The Sun.
London, England, 1836-08-06 00:00:00

TREASURER OF THE NAVY.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM, before the House went into
Committee of Supply, wished to ask a question of the Go-
vernment. Towards the end of last Session cer-
tain resolutions had been come to, for the purpose
of consolidating the offices of Treasurer of the Navy,
Paymaster of the Army, and Master of the Ordnance.
They had now arrived at the last day of Supply, and he had
seen the Navy and Army Estimates, in which all pro-
visions for these offices was omitted ; and what he wished,
therefore, to ask was, whether those regulations were pre•
pared, whether any estimate was to be submitted to the
House, whether the money had been paid on the sth of
July, and if paid, out of what fund ?
Mr. BARING, who was very indistinctly heard, said
that the resolutions to which the Right Hon. Baronet
referred, required very great consideration ; but he
believed they were in such a state of preparation
as would enable them to be shortly submitted to the House.
With respect to the payment of the salaries it was quite
true that in accordance with the resolutions they bad been
suspended, but as under the circumstances these resolutions
had not been carried into effect, the proper course would be
to submit a separate vote for the payment of those salaries.
Sir J. GRAHAM thought it would be very irregular to
pay money without a regular vote of that House ; at the
same time be must say that the postponement of these
salaries would be a monstrous proceeding when it was no
fault of the parties. He regretted that these regulations
had not beed laid upon the table, and he would add
that he should be sorry to see the office of Treasurer
of the Navy abolished, as it had been in his opinion an ex-
tremely well-conducted one.
CORPORATE PROPERTY (IRELAND).

The report of the Committee on the Corporate Property
(Ireland) Bill was further considered.
TEXAS.

The Order of the Day for the House going into a Com-
mittee of Supply having been read,
Mr. B. HOY rose to move an address to the King re-
specting the trade in slaves in the Texas. If the House
favoured him with its attention, he promised that he would
not detain them long. The question was a very important
one to this country, as we had there property to the amount
of not less than seventy millions of dollars. The Texas had
already been dissevered from Mexico, and might fall along
with the islands of Porto Rico into . the bands of the
United States. Ile had before asked whether the Texas
would not be bound by the treaties into which she entered,
when forming part of the Mexican territory, relative to the
slave trade ; and the Noble Lord (Palmerston) then an-
swered, that if the Texas remained after the conclu-
sion of the war part of Meiico, she would be bound by
the treaties entered into with this country at that time.
But he had the opinion of the Noble Lord on another point
to quote as a precedent in this case. The Noble Lord, in
answer to a question from him had stated that Holland was
bound by all the treaties made by her when joined to Bel-
gium, after the separation of the two countries. The war going
on then was not a war of independence or for.liberty—it was
a war for slavery, and the Texas had been most unjustly.
assisted by the Southern States of the American UniOn.
He should be able to prove all this, but he was anxious
not to weary the House with long extracts ; he would,
however, trouble them with a few. The Hon. Member then
read several documents to show, that it was the intention of
the Americans to take the part of the Texians, and by that
means overpower the Mexicans. Now what, he would
ask, was the object of that ? Why, an expectation on the
part of America of the annexation of that State with
the Union.—(Hear, hear.) The last State that joined
itself with the Union did so on the basis of doing
as it pleased in respect of slavery, and he had
not any doubt if the Texiani and the Americans were
united they would carry on the slave trade. The Noble
Lord would perhaps tell him whether he had not within the
last ten days had applications from the Mexican Govern-
ment, requesting the Government of this country to rem on-
strate with the American Government on its gross violation
of treaties. The Hon. Member then read several extracts
for the purpose of showing that the American Government
was favourable to the Slave Trade. It would be for the
country to consider whether, after the enormous sums they
were expending, and had expended, in putting down the
slave trade, and abolishing slavery, they were prepared to
act. so as to render this expense wholly useless—to retreat
from that position in which as a nation they had taken the lead
in abolishing slavery—whether they were prepared to give
up all those advantages, and that position, and to allow
slavery to take a deep root, when they had the power and
the right of interference and suppression. The annual
expense to Great Britain for the abolition of slavery was
for the settlement at Sierra Leone 40,69.51.—(Hear.)
For the support of captured negroes 25,0001., and
for the mixed Commissionsi 16,0001. There were also
twelve vessels of war employed on the coast of Africa.
The whole of the expenditure, including the interest of the
money, would amount to a sum of 1,100,0001. per an-
num, calculating the interest at per cent. The way the
Slave Trade was carried on was worthy of remark. A
quantity of vessels left Cuba 'for the coast of Africa—the
number of which had increased rapidly. In 1833 there
were 30 vessels ; in 1834, there were 60 vessels, and in 1835
there were more than 80 vessels engaged from Cuba alone.
The greater part of those slaves he had no doubt went to
Texas ; and a calculation had been made that at least
13,000 slaves annually had been introduced either
directly into Texas or into the immediate neighbourhood,
which he considered to be a gross violation of the treaty with
Mexico. If the Government of the United States got into
possession of Mexico, there could be no doubt that America
would establish great and important commercial power.
She would then have the finest mercantile position in the
world. There could be no doubt also that she would then
get possession of mining districts, which would be of
immense value—not less than 30,000,000 dollars being
taken from one mine alone annually. Unless Mexico
was assisted by this country, she would be weakened
to that degree, that she would fall an easy
prey to the ambition of the United States.
He therefore called on the House to agree to an
address to the Crown, praying his Majesty would take
such measures as to him might seem proper for the fulfil-
ment of the existing treaty with Mexico. He would ask
whether this country was not bound to remonstrate in
a friendly manner.with the-United States? He would go
further, and maintain that it was our duty to have bad a
naval force to protect the Mexicans and prevent the
aggressions on the part of the United States. The
Americans, by debts, much exaggerated 'no doubt,
had got the Floridas and the State of Louisiana
ceded to them. As Spain was now getting largely
into our debt, he did not see that we could do better than
take possession of Cuba and Porto Rico. He would
not trouble the House with any more extracts, for he thought
he had made out a complete case for his motion, and he
claimed the support of all who were sincere in their desire
for the abolition of slavery.

