The Sun.
London, England, 1836-05-21 00:00:00

MUSICAL LECTURES.

Two lectures, in reference to the present st ate of the
e
musical art, were delivered by Mr. H. I. GaurLtlett to the
members of the Islington Literary Institution, on the every
ings of Thursday, the 12th and 19th instant. VheY were
introduced by some remarks on the formation at d cultivai
tion of a sound and classical taste on correct models, the
the to ticluif
the state of the art was then considered in refer,.
different branches of the science ; the ccclesiasti,;u.
ing the anthem, mass, and oratorio ; instrument 31, Partikeu;
larly noticing the modern symphony ; dramatic music'
Sc bee,
The illustrations were selected from the works of '
Bach, Handel, Gluck, Haydn, Mozart, Beethov en,
Hummel, Spoilt., Ries, Mendelssohn, Rossini, aid S..hlet'er
The vocal performers engaged were Miss Rainfo rth, 1\13%-c
Howe, Mr. Francis, Mr. Hobbs, Mr. A. N. Nall° ;
Bls-
instrumental, Mrs. Cope, Mr. J. Bannister, ltir.
grove, Mr. Kearns, Mr. Lazarus, and Mr. H. J.. Bann from
Miss Rainforth sang the grand and elaborate seenn,iri°,,,-,,
the Azor and Zenara of Spohr, and the dr et ,`"-of
bella," from Der Berggcist, with Mr. Novella, in a stle•d-a
the most finished excellence. Mr. Hobbs, in the Addat.u.
of Beethoven, was enthusiastically received, a ad was raPtil;
rously encored in Shield's lovely melody of 1 While the 11 a
of the village." Mrs. Cope and Mr. Lazari performea
r,
beautiful duet for the pianoforte and clario) act, andttj:
and the Messrs. J. Bannister, Blagrove, Ke: Irns, '1%,0_,
Bannister executed several quartetts in a very cbarnn-n.:
manner. The pianoforte quartett (in Brr Linor) of Me,„
a truly
delssohn proved a source of great delight, and is
astonishing specimen of his extraordir.ary genius' the
abounds with amazing difficulties, and 'As pr obably in is,
recolleoion of the musical public from its pe.rformauee
the members of the Quartet at their last meet_
ing in the present season. The audience wr.s. exceedingly
numerous on both occasions, and evinced the ,utmost ateteenii
tin to the specimens submitted to their Potice, wma
weore, without exception, highly beautiful, classical, all
attractive compositions.

---- --- _
--
Sir Robert and Lady Peel and family left Wbite
gt f.
hall-gardens on Wednesday for Drayton Mr .nor HOUget '''' -5
fordshire, where the Right Hon. Baronet is expected to re-
main until the 30th inst., to which day the House of Ce.rn;
mons is expected to be adjourned this evening, on the n tetl°
of Lord John Russell, for the Whitsuntide recess.
Mr'
RIENZI, TIIE LAST OF THE TRIBUNE-'--
aar v
Bulwer has traced the bald events of the extraordi...
career of the Tribune Rienzi in language the most po' Nrcs
ful and animating. The characters, c,sipecially the fete I.ve
Nina and Irene, are drawn with
have
presented to us the stern inflexibility of Rienzi, ._,
unf: k‘ll7:
reckless bearing of Walter de Montreal, the
devotion of Nina, and the fond love of the gentle GT',
He has described with a vigorous and well sustained mapo'a
power the Roman Nobles with their feuds, their tyrarfiY, 1610 f
their contemptible feebleness ,_• the brutal licentic,no,ess
0,
Martino di Porto, the animal 4:erocity of Orsini, 4nd -01°410
lished but heartless sarcasm of Luca di Savelli. I n the wu.,,,i.
range of ancient or modern history, it is not Gas/
owersto ths,rl'i;,t,
a subject embracing nobler materials; it is nue laic'
called forth the highest exercise of Mr. Bulwc,r's p.
amusing themselves by rook-shooting, at NevJborougb, had
SPIRITs.—Last Friday, a party *,vho bal? :roe!
ployed a lad to take them liquor into the wc ,ods ; and hurl they
ie..
