The Sun.
London, England, 1836-06-15 00:00:00

MARKET INTELLIGENCE.

( From the New London Price Current of June 14.)
SUGAR.-For Demerara of good and fair brown quality
635. a 645. paid; mid. grocery from the same place have
fetched 655. a 665. ; Antiguas good for the scale 665. 69a.,
fine with much colour 70s. 6d. ; Jamaica mid. 645. a 655. 6d.,
good grocery 665. a 675., fine 70s. a 71s. ; Tobago mid. 645.
a 655. 6d. The stock of West India Sugars is now 10,946
hhds. and trs., being 5,133 less than last year. The stock of
Mauritius is now 85,892 bags, which is 17,612 less than last year.
The delivery of West India last week was 2,200 hhds. and
trs., which is 329 less than last year. The delivery of Mau-
ritius was 10,160 bags, being 3,566 more than the correspond-
ing week of last year. There was a very brisk demand from
the Grocers and Refiners at prices fully up to those cf Friday,
at an advance of sixpence ; the other sorts at fully
former rates, good to fine selling at 68s. 6d. a 725., damps 665.
The Refiners have been mostly holding for 445. 6d. ; 85s.
long price paid for Lumps to pass the standard : the home
trade have paid 83s. 6d. a 84s 6d. for Lumps that were much
inferior in quality to the standard sample. Parcels of Dutch
Crushed Sugar at 435.
MAURITIUS.-Browns selling at 60s. 6d. a 625. 6d., low to
good yellow 635. a 665. Gd., fine coloury 68s. 6d. a 693. 6d.,
good strong grey for the pan 645. 6d. a 693. Gd., and very fine
695. a 695. 6d. The public sale of 3,795 bags this afternoon
went off readily, the first pile at 695. 6d. a 705., rather dearer ;
all other descriptions fetched full last sale's prices, brown sold
at 595. a 625., mid. yellow 635. a 655., good and fine yellows
68s. a 70s.

LAST INDlA.—Upwards of 1,400 bags have been disposed
of by private contract, at 38s. to 41s. for mid. to good white.
FOREION.—A small cargo of 150 chests brown Bahia afloat
sold at 295. to be delivered at Hamburgh, and one of Paraiba,
deliverable at some port in the Mediterranean, white at 293.,
225. for browns. Havannahs landed are held for 40s. for old
yellow of inferior quality, and 535. for white of mid. descrip-
tions. Average price of Sugar 21. ls. lid. per cwt.
MOLASSES.—Demerara and St. Vincent's have fetched 295.
a 30s. for inferior and good. Antigua Molasses sold at
30s. 6d., St. Vincent's 30s.

COFFEE.—Jamaica fine middling coloury, 100 s. a 105 s. ;
good middling, 945. a 955. 6d. ; low middling and middling,
89s. 91s. ; good to fine fine ordinary, 765. a 88s. 6d. ; pea
berry, 115 s. 6d. a 1165.; a few lots of middling Berbice sold
at 91s. a 955., triage 855., being full prices. Ceylon has
been in good request by the home trade at 535. a 545. for fair
to good, and for a small parcel of brown 51s. was paid;
Mocha has been taken more freely, 186 bales at auction sold
middling green clean garbled at 655. 6d. a 665. 6d., and good
bold greenish, 725. a 745. 6d. Brazil, 500 bags have been
disposed cf by private contract at 525. 6d. a 545. for good
ordinary to good ordinary coloury.
TEA.—The question as regards an extension of time for the
payment of the ls. 6d. instead of the 2s. Id. duty on Bohea,
has at length been settled by a direct refusal to entertain the
question. The deputation of the Tea trade which had waited
on Government informing the merchants and others assem-
bled at the public meeting held yesterday, that ministers did
not see any necessity for an extension of time, as much injury
would be experienced by those parties who had bought Bohea
Teas upon the faith of the Act of Parliament, a memorial has
been drawn up, and another deputation formed to wait upon
some of the Members of the House of Commons, so as to have
the subject discussed publicly before the House, but is sup-
posed by most parties that it will be all to no purpose. It will
require 1,250,0001. to pay up the duty; the late hour at which
Government have driven the trade, in not giving a decisive
answer, has occasioned great inconvenience. Thedeterminat
lion of the Government in not allowing a postponement of the
time for the payment of the Bohea duty has produced great
heaviness in the Tea trade, on account of the large quantities
of Bohea which will be thrown upon the market at low prices.
There were but few buyers present at the public sales to-day,
and a great quantity of Teas were bought in at reduced prices,
low Congous at ls. ; Canton Bohea taken in, few bidders.
The deputation have acted very disingenuously in keeping back
the answer of the Government, which ought to have been made
known last Thursday, but was not communicated to the trade
until yesterday, and has called forth the just indignation of
several of the trade. At the close of the Tea sales this day
the effect produced by the Bohea duty result, and the quantity
to be thrown on the market, produced nearly a panic in the
Tea trade, Of about 12,000 packages passed the sale this
day only from 1,000 to 2,000 sold. Congous have been
chiefly bought in, the few sold went at 1 s. lid. for but
mlliydsdolnin, g&ck.,
kinds, and 2s. to 2s. lid, for the fine blackish leaf
,
qualities - the other Teas put up were Caper, Orange Pekoe,
the greater part of which found no buyers ; some
Boheas have been disposed of at 100., with a guarantee of
payment of the duty before the Ist July. The quantity of
Boheas in this market is about 13,000,0001b5., of which the
consumption is, estimated at about 6,000,0001b5. per annum.
The sales will finish to-morrow evening or Thursday morning.
The total deliveries of all descriptions of Teas from the
warehouses on which duty has been paid for the week ending
June 11th are 364,1001b5.
COTTON.—There is nothing doing, the manufacturers and
dealers waiting for the large public sales ; the quantity which
is to be brought forward has increased to nearly 30,000 bales.
The quantity of Cotton sold at Liverpool last week was 11,520

