The Sun.
London, England, 1849-06-04 00:00:00

ARTS AND SCIENCES.

Mr. EWART, adverting to a grant made last year,
and proposed to be renewed this year, for general edu.
cational purposes connected with the arts and sciences,
_trusted some viva voce statement would be made by the
Riglit-llotr. Secretary for the Home Department as to
the manner in which the- money had been appropriated.
Sir G. GREY said the subject was more within the
province of the Board of Trade than the Home-office, but
he believed the information the Honourable Gentleman
required might he found in the blue book prepared by
the Council of Education, and laid before the House a
short time ago.
Mr. EWART said it was difficult to get at informa-
tion that was buried in a blue book.—(A laugh.) What
he wished was that a statement should be made to the
House on the subject by some member of the Govern-
ment.

CEYLON.
Mr. lIUME gave notice, that on going into Committee
of Supply on Monday, he should move a resolution to the
effect that the time had arrived when the public expen-
diture of Ceylon and British Guiana ought to be reduced,
and means taken to establish efficient governments in
those colonies.

THE SUFFRAGE.
Mr. F. O'CONNOR, on behalf of the lion. Member
for Rochdale, who was unable to attend from illness,
wished to ask the Hon. Member for Montrose, whether
it was his intention to bring forward his motion relative
t' the suffr ge to morrow. If so, he was authorised by
the Hon. Member for Rochdale to withdraw his amend-
ment.

Mr. FIUME said it was his full intention to do so.

Mr. F. O'CONNOR begged lcave then to withdraw
the amendment of his Hon. Friend the Member for
Rochdale.

CANADA.

Mr. IIERRIES asked the Neble Lord to explain how
it was that some documents connected with Canada had
been omitted from the papers laid before the House, be-
cause they were too voluminous. Were they omitted by
the authorities in Canada, or by the Colonial-office in
making up the papers?
Mr. HUME said that before the question of the
Hon. Member for Oxford was answered, and before the
motion came on of which he had given notice, he
thought that it was necessary that the several papers
respecting the viirious expenses incurred by these losses
,should be lad upon the table of the House. The House
had a right to know what these expenses

arose from, and how the progress of the
contest had increased their amount—and he also de-
sired to know what papers the Government were in
possession of that had not been laid on the table of the
House.

Lord J. RUSSELL said that all the documents which
had been received from Canada had been laid on the table
of the House.

Mr. GLADSTONE said that all the documents in
the possession of the Colonial-office during his presi-
dency over it had been published.
THE PALACE COURT.

