The Sun.
London, England, 1849-01-31 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON,

egregiously misrepresented, and which, in spite of the
misrepresentations of his antagonists, reflects more
honour upon the Foreign Secretary than almost
any of his brilliant and numerous achieve-
ments. Doubt and confusion still conceal
from us the real situation of the Peninsula-
Austrian absolutism, although reviving from its late
subjugation, is covering itself with more and more
infamy by the cruelties inflicted on the Lombards
by RADETZKY, and by the crimes perpetrated en the
unfortunate Hungarians by WINDISCHGRATZ. Prus-
sia aspires once more to dominate over the Germanic
empire, through the investiture of her SOVEREIGN
with the imperial dignity ; while the rest of the
Allemanian Confederation looks on with apathy at
the conspiracies of the minions of FREDERICK WIL-
HELM. Of Italy—poor, distracted Italy—promising,
until recently, to work out her regeneration, under
the guidance of GIOBERTI the Lombard, of PEPE
the Neapolitan, and of MAMIANI the Ro-
man, and, under the blessing "of that GOD
who" (according to the expression of the
King of SARDINIA) "had given Pius IX. to
the Italians !"—of Italy threatened with a threefold
invasion, from the Germans, from the mercenaries of
Naples, and from the military expedition of Spain—
nothing propitious, everything disastrous, can be
augured. CHARLES ALBERT at Alessandria, Mazzisa
in Switzerland, the PONTIFF at Gaeta,—all are circum-
stances fraught with misery to the Italians. While
such is the condition of the Roman Peninsula, Repub-

lican France gives alarming evidence that the explo-
sive and inflammable materials of revolution were

not exhausted either by the outbreaks of June or of
February. Even under the command of a BONA-
PARTE, the people of that great country are indisposed
to yield in the minutest particular to the insolent
machinations of the reactionaires ; nor are they acting
on:an erroneous principle in evincing this exquisite jea-
lousy of their popular prerogatives. Such are the most
conspicuous events which have tended to modify or
to confirm the foreign policy of PALMERSTON since
the period when he was last badgered by the perti-
nacity of Mr. URQUHART and his fides Achates Mr.
CHISHOLM ANSTEY. Of this the Noble Viscount
may rest assured, that the increasing complication of
his duties as a diplomatist will fail to inspire those
implacable antagonists with any sentiments of gene-
rosity, but that he will have to undergo a more violent
onslaught than any to which he may hitherto have
been subjected—his crimes comprising those blunders
which ought by right to be legitimately fathered on
the faineant ABERDEEN—such, for example, as the
bungling proceedings at the River Plate.
While, however, we would deprecate in the
strongest manner possible the virulence of such
personal attacks as those Indulged in against Lord,
PALMERSTON by the redoubtable Siamese to whom
we have alluded, we would nevertheless express our
satisfaction at that system which, through the medium
of questions put in the House of Commons,
enables the public to obtain some accu-
rate information with regard to the various
proceedings of the Government. Except in
a few instances, this arrangement has proved only
in the highest degree advantageous. And we doubt
not that before many evenings have elapsed the ad-
vantage of the custom of Parliamentary interrogation

will be more than ever demonstrable—from the

question of Sicilian Intervention down to that
of the Tooting cruelties ; from the pere-
grinations of Mr. TEMPLE to the mitigation of the
punishment of Mr. O'Bniarr. Each of the more
elevated Members of the Administration will discover
before the official stenographers have written many
pages to append to the voluminous records of
HANSARD, that there is no dearth of problems relating
to their various departments which stand in need of
solution. And prior to the commencement of any
important discussion, we are satisfied that consider-
able progress will be made in the disembarrassment
of the Cabinet of many of those annoyances which
may at present appear to be insurmountable. It is
earnestly to be hoped, however, that, in addition to the
fact of relieving themselves from many of their most

pressing involvements, the Ministers are prepared to
assume one of those bold and decisive courses which
can alone seeure to them the preservation of their popu-
larity. Half-measures, uncertainty, and dilatoriness,
are alike becoming more than odious, they are be-
coming absolutely unendurable to the population.
No Government can have the confidence of the nation
which 'presumes to daily with the aspirations of
the multitude. England does not look for such in-
decisiveness from the Government of Lord Jour Rus-
SELL. It expects from that Government the adoption
of a course worthy in grandeur and completeness of
the eminent statesmen whose genius and patriotism
constitute the strength of the Government. Vast
evils have to be remedied, and the population is re-
solved that the period of their removal shall not under
any circumstances be longer procrastinated. Let the
Cabinet recognise the imminence of this necessity
and act in accordance with the dictates of their own
intelligence.