KILKENNY MARKEN.
Wheat (per barrel) 18s. 3d. to 21s. 6d. Beef (per lb.
Barley
Oats S 6 10 0 Pork 0 2 0 3
Flour (per bag) ... 14 0 ;Ii 0 Veal
Butter (per cwt.)... 1,0 0 9:2 0 Fresh Butter 0 It) I 0
Bacon Pigs 27 0 2/1 0 Salt Ditto
Coals 1 0 1 1 Potatoes (per 5t.)... 0 2 0 3

SCOTCH MARKETS.
HADDINGTON CORN MARKET.—June 10.
Wheat. Barley. oats. Pease. Beans.
First 53. Od 37s 01 296 04 40s al 40s 0,1
Second 4B; Od 33; 0,1 27a Od 0.1 38. Od
Third 42s Od 306 al 254 6 —s Od 37s Od
Titerti were 485 qrs. of Wheat in market, 325 whereof were sold.

.vcrage

i 0 U►isold

—O Grey.
~ 2/. Eit 6.l2ths,

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

" A single day," says the Scotsman, " sufficed to get
30,000 signatures in Manchester, 20,000 in Glasgow, and
12,000 in Edinburgh. Within a fortnight two or three
hundred thousand men will have testified in favour of the
Bill of justice, and two or three thousand in favour of the
Bill of insult." What stronger proof can be afforded of
the sentiments of the people ? We would put, it to the
Tories, who are rich, whether it is prudent in them to
take so much pains to show that they are an anti•national
faction ? It is quite impossible that the Tories, do what
they will, can succeed in defeating the attempt to do jus-
tice to our Irish brethren ; and why should they unnecessa-
rily irritate the people ? The country is now beyond example
prosperous, and agitation is on many accounts to be depre-
ca:.-ed. We warn the Oligarchs to beware how they make
unnecessary experiments on the patience of the people. The
Tories are, we fear, under bad leaders, or they would husband
their resources for occasions when there might be better
chances of success. The Tories are aware of the belief that per-
vades the industrious classes,l that they are always losers by
agitation ; but the use which is made of this knowledge
will some day rouse the people to an effort to rid themselves
of the evil, by reaching its source. With all the patience
for which the EngliSh people are proverbial, we doubt much
whether they will longer suffer themselves to be made the
subject of rash Tory experiments. They made a great ef-
fort for the sake of the Reform Bill ; but that measure, so
far from procuring for the nation the tranquillity to which
it is entitled, has been the source of constant agitation.
The Tories will not resign themselves to that measure. But
can they possibly hope for to overturn that measure? If
they cannot, their restlessness only impresses more strongly on
the nation the opinion that the Reform Bill, to be complete,
must be followed up by an organic change in the Peers.
Every month, every day, the people are becoming more
convinced that this step must be taken. The prosperity of
the nation must not be exposed to constant hazard for the
sake of trading politicians, who have succeeded in obtaining
an improper influence over infatuated Tory noblemen. The
following temperate observations by our calm and philosophic
Contemporary the Scotsman, are well deserving the atten-
tion of those Tories who have something at stake. Depre-
cating the excitement and commotion of contests which un-
settle men's minds, the Scotsman proceeds to observe—
" A friend from Lanarkshire, well acquainted with the state
of feeling in the great scat of our manufactures, informs us,
that even a dissolution of Parliament is regarded with strong
aversion there, as an interruption to that tide of prosperity of
which they are now reaping the benefit; but a dissolution tak-
ing place under circumstances which would excite a conflict of
hostile passions from one end of the country to the other, is
still more strongly dreaded as doubly mischievous. As an illus-
tration of this he remarked, that during the five months of Sir R.
Peel's Government no large property could be sold in that part
of Scotland. If the agitation of the time paralysed conspi-
cuous transactions of this kind, we may be sure that it operated
on the outlay of capital in a thousand unseen channels, and
that it seriously obstructed the industry of the country. It
may safely be said that one Tory intrigue cost the kingdom
some millions of money. The people, we assert, are most
averse to political agitation at this moment. They will bear
from the Upper House just now, what they would not bear
under other circumstances. There must, however, be a limit
to their patience ; and if the faction and folly of a part of the
Members of that House force on the question of Peerage re-
form, it is easy to see that an organic change, effected under
the influence of exasperated popular feeling, will be of the
the most uncompromising and radical description. Most ear-
nestly do we hope that the wiser and cooler-headed Peers will
avert the • impending danger, by accepting the altered Minis-
terial Bill."—Morning Chronicle.