Mr. WARD seconded the motion. Hon. Members
might not, perhaps, be aware of the great importance
of Texas to the intercourse of this country with Mexico ; it had
perhaps, one of the finest coasts in the world for commerce.
The American Government had long fixed its eyes on
Texas, and they had latterly poured a large population
into that country, in order, if possible, to secure posses-
sion of it.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Finding, however,
they were defeated in obtaining it by that means, they
had taken advantage of the ate political disturbances
in Mexico to endeavour, if possible, to obtain it.
He referred to the report of the Committee. of foreign
relations. of the United States, to show a desire on the
part of the States to recognise the independence of Texas.
There were two points to be considered in the discussion of
this question. The first was of general importance—
namely, whether it was advisable, considering the nature and
extent of our foreign relations with Mexico, to allow the
United States to extend their territories to the south by
taking possession of Texas ; and another consideration was
one of humanity, for he was sure that no person, who was
acquainted with the evils and miseries of the slavery that
existed in the southern States of the Union, could desire
to inflict the same upon human beings, or allow the system
to be extended to Texas. There was a great struggle
going on in the United States between the slave-holding
States and the non-slave-holding States. The parties were
nearly balanced, but if the state of Texas was an-
nexed to the United States, the slave-holding States would
be by far the most powerful. He could not help
observing that the existence of Slavery was the most degad-
ing feature in the whole system of the United States.
A message from the Lords here brought up the Marriage
Bill, as amended by their Lordships. The amendments
were ordered to be printed.
Lord PALMERSTON would say, in the beginning of
his observations, that he did not feel himself at liberty to

UMDAY, AUGUST 6 1836.

agree to the proposal for an address ; but he trusted that
neither the Hon. Member (Mr. B. Hoy) nor the House would
imagine that this was any proof that he did not feel the deep
importance of the subject, or that the Government were not
as much animated as the Hon. Member by a sincere desire
to put an end to the evils to which mainly the address related.
The observations that had been made by the Hon. Member
opposite (Mr. Hoy) and his Hon. Friend behind him (Mr.
Ward) divided themselves into two branches, the one relating
to the political part of the question ; the other relating
to the trade with slaves. With regard to the former, un-
doubtedly the possibility that the province of the State of
Texes might be added to the United States of North
America, would be a subject which ought seriously
to engage the attention of the House and the Govern-
ment ; but he (Lord Palmerston) did not think the
events which bad as yet occurred afforded any
ground for thinking, there was at present any such
probability of that kind as to call on the House
to address the Crown, with reference to such a 'ilea=
sure. The state of Texas at present was this, that
a revolt having taken place in that province, the Mexi-
can army had been dispatched, for the purpose of putting
that revolt down. But it would be premature to infer,
from what had taken place, what would be the ulti-
mate issue of the civil war now going on in that pro-
vince.—(Hear, hear.) It was possible that the resis-
tance of the people of Texas might prevail against the
authorities of Mexico, but the Government of Mexico was
preparing, according to the latest advices, to make fresh
efforts to reinforce their army ; and therefore the House
was not then in a condition to infer from any thing that had
passed what would be the probable result of the conflict ?
—(Hear, hear.) As regarded the Government of the
United States in this affair, there had, however, been much
misapprehension in the minds of the Hon. Members. Al-
though it was true that, as had been stated, individuals in
States bordering on the Texas had (riven assistance to the
revolted population, vet, on the other hand, the Govern-
ment of the United States had, in the message to Congress
at the beginning of the session, intimated their desire that
there should be no interference in the affairs of Texas, and
expressed its determination that the laws of the Union
should be enforced. He (Lord Palmerston) had too high
an opinion of the honour and good faith of the American
Government not to believe that they would act up to their
intention ; and he therefore thought that fresh circum-
stances must arise before the House would be justified in
sending any address to his Majesty for a remonstrance
with the United States. So much for the political consi-
derations involved in the question. He now came to that
branch of the subject which related to the slave trade. It
had been observed by the Honourable Gentleman that in
the correspondence between the Governments and our
agents abroad, which had been laid on the table of the
House, nothing appeared bearing upon the trade in
slaves supposed to exist in Texas. That was quite
true, and the explanation of the circumstance was,
that we had had no agent in Texas, and that he (Lord
Palmerston) had heard only lately from the Minister
at Mexico on the subject. Now it would certainly be an
evil greatly to be deplored if, in the course of the civil war
between Texas and Mexico, the slave trade should be re-
newed ; and should such an event take place, and should
the House then be of opinion that the Government exhi-
bited an indifference to the subject, he (Lord Palmerston)
would not be found opposing the just admonition which the
Government would call down upon them. One of three
results must come from the present struggle. Either the
Mexicans !Lust conquer, and then the laws of that State
would again apply to Texas ; or it would become an inde-
pendent State ; or it would be united with the North Am-
erican Union. With reference to the first, it was obvious
that while the Mexican authority was still disputed in
Texas the enforcement of their laws would be of no avail.
In the second care, should the Texians establish their in-
dependence it would then be for Great Britain to enter into
the necessary stipulations with them as a separate State, for
the suppression and prevention of the Slave Trade. Should
the third ease he had supposed be established—should Texas,
in the progress of events, at a future and distant time, be-
come an integral portion of the United States—there would
then certainly be some danger of the introduction of slaves
into Texas. But the importation would certainly not be
from the coast of Africa, or from our own West India
islands ; it would only be from Cuba or other islands, simi-
larly situated in the West Indies. Now, as regarded Cuba,
a negotiation was at present on foot with Spain, which
he hoped would be productive of a beneficial result. Eng-
land had some years ago persuaded the Government of
France to enter into a treaty by which was conceded a
mutual right of search of vessels engaged in the colonial
trade, which had been productive of the best; results. Be-
fore that treaty the slave trade was carried on under that
flag to the most enormous extent ; but since then not a
single ship had been detected under that flag engaged in
that abominable traffic. Arrangements had also been
lately entered into as a basis for a similar treaty with the
Government of Spain in the expectation of attaining the
same happy results ; but the unsettled state o f that coun-
try and its changes of Administrations had hitherto inter-
fered to prevent the completion of the treaty. He trusted,
however, that the provisions of the treaty 'with France,
when adopted and put into operation by Spain, would be
found equall) effectual, and that then both the enormous
slave trade of Cuba and the minor slabdivision of it which
was carried into Texas, would be finally pu.t an end to.
Great, however, as was the extent of the traffic carried on
under the flags of France and Spain, the trade: sheltered by
that of Portugal was still more active and extensive.
Hardly a week passed that he did not receive reports, one
more distressing than another, of violations of the rights of
humanity, under the sanction of the authority of Portugal.
He was, however, happy to state that a treaty like that en-
tered into with France and Spain had been prepared between
this country and Portugal, and he expected before a few
weeks had passed that it would be signed and in operation.
The slave trade carried on under the flag ofWßrazil yet
seemed to defy the attempts of European Povrers to suppress
it ; but that Government had entered into an agreement
and signed a consent for the adoption of two stipulations
from which he expected considerable advantage to accrue to
the cause of abolition. These were termed the " breaking-
up" and " equipment" articles, and provided that any ves-
sels detected in the act of fitting out for the African slave
trade should be broken up on the coast, tend sold as old
timber. When these two articles were brought into opera-
tion, England would have all the maritime flags in any way
concerned in the slave traffic allied with her in enforcing
its abolition.—(Hear.) But he went still further, and had
entered into negotiations by which he hop ad to speedily
attain the assent of Russia, Prussia, and A.ustria, also to
the stipulatiOns of the treaty • already signed. between Eng-
land and France.—(Hear.) He proposed, exe the rising of
Parliament, to bring in a short Bill to enablo. the Govern-
ment to complete the treaties they contemplated during the
recess. He hoped to have some of those treaties ready
soon after the recess ; but as they would require the sanc-
tion of Parliament to give them validity, lie would only
propose in the present Bill to authorise their enactment for
a limited time—say till early next session.—(Hear, hear.)
In conclusion he trusted the Hon. Member would feel the
propriety of withdrawing his motion.
Mr. F. BUXTON heartily concurred in the soundness
of the Noble Lord's policy. He felt that tkie insurrection
of the Texians was the work of the slave-osvners. They
only were interested. It was not a war of glory, of free-
dom, of territory, but engaged in and encouraged that the
planters of the southern States of the Union might have
a market for slaves through the agency of Brazil and
Cuba. The sacrifices this country had made, and was
ready to make, would be all undone if the North American
slave-holders got possession of Texas.
Mr. B. HOY would not press his motion, to a division.
He had only brought it forward in consequence of the
strong expression of public opinion which called for the
interposition of the British Government.
Mr. Hume, Sir F. Trench, Sir J. R. Reid, Mr. Ward,
and Colonel Thompson, briefly spoke in approbation of the
policy of the Noble Lord.
Dr. LUSHINGTON said that the course this country
ought to pursue towards Texas was already determined
by treaties both with Mexico and the United States. He
felt that if the slave-holders of the southern "United States
attempted to import slaves from Cuba over land to Texas,
the British Government would be fully justified by the
spirit of their treaty in appealing to the Government of the
United States to afford their practical suppo;rt to a princi-
ple which they could not abandon without the greatest dis-
grace to themselves.
After a few words from Dr. BO WRINCr, who denied
that there was virtue enough in the United States to op-
pose a union with the slave State of Texas, if it became in-
dependent,
The motion was withdrawn.
HALF-PAY OFFICERS.
Sir E. CODRINGTON rose to move for a return of
all officers, of whatever rank, who have been, deprived of
their half-pay without their consent, or the investigation of
a Court-martial, from 1790 up to the present period, with
the alleged reasons for such deprivation ; also a return of
any person whose half-pay has been restored to them sub-
sequently to such deprivation, with the allegeCi reasons for
such restoration.

