The Sun.
London, England, 1849-02-21 00:00:00

THE SUN,' LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 2l, 1849.:

Indemnity was a copy of the unamended Bill of the
Cape, and a provision was copied into the Bill from the
Bill of Indemnity passed in Ireland after the rebellion
of 1798, which went to the extent of justifying any one,
acting under the orders of Government, for any act
committed by him during the rebellion. But what,
after all, had been the last act of Lord Torrington ?
Why, the repeal or modification of the tax ordinances,
thereby admitting that the people had a just ground of
complaint.—(Hear, hear.) ' The fact was, that financial
embarrassment had led to the laying on of injudicious
taxes, and these, combined with other matters, had led
to the disastrous occurrences which had ensued, but
even these had been so far successful that they had led to
a modification of the obnoxious tax ordinances. The
real source of all these mischiefs was to be found in the
colonial system—(Hear)—the attempt to govern men of
whom we were utterly ignorant. The consequence was,
misgovernment and general discontent in the colonies.
Whn the discontent became loud, then some one called
attention to the subject, but generally speaking they were
contented with the information which might be commu•
nicated by the official authorities. The only remedy ho
conceived was, to transfer Ceylon to the East India
Company.—(Hear, hear.) It was part and parcel of the
East Indian empire. The products were nearly the
same, and when troops were wanted in Ceylon they were
wanted in the East Indies. It was morally impossible to
govern Ceylon by the Colonial-office, partly because
that men of distinguished ability would not accept of the
government where the sphere of action was so limited as
it was in that Island. Another reason for the change
would be, the saving that would be effected in the
military establishment, which had increased in expense
from 110,0001. to 134,0001. The question, he thought,
therefore, was whether, under all the circumstances, it
would not be desirable to transfer Ceylon to the East
India Company.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. ADDERLEY said he could not but regret that a
great national question like the present should be met on
the one band by a mere trick, and on the part of the
rnder-Secretary of State (Mr. Hawes) by a personal
defence. As far as he himself was concerned, he would
rather return to Earl Grey than otherwise_(Hear, hear,
from the Ministerial benches)—because the Noble Earl
seemed raised up by Providence to cleanse the colonial
system.—(Opposition cheers.) Be (Mr. Adderley) did
not care who made the attack or who made the defence,
so that they had the inquiry how they were to get out of
the colonial system. It was said that the cases submitted
in the motion as deserving of inquiry were so dissimilar
that no satisfactory inquiry could possibly take place
respecting them. But be thought the dissimilarity of
the cases was rather a reason why inquiry should take
place than otherwise; for if it was found that in the three
cases staled in the motion, so dissimilar as they were
admitted to be in their nature, their colonial system of
government had broken down, he thought an inquiry
into each of these would be the best means of testing
the principle of that government, and enabling them
to arrive at correct views respecting it. He cared little
how that inquiry was constituted, nor did he care what
the result might he, provided it led to the bettering the
condition of the colonies, for he did not know to what
party in that House he belonged; he had no leader, and
was a follower of no particular party; but, seeing so
disastrous consequences flowing from their present
system of colonial government, he felt called on to give
his aid in doing what it was considered would be the
means of remedying those evils. The effect of that
system on Ceylon was well known. He was not alto.
gather satisfied with the qualifications of Lord Torring-
ton, who had been sent out as Governor of that colony.
It was true, the Under Secretary for the Colonies had
told them that that Noble Lord was highly qualified for
the office. But what were his qualifications? Why, the
Hon. Gentleman had attempted to prove his qualifica •
Lions from the able manner in which he had administered
the affairs of a farmer in Kent. He had said that the
Noble Lord was an amateur farmer in Kent.—(Laughter.)
But if being an amateur farmer in Kent qualified him for
the Governorship of Ceylon, it was a higher elevation
than any amateur farmer in this country had as yet
attained to. The Hon. Gentleman had also expressed
his astonishment that the Hon. Member for Inverness
had laid so much stress on the taxes imposed by Lord
Torrington, but had altogether overlooked those ho had
repealed. The fact, however, was that had such been
done, the case against the Government would have been
made still stronger. So far from the efforts of Lord
Torrington, to carry out what was called a system of
free trade, he had reduced the revenue of the colony, and
been obliged to impose other taxes in order to make up
for the deficiency thus created. From the time that
system was attempted, there was not a dispatch reached
this country from the Governor of Ceylon, in which
there was not an appeal for aid from the Home Govern-
ment, and an intimation that some new tax had been
imposed. In consequence of those numerous and op-
pressive taxes being imposed, the rebellion arose, and
the scenes took place which had already been detailed
to the House. The lion. Gentleman concluded by urg-
ing that the colonists should be allowed the privilege of
local representation, as the best means of promoting
their interests, and securing the peace and prosperity of
the colony.