The measure for the so-called " refOrm" of the office and
jurisdiction of Lord Chancellor turned out to be an egre-
gious failure, as might indeed have been expected, and was
treated by the House of Lords as it would have been by
the House of Commons—that is to say, thrown out by an
immense and indignant majority, which, according to the
opinions of all the more eminent professional men who had
been consulted with regard to it, no less than from the mis-
givings of its own incapable framer, it was manifest that it
well deserved to be. The Bill, or Bills, had for their pro-
fessed object to make more ample provision for the admi-
nistration of equity, through the medium of the Court of
Chancery itself, of the Privy Council, and of the House of
Lords in its appellate jurisdiction, by appointing an addi-
tional judge to preside in the Court of Chancery, and by
separating the Lord Chancellor entirely from that
Court ! confining his Lordship altogether to the House
of Lords and to the Privy CounceChamber, and com-
pelling him and other Peers to decide appeal cases from
the Courts of Equity during the prorogation of Parliament.
This, we think, may be considered the substance of
the scheme. On that portion of it which concerns the
separation of the Lord Chancellor's duties as a judge in
what has hitherto been his own proper Court, from his
functions as President of the Judicial Committee of the
Privy Council, and as Chief Judge of Appeals in the
House of Lords, Sir E. Sugden's little pamphlet, published
last year, supplied a cool and masterly, an edifying and
contemptuous comment. To the shape in which it now ap-
pears Lord Lyndhurst administered an equally fatal demoli-
tion. Even Lord Langdale, in his able, though too specu-
lative and excursive speech, appeared but ill satisfied with
the manner in which the Cottenham Bill had been framed
to accomplish its purposes. His own scheme was of a very
different character ; it was, however, far too extensive to
be adopted at present. No lawyer, of whatever party, in
either House, would consent to it. But as regards Lord
Cottenham's Bill, Lord Lyndhurst proved at once that
such a division of the functions of Lord Chancellor was
needless for what it professed to aim at, and pernicious
from other considerations. Lord Lyndhurst first showed that
the most important part of the appellate jurisdiction of the
House of Lords is that which relates to equity, and it is by
far the most difficult ; still that there are not above 12 or
13 equity appeals entered in the course of the year. It
was also stated by Lord Lyndhurst, and fully admitted,
that there is not more judicial business in the year in the
House of Lords than can be disposed of well in about 70
days. This includes all kinds. What will the Chancellor
have to do the rest of the year ? This, no doubt, was felt
in preparing the Bill, and therefore he' is made to preside
at the Judicial Committee of the Council ; but why take
him from the Court of Chancery, his peculiar and proper
court, to plant him in the Privy Council ? This is too
absurd. If 70 days are sufficient to dispose of the busi-
ness in the House of Lords, 210 constituting the whole
judicial year, it will follow that one-third of the Chancel-
lor's time will be spent in the House of Lords, and two-
thirds will be devoted to the Court of Chancery—not an
unreasonable division. There seems, therefore, to be no
sense in the scheme. Having thus demonstrated that the
appellate jurisdiction, both of the Court of Chancery and
the House of Lords, was already well provided for, there
being little or no arrear of appeal causes now existing in
either, his Lordship argued to the conviction of his audience,
that if the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal were to be re-
moved from his own court, and appropriated exclusively to
appeal causes in the House of Lords (the Privy Council
jurisdiction being of a distinct nature), the consequence
pointed out by Sir Edward Sugden would inevitably follow
—viz., that the Keeper of the Great Seal would, by reason
of his retirement from the Court of Chancery, cease in no
very long time to be a competent equity judge, and there-
fore a judicial functionary qualified to correct the errors of
the court below, or to decide an appeal question upon the
same principles, or with due regard to the same rules of
practice, as governed the proceedings of the courts in which
the causes had been originally entered. Every member of
the profession must know, observed Lord Lyndhurst, that
the intricacies and subtilties of equity were difficulties not
depending on statutes ; that to be thorougly conversant
with, and master of, them, required a daily, intense, and
vigilant study, of the points and proceedings which consti-
tuted the equity practice, as each case should come before
a Court of Equity—that to keep pace with the pro-
gress of the equity system of investigation and decision,
it was indispensable for a judge of appeal to have his
mind imbued with the spirit of the system, as it was car-
ried on from hour to hour, and his faculties sharpened
by a constant familiarity with it ; that the Lord
Chancellor, deprived by Lord Cottenham's Bill of such
advantages, would rapidly degenerate into a judge inferior
in knowledge and capacity to those upon whose de-
cisions he would be called upon to exercise his appellate
jurisdiction, affording no satisfaction to the bench or bar,
no security or confidence to the suitors, depriving the na-
tional jurisprudence of its steady, consistent, and scientific
character, and bringing the highest of our tribunals into
suspicion or contempt. Lord Lyndhurst, however, took
care to demonstrate that his was no party or ill-considered
opposition to the measure of the Learned Lord. He ac-
knowledged the necessity of a reinforcement to the admi-
nistration of justice throught the whole rangelof our courts
of equity. But his plan for furnishing that assistance bore
testimony to a more workmanlike and useful intellect than
that of the Whig Lord Chancellor. Lord Lyndhurst pro-
posed the appointment of an additional equity judge in the
Court of Chancery, and to make the Equity Court in the
Exchequer effective by giving ,a permanent judge to that
court. This would enable the Legislature to abolish the
Court of Review, which is an object of universal ridicule, and
to transfer that jurisdiction to one of the equity judges. This
would defray nearly the whole expense of the change. It
would also enable the House of Lords to have the assist-
ance of two Equity Judges besides the Chancellor, where
the appeal is from the Chancellor's decision sitting in the
Court of Chancery. It would further furnish the means of
having a good President (always the same man) to the
Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. This system is
intelligible, easily practicable, and, in our humble opinion,
would work well, though we believe some of the profession
wish for a still more extensive change. We doubt, how-
ever, whether either Parliament, the profession, or the
public, would at present consent to more. There is no
arrear of appeals now • in the Court of Chancery, nor will

