The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-02 00:00:00

-troops t I -regret to -see that-hr -some—other of
our colonial possessions the feeling of exasperation 'at
the treatment which they have experienced from
the Imperial Legislature has engendered a spirit
amounting now to discontent, but which is fast ripening into
disaffection, and, as they despair cf obtaining relief from the
mother country, no one can be bold enough to predict the re-
sult.—(Hear, hear.) Lastly, we have Ireland almost uni-
versally disaffected—a country in which the ordinary process
between man and man can be enforced by military power
alone. In the face of all this Ministers have had the
confidence to place in the mouth of their Sovereign the
astounding declaration that the aspect of affairs is such as
to enable them to effect large reductions in the estimatea—
(Loud cries of "Hear.") I venture to state,* openly and
fearlessly, that it is not the aspect of affairs abroad or in Ire-
land, but the aspect of affairs in another place, which has in-
duced the Government to make reductions. I believe that
they have no alternative but to do as they are ordered.—
(Cheers.) I believe it is possible to effect some reductions
in the civil departments of the army, ordnance, and navy,
I also think that large reductions may be made by
checking the abuses which exist in the administration
and management of the dockyards.—(Hear, hear.) But
the greatest security we could obtain for having the work
well done in the dockyards would be the passing of an enact-
ment to deprive all persons employed in those yards from
voting for Members of Parliament.—(Cheers) I have heard
at least 20 naval officers express an opinion that until per-
sons employed in the dockyards shall be prevented from
voting for Members of Parliament, it will be impossible to
exercise efficient control over the work performed in those
establishments.—(Hear, hear.) If reductions can be effected,
in God's name let them be made, and, although one may
wonder why such a course has been so long delayed,
I will applaud the Government which shall economise with-
out prejudice to the permanent interests of the empire. But
when the country is in a position which requires that she
should have all her resources and powers at hand, I cannot
concur with those who, for the sake of economy, would
largely diminish the naval and military forces of the country.
—(Hear, hear.) I observe it is announced that the Govern-
ment intends in the course of the present session to take some
steps with reference to the amendment of the law for the re-
lief of the poor in Ireland. Now, without undervaluing the
labours of a Committee of either House of Parliament, my
opinion is, that if the Government mean to lay before the
Committee a clear statement of the amendments which they
intend to propose in the law, and ask the Committee merely
to occupy themselves with the details, they will obtain the
cheerful and candid co-operation of both parties in Parlia-
ment ; but if it be the object of the Government to throw the
whole question before a Committee in order that they may
inquire into:that which has already been inquired into usque
ad nauseam; and when we have a Lord-Lieutenant who, I
am glad to declare, discharges the duties of his high
station in , a praiseworthy manner to men of all
parties, and willing to receive their suggestions and ad-
vice—then I say that Ministers will shrink from the respon-
sibility which properly belongs to them, and will , betray
their duty their Sovereign and their country.—(Cheers.)
It is announced also in the Speech from the throne, that it is
the intention of the Government to submit to the,con,idera-
tion of Parliament a measure for the repeal or modification
of the navigation laws. Now I must declare my fixed opi-
nion, foundel upon all the inquiry I have been able to make,
is, with regard to these laws, very contrary to the assump-
tions of bet Majesty's Speech. I hold that the maintenance
of the navigation laws—not in every part of their details, but
in all the integrity of their every principle, is essential and
indispensable to our maritime_ supremacy, and does not check
or impede the commerce of the country in any degree, to be
placed for a single moment as a counterbalance and corm-
terpose to the vital and paramount consideration
of maintaining our maritime supremacy. Therefore,
whilst I assent in this qualified manner to the portion of the
Address which relates to this subject, in which I think most
of your Lordships will be disposed to concur with me, I ex-
press my firm determination at the present moment to resist
any attempt that may be made to modify materially, or in-
terfere with, the essence and integrity of these laws.—(Hear,
hear.) I come now to the last portion of her Majesty's
Speech upon which I have to comment. upon those por-
tions to which I have already adverted, much as
dissent from many of their statements, and very un-
satisfactory as I deem them to be, I do not feel my-
self called upon to offer your Lordships any amendment.
