The Sun.
London, England, 1838-07-05 00:00:00

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

HATTON-GARDEN
Yesteriay, John Henry Austen, a ruffianly-looking fellow,
was placed at the bar, before Mr. Hcskins, charged with being
concerned in the following daring robbery.
A simple country girl, named Lucy Jackson, rrrived in
London by the waggon, at Cross Keys, St. Jahn-street,
Clerkenwell, on Saturday morning last, having brought with
her her trunk, containing W. 13s. and her warring apparel ;
when she was accosted by a procuress, residing near Sadler's
Wells Theatre, who inveigled her to her house, under a pro-
mise to procure herd respectable situation ; when the pri-
soner, a notorious smasher and bully, was deputed to fetch
her trunk from the coach-office, and she was robbed of the
Whole property, and left destitute. Neville and two other
women, named Chapman and Jones (a black), who had shared
in the plunder, were apprehended, and yesterday the prisoner
Austen was taken into custody, through the information of
Ann Chapman, the sister of one of the prisoners, with whom
he formerly cohabited.
Ann Chapman was now sworn, when the prisoner said, in a
gruff voice, " Please your Vurshup, she is jealous, and that's
the reason of her nosing upon-me ; besides, she is a prostitu e,
and her word's not be taken."

Chapman—l am a married woman, and here is my certi-
ficate.

Prisoner—Ab, as to that ere, its neither here nor there ;
you knows that you are now living with a returned transport ;
but never mind, you can only remand me.
The prisoner was remanded until Monday next.

MARLBORO UGH. STREET.
A young man named Lrvy, with his upper lip bandaged and
strapped together, charged two men with having committed
a very brutal assault-upon him in Hyde Park during the fair.
The circumstances are as follow :----Among the Coronation
amusements in the Park an aerial ship was provided for these
Cockney sailors who prefer the pleasures of a land voyage to
the perils of a trip on real water. The complainant mounted
the ladder for the purposes of taking a penny trip just at the
moment when a drunken man had contrived to create a d:s-
turbance, by climbing up to the cross-beam, and the two de-
fendants, who were employed by the proprietors to nav;gwe
the " aeril ship," by the help of a wheel, probably mis-
taking the complainant's intention, began to assault him.
One of the defendants kicked him on the mouth and split his
Fp in halves. The kick knocked the complainent to the
ground, and while lying in this defenceless situation the other
man jumped down and gave a second kick, which split his lip
a second time.

A rough-bearded, worn out man-of. war's-man, in the rem-
nants of a seaman's toggery, came forward, and making a sea-
leg, stood ready to give evidence.
MAGISTRATE—WeI!, my man, you saw this land ship, 1
suppose?

Sailor (with huge contempt)—Seed it ! yes, your honour, I
did see it ; cutter-rigged fore and aft, with a cro-jock yard.
The lubber ought to be keel-hauled as ever built sitch a thing.
MAGISTRATE—Did you see the complainant receive a
kick from any one? Sailor—l seed both kick him, one arter
t'other.

MAGISTRATE—On which side of the ship did the complainant
fall ? Sailor—Starboard side, your honour.
MAGISTRATE-1 suppose you mean on that side where the
ladder is placed ? Sailor—Yes, your honour; he was on the
gangway when he got the first kick, and then down he went
plumpendickler on the ground starn uppermost.
First prisoner—Vy your the werry cove wot cotched me
a precious whop under my ear wot knocked me bang into
Wessel.

Second prisoner—And your the von as guv'd me sitch a
gallus kick here (placing his hand on the spot), at I aint been
able to sot down comfortable ever since.
MAGIsmATE—The prisoners both charge you with having
assaulted them, witness.
Sailor (bitching up his trousers)—l aint going for to tell
no lie about this here consarn. I seed both these wagabonds
take an unmanly adwantage of that ere young man, and I
could nct stand it, so I naterally shoves forrad and lends 'cm a
rum un a piece.
The prisoners having signified their willingness to make
compensation, the Magistrate allowed the parties to retire.
The comp!nino.nt having been satisfied, the prisoners were
liberated.