there ever be, now that the bankruptcy business is takes
away. The Duke of Wellington's judgment on one branch
of the subject ought not surely, as an old Minister of the
Crown, to be overlooked. His Grace declared that the
discharge of the political duties of Lord Chancellor by one
individual, and of the ordinary judicial functions by ano-
ther, would occasion a change alike detrimental to " the
business of the House of Lords, and to the service of his
Majesty."—Times.
Another instance that the " times are out of joint," and
that there is " something rotten in the State of Denmark,"
is thrust upon public notice by a decision of the House of
Peers on Monday night. They threw out by a majority of
94 to 29 another popular measure—that of the separation
of the judicial and political functions of the Lord Chan-
cellor. There is, perhaps, no measure of Reform in the
administration of the law on which the common sense of
the public has so completely come to a decision as this.
It is impossible that it can be otherwise. It resolves
itself into a mere question as to the possibility or
impossibility of the performance of certain functions of the
deepest importance to the well-being of society. We aro
perfectly satisfied that no individual of clear head, and
business-like habits, could for one moment look at the
question without satisfying himself of the advantage, or
rather of the necessity, of the proposed discrimination
between two impracticable functions. We are satis-
tisfied that—if all the individuals in the three king-
doms of reasonable faculties, and mature age—being
independent of the sinister influences of party--
or the distracting influences of private interest—were se-
verally polled, there would not be throughout the whole
mass two opinions on the subject. We are not speaking
of the details of the measure—we are speaking of its ge-
neral principle, which is , merely in other forms the prin-
ciple of common sense itself. It is one of those self-evi-
dent propositions.which may be pronounced axomatic. It
is as much so as the proposition that the sun is not black,
or that it is requisite for the sun and the moon to perform
different functions in the administrative harmony of our
planetary system. We are, as we have said, not speaking
of the details. To err is human. There may have
been defects in the subordinate parts of the Chan-
cellor's Bill ; but those details were not involved in the
discussion, inasmuch as the Lord Chancellor who framed
the measure, and the Ministers who supported it, ex-
pressed the most conciliatory disposition to modify what-
ever might be objectionable, or misconstructed, in those de-
tails on going into Committee. This was the object of
the Lord Chancellor's 'motion for going into Com-
mittee ; but their Lordships rejected the overture as if with
a settled determination to place themselves as much in the
wrong as possible, in the estimation of the country. No-
thing can be more clear than the general principle of the
Bill, and more perspicuously convincing than its necessity.
It is impossible for one man to perform the various conflict-
inn and incongrous duties—political and judicial, commer-
cial, appellate, and parliamentary—assigned to the Lord
Chancellor. The most brain-struck visionary in the cele-
brated island of Laputa, could not have conceived any
thing more incoherently impracticable than the union of
these heterogeneous functions. The supposition is a matter
for perfect mockery and laughter to any man who has the
slightest pretensions to plain sense—and who does not
choose to suffer it to be overlaid by the special pleading
technicalities of verbose debaters. The idea of ex-
tracting sun-beams from cucumbers--concocting soups
from egg-shells—and of constructing mahogany planks
out of saw-dust—which were among the beatific
visions of the Laputan Statesmen—were not more Judi-
, crous and more outrageously absurd than the imaginary
legal combination designed by the wool-gathering " wisdom
of our ancestors," and very symbolically and appropiately
seated upon a wool-sack. It might have done very well for
a low, barbarous, and barely-peopled state of society, when
it was first invented by the half-savage tribe of Norman
robbers ; but the drollery of the thing is, that our heredi-
tary wise men, who think it a boast (although it be in reality
a false one), that they are descended from these plundering
French savages, should take into their heads that those
antiquated expedients should by any possibility be adapt-
able to the advanced stage of society. In fact, an ad cap-
tandanz appeal to the antiquated dignity of the office of
Lord Chancellor was the lever employed for throwing out
this beneficial measure. Their Lordships might have as rea-
sonably decided that the clothes in which they were first
breeched were adaptable to their mature growth ; that
they ought to be still worn by them, when they have
reached their full size of broad-shouldered self-will and
manly imbecility. Yet a proposition so self-evident as that
we have described, their Lordships on Monday night re-
jected, taking Lord Lyndhurst as their Coryphmus, who
seems to have taken as much delight in leading them into
all the quagmires of legal sophistry and technical pedantry,
as ever was taken by Shakspeare's merry spirit, in leading
Caliban and his witless and drunken companions into a
similar unsavoury and humiliating position. All the
rest of the opponent arguments employed to mystify