Sir F. TRENCH stated his determination to oppose the
motion. He would never consent to see the army go-
verned by the House of Commons.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. C. WOOD was decidedly opposed to such a mo-
tion, as it was calculated to injure the service moiterially. If
the Hon. and Gallant Member thought that any particular
individual in the list of the dismissed half-pay officers was
really aggrieved let him bring the case before the House,
and he (Mr. Wood) would undertake to give him every in-
formation the nature of the case admitted of.—(Hear.)
Sir S. WH ALLEY hoped the Hon. Member would not
press his motion.
Mr. HUM supported the motion.

Sir C. B. VERE objected to any attempt to place the
army and navy more under the control of the House than
at present.
Admiral ADAM concurred with the Secretary of the
Admiralty.
Sir T. TROUBRIDGE objected to the motion.
Sir E. CODRINGTON would withdraw the motion,
with the intention of bringing it forward in a more confined
shape, viz., merely a return of those cases wherein the par-
ties themselves were anxious to have it made.

Mr. C. WOOD objected to the withdrawal of the mo-
tion, which was negatived accordingly.
The SPEAKER then put the question, that he should
then leave the Chair, upon which a discussion arose, Mr.
Maclean and Mr. Walter both claiming to bring forward
their motions, and the Speaker declaring that it would be
out of order to do so.
Mr. WALTER then made some observations on the
disadvantages attending the emigration of females to Aus-
tralia, and expressed a hope that all further female emigra-
tion to that colony would be discouraged.
Sir G. GREY complained of the inconvenience of bring-
ing on questions of this kind, contrary to the rules of the
House, and would not, therefore, make one single observa-
tion in reply. _ .

SPAIN.

