The Sun.
London, England, 1831-07-20 00:00:00

existence if she could, and to obtain the warmest
.sympathies of the world, on behalf of an effort
'which could not restore freedom to the Polish race,
without re-establishing for Europe at large the most
essential barriers of her own repose and security.
So much for the general merits of the question now
at issue between the people of Poland and
.their
esrppressor. The insurrection of the Poles is tust
-as regards themselves, and the success of it
would bring the most invaluable benefits to
Germany, France, and Great Britain. There
can therefore be no dispute upon the expedi-
ency of an interference by other Governments in
favour of the Poles, if we can one s-• -convince our-
selves of its justice. The modern policy of Europe
--that is to say, the policy suggested by a more
comprehensive view of international interests, drawn
from a more extended and matured experience than
that of former ages—has had for its acknowledged
object to maintain an equilibrium among the several
Powers. The justification of such a policy Ss easy.
It but assumes the undeniable ambition of States,
and secures itself against the will to domineer and
encroach, by taking measures to abridge the capacity.
'We do not know that a period of profound peace
ought to be chosen as that in which to make
an attempt for adjusting, by voluntars recourse
to /arms, the subverted balance of power. A
peace already existing is a good of such incom-
parable magnitude, that few prospects of e; on-
tingent result, however desirable, can be ad-
duced as sufficient motive for disturbing it. But
if the general tranquillity be once broken, the above
argument for acquiescence in a distribution of
territories and resources, dangerous per se to the
common welfare, must be considered at an end. In
that case, Powers contiguous to the belligerents, or
substantially involved in their probable relations as
conquerors or sufferers from the struggle, have an
unquestionable right to look about them, and see
whether, and to what extent, their own interests,
and those of the political world in which they act,
are likely to be affected,—lst, by the restoration of
the status quo between the parties, where one had
been subjected to the other-2d, by the escape of
that one from bondage. Lord Castlereagh strove,
by notes and remonstrances at the Congress of
Vienna, to prevent Russia from ireiine that small
portion of the Polish territory which has been called
the " Kingdom of Poland." He resisted the seizure
distinctly, because of the proof which it afforded of
the grasping spirit of Russia, and of the aggran-
dizement which it furnished to her power. The
Ministers of Alexander almost disdained to argue—
they said in effect that Russia was strong enough
to take possession of this slice of Poland, and
that she would not be opposed,—that she had
proved herself invincible at home, and feared no con-
quences,—rhat she would withdraw from the alliance
if Lord Castlereagh was impertinent, and would
leave England, Prussia, and Austria, to deal with
France as they best might. Menaces—brute force
—were therefore the plea by virtue of which Russia
snatched the kingdom of Poland and bore it off
amidst the complaints of Europe, then unable to an-
nounce her sense of injury by arms. Conditions, it
is true,—conditions in favour of Polish liberty !-
were annexed to the spoliation ; a stupid and childish
expedient to let down the mortified vanity of the
Congress. As if it were physically possible for a
Czar of Russia to rule over a people contermin-
ous with his own wretched slaves, upon constitu-
tional principles ! 'Well, what remained of Po-
land became once more a prey to Russia ; and
though the jealous tyranny of her Government
broke from the outset every one of the " con-
ditions" which the profound Lord Castlereagh
and his colleagues plumed themselves upon having
annexed, by an Act of Congress, to the iniquity, we
do not think that in the state of Europe from the
year 1815 to 183(1, it would have been possible for
the west of Europe,—or if through a war it might
be possible, would it at such a price have been jus-
tifiable in her statesmen,—to restore the indepen-
dence of 'Poland. War, however, has come, and
instead of its being provoked by France and Eng-
land, there is reason to apprehend that neither of
these great Powers has omitted her best offices to
re-establish peace, but in vain. The war rages, and
one or two consequence; must result from it. Ist,
Poland must regain her freedom, and with it bring
back a prodigious benefit to Europe; or, 2d, she
must sink not merely into bondage, but into a
bondage aggravated by all the arts and all the force
of indignant, triumphant, though still distrustful,
despotism. She will be even less than ever a barrier
against Russia on behalf of Germany and Europe,
but far more than ever a tool in the hands of Russia
for facilitating her aggres'ive projects. It becomes,
then, a legitimate and most anxious consideration
for statesmen of this country and of the continent,
whether they will look on while Russia, by dint of
brutal violence, aiding and confirming the purposes
of her original crime, shall replace Poland, and
therefore Europe, in the shameful as well as pe-
rilous condition from which it is the object of the
Polish patriots to redeem their country, or whether
they will new perform, faithfully and nobly, that
high duty which the Ministers of George 111. and of
Louis XVI. abandoned—which the Ministers of
George Prince Regent, of Louis XVIII., of Francis
and Frederick William, felt themselves unable to
fulfil—the duty of compelling Russia to respect the
rights of justice, good neighbourhood, and he.
rnanity, and to withdraw her envenomed fangs from
Poland. The precedent of interference on behalf
of Greece is much insisted on as a justification of
that, which we hope and trust is about to be more
signally and energetically exhibited on behalf
of our Polish brethren, by two at least of
the preponderating Powers of Europe. The con-
tinuance of uncertain war, the sufferings of hu-
rnanity, and the injuries to commerce, were the
grounds alleged by England, France, and Russia
herself, for wresting Greece from out of the grasp
of Turkey. It is true there is no answering or re-
sisting such a precedent, short, even, though it ma-
nifestly fall, of the case which it professes to sanc-
tion. The case of Greece, we say, is nothing as
compared with that of Poland. The Polish ques-
tion, indeed, contains all that ever was contemplated
as an argument or authority by the advocates of
Greek interference. By the war of Russia against
Poland, commerce is extensively restrained and em-
barrassed. The pacific enterprises and occupations
of the whole of Europe are disturbed, patriot and
Christian blood is poured out ire torrents, and, more
than ever was alleged of the Greek contest, the
invasion of Russia against the unhappy Poles has
been the channel through which pestilence per-
vades the whole continent, and threatens nearly
these sea-encircled islands. But what of all these
things ? The soldier who perishes may re-
vive in his children; the merchant, baffled in
this year's speculation, may repay himself here-
after; the ravages of disease are but for a few
months, and leave the bulk of the community unin-
fected by any thing but terror. But the true, dis-
tinguishing, and obvious character of the present
crisis is, that by the prolonged and glorious re-
sistance of the Poles, they have achieved the same
rights over the people and Governments of Europe,
as their progenitors of the last generation had,
when they opposed, however kuitlessly, against
the mandates of the unprincipled Catherine, and the
arms of the ferocious Suwarrow ; that the whole
question is now re-opened—whether Europe shall
look on arid witness the extinction of one of its most
ancient and noble members—that Lord Grey and
Casimir Perier have now to ask themselves the
same question as was put to Mr. Pitt arid to the
French Cabinet at the last partition—" Shall we
suffer tamely the balance of Europe to be destroyed ?"
And that the French and British Ministers of the
present day are bound to answer that interrogatory
in a very different manlier, every friend of Mr. Pitt's
reputation will surely concur with us in affirming.
The equilibrium of Europe-, and the faith of treaties
both speak, trumpet-tongued, foro urinte rfenree nocfe
the on
behalf of Poland, in addition t
o every o
arguments which were brought forward in the case
of Greece. Nor will the glory, any more than the
usefulness, of this vast triumph ever fade upon the
brows of the British Sovereign and nation. Never,