The Sun.
London, England, 1825-02-02 00:00:00

['-HE TIME.!

The general wish of the people, there is some
reason for believing, corresponds also with the
seal opinion of the more enlightened Ministers,
on the propriety of opening the ports for foreign
grain. But there is a power to overcome—not
the power of reason, but of dulness and selfish-
ness—with which 'Ministers do not like to enter
into the contest. The Country Gentlemen are,
no doubt, adverse to the measurse of opening
the ports, whatever may be the modifications with
which it shall be fettered : yet the approach
of a general election may give the people some
hold upon those fears which their agricultural
representatives entertain for their Parliamen-
tary consequence, and thus enable them to
counterpoise one passion in their minds by ano-
ther—avarice by ambition. It is certain that the
high price of grain is now most sensibly and
painfully obstructing the progress of our manu-
factures !—now, we say, at this delicate crisis,
the very moment of effort, when a new world is
opening, and dangerous rivals are rushing- into
the market. The high price of grain, which
%lonic' naturally follow the nnbounded extension
of our manufactures, is by artificial means made
to precede, and therefore to obstruct and dimi-
nish that extension. A Minister of less display
taut more sound intellect than most of his
brethren, and whose opinions on subjects of poll-
ti'•al economy are thought to possess peculiar so-
lidity, recedes most unwillingly from the prin-
ciple of open commerce in the only article in
which open commerce is of any essential use.—
Perhaps the exertions of the people out of doors
may prevent him, and those who think with him
in the Cabinet, from at last yielding their un-
qualified assent to the oppression of the general

population, for that. which only a short-sighted
policy can conceive to be the good of a few.

[BRITISH PRESS.]
Some reports were in circulation yesterday as
to the warlike designs of the Holy Alliance.—
According to one of those rumours, the French
Government had, in consequence of the repre-
sentations of a great Northern Power, decided
upon makit.g a public manifestation of its displea-
sure at the conduct of this country with regard
to the revolted Colonies of Spain. ft was whis-
pered in the Royalist circles that M. de Villele
would be questioned on the subject at the first
public sitting of the Chambers, and that his
reply would indicate a stronger feeling of hos-
tility towards England than any body supposes
to exist between the two Cabinets, excepting
those who are couverant with the arcana of Eu-
ropean politics. We do not believe one jot of
these reports. The Ultra-Royalists, we have no
doubt, would, if they only were consulted, plunge
into war without hesitation, in support of what
they consider to be the abstract p'rinciples of le-
gitimacy. If the French Council of State was
filled with them, Alexander would not have
occasion to call upon France twice to main-
tain and vindicate the indefeasible rights of
Ferdinand ; but M. de Villele understands
the interests of France better, and will, in
spite of themselves, not suffer the silly men,
who are clamouring for hostilities, to bring on the
evils of general discord, and probably their own
absolute and irretrievable ruin. The accounts
received from Paris yesterday, in the best-in-
formed quarters, warrant us in believing that the
tranquillity of the world is no danger in conse-
quence of the late decision of the British Cabi-
net. Some diplomatic notes may be exchanged,
but even in than we are led to expect that no
sentiment of dissatisfaction will be so expressed
as to imply any diminution of the general friend-
ship happily subsisting between the Powers of
Europe. Even Spain, we are told, will remon-
strate only for form's sake against an event of
which she was so long and so often forewarned.

[MORNING rosT.]
The general anxiety, which always prevails im-
mediately before the opening of Parliament to
know the tenor of the Royal Speech, is on the
present occasion wound up to some intensity.
This is not to be wondered at, from the unau-
thenticated, but nevertheless we believe, es-
sentially correct rumours lately in circulation,
respecting the measures of foreign as well
as domestic policy resolved on by his Ma-
jesty's Ministers. We think, however, we may
assure the Public that the Address to the
Legis-
lature to-morrow w ill prove in every respect sa-
tisfactory to the empire at large. As has happily
been the case for several years past, the Royal
Speech may be expected to commence by stating,
that his Majesty continues to receive from Fo-
reign Powers unequivocal assurances of their friend-
ly disposition towards this country. The Address,
we presume, will also glance at the present
flourishing state of commerce, manufactures, and
agriculture, in the whole of the United King-
dom, and the evidence thus afforded of the
steady progress of -national prosperity, and, of
the happiness of all classes of his 'Majesty's sub-
jects. It will likewise advert to the com-
munications made from time to time within
the last year to the Cabinets of Europe,
of the policy which the interests of Great Bri-
tain rendered it necessary for his Majesty to pur-
-1 sue with respect to parts of South America—to
the nature of the Reports received by Govern-
ment from its Commissioners—of the condition
of the New States in that Hemisphere—and,
finally, to the resolution adopted of entering
forthwith into Commercial Treaties with the
actual Authorities established in Colombia and
other Provinces ; together with the notifica-
tion of this Resolution to the Courts of Eu-
rope, and the consequent results. That part of
the Royal Speech particularly addressed to the
House of Commons, cannot differ in the outset
materially from the terms usually employed. It
will, no doubt, dwell with satisfaction on the
prosperous state of the revenue, notwithstanding
the recent large remission of taxes, and on the sa-
lutary encouragement given to industry by the
mode in which the surplus of last year was re-
turned to the public. Some hints, we trust,
will likewise be thrown out regarding the adop-
tion of specific measures for permanently allaying
the reigning agitation in the Sister Country.—
The Royal Speech in conclusion will probably
anticipate the concurrence and cooperation
of the House of Lords and Commons in carry-
ing into effect his Majesty's intentions—by
zealously promoting the interests of all his
people, upholding the constitution and honour
of the Empire, and preserving peace with man-
kind. Something like the forgoing, we flatter
ourselves, will comprise the leading topics of the
Royal Address, to be delivered to-morrow. But,
at all events, we have no hesitation in again re-
peating. that his Majesty's Speech cannon fail to
afford, in every respect, the most complete satis-
faction to Parliament and the country.