A great national movement is now taking place on
the subject of financial reform. The people are
thoroughly awakened to the injustice and impolicy of
the present system of indirect taxation. Associations
are springing up on every side, having for their object
a more equitable adjustment of the public burdens.
Persons of every creed and party, of every
shade and variety of religious and political
opinion, are uniting together for the purpose of
zealous and cordial co-operation against the monster
grievance that has for so long a period preyed upon
the industry of this country, and involved the work-
ing classes in the utmost difficulties and distress.
There is no desire to repudiate the engagements of
our forefathers, to break faith with the public
creditor, or to impair or weaken the efficiency of our
national establishments. The British people will
gladly contribute all that may be required for the
maintenance of the national integrity and the
national safety ; they will not demand any changes
derogatory to the honour or the dignity of the
country ; but they insist that the sums which may
be required for these purposes should be equitably
assessed—that every man should contribute according
to his means.

Liverpool, the second town in this mighty empire,
is taking the lead in this important movement. The
National Financial Reform Association has
laboured zealously and efficiently. The cry for eco-
nomy and retrenchment, and also for direct taxation,
has gone forth, and will never cease until the
Legislature has recognised the will of the
sovereign people, and complied with their just
demands. Another society has also sprung up, from
whose proceedings we anticipate the most favourable
results. The first annual general meeting of the
members of the " National Confederation," for an
equitable adjustment of the national and local taxa-
tion, which was held on Monday evening in the
Music-hall, Bold-street, Liverpool, was most nume-
rously and influentially attended. The report of the
council to the members is a very able document, which
we doubt not will have its due weight
on those who are still holding back. The Confede-
ration was formed in December, 1847. In the
following spring it took a decided part in stimulating
the public to resist the demand of the CHANCELLOR
of the EXCHEQUER for an additional tax, without
any corresponding reduction. That attempt led to a
closer examination of the existing system. It was
felt that the property and income-tax, as it now
stands the equal taxation of every descrip-
tion of income, whether arising from fixed
sources, or from the precarious profits of
professional and mercantile men—was unequal in ope-
ration and unjust in principle—that, in fact, it was
utterly indefensible in every particular. The Press
stood forth with a strange and wonderful
theoccasion.
unanimity.
All its mighty power was exerted on
Article after article appeared day after day, and the
strongest manifestations took place in every district.
The Ministry speedily discovered the folly of the
proceeding, they perceived how vain it was to attempt
t o f o r c e
pthe
eooe ;
theobnoxious impost upon a determined and
united
recent events in other nations, had
exhibited
Popular power in some striking lights.
They did not, therefore, persist in the attempt. If,
however, the people were firm, the Minister of Fi-
nance was obstinate. Ile would not acknowledge
that the universal resistance was chiefly attributable
to the inequality and injustice of the income-tax.
1 There would not have been the slightest objection if
the principle had been modified, and the capitaliza-
tion of income made the basis of assessment.

That would not, however, have suited the
views of .his 'aristocratic friends, and he aban-
doned his proposition, because it would not be '
granted in the exact form that he desired, and he
asserted that the nation was opposed to direct taxa-
tion. He must now be convinced of the fallacy of
that opinion; he must be aware that there is a
general desire for a change in the entire system, and
the substitution of direct, for indirect taxation. Let
him be warned in time, for if he should refuse to
make considerable concessions he cannot hope to
retain his present position.
We may claim for ourselves the credit of being
among the earliest advocates of a great and compre-
hensive measure of financial reform. We pointed
out the " propriety and Justice of direct taxation on
property, in place of the present system, by which
the weight of the enormous national debt is made
to fall chiefly on those who should be
wholly exempted from its operation ;" and
we asserted " that the present system was not only
unjust in principle, but impolitic in practice--not
only inequitable, but inexpedient." On the Bth and
9th of June, 1847, and on several other days, we
published a series of articles, proving that the interest
of the National Debt., the 28,000,0001. sterling now
paid by the indirect taxation of the people, should in
equity be provided for by the imposition of a pro-
perty (not an income) tax ; and we demon•
strated that a large proportion of the remaining
charges would also be fairly chargeable upon the
property, and not the industry of the country, as it is
for the protection of that property and its more
secure enjoyment that they are incurred. We also
pointed out that the Excise and Customs' duties cost
the consumers (upon whom the burden of any tax or
impost must ultimately fall) fully 50 per cent. more
than found its way into the national Exchequer—in
other words, that there was an unnecessary increase
of the national burdens by more than 15,000,000/.
sterling, We subsequently impressed upon the
several constituencies the propriety of taking
advantage of the then forthcoming elections, and ob-
taining pledges from the several candidates on the all-
important subject. On the 21st of June, 1847, we
used the following language:—" It is for the people
themselves to say whether they will rest contented
with the present state of things. A golden moment is
at hand, an opportunity which suffered to escape may
not again be afforded to them for seven long years.
If they avail themselves thereof to the fullest extent
of their power, a long course of happiness and pros-
perity is before them, but if they are negligent and
apathetic—if they exercise their franchise without
care or forethought, they will only have

themselves to blame for the results, however
painful they may be." That golden opportunity was,
however, lost—Dur advice was disregarded. The
question was not pressed upon the attention of the
candidates. We had, however, the satisfaction of
having performed our duty, and of finding that at
length combined and vigorous exertions are making
that must result in complete success.