The Sun.
London, England, 1831-12-12 00:00:00

SPIRIT 07 Till PUBtle JOURNALS.

The Court Circular stL.tes that the Earl of
Harrowby, Lord Wilma-while, and the Marquis
of Chandos, had a meeting with Earl Grey at
the Treasury on Saturday, and that the meeting
lasted for a considerable time. Though the
Court Circular is in general more conversant with
the revolutions of fashion than of party, it some-
times puts forth a claim to the higher distinction,
and acts as a sort of demi-official organ, cor-
roborating or contradicting the speculative ru-
mour of the day. In such a light we may con-
sider the announcement just alluded to. Then,
it seems, there was some truth in the reported
negotiations between the moderate Tories and
the leading Members of the Government. Then
there is some prospect that the measure of Re-
form may be happily rendered palatable to those
whose opposition proved fatal to the former Bill,
and that an end will be put at length to the sus-
pence respecting the fate of this question, under
the agitation of which the country has so deeply
suffered. In anticipating such a result we do
not impute to Lord Grey the slightest intention
of abandoning his pledge, so often and so em-
phatically repeated. The character of his Lord-
ship, the existence of his Administration, and
the success of the great measure by which he has
proposed to stand or fall as a public man, are all so
many guarantees that he will not, cannot, break
from his engagement. To compromise in that
sense, and to that extent, would be to defeat the
purpose of compromise itself, by disgusting the
nation at once with the whole proceeding. But
it is still possible that much may be done in a
spirit of candour to meet the views of those who,
perhaps, only differ from the Minister, now that
they have had time for reflection, upon points,
the surrender or modification of which may not
affect the principle to which he stands pledged.
We give Lord Harrowby, Lord Wharncliffe,
and the Marquis of Chandos, full credit for a
just appreciation of the character of Lord Grey.
They are men of high honour themselves, and
therefore, we must conclude, incapable of pro-
posing any terms, with the knowledge of his
Lordship's declaration before them, which he, as
a man of honour, could not accept. It is, there-
fore, we repeat it, possible that some arrangement
may be come to which which will enable both
parties to concur in the same object. This
would secure the ultimate triumph of the mea-
sure ; though Sir Robert Peel, and Sir Charles
Wetherell, together with Mr. Croker, and a few
others, may retard its progress by their declama-
tions. It is now supposed that the House of
Commons will proceed no farther than the second
reading before the adjournment, and that the
Opposition will confine their operations princi-
pally to the Committee, where they will not only
have a variety of topics, but a privilege of speak-
ing ad libitum. The great struggle, therefore,
Nvill not take place until after the holydays.—
J,./orizing Herald.
At the Essex county meeting on Saturday,
Mr. D. W. Harvey dwelt with particular force
on the abuses of the Church-,-and the odious in-
fluence of ecclesiastics in matters of Govern-
ment. After concluding his speech, lie intro-
duced to the notice of the meeting an address
which he said he had intended to have moved
to Earl Grey. This address, which took amaz-
ingly with the meeting, contained one very re-
markable clause on the ultimate effects of the
Reform measure, particularly its tendency to
purify religion from its alliance with the State.
" Pass the Reform Bill into a law, and your
Lordship will consolidate every useful institu-
tion—our persons and our properties will be
held sacred—Religion will be :purified by its
disengagement from all secular alliances—
our laws will be reformed and revered—eco-
nomy will become a practical principle—property
will be made the basis of equal taxation—the
Monarchy will be perpetuated, and all essential
orders in the State will participate in the bles-
sing of a Government lastingly secured by the
affections and gratitude of an industrious, intel-
ligent, and loyal people." In consequence of
the objections of Mr. Wellesley and some other
gentlemen, the address was not moved, but the
strongest expression of feeling, the shouts of ac-
clamation with which it was received by the
assembled multitude, show how sensibly the op-
pressive burdens which the church and tithe
system impose on the agricultural and labouring
classes are felt by almost all the Reformers of
that great county. The conduct of the Bishops,
in addition to the tithe system, has had a pro-
digious effect in maturing the judgment of the
people on the subject of the Church. The ap-
proach of the meeting appears for several days past
to have excited in the timid breasts of the Tories
sentiments of the deepest alarm and dismay.
Conscience," says the proverb, " makes cowards
of us all ;" and though we may make some al-
lowance for the remorse of those who could only
reflect on forty years of vicious misgovernment,
and who might quail under the apprehension of
retributive justice, yet we can make no allow-'
ante, nor indeed hardly account for the extraor-
dinary and ridiculous preparations made for this
dread occasion by three or four Tory Magi-
strates, who, it appears, wrote to the Home Se-
cretary, advising him to have a militaryforce in
readiness for a riot !! ! But this is not all ;
phove two hundred additional special constables
ivere sworn in ; cannons were placed near the
gaol, with a suitable provision of grape-shot, and
other military preparations made ! The corn-
V,,e.te farce of all this arrangement of force to
Aisppl an assumed riotous crowd, the whole of
yhom might have been routed by a corporal's
guard, at once shows how nervously alive to
their own defects (we were going to say deserts)
the bigotted Church party are, and to what co-
iinfla excesses fear will carry men. The ex-
pected rioters turned out to be a few apprehended
viel,:pociwts, and the fabled adage—Parturiunt
nowies, eS.c.--tvas in the mouth of most of
those who attended the meeting.—Morning
- - - -