Mr. MACLEAN—My intention was to have submitted
to the House a motion for a return of the number of men
and marines now serving upon the coast of Spain, as well
as the number of ships employed there, that we may know
how far the treaty has been maintained or infringed in so
doing, for the Government has thought proper to send out
600 or 700 marines in addition to those already on the sta-
tion, who, although nominally attached to the Castor, have
all of them been acting on shore, which, of course, must
entail a greater expense upon this country than if
they had continued on board the vessel to which they are
attached afloat, or if they had remained in garrison, as they
have hitherto been, at Portsmouth. Upon this ground
alone, therefore, there is a grievance to be remedied to
which I am justly entitled to call the attention of the
House previous to going into a Committee of Finance. Since
the period at which I submitted a motion to the House on
this subject, we have received much increased information
relative to affairs in the northern parts of Spain, from which
certainly it would appear that our intervention has exceeded
the limits of the treaty, and has ended, too, in nothing but
disappointment, both to this country, and to the parties
more immediately engaged in it. Let us look fora moment
at the stipulations on it.—(Cheers.) The original
object of the treaty, I presume, was to eject Don Carlos
from Portugal. What are now called the additional articles
at that time had no existence. They were not added to the
treaty until he had gone to Spain, and succeeded in taking
up that, as it seems, impregnable position which has served
him hitherto as a barrier, behind which lie has been able to
bid defiance to the united armies of England and Spain.
We stipulated in the additional articles, when they were
added, that ours should siniply be a naval intervention, and
it seems to have entailed upon this country an expense of
an almost unlimited nature, for where are the limits ? We
have increased our naval force on both sides of the Penin-
sula, and what at last is the object of this intervention ?
It is to prevent any supplies from reaching Don Carlos
from the sea, on the supposition that, but for our increased
force, he might make himself master of some of the
ports on this side of the Peninsula—the King of France
on his part guaranteeing to prevent the transit of stores or
ammunition by the passes of the Pyrenees. Notwithstand-
ing all this, I believe it is beyond a doubt that Don Carlos
has received supplies from that source.—(Cheers.) Now,
I put it to the House whether, having sent such a force as
this, it is consistent with the terms of the treaty that they
should be permitted to be used ashore, under the directions
of General Evans, when they happen to be inoperative at
sea? We might send out, if this is the case, under the
name of naval assistance, every division of our marine
force—the whole of the ten thousand men of that gallant
corps might be nominally attached to a ten-gun brig, and
landed, to be employed in defending the military entrench-
ments under the command of General Evans, or any other
commanding officer of the Queen's troops, and the country
may still be told that the men sent out in our steam-boats
are under the command of Lord John Hay, assisting as a
naval force, while in truth they are landed on the coast,
and placed as a military force under the command of Lieut.
Colonel Evans ; and England may be told that we are still
acting under the terms of the treaty. It may be said that
they are used strictly as a naval force ; but it is well known
that they were present both at St. Sebastian and at Fon-
tarabia, acting as an infantry corps ; and what is to pre-
vent their being used in the same manner in an attack
upon Durango, or any other place in the interior of the
country ?—(Cheers.) Will the Noble Lord say that this
is not a virtual infraction of the treaty, by which we
are bound to succour the Queen of Spain by the interven-
tion of a simple naval force ? The Emperor of Russia
and King of Prussia, together with the Kings of Naples
and Holland, have not made themselves parties to any such
proceeding ; they have not recognised the authority of
Queen Isabella—they are not at war with Don Carlos. Is
the King of Great Britain at war with him ?—(Cheers.)
The question has been several times put in this House,
and it has never yet been answered. You talk of the
bloodthirsty decree of Durango, and no one can be more
indignant at such an atrocity than myself; no language
can convey the execration I would pour on such a fiendish
declaration as that was.--(Cheers.) But who set him the
example ? Who, but the allies of his Majesty the King of
Great Britain, a circumstance which of itself would form
a sufficient excuse to his Majesty's Government for with-
drawing from the unfortunate treaty into which we had
entered. It was meant to be acted on by men of honour.
—(Hear, hear, hear.) But, Sir, I was touching on a
point relative to Russia and Prussia. They are not at
war with the mountain Chief, but the Queen of Spain is.
We are, as it has been said before, quasi belligerents, we
are quasi at war—(Hear, hear)—but not according to the
usual principle of belligerents. What is the meaning of all
this mystery ? Are we prepared, as allies of the Queen of
Spain, to tell Austria, Russia, and Holland, that they shall
not trade with those ports which may be in the hands of
Don Carlos ?—(Cheers.) Because, if we are not, in what
position shall we be placed ? Our vessels which are sent to
prevent supplies from reaching Don Carlos will be inefficient
for the purpose, unless we are prepared to make a declara-
tion of war against those Powers, in case they attempt to
enter into commercial relations with Don Carlos.—(Hear.)
They have a right to enter into communication with the
insurgents, if you like to call them so ; and what will be
the conduct of Great Britain under these circumstances ?
Suppose during the contest, which I believe to be unrivalled
since the sanguinary but not more murderous contest of the
Theban Brothers—suppose the Continental Powers who
have not signed the treaty were to acknowledge Don
Carlos, what line of policy is the Noble Lord prepared to
pursue ? Every difficulty which may arise would have been
avoided if we had never affixed the seal of Britain to
the unfortunate document I have mentioned. Had we
not intervened in this fiery struggle until we were called
upon to do so by a position of affairs disgraceful to
humanity, we might then have justified our interposition
by a plea that would have been met by the applauses of
civilized Europe. I remember, on a former occasion, I lis-
tened with great attention to the speech made by the Noble
Lord, fraught with that courtesy and generous and gentle-
manlike urbanity which is the characteristic of the Noble
Lord. He said we had interfered with Greece and Bel-
gium, and he asked us to contemplate the blessings we had
poured on those countries.—( Hear, hear.) Is he satisfied,
let me ask, with those we have showered upon Greece 2
(Cheers.) Have we not had a nation recently before us,
which exhibited the bankrupt nature of its financial posi-
tion ?—(Hear, hear.) Are we content with the mode in
which they have husbanded their pecuniary resources ? I
will not enter into the question of Belgium, nor the feel-
ings I entertain of the efforts of the great Powers to stop
the effusion of human blood. We stopped the murder-
ous career of Mahomet Ali. Ido not mean to say that
your subsequent negotiations may not at any time ruin
your previously sagacious and praiseworthy efforts. But
look to the force of the Carlists ; are they now an obscure
body of soldiers—a mere band of mountain insurgents.
You have given them credit for personal bravery ; you
have deemed them worthy of consideration by the evidence
you yourselves have given of the efficiency of the attack,
and the credit you claim from it. General Evans himself
endeavoured to animate his own troops by the example of
the enemy. Now, Sir, one word upon the reconnoissance
en force, of which we have heard so much, before Ponta-
rabia.--(Hear, hear.) I own I know little of these military
manoeuvres ; but this at least seems evident, that if it was
a reconnoissance en force it was likewise a retreat en force.
—(A laugh.) Of that there is no dispute on any side.
But assuredly it was a very close examination of the place
—(A laugh)—with, I imagine, the intention of taking it
if possible. The General evinced great anxiety to make
himself master of the town, and, not having done so, I
must own is entitled to the credit of retreating in very sol-
dier-like order—with the sacrifice of some portion, it is
true, of his men and his provisions. But why were we
kept in a state of darkness as to whether his Majesty lost
any of his troops in this affair?—(Hear, hear.) I have re-
ceived a communication from Behobia, in which the writer,
a man of undoubted veracity and character, says that he
was a witness of that scene, in conjunction with the French
officers from Bayonne ; and he states, in emphatic language,
that it nearly broke his heart to listen to the jeers with
which that retreat was accompanied by those spectators.
—( Hear, hear.) I regret to see that smile from a Gallant
Member opposite. He, doubtless, knows from experience
the rapture of victory—doubtless, he has never known the
pain of .defeat.—(Cheers.) Now, what in truth has been
the effect of this intervention ? We have poured out our
blood and treasure—have they strengthened the cause of
the Queen ? Has it not rather exhibited the real weak-
ness of her position. Have we not within these few days

