The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-03 00:00:00

cement the closest ties of friendship between ourselves and
our nearest neighbours, one of the greatest powers et Eu-
rope—that neighbour of whom it was justly said Ont.
in war she would be our most powerful enemy, but in
peace our most useful friend.—( Loud cheering.) There is
nothing in the real interests of England and France to stand
in the way of the most cordial friendship between the nations
—(Cheers.) There may be prejudices and passions, but
reason and calm reflection are beginning to teach the nations
themselves that there is nothing in the real interests of the
two countries that can injuriously clash, and that it is for
the good of both to cultivate the most friendly relations.—
(Cheers.) I feel it due to those public men who have been
at the head of the government of France since February last,
to say that their conduct towards this country has been
marked by the most perfect good faith, the greatest frank-
ness, and most friendly dispositions, and that they have
evinced not only an anxious desire to be on the most friendly
terms with England, but have also expressed invariably and
sincerely to us those pacific dispositiens with regard ,to the
rest of Europe which, attaching as we do great importance to
the maintenance of peace, must be the foundation ofa real

good understanding between England and France.—(Hear.)
We did not withdraw our Ambassador from France when the

revolution took place. We could not give indeed those usual
technical credentials that are given and interchanged between
Governments established, because the first Government

was by its very name professedly provisional ; but the
moment there was a Government that assumed a permanent
character those credentials were exchanged ; and since that
time the relations between the two countries have been sus-

tained in the ordinary way.—( Hear, hear.) Has this con-
tributed to the peace of the world? It has.—(Cheers.)
The French Government were sincerely anxious to pursue a
pacific policy towards all the other countries of Europe; but
if England had rejected friendly intercourse with France—if
she had scowled upon the Republic, and given the preference
to others who wished to displace the peculiar form of govern-

ment which France had adopted—if we by these means had
thrown ourselves hostilely against France, I will not under-
take to say that it would have been possible to maintain the
peace of the world, which, during the last year has been of
such paramount importance.—(Hear.) So much for our
relations with France; and I humbly venture to think that
there may be in that some reason why this country may
congratulate itself, though Hon. Members opposite re-
fuse to join in that congratulation.—(Hear, hear.) Then
comes the subject of what have been called " mock media-
tions." Why, anybody who has heard what has passed
here and elsewhere, in the course of the last 4S hours, would
imagine that never before this year was there such a thing
as mediation.—(Hear. hear.) They would imagine that it
was a newly invented operation, resorted to for some mis-
chievous purpose, and for which the Government who under-
took it deserved the severest censure.—(A laugh.) I must
plead guilty to this crime long before the present year. It
was my lot to be engaged in mediations many years ago,
and fortunately, with considerable success.—(lronical
cheers.) The Government of which I had the honour to be
a member was able by meditation to prevent a rupture be-
tween France and the United States, and also to make peace
between France and the Repablic of .Mexico. Other smaller
but also important mediations I do not mention—(A laugh)
but those two at least were events from which considerable
consequences must have followed. But in this sweeiAng
censure on mediations my predecessor in office, Lord Aber-
deen, must take his share of the blame. Lord Aberdeen,
in connexion with Russia, mediated between Persia
and Turkey, and also between Denmark and Sardinia.
I say nothing of the mediation in the case of the
River Plate, which is still going on, part of the censure for
which I must divide with him—(A laugh)—but I t ust
some paragraph will be inserted in the amendment contain-
ing a due portion of blame to Lord Aberdeen as well as to
me. Mock mediations ! One would suppose that media-