had most reprehensibly plied with ardent F.spirit to sue%_:itt
gree as to produce a locked jaw. He sve.s conveyed bI" t
awshliconckoiunrg informantstate, liis
left, his
groans were the only sound he. could articteatte.--1
Courant. firmly
t he I had'-'ne 1 noticd and
b e e ni loi sp
tecileetteao- el
r'-;),1' l

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Irish disappointment has rarely vented itself in a
more native or genuine strain than in the exclamation
'at a Cork Editor, at the intimation of Lord Morpeth,
the re-payment of the Million Loon will not be
,riled for by the Government, and that those instal-
n!ents of it which have been exacted, by means of Ex-
quer processes, and other modes of legal torture,
8411 be refunded to the payers. "It thus appears,"
gaYs this thick and thin instructor, " that all the labour,
124 y, bloodshed, of the recovery of instalments, is to go
for nothing." What a hard case T. The heroes of a
hundred processes are thus doomed to see their laurels
has
like commonest weeds. For any fruit that
have
come of their campaigning, they might as well not
'aye " kept their powder dry." And have they re-
resented the terrific majesty of the learned Barons,
dead into houses, by virtue of that personation, at
uead of night, and on fitting occasions even done
anti-tithe rebels to death—and all this "to go for no-
thing !" Is it for this they have themselves fallen
sometimes into the power of " the Philistines," been
~znpelled to chew parcbment, ay, and swallow it too,
like household bread, for nothing.

" Cur quis sic prandeat, line est ?"
Never was such a contempt of court meditated or at-
tempted before, never the vested rights of bloodshed
so unmannerly shoved aside, never tiger so ruthlessly
bereft of his prey. The trophies of ltathcormac, the
hard-earned honours of Wallstown, to be thus quoited
into schedule A. " Oh, oh—'tis foul." Surely the
Rouse of Lords will look to this. The Irish Tories
will invoke a Lyndhurst to the rescue. Will they not
SaY to him—
" Operum hoc, mini crede, tuorum est ?"
Will they not appeal to that spirit of economy,
Which has so recently and so honestly animated the
other tenants of the great house, to array itself against
so atrocious an abandonment of the public exchequer,
nor suffer all that precious " labour and bloodshed to
go for nothing !" , There is something so insulting in
requiring clergymen and tithing landlords, who have
called in the instalments, to carry the pieces of silver
which are the price of so much toil and danger back
to the Treasury, that we should not wonder if this
Clause alone should prove fatal to the Bill.—Morning
Chronicle.
As Mr. O'Connell in the autumn of 1835 busied
himself in getting un a Radical agitation throughout
England to serve the purpoSes of his Whig vassal
Ministers, two or three of these personages are now
returning him the compliment, and are brewing toge-
ther the elements of a Roman Catholic agitation, for
the service of O'Connell and the Priests. The scenes
of the learned incendiary's undertakings were out of
doors, but that chosen by the Ministers of the (Irish)
Crown is within the walls of Parliament. It is very
Painful to be compelled into a daily repetition of the
same remonstrances, by the incorrigible pertinacity with
which the same false assertions and assumptions are
P4sisted in. The two charges against the House of
Lords, " that they have withheld municipal institutions
from Ireland," and thereby stigmatized the " people of
Ireland," by declaring them to be unfit for the duties
of local self-government, though exposed and refuted
48 often as they were produced, are now once more, and
we conceive in a shameless manner, repeated by Lord J.
Russell. The Noble Lord, or rather Mr. Spring Rice,
this Lordship's bottle-holder on the occasion, may pro-
fess to be indignant at the imputation of his agreeing
With Mr. O'Connell in any lolitical sentiment,'but on
Mese points at least the Noble Lord's language is
identically the same with that of the Demagogue's let-
ter, published the very morning of the day on which
}his Lordship spoke. Here, then, we accuse the Mi-
nisterial leader in the House of Commons of falling
into the pitiful course, usually pursued by none who
are not fools or impostors, and provoking the ridicule of
all who are neither—namely, the substitution of names
for things. What is a municipal Government ? An
institution according to which certain powers arc exer-
cised by those of the inhabitants of a town who pos-
aess a qualification defined and specified by the law.