But, my Lords, in the portion to which I now come, there
appears to me to be so exaggerated and so erroneous a view
presented of the actual state of the trade and commerce of
the country, and it appears to me to be so necessary that
there should be placed before the country a clear and per-
fect knowledge of the view which Parliament takes of the
actual condition of the great interests to which I have al-
luded, that reluctant as I am on all occasions like the pre-
sent to interfere with the unanimity of your Lordships upon
the Address in answer to her Majesty's Speech, I still feel it
my duty to submit to your Lordships' consideration ,an
amendment upon this paragraph of the Address, and I trust
your Lordships will think proper to accede to it. My Lords,
it is stated in the Royal Speech that her Majesty has great
satisfaction in stating that the trade and commerce of
the country are reviving from those shocks which at the
commencement of last session we all had to deplore ; and it
is also stated that the condition of the manufacturing
interests is more encouraging than it has been for
some time before; and further, *hat the revenue is in a
state of progressive improvement. My Lords, I cannot
think this statement conveys a fair and accurate representa-
tion of the state of the manufacturing and commercial
interests of the country, or of the state of the revenue.
It is no doubt true that the panics of last year and of 1847
are much mitigated; but we are strangely mistaken indeed,
if we suppose that the results of that penis on the corn-
, merce of the country have ceased to be felt. We are greatly
mistaken if we suppose that the commerce or manufactures
of this country are in a state of even comparative prospe-
rity ; and I think the few documents to which I shall appeal
too abundantly show that a too favourable view is taken in
this her Majesty's Speech with regard to these matters.
First, with reference to finance, " the progressive improve-
ment in the revenue." I hold in my hand the last quarter's
statement of the revenue, and I find that the revenue for the
last year (I speak now, of course, of the ordinary revenue of the
country) exceeds by something like 900,0001. the revenue o f
the preceding year ; and there is an excess of ;revenue in the
Customs to the amount of 900,0001. There is a falling off in
other branches. There is an increase—an apparent increase
—in the Excise to the amount of 1,100,000/. ; but that is
explained by a transfer account that has taken place between
the Excise and the Stamps and Taxes. On the other hand,
there is a decrease of between 800,000!. and 900,0001.; but
the amount of the Customs revenue—the amount of the sur-
plus in this year, of a "progressive improvement" in the re-
venue is, so far as I can judge, within a very limited sum
indeed, precisely the difference hat arises from the duty on
foreign corn, and which duty did not exist in 1847. And
how are you to support this " progressive improvement" of
revenue? Why, you are about this very day to cut off Mae
only source from which that surplus is derived.—(Hear,
hear.) But, my Lords, another significant matter with res
spect' to those figures is, that there is a small, but not un-
important decrease in the property-tax—a diminution te the
amount of 103,000/. ; and this is caused not by any mere
casual remissness in one quarter, as compared with another;
and every diminution under the head property tax, of re-
ceipts into the Exchequer, is an indication of the loss of
capital on which the tax is levied to the amount of 33 times
the loss of revenue stated. The :apparent loss of 103,0001.,
small as the sum appeared on so large an amount as the
property-tax realised, is an indication that British capital
and property liable to that tax is lost and destroyed to the
extent of three millions and a half. Now, I see in this no
reason to boast of the returning prosperity of the manufac-
turing and commercial interests. I will now appeal to a
paper on the table, periodically published under the autho-
rity of the Board of Trade. The last returns showed that
in the six leading articles of British manufacture—cotton,
silk, woollen, linen, hardware, and earthernware, so far from
there being an improvement in the amount of the
exports in 1848, there was actually a diminution in the
exports of those six articles alone, as compared with 1847,
of 4,000,000/. sterling in value, and as compared with 1846,
of 5,200,0001. These exports alone had failed off since 1846,
from 37 millions to 32 millions within a fraction. There is
another test of prosperity, not applicable, certainly, to the
manufacturing interests alone, to which I shall refer—l
mean the withdrawal of deposits in the savings' banks. 1
have consulted several documents relating to different parts
of the country, and from one and all, almost without excep-
tion, the withdrawals .of deposits from the savings' banks