and hoodwink their Lordships were made up of Lon-
gueurs on the subject, stolen from stale pamphlets,
in which they have been surfeitingly repeated, and
of which " damned iteration" is the nauseating cha-
racteristic. We have done with the subject. If we
wished ill to their Lordships' House, we could not wish
them to take up their false position of obstinate resistance
to every good measure with more perfect certainty to them
of self-destructive results. We are tired of the cant about
collisions ; but this we must say, that their Lordships have
forced upon the common sense of the country the full con-
viction that the antiquated machine of Government, in-
vented by, and possibly adapted to barbarous times, is worn
out—that the countervailing forces absurdly predicated by
Delolme as a beauty in the mechanical structure of the
Government—a principle perfectly absurd in mechanics—
have brought the machine to a dead stand. Reparation or
alteration is thereby rendered promptly and imperatively
necessary.—Morning Advertiser.
The Ministerial organs seem to be so mortified and
astounded at the calm determination of the Constitu-
tional party to abide the present " crisis " without
flinching, that they have lost all bounds of probability
and coherence in their criticism. It is furiously asserted
that the Lords desire to throw every thing into
confusion—just as if it were not plain enough that,
from principle, from habit, and from their own interest
(for what similar number of individuals have so much
at stake in the country as they have ?) the Lords are of
all men in the world the least likely to desire confusion.
There is as much difference between the representations
of the Ministerial organs, and representations of truth,
as there is between a rabid and a rational view of the
question at issue. The rational view is this—that if
there be really any risk of confusion from the determi-
nation of the Lords not to be brow-beaten by a
small majority of the other House, the conviction of
being in the right, upon the part of their Lordships,
must be very strong, to induce them to encounter
a risk which is more serious as respects them than as
it respects any other class. They have every thing to
lose and nothing to gain by a convulsion which should shake
the established order of things, while fierce and needy de-
magogues, the public brawlers, and public beggarmen, who
act a part upon the political stage for the gratification of
their ambition and the filling of their pockets, have every-
thing to gain and nothing to lose. We hold it then to he
very clear that the conduct of the Lords, instead of exhibit-
ing a desire to throw all things into confusion, displays a
determination to maintain the constitutional rights and pri-
vileges of the three estates of Parliament, and to hinder
that confusion which must flow from a disturbance of these
rights, and a usurpation of them by a small majority of
one of these estates. But is there really any risk of public
confusion, because upon the Irish Municipal Corpora-
tions Bill the two Houses of' Parliament happen to
disagree ? We believe not ; and this it is which ex-
cites the vexation of the Radicals and the Minis-
terialists. It is easy to see through the affectation
of regret for the " confusion " which they prophecy.
Their regret—nay, much more, their bitter mortifica-
tion—lies in this, they cannot stir up the public
into a vehement desire for the disturbance of the ccnsti-
national powers, upon the present occasion. Nothing
could be more absurd than Lord John Russell's attempt
to make a very great affair of the present difference upon
a particular Bill, between the Lords and the Commons.
What need of his going back to the startling times of re-
volutions and restorations? Is it anything so unwonted in
our own times, for the two Houses to differ upon matters
much more important than this question upon Irish Cor-
porations ? It will hardly, we suppose, be maintained that
this question is of equal importance to Ireland with that
of Roman Catholic emancipation ; and yet, how often did
the two Houses come to precisely opposite conclusions about
that? There was then no rant about collision—no insolent
vapouring against the right of the House of Lords to exercise
an independnt judgment upon what came before it from the
House of Commons. And why ? Because the constitutional
independence of each House was admitted, and the Bri-
tish nation took no such irresistible and overwhelm-
ing interest in the question as should make it an except
tion to general rules. But now, upon the mere impulse of
factious resentment—upon the agitation of a question
which not a hundred persons of any consideration in Eng-
land feel a stirring interest in, beyond the wish that the
constituted authorities may act upon it in the ordinary way
—an extravagant attempt is made to invest it with all the
importance of a national object, for which something like
revolution ought to be hazarded. This violence will go
down with no one having any pretension to common sense.
As we hinted yesterday, the Ministers, if they persevere in
the endeavour to propitiate Mr. O'Connell at the expense
r ownu s character,tan c e sdm
e anda n d t
no tosuch thine,
drive affairs to a "crisis,"
ofwhere their m
c
will probably
find the effect to be, that of' losing their places, which we
have no doubt are very dear to them ; and the loss will
be accompanied by the unpleasant reflection that, but for