. -
It is of all things most desirable that the Tory
faction, and more particularly the Tory Lords,
should know in what light they are regarded by
the English people. Those amongst the Anti-
Reforming Peers who fancy that they are strong
enough to resist and defeat the whole nation,
cannot be too soon disabused of an error, not
merely to the public, but to themselves, most
dangerous. Those, on the other hand, who
imagine that the cause of the aristocracy is na-
turally one unpopular with Englishmen,—that
whatever power or influence is possessed by the
middle orders will
of course, be employed
against the upper,—that the spirit now in acti-
vity is of an aggressive nature, and aims at the de-
struction of the Peers and of their privileges, and
therefore that their Lordships have no hope of
safety but in meeting the fiend of democracy on the
threshold, and grappling with him while their
own strength, no matter how well or ill ac-
quired, seems to themselves as yet to be fresh
And undebilitated,— such noble Lords are

afflicted by a prejudice quite. as absurd, and
ahnost as pernicious as the former. 'We recom-
mend to both the above classes of our hereditary
Legislators a short and able pamphlet, already
hinted at in this Journal, under the title of
"'What have the Lords done, and what will
they do next ?" The following few passages,
among many which might be quoted, are worthy
of attention. The Lords will at once see from
them what a false step they have already taken,
and how easily they may repair it :
" There has been a tendency in the minds of the people
of late years to withdraw their accustomed respect and
confidence from the Aristocracy. As the lower classes
advanced in intelligence, the haughty demeanour of the
higher ranks naturally became galling. They witnessed
with dissatisfaction the reluctance of the rich to part with
the smallest fraction of their pleasures or privileges, how-
ever incompatible with the rights or the morals of the
poor. They saw more clearly the inequality with which
the laws often deal out justice to the wealthy and the
humble. They obtained a deeper insight to the practices,
which had transferred a great constitutional privilege
from their hands to a few favoured individuals. A grow-
ing spirit of jealousy has been the unavoidable consequence
of this rapidly extending knowledge. With an instinctive
dread of its effects, a clamour was once raised against the
education of the people. But it was soon overborne by the
philanthropy of the middle classes : instead of viewing it
as a source of injury, they justly looked to it as a means
of security to the State. But let education be fur good or
for evil, to restore the golden age of ignorance is no longer
practicable. To accommodate themselves to the change
is the only thing left for the aristocracy. Bine ilia
lachrymce ! Men naturally cling to the possession of all
they have long enjoyed. But it is wisdom to relinquish as
a favour what must cease to be retained as a right. The
traffic in boroughs is doomed without mercy to extinction,
The money-changers must be driven from the Temple.
It is painful to witness the impotent and vindictive
struggles of some Noble Lords on this occasion. They
are writhing in all the agonies of rage and disappointment.
They have reached tl,e last paroxysm of their hopeless
case. But why this humiliating forgetfulness of habitual
dignity? Why this gratuitous excitement of popular de-
rision? Do they really imagine themselves able to frus-
trate the measure of Reform ? They might as reasonably
expect to turn the courses of the tide, as to stem the
torrent of opinion now bursting its way through all the
channels of society. The power of the Peers is great, and
great it ought to remain. But what can they do against
the might of a nation enrolled under the banner of a King,
to whom all, except themselves, are enthusiastically de-
voted ?