been informed that the advances of the Carlists have been
so rapid as even to disquiet the solitudes of La Granja
What are you prepared to do ?—(Hear.) Will you send
more marines ?—(Hear, hear.) Are they to act at a distance
from the coast ? If so, where is the virtue of your treaty?
—(Hear.) Now, let me allude to an order recently issued
by General Evans, relating to the application of the punish-
ment of death to British subjects. There arc several ver-
sions of that document. But what. right is there vested rn
General Evans to affix the penalty of death to any individual
serving with Don Carlos ? The Act of Parliament (the
Foreign Enlistment Act) makes it a misdemeanor. Gene-
ral Evans makes it a capital offence—death, forsooth, maY+
if he pleases, be the penalty he chooses to dispense to those
taken in arms ; but will he follow the atrocious example
he so strongly deprecates in others ? Will he seize the
sword of vengeance to perpetrate a deed of massacre on
his fellow-countrymen in arms ?—(Cheers.) Surely there
should have been some communication from the Govern-
ment of this country to that General, showing him that in
this country we understand no such principle as he has pro•
mulgated.—(Hear, hear.) If we refer to the history of
the country, how stands the claim of Don Carlos? A 5
the law originally stood I own that the Queen might
have succeeded to the Throne ; that was altered to
the Salic law, which has been from that period the
rule of the monarchy. Ferdinand repealed that law
on the persuasion of one who seldom pleaded in vain,
the fair and fond partner of his Throne. But is there
not, on the face of the transaction, something that is
un-
fair to Don Carlos ? He conducted himself at Madrid as
a faithful subject of his blether. He entered into no in-
trigue. He withdrew to Portugal. It is true he claims
the Throne as the legitimate successor of the Bourbons,
and he came into Biscay saying—" I am here not only as
your Monarch, but as the vindicator of those invaluable
and constitutional rights of which you are robbed by the
decrees of the Queen's Government.e—( Hear, hear.) They
combat, then, under such a leader with the fervour of men
who have dear-born rights to vindicate of their own, as
well as the hereditary privileges of the King that they
adore.—( Hear.) Do you expect to drive him from his
mountain fastnesses by your war-vessels and your marines'
As an effective force it is ridiculous—(Hear, hear)—but;
as it affects the moral greatness of this country, it is,
fear, of no mean magnitude. You will combat without
effect—you may be forced at last to withdraw with disho-
nour.—(Hear, hear.) We were told that Mendizabal Was
to prove the miracle of prosperity ; he was to turn the PO-
tolus of Spain into the Royal Treasury ; the troops were t°
be paid by the money of those who declined to be bellioe'
rents ; an army of one hundred thousand men was to be
raised, two-thirds of whom were to be an army of reserve.
Where is it ?—(Hear, hear)—where is the boasted reple"
ton of the Treasury ? Those who did not join the ea'
scription were to be personified by a pecuniary represents'
tion quite as agreeable perhaps in all probability as the eel'
poral presence.—(A laugh.) But Mendizabal has vanished
—the same breath that made him has unmade him, and
the same intrigue of the Camarillo which raised him t°
that eminence laid his greatness prostrate by its influence.---
(Hear, hear.) Matters are more desperate at Madrid ,
than ever. But if Don Carlos comes to the Throne where
will be your loans—where will be your security for the
advances you have made under the treaty? Surely those
persons, not only at home but abroad, who have embarked
their money in the advances of those wars have a strorg
claim on your attention. If the Noble Lord will make
advances to the Powers of Europe, he may then pursue
a course which will throw the protection of their influence
and our own over those important transactions. Let
the Noble Lord make an effort. If Don Carlos proceeds
as he has hitherto done he may reach Madrid.—(Hear'
hear.) How then, do you imagine, will he treat those
who have supplied the instruments of war to those who
1
were the enemies of his Throne, although it may be said
in truth that, in administering those weapons to his foes, wa
have in reality armed his followers—(Hear, hear)—for it
is notorious that the muskets of Carlism bear the sate'
factory indication of British manufacture ?—(Hear, hear)
You have strengthened his arm, and you have encumbered
his enemies, your allies, by your assistance. This is Cl,
done toe, for a Liberal Government--(Hear)—a Govern'
ment which does not hesitate to transport your unoffendicg
subjects in the dead of the night, without appeal, without an
hearing, or a reason, to the frontiers of their country, hei
cause, forsooth, they use the privilege of Englishmen, an
are imprudent enough to speak the truth of what they have
witnessed in the capital. The Government is a liberal Go-
vernment—the Queen is a liberal Sovereign—the Ministers
are paragons of liberality ; yet such is their conduct to the
subjects of their ally, the King of Great Britain.—(Cheers.)
Mr. POULTER defended the conduct of the Govern'
ment, and said that they were bound by the treaty that
existed to do all in their power to put an end to the war'
and pacify Spain. If they failed to do this, the treaty
would be a mere nullity. He denied that Don Carl°
could be treated as King of Spain. He was nothing mil
than an invader, and should be so regarded. Much nu
been said of the order of General Evans. That order teas
a mere admonition or advice to those English subjects who,
by joining the ranks of Don Carlos, were guilty of treason.
There would be no doubt of the result of the contest were
it not for the disgraceful conduct of General Cordova. l'Ae
hoped that most ungallant person would be soon dismissed'
Dr. BOWRING said no Government had been yet
established in Spain that had won the affections of the
people. They were all, down to the Government of Wit.
dizabal, overthrown one after the other. *The elective
principle must be extended. The late Minister of Spars
informed him that he represented only 17 persons.
Mr. T. ATTWOOD said the insurrection might Wet
been put down in any one month of the last four years; bit
the fact was, that Cordova or the other Spanish Genercr,
did not wish to put it down. What they wanted was Frac;
intervention, and to play over again the same game that nra
played in 1823.
Mr. G. PRICE said he was most anxious that this
question should be brought on before the prorogation °e
Parliament. It was one of the highest importance to th f
people of England. He was taunted before with want of
information on the affairs of Spain. He bad, bowel
read her history most attentively, and diligently watch%
all the proceedings since 1812. No man felt more ansinud
that the elements of a free Government should be foa°o
to exist there. That, however, was not the case.
clergy did not desire a free Government, and the gent,
were attached to their ancient institutions. Spain, I
fact, possessed no elements of a constitutional Gover:
ment. They could not be forced at once upon a people;
they must grow up by slow degrees. It was int,/
sible for him to forget the 24th of June last, when tbej,,
were told by the Noble Lord (Palmerston) that Spain, w"
the exception of one province, was quiet, and. devoted to
the Queen. The Noble Lord did not understand the all;
ratter of the people of Spain when be signed the Quadrulle
Treaty, or he never would have done so. It was said the
people of the Basque provinces rose in rebellion becau'r
they ware deprived of their ancient privileges. Before Ole
those privileges were taken away, there were 50,000 ineo
in arms the moment they heard that Don Carlos was ef,
eluded from the Throne. He thanked God that all the prue
vinces of Spain were now ripe for insurrection in the ccusj
of Don Carlos. Cabrera was active and enterprising,stib ailt
while he must express horror at some of his acts, a
was but justice to say that they were provoked by 5,,
more horrible atrocities. Gomez bad traversed tig
Asturias unmolested and unopposed, and was now on le.
way to Gallicia, not meeting interruption from the peoli3o
There was no such thingway
not a democracy in Spain. It ae
not possible to look at Spain as it now stood, and not 0)5
that the interference of England in its domestic concerer
had by no means added anything to the national charact,„
of the country. England—or the Government rather ,
had not pursued a bold, manly, straightforward line--na'r:
it had not even acted with masculine vice.--(Hear, ljeae
and laughter.) They had sought to settle matters by t!,
force of moral influence ; but that of this country had still as
so low since the Noble Lord opposite came into office
not to be of any avail.—(Hear, and laughter.)
Lord PALMERSTON said that the debate said snriiii;
thing of the desultary character attributed to the War to
Spain ; because if the Carlists scampered from provincepo
province, as had been described, Hon. Members were
less discursive in the various topics which they touched e°6.
during its continuance. While Hon. Members, howevary
were so employed, the Government stood with their treasoo
empty, anxiously waiting for a supply.—(Laughter.2 roe
Hon. and Learned Gentleman contended that the tinivilevle
ment had not complied with the spirit of the Quaurili-
Treaty, but had gone beyond it by rendering assistance w-did
out its limits. He had also contended that the treaty rd
not expel Don Carlos from Spain': These assertions he (mdrir
Palmerston) denied altogether. The object of the QUO the
pleTreaty was the pacification of the Peninsula—that wallop
fundamental basis of it. At the time it was concluded 1, at
Carlos was in Portugal, and it was only subsequentlY of
he passed through England to the northern c
provinee;in,
Spain. The treaty did not of course expel him from the
because he was not in it then ; but as the pacification n` his
country was its object there could be no doubt tha oty
expulsion came within its true interpretation. The tx.ghat
was to furnish the Queen with arms and ammunition. Go'
had been done—no more. It was charged against theooel
vernment by the Hon. and Learned Member that Wore
had been sent. It was not the case. Arms, which west
money's worth, had been sent, and the demand for Pay
e,
had been postponed ; but when it was said that ball oes
lion was sent to Spain the difference between 014 seer,
and hard coin had been forgetton. It was not, hric001(1
though money's worth, that sort of assistance whic`i.obeict
justify the Hon. Member in saying that if it were witleato
the Government of the country would have been ena,",3tle
relieve the people of oppressive taxes. The Hon. I:,,rineo
man had urged the case of the employment of the 0:;000
on the attention of the House, but the Hon. GeT oor
had, by quoting the motto of that force, furnishe

