The Sun.
London, England, 1836-10-05 00:00:00

TELE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1836.

has spoken differently to the minds of the Tories ?
To the tyrannical Orange faction in Ireland it has
spoken daggers. Its sound has been to them like the
ringing of their death knell. Their doom is indecd
sealed. A very short time and they, as a party, will
be for ever consigned to oblivion.—Morn. Advertiser.
Yesterday we noticed a letter of Mr. Daniel O'Con-
nell, but with respect to one portion of it only—viz.,
its contemptuous and reckless exposure of the notable
fraud attempted by these Russell and Morpeth Whigs
upon the honest credulity of the people of England,
in assuring them that the peace of Ireland would be
at all promoted by the passing into laws of the Bills
which the Ministers recommended, the Ministers cry-

section of them ; and this is to preserve an unbroken
majority, and the reputation of a Ministry, unstained.—

Times.

We showed the other day, from Parliamentary Re-
turns, that the abolition of the punishment of death
for forgery (with the two exceptions already noticed),
has been followed by a great diminution of the crime.
We showed that in the five years ending with 1820,
during which period, in England and Wales, no less
than ninety-four human victims to the law of blood
had perished on the scaffold, the number of commit-
tals was 645 ; while, in the five years ending with
1835, during which period no human sacrifice was
offered up to the paper Moloch, the committals were
only 251, or little more than one-half the number
that signalised the era of judicial slaughter—an era so
shocking to civilisation and humanity I Let the Whig
rulers look to these proofs of the inefficacy of death-
denouncing law to repress the crime of forgery, and
say whether it is necessary for the protection of com-
_—for the stability of commercial
mercial property
credit—for the security and confidence of mercantile
transactions---.that the horrid machinery of the scaf-
fold should again be put into operation, and its re-
volting exhibitions obtruded upon the disgusted sense
of an enlightened public ? Surely, if the change in
the law left the amount of crime as great as it was
before, it would be disgraceful, ay, and even criminal,
to have recourse to capital punishment again for any,
species of forgery, inasmuch as capital punishment
would be at least a useless and unprofitable shedding.
of human blood. But when it appears, upon unques-
tionable evidence, that the removal of the capital pe-
nalty, in all cases in which it has been removed, has
been attended with a reduction of the amount of crime

ing that their Tithe and Corporate Bills were to be
peace-makers, while O'Connell proclaims before all
the world that he would make them fresh platforms for
agitation 7. There is, nevertheless, a second charac-
teristic of the same letter which ought to be referred to,
as explanatory, in some degree, of the new predicament
in which Mr. Daniel O'Connell finds himself. He
repeats and dwells upon his lately discovered fact, that
the English mind revolts from him, and rejects his
schemes for bringing about a Popish revolution in
Ireland. And why does he this ? Is it for the love
of truth that he makes so unsavoury an acknowledg-
ment ? By no means. It is among those truths which
he would have " postponed," had he been able. But
he is not able. It is too notorious to be disguised or over-

looked. There has been nodisplay of English feeling on
behalf of Irish Popery and priestly power. There has been
on this side the water no shadow of sympathy with
M'llale and O'Connell against the Protestant Church
and people of Ireland—nay, with all the living con-
sciousness among Whig Ministers and their depen-
dents that the key-stone of their Government was to
be the downfall of Protestantism, and the revival of