MARYL EB ONE.
Yesterday Robert England, driver of the hackney-coach
No. 1,206, appeared on a summons obtained against him by
the Marquis of Blandford, for refusing to convey him as a fare,
be being at the time disengagwl.
The Marquis, about two o'clock on Friday morning, came
out of Cumberland-gate, Hyde-park, having been looking at
the fireworks, when he observed a number of hackney-coaches
and cabs standing unbired along the side of the curb stone; he
called defendant, who said he was engaged, but a gentleman
intimating to him that that was only said thinking le would
offer a good price, he insisted upon being conveyed, üben
the defendant asked him -.here he was going to, and on beii,g
told near Westininst.n. Bridge, he said Le could not take
he was engaged, and then, at the top of his voice, bawls
out, " You're .t nice cove, I don't think," " Does your mother
know you're out," and other slang phrases. He (the Marquis)
then took his number, and went away.
Defendant was fined 40s. and costs.

SHAKSPEARE AND. Ills FRIENDS, THE NEW
HISTORICAL RomANcn.--We have been better pleased with this work
than with any we have met with for a long time. The ground upon
which the author has ventured is fearfully full of difficulties, but he has
threaded his way with considerable skill. Shakspearc, Burbage, Ben
Jonson, Beaumont, Fletcher, Sir Walter Raleigh, Lord Burghley, Eliza.
beth, are brought in vivid portraiture before us; whilst the more direct
creations of the author's imagination are introduced with great ability.
There are few scenes, even in Scott, more
_owerful than the one, be-
tween the miser, Gregory Vellum, and hi ould-be murderers; whd t,
for practical fun and reckless o, we would introduce Harry
ring, as a capital specimen of , right mischievous, but right brave
youngster. The adventures of S,r Walter Raleigh are skilfully inter-
woven with the plot. " ShAspeare aad his Frieuds" appear before us
in very truth ; the generous disposition, ready wit, and noble beating of
the Poet, being pictured with rare success.— Age.
The New Novel liv. the " Desennuyee," entitled
" The Woman of the World," is just published. The former produc
tioa of this Authoress contaiiird one of the most bri'llaut pictures ever
exhibited of the fashionable world. The present volumes pout tray the
fashionable circles of the year 1835. Among the Dramatis Personce
will be found the Duke and Duchvr.socHavtriog, a Cabinet Minister
his WO! ! the Duchess of 4trinholton, r. fwhionable Aspasia ;
Count Flasgr ski, a Foi cign Exquisite; Lord Carpynter, n. Political Prig;
Lord Wexford, a distinguished gourmand ; with Ambassadors, At-
taches, Dowagers, and Danndies without end.

The Paris papers of Monday announce the
existence of a pestilential disease at Sabre £t. Gery, Belgium, and at
Beaumont and Consorle, in France. '1 he symptoms occasioned fears
that the malady war the black fever. Its progress was ra:,;(1, and in
the places just mentioned it had already de6matcd the population.
SWI TZER L A ND.—The Helvetic of the 29tth
states, that on the 221 the Federal Commissioners had c•ncluded an
armistice with the Government of Schweitz. On the 25th time Federal
troops were disbanded, and Colonel Zimmerli, th.e:r Commander, wa4
authorized to return to Berne. The 'Grand Counzil of Zurich offered
its mediation, which was accevled by the Vorcrt.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Earl Fitzwilliam presented on Monday n:gbt, in the
Floos,:. of Lords, the petitions (of which Le had given no-
tice) for a repeal of the Corr.-laws. The Noble Lord, a;
a matter of course, prefaced their, presentation w:th some
of his wed worn common-places on tl e sitiket. These
were speed 4 disposed of by Lord Stanhope, and by sera4
other Noble Lords, who are rot too " philosophical " to
abandon the cause of native industry ! Some of the free-
trad•-: journals have tab-en up the matter with considerable
carnestness ; and have eagerly impugned the views•wh'eh
he diforning Herald is stated to hold in common with
Lord Stanhope ! As we are not ashamed to stand up in
defence of the British farmer, and of the whole body of
British producers, so, we are not anxious to shrink from
any discuzsion of principles so momentous os those which
are involved in this question of the Corn-laws. An Even-
ing Contemporary (The Sun) thus approaches the subject,
ast night :
" One of the arguments urged against the repeal of the
Corn-laws in the columns of the Herald, and echoed by Lord
Stanhope in Parliament is, that it would augment the power
cif the capitalist, enable him to beat down wages, and make the
labourer still more a slave than at present to capital. we
look on that as a complete fallacy, because in the long run
food, clothing, and lodging constitute the actual payment of
wages. The money passes from hand to hand, and the prin.e
necessaries of life which the labourer purchases are his real
wages. Now, the supposition of those who contend,for the
retention of the Corn-laws i; that to abolish them more food •
from all quarters of the world would be offered to oar people
—that is snore real wages—and there being more real wages to
divide amongst the labourers, :t is plain that the share- of each
sn.in would be increased. In other words the total abolition
of the Cora-laWs would not, as Lord Stanhope and the Herald
assert, lower wages and increase the power of the capitalist.
It would raise wages and diminish that power relatively to -
the labourer, by introducing more competition amongst the
owners of toed—the real money in which wages are paid—to
eiipose of it."