Mr. F. SCOTT felt compelled to condemn the mode
in which our colonies were dealt with. Hon. Gen-
tlemen on the opposite (the Ministerial) benches pro-
fessed to be admirers of a free constitution, and :yet re-
fused to colonies the benefit of it. The present Govern-
ment professed to be bent on retrenchment and eco-
nomy, and in Ceylon, whose revenue amounted to but
408,0001., they specially sanctioned charges amounting
to 236,000 L Lord Grey, in one of his dispatches to
Lord Torrington, laid down the extraordinary doctrine
that the poverty of the colony, not its property, was to
be taxed, inculcating the expediency of a endeavouring
in the imposition of taxes to make them press, so far as
prudence would admit, rather upon those who were con-
tent with a mere subsistence, than upon the possessors
of property and the purchasers of luxuries." In the
same didatic essay upon the blessings of taxation, he
stated that, as " the real welfare of mankind consisted not
alone in the enjoying an abundance of the necessaries of
life, but in their being also placed in a situation favourable
to their moral improvement, and to their advance in
civilisation," therefore " it might be for the true interest
of the working classes that the contributions demanded
from them towards the wants of the state should some-
what increase the amount of exertion required for pro-
curing a subsistence." He seemed to think that the
true way to civilise was, not to send out missionaries
from Exeter Hall, but the Chancellor of the Exchequer
with a band of tax-gatherers.—(A laugh.) A tax upon
rice was sanctioned by men who talked so much of the
advantage of the poor man having untaxed bread.—
; (Hear, hear.) Those who complained were told to peti-
tion the Legislative Council; but they had no confidence
in that resource; if there were a division the unofficial
members would be sure to be in a minority; it would be
merely appealing from the Governor to the Governor.
The legislative Council might be regarded as a packed
council; and the Governor seemed to have a notion of a
packed jury also, for he wrote, "I have taken every rea-
sonable precaution to prepare a fair and respectable
jury." All the mischiefs of which the House had been
hearing were the consequences of a system which Lord
Grey himself, when in the House of Commons, aptly
described as " a bold irresponsible despotism."
Sir R. PEEL—As I believe the House is agreed upon
the main point at issue—namely, that there is to be an
inquiry into the administration of Government in two,
at least, of the colonies which have been named; and as
the Hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary (Mr. Haw")
challenges and insists upon inquiry into the specific fact,
stated by the Hon. Member for Inverness-shire (Mr.
Baillie), I confess I wish it were possible, as there ap-
pears a common agreement on both sides of the House,
IA to the inquiry, by common understanding so to mo-
dify the terms of reference to the Committee that there
should be no necessity for division with respect to them.
—(Hear, hear.) In my opinion, quite apart from the
particular points adverted to with great ability by the
Hon. Member (Mr. Baillie), there would be public ad-
vantage in an inquiry into some matters connected with
the administration of government in these colonies—an
inquiry not intended to cast blame upon the parti-
cular Secretary of State who is now administering the
functions of that department, but an inquiry calmly and
dispassionately conducted into the system which has pro-
veiled, with a view of ascertaining whether there could
be any modification or improvement of it calculated to
give satisfaction and contentment to the colonies.
(Hear, hear.) Looking at the state of Demerara, look-
ing at the state of Ceylon, the proofs that there are of
discontent in those colonies, whether well founded or
not, I should think, without reference to any personal
and individual considerations, there might be advantage
in one of those inquiries which have often been instituted
by this House being acceded to by the Government, with-
out its being considered that that concession involved any
censure of them. I recollect'one which continued through
two or three sessions; it was moved by Lord Althorp,
and assented to by the then Government, and not con-
strued into any censure upon them. So with regard to
the general condition of these colonies. I say I think
there might be public advantage in an inquiry ; and as
for the challenge of the Hon. Gentleman, that, of course,
constitutes another ground for inquiry; I presume, after
his declaration, ho will be among the foremost to urge
the necessity of inquiry into the specific facts that are
alleged. I should enter into it without selecting one
particular Secretary of State as the object of condemna-
don; the inquiry would extend to the department under
other Secretaries of State, not with a view of party
triumph, but of really ascertaining the condition of these
colonies, and increasing their satisfaction in British
dominion.—(Hear, hear.) I say again I wish it could
be arranged, avoiding the possibility of any inference
that this was intended to revive protection, to specify the
object of inquiry, and thus prevent the necessity for the
amendment. I say at once, if it be an economical one—if
it he an inquiry into tke financial and commercial condi-
tion of these colonies with a view of reviving protection,
or unsettling the minds of the colonists with regard to
the possibility of it—l, for one, could not consent to the
inquiry.—(Hear, hear.) I think there would be great
public evil in deluding colonists by an expectation
that the House of Commons would consent to an altera-
tion of that system of commercial policy which has re-
ceived its sanction.—(Hear, hear)—but I think it would
be possible to effect the purpose of the Hon. Gentleman
by such an alteration of the terms of reference to the
Committee as might preclude any misconstruction, if
misconstruction there be with regard to his object.—
(Hear, hear.) lam afraid I shall be thought fastidious,
but I must confess I neither like the original motion
nor the amendment; I dislike stating what our resolu-
tions are. Lets us pass Acts, and evince our determina-
tions by our acts—(Hear, hear)—as for declaring that
this house is resolved to do a certain thing, I wish the
necessity for such a declaration could be avoided.—
(Hear, hear.) Now, it is impossible to discuss this
matter without some reference to the papers that have
been laid upon the table ; and I am bound to say I do
think that in this book which relates to Ceylon I find
ample grounds to justify a motion for inquiry.—(Hear.
hear.) Ido not mean to say a word anticipatory; but
these are official documents presented to us by the re-
sponsible Ministers of the Crown, and it is difficult to
discuss a question of this kind and remain entirely silent