The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-02 00:00:00

!LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEI3RIYARY 2,

he did in 1835. Obviously, he would say, " That is the
cause of my increased expenditure. This accounts at least
fur a part of it. I cannot conduct five or six establishments
at the same rate I could three or four." That would be the
course I am sure any man would pursue in private life; and
I cannot think it wise for a Government, or Parliament, to
pursue a different course, and say we shall have no reference
to the service to be performed and the garrisons to be main-
tained, because we find in one particular year a certain
number of millions sufficient for the public service, therefore
exactly the same sum must be sufficient for the present
year. But while I disagree with the Hon. Gentleman, and
though I think there is a phrase in his letter which rather
shows the wrong test he would apply to this matter, for he
says that 10,000,000/. is a good sum founded on
the experience of former years for the purpose of
agitation, he shows clearly that he has formed his
estimate not upon wh at the public exigencies require,
hut what he thinks likely to raise the most popular cry.
(Cheers.) At the same time, when we had to consider the
question of oar establishments, I think it was obvious we
could not persevere in the course we found ourselves bound to
take last year. Last year there was a sudden and formida-
ble convulsion in various parts of Europe, and no man could
say what might be the issue of that convulsion. We did
not think we should be justified, in those circumstances, in
proposing to diminish our expenditure. We asked for the
same number of men for the navy and the army we had
asked at the commencement of the session, although we had
not the ways and means sufficient for that purpose. This
House supported us in that course. They declared, by
large majorities, that it was not expedient to reduce our
military establishments. But when we had again to consi-
der the question of estimates exceeding the amount of
our revenue, it was our duty, I think, to come to one of
two conclusions—either to reduce those estimates to bring
them within the amount of revenue, or, on the other
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of equalizing the expenditure. Now, the first course was
evidently the best, supposing it was justifiable and
practi-
cable. We had to consider, first, whether there were not
many reforms that might be made, many retrenchments that
might be effected without impairing the number or efficiency
of our military establishments. The report of the Com-
mittee which sat last year upon our naval and military ex-
penditure—which was no proposition of mind—the House is
indebted for its appointment to the Hon. Member for Mont-
rose—the report of that Committee stated, that with regard
to the navy at least there might be many useful reforms
without impairing its efficiency. IThis was one source of eco-
nomy. But that would not enable us to bring the
revenue within the limits I have stated. We had
therefore to consider whether our effective force
could be reduced. Now, in considering that sub-
ject we had to remember that since we had been in office
we had added 3,000 men to the number voted for the
navy, and 5,000 to the number voted for the artillery.
In considering these subjects, then, we come to the conche.
sion, that in the present state of Europe, and having made
these additions to our naval and military force, we might
now safely make some reductions—reductions which would
give us a considerable amount of saving, without, in our
opinion, impairing our force below that which was necessary
for the efficiency of the public service and necessary for the
defence of our various colonies. Whether we have done
wisely in that respect, whether the reductions we propose to
make come within the principles I have stated,—whether we
have carried them too far, or have not gone far enough, will
be proper questions for this House to consider when the esti-
mates come before them. But these reductions have been
considered on the principle of what is wanted and what can
be spared from the service for the present year, and they
have not been taken with reference to any particular past
year, er on the plan of squaring the expenditure with that
year.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, when we say that the aspect of
public affairs enables us to make these reductions, I should
say that France is the most valuable friend and the most
formidable foe with whom we could have to deal,—( Hear,
hear.) For many years past, and under different Govern-
ments, it has seemed to be the object of France to increase
hey military armaments, and more especially to increase the
strength of her naval force—a navy not commensurate with
her commerce—not required, be it observed, to protect the
colonies or the trade of France, but obviously a navy to be
used in case of war. Sir, my opinion was, and is, and I so
stated it last year, that if France is to have very great arma-
ments at sea, and if we allow her to go on increasing her
naval strength without any proportionate increase of our
own, then that in the event of any trifling difference,
which if the power of the two nations seemed equal would
be easily adjusted, that difference might easily lead to
war between the two countries, if the war party in
France could point to England as a weaker power, inferior in
point of force.—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, I am happy to find
that the conduct of the Government of France is to curtail
and restrict their naval and military strength, and not to con-
tinue the enlargement and increase of their armaments.