In this passage, The Su;z evidently misunderstands, or
misrepresents, the arguments of its own economical party,
on the subject of the Corn-laws. The advocates onhe
repeal of the Corn-law state, as their strongest argument,
the fact, that the English Corn-laws create two prices of
labour in manufacturing Europe. But two prices of labour
(they urge) create two market prices for commodities of
the same description ; and this distinction of price must,
necessarily, make itself felt at the expense of the producers
of the dearer goods. British manufacturers are in the
condition of men, compelled to supply the general markets
of the world with commodities produced under the disad-
vantage of high-priced labour. But the Corn-laws are
the cause why British labour is higher priced than the
labour of the Continent. In the greater cheapness of
the labour which they employ, continental manufacturers
have (argue our free traders) a prodigious advantage
over their British competitors—au advantage, against
which the manufacturers of this country find it, every
year, more difficult to struggle. " Give us, therefore,"
exclaim the free traders, "give us fair play. Reduce
the price of English labour by reducing the price of Eng-
lish food. Let there be but one price of labour
throughout Europe, since all Europe is now but one great
market.' Such is the argument of free trade economists
of the first class ; but such is not the argument of the
writer in The Sun. According to this latter authority, a
repeal of the Corn Laws is to be desired, because, by such
a movement, " more flied front all quarters of the world
would be offered to our people—that is, more real wages
—and there being more real wages to divide amongst the
labourers, it is plain that the share qf each man would be
increased." The position, however, is mere heresy—a
palpable wandering from the pure faith of the great fathers
of political economy. These worthies urge many reasons,
indeed, why our labourers should be fed with cheap
corn—but they are mute as to the existence of any mo-
ral necessity for increasing the quantity of cheap corn
to be divided amongst our labourers. They argue
with exceeding earnestness in favour of their project
for equalising the price of wheat all over Europe ;
—but they have not laid it down, as being indispensable to
the eternal fitness of things, that, of the wheat so equalised
in price, a larger portion should come to the share of the
British labourer, than to the share of the labourer in Bel-
gium or Germany ! To prove that such an increase in the
amount of " real" wages (to borrow our Contemporary's
phrase) is not amongst the ends contemplated by the great
patrons of free trade, it may be sufficient to recall to mind
the complaints which they urge against the present system.
Under the present system, labour (they allege) is too dear ;
—and therefore they demand food at the continental price,
in order that they may obtain labour at the same price as
their continental competitors do ! But, supposing the
Corn Laws were repealed, and the price of food in Eng-
land, by consequence, reduced to the continental level,
the English manufacturer would, after all, on his own
showing, have gained nothing, if the quantity of cheap-
ened food doled out to the English labourer should happen
to exceed the quantity allotted to the labourer in other
countries. Quantity, in short, would after the repeal of
the Corn-laws, become as important an element. in the
manufacturers' calculations, as price is, under the existing
system. To allege, therefore, as The Sun does, that, in
consequence of a repeal of the Corn-laws, "each laboUrer's
share of real wages, or food, would be increased," is, sim-
ply, to contradict the whole scope and tendency of orthodox
;free-trade reasoning on the question ! It is difficult, in-
deed, to refrain from smiling, when we bear in mind the
fierce denunciations of the Coin-laws, which are periodically
poured forth by the free traders, on the ground that these
laws make English wages too high for the security of
English manufacturers—and then turn to the assertion of
The Sun, that a repeal of the " Corn-laws would raise
wages and diminish the capitalists power, relatively
to the labourer, by introducing . more competition
amongst the owners of food—the real money in which
wages are paid—to dispose of it." The leading econo-
mists, in short, clamour for a roped of the Corn-laws,
on the pound that English wages are too high. The
writer in The Sun joins in the cry for repeal, but his reason
is, that by a repeal of the Corn-laws, wages would be
raisod! Our Evening Contcmrorary appears, however, to
r ntcrtain some misgivings as to the soundness of his argu-
ment on this paint—so he proceeds to shift his ground, and
to attack native industry in another quarter!
"6 But supposing the arguments of the advocates of a ge-
neral plunder, by means of. the Corn-law, be correct, there is
one great difference between the power and opulence of the,
capitalist and the power and opulence of the landlord, which
our contemporary the Herald and Earl Stanhope overlook.
So far as the Corn-laws are concerned, the wealth of the
landlord is maintained by a direct tax on the food of the
people, but there is no such law to maintain the grofit of ca-
pital. Rent is paid by taxation ; profit is the result of free
bargain and sale in the common markets of the world. There
is no law to enhance the rate of profit; the Ccrn.law is ex-
pressly intended to increase rent."
If our Corn-laws had no other effect than " to increase
rent," we might not, perhaps, be found so eager as we are
to defend their continuance. It is because the protection
of British agriculture involves the protection of British in-

