly free importation of food into the co-
lonies, and it ought to pan an end to the foreign slave trade."
Colonel Torrens observed, on the point of the
higher price of food in our colonies, that " the
West Indies were sacrificed most unjustly to the
policy of supporting Canada—they were taxed to
enrich Canada. ' Some curious circumstances were
stated by Mr. Burge, which ought to operate as a
warning hereafter how we rashly tamper with such
subjects. " The West Indians had, it was said,
received a great favour by the repeal of the Non-in-
tercourse Act between the West India islands and
America. But what was the real state of the case?
It was an illustration of the course pursued by the
Government of this country towards the colonies.
They first passed non-intercourse laws, which proved
most ruinous ; and then, when they discover-d
their error, they admitted the intercourse to take
place. Trade had, however, in the mean time,
passed into new channels, and those whom they in-

tended to restore to their former intention were
unable to avail themselves of the advantages pre-
sented to them. For instance, in the case of America
—the people of Lousiana, who were at one time in
the habit of taking rum and sugar in exchange
for their staves, had, by the cessation of the inter-
course, begun to make rum of their owe, and the
profits of the trade were now wholly destroyed."
It was recommended by several Members that
greater exertions should be made to put down the
slave trade. It is quite clear, that if this trade be
not put down, our colonies must be ruined. We,
however, much question the power of putting down
a trade which so many nations have an interest in
continuing, the coast of Africa and America being so
extensive. Brazil, Cuba, and the French colonies
will import slaves to the last, and render the culti-
vation of sugar a losing concern in our colonies.
We therefore set down these colonies as ruined, as
far as yielding a profit to European capitalists is
concerned. The slaves have the land to cultivate
as peasantry, and they cannot be losers. We state
this broadly,because we would not wish to encourage
any delusion on the subject. We are not consider-
ing the question of free labour, because we doubt whe-
ther, if the slave trade were put down, sugar could be
raised by free labour as cheap as by compulsion;
but if the slave trade enables the foreign planter to
have all his stock nearly males, he must cultivate
out of all proportion cheaper than a planter who
must support the working negro and his family. We
really do not believe it possible, under these circum-
stances, that the colonists will long remain connected
with us. If they see that Government is unable to
put down the foreign slave trade, they will conclude
that if they could throw off subjection to us, they
might also carry on the slave trade, and supply sugar
to the European market at as cheap a rate as the
foreign colonists. If the Continental market de-
termine the price, it will be of no consequence to
them whether their sugar went first to the Conti-
nent or to this country ; for if even we were to shut
our ports against their sugar, we must import it
from the Continent, and then sugar would fill up
the void on the Continent caused by our imports-
tion.—Morning Chronicle.
We are glad to see that in the last Church promo
tions Ministers have had the courage and honesty to
promote men who have maintained, in the worst of
times, the principles to which they themselves owe
their elevation. Dr. Carr, Bishop of Chichester,
is to be translated to Worcester. Dr. Maltby, who,
if learning and virtue constitute a title to preferment,
ought long ago to have enjoyed it, is to become Bishop
of Chichester ; and the Residentiaryship of St.
Paul's, vacated by the removal of Dr. Carr to
Worcester, is bestowed on the Rev. Sidney Smith,
one of the best writers England has ever produced,

and one who has laboured incessantly to promote
the cause of truth and benevolence. A few such
nominations would go far to liberalise the Church.
It is by elevating good men that good is to be done,
and not by abandoning patronage to the enemies of
good. We wish we could. say as much of the man-
ner in which the Lord Chancellor has exercised his
ecclesiastical patronage as we can say of the above
promotion. But the Lord Chancellor, with all his
qualities, has some weaknesses, and one of
them is a disposition to promote good ends by Ma-
chiavelian means.—Morning Chronicle.

JACQUELINE OF HOLLAND.--VIC very
great circulation of this historical romance, which has
been pronounced the best work of Mr. GRATTAN, has
ftmiliarized English readers with the annals and the
manners and scenery of Holland, of which they have
hitherto had but faint impressions. Many, indeed, have
been induced to make a summer tour in that country, and
visit the interesting spots described in the romance as
being connected with the eventful fortunes of Queen
JACQUXLINE.

