The Sun.
London, England, 1831-08-24 00:00:00

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ntetests of English commerce, and therefore establish
,he falsehood of the calumnious charge, that we eii r
manor make political arrangements from the selfish mo-
eyes of commercial advantage or monopoliz•ng gains.
Nay, we will go farther, and say, that as Eeglishince,
we desire no over-reaching, though it were pessible
—no shopkeeping preference—no commercial fa-
souritism—no assistance from the lenity of custom-
house officers or portsmasters. All that we desire,
is equality and freedom : the capital of our mer-
Aunts, the ingenuity of our manufacturers, and the
nterprise of our sailors and ship-owners will do the
,est. Nor did we, at that splendid era of our fame
mil power, consult the interests of our ambition,
secwitv, or ascendancy, more than those of our trade.
We race up to Holland her East India poaecasiona
in a highly improve:l condition ; and of all the con.
Guests which we might have disposed of iii Europp,
we only accepted the expensive Protectorate of the
lonian Islands, at the solicitatiort of a Greek .-Nlinster
of Russia, who bad the modes.y to suppose that
England would govern the eeptinsular republic better
than a Russian Governor or a Turkish Paella. in
the Tuileries, and at the Courts of the different
Sovereigns restored by our arms, our bill:tepee soma
ceased. Congress after congress was held, in which
our voice was either not heard or disregardel The
armies of the Holy Alliance Sovereigns overran
Italy and Spain—overturning constitutional free-
Jam, and restoring absolute power, from Syra-
cuse to C tdiz—without our cosicurrence, and in
spite of our remonstrances. In - fact, we had left
the continent to itself, and were only anxious
'o enjoy peace ourselves, anti to secure its
blessings to others. " this in England
seem ambition ?" And yet these Bourbon journals
accuse us of eternally endeavouring to embroil the
nations of the continent from motives of ambition
In the course of the last eventful year, during which
we are charged, in the most absurd manner, with
pursuing a illachiavelian policy, and advancing oer
ambitious views at the expense of our neighheurai
what have we gained, or what have we even pro-
posed to gain ? Literally nothing. Did we huckster
with the Government of France about the price or
conditions of recognizing the new dynasty of the
barricades ? No, we were the first to hail the ac-
cession of Louis Philip without reserve or stipula-
tion, and that, too, under the administration of an
illustrious warrior who is known to be no friend to
popular revolutions. Did we intrigue to prevent
his recognition by continental states ? No; our in-
fluence was exerted to obtain their -consent to the
straightforward policy which we ourselves had }sw-
elled. Did we, repenting of our original frankness
and sincerity, afterwards endeavour to foment dis-
turbances in France, and rejoice at the display of
mob or legislative 4 iolence—at the excesses of street
riots, or the violence of political factions `.;'' Every
word that has escaped from the lips of our Ministers
—every expression of opinion in Parliament—and
utmost the uniform language of the liberal Press of
England, attest the contrary. We arc desirous oC
seeing France as great, prosperous, and free as the
gonius of her people and the ltdvantages of her posi-
tion can make her, without attacking the interests or
disturbing the tranquillity of her neighbours. But it
is said " You have caused a pensioner of Eiiglend
to be elected King of Belgium; anti is not thet an
evidenee of your intriguing and selfish ambition ?"
When will the time conic that, in uddressiog the
multitude, our lively neighbours of either faction ►n ill
pay the least regal ti to truth or cornrow, sense ? The
Belgians know—the French Government know 3—
ztll the world may know, that King Leopold is now
on the throne of Belaium, not because the English
Government urged his election (which would have
been a reason for his failure)—not because he was
an English Prince, and is connected with the Roval
Family of England—but because, in the unfortu-
nate position of the Belgic Congress and people,
no Prince so unexceptionable presented himself to
their notice. We think him a very fit ruler for the
new state, not because he is English, but in spite of
his being Eugli,h ; and we should have preferred
any other Sovereign equally fitted for his station,
against whom no such ridiculous suspicion could
have existed that he would favour Eagiish interests
at the expen.e of his own people. If that country
is not united to France, or by the extraction of its
Sovereign directly subject to French dictation, it
matter, no more to us who is King of Belgium than
who is Emperor of Japan. We desire no favour at
his hands—we have no objects to gain at the ex-
pense of his subjects—we only look for justice, im-
partial dealing, and equal rights of intercourse; and
these, thank God, the might and majesty of Eng-
land can always command. 13; cause the conferences
have taken place in Downing-street, and because for
the, last nine months the English Government has
laboured assiduously to bring about u satisfactory
Belgic arrangement, let not French Jacobins, of the
white or red kind, endeavour to fasten upon us any
participation in their own dishonest or perfidious
schemes. We have not, like them, intrigued to ob-
i train an extension of territory or of influence by
secret societies or priestly interference. We have
only endeavoured to preserve the peace of Europe
for the general benefit of Europe, and we expect no
°thee reward for our labours—no other fruit of our
diplomatic conquests, than the cheap honour of an
olive branch !—Tiince. •

A Morning Contemporary, which, if it do not
blow hot and cold in the same breath, can write for
and against in the same Paper, thinks proper to pro-
nounce a lofty eulogium on the conduct of English
policy for seventeen years past while directed by
Tories, and yet asserts that the same Tories have
fee half a century been the ruin of the country, and
are so wicked and so imbecile that their return to
power is wholly out of the question. 'We do net
wonder that in the present state of affairs the advo-
cates of the Ministry should be so driven to their
wit's end that they fall into these gross inconsisten-
cies. But all this desperate raving and impotent
' effort to sneer down the men of business of the
Tory party is too late to serve its intended purpose,
the country sees plainly that the Members of the
present Government are not men of business; they
are not capable of managing concerns which
involva intricacy of details, and which require prac-
tieal knowledge, as well as acuteness and activity
they huh* their iwrgination in schemes for party
aggrandisement, instead of informing their judgment
an euliiecis which affect the substantial concerns of
tha people, and therefore the people are di .app
and want more expe-denced and able men to manage
their affairs. The frantic scheme of Reform, whit:A
was at first looked at only with reference to its ge-
nerel object, is now d.scovered to be an impracti-
cable mass of anomalous and contradictory arrange-
ments, which oo man acquainted with practical
affairs would have thought of putting together;
but as people tire of this, and they are now
• beiettily tired of it, they bethink them of the
affairs of trade, which, under the present Ministry,
have never been meddled with except to be put
into confusion., We can tell our contemporary,
who effects to suppose that the country will
~I.l,t,ier recur to the assistance of those with whose
experience and diligent management it is acquainted,
that throe hour the courrsry their return is looked
for with in:ipatieece by those whose daily business
is put in jeoperj,y by the ignorance and misma-
nagement el the present enlightened directors of
our fieivoreial and trading pelcy. Whatever rem-
nem of the Reform delosion reer vet remain is not
sufficient to make the people of lingland submit to
the salient guardianship of Lord Ahhorp and Mr.
foulett Thomson in the affairs of duties and the
regulations of conunercial intercourse. Lord Aucl:-
. land, we believe, is nominally at the head of the
affairs of trade, but we need not apologise for pess:vg
him 10:4 as we believe he is seldom thought of, urf
is existence remembered by the commerciarlun,itetn,lois
this great commercial country. But .se
folly %via not last much longes, Hen!'
fihiveet:::id,ll:
'tkat our contemporary 1.0611
affairs of trade as,
have long been ronvinc ,
f iSi‘fvuesTaorr.:vt.b,.:t.
manage,
Morning _lost,
us t!;:osieettil,,etioue,,not