The Sun.
London, England, 1849-09-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBPA, It 1940

from oppression—until the safety of those people 1
was secured. Shall we be told that the English
people of the nineteenth century are less worthy
of their station, or their great name, than the
English of the times of Cromwell or of Chat-
ham ?—(Cheers.) Shall we be told when three times
more numerous and three times more powerful in
material strength, that in this day we are morally
weaker than the men of the days of which I have
spoken ?—(Hear, hear.) Such pleas for our non-
intervention in this Hungarian question are but pleas
of weakness or of opposition to the interests of
humanity.—(Cheers.) I repeat, can we forget the
days of Cromwell and of Chatham ? All we require
is to be bold in the expression of our feelings. The
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs shows by his
conduct that he only waits for your backing. By
his eloquent and generous speech delivered at the close
of the last session of Parliament, he proved he was
ready to perform his duty if the British people would
support him.—(Cheers.) It is on this account that
the voice of this and similar meetings is highly ne-
cessary. The Noble Lord who preceded me in the
earlier part of the evening has spoken so fully on the
entire argument of this question, that if I were to
enlarge upon it, I should only be doing that imper-
fectly which has been so well and so effectively done
by him. I will only, therefore, say further to you
that the deeper and the closer you study this cause,
the more amply will it repay you. The more
you know of the Hungarians, the more fully will you
feel the rightfulness of their cause—the snore will
you be persuaded of the insidious acts of the Russian
Government—and the more fully will you be con-
vinced how necessary it is for us, as a nation, as a
people, to take part with nations who struggle to
preserve their free institutions, for such preserva-
tion is not alone to our advantage, but to the advan-
tage of the world.—(Loud cheers.) Our place in
the map of Europe is not to he at the head of despots
—(Loud cheers)—but to stand at the head of a com-
munity of nations, who by their free institutions, and
generous aspirations for freedom, most resemble the
British people.—(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN then put the resolution, which was
carried unanimously, amid great cheering.
Mr. TILLETT moved the third resolution. lie ob-
served it was not his desire to occupy the atten-
tion of the meeting more than a few minutes. The
resolution which he had the honour to be intrusted
to move, had for its object the carrying out
an intention expressed by the Noble Lord who
had so fully and so ably that night addressed:f
them—
to
prepare and adopt an address to the . Cthhii
that
s nobleman i
Secre-
torytpruyt,
forth Lord
aorlfla ltmSnteeartesent oefnro
energy
Foreignychalelipn ogssoensAs
etffhdaai
for the security of
the liberties of the people of Hungary. The resolu-
tion was as follows That this meeting feels that
the British nation is under lasting obligation to Lord
Palmerston, her Majesty's Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs, for the manly and vigorous policy
pursued by him in reference to the Hungarian
question, and calls on him to endeavour to settle the
existing differences between Austria and Hungary, on
such a basis as shall be most conducive to the cause of
constitutional liberty, and to the best interests of all
the European nations; and that a memorial be for-
warded to Lord .Palmerston," signed by the chairman.
The people of Norwich had done their duty in bring-
ing the perfidy of Austria to Hungary before the
world—they had performed their duty also in
bringing the unrighteous interference of Russia to
coerce the noble people of Hungary, and destroy their
freedom.—(Hear, hear.) The people of Norwich
now came to the practical part of their duty—
the people of that city came forward as a
section of the British public, composed, as
he was happy and proud to see, of men of all
parties, to urge on the attention of Lord Palmerston,
as the Foreign Minister of this great country, to pro-
test in the name of the people against the injustice
done by the enemies of all liberty against a noble race
of men.—(Cheers) It was said, although he knew
not on what authority, that Lord Palmerston was
disposed to move and go on in this Hungarian ques-
tion. Whether this was so or not, if his (Mr. Til-
lett's) voice could reach him, he would say, regard no
consequences, but go on and take those consequences.
—(Cheers.) He would say further, that if there
were in the Cabinet any men, who under the false
garb of Reformers, sympathised with the acts of
Russia, he called on Lord Palmerston to leave them,
to resign, to have nought to do with such men, and
then he would be carried back to his place of power
upon the shoulders of the British people, not, how-
ever, as the Foreign Minister, but as the Prime Mi-
nister of this great country, and as the head of a Ca•
binet whose career would commence on a new prin-
ciple. It was for these reasons he (Mr. Tillett) coin-
cided mostcordially with the resolution. He was glad
to find, both on his right hand and on his left, persons
of different political aims and interests, for this
showed to him, as it did to others, the extreme hearty
feeling which existed in favour of Hungary, for as
far as political differences of opinion, and even per-
sonal feelings, intruded themselves often to some ex-
tent in this city, they had been put aside on the pre-
sent occasion for one great and common object.—
((lear.) He would say that the voice of the present
meeting ought to be heard, and would be heard.
