The Sun.
London, England, 1849-04-21 00:00:00

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Petitions, we observe, are every now and then
sneaking into the Lords and the Commons whining
for the aid of the Imperial Parliament against a
system which these flagitious pretenders to sanctity
have the absurdity to designate the desecration of
the Sabbath. Often as we have exposed this mon-
strous misapplication of terms—often as we have
reminded these sticklers for stagnation, that the Sab-
bath of Holy Writ is the Saturday and not the
Sunday—they still reiterate the phrase with
an unction more appropriate to the Doxology,
and screen the impertinence of their arbitrary pro-
ceedings under the mask of obedience to the Scrip.
tures. The population have been long since sick to
very nausea of all this humbug ; and the Sunday
saints—if they have any serious intention of forcing
their regulations down the throats of the multitude—
had better set their wits to work to find out
some more palatable anodyne. As well expect
the people to roast a pig at Highgate to the
memory of that demented harridan, Mistress SOUTH-
COTT, as look for sympathy from the masses in a
scheme the hypocrisy of which has been a byeword,
and a mockery, during the last half dozen genera-
tions—an assumption of purity that has been
pilloried over and over again on the stage by
the dramatist, and held up to deserved derision
by the satirical contributors to general literature.
As well expect u.; to pay homage to the remem-
brance of that most melodramatic gentleman, Sir
WILLIAM COURTENAT, and to sing of the glories of
Thom in the suburbs of the archiepiscopal city of
Canterbury, as look for the swallowing of this ab-
surdity by the population. Why we have acquired a
perfect familiarity with the pscychological excellence
of the Sabbattarians from the contemplation of the pine-
apple-rum-loving STIGGINS down to that of the godly
but adulterous CANTWELL. A square-cut coat is no
longer the accepted symbol of virtue. The purest
garb has been so frequently associated with the
impurest morals that the public no longer finds it
possible to go by appearances. As far as mere forms
and ceremonies go—the game is up long since. No
man can now-a-days acquire a reputation
for sanctity by eating cold meat after twelve
o'clock on Saturday night, or by walking out
in unpolished wellingtons on Sunday mornings.
The very fact of his doing so, if he parades it before
us ostentatiously, is sufficient of itself to justify us
in looking upon him as a most unmitigated humbug.
And so it is with regard to these very pious fanatics,
who are not content with trotting out their
virtues for the purpose of showing us their paces and
of extorting our admiration, but are striving, by
every possible contrivance, to force everybody else
into a servile adoption of their conventionalities-
The conduct of these sanctimonious gentry is
about on a par with that of the lunatic who
fancied every one was as mad as himself, and was for
putting even his most rational friends and relations
into into straitwaistcoats. All we can say, both to the
one and the other, and we can't help a
defiantly, is—Tar.
We speak upon the subject of this so-called
and absurdly so-called Sabbath Desecration, out of
the fullness of our devotion to the cause of Religious
Icaenace, we loathe so heartily the application of ,