gument against himself. He had shewn by that, that in
serving on land as well as at sea they were not in the
slightest degree departing from the strict line of their
He (Lord Palmerston) could not answer the
Honourable Gentleman's question as to the precise nature
of the service in which they are now engaged ; but he
could
safely relieve him from the apprehension that
theydepended on the orders of General Evans, or
Were of any other officer on foreign service, as they John entirely and exclusively under those of Lord
Hay. The Hon. Gentleman had asked, was this
country at peace or was it at war ? That was a question
23 often asked and so often answered, that he (Lord Pal-
merston) might be well excused from answering it once
thimore, especially as every Hon. Gentleman who knew any
ng of the subject possessed equal means as he did of doing
'co All
nati Who were acquainted with the principles of inter-
national law should be aware that one State might aid ano-
ther, and yet not be at war with those who supported its
onpaponent. England was an auxiliary in this quarrel, and
Hon principal—therefore, she could not be at war. The
Gentleman had asked the House what would be the
condition of the country if other Governments had taken
decided a course with respect to Don Carlos as had
been taken by England with respect to the Queen. The
question was easily answered. The country would be in
precisely the same position as it stood now in. It was
lovell known that two Governments might each support an
neither be at war with the other ; but, on the contrary, in
S
state of profound peace. The Hon. Member had dwelt
im_tich on the atrocities of the war, and appeared willing to
thel'Pute the blame of them to the present Government ; but
Hon. Member should recollect that, in the first instance,
y had been put an end to by the Elliot Convention, and
it•nhfat it was Don Carlos himself who revived them by his
;• amous and detestable decree against the British auxilia-
,'" in the service of the Queen of Spain. The Hon.
deduced
had rested much upon the arguments which he
reduced from the interference of England with the affairs
prGreece, as compared with her interference in the
esent contest in Spain, but he had no cause to do so, as
nore
was not an atom of parity in the cases of the two
Guntries England had
interfered more strongly for
,"ce .han it now did for Spain, and she had done so
uY after a long struggle of five years continuance. The
"curable Gentleman had then observed on the general
Order of Lieut.-General Evans, lately so much the topic of
thatconversation. But it appeared to him (Lord Palmerston)
It' at
in doing so the Hon. Gentleman had either not read
or if he had, that he had not given it that attention which
he ought to have done. The English Government were
not .
t• responsible for it—it was issued by Gen. Evans.; and.
aoerefore he (Lord Palmerston) did not consider himself
!und to enter into formal defence of it. The acting
alt m of the order was simply this—that no communication
arluld take place between the piquets of his army
g„"s abY of those of Don Carlos's army who spoke the
a(fh language. The Honourable Gentleman had
liverted in light terms to the affair at Fontarabia.
ple (Lord Palmerston) would not discuss the merits
ofthat movement ; but he would say that if all the Queen
SPain's Generals had shown the same vigour, the same
:conduct, and the same prudence as General Evans on that
cele.ittn2 the success of Don Carlos would not seem so
14air as Hon. Members on the other side would wish to
—e it. Having disposed of the Hon. and Learned
turd eber's observations, he (Lord Palmerston) should next
Ito those of the Hon. Member for Sandwich. That
%f". Member bad said that it was an absurdity to support
ree Constitution in Spain. Yet the very first observe-
Ai! which followed showed the desirableness of such a
(
is, g for that country, and proved that its elements ex-
,td there in full force. The Hon. Member's inference
OS that, because Spain was a degraded nation, it should
C suffered to remain so. How far the British House of
ppennutions would agree with him in that, remained to be
graded He inferred that because a country was in a de-
trZd state it was unfit for Liberal institutions. The doe-
ir of the Hon. Member was a revolutionary one, because
-a taught oppressed and degraded nations that nothing but
kitical convulsion could free them from bondage. The
fr,„°„n• Member had adduced feudal attachment and religious
tg as the causes of Carlism in Spain. Such might be
'a ease in part ; but there were other causes, too, not less
-erative. One of them was the privilege of free trade, as
11Y termed it, or rather smuggling. That was a primary
itinciPle of action with the Basque provinces in their resis-
itanceu to the Queen's Government. But the real question at
ritside• after all, was, had the English Government done well
made in keeping the terms of the Quadruple Treaty
natti,e,'/ith the Queen of Spain? He (Lord Palmerston)
sii,,,t"ulled that it had ; and he asserted that they had done
land vavhesa honourable, consistent with the interests of Eng-
that'th with sound policy. The Hon. Member had said
Pal Influence of England had sunk since he (Lord
affairs stun) had had the honour of directing it on foreign
!'.t Was a delicate subject to grapple with, but he
o •"t best met by referring to the strong declamation
eeasl°nall
the aff . Y made against portions of its policy in regard to
usual of of Belgium, Portugal, and Spain. It was no
io ~e,r Government without influence to be alluded to.
Ea e" style ; neither was it at till probable, that if
theglaind stood in the unfortunate position represented by
Of dict."• Member, she would be selected as an arbitrator
ere
ea
p Imes between other Powers. It was true that the
baduse °I ban Carlos had not been put down so speedily as
bie!rt anticipated ; but he had the utmost confidence in
mitttnate success of the Queen, under the influence of
the
Posanle overruling moral dispensation which enabled Don
ultrillro, although only holding the rock of Oporto, to triumph
AdatelY over injustice and usurpation.--(Cheers.)
" miral ADAM said that the conduct of General Evans
Iv'a 'retiring from Fontarabia, when he found the manner in
wisi,aell,it was defended, was such as became a prudent and
sligh,k2eneral, and be managed that retreat without the
Mhos,
disaster.
r• MACLEAN said a few words in explanation.
COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY.
clef
House having gone into a Committee of Supply,
tlerr e sum of 73,9051. was proposed to be granted for the
of the Miscllaneous Estimates.
Vim grant was agreed to.
grallfle sum of 10,500/. was proposed for Corsican Emi-
Till's and American Loyalists.
b]ih e Sum of 1,800/. was granted for the Vaccine Este-
; °lent.
2:90(100/.
wrsgranted for the Refuge for the Destitute.
2,,,001' was voted for the Asylum of Criminal Lunatics.
tepsuoo/.
in ,
having been moved for certain Dissenting Minis-
•b °noon and its vicinity, •
14414. -°°WRING objected, as a Dissenter, to the con-
-1344 'un of the grant ; it was contrary to the principles of
erow2t for their Ministers to receive any bounty from the
At.'", lie knew the Dissenters objected to it.
tent 14-PARING said this was a charity granted to indi-
rAtinisters of religion.
kims: RUME objected to, the grant. Several of these
ch_ ',era Complained to hires_ last year that it was forced
Pun them
kr
Plawoul F. . YOUNG said that in that case the better
rhd be for them to refuse it.
i:rne CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said as
to tleief that they did not consider this grant any violence
kirt_eir conscience, when one of the trustees died the Corn-
and ee -called on Lord Melbourne to appoint a successor,
14494 this occasion he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer)
seie„ited Whether it was considered a violence to their eon-
it amees, and they told him, so far from that, they considered
heat boon.—(Laughter.)
dish BAINES said. that when there was such a great
the gray of statement inquiry should be instituted before
Mr was stopped.
refuZ' rant
Pi OTTER said that he advised these Dissenters to
Waal the grant ; but he could not persuade them. He
L'a try
, again.—(A laugh.)
aellt9rn SANDON said it was not a principle of the Dis-
wase.rs to refuse support from the Government, or, if it
beerrt must have been a very new one, for this grant had
ec,rl re
given for the last 150 years.
ported SII3THORP and Colonel PERCEVAL sup-
/yip' Life grant.
the * 4-lINDLEY said he would move for the names of
Thrustees.
having v°ten
of 80,000/. to meet the Civil Contingencies
beTTet, •
ch Hu MEpu would not object to that part of the sum
qtob.. went to defray the expenses of our foreign Ministers.
9vitgssadors, Consuls, and Ministers cost the country
too
to 03 much in salaries and outfits. It was the practiced
tiye eaant,e our foreign functionaries from place to place, and
I, sum for a new outfit on every occasion.
sch,e PALMERSTON' said that this was an wide-
of !I charge, for the sums for outfits and the salaries were
iieb.,,4t very much reduced. The present salaries were
wersufficient to support them. In the large embassies
We.re not sufficient for the purposes ; therefore, if they
oq, to pay for their outfits, the Government could get no
t° tI 314 men of large fortunes to accept these places. As
c
01er.,. barge of makin
1.4 ,Lonf) , g frequent changes, he (Lord Pal-
ed would 1 say that he had been frequently at-
' or not making more frequent changes.
4:,!lo vote was then agreed to.
resn,,_ remaining votes ere likewise agreed to, the House
of 'ed. the other Ordwers of the Day were then disposed
euad the House adjourned at Half-past One o'Clock.