their own ridiculous obstinacy, they might have stayed where
they were. We are persuaded that they already feel themselves
in a false position, from the strange arguments at which they
grasp, in order to defend themselves. Drowning men
catch at straws. Lord John Russell would have the House
of Commons and the public believe that the conduct of the
Lords is very much to be resented, because their Lordships
have adopted plans which were proposed in the Commons,
and rejected. But in the very speech in which this com-
plaint is made, he proposes to the Commons new clauses,
which were proposed to the Lords and rejected ; thus
doing himself the very act which he complains of, as being
in the nature of an insult, when done in the House of Lords.
Can any thing more clearly show that his Lordship scarcely
knows what he is saying or doing ? He is merely urged
forward by the breath of Mr. O'Connell's anger, and on
he goes, with little more sense or recollection than a
shrivelled leaf that the blast sends whirling along the ground.
The recollection of his advocates is not a whit better.
They tell us that differences between the two Houses of
Parliament were of comparatively little moment, when they
were in fact but one assembly, under different names ; but
now that they are, by the accomplishment of reform, really
and truly distinct assemblies, the Lords must not be suf-
fered to differ from the Commons. This is a remarkable
instance of luminous argumentation. When (by the hy-
pothesis) there could be no rational cause for a difference of
opinion botween the Houses, then it was all right ; but now
that there is a rational cause for such difference—namely,
the re-establishment of the constitutional distinction be-
tween the two assemblies, it is all wrong, and must not be
suffered ! Is it not evident that when principals and secon-
daries use such wretched inconsistencies as these for argu-
ments, there must be something very rotten in the cause
they want to uphold ?—Morning Herald.