" The Lords have not only plunged the country into
unparalleled embarrassment, but have exposed the privi-
leged orders to unjust odium, the innocent being equally
confounded with the guilty. They have, for a season at
least, violently severed the bond of union between them-
selves and the affections of the people. They unfortu•
nately possess not the power, or they take not the
pain., to ascertain the nature of the public feeling to-
wards them. Their whole stock of information on the
subject seems to be acquired from the shouts or hisses of
the mob. As long as they are moved by a sense of duty,
they may, and doubtless do, feel equally indifferent to these.
But what sense of duty can require them to despise the
opinion of the intelligent multitude, graduating through
all the intermediate stages of society from themselves to
the lowest in the scale ? The voice of this multitude, it is
to be apprehended, does not reach their ears. They hear
not the sound of its indignant condemnation, though
poured forth front countless tongues throughout the
kingdom. They, perchance, read the invectives of angry
speeches at the Reform meetings, published in the daily
journals. But these convey no notion of the bitter scorn,
the contemptuous mockery, the deep disgust, with which
their name is daily coupled in the table- talk of millions.
They convey no notion of the curses, not loud. but deep,'
muttered in the homes of multitudes, where there is no
pen to report nor press to record them. Such indications
of popular feeling must be utterly unknown to their Lord-
ships. They cannot penetrate the halls where pomp and
luxury preside—flatterers will not, and dependents dare not,
reveal them. But such things are, as their Lordships !nay
learn to the cost of themselves and the country, should
they persist in opposing the just desires of the people.
There is a natural tendency in the human mind to identify
the abuses of a system with the system itself, and, how-
ever unjustly, to hold it responsible for the conduct of
those who abuse it. To avert the possible effects of such
a tendency, is fortunately within the power of their Lord-
ships. Let them respond favourably and reasonably to
the importunate demands of the nation, and they will
quickly regain all the respect they have lost. The angry
passions of amen will be soothed by the peaceful consum-
mation of their wishes. No longer left to brood over their
wrongs, the generous hearts of Britons will relent at an une-
quivocal, though late, concession to their feelings. To frus-
' trate the measure is utterly beyond the power of the Lords ;
to restore themselves to the confidence and good-will of the
public, ought to be the sole object of their consideration.
On their next decision everything depends !—the peace,
unanimity, and happiness of the empire,—the stability of
the Constitution,—the permanency of the privileged orders,
and the preservation of the Church. A decision involving
such momentous consequences naturally becomes a matter
of the most anxious speculation. Every mind, at this
moment, seems agitated and perplexed. The wishes of
nine-tenths of the community are the same. But among
some their fears outweigh their hopes, when it is asked—
' What will the Lords do next?'

" In general, the country entertains a strong belief that
their Lordships will retrace their steps, and terminate the
evils occasioned by their late decision. The personal
characters of many, and the circumstances attending that
decision, afford every reasonable ground for such a belief.
" Had the Peers succeeded in overthrowing the Mi-
nistry, the battle of Reform must have been renewed at
the outposts, and the field have been fairly fought for
again. But the victory may be said to be fairly won, by
the failure of the attempt to dislodge them.
" The position of the Lords differs most materially from
what it was previous to the rejection of the Bill. The
hope of defeating it might, ere that event, have been rea-
sonably entertained. Subsequent circumstances have re-
moved every prospect of doing so. The King remains
stedfast to the Ministry and the nation. The people have
triumphantly refuted the charge of being indifferent to the
measure. Any further opposition on the part of the Lards
then, would seem little else than a wanton and reckless per-
severance in wrong—an unprecedented defiance of the
other estates of the kingdom—a direct contravention to the
wishes of the nation and the authority ot the Crown, that
might substantiate every thing, at present unwarrantably,
attributed to them."

We can answer for it that the above picture is
not overcharged, either as to what the Lords can-
not do, or as to what is still within their power.
The people of England are not more powerful to
resist injustice, than they are generous to forgive
it when repented of. Nor will there be anything
of irksomeness or repugnance in the return of
our " lord-loving" countrymen to their ancient
habits of kindly deference towards the titled
aristocracy. In the short paragraph, last but
one, which we have quoted above; there is -a
glance at the real cause which produced the
majority for the rejection of Lord Grey's Re-
form. It is obvious enough that the principle
of Reform was a ground of opposition to very
few indeed amongst their Lordships,—viz., that
small coterie of which the most conspicuous
members were, Lord Eldon, who has within
these four days shown a disposition to be mol-
lified ; and Lord Mansfield, whom we hope, for
the sake of his own consistency, and perhaps,
were we ill-natured, we might add, for the sake
of the Bill itself, to see still in unrelenting op-
position. The Duke of Welllington, sharp and
emphatic as had been his first declaration against
every colour of Reform, drew back somewhat
curiously,—and, indeed, for an old soldier, not
very skilfully,—on the second reading. But
though his
Grace retreated by an unlucky road,
and suffered severely in the narrow de-
file through which he thought fit to
march, between his " duty as King's Mi-
nister and as a Peer of the realm !" it
is not the less certain that the pains which he
took to escape from the jaws of his first opinion,'
against " any and every Reform of Parliament,"
were to be considered as proof of his acquies-
cence in the principle, and of his hostility be-
ing confined to incidental circumstances attending
it. So the members and adherents of the Duke's
late Administration, as, likewise, it would ap-
pear
from a frank admission of the Bishop of'l