Mr. OSBORNE wished to ask the Attorney-General
whether any steps had been adopted for abolishing the
nuisance of the Palace Court?—(Hear, hear.)
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that the neces-
sary communication had been entered into with her
Majesty's Steward of the Household, and the only ques-
tion, he believed, which remained to be settled, was one
of compensation to the officers of the court.—(Loud
Cheers.)
Mr. OSBORNE—Then am I to understand that a bill
will be brought in during the present session for the
abolition of the court? Will a Bill be brought in this
session?—Clear, hear.)
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL—There was mac
to consider; he could not say. It was impossible to
say whether the bill would be brought in.—(Oh.)
Mr. JOHN CONNELL suggested that a similar Bill
should be brought in to abolish the Attachment Courts
in Ir, land. The matter then dropped.
INCUMBERED ESTATES eIRELAND) BILL.
On the motiost for the third reading of this Bill,
Sir L. O'BRIEN said, that this was a Bill for neither
more nor less than hurrying the incumbered estates in
Ireland into the market, and as the names of the pro-
posed Commissioners had been refused he should move
that the Bill be read a third time that day six months.
Colonel DUNNE, in rising to second the motion, pro-
tested against the allegation that Irish landed proprie-
tors had not done their duty by their tenantry in pro-
viding employment for them, and said that the real
truth was, more had been done for the
labouring inhabitants in Ireland in that way,
than in any other part of the United Kingdom.
Ile denied that the encumbered condition of property
was the cause of the poverty and distress which now
existed in most of the unions of Ireland, and attributed
those evils to the poor-law, and to the manner in which
it was administered by the Government. In one union
in the county of Galway, there was scarcely an encum-
bered proprietor, although it was the scene of distress
and misery. It had been alleged that the difficult
transfer of property was another cause of the evil; but,
on examining the facts of the case, he found that there
had been a great deal of exaggeration upon this head.
From a return it appeared that property amounting to
700,000/. was under the care of the Court of
Chancery in Ireland, but that included the es-
tates of lunatics and minors. The entire va-
luation of property in that country as dated by
Lord Rosse was twenty millions, but of that, scarcely a
twenty-eighth part was under the custody of the Lord
Chancellor. Ho mentioned those facts because it had
been asserted that a fourth and even two-thirds of the
whole property was under the guidance of the masters
which was agross exaggeration. In other countries where
the transfer of property was perfectly free, there was to
be found embarrasment equally great to that of Ireland.
Fifty per cent. of the whole land of France changed
hands within ten years after the revolution in 1790,
and though now it was in the possession of five
million and a half of families, the debt
upon it amounted to two-thirds of its value. He
therefore, thought the representations with respect to
the division of property in Ireland was extremely incor-
rect. He admitted that it was difficult to find a pur-
chaser at the present moment for land; in one instance
an estate was put up three times for sale in Mr. Brook's
office within one year, and yet it was impossible to
get a bid for more than three years' purchase.
He would like to know whether the object of this Bill
was to get rid of the proprietors of Ireland, without
giving them full value for their estates? What was it
to Irishmen if the ILuse removed the landlords of the
people of Ireland. and planted the most thriving colony
in their country? If the people of Ireland went to'Americe
the feelings and sympathies of their landlords would go
with them. The House had passed confiscation after
confiscation bill, and tried similar bills to that before the
'louse, and the state of the country, after seven years of
that kind of legislation, was nearly as bad as in the time
of Elizabeth. If the Irish people went to America, the
landlords became Ametican people a'so. The Hon.
Member concluded by supporting the motion of
his Honourable Friend, that the bill be read
a third time that day six months.
Mr. GROGAN said this was the most Algerine Bill
which had ever been proposed to Parliament. It was
proposed to give a controul over property in Ireland
which no English proprietor would ever submit to fur a
moment. For that reason, he would vote against the
third reading of this Bill.
Mr. NAI'IER said he would state to the House the
grounds on which ho thought this Bill ought not to pass.
He concurred in many of the objects of the framers of
this Bill. On consideration he thought it would be
admitted that two classes of machinery would be
required for carrying out this Bill, namely,
both adnainistrave and judicial machinery. Ile
admitted that the Court of Chancery in these
matters was susceptible of improvemement, that greater
facilities ought to be given, but he contended that its
powers ought not be superseded. Was it likely that
professional men in Ireland, whose professional acquire-
ments were considered equal, if not greater, than those
of the Lord Chancellor, would forsake their profession
to take an appointment of five years with a salary of
7,000/. a yeer.—(Hear.) They might call it romance or
anything they liked; but if these Commissioners were
to be' empowered to make rules, as was stated in the
all, they would endanger the safety of the pro-
perty with which they might deal, since it
would be removed beyond the scope of the
law of the lard, than which nothing could be more dan-
gerous. Besides they would supersede the supervision
of the Lord Chencellor and the Master of the Rolls.
Again, they did ;not know who the Commis-
sioners were to br ; they were to be subject,
it was true, to the control of the Privy Council,
in which there were bishops and other persons, but the
Council had the power to act as they thought proper,
for they would not be bound by any laws. And this
they were going to deal with the whole property of
Ireland, which, though much reduced in value, had,
in many cases, been obtained by honest industry.
He thought the provisions of the Bill most useless and
uncalled-for, and he should therefore vote for the
amendment. It was not a wise course of Government
to be continually introducing new measures on this sub-
ject to supersede others in existence, because it served
only t - shake public confidence in the administration cf
justice. He did think that a special jurisdiction in Ire-
land was neither more nor less than imposition, and the
way in which they were treating Ireland was an insult
to the country. The Hon. Gentleman then went on to
examine seriatim those clauses which regulated the sale of
estates, and the application of the funds to the public
expenses of the district. his firm belief that the Bill
would be made a means of derrauding the local revenue.
—(Bear.) Why could they not deal with property
in Ireland as they dealt with land here, as they dealt
with it under the Laud Clauses Bill.—Clear, hear.)
Why, he asked again, should they have a separate
jurisdiction for property in Ireland. It it was
shown that the Court of Chancery was incompetent
to deal with it, he would grant that some cause was
made out for the establishment of an additional juris-
diction, but no such cause had been or could be made
out; and be repeated, therefore, that this Bill was
neither more nor less than an insult to Ireland.
There was plenty of property for sale in Ireland, but it
could not be disposed of except only at a few years pur-
chase. As to the particular measure, he would say that they
were not justified in going beyond what the ne-
cessities of the case actually required ; and if
they did, they would perpetrate a great injus-
tice upon that country. Excessive powers were
given to the Commissioners appointed under the Bill, but
they were relieved of all responsibility, and would not,
in certain cases, even be subject to a writ of mandamus.
He objected to this Bill as there it was made a special
case against the whole of Ireland; throwing the whole
property of Ireland under the control of Commissioners.
Mr. SADLEIII had the misfortune to take a very dif
ferent view of he measure before the House from that
of the Honourable and Learned Gentleman who had
preceded him. To the principle of the Incumbered
Estates Act of last session, as reflected in its preamble,
he had given an unqualified support, though he objected
to _ome of its details. His Hon. and Learned Friend took a
very narrow view of the Bill before the House. Ho seemed
to think in passing this Bill, the House would be destroying
avastdealoft
had knownheproperty- inlwrehlaant mdv;l;:tthief
practices
of and Learned Friend
of the Master's office in Ireland, ho would have to come
to a very different conclusion.
(LEFT SPEAKING.)