SUICIDE OF JOHN CALCRAFT, ESQ., M.P.

Last night at eight o'clock, J. H. GELL, Esq. and a
highly respectable Jury, assembled at the dwelling-
house of John Calcraft, Esq. M.P., to investigate the
cause of the death of that gentleman.
George Renuison stated—l am footman to the
deceased. Had been in his employ nine years. The
deceased had been only three months in the house,
No. 17, Whitehall-place. On Sunday afternoon,
about four o'clock, I was in the kitchen when Miss
Arabella Calcraft, the daughter of the deceased,
came home from church, and went, as I thought, to
the drawing-room, but not finding the deceased there,
she called me and asked," Where is my father ?"
I replied, " I suppose he is in his bed-room." She
then inquired, " How long it was since I had seen
him ?" I replied, " Three quarters of an hour."
She then proceeded to his bed-room door on the
same landing-place, and knocked, but it was fastened
and she received no answer. She then proceeded
to his dressing-room, which adjoins his sleeping-
room. I followed her, and we removed some things
which were placed near the bed-room door, which
enabled us to enter it. On going into the room
Miss Calcraft shrieked out, " George, George," and
we advanced about two paces into the room. I then
saw the deceased lying on the floor, with his face
downward, in a complete pool of blood. Miss Cal-
craft threw herself on the body of the deceased, and
cried out, " Father, father," five or six times. She
then directed me to run with all possible des-
patch and fetch somebody. I went instantly,
leaving her kneeling by her father. When I left the
house there was no one below but the footman, the
porter having just gone out. As I went down
stairs I met the footman coining up, but did not
speak to him, and proceeded out in search of as-
sistance, and in the course of a few minutes Mr.
Freeman, a medical gentleman, arrived; but prior
to his arrival I had returned and got into the house,
having the precaution not to shut the door. I went
instantly into the bed-room of the deceased, and
found Miss Calcraft still kneeling over the remains
of the deceased, screaming and crying. She re-
quested me to lift the body on the bed, which I was
unable to do. I think I was absent about two
minutes, and when I returned the footman was in
the hall. As soon as Mr. Freeman arrived he pro-
ceeded up stairs to the deceased's bed-room. Miss
Calcraft was still there, and it was with extreme
difficulty that Mr. Freeman prevailed upon her to
retire. Mr. Freeman then examined the body, and
said that the deceased was quite dead, and conse-
quently he could do nothing for him. Whilst the
examination was going on Miss Calcraft again
entered the apartment, and reluctantly quitted it
again. As soon as she was gone out, I and Mr.
Freeman lifted the body on the bed. On lifting
him up I saw a dreadful gash in his throat, and he
had a bloody razor firmly grasped in his right hand.
The deceased was attired in his dressing jacket,
black waistcoat and pantaloons, stockings and shoes,
his cravat was on the bed, and his watch lying on a
small dressing-table. It is my own conviction that
he committed the act himself.

CORONER—What time that morning did you call
the deceased ? Witness—l called as usual about
half-past eight, and at the same time I opened the
window-shutters, and put his shaving things ready
for his use. I then left the room.

Did he speak to you prior to leaving the room ?
—He did Not.

When did you see him again ?—About nine
o'clock, when I took him his shaving water, he hav-
ing rang the bell.
What was he doing when you entered the room
the second time ?--He was cutting his nails near
the looking-glass.
Did he speak to you then ?—No, he did not ? it
was not his usual habit to say any thing.

What time did the deceased come down to break-
fast ?—About ten o'clock, when he sat down to
breakfast with Miss Arabella Calcraft. He was
dressed, as usual, in his morning dress.
The witness continued—About eleven o'clock
the deceased rung the bell, which I answered, when
he asked for his snuff-box, which I took to him. I
saw no more of the deceased until two or three
o'clock in the afternoon, when I was sitting in the
hall, and saw him quit the sitting-room and preceed
up stairs, without saying any thing.
Juror—Did he read any paper that morning ?---I
brought him the Observer, which he was accustomed
to read.
Did you hear him make any observations upon its
contents ?—I did riot hear him make any.
What time did Miss Calcraft leave her father, to
go to church ?—About three o'clock, and shortly
afterwards I saw the deceased upon the stairs going