But, in order to deprive a people of such an institu-
tion, it is necessary, first, to show that they have en-
ioYed or would be capable of exercising 'it. Now, can
either of these assertions be truly made with regard to
1,;4t class of the people of Ireland who form the majority
4tolle burgesses contemplated by the original Bill of the
to venientioned Ministers ? A little more is necessary
„ wi,nt(ls the reality of a " municipal " institution than to
it by that name. Lord J. Russell may pass an act
;:t Parliament granting privileges to the people of Ire-
and who inhabit town-dwellings worth W. a year, but
if it be a matter capable of proof, that the•majority of
that description of householders will not, and cannot,
exercise those privileges otherwise than under an irre-
sistible moral duress—if the privilege be worked in-
variably and inevitably, not according to the personal
wishes
or interests of parties legally possessing them,
but under the dictation, and for the purposes, of other
Parties, to whom the law has not meant to confide any
such supremacy over the actions of ally portion of the
-;king's subjects—why, then, that is not a municipal
znstitution, and the refusing it to Ireland is not the
ref•
usal of the right of self-government—a right, the
capacity to exercise which is not the consequence of
e law, nor imputable as a crime to Parliament.
Again, we are told that the rejection of such a Muni-
tPal Bill as has been framed by Ministers is not only
ue privation of a privilege, but the infliction of a
it'gtna upon the people of Ireland. The wealthy and
01.1,,dependent Protestants, we presume, form a portion
0,1 that people, and are somewhat better entitled to take
the
at their exclusion from corporate privileges than
I e Romish multitude can pretend to be. The Pro-
testants, moreover, have actually enjoyed and exercised
icise privileges, which the Roman Catholics have not.
a et, deprived as are the Protestants of a power. in
?uapossession, and sharing at least equally with the
papistsls the exclusion, they murmur not either at the
axed
Which they have sustained, or at the disgrace
It "1 xed to them. The cry, therefore, is pure faction.
1.0 is another peg on which to hang a fresh " Hurrah
agitation.' There is no reason, nor truth, nor so-
jay, in such grievances ; but they keep up the spirit
4.; disturbance—that is all. We observe the 'gaine is
,ready beginning at Dublin. Sir J. Graham put
and forcibly before the House the system of
ith this outcry is an acknowledged part: The Bill,
falsely termed " Municipal Reform," is eine of a
,
Zrlcs of Irish encroachments upon the state and
• °Lardy( as they now exist, which are to be used,
118 steppin-stones to further violences committed
the Cody of our English institutions. Every
I.:Y.' concession to Irish Popery is a new power
ises against the constitution of Great Britain ;
in the phrase of Joseph Hume, recalled to
e recollection of the House by Sir James Graham,,
we shall then speak to Ministers in a different tone.
4rew many more " carryings out" of the Reform Bill
tae to follow, the Member for Middlesex has taken
e not to inform us. But Lord J. Russell insi-
nuates that this Bill, with the amendments of the
1,711" of Lords, has deprived Ireland of the hope of
teicipal institutions. The Bill does no such thing ;
ejlllellB no hope but that of establishing " normal
ihuools for agitation." But it "vests enormous powers
• the Lord-Lieutenant." The amendments of the
til•
l". invest his Excellency with no such powers. The
as.
agreed to by Ministers in the Commons, took
Cral all the substantial powers originally designed for
Illi _belses and councils, save only that of electing Com-
i
4,48 or 'ers for administering property under trusts ;
privilege indeed, has been transferred, and right-
thel tron,ferred, to the Lord-Lieutenant, but it is
to II?* one conveyed by the Lords' amendments
ferreT li:xcenenev which had not been already con-
The' "Pon him by the House of Commons itself.
ie tilPrilne grievance of this measure, as amended,
t it does not establish by law periodical oppor-
clist_e,s for multitudinous meetings, and for consequent
trothg !le.e of the public peace. Agitation gains no-
-4440 It, and therefore the House of Lords must be
lion. Yed, as a stumbling-block in the path of agita-
theref Mr. Daniel O'Connell gains little by it, and
Ile al °l.e, in his personation of the people of Ireland,
Lout 't,e"shes the House of Lords, or repeals the Union.
,"e truth is, that the whole of this fresh turmoil is
Inanceuvre. The Ministry is in danger of
41,g14:t%iitis8r.a.nks thinned. by one or more involuntary re-
m-1,14d , and if the remnant can ride home upon the
im €'s of the mob, it man supply the defect of an
• 4'
y the • rein.orcenient. Whatever may be effected
ral)';)le, sure we are, that the House of Lords

never at, any period of history held a prouder station
in the esteem and confidence of all enlightened Eng-
glishmen than now, when they have drawn upon them-
selves the revilings of O'Connell, and the sneering dis-
satisfaction of Messrs. Russell and Rice.—Times.