Bath and Wells just published, the greater'
number of my Lords the Bishops were opposed
to certain incidents of the measure,—by no means
to its substance. What, then, was the " un-
happy accident" which moved these two classes
of the Lords of Parliament to their adverse and
most lamentable vote ? It was the accident of
a Whig Ministry being the introductors of the
Reform Bill, and the consequent extension to
things of the enmity felt towards persons, inas-
much as the triumph of a liberal Government in
so great and national a cause would have, in all
human probability, sealed the exclusion of the
former Ministry from all chance of a return to
office. Between the two parties the reverend
Bishops characteristically, if not wisely, preferred
their old Tory patrons, especially when they,
one and all (Bishops as well as lay Tories),
took it for granted that if a majority could once
be secured against the Grey Cabinet, it would
have nothing to do but to resign. The aim,
then, of the vote was not to crush Reform, for
they professed themselves to be conscious that
a Reform must pass, but to bring in a proper
Tory Ministry,—that was the true and unques-
tionable project. What followed ? The King
was firm—the Minister firm : there was no
change, there need be none at present; the ma-
nceuvre ought not, in common prudence, to be at-
tempted a second time. The question to be asked
by Tory Peers on this ensuing occasion is, what
shall we gain but universal hatred for ourselves,
when it is plain that we cannot force Lord Grey
out ofoffice ; and while he and his colleagues stand
forth to the people of England as stanch and strenu-
ous advocates of Reform, we, with King, Com-
mons, and people against us, being stigmatized
as outcasts from the nation ?" From the ultra
Tories, with the exception of such men as Lord
Eldon, who has been coolly weighing arguments
all his days, we shall no more hope to make pro-
selytes than we should expect an opium-eater to
sacrifice his drug, or an antiquated beauty to
wipe out the rouge from her wrinkles. Different
from the ultra or fanatical party, as may be in-
ferred from a former observation,—very different
with the office-hunting Tories,—your men of
worldly tact and business-like ambition. They
are aware of being distrusted by the bigots.
Emancipation snapped the chain between these
allies ; and your Mansfields, Kenyons, Win-
chilseas, &c., would be as loth to rely on the
Duke of Wellington's and Sir Robert Peel's in-
veterate obstinacy, as on Lord Grey's and Lord
Brougham's blindness to a clear necessity. The
placeman Tories, therefore, who look to a pos-
sibility of future office, and the reasonable and
half-liberal who recognize a great public good
when it is made plain to them, will, we doubt
not, be ready to act in favour of Reform, as
they did before in support of religious toleration ;
and the more so, because a unanimous people
are thrown into the scale of civil liberty, which
was not the case when the fetters were to be
struck off religion. But the main hope of the
country—of King and Ministers—is the sus-
tained energy of the public mind of England.
Let Whig or Tory be in place, a Bill, neither
less extensive nor less efficient than the former
one, must pass both Houses of Parliament, or
the doors of both Houses may as well be shut
up. It is indeed certain that the measure will
produce more satisfaction in the country, and
will be received with incomparably more good-
will by the House of Commons, when intro-
duced by a Cabinet who have volunteered the
duty,—who are all sincerely attached to its prin-
ciples, and whose political reputation and for-
tunes are inseparably bound up with its success,
than if it were extorted from an opposite order
of men, who, like the late Ministers, could not,
as servants of the Crown, recommend or even
approach the Reform question, without a se-
cond abandonment, as complete as that by which
they have been already signalized,—of the most
important principle by which they had, for many
years, announced that their conduct as Ministers
should be guided. No ; let the disinterested
spectators of events, such as Lord Harrowby,
contemplate the distracted state of their country,
and say whether they will perpetuate her agita-
tions. Let the more selfish politician, the slave
of office, reflect how the roots of the Whig Mi-
nistry are deepening, and their hold of the na-
tion strengthening, while and so long as they
have the engine of Reform to play off against
the faction of old Ministerial Tories. To
the fanatics we do not address ourselves, for they
are moved by fancies beyond our comprehension ;
but to the Reverend Bench, who, whatever they
may be, undoubtedly have not much of the fana.
tical spirit among them, we submit, as (meaning
no possible disrespect) we would do to any firm
of sagacious bankers, merchants, or Exchange
brokers,—aye, or even Jews,—" Look to your
per Cents., gentlemen—your rents and patron-
age, my Lords the Bishops ! Look to them."
—Times.