. .
tions were merely diplomatic dramas got up for amusement,
and leading to no result. Take the mediation between
Denmark and Prussia. Was that a mediation of ours? Far

from it. It was a mediation which this country was asked
to undertake ; and, although it has not yet come to a final
close, it has at least had the advantage of obtaining a sus-
pension of hostilities, establishing a temporary peace, putting
an end to that interruption to commerce which hostilities
had for a long time produced, and 1 trust laying the founda-
tion for a satisfactory and honourable adjustment between
the parties.—(Hear.) The Hon. Member for Buckingham-
shire said—" You should have let Denmark alone. Your me-
diation began just when Denmark was supported by strong
and active allies, and if hostilities had been allowed to go on
Denmark would soon have settled the question." What was that,
in other words, except the advocacy of an European war?
There was Germany, on the one hand, running wild after
some particular doctrine in regard to the Ducby of Schles-
wig, and Denmark, on the other hand, strong in her
opinion as to her right to that Duchy. Demark was sup-
ported by Russia and France—war was going on—Denmark
was thrust into the field, and about to apply to Russia and
France to aid in sustaining her claim ; while Germany
was already in the plains of Schleswig ; —what was that
but a general European war?—(Cheers.) And we are
blamed, forsooth, for having prevented it.—(Cheers.) That
is offence the first : that is the first article of our impeach-
ment. Sir, I feel no alarm as to the opinion to which the
House will come upon that subject.—(Cheers.) Then, as to
our mediation between Austria and Lombardy,—what was
its history? In May the Austrian Government sent over
here a diplomatist who had been before a chargé d'affaires
to this country, Baron Colloredo, asking the good
offices and mediation of England between Austria and her
revolting subjects. That diplomatist proposed certain
terms upon which the mediation was to proceed. We said
it would afford us the liveliest satisfaction to mediate
between Austria, who had been so long and so closely in
alliance with England, and any portion of her revolting sub-
jects; but to propose that which we had reason to know
would not be accepted by the other party would only be a
waste of time, and therefore we observed—" If you will add
so and so to your proposals, which we think will be accepted,
we will then proceed in our efforts to establish peace between
you, Austria, and Lombardy." What was the answer? The
Austrian diplomatist said—" I am not authorised to accede
to your proposition, but I do not feel justified in rejecting it;
I will take it ad referendum; I will go to my Government
and ask their opinion upon it." I believe the proposal was
afterwards made directly by Austria to Lombardy, but
was not accepted, so that that measure fell at the time to the
ground. Latterly things took a different turn. The Aus-
trian army being reinforced gained considerable advantages.
Application was then made by Sardinia to the Government
of France for assistance. The Government of France stated
to us, in pursuance of those relations of confidence and good
faith which existed between us, "If you will join us in
carrying out a mediation between these parties, and endea-
vour with us to settle terms of peace between them, we will
act with you; but if you refuse to do so, we shall be unable
to prevent military interference in the affairs of Italy."—
(Hear, hear.) We assented, and that is the real fault of the
Government of England.—(Cheers.) It is because we pre-
vented a war in Italy, which would have infallibly led to a
war in Europe ; it is because, in joining France in her sincere
and pacific offers of friendly mediation, we prevented events
which must have brought on a general war —that we are
now impeached by the Hon. Gentleman opposite.—(Cheers.)
That is crime the second ; but, Sir, I feel the same confidence
as to the opinion of the House upon that part of the impeach-
meat.— (fleas, hear.) It is said that we are imposing terms
on Austria. It is totally untrue. There is no imposition of
terms—nor any intention of imposing terms. We stated why
we thought certain arrangements would lead to the well-un-
derstood interests of Anstria, and promote a pacific termina-
tion ; but it was for Austria to determine whether she would
accede to them. I hope she may. If not, it is as tree for her
to refuse as we feel ourselves free to offer. Then as to the
mediation between Naples and Sicily. That mediation was
repeatedly asked by a person whom (following the example
of the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire) I may call the
King of Naples.—(Cheers and laughter.) Lord Minto was
sent from Rome, express by the Neapolitan Government.
When that Noble Earl went to Italy he had no instructions
to go on to Naples; but the Neapolitan Minister in this
country expressed to me a wish that Lord Minto might do so,
giving an assurance that if he did he would be most cordially
received. My reply was, that it was no part of Lord Minto's
instructions to go to Naples, but I said that he should imme-