to nearly cne.;half what it was before, the setting the
scaffold to work again, under Lord Lansdowne's relic
of the barbarous law, would be an act of sanguinary
severity, without any assignable motive. It would seem
as if it were done from a spirit desperately tenacious
of the remains of exploded barbarism—treating with
contempt the lessons of experience, and setting public
opinion at defiance. In the personal clemency of the
King we repose great confidence, although we are
aware that, if his Ministers insist upOn carrying Lord
Lansdowne's clause of the forgery-law into execution,
his Majesty is bound by the decision of his respon-
sible advisers. We know the repugnance which the
paternal heart of the King entertains against the ex-
treme execution of those laws by which the lives of
his subjects are taken, and we believe that the prac-
tical amelioration of several of our still remaining
capital statutes during his reign, is mainly owing to
the frequent expression of this sentiment by a Monarch
who deserves to live in the hearts of a free people.
We hope, therefore, that the revival of the extermi-
nating law of forgery will not stain the mild sway of
his paternal sceptre.—Morning Herald.
The note of the French Government to the Swiss
Directory, which we this day publish, is an interesting
document, inasmuch as it practically exhibits the de-
termination of Louis Philippe, in concert with Austria,
not to permit a school of republicanism to be esta-
blished in Switzerland, to foment revolutions in every
country in Europe where its emissaries can find admis-
sion. Last year the Cabinet of Vienna gave a pretty
strong hint to the Jeune Suisse on this subject ; and
this year, on the other frontier, France follows the
same instructive precedent. By both nations Swit-
zerland is clearly told that, while they are willing
to respect its liberties, they will not allow the
establishment of a central depot, from which the
propaganda was to be smuggled into Germany
Spain, or France. And we have no doubt that
Switzerland will be obliged not only to make
the concession demanded, but give security for the
future that, under the disguise of free exercise of
thought and opinion, conspiracies shall not be got up
for the destruction of all social rights in States now
comparatively happy, or at least content, under their
present form of Government. Believing that their fu-
ture condition and happiness of Europe depends much
on the part which France takes in eventful mo-
ments like the present, wc are rejoiced to see the King
so much alive to the dangers which surround him, and
so determined to repress the causes when he can
which gives rise to them. The Duke of Montbello's
note is not well drawn up. The substance cannot be
dispraised, but the points are not brought sufficiently
close to produce their full effect on public opinion
throughout Europe.—lllorning Port.

that blessed system of inveterate persecution against
every thing English and every thing not Popish, which
signalized the existence of a Roman Catholic Parlia-
ment, and the residence in Ireland of the last of the
Stuarts—with all that deep and personal interest on
behalf of Whiggery in the triumph of Irish Popery,
neither "Whigs nor Radicals would dare to stir, or
countenance the dismembering machinations of O'Con-
nell. That he knew all this himself, was no-

