The Sun.
London, England, 1831-07-01 00:00:00

salaries, and were proceeding downwards; whereas it has
'seen unfortunately the practice hitherto to commence
.vith the lowest incomes, and to stop long before
eaching the highest. He said they were going on
vith their inquiries, and would carry the reduction as far a,
rue regard to the public business would permit. Nothing
:mold be fairer than the declaration of his Lordship. It
would have been singular, however, if it had given satis-
faction to Mr. Hunt, who made some statements which
will become classical among the Anti-Reformers. W.
have, indeed, no doubt that the speech of last night will
furnish the matter fo: three-fourths of the speeches against
the Reform Bill in the House of Lords. "He hoped."
he said, " the cuckoo cry, that he was an enemy to Re-
form, would not be raised against him for what he was
going to say.
It wta hot a Reform Bill—it was not the
mere name of nerty that could relieve distress.—(Hear.)
If the House did not by their vote on that occasion give
the people an earnest that they wished to relieve their dis-
tre,ss the Reform Bill would give no satisf.ction.—
(Hear, hear, hear.) it was true that the Noble Lord
who introduced the Bill said that it would give no imme-
diate relief'. It was true that the Ministers themselves had
not pretended that it would have such an effect; but the
Press and the outsconts of the Ministers had pretended so.
Yes, he said, the Pitss and the outscouts of the Ministers
deluded the. people.—(lmmense cheering from both sides.)
The people had been made to expect from the Reform Bill
what he (Nlr. Hunt) knew it would not realize.—
(Cheers.)" And then he told a silly story of a servant
maid, who would not take service for a year, as the Reform
Bill would piss in three months. To reason with such a
speaker is useless. Why is a Reform Bill wanted, but to
enable Ministers to conduct the Governmext economically ?
Supposing even that Ministers had not commenced the
work of mitre ion, and were not busied in carrying reduc-
tions still further; and supposing that the House of Com-
mons were too indulgent to Minieters on this occasion, by
what process of reasoning ere the people to infer, from this
vote, that the Reform Bill will be valueless, the object of
that Ilefr.tTit Bill being to remove the existing impediments
to eConotny and retrenchment? The people must be as
stupid as demagogues or boroughmorigers can possibly wish
them to be, if they allow a Cote against economy, in an
unreformed Parliament, to indispose them against a Re-
form, the great obj,ct of which is to render economy
practicable, which is not practicable in an unreformed Par-
liament. Was ever such monstrous nonsense uttered be-
foie? And it cuts two ways. The Anti-Reformers say
to one class, Mr. Hunt is right ; the people have been
miserably deluded. To another who are timid, they say,
see what sort of Gaverr.ment you are about to have when
the franchise is extended. Here is a man returned for a
populous place, the special favourite of the people, twice
sent to Parliament free of expence, who cannot connect
two propositions together—who would say, if lie saw a cart
sticking in the mud, if you cannot with these horses sue-
reed in extricating it, it is of no use to mend the road, for
nothing will be expectEd from the road when it is well re-
paired. This is a case exactly in point. Mr. O'Connell,
with much force, observed, "It was alleged that the people
had been de:uded upon the important question of Re-
form and public distress. The people could not be de-
luded; the time had arrived when they could distinguish
between common sense and nonsense—betty' en profes-
sions of sympathy and real attempts to afford them relief—
between real and crock reformers—between men who
would tell them that the addition of 500,000 voters to