towards the parlour.
DA he speak to you at the time ?—lie did not,
and I went up stairs to the bed-room to brush his
clothes.
Had he shaved himself at this time ?—I think he
had partially shaved himself.
Did you find the razor where you bad placed it ?
—No, it had been removed; the deceased generally
put his razors away himself. Whilst I was engaged
in the room, the deceased came into the room, and
then followed me down stairs, but I cannot say where
he went. In about twenty minutes after this I went

into the drawing-room to look after the fire. The
deceased was not there then ; and I left the room.
I never saw the deceased after this, and nothing
particular occurred till Miss Arabella Calcraft came
home, having been to church, about twenty minutes
past four.
Did you hear him converse with his daughter at
breakfast time 2—Not in my presence.
CORONER—Have you observed any difference in
his behaviour lately have seen a great difference
within the last three or four months; he appeared
low and dejected, which I observed to my fellow-
servants.

Did the loss of his situation as Paymaster of the
Forces appear to affect him ?—I cannot say ?
Was he present at the Coronation ?—He was
not, and had not beer► out of his residence within the
last two months. _

. .
Had he seen company lately as usual ?—He saw
but little company, and was atteuded by a medical
gentleman named Philips for his lowness of spirits.
Did his indisposition confine him to his bed ?
About two months ago he was confined to his bed
f r a week, when I took away his razors, for fear
lie should do mischief. When Capt. Calcraft called
I told him what I had done, when he said very well.
Mr. J. Freeman, No. 21, Spring-gardens, surgeon,
examined—l was called in to the deceased yester-
day afternoon, between four and five o'clock. I
found him lying on the floor, with his face down-
wards. There was a wound across his throat, di-
viding the principal arteries, and laying bare the ver-
tebra of the neck. The floor was covered with
blood. On looking I saw a razor lying on the se-
cretaire. The deceased was quite dead, and I have
no doubt but the deceased inflicted the wound him-
self; and it appears to me that the wound was in-
fl:cted by the unfortunate gentleman in a standing
position, whilst leaning against the secretaire, which
was covered with blood. For the last three months
I have attended the deceased professionally, and have
observed, during that period, a deep and settled me-
lancholy; and I was not without my apprehensions
that he might do mischief to himself; but I did not
make this communication to any one, as he had only
his two daughters living with him ; but I did caution
Captain Calcraft, who did not reside in the house,
but who called occasionally, that the deceased ought
to be watched.

Alexander Philip Wilson Philip, M.D., of Caven-
dish-square, examined—l have been in attendance
upon Miss Calcraft for sonic months past, when,
dnring my visits, I had an opportunity of seeing the
deceased, who appeared low-spirited, which increased
to such a degree that, about three weeks ago, he
was confined to his bed with slow nervous fever arid
aberration of mind. I prescribed for him, and in a
short time the fever left him, and the aberration of
mind settled down into a deep melancholy, when I
cautioned Miss Arabella Calcraft to look well after
him, lest he should do mischief. The last time I

saw the deemed was on Friday, and he was then
certainly labouring under great depression of spirits,
and this great depression of spirits, when compared
with his late aberration of mind, leads me to the
conclusion that at the time he committed the act he
laboured under a momentary return of that aberra-
tion of intellect; and that, in fact, he was at the time
of an unsound mind. I feel convinced that the de-
ceased committed the act himself, though, in conver-
sation with me, he frequently assured me that he
should never commit such an act.

Juror—Did he ever feel disappointment at not
being elevated to the Peerage ?—I believe he
never had any expectation of being raised to the
Peerage. He had latterly fancied that he was con-
tinually watched by a man sitting on the top of a
house. The deceased was a thorough believer in
religion.
The CORONER having summed up the evidence,
the Jury, at twelve o'clock, returned a verdict—
" That the deceased committed the act himself, he
being at the time in a state of temporary mental de-
rangement."

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, SRPTZAririt 12.

Colonel Berkeley was introduced by Lords Lurie and
Foley, and took the oaths as Lord Segrave.
The Earl of HADDINGTON presented a petition
from the owners and occupiers of land of the county
of Caithness against the use of molasses in the distilleries.