The Sun.
London, England, 1849-03-31 00:00:00

MARCH 31, 1849,

The advance of money unconditionally rather encouraged
indolence than activity. He proposed that a commission be
established with even larger powers than those suggested by
the Right Hon. Gentleman Their first function should be
to interfere with the poor-laws; and, secondly, they should
have the power of examining titles, and sell so much of an
estate as might be necessary for arrears of rate. In addition
to these powers be would add an equity jurisdiction for
quickly determining questions as to mortgages, and to ascer-
tain whether it would be for the interest of the country that
sums should be advanced on these securities. He would
give them power to inquire into the circumstances of encum-
bered estates, and if it should appear that the publ c were
justified in making advances on the security of these estates,
ho would unhesitatingly recommend that these advances
should be made. He believed that, under the circumstances,
no other immediate course could be taken than that adopted
by the Government. At the same time he hoped that re-
membering the words that had just fallen from the Right
Hon. Gentleman (Sir R. Peel), they would, in a calm and
dispassionate spirit, attempt the greatest of all tasks ever es-
sayed by a British Legislature -the regeneration of Ireland.
Capt. BATESON had not the opportunity of being present
when this subject had been previously discussed, and he
therefore trusted that he Amen be excused at this late stage
,;f the measure if, connected'as he was with Ulster, he now
rose to protest against this most unjust, most impolitic, and
most unconstitutional measure.—(Bear ) He would do so,
despite the sneers at what had been called sixpenny loyalty.
That sneer came from persons who for years had lived on
sixpenny and shilling contributions, and who, though they
could find money for agitations subversive of the welfare
of the country, now wished to be chargeable on the loyal
inhabitants of Ulster. The scheme of the Noble Lord was,
in his opinion, worse than that of the author of " the or-
ganization of labour," for he laid it down as a principle,
that those who received relief should be employed, whereas
the Noble Lord proposed that the western unions shouldibe
supported without any such condition. The Hon. and Gal-
lant Member then entered into a series of statistical state-
ments, to show that the funds had been most improperly
applied to the support of paupers in the receipt of out door
relief who had no right to it. It really appeared to him
that the Noble Lord wished to see only two cl,sses in Ire-
land—his paid officers and his paid paupers.—(Hear, hear.)
The Irish Members had been taunted with not bringing for-
ward a substitute, He said it rested with the Government
to propose measures—they were responsible servants of the
Crown, and the Irish Members had a right to eschew these
measures, and to throw them out if they could, if they were
not to their liking. With respect to the income-tax, it
would be remembered that in 1842 the Right Hon. Baronet
the Member for Tamworth had given them an increase of
the spirit duties, which was considered as equivalent to the
income-tax ; and he asked how the House could expect
that, after three years of famine and disease, they could
now bear an additional impost ? The farmers of Ulster
had been almost ruined by the free-trade measures of that
House, yet they had supported their own,poor, and were
prepared to contribute their fair share to the expense of the
State, but they were determined not to pay the debts of
these bankrupt unions. If money must be had, and he be-
lieved it was necessary, let it come from the Imperial Trea-
sury.—(A laugh.) At least the Act of Union still existed,
and upon it the people of Ulster took their stand.—(Hear,
hear.) What was wanted was a firm, honest, and up-
right Ministry, who would see that property in Ireland did
support its own poor, and if it could not do so, then the
sooner it changed hands the better. He told the Noble
Lord that if this measure passed it would be impossible to
collect rates at all in Ulster; and he would remind the
Noble Lord that last year, when the standard of rebellion
was unfurled in Ireland, the Ministry had found the value of
the loyalty and the courage of the people of Ulster—who,
notwithstanding great cause of complaint on their part,
rallied to the aid of the Government, and enabled them to
put down insurrection without bloodshed. He implored the
Noble Lord, ere it was too late, to pause before inflicting this
great cause of disaffection upon Ulster. If by carrying such
a tyrannical and oppressive measure, he at length alienated
the loyal people of that province, upon his own head be the
sin and the responsibility of the act.
Mr. H. GRATTAN believed that the Hon. Gentleman
who had just sat down was mistaken. He believed the
people of Ulster were loyal, and that they would not become
disloyal for sixpence.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the
plan of the Right Honourable Baronet, he looked upon it as
a cheap and easy mode of disposing of the landlords of Ire-
land by a Chancery process. He admitted that while the
Right Honourable Baronet was Secretary for Ireland he
made, perhaps, more personal and private friends than any
one who ever held that office; but he would remind him
that the destitution and difficulty which now existed in
Ireland was not the result of the failure of any particu-
lar crop. If they had a Union in fact, as they had in
name, why should not the destitution of Ireland be relieved
from the Imperial Treasury. Supposing the Right Hon.
Baronet's plan, with regard to the sale of estates in Ireland,
were to be adopted, what would become of the landlords and
their families, and what would become of their tenants? He
could not support the Government proposition, considering
it unwise, unjust, and unconstitutional.
Mr. BRIGHT moved the adjournment of the debate, which
was agreed to.
THE AFFIRMATION BILL.

The order of the day having been read for further con-
sidering the report on this Bill as amended,
Mr. P. WOOD thought this stage of the Bill should be
passed, and the discussion taken on the third reading.
Atter a conversation, in which Mr. Goulburn, Sir F. Buxton,
and Sir G. Grey took part, it was agreed that this stage of the
Bill should be passed, and the third reading take place on
the first Wednesday after Easter, the 18th of April.
The House adjourned at half-past Twelve o'Clock.