throughout the country during the present year exceeds
those of six previous years by a sum of between 40,000/. and
50,000/.—(Hear, hear.) The general tenor and character of
the Speech, then, do, even with regard to the manufacturing
and commercial interests, and the state and prosperity of
the revenue, give a more favourable view of the condition
of the country than we are warranted by the facts of the
case in drawing. And I must observe that I am quite as-
tonished that her Majesty's Ministers, professing in the
Queen's Speech to give a review of the social condition of the
country, should have passed by, either with indifference, and
as altogether unworthy of notice, or in the belief that they
were labouring under no difficulties or depression, interests,
which, to say the least of them, do not yield in magnitude or
importance to the vast commercial and manufacturing inte-
rests of the country—l allude to the agricultural and colonial
interests of this empire ; and yet, look where you will, go to
what authority you please, this fact will not be denied, not
even by the Minister for the Home Department, regarding
the agricultural interests, nor even by the Secretary of state
for the Colonies with respect to the West Indies, that those
interests are labouring at this moment under a state of deep
and serious depression.—( Hear.) My Lords why then this total
omission of all mention of those interests? Why had the
slightest indication been grasped at of returning prosperity
in the manufacturing and commercial interests, whilst these
grave particulars relating te, what I venture to call the
great vital and fundamental interests of every country, are
treated with a contemptuous or indifferent silence?—(Bear,
hear.) I believe the maintenance of these interests is essen-
tial to the prosperity of this country. Nay, more, I will say
this, that I fear the measures of her Majesty's Government
are going far to perpetuate and increase the ruin and dis-
tress now impending over both of these great interests. My
Lords, I believe that with regard to both of them, the Go-
vernment has 'entered upon a most mistaken course of policy.
I am glad to find that my Noble and Learned Friend now
gwhenives bhies
feels
serful
that
a aid and advocacy
is a
tolrtehaedylanodrgedaniinzteedretsot
subvert
it—a coMbinaticoonmwhich as I anticipated when we
passed ,the unhappy corn-law
lt.' up measure, would not rest satis-
fied there, but, following
to its fatal onslaught upon the
landed interests of ' this
openly and avowedly de-
clared its fixed intention nkd
be °l2'
to annihilate and destroy the
great colonial interests of the empire.
receive ,the powerful support of We are now about to
o) Noble and (Lord Brougham), at last, in favour of justice LtcrttfineedlaLndoerdd
and colonial interests. He has noticed) the u
and illegal mode in which' that combination unconstitutional
prosecuted
b
fatal and pernicious purposes; and I trust that my Noble
and Learned Friend, warned by experience, and I trust your
Lordships also, warned by not experience merely, but also by
his honest confession, will not lend your countenance or sup-
port for the attainment of any object, however desirable
it may be in
tself, that is not sought to be effected by
wise, by honourable, by
safe, instead of by violent or
dan-
gerous or unconstitutional means.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords,
with no less conviction
with no less confidence,
of my opinions, whilst II unhesitatingly profess myself no
advocate for any unnecessary or vexatious restrictions upon
declare myself an uncom-
commerce, I no less unhesitatingly
that bastard
ailed that one-sided,
promising enemy to,that misc
introduced by her
system termed free trade," which was intro
Majesty's Government, to the
benefit of the foreigner, and the
detriment of British industry ; and I avow myself also to be
which felt
an uncompromising adherent of that old principle
it to be wise, and just, and equitable to give protection—not
prohibition—not monopoly—not more than a necessary pro-
tection. to counterbalance the disadvantages experienced by
your own producer in this country, and encountered by your
fellow-countryman, wherever he may be found. I bear
many say that this principle of "free trade" having been
deliberately adopted, and confirmed by the Legislature of this
country, that adjustment must be considered as final, and
never again to be
interfered with. My Lords, from that
principle, and from that• •
position I most emphatically dissent.
I continue to believe that
protection to the products of Bri-
tish industry is a sound, a rational, and a national policy—
( Hear) and I will never consent to establish what has already
been done in an opposite direction
as a stepping-stone from
which we are to proceed in all our future
legislation, and to
take it as un fait accompli, that protection to British industry
must henceforth be abandoned. Oa the ontrary, lam here