Whenever the Irish agitator is quiet, the Ministers
are tranquil ; whenever he becomes furious and noisy,
they partake of the excitement, and feebly imitate his
" wild Irish howl." During the present Session up to
a day or two ago, the Agitator was comparatively tame
and insipid, and Ministers were as placid and unruffled
as dull men ought to be. It was even supposed that
during the whole of the Session they would continue
to "sleep the noiseless tenor of their way ;" but lo
on a sudden, the calm of the political firmament is
disturbed by one of those sudden peals of mock thun-
der with which the Salmoneus of the Kerry 'Olympus
delights to make the welkin ring. The effects upon
Ministers are perfectly electric—they start from their
repose—they become strangely excited—they threaten
the Lords—they throw firebrands among the people—
they talk of organic changes, and, worked up to the
fever-heat of political frenzy, even before the " raging
of the dog-day," they wildly shadow forth the horrors
of a common movement, and stare revolution in the
face. But though the weather and Ministers are hot,
we can assure them the country is cool. The time
of mad excitement and popular folly in support of
Whig-Radical ambition is gone by. The people find
that the faction which is most ready to stir
up their passions when their power is in danger,
have a wonderful facility of forgetting benefits re-
ceived and promises made, as soon as the necessity for
popular co-operation is past. They stirred up the
working classes when they wanted their support.
They encouraged the Unionists until they could do
without them. They evinced their gratitude by cutting
them down at Calthorpe-street, and transporting them
at Dorchester, when they ceased to require their assist-
ance; and they would do so again, if the people trusted
them, and neglected their peaceful industry, to reinforce
the battalions of Ministerial jobbers, and ambitious
agitators, marching to storm the House of Lords.
The evening before O'Connell published his latest
tirade against the Lords, all was quiet in the political
world. So far were Ministers from repudiating the
amended Bill which he denounces, that the Marquis
of Lansdowne himself moved its third reading in the
House of Lords, when no Conservative Peer would
carry it an inch nearer towards becoming a law. Why
then did a Cabinet Minister adopt the aniendcd Bill ?
Why did he pass it through the House of Lords ? IVli.
O'Connell had not then launched his " thunder," and
Ministers wished to steal on as quietly as possible to
the end of the Session, and avoid every thing like a
" crisis" or a " collision," that might put their salaries
in danger. But O'Connell, resolving to make a last
desperate effort for his much-desired " normal schools
of political agitation," published his epistolary call to
excitement, and Ministers were obliged to leave their
beds of roses, where Peel's mitigated eloquence rather
soothed than disturbed their slumbers, and to make
the din of preparation for the threatened collision. It
is true that Lord John Russell, coming into the House
of Commons fresh from the perusal of Mr. O'Con-
nell's letter, did in the first instance exhort the House
to act with that calmness and temper which best be-
came the dignity of its character—but Lord John was
the first to treat with contempt his own counsel, and
in the very breath in which it was given. He felt that
his political existence—the existence of the Cabinet,
depended upon a prompt and obsequious answer to Mr.
O'Connell's call. He, therefore, lost no time in show-
ing, that the dignified calmness of conduct to which
he alluded meint nothing else than such ,‘ dignified
calmness" as converts a deliberative assembly Into an
arena for the conflict of fierce and malignant passions,
bearing down reason and driving reflection from the field.
The denunciations against the House of Lords and the
threats of organic changes made by Lord John Rus-
sell and Mr. Hume, were met by Sir G. Sinclair and
Sir James Graham with a power of reasoning, sar-
casm, and eloquence, which were worthy of the cause
that they had to maintain—the cause of true liberty—
of Conservative Reform of the British Constitution,
against the doctrines of destructive innovation and
licentious democracy. We believe that a sound, so-
ber, and enlightened attachment to the institutions
under which this country grew to be one of the greatest
empires on the earth, was never more prevalent than
it is at the present moment among the people of Great
Britain. That attachment to the rights and liberties
secured to the people by our Protestant Constitution
cannot be subverted by the arts, or, intimidated by the
threats, of ambitious demagogues. Let them try if
they dare to revolutionize the Constitution, by destroy-
ing the independence of the House of Lords, and they
will soon be cured of their error, if their infatuation be
not incurable.—Morning Herald.