~li ICES OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK.
Bank Stock .. 2lO India Stoek —
1
3 per Cent [led.
3 per Cent. Cons South Sea Stock —
3% per Cent B% Old Annnities —
Ditto Red..... 983 x% 143/4 New Ditto —
New 3g, per Cent 3 per Cent. Annuities, 1751_
New 3 per Cent Exch. Bills, £.1,1100 ... . . 11 13 pm.
Bank LongAnnuitiestoexpire Ditto 500 ll 13 pm.
Jan 5, IMO ...............154( 13-16 Ditto Small
Oct 10, M5O Ditto C0mmercia1.......... 5 pm,
Jan 5, isa, — Ditto Advertised —-- plr•
Jan. 5, 1580.... .... ............ -- Bank Stock for Account —
April 5, 1830 — India Stock for Account —
Jan. 5, 1870 ' Consols for Acconnt 92% 2
Omnium pm. ;

PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK
Austrian Bonds — I Peruvian Bonds
,
Belgian Bonds — I Ditto Account
Ditto Account . ... .........
Brazilian Bonds — Ditto Accomit —
Diito Account — Ditto New Bonds SlMYsi‘
Buenos Ayres Bonds — Ditto Account —
Ditto Account Ditto, 3 per cent 53i4 2%
Cnillian Bonds Prussian Bonds
Ditto Account — Russian Bonds, IRE —
Columbian Bonds — Ditto Account..
Ditto Account
Columbian Bonds, 1821 . 201,1 Spanish Bonds —
Ditto Account Ditto Account
Dinish Bomb
Ditto Account ..............•
Greek Bonds , French, 5 per cent........... —f. —c.
Ditto Bonds, 1315 - 4 per cent. ....... .•• —f. —c.
Ditto Account I-- 2 per cent. --r —c.
Mexican Bonds, 5 per cent — ,-- Exchange —f. —c
Ditto Account . ;Dutch, 214 per cent.
Ditto 0 per cent.
Ditto Account Ditto,— 5 per cent. 10114%
Neapolitan I. Ditto Account —

PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK.
Paid. Per Share.
2% 4%
2 :-I

Bristol and Exeter Railway Company
Commercial Blackwall Railway Company
Eastern Counti, Railway I I%
Edinburgh and Glasgow
Great Western'ltailway Company 2O 451,04
F-full and Selby-Railway Company 5 8
Brighton Railway Company
London Grand Junction Railway
South Durham Railway Company 214 3,4 3
South Eastern Railway Company 2 4l/.

COURSE OF EXCHiI
Amsterdam C.F. 12 634
Ditto, at sight
Rotterdam U. 10 61'

LNGE YESTERDAY
Leghorn
Genoa
.
Venice
vaples aoti
Palermo per oz. lin
Lisbon SBM
Oporto 5l 9
Rin Janeiro 3ti;
Bahia 2t;
Buenos Ayres
Dublin, 9.1 days' sight
Cork 1!•4

_5 83

Antwerp
Hamburg
A1tena........ ... .. :

PRICE OF BULLION, PER OZ.
Portugal Gold, eon, ..C3 IS 3
Foreiyu Gold, in bars 3 17 9
New Mubloons
New 1)ollars

Silver, bars. standard 0 5