dustry in every shape, that we resist every attempt to de-
prive British agriculture of its only remaining defence !
True, indeed, the landed aristocracy of England is inte—
n•sted in the maintenance of the Corn-laws ; but we have
yet to learn the grounds cn which the ißt.'rests of that
body are to be held less sacred than the interests of
schemers, wl.we projects, if successful, must involve the
utter debasement of native producers of every kind ! But •
it is urged in disparagement of the Corn-laws, that they
‘• increase milt ;" whilst no law, we are told, exists, " to
tnhance the rate qf pr.:fits." There exist many laws to
enhance the value of money—and whatever enhances the
v.,lue of money adds direct ; , and of neceseity, to tie value •
of profit s. I f the legal into rtst on one hundrt d pounds be Eve
tounds,and the•rate of r rofit in tradc fifteen ; and if,Ly an Act
of legislation, cne hundrt d pounds shall acquire the value
which two hundred pounds possessed previous to the .pass-
ing of th,,t Act, the five pounds of interest, and the fillet n
founds of profit acquire, necessarily, the values, relatively,
of ten and of thir:y pounds! Now the currency Act of
1319 incr:ased, to a searcdy cab u'ahle ext.: nt,the value of
money in this country;—and by increasing the value of
money, "enhanced the rate of prvfts." We are living, at
mom'-nt, under the withering influtnees of that Act, as
c qldnly as we are living under the itiluences of the Corn-
I ws :—Lay, the Corn-laws—itrperfcet as they are—fur-
nish the only protectifn, which native industry now pos-
s:•sses :.ga'nst the desttuefive tendencies of the Currency
ili:1 of 1819, arid of other measures framed in a similar

- .....
Fp'r:t.. The Currency Bill of 181 operates, at every mo-
ment, to chef:Fen labour, and •all tl s products of labour.
Ti 2 Currency Bill of 18W is the great title deed of our
i llurs and aunu:tants—the instrument of mortgage
‘‘..1.i.11 they hold ever native Lhottr, and all its creations.
If it were not for the operation of the Corn-laws, the la-
b, firers of England would be, at this moment, the most
wretched str:S in the world. The Corn laws widen the
field for native industry, by seeming British agriculture
bum extinction. The Corn-laws alone preserve a home
tea-ket for capital and labour—and operate at the
s,.:ne time, to the hroitath n of the destructive spiEit of
manuf.ctu:i- g gambling—that spirit, ff:hielf has caused e
nuor,s frightful extent of misery and rum •throughout the
world, than loadcd dice and thimble-riaging in all its varie-
ties have f ver effected. The existence of the Corn-laws is
tl,e only barrier which nowremains against the universal
a,cendanny of free-trade pr;neip;( s. These principles have,
,1,-eads, reduced seven hundred thousand hand-loom
f
wcaters, from a state of comfort to destitution in its most
f+ fight titl shapes ; and the fate, uhich has already overtaken
tic 'retort mate artisans, is in store for every other class
of British labourers, the moment the Corn-lair's shall be re-
poaled I—:teaning Herald.
We are plea,rd to find tFat mast useful and consistent
hbetal, Mr. T. Dunnoatbe, the,Member for Finsbury, who
has alrcaly done go)d se:lice-At) the p:pu'ar cause by his