diately have his credentials, and that the moment he received
direct intimation from Naples that his presence was wished
for he would forthwith repair to that Government. He went;
and was in constant communication with the Neapolitan Go-
vernment, at ther express desire and request. He was urged
by them to go over to Sicily to communicate with the Pro-
visional Government there, with a view to effect an amicable
arrangement; but that intervention unfortunately did not
succeed ; for, meanwhile, the news of the revolution in Paris
had arrived there, which altered very much the state.of feel-
ing in Sicily. Lord Minto thereupon returned to Rome. In
mentioning Rome and Lord Minto I must notice what has
fallen from aa Honourable Member, who has attributed to
the presence of a Signor Sterbini at a dinner given by Lord
Minto the lamentable events that have since occurred in that
city. I can assure the Honourable Member that Lord Minto
did not receive Signor Sterbini at any dinner, and that so far
as an imaginary dinner given some twelve months ago had
produced the unfortunate events that have since happened at
Rome, I can say that Lord Minto is perfectly innocent.
Well, we withdrew from the mediation, retaining at the
same time a great interest in the affairs of Sicily, because
those who know the degree in which the British Government
was connected with the establishment of the constitution of
1812 in Sicily—that sort of assurance given by our Minis-
ters of that day—not amounting, however, to a guarantee
that England would afford her assistance to the Sicilians in
sustaining that constitution, must see that any Government
of England could not avoid taking a lively interest in the
affairs of that country. But then came the question whether
the expedition which the King of Naples was about to send
to Sicily was or was not to be put a stop to. No instruc-
tions were given to interfere with that expedition. It
sailed, it reached Messina, and commenced operations. I
have heard it said that Messina was the stronghold of the
Neapolitan army. God help me! The idea of that being a
stronghold to the Neapolitans! They had been driven out
of Palermo, but had not been driven out of the stronghold
of Messina. But when they no longer found resistance
from that town, and after the flag of the Sicilians
had been hauled down, and the very idea of hos-
tilities had been given up, they did for 48 hours continue a
savage bombardment, destroying houses, palaces, churches,
and public buildings. After that they sent a body of
troops into the town to complete the destruction which the
bombe, shells, and cannon, had not effected. They laid
waste three miles of suburbs, burning, plundering, and mur-
dering as they went.—(Hear, hear.) Well, Sir, the Admirals
hearing this, and seeing what had happened, although men
accustomed to scenes of war, but still accustomed only to
war carried on according to the practice of civilized nations
—(Hear, hear)—they felt revolted and disgusted.—( Hear.)
But they felt more. They knew that the town of Palermo
was doomed to the same fate which had been inflicted upon
Messina, and they said, " We cannot permit it, and although
we have no instructions upon the subject, yet, upon our own
responsibility, we will stop these atrocious proceedings, at
least till we have received the decisions of our respective Go-
vernments." They did so, and they established an armistice.
What were the Governments of England and France to do
in a case of that sort ?—(Hear, hear.) Was it fitting that
ivilians sitting here in their comfortable homes—men who
have never seen a shot fired or blood shed in the field—was
it fitting that they should be sterner than those Admirals,
accustomed to all the horrors that are considered to belong
to ordinary wars? Was it fitting that Palermo should be
suffered to share the fate of :Messina? Why, Sir, even
those who now seek to condemn us I will not think
so ill of them as to believe they would have assented
to such a proposition. lam sure that no statesman
would, under such circumstances, have taken any other
course than has been adopted by us. It was our duty to
follow it up by negotiation. That negotiation is now going
on, and I am not without hope that it will be satisfactorily
concluded. If that consummation should be accomplished,
I shall feel no regret that the Admirals took upon themselves
the responsibility of interposing between the two contending
parties. But time is of great value in this as well as in
other cases. If an arrangement had been proposed at the
moment when the smoking ashes of Messina were before the
eyes of the Sicilians. they might have refused terms which
may now be:accepted without difficulty. On the other hand, the
King of Naples may perhaps now consent to an arrangei ies t
which, in the moment of his victory, or, as he might think,
his triumph, he would have been indisposed to agree to.
(Hear, hear.) At all events, we have the satisfaction of
thinking that the mediation of England and France upon
that occasion prevented great calamities to Sicily, and I trust
also that while on the one hand that mediation secured hap-
piness and constitutional freedom to Sicily, it may also lead