force to the liberties of the subject, whether it
be in•regard to matters civil-or ecchisiastical, that
we write with the whole of our heart's
earnestness. We would see no one subjected against
his will to the dictation of another, and much less
would we see a wretched fanatical minority domi-
neering over the vast majority of the population. • If
any individual be conscientiously opposed to
travelling on Sundays, why in GOD'S name let him
abstain from risking his neck and his salvation by
entering a railway carriage—but, in GOD'S name,
also, let him abstain in like manner from thrusting
his preposterous notions of religion vi et armie
on the rest of the community. All we ask
is liberty—liberty to the fanatic as well as to the
indifferentist. Surely it requires no very elaborate
reasoning to show that a compulsory morality is no
morality at all, but the reverse—that an obedience to
what are supposed to be the commands of Revelation,
simply because a disobedience to those commands is
rendered impracticable, is in no degree creditable,
but the very oprosite. Liberty to sin or to be vir-
tuous, to choose the good or the evil, to go to the
right side or to the left, to be numbered on the Day
of Judgment with the sheep or with the goats—is
permitted to man by his CREATOR. All we ask from
these saintly personages who would improve
upon the ordinations of the OMNISCIENT, is a
similar freedom to travel or not to travel,by highway
or by railway, on Saturdays or on Sundays. We
ask this in the holy name of Liberty, and in the
sacred cause of true morality and Religion.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
The expeditionary army embarked for Civita
Vecchia on the 16th, from Marseilles. It is corn-
posed of two brigades of infantry, forming four regi-
ments ; two battalions of artillery, a squadron of light
cavalry, engineers, pioneers, &c.
It was rumoured in Paris yesterday that the Re-
public of Rome had entrusted the defence of Civita
Vecchia to Captain KERSAUSIE, a French officer who
had suffered a long imprisonment under Louts PHI-
LIPPE for a political offence, and that KERSAUSIE had
a sufficient force under his command to enable him
to oppose the landing of the French troops.
The Presse publishes the following " communica-
tion" on the subject of Italy :
" At the moment when the French expedition is about
taking its departure for Civita Vecchia, it appears to us
to be bosh useful and necessary to give a little resume
of the diplomatic negotiations which have taken place
between France, Austria, Spain, and the King of Naples,
for the purpose of restoring the Pope to his throne.
"About a month since we announced that the four
Powers above named had admitted in principle the de-
mand of the Pope, claiming their armed assistance in
favour of the Holy See. We added that the four
Catholic powers had charged their Plenipotentiaries at
Gaeta to draw up together the bases of the intervention
demanded by the Sovereign Pontiff.

" Count Esterhazy, the Austriam Plenipotentiary, pro-
posed, in the name of his. Government, a combination,
which left to Spain and the King of Naples the principal
part of the armed intervention, while Austria and France
should remain ready to act, but in obversation. That
is to say, that while the Spanish and Neapolitan troops
should march on Rome, a French fleet, having troops
on board ready for disembarkation, should remain at
anchor at Civita Vecchia, to give a moral support to
the Spanish and Neapolitan expedition. At the same
time, and for the same object, an Austrian corps of
20,C00 men should hold itself in readiness to occupy
the Legations, in case the above-named expedition
should not be strong enough to re-establish the authority
of the Papal Government at Rome.

"The Principal difficulty to the adoption of this plan
was that of conveying the Spanish troops from Barce-
lona to Civita Vecchia, the Cabinet of Madrid not having
means for that purpose. France alone could accomplish
this, but the F:ench Government hesitated at taking upon
itself the expense of the transport, and which, besides,
would rather tend to increase the influence of Spain
than that of France. At this point of the arrangements
the news reached Gaeta of the defeat of the Piedmon-
tese army at Novarra ; and at the same time the Re-
volutionists at Rome commenced to act with great se-
verity towards the higher branches of the clergy at
Rome, whom. they accused of keeping up secret commu-
nications with the Papal Court.
"Pius IX., fearing that the delay of the Catholic
Powers would only render the state of affairs at Rome
more disastrous, resolved to demand the intervention of
Austria alone, thinking by that means to render foreign
aszistance more prompt and more certain.
" The Cabinet of Vienna having on several occasions
since the flight of Pius IX. declared that she would pro-
ceed in conjunction with France, hastened to invite the
French Cabinet to act with it in fulfilling the wishes
of the Sovereign Pontiff. The language held by the
Court of Vienna to the French Government on this oc-
casion was this, Austria only pursues in Germany, in
Hungary, and in Italy, one line of policy, that of serving
society, which is threatened by an unbridled demagogy;
that accomplished, far from seeking to shackle or impede
the regular development of liberal institutions in Eu-
' rope, she would favour it on the bases of constitutional
liberty.'
" Austria did not conceal from France that in case the
latter could not or would not intervene in the states of
the Church, that an Imperial 'army would nevertheless
be placed at the disposal of the Pope. This last decla-
ration determined the French Cabinet to send the expe-
dition to Civita Vecchia.

