The Sun.
London, England, 1831-08-05 00:00:00

lon Barrot, Lafayette, and Bavoux, which affords
a pretty convincing proof that that party is strong
in the Chamber. The King has charged Count
Mole, the friend, it is said, of Prince Talley-
rand, to form a new Administration. The friend-
ship of Prince Talleyrand will, we fear, be a small
recommendation, for if there is one man more dis-
liked than another in France, it is Prince Talleyrand.
No one circumstance tends more to loosen the at-
tachment of the people of France to their King, than
the preference which he seems to show for men
whose chief merit is the readiness with which they
can sacrifice all principles and abandon all parties, at
the call of safety or interest. 'What has befallen M.
C. Perier ought, however, to be a lesson to Louis
Philip. Ile has lost greatly in popularity by his at-
tachment to men of equivocal character and no prin-
ciple, and his disregard of the pledges given to the
men who elevated him to power. Whoever is
Min:ster, it is clear that a great change must
take place in the policy of the Government. If
the men of the extreme gaudier are not called to
the Ministry, the extreme gauche will be able to

force their opinions on the Ministry. It is generally
believed that the result of all this will be a general war.
No Ministry can stand who do not interfere, with-
out delay, in behalf of Poland. It is understood that
Marshal Soult will remain Minister of War, and
Admiral de Rigny of the Marine. It is said that
the Ministry of Enance has been offered to M. Hu•
mann, the Ministry of Justice to M. Beranger, and
the Interior to M. Vatismenil. War is always a
grievous calamity, and the consequenues of a general
war at this moment must be unspeakably calamitous.
But then, on the other hand, is it no evil to see

three robber Powers remaining in possession of
their respective portions of a great country, which,
in defiance of all principle, they partitioned among
themselves ? The Poles have maintained a glo-
rious struggle to regain their independence ; and

is it no— evil to see Russians and Prussians

combined in an unholy endeavour to destroy
this people ? Of what use is it to talk of the
balance of power, when the robber Powers are suf.
fered to remain in quiet possession of their spoil? The
Government of England has always been ready to
lavish the resources of the people in senseless or
wicked wars, and looked quietly on while the first
grand act of injustice was committed, having been
cajoled by Catherine with the hope of an advan-
tageous treaty of commerce. War is an evil, but if
war is undertaken, let it, at all events, not be one of
those wicked wars which have disgraced this country
so much, but a war for justice and the right of
mankind. It is possible that the interference on be-
half of Poland may not lead to war; but the proba-
bility lies the other way. If the French fail, the
sympathy of mankind will be with them; but should
the King of Prussia be stript of his possessions, and
with his children be reduced to beggary, no one
would pity them. In witnessing their misery, the
people would remember the crimes which led to it,
and be led to believe more firmly in the close con-
nexion between guilt and retribution.— Morning
chronicle.

We communicated yesterday, in our Paris letter
of Tuesday (received in the morning by express),
the extraordinary restilt of the election for the office
of President of the Chamber of Deputies, the im-
portance of which we had several days ago taught
the public to anticipate and appreciate. We had
mentioned the resolution of M. Casimir Perier to
resign, provided the candidate of his choice should
be rejected, and we had pointed out the necessary
dissolution of the Cabinet. Though it was difficult
to sec what good reason the Prime Min'ster could
assign for making the existence of his power depend
upon the issue of a contest apparently so remote
frotn administrative interests or objects, we enter-
tained no doubt that he would keep his word. At
the same time, the public could scarcely be pre-
pared for his resignation in the exact circumstances
in which it occurred. The candidate of his
nomination having been elected, though by an
absolute majority of only one white ball, and
the Deputy whom he opposed with the whole
force of his administration having failed by only
five votes, he might have taken his success,
though incomplete, as a warrant for waiting the
issue of another trial of strength in the Chamber. If
his objections to M. Lafitte were of a personal na-
ture, he might have been contented with his ex-
clusion from the Presidency, which was as perfectly
accomplished by five votes as by 50; and if his
desire was to see M. Girod in the chair, the single
casting vote by which he obtained it, ought to have
been as sati,factory as it \ vas efficient. But if, on
the other hand, he looked upon the division on the
Presidency as a classification of the Chamber into
Ministerial and Anti-Ministerial parties, he was en-
titled to conclude that with so small. a majority he
could not propose any of his new measures with
any certainty of ultimate success. On this sup-
position, a vote or t wo, more or less, was of
no consequence. Unless his majority was
considerable, his ultimate defeat was certain.
But why he so eager and impatient to ascertain
whether he was to retain or to quit office, as to de-
clare beforehand that he would draw the fate of his
Ministry from the first scrutiny of the Legislative
ballot-box ? Why strike the balance of his power
on a division with which his power had no neces-
sary connection ? Why dare the new Chamber to
a contest before its first meeting for business, and
in the very act of its organization ? Why not wait
tilt he had laid before it some of the matured fruits
of his wisdom,—and seen them rejected with scorn,
or trodden under foot ? Why not examine the
classification of parties out of doors, and the phy-
siognomy of the Chamber within, as modified by the.
late election, before he decided on leaving the King
and the country without a Ministry ? We are
afraid that the answer to these questions would
not be very creditable to the good temper, sound
discretion, disinterested patriotism, or moral courage
•of the late Prime Minister of France. In this
country we gave him credit for the commanding
firmness of a statesman, when it might be only the
obstinacy of a political fanatic—for a laudable con-
tempt of popular applause in the discharge of his
public duty, when it might be only the haughty
fastidiousness of a man whose regard for the people
was qualified by a morose temper acting on an inor-
'dinate stock of pride and self-importance,—for pa-:
triotic courage, when it might be only a rashness',
which has disappeared before the first indication of
danger. His retirement at such a moment of crisis
and embarra'sment, which he had partly contributed
to create, was a most unjustifiable step as re-
gards his Sovereign his country, and the
foreign allies of France. In the speech from
the throne he had put words into the King's
mouth about the demolition of the Belgic
fortresses, which he would have found it difficult to
explain in the Tribune as a Minister. Other parts
of his Majesty's very popular harangue would have
been subjected to a system of questioning which
would have reduced its popularity. In the midst
of these difficulties, and menaced with this respon-
sibility, the Prime Minister retires ! Was the vote
on the Presidency the cause or the pretext of his
resignation ? Does M. Casimir Perier's conduct
indicate cunning or cowardice, patriotism or selfish-
ness ? We cannot answer these questions. Of the
new Ministry, the chief of which, Count Mole, was
recommended by M. Casimir Perier, we shall at
present say nothing, as it. does not seem definitively
settled. Count Mole is of the same politics with
the late Minister. lie is not more popular with the
movement party, and,though a man of fair talents and
respectable character,has not so much capacity for
business. If his Cabinet stands, there is no reason
why his predecessisr should have retired ; and there-
fore this recommendation may, unfortunately, be ad-
duced as another evidence of M. Perier's
insincerity.
—Times.

Another revolution in France is evidently in em.
bryo. Casimir Perier, feeling himself virtually sub-
dued in the smallness of the majority by which the
Ministerial candidate for the Presidency of the
Chamber of Deputies was elected, in opposition to
Lafitte, has resigned his Premiership, and his ex-
ample has been followed by almost the whole of his