Standing as they did in that assembly, consisting of
Whigs, Tories, or Radicals, the fact of assembling
together thus, showed the question of Hungary was
considered of the most vital interest to this nation.—
(Hear, hear.) An allusion had been made in the
course of the evening to the press, and he could not
forget to mark his hearty detestation of a portion of
that press.—(A. voice-4. The Times.") Yes, the
Times. The Times had been called the leading
journal of Europe, and it was stated it spoke the voice
of the people. He would say it was not so. As re-
garded the present question, it had proved that it was
not.—(Cheers.) What had the Times newspaper done?
Because of the arrival of the news of a great victory,
it had flattered the hopes of the people with regard
to the freedom and the success of Hungary ; but no
sooner did the wind appear to blow from another
quarter, and the gallant people of that nation suffer a
reverse, than out came a dastardly sneaking article,
to the effect contrary to that which had been pre-
viously followed. Was a journal which had taken a
course of this kind the representative of English
opinion ?—(Cheers.) Did the people of England
adopt a course like this ? How long, he would ask,
should this be allowed to go on and deceive the people
of this country ?—(Cheers.) Such were the brief
observations he was desirous of placing before the
meeting. Congratulating the Chairman and the
citizens of Norwich on the good temper all bad shown
on the present occasion, he would at once conclude by
moving the resolution.—(Cheers )
Mr. BARWEL, in seconding the resolution, said that
he believed with his friend Mr. Tillett that the
present meeting would produce a strong effect on
the mind and the actions of the Minister for
Foreign Affairs, although he felt disposed to
be more grateful to that Minister for that which
was to come than that which had passed. Nor
were either the people of England or the people of
Norwich to be drawn away from their objects by the
conduct of the Times.—(Hear.) An article appeared
in the Times last Saturday, to which he could not but
refer. The writer compared meetings such as the
present to two boys fighting in the street, when a
passenger passes, and seeing a " plucky" little fellow
showing fight to a bigger lad, he takes the part of the
former, and tells him to go in and not be beaten.—
(Laughter.) The smaller boy, however, is beaten,
which on seeing, the individual who had urged the
pair to fight, walks away. Meaniag thereby that the
people of England when they had seen Hungary
beaten, walked away from the struggle.—(Renewed
laughter.) Now the position of the Times was
clearly not that of one who showed sympathy for the
weaker boy, but that of a person who had assisted to
depress a struggling individual.—(Hear.) This
anecdote reminded him of another. Two men were
fighting, and one got the other down and ill-treated
him. A third person passed, and on an appeal being
made to him, he asked why not allow the man who
was down to rise. " Ah!" said the fellow who
had got him down, " If you had known what trouble
I had had to get him there, you would not let him
get up again I am sure."—(Laughter.) Now the
Times newspaper, on behalf of the tyrants and despots
of the Continent, did not wish that the people of this
country should do anything whereby the noble Hun •
garian nation should be allowed to " get up again."
Hungary had been got down and they did not wish
that she should rise.—(Hear, hear.) His opinion was
this, that Hungary should be assisted to rise, and
enabled to keep down further aggressions. —(Hear,
hear.) He hoped the Noble Lord who had so ably
addressed them would see that the people of Norwich
were hearty in the cause.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Bar-
well) knew of no meeting held in that city which
had been more numerously attended, and on this
they ought to congratulate themselves, as also that
they possessed so excellent a chairman. He was not

aware what arguments were used to induce Mr.
Hudson to take the chair, but this they all knew
that that gentleman had done the cause great honour
by his presence.—(Cheers )
The CHAIRMAN then put the resolution, which was
carried unanimously, saying that he could not of
course have forwarded a memorial to Lord Palmerston
had he not been authorised by the resolution of tais
meeting to do so.
Lord DUDLEY STUART rose and said—My friends,
you have received me with so much kindness that I
am induced to offer myself again to your notice,
though it will be for a few moments only, and I am
certain what I have to propose will meet with your
most willing assent. We have had this evening a
great and noble meeting—one calculated to do honour
to all concerned, and competent to set an excellent
example to the whole country. The meeting of this
evening is composed of large numbers—of great
respectabilityand.intelligence. Exclusiveness has been
set aside, and the meeting is composed of men of all
parties. Ills conduct of All present this night has