the constituency of the kingdom was no boon, and that
the exclusion from that Horse of 150 Members nominated
by individuals was no Morin." Mr. George Dawson
went upon another tack. "If Hon. Gentlemen," said he,
" would take the trouble to watch public opinion and
public writers, they would see that the object was to direct
the public mind to the extinction of the public debt, and
the ruin of the public credit, as the necessary result of a
Reformed Parliament."—(Hear, hear.) Sir James Graham
met this by asking, " whether there is not something
singular in the fact, that those who ought to be most
sensitive on the score of public credit—viz., the public
creditors themselves—should entertain an opinion directly
opposite to that of the Right Hon. Gentleman ? If
we contrast the state of the public credit at this moment
with what it was at the period when the Reform Bill was
first introduced, it will be deafly perceived that the public
credit of the country has vastly improved.—(A voice here
exclaimed, " No, no !") Does the Hon. Gentleman who
gives that negative mean to deny the fact that the funds
have risen since the period to which I have alluded, 'six or
seven per cent?—(Hear, hear.) Is he ignorant that at a
meeting held in the city of London to petition in favour of
Reform, one of the resolutions was proposed by a banker
(I shall not mention his name), who is supposed to be the
largest fundholder in the kingdom ?—(Here some Hon.
Member intimated that the hanker alluded to was Mr.
Loyd.) Ido allude to Mr. Loyd as having proposed that
resolution." Mr. Lewis Loyd, and all sensible fund-
holders, know that economy is the best security for the
payment of the public debt. The boroughmoogers, on
the contrary, have no motive for preserving the public
debt intact. Leave them their present power, and
they would look to a bankruptcy as a means for enabling
them to add to the national expenditure. Economy
is the salvation of the creditor. A wasteful expenditure
strengthens the borough oligarchy. Their power increases
with the increase of all the expenditure but the debt.
Boroughmongering and wasteful expenditure act and react
on each other. In the heavy expenditure, after the revolu-
tion, boroughmongering had its origin, and borough-
mongering, once in existence, kept continually adding to
the expenditure. The oligarchy, and the oligarchy alone,
have been looking to the spoliation of the public creditor ;
and nothing but the dread of such men as Mr. Lewis
Loyd, and the knowledge, that except under very parti-
cular circumstances such men would not allow themselves
to be crushed, and that the spoliation of the fundholder
would lead to the spoliation of the rich horoughmoneers
keeps the boroughmongers quiet. We deny that public
writers of any influence have dreamt of such madness as
robbing some hundreds of thousands of their fellow-citizens.
Public writers, of any character, know too well that a di-
minution in the respect for property must involve all in
one common ruin. They will never suffer the fundholder
to be sttipt, so long as the Church of England, and still
more that of Ireland, abounds in rich sinecures, useful only
to corrupt mortals and to destroy religion in tt e country.
But of this more at another time.—Morning Chronicle.

The generous sympathy which the Hungarian States
have evinced for the cause of Poland is important as an
historical fact connected with the Polish war of indepen-
dence, but is still more important as a political manifes-
tation of a spirit such as the " Holy Alliance" dreads,
within the dominions of Austria herself. The Hungarians
are themselves a brave people; if they were not, they
would long since have been deprived of their national laws
and customs, which they adhere to with patriwtic vene-
ration. Their timely recollection of the services which
the brave Poles rendered them and other nations of Eu-
rope, by arresting the victorious career of the then truly
warlike and formidable hordes of the Ottoman empire,
proves that they are also a grateful people. They are also
anxious to save their Sovereign, the representative of the
oicient and illustrious house of Hapsburg'', from the re-
reproach of signal ingratitude towards the nation which
smote, under the walls of Vienna, the insulting and mer•
ciless barbarians, who came from the shores of the Bos.
phorus to bury the throne of that family beneath the ruins
of its capital. The Hungarians see, with grief and shame,
that their Sovereign seems to forget that such a warrior as
John Sobieski ever existed ; and that the house of Hapsburgh
would have ceased to exist, or have gone into captivity
worse than that of Babylon, if there had not been such
soldiers as the Poles to rush to its deliverance. When a
Monarch neglects those high virtues which ought peculiarly
to grace and ornament those who are invested with the
hivhest honours and most exalted attributes of civil govern.
went, it is well when there is any powerful class of their
subjects that have the honesty and courage to point out
their errors and remind them of their fruits. Tire States of
Hungary have had virtue and firmness enough to tell the
Emperor Fr ineia what ought to make him blush, if his
evil genius, Metternich, in destroying, by his moral poison,
the natural good qualities of the Royal heart, has not also
extinguished the serve of shame. But, whatever may be
the result, it is a noble symptom of the living spirit of gene-
rous sentiment in one portion of the Austrian dominions,
that the General Assembly of the States of Pest, the most
powerful in Hungary, have resolved " to address a prayer
to his Majesty, to give to the unhappy Poles, to
whom. Austria and Hungary were so munch indebted,
all possible assistance against the Russian Colossus,
and to set at liberty the brave Dwernieki, who was
then in Hungary." In detaining that distinguished
warrior a prisoner Francis has not merely offended
against the law of gratitude—we have shown that he
most grossly violated the law of nations. in that instance,
the other Governments of Europe made no remonstrance
against the violation of the law of nations; but had any
particle of that law been violated by a small nation like
Switzerland or Belgium, we should soon hear of protocols
and contingents to support. them. But Prussia behaves
still worse thansiie dares
strtra towards tire Poles, and no notice
is
British subjects.
taken. o stopt and seize the property even of
Poles, and passingcomplaints are romu.ghi her territory for the
in vain for redress.
''suekPopielat'e,eos,h.oafcvitual fight-
In the mean time Prussia affords provisions
and arms, and gives every assistance
enemies
me
endured, roefd, and, at this moment,
ing on their side to.thlet
We ask
. this to be endured ?.