We have already stated our belief; that the
Bill of Reform to be introduced to-nig-ht by
Lord John Russell will be more uniform in its
provisions, and more liberal in its qualification,
than the last. It would be needless now to
state partial changes, or enter into imperfect
speculations, when we could only anticipate by a
few hours the publication of the most complete
and accurate details. We may, however,men-
tion, that the household qualification, entitling to
a vote, will be ascertained in a different manner
from that prescribed in the former Bill. The
amount of rent is not to be taken as the quali-
fication, though the estimated value of the house
entitling the occupier to a vote must be 101.
The former rate, which was an inaccurate measure
of value, will be disregarded, and a new valua-
tion of houses made for the purposes of the Bill.
Then, whatever rent the occupier pays, or at
whatsoever sum his house is rated to Govern-
ment or parish taxes, if his tenement be of the
value of 101., it entitles him to a vote. There
will thus be no mention of rent in the new Bill,
and the machinery intended to obviate weekly
payments of rent will be got rid of. In addition
to this amendment, three or four towns, which
by the last Bill were in schedule B, and only to
have one Member, will retain their present amount
of representatives. Guildford is one of these bo-
roughs.
The machinery of the Bill is other-
wise much improved.—Morning Herald.
The Reform question will be re-introduced in
the House of Commons this day. The battle
of the Constitution, already so nobly and glori-
ously fought, may therefore be considered as on
the eve of recommencement ; and none but the
most unworthy of Britain's sons will flinch from
the contest, or be satisfied with any thing short
of complete triumph, in a cause which involves
every thing that is dear to the truly loyal and
honest heart. A brilliant array of talent, of ge-
nuine nobility, of the most profound learning
and exemplary piety, proudly presents itself, on
the momentous occasion, to an admiring coun-
try—to a true•hearted English people—looking
with confidence to their champions for the pre-
servation of those long-cherished institutions,

