The Sun.
London, England, 1838-11-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

We elsewhere insert a letter on the distress of the a,Tri-
cultural labourers in the south-western counties of Eng
land. Our correspondent states that tl e average rate of
wages to an able-bodied man in these parts is Bs. a week.
That with the present high prices of food the labourer
must suffer great privations is unquestionable. So far we
are agreed with our correspondent. But we go no fur-
ther together. Our correspondent deduces from the fact
the conclusion that the farmers are to blame, because,
while they are just now prospering, the labourers are left
to eke out their existence on eight shillings a-week. Our
Correspondent does not seem to be aware of a well-ascer-
tained fact, that in years of scarcity wages are always
lower than in years of abundance. Wages depend on the
proportion between the supply and the demand. In years
when the price of food is more than usually high the
labourer is led to execute a greater amount of
task-work to meet the demands upon him, and
thus brings down the market against himself. This
is not a matter resting on mere speculation,
for Committees of the House of Commmons and writers
on prices have furnished abundant evidence to show that
the effect of high prices of food is always to depress wages.
But, says our correspondent, the farmer is well off ; why
does not he raise wages ? This is confounding wages with
charity. An individual farmer may give to his labourers
more than the market rate of wages ; but this is an act of
kindness, and will not determine the general rate which is
not arbitrary. In laying down the position that the farmers
ought to pay more than they do, our correspondent is not
aware that men never pay more than they can help for any
commodity. The labourer, when labour is wanted, takes
care not to let the employer alone fix the price, and where
labour is in excess the employer does not consult merely
the wishes of the labourer. The legitimate conclusion
from the reasoning of our correspondent is, that we ought
to return to the old system of paying wages out of the rates,
and by a blending of charity and wages prevent the labourer
from suffering from the high price of food. This of course
can be done, but before recurring to such a remedy
we ought to weigh well the consequences. By reliev-
ing ,the labourer from a temporary pressure, we inrolve
him in perpetual bondage. The new Poor-law has un-
questionably added to the privations of the agricultural
labourer in years of scarcity, for it could not give him the
advantages resulting from independence without subjecting
him to the disadvantages incident to seasons when prices
are high. The high price of food is an evil to all classes
except the prodficers of food. Every man feels the evil in
the increase of his payments to the baker. The indepen-
dent labourer cannot hope to escape his share of the com-
mon calamity. We are not now discussing the question
how far the Corn-laws are the cause of the evil. We are
taking things as they are in England. The Corn-laws, in
so far as they add to the price of food, are of course in-
jurious to all classes. Of one thing we are certain,
that it is better the labourers should suffer tempo-
rary inconvenience than that they should be once
more placed in the condition in which they were before
the passing of the new Poor-law Act. It is a clumsy way
of relieving them from their pressure to facilitate their ac-
cess to the parish pay table. The old Poor-law freed the
labourer from the trouble of thinking for himself. Prudence
and imprudence, virtue and vice, were placed exactly on
the same footing. But it so happens that men cannot
throw upon others the responsibility of thinking for them
without suffering from it. The world can only go on well
by each person taking care of that part of it which is most
important to him, namely, himself. The new Poor-law tells
him to bestir himself, or he will feel the consequences. The new
Poor-law tells him that where there are many labourers and
little work wages will be low, and that he can only be bettered
in two ways, either by going to places where there is work
in abundance, or by a diminution, no matter how, in the
number of labourers where he is. All else is quackery.
The labourer, if left to himself, wi 1 soon make this dis-
covery. Mr. Fielden, in a letter inserted in the Times of
yesterday, confirms the account given by our correspondent.
" However (he says) opinions may differ as to the best
means necessary for the relief of the suffering poor on the
land, at the loom, and in the factory, there can be but one
opinion among all well-disposed members of society, that re-
lief, in some way or other, ought to be immediately extended
to them.
" It is the state of wretched poverty to which this class
of wGrking people is reduced, by having only half of what
their forefhthers had in return for their labour (on the land,
at the loom; and at many other occupations), and the fear en-
tertained by others, who are better paid for their labour, of
being reduced to the same state of destitation, that has in-
duced many very reluctantly to combine to prevent their wages
from being further reduced. In fact the people are almost in
a state of despair, and unless something be speedily done to
place the under-paid and over-worked labourers and artisans
of England in a better condition, I very much fear there can
be no security, for either life or property, for any length of
time."
This is a fearful picture, no daubt ; and it would be de-
ceiving our readers were we to say that we do not look
forward with apprehension to what may happen. But in
seeking a remedy let us take care that we do not once more
adopt one worse than the disease.—Morning Chronicle.
THE AGRICULTURAL POPULATION.
`JO THE EDITOR OF THE MORNING CHRONICLE,
SIR,—The interest you feel in the welfare of the labouring
classes will, I am sure, render unnecessary any apology for
troubling you with this communication.