thing ; that he could not deny the untoward fact,
was nothing ; but it was much that the people of
England were aware of it, that public opinion re-
specting himself and the Whig Ministers began to be
sensibly affected by this amongst other elements of
a disastrous change, and public contempt for both to
spring from it as from a newly opened fountain.
What remained, therefore, for the disappointed agita-
tor ? Since he could not stem the tide of events, he
dexterously swam with it, and turned it to the service
of his own declining fortunes. He failed in creating
an English sympathy with the anti-English cause in
Ireland. He therefore seized upon that failure as a
means of exciting antipathy towards England in the
breast of his wretched countrymen. " You have de-
ceived yourselves," he says, " in imagining that the
English would do anything for you. I have preached
to you so long that they were Saxons—foreigners,
aliens, enemies to Ireland—that at length . they have
believed my word, and have taken up the converse
of the proposition, considering you as aliens and
enemies to them, and to the whole race of Saxons.
Tyrants as they are, they will not help you to destroy
their own brethren ; you must therefore do the work
of death and desolation for yourselves." Here, there-
fore, again is agitation made easy—here is a spirit of
animosity towards England, refreshed and ripened
into frenzy, by the cunning with which this fiend in
almost human form appeals to the disappointment of
his followers. But November draws nigh. The rent
is to be called for, and the base metal thus scattered
among the Papist poor of Ireland, when consecrated
by the priest, will soon reappear, bearing the Mint
stamp, and the Royal image, in sacks of gold and
silver. Mr. D. O'Connell states throughout the whole
of his letter, that he is now engaged in an experiment,
of which the object is to ascertain to what extent lie
can make the British Parliament an engine cf ruin to
the empire of Great Britain. If he cannot, through the
medium of a conjoint Legislature, manage to do fully
as much mischief to British interests as by one of ex-
elusively Irish growth, he will try the other tack—re-
peal the Union, and restore a College Green Parlia-
ment, whose Lords Spiritual will soon consist of May-
nootli-bred Bishops, and mitred Abbots, while the
House of Commons will one and all be returned on
the authority of Derrynane writs. But if Mr. Daniel
O'Connell on one side vindicates the support he has
hitherto vouchsafed to the Whigs, on the intelligible
ground that they were the only class of Englishmen
sufficiently selfish, depraved, and despicable, to
warrant any hope on his part that they would promote
his views for crushing the Protestant religion, and
for eventually rending the empire in twain ; at the same
moment we find that the Radicals of England are
making demonstrations of anger against this wretched
and imbecile band of placemen, for not having gone
half far enough in their assaults upon other branches
of our constitutional monarchy. The complaint of
Daniel O'Connell is, " You are not half Popish
enough." The clamour of the English malcontents is,
that " you have done nothing for democracy." Yet
out of such heterogenous and adverse elements is it
that the boasted strength of the Whig Administration
and concord of their majority is composed. The pre-
sent, therefore, appears to us a very curious, and for
his Lordship, an extremely anxious crisis, in the for-
tunes of Lord Melbourne and his miscalled " Cabi-
net ;" for it is the first hour in which the English
Radicals have at once exhibited a clear view of the
relation! in which they stand to their Whig de-
pendants, and have by undisguised declarations and
menaces forced upon the Whigs themselves a con-
sciousness for them so humiliating. The Radical
addresses and other publications echo those which
proceeded from O'Connell several months ago. They
say in words, you must give us short Parlia-
ments—you must give us a household suffrage—you
must give us the voluntary principle—you must give
us a demolition of the hereditary House of Lords—to
crown all, you must give us the Ballot !1 The Con-
servatives of both countries saw from the beginning
that matters must come to this. They knew that
Whigs, if they still retained one spark of the princi-
ples of those progenitors whose blood flowed within
their veins, or if they professed even the rudest and
most imperfect sense of what their own individual inte-
rest and security, derived from fortune, station, con-
nexion and intelligence, required of them, would not,
could not, dared not, make the immeasurable sacrifices
which a continued league with democratic revolution-
ists, and support from such men, must entail upon
them. We will speak frankly and seriously on this
subject. We thought at first, in the one respect just
alluded to, so well of the Whigs, as friends of the
British monarchy, that it appeared to us actually im-
possible for their alliance either with O'Connell or with
the English ultra-Radicals to live half the time it has
done already. It never, until in their last votes upon
the Irish Church and Municipal Bills, seemed to
our minds credible that English Whigs, vain of
the feats performed by their ancestors at the revolution,
could play the whole game of popery in Ireland,
and stand in menial servility behind the chair of a
coarse, crafty, dishonest, hypocritical upstart. We do
not yet believe it physically possible that they will
crouch to the republican fanaticism of their English
allies, to even one among a series of
deadly
andatt giveack waysupo n the noblest institutions of the mo-
narchy, which, artfully,, abstaining from the use of the
word republic, would reduce us in fact to a condi-
tion of republicanism more wildly democratic than has
evera
of, but for a few months of
rc until this moment have the
anarchy
yt
at hee
Paris.
dreamed eam
Nedever
democrats of England told the Whig Ministers, that
the crime of wholesale revolution is the price which
they (the Whigs) must pay for the retention of their
seats during one other session. " The Ministers and
Radicals," as the latter insist, " are to make common
cause against the House of Lords, and with the help
of the people out of doors, to change the constitution
of the legislative peerage." Have we said enough ?
Does the Duke of Bedford comprehend this ? Does
Lord Holland prefer the seals of the duchy of Lan-
caster to the hereditary coronet of his house ? Does
the Duke of Devonshire ? Does Lord Grey, the sup-
porter of the Whig Ministry ? Not one, however,
but all the great questions insisted on by one class of
democrats, are to be placed in abeyance by another