4 1!
kek T TI, IN THE REEFER." This new work of
kret4,n) edited by the author of " Peter Simple," is a story of
Aiks`'Power and originality. Like the productions of Captain
tat it abounds in rich humour, fearless delineations of
1144344 in
„1, ns and infirmities of human nature, characters dra-
Otw,,,V developed, and incidents which, on account of their
Afton
novelty,no stimulate the curiosity, and fascinate the at-
tr.
ennd
.the reader. The scene is partly on board a man-ef-
tier the command of one of the most eccentric officers
Airty

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The country is now witnessing in its fullest extent
the mischiefs of Dog-day Legislation. In the Com-
mons, except upon great party questions, 40 Members
cannot for any length of time be kept together ; while
the Lords are exposed to the alternative of either
throwing out measures of considerable moment and im-
portance, or of passing them in a crude, unsatisfactory,
and unconsidered state. For this annual and growing
evil two remedies present themselves, and have been
frequently pointed out. The one, that Parliament
should assemble before Christmas—the other, that
more Bills should originate with the Lords than is now
the case. As the practice now is, Ministers in that
House, with the exception of the Lord Chancellor, re-
pose for the first four or five months of the Session
upon a bed of roses ; and then, for the last, comes an
accumulation of business so distractingly severe as
only to be disposed of in a great measure, in the man-
ner just alluded to ;—all the while there are writers,
and other persons in abundance, ready to throw the
whole blame of this state of things upon the Lords,
and to represent that House as wilfully opposed to the
furtherance of important public business. Even the one
sole measure which the country was promised should
originate in the Lords—we mean the Imprisonment
for Debt Bill, was postponed to so late a period-of the
Session as to render it impossible that it should pass.
For this we blame Ministers, but by no means the
.

particular Minister upon whom the 'onerous duty was
so injudiciously thrown ; we mean the Lord Chan-
cellor, who was made the locum ienens of Lord

Brougham upon the occasion. Why, the Attorney-
General, who properly enough adopted it as his pe-
culiar duty in the first instance, should have handed
it over to any one, seems unaccountable. Least of
all is it intelligible why it should have been consigned
to the Learned Lord, who, of all men in the Government,
had his hands already too full, and whose peculiar pro-
fessional occupations had of necessity given him the
least acquaintance with the subject ? It is quite ob-
vious that the Chief Justice of the King's Bench,
though he probably has enough else to do, was much
better qualified for the task. Be this as it may, that
one subject has been of necessity, in common with
many others, thrown overboard for the Session, and a
great deal.of labour rendered useless, which, under a
better arrangement, might have been turned to a more
satisfactory account. We shall see whether an evil so
great and undeniable, and of such constant occurrence,
is to be remedied or not; or whether those whose duty
it is to remedy it, continue to exhibit the same indif-
ference which has hitherto characterized their inatten-

ion to it.—Morning Herald.