I wish to draw your attention to the low price of wages at
present paid to the agricultural labourers in the south-western
counties (especially), in the hope that through your instru-
mentality something may be done to induce a better state of
things.
The average price of wages to an able-bodied man in those
parts is Bs. per week ; in some instances it is less, in a few
more ; but Bs. is the average. Now, when you consider the
high price of every article required by the poor man, you will,
I am certain, be satisfied that the above suns is barely sufficient
to save him from starvation.
lam much among the poor—l know them well ; and in
justice to them I must be allowed to say that their conduct
under their deprivations is most exemplary. They wish to
live peaceably ; they are only anxious to obtain a fair remune-
ration for their labour, and this they deserve, but they have it
not. The cord is being stretched too tightly, and, if perse-
vered in, the worst of consequences must ensue.
Not to waste your columns, I will give you but one example
of the state to which the labouring population are reduced—it
is not a picked case, but a fair specimen of the mass. Wages,
Bs. per week. Expenditure : rent (say), 9d. per week ;
fuel is. 6d. ; soap, candles, &c., 9d. ; leaving ss. for food.*
Now, taking the family to consist of a man, his wife, and four
children (and I think the average number may be somewhat
beyond this), we see that it is just 10d. a-week for each ; or,
allowing them food three times a day, it will give something
less than one half-penny each meal. Think, Mr. Editor, one
moment on the price of wheat at the present time, I ls. 6d. a
bushel, or Is. sid. a gallon, and you will perceive that the
whole amount of these wages, without allowing one farthing
for anything beside, is not enough to supply a sufficiency of the
staff of life.
Under these circumstances, would you be surprised if you
heard of riots, robberies, and burnings ? You ought nut.
Do, I entreat you, employ your powerful pen in advocating
the cause of the starving rural population.
If you ask me who are the persons most to be blamed in
this matter? I unhesitatingly answer, the farmers ; and if you
will attend one moment, you will perceive it to be so. Wheat
is now very nearly double the price it was three years since;
the rents are the same—the crops this year (in these parts at
least) unusually good—stock increased in value—poor rates
diminished—everything, in fact, assisting to put money into
the farmer's pocket ; and yet the unfortunate labourer, through
whose instrumentality nearly all these benefits are effected, is
left to eke out his existence on Bs. per week.
The new Poor-law, I am sorry to be obliged to confess, very
materially assists the farmer in keeping down the price of la-
bour ; this a contrary result to that which was anticipated by
the framers and supporters of that measure ; and I am well
satisfied that the individuals who propounded the Poor-law
were actuated by the best of motives—by a sincere desire to
ameliorate the condition of the poor, as well as lessen the
burden on property—and my own opinion is, that the ultimate
effect of the Bill will be good. At present, however, it has
an undoubted tendency to diminish the price of labour.
The grand principle of the Poor-law is: that no relief shall
be afforded to the able-bodied labourer. Mark the conse-
quence of this. The man has eight shillings a week ; he
knows that will barely keep him from starving—he asks for
more; he is told that if not satisfied he may seek employment
elsewhere ; but that is impracticable ; while he is hunting for
work his family would starve ; his only alternative is the
Union-house, but even this, if possible, places him in a worse
condition—it involves the necessity of giving up his cottage
and getting rid of his furniture, and then he no sooner takes
OBSERVER'willingto
up his abode in the house than some of the farmers, who
chance to be Guardians, are sure to offer him work (rather
than support him in the workhouse), and out he comes again
to labour at his old wages or less, with the slight additional
misfortune of having lost what scanty furniture he before pos-
sessed.
Sir, knows the power the Poor-law has
The farmer,
given him, and he takgesraadnurjyusatnadov
ja.undtaicgieouoslfyiti;ntarnoddutcheuds,
a measure which, if .
would be a benefit to all, is made. an instrument of oppression.
If I did not fear trespassing fwuratyhserinonvvyhoicuhr vtahlueabflaermcoe_r
lumns, I could point out several
could benefit his men, and render
uthreamttecnotmiofnorttoabtlheeangdrehaatpdpeys.-
I only wish, however, to direct yo . .
titution of the labouring populatiohneincutlhtitsvaptaorrt ofof thtielecosuoniltrtyo,
in the hope that you may induce t
consider the tendency of his conduct, before
it in a manner that will lead him to regret 11:vinsgrepinlaiyneddedthoef
tyrant so long.
Wiltshire. AN
aot
" I have taken no notice of clothing, because
I allow the little
make matters appear worse than they are.
extra m.ney they earn at harvest sufficient for this purpose.
u
The speech of the King of the Belgians on
the
opening of the session of the Legislature, on Tuesday!
last, appears in another part of our paper. In the actual
position of the negotiation for the settlement of the diffe-
-411474'N, fences between' the two kingdoms of the Netherlands,
4.-litisr" h was fully and accurately described in the Morning
.:ii.---Arty ~ •. of Monday, any public declaration relating to that
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