" The Austrian and French armies will only follow
the direction of the Pope. Waiting those, the latter will
remain at Civita Vecchia, while the former will remain
between Modena and Ferrara, ready to occupy the Lega-
tions. If the occupation of Rome should become neces-
sary, the two armies will be simultaneously called on to
re-establish and to consolidate order.
" The intervention in the States of tho Church and
intervention in Tuscany are two distinct questions. The
former is at the formal cif mand of the Pope. Nothing
of that kind has taken place on the part of the Grand
Duke of Tuscany. It is perfectly incorrect to say that
he has demanded the assistance of Austria, or that the
Imperial troops have already marched on Florence.
" The Cabinet of Vienna has confined itself to ex-
pressing its legal reservations with regard to rever-
sionary rights on Tuscany as guaranteed by treaties.
By abstaining from any intervention Austria has pro-
tested beforehand against any intervention but her own,
on the ground that in virtue of existing treaties Austria
has the first right to be called on to protect the Tuscan
crown, acquired to the collateral line of the House of
Lorraine."

The trial of M. EUGENE RASPAIL, for striking M.
Patisr, commenced yesterday. 11 Rasr.tm did not
surrender.
There was a disturbance at an electoral meeting
held in the Rue Duphot, in support of the Legiti-
matist candidate M. DE LAROCHPJACQUELIN. Several
Socialists were present, who outvoted the Legithna-
fists, and then proceeded to sing the " Marseillaise"
and the " Girondins."
it was rumoured iu the Assembly that a modifi-
cation was about to take place in the Ministry, and
that General BEDEAU would be entrusted with the
portfolio of Foreign Affairs, while that of War would
be committed to General LAMORICIERE.

The Debats publishes the following note addressed
to it by General FADVIER :
"E.everal journals have attributed the cause of the
return of General Fabvier to a difference of opinion
between him and the Minister of War of Denmark as
to the conduct of the military operations. This is an
error which it is important to rectify. The King of
Denmark having re quested General Fabvier to come to
visit his army, and give him advice on the campaign
about to be opened, the General calling to mind the con-
stant friendship of Denmark for France, accepted a
mission which could not last more than six weeks, and
would allow him to return before the elections. The
ling was pleased to heap honours and bestow confi-
dence upon a General of France and her army, and
the whole nation followed his Majesty's example. The
General soon fcund that the Danish army was worthy
of its noble country, one of those nations which do
honour' to humanity. The armistice was to expire on
March 26. On the 20th, a plan of operations was unani-
mously adopted by the Council. Success was certain,
and in one week the invaded province would have been
delivered. A prolongation of eight days its the armis-
tice changed all. Au act unheard of ! In contempt of
the mediating Cabinets, 40,000 Germans, followed
quickly by 20,000 more, were thrown into the duchies
by the Assetebly of Frankfurt. It thereupon became
evident that Denmark could not sustain alone a contest
against all Germany, and General Fabvier found the
King and his Ministers easily convinced of the necessity
of keeping the Danish army in reserve until the day,
near at hand, no doubt, when Europe would open her
eyes to an attack which is a violation of all the ancient
treaties, even that of 1815, and an undisguised menace
against France, Switzerland, Holland, Russia, and other
powers. Then the Danish army will come forward the
first in the ranks. At present, after some honourable
battles, it is, in spite of itself, doomed to remain inactive.
General Fabvier, with the thanks and to the regret of
the King and his Ministers and the Minister of War, who
is his friend more particularly, returned to France, his
presence in Denmark being henceforth of little use, and
the term of his absence being at an end."
The Monitettr publishes the following information
with respect to the late arrest of the Count DE
MONTEMuLIN
" The prefect of the Eastern Pyrenees informed the
Minister of the Interior, cn the sth of April, that the
Count de iNlontemolin had been arrested at the moment
when he was preparing to cross the frontier and to pass
into Cetalonia. The Government has decided that the
Prince should be reconductod into England. On the
plOigthnaonf
forA Calais,pril,athainlf-a private carriage. the Count left Per-
councillor of the prefecture, was directed to accompany
tfive
P3l,
M. de Carriere,
the prince to Calais, with two officers ap-
pointed to that mission by the general com-
manding the division. The Count arrived on Saturday,
the 14th of April, at a quarter to ten o'clock at
night. At a quarter'past ten he was embarked by the
care of the persons who accompanied him, and in pre-
sence of the mayor of Calais, on board the pilot boat,
which conducted him on board the post-office packet-
boat, La Biche, anchored in the roads, and bound for
Dover. The Count de Dlentereelila bee allowed himself