under the protection and guidance of which '
Great Britain has so long and pre-eminently
flourished. In defiance of the delegated slaves
of faction, the independent portion of the House
of Commons will faithfully and fearlessly do
their duty ; whilst with the Lords we feel quite
confident, that under any circumstances the Con-
stitution is safe.—Morning Post.
There is a degree of low cunning and base
equivocation in the policy adopted by Ministers
towards the unconstitutional Associations, which
at the present moment it seems highly expedient
to expose. The proclamation issued some time
ago was so drawn up as to admit of two inter-
pretations—of one which extended its denuncia-
tions to all Political Unions whatever, and of
another which limited its threats and rebukes to
such Unions as had organized themselves in a
particular way. The Unions, very naturally, and,
considering the contenance they had previously
received from Ministers, and not very arrogantly
or improperly, construed the proclamation in the
sense most favourable to themselves. This con-
struction the Ministers have never contradicted by
word or act, and accordingly the Proclamation re-
mains a dead letter, and the Unions go on to in-
crease and multiply, to debate, resolve, plot, and
agitate just as before. Again, in the King's
speech, Ministers addressed to the Unions ano-
ther mild and parental rebuke, couched in terms
somewhat less ambiguous than the last, but still
carefully avoiding any distinct expression of a
determination to put them down, and attempting
even to shield them from utter condemnation, by
the false and absurd pretext that they may be
necessary or useful as a means of forming and
expressing the opinion of the people with regard
to public affairs. Thus in the first document
Ministers left it in doubt whether all these un-
constitutional Associations were to be put down,
or none of them ; and in the second they " hint
a fault and hesitate dislike," while, in the same
breath, they insinuate what is utterly false, to
be sure, but what, if true, would amount not
merely to an apology for the Unions, but to
a complete vindication, to a high eulogium,
morally and politically, of those bodies. In ad-
dition to those facts, it must be recollected that
Ministers possess the power, or believe that
they possess it, of extinguishing these dangerous
and unconstitutional associations whenever they
may think proper to deem their continued ex-
istence inexpedient. This Earl Grey declared
the other night in the House of Lords. We
ask, then, if it be fair or just towards the Legi-
slature and the country that any set of Ministers
should bring before Parliament a measure of
such deep and lasting importance as the Reform
Bill which is to be introduced to-night in the
House of Commons, those Ministers holding
in their hands, to be extinguished or strength-
ened at their pleasure, such an instrument
of influence, of terror, or of coercion, as the
Political Unions are or may become
We indignantly ask if any other than a trai-
tor Administration could have contrived thus
to retain in their power, pending the discus-
sion of a great constitutional question, upon
the decision of which the fate of the country, no
less than their own fate as Ministers of the
Crown, depends, an engine like these Political
Unions—mighty in power for evil, incapable of
good—illegal as Ministers confess them to be—
tolerated merely by Ministerial indulgence, and
tolerated provisionally and conditionally—visited
within the last fortnight by Ministers with mingled
praise and censure, with alternate encouragement
and threats ? The language which the Political
Unions can scarcely fail to extract from the con-
duct of the Administration is this :—" Applaud
our new Bill, and you may live: condemn it, and
you shall die." The love of existence, which is
universal in societies as well as individuals, will
thus, it may be thought, engage these associa-
tions in favour of the Bill, although its character
may be both pernicious and unpopular; or tend
powerfully at least to blind them to the blunders
and the vices which, judging from the former
performances of its authors, it is sure to pre-
sent. The Unions are so many minor and local
Parliaments, whose very existence is hostile to
the independence and derogatory to the dignity
of the Great Council of the Nation. But that
these minor and local Legislatures, the centres
and sources of political opinion and action
within their several spheres, live by the suffer-
ance and at the mercy of the Executive Govern-
ment, and will be nothing when they cease to
be its allies, is a circumstance which materially
aggravates both the insult and the injury. Not-
withstanding the temptation which the instinct of
self-preservation presents to the Political Unions
to prolong to the utmost their alliance with his
Majesty's Government, it may yet be doubted
whether it be not morally impossible for them
to acquiesce in any measure of Reform which
is not essentially subversive of the Constitu-
tion and the welfare of the country.—
Should the new Bill of Reform be calculated
to preserve the Constitution and to promote
the national welfare, it will unquestionably be
the duty of the conservative party not only to
embrace it, but to assist his Majesty's Govern-
ment in quelling the Unions, whom it will in
this, we fear, very improbable case disappoint
and enrage. But if, on the other hand, the
Bill be such as is alone, we fear, calculated to
fulfil the expectations and gratify the wishes of
the illegal confederacies, then, as it seems to us,
the conservative party will best discharge its
duty to the nation by proposing, as an amend-
ment to the motion, for leave to bring it in, a
resolution to the effect that Parliament requires
the entire suppression of this lawless, unconsti-
tutional, menacing engine of Ministerial power,
as a preliminary to any discussion in Parliament
of so important a question—of a question which
never can be settled with safety or satisfaction to
the public by a degraded, insulted, and intimi-
I dated Legislature.—Morning Post.

BISHOP AND WILLIANIS.—Sir J. SEWELL,
one of the Middlesex Magistrates, has stated that he had
learned, upon information which he could not distrust, that
besides the confessions published by Bishop and Williams,
another confession was made by them on Sunday, which
comprehended a catalogue of sixty murders, and would
probably have gone on to a much greater extent but for
the interference of the Ordinary.

When Williams the murderer was going up
the ladder to execution he turned round to Mr. BAKER,
who was next to him, and said, "I thirst, I thirst—l feel
the burning drought of hell in my breast, and I know it
is ready for me." Nothing could be more frightful than
the despair of the wretched malefactor.

A BROKEN-lIEARTED PIG.—MATERNAL
AFFECTION.—A few days ago, while a young pig, the
property of Mr. Joini RILEY, of Brinsley, was being
removed from the stye in which it was with its mother,
the sow was so much affected by her young one being
caught, and having a cord tied round its leg, that she set
up a tremendous scream, and dropped down dead imme-
diately it was taken away ! It was found that the heart
bad swollen to double its natural size, and burst ! What
a degrading contrast does the affection of this brute afford,
with the conduct• of the Irish woman, who offered her
living infant for sale to a surgeon, for the purpose of dis-
section, which actually occurred a fortnight ago, at Naas !
—Nottingham Review.