[THE PUBLIC LEDGER.]
It was currently reported in the City yester-
day, that intelligence had been received from St.
Petersburgh, which conveyed the most flattering
hopes that the friendly relations subsisting be-
tween that Court and ours would undergo no
interruption, in consequence of the recognition of
the New American States by this country. This,
rumour, in spite of many conflicting signs, obtained
so much credit as to contribute its share towards
relieving the money market from the languor
which had previously marked its operations.—
We suspect, however, that the re-action might,
with much greater propriety, be traced to the
prevailing opinion that the Speech, at the open-
ing of the Parliament to-morrow, will be of a
tranquilizing character. We are the more in-
clined towards this opinion, because of another
rumour which afterwards gained ground, and
was wholly at variance with the former, respect-
ing the sentiments of the Russian Cabinet, which,
according to this new version, differed as widely
as possible from the policy of ours with regard
to South America. Upon the same loose autho-

' rity it was stated that the audience which the Rus-
sian Ambassador had of the King on Monday, was
to convey in the name of his Imperial Majesty,
assurances of personal respect and regard, whilst
he felt it to be his duty to dissent from the
views of the King's Government towards South
America. But, how was this important infor-
mation obtained ? and it strikes us, as if this ru-
mour smacked of one of those ingenious contri-
vances to affect the money market, which are but
too common on the eve of a Parliamentary Ses-
sion. We do not imagine, however, that Russia
is so indifferent to the decisive step taken by our.
Government, as some persons affect to believe.—
This indifference would be something wholly
new in her policy, and utterly inconsistent with
her zeal in favour of legitimacy. It would be
incompatible too with her efforts to extend
the principles and jurisdiction of the Holy Al-
liance, in which it is strongly suspected she
merely consults her own interests, by making the
distractions of the rest of Europe subservient to
her ambition. The rumoured augmentation that
is to be made in our Standing Army, probably
originated at first in the resistance, which is ex-
pected on the part of that Power, to our recogni-
tion of the late Colonies; and it would require
some ingenuity to trace it to any other cause. As to
the state of Ireland, the pretext is too clumsy to
deceive the grossest comprehension ; the new le-
vies may be designed for that country at first, but
for no other reason but because it is the most con-
venient station for embarking them in case of ne-
cessity. If the Russian Cabinet has actually
evinced a determination not to place itself in a
state of open variance with this Country, on this
great question, it would be one of the greatest
most painful sacrifices it has ever made. It
would be a concession, that ought to be recorded
in " letters of gold" to shew the involuntary
homage which the old school of politics has, at
this trying crisis, been compelled to pay to the
new. A deadly contest between them would
be otherwise inevitable ; and it is our firm con-
viction that the followers of the former have
acted wisely, if it be true that they have de-
clined it. This concession would also be
the finest of commentaries on the practical
effects of our free institutions ; and as a
tribute to the power and consideration of this
country, it would be unrivalled. The Lord
Chancellor was right in saying, at the late
dinner at the Mansion House, that the pro-
sperity of the country was a consequence of her
freedom. We are glad that his Lordship is be-
come a convert to this truth ; and if he still un-
fortunately doubted, it would be only ne:essary,
in order to remove his doubts, to look at the
proud stand, which her freedom alone enables
this country to make at this juncture. She has
taken a step, which was sure to plnce her in
almost hostile collision with all the other Great
Powers of Europe ; and there is not we confi-
dently trust, a single person amongst us, who is
not convinced that she has taken it with the most
perfect security. In numerical strength we are
not a match for any of them, with the single ex-
ception of Prussia ; whilst, with our moral
strength, we are an overmatch for them all, as a
contest, were they to provoke it, would triumph-
antly prove. •