This is one reason why we have considered it safe to recom-
mend no greater estimates than we propose for the present
year; and I trust that, in spite of the denunciations of the
proposed amendment, the various States of Europe, however
they may settle their internal affairs, will, in the progress of
negotiation and the process of time, come to the conclusion
that war must be injurious to all the nations of Europe, and
that there can be no sufficient cause why one State should be
an aggressor against another.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")
If such pacific sentiments should fortunately prevail, and if
each power should be left to make arrangements for its own
internal constitution and good government, then I would say
that the reductions of the present year may be followed in
future years, and that while it would be exceedingly unwise
and imprudent to make any sudden and gFeat, reductions at
once, still that gradual reductions, made, in the language of
the Speech from the Throne, with a " wise economy," may
be a policy which we may be able to pursue, and which it
will be the interest of every country in the world to follow
also.—(Cheers.) Now, Sir, I do not contend that there is
not cause of anxiety in the present state of Europe. lau
tar from thinking that the revolutions which took place last
year have run their course—(Hear, hear)—and that every
nation in which they occurred can now be said to be in a
state of solid security. I rejoice as much as any man that
the ancient empire of Austria, our old ally, is recovering her
splendour, and is showing her strength in such a con-
picuous manner. Still I cannot forget that there are
many questions not yet settled with regard to the
internal institutions of Austria—that the question of
the formation of what the Honourable Gentleman
(Mr. Disraeli) has called an empire -without an Empe-
ror, is still in debate— and that we cannot be sure what the
ultimate result of these events will be. It is also true that
there may have been during last year an excess of appre-
hension, caused by the great events that were taking place,
and by the rising up of some wild theories, pretending to
found the happiness of the State and of mankind on visionary
and unsound speculations, on which the happiness of no
country or people can ever be founded.—(Hear, hear.) We
have seen these opinions prevail in many countries to a con-
siderable extent, and no one can say that events may not at
some unforeseen moment take an unfortunate turn for the
peace and tranquillity of Europe.—(Hear, hear.) But still
the time that has elapsed since the breaking out of the re-
volution of February has made men consider both what is
the value of real liberty, and what is the value of peace and
order, as set against political theories, and how much may
And ought to be sacrificed of what may be considered theo-
retical perfection, in order to obtain the advantage of that
internal peace in which all reforms can alone be deli-
berately discussed, and gradually take their place in
the settled institutions of the country.—(Cheers.) No one
can deny that amid many misfortunes and mistakes the
foundations of the great principles, which we revere
have been prepared, and that those principles are likely
to be permainent among the nations of Europe. I
trust that the event may ultimately be equal to the
expectations of the most sanguine. But in, the mean
time I do appeal against those who would pass a vote
of censure upon us, not by going through a minute de-
fence of every act of the Government, but with reference
generally to what is happening around us, and the present
state of Europe. We have gone through a commercial con-
vulsion, arising from a wild spirit of speculation. Is com-
merce shaken to the dust, or is it true that it is again re-
viving, that it is assuming a heathful condition, and that it
is taking its usual course, indicative of restored prosperity?
We have gone through what, with every deference to the
Hon. Member for Meath, I must consider an insurrection in
Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) That country has been restored to
peace—has it been by any sanguinary measures?—(Cheers.)
Has it been by arraying one class against another?—(Cheers,
and counter-cheers from the Repeal Members.) Has it been
by fixing upon Ireland a permanent state of civil war, which
would have been worse than a transitory insurrection? Sir,
I reply that it has not; and a large share of the credit is due
to my Noble Friend the Viceroy of that country for his
vigour and energy, and for those rarer qualities.of judgment,
temper, and forbearance.— (Cheers.) He has shown himself
averse from the first to setting class against class, or inflict-
ing sanguinary punishments upon the guilty.—(Cheers.)
say again that this country has been menaced by those
who, like some in other countries, would for the sake of
plunder have disturbed the whole order of society. Have they
not been defeated in their machinations by the power of the
law afone, and at the same time dealt with by as fair
and as merciful a procedure as is consistent with the Consti-
tution of this country ?—(Hear hear.) Sir,during the past
year Europe has been convulsed with revolution. Without
going into the details of foreign commotion, I will ask
whether this country has been involved in hostilities, or in
danger of hostilities? Has not peace with Europe been pre-
served by this country, and with respect to other powers
have we not shown a desire to take a course much more ho-
nourable to us than would have been a desire to mix in the
fray, and excite other powers to conflict and war ?—(Loud
cheers.) &Sir, if I say these things with truth, and admitting,
as I do, that with respect to the greater portion of them, the
first honour, after Divine Providence, is to be given to the
wisdom, the prudence, and energy of this mighty people—
yet, if such has been the result, the Government which has
been at the head of affairs during such a period at least de-
serve that they should not be condemned on the first night
of the session.—(The Noble Lord resumed his seat amid loud
cheering.)
Mr. E. B. ROCHE had read with great pain the para-
graphs in the Speech from the Throne relative to Ireland.
The Irish poor-law had one fault—that it came essentially
too late. The proposal to limit the area of taxation would
have no meaning unless it were to exterminate the people.
Neither would a stringent law of settlement be advisable.
Ireland could not be regenerated by a poor-law. Ireland had
suffered more than England from the adoption of the prin-
ciples of free trade, and the depreciation i.n the value of pro-
perty in consequence of that measure entitled her to a much
greater boon by way of compensation than she had yet re-
ceived. The question of tenure was one of the first that
claimed adjustment. The grand jury tax amounted to
1,250,000/. ,The money levied in that tax alone would sup-
port the poor of Ireland in ordinary years. The Irish Church,
the Irish fisheries, and the Irish railways, each in turn de-
manded the attention of the Government.
After a few words from Mr. H. A. HERBERT,
Mr. HUME said, he was anxious to, express his feelings
on the topics alluded to in her Majesty's:SPeech ;;but at that
hour of the night he thought it would be better to move the
adjournment of the House.—(Cries of " Oh, oh !" "Go on.")
If a division was to take place he would take that opportu-
nity of stating his opinion, not so much on what svascontained
as on what was omitted in the Speech. On looking to the
Speech he could not find that any portion of the recommen-
dations of the popular Members on that most important subject
—the inequality and burdens of taxation—had been attended
to. He had been assured last year that the Government
would consider during the recess what measures they could
introduce to remove that inequality and relieve those bur-
dens, but so far from their having done so, the question was
not even mooted.—(Hear, bear.) He complained of that as
a great omission. The Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire
( Mr. Disraeli) never spoke but to interest and instruct the
House, but the greatest portion of his speech was devoted to the
foreign policy of the country, into which he (Mr. Hume)
did not feel disposed to follow him. He would rather put in
a claim on the part of the people of England, for he thought
while the attention of her Majesty's Ministers were
directed to the affairs of other states they were ne-
glecting the interests of the country at home. He
asked the Government whether they intended to meet the
wishes of the people, and have an investigation into the
state of the taxation of the country ? (H
—•--ear, hear.) For
his part, he did not think the House would be warranted any
longer in passing estimates which exceeded the income of
theicountry The Honourable Member for Buckingham had
launched vat at large' into tin queatim ct his