In TthieieEyesfforei
ners
.pIMPROVIDENCE OF A
our hands and with
a great s
PEOPLE.
ourw ithheadas
m;
making, provident people.g w .. are a wealthy, money-
We labour unceasingly with
wu
munificent©
t fia
cmeaascse wealth,
which
support our chatitie
deems, in
of our vices ; our measure,ar' the refinement and amount
are called into and swaygos lie: float in every sea, we
greater in extent, but weakecreouncils of other nations,
never goes down upon our vast‘ in
power, and the sun
perennially upon them; yetwe are
but shines
provident. The soft stirring not, as a people,
sounds of
music from
languishing
the palace fall upon the ear of the wretch l
poverty and rags upon his pallet, such is theehing in
of wealth and squalor—magnificence and fid)roxlmity
n h
highways of the sister isle, men, women, and children,te
whose lives have been one long, dark, bitter, night
of agony and suffering, unchequered by the
slightest gleam of sunshine, the amount and
extent of which no pen can paint, lie down and die of
disease and famine; thousands here want work, arid to
want work is to want bread, lodging and raiment; yet
are we an improvident people, when we have the means
of bz:ing provident, To hear that a man has died
and left his wife and family v:ithout a farthing—
ie.', them to chance—to live or perish anywhere ;
in the workhouse, in the prts,on, or the street, is so
common an occurrence as not to be regarded as such
things should, as the integral parts of a disaster,
which in the aggregate [amounts to a national cala-
mity ! Forecast and the merest prudence would
obviate this- to a vast extent. The mass of the people
possess-no capital save their labour, and the susten-
ance which it produces may the next moment be im-
paired or taken away altogether. It becomes therefore
the absolute duty of the poorest man to provide, in
however alight a degree, for the support of himself
and his - family in that season of helplessness
which Comes upon men -when they least cx•
Fret such a vigtation: The curtailment of some slight
enjoyment—a glass of beer, or a " screw" less a day—