The Ministerial scribes are endeavouring to get up a
feeble cry against the Lords for having thrown out
three Bills on Thursday night--The Stafford Dis-
franchisement Bill, the Charitable Trustees Bill,
and the Roman Catholic Marriages Bill. A very
few words will, we think, convince every reasonable
mind, that the Lords were bound by their duty to
the country to reject these measures. First, let us
look at the Stafford Disfranchisement Bill. A
more partial and contradictory Bill was never laid
before Parliament : it was founded on no general prin-
ciple :it had but one side, and that was crooked. The
professed object was to punish a certain class of voters
for bribery. We will not now stop to point out the
injustice of that plan of punishment which spares the
most guilty, and falls upon many who are innocent ; we
will for the moment suppose that all who were to
lie punished deserved the penalty, but what shall
we say of the ingenious method by which the
noble author of the Bill had contrived to neutralize
and invalidate his own scheme of punishment ?
The Noble Marquis is an Irishman, and certainly a
more Hibernian process never issued froth the head of
any native of Connaught. If his Lordship had pre-
viously cleared his understanding by a trip among the
clouds, he surely could not have concocted a project
so redolent of Galway turf. His Lordship charges a
certain number of Stafford burgesses with gross bribery
and corruption ; his proposed punishment is disquali-
fication ; but he disqualifies not merely the corrupt
burgesses and freemen, but all the burgesses and free-
men—the innocent as well as the guilty. But now
comes his antidotal provision, which gives the guilty,
and probably the most guilty, the means of escape.
He says, or seems to say,—" Ye free burgesses of
Stafford, inasmuch as some of you are corrupt, and
some are innocent, I hereby disqualify you all ; but
inasmuch as some of you are 101. householders, and
therefore more guilty than your poorer brethren if you
were bribed, I will continue to give you the power of
voting ; therefore from this moment your elective
functions, qua freemen, cease, but qua householders
continue." Could such a bill be allowed to pass ? Its
absurdity and injustice were ably exposed by the Duke
of Wellington, and by LordsWharneliffe andLyndhurst ;
and in the House, as in the country, there could be but
one verdict—" The Bill is bad, and must be rejected.'
With regard to the Charitable Trusts Bill, we have al-
ready so sufficiently exposed the mischievous conse-
quences of that measure, that we feel it quite unneces-
sary to add another word on the subject. Many of
our readers may be unable to afford time for the in-
vestigation of the merits of the case ; but none of
them, we think, will fail to see, that if the measure
be one of importance—as the Whig-Radicals allege
it is—it ought not to have been delayed to the fag-end
of the Session. The favourite mode of effecting
Whig jobs is to keep back the measures by which
they are to be compassed until the last week or two of
the Session, to smuggle them through the Commons
late at night, when there are not 40 Members pre-
sent, and send them up to the Lords, in the hope
that under the false, or inappropriate, or uncommu-
nicative titles bestowed upon them, the measures may
pass without their real nature and object being disco-
vered. The Lords have been once or twice deceived by
this ruse, but they are more cautious now ; and if those
who put Mr. Vernon Smith upon this job thought that
the insignificance of the mover was calculated to lull
suspicion, we beg to assure them-that the whole party
is now so perfectly well understood, that nothing that
comes from any of them, whether great or small, will
be allowed to pass for innocent, any more than it will
be supposed to be good, without unexceptionable evi-
dence and careful examination. Then there is the
Roman Catholic Marriages Bill, which was rejected
last year, and will, we trust, for the sake of all
respectable families throughout the kingdom, be thrown
out as often as it may be proposed in its present
shape. The nuisance of Gretna-green is bad enough '
—disgraceful and discreditable to ,the country, and a
source of perpetual fear arid annoyance to parents.
This Roman Catholic Marriages Bill would establish
a Gretna-green not only in Ireland as well as in Scot-
land, but in whatever part of England a Popish
priest may be established. It ought, as we showed last
year, to be called a bill to encourage clandestine mar-
riages. What the object of it may happen to be we will
not pretend to guess, unless, indeed, it is to furnish
the more destitute of certain Irish friends of Minis-
ters, who can't afford a journey to Gretna-green, with
the means of getting good matches in England on the
sly, by allowing marriages between Protestants and
Papists to be performed without notice or publicity by
a Popish priest. The nonchalance of sending up such
a Bill to the House of' Lords, after the care that has
been taken in the English Marriage Bill to provide
against clandestine marriages, would be unparalleled,
except that the whole-hoo. Swiss of the Ministerial
Press have actually represented the throwing out of
the measure as a grievance ! Let every decent man in
the community understand, from this example, what
dependence is to be placed upon such fellows, and.
upon those who employ them ; not forgetting, at the
same time, "to thank God that there is a House of
Lords."—Times.

-
MRS. GORE'S NEW .NOVEL.---" The execution of
this new novel is excellent light, rapid, sparkling, and
pointed, the combined result of natural wit, much observation
of life, and considerable practice in writing' Specimens ear,
scarcely convey an idea of its goodness. Mrs. Armytage'
may, indeed, be recommended as a capital and very agreeable
trifling,;he scheming,
the respectable, un-
apicture e
ro.fa
ns odc.isectayn various
xs
chial
ids ei
vs:
pretending,domestic Nobility ; the smaller Yorkshire 'Squires;
and the family oddities which grow up in a provincial neigh-
bourhood. The characters, too, are exceedingly well drawn."
—Spectator.

The mansion and estates of. Ribston Park, the pro-
perty of the late Sir H. Goodricke, Bart., have recently been
purchased of the present Baronet ,by Mr. James Brown, of
klarehills-grove, near Leeds, for 180,0001.

CHANCERY COURT-FRIDAY.