The one thing needful—the great political neces-
sity—the reform of the House of Lords, which we
were the first to foretel that the insensate and invete-
rate hostility of that assembly to popular rights and
national interests, would, sooner or later, force upon
the attention of the public and the House of Com-
mons, as the only means of escape and protection
from the thraldom of a corrupt, cruel, tyrannical, and
base-minded aristocracy, has at length been put in a le-
gitimate form for general discussion by Mr. O'Connell,
who last night gave notice in the House of Commons,
that on the 21st of next month (June) he would bring
forward a. motion for the reform of the House of
Lords, and the substitution of the elective for the
hereditary principle in the constitution of that branch
of the Senate. The question may now be considered
as fairly launched—and, like all others which have
the popular voice in their favour, will be irresistibly
borne forward on the tide of public opinion, public
justice, public intelligence, and common sense, until
it be safely and securely lodged on the Statute Book.
In the progress of the Lords to the rubicon of our
rights we have repeatedly warned, and, for their own
sakes, intreated them to beware. Our cautions and
remonstrances have not only been unheeded, but treated
with contempt, insult, and threats. The fatal boun-
dary has been passed. The Legion, as they have been
appropriately termed, has arrayed itself against the peo-
ple—it is now too late to hope or effect a compromise
—one or other must yield, and be the war wordy or
otherwise—we are now prepared to prove the mettle
of our pasture—hurrah for the onset—and may God
defend the right 1 But let us not use language which
may be misconstrued. Nothing but actual insanity on
the part of the Lords can excite, or even hazard, a vio-
lent collision. The just appreciation of their rights,
and the firm determination of purpose, which characte-
rise the British people, and which has already effected
reforms under circumstances more difficult, but not more
necessary than that of the Lords, will also now effect the
transfusion of a vigorous and healthy vital principle into
that debilitated and diseased body. The collision must be
simply as a moral one—and for one very efficient reason—
that there is no materiel on one side for a physical colli-
sion. It is not the opposition of some 300 political
and moral debauches to twenty-four millions of a brave
intelligent people, that can be termed a violent colli-
sion—the thing is absurd. We defy its most zealous
and able advocates to prove that hereditary legislation
has basis in any principle but what is absurd and
fraudulent, nor on any feeling but that which origi-
nates in prejudice or folly. Whence, then,
.is to
come the morale for a collision ? From the sophis•
tries of a Lyndhurst—the intolerance of a Cumber-
land—the ravings of a Winchilsea or Roden—the
obstinacy of a Wellington—and the plausible duplicity
of a Peel ? Can such a combination oppose an effec-
tual moral, or rather immoral, opposition to a whole
nation, whom an independent Press can arouse to ac-
tion, as prompt and simultaneous as that of an indivi-
dual ? Fudge I Let the people but speak the word,
and the Lords are reformed with a facility almost as
rapid as that with which Omnipotence called forth
niedreatbe—
elight,"
light by the sublime m
Let
and the fact was simultaneous with the word. So with
a Reform of the Lords—the people have but to desire,
there
and the deed is effected by the expression of their will.
The notice given by Mr. Grove Price that he would
move that Mr. O'Connell's motion be erased from the
notices, "as subversive of the principles of the Con-
stitution, derogatory of the character, and abusive of
the privileges of the House of Commons,' is too ridi-
culous to canvass seriously. The House laughed at
him, and we can only consider that the Hon. Gentle-
man intended it merely as a jest. The reform of the

House of Commons might as well have been
stigmatised in similar language. The first principle
of the Constitution is representative government,
and Mr. O'Connell's motion is intended merely to
rescue that principle from hereditary usurpatiorh We
refer to an account of the proceedings at a pre-
liminary meeting held in Dublin, particularly to the
speech of Mr. Sheil (with the special exception of his
il(-judged, unmerited, and ill-timed euloginm on Sir
R. Peel), published in our present number, for infor-
mation with regard to the intentions of the people of
Ireland. They have already proved, in procuring
Catholic emancipation, what may be effected by unity
of purpose and simultaneous exertion, and are again
ready for another effort. On the present occasion but
one feeling can actuate the three great divisions of the
empire, and, in the words of the Dublin Morning Re-
gister, in commenting on the proceedings to which we
have just made allusion, we address the people of Great
Britain as our Contemporary addresses Ireland—
" Awake ! Arise I or be for ever